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University of California • Berkeley 

The Peter and Rosell Harvey 
Memorial Fund 


Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 









Vol. III. 1G00-1803. 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the Tear 1883, by 

In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. 

All Rights Reserved. 






Character of Viceroy Monterey — Vizcaino's Exploration — Attempted In- 
tercourse with Japan — Montesclaros' Firm Rule — Velasco Again 
Made Viceroy — Mexico under Water — The Drainage Work of Hue- 
huetoca is Begun — A Great Engineering Feat, yet Inefficient — Negro 
Revolt — Progress of Settlement in Nueva Vizcaya, Sinaloa, and 
Sonora — A New Policy for Conquest — Uprising of the Acaxees and 
Xiximes — The Tepehuane War — Protective Measures for Indians — 
Archbishop Guerra's Brief Rule as Viceroy — Pompous Funeral Cere- 
monies — The Timid Audiencia and the Pigs — Spilbergen at Aca- 
pulco — Increase of Corruption under Viceroy Guadalcazar 1 




Appointment of Gelves — His Energetic and Extensive Reforms — Which 
are Forced also on the Clergy — Hostility of Gaviria and the Regi- 
dores — Archbishop Serna Roused — Moral Laxity in New Spain — Ar- 
rest of Varaez — Serna Interferes — The Viceroy is Excommunicated — 
Attitude of the Oidores — The Papal Delegate Plays a Part — More 
Anathemas — The Prelate Forces Himself into the Presence of the 
Audiencia — He is Exiled and Carried Away — Imprisonment of Re- 
pentant Oidores — A Mexican A Becket 33 




The Interdict Launched against the Capital — Excitement among the 
Populace— The Rabble in Arms — Attack on the Palace — The Gov- 
ernment Declared Vested in the Oidores — Their Schemes to Secure 




Control — Flight of Gelvea — Triumphant Entry of the Archbishop — 
Reactionary Measures by the Audiencia — The Viceroy under Re- 
straint — His Vain Negotiations for Return to Power — Gathering 
Evidence — Measures by the King — Ccrralvo Sent as Viceroy — Nomi- 
nal Restoration of Gelves and Triumphant Entry — Proceedings 
against the Rioters — Fate of Serna and Gelves — Significance of the 
Outbreak 58 




Defence Measures — The Dutch at Acapulco — Corsair Raids along the 
Coast of Yucatan — The Barlovento Squadron — Royal Loans and Ex- 
tortions — Inundation of Mexico — Proposed Removal of the Capital — 
Relief Measures and Drainage Projects — The Huehuetoca Tunnel — 
San Felipe the Protomartyr of Mexico — His Irregular Life and Beat- 
ification — The Hermit Lopez — Viceroy Cadereita — The Prelate Zu- 
fiiga — The First Creole Archbishop 80 




Viceroy Escalona's Arrival — The Bishop and Visitador Palafox — Quarrels 
about Doctrinas — A Covetous Ruler — Fruitless Complaints — Start- 
ling News from Portugal — Escalona's Sympathies — An Insolent Cap- 
tain — Viceroy versus Bishop — Palafox Made Archbishop and Governor 
of New Spain — Secret Preparations — The Stroke against Escalona — 
His Vindication in Spain — Palafox an Able Viceroy — Iconoclasm — 
Episcopal Labors at Puebla — Viceroy Salvatierra Arrives — California 
Explorations — Salvatierra's Rule 98 




The Field of Jesuit Labors — The First Disputes with the Church of 
Puebla — Attitude of Palafox— Relations between the Bishop and the 
Jesuits — Open Hostility — Appointment of Judges — Palafox Sen- 
tenced — He Retaliates — His Flight from Puebla — The Victorious So- 
ciety — The Bishop Returns — General Reprimands from Spain — The 
Jesuits Defeated in Rome — Revival and Conclusion of the Quar- 
rel — Life of Palafox in Spain — His Death — Disputes with the Society 
about Tithes — The Jesuits at the Close of the Century 116 





Bishop Torres Governor of New Spain — His Brief Rule — Epidemic — Gov- 
ernment of the Audiencia — Viceroy Alva Arrives — His Quiet Rule — 
Alburquerque Appointed Viceroy — He Governs with Prudence — And 
Checks Abuses — Loss of Jamaica and the Influence thereof on New 
Spain — Yucatan Infested by Pirates — Attempt to Assassinate Albur- 
querque — The Swift Punishment that Followed — Public Rejoicings — 
Viceroy and Archbishop Recalled — Their Departure and Subsequent 
Career 137 



An Uneventful Period — Good Rulers — Marshal Carlos de Luna y Arre- 
llano — The Government of the Towns — The Monarch as a Mendi- 
cant — Governor Juan de Vergas — His Maladministration — The Li- 
centiate Carvajal Takes his Residencia — Indian Revolts — The Suc- 
cession of Rulers — Campeche Fortified — Soberanis and Martin de 
Ursua — More Dissensions — Excommunication of Soberanis — Con- 
cerning the Conquest of the Itzas— Conduct of Ursua Justified, and 
his Subsequent Promotion — His Qualities as a Soldier the Cause of 
his Preferment 152 



Count de Bafios, the Twenty-third Viceroy — A New Order of Things — 
Indian Revolt at Tehuantepec — An Arbitrary Ruler — Character 
of the Man— He is Replaced by Archbishop Osorio — The Prelate's 
Brief but Beneficent Government — A Native of Mexico Made Arch- 
bishop — Arrival of Marquis Mancera — His Efficient Rule — Cali- 
fornia Explorations — The Cathedral of Mexico — Its Dedication — 
Mancera 's Wise Policy — Eruption of Popocatapetl and Other Calam- 
ities — Veraguas, Descendant of Columbus-, as Viceroy — His Un- 
timely Death — Archbishop Ribera Succeeds — His Character and 
Good Government — He Declines New Honors — His Retirement to 
Spain, and Death 164 



The Corsairs in Central America and New Spain — Laguna Appointed Vice- 
roy — Van Horn the Sea Rover — The Pirates Resolve to Attack Vera 



Cruz — The Corsair Lorencillo— A Clever Stratagem — Vera Cruz 
Surprised by Buccaneers— The Inhabitants Imprisoned in the 
Churches— And Kept for Three Days without Food or Water^The 
Captives Taken to the Island of Sacrificios — Departure of the Cor- 
sairs — Division of the Booty — News of the Raid Received in Mexico — 
Further Operations of the Freebooters — Dampier and Others in the 
South Sea— End of Laguna's Administration , 1S9 



Extent of the City of Vera Cruz— Entrepot of Commerce— Character of 
the Population— Prosperity of the People— Its Inhabitants— Its 
Trade— Scarcity of Water— The Black -vomit— The Port of Vera 
Cruz— The Fortress of San Juan de Ulua— Its Garrison— The Works 
Cost Nearly Forty Millions of Pesos— Cessation of Buccaneering 
Raids— The Towns of Cordoba, Jalapa, and Orizaba 208 



Laguna's Administration — His Successor, the Condede Galve — The Pirates 
Driven from the South Sea — War with France— Pirates in the North 
Sea — The Armada de Barlovento — Union of Spanish and English 
against the French— Drought and Flood— Loss of Crops— Excesses 
of the Soldiery— Death of Maria Luisa— The Drainage System— Por- 
tentous Events— The Bakers Refuse to Bake— Efforts of the Viceroy. 221 



Increased Murmurs — Rumored Grain Speculations of the Viceroy— An 
Imprudent Preacher— The Leperos— Pulque Shops— Inefficient Forces 
at Command— Awaiting Opportunity— Affair at the Granary— The 
Viceroy Threatened— Outbreak— Death to the Officials !— The Palace 
Set on Fire— The Plaza Stalls also Fired— Robbery and Murder- 
Executions— Revolt at Tlascala— Sale of Pulque Prohibited— Re- 
building of the Palace— Affairs in New Mexico 232 



More Insurrections in the Capital— The Baratillo Suppressed— Narrow 
Escape of the Treasure Fleet— Another Famine— Montezuma Sue- 



ceeds Montaiiez — Fair at Acapulco — Obsequies on the Death of 
Carlos II. — Rejoicings at the Accession of Felipe V. — Montezuma 
Suspected of Disloyalty — A Worthy Ruler Deposed — Jesuit Expedi- 
tions to Lower California 256 




Montanez Viceroy for a Second Term — His Formal Entry into the Capi- 
tal — Loss of Treasure Ships — The Hermandad and Acordada — Mon- 
tanez Appointed Archbishop of Mexico — Alburquerque's Reign — 
His Character Illustrated — Captain Dampier Once More in the 
South Sea — A Privateering Expedition Fitted Out by Bristol Mer- 
chants — A Motley Crowd on Board the Ships — Their Voyage round 
the World — Enormous Profits of the Enterprise — Linares' Adminis- 
tration — Earthquake, Famine, and Flood — Contraband Trading — 
Valero's Rule — Attempted Assassination — Corsairs in Yucatan 268 




Boundaries of the Territory — Its Governors — The Audiencia of Guadala- 
jara — Its Jurisdiction and Powers — Local Government — Corregimien- 
tos and Alcaldias Mayores — Cities, Towns, Villages, and Mining 
Districts — The Capital — A City of Office-holders — Treasury Depart- 
ment — Industrial Progress — Mines — Quicksilver Monopoly and its 
Effects — Agriculture and Stock-raising — Labor, Commerce, and Ship- 
building — Population and Local Statistics 296 




The Last Refuge of Idolatry in Nueva Galicia — Geography of Nayarit — 
Characteristics of the Natives — Partial Success of Arisbaba in 1618 — 
Trouble at Acaponeta — Massacre of Bracamonte and his Party in 
1701 — Revolt at Colotlan — The Barefoot Friars — Mendiola's Expedi- 
tion and the First Jesuit Attempt — The Tonati Visits Mexico — His 
Treaty and his Flight — Preparations and Obstacles at Zacatecas — 
Camp at Peyotlan — Flores in Command — Assault on the Mesa — The 
Nayarits Subdued and Conquest Achieved — Progress of the Mis- 
sions 310 






Governors Agustin de Zavala, Juan Ruiz, Martin cle Zavala — Congre- 
gas — Uprising of Natives — And Final Subjection — Political Divis- 
ion — Secularization of Missions — And Consequent General Insurrec- 
tion — Governor Barbadillo — His Prudent Measures — More Difficul- 
ties — Population of Province — Sierra Gorda — Death of Zaraza — ■ 
Governor Jos6 de Escandon — His Pacification and Conquest of Sierra 
Gorda — Condition of Tamaulipas — Escandon is Appointed Gover- 
nor — He Founds Nuevo Santander — Numerous Towns and Missions 
are Founded — Statistics for 1757 — General Progress of the Colonies. 333 




Bi-centennial of European Occupation — Viceroy Casafuerte — He Encour- 
ages Public Improvements — Peaceful Progress — Death of the Vice- 
roy — His Successor Archbishop Vizarron — Negro Insurrection at 
Cordoba — Its Suppression by the Military — Ravages of Epidemic — 
Viceroy Conquista's Rule — Fuenclara Arrives — Commodore An- 
son — He Captures the 'Covadonga' — Spanish Jealousy — Persecution 
of Boturini — Loss of Valuable Manuscripts — Administration of Re- 
villa Gigedo — His Trafficking Propensities — Famine, Disease, and 
Earthquakes — Fuenclara Resigns — Viceroy Amarillas — His Poverty 
and Death — The Audiencia Rules — Short Administration of Viceroy 
Cruillas 349 



Viceroy Marquds de Cruillas — King Carlos III. Proclaimed — War with 
Great Britain — Extensive and Costly Preparations against Possible 
Attacks — Visitador-general Jose" de Galvez — His Eminent Services 
in Mexico and Spain — Cruillas' Relief and Harsh Treatment — Vice- 
roy Marques de Croix — He Supports Galvez — His Rule Approved — 
Promotion, Recall, and Future Career — Unjust Strictures — Viceroy 
Frey Antonio Maria Bucarelli — General Measures of his Long Rule — 
His Death — Temporary Rule of the Audiencia — Fourth Ecclesiasti- 
cal Council— Its Acts — Archbishop Francisco Antonio Lorenzana— 
His Course in Mexico and Spain — He is Made a Cardinal — Future 
Career and Death 363 






Viceroy Martin de Mayorga — His Exceptional Position — War with Great 
Britain — Warlike Measures — Mayorga's Efficient Kale — Viceroy 
Matias de Galvez — His Short Administration — He Promotes Im- 
provements — The Conde de Aranda's Plan — Independent Kingdoms 
in Spanish America to be Erected — King Carlos' Objections — The 
Audiencia Rules a Few Months — Viceroy Conde de Galvez — His 
Great Services and Rank — Unbounded Popularity — Treasonable 
Schemes Attributed — His Illness and Death — Posthumous Birth of 
his Child — Magnificent Ceremonials at the Christening — The Family 
Liberally Pensioned — The Audiencia Rules Again 331 




Early Efforts to Provide Forces — Organization Begun — Difficulties and 
Changes in Policy — Regular Troops — Urban Companies — Provincial 
Regiments and Battalions — Presidio Companies — Coast Guards — 
Effective Force for War — Artillery and Other Supplies — Perote as a 
Deposit — Sea-coast Defences — Fortresses on Both Seas — Naval Sta- 
tions — Pay Department — Pay of Officers and Men — Pension System — 
Annual Expenditure — Religious Department — Vicario General — Ten- 
ientes Vicarios Generales — Army and Navy Chaplains — Fuero Miii- 
tar, and its Judiciary System 401 




The Society of Jesus in Mexico — Last Services — Moral Condition — Squab- 
bles about Tithes, and the Consequences— The Situation in Mexico 
and the World in 1750 — Members, Houses, and Missions in Mexico 
in 17G7 — Converts Made — Unsuccessful Renunciation of Missions — 
Clouds Portentous of Disaster — Persecution in Portugal and France — 
Obloquy and Refutation — Expulsion from Spanish Dominions and 
Other Nations — Causes therefor — How Effected in Mexico — Suffer- 
ings of the Exiles — Harsh Treatment — Means of Support — Revolu- 
tionary Movements in Mexico Quelled — Relentless Punishment of the 
Leaders — Papal Suppression of the Society — Later Moderation — The 
Order Restored and Readmitted in Mexico to be again Expelled . . ; . 426 






Separate Government for the Provincias Internas — Intendencias of Prov- 
inces — Changes Effected and Final Establishment — Viceroy and 
Archbishop Alonso Nunez de Haro — His High Character and Previous 
Record — Extraordinary Honors Conferred on Him by the Crown — 
His Death and Burial — Calamitous Visitations — Epidemics and 
Earthquakes — Their Effect on the Ignorant — Viceroy Manuel An- 
tonio Florez — His Previous Career — War against Apaches — English 
and Russians Watched in the Pacific — General Policy of this Ruler — 
Resignation, and Cause of It — Special Favor Shown Him by the 
Crown — His Departure for Spain — Obsequies of and Mourning for 
Carlos III. — Grand Proclamation of Carlos IV. — Honors to Royal 
Personages 450 




Ancient and Modern Population of New Spain and the Capital — Chapulte- 
pec — Palace of Viceroy Galvez — Moral and Social Condition of the 
Capital — Reforms Made by the Viceroy — Appearance of the City in 
1800 — Prominent Buildings — And Other Objects of Note — Nuestra 
Seiiora de los Remedios — Arrival of Revilla Gigedo — Crimes and 
Quick Justice — Military Reforms — Indian Disturbances — The Vice- 
roy's Letter-box — Formation of Official Archives — Intendencias — 
Effect of the French Revolution on New Spain — Recall of the 
Viceroy — Unjust Persecution — His Final Vindication 470 




Viceroy Branciforte — Prejudice against Him — And Causes thereof — Per- 
secution of French Residents — Organization of the Militia — Shameful 
Traffic in Honors and Commissions — A Depleted Treasury — Auto de 
Fe — Persecution of the English — Preparations for War — Recall of 
Branciforte — Arrival of Viceroy Azanza — Military Changes — Effects 
of the War with England — Germs of Revolution in Mexico — Guer- 
rero's Conspiracy — Fate of the Malecontents — The Machete Plot — 
Indian Aspirations to Royalty — Discomfiture of Native Conspira- 
tors — Internal Progress — Storms and Earthquakes — Recall of the 
Viceroy 485 






Peculiar Features of Spanish Colonies — The Supreme Authority — Divis- 
ion of the Indies — Provincial Government — Municipalities — Local 
Administration — Indian Communities — Office-holding, Restrictions 
and Requisites — Salable Positions — Vanity and Precedence — New- 
Spain, Extent and Divisions — Offices and Duties of the Viceroy — 
Pomp, Privileges, and Pay — Vicissitudes and Jurisdiction of the 
Audiencia — Oidores' Tasks and Honors — Different Instance Courts — ■ 
Costly Litigation — Causes of Crime — Peculiar and Severe Punish- 
ments — At the Scaffold 517 



Traffic with the Natives of Central America — Doings of the Conquerors 
in that Quarter — Mineral Deposits — Something of South America — 
Earliest Discoveries in Mexico — Aztec Mining — Protective Policy of 
the Crown — A Great Discovery — Distribution and Consumption of 
Quicksilver — Fruitless Efforts to Obtain It in Mexico — Geological 
View — Silver Ores — Gold and Other Metals — Quarries and Salines — 
Location of Rich Mines — Attractive Regions — Guanajuato, San Luis 
Potosi, and Zacatecas — Their Advantage over the North — Mines near 
the Capital — The Cuerpo de Mineria — A Great Mining Tribunal — 
New Laws — Mining System — The Total Yield of Mexico — The Share 
of the Crown — Bibliographical 553 




Aztec Land System — Spanish Policy and Influence — Cortes as a Farmer — 
Maize— Maguey and its Manifold Use — Cacao and Vanilla — Intro- 
duction of Sugar-cane and Wheat — Fertility of the Southern Prov- 
inces — Plantains — Culture of Silk, Vine, and Olives — Tobacco and 
its Monopoly — Stock-raising — Woollen, Cotton, and Linen Manu- 
factures — Production of Spirituous' Liquors — Minor Products— Fish- 
eries and Pearls— Aztecs as Artisans — Feather-work and Jewelry — 
Oppressive Colonial Policy — Industries at the Close of the Century — 
Bibliographical 603 






The Selfish Policy of Spain — Commercial and Moral Effect in New 
Spain — Casa de Contratacion and Consulados — Depredations by- 
Hostile Nations and Corsairs — Early Trade with Santo Domingo — 
Intercolonial Trade with the Philippines — Decadence — Commerce 
with Peru — Niggardly Regulations —Mexican Highways — The Road 
from Vera Cruz to the Capital and Acapulco — Stage Lines — Internal 
Navigation — The Postal Service — Abuses — The Crown Assumes the 
Management — Internal Trade — Fairs and Markets — Relaxation of 
Restrictions — Insurance Companies — A Bubble Bank and Gulled 
Shareholders — Expansion of Commerce under Free Trade 627 




Treasury Department Established — Royal Officers — The Department as 
Fully Organized — Regulations and Restrictions — Collection of Rev- 
enue — The King's Fifth — Smelting — Tribute — Quicksilver — Customs 
Duties — Imports and Exports — The Manila Trade — Royal Monop- 
olies and Sale of Offices — Gambling License — Liquor Traffic — Tax- 
ation — Sale of Indulgences — Tithes — Cacao as Currency — Establish- 
ment of a Mint — Coinage — Income 651 




Vicious Ecclesiastics — Struggle between the Regular Orders and the 
Secular Clergy — Influence of the Religious on the Masses — The 
Royal Prerogative — Privileges of the Ecclesiastics — Right of Sanc- 
tuary — The Bishoprics of New Spain — Religious Fraternities — 
Church Property — Its Confiscation Ordered — Church Revenues — 
The Inquisition 681 




Royal Consideration for Friars — Their Privileges — Abuses — Collision 
between the Church and the Orders — Causes — Dissensions among 
the Orders — Gachupin and Creole Friars — Their Unseemly Quar- 



rels — Vice and Immorality — Great Increase in Number of Regu- 
lars — Nunneries and Nuns — Missions — Church Secularization — Rou- 
tine of Duties — Progress of the Franciscans — Efforts in Sierra 
Gorda — The Augustinians — Division of their Provincia — Internal 
Dissension — El Trienio Feliz — Disturbance in the Convent at 
Mexico — Arrival of Barefooted Augustinians — Dominican Labors — 
Minor Orders — Orders of Charity 702 




Evolution of a Race — Typical Characteristics — Statistics of Population — 
Proportion and Distribution of Races — Causes for Decrease of Abo- 
rigines — Creole versus Spaniard — Jealousies and Impolitic Measures 
— Immigration, and Character of Arrivals — Status of Foreigners — 
Indian Policy and its Effect — Race Stigma — Negro Slavery — Condi- 
tion of the Mixed Breeds — Beggars and Nobles — Nature and Extent 
of Diseases — Matlazahuatl, Smallpox, Vomito Prieto, and Famines — 
Doctors and Treatment — Hospitals and Asylums — Mourning and 
Cemeteries — Meat and Drink — Sumptuary Laws — National Dress — 
Love of Display — False Gloss — Women, Morals, and Marriage — The 
Home — Holiday Celebration — Coaches and Riders — Barbaric Sport — 
Gambling — The Drama — Social Reunions 731 




Character of Viceroy Monterey — Vizcaino's Exploration — Attempted 
Intercourse with Japan — Montesclaros' Firm Rule — Velasco 
Again Made Viceroy — Mexico under Water — The Drainage Work 
of Huehuetoca is Begun — A Great Engineering Feat, yet In- 
efficient — Negro Revolt — Progress of Settlement in Nueva 
vlzcaya, slnaloa, and sonora — a new policy for conquest — up- 
rising of the acaxees and xlximes — tlie tepehuane war — pro- 
TECTIVE Measures for Indians — Archbishop Guerra's Brief Rule 
as Viceroy— Pompous Funeral Ceremonies — The Timid Audiencia 
and the Pigs— Spilbergen at Acapulco — Increase of Corruption 
under Viceroy Guadalcazar. 

We have learned something of the count of Mon- 
terey, of his character and abilities as a governor and 
representative of royalty; we have noted his policy 
with regard to the Indians and other affairs, and have 
seen how his name has been retained for the capitals 
of two provinces, namely, those of Nuevo Leon and 
of California, to both of which countries he de- 
spatched expeditions. 

Little remains to be said in taking leave of him. 
"We have found him on the whole a well-meaning 
man, and rather inclined to caution. He was deeply 
enough impressed with the duties of a ruler, and 
quite ready to carry out reforms. He fell into few 
serious errors, and these he was prepared to acknowl- 
edge and remedy so that even the Indians, the 

Vol. III. 1 


main sufferers by reason of his mistakes, recognized 
the benevolence of his motives. Certain measures 
toward the last, and the attendant vacillations, seemed 
to indicate less of that soundness of judgment and 
firmness which were at first ascribed to him. This 
verdict is sustained by his leniency toward those who 
by their corrupt dealings contributed to his failures. 
The absence of severity, and the neglect to enforce 
other needed reforms, may have been dictated by a 
prudential regard for powerful Spaniards, who had 
shown themselves so ready to retaliate in malignant 
letters to the home government whenever their inter- 
ests were assailed. Nevertheless, the reports on the 
whole must have been rather favorable, for, the vice- 
royalty of Peru becoming vacant soon after the turn 
of the century, Monterey was advanced to this more 
lucrative place. 1 His departure was generally regret- 
ted, and the Indians filled the air with lamentation. 
One reason for his popularity lay in a showy open- 
handeclness which spared not even the royal coffers, as 
we have seen. He did not long survive the change, 
for he died in Peru in March, 1606. 2 

Of the foundation of the capital of Nuevo Leon I 
have already spoken. California's capital was not 
established till nearly two centuries later, when it 
assumed the name of the bay discovered by Sebastian 
Vizcaino. This navigator, to whom the north-west 
latitudes w 7 ere already somewhat familiar, had been 
despatched from Acapulco in May 1602, with three 
vessels carrying nearly two hundred men, having in- 
structions to examine the coast of California for a 
suitable port wherein vessels from the Philippines 

1 Felipe III. fixed the salary at 30,000 ducats, due from the date of setting 
out for Peru. Montemayor, Svmarios, 158. That of the Mexican viceroy was 
20,000, with a smaller guard of honor than was granted to the Peruvian. Mon- 
terey received 8,000 ducats to aid him in entering his new office, and 10,000 
he borrowed. Ca'le, Mem. y Not., 55. 

2 After a rule of a little over two years. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 12; Mo- 
reri, Gran. Die, viii. 152. He was affable but slow to determine. 'Sino se 
huviera metido en estas Congregaciones . . .avia sido de los mejores, y mas 
acertados Governadores. ' Torquemada, i. 726-7. 


might find shelter. He was also to explore gener- 
ally and seek- for the flitting strait of Anian, in which 
interest had been roused anew by mariners' tales. 
While the results of this expedition add little to the 
knowledge gained by Cabrillo, sixty years before, yet 
the records of Vizcaino's discoveries furnished for 
more than a century and a half the sole guide to the 
north-west. They name a number of points, islands, 
and inlets, including the bay of Monterey, and leave 
the impression that in latitude 42°, the extreme point 
reached, a great river had been discovered which stu- 
dents found little trouble to identify with Anian Strait. 3 
Vizcaino sought in vain to promote a further ex- 
ploration of this region, for the interest therein had 
subsided, but an opportunity presented itself in a 
different direction. Franciscans had reached Japan, 
and had succeeded after many tribulations in prevail- 
ing on the emperor to admit more missionaries and to 
send envoys to Spain in order to establish intercourse 
with the Spanish people. 4 They arrived at Mexico 
during the rule of the marques de Salinas, and brought 
news also of some islands rich in gold and silver, which 
a drifting Portuguese vessel was said to have found in 
Japan waters. Whether this report proved the main 
incentive or not, the viceroy determined to respond to 
the advances made, and in 1611 Vizcaino was sent as 
embassador 5 with instructions to establish commercial 
relations between the two countries, and to spend a 
winter in Japan examining the coast and harbors, and 
gaining information about the rich isles, which were 
then to be sought for. He was accompanied by six 
barefooted Franciscans, three being lay brothers, and 

3 For a detailed account of the voyage see Hist. Cal. , ii. 97 et seq. , and Hist. 
North Mex. States, i. 153 et seq. 

4 The embassy was headed by Friar Alonso Munoz, and appears to have 
reached New Spain in 1610, accompanied by a number of Japanese. Vizcaino, 
ReL, in Pa c heco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, viii. 114. 

5 In the narrative of this voyage Vizcaino is termed the son of the viceroy, 
Velasco the younger. Perhaps he was a hijo politico, son-in-law; he certainly 
must have had high connections as he was ' encomendero de los pueblos de 
la provincia de Avalos.' Id., 102. Burney wrongly states that Vizcaino died 
in 1606. Hist. JJiscov. South Sea, ii. 259. 


the native members of the embassy from Japan, 6 and 
set sail from Acapulco on March 2 2d with one vessel, 
the San Francisco. 

He arrived in Japan three months later, and was 
favorably received, whereupon he proceeded to ex- 
amine the coast and in the following year to seek for 
the rich isles, though in vain. Meanwhile jealous 
Hollanders obtained the imperial ear and denounced 
the Spaniards as seeking to add Japan to their ex- 
tensive conquests. The result was that Vizcaino's 
embassy failed at the chief court. He prevailed, 
however, upon another ruler, called Mazamune, to 
assist him in fitting out a new vessel, to replace the 
damaged San Francisco, and to send therein an em- 
bassy to New Spain. With this he reached Zacatula 
in January 1614. During the following years other 
efforts were made to establish intercourse, and to 
obtain better treatment for the persecuted mission- 
aries, but without avail. 7 

While explorations in northern latitudes proved 
failures, or little short of them, expeditions from Peru 
had opened a new field for enterprise in the southern 
Pacific, under Mendana in 1595, and more successfully 
under Pedro Fernandez Quiros, the companion of 
Mendana, who in 1605-6 made important discoveries 
in the Australasian groups, and concluded his voyage 
in New Spain. 8 

6 Their leader was evidently a convert, to judge from his name, Francisco 
de Velasco, baptized at Mexico probably. They numbered 23 and the crew 
50 or more. The names of friars and officers may be found in Vizcaino, ReL, 

7 Vizcaino's failure is also attributed to the indiscreet zeal of a friar. Id. , 
198, etc. This appears to have been Luis Sotelo who proceeded with a 
Japanese convert to Rome and Madrid and obtained more missionaries, two 
of whom, Bartolome" de Burguillos and Diego de Santa Catarina, were ap- 
pointed envoys by Felipe III., and reached Japan in 1G16. The feeling 
against Spaniards had meanwhile grown stronger and the friars were forced 
to depart without executing their commission. Japanese from a more friendly 
court accompanied them, and were favorably received at Mexico in 1G17, but 
do not appear to have accomplished anything. Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 148- 
50. Cavo mentions an embassy in 1G15 from Idates, probably identical with 
one of the above. Tres Siglos, i. 2G1, 254, 257-8. The rich isles long continued 
to be an object of search to Philippine navigators and others. 

8 Whence he proceeded to Madrid with his report. Id., i. 244. The voy- 
age is fully related in Burners Hist. Discov. South Sea, ii. 273-317. 


The successor of Viceroy Monterey, Juan Manuel 
Hurtado de Mendoza y Luna, marques de Montes- 
claros, 9 arrived in September 1603, accompanied by 
his wife Ana de Mendoza, and was met at Otumba by 
the conde de Monterey, who had there prepared the 
most magnificent reception, attended by people from 
far and near. The festivities lasted eight days, and 
are said to have cost Monterey a whole year's salary. 10 

If this reception was intended to propitiate Montes- 
claros, it probably failed, for on reaching Mexico and 
proclaiming the residencia of his predecessor according 
to instructions, he appears to have made no attempt 
to shield him. Monterey was condemned to pay the 
two hundred thousand pesos wantonly spent in the 
unfortunate attempt to gather the scattered Indians 
into settlements. Although the sentence was set aside 
by the king, the count felt it deeply as a reproach on 
his administration. Montesclaros showed himself pos- 
sessed of an indomitable will and an ability which 
under more trying circumstances might have been of 
great value to his sovereign. As it was, nothing 
rose to disturb tranquillity, save the complaints of 
descendants of the conquerors, whose clamor 11 for 
office he chose to disregard in favor of really merito- 
rious applicants. His policy met with approval, and, 
the viceroy alty of Peru becoming vacant in 1606, he 
was promoted to it. 12 

A successor had not as yet been selected, but soon 

9 Knight of Santiago and gentleman of the bed-chamber. He appears to 
have been born at Seville, the posthumous son of the second marquis, and 
held the coveted office of asistente in that city. Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. 
Doc., vi. 272; Moreri, Gran. Die., vii. 362. Portrait and autograph in Rivera, 
Gob. Mex., i. 80. 

10 Torqaemada, i. 727. They entered Mexico October 27th. Vetancvrt, 
Trot. Mex., 12. 

11 Forty of them became quite turbulent, and the marquis, already on the 
way to Peru, was with difficulty restrained from turning back to inflict chas- 
tisement. Their complaints against him resulted merely in a decree favoring 
his policy. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 246. His views on these points are given in 
Advertimientos de Monies Claros, in Instrucciones de Virreyes, MS., i. 254. 

12 He was permitted to govern till his departure, and as a mark of distinc- 
tion an oidor accompanied him to Acapulco. Torquemada, i. 737. He died 
October 9, 1628. Moreri, vii. 362. 


after came the appointment, for the second time, of 
Luis de Velasco, whose previous rule had endeared 
him both to king and people. Weighted by years, he 
had shortly before retired from the government of 
Peru to spend the remainder of his life on his enco- 
mienda of Atzcapotzalco, near Mexico. Duty com- 
pelled him, perhaps not unwillingly, to forego retire- 
ment, and on July 2, 1607, he made his entry into 
the capital, after meditating for a week in the Fran- 
ciscan convent of Tlatelulco over the suggestions im- 
parted by his predecessor. This appointment was 
assumed by many to have been heralded by a beautiful 
comet which in the previous month appeared to hover 
above Atzcapotzalco. Besides the viceroy's inaugura- 
tion, the year was made memorable by the ceremony 
of swearing allegiance to the prince of Asturias, the 
later Felipe IV., on a scale of grandeur surpassing 
any previous display of the kind. 

Velasco's path was smoothed in several respects 
by the licentiate Landeras de Velasco, late oidor of 
Seville, who came as visitador, and proceeded with 
great strictness to investigate charges against the 
audiencia and departments in connection with it. At 
the entrance to his house a box was placed for those 
who wished to make secret complaints and memorials. 
The result was that Oidor Marcos Guerrero and Doc- 
tor Azoca, alcalde of the court, were suspended and 
subsequently sent to Spain. The visitador 's strict- 
ness evoked hostility in several quarters, but this 
served merely to render him more imperious. A ser- 
mon by Martin Palaez, rector of the Jesuit college at 
Mexico, appearing to reflect on his course, he caused 
his arrest and sent him off toward Vera Cruz in charge 
of two negroes. Although his departure was sus- 
pended, indignities were continued till the royal cedula 
came with excuses for the hasty action of Landeras. 13 
This may have been one cause for the recall of the 

13 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 442-4, places this occurrence in the early- 
part of 1007. 


visitador, in 1609, to the relief of the officials, who 
had sought to hasten his removal by charges of bri- 
bery and other misconduct. Torquemada condemns 
his opponents, and lauds him highly as a man of un- 
impeachable rectitude, a friend of the Indians, and 
one who returned poorer than he came. 1 * 

In the first year of Velasco's rule was begun the 
famous drainage work of Huehuetoca, already pro- 
jected by Enriquez, whereby Mexico hoped to obtain 
relief from the inundations which had caused such 
oft-repeated misery. The rains in the autumn of 
1604 had been so heavy as to inflict great damage, and 
leave some parts of the city under water for a year. 
In the midst of this suffering a Franciscan spread 
terror among the people by preaching in the public 
square against the prevailing wickedness, and declaring 
that the city deserved to be destroyed. Quite a panic 
fell on all classes, and the churches were crowded all 
night by penitents. No cataclysm followed; but three 
days later an earthquake was felt, which frightened 
several persons to death. 15 

So discouraged were the people that they seriously 
considered the expediency of removing the capital to 
the hills of Tacubaya; 16 but property-owners, who had 
over twenty millions of pesos at stake, succeeded in 
preventing the movement. Montesclaros, then rul- 
ing, favored the drainage undertaking, but so many 
objections were raised that he turned his attention 
wholly to repairing the dike of San Lazaro and the 
causeways of San Antonio and Chapultepec, while he 
finished that of San Cristobal, in addition to construct- 
ing the causeway of Guadalupe. 17 Notwithstanding 

14 Momarq. Ind. , i. 759. The papers of the visita were taken by the presi- 
dent of Guadalajara audiencia, Juan Villela. 

15 The startling sermon was delivered on the eve of Santo Tomas, during 
a heavy rain, by Friar Solano, guardian of the Recollects. Id., 728. 

16 Royal permission appears to have been granted to this effect. For other 
reasons see Icazbalceta, Col. Doc, i. 506-7; Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, 
xiii. 16-8. 

17 The latter occupying nearly 2,000 Indians for five months. Torquemada, 


all these measures the city was again submerged in 
1607, and in a council held by Velasco drainage was 
agreed upon as indispensable. 

The valley of Mexico lies, as is well known, more 
than seven thousand feet above the sea-level, in a vast 
basin enclosed by porphyritic ranges, from whose slopes 
a number of rivers unite to form four groups of lakes, 
the Chalco-Xochimilco, Tezcuco, Cristobal, and Zum- 
pango. The first was a fresh-water body, lying two 
varas higher than the salt Tezcuco, above whose level 
the last two also rose to the north in their terrace 
beds four and ten varas respectively. Zumpango re- 
ceived the two largest streams, notably the Quauhti- 
tlan, which contributed a larger volume than that of 
all the other valley rivers combined. During the rainy 
season the excess of water overflowed into the Cris- 
tobal lake, which again discharged into the Tezcuco, 
causing its waters to rise considerably. At certain 
periods, once in twenty -five years on an average, this 
overflow proved destructive, especially to the capital, 
whose main square lay barely four feet above the lake. 
Taught by experience, the Aztecs had sought to stem 
the waters with dikes, not only round the city but 
on the northern lakes. Both of these were, besides, 
divided into two sections by transverse causeways. 
Although strengthened and extended under Spanish 
rule the barriers proved ineffective, as we have seen, 
and drainage was at last declared to be the only means. 

One natural outlet from the valley existed in the 
small stream of Tequisquiac,but measurements showed 
that the cost of making it available for drainage would 
be too great, and that the only practicable point for 
an outlet was near the village of Huehuetoca, as 
demonstrated already in 1580 by Licenciado Obregon 

i. 728-9. Among the works attributed to him is the preset, de Oculma. Inund. 
de Mex.. MS., 356. Cepeda, Bel. , 10, is less exact; and so is Humboldt, EssaiPol., 
i. 209. On the Mexicalzinco branch of the southern causeway two flood-gates 
were added. Nevertheless this construction proved prejudicial to Xochimilco 
and adjoining towns. He also began a new aqueduct. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 
243-4, 204-5; Beltrami, Mexique, ii. 62-3. 


and Arciniega. By means of a tunnel between the 
mount Sincoe and Nochistongo hill the ever threat- 
ening waters from most elevated northern lakes of 
Zumpango could be carried through the Tula tribu- 
tary of Rio Panuco to the gulf of Mexico. This 
being decided upon, Enrico Martinez, a Hollander, 18 
and the Jesuit Juan Sanchez 19 submitted plans for 
the work, one of which embraced also a partial drain- 
age of the middle lakes, while another proposed 
merely to divert the waters of Rio Quauhtitlan from 
the Citlaltepec section of Zumpango Lake. The 
latter was adopted as the speedier and cheaper, and 
on November 28, 1G07, the viceroy broke the first 
sod in presence of a vast concourse of officials and 
citizens. The work was intrusted to Martinez, 20 who 
displayed great energy, and set an immense number 
of Indians to the task, at different points. The 
expense was covered by a tax of one and a half per 
cent on the city property, and a levy on wine. 21 

A canal conducted the waters from the Citlaltepec 
section of Zampango Lake, or rather from its great 
tributary, Rio Quauhtitlan, to Huehuetoca, and thence 
they passed through a tunnel more than a league in 
length, and four by five varas in height and width, fol- 

18 Educated in Spain, it seems. He enjoyed the title of royal cosmog- 
rapher and wrote Repertorio de los Tiempos y Historia Natural de Niteva 
Espaua, Mexico, 1G06; Antonio, Bib. Hist. Nova, iii. 564. Humboldt men- 
tions a treatise on trigonometry, Essai Pol., i. 211, but it is probably embraced 
in the above. 

19 Alegre intimates that the plans are due to him, and that he at first had 
ciiief control. Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 438-9. Spanish writers of course prefer 
to keep the foreigner in the background. Among others connected with the 
surveys and plans were fathers Mercado and Santos and Doctor Villerino. 

20 Sanchez, the associate, soon quarrelled and retired. Torquemada, i. 
758. Cavo places the inaugural day on December 28th. Tres Siglos, i. 247. 

21 The real estate, valued at 20,207,555 pesos, yielded over 304,000 
pesos. Cepeda, Rel., 14. Wine was taxed 50 pesos for every pipe. The 
clergy were not exempt. Torquemada, i. 758; Recop. delnd., i. 91-2. The 
laborers received five reals for seven days, an almud of maize every week, 
and a pound of meat daily. A hospital was erected for their sick. They 
came from different provinces, to the number of 471,154, with 1,064 female 
cooks. Cepeda, Rel., 18. He adds that the actual money paid them between 
November 1607 and May 1608 was 73,611 pesos. The authoritative writer of 
Mex., Rel. Estad., 2, declares that 50,000 natives lost their lives during the 
work, while Cepeda and others maintain that quite an insignificant number 
perished. They had reasons, however, for hiding disagreeable facts. 


lowed by a canal to Eio Tula. 22 On May 15, 1608, 
the first canal was completed, and on September 17th 
water passed through the tunnel in presence of the 
viceroy, amidst the rejoicings of the colonists who had 
reason to be proud of an engineering feat so rare at 
that time. It was not long, however, before the in- 
efficiency of the work became apparent, the conduit 
being too small, on too high a level, and so poorly 
vaulted and faced as frequently to choke with its own 
debris. The efforts to remedy the latter defect proved 
of no avail, 23 and it was even proposed to construct 
another channel, for which, in 1611, Alonso cle Arias 
made surveys. Martinez could not well be held to 
answer, for he had submitted other more thorough 
plans than the cheap and speedy one adopted. 24 Three 
years later the celebrated Dutch engineer, Boot, re- 
ported in favor of the ancient Aztec dike system for 
the capital, on the ground that the southern lakes 
were fully as dangerous as the northern. Martinez 
agreed to some of his views, but insisted that it was 
above all necessary to maintain the tunnel outlet. 25 

22 Cepeda's figures, Bel., pt. i. 25, iii. 21, are 9,600 vara3 for the tunnel 
when first opened; afterward reduced by extending it into an open cut. Hum- 
boldt is not very exact in giving the tunnel a length of 6, GOO metres, a width 
of 3.5, and a height of 4.2. 

23 Unbaked mud bricks were soon rejected for wood facings, and these for 
masonry, but instead of an elliptic arch a mere vault was constructed, resting 
on an insecure foundation, so that the walls were undermined and fell in. 
The extent of the different facings some years later is given in Cepeda, Bel. , 
iii. 21 et seq. 

21 Yet several writers seek to blame him, and assume that the rejected 
plans had been made by Sanchez. The canal project in 1604 was estimated 
to require a length of 6 to 9 leagues; now the length of a perfect drainage of 
the three lakes was placed at 70,000 varas, with a depth of 40. Cepeda, ubi 
sup.; Gemelli Gareri, Giro, vi. 122. By this time the expenditure for the 
work according to official accounts amounted to 413,324 pesos out of 540,000 
collected. In Mex., Bel. Estad., 2, the cost is placed at 1,140,000 pesos up to 
1G23. Instruc. Virreyes, 262. Gonzalez Davila makes it 3,952,404 for the first 
few years, during which 128,630 laborers had been employed. Teatro Ecles., 
i. 2. 

25 Martinez prevailed on the authorities to let him perfect the tunnel, but 
he failed to carry out the agreement, probably because hi3 estimate of 100,000 
pesos appeared on closer inspection to be too low. Boot's reports, and the 
discussion thereon, are given in Cepeda, Eel., pt. ii. 1-17. His views were 
strengthened by troubles from the southern lake water. Cavo, Tres Sir/Ios, 
ii. 2-19. Boot appears to have been retained as active or consulting engineer 
from 1613 until 1640, with 1,200 ducats pay. Fonseca, Hist. Hacienda, v. 


The value of either plan was disputed till Viceroy 
Gelves, in 1623, caused the tunnel to be closed in 
order to test the effect of the Quauhtitlan and 
Pachuca tributaries on Zumpango Lake and conse- 
quently on the Tezcuco. The rise proved consider- 
able, and in December came unexpected rains which 
so increased it that the city was endangered, and the 
Huehuetoca tunnel had again to be opened; 26 and 
work was renewed upon it in accordance with a neg- 
lected royal decree of 1516, although not without 
much discussion and numerous reports. 27 

In 1609 occurred a serious revolt among the ne- 
groes in the Vera Cruz district. Tired of their masters' 
yoke, a number of slaves had escaped from different 
towns and plantations, to unite with their free brethren 
near the present town of Cordoba, and ensconce them- 
selves among the rugged hills in that vicinity, whence 
they would pounce upon travellers and settlements. 
Their leader was an aged man named Yanga, who for 
thirty years had been seeking to stir his race to united 
action against the colonists. 28 The raids had been 
endured for some time, attended by the defeat of es- 
corts and improvised troops, under cruel circumstances; 
but finally the insecurity of the road to Mexico called 
for stringent measures against the bands, which were 
growing both in number and daring. Pedro Gon- 
zalez de Herrera of Puebla was commissioned to sub- 
due them, and set forth toward the end of January 
1609 with one hundred soldiers, as many volunteers, 
and a number of native archers, to whom some two 

26 The statement of a December flood rests on Gemelli Careri, ubi sup. , and 
lias been disputed, but it finds confirmation in the report of a commission of 
1624, showing that damage was done to the city by a sudden rise of waters. 
Cepeda, Eel., pt. ii. 19; Gramblla, Tumidtos, MS., 11; Ward's Mex., ii. 2S2- 
7. Early documents bearing on this subject are to be found in Dice. Univ., 
ix. 14G et seq. 

27 In 1G29 came disasters which gave energy to operations, as we shall see. 

28 Torquemada, i. 759, intimates "that at Mexico also a revolt was projected, 
for Epiphany, when a king would be elected ' y otros con Titulos de Duques,' 
etc. It was quickly suppressed. 


hundred Spaniards and half-breeds were added from 
settlements on the way. 

A tiresome march brought him near the haunts of 
the insurgents, though without knowing where or 
how to meet them. From this dilemma he was re- 
lieved by the arrival of a message from Yanga and his 
military lieutenant Matosa, brought by a captive, who 
had been defiantly instructed to guide the troops to 
the foot of the negroes' stronghold, so that they might 
measure arms with them. Herrera gladly availed 
himself of this vaunting challenge, to which the chief- 
tain's companions had objected, and in the last week 
of February he came in sight of the negro camp, on 
the summit of a mountain. Regardless of the mis- 
siles showered upon them, the Spaniards climbed the 
rugged slope, and though many a one was felled, now 
by a dart, now by some thundering rock or beam which 
crushed everything in its path, they persevered and 
gained the camp, which contained fully three score 
houses, with church, public edifices, and newly planted 
fields. The negroes retired to several strong points 
around, with the loss of quite a number, including 
several leaders, yet still defiant. Their spirit failed, 
however, with succeeding reverses, and, as they saw 
their families falling captive, their houses burned, and 
their effects seized or destroyed, they submitted terms 
of capitulation to the viceroy. On condition that 
Yanga and his free companions be given a site for a 
new settlement in the neighborhood, they promised 
to surrender all fugitive negroes in the camps, and 
thereafter to assist, if duly rewarded, in the capture 
of any who took refuge in that region. This was 
agreed to; and soon after they founded the village of 
San Lorenzo, remaining thenceforth comparatively 
faithful. 29 

In the following year a more extensive campaign 

29 An alcalde appears to have been appointed from among them, while a 
neighboring curate attended to their spiritual wants. Aleyre, Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, ii. 10-16. 


had to be undertaken against Indian rebels in Du- 
rango. This region was frequently disturbed by one 
tribe or another, abused as the natives were by miners, 
and favored by the physical features of their country, 
which on one side presented rugged ranges, and on 
the other plains and deserts. The private explora- 
tions of Francisco de Ibarra in this direction had 
revealed vast agricultural and mineral resources, and 
aided by his influence with the viceroy he had se- 
cured a commission as governor and captain-general 
to conquer and rule the still unsubdued country to 
the north. He entered with a strong force, and laid 
claim to all the region beyond the line now dividing 
Jalisco and Zacatecas from Sinaloa and Durango, 
applying to it the name of Nueva Yizcaya, a term 
which soon became confined to the district east of the 
Sierra Madre range, embracing, for a while, a part of 
Coahuila. In 1563 he formally established the still 
existing settlement of Nombre de Dios as a villa; 33 
and beyond, in Guadiana Valley, he founded as his 
capital Durango, known also by the name of the 
valley. In 1621 this was made a city and the seat 
of a new diocese extending over all of Ibarra's gov- 
ernment. 31 He pursued his discoveries as far as San 
Bartolome Valley, in southern Chihuahua, and thence 
westward into northern Sinaloa, where he founded 
San Juan de Sinaloa, laying claim also to the two 
southern districts of Culiacan, with the settlement 
of San Miguel, and to Chametla, with San Sebastian, 
which had maintained a precarious existence since 
Guzman's time. 

The tribes of Sinaloa proved very hostile, and San 
Juan had to be abandoned. It was refounded in 
1583 under the name of San Felipe, but only after 
1596, when it became a presidio, was the perma- 

30 The control of this was long disputed by the government immediately 
south, and then seized upon by the viceroy; but in 1611 it was restored to 
Nueva Vizcaya. 

31 The Augustinian, Gonzalo de Hermosilla, was the first prelate. 


nency of this settlement secured. In 1610 the border 
was advanced to Rio del Fuerte, so named after 
the fort of Montesclaros there erected; and now the 
Jesuits began the conversion of Mayos and Yaquis. 
Thirty years later San Juan Bautista was founded in 
Sonora Valley, already made known by expeditions 
which had passed into the northern regions. All this 
country west of the Sierra Madre was ruled by a 
military captain appointed by the viceroy, but subject 
in civil matters to the governor at Durango. In 
Coahuila, Saltillo was formally founded in 1586, 
and Parras in 1598, partly by Tlascaltecs, while in 
Chihuahua it was not till 1631 that a presidio rose 
at Parral in the rich mining region, and permanent 
missions in 1639 among the Tarahumaras. 32 

Side by side with settlers and miners strode the 
friars, in this region, notably the Jesuits, whose aim 
was not alone to convert, but to pacify and prepare 
the natives for the yoke of Christ and the colonists. 
It was cheap and effective, this subjugation by the 
cross. Warfare against the wilder tribes of the north 
proved quite different from that against the more cul- 
tured and settled communities encountered by Cortes. 
Here the capture of a capital, the treaty with a ruler, 
generally sufficed to control the people ; but among the 
northern tribes treaties availed little with the petty, 
irresponsible chieftains unless they were specially 
commissioned by the people, and to ravage their vil- 
lages was seldom effective. Hence, after many and 
costly military operations, Viceroy Velasco had toward 
the close of the preceding century found it necessary 
to adopt a different course, and stoop to what may be 
termed humiliating concessions. But he stooped to 
conquer, for under shelter of this purchased peace 
missionaries crept forward to fasten a gradually tight- 
ening bond, secured at different points by military 
colonies. This policy did not succeed in every quar- 

32 The history of Nueva Vizcaya, based on such standard authorities as 
Ibarra, Relation; Durango, Doc. Hist., MS.; Sinaloa, Mem. Hid., MS.; Al~ 


ter, nor was it effected elsewhere without occasional 
struggles. The resolute opposition of the Sinaloa 
tribes to the encroachments of the Spaniards served 
to animate also adjoining peoples who had already 
submitted and found just cause for discontent in the 
oppression and outrages practised by miners and 

In 1601 the Acaxees, who occupied the mountain 
regions of Topia and San Andres/ 3 rose to the number 
of five thousand, with a solemn determination to kill 
or drive away every Spaniard. They swooped down 
with unexpected suddenness on the villages and 
mining camps, whose number may be estimated from 
the statement that over forty churches shared in the 
destruction. The first effective resistance encoun- 
tered was at San Andres, where the small garrison 
managed to hold out for a fortnight, till Governor 
Urdiflola learned of their strait and came to the 
rescue with sixty men. The warriors now withdrew 
to the mountain fastnesses, and kept the pursuing 
troops constantly engaged in toilsome marches and 
sharp skirmishes, ever on the alert to entrap them into 
ambuscades, though with little success. What arms 
failed to achieve was accomplished by means of Urdi- 
nola's generous treatment of a number of captured 
Acaxee women. This touched the hearts of the 
husbands, and with the gentle persuasion of Father 
Santaren they submitted and began to rebuild their 
churches. 34 The Sabaibos held out for a while longer 
under the guidance of a sorcerer who proclaimed 
himself bishop, and even God, and proceeded with 
the aid of associated apostles to carry on a peculiar 
spiritual and political administration. His rule was 
soon cut short, and with him disappeared the last 
trace of the revolt. 

bieuri, Hist. Mis., MS.; Arlegui, Ribas, Alegre, Beaumont, Mota-Padilla, is 
fully related in my History of the North Mexican States, this series. 

33 For particulars see Native Races, i. CI 4. 

34 For a detailed account of the campaign with its interesting happenings, 
see Hist. North Mex. States, i., this series. 


This submission appears to have either irritated or 
emboldened the Xiximes, a tribe of cannibalistic ten- 
dencies, who adjoined the Acaxees on the south, and 
ranked as their bitter foes. The neighbors soon began 
to appeal for aid against their onslaughts, and with 
intercession of friars they were in 1607 induced to 
relent; but three years later they broke out in open 
revolt, and an expedition of two hundred Spaniards 
and eleven hundred Indians marched against them. 
Their two strongholds were quickly reduced, and 
after the execution of the ringleaders the excuses of 
the remainder were accepted with a readiness that 
served only too often to encourage hostilities, as may 
be seen throughout the history of this frontier region 
to the present time. Had the same policy been pur- 
sued by Cortes and his contemporaries, Spanish 
domination might have been deferred for years. This 
temporizing was owing in part to a change in the char- 
acter of the settlers, and a diversion of public interest 
from the career of conquest, and partly to actual weak- 
ness and indecision; but under the circumstances it 
was dangerous to display it so freely. 

Of this an instance may be found in the more 
serious outbreak in the same province, in 1616, among 
the Tepehuanes, for no outrages or other good reason 
appear to have afforded the pretext. This tribe cov- 
ered a wide-spread area in Durango, extending into 
southern Chihuahua and bordering east and north on 
Topia, and had yielded good fruit to the Jesuit mis- 
sionaries. Dismayed by the downfall of their influ- 
ence, the native sorcerers strove hard to combat the 
new religion; and encouraged by the example of the 
Sabaibo bishop, one of them proclaimed himself a mes- 
siah divinely appointed to free his people from the 
foreign yoke. This character he sustained by a num- 
ber of cleverly executed miracles, and by alluring 
prospects disseminated by active agents. 

His plans succeeded, and his people rose almost en 
masse. At Atotonilco nearly two hundred •Spaniards, 


men, women, and children, were massacred; at Pa- 
pasquiaro a number were lured to destruction by 
treachery; at Zape ninety persons fell. Durango city, 
the seat of government, might also have been sur- 
prised but for the premature outbreak on the part of 
certain greedy chieftains, which gave the alarm, and 
enabled measures to be taken against the great simul- 
taneous attack on the 21st of November. These 
measures extended also to the Acaxees, Xiximes, and 
other tribes who were prevailed upon to withhold at 
least active cooperation in the revolt. 

Nevertheless the outlook became so serious that 
appeal for aid was sent to the viceroy, who gave 
orders upon the royal coffers at Zacatecas and Du- 
rango for funds, wherewith to raise more troops. The 
Tepehuanes generally avoided an encounter. With 
the spring of 1617 the revolt was practically ended. 
Deserted by their messiah, who mysteriously disap- 
peared, the still rebellious bands took refuge in the 
mountains, there to be exposed to repeated attacks 
from different quarters, to which a price upon their 
heads gave incentive. After suffering ' heavy losses 
they were induced gradually to rejoin their submis- 
sive brethren. As it was, the outbreak had caused a 
drain on the royal treasury of several hundred thou- 
sand pesos, besides losses in revenue and to settlers, 
and retarded material progress in the province for a 
number of years. 35 

A lenient policy characterized more and more the 
attitude of the government toward the natives, and 
experiments were continually tried for promoting 
their welfare. In 1602 came a cedula recommending 
a system of public hiring of Indians, to take the place 
of repartimientos. A fair was accordingly established 
in the principal squares at Mexico 36 under supervision 
of a judge, where employers might come to engage 

35 For a full account see Hist. North Mox. States, i., this series. 

36 On Sundays. Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 237. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 2 


laborers. As usual, corruption crept in to counteract 
the intended benefits. Speculators found it lucrative 
to engage, with connivance of the judge, a large num- 
ber of the Indians, and hire them to others at higher 
rates. This abuse became so great that the system 
had to be abandoned. 37 

In pursuance of this step, and with a view to re- 
move cause for revolt, an important decree appeared 
in 1609, commanding that provisions and clothing 
must be sold to Indians at reasonable prices, and that 
those who attempted to defeat this measure should 
be punished. In the mining districts the Indians 
were to be gathered into villages and given land to 
cultivate, and churches and hospitals. Those who 
settled in these villages were to be exempt for six 
years from the usual repartimientos; but they must 
not leave the place. Since it was necessary to en- 
courage work and progress among all classes, reparti- 
mientos must be maintained till the increase of slaves 
and voluntary workers allowed them to be reduced or 
abolished. Not more than one seventh of a village 
population should be called away at a time, in due 
turn, nor must they be sent to a very distant place or 
one differing greatly in temperature from that to which 
they were used. The pay must be fair, and cover the 
time for coming and going to work. The time and 
nature of labor should not be exceeded or changed. 
None could be condemned for crimes to personal ser- 
vice, nor could encomenderos exact it in lieu of tribute. 
The carrying of loads was restricted, particularly where 
beasts of burden could be introduced. 38 Not long be- 
fore this a law had been issued exempting from enco- 

37 ' Clamaron los Indios. . .con instancia, bolver a lo pasado.' Torqucmada, 
i. 726. 

38 An earlier decree prohibited even voluntary carrying of goods, b"t this 
could not be obeyed. Those in charge of herds should not be held responsible 
for lost stock. Officials connected with repartimientos must be men well 
known for kindness and probity; they could accept fees only from the em- 
ployer. Further minor regulations are given in Montemayor, Svmarios, 216- 
26, 14, 15; (Jrdenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 139. This important letter was 
dated May 26, 1609. In accordance with its tenor Velasco regulated the 
hours of labor and other matters. 


miendas, and from tribute for ten years, all hitherto 
unsubdued Indians who voluntarily gave allegiance to 
church and king. 39 It was a measure well calculated 
to aid the missionaries and to promote a peaceful con- 
quest. In the settled regions on the other hand we 
find a contrast in the confirmation of encomiendas to 
the third and fourth life. 

The execution of reform measures was by no means 
easy, but Velasco sought to do his duty, and though 
exercising no undue severity he brought upon him- 
self the hostility of a large class. His friendly 
feeling toward the natives is displayed in several 
recommendations, notably that of giving to them all 
the land required, leaving only the balance to Span- 
iards. 40 His zeal was not overlooked, for in 1609 he 
received the title of marques de Salinas, and two 
years later promotion to the presidency of the India 
Council. 41 So distinguished a preferment could not 
be refused, and he set sail for Spain June 12, 1611, 42 
leaving behind the reputation of a wise and humane 
ruler, against whom the only objection may be an 
excessive leniency which served well for the time, but 
left the seed of future troubles. 43 

As his entry into the government had been pre- 
ceded by a comet, to which his successful rule lent a 
favorable significance, so his departure was attended 
by an eclipse of the sun; and the terror which this phe- 
nomenon inspired received fresh impulse two months 
later from an earthquake whereby a number of build- 

39 This law was issued on November 25, 1607, and confirmed in 1671 and 
1672. Montemayor, Svmarios, 2. 

40 Advertimientos, in Instruc. Virreyes, 256. 

41 Together with 20,000 ducats 'ayuda de costa.' He already received a 
pension of 6,000 at the end of his former rule in Mexico, and now his children 
were granted additional allowances. The title of marquis appears to have 
been issued in 1607, Calk, Mem. y Not., 55, though Vetancurt intimates a 
year or two later. Trat. Mex., 13. 

42 Exercising the power of viceroy to the day of sailing. Torquemada, i. 
767. Calle writes 17th of June. 

43 His partiality for the Dominicans is spoken of in Ddvila, Continuation, 
MS., 202. Already very aged, he did not long survive his promotion. 


ings were destroyed in different parts, notably at 
Mexico, involving the loss of several lives. 44 

Although Velasco ruled until the day of his depart- 
ure, the successor to the viceroyalty was already to be 
found at Mexico in the person of Archbishop Garcia 
Guerra, a Dominican, born about 1560 at Fromesta, 
near Valencia, of a noble house. 45 As prior at Valla- 
dolid he managed to gain favor in the eyes of Felipe 
III., and a first result was his appointment to the 
vacancy caused by the death in October 1606 of Gar- 
cia de Santa Maria y Mendoza, archbishop of Mexico. 
This prelate had been prior of the convent at the 
Escorial, general of the Jeronimite order, and a great 
favorite of Philip II., who named him one of his ex- 
ecutors. The successor to the throne extended this 
favor by conferring on him the archdiocese in New 
Spain which he administered in a satisfactory manner, 
living ever the humble life of a friar, yet staining his 
memory by the bigoted act of defacing native sculp- 
tures. While the destruction was not so serious as 
that caused by the iconoclast Zamarraga, 46 Santa 
Maria deserves even greater condemnation than this 
earlier bishop, whose vandalism finds excuses to a cer- 
tain extent in the conversion-zeal of his period, and in 
its inferior enlightenment. 

Guerra made his entrance into Mexico as prelate 
September 29th, and by his wise rule confirmed the 
royal choice to such extent that with the promotion 
of Velasco came his own appointment as twelfth vice- 

44 The eclipse was total and lasted till 6 p. m. June 10th. Torqnemada, 
i. 7G8. The earttiquake occurred on August 2Gth. 'En ocasion que por 
mandado del Arcobispo corrian toros.' Sigiienza y Gdngora, 
Carta, MS., 15; Id., Parayso Occid., 24. There were more than 40 shocks 
within 30 hours, says Father Franco. On December 27th a rain of ashes fell 
at Mexico, Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 203; and Mota-Padilla, who places 
the eclipse on April 15, describes a similar shower in Colima, caused by the 
eruption of the volcano. Conq. N. Gal., 271. In the same month of the fol- 
lowing year another earthquake occurred. Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 257. 

43 Of the family of De la Vega Guerra. His parents were Andre's de Rojas 
and Maria Guerra. He professed as a Dominican in 1578, at Valladolid, 
where he became preacher and prior. Gonzalez Diivila writes his name De 
Enguerra. Teatro, i. 44; Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 198-200. 

46 As Torquemada, iii. 208, regretfully points out. 


roy. It was the second time that the supreme political 
and ecclesiastical power had been vested in one man, 
and, as the benevolence and sagacity of Guerra were 
recognized, his inauguration June 19, 1611, created 
wide-spread joy. 47 This was not to be of long dura- 
tion, however. Guerra had for some time been an 
invalid, a fail from his carriage being one of the 
causes, and soon a cold caught during an exposure to 
rain laid him low with fever. The phlebotomy so 
prevalent among doctors of the time tended to weaken 
him; and when an operation was demanded on an 
abscess he sank under it February 22, 1612, at the 
age of fifty-two. 48 Manifestations of grief were both 
general and profound, and the obsequies surpassed in 
solemnity any that had so far been conducted in New 
Spain. A description may prove interesting. 

The embalmed body, arrayed in pontifical robes of 
purple taffeta garnished with gold and silver, rested 
in the chapel on a catafalque, covered with black gold- 
bordered velvet, and surrounded with candles. The 
interior of the chapel w T as draped in black. The head 
of the corpse reclined on a black velvet cushion, orna- 
mented with gold and silver, and bore on the brow a 
mitre. Close to it rose the guidon of the captain- 
general, a rank held by the deceased in virtue of his 
office as viceroy. At the left shoulder rested the 
pastoral staff, and in the right hand the archiepiscopal 
cross ; at the feet were two royal maces of gilt silver, 
and between them the prelate's hat. 

. For three days a constant stream of visitors appeared ' 
at the chapel to give a last look at the beloved face, 
while friars and clergy held vigils, masses, and chants 

47 He had been staying at the convent in Atlacubaya, and entered by way 
of Tlatelulco, under arches and amidst great pomp, on a Sunday. Ddvila, Con- 
tinuation, MS., 202; Vetancvrt, Trat. Ilex., 13. Cavo dates his power from 
June 17th; and Lorenzana, from June 12th. Concilios Prov., 1556-65, 216, 
he counting no doubt Velasco's departure. 

48 Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Eeles., ubi sup. Cavo states that the carriage 
accident occurred while he as viceroy was inspecting certain public works, 
and this injured one of his ribs, giving rise to the abscess. Tres Sighs, i. 256. 
On the 29th of January a solemn procession had been held to implore restora- 
tion of his health. 


here as well as at other temples. The bells tolled 
solemnly all the while, and nearly every person ex- 
hibited some token of mourning, especially officials 
and men of means. 

On the 25th a vast concourse gathered at the pal- 
ace to escort the body to the cathedral tomb. First 
marched the school children with white lighted tapers; 
then came thirty-eight brotherhoods, according to age, 
with standards, crosses, and other paraphernalia; the 
different monastic orders, closing with the Domini- 
cans, to whom belonged the deceased, followed by over 
four hundred members of the clergy, the prebendaries 
of the chapter being last. Then came the coffin, having 
at the feet the prelate's hat, and a cap with white tas- 
sel, the insignia of a master of theology. Behind were 
borne the cross and guidon, draped in black, between 
two kings-at-arms. On either side of the coffin strode 
the viceregal guard, while halberdiers assisted in keep- 
ing back the crowd. Following the guard came the 
deacons; the commercial court; the university repre- 
sentation, with sixty-four of its graduated doctors 
bearing the insignia of the faculty; the municipality, 
preceded by their mace-bearers; the audiencia, with 
three nephews of the deceased; the royal officers, 
bearing a black standard with royal arms in gold; 
three companies of infantry in lines of seven, with 
arms reversed, marching to the sound of four muffled 
drums and tw T o fifes; the maestre de sala of the 
viceroy, bearing aloft on a half-pike the arms of the 
deceased, gilded on a black surface; the master of 
horse and chamberlain, leading a steed in deep mourn- 
ing with a long train; another gentleman of the court, 
on horseback, bore the guidon of captain-general, with 
royal arms on crimson velvet. The procession closed 
with the servants of the palace, led by the majordomo. 

Between the palace and the cathedral five cata- 
falques had been erected, to serve as resting-places for 
the coffin as it was transferred to different bearers. 
The oidores bore it from the chapel to the first station; 


then the cathedral chapter, the municipality, the uni- 
versity corporation, and the commercial representa- 
tives carried it successively, the oidores taking it from 
the last station into the cathedral, where it was placed 
in a lofty position, amid a blaze of lights. As the 
alfereces approached they lowered the standards, and 
placed them at the foot of the coffin. On the left 
rested Guerra's coat of arms; on the right were the 
cross and the guidon. After service the coffin was 
buried at a late hour by the high altar, on the evangel 
side. It was a grand and glorious casting-forth. 

During the novenary each religious order came to 
chant masses, assisted by ecclesiastic and civil bodies. 
On March 7th the members of the procession marched 
in the same order as before to the cathedral, where 
the visril was chanted, and a funeral oration delivered 
in Latin. The following day the funeral sermon was 
preached by the dominican provincial. 49 

The government now passed into the hands of the 
audiencia, and the senior oidor, Pedro de Otalora, a 
pious man, 50 took possession of the palace. Affairs 
were by no means such as to require a strong hand 
at their head; yet the loss of the recognized chief 
seems to have created an unsettled feeling, and the 
revelation of an intended uprising among the negroes 
so alarmed the capital that on Monday and Thursday 
the customary religious processions of the week did 
not take place. On the evening of Thursday a 
trampling of feet was heard, with much grunting and 
yelling, and the cry spread that the negroes were 
upon them. The panic-stricken people either closed 
their doors or fled for protection toward the palace, 
and terror reigned until morning, when the cause of 
the uproar appeared in a drove of pigs for the Satur- 

49 DdviIa, Continuation, MS., 205-7; Sosa, Ejnscop. Mex., 52-4. 

50 'Hombre desinteresado de las cosas de esta Vida, y mui gran Ministro,' 
is Torquemada's estimate of him. i. 767. Among his associates are mentioned 
the licentiates Diego Nunez de Mosquecho and Pedro Juarez de Molina. 


day slaughter, which had been mistaken for a negro 
advance. 51 

This play upon the feelings of people and audiencia 
could not be allowed to pass unavenged, and thirty- 
three unfortunate blacks were convicted on doubtful 
evidence and hanged. 52 As during a previous inter- 
regnum, the government sought to cover its weakness 
under a mask of cruelty. A measure against out- 
breaks on the part of negroes was attempted by means 
of a decree ordering free persons of their race, includ- 
ing mestizos, who possessed no trade, to enter the 
service of known masters and take up their abode with 
them. 53 

The aucliencia's rule terminated with the entry into 
Mexico, on October 28, 1612, of the thirteenth viceroy, 
Diego Fernandez de Cordoba, marques de Guadal- 
cazar, and his consort Maria Rieder. 5i His rule proved 
exceedingly quiet, though at one time a cloud appeared 
in the form of a freebooter. The Dutch had for some 
time struggled for a foothold in the Moluccas, and to 
promote this effort their East India Company in 1614 
despatched a well-equipped fleet of six vessels, under 
Joris Spilbergen, £5 with instructions to do what dam- 
age he could to Spanish shipping and interests on his 
way, notably to the fleet between Manila and Acapulco. 
He left Texel in August, touched at the Brazilian 
coast, passed through Magellan Strait in April 1615, 
and began a series of petty and cautious raids on the 

51 Panes assumes that this false alarm served to defeat the intentions of 
the negroes by rousing the people. Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 94-5. 

5J The bodies were exposed in different parts, till public health demanded 
their removal. Four of the victims were women. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 13. 
Torquemada makes the total number 36. 

5a 'Pena de docientos acotes.' Decree of the audiencia April 12, 1612. 
Montemayor, Svmarios, pt. ii. 49. 

54 Lorenzana writes Puedrer. Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 21. 

55 Also written Georg Spilberg, von Spilbergen, Spilberger. The flag-ship 
was the Zon, and the next, the Halve Maen, under command of Jansen. Two 
of the vessels were smaller, and built for speed. The force carried was 1,200 
men besides sailors ; so at least declares Osten, a member of the expedition 
who escaped to New Spain, and whose account appears to have been over- 
looked by Burney and others. See Nicolai, Neiue vnd Warliaffte Eel., 17-18. 
He, Purchas, and Gottfried differ on several points, about names, dates, etc. 



Pacific coast of South America. In this occupation 
he was interrupted by a fleet of eight vessels under 
Rodrigo de Mendoza, who had vowed to capture the 
Hollander. Fortune favored the latter, however, and 
the Peruvians retired with a loss of two vessels, one 
of them under command of the vice-admiral, who pre- 
ferred to go clown with his ship rather than surrender. 
On the 10th of October Spilbergen appeared be- 
fore Acapulco, sadly in want of fresh provisions and 
anti-scorbutics for his sick crews. He w T ould prob- 

Port of Acapulco. 

ably have helped himself but for some well-timed 
shots which intimated that the place was prepared. 56 
"Hanging out a flagge of peace, two Spaniards came 
aboord, and they agreed to exchange Prisoners for 
Sheep, Fruits, and Prouision, which was accordingly 
performed. On the 15th Melchior Hernardo came 
aboord, to take view of the fleete, which had van- 
quished the Kings. He was Nephew to the Vice-Roy 

56 'TheCastle had seuentie Brasse Pieces, hauing intelligence eight moneths 
before of their comming.' Purchas, His Pilgrimes, 1, pt. ii. 84. 


of New Spaine, and was kindly entertained of the 
Admirall." The squadron left Acapulco on October 
18th and cruised off the coast for some time, captur- 
ing a California pearl-fishing vessel with two friars. 57 
A consort vessel, under Iturbicle, proved more for- 
tunate in bringing safe to port a cargo of pearls, 
including one valued at the then high price of four 
thousand five hundred pesos. 58 

Spilbergen now proceeded to Salagua, or Santiago 
Bay, where several of his men, while in quest of fresh 
provisions, were killed and captured by an ambuscaded 
party which is said to have been commanded by the 
navigator Vizcaino. The fleet passed on to Santiago, 
and to Navidad, where a captured monk procured 
lemons on being promised his liberty. When the time 
came to fulfil the promise, the crews objected to lose 
so valuable a prisoner, and Spilbergen had to quell a 
mutiny to keep his word with the monk. 

Toward the end of November sail was set for Cape 
San Lucas, there to watch for the Manila galleon ; but 
the wind proving unfavorable the prows were turned 
for the Ladrones and Moluccas, and after staying 
here awhile Spilbergen completed the circumnaviga- 
tion of the globe with a portion of his fleet. While 
falling short of the anticipated results of the voyage, 
he confirmed the opinion of his ability as a naviga- 
tor. 59 

While disaster was averted from Acapulco, it over- 
took the opposite port of "Vera Cruz in another guise. 
New Vera Cruz, as it was called, to distinguish it 
from the old town on Rio Antigua, which still lin- 

57 Cardona, the captain, and a portion of the crew escaped by swimming 
ashore. The authorities differ as to whether the vessel was on the way from 
or to California. She was incorporated into the fleet under the name of the 
' Peavlship,' says Osten, ubi svpra. 

^Veneqas, Not. Cal., i. 202-4; Cardona, Mem., 4G; Mota-Padllla, Cong. 
N. Gal., 272-3. 

59 For an account of the voyage, see, besides the authorities quoted, Gott- 
fried, Neicc Welt, 454 et seq. ; Boss, Leben der See-Uelden, 393-402; Kerr's 
Col, x. 157-S; Berenyer, Col. Voy., i. 2G2, 2S8-93; Burncy, Chron. Hist. 
Yoy., il 330-53. 


gered, had rapidly risen from a landing-station, known 
by the name of Buitron, the chief settler, to receive 
in 1615 the title of city. But the buildings were 
hastily and irregularly constructed, chiefly of wood, 
and when, in December 1618, a fire broke out in the 
barracks, the flames spread under a strong north wind, 
and consumed the best part of the place, inflicting a 
loss of over two million pesos. 60 Prompt aid was given 
toward rebuilding on a safer and more regular plan. 

On February 13th the whole country was startled 
by an earthquake which lasted for a quarter of an 
hour, and extended from Central America far north- 
ward. " It demolished buildings, rent hills and moun- 
tains, disclosed deep caverns, and brought forth new 
lakes. Rivers flowed with black waters. At sea ter- 
rible sights were seen, and many vessels went under. 
Fish sought refuge on land from their natural ele- 
ment.'; 61 

Owing to the insecurity of the road between Vera 
Cruz and Mexico, infested by robber bands, the town 
of Cordoba was in April 1618 founded in the foot- 
hills, on the more southern route later followed by 
the railroad to the capital. Its prosperity was soon 
assured by extensive sugar and tobacco plantations, 
and it received also a share of health -seekers from 
Vera Cruz, 62 as did the more important town of Ori- 
zaba, to the west, where sanitary facilities still attract 
people. 63 Cordoba received its name from the vice- 

60 Cavo, Tres Stylos, i. 263. In the beginning of 1619, says Alegre, Hist. 
Comp. Jesus, ii. 115. Panes, Veracruz, MS., 2; Lerdo de Tejada, Ajnintes, 
267. A decree was thereupon issued ordering government buildings to be 
separated from other edifices fully 15 paces, and urging the employment of 
night watches. Recop. de Indias, ii. 27. 

61 ' Corri6 quinientas leguas de Norte a Sur, y mas de sesenta de Este a 
Loeste.' Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro, i. 59. This author writes at 11:30 a. m. on 
February 14th. 

62 In May 1714, an earthquake ruined many buildings. In 1850'it counted 
4,500 inhabitants. Dice. Univ., ii. 549. Incited by the faulty accounts in 
Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro, Dr Rodriguez, curate at C6rdoba, prepared 
a full history and description of the town which was published at Mexico in 
1759, under the title of Cartilla, Historica y Sagrada Description de Cordova, 
4to, 164 pp. He gives the names of the first 30 settlers, the coat of arms, and 
other interesting material. See also Cordara, Hist. Comp. Jevus, 175. 

63 The order of San Juan de Dies erected here a hospital about this time. 


roy, whose title of Guadalcazar was also perpetuated 
in that of a mining town founded in 1614 north-east 
of San Luis Potosi. 64 Another town rose about the 
same time, on the lake of Toluca, under the name of 
Lerma, in honor of the favorite minister of Felipe 
III. 05 The same rule was signalized at Mexico by 
the completion of the new aqueduct begun by the 
previous viceroy. It brought additional water from 
Santa Fe by way of Chapultepec, and rested for a 
long distance on arches, nine hundred in number. 06 

After a government of eight years Guadalcazar 
was promoted to the viceroyalty of Peru. Yet not 
from any merit as a ruler, for although his reism had 
proved peaceful, corruption had spread fast in almost 
every department, until both social and economic in- 
terests were so seriously imperilled as to rouse the 
attention of the crown. Guadalcazar, in truth, was a 
mild man, easily imposed upon, and not much disposed 
to sacrifice his comfort and peace of mind by inquiries 
into matters with which subordinates and associates 
were intrusted. The oidores had not been slow to 
take advantage of such neglect to extend their own 
importance, and even openly interfered in affairs not 
pertaining to their jurisdiction, violating the laws in- 
trusted to their watchful care. 

On a small salary 67 they lived in the style and 
luxury of the great lords of Spain, surrounded by 
relatives and friends, to whom the most desirable 
offices were given, and who were protected by their 
benefactors from what should have been the results 
of frequent and glaring malefeasance. In the audien- 
cia the causes of the rich were despatched promptly, 
while the calendar was encumbered by the innumer- 

Gi _CaUe, Mem. y Not., 70. 

65 Founded in 1613 says A leech, Die, ii. 572. Cavo places the founding 
of both in 1G20. 

06 And G varas in height. The cost was fully 150,000 pesos. Cavo, Tres 
Siglos, i. 243-4, 2G4-5. 

07 At this time an oidor of Mexico receives annually three thousand pesos. 


able suits of the poor. For the decision of a case it 
was sufficient that an oidor should signify his wishes 
in the matter, and he was allowed also to sit in judg- 
ment of questions wherein he was directly interested. 
As a body they sent judges in commission to districts 
where ordinary justices existed, this having been 
expressly forbidden. 68 They went further than this, 
and released at will even malefactors condemned to 
death or to the galleys of Terrenate. All that seemed 
to be lacking to them was the investiture and title of 
viceroy. The minor officials and the very lawyers of 
the supreme tribunal committed excesses with inso- 
lent impunity in the assurance that their respective 
patrons would shield them from harm. Imitating an 
example so plainly set before them, the minor tribu- 
nals throughout New Spain, each in its microcosm, 
perverted justice at their will. 

Protected by those in power, who not infrequently 
were partners in their gain, the rich had monopolized 
the very necessaries of life, and this during a time of 
great scarcity, when famine was raging in many parts 
of the country, 69 so that the poor had to subsist on 
roots or die of want. The regidores of Mexico had 
seized and divided among themselves the annual 
subsidy of one hundred and thirty thousand reales 
granted by the crown in aid of the public granary, 
and they, in conjunction with a few wealthy men, had 
forced the price of maize, the staple food of the lower 
classes, from twelve reales the fanega to forty-eight. 
Even at this price the official in charge of the gran- 
ary frequently turned away the starving poor, while 
to the servants of the rich and powerful he gave a 

68 It was again prohibited by the c^dula of November 12, 1621. Ordenes 
de la Corona, MS., ii. 164. 

69 In QuertStaro ' congoxandose los Labradores, y vezinos oyendo las muertes 
de los ganados, y perdida de las sementeras. ' Medina, Chron. S. Diego, 55. 
Alegre relates similar misery in Yucatan. Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 136. See 
also Gelvcs, Bel. Estad., 1-2; Mex. Eel. Sum., 1. There are periodic records 
of famines in different parts of the country. In 1610, 1616, 1625, and 1629, 
they extended over a number of districts. Oavo, Tres Sighs, i. 254, 261, 
277; Diario, Mex., v. 139. 


superabundance which was disposed of to their own 
advantage. So, too, these imitators of their masters, 
lying in wait just without the city, forced the Ind- 
ians who supplied the general market to give up, at a 
nominal price, the scant produce of their toil that the 
spoilers might receive the profit. Some of the meat 
thus obtained was retailed at an exorbitant price in 
a shop established in the palace of the archbishop. 

The crown was robbed or defrauded of its dues by 
the royal officials and their friends. Shipments to 
Peru of prohibited goods brought from Manila were 
made openly, and were productive of great gain. The 
supplies sent by the king to the Philippines were 
purchased by his agents at twice their market value, 
and complaints came from that colony of their poor 
quality, or rottenness, as well as of scant measure. 
At the treasury it was the custom to receive for the 
payment of dues coin or silver bullion indifferently ; 
the oidores and the treasury officials, substituting the 
former for the latter, divided among themselves a 
gain of three reales in such wares. In all the pueblos 
the tax-collectors speculated with the royal funds, 
which they withheld from the treasury, either with- 
out a shadow of excuse or on the ground that these 
sums proceeded from partial payments of taxes which 
were not due to the crown until those payments 
should be completed. By collusion of those in charge 
of the mines and the traders the king was defrauded 
of his fifth. 

Religious ministers would not.unfrequently meddle 
in these affairs, even when they concerned neither 
their interests nor their native proteges. On the 
anniversary of the fall of Mexico, 1618, a Jesuit spoke 
in his sermon rather scathingly of the conquerors and 
especially of their descendants, as corrupt, unfit to 
hold office, and tyrannical toward the Indians. The 
remarks were probably exaggerated by inimical persons, 
who caused such a stir in the matter that the arch- 
bishop was called upon to arrest the preacher. The 


provincial naturally objected to so stringent an inter- 
ference, and caused testimony to be taken, which modi- 
fied the expressions and induced the viceroy to release 
the Jesuit, only to embitter the already unfriendly 
relations between the civil and ecclesiastic chiefs, and 
to rouse fresh feeling against the society. 70 Both 
clergy and friars were for that matter infected to a 
great extent by the general disorder, and engaged 
with anything but meekness in disputes concerning 
doctrines and other affairs, or in frequent and un- 
seemly bickering concerning the election of prelates, 
in which respect the comparatively quiet August inians 
made themselves notorious for a time. Two oidores 
were accused by the visitador of the order with having 
harbored mutinous friars and sought to influence him 
by threats and bribes to promote the election of a 
provincial favored by them. In the report and counter 
report on this subject the leading men of the country, 
including the archbishop, were called on to testify. 71 
As the natural consequence of all this iniquity 
among the rich and powerful, the lower classes gave 
themselves up to such wickedness as was attainable 
to them. Drunkenness, ever prevalent, had increased 
to a frightful extent, and was accompanied by its 
usual train of want and crimes. The church itself 
seemed powerless to check infractions of the law which 
to churchmen have ever seemed misdeeds more fla- 
grant than murder. Led by vicious inclination or 
driven by want, idle men formed themselves into 
associations of bandits which infested the highways, 
and which made life and property insecure even in 
the precincts of the viceregal palace. 72 Housed at 
times to some exhibition of interference, Guadalcazar 

70 Tho preacher was the learned and eloquent Cristobal Gomez, who died 
in 1638. Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 108, 207; Mex. Disturbios, MS., i. 

11 One of the oidores was the corrupt Gaviria, whom we shall soon meet. 
The_ voluminous testimony in this case is given in Mex. Disturbios, MS., i. 
1 6-54, 289-91. The same order created trouble also at Ixmiquilpan by carry- 
ing off from the mine of Guerrero a miraculous image. Id., 55-119. 

72 'Tenia el alma en los dientes.' Grambila, Ticmultos. 


succeeded only in arraying against himself now the 
church, now the oidores, or other officials whose power 
and influence may have been concerned. Their rep- 
resentations to the crown must have had some effect, 
for his promotion to Peru does not appear to have 
been accompanied by the customary privilege to 
govern until his departure. At any rate, the audi- 
encia assumed control. 73 

73 Licenciado Juan Paez de Vallecillo is named as presiding oidor, assisted 
by Galdos de Valencia and Gomez Cornejo, but Verzara Gaviria should be 
added. Ilex., Rel. Svm., 1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 263; Ribera, Gob. Mex., i. 
108. It has been said that Guadalcazar left Mexico for his new post on 
March 14, 1621, escorted by the audienciaand other bodies. Vetancvrt, Trat. 
Mex., 13; but several official reports show that he remained till Gelves 
arrived. Gelves, Rel. Estado, 1 etc. * Virrey priuadamente retirado, todoeste 
ticmpo (nearly a year), fuera de Palacio, en vna casa particular.' Mex., Rel. 
Svm., 1; Siguenza y Gdngora, Parayso Occid., 25-6. He ruled for seven 
years in Peru. 




Appointment of Gelves — His Energetic and Extensive Reforms — 
Which are Forced also on the Clergy — Hostility of Gaviria 
and the regidores — archbishop serna roused — moral laxity in 
New Spain — Arrest of Varaez — Serna Interferes — The Viceroy 
is Excommunicated — Attitude of the Oidores — The Papal Dele- 
gate Plays a Part — More Anathemas — The Prelate Forces Him- 
self into the Presence of the Audiencia — He is Exiled and 
Carried Away — Imprisonment of Repentant Oidores — A Mexican 
A Becket. 

While not aware how wide-spread was the disorder 
in New Spain, the newly enthroned Felipe IV. felt 
convinced that reform was needed, and looked about 
for a man whose character and attainments should fit 
him for the task of restoring order. Such a one soon 
presented himself in the person of Diego Carrillo de 
Mendoza y Pimentel, second son of the marquis of 
Tavara, himself concle de Priego and marques de 
Gelves. 1 For many years the marquis had governed 
Aragon, and was actually a member of the council of 
war. In the discharge of these high trusts his recti- 
tude and love of justice had been proven, while 
personal valor was common to those of his princely 
house. At the same time the long habit of command 
had developed a disinclination to brook any question 
of his authority, especially where the extent of his 
jurisdiction was concerned, and advancing age, for 

1 He was also a knight of Santiago, holding the commandery of Villa- 
nueva de la Fuente. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 3 ( 33 ) 


his years were more than sixty, had but served to 
strengthen this trait. 

The usual instructions were given to Gelves, May 
11, 1G21, in addition to certain special directions from 
the king. Urged to hasten his departure, he em- 
barked at Seville the 3d of July, in a vessel of the 
fleet commanded by Juan de Benavides, attended by 
quite a slender following of officials and dependants. 

After a prosperous voyage the fleet arrived at Vera 
Cruz in August, and the marquis entered with great 
energy on the discharge of his duties. He visited 
San Juan de Ulua and the fortifications of the city 
itself, giving orders for the repairs which he deemed 
necessary. Personally he inspected the king's slaves, 
informing himself minutely of their number and con- 
dition, and ordering that they should be employed 
only in the royal service, and under no circumstances 
in that of officials, or of private individuals, as had 
been customary. Gelves, having made these and 
other reforms at the very threshold of the viceroy- 
alty, went on with the work all along the road to 

Contrary to established usage, he would not allow 
either Spaniards or Indians, at the places where halts 
were made, to be at the least expense for the enter- 
tainment of himself and his retinue, peremptorily 
ordering that everything should be paid for at the 
highest current value. Nor would he receive gratu- 
itously gifts suggested by the hospitality of the people 
or those offered to him by the many anxious to curry 
favor with a new ruler. In this respect he made the 
rule inflexible during his whole term of office, for his 
servants as well as for himself. The fame of the 
marquis preceded him, and on his arrival at Mexico, 
on the 21st of September, he was received with great 

His inauguration was made particularly brilliant 
by the elaborate ceremonies and rejoicings which at- 
tended the swearing of allegiance to the new king, an 


event deferred till this time, and leading to prolonged 
festivities throughout Spanish domains. 2 There was 
a significance in it all more than usual in a corona- 
tion, for Felipe, III. had not only shown himself inca- 
pable, but under his rule Spain had suffered many 
humiliations, under which she was rapidly descending 
from the high position attained during the golden 
rule of Ferdinand and Isabella, and sustained by 
Charles and Philip. The opening acts of Felipe IV. 
who ascended the throne at the age of sixteen, no less 
than his generous and reflective disposition, gave 
promise of better things; but the unformed }^outh fell 
too early into the hands of scheming courtiers and his 
nobler instincts were perverted. He yielded too much 
to the fascinations of literature and less commendable 
pursuits, while the administration was surrendered to 
inefficient and corrupt favorites, who accelerated the 
descent of Spanish prosperity and influence. 

The reform measures of Gelves on the way to the 
capital had there roused the most conflicting senti- 
ments, for, while honest patriotism hailed the coming 
of so just a governor, the placemen and their allies 
apprehended disaster, and they were not wrong. The 
viceroy soon instituted an examination and found pub- 
lic affairs in a condition of shameless disorder. The 
evil was greater than either the monarch or himself 
had thought. Permitted an abnormal growth under 
the lax administration of Guadalcazar, it had spread 
everywhere in the land, and its roots had struck deep 
in a congenial soil. With the energy to be expected 
of him the marquis undertook reform. His capabil- 
ity for work was great, and he found at the outset that 
he must attend personally to many things from the 
consideration of which his subordinates should have 
relieved him. At Mexico it had ever been a current 
saying that in keeping the friars and the Indians in 

2 'El resto del afio se paso en fiestas no solo en la capital, sino tambien en 
todas las ciudades y villas de aquel nuevo mundo. ' Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 265- 
G. This and some other authors assume that the long preceding mourning 
was ordered during an interregnum under the audiencia. 


order a viceroy had his hands full; Gelves accom- 
plished more in a week than others in a month. But 
this very excess of zeal wrought his own undoing. 
The land was indeed in want of cultivation; was it 
for him who put his hand to the plough to foresee 
that thorns, not kindly fruits, would be the harvest? 
In his eagerness the marquis did not reflect that the 
great extent of newly settled New Spain was totally 
unlike his compact little government of Aragon, and, 
though he had crossed it, he was unmindful of the 
broad ocean rolling between a colonial viceroy and the 
master whose strengthening hand might at any time 
be needed. Most of all he forgot, as will be seen, 
that sweeping reforms, such as that attempted by the 
strong man in the temple, not infrequently involve in 
common ruin reformer and reformed. 

New Spain awoke to consciousness of the fact that 
she had a ruler of ability and courage sufficient to 
redress wrongs and punish evil-doers. Gelves visited 
the prisons, and at times sat in judgment in the 
courts. He caused delayed business to be despatched 
promptly, ordering that in matters of justice no dis- 
tinction should be made between the rich and the 
poor, and insisted that no magistrate should sit in 
any case wherein he was interested. He was acces- 
sible always to those who had complaints to make, 
and his servants were bidden never to deny him to 
the weak and friendless. Criminals who, though 
under sentence, were at large, he caused to be 
arrested and punished, while such as were unjustly 
detained in prison were released. He ferreted male- 
factors who through official negligence or wilful igno- 
rance had gone unsuspected. In some instances it 
came out that certain official personages were sharers 
in the fruits of robbery. These, also, were punished, 
but in causing this to be done Gelves gained the 
enmity of others high in station who were their 
patrons. 3 He forbade the exercise of gubernatorial 

3 Among these the following were among the most noteworthy instances: 


powers in the release of prisoners, and ordered that 
all such matters should be referred to him for decision. 
The license to carry fire-arms was prohibited to all 
save persons of good character, and stringent meas- 
ures were adopted for the suppression of drunkenness, 
gambling, and other vices. The growing insolence 
of the free negroes and half-breeds was checked by 
compelling them to register in their respective districts, 
to pay taxes, and to earn their living, such as were 
incorrigible being banished or enrolled in the militia. 
This efficient mounted force moved with great celer- 
ity, and, being well informed by spies of the move- 
ments of bandits, was able to make its blows effective. 
Arrest was supplemented swiftly by punishment, and 
highway robbery was completely at an end. " It is 
doubtful," says Cavo, " whether since the conquest so 
many criminals had been executed " as during this 
brief administration. 4 Gelves earned fairly the ap- 
pellation of ' juez severo,' or inflexible judge. 

He compelled absentee alcaldes mayores, corregi- 
dores, and justicias to return to their jurisdictions. 
He put a stop to the sale of votes on the part of the 
ayuntamientos, a practice which obtained very gener- 
ally in cities and villas distant from the capital, re- 
quiring that lists of eligible persons should be sent to 
him that he might select the names of those to be 
voted for — the selection being made only after favor- 
able inquiry concerning the character of the person 
proposed. He compelled those who had embezzled 
the funds of the public granary to disgorge a certain 
amount of their plunder, and in the king's name took 

The assayer's stamp, used for marking the weight and value of bars of silver, 
had been counterfeited, and the authorities were unable to discover the 
counterfeiters. Gelves took the matter in hand, and the guilty were arrested, 
tried, and condemned, by a c6dula dated June 15, 1622, to be strangled and 
burned at the stake. Mex. , Eel. del Estad. , 4. Before Gelves' arrival the treas- 
ury at Mexico had been entered forcibly, and some 8,000 pesos abstracted 
therefrom. In an arbitrary manner proceedings had been begun against the 
treasury officials, who complained to the viceroy of the injustice. By his 
exertions the persons really guilty of the crime were discovered and punished. 
Mex., Rel. Svm., 2. 

4 ' Los caminos de la Nueva Espana estaban inundados de salteadores. ' 
Tres S:glos, i. 206. 


possession of two other deposits belonging to regidores 
of the capital. By these means, and by the expen- 
diture of ten thousand pesos of his own, wherewith he 
made purchases in the neighboring provinces, he accu- 
mulated a considerable store of grain. 5 He broke up 
effectually the trade in contraband goods between Aca- 
pulco and Peru. While this was a-doing it was found 
that members of the consulado had been concerned, 
some of them openly, in these practices. 6 He removed 
the royal officials having charge of the supplies for the 
Philippines, putting clean-handed men in their places, 
and in consequence the amount of supplies sent to that 
colony was greater than ever before. 7 

He checked immediately all pilfering of the royal 
treasury, banishing from the mines the foreigners and 
others who had defrauded the revenue, ordering that 
all money received for taxes should be sent at once 
to Mexico, and putting an end to other practices by 
which so much of the king's money had remained in 
the hands of dishonest officials. 8 Owing to these 
reforms in the management of the treasury the vice- 
roy was enabled to send an increased amount of 
money to Spain, where at this time it was sorely 

5 He also ordered that maize should not be fed to cattle within fourteen 
leagues* of Mexico and ten of Pueblo, and that throughout the viceroyalty 
the price of this staple should not be more than twenty reales the fanega. 
Abundance soon brought the price down to less than this, and it sold as low 
as sixteen reales. This public benefaction was acknowledged by the cabildo 
of Mexico, in a formal manner, toward the close of 1623. Mex., Rel. del 
Estad., 7-8. The viceroy also ordered that Juan Juarez, fiscal of the audien- 
cia, should be present at the granary, at certain determined hours daily, for 
the purpose of seeing that the poor were impartially treated. He caused the 
butcher-shops of the archiepiscopal palace to be closed and prohibited the sale 
of all articles of food at the exorbitant prices hitherto prevailing. Grambila, 
Tumultos, MS. , 3. 

6 In the prosecutions growing out of this matter the viceroy allowed no 
appeal; this was afterward qualified as an act of tyranny by the audiencia in 
their answer of February 8, 1624, to Gelves' protest from his cell in the con- 
vent of San Francisco. Mex., Rel. Svm., 15. 

7 In 1622 the value of these supplies was nine hundred thousand dollars, 
and in the following year two thirds of that amount. Mex., Bel. del Estad., 5. 

8 Gelves had been told that it would be impossible to recover money turned 
into the treasury in partial payment of taxes. On investigation it was 
found that there was nearly a quarter of a million of dollars thus owing, 
some of it since 1598, and of this amount about one half was recovered. Mex., 
Rel. del Estad., 4. 


needed. After paying all the expenses of administer- 
ing the viceroyalty and meeting the cost of supplies 
sent to Manila, a million of pesos was sent to the 
king in 1622, and a million and a half in the follow- 
ing year. 9 

The marquis was a religious man and his respect 
for the clergy was sincere. To the archbishop he 
spoke privily, regretting the dissensions which rent 
atwain brethren who should dwell in harmony. He 
also begged the prelate to cease the unseemly prac- 
tice of receiving gifts from suitors in the ecclesiastical 
court, and to reform other abuses. 10 He restrained 
the inquisitors from intermeddling in temporal mat- 
ters not within their jurisdiction. As far as he was 
able to exercise control he saw that offices in the re- 
ligious orders were held by men fitted for their several 

Convinced by the frequent complaints of the Ind- 
ians that the appointment of secular clergymen as 
doctrineros instead of friars would be detrimental to 
interests of the crown also, the viceroy ordered that 
the latter should be retained in the doctrinas, and 
that in the future only friars should be appointed to 
them. In this matter the viceroy was certainly not 
strictly impartial. Moreover in this action he un- 
doubtedly laid the foundation for an accusation which 
afterward his enemies were only too glad to make. 
While his action in the premises had its origin, unde- 
niably, in a spirit of just kindness to the Indians — for 
to have substituted for the friars to whom they were 

9 This was more than had been sent heretofore in any corresponding period. 
Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 10; Mex., Mel. del Estad., 5. 

10 The abuse of the privilege of sanctuary was notorious, and criminals 
availed themselves of false witnesses in order to prove that they were entitled 
to it. Gelves required the fiscal to use every diligence in order to arrive at 
the truth in these matters. One Juan de Rincon having brought forward 11 
witnesses to prove his right to immunity, on the testimony of 29 others these 
men were shown to have forsworn themselves, and were condemned to penal 
servitude at Manila. They were sent out of the city together with other 
convicts; but notwithstanding the opposition of the viceroy, the audiencia, 
on the ground that the sentence was excessive, caused them to be brought 
back, and finally they went unwhipped of justice. Mex., Mel. Svm., 2. 


with reason attached secular clergymen ignorant of 
their tongues and customs alike, would have been 
tantamount to cruelty — it was nevertheless in conflict 
with the provisions of royal cedulas. Father Bar- 
tolomc de Burguillos, his confessor, was a friar of 
San Diego, and possibly his counsels had sufficient 
weight with the marquis to induce him thus to slight 
the wish of the sovereign frequently expressed. 11 

The course of the marquis was commended by the 
upright, but these were far less in number than the 
vicious, and the number of his enemies increased 
daily. Those high in place, accustomed to have their 
own way in matters of government, were offended at 
the summary clipping of their wings. In public they 
contented themselves with shrubs and with finders 
laid aside the nose, while privately they spoke in 
open anger, and fostered a hatred to the all-uncon- 
scious object thereof that merely bided its time for 
throwing off the mask. Occasionally, however, re- 
sentment overcame prudence. 

Pedro de Vergara Gaviria, the senior oidor, was a 
self-willed man, who after the brief taste of power 
enjoyed before the arrival of Gelves had become un- 
fitted to play the subordinate. He had easily become 
chief among his fellows, and was not at all inclined 
to brook the restraint imposed upon him by the just 
though severe measures of the viceroy. Gelves, 
always courteous in his treatment of members of the 
audiencia and the cabildo, went further than neces- 
sary in useless attempts to make a friend of this man, 
who on his part seemed to consider all the favors of 
the marquis as so many marks of weakness. Gelves 
made him his asesor in matters relating to war, and 
Gaviria's inclination to absolutism readily induced him 
to fall into the habit of giving orders without having 
troubled himself to consult the viceroy. To this the 

11 For the provisions of many different cedulas, too numerous for insertion 
here, see Recop. de Ind., in the titles of book first relating to clerigos, re- 
ligiosos, doctrineros, and doctrinas. 


latter very properly objected. 12 But the asesor went 
on in this insubordinate fashion until Gelves found 
himself constrained to order that he should be con- 
fined to his own house. 13 

This unruly spirit was common among high officials. 
On a certain day of solemn observance some of the 
reeridores ordered that their chairs should not be taken 
to the cathedral, whither it was their duty to accom- 
pany the viceroy and the other corporations, alleging 
as an excuse for their conduct some unsettled question 
of precedence with the royal officials. Noticing their 
absence, and informed of the cause, the viceroy ordered 
their attendance, without prejudice to their rights, 
real or fancied. Nevertheless they did not make their 
appearance. Gelves, after consultation with the audi- 
encia, sent a corregidor to arrest them in case of a 
continued refusal to obey. Persisting in their dis- 
obedience, they were put under arrest in the casas de 
cabildo, or city hall. 14 The justices and others in 
office had each his grievance. Some of these were 
incensed because the peculations of which they had 
been guilty, and which for so long a time they had 
practised with impunity, were punished by dismissal 
from office. Others again gave themselves up to the 
resentment felt by little minds because the crimes 
which they had been unable to discover were brought 
to light through the exertions of the viceroy. The 

12 On a certain occasion, having received one of these reproofs, Gaviria, in 
the viceroy's ante-chamber and in the presence of several persons, snatched 
from the hand of the secretary the papers to which objection had been made 
and tore them in pieces, exclaiming petulantly that he would not continue in 
office if he were not allowed his way in all things. Mex., Eel. Svm., 2. 

13 In the letter of the cabildo of Mexico to the king, dated February 19, 
1624, in which an account was given of the riot of the preceding month, it is 
asserted that Gaviria's imprisonment was entirely owing to his having allowed 
to be read before the audiencia certain petitions of some friar of La Merced 
complaining of their vicar-general, Fray Juan Gomez, a great favorite of the 
viceroy. Mex., Cartas de la ciudad d S. 31., in Doc. Hist. Mex., sdrie ii. torn, 
iii. 139. In another letter of the same date, in which the cabildo recommends 
Gaviria, and Dv Galdos de Valencia, another oidor whom Gelves had found it 
necessary to remove from office, to the royal favor, it is stated that the im- 
prisonment of the former lasted for eighteen months. Id., 171-2. 

11 Thence, however, they rallied at their will, in order to inveigh in public 
against the marquis. Mex. , Eel. del £*tad. , 2. 


friars took umbrage because of what they considered 
an unwarranted meddling of the viceroy in their 
elections. The Jesuits were aggrieved that their 
attempt on the doctrinas had met with signal failure, 
and these restless intriguers immediately addressed 
themselves to the work of undoing Gelves as they 
had undermined others. 15 

By far the most formidable of the enemies of the 
marquis was the archbishop, Juan Perez de la Serna, 
a man who from the position of canonigo magistral 
of Zamora had in 1613 been appointed to succeed the 
deplored prelate-viceroy Guerra as head of the church 
in New Spain. 16 He proved zealous in extending 
spiritual administration through curacies and convents, 
striving to bring into greater veneration sacred places 
and relics, and to practise charity 17 in a manner that 
brought him in contact with the poor and assisted to 
make him popular with the masses. Among the rich 
and the officials he found less welcome, owing partly 
to his persevering efforts for episcopal rights, 18 partly 
to the enforcement of a stricter morality among the 
higher classes. The unseemly strife between friars 
and clergy, and the loose conduct of many- of them, 
greatly encouraged an irreligious feeling among those 
whose means lured them from austerity and strict 
rules to a life of ease and free indulgence, and to laxity 
even in sacred matters. Painters, for instance, made 
efforts to present church ceremonials in a ridiculous 

15 The venom of one of them appears in a manuscript in my possession 
copied from the original in the collection of Gayangos. Although it is anony- 
mous there is sufficient internal evidence to show that it was the work of a 
Jesuit. Relation de un estupendo y monstruo caso, in Mexico y sus disturbios, i. 

1(3 He was born at Cervera, studied at Sigiienza and Valladolid, became a 
professor at Durango, and in 1597 can6nigo magistral of the church at Zamora, 
a position won from nine competitors 'grandes.' On January 18, 1G13, he 
was appointed archbishop. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 24; Gonzalez Ddvlla, Teatro 
Ecles., i. 45; Concilios Prov., 1555-G5, 216-17. 

17 All charities being given by his own hands, k porque dezia ser mucha la 
diferencia que ay, de oir la miseria del pobre en relacion, a verla por vista.' 
Gonzalez Ddvrfa, Teatro Ecles. . i. 45. 

18 Among other troubles was the attempt by officials to deprive him of the 
procuration tribute given by towns and villages visited by the prelate. Gage 
gives his income at 60,000 ducats a year. Voy. (Amst. 1720), i. 201. 


aspect, or they painted lewd persons with the attri- 
butes and dress of saints. During lent the inhab- 
itants of the capital used to perform pilgrimage to a 
place called the Humilladero, on foot and in silent 
meditation. When Serna came he found that this 
journey of penance had been transformed into a car- 
nival march, wherein the wealthy appeared in car- 
riages, and others in convivial groups, all bent on 
enjoyment. To this the prelate sought to put a stop, 
under threat of excommunication, and he also did his 
best to check drunkenness and other vices, though 
herein the corrupt and unfriendly officials under the 
weak Guadalcazar offered no assistance. 

The zealous introduction of reforms by Gelves had 
at first won the admiring cooperation of Serna, 19 but 
when he found them extending too far within ecclesi- 
astic precincts impatience turned into open hostility, 
for the prelate was exceedingly jealous concerning his 
prerogatives, and possessed of a stubbornness which 
readily developed into unreasonable zeal. He took 
in dudgeon the w T ell meant counsels concerning the 
reform of abuses in the ecclesiastical court, and his 
resentment was increased by the decision in the mat- 
ter of doctrinas. On several occasions he forgot the 
dignity of his station, and that the viceroy was the 
personal representative of the king wdiom both served. 
In the palaces of the great, tale-bearers are never 
lacking, and reports of the prelatic outbursts lost 
nothing in the recital, but Gelves, desiring to avoid a 
rupture, took no notice of them. This moderation, 
how T ever, did not produce the effect desired, for the 
prelate began not only to censure the acts of the vice- 
roy with unseemly freedom, but to lean openly to the 
cause of those opposed to him, as though a formal 
compact had been entered into between them. 

Thus, in the short space of two years Gelves, wdiile 
he bad restored in a signal manner the outward ob- 
servance of the law, bad failed to establish order 

19 See his letters in Doc. Hist. Mex., sene ii. torn. ii.-iii., passim. 


where order was most needed, and at the close of 
1623 he found arrayed against him the archbishop and 
the friars, the audiencia and the cabildo of Mexico. 
The lower class of the people knew no will but that 
of the church, when that will was signified; the upper 
class, composed almost entirely of men with but a 
single interest, that of plundering the royal treasury, 
was manipulated by the two great corporations. 
Against such a combination any man protected only 
by an autocrat six thousand miles away must have 
been powerless, and it needed but the most trivial 
circumstance to bring about an outbreak. The occa- 
sion was not long wanting. 

In September 1622, Manuel Soto, a person em- 
ployed at the public granary of Mexico, denounced to 
the viceroy Melchor Perez de Varaez, alcalde mayor 
of Metepec, 20 accusing him of forcing the Indians of 
his jurisdiction to purchase grain of him at an exor- 
bitant price, and to sell to him their cattle and produce 
at merely nominal rates, as well as of other oppressive 
acts. The viceroy caused the charges to be investi- 
gated, and the proofs being irrefutable, ordered the 
less important to be made grounds of action in Mexico 
while the more grave he referred to the India council. 
Meanwhile Varaez had been under arrest in a private 
house, and Gelves now ordered that, under bonds, he 
should be given the freedom of the city. Varaez 
demurred to this, alleging that bonds should not be 
exacted from him for a cause so trivial, but the vice- 
roy peremptorily ordered compliance, 21 and referred 

20 The count of La Cortina says that his jurisdiction was that of Ixtlahuaca. 
Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 62; Alcaraz, in Liceo Mex., ii. 122, makes 
the same mistaken statement. The two places are near to one another. 
Varaez was a person of some consequence and a knight of Santiago. Sosa, 
Hspicop. Mex., 60. He was the intimate friend of the powerful oidores Pedro 
de Vergara Gaviria and Galdos de Valencia, who through their influence 
with their associates in that body had procured for him an appointment as 
corregidor of Mexico. The fiscal had claimed that he could not hold both 
offices. On appeal to the India Council that body decided that he was incom- 
petent, and condemned the oidores to pay each a fine of one hundred ducado's. 
They resisted payment, but Gelves, who had arrived meanwhile, compelled 
them to pay it. Mex., Rel. Svm., 8; Doc. Hist. Mex., s6rie ii. torn. iii. 62-3. 

21 Varaez alleged further that his denouncer was an insignificant mulatto 


the cause to the oidor Alonso Vazquez de Cisne- 

ros. 22 

The proceedings went on too slowly to suit the 
humor of the marquis. After consultation with his 
legal adviser, Luis de Herrera, but without the con- 
currence of the audiencia, he ordered the case to be 
referred to the fiscal of Panama, Juan de Alvarado 
Bracamonte, who had just come from Manila. Braca- 
monte proceeded with activity, sending Sancho de 
Baraona, a clerk of the audiencia, to the province of 
Metepec to collect additional evidence. To the new 
referee Varaez objected, and the viceroy ordered 
Francisco Enriquez de Avila, a corregidor of Mexico, 
to sit with him. These judges deemed it advisable 
to exact from the accused a bond to answer to any 
judgment they might render, and Varaez, fearing lest 
he might be again- imprisoned, sword in hand and 
accompanied by dependants, entered a coach and 
hastened to claim sanctuar}^ at the convent of Santo 
Domingo. Almost simultaneously the judges sen- 
tenced him to pay a fine of sixty thousand pesos, and 
to perpetual banishment from the Indies. 

Shortly afterward, Soto having alleged that Varaez 
contemplated fleeing to Spain, guards were placed at 
the door of his cell, and all communication with him 
was forbidden. He contrived, however, that a memo- 
rial should reach the archbishop, in which it was 
claimed that the presence of the guards was in viola- 
tion of the right of sanctuary. 23 The ecclesiastical 

unworthy of credence. What he and his friends felt the most was that the 
viceroy would not allow these to be his judges, and that undoubtedly he would 
be obliged to return to his jurisdiction. In this way their trading operations 
would come to an end. Id., Mex. Bel. Svm., 4. 

22 He had arrived recently from Spain, and bore the reputation of being 
an honest man. For two months he refused to accept the charge, but the 
viceroy compelled him to do so. Soto alleged that Cisneros was not impartial 
in this matter, since he was an intimate friend of Gaviria and his guest. Ubi 
sup., and Alcaraz, in Liceo Mex., ii. 123. 

23 That the prelate himself visited Varaez, as is stated by the author of the 
Relation Svmaria, seems extremely improbable. Still the circumstance is 
also mentioned by the conde de la Cortina: ' y con estruendo y aparato y li- 
cenciosa ostentacion, y visitando al retraido, volvia £ su casa mas prendado, 
y dado el filo & los aceros.' The count also states that Varaez objected to the 


judge ordered that the guards should be removed 
within two days, a demand to which the civil judges 
refused to accede because Varaez, having in effect 
broken jail, was not entitled to sanctuary. If the 
point were not well taken it was certainly debatable ; 
but the archbishop, taking the case out of the hands 
of his provisor, excommunicated Soto, the judges, the 
guards, and even the counsel employed by them. The 
persons so excommunicated immediately appealed to 
the audiencia, and in accordance with the royal pro- 
vision governing such cases, sentence was suspended, 
and absolution ad reincidentiam given at first for 
twenty days and then for a further period of fifteen. 24 
A few days afterward Gelves called upon the arch- 
bishop to send the notary to him that he might be 
purged of contempt. After repeated instances the 
prelate reluctantly consented to do so. The notary 
appeared before the viceroy accompanied by the arch- 
bishop's secretary, whom the marquis immediately 
dismissed, in a very discourteous manner, as was 
afterward alleged by the prelate. 25 The notary made 
certain important statements, but these being re- 
duced to writing he refused to sign the deposition 
without permission from his prelate. For this he 
was adjudged guilty of contumacy, and, being con- 
demned to loss of property and banishment, he was 
taken to San Juan de Ulua that he might be sent to 
Spain. 26 

guards only because of the expense occasioned to him by their presence. 
JJoc. Hist. Mex., seYie ii. torn. iii. 645; Mex., Bel. Svm., 5. In the matter of 
the right of sanctuary civil authorities in Spain had issued a number of ex- 
emptions which greatly restricted the privilege. 

21 The archbishop demanded a copy of certain orders from the clerk of the 
audiencia, C. de Osorio, and being denied he excommunicated him. 

25 Gelves was attended by Herrera, Bracamonte, Father Burguillos, and 
Baraona. These men, together with the vicar of La Merced, some superiors 
of the religious orders, and a few others, were the viceroy's trusted advisers. 
Father Alonso de Villaroel, a priest who afterward testified in support of the 
archbishop's side of the controversy, calls them: ' aquellos malos cristianos 
de sus consejeros aduladores. . .que le enganaban y le adulaban y le dieron 
por consejo dicidndole que el era legado del Papa en las Indias y rey en ellas, 
y asi podia hacer en nombre de S. M. lo que quisiese en las Indias.' Doc. 
Hist. Mex. , s6rie ii. torn. ii. 356. 

