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University  of  California  •  Berkeley 


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I 


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in  2011 


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THE    WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE   WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  XI. 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO 

Vol.  III.     1G00-1803. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1883. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Tear  1883,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 
In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

OPENING   OF   THE    SEVENTEENTH    CENTURY. 

1G01-1G20. 

PAGE 

Character  of  Viceroy  Monterey — Vizcaino's  Exploration — Attempted  In- 
tercourse with  Japan — Montesclaros'  Firm  Rule — Velasco  Again 
Made  Viceroy — Mexico  under  Water — The  Drainage  Work  of  Hue- 
huetoca  is  Begun — A  Great  Engineering  Feat,  yet  Inefficient — Negro 
Revolt — Progress  of  Settlement  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Sinaloa,  and 
Sonora — A  New  Policy  for  Conquest — Uprising  of  the  Acaxees  and 
Xiximes — The  Tepehuane  War — Protective  Measures  for  Indians — 
Archbishop  Guerra's  Brief  Rule  as  Viceroy — Pompous  Funeral  Cere- 
monies— The  Timid  Audiencia  and  the  Pigs — Spilbergen  at  Aca- 
pulco — Increase  of  Corruption  under  Viceroy  Guadalcazar 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

QUARREL    OF   THE   VICEROY  AND   ARCHBISHOP. 

1621-162*. 

Appointment  of  Gelves — His  Energetic  and  Extensive  Reforms — Which 
are  Forced  also  on  the  Clergy — Hostility  of  Gaviria  and  the  Regi- 
dores — Archbishop  Serna  Roused — Moral  Laxity  in  New  Spain — Ar- 
rest of  Varaez — Serna  Interferes — The  Viceroy  is  Excommunicated — 
Attitude  of  the  Oidores — The  Papal  Delegate  Plays  a  Part — More 
Anathemas — The  Prelate  Forces  Himself  into  the  Presence  of  the 
Audiencia — He  is  Exiled  and  Carried  Away — Imprisonment  of  Re- 
pentant Oidores — A  Mexican  A  Becket 33 

CHAPTER  III. 

OVERTHROW    OF    GELVES. 

1G24. 

The  Interdict  Launched  against  the  Capital — Excitement  among  the 
Populace— The  Rabble  in  Arms — Attack  on  the  Palace — The  Gov- 
ernment Declared  Vested  in  the  Oidores — Their  Schemes  to  Secure 

(v) 


CONTENTS. 

PAGE. 

Control — Flight  of  Gelvea — Triumphant  Entry  of  the  Archbishop — 
Reactionary  Measures  by  the  Audiencia — The  Viceroy  under  Re- 
straint— His  Vain  Negotiations  for  Return  to  Power — Gathering 
Evidence — Measures  by  the  King — Ccrralvo  Sent  as  Viceroy — Nomi- 
nal Restoration  of  Gelves  and  Triumphant  Entry — Proceedings 
against  the  Rioters — Fate  of  Serna  and  Gelves — Significance  of  the 
Outbreak 58 


CHAPTER  IV. 

KING     AND    COLONY. 

1024-1689. 

Defence  Measures — The  Dutch  at  Acapulco — Corsair  Raids  along  the 
Coast  of  Yucatan — The  Barlovento  Squadron — Royal  Loans  and  Ex- 
tortions— Inundation  of  Mexico — Proposed  Removal  of  the  Capital — 
Relief  Measures  and  Drainage  Projects — The  Huehuetoca  Tunnel — 
San  Felipe  the  Protomartyr  of  Mexico — His  Irregular  Life  and  Beat- 
ification— The  Hermit  Lopez — Viceroy  Cadereita — The  Prelate  Zu- 
fiiga — The  First  Creole  Archbishop 80 

CHAPTER  Y. 

ADMINISTRATION    OF  VICEROYS   ESCALONA,    PALAFOX,    AND   SALVATIERRA. 

1640-1648. 

Viceroy  Escalona's  Arrival — The  Bishop  and  Visitador  Palafox — Quarrels 
about  Doctrinas — A  Covetous  Ruler — Fruitless  Complaints — Start- 
ling News  from  Portugal — Escalona's  Sympathies — An  Insolent  Cap- 
tain— Viceroy  versus  Bishop — Palafox  Made  Archbishop  and  Governor 
of  New  Spain — Secret  Preparations — The  Stroke  against  Escalona — 
His  Vindication  in  Spain — Palafox  an  Able  Viceroy — Iconoclasm — 
Episcopal  Labors  at  Puebla — Viceroy  Salvatierra  Arrives — California 
Explorations — Salvatierra's  Rule 98 

CHAPTER  VI. 

JESUIT   LABORS   AND    STRIFES. 

1600-1700. 

The  Field  of  Jesuit  Labors — The  First  Disputes  with  the  Church  of 
Puebla — Attitude  of  Palafox— Relations  between  the  Bishop  and  the 
Jesuits — Open  Hostility — Appointment  of  Judges — Palafox  Sen- 
tenced— He  Retaliates — His  Flight  from  Puebla — The  Victorious  So- 
ciety— The  Bishop  Returns — General  Reprimands  from  Spain — The 
Jesuits  Defeated  in  Rome — Revival  and  Conclusion  of  the  Quar- 
rel— Life  of  Palafox  in  Spain — His  Death — Disputes  with  the  Society 
about  Tithes — The  Jesuits  at  the  Close  of  the  Century 116 


CONTEXTS. 
CHAPTER  VII. 

VICEROYS    TORRES,    ALVA,   AND  ALBCJRQUERQUE. 

1648-1660. 


PAGE 


Bishop  Torres  Governor  of  New  Spain — His  Brief  Rule — Epidemic — Gov- 
ernment of  the  Audiencia — Viceroy  Alva  Arrives — His  Quiet  Rule — 
Alburquerque  Appointed  Viceroy — He  Governs  with  Prudence — And 
Checks  Abuses — Loss  of  Jamaica  and  the  Influence  thereof  on  New 
Spain — Yucatan  Infested  by  Pirates — Attempt  to  Assassinate  Albur- 
querque— The  Swift  Punishment  that  Followed — Public  Rejoicings — 
Viceroy  and  Archbishop  Recalled — Their  Departure  and  Subsequent 
Career 137 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

YUCATAN. 

1601-1708. 
An  Uneventful  Period — Good  Rulers — Marshal  Carlos  de  Luna  y  Arre- 
llano — The  Government  of  the  Towns — The  Monarch  as  a  Mendi- 
cant— Governor  Juan  de  Vergas — His  Maladministration — The  Li- 
centiate Carvajal  Takes  his  Residencia — Indian  Revolts — The  Suc- 
cession of  Rulers — Campeche  Fortified — Soberanis  and  Martin  de 
Ursua — More  Dissensions — Excommunication  of  Soberanis — Con- 
cerning the  Conquest  of  the  Itzas— Conduct  of  Ursua  Justified,  and 
his  Subsequent  Promotion — His  Qualities  as  a  Soldier  the  Cause  of 
his  Preferment 152 

CHAPTER  IX. 

FIVE     MORE     VICEROYS. 

1660-1680. 
Count  de  Bafios,  the  Twenty-third  Viceroy — A  New  Order  of  Things — 
Indian  Revolt  at  Tehuantepec — An  Arbitrary  Ruler — Character 
of  the  Man— He  is  Replaced  by  Archbishop  Osorio — The  Prelate's 
Brief  but  Beneficent  Government — A  Native  of  Mexico  Made  Arch- 
bishop— Arrival  of  Marquis  Mancera — His  Efficient  Rule — Cali- 
fornia Explorations — The  Cathedral  of  Mexico — Its  Dedication  — 
Mancera 's  Wise  Policy — Eruption  of  Popocatapetl  and  Other  Calam- 
ities— Veraguas,  Descendant  of  Columbus-,  as  Viceroy — His  Un- 
timely Death — Archbishop  Ribera  Succeeds — His  Character  and 
Good  Government — He  Declines  New  Honors — His  Retirement  to 
Spain,  and  Death 164 

CHAPTER  X. 