20 The cabildo of Mexico, in the letter to which reference has been made, 


This act of the viceroy was undoubtedly legal, but 
the archbishop immediately declared that he had in- 
curred the censures mentioned in the bull called in 
ccena domini? 1 He therefore excommuicated him, 
ordering his name to be placed in the list of excom- 
municated persons affixed to the church door. 

Gelves now called the oidores and the alcaldes 
together in order to get their opinion concerning the 
right of the archbishop to excommunicate him. Their 
answer was evasive, 28 and he submitted the matter to 
a second assemblage, composed of ecclesiastics and 
laymen, who decided that the archbishop was clearly 
in the wrong. 29 Fortified by this opinion the viceroy 
now retaliated on his antagonist by a decree condemn- 
ing him to pay a fine of ten thousand ducados, to con- 
fiscation of his temporal property, and to banishment. 
The marquis finally sent the alguazil mayor, Luis de 
Tobar Godinez, to execute the decree and compel the 
archbishop to revoke his sentence. The viceroy had 
notified the archbishop three several times of his de- 
cree, but on none of these occasions had the audiencia 
taken part in the action as according to law they 

asserts that this man was kept in prison for two days and a night, after 
which, at midnight, he was hurried away to the fortress, where he still re- 
mained (19th February 1624), notwithstanding the fact that meanwhile 
several vessels had sailed thence for Spain. It is not at all probable that the 
archbishop would allow the man, about whose arrest he made such trouble, to 
remain in durance for more than a month after the downfall of the viceroy. 

27 This celebrated bull is of great antiquity, and received its name h om 
the fact that it was read publicly in the presence of the pope on Maundy - 
thursdaj T , by a cardinal-deacon, accompanied by several other prelates. It 
contains a general excommunication of all heretics, and of those guilty of con- 
tumacy and disobedience to the holy see. One of its 34 paragraphs provides 
that laymen who venture to pass judgment on ecclesiastical judges and cite 
them to appear before their tribunals shall incur the censure specified in the 
bull. On this paragraph the archbishop probably based his action. 

28 Their answer was that they had not studied the point. Cavo, TresSiglos, 
i. 270. It indicates what their purpose was. At this time, as at any other 
previous to the breaking-out of the riot, the audiencia might have calmed the 
rising storm had its members chosen. Peace-making, however, was far from 
their intention. 

29 In defense of the decision of this assemblage Father Burguillos, already 
mentioned, published a memorial, which was printed, addressed to the visi- 
tador Carrillo. The memorial is contained in 28 octavo pages of close print, 
and is a learned production. The Franciscan, citing a host of canonical au- 
thorities, denies the authority of any prelate to excommunicate in such a 
case. Memorial, in Tumultos de Mex.. 67-80. 


should have done. During this passage at arms 
neither of the antagonists had conducted himself with 
the dignity to be expected from persons of their ex- 
alted position. They vied one with another in selecting 
untimely hours and unusual places for the exchange 
of their peculiar courtesies. 30 

The appeal to the audiencia, however, was never 
decided; for while it was pending the judges and other 
persons excommunicated, seeing the obstinacy of the 
archbishop, on the 20th of December 1623 appeared 
before the papal delegate at Puebla. 31 The delegate 
peremptorily ordered the archbishop to remove the 
ban, which the prelate refused to do, on the ground 
that because of the appeal to the audiencia the tri- 
bunal at Puebla had no jurisdiction, alleging also that 
the time for appeal on the part of the excommunicated 
had gone by. Thereupon, on New Year's day, the 
delegate issued a compulsory mandate, ordering the 
archbishop to absolve the excommunicated. The exe- 
cution of this decree he intrusted to a Dominican 
friar, as his sub-delegate, who personally removed 
from the church door the obnoxious notices. 32 

From many of the pulpits of the city the conduct 

30 On the feast of the Purisima Concepcion, Tobar, by order of Gelves, noti- 
fied the arehbishop of a decree while he stood in all the dignity of his sacred 
office at the high altar of the cathedral, with the host uncovered, and in the 
midst of the solemnity of the mass. The outraged prelate, declaring that he 
would not permit such profanation, nor that the people should be so scandal- 
ized, refused to receive the notice. Soma, Iiepresentarion, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 
serie ii. torn. ii. 165. The cabildo, in its letter to the king, asserts that the 
viceroy ordered proclamation made that none should pass by the archiepiscopal 
palace nor assemble in numbers within one block of it. Mex., Cartas de la ciu- 
aad a, 8. M., in Id., iii. 134. On the other hand the archbishop was 'ciego 
por el deseo de la venganza que el llamaba celo divino.' Mora, Mex. y sus 
Rev. , iii. 244. He also ' aprcsur6la por instantes con diligencia cstraordinaria; 
mandaba hacer a media noche notificaciones esquisitas.' Doc. Hist. Mex., 
serie ii. torn. iii. 64. 

31 This office was created by a special bull of Gregory XIII. for the deci- 
sion of difficult cases of this very nature. The delegate generally resided at 

32 The Dominican, by order of the viceroy, was accompanied by a guard 
for the purpose of preventing any opposition that might be offered by parti- 
sans of the archbishop. Father Cavo with his usual bias asserts that the 
sub-delegate was a 'pobre clerigo sacristan de monjas, por no haber querido 
ningun sugeto de caracter encargarse de semejante comision.' Cavo, Tres 
Shjlos, i. 271. 


of the delegate was reprehended in no unmeasured 
terms, while, on the streets, knots of heated disputants 
took one view or the other of the question as their 
feelings prompted. On his part the archbishop, more 
than ever exasperated, ordered the spiritual outcasts 
to be excommunicated anew with all the dramatic 
accompaniments of bell, book, and candle, and that 
the list be again posted with the name of the sub- 
delegate added to the rest. On that same night of 
January 3d, he ordered also that all the churches 
of the city should announce the threatened interdict. 
While the ceaseless clamor of the bells, ringing as 
though for this end only had they been cast, was 
inspiring in the souls of the people the shadowy fear 
of some greater ill impending, came the final notifica- 
tion of the delegate commanding the archbishop to 
remove the ban. The sub-delegate was ordered, in 
case of the prelate's refusal or neglect, to execute upon 
him the sentence of fine and banishment. The stub- 
born archbishop again refused compliance, and the 
sub-delegate prepared to carry the sentence into effect. 
He again removed the censures and ordered the ring- 
ing of the bells to cease, and now the very silence 
aroused new fears among the terrified people. 

Early on the morning of the 9th of January the 
archbishop sent Cristobal Martinez de Recalde, parish 
priest of the cathedral, accompanied by notaries, to 
the viceregal palace with a petition addressed to the 
audiencia. After setting forth the facts of the case^ 
in a manner very favorable to his own view of it, the 
archbishop demanded that the audiencia should decide 
immediately the pending appeal. 33 In presenting this 
petition to the oidores Juan Paez deVallecillo, Juan de 
Ibarra, and Diego de Avendano, Martinez said that 

33 He stated moreover that it was with difficulty he could find a notary 
who dared to publish the decree of excommunication ; also that in notifying 
his decrees the viceroy behaved 'con menos decencia de lo que convenia,' and, 
finally, that the proceedings against Varaez were unwarranted by law, and 
were undertaken solely for the purpose of causing delay. Serna, Rep., in Doc. 
Hist. Max., serie ii. torn. ii. 151-72. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 4= 


it was in the power of the auclicncia to put an end to 
all disagreements, thus preventing a possible breach 
of the peace. Vallecillo, who was senior oidor, re- 
plied that they had been ordered by the viceroy to 
receive no petitions from the archbishop or any clergy- 
man, except through the proper channels. Martinez 
objecting that such an order took away the prelate's 
opportunity of attempting to restore harmon}^, Ibarra 
replied: "You know that this is the order of our 
president; what, then, would you have us dol" After 
some farther speech of like import, and an intimation 
of coming trouble from Martinez, he and his com- 
panions withdrew. 84 

Bent on carrying his point, and learning that the 
sub-delegate was about to execute sentence upon him, 
the archbishop resolved upon a last desperate resort. 
At an early hour on the 11th of January, 1G24, he 
caused himself to be taken to the viceregal palace, in 
a sedan-chair borrowed for the purpose, and attended 
only by two pages. That he went in this ostenta- 
tiously humble manner, instead of in his coach, with 
crozier upborne before him and accompanied by the 
members of his household, was of itself a circumstance 
sufficiently strange to create attention, and on reach- 
ing the palace he was surrounded by a crowd of idlers. 

The startled oidores asked what he desired. 35 The 

34 'Y cl dicho S. Lie. Vallecillo dijo, andad con Dios que ya esta proveido 
y con csto les portcros le dijeron que caHasc, no embargante lo cual el dicho 
Lie. Martinez volvi6 a replicar.' Id., ii. 175. Informed that the audiencia 
would not receive the petition, the archbishop caused another to be addressed 
to Pedro do Areivalo Scdcno, fiscal of that body, calling upon him to act as 
though it had been received, and to take immediate steps for the purpose of 
preventing any harm which might result from want of action on the part of 
the auciencia. I his was delivered by Aguilar to the fiscal, together with 
copies of the petition and of the documents in the case of Varacz, and evoked 
merely an evasive manner. 'Su mcrccd rcspondio, que yo el notario dijese 
a S. S a - Illma. del ai-obispo mi scfior, que le besaba los manos y. . .hard todo 
lo posiblc, y lo quedebe.' Id., 178. 

30 in ita letter the cabildo asserts that the archbishop remained at the door 
of the audicneo-ehambcr, asking leave to enter, and that receiving no answer, 
he ventured within, and himself addressed the oidores, telling them his errand. 
Mex., Carta da la Cludad dS. M., in Id., iii. 136. This letter is based, not 
only in this [articular but in manv others, on the representation of the arch- 
bishojp. Id., lo.j. 


prelate replied that he sought justice, and that he 
would not leave the audience-chamber until he had 
received it. 36 He then desired to read a petition in 
which it was set forth : That he was obliged to appear 
thus in person because the president of the audiencia 
had given orders that no communication brought from 
him by an ecclesiastic would be received, and no lay- 
man dared to aid him by presenting one. Since it 
was not just that he alone in all New Spain should 
be denied the right to appeal to the audiencia for pro- 
tection, he humbly besought that body, in the name 
of God and the church, to pity the wretched condition 
of the country as well as of his dignity and jurisdic- 
tion, and to receive and hear this petition against the 
threatened action of the papal delegate; further, to 
decide the appeal pending in the matter of the guards 
of Varaez without delay. Were this not done, he 
was determined to go to Spain, there to appeal to the 
king in person. This petition the oidores refused to 
receive; and summoned by the viceroy they left the 
prelate in the audience-chamber. He immediately 
placed the petition and the accompanying documents 
on the table beneath the canopy of state, calling upon 
the multitude present to bear witness that he did so. 
There were present about one hundred persons, among 
them some eight or ten clergymen. Fearful lest 
there might be a disturbance, the viceroy ordered 
that all persons having no business before the audien- 
cia should depart at once, and presently the arch- 
bishop, his notary Aguilar, and the two pages alone 

, The prelate was now formally required to return to 
his palace, there to await the answer to his petitions, 
which must pass through the usual course. This he 
refused to do, insisting upon, receiving justice and 
upon the admission of appeals. For this obstinacy 
he was fined four thousand ducados, and upon his 

36 ' No se iria de alia aim cuando lo hicieran pedazos, hasta que no se le 
hiciese justicia.' Mex. } Ret. Svm., 6. 


further refusal the sentence of banishment from New 
Spain was added. 37 It was afternoon when Gclves 
ordered Lorenzo do Terroiies, alcalde del crimen of the 
audiencia, to execute the sentence by taking the rebel- 
lious prelate to San Juan de Ulua, there to embark 
for Spain. 38 Accompanied by the alguacil mayor, 
Martin Ruiz de Zavala, his deputy, Baltasar de 
Perea, and others, Terrones notified the archbishop 
of the instructions he had received. The reply of the 
prelate was that they must remove him forcibly, and 
Terrones and Perea, taking him each by an arm, but 
in a respectful manner, led him down to the court- 
yard, where a hired travelling-carriage drawn by four 
mules was in waiting. In this the prisoner, having 
his crozier and the insignia of his rank in the church, 
and the three officials, seated themselves; some ten 
or twelve mounted constables under Major Antonio 
de Campo 89 of the palace guard surrounded the equi- 
jmge, and the whole cortege departed by the streets 
leading to the causeway of Guadalupe. 

So great was the crowd in the plaza that with dif- 
ficulty a passage was made. On all sides the sobs of 
the women mingled with the sterner voices of the men, 
while they asked whither their beloved pastor was 
being taken, or heaped imprecations on the head of the 
author of this outrage. Some divested themselves of 
their mantles in order to throw them in the road of 
the carriage. The crowd grew by accessions from side 
streets and from the houses by the wayside, notwith- 

37 This sentence was based on more than one royal decree. One oidor did 
not take part in this act, which he chose to regard as executive matter. 

38 The order was supplemented by another fuller and more specific in its 
instructions. In the latter, Terrones was ordered to take the prelate directly 
to San Juan de Ulua, there to embark in the first ship sailing for Spain that 
might suit him. For each day of service, going and coming, Terrones would 
receive twelve ducados de Castilla, the notary four pesos de oro comun, and 
the guards their usual pay. All of these expenses, as well as others which 
might be incurred, were to be met by the archbishop, and the tithe collector 
of the cathedral was obliged to pay 2,000 pesos at once. Doc. Hist. Mtx. y 
seiie ii. torn. ii. 253-7, 419-21. 

89 The viceroy had sent for Captain Diego de Armenteros to command 
the escort, but the captain apparently having no stomach for the duty kept 
out of the way. 


standing Ocampo's order that none should go further 
than the church of Santo Domingo, until on reaching 
Guadalupe, it numbered fully five thousand Indians, 
negroes, and half-breeds. While the archbishop dined 
and rested, the people by degrees returned to the city, 
there spreading the news and arousing general dis- 

That night the three oidores, whether influenced 
by partisans of the archbishop or fearful that their 
action had been hasty, took counsel of one another. 
The result was that Ibarra despatched a messenger 
to Terrones bidding him go slowly, for on the morrow 
the order touching the exile of the prelate would un- 
doubtedly be revoked. On the morning of the 12th, 
accordingly, the three met formally, with Vallecillo 
as president, passed a resolution declaring that there 
had been a lack of accord in the proceedings of the 
previous day, and ordering that, while this point was 
considered, those having the prelate in custody should 
return with him at once. Of this the viceroy had 
speedy information, and ordered the clerk of the audi- 
encia to deliver up the document. The oidores met 
again, and passed another resolution revoking the 
four orders of the 11th, on the ground that they had 
not been passed by a quorum, and ordering that the 
archbishop should be brought back to Mexico. 40 In- 
formed of this second meeting of the oidores the vice- 
roy ordered them into confinement within the palace, 
and that two relatores who had taken part with them 
siiould be put in prison. He also ordered that no 
action should be taken in the matter of the revoca- 
tion by the oidores, in which he had had no part. 

Fearing lest the archbishop might renew the inter- 
dict, and having strengthened his resolve by an appeal 
to the fiscal, the marquis sent Tobar to the cathedral 
and the churches, to notify the chapter and the parish 
priests not to obey any such order on the part of their 

40 The document was not properly authenticated because the deputy clerk 
etood in fear of the viceroy. Doc. Hist. Ilex. , serie ii. torn. ii. 247-50. 


superior till the delegate should have rendered his 
decision. Tobar found the cathedral doors shut, al- 
though the building was full of people, but obtained 
admittance after some delay. Not without opposition 
he read the order from the steps of the high altar, and 
was promised obedience by the provisor and the chap- 
ter; but the parish priests replied that they had no 
power to suspend or impede what their superior might 

In order that the archbishop might not attempt to 
influence in any way the delegate at Puebla, the vice- 
roy despatched a messenger to Terrones, with orders to 
avoid that city and to take another road. 41 A halt had 
been made at the town of Guadalupe for the purpose 
of allowing the archbishop to rest, and of this he 
availed himself to issue two additional decrees. In the 
first, after reciting his visit to the audiencia, his arrest, 
and his deportation to this place, the prelate declared 
that the president and oidores, as well Terrones, Za- 
vala, Perea, and Osorio, together with Ocampo and 
the alguaciles of the guard, had incurred the censures 
mentioned in the canon dementia si quis suadente cli- 
abolo and the bull in coena domini}' 2 This decree was 
made known at once to all the persons named therein, 
except the president and oidores, with an offer of ab- 
solution if sought within six hours. The second edict 
was addressed to the clerpfv, reciting the facts men- 
tioned in the first edict and ordering an interdict to 
be established. 

The archbishop had wished to remain still longer 
at Guadalupe, but Terrones insisting, he consented at 
length to go on, and the night was passed at the 
hermitage of Santa Isabel. On the following even- 
ing he reached San Juan de Teotihuacan. On the 
morning of the 13th Terrones entering the bed-cham- 
ber of the archbishop found him still abed. He de- 

41 He should send back Osorio, whose services were needed in Mexico. 
"The names of the excommunicated were ordered to be posted in the 
usual manner. Id., 191-8. 


sired the prelate to dress and to enter the carriage 
which was in waiting at the door. Informed of the 
action of the oidores the archbishop pleaded that his 
health would not allow him to pursue the journey for 
the present. Terrones insisting, he replied curtly that 
a formal order would alone have weight with him. 43 
It was indecent that a person of his quality should be 
carried off in this manner, when there was nothing in 
his conduct to warrant such treatment; and were he 
to go willingly he might be accused of a desire to 
proceed to Spain on an errand of his own. Not 
wishing to take extreme measures Terrones sent to 
Mexico for further orders. Alarm at his spiritual 
plight may have been one of the reasons why Ter- 
rones consented to humor the prelate, but for this he 
was reprimanded by the viceroy, who also rebuked 
his negligence in allowing the issue of fresh excom- 
munications, 44 intimating that a prompt execution of 
orders would be more pleasing than a waste of time 
in sending despatches and awaiting answers. A little 
compulsion would do no harm. 45 

The afflicted Terrones accordingly issued orders for 
departure. The luggage was sent on before, the car- 
riage stood in readiness, but no archbishop appeared. 
At first the attendants of the prelate gave out that 
he was at his prayers, and then that he had gone for 
a walk; but, on more special inquiry, it was found 
that he was actually in the church of the Franciscan 

43 ' Y no en otra man era, y que esto daba y di6 por respuesta. ' Id. , 259. 

44 While expressing sympathy for the illness of his grace, Gelves intimated 
that the complaint might be merely a pretence. 

45 Torres, the messenger, afterward testified that Gelves bade him tell 
Terrones: 'Si el dicho senor arzobispo dificultase el proseguir en la Jornada y 
para esto se acostase, que ordenase a Don Diego do Armenteros y a las gnardas, 
que con la misma cama se metiese en cl coche habiendole apcrcibido primero 
que se vistiese y aprestase. ' Father Domingo Navarro Fortunio, who accom- 
panied the archbishop on the journey, testiiied that on receiving this order 
Terrones said, his eyes filling with tears: 'Que" compadrazgos tengo yo con el 
senor arzobispo, ni que" he liecho yo para que se me trate tan infamemente.' 
/(/. , 405, 261. An order also came that four members of the cathedral chapter, 
who had come to San Juan Teotihuacan by vote of the chapter for the purpose 
of accompanying the archbishop to Vera Cruz, should travel one day's journey 
at least in advance. 


convent. 46 Terrones followed him, accompanied by 
the alguacil mayor, Torres, and four of the reluctant 
guard. On entering the church they found the prel- 
ate, in rochet, cape, and stole, standing by the high 
altar, while the ciborium was open with the host in 
remonstrance within. Terrones, weeping, upbraided 
him for thus forcing extreme measures, saying that 
he had lost his honor, and his life was forfeit to the 
viceroy's wrath. To this outburst the prelate replied 
calmly that he could not continue the journey, for he 
w T as engaged in visiting officially the altar of the 
parish. Saying this, he took from the ciborium a 
wafer which he placed on a paten, and holding this 
in his hands he seated himself close to the altar. 
But soon the wily priest was carried away by the 
excitement attendant on a situation so dramatic, or 
possibly he determined purjDosely to heighten its 
effect. When the alcalde again desired him to leave 
these things and to continue the journey, he burst 
into tears, exclaiming that he had not wished to re- 
sort to this extremity in Mexico, for the land was 
newly christianized, and he feared lest the faith of 
the Indians might be shaken by the occurrence of 
events to them inexplicable. " Here, however," he 
added, "all are Spaniards; just as I am take me 
away." 47 Thus saying, he placed the paten upon the 

Terrones then ordered the notary to instruct the 
captain of the guard to do as the viceroy had ordered. 
As, in obedience to the thrice repeated order, Armen- 
teros and one of the guards began to ascend the steps 

*£ Armenteros says that the archbishop went to the church in an artful 
manner, without even a hat, and as if for a short stroll. Id., 423. 

47 ' Y puesto en esta forma, hablando las dichas palabras, dijo le llevasen 
como estaba.' Id., 263. The account of the archbishop's taking refuge in the 
church rests in the main on the sworn testimony of Diego Torres, the 
notary, who in his official capacity has full opportunity of knowing whereof 
he spoke, and whose words bear with them intrinsic evidence of their truth. 
He stated that the archbishop accused Gelves of having forced the oidores to 
pass the order for his exile, adding that the viceroy was the greatest tyrant 
in the world, and that Torres might tell him so. Doc. Hist. Mex., scrie ii. 
torn. iii. 8. 


of the altar, the archbishop arose, and lifting the 
paten on high before them he said: "Let us see if 
there be a Christian man so dead to shame as to lay 
hands on Jesus Christ." The intangible power of the 
church was still paramount. Serna successfully played 
the part of Becket, but to Armenteros and his men 
the spirit of the Norman knights was lacking; burst- 
ing into tears they retired. 48 On his part Terrones 
exclaimed: "My lord, you have wrought my un- 
doing!" To this Serna replied: "Sir doctor, I but 
work in the cause of your worship and that of these 
poor fellows." The alcalde took his wonted way out 
of difficulties, and bade Torres ride with speed to 
Mexico in order to give an account to the viceroy of 
the turn matters had taken. The latter merely re- 
plied that Terrones should be recalled and give place 
to a man who would carry out orders rather than 
write despatches. All that night the prelate remained 
at the post he had chosen near the high altar, taking 
such rest as he could on its steps, regardless of the 
cold. All night the sacrament remained exposed on 
that altar while the guard kept watch by turns. 49 

48 1 have already had occasion to speak of the faint-heartedness of Armen- 
teros in this matter. He lamented that he was an unfortunate man. ' Que 
no tenia mas que una vida, y esa la habia de perder por Dios y su rey. ' Id. , 
ii. 423. 

49 In the morning the archbishop, wishing to celebrate mass, desired all 
who had come under the ban of the church to withdraw. This request how- 
ever was denied, for Terrones held that neither he nor any of his party were 
excommunicated, since, as the prelate well knew, they were acting under 
compulsion, and the mass was left unsaid. The request for continuing the 
journey again met with a refusal. The archbishop said he knew the audi- 
encia had issued an order for his return to Mexico, but if Terrones could 
produce one of later date from the same body, whereby he was required to 
pursue his way to exile, he would cheerfully obey it. 




The Interdict Launched against the Capital — Excitement among the 
Populace — The Rabble in Arms — Attack on the Palace — The 
Government Declared Vested in the Oidores — Their Schemes to 
Secure Control — Flight of Gelves — Triumphant Entry of the 
Archbishop— Reactionary Measures by the Audiencia — The Vice- 
roy under Restraint — His Vain Negotiations for Return to 
Power — Gathering Evidence — Measures by the King — Cerralvo 
Sent as Viceroy — Nominal Restoration of Gelves and Trium- 
phant Entry — Proceedings against the Rioters — Fate of Serna 
and Gelves— Significance of the Outbreak. 

Among the oldest and most sacred spots of Andhuac 
was Teotihuacan. During the early Nahua period 
its lofty pyramids were famed throughout the land, 
and under the Toltec empire it remained the religious 
centre to which pilgrims with rich offerings flocked 
from afar to worship in the temples of the sun and 
moon. Here kings and priests were elected, ordained, 
and buried, and here were fulminated oracles which 
overturned dynasties and caused nations to tremble. 
It was in the village near this spot, now a mass of 
awe-inspiring ruins, that Archbishop Serna had taken 
a defiant stand within the convent church, and like 
his ancient forerunners he sent forth a decree which 
should rouse a people and overturn a ruler. This 
was nothing less than a new excommunication of the 
viceroy, together with an interdict upon the whole 
capital. The decree was intrusted to the priest Mar- 
tinez de Kecalde, who set out on horseback the even- 
ing it was issued, the 14th of January 1624, and 
reached the city at dawn the following day. At half 



past five the name of the viceroy again appeared in 
the list of religious outcasts, and an hour later the 
interdict was read from the cathedral pulpit to such 
of the faithful as were present at matins. The chant 
of the choir ceased immediately, the candles upon the 
altar were extinguished, the massive doors closed 
upon the devout, who, weeping, spread throughout 
the city the sad tidings, crying that the land was now 
as one possessed by Moors, since God had gone from 
among them. Soon, too, the willing feet of priests 
were hastening to bear the decree to the other 
churches and convents of the town. All were closed 
save the convent of La Merced, which remained open 
during the morning, while from every belfry tolled 
forth the dread tidings to the awakening city. 

The events of the past four days had been at work 
in the minds of the ignorant. The archbishop's 
mania for excommunicating, and the opposition of 
the viceroy to one whom they had been taught to 
regard as more than human, if somewhat less than 
divine, had formed the sole topic of conversation, and 
all day long and till late into the night excited knots 
of men hung about the plaza and the street corners 
predicting some dreadful catastrophe. They were 
faithful children, these poor Mexicans, of a church 
the tenets of which to them consisted simply in their 
outward manifestation, while they gratefully remem- 
bered that its ministers had ever stood, or endeavored 
to stand, between them and the tyranny and greed 
of their lay masters. Of this the partisans of the 
prelate failed not to remind them. If an occasional 
skeptic hinted at episcopal missteps, the faithful ex- 
pressed themselves as only too willing to give their 
all for his ransom. They could not bear to see the 
representative of heaven driven forth like a criminal. 
To many it seemed an overwhelming calamity, and 
impressed by the popular disquietude others readily 
drifted into the current of excitement which at any 
moment might develop into a storm. 


At eight o'clock on the morhing of the 15th the 
great sqtfare was full of excited people. Cristobal cle 
Osorio, regarded as one of the chief oppressors of the 
archbishop, passed through it in his carriage and was 
recognized by some boys. Cries of "heretic," "ex- 
communicated dog," and the like came lustily from 
their throats until Osorio, losing his temper, ordered 
his servants to chastise them. The boys defended 
themselves with stones, and at length forced the 
coachman to drive toward the palace for protection. 1 
The viceroy, who was still in his bed, received a 
probably exaggerated account of the attack and ordered 
out the guard to the rescue. Though roughly handled 
at first, the boys were soon reenforced by others and 
at length joined by many of the idle men who flocked 
to the spot. Armed with sharp fragments of stone 
gathered from the spot where the cathedral was 
a-building, they soon forced the guard to retire within 
the palace gates, against which the mob, which had 
now assumed formidable proportions, threw itself. 
Gelves with characteristic valor would have sallied 
forth sword in hand, but from such a rash proceeding 
he was dissuaded by Admiral Cevallos and others 
who happened to be with him. He contented himself 
therefore with ordering the general call to arms to be 
sounded from the palace roof, and displaying from a 
window the pendant used during the negro trouble in 
1612. The call of the trumpet served first to summon 
aid to the rabble, and, amidst the encouraging cries of 
his fellows, one of the crowd mounted a ladder and 
tore down the flag, which soon waved in triumph from 
one of the cathedral towers. But the rioters lost little 
time in idle demonstrations. Some busied themselves 
in an attempt to fire the palace gate, others sought to 

1 The author of the Relation Svmaria says that the boys were urged on by 
a priest. Mex., Iiel. Svm., 8. This was the theory of the causes of the tumult 
which Gelves and his friends endeavored to have adopted, and although later 
clergymen witnesses unanimously contradicted this, Doc. Hist. Hex., sCrie ii. 
torn. ii. 275-345, there can be no doubt that the secular clergy was to a great 
extent responsible for the acts of the mob on this day. 


free the prisoners in the jail, all shouting the while : 
"Viva la fe de Jesucristo; viva la Iglesia; viva el rey 
nuestro seflor, y muera el mal gobierno de este luterano 
herege descomulgado!" The bravado of the untrained 
populace grows more demonstrative the less it is op- 
posed, and presently the rioters began to cry that, 
unless their pastor 2 were restored to his flock and the 
imprisoned oidores liberated, they would put an end 
not only to all in the palace but to the tribunals and 
the gentry as well. 

The situation was becoming serious, for the supply 
of arms was small even for the few defenders of the 
palace, and the fire at the gates grew hot. It hap- 
pened that the oidor Cisneros, who had not taken part 
in the proceedings which led to the arrest of the arch- 
bishop, was among the first to obey the general sum- 
mons of the viceroy. He now, kneeling, besought 
Gelves to recall the prelate, and in this he was sec- 
onded by other prominent persons. To this Gelves 
at length gave consent, albeit against his will, for he 
was still inclined to offer a stout resistance to rebels. 
The decree which he signed was intrusted for trans- 
mission to the senior inquisitor, who as he left the 
palace showed it to the crowd. But the mob had no 
faith in the viceroy, and notwithstanding the general 
freedom promised them they clamored still for the 
release of the oidores and the issue of the decree by 
them. Gelves had to yield, and now the mob was 
persuaded by the popular marques del Valle to put 
out the fire at the gates, while some Franciscans per- 
suaded a large number to depart from the spot. 3 One 
faction in moving away amid exultant demonstrations, 
sought to obtain the pendon de la fe from the inquis- 
itors; and balked in this they took Varaez from his 
confinement and carried him round in triumph. 

This lull by ro means suited certain parties; and a 
rumor that the archbishop was to be executed assisted 

2 'Que lo habian desterrado por defensor de su Iglesia.' Id,, 313. 

3 Gaviria claims credit for having aided in this dispersion. 


to draw the rabble again to the plaza. A number now 
raised the cry to break open the prisons in one end of 
the palace, partly with a view to plunder the building. 
The lower jail was easily entered, but not so the upper 
and main portion, whereupon torches were applied. 4 
Reenforcecl with arms and ammunition the viceroy 
opened fire on the assailants, killing quite a number. 
This naturally exasperated the crowd, which, armed 
with arquebuses, broke into the archiepiscopal palace, 
ascended to the roof, and began to return the fire from 
the viceregal palace. Gelves now found himself in 
greater strait than ever, for the mob was increasing 
both in number and fury, and the fire extended rapidly. 
Finding it necessary to release the prisoners lest they 
be burned alive, he opened the cell-doors on condition 
that the inmates should assist in quenching the flames, 5 
but most of them hastened to join the mob. 

Meanwhile the oidores had done nothing beyond 
issuing tame appeals for order and urging upon the 
viceroy not to persist in opposing the people but 
rather to retire, 6 a not very easy task, had he so 
desired. In response to their appeals the people 
shouted that they should assume control and remain 
in the city hall. 7 Only too eager to comply with so 
flattering a demand, the oidores turned for advice to 
officials and notables present, not omitting the clergy, 
whose fears prompted but the one counsel of compli- 
ance; and so, after much pretended hesitation, they 
yielded, in token of which the city standard was un- 
furled at 5 p. m. At the same time Gaviria proclaimed 
himself captain-general, and set forth to summon citi- 
zens to join him in suppressing the riot. He took the 

4 The viceroy's supporters state that powder alone was used, while oppo- 
nents declare that more than 100 persons were killed, and Cavo accepts the 
latter version. Tres Siglos, i. 274. 

5 This act he describes as prompted purely by commiseration, Mex., Rel. 
Svm., 10. 

G 'To surrender himself a prisoner' to them. Id. 

7 'A todos los oidores habian de acabar y matar, y que habian de pcrecer 
si dejaban de tomar al gobierno.' Carta de la Cludad, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 
serie ii. torn. iii. 144. 


direction of Tlatelulco, with a view to meet the large 
force of Indians who were said to be gathering there 
intending to march to the main square. 

All this time the rabble at the palace were having 
their own way, with little or no attempt at interfer- 
ence on the part of the oidores remaining at the city 
hall. Gelves even charges them with promoting the 
trouble, 8 and intimates that Gaviria kept away on 
purpose, so that he might be driven to extremes for 
the benefit of Gaviria's party. Part of the palace 
was already in the hands of the sackers, and the vice- 
roy and his adherents were beaten further and further 
back, with loss both in dead and wounded. Finding 
that it would not be possible to hold out much longer, 
and warned by the insensate outcry against him, 
Gelves resolved to seek safety in flight. He donned 
the garments of a servant, 9 took off his well known 
spectacles, and favored by the darkness he mingled 
with the mob, shouting awhile as lustily as any of 
them against himself. With two servants he there- 
upon hurried to San Francisco convent, and hid in a 
room behind the refectory. 

His departure gave the signal for a general aban- 
donment of the palace, which the rioters now over- 
ran, plundering and destroying, and respecting not 
even the sacred vessels and images in the chapeL 
They also sacked the houses of Armentcros and the 
viceregal asesor, and would have extended their raid 
against other adherents of the opposite party, per- 
haps against any one whom it might pay to plunder; 
but Gaviria now returned at the head of an over- 
whelming force of citizens. Whatever may have 
been his motives they could no longer be promoted 
by countenancing the riot, which now threatened to 
endanger the common interest. It was not long, 
therefore, eie he had cleared the palace and its neigh- 

9 Some of their people were actually led against the viceroy under Regidor 
Valmascda. Mez., Iiel. Svm., 10. 

9 With a white band on the hat. Cavo, Tres Sighs, i. 274. 


borhood of all dangerous persons; the fire was extin- 
guished, the wounded received due care, and patrols 
paraded the streets all night, keeping guard and 
maintaining bonfires at the corners. 

Few, however, of those concerned in that day's tur- 
moil thought of returning home, for another excite- 
ment of a more peaceful nature was in store. During 
the dsij the marques del Valle, and the bearers of the 
audiencia order, had come up with the archiepiscopal 
party, and urged upon the prelate to return at once 
and aid in calming the people. He set out at 3 p. m., 
escorted by a crowd, which greatly swelled as he 
advanced. At Guadalupe he was met by a proces- 
sion of Indians with blazing torches, the advance 
guard of many others, 'and the entry into the capital 
about midnight resembled that of a victorious mon- 
arch. The houses were illuminated, the bells pealed 
merrily, and cheering crowds lined the street, 10 im- 
pressed more than ever by the grandeur and power 
of the church. In the morning the prelate removed 
the interdict, and then, borne aloft to the altar over 
the heads of the crowds, he held mass and chanted the 
te deum, the rest of the day, a Tuesday, being held 
as a feast. The dead rioters he buried free of cost, 
showing them particular honor, but the fallen defend- 
ers of the palace he disregarded. 11 

The same day the audiencia took steps to plant 
themselves firmly in power, and rumor being brought 
by their zealous henchmen that the people were again 
showing uneasiness at the possible restoration of 
Gelves, they seized this as a pretext for issuing a 
proclamation to the effect that they would retain the 
government. In this document were cited the views 
and wishes of judges, clergymen, and citizens of dif- 

10 They would not depart from the palace till he came forth on the balcony 
to give his blessing. Crowds replaced crowds. ' Traian mas de quinientas 
hachaa encendidas.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. ii. 284-5, 291, 296; Id., 
iii. 150-1, etc. 

11 Id., 94. Captain Velasco was at first declared a heretic, but a hand- 
some fee induced the clergy to bury him. Mex., Rel. Svm., 11. The oidores 
received the formal thanks of the prelate for their action. 


ferent degrees. All the provinces were notified and 
ordered to obey the new rulers. The demand for 
maintaining order appeared to call for a standing 
force, and since this would strengthen their position, 
they hastened to mass arms and enroll men, and 
formed several companies, including a corps of cav- 
alry from among the encomenderos under Captain 
Legaspi. Contador Juan de Cervantes Casaus was 
created maestre de campo. Three companies of one 
hundred men each were regularly assigned for guard 
duty, their pay being taken from the drainage fund. 12 
A number of these were detailed to protect the 
government house and enforce the behests of the au- 
diencia, and another body attended Gaviria as escort. 
He and his associates moved about with great pomp; 
banners were lowered as they passed, and besides 
carrying staffs and other insignia they adopted the 
broad frilled collar hitherto restricted to the higher 
nobles. The royal seal was brought from the palace 
to their hall, and the papers of the viceroy were 
seized, many of them being freely ventilated, notably 
his secret report on the character of the officials. It 
contained reflections far from flattering, and served 
to increase the animosity against him, and to encour- 
age hostility. Indeed a number of his most excellent 
measures were annulled, wherever the oidores thought 
it for their interest to do so. The restriction on 
bearing arms was removed, persons exiled for crimes 
were recalled, prisoners released, and apostates re- 
stored to their orders. Further than this, many 
worthy officials had to yield their posts to adherents 
of the new party, and among them Pedro Velez de 
Guevara, governor of San Juan de Ulua, who was 
replaced by Francisco Bravo de la Serna, a nephew 
of the archbishop. 13 Pedro de la Gorreta, governor 

12 This levy amounted to 64,000 pesos a year. Artillery was placed on 
the roof of the government house and double pass-words were at first required. 
Id., 13. Fonseca states that merely 39,853 pesos were taken from the fund. 
Hist. Hac. , v. 359. 

13 To this end he was first made corregidor of New Vera Cruz, and as soon 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 5 


of Acapulco, declined to surrender his post to the 
relative of Gaviria, who had been appointed to receive 
it. The public feeling against the viceroy was main- 
tained by libellous notices and abusive songs; and 
although printers were not as a rule permitted to 
issue them, no restriction was placed on public de- 
livery. 14 

These proceedings received encouragement from the 
effort of the viceroy to keep secret his hiding-place, 
even from the oidores. They ferreted it, however, 
and placed a guard round the convent, ostensibly for 
his protection, but really to keep him prisoner. They 
also took precautions to restrict visits by allowing 
none to enter save with their permission. 15 Many of 
those who came as visitors or servants were subjected 
to the indignity of search, and the viceroy's secretary 
was confined elsewhere so as to be unable to commu- 
nicate with him. 

Notwithstanding the secrecy concerning his abode 
the viceroy had not failed from the first to let it be 
known that he was still among the living. On the 
very evening of his flight he had summoned Inqui- 
sitor Juan Gutierrez Flores 16 and Fray Juan de Lor- 
mendi, guardian of the convent, and commissioned 
them to treat with the audiencia for his restoration to 
power, and for a meeting between them. They must 
also secure his papers. While considering themselves 
firmly enough established to follow their bent, the 
oidores nevertheless thought it necessary to call a 

as the fleet for Spain had sailed he assumed command. Guevara at first 
refused to yield, but certain promises prevailed upon him. The alcalde mayor 
here maintained himself in his office, however, by command of Gelves. Gram- 
bila, Tumultos, MS., 17. 

14 Even boys sang couplets on the streets, one of which ran : 

' Ahora vivamos en nuestra ley, 
Que no hay virey.' 

The archbishop allowed an abusive attack on the viceroy to be printed by 
one Cristobal Ruiz. 

15 'Y que matasen al virey, si instase de hecho en su salida.' Doc. Hist. 
Mex., s^rie ii. torn. iii. 97. The viceroy's defenders point out that the placing 
of a few guards at Varaez' asylum had raised a terrible outcry, but none ob- 
jected to the present violation. 

10 Also visitador of Peru. Grambila, Tumultos, MS., 15. 


meeting of leading men to give them support. They 
failed not to magnify the danger of restoring to power 
so unpopular a viceroy. A civil war might thereby 
be ignited which would not only imperil the lives and 
estates of every Spaniard in New Spain, but the in- 
terests and authority of the crown itself. Although 
the marques del Valle among others made some blunt 
obiections to these manifest efforts of the oidores to 
retain control, yet their influence and arguments pre- 
vailed in obtaining a very respectable endorsement. 
The more prudent refrained from committing them- 
selves. Thus strengthened in their position, Gaviria 
and his colleagues replied to Gelves that he had been 
deposed, not by them but by the people, and had vir- 
tually admitted the removal by abandoning his post. 
Under the circumstances the law and the popular 
will demanded that they should administer the gov- 
ernment till the king decided in the matter. He 
might confer with any oidor, but it would not be ad- 
visable for them to meet him as a body. His private 
papers would be surrendered, but not official docu- 
ments nor his estate. 

On receiving this answer the viceroy, partly with 
a view of sounding his opponents, proposed to leave 
for Spain since it was not proper that he should re- 
main after being deprived of his position. It was 
also necessary that he should be allowed to consult 
with his secretary, his confessor, and other persons, in 
order to prepare the report which the king expected 
from him. Moreover he needed funds for the support 
of himself and followers. To this came the reply that 
the viceroy could not be permitted to leave before his 
residencia was taken. But residencia in this case 
could not be taken except by special order from the 
king, it was urged, since the office had not been left 
in due form, and bonds would be given if required. 
This caused the audiencia to yield and offer a vessel, 
at his own expense however. Shortly after they 
changed their mind and paid no attention to proposals 



for Iris departure. 17 It was thereupon agreed that a 
few assistants would be given to prepare despatches, 
and certain means for expenses, but no officials could 

be allowed to act for him as messengers to Spain. 1S 

The notaries, however, and other officials necessary 

giving formality to the viceregal documents were 

either withheld or delayed, so that negotiations broke 
for some days, and more than one opportunity was 
thus purposely lost to Gelves for sending reports to 
the court 

On February 7th the viceroy sent a formal protest 
to the audieneia. He had learned of their many 
proclamations and aets tending to rouse the people, 
and bring into contempt the royal authority vested 
in him. They had usurped the government, risked 
its subversion, and pi I him from fulfilling the 

obligations o^L his office. There could be only one 
head of government, and he. as that royally appointed 
head, now required the oidores to obey him as vice- 
regent, governor, captain-general, and president, re- 
re him to office, and protect his person with the 
force enrolled, under penalty of being declared rebels, 
ther with their supporters, a penalty involving 
death and confiscation. 

In the expectation of such notices it is not to 
wondered at that visitors to the convent were 
relied. The audieneia did not fail to express disap- 
proval of the extreme language used, and regret that 
the inquisitor should have undertaken to carry it. 
This official was henceforth forbidden entrance into 
the convent. After two days of deliberation the 
oidores replied in equally formal manner, in the king's 
name, addressing Gelves as marquis and ex-viceroy. 
They recapitulated the different acts of despotism 

'-" • Teniendo dispnesta mi Jornada y embarcacion. la impidieron contra mi 
:ad. : Gelves": ion of September 1, 1624. in Doc. 7. 

ii. torn, ii: 1 See also /■./.. 95-6. He might change his place of 

.. 14. 
1 by the oidores to treat all matters with the viceroy in 
I and in writing. 


which gave rise to the popular commotion that 
caused him to abandon the palace, such as disobey- 
ing royal orders; withdrawing right of appeal; pre- 
venting the audiencia from administering justice and 
fulfilling the duties of their office ; suppressing letters 
and interfering with the free use of mails to the court 
and elsewhere; proclaiming that no will but his own 
should prevail, even in spiritual matters, to which 
end he had exiled the archbishop and imprisoned the 
oidores. These and other outrages had so irritated 
the people as to compel the audiencia, by common 
acclamation, and by cedulas providing for such cases, 
to assume government and save the country from 
ruin. Tribunals, secular and ecclesiastic bodies, and 
citizens generally had further required them to retain 
this power for the safety of all. The efforts of the 
marquis to resume his late office were, under the cir- 
cumstances, dangerous to peace, and he was ordered 
to desist, under penalty of being held responsible for 
any trouble and disaster that might arise in conse- 
quence. He was, moreover, commanded to obey the 
audiencia. 19 

Without the power to enforce his demands Gelves 
could merely continue to issue protests while declaring 
that he would do nothing that might cause disturbance. 
Yet he objected to certain measures of the audiencia 
as tending to irritate the people against him, and sent 
proclamations to municipalities and citizens command- 
ing them and other similar bodies in New Spain to 
maintain order and oppose the scandalous and dis- 
loyal acts 20 to which the despotic and inimical conduct 

19 This document was signed by Licenciado Paz de Vallecillo, senior oidor 
and acting president, Doctor Galdos de Valencia, Licenciado Pedro de Ver- 
gara Gaviria, Licenciado Alonso Vasquez de Cisneros, Doctor Diego de Aven- 
dano, the only don among the six, and Licenciado Juan de Ibarra. Counter- 
signed by the escribano mayor Godinez. The text of this and the preceding 
protest are given in full in Ilex., Bel. Svm., 14-18. The inquisitor consid- 
ered the tone too strong, and declined to act as bearer. 

20 This evoked from the local authorities at Mexico merely a declaration of 
loyalty and of respect for the 'marquis.' Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 194- 
205. Corregidor Avila, as a first cousin to Gelves, wa.3 debased from taking 
part in the consideration of these and later messages from his kinsman. 


of the aucliencia might give rise. This body issued a 
counter proclamation declaring Gelves to be actuated 
by malicious motives, and that his order was intended 
chiefly to draw attention from a defeated plot on the 
part of his nephew, Francisco Pimentel, to gather 
forces in support of the uncle while pretending to 
raise them for Acapulco. Pimentel had been arrested, 
and all local authorities were charged to aid the au- 
diencia in suppressing similar attempts. 21 

Meanwhile clergy, oidores, and local authorities 
of Mexico had combined to gaiher evidence against 
the viceroy, and in support of their acts, and this 
evidence together with exculpatory letters were for- 
warded by the fleet under Oquendo which set sail 
for Spain shortly after the riot. The audiencia 
appointed for this mission Doctor Hernan Carrillo 
Altamirano, legal adviser of that body, who had be- 
come the sworn enemy of Gelves because of his inter- 
ference with certain of the doctor's irregular sources 
of income. 22 The municipality of Mexico commis- 
sioned at the same time Cristobal de Molina y Pisa, 
one of the regidores whom Gelves had placed under 
arrest, and provided him with letters from different 
sources, and for the most influential officials in Spain. 23 
In the representation to the king they depicted 
Gelves as a tyrannical, unscrupulous, self-willed, and 
violent man, who had made himself so generally feared 
and hated by all good citizens as finally to compel 
them to rise in self-defence. 24 

21 Id., 185-93. Gelves claimed that lie had received many offers to aid him 
in recovering his position, but he preferred not to endanger public peace. 
Mex., Bel. Svm., 13. 

22 He had once been arraigned for murder. Gelves had punished him and 
taken away 600 pesos of unlawful income derived by him from Indians. He 
was now captain of one of the companies raised by the new rulers, and re- 
ceived 10,000 pesos from the drainage fund for his journey. lb. 

23 Cavo alludes to him as the alfdrez real. Tres Sighs, i. 276. He was 
commissioned as procurador general, and carried letters to a number of 
leading men, such as Conde de Olivares, prime-minister, Conde de Monterey, 
president of the council of Italy, to whose father Molino had been secretary, 
the ex- viceroy Montesclaros, now of the council of state, and the members 
of the India council. The different texts are given in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie 
H torn. iii. 152-74. 

24 As a judge he had been cruel and unjust; he had removed and appointed 


The archbishop showed himself no less energetic 
in collecting and wording his evidence, in which he 
figured as a martyr to religion. The viceroy had in- 
terfered also in his jurisdiction, and had persecuted 
clergymen and oidores for daring to expostulate. In 
support of his representation he did not hesitate to 
include the declarations of aged nuns, who professed 
to have beheld the viceroy's adherents in the form of 
demons, and to have heard a supernatural voice de- 
nounce the marquis for his disobedience to the prel- 
ate. To another had been revealed that those who 
attacked the palace were souls from purgatory led by 
their guardian angel. 25 

As for the viceroy, his documents and letters of 
defence were, after long delay, given an opportunity 
for transmission in the treasure fleet; but this was 
wrecked, with the loss of two millions of precious 
metals, and Gelves' majordomo, Juan de Baeza, went 
down with the documents in his charge. 26 Some 
earlier reports by him and his adherents appear, how- 
ever, to have reached Spain. 

The court was not a little astonished and perplexed 
on receiving the news from Mexico. It could not well 

officials at will, selecting those who unscrupulously carried out his orders, 
without regard to their fitness; he had interfered with the duties of the 
audiencia and municipality, taking upon himself to decide in many of their 
affairs; he shocked the feelings of the community by his lack of respect for 
religion, thereby setting a dangerous example to evil-disposed persons. If 
the municipality had formerly praised the viceroy, it was due to intimida- 
tion ; for he had not only exiled the more independent regidores, but caused 
all their reports to be submitted to him, and to be filled with praise of him- 
self. As for the rioters, they were chiefly Indians and mestizos of feeble 
intelligence, actuated by a loyal though misdirected zeal for the king. Regi- 
dores Gaviria and Valencia should be rewarded for their good services in 
restoring order. lb., Libro Capitular, pt. xxv. 82-8. 

25 The nun had prophesied the riot. Doc. Hist. Mex., s^rie ii. torn. iii. 
25-49. Other testimony appears on pp. 230-74. 

2& Mex., Bel. Svtn., 13. Urrutia names the messengers Melchor de C6r- 
doba and Ger6nimo de Valenzuela, and relates that the documents were 
smuggled into their hands by the aid of a laborer at the convent where Gelves 
was living. They further took the precaution of leaving the city with dogs 
and falcons as if for a hunt. Once outside they hastened to Vera Cruz to 
embark on the ill-fated fleet with which they were to perish. Bel. , in Mex. 
y sus Disturbios, MS., i. 363, 497. This smuggling probably applies to an 
earlier report sent by Gelves. 


be decided with whom the blame should rest, although 
the defense of the archbishop appeared by no means 
satisfactory. One thing was certain however, that 
the authority of the king had been defied in his repre- 
sentative, and that an audiencia which had failed to 
support him at a critical moment could not be trusted 
with supreme control. It was also the opinion of the 
nobles that exemplary punishment should be meted 
to the ringleaders, lest leniency give encouragement 
to greater disloj^alty. But to this the marques de 
Montesclaros objected, saying that "a child could in 
his majesty's name control the whole viceroyalty." 27 
Time had evidently left a happy impression on the 
mind of the ex-viceroy. 

Nevertheless it was decided to appoint a new ruler; 
one possessed of firmness to assume control of an 
apparently disordered country and with sagacity to 
guide an investigation and restore harmony by recon- 
ciling discordant elements, for it was not thought 
either prudent or needful to send troops. Such a man 
it was thought might be found in the governor of 
Galicia, Rodrigo Pacheco y Osorio, marques de Cer- 
ralvo/ 3 who combined great physical strength with 
tried bravery, and while occasionally subject to pas- 
sionate outbursts was reputed to be of jovial dispo- 
sition and agreeable in manner, yet withal devout 
and addicted to study. These qualities had however 
contributed less, it is said, to obtain the favor which 
he enjoyed at court than the fortunate circumstance 
that he once saved the queen by carrying her away 
from a fire. 29 

Owing to the apparent urgency of the case Cerralvo 
hastened on his way accompanied by his marchioness 

27 'Un niiio podia atar y sujetar a todo este reino al servicio de S. M. con 
un cordel de lana. ' Id. , 370. 

28 And relative of Pacheco, viceroy of Cataluiia. Cortina, Doc. Hist. Rei- 
nado Felipe, iv. 100-1. Portrait and autograph in Rlbera, Gob. Ilex., i. 118. 

29 He once killed a corregidor with a dagger stroke in a just cause. Once 
every week he celebrated the communion. His confessor was a Pauline friar 
of great piety, master of the college of Villagarcia. Urrutla, Eel., in Mex. y 
sus Disturblos, MS., i. 361-5. 


and two children, 80 and some eighty attendants and 
officers, four of them knights. He was joined by 
oidores appointed to replace certain members of the 
doubtful audiencia, and by Martin de Carrillo, inquisi- 
tor of Yalladolid, the latter bearing special instruc- 
tions to investigate the outbreak and see to the 
punishment of the guilty. The party sailed in the 
fleet of General Chavez and reached Vera Cruz in 
September 1624. 31 On the way to Mexico they were 
detained at different places by demonstrations, ad- 
dresses, and petitions, and courted by a host of seekers 
for favors or clemency, in view of the prospective 
reforms and punishments to be ordained. At Puebla 
the reception was particularly brilliant with triumphal 
arches, processions, bull-fights, and other perform- 
ances. The bishop here sought to win the good 
graces of the marchioness by presenting a casket with 
perfumes and the like, all mounted in gold. The lady 
kept the perfume alone, returning the rest, whereat 
the prelate is said to have felt deeply mortified. 32 

Cerralvo entered Mexico informally toward the end 
of October, conferred for some time with Gelves, 33 and 
inquired into the state of affairs. One result was 
that he determined first to restore the dignity of his 
office, and to this end ordered the removal of the 
name of Gelves from the excommunication tablet :i 
and his reinstallation. This was a bitter pill to the 
higher officials, notably the oidores; but the new 
members of the audiencia assisted to overrule objec- 

30 Vetancurt mentions only one, a daughter vrho died at Mexico in 1G31. 
Trot. Max., 14. 

31 On approaching this place two fast sailers advanced to gather news, and 
met cruising off the harbor two vessels sent by the audiencia to anticipate the 
report of any such arrival and what it might bode. Urrutia, ubi sup. 

32 ' Pienso cpie el despego tan impensado sirve de azada para abrirle en 
breve la sepultura.' Urrutia, Bel, in Mex. y sus Disturbios, MS., i. 443. 
Gifts from Gaviria were also declined. 

33 Urrutia relates that Gelves made a return visit to Chapultepec where 
the marchioness received him kneeling and in tears. Gelves also knelt and 
wept till Cerralvo made both rise. 

3i Portillo, the provisor then in charge of the diocesan affairs, made objec- 
tions, but Cerralvo peremptorily ordered obedience, and intimated that he 
had power to deal summarily even with prelates. 


tions. On the 30th of October the municipality, with 
the best grace possible, issued proclamations in accord- 
ance with the order, declaring their joy at the pros- 
pective re-entry of their viceroy on the morrow, and 
ordering a pompous celebration with salvos and fire- 
works to testify " the affection which the city enter- 
tained for the marquis." 35 

On the 31st a vast procession of officials, nobles, 
gentry, and prominent citizens appeared at the con- 
vent, whence the troops had been removed, and hat 
in hand the oidores made their bow. Gelves vaulted 
into the saddle and was escorted to the palace. Along 
the very streets so lately trodden by him as a decried 
fugitive shielded by the darkness, he now proceeded 
with the pomp of a victor, beneath arches and fes- 
toons, amid salvos and ringing of bells, 36 beneath 
floral showers from fair hands, and amid the thunder- 
ing cheers of countless spectators, who now and then 
made a diversion by cursing the oidores and other 
enemies of their beloved viceroy. At the palace gate 
he was actually caught in the arms of the fickle popu- 
lace and carried to where Cerralvo stood to receive 
him. In the evening came festivities with illumina- 
tion and fireworks. Gelves did not, however, expect 
to assume executive power, for this he regarded as 
already vested in Cerralvo. He merely came to 
triumph. The next day he left the palace, and fol- 
lowed this time by a sorrow-stricken crowd entered 
the Franciscan convent at Tacuba, there to await his 
residencia. 37 

The popular demonstrations at his entry and de- 
parture were by no means so insincere as at first 
glance might appear. An interval of eight months had 
calmed men's passions considerably, and the rule of 
the audiencia had tended to exalt in the eyes of most 
citizens the salutary strictness of the overthrown gov- 

35 Mex., Bel. Estado, 30. 

36 At all the temples, save the cathedral, the Jesuit houses, and the Car- 
melite convent. 

a7 Urrutia, Bel, MS., i. 441-61. 


eminent. The annulling of Gelves' many reforms, the 
setting aside of pending indictments and verdicts, the 
permission so generally given to carry arms, greatly 
contributed to promote corruption and disorder among 
all classes. Monopolies again appeared in force to 
raise prices and grind the poor, aided by dishonest 
officials; rich and influential criminals bought them- 
selves free, while humbler law-breakers languished 
in prison. Varaez appeared on the street with great 
ostentation, and proceeded to his alcaldia mayor to 
submit to residencia, accompanied by fifty horsemen, 
who were no doubt intended to intimidate honest wit- 
nesses. 38 Bandits again began to crowd the highways 
and commit depredations with impunity, and affairs 
assumed so forlorn an aspect that many became loud 
in their desire for the restoration of Gelves. 39 

On the Sunday following the nominal reinstallation 
of his predecessor, Cerralvo took formal possession of 
office as fifteenth viceroy, 40 and prepared to extend the 
needed reforms, yet in a manner more conciliatory and 
affable than that of Gelves, so as to gain general good 
will. He showed also greater regard for some of the 
old oidores than had been expected, Valecillo being 
recommended for promotion and Gaviria intrusted with 
several honorable commissions. 41 

The residencia of Gelves was proclaimed with more 
than usual formality, owing to the peculiar circum- 
stances of his rule. Fully two hundred witnesses came 
from different parts to testify, the trial lasting fifteen 
months. In connection with this inquisition Carrillo 

38 He seized his denouncer Soto and forced him with threats to declare his 
testimony false. Soto afterward reaffirmed his statements. Mex.,Rel. Svm.y 

39 Yet such expressions were promptly suppressed. The oidores and regi- 
dores made money by selling monopoly licenses. Grambila, Tumultos,MS., 12- 
15. No energetic efforts were put forth to recover the booty taken from the 
palace and other places during the riot, although a part was recovered. Doc. 
Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 92-3, 151-2. 

40 November 3d, it appears, though Cavo and others place this as the date 
of his arrival at Mexico. Tres Siglos, i. 276. 

41 A nephew of the latter was appointed asesor to the viceroy. Ilex., ReL 
Estado, 30. Gelves does not appear to have been quite pleased with this. 


also investigated the conduct of all concerned in the 
riot, including ecclesiastics by special assent of the 
pope, 42 yet with prudent leniency, for it was not 
politic to stir the more powerful spirits. Examples 
were made among the less formidable. Many of these 
anticipated events by flight, but several officials in- 
cluding two oidores were removed, four of those who 
led in the outbreak were executed, and five ecclesi- 
astics who had hurried away to Spain were sent to 
the galleys. 43 In a proclamation to the people Cer- 
ralvo announced that the trial had convinced the king 
of their loyalty. The outbreak was evidently caused 
by rancor against the marques de Gelves personally. 
Filled with a desire to affirm their love and remove 
even the suspicion of disloyalty among vassals of 
Spain, his Majesty decreed that all who were ar- 
raigned or in prison for supposed complicity in the 
riot should be released unconditionally. 44 

Archbishop Serna was among those who had hur- 
ried out of the way to Spain. The effect of his con- 
duct in causing riot and overthrow of the royal repre- 
sentative must have startled him when sober second 
thought prevailed. His position became uncomfort- 
able; he felt that he must personally plead his cause 
at court, and in the spring of 1624 he departed from 
Mexico. The desire to anticipate the disgrace of a 
recall may have been an additional motive. Highly 
commendatory letters were given to him by the 
municipality and others, and, still warm in their zeal, 

42 Urban VIII. , Cartas, in Tumultos de Mex., MS., 141. 

43 Doc. Hist. Mex., sdrie ii. torn. iii. 123-4; Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 277. 
Charges being made that Cerralvo had unduly favored Gelves and influenced 
the inquisidor, testimony was taken with an almost unanimous approval of 
the viceroy's course. In this document appear the following as new mem- 
bers of audiencia: Oidores Juan de Alvarez Serrano, Don Antonio Canseco, 
Miguel Ruiz de la Torre, Juan de Villavena Cubiaurre, and fiscal Yfiigo de 
Argiiello y Carbajal. Oidor Avendano remains. The officers of the visita are 
also named. Cerralvo, Inform., in Mex. y sus Disturbios, MS., ii. 221-477. 

44 This did not exempt those already alluded to from punishment as trait- 
ors and robbers. Text of proclamation dated December 25, 1025, in Doc. J list. 
Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 209-12; Tumultos de Mex., MS., 137-8. Before his 
departure Carrillo ordered city officials to give residencia. They protested 
and were exempted from a review of charges already passed by. Cedulario 
Nuevo, i. 330; Libro Capitular, pt. xxvi. 255. 


the people contributed a hundred thousand pesos for 
his journey. 45 A prelate whose obstinacy had been 
the chief cause for bringing into contempt a royal 
representative, and into peril the authority of the 
crown, so as to require costly and radical measures, 
such a man could not expect a welcome. He was 
certainly treated coldly; but the pope felt pleased 
with so firm a champion of the church, and recom- 
mended his cause to the king. Other influences were 
brought to bear; so that Serna was partially restored 
to favor and granted the important see of Zamora. 
He died in 1631, with the reputation of an able bishop 
and a benevolent man. 46 His successor at Mexico, 
appointed in 1628, was Francisco Manzo y Zuniga, 
one who as member of the India Council, and in other 
political positions, had been trained not to imperil 
royal interests for ecclesiastic prerogatives. So at 
least it was supposed. 

Gelves came off with honor from the residencia, as 
a righteous judge, zealous for the administration of 
justice, for the public good, and the service of the 
king. 47 After the conclusion of the trial he left for 
Spain, 48 and was well received. His delay in coming 
had allowed time to soften the remembrance of his 
unfortunate mishaps, for success is above all expected 
from the agent; and now his family influence 49 could 
be wielded to greater advantage. 

^ Mex., Bel. Svm., 13. In their letter the cabildo pray the king to send 
him back with greater power. Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. iii. 109-70. 
Cavo says that he was recalled to suffer humiliation for some time. Tres Sig- 
hs, i. 277. 

46 Gonzalez Davila attributes to him Carrillo's appointment as visitador. 
Teatro Ecles. , i. 45. Lorenzana assumes continual favor for him with the 
king. Concilios Mex., 1555-65, 217. But this Sosa does not admit, although 
he does not agree with Cavo. Episc. Mex. , 66. The representations of the 
pope in 1625, in his behalf, indicate that he did remain awhile under a cloud. 
Cartas, in TumuUos de Mex., MS., 139-40. But Lacunza's allusion to deep 
disgrace is not borne out. Disc. Hist., 491. 

47 'Sentencia, la dio el Visitador.. .en 14 de Abril de 1627.' Mex., Rel. 
Estado, 31. 

48 Several writers, followed by Zamacois, state that he left in 1624, but lie 
himself declares that he remained in the convent fully a year after Cerralvo's 
inauguration. He appears to have sent a letter from Mexico on January 29, 
1626. Id., 30. 

49 He was related to the powerful conde duque de Olivares. 


The monarch had good reason to be dissatisfied 
with the leading personages in this outbreak, with 
the viceroy for being so exacting and unyielding, and 
with the prelate for his excess of zeal, when, as one 
who professed to set an example in humility, he 
should have contented himself with a protest and 
appeal to the sovereign, especially in view of the in- 
significance of the point involved and the well known 
temper of the marquis. The ecclesiastics, on whom 
the crown above all relied for supporting its au- 
thority, since troops were not kept, had been the 
chief promoters of the riot, wherein they proved 
themselves possessed of a power greater than that of 
the state. This influence had been strengthened by 
the triumphant return of the archbishop, and ex- 
tended not alone over Indians and mestizos, but over 
the Creoles. The Avila-Cortes conspiracy, a half- 
century before, had been an outburst on the part of 
landed proprietors, with little hold on the people; 
here on the other hand came in action a wide-spread 
feeling rooted among the very sinews of the colonists 
and directed against the more favored children of 
Spain, those of Iberian birth who had come across 
the sea to fill the best and largest number of offices, 
with the intention merely of enriching themselves in 
New Spain and then turning their back upon the 
country. It is not strange that those born on the 
soil, and bound to it by every tie, should look with 
disfavor on these interlopers who not only encroached 
on their rights and possessions, but treated them with 
contempt. 50 The revelation of this antipathy, which 

60 The importance of the Gelves outbreak, and the wide-spread interest af- 
fected thereby, called forth a mass of documents and accounts as we have 
already seen. Among the most valuable are those given in Documentor para 
la I 1 istoria de Mexico, serie ii. torn, ii.-iii., 27 in number, collected by the 
knight Echeverria y Veitia, and including orders, petitions, and representa- 
tions from different sources, yet for the greater part in support of the arch- 
bishop, and most of the remainder in favor of the audiencia and cabildo. The 
only important paper on Gelves' side had already appeared in print. This 
partiality induced the historian Jose" F. Ramirez to collect a complementary 
set of documents bearing on the other side. This exists in two 4to volumes of 
close manuscript under the title of Mexico y sus Divturbios, obtained by me 


could not fail to extend in a certain degree also to 
the home government, naturally alarmed the king, 
and was a main reason for the clemency observed; but 
few well directed steps were taken to profit by the 
lesson in conciliating the Creoles, and their number 
and feeling grew apace till they became irresistible. 

from Ramirez' library, whereof the first contains several important relations 
by Urrutia, partly in condensed form; and the second, a lengthy report by 
the secretary of Gelves, Tobar Godinez, and one in favor of Serna, from an 
early rare publication also in my possession. A third volume folio, Tumultos 
de Mexico, collected by the same gentleman, contains original documents and 
early copies bearing chiefly on the investigation, its results and subsequent 
acts. Grambila, Tumultos de Ilex., is an original folio manuscript in defence 
of Gelves; another, Relation de Tumultos, opposes him. Among the rare 
accounts printed at this time are: Mexico, Relation Svmaria, drawn for Gel- 
ves by Inquisitor Flores and Friar Lormendi; Relation del Estado en que. . . 
hallo los Reynos, also prepared by him; Memorial de lo Svrcedido, in favor of 
Serna; Burguillos, Memorial para. . .Carillo, by Gelves' confessor; Garzes de 
Portillo, En la Demanda, bearing on the sanctuary privilege. From one or 
more of these sources have been prepared a number of accounts with more or 
less impartiality, yet none of them complete or reliable, events subsequent to 
the actual riot being almost wholly ignored. Cavo for instances claims to 
have used five accounts, three of them in favor of Gelves, yet his clerical bias 
is too evident. Much fairer is Sosa, Episc. Mex., 59-63, Ribera, Gob. Mex. 
i. 113-17, and Alcaraz, in Liceo Mex., ii. 121 et seq. Dice. Univ., x. 653-63 
gives Cortina's imperfect version. Mora is very faulty. Mex. y sus Rev., iv 
suppl. 2-43. Comparatively brief or unimportant are the accounts in Vetan 
cvrt, Trat. Mex., 13; Lorenzana, in Concilio Prov., 1555-65, 216; Cortes. 
Hist. N. Esp., 21-2; Sigiienza y Gongora, Parayso Occid., 124, 448; Alegre 
Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 146-51; Crdnica del Carmen, vi. 757; Gage, Voy., i 
225-45; Medina, Crdn. S. Diego, 151-2; Velasco, Exalt. Divina, 39-44; Gri 
jalva, Cr6n. S. Agust., 110 et seq.; Revista Mex., i. 81 et seq.; Fisher's Nat 
Mag., i. 249-54; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 188-94; Midler, Reisen, ii. 52-67 
Lacunza, Disc. Hist., 488-91; Bustamante, Voy., No. 10. 




Defence Measures — The Dutch at Acapulco — Corsair Raids along the 
Coast of Yucatan — The Barlovento Squadron — Royal Loans and 
Extortions — Inundation of Mexico — Proposed Removal of the Cap- 
ital — Relief Measures and Drainage Projects — The Huehuetoca 
Tunnel— San Felipe the Protomartyr of Mexico — His Irregular 
Life and Beatification — The Hermit Lopez — Viceroy Cadereita — 
The Prelate Zuniga — The First Creole Archbishop. 

In order to guard somewhat against the recurrence 
of such happenings as the Gelves outbreak, greater 
precautions were observed by the home government, 
as we have seen, in selecting the heads for political 
and ecclesiastical affairs; additional instructions were 
issued to guide them in their relation to others, and a 
certain limitation of power was for a time at least 
imposed; the king for instance taking upon himself to 
appoint the commandants and magistrates of leading 
ports, strongholds, and towns, 1 who had hitherto been 
commissioned by the viceroy. Cerralvo retained for 
some time the enlisted troops and erected suitable 
barracks, 2 while the enrolment list of volunteers was 
preserved for cases of need. 

These volunteers really constituted a part of the 
general system of militia, formed already by Cortes, in 
connection with encomiendas, and extended over set- 

1 In Calle a number of these appointments are enumerated. Mem. y Not. , 168. 

2 In 1628 the city asked for their disbandment for 'no quedan ceniza del 
suceso del 15 de Enero de 1624,' but this request was not granted till two 
years later. Cedulario Nvevo, i. 351. The cost of maintaining them appears 
to have been wholly borne by the desagiie fund, which was thus drained of 
89,853 pesos. Fonseca, Hist. Hac, v. 358-9. 



tlements in all directions. The only permanent stand- 
ing forces were those on the frontier, engaged partly 
in conveying trains of merchandise, partly in garrison 
duty at the presidios, and those at the leading coast 
ports, as Vera Cruz and Acapulco. Altogether they 
constituted but a small body, and more were not con- 
sidered necessary, as the citizens were always avail- 
able, and efficient even against foreign invaders, who 
after all could do little beyond ravaging for a few 
leagues along certain parts of the coast. 3 Still there 
were points which absolutely required protection, such 
as Vera Cruz and Acapulco, the ports for the rich 
fleets and the storage place for valuable cargoes, and 
in view of the increasing number of Spain's enemies 
Cerralvo took steps to strengthen the fortifications 

The chief reason for the latter measure was the 
arrival at Acapulco of a large Dutch fleet. Engaged 
in their struggle for independence, the Hollanders 
were eager not only to distract the attention of the 
Spaniards by carrying the war to the enemy's coasts, 
but to injure them while enriching themselves. With 
this object several fleets were despatched to prey on 
Spanish trade and colonies, and among them one of 
eleven vessels with over sixteen hundred men, under 
Admiral Jacob l'Heremite. It was known, however, 
as the Nassau fleet, from the prince under whose 
auspices it was chiefly fitted out. 4 It left Holland in 
1623 with the chief object of ravaging the rich shores 
of Peru. This plan proved a failure so lamentable as 
to hasten the death of l'Heremite. The fleet there- 
upon proceeded northward under Admiral Schapen- 
ham and entered Acapulco on the 28th of October 
1624. The Philippine galleons had not yet arrived, 
and the place contained little worth fighting for, espe- 
cially as the inhabitants had had time to retire with 

3 Zamacois and others hastily intimate that no troops existed. Hist. 3ftf., 
v. 305. 

*This has led most Spanish writers to suppose that this prince commanded it. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 6 



their valuables. The commandant had entrenched 
himself with his feeble garrison in a stronghold, and 
thence refused the overtures of Schapenham for an 
exchange of hostages, while the latter endeavored to 
obtain some fresh provisions. 5 The Hollander's main 
intention was to ascertain when the Manila fleet should 
arrive. He now contented himself with a few attempts 
to procure water and fruit, magnified by modern Mex- 
ican writers into an invasion of the town. This ex- 
treme caution of the enemy encouraged the Spaniards 
on one occasion to beat back his men with loss. After 
despatching part of his fleet Schapenham set sail with 
the remainder November 8th, and tired of waiting for 
the galleons he steered for the East Indies. 6 

Warned of the visit, Cerralvo had hastened to send 
troops to relieve the town, but their march was coun- 
termanded on learning of the enemy's departure. 
Energetic efforts were made, however, to construct 
defences 7 both here and at Vera Cruz, for in the gulf 
of Mexico foreign cruisers could frequently be seen. 
In 1625 the treasure fleet for Spain under Cadereita, 
later viceroy of New Spain, narrowly escaped their 
clutches, 8 but the fleet of 1628, carrying bullion and 
other effects to the value of over twelve millions of 
pesos, was surprised in the Bahama Channel by the 
famous Dutch admiral Pieter Heyne, who for some 

5 It was proposed to give captured Peruvians in return for hostages and 

c The best account of this voyage is the Diurnal vnd Ilistorische Beschrey- 
bung der Nassaicischen Flotten, by Decker, who served on one of the vessels, 
as he states. Strasburg, 1G29. It appeared in an earlier shorter form a3 
Journael van de Nassausche Vloot, issued at Amsterdam in 1G26 by Gerritz, 
and has been widely copied in l)e Bry's Hist. Amer., xiii. ; Gottfried, Ncwe 
Welt, 5G5 et seq., and others. It is well written, yet not so full and candid as 
might be desired. 

7 Eighteen large pieces of artillery were brought from Manila at a cost of 
7,411 pesos. Gra.u, Manila, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 330. 
Travellers mention bronze cannon there marked 1G28. In the following year, 
says Cavo, another Dutch fleet entered to seek provisions without doing any 
damage. Tree Siglos, i. 277. 

8 For this an annual thanksgiving was ordered on the 25th of November. 
What with corsairs, storms, and carelessness these fleets had to meet many 
misfortunes. In 1614 seven vessels were driven on shore near Cape Cotoche 
with heavy loss, though the governor took steps to recover a portion. Coyol- 
hxlo, Hist. Yucathan, 472-3. 


time had been successfully operating off Portugal 
and against transatlantic vessels. The Spaniards 
fought bravely and several vessels were sunk before 
the flag-ship surrendered. The blow proved no less 
severe to the merchants of New Spain than to the 
king, who sorely needed the treasure. 9 

This success lured a number of other raiders who 
for want of better points along the gulf made Yucatan 
suffer. In 1632 six vessels threatened Campeche, 
but timely succor made them retreat. In August of 
the following year the town was again visited, this 
time by ten vessels under a leader known to the 
Spaniards as Pie de Palo. Guided by a renegade, he 
advanced against the entrenchment behind which 
Captain Gal van Romero had retired, but a well 
directed fire killed several of his men, and caused the 
rest to waver. It would not answer to lose many 
lives for so poor a place, and so a ruse was resorted 
to. The corsairs turned in pretended flight. The 
hot-headed Spaniards at once came forth in pursuit, 
only to be trapped and killed. Those who escaped 
made a stand in the plaza, whence they were quickly 
driven, and thereupon the sacking parties overran the 
town. 10 Seven years later Sisal was visited by a fleet 
of eleven vessels and partly burned after yielding but 
little to the raiders. 11 

One result of these ravages was an order for the 
formation of a squadron, under the name of Barlo- 
vento, 12 to protect the gulf of Mexico and the West 
India waters. It was to consist of twelve galleons 

9 In Vazquez, Chrdn. Gvat., 255, is related a similar surprise by a French 
foe, some years later. Fourteen friars perished, but eight others were picked 
up and forwarded to Cadiz. 

J0 The corsair demanded 40,000 pesos to spare the town from destruction, 
but the citizens refused to interfere. The renegade guide, Diego the mulatto, 
felt deeply moved at the death of Romero, who had been his godfather, but 
against several other persons he entertained a profound hatred born of former 
maltreatment. Cogollvclo, Hist. Yucathan, 596-8; Castillo, Die. Yuc., 269-70. 

11 In 1637 the opportune appearance of troops had saved the town from 
such a fate. Id., 602, 639-40. Pie - de Palo was reported to be waiting for 
the fleet of 1638, and it turned back. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 10. 

12 Windward, in allusion to this other name for the Antilles. 


and two smaller vessels, and the estimated cost of 
maintenance, six hundred thousand ducats, should be 
levied on the islands and mainland from Panama" 
northward. Mexico offered to contribute two hun- 
dred thousand pesos by means of an excise tax of two 
per cent. 13 Merida placed herself on the list with 
seven thousand pesos for fifteen years, and other 
towns came forward with different amounts. One 
duty of the fleet was to prevent smuggling, from 
which the treasury suffered greatly, and while the 
chief station must be Vera Cruz, other ports were to 
be frequented. To this end surveys should be made, 
partly with a view to future shipyards. 14 

The declaration of war by France in 1633 added 
another to the many enemies arrayed against Spain 
through the unfortunate policy of Felipe IV., 15 and 
the colonies had to share her misfortunes not alone in 
the form of pirate raids, but in being subjected to 
forced loans and pressing appeals for voluntary and 
tax imposts. Already by cedula of December 4, 1624, 
the king had intimated to his subjects that they ought 
to assist him in his dire need by voluntary gifts, and 
New Spain was told that 600,000 ducats would be 
expected by the following year from her rich colo- 
nists. They sent 432,000 pesos, and this liberal re- 
sponse caused the donativo, or gift, fund to become a 
fixed source of revenue. 16 The appeal for this fund 

13 In addition to four per cent already existing, two reals were also levied 
on cards. This offer was accepted by council of October 19, 1638, deduction 
having to be made when no fleet came. The contador of the fund was ap- 
pointed by the king. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex. , 30. 

14 The lirst order for the Barlovento fleet, dated in May 1635, was followed 
by others bearing chiefly on funds for it. The two per mille collected by the 
consulado was applied to it, and other taxes. Fonseca, Hist. Hac, ii. 12-20; 
Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 559. Santa Maria de la Vitoria, in Tabasco, was 
one of the places, fortified with artillery, and in war time with a large gar- 
rison. Cdlle, Mem. y Not., 87. In 1636 Philippine traders fitted out two 
vessels of their own to watch for corsairs. 

15 An embargo was ordered placed on the property of all French subjects 
in New Spain, as elsewhere, but timely warning came from Spain and many 
saved themselves. 

1G By 1638 Mexico city gave 1,100,000 pesos toward it. The revenue from 
the Tributes y Real Servicio fund amounted in the decade of 1631-40 to 
2,390,200, an increase of 400,000 over the previous term. Fonseca, Hist. Hac, 
i. 450, v. 433-41; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro, i. 126. 


was enjoined on bishops and other officials; and differ- 
ent offices, such as canonries and prebendary ships, were 
granted to those who displayed liberality. Officials 
had to submit to large deductions of pay under the 
term of media anata 11 and mesada, 18 the latter apply- 
ing to ecclesiastics. In addition to these exactions 
loans were demanded, or forcibly taken when not 
otherwise obtainable, 19 and certain taxes were sold to 
speculators for a large sum payable in cash. 20 

Frequent prayers rose from all churches through- 
out Spanish domains for divine aid toward the efficacy 
of these measures, and with a view to incline wor- 
shippers to open their purses as freely as their hearts. 
There was need in truth to promote Christian forbear- 
ance among the oppressed subjects, for, at the very 
time they were asked to bear the burden of wars 
brought upon them often by mere caprice, they re- 
ceived urgent appeals to contribute large amounts 
toward the rebuilding of royal palaces. 21 

The most grievously taxed colonists of New Spain 
at this time were probably those at Mexico. Reputed 
to be among the richest in the wealthy colonies, they 
were expected to meet liberally every demand for aid 
b} 7 the crown, no matter how sorely rulers, or pirates, 
or famine mi edit harass them. And now another 
misfortune was at hand. In 1627 heavy rains caused 
the Rio Quauhtitlan to break the dams confining its 

17 It was established in 1631 and exacted half the income of the first year 
from each office, as the term implies. This levy was increased at times. For 
rules regarding the tax see Recop. de Indices, ii. 542 et seq. 

18 This deduction of ' monthly ' incomes, as the term implies, was established 
still earlier. For decrees concerning it see Id., i. 152 et seq. 

19 In 1625 Cerralvo repaid 40,000 pesos lent by the municipality, and on 
the strength of the good- will created by this promptness he shortly after de- 
manded a larger loan. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 86, 326. Part of the bullion arriv- 
ing in Sprin was seized and the owners were compelled to accept instead 
money of inferior intrinsic value. 

20 Holders of land with doubtful titles were made to pay 'compromise' 
fees, collection offices were extended to new regions, and other means taken 
to obtain increased revenue. See also Gaye, Voy., i. 201. Much of this was 
sent direct to Florida, the West Indies, and other parts, which were also 
supplied with powder and other articles. Recop. de Indicts, ii. 572, 592-3. 

21 Fonseca, hist. Hac., v. 441; Cedulario Nuevo, i. 441. 


waters, and overflow into the lower lakes, so that sev- 
eral parts of Mexico were laid eighteen inches under 
water. The alarmed citizens at once bestirred them- 
selves; causeways were raised according to the plans 
of the engineer Boot; a new dam was constructed 
near Tizayuca; another to divert the Rio Pachuca, 
and work on the drainage tunnel received fresh im- 
pulse. 22 

The decrease of moisture in the following year 
calmed the ardor of both workers and taxpayers, and 
many useful projects were set aside as needless. In 
1G29 the rains began early with the prospect of a wet 
season. Dams broke at several points, and already 
on the 5th of September canoes floated in several 
parts of the city, and thousands prepared to depart. 
On the 21st, St Matthew's day, came the heaviest 
rainfall so far known in the valley; and it continued 
for thirty-six hours, till the whole city lay under water 
to a depth of fully two varas in most parts. 23 The 
confusion and misery defy description. All seemed 
one vast lake dotted with thousands of isolated houses. 
Poofs and windows were crowded with men, women, 
and children, drenched and suffering from hunger and 
exposure. From every direction rose lamentation, 
mingled with the agonized cries of drowning persons 
and noise of crumbling walls. While some buildings 
were undermined with the melting of the adobe brick, 
or the washing away of the foundation, others were 
carried wholly away. The costly goods in shops and 
warehouses were ruined, and broken furniture and 

22 Cavo, followed by modern writers, places some of these measures in 
1626, and states that the flood of 1627 gave rise merely to useless consulta- 
tions, Tres Siglos, i. 278; but Alcgre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 178, confirms the 
more natural supposition that the flood gave impulse to dams and other 
works. The dam near Tizayuca, called Presa del Rey, was made or com- 
pleted in 1628. Inundaciones, in Col. de Diarios, 356. 

23 ' Lleg6 a tener dos barcas de alto el agua por donde menos. ' Cepeda, Rel. , 
pt. ii. 27. ' Subia mas de media vara en la parta mas alta.' Alegre, Hist. 
Comp. Jesus, ii. 180; Panes, Vireyes, MS., 90-7. Vetancurt writes that the 
main square with cathedral, palace, and plazuela de Volador, and all Santiago 
remained above water, Chron., 121; but this must be a mistake, for the 
square lay less than two varas above the surface of the lake. 


other household effects floated about the streets. No 
one could leave his dwelling save in canoes ; and these 
did not suffice for all, so that intercourse was difficult. 
Public affairs came to a standstill; divine service was 
suspended, and bells were rung only for prayer. 

The viceroy and archbishop set an example to offi- 
cials and wealthy persons by extending succor to the 
more needy quarters. The city was divided into dis- 
tricts, and canoes were sent round with provisions; the 
sick and helpless were taken to better quarters, the 
palace itself being converted into a hospital and house 
of refuge, where for six months the viceroy dispensed 
charity. No less noble were the efforts of other 
prominent persons, the prelate establishing half a 
dozen hospitals, and seeking also to encourage the 
sufferers with religious consolation by going around 
daily to hold masses at altars improvised on roofs and 
balconies. The flood showing no signs of abatement, 
he proceeded to the Guadalupe shrine on the main- 
land, and brought thence, for the first time since its 
foundation, the image of the virgin, 24 in the hope that 
so sacred a presence might cause the water to retire; 
but no speedy relief was experienced. 

Under this gloomy prospect the agitation for a re- 
moval of the city was renewed, and many began to 
erect houses in different parts along the mainland 
shore. Petitions were addressed to the king to grant 
his sanction, and in a cedula of May 19, 1632, the 
elevated plain between Tacuba and Tacubaya was 
assigned for the new site, if a representative council 
should find the change necessary. 25 

By this time property-holders were well aware that 

21 Brought over on September 27th says Medina, who adds the pious false- 
hood that the waters at once began to retire. Chrdn. S. Diego, 123. Alegre, 
loc. cit., gives the 24th and leaves the intimation that no good effect followed. 
Florencia, Estrelia del Norte, 130. Davila upholds the efficacy of the image, 
•and adds that an image of St Dominic assisted in lowering the waters ; so 
much so that 'a fines de Julio del afio de 1630. . .recibieron por Patron y 
abogado a Santo Domingo.' Continuation, MS., 303; Pane*, Vireyes, MS., 96-7. 

25 This site was on the Sanctorum grange. Cavo, Tren S'ujlos, ii. 2-3. Those 
who had erected houses elsewhere must not occupy them. This and sup- 
plementary decrees are reproduced in Cepeda, Bel., pt. iii. 7 et set}. 


such a change would work their ruin, and loud remon- 
strances found their way even to the court. The city 
property, now valued at fully fifty millions, would be 
lost, including a large number of sumptuous temples, 
fifteen convents, eight hospitals, six colleges, and other 
public buildings and works. With the growing scarcity 
of available Indians the cost of rebuilding would be 
immense, and thousands would be reduced to beggary 
by the transfer. Besides, how could all the convents 
and temples be restored, and how could the inmates 
be supported when present rentals were lost? 26 Those 
who assisted at the councils for considering the ques- 
tion were most of them too deeply interested in the 
city property to permit a change, and so the project 
dropped. They sturdily continued to occupy their 
houses, although for over four years the city remained 
practically flooded. The higher parts did come above 
the surface, but heavy rains on two occasions assisted 
to keep the waters above the lower lying districts. 27 

Meanwhile a large number of families migrated to 
Puebla and other towns, and a still larger proportion 
perished during the floods and from the exposure, 
want, and diseases which followed, particularly in the 
poorer and Indian sections. 23 Energetic measures were 
taken to improve communication and other facilities 

26 The most interesting representations on this subject are given inCepeda. 
It is also referred to in Fonseca, Hist. Mac, v. 360; in Cavo; Calk, Mem. y 
Not., 43; Medina, Chrdn., S. Dier/o, 234; Gonzalez Dctvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 
18. The number of houses is given at 7,700. The oidores who figured at 
the time and assisted in deciding the qiiestion, were Licenciado Francisco del 
Castillo, Doctor Juan dc Canseco, licenciates Alonso de Uria y Tobar, Fran- 
cisco de Herrera Campuzano, Antonio Cuello de Portugal, Juan de Villabona 
Zubiaurri, and fiscales Juan Gonzalez de Pinaiiel and Juan de Miranda Gor- 
dejuela. Cepeda, Rel., i. 29, 37. 

27 Vctancurt, Chrdn. , 121, extends the flood over five years. Velasco, Exalt. 
Div:, 4.1-0, says four. Alegre specifics till spring of 1033 and states that the 
rains of 1030 nearly gave rise to a riot. Hist. Com p. Jesus, ii. 182-3. Some 
documents imply that the water practically receded between 1G31 and 1033 
and finally in 1034, Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 215, while Lorenzana assumes 
that rains in 1031 and 1034 raised the decreasing waters. Cortes, Hid. N. 
Esp., 22. 

** Archbishop Zuniga exaggerated the loss to 30,000 Indians, and states 
that of 20,000 Spanish families (?) only 400 remained a month after the great 
inundation. Letter of October 16, 1629. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Eeles., i. 
00; Medina, Chrdn. 8. Die<jo, 121; QrambUa, Tuuudtos, ii. 


so as to decrease the suffering and induce people to 
return. Raised sidewalks or causeways were con- 
structed along the houses, canoe traffic was increased, 
and medical aid provided. In 1634 came a series of 
earthquake shocks which rent the valley in different 
directions, and assisted greatly to draw off the water. 
This was claimed by the native and Creole population 
as a miracle performed by their favorite, the virgin of 
Guadalupe, while the Spaniards stoutly attributed it 
to their patron, she of Remedios, intimating that the 
mediation of the other image had so far effected no 
good. The dispute between the votaries became quite 
hot, 29 though they might more reasonably have cursed 
the agency which, having it within its power to deliver 
them, had kept them in misery so long. With this 
occurrence the city saw herself once more free from 
the lake; and now haste was made to clean the streets 
and dredge the canals, for to the obstructions in these 
channels was partly attributed slow drainage. 30 

During the excitement consequent upon the first 
flood, enemies of the Jesuits sought to direct popular 
feeling against them as having broken the dams. In- 
vestigation revealed- that Martinez, the engineer of 
the drainage tunnel, had closed this outlet on behold- 
ing the vast flow of water, confident that its force and 
accompanying debris would merely destroy his works, 
while the latter would be inadequate under the cir- 
cumstances to aid in saving Mexico. The Jesuits 
were cleared, but Martinez had to languish for a time 
in prison for acting without permission. 31 

The importance of drainage and diversion of tribu- 
tary waters became now more generally admitted, and 

"As Betrani, Mex., ii. 67-8, eagerly points out. 

30 The new viceroy Cadereita gave impulse to these operations. Cavo 
places the cost at 14,000 pesos, which must be a misprint. Cepeda mentions 
34,000 for certain work, and Vetancurt, Chrdn., 121, states that the Francis- 
cans accomplished, with Indian aid, for 90,000 what others estimated at 140,000. 
Algate speaks of relics of this period, found in the beginning of this century, 
under the raised causeways. Gaceta, ii. 124-5. 

31 He was also ill provided with funds for work on the tunnel. Cepeda, 
Be.L, pt. ii. 26. It was charged that he had closed the tunnel on purpose to 
raise the estimation of its value. Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 214. 


a number of projects to this end were submitted, all 
of which received due attention, the viceroy joining 
personally in examination of ground. Several pro- 
posed a drain from Lake San Cristobal through Kio 
Tequisquiac into the Panuco, and Simon Mendez even 
urged the extension of the drain to Tezcuco Lake. 
He was allowed to begin the task, but its infeasibility 
must soon have become apparent, for it did not pro- 
gress far. 32 Another suggested that the underground 
passage into which the Teotihuacan rivulet disap- 
peared might serve for outlet, and finally the Jesuit 
father Calderon revived the tradition of a natural 
sink in the bottom of Tezcuco Lake, between two 
rocks near Pantitlan. This received more attention 
than might be expected, and quite extensive exami- 
nations were made under the alluring offer of a hun- 
dred thousand pesos for its discovery. 33 

None of the plans appearing to possess the merits 
of the Huehuetoca channel for efficacy and cheapness, 
a contract was made with Martinez for 200,000 pesos 
to put the tunnel in condition for carrying off the 
tributary waters of Zumpango and Citlaltepec lakes. 34 
The plan was deemed insufficient 35 and work dragged 
slowly along both on the outlet, now destined to be- 
come an open cut, and on adjacent structures. The 
dam of San Cristobal, protecting the Tezcuco from 
northern waters, was restored in a substantial manner; 
a tributary of Chalco Lake from the volcano range 
was diverted, and several minor dams were con- 

32 Each of these plans was estimated to cost from three to nine millions. 

33 Humboldt comments unfavorably on the supposition that the porous 
amygdaloid of the valley could present any apertures. Essai Pel., i. 216. 
For a list of the different projects with details of the principal, see Cepeda, 
Bel, 10, pt. ii. 37-40, pt. iii. 5-G, 17 et seq.; Vetancvrt, Chron., 123-4; La 
Cruz, i. 542-5. 

34 This task was to be finished in 21 months beginning early in 1G30. Mex- 
ico sent 300 Indians to work, and orders came in October 'que la obra corriera 
hasta las bocas de S. Gregorio.' C'aro, Tres Siglos, ii. 2. 

35 The adverse report of Oidor Cubiaurre on the work in 1G32 hastened the 
death of Martinez. Cubiaurre succeeded him as superintendent for a short 
time. In 1037 the Franciscan comisario general Flores took charge and 
his order retained control for many years. Inuudacioncs, in Col. de Diarios, 
MS., 35G-S. 


structed or repaired. 36 In order to relieve the city, 
the funds for these operations were obtained chiefly 
by means of a tax on imported wines. 37 By 1637 the 
expenditure on the drainage works had risen to nearly 
three millions. During the following decade only 
three hundred and thirty-eight thousand pesos were 
expended, and after that still smaller amounts, till 
1768-77, when they rose to somewhat over half a 


Mexico was not ver} T successful in her appeals to 
the virgin patrons, as we have seen, and her religious 
fortitude received a further shock from the circum- 
stance that, just before her greatest misfortune, she 
had celebrated the canonization of the protomartyr 
San Felipe and enrolled him as one of her guardians. 
Among a population so largely composed of Creoles, 
with an immense Indian support, all looking on New 
Spain as their native country, and regarding Span- 
iards from the peninsula with more or less antago- 
nism — among such a people, deeply imbued with re- 
ligious feeling, the possession of a national saint must 
have been ardently desired. This longing was finally 
satisfied in the person of Felipe de Jesus, the eldest 
of ten children born at Mexico to Alonso de las 
Casas 39 and his wife Antonia Martinez. Casas had 
grown rich as a trader in the capital, and eager for 
the redemption of his soul, he designated three of his 
six sons for the service of God. One, Juan, became 
an August inian, and found martyrdom at the Moluc- 
cas in 1607; another, Francisco by name, labored 
actively in the same order as a priest till 1630; 40 and 

s ° By Father Garibay of Mexicaltzinco. Vetavcvrt, Chrdn., 121. 

37 Of 25 pesos on the barrel, half going toward the fortifications at Vera 
Cruz. This tax continued to be levied, though in later years but a fraction 
was applied to the drainage. Fonseca, Hist. Hac, v. 3G8-9. 

38 Details of cost and amount of different work are given in the full official 
report of Cepeda, Relation, pt. iii. 21, etc.; also in Instruc. Vireys, 263. 
Fonscca specifies 1,504,531 as expended during 1028-37, and 1.464,SS3 pre- 
viously. Hist. 11 etc., v. 532. 

39 Wrongly called Canales by several writers. 

40 Named Francisco and dying on San Francisco's day, he must have had 


the third, Felipe, born on May 1, 1575, and educated 
at the Jesuit college, joined the barefooted Francis- 
cans at Puebla, but fell from his vows and was by the 
angry parents sent to the Philippines, there to seek 
his fortune. 41 The large sum of money which he 
brought as a means for advancement was soon dissi- 
pated in riot, but the consequences hastened repent- 
ance, and in 1594 he became again a barefooted Fran- 
ciscan, displaying this time such devout zeal as to 
gain general admiration. After two years of penance 
he left for home. 

The vessel touched at Japan, 42 and there he with 
several brother friars was seized to undergo martyr- 
dom. 43 Proceedings w T ere instituted for the canoniza- 
tion of the victims, Archbishop Serna himself making 
inquiries on behalf of Felipe, and by bull of Septem- 
ber 14, 1627, thirty years after his death, the repent- 
ant son of the merchant was admitted a saint, as the 
protomartyr of Mexico. Two years later, on the anni- 
versary of his martyrdom, February 5th, the city 
celebrated the beatification with imposing ceremonies, 
and received San Felipe de Jesus as one of the 
patrons. The viceroy and archbishop led in the pro- 
cession, and the mother of the saint was able to par- 
ticipate; but the excitement and joy carried her to the 
grave a few days later. 44 

About the same time efforts were made for the 
beatification of a revered hermit named Gregorio 

some spiritual relations with this saint, observes Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 

41 As a soldier, says Medina, yet he allows him to take large amounts of 
money wherewith to speculate. Others intimate that he intended to pursue 
the trade of a silversmith, in which he had already engaged at Mexico. Si a, 
Maria, Chron. St Joseph, ii. lib. iii. cap. x.; Ribadeneyra, Hist. Arch., lib. 
vi. cap. iv. ; Comp. de Jesus, Defensa, 5. 

42 On a mission, it is said, yet Medina declares that Zales drove it there 
for refuge. During the voyage singular phenomena gave indication of the 
saint on board. 

13 The bodies of the victims appear all to have been recovered and taken 
to Manila. Felipe was crucified and lanced after losing his left ear. 

li Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 177-8. Pueblo city also vowed to observe 
the day of San Felipe, who first assumed the robe there. Medina, Chrdn. S. 
U'terjo, 33-4, 114-120; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 9G, 303. 


Lopez, who had died in 1596 at the age of fifty-four. 
In early years he served as page to Philip II., yet 
led an austere and contemplative life, and was said to 
be of royal blood. In 1562 he came to New Spain 
and retired as a hermit among the wild Indians near 
Atemayac, preaching, practising charity, and writing 
books. Several of these were printed and two at- 
tained more than one edition. 45 Archbishop Serna 
transferred his body to the cathedral at Mexico and 
joined in the efforts for his enrolment among the 
saints. This was urged as late as 1752, but in vain. 48 
More persistent and successful were the efforts for 
the canonization of King Ferdinand of Spain, toward 
which large sums were at this time collected in New 
Spain. 47 In 1629 also imposing ceremonies were held 
in honor of Cortds the conqueror, on the occasion of 
the funeral of his last male descendant. The body 
was then transferred from Tezcuco to the Franciscan 
church at Mexico, the viceroy, leading corporations, 
officials, and citizens joining in solemn procession.- 


Cerralvo had twice asked to be relieved of office, 
owing to ill-health and to family affairs which de- 
manded his presence in Spain. This was granted in 
1635, with appointment to the councils of war and the 
Indies and a rental of 3,000 ducados for two lives. 49 
He certainly deserved recognition from the sovereign, 

45 As Declaracion del Appocalipsi of which I have a manuscript copy; 
Tesoro de Medicinas, Mexico, 1673, highly spoken of by Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 
869, and others, also in my possession; Oratorio, Parentatia, Mex., 1666, and 
Collectio Opusculorum, Rome, 1752. A perpetual calendar, a universal chron- 
ology, and other pieces remain in manuscript. 

46 One reason may have been the charge of heresy made against him on 
first arriving at Mexico, though not sustained. For details of his life, see 
Argalz, Vida y Escritos . . .Lopez, Mad., 1678, 1-121; Losa, Vida del Siervo . . . 
Lopez, Madrid, 1727, 1-442; Somoza, Brev. Not., Puebla, 1850, 1-31, and 
less full accounts in Mexican histories, such as Velasco, Hist. Mil. Ben., 

47 Bishop Prado alone paid 6,000 pesos. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., 
i. 126, 131. 

48 For documents on the subject see Alaman, D/sert., ii. 52-4, and app. 
Sosa reproduces many details of the ceremonies. Episc. Mex., 68-9. Pedro 
Cort6s died January 30, 1629, and on February 24th the funeral took place. 

49 On Indians in New Spain, granted May 27, 1638. Calk, Mem. y Not., 56. 


for he had proved an able and energetic ruler, dis- 
pensing justice with promptness and impartiality, fos- 
tering trade and industries, practising charity, and 
looking zealously to the welfare of the people. He 
left a power of attorney to answer at his residencia 50 
and hastened away, carrying a considerable amount 
of treasure, it was said. 

Before his departure the installation took place, on 
September 16th, of the sixteenth viceroy, Lope Diez 
de Armendariz, marques de Cadereita, a man of long 
and varied experience in the royal service. In 1G03 
and 1608 he figured as admiral and general of fleets; 
in which position he showed himself quite fortunate, 
notably in 1625, when he caused wide-spread rejoic- 
ings by escaping with a most valuable treasure. 51 He 
afterward became majordomo to the king and mem- 
ber of the royal council. 52 

His reception created less attention than usual on 
such occasions owing to the restrictions placed by the 
king on costly pageantry. 53 Little of note occurred 
during his rule; affairs progressed to the general 
satisfaction. The Indians received protection, and 
settlements were extended northward, one in Nuevo 
Leon being named Cadereita in his honor. Yet his 
relations with the audiencia do not appear to have 
been quite satisfactory, 54 and at his residencia some 

50 The only notable charge was by the religious orders for his interference 
in their appointments and other acts tending to lower their influence with 
Indians and others. Although this was not sustained at the time, a revival of 
the residencia took place five years later, without any unfavorable results to 
Cerralvo, it appears. Acusacion, in Tumultos deMex., 1-13; Cerralvo, Acu- 
sacion, in Vireyes deMex. Iustruc, pt. 1G— 17; Samaniego, Pel., 98-9; Palafox, 
El Ven. Seizor, 3. Doctor Quiroga y Moya was the judge. 

51 An annual thanksgiving was ordered held in consequence. Certain ac- 
counts place his fleet at eight galleons and that of the enemy at 109 vessels. 
Aguilar, Ndutica Sacra, 2; Pap.Var., i. pt. i.; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., 
serie i. torn. ii. 2. 

52 He was accompanied by his wife, but his daughter remained in Spain. Ve- 
tanevrt, Trat. Mex., 14; Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 201; Figueroa, Vindicias, 
MS., »o. His appointment bore date April 19, 1G35. Cedulario Nuevo, i. 344. 

5a Ordenea de la Corona, MS., i. 14. 

61 A cedula of 1G39 reprimands the oidores for giving him bad advice. Id., 
ii. 189; vii. 3-7. The names of the leading officials at the time may be gath- 
ered from Cepeda, Pel, pt. i. 2; Certif. de Mercedes, MS., 124; Granados, 
Tarda*, 385-G. 


malice was exhibited, chiefly from his quarrel with 
the archbishop. The real nature of this trouble is 
not clear, though it arose from the interference of 
each dignitary with what the other considered his 
special privileges and duties. 55 While the crown was 
not seriously alarmed, a similar quarrel in 1624 proba- 
bly induced it to remove one of them. 

The prelate, Doctor Francisco Manso y Zuniga, 58 
had on April 12, 1628, 57 been appointed to succeed 
the troublesome Serna. He possessed many qualifi- 
cations for his office whereby he gained not only public 
approval but the confidence of the king. Educated 
at Salamanca, he took orders in 1608, became rector 
of Valladolid university, vicar-general of Aloa, abbot 
of several prominent establishments, oidor of Granada 
in 1612, and finally member of the India Council; so 
that with high learning and ecclesiastic experience he 
combined the training of judge and political coun- 
selor; 53 yet we find him embroiling himself so far 
with the viceroy as to lead to his recall in 1635. 59 
Otherwise his administration proved satisfactory, and 
among the people his memory was revered for the 
kindness and charity displayed in particular during 
the great inundation, and in aiding religious edifices. 60 
The king indeed was not displeased, for he presented 
him to the see of Cartagena and afterward to the 
archdiocese of Burgos. In 1650 Zuniga entered the 
Indian Council with the title of conde de Ervias. 61 

65 Gonzalez Ddvila, who wrote about this time, merely saj T s, 'Two encuen- 
tros con cl Virrey en defensa de la inmunidad de la Iglesia.' Teatro Ecles., i. 
61. The marchioness was actually to be prevented from visiting nunneries. 

56 Panes add3 Mendoza. Virreyes, MS., 96. 

57 Gonzalez Ddvila writes 1629; but Zuniga was at Mexico already in Feb- 
ruary of this year, and arrived probably at the close of 1628. 

|> 8 IIe was born at Calias about 1582, and studied also at Valladolid. 

59 Cavo erroneously writes 1039. Tres S/glos, ii. 11. 

60 Gonzalez Ddvila speaks also of his liberal expenditures at the funeral of 
the infante archbishop of Toledo, Teatro, 61, yet this act savors rather of ob- 
sequious calculation. 

61 And visconde de Negueruela. Sosa, Episc. Mex., 72. At his death, six 
years later, he left treasures to the value of 800,000 pesos, which were placed 
under embargo. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Ilex., sene ii. torn. i. 359. Yet 
the greater part no doubt reached his heirs. 


Francisco Verdugo, long connected with the inqui- 
sition, and since 1G23 bishop of Guamanga in Peru, 
was appointed his successor at Mexico, but died in 
August 1636, before the bulls reached him. 62 Mean- 
while the archdiocese was administered by Doctor 
Fernandez de Ipenza, an intimate of Zuniga, who 
probably assisted in procuring for him the bishopric 
of Yucatan ; but death overtook Ipenza before conse- 
cration. 63 The next appointee to the prelacy of 
Mexico was a Creole, Feliciano de la Vega, born at 
Lima and there educated. His great learning and 
brilliant talents procured prompt recognition, and he 
became successively governor of the Lima archdiocese 
and bishop of Popayan and of La Paz. The latter 
appointment was conferred in 1639 and in the same 
year came his promotion to Mexico. On arriving at 
Acapulco early in December 1640 he was seized with 
fever from which he died within a few days, 64 to the 
regret of the creole population at least, who were 
naturally eager to see installed as leading prelate one 
of their own class, though born in a distant land. 

62 At the age of 75, it seems, though Gonzalez Davila says 80. He had 
been professor at Seville, inquisidor at Lima from 1601-23, and had repeatedly 
declined promotion to Spanish sees. He dispensed all his income in alms and 
died deeply regretted. Teatro Ecles. , i. 62. 

63 The appointment was dated October 6, 1643. 

61 The body was afterward removed from Mazatlan to Mexico cathedral. 
He left a fortune of 800,000 pesos, but no will whereby to embalm his memory 
in charities, observes Gonzalez Davila, yet he adds: 'Fue vno de los mas 
felizes ingenios que tuuo el Reyno de Pirii.' Teatro, i. 63-5. Of 4,000 de- 
cisions made by him as ruler of the Lima see none was revoked. The fortune 
above referred to gave rise to strange complications as will be seen. 

Herewith I give broader references to some authorities consulted for the 
preceding chapters: Torqvemada, i. 306-11, 572, 618-19, 671, 690-3, 726-68; 
iii. 269-77, 380-1; CaMe, Mem. y Not., 43 et seq. ; Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 
120, passim; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 36, 393-442; ii. 10-42, 115, 136, 
178-9; Cepeda, Relation, i. 4, passim; Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 2, 
18, 42-61, 92-6, 122-31, 182-97, 206-39; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 11, 33-4, 
44-9, 113-53, 234, 240; Cogollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 232-9, 409, passim; Her- 
vera, dec. i. lib. ix. cap. viii. ; Tumultos de Mex., MS., 15 et seq.; Vetancvrt, 
Citron. San Evang., 13-23, 120-7; Id., Trat. Mex., 11-14, 30-9; Grambila, 
Tumidtos, MS., 1-19; Burgoa, Geog. Descrip. Oajaca, ii. 305-6, 340-2; Id., 
Palestra Hist., 139-48, 193-200; Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 35-6, 56, 116; Car- 
riedo, Estudios Hist., 114; Vazquez, Chron. de Gvat., 255; Certification de las 
Mercedes, MS., 124: Col. Doc. Lied., xxi. 447-60; Contilios Prov., MS., 
1555 y 65, 216-17; 6rdents,de la Corona, MS., ii. 145-89; vii. 1-7; Remesal, 


Hist. Chyapa, 718; Papeles Franciscanos, MS., 2-5; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. 
torn, ii., passim; Id., s6rie ii. torn, iii., passim; Mexico, lid. Svm. de Tu- 
mult os, 1 et seq.; Sigiienza y Gdngora, Carta, MS., 15; Id., Parayso Occid., 
24-6; Mexico ysus Disturbios, MS., i. 16-54, 289-91, 361-451; ii. 1-676; 
Paeheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, vi. 380; Maltratamiento de Indios, MS., 
1-8; Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 18-22; Instruc. Vireyes, 263; Recop. da Ind., i. 
21, passim; ii. 27, passim; Montemayor, Svmarios, 56-9, 181, 216-17; Fi- 
gueroa, Vindicias, MS., 55-73; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 343, 355; Durango, 
Doc. Hist., MS., 140-5; Mexico, Pel. del Estado, passim; Cavo, Tres Siglos, 
i. passim; Beaumont, Crdn. Mich., MS., 265; Purchas, His Pilgrimes, i. 84; 
ii. 791; Laet,Am. Descrip., 233-9, 251-316; Humboldt, Essai Pol.,i. 204-35, 
674; ii. 817; Id., New Spain, 90-2, 100-5; Id., Versuch, ii. 87-128; Santos, 
Chron. Hosj)., ii. 433-45, 458-61; 464-73, 589-90; Arlegui, Prov. de Zac, 
81-3, 138-44, 243-4, 346; Mayer, Mex. Aztec, i. 149, 163, 176-98; Abispa de 
Chalpancingo, Escritos, 365; Dice. Univ., i. 139, 328, 342; ii. 212-19, 260, 
304-5, 378-9, 547-9; iii. 396; iv. 489-93; v. 250-1; vi. 761-2; vii. 485-6; 
viii. 577; ix. 216-17, 260-1, 333-4, 504, 587-8, 805, 930; x. 369-70, 539-43, 
653-63, 761, 822, 928-9; Aguilar, Naidica, 2-12; San Sanson, L'Amer., 18; 
Zevcdlos, Hist. Mund., 135; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon, 3-16; Alvares, Estudios, 
iii. 179-221, 461-505; Touron, Hist. Gen., vii. 278-92, 303-5; Arevalo, Com- 
pend., 171-2; Mora, Rev. Mex., iii. 237-56; iv. 2-43; Album, Mex., i. 351-3; 
Gottfriedt, Newe Welt, 472-5, 596-8; Poussin's Question, 27-8; Arrillaga, 
Recop., 1835, 5-6; Muhlenpford, Versuch, ii. 254-63; Frost's Hist. Mex., 
138-40; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 157-8; Correal, Voy. (Paris ed.), i. 1; Beltrami, 
Mex., ii. 62-78; Samaniego, ReL, 98-9; Prescott's Mex., ii. 105-7; Gage, 
Voy. (Amsterdam ed. 1720), i. 68-116, 203-22; Id. (Paris ed. 1696), i. 225-45; 
Midler, Reisen en Mex., ii. 52-67; iii. 185-90; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 159-62, 
250-2; Id., Hist, y Cron., 105-7; Nicola'i, Newe und Warhaffte, 305; Green- 
how's Or. and Cal., 89-91; Ogilby's Am., 245; Ribera, Gob. Max., 77, passim; 
Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 176, 223; Castillo, Die. Hist., 60, 269-72; Bustamante, 
Voz de la P atria, i. 10-12; Alzate, Gacetas, ii. 124-5; Granadas, TardesAm., 
340-1, 385-6; Larenaudiere, Mex. et Guat. (Paris ed. 1843), 150; Shepard's 
Land of the Aztec, 37-9; Varios Impresos, nos. iii. vi.-vii.; Fonsecay Urrutia, 
Reed Hacienda, ii. 12-22, 263-337; iv. 429-50; v. 352-61; Churchill's Col. 
Voy., viii. 767-70; Russell's Hist. Am., ii. 106; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 51-71; 
Ward's Hist. Mex., ii. 282; Ternaux-Compans, Col. Voy., s6rie ii. torn. v. 
322; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 41, 169; v. 246, passim; Bcdbuena, Grandeza 
Meg., 1-140; Liceo Mex., ii. 5-6, 40-2, 52, 80-3, 119-33, 144-7, 164-5; Bur- 
ney's Discov. South Seas, ii. 273 et seq.; Mexico, Rel. de Gelves, passim; 
Berenger, Col. Voy., i. 262, 288-93; Compania de Jesus, Defensa, passim; 
Fisher's National Mag., i. 249-54; Mosaico Mex., ii. 269; Mota-Padilla, 
Conq. N. Gal., 271; Registro Yucateco, i. 194-8; Velasco, Exalt. Divin. Miser., 
39-49; Terranova y Monteleone, Esposicion, 21-63; Somoza, Breve Not., 2-31; 
Rodriguez, Carta Hist., 2-6, 35-50; Soc. Mex. Geog. t Boletin, ii. 7-8; iv. 19, 
73; v. 349-52; viii. 165; Pcdafox y Mendoza, Venerable Sefior, 5-7; Rivera, 
Hist. Jalapa. i. 77-91; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 28-9; Lacunza, Discursos 
Hist., no. xxxiv. 486-512; Alaman, Disert., ii. 50-77, 236-9; iii. 19-28, 173, 
389; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 13, passim. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 7 




Viceroy Escalona's Arrival— The Bishop and Visitador Palafox — 
Quarrels about Doctrinas — A Covetous Ruler — Fruitless Com- 
plaints — Startling News erom Portugal — Escalona's Sympa- 
thies — An Insolent Captain — Viceroy versus Bishop — Palafox 
Made Archbishop and Governor of New Spain — Secret Prepara- 
tions—The Stroke against Escalona — His Vindication in Spain — 
Palafox an Able Viceroy — Iconoclasm — Episcopal Labors at 
Puebla — Viceroy Salvatierra Arrives — Califohnia Explora- 
tions — Salvatierra's Rule. 

Satisfactory as the rule of Viceroy Caclereita had 
been, the crown had, as it seems, some motive for his 
removal, 1 and the appointment of a successor was re- 
solved upon. Diego Lopez Pacheco Cabrera y Boba- 
dilla, duque de Escalona and marques de Villena, a 
grandee . f Spain, 2 was the personage selected as seven- 
teenth viceroy. He arrived at Vera Cruz the 24th of 
June 1640, though festivities in that city and at sev- 
eral points on the road delayed his entry into the 
capital until the 28th of August. 3 In the same fleet 
came the new bishop of Puebla and visitador general 
for New Spain, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, with a 

1 Troubles with Archbishop Manso y Ziiniga may have been the cause. 
The reprimand of the audiencia would also indicate grounds for complaint. 

2 He was the first grandee that ever held the viceroyalty of New Spain. 
Calle, Mem. y Not., 5(3. Escalona was a relative to the dukes of Braganza in 

3 Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 14, followed by Cavo, Tres Stylos, ii. 12; Lorcn- 
zana, Hist. N. E*p., 22-3. Mayer, Mex. Aztec, i. 198, and Ribera, Hist. 
Jalapa, i. 91, state that his entry into Mexico was made four days after his 
arrival at Vera Cruz. 



special commission to take the residencias of the 
former viceroys, Cerralvo and Cadereita, and to in- 
vestigate the commercial relations with Peru and the 
Philippine Islands. 

The new viceroy was a man of fair speech, and for a 
time won for himself the sympathies of the people, 
who expected from him a change for the better in the 
condition of affairs. At this period commerce and 
mining industries were depressed/ and the common 
necessaries of life could be purchased only at exorbi- 
tant rates. Moreover the church was in a demoralized 
condition, and the religious brotherhoods ever at 
strife; the highest ecclesiastical dignity in New Spain 
being represented only by a deputy. 

The beginning of Escalona's rule showed some 
activity. He had been ordered by the king to make 
explorations on the coast of California, and soon after 
his accession a commission was issued for that pur- 
pose to the governor of Sinaloa. Certain Jesuits 
accompanied the expedition; but the only purpose 
which it served was to ascertain that the coast was 
rich in pearls, and, though cheerless and barren, in- 
habited by peaceful tribes. In the mean time the 
viceroy aided effectually in carrying out the orders 
which had been given him for the reformation of the 
doctrinas, the execution of which rested with the 
visitador-bishop Palafox, an able, energetic man, 
whose name became intimately linked with that of 
Escalona, and with the greatest ecclesiastical strife 
which occurred during the seventeenth century. 

Juan de Palafox y Mendoza was born in Fitero, 
Navarre, on the 24th of June 1600, and was of noble 
descent, though a natural son. When ten years old he 
was legitimized by his father, Jaime de Palafox y Men- 
doza, marques de Ariza. 5 Having received an educa- 

4 The losses sustained by shipwrecks and pirates during the preceding ten 
years were estimated at 30,000,000 pesos. Palafox, El Ven. Sefior, 4-5. 

5 The latter title has probably misled several authors, among them Vetan- 
curt and Gonzalez Davila, who give Ariza in Aragon as his birthplace. Trat. 
Mex., 52; Teatro Ecles., i. 98. 


tion in keeping with his rank, he intended to enter 
the army, but being dissuaded by his father, he studied 
law and theology at Alcala and Salamanca, where his 
talents won the admiration of his teachers and fellow- 
students. His fame soon reached the ears of the kino:, 
who summoned him to court, and he was appointed 
in quick succession to several important offices in the 
council of the Indies, and of war. During this time 
he first entertained the idea of changing his worldly 
life for a more sacred calling, 6 and a few years later 
was ordained a priest, being appointed, in 1629, chap- 
lain and chief-almoner to the empress, whom he ac- 
companied to Germany, 7 where he remained for 
several years. On the 27th of December 1639 he was 
consecrated at Madrid, and on his arrival in New 
Spain, in June 1640, immediately entered upon his 
duties. His zeal and charity soon gained for him the 
love and obedience of his flock, while as visitador he 
knew so well how to temper justice with moderation 
that litigants highly respected his decisions. The 
only matter in which he displayed unwonted rigor was 
the removal of friars from doctrinas, and in this he 
was seconded by the viceroy. 

For years great irregularities had prevailed in the 
appointments to doctrinas, or neophyte congregations, 
a great number of which the religious brotherhoods had 
held in their gift since the time of the conquest. Friars 
were installed and removed at will by their superiors, 
regardless of royal and pontifical decrees to the con- 
trary, and of instructions directing candidates to be 
examined and approved by the bishop. Little or no at- 
tention was paid to the manner in which the doctrinas 

6 Several miraculous escapes from danger had already predisposed him to 
this change, and the death of two prominent courtiers hastened his resolution. 
His mother, who had become a recluse, encouraged him. Palafox, Obras, xiii. 
10, 15-47. 

7 He held also for some time the offices of a treasurer of the church of 
Tarasona and of an abbot of Cintra. Vetancvrt, Trat. M ex., 52; Gonzalez 
Ddvlla, Teatro Ecles., i. 98. Lorenzana, in Concillos Prov., 1555-65, 251, 
mentions Palafox also as visitador of the royal convent of barefooted nuns of 


were administered, the only object seeming to be the 
accumulation of wealth at the expense of others. The 
bishop at once resolved to correct this abuse, and 
meeting with resistance on the part of the friars, 
proceeded to deprive the orders of their missions. In 
a short time he had established thirty-seven new 
curacies, which formerly had belonged to the Fran- 
ciscans, Dominicans, and Augustinians. It must be 
admitted that in some instances he went too far, 
making a parish out of every district containing a 
small church or hermitage, if the ecclesiastics failed 
to appear before him during the short term granted 
for examination. 8 Finally, when the religious orders 
realized their inability to battle successfully with the 
united powers of the bishop and the viceroy, they 
submitted under protest to the India Council, a meas- 
ure which was of no avail to them, however, as the 
conduct of the bishop was approved. The general 
feeling of the population had doubtless been with the 
bishop, and they considered the great number of friars 
as a burden to the country, and one of little benefit; 
for a few years later petitions were addressed to Spain, 
urging that no more friars be sent to Mexico, and 
that no licenses be issued for new convents. 

Although an intimate friendship seemed to exist 
between Escalona and Palafox, which found expression 
in the frequent visits they paid each other, the former 
had not been deaf to the complaints of the friars merely 
for the sake of the bishop's good- will. He required 
a more tangible compensation, which was nothing less 
than the assistance, or at least the non-interference, of 
the powerful visitador. Pleasure, and the acquisition 
of wealth, were dear to the heart of the viceroy. The 
duties of his office were a sore burden to him, and he 

8 The Franciscans as the most numerous seem to have suffered most, 
judging from the long complaint of Vetancurt, who says that his order had 
to suffer many grievances. Only one Franciscan, of Atlixco, submitted to 
the bishop's demand, and having been approved, was left in undisturbed pos- 
session of his doctrina. Vetancvrt, Chro)i. San Evang., 14-16; Gonzalez Da- 
vita, Teatro Ecles., i. 99. See also Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 13; Alaman, DiserL, 
iii. app. 28. 


willingly transferred tliem to his friends and courtiers, 
if they would only offer him opportunity for amuse- 
ment, and his due share of the official perquisites. 
The best offices were thus given to the partisans of 
the duke, and by them resold to the highest bidder. 
Among other measures he was induced to order a 
census to be taken of all the mulattoes, negroes, and 
mestizos, but for what purpose does not appear, save 
that of swelling his own coffers, and those of his fa- 
vorites. One of his attendants was put in charge of 
the granary, the stores of which were sold at exces- 
sive rates to the public; another was made judge of 
police and given charge of the public water works. 9 
A third was appointed jnez de pulques under the pre- 
text of enforcing the laws against the sale of intoxi- 
eating liquors, and made fifty thousand pesos a year 
by his office. The sale of cacao was also monopolized, 
and its price w T as so extravagant that only rich per- 
sons could afford to buy it. 10 

The people were loud in their complaints, but no 
whisper reached the ears of the viceroy, 11 for his friends 
did their utmost to prevent him from learning how 
great was the dissatisfaction his measures had created. 
Representations were made to the bishop-visitador, 
who argued with Escalona, suggesting that if the 
offices were sold the proceeds ought to be turned 
over to the royal treasury. His counsel was disre- 
garded by the duke, who was piqued by it, and after- 
ward endeavored to keep aloof from him. 12 

The viceroy still wanted money to redeem his en- 
cumbered estates, and a new scheme was devised by 
his ingenious financiers. A list of wealthy persons 

9 Even the salmons water sold at two and three reals a load, and its use 
caused diseases among the population. 

10 ' If thus the wealthier classes were unable to obtain it, how could it be 
with those who had no means, y con solo este desayuno ayunaban los dias y 
las noehes.' Palafox, El Ven. Seuor, 6. 

1 l His rooms, in the interior of the palace, were quite distant from that 
part of the building where the offices were situated, and to which the public 
had access. 

12 'Parecie'ndole que en no oysndo culparse no seria culpado.' Palafox, El 
Ven. Senor. 7. 


was made, and all were in turn invited to the palace 
by the viceroy, who flattered them, feasted them, pro- 
moted some of them to office, and finally did them 
the honor of borrowing their money, the repayment 
of which in all probability was to be made ad Grcecas 
ccdendas. To refuse or to concede was alike danger- 
ous, and many preferred the latter. So well worked 
the contrivance, that within a short time several hun- 
dred thousand pesos were obtained. 13 Occasionally ap- 
propriations were also made from the royal treasury 
and from the monopoly of quicksilver, the latter prov- 
ing so injurious that the product of the mines was 
largely reduced. 14 

Cool as were the relations between Escalona and 
Palafox, an open rupture had always been avoided by 
the latter, perhaps more from policy than from any 
other motive. Even the viceroy's misconduct with 
regard to the armada de Barlovento, and the despatch 
of the fleet of 1641, did not produce any visible effect 
on the visitador, though it evidenced the breach 
already existing. Orders had been given to the duke 
to proceed with the organization of this armament for 
the protection of the coasts and the escort of mer- 
chant vessels. These instructions were carried out in 
the most careless manner; a large amount of money 
was drawn from the royal treasury and spent on ves- 
sels scarcely seaworthy and altogether too small. 15 In 
addition, the despatch of the fleet was unnecessarily 
delayed until the end of July. In vain the visitador 
had remonstrated; but though his advice was disre- 
garded the result proved how correct it had been, for 
a storm destroj^ed the whole flota, and caused the 
crown a loss of about eight millions of pesos. 16 

13 Authorities differ as to the exact figure, stating it from 300,000 to 400,000 
pesos. One Alvaro de Lorenzana alone is said to have loaned 50,000 pesos. 

14 It is asserted that not one mark of silver entered the royal treasury 
under Escalona's rule. 

15 The amount is estimated at 800,000 pesos. Pain fox, El Yen. Senor, 8. 

16 Palafox made of the viceroy's proceedings a charge of harboring seditious 
plans; but this fell tojdie ground; for at Habana the fleet was placed under 
the command of an officer quite independent of Escalona. Escalona, Defenm 
in Vlr. Instrue., MS., serie i., no. 1, 13-14. 


During this same year the viceroy's covetousness 
was again a cause of offence to Palafox. The late 
archbishop elect, Feliciano de Vega, had died intes- 
tate, soon after his arrival at Acapulco, leaving prop- 
erty valued at eight hundred thousand pesos, and a 
controversy arose as to whom belonged the adminis- 
tration. The bishop claimed it in virtue of his office 
as visitador, and commissioned his vicar-general, Bar- 
tolome cle Nogales, to make an inventory. But the 
property, or at least the greater part, had already 
been seized and placed in safe-keeping by the oidor, 
Melchor de Torreblanca, by order of the viceroy ; and 
when Nogales proceeded to comply with his instruc- 
tions, he was strongly rebuked by Escalona, and also 
by Palafox, who yet strove to remain on good terms 
with the duke. Nogales returned in disgust to 
Spain; 17 and the bishop, also annoyed, abandoned his 
claim and retired to Puebla. 18 

During the first days of April 1G41 news reached 
Mexico that Portugal and Catalonia had risen in 
revolt, and were at war with Spain in defence of their 
proclaimed independence. The people of Mexico be- 
came alarmed, for the viceroy was a near relative to 
the chief of the Portuguese insurgents, the duke of 
Braganza, and there was a large number of that 
nationality in the country. Many of them were 
wealth} 7 and influential, and had always been treated 
by Escalona with marked favor. Fears were enter- 
tained that the insurrection might spread to the New 
World, and the duke's behavior apparently justified 
this apprehension. Cedulas had been sent to the 

17 'Diciendo no queria estar en tierra donde tanto ataba las manosala jus- 
ticia la contemplacion de los senores vireyes.' Palafox, El Ven. Seilor, 9. 

18 The money disappeared mysteriously; 'murieron (the 800,000 pesos) 
como su duefio muy apriessa. ' Gonzalez Ddvila, Tcatro Ecles., i. 65. Torre- 
blanca was later suspended from office and banished to Tacuba, for the term 
of five years. In 1650 the council of the Indies pronounced a severe sentence 
against him — perpetual removal from office, exile from the New World, for 
ten years from the court, and a line of 15,000 ducats. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. 
Hut. Mex., lstser., i. 107. All this implies that frauds were committed in 
the administration of the estate. 


viceroy to serve as a guide for his conduct toward the 
Portuguese, but they were kept secret, and neither 
the audiencia nor the visitador learned their con- 
tents. The distinctions bestowed on the Portuguese 
were remembered; how one had been made castellan 
of San Juan de Ulua; how another, even after the 
arrival of the news, had been placed in charge of a 
portion of the troops, and received the rank of maes- 
tre de campo; while a third was appointed comisario 
general. 19 It was also asserted that, on the very day 
when the intelligence was received, Escalona, instead 
of expressing sorrow, dressed himself in gala costume 
and invited his friends to a banquet. 

One circumstance, however, although a trivial one, 
was brought forward as clearly proving the duke's 
disloyalty. It was alleged that, when offered the 
choice of two horses, one belonging to Pedro de Cas- 
tilla, and the other to Cristobal de Portugal, he ex- 
claimed, after trying them: "The Portuguese is the 
better.'" 20 This remark did not escape the strained 
ears of his enemies; and trifling as it was, it was 
afterward so construed as to form one of the heaviest 
charges against him. 21 The loss of one of the mail- 
ships, despatched in the beginning of the year, also 
caused great excitement, and without regard to in- 
consistency of dates was by some persons interpreted 
as a premeditated step of the viceroy to aid his rebel 
cousin in Portugal. 

The feeling of the Spaniards against the Portu- 

19 It seems that the first instructions from Spain did not order the dis- 
missal of Portuguese officials, who were considered trustworthy, but only en- 
joined strict vigilance. The duke retained them in office as there were no 
sufficient reasons for their removal. 

20 'Mejor es el de Portugal.' Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 14; Cavo, Tres Sighs, 
ii. 15; Bustamante in Palafox, El Ven. Sefior, 79. The two last authorities 
say the horses had been given to the duke. Palafox, Respuesta, in Palafox, 
El Ven. Senor, 57, gives to the horses the names of Castilla and Portugal, 
and changes the viceroy's exclamation to 'Dejo a Castilla por Portugal.' 

21 Correspondence with Portuguese noblemen, observations approving the 
duke of Braganza's treachery, and even the project of a Portuguese invasion 
were also on the list of accusations against Escalona, but proofs were never 
furnished, and it is not at all improbable that the bishop had a good deal to 
do with the circulation of such rumors, if not with their creation. 


guese reached its climax on the 13th of August 1641, 
the day of St Hippolytus. When the usual proces- 
sion of the banner met a body of soldiers with their 
Portuguese captain, the customary salute of lowering 
the flag was refused on the ground of the duke's 
absence. 22 The Spaniards, though greatly incensed, 
merely changed their route, and made no attempt to 
punish their insolent neighbors. Palafox, who soon 
afterward returned to Mexico, represented to the 
viceroy the necessity of punishing the captain and of 
adopting energetic measures to prevent an outbreak 
of the Portuguese, who became more haughty from 
day to day. Escalona agreed with the bishop, but 
could not be induced to take any active steps, 
although the representations were repeated. 23 

While the viceroy and Palafox were yet quarrelling, 
information reached Mexico that the Portuguese in 
Brazil had rebelled, and that a mutiny had occurred 
in Cartagena, New Granada. 24 The zealous visitador 
immediately held consultations with the members 
of the audiencia, the inquisition, and a number of 
prominent persons, and all urged him to reason with 
the duke, and call his attention to the impending 
danger. The dismissal of the Portuguese captain 
and those of his countrymen who held office under the 
crown, and the disbanding of the companies of Portu- 
guese soldiers, were deemed necessary. An attempt 
to obtain an interview with the viceroy failed, owing 
to the latter's discourtesy; and when the bishop ex- 
plained his views in a letter, 25 the duke's answer was, 

22 No reason is assigned why the viceroy failed to assist. ' El portugues 
dijo: que no hallandose en el (the procession), S. E. a ningun otro abatiria sn 
bandc'va." Palafox, El Ven. Seuor, 10-11. 

23 Palafox, in his letter to the king, mentions the disrespectful language 
of the viceroy, saying that the latter, on one occasion, told the bishop's chap- 
lain: ' por ahi dicen que me alzo con esto, si eso f uese asi, yo seria rey, y mi 
obispo papa.' Palafox, El Ven. Setior, GO. There is no doubt that, as well on 
this as on other occasions, the viceroy made merry with the serious remarks 
of the bishop, who really suspected a conspiracy. 

24 Cartagena de las Indias, as it was then called, to distinguish it from 
that of old Spain. 

2a ' Con maravillosas razones y profunda reverencia le proponia la reforma- 
cion del capitan portugues, y todos los demas puntas convenientes.' 


"The learned always err." Nevertheless a meeting 
was convoked, consisting of lawyers, friars, and other 
personages with little or no judgment on political 
affairs. Moreover disputes about etiquette prevented 
any definite action. 

Comprehending at last the danger of greater delay, 
the viceroy issued a proclamation, ordering the Portu- 
guese inhabitants to deliver up their fire-arms under 
pain of death. The Portuguese captain was dismissed, 
and Palafox, in order to manifest his conciliatory dis- 
position, went to the palace to congratulate Escalona, 
but was discourteously treated by the viceroy. The 
ill-will of the latter increased when his request to the 
visitador to pardon a certain prisoner was denied, and 
the bishop in some skilful manner contrived to secure 
the people's sympathy for his conduct. The duke re- 
taliated, vexing the bishop by petty annoyances and a 
lack of courtesy; he persecuted his friends, and forbade 
him to interfere with the despatch of the Philippine 
vessels, a matter which belonged to the jurisdiction 
of the visitador. Toward the end of 1641 Palafox 
was desirous of returning to his diocese, but was pro- 
voked by the sneering remarks of the duke 26 to remain, 
only to experience new offence in the following year, 
when the corregidor of Vera Cruz imprisoned a Car- 
melite friar on whose person were found letters which 
caused him to be suspected of being an emissary of 
the bishop, and the latter's efforts in his behalf seemed 
to confirm it. Having failed to obtain from the vice- 
roy the punishment of the corregidor, and the resi- 
dencia of Caclereita being concluded, in Februar} r 1642 
the bishop retired to Puebla to attend to his duties, 
and to await the result of his reports to the king, 
whom as a loyal subject and in duty bound he had 
informed of the suspicious behavior of the duke. 

His patience was not put to a severe test. The 
king had always been aware of the viceroy's intimate 
relation with the Portuguese rebel, who had wrested 

26 Escalona said publicly he had ordered the bishop to return to Puebla. 


from the Spanish sovereign an important province; 
the critical circumstances of the epoch and the abuses 
wrought by the viceroy's attendants, magnified as 
they were by the bishop, effectually undermined the 
king's confidence. Previous orders to exercise a whole- 
some surveillance were now amplified, and the visi- 
tador was ordered to take possession of the govern- 
ment. Simultaneously his services were recognized 
by offering him the archbishopric of Mexico, vacant 
since the death of Feliciano de Vega. 27 

These cedulas arrived toward the end of May 1642, 23 
and Palafox was not loath to assume the viceroyalty, 
which office so well suited his ambition. He declined, 
however, the archiepiscopal see. 29 The latter was in 
consequence given to Juan de Manosca y Zamora, the 
late president of the chancilleria of New Granada. 30 
He was consecrated by Palafox on the 24th of Feb- 
ruary 1645. Keeping secret his appointment, the 
bishop proceeded on the 6th of June 1642 to Mexico, 
where his exaltation to the highest ecclesiastical disr- 
nity had filled with joy the whole population, save the 
viceroy, who congratulated him with such scant cour- 
tesy 31 as to rouse the ire of the bishop, who occupied 
himself during the two following days with sending 
letters to Puebla, Vera Cruz, and other places, making 
known his appointment almost simultaneously. On 
the eve of Saturday the 9th of June, the final prepa- 

27 Diego de Guevara, archbishop-elect of Santo Domingo, had taken pos- 
session of the see in the name of Vega, and ruled until his death. Gonzalez 
Ddvila, Tcatro Ecles., i. 64. 

28 The contemporary narrator, in Palafox, El Veil. Sefior, 18, says March 
23d, which is likely to be a misprint, or incorrect reading of the original man- 
uscript. The time given in the text is supported by the personal statements 
of Palafox, and intimated by Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 14. 

29 Gonzalez Davila asserts because he had vowed not to accept any other 
see but that of Puebla. 

30 A native of Marquina in Biscay. He was educated in Mexico, studied 
in Salamanca, and held later, among other offices, that of inquisitor at Carta- 
gena and Lima. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex. , 25. Some call him Maiiosca, others 
Zamora; the first, his maternal name, was with preference adopted by him. 
Panes mentions him as Juan Saenz de Mayorca y Zamora. Vireyes, in Mon- 
me/itos, Dora. Esp., MS., 99. 

31 It is also said that Escalona circulated reports that Palafox owed his 
elevation to his influence. 


rations for the stroke were made in the city of Mexico, 
as the viceroy intended to retire to Chapultepec. At 
a late hour of the night, after previously informing 
the members of the inquisition, and ordering them to 
be ready for action, the members of the audiencia were 
summoned to his house and shown the royal cedulas, 
which they obeyed, recognizing Palafox as viceroy. 
Subsequently the city council, municipal and royal 
officials, and a number of prominent citizens, who had 
been assembled, were likewise acquainted with the 
king's will, and all declared their willingness to obey. 

During the same night, by order of Palafox, the 
maestre de campo, Antonio Urrutia de Vergara, 32 with 
thirty resolute men took possession of and guarded 
the entrances to the viceregal palace, allowing all who 
so desired to leave it, but none to enter. This done, 
word was sent to the new viceroy, together w T ith the 
information, that everything within the palace was 
quiet and that there was not the least suspicion. 
Others had secured the prison, the mint, the house 
where the royal seal was kept, and several public 

Confident as was the bishop that his conduct could 
not fail to meet with the approval of the people, he 
still deemed it but prudent to have an eye to his own 
safety. At five o'clock the next morning everything 
was ready, and the oidor Andres de Pardo de Lagos, 33 
accompanied by two alcaldes, the fiscal, and a secretary, 
proceeded to the palace to notify to the duke his down- 
fall. 34 

Escalona was asleep when Lagos and his compan- 
ions entered, and awoke to find the party on bended 
knee, as they apprised him of the king's latest reso- 
lution. The secretary handed him the cedula, but he 

32 He is sometimes only called Vergara, in other instances Urrutia. 

33 In some places he is called Lugi or Lugo. 

3i Cavo, Tres Sir/los, ii. 14-15, expresses his astonishment that they could 
enter the palace without encountering opposition. He forgets evidently that 
the guard, although only subject to the immediate orders of the viceroy, 
would not fail to obey those of the maestre de campo, the second commander, 
who, as has been shown, sided with the bishop. 


returned it with the request that it be read to him. 
This was done, and raising himself on his shoulder he 
listened, speechless with surprise, to the words of his 
sovereign, who, under pretext of bestowing on him 
greater favors, bade him deliver up the reins of power 
to the archbishop and return to Spain. "This is a 
hard blow, but the orders of the king must be obeyed," 
was his Informed that his successor had 
already assumed office and demanded his early de- 
parture from Mexico, he left the capital between seven 
and eight o'clock, poorly equipped and with a scanty 
retinue," 5 and retired to the convent of the barefooted 
Franciscans at Churubusco, a few miles distant. 
When the inhabitants awoke, they learned with 
amazement how close to the verge of rebellion the 
province had been, and that but for the prudence and 
energy of the new viceroy the stain of sedition had 
been branded on the most noble and loyal city of New 
Spain. Such was at least the manner in which the 
friends of the bishop justified his conduct, and though 
the people believed it for a while, they were soon un- 

On the 10th of June 36 Palafox inaugurated his 
rule, and his first measure was to place under em- 
bargo all the property and papers belonging to his 
predecessor, 37 wdiose residencia he immediately began 
to take. The conduct of Escalona and of certain of 
his friends and attendants who were in prison, was 
closely scrutinized; but all efforts failed to secure 
evidence of the suspected conspiracy. The people, 
always inclined to sympathize with the unfortunate, 

35 ' En un coche de dos mulas, mal aliiiada la persona y con un solo page.' 
Palafox, El Ven. Seuor, 21. 

36 The son of Escalona in his complaint to the king says erroneously that 
the bishop took these measures on the night of a Sunday, which would have 
been June 10th. Escalona, Defensa in Vir. fnstruc., MS., 1st ser. , no. 1, 1-2. 
Lorcnzana, referring to the Libro de Cabildo, says Palafox entered into office 
on the 9th. Hist. JV. Esp. , 23. 

37 Cavo, Tres Sh/los, ii. 14, followed by Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., v. 330, 
makes the improbable assertion, that the duke's property was sold at auc- 


ere long pitied the duke on account of the new vice- 
roy's harsh proceeding, explaining his alleged malefea- 
sance as the calumniations of his enemies, and his 
mistakes in the government as originated by the bad 
counsel of his advisers. Later events seemed to jus- 
tify this opinion, and having remained in the convent 
of Churubusco till the end of 1642 Escalona removed 
to the small town of San Martin, about sixteen 
leagues from Mexico, and three months later returned 
to Spain. 33 Here he vindicated his conduct so satis- 
factorily that the king intended to reinstall him in 
office, but afterward bestowed on him the viceroyalty 
of Sicily and a grant of six thousand pesos of rental. 
His opinion was also consulted about the government 
of New Spain, and among other suggestions he made 
was that of resuming the expeditions to California. 
There is no doubt that he became a victim to the 
visitador's ambition or scruples, and that on account 
of his innate indolence his friends and attendants 
were allowed too much influence in the control of af- 
fairs, but no evidence has been produced strong enough 
to convict him of disloyalty. 39 

Whatever the reasons which controlled the conduct 
of Palafox in all affairs where Escalona was concerned, 
once in charge of the highest magistracy of New 

38 With him he took written testimony of the city council, other corpo- 
rations, and many prominent persons, giving evidence of his innocence. 

99 El Venerable Seuor Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza. . .justificado en el 
Tribunal de laRazon, Mexico, 1831, pp. 79, published by Carlos Maria de Bus- 
tamante. This work forms part of the Voz de la Patria, and contains docu- 
ments bearing on the altercations between Escalona and Palafox. The first 
is a relation, written by a contemporary, apparently a friend of the bishop, 
but full of valuable information and less biassed than might have been ex- 
pected. The second is a memorial to the king by the son of the ex-viceroy, 
asserting the duke's innocence and severely accusing Palafox. Another, 
apparently coetaneous copy exists in my manuscript collection under the 
ticle Escalona, Defensa. The last document is the bishop's reply to the king 
concerning the charges preferred against him. Both the memorial and the 
reply, partial as their origin necessarily stamps them, add few historical facts 
to the first document, but are valuable because they reveal occasionally the 
reasons which guided the two antagonists. Of later writers, most have 
adopted the version that the removal of Escalona was an act of unnecessary 
caution in view of the slight reasons against him ; others, like Alaman and 


Spain he proved himself well fitted for the position. 
The abuses which his predecessor had permitted in 
the management of the public water-works and the 
granary were corrected; crime was severely pun- 
ished; and frequent public sessions were held, often 
presided over by the viceroy himself. 40 The affairs 
of the royal treasury, of late a mine of wealth for 
unscrupulous officials, were reorganized, but Palafox 
himself did not draw any of the salary due him as 
visitador and viceroy. 

Vera Cruz and Acapulco were fortified according 
to orders from Spain, the duties of maestre de campo 
more clearly defined, and twelve new companies of 
militia organized for purposes of defence. The vice- 
roy then directed his attention to the improvement of 
ecclesiastical and educational matters. He made re- 
forms in the affairs of the church, visited the convents, 
framed statutes for the university, and, though a pro- 
tector of the Indians, was sometimes severe in his 
endeavor to outroot such superstitions as still lingered 
in their minds. To that end a number of ancient 
statues and idols, kept by preceding viceroys as tokens 
of victory, were demolished. 41 

In the mean time a new viceroy had been appointed 
by the crown, and to him Palafox delivered the reins 
of power, after a rule of five months, 42 during which 
brief term he gave unquestionable proof of ability and 
disinterestedness. By order of the king, he gave to 
his successor a collection of ' instructions' to guide 

Ribera, confine themselves to a mere statement of the facts, without express- 
ing their opinions. In addition to the authorities already quoted I refer the 
reader for more details to Vdancvrt, Trot. Mex., 14; Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 
11-15; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 237-8; Alaman, Disert. , iii. app. 28-9; 
liivera, Gobe mantes, i. 132-41. 

40 'Di6 audiencia. . .en que hablaban en dos dias cuantos no habian podido 
hablar a S. E. en dos alios. ' Palafox, el Vai. Senor, 23. 

41 This iconoclasm has been severely censured, and justly so, because a 
number of curious and doubtless valuable relics have thus disappeared. If 
he had simply put them among other objects of idol- worship, the bishop 
would also have attained his purpose and remained exempt from the just 
charge of intolerance and fanaticism. 

43 Touron is in error when he states that Palafox ruled three years as vice- 
roy. Hist. (Jen. Amerlque, vii. 3C1. 


him in the government/ 3 and then turned his atten- 
tion to his duties as bishop and visitador. 44 The 
cathedral of Puebla, which had been commenced in 
the middle of the preceding century, was completed, 45 
the viceroy making a donation of 15,000 pesos, and 
obtaining within four years subscriptions amounting 
to 150,000 pesos. 46 

The building was consecrated on the 18th of April 
1649, and until the completion of the cathedral in 
Mexico was the finest church edifice in New Spain. 47 
More than a hundred thousand persons were con- 
firmed; 43 the college of San Pedro y San Pablo was 
founded, with a library of some six thousand volumes; 
the hospital de la Concepcion for orphans was estab- 
lished; and many other charitable acts 49 gave testi- 
mony to the zeal of this worthy prelate. 

In October 1642 the nineteenth viceroy of New 

43 These Instracciones, as they were generally termed, should by order of 
the crown be given by every vacating viceroy to his successor, and were gen- 
erally rather a resume" of the condition of the country, with suggestions for 
the best government, than what the title implied. Those of Palafox to Sal- 
vatierra, contained in Morfi, Col. Doc, MS., 7-46, reveal a very thorough 
understanding of the social and political state of affairs in New Spain at that 
time, and embrace nearly all the important points which then might come 
under consideration. The character of their author readily accounts for cer- 
tain stress laid on ecclesiastical cooperation. 

41 His residencia was not taken until 1652, and though he had created 
many enemies no charges were made. 'No resulto. . .cargo, ni culpa alguna 
. . . ni huuo Demanda, Querella, ni Capitulo. ' The council of the Indies pub- 
lished the sentence on August 8, 1652. Satisfacion al Memorial, 31-2; Pala- 
fox, Obras, xii. 465-7; xiii. 106-14; Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st 
ser., i. 215-16. 

45 A royal cedula of January 19, 1640, had directed him to hasten the com- 
pletion of the building. 

46 Rosende, in Palafox, Obras, xiii. 57-60, followed by Touron, Hist. Gen. 
Amerique, vii. 326-7, places the amount at 400,000 pesos; but the former's 
statement probably originated in the desire of extolling the glory of his 
patron. Gonzalez Davila, Vetancurt, and Calle give the statements adopted 
in the text. Teatro Ecles., i. 99; Trat. Mex., 52; Mem. y Not., 66. Garcia 
says that altogether 333,133 pesos 1 real 11 granos were spent. Soc. Mex. 
Georf., BoL, viii. 175. 

47 A description of the cathedral, which contained many costly paintings 
and sculptures, and is said then to have been equal, if not superior, to the finest 
in Spain, is given by Rosende in Palafox, Obras, xiii. 55-61; also in Vetan- 
cvrt, Trat. Mex., 4S-9. 

48 Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 52. Gonzalez Davila says 60,000 from 1640 to 
1645. Teatro Ecles., i. 99. 

49 The bishop also established a nunnery, aided in the repairing of more 
than 50 churches and hospitals, and in the construction of convents. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 8 


Spain, Garcia Sarmiento de Sotomayor, conde do 
Salvatierra and marques de Sabroso, 50 arrived at Vera 
Cruz, and in the following month took charge of the 
government. 51 During his administration an expedi- 
tion was despatched to the coast of Low T er California, 
in charge of Pedro Porter y Casanate. Troops were 
enlisted, and a large number of persons made ready to 
embark on board the fleet; for it was said that the 
pearl fisheries of that region w T ere second only to those 
discovered by Vasco Nunez de Balboa. When all was 
in readiness the vessels w T ere destroyed by fire. A 
second expedition was fitted out and set sail a few 
years later, but resulted in failure. In 1648 Casanate 
returned to report to the viceroy that he had failed 
even to discover any spot suitable for a settlement. 

During this year Salvatierra was appointed to the 
viceroyalty of Peru. 52 His conduct meets with the 
approval of the chroniclers of his period, although 
the condition of affairs during his regime was far from 
prosperous. 53 Spain was engaged in external wars 
and the suppression of internal revolts; the attention 
of her sovereign was concentrated almost exclusively 
on European affairs, and though cedula followed cedula 
in quick succession they contained little save demands 
for money. Throughout the provinces commerce and 

50 Some authors say Sobroso; Zamacois styles him marques de Sonora. 
Hist. Mej., v. 334. 

51 Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 14, and Cavo, Tres SigJos, ii. 16, say it was on 
the 23d of November. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Dsp., 23, and Guijo, Diario, in 
Doc. Hist. Mex., s6rie i. 6, respectively place it on the 13th and 15th. 

52 Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 701-2, says Salvatierra was somewhat reluctant 
to deliver up the government ; but this is not probable, as the viceroyalty of 
Peru was generally held in higher esteem than that of New Spain. On the 
12th of June, 1648, his residencia was begun, and though later discontinued 
by order of the king, was resumed in July 1652. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. 
Mex., 1st series, i. 10, 15, 223. In June 1660 news arrived at Mexico that 
Salvatierra, after serving his term as viceroy of Peru, became temporarily in- 
sane, and died shortly after his recovery. Guijo, in Id., 443. Vetancurt says 
he died at Cartagena when on his way to Spain. 

53 The only serious charge brought against him was that he caused the 
Indians to serve as slaves to the friars and to pay their tribute in kind. The 
king disapproved of the measure, and in 1644 forbade it. Indians were to be 
exempted from all imposts, and from servitude, unless they were paid and 
volunteered to do the work. Strict compliance with previous c&lulas bear- 
ing on the subject was enjoined. Maltratamknto de Indios, MS., no. 5, 1-2. 


industries languished, and a crowd of quarrelsome 
ecclesiastics and indolent officials gathered in the 
wealth of the community. Flood and earthquake 
w T ere among the causes that made the term of Salva- 
tierra's administration memorable as one fraught with 
disaster to the people of Mexico. 54 

54 A town named after the viceroy was founded in Guanajuato, and in the 
following year declared a city. Quintana, in Soc. Hex. Geog. t BoL, 2da ep. 
i. 579. The ground, an immense tract of land, had been given by a certain 
Alderete under condition that a yearly rent of 2,000 pesos be paid to him and 
his descendants in honor of the donation. Romero, Not. Mich., 223-5. Salva- 
tierra was a man of simple manners, and much averse to the burdensome 
etiquette connected with his position. He frequently gave cause of offence 
to the oidores by his unceremonious conduct, and sometimes incurred severe 
rebukes from the crown. 



The Field oe Jesuit Labors — The First Disputes with the Church of 
Puebla — Attitude of Palafox — Relations between the Bishop 
and the Jesuits — Open Hostility — Appointment of Judges— 
Palafox Sentenced — He Retaliates — His Flight from Puebla — 
The Victorious Society — The Bishop Return — General Repri- 
mands from Spain — The Jesuits Defeated in Rome — Revival and 
Conclusion of the Quarrel — Life of Palafox in Spain — His 
Death — Disputes with the Society about Tithes — The Jesuits at 
the Close of the Century. 

During the rule of. Viceroy Salvatierra there oc- 
curred a bitter dispute between the regular and secu- 
lar clergy, and one which though carried on only in 
Mexico and Puebla agitated almost all New Spain, 
absorbed the attention of the governments at Mexico 
and Madrid, and became a frequent subject for dis- 
cussion and consultation to the holy see itself. On 
one side was the able, energetic, and strong-minded 
bishop of Puebla, Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, tem- 
porary viceroy, archbishop elect of Mexico, and visi- 
tador general of New Spain. His adversaries were 
the Jesuits, who were not second to him in ability, 
whose ranks were thoroughly organized, who had 
the command of wealth wherewith to secure friends, 
and whose influence over the people was fully equal 
to that of the prelate. The early labors of Palafox 
have already been related; and in order that the 
means at the disposal of his antagonists may be bet- 
ter understood, I shall give a brief sketch of the field 



worked by the Jesuits since the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. 

The operations of the society extended not only to 
the capital and its neighborhood, but to northern 
regions. They partly held possession of Durango, 
Sonora, and Sinaloa, and from those points extended 
their missions into the unknown territory of California. 
Occasionally efforts were made in some districts by 
other orders, and by the secular clergy, to deprive 
them of their predominating influence; but by ably 
conducted intrigues, or even open resistance against 
episcopal orders which they regarded as encroaching 
upon their privileges, they contrived to maintain their 
claims. With equal success they always regained the 
ground temporarily lost by revolts of the natives, and 
at the close of the seventeenth century were steadily 
extending their dominion toward the north. 1 

At the same time, while their efforts were chiefly 
in that direction, they lost no opportunity to establish 
houses and colleges in other provinces, well aware that 
if the education of the } r oung could be brought under 
their control their influence would be greatly extended. 
Thus arose their establishment at Zacatecas, and later 
the one at Guadalajara, 2 both of which became among 
the most prominent in the country. In the adjoining 
province of San Luis Potosi, there had been but two 
fathers during the early part of the century; never- 
theless their work was so successful that in 1623 a 
college was founded, 3 and notwithstanding some tem- 
porary opposition it prospered. A marked triumph 
was moreover secured by the order in Guanajuato, 
when the city, in 1616, chose San Ignacio de Loyola 

1 For a detailed account of the Jesuit labors in the unknown region, I refer 
the reader to Hist. North Mex. States, i. , passim, this series. 

2 Both were erected with money mainly derived from donations; that of 
Zacatecas was begun in 1616; the other of Guadalajara was commenced in 
1659, but the foundation did not take place till about 40 years later. Alegre, 
Hist. Camp. Jesus, ii. 81-2, 416; iii. 64-9, 91-2; Jalisco, Notas, 16-17, 171. 

3 Sinaloa, Mem. Hist., MS., 983-91. Voluntary gifts of considerable 
amount were at first offered; later the inhabitants made a donation of a her- 
mitage which had been founded under the name of Santa Veracruz, or San 
Sebastian. Alegre, ii. 141-2, 152-3. 


as its patron saint. At about the same time pre- 
liminary steps were taken for the establishment of a 
college in Querctaro, but it was not founded till some 
years later. 4 

On a more extensive scale were the Jesuit labors 
in Michoacan. In their colleges at Patzcuaro and 
Valladolid new converts were educated and made 
familiar with the native tongues of that region. Thus 
practically all the religious work of the bishopric was 
in the hands of the society. This success was due as 
well to their zeal as to the veneration in which some 
of the fathers were held, among them Francisco 
Ramirez and Juan Ferro. 5 

While thus the society was gaining ground in the 
central and northern regions, it was less successful in 
the south-east. In Oajaca the missions of the Jesuits 
were in a poor condition, 6 and in Yucatan where a 
college had been founded under the most promising 
auspices, 7 they could never attain the same influence 
as elsewhere. 

This failure, however, was more than compensated 
for in Mexico and its neighborhood, where their estab- 
lishments were more flourishing than ever before; 
and costly structures, the number of which was con- 
stantly increasing, gave evidence of their wide-spread 
influence. In 1603 was consecrated the church of 
the Colegio Maximo in Mexico, 8 at that time not sur- 
passed in magnificence by any church edifice in New 
Spain. The highest dignitaries often officiated there ; 
among others Archbishop Garcia Guerra, who held 

4 Pedro de Egurrola is mentioned as the first rector. Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, ii. 205. The same author gives many, though uninteresting, details 
connected with the foundation. 

5 The former labored for 60 years among the Tarascos, and at the colleges 
of Patzcuaro and Valladolid. Ferro was famous as an excellent linguist, 
having confessed persons in five or six different languages. 

6 The Dominicans, who predominated in this province, though otherwise 
stanch friends of the Jesuits, labored energetically to maintain their own 

7 On May 19, 1618. Later the privileges of a university were also granted. 
CogoUudo, Hist. Yuc, 215-16, 449. 

8 'El mas suntuoso que habia entonces en Mexico.' Alegre, Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, i. 408. 


services during lent of 1608, the bishops of Oajaca 
and Michoacan acting as his assistants. The crown 
also favored the society at this time. Since 1582 the 
college of San Pedro y San Pablo, established orig- 
inally by the first provincial, had suffered many 
vicissitudes, and when abandoned by the Jesuits in 
consequence of the pretentious behavior of its patrons, 
fell into decay. By a cedula of May 29, 1612, the 
management was again placed in the hands of the 
order, and the Jesuits took formal possession in Jan- 
uary 1618, after which it was incorporated with the 
college of San Ildefonso, although under the royal 
patronage. 9 

Another establishment of similar character and 
under the same name was founded some years later 
in Puebla, when Ildefonso de la Mota, bishop of that 
see, transferred to the society a church and several 
houses for the foundation of a college/ with chairs 
for theology and philosophy. Viceroy Cerralvo later 
endowed it with the privilege of bestowing university 
degrees. 11 

Since 1618 the Jesuits had also been presented with 
the curacy of Tepotzotlan, where they had a house for 
novices, and labored gratuitously as the natives could 
not maintain a regular parish priest. 12 Occasionally 
disputes arose, apparently originated by claims for 
greater independence from episcopal jurisdiction; but 
favorable reports of the ruling viceroys caused the 
society to remain in undisturbed possession for many 

Stimulated by the success of their labors, as well 

9 Florencia, Hist. Prov. Jesus, 174-80; Recop. Ind., i. 212. At the same 
time the statutes for its government were issued. Alegre, ii. 96-103. 

10 For some unknown reason the bishop abandoned his original project to 
establish a hospital for natives. Alegre, Hist. Com}). Jesus, ii. 155-7. 

11 The bishop died before the chairs were established ; and then the church 
of Puebla claimed that the donation was null on the ground that it had been 
made by the deceased after receiving the last sacraments, and therefore un- 
lawfully, a statement which is refuted by Alegre. Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 155- 
8, 193-4. Later a compromise settled the dispute. 

12 Ilibas, Hist. Triumphos, 731-2, says it was the only curacy that the 
society held. 


among Spaniards as natives, the Jesuits continued 
to amass wealth, though under the guise of poverty; 
and well aware of the sympathy bestowed on them 
by rich and poor, they were not afraid of adversaries. 
This appeared when, in 1639, troubles began be- 
tween the Jesuits and the chapter of the cathedral of 
Puebla about a donation made to the society by the 
prebendary, Hernando de la Serna. 13 The dispute arose 
concerning a farm valued at sixty thousand pesos, and 
intended for the establishment of a Jesuit college at 
Vera Cruz. Notwithstanding an order of the eccle- 
siastical cabildo, forbidding Serna to make the con- 
veyance, except to a party subject to the payment of 
tithes, the transfer was made to the society. The 
vicar-general of the diocese in consequence attached 
the remainder of Serna's property, 14 to guarantee the 
payment of the tithes, and demanded that the dona- 
tion be annulled under threat of severe ecclesiastical 
censure. Serna protested against the legality of such 
proceeding and of course received support from the 
Jesuits, who also disputed the authority of the vicar- 
general. 15 

Such was the state of affairs when Palafox arrived 
in New Spain. As he had always been a friend of 
the society, and had given repeated proofs of such 
friendship, an immediate and favorable decision was 
expected. At first his rule was promising for the 
Jesuits; the embargo on the prebendary's property 
and income was modified so as to comprise only the 
amount of the tithes involved, and a free disposal 
allowed of the remainder. The bishop refused a more 

13 Bustamante, in Cava, TresSiglos, ii. 20, followed by Rivera, Gobernantes, 
i. 144, calls him Hermenegildo de la Serna. Alegre says Fernando and Her- 
nando; Palafox, in his different works, gives Hernando. 

11 As an additional reason it was said that two sisters of the donor owned 
a certain part of the farm, and being nuns of the convent de la Concepcion, 
under the jurisdiction of the see of Puebla, their shares could not be alienated 
without episcopal consent. Palafox, Carta del Ven., 119-21. Alegre, Hist. 
Convp. Jesus, ii. 223-4, asserts that the donation was made by Serna and his 
mother, and the deed signed Feb. 22, 1639. 

15 Alegre, 226, carefully avoids mentioning why the cathedral demanded 
the revocation of the gift. 


pronounced use of his authority, convinced that the 
request of the cabildo was founded on justice. He 
therefore advised the Jesuits either quietly to await 
the result of the law-suit then pending concerning 
the property, or to compromise, recommending the 
latter course. 16 But this counsel was not accepted. 
To compromise now, would seem to render their pre- 
tensions unfounded. Applications were once more 
made to the bishop, usually couched in respectful 
phrase, but occasionally imperative in tone. No fa- 
vorable answer was received, and thus gradually a 
colder feeling was created between the prelate and 
the society. 

Thus matters continued till 1643, when a council 
of the Jesuit order, 17 where Andres Perez de Ribas 
and Juan de Sangiiesa were elected as proctors, 
prompted the bishop to issue a document in defense 
of his church. This was despatched to Spain by the 
same fleet in which the proctors took their departure. 
The emissaries of the society obtained nothing in 
Spain, and, when this became known in Mexico, the 
provincial, Francisco Calderon, published a pamphlet 
against the bishop's policy. Palafox had meanwhile 
been exposed to many annoyances on the part of his 
former friends. Sermons were preached against him 
by the Jesuit priests, especially by Father Juan de 
San Miguel. During his illness in the beginning of 
1647, when a great festivity was held in one of their 
churches, he was treated with open discourtesy, and 
much ill-feeling was manifested when the society lost 
another law-suit about an inheritance, 18 as they sup- 
posed through the bishop's influence. All this con- 

16 'Que era mejor componer este pleito. . .y con soltar los diez, lograban 
lcs padres los ciento.' Palafox, Carta del Yen., 120. The want of the royal 
license for the projected foundation was another reason why Palafox refused 
to decide against the cathedral. 

17 The usual time was Xovember, but in order that proctors might be sent 
to Spain it was convoked in February. 

18 They attempted to appropriate one half of a legacy of 50,000 pesos, the 
administration of which had been intrusted to the society as executors of the 
will. Palafox, Carta del Veil., 123. 


tributed to bring about a rupture, which was to be 
felt throughout New Spain. 19 

Palafox retaliated, prohibiting Father Juan de San 
Miguel from preaching, and complaining to the general 
of the order. The main issue was taken, however, on 
ash-Wednesday, the 6th of March, 1647, when his 
provisor and vicar-general, Juan de Merlo, suspended 
the licenses of the Jesuit fathers to preach and to 
confess, until recognized and ratified by the bishop. 
A term of twenty-four hours was granted to obtain 
the confirmation. The members of the order were no 
less provoked than surprised at this edict, and re- 
garded it as an inroad on their privileges. True they 
had not the exequatur of the India Council, 20 but they 
were, or at least thought themselves, protected by 
their office from the wrath of the prelate, who, more- 
over, as visitador and viceroy had rendered them all 
possible assistance. The pending dispute about the 
payment of tithes became now a secondary matter; 
the great question was whether they should comply 
with the edict of the vicar-general. Two priests were 
sent to the bishop to inform him of the society's ex- 
emption from procuring or exhibiting licenses and 
privileges; but this measure made no impression on 
Palafox, who as a former member of the India Council, 
and one well acquainted with the entire system of 
colonial legislation, enjoined the Jesuits either to prove 
their rights by presentation of the alleged documents, 
or obtain the necessary licenses after previous exam- 
ination as to their ability. 21 Having thus failed, they 
strove to gain time, claiming that they were subject 

19 Temporarily a reconciliation had been effected through the intercession 
of the Jesuit visitador Juan de Bueras, but after his death the bishop was 
again persecuted. In Carta del Ven., 138-41, Palafox makes the hardly 
credible assertions that toward the end of 1G46 the Jesuits attempted to ob- 
tain from the viceroy his banishment from New Spain, and, failing in that, 
even suggested murder ! 

20 Sueh is the assertion of Palafox, which finds a tacit confirmation in the 
reticence of Alegre about so necessary a formality. 

21 The bishop was doubtless right, but it seems as if the laws on the sub- 
ject had not been rigidly enforced of late. Palafox, Obras, xii. 17, 56, main- 
tains that in three years only one Jesuit priest had applied for a license. 


to the provincial in Mexico, to whom, they said, the 
affair had been submitted. A request to obtain in 
the interim permission to preach and to confess was 
denied. Notwithstanding a reiterated injunction, how- 
ever, on the 8th of March Father Luis Legaspi de- 
livered a sermon, which had been announced for 
several days. The bishop, now thoroughly roused, 
ordered a decree to be published, imposing the greater 
excommunication and ecclesiastical censures on the 
Jesuits, who were described as transgressors of the 
tridentine council. At the same time the inhabitants 
were warned against attending their sacrilegious min- 
istrations. 22 

The Jesuits obeyed the episcopal orders, and during 
the remainder of lent neither confessed nor preached; 
but meanwhile they made active preparations in Mex- 
ico, to vindicate their cause. At a meeting convoked 
for that purpose by the provincial, Pedro de Velasco, 
the appointment ofjaeces conservadores 23 was resolved 
upon. The difficulty in finding persons willing to ac- 
cept such an office, which necessarily would arouse 
the wrath of the visitador and bishop, was solved by 
the eagerness of the Dominicans, who somewhat reck- 
lessly offered their services. 24 Two prominent mem- 
bers of their order, Juan de Paredes and Agustin 
Godines, were elected; 25 a memorial in defense of such 
policy was published, and, if we may credit the Jesuit 
chroniclers, was received with general approbation by 
the most influential religious orders. 26 The bishop 

22 An order that the decree be fixed on the church doors was not carried 
out, perhaps from fear of scandal, the people being already wildly agitated, 
Alegre, ii. 283; but printed copies were distributed all over the country. 
The full text of the decree is given in Palafox, Obras, xii. 20-47. 

23 This name was given to judges appointed to defend the rights and privi- 
leges of a convent, church, or religious corporation against any violent acts 
from without. 

24 ' Desde luego of recian hasta los calices de su iglesia . . . para el socorro y 
gastos de la defensa.' Alegre, ii. 286. 

25 Bribed by a gift of 4,000 pesos, says Palafox. 

26 So says Alegre, followed by a number of writers ; he also gives extracts 
of the testimony obtained in favor of his society. Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 
289-91. Guijo, however, a contemporary and probably more impartial author, 
says that opinions were divided as to whether the appointment was a pru- 
dent step. Diario, in Doc. Hist. Alex., 1st ser., i. 11. 


protested through his attorneys, the fiscal Pedro 
Melian and the maestre de Campo Antonio de Ver- 
gara y Urrutia, but was overruled by the viceroy 
Salvatierra, who, advised by his asesor, excluded the 
audiencia from jurisdiction in the matter, 27 and declared 
the appointment to be valid. The archbishop of Mex- 
ico, Maiiosca, having given a similar decision, the 
Jesuit provincial boldly demanded the nullification 
of the bishop's decree, and that the fathers at Puebla 
be restored to their former ministries. 

This request was but too easily granted by the 
judges, who on April 2, 1647, pronounced a decision 
commanding the bishop to revoke within six days the 
penalties imposed, grant provisional absolution to the 
persons concerned, reinstall the fathers in the offices 
of which they had been deprived, and revoke what- 
ever had been printed during the controversy. The 
bishop and his vicar-general were to become liable to 
the greater excommunication and to heavy fines in 
case of non-compliance, and to more severe penalties, 
as general interdict, for continued disobedience. 23 
Through the influence of the comisario general of the 
Franciscans, Palafox obtained a temporary delay from 
the viceroy, but Jesuit intrigues were brought to bear 
on the latter and his asesor, and the order remained 
in force. 

About the same time a libel was published, defend- 
ing the policy of the society. The state of affairs 
now became exciting. The bishop and his provisor 
excommunicated several teachers in the Jesuit college. 
In return the judges imposed upon them the same pen- 
alty for their disobedience. The inhabitants of Puebla 
were in a serious dilemma, as on the one hand they 

27 On the ground that the oidores were subject to the bishop as visitador. 
This was true, but the law provided for such cases, and the viceroy could 
never concentrate in his own person the entire jurisdiction. Salvatierra was 
in fact reprimanded by the king for his illegal conduct. 

28 Guijo adds that the bishop's property afc Puebla was sequestered by the 
alcalde mayor, Agustin de Valdes, and that he was suspended as visitador. 
The text of the sentence is given in AUgre, Hist. Comp. Jeans, ii. '293-7, and 
in Ptda/ox, ObraSj xii. 113-10. 


were unwilling to forsake their beloved bishop, while 
on the other they saw arrayed against him not only 
the Jesuits, whom they equally esteemed, but also 
the viceroy, the archbishop, and the religious orders. 
Each party forbade, under severe penalties, that the 
decrees of the other should be read or published. An 
essential matter had, however, not yet been disposed 
of — the notification of the sentence to the bishop 
and his vicar-general. The curate of the church 
of Mexico, Cristobal Gutierrez de Medina, together 
with Miguel Ibarra, being commissioned to proceed 
to Puebla, for this purpose repaired to the Au- 
gustinian convent and there published the verdict. 
Simultaneously by order of the inquisition several 
persons were arrested and sent to Mexico with a 
view to maintain peace. 

Aware of his great influence among the people, 
Palafox now proceeded to extreme measures. A trib- 
une draped in black was erected in the cathedral; the 
bells were tolled during a whole night; and the next 
morning, accompanied by the greater part of the chap- 
ter, the bishop pronounced, according to the solemn 
ritual of the church, an anathema against the judges, 
the proctor, and several of the teachers of the society. 
At the same time Palafox himself delivered a stirring- 
discourse on the lamentable fate of the excommuni- 
cated. The excitement became intense; and had it 
not been for some of the more prudent, who kept 
watch, the Jesuit colleges would have been burned 
that night by fanatics assembled in the streets of 

In order to secure the approval of the pope, on the 
25th of May, 1647, Palafox wrote a long report to 
Innocent X., in which he complains bitterly of his 
offended dignity, and tells his sufferings of late sus- 
tained at the hands of the Jesuits, who not only strove 
to make themselves masters of the entire wealth of 
New Spain, but to undermine the authority of the 
church. He also defends his own policy and requests 


that effectual measures be taken to solve existing diffi- 
culties. 29 

As soon as the tumult in Puebla became known 
in Mexico it was resolved that the judges themselves 
should proceed thither. The bishop remonstrated, 
hinting at serious disturbances which might arise, and 
showed a desire for a reconcilation; whereupon a 
lengthy correspondence ensued, the fiscal, Viceroy Sal- 
vatierra, and the municipal authorities of Puebla open- 
ing negotiations with the prelate for a settlement of 
the dispute. 30 The preliminaries were arranged; a 
meeting was convoked by the viceroy for the 15th of 
June, and all were hopeful that at length matters 
would be adjusted, when an untoward incident occurred. 
The bishop suddenly disappeared from Puebla, and 
none knew of his whereabouts. Whatever may have 
been the reason which prompted his flight, distrust in 
the sincerity of the proposed reconciliation seems to 
have been the principal motive. 31 It was afterward 
known that he had retired to Tepeaca, nine leagues 
distant, leaving the affairs of the church in charge of 
Alonso de Salazar Varaona, Nicolas Gomez, and Juan 
de Merlo, and advising them not to yield to the pre- 
tensions of the Jesuits and their allies. 32 

The rule of the bishop's delegates was very brief. 
As soon as the flight of Palafox became known in 

29 The full text of the reoort is given in Palafox, Carta, 1-38, and Id. , 
Obras, xi. 27-GO. 

30 In the beginning of May, the fiscal of the inquisition had presented a pe- 
tition to the archbishop for that purpose, but was discourteously received and 
ordered from his presence when he repeated his request. Gttijo, Dlario, in 
Doc. J list. M<x., 1st ser. i. 12-13. 

31 Gruijo asserts that the partial administration of justice, and the want of 
a competent tribunal in New Spain to which to appeal, induced the bishop 
to flee. In a letter to the pope of Jan. 8, 1049, he says that his flight was 
caused by menaces to imprison, exile, and even to kill him, and that he 
also wished to evade the bloodshed which otherwise had become inevitable, 
as his friends at Puebla would have made armed resistance. This assertion, 
as well as a similar one in the report to the king, is certainly exaggerated. 
Palafox, Obras, xi. G8-71, xii. 204-18.' 

32 The formal appointments were made in a letter from Tepeaca, and con- 
firmed together with instructions by several others from the same place, 
written during his residence there. Palafox, Obras, xii. 218-22; iSatisfacion 
al Memorial. 55-G. 


Mexico, Captain Diego Oregon was despatched to 
Puebla to maintain order, accompanied by the jueces 
conservadores, and soon after the Jesuit provincial, 
Pedro de Velasco, arrived. They were received with 
ringing of bells and demonstrations of joy on the part 
of the people, who were somewhat disgusted with the 
conduct of Palafox. The Jesuits had now the victory, 
and knew how to use it. Only two of the appointed 
provisors were there, and it was not very difficult to 
oblige them to resign, and to appease the faint pro- 
tests of the other members of the chapter. 33 

The see of Puebla was declared vacant and its con- 
trol assumed by the cabildo, the members of which 
submitted, or at least a majority of them, to the 
judges. The decrees of excommunication published 
by the bishop were removed, 34 and the Jesuits again 
placed in possession of their former functions, the 
farce of an examination of their licenses having previ- 
ously taken place. 35 All the former prohibitions and 
excommunications pronounced by Palafox were re- 
voked and the inhabitants of Puebla admonished to 
visit the churches of the Jesuits. Having thus com- 
plied with their mission and, as they regarded it, 
restored peace in the turbulent diocese, the judges re- 
turned to Mexico. 

Soon after these incidents news arrived that Salva- 
tierra had been promoted to the viceroyalty of Peru 
and would be succeeded in New Spain by the bishop 
of Yucatan, Marcos de Torres y Pueda. Supposing 
that the new viceroy would favor his cause, Palafox 
left his place of retirement, and in November 1647 
returned to Puebla, where he found a cedula remov- 

33 Alegre attempts to prove that no forcible means were used to that effect. 
Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 312. 

34 The dean of the cathedral, Juan de Vega, removed with his own hand 
from the church doors the censures issued by Palafox, which he himself had 
approved. Vega and another prebendary had been most diligent in declaring 
the see as vacant, owing to a bribe received from the Jesuits, as was proved 
in later years. Guijo, Diario, in Hoc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser. i. 91. 

35 An edict of the chapter dated July 19th declared the bulls and privileges 
of the society to be sufficient to prove their rights and that they were in ac- 
cordance with the instructions of the tridentine council. Alegre, ii. 311-17. 


ing him from his office as visitador general; 36 but after 
some difficulties, originated by the Jesuits, he was 
again recognized as prelate of his diocese. 37 His first 
measure was to renew his protests against the pro- 
ceedings of the judges and to request of the viceroy 
a reconciliation, or at least a temporary revocation of 
the censures and edicts, leaving the decision of the 
entire matter to the India Council. The proposal was 
accepted and peace seemed to be restored, the more 
so, when at Christmas the Jesuits paid the bishop 
the customary visit of respect, " humbly to kiss that 
hand of which the Lord had chosen to make use to 
deal them such afflicting, sensible blows." The color 
of affairs, however, was changed, when in May 1G48 
bishop Torres y Rueda took possession of the govern- 
ment, and cedillas were received which the bishop 
interpreted as favorable to his cause. Already, before 
his flight from Puebla, he had sent messengers to 
Eome and Madrid, there to plead in his behalf, and a 
subsequent letter, written during his retirement, 38 
again urged the king for redress. In reply there 
arrived letters from the court dated January 25, 1G48, 
reprimanding the vicero}^ 39 the audiencia, and the 
archbishop for lack of neutrality, and the Dominicans 
for promoting scandal instead of suppressing it; the 
judges were suspended; the provincial of the Jesuits 
was reproved for having gone too far; and orders were 

36 Pedro tie Galvez, alcalde of Granada, was appointed to finish the visita. 
He arrived in 1050, and having concluded his mission, returned to Spain in 
the beginning of 1054. Gitljo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mcx., 1st ser. i. 107-270, 

37 He found on this occasion the support of the viceroy, who apparently- 
desired a reconciliation. Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 149, says erroneously that 
this occurred in the beginning of August, 1C47. 

38 Dated September 12, 1647, from Chiapa, near Tepeaca, and containing a 
narrative of all the events that had occurred since March of that year. Re- 
ferring to the numerous copies of documents and libels, issued by both par- 
ties, the bishop defends his conduct and divides the blame and responsibility 
between the Jesuits, as instigators, and the viceroy as cooperator. Pro- 
testing his conciliatory disposition, he requests the king to adopt measures 
powerful enough to avoid in future similar excesses, especially those com- 
mitted by the representative of the crown. Pcdafox, Obras, xii. 170-285. 

89 Rivera, Gobemantes, i. 150, makes the strange assertion that Sal vatierra 
was removed to the viceroyalty of Peru in consequence of his interference. 


given to transfer all documents bearing on the subject 
to the council of the Indies for final decision. 40 Pala- 
fox did not escape censure, and was enjoined to pursue 
a more conciliatory policy; but the reproof was un- 
heeded by the bishop, who displayed anything but a 
forgiving spirit, especially in the prosecutions insti- 
tuted against those prebendaries of his church who 
had been rather eager to recognize the jueces conser- 
vadores and declare his see vacant. His vicar-general, 
Juan de Merlo, conducted the trial and sentenced the 
accused to removal from office and heavy fines. They, 
however, escaped the execution of the sentence by 
taking refuge in the Jesuit college of Mexico, where, 
although excommunicated, they said mass and other- 
wise officiated as priests, appealing to the audiencia 
and later to the archbishop. 

Under the new viceroy there was a decided ten- 
dency to side with the bishop ; and availing himself of 
this circumstance he instituted proceedings against the 
alcalde mayor of Puebla, who during the disturbance 
had sequestrated his property. He also connived at 
petty annoyances of the Jesuits, who in September 
1648 presented several complaints to the bishop-gov- 
ernor. 41 Fortune again seemed to favor them, for at 
this juncture a royal cedula arrived, directing Palafox 
to return immediately to Spain, the order being made 
more stringent by an autograph postscript of the king. 42 
Great but short-lived were the rejoicings of the order 
at the supposed downfall of the bishop, for they were 
soon to hear of the decision given against them by 

40 The text of several of the c^dulas is given in Ordenes de la Cordna, MS., 
i. 7, ii. 200; Palafox, Obras, xii. 286-8; Ale <jre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 331-3; 
Satisfacion al Memorial, 38-9, 49; see also Guijo, Diario, 6, 16. In 1654 the 
appointment of jueces conservadores against bishops and archbishops was 
strictly forbidden. Movtemayor, Svmarios, 39. 

41 The grounds of complaint are minutely given in Alenre, Hist. Comp. 
Jesus, ii. 335-8, and relate chiefly to supposed calumnies and petty vexations 
to which they claim to have been exposed. 

42 The order is given in brief and peremptory terms, but faintly covered 
by the polite phrases interwoven with the text, and these are more than neu- 
tralized by the addition in the king's own handwriting. Still the biographer 
of Palafox extols the latter as a rare and noteworthy mark of esteem. The 
full text is given in Palafox, Obras, xii. 463-4; Satisfacion al Memorial, 30-1". 

Htsr. Max ., Vol. III. 9 


Pope Innocent X. A brief of the 14th of May 1648 
contains the resolutions adopted by a congregation 
of cardinals and prelates, to whom the investigation of 
the complaints made by Palafox had been transferred 
by the holy see. The society was placed under the 
jurisdiction of the bishop in all the disputed points, al- 
though at the same time lenient measures were recom- 


mended to Palafox; 43 general absolution was granted 
him; and all rights and privileges conflicting with this 
decision declared null and void. 

With proud satisfaction the prelate sent a copy of 
the brief to the Jesuit fathers of the colleges at 
Puebla, and however great their reluctance might be, 
they could not openly disregard the pontifical orders. 
After deliberating about the matter, they expressed 
their willingness to obey, and on October 23d exhibited 
their licenses, which were not only ratified by Palafox 
but supplemented with new ones. A short time after- 
ward an episcopal decree revoked all the previous 
censures and restrictions. While the Jesuits submit- 
ted they protested, however, against the pope's brief 
in so far as it had arrived without the exequatur of 
the India Council, and so well they knew how to 
avail themselves of their influence that although this 
necessary requisite was later formally issued, years 
elapsed before it could be ordered by the audiencia 
that the papal brief should take effect. 44 On the ad- 
vantage thus obtained all their subsequent opposition 
was founded, 45 for they had always sufficient friends, 

43 They could not preach or confess in their own churches without notify- 
ing the bishop, or in any other without his consent; and were forbidden to 
appoint jueces conservadores, or to excommunicate the bishop or his vicar- 
general. For full text of the brief, see Palafox, Obras; xii. 289-308. Alegre 
asserts that this decision was obtained because the messenger of Palafox ap- 
peared in Rome unexpectedly, and the proctors of the society, almost ignorant 
of the whole affair, had no documents to prepare a comprehensive defense. 
Hist. Comp. Jeeus, ii. 340-1. The same author in Id., 342 9, explains several 
of the decisions with the sophistry characteristic of his order. 

4 'The execution of the papal brief had been ordered by royal c6"dulas of 
Bee. 12, 1048, and March 18, 1051. Palafox, Obras, xii. 318-19. 

45 l)iiliculties created by the bishop about licenses for younger Jesuit 
fathers, and the peremptory demand for the execution of the papal brief, were 
the main reasons which revived the dispute. 


both at Madrid and in Mexico, to procure a delay. 
Their efforts to secure in Mexico the cooperation of 
other religious orders, to support their continuous 
petitions, were only successful to a limited degree. 
The provincial of the order of Mercy, who had con- 
sented to sign them, was strongly rebuked by the 
vicar-general in Spain, and forbidden again to accede 
to similar requests. 46 

Meanwhile there had been a bitter controversy be- 
tween the bishop and the Jesuit provincial, Andres de 
Ilada, about the formal execution of the papal brief, 
and this was terminated only by the departure of Pa- 
lafox for Spain 47 in May 1649. After that event the 
dispute which for ten years had excited general inter- 
est both in Spain and the Indies approached its end; 
for although it was continued b}^ the vicar-general, 
Juan de Merlo, whom Palafox had left in charge of 
his diocese, it never again assumed such serious pro- 
portions as before. The trial of the prebendaries was 
continued, and the demands for the execution of the 
papal brief were repeated, but the matter dragged 
along without decisive result till 1650, when Viceroy 
Alba de Alispe ordered the restoration of the pre- 
bendaries to their former offices. 48 In Rome the in- 
vestigation of the dispute was continued till late in 
1652, and resulted in the ratification of the former 

46 The friendship formerly existing between the Jesuits and the Dominicans 
also ceased. Juan Paredes, one of the judges, was by the general of his or- 
der deprived of all his titles and honors, removed from his position as provin- 
cial, and subjected to other penalties. The other judge, Godines, died 
suddenly at Vera Cruz some time before. 

47 The letters are dated April 7 and 14, 1648, and May 4, 1649. All of 
them reveal the great animosity between the bishop and the society, and 
though full of pious phrases, are highly acrimonious. They are given in 
Papeles de Jesahas, MS., no. 1, 1-17; Palafox, Obras, xii. 387-418; Id., Car- 
tas, 10-64. The latter collection contains also letters of the bishop to high 
church dignitaries in Spain, and memorials bearing on financial frauds 
attributed to the society; together with the Satisfacion al Memorial and 
other letters of Palafox it was for a number of years forbidden by the inquisi- 
tion and placed on the expurgatory index. I have consulted several of these 
works and obtained much valuable information therefrom. 

48 One of them, Montesinos, had died in the mean time; but the dean, 
Vega, was reinstated, an event which was solemnly celebrated by the Jesuits, 
though ostensibly the festivities were in honor of the viceroy's recent arrival. 
Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser., i. 89-90, 124-5. 


decision given in 1G48. On the 27th of May 1653 a 
new brief was issued by Innocent confirming the pre- 
ceding one, and enjoining perpetual silence upon both 
parties. A royal cedula of June 30, 1653, ordered an 
exequatur to be issued by the council of the Indies. 
A semi-official letter of Cardinal Spada to Palafox, 
dated December 17, 1652, while gently rebuking 
the prelate, acknowledges him to be in the right on 
the whole question; but the Jesuits would not accept 
their defeat, and made extracts from the briefs and 
cedulas apparently terminating the matter in their 
favor, though the final triumph of the bishop is 
beyond question. 49 

On his arrival in Spain Palafox had yet to realize 
the implacable character of his enemies. Having 
reached his native country after a tiresome voyage of 
nine months, he expected in vain the honors which 
had been promised him. The king had intended to 
promote him to the see of Cuenca, one of the most 
important in Spain, but was dissuaded, owing to the 
intrigues of the prime minister, prompted by the 
Jesuits. 50 Years elapsed, and it was not until 1653 
that the bishopric of Osma, one of the least in impor- 
tance, was offered him. He took possession the fol- 
lowing year and labored with his usual zeal. Though 
his straitened means were a great drawback to the 
later years of his ministry, 51 he gained the love and 
esteem of his flock, and universal grief was expressed 
when his decease occurred on the 1st of October, 

49 The literal text of the last mentioned documents, together with com- 
ments on their judicial value, is given in Palafox, Obras, xii. 481-563. The 
interpretation given by the Jesuits was printed at Rome in 1G53 under the 
title Fin de la Causa Angelopolitana, but placed on the expurgatory index of 
1664 by Pope Alexander VII. for having been artfully included in the Bulario 
Romano of 1655. 

5U The Jesuits and the friends of the former viceroy Escalona were doubt- 
less the chief instigators, and exerted all their influence to humiliate him if 
p< issihle. Rivera, Gobemantes, i. 194, surmises that the duke of Alburquerquc, 
in 1653 viceroy of Mexico, also intrigued against Palafox, but there was no 
reason for him to do so. 

51 The income of the bishopric was small, and Palafox had returned from 
New Spain burdened with a debt of 140,000 pesos. He was so poor that he 
had to borrow the amount necessary to pay the bulls for the bishopric of 
Osma. Palajox, Obras, xiii. 140-7. 


1659. 52 His funeral took place with the ceremonies 
becoming his rank; the corpse was buried in the 
principal chapel, and an elaborate tombstone with a 
eulogy of his character placed over his grave. Thus 
ended in an insignificant town of Spain the career of 
a man who had been vested with the highest civil and 
ecclesiastical powers ever conferred by the sovereign 
on any of his vassals in the New World. After his 
death miracles were attributed to him, and these, in 
addition to his eminent virtues, were made the grounds 
of a request for his canonization. The demand was 
supported by testimony from Spain and the Indies, 
and favored by the king, the viceroy, and the ecclesi- 
astical dignitaries. A congregation of cardinals hav- 
ing in 1691 discussed the matter and examined his 
writings 53 reported favorably, and the prescribed pro- 
ceedings were instituted. Intrigues in Rome and 
Madrid by the Jesuits and the descendants of the 
duke of Escalona frustrated, however, all efforts 
made at this period and at a later date. 54 

52 The news reached Mexico in May of the following year, but apparently 
created no impression. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., seYie i., i. 442. 

53 Palafox was a prolific and able author, his first literary attempts having 
been made in 1618. His writings are not only on spiritual, but on historical, 
judicial, and other subjects, the greater part being written in NeAV Spain. 
The most important are the Vida Interior, Varon de Desseos, Estatvtos. . .de 
la. . , Vniversidad de Mexico, and the different memorials bearing on his dis- 
pute with the Jesuits, and his letters to Pope Innocent X. Some of his works 
have been lost; the first general edition, comprising nearly all that had been 
written by him, and including the manuscripts which he had left to the bare- 
footed Carmelites, was published between 1659 and 1671 in eight tomes, to 
which another was added, containing his biography by Antonio Gonzalez 
Rosende. Another edition was issued in 1762, by order and under the super- 
vision of the Carmelite friars of Madrid, consisting of 13 volumes in 15 tomes 
in folio. Besides these editions there have appeared, before and after that 
time, several publications of single works, chiefly in Spanish, but also in 
other languages. 

54 In 1726 and 1767 Ribera, Gobernantes, i. 151-2, says the beatification 
was pronounced on August 16, 1767; but he has evidently misinterpreted 
Lorenzana, in Concilios Prov., 1555-65. See also Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., 
no. 8, 8-25, 30. The fact that in the second half of the eighteenth century 
proceedings for the beatification of Palafox were continued, explains the par- 
tiality manifested by nearly all his biographers and by the leading chroniclers; 
they were either friends or foes, and therefore overrated his virtues or exag- 
gerated his defects. The most unbiassed but unfortunately rather fragmen- 
tary account is certainly that given by the contemporary Guijo in his Diario, 
in Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser., i. 6 et seq. The information furnished by him, 
together with that contained in the memorials and letters of Palafox, and 


The question of tithes, which had occasioned the 
unseemly dispute between the church dignitaries of 
Puebla and the society of Jesus, had been a source of 
contention for years before. As early as 1624 com- 
plaints were filed in the India Council against the 
different orders, demanding the payment of tithes from 
all the produce of plantations and increase of stock. 
The claim was made by the royal fiscal and supported 
by the secular church, based on the obligation of the 
crown to provide, if necessary, the means for the per- 
formance of divine service. On the other hand the 
religious orders pleaded their statutes and fueros, the 
validity of which was disputed on the ground of the 
cession of the tithes to the crown. 55 The first judg- 
ment was given in 1655 in favor of the fiscal; both 
parties appealed, the fiscal demanding that the tithes 
be collected at an earlier date than the one provided 
in the judgment, and the orders, among whom the 
Jesuits were most conspicuous, clamoring for a trans- 
fer of the law-suit to the holy see. 

On the 16th of June 1657 the judgment was ratified 
by a new decision, ordering their payment after that 
date to the king or the secular church. All the orders 
submitted, except the Jesuits, who presented protests 
to the sovereign, but without avail. On November 
4, 1658, and December 31, 1662, orders were trans- 

counterbalanced by the prejudiced statements of Alegre, gives doubtless the 
best means to arrive at an impartial conclusion. Still the latter authority, in 
his Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 274-356, passim, has almost been implicitly followed 
by Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 20-33, Ribera, Qobernantes, i. 144-51, 
and Sosa, Episcop. M ex., 83-90. Lorenzana, in Coricilios Prov., 1555-65, 211), 
251-G9, as is natural, defends the policy of his predecessor, of whom he makes 
a glowing panegyric. So does Touron, a Dominican friar, in his Hist. Gen. 
Apiirique, vii. 310-86, viii. 1-100, passim. Vetancurt and Gonzalez Davila, 
who lived at the time of the dispute, pass it by in silence, but otherwise 
praise the saintly character of the bishop. Zamacois, in Hist. Mcj. , v. 336- 
47, 349-50, is unusually reticent in assigning the causes which led to the dis- 
pute, and also abrupt in speaking of its conclusion. 

: ' 5 Pope Alexander VI. by a bull of Nov. 16, 1501, made a donation of all 
the tithes to the crown of Spain, in remuneration for the expenses connected 
with the conquest of the American colonies. Diezrnos tie Intl., no. 4, 5-6. A 
royal cedula of June 12, 1625, ordered that all bulls issued by the holy see 
to evade the payment of tithes, and sent to New Spain without the king's 
permission, be collected and forwarded to the India Council. Montemayor, 
Svmario8 t 49. 


mitted that the judgment take effect, and the arch- 
bishop and cathedral chapters invested with the 
requisite authority. Nevertheless execution was de- 
layed for years, owing to the difficulties which arose 
as to the valuation of property, and several times new 
orders, reaffirming previous cedulas, were issued in 
Spain. In Puebla the Jesuits contrived to delay pay- 
ment till 1673, when after fruitless appeals to the 
audiencia, and after being placed under excommuni- 
cation, they finally submitted. After that no other 
difficulties arose till 1732, when investigation showed 
that frauds had been committed by the society in their 
statements of the revenue derived from their property. 53 

Notwithstanding the many disputes in which the 
society had become involved, the ranks of their parti- 
sans continually increased, and new establishments 
gave evidence of the sympathy which the order en- 
joyed. Licenses having been obtained in Spain for 
the founding of a novitiate at Mexico in support of that 
of Tepotzotlan, donations of money were made for this 
purpose in 1626, and in 1642 it was completed and 
dedicated to Santa Ana. Subsequent discussions with 
one of the founders caused its abandonment, till 
1672, 57 when Andres de Tapia y Carbajal, a very 
wealthy man and one friendly to the order, endowed 
the establishment with sufficient means for the main- 
tenance of twenty novices and the necessary fathers 
and lay-brothers. On the 19th of November the 
societ}^ took possession of it, changing the name to 
that of San Andres. 

Several brotherhoods were also founded by the 
order, that of the Immaculate Conception being the 
most prominent, and including ecclesiastics, laymen, 

56 Details on this subject are contained in a number of memorials and pam- 
phlets, forming a collection under the title Diezmos de Indicts. Some of the 
documents are of Jesuit origin; others have been written by the secular church 
and their partisans. Those numbered from one to five have been consulted 
in this chapter; the rest bear exclusively on later disputes. 

57 Lazcano, Vida del P. Oviedo, 56-7, says it was in 1676. 



and students of the higher grades. Recognized by 
the general in Rome in 1G51, the number of its mem- 
bers increased rapidly, and a few years later persons 
of the highest rank, including a viceroy of New Spain, 
were eager to be admitted. 58 

Before the close of the seventeenth century the 
society had still further spread its influence by hold- 
ing missions throughout the provinces. Their at- 
tempts were successful, and nowhere more so than in 
Mexico, through which territory fathers Perez and 
Zappa passed from town to town, and made number- 
less converts, miracles being wrought, as the chron- 
iclers report, to attest the saintly character of the 
Jesuits. 59 

58 Minute records as to its organization and progress are given in Alegre, 
Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 259-G2; Morji, Col. Doc, MS., app., i. 47. 

59 Lengthy descriptions of these revivals are given in Perez and Zappa, 
Eel., 61-79. 




Bishop Torres Governor of New Spain — His Brief Rule — Epidemic — 
Government of the Audiencia — Viceroy Alva Arrives — His Quiet 
Rule — Alburquerque Appointed Viceroy — He Governs with Pru- 
dence — And Checks Abuses — Loss of Jamaica and the Influence 
thereof on new spain — yucatan infested by plrates — attempt 
to Assassinate Alburquerque — The Swift Punishment that Fol- 
lowed — Public Rejoicings — Viceroy and Archbishop Recalled — 
Their Departure and Subsequent Career. 

It had been the usual policy with the court of 
Spain, to appoint the archbishop of Mexico as viceroy 
ad interim, whenever a sudden vacancy occurred in 
that office, but on the promotion of the duke of Salva- 
tierra an exception was made, and, as we have seen, 
the chief magistracy with the title of governor was 
given to Marcos de Torres y Rueda, then bishop of 
Yucatan. 1 

He arrived in November 1647, and remained in 
Tacuba till February 1648, when, upon the notice 
that a vessel sent for him from Peru had arrived at 
Acapulco, he repaired to Mexico to receive the gov- 

X I have before me a copy of the cddula, appointing him as governor, and 
dated July 8, 1647. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 198-9. He was born in 
Almazan in Spain, and, when a student at Salamanca, won the degree of 
licenciate in arts among 100 competitors. After holding several important 
ecclesiastical offices, he was presented to the bishopric of Yucatan in 1044. 
Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 219. In November 1040 he took possession 
of his see, the greater part of which he visited in person, attempting on that 
occasion to introduce several innovations, which appear to have been for the 
purpose of filling his own pockets. Cogolludo mentions his meanness to the 
captain who brought him the news of his appointment to the viceroyalty ; 
' auduno tan corto con el Capitan, que dio harto que dezir V Coaollvdo, Hist. 
Yuc, 701. 



ernment; but on the following clay a resolution of the 
real acuerdo ordered his immediate return to Tacuba, 
there to await the proper moment for his installation 
into office. 2 This did not take place until May 13, 
1648, 3 when the bishop-governor, with the usual reti- 
nue, made his official entrance into Mexico, and ex- 
hibited in the palace his credentials. 

His rule was brief and eventful. An epidemic is 
said to have caused great devastation at Vera Cruz 
in the latter half of the year 1648, but in view of the 
scanty information on the subject, considerable al- 
lowance must probably be made for exaggeration. On 
his decease in April of the following year 4 the audien- 
cia assumed the government; and the senior oidor, 
Matias de Peralta, acting as president, removed to 
the viceregal palace. Before the exequies of the late 
governor were concluded 5 his entire estate had been 
sequestered, partly to guarantee the sum of twenty 
thousand pesos, which he had received in advance of 
salary, and also because suspicions had arisen that a 
large part of his estate belonged to the crown, and 
had been fraudulently appropriated by the secretary 
and nephew of the deceased, Juan de Salazar. To 
that end the surrender was ordered under severe pen- 
alties, of all the property of the bishop, and that of 
his relatives, to the senior oidor, who, together with 
the fiscal, had assumed the functions of executor of 

2 Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Max., lstser., i. 7-8, adds that returning to 
Tacuba the bishop found that all the furniture of his residence, belonging to 
Salvatierra, had been removed in the mean time. 

8 Mayer, Mex, Aztec, i. 202, following the Liceo, Mex., ii. 223, says er- 
roneously March 13th. 

4 Torres was on bad terms with the audiencia, and in January 1049 had 
some dispute with the municipal authorities, caused by his pretentious con- 
duct. It is said that this brought on the sickness which terminated fatally 
on April 22d. Cogolludo remarks that Torres, not supposing his illness to be 
of a serious nature, did not make such provisions for the administration of 
affairs as his high position required. Hist. Yuc, 702. This does not appear 
probable, judging from the deed executed by the governor on the 8th of 
April, and appointing, in case of his demise, the audiencia to succeed him ad 
interim. Vir. Instruc., MS., 1st ser., no. 23, 1-2. 

5 lie was buried on the 25th of April in the church of the Augustinian con- 
vent at Mexico; the bishop-elect of Habana, Nicolas de la Torre, officiated, as 
the archbishop was absent. Giujo, Diario, 55-02. 


the governor's will. Steps were also taken to prevent 
the shipment of such property by the fleet, then ready 
to sail; and on the 15th of May 1649 orders were sent 
to the governor of Yucatan to attach all the estate of 
the late bishop in that province. 

Although a considerable amount was delivered up 
to the president, a repetition of the order was re- 
solved upon, and to make it more effectual was pub- 
lished from the pulpits, ecclesiastical censures being 
threatened against all who failed to surrender it or 
even withheld information as to its concealment. It 
seems, however, that the conduct of the audiencia 
was guided more by personal hostility against Torres 
and his kindred than by pretended loyalty; for Sala- 
zar, having laid his case before the India Council, was 
acquitted, and the audiencia reproved and ordered to 
restore all the sequestered property. 6 

For nearly fifteen uneventful months Peralta held 
the reins of power in New Spain, until, in May 1650, 
a new viceroy arrived in the person of Luis Enriquez 
de Guzman, conde de Alva de Liste, and marques de 
Villaflor. 7 

His rule was a quiet one, interrupted only in 1651 
by the revolt of the Indians in the northern regions, 
where the Tarahumares, Conchos, and other tribes in 
open revolt killed several Spaniards, among whom 

6 The decision reached Mexico in May 1650, and its ratification in 1C57. 
The audiencia was reprimanded for disrespect shown at the funeral of Torres, 
and ordered to make restitution to all the servants and followers of the 
bishop. Gaijo, Diario, 107-8, 379-80. 

7 His other titles are: gentilhombre de la camara de su Magestad, senor 
de las villas de Garrovillas, Carvajales, Membibre, i Castro Calvon, i lu- 
gares de su jurisdicion, alfCrez i alguacil mayor de la ciudad de Zamora, 
alcaide perpetuo de las Torres i Fortaleza de ella, por el Rey N. Scfior, 
alcaide mayor de sacas, y escribano mayor de rentas de la dicha ciudad. 
Frcules Doctrimros, in Disturbios de Fra'des, MS., ii. 131. Vetancurt, Trat. 
Mex., 15, followed by Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 34, and others, writes Alvade- 
liste; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 360, and Eibera, Gobernantes, i. 177, call him 
de Aliste; Guijo, Diario, 121, says de Lista. Miravel y Casadevante, El 
Gran Dice, i. 411, in his genealogical account of the count's family, gives the 
name as in the text, and is herein followed by Lorenzana, Hist N. Esp., 24, 
and Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 31. The official entry of the new viceroy was 
made July 3d. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp. , 24, says erroneously it was on the 


were three friars, and burned the churches. The gov- 
ernor ofDurango was ordered to subjugate them, and 
during the following year restored peace throughout 
the disturbed districts. 

The old dispute about the submission of the doc- 
trineros to the episcopal authority was revived during 
the term of viceroy Alva, but his prudent conduct 
prevented it from assuming such significance as the 
former one. Royal orders, tending to check the efforts 
of the regular clergy to become more independent of 
the jurisdiction of the crown, were also successfully 
enforced 8 without encountering serious opposition. 

Although the count appears to have made a moder- 
ate use of his authority, he was jealous of his rights 
as the representative of a powerful monarch, and did 
not fail to guard them when occasion happened. 
Among other instances may be mentioned a case 
which occurred in June, 1651, when a dispute arose 
about the place which the chapter of the cathedral and 
the pages of the viceroy should occupy in the proces- 
sion of corpus christi. The procession was forcibly 
interrupted by order of the count, who in unison with 
the audiencia issued several orders, which caused great 
excitement among the people. The matter was settled 
by the chapter yielding to the demand of the viceroy, 
when the ceremony was allowed to proceed. 9 

Owing to the wars almost continuously carried on 

8 Several cddulas were issued to protect the royal jurisdiction. One of 
September 18, 1G50, ratified on the 6th of June, 1655, declared all briefs and 
bulls of the holy see issued to the people of New Spain as null and void, if not 
authorized by the council of the Indies, to which they were to be sent. To 
the same scrutiny were subjected all those patents for religious orders which 
introduced important innovations or referred to the founding of new convents. 
Movtemayor, Svmarios, 37-8; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., ii. 219-21. 

9 Quijo t Diario, 179-82; liobles, Vida, 127-9. The viceroy would probably 
have encountered more opposition had there been an archbishop. The last 
one, Juan do Maiiosca y Zamora, had died on December 12, 1G50, not in 1053 
as Vetancurt, Trot. Mex.,2o, has it. Guijo, Diario, 157-9, 1C7; Panes, Vir., 
MS., 100; Concilios Prov., 1555-G5, 219. The see remained vacant for two 
years until December 25, 1652, when Pedro de Barrientos took possession of 
it in the name of the new appointee, Marcclo Lopez de Ascona, who arrived 
in July, 1653. He died after a few months, on November 10th of the same 
year. Qui jo, Diario, 227, 229-30, 248-70; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 220. Panes, 
Vir., says erroneously 1654. MS., 101. 


in Europe by the Spanish crown, communication with 
the mother country had become dangerous, and the 
peril of raids on the coast of New Spain increased. 
In order to guard against these inroads, the viceroy 
stationed some soldiers at Vera Cruz, and provided 
the fleets despatched to Spain with a force at least 
strong enough to leave them no longer at the mercy 
of the first pirate or man-of-war they might encoun- 
ter. It was indeed necessary to take some precau- 
tions that the treasure remittances should reach Spain 
in safety. The money was greatly needed; for it was 
only by means of the contributions of the colonies, 
that the monarch was enabled to carry on the expen- 
sive wars which were to sustain the glory of Castile. 
The king was always hard pressed ; and confident of the 
forbearance and patriotic zeal of his subjects in the New 
World, had seized about a million of pesos belonging 
to private persons, the amount having been remitted 
by the fleet of 1649. Viceroy Alva soon after his 
arrival informed the people of this proof of the confi- 
dence of their royal master, but at the same time 
assured them, under pledge of the royal word, that 
it would not be repeated, and that measures had even 
been taken to make repayment in redeemable warrants 
against the revenue, derived from the media anata. 10 
During the last months of Viceroy Alva's rule, 
earthquake and drought visited the province of Mex- 
ico. The former disaster was portended by the ap- 
pearance of a comet which was visible from the middle 
of December of 1652 till the first days of 1653. The 
shock was severely felt in the capital, 11 and destroyed 
the walls of several buildings, causing greater damage 

10 'Tenia librada la satisfaccion cle esta cantidad en juros y media annata. ' 
Guijo, Diario, 121. The publication of a similar cddula in March 1651 im- 
plies that this manner of making loans was repeated, notwithstanding the 
promise made. 

u 'Dur6 mas del tiempo que. ..rezar dos credos con devocion.' Id. 232. A 
minute account together with a scientific treatise on the comet is given by- 
Ruiz, Discurso hecho sobre Impressiones meteorologicas, Mexico, 1653, 1 et 
seq. According to Guijo, Diario, 239, in the same year, 1053, a conflagra- 
tion destroyed the whole city of Colima. 


in the environs. That no others were felt was sup- 
posed to be due to a solemn procession, held during 
the following days in honor of the conception of the 
ScrenisimaReina de los Angeles. With similar good 
effect the interposition of the virgen de los Remedios 
was implored some months later; when want of rain 
had produced diseases, and supplications lasting nine 
days were ordered. The supplications were quickly 
heard, for within nine days abundant rains fell 
throughout the province. 

The viceroy's term of government had meanwhile 
expired, and in the beginning of July 1653 news 
reached him of the arrival of his successor at Vera 
Cruz, and of his promotion to the viceroyalty of Peru. 
On the 1st of August he formally laid down his 
authority and proceeded to San Cristobal, to greet 
the new ruler, the duke of Alburquerque. He re- 
mained in Mexico for more than a year, as there was 
no vessel to carry him to his destination. The 17th 
of October 1G54 he left for Acapulco with a large 
retinue. At every point along his route he received 
marks of respect, for his benevolence and integrity 
had gained for him the sympathy of the people. 12 

Francisco Fernandez de la Cueva, duque de Al- 
burquerque and grandee of Spain, 13 arrived at Vera 
Cruz accompanied by his wife, a daughter of the ex- 
viceroy Cadereita, early in July, 1653, and made his 
official entrance into Mexico on the 15th of August, 
amidst the usual ceremonies. In personal qualifica- 
tions no less than in rank he was a worthy successor 

12 His juez de residencia sentenced him to the payment of several amounts 
of money claimed from him, and transferred the decision of other charges to 
the India Council, but nevertheless declared him 'por bueno y recto nrinistro 
de S. M.' Guijo, Diario, 270. After serving his term in Peru he went to 
Spain, where he died about 1667. 

13 He was of one of the noblest houses of Spain, and besides the titles 
given in the text, and such as his new position gave him, held those of mar- 
cpi6s de Cuellar y de Cadereita, conde de Ledesma, conde de Guelma, senor 
de las villas de Mombeltran y de la Codosera, gentilhombre de la caiuara de 
Su Magestad, and capitan general de las galeras de Espana. Ordenes de la 
Corona, MS., vii. 1; Frailes Doctr., in Disturb, de Frailes, MS., ii. 129, 152. 


to the count of Alva. He lacked none of the accom- 
plishments then commonly possessed by the nobility 
of Spain, and was moreover a man of jovial disposi- 
tion, much given to hospitality, and lavish of expense. 
During his reign he lost no opportunity of displaying, 
though sometimes a little too ostentatiously, his 
boundless loyalty to his sovereign. The first occasion 
that occurred was in April 1654, when balls and ban- 
quets, lasting several days, were arranged by the 
viceroy in commemoration of the birthday of his 
sovereign. These festivities were, however, eclipsed 
by those which were held later in celebration of the 
birth of prince Felipe Prospero. 14 Solemn thanks- 
givings alternated with magnificent processions in 
costume, headed by the viceroy and the highest offi- 
cials. For several days the town was illuminated; 
festivals were arranged by the Jesuit fathers; bull- 
fights were held in the plaza; there were no regular 
sessions of the audiencia for several weeks ; and many 
of the prisoners confined in jail were pardoned, while 
the sentences of others were commuted. So popular 
became the viceroy, that a mere hint from him was 
sufficient to elicit an annual donation in favor of the 
newly born prince of 250,000 pesos for the next 
fifteen years. 

The treasure fleet despatched from Vera Cruz in 
April 1654 was one of the most richly freighted that 
had ever left the shores of New Spain* and in the fol- 
lowing year a large amount was forwarded ; but the 
capture of Jamaica 15 in 1655 caused a large decrease 
in remittances after that date. 16 

u In January 1656 public praj'ers had been said in the cathedral and all 
the other churches for an heir to the throne. Guijo, Diario, in Doc. Hist. 
Mex., serie i., i. 337. 

15 Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 36, Rivera, Gob., i. 197, and other Spanish authori- 
ties state that Cromwell was urged to despatch the expedition which 
effected the capture of Jamaica by Thomas Gage, the author of The New Sur- 
vey of the West Indies. Gage was an apostate friar; hence perhaps the state- 
ment, which is not founded on fact. 

16 During the same year news arrived that a party of buccaneers had been 
captured by the settlers of Tampico. Twenty-two of them were sent as pris- 
oners to Mexico. Gaijo, Diario, 330, 362. 


The news of this disaster caused serious alarm 
throughout Spain and the Spanish colonies, though it 
was but the beginning of a long series of calamities, 
many of which I have related. Already the North 
Sea was infested with pirates, and in the islands of the 
West Indies thousands of buccaneers, filibusters, and 
sea rovers, 17 who regarded the Spaniards as their 
natural prey, had formed permanent settlements. 
During the latter portion of the seventeenth century 
the colonies, more especially those of Central Amer- 
ica, were never free from their raids; Portobello was 
sacked; Panamd was destroyed; other cities were 
plundered or burned; and within a few years of its 
capture Jamaica became the spot where most of these 
raids were organized, often with the consent and 
always with the connivance of the representative of 
the British monarch. 

In 1G57 the viceroy despatched a force of over four 
hundred men to aid the Spaniards in driving the Eng- 
lish garrison from the island, but to no purpose. 
Most of them perished of disease without inflicting 
any loss on the enemy, 13 and the inhabitants remaining 
on the island removed to New Spain. 

It was not long before the Spaniards felt the evil 
effects of thus tamely allowing the British to gain a 
foothold in the West Indies. Every year the convoy 
of the fleets became more difficult. In one instance 
fifty-five days -were required for the passage from 
Vera Cruz to Habana, the ships having remained 
near the coast of Florida, to avoid capture by an 
English fleet. Often the church bells summoned the 

17 For the origin of piracy in the West Indies see Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 
451 et scq., this series. 

lB Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 15; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 41; Guijo, Diario, 
303-4, 40G-7, 443. Still this writer speaks in another place of a great victory 
obtained by the auxiliaries, who dislodged the English from the island, and 
says that the news was celebrated in the cathedral and all other churches of 
Mexico. Id., 400-1. 'Todos miserablementc perecicron en manos del ene- 
migo.' It is of course well known that the English retained possession. 
About this time the town of Alburquerque was founded in New Mexico, per- 
haps with a view to give those who had arrived from Jamaica an opportunity 
to establish new settlements and restore their fortunes. 


loyal and pious inhabitants of the capital to prayers 
for the safety of the treasure ships; but not always 
were their prayers answered, for on one occasion dur- 
ing the viceroy's rule the flag-ship with five million 
pesos and four hundred persons on board was lost. 
At about the same time another fleet was attacked 
and partly captured at the mouth of the harbor of 
Cadiz. Henceforth Alburquerque became more cau- 
tious, and detained the fleet of 1658 until greater 
protection was afforded. 

While New Spain was thus harassed by more dis- 
tant foes, Yucatan was selected as a favorite scene of 
action by the law-defying brethren of the coast. Its 
isolated position, the difficulty of moving military forces 
from one place to another, the very position of the 
towns, all of which were near the seaboard, had long 
made this peninsula a favorite resort for pirates. 
After a less important expedition in 1613, during 
which they took temporary possession of the bay of 
Ascension, they reappeared in 1632 near Campeche; 
but noticing the energetic preparations for defense 
no attack was made. Their project, however, had 
not been abandoned. In the following year they re- 
turned under the command of their two famous leaders 
Pie de Palo and Diego the Mulatto. After a hot 
fight the town was taken and sacked. Efforts to ob- 
tain a ransom failed, however, and when rumors of a 
force approaching from Merida became known to the 
corsairs, they departed. 19 

Again a short period of tranquillity followed, till, 
in 1644, a squadron of thirteen vessels with fifteen hun- 
dred soldiers landed at Champoton. The inhabitants 
having fled, the invaders departed after completing 
their stores, 20 taking with them two Franciscan friars 

19 Under the same Diego the Mulatto, Salamanca was sacked in 1642, the 
town having been taken by surprise. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 658-9. 

20 They shot some cattle, preparing the meat in the church, which sacri- 
legious act especially calls forth the wrath of the pious Cogolludo. ' Sir- 
viendose de la Iglesia para tan indecente execucion, y especiahnente de la pila 
Bautismal.' Hist. Yuc, 682. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 10 


whom they f()uri(l hid near Ziho, and placed on board 
one of their vessels. Such an act committed against 
the representatives of the faith, say the chroniclers, 
provoked the wrath of heaven, and as a due chastise- 
ment all the vessels foundered, that bearing the friars 
only after the holy men had been placed ashore on 
the coast of Florida. 21 

But this incident made little impression on the 
buccaneers, who continued their depredations on both 
the eastern and western coasts of the peninsula. 
In April 1648 they captured a frigate with more than 
a hundred thousand pesos on board, and a few weeks 
later boldly attacked a vessel in the very port of 
Campeche. At about the same time another band, 
commanded by the pirate Abraham, captured Sala- 
manca. 22 During the second half of the seventeenth 
century their raids became more frequent. In 1659 
and 1678 Campeche was again taken and sacked by 
English and French freebooters. They were aided 
on this occasion by logwood-cutters, who since that 
time had begun to establish themselves on the penin- 
sula; and, notwithstanding the repeated efforts of the 
Spaniards to expel them, successfully maintained their 
positions, 23 till in 1680 they were driven from the bay 
of Terminos by forces sent against them from Mexico 
and Yucatan. 24 

Alburquerque bore the reputation of a just, vigilant, 
and capable ruler, one who strictly carried out the 
duties of his office, regardless of censure. Hearing 
that one of the contadores mayores had challenged 
the other, he ordered both under arrest, and sen- 
tenced to fines of three thousand and fifteen hundred 

21 Cogolludo gives an interesting account of the miraculous powers which 
our lady of Champoton and the 11,000 virgins exhibited on this occasion. 
Id., 683-4. 

22 He repeated the sack of the same town in 1G52. 

23 For a detailed account of the origin of the logwood establishments, 
from which the settlement of Belize emanated, I refer to the Hist. Cent. 
Am., ii. 023 etseq., this series. 

24 Robles, Dlario, 303-9, gives a pretty detailed account of the trophies 
obtained on this victorious expedition. 


pesos respectively, though duelling was at this time a 
common practice in New Spain. During the year 
1659 he suspended the corregidor and his lieutenant, 
and imprisoned several of the regidores because they 
had been bribed to consent to a reduction in weight of 
the loaf. Personal inquiries at the mills and bakeries 
had convinced him that there was no reason for mak- 
ing such a change. 

The clergy were not exempt from the duke's search- 
ing vigilance, and in his excessive zeal for the welfare 
and dignity of the church he occasionally played a some- 
what ridiculous part. Patrolling the streets near the 
palace one night, as was his wont, he noticed at a late 
hour two Austin friars in a dilapidated looking bakery 
eating fritters. The viceroy was shocked, and at once 
ordered their arrest; not, he declared, because the act 
of eating fritters was of itself unclerical, but that, con- 
sidering the time, the place, and the sacred vestments 
of the culprits, such an indulgence was scandalous. 
One of the ecclesiastics took to his heels and escaped, 
but the other was taken to the palace and sternly 
reproved and kept in custody till the following day, 
when he was delivered to the prior of his order. 
After remonstrating with the latter, the viceroy sum- 
moned also the other heads of religious orders, and 
having expressed his disapproval in general, directed 
them to exercise in future a better surveillance. 25 
This was readily promised, and severe penalties were 
imposed for similar transgressions. A reformation had 
indeed become necessary; for the greater part of the 
friars were no longer the worthy followers of those 
whose charity, humility, and untiring zeal had made 
so deep an impression on the native population a 
century before. In addition to their hypocrisy, some 
of them were guilty of the worst crimes common to 
their fellow-men; and it is related that in 1655 two 

25 In the following year, 1655, the rebuke was repeated, the king having 
issued three c^dulas, complaining of the increasing disorders of the monastic 
life. Guijo, Diario, 311-12. 


Augustinian lay-friars did not shrink from assassi- 
nating the former provincial of their order. 

It was perhaps the viceroy's undue interference 
in ecclesiastical matters that excited the enmity of 
the archbishop. During his administration the same 
ridiculous dispute arose which had occurred during 
the regime of his predecessor, concerning the prece- 
dence of the attendants at the procession of corpus 
christi. Neither would yield the point, and the matter 
was settled only by an agreement that neither the 
pages of the viceroy nor those of the archbishop 
should assist. 26 The latter, named Mateo Sagade Bu- 
gueiro, 27 was a man of rather haughty character, and 
ere lonsf new difficulties arose between him and the 
representative of the crown, occasioned by the con- 
troversy of the former with the commissary-general 
of the holy crusade. The archbishop also publicly 
accused the viceroy of withholding and intercepting 
his correspondence with Spain, but finally a reconcili- 
ation was effected, and after that time a better under- 
standing prevailed. 

The religious zeal of the viceroy 28 well nigh cost 
him his life. It was his custom each afternoon to pay 
a visit to the cathedral, then in course of completion, 
in order to inspect the progress made during the day, 
and afterward to attend vespers in one of the chapels. 
While kneeling at prayer on the evening of the 12th 
of March 1660, a soldier named Manuel Ledesma y 

20 Similar difficulties continued to disturb the good understanding between 
the viceroys and the archbishops, although royal cedulashad clearly fixed the 
jurisdiction to which either of them was entitled, their tenor being essen- 
tially favorable to the viceroys. In later years under the rule of Mancera an 
outbreak of these old hostilities was prevented merely by the duke's diplo- 
macy, and the modesty and genuine christian spirit of the then archbishop 
Alonso de Cuevas. Davalos, Mancera, Ivstrucciones, in Doc. Ined., xxi. 471-2. 

27 He was born in San Pedro de San Roman in Galicia, and had previously 
held the offices of canon of the churches of Astorga and Toledo. Concilios 
1 ro r., 1555--G5, 220. Panes, Vir., MS., 101-2, calls him Mateo de Yaga, 

Bays he was born in Pontevedro in Galicia. He was consecrated in Mex- 
ico the 25th of July, 1656. Guijo, Diario, 362. 

28 He assisted at the festivals of the churches and made liberal contribu- 
tions toward the completion of the cathedral. Guijo states that a royal 

la arrived in May 1655 ordering that the building be completed as soon 
a- possible. Diario. 309. 


Robles entered the chapel and gave him several blows 
with the flat of his sword. The viceroy sprang to his 
feet, and placing the prie-dieu between himself and his 
assailant, meanwhile clutching with his right hand at 
his sword, exclaimed, " What mean you?" " To kill 
you," was the answer. 29 At that moment the treas- 
urer of the cathedral came to the duke's assistance 
and was soon followed by others. The would-be 
assassin was overpowered, and the duke after finish- 
ing his devotions returned to his palace. A trial was 
held the same evening by the military auditor, but 
considering the grave character of the crime, the 
audiencia ordered that the prisoner be brought before 
their court. At the same time a resolution was 
passed that there should be no rest until the law was 
vindicated. 30 

During the whole night the depositions of witnesses 
were taken, corroborating the attempt to murder, but 
they added little to the contradictory confession of 
the accused, who in one place gives as a reason a 
supposed offence suffered from the viceroy, while in 
another he states that his sole purpose was to per- 
petuate his name. 31 There is little doubt his mind 
was deranged; he could easily have killed the viceroy 
had he been so disposed; but as it was a great man 
who had been frightened, his judges were determined 
not to recognize the fact; the appointment of an advo- 
cate for the accused was but for form, and no time 
was granted him to prepare his defence. At seven 
o'clock next morning the verdict was rendered; the 

29 ' Matarlo y que no se diga misa.' Copia de la Causa Criminal, in Rcgistro 
Trimestre, 289. ' Voto a Cristo, q le he de matar,' says the viceroy in his 
letter of March 16, 1660, to the king, adding ' me dio de cuchilladas y esto- 
cadas, en las espaldas y rinones. ' The latter assertion, notwithstanding its 
source, is exaggerated, as proved by the depositions of the witnesses during 
the trial. Carta, in Vir. Instruc, MS., 1st ser. no. 24, 1. 

30< Hasta tan to se de juridica y corapetente satisfacciori a ejemplar tan 
atroz, no se deje la mano de las diligencias. ' Copia de la Causa Criminal, 

31 Guijo, Diario, 439-40, asserts that he was submitted to torture; but this 
is doubtful; as the minutes of the trial would hardly have concealed the ap- 
plication of a measure which then was considered quite legal in order to 
obtain a confession. 


criminal was condemned to be dragged through the 
streets, 82 and thence taken to the gibbet. His head 
and right hand were to be cut off and exposed, the 
former on the main square, the latter, together with 
his sword, in front of the door of the cathedral where 
the crime had been committed. Three hours later 
the tribunals and loyal inhabitants of Mexico had the 
satisfaction of witnessing the execution of the sen- 
tence, the corpse, feet upwards, remaining exhibited 
on the gallows till late in the afternoon. 33 

Public demonstrations of joy and processions, ar- 
ranged by the archbishop and the religious corpora- 
tions, celebrated the escape of the viceroy from death. 34 

A few months later Alburquerque was informed 
that the concle de Banos had been appointed his suc- 
cessor, and that he himself was promoted to the vice- 
royalty of Sicily. 35 At the same time the archbishop 
was recalled, and both set sail from Vera Cruz in May 
1G61. 36 In September the duke surrendered the reins 
of power to the new viceroy 37 at Santa Ana, as was 
the custom. His residencia was begun at the same 
time by Gines Morote, but difficulties between the 
latter and the audiencia prevented its completion 
until 1662, when it was concluded by the oidor Fran- 

32 ' Que sea arrastrado a la cola de'dos caballos metido en un ceron. ..yen 
la horca. . .ahorcado hasta que naturalmente muera.' Copia de la Causa Crim- 
inal, 301-2. 

33 The culprit did not repent of his crime. ' No pudieron reducirlo a que 
se confesara, ni a que invocase el nombre de Jesus.' Guijo, Diario, 440. The 
viceroy in his letter to the king expresses regret, and adds that ' both in 
writing and verbally he pardoned him for this and the other life.' Carta, in 
Vir. Tnstrucc, MS., 1st ser. no. 24, 2. 

34 For details of this event see Coj)ia de la Causa Criminal, in liegistro Trim. , 
205-305; Guijo, Diario, 439-40; Carta, in Vir. Jnstrucc.,MS., 24, 

85 Guijo says he was made general of the fleets intended to operate against 
the Portuguese. Diario, 442. 

3C Lacunza, Disc. J list., xxxv. 501-2, speaks of the removal of both as 
caused by the king's displeasure with their conduct, ' fueron muy ricos, aun- 
que con el deshonor consiguiente. ' There is not the slightest reason for such 
a statement, and their later career indicates plainly the contrary, Buguerio 
being presented to the see of Leon, one of the greatest in Spain, and Albur- 
querqne, as already stated, being made viceroy of Sicily. 

J7 During his term of office he made many improvements in the viceregal 



cisco Valles. 38 In the mean time the duke had left 
for his native land, carrying with him the sympathy 
and good wishes of all the people of New Spain. 

G U L F O F 
M F X I 



I Pi* 



Ch^uipotoil ^^ ^ * r 

Gulf of Mexico. 

38 The visitador fixed the bond at 180,000 pesos, but was overruled by the 
oidores, who reduced the amount to 50,000 pesos notwithstanding the pro- 
tests of Morote. 



An Uneventful Period — Good Rulers— Marshal Carlos de Luna t 
Arellano — The Government of the Towns — The Monarch as a 
Mendicant— Governor Juan de Vargas — His Maleadministration — 
The Licentiate Carvajal Takes his Residencia — Indian Revolts — 
The Succession of Rulers — Campeche Fortified — Soberanis and 
Martin de Ursua — More Dissensions — Excommunication of Sobe- 
ranis — Concerning the Conquest of the Itzas— Conduct of Ursua 
Justified, and his Subsequent Promotion — His Qualities as a Sol- 
dier the Cause of his Preferment. 

During the latter half of the seventeenth century, 
it will be remembered, the governors of Yucatan were 
constantly at variance with the church, 1 and unseemly 
quarrels between the secular and ecclesiastical author- 
ities were prevalent almost from the time that the 
custodian Villapando built at Mani 2 the first convent 
founded in the Maya peninsula. On August 11, 1604, 
the marshal Cdrlos de Luna y Arrellano 3 took pos- 
session of the government, and although his reign 
lacked none of the usual strifes, as well with the city 
council as with the bishop and the secular and regu- 
lar clergy, his qualities as an honest ruler and the 
progress which the province made during his admin- 
istration were fully recognized. The strongest proof 
of his rectitude is that, although no failure of crops 

*In Hist. Mex., ii. 428 et seq., this series, the conquest of Yucatan is re- 
lated, and on pages 648-654 of the same volume is a brief sketch of the history 
of this province during the latter half of the seventeenth century. 

2 About 1550. 

3 The author of Datos Biofjruficos, in Cartas de Indicts, 791-2, says his 
Christian name was Tristan and that of his father Carlos. 



or other calamity occurred during his administration, 
eight years' service left him a poorer man than before, 
while several of his predecessors had entered upon 
office encumbered with debt and retired with a for- 

To Luna succeeded Antonio de Figueroa, 4 who is 
also spoken of as a just ruler, but whose government, 
save for a dispute with the encomenderos of Yalla- 
clolid, 5 is void of any noteworthy event. After a term 
of nearly five years his successor arrived in the person 
of Francisco Ramirez Briceno, the first governor since 
Montejo's time on whom the king conferred the title of 
captain-general. He took possession April 27, 1617, 6 
and being an experienced soldier, at once began the 
military organization of the country. During his 
brief term of office he gained the sympathy of the 
people, and his early death, on December 7, 16 19/ 
excited general grief. 