THE    SACK   OF  VERA   CRUZ,    AND    OTHER   PIRATICAL  RAIDS. 

16S0-1086. 
The  Corsairs  in  Central  America  and  New  Spain — Laguna  Appointed  Vice- 
roy— Van  Horn  the  Sea  Rover — The  Pirates  Resolve  to  Attack  Vera 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Cruz — The  Corsair  Lorencillo— A  Clever  Stratagem — Vera  Cruz 
Surprised  by  Buccaneers— The  Inhabitants  Imprisoned  in  the 
Churches— And  Kept  for  Three  Days  without  Food  or  Water^The 
Captives  Taken  to  the  Island  of  Sacrificios — Departure  of  the  Cor- 
sairs— Division  of  the  Booty — News  of  the  Raid  Received  in  Mexico — 
Further  Operations  of  the  Freebooters — Dampier  and  Others  in  the 
South  Sea— End  of  Laguna's  Administration ,  1S9 

CHAPTER  XI. 

THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

1683-1803. 
Extent  of  the  City  of  Vera  Cruz— Entrepot  of  Commerce— Character  of 
the  Population— Prosperity  of  the  People— Its  Inhabitants— Its 
Trade— Scarcity  of  Water— The  Black -vomit— The  Port  of  Vera 
Cruz— The  Fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua— Its  Garrison— The  Works 
Cost  Nearly  Forty  Millions  of  Pesos— Cessation  of  Buccaneering 
Raids— The  Towns  of  Cordoba,  Jalapa,  and  Orizaba 208 

CHAPTER  XII. 

"FLOOD,    FAMINE,    AND   ECLIPSE. 

1688-1692. 
Laguna's  Administration — His  Successor,  the  Condede  Galve — The  Pirates 
Driven  from  the  South  Sea — War  with  France— Pirates  in  the  North 
Sea — The  Armada  de  Barlovento — Union  of  Spanish  and  English 
against  the  French— Drought  and  Flood— Loss  of  Crops— Excesses 
of  the  Soldiery— Death  of  Maria  Luisa— The  Drainage  System— Por- 
tentous Events— The  Bakers  Refuse  to  Bake— Efforts  of  the  Viceroy.  221 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

CORN    RIOT    IN    THE    CAPITAL. 

1692-1696. 
Increased  Murmurs — Rumored  Grain  Speculations  of  the  Viceroy— An 
Imprudent  Preacher— The  Leperos— Pulque  Shops— Inefficient  Forces 
at  Command— Awaiting  Opportunity— Affair  at  the  Granary— The 
Viceroy  Threatened— Outbreak— Death  to  the  Officials !— The  Palace 
Set  on  Fire— The  Plaza  Stalls  also  Fired— Robbery  and  Murder- 
Executions— Revolt  at  Tlascala— Sale  of  Pulque  Prohibited— Re- 
building of  the  Palace— Affairs  in  New  Mexico 232 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

VICEROYS    MONTAKEZ    AND    MONTEZUMA. 

1690-1701. 
More  Insurrections  in  the  Capital— The  Baratillo  Suppressed— Narrow 
Escape  of  the  Treasure  Fleet— Another  Famine— Montezuma  Sue- 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE 

ceeds  Montaiiez — Fair  at  Acapulco — Obsequies  on  the  Death  of 
Carlos  II. — Rejoicings  at  the  Accession  of  Felipe  V. — Montezuma 
Suspected  of  Disloyalty — A  Worthy  Ruler  Deposed — Jesuit  Expedi- 
tions to  Lower  California 256 

CHAPTER  XY. 

NEW  SPAIN   AT  THE   OPENING   OF   THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

1700-1722. 

Montanez  Viceroy  for  a  Second  Term — His  Formal  Entry  into  the  Capi- 
tal— Loss  of  Treasure  Ships — The  Hermandad  and  Acordada — Mon- 
tanez Appointed  Archbishop  of  Mexico — Alburquerque's  Reign — 
His  Character  Illustrated — Captain  Dampier  Once  More  in  the 
South  Sea — A  Privateering  Expedition  Fitted  Out  by  Bristol  Mer- 
chants— A  Motley  Crowd  on  Board  the  Ships — Their  Voyage  round 
the  World — Enormous  Profits  of  the  Enterprise — Linares'  Adminis- 
tration— Earthquake,  Famine,  and  Flood — Contraband  Trading — 
Valero's  Rule — Attempted  Assassination — Corsairs  in  Yucatan 268 

CHAPTER  XYI. 

NUEVA   GALICIA. 

1601-1803. 

Boundaries  of  the  Territory — Its  Governors — The  Audiencia  of  Guadala- 
jara— Its  Jurisdiction  and  Powers — Local  Government — Corregimien- 
tos  and  Alcaldias  Mayores — Cities,  Towns,  Villages,  and  Mining 
Districts — The  Capital — A  City  of  Office-holders — Treasury  Depart- 
ment— Industrial  Progress — Mines — Quicksilver  Monopoly  and  its 
Effects — Agriculture  and  Stock-raising — Labor,  Commerce,  and  Ship- 
building— Population  and  Local  Statistics 296 


CHAPTER  XYII. 

THE  CONQUEST   OF  NAYAEIT. 

1701-1722. 

The  Last  Refuge  of  Idolatry  in  Nueva  Galicia — Geography  of  Nayarit — 
Characteristics  of  the  Natives — Partial  Success  of  Arisbaba  in  1618 — 
Trouble  at  Acaponeta — Massacre  of  Bracamonte  and  his  Party  in 
1701 — Revolt  at  Colotlan — The  Barefoot  Friars — Mendiola's  Expedi- 
tion and  the  First  Jesuit  Attempt — The  Tonati  Visits  Mexico — His 
Treaty  and  his  Flight — Preparations  and  Obstacles  at  Zacatecas — 
Camp  at  Peyotlan — Flores  in  Command — Assault  on  the  Mesa — The 
Nayarits  Subdued  and  Conquest  Achieved — Progress  of  the  Mis- 
sions   310 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

PROGRESS    IN    NUEVO  LEON,    AND     CONQUEST  OF    SIERRA  GORDA 
AND    TAMAULIPAS. 

1601-1803. 

PAGE. 

Governors  Agustin  de  Zavala,  Juan  Ruiz,  Martin  cle  Zavala — Congre- 
gas — Uprising  of  Natives — And  Final  Subjection — Political  Divis- 
ion— Secularization  of  Missions — And  Consequent  General  Insurrec- 
tion— Governor  Barbadillo — His  Prudent  Measures — More  Difficul- 
ties— Population  of  Province — Sierra  Gorda — Death  of  Zaraza — ■ 
Governor  Jos6  de  Escandon — His  Pacification  and  Conquest  of  Sierra 
Gorda — Condition  of  Tamaulipas — Escandon  is  Appointed  Gover- 
nor— He  Founds  Nuevo  Santander — Numerous  Towns  and  Missions 
are  Founded — Statistics  for  1757 — General  Progress  of  the  Colonies.  333 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

THIRTY-SEVENTH   TO   FORTY-THIRD   VICEROYS. 

1721-1760. 