By virtue of a royal cedula of the 24th of May 
1600, now for the first time carried into effect, each 
of the alcaldes ordinarios governed the different towns 
and villas that lay within his own jurisdiction. This 
ceased when on September 3, 1620, 8 Captain Arias, 
count de Losada y Taboada, arrived, as governor ad 
interim, appointed by the viceroy of Mexico. Within 
a few months the reins of power w^ere delivered up to 
Diego de Cardenas, a knight of Santiago, who, being 
appointed by the crown, took possession in September 
1621. 9 

4 Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 201, misled by a contradictory statement in Cogo- 
lludo, gives the date of Figneroa's succession to the government as August 
29, 1612, instead of March 29th, for which statement he only refers to Lara. 

5 They surprised him on a journey to the River Lagartos, and sent him by 
force to the viceroy of Mexico, together with a long list of accusations. Im- 
mediately acquitted by the latter, he returned to Merida, and against all 
expectation refrained from punishing the aggressors. 

6 Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 474. In another place the same author says 
Figueroa ruled till September 27, 1617. 

7 Cogolludo says his death resulted from an illness, and Lara that he was 

8 August 28th. Lara, Apuntes Histo'rkos; Castillo, Dice. Hist. Yuc, 61. 

9 ' Manifestaba su Magestad las graues necessidadf&s. . .por las guerras que 
tenia con Hereges, Turcos, y Moros.' Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 541. 



On the 13th of July 1618 the title of <Muy noble y 
muy leal' was bestowed on the city of Merida, and in 
August of the same year a coat of arms was presented 
to the cabildo. 10 Still further to testify his regard for 
the inhabitants of the capital the monarch conde- 
scended to ask of them, four years later, a contribution 
in money. 

In order to justify the cherished title, liberal do- 
nations were made to the royal mendicant by the 
city council, the encomenderos, and many other 
settlers, the governor himself setting the example 
with a gift of one thousand pesos out of his own 
salary. Little else is known of his rule, which seems 

to have been unusually quiet, 
not even the customary dis- 
sensions with the clergy being 
mentioned by the historians, 
who represent Cardenas as 
a pious and charitable man. 
After a reign of seven years 11 
lie gave place to Juan de Var- 
gas, 12 who entered into office on 
the 15th of September 1628. 
A change now occurs in the 
peaceful condition of affairs, 
for Vargas is characterized as 
one of the worst governors 
ever appointed to the prov- 

Soon after the conquest of Yucatan the natives 
were made to feel the bitterness of their bondage. 
They were robbed and maltreated by their taskmas- 
ters, first under the title of alcaldes and corregidores, 
and later by officials under different names. 13 During 

10 The text of the ce\lulas by which the title and coat of arms were be- 
stowed is given in Cogottvdo, Hist. Yuc, 461-2. / Calle is in error when he 
gives 1C19 as the date in Mem. y Not., 82. 

11 Ancona says erroneously he ruled only four years. 

12 A knight of Santiago and descendant of the renowned Spanish general, 
Alonso de Vargas. • 

16 Jueces de grana, de vino, 6 de agravios. 

Merida Coat of Arms. 


Figueroa's term of office the production of cochineal 
had been largely increased, and the number of such 
officials, who in reality were but the agents of the 
governor, was rapidly multiplied. In vain prohibitory 
and restrictive orders had been issued by the audi- 
encia of Mexico and were now repeated in a royal ce- 
dula of March 17, 1627. Changing their title into that 
of capitanes & guerra, the governor evaded the exe- 
cution of the law and the evil remained unchecked. 
New complaints were filed with the central govern- 
ment at Mexico, and Vargas was ordered under heavy 
penalties to revoke the appointments, and forbidden 
to make new ones under any name whatever. 14 He 
remonstrated, alleging the necessity of such officials, 
and refused to obey until representations were made 
to the king and the council of the Indies. 

Simultaneously an imbroglio occurred between the 
treasury officials and the governor, who, transgressing 
his authority, proposed to make an inspection of the 
royal treasury. To this the former objected, and in 
the dispute which ensued one of them was personally 
maltreated by Vargas, who, carried away by anger, 
seized the treasurer and contador and sent them to 
Spain to appear before the India Council, without 
granting time for defense. 15 Such harsh conduct aided 
to swell the number of malecontents, and more claims 
were brought before the audiencia of Mexico, urging 
that an oidor be sent to investigate the matter and 
restore order. Vargas, when informed, tried to evade 
the blow, prevailing on the city council to support his 
protest against the necessity of such a measure -by 
appointing his lieutenant-general their attorney. 

In the mean time the licenciate Ynisco de Arguello 
Carbajal 16 was sent as visitador, and presented him- 

14 A royal cedula of August 23, 1642, approved this decree of the audien- 
cia. Calle, Mem. y Not., 88. 

15 Ancona, Hist. Yuc. , ii. 221 , intimates as the probable reason an attempt 
of the officials to exact the fines imposed by the audiencia of Mexico. 

16 A knight of Calatrava and oidor of the audiencia of Mexico. His com- 
mission was issued on the 7th of April, 1G30. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 566-76. 


self in Merida August 14, 1G30. Notwithstanding 
the governor's opposition/ 7 Carbajal began to execute 
his mission; whereupon Vargas ordered him to leave 
Merida within six days, and the province within fif- 
teen days, and made preparations for armed resistance. 
At this juncture the bishop, Gonzalo de Salazar, in- 
terfered in behalf of the visitador. Authorized by a 
royal cedula to co-operate with the viceroy in the 
suppression of local disturbances, he published, De- 
cember 17, 1630, a decree, which under severe 
penalties and ecclesiastical censures 18 ordered the 
governor, municipal authorities, and all the inhabi- 
tants to obey the orders of Arguello. 19 

Free from restraint, the licentiate continued the 
trial, and after two months sentenced the governor on 
some of the charges to temporary suspension from 
office and heavy fines, reserving the other accusations 
for the decision of the audiencia of Mexico, whither 
the accused was to be sent as a prisoner. Other offi- 
cials were also punished, and compensation granted 
to the oppressed natives. In March 1631 Carbajal 
left with his prisoner for Mexico, 20 the government 
remaining in charge of the alcaldes till November, 
when Fernando Centeno Maldonado arrived, being 
appointed by the viceroy as governor ad interim. He 
was replaced by Geronimo de Guero, who took charge 

17 Vargas claimed as governor and captain-general only to be answerable 
to the king and the council of the Indies. He also alleged the great expense 
and damage to the native population, which the visitador's mission would 
cause. Cogolludo gives these and other reasons in a lengthy way. Hist. Yuc f 
567-9. The governor was wrong, however; orders of the crown dated No- 
vember 2, 1627, and May 19, 1631, placed the government of Yucatan under 
that of Mexico. Montemayor, Scmarios, 91, 159; Recop. delnd., ii. 110. 

18 Excommunication mayor, heavy fines, and liability to be tried for high 

19 Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 223, says nothing about the bishop's intercession 
being based on a royal cedula. 

2U In Mexico Vargas was committed to prison, and a trial instituted against 
him, but before its conclusion he died. Cof/oUcdo, Hist. Yuc, 576-7. Ancona, 
J list. Yuc, ii. 223-4, and Castillo, Dice. Hist. Yuc, 60-1, attribute his death 
to grief caused by the stern rebuke of the viceroy. It is nowhere else inti- 
mated that Vargas possessed a conscience, or any senseof shame. During his 
administration heavy rains occurred, lasting, as Cogolludo says, for 27 con- 
secutive days, and causing a severe famine. 


in 1633. His rule was brief, and is favorably noticed 
by the chroniclers of his period. After his decease at 
an advanced age on March 10, 1635, the government 
again devolved on the alcaldes; but a few months 
later was transferred to Centeno, who for a second 
time had been temporarily appointed by the viceroy. 
During his term of office, which lasted until March 4, 
1636, he had serious dissensions with the Franciscans, 
and in consequence of their instigations his removal 
was ordered. He died, however, before the arrival 
of his successor, Andres Perez Franco, who on March 
14th took office as governor ad interim, holding that 
position only two months. 

On May 17, 1636, Diego Zapata de Cdrdenas, mar- 
ques de Santo Floro, presented his credentials from 
the court of Spain as governor and captain-general, 
and was duly admitted. Although the chroniclers 
disagree in their estimate of his character, they admit 
that serious dissensions occurred between him and the 
city council, which corporation even planned a coup 
d'etat. The fact, however, that his term of govern- 
ment was extended to nearly eight years speaks 
strongly in his favor, as also do his measures to re- 
lieve the natives from the payment of oppressive 
taxes. 21 His efforts on their behalf are probably due 
in part to a revolt among the Bacalar Indians, which, 
beginning in 1636, lasted till after his removal from 

The treatment of the Indians had, as we have seen, 
always given rise to dissensions and doubts, both in 
old and New Spain. Meanwhile they were continu- 
ally being robbed, now by the insatiable agents of the 
governors, now by the priests and friars, and between 
both they were despoiled of whatever they possessed. 

21 The tribute of the Indians amounted in 1643 and 1644 to about 154,000 
pesos, including the former encomiendas of Montejo, and more than 20,000 
pesos belonging to those of the crown. The whole number of encomenderos 
in Yucatan was 131. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 385-6; Calk, Mem. y Not., 82-8, 



It is not strange then that the true faith had little 
attraction for them, or that occasionally they at- 
tempted to shake off a yoke which plunged them not 
only into a condition worse than they had known in 
aboriginal times, but threatened the extermination 
of their race. It was seldom, however, that they 
even temporarily succeeded, and a severe administra- 

Map of Yucatan. 

tion of justice by the Spanish authorities always sup- 
pressed their mutinous tendencies for a number of 

It is thus that, at frequent intervals, we have to 
record Indian revolts. The first one, in 1610 at 
Tekax, caused by dissatisfaction with the cacique, 
was easily quelled, and three of the ringleaders for- 
feited their lives on the gallows of Merida. In 1633, 
owing to a famine some years before, a large number 
of natives who had abandoned their villages were 


brought back by force, the governor Centerto employ- 
ing to that end energetic measures. A gibbet was 
erected wherever he went, and death threatened to 
all who would cooperate in concealing fugitive Ind- 
ians. Thus in the coast districts alone more than 
sixteen thousand tributaries were restored in a short 
time to their settlements. 22 A more extensive out- 
break, however, occurred in 1636, occasioned proba- 
bly by the efforts of the governors to exact the con- 
tributions for the Barlovento fleet. Gradually the 
revolt assumed greater dimensions, and in 1639 only 
the villa of Salamanca had remained faithful, the re- 
mainder of the Bacalar district having openly declared 
its sedition, and relapsed into idolatry. Armed expedi- 
tions were proposed, but objected to by the governor, 
Santo Floro, and after long deliberations only some 
friars were sent to the seditious region, a proceeding 
which utterly failed. It was only in 1644 that part 
of the fugitives were induced to return to their vil- 
lages. 23 Later revolts, though most of them of less 
importance, occurred in 1653, 1669, and 1670, when 
the Indians of Sahcabchen rebelled, and again about 
1675. 24 Still there remains no doubt that the natives 
were gradually brought under subjection, and the 
zealous missionaries by their incessant labors obtained 
more and more influence over the native population. 

The successor of Santo Floro, Francisco Nunez 
Melian, 25 took charge of the government the last day 
of December 1643, but his sudden death on April 13, 
1644, 26 again made necessary a temporary appoint- 
ment by the viceroy at Mexico. Enrique Davila y 

22 For details of this expedition see Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 593-5; also 
Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 224-5. 

n Governor Francisco Nunez Melian succeeded in bringing back about 
9,000 Indians. Cogollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 679. 

2i The date for the last revolt cannot be exactly fixed, as it is not given by 
Villagutierre, who, in his Hist. Conq. Itza, 146-7, merely alludes to them. 

25 The general Luis Fernandez de Cordoba, previously appointed, was pro- 
moted to the government of Cartagena before undertaking the voyage. 
Cogullvdo, Hist. Yuc, 678. 

26 During a review of the military forces at Menda. 


Pacheco was the one selected, and on June 28, 1644, 
he assumed office, relieving the alcaldes ordinarios, 
who had ruled in the mean time. His administration 
is recorded as one of the best ever experienced. At 
his residencia it is said that only one insignificant 
charge was brought against him, and after the death 
of his successor Estevan de Azcdrraga, 27 who was in 
charge from December 4, 1645, to August 8, 1648, he 
was again summoned by the viceroy (of Mexico to 
represent the crown. 28 He remained in that position 
from December 15, 1648, to the 19th of October, 
1649, at which date a new ruler, appointed by the 
crown, arrived in the person of the count de Penalva. 29 
Under his rule a serious famine occurred, and great 
numbers died of starvation. The evil was increased 
by the injudicious though well intended measures of 
the governor to remedy it. The number of enemies 
thus created was increased by his avaricious proceed- 
ings, and on August 1, 1652, he was found assassi- 
nated in his room. 30 

After the death of Penalva governors followed in 
rather quick succession, but nothing important is con- 
nected with their time. The temporary rule of the 
alcaldes ended when on November 19, 1652, Martin 
de Robles y Villafana, nominated by Viceroy Alva de 
Lista, took charge of the government, but being pro- 

27 Azcarraga died during an epidemic which, in 1648, played havoc in Yu- 
catan to such an extent that no bells were tolled except for mass. Not even 
the governor's death met with an exception, and the burial took place with- 
out any of the usual solemnities. Cogolludo, Hist. Yuc, 714-30, gives many 
details referring to the pestilence. From 1627 to 1631, and later in 1636, 
floods and bad crops had also produced famine and epidemics, of which many 
people died. Cor/ollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 202-3, 558, 592-3. 4 

28 One of the alcaldes, who in the interim held the goverment, was Juan 
de Salazar Montejo, a great-great-grandson of the Adelantado Francisco de 

29 Davila had been held in such esteem, that after his departure from Yu- 
catan, the city council of Merida in a letter to the king greatly eulogized his 
administration. Later, after the death of Penalva, a petition was sent tcsSpain, 
requesting that Davila be sent as governor for a third time. Cogollvdo, Hist. 
Yuc., 731-3. The full title of his successor was Garcia de Valdes Osorio, 
first count de Penal va. Id., 742. 

30 Cogolludo assigns no cause for his death, but his unusually brief mention 
of his demise rather confirms the statement of Lava, that such a crime was 
committed. No clue was ever obtained. 


moled to the province of Caracas was relieved by- 
Pedro Saenz Izquierdo in November 1653, also by 
appointment from Mexico, and it was not until May 
1G55 that Francisco de Bazan arrived from Spain 
with a commission from the crown. He was followed 
by Jose Campero, 31 who governed from August 1660 
till his death on the 29th of December 1662. 32 Be- 
tween his successors, Francisco de Esquivel and Ro- 
clrigo Flores Aldana, temporary troubles arose, each 
claiming the government, and finally the latter, who 
had been removed by the audiencia of Mexico, was 
reinstalled on January 29, 1667, by order of the 
king, 33 with whom he was a favorite. Without any 
apparent reason he was superseded on December 29, 
1669, by Frutos Delgado, oidor of the audiencia of 
Mexico, who came to take his residencia. But in the 
following year Fernando Francisco de Escobedo, ap- 
pointed immediately by the crown, took charge of the 
government. 34 During his rule, which lasted from 
October 18, 1670, to March 27, 1672, the governor, 
who was an experienced soldier, directed his attention 
to the military affairs of the province, and the im- 
provements which he made were continued by his 
successors, Miguel Franco Cardones and Sancho Fer- 
nandez de Angulo y Sandoval, of whom nothing 
worthy of note is recorded/ 


31 Castillo says erroneously in one place that Bazan's successor was Anto- 
nio Ancona, whereas in another he gives Jose Campero. Dice. Hist. Yuc, 54, 
142-5. His full title was Jose" Campero de Sorrevilla, maestre de canrpo and 
knight of Santiago, Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iv. 2. 

32 His death was hastened, if not caused, by a trick played on him in the 
cathedral of M6rida, at a late hour of the night, and the bishop and the Jesuits 
were supposed to have taken part in it, in order to gain more influence over 
him. Iiegistro Yucaleco, ii. 74-6. 

33 Esquivel delivered the government to Flores on July 28, 1664, having 
ruled since September 4, 1663, but, obtaining his opponent's removal, again 
took possession on the 28th of March 1665. Guijo calls him Flores de Vera. 
Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex,, s6rie i., i. 548. 

u Bobles, Diario, i. 140; Jnarros, Guat., 265. He was a knight of the grand 
cross of St John, bailio of Lora, and general of the artillery of Jaen. Ancona, 
Hist. Yuc, ii. 263, calls him Fernando Franco de Escobedo, and says he was 
commander of the villas of Samayon and Santi-Estevan. He was later pro- 
moted to the presidency of Guatemala. 

35 Cordones governed from March 27, 1672, till September 28, 1674, and An- 
gulo from that date to the 18th of December 1677. Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 263-5. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 11 


The following governor, Antonio de la Iseca y 
Alvarado, an old inhabitant of Merida, was removed 
through the intrigues of his enemies on the 20th of 
February, 1670, by the oidor Juan de Arechiga, 
sent by the audiencia of Mexico. He was reinstated, 
however, one year later, and remained in undisturbed 
possession till 1683, 38 when on July 14th Juan Bruno 
Tello de Guzman succeeded him. The administration 
of this governor is marked in the annals of Yucatan 
by the frequent invasions of pirates, who, owing to 
the pusillanimity of Tello, met with little resistance. 
To check such raids the fortification of Campeche 
was resolved upon, but it was only under the rule of 
his successor, Juan Jose de la Barcena, 37 an experi- 
enced soldier and energetic man, that any consider- 
able progress was made with the works. 38 

The rule of the last two governors, who at the 
close of the seventeenth century administered the 
affairs of the province, is noteworthy for the internal 
dissensions which prevailed. On August 20, 1693, 
Koque de Soberanis y Centeno, a man rather young 
for such high position, was intrusted with the reins 
of power. 39 Mainly through lack of experience he 
made, within a short time, a number of enemies, in 
whose ranks appeared also the bishop of Yucatan, 
Juan Cano y Sandoval. 40 The dispute became so 
fierce that Soberanis was excommunicated in July 
1694, and upon complaints laid before the audiencia 

36 In 1C82 a conflagration destroyed half of the town of Campeche. Iiohlcs, 
Diario, i. 343. 

37 Castillo, Dice. Hist. Yuc, S9-91. Robles, Diario, i. 399, calls him Bar- 
rera. He ruled from July 25, 1688, till August 20, 1G93. 

38 Details are given in Castillo, loc. cit. The total cost of the fortification 
of Campeche, derived from contributions by the crown and the inhabitants, 
and from certain imposts, amounted to more than 200,000 pesos. In February, 
1690, the first pieces of heavy artillery ever seen in the province were landed 
at the town. 

39 He owed his appointment to his descent from one of the wealthiest and 
most influential families of Cadiz. 

40 Biographers of the bishop, who was a native of Mexico, speak of him in 
very favorable terms. See Registro Yuc, ii. 278-81 ; Castillo, Dice. Hist. 
Tuc. s 145; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 359-00; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 70; 
Holies, Diario, i. 355, 3G0, 375. 


of Mexico was removed from office, and summoned be- 
fore that tribunal. 41 Martin de Ursua y Arizmendi, 
the governor elect, was appointed to replace Sobe- 
ranis, and at once made preparations to avail himself 
of the opportunity to carry out his favorite project — 
the conquest of the Itzas. 

Meanwhile, however, Soberanis, acquitted in Mex- 
ico, was restored to his government, and from this 
time to his death on September 25, 1699, 42 made all 
possible opposition to the schemes of his successor, 
notwithstanding royal orders to the contrary. Ursua's 
second term lasted from 1699 to the end of 1703, when 
he was deposed by the viceroy of Mexico, on a charge 
of implication in the murder of an alcalde of Yallado- 
lid. 43 Ursua went to Spain, where he not only justified 
his conduct, but obtained new distinctions, and was re- 
instated on June 6, 1706, holding office till the 15th 
of September 1708, when he was promoted to the 
presidency of Manila, 44 

The services that he rendered in the expedition 
against the Itzas in 1697, and which have already 
been related, 45 were probably the main reason for his 
preferment, for during that campaign he displayed all 
the qualities of a cautious and capable leader.' 


41 An oidor, Francisco Zaraza, sent to Mericla in December 1694 to in- 
vestigate the matter, returned to Mexico in July 1695, without pronouncing 
sentence, the bishop having died in February 1695. Robles, Diario, ii. 159- 
60, 167, 170, 172. 

42 Of yellow fever, the first time the disease appeared in the country. Lara, 
Apuntes Hist6ricos, followed by Castillo, Dice. Hist. Yuc, 69. 

43 A visitador, Carlos Bermudez, was sent from Mexico and later a governor 
ad interim appointed, Alvaro de Bivaguda, who punished several of the 
guilty persons, but failed to discover any evidence of the complicity of Ursua. 
liobles, Diario, 1st ser., ii. 468, 477, 484; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 316-25. 

44 The titles of count de Lizarraga Vengoa, conqueror, perpetual governor, 
and captain-general of the Itza provinces, were among others given him. 
Elorza y Rada, Nobil., 211. 

45 See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 681 et seq., this series. 

46 In addition to the authorities already quoted, the reader is referred to 
Cofjollvdo, Hist. Yuc, 220, 385-6, 452-752, passim; Villaqvtierre, Hist. Cong. 
Itza, 326-40, 410-17, 535-41; Guijo, Diario in Doc Hist. Mex., 1st ser., i. 
223-4, 548; Robles, Diario, i. 81, 140, 312, 343, 355, 35S, 375, 399, 452, ii. 
155, 183; Calle, Mem. y Not., 84-5, 87-8; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 64; 
Barbacliano, Mem. Camp., 2-8; Castillo, Dice Hist. Yuc, 54, 59-61, 63, 69, 
72, 93, 294-5; Juarros, Gnat., i. 33; Stephens, Yuc, ii. 194; Dice Univ., vi. 
785-6; viii. 494, x. 763-6. 




Count de Banos, the Twenty-third Viceroy — A New Order of Things— 
Indian Revolt at Tehuantepec — An Arbitrary Ruler — Character 
or the Man — He is Replaced by Archbishop Osorio — The Prelate's 
Brief but Beneficent Government— A Native of Mexico Made 
Archbishop — Arrival of Marquis Mancera — His Efficient Rule — 
California Explorations — The Cathedral of Mexico — Its Dedi- 
cation — Mancera's Wise Policy — Eruption of Popocatepetl and 
Other Calamities — Veraguas, Descendant of Columbus, as Vice- 
roy — His Untimely Death — Archbishop Ribera Succeeds — His 
Character and Good Government — He Declines New Honors — 
His Retirement to Spain, and Death. 

Late in July 1660 the twenty-third viceroy of New- 
Spain, Juan de Leiva y de la Cerda, marques de Leiva 
y de Laclrada, conde de Baflos, 1 arrived at Vera Cruz. 
He entered Mexico on the 16th of September, and on 
the same day took charge of the government. One of 
his first acts was the imprisonment of the castellan of 
the fortress of San Juan de Ulua, without any appar- 
ent reason, and such arbitrary measures were several 
times repeated during his administration which was 
in strong contrast with that of his predecessor. Dur- 
ing the last months of Alburquerque's reign, news was 
received in Mexico that the Indians of the district 
of Tehuantepec were in revolt and had killed the al- 
calde mayor. 2 A small force sent against them was 
defeated, and preparations were made to assemble a 
larger expedition. But before this was ready it was 

1 ( ruijo calls him Juan de la Cueva Leiva y Labrada. Diario, 444, 447. 

2 The cause of the outbreak was the usual extortions practised upon the 
natives, many of them being driven to suicide. Holies, Vkla, 151-3. 


COUNT BAftOS. 165 

learned that the troubles had been allayed by the in- 
tercession of the bishop of Oajaca, Alonso de Cuevas 
Davalos. 3 

The count was a man utterly unfitted for the posi- 
tion, 4 and soon made himself extremely unpopular 
among his subjects. Vain, arrogant, and selfish, he is 
mentioned as one of the worst rulers that was ever 
placed at the head of affairs. As an instance of his 
vanity it may be mentioned that in the second year 
after his arrival he used his influence to change the 
route of the procession of corpus christi in such a 
manner that it would pass by the viceregal palace. 
In the following year, on repeating this request, he 
met with energetic opposition from the new arch- 
bishop, Diego Osorio de Escobar y Llamas/ who 
under severe ecclesiastical penalties forbade any de- 
viation from the rule observed since the early days 
of Spanish dominion. 

This was more than the overbearing viceroy could 
endure; and considering himself moreover deeply in- 
jured by the general sympathy displayed by the pub- 
lic, and the religious corporations, at the sudden death 
of the commander of San Juan de Uliia, who had been 
imprisoned by his order, he resolved on revenge. 6 

3 Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v., erroneously gives the date as 1G61; Mayer says 
1601 and 1662, Mex. Aztec, i. 208; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 95, 1664. Dome- 
nech, reversing the order, says the troubles arose in consequence of decrees 
issued by Davalos, Hist. Mex., i. 275-6. A letter of the king dated October 2, 
1662, thanks the bishop for his services in flattering terms and promises him 
the royal favor. Robles, Vida, 164-5. 

4 Among other instances of his incapacity it may be mentioned that when 
news was received of the occupation of Cuba by the English the viceroy at- 
tempted to organize an expedition, but except enlisting a number of recruits 
and appointing two of his sons as officers, it is not recorded that he accom- 
plished anything. 

5 Born in Coruiia in Galicia, and in 1656 made bishop of Puebla after hold- 
ing several important offices in Spain. Lorenzana, in ConciliosProv., 1555-Go, 
220-1, 269. In 1663 he was promoted to the see of Mexico. Lorenzana, in 
Id., 269-70, gives 1666 as the year, but mentions the correct date on p. 221. 
His mistake has been copied by Ribera, Gobernantes, i. 213. 

6 The election of Osorio had frustrated the hopes of the bishop of Nica- 
ragua, Juan de la Torre, then in Mexico, who was one of the viceroy's favor- 
ites. Torre even later wrote to Spain, calumniating the character of the 
archbishop and of the oidores, on the other hand extolling that of his patron. 
By accident the affair became known, and the audiencia peremptorily ordered 
Torre to depart for his bishopric. Guijo, Hiario, 500-7. 


Failing in his efforts to undermine the influence of 
the archbishop, who again in 1GG4 denied the right of 
the count to change the route of the corpus christi 
procession, 7 he next thought of exiling him under 
some pretext, which it would not be difficult to find. 
Meanwhile he caused all letters from Spain addressed 
to Osorio to be destroyed. On the 27th of June 
his preparations were concluded, the audiencia had al- 
ready been informed, and on the following day the 
plan was to be executed. But at this moment an 
incident occurred which overthrew his projects. A 
vessel from Spain ran ashore near the old town of 
Vera Cruz. The crew and mails were saved, and even 
the vigilance of the spies kept by the viceroy could 
not prevent the agents of Osorio from securing and 
delivering in safety the archbishop's correspondence. 
The latter with surprise observed that among the let- 
ters was one, addressed to him, as viceroy of Mexico. 
Immediately the news spread, carrying with it no less 
joy than astonishment to all save the count, for he 
had withheld and burned six previous despatches of 
the same character. 8 

On the following day Osorio sent the official infor- 
mation to the viceroy and the oidores, summoning the 
latter to the archiepiscopal palace. Showing them 
two royal cedulas, which referred to him as viceroy 
and captain-general, he asked their opinion, whether 
these documents were sufficient authority for him to 
assume the government. The audiencia returned to 
the palace, there to discuss the question in presence 
of the count. The latter denied the risdit of Osorio, 
unless a cedula expressing the formal appointment be 
exhibited. The doubts were soon solved, for in the 
box containing the despatches another letter was 

7 For having attempted this, the viceroy was afterward fined 12,000 

8 When the bishop learned this, he demanded their delivery under severe 
penalties. An official of the government, who had witnessed the destruction 
of the documents, among which there had been one from the inquisition in 
Spain, was imprisoned by the holy office of Mexico for having concealed this 
fact. Guijo, Diario, 529-30. 


found directing the audiencia to take charge in case 
Osorio should have died or resigned. Immediately 
the oidores returned and informed the archbishop that 
his authority was recognized, and two hours later he 
took the oath and was formally installed. Soon after- 
ward, when again in his palace, the ex-viceroy paid 
him a visit, as prescribed by etiquette, and left him 
his guard. No sooner did the people see the count 
alone, than they began to shout, scoff, and throw 
stones at him and his companions, obliging them to 
hasten as quickly as possible to the viceregal palace. 9 
Great were the demonstrations of joy at Osorio's 
appointment. The streets were crowded ; there were 
festivities and illuminations, and the following day a 
te deum was sung in the cathedral. At the same time, 
in consequence of his resignation of the archbishopric, 
the bishop of Oajaca, Alonso de Cuevas Davalos, had 
been appointed as successor. At the request of the 
chapter and the new prelate Osorio continued, how- 
ever, to govern the see till November, when Cuevas 
arrived. Although the rule of the new viceroy lasted 
but a few months, many changes were made for the 
better. The people began to breathe more freely. 
Persons exiled by Banos, and others, who from fear 
had left the town, returned; justice was administered 
with rigor, but with impartiality; the count of San- 
tiago Calimaya, notwithstanding his high rank, and 
Pedro de Leiva, son of the ex-viceroy, were both 

9 This according to Guijo. Nevertheless many later writers represent 
Banos as a popular ruler. Alegre says the viceroy visited and supported the 
hospitals of the society, and calls him 'un virey de los mas ejemplares y 
justos.' Hint. Convp. Jems, ii. 425-0. Similar though less enthusiastic praise 
is bestowed on him by Vetancurt, Trat. Ilex., 15, Lorenzana, Hist. iV. Exp., 
25, Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 47, and others. Similar manifestations, as whistling 
and hissing, were repeated months afterward, when the count was present at 
some bull-fights arranged in honor of viceroy Mancera. In October 16G4 his 
residencia was begun, but not concluded till 1GG6. Guijo, Diario, 557; Bohles, 
Diario, i. 15. The entire property of the ex-viceroy was attached, notwith- 
standing royal orders to permit his return to Spain, and he was placed under 
bonds for 40,000 pesos. Qrdenes de la Corona, MS., i. 38; Reales Cedulas, 
IMS., ii. 148-9. In 1G6G Banos returned to Spain, where after the death of 
his wife he entered the order of the barefooted Carmelites. Robles, Diario, i. 
17-18, 223, 239. 


placed under arrest for arranging a duel. 10 Abuses 
introduced under the rule of Bafios were reformed; 
all grants and appointments made by the latter were 
declared as null and void by order of the crown ; and 
severe punishment was inflicted on several negligent 
and defaulting officials. 11 

The activity displayed by the bishop-viceroy was 
astonishing, and seemed to be transmitted to all de- 
partments of the government. Assistance in money, 
workmen, and ammunition was sent to Cuba: the 
management of the royal treasury was reorganized so 
effectually that, after a rule of only six weeks, there 
were four hundred and fifty thousand pesos ready 
to be sent to Spain, and from July till October more 
than seventy law-suits were despatched in the court 
of the audiencia. Thus the whole aspect of affairs was 
changed, and hopes were entertained, that New Spain 
would prosper under his administration, when news 
arrived that a successor, appointed by the crown, had 
reached Vera Cruz. On September 27th the viceroy 
formally gave up his office, and on November 15th his 
archbishopric, when his successor took possession. 12 

Alonso cle Cuevas Davalos was the first native of 
Mexico who ever occupied the archiepiscopal chair 
of New Spain. He was born in 1590, had studied in 
the Jesuit college, and been rector of the university 
in 1632. After holding the offices of canon at Puebla, 

10 The imbroglio arose in 1G60 on the arrival of Bafios, in consequence of 
remarks made by Pedro de Leiva, about the Creoles, in presence of the count. 
Altercations and brawls followed, but the final settlement of the question had 
been delayed till Bafios was removed. Guijo, Diario, 546-7. 

11 Diego Valles, an official of the treasury and quicksilver department, was 
suspended and heavily fined in virtue of a royal cedula, ' the severest ever 
despatched against an official,' says Guijo. He was charged with being bribed 
by Bafios. Two regidores were removed for having revealed the secrets of the 
cabildo sessions to the former viceroy. See Guijo, Diario, 537-48, where also 
several similar cases are mentioned. 

12 A month later, December 15, 1064, Osorio returned to his diocese of 
Puebla, which he retained till his death in 1673. His residencia was taken 
in L666, and several charges were preferred against him by representatives of 
the count of Bafios, relative to his conduct at the time of his succession to the 
government, but no sentence seems ever to have been pronounced against 
him, save one, imposing a small fine, which afterward was revoked by the 
council of the Indies, iiobles, Diario, i. 29-34, 151. 


and deacon and treasurer of the cathedral of Mexico, 
he became in 1657 bishop of Oajaca, whence he was 
promoted to the see of the capital. He wore the 
mitre but for a short time, dying the following year."" 


The twenty-fifth viceroy, Antonio Sebastian de 
Toledo, Molina y Salazar, marques de Mancera, 14 ar- 
rived at Vera Cruz in July 1664, but his entrance 
into Mexico was delayed for several months, when, 
notwithstanding an order of the crown, it was made 
on the 15th of October with the usual ceremonies. 15 
On the same day he took possession of the govern- 
ment. 16 His previous career had already given him 
an opportunity to exhibit his abilities, and he now 
showed that his election was fully justified. 

Immediately after his arrival the drainage of Lake 
Zampango was recommenced. The undertaking had 
been begun nearly a century before, but was still in a 
backward condition. Under Mancera a friar of the 

13 His appointment was chiefly caused by the valuable services rendered 
in suppressing the revolt of the Indians of Tehuantepec. Florencia, Hist. 
Prov. Comp. Jesus, 232, says erroneously that from his see of Oajaca he was 
promoted to that of Puebla. In August 1GG5 he fell sick, and on September 
2d he died. Five days afterward his bulls arrived from Spain. His biogra- 
phy was written by Antonio Robles, the author of the Diarlo de sucesos nota- 
bles, under the title Resgnardo contra el olvldo. . Ale la vida. . .del Illmo Sr 
Dr D. Alonso de Cuevus Ddvalos, Mexico, 1757, pp. xliv. 208, 38. It contains 
minute details of the bishop's life, and the miracles he wrought, but little 
historical material. The work is less bigoted than others of that character 
and epoch — the beginning of the eighteenth century. See also Vetancrrt, 
Trat. Mex., 25; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 221, 308-9; Robles, Diario, i. 4-5, 
12; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 240. 

14 Sefior del Marmol y de las cinco Villas, tesorero general de la Orden 
de Alcantara, were his other titles according to Miravel y Casaderante, 
El gran Dice., vii. 132. He was also comendador de Puerto-llano in the 
order of Calatrava and belonged to the council of war. Palafox, Estatutos De- 
dicaioria. Later Mancera was made a grandee of Spain. When he came to 
Mexico he had already a splendid record as an able official, having been em- 
bassador of the crown at Venice and in Germany. 

10 A cedula of July 1663 forbade public demonstrations or receptions to 
all new viceroys, for the reason that they entailed too much expense on the 
respective towns and villages. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 11. Rivera, 
Gobe mantes, i. 214, asserts that no public reception took place, and that 
Mancera presented to the king the money appropriated by the city to cover 
the expenses. A contemporary, Guijo, gives, however, a minute description 
of the festivities held in honor of his arrival, and one which differs little, if 
at all, from those celebrated on similar occasions. Diario, 553-5. 

16 Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 25, followed by Panes, Vireyes, MS., 103, 
erroneously places his succession to the government in the year 16C5. 


Franciscan order was put in charge of the work, 17 
and earnest efforts were made for its completion. 
Although this was not accomplished, greater progress 
was made than under any of his predecessors, and at 
a smaller cost. 18 The work was confirmed by his suc- 
cessor, the archbishop Kibera, and concluded in the 
middle of 1675, inundations which occurred mean- 
while having caused operations to be pushed with 
vigor. 19 A te cleum was sung in the cathedral, and 
other solemnities celebrated the event. 

The viceroy's attention was now directed to financial 
and military affairs, both of which were in a deplorable 
condition, owing to the indolence and dishonesty of 
previous rulers. Convinced that the creation of new 
imposts would not check the evil, and only add new 
burdens to those under which the inhabitants were 
already laboring, he began his reforms by improv- 
ing the administration of the treasury department. 
"When he arrived he not only found the strong-box 
empty, but was faced by a considerable amount of 
debts, contracted in preceding years, when the ex- 
penses had always exceeded the income. Exercising 
a strict vigilance, and submitting the officials to fre- 
quent inspections, 20 he put an end to the peculations 21 
which had been committed in all the different branches 

17 His name was Manuel de Cabrera, and a monthly salary of 200 pesos waa 
assigned him. Guijo, Diario, 562-3. Mancera, in the instructions to his suc- 
cessor, calls him Juan de Cabrera in one place, in another Manuel. 

18 The excavations made during the time of Mancera extended over 1,693 
varas, the expense amounting to 138,550 pesos. See Mancera's report to his 
successor, in Instrucc. Vireyes, 263-4. This statement is doubtless more 
reliable than that given by Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 236, who speaks of 1,319 
varas with a cost of 105,950 pesos. 

19 Still the work seems to have been insufficient, for in 1678 another inun- 
dation, which damaged the drain somewhat, has been recorded. Robles, Diario, 
i. 203. Another peril, though of a different nature, threatened Mexico from 
the close proximity of the powder-mill and magazine. Mancera averted the 
danger by removing the establishment to a greater distance, and distributing 
the powder in several depots, each of which contained only a small quantity. A 
short time after this was done a flash of lightning struck the factory without 
causing any damage. 

20 • El primer movil que da impulso a la corriente y pura recaudacion de loa 
Reales haberes, conteniendo el desorden. . .es el temor de las cucntas.' Man- 
cera, in Instrucc. Virreyes, 290. 

21 In the custom-house alone they amounted in less than two years to more 
than 160,000 pesos. Id., 296. 


of the department, and was able to leave it to his 
successor free of debts, and with an increased revenue. 
Besides attending strictly to all the remittances which 
then were made to the West India Islands, the Phil- 
ippines, and in support of the various presidios, he still 
sent more than four million pesos to Spain. 

After the death of Felipe IV., whose obsequies 
were celebrated in Mexico with becoming solemnity, 22 
the queen-regent gave to her loyal subjects of New 
Spain a proof of confidence, not uncommon at that 
time, by appealing to them for voluntary donations 
to meet the increased expenses caused by the change 
in the government. Viceroy and archbishop imme- 
diately set the example 23 by subscribing a considerable 
amount, which in a short time was swelled to more 
than a hundred thousand pesos. It was only natural 
that such patriotism should be recognized, and the 
crown expressed its approval in several cedillas, the 
last of which, dated June 11, 1672, directed that the 
viceroy should instruct his successor as to his policy 
in financial matters. 

Mancera's reforms in military affairs were less suc- 
cessful, chiefly in consequence of the lukewarm coop- 
eration of the government in the mother country. 
The latter indeed issued on one occasion orders re- 
ducing the pensions and gratuitous subventions, and 
appropriated the amount thus saved to the support 
of a fleet, 24 but contradictory instructions, now direct- 
ing the vessels to protect the coasts of New Spain 
and the islands, now recalling them to Spain, left the 

22 The king had died on September 17, 1665; his demise was published in 
Mexico the 26th of May 1666, and all persons were ordered under fine to put 
on mourning. Early in June the viceroy received the formal visits of condo- 
lence from the audiencia, inquisition, chapter of the cathedral, and the re- 
ligious orders; funeral services were also held, but the exequies proper were 
not celebrated till July, when they lasted for about a month. After the 
beginning of November mourning was laid aside. Holies, Dairio, i. 18-27. 

23 The former by making a gift of 12,000, the latter one of 8,000 pesos. 

2i A royal cedula of July 3, 1669, reduced all the pensions of 300 ducats 
or less to 200, and beyond that to one half of their original amount. None 
were to exceed 4,000 ducats, 'pues en esta forma es bastante la recompensa 
que. . .puedare, cargar sobre el Real Patrimonio, quando se halla tan exausto. 5 
Montemayor, Svmarios, 265-6. 


commerce of the colonies at the mercy of the corsairs. 
Disregard was also shown to the pressing demands 
of the duke for the improvement of the defenses of 
the coast ports on the North and South seas. His 
request that the fortifications of San Juan de Ulua 
should be repaired were rot even answered. 1 


It was hoped that the treaty concluded between 
England and Spain, October 8, 1G70, whereby either 
power was granted the sovereignty over the lands 
then in their possession in the Indies, and all trade 
forbidden between the two nations in those regions, 
would be of benefit to the provinces; but such was 
not the case. The governor of Jamaica, Thomas 
Lynch, continued to grant the pirates a tacit protec- 
tion, and it was only under his successor, Load 
Vaughan, that the licenses given to the corsairs were 
revoked, and a number of the sea-robbers hanged, 
when, in disregard of warnings, they returned to that 
island to dispose of their booty. 

In the beginning of 1672 some English buccaneers 
landed near the mouth of Goazacoalco River, and 
thence made raids on the neighboring villages. The 
viceroy, afraid of provoking hostilities, or for some 
other reason, did not proceed against them, but asked 
for instructions from Spain. In reply he was rebuked 
for his hesitation, and ordered to dislodge the invaders, 
and try the captured pirates in Mexico, instead of send- 
ing them to Spain, as had been usual. An expedition 
w T as despatched, and succeeded in driving the English 
vessel ashore, where it was burned. The crew, how- 
ever, fled to the woods. Subsequently detachments 

25 Mancera himself had inspected them in the beginning of 1670. Mancera, 
in Instruec. Vireyes, 277; Eobles, Diario, i. 86. It was not alone from pirates 
that danger threatened Vera Cruz; a garrison of tolerable force was also re- 
quired to prevent an outbreak of the negro slaves, who at intervals had been 
sent there, sometimes several hundred at a time. In 1669 about 500 of them, 
when near Vera Cruz, on the road to Mexico, had risen, overpowered and 
killed the escort, and fled to the woods. It became necessary to send forces 
against them to remove such dangerous neighbors from the principal port of 
New Spain. 


were also sent against British corsairs near Campeche, 
and in the Laguna de Terminos, but their operations 
were confined to the destruction of some settlements 
on the coast, as the deep draught and unwieldy shape 
of the Spanish ships prevented them from pursuing 
the enemy in the shallow water. 

In matters of local interest, as well as in the affairs 
of state, Mancera proved himself a zealous ruler. 
Aroused by the comments made in Europe on the 
slow progress of the cathedral building of Mexico, he 
set to work energetically to hasten its completion. 
In 1573, as already mentioned, the construction of a 
temple worthy the high rank which the capital of new 
Spain occupied among all the colonies of the crown, 
had been commenced. The grandeur of its plan was, 
however, equalled only by the dilatoriness with which 
it was executed. In 1615 only part of the outer walls 
had been finished, but in 1623 the vaults of the main 
sacristy were ready, and three years later the old 
cathedral was pulled down; the host was transferred 
to the new building, and divine service performed 
there. From that time progress was slow, and the 
great inundation of 1629 caused it to be entirely in- 
terrupted till toward the end of 1635, when work was 
resumed with zeal by Viceroy Cadereita, and con- 
tinued with good results by his successors. 26 

The activity of Alva de Liste, who brought the 
completion within the reach of probability as was gen- 
erally said, and in whose time the construction of a 
tower over the ciborium was begun, was, however, 
eclipsed by that of the duke of Alburquerque. Owing 
to the latter 's personal interest, his frequent pecuniary 

26 Under Cadereita the first vaults of the principal nave and five others 
of the aisles Mere concluded. During Escalona's rule part of the main nave 
was covered, and in 1*641 the holy sacrament placed there, as the sacristy 
proved too small. Sarluana, Not. breve, 8. At the time of Viceroy Salvatierra, 
other vaults as also some chapels being sufficiently advanced, the conse- 
cration of Archbishop Mafiosca took place in 1645, and this circumstance 
probably misled Gonzalez Davila who asserts that during Manosca's rule the 
cathedral was completed. Teatro Eden., i. 66. 


donations, and the premiums he gave to the work- 
men, great progress was made. The number of 
bells 27 was increased, the tower and several of the 
vaults finished, and the remainder of the church 
covered with a roof of wood. On the 30th of Jan- 
uary, 1656, the dean and chapter assembled in the 
cathedral, and were joined by the viceroy, his consort, 
daughter, and attendants; the doors were closed, and 
an appropriate speech was made by the duke, referring 
to the condition of the work and his satisfaction at the 
progress attained. Then in the name of the king he 
formally delivered the temple with the keys to the 
chapter. In succession the viceroy, accompanied only 
by his wife and daughter, proceeded to the presbytery, 
and kneeling kissed its first step ' with all veneration 
and respect.' This done the three august personages 
began to sweep that part of the church in a thorough 
way, as the pious chronicler remarks. 28 

The formal dedication was ordered to be held on the 
2d of February. The different religious orders, and 
the alcaldes de corte, were assigned sites in the neigh- 
borhood of the cathedral whereon to erect altars and 
make other preparations. All was in readiness by the 
end of January, and neither money nor pains was 
spared to produce a spectacle which for its magnifi- 
cence surpassed all others of similar character. One 
order had vied with another in the decoration of the 
altars, covering them with costly trimmings of brocade 
and embroidery in gold and silver. On them were 
placed the images of the patron saints, often of superior 
workmanship, and always of costly material. The 
streets along which the procession was to march had 
been gaudily decorated, and all passing of carriages 

27 According to Sarinana, Not. breve, 14, Alburquerque increased the number 
from 8 to 20. Guijo, in his Diario, 279-326, passim, gives minute accounts 
of 19, assigning to the largest, named Dona Maria, a weight of 44,000 pounds, 
a figure which, if correct, would place it among the largest ever made. 

- 8 It may be added that, according to the same author, 200 Indians had 
already done the preliminary cleaning of the temple some days before at the 
expense of the viceroy. Guijo, Diario, 338-9. 


in them was forbidden for several days under pain of 

On the 1st of February all the religious orders, 
brotherhoods, and other clergy, together with the dea- 
cons, assembled in the atrium of the cathedral, with 
crosses and candles, and the procession was formed. 
Members of the brotherhood of San Pedro, with 
burning lights, and red stoles over their surplices, 
carried the images of San Pedro and of Our Lady of 
Assumption, the patron of the church. They were 
followed by the chapter of the cathedral, amongst 
whom rode thirty knights of the military orders, the 
clean Alonso de Cuevas Davalos with the holy sacra- 
ment, the members of the university, the city author- 
ities, the tribunals, the officials of the contadurias, 
treasury, and audiencia; the viceroy Alburquerque 
with his attendants, all richly attired, coming last. 
When the priest carrying the host reached the cathe- 
dral, the seven doors were opened, the holy sacrament 
was placed in the ciborium, and after prayers had 
been said the procession dispersed. Fireworks around 
the church and on the tower, together with a general 
illumination of the city, concluded the preliminary 

The following day the cathedral was opened to the 
public, but no mass was said during the early hours. 
At ten o'clock the viceroy arrived, accompanied by 
the university, audiencia, tribunals, and city council. 
He was received at the main entrance by the chapter, 
and conducted amid the ringing of bells into the 
church, 29 while the te deum was being chanted. Re- 
fusing the offered cushion he kneeled down, repeated 
his prayers, kissed the first steps of the presbytery, 
and was then led to his seat, close to which, though 
separate, were those of his consort and his daughter. 
After a procession in the cathedral with lighted 
tapers, divine services began simultaneously in the 
four different chapels into which the church had been 

29 'Como si fuera recien venido.' Guijo, Diario, 346. 


divided. It was a novel spectacle to the people of 
Mexico, upon whom it made a deep impression. The 
clean, officiating at the main altar, pronounced the 
dedication, to which the canonigo magistral responded 
in a sermon, which lasted several hours. At night 
the cathedral and city were again illuminated, and so 
every night during the ten days which the celebra- 
tion lasted, 30 the sermons being preached in turn by 
members of the different religious orders. Every day 
viceroy, audiencia, and other principal magistrates 
were present, and the same undiminished enthusiasm 
was shown by the people. 

Alburquerque continued the work on the cathedral, 
and in October, 1G59, a number of houses surrounding 
the building were demolished in order to allow more 
space for the majestic pile. His successors Banos and 
Osorio inherited his sympathy but not his zeal for the 
work, and it advanced but slowly under their adminis- 
tration. Under Mancera, however, a notable change 
took place, and such progress was made, that in the 
beginning of 16G7 he was able to inform the king ap- 
proximately when the whole interior of the church 
would be finished. In reply the sovereign expressed 
his thanks for the energy displayed and requested him 
to continue his efforts. The viceroy had not promised 
too much; for on the 22d of December the second 
solemn dedication of the temple took place. It was 
a festival similar to the one held eleven years before, 
though the solemnities did not last so long. 31 The 
total cost up to that elate exceeded a million and three 

30 The daily consumption of wax alone amounted to 150 pounds, and its 
cost was defrayed by the Cofradia del Santisimo Sacramento. Guijo, Diario, 

31 The 22d of December was selected, it being the birthday of the queen 
of Spain. The festivities were essentially in the same style and on the same 
scale as under Alburquerque. One of the sermons was delivered on that 
occasion by the Doctor Isidro Sarifiana, a parish priest of Mexico, and in 1068 
he published it together with a description of the celebration and an historical 
account of the cathedral since its beginning. The title is Notlcia breve De La 

sine. . .Dedication del Templo Metropolitano de Mexico, pp. 50, 28. The 
work is dedicated to the consort of the viceroy, Leonor Maria del Carreto, 
and contains, besides its historical records, a panegyric of the christian re- 
ligion, the sovereigns of Spain, and their representatives in New Spain. 


quarters of pesos, but was considerably increased in 
later } T ears, as the completion was not finally effected 
till the beginning of the present century. 32 

The dimensions of the cathedral are 393 feet in 
length from north to south, by 192 feet in width from 
east to west. 33 The architecture is of the Doric 
order, 34 all the columns, bases, capitals, cornices, and 
friezes being of hewn stone, and the other work of 
tetzontli. 33 

The whole edifice, containing fourteen chapels, is 
divided into five parts, the principal one, the main 
nave, being: 53 feet wide from column to column. 
Five portals give entrance, three of them facing the 
great square or plaza toward the south, while light is 
admitted by 174 windows. The cupola, 184 feet 
above the pavement, and of octagonal form, is sur- 
mounted by a fanal 44 feet high. In this magnificent 
temple were placed many and valuable images and 
ornaments. Among the former the most remarkable 
was that of Our Lady of the Assumption, wrought of 
gold, as was also the pedestal and the four angels sup- 
porting the image. 36 Another was that of Our Lady of 
the Conception of pure silver, 37 and less valuable ones 

32 Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 257-8, says that expenses till 1677 amounted 
to 2,543,264 pesos. The annual appropriation from the royal treasury was 
18,500 pesos; and one year 13,000 pesos more were granted by the crown. 
Sarinana, Xot. breve, 20. Bustamante in Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, ii. 410, 
makes a blunder when he gives the cost up to 1667 as 1,050,000 pesos. Worse 
still is Saavedra in Dice. Univ., ii. 280, who asserts that the cathedral was 
finished in 1657 by Marcos Ramirez de Prado and dedicated by him on the 
22d of December, the amount expended so far being 1,759,000 pesos. Ramirez 
did not become archbishop of Mexico till November 1666, and died the follow- 
ing year in May, seven months before the inauguration of 1667 took place. 

b3 Orozco y Berra, in Dice. Univ., v. 674, copies the above statement of 
Sarinana, but is evidently mistaken in his Mem. Ciud. Mex., 96, where he 
mentions 130^ and 61 metres. Saavedra, in loc. cit., differs again, saying 
155;* and 73 varas. 

3i Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 17, says it is of the Ionic order. 

35 Ared, light, hard, porous stone, which was found in the neighborhood 
of Mexico and extensively used for buildings. See also Xative Races, ii. 
160, 557, 568, this series. 

3,3 Its weight is that of 139 marks of gold, then representing 6,984 pesos 
de oro. 

37 Weighing 138 marks and more than one vara high ; it was a present of 
the silversmiths of Mexico. Since 1618 it had had its own chapel. Ribera, 
Gobernantes, i. 221, says erroneously it was of gold. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 12 


were distributed in the different chapels. Of consid- 
erable value were also the church vessels, among which 
a silver baptismal font, and a monstrance of the same 
metal, especially excited admiration." 8 

Although the viceroy proved himself beyond doubt 
a man of christian character, he would not allow the 
least encroachment of the church upon his prerog- 
atives as the representative of the king. In 16G6 a 
litigation arose between him and the inquisition about 
a small sum of money which the holy office had forcibly 
extracted from the royal treasury at Guadalajara under 
some trivial pretext. Mancera objected, and with the 
consent of the audiencia, notwithstanding loud protests 
of the inquisition, obliged the latter to refund the 
money. Both parties appealed to the king, who after 
some investigations had been made approved of the 
duke's conduct. 39 At other times disputes sprang up 
between him and the clergy about that fruitful source 
of discord, the royal patronage, but he usually con- 
trived to check their aspirations when too grasping, 
while on other occasions he would give way if it 
could be done without prejudice to the crown. He 
was prompted to the latter course by the king, who 
while approving his efforts to maintain the royal au- 
thority, intimated that he disliked such quarrels, from 
which, moreover, little benefit was derived. 40 

The viceroy always pursued a conciliatory policy, 

38 The value of the candlesticks and chandeliers for ordinary use alone 
represented a considerable sum. ' Solamente en vn facistor, seis blandone3 
Imperiales del altar, quatro mayores de cirios . . . y los Ciriales, sirven al culto 
casi de ordinario mil y cinqu6ta y siete marcos de plata.' Sariuano, Not. 
breve, 28. 

39 The inquisition qualified the order of the viceroy for the repayment of 
the amount seized as 'injusta inusitada y de malas consecuencias, ' and told him 
so in plain language. Maneera, in Instrucc. Vireyes, 270-1. 

40 In the instructions given by Mancera to his successor he quaintly remarks, 
that notwithstanding his long experience, obtained both in Peru and New 
Spain, he still has remained so ignorant of the patronage question 'que lo 
que he aprendido es solo saber, que la ignoro, y que sn acierto consiste en 
puntos y apices indivisibles.' He expresses the hope that the new appointee 

more successful 'amidst gulfs and reefs so very unsafe.' Id., 28o-G. 


and thus dissensions which threatened to end in a 
serious rupture between him and the archbishop 
were avoided. They had been caused by the com- 
plaints of the latter about several of the religious 
orders, and were decided against the primate when 
brought before the aucliencia. The government even 
threatened him, though in vain, with a suspension of 
the temporalities. Ribera refused to obe}^, but was 
finally persuaded to do so under protest through the 
intercession of the inquisition. 41 

When the end of his second term of office drew 
near, Mancera had requested to be relieved; but the 
sovereign was not willing to part with such an able 
governor, and prolonged his term for three years more, 
the news reaching Mexico in the beginning of Octo- 
ber 1670. 42 At about the same time a cedula arrived 
by which the viceroys of New Spain were again author- 
ized to appoint governors ad interim for the Philip- 
pine Islands, a right which had been revoked in 16t>4, 
but was now restored 43 upon the representations of the 
viceroy to the India Council. Although the condi- 
tion of affairs in New Spain was at this time fairly 
prosperous, several calamities occurred during Man- 
cera's administration. Soon after his succession to the 
viceroyalty an eruption of Popocatepetl took place, 
lasting four daj^s, and the showers of ashes and stones 
threw into consternation the entire population of the 
surrounding districts. 44 At about the same time a 
tornado struck Vera Cruz, causing an inundation, 
which flooded the city and did considerable damage. 

41 According to IZobfes, Diario, i. 83-4, a rather powerful influence was 
exercised by the duke's consort, who threatened to enter the convent of 
Santa Teresa if no reconciliation were effected. 

42 A few days before, a large torch-light procession had been held in honor 
of the king's birthday. 

43 By c6dulas of October 22, 1669, and May 6, 1670. Mancera, Instruction, 
in Col. Doc. I ned., xxi. 462-3, and in Instrucc. Vireyes, 266. 

4i Authorities differ about the date. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 25, says it 
was in the same year when Mancera arrived, but gives the latter erroneously 
as 1665. Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 47, also adopts 1665, in which he is followed 
by Ribera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 95, but this writer makes the blunder of placing 
it under the rule of Bailos. 


The fleet, then at anchor, suffered also to a great ex- 
tent; one of the larger vessels broke her chains and 
was driven on a reef, where she was lost with all her 
cargo, 45 while two smaller ones foundered. Two years 
later, in the middle of 1GG7, earthquakes began to 
alarm the population, but although the first on July 
30th is said to have somewhat injured the tower of 
the church of Santa Clara at Mexico, and the cathe- 
dral of Puebla, subsequent shocks, which occurred at 
smaller or greater intervals till May 16G8, seem to 
have caused little damage. 

A more serious affliction, however, was threatened 
by a failure of the crops of maize and cacao in the 
year 1673, producing a famine which caused great 
hardship to the natives. 46 The viceroy in unison with 
the city council strove to alleviate the evil, introduc- 
ing into Mexico grain from other parts. While thus 
engaged he learned that his successor, the duke of 
Veraguas, had arrived; and in consequence laid down 
the government on the 9th of November 1673. A 
few days later he left the city for Otumba, where he 
had an interview with the new ruler. He also gave 
him, by order of the king, a full report upon the con- 
dition of the country, together with suggestions for 
its government. 47 

About the beginning of April 1674 the marquis set 

45 It was on a reef called ' Bajo de la Lavandera,' according to Bustamante 
in Aleyre, Hist. Comp. J mm, ii. 439. Robles, Diario, i. 12, gives the name of 
the vessel as 'El Buen Suceso,' differing from Alegre, loc. cit., who names it 
San Javier and relates in a long story, how a few planks of the ship, with the 
image of that saint, floated against tide and wind to the city, and remained 
at the doors of the Jesuit college till they were recovered by two pious 
fathers. Since that time the image has been highly venerated, and is said to 
have miraculously maintained the original freshness of its colors. 

4G The Indian population increased under the rule of Mancera, as was 
ascertained by a census taken by his order, to vindicate the charge alleged 
against the Spanish government of fostering the systematic extermination of 
the natives. Mancera, in Instruce. Vireyes, 266. 

47 The full text of these instructions, dated October 22, 1673, may be found 
in Instrucc. Vireyes, 257-301. In this document Mancera gives a minute de- 
scription of the condition of the country, of important events which occurred 
under his rule, and of all noteworthy affairs. It is of very interesting char- 
acter, free from all ostentation ; it reveals the superior administrative talent 
of the retiring viceroy, and contains much valuable information, and many 
suggestions to guide his successor. 


out from Mexico, 48 but on reaching Tepeaca his wife 
fell sick and died. Her funeral was held on the 28th 
of April in the cathedral of Mexico by the archbishop, 
and Mancera sailed from Vera Cruz the 3d of July. 
His rule had lasted more than nine years and had 
materially changed for the better the aspect of affairs 
in New Spain. 

Almost two hundred years had now elapsed since 
the discovery of the New World, when the services 
of the great navigator were again acknowledged by 
exalting one of his descendants to the viceroyalty of 
New Spain. Pedro Nunez Colon de Portugal, duque 
de Veraguas y de la Vega, marques de Jamaica, a 
grandee of Spain of the first class, and knight of the 
golden fleece, was appointed as the twenty-sixth 
representative of the sovereign of Castile and Leon. 49 
On the 26th of September 1673 he arrived at Vera 
Cruz, and on the 8th of December made his official 
entry into Mexico, taking possession of the govern- 
ment. He was well advanced in years, and in a few 
days died, that is to say on the 13th, and so suddenly 
that not even the last sacraments could be adminis- 
tered. His death brought much grief, for he was 
said to be kind and benevolent, and the steps taken 
by him to alleviate the condition of the natives 
seemed to justify the opinion. The obsequies w r ere 
held with the pomp becoming his illustrious rank, and 
three years later the remains were taken to the family 
vault, 5 ' 

48 His residencia had been begun November 20, 1673, by the oidor Juan 
de Garate y Francia, but nothing about its result is known. 

49 Alaman, Disert., i. 1st app. 12, iii. app. 3G, makes some contradictory 
statements upon the question whether he was at that time a duke of Vera- 
guas and grandee of the first class. See also Hist. Cent. Am., i. 274, this 
series. Guijo, Dictrio, 519, speaks of the appointment in 1663, of a duke of 
Veraguas as successor of Viceroy Banos. 

50 By the fleet which sailed from Vera Cruz June 29, 1676. RobJes, Diario, 
i. 218. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 52, supposes the remains were taken to Santo 
Domingo. Robles intimates that they were sent to Spain, which version has 
been adapted by Rivera, Goberntintes, i. 240, and Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 


The appointment of the duke of Vcraguas as vice- 
roy of New Spain had been made more with a view 
of distinguishing that personage than from political 
reasons. Foreseeing that in all probability his rule 
would be only of short duration, the queen regent 
sent by the same fleet which carried him a sealed 
letter to the inquisition with instructions for its de- 
livery to the audiencia as soon as his decease should 
occur. In compliance with this order the document 
was presented on the 13th of December 1673, and it 
was learned that Fray Payo Enriquez cle Rivera was 
appointed successor. 51 

The new ruler was a native' of Seville, and the son of 
the duke of Alcala, viceroy of Naples. 52 In 1G28 he 
professed in the Augustinian order, and having studied 
in Salamanca, and obtained the degrees of master of 
philosophy and theology, held subsequently several 
important offices in Spain till 1657, when he was pre- 
sented to the see of Guatemala/ 3 and thence in 1667 
promoted to that of Michoacan. But before reach- 
ing his new diocese he learned of his appointment 
to the archbishopric of Mexico, 54 where he arrived 
toward the end of June 1668, 55 the see having been 
vacant since the death of his predecessor, Marcos 
Ramirez de Praclo. 56 The latter having been pre- 
viously bishop of Michoacan for nearly twenty-six 

51 Doubts having arisen whether he was also vested with the presidency 
of the audiencia, a c6dula from Spain, which arrived in February 1G75, set- 
tled the question by appointing him president. Rubles, Diario, i. 177. 

52 His name is differently given by the various authorities. Lorenzana, 
in Conei/io* Prov., 1555-05, 201, calls him Fray Payo de Rivera. In Rioera, 
(/oh, ■■riKoiti ■■*, i. 241, the name has been reversed to Payo do Rivera Enriquez. 
The same author, following apparently a version of the Dice. Univ., iii. 207, 
says he was a natural son. 

r>:) See llisL. Cent. Am., ii. C67-8, this series, for his career as bishop of that 

B, Sosa, Episcoj). Mex., 142, makes him bishop of Chiapas and bishop 
elect of Michoacan at the time of his promotion to the sec of Mexico. Zama- 
TJist. Mij. t v. 422, says Rivera was then in Michoacan. 
'■'■' The appointments being always made optional, his pall did not arrive 
till October, 1070. Two months later, on the 8th of December, he was for- 
mally installed as archbishop. 

5( 'He was a Franciscan and a native of Spain, but being of an advanced 

uccitmbed to the change of climate, when he proceeded from Michoacan 

[exico. His piety seems to have been equalled by his charity, and great 


years, had been appointed archbishop in November 
1GG6, but died in May of the following year. 

A general feeling of satisfaction prevailed when the 
appointment of Rivera as viceroy became known, for 
the fame he had acquired in Guatemala, and during 
his pastoral labors in the capital, had justly w 7 on for 
him the good opinion of the people. It had been 
through his influence that the Bethlehemites, estab- 
lished in Guatemala since 1653, 57 and the first relig- 
ious order created in America, were induced to extend 
their labors to Mexico. The congregation of San 
Francisco Javier, which had not been recognized by 
the king, were persuaded by the archbishop to cede 
their house to the new-comers. The latter to the 
number of four, Francisco de la Misericordia, Gabriel 
de Santa Cruz, Juan Gilbo, and Francisco del Hosario, 
the superior, 58 took possession of the building, and 
being aided by the viceroy, and the count of Santiago, 
were enabled ere long to open a hospital for conva- 
lescents, and subsequently also a church, the former 
on the 31st of May 1G75, and the latter on March 25, 
1677, 59 and gradually their labors extended more and 
more, the example given by the viceroy Rivera, in 
defraying the expenses of the hospital for every first 
day of the month, having been followed by other 
donations from prominent citizens. Later, however, 

eulogy is bestowed on him for his untiring zeal during an epidemic, which in 
1643 swept away a great part of the population of Michoacan. Gonzalez Dd- 
vila, Teatro, i. 130-4; Romero, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, la £p. viii. 543-4. 
Before and after the succession of Ramirez to the archbishopric, noisy dis- 
turbances had occurred between the members of the chapters, two parties 
having sprung up, both of which claimed a right to the most important offices. 
The dissensions lasted from 1665 to 1667 and excited considerable scandal in 
the city. Robles, Diario, i. 7-10, 39-47. 

57 See Hist. Gent. Am., ii. 666-7, this series, for the establishment of the 
order in Guatemala. 

58 Garcia, Hist. Beth., ii. 110, gives the first name, probably by misprint, 
as Francisco de la Miseria; Vetancurt speaks only of three brothers, mention- 
ing one as Francisco de San Miguel, in which he is followed by Cabrera. Es- 
cudo de Armas, 429; Trat. Mex., 37. Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 133, 
says two brothers began the foundation at Mexico. 

59 Robles, Diario, i. 189, 232; Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 37; Cavo, TresS!glos, 
ii. 55; Medina, Chrdn. S. Diego, 12. Orozco y Berra, Mem. Ciud. Mex., 133, 
differs, assigning the dates as May 29, 1675, and February 12, 1677, respec- 


hospitals for sick persons in general, and primary 
schools for children, were founded, together with 
houses where food and shelter were provided for 
travellers and strangers. The members lived accord- 
ing to monastic rules after the Augustinian rites, but 
were subject to secular jurisdiction. 60 Their four vows 
of poverty, chastity, obedience, and hospitality were 
binding only while they remained in the brotherhood, 
but after a membership of three years they were al- 
lowed to bind themselves for life by an additional 

On his departure from New Spain in 1680 the vice- 
roy further showed his regard for the order by making 
a donation of a thousand pesos and presenting them 
with all his carriages. 01 Rivera proved himself no less 
capable as a military leader than as a prelate, and in- 
deed it was necessary that at this epoch, when the 
coasts of New Spain were continually infested with 
corsairs, the one at the head of affairs should possess 
the qualities of a soldier. Meetings were convoked, 
and measures adopted to prepare against threatened 
depredations. A council was held in February 1675 
to discuss the means of raising a force of nine hundred 
men, asked for by the governor of Campeche. Soon 
afterward news reached the capital from Habana that 
a hostile force of about fifteen hundred men was pre- 
paring to land between old and new Vera Cruz, and 
immediately steps were taken to place that port in a 
state of defence. Ammunition was sent there, com- 
panies of cavalry were raised, and guns placed at the 

60 The bull of Pope Clement X., issued in 1674, placed the order under the 
jurisdiction of the bishop, Medina, Chron. 8. Diego, 12, but the royal cedula 
of February 29, 1676, permitting its establishment in Mexico, forbids 
the establishment of a convent, ' que no ha de ser ereccion Eclesiastica, 
sino sugeta 6 incorporada al Real Patronato. . .apartando todo aquello, que 
puedc tener color de Convento, 6 Casa Religiosa, 6 Eclesiastica,' expressly 
placing it under secular jurisdiction. Montemayor, Svmarios, 11. For the 
rules of the order see Garcia, Hist. Beth., ii. 174-97. 

01 A detailed account of the Bethlehemite order will be found in Garcia, 
J 1 1st. Beth., ii. 100 et seq. Vetancurt, Trat. Mex., 37-9, gives also many 
particulars, as the founder, Pedro de San Jos6 Vetancur, was a near relative 
to him. 


openings of the streets. The inhabitants, however, 
began to leave the town, taking with them their valu- 
ables. 62 Fortunately the alarm proved to be false, for 
on the 19th of June 1675 letters from Habana were 
received stating that no enemy had appeared as yet, 
and the panic subsided. At about the same time ru- 
mors spread of other projected invasions on the Sooth 
Sea coast, and preparations had also to be made in that 
direction. At greater or less intervals similar news 
was received during the following years. 63 

In 1678 the pirates operated successfully against 
Campeche, and during the same year exaggerated re- 
ports announced the presence of eleven sail in sight 
of Vera Cruz. A meeting was hastily summoned, the 
treasure ready for remittance to Spain was sent to 
Jalapa, and the despatch of the fleet delayed. It was 
soon learnt that the hostile force consisted of but one 
vessel, which, defying the Spaniards, had been so 
daring as to enter the port of Vera Cruz and recon- 
noitre. This feat was afterward repeated by another 
ship, but as the garrison had been reenforced by the 
viceroy no attack was made. 

Much difficulty was found in raising the required 
force for the Philippine Islands. Many of the sol- 
diers dreading the climate would desert before reach- 
ing Acapulco, and new schemes had to be devised to 
obtain recruits. Thus in 1677 all criminals willing to 
enlist were pardoned, and one hundred and twenty -five 
pesos a year given them as pay. Still, only a small 
number could be induced to accept this offer. 

While Rivera was actively engaged in discharging 

62 So says the contemporary author, Robles, Diario, i. 191. Still Zama- 
cois speaks of the extreme valor of the inhabitants, who 'grasping their 
swords anxiously awaited the moment to cross them with those of their ene- 
mies.' Hist. Me)., v. 424. 

c3 In April 1676 it was said that preparations were made at Jamaica to 
capture the treasure fleet. Some months later rumors spread that Panuco had 
been taken by the enemy. Bobles, Diario, i. 216-19. The following year 
several vessels cruised in the neighborhood of Alvarado but escaped the pur- 
suit of an armament sent against them. Id., 237-8, 242-3. Panes, Vireye.s, 
MS., 104, speaks of serious losses caused to the English by the gallant resist- 
ance of the inhabitants of Alvarado. 


the more urgent duties of his position, he by no means 
neglected internal affairs. The pavements of the city 
were repaired, improvements were made in the vice- 
regal palace, and the drainage labors were concluded 
in 1675. In 1676 it had also been decreed that gold 
be coined in Mexico, but it was not till 1679 that 
the first pieces were stamped. On that occasion the 
viceroy and the audiencia repaired to the mint, to 
witness the first coinage. Rivera's pastoral labors, 
however, did not suffer from the multitude of worldly 
affairs which claimed his attention, as was proved 
by the numerous consecrations of bishops, churches, 
altars, and temples, held by him. There was no 
great religious festival at which he failed to attend, 
and occasionally he w r ould ascend the pulpit and 
preach. During the thirteen years that he wore the. 
mitre, he visited twice all the different parts of his 
diocese. 64 

On several occasions the archbishop-viceroy had 
requested of the crown and the holy see that he 
might be removed from office, but both were unwilling 
to dispense with the services of so faithful a servant. 05 
At last the king granted his petition, on account of 
his impaired health, but desirous of retaining him 
in his service, offered him the bishopric of Cuenca, 
and the presidency of the India Council. In Sep- 
tember 1680 the new viceroy arrived at Vera Cruz, 
and in the following month Rivera formally deliv- 
ered over the government. He remained, however, 
in Mexico, where his residencia was being taken 
by the oidor Frutos Delgado. On the 27th of Feb- 
ruary 1681, 06 the latter published the sentence, ac- 

64 For details see Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 25-6; Rohlcs, Diario, i. 11G-324, 
passim ; Sosa, EpUcop. Mcx., 144-5. The latter authority asserts that Rivera 
forbade, in 1070, all public processions on account of the disorders and excesses 
to which they gave rise. 

Cj Repeatedly since 1G75 rumors had reached Mexico of the appointment, 
and sometimes even of the arrival at Vera Cruz, of a new viceroy, but they 
had always proved unfounded, and in every instance the people rejoiced that 
this was the case. Eobles, Diario, i. 197-201, 210-17, 222-3, 236-7, 200, 270-1. 

66 Robles, Diario, i. 318. Sosa, Episcojj. Mex., 140, without assigning an 
authority, says the 3d of May 1GS1. 


quitting the ex-viceroy of all the charges preferred 
against him. 67 

Four months later, on the 29th of June, he took 
leave of his flock in the cathedral, and the following day 
left Mexico. The viceroy, at whose right side he was 
seated, the audiencia, and the tribunals accompanied 
him to Guadalupe; the ringing of the bells gave no- 
tice to the entire population of the departure of their 
beloved prelate, and fervent prayers were offered in 
all the churches for his safe return to Spain. 63 

On reaching Puerto Real in Spain, he resigned the 
two high positions to which the king had recently 
promoted him, and retired to the convent of Santa 
Maria del Risco. Still leading a pious, humble life, 
he received while there further marks of favor from a 
grateful sovereign. The king granted him a yearly 
rental of four thousand ducats, to be defrayed by the 
royal treasury of Mexico, and the pope gave him the 
privilege of entering any church of Spain dressed in 
the archiepiscopal garb. On the 8th of April 1684 
he breathed his last, 69 and when the news of his de- 
cease reached Mexico, imposing funeral services were 
held in several of the churches to honor the memory 
of one whose name w T as deeply graven on the hearts 
of the people. 70 

67 This decision was formally ratified by the India Council on the 23d of 
December of the same year. The same body recommended Rivera as worthy 
of the king's further protection. ' Declaro assimismo ser digno, y merecedor 
de que su Magestad empleasse su persona ... en aquellos y otros may ores 
puestos, condignos a su ajustado obrar.' The tenor of the sentence is given in 
Ribera, Sentencia, 1-4. 

C8 ' Limes 30, dia triste para Mexico, se fue' el Illmo y Exmo seiior maes- 
tro D\ Fr. Payo Enriquez de Rivera,' says Robles, Diario, i. 324. C. M. 
Bustamante in the Diario Curioso of Rivera, 18, makes the blunder of stating 
that Rivera ruled 17 years as viceroy, from 1663 till 1680. 

69 Lorenzana, in Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 222, 291-2, says in one place 
1684, in another 1685; the latter date has erroneously been adopted by Juar- 
ros, Guat., 284. 

70 For fuller and additional references to authorities bearing on the pre- 
ceding chapters see Torquemada, iii. 596-7; Alegre, Hist. Comp. de Jesus., i. 
43-65, 201-3; ii. 64, passim; iii. 6-108, 165-72, 224-6, 251-2, 299; Cortes, 
Hist. N. Esp., 22-6; Pindo, Relation, 4; Calle, Mem. y Not., 46, 54-8, 6(i, 73, 
81-7, 122; Seriano, Prdlogo, MS., 7-9; Villa-Senor y' Sanchez, M ex., 
i. 17-18; Robles, Vida del Arzbpo. Cuevas, 148, passim; Gonzalez Ddvila, Tea- 
tro Ecles., i. 65 et seq.; ii. 34, 91-2; Ribas, Hist. Trivmphos, 735-44, Arrici- 
vita, Crdn. Serdjica, 158-206, 517-18; Carriedo, Estudios Hist., 115; Concilios 


Prov.j 1555 y 15G5 (eel. Mcx. 1709), 218, passim; Florencia, Hist. Prov. Comp. 
de Jesus, 174-G, 232; Medina, Crdn. S. Dieqo, 12, 27, 1C2-6, 240-1, 251-5; 
Vireyes de Alex., MS., 1-3; Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 14-1G, 25-G, 35-8, 52-3; 
Co'/ollvdo, Hist. Yucathan, 215, passim; Villagvtierre, Hist. Conq. ftza, 165-7, 
190-2, 437-4G; Ordenes. de la Corona, MS., i. 7-11, 38, 182; ii. 198-221; iv. 
2-8; vii. 7, G2-3; Col. Doc. Incd., xxi. 440, 4G6, 471; Espinosa, Chron. Apost., 
260-SG; Palafox y Mendoza, Carta al Papa, 1047, 1-38; Id., Carta del Ven- 
erab., 47-401; /(/., Obras, xi.-xiii., passim; Id., Venerab. Senor, passim; Id., 
Vie du Venerab., passim; Reales Cedulas, MS., 148-9; Doc. Hist. Mex., serie 
i. torn, i., passim; Id., s6rie i. torn. ii. , passim; Id., serie ii. torn. vi. 5-29; 
Pajieles de Jesuitas, MS., 1-17; Ddvila Padilla, Hist. Fmd. Mex., 1-14, 29, 
45-G2; Disturbios de Frailes, MS., 129-43; Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 355, 
440-1, 457-8, 479; Recop. de Ind., i. 212, 339; ii. 178; Figueroa, Vindirias, 
MS., 56, 70; Montemayor, Svmarics, 10-11, 91; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., i. 2; 
ii. 13-14; v. 1-34; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 239-326; Castillo, Dice. Hist., 18, 
passim; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., viii. 543-4; Id., 2da 6p., iv. 166-7; Monu- 
onentos Doniin. Esp., MS., 15, passim; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii., passim; Robles, 
Diario, ii., passim; Correal, Voyage (eel. Paris), i. 46-64; Id. (ed. Amster- 
dam), i. 52-73; Juarros, Compendia, 282-3; Id., Gnat., i. 284; Liceo Mex., 
ii. 171-3, 186-7, 201-7, 222-3, 254-7, 233-357; Guijo, Diario, ii., passim; 
Laet, Am. Descript., 271-6; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 71-141; Zamacois, Hist. 
Mrj., iv. 169, 553; v. 328-432; Alaman, Disert., iii. 28-38, 184-5; Mayer's 
Mex. Aztec, i. 198-213; Touron, Hist. Gen., vii. 309-86; viii. 1-188; Lacunza, 
Discursos Hist., no. xxxiv. 492; xxxv. 501-3; Bustamante, Efemcride,*, i., 
passim; Id., Defensa, 27; Granados, Tardes A m., 341-2, 386-95; Sammlung, 
A Her Reisebech, xiii. 500-7; Museo, Alex., i. 49-133; iii. 230-3; Wilson's Mex. 
and its Re!/e/ion, 296; Vidal, Vida de Amana, passim; Registro Yucateco, i. 
265-305, 354-G, 389-91, 449-56; ii. 73-6, 116-17, 121-31, 143-5, 329-43; 
Gallo, Hombres I lust, ii. 353-72; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 223-7; Prior's All 
the Voys., 57; Midler, Reisen en Mex., iii. 192; Robertson's Hist. Am., ii. 
908-9; Velasquez, Carta, 1-31; Oviedo, Vida, passim; Dice. Univ., i. 293, 
304, passim; ii. 97, 252, 304, 352, 559-60; iii. 206 et seq.; iv. 171-2, 776, 
790; v. 143, 183, 225; viii. 99, 129-34, 138-9, 149, 237-40, 333-4, 5li-12, 
571-2, 607; ix. 143, passim; x. 368 et seq.; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 10-12; 
Alvarez, E&tvMos Hist., iii. 221-63; Dampier's Voy., ii. pt. ii. 9-39, 41-129; 
Stephens' Yuc, ii. 194-5; Arroniz, Biog. Mex., 136-8, 195-7; Id., Hist, y 
Cron., 88, 110; Darien, Defence, 11-13; Id., Vindication, 149-G0; Zerecero, 
Rev. Mcx., 528; Navarrete, Relac Peregrino, ii. 30-1; iii. 27-33; Id., Tra- 
tad. Hist., 295-6; La Cruz, vii. 637; Pap. Var., clxix., passim; clxxi. 27 et 
seq.; Domenech, Hist. Mex., i. 276; Rivera, Gobernantes de Mex., i. 127-251; 
Diario Mex., vii. 7; Nuevo Mex., Doc. Hist., MS., 1199-1200; Rivera, Hist. 
Jcdapa, i. 82-97; Ribera, Sentencia, passim; Lazcano, Vida del P. Oviedo, 17 
et seq. 



1680— 1G86. 

The Corsairs in Central America and New Spain — Laguna Appointed 
Viceroy — Van Horn the Sea Rover — The Pirates Resolve to At- 
tack Vera Cruz — The Corsair Lorencillo — A Clever Stratagem— 
Vera Cruz Surprised by Buccaneers — The Inhabitants Imprisoned 
in the Churches— And Kept for Three Days without Food or 
Water — The Captives Taken to the Island of Sacrificios — De- 
parture of the Corsairs — Division of the Booty — News of the 
Raid Received in Mexico — Further Operations of the Freebooters 
— Dampier and Others in the South Sea — End of Laguna's Admin- 

Between the years 1680 and 1687, it will be re- 
membered, the principal towns of Central America 
that lay near the shores of the South Sea were con- 
tinually infested by pirates. The settlements on the 
North Sea had been so frequently sacked that few of 
them contained sufficient wealth to tempt the free- 
booters, with the exception of Cartagena, which was 
too strongly fortified to fall an easy prey. Neverthe- 
less they were not exempt from attack. In August 
1682 four French vessels entered the harbor of Porto- 
bello and rescued a number of their countrymen who 
were detained there as prisoners. From a negro slave 
on board the squadron the governor ascertained that 
fifteen French vessels had arrived at Martinique with 
three thousand persons on board, the purpose of the 
expedition being the colonization of Darien. In 
Nicaragua news was received that two thousand fili- 
busters were assembled at the same point, intending 
to make a raid on Panama. Vera Cruz and other 

( 189 j 


parts of New Spain were also threatened, and the 
marques dc Laguna, 1 who took office in November 
1G80, at once made preparations for defence; the 
militia were called out; the principal harbors were 
strongly fortified and garrisoned, and the armada de 
Barlovento was refitted and ordered to cruise off the 
coast of Tierra Firme. 

But at this period corsairs ceased not to harass the 
Spaniards on land and sea. During the absence of the 
settlers they made sudden raids on the coast, sacked 
the towns, and carried off the cattle, thus causing many 
thriving colonies to be abandoned. Hovering on the 
shores of New Spain, they lay concealed in their light 
swift craft behind some point or reef, whence on the 
appearance of a treasure ship they darted like hawks 
on their prey. Laying their vessels athwart the 
Spaniard's bow they raked her deck with musketry, 
then pulled alongside, and dagger in hand swarmed 
over the bulwarks. Rarely did they fail to secure 
their prize, and often the Spaniards made no defense; 
the pirates finding them on their knees in suppli- 
cation to the virgin and the saints, who sadly failed 
them in their emergencies. 

In consequence of these depreciations the viceroy 
gave orders that no ship should leave Vera Cruz 
without orders. This measure remedied the evil bo 
some extent; but still the corsairs lurked among the 
numberless islands and reefs of the Bahama Channel, 
through which vessels must pass on their way to 
Spain, and many a richly laden craft fell a prize to 
them before those on board were aware that an enemy 
was within sight. On one occasion while the vice- 
admiral of the treasure fleet was at dinner in his 

1 Don Tomas Antonio de la Cerda, conde de Paredes, marque's de la La- 
guna, de la orden de Alcantai-a, del Consejo de su Magestad, Camara, y junta 
de Guerra de Indias. Ordenen de la Corona, MS., iv. 47. He took oiliee on 
November 30, 1C80. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 16. In Rivera, Gob., 2.32, he is 
called Antonio de la Cerda y Aragon. According to this authority he was a 
man of illustrious family, the members of which had always been employed 
in civil and military affairs. He was accompanied by his wife, the Dona 
Maria Louisa Manrique de Lara y Gonzaga. 


cabin, his ship was boarded by a boat's crew of twenty- 
eight men in charge of a Frenchman named Pierre, a 
native of Dieppe. So sudden and daring was the 
attack that the vice-admiral and a number of officials 
who sat at table with him found themselves prisoners 
before they had time to gain the deck. The cap- 
tives were put on shore at Cape Tiburon, and a few 
weeks later Pierre entered the port of Dieppe with 
his prize, which contained a rich freight of treasure 
and merchandise. This adventurer is dignified in 
buccaneer history by the title of le Grand. 

In 1682 Tampico was sacked by corsairs and thirty 
prisoners taken. During the same year a sea rover 
named Nicholas Van Horn captured two vessels off the 
coast of Honduras. Van Horn is described as a man 
of swarthy complexion and short stature, a thorough 
seaman and a capable and far-sighted commander. He 
began life as a common sailor, and remained in that 
position until he had saved money enough to purchase 
a small craft of his own. Collecting a crew of twenty- 
five or thirty men, he began his career as a pirate by 
capturing several Dutch vessels, which he sold, and 
with the proceeds sailed for Ostend and there pur- 
chased a ship of war. His further operations were 
successful, and in a few years he was in command of 
a small fleet, with which he swept the seas, taking 
many prizes, and requiring all but French vessels to 
lower their flag as they passed him. Finally he gave 
offence to the monarch of France, and a captain 
named D'Estrees, being ordered to arrest him, put to 
sea in a well armed frigate for that purpose. When 
the captain's vessel fell in with Van Horn, the latter, 
finding himself outsailed, and not wishing to fight, 
for he was aware that D'Estrees was acting under 
orders from the crown, boarded his ship in a small 
boat, and demanded his intention .in thus pursuing 
him. " To conduct you to France," replied the cap- 
tain. "But why?" exclaimed the pirate; "I have 
given no cause of offence to his Majesty, and have 


made war only upon his enemies." "My instruc- 
tions are explicit," rejoined D'Estrees, and after some 
further parley ordered the anchor to be weighed. 
"What arc you about?" cried the corsair angrily, and 
looking the captain straight in the eye. "Think you 
my men will not fight when they see me thus carried 
oft* before their eyes? You will find that my lieuten- 
ant is prompt to act, and that my crew fear neither 
danger nor death." The captain saw that his prisoner 
meant what he said, and as he had no orders to risk 
his vessel in an encounter w T ith the corsair, he allowed 
him to depart. 

Van Horn had the reputation of being the bravest 
of all the sea-rovers, and his crew was composed of 
men after his own heart. During the hottest fight 
he would closely observe their actions, and if any 
showed signs of fear, such as stooping to avoid the 
enemy's missiles, he would shoot them dead on the 
spot. But while he thus punished cowards, he re- 
warded without stint those who distinguished them- 
selves in action, for he had amassed enormous wealth, 
and like others of his craft was lavish with his means. 

Soon after joining the buccaneer fraternity he ob- 
tained a commission from one of the French gov- 
ernors, of whom there were now many in the West 
Indies, and proceeded to the island of Roatan, where 
he was joined by captains Laurent de Gaif, Michel 
Grammont, and others, who were there lying in wait 
for Spanish vessels. He now proposed an expedition 
against Vera Cruz, which was then the storing-place 
for the treasure and merchandise which passed be- 
tween New and Old Spain. The city was protected 
by the island fortress of San Juan de Ulua, which 
at that time was supposed to be impregnable. The 
fortress was mounted with sixty guns which com- 
manded the town, and swept the approach by sea, 
and at the north-east and south-west corners of the 
city were two other forts with twenty guns. A few 
companies of veterans were stationed on the island; 



in the city itself was a garrison of trained soldiers, and 
several thousand men could be concentrated within 
twenty-four hours from the interior. The enterprise 
was a bold one, and by many deemed too hazardous; 
but the filibusters were now assembled in force, mus- 
tering probably about a thousand strong/ and their 
leaders were men fertile of resource. 

Map of Vera Cruz. 

2 ' Ce fut en l'ann^e 1683, apres avoir fait une revue g^nerale de la 
flotte, qui se trouva monte'e de deux cens Flibustiers, tous gens d 'elite.' Es- 
quemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 269. Probably the 200 included only the French con- 
tingent. They numbered over 1,000. Rivera, Gov. Mex., i. 255. 800 men, 
Cavo, ii. 63-4. The expedition consisted of 960 men, a motley gathering, 
including French, English, Spaniards, mulattoes, and Indians. Momico, i. 
407. 8,000 men, Robles, Diario, i. 370; Zamacois, v. 438. The last estimate 
Hist. Mkx., Vol, III. 13 


Laurent, or as he is more frequently known by the 
chroniclers Lorencillo, by which name we shall hence- 
forth call him, was appointed commander of the fleet, 
while Van Horn was in charge of the land forces. 
The former is described as a tall, well proportioned, 
and handsome man ; light-haired and comely of aspect, 
a generous ruffian withal, though of course always 
alieni profusus, and one very popular among his com- 
rades. He was in fact a model corsair. It is not 
recorded that he was ever guilty of quite such dia- 
bolic atrocities as were laid to the charge of Morgan 
or L'Olonnois, but if we can believe the Spanish rec- 
ords of this period, his deeds were sufficiently diabol- 
ical to be interesting. It is there stated that while 
still a youth he w T as punished by an alcalde of Tabasco 
for some offence. Vowing vengeance he disappeared, 
and not long afterward returned with a gang of male- 
factors who sacked and burned the town and outraged 
the women. But the account given by Esquemelin, 
one of his fraternity, 3 and probably the more truthful 
version is that, being captured by pirates while serv- 
ing on board a Spanish vessel, he consented to join 
the buccaneers. This writer describes the character 
of his favorite hero in glowing colors, giving him 
credit for all the qualities of a true gentleman, and 
remarking with amusing naivete that his only fault 
was his impatience and a habit of swearing a little too 
frequently. 4 

Toward sunset on the 17th of May, 5 1G83, two large 
ships flying Spanish colors were seen to the leeward of 
Vera Cruz, crowding all sail to make the port, for a 

is of course absurd. Robles himself gives them only 15 vessels, while in 
the Mosaico are mentioned 11 ships and nine piraguas, one of the former 
being mounted with 50 guns, according to the author of West Indies, Geog. and 
II it., 140, the other ships having in all 124 guns. This chronicler places the 
land forces at 1,200. 

3 Hist. Flib.j i. 27G et seq. 

4 /,/., i. 27G. 

5 The 9th of May in Sharp's Voyages, 116. The 17th is the date given 
in Villarroel, Invasion Vera Cruz; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 273. Al- 
though the latter is somewhat contradictory as to dates in relating the sack 
of Vera Cruz, he is probably right in this instance. 


league or two farther out at sea was a strong squadron 
apparently in pursuit. At nightfall, the Spaniards 
on the island and mainland made fires to cmide them 
into the harbor, for they were supposed to be two 
vessels laden with cacao that were now due from the 
coast of Caracas. 6 The pursuing squadron had changed 
its course when the ships neared the fort, casting anchor 
a short distance from the city, and the townsfolk went 
to vespers and to rest as usual, apprehending no danger. 

About an hour after midnight a few musket shots 
were heard, but the inhabitants, supposing a serenade 
was being given to some prominent citizen, remained 
quietly in bed. The town was well garrisoned; the 
castle of San Juan de Ulua was the strongest fort- 
ress in the Xew World, and to add to the feeling of 
security, the great fleet was daily expected from Spain. 
Never, for years, had the citizens been more free from 
alarm than when they awoke at sunrise and prepared 
to go about their daily avocations. The church bells 
tolled as usual for matins, and the people set forth to 
obey the summons. But no matins were said that 
morning in Vera Cruz; for those who first made their 
appearance in the streets found them guarded by par- 
ties of armed men, and soon the dread news spread 
from house to house that pirates were in possession 
of the city. 

The buccaneers had obtained information from pris- 
oners captured off the coast of the two ships laden 
with cacao that were hourly expected at Vera Cruz, 
and this information had siiGfGfested the stratagem 
already related. On board the vessels which the 
Spaniards had supposed to be thus laden was the 
main body of the pirates, captains Van Horn and Lor- 
encillo in charge. During the night nearly eight hun- 
dred men, armed to the teeth, had landed at a distance 
of less than a league from Vera Cruz, and guided by 
slaves had crept stealthily on the city, surprised the 

6 Sharp's Voyages (London, 1C84), 110; Burnei/s Hist. Bucc, 127. 


forts, and made themselves masters of the place with 
the loss of only four men. 7 

Lorencillo had recommended that a party be sent 
to surprise the fortress of San Juan de Uliia, and if 
his advice had been taken, the pirates might have re- 
mained masters of Vera Cruz long enough to obtain 
an immense ransom. But this was deemed too hazard- 
ous, and they resolved to plunder the town and make 
good their retreat as speedily as possible. The doors 
of the houses were battered in and the panic-stricken 
inhabitants dragged forth without regard to age, sex, 
or condition, into the public square, and soon after- 
ward lodged in the principal churches, where, by nine 
o'clock in the morning, over six thousand persons were 
confined, most of them being placed in the parish 
church. 8 For three days and nights they were kept 
without food or drink, while the buccaneers plundered 
the city, and when at length water and a small dole 
of food were given to them, many died from drinking 

7 Three of these were killed by their own comrades, who mistook them in 
the darkness for Spaniards. Sharj^s Voyages, 117. There is considerable dis- 
crepancy among the authorities as to the particulars of the capture of Vera 
Cruz. In Sharp's Voy., it is stated that the buccaneers landed 774 men, who 
by break of day had made themselves masters of the town and forts on the 
mainland, and that after stationing guards at the streets ' they sent parties to 
break open the houses, where they found everybody as quiet as in their graves. ' 
VillarroePs version is that on the 18th of May the pirates landed GOO men, 
who reached the city at 4 o'clock in the morning and charged through the 
streets firing their muskets and crying 'Long live the king of France ! ' The 
garrison, he says, rushed to arms, but were shot down or captured as soon as 
they appeared, while all the citizens who attempted to leave their houses met 
with a similar fate. Villarroel, Invasion Vera Cruz, in Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. 
II 1st., 274-5, 285. Esquemelin, Hist. Flib., i. 271, states that the inhabitants 
remained quietly in their beds, ' jusqu'a ce que l'heure de se lever fut venue; 
mais alors ils furent bien surpris d'apprendre que les Flibustiers etoient mai- 
tres de leur ville. ' Esquemelin's account seems to be the more probable on 
this point, for the pirates, having possession of the forts which commanded 
the city, had nothing to gain by rousing up the inhabitants by night, and thus 
giving them a chance to escape during the darkness. The stratagem by which 
the buccaneers contrived to make their landing undiscovered is related in 
tin nicy's Hist. Bucc., 127, and is apparently taken from Esquemelin, and the 
author of Sharp's Voyages, though neither mention that the buccaneer ilect 
appeared in chase of the two vessels. Such a ruse was, however, very Likely 
to have been adopted. 

8 Villarroel, Invasion Vera Cruz, in Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 274-5. 
In Sharp's Voy., 118, the number is given at 5,700, all of whom were eonflned 
in the parish church; but it is not probable that the building would contain 
so many. 


immoderately. Meanwhile the ruffians who kept 
guard over them mocked at the wailings of the women 
who beaded of them in vain to save the lives of their 
little ones. The captives w r ere told that they were all 
to be burned alive, and barrels of powder were placed 
in their sight at the doors of the church, ready to blow 
up the building in case they should attempt resistance. 
Not a woman escaped outrage, and each day they w T ere 
driven off in bands, like cattle, to satisfy the lust of 
their tormentors. 9 

A quantity of plate was found in the churches, and 
the altars and sacred images were stripped of every 
article of value; but these w r ere only a small portion 
of the spoils. Besides the property of the inhab- 
itants, the pirates secured large amounts of specie, 
bullion, and merchandise which had arrived at Vera 
Cruz in transit for Spain. Among the plunder was 
much valuable jew r elry and about three hundred bags 
of cochineal, each weighing from a hundred and fifty 
to two hundred pounds. 10 The freebooters w^ere not 
yet satisfied, how r ever, and suspecting that some of 
the wealthier citizens had secreted their treasure, put 
several to the torture, 11 again threatening to burn 
the parish church with its inmates unless all their 
valuables were delivered up. Thereupon, one of the 
priests ascended the pulpit and besought the captives 
to surrender their property in order to save their 
lives. Thus a further large amount was obtained. 
For the ransom of the governor, who w T as found hid- 
den under a pile of grass in a stable, the sum of 
seventy thousand pesos was paid. 

Troops of mounted Spaniards now appeared on the 
outskirts of the town, and occasionally made a dash 

9 'Las mugeres pasaron muchos travajos, porque su maldad no reservava 
blanca, ni prieta, ni Joncella ni casada, que £ fuerza de su vigor no las sacasen, 
llcvandolas a. forzarlas. Siendo este caso una de las cosas mas sensibles.' 
Villarroel, Invasion V. Cruz, 275. 

_ 10 Esquemelin estimates the value of the booty at 6,000,000 crowns, but 
this must be an exaggeration. Hist. Flib., i. 272. 

_ u Among these was one Gaspar de Hen-era, who was suspended by the 
private parts until he was nearly dead. Mosaico, i. 401. 


at the pirates, though they did not venture an organ- 
ized attack. It was observed, however, that their 
numbers constantly increased. Moreover the fleet 
from Spain was every moment expected, and the 
corsairs deemed it prudent to depart. The spoils 
were therefore removed to the island of Sacrificios 
where the fleet was stationed. All the negroes and 
mulattoes of both sexes, and some of the Spaniards, 
were taken from the churches to serve as pack ani- 
mals. The latter were unused to such work, and be- 
ing enfeebled by fasting could barely stagger under 
their burdens, but were urged on by the merciless 
blows of their captors. Not even yet were the pirates 
satisfied. About fifteen hundred prisoners, including 
the governor and the leading citizens, were conveyed 
to the island, and a ransom of a hundred and fifty 
thousand pesos demanded from the citizens of Vera 
Cruz, under threat that twelve of the principal Span- 
iards, whom meanwhile they would hold as hostages, 
should be put to death in case of non-payment. 12 

Haggard and gaunt with hunger after their four 
days' imprisonment in the stifling and fetid atmosphere 
of the crowded churches, the captives were in a piti- 
ful condition; but further suffering was in store for 
them. Before embarking for the island and on land- 
ing they were closely searched and everything of the 
least value taken from them, even to the piece of straw 
matting which was their only bed at night and their 
shelter from the sun by day. Their food was of the 
coarsest, and barely sufficient to sustain life. A supply 
of provisions sent to them from the city was appro- 
priated by the pirates. They were constantly ex- 
posed to insults and threats, and most of them expected 
only death, or, as a worse alternative, a life of hopeless 
captivity. For ten days they remained on the island 
until the ransom was paid, about midday on the second 

12 Kohl™, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mcx.. i. 371-3. According to this authority 
the ransom was demanded from the viceroy. Zamacois places the amount at 
100,000 pesos, v. 438-9. 


Sunday after the capture of Vera Cruz. The Span- 
iards who had been held as hostages were then released; 
the negroes and mulattoes, to the number of at least 
thirteen hundred, and the most attractive of the female 
captives, were placed on board the fleet; 13 and the 
buccaneers prepared to set sail from the island. 

During the afternoon a double guard was placed 
over the remaining prisoners; the rude huts which 
they had erected of branches to screen them from sun 
and dew were destroyed; and the pirates, brandishing 
their weapons, never ceased to menace them with 
death, in the hope of yet extorting a further ransom. 
The threats were not executed, however, and at night 
all the corsairs withdrew, for the ships were now ready 
for sea. The following morning a boat's crew returned 
to take on board another load of captives; but found 
that all had concealed themselves. The governor and 
two friars were discovered, and having no time for 
further search the pirates carried them off to their 
vessels, though the latter were afterward released. 
They secured also a launch laden with provisions, 
which had been sent from the city for the relief of 
the famishing prisoners. 

No sooner had the ransom been paid than the fleet 
from Spain appeared in sight. 14 The governor of 
San Juan de Uliia immediately despatched a boat 
to the admiral, proposing to make a combined attack 
on the corsairs, who now put to sea, not waiting even 
to take in water, or a supply of fresh meat which 
they had provided at the mouth of the Medellin 
River. Now once more the Spaniards let slip their 
opportunity, for, like the Austrians in the days of 
Bonaparte, they knew not the value of minutes. If 
a prompt and vigorous attack had been made on the 

13 Villarroel states the corsairs took with them over 3,000 mulattoes, 
negroes, and boys. Invasion Vera- Cruz, in Lerdo de Tejada, Ajowitt. J J id. , 
283. Robles, that they carried away only 1,300 negroes. Diario, in Doc. 
Hint. Ilex., i. 376. The latter is probably nearer the truth, for 3,000 captives 
in addition to all the plunder would have overcrowded the vessels. 

14 It consisted of 11 sail. Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Hex., 37-4. 17 ves- 
sels. Dsquemelin, Hist. FUb., i. 271. 12 great ships. Sharp's Voyayes, 118. 


overladen ships of the buccaneers it would probably 
have been successful; but instead of instant action a 
council of officers was summoned, and while they 
were yet in deliberation, the pirates, crowding all sail, 
made good their escape. 15 

Before leaving the island of Sacrificios a partition 
was made of the spoils, which were divided into 1,200 
shares; and it was found that each share amounted 
to 800 pesos, the total being valued at 900,000 pesos, 
Van Horn demanding for himself 80 shares or 64,000 
pesos. Lorencillo appears to have been dissatisfied 
with his portion, for he quarrelled with the former 
concerning the dividend, 16 and the dispute ended in a 
duel in which Van Horn was wounded in the wrist. 
The commander of the buccaneers paid no attention 
to his hurt, for trifling wounds were not regarded 
among his fraternity; but this neglect cost him his 
life. His wrist grew worse ; soon mortification set in ; 
and when fifteen days out at sea, he was thrown over- 
board, a corpse, off Cape Yucatan. The plunder on 
board his vessel, amounting to one hundred thousand 
pesos, was bequeathed to his son, a youth of twelve, 
and the command of his ship devolved on Grammont, 
his lieutenant. 

V:> Robles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Ilex., i. 373; Cavo, ii. 64. The French and 
English versions of the matter differ materially from the above. Esquemelin 
says that the fleet arrived while the buccaneers were at Vera Cruz, Hist. 
Flib., i. 274; the author of Sharp's Voij., 119-20, that Van Horn proposed to 
attack it and offered to board the admiral's ship, but that Lorencillo refused 
to cooperate with him. It is not likely that the buccaneers would think of 
thus risking their spoils, or would have ventured to remain on the coast in the 
presence of so strong a fleet, supported by the artillery and garrison of the 

^Sharp's Voyages, 119. Esquemelin attributes the quarrel to a report that 
Van Horn had said something offensive concerning Lorencillo, whereupon the 
latter went in search of his traducer, and though he denied the charge, drew 
his sword, exclaiming, 'Voila ce qui va me venger de l'injure que tu m'as 
faite.' Van Horn also drew, and in the fight which ensued was wounded in 
the wrist. Hist. Flib., i. 291-2. Villarroel's version is that immediately after 
boasting before his prisoners that he believed in no God, and that his success 
was due to his own valor, he was met by Lorencillo, who reproved him for 
his harsh treatment of the captives. Hence the quarrel and the duel. Inva- 
sion Vera Cruz, in Lei-do de Tejada, Apunt. Hist., 281. Robles states that 
lr>th were wounded, and that Lorencillo offered to restore the booty on certain 
conditions. Diario, in Doc. Hint. Mex.,i. 373. The account given in Sharp's 
\'oy. ijeems the most probable. 


Overcrowding and want of provisions caused sick- 
ness on board the buccaneer fleet, and numbers per- 
ished. Lorencillo and his squadron were next seen off 
Jamaica. Grammont sailed for the island of Little 
Guayove, where he arrived in safety, though with the 
loss of two thirds of his prisoners. A vessel which 
accompanied him was chased by a Spanish armadilla; 17 
and the crew were compelled to take to their boats, 
securing their treasure, but leaving behind them the 
slaves and merchandise. No further attempt was 
made to pursue or punish the marauders. The Span- 
iards contented themselves with offering up thanks to 
the Almighty for their deliverance, and an order was 
issued that in all churches, chapels, and convents 
founded by the crown, a solemn annual mass should 
be celebrated in gratitude "for the happy event of the 
flight of Lorencillo." 

After the departure of the pirates those who re- 
mained on the island of Sacrificios were at once trans- 
ferred to the city, which was now guarded by a large 
force of cavalry. During the raid over three hundred 
of the inhabitants perished, and many of the survivors 
were reduced to beggary. The entire loss amounted 
to several millions of pesos. None of the buildings 
were destroyed, but all were more or less injured, and 
most of them were found in a filthy condition. Sev- 
eral months were required to purify the churches. 
The streets were choked with garbage, and the air 
was poisoned with the stench of decomposed bodies. 

For many years the name of Lorencillo was re- 
membered with terror by the people of New Spain, 
and even to this day it is not forgotten. 18 Such was 

17 On June 17, 1683, it was reported from Goazacoalcos that the pirates 
demanded 60, COO pesos of ransom for their negro and mulatto captives. An 
armadillo of 6 vessels with 600 men left Vera Cruz for Goazacoalcos in the 
middle of July, in pursuit of the pirates ; but was drived back by a storm 
and detained for about a week. About the 20th of August the armament re- 
turned with 6 prizes and 90 slaves taken from the enemy. Eobks, Diario, 
in Doc. Hist. Mex., i. 370, 380-3. The recapture of the slaves is confirmed 
in Esquemelin, but it is nowhere mentioned except in Robles that the Span- 
iards took more than one vessel. 

18 The name of Lorencillo afterward became a byword in Vera Cruz. 


the dread which he inspired that life and property 
were no longer considered safe in Vera Cruz, and 
when foreign vessels appeared in sight the inhabi- 
tants fled to the woods. It was now ordered that 
the treasure destined for Spain should be detained at 
Jalapa until after the arrival of the fleet, and the 
armada de Barlovento was ordered thenceforth to con- 
voy the vessels as far as Habana. This force was 
reorganized, and its commander tried by court-martial 
and cashiered for neglect of duty, Don Andres Ochoa 
y Zarate being appointed in his stead. 

The raid of Morgan and his gang on Panamtf,, in 
1671, had always been considered as the boldest ven- 
ture of the buccaneers; but the sack of Vera Cruz 
was a yet more daring exploit. When Morgan was 
once in possession of Panamd it was impossible that 
any large body of Spanish troops could arrive in time 
to interfere with his operations, but at Vera Cruz the 
case was different. Apart from the garrison of San 
Juan de Ulua there were troops stationed at several 
points not more than thirty leagues distant. A 
courier was despatched to the city of Mexico within 
a few hours after the landing of the pirates, and ar- 
rived in three days, 19 reporting that they came in fif- 
teen large ships and numbered eight thousand men. 
On the following day a hastily levied force of nearly 
two thousand horse and a few companies of foot set 
forth, soon to be followed by large reinforcements 
from the capital, all Spaniards capable of bearing 
arms, between the ages of fifteen and sixty, being en- 
rolled. The ecclesiastics assembled in the cathedral 
and resolved to join them in a body. But before any 
of these reinforcements could arrive the buccaneers 
had abandoned the city, and news of their departure 
was received in Mexico on the 5th of June. 20 

When anything was irrecoverably lost it was customary to say that Loren- 
cillo had taken it. Vdlarroet, Invasion Vera Cruz, in Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. 
tfixt., 2S8-0. 

l9 The distance is about 94 Spanish leagues.' 

20 The chief authorities which have been consulted in relation to the sack 


On the 28th of July the viceroy arrived in Vera 
Cruz. His first measure was to cause the governor 
to be tried for cowardice, and sentence of death was 
pronounced; but an appeal being made, his life was 
spared and he was ordered to proceed to Spain. The 
defences of the city were repaired and strengthened, 
and to ensure the earlier departure of the fleet it was 
ordered that the annual fair be transferred from the 
capital to Vera Cruz, which was as yet the only port 
of entry in New Spain, and now for a few years became 
the distributing point for the merchandise of Seville. 

During the remainder of Laguna's administration, 
the raids of corsairs and privateers continued almost 
without intermission. On the 3d of August 1683 
news was received in the city of Mexico that war was 
declared between France and Spain, and in the follow- 
ing year hostilities broke out with England. The 
operations of the English buccaneers were mainly 
directed, as we have seen, against the cities of Central 
America; but those of the French filibusters extended 
over all portions of the coast of New Spain. On the 
northern portion of Santo Domingo nearly ten thou- 
sand of the latter had their head-quarters, all of them 

of Vera Crnz are the contemporaneous accounts of Father Villarroel and 
Antonio Robles. The former, who was assistant parish priest of Vera Cruz 
at the time of its capture, has left in one of its registers of births a detailed 
record of this event. It contains occasional repetitions, and, as I have said, 
there is some confusion in the dates, but otherwise it is clear and graphic. 
A literal copy is given by Lerdo de Tejada, in his Apuntes Histdricos, 278-85, 
and another copy, less carefully taken, will be found in the Mosaico Mexi- 
cano, i. 399-407. Though the Diario of Robles, i. 370-83, contains only 
brief items relating to this event, it serves to confirm the main statements of 
Villarroel and furnishes some additional facts. These are the sources from 
which the principal writers of later times have drawn their information, 
though not always conforming to the originals. Among the numerous foreign 
writers, English, French, and Dutch, who treat of this event in connection 
with the buccaneers, the author of Sharp's Voyages and Esquetnelin are 
probably the best, though both are biassed, and the latter superficial. The 
former narrative is meagre, but professes to be taken from despatches sent 
from Jamaica in August 1683. As his work was published in London during 
the following year, this is probably the case. Further mention of this writer 
is made in Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 510-11, this series, and of Esquemelin in. Id., 
5C7. These works are probably the most reliable so far as they relate to the 
stratagem by which the city was surprised, and to questions of detail relating 
to the buccaneer armament; for the Spaniards captured no prisoners, and 
neither Villarroel nor Iiobles could have known anything definite about these 


professing allegiance to the king of France. The 
waters of the Caribbean sea swarmed with pirates who 
defied the Spanish cruisers and the armada de Barlo- 
vento. All the efforts of the Spanish authorities to 
rid the seas of this scourge were of little avail. Orders 
were given that whenever a pirate craft was captured 
the captain and officers should be shot and the crew 
sent to work at the galleys in Spain. Nevertheless 
it seldom happened that a vessel arrived in Vera Cruz 
without bringing news of further depredations. 

At the very time when Van Horn and his, gang 
were sharing the spoils of this city at the island of 
Sacrificios, a large force of French corsairs captured 
the city of Guayana with its governor and garrison, 
and took possession of Margarita and other small 
islands in the West Indies. Maracaibo was also 
threatened, and the audiencia of Santa ¥6 petitioned 
the viceroy to allow the armada de Barlovento to pro- 
ceed to New Granada. On the 2d of May 1684 news 
arrived in Mexico that Tampico had again been 
sacked by a large force of pirates, and a number of the 
inhabitants carried off as captives. Two days later 
the Barlovento fleet sailed in pursuit of them and 
captured three of their ships. 21 On July 6th of the 
same year Lorencillo appeared once more in the North 
Sea, this time off the port of Campeche, which he 
captured after a five days' siege, and thence marched 
on Mcrida, but was driven back with heavy loss. On 
his return voyage he encountered the armada under 
command of Genoa, and one of his frigates mounting 
twenty-seven guns was captured by Spaniards. Lo- 
rencillo escaped with his own vessel 22 and henceforth 
appears no more in connection with piratical expedi- 
tions on the mainland. 

21 Rivera mentions that, during this year, a pirate vessel was captured 
near Tainpico with 104 men on board. The prize was taken to Vera Cruz and 
5 of the corsairs were hanged. The rest would have met with the same fate 
but for a recent order requiring that all freebooters taken captive should be 
sent to Spain. Gob. Max., i. 203. 

22 Id. , 42G, 428, 435-7. Ochoa died about this time; but whether he was 
killed in action is not recorded. 


Nevertheless the settlers of Merida were constantly 
in dread of filibusters. Many of the corsairs when 
not engaged in their raids employed themselves in the 
profitable occupation of tortoise fishing, these grounds 
extending from Campeche to the confines of Nica- 
ragua. Among the numerous keys, islands, or coves 
of this long stretch of coast they careened their ves- 
sels, pursued their fishing, and planned their expedi- 
tions, safe from the attacks of Spanish cruisers. The 
intricate coast of Campeche, with which they were 
perfectly familiar, was constantly frequented by these 
marauders, and in consequence Merida was contin- 
ually exposed to their attacks. The garrison consisted 
of but two companies of half-clad and poorly fed sol- 
diers, until after the raid of Lorencillo, when two more 
companies were sent from Spain. The encomenderos 
offered to build a wall around the city at their own 
expense, asking only that they should be released from 
the tax for the support of cavalry called montado. 

During the years 1685 and 1686 the principal oper- 
ations of the pirates were the raid of Agramon on 
the coast of Florida, and the expedition of Dampier to 
the South Sea. The former was driven off with the 
loss of fifty men. The operations of Dampier, Swan, 
and others on the coast of Central America have been 
related in their place; and it has already been men- 
tioned that the latter, accompanied by Townley, re- 
solved to try his fortune on the coast of Mexico, hoping 
to capture the Manila ship, which at this epoch was 
wont to leave the Philippines in June and arrive at 
Acapulco about Christmas. After an unsuccessful 
attempt to take the Lima galleon from under the guns 
of the fort at Acapulco early in November 1685, and 
an equally vain effort to find the town of Colima on 
the 26th, they reached Salagua, or Santiago, Decem- 
ber 1st, and had a skirmish with the Spaniards, cap- 
turing two mulattoes, but were unable to find there 
any such town as was described in the Spanish pilot- 


Many of the Englishmen died in this region of a 
prevalent dropsy following chills and fever. The 
malady might have been easily cured by certain parts 
of an alligator pulverized and taken in water, but 
there were no alligators to be had. On the 11th they 
sighted Cape Corrientes, and it was their plan to 
cruise about this place and watch for the galleon ; but 
it was also necessary to obtain supplies, and during 
one of the raids made for this purpose, the galleon is 
supposed to have passed by unnoticed; at least the 
hope of taking her was soon given up, and on January 
6, 1686, the fleet separated, sailing from Banderas 
Valley, where on December 4th they had had a fight 
with the Spaniards, losing four men and killing seven- 
teen. Captain Townley with two vessels returned 
down the coast, while Captain Swan continued his 
voyage northward in the hope of finding towns or rich 
mines. The northern limit reached by the ships was 
23° 30', just above Mazatlan, although Swan went in 
boats still farther in search of Culiacan, which he did 
not reach. The fleet turned about on February 2d. 
On February 11th they anchored at the mouth of the 
Rio Santiago, or Tololotlan, up which stream seventy 
men were sent in four boats; but having captured an 
Indian who could guide them to Santa Pecaque, prob- 
ably Centipac, Swan set out in person with double 
that force. The inhabitants ran away, and the town 
was entered without resistance. Several days were 
spent in loading the canoes with supplies, and on the 
19th fifty men on their way from the town to the 
landing, each leading a horse laden with maize, were 
attacked by Spaniards, Indians, and negroes from 
Santiago, and every man killed, as already related, 23 
including Ringrose the buccaneer author, who was 
Swan's supercargo. This disaster discouraged the 
British "from attempting anything more hereabouts." 
It was proposed to go to Cape San Lucas for repairs, 
and they sailed on the 21st, passing the Tres Marias 

23 Hist. Cent. Amer.. ii. 5G8, this series. 


but were driven back thither on the 7th of March. 
It was now decided to sail for Manila, and after taking 
water at Banderas they left Corrientes on the last day 
of March. The men murmured at the long voyage 
before them, but hoped for rich booty in the East 
Indies. The historian of the expedition naturally 
does not quit the coast without having his say about 
Californian geography and the Strait of Anian. 24 

Apart from the raids of buccaneers few incidents 
worthy of note. occurred during the reign of Viceroy 
Laguna; there was an Indian revolt in New Mexico, 
and an expedition to the coast of Lower California, 
which will be related in their place. On the 8th of 
February 1684, the viceroy received intelligence that 
his term of office was extended for three years. 25 In 
1686 his residencia was taken by the fiscal Bastida. 
The charges were trivial, and about two years later 
he returned to his native country, where, having 
made a donation of fifty thousand pesos for some 
charitable purpose, he received the rank of grandee 
of Spain, and his son the title of duke of Guastala. 

24 Dampier's New Voyage around the World, London, 1G99, i. 237-78. 
The author, Wm. Dampier, was on the fleet, but in what position does not 
appear. He had left Virginia under Captain Cook in Aug. 1683, had been 
with Captain Davis in the south, and had come north with Captain Swan. 
Between 1G86 and 1688 several attacks on the coast of Cumana were repelled 
by Governor Gaspar Mateo de Acosta, but he was unable to expel a French 
colony established at the mouth of the river Guarapicheto, and the armada de 
Barlovento was ordered to proceed to his aid. A number of French pirates 
were pardoned, and one of them, named Lorenzo, appointed sargento mayor. 
In December 1686, three prisoners taken at Laguna de Terminos gave inform- 
ation that 100 men had been engaged there for several months in cutting log- 
wood and shipping it to Jamaica. Measures were taken by the viceroy to 
expel them. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 2G3-4. The treaty concluded between 
England, France, and Holland at this period, whereby these countries were 
pledged to aid each other in extending their possessions in America, caused 
much uneasiness to the Spanish crown, and the viceroy was ordered to make 
vigorous preparations for defence. The forts were repaired, the armada de 
Barlovento was refitted, another vessel purchased, and Jacinto Lopez Gijon, 
admiral of the Flemish squadron in the ocean fleet, placed in command. 

25 During the previous year an impostor appeared in the person of Antonio 
Benavides, who represented himself as the marquis of Saint Vincent, a field- 
marshal and governor of the castle of Acapulco. He is commonly known as 
the Tapado. He was arrested by order of the audiencia, tried, and sentenced 
to death. While in prison he tried to strangle himself with a handkerchief. 
After his execution his head and one of his hands were taken to Puebla. The 
other hand was fastened on the gallows. Robles, 370 et seq.; C'avo, ii. 64; 
Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 60-1. 




Extent of the City of Vera Cruz — Entrepot of Commerce — Character 
of the Population — Prosperity of the People — Its Inhabitants — 
Its Trade — Scarcity of Water — The Black -vomit — The Port of 
Vera Cruz — The Fortress of San Juan de Ulua — Its Garrison — 
The Works Cost Nearly Forty Millions of Pesos — Cessation of 
Buccaneering Raids — The Towns of Cordoba, Jalapa, and Orizaba. 

There are few records as to the condition of the 
province of Vera Cruz for some twenty or thirty 
years after the sack of its capital. About 1730 the 
city contained perhaps three thousand Spaniards, 
mulattoes, and negroes, apart from its garrison; the 
remainder of its heterogeneous population including 
people from all the western nations of Europe. The 
city was about one sixth of a league in length and 
half that distance in width. Most of the inhabitants 
were mulattoes; some of them being wealthy, for 
money was readily made at this entrepot of com- 
merce, and even the negro slaves could accumulate 
enough to purchase their freedom. 

In the middle of the sixteenth century "Vera Cruz 
was but an insignificant port, serving as a landing- 
place for the bands of adventurers who came to the 
shores of New Spain. At the opening of the nine- 
teenth century it was the commercial emporium of a 
territory whose vast resources, little developed as they 
are even to this day, had excited the envy of the 
world. At the latter date its population was esti- 
mated at over thirty-five thousand, of whom about 



twenty thousand were permanent residents. 1 The in- 
habitants were quiet, orderly, and peaceable. Business 
dishonesty was unknown, and property of all kinds was 
secure, few precautions being needed to insure its 
safety. There were no beggars in the streets, and 
few criminals in the public jail; the poorer classes 
were all employed in some useful occupation, and 
among the rich were not a few who had acquired 
immense fortunes in commercial pursuits. The gov- 
ernment employes, both civil and military, performed 
their duties faithfully and were accorded the consid- 
eration due to their rank. The church was well sup- 
ported, and the religious orders were among the largest 
property-holders in the province. 2 

*Of the floating population 3,040 were seamen, 7,370 muleteers, and 4,500 
passengers, troops, servants, and non-resident tradesmen. Lerdo de Tejada, 
Apunt. Hist., 306. In old Vera Cruz there was in 1777 a population of 777 
persons, of whom only 39 were Spaniards. Vera Cruz, Fabrica, in Mex. Doc. 
Ecles., MS., i. no. ii. fol. 10. At this date the population of the new city 
was estimated by the traveller De Menonville, in Pinkerton's Col. Voy., xiii. 
777, at 0,000 to 7,000. If this be so it had increased more than five-fold 
within 30 years. The writer affirms that at the time of his visit the houses 
were built entirely of stone brought from Campeche, and that he saw the 
ruins of at least 20 buildings that had lain there for fifty years, the walls of 
which were of masonry; but why stone should be brought from Campeche 
when there was excellent material in the neighborhood he does not explain. 
Speaking of the city he remarks that not the slightest culture embellishes 
the neighborhood. 'The men,' he continues, 'are, generally speaking, lofty- 
minded and proud; either from this being the specific character of their 
nation, or owing to their excessive wealth in a country where gold stamps so 
much value on its possessor. They comprehend trade very well, but here, 
as elsewhere, their natural indolence, and their rooted habits, and supersti- 
tion, render them irremediably averse from labour. Incessantly they are 
seen with their chaplets and relics on their arms and round their neck; their 
houses are filled with statues and paintings of saints; and their life is a series 
of devotional practices. The women live recluse in their apartments above 
stairs, to avoid being seen by strangers; though it is by no means difficult to 
perceive that, but for the restrictions placed on them by their husbands, they 
would be far more easy of access. Within doors they wear over the shirt 
nothing but a small silk corset, laced with a gold or silver cord. Still, though 
so simple their dress, they wear a gold necklace, bracelets at the wrist of the 
same metal, and at their ears pendants of emeralds of greatest value. Gen- 
erally speaking, the fair in this city are not handsome; for however rich their 
dress they show a deficiency of grace and fancy, and, under an apparent 
reserve, are strongly inclined to lasciviousness. The only amusements are 
the neveria, a sort of coffee-house, whither the genteeler sort repair to take 
ice-creams, and some imitations of bull-fights for the vulgar; unless indeed 
under this denomination be comprised the processions and flagellations of the 
holy week. ' 

2 In 1740 Vera Cruz contained seven convents belonging to the Dominican, 
Franciscan, Augustinian, and Merced orders, two hospitals, and a Jesuit col- 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 14 


At this period the trade of Vera Cruz probably 
exceeded thirty million pesos a year. Apart from 
commerce the city had little to depend upon. So 
limited was the area of cultivated land in its vicinity 3 
that nearly all the leading articles of consumption 
were brought from a distance. Stock-raising was the 
chief occupation in the surrounding country, and 
hides and dried fish the only commodities exported 
from the province. Much of the prosperity now 
enjoyed was due to the measures adopted by Carlos 
III. in 1778 with a view to facilitate commerce 
between Spain and her colonies. Many of the re- 
strictions which had aimed at a monopoly of trade, 
and had served only to divert it into the hands of 
foreigners, were now removed, and no community 
was more greatly benefited thereby than that of 
Vera Cruz, which was still the only port of entry on 
the northern seaboard of New Spain. In 1795 a tri- 
bunal of commerce 4 was established there by royal 
decree, and its operations were of great benefit both 
to the city and the province. At the opening of the 
nineteenth century the city had attained the full 
growth of her prosperity, and more substantial build- 
ings were erected than during the two preceding cen- 
turies. The madrepore stone, called by the natives 
piedra mucura, and found in abundance on the reefs 

lege. There were also two chapels outside the walls. Villa-Seuor, Teatro, i. 
271. Although there were more priests in Vera Cruz than were needed, many 
of the towns in the district had none, and in 1802 had not been visited by the 
bishop of Puebla, to whose diocese they belonged, for 47 years. The first 
hospital was established by two Jesuits on the island of San Juan de Ulua. 
During the rule of the Marquis of Montesclaros a hospital was founded in 
Vera Cruz and named after the marquis. It was abandoned in 1805. The 
next one founded in the city was the military hospital of San Carlos, com- 
pleted in 1704. One named Our Lady of Loreto was built for the accommo- 
dation of women, and one for convalescents was commenced in 1 784 and 
placed in charge of the Bethlehemite nuns. The last three, together with the 
2>ublic hospital of San Sebastian, existed in 1S07. Lerdo de Tejada, Apuitt. 
Hist., 377-8. 

3 Elsewhere in the province agricultural products were considerable, in- 
cluding among other items 300,000 fanegas of corn a year, 243,750 arrobas of 
cotton, and 80,000 arrobas of sugar. Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. Hint., 3G5-0. 

4 ' Consulado.' In 1784 the orlice of ' comandancia del resguardo de todas 
las rentes ' was created in Vera Cruz by order of the crown, the regulations 
adopted being the same as those in force at Cadiz. 


in the harbor, supplied an excellent material, and 
came into general use. Before this time the houses 
were built for the most part of wood, although during 
the preceding century and a half the city had several 
times been partly destroyed by fire. 5 

The streets of Vera Cruz were regularly laid out, 
their direction corresponding with that of the car- 
dinal points of the compass. Their pavement was 
commenced in 1765 and completed in 1776. In April 
of the following year they were lighted for the first 
time by order of the municipality. In 1790 a cemetery 
was opened outside the walls of the city, and by order 
of the viceroy the burial of the dead in church vaults 
was forbidden. To this practice and to the scantiness 
and poor quality of the water 6 may be attributed in 
part the pestilences from which the inhabitants were 
seldom free. The rich obtained their supply from 
cisterns built on their own premises, the poor from 
an aqueduct 7 which was usually empty during two or 
three months in the year, when they were dependent 
on a single well sunk near the bastion of Santa Bar- 
bara. Another cause of the prevalence of disease 
was the overcrowding of the houses, which were 
packed so closely together in the poorer quarters of 
the town as to impede the circulation of the air. 

The rains set in at Vera Cruz about the 20th of 
March and lasted for six months, being followed by 
violent north-west winds which continued almost 
throughout the dry season, raising the sand in such 
clouds as often to obstruct the si^ht and render breath- 
ing difficult. September and October were the most 
unhealthy months, and it was then that the sickness 

5 The fire of 1618, spoken of on page 27 of this volume, is not even men- 
tioned by Miron in Notlcia Imtructiva, although there is no doubt that it 
occurred; but he speaks of two others that happened in 1006 and 1608. 

6 As early as 1703 an attempt was made to bring water into the city from 
the river Jamapa. In 1795 a dam was built and an aqueduct constructed for 
some distance, but the work was abandoned. Though surveys have since been 
made and revenues assigned for the purpose, nothing has been acconrplished. 
Ltrdo tie Tejada, Ajnuit. Hist., 322-6. 

7 Constructed by Malibran in 1726. 


known as the black-vomit was the most deadly. This 
scourge was supposed to have been introduced by an 
English slave-ship in the year 1699, but was more 
probably an endemic disease due to the causes already 
mentioned, and to the malaria generated by decaying 
animal and vegetable matter. 8 At the close of the 
last and the beginning of the present century so great 
was the havoc wrought by this malady that it was 
proposed to abandon the site of Vera Cruz and re- 
move to Jalapa. 

The port of Vera Cruz was neither safe nor com- 
modious, being but a roadstead, sheltered on the east 
side by a few small and widely separated reefs and 
islands. On the north it was entirely exposed, and 
from September to March was swept by violent north 
winds, which made the anchorage unsafe. The island 
of San Juan de Ulua is less than a mile distant from 
the city, only its south-west point on which the fort 
was built being above high-water mark. On the lee- 
ward side of this island, facing the city, vessels made 
fast by cable ropes to huge bolts and rings let into 
the walls of the fort. Here the depth of water was 
six or eight fathoms, and from this point passengers 
and freight were transferred to the mainland in boats. 
Opposite the city, and at about the same distance, was 
a small reef called Lavandera, near which was also an 
anchoring ground for merchant craft. Five or six 
miles to the south-east are the islands of Verde and 
Sacrificios, where were the quarantine ground and the 
station for ships of war. The harbor w T as entered by 
two channels, the best one being on the north side, 
between Ulua and the mainland, with a depth of four 
to five fathoms and a width of four hundred varas. 
The other channel lay between the island of Sacrifi- 

8 Humboldt, Essai, i. 276-9. In 1803, the eminent Spanish physician Flo- 
rcncio Perez de Comoto declared that the disease had not been introduced 
from any foreign country. The presence of foreigners, of whom large num- 
bers died of yellow fever, was, however, believed to aid the development of 
the germs of this disease, and such was the experience in all places subject to 
it. In 18'2o the legislature offered a reward of 100,000 pesos to any one who 
should discover a remedy. 



cios and the Pdjaro reef, and was of the same depth 
and width. 

A larger and more sheltered harbor, named Anton 
Lizardo, was situated a few leagues to the south-east 
of Vera Cruz, 9 and there appears to be no good reason 
why the latter was selected, except that the island of 
San Juan de Ulua was a favorable spot for the con- 
struction of a fortress. No attempt was made to 

San Juan de Ulua. 

improve it, and at the close of the eighteenth century- 
it remained in the same condition as when first dis- 
covered by Grijalva in 1518. 

9 Anton Lizardo was the harbor in which the French fleet anchored in 
1838 and the Americans in 1S47-1S48. 


There arc no reliable data as to the exact time 
when the fortress of San Juan cle Uliia was erected; 
but the works must have been commenced between 
the years 1582 and 1G25. At the former date the 
island was occupied only by sailors and merchants; at 
the latter the fortress is mentioned by the traveller 
Gage, in connection with his visit to Vera Cruz, and 
appears to have been then well advanced. It was 
probably the strongest fort in the New World, and 
until the improvements made in modern warfare was 
considered almost impregnable, being often termed 
the San Juan de Acre of America. In 174G it was 
mounted with one hundred and twenty guns and 
three mortars. In 1780 it contained one hundred 
brass cannon and about fifty pieces of ordnance made 
of iron, the latter being of heavy calibre. 10 The main 
building was in the shape of a parallelogram, with a 
bastion at each of its angles. The one at the south- 
west corner was named the bastion of San Pedro and 
was completed in 1633. It was surmounted by a 
high tower on which was a revolving" liglrt. On the 
south-east corner was the bastion of San Crispin, 
completed in 1710. Here was built a lookout tower 
whence vessels were sighted and communication main- 
tained with the city by a system of signals. Others 
named Our Lady del Pilar and Santa Catalina were 
finished in 1778 and 1799 respectively. The curtain 
and the flanks of the bastions facing seaward were 
covered with stakes of hard wood sharpened at the 
end and rising a foot and a half out of the water, so 
that at high tide vessels could not approach within 
musket shot. Within the fort were seven large cis- 
terns, containing nearly a hundred thousand cubic 
feet of water, and below it were damp, narrow dun- 
geons, where notorious criminals were confined. Pew 
who were once incarcerated there came forth alive. 

At the middle of the eighteenth century the gar- 

10 Ytlla-Seuor y Savrhez, Teatro, i. 274-5; Tnforme del Comand. de Ulua> 
July 29, 1780, in Col. Diario, MS., 504-G. 


rison appears to have been smaller than at the time 
of the sack of Vera Cruz by buccaneers in 1683, con- 
sisting of only 120 artillerymen, 150 troops drawn 
from the naval battalion of the city, the latter being 
relieved every month, and 30 sailors. A band of con- 
victs was also stationed there and employed on the 
works. At this time there were quartered in the 
city a naval battalion of GOO men, an infantry regi- 
ment 1,000 strong, 300 dragoons, and 30 artillerymen. 
A militia regiment with ten companies, two of them 
being composed of mulattoes and two of negroes, 
added 1,000 additional troops to the defensive force, 
and the firing of a cannon would at any time summon 
700 or 800 lancers from the adjacent towns and 
haciendas. 11 In 1741 a plan was drawn up by the 
engineer, Felix Prospero, for constructing a wall 
around the city, and the work was completed five 
years later. The wall was built of hewn stone 
brought from Campeche; it was six feet high, and 
was surmounted by a strong double stockade of the 
same height. It contained seven gates, one of them 
being for the accommodation of shipping and fisher- 
men, and one for the special use of the viceroys. 
On the inner side was a banquette for infantry; on a 
tongue of land at the extreme north was afterward 
constructed the bastion of La Concepcion mounted 
with sixteen heavy guns, and commanding the north 
channel with the adjacent coast; on the extreme 
south was the bastion of Santiago, mounting twenty- 
six guns, and containing the arsenal and naval stores. 
Between these two bastions, and facing the land side, 
smaller ones protecting the main avenues of approach 
were erected at intervals. 12 

11 Villn-Senor y Sanchez, Tealro, i. 273^. According to this authority 
the military staff was composed of the governor, the king's lieutenant, an ad- 
jutant, a sargento mayor, and three engineers. In May 1727 the viceroy, 
Casa Fuerte, framed the first ordinance regulating the strength of the garrisons 
at Vera Cruz and Ulna, in imitation of a similar one issued nine years previously 
for the city and fortress of Habana. At this date the garrison was somewhat 
smaller, and that of the city consisted mainly of cavalry. 

12 Id., 271-2. 


After the capture of Habana by the English in 
1762 much apprehension was felt as to the safety of 
Vera Cruz. 13 The defences of the city and of San 
Juan de Ulua were strengthened, and new ones erected 
on other portions of the coast. The island fortress 
was ordered to be repaired at a cost of over a million 
and a half, and the port of Anton Lizardo was to be 
fortified at an expense of a million and a quarter pesos. 
A fort was also begun at San Carlos de Perote, this 
point being intended for. an arsenal and as a storing 
place for treasure, Jalapa being now considered unsafe. 
Additional troops were despatched from Spain, and 
in December 1774 a military commission met at Vera 
Cruz to consider such further measures as might be 
necessary for defence. The result was very unfavor- 
able. It was reported that the city was untenable, 
and that Ulua, which was supposed to be im- 
pregnable, could only be held for a few days, and 
would require a garrison of 1,700 infantry and 300 
artillerymen, together with a force of sailors suffi- 
cient to man a number of armed boats. 14 It was even 
recommended that on the approach of an enemy the 
bastions should be blown up and the inhabitants sent 
into the interior, taking with them their effects. The 
report of the commissioners does not appear to have 
been heeded, and at the close of the century, when 
Europe was at war and the Spanish American pos- 
sessions were at any time liable to attack, the garri- 
sons of the city and fortress were even smaller than 
those stationed there sixty years before. 15 

13 When intelligence arrived of the capture, the viceroy ordered that muni- 
tions of war be at once forwarded to Vera Cruz, and that all available troops 
be immediately put in motion for that point. When it was known that there 
was no imminent danger of attack, he withdrew his forces to Jalapa and Pcrote 
where the climate was more healthy. The next year peace was declared. 

11 De Mcnonville says that at the time of his visit in 1777 the fortress was 
mounted with 300 guns of from 12 to 36 pound calibre, and that it was ex- 
posed to attack on the south-east corner, where was a landing-place much 
nearer the fort than the principal one, and where vessels might anchor under 
the curtain, the fire from which would be of no avail. Pinkerton's Col. Voy., 
xiii. 770. In 1780 Viceroy Mayorga inspected the defences of the city and 
and changed the plan of defence adopted by his predecessor. 

u At the beginning of the 19th century the combined garrisons of the city 


Notwithstanding the enormous sums expended on 
coast defences, the fortress of Ulua alone having cost 
nearly forty millions of pesos, the people of New 
Spain, besides being in constant fear of the armaments 
of hostile powers, were still in dread of corsairs. In 
November, 1788, a royal decree was issued in answer 
to the viceroy's petition ordering two brigantines to 
be constructed for coast-guard service against pirates 
and smugglers. 16 Of course the operations of the 
former were now confined to the more thinly popu- 
lated portions of the coast; for such raids, except 
made by licensed freebooters under the name of 
privateersmen, were long since discountenanced by 
the nations of Europe. 

After the bemnninor of the war between England 
and Spain, in 1796, it was believed that an expedition 
was being prepared for an attack on Vera Cruz, and 
during the following year eight thousand troops were 
cantoned at Jalapa, Cordoba, and Perote in readiness 
for action; but England had now sufficient occupa- 
tion for all her forces on land and sea, in the long 
protracted struggle with the great Napoleon. A few 
months later all the encampments were broken up, 
excepting one of six hundred men who w r ere stationed 
on the plain near Buena Vista in the vicinity of Vera 
Cruz, and so great was the mortality among this 
corps that it soon became necessary to remove the 
survivors into the city. 

Until 1629 the offices of corregidor of Vera Cruz 
and governor of Ulua were vested in the same person, 
but in that year they were separated, the commander 
of the fortress receiving a salary of one thousand one 

and fortress consisted of the permanent battalion of Vera Cruz, organized in 
1793, its strength being 1,000 men, a company of veteran artillery, and two 
of militia, 810 men, and the regiment of Vera Cruz lancers, enrolled in 17G7, 
nominally 1,000 strong. Lerdo de Tejada, in Doc. Hist. Mcx. y Apunt. Hist., 
383-4. In 1784 the garrison of Vera Cruz was reenforced by two infantry 
regiments from Mexico, Id., 309; but these appear to have been soon with- 
drawn, for in Gac. Mex., ii. 290, it is stated that in 178G the garrison of Vera 
Cruz mustered only 1,3G0 men. 

16 They arrived in Vera Cruz about two years afterward. Later a schooner 
was built for the same purpose. 


hundred pesos a year. Later the former received 
the title of governor, but in 1730 his civil functions 
were the same, though he received from the viceroy 
the rank of lieutenant captain-general and military 
governor. Between 1730 and 1733 it was ordered 
that this official should also have authority over the 
garrison of Uhia, a resident commander of the fortress 
being appointed as his subordinate. 17 After the estab- 
lishment of intendencias in 1787 the powers of the 
former were greatly enlarged, the offices of governor 
and intendente being afterward combined. 18 

At the close of the eighteenth century the inten- 
dencia of Vera Cruz contained a population of about 
one hundred and fifty-four thousand. 19 The second 
town in importance was Cordoba, founded, it will be 
remembered, in J618. 20 In 1746 it contained over 
seven hundred families. 21 About thirty years later- 
its population was about the same. Most of the 
houses were of stone; the streets were wide and well 
paved, and a plentiful supply of water was obtained 
from the mountain streams in its neighborhood. In 
the center of the plaza was a large fountain, and on 
one side of it stood the cathedral, the three remaining 
sides being adorned with Gothic arches. The sur- 
rounding vegetation was rich and of many hues, and 

17 Reales Ccdidas, MS., ii. 233-4. It is there stated that Antonio de 
Benavides was the first one vested with these powers. He was appointed 
about the year 1734. 

18 The intendente was also subdelegado of the city of Vera Cruz and its 
district. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 1G4. The first intendente of Vera Cruz was 
Pedro Corvalan, appointed in 17S8. [In Id., i. 1C5, Cervalan.] In 1702 Pedro 
Gorostiza held that office. Id., 1G4. In 1795 Diego Garcia Panes received the 
appointment. Gomez, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. torn. vii. 43G; and in 
1708 — Plan de Defcnm de San Juan de Uhia, in Col. de Diario, MS., 510. 

19 Distributed among 372 poblados. Caucelada, liuina de laNueva JSspana, 
73-5. Lcrdo de Tejada states that there were 2 cities, 5 villas, 147 pueblos, 
GO haciendas, and 157 ranchos. Apunt. Hist., 3G5-6. It extended from the 
bay of Terniinos to Tampico, a distance of 210 leagues, with a varying width 
of 25 to 35 leagues. Its boundaries are defined in Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 
150-1, and remained the same until 1824. 

20 See p. 27, this vol. 

21 Two hundred and sixty Spanish families, 126 of mestizos, 60 of mulattoes 
and negroes, and 263 of Indians. The town had now an alcalde mayor. 
Villa- lienor y Sanchez, Teatro, i. 2G5. 



on its deep soil of red clay 22 were produced most of 
the tropical and subtropical fruits. The raising of to- 
bacco and sugar, of which plantations were first estab- 
lished early in the seventeenth century, was still the 
leading industry, but here, as elsewhere in New Spain, 
nature was so prodigal of her gifts that little effort 
was needed on the part of man, and many of the 
Spaniards grew wealthy almost without exertion. ~ 
Although in 1790 an earthquake demolished or dam 


Vera Cruz Province. 

aged nearly all the buildings, the town appears to 
have steadily increased in prosperity, for in 1810 it 
contained at least eight thousand inhabitants. 24 

Among the most flourishing towns in the province 
was Jalapa, where, between 1720 and 1777, the annual 
fair was held, on the arrival of the fleet from Spain, 

22 The depth was at least ten feet. 

23 The principal industry was sugar-raising, and at this date there were 
more than 30 sugar-mills in Cordoba, worked mainly by Indians. 

24 Eight thousand to 10,000, of whom five eighths were Spaniards. Diario 
Mex., xii. 233-4. 



beino: transferred thence from Vera Cruz. Before the 
former date half a dozen commercial houses, estab- 
lished by merchants in the capital, had monopolized 
the entire trade of the surrounding district, but within 
a few years afterward goods to the value of thirty 
millions of pesos changed hands at each fair. This in- 
creased circulation of wealth caused people to abandon 
their simple habits, and to adopt the dress and amuse- 
ments and most of the vices of the Spaniards in the 
Old World. In 1794 Jalapa was declared a city, 25 and 
together with Cordoba and Orizaba was a favorite 
summer resort for the merchants of Vera Cruz. 

Orizaba stood on the high road from Mexico to Vera 
Cruz, being distant about thirty-eight leagues from 
the latter city and forty-six from the capital. It was 
situated in a beautiful valley and surrounded with 
forest-clad mountains, high above which towered the 

snow-capped volcano of Ori- 
zaba. So luxuriant was the 
surrounding vegetation that 
a square league of land suf- 
ficed for the pasturage of about 
seven thousand sheep. 26 Here 
was a halting-place for cara- 
vans laden with merchandise, 
and the point where goods in 
transit were appraised. In 
1777 its population numbered 
about forty-five hundred, of 
whom it was estimated that 
nearly three thousand were of 

Coat op Aems op Jalapa. Spanish descent. 27 

25 In 1746 there were 786 resident families of Spaniards, mestizos, and 
Indians. Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro, i. Later the population appears to 
have decreased, for Humboldt states that in 1803 its population was only 
1,300. L L * 

26 A traveller passing through the province of Vera Cruz in 1777 states 
that within the space of a Spanish league he counted 11 flocks of sheep, each 
numbering over GOO. Thiery, ii. 71. 

27 In the town were several tanneries, and factories for the making of 
coarse cloth. A large quantity of tobacco was raised in its neighborhood. 
Pinkerton's Hod. Geog., iii. 214. 




Laguna's Administration — His Successor, the Conde de Galve — The 
Pirates Driven from the South Sea — War with France — Pirates 
in the North Sea — The Armada de Barlovento — Union of Spanish 
and English against the French — Drought and Flood — Loss of 
Crops — Excesses of the Soldiery — Death of Maria Luisa — The 
Drainage System — Portentous Events — The Bakers Refuse to 
Bake — Efforts of the Viceroy. 

The successor to the marques de la Laguna was the 
conde de Monclova, 1 who made his public entry into 
the capital on the 30th of November 1686, and whose 
administration lasted for nearly two years, when he 
was appointed viceroy of Peru. 2 He is represented 
by the chroniclers of the period as an upright and 
vigilant ruler, and the charges brought against him at 
his residencia were even more frivolous than those 
preferred against his predecessor. 3 Little worthy of 

1 Don Melchor Portocarrero, Lasso de la Vega, conde de Monclova, comen- 
dador de la Sarza en la orden de Alcantara, of the royal council of war, 
and of the junta of war of the Indies. Eeales Cedillas, ii. 3. He was com- 
monly known as Brazo de la Plata on account of his false arm, his own having 
been lost in battle. Lorenzana, Hist. Nueva Espcula, 27. His wife was the 
Doiia Antonia de Urr£a. Ibid. He had several children, of whom four 
accompanied him. Vetancvrt, Trot. Mex., 16. 

2 October 15, 168S. Ibid. He embarked at Acapulco, May 11, 1689. 
Rivera, Gob. Max., i. 264. 

3 There were but six trifling charges. Zamacois, v. 445. Among other 
measures adopted by the viceroy was one compelling all the religious who 
were without license to return to Spain. He also enforced a law forbidding 
Creoles to serve among the troops in Vera Cruz. During his administration 
the condition of the natives did not improve. They suffered most in the 
missions of Rio Verde and Tampico, and in Nuevo Leon. There the Span- 
iards robbed them of their wives and daughters, sold their young children 
as slaves, and deprived them of their best lands. The friars appealed to the 
king in their behalf, but to little purpose. Id., 263-4. 



note occurred during his administration, but the next 
seven years form an exciting epoch in the annals of 
the capital. 

During this time New Spain was governed by 
Gaspar de la Cercla Sandoval Silva y Mendoza, conde 
de Galve, a gentleman of the royal bed-chamber, and 
knight of the order of Alc&ntara. 4 He arrived at 
Vera Cruz, accompanied by his wife/ on the 18th of 
September 1688, and about two months later took 
formal possession of office. 6 

One of his first acts was to adopt measures for the 
extermination of the corsairs, whose increasing num- 
bers and daring kept the coast settlements, both in 
the North and South seas, in constant alarm. 7 Soon 
after his arrival he applied to the church authorities 
for money to aid in making the necessary preparations, 
to which appeal the archbishop and several of the 
bishops responded with contributions amounting to 
nearly eighty-nine thousand pesos. 8 Hardly had he as- 
sumed office when news reached the capital of the cap- 
ture by corsairs of Acaponeta, a small town on the 
coast of Nueva Galicia. Besides a quantity of silver 
the enemy carried off many prisoners, including forty 
women and two friars, an outrage which caused the 
viceroy at once to despatch an expedition in their 
pursuit. Troops were sent from Mexico City, and 
there being no other vessel available, a Peruvian 
frigate, recently arrived at Acapulco, was ordered to 
go in search of the enemy. The capture of Acapo- 

*Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 72; Reales Cedulas, MS., ii. 4; Lorenzana, Hist. N. 
Esp. , 27; Rivera, Gob. Mex. , i. 2G5. By some authorities his name is variously 
given as Gaspar de Silva Cerda ; Gaspar de Sandoval Cerda Silva y Mendoza. 
Robles, Diario, i. 500; Parian, Col. Doc, 16. 

5 Dona Elvira de Toledo, daughter of the marques de Villafranca. JRobles, 
Diario, i. 500. 

6 On November 20th. He made his public entry December 4th. Robles, 
Diario, i. 501-2, 505-6; or, according to Cavo, TresSiglos, ii. 72, Sept. 17th; in 
this statement Cavo is followed by Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp., 27. See also 
Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 265; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 217. 

7 While en route to Vera Cruz he captured a corsair frigate in the gulf of 
Mexico. Sigiienzay Gongora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 3. 

8 The archbishop and his clergy gave 80,000 pesos; the bishop of Puebla 
5,700; of Guadalajara 1,700, and of Oajaca 1,500. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 26S. 


neta occurred on the 14th of November; twelve 
days later the news was received 'at the capital, and 
on the 17th of December following the frigate sailed. 
Notwithstanding this prompt action, however, nothing 
was accomplished, the frigate returning to Acapulco 
about the middle of February without even having 
sighted the enemy. 

The corsairs still continued to hover off the coast, 
and a general council was held in the capital, on the 
8th of May, to concert further measures for their 
pursuit. 9 Twelve days later it was ascertained that 
they had sailed for Peru, having released all their 
prisoners excepting three men, one of them a Francis- 
can friar. Nevertheless preparations were continued; 
troops were again sent from the capital, and a small 
fleet sailed about the middle of August from Acapulco 
to cruise along the coast. These expeditions con- 
tinued until 1692, but without other apparent result 
than to cause the pirates, at least for the time being, 
to abandon the coast. 10 

At this time there was not a single craft of any 
kind for the defence of the long coast line from Te- 
huantepec to Sinaloa. Before the end of August, 
1692, two well equipped vessels, built in Guatemala 
by order of the viceroy, and intended for coast-guard 
service, were anchored in the port of Acapulco. Dur- 
ing the remainder of Galve's rule, there is no evidence 
that the corsairs again appeared on the coast of the 
South Sea. 

In consequence of the renewal of war with France, 
in 1689, the Spanish crown ordered the viceroy to 
take all possible means to strengthen the defenses of 
New Spain; and to make reprisals on the French, by 
confiscating their property, and banishing from the 
country all subjects of that nation except those en- 
gaged in the mechanic arts. In accordance with these 

9 Partly in consequence of the receipt of intelligence by the viceroy that 
the corsairs had cut off the nose of one of the friars held as prisoners. 

10 Robles, Diario, i. 506, 510; ii. 8-9, 14-15, 18, 27-8, 34, 106-7; Slguenza 
y Gdngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 5. 


instructions the oidores began on the 10th of Septem- 
ber to imprison French subjects in the city of Mexico, 
and to seize their effects. Meanwhile Galve forwarded 
supplies to all military posts, on the seaboard as well 
as on the frontier, strengthening their garrisons, and 
providing for the prompt payment of the troops, this 
matter having heretofore been neglected. The feeble 
Spanish garrison of Campeche, constantly threatened 
by the wood-cutters of the bay of Terminos, was re- 
enforced, and received a supply of ammunition and 
vessels of war. Men, money, and arms were also for- 
warded to the governors of Yucatan and Tabasco, 
whose territory was constantly exposed to invasion 
by corsairs. After several unsuccessful expeditions 
they succeeded in expelling the wood-cutters before 
the end of 1602, but they returned a few years later. 11 
About the same time the viceroy attempted, but in 
vain, to drive them from the gulf of Mexico, and al- 
though the armada de Barlovento and other Spanish 
cruisers frequently made prizes, sometimes of consid- 
erable value, they could not prevent the corsairs from 
capturing, at intervals, Spanish vessels of still greater 
value. 12 

Thus while the viceroy had been partially success- 
ful in his operations against the corsairs, all his efforts 
to drive them from the North Sea were of little avail. 
Nor could any other result be expected, while, in the 
islands of the West Indies, their numbers increased 
from year to year, and no attempt was made to strike 
at the root of the evil. The island of Santo Domingo 
was a favorable rendezvous of French pirates, and the 
crown having resolved to attempt their expulsion, 
intrusted the undertaking to Viceroy Galve. Exten- 
sive preparations were begun in 1G89, and the follow- 
ing year the armada de Barlovento, then composed 
of six ships of the line and a frigate, sailed from Vera 

11 Iiob/es, Diario, ii. 22, 49; Sigiienza y Gdngora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 
3-5; Rivera, Gob. Max., i. 2GG, 208, 272; Carrido, Elorigcn de Belice, in Bole- 
tin, Soc. Mex. Geog., 3a ep. iv. 2G0-1. 

12 For details sec Holies, Diario, ii. 6, 15, 17-18, 4G, 79, 144-G, 1G9. 


Cruz, carrying two thousand six hundred troops. 
Landing at the northern end of Santo Domingo, near 
Cape Frances, the}?- were joined by seven hundred 
men from the Spanish settlements. The French, ap- 
prised of their landing, though greatly inferior in 
numbers, rashly gave them battle, and were routed 
with a loss of five hundred men, the almost impene- 
trable woods alone saving their force from annihilation. 
Having destroyed several towns, including the city of 
Guarico, captured a number of vessels, and taken 
many prisoners, the expedition returned to Vera Cruz 
in March 1691, avoiding the more powerful French 
settlements on the east coast of the island. In honor 
of this success a thanksgiving service was celebrated 
in the capital, and a full account of the expedition was 
soon after written and published by the celebrated 
Mexican author, Cdrlos de Siglienza y Gongora. 

In 1695 a combined expedition of Spaniards and 
English, the latter having now made common cause 
against a mutual foe, attacked the French settlements 
of Santo Domingo, destroyed their forts, captured 
eighty-one pieces of cannon, and laid waste two settle- 
ments. 13 

The French were, at this time, the most enterprising 
foe with whom the Spaniards had to contend, and 
several years before the events just described had at- 
tempted to establish settlements on the mainland, 
which might serve as a base for future operations. 
As early as 1684 the Spaniards, by the capture of a 
vessel off Santo Domingo, had learned of the expedi- 
tion of La Salle, of which mention will be made in its 
place, but no attempt to thwart him appears to have 
been made until two years later, although in 1685 the 
report reached Mexico that a French colony had been 
founded on Esplritu Santo Bay. The earlier expedi- 
tions sent in search of this colony failed to find any 
traces of it or of the lost vessels, but in 1687 the 

n Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 73-8, 85-6; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 265, 271-3, 278; 
Robles, Diario, ii. 56; Sigilenza y Gongora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 5-G. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 15 


wreck of one of La Salle's ships was discovered, though 
owing to its inland and secluded position the settle- 
ment escaped the search of the Spaniards. The fol- 
lowing year, however, the arrival at Coahuila of a 
deserter from the colony removed all doubts as to its 

Accordingly in March 1689, by order of Viceroy 
Galvc, an expedition under the command of Alonso de 
Leon, governor of Coahuila, set out with the French- 
man as guide, for the bay of Espiritu Santo. A 
month later they reached the fort, only to find it de- 
serted. Of the twenty colonists left by La Salle more 
than half had succumbed to disease, or had been slain 
by the natives. The survivors were scattered among 
the neighboring tribes, and two of them having sur- 
rendered to the Spaniards the governor returned. 
Encouraged by his report as to the peaceable disposi- 
tion of the natives, Galve despatched another expedi- 
tion in 1690 under the same leader, for the purpose 
of establishing missions, three Franciscan friars bein^ 
among the number. Two missions were founded near 
the river now known as the Neches, where the eccle- 
siastics met with a friendly reception. 

In consequence of the reports of the viceroy, the 
crown determined on the permanent occupation of this 
territory, and ordered that steps be at once taken for 
that purpose. Early in 1691, a strong force was de- 
spatched by sea and land, and the country explored 
toward the north ; but no settlements or missions were 
founded, although numerous settlers and friars accom- 
panied the troops, and before the end of the year all 
returned to Vera Cruz except a few soldiers and a 
portion of the ecclesiastics. 

The loss of crops by drought and flood; the disap- 
pearance of live-stock; the withdrawal of the native 
converts; the excesses of the soldiery, and the conse- 
quent hostility of the savages were among the causes 
which soon afterward compelled the evacuation of the 
country, and no further attempt to occupy this terri- 


tory was made by either Spaniards or French during 
the next twenty years. 14 

About this time the occupation of Pensacola had 
been resolved upon, partly with a view to check the 
further encroachments of the French, and an expedi- 
tion having been sent from Vera Cruz in 1693 to ex- 
amine the bay and select a site, the following } r ear 
troops, colonists, and supplies were landed, and the 
erection of a fort and town was immediately begun. 
In 1696 both town and fortifications were complete, 
and the name of Santa Maria was given to the bay 
and colony. 15 

Notwithstanding some drawbacks, the adminis- 
tration of Viceroy Galve up to 1691 had given gen- 
eral satisfaction, and the arrival in November of a 
decree extending his term of office was made the oc- 
casion for a public rejoicing. But this second term 
proved to be as disastrous as the previous one had 
been for the most part prosperous. Shortly before its 
commencement inundation and famine had visited the 
fair valley of Mexico. 

Contrary to custom, on the death, in 1689, of the 
queen, Dona Maria Luisa, wife of Carlos II., the 
usual funeral ceremonies and mourning were omitted, 16 
but not so the festivities which, a year later, were 
celebrated with extraordinary splendor in honor of 
the marriage of the king with Mariana de Neoburgo, 

These brilliant festivities were, however, interrupted 
on the 9th of June by a sudden freshet which swept 
down into the valley, carrying away houses and 
cattle, destroying in its course the wheat crops and 
the flour stored in the mills, and inundating for a 
time the western portion of the city. With the ex- 
ception of a slight rain on the preceding day the 
weather in the city and its vicinity had for months 

14 A more detailed account is given in Hist. North Mex. States, this series. 
u Cavo, Tres Stylos, ii. 83-6; Morfi, Mem. Hist. Tex., MS., 100-11; Rivera, 
Gob. Mex., I 273, 276. 

16 Ordenes de la Corona, MS., vi. 80-1. 


been fair, and although rain at this early period was 
unusual, the storm which raged on the morning of 
the 9th among the mountains to the west of the 
valley gave no cause for apprehension. In that 
region, however, the rains were so heavy that many 
natives and cattle were carried away by the flood, 
and the waters of the swollen streams were precipi- 
tated in torrents into the valley below. Fortunately 
precautions had been taken against such a catastrophe 
by the viceroy and by several of his predecessors, 
whose efforts have already been related, and the 
waters soon subsided. 

A month later, however, a more serious flood oc- 
curred. On the 11th of July a heavy rain began, 
and continued without interruption until the 2 2d. 
The whole valley was now inundated, together with 
a large portion of the city, and communication with 
the surrounding country was for several days cut off, 
causing a scarcity of provisions in the capital. Upon 
the cessation of the rains the viceroy caused abundant 
supplies to be brought to the city in canoes, and the 
archbishop displayed his usual charity by ministering 
to the wants of the starving natives. 

Galve now gave his attention to the improvement 
of the drainage system, causing the sewers of the city 
to be cleaned and extended, new ones to be opened, 
and repairs made on the canal of Huehuetoca. The 
natural channels of the streams were cleared of ob- 
structions and widened, an outlet opened for the pent- 
up waters, and all this accomplished in an incredibly 
short time, the viceroy animating the laborers by his 
frequent presence, and even expending his private 
funds on some portions of the work. 

But a more serious calamity now began to threaten 
the capital. Previous to the 23d of August the grain 
crop in its vicinity which had escaped destruction from 
flood gave promise of a bountiful harvest. But on 
this date a total eclipse of the sun occurred, accom- 
panied by intense cold, and almost immediately the 


rapidly ripening wheat was attacked by the chiahu- 
iztli, 17 and the greater part destroyed. 

The eclipse occurred about nine o'clock in the morn- 
ing. For three quarters of an hour the city was 
shrouded in almost total darkness, during which the 
greatest confusion and consternation prevailed. 18 To 
the superstitious and already excited minds of the 
lower classes this phenomenon appeared as an evil 
omen, a belief which subsequent events only served 
to confirm. 

With the loss of the wheat crop the consumption 
of corn increased, its price being further advanced 
by the partial failure of the crop, due to excessive 
moisture and cold. The situation was indeed critical. 
Maize was the food staple of the natives, and since 
the loss of the wheat crop the tortilla had taken the 
place of wheat bread, not only among all the lower 
and laboring classes of the capital, but also to some 
extent among the wealthy. 19 Such was now the in- 
creasing scarcity that by the beginning of September 
the price of wheat had more than doubled. The 

17 According to Sigiienza, Carta al Almirante, MS., 28, who submitted 
the wheat to a microscopic examination, this is a small insect, a mere speck 
to the naked eye, the size of a needle point, with legs like those of a flea, and 
wings resembling those of a weevil. Myriads of them were seen on each ear 
of wheat, and spread with astonishing rapidity. He states that pulgon, or 
aphis, is the meaning given this word in the Mexican vocabulary. Molina, 
in his Vocabutario, pt. ii. 19, to which Sigiienza probably refers, writes the 
word chiauitl, which he renders in Spanish, ' Otro biuoro, o pulgon q roe las 
vinas' — worm or aphis which destroys vineyards. Robles, Diario, ii. , writes 
it chahuistle, describing it as a worm whichattacks the roots, and this term 
is also probably taken from Molina's definition. In modern times the usual 
form of the word is that given by Robles, and it is generally applied to rust in 

18 Stars of the first, second, and third magnitude were visible; dogs 
howled; birds, with frightened cries, flew wildly about; cocks crew; women 
and children screamed; the native women in the plaza abandoned their stalls 
and fled in terror to the cathedral; and the excitement and dread were in- 
creased by the ringing of the church bells for prayers throughout the city. 
Sigiienza y Gongora, Carta, MS., 27-8; Robles, l)i«rlo, ii. 66. 

19 Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 79, is not altogether to be relied on. Sigiienza y Gon- 
gora, Carta, MS., 31, whose statements are to be preferred, for reasons which 
will hereafter be shown, says, ' jamas le falto a la republica el pan con la pen- 
sion de caro, porque (ya que otra cossa no se podia), se acomodaron los pobres 
y plebeyos & comer tortillas (ya sabe vmd. que asi se nombra el pan de maiz 
por aquestas parttes) y a los criados de escalera auajo de casi todas las cassas 
de Mexico se les rasionaua con ellas.' 


bakers in consequence refused any longer to make 
bread, for at the price at which they were compelled 
to soil it they found the business unprofitable, and a 
disturbance was averted only by the prompt measures 
taken by the viceroy to insure a sufficient supply. 20 

Murmurs began to be heard on all sides, and not- 
withstanding the strenuous efforts of the viceroy to 
provide a supply of grain the suspicious and unrea- 
soning populace would not credit the reported failure 
of the crops until a special commissioner was sent 
into the valley to verify the report. From the begin- 
ning Galve adopted every measure that experience 
and prudence could suggest to prevent or at least 
mitigate the suffering and dangers of a prolonged 
famine. Officials were sent among the farmers of the 
valley and interior districts to purchase all the surplus 
grain, and with orders to seize it if necessary. The 
sale of grain and flour in the city by private individ- 
uals was forbidden, all that could be found being 
collected by the government for distribution at the 
public granary. 21 The use and cultivation of the trigo 
blanquillo which was unwisely forbidden in 1G77, 22 
was also permitted, the viceroy having induced the 
church authorities to remove the interdict against it. 

The public granary was now placed in charge of the 
municipal authorities, and grain could be purchased 
only there. In November of 1691, the daily allow- 
ance for each individual was one quartilla, 23 and the 
daily consumption from one thousand to thirteen hun- 
dred fanegas. 24 In the surrounding country the suffer- 

20 The difficulty with the bakers occurred on the 13th of Sept., and on the 
following day there was no bread to be had. Holies, Diario, ii. 07; Carta de 
vii lidU/ioso, in Doc. Hist. Mex., s£rie ii. torn. iii. 310-11. 

21 ' Sabado 15' (Sept.), 'embarg6 el corregidor toda la harina a Hurtadoy 
a Guerto y la trajo a la alhondiga.' Holies, Diario, ii. 07. 

22 The trigo blanquillo was a species of wheat, chiefly cultivated in the 
bishopric of puebla, of enormous yield, and superior in every respect to all 
other kinds produced in New Spain. For some reason not clearly explained 
it was denounced as unwholesome, and its use and cultivation prohibited 
under heavy penalties by both government and church. Moniema>/or, Srma- 
rios, 60-1 ; Sigitenza y Gdngora, Carta, MS., 37-0; Carta de un Rtlhjioao, 312. 

88 Equal to about two quarts. 

21 A fanega is about equivalent to a bushel and a half. 


ing was still greater than in the city, as the governor 
having seized most of their grain, many of the inhab- 
itants were compelled to beg food in the capital. 

Meanwhile the viceroy did not relax his efforts to 
maintain the supply. In April 1692, a meeting of 
the principal civil and ecclesiastical authorities was 
called for this purpose, and commissioners were kept 
constantly busy in the neighboring districts as well as 
in those more remote, collecting and forwarding corn. 
In May an abundant crop of wheat was harvested 
from the irrigated lands in the valley, and under the 
belief that the prevailing high price would induce the 
farmers to bring their gram to the capital permis- 
sion for its free sale was given. Many, however, sold 
it elsewhere, and this, together with the partial failure 
in the remoter districts, owing to a snow storm early 
in April — a rare occurrence in the valley of Mexico — 
caused the stock in the capital to run low toward the 
end of May. Vigorous measures were now required, 
and fresh commissioners were despatched with orders 
to confiscate all grain wherever found. The daily 
allowance of corn in the city was also reduced, although 
a sufficient quantity of grain was obtained by the 
commissioners to insure a moderate supply until the 
next harvest. 

By this time the price of grain had increased so 
enormously that a load of wheat which usually sold 
for three or five pesos could not now be purchased for 
less than twenty-four pesos.' 


25 The load of corn which was ordinarily sold at about two and a quarter 
pesos, was now worth seven. The loaf of wheaten bread usually weighed six- 
teen ounces, and was sold for half a real. Its price continued the same, but its 
weight was now reduced to seven ounces. Sigiienza y Gongora, Carta, MS., 
29, 41-2 ; Robles, Diarlo, ii. 72-3 ; Carta de un lieligioso, 312. 




Increased Murmurs — Rumored Grain Speculations of the Viceroy — 
An Imprudent Preacher — The Leperos — Pulque Shops — Inefficient 
Forces at Command — Awaiting Opportunity — Affair at the Gran- 
ary — The Viceroy Threatened — Outbreak — Death to the Offi- 
cials! — The Palace Set on Fire — The Plaza Stalls also Fired— 
Robbery and Murder — Executions — Revolt at Tlascala — Sale of 
Pulque Prohibited — Rebuilding of the Palace — Affairs in New 

The suppressed murmurs of the populace previously 
heard against the government, now gave place to 
complaints in which the viceroy was openly accused 
of speculating in grain ; and notwithstanding the pub- 
licity of all his measures and the character of the 
persons commissioned for the collection and distribu- 
tion of supplies this unjust charge gained a ready 
credence among the natives and lower classes. This 
grave accusation and the hostile attitude toward the 
government to which it gave rise were encouraged by 
the imprudent language of a Franciscan friar, during 
a sermon preached in the cathedral at the beginning 
of Easter. Notwithstanding the presence of the vice- 
roy, oidores, and the officials of the various tribunals, 
he alluded in such terms to the existing scarcity as to 
confirm the suspicions of his audience, who loudly ap- 
plauded him. 1 

1 Sigiienza y G6ngora, Carta, MS., 40, states that he preached 'no lo que 
se deuia para consolar al pueblo en la carestia sino lo que se dicto por la iin- 
prudencia para irritarlo.' Robles, Diarlo, ii. 122, who confirms the foregoing, 
states that the friar's name was Antonio de Escaray. 



The populace, urged by the pangs of hunger and 
by their fancied grievances, were now in a mood which 
boded ill for the peace and safety of the capital. Yet, 
although previous outbreaks had shown their turbu- 
lent nature, no precaution whatever appears to have 
been taken to guard against a disturbance. Affairs 
w r ere ripe for an outbreak. The city was divided into 
nine wards, six of which were inhabited wholly by 
natives having their own governors. The total popu- 
lation was over one hundred and forty thousand, of 
whom the Spaniards and mixed races formed but a 
small proportion. A large part of the lower classes 
were idle and dissolute, and among them were many 
criminals. The name saramidlos was then applied to 
them and later they were called leper os. 2 

The usual resorts of this class were the shops where 
pulque was sold, and the baratillo, 3 where the natives 
also congregated, and where all plotted against and 
denounced the government at will, free from the inter- 
ference of the officers of justice. 4 

The natives at this period, especially the men, were 
restless, indolent, and vicious, and so addicted to the 
use of pulque, the consumption of which had never 
been so great, that all contemporary writers concur in 
affirming that they were daily under its influence. 
They were the chief complainers against the govern- 
ment, and were constantly encouraged by the sara- 
nmllos, who eagerly desired an outbreak because of 
the opportunity thus afforded them for plunder. 

To oppose these dangerous elements there was in 

2 'La poblacion . . . de las grandes ciudades interiores de la colonia, cuya 
mayoria inmensa se componia ent6nces, como se compcme todavfa hoy por 
desgracia, de esa plebe vagamunda y degradada por la ignorancia y la miseria, 
conocida con el infamante apodo de leperos.' Lerdode Tejada, Apunt. JlisL, 
3G6. See also Siguenza y Gdngora, Carta, MS., 37. 

3 A shop or collection of shops in the main plaza where cheap and second- 
class wares were sold, and where stolen articles were also disposad of. It was 
frequented by vagabonds and criminals, and several attempts had already been 
made by the authorities to abolish it. Rivera, Diario, 72; Iiobles, Diario, ii. 
26. The baratillo was not abolished until several years later, although a 
ce'dula prohibiting it was published in November 1689. 

4 ' Las pulquerias donde por condision iniqua y contra Dios que se le con- 
cedio al Asentista no entra justicia.' Siguenza y Gdngora, Carta, MS., 42. 



the capital but a single company of infantry, of less 
than one hundred men, who did duty as palace guard, 
and even these were indifferently armed and equipped. 
There was no artillery, no store of small arms and 
ammunition, and no organized militia. The better 
class of Spaniards for the most part possessed weapons 
of their own, but as subsequent events showed, they 
would not act together in time of need. Without the 
city the nearest available troops were the distant gar- 
risons of Acapulco and Vera Cruz. Not even an 
organized police force existed which could be made 
available in quelling an incipient outbreak. 

Palace of Mexico. 

The palace, as shown by the accompanying plan, 
was provided with loopholes for infantry and em- 
brasures for cannon, but in the disturbance which 
followed there was nothing to indicate that artillery 
was placed there. In the construction of the other 
buildings of the capital there was no provision made 
for their defence save that afforded by the thick walls, 
heavy barred doors, and strong shutters and iron bars 
of the windows; 5 but these were common to most 

5 Sigiienza y Gongora, Carta, MS., 49, summarizes this condition of affairs 
as the ^'culpa1)ilisimo descuido con que vivinios entre tanta pleue al mismo 
tiempo que preaumimos do forniidables.' 


Spanish houses, and of course ineffectual against the 
attacks of a mob, unless a strong armed force were 
stationed within. 

Although the greater portion of the dwellings with 
their massive walls of stone or adobe, their tiled roofs, 
and solid doors, afforded some protection for life and 
property in the event of a riot, the immense quantity 
of merchandise contained in the stalls situated in the 
main plaza had no such protection. Here were built 
without order two hundred and eighty light wooden 
structures, styled cajones, in which native and foreign 
wares of all descriptions were sold. Among them 
and scattered over other portions of the public square 
were numberless booths of canes and rushes, for the 
sale of fruit, vegetables, and provisions, giving to this 
plaza, which was one of the finest in the world, the 
appearance of an irregular village of huts. 

In 1658 several of the stalls were destroyed by fire, 
and during the confusion which ensued many were 
plundered. In the following year orders were given 
for the plaza to be cleared of both stalls and booths, 6 
but the danger from fire and thieves being quickly 
forgotten, they were soon restored to their former 
location. Later the attention of the authorities was 
called to the danger to which this collection of un- 
guarded inflammable structures was exposed, but with 
their usual apathy they paid no heed to the matter 
until a second and greater disaster compelled the ap- 
plication of a permanent remedy. 

Such was the condition of the capital in the begin- 
ning of June 1692. Though the scarcity of grain still 
continued, the careful distribution of the supply daily 
received at the public granary sufficed to keep star- 
vation from the city. The natives, however, daily 
grew bolder and more insolent, and awaited but a 
pretext to revolt, encouraged, as they were, by the 

c The stalls were removed to the Plazuela del Marques which opens into 
the main plaza, and the booths to the Plazuela de la Universidad. I)kc. 
Univ., v. 737. 


inaction of the authorities which they construed into 
fear. 7 

The desired opportunity soon arrived. On Friday 
June 7th the corn at the public granary gave out at 
six o'clock in the evening, whereupon several native 
women who remained to be served, gave vent to their 
disappointment in shrill outcries and insulting epithets. 
On the following day they were still more disorderly, 
shouting, fighting, pushing, and crowding each other, 
so as to make it impossible for the officers to proceed 
with the distribution. Taking advantage of this con- 
fusion, several attempted to help themselves to corn, 
whereupon one of the officials, finding peaceful meas- 
ures ineffectual, seized a whip, and by laying it on 
ri^ht and left succeeded in driving them back. In a 
few minutes, however, they surged forward again, 
headed by one more daring than the rest. The offi- 
cial again made use of his whip, and seizing a cane 
rained a shower of blows on the head and shoulders 
of the leader and her companions. Exasperated by 
this treatment, some of them seized their leader, and 
raising her on their shoulders rushed out of the gran- 
ary, whence, followed by nearly two hundred of their 
companions, they hastened across the plaza to the 
palace of the archbishop and demanded to see him. 
The attendants refused, but listened to their com- 
plaints, consoled them as best they could, and dis- 
missed them. Not content with this reception, the 
crowd, still carrying the injured woman, proceeded to 
the viceregal palace, filling its lower corridors and 
clamoring for an interview with the viceroy. On 
being told that he was absent, they tried to force 
their way into the viceregal apartments, but were 
pushed back by the guards. Thereupon they returned 
to the archiepiscopal palace, not a single man having 
joined them thus far, and w T ere met by the primate. 

7 In the public granary the Indian women were sometimes served before a 
Spaniard, and this confirmed the natives in their belief that the authorities 
were afraid of them. Siyiienza y Gdnyora, Carta, MS., 42. 


To him they repeated their complaints, adding that 
the injured woman had just died. Through an inter- 
preter he sought to pacify them, and despatched a 
messenger to the granary officials, requesting that 
the Indians should in future be treated with more 
consideration. After another fruitless attempt to 
obtain an interview with the viceroy, the tumult 
ended for that day. 8 

On the return of the viceroy in the evening he gave 
orders that in future an oidor should be present dur- 
ing the distribution of corn, for to a lack of system in 
this matter the outbreak was attributed. Instruc- 
tions were also issued to the captain of the palace 
guard to take every precaution to prevent any repeti- 
tion of the disturbance. Pikes were to be made 
ready, ammunition to be distributed to the troops, 
and all fire-arms to be kept loaded. 9 No uproar oc- 
curred during the night, nor does any attempt appear 
to have been made by the authorities to ascertain the 
state of affairs in the native wards or among the sara- 
mullos. On the following day, the 8th of June, 10 the 
native women appeared as usual at the public granary, 
and with the exception of pushing and crowding in 
their attempt to gain the foremost place, the presence 

8 A somewhat different version of this affair is given in the Carta de tin 
Relu/ioso, 315. There it is stated that but one visit was made to the arch- 
bishop, who advised that one or two of them should go and lay the matter 
before the viceroy, but that his counsel was disregarded, and the women dis- 
persed to their homes. This author, however, was a recluse friar, and, 
although a contemporaneous writer, derived his information from others, 
while 8igiienza y G6ngora, whose version I have adopted, was a prominent 
man, on intimate terms with the viceroy and other government officials, and 
one of the most celebrated writers of the period. 

9 According to the Carta de un fieligioso, 315-16, previously cited, the 
viceroy upon learning of the occurrence immediately sent for the corregidor, 
whom he ordered to investigate the complaints, and severely punish the dis- 
tributors of corn. The corregidor, however, soon returned declaring that the 
charges of the Indian women against the officials at the granary were false, 
nothing unusual having occurred there during the day. Reassured by this 
statement and the opinion of several gentlemen that it was only a drunken 
affair of the natives, the viceroy contented himself with ordering that an 
official of his own selection should superintend the distribution on the fol- 
lowing day. 

10 Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 81, erroneously gives June 9th as the date, and 
Zamacois, Hist. Mex., v. 458, x. 1302, that of June 18th. This latter, how- 
ever, though occurring in two different places, is evidently a misprint. 


of the oidor prevented a repetition of the previous dis- 
order. During the early hours quiet reigned through- 
out the city, and the authorities, fearing no danger, 
neglected to take further precautions. 

The viceroy, however, was ill at ease. Leaving his 
breakfast untouched, he repaired to the convent of 
Santo Domingo to hear mass, and his appearance was 
greeted with a murmur of disapproval by the assem- 
bled worshippers, who regarded him as the cause of 
their present sufferings. About four o'clock in the 
afternoon he attended service at the Augustine con- 
vent, and thence proceeded, as was his custom, to 
the convent of San Francisco. The usual procession 
ended, he entered the convent to converse with the 
friars, when suddenly the sound of tumult, accom- 
panied by the report of fire-arms, was heard. The 
viceroy started up to go to the palace, but in this he 
was prevented by his few attendants, and by the 
friars, who, gathering about him, represented the 
danger of such an attempt, the streets being already 
filled with excited natives, who with loud cries were 
hurrying from all quarters toward the plaza. 

But five hundred fanegas of corn were received at 
the public granary on this day, and by five o'clock in 
the afternoon the supply was exhausted, while there 
were still many to be served. This caused a great 
commotion among the native women, during which 
one of them fell to the ground, whether intentionally 
is not known, and was trampled upon and injured by 
her companions. 

The role of the previous day is again performed, but 
with more fatal results. The injured woman is placed 
on the back of an Indian, who runs with her to the 
baratillo, and thence, having been joined by a number 
of the saramullas, to the palace of the archbishop, the 
crowd following with wild cries and shouts of rage. 
A demand to see the archbishop is again made, and is 
again denied by the attendants, whereupon they are 


assailed with the vilest language. Growing impatient 
at the non-appearance of the archbishop the constantly 
increasing mob proceeds across the plaza to the vice- 
regal palace, the women taking up a position at the 
corners of the streets. 11 Then they begin to abuse 
the viceroy in set terms, and to throw stones at the 
balcony of the viceregal apartments, which are soon 
destroyed. After some delay a dozen or more of the 
guard appear, and joined by an equal number of vol- 
unteers charge the rioters, now mustering about two 
hundred. The latter fly for refuge to the stalls and 
the cathedral cemetery, but being reenforced rally 
and drive back their assailants. . A few of the guard 
ascend to the roof and fire blank catridges. This of 
course only emboldens the rioters, who answer with 
shouts of derision and volleys of stones. 

As the first party return from their charge, driven 
back by overwhelming numbers, a squad of soldiers 
come forward, and are joined by the count of Santiago 
and a few other gentlemen ; but the rioters are now 
assembled in such force that the troops are compelled 
again to retire. It is then resolved to close the 
palace doors, which is done with such haste that two 
or three of the guard are shut out, and are seized and 
torn in pieces. 12 A shout of triumph arises from the 

11 Robles, Diario, ii. 88, in his account of the events which led to the 
outbreak makes no mention of the disturbance of the 7th, and in regard to that 
of the 8th states that the attendants of the archbishop sent them to the vice- 
regal palace, whence they were driven away by the guard. For the reasons 
already stated preference is given to the version of Sigiienza y Gongora, which 
is, with few exceptions, followed for this and all subsequent events relating 
to these troubles. According to the Carta de un Eeligioso, the archbishop 
appeared and denied that they had any cause to complain against the viceroy, 
whose every effort was directed to maintain the supply of grain. 

12 Robles, Diario, ii. 88-9, states that by the advice of the attendants at 
the archiepiscopal palace the Indians proceeded to the viceregal palace whence, 
having been refused admittance by the guard, they went to their homes, with 
the exception of some twenty who persisted on entering, and the guard continu- 
ing to oppose them they began to storm the palace doors and balconies. The 
ensign with nine soldiers charged and drove back the rioters, now reenforced 
by over two hundred, but was compelled to retreat with the loss of two men. 
The doors were then closed. According to the Carta de un Religioso, the 
captain of the guard led three charges, being severely wounded in the third 
by a blow from a stone. It is there stated that the Indians had bows and 
arrows, blunderbusses, pistols, and knives, and that their intention was to set 
fire to the palace, and rob the royal treasury. 


crowd, now numbering ten thousand. 13 "Death to 
the viceroy and corregidor," they cry, "death to those 
who have all the corn and are killing us with hunger!" 
It is half past six; and though thirty minutes have 
scarcely elapsed since the beginning of hostilities, the 
plaza is filled with the populace. Eager for plunder 
they join in the cries against the government, shout- 
ing, "Death to the viceroy and all who defend him!" 
while the echo from hundreds swells the uproar, 
"Death to the Spaniards and gachupines who are 
eating our corn!" 14 

At this juncture the archbishop approaches on foot 
with uplifted cross, and surrounded by his attendants. 
Little regard is shown him, however, for his coach- 
man, who was sent on before, is knocked from his 
seat by a stone, and missiles begin to fall so thickly 
that the primate and his companions are glad to make 
good their escape. The guards in the palace make no 
further attempt to disperse the rioters. After some 
thirty shots from the roof, firing ceases; for not only 
are many of the soldiers disabled, but their ammuni- 
tion is exhausted. 

The rioters continue to storm the palace, but find- 
ing that little harm is done they resolve to burn it 
down, no longer fearing those within. The booths in 
the plaza afford an abundance of combustible material, 
and dry rushes and reeds are soon heaped against the 
wooden doors and set ablaze. The city hall is also 
fired; and while some are thus engaged, others seize 
the coach of the corregidor, whose residence forms a 
portion of that building, set fire to it, and with the 
mules attached drive it in triumph around the plaza, 
finally killing the wildly affrighted animals. The cor- 
regidor and his wife are fortunately absent; else their 

13 This sudden increase in the numbers of the mob, from 200 to 10,000, is 
accounted for by the fact that the plaza could be reached within less than 
half an hour from all parts of the city. 

11 According to Robles, at the first alarm most of the Spaniards shut them- 
selves up in their houses, whence but few issued till the riot was over. Diario, 
ii. 90. Sigiienza y G6ngora fails to account for this lack of courage on the 
part of his countrymen. 


ives were lost. The opportunity for plunder sought 
or by the saramullos has arrived. With the excep- 
ion of the burning of the gallows, also situated in 
he plaza, none of the lower classes appear to have 
aken part with the natives in the work of destruc- 
ion, but there is little doubt that they were the 
:hief instigators in the matter. Almost simulta- 
leously with the burning of the palace the adjacent 
tails are set on fire. 

And now follows a scene which no pen can fully 
lescribe. It is between seven and eight o'clock, and 
he spacious plaza is made as light as day by the con- 
lagration. Filling the plaza and adjoining streets, 
lie maddened populace may be seen surging to and 
ro in dense masses like an angry sea, and above the 
-oar of the flames rise hoarse shouts of exultation 
is the work of destruction goes on. Few Spaniards 
ire visible. From the palace corridors, with despair- 
ing form and features, the archbishop and his attend- 
tnts gaze in silence, while on the outskirts of the 
)laza groups of citizens watch in speechless terror the 
progress of the conflagration. Suddenly the cry is 
*aised, " To the stalls!" " To the stalls!" and the hu- 
nan sea surges in that direction. The places where 
lardware was sold are first attacked, and knives, 
uachetes, and iron bars secured, the last named for 
lefense as well as for breaking open doors. And now 
et chaos come; innocent and guilty, friend and foe, 
ire one; robbery and rape, fire and blood; the people 
aave become raving maniacs! As fast as the houses 
ire broken open and robbed the torch is applied. 
Gradually the infuriated yells sink to a low murderous 
lum of voices, interrupted only by the crash of falling 
3uildings. Rapidly the flames spread, and by the 
.urid light may be seen the dusky forms of the rioters 
Sitting in and out and among the buildings, or disap- 
pearing in the darkness laden with plunder. 

A singular phase of riot and robbery now presents 
itself. Among the rabble are many owners of stalls 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 16 


who dare not openly protect their property, yet are 
unable to witness its loss with indifference. Merchants 
yesterday they are robbers now, and may as well rob 
themselves as be robbed by their comrades. So they 
join in the attack on their own stalls, being some- 
times the first to enter, and if possible to seize and 
carry to a place of safety some of their own effects. 
Others, affecting an air of resignation, encourage the 
pillage of their stalls, and then stealthily follow the 
plunderer and relieve him of his load by a sudden 
blow or deadly thrust. Many of the rioters are run 
through at the entrance to the streets by the groups 
of exasperated Spaniards, as they are tauntingly 
defied by the passing rabble, and not a few perish in 
the flames. 

While the many are thus engaged, a few hasten to 
the palace of the marques del Valle, to fire it. The 
flames have reached the balconies, when the treas- 
urer of the cathedral, Manuel de Escalante y Men- 
doza, arrives accompanied by a few ecclesiastics, and 
bearing the uncovered host. All other means proving 
unavailing, this pious proceeding is adopted, in the 
hope of saving the city. Exhortations accompany the 
act of elevating; and finally a number of the more re- 
ligious rascals temporarily extinguish the flames in the 
palace of the marques. Here, however, their for- 
bearance ceases, for they at once hurry away to join 
their companions in the work of plunder elsewhere. 
To add to the solemn terror of the occasion all the 
bells begin to ring, but it is the call to prayers, and 
not to arms. Following the example of the cathe- 
dral treasurer, the religious orders next appear march- 
ing in procession, with uplifted crosses and solemn 
chants. Their efforts, however, avail but little; they 
are greeted with a shower of stones, and dispersed; 
and although singly or in groups they continue their 
exhortations in different parts of the plaza, the rioters 
disregard them, or reply with jeers. 

These exciting events have occupied but a short 


time, for it is yet hardly nine, and the plaza, which 
for the last three hours has been thronged with the 
canaille of the capital, is fast becoming deserted. The 
rioters have for the most part retired with their plun- 
der, and among the few that remain the religious still 
continue their fruitless exhortations. Despite the 
efforts of the guard and those of the few citizens who 
have ventured to show themselves, the fire in the 
viceregal palace and city hall still burns, and the stalls 
and booths are one mass of flames. 

At this juncture the count of Santiago with a num- 
ber of armed citizens, collected by order of the vice- 
roy, appear in the plaza and open fire on the crowd, 
but are induced to stop by the religious, who declare 
that many innocent persons will thus be slain. As 
there is nothing further to be feared from the people 
remaining in the plaza, the citizens direct their efforts 
to subduing the flames. With the aid of the prison- 
ers from the palace jail, 15 who have barely escaped 
with their own lives, and of the inmates of the vice- 
regal palace who are forgotten by the mob while intent 
on plundering the stalls, everything of value in the 
viceregal apartments is saved, and the females of the 
household are conveyed in safety through the plaza to 
the palace of the archbishop. Prominent among those 
to whose energy and presence of mind the saving of 
many valuable papers is due, is Carlos de Sigiienza 
y Gongora. Entering the plaza before the flames are- 
kindled, he remains throughout the disturbance, ac- 
companying the bishop on his mission of peace, and 
later the cathedral treasurer; then helping to fight 
the fire in the viceregal palace, where he personally 
rescues important archives, and finally repairing to the 
city hall in time to snatch from the flames a portion 
of the cabildo records. 

The riot was now virtually at an end, and additional 

15 In consideration of their services the prisoners were all pardoned. Sigii- 
enza y Gdngora, Carta, MS., 70-1; Gavo, TresSiglos, ii. 81-2. Robles, Diario, 
ii. 93-4, says simply that prisoners escaped. 


assistance arriving, the further progress of the fire was 
checked, although it continued to burn fiercely until 
the following Tuesday. Meanwhile the viceroy was 
still at the Franciscan convent. At the first alarm 
the doors of the building were closed, and nothing 
could induce the terrified inmates to open them, except 
for the admission of the countess, whose absence had 
been an additional cause of anxiety. Early in the day 
she had set out on a visit to the gardens of San 
Cosme, and was already returning when the outbreak 
occurred. Upon nearing the plaza the coachman 
seeing the disturbance turned back and drove hurriedly 
to the convent, where the countess arrived without 
mishap. As the riot progressed several persons 
knocked at the doors for admission, but the friars 
fearing for the safety of the viceroy and countess re- 
fused all admission. Later in the evening several 
prominent persons came to offer their services to Galve 
and were admitted. 

Informed of the condition of affairs he immediately 
issued such orders as seemed necessary under the cir- 
cumstances. As we have seen, the count of Santiago 
with another official was ordered to summon the citi- 
zens and disperse the rioters; the regidor Juan Aguirre 
de Espinosa received instructions to proceed without 
delay to the province of Chalco, seize all the corn he 
could find, and forward it to the city, so that it should 
arrive by morning; another commissioner was sent to 
meet the mule train with corn from Celava, and brin^ 
it with all possible speed into the city; all the bakers 
were notified to make three times the usual quantity 
of bread, and the butchers and fruit and vegetable 
dealers were enjoined to provide full supplies for the 
following day. Next the viceroy despatched couriers 
to Puebla and other principal towns to warn the au- 
thorities, lest the example of the natives in the capital 
should be followed elsew T here. 

Armed citizens patrolled the streets in the Spanish 
quarters during the remainder of the night, but no 


further disturbance occurred. The sun rose upon a 
mass of smouldering ruins in the plaza, while the 
bodies of the dead lay scattered here and there among 
the various articles of plunder dropped by the rioters 
in their hasty flight. The greater portion of the vice- 
regal palace was destroyed, as were the halls of the 
audiencia, the jail, and several government offices, 
containing many valuable documents. The city hall 
was almost in ruins, and with it perished the greater 
part of its archives. The public granary and the ad- 
joining buildings also suffered; and but for the timely 
efforts of the cathedral treasurer the fire would have 
extended not only to the residence of the marques del 
Valle, but also to the archiepiscopal palace and ca- 
thedral. The loss of property caused by this outbreak 
was estimated at three million pesos. The number of 
lives lost did not exceed fifty, and was possibly not so 
great; nor is there any evidence to show that except- 
ing the two or three victims among the. palace guard, 
a single Spaniard was seriously injured. 16 

On Monday morning the viceroy and countess, ac- 
companied by the chief authorities, over two hundred 
mounted gentlemen, and an immense number of the 
populace, set forth from the Franciscan convent for 
the plaza, being joined on the way by the archbishop. 
Having reached the spot the procession marched 
around it in order that the viceroy and countess might 
view the ruins, and then proceeded to the palace of 
the marques del Valle, where Galve temporarily took 
up his residence. 

There was still much apprehension lest the Indians 
should return, and this was increased by the discovery 

16 Some contemporary authorities have affirmed that the Indians were pro- 
vided with all kinds of weapons, but the surprisingly small number of victims 
among the Spaniards, and the statements of other authorities, one an eye- 
witness of these events, refute these assertions. Other writers have also 
sought to give to this outbreak of the natives a more serious character, that 
of a premeditated attempt to throw off the Spanish yoke, but it is only too 
evident from their own accounts of the riot, which agree essentially with the 
facts here given, that they seek to draw attention from the culpable negli- 
gence of the authorities. Sigitenzay Gonr/ora, Carta, MS., 41-4, 48-9; Carta 
deun Rdiyioso, 317, 320, 331-3; Uobles, JDiario, ii. 97. 


that the native ward of Santiago Tlaltelulco was 
deserted. The most active measures were therefore 
taken to prevent another uprising, and for the arrest 
and punishment of the rioters, and the recovery of 
the stolen property. Orders were issued for the 
immediate enrolment of all citizens. Several compa- 
nies of infantry and cavalry were organized, two of 
the latter at the expense of the royal treasury. 17 For 
several days the troops patrolled the streets; and, 
although save a few false alarms everything remained 
quiet, the stores and schools continued closed, and for 
three days no church bells were rung nor service held. 18 
The saramullos were to be feared, however, no less 
than the natives, and their contempt for the author- 
ities was expressed by posting, during the night, in 
conspicuous places, pasquinades ridiculing them for 
their want of courage and energy. 19 

Great care was now taken that the supply of grain 
should not fail ; and although for a time there was oc- 
casional evidence of scarcity, w T ithin two months the 
weight of bread, which a short time before the begin- 
ning of the riot had been reduced to seven ounces, was 
increased first to ten and finally to fourteen ounces. 20 

17 Robles, Diario, ii. 95-6, 99, says eight companies of cavalry, besides 
two of mulattoes and two of negroes. A commercial battalion and a company 
of negroes are mentioned in Carta de un Religioso, 329-30, and Siguenza y G6n- 
gora, Carta, MS., 76, mentions two companies of cavalry only. 

18 On June 9th, and again two days later, considerable fright was caused 
by the report that a body of armed Indians were entering the city. A 
reconoissance, however, showed that there was no cause for alarm, liobles, 
Diario, ii. 98-9- 

19 On the morning of the 9th two pasquinades were found, one fastened 
to the walls of the palace, one of which read, ' Este corral se alquila para 
gallos de la tierra y gallinas de Castilla;' the other, ' Repr6sentase la comedia 
famosa de Peor esta que estaba.' Robles, Diario, ii. 96-7. 

20 During July the retailing of grain was forbidden by both government 
and church. liobles, Diario, ii. 103. According to Siguenza y Congora, Carta, 
MS., 76-7, on the 9th the viceroy ordered that the whole supply of grain 
should be distributed gratis among the populace. Meanwhile a vigorous 
search had been made for the plunder, and resulted in the recovery of a large 
portion of it, and the arrest of many natives in whose possession it was found. 
Most of the clothing, dry goods, and other articles stolen from the stalls 
was, however, found during subsequent days lying on the streets, where 
it had been thrown during the night, in all probability by the saramullos, 
for few of them appear to have been arrested. By Tuesday, goods to the 
value of 70,000 pesos had been recovered and returned to the owners. Robles, 
Diario, ii. 98-9. 


Although the saramullos took part in the pillage 
of the stalls, if not in setting fire to the viceroy's pal- 
ace, they for the most part escaped punishment, the 
principal victims being natives. The first execution 
took place on the 11th of June. Three Indians, taken 
in the act of setting fire to the palace, 21 were shot in 
the plaza under the gallows, erected in place of the 
one destroyed; and in the afternoon their hands were 
cut off, and some nailed to the gallows, and others to 
the door-posts of the palace. Between this date and 
the twenty-first of the following August thirty-six 
Indians of both sexes and a few mestizos were pub- 
licly whipped, and eleven natives and one mestizo 
were hanged. A Spaniard who took part in the riot, 
and died of his wounds in hospital, was exposed on 
the gibbet. The last one put to death was a lame 
Indian, who was believed to have been the captain 
of the rioters. 22 

A few days later news was received in the capital 
of an Indian revolt at Tlascala. 23 The outbreak had 
taken place on the previous Saturday, that being the 
usual market-day, on which the inhabitants of the 
surrounding country repaired to the city to purchase 

21 Four were captured, but one had died on the night of the 10th, either 
from poison self-administered or from ill-treatment. Sigiienza y G6ngora, 
Carta, MS., 78, says he committed suicide, but Hobles, Diario, ii. 98, states 
'pero uno se mat6 antes con veneno, segun se dijo entonces, y parece que del 
maltrato que le dieron.' 

22 Robhs, Diario, ii. 98-106. Sigiienza y G6ngora, Carta, MS., 78, writ- 
ing August 30th of this year, says that besides the three who were shot, live 
or six were hanged and one burned; and that a few days afterward many were 
whipped, while others were detained in prison awaiting trial. In the Carta 
de un ReUijioso, it is stated that the four Indians captured at the palace were 
executed on Monday the 9th, and mention is made of the other executions. 
Cavo, Tres Stylos, ii. 82, says that eight of the populace who were found to 
have been implicated in the outbreak were executed, and many others con- 
demned to be whipped. He is indorsed by Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 275. The 
statements of Itobles are to be preferred in this instance, as he gives from day 
to day the more important events of this period. Various decrees were issued 
relating to the conduct of the natives. On June 10th they were forbidden 
under penalty of death to collect on the streets in groups of more than five; 
two days later all those residing in the Spanish quarter were ordered to re- 
move to the native wards, but this ordinance does not appear to have been 
obeyed until the 15th, when it was repeated. 

23 On the 10th of June, during the absence of the governor and principal 
lords of Tlascala, who had repaired to the capital to tender their services. 


provisions. The load of maize was then worth five 
pesos, but the natives from two adjoining towns de- 
manded that it should be sold for less, whereupon the 
alcalde mayor, Fernando de Bustamante, finally con- 
sented to make a reduction of one peso. This, how- 
ever, did not pacify them, and they immediately seized 
upon the maize lying in the plaza. Without a suffi- 
cient force to support his authority, the alcalde mayor 
knew that it would be vain to oppose them, and they 
were allowed to carry off the maize unmolested. 
About midday, however, noting an increasing excite- 
ment among the natives, and fearing an outbreak sim- 
ilar to the one in the capital, he caused a drum to be 
beaten in the streets as a signal for the Spaniards to 
muster at the city hall. It was now two o'clock, and 
but six Spaniards had answered the summons, when 
a large body of natives gathered around the building, 
and meeting with no opposition, set fire to it. The 
alcalde and his companions stood to their post until a 
reenforcement of twenty citizens enabled them to 
attack and disperse the rioters. Assistance soon ar- 
rived from different points, including a company of 
cavalry from the capital. Order was restored, and 
the principal rioters punished; but during the dis- 
turbance the greater part of the city hall was de- 
stroyed, and one hundred natives and three Spaniards 
killed. 24 

Quiet was now restored 25 in the capital and through- 
out the kingdom. On the 16th the cabildo met for 

24 Sixty of the rioters were executed. Sigiienzay Gdngora, Carta, MS., 80; 
Holies, Diario, ii. 9S-104. The Carta de un lieligioso, 237, gives a some- 
what different account. The scene of the riot is placed at Santa Cruz, a 
native town of some 7,000 inhabitants, in the vicinity of Tlascala. The riot- 
ers sought to kill the alcalde mayor, who, however, escaped; the religious 
appeared with the host, but were stoned and compelled to take refuge in the 
church; a force of 300 infantry and 100 cavalry was ordered from Vera Cruz; 
and the Tlascalan Indians sent a message to the viceroy protesting their inno- 
cence, and offering to furnish 400 warriors. Cavo, Tres Siglos, make3 no men- 
tion of this affair, llivera, Gob. Mex., i., gives an erroneous account. 

25 Robles, Diario, ii. 103, states that on July 10th intelligence was received 
at the capital of a riot in Guadalajara, in which two oidores had been stoned. 
This, however, was no doubt a false rumor, as no further reference is made to 
it, nor is it mentioned by any other authority. 


the first time since the riot, but the sessions of the 
audiencia were not resumed until the 30th. 26 On this 
latter elate the viceroy made a full report to the crown 
of the riot and of his subsequent measures, which were 
approved. 27 

Habitual intoxication among the natives was justly 
regarded as one of the chief causes of the late out- 
break, and the use or sale of pulque in the city 
was strictly forbidden, though the order was little 
regarded, and to deprive the natives of a beverage to 
the use of which they had been accustomed from 
childhood was a measure of doubtful policy. 23 On 
the 19th of July, the day on which the manufacture 
and sale of the liquor was prohibited throughout New 
Spain under heavy penalties, 29 a mestizo was whipped 
in the capital for having in his possession a pitcher 
of pulque. 30 In a few years, however, its use and sale 
were again permitted. 31 

Neither stalls nor booths were again allowed to be 
erected in the plaza, and in their place a spacious 

26 The cabildo had selected as temporary council rooms the new hall of the 
public granary and the audiencia occupied a portion of the palace. Parian, 
tol Doc, 11-13, m J amos Impresos, i.; Routes, Diarlo, ii. 102 

oJLf^T^ C °\ D ° C " U J Ri r™> Gob - Mex - l 275 - Galve suspended the 
captain of the palace guard and sent him to the fortress of Uliia, pending the 
investigation of his conduct. This act caused no little surprise and comment 

rArlli m eDing ° f , the ri0t W f $ er \ er&U y *PP L ™ dcd - Carta de 
un Ketigioso, oSo-9. Moreover it was remarked that during the riot the vice- 
roy had remained securely guarded within the walls of a convent The can- 
tarn was reinstated. Routes, Diarlo, ii. 9G, 100. l 

»ff T fi i e I iCC !?^ Lad P revi0llsl y written to the king in regard to its evil 
effects .,buo nothing appears to have been done. Sigiienm yGdngora, Carta, 
W nn Vh* m Ires W°\*- ^3, believes that a book written about this 
p^! °?v evils n cansed ^ «\e excessive use of pulque was due to the influ- 
enc ? of Viceroy Galve - Sce also R °ble8, Diarlo, ii. <JG-7 

hJ* i, Pe U n l iJ for SP a . niards was 200 pesos, and for Indians, whipping and' 
hard labor. Robles, Diarlo, ii. 103-4. L * 

tl^ 3 ! ^ 1 ^?!^ 11 ^ 3 *^ 116 ^ 186 °/ mattin S s in the P^za was prohibited, and on 
the loth of this month all roofs composed of shingles were ordered to be re- 

S^ 1 ? 2 t ho r S ; A11 1 nat l ves were foi bidden to appear in the streets 
?L^l o? F i 1Ca afte L da ? ; and a few days later they were forbidden to wear 
shoes or cloaks. Mestizos were compelled to present themselves, and were 

Tref^nlf ••° of 7r T$*' RoUeS > Diario > il 103 ~ 4 - According to Cavo, 
*hJL.l? I 7 e Indians were compelled to cut off their forelock, and 
and drcsT ° rm t0 the nativc custom in the manner of wearing their hair 

ii. 173 hQ baratiU ° was not finall y abolished until 100G. Ccdulas Reates, MS., 


stone building was begun in 1G95, and, with the ex- 
ception of certain parts of its interior, finished in 
1703. It was first called the Alcaiceria de la Plaza 
Mayor, because built after the manner of the raw 
silk market in Manila. Its name was soon afterward 
changed to the Parian. 32 

During the next year nothing worthy of note 
occurred in the capital. 33 In 1G93 the rebuilding of 
the palace was begun, and in course of time this 
structure assumed magnificent proportions. Although 
occupied in 1697 by Viceroy Montezuma, it was not 
completed until nearly a hundred years later. 34 

About the end of the eighteenth century the palace 
is described as a magnificent building, covering four 
squares, and exceeding in extent the largest building 
in Madrid. It had a handsome facade, and within 
were three courtyards, each communicating with the 
other. Facing the largest of the three were situated 
the halls of the audiencia, with all its offices, and those 
of the other tribunals. This was called the palace 
court to distinguish it from the others, and a fountain, 
whose central figure was a bronze horse, occupied its 
center. Here also was the principal entrance to the 
palace. Adjoining this court was that on which the 
viceregal apartments faced, a series of spacious rooms 
occupying the upper portion of the building and 

32 So called because its interior resembled that of the oriental bazaar. In 
1703 the building, with 98 stalls, was completed, at a cost of 97,G52 pesos; 
between 1757 and'1794 83 more were added, making in all 181 stalls, and the 
total cost of the building 141,570 pesos. Parian, Col. Doc, 1-2, 22, 49; 
Dice. Univ.,v. 738-9. 

3J The maintenance of order in the city was henceforth assured by the or- 
ganization of two regiments of militia. Notwithstanding the frequent orders 
of the crown, the two cavalry companies formed on the 9th of June and sup- 
ported by the royal treasury were not abolished until the end of 1G9G. Parian, 
Col. Doc, 13—16. The final decree abolishing them was dated Oct. 9, 1G9G. 

31 Work on the palace was begun about the middle of February under the 
direction of Fray Diego de Valverde, an Augustine friar. JRobles, Diario, ii. 
125-6. During the administration of Viceroy Galve the sum of 195,5-14 pesos 
was expended in the work. In future administrations appropriations of a 
greater or less amount were made, that during the rule of Viceroy Flores, 
J 7<-7-9, being the last. According to an official report made in 1792 by order 
of Viceroy llcvilla Gigedo, the total amount expended in its reconstruction 
was 781, G07 pesos. Alaman, Diaert. Hist. Mex., iii. app. 100-2. 


fronting on trie main plaza. In the rear of this was 
situated the third court, occupied by the quarters of 
the palace guard. A series of spacious apartments 
also fronted on the plazuela del Volador; and besides 
the mint, a separate building within the palace walls, 
there was an extensive garden for the recreation of 
the viceroys. 35 

Though the scarcity of grain continued during the 
three following years, it was only in a slight degree 
and for brief periods; but in 1696 the danger of famine 
was so great that another outbreak was threatened, 
and was prevented only by the most energetic meas- 
ures. 36 

During Galve's rule the province of New Mexico 
was reconquered after a series of attempts extending 
over a period of nearly fourteen years. In August 
1680 this territory was the scene of the most serious 
revolt that had occurred since the conquest of Mexico. 
All was arranged for a given day throughout the ter- 
ritory. Four hundred Spaniards, including twenty- 
five Franciscan friars, were slaughtered by the natives, 
and the survivors compelled to abandon the province. 
During subsequent years numerous expeditions were 
sent out by the successive governors to reoccupy it, 
but notwithstanding the quarrels among themselves 
the natives successfully resisted all attempts to sub- 
jugate them until 1694. 

In 1692 an expedition recaptured without blood- 

85 Estrdla, xxvi. 264-7, 27S-9. 

3G Bob!es, Diario, ii. 130-71. Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 84-5, states that in 
1694, owing to the great scarcity, an epidemic appeared which carried off 
thousands of the people. Lorenzana, Hist. JV. Spain, 28, and Panes, Vireyes, 
MS., also speak of a pestilence in this year, which they imply was a divine 
punishment visited on the rioters. I am disposed to reject these statements; 
for E,obles, whose Diario is a diary of the important events of this period, 
makes no mention of any pestilence between 1G92 and 1GD6, excepting an 
epidemic in a convent of the capital which in April 1695 carried off six nuns. 
An epidemic of measles appeared in the city of Puebla in September 1692, 
and in one parish alone carried off 3,000 children. Itobles, Diario, ii. 110; Ri- 
vera, Diario, 75. This latter authority calls this event 'a horrible pestilence, 
...attributed to the prohibition of pulque.' Carlos Maria Bustamante was 
the editor of this work, as also that of Cavo, Tres S'xjlos, both of which con- 
tain many interpolations, and the connection between the above absurd 


shed the capital of New Mexico, and received the 
submission of several other towns. In 1606 another 
revolt occurred, in which five missionaries and twenty 
colonists lost their lives and many towns were aban- 
doned, but before the end of the year quiet was re- 
stored. Henceforth the natives continued submissive 
to Spanish rule. 37 

Owing to ill-health the viceroy had several times 
asked to be relieved, and his petition was finally 
granted in July of 1G95. He left Mexico City on 
the 10th of May of the following year, and died soon 
after his arrival in Spain. His justice, moderation, 
zeal, and ability won for him the esteem of the people 
and the approval of the crown. At his residencia the 
oidor Charcon brought thirty charges against him, 
but failing to prove them was banished from the city. 


Prominent among noted Mexicans of colonial times stands Carlos de Sig- 
fienza y Gongora, a man of learning and varied attainments. A native of the 
capital, where he was born in 1G45, he inherited his taste for study from his 
father, Curios de Sigiienza, a man of superior intelligence who had in his 
native country been instructor to the prince Don Baltazar Carlos. At an 
early age he gave indications of possessing talents of a high order, and at 
seventeen such was the proficiency which he had attained in literature, 
mathematics, physics, and astronomy, that in Mexico, a country then almost 
void of educational facilities, he was regarded as a prodigy. This drew upon 
him the attention of the Jesuits, in whose order at that time centred the 
learning of New Spain. Seduced by the wiles of these crafty fathers, as 
some authors assert, Sigiienza, after a novitiate of less than two years at the 
college of Tepotzotlan, took his first vows on the fifteenth of August 1G62. 
Under the instruction of the Jesuits, which at this period j)roduced a Cl a . 
vigero and an Alegre, Sigiienza continued his studies, perfecting himself in the 
classics, and acquiring the superior literary judgment and taste for archaeolog- 
ical studies which in later times added to his fame. After a few j^ears' stay 
among the Jesuits, in his twentieth year he abandoned them and retired to 
the hospital of Amor de Dios in Mexico City, of which he had been appointed 
chaplain. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 93, is the only author who gives any motive 

statement and that of Cavo, already cited, disproving the prohibition of 
pulque, is only too apparent. Besides, Robles, who derived his information 
from the same source as the so-called Rivera, Diario, makes no allusion to 
this fact. 

37 JJ/.st. N. Mex. States, i. 374-5, this series. 

"JRobles, Diario, ii. 193-8, 214; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. G8; Ri- 
vera, Gob. Mex., i. 278. 


for this act. He states that it was done at the instance of Sigiienza's father. 
Though his fame was now daily increasing and honors began to be showered 
upon him, nothing could induce him to leave his retirement. Carlos II. 
appointed him royal cosmographer, and confirmed his appointment to the 
chair of mathematics in the University of Mexico. His fame even reached 
the court of Louis the Great, who vainly offered him appointments and pen- 
sions. When not engaged in attending to his duties at the hospital, or in 
acts of charity, his time was devoted to study. 

Associated with the celebrated writer on ancient Mexican history, Ixtlil- 
xochitl, Sigiienza perfected his knowledge of the language and history of the 
Aztecs. Ixtlilxochitl, at his death, left all his papers to Sigiienza, as the 
person best fitted to write the history of his ancestors, and of whom he spoke 
as his ' friend in the sciences and teacher in virtue.' In 1693 he was commis- 
sioned by Viceroy Galve to assist in the exploration of the gulf coast. He 
examined the coast as far as Mobile Bay, which he explored, as also that of 
Pensacola, and the mouth of the Mississippi River. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 
p. x; Granados, Tardes Amer., 414; Museo Mex., ii. 471-3. His report of 
this expedition was written upon his return, under the title of Description de 
la Bahia de Santa Maria de Galve, de la Moblla y rio de la Palizada 6 Missis- 
sippi, en la costa septentrional del Seno Mexicano. A manuscript signed by 
Sigiienza, entitled Reconocimiento de la Bahia de Panzacola en Florida, prob- 
ably the same as the foregoing, has been preserved in the collection of the 
late Don Jose" Fernando Ramirez. His first published work was the Pri- 
mavera Indiana, a sacred poem describing the apparition of our Lady of 
Guadalupe of Mexico. Beristain states that it appeared in 1662, and subse- 
quently in 1668 and 1683, but Vetancurt, Teatro Mex., p. x, mentions the 
edition of 1668 only. Between 1667 and 1682, two more poems of a sacred 
character were published, and in 1681 his celebrated Manifiesto filosofico con- 
tra los cometas appeared. His theory was immediately attacked by three 
prominent scholars, among whom was the subsequently famous Jesuit mis- 
sionary, Father Eusebio Kino, recently arrived in Mexico. To this latter 
Sigiienza successfully replied with a pamphlet entitled Libra Astronomica, 
published in 1690. To another, Martin de la Torre, a Flemish gentleman, he 
replied with his El Belorofonte Matemdtico, contra Ice quimera astroldgica de 
D. Martin de la Torre, which according to Beristain was never issued. In 
1684 the Parayso Occidental, was published. From 1690 to 1693, several 
works were printed treating of special historical subjects, and in 1693, the 
Mercurio Volante appeared, which was extended to four volumes, and was 
probably the first newspaper published in New Spain. His last work was El 
Oriental Planeta Evangelico, which appeared in 1700, shortly after his death. 
The most valuable as well as the most numerous of his writings, however, 
were those he left in manuscript. Besides the papers of Ixtlilxochitl, he pos- 
sessed those of Chimalpain Pomar, Gutierrez de Santa Clara, and Zurita, all 
writers on antiquities excepting the last named. With the aid of these he 
pursued his researches in the language, origin, and history of the Aztecs, and 
the results of his labors were embodied in several volumes, among which 
were the Auo Mexicano, Imperio Chichimeco, Fenix del Occidente, and Genea- 
logia de los Emperadores Mexicanos. Nicolas Antonio, Bib. -Hisp.- Nova, i. 


232, cites the Impcrio Chichimeco, as Del Origin de los Jndlos Mexicanos; the 
F< -d'i x del Occldenfe, as De la predication de Santo Tomas Apostol, these and 
the Clclografia Mexicana and Mltologia Mexicana being the only works of 
Siguenza mentioned. The most definite information we have of these works 
is from his friends and companions, Sebastian de Guzman y Cordoba, and 

Guzman, in the preface to Siguenza's Libra Astronomica, which he pub- 
lished, says of the Alio Mexicano, 'this book, though not large in body, has a 
gigantic soul, and Don Carlos only could have given it being.' It is a treatise 
on the Mexican system of chronology. Beginning with the deluge, by com- 
paring the occurrences of eclipses and other events as recorded by both Aztecs 
and the nations of the old world, the historical epochs of the former were ad- 
justed to' the chronology of the latter. The Clclografia Mexicana, also a 
manuscript, and devoted to the same subject, is cited by Nicolas Antonio, 
Pinelo, and other bibliographers as a distinct work, but I am disposed to re- 
gard it with Beristain as another title of the same work. The Imperio Chichi- 
weco, according to Guzman, was a history of the different nations composing 
the Chichimec empire, their customs, religion, and political and military in- 
stitutions; the knowledge of their system of chronology enabling the author 
to correct the errors of previous writers. The Fenix del Occidente, to which in 
modern times has also been given the title oiFenixde la America, was an attempt 
to prove that the apostle Saint Thomas had preached in New Spain, by iden- 
tifying him with Quetzalcoatl. Vetancurt, writing between 1G92 and 1098, 
mentions the Geneologia de los Emperadores Mexicanos. Del Origen de loslndios 
Mexicanos, an account of the origin of the Toltecs, is mentioned by Vetancurt 
and Nicolas Antonio among Siguenza's manuscripts, and the latter also cites the 
Mltologia Mexicana, or the Mexican gods compared with those of the ancient 
Romans, Greeks, and Egyptians, whose existence some authors are inclined 
to doubt, believing that the mythology of Torquemada is confounded with 
the A notaciones criticas, d las obras de Bernal Diaz del Castillo y de Fr. Juan 
de Torquemada, another manuscript by Siguenza. Several other manuscripts 
on religion, politics, science, and biography are mentioned by the various 
bibliographers, the most complete list being given by Beristain, in his Bib. 
Hisp. Amer., 160 etseq. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 581 et seq., gives the extensive 
list of Siguenza's printed and manuscript works, but it is far from complete, 
and the list of manuscripts is taken wholly from Vetancurt and Nicolas An- 
tonio. Among the other authorities who give lists more or less complete, 
chiefly compilations or copies of the foregoing, are Ortiz, Mex. Indep. y Libre, 
192-7; MuseoMex., ii. 471-9; Gallo, Hombres Llus., ii. 351-52; Zamacois, Hist. 
Mdj., v. 490-1. Of all these valuable manuscripts but few now remain, and 
those are exceedingly rare. In the preface to his Parayso Occidental, p. xiv, 
Siguenza laments the want of means to publish his works, and fears that 
they will die with him, a fear which was in part realized. At his death, 
which occurred at Mexico City August 22, 1700, he left to the Jesuits, besides 
his library, twenty-eight volumes of manuscripts. At the expulsion of this 
order in 1707 they were transferred to the university of Mexico, where but 
some eight or nine volumes existed about the beginning of the present cen- 
tury. Among the manuscripts which have survived the inexcusable neglect 


of his countrymen, I have had the good fortune to acquire the rare and valu- 
able Feniz del Occidenie, Anotaciones Griticas, and Aboroto y Motin de los In- 
dicts de Mexico. This last is a full and detailed account of the memorable 
riot in Mexico City of the 8th of June 1G92, written in the form of a letter to 
the Spanish admiral, Andrds de Pez, with permission for its publication. It 
consists of eighty closely written folio pages, in the author's graceful style, 
and with what appears to be his autograph signature. This was never pub- 
lished, and is now quoted for the first time. No mention of it is to be found 
in any of the existing works on bibliography. 

Sigiienza counted among his friends all the prominent persons of his time 
who were attracted to him no less by his modesty and other qualities of heart 
than by those of his superior mind. One of these was the celebrated Mexi- 
can poetess Sor Juana Ines de la Cruz; and on her death, in 1C95, he wrote 
her eulogy. Gemelii Careri sought his friendship, and in his Giro del Mvndo 
has acknowledged the assistance generously given him, and paid a just trib- 
ute to the genius of Sigiienza. His countrymen showed their appreciation of 
his services and their sorrow for his death by a magnificent funeral and gen- 
eral mourning, but no fitting tribute has otherwise been paid to the memory 
of this benefactor of his race. 




More Insurrections in the Capital — The Baratillo Suppressed — Nar- 
row Escape of the Treasure Fleet — Another Famine — Montezuma 
Succeeds Montanez — Fair at Acapulco — Obsequies on the Death of 
Carlos II. — Rejoicings at the Accession of Felipe V. — Montezuma 
Suspected of Disloyalty— A Worthy Ruler Deposed — Jesuit Expe- 
ditions to Lower California. 

On the 27th of February 1696 Juan de Ortega 
Montanez, bishop of Michoacan, succeeded Galve as 
viceroy of New Spain, his rule lasting only until the 
18th of December following. 1 Between 1662 and 
1673 he was inquisitor of Mexico, and in the latter 
year was appointed bishop of Guadiana, but did not 
take possession of that see, since in 1675 he was pro- 
moted to the bishopric of Guatemala, and being con- 
secrated the same year left Mexico in December. In 
1682 he was again transferred, and assumed the prel- 
acy of Michoacan two 3^ears later. A rigid discipli- 
narian in church government, he was no less exact in 
the performance of his political duties; and though 
zealous in maintaining the dignity of his rank, he was 
generous withal and kind-hearted. 

Exactly one month after the instalment of Mon- 
tanez a serious riot occurred, headed by the students 

1 In 1G95 the conde de Cafiete was appointed viceroy, but did not arrive, 
owing to bis inability to pay 300,000 pesos which he had promised for the 
office. On the 21st of January 1G9G a despatch was received appointing Dr 
Manuel Fernandez de Santa Cruz, the bishop of Puebla, viceroy, but he refused 
to accept the administration. A second despatch named Ortega as viceroy. 
Eobka, Diario, in Doc. Hint. Alex., 1st ser., iii. 140-1, 181, 186, 189-91. 



of the university, during which the pillory in the 
public square was burned. On the following day 
the authorities, having taken the necessary precau- 
tions to prevent disturbance, proceeded to erect an- 
other pillory. The collection of stalls and traders' 
tables, which had been replaced after the fire of 1692, 
and more especially the baratillo, where second-hand 
and stolen goods were bought and sold, were still re- 
sorted to by idlers and vagabonds, thieves and assas- 
sins. Thither congregated the vicious of all classes, 
including also the students of the university, and the 
suppression of such haunts of vice and crime was nec- 
essary. The new viceroy accordingly issued a decree 
ordering the removal of all trading stalls, especially 
the baratillo, the reerection of which in any part of 
the city he prohibited under pain of death. Ortega's 
measures met with opposition, but were nevertheless 
carried out, though it was necessary that for some 
time troops should constantly patrol the streets. 2 

In spite of all precautions, however, a serious plot 
for a general insurrection was discovered at the end 
of April, which was the more dangerous from the 
fact that the Indians of the wards of San Juan and 
Santa Clara possessed fire-arms. The intention of the 
conspirators was to rise on the departure of the flota, 
by which a large number of Spaniards would leave 
Mexico. But the watchful care of the viceroy de- 
tected the plot ; troops were mustered, the palace 
guard doubled, and all necessary measures taken to 
secure peace. 3 

2 The viceroy enjoined the religious orders not to appear frequently in the 
streets or alone. The students of the university were ordered to wear their 
hair after the fashion of those of Salamanca, and also to adopt similar collars. 
Id., 195. Shortly after the erection of the new pillory, a pasquinade was 
found attached to it beginning with the words: 'Nos los inquisidores.' 
Id., 195. S 

3 The crown highly approved of Montanez' action at this crisis, and sent 
instructions to him and the criminal judges to make every effort to keep order 
and suppress assemblages of the idle and vicious. At the same time the vice- 
roy was made to understand that any negligence or want of activity on his 
part would meet with severe displeasure and punishment. Refractory and 
turbulent persons of the lowest class were to be punished by the infliction of 
200 lashes; others in proportion to their rank. Criminal Spaniards were to be 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 17 


The flota was richly laden this year, and its departure 
was postponed until long after the usual date. Al- 
though the fault of the officials, it was a fortunate 
circumstance, for soon it was known that a French 
squadron had been cruising for many weeks off Ha- 
bana in the hope of capturing the treasure ships. 
So long was the fleet detained, however, that the 
enemy supposed their plans discovered, and on the 
same day the Spanish vessels sailed from Vera Cruz 
they turned their prows toward Europe. 4 

The famine which had occurred during the reign of 
Galve was not yet at an end. From all parts of the 
country natives thronged to the capital, begging for 
help to save their families from starving. The mule 
load of corn which usually sold for six reales had now 
risen to ten pesos; and other provisions were propor- 
tionately high. Cattle perished in large numbers for 
want of water, and even poultry dropped dead at the 
homestead door. 5 Every exertion was made by the 
viceroy and clergy to relieve the prevailing distress. 
Ecclesiastics of the city even sold their books in order 
to supply food to those in need, but in the country 
thousands were left to starve. The rural clergy seem 
to have acquired the passion for wealth which marked 
the encomenderos, and during this period of suffering 
they withheld the corn which had been sown, reaped, 
and gathered into their garners by the natives. 6 

sent to work under guard in the Philippine Islands, Santo Domingo, Cuba, 
and elsewhere, 'con lo cual no solamente se lograria castigar sino evacuar las 
carceles.' Rivera, Hint. Gob. Mex., i. 281-2. 

i Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 8G-7; Rivera, Hist. Gob. Mex., i. 280-1. Shortly- 
after the departure of the fleet news reached Mexico of the threatened danger. 
Prayers were offered, and a religious procession, attended by the viceroy and 
the archbishop, marched solemnly through the streets of Mexico in honor of 
Nuestra Senora de los Remedios. 

5 The common articles of food rose to prices beyond the reach of the Indians. 
Flour was sold at prices varying from 25 to 30 pesos the carga; beans at the 
same price; sugar at 10 pesos. During the month of August flour fell to 16 
and 14 pesos, owing to a large crop having been gathered from irrigated lands. 
Robles, Diario, ii. 197, 203. 

c The archbishop of Mexico in July of 1G96 informed the king that ecclesi- 
astics who had farms neglected to carry out his orders to supply grain. On 


The last days of Montanez' administration were 
days of mourning caused by news of the death of the 
queen of Spain. For three weeks the city was draped 
with funeral emblems, and religious observances were 
held in honor of the dead. 7 

In October intelligence reached New Spain that 
Jose Sarmiento Valladares, conde de Montezuma, had 
been appointed viceroy. Connected with the dukes 
of Lessa, this ruler obtained his title by marriage with 
Geronima Maria, a lineal descendant of the Mexican 
emperor, and third countess of Montezuma. 8 Accom- 
panied by his wife he took possession of the govern- 
ment on the 18th of December, and on the 2d of 
February following made his public entry into the 
city. 9 

During January and February the attendance at 
the annual fair at Acapulco was unusually large. The 
galleon from the Philippines arrived safely with so 
large and valuable a cargo that eighty thousand pesos 
were paid in custom duties. Merchants from all parts 
of New Spain hastened to the fair; but what caused 
the assembly to be so numerous this year, and trading 
so brisk, was the arrival of a forty-two gun frigate, 
with a number of Peruvian merchants, who brought 
with them two million pesos for the purchase of 
Chinese goods. 10 

While wealth was thus flowing into the country the 

November 4, 1697, a royal cddula was issued ordering that in future they 
should be compelled if necessary to produce all surplus grain. Providencias 
Beetles, MS., 79-80; Ceclulas Beales, MS., 161. 
tBobles, Diario, ii. 205-8. 

8 The viceroy's wife was descended from Pedro Johualicahuatzin, whose 
son accompanied Martin Cort6s, the second marque's del Valle, to Spain, where 
he married Francisco de la Cueva. Vetccncvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. ii. 51-2. 

9 While passing under the triumphal arch erected near the church of Santo 
Domingo, the viceroy's horse shied and threw him. 'Y se le cay6 la cabe- 
llera.' Bobles, Diario, ii. 211. This occurrence augured, it was said, that his 
administration would be far from prosperous. 

_ 10 Many of the visitors died as usual from the effects of the climate. The 
fair closed on February the 25th, on which day and the following severe shocks 
of earthquake caused much damage in Acapulco and the city of Mexico. Cavo, 
Tres Siglos, ii. 89. 


unfortunate inhabitants of the capital were again 
threatened with famine, the crops having failed from 
the usual causes. Provisions became scarce and dear, 
and on the 8th of March a famished multitude rushed 
into the square in front of the viceregal palace, and 
with fierce cries demanded bread. Decisive measures 
had to be adopted to prevent an outbreak. The 
viceroy caused cannon to be planted at the entrances 
to the principal streets, and with the assistance of 
influential persons succeeded in restoring quiet. 
Orders also were issued to the farmers to forward 
at once to the city all the grain on hand. A supply 
sufficient for two months was thus obtained, and by 
the beginning of May corn and wheat began to arrive 
from the tierra caliente, where the second crop of the 
year had been plentiful. 11 

This serious trouble being ended, the viceroy, on 
the 25th of May, took possession of the new palace, 
which, as the reader is aware, had been for some time 
in course of construction. The occasion was celebrated 
with befitting ceremonies. The floors were sprinkled 
with holy water, and the archbishop in sacerdotal 
robes, with uplifted hands, implored a blessing upon 
the future residence of the viceroys of New Spain. 
The benediction availed little however, for in less than 
two short months the conde de Montezuma's daughter 
lay dead within the palace walls. 12 

Intelligence having been received of the arrival in 
Spain of the fleet which had sailed from Vera Cruz in 
the previous year, the safety of which had caused 
much apprehension, a solemn thanksgiving was offered 
in the cathedral, at which service the viceroy and 
members of the different tribunals attended. The 
value of the prize which had thus escaped the French 

11 Two crops were annually raised in the tierra caliente districts. Id., 90. 
The excitement was allayed in part by the arrival of the royal decree per- 
mitting the use of pulque. Id., 91-2; Rivera, Hist. Gob. Mex., i. 284. 