Bi-centennial  of  European  Occupation — Viceroy  Casafuerte — He  Encour- 
ages Public  Improvements — Peaceful  Progress — Death  of  the  Vice- 
roy— His  Successor  Archbishop  Vizarron — Negro  Insurrection  at 
Cordoba — Its  Suppression  by  the  Military — Ravages  of  Epidemic — 
Viceroy  Conquista's  Rule — Fuenclara  Arrives — Commodore  An- 
son— He  Captures  the  'Covadonga' — Spanish  Jealousy — Persecution 
of  Boturini — Loss  of  Valuable  Manuscripts — Administration  of  Re- 
villa  Gigedo — His  Trafficking  Propensities — Famine,  Disease,  and 
Earthquakes — Fuenclara  Resigns — Viceroy  Amarillas — His  Poverty 
and  Death — The  Audiencia  Rules — Short  Administration  of  Viceroy 
Cruillas 349 

CHAPTER  XX. 

VICEROYS    FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

1760-1779. 
Viceroy  Marquds  de  Cruillas — King  Carlos  III.  Proclaimed — War  with 
Great  Britain — Extensive  and  Costly  Preparations  against  Possible 
Attacks — Visitador-general  Jose"  de  Galvez — His  Eminent  Services 
in  Mexico  and  Spain — Cruillas'  Relief  and  Harsh  Treatment — Vice- 
roy Marques  de  Croix — He  Supports  Galvez — His  Rule  Approved — 
Promotion,  Recall,  and  Future  Career — Unjust  Strictures — Viceroy 
Frey  Antonio  Maria  Bucarelli — General  Measures  of  his  Long  Rule — 
His  Death — Temporary  Rule  of  the  Audiencia — Fourth  Ecclesiasti- 
cal Council— Its  Acts — Archbishop  Francisco  Antonio  Lorenzana— 
His  Course  in  Mexico  and  Spain — He  is  Made  a  Cardinal — Future 
Career  and  Death 363 


CONTENTS.  xi 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

VICEROYS    FORTY-SEVEN    TO   FORTY-NINE. 

1779-1787. 

PAGE 

Viceroy  Martin  de  Mayorga — His  Exceptional  Position — War  with  Great 
Britain — Warlike  Measures — Mayorga's  Efficient  Kale — Viceroy 
Matias  de  Galvez — His  Short  Administration — He  Promotes  Im- 
provements— The  Conde  de  Aranda's  Plan — Independent  Kingdoms 
in  Spanish  America  to  be  Erected — King  Carlos'  Objections — The 
Audiencia  Rules  a  Few  Months — Viceroy  Conde  de  Galvez — His 
Great  Services  and  Rank  —  Unbounded  Popularity — Treasonable 
Schemes  Attributed — His  Illness  and  Death — Posthumous  Birth  of 
his  Child — Magnificent  Ceremonials  at  the  Christening — The  Family 
Liberally  Pensioned — The  Audiencia  Rules  Again 331 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

MILITARY   SYSTEM. 

1G42-180S. 

Early  Efforts  to  Provide  Forces — Organization  Begun — Difficulties  and 
Changes  in  Policy — Regular  Troops — Urban  Companies — Provincial 
Regiments  and  Battalions — Presidio  Companies — Coast  Guards — 
Effective  Force  for  War — Artillery  and  Other  Supplies — Perote  as  a 
Deposit — Sea-coast  Defences — Fortresses  on  Both  Seas — Naval  Sta- 
tions— Pay  Department — Pay  of  Officers  and  Men — Pension  System — 
Annual  Expenditure — Religious  Department — Vicario  General — Ten- 
ientes  Vicarios  Generales — Army  and  Navy  Chaplains — Fuero  Miii- 
tar,  and  its  Judiciary  System 401 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

EXPULSION   OF   THE  JESUITS. 

1720-1810. 

The  Society  of  Jesus  in  Mexico — Last  Services — Moral  Condition — Squab- 
bles about  Tithes,  and  the  Consequences— The  Situation  in  Mexico 
and  the  World  in  1750 — Members,  Houses,  and  Missions  in  Mexico 
in  17G7 — Converts  Made — Unsuccessful  Renunciation  of  Missions — 
Clouds  Portentous  of  Disaster — Persecution  in  Portugal  and  France — 
Obloquy  and  Refutation — Expulsion  from  Spanish  Dominions  and 
Other  Nations — Causes  therefor — How  Effected  in  Mexico — Suffer- 
ings of  the  Exiles — Harsh  Treatment — Means  of  Support — Revolu- 
tionary Movements  in  Mexico  Quelled — Relentless  Punishment  of  the 
Leaders — Papal  Suppression  of  the  Society — Later  Moderation — The 
Order  Restored  and  Readmitted  in  Mexico  to  be  again  Expelled . . ; .  426 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEK  XXIV. 

MEXICO  UNDER  A   REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

1769-1790. 

PAGE 

Separate  Government  for  the  Provincias  Internas — Intendencias  of  Prov- 
inces— Changes  Effected  and  Final  Establishment — Viceroy  and 
Archbishop  Alonso  Nunez  de  Haro — His  High  Character  and  Previous 
Record — Extraordinary  Honors  Conferred  on  Him  by  the  Crown — 
His  Death  and  Burial — Calamitous  Visitations — Epidemics  and 
Earthquakes — Their  Effect  on  the  Ignorant — Viceroy  Manuel  An- 
tonio Florez — His  Previous  Career — War  against  Apaches — English 
and  Russians  Watched  in  the  Pacific — General  Policy  of  this  Ruler — 
Resignation,  and  Cause  of  It — Special  Favor  Shown  Him  by  the 
Crown — His  Departure  for  Spain — Obsequies  of  and  Mourning  for 
Carlos  III. — Grand  Proclamation  of  Carlos  IV. — Honors  to  Royal 
Personages 450 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

ADMINISTRATION   OF   VICEROY    RE  VILLA    GIGEDO   THE    YOUNGER. 

1789-1794. 

Ancient  and  Modern  Population  of  New  Spain  and  the  Capital — Chapulte- 
pec — Palace  of  Viceroy  Galvez — Moral  and  Social  Condition  of  the 
Capital — Reforms  Made  by  the  Viceroy — Appearance  of  the  City  in 
1800 — Prominent  Buildings — And  Other  Objects  of  Note — Nuestra 
Seiiora  de  los  Remedios — Arrival  of  Revilla  Gigedo — Crimes  and 
Quick  Justice — Military  Reforms — Indian  Disturbances — The  Vice- 
roy's Letter-box — Formation  of  Official  Archives — Intendencias — 
Effect  of  the  French  Revolution  on  New  Spain — Recall  of  the 
Viceroy — Unjust  Persecution — His  Final  Vindication 470 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FIFTY-THIRD  AND    FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

1794-1803. 

Viceroy  Branciforte — Prejudice  against  Him — And  Causes  thereof — Per- 
secution of  French  Residents — Organization  of  the  Militia — Shameful 
Traffic  in  Honors  and  Commissions — A  Depleted  Treasury — Auto  de 
Fe — Persecution  of  the  English — Preparations  for  War — Recall  of 
Branciforte — Arrival  of  Viceroy  Azanza — Military  Changes — Effects 
of  the  War  with  England — Germs  of  Revolution  in  Mexico — Guer- 
rero's Conspiracy — Fate  of  the  Malecontents — The  Machete  Plot — 
Indian  Aspirations  to  Royalty — Discomfiture  of  Native  Conspira- 
tors— Internal  Progress — Storms  and  Earthquakes — Recall  of  the 
Viceroy 485 


CONTENTS.  xiii 

CHAPTER    XXVII. 

ADMINISTRATIVE   AND  JUDICIAL   SYSTEMS 

1500-1800. 

PAGE 

Peculiar  Features  of  Spanish  Colonies — The  Supreme  Authority — Divis- 
ion of  the  Indies — Provincial  Government — Municipalities — Local 
Administration — Indian  Communities — Office-holding,  Restrictions 
and  Requisites — Salable  Positions — Vanity  and  Precedence — New- 
Spain,  Extent  and  Divisions — Offices  and  Duties  of  the  Viceroy — 
Pomp,  Privileges,  and  Pay — Vicissitudes  and  Jurisdiction  of  the 
Audiencia — Oidores' Tasks  and  Honors — Different  Instance  Courts — ■ 
Costly  Litigation — Causes  of  Crime — Peculiar  and  Severe  Punish- 
ments— At  the  Scaffold 517 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

MINES  AND  MINING. 
1500-1800. 

Traffic  with  the  Natives  of  Central  America — Doings  of  the  Conquerors 
in  that  Quarter — Mineral  Deposits — Something  of  South  America — 
Earliest  Discoveries  in  Mexico — Aztec  Mining — Protective  Policy  of 
the  Crown — A  Great  Discovery — Distribution  and  Consumption  of 
Quicksilver — Fruitless  Efforts  to  Obtain  It  in  Mexico — Geological 
View — Silver  Ores — Gold  and  Other  Metals — Quarries  and  Salines — 
Location  of  Rich  Mines — Attractive  Regions — Guanajuato,  San  Luis 
Potosi,  and  Zacatecas — Their  Advantage  over  the  North — Mines  near 
the  Capital — The  Cuerpo  de  Mineria — A  Great  Mining  Tribunal — 
New  Laws — Mining  System — The  Total  Yield  of  Mexico — The  Share 
of  the  Crown — Bibliographical 553 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

AGRICULTURE  AND   MANUFACTURES. 

1521-1803. 

Aztec  Land  System — Spanish  Policy  and  Influence — Cortes  as  a  Farmer — 
Maize—  Maguey  and  its  Manifold  Use — Cacao  and  Vanilla — Intro- 
duction of  Sugar-cane  and  Wheat — Fertility  of  the  Southern  Prov- 
inces— Plantains — Culture  of  Silk,  Vine,  and  Olives — Tobacco  and 
its  Monopoly — Stock-raising — Woollen,  Cotton,  and  Linen  Manu- 
factures— Production  of  Spirituous' Liquors — Minor  Products— Fish- 
eries and  Pearls— Aztecs  as  Artisans — Feather-work  and  Jewelry — 
Oppressive  Colonial  Policy — Industries  at  the  Close  of  the  Century — 
Bibliographical 603 


xiv  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTEE  XXX. 

COMMERCE. 

1500-1800. 

PAGE 

The  Selfish  Policy  of  Spain — Commercial  and  Moral  Effect  in  New 
Spain — Casa  de  Contratacion  and  Consulados — Depredations  by- 
Hostile  Nations  and  Corsairs — Early  Trade  with  Santo  Domingo — 
Intercolonial  Trade  with  the  Philippines — Decadence — Commerce 
with  Peru — Niggardly  Regulations —Mexican  Highways — The  Road 
from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Capital  and  Acapulco — Stage  Lines — Internal 
Navigation — The  Postal  Service — Abuses — The  Crown  Assumes  the 
Management — Internal  Trade — Fairs  and  Markets — Relaxation  of 
Restrictions — Insurance  Companies — A  Bubble  Bank  and  Gulled 
Shareholders — Expansion  of  Commerce  under  Free  Trade 627 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

REVENUE    AND    FINANCE. 

1500-1809. 

Treasury  Department  Established — Royal  Officers — The  Department  as 
Fully  Organized — Regulations  and  Restrictions — Collection  of  Rev- 
enue— The  King's  Fifth — Smelting — Tribute — Quicksilver — Customs 
Duties — Imports  and  Exports — The  Manila  Trade — Royal  Monop- 
olies and  Sale  of  Offices — Gambling  License — Liquor  Traffic — Tax- 
ation— Sale  of  Indulgences — Tithes — Cacao  as  Currency — Establish- 
ment of  a  Mint — Coinage — Income 651 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

THE     SECULAR     CLERGY. 

1600-1800. 

Vicious  Ecclesiastics — Struggle  between  the  Regular  Orders  and  the 
Secular  Clergy — Influence  of  the  Religious  on  the  Masses — The 
Royal  Prerogative — Privileges  of  the  Ecclesiastics — Right  of  Sanc- 
tuary— The  Bishoprics  of  New  Spain  —  Religious  Fraternities — 
Church  Property — Its  Confiscation  Ordered — Church  Revenues — 
The  Inquisition 681 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

RELIGIOUS   ORDERS. 

1601-1803. 

Royal  Consideration  for  Friars — Their  Privileges — Abuses — Collision 
between  the  Church  and  the  Orders — Causes — Dissensions  among 
the   Orders — Gachupin  and  Creole   Friars — Their  Unseemly  Quar- 


CONTENTS.  xt 

PAGK 

rels — Vice  and  Immorality — Great  Increase  in  Number  of  Regu- 
lars — Nunneries  and  Nuns — Missions — Church  Secularization — Rou- 
tine of  Duties — Progress  of  the  Franciscans  —  Efforts  in  Sierra 
Gorda — The  Augustinians — Division  of  their  Provincia — Internal 
Dissension — El  Trienio  Feliz — Disturbance  in  the  Convent  at 
Mexico — Arrival  of  Barefooted  Augustinians — Dominican  Labors — 
Minor  Orders — Orders  of  Charity 702 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

SOCIETY. 

1500-1800. 

Evolution  of  a  Race — Typical  Characteristics — Statistics  of  Population — 
Proportion  and  Distribution  of  Races — Causes  for  Decrease  of  Abo- 
rigines— Creole  versus  Spaniard — Jealousies  and  Impolitic  Measures 
— Immigration,  and  Character  of  Arrivals — Status  of  Foreigners — 
Indian  Policy  and  its  Effect — Race  Stigma — Negro  Slavery — Condi- 
tion of  the  Mixed  Breeds — Beggars  and  Nobles — Nature  and  Extent 
of  Diseases — Matlazahuatl,  Smallpox,  Vomito  Prieto,  and  Famines — 
Doctors  and  Treatment — Hospitals  and  Asylums — Mourning  and 
Cemeteries — Meat  and  Drink — Sumptuary  Laws — National  Dress — 
Love  of  Display — False  Gloss — Women,  Morals,  and  Marriage — The 
Home — Holiday  Celebration — Coaches  and  Riders — Barbaric  Sport — 
Gambling — The  Drama — Social  Reunions 731 


HISTOET  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER    I. 

OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 
1601-1620. 

Character  of  Viceroy  Monterey — Vizcaino's  Exploration — Attempted 
Intercourse  with  Japan — Montesclaros'  Firm  Rule — Velasco 
Again  Made  Viceroy — Mexico  under  Water — The  Drainage  Work 
of  Huehuetoca  is  Begun — A  Great  Engineering  Feat,  yet  In- 
efficient— Negro  Revolt — Progress  of  Settlement  in  Nueva 
vlzcaya,  slnaloa,  and  sonora — a  new  policy  for  conquest — up- 
rising of  the  acaxees  and  xlximes — tlie  tepehuane  war — pro- 
TECTIVE Measures  for  Indians — Archbishop  Guerra's  Brief  Rule 
as  Viceroy— Pompous  Funeral  Ceremonies — The  Timid  Audiencia 
and  the  Pigs— Spilbergen  at  Acapulco — Increase  of  Corruption 
under  Viceroy  Guadalcazar. 