Ia Dofia Fausta Dominica — called by Rivera and Zamacois, Dominga — died 
of small-pox on the lGth of July 1097. Hooks, Diario, ii. 214. 


may be recognized from the fact that the duties paid 
on the treasure and merchandise amounted to four 
hundred and twelve thousand pesos. 13 

The command of the seas by the French, English, 
and Dutch had not only a depressing effect on com- 
merce, but on all the industries of the country, and 
especially that of mining. Quicksilver was so scarce 
this year that the quintal rose from eighty-four pesos 
to three hundred, and the viceroy addressed the gov- 
ernor of the Philippines on the matter, requesting him 
to procure a quantity of the metal in China and ship 
it to Acapulco. News, however, arrived in 1698 that 
a treaty of peace had been concluded. Great was the 
joy at this intelligence; and for a time commerce and 
industries revived. The rejoicing was short-lived 
however, for in May 1701 despatches were received 
from Spain ordering the authorities to put their ports 
in a state of defence against invasion by the English 
and Dutch; and though in the following month these 
instructions were countermanded, in August two sloops 
arrived from the Habana with intelligence that war 
had not been averted. 14 

Meanwhile the death of a Spanish monarch had 
caused the celebration of royal obsequies to be held 
in the city of Mexico, and in all the principal towns 
of New Spain, with the solemnity observed on such 
occasions. Carlos II. died on the 1st of November 
1700, and intelligence reached the capital the 7th of 
March of the following year. A courier clad in black, 
and bearing a banner of the same color, brought the 
tidings. Each half hour of his journey he fired off his 
piece as a salute in honor of the dead king. The de- 

13 Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 90. 

li Robles, Diario, ii. 313-15, 326-7. In June an English vessel was driven 
into Vera Cruz by stress of weather, and its crew of 17 men were detained as 
prisoners until an opportunity occurred of sending them to Spain. Two 
reoles a day were allowed each man for his maintenance. Id., 320. War 
broke out again in 1700, and in 1702 the whole Spanish flota was captured 
by the combined English and Dutch fleets. Lerdo de Tejada. Apunt. Hint.. 


spatchcs he bore conveyed the instructions of the queen 
regent Mariana de Ncoburgo relative to the ceremo- 
nials to be observed, and were opened with the usual 

In accordance with her commands the viceroy pro- 
ceeded to arrange the obsequies. Two ministers, con- 
versant with the prescribed etiquette, were promptly 
appointed, and orders despatched to the authorities 
of the different towns instructing them how to con- 
duct the ceremonies. The ayuntamiento of the capi- 
tal was notified to proclaim that the 16th of March 
was appointed for the public demonstration. Ac- 
cordingly on that day a cavalcade with trumpets and 
muffled drums, draped in the insignia of mourning, 
left the cabildo between ten and eleven o'clock in the 
forenoon. These were followed by the mace-bearers 
dressed in black, and after them came the members 
of the audiencia, the alcaldes, alguacil mayor, and 
other authorities with their rods of office. The fu- 
neral cortege in dismal drapery slowly marched to the 
residence of the viceroy, where the king's death was 
publicly proclaimed; then at a given signal the great 
bell of the cathedral was tolled three hundred times. 15 
With the same ceremonies similar proclamations were 
made at the archiepiscopal palace, and at the buildings 
of the inquisition and the cabildo. 

March the 2 2d was appointed by Montezuma as 
the day on which he would receive visits of condo- 
lence from the different tribunals, royal officials, ec- 
clesiastics, and gentry. The obsequies were celebrated 
on the 26th and 27th of April, on the first of which 
days in the afternoon all the bells of the city tolled 
the vespers for the dead, and the ceremonies were 
concluded by the delivery of a Latin oration in eulogy 
of the late king. On the following sunrise the ser- 
vice for the dead was chanted in the churches, the 
viceroy, archbishop, and nobility attending at the 

15 'A que correspondieron las campanas de setenta y una iglesias, que Labia 
eu Mexico, y en sus arrabales.' Cavo, Tres Siylos, ii. OU-9. 


cathedral. A funeral sermon terminated the observ- 

ances. 16 

But previous to the performance of the latter cere- 
monies, others of a different character were celebrated 
on the 4th and 5th of April on account of the acces- 
sion of Felipe V. to the throne of Spain. Appointed 
sovereign by the will of Carlos II. , his reign was a 
turbulent one for many years; since the transfer of 
the regal power from the house of Austria to that 
of the Bourbons involved both Spain and France 
in a war with the combined nations of Europe; nor 
can Felipe be considered to have been securely seated 
on the throne until the treaty of Utrecht in January 
1712. During the first years of the struggle the 
power of Spain was weakened by civil factions, 17 and 
much opposition was shown to the change of dynasty; 
yet Mexico at once espoused the cause of Felipe's 
party. Thus it was that on the first named day the 
church bells were pealed, the royal standard unfurled, 
and the viceroy, audiencia, and all authorities and 
officials took the oath of allegiance on a beautifully 
ornamented platform erected in front of the palace. 
This being done, numbers of caged rabbits, pigeons, 
and other birds were set free, while a royal salute was 
fired by the musketeers. On the following day thanks- 
givings were offered in the cathedral, the mass of the 
most holy trinity chanted, and a procession formed. 
In the afternoon a parade of infantry was held before 
the palace, 18 and during the night pyrotechnic displays 
enlivened the scene. 

Although the viceroy took the customary oath of 
allegiance to Felipe an opinion seems to have pre- 
vailed that before the death of Carlos he was opposed 

16 Mourning was ordered to be worn for six months. fiobles, Diario, ii. 
307, 312-13. The viceroy, in order to prevent the exactions of merchants 
who had bought all the mourning material, fixed the price of it. Cavo, Tres 
Siylos, ii. 97. 

17 As late as June 1707 the inquisition issued an edict ordering all subjects 
secular or ecclesiastic to obey the king, under pain of excommunication. Or- 
denes de la Corona, MS., vi. 135. 

18 Three hundred and seventy men mustered on the occasion. Robles, 


to the prospect of a Bourbon successor to the throne 
of Spain; but more than this, it was whispered that 
in the event of the monarch's decease, he might be 
inclined to favor the independence of New Spain, 
and establish himself as its king. 19 Whether Felipe 
apprehended any such possible defection or not, it 
is certain that he recalled Montezuma shortly after 
his accession, for in November 1701 a cedula arrived 
from Spain appointing the oidor, Juan de Escalante, 
as the juez de residencia of the outgoing viceroy, 20 
Montanez, having been reappointed to the viceregal 
chair six months previously. 

On the 13th of May following, the conde de Mon- 
tezuma left for Spain, the countess having preceded 
him, accompanied by the wives of the oidores. Most 
writers concur in reo^ardin^ his administration as a 
wdse and prudent one. He certainly exerted himself 
in improving the social condition of the capital, and 
was especially active in the suppression of robbers 
and criminals. With this object he organized an 
efficient police force, and enacted severe regulations 
for the punishment of evil-doers. 21 The riots in 1692 

19 Mr Vernon, English secretary of state, in letters addressed at the period 
to the duke of Shrewsbury, makes the following statement: 'It is said that 
Montezuma, viceroy of Mexico, would not suffer their plate to come into the 
hands of the French, and the orders from Spain would not be obeyed while 
they were looked upon to be under the influence of France.' A more remark- 
able passage written in June 1699 reads thus: 'The Indians there are very 
earnest with the countess of Montezuma, who is descended of their race, that 
she would take upon her the title of queen, which she seems willing to 
accept; but the conde, her husband, refuses it as yet, though it is thought 
if the king of Spain dies he will set up for himself.' Edinburgh Review, Oct. 
1841, 131. Completely at variance with the above is Bustamante's state- 
ment that he caused the destruction of all Aztec relics in order to obliterate 
all traces of his ancestors ' por congraciarse con la corte de Madrid.' Leon y 
Gama, Dos Piedras, 81-2, note. As I cannot discover that Montezuma was 
connected with the roj-al family of the Aztec monarch otherwise than by 
marriage and the assumption of the name, Bustamante's deduction seems 
groundless, and I prefer to attribute the viceroy's action to religious bigotry. 

20 The auto de residencia was proclaimed on the 19th of the same month, 
both in the Castilian and Mexican languages. liobles, Diario, 339; consult 
also 331, 333. 

21 On the 15th of June there were 200 prisoners confined in the principal 
jail of the city. On the 28th of August the miscreants attempted to escape. 
They made a large hole in the outer wall, and severely wounded the jailer 
and porter before they were overpowered. On the following day seven of 
the ringleaders were publicly flogged through the streets. Id., 32G-8. 


indicated to him the necessity of a more generous 
treatment of the Indians, and the measures which he 
adopted for their relief during times of scarcity were 
energetic and effective. He caused, moreover, the 
fortifications of the city, which were in a wretched 
condition, to be put in a better state of defence, while 
measures were also taken for the protection of the 
coast during war time. 

During his administration physical phenomena from 
time to time caused distress and damage. Earth- 
quakes destroyed houses and occasioned loss of life; 
and an eruption of the volcano Popocatepetl in 1697 
caused much destruction in the surrounding country. 
The same year the capital was again inundated, owing 
to the unusually heavy rains, whereupon the viceroy, 
aided by contributions, caused the drainage and 
sewers to be put in order and improved. Indeed, in 
all cases of calamity he was ever prompt in devising 
means of relief. Though for political reasons the 
king may have deemed it prudent to recall him, it 
cannot be denied that he did his utmost for the wel- 
fare of New Spain. 22 

It was during the administration of Montezuma 
that the pacification of Lower California was begun 
by the Jesuits. The settlement of this country had 
been frequently attempted during the last century, 
but no success had attended previous efforts. Expedi- 
tion after expedition under different leaders, most nota- 
ble among whom were Ortega, Casanate, and Otondo, 
had successively failed/ 3 and in 1686 the audiencia 

22 In 1699 Carlos II. , by cedula of the 27th of February, granted to Mon- 
tezuma and his heirs a pension of 4,000 ducados, with the title of duke of 
Atlixco. This grant was ratified by Felipe V. in 1704, and again by Fer- 
nando VI. in 1752. Reales Cedillas, MS., 10-11, 30-42. In Certif. de las 
Mercedes, MS., 181-2, the amount is given as 4,000 pesos, and the date of the 
cedula as February 17, 1699. The income was payable from Indian tributes 
in Peru, Guatemala, and Campeche. Later orders made it payable from trib- 
utes collected in Yucatan. The duquesa de Atlixco was the last heir to whom 
it was paid, probably in 1758. 

ffl For full particulars of these expeditions see Hist. N. Ilex. States, i. 153 
et seq., this series. 


abandoned the idea of conquest by force of arms. The 
oidores, however, considered that the subjugation of 
the Indians could be accomplished by the Jesuits and 
proposed that they should make the attempt, the ex- 
penses incurred being paid by the crown. The pro- 
vincial of the order saw fit to decline the offer, alleging 
that the civil and temporal duties which their mission- 
aries would be obliged to undertake would be incon- 
sistent with the constitution of the society. 

Urged by renewed instructions from Carlos II. to 
omit no means of accomplishing the settlement of 
Lower California, the viceroy in 1690 consulted with 
Otondo relative to the annual cost of the maintenance 
of a presidio on the Peninsula. Otondo was of opinion 
that thirty thousand pesos a year would be sufficient, 
and the viceroy gave orders for an appropriation to 
that amount, but the demand from the court for a 
large sum of money prevented immediate action, and 
the meditated expedition was indefinitely postponed. 
And now notwithstanding their former action the 
Jesuits came forward, and in 1696 proposed to under- 
take the reduction of the natives, and commenced 
collecting alms for that purpose. Viceroy Ortega 
warmly approved the plan, but deemed it proper to 
consult the audiencia as to the advisability of extend- 
ing the necessary license. The oidores displayed an 
inconsistency almost equal to that of the Jesuits, and 
long debated whether it would be right to intrust 
such a matter to a religious order. 

This hesitation caused much astonishment, but it 
was finally arranged that the commission should be 
granted on condition that the society should not make 
any demand upon the royal treasury, and that they 
should take possession of the country in the name 
of Carlos II. The audiencia, however, conceded to 
fathers Salvatierra and Kino, the promoters of the 
enterprise, and to their successors, the right to select 
the troops and officers which might be required, and 
to discharge them when they deemed it necessary, after 


first advising the viceroy. The particulars of the op- 
erations of the Jesuits belong properly to the history 
of Lower California, in which an account of their pro- 
ceedings will be given; suffice it to say that their ef- 
forts were successful, and permanent settlements were 
established in the country. 24 

2 * Consult Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 63-4, 69-70, 75-6, 87-8, and Hist. North 
Hex. States, i. passim, this series. 




Montanez Viceroy for a Second Term — His Formal Entry into the 
Capital — Loss of Treasure Ships — The Hermandad and Acorda- 
da — Montanez Appointed Archbishop of Mexico — Alburquerque's 
Reign — His Character Illustrated — Captain Dampier Once More 
in the South Sea — A Privateering Expedition Fitted Out by Bris- 
tol Merchants — A Motley Crowd on Board the Ships — Their 
Voyage round the World — Enormous Profits of the Enterprise — 
Linares' Administration — Earthquake, Famine, and Flood — Con- 
traband Trading — Valero's Rule — Attempted Assassination — Cor- 
sairs in Yucatan. 

On the 4th of November 1701 Montanez for the 
second time took office as viceroy, 1 though his formal 
entry into the city was delayed until the 29th of Jan- 
uary in the following year. On that day the digni- 
taries of the church were ordered to assist at the 
ceremony, arrayed in their surplices, and the religious 
orders to appear in fitting garb, carrying uplifted 
crosses. 2 The cathedral was handsomely decorated; 
the pillars were hung with tapestry ; and on the grand 
altar innumerable tapers stood ready to light up the 
building, should the viceroy make his entry by night. 
Stages were erected in suitable places, and arches of 

1 On the day of his assuming office he received the papal bulls and the 
pallium. jRobles, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 332. 

2 All obeyed except the Carmen and San Hip61ito orders. The former 
refused under the plea that, according to their constitution, and the privi- 
leges granted them by the apostolic see, they were not required to appear in 
processions except at public prayers. Nevertheless, out of compliment to his 
Excellency, they allowed six of their number to attend. The latter declined 
on the ground that they were not allowed to take precedence over the Beth- 
lehemites. Id., 365-G. 



tule extended from the cathedral to the street of San 
Francisco, where stood the profesa. The church of 
Vera Cruz, whence the procession was to set forth, 
was decked with costly draperies; those in the hall 
of knights, where seats were provided for his Excel- 
lency and the members of the chapter, excelling all 
others in taste and beauty of design. 

When all was in readiness the archbishop, escorted 
by his body guard of cavalry and a company of halber- 
diers, proceeded to the church of Vera Cruz, and half 
an hour later the members of the chapter left the 
principal door of the cathedral to pay their respects. 
In front rode the verger in his white robe of office. 
Then came the prebendaries in carriages, in the order 
of their seniority, followed by the precentor, the dean, 
and the secretary of the cabildo. As soon as the 
ecclesiastics had withdrawn, the city cavalry, preceded 
by trumpeters and drummers, escorted to the church 
the ministers of state, the alguaciles, regidores, alcal- 
des, and the corregidor, who in the order mentioned 
saluted the viceroy. The procession was then formed, 
and Montanez was conducted to the presbytery, where 
he took his seat on the viceregal throne; and his 
mantle being removed, he was robed in the vestments 
and regalia of office. Incense was then burned; the 
te deum chanted; the viceroy returned to his palace, 
and the procession was dismissed. 

The first administration of Montanez lasted, as will 
be remembered, but ten months; the second continued 
for less than thirteen months; and during his latter 
term of office the events which occurred in Europe 
boded evil to the Spanish provinces. After the com- 
plications that followed the decease of Carlos II. had 
culminated in the war which commenced in Austria, 
in May 1702, the shores of New Spain were liable 
to invasion from the armaments of the two greatest 
naval powers in Europe. Moreover the oceans were 
still scoured by cruisers ever on the alert to pounce 
on the Spanish treasure ships, and no vessel contain- 


ing treasure was now despatched without the escort 
of several men of war. At Vera Cruz a vast amount 
of gold and silver was stored, awaiting convoy, and 
on the arrival of a French squadron under the count 
de Chateau Renaud, was placed on board the fleet. 
Eluding an English squadron that lay in wait in 
Tortuguilla Sound, the flota arrived in safety off 
Cadiz; but finding that harbor closely blockaded by 
the enemy, sailed for the port of Vigo. There they 
were attacked by a powerful squadron; several vessels 
were captured; the remainder were sunk, and treasure 
amounting to at least seventeen million pesos lies 
buried to this day on that portion of the coast of 
Galicia, all efforts to recover it having as yet proved 
unsuccessful. 3 

At the close of 1701 Montanez received orders to 
garrison Vera Cruz with a force of six thousand men; 
for during that year it became e>ident that war could 
not be averted, and the Spanish provinces in America 
offered no more tempting prize to a hostile armament. 
The viceroy lost no time in placing this and other 
ports in New Spain in a thorough state of defense. 
On the 4th of February 1702 he issued a proclama- 
tion warning his subjects of the impending danger, 
and inviting all single men to proceed to Vera Cruz 
in the service of his Majesty, promising them liberal 
pay and kind treatment. He also caused the arrest 
of all idlers, thus inducing many to enlist as volun- 
teers. It is related that on one occasion, after visit- 
ing the jail, he repaired to the criminal court, and 
finding there a number of men listening to the plead- 
ings of the lawyers, marched them off to prison, de- 
claring that persons who had nothing better to do 
were not earning an honest livelihood, and must be 
treated as vagrants. 

But New Spain had within her own borders ene- 

3 Alaman, Discrt., iii. app. 46-7; confirmed by Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
i. 10G. Zamacois states that the amount shipped on board the treasure fleet 
was 38,500,000 pesos, of which sum the Spaniards landed 12,000,000 at Vigo, 
leaving 26,500,000 pesos unaccounted for. Hist, Mcj., v. 513-14. 


mies do less dreaded than were the English and the 
Dutch. The Chichimecs, Otomis, and other native 
tribes, who, though often defeated, had never been 
brought under subjection, infested the provinces, plun- 
dering the settlements and rendering travel unsafe. 
To add to this evil the community was kept in constant 
alarm by organized bands of brigands, who almost 
held possession of many of the public highways, and 
neither treasure, merchandise, nor traveller could pass 
along 1 them without a strong escort. 

All efforts to remedy this evil had proved unavail- 
ing. The courts of justice were corrupt, especially 
the criminal court. In Viceroy Linares' instructions 
to his successor we have a startling description of the 
irregularities which prevailed during his administra- 
tion and long previously. The despatch of business, 
no matter how important, was continually left to the 
clerks, and perjury and false testimony constantly 
admitted without any attempt to punish the false wit- 
nesses. Rich criminals laughed at the idea of meet- 
ing with their deserts, but the poor were treated with 
the utmost rigor, the wives and children of any who 
escaped from justice being reduced to slavery. The 
members of this tribunal paid no heed to the orders 
of the aucliencia, and the alcaldes may ores perjured 
themselves, violated their obligations, and both gave 
and received bribes. A portion of the gains of brig- 
andage sufficed to procure immunity for the robber, 
and even the judges sent by the audiencia to investi- 
gate cases of appeal gave their decision in favor of the 
richer contestants. 4 

In view of this state of affairs the viceroy deter- 
mined to invest the court of the santa hermandad 
with greater and more unrestricted powers, and the 
dreaded tribunal known as the acordada was finally 
established. I will now give some account of the 
functions and previous operations of the santa her- 
mandad from which the acordada was developed, to- 

'Instruc. Vireijcs, MS., 6-10, 13-14, 68-71. 


gcthcr with a brief description of the operations of 
the latter until it was abolished early in the nineteenth 

As early as 1553 highwaymen had become so 
troublesome that for the security of the public roads 
the santa hermandad was established in New Spain. 5 
This force originated in Spain at an early date, and 
was composed of bands of associated citizens or broth- 
ers — as the name implies — who, unassisted by the 
government, patrolled the highways as a protection 
against bandits and robbers, and as a check against 
the lawlessness of the aristocracy. The utility of such 
armed bodies, and the benefits which peaceful persons 
and communities derived from their vigilance, gained 
for them various privileges from the kings of Spain, 
as well as the distinguishing title of holy brotherhood. 
In time they became a recognized power in the land, 
and laws were promulgated conferring on them a cer- 
tain jurisdiction, and defining their duties. In 1498 
the original system of confederated associations was 
abolished, owing to the establishment of better order 
in the kingdom, and the santa hermandad was con- 
verted into a police force and tribunal. An organized 
court of the santa hermandad was presided over by 
two alcaldes, and was composed of a proportionate 
number of alguaciles and the officers of the patrol 
parties. It had the power to arrest malefactors and 
try them. In 1631 a royal ce'dula was issued order- 
ing the appointment of alcaldes de la hermandad in 
all cities and towns of the Indies. These officers were 
distinguished by the name of provinciales. 6 

But little is known of the operations of the santa 
hermandad in New Spain down to the end of the 

5 Cavo, Tres Siglos, i. 162. 

6 The provinciales received a salary of 100,000 maravedis payable out of 
the fines of the tribunal court. As a matter of course these positions were 
made salable to the highest bidder. They were ' renuneiables perpetua- 
mente, en la forma, y con el gravamen, que los demas oficios vendibles de las 
Indias.' Recop. de Ind., ii. 133-4. Calle, Mem. y Not., 119, has this note: 
'Escriuano publico del juzgado del Prouincial de la Hermandad, es oficio 
uueuo, vendido en 700. tostoiies en el afio de 1045.' 


seventeenth century; but to judge from the contin- 
ually increasing numbers and depredations of robbers, 
it could not have been an efficient force. 7 

In 1710, at the urgent request of the inhabitants 
of Queretaro, Miguel Velazquez de Lorea, a native of 
that city, was appointed as provincial alcalde of the 
santa hermandad in that district. 8 The energy of 
this officer and his success in the suppression of brig- 
andage were so great that later his powers were 
greatly increased. Hitherto the tribunal of the 
santa hermandad had been subordinate and responsi- 
ble to the criminal court at Mexico; in 1719 it was 
ordered that the sentences pronounced by Velazquez 
should be final, and he was exempted from the obliga- 
tion of reporting his decisions to that tribunal. 9 By 
royal cedula dated May 22, 1722, his conduct was ap- 
proved and he was confirmed in office. From this 
time the acordada may be considered as established 
as an independent tribunal. Velazquez, retaining his 
position of provincial alcalde, was appointed judge of 
the new court, and rigorously did he perform the 
judicial duties of his calling. Scouring the country 
with his men, he assailed the brigands wherever he 
could find them, and none escaped who fell into his 
hands. A hurried trial over, the inexorable judgment 
was passed, and in a few minutes the culprit, having 
been shrived by the court chaplain, was dangling from 
the nearest tree, or was shot through with arrows. 10 

7 Viceroy Alburquerque, whose rule will be mentioned later, exerted him- 
self with great energy to suppress brigandage. A number of highwaymen 
were captured and several executed on a single day. Vetancvrt, Trat. Mex., 
15. In May 1655 a highwayman was taken from a church, whither he had 
fled, and notwithstanding his claim of privilege of sanctuary, and despite 
the excommunication fulminated by the bishop, he was tried and put to 
death. Guijo, Diarlo, 307-8. 

*Cedulario, MS., iii. 115-16. 

9 The proclamation was published ' con acuerdo de la audiencia,' from which 
act the future tribunal received its name of acordada. See Cavo, Tres Slglos, 
ii. 107. 

10 Sigiienza y G6ngora supplies us with the number of criminals whom he 
punished during the period from 1719 to 1732: 'Hizo justicia en quarenta y 
tres reos que ahorc6, en ciento y cincuenta y uno que asaete6, y en setecientos 
treinta y tres que mand6 desterrados a varios Presidios de este Reyno. ' Glo- 
rias de Quere'taro, 30. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 18 


This severity was commended, and Velazquez was 
enjoined to exterminate the banditti whose augment- 
ing numbers had placed the safety of the kingdom in 
jeopardy. His energy and his integrity, which placed 
him above purchase by bribery, won for him alike the 
thanks of the king, 11 viceroys, and people. He died 
at Mexico on the 7th of September 1732, at the age 
of sixty-two, and was buried in the Jesuit church de 
la Profesa. 12 

Jose Velazquez succeeded to his fathers position, 
and made himself equally conspicuous as a suppressor 
of brigandage. 13 On his death, which occurred in 1756, 
the former implored his son not to accept the succes- 
sion to the office which had been conferred in per- 
petuity, 14 and it was therefore bestowed on Jacinto 
Martinez de la Concha, who proved a no less formid- 
able foe to highway robbers than were his predecessors. 
To the end of the century competent chiefs in turn 
presided over the tribunal, among whom may be men- 
tioned Manuel Antonio de Santa Maria, who held the 
office from 1782 to 1808, and made himself celebrated 
by the capture and capital punishment of two no- 
torious robbers named Piedra y Paredes and Pillo 
Madera. 15 

However beneficial such a tribunal was by the pro- 

11 Felipe V. in the cddula of May 22, 1722, conveyed his especial thanks 
to Velazquez for the zeal he had displayed. 

12 Velazquez was deeply lamented; obsequies were paid him, and the 
'Gazeta de Mexico cligno elogio.' Id., 30-1. 

13 For particulars of the numerous bands of robbers which he destroyed 
consult Panes, Vireyes, in Mon. Dom. Esp., MS. 118. From an official report 
dated 1811 giving the number of evil-doers captured and punished by theacor- 
dada down to 1809, it appears that during Jos6 Velazquez' term of office, 
from 1732 to 1736, 3,384 malefactors were made prisonors. Of these 320 suf- 
fered capital punishment; 1955 were distributed among the presidios; 79 
'were flogged, and 432 discharged after punishment or proof of innocence. 
•Columna's Report in Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. app. 3. 

14 Galvez, Instruc, in Museo Mex., i. 300. 

13 Santa Maria captured Piedra y Paredes sometime previous to his seizure 
of Madera. This gave rise to the following popular quartette which was sung 
.at that period : 

'El Seuor Santa Maria 
Tieno que hacer una casa, 
Ya Piedra y Paredes tiene 
Madera solo lc falta.' 

Alaman, Hist. Me'j., iii. app. 73-4. 


tection which it afforded to the royal treasures during 
transportation, and to the community at large, it did 
not give unqualified satisfaction. Its absolute power, 
and the precipitancy with which it hurried through 
the trials of captives, led to the commission of abuses 
and injustice. Though collisions with other judicial 
authorities occurred, and complaints from private in- 
dividuals were frequently preferred against the action 
of lieutenants and comisarios of the acordada, it was 
firmly supported by viceroys and kings during a long 
period. 16 Both the civil and territorial jurisdiction 
of the tribunal was greatly extended, and robbers in 
the distant provinces of Nueva Galicia and Nueva 
Vizcaya learned to dread the name of the acordada, 
which employed nearly two thousand five hundred 
men in its services, while smugglers, vagabonds, and 
petty thieves avoided its servants as they would the 
revenue guards or the city police. 17 

Finally, such representations were made to his 
Majesty with regard to the easy indifference with 
which the lives of his vassals were disposed of, that a 
royal cedula was issued ordering the sentences of the 
acordada not to be carried out without the approval 
of the viceroy, who was invested with the power to 
revoke or modify every form of punishment. 18 The 
result was that within a few years the list of cases 
tried by this tribunal was reduced to one eighth of its 
former number, and the viceroy was of opinion that 
if the ordinary courts of justice were properly admin- 
istered there would be no further need for the former. 

16 The arbitrary form of trial was, however, somewhat modified by royal 
cedula of 21st December 1765, by which it was ordered that the judge should 
be assisted by two asesores, or legal advisers, and that the sentences passed 
after hearing the defender of the accused should be signed by all three. But 
there was no appeal. 

11 The jurisdiction in matters connected with prohibited liquors was also 
conferred upon the acordada. The titles of the chief were also multiplied. 
They were alcalde provincial de la hermandad, juez de la acordada, guarda 
mayor de los caminos, and juez de bebidos pi'ohibidos. Cedulario, MS., iii. 
113-29; Revilla Gigedo, Instruc., 24. 

lb 'Con el dictdmen de una junta, compuesta de un alcalde de corte, el 
asesor del virreynato, y un abogado de toda su confianza.' Id., 25. Azaiiza, 
Ynstruc, MS., 25. 


This change of system did not fail to meet with oppo- 
sition, and occasional disagreements arose between the 
acordada and the superior junta; 19 but these were over- 
come by the persistence of the viceroys. The junta 
could not at first keep pace with the number of cases 
which required its cognizance. When Azanza com- 
menced his administration in 1798, there were fifteen 
hundred prisoners awaiting trial, and his compassion 
induced him to add temporarily two additional coun- 
sellors to the junta in order that the decisions might 
be rendered with more despatch. 20 The measures 
which were successively adopted from this time 
reduced the terror-inspiring acordada to a mere shadow 
of its former power. 

The prison in which offenders were confined by this 
tribunal was built close to the court-room of the 
acordada. In 1 776 it was destroyed by an earthquake, 
but was rebuilt on an enlarged scale. By order of the 
cortes of Cadiz this building was demolished in 1812, 
and the frowning walls and loathsome dungeons of the 
acordada passed from the sight though not from the 
memory of the people of Mexico. 21 

On the conclusion of Montanez' first term as vice- 
roy he had returned to his diocese of Michoacan, 
where for two years and a half he remained in the 
active discharge of his duties. In 1698 the arch- 
bishopric of Mexico became vacant by the death of 
Francisco de Aguiar y Seixas 22 on the 14th of August, 

19 During Azanza's administration from 1798 to 1800 the juez de la acor- 
dada claimed that he could try cases with only one asesor present. The 
viceroy compelled the judge to conform strictly to the terms of the royal 
cedilla, ' pronunciando siempre sus sentencias despues de haber oido la relacion 
del proceso que debia hacer el Escribano y el dictamen de los dos Asesores y 
Defensor de la Casa.' Id., 30-31. ^ 

20 Id., 23-32. 

21 According to the official report of Columna, in Alaman, Hist. Mrj., i. 
app. 3, during the period from 1703 to 1809, 62,900 persons were imprisoned 
by the tribunal. 

' n Francisco de Aguiar was born in Betanzos, Calicia. He successively oc- 
cupied the episcopal chairs of Guadalajara and Michoacan; he was appointed 
archbishop of Mexico in 1G81, Rivera having declined to accept the honor. 
Aguiar was the principal founder of the college at Ninas de Belen; built the 


and in October 1699 the appointment of Montanez as 
his successor arrived in Mexico. In March 1700 he 
took formal possession of his see, and on the 2d of 
January 1702 was invested with the pallium which had 
been received with the pope's bull confirming his ap- 
pointment in the previous November. On the 15th 
of January the new archbishop gave the customary 
banquet in celebration of the ceremony. The guests, 
who were members of the chapter and the audiencia, 
were regaled with every luxury that the country could 
produce, no less than thirty dishes of different kinds 
of fish, meats, game, poultry, and confectionery being 
placed in succession upon the table. 23 Public pageantry 
succeeded religious ceremonies and private feasting. 
On the 29th of the same month the archbishop made 
his public entry into the capital with a solemnity and 
splendor rarely witnessed. 24 

The ecclesiastical administration of Montanez was 
marked by severity ; and his measures of reform were 
carried out. His integrity was unimpeachable, and it 
was on this account that the king appointed him a 
second time viceroy. The zeal which he displayed in 
furthering the completion of the church of Our Lady 
of Guadalupe prompted him personally to solicit alms 
in the streets of Mexico for that purpose. His ad- 
vanced age — for he was seventy years old when he 
assumed the archbishopric — prevented him from visit- 
ing his diocese, but his duties were faithfully performed 
to the last. The date of his decease is uncertain, 25 but 

asylum for insane females, and laid the first stone of the church of Our Lady 
of Guadalupe on March 26, 1695. Concil. Prov., 1, 2, 222-3, 329-30; Rivera, 
Diario, 19; Ddvila, Mem. Hist., pt. i. 28. In 1721 his remains were removed 
from the place where they had been interred and deposited in a sepulchre on 
the right side of the chapel of San Felipe de Jesus. Doc. Hist. Mex., 2 a » serie 
iv. 268. 

23 ' Otros dicen que hubo cincuenta de diversas viandas, asi de pezcados 
esquisitos, como de carnes y aves diferentes.' Robles, Diario, ii. 361-2. The 
banquet lasted from 12 M. till 2:30 p. M. 

24 A full account of the ceremonial will be found in Id., 365-72. 

25 In Concil. Prov., 1, 2, 292, it is stated that he died in 1704; Juarros says 
in 1710. Sosa, Ei^iscoj). Mex., 168, makes this remark: 'no hay la menor 
contradiccion en los autores que senalan el ano de 1708 como el de la mueite 
del Sr Ortega y MontanCs.' Cabrera, Escudo de Armas, 367 et seq. 


as his successor was not appointed till 1711, it is prob- 
able that his death occurred during the preceding 

The next archbishop, Fray Jose Lanciego y Egui- 
laz, did not take possession until the beginning of 
1713, and his consecration took place in November 
of the following year. He administered the affairs 
of the church until 1728, and was conspicuous for his 
piety and charity. Numerous institutions received 
his support, and the most remote districts of his dio- 
cese were visited. Lanciego was an especial friend 
of the Indians, and every month his palace was 
crowded with beggars to whom he distributed alms. 
He died on the 25th of January 1728, and was in- 
terred in the cathedral, a funeral oration being deliv- 
ered by the canonigo magistral Doctor Bartolome 
Felipe de Ita y Parra.' 


In October 1702, the duke of Alburquerque, the 
newly appointed viceroy, arrived at Vera Cruz. 27 A 
few weeks later Montanez, having first despatched 
his nephew, the captain of the guard, to welcome the 
duke, set forth in person to meet him, accompanied 
by a splendid cortege. Alburquerque was a man of 
many titles, and somewhat given to display; never- 
theless his career, which lasted for more than eight 
years, fully justified the enthusiasm with which all 
classes greeted his entrance into the capital. 28 He was 

26 Ita y Parra, Sermon Funeral del Sr Lanciego, passim. 

27 In the same month cedulas were received in which Montanez was 
reproved for alleged malefeasance, deprived of his office and title of viceroy, 
and forbidden to ride, as was his custom, in a carriage drawn by six horses. 
He was also censured for refusing to give precedence to the monks of the 
order of San Diego, and for want of respect to the vicereine. In August 1703, 
further c6dulas arrived threatening him with the inquisition. liobles, JJiario, 
403-6, 4G3-4. 

28 The titles of the new viceroy were duque de Alburquerque, marques de 
Cuellar, conde de Ledesma y Huelma, senor de las villas de Monbeltran, 
Codosera, Lanzaita, Mijares, Pedro Bernardo, Aldea Ddvila, S. Este'van, Vi- 
llarcjo y Cuevas, comendador de Guadalcanal, y Bensayan of the orders of 
Santiago and Alcantara; chamberlain to the king, general, and viceroy of New 
Spain. His wife was J nana de la Cerda y Aragon, duchess of AlburqucTque, 
etc. San Miguel (A. de), Sermon de la Samuritana, title-page, no. 10; J'< : }>- 
Var. , ii. His daughter, who was confirmed in 1703, received no less than fifty* 


a shrewd, fair-dealing, and energetic ruler; one well 
fitted to be at the head of affairs during the eventful 
years of the war of the Spanish succession. 

An incident which is related of the duke a short 
time after his arrival may serve to throw some light 
upon his character. A certain widow obtained audi- 
ence of his Excellenc} T , and produced certain docu- 
ments whereby it appeared that a resident of the 
city was indebted to her in the sum of four thousand 
pesos; " but," said the applicant, "he is unwilling to 
pay." The viceroy examined her papers, and after 
asking a few questions bade her return on a day which 
he appointed. He then sent for the debtor, whom he 
received cordially, and after a pleasant chat inquired 
whether he were in easy circumstances. The man 
replied that he was in the receipt of an ample income; 
whereupon the cluke requested that he would favor 
him with a loan of four thousand pesos. " Not only 
four thousand pesos, but my entire estate is at your 
Excellency's service;" exclaimed the debtor. He was 
requested to bring the amount on the next morning, 
and then took his departure. Though loath to part 
with his gold, he was loud in his praise of the vice- 
roy's affability and condescension, and spared no pains 
to publish the interview among his comrades. On 
making his appearance the following day, however, 
he was confronted with the documents and with the 

three names on the register. Domenech, Hist, du Mex., i. 284. On the 21st 
of October the viceregal party reached Jalapa, and on the 25th a committee 
from Mexico, consisting of the maestre de campo and others, went forth to wel- 
come him. On the 15th of November it is recorded that a special miracle 
was wrought in Puebla for his benefit, and that both he and the vicereine 
carried away some divine ichor from the body of the beato Aparicio. Bobles, 
Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 408-14. On the 27th of November he took pos- 
session of the government and on the 8th of December (conception day) made 
his public entry into the city. He was met at the gates by the audiencia, 
city officials, university authorities, and the members of the different tribu- 
nals. Behind him came the vicereine and her ladies of honor, and then 
followed 24 sumpter mules with silver bits and headstalls, royally capari- 
soned. At the cemetery he was met by the archbishop, and then proceeded 
to his palace. A royal salute was fired, several persons being injured through 
the carelessness of the gunners. Robles, Diario, 418-20. Even the tribunal 
of the inquisition joined the procession, an honor which had never before 
been shown even to a viceroy. Mex., Not. Ciud. Mex., 295-7. 


widow, whose claim he was compelled to satisfy, 
though the loss of the money was as nothing com- 
pared with the mortification which sunk deep into 
the soul of the crestfallen man as he slunk from the 
duke's presence chamber. 

The dispute between the grand monarch and the 
emperor Leopold, which cost Europe ten years of 
war, and divided even the Spaniards into rival 
factions, concerned not the people of New Spain. 
The emperor's son was acknowledged by all as the 
rightful heir, and the brilliant campaigns of Marl- 
borough caused no more excitement in the Spanish 
provinces than the bloodless revolution which a few 
years before placed William III. on the throne of 
England aroused among the colonies of British Amer- 
ica. The new viceroy regulated the internal affairs 
of his province without difficulty, and at once made 
preparations to repel the attacks of foreign powers, 
and of corsairs who still hovered on the coast. He 
increased the navy, strengthened the fortifications, 
reenforced the garrisons with two thousand veteran 
troops from Spain, and appointed officers of known 
valor and ability to the command of the fortresses. 
If a less capable man than the duke of Alburquerque 
had now been at the head of affairs, it is probable 
that some serious disaster might have befallen the 
provinces, for evil tidings were constantly being re- 
ceived in the capital. 

In May 1703 a despatch was forwarded to the au- 
thorities in Mexico, stating that the people of Vera 
Cruz were leaving that city with their effects, through 
dread of foreign invasion. In June of the same year 
the governor of Tabasco defeated the crew of a British 
man-of-war, many of the English being killed, and a 
hundred and fifty prisoners captured. In the autumn 
of 1704 Captain William Dampier, whose raids in 
Central America have already been described/ 9 ap- 

29 Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 541 et seq., this series. 


peared once more in the waters of the South Sea, in 
command of the ship Saint George, intent on cap- 
turing the treasure galleon from Acapulco. After 
taking two vessels whose cargoes were of little value 
he sighted the treasure ship. Hoisting the Spanish 
colors he sailed close up to her and opened fire. A 
prisoner on board the pirates' vessel counselled them 
to board at once, during the confusion caused by the 
first volley; but there was a difference of opinion 
among the officers, and while the matter was yet un- 
der discussion the galleon's heavy guns were brought 
to bear on the craft of the corsairs with such effect 
that they were glad to escape in their sinking vessel. 
During the same year one Captain Clipperton, who 
accompanied that famous adventurer, separated from 
him when off the eastern coast of Mexico, and with 
a vessel of ten tons, mounting only two pieces of 
cannon, defied the town of Kealejo, and captured two 
Spanish ships which lay there at anchor, one of 
which contained treasure to the value of four thou- 
sand pesos. 

Five years later certain wealthy merchants of Bris- 
tol fitted out two vessels for a " voyage of discovery 
and profit," the explorations to be extended to the 
oceans on either side of the American continent, and 
the profit to be derived from the pillage of Spanish 
settlements and Spanish treasure ships. Two ves- 
sels were chartered, the Duke and the Duchess, well 
armed and equipped, having on board a complement 
of about three hundred and thirty men, and carrying 
commissions from the king's consort and lord high 
admiral of England to attack and plunder the Span- 
iards and French on the coasts of Peru and Mexico. 
Captain Woodes Rogers was placed in command, and 
among other officers was William Dampier, though 
now in a subordinate position. It was a motley crew 
that sailed from Cork harbor on the 27th of August 
1708 to undertake the circumnavigation of the world. 
There were on board tailors, pedlers, tinkers,, fiddlers, 


ploughmen, haymakers, laborers, and men representing 
nearly all the occupations by which the poor earn a 
livelihood, except that of seaman. 

Rounding Cape Horn in safety the vessels arrived 
off the island of Juan Fernandez on the 1st of Febru- 
ary 1709, and the same afternoon a pinnace was sent 
on shore for water. At dusk a light was observed 
on the island, and the commander, supposing that it 
was kindled by the crew of a Spanish or French man- 
of-war, fired guns from the quarter-deck to recall the 
pinnace, and prepared his ships for action. No sail 
was in sight on the following morning, and it was con- 
cluded that the enemy had been frightened away by 
the sound of the firing. The cause of the strange 
light was soon explained, however, for the pinnace 
being again sent ashore returned with a man clad in 
goat-skins, and as wild of aspect as the animals from 
which he had procured his apparel. His name was 
Alexander Selkirk. 

The expedition then sailed for Peru, and after taking 
a number of prizes and capturing the town of Guay- 
aquil, for which a moderate ransom was received, pro- 
ceeded to the island of Gorgona, whence some of the 
prisoners, being sent to Panama for the purpose, re- 
turned with money to redeem a portion of the prize 
cargoes, the bargain being honorably fulfilled on both 
sides. Rogers soon afterward sailed for Mexico, and 
sighted land near the spot where Dampier was de- 
feated by the treasure galleon. Thence a few days 
later he shaped his course for the coast of Lower Cal- 
ifornia, made Cape San Lucas on the 1st of November, 
and cruising southward a few weeks later captured a 
large and well manned twenty -gun ship bound from 
Manila to Acapulco. 

The prisoners gave information that a still larger 
vessel had left Manila in company with them, but 
being a better sailer had long since parted company, 
and was now probably lying at Acapulco. Within a 
few days this ship came in sight, but now the priva- 


teers found more than their match. She proved to 
be the Vigonia mounting sixty guns and with a com- 
plement of four hundred and fifty men. After a seven 
hours' fight the English were driven off with heavy 
loss, and with numbers greatly reduced the expedition 
sailed homeward a fortnight later by way of the 
Cape of Good Hope, anchoring in the Downs on the 
1st of October 1610. The cost of the voyage did not 
exceed 75,000 pesos, and the proceeds amounted, as a 
chronicler of that period affirms, 30 to 850,000 pesos, of 
which the promoters received two thirds, 31 or a clear 
profit of more than 750 per cent on their outlay. 
Thus did the worthy merchants of Bristol grow rich 
by licensed piracy, and learn to despise the slow gains 
of legitimate commerce. 

About the year 1712 the buccaneers mustered in 
force for a raid on Vera Cruz, and once more taught 
the Spaniards how defenceless were their forts and 
garrisons when assailed by a band of resolute men. 
The pirates anchored out of sight of the city, and six 
hundred of them, landing by night, arrived undiscov- 
ered at the sandhills in the neighborhood of the town. 
Here they lay hidden till after midnight of the fol- 
lowing day, timing their advance on Vera Cruz for 
the hour of dawn when the gates were opened. A 
few of the party who could converse in Spanish were 
sent forward disguised as peasants, and as soon as 
the nearest gate was opened, one of them mounted 
by a ladder to a neighboring bastion and begged the 
sentinel to give him a light for his pipe. The sentry 
approached with a lighted brand, and as he drew near 
the buccaneer shot him dead with his pistol. The 
remainder of the party then secured the gate, and the 
main body instantly marched into the town and took 
up a position in the parade ground. The Spaniards, 
roused from their slumbers, quickly collected their 
forces, and marched with horse and foot through one 

30 Harris, Col. Voy., i. 198. 

31 One half according to Harris. 


of the widest streets to attack the invaders. The 
pirates were drawn up in three lines, each of which, 
after firing a volley, withdrew to reload and allow 
those in the rear to deliver their fire. The Spanish 
troops began to waver; their horses taking fright 
plunged through their ranks, and soon the garrison 
were routed and fled through the city, hotly pursued 
by the buccaneers, until they reached one of the gates 
and scattered over the adjacent country. 

Meanwhile the alarm had been given at the castle 
of San Juan de Ulua, and a brisk fire was opened on 
the town. The pirates then held a council, and it was 
resolved to seize the padres, and after cutting off the 
heads of several, to send others to the castle with 
instructions to present them to the governor and tell 
him that unless the firing ceased the remainder would 
be treated in the same way. The governor answered 
by redoubling his fire; whereupon the buccaneers 
closed all the gates and drove the inhabitants in a 
body to the part of the city which was most exposed 
to the shot from the fort. Orders were now given to 
cease firing, and the freebooters were left undisturbed 
to plunder the town; but finding no great booty, they 
carried off to their ships a number of the principal 
citizens, and demanded a large sum for their ransom. 
Soon after their departure the Spaniards erected 
watch-towers and posted sentinels along 'the coast to 
guard against surprise for the future. 

No other incidents worthy of fiote occurred dur- 
ing the reign of Alburquerque. Toward the close of 
his administration 32 he was invested with the order 
of the golden fleece, the honor being conferred on 
him by the senior inquisitor, Francisco de Deza. 
During his long term of office he lived in royal state, 
giving magnificent banquets, and freely distributing 

32 In 1709, according to Lorenzana, Hist. Nneva Espaiia, 29-30, copied in 
Zamacois, Hist. Mej., and Rivera, Hist. Jala-pa; in Alaman, and others, 


his vast wealth. His rule was long remembered in 
the capital, for it was said that no monarch could live 
in more princely style than did this viceroy of New 

On the 15th of January 1711 the successor of 
Alburquerque, Don Fernando de Alancastre, Ma- 
rona y Silva, duque de Linares, marques de Valda- 
fuentes, made his public entry into Mexico. He is 
described by the chroniclers of his age as a faithful, 
energetic, and benevolent man. For five years and a 
half he held the reins of power, and during that time 
justice was promptly and impartially administered; 
public officials were not allowed to neglect their 
duties; education, art, and science found in him a 
willing patron, and the affairs of the crown a zealous 
guardian. Nevertheless the new viceroy had fallen 
upon evil times, and the first portion of his adminis- 
tration is in marked contrast with the prosperity 
which, with some drawbacks, seems to have prevailed 
during the rule of his predecessor. The scourges of 
earthquake, famine, and pestilence, following in close 
succession, fell on many portions of New Spain, but 
nowhere more heavily than on the capital. 

On the 16th of August in this year a severe earth- 
quake occurred lasting for half an hour. The strongest 
buildings could not withstand the shocks ; and though 
we have few records of this disaster, except in Mexico 
and Puebla, it is probable that other cities suffered 
no less severely. A short time before there had been 
an almost total eclipse of the sun; and now the 
panic-stricken inhabitants, thinking that the world 
was surely at an end, thronged to the churches to 
confess their sins and receive the sacrament. For a 
time there was no more religious community on earth 
than that which was gathered in the valley of Mex- 
ico. The thief brought back his stolen goods ; the 
gambler restored his gains; the rich man gave to him 
that had not; and many a long-standing feud was 


reconciled in anticipation of the great day of reckon- 
ing which all believed to be imminent. 33 

But the threatened judgment was postponed for 
a while, and soon men gambled and quarrelled and 
cheated each other as in the good old days of Cortes 
and Alvarado. As for the poor, those who were left 
houseless and penniless by the disaster, they begged, 
and generally in vain, for assistance in repairing their 
shattered dwellings. Fortunately, however, they met 
with a good friend in Linares, who spared neither 
income nor private fortune in relieving their wants; 
supplied funds for rebuilding, and kept the public 
granaries filled with maize, which he distributed to 
the destitute at his own expense, and to the less needy 
at the lowest possible price. 

Disastrous as was the year 1711, it was but the 
precursor of yet more calamitous days. In 1713 pre- 
mature frosts completely destroyed the crops, not only 
in the valley of Mexico, but in all the table lands of 
New Spain. The viceroy bestirred himself with his 
usual energy, and at great personal sacrifice succeeded 
in filling the granaries of the capital. But during the 
following year the supply became exhausted, or at 
least the supply available for the poor. Soon pesti- 
lence followed; and through the fair streets of the 
metropolis wandered gaunt and plague-stricken figures, 
begging with feeble voice and vainly stretching out 
their hands for bread. 34 

The wants of the sick and destitute were to some 
extent relieved by the viceroy, the archbishop, and 
the charitable institutions of Mexico; but elsewhere 
even greater sufferings were experienced, and fresh 
catastrophes added to the prevailing distress. On 
the night of the 15th of May, 1714, the province of 

33 Zamacois, Hist. Mtj.,r. 525-6; Alegre, Hist. Compend., iii. 158. During 
1711, a snow storm occurred in the valley of Mexico, the only one mentioned 
from that date until 1767. 

31 The gloom now pervading the city was increased by the news that the 
wife of Felipe V. was dead; the people being ordered to wear mourning in her 
memory. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 109. 


Vera Cruz was visited by a severe earthquake. In 
the town of Cordoba the shocks came in so rapid suc- 
cession and with so increasing intensity that the en- 
tire population rushed forth into the streets. Women 
forgot their modesty and hurried almost naked from 
their dwellings; men forgot their manhood and left 
their little ones to perish amidst the wreck of falling 
houses; while man, matron, and maid knelt side by 
side, bare-kneed on the pavement, and offered fervent 
supplications to the virgin for deliverance. 35 

Before the people of Cordoba had time to recover 
from their fright another calamity befell them and 
one far more disastrous. On the 23d of June in the 
same year, dense black clouds rolled in from the ocean, 
and torrents of rain fell, almost without intermission 
for fifteen days. The houses were flooded; and those 
who lived on the mountain side were in danger of de- 
struction from the huge bowlders and trunks of trees 
swept down by the swollen torrents. All communi- 
cation with the neighboring haciendas was cut off; 
cattle perished by the thousand, and their owners 
barely escaped with their lives. When the storm 
cleared away it was found that the surface of the coun- 
try was greatly changed. Enormous barrancas were 
formed and the streams diverted from their former 

During all these calamities the people of New Spain 
found some consolation in the relief which they now 
enjoyed from the raids of freebooters and privateers; 
but this immunity was secured under conditions 
which, ere long, caused Spain the loss of her New 
World commerce. By the treaty which was signed 
at Utrecht on the 11th of April, 1713, England ob- 
tained the privilege of shipping negro slaves to the 
islands and mainland of America, and of maintaining 

35 By this earthquake the church of San Antonio was so much shattered 
that it became necessary to rebuild it. Rodriguez, Cart. Hist., 41. 


depots and trading factories in the Spanish American 
possessions; 36 this being a part of the price at which 
France and Spain secured the withdrawal of Great 
Britain from the grand alliance. 

His Catholic Majesty Felipe V. and her Britannic 
Majesty Queen Anne were to receive each one fourth 
share in the profits obtained from the sale of these 
human chattels, the former agreeing to advance one 
million pesos for carrying on the trade, or in case he 
could not raise such an amount to pay interest there- 
upon at the rate of eight per cent a year. 37 Before 
her decease, which occurred in the following year, 
the English sovereign, finding her share unprofitable, 
transferred it to the South Sea Company, though it 
does not appear that the latter reaped much benefit 
therefrom. 38 

"Commercial houses/' as they were termed, were 
at once established at Vera Cruz and elsewhere on 
the coast of the North Sea; but their owners, not 
content with the enormous profits of the slave-trade, 
violated the terms of the treaty by introducing cargoes 
of foreign merchandise. England was now permitted, 
as we have seen, to send yearly to Portobello a five 
hundred ton vessel freighted with merchandise; 39 but 
each slaver that landed its living cargo on the shores 
of New Spain brought also a quantity of contraband 
goods. In vain the custom-house officers attempted 
to stay this traffic; and in vain the penalty of death 
and confiscation of property was threatened against 

36 An asiento for the sale of slaves, with power to regulate their price, was 
also granted to the French about the year 1702. 

37 Some of the clauses of this asiento are given in Moro, In forme (Mexico, 
1724), 1-4, and all of them in an abridged form in Salmon's Modern Hist. (3d 
ed., London, 1746), iii. 220-2. The asiento had been previously granted (in 
1702) to the French Guinea Company and was transferred to the crown of 
England at the treaty of Utrecht. 

38 In a speech delivered before the company in 1731, Sir John Eyles in giving 
an account of this branch of their business during the previous ten years, 
states that, though the report of their having lost £2,000,000 by the trade was 
untrue, they had incurred such losses through the seizure of their effects by 
the Spaniards during the wars with Spain that their gains were very small. 
They were not, however, out of pocket. Id. , 222. 

■' Hist. Cent. Amer. } ii. 586-7, this series. 


all Spaniards who engaged in it. It was an easy 
matter to bribe the not over-conscientious or over- 
vigilant officials, and thus to procure goods at cheap 
rates instead of paying tribute to the merchants of 
Seville. For twenty-eight years the South Sea Com- 
pany and private adventurers carried on a contraband 
trade, almost to the exclusion of Spanish commerce, 
until, at the convention of Madrid in 1750, the former 
agreed to annul the asiento, receiving in return certain 
commercial privileges, and a money compensation of 
500,000 pesos. During this period the commerce 
between the Spanish provinces and Europe was esti- 
mated at 286,000,000 pesos, of which amount English 
smugglers and slavers absorbed no less than 224,- 
000,000 pesos, and only 62,000,000 pesos, or less than 
22 per cent of the entire sum, fell to the share of the 
Spanish galleons. 40 

During the last years of his administration the 
viceroy was constantly engaged in petty warfare with 
the contraband traders; but to no purpose. All that 
man could do he did. The troops were kept on the 
alert; the armada de Barlovento also rendered good 
service, in consideration of which they received their 
pay 41 at no very long intervals, and sometimes even 
with regularity, the latter a rare incident in those 
days. But on the thinly peopled coast of New Spain 
were many excellent and secluded anchorage grounds, 
and the population being for the most part in league 

i0 Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 531. 

41 In his instructions to his successor the viceroy says that the armada de 
Barlovento had received assistance from himself and his predecessors, as the 
troops were in arrears of pay, but that if a trustworthy person were sent to 
examine the accounts of the different garrisons, it might be found that the king 
was a creditor rather than a debtor. The instructions relate to other matters, 
and are remarkable for their terseness and vigor of expression. Linares, In- 
struction a su sucesor, in Vireyes de Mex. Instruc, MS., fol. i. 49, ii. 23. In 
June 1687 the seamen and troops belonging to the armada mutinied at Vera 
Cruz on account of not having received their pay, which was at the rate of 
about eleven pesos a month, and because they were not satisfied with this 
amount. On receiving a portion of their back pay and a full pardon they re- 
turned to their duty. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 262-3. Robles, 476, states that 
a force of mulattoes was sent against them and that three of the mutineers 
were killed. 

Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 19 


with the English, little could be done to check their 
unlawful traffic. 

On the 15th of August 1716, Linares' term of 
office expired, and his decease occurred during the 
following year. 42 He had proved himself a humane 
and benevolent man; but it was not until after his 
death that the full extent of his charities was known. 
It then appeared that besides devoting large sums to 
the relief of the poor, he had established free dispen- 
saries at the different barriers of the city, and in his 
will he bequeathed a further amount for similar pur- 
poses. All his bequests were faithfully carried out 
by his executors, and among them was one of five 
thousand pesos in aid of the Jesuit missions in Cali- 
fornia. 43 

Linares' successor w r as Baltasar de Zuniga, mar- 
ques de Valero and duque de Arion. 44 The salary of 
the new viceroy was fixed at twenty-seven thousand 
pesos a year, a larger stipend than was usually paid, 
and its amount excited unfavorable comment from his 
predecessor. 45 The condition of affairs in New Spain 
was not in keeping with such extravagance. The 
country had not yet recovered from the disasters of 
1714, and two years after Valero had assumed office, 
tidings arrived of a severe famine in Texas. So great 
was the scarcity of grain that the troops stationed 
there threatened to desert. Provisions were at once 
forwarded to the governor of Coahuila, and in the 
hope of making that territory self-sustaining persons 

42 He died in Mexico on the 3d of June, and his death was much regretted. 
He was buried in the Carmen convent, which was afterward known as the 
church of San Sebastian. His portrait was preserved in the nunnery of Santa 
Teresa la Nueva. 

43 Linares was the first secular of the congregation of the Bucna Muerte, 
and the spacious edifice belonging to the society was erected mainly at his 
expense. It exists at the present day. Alegre, 11 1st. ComjJend., iii. 177. 

"He took office August 16, 1710. 

45 Linares remarked: 'ITabre" vivido seis anos en opulencia; y aunque 
ahora no me hallo en abundancia volvere' a los pi^s del Ilcy, gurstoso, a hacerle 
ver que con veintisiete mil pesos de sueldo, sin abusar da bub caudales, ni 
vender la justicia, me restituyo satisfecho d ellos.' Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 


were sent to instruct the natives in the science of 

On the 16th of June 1718, while returning from 
the procession of corpus christi in company with the 
oidores, an attempt was made on the viceroy's life. 
When about to ascend the stairs of his palace, a man 
named Nicolas Camacho grasped at Valero's sword, 
drew it half way from the scabbard, and would prob- 
ably have plunged it into his body had he not been 
seized by the attendant halberdiers. On being ques- 
tioned as to his motives it was found that the would- 
be assassin was a lunatic, and after a brief trial he wa3 
sent to the hospital of San Hipolito. 46 

During the remainder of the viceroy's administra- 
tion, which lasted until the 15th of October, 1722, the 
provinces of New Spain were in a prosperous condi- 
tion. The mines were unusually productive, the yield 
of quicksilver being especially large; the crops were 
abundant; and the volume of trade was greatly in- 
creased. 47 

The sole drawback to this flourishing condition of 
affairs was the outbreak of hostilities between France 
and Spain, occasioned by a dispute between the duke 
of Orleans, who was appointed regent during the 

46 The trial lasted only two days. A report of it is given in Die. Univ. 
Hist. Geog., app. i. 470-1. It is the opinion of the writer that Camacho was 
not insane, but the victim of an intrigue on the part of the viceroy who pur- 
posed to deprive him of his wife. The same view is taken in Begistro Trimestre, 
i. 385-407. The editor makes the following comment on the trial : 'Esta causa 
forma una especio de contraste con la que dimos en le numero anterior, y 
aunque los jueces aparecen mas equitativos, queda siempre una sospecha de que 
el desgraciado Camacho, fue victima de una intriga para quitarle a su muger. 
Por lo demas se advierten cosas dignas de notarse en esta causa. Tal es 
por ejemplo, el que en un hecho sucedido a mediodia y a muy poca distancia 
de os testigos presenciales, solo Muelas asegure que Camacho arremeti6 con el 
espadin al virey, diciendo unicamente los demas que se lo estrajo de la vaina. 
Es tambien notable el dictamen fiscal, que fundado en la idea equivocada de 
que no puede haber un complete trastorno mental sin furor, pide la pen a cor^ 
respondiente al delito de Lesa Magestad in primo capite. Creemos que tambien 
es de notar el parecer del protomedicato, pues que su dictamen nada tiene de 
medico y cualquiera pudiera decir lo mismo sin haber saludado los principios 
del arte. Sin embargo, esta es una causa formada con esmero, pues per lo sin- 
gular del caso se mando al rey copia de ella.' 

47 In 1721 the fleet from New Spain reached Cadiz with treasure and mer- 
chandise to the value of 11,000,000 pesos. Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 228. 


minority of Louis XV., and Cardinal Alberoni, the 
minister of Felipe V. On the 19th of May 1719 the 
garrison of Pensacola surrendered to the French, and 
the colonists and missionaries of Florida and Texas 
were compelled to take refuge in Coahuila. But the 
French could not maintain their foothold in the coun- 
try. When the news of their invasion reached Mex- 
ico, Valero quickly despatched against them a force 
of five hundred men under command of the marquis 
of San Miguel de Aguayo, governor of Texas and 
Coahuila. The French retired from Texas; the mis- 
sions were reestablished; and the peace which was con- 
cluded in 1721 put an end to further aggressions. 48 

Mention has already been made of the buccaneer 
settlements in Yucatan, where, as we have seen, the 
freebooters, when not engaged in making raids on the 
Spanish settlements or cruising in quest of Spanish 
treasure ships, occupied themselves with cutting dye- 
woods and mahogany. 49 A favorite rendezvous of 
these adventurers was the Isla Triste, or as it is now 
known the Isla del Carmen, at the entrance of the 
bay of Terminos. During the war of the Spanish 
succession they frequently attacked Spanish vessels 
trading between Campeche and Vera Cruz. In 1708 
Fernando Meneses Bravo de Saravia, when on his 
way accompanied by his family to the province of 
Yucatan, of which he had been appointed governor, 
w r as taken from his vessel in the bay of Campeche by 
the pirate Barbillas. Saravia was set on shore and 

48 On the 31st of March in the same year, the Sacra Famllia, a vessel of 
300 tons, with 6 guns and 70 men, was captured by Captain Shelvocke in the 
port of Sonsonate (the modern Acajutla) at the mouth of the river of the 
same name. The prize contained only small arms, hand grenades, and ammu- 
nition, and, as the captain remarks, was hardly worth* the risk and trouble of 
capture. Voy. de Shelvocke, in Beranger, Coll. Voy., iii. 3-4, S9-125; and Kerr's 
Coll. Voy., x. 500-1. In the latter a detailed account of the voyage is given, 
compiled from the narratives of Shelvocke and Captain William Betagh, the 
commander of the marines. They sailed from Plymouth on board the Speed- 
well on the 13th of February 1719, bound on a privateering expedition on 
the coasts of Chile, Peru, and New Spain, but met with little success. 

49 Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 023 etsecp, this series. 


his wife and children detained as captives until a ran- 
som of 14,000 pesos should be received. As the 
ayuntamiento refused to pay the money, the pirate 
made his demand in person at the town-hall; where- 
upon the governor, feeling that his family might come 
to harm, ordered the amount to be paid. 

Nine years later an expedition was despatched from 
Mexico by way of Vera Cruz to Campeche, and being 
reenforced by the troops stationed there, drove the 
intruders from all their settlements on the bay of 
Terminos. The attack was made on the 16th of July 
1717, the feast of the virgin of Carmen, and hence the 
island received its name. A large amount of booty 
was wrested from the buccaneers, many of whom 
were slain, those who escaped harboring in Belize, 
where, being joined by others of their craft, they or- 
ganized a force of three hundred and thirty-five men 
and returned to the bay of Terminos. Landing on 
the Isla del Carmen they sent a message to Alonso 
Felipe de Anclrade, the commander of the Spanish 
fort which had been erected during their absence, 
ordering him to withdraw his garrison. The reply 
was that the Spaniards had plenty of powder and ball 
with which to defend themselves. 

The freebooters made their attack during the same 
night and captured the stronghold without difficulty, 
taking three of the four field pieces with which it was 
defended. But Andrade was a brave and capable 
officer, and his men were no dandy warriors. Placing 
himself at the head of his command he led them against 
the enemy, forced his way into the fort, recaptured 
one of the field pieces, and turned it against the foe. 
During the fiodit a building filled with straw was set 
on fire by a hand grenade. This incident favored the 
Spaniards, who now made a furious charge on the in- 
vaders. Their commander was shot dead while 
leading on his men; but exasperated by the loss of 
their gallant leader, they sprang at the buccaneers 
with so fierce a rush that the latter were driven back 


to the shore, whence they reembarkcd for Belize 
and thenceforth returned no more to the bay of 
Terminos. 50 

50 Soc. Mex. Geog., ii. ep. i. 220-2; ep. iii. 442; Nouv. Annates, Voy., c. 
52. The account given in the former work is absurdly exaggerated; but it is 
the only one that pretends to give a detailed narrative of the expulsion of the 
buccaneers from the isla del Carmen. It there stated that, after being driven 
from the fort, the Spaniards mustered but 42 men, while the buccaneers 
according to this version must have numbered more than 200, allowing for 
their losses during the assault and for those who were left to guard their 
vessels. That this force, now in possession of three pieces of artillery, should 
have been defeated by a handful of Spaniards, seems ridiculous to all who are 
acquainted with the records of buccaneer warfare. 

Herewith I give more complete references to the authorities consulted for 
the preceding chapters: Cedulario, MS., i. 132; iii. 63-4, 115-16; iv. 23; 
Reales Ccdulas, MS., i. 5 etseq.; ii., passim; Providencias Reales, MS., 79- 
101, 222-3, 266-8; Robles, Diario, i. ii., passim; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., 
ii. 25, 31-2; iii. 60-1, 166-7; iv. 30 et seq.; vi. 113-16, 135-7, 153; vii. 8-45; 
Papeles Franciscanos, MS., sene i. torn. i. 268-74, 314-21, 411, 478, 507; ii. 
154, 178-200, 321-6; Rivera, Diario, vi. 15-96; Linares, Inslrucciones, MS., 
6-88; Certification de las Mercedes, MS., 13-21, 182; Disposiciones Varias, 
MS., vi. 3-13; Siguenza y Gdngora, Carta, MS., passim; Doc. Ecles. Mex., 
MS., i. 1-32; ii. 2-6, 25, 47-52, 74; Vireyes de Mex., Instruc, MS., sene i. 
49; s6rie ii. 8, 23; Maltratamiento de Ind., 1-15; Lazcano,Vida del P. Oviedo, 
70-101, 140-57; Figueroa, Vindicias, MS. , 12, 74, 78, 123; Villcujutierre, Hist. 
Conq. Itza, 192-9, 211-49, 291-659; Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, i. 41-3; ii. 
223-4; iii. 31-40, 109-215; Papeles de Jesuitas, MS., 5; Espinosa, Chron. 
Apost., 465-6, 488-534; Calle, Mem. y Not., 70; Davila, Mem. J J 1st., pt. i. 
19-28; iii. 252-96; Monumentos Domin. Esp., MS., 104-9, 132, 152-5; VUla- 
S e nor y Sanchez, Theatro, i. 122 etseq.; Vetancvrt, Cron. San. Evang., 75-9, 
135; Id., Teatro, 51-2; Id., Trat. Mex., 16-17; Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 26-30; 
Arricivita, Cr6n. Sera/., 94-7, 169-70, 241-312, 583-5; Carriedo, E^tudios 
Hist., 116; Guatemala, Col. Ccdulas Tteales, passim; Pacheco and Cardenas, 
Col. Doc, ix. 133-49, 150-79; Doc. Hist. Mex., sCrie i. torn. i. ii., passim; 
sene ii. iv. 56 et seq.; vi. 17-96; Arlegui, Prov. de Zac, 81-2, 92-123, 201-6, 
250-2; Escamilla, Noticias, 4; Recop. de Ind., i. 599; N. Mex. Ccdulas, MS., 
80-2, 149-64, 281-4, 322-9; Derrotero para Naveg., MS., 13-22, 88-90; 
E(]idos de Me'x., MS., 61; Jaillandier, Extraite, MS., passim; America De- 
scrip., MS., 155-8, 166, 177-9, 196-8, 207-39; N.Vizcaya, Doc, Mex., iv. 14- 
21; Texas, Doc. Hist., MS., 455-9; Morfi, Doc. Mex., iv. 442-4; Escobar, 
Breve Trat. Ord., MS., passim; Berrotaran, Doc. Mex., i. 171-7; Panes, 
Extension, MS., jmssim; Reales Ordenes, iii. 56-72, 308-12; iv. 416-19; 
Morelli, Fasti Novi Orbis, 505-10; Mayer MSS., passim; Laet, Amer. De- 
script., 256-9; Alaman, Disert, iii. 38-53, 211, 390; Lerdo de Tejada, Apunt. 
Hist., no. 5, 289-94, 366, 380-92; Arevalo, Compend., 29-30; Humboldt, 
Essai Pol., i. 276-81; Id., New Spain, ii. 203-22; Id., Tablas Estad., MS., 
7-40; Id.,Versuch, ii. 178-86; Gonzales, Col. N. Leon, 39-58; Arroniz, J list. 
y Cron., 122-39; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 17-18; Nayaritas, Relac. C'onquist, 
6; Caro, Tres Sighs, ii. 59-119; Verona, Paromologi.a, MS., 1-93; Lacunza, 
D%8cur808 Hist., no. xxxv., 503-9; Rodriguez, Cuadro Hist., 41-2; Soc. Mex. 
Geog., Bol., ii. 29; iii. 239-42; iv. 19; v. 312; ix. 54; xi. 504; Id., 2da ep. i. 
218-22; ii. 337; iii. 175-6; 3a ep. iv. 258; Nueva Espana, Breve Res., MS., 
141-222; IiiHfnicciones d las Vireyes, 302-17; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 263-72, 
337-40; Correal, Voy., i. 44-5; Ortiz, Mex. Indep. Libre, 425-33; Zerecero, 
E<r. Mex., 4-5, 508, 525-7; Mofras, V Exploration, ii. 104; Zamora, Bib. 
Leg., ii. 253-5; iv. 442-4; Ortega, Alegacion, 1-50; Rivera, Gobemantes. de 


Mex., i. 252-68; Som, Episcop. Mex., 152-73; Nov. v. Annales desVoy., c. 52; 
cliii. 8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 98-110, 181-3; Varios Impresos, iii., passim; 
Foxseca y Urrulia, Real Hac, i. 28-35, 324-5; Orizaba, Ocurrencias en, 1 et 
seq.; Registro Yucateco, ii. 5-10; Mexico, Not. Cuidad Mex., 22, 295-8; 
Zamacois, Hist. Mcj., v. 439-553, 723-0; x. 1302-3; Pap.Var., ii., passim; 
clxvii. 3-9; cxcvi. 11 etseq.; Alvarez, Estvdios Hist., iii. 203-4; Sammfung 
aller Reisebesch, xii. 386-403, 534-52; xiii. 484-9; Monroy, Oraciones Paneg., 
passim; Ancona, Hist. Yuc, ii. 316; Mnseo Mex., i. 51-3, 99-102; iv. 73-80; 
Alzate, Gacetas, iii. 441-2, 464; Cartas Edificantes, vii. 258-9; Gareta, Mex., 
i. ii. iii., passim; iv. 9 etseq.; v. 18-370; vi. 30-70; viii. 277-309; x. 98, 
185-6; Robinson's Mex., Rev., ii. 299-302; Lussan's Journal, 143-5, 348-84; 
Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 213-34; Stephen's Yuc, ii. 195-8; Mexico, Notes on, 
236'; Wilson's Mex., 24-5; World Displayed, vi. 49-65, 178-85; West. Indies 
Geog., 124-55; Id., Descript., 62-5; Hn/lin's Cosmog., 1009-80; Douglas' 
Summary, 72, 88; Chappe, Voy., 17-25; Fosscy, Mex., 9; Mac] Person's An- 
nals, iii. 57; Archenholtz's Hist. Pirates, 78-84; Berenger's Col. Voy., i. 377-9, 
402-3; iii. 3-4, 89-128, 309-10, 355-72; Spanish Empire in Am., 124-5; Rob- 
ertson's Hist. Am., ii. 919, 1024; Mesa y Leompart, Hist. Am., i. 487-91, 
572-5; Laharpe, Abreqe, x. 86-93, 102-7, 124-31; Oexmelin, Hist, de Flib., i. 
261-76; ii. 285-301; iii. 273-300; Muller, Reisen, iii. 195; Hassel, Mex. et 
Gnat., 229-43; Mosaico Max., i. 399-407; iv. 56-7; vi. 162-3; Larenaudidre, 
Mex. et Guat., Vallejo, Vida, passim; Drake, Cavendish and Damp ier, Lives, 
201-2, 270-1; Burney's Discov. South Sea, iv. 127-8, 227-36; Ilmfracion Mex., 
iii. 146-51; Fancourt's Hist. Yuc, 277-85, 292-316; Dice Univ., i. 80, 410, 
470, 525, 067; ii. 64-6, 301-2; iv. 800; v. 53; vi. 156 et seq.; vii. 341, 517-18; 
viii. 142, passim; ix. 287-432; x. 96 et seq.; Viagero Univ., xxvi. 264, 
278-9; xxvii. 58-70, 82-4; Pinkerton's Modern Geog., 210-14; Gage's Survey, 
48-53; Id., Voyage, i. 50-68; Voijagcs, A New Col, iii. 183-206; Id., His- 
torical, i. 332-60; ii. 45-06; Id., New Univ. Col, i. 141-8, 219-24; Zunigay 
0., Calend., 109-200; Sharp's Voy., 115-20; Payne's Hist., 67; Dunbar's 
Mex., 197-8; Castillo, Dice. Hist., 69, 183-6; Veracruzano, i. 34; Dampier's 
Voy.,i. 254-71; Castellanos, Derecho, passim; Sartor ius, Mex., 33; Castorena, 
Racones, 1-40; Salesii, De Confessionibus, passim; Dillon, Hist. Mex., 76-9. 




Boundaries of the Territory— Its Governors — The Audiencia of Gua- 
dalajara — Its Jurisdiction and Powers — Local Government — Cor- 


Mining Districts — The Capital — A City of Office-holders — Treas- 
ury Department — Industrial Progress — Mines — Quicksilver Mo- 
nopoly and its Effects — Agriculture and Stock-raising — Labor, 
Commerce, and Ship-building — Population and Local Statistics. 

During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, 
Nueva Galicia almost coincided with the territory 
which now forms the states of Jalisco, Aguas Ca- 
lientes, and Zacatecas. On the south, however, those 
parts of the Avalos provinces that lay south of Au- 
tlan and Zayula, now forming part of Jalisco, appear 
to have then belonged to New Spain, and were sub- 
ject to the viceroy, while in the north-east Nueva 
Galicia included the western portion of what is now 
San Luis Potosi, the boundary line running near 
Charcas and Matehuala. The territory was under 
the political rule of a governor, who was also president 
of the audiencia of Guadalajara, and was appointed by 
the king, though nominally subject to the viceroy. 1 
In case of his death or inability to perform his duties 
the senior oidor of the audiencia ruled ad interim 
until a new appointment could be made. 

In the seventeenth century the governors were 

1 During the latter part of the 18th and the beginning of the 19th cen- 
tury their titles were gobernador, presidente de la real audiencia, coman- 
dante general, and intendente. See Cedvlario, MS., i. 114, 209; iii. 176, 238; 
Real Orden, in Mayer MSS., no. 2; Ugarte y Loyola, lid., in Soc, Alex. 
Ceoy., Boletin, 2d ep., iii. 307. 



usually lawyers, and their duties in connection with 
the civil administration of the county were by no 
means arduous. Later, military men were more fre- 
quently appointed, and held under the viceroy the 
rank of captain-general; but their responsibilities 
were light, for peace prevailed throughout the land 
except in Nayarit, where a comandante was stationed, 
subject in military matters to viceregal orders, and in 
political and judicial affairs to the governor and audi- 
encia. The election of subordinate local officials 
seems to have belonged originally to the audiencia; 
but after long disputes between that body and its 
president, during which both parties several times 
appealed to the crown, the latter received the right 
of making appointments — a license which he had 
gradually usurped. 2 

The governor subsequently named the alcaldes 
may ores and corregidores of the different districts, 
with the exception of Zacatecas and perhaps one or 
two others, where the king, for some special reason, 
retained the privilege. He also appointed, down to 
1646, many of the officials of Nueva Yizcaya. All 
this power would seem, however, to have been vested 
in him as president of the audiencia, for the revenues 
were administered by special treasury officials ap- 
pointed by the king, the governor receiving a regular 
stipend. 3 

There are few incidents worthy of record concern- 
ing the governors of Nueva Galicia, and these relate 
for the most part to trivial matters, as the quarrel of 
one with a bishop about some petty formality; the 
unusual brilliancy of the bull-fights at the installation 
of another, while the building of a church or even the 

2 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 508, is the authority for this usurpation, 
and he gives the number of appointments in 1742 as above 32; but Calle, 
Mem. y Not., 92, states that a century earlier the governor had the appoint- 
ment of 54 officials in Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya. 

3 The revenue collected in Guadalajara from all sources from 1730 to 1740 
was 2,332,335 pesos. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 318. The same author 
boasts of the promptness with which Nueva Galica always paid her quota of 


transfer of a sacred image during a ruler's administra- 
tion was considered by the chroniclers of this period 
an event sufficiently remarkable to place his name 
side by side with that of a viceroy. Many of them 
were able men, as was the case with Juan dc Villela, 
whose rule lasted from 1607 to 1613. 4 The adminis- 
tration of Diego Nunez de Morquecbo, who held office 
from 1629 to 1632, 5 is noteworthy from the fact that 
he enforced the laws which forbade the ill-treatment 
of Indians. The custom had become prevalent of 
practically evading the royal decrees against slavery 
by advancing to native workmen sums of money which 
they could never pay, and which thus became a life- 
lien upon their labor. The governor accomplished his 
purpose by limiting the amount of a native's credit to 
five pesos. 6 Antonio de Abarca, who was appointed 
in 1702, was the last of the legal profession who held 
office as governor, 7 and Toribio Rodriguez de Solis, 
whose administration lasted until 1716, the first who 
bore the title of captain-general. 8 

The audiencia of Guadalajara held jurisdiction over 

4 His predecessor was Santiago Vera, who was in office from 1600 to 1606, 
and it is said that he interested himself in the conversion of the Indians in 
the north-western sierra, hut it is not recorded that he accomplished much. 
On March 6, 1610, Francisco Pacheco de C6rdoba y Bocanegra was appointed 
adelantado of Nueva Galicia, but his name does not appear as one of the 
governors. In 1612 his wife and his son obtained a rental on the Mexican 
treasury of 1,312,500 maravedis and in the following year his daughter re- 
ceived an encomienda of Indians in New Spain. Calle, Mem. y Not., 90. 

5 His predecessors were Alonso Perez Merchan, who was in power from 
1613 to 1617, and Pedro de Otarola, who held office from the latter date to 1629. 
During the rule of the former, earthquakes and floods occurred in the province. 
Otarola was a religious enthusiast, and is said to have committed a kind of 
pious suicide, since he died of fasting. 

G His successor was Juan Canseco y Quinones, who was governor from 1636 
to 1643. It is said that he squandered the revenues of the state on bull-fights, 
and festivities for the populace, although he spent large sums on public im- 

7 It is said that he died of melancholy, caused in part by the impression 
made on his mind by a tragedy styled 'Life is a Dream,' which was performed 
at his reception. The partial destruction of the governor's palace by fire may 
have increased his malady. On state occasions he made his appearance so 
shabbily apparelled as to cause the audiencia to make complaints at court. 

8 He was appointed in 1708. His successor, Tomas Tcran de los Rios, 
who undertook the task of bridging the Rio Grande, or Tololotlan, was in 
office from 1716 to 1724. Governor Nicolas de Ribera y Santa Cruz, who ruled 
from 1724 to 1727, was constantly involved in difficulties with subordinates, 
equals, and superiors. He escaped removal at the hands of the India Coun- 


all the regions occupied by the Spaniards north-west 
of Nueva Galicia, including also the Avalos prov- 
inces, and at times Colima. 9 It claimed jurisdiction 
as well over the north-western region of Coahuila and 
Texas, but the king's decision in 1679 was adverse to 
this pretension. 10 It does not appear that the au- 
thoritv of the audiencia in Nueva Galicia differed in 
any respect from that in Nueva Vizcaya, although on 
account of distance and consequent expense, only 
cases of considerable importance came as a rule from 
the latter territory. 11 The oidores of the audiencia 
were alcaldes in criminal proceedings, but had no voice 
in matters pertaining to war and exchequer; and after 
the time of Governor Ceballos, who ruled during the 
latter part of the seventeenth century, they lost the 
power of making higher appointments which origin- 
ally they seem to have held. The president, who, as 
we have seen, was also political governor of Nueva 
Galicia, simply held the right of presiding over the 

cil only by death, and was succeeded by his son. The few and meagre rec- 
ords that have been handed down to us concerning these officials are taken 
from Mota-Padilla, the original historian of Nueva Galicia. 

9 In 1790 Colima was subject in civil affairs to Nueva Galicia. In matters 
ecclesiastic it was entirely under the bishop of Michoacan till August 8, 1790, 
when it was finally decided that it belonged to the diocese of Guadalajara ; 
and thus Colima continued belonging in all branches of administration to 
Nueva Galicia. Colima, Representation, MS., 4. During the 17th and 18th 
centuries the province of Colima made little progress owing to its isolated 
position. The Villa de Colima continued to hold its rank as the chief town 
and capital of the province and was the residence of the principal part of the 
Spanish population. Some dozen or more smaller towns composed the remain- 
ing settlements, whose inhabitants, for the most part natives, were employed 
in farming. Besides the usual agricultural products, a limited amount of 
sugar and cotton was produced; a few natives were employed in the manu- 
facture of matting; considerable salt was made, and a variety of fruits, among 
which were the cocoanut and plantain, grew in abundance. Upon the estab- 
lishment in 1787 of the system of intendencias this province became a part of 
the intendencia of Guadalajara. Humboldt, Essui. Pol., i. 259; Calle, Mem. y 
Not., 78; Gac. de Mex., i. 273; ii. 282, 342; Villa-Seuor y Sanchez, Theatro 
Am., ii. 83-8. 

10 According to royal cddula of October 15, 1778, the audiencia of Guadala- 
jara then had jurisdiction to a certain degree over six provinces: Nueva 
Galicia, Zacatecas, Nueva Vizcaya, Sonora, New Mexico, and the Californias. 
Cedidario, MS., iii. 9-10. 

11 The audiencia was composed of four oidores, or judges, and a fiscal, or 
attorney, each with a salary of 2,000 ducats. There was also quite a number 
of minor officials of whom a few were appointed and received a salary, but 
most of them bought their offices at auction, paying from 1,000 to 10,000 
pesos, according to the privileges and emoluments connected with each. 


court, and of taking the place of honor on occasions 
of state, but had no vote in judicial matters. 12 

In Nucva Galicia there were in the middle of the 
eighteenth century thirty-two districts under corregi- 
dores and alcaldes mayores, although a century earlier, 
according to Calle's list, they numbered forty-one. 
There were three cities, Guadalajara, Zacatecas, and 
Compostela; eight towns, Lagos, Aguas Calientes, 
Jerez, Fresnillo, Purificacion, Villagutierre de Aguila 
or Villanueva, Sombrerete, and San Jose de Monte- 
zuma, near Tepatitlan ; and twenty-one reales de minas, 
or mining towns. 13 So-called pueblos and other small 
settlements scattered over the territory numbered up- 
ward of two hundred. The officers who ruled the 
large towns with their districts annexed, known as 
alcaldias or corregimientos, were with few exceptions 
appointed by the president of the audiencia, and re- 
ceived salaries. Under these officials in each city and 
town were one or more ordinary alcaldes, an alguacil 
mayor, four regidores, and a notary, forming virtually 
an ayuntamiento, though not often called by that 
name. There seem to have been no salaries attached 
to these minor positions, and that of alguacil, or con- 
stable, was nearly always sold at auction, at different 
times and places. Ordinarily alcaldes in some, and 
perhaps all the towns, were elected yearly, requiring, 
in the larger places at least, confirmation by the 

Guadalajara, the capital of Nueva Galicia, the cathe- 
dral city, the seat of the audiencia, and the place 
where the royal treasury was kept, swarmed with 

12 About 1670 there was a quarrel between the president and the audien- 
cia as to the right to appoint a governor ad interim of Nueva Vizcaya. The 
king at first decided in favor of the president, but later reversed his decision; 
and later still, gave the president and fiscal a vote on the subject. Mota-Pa,' 
ti'dla, Conq. N. Gal., 400-1. See also on audiencia liecop. de Ind., i. 320; 
Calk, Mem. y Not., 91-2. 

18 In Calle's time, 1646, there was yet a villa de Espfritu Santo at Tepic; 
Fresnillo was only a real de mina; and neither Villagutierre nor San Jose had 
been founded. This author names 13 reales de minas. 


officials, and he was a humble Spaniard indeed, who 
filled no public position. It is not necessary to enter 
more fully into the details of the municipal machinery 
or the somewhat intricate relations of the different 
branches of power in this much governed city. 14 The 
treasury department was under a staff of officers whose 
chief duty it was to receive, tax, and stamp silver bull- 
ion, and to deliver quicksilver for use in the mines. At 
one time the administration of the exchequer seems 
to have been intrusted to the governor and audiencia, 
but they did not long retain control, for the king 
always took care that the precious metals in transit 
between the mines and the royal coffers in Spain 
should pass through as few hands as possible. A 
branch treasury was also established at Zacatecas, 
where the revenue for a single decade, commencing in 
1730, amounted to nearly four million pesos. 

Before 1600, as we have seen, rich mines were dis- 
covered, and during the next two centuries many were 
developed, often with rich returns in spite of great dis- 
advantages. They were nearly all of silver-bearing 
ore, though according to Mota-Padilla, very fine gold 
was taken out at Mezquital, and in such abundance 
as to be used secretly in trade throughout the 
country. This yield ceased however toward the mid- 
dle of the eighteenth century. Respecting methods 
of mining and of reduction we have little or no con- 
temporaneous information, while of the yield we have 
for statistics only a few meagre, disconnected, and 
doubtless in most instances inaccurate statements 
bearing upon different localities at different periods. 

Bullion was presented at the treasury at Guadala- 
jara, Zacatecas, and in later years at Llerena, and was 
there properly stamped after the royal dues had been 

14 Villa-Seiior, Teatro, ii. 204^6, names the secular cabildo of Guadalajara 
in 1745 as consisting of twelve regidores, alferez real, alguacil mayor, two 
alcaldes, contador, procurador, and notary. He also speaks of a custom- 
house staff. 


paid. Thence it must be transported to Mexico for 
sale as there was no nearer mint. 15 The labor was 
mainly performed by Indians, under Spanish over- 
seers, nominally working for wages of from two to 
five pesos a month, yet practically held in bondage 
during much of the time and in many sections. 16 The 
severest toil, however, fell to the lot of negro slaves. 
Notwithstanding the richness of the ores, the min- 
ing industry was well nigh paralyzed by the govern- 
ment monopoly of quicksilver, which restricted the 
production of that metal to the mines of Almaden in 
Spain. Rich deposits are said to have been discovered 
in Nueva Galicia, especially in the Sierra de Pinos, 
but its extraction was prohibited by cedula of 1730. 
The immediate effect was of course to make the price 
of quicksilver so excessive that only the most produc- 
tive mines could be profitably worked, to say nothing 
of the occasional failure of the supply on account of 
interrupted communication with Mexico. But these 
were not the only disadvantages of the monopoly; for 
not only must the quicksilver be brought directly from 
the government officials, but must be bought only in 
large quantities. No subsequent transactions were 
allowed, nor any retail trade in this commodity. It 
was not enough, however, that quicksilver must be 
bought in large quantities and at exorbitant rates; 
the purchaser must at the same time become responsi- 
ble for the payment of the tax on the amount of silver 
bullion which the supply purchased would enable him 
to produce! This was intended to prevent frauds in 
evading the payment of taxes and tithes; but the 
practical effect was that if the discoverer of a mine 
happened to be a man without means he was com- 
pelled to take others into partnership; and when the 

15 In 1G07 a royal order was obtained ordering a mint to be established at 
Zacatecas, but nothing was done in the matter. Bema?'dez, Zac, 38; Y'dU- 
Srnor, Teatro, ii. 223. 

1G l)ampier. Voycuje, i. 269, speaks of some hundreds of Indian slaves who 
worked in the silver mines near Centizpac in 1C86, carrying ore to Compostela 
and supplies back to the mines. 


mine proved valuable, litigations would follow, and 
the discoverer would too often lose his interest. 17 

At this period the industries of agriculture and 
stock-raising were fairly prosperous. There was no 
lack in Nueva Galicia of fertile land, which produced 
an abundant food-supply, while in ocean and river 
there were excellent fisheries. Several small vessels 
were built on the coast for expeditions to California, 
the workmen being sent from Mexico and encamping 
at some suitable spot near the mouth of a river, where 
they felled the timber, built the craft, and then aban- 
doned their camp. Of manufactures there were none, 
except the rude articles made by the natives for their 
own use, and the commerce of the country was carried 
on by native carriers, pack-mules, and wagon-trains, 
by means of which agricultural products were carried 
to the nearest market, ore and bullion forwarded 
from the mines, and tools, machinery, quicksilver, and 
clothing brought overland from the city of Mexico. 
To the capital were also sent the few articles of prod- 
uce which would pay the cost of freight, together 
with herds of live-stock. At times the privilege of 
killing and exporting cattle was restricted by the gov- 
ernor on complaint of the ecclesiastical authorities 
that the amount of tithes was thereby diminished. 

The city of Mexico derived much greater benefit 
from the resources of Nueva Galicia than did the 
province itself. In the capital alone could any products 
except those of mine or field be exchanged for money. 18 
Men were not wanting who understood these disad- 
vantages, and foremost among them was Mota-Padilla, 
who never ceased his efforts to separate the country 
from New Spain, to obtain for her ports a trade with 
China and with Central and South America; to estab- 
lish a mint, and make Guadalajara a centre of trade; 

17 ' Ya se tiene por cierto que cuando se litiga sobre mina se pierden las 
leyes.' Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 321. 

18 'Mexico se ha liecho garganta precisa por donde liaya de pasar todo.' 
Mota-Paddla, Conq. N. Gal., 263-4. 


but the pressure brought to bear on the king from 
the New World metropolis was always too strong, 
and the interests of the province were disregarded. 19 

The total population of Nueva Galicia in the middle 
of the eighteenth century was estimated at not less 
than two hundred thousand, of which number sixty 
thousand were Indians and the remainder of Spanish 
and mixed blood. Though this seems a comparatively 
high figure, Mota-Padilla certainly had excellent ap- 
portunities for obtaining correct statistics. 20 During 
the second half of the century the population seems 
to have increased more rapidly; for we find that at 
the beginning of the nineteenth century the popula- 
tion of Guadalajara was variously estimated at from 
nineteen to thirty-five thousand, and that under the 
jurisdiction of the audiencia as high as six hundred 
and thirty thousand. 21 

It will be remembered that at the close of the six- 
teenth century Zacatecas was the new El Dorado which 
attracted settlers and adventurers from all parts; the 
population rapidly increased; mines were being dis- 
covered and developed, and a great future seemed to 
be in store for the new colony. At that time the site 
of the city of Zacatecas seemed anything but pleasant 

19 From 1 748-53, according to the Noticias Biog. of Icazbalceta, the his- 
torian made efforts to have the four jurisdictions of the coast, Purificacion, 
Tepic, Acaponeta, and Centizpac, formed into a new government, to be placed 
under himself as ruler. 

20 Mota-Padilla , s actual basis is the number of Indian tributaries, which 
was 8,000, representing 16,000 persons, not including chiefs, the aged, or 
children. Conq. N. Gal., 509. Gil, Soc. Mex. Geog. , viii. 493, says the popu- 
lation in about 1750 was estimated at about 115,000. 

21 Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 493, insists however that in 1807, on taking 
tribute, the population was found to be only 130,000, having increased but 
15,000 since 1750. There is no doubt that there was a misunderstanding as 
to the territory included. Humboldt, Essai Pol, 155, and New Spain, ii. 
180-3, gives for the intendencia of Guadalajara 030,500, and for the city 
19,500; 0,381 square leagues with 023,572 inhabitants are mentioned in Tri- 
bunal del Conmlado, 1805. Ortiz, Mex. Indep., 79, gives 030,000 for 1803. 
According to Navarro, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 2da ep., i. 291, in 1810 the inten- 
dencia of Guadalajara comprised 9,012square leagues; 28partidos, lOOcuracics, 
9 missions, 2 cities, 7 towns, 32G villages, 33 mining districts, 370 haciendas, 
1,511 ranchos, and 118 stock ranches. There were 29 convents and 7 nun- 
neries; 441 clerigos, 192 friars, and 225 nuns; there were 104,420 Spaniards, 
172,070 Indians, and 179,720 of mixed blood, making a total population, 
including the religious, of 517,074. 



to the Spaniards. The soil was little adapted to the 
cultivation of wheat, maize, or even fruit, excepting 
the Indian fig, the cactus apuntia covering the neigh- 
borhood in every direction. Nevertheless its location 
had many advantages. The climate, though change- 
able, was healthy, being never excessively hot or cold. 
In the vicinity variety of temperature favored the 
cultivation of different agricultural products. Cattle- 
raising became an important feature at an early day, 
and besides silver, copper lead and other metals were 
found in abundance. 22 

City of Zacatecas. 

The three or four persons in charge of the treasury, 
and the corregidor, appointed directly by the king, 
were the only officials who were paid a salary at Zaca- 

22 The veins around Zacatecas city yielded in 1608 an average of more than 
two ounces per cental. There were 20 haciendas de minces, whose owners were 
worth from 30,000 to 100,000 pesos each, and employed about 100 Spaniards, 
the same number of negroes, and 1,500 Indians. Each hacienda worked about 
80 centals a day. No smelting was done, and only mule power was used. 
Zacatecas, Bel., in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ix. 182-7. At San 
Andres General Mendiola tore down his stone buildings, the material yielding 
three marks per cental. The product of the mines at Zacatecas had declined 
considerably in 1732; there were only 24 reduction works; the expenses 
1,300,000 pesos per year; and the king received 257,350 pesos. Bemardez, 
Hist. Hex., Vol. III. 20 


tecas, and the salable offices brought at auction from 
six to eight thousand pesos. 23 The province had also 
a lieutenant captain-general, and a force of troops for 
protection in case of outbreaks among the natives. 24 
In wealth and probably in population the city was 
superior to the capital of Nueva Galicia. 25 

The mining districts of Fresnillo, Sombrerete, Pi- 
nos, Nieves, Mazapil, and Zacatecas were all alcaldias 
mayores, subject to a corregimiento, to which grade, 
in 1736, the so-called province of Zacatecas was 
raised, the districts of Aguas Calientes and Juchipila 
being added three years later. When the alcaldias 
mayores and corregimientos were abolished by the 
ordinance establishing intendencias, these latter dis- 
tricts were made a part of the intendencia of Gua- 
dalajara, until joined to that of Zacatecas by royal 
decree of December 30, 1791. 

The town of Aguas Calientes derived its name from 
the thermal springs in its immediate vicinity. 26 In 

Zac, 42-50. In 1750 the mines did not yield more than 500,000 pesos; but 
the output increased in a few years to ten times as much through the efforts 
of one Laborde. Jacobs' Hist. Inq., ii. 153. The wealthiest inhabitant of 
Zacatecas was Agustin de Zavala, who in 20 years had paid in silver king's 
fifths to the amount of 800,000 pesos, which shows that during that time he 
had sent to be marked 4,000,000. Satgado, Viola, 23. This is the same Zavala 
who was governor of Nuevo Leon. 

23 Zacatecas, ReL, in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ix. 184-0. Mier y 
Campo, in Revista Lien., ii. Ill, says the royal treasury was established in 

24 In 1608 Cristobal de Cardivar is named as holding the position of 'teni- 
ente de capitan general.' Ibid. The same writer speaks of a governor of 
Zacatecas appointed every six years by the council of the Indies. A ' capitan 
a guerra' is also mentioned about 1745 in Villa-Seiior, Teatro, ii. 223. 

23 The population of the province of Zacatecas for 1793 as given by Hum- 
boldt, Essai Pol., i. 57, 155, was 118,027; that of the capital, 25,495, and in 
1803, 153,300 including city and province. For description of principal 
places sec Id., 260-61; also Viagero, Univ., xxvii. 105-6. For the latter 
year the tribunal del consulado, in Soc. J\Lex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 6, gives 1681 
square leagues and 151,749 inhabitants. Murillo, Geog. Hist., 814, gives 
40,000 for the city in 1778-9, and Cancelada, Ruina, 73-5, the same figures 
as the consulado. Navarro, in Soc. Alex. Geog., Boletin, 2d cp., i. 291, has 
in 1810 for the intendencia of Zacatecas 2,355 square leagues, with 22,296 
Spaniards, 40,872 Indians, and 77,555 other races; 6 partidos, 17 curates, a 
city, 2 villas, 28 pueblos, 19 reales de minas, 108 haciendas, 438 ranchos, and 
16 cattle ranchos. See also Mini's Geog., ii. 132; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 
275; Berghes, Zac., 4; Zwniga y 0., Calend., 116-17; N. Esp., Brev. Res., ii. 

2 'The town used the royal arms, having no coat of arms of its own. 
Aguirre, Doc. Antig., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2d ep. iii. 19. For other 



1794 it had a parish church and three convents with 
about thirty friars, and as many other clergymen. 
There was also a public school supported by funds 
bequeathed by a resident of that town. Toward the 
end of the eighteenth century the population was 
rapidly increasing, 27 and mining, commerce, agricult- 
ure, and stock-raising had made great progress. 

Fresnillo had at this period about five thousand in- 
habitants and was governed by a lieutenant under the 

Zacatecas, Aguas Calientes, San Luis Potosi. 

alcalde of Jerez; there was a large parochial church 
and a Dominican hospice. The site was little better 
than that of Zacatecas. The mines in the hills of 
Proano, south-west of the town, belonged for the most 
part to the marquis of Apartado. 28 

Most of the settlements in the province of San 

details concerning it see Id., ii. 18; Dice. Univ., i. 77-8; S. Miguel, Hep. 
Mex., i. 7. 

27 In 1794 the town had 8,376 inhabitants. Aguirre, Doc. Antig., in Soc. 
Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2d ep. iii. 21-5. See for other details Dias, Mex., v. 
322; Gazeta Mex., i.-xv., passim. 

1)8 The curacy of Fresnillo was said to be the most lucrative in Nueva 
Galicia, paying $12,000 per year. Morji, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser. iv. 333-5. 


Luis Potosi were founded toward the close of the six- 
teenth and during the early part of the seventeenth 
century, and there is nothing that requires record 
concerning their progress. The capital of the same 
name is situated on the eastern declivity of the great 
plateau of Analiuac, in a fertile and extensive valley, 
bounded on the west by the mountains of San Luis. 
The oldest records of the town council date back to 
1612, the title of city being awarded by the king in 
1G56. 29 The population in 1G04 consisted of eight 
hundred Spaniards and some three thousand Indians; 
and about the middle of the eighteenth century, 
Villa-Senor states it at sixteen hundred families. 
Most of the natives were distributed among the 
mines of San Pedro and the neighboring haciendas, 
and from this time forward the population seems to 
have increased rapidly. 30 

San Pedro, Charcas, Villa del Valle, Guadalcazar, 
Panuco, and other towns were also in a flourishing 
condition. 31 The mining town of Catorce, so named 
on account of the murder of fourteen soldiers by sav- 
ages in ancient times, appears to have been founded 
in 1772, 32 though some place the date as early as 1738. 

29 Iturribarria, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin,- vii. 300. According to Arle- 
gui, 57, in 1666. 

30 Statistics concerning the population of San Luis Potosi run widely apart. 
Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 57, gives for 1793 in the city 8,571, and in the pro- 
vince 242,280; for 1803, 12,000 and 334,000 respectively. Castillo, in Soc. Mex. 
Geog., Boletin, 3d ep .v. 497, gives 22, 000 for the city in 1787 — an absurd state- 
ment. Taladez, Not., in Id., 58, 61, in 1794 for the province 168,002. Not. de 
Esp., in Id., ii. 19, for 1805, 186,503; so Tr'tb. Consid, in Id., 16; see for 
population at different periods Id., Id., ix. 272; for 1808. Cancelada, Iiuina, 
73-5, gives 311,503. Navarro, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2d ep. i. 291, 
gives for the intendencia of San Luis in 1810: 2,357 square leagues, with 
22,609 Spaniards, 88,949 Indians, 62,007 of mixed race, a total of 173,651. 
There were 10 partidos, 23 curacies, and 19 missions; one city, 2 villas, 49 
pueblos, 15 reales de minas, 124 haciendas, 431 ranchos, and 18 cattle ranchos. 
Properly there were 14 partidos, 10 under the viceroy, and four under the 
commander-general of the provincias orientales. See also Hassel, Handbuch, 
Mex. and Gnat., 224-9. 

31 In 1740 San Pedro had 100 families of Spaniards, mestizos, and mulattoes, 
with some 2,000 Indians in the vicinity; Charcas, 40 or 50, and Villa del Valle 
240 Spanish families. Villa-Senor, Theatro, i. 54-9. 

82 See Campo, Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2d ep. iv. 374. Five thousand in- 
habitants are given for the year 1776. in Ward's Mex., ii. 132-3, which seems 
gerated. According to Hassel, Handbuch, the mines were discovered in 


Ceclral was established in 1780, and became a doc- 
trina in 1790. 33 

The alcalde mayor of San Luis Potosi held the 
title of lieutenant captain-general, the appointment 
being made on account of the proximity of that prov- 
ince to the Chichimec frontier, where, however, the 
friars were actively engaged in the work of conversion. 
The ayuntamiento of the capital consisted of twelve 
regidores, alcaldes, alguaciles, and other necessary 
officials. 84 The title of city was granted by viceroy 
Alburquerque in 1656, and was confirmed by Felipe 
III. August 17, 1658. On the 25th of October 1787 
the province was made an intendencia. 85 

Of the mining and other industries I shall have 
occasion to speak later. The only disturbances which 
seem to have occurred in San Luis Potosi are those 
on the occasion of the Jesuit expulsion in 1767. 
When these were suppressed, the province made ex- 
traordinary progress, remaining free from political 
convulsions until in 1810 the country was aroused by 
the revolution of Dolores. 86 

33 See article on San Luis Potosi, in Dice. Univ., x. 321, and Iturribarria, 
in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, vii. 304. 

3i At an early date the city had five convents and a Jesuit college. Calle, 
Mem. y Not, 77; Santos, Chron., 467. 

35 The first intendente was Bruno Diaz Salcedo, who took possession on the 
same day. Castillo, in Soc. Mex. Geoe/., Boletin, 3d ep. v. 497. See also in 
Id., ii. 19-20, 96-110; Humboldt, EssaiPol., i. 282-5; Zuniga y O., Calend., 
117; GazetaMex., i.-xvi., passim. 

3G Besides Mota-Padilla the following authorities have been consulted for 
matters treated in this chapter: Torquemada, iii. 333-4, 342, 384; Apostolicos 
Afanes, passim; Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro, ii. 204-26; Zacatecas, Rel. , 
in Pacheco and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ix., 179-91; Aleqre, Hist. Comp., i. 205- 
29,440; ii. 24-5, 52-3, 81-2, 156-9, 241, 416 et seq. ; iii. 20-1, 64-9, 91-2, 191-2; 
Arlegui, Cron. Zac, passim; Bernardez, Zac, 26-90; Michoacan, Prov., 95, 
115-16; Arricivita, Crdn. Serdf., 92, 590; Espinosa, Cron. Apost., 415, 499- 
507; Ay eta, Defensa Verdad, passim; Ribas, Hist. Triumphos, 729; Margil 
de Jesus, Notizie, passim; Venegas, Not. Cat., ii. 515-16; Dice. Univ., iv. 
375-9; ix. 860-2; x. 168, 1032-88; Instruccion Vireyes, 3, 12, 126; Iglesias, 
Rel, 289-316; Jalisco, Not., 16-23, 66, 141; Mofras, Explor., i. 266; Lazcano, 
Vida de Oviedo, 149-56; Alfaro y Pina, Cat. de Guad., 5-14; Castilla, Espejo, 
1-297; Revista, Scien., ii. 110-11; Morji, Diario, 329; Jacob's Hist. Inq., ii. 
153; Dampier's Voy., i. 257-72; Salvador, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d series, iv. 
653; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 163-4; Museo Mex., 2d ep. i. 2; FunneWs Voy., 
91; Gil, in Soc. Mex. Geog., viii. 493. 




The Last Refuge oe Idolatry in Nueva Galtcia — Geography of Naya- 
rit — Characteristics of the Natives — Partial Success of Arisbaba 
ix 1C18— Trouble at Acaponeta — Massacre of Bracamonte and his 
Party in 1701 — Revolt at Colotlan — The Barefoot Friars — Men- 
diola's Expedition and The First Jesuit Attempt — The Tonati 
Visits Mexico— His Treaty and his Flight— Preparations and Ob- 
stacles at Zacatecas — Camp at Peyotlan— Flores in Command — 
Assault on the Mesa — The Nayarits Subdued and Conquest 
Achieved — Progress of the Missions. 

After the conclusion of the Mixton war 1 it was be- 
lieved that the powerful blow administered by Vice- 
roy Mendoza to the revolted savages of Nueva Galicia 
had been final. The utter defeat and rout of the 
Chichimecs, who then made a last heroic effort to 
throw off the Spanish yoke, had been decisive. The 
Spaniards enjoyed the peaceful possession of the terri- 
tory in the firm belief that no further attempts would 
ever be made by the scattered natives to assert their 
ancient rights. The Indians had not been finally sub- 
dued, however, and two centuries later the struggle 
was to be renewed. Many of the natives who had 
escaped death or captivity at Cuiml, Nochistlan, and 
Mixton had taken refuge in what was later known as 
the sierra of Nayarit. 2 

1 See Hist. 31ex., ii. 490-515, this series. 

-The region so called is situated in modern Jalisco, north of the Tololo- 
tlan, on and south of the Durango boundary, east of the coast province of Aca- 
poneta, west of Zacatecas, on and near the river San Pedro. In Nayarita8 t 
Jit/., 4-5, Nayarit is described as a province of 22 pueblos, lying within a 
triangle formed by the towns of Zacatecas, Huajuquilla, and Guazaniota. It 
included a valley enclosed by high mountains broken only by the Rio Vara- 




Very little has been learned about the country 
since its so-called conquest in the first quarter of the 
last century. It is still inhabited for the most part 
by aborigines seemingly but little under the control 
of Mexican authority, and has become famous of late 
years as the central stronghold from which the native 
chieftain Lozacla attempted valiantly, but in vain, to 
restore the independence of his nation. One or two 


difficult passes, easily defended against a superior in- 
vading force, lead to a succession of wooded peaks, 
arid mesas, huge chasms, and small valleys of consid- 
erable fertility. The natives inhabiting this region 
became known to the Spaniards as Nayarits, Coras, 
and Tecualmes; there were also other minor tribes, 
who together with them claimed descent from the 

nia — by which may be meant the Tololotlan. The entrance is ten leagues 
from Guazamota. According to Ajjostolicos Afaues, 173, the chief river is the 
Jesus Maria y Joseph, probably the modern San Pedro, which is tributary to 
the Tololotlan. Mota-Padilla and Alegre content themselves with giving 
latitude and longitude, with general bearings from well known points. It is 
evident that the early writers knew nothing of Nayarit geography. 


Aztecs, a claim supported to some extent by their 
language. 3 

In the central parts of Nayarit are two plateaus, 
known as the mesas del Tonati and del Cangrcjo, on 
the former of which were the nation's sacred temples. 
The people were a bold race of mountaineers, for the 
most part savages, their Aztec forefathers having 
handed down to them only a few religious forms, and 
a knowledge of agriculture. They enjoyed a fine and 
healthy climate. In their territory was an abundance 
of wild fruits, and no lack of game. They dwelt in 
security under the protection of their own gods, with 
whom they were content; but what they seem to have 
prized above all was their long immunity from Span- 
ish and christian intermeddling. Nevertheless they 
beheld with distrust the progress of the Spaniards, 
and gradually found themselves entirely surrounded 
by numerous missions. From their observations and 
the reports of fugitives they had ample opportunities 
to study the effects of the new institutions that had 
encircled their retreat; but their conclusion was that 
their old gods, customs, and rulers were good enough. 
Like most other natives, they doubted not their abil- 
ity to resist, with the aid of their natural defences, 
notwithstanding their small numbers — perhaps never 
more than three or four thousand. Circumstances 
contributed to strengthen their self-confidence as the 
Spaniards long delayed active measures to subdue 

The Indians in their visits to the coast, where they 
were wont to obtain salt in large quantities for barter 
with inland tribes, or to the Zacatecan towns, came 
often into friendly contact with the friars and soldiers, 
always declining their invitations to become christians, 
and gradually forming the idea that submission was to 

3 See Native Races of the Pacific States, iii. 719-20. The region is often 
called sierra de los Coras. According to Apoxtd/icos Afaiiex, 8-9, the Nay- 
arits were there when the Mexicans marched south in search of homes, and 
the long lines of intrenchments by which they defended their land Mere still 
visible in 17o2. 


be altogether optional. The friars, however, had other 

In the sixteenth century there is no record of any 
definite communication with Nayarit; but we are told 
that in the first years of the seventeenth, Captain 
Geronimo de Arciniega penetrated to Guainamota, 
took thence two thousand Indians, and with them 
founded four settlements. 4 Then we have a vague 
narrative of the expedition in 1616 to 1618 of Cap- 
tain Miguel Cadera with several companions. They 
are said to have set forth from Compostela and to 
have spent some time about the entrance to the for- 
bidden realms, meeting the king and his attendants, 
receiving four children as a gift, and making so favor- 
able an impression that some of the Nay ar its came to 
Tepic and even submitted to baptism. About the 
same time a band of rebellious Tepehuanes from 
Durango sought refuge in the southern sierra, and 
Captain Bartolome Arisbaba, pursuing them, met 
Caldera and the Indians at Guazamota. Here was 
a chance for the great chief to give a practical demon- 
stration of his new friendship, as in fact he is said to 
have done, by offering to join in the pursuit. Of the 
result we only know that Arisbaba left on a stone 
preserved in the church at Guazamota as late as the 
middle of the eighteenth century, an inscription recit- 
ing that in 1618 he conquered the province of San 
Jose del Gran Nayar. His conquest however cannot 
have been a very effectual one, probably consisting of 
certain ceremonies of formal submission, of which the 
wily natives were ever prodigal outside of their own 
territory; and Guazamota was on the frontier and 

4 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 458-9. Other Indians were added in 1603, 
and in 1G05 the king thanked Arciniega for his services. The same author 
relates that in 1613 father Miguel de Aranzu walked barefoot up the Sierra 
de los Coras, meeting many natives under a one-eyed chieftain who said his 
name was Nayarit, thus originating a name for the province and for the peo- 
ple. It is probable that the name did come from a native ruler. According 
to Apostolicos A fanes, 2, 9, it was from El Naye, the first who attained to 
regal power. El Gran Nayar is another and, according to this author, more 
vulgar form. He however calls the chief ruler in 1616 El Gran Nayarit. 


not within the pass. From this time, the Franciscans 
seem to have had a station there. 5 

It was also in 1G17 that Acaponeta was attacked 
and destroyed by a force said to have come from Du- 
rango, and which seems to have incited a revolt of 
the natives in this region. Aid soon came from Gua- 
dalajara and Guadiana however, and peace was re- 
stored. It is not unlikely that Arisbaba was in 
command of the reenforceinent sent on this occasion, 
and that it was against the destroyers of Acaponeta 
that the alliance of the Gran Nayarit was utilized. 
In 1667, and again a few years later, the Franciscans 
drew from Nayarit some converts for their outside 
missions. According to a royal decree of 1673 the 
friars were to be aided in their efforts, but nothing 
more was done during the century. 6 

In 1701 Captain Francisco Bracamonte, who seems 
to have been military commander on the frontier, had 
gained the friendship of the Nayarits, and was even 
known as protector of the Gran Nayar. Governor 
Gutierre of Nueva Galicia now proposed to use his 
influence in the subjugation of their territory. Bra- 
camonte, not without misgivings, accepted the offer, 
and with several priests, escorted by a dozen soldiers, 
set about his task. The Nayarits were indignant at 
this action of their friend, and forbade all further ad- 
vances. Foolishly Bracamonte was induced by his 
companions to go on and enter the pass known as El 
Simon. The result was that only one of the ill-fated 
band escaped, badly wounded, the rest being slain 
with their commander. 7 

The natives now became more aggressive in their 
policy. In 1702 there were tumults on the frontier, 
during which the Nayarits not only sheltered fugitives, 

5 Apostolieos Afaves, 28-34; Alegre, Hist. Co?np., iii. 197-8. Arlegui, 
Zac., J 72, tells us that his order first entered Nayarit in 1G35. 

u »See Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. GuL, 459. 