We  have  learned  something  of  the  count  of  Mon- 
terey, of  his  character  and  abilities  as  a  governor  and 
representative  of  royalty;  we  have  noted  his  policy 
with  regard  to  the  Indians  and  other  affairs,  and  have 
seen  how  his  name  has  been  retained  for  the  capitals 
of  two  provinces,  namely,  those  of  Nuevo  Leon  and 
of  California,  to  both  of  which  countries  he  de- 
spatched expeditions. 

Little  remains  to  be  said  in  taking  leave  of  him. 
"We  have  found  him  on  the  whole  a  well-meaning 
man,  and  rather  inclined  to  caution.  He  was  deeply 
enough  impressed  with  the  duties  of  a  ruler,  and 
quite  ready  to  carry  out  reforms.  He  fell  into  few 
serious  errors,  and  these  he  was  prepared  to  acknowl- 
edge  and   remedy   so   that   even    the    Indians,    the 

Vol.  III.    1 


2       OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

main  sufferers  by  reason  of  his  mistakes,  recognized 
the  benevolence  of  his  motives.  Certain  measures 
toward  the  last,  and  the  attendant  vacillations,  seemed 
to  indicate  less  of  that  soundness  of  judgment  and 
firmness  which  were  at  first  ascribed  to  him.  This 
verdict  is  sustained  by  his  leniency  toward  those  who 
by  their  corrupt  dealings  contributed  to  his  failures. 
The  absence  of  severity,  and  the  neglect  to  enforce 
other  needed  reforms,  may  have  been  dictated  by  a 
prudential  regard  for  powerful  Spaniards,  who  had 
shown  themselves  so  ready  to  retaliate  in  malignant 
letters  to  the  home  government  whenever  their  inter- 
ests were  assailed.  Nevertheless,  the  reports  on  the 
whole  must  have  been  rather  favorable,  for,  the  vice- 
royalty  of  Peru  becoming  vacant  soon  after  the  turn 
of  the  century,  Monterey  was  advanced  to  this  more 
lucrative  place.1  His  departure  was  generally  regret- 
ted, and  the  Indians  filled  the  air  with  lamentation. 
One  reason  for  his  popularity  lay  in  a  showy  open- 
handeclness  which  spared  not  even  the  royal  coffers,  as 
we  have  seen.  He  did  not  long  survive  the  change, 
for  he  died  in  Peru  in  March,  1606.2 

Of  the  foundation  of  the  capital  of  Nuevo  Leon  I 
have  already  spoken.  California's  capital  was  not 
established  till  nearly  two  centuries  later,  when  it 
assumed  the  name  of  the  bay  discovered  by  Sebastian 
Vizcaino.  This  navigator,  to  whom  the  north-west 
latitudes  w7ere  already  somewhat  familiar,  had  been 
despatched  from  Acapulco  in  May  1602,  with  three 
vessels  carrying  nearly  two  hundred  men,  having  in- 
structions to  examine  the  coast  of  California  for  a 
suitable  port  wherein  vessels   from   the  Philippines 

1  Felipe  III.  fixed  the  salary  at  30,000  ducats,  due  from  the  date  of  setting 
out  for  Peru.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  158.  That  of  the  Mexican  viceroy  was 
20,000,  with  a  smaller  guard  of  honor  than  was  granted  to  the  Peruvian.  Mon- 
terey received  8,000  ducats  to  aid  him  in  entering  his  new  office,  and  10,000 
he  borrowed.   Ca'le,  Mem.  y  Not.,  55. 

2  After  a  rule  of  a  little  over  two  years.  Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  12;  Mo- 
reri,  Gran.  Die,  viii.  152.  He  was  affable  but  slow  to  determine.  'Sino  se 
huviera  metido  en  estas  Congregaciones . .  .avia  sido  de  los  mejores,  y  mas 
acertados  Governadores. '  Torquemada,  i.  726-7. 


VIZCAINO'S  VOYAGES.  3 

might  find  shelter.  He  was  also  to  explore  gener- 
ally and  seek- for  the  flitting  strait  of  Anian,  in  which 
interest  had  been  roused  anew  by  mariners'  tales. 
While  the  results  of  this  expedition  add  little  to  the 
knowledge  gained  by  Cabrillo,  sixty  years  before,  yet 
the  records  of  Vizcaino's  discoveries  furnished  for 
more  than  a  century  and  a  half  the  sole  guide  to  the 
north-west.  They  name  a  number  of  points,  islands, 
and  inlets,  including  the  bay  of  Monterey,  and  leave 
the  impression  that  in  latitude  42°,  the  extreme  point 
reached,  a  great  river  had  been  discovered  which  stu- 
dents found  little  trouble  to  identify  with  Anian  Strait.3 
Vizcaino  sought  in  vain  to  promote  a  further  ex- 
ploration of  this  region,  for  the  interest  therein  had 
subsided,  but  an  opportunity  presented  itself  in  a 
different  direction.  Franciscans  had  reached  Japan, 
and  had  succeeded  after  many  tribulations  in  prevail- 
ing on  the  emperor  to  admit  more  missionaries  and  to 
send  envoys  to  Spain  in  order  to  establish  intercourse 
with  the  Spanish  people.4  They  arrived  at  Mexico 
during  the  rule  of  the  marques  de  Salinas,  and  brought 
news  also  of  some  islands  rich  in  gold  and  silver,  which 
a  drifting  Portuguese  vessel  was  said  to  have  found  in 
Japan  waters.  Whether  this  report  proved  the  main 
incentive  or  not,  the  viceroy  determined  to  respond  to 
the  advances  made,  and  in  1611  Vizcaino  was  sent  as 
embassador5  with  instructions  to  establish  commercial 
relations  between  the  two  countries,  and  to  spend  a 
winter  in  Japan  examining  the  coast  and  harbors,  and 
gaining  information  about  the  rich  isles,  which  were 
then  to  be  sought  for.  He  was  accompanied  by  six 
barefooted  Franciscans,  three  being  lay  brothers,  and 

3  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  voyage  see  Hist.  Cal. ,  ii.  97  et  seq. ,  and  Hist. 
North  Mex.  States,  i.  153  et  seq. 

4  The  embassy  was  headed  by  Friar  Alonso  Munoz,  and  appears  to  have 
reached  New  Spain  in  1610,  accompanied  by  a  number  of  Japanese.  Vizcaino, 
ReL,  in  Pa c heco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  viii.  114. 

5  In  the  narrative  of  this  voyage  Vizcaino  is  termed  the  son  of  the  viceroy, 
Velasco  the  younger.  Perhaps  he  was  a  hijo  politico,  son-in-law;  he  certainly 
must  have  had  high  connections  as  he  was  '  encomendero  de  los  pueblos  de 
la  provincia  de  Avalos.'  Id.,  102.  Burney  wrongly  states  that  Vizcaino  died 
in  1606.  Hist.  JJiscov.  South  Sea,  ii.  259. 


4       OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

the  native  members  of  the  embassy  from  Japan,6  and 
set  sail  from  Acapulco  on  March  2 2d  with  one  vessel, 
the  San  Francisco. 

He  arrived  in  Japan  three  months  later,  and  was 
favorably  received,  whereupon  he  proceeded  to  ex- 
amine the  coast  and  in  the  following  year  to  seek  for 
the  rich  isles,  though  in  vain.  Meanwhile  jealous 
Hollanders  obtained  the  imperial  ear  and  denounced 
the  Spaniards  as  seeking  to  add  Japan  to  their  ex- 
tensive conquests.  The  result  was  that  Vizcaino's 
embassy  failed  at  the  chief  court.  He  prevailed, 
however,  upon  another  ruler,  called  Mazamune,  to 
assist  him  in  fitting  out  a  new  vessel,  to  replace  the 
damaged  San  Francisco,  and  to  send  therein  an  em- 
bassy to  New  Spain.  With  this  he  reached  Zacatula 
in  January  1614.  During  the  following  years  other 
efforts  were  made  to  establish  intercourse,  and  to 
obtain  better  treatment  for  the  persecuted  mission- 
aries, but  without  avail.7 

While  explorations  in  northern  latitudes  proved 
failures,  or  little  short  of  them,  expeditions  from  Peru 
had  opened  a  new  field  for  enterprise  in  the  southern 
Pacific,  under  Mendana  in  1595,  and  more  successfully 
under  Pedro  Fernandez  Quiros,  the  companion  of 
Mendana,  who  in  1605-6  made  important  discoveries 
in  the  Australasian  groups,  and  concluded  his  voyage 
in  New  Spain.8 

6  Their  leader  was  evidently  a  convert,  to  judge  from  his  name,  Francisco 
de  Velasco,  baptized  at  Mexico  probably.  They  numbered  23  and  the  crew 
50  or  more.  The  names  of  friars  and  officers  may  be  found  in  Vizcaino,  ReL, 
102. 

7  Vizcaino's  failure  is  also  attributed  to  the  indiscreet  zeal  of  a  friar.  Id. , 
198,  etc.  This  appears  to  have  been  Luis  Sotelo  who  proceeded  with  a 
Japanese  convert  to  Rome  and  Madrid  and  obtained  more  missionaries,  two 
of  whom,  Bartolome"  de  Burguillos  and  Diego  de  Santa  Catarina,  were  ap- 
pointed envoys  by  Felipe  III.,  and  reached  Japan  in  1G16.  The  feeling 
against  Spaniards  had  meanwhile  grown  stronger  and  the  friars  were  forced 
to  depart  without  executing  their  commission.  Japanese  from  a  more  friendly 
court  accompanied  them,  and  were  favorably  received  at  Mexico  in  1G17,  but 
do  not  appear  to  have  accomplished  anything.  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  148- 
50.  Cavo  mentions  an  embassy  in  1G15  from  Idates,  probably  identical  with 
one  of  the  above.  Tres  Siglos,  i.  2G1,  254,  257-8.  The  rich  isles  long  continued 
to  be  an  object  of  search  to  Philippine  navigators  and  others. 

8  Whence  he  proceeded  to  Madrid  with  his  report.  Id.,  i.  244.  The  voy- 
age is  fully  related  in  Burners  Hist.  Discov.  South  Sea,  ii.  273-317. 


ARRIVAL  OF  MONTESCLAROS.  5 

The  successor  of  Viceroy  Monterey,  Juan  Manuel 
Hurtado  de  Mendoza  y  Luna,  marques  de  Montes- 
claros,9  arrived  in  September  1603,  accompanied  by 
his  wife  Ana  de  Mendoza,  and  was  met  at  Otumba  by 
the  conde  de  Monterey,  who  had  there  prepared  the 
most  magnificent  reception,  attended  by  people  from 
far  and  near.  The  festivities  lasted  eight  days,  and 
are  said  to  have  cost  Monterey  a  whole  year's  salary.10 

If  this  reception  was  intended  to  propitiate  Montes- 
claros,  it  probably  failed,  for  on  reaching  Mexico  and 
proclaiming  the  residencia  of  his  predecessor  according 
to  instructions,  he  appears  to  have  made  no  attempt 
to  shield  him.  Monterey  was  condemned  to  pay  the 
two  hundred  thousand  pesos  wantonly  spent  in  the 
unfortunate  attempt  to  gather  the  scattered  Indians 
into  settlements.  Although  the  sentence  was  set  aside 
by  the  king,  the  count  felt  it  deeply  as  a  reproach  on 
his  administration.  Montesclaros  showed  himself  pos- 
sessed of  an  indomitable  will  and  an  ability  which 
under  more  trying  circumstances  might  have  been  of 
great  value  to  his  sovereign.  As  it  was,  nothing 
rose  to  disturb  tranquillity,  save  the  complaints  of 
descendants  of  the  conquerors,  whose  clamor11  for 
office  he  chose  to  disregard  in  favor  of  really  merito- 
rious applicants.  His  policy  met  with  approval,  and, 
the  viceroy alty  of  Peru  becoming  vacant  in  1606,  he 
was  promoted  to  it.12 

A  successor  had  not  as  yet  been  selected,  but  soon 

9  Knight  of  Santiago  and  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber.  He  appears  to 
have  been  born  at  Seville,  the  posthumous  son  of  the  second  marquis,  and 
held  the  coveted  office  of  asistente  in  that  city.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc.,  vi.  272;  Moreri,  Gran.  Die.,  vii.  362.  Portrait  and  autograph  in  Rivera, 
Gob.  Mex.,  i.  80. 

10  Torqaemada,  i.  727.  They  entered  Mexico  October  27th.  Vetancvrt, 
Trot.  Mex.,  12. 

11  Forty  of  them  became  quite  turbulent,  and  the  marquis,  already  on  the 
way  to  Peru,  was  with  difficulty  restrained  from  turning  back  to  inflict  chas- 
tisement. Their  complaints  against  him  resulted  merely  in  a  decree  favoring 
his  policy.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  246.  His  views  on  these  points  are  given  in 
Advertimientos  de  Monies  Claros,  in  Instrucciones  de  Virreyes,  MS.,  i.  254. 

12  He  was  permitted  to  govern  till  his  departure,  and  as  a  mark  of  distinc- 
tion an  oidor  accompanied  him  to  Acapulco.  Torquemada,  i.  737.  He  died 
October  9,  1628.  Moreri,  vii.  362. 


6       OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

after  came  the  appointment,  for  the  second  time,  of 
Luis  de  Velasco,  whose  previous  rule  had  endeared 
him  both  to  king  and  people.  Weighted  by  years,  he 
had  shortly  before  retired  from  the  government  of 
Peru  to  spend  the  remainder  of  his  life  on  his  enco- 
mienda  of  Atzcapotzalco,  near  Mexico.  Duty  com- 
pelled him,  perhaps  not  unwillingly,  to  forego  retire- 
ment, and  on  July  2,  1607,  he  made  his  entry  into 
the  capital,  after  meditating  for  a  week  in  the  Fran- 
ciscan convent  of  Tlatelulco  over  the  suggestions  im- 
parted by  his  predecessor.  This  appointment  was 
assumed  by  many  to  have  been  heralded  by  a  beautiful 
comet  which  in  the  previous  month  appeared  to  hover 
above  Atzcapotzalco.  Besides  the  viceroy's  inaugura- 
tion, the  year  was  made  memorable  by  the  ceremony 
of  swearing  allegiance  to  the  prince  of  Asturias,  the 
later  Felipe  IV.,  on  a  scale  of  grandeur  surpassing 
any  previous  display  of  the  kind. 