7 The account of this occurrence in Ajjostdlicos Af ernes, 34-5, is made up 
from a written statement by the survivor, and from the testimony of some 
Indians who were present at the massacre. 


but sent a force under the chief Tzomon to aid the 
malecontents. Depredations were committed from 
time to time; and though open rebellion was finally 
prevented on the west, the dissatisfaction spread east- 
ward, and in 1703-4 as we are told by Arlegui, the 
Indians of the Tololotlan sierra rose, killed Captain 
Silva, their protector, threatened their curate, and 
stole everything within their reach. They were four 
thousand in number, held meetings at Nostic, and sur- 
rounded Tlaltenango; but Count Santa Rosa marched 
against them with three hundred men from Zacate- 
cas, and defeated them with considerable slaughter. 
Whether the Nayarits took any active part in this 
revolt we are not informed. 8 

The Nayarits, though often professing friendship 
or even submission on the border, allowed no white 
man to enter their province; and thus, by the weak- 
ness of Spanish effort rather than by any achievement 
of their own, became day by day more firmly con- 
vinced that they could not be conquered. Various 
attempts were made to reduce them, but with insuffi- 
cient forces. Then a party of devoted Franciscans 
from Nueva Galicia started barefooted from Guada- 
lajara for the dominions of the devil and Gran Nayar. 
But not even bare and saintly feet were permitted to 
enter there, and the sorrowing friars turned back 
from Guazamota. All this occurred before 1709. 
The Nayarits, however, as proved later, were by no 
means invincible; all that was required for their 
reduction was a determined effort by a few hundred 
armed men. 9 

The time for decisive action had not yet arrived. 

8 Arlegui, Cron. Zac, 89-90, 201. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 459, gives 
the date of the defeat of Bracamonte — whom he calls Juan — in 1709. 

9 The Jesuit chroniclers, like the author of the Society's Apostdlkos Afanes, 
or Apostolic Labors, though doubtless conversant with the facts, delight 
in exaggerating here as elsewhere the fruitless efforts of state and church to 
bring gentiles to law and faith before the task was undertaken by the com- 
pany of Jesus. The Jesuits were, like other orders, zealous and able workers; 
but they also had the good fortune in several notable instances to undertake 
a difficult task, just when the government was ready to learn by past ex- 
perience and adopt an effective policy. 


- • 

Pursuant to the recommendation of oidor Pacheco of 
Guadalajara, a royal decree of 1709 ordered both the 
viceroy and the audiencia to intrust the spiritual con- 
quest of the savage district to the famous Franciscan 
friar Margil de Jesus. Delays occurred, and the plan 
of Padre Margil was not matured till 1711. His sug- 
gestions were adopted and all needed aid promised, 
but he was instructed in case of failure to make care- 
ful observations which might be useful in the future. 
The good friar, with his companion, Fray Luis Del- 
gado Cervantes, and six frontier caciques, set out for 
Guazamota. The Nayarit chief was notified of their 
intention, and permission to advance was denied. The 
Nayarits would sooner die than become Christians. 
Still, Father Margil pressed forward until stopped by 
hostile demonstrations. No miracle took place to 
soften the barbarian's heart. The chief insultingly 
gave the friars for supper a fox-skin stuffed with 
straw, and retired with his men to the mountains. 
This was too much for Christian digestion; and sadly 
the would-be apostles again turned back. By force 
alone could the gospel of peace be given to these 
obstinate heathen, and Father Margil now came to 
the sensible conclusion that the next attempt at con- 
version should be made with the assistance of at least 
a hundred well armed soldiers. But this was expen- 
sive, and Nayarit must wait. 10 

The next expedition was accompanied by a member 
of the company of Jesus. Obstacles now began to dis- 
appear, and compared with preceding attempts this 
one was almost a success. General Gregorio Matias 
de Mendiola, with thirty Spaniards, a hundred Ind- 
ians, and some friars, arrived at Guazamota in 1715, 
early in December. In January 1716 the Nayarit 

10 Father Pablo Felipe wrote a report of this embassy from which comes 
the information in AjkMuIIcos A fanes, 55-61. The date is made 17 JO in Nay- 
aritas, Bel., 0, and Pedro Alvarez de Roa is named as protector in that year. 
In the saint's life, Margil, Notizic, 07-7*2, it is stated that ho was on the point 
of being killed during this journey, but that God struck terror into the hearts 
of the savages, thus saving his life. 


chiefs allowed them to enter the pass, and the country 
was named, after the day, Provincia del Santo Nombre 
de Jesus. Passing across the San Pedro up a steep 
grade to a plateau, they were ceremoniously received 
by four hundred young warriors; further on they met 
the priests of the sun and Nayarit nobility. They were 
greeted with the barbarous etiquette of the sierra 
tribes. The savages readily went through the forms 
of submission to the authority of Felipe V., but re- 
fused to change their religion. 

Argument was in vain, and after several days of 
festivity the Spaniards noted some peculiarities of con- 
duct on the part of their hosts, which prompted them 
to retire with more alacrity than they had entered. 11 

The mountaineers now became more haughty and 
daring than ever, until the tribes of the coast, tired 
of their continued outrages, assumed about 1718 a 
hostile attitude, attacked small parties which ventured 
out of the stronghold, and finally were able to cut on 
Nayarit communication with the coast. Then came a 
new cecjula urging as usual active measures for the 
breaking up of this last refuge of idolatry in Nueva 
Galicia. The viceroy put the matter into the hands 
of Martin Verdugo de Haro, corregidor of Zacatecas, 
and the latter intrusted it to Juan de la Torre Valdes 
y Gamboa, a rich and popular citizen of Jerez, with 
the suggestion that a Nayarit representative be in- 
duced to visit Mexico. Circumstances were favorable, 
since the Nayarits were in great trouble about the 
cutting-off of their salt supply for consumption and 
trade. Pablo Felipe, native chief and governor at 
San Nicolas, exerted his diplomatic powers in favor 
of Spanish interests, and, particularly in the interests 
of his friend Torre, easily persuaded the Indians that 
the viceroy alone could effectually redress their wrongs, 
that a personal application to that official was essential, 

11 A letter to the bishop, February 25, 1716, by Father Solchaga, who ac- 
companied this expedition as chaplain, is the authority given in Ajpostolicos 
Afanes, 63-73; it is followed in Alegre, Hist. Comp., iii. 199-201. Other 
writers do not mention Mendiola's expedition. 



and that Juan dc la Torre was the man above all others 
to accompany their embassy to Mexico and take charge 
of their interests. 

Accordingly the tonati, or guestlacatl, that is to say 
the chief, 12 notified Torre of his purpose to visit him 
with fifty of his subjects for consultation. The viceroy 
was notified of this intended visit by a letter of the cor- 
regidor dated November 25, l720, 13 at a time when Juan 





-Capetatde la Galicia 

Ancient Map of Nayarit. 

12 Called also Tonat, Tonatin, Tonatiuh, Tonali, Nayarit, Nayerit, Nayar, 
. Naye, Giiestlacalt, Guactlaco, and Gueitlacal. 

13 Nayaritas, Relation de la Conquista de la Provincia de los Nayaritas en 
el Reyno de la Nueva Espaua, que consiguieron las Armas de su Magestad a, 
principios de este afio de 1722, Madrid (about 1723), sm. 4to, 30 p. This is a 
report dated Madrid, Oct. 6, 1722, apparently made to, and by order of, the 
king, by a writer whose name is not given. It is a little volume of consider- 
able historical value which has now become very rare. 

Another important authority on the final conquest is the Gacetas de Mex- 
ico, a serial publication, or newspaper, begun by Dr. Juan Ignacio de Casto- 
rcfia y Ursiia at the beginning of 1722, just in time to include in the first 
numbers for January- April of that year, the news from Nayarit. These old- 
est numbers were reprinted in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. iv. Of the series 
from 1784 to 1821 I have a complete set in my library. 


Berrotaran was negotiating for the conduct of the en- 
terprise, having offered to raise two hundred men for 
forty days at his own cost; but he immediately ap- 
pointed Torre capitan protector of Nayarit, with four 
hundred and fifty pesos per year for his expenses, and 
an allowance of two or three hundred with which to 
entertain the embassy. 14 This according to Mota- 
Padilla was on December 10th, and at the appointed 
time the tonati with his fifty companions arrived at 
Jerez. Every attention was shown them, both here 
and at Zacatecas where they soon went with their pro- 
tector. The devil, fearing to be forced from his last 
Galician intrenchments, circulated a report that the 
tonati's companions were not Nayarits at all, but 
apostate frontiersmen. This not being credited, he 
worked upon the fears of the Indians themselves, so 
that twenty-five of the fifty on one excuse or another 
returned home. The rest followed their ruler to 
Mexico, where they arrived under the escort of Cap- 
tain Torre and Captain Santiago Rioja, in February 
1721. 15 

The visitors were entertained in the metropolis 
with the attention and pomp due their rank, hospi- 
talities being measured somewhat by what the Span- 
iards hoped to gain. They created no little sensation 
among all classes, and were themselves suitably im- 
pressed, though we are told they were successful in 
concealing their wonder. At their first audience for 
the transaction of business, perhaps on March 16th, 
each of the native nobles, kneeling, presented to the 
viceroy an arrow, and the tonati offered his wand and 
a crown of feathers, all in token of submission. In 
return the marquis Valero expressed thanks, pardoned 
past delinquencies, and received a written memorial 
containing the Nayarit grievances. At the second 

14 So say Mota-Padilla and the Relation. According to Apostdlicos Afanes 
Torre was appointed before the negotiations for a visit to Mexico. 

15 Villa-Sefior, Teatro, ii. 268-9; Dice. Univ., x. 834. Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 
115-17; and Revilla Gigedo, I)tforme, 467, make the date of the visit to 
Mexico 1718. 


audience Viceroy Valero, after granting all the me- 
morial asked for, gave his attention to the spiritual 
wants of the applicants, delivering orally and in writ- 
ing a most eloquent and convincing argument in favor 
of the adoption of a new and better faith. The poor 
Indians were somewhat confused, but they could not 
answer the viceregal logic, and were understood to 
assent, and to call for 'black padres/ as they termed 
the Jesuits, to instruct their people. The archbishop 
entertained and blessed his prospective converts; and 
the Jesuit provincial, being assured of non-interfer- 
ence of other orders in Nayarit, named on March 19th 
fathers Juan Tellez Jiron and Antonio Arias Ibarra 
as missionaries for the new field. He even made a 
strong effort to convert and baptize the tonati then 
and there; but the latter did not deem it a conven- 
ient season, owning that were he baptized his people 
would probably kill him. He had no yearnings for 
martyrdom, but at last agreed to submit to the rite at 
Zacatecas, a city he was subsequently very careful to 

The treaty, by the terms of which the Nayarits 
were to be protected in all their rights on condition 
of rendering allegiance to Spain and admitting Jesuit 
instructors, was confirmed in a council held March 
20th. 1G The party soon started for the north, Torre 
as governor with authority to recruit troops — called 
for by the tonati himself, who dared not return with- 
out their protection — and to draw on the treasury at 
Zacatecas for the necessary funds. Now the tonati's 
real troubles began. In fact the royal representative 
of the sun lost his wits in Mexico, and promised 

16 Revilla Gigedo in his report of 1793, Informe, 467, gives the conditions 
of the treaty more fully than any other. According to this authority the 
tonati was to be sustained as lord of his country, his rights and titles to 
descend to his successors; his subjects were never to pay tribute nor to ftc- 
knovvledge any superior judges save the viceroy; the privilege of obtaining salt 
from Acaponeta and Nexcatitlan free from all tax was guaranteed; and re- 
bellious Nayarits in the future were to be brought gently back to the path 
of duty. Frejes gives date of treaty May 20th. His aceount of Nayarit 
conquest is ineomplete and even inaccurate. Hint. Breve, 150-5. 


more than popular feeling at home would permit him 
to perform. This he realized more and more as the 
day of meeting with his people drew near, and his 
companions began to be free in the expression of their 
views and fears. He became nervous and change- 
able; intending at first perhaps to fulfil his pledges, 
else he would hardly have asked for a military force; 
but finally overcome by his fears, especially when 
warned by one of his old men respecting the popular 
discontent and the plots of a rival chieftain, Gua- 
mocat. At Jerez he managed to escape from his 
Spanish escort, and hurried home to explain his pol- 
icy, regain his impaired influence, and prepare for 
defence. 17 

Some months were now spent by the governor in 
preparations at Zacatecas and Jerez, where obstacles 
were thrown in his way from the first by persons who 
liked not to hear their old companion addressed as 
governor and general. These mischief-makers had 
much to say of the foolhardiness of the expedition; 
and then raised doubts as to the validity of some of 
Torre's papers, thus confusing the treasury officials 
and necessitating a hasty trip of Captain Rioja to 
Mexico. In June, however, all was declared satisfac- 
tory ; the proper orders were issued ; and after seven- 
teen citizens had raised 40,000 pesos for the depleted 
treasury, the enlistment flag bearing the holy image of 
Christ was raised on the 29th of June. 18 One hun- 
dred men were to be raised and to receive each four 
hundred pesos. Captain Rioja enlisted fifty at Zaca- 
tecas and Captain Alonso de la Reina y Narvaez 
another company of fifty at Jerez. One hundred 

17 Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 472-4, and Villa-Seilor, Teatro, ii. 268-9, 
state that the tonati did not leave the Spaniards until the latter had entered 
Nayarit, when according to the former he was sent in advance, or as the latter 
says fled, taking with him a large part of the company's property! 

18 From Na//aritas, Bel., 8-9, it would appear though vaguely that some 
of the delay may have arisen from the fact that Torre called on the treasury 
for more men than had been specified in Mexico. He said he had 800 Indians 
enlisted and wanted money to pay 200 soldiers. The names of the 17 con- 
tributors to the fund are given. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 21 


Indian allies were also enlisted. Father Jiron had 
accompanied the embassy from Mexico, and father 
Ibarra now came down from Nucva Vizcaya. The 
Jesuits were allowed nine hundred and eighty-four 
pesos for sacred utensils, and an additional sum for 
clothing and gifts with which to conciliate the natives. 

Just as the army was about to march, Governor 
Torre was stricken with a serious brain trouble, 
resulting from past anxiety, and amounting almost to 
insanity. The viceroy was notified of the calamity, 
but before any reply was received the governor recov- 
ered his health and marched with his men to Huaju- 
quilla, perhaps in July or August. Nothing had been 
heard from Nayarit;but now came conflicting rumors 
from dwellers on the frontier respecting the tonati's 
intentions. Cristobal Geronimo, a friendly Cora, was 
sent forward, but the Nayarits demanded more time 
before giving any definite reply. In the mean while 
news of Torre's malady reached the viceroy and orders 
came north for Count Laguna to take command. 
Considerable correspondence and delay ensued, and 
finally the count came to Huajuquilla, where he found 
that, although the commander was still afflicted at 
intervals, yet it would cause dissatisfaction for him to 
assume command, since many of the officers and men 
had enlisted merely from friendship to Torre. He 
therefore decided to let the governor go on, but to 
remain himself as colonel on the frontier to be prepared 
for any emergency. The little army set out for 
Nayarit on the 26th of September. 

The distance was thirty leagues over a difficult and 
dangerous way. Fording a largfe river called Cha- 
palagama and climbing a steep grade they entered 
El Pinal, where on October 1st they met Geronimo 
with a message to the effect that the Spaniards might 
come to the pass and in a designated spot await fur- 
ther communications. Next day they said mass at 
Angel de la Guarda, looked from the summit upon the 
promised land — "fit only for apostates or apostles," 


and later known as the Nayarit hell — and descended 
to the rendezvous in the pass. The spot was unfavor- 
able both for comfort and defence; many Indians vis- 
ited the camp in pretended friendliness, but the rulers 
did not make their appearance. The governor went 
in person to meet a band of two hundred warriors at 
a rancheria near by, and was ordered by an apostate 
chief, Cucut, the Serpent, to leave the country since 
the tonati's acts in Mexico would not be ratified by 
the people. When Torre refused to comply, the In- 
dians pretended to listen to his arguments, became 
very friendly, and even held out hopes of submis- 
sion in the near future. During the next few days 
smoke signals were seen in all directions; Nayarit 
spies, including Melchor and Alonso, two of the lead- 
ing chiefs, came to inspect the Spanish camp; and 
other spies sent out by Torre reported a plan to 
assemble for formal homage, and having arranged the 
warriors advantageously to attack at a given signal. 19 
A council of war decided upon a retreat to Peyotlan, 
five leagues from the pass. The Indians treacherously 
protested against the change, promising everything, 
and the governor was inclined to credit their promises; 
but his men, and especially the native allies, insisted. 
The Spaniards remained at Peyotlan from the 11th 
to the 19th of October, frequently visited by Nayarits, 
who declared that the nation awaited only the coming 
of the tonati to submit. 

Meantime that dignitary was in council with the 
elders at the rancheria of El Portero. He was op- 
posed to war, and favored the admission of at least the 
padres, but was induced to leave the whole matter to 
the old men. Their decision was to name Coaxata, or 
Guasta, as a rendezvous, and to attack the Spaniards 
on the way thither at the Teaurite pass where the 
trail crossed a stream. This was on the 17th, and two 

19 According to Nayarit as, Rel., 10, the warning came on October 10th, and 
the attack was planned for October 16th. This writer speaks of a change of 
camp but does not name Peyotlan. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 473-4, says 
nothing of a retreat before the battle. 


days later Torre marched for Coaxata. The battle 
took place on the 20th; 20 it was not an unexpected 
attack by ambushed foes, since the Spaniards were 
forewarned. The hills swarmed with, natives; the Na- 
yarit chief stood in sight directing his men where the 
padres went up to embrace him, and the army made 
no special effort to retire, notwithstanding the unfa- 
vorable nature of the spot for a fight. The Christians 
were enveloped in a cloud of arrows, but soon learned 
they had nothing to fear; the arrows fell harmless, 
only scratching slightly seven or eight men. Santiago 
with his heavenly corps was plainly visible to the sav- 
age patriots, fighting for the invaders; and after an 
hour's ineffectual fight Alonso retired with a loss of 
forty or fifty warriors, and devoted his whole atten- 
tion thereafter to the defense of the mesa. The 
Spaniards having come to take possession in accord- 
ance with past promises rather than to conquer, did 
not deem their force sufficient to follow up the victory, 
and retired to Peyotlan. This is the Jesuit version ; 
according to Mota-Padilla the glorious victory was a 
defeat, and the Spaniards with difficulty escaped with 
their lives. 21 

During the remaining months of 1721, fortifications 
were strengthened at Peytolan, the presidio being 
called apparently San Juan ; while the friars gathered 
about one hundred natives, baptized them, and founded 
there the pueblo of Santa Rita. Governor Torre re- 
ported to the viceroy, asked for aid and instructions, 
and at the same time called upon Jerez and Zacatecas 
for temporary reinforcements with which to hold his 
position and check threatening movements in the 
frontier towns. Fifty men were at once enlisted un- 
der Captain Nicolas Escobedo and Nicolas Caldera, 

20 Alegre, Hist. Comp. Jesus, iii. 201-6, says Oct. 26th, and Mota-Padilla 
makes it Oct. 3d. 

21 Coi/q. N. Gal., 473-4. He makes the date Oct. 3d, and speaks of 24 cap- 
tives. In the Relation, 10, it is stated that Torre was attacked suddenly by 
500 men in ambush, and that after an hour's hard fighting both parties retired. 
This version is a medium between the others and is perhaps the most reliable. 


and sent to Peyotlan where they remained a month 
or more. 22 Communication with the Nayarits on the 
mesa was not rare. Negotiations, of which the de- 
tails are complicated and need not be repeated, took 
much the same course with much the same results as 
before the battle. Many of the chiefs were free with 
their promises, but never quite ready to perform. 
Torre called upon them repeatedly to submit, but was 
not ready to enforce his order, and always granted 
the few days' delay required. On the mesa a small 
party with the tonati still opposed resistance; but 
a plot was formed to kill the tonati and put another 
in bis place. The plot failed, partly because the rival 
chieftain was captured by the Spaniards in one of 
their raids to the foot of the mesa. 

In Mexico, though it was resolved to prosecute the 
war, it was deemed unsafe to trust the command 
longer to Torre, a return of whose malady might 
cause disaster at the very moment of success. Juan 
Flores de San Pedro 23 was made governor, and Torre 
was summoned to Mexico. The order came on De- 
cember 8th, and the new commander, marching from 
Yillanueva on the 24th, arrived on the 4th or 5th of 
January 1722, at the camp of San Juan, 24 with sixty 
men, three hundred horses, and a large store of sup- 
plies. Captain Escobedo and his men seem to have 
returned at about the same time. Torre gave up the 
command and started for Mexico. 25 

Governor Flores lost no time in notifying the 

22 The names of citizens who contributed to the fund of 839 pesos are given 
in Nayaritas, Bel., 13-17. Capt. Escobedo raised his company at his own 

23 So called in Apostdlicos Afanes, 148; Gacetas de Mex., Jan. 1722, and 
Nayaritas, Eel., 16. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 474, and Kevilla Gigedo, 
hi forme, 467, call him Juan Flores de la Torre, a descendant of the second 
governor of N. Galicia. Mota-Padilla attributes Torre's insanity to his defeat, 
and accordingly represents the correspondence with Count Laguna as having 
taken place while the army was at Peyotlan. 

21 Called Santiago Teyotan in the Gacetas de Mex. 

25 The Gaceta de Mex. for Jan. 1722 contains the notice that Capt. Rioja 
had arrived with news of the battle, and that Torre was expected soon. The 
number for Feb. announces Torre's arrival. The force brought by Flores is 
given by Mota-Padilla as 60; by the Afanes as 70; and by the Relation as 16. 


Nayarits of his appointment, of his intention to take 
immediate possession, and of his desire to receive at 
once the promised allegiance. After a not very suc- 
cessful resort to their former dilatory tactics, they 
formally announced on January 13th their purpose 
to defend the mesa. Thereupon Flores, who had al- 
ready sent out expeditions in different directions to 
close all avenues of escape, began active operations on 
the 14th. Dividing his force he marched in person 
with fifty soldiers and many Indians via Guainamarus, 
where he began the foundation of Santa Teresa, 26 
with three hundred natives, making a long detour to 
attack the mesa from the west. Escobedo with a 
like force took a shorter way to the eastern base. 
This plan of attack by divided forces was not, as the 
Jesuit chronicler justly observes, a very wise one; 
but it resulted in no harm, save to the governor him- 
self, who was perhaps deprived by it of the personal 
honors of the victory. 

Escobedo had orders to march slowly so as to as- 
sault the mesa on January 17th, simultaneously with 
Flores from the opposite side; but he arrived on the 
loth, and could not resist the temptation to begin 
operations at once. The Indians of the mesa del 
Cangrejo adjoining that of the Tonati were induced 
to offer no resistance, and to abide by the result if 
their neighbors were vanquished. On the morning 
of the 16th Escobedo's force began the ascent, and 
reached the summit late in the afternoon, having left 
the horses half way up, with a guard. Authority is 
not wanting to warrant the historian in giving to the 
Nayarits a valiant defence, terminated perhaps by a 
leap down the precipice of the few who escaped Spanish 
bullets. The Jesuit historian pictures a terrible con- 
flict as Escobedo's men fought their way inch by inch 
up the narrow, steep, and tortuous trail, over suc- 

26 Called Santa Teresa de Miraflores, from Teresa, his wife's name, and 
Flores, his own. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 478. According to the Rela- 
Hon, 17, he arrived here on the 15th; the pueblo was named Santa Gertrudis 
and the presidio Santa Teresa. 


cessive lines of artificial as well as natural defences, 
enveloped in clouds of arrows and showers of stones 
hurled from slings, and above all impeded continually 
by immense masses of rock which were precipitated 
from the cliff and dashed large trees into splinters as 
they passed ! Others assert that not one of the assail- 
ants, and but one or two of the defenders, were in- 
jured — which is somewhat absurd unless with the 
chronicler we can regard the proceeding as miraculous; 
for Santiago fought with the Spaniards, and against 
him human missiles could not prevail. It must be 
confessed, that in the light of their reputed bravery 
and the strength of their position, the Nayarits made 
but a sorry show of resistance or heroism. 

The author of the Afanes admits that an accidental 
turning aside into a by-path near the top materially 
aided the assailants and deranged the plans of the 
enemy. Following this writer, Escobedo took pos- 
session of the mesa on the afternoon of the 16th; 
the enemy fled after one of their bravest leaders, 
Tahuitole, 27 had fallen in a last desperate and single- 
handed charge, and Governor Flores arrived next 
morning, to find the victory won, and to chicle the 
victor for his haste. Mota-Padilla, however, with 
little to say of hard fighting, tells us that Escobedo 
did not quite reach the summit on the first day, and 
that the Nayarits ran away when they heard of 
another force approaching from the west; so that 
when Flores next morning prepared for an assault, 
he found no foe save a few warriors forming a kind of 
rear-guard to the flying masses. One of this number 
was Tlahuitole, who was slain by Flores' men. Im- 
mediate pursuit into the barrancas was impracti- 
cable. 28 

With the occupation of the mesa the conquest of 

27 Written also Taguitole, Talmitole, Tlaquilote, and Taquiloe. 

28 The Relation, 17-18, gives only a general account, stating that both at- 
tacking parties were miraculously protected. The Gaceta for Feb. does not 
say which party reached the summit first, but seems to have confused the 
two parties, apparently making Escobedo command the western division 
under Flores, while the other was under captains Reina and Muro. 


Nayarit practically ends. There was no farther op- 
position meriting the name even in comparison with 
past events; neither do subsequent developments re- 
quire more than a general glance here. The attention 
of the Christians was first turned to the destruction 
of temples on the mesa, with all their paraphernalia of 
idolatry. Evil influences were exorcised, though not 
easily, by the zealous conjurations of the friars; a 
temporary structure for mass was erected without de- 
lay; and the bones of the first Nayar were sent with 
other relics and trophies to Mexico. 29 The new prov- 
ince in accordance with the viceroy's wish was called 
Nuevo Reino de Toledo, because he attributed the 
successful conquest largely to the image of our lady 
worshipped in the cathedral of Toledo. Flores was 
made comandante of the territory he had won as 
lieutenant of the captain -general. The natives on the 
adjoining Mesa del Cangrejo 30 had kept their promise, 
merely rolling down a few stones where they could do 
no harm and making some noise during the battle in 
order to make a good showing in case the Spaniards 
were defeated. They now came in and offered their 
submission, and other rancherias followed their exam- 
ple. Soldiers were despatched in every direction, and 
the whole native population was gradually subdued, 
though not without considerable difficulty and delay 
by reason of the abundance of almost inaccessible 
hiding-places long frequented by apostates. 31 

The missionaries were as usual earnest and indus- 
trious; the military guard at first sufficient; and the 
local troubles and partial revolts less frequent and 
serious than might have been anticipated from the 

29 The trophies arrived in Mexico Feb. 12, 1722, where they were burned 
with great ceremony for the good of the faith. Gacetas de Mex., Feb. 1722. 
This author calls the temple Hnci CalU, the image of the sun worshipped in it 
Tonati, and the Gran Nayari whose bones were sent to Mexico Guayco or 
' third.' Mota-Padilla calls the temple GaUguei. 

""Their chief is called Cangrejo in Relation, 20. 

81 Mota-Padilla gives more importance to these various expeditions than 
does the author of the A fanes, and represents the soldiers' sufferings as very 
great from exposure, scorpions, etc. According to Nayaritas, Relation, a 
Franciscan friar, P. Arroyo, accompanied the army. 


character of the people. Already a presidio of San 
Juan, and a pueblo, or mission, of Santa Rita had been 
established at Peyotlan; and preparations had been 
made for a pueblo of Santa Teresa at Guahnarus in 
the north. 32 Now the pueblo of Trinidad and presidio 
of San Francisco Javier de Valero were founded on 
the mesa, as capital of the province, with Father Tellez 
in charge; in the north were founded the pueblo of 
Santa Gertrudis 33 and the presidio of San Salvador el 
Verde; while on the river were located Jesus Maria 
and San Francisco de Paula. 34 

Governor Flores left Nayarit in March to visit his 
hacienda, not returning until the end of May. Dur- 
ing his absence there were some disturbances; many 
Indians ran away to join a rebellious band under 
Alonso at the rancheria of Santiago; and a party 
searching for mines was attacked, by its own fault, 
and one man lost. On the comandante's return, how- 
ever, with reinforcements, and with two padres, Jose 
Bautista Lopez and Jose Mesa, order was restored, 
and Alonso soon gave up the useless struggle. A 
new establishment of San Ignacio was founded at 
Guainamota 35 under Captain Bioja and Father Mesa. 
In July Flores made an expedition into the territory 
of the Tecualmes and Coras, and with natives of these 
tribes founded San Juan Bautista and San Pedro on 
the Bio de San Pedro. Of all the fugitives, an 
apostate female leader named Juana Burro held out 
longest against the Spaniards; but she at last yielded 
to gospel influence and muskets. The comanclante 
was now absent again for a year or more; but all went 
well with the missions, the new one of Bosario being 

32 Coynamams, Guaimaruzi, or Coaymarus. It was about 20 leagues north- 
west of the mesa. 

33 According to Relation, 17, 20, Sta Teresa was the presidio and Sta Ger- 
trudis the pueblo, and they were six leagues apart. 

31 The Relation, 27, states that the presidio of San Juan Bautista was 
afterward moved to Jesus Maria. Mota-Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 480, says a 
pueblo of Guadalupe was founded in February, 12 1. east of the mesa. The 
Relation, 20, says it was on the mesa 12 leagues from the real. 

3d At Guazamota according to Dice. Univ., x. 18. 


founded, and fathers Urbano de Covarrubias, Cristobal 
Lauria, and Manuel Fernandez being added to the 
Jesuit force. 

Flores came back to Nayarit at the end of 1723, 
and new troubles soon arose, resulting in the tempo- 
rary abandonment of Trinidad and Santa Gertrudis, 
the burning of the churches at Rosario and Santa 
Teresa, and the death of one of the leading allies of the 
Spaniards named Luna. Aid was sent, however, from 
different quarters, and quiet restored without much 
difficulty. It is said that none of the missions re- 
volted on this occasion unless the padre was absent. 
Perfect safety was secured before March, when Flores 
returned with a body of fugitives whom he had pur- 
sued into Durango. 

The tonati does not seem to have been a very im- 
portant personage in these latter days. He wandered 
for some time, a fugitive even from his own people, 
until captured by the Spaniards in 1722. Fie was 
baptized in 1725, when the visitador Rivera stood as 
godfather to this relic of Nayarit royalty. Rivera 
found nearly four thousand Indians in ten settlements, 
all in excellent condition; and when in 1728 the bishop 
came on a pastoral visit he was delighted with his 
reception and with the progress of the converts. 556 

Indeed from this time, so far as the record shows, 
the Nayarits were model converts, attached to their 
teachers, living quietly in their settlements, and all 
the more orderly doubtless because few Spaniards ever 
had occasion to visit their mountain homes. The 
missions were still flourishing in 17G7 under seven 
Jesuits, who were expelled with their order. 37 They 

30 Alegre speaks of 5,000 pesos distributed to pay for damages during the 
conquest; he also mentions difficulties in 1729 caused by the bad character of 
the soldiers sent to the country. Hist. Comp., iii. 227-8, 238-9. It is stated, 
however, by Mota-Padilla, writing in 1742, that the people had given no 
trouble .since the conquest, and that the military governors might well be 
dispensed with. Conq. N. Gal., 510. In 1725 a presidio with 38 soldiers was 
still kept up. Villa-Senor, Teatro, ii. 270. In 1752 a real de minas was es- 
tablished at Bolanos and part of Nayarit brought under a corregidor. Instruc- 
tion Vireyes, 44-57. 

37 The seven missions in 17G7 were Santa Rita, Santa Teresa, San Pedro, 


were then with their settlements turned over to the 
Franciscans of Nueva Galicia. The principal mission 
on the mesa was transferred on February 1st, the 
same day the Jesuits left. All the missions were re- 
ported to be in a lamentable condition as to the 
spiritual and temporal welfare of the natives, who re- 
ceived no religious instruction, absented themselves at 
will, and worshipped their idols unmolested, so that it 
was necessary to use force in order to bring in whole 
families living thus. At the time the Tecualmes of 
San Pedro Iscatan still spoke their native tongue; 
but this was entirely lost before 1785, when they used 
the mixed Mexican and Spanish spoken in most of 
the New Spain missions. At the other Nayarit mis- 
sions the Indians were Coras. 38 

The province was garrisoned by a company of about 
forty soldiers, under a comandante who was at the 
same time protector of the Indians, and who not in- 
frequently misused his power to oppress the natives. 
It is said the Jesuits had been so lenient with their 
flock that under their regime the Indians only con- 
fessed in articulo mortis, and most frequently through 
interpreters. If the Franciscans applied more strin- 
gent measures, it is not shown that they made more 
progress than their predecessors; in 1789 only twelve 
friars were engaged in missionary work in Nayarit, 39 
nor do the records show how long the garrison or 
missions were continued. 40 

Jesus Maria, Trinidad, Guainamota, and Rosario. Comp. de Jesus, Catdlogo. 
Villa-Senor, Teatro, ii. 271, in 1745 adds the following names: San Joaquin, 
Santa Maria, San Lucas, Dolores, and Tecualmes. Orozco y Berra, Geog., 
279-80, adds San Juan Corapa, Santa Fe", and San Diego. 

38 Navarro, Misiones de Nayarit, in Plnart, Col. Doc. Mex., 4G7-80. This 
author, who was one of the Franciscans to whom the missions were transferred, 
states that each had its ranchos of horned cattle, horses, mules, goats, and 
sheep. All that belonged to the missions had been placed in deposit with 
Joaquin Hernandez Solis, a minero matriculado of the real of Tenamachi, 
who sold everything without rendering an account to the royal treasury. He 
turned over to the Franciscans only the empty mission buildings without furni- 
ture or utensils of any kind ; even the standing crops had been sold, so the 
friars were obliged to buy maize for their subsistence. 

™Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 572. 

40 The principal authorities consulted on matters treated in this chapter 
have been quoted in separate notes. From certain passages in the Apostolicos 


Afane*, I infer that the author was the friar in charge of Santa Rita and 
Jesus Maria from a date somewhat earlier than 1728, that he wrote much of 
his work at Santa Rita, that his name was probably Joseph Ortega, and that 
the part of his narrative relating to Nayarit was largely founded on a manu- 
script from the pen of father Antonio Arias de Ibarra. Frejcs, however, 
.-peaks of father Flu via as the author. Hist. Breve, 20. Of the three parts 
which make up the volume the first is entitled Maravillosa reduction y con- 
quista de la Proirineia de Sail Joseph del Gran Nayar, Nuevo Reino de Toledo, 
filling 25 chapters and 223 pages. It is therefore the leading authority for 
the present chapter of my work. Mota-Padilla's Conq. N. Gal., 271-2, 319, 
458-87, 510, written ten years earlier than the A fanes, and not consulted by 
the author of that work, contains some information not included in the Jesuit 
record, and is hardly second to it as an authority. Alegre, Hist. Com p., iii. 
TJG-239, gives a very full account of the subject, following the Afanes pretty 
closely, and his version is repeated in Dice. Univ. Geog., x. 10-18, 834. Ar- 
legui, Cron. Zac., 89-90, 172-3, 201, and Arricivita, Cron. Serdf., 88-92, nar- 
rate the acts of the Franciscans in the Nayarit region. 




Governors Agustin de Zavala, Juan Ruiz, and Martin de Zavala — 
congregas — uprising of natives — and flnal subjection — political 
Division — Secularization of Missions — And Consequent General 
Insurrection — Governor Barbadillo — His Prudent Measures — 
More Difficulties — Population of Province — Sierra Gorda — Death 
of Zaraza — Governor Jose de Escandonv— His Pacification and Con- 
quest of Sierra Gorda — Condition of Tamaulipas— Escandon is 
Appointed Governor — He Founds Nuevo Santander — Numerous 
Towns and Missions are Founded— Statistics for 1757 — General 
Progress of the Colonies. 

At the close of the sixteenth century Nuevo Leon, 
as will be remembered, was ruled by the lieutenant- 
governor, Diego de Montemayor. The records tell us 
little or nothing about the progress of the country 
during his term of office, and after 1611 his name dis- 
appears. It is uncertain whether he left the province 
or died there, and only the names of his two sons, 
Diego and Miguel, are mentioned. Meanwhile, the 
Spanish settlers seem to have increased in number, 
spreading toward the adjoining province of Coahuila, 
where an active trade was carried on with the aborig- 
ines. From this time also until 1628, 1 when Martin 
de Zavala was appointed to office, nothing worthy of 
note is recorded concerning the province. This ruler 

1 In 1613 Agustin de Zavala appears upon the scene as governor, ap- 
pointed by Viceroy Guadalcazar. He is said to have been a wise ruler, his 
prudent measures serving to check the occasional aggressions of the natives. 
He was succeeded in 1625 by lieutenant-governor and captain-general Juan 
Ruiz, attorney of the audiencia of Mexico. 



made himself conspicuous by his harsh treatment of 
the natives, forcing them as soon as converted, or even 
before, into the congregas,or congregations, established 
by Monte mayor. The laws regarding the formation 
of encomiendas were now so stringently enforced that 
of necessity some means had to be devised, to elude 
them in order to retain the benefits derived from com- 
pulsory Indian labor. The difference between the 
congrega and encomienda existed only in name, but 
under the former system the law was evaded, while 
an attempt was thus made to delude the natives by 
the abolition of the obnoxious appellation formerly 
in use. 

The immediate result of Zavala's policy was a gen- 
eral uprising of the natives, which it required more 
than eight years to master. A decisive battle in 
1G37 restored peace to the country for a time; but a 
great number of natives had taken refuge in the 
sierras of Tamaulipas whence at intervals they con- 
tinued to harass the Spanish settlers. During two 
centuries Nuevo Leon was seldom free from alarm. 
The missionaries in vain exerted themselves to restore 
peace; in vain did the viceroys send troops, settlers, 
and money; in vain did the venerable Margil de 
Jesus labor to check the outrages of the Spaniards 
and to bring the Indians into subjection. The strife 
continued; and though the natives were the greatest 
sufferers, in course of time, especially during the 
second half of the seventeenth and the early part of 
the eighteenth century, many of the Spanish settle- 
ments were destroyed by the natives or abandoned by 
the colonists. 2 

2 Such was the fate of Tanguanchin, Laxa, Jaumave, Palmillas, Monte Al- 
verne, Santa Clara, Buenaventura, Bernardino, and others. Prieto, Hist. 
Tamaul., 84-5. Some friars who subsequently investigated the matter 
found that all this ruin had been caused by the iniquities of the Spaniards. 
Among the settlements which had sprung up before the middle of the 18th 
century were Pesqueira, Santo Catarina, Salinas, Boca de Leones, the pre- 
sidio of Serralvo, Sabinas, the Tablas, and Agualeguas missions, Cadereita, 
Huajuco, Pilon, the Mota mission, Linares, San Antonio de los Llanos, the 
presidios of Santa Engracia and Lainpazos, Labradores, and others. 


In 1700 there were in Nuevo Leon five ayuntami- 
entos, fourteen alcaldias mayores,and the same number 
of capitanias. After a season of comparative quiet, 
affairs were brought to a climax in 1712 by the secu- 
larization of the missions and curacies by order of 
Bishop Diego Camacho y Avila. In consequence of 
this impolitic measure the natives rose, and the insur- 
rection assumed such a general character that it spread 
not only over Nuevo Leon, but over all the neighbor- 
ing provinces, carrying devastation even far into 
Queretaro. From 1709 to 1715 the Indians in those 
regions are said to have killed over a thousand Spanish 
settlers. 3 It was conceded by this time that the 
whole system of colonization in Nuevo Leon was a 

In 1715 Francisco Barbadillo was appointed gov- 
ernor of the province by Viceroy Linares, and com- 
missioned to investigate the causes of the disturbance. 
On his arrival at Monterey this officer, who is highly 
commended bj the chroniclers of his time, proceeded to 
organize a company of mounted militia, for the pro- 
tection of the settlers. 4 His next step was to strike 
at the root of the evil by abolishing the congregas, 
though he was bitterly opposed in this measure by the 
Spanish settlers; at the same time he founded with 
some five thousand Indian families from the western 
sierra of Tamaulipas — to-day known by the name of 
San Carlos— independent native settlements and mis- 
sions. The settlers were provided with cattle, farming 

3 In April 1713 Governor Francisco Mier y Torre commissioned the ex- 
governor, Treviuo, to enter into negotiations for peace with the Indians, but 
while thus engaged his whole party was massacred. More stringent measures 
were then dictated by a council of war, but they were also ineffectual. Gon- 
zalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 38-40. 

4 This was a light cavalry troop recruited from among the settlers, and 
maintained by pro rata contributions of the colonists. This was the first 
instance in which the settlers were required to pay any tax for the expenses 
of government. See Prielo, Hist. Tamaul., 83-6. 

Among them Guadalupe, near Monterey, with 1,000 families; Concep- 
cion and Purificacion on the margins of the Pilon, with 600 families each. A 
great number of families was also apportioned to the different settlements 
already established. Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 46-7; Prieto, Hist. Tamaul, 


implements, and everything needed to establish them 
on their farms, and salaried protectors were appointed 
to guard their interests. Barbadillo enforced a strict 
compliance with his orders, -and his plan, for the time 
being, proved a complete success. 

The services of such men as Barbadillo, however, 
were also required in Mexico, and scarcely had order 
and peace been restored in Nuevo Leon, when he 
was recalled. This was the signal for the colonists, 
who had suffered by his policy, to revenge themselves 
on the natives. Contributions were refused to main- 
tain the militia, which was soon disbanded; the 
defenseless natives in the settlements were aofain 
subjected to extortions and maletreatment of every 
kind, which abuses the protectors were powerless to 
check, and thousands of them again sought refuse in 
their mountain homes. Linares had died in the 
mean time, and his successor, the Marquis Valero, or- 
dered Barbadillo to undertake the task of restoring 
order in the province. He at once set forth for 
Monterey, and we are told that at his mere presence 
the colonists ceased from their iniquities, and the na- 
tives, mindful of past favors received at his hands, 
returned in flocks to their abandoned settlements. 
Barbadillo remained in Nuevo Leon for four years, 
when he was recalled to Mexico by Viceroy Casa- 
fuerte, and the government of the province was 
bestowed on Pedro de Zaravia Cortes. The inca- 
pacity of this ruler soon produced the same disorders 
which had occurred twice before in that region, and on 
this occasion they spread to the Sierra Gorda as far as 
to Huasteca. Revolts and insurrections became more 
frequent, and more disastrous than ever in their ef- 
fects, and the governors and officials of several prov- 
inces with their combined forces were unable to restore 

It now became evident to the government of New 
Spain that more decisive measures must be inaug- 
urated. In the Sierra Gorda districts and in Ta- 



maulipas the bands of marauding savages always 
found a safe retreat. Moreover, those regions were 
suspected to possess rich mines and other wealth; 
and for these reasons the definite conquest of the 

Map of Sierra Gorda. 

coast region from the river Panuco to the borders of 
Texas was decided upon. 6 

6 In 1810 the province of Nuevo Leon comprised 2,621 square leagues of 
territory, consisting of one partido; there were 13 curacies, 1 mission, 2 cities, 
Hist. Hex., Vol. III. 22 


Ever since the close of the sixteenth century, after 
Viceroy Velasco had colonized the regions about San 
Luis Potosi, Cololotlan, and San Miguel Mczquitic 
with Tlascaltec and Chichimec families, missionaries 
had beofun to enter the wild districts of the Sierra 
Gorda 7 and Tamaulipas, to convert the numerous 
tribes, which were supposed to have taken up their 
abode in this part of the country after the conquest. 
These efforts seem to have been attended with very 
little success. Toward the end of the seventeenth 
century six Dominican missions had been established 
in Sierra Gorda territory. The friars were soon driven 
away, however; the churches were burned, the mis- 
sions destroyed, and the Spaniards who had settled in 
the vicinity were compelled to abandon the country. 

In 1704 Francisco Zaraza was made lieutenant 
captain-general, and commissioned to bring the re- 
volted aborigines under subjection; hitherto all the 
efforts to that effect of the alcaldes and captains of 
militia had been unavailing. Zaraza opened a cam- 
paign against the natives, but was killed during an 
attack, without having accomplished anything de- 
cisive. In his place was appointed Gabriel Guerrero 
de Ardila, who with a force of eight hundred cavalry 
defeated the natives and compelled them to enter into 
a treaty of peace. This occurred in 1715, and the 
conditions of the treaty were most favorable to the 
Indians, who were to retain their liberty and be abso- 

4 villas, 1G pueblos, 4 mining districts, and 23 haciendas. The population 
consisted of 27,412 Spaniards, 2,431 Indians, and 13,838 of mixed blood, mak- 
ing a total of 43,G81 inhabitants. Navarro, in Soc. Ilex. Gear/., Boletin, 2da 
ep., i. 201. Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N.Leon, 137-45, Humboldt, Essai Pol., 155, 
gives the population in 1803 as low as 29,000. In 1828 the population had 
increased to 88,793, said to have been due to a large immigration; in 1850 
there were 137,070 inhabitants. Dice. Univ., x. 38. For more details con- 
cerning Nnevo Leon for the period under consideration see Ordenes de hi 
■Corona, US., v. 11, 99, 104; Revilla-Gigedo, in Mayer MSS., no. 11, 49-51 j 
ViUenadl Regente Roma, MS.; Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 181; Mier-Vida, Avert- 
turns, 'A; Ala, nan, Mej., ii. 9G; Not. N. Esp., in Soc. Mex. Geo;/., Boletin, ii. 19; 
Gonzalez, in Id., 3daep., i. 238, 2GG; Zamacois, Hist. Mej.,v. 718; vii. 194. 

7 The mountainous region so called extends from near Kio Verde in San 
Luis Potosi to the vicinity of Queretaro, and forms the partido of Cadercita, 
to-day belonging to the province of Queretaro. Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 


lute masters of the sierra. Nevertheless we find that 
outrages and disturbances soon afterward became the 
order of the day. For many years the towns in the 
jurisdictions of Queretaro, San Miguel el Grande, 
Celaya, Chamaeuero, San Juan del Rio, Cadereita 
and elsewhere remained in the same condition. The 
native tribes of Sierra Gorda were under neither 
military, civil, nor religious control, and their raids 
extended at times into the very streets of Spanish 

If we can believe Arlegui, one or more of the gov- 
ernors of Nuevo Leon were induced to persecute the 
natives by private persons who claimed to have lost 
lands through the appropriation of tracts for the Ta- 
maulipas tribes in 1715, and many Indians were subse- 
quently hanged for trivial offences. Nor would this 
suffice; the settlers themselves constantly sought to 
drag the Indians into revolt in order to have a pre- 
tence to make them slaves. Under such circum- 
stances the efforts of a few friars were of no avail. 

Such was the state of affairs when in 1734 Jose de 
Escandon, an officer of the Queretaro militia, was com- 
missioned to pacify the Sierra Gorda. At last the 
proper person had been found to carry out this diffi- 
cult task. During his first expedition four hundred 
prisoners were taken; the ringleaders were summarily 
punished, while the others, in place of being enslaved, 
were treated with great consideration. This policy 
had the desired effect, and in the course of a few years 
several other expeditions under the same leader com- 
pleted the work of pacification. All these campaigns 
were carried on by Escandon with little expense to the 
crown, without burdening too much the Spanish set- 
tlers, and without enslaving the natives. He was a 
wealthy man, and expended the greater part of his own 
fortune in maintaining his troops, who were kept under 
strict discipline, and not allowed to commit any ex- 
cesses. His conduct gained for him the esteem of the 
government, the respect of the colonists, and the love 


of the pacified tribes, who under similar circumstances 
had hitherto been treated like brutes. It was also 
remarked that although he divided lands among 
Spaniards and Indians, none were reserved for him- 

Thus the wild regions of Sierra Gorda were finally 
brought under Spanish rule, without much bloodshed, 
and without any of the revolting incidents usually at- 
tending the conquest of new territory. In considera- 
tion of his services Escandon was made count of 
Sierra Gorda, and his achievements paved the way for 
the conquest of Tamaulipas, where still greater laurels 
were in store for him. 8 

The same causes which led to the final pacification 
of Sierra Gorda and the subjugation of the Nayarits, 
ultimately led to the conquest of the gulf region 
stretching from Panuco north to the Rio Bravo del 
Norte. Here, as elsewhere, the Indians were driven 
to revolt by a series of outrages committed on them 
by squatters, robbers, kidnappers, and slave-traders. 9 
During and subsequent to the operations of Escandon, 
various proposals were made to the central govern- 
ment at Mexico, and to the crown, 10 for the extension 
of Spanish settlements in Tamaulipas. No decision 
was arrived at, however, till 1746, under the rule of 
Kevilla Gigedo, when a council of war held for the 
purpose intrusted the enterprise to Escandon, who was 
now universally recognized as a man of consummate 

8 In 1767 there were nine Indian towns in Sierra Gorda, with an average of 
over 1,700 families. Soreaino, Prologo, 2. Most of these were founded by 
Escandon at the time of the pacification. For further details concerning 
Sierra Gorda affairs see Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iv. 67-70; N. Mex., Cedil- 
las, MS., 250-8, 268-81 ; ArUgui, Cron. Zac., 122-3; Frejes, Hist. Brev., 238- 
40; Tamaid., Conversiones, in MaltraL Ind., no. 20, 1-5; Guijo, Diar., Doc. 
Hut. Mex., laser., i. 330, 362; Prieto, Hist. Tamaid., 60-1, 71-8, 101-2; 
Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 373-4,570, 575. 

9 A royal cddula for the protection of the Tamaulipas Indians was issued 
May 25, 1689. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iv. 67-70. See also Tamaul., Con- 
vcrs'/ones, in Maltrat. Ind., no. 20, 1-5. 

10 Notably by Ladron de Guevara, whose conditions were very extrava- 
gant, and excited suspicion concerning his ultimate object in regard to the 
natives. N. Mex., Cedulas, MS., 250-8. 



ability; nor could a better selection have been made. 11 
The whole northern coast from Darien to Florida had 
gradually succumbed with the exception of this portion, 
which now, after a successful resistance of over twc 



hundred years, was to be the last to submit to Spanish 

11 Escandon was appointed September 3, 1746. For the transport of the set- 
tlers, soldiers, and other expenses, 115,000 pesos were needed; after that the 
sum of 29,000 pesos a year was to be paid from the royal treasury. The 


Escandon was authorized to extend his operations 
over a distance of more than a hundred leagues from 
south to north, and sixty or eighty from east to west, 
the boundaries being designated on the east by the 
gulf; south by the jurisdictions of Panuco and Tam- 
pico, Villa de Valles, Sierra Gorda, and Huasteca ; 
west by Guadalc&zar, Venado, Charcas, Nuevo Leon, 
and part of Coahuila, and north by this latter province 
and the boundary of Texas. The territory comprised 
within these limits received the appellation of Nuevo 
Santander. Most extensive preparations for the ex- 
pedition were made in the city of Queretaro; and the 
prestige of Escandon was so great that from all parts 
of the country Spanish families hastened to join his 
fortunes, and many an adventurous soldier enlisted 
under his banner. Enthusiasm ran high, till finally 
the expeditionary forces numbered seven hundred and 
fifty, while the number of prospective settlers, con- 
sisting of Spaniards and converted Indians, exceeded 
two thousand five hundred families. That these num- 
bers are not exaggerated is shown by the settlements 
founded by Escandon, and by subsequent official 

The expedition set forth from Queretaro early in 
December 1748, passing through the towns of Pozos, 
San Luis de la Paz, Santa Maria del Rio, San Luis 
Potosi, and thence to Tula, 12 where it was joined by a 
number of Spanish families. Various attempts seem 
to have been made since 1714 to form new settlements 
in this vicinity, attended apparently with little success. 
At one of these, Palmillas, Escandon appointed a 
military governor, and continuing his march in a 
north-easterly direction, founded on December 25th 
the town of Llera with sixty-seven families. Turn- 
ing northward on January 1, 1749, Guemes was 

nudiencia at Mexico in 1748 granted the funds, and in 1749 the king ordered 
an additional sum to be paid to complete the enterprise. ReulUa Glgedo, in 
liislmc. Vireyes, 37-8. 

12 This place, then in the jurisdiction of Charcas, was at the time quite a 
flourishing colony. 


established with fifty-eight families, and a mission some 
few leagues distant on the banks of the Purificacion. 
On January 6th forty-four families settled at Padilla, 
and a mission was established in that neighborhood. 
It may be mentioned here that for each newly settled 
place a military governor was appointed with the rank 
of captain, and a small garrison was left for police 
duty, and to protect the settlers against the hostilities 
of the natives. Other towns were located in rapid 
succession, and at first the colonists had to be content 
with primitive huts, hastily constructed of branches 
and leaves, until better accommodations could be se- 
cured. During the first years they suffered great 
hardships, for in many instances the sites selected 
were unfavorable, either on account of their liability 
to floods, their sickly climate, or for other reasons. 
The settlers of the town of Escandon are said to have 
been driven from their second site by clouds of mos- 
quitoes and other obnoxious insects. 

From Padilla, Escandon continued his march some 
twenty leagues in a north-easterly direction, with a 
view to establish a general camp from which exploring 
expeditions might be despatched, particularly to dis- 
cover the harbor of Santander, at the mouth of the 
river then called Purificacion, and to-day La Marina. 
On this march from Padilla the first savages made their 
appearance, descending in great numbers from the 
eastern sierras of Tamaulipas, but being overawed by 
the vast caravan of Spaniards, abstained from attack. 
About the same time Escandon was joined by another 
party of settlers from Linares, consisting of sixty 
families under the conduct of Ladron de Guevara, and 
efforts were now made to reach the seaboard. After 
various attempts, on February 17th, the mouth of 
the Purificacion was discovered; the town of Santan- 
der was established with forty-five families, and desig- 
nated as the capital of the province. 13 

13 The site was subsequently changed and the town flourished, counting 
nearly COO inhabitants in 1757. 


From the new capital Escandon proceeded north in 
quest of the valley of Florcs. Crossing the Rio 
Conchas, and passing along the banks towards its 
mouth at Salinas bar, he came upon a friendly Indian 
chief who had formed a settlement of Pintos. Leav- 
ing several Franciscan friars with the natives, he 
pushed forward to the Rio Bravo del Norte, expect- 
ing to meet with some families coming from Linares 
and other places, with whom to form a settlement. 
He soon arrived at Camargo, which had been provi- 
sionally founded by one Barrero from Nuevo Leon, 
and formally established the town on March 5th, 
leaving Captain Falcon in command. A little to the 
south a mission was erected with the Franciscan, 
Juan Garcia, in charge; this friar was also the first 
curate of Camargo. Thence proceeding west, the 
town of Reinosa and a mission were established, with 
families from Nuevo Leon under Captain Cantun. 
After despatching Captain Basterra to form a settle- 
ment on the Nueces River, Escandon returned to 
Salinas, where, with families brought by Captain 
Merino, he founded San Fernando. On this return 
march the natives showed signs of hostility, and 
an inclination to dispute the passage. They were 
appeased, however, by Escandon's kind words and 
by presents. 

About April 27th Altamira was located near the 
coast, and on May 9th the city of Horcasitas was 
founded with more than ordinary pomp. Ten days 
after this, Santa Barbara and the mission Soledad 1 * 
were established, after which Escandon returned by 
way of Tula to Queretaro, to report on the progress 
of his enterprise. Remaining there during the whole 
of the following year, he prepared a second expedi- 
tion. At no time during the colonial history of New 
Spain had so many settlements been founded in such 

11 The mission Santa Maria de la Soledad a quarter league east of Santa 
Barbara, was given lands by Escandon in the king's name, the same as all the 
other missions. Pinort, Col. Doc. Mex., 361. 


a comparatively short period, and with so little blood- 
shed. True, here and there the natives were obsti- 
nate and unwilling to submit to the strangers, and in 
several instances Spanish settlements were attacked 
by the nomad tribes still scattered in the recesses of 
their mountain retreats. Thus it became necessary 
at times to send a force against them. This, how- 
ever, seems never to have been done unless the Ind- 
ians first gave sufficient provocation by their hostile 
attitude. Indeed, as a rule Escandon managed the 
aborigines with great skill and judgment, never resort- 
ing to hostile measures when with inducements and 
promises he could attract them to the missions, after 
which they would generally become good settlers. It 
is evident that this leader pursued a wise policy in 
making the lot of the subjugated natives as comfort- 
able as possible. We find no signs of encomiendas or 
congregas, the same policy being observed as in Sierra 
Gorda, It is indeed refreshing to record a circum- 
stance of this nature — so much at variance with the 
general conduct observed by nearly all the conquer- 
ors and pacificators of earlier times — and even at the 
present day the name of Escandon is esteemed and 
honored in Tamaulipas. 

Many other settlements and missions were founded 
during the second expedition, the details of which are 
similar to those of the first, and of little interest to 
the general reader. All these new settlements, as I 
have mentioned, were placed in charge of a military 
commander, while one or more Franciscan friars took 
charge of each mission. Thus the government of the 
new colonies was at first purely military; yet it cannot 
be denied that, for the time being, and under a man like 
Escandon, this was the best fitted to keep the Ind- 
ians under subjection, and to prevent civil dissensions 
among the colonists themselves. At all events we do 
not hear of any abuses committed by the commanders 
appointed by Escandon, and the progress of the col- 
onies evidenced the success of the system. Never- 


theless even in 1757 Indian hostilities had not 
entirely ceased ; 15 and for this reason it was recom- 
mended lyy Inspector-general Tienda de Cuervo, who 
made an official visit to the province in that year, to 
take final measures to complete the pacification of the 
territory. Though Spanish dominion w T as perma- 
nently established, he was aware that to ensure the 
peaceful and steady development of the country, an- 
other campaign must be inaugurated; the natives 
•who remained obstinate must be pursued to their last 
haunts; they must either be obliged to settle in the 
missions or be exterminated. The recommendation 
was approved by Viceroy Amarillas, and it is claimed 
that the campaign was a success, and that soon after 
the establishment of San Carlos all hostilities and 
depredations by the Indian tribes of the neighborhood 
ceased. Many of them, seeing they were pursued 
even to their most secret haunts, had preferred to join 
the missions; but others, more warlike, receded be- 
yond the boundaries of Coahuila and to the Rio 
Bravo. They were gradually surrounded, and con- 
fined by the encroaching Spanish settlements to the 
most remote parts of the province; and being obliged 
to withdraw, they joined the wild tribes of Coahuila, 
Sonora, and New Mexico, who long afterward con- 
tinued to harass the settlers on the borders of Mexico 
and the United States. In 1792 a last raid was made 

15 According to a statistical report made by the inspector-general Jos6 
Tienda de Cuervo in 1757, Escandon had founded 24 cities, towns, and villages, 
■with nearly the same number of missions; there were 8,09.3 inhabitants; 20 
missionaries; 3,473 Indians settled in the missions. The stock of the colony 
consisted of 58,392 horses; 1,874 mules; 24,747 horned cattle, and 288,303 
sheep and hogs. The cost of the political and religious administration was 
45,095 pesos annually. Hist. Arch. Gail. Mex., liv. Navarro, in Soc. Mex. 
Geo;/., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 291, gives the area of Nuevo Santanderin 1810 as 
5,193 square leagues, one partido, 26 curacies, 8 missions, 18 villas, and J I 
pueblos j and a population of 50,715, consisting of 14,039 Spaniards, 13,251 
Indians, and 28,825 of mixed blood. In Certif n de los Mercedes. MS., Pinart, 
Col. J Joe. Mex., 39, the cost of the presidio at Camargo in 1758 is given at 
3,225 pesos; that of Santander at 32,927 pesos. See also Humboldt, Tab. Es- 
tad., MS., 7-40; iV. Mex. Ccdu/as, MS., 303-22; Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 
ii. 19. The prospects for agricultural development were very poor, accord- 
ing to a report of Bishop Candamo in 1791. Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N. L>on, 


by the savages on Laredo, but they were soon repulsed 
and driven beyond the frontier. 

At the time of Cuervo's arrival at Soto la Marina 
he found a schooner belonging to Escandon anchored 
in the harbor. This is the first craft known to have 
traded between Vera Cruz and Nuevo Santander. 
The master, Bernardo Vidal Buzcarrones, informed 
Cuervo as to the general condition of the coast, an- 
chorage, and the different sand-bars he had examined 
at the mouths of various rivers. According to his 
opinion prospects for shipping were not at all encour- 
aging, as during the greater part of the year only 
small craft were able to cross the bars and find a safe 
harbor. Then Cuervo made a tour of inspection with 
the schooner himself, during which he came to the 
same unfavorable conclusion. 

More improvements were made in 1763. The sites 
of Escandon, Burgos, and Beinosa were changed; 
new settlements were founded, and the settlers re- 
ceived assistance from the government. For fifteen 
years the lands in the vicinity of the colonies had 
been used in common, but in 1764, by order of Vice- 
roy Crulllas, they began to be segregated. The fol- 
lowing year the town Cruillas was founded, and in 
1766 San Carlos was established. From this time 
until the end of the century the colonists were enabled 
to breathe more freely; all the settlements rapidly 
improved; several mines were discovered and worked; 
stock-raising increased; and merchants and dealers 
from Mexico, Huasteca, Sierra Gorda, San Luis Po- 
tosi, and other parts of the country began to frequent 
the flourishing towns of Nuevo Santander. 16 

16 In 1779 Manuel de Medina was governor of the province, and in 1787 
Melchor Vidal de Lorza was appointed. In 1791 and 1799-1800 the conde 
de Sierra Gorda, probably a son of Jose" de Escandon, is again mentioned as 
governor, and at the outbreak of Hidalgo's revolution we find Manuel de 
lturbe e" Irreta at the head of affairs in the province. See Medina, al Regente 
Romd, MS.; Gomez, Diar., in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d ser., vii. 278; A/a'man, 
Mej., ii. 94; Gonzalez, Col. Doc. N. Leon, 153; Dice. Univ., v. 458; Zamacois, 
Hist. Mej. vii. 191. In the latter part of the eighteenth century the missions 
of the custodia of Rio Verde and San Pablo de Michoacan, Tula, Palmillas, 


Pantano, Janmave, Llcra, Croix, and Gucmes belonged politically to the col- 
ony of Nuevo Santander, and spiritually to the diocese of Nuevo Leon. 
Arias, Informe, MS., in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 342. See also Estad. Hist. 
Ant., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 570. 

The Historia, Geograjin y Estadistica del Estado de Tamaidipas por el G. 
Ingeniero Alejandro Prieto, Mexico, 1873, 4to, pp. 5, 301, map, gives an out- 
line of the history of Tamaulipas from the time of the conquest; the author 
makes an effort to prove an ancient civilization in that state, based upon some 
personal researches and a number of relics discovered, with a brief narrative 
of aboriginal traditions, habits, customs, and religion, touching also in a gen- 
eral way on the historical events of Texas, Nuevo Leon, and Sierra Gorda. 
Then follows a description of geographical conditions and political divisions, 
giving, based on statistics, information on the material standing of the coun- 
try in regard to agriculture, commerce, industries, and genei'al resources. 
This portion of the work is by far more useful than the historical division; 
indeed the author does not claim any credit in that direction, and we find 
but a confused compilation of historical data, scattered about promiscuously 
with an utter disregard to logical sequence, and clogged by eternal repeti- 
tions. Notwithstanding these defects, the author has undoubtedly been 
painstaking in his researches, both among the ancient ruins of his country, 
and among authorities which it might be difficult for others to obtain. 



COURAGES Public Improvements — Peaceful Progress — Death of the 
Viceroy— His Successor Archbishop Vizarron — Negro Insurrec- 
tion at C6rdoba — Its Suppression by the. Military — Ravages of 
Epidemic — Viceroy Conquista's Rule — Fuenclara Arrives — Com- 
modore Anson — He Captures the 'Covadonga' — Spanish Jealousy — ■ 
Persecution of Boturini — Loss of Valuable Manuscripts — Admin- 
istration of Re villa Gigedo — His Trafficking Propensities — 
Famine, Disease, and Earthquakes — Fuenclara Resigns — Viceroy 
Amarillas — His Poverty and Death — The Audiencia Rules — Short 
Administration of Viceroy Cruillas. 

More than two centuries had now elapsed since the 
fleet of Cortes had cast anchor under the island of 
San Juan de Uliia, and of all the powerful tribes that 
once rendered allegiance to the Montezumas few re- 
tained any traces of their ancient glory. While in 
1721 the Spaniards were celebrating the bi-centennial 
of the occupation of the capital, the mountain tribes of 
Nayarit were being subjugated, and a quarter of a 
century later those of Nuevo Leon, Sierra Gorda, and 
Tamaulipas were destined, as we have seen, to meet 
the same fate. 

On October 15, 1722, Juan de Acuna, marques de 
Casafuerte, the successor of Valero, arrived in Mex- 
ico as thirty-seventh viceroy of New Spain. He is 
said to have been one of the best of all the represent- 
atives of royalty, being remembered in the history of 
the country as the ' great governor.' 1 During his ad- 

1 Casafuerte was a Creole, a native of Lima, Peru. During 59 years of 
public service he had been viceroy of Messina and of Sicily. Besides being 



ministration Casafuerte wrought a marked change in 
the various branches of the public service, and labored 
zealously, and not in vain, to purify a venal court. 
Many of the former rulers had done much to benefit 
the country by establishing new colonies, and encour- 
aging commerce and the development of the mining 
and agricultural interests. It must be acknowledged, 
however, that few of them were proof against the 
temptations of the age, and that directly or indirectly 
they countenanced the shameful abuse of selling public 
offices to the highest bidder. When Casafuerte took 
charge, he at once abolished this practice. No presents 
were received, no favors shown ; none of his household 
or subordinates dared to meddle in the question of ap- 
pointments, or to intercede for office-seekers. Whole- 
some reforms were introduced and maintained during 
his long rule, while merit alone was the passport to 

In the matter of public improvements the marquis 
was equally active. The building of a new mint was 
begun in 1731, and finished in 1734, at a cost of four 
hundred and fifty thousand pesos ; 2 in 1 733 the plaza de 
Acapulco was renovated, the San Cristobal causeway 
having been reconstructed the previous year. The 
grand aqueduct which supplies the city of Queretaro 
with water was begun in 1726 and finished in 1738. 3 
Improvements were also made in the various presidios 
throughout the country under Pedro de Rivera, who 
made a four years' tour of inspection by order of the 
viceroy, and a cannon foundry was established at Ori- 
zaba, the guns being used to strengthen the coast 

gonial of artillery, he had attained the highest military title, that of captain- 
general of the Spanish army. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 122; Alaman, DlserL, iii. 
app. 53. 

2 In 1722 the royal theatre was destroyed by fire. Steps were immediately 
taken to rebuild, though the new edifice was not reopened until 1753. Ala- 
mat/, Disert, iii. app. 53; Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 122. 

3 This structure was undertaken at the suggestion and under the patronage 
of Juan Antonio de Urrutia y Arana, marquis of Villa del Villar del Aguila, 
who, encouraged by Casafuerte, spent large sums on it from his private for- 
tunc. Xavarrete, Rel. Peregrma, no. ii. 1-11. 


The administration of Casafuerte was not marked 
by any internal disturbances ; nor were the provinces 
harassed by the depredations of pirates which wrought 
so much mischief during the rule of his predecessors. 
Commerce still suffered to some extent on the North 
Sea, but corsairs had been driven from the waters of 
the Pacific, and trading vessels passed to and fro be- 
tween New Spain and the East Indies without fear 
of being molested. 

The marquis was beloved by the people, and the 
only enemies he had were dissatisfied office-seekers. 
These prevailed upon the king's council to recommend 
his removal on account of his great age, and his long 
tenure of office, which was inconsistent with general 
usage. When this was done Felipe signified his con- 
fidence in his representative by merely replying: "As 
long as Casafuerte lives his talents and virtues give 
him all the strength necessary for a good governor." 
Soon afterward, however, in 1734, the marquis died, 
at the age of seventy-seven. His funeral ceremonies 
were described in detail in the Gazette then published 
by Sahagun. Since that time they have served as a 
model on similar occasions, and resemble those which 
at the present day are observed on the demise of a 
president of the Mexican republic. 4 

When the carta cle mortaja, was opened by the 
audiencia it was found that the archbishop of Mexico, 
Juan Antonio de Vizarron y Eguiarreta, was desig- 
nated to fill the vacancy. 5 Vizarron was appointed 
to the primacy January 13, 1730, and arrived in 

*In 1724 Felipe V. abdicated the crown of Spain in favor of his son Luis 
I. , who ascended the throne on January 10th. While preparations were being 
made to celebrate the event, news arrived of the death of the latter, which 
had occurred August 13th the same year, and Felipe, reluctant to place his 
minor son Fernando upon the throne, had reassumed the crown. 

a On the death of archbishop Lanciego in 1728, Manuel Jose" de Endaya y 
Haro was elected to the see, but died before taking possession, October 5, 
1729. The bishop of Puebla, Juan Antonio de Lardiz&bal, was elected the 
same year to fill the vacancy, but the prelate refused the appointment. Con- 
alios Prov., 1555-65, 224-5; Doc. Eden. Mex.. MS., ii. pt. i.: Dice. Univ.. 
ix. 271. 


the capital on December 20th of the same year. He 
was consecrated by the bishop of Pucbla Lardizabal 
y Elorza, assisted by the bishops of Yucatan and 
Caracas, who were on a visit to Mexico at the time, 
and took charge of the ecclesiastical government on 
the 21st of May 1731, receiving the pallium on the 
1 3th of January 1 732. 6 The pastoral administration of 
the archbishop, which lasted sixteen years, was one 
of the most peaceful and prosperous recorded in the 
annals of the Mexican church; and concerning his 
reign as vicero}^ it may be said that he was in every 
way a worthy successor to Casafuerte; he sent more 
treasure to Spain than any previous viceroy, without 
oppressing the people, draining the country of the pre- 
cious metals, or diminishing the amount usually held 
in reserve at Mexico. 

Though near the close of his administration war 
was again declared between Spain and England; New 
Spain remained undisturbed by foreign aggression; 
on the other hand, we have to record for this period 
some internal troubles and calamities. The negro and 
other slaves of the town and vicinity of Cordoba had 
long meditated revolt, when in 1735 a rumor was cir- 
culated by a mulatto that all slaves had been declared 
free by the king, and that they were now unlawfully 
kept in bondage by the Spaniards. A general upris- 
ing followed in the month of June; and though some 
of the more timid remained with their masters, the 
majority, being supplied in secret with arms of every 
description, gathered and fortified themselves on the 
hacienda called Omealca, protected by the Rio Blanco 
and the mountains. The militia of Vera Cruz, Ori- 

6 Archbishop Vizarron was born in the city and port of Santa Maria, Spain. 
So little is known of the early history of this illustrious member of the church 
that not even the date of his birth is given. His biographers merely mention 
that his studies were completed in the college of San Clemente in Rome, and 
that at the time of his election as archbishop of Mexico he was a high digni- 
tary of the church of Seville. See lieahs Cedulas, MS., i. 2S-9; Provide ■nn las 
Hemes, MS., 8-10; Cabrera y Quintcro, Festividades, Div., i. pt. i. ; Villa- 
Senor, Tiatro, i. 2G-31; Gazeta Alex., Dec. 1730; Arcvalo, Compend., 290. 


zaba, and the neighboring towns were called out, and 
a formal campaign opened. A force of six hundred 
Spaniards attacked the insurgents, who were routed 
after a stubborn resistance. The ringleaders were ex- 
ecuted, and others who were captured were subjected 
to cruel tortures. Those who escaped fled to the 
mountains; but hunger caused most of them to return, 
while a few preferred death from starvation to the 
fate of their companions. 7 

During the greater part of the following year vio- 
lent storms prevailed, and in the month of August the 
epidemic called matlazahuatl made its appearance in 
Tacuba, and spread with rapidity over the whole 
country. 8 This terrible disease was similar to that 
of 1576, which carried off some two millions of natives. 9 

After being relieved from office as viceroy, Vizarron 
remained in charge of the primacy until the day of 
his death, 10 and was succeeded in 1749 by archbishop 
Dr Manuel Joseph Rubio y Salinas, who presided 
over the affairs of the church no less ably than had 
his predecessor. 11 He died, after a successful ad- 

7 More particulars about this insurrection may be found in Rodriguez, 
Cart. Hist., 43-G; Rivera, Gobernantes, i. 107-8. In 1737 a Guaima Indian 
was hanged for inciting the natives to revolt, pretending to be a prophet. At 
the execution the natives were much astonished that the Spaniards did not 
turn into stone. Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 56. 

8 The cholora morbus of 1833 also broke out in August, at the time when 
Herschel's comet was expected, though this was not visible in Mexico till 
Oct. 11, 1835. Bustamante, in Cavo, Tres Stylos, ii. 137. The epidemic of 1736-7 
was also ascribed to the appearance of a comet. In the city of Mexico the 
deaths amounted to 40,000, according to Alaman, and Cabrera gives 54,000 
for Puebla. Alegre claims that in the province of Mexico one third of the 
population perished, and Villa-Seii or states that many towns remained deserted. 
A remarkable circumstance was that Teutitlan, Ayahualica, Hueyacocotlan, 
and Xotchixtlan in the bishopric of Oajaca, though surrounded by infected 
towns remained free from contagion. The Spaniards, as usual, suffered less 
than the Indians. See also A leyre, Hist. Comp., iii. 261-8; Panes, Vireyes, 
MS., 113-15; Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., ii. pt. i. 133; Alzate, GazetaLit., ii. 97. 

9 Our Lady of Guadalupe was supposed to have caused the disappearance 
of the epidemic. She was therefore declared the patron saint of the city of 
Mexico, and in later years of the whole country. Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 56. 

10 He made a report of the condition of the country and the different 
branches of the administration to the king, and died Feb. 25, 1747. See Vi- 
zarron y Eguiarreta, 4-7, 85-92, in Vireyes de Mex. Instruc., 1st ser. nos. 18, 
19; Aetos Secretos, in Doc. Ecles. Mex., MS., i. pt. i. v.; Villa- Se nor y San- 
chez, Theatro, i. 17-19; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 56; Castro, Diario, in Doc. 
Hist. Mex., 1st ser., iv. 76-7. 

11 This prelate, related to the most prominent nobility of Spain, was born 
Hist. Mex., Vol. in. 23 


ministration of sixteen years, at the age of sixty- 

The thirty-ninth viceroy, Pedro de Castro y Figu- 
eroa Salazar, duque de la Conquista y marques de 
Gracia Real, took charge of the government of New 
Spain August 17, 1740. He had taken passage in a 
Dutch ship in order to elude the English war vessels 
which were then cruising in the North Sea, but being 
pursued near Portobello was obliged to make his es- 
cape in a small swift craft which had served as escort. 
His baggage and papers were left behind, but he was 
nevertheless acknowledged as viceroy without creden- 
tials. 12 During his brief reign of a single year, he gave 
indications of being a good ruler, though he found the 
country in a less favorable condition than his prede- 
cessors. The French had retired from the extreme 
northern provinces of New Spain, but the English, 
under Oglethorpe, bombarded San Agustin, in Florida; 
while Admiral Vernon who had captured Portobello 
and destroyed the castle of San Lorenzo at the mouth 
of the Chagre, threatened Ulua and Vera Cruz. 

The duke ordered that the razed batteries of Gua- 
dalupe and San Miguel should be reconstructed, and 
an adequate force raised for the protection of the gulf 
coast. Soon afterward he repaired to Vera Cruz for 
the purpose of adopting measures for defence, but a 
short time after his arrival at that port he was stricken 

June 29, 1703. He finished his studies at the famous university of Alcala de 
Henares and became celebrated as a licentiate in canon law. It is not known 
when he took orders, but he rose rapidly in the ecclesiastical career under 
the patronage of Cardinal Borja, and at the time of his election to the Mexi- 
can archsee was abbot of San Isidro de Leon. See Veitla, Linar/e, in Doc. 
Ecles. Mex., MS., i. pt. v. 36; Concilios Prov., 1555-65, 225-2G; RedlesCcduhx, 
MS., i. 181; N. Esp. Breve Res., i. 139-40; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 182-91; Mo- 
vena, Juan Becerra, Bel. Mex., 176G; Vallarte, Sermon, pt. ix., in Arteaya, 

12 Instead of saving the credentials and instructions of the crown, the 
duke took with him his favorite poodle-dog. For this he was severely repri- 
manded by the king, and the rebuke bore so heavily upon his mind that one 
year later it caused his death. So say Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 148, and Rivera, 
Gobern antes, i. 353. It is more likely that the viceroy died from yellow fever. 
The lost baggage was valued at 100,000 pesos. 


down with a severe illness, causing his immediate re- 
turn to Mexico, where he died, August 22, 1741. 13 His 
successor, Pedro Cebrian y Agustin, conde de Fuen- 
clara, the fortieth viceroy, and the last who in those 
days enjoyed the dignity of grandee of New Spain, 
assumed office November 3, 1742. 

At this time the Spanish provinces were kept in a 
state of constant alarm by the operations of Anson 
and Vernon, which have already been briefly related. 14 
After scouring the Pacific coast of South America, 
Anson arrived off Acapulco in February 1742, with 
forces greatly reduced by sickness, and failing to re- 
ceive the cooperation of Vernon, resolved not to make 
any attempt on the mainland. Hearing that he had 
narrowly missed intercepting a treasure-ship named 
the Covadonga, which had sailed safely into Acapulco a 
short time before, he cruised off that port for three 
months in the hope of capturing this prize. In the 
ordinary course of things the Covadonga should have 
left Acapulco in March, but on account of Anson's 
presence the authorities thought it best to detain her 
until the following year. Thereupon the British ad- 
miral set sail in disgust for China; and, having burned 
one of his two vessels and refitted the other near 
Macao, put off to await the arrival of the two galleons 
which he expected would reach the Philippines in May 
1743. On the 20th of this month he arrived in his 
remaining vessel, the Centurion, a frigate of sixty guns, 
and with a very slender ship's company, at cape Espi- 

13 Humboldt, Essai Pol. , i. 203, asserts that the duque de la Conquista 
was the only viceroy born in America. In this statement he is in error; 
there were several others, among whom was Casafuerte, who, as before related, 
was born in Lima. For more particulars concerning the administration of this 
viceroy, see Figueroa, Vindicias, MS., 123; Villa-Senor, Teatro, i. 44-5; Papeles 
Franciscanos, MS., i. 1st ser. 521, 531; Castillo, Sermon Peal, 1 etseq.; Panes, 
Vireyes, in Mon. Dom. Esp., MS., 117; Peales Cedulas, MS., 149; Vireyes, In- 
struc, MS., pt.20; Linares, Instruc., MS., 1-12; Lorenzana, in Cortes, Hist. 
N. Esj)., 32; Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 146-8; A la man, Disert., iii. app. 57; Pivero, 
Gobernantes, i. 351-4. On the death of the viceroy, there being no carta de 
mortaja, the audiencia assumed the reins of government, with Pedro Malo de 
Villavicencio as president. During his brief rule nothing worthy of note 

14 See Hist. Cent. Amer., ii. 589 et seq., this series. 


ritu Santo, off the island of Samal. Here were erected 
signal stations for the purpose of warning Spanish gal- 
leons to beware of enemies who might be cruising about 
in neighboring waters. The Covadonga soon made her 
appearance, and when Anson's ship was sighted, bore 
down upon her to give battle. 

Though not a war vessel, the Covadonga was well 
armed and manned, having thirty-six large guns, 
twenty-eight howitzers, and five hundred and fifty 
men, a number greatly in excess of the Centurions 
crew. But these advantages were counterbalanced 
by the lightness of the British frigate, and the greater 
efficiency of her men. For two hours the conflict 
lasted. Though outmatched in seamanship the Span- 
iards showed no lack of courage. The galleon's rig- 
ging caught fire; her pennant was shot away; her com- 
mander was wounded, sixty-seven of her crew were 
killed, and a greater number wounded, before her 
colors were struck, while the loss of the British was 
but one man killed and seventeen wounded. Taking 
possession of his prize, Anson found on board treasure 
amounting to nearly a million and a half in coin, and 
about forty thousand five hundred marks in silver 
bullion. 15 

When the news of this disaster reached Mexico, it 
created much dissatisfaction among the parties inter- 
ested, who laid the blame on the authorities. More- 
over, the war which was then raging in Europe caused 
great scarcity of merchandise and high prices through- 
out New Spain. 

A remarkable instance of Spanish jealousy toward 
foreigners, and of the strictness with which the laws 
in that respect were enforced, occurred at the begin- 
ning of Fuenclara's rule. Before the arrival of the 
viceroy, an Italian gentleman, Lorenzo Boturini, 
appeared in Mexico provided with a papal bull author- 

15 Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 152, gives only 4,4G3 marks of silver. Other 
authors eonrirm the amount given in the text. 


izing him to make collections for the purpose of 
providing a costly crown for the virgin of Guadalupe. 
Upon leaving Spain, however, he had forgotten to 
procure the sanction of the India Council; nevertheless 
the audiencia, believing Boturini to be sincere in his 
intention, decided to issue to him a license and pass- 
port. Fuenclara, however, took matters more seri- 
ously. An investigation was instituted, Boturini was 
imprisoned, and his papers, forming an exceedingly 
valuable historical collection, were taken in charge by 
the authorities. 16 Although Boturini had acted in 
good faith, he was kept in confinement for a long 
time, until finally, not knowing what to do with him, 
the audiencia sent him to Spain. There he presented 
his case at court and was compensated by the position 
of royal chronicler with the salary of a thousand pesos, 
and the Mexican government was ordered to return 
his manuscripts. This, however, was never done, and 
the greater portion of them disappeared from the 
office of the viceroy's secretary. Thus the persecution 
of Boturini and his exile from New Spain were the 
cause of an irreparable loss to Mexican history, for 
which Fuenclara is directly answerable. As for the 
audiencia, the viceroy was ordered to convoke a secret 
session, and having done so, to administer a stern 
rebuke for their presumption in encroaching on the 
prerogatives of the council of the Indies. 

Fuenclara was a peaceably inclined ruler and seems 
to have paid much more attention to the development 
of the country's resources. Apart from this there is 
little to record concerning his administration. Indeed 
this period of the history of New Spain is necessarily 
void of interest. The European wars were confined 
to the Old World, and the people of New Spain were 

16 The learned Italian made this collection intending to write the history of 
' Onr Lady of Guadalupe. ' The ancient documents which he gathered from 
all parts of New Spain grew upon his hands, and induced him to extend the 
scope of his work. These works will be fully discussed later. 


content to supply the royal coffers with the necessary 
treasure, so long as they were comparatively free from 
the attacks of foreign powers. England considered 
it a much easier task to capture Spanish treasure ships 
on the ocean than to send expeditions to the main- 
land, where the deadly climate carried off her soldiers 
by hundreds. Nothing, therefore, impeded the prog- 
ress of the provinces; agriculture and mining were 
developed; the population increased; new lands were 
occupied, so that in every direction the country be- 
came sprinkled with industrious settlers. New Spain 
had now arrived at the stage when the spirit of con- 
quest disappears; and having outlived the period of 
early settlement, the people quietly and steadily pur- 
sued their course. 

Ill-health finally induced Fuenclara to resign, 
though his salary had been raised to forty thousand 
pesos. The resignation was accepted by the king in 
1745, and in the following year he was relieved 17 by 
Juan Francisco de Guemes y Horcasitas, conde de 
Kevilla Gigedo, who assumed the reins of govern- 
ment as forty-first viceroy of New Spain. He was 
appointed while captain-general of Cuba, and assumed 
office July 9, 1746. The peaceable condition of the 
country favored the propensities of the new ruler, 
who had acquired a vast fortune by trading ventures, 
and throughout Europe was regarded as the richest 
vassal of his sovereign. His fortune increased enor- 
mously during his administration, and in the history 
of the viceroys he is noted mainly as a shrewd and 
successful speculator. He would pass by no commer- 
cial enterprise or profitable traffic, generally devoting 
thereto his personal attention, so that the viceregal 
palace was transformed into an exchange. Neverthe- 
less he had some qualities which gained for him the 

17 He returned to Spain, and was appointed ambassador to Vienna, where 
he arranged the marriage of one of the sons of Philip V. Rivera, Gobemantes, 
i. 363. See also, for other particulars, r denes de la Corona, MS., i. 38-9, 100; 
Reales Cedulas, MS., 210; Panes, Vireyes, in Mon. Dom. Esp. t MS., 45; Lo- 
renzana, Hist. N. Esp., 33; VUla-Seiior, Teatro, i. 7. 


respect of his subjects, and chief among them was his 
personal courage. It is related that when a revolu- 
tionary mob once gathered about his palace he rode 
* in among them unattended by any guard, and by his 
commanding presence and stern rebuke caused the 
rioters to disperse. Although he devoted much of 
his time to his individual interests, it cannot be alleged 
that he neglected the affairs of state. It is even 
claimed that he augmented the resources of the coun- 
try, and greatly increased the royal revenue. The 
generous protection extended to Escandon in the pac- 
ification of Nuevo Santander is also greatly in his 

The years 1749 and 1750 were sad ones for the in- 
habitants of New Spain. The crops were destroyed 
by unusual frosts in many provinces, occasioning a 
famine throughout the country, which in its turn was 
succeeded by an epidemic in the territory under the 
jurisdiction of the audiencia of Guadalajara. During 
the same period many and destructive earthquakes 
occurred, the centres of which seem to have been near 
the volcano of Colima. Many lives were lost and 
towns destroyed, though the city of Colima suffered 
but little. 18 

Fernando VI., who succeeded to his father Felipe 
V. on the decease of that monarch in August 1746, 
had certainly no reason to be dissatisfied with Kevilla 
Gigedo's administration, for his constant demands for 
gold to replenish the empty coffers of the royal treas- 
ury were ever promptly complied with. But the 
count had now ruled for nine years, and he was rich 
enough. His resignation was accepted in 1755, on 
which date he returned to Spain. 19 He was succeeded 

18 The towns of Sayula, Zapotlan el grande, Amacalpan, and many others 
of minor importance were destroyed. On May 13, 1752, an eclipse of the sun 
terrified the inhabitants, and in 1758 the volcano of Jorullo on the hacienda 
of that name, near Patzcuaro, suddenly became active. Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 
1G2, 169, 172; Rivera, Hist. JaL, i. 117; Hernandez, Estad., 18; Ale<jre, Hist. 
Comp., iii. 226-7. 

19 On his return to Spain he received the title of captain-general of the 
army and was made president of the council of war. For other particulars 


by Agustin de Ahumada y Villalon, marques de las 
Amarillas, who took charge of the government on 
the 10th of November in that year. The character 
of the marquis was in strong contrast with that of his 
predecessor in almost every respect. Indeed, they 
seemed to have only one trait in common, and that was 
loyalty to their sovereign. Amarillas was a soldier 
who had won fame in the Italian wars, and at once 
devoted himself to correcting the abuses that had 
crept in under the former administration. But soon 
after his arrival his health began to fail, and by the 
advice of physicians he resided for some time at 
Cuautitlan, and thence removed to the city of Cucr- 
navaca. Not finding relief he returned to Mexico 
where he died February 5, 1760. While his prede- 
cessor was known as the wealthiest vassal of the king, 
it may be said of Amarillas that he was one of the 
poorest. Though his administration lasted more than 
four years, his honesty and generosity had been such 
that his widow was left in poverty, and became de- 
pendent on the archbishop Kubio y Salinas, who pro- 
vided funds for her return to Spain. 20 

Francisco de Ech&varri, president of the audiencia, 
took charge on the death of the viceroy, and ruled for 
several months pending the arrival of his successor. 
In the carta de mortaja, the governor of Habana, 
Francisco Cagigal de la Vega, was designated to fill 
the vacancy ad interim. Fie was notified of his 

concerning Revilla Gigedo's administration, see Instruc. Vireyes, 3-57; Or- 
denes tie la Corona, MS., iv. 190; Doc. Ecles. Ilex., MS., v. pt. i. 27; Payno, 
Rentas Generates, vi.-vii.; Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp.,33; Castro, Diario, in 
Doc. Hist. Mex., 1st ser. vi. 84^5; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 59-00; Zamacois, 
Hist. Mej., v. 571-9. 

20 Some years previous to the viceroy's death, an aged married couple with- 
out heirs, and friends of the family, had donated a large estate to his wife. 
After much reluctance, the gift was accepted. The case was reported to the 
king by evil-disposed persons, and the donation was declared void, thus 
leaving the viceregal family in poverty. For particulars of the case see 
Recties Cedtdas, M.S., ii. 225-8. See also Vtreyex, Instruc, MS., 1st ser., pt. 
v. 1-0; pt. vi. 7; 2d ser., pt. iv. 1-2; Doc. Ecles. 31 ex., MS., i. pt. vi. ; Coloyulo, 
Soph, y Leon., MS., 4; Danes, Viretjes, in Mon. Dora. E<p., MS., 47: Lor< n- 
zana, Hist. N. Esp., 33; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 00-1; Rivera, Goberuuntes, 


appointment by the audiencia, and arrived at Vera 
Cruz April 8, 17 GO, receiving the viceregal baton on 
the 28th, when he formally entered the city of Mexico. 
The administration of this, the forty-second viceroy, 
was void of any important event, and of very short 
duration. Knowing that his successor would soon 
arrive from Spain, he abstained from making any 
changes in the government, and contented himself 
with upholding for the time the existing laws. " How- 
ever, during the few months of his rule," says Panes, 
"he gave evidence of extreme rectitude, zeal, and 
disinterestedness in the service of the king and the 

1C. 21 

21 1 may mention as authorities on the preceding chapters the following : 
Villa- Seiior y Sanchez, Theatro, Mex., i. 33-382; ii. 47, passim; Calle, Mem. 
y Not., 77, 90; Torquemada, i. 338-9; Papeles tie Jesuitas, MS., 521-38; 
Doc. Ecles. de Mex., MS., i. 4-15, 27-41; ii. 1-3, 43-6, 133; Alec/re, Hist. 
Comp. Jesus, iii. 197-8, 213-18, 2G1-8; Ordenes de la Corona, MS., i. 29, 
38-9, 59, 68; ii. 58-189; iii. 171; iv. 67-70, 139-48, 164-6, 190-4; v. 11, 99, 
104; vi. 7; vii. 48-54; Arlegui, Prov. de Zac, 57, 73-89, 94-6, 122-3,408-44; 
Providencias, Peaks, MS., 1, 8-10, 60-2, 172-5, 219-21; Villena a Regente 
Roma, MS., passim; Navarro, Misiones de Nayarit, MS., 466, 469; Certifi- 
cation de las Mercedes, MS., 33-56; Cortes, Hist. N. Esp., 31, 33-4; Pacheco 
and Cardenas, Col. Doc, ix. 179-91; Ddvila, Continuation, MS., 192; Azanza, 
Ynstruccion, MS., 76-8, 106-8; Lazcano, Vida del P. Oviedo, 276-8; Naya- 
ritas, Relation de la Conq., passim; Michoacan, Informe de las Misiones, MS., 
137, passim; Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., passim; Nayarit, Fragmento Hist., 
MS., 1; Id., Informe de la And. de Quad., MS., 67-9, 75; Descrip. de America, 
MS., 107, 123-5; Medina d Regente Roma, MS., passim; Doc. Hist. Mex., 
serie i. torn. i. 330, 362; iv. v. vi., passim; serie ii. torn, iv., passim; torn, 
vii. 31, 278, 435; Medina, Cron. de San Dier/o de Mex., 181, 256; Vireyes de 
Mex., MS., serie i. 1-19; serie ii. 2-17; Reales CMulas, MS., i. 1, 28-35, S3, 
181-3, 203; ii. 109-12, 159, 197, 210, 225-8, 234; Cedulario, MS., i. 66, 88, 
114, 209-14, 330-1; iii. 9-11, 34-7, 96, 110-28, 176, 211, 238; Monumeutos 
Domin. Esp., MS., 41-7, 110-17, 309-48; Concilios Prov. 1555 y 1565, 224-6; 
Salguero, Vida, passim; Cancelada, Ridna de la N. Esp., 73-7; Figuproa, 
Vindkias, MS., 123; Beaumont, Cr6n. Mich., iv. 92; v. 79-84; Maltratami- 
ento de Indios, MS., 1; Recop. de Ind., i. 339; Castro, Diario, passim; Soc. 
Mex. Geog., Bol, torn. i. 135; ii. 6, 18-20, 96-110; vi. 295; vii. 3-40, 138. 
300-17, 521-43; ix. 270-5; xi. 200-1; Id., 2da ep. i. 291, 497-500, 570-2; 
iii. 21-5, 194-9, 307; Id., 3da ep. i. 238, 266; v. 497; Montemayor, Svma- 
rios, 61; Soriano, Prdlogo, passim; Are'valo, Compend., 6 et seq. ; Cavo, 
Tres Siglos, ii., passim; iii. 197; Mayer MSS., no. 2, passim; no. 11, 49- 
51; Linares, Instruc, MS., 15-27; Belefia, Recop., ii. 26-58; Orozco y Berra, 
Not. Hist., 291-2; Frejes, Hist. Conq., 238-40; Humboldt, Essai Pol, i. 
57, 155, 203, 257-61, 282-8; Id., New Spam, ii. 180-7, 224-35; Id., Tabla 
Estad., MS., 7-40; Id.,Versuch, ii. 156-60, 186-95; Nueva Espana, Breve 
Res.,i. 112-14, 139-40; ii. 304-20; Instrucciones d los Vireyes, 5-111: Beltrami, 
Mex., i. 107-9; Guerra, Revue N. E<p., i. 354; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 228-39; 
Id., Mex. as it ums, 172-3; Pay no, Rentas Generates, vi.-vii., passim; Rodri- 
guez, Carta Hist., 43-56; Gonzalez, Col. N. Leon, 4-15:-, 365-72; Mosaico, 
Mex., ii. 419; vi. 162; vii. 225-9; Prieto, Hist. Tarn., 1-9, 67-8, 75-213; Al- 


zate, Gazetas, ii. 97; iii. 344, 420; Colima, Representation, passim; Noticia de 
N. Espa/la, 18-19; Sanchez, Sermon, 1-2S; Hassel, Mex. and GuaL, 155-68, 
212 29; I'raiixham, World, 8-20; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., no. 35, 509-12; 
Robertson's J list. Am. (ed. London), ii. 950, 955, 970-2; Ortiz, Mex. fndep. 
Libre, 79; Castellanos, Defensa, 26; Alvarez, Estudios Hist., iii. 354, 364-84; 
jParros, ('onq. de Jalisco, MS., 520-1, 742-3; Lerdo de Tajada, Apunt. Hist., 
no. 5, 294-313, 382-8; Rivera, Deserip. Zac., 50-66; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 
182-91; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., iv. 681; v. 535-95; vi. 301; vii. 7-9, 34-40, 
174, 184-94; viii. 49; x. 1372-3; Montanus, Die Nieuwe Weereld, 222-30; 
D'Avify, Deserip. Gen., ii. 83-4; Kerr's Col. Voy., x. 400-19, 495-513; xi. 
1-8, 400-33; Rivera, Gobernantes de Mex., i. 107-8, 222; Sammlung, Alter 
Reisebesch., xiii. 508-13; Navarrete, Rel. Peregriuo, no. 1, 30-66; Galvez, In- 
form e del Visitador, MS., 42-54; Viagero, Univ., xxvii. 97-112; Mofras, 
L' Exploration, i. 105; Velasco, Noticias Son., 197; Mexico, Ordenanzas, 7 et 
seq. ; Laet, Am. Deserip., 282-9; Spanish Empire in Am., 103-14; Arispe, 
Colosso Eloquente, 98, 174; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 65; Salmon's Modern Hid., 
iii. 159-60; Burke's Europ. Settlement, 228-30; Zamora, Bib. Leg., iv. 284; 
Lardner's Hist. Marit. Discov., ii. 328; Burney's Discov. South Seas, v. 60-4; 
Zuhigay O., Calendario, 103-17; Bury's Exodus, ii. 172-3; Moreno, Relation 
del Funeral, 1-155; Betagh's Voy., 190-3; Arispe, Colosso Eloquente, 98, 
passim; Willie, Noticias Hacienda, 4; Vcdlarta, Sermon Funebre, passim; 
Coloquio entre Sophronio y Leonidas, MS., 4-16; Berenger's Col. Voy., iv. 
149-51, 268-92; Hernandez, Estadistica, 18; World Displayed, vi. 119-42; 
Escudero, Not. Son., 61-2, 70; Young's Hist. Mex., 60; Boucher's Bib. Univ., 
ii. 123-5; Voyages, A New Col., iii. 413-43; Id., New Univ. Col, i. 240-2, 
286-8, 395-402; Id., Hist. Voy. round World, ii. 117-19, 202-33; Flint's Geog., 
ii. 132, 142; Berghes, Zac., 4; Pap. Var., ii. passim; iv. 1-155; x. 3 ct scq.; 
cxlix. 413; cexv. 17, 61-76; Diario, Mex., iii. 486-8; iv. 1-2; xi. 220-2, 
675-6; xii. 252; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 110-18; Alaman, Disert., iii. 53-61, 
266-90; Id., Hist. Mej., i. 49-51; ii. 94-6; Gazeta de Mex. , i. 42 et seq.; ii.-v., 
passim; vi. 9-709; vii. 10-475; viii.-x., passim; xi. 9 etseq.; xii. 165-293; 
xiii. 411-803; xiv.-xvi., passim. 




Viceroy Marques de Cruillas — King Carlos III. Proclaimed — War 
with Great Britain — Extensive and Costly Preparations against 
Possible Attacks— Visitador General Jose de Galvez — His Eminent 
Services in Mexico and Spain — Cruillas' Relief and Harsh Treat- 
ment — Viceroy Marques de Croix — He Supports Galvez — His Rule 
Approved — Promotion, Recall, and Future Career — Unjust Strict- 
ures — Viceroy Frey Antonio Maria Bucareli — General Measures 
of his Long Rule — His Death — Temporary Rule of the Audiencia — 
Fourth Ecclesiastical Council — Its Acts — Archbishop Francisco 
Antonio Lorenzana — His Course in Mexico and Spain — He is Made 
a Cardinal — Future Career and Death. 

The successor of General Cagigal, and forty-fourth 
viceroy, was Joaquin Monserrat, 1 marques de Cru- 
illas, a knight grand cross, claviger commander of 
Montroy and Burriana, and bailiff of Sueca in the 
order of Montesa, 2 a mariscal de campo 3 of the army, 
and lieutenant-colonel of the ro}^al Spanish infantry 
guards. He brought out his wife, Dona Maria Josefa 
de Acufla, 4 a lady related to the highest nobility of 

1 His family names, as given at the head of his decrees, were Monserrat, 
Ciurana, Cruillas, Crespi de Valldaura, Alfonso, Calatayud, Sans de la Llosa. 
Disposic. Farias, i. 21, iv. 1. 

2 A Spanish order of knighthood named after the convent of Santa Maria 
de Montesa, which was situated two leagues from the city of Jativa in the 
province of Valencia. It was founded with the sanction of Pope John XXIL 
in 1537. Moreri and Miravel y Casadevante, Gran. Dice, vii. 74. 

3 This was his military rank at the time of his appointment. Reales Cedulas, 
MS., ii. 237. His promotion to lieutenant-general was decreed soon after 
his departure for America. Rivera, Gob. Mex. , i. 388. He certainly held the 
commission of a lieutenant-general during his rule in Mexico, and made ii 
appear in his decrees. 

4 Her family names were: Acuria y Prado, Vazquez, Coronado, Henriquez, 
Luna y Portocarrero, Castro, Figueroa y Mendoza, Konquillo y Briseiio, Mas* 
carefias, Alencastre y la Cueva. Rodriguez, Express, del Dolor., i.-xvi. 



Spain, among whom was the late viceroy, marquds de 
Casafuerte, and it is even said that royal blood coursed 
in her veins. 

The marques dc Cruillas was appointed viceroy of 
New Spain on or before the 9th of May, 17 GO. He 
left Spain in July, touched at Puerto Rico and Cuba, 
and landed in Vera Cruz the 4th of September. He 
left that city the 19th, and journeying as his prede- 
cessors had done, reviewing on his way the colored 
troops in Puebla, and reached on the 5th of October 
Otumba, where acting viceroy Cagigal delivered him 
the baton of command, and on the next day 6 informally 
entered the capital. Being received by the ayunta- 
miento and conducted to the presence of the royal 
audiencia he then laid before that body his commis- 
sions as viceroy, governor, and president, took the 
oath of office, 6 and made his public entry into Mexico 
on the 25th of January, 1761/ not the 17th as modern 
authors have asserted. 

Several important affairs soon engaged the new 
viceroy's attention. The first was the recognition and 
proclamation of the new king who had ascended the 
throne in November 1759. The act had been decreed 
in 1760 and postponed. The viceroy resolved that it 
should be on a magnificent scale. Accompanied from 
the palace by the city council, courts of justice, and 
the nobility on horseback, holding the standard that 
had been blessed by the archbishop, the marquis 
repaired to the stage erected in the plaza mayor, 
where being challenged to raise the standard for Carlos 

6 Cavo, Tre.s Stylos, ii. 173, refers to the Libro Capitular of Mexico for this 
date. Lorenzana, Hist. N. Esp. , has it 4th of October. Panes erroneously 
places his arrival in Mexico on the 24th of August. The same authority adds 
that Cruillas was the last viceroy to make a public entry in Tlascala and other 
places as had ,been the practice of his regularly commissioned predecessors. 
Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 49. 

(; On his recognition he demanded the yearly pay of $40,000 from the date 
of his embarkation for America. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 388. 

7 He at once carried out the papal bull on patronage, prayer, and recogni- 
tion of the mystery of the immaculate conception of the virgin Mary. lb. A 
grand triumphal arch was erected with allegorical paintings, which arc de- 
scribed in a work dedicated to the marcpiesa de Cruillas. Leon, Hunt, de las 
Piuluras, 1-40. 


III. lie complied, and then and there the caciques of 
Tlatelulco, Tezcuco, Tlacopan, and Cuyoacan re- 
iterated their allegiance on behalf of the Mexican 
nation. The procession being again organized, the 
several other platforms were visited, and the cere- 
monies repeated. That night, and the two following, 
the city was brilliantly illuminated, and the people 
surrendered themselves for three days to festivities, in 
the midst of which poetical effusions were not 
wanting. 8 

While the viceroy was studying the general affairs 
of the country, and discharging his multifarious duties, 
news reached Mexico early in 1762 that war had been 
declared by Spain against Great Britain. There 
were good reasons to apprehend an attack on Vera 
Cruz, for early in June a combined land and naval 
force had captured Habana. Cruillas hastened to 
Vera Cruz to provide for its defence, taking with him 
the two companies of his guard, and reenforcing the few 
bodies of regular troops at his command. The militia, 
both infantry and cavalry, from all parts of the 
country was mustered into active service, and quar- 
tered at a convenient distance from Vera Cruz. 
Among them was one battalion of Puebla, and one of 
Michoacan. Most of the men were Spanish Creoles; 
to render them efficient the viceroy summoned to his 
aid such governors, corregidores, and alcaldes mayores 
as had formerly followed the profession of arms. 9 

The real consulado of Mexico raised and equipped 
at its own expense a regiment of dragoons. The regi- 

8 Carlos III, Amorosa Contienda, 1-208; Carlos III., Real Prod., 1-29. , 
The ceremonials of allegiance were repeated throughout the country. In 
Puebla, particularly, the loyal manifestation was marked. An obelisk, said 
to have been worthy of the Augustan era, with the king's statue on the top 
was erected in the plaza. Carlos III., Obelisco, 1-4, etc.; Plateros, Obelisco, 
1-5. The ceremonies in Vera Cruz are described in Idea Mercurial, 1-26. 

9 Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 63. Among those who obeyed the summons 
were Pedro Montesinos de Lara, president of the real audiencia of Nueva 
Galicia, and comandante general of that province; and Jose" Carlos de Aguiar, 
governor of Durango. The latter was made inspector-general of all the troops 
called to the succor of Vera Cruz. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esv., MS., 


micnto del comercio was intrusted with the preserva- 
tion of public order at the capital, which service it had 
rendered, on several previous occasions of danger, free 
of all cost to the royal treasury. 

The viceroy visited Anton Lizardo and Alvarado, 
and caused provisional batteries to be erected to pro- 
tect the entrance of the bar, and floating batteries. 
A hospital was likewise made ready, and barracks for 
the troops. Every possible measure was adopted to 
meet the impending attack. 10 

The whole force put under arms remained in active 
service till all danger had passed, 11 peace having been 
concluded between the belligerents soon after. The 
news of peace was brought by a British man-of-war, 
which found some difficulty in gaining admittance into 
port; but becoming satisfied of the truth of the re- 
port, the authorities finally greeted her with the usual 
honors. On the 25th of February, 1763, arrived in 
Vera Cruz the British frigate Trent with the Spanish 
prisoners captured by the English in the siege of 
Habana, and a copy of the preliminaries of peace. In 
September of the same year came several small vessels 
conveying the garrison, officials, vecinos, and two 
bands of Indians from Pensacola, which place, by order 
of the captain-general of Cuba, had been surrendered 
to the English. 12 The energetic measures taken and 
personally supervised by the marques de Cruillas for 
the defence of New Spain were highly appreciated, 
and rewarded by the crown. 13 

10 At this time was brought to Vera Cruz from Campeche a 'religioso ser- 
vita,' who pretended to have visited Yucatan to procure shoes for the 
English. Several papers and drawings of Spanish ports being found on his 
person, he was taken to Mexico as a spy, and with the approval of the au- 
diencia thrown into jail. This confinement of a priest with common crim- 
inals was objected to by the archbishop, who claimed the ecclesiastic immu- 
nity; the secretary of the audiencia was excommunicated; but the viceroy 
and audiencia demanded the repeal of the excommunication, and the demand 
was complied with. Cavo, Tres Siglos y ii. 380-1; liivera, Gob. Mex, i. 394-."). 

11 The expense incurred in these preparations exceeded two million dollars. 

i, Gob. Mex., i. 394. 

12 The authorities and the people provided for the comfort of the immi- 
grants. Id. 

n lie was made 'gentil hombre de camara de S. M.' lieales Cedillas, MS., 
ii. 153; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 399. 


Experience had taught the necessity of a strict su- 
pervision by the crown over the management of the 
treasury. The court, therefore, directed Francisco 
Armona to come to New Spain as visitador general 
to inspect and arrange the administration of the royal 
revenues. 14 The king's minister, Arriaga, sent the 
viceroy the instructions under which the visitador 
was to act, and ordered him to aid that officer in every 
possible way. Armona, who had been given five as- 
sistants, died on the passage out, and Jose de Galvez, 
an intendente of the royal army, was chosen for the 
position. 15 He came out in 1761, and before he had 
fairly begun the discharge of his duties a disagree- 
ment sprang up with the viceroy who refused to 
recognize certain powers claimed by the visitador. 
Thereupon the latter, referring the questions to the 
crown, led a retired life and awaited the final decision. 
The fleet of 1764 brought him powers independent 
of the viceroy, almost unlimited ones, which the latter 
could not ignore. 

Galvez was endowed with talents of a high order, a 
sterling fearless character, indomitable will, and un- 
common industry, united to great experience in affairs. 
He has been charged with a harsh, despotic, ran- 
corous disposition, 16 that never tempered justice with 
clemency, 17 but there were deeply rooted abuses to 

14 The French at that time had much influence at the Spanish court. They 
urged Spain to be better prepared with resources for war, to which end the 
government should effect such changes in the administration of the American 
possessions as would bring about an increase of revenue, which hitherto, con- 
sidering their extent and wealth, was indeed a very scanty one. Alamcrn, 
DiserL, iii. 296. 

15 He owed his great promotion to the French ambassador at Madrid. Ala- 
man, DiserL, Hi. 296. 

16 'Hombre de pasiones fuertes, rencoroso y terrible. . .abusaba del poder 
que el Soberano habia puesto en sus manos.' Many thought him insane. 
Bustamante, Sitplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 44. 

17 Galvez was a native of Malaga. His services were munificently re- 
warded by the sovereign. In 1768 he was made a member of the supreme 
council of the Indies, and on his return to Spain ministro universal de Indias, 
an office that he held till his death, which occurred suddenly at Madrid 
on the 17th of June, 1787. He had been also given the title of marques 
de Sonora. The news of his death reached Mexico the 30th of August. 
Many of those who suffered at his hands showed their satisfaction in disgrace- 
ful printed papers that made their appearance the next morning. Loreuzana, 


be corrected regardless of reputation. 18 It is believed, 
however, that the visitador used a just discrimination. 
The result of his efforts was that in future, or at least 
during his term, every branch of the public adminis- 
tration experienced a marked improvement, 19 officials, 
in the fear of dismission, faithfully doing the right. 

Viceroy Cruillas neglected none of the important 
duties of his offices, and his wise, energetic policy won 
him an honorable name in the country. His disagree- 
ments with General Villalba, explained elsewhere, and 
the presence of an official exercising authority inde- 
pendent of him, rendered his stay in New Spain un- 
pleasant. His relief came in August 17G6. 

The marquis was subjected to a rigorous residencia 
by the judge commissioner, Jose Areche, who refused 
him permission to go to Spain on bail, as had been 
granted his predecessors. He remained in Cholula 
till the end of his trial, and then was allowed to depart 
for the mother county, which he did in the same ship 
that carried General Villalba. 

The forty-fifth viceroy of New Spain was Carlos 
Francisco de Croix, 20 marques de Croix, a knight of 
the order of Calatrava, commander of Molinos and 
Laguna Rota in the same order, and a lieutenant- 
general of the royal army, 21 who had been colonel of 
the Walloon guards. He had given proofs of military 
skill in fifty years of service; he had been in command 
at Ceuta and Puerto de Santa Maria, and had served as 
captain-general of Galicia. King Cdrlos III. esteemed 
him highly, knowing that he was a sincere, just man, 
and a true soldier, ready at all times to sacrifice him- 

Hiat. V. Ekp. f 34, 35; Panes, Vir. in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 121; Gomez, 
Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d ser., vii. 280-1; Gazeta de M6x. (1786-7), ii. 
82. Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 402, wrongly gives 1789 as the year of his death. 
18 A few of those were at a later day reinstated by the sovereign. Cavo, 
Tres Sighs, ii. 182. 

19 His master mind had been felt everywhere. Alaman, D'tsert., in. app. 04. 

20 In several documents, both manuscript and printed, the name is written 
Croix, which was probably the accent given it by Spaniards. 

* J1 A native of the city of Lille in Flauders, and of a very illustrious family. 
Loreuzana, J J id. N. Esp., 35; Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 05. 


self for his master, as he called the sovereign, whose 
orders were to be obeyed without cavil, and on the 
same principle he allowed no contradiction to his own 
authority as the king's lieutenant. 22 

The marquis took charge of his offices on the 25th 
of August 1766, which was the date of his entering the 
capital. 23 From that time he paid strict attention to 
his duties, doing all in his power for the improvement 
and defence of the country, the increase of its revenues, 
the development of knowledge, and all that might 
be expected from a conscientious ruler. With the 
visitador general, Jose de Galvez, he maintained the 
closest relations, supporting all his measures, as he 
had the fullest confidence in his ability and character. 
The marques de Croix won for himself the name of 
an able viceroy, as well as of a pure, upright man. 
When he arrived he refused to accept the customary 
gifts, and called for higher pay from the crown, which 
was granted him. He was somewhat addicted to 
drink, and evil tongues called him a drunkard. 24 If 
this was so he was a better man drunk than was many 
another sober; at all events his measures showed that 
he was a very sensible man, and that they were planned 
by no clouded or besotted intellect. 

22 Anecdotes were related of him, which, if authentic, and they are given for 
what they may be worth, go to show that he possessed a vein of humor as well 
as force of character. Once while holding a command in Spain, the all- 
powerful inquisition sent for him, and he obeyed the summons ; but knowing 
the characters he had to deal with, took with lr'masquad of artillerymen and 
four cannon, which he stationed round the inquisitorial quarters, giving orders 
to his men, before entering the building, that if he did not come out in fifteen 
minutes they were to demolish it. The inquisitors on learning this dismissed 
him 'con muchas zalemas y carabanas,' and never troubled him again. An- 
other time a bishop excommunicated him; and on being apprised that this 
meant cutting off relations between him and the faithful, he resolved to cut 
off relations of the faithful with the bishop, and laid siege with armed men to 
the episcopal palace to stop all ingress and egress as long as the excommuni- 
cation should be in force. The next day the prelate raised the ban, and sent 
the marquis his apologies, whereupon the troops were removed. Correo Sema- 
ndrio (Eno. 10, 1827), i. 124-5. 

23 He was the first viceroy not to make a public entry, as his regularly 
commissioned predecessors had done. Panas, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp.. 
MS., 50. 

21 His stock of wines and liquors was the finest in the country, and his 
table splendid. His expression of thanks to the sovereign for increase of 
pay and promotion was no warmer than when he was granted exemption 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 24 


On the 21st of April 1770 ho was commissioned a 
captain-general of the royal army ; and as a further re- 
ward of his faithful services, on being relieved from 
the government of New Spain the 2 2d of September 
1771, he was promoted to viceroy and captain-general 
of the kingdom of Valencia in Spain. 25 These offices 
he held at the time of his death.' 20 

The forty-sixth viceroy was the bailiff Frey An- 
tonio Maria Bucareli yUrsua, Henestrosa, Lasso de la 
Vega, Villacis y Cordoba, knight commander 27 of La 
Boveda de Toro 28 in the order of Saint John of Malta, 
and a lieutenant-general of the royal armies. 29 

Bucareli was a native of Seville, and related to the 
most noble families of Spain and Italy, being on his 
paternal side a descendant from a very distinguished 
family of Florence, which boasted among its con- 
nections three popes, six cardinals, and other high 
officers of the state and church; and on the maternal, 
the Ursuas were related to several ducal families. 30 
The knight entered the military service of his country 
as a cadet, and rose by gallantry and honorable service 
to be lieutenant-general. He had distinguished him- 
self in several campaigns in Italy and Spain, in en- 

from import duty on some barrels of Bordeaux wine. Bustamante, Suplem. , 
in Cavo, Tres SUjlos, iii. 13-14. 

25 About the time of his departure the spite of his enemies was displayed 
in doggerel verse, depreciating his rule, and even hinting at peculation. I "w. 
Instrucc, MS., lstser., no. 13, 1-3; no. 14, 1-4. 

2u In 178G, at the age of 87 years. Gomez, Dlario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d 
ser., vii. 259-GO. In 1775 had been paid him out of the Mexican treasury by 
royal order an extra allowance of $12,000. Mex., Circular sobre Nomb., MS., 
no. 8. 

27 In 1776 he called himself knight grand cross, and commander, having 
been promoted to the former dignity by the grand master of the order. (Jcdn- 
lario, MS., i. 153, iii. 04; Dispositions Varias, i., no. 20; Panes, Vir., in 
Monum. Dom. Esj)., MS., 51. 

28 One author says La de Osma. Panes, in Id., 124. And still another 
work descriptive of the viceroy's funeral, in the title-page has it La Tociua. 
The same is found in some of Bucareli's later edicts. Bucareli, Breve Descrij)., 
D is /josi clones Varias, i. 57. 

29 Later, probably after 1770, the king bestowed on him the office of a 
'gentil hombre de cainara con entrada.' Panes, in Id., 124. 

30 A]))urfjuerrpie, Lerma, Denia, Alba, Arcos, Medina-Coeli, etc. Bucareli 
was received into the order of Malta by special dispensation, when he was 
still under the prescribed age. (Jribe, Eloijio, in Breve Descrip., 8-10. 


gineering work, and as the inspector-general of cavalry. 
Lastly, he was called to be governor and captain-general 
of Cuba, where he again rendered valuable services to 
the crown, which were rewarded with the promotion 
to the viceroyalty of New Spain. Nor was this the 
only reward. He was not only permitted to grant 
offices to twelve of his friends and attaches, a privi- 
lege that had been withheld for some years from his 
predecessors, but was given by royal order of January 
22, 1777, an increase of $20,000 a year above what 
had been the viceroy's salary, making it $80,000, as a 
mark of special favor. 31 

The newly appointed viceroy left Habana August 
14, 1771, and arrived at Vera Cruz on the 23d; started 
thence September 9th, and travelling slowly, via An- 
tigua, Rinconada, Plan del Rio, Jalapa, Vigas, 
Perote, Haciendas de Soto, Tonquito and San Diego, 
Piedras Negras, Buenavista, Apam, Otumba, and 
San Cristobal, accomplished the journey of 84 leagues 
to the capital on the 23d. This route was the short- 
est as well as most convenient, avoiding the entry 
into Tlascala and Puebla, in both of which cities the 
municipal authorities and people, particularly the Ind- 
ians of the former, would have insisted on entertaining 
the viceroy, and their wishes could not well have been 
slighted, entailing upon him the delay of two or three 
days at each place, and upon those communities ex- 
penditures that would have weighed heavily on them 
for a long time. At San Cristobal the real audiencia 
and other officials, among them the representatives of 
the city of Mexico, paid their homage to the incoming 
ruler, who received the baton of command from his 
predecessor the 2 2d of September, whereupon the 
city authorities escorted him to the capital. 32 His 
public reception was magnificent, for the citizens be- 
lieved him deserving. 33 

31 Expedlente promovido, inMex., Circular sobre JSfomh., MS., no. 7-26. 

3 l Vir. Instruc.y MS., 1st ser., no. 8, 1-2. 

33 The triumphal arch was a splendid architectural work in three of the 


General Bucareli on the 23d produced to the au- 
diencia his three commissions as viceroy and governor, 
captain-general, and president of that body, and took 
the oath to faithfully discharge his duties; among the 
pledges was that of maintaining peace in the interior, 
and defending the kingdom against all foes. 34 

Viceroy Bucareli during nearly eight years' rule 
attended carefully to the organization of the military 
forces and coast defences; to the well-being of the new 
settlements in California; an honest and economical 
management of the royal treasury, the revenue of 
which he augmented without burdening the king's 
subjects with extra taxation; the police and adminis- 
tration of justice; the development of public instruction 
and the arts of peace. Indeed, whatever could con- 
tribute to the honor of his sovereign and the welfare 
of the people was matter of interest to him. He 
cared for the poor in hospitals and asylums, and was 
zealous in assisting the prelates of the religious orders 
to preserve good morals. The term of his rule was 
the happiest that New Spain experienced. Peace and 
prosperity reigned; and the country took long strides 
in advance. 

Whilst the viceroy w^as thus engaged disease seized 
him, a violent attack of pleurisy, 35 to which he suc- 
cumbed on the 9th of April, 1779. His death spread 
sorrow throughout the land, for he had won the title 
of "virey amado por la paz de su gohierno." As an 
evidence of the high standing of his character, I shall 
mention one instance. Being in need of funds for the 

orders, namely, Ionic, Corinthian, and composite. The allegory of Ulysses 
was used to represent Bucai'eli's great actions, his learning, wisdom, and 
virtues. The formula was that of the ancient Romans, with mottoes and 
emblems from Latin and Greek authors, and descriptions of passages in appro- 
priate Castilian verse. Leon, J. Velasquez, Explication de los Adornos, 1-22. 

31 Etcribauo Castro, Ccrtij'., in Mex., Circular sobre Nomb., MS., no. 1. 

'■'■'■ 1 taring this, his last illness, were brought to him the most notable relics 
in the convents and churches. The viaticum came from the sagrario of the 
cathedral, the archbishop accompanying the host from the foot of the palace 
stairs; but not administering the communion because the viceroy objected to 
giving him the trouble of putting on his vestments. Gomez, Diario, in Doc. 
/list. Mex., 2d ser., vii. 59. 


operations of the mint the merchants lent him with- 
out interest or security $2,500,000. 36 

The deceased had ordained in his last will that his 
remains should be interred in the temple of the In- 
signe j Real Colegiata of Guadalupe, charging that 
the interment should be in the humblest and most 
trampled spot at the very entrance of the temple. 
The body remained in state at the palace till the 13th, 
when the funeral cortege started in the morning for 
the convent of San Francisco, where it was deposited 
till the evening, and then it was conveyed to the san- 
tuario of Nuestra Senora de Guadalupe, and there on 
the 29th of October inhumed in the threshold, as he 
had requested, with expressive epitaphs on the tomb. 
The executors, Jose Martin de Chavez and Joaquin 
Antonio Dongo, in view of the late viceroy's great 
regard for the Capuchin nuns, and of his great zeal in 
the erection and preservation of the casa de ejerci- 
cios in the oratory of San Felipe, resolved that his 
heart should be given to the Capuchin nuns, and his 
other vitals to the before mentioned casa. 37 

So soon as the supreme government heard of the 
death of Viceroy Bucareli, it ordered that his effects 
should be forwarded to Spain, and that no resi- 
dencia of his official acts should be had, 38 a course 
unprecedented in the history of royal representation. 

Immediately after Bucareli's death was officially 
announced, was opened the pliego de providencia or 
mortaja, by which the president of Guatemala was to 

36 He was not backward in reimbursing the loan. Alaman, Discrt., iii. app. 
68. As evidence of his piety and humility, when he felt death approaching 
he begged to be helped on his knees that he might die in that position, or at 
least allowed to lie on a bare floor. Uribe, Eloyio, 16-20, 26, 38-41. 

37 This is probably the correct version as to the disposal of the heart and 
other vitals; though it was asserted in Habana that the heart was deposited 
in Santa Brigida, and the entrails in the cathedral. A contemporary left it 
written that the heart went to the Capuchin nuns, a moietj' of the other 
vitals to the casa de ejercicios, and the other to the cathedral. Gomez, Diario, 
in Doc. Hist. Mex., sdrie ii. vii. 60, 74-5. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. 
E*p., MS., 51, 124, merely says that the heart was deposited in the convent 
of the Capuchin nuns, and the body in the colegiata. 

S8 (Jomez, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii. vii. 85-6. 


succeed as viceroy ad interim. Until his arrival the 
government devolved on the audiencia. The baton 
of acting captain-general was delivered to the regente, 
Francisco Komd y Rosel. 39 Circulars were despatched 
to the authorities throughout the country to notify 
them of these events. 40 

On the 23d of April was celebrated a thanksgiving 
mass, attended by the audiencia and the regente. At 
the head of the palace reception room were placed 
three chairs; the middle one was occupied by the 
regente, and the other two by the decano, or senior 
oidor, and the subdecano. The regente and his two 
associates took the palace coach, the guard presenting 
arms, and with a squad of cavalry in advance, and the 
escort of halberdiers, repaired to the cathedral, at the 
principal door of which were four canons to receive 
them. For the regente was supplied not a prie-dieu, 
but a mere cushion. 41 The audiencia during its rule 
of a little over four months made no change in the 
government policy. 

One of the notable events of the second half of the 
eighteenth century was the assembling of the fourth 
Mexican provincial council, 42 convened pursuant to 
two royal cedulas of August 21, 1769, one of which 

39 He was the first regente; appointed June 20, 1776; entered upon his 
duties March 13, 1778, and resigned the office in 1782. Both he and his 
wife, Narcisa Paisagns, were from Catalonia. He died in Mexico, December 
], 1784, and was buried the next day in the chapel of Santo Domingo with 
the honors of the last rank he held in life. Beetles Ce'dulas, MS., ii. 159; 
Gomez, D'tario, 198-9. His colleagues in the government were the oi (lores 
Villaurrutia, Madrid, Gamboa, Algarin, Luyando, and Guevara. Cedulario, 
MS. , i. 90. 

40 Every official on seeing the circular wrote over his signature in continu- 
ation the date of its receipt, as well as the obligation he was under of for- 
warding it to other officials residing off the main routes taken by the couriers. 
There were six such circulars. Lttvano, Litis Mcndez de, Carta a Roma, MS. 

41 Other ceremonies pi-actised toward viceroys were omitted; for instance: 
the mace-bearers and doorkeepers of the city were not stationed in front of 
the audiencia; the holy book was not brought to the regente to kiss, 'sino la 
paz,' that is to say, an image to be kissed in sign of peace and fraternity, and 
this, not by a canon, but by the master of ceremonies wearing the surplice 
and stole. Gomez, Diario.iw Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d ser., vii. 62-3. 

11 Hist. Mex., ii., this series, gave full information on the preceding 


commanded the prelates of America and the Philip- 
pines to attend such a council. The other, called the 
tomo regio, specified as many as twenty points to be 
considered. 43 The partisans of the expelled Jesuits, 
among whom is the writer Carlos M. Bustamante, 
would have the world believe that the ministers who 
had influenced the king to adopt that measure, now 
impressed upon his mind a conviction that the convo- 
cation of a provincial council, after the old fashion, 
was needed to eradicate the erroneous doctrines taught 
by the society of Jesus, which had taken deep root in 
America; that the king's flatterers represented morals 
in Mexico to be at a low ebb, owing to those teach- 
ings; and one of the orators at the council affirmed 
that the period was worthy of comparison with that 
of the conquest of America. 44 

On the 13th of January, 1770, Archbishop Loren- 
zana laid the royal cedulas before his chapter, and on 
the 21st it was announced at high mass that the 
council would be inaugurated on the 13th of January 
proximo. Some differences between the archbishop 
and his chapter on matters of ceremonial occurred 
toward the end of 1770, and new discussions arose 
one week before the installation of the council. They 
were not, however, an obstacle to the swearing-in, on 
the 11th of January 1771, before the archbishop, of 
the theologians and canonists who had been chosen to 
act as advisers of the council. 45 

The preliminary ceremonies took place, part in the 
church, and part in the chapter's hall, which was the 
room selected for the sittings. 46 The viceroy made a 
short address ; and after the tomo regio and the arch- 
bishop's decree had been read, he retired." 


43 Cedula, in Concilio Prov. Mex., iv. MS., i. 1-8. 

u Suphm., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 7. 

45 Five of the former taken from both the secular and regular clergy, and 
six of the latter. iSosa, Ejnscop. Mex., 194. 

40 The religious rites were attended by the royal courts without the vice- 
roy ; but at their termination he was found sitting on the throne under the 
canopy in the council chamber. Id., 193. 

47 The next day the archbishop delivered a long discourse on provincial 


The council was presided over by the archbishop, 
and the following prelates and dignitaries of the 
church were in attendance. Bishops: Miguel Alvarez 
de Abreu, of Antequera; Friar Antonio Alcala, of 
Yucatan, and elect of Guadalajara; Francisco Fabian 
y Fuero, of Puebla, and Jose Diaz Bravo, of Du- 
rango. The bishoprics of Michoacan and Guadalajara 
were represented by canons of their chapters. Prel- 
ates of the religious orders: generals of the San 
Hipolito and Bethlehem ite orders, and the provincials 
of the Franciscans, and barefooted Franciscans, Do- 
minicans, Augustinians, barefooted Carmelites, and 
order of Mercy; and the comisario of the clerigos re- 
gulares of San Camilo. The colegiata of Guadalupe 
likewise had two seats in the council. Oidor Antonio 
de Bivadeneira, as asistente real, and Jose Areche, 
fiscal of the audiencia; and the two representatives of 
the city of Mexico. The officials of the council were 
the secretary, Doctor Andres Martinez Campillo, pro- 
moter, master of ceremonies, notary, and two nuncios. 

The labors of the council were completed on the 
26th of October, 48 and on the 10th of November a 
commissioner was despatched to Spain with the acts 
to be laid before the king in council for approval. 
This was never given them, owing to the many objec- 
tions preferred by the fiscal for Peru, based chiefly 
on alleged grievances against Archbishop Lorenzana. 
The king on the 8th of October, 1772, ordered that 
the acts should not be made public till they were 
sanctioned by his council and the pope. They have 
consequently remained unpublished. 49 An authenti- 
cated copy of them exists in the archives of the arch- 
bishopric of Mexico. The manuscript has a blue vel- 
vet cover, and is entitled Concilio IV provincial Mex- 

councils, and was followed by the asistente real, or viceroy's proxy, who spoke 
of what was to be done, and ended with vivas and acclamations to the vice- 
roy, andVisitador Galvez. Bustamante, Supfern., in Cavo, Tres S!;jIos, iii. 9. 

48 On the 10th of the same month the council was visited by De Croix's 
successor, Bucareli, amid much ceremonial, and with a large suite. Busta- 
mante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 9-10. 

^Concilio Prov. Mex. IV, MS., i. 305; Belena, Recop., ii. 334-5. 


icano, celebrado en 1771. It contains five books, the 
first with thirteen titles; the second with sixteen; the 
third with twenty-four; the fourth with two; and the 
fifth, with twelve; each title having a large number 
of decrees and ordinances on ecclesiastic reform and 
discipline. 50 

The council also prepared fourteen works, all on 
matters more or less connected with the church, and 
tending to the improvement of its branches and ser- 
vice, and to the advancement of religion and popular 
education ; one of them concerned the management of 
hospitals, and another the beatification of Juan de 

Doctor Francisco Antonio Lorenzana y Butron, of 
whom mention has been so often made in connection 
with the above described fourth council, was of illus- 
trious lineage, born in Leon, Spain, on the 2 2d of 
September 1722; he studied literature in the college 
of San Salvador de Oviedo, of the renowned uni- 
versity of Salamanca. 51 His first prominent position 
was that of canoni^o doctoral in the cathedral of Sisru- 
enza. He afterward became successively canon and 
vicar-general of Toledo, abbot of San Vicente, a dig- 
nitary of the cathedral of Toledo, and a member bf the 
royal council. In 1765 he was made bishop of Pla- 
sencia, and on the 14th of April of the following year 

s°Contilio Prov. Max. IV, MS., i. 9-360; ii. 13-323; Granarlos, Tardea, 
Am., 484-5. Bustamante irreverently calls this council a solemn iarce, 
inspired by party spirit, and supported by the king or his councillors, to 
impress the Mexican people with awe and dread, and with the idea that the 
king was a divine being. Comparing it with the first presided over by Father 
Martin de Valencia, he derides the former as well as Lorenzana. Suplem., in 
Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 11-12. Bustamantc's remarks are certainly ill-con- 
sidered, for the instructions to parish priests, among other points, clearly 
show that they were intended to elevate, and not to depress the character of 
the Indians. Catliecismo por IV Contilio. This is an original manuscript, in 
my collection, dated September 5, 1771, bearing the signatures and rubrics of 
the archbishop of Mexico, bishops of Yucatan and Puebla, the proctors of 
Michoacan and Guadalajara, and the secretary. It is followed on pages 09 to 
263 by an explanation of Christian doctrine made by the council, dated August 
4, 1771, also bearing the same signatures. 

51 His earliest ecclesiastic instruction he received in a Benedictine monas- . 
tery. Vir. de 31ex\, Imtruc, MS., no. 22, 2. 


was promoted to the archbishopric of Mexico, of which 
he took possession on the 22d of August, receiving on 
the 8 ih of September the pallium from the bishop of 
Puebla. 52 

Lorenzana's government of the archdiocese, though 
a brief one, was marked by acts that justly entitled 
him to a high place among the most distinguished 
members of the Mexican episcopacy. His first act 
was to establish a foundling asylum. Soon after his 
arrival he noticed the absence of such a shelter for the 
care of infants forsaken by their parents either to con- 
ceal a fault or to elude the fulfilment of their duties. 
He purchased out of his income a suitable building 
on the 11th of January, 1767, founding and organiz- 
ing in it the casa de ninos expositos, commonly known 
as La Cuna, which he supported till he left the coun- 
try. He was governing in harmony with the civil 
power, and much valued for his learning, virtue, and 
philanthropy, when he received promotion to the 
archbishopric of Toledo, and was made primate of 
Spain, to which place he had been nominated on the 
27th of January, 1771. In his new position he had a 
still wider field of usefulness. On the 30th of March, 
1789, Pius VI. made him a cardinal/' 3 

When the French revolution broke out and a large 
number of ecclesiastics from that nation sought a re- 
fugc in Spain, Lorenzana, foremost among the Spanish 
prelates, afforded them great protection and assist- 
ance/ 4 In 1797 he was sent by Carlos IV. to Rome 
to afford aid and comfort to Pius VI., and remained 
at the pontiff's side, accompanying him to Florence 
and thence to Parma. The object of his company was 
to furnish pecuniary resources to Pius. At last the 

52 Condlios P7'Ov., 1-2. His autograph signatures and official seal appear 
in Coucilio Prov. Mex., 4; Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 192; Fhjueroa, Vindicias, 
MS., 1. 

53 Dustamante and others attribute his getting the red capello to his 
work in the fourth provincial council. Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 12. 
The fact is that the honor has been almost invariably conferred on the arch- 
bishops of Toledo. 

54 Michaud, Blog. Univ., in Sosa, Episcop. Mex., 197. 


French refused him a passport, and he was separated 
from the illustrious captive, whom he never saw again. 
The cardinal is heard of as present at the conclave held 
in Venice. 65 In 1800 he resigned the archbishopric 
of Toledo, and fixed his residence in Rome, where he 
died the 17th of April, 1804, being interred in the 
church of Santa Croce. 

Upon the receipt in Mexico of the news of the 
death of its former archbishop, funeral honors were 
paid him with great pomp." 


55 Id. in/d.,198. 

b6 Vi?\ de Mex., Instruc, MS., 1st ser., no. 22, 1-12; Are'valo, Laudatio 
Funebris, 1-31. Lorenzana published several works giving impulse to letters, 
particularly to historical research. The principal ones were : Concilios pro- 
vinciates primero y sec/ undo, celebrados en la unity noble, y muy leal ciudad de 
Mexico. Mex. 1769, folio. Concilium Mexicanum provinciate III. Cetebratum 
Mexici, anno MDLXXXV. Preside D. D. Petro Moyact Contreras. . .Covfir- 
matum Romce die XXVII. Octobris anno MDLXXXIX. . .Mex. 1770, folio. 
Historia de Nueva-Espafia, escritct por su esclarecido Conquistador Hernan 
Cortes, Aumentada con otros documentor, y notas. Mex. 1770, folio. Statuta 
Ordinata a Sancto Concilio Provinciali Mexicano III. Ex Prozscripto Sacro- 
sancti Concilij Tridentino Decreto Sess. 24 cap. 12 de Reform., verba cetera. Re- 
visa a Catholica Majestate, etaSacrosanctasede Apostolica Confirmata, A. D. 
Millessimo quingestissimo octuagessimo nono, folio. In the first above men- 
tioned work, preceding the Constituciones of the councils is the editor's carta 
pastoral, briefly relating the object of such councils, and giving the history of 
those held in Mexico. Next appear the resolutions of the first Junta Apos- 
tolica, and the curious information of Captain Juan Juarez y Gamboa in 1649 
on the coming of the first clergymen to New Spain ; Bishop GarceV letter to 
Paulus III. in favor of the natives, and next the pope's bull in 1537 declaring 
the Indians rational beings. After the acts of the two councils are given 
biographical sketches of the archbishops of Mexico, and bishops of Puebla, 
Guatemala, Antequera, Michoacan, Guadalajara, Yucatan, and Durango. 
These biographies, though brief and often erroneous as to dates, are important 
for the study of Mexican ecclesiastic history. In continuation are the Avisos 
para la acertada conducta de unpdrroco en la America; Privilegios de Indios, 
&nd Avisos para que los naturales de estos reynos scan felices en lo espiritual y 
temporal. The whole ending with a good index in six pages of the matter 
contained in the volume. 

With reference to the Historia de la Nueva Espana, which contains 
the second, third, and fourth letters of Hernan Cortes, Icazbalceta says 
that he has been unable to ascertain if the original Lorenzana had before 
him was the edition in Gothic letters or Barcia's reprint. His work is 
valuable any way, for his additions, namely: Alzate's map of New Spain 
(1769); CorteV journey from la Antigua Vera Cruz to Mexico, for the bet- 
ter understanding of the places mentioned in the map; a drawing of the 
chief temple of Mexico; remarks for better understanding CorteV letters (in- 
formation on ancient history with the series of Mexican emperors); months 
of the Mexican year (drawing); government of New Spain (list of governors 
and viceroys from Cortes to Viceroy de Croix); here follows CorteV second 
letter; fragments of a tribute map (Mendoza's Codex), giving the towns that 
paid, and expressing the kind, quantity, and time (31 drawings with a pre- 
liminary note); here follows Cortes' third letter; CorteV voyage to the Cali- 


fornias, with information on all expeditions made to that country till 17G9, 
for better understanding CorteV fourth letter and projects. 

Icazbalceta, Col. Doc. J list. Mex., i., referring to Lorenzana's collection 
reprinted in New York, in 1828, 1 vol. 8vo, by Manuel del Mar, justly finds 
fault with the editor's alterations, an unpardonable one being that of substi- 
tuting j for x in Mexican names. The editor omitted Nos. 1-5, 7, and 9 of the 
previous, and added an historical account of Hernan Cortds with some poor 
cuts taken from Clavigero. As to the tribute map, Orozco y Berra, an archae- 
ologist worthy of all respect, discovered many errors, omissions, and changes 
which he details in Anales del Museo Nacional de Mex., i. 183 et seq., con- 
cluding with these remarks: ' No proseguiremos amontonando cargos, dolien- 
donos que los grandes gastos y empeilo del Senor Arzobispo Lorenzana, por 
circunstancias fuera de su voluntad, no hubieran sido mas fructuosos para la 
ciencia.' Lorenzana published at his own expense for distribution, not for 
sale, the above named works, and several others of minor importance, namely : 
several pastoral letters ; Misscde Gothlcum secundum regidam B. Isidori in 
usum Mozarabum, Borne, 1804, folio; Opera Pat rum Toletanorum; Opera S. 
Martini Legionensis, etc., all of which have become quite rare. Also: Aranzel 
para tudos los curas de este arzobispado, fuera de la Ciudad de Mexico, Mex. 
17G7, fob, G leaves; Memorial que, presentan a todas las Comunidades, y Gre- 
mios los Pobres Mendigos de Mexico por mono de su Arzobispo (n. p. n. d.), 
4to, pp. 29; Memorial que presentan d todas Estados los Ninos Expdsitos de la 
Imperial Ciudad de Mexico por mano de su Arzobispo, Mex. 1770, 4to, pp. 21; 
Reglas para que los naturales de estos Reynos sean felices en lo espiritual, y 
temporal, Mex. 17G8, folio, 2 leaves; Tratado del Agua Mineral Caliente de 
San Bartholome (n. p.), 1772, 4to. 




Viceroy Martin de Mayorga — His Exceptional Position — War with 
Great Britain — Warlike Measures — Mayorga's Efficient Rule — 
Viceroy Matias de Galvez — His Short Administration — He Pro- 
motes Improvements — The Conde de Aranda's Plan — Independent 
Kingdoms in Spanish America to be Erected — King Carlos' Objec- 
tions — The Audiencia Rules a Few Months — Viceroy Conde de 
Galvez — His Great Services and Rank — Unbounded Popularity — 
Treasonable Schemes Attributed— His Illness and Death— Post- 
humous Birth of his Child — Magnificent Ceremonials at the 
Christening — The Family Liberally Pensioned — The Audiencia 
Rules Again. 

Martin de Mayorga, a knight of Alcantara and 
mariscal de campo of the royal army, who had been 
captain of the Spanish royal guards, governor of Al- 
cantara in Estremadura, and lastly governor, presi- 
dent, and captain-general of Guatemala, became the 
forty-seventh viceroy of New Spain. He had but 
just surrendered the baton of command to the in- 
spector of the troops, and was on the point of depart- 
ing for Spain, when despatches reached him that in the 
pliego de mortaja opened in Mexico at the death of 
Viceroy Bucareli he was named as the successor ad 
interim. 1 On the 23d of August, 1779, he entered the 
viceregal palace, and took the oath of office, which was 
administered him by the regente in the presence of the 
oidores. 2 

1 He started for Mexico on the 18th of May, 1779. Juarros, Gnat, i. 271-2; 
Escamilla, Not. Curiosas de GuaL, 50-1; Disposiciones Varias, i. 58-63; Cedu- 
lario, iii. 61. 

2 Gomez, Diario, 70. 



Mayorga is represented to have been affable and 
liberal, possessing a magnanimous charitable heart, 
and making himself beloved by all, and yet he had to 
exercise much prudence as well as force of character, 
his position being an unfortunate one, as will be seen 

The new viceroy's arrival at the capital occurred 
just eleven days after the proclamation there, on the 
12th, of war having been declared May 18th against 
Great Britain by King Carlos III. Assistance secretly 
afforded by Spain to the British North American 
colonists to attain their independence, 3 had much to 
do with the animosity of the day; in which measure 
Spain did not know how surely she was working her 
own undoing in the same direction. 

The people of Mexico saw in this war nothing but 
misfortune; their trade would be harassed, and their 
coasts ravaged. Taxation, loans, and sacrifice of life 
would naturally follow. Nor were their fears un- 
founded, for very soon Mexico was called to the aid 
of Guatemala for the recovery of the port of Omoa in 
Honduras, which the English had taken. She was 
also required to take a prominent part in the combined 
Spanish and French operations against Florida. Those 
operations were quite active from 1779 to 1781. 4 

Fearing an assault on Vera Cruz, the government 

3 Bustamante, the editor of Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 31-2, assures us that 
the policy of the Spanish court in aiding the colonists was intended to 
avert a dangerous British invasion of New Spain from the North American 
colonies — a false step in his opinion, which eventually proved injurious not 
only to the allied powers, the French and Spaniards, but also to the people of 
New Spain, whose emancipation it retarded 50 years, though not preventing it. 
The king however, in his manifesto of July 8th to his vassals of America, states 
as his reasons for the war, among others, the hostile acts of the British author- 
ities in Darien and Honduras. On the iirst day of the same month ordinances 
additional to the general regulations to govern the royal navy and letters of 
marque on the subject of prizes, had been issued. All trade and intercourse 
with the British had been forbidden in June. Beaks Ordenes, iv. 57-84, 192-6, 

* Mayorga had been apprised in Puebla of the measures the audiencia had 
decreed to supply with money Yucatan, New Orleans, Habana, Manila, and 
other points, which derived their support from Mexico, and might expect an 
attack by the enemy at any moment. He sent, in various amounts, about 
$600,000 to Louisiana for the campaign against the English in Florida. 
Bustamaute, Suptem., in Cavo, Tres tiiglos, iii. 30-7. 


made every preparation to repel it. The disposable 
force, both regulars and provincial militia, was called 
into active service. Mayorga and his secretary 5 vis- 
ited Vera Cruz, inspected the fortifications, corrected 
defects, and stationed the troops in Orizaba, Encero, 
Jalapa, and other convenient spots. In this inspec- 
tion and in all the arrangements, which occupied about 
nineteen days, Mayorga conducted himself with 
ability, energy, and dignity. Fortunately, the enemy 
attempted no movements upon the coasts of Mexico. 

But offensive operations were carried on from Yu- 
catan to expel the British from Belize and the neigh- 
borhood, pursuant to orders from the crown to the 
governor, Captain-general Roberto Rivas Betancourt, 
who hastened his preparations; and before the enemy 
could effect his purposes against Bacalar, Rivas was 
at this town ready for action. The viceroy of New 
Spain had been directed to aid the governor, but he 
could not do it. He sent him, however, a great 
quantity of gunpowder, and money, which were of 
much benefit for the campaign. 6 

Rivas' efforts were successful. He not only dis- 
lodged the British from Belize, capturing on Cayo 
Cocina the 15th of September, 1779, a number of 
prisoners, over three hundred slaves, and some small 
vessels, but with his canoes and pirogues made a prize 
of an English brig armed with fourteen guns. He did 
not, it is true, accomplish all that was expected of him ; 
but considering the small resources at his command 
to counteract the large ones of the enemy, his conduct 
was deemed meritorious. 

Viceroy Mayorga attended to all his duties, not 

neglecting those of charity to the poor in a time of 

affliction, with signal zeal and ability. His measures 

j for the defence and security of the country were 

6 Melchor de Peramas was the secretary by royal appointment of the vice- 
i royalty. In January 1780 he was retired with the honors of an oidor. His 
! successor in the office was Pedro Antonio Cosio. Gomez, Diario, 78; Papelts 
Franciscanos, MS., ii. 1st ser. 313, 315; Disposlciones Varias, i. 33. 

6 Mayorga, Carta, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, 2da ep., i. 242. 


effected with the utmost possible economy to the royal 
treasury, and it is a well known fact that his remit- 
tances of treasure during his short rule amounted to 
about fifty million pesos, without delays or burdening 
the people with extra taxation. 7 But all his wisdom 
and valuable services could not save him from the 
constant fault-finding of the all-powerful Jose de Gal- 
vez, ministro universal de Indias. He had incurred 
the enmity of that dignitary, it seems, because he had 
been called to the viceroy alty, an office which the 
minister had intended should fall to his brother, Ma- 
fias de Galvez; but Bucareli's death took place sooner 
than was expected, and before Matias de Galvez had 
been commissioned as president of Guatemala. 8 What- 
ever the motive, Mayorga was the victim of the min- 
ister's ill-concealed resentment. 

In November, L781, there arrived in Mexico Fran- 
cisco Saavedra, 9 a person who later, though but for a 
short time, became one of the ministers of state in 
Spain. He made it appear that he held some au- 
thority from the court. The common people believed 
him to be a royal prince travelling incognito. As he 
presented a grave demeanor, and never gave public 
offence, a certain mystery and respect surrounded him. 

The viceroy's unpopularity at court was soon known 
in Mexico, and there were not wanting those to take 
advantage of it. Even the audiencia of Mexico with 
whom he had endeavored to maintain cordial relations, 
tried to interfere with his action; but in a dignified 
manner he upheld his authority. The regente of the 
audiencia of Guadalajara, Eusebio Sanchez Pareja, 
took upon himself the title of captain-general, and re- 
quired the commissioner sent by Mayorga to attend 

7 The calls of the war on him were large, but with the assistance of the 
real consulado he was enabled timely to meet them. Panes, Vir., in Monum. 
JJom. Exp., MS., 125; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 147. 

8 Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 42; Ataman, Dlsert., iii. 
app. 71. 

9 Mayorga announced it in a letter to the minister of state. It was be- 
lieved that Saavedra came to spy the viceroy's acts. Bustamante, Suplem., in 
Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 42. 


to military affairs in Nueva Galicia to first ask his 
leave to carry out orders. His presumption was re- 
buked, Mayorga maintaining the unity of the chief 
military command. 10 

The governor of Vera Cruz also manifested some 
insubordination, because the viceroy did not approve 
some of his schemes, 11 and thus the viceroy's position 
was made unpleasant. Besides these annoyances was 
the injustice of not making his appointment regular, 
or sending out a successor. His tenure was ad interim, 
and therefor he was allowed only half pay, though his 
expenses were great. 12 At last he was recalled, and 
gave up the office on the 29th of April, 1783, soon 
after embarking for Spaim He died on board the 
vessel in sight of Cadiz, 13 foul play being suspected by 
some. In April, 1784, news reached Mexico that 
Mayorga's estate had been attached by the king's 
order. This was probably the usual course where an 
official was subjected to a residencia. That of the 
ex-viceroy was published in Mexico on the 3d of June, 
the alcalde de corte, Juan Francisco de Anda, being 
the judge, 14 with results favorable to the residenciado. 

The forty-eighth viceroy of New Spain was Matias 
de Galvez, Garcia, Madrid, y Cabrera, 15 a lieutenant- 
general of the royal armies, 16 transferred from Guate- 
mala, where he had been president, governor, and 
captain-general. 17 The new viceroy brought with him 

10 From that time the people of Jalisco began to show a spirit of independ- 
ence from the central authority, which in later years became more developed, 
and caused untold evils. Id. 

11 Lerdo de Tejada, Ayuntes Hist., no. 5, 308. 

12 Of this he complained to the king, pleading also that the trouble had 
come upon him soon after he had lost heavily by the Guatemala earthquake 
of 1775. Alaman, Disert., iii. app. 72. After his death 20,000 pesos were 
paid his widow, Maria Josefa Valcarcel, out of the royal treasury. Id.; 
Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 252-3; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 636. 

13 Gomez, Dlario, 173; Paves, Vir., in Monum. Horn. Bsp., MS., 125. 
u Ordmes de la Corona, MS., iii. 57; Gomez, Diario, 184, 186-7. 

1d Galvez, Solemnes Exequias, title-page. At foot of his portrait, which is 
probably copied from the original formerly existing in the viceregal palace, 
he is named Galvez y Gallardo. Rivera, Gob. Alex. , i. 449. 

16 Cedularios, i. 153; Disposiciones Varias, iii. 97. 

17 Hist. Cent. Am., ii., this series. 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 25 


his wife, Ana do Cordoba. 18 Though a brother of the 
talented minister of state, the marques de Sonora, and 
Laving a better heart, Matias de Galvez was not en- 
dowed with the same powers of mind. But best of all 
he had sound common sense and indefatigable industry. 
He had been. a plain farmer, and he looked like one; 
and he loved a farmer's life, from which he had been 
drawn at his brother's elevation to high official position 
near the king's person. He w T as not afraid, and on 
every proper occasion showed a martial spirit; but to 
inflict punishment upon another was an infliction upon 
himself. His solicitude for the general welfare, and 
particularly for the relief of the poor and afflicted, was 
well known both in Guatemala and Mexico. He was 
cheerful, witty, frugal, modest in his tastes, affable, 
and was reputed pious; and so disinterested was he, 
that having held high and lucrative offices, his estate 
did not probably reach, at his death, the value of 
50,000 pesos. 19 

On the 29th of April, 1783, he took possession of 
the baton of command ad interim, 29 at the town of 
San Cristobal Ecatepec, and not at Guadalupe, as his 
predecessors had done, owing to the bad condition of 
the reception house at the latter place. It had been the 
viceroy's intention, on account of his advanced age and 
bodily infirmities, to enter the city in a carriage; but 
some difficulty about precedence having been raised by 
the city council, he cut it short by mounting a gentle 
horse and riding into Mexico. He was the last vice- 
roy that entered the city on horseback. 21 The pas- 

18 Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 53. 

19 Galvez, Solemnes Exequias, 1-31; Bustamante, Suplemento, in Cavo, Tres 
Sighs, iii. 52-3; Rivera, Hist Jalapa, i. 147. 

20 On the 19th of November of the same year the mail brought out his com- 
mission as ' virey en propiedad.' Gomez, Diario, 1G0, 171. 

21 The act of receiving the command at San Cristobal was approved in 
the royal order of Aug. 8, 1783, which prescribed that in future such act 
should take place there. The precedence that the city council claimed was 
disallowed, and the king ordered March 14, 1785, that there should never be a 
second public entry, to save the city, the consulado, and the people in gen- 
eral the onerous expenses it entailed. The audiencia declared its obedience 
June 25, 17S5. Ordenes de la Corona, MS., iii. 42, 54. Panes, Vir., in 
Monum. Dom. Esp., MS. 126. 


sage to the palace was adorned with triumphal arches, 
bearing descriptive devices of his military prowess 
against the English, and his wise administrative acts 
in Central America. The services of the Galvez 
were compared in emblems and verse with those of 
the Vespasian family in ancient Rome. 22 On the 
same day he took the oath of office, before the real 
acuerdo, administered to him by Regente Herrera. 
With the conclusion of peace between Spain and 
England, 2 * Galvez was free to devote his atten- 
tion to public affairs. Many improvements in the cap- 
ital and elsewhere were made; he was zealous in the 
king's service, and jealous of anything that might 
prove detrimental to the authority of his sovereign. 
Hence his disapproval of the aid given the revolted 
colonies of North America to attain their indepen- 
dence, and of the treaties afterward concluded with 
them. He foresaw dangers to Spanish domination 
in America from the presence of a democratic re- 
public. 24 Amidst high duties well performed came 
death. On the 16th of September, 1784, he lay ill at 
Tacubaya, unable to sign his name, 25 and some Indians 
brought him to the city on a litter. After re- 
ceiving the sacrament and executing his last will, 
he breathed his last the 3d of November. The 
4th being the king's birthday, the remains could 
not be laid in state, so the ceremony was post- 
poned to the next day, when the death was promul- 
gated by firing three guns; after that, one gun was 
fired every half hour till the morning of the 8th, 
when the funeral cortege left the palace for the con- 

22 Velazquez de Leon, La Estirpe Vespasiana, 1-27. 

2a The news reached Mexico a few days after Galvez assumed his duties. 
The crown on the 22d of October, 1783, ordered certain demonstrations of 
piety and rejoicing to celebrate that auspicious event, as well as the birth 
given to twins by the princesa de Asturias, heiress to the throne. Rentes, 
Ordenes, MS., iv. 313-17. Before the celebration the twins had died. Leon 
y Gama, Carta, in Dice. Univ. Hist. Geog., x. 785. 

24 This is given on the authority of Andre's Muriel, wt o was constantly 
near the viceroy. Bustamante, Suplemento, in Cavo, Tres Si(jlos, iii. 50. 

25 A fac-simile of his signature was affixed to public documents needing it, 
with a stamp by the secretary of the viceroyalty. Gomez, Liario, 193. 


vent of San Fernando, where the remains were 
deposited, with religious rites. 26 As a mark of appre- 
ciation of the purity, uprightness, and ability shown 
by Galvez during his rule in Mexico, the king on the 
2Gth of March, 1785, 27 decreed to relieve him of a 
residencia, and consequently his estate of the expenses 
incident thereto. 

It was at this interesting period in American his- 
tory — 1783 — that Carlos' principal secretary of state, 
Pedro Abarca de Bolea, conde de Aranda, having re- 
turned with a leave of absence from Paris where he 
went by express order to sign the general treaty of 
peace with Great Britain by virtue of which the in- 
dependence of the United States of America was 
afterward recognized by George III. and his govern- 
ment, made a sweeping suggestion to his sovereign. 
Entertaining a favorable opinion of the state of learn- 
ing and culture prevailing among the Spanish Ameri- 
cans, he recommended the creation of three independ- 
ent monarchies in the king's American dominions, 
each under a prince of the Spanish reigning family, 
Carlos for himself and his successors assuming the 
title of emperor, and the latter for all time to be 
recognized by the American monarchs as the head of 
the family. Marriages of the new sovereigns and 

26 The viceroy's last will called for a humble funeral, but theaudiencia dis- 
regarded the wish, official etiquette requiring it, and caused the viceregal and 
military honors to be paid. Jiivera, Gob. Mex., i. 453. The body was escorted 
from the foot of the palace stairs by six colonels, the captain of the halber- 
diers, Conde de Santiago, and the master of the horse, Agustin Yariez. Three 
regiments, regular troops and militia, and the company of halberdiers — the 
last as the guard of honor of the audiencia — took part in the pageant. The 
mass at the church was celebrated by the precentor of the cathedral. The 
following gentlemen acted as mourners : the fiscal de real hacienda in the real 

.audiencia, Ramon de Posada y Soto; the secretary of the viceroyalty, Fran- 
cisco Fernandez de C6rdoba; Fernando Jose Mangino; ColonelJuan Cambiaso 
of the Corona regiment; and Jose" Chavez and Francisco Cabezon, executors 
conjointly with the above named Posada and C6rdoba. Gomez, Diario, 196-7; 
Galvez, Solemn?* Exequias, 2. On the 4th of March, 1785, there were solemn 
obsequies, with eulogy of the deceased, all the civic and ecclesiastical bodies 
being in attendai cc; the ceremonies were imposing. Next day the arch- 
bishop officiated at the mass, and a sermon was preached. Gomez, Diario, 203; 
(.'(■/re, Elogio Jfy'mebre, 1-42. 

27 (Jrdcues de la Corona, MS., iii. 5G. 


their offspring and near connections were to be, as a 
matter of policy, with members of the royal family of 
Spain, and vice versa. Treaties of reciprocity for com- 
merce, and of offence and defence, were to be made 
between the European and American sovereignties, 
and forever maintained in force. France, the family 
ally, was to be specially favored in her manufactures. 
Relations of any kind with the British were not to 
be tolerated. The aggrandizement of the new re- 


public, or of any other power that might establish 
itself in America, was also to be averted. 

The three kingdoms thus proposed to be erected 
were Mexico, Peru, and Costa Firme. Cuba, Porto 
Rico, and one or two more islands were to be retained 
to serve as entrepots to foster the national trade. 
Every argument that could be adduced in favor of 
this project was brought forth in a memoir, and 
amono: them the following: The large extent of the 
possessions and their great distance from the mother 
country rendered it difficult for the supreme govern- 
ment to protect them against foreign hostilities, or to 
obtain correct views on affairs, so as to adopt the 
wisest and most efficacious measures for the benefit 
of the country, to check abuses, and administer jus- 
tice. So far as the people of America were concerned 
the benefits were obvious, chief among which was the 
facility with which they might resort to the sovereign 
authority. All the difficulties enumerated of course 
tended, as was affirmed, to breed discontent among the 
crown's American vassals. 

We have the assurance that Aranda's scheme was 
seriously considered by the king in council, and that 
it would have been resolved in the affirmative, had 
there been in those countries a larger number of pure 
white people and mestizos able to withstand the pos- 
sible attempts at subjugation by the other more 
numerous races. This fear of danger was attributed 
to Carlos himself, in whose lips were placed words 
suggestive that in the event of the subversion of 


the upper classes by the lower, tyranny and licen- 
tiousness would follow, smothering, perhaps in its 
very cradle, each national autonomy. How the pro- 
posed new political organization was to increase this 
danger does not appear. Possibly opposition on the 
part of Great Britain was foreseen, or Carlos could 
not be brought to voluntarily abdicate his undivided 
sovereignty over the immense domains of America. 
Aranda at an audience persisted in his views, but 
the king continued his objections. 28 The plan was, 
therefore, postponed to a future day; and the policy 
of crossing the races was warmly persevered in. 

The real object in view on the minister's part, as 
avowed by him, for an independent Mexico, was to 
counteract Anglo-Saxon supremacy and protestantism 
in America. 29 Indeed, Aranda apprehended serious 
evils to Spain from the act he had just performed at 
Paris, on the ground that the American federal re- 
public would in due time assume greatness, and forget 
the benefits received at the hands of France and 
Spain, and think only of self-aggrandizement; and this 
would naturally be at the expense of the Spanish pos- 
sessions in America, beginning with bhe Floridas in 
order to obtain control of the gulf of Mexico. 30 

The administration of public affairs had been by 
direction of Viceroy Galvez in charge of the real au- 
diencia since the 20th of October. On the evening 
of the 3d of November, just fifteen minutes after 

28 It is related, and I give the story for what it may be worth, deem- 
ing it well suited to the character of both men, that the king playfully 
twitted the minister with stubbornness, and was repaid in kind. ' Conde de 
Aranda, thou art more stubborn than an Aragonese mule. ' ' Pardon me, 
please your Majesty, I know another still more stubborn than myself.' 'And 
who may he be?' asked the king. 'The sacred royal majesty of my liege 
lord, Carlos III.,' was the reply. The king smiled and dismissed him with 
his usual affability. Tejas, Ligeras Indie, 3. 

29 ' Neutralizar la prepotencia y consiguientes influencias de la raza sajona, 
y con ellas del protestantismo en el Nuevo Mundo. ' Martinez, V. J., Sindpds 
hist. JilosOf. polity i. 20. 

30 Aranda, Mem. Secreta, in Variedades deJurisp., v. app. 39-43; Aranda, 
Mem., in El Indicador, iii. 158-65; Ramirez, Vida de Motolinia, in Icazbal- 
ceta, Col. de Doc, i. cxvii.-viii. 


that ruler's death, the audiencia held a meeting to 
ascertain on whom the government should devolve, 
and there being no pliego de providencia, or mortaja, 
it became ex officio the governor and captain-general 
of the kingdom of New Spain. This fact was duly 
announced, and the regente, Vicente de Herrera y 
Rivero, formally took possession of the baton, and 
presented himself with it in public. 31 There is no rec- 
ord that during the rule of that body of about eight 
and a half months it did anything worthy of notice, 
save that under apprehensions of certain designs of 
the British on the port of Trujillo it adopted precau- 
tions to defeat them. 

The succeeding and forty-ninth viceroy w 7 as Ber- 
nardo de Galvez, Madrid, Cabrera, Ramirez, y Mar- 
quez, conde de Galvez, 32 a pensioned knight of the 
royal order of Carlos III., commander of Bolanos in 
the order of Calatrava, and a lieutenent-general of the 
king's armies. 33 The conde de Galvez, a son of his 
predecessor in office, was now about thirty-seven years 
of age, of noble mien, gentlemanly deportment, frank 
and affable. He possessed, in short, the requisite 
qualifications to make him popular with all classes. 
The reputation had preceded him that in every act of 
his government elsewhere he had shown mildness, 
united with a just and enlightened spirit; and his 
course in Mexico confirmed repute. His young wife, 

31 Gomez, Diario, 196. Herrera had been some time an oidor in the audi- 
encia when he was made the regente of that in Guatemala, a newly created 
office which lie held till September 1782, when he was promoted to regente of 
Mexico. He was afterward called to the council of the Indies. His wife was 
a daughter of the conde de Regla; and he was also at a later day created a 
marquis. Beetles Cedulas, MS., ii. 159; Ataman, Disert., iii. app. 74. His 
colleagues were the oidores Antonio de Villaurrutia, Baltasar Ladron de 
Guevara, Joaquin Galdeano, Miguel Calixto de Acedo, Jose" Antonio de Urizar, 
Kuperto V. de Luyando, Simon Antonio Mirafuentes, Eusebio Ventura Belelia. 
Juan Jos6 Martinez de Soria, escribano de camara. Cedidario, MS., iii. 49. 

32 The editor of the Gaceta de Mexico for 1786-7, in the dedication of it to 
the viceroy, calls him vizconde de Galveztown, as well as conde de Galvez. 

33 For distinguished services he was, even after being called to the vice- 
royalty of New Spain, to retain his former offices of inspector-general of all 
troops in America, and captain -general of Louisiana and the Floridas, with 
their pay. Gaz. de Mcx. (1784-5), i. 326; Id. (1786-7), ii. 251; Beleua, 
Becop., i. pref. 1-2. The news of his appointment as viceroy reached Mex- 
ico April 25, 1785. Gomez, Diario, 206. 


Feh'citas cle Saint Maxcnt, a native of Louisiana and 
of French extraction, was a lady of surpassing loveli- 
ness, charitable, gracious, and intelligent. 34 Scarcely 
more than fifteen years had elapsed since the young 
general had been in Mexico in an humble position and 
with scanty means. 35 He had served as a subaltern 
in Portugal in 17G2. The marques de Croix gave 
him a commission in the Corona regiment. He finds 
himself a little later a captain in the same regiment, 
serving as comandante de armas in Nueva Vizcaya, 
where he punished the Apaches in several encounters, 
being himself wounded several times, once quite 
severely. Pie afterward went to Habana, and in 
1772 to Spain, where he continued his military ser- 
vice, and followed it up in America with brilliant 
success, obtaining rapid promotion till he reached, 
with other honors, the highest rank but one in the 
army. 36 

34 Spaniards and Mexicans came to regard her highly, making much of 
her, and she greatly contributed to her husband's popularity. Gayarrc's Hist. 
Louisiana, 165. 

35 0f this he was good-naturedly reminded, after his exaltation, and some 
advice given him, in a pasquin that was found fastened on the wall of the palace 
the 9th of August: 

' Yo te conocl pepita 
Antes que fueras melon, 
Maneja bien el baston 

Y cuida la francesita.' 

Another quartette favorably compared him and his countess with the in- 
spector of the troops and his wife who had come together with Galvez : 
' El virey, muy bueno, 

La vireina, mejor; 

El inspector el diablo, 

Y su muger ; peor ! ' 

The last two lines referred only to the ill-temper of the couple. Gomez, 
Liario, 206, 213-14. 

36 In 1775 as a captain of infantry he took part in the landing and fight of 
the Spaniards with the Algerines on the Algiers beach, and was seriously 
wounded. This won him promotion to lieutenant-colonel, and to superin- 
tendent of the»military school at Avila. The next time we see him a colonel 
in command of a regiment in Louisiana, and soon after placed in temporary 
charge of the government, wherein displaying good judgment, he also had 
some successful brushes with the British; he was then made a brigadier. His 
military record in Louisiana seems to have been marked by brilliancy. 1 
have no space to detail his deeds. Suffice it to say that he defeated the 
British in several actions, and took from them aided by the French, Mobile 
with a large quantity of arms and many prisoners. After that, with his own 
forces he laid siege to Fensacola, and captured it with all its forts, artillery 
and other arms, and a large number of prisoners whom he granted the honors of 
war; among them were the governor, captain-general, and the general com- 
manding the English forces. At Pensacola, which he entered in a brig called 


On the morning of the 29th of May 1785 a special 
messenger arrived in Mexico, announcing that the 
new viceroy had arrived in Vera Cruz, and on the 
30th would start for the capital. On the 16th of 
June he arrived at the town of San Cristobal, 37 and 
received the command from the regente. During the 
day he was honored and magnificently entertained by 
the real consulado, the archbishop, courts, religious 
orders, corporations, and citizens. The next morning 
at ten he reached Guadalupe. After the religious cer- 
emonies, and having been greeted by the audiencia and 
others, he pursued his way to the capital, entering 
amidst the greatest marks of respect and enthusiasm, 
and a salute of fifteen guns. The same salute had been 
given to the vicereine, who had gone in advance es- 
corted by the police of the real acordada, four halber- 
diers at the steps of the carriage, and a squad of dra- 
goons. The people manifested their joy in many ways. 88 

the Galveztown, lie was again wounded. The result of his campaigns wag 
that he rid the Mexican gulf of the presence of the English. His services 
were rewarded without stint. It is true that his uncle, Jose* de Galvez, was 
the king's minister for the Indies, but he had well deserved of his sovereign 
and country; promoted successively to mariscal de campoand lieutenant-gen- 
eral, a title of Castile was also given him with the privilege of adding on his 
coat of arms the motto 'yo solo,' for his prowess at Pensacola, and one of the 
fleurs de lis of Louisiana. It was also ordered that the bay of Pensacola 
should thereafter be named Santa Maria de Galvez. He was next granted 
knightly honors, and later appointed governor, captain-general of Cuba, 
and inspector of all Spanish troops in America. He was finally exalted 
to the position of viceroy, governor, president, and captain-general of New 
Spain. When the British fleet under Admiral Hood, conveying the royal 
duke of Lancaster, visited in April 1783 the port of Guarico, the duke, 
wishing to know the young hero, called at his head-quarters, and on the 
French general. Galvez being absent, the latter had to do the honors to the 
prince. But the former as a mark of respect sent to the duke, with a full 
pardon, the chief of the Natchez and his accomplices, who were under sentence 
of death for plotting in the interest of the English. The prince was much 
pleased at this, promising to report it to the British king. Gaz. de Mix. 
(17S6-7), ii. pref. ; Belefia, Recof).,!. pref. 3; Barea, Oration funebre, 1-40; 
Vargas, Carta de pesame, in Fe*tiv. Div., i. no. 11, 1-16. Whilst he was gov- 
ernor in Habana he extended a kind treatment to some Americans who had 
been brought there as prisoners, for which the secretary of the American 
congress wrote the conde de Floridablanca to thank him in the name of 
congress for Galvez' generosity. Rivera, Gob. de Mix., i. 456. 

37 He made what was called an 'entrada mista,' having on his way visited 
first Puebla, and Tlascala next. Panes, Vir. , in Monum. Dom. Esp. , MS. , 54. 

38 Both the viceroy and vicereine were loudly cheered. Rockets and 
flowers formed great features on the occasion. Gomez, Dlarlo, 209-10; Gaz. de 
Mex., 1784-5, i. 326-7. 


At the palace, his commissions being produced and 
read, he took the oath of office before the real acuerdo. 
The rest of that day and the two following were spent 
mostly in ceremonials and compliments. But he soon 
after devoted his attention seriously to public affairs. 
His short rule was marked by two great calamities, the 
loss of crops, consequent upon heavy and continuous 
frosts, and famine followed by an epidemic. To meet 
the latter he was foremost in liberality, not only con- 
tributing 12,000 pesos remaining from his father's 
estate, but borrowing $100,000 more for the same pur- 
pose. He formed a board of relief, and used every 
exertion to supply the city with the necessaries of 

One clay while transacting business with the board, 
information reached him that the allwndigci, or public 
granary, was empty, and that poor people could get 
no maize for the morrow. Hushing into the streets 
without an escort, or even his hat, he walked to the 
alhondiga, where he took steps to keep up the supply. 
When the people saw him, and learned what had 
brought him there, they were moved to tears, and 
escorted him back to the palace in the midst of 
acclamations. 39 On another occasion, the Saturday 
preceding palm Sunday, April 8, 1786, as Galvez was 
riding from the country house called El Pensil to 
meet the audiencia for the general visit of prisons, 
either purposely or accidentally 40 he encountered three 
prisoners on their way to the scaffold, followed by a 
rabble, who besought the viceroy to spare the con- 
demned, which was done. Much obloquy w T as heaped 
upon Galvez for this act; he was charged not only with 
the deliberate intent of saving the criminals to win 
favor with the populace, but of misrepresenting the 
facts to the crown. 41 He stated that under the cir- 

3i) Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 58. 

40 Jos6 Gomez, one of his guard of halberdiers, says in his Diarlo, 23G, that 
it was the latter; ' sucedio la casualidad que en la estaeion de la carccl al 
Buplicio,' are his own words. 

il Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Stylos, iii. 02-5. That author is very 


cumstances it was his duty, as the agent of a benign 
sovereign, to heed the clamors of a people then stricken 
by famine, misery, and disease. Be it as it may, the 
crown confirmed the viceroy's act; but at the same 
time added to the approval a reproof; for he was di- 
rected in future to abstain when possible from going 
out of the palace at such hours as prisoners were 
usually taken to the place of execution. 

A certain distance had been heretofore maintained, 
as a matter of etiquette, between the ruler and the 
ruled. Very few could approach the viceroy with any 
degree of intimacy. Galvez ignored that practice, and 
from the moment of assuming the vicegerency of his 
sovereign in New Spain, established close relations 
with the chief families, without in any manner lower- 
ing by undue familiarity the decorum of his high 
position. His countess' attractions aided to awaken 
enthusiasm and to win affection, at the same time 
exalting the office. He caused his little son and heir 
Miguel to be enrolled in October 1785 as a private 
in the grenadier company of the Corona regiment, 
on which occasion the boy was bandied from hand to 
hand among his new comrades. The same day the 
father gave a banquet in the throne-room to the offi- 
cers of the regiment and the grenadier company, and 
also entertained civilians on the flat roof of the palace. 42 

Such acts at such a time, tending to unusual popu- 
larity, awakened at court suspicion of treasonable in- 
tent. Some authorities assert that the viceroy enter- 
tained the plan of setting up a throne for himself; that 
when certain of the affection of the Mexicans he be^an 
to feel his way, throwing out ambiguous remarks of 
double meaning, which could not compromise him. 
With his more intimate friends, they say, he would 

severe in his strictures, and lays on Galvez the responsibility for future 
crimes committed by two of those reprieved men which finally carried them 
to the gibbet. 

42 This is the version given by Gomez, Diario, 217-18. On the 20th of Au- 
gust, 17S6, the sergeants of the Corona regiment came to the palace to place 
on the viceroy's son's shoulder the epaulet of a second sergeant. Id., 246. 


discuss the present superiority of affairs over those 
of Montezuma's time, referring to the elements pos- 
sessed by the country to become an independent mon- 
archy. At other times he spoke of the difficulties 
there might be to keep up uninterrupted relations 
with the mother country in future wars with Eng- 
land or France, now that their navies were becoming 
so much more powerful than Spain's. Then he would 
expatiate on the need the Mexicans had of erecting 
strong fortifications at certain points in the interior, 
and of making other preparations, so that they could 
rely on their own resources in the event of a foreign 
invasion when Spain could afford them no aid. Thus 
he would hint, his accusers said, that Mexico received 
no benefits, but on the contrary much injury from 
maritime wars, and all because of a useless, indefensi- 
ble, and damaging connection with Spain. The fre- 
quent social gatherings at the palace and at private 
houses are said to have afforded him opportunities 
for quietly promulgating such ideas. 43 Another 
charge advanced against the count is that, to further 
gain the good-will of the people, he invited the ayun- 
ta mien to of the capital to stand sponsor of a child 
soon to be born, and which, if a girl, was to be named 
Guadalupe after the worshipped patroness of the 
city. 44 The reconstruction of Chapultepec, and the 
peculiar form and strength given it, likewise aroused 
suspicion. It w T as not, they said, a palace for the 
viceroy's pleasure, but a masked fortress, or a citadel 

43 Alamnn seems to give credence to the charges. Disert., iii. app. 74-0. 
Others say that letters were written to Spain blaming Galvez for his demo- 
cratic demeanor, and foretelling a revolution like that of the United States. 
Bu8tamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Slglos, iii. G5; JRlvera, Gob. Ilex., i. 457, 
and others. Humboldt, speaking on the subject, is loath to give credence to 
the charge. Essai PollL, 203. 

u The person first invited to be godfather was Fernando Mangino, super- 
intendent of the mint, who courteously gave way to the ayuntamicnto; this 
was after the city council expressed the wish, the father being already dead. 
But more anon. El Ii/dicador dc la Fed. Mex., iii. 170, in an article either 
contributed to or copied from, and also appearing in J\Iora, JRevol. Mex., iii. 
289-90, would indicate that the infant in question was born in the vice- 
roy's lifetime, when there is evidence beyond doubt that it was a posthumous 


to command the city. The expense incurred was 
large and disapproved by the crown, but the order 
came out when it could not annoy Galvez. If, as 
charged, the viceroy was plotting independence, his 
rule was too short for his ambition. 

Others scouted the imputation of treason, and said 
that he who, like his father, and his uncles the mar- 
ques de Sonora, and Miguel de Galvez, ambassador at 
Berlin, had been so exceptionally favored by their 
sovereign, would never lend himself to treasonable 
schemes; and further, if gratitude would not deter 
him, fear of the consequences would. And again, if, 
as the count's accusers say, his ambiguous behavior 
gave rise to suspicion, how is it that neither the sov- 
ereign, nor his ministers, nor the audiencia or other 
authorities in New Spain, gave information of it? 45 

I am inclined to doubt the truth of any charge of 
treason, and for the following reasons. On the 22d 
of May 1786, the audiencia sent a petition to the 
kino: that the count might be retained at the head of 
the government in New Spain, recounting his merits 
and services to the crown. Speaking for the people 
of Mexico the oidores praise his benevolence; the 
wisdom of his measures in government; in the subju- 
gation of hostile Indians; in the arrangement and 
division of the provincias internas ; and generally, in 
everything he had done, all which they declare as con- 
ducive to the public welfare and happiness. To that 
petition the king answered on the 18th of August 
promising to retain Galvez as viceroy in Mexico, 46 so 
long as he might not be more urgently needed for 
other duties. The idea of treason seems not to have 
occurred to any one at the time, and what follows 

45 It is stated that he received severe rebukes from the crown that so 
preyed upon his mind, as to break down his health; that he became melan- 
choly, and seriously ill, which much alarmed the people, and prayers were 
daily uttered in almost every household for their idolized ruler and friend. 
Budamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 65. 

46 ' Para satisfaccion y consuelo de sus Vasallos de N. E.' Belena, JRecop., 
i. pref. 3-4. 


tends only to disarm the impartial observer of any 

The young viceroy was stricken by disease, and on 
the 9th of October 1786, a consultation of physicians 
took place at the palace. On the 13th the sacraments 
were publicly administered to him in the presence of 
the archbishop, curates of the parishes, religious or- 
ders, and courts. The dean of the cathedral chapter 
officiated. 47 On the 31st the patient was removed to 
Tacubaya in a litter, hoping benefit from the change 
of air. On the 8th of November, feeling his end 
approaching, he executed his last will, his estate being 
estimated at a trifle over 40,000 pesos. Eight days 
later, the 16th, extreme unction was administered. 
He then addressed his family in most touching terms, 
such as drew tears from all present. On the morning 
of the 30th he expired, aged about 38 years, and his 
remains were transferred to the palace in the city. 48 

At the funeral, on the 4th of December, the high- 
est honors were paid; the civil, military, and ecclesi- 
astic authorities and the people contributing to the 
splendor of the rites, the cathedral chapter defraying 
the expenses. The body was deposited temporarily in 
the cathedral church. 49 

On the 30th of November, after the viceroy's de- 
mise, the audiencia, who had charge of affairs by Gal- 
vez' direction since the 16th, took formal possession 
of the government, no pliego de providencia having 
been found, and the regente Eusebio Sanchez Pareja 50 

47 This was at 1 1 o'clock in the morning ; the viceroy wore his full dress 
uniform of a lieutenant-general, and received the eucharist standing. Gomez, 
Diario, 248. 

48 It has been hinted that the court got rid of him by means of poison. 
Lacunza, Discursos Hist., 528. I find no evidence to sustain the charge. The 
manifestations of sorrow by the people it would be difficult to describe. Gaz. 
de Mex. (1786-7), ii. 251-2. 

49 Later, in May 1787, it was taken to the San Fernando church, and 
placed near that of Matiasde Galvez. Id., 252-5; Gomez, Diario, 272; Patten, 

\ r ir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 54. 

50 This gentleman when an oidor of Mexico was made regente of the audi- 
encia of Guadalajara, being the first to have that office, which he held till 
1786, when he became the third regente of Mexico. lieales CMtdas, MS., ii. 
159. His colleagues in the government were the same that the former regente 


acting as captain-general. On the 1st of December 
the marques de Sonora, ministro universal de Indias, 
was officially apprised of these occurrences, and of the 
fact that the commissions issued by the late viceroy 
had all been endorsed by the present ruler. The 
audiencia on the same day petitioned the king to ex- 
tend to the widow and her children the utmost liber- 
ality consistent with the condition of the royal 
treasury. To the chief secretary of state, conde de 
Floridablanca, a despatch was addressed, to be for- 
warded post-haste from Coruna, with the object of 
preparing the marques de Sonora to hear of his 
nephew's death. 51 

December 12th at 1:15 in the night, the vicereine 
gave birth to a girl, who was christened on the 19th 
and given the names of Maria de Guadalupe, Ber- 
narda, Felipa de Jesus, Isabel, Juana Nepomucena, 
and Felicitas, to which was added afterward that of 
Fernanda, as a compliment to one of the sponsors. 
The sponsors were the ' nobih'sima ciudad de Mexico,' 
represented by the corregidor Colonel Francisco 
Crespo, a knight of Santiago, and Josefa Villanueva, 
wife of the senior oidor, Jose Angel de Aguirre. The 
godfather at the confirmation was Fernando Jose 
Mangino. Both baptism and confirmation were ad- 
ministered by the archbishop on the same day. 52 On 

had in 1785, excepting Luyano, and adding Cosme de Mier y Trespalacios and 
Juan Francisco de Anda. Beleua, liecop., i. pref. 4; Ordenes de la Corona, 
MS.,iii. 57, v. 4. 

51 The receipt of the first despatch was acknowledged on the 21st of Feb- 
ruary 1787, conveying the king's sorrow at the loss of so valuable a subject. 
Floridablanca on the 27th of the same month notified his colleague of the 
Indies department, of the king's high appreciation of the late count's distin- 
guished services, and that provision in various ways had been decreed for 
his family. According to the marques de Sonora's letter of February 28th 
to his niece, that provision was as follows : to the countess dowager, so long 
as she remained a widow, the yearly pension, sin ejemplar, of 50,000 reales 
devellon (.$2,500), free of media annata; to young Miguel de Galvez, heir to 
the title, the encomienda of Bolanos in the order of Calatrava; and to the 
other members of the family the following yearly pensions: to the post- 
humous child, $050 if a boy, or $300 if a girl; to Matilda de Galvez $300; 
and to the half-sister, Adelaida Detrehan, $200. Beleiia, Recoj)., pref. 7-10. 

52 This was the grandest performance of the kind hitherto witnessed in 
Mexico. The city presented the vicereine a pearl necklace of the value of 
$11,000, and the babe another worth $4,000. The archbishop and Mangino 


the 6th of May 1787, came an order from the crown 
to pay the countess dowager 30,000 pesos for her 
passage to Spain. She left the city on the 25th with 
her four children. 53 According to Gomez, Diario, 298, 
on the 10th of June, 1788, the residencia of the late 
viceroy was published with little formality, forty days 
being allowed within which to present charges to his 

each gave a gold plate, spoon, knife, and fork. The vicereine returned the 
compliment by presenting her comadre the material for a dress worth $1,000; 
to the archbishop she gave a gold box garnished with emeralds and a pectoral 
of diamonds; to Mangino very rich and special material for two dresses; and 
to the corregidor, a cane with a gold head garnished with diamonds. March 
7, 1787, was the first day that the vicereine showed herself in the streets with 
her guard of honor, since her husband's death. She attended church with 
her two sisters and children. The palace guard paid her military honors, the 
same as when her husband lived. Gomez, Diario, 252-3, 261. The two sisters 
above alluded to were Victoria and Mariana de Saint Maxent; both were 
married, the former to Juan Antonio de Riafio, and the latter to Manuel do 
Flon, afterward conde de la Cadena. Both husbands were killed in the war 
of independence. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 75. 

53 She was accompanied as far as Vera Cruz by the new superintendent of 
the mint, Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba, and the secretary of the viceroy- 
alty, Fernando de Cordoba. On the 9th of June she sailed from Vera Cruz 
on the ship El Astuto. Gomez, Diario, 270-1, 274, 276; Belena, Recoy., i. 
pref. 5. 




Early Efforts to Provide Forces — Organization Begun — Difficulties 
and Changes in Policy — Regular Troops— Urban Companies — 
Provincial Regiments and Battalions — Presidio Companies — Coast 
Guards — Effective Force for War — Artillery and Other Sup- 
plies — Perote as a Deposit — Sea-coast Defences — Fortresses on 
Both Seas — Naval Stations — Pay Department — Pay of Officers 
and Men — Pension System — Annual Expenditure — Religious De- 
partment — Vicario General — Tenientes Vicarios Generales — ■ 
Army and Navy Chaplains — Fuero Militar, and its Judiciary 

The clanger of foreign invasion in time of war did 
not escape the attention of a military man like the 
Viceroy Cruillas. He formally reported to the court 
on the defenceless condition of New Spain, all the 
regular force at the disposal of the government being 
one regiment, called La Corona, 1 in Vera Cruz, some 

1 The earliest organization of anything like a regular force, apart from that 
employed to keep hostile Indians in check, seems to have been in 1642, when 
a battalion with 12 companies of infantry of about 120 men each was formed, 
whose officers, all men in high positions, cheerfully paid the expense of organ- 
ization and arms. Gonzalez Ddvila, Teatro Ecles., i. 101; Guijo, Diario, in 
Doc. Hist. Mex., lstser. i. 20-1; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 16, followed hy several 
others. This was, it is presumed, the nucleus of the body of infantry which 
in 1741 was organized into a regiment whose ranks were filled mostly with 
marines of the escuadra de barlovento when it visited Vera Cruz. It was then 
named La Corona, and its chief object was to garrison that port. Previous 
to and after 1642, between 1635 and 1649, on several occasions a few companies 
were formed, destined to be short-lived, their support being too much for the 
treasury. Their last disbandment was in 1649, after serving seven months and 
ten days. Guijo, Diario, in Id., i. 1st serl 20-21, 31-2; Rivera, Gob. Mex., i. 143. 
Again ten companies were organized in 1661. Guijo, Diario, in Id., i. 1st ser. 
466-9. In 1685 was completed the organization of militia on the coasts of the 
Mexican Gulf, which did not prove of much service, as the buccaneers made 
sudden raids and as quickly escaped with their booty. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
Hist. Mex., Vol. III. 26 ( 401 ) 


dragoon companies, a few soldiers in Acapulco, a small 
body of artillerymen, and the two companies of the 
palace guard. 

The militia troops consisted of urban companies, 
mostly made up of white men and mestizos. In the 
capital there were some companies of laboring men, 
and about thirteen or fourteen others composed of 
merchants and tradesmen. In Puebla, as in Mexico, 
was aregimiento del comercio, which had been created 
about 1693. These troops lacked a knowledge of the 
use of weapons, and to enable them to acquire it; the 
viceroy asked the crown for experienced officers and 
a supply of arms, urging likewise the construction in 
Perot e of warehouses for the safe-keeping of military 
stores, so that the viceregal government might afford 
prompt aid to Vera Cruz and the Antilles. These 
suggestions were acted upon at court, and on the first 
of November, 1765, Lieutenant-general Juan de Vill- 
alba arrived at Vera Cruz, commissioned as commander 
and inspector of the forces, having with him several 
mariscales de campo, 2 and a number of field and com- 
pany officers, being the nucleus of an infantry regi- 
ment to be known as the America, and nearly two 
hundred non-commissioned officers and drummers for 
organizing provincial infantry and cavalry regiments. 

i. 100. In 1692, at the time of the riots, were formed two companies of 50 
men each, that had, contrary to royal orders, not been disbanded in 1694, 
which brought down a second and peremptory command to break them up. 
Realcs Cedillas, MS., 75-6. In 1745 there were 14 companies of militia in 
the city of Mexico, of merchants and tradesmen, who served on occasions when 
the regulars had to march out. These regulars were two companies, one of 
infantry and one of cavalry, to guard the viceroy's palace, which still existed 
at the time of the marcpiCs de Cruillas' rule. The infantry company had a cap- 
tain-governor, a major, second engineer, lieutenant, second lieutenant, alferez, 
adjutant, eight sergeants, 12 corporals, two drummers, 188 privates, 10 artil- 
lerymen; the cavalry company had a captain, lieutenant, second lieutenant, 
alfdrez, two sergeants, four corporals, one bugler, and 96 privates. Their cost 
was 46,168 pesos a year. There was also in 1758 a company of 24 halberdiers 
under a captain, who formed the viceroy's guard of honor, the yearly ex- 
pense of which was 5,161 pesos. Villa-Sefior, Thmtro Am., i. 37, 50. In that 
same year, 1758, there was also a battalion of negroes and mulattoes, with a 
white colonel. Certification de las Mercedes, MS., 53-5. 

' l Cavo, Tres Sighs, ii. 184. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 120, 
gives their arrival in 1702, naming four of them, Juan Fernando Palacios, 
Crist6bal de Zayas, Antonio Ricardos, and the marque's de Rubi. 


General Villalba began his labors at Vera Cruz by re- 
constructing the old Corona into a cavalry regiment, 3 
which was thereupon called the Espana; he then pro- 
ceeded to the capital with the other generals to con- 
tinue the work of organization. The pay of each rank 
was at once established. The Mexican privates it was 
decided should be drawn by lot from the male popu- 
lation; but this scheme was not then enforced, and 
that of voluntary enlistment was for a time adopted. 

It had been intended by the supreme government 
to raise one regular regiment of dragoons, and 
three others of militia, light cavalry, and dragoons; 
and six regiments, with twelve companies each, of 
militia infantry, the calculation being that the number 
of militiamen would reach 25, 000. 4 

The development of the system was left to General 
Villalba, under the orders of the viceroy as the cap- 
tain-general. In order to smooth the way, the officers 
were instructed to maintain the most cordial rela- 
tions with the people, and to make the necessity for 
the change evident to them. Every effort to render 
the military service attractive was resorted to. Mem- 
bers of the nobility and gentry were induced to accept 
commissions in the provincial militia by granting them 
the fuero militar 5 and such other distinctions as would 
flatter their pride. The viceroy had the choice of 

3 With the Corona and the dragoon companies, and men brought from 
Spain. Some of the officers and men of the former were made into a third bat- 
talion for the America. Villalba lowered the pay of those troops, and of the 
artillerists, and did other things 'sin anuencia del Rey,' possibly meaning 
the virey. Panes, Vir., in Monum. Dom. Esp., MS., 120. 

4 This plan eventually had to be abandoned. The treasury could not de- 
fray the expense of maintaining an army of regular troops, which would be 
no less than three million pesos yearly. In view of this, the king approved 
in 1787 and 1788 a plan of Colonel Francisco Antonio Crespo, and ordered its 
execution with a few modifications. It was put in practice in 1789. Brand- 
forte, Listruc, MS., 14-15; Mores, Instruc, MS., 26-29. 

5 It was defined in a royal order of March 26, 1782, that the fuero militar 
belonged to members of the militia only when they were in actual service. 
Cedulario, MS., i. 69, 82. In Beales Ce'dulas, MS., ii. 58-63, appear the 
military regulations enacted from 1766 to 1785; rules and regulations for the 
militia issued in 1767, and tactics for dragoons decreed in 1768; privileges of 
soldiers in making their wills, and in the settlement of their estates, ail 
former grants being confirmed, and new ones added in the royal order of 
December 16, 1762, and July 21, 1766. 


colonels and lieutenant-colonels, and the inspector 
might select the other officers with the viceroy's 
sanction. The only able-bodied men excluded from 
the ranks were negroes and Indians. The castas, or 
various grades of mixed breeds, might be admitted to 
the number of one third in each company, and regi- 
ments of any certain color might be formed. 6 The 
different localities were to pay for the clothing and 
other needed articles, the government furnishing 

The two companies of the viceroy's guard were 
mustered out of service, and the palace was thereafter 
guarded by the troops of the garrison, the halberdiers 
being retained. 7 Dissension soon arose between the 
viceroy and General Villalba, the latter assuming in- 
dependent powers, in which he seemed to have been 
upheld by some of the officers brought by him from 
Spain, 8 and even failed to pay the viceroy honors that 
were due him. His course was disapproved by the 
crown, and an order issued for him and the mariscales 
Zayas and Ricardos to return to Spain. 9 

6 The provincial regiments were intended to replace the old urban com- 
panies. Colored men serving in them were exempted from personal taxation. 
(Jrdenes de la Corona, MS., i. 134-5. All military officers were exempt from 
taxation by royal decree of May 4, 1760. Providencias Reales, MS., 52. The 
task of raising white troops was not an easy one. As late as 1775, a committee 
appointed by the government to aid in developing the military defences, de- 
clared both the old Spaniards and their descendants unreliable ; for at the 
least rumor of war they would disappear, there being in them none of the old 
Roman or Greek spirit. Plande Defensa, MS., 424, in Col. Diar. The white 
natives had no taste for the military service. Of the enlisted men many de- 
serted, despite the measures adopted from time to time, between 1773 and 
1810, to uphold discipline, and to check vice and desertions, and other viola- 
tion of the articles of war, which were not very successful. Reales Ordenes, i. 
254-8; Arrillarja, Recop. (183G), 323-4, (1839), 298-300; Gaz. Mix. (1788-9), 
iii. 339-41; (1792-3), v. 529-31; (1802-3), xi. 37-8, 211-15; Revilla Gigedo, 
Bandos, ii. no. 6; Diario Mex., ix. 319-20, xiii. 505-6. It is not surprising 
that desertions were common when we consider that the government forced 
and accepted into the service some very bad characters. Real Cedula (May 7, 
1775), in Cedulario, MS., iii. 15-23; Estalla, xxvi. 334-5. The natives either 
could not endure the strict discipline, or disliked the dress or food, or may 
be, 'el aseo, como poco acostumbrados a Cl desde su nacimiento.' Villarroel, 
En /Win. Polit., in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, v. 166-7. 

7 Reales Cedidas, MS., i. 10. 

8 A colonel was suspended and placed under arrest in consequence, and 
was released and reinstated only by Cruillas' successor. Vir. Instruc, MS., 
1st ser. no. 9, 1-8. 

9 The marques de Rubi was sent to inspect the provincias internas, and 


After this, the organization of the forces was left 
to the viceroy, who was an experienced soldier. But, 
as Great Britain had in her North American colonies 
the material for an army, and in Jamaica a naval sta- 
tion, and was thus in a position to strike at any 
moment a blow against New Spain, 10 the government 
deemed the forces already organized insufficient, and 
several regiments were despatched from Spain. By 
the 18th of June 1768, there had arrived at Vera 
Cruz on the frigate Astrea and seven transports the 
regiments Saboya, Flandes, and Ultonia. Later came 
the Zamora, Granada, Castilla, and Guadalajara. 11 
Each regiment was of three battalions. The veteran 
force now in the country consisted of 10,000 men. 
Their uniform was white, with trimmings of different 
colors to distinguish the regiments. For this reason 
the people nicknamed them blanquillos. The office 
of sub-inspector, formerly held by a maestre de campo, 
was created with larger powers and importance; he 
had the direct management of the troops. The mar- 
ques de Bubi was appointed to it. 12 His superior in 
Spain was the inspector-general, who at that time was 
the conde O'Reilly. 13 The chief duty of this officer 
was the discipline of the troops. From time to time 
his functions were more clearly defined till 1806, when 

General Palacios was made governor of Vera Cruz. Panes., Vi?\, in Monum. 
Dom. Esp., MS., 120-1. 

10 Such an emergency had been foreseen, as appears in the correspondence 
of the marques de Croix with Minister of State Arriaga in 1776. Bustamante, 
Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 6. 

11 The secretary of war of Mexico in an official report gives these names : 
Ultonia, Saboya, America, Asturias, Granada, and Zamora. Mcx., Mem. 
Guerra, 1835, 9. The fact was that the Asturias came out in a ship of the 
line in June 1776. Gomez, Diario, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d ser., vii. 22. 

12 The officer was called cabo subalterno, or segundo cabo. Some years 
after a doubt having occurred whether he should take the command in chief 
in the event of the viceroy's death, the crown, on the 10th of January 1786, 
decided the point in the negative, adding that in that event he was merely 
to command the forces subject to the real acuerdo. He was declared to have 
no prerogative. Reales Ordenes, MS., iii. 158. 

13 From this time Mexico assumed a military aspect, and retained it ever 
after. Bustamante, Suplem., in Cavo, Tres Siglos, iii. 6. A provisional regula- 
tion for the army was issued in 1774. Bucareli, Beglamento, 1-32. In this 
same year was decreed the creation of a cuerpo de invalidos, which was or- 
ganized in 1779. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1840, 37-39. 


it was ordered that every three years he should per- 
sonally inspect the troops, not only those stationed at 
the capital, but those in the provinces, and if unable to 
do this on account of ill health, the fact was to be con- 
fidentially made known to the king by the viceroy or 
captain-general. 14 

Fears of war with Great Britain having ceased in 
1772, the government mustered out of garrison duty 
three of the native regiments, 15 though the drilling 
of the militia was continued. The troops from Spain 
were successively sent back, and from the last of 
them, the Zamora, were retained the necessary officers, 
sergeants, and corporals for perfecting the organ- 
ization of the provincial militia. Later, the occu- 
pation by the British of the Philippines, and the revo- 
lution in England's colonies in North America, a<min 
warned Spain of the necessity of being prepared for 
an emergency. But no preparations were made. At 
the end of the war of 1783, when the coasts of Span- 
ish America were threatened, and the forts of Omoa 
and San Juan de Nicaragua were taken by the English, 
she resolved further to increase her military estab- 
lishment in Mexico, creating in 1788 the regiments 
Nueva Espana and Mexico, and the next year the 
Puebla. The French revolution deeply affected Spain, 
and the revolt of Santo Domingo gave rise to the 
creation of the Fijo de Vera Cruz in 1793. The 
Nueva Espana, Mexico, and Puebla were afterward 
sent away to serve in Cuba, Santo Domingo, Louisi- 
ana, and Florida. 16 But between 1789 and 1794 the 

11 The king wished it distinctly understood that the office had been created 
to be useful to the royal service, and not to be a mere additional authority in 
the country. Cedidario, MS., 25. 

15 The government always was apprehensive that the natives, with arms 
in their hands, might revolt. Hence the policy of transporting and main- 
taining at heavy expense in Mexico one or two regiments of Spaniards. But 
nothing was really gained by it. A few months after the arrival of such 
troops they were of little use. Officers and men pursued pleasure and vice, 
and discipline became relaxed. Some of the privates got themselves mus- 
tered out of service, and others deserted; and when a regiment went back to 
Spain it was much smaller than when it came out. Villarroel, Evferm. PoliL, 
in Buatamante, Voz de la Patrla, v. 167. 

10 From Habana these regiments were despatched upon the useless expe- 


force, both of regular and provincial troops, had been 
reduced to 4,767 men. 17 

Having thus spoken of the regular force in Mexico, 
I have to add a few remarks on the provincial and 
urban organizations. Each infantry regiment had two 
battalions, and each battalion 18 five companies, includ- 
ing that of grenadiers. The effective force in time of 
peace was 825 rank and file, and in time of war 1,350. 
Each cavalry regiment had four squadrons with 361 
men in time of peace, and 617 in time of war. The 
conscription age was from 14 to 40 years inclusive, 
taken first from the unmarried men; but if the able- 
bodied of a district did not cover the requisition, then 
the married were conscripted. Officers' commissions 
were given by the viceroy, subject to confirmation by 
the crown. 19 The provincial regiments already organ- 
ized were disbanded about 1788 by the conde de Re villa 
Gigedo, and their arms taken to the royal warehouses 
in Mexico, Perote, and Vera Cruz. They were, how- 
ever, restored by his successor after 1794. 20 It was 

dition of Bayaja, where, by the 'cobardia de un oficial extrangero,' the honor 
of one of them suffered. They gradually returned to Mexico several years 
after, almost skeletons. General Apodaca brought the Puebla and one bat- 
talion of the Mexico very much reduced. Those troops cost a great deal 
of money, and did no useful service to Mexico. Bustamante, Medietas, MS., 
55-6. It was not the first time that Mexico sent military assistance to another 
Spanish colony. In 1761 , news having come that hostile Indians were attempt- 
ing to capture the fort at Panzacola, 200 infantry and some artillerymen under 
command of Colonel Luis Ortiz Parrilla was sent there, who arrived in season, 
and the difficulty was terminated without bloodshed. Panes, Vir., in Monum. 
Dom. Esp., MS., 119. 

17 Certainly not enough for general defence, though the conde de Revilla 
Gigedo had deemed a larger force unnecessary. Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 
13-14. He thus decided against the order of the court; but finally organized 
the first Batallon Fijo de Vera Cruz, which was later increased till in 1S09 it 
had three battalions. Bustamante, Medidas, MS., 56. The same viceroy in 
1792 had two companies of light infantry created, each with three officers, 
and eighty men rank and file, costing for the two companies $27,816 per year. 
Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 69. 

18 A royal order of 1798 placed each battalion under a lieutenant-colonel. 
Arrillaqa, Recop. (1830-6), 508-9. 

™Diario, Ilex., v. 162-320, 389, 554; vi. 12-32, 159-376; vii. 48-254; viii. 
112, 414; ix. 548. Gaz. Mex. (1784), i. 199, 287-8. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, i. 
180, asserts that the nominations, made by the ayuntamientos, were often 
awarded for money to the highest bidders, though in some instances the 
money was applied to the fitting-out of the forces. 

20 In 1798 was organized the Michoacan dragoon regiment, and a small, 
company near Cape San Lucas in Lower California. Azanza, Instruc, MS., 
172-3, 187. 


officially stated that the work met with no obstacles. 
Men voluntarily enlisted, and wealthy persons aided 
with their pecuniary means. 21 

After completing the organization of the provincial 
regiments, the government had of these troops about 
10,000 men, which, added to 5,000 of the regular force, 
made 15,000, of whom about 4,000 were light cav- 
alry and dragoons, and the rest infantry. There 
were also three companies of artillerymen, 22 muster- 
ing about 400, the companies of negroes and colored 
men of Vera Cruz, one battalion of infantry, and two 
companies of volunteers in the same city. 23 

21 The wealthy contributed not only money but gave their own and their 
sons' services. Gaz. Mex. (1795), vii. 7-8, 14-16, 22-4, 33-5, GG-8, 95-G, 
119-20, 174-8. The marqu6s de Branciforte was prompted by his insatiable 
avarice rather than by loyalty. He sold commissions at his own prices, pre- 
tending to apply the money to the purchase of arms for the regiments, which 
he never did. The purchasers wanted the fuero militar, so as not to be under 
the jurisdiction of the common law courts. They were of little use when fight- 
ing days came. Bustamante, Medietas, MS., 57. 

22 The artillery corps, down to the end of the Spanish domination, consisted 
of a few regular and provincial companies, there being a very limited number 
of fortified places and some poor redoubts on the coasts and frontiers. The 
sub-inspection was in charge of the viceroy, and the direct command under 
an officer sent from Spain. The factories and everything connected with this 
branch of the service were finally governed by the regulation of December 10, 
1807. Mex. Mem. Guerra, 1835, 10. 

23 Branciforte, Instruc., MS., 22-3. The following list appears in an 
official work: Infantry regiments: Mexico, Puebla, Tlascala, Cordoba, Ori- 
zaba, and Jalapa (the last three places forming one), Valladolid, Celaya, and 
Toluca; battalions of Guanajuato and Oajaca, 412 men each; militia of Ta- 
basco, 9 companies of free colored men, and one of cavalry of Spanish volun- 
teers, 1,018 strong; 22 companies mixed of infantry and cavalry on the 
Mexican Gulf coasts; 2 companies of negroes and colored men of Vera Cruz; 
light cavalry regiments, Santiago de Queretaro and Principe; dragoon regi- 
ments, Puebla, San Luis, San Carlos; dragoons de la Reina; lancers of Vera 
Cruz; dragoons of Michoacan; cavalry on the frontier of Sierra Gorda; dra- 
goons on the frontier of San Luis de Colotlan, being 9 companies with 720 
men; cavalry on the frontier of the colony of Nuevo Santander, being 6 
companies with 300 men. In Yucatan, one battalion of volunteers of Merida, 
another of whites of Campeche; 2 divisions of colored sharp-shooters of Mdrida 
and Campeche, each division with 8 companies. Colon, Juzgados Milit., ii. 
527-8. In forming the urban companies of Vera Cruz it was agreed that 
when necessary the citizens should be armed, the ayuntamiento furnishing 
500 men, and the real consulado 500 more, for whom the government pro- 
vided 1,000 muskets. Azanza, Instruc, MS., 172-3; Marquina, Instruc. (1803), 
in Instruc. Fir., 184. Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 811-25; Id., Versuch, v. 
30-51, 55, gives in 1804: regular force, 9,919, and militia, 22,277, adding that 
of the 32,196 the number of disciplined troops scarcely amounted to 8,000 
or 10,000, of whom 3,000 or 4,000 had considerable military experience, 
namely, the cavalry stationed in Sonora, Nueva Vizcaya, and Nueva Galicia, 
nearly all of whom were natives of the northern provinces — tall, robust moun- 
taineers, accustomed to all weathers and hardships. Humboldt, Tabla Esta- 


Let us now examine the special military organiza- 
tion of the provincias interims, some of which were at 
all times immediately dependent on the viceroyalty of 
New Spain, others being under a government of their 
own. The expenses incurred by the twenty presidios 
and three flying companies existing in 1721, amounted 
to 370,000 pesos per annum. But though the treas- 
ury had every year paid out the full amount, the sol- 
diers were defrauded of a large portion of their pay. 24 
Other abuses were also committed, such as employing 
the soldiers away from their presidios in working 
mines or herding cattle for their captains' profit. 
Officers had been sometimes despatched by the vice- 
roys to inspect and report upon the presidios, but no 
advantage had been gained, and matters had gone 
from bad to worse till a complete demoralization pre- 
vailed. Moreover, as the population had in some 
parts increased, a number of the presidios had become 

dUtica, MS. , 65-6, a copy of which is said to have been left by the author in 
the archives of the viceroyalty, gives the whole force in 1803 as follows: 
regular troops 9,924, provincial militia 21,951, urban militia 1,059. The levy 
of recruits he declared to be excessive for the population. Es-sai Pollt. , i. 273. 
21 June 27, 1608, the king decreed that the payment of the presidios 
should be punctual every four months. Ilecop., hid., i. 595-6, 612. The 
crown had from time to time issued orders tending to the efficiency of the 
service in the presidios, and providing for the welfare of the men. The fol- 
lowing are some of them : Every officer or private soldier, before an expedi- 
tion started, might with a proper modesty appear before his superior, and 
express his opinion, and any difficulties he might foresee. If his remarks 
were well founded they must be heeded; any neglect of the same made the 
superior amenable to a fine of 500 ducados. See royal decree of 1622. Vacan- 
cies occurring in the office of captain of presidios were to be provisionally 
filled by the captain -general; after which the names of three officers compe- 
tent for the position were to be sent to the king accompanied with a statement 
of the services and qualifications of each ; the appointment would then be 
made from the tenia. Mulattoes, negroes, and mestizos were not to be ac- 
cepted as soldiers in the presidios. No soldier was to be dismissed the serv- 
ice without a just cause. Id., 597, 600-2. In 1688 and 1690 the presidios 
had been fully supplied with men, arms, and ammunition. Those on the 
northern coast had not been neglected. In former years each presidio had 
to send a well paid agent to Mexico for its supplies, who, after dancing at- 
tendance on and paying much reverence to the officials, obtained and took 
away the goods to his presidio, at the risk of being plundered on the way by 
Indian raiders. Under royal orders of 1643, 1663, 1664, and 1672, the vice- 
roys were to attend to those supplies, the treasury officials having little to do 
in the matter. These injunctions had been overlooked. But in 1688 the 
situados were taken in coin to those presidios by the armada de barlovento. 
Siguenza y Gongora, Carta al Almirante, MS., 4: Montemayor, Svmarios, 


unnecessary. Viceroy Casafuerte recommended the 
promotion of Colonel Pedro de Rivera to the rank of 
brigadier, and his appointment as special inspector 
and regulator of presidios, which was done by the 
sovereign in 1724.. Accompanied by the lieutenant- 
colonel of engineers, Francisco Alvarez Barreiro, who 
was to make plans, Rivera proceeded on his mission. 
The task occupied him four years, during which time 
he journeyed three thousand leagues, and reorganized 
the presidios in the best possible manner. The gov- 
ernment Gazeta of June 1728 mentions his return to 
Mexico from his arduous labors, when he made his 
report to the viceroy. 25 

In 1729 the number of presidios was fixed at twenty, 
that of New Mexico being the most distant, with sev- 
enty-seven men and three commissioned officers. On 
the 20th of April was issued the new reglamento, under 
which the annual expenditure for such troops was re- 
duced from 444,883 pesos to 283,930 pesos; the prices 
of goods and provisions sold to the soldiers were fixed, 
and captains of presidios were required to reside per- 
manently in their presidios. The law also prescribed 
the circumstances under which Indians might be aided 
against hostile tribes. 26 

The king, accepting the viceroy's suggestions, de- 

25 Ricera, Dlario y Derrotero, 1-76. In October, 1727, the king had or- 
dered the establishment of a presidio at the Real de Boca de Leones in Nuevo 
Leon with a corporal and fourteen men, which were later increased to 25. New 
Mex., Cedulas, MS., 245-7. In 1728 a full report was called for by the crown 
upon all the presidios, and the force each could rely on both paid and unpaid; 
also upon armament of all kinds, etc. Id., 324-31. 

2G It also marked out the course of duty for each man in the presidio, and 
the discipline to be maintained. Instruc. formada en virtud de Heed Orden, 9; 
New Mex., Cedulas, MS., 335-7; Zamora, Bib. Leg. Ult., iv. 284; Escudero, 
Son. y Sin., Gl-2, 70; Arcvalo, Compend.. 228. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal, 
177, speaking on the subject about 1742 gives the presidios then existing, 
namely: Nayarit, Durango, El Pasage, El Gallo, Mapimi, Cerro Gordo, San 
Bartolo, Conchos, Nuevo Mexico, El Paso, Janos, Fronteras, Sinaloa, Adais, 
Texas, Bahia del Espiritu Santo, San Antonio de B6jar, Bio del Norte, Coa- 
huila, Cerralvo, Cadereita, and the force at Saltillo, with a total force of 84G 
officers, rank and file. In 1754 frontier presidios were ordered to have each 
four swivel guns, and 50 muskets with the requisite ammunition, lances, 
shields, etc. Sixteen articles were issued for their rule. Ditches, ramparts, 
and stockades were to be erected. Instruc. Vireyes, 29. In 1755 Engineer 
Camaras Altas was sent to make a thorough map of the northern frontiers of 


cidecl, November 26, 1757, that governors of frontier 
provinces should thereafter be military officers. Still 
another royal order of October 8, 1761, declared that 
inasmuch as the command of the presidial companies 
had fallen into the hands of traffickers instead of being 
held by true soldiers, the viceroy was to remove all 
captains of the former stamp without going through 
the formality of a court-martial or other procedure. 
A later one of January 11, 1764, regulated the 
prices of goods for presidios, greatly moderating those 
of the tariff of 1729. Other orders reiterated pre- 
ceding ones in the sense of reforming the general 
regulation of presidios. Finally, in 1765, the whole 
matter was referred for a general report to the mar- 
ques de Rubi, 27 who discharged the duty in a satis- 
factory manner. He was again commissioned by the 
marques de Croix to revisit the presidios. In a letter 
of May 24th from Pasage he reported a bad state of 
affairs, demanding a change in the system of presidios, 
and that they should be located to better advantage. 
Hence the regulation of 1772, which Brigadier Hugo 
O'Connor was directed to enforce, as governor and 
comandante inspector of the provinces. The regla- 
mento gave the number and positions of the presi- 
dios, and the economical system of each, and prescribed 
the mode of managing funds; the policy to be ob- 
served toward the Indians; quality and condition of 
arms, ammunition, horses, accoutrements, and clothing 
of the soldiers; mode of providing commissions and 
promotions, reviews and police of each presidio; powers 
and duties of captains, subalterns, and rank and file of 

Mexico and provinces outside. Id., 97. The same year the king reiterated 
his order of 1748 about statements of arms and ammunition, and their con- 
dition being punctually forwarded him. New Mex., Cedulas, MS., 350. 

27 New Mex., Cedulas, MS., 353-8. Rubf was told that the presidios were 
in a state of confusion, dissension prevailing everywhere, and that a remedy of 
the evils was much needed. He visited those of Nueva Vizcaya, Sonora, 
Coahuila, and New Mexico in 17G6, and that of Texas in 17C7. His report 
to the crown, on his return, was the basis of reformatory measures, embodied 
in a new reglamento published by the marques de Croix in 1771. Morii, Tex., 


the troops ; and the mode of choosing habilitados and 
rendering them effective. 

It will be unnecessary to dwell here on the presidios 
of the country north of Durango, as they will be 
fully treated of in other volumes. 28 The presidios of 
Monterey and Nayarit were suppressed, placing in 
lieu of the former two salvaguardias in each of the 
eiodit missions of Nuevo Leon, and seven salva<mar- 
dias in lieu of the latter. 29 

It was Rubi's report on the secure condition of 
Nuevo Leon that induced the suppression of the pre- 
sidio of Monterey. It was ill-founded, for in 1774 
the country was overrun by natives. The coman- 
dante of the presidios, Hugo O'Connor, came to the 
rescue, and a detachment w T as stationed at Punta cle 
Lampazos, 80 which place w T as made stronger. Subse- 
quently, in 1783, an attempt was made to increase the 
force in Nuevo Leon, but Colonel Juan de Ugalde, 
late governor of Coahuila, strenuously opposed it, as 
expensive, burdensome in every way, and useless, for 
Nuevo Leon being in the rear of Coahuila could be 
of no assistance to other provinces if assailed. 31 The 
people of Nuevo Leon, however, were all armed. In 
1795 there were twenty-two companies of militia well 
equipped. 32 The total military force in 1786 in the 

28 Hist. North Mex. States, L; Hist. Cal., i.-v.; Hist. New Mex. and Ari- 
zona, passim, this series. 

29 The reglamento was carried out in Nayarit in 1773, a detachment of 
the Catalan volunteers placed there, and Pedro Alberni, then a subaltern, 
made a captain and comandante. A subaltern officer, sergeant, and fourteen 
privates were also stationed at the mesa de Tonati. Regl. 6 Instruc. Presid., 
127-9; Laba, Inform?, in Pinart, Col. Doc. Mex., 208; Nayarlt, Informe de la 
Aud. de Guadal., in Id,., 75. In 1792-3 Jalisco and Nayarit were defended by 
nine companies of dragoons. The governor at San Luis Colotlan was ex officio 
their commander, and resided at Real de Bolanos. There were two adjutants, 
one with the governor, and the other at the mesa de Tonati as lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of the province of Nayarit. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, no. 80. 

30 Humboldt, Essai Polit., ii. 812. 

31 Ugalde, Doc., MS., 19-24. In 1786, Ugalde, as governor and coman- 
dante of Coahuila, Texas, Nuevo Leon, and Santander, materially reduced 
their force and offered to protect Saltillo and Parras. Instruc, Ugarte, 39-40. 

32 The people knew of the king and viceroy only by hearsay. Governors 
were sent out from Mexico every four or five years, who at the expiration of 
their terms remained in the country. It was not uncommon to see an ex-gov- 
ernor acting as alcalde or regidor. Gonzalez, Apuntes, in Soc. Mex. Geog., 
Boletln, 3a ep., i. 238. 


provincias internas, exclusive of the Californias, was 
3,6G3 men, of which there were 300 in Nuevo Leon, 
and as many in Tamaulipas. The annual expense for 
all was estimated at 951,084 pesos. 

The condition of the military in 1808, shortly be- 
fore the political disturbances broke out, was essen- 
tially as follows : In the province of Mexico the viceroy 
held command. In Oajaca, Queretaro, and San Luis 
Potosi, the forces were in charge of commanders of 
brigades. In the other provinces the respective in- 
tendentes were in charge; these officers in Guadala- 
jara, Puebla, and Vera Cruz were also commanders of 
the brigades within their respective districts. The 
regular force now consisted of the viceroy's guard 
of honor; four regiments, namely, Corona, Nueva 
Espana, Mexico, and Puebla, of which the last named 
was then in Habana, and one battalion, the Fijo de 
Vera Cruz, of infantry, with about 5,000 men; two 
regiments of dragoons, the Espana and Mexico, with 
500 men each; one corps of artillery with 720 men 
scattered in several places; a small number of engi- 
neers; two companies of light infantry and three 
fixed companies in the ports of Isla del Carmen, San 
Bias, and Acapulco. 33 

The main force consisted, as we have seen, of pro- 
vincial militia, which was placed under arms only when 
needful. It was chiefly composed of country people 
and artisans, and caused no expense to the government. 
The regiments were distributed by districts, and the 
companies by towns. The horses of the mounted 
troops were confided to the care of the haciendas of 
each district. The officers were property-owners of 
the provinces. The honor was much coveted, and 
high prices were paid for a commission as colonel or 
lieutenant- colonel when the forces were first organized. 
In the central provinces, which were more thickly 
settled, and had a cold or temperate climate, were 

33 The total effective regular force at the disposal of the viceroyalty did not 
exceed 6,000 men. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 77-8. 


organized seven infantry regiments of two battalions 
each, namely, Mexico, Puebla, Tlascala, Orizaba, Cor- 
doba, Jalapa, Toluca, Celaya, and Valladolid. There 
were likewise three separate battalions, named re- 
spectively Guanajuato, Oajaca, and Guadalajara. Each 
battalion had an effective force of 825 men, the total 
being 14,000, to which were to be added the two urban 
battalions of Mexico and Puebla, having together 
930 men. 

The cavalry consisted of eight regiments, namely, 
Queretaro, Principe, Peina in Guanajuato, Puebla, 
San Luis, San Carlos in the province of San Luis, 
Michoacan, or Pdtzcuaro, and Aguas Calientes; each 
of which had four squadrons of 361 men in time 
of peace, and 517 in time of war, making a total of 
4,936 dragoons. In the vicinity of Vera Cruz was 
a body of 1,000 lancers; there were three other bodies 
for the protection of the old frontiers of Sierra Gorda, 
Colotlan, and Nuevo Santander, with 1,320 men, and 
an urban squadron in Mexico with 200 men. 

The troops for guarding the coasts were in detached 
companies at different places, forming mixed divisions 
of infantry and cavalry, with little discipline, and not 
even a uniform. They were useful, however, in their 
respective sections. Five of them were on the gulf 
border, and with the two companies of negroes and 
colored men of Vera Cruz made up a force of 3,400. 34 
On the Pacific were seven companies consisting of 
3,750 men. The total force of provincial militia, both 
infantry and cavalry, together with the seven com- 
panies of militia artillery at Vera Cruz and other 
points of the coasts, when complete and on a war foot- 
ing, which never occurred, would have made 29,411 
men; 35 but deducting 7,200 of the coast guard, who 

34 In June 1806 was living at the age of 90 years Antonio Santa Ana, who 
was decorated with a royal medal, and was captain of the company of blacks 
of Vera Cruz; a master mason by trade; he wrote a farce for the theatre that 
won a prize. Diario, Hex. , iii. 207. 

r: ' Another account gives the entire force of New Spain in time of peace In 
1805 as 32,924 men. Not. de N. Esp., in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ii. 24. The 


were never taken from their sections, the effective 
force remaining was 22,211, which, added to 6,000 
of the regular force, formed a total of 28,000 men 
whom the viceroy could place in the field. There 
were, besides, in Yucatan, one battalion of regular 
troops, a few regiments of provincials, and the neces- 
sary artillerymen. The disciplined militia and the 
coast divisions formed ten brigades, each having the 
military commandant at the head town of the district 
for its brigadier, excepting those of Mexico, Oajaca, 
Queretaro, and San Luis Potosi which had their 
regular commanders. 36 

The organization of troops for defence against in- 
ternal and external foes, however important, was 
not all that was needed. The defences of the ports 
and of the whole coast-line on both seas demanded 
attention, and constantly engaged that of the supreme 
national government as well as of the local authorities 
from the earliest days. 37 The port of Vera Cruz with 

force of all organizations is set down in 1809, before the revolution, at 29,661. 
Torrente, Rev. Hisp. Am., Introd., i. 19; Zavala, Rev. Mex., i. 26. 

36 Most of the field and many of the company officers, in both the regular 
and militia regiments, were from Spain. The sergeants, corporals, and pri- 
vates were natives of Mexico, taken chiefly from the various castas, the pure 
Indians being exempt. Alaman, Hist. Mej., i. 78-81; v. 956. We are told 
by a competent authority, however, that the country, in 1809, lacked mus- 
kets, bayonets, sabres, and other things for infantry and cavalry; it had not 
enough field-pieces, balls, grape, etc., for the artillery, nor tents. It was de- 
ficient in almost every material of war needed to organize a competent force 
fit to cope with the well provided armies of Europe. Some of them could at 
that time be obtained in the United States and Jamaica. Cannon and cannon 
balls and grape could be made in Mexico. Queipo, Represent, al Real Acnerdo, 
129-30, 137. 

37 From 1570 to 1657 the crown was repeatedly issuing orders for the de- 
fence of the country and the improvement of the military service, and par- 
ticularly of the management of fortresses on the coasts, and garrisons of 
presidios in towns or frontiers. Most of them are mere matter of routine, 
which it is unnecessary to give here. Among those which were of general 
interest may be mentioned: A royal order of May 7, 1570, made it incumbent 
on all residents at ports to have arms and horses, according to their means, 
ready to resist and repel foreign aggressions. Another of November 30, 1599, re- 
quired that in time of danger no man, unless specially exempted by law, should 
fail to present himself for military service. One of March 26, 1627, prescribed 
that only military men, known to be possessed of experience in the defence of 
besieged fortresses, should be nominated for the position of alcaldes. Among 
the requirements from commanders of forts on the coast, good ones prob- 
ably, but which often had not the desired effect, they were urged to be dis- 


the isle of San Juan de Uliia was the key of New 
Spain, and the object of special solicitude. 88 Efforts 
were made and means supplied in order to put the 
defences in a condition to resist attacks. 39 The forma- 
tion of plans and the building of a new fortress were 
in charge of Captain Jaime Franck. Objection having 
beeM made to the work, the subject was laid before 
certain officials for their opinion. 40 

When a portion of the fortress was constructed, a 
small garrison was placed there under an officer who 
bore the title of castellano, subordinate to the gov- 
ernor of the town. In the course of years the title 
was changed to teniente rey, and the officer succeeded 
the governor at his death or absence. Both officers 
had high military rank, the governor having charge 
of the garrisons of Ulua and Vera Cruz. 41 

The fortifications on San Juan de Ulua were in 
1767 strengthened with cannon brought from Spain. 42 

creet as well as energetic and brave, and thus make themselves feared, 'para 
cobrar reputacion, pues esto bastara a atemorizar los animos de los cosarios.' 
Recop. hid., i. 2G0-1, 567-617. 

38 From 1648 to 1673 the place was well supplied with means of defence 
Repairs were begun in 1671. The commander proposed a plan of fortification 
involving heavy expense, but affording great strength. It was referred to the 
king. After some changes of policy in regard to the garrison, it was decided 
finally in 1670 and 1671 to keep a force there of about 300 men. The white 
militia and the companies of free negroes and mulattoes were tolerably well 
disciplined. During the years above mentioned there were expended upon 
San Juan de Ulua $403,278, besides $183,914 on other defences, and for men, 
war materials, etc. Mancera, Instruc, in Doc. Lied., xxi. 490-3. Money was 
being constantly spent on supplies for the defences. Montemayor, Svmarios, 

39 Sigiienza y Gongora was very sanguine in 1692, when he said that the 
new fortress of San Juan de Ulua was in a good condition to defend the port, 
and all accomplished within a few months at a moderate expenditure. Carta 
al Almirante, MS., 39. 

40 Several of the persons consulted eluded the responsibility. The mathe- 
matician Sigiienza y Gongora recommended that no change should be made, 
considering the defences almost impregnable, though chiefly from the nat- 
ural strength of the position. Memorial, in Morfi, Col. Doc, i. 211, 223-39. 

41 Till about the middle of the 18th century the garrisons of the city and 
castle had been necessarily small, but always being gradually increased. In 
1727 there were in the fort, besides the castellano, one major, one alferez, one 
surgeon, and 153 rank and file of infantry, one captain and 101 rank and file 
of artillerists. The captains were enjoined to swell their ranks with Span- 
iards from the mother country, and if possible with veterans, but as the sons 
of Spaniards born in Mexico could not be prudently excluded 'sepennitia 
que en cada compania pudiera haber catorce, y nada mas.' Lerdo de Tejada, 
Ajruntes J list. , 384. 

42 The same year was put up in Tacubaya a factory for cannon; and the 

SAN JUAN DE ULtf A. 417 

In that year and the next Anton Lizardo was strongly 
fortified. At the same time was constructed the 
fortress of Perote, which cost no less than that of San 
Juan de Ulua. The former was deemed necessary for 
the safe keeping of treasure when on the way for 
shipment to Spain, for if Vera Cruz were once in pos- 
session of an enemy, a dash on. Orizaba might easily 
be made. In Perote were mounted six 24-pounders, 
eight 16-pounders, ten 12-pounders, and 33 pieces 
of calibre from 4 to 8; there was a complete supply of 
ammunition, the cost of conveying which had exceeded 
40,000 pesos. 43 

The anxiety to make San Juan de Ulua and the 
whole Vera Cruz coast impregnable if possible, was 
great, but the means were wanting. Among the 
many plans presented was one in 1774 which might 
have been acceptable had it not called for an exces- 
sive expenditure. One and a half million pesos the 
authors claimed would suffice; four to six millions, said 
others, would be consumed before reaching comple- 
tion, besides the demand for a garrison so large that 
other important points would have to be utterly 
neglected. The king favored certain modifications, 
and in 1780 the matter was left to a commission 44 
which presented a plan to guard the defences, includ- 
cling the coast on both sides, against foreign assaults, 
but it was not accepted. Several other schemes were 
recommended, but no extensive plan seems to have 
been adopted.- 


next were cast some field pieces. Cavo, Tres Sighs, iii. 6; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, 
i. 141. The powder factory was in Chapultepec. At the end of the century 
it supplied large quantities of powder, not only to Mexico, but also to the 
Antilles, New Granada, Louisiana, and Florida. Panes, Vir.,in Mouum.Dom. 
Enp., MS., 135; Azanza,Instnic, MS., 180-1; Alzate, Gacetas, iv. 349-55; Gaz. 
Mcx. (1784-5), i. 228-30; Diario, Mix., ii. 132; Quia de Hac. Rep. Mex., 
ii. 129-40. 

43 As a warehouse for provisions and war material to aid Vera Cruz, and 
as a rendezvous for troops to keep a foreign enemy in check, Perote was, owing 
to its climate, very valuable; but as a fortress it was not worth much. Re- 
villa Gigedo, Instruc, MS