Velasco's  path  was  smoothed  in  several  respects 
by  the  licentiate  Landeras  de  Velasco,  late  oidor  of 
Seville,  who  came  as  visitador,  and  proceeded  with 
great  strictness  to  investigate  charges  against  the 
audiencia  and  departments  in  connection  with  it.  At 
the  entrance  to  his  house  a  box  was  placed  for  those 
who  wished  to  make  secret  complaints  and  memorials. 
The  result  was  that  Oidor  Marcos  Guerrero  and  Doc- 
tor Azoca,  alcalde  of  the  court,  were  suspended  and 
subsequently  sent  to  Spain.  The  visitador 's  strict- 
ness evoked  hostility  in  several  quarters,  but  this 
served  merely  to  render  him  more  imperious.  A  ser- 
mon by  Martin  Palaez,  rector  of  the  Jesuit  college  at 
Mexico,  appearing  to  reflect  on  his  course,  he  caused 
his  arrest  and  sent  him  off  toward  Vera  Cruz  in  charge 
of  two  negroes.  Although  his  departure  was  sus- 
pended, indignities  were  continued  till  the  royal  cedula 
came  with  excuses  for  the  hasty  action  of  Landeras.13 
This  may  have  been  one  cause  for  the  recall  of  the 

13  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  442-4,  places  this  occurrence  in  the  early- 
part  of  1007. 


LUIS   DE  VELASCO.  7 

visitador,  in  1609,  to  the  relief  of  the  officials,  who 
had  sought  to  hasten  his  removal  by  charges  of  bri- 
bery and  other  misconduct.  Torquemada  condemns 
his  opponents,  and  lauds  him  highly  as  a  man  of  un- 
impeachable rectitude,  a  friend  of  the  Indians,  and 
one  who  returned  poorer  than  he  came.1* 

In  the  first  year  of  Velasco's  rule  was  begun  the 
famous  drainage  work  of  Huehuetoca,  already  pro- 
jected by  Enriquez,  whereby  Mexico  hoped  to  obtain 
relief  from  the  inundations  which  had  caused  such 
oft-repeated  misery.  The  rains  in  the  autumn  of 
1604  had  been  so  heavy  as  to  inflict  great  damage,  and 
leave  some  parts  of  the  city  under  water  for  a  year. 
In  the  midst  of  this  suffering  a  Franciscan  spread 
terror  among  the  people  by  preaching  in  the  public 
square  against  the  prevailing  wickedness,  and  declaring 
that  the  city  deserved  to  be  destroyed.  Quite  a  panic 
fell  on  all  classes,  and  the  churches  were  crowded  all 
night  by  penitents.  No  cataclysm  followed;  but  three 
days  later  an  earthquake  was  felt,  which  frightened 
several  persons  to  death.15 

So  discouraged  were  the  people  that  they  seriously 
considered  the  expediency  of  removing  the  capital  to 
the  hills  of  Tacubaya;16  but  property-owners,  who  had 
over  twenty  millions  of  pesos  at  stake,  succeeded  in 
preventing  the  movement.  Montesclaros,  then  rul- 
ing, favored  the  drainage  undertaking,  but  so  many 
objections  were  raised  that  he  turned  his  attention 
wholly  to  repairing  the  dike  of  San  Lazaro  and  the 
causeways  of  San  Antonio  and  Chapultepec,  while  he 
finished  that  of  San  Cristobal,  in  addition  to  construct- 
ing the  causeway  of  Guadalupe.17     Notwithstanding 

14  Momarq.  Ind. ,  i.  759.  The  papers  of  the  visita  were  taken  by  the  presi- 
dent of  Guadalajara  audiencia,  Juan  Villela. 

15  The  startling  sermon  was  delivered  on  the  eve  of  Santo  Tomas,  during 
a  heavy  rain,  by  Friar  Solano,  guardian  of  the  Recollects.  Id.,  728. 

16  Royal  permission  appears  to  have  been  granted  to  this  effect.  For  other 
reasons  see  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  506-7;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc, 
xiii.  16-8. 

17  The  latter  occupying  nearly  2,000  Indians  for  five  months.   Torquemada, 


8  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

all  these  measures  the  city  was  again  submerged  in 
1607,  and  in  a  council  held  by  Velasco  drainage  was 
agreed  upon  as  indispensable. 

The  valley  of  Mexico  lies,  as  is  well  known,  more 
than  seven  thousand  feet  above  the  sea-level,  in  a  vast 
basin  enclosed  by  porphyritic  ranges,  from  whose  slopes 
a  number  of  rivers  unite  to  form  four  groups  of  lakes, 
the  Chalco-Xochimilco,  Tezcuco,  Cristobal,  and  Zum- 
pango.  The  first  was  a  fresh-water  body,  lying  two 
varas  higher  than  the  salt  Tezcuco,  above  whose  level 
the  last  two  also  rose  to  the  north  in  their  terrace 
beds  four  and  ten  varas  respectively.  Zumpango  re- 
ceived the  two  largest  streams,  notably  the  Quauhti- 
tlan,  which  contributed  a  larger  volume  than  that  of 
all  the  other  valley  rivers  combined.  During  the  rainy 
season  the  excess  of  water  overflowed  into  the  Cris- 
tobal lake,  which  again  discharged  into  the  Tezcuco, 
causing  its  waters  to  rise  considerably.  At  certain 
periods,  once  in  twenty -five  years  on  an  average,  this 
overflow  proved  destructive,  especially  to  the  capital, 
whose  main  square  lay  barely  four  feet  above  the  lake. 
Taught  by  experience,  the  Aztecs  had  sought  to  stem 
the  waters  with  dikes,  not  only  round  the  city  but 
on  the  northern  lakes.  Both  of  these  were,  besides, 
divided  into  two  sections  by  transverse  causeways. 
Although  strengthened  and  extended  under  Spanish 
rule  the  barriers  proved  ineffective,  as  we  have  seen, 
and  drainage  was  at  last  declared  to  be  the  only  means. 

One  natural  outlet  from  the  valley  existed  in  the 
small  stream  of  Tequisquiac,but  measurements  showed 
that  the  cost  of  making  it  available  for  drainage  would 
be  too  great,  and  that  the  only  practicable  point  for 
an  outlet  was  near  the  village  of  Huehuetoca,  as 
demonstrated  already  in  1580  by  Licenciado  Obregon 

i.  728-9.  Among  the  works  attributed  to  him  is  the  preset,  de  Oculma.  Inund. 
de  Mex..  MS.,  356.  Cepeda,  Bel. ,  10,  is  less  exact;  and  so  is  Humboldt,  EssaiPol., 
i.  209.  On  the  Mexicalzinco  branch  of  the  southern  causeway  two  flood-gates 
were  added.  Nevertheless  this  construction  proved  prejudicial  to  Xochimilco 
and  adjoining  towns.  He  also  began  a  new  aqueduct.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i. 
243-4,  204-5;  Beltrami,  Mexique,  ii.  62-3. 


CANAL  CONSTRUCTION.  .      9 

and  Arciniega.  By  means  of  a  tunnel  between  the 
mount  Sincoe  and  Nochistongo  hill  the  ever  threat- 
ening waters  from  most  elevated  northern  lakes  of 
Zumpango  could  be  carried  through  the  Tula  tribu- 
tary of  Rio  Panuco  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  This 
being  decided  upon,  Enrico  Martinez,  a  Hollander,18 
and  the  Jesuit  Juan  Sanchez19  submitted  plans  for 
the  work,  one  of  which  embraced  also  a  partial  drain- 
age of  the  middle  lakes,  while  another  proposed 
merely  to  divert  the  waters  of  Rio  Quauhtitlan  from 
the  Citlaltepec  section  of  Zumpango  Lake.  The 
latter  was  adopted  as  the  speedier  and  cheaper,  and 
on  November  28,  1G07,  the  viceroy  broke  the  first 
sod  in  presence  of  a  vast  concourse  of  officials  and 
citizens.  The  work  was  intrusted  to  Martinez,20  who 
displayed  great  energy,  and  set  an  immense  number 
of  Indians  to  the  task,  at  different  points.  The 
expense  was  covered  by  a  tax  of  one  and  a  half  per 
cent  on  the  city  property,  and  a  levy  on  wine.21 

A  canal  conducted  the  waters  from  the  Citlaltepec 
section  of  Zampango  Lake,  or  rather  from  its  great 
tributary,  Rio  Quauhtitlan,  to  Huehuetoca,  and  thence 
they  passed  through  a  tunnel  more  than  a  league  in 
length,  and  four  by  five  varas  in  height  and  width,  fol- 

18  Educated  in  Spain,  it  seems.  He  enjoyed  the  title  of  royal  cosmog- 
rapher  and  wrote  Repertorio  de  los  Tiempos  y  Historia  Natural  de  Niteva 
Espaua,  Mexico,  1G06;  Antonio,  Bib.  Hist.  Nova,  iii.  564.  Humboldt  men- 
tions a  treatise  on  trigonometry,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  211,  but  it  is  probably  embraced 
in  the  above. 

19  Alegre  intimates  that  the  plans  are  due  to  him,  and  that  he  at  first  had 
ciiief  control.  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  438-9.  Spanish  writers  of  course  prefer 
to  keep  the  foreigner  in  the  background.  Among  others  connected  with  the 
surveys  and  plans  were  fathers  Mercado  and  Santos  and  Doctor  Villerino. 

20  Sanchez,  the  associate,  soon  quarrelled  and  retired.  Torquemada,  i. 
758.     Cavo  places  the  inaugural  day  on  December  28th.   Tres  Siglos,  i.  247. 

21  The  real  estate,  valued  at  20,207,555  pesos,  yielded  over  304,000 
pesos.  Cepeda,  Rel.,  14.  Wine  was  taxed  50  pesos  for  every  pipe.  The 
clergy  were  not  exempt.  Torquemada,  i.  758;  Recop.  delnd.,  i.  91-2.  The 
laborers  received  five  reals  for  seven  days,  an  almud  of  maize  every  week, 
and  a  pound  of  meat  daily.  A  hospital  was  erected  for  their  sick.  They 
came  from  different  provinces,  to  the  number  of  471,154,  with  1,064  female 
cooks.  Cepeda,  Rel.,  18.  He  adds  that  the  actual  money  paid  them  between 
November  1607  and  May  1608  was  73,611  pesos.  The  authoritative  writer  of 
Mex.,  Rel.  Estad.,  2,  declares  that  50,000  natives  lost  their  lives  during  the 
work,  while  Cepeda  and  others  maintain  that  quite  an  insignificant  number 
perished.     They  had  reasons,  however,  for  hiding  disagreeable  facts. 


10  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

lowed  by  a  canal  to  Eio  Tula.22  On  May  15,  1608, 
the  first  canal  was  completed,  and  on  September  17th 
water  passed  through  the  tunnel  in  presence  of  the 
viceroy,  amidst  the  rejoicings  of  the  colonists  who  had 
reason  to  be  proud  of  an  engineering  feat  so  rare  at 
that  time.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  in- 
efficiency of  the  work  became  apparent,  the  conduit 
being  too  small,  on  too  high  a  level,  and  so  poorly 
vaulted  and  faced  as  frequently  to  choke  with  its  own 
debris.  The  efforts  to  remedy  the  latter  defect  proved 
of  no  avail,23  and  it  was  even  proposed  to  construct 
another  channel,  for  which,  in  1611,  Alonso  cle  Arias 
made  surveys.  Martinez  could  not  well  be  held  to 
answer,  for  he  had  submitted  other  more  thorough 
plans  than  the  cheap  and  speedy  one  adopted.24  Three 
years  later  the  celebrated  Dutch  engineer,  Boot,  re- 
ported in  favor  of  the  ancient  Aztec  dike  system  for 
the  capital,  on  the  ground  that  the  southern  lakes 
were  fully  as  dangerous  as  the  northern.  Martinez 
agreed  to  some  of  his  views,  but  insisted  that  it  was 
above  all  necessary  to  maintain  the  tunnel  outlet.25 

22Cepeda's  figures,  Bel.,  pt.  i.  25,  iii.  21,  are  9,600  vara3  for  the  tunnel 
when  first  opened;  afterward  reduced  by  extending  it  into  an  open  cut.  Hum- 
boldt is  not  very  exact  in  giving  the  tunnel  a  length  of  6,  GOO  metres,  a  width 
of  3.5,  and  a  height  of  4.2. 

23  Unbaked  mud  bricks  were  soon  rejected  for  wood  facings,  and  these  for 
masonry,  but  instead  of  an  elliptic  arch  a  mere  vault  was  constructed,  resting 
on  an  insecure  foundation,  so  that  the  walls  were  undermined  and  fell  in. 
The  extent  of  the  different  facings  some  years  later  is  given  in  Cepeda,  Bel. , 
iii.  21  et  seq. 

21  Yet  several  writers  seek  to  blame  him,  and  assume  that  the  rejected 
plans  had  been  made  by  Sanchez.  The  canal  project  in  1604  was  estimated 
to  require  a  length  of  6  to  9  leagues;  now  the  length  of  a  perfect  drainage  of 
the  three  lakes  was  placed  at  70,000  varas,  with  a  depth  of  40.  Cepeda,  ubi 
sup.;  Gemelli  Gareri,  Giro,  vi.  122.  By  this  time  the  expenditure  for  the 
work  according  to  official  accounts  amounted  to  413,324  pesos  out  of  540,000 
collected.  In  Mex.,  Bel.  Estad.,  2,  the  cost  is  placed  at  1,140,000  pesos  up  to 
1G23.  Instruc.  Virreyes,  262.  Gonzalez  Davila  makes  it  3,952,404  for  the  first 
few  years,  during  which  128,630  laborers  had  been  employed.  Teatro  Ecles., 
i.  2. 

25  Martinez  prevailed  on  the  authorities  to  let  him  perfect  the  tunnel,  but 
he  failed  to  carry  out  the  agreement,  probably  because  hi3  estimate  of  100,000 
pesos  appeared  on  closer  inspection  to  be  too  low.  Boot's  reports,  and  the 
discussion  thereon,  are  given  in  Cepeda,  Eel.,  pt.  ii.  1-17.  His  views  were 
strengthened  by  troubles  from  the  southern  lake  water.  Cavo,  Tres  Sir/Ios, 
ii.  2-19.  Boot  appears  to  have  been  retained  as  active  or  consulting  engineer 
from  1613  until  1640,  with  1,200  ducats  pay.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hacienda,  v. 
358-9. 


NEGRO  REVOLT.  11 

The  value  of  either  plan  was  disputed  till  Viceroy 
Gelves,  in  1623,  caused  the  tunnel  to  be  closed  in 
order  to  test  the  effect  of  the  Quauhtitlan  and 
Pachuca  tributaries  on  Zumpango  Lake  and  conse- 
quently on  the  Tezcuco.  The  rise  proved  consider- 
able, and  in  December  came  unexpected  rains  which 
so  increased  it  that  the  city  was  endangered,  and  the 
Huehuetoca  tunnel  had  again  to  be  opened;26  and 
work  was  renewed  upon  it  in  accordance  with  a  neg- 
lected royal  decree  of  1516,  although  not  without 
much  discussion  and  numerous  reports.27 

In  1609  occurred  a  serious  revolt  among  the  ne- 
groes in  the  Vera  Cruz  district.  Tired  of  their  masters' 
yoke,  a  number  of  slaves  had  escaped  from  different 
towns  and  plantations,  to  unite  with  their  free  brethren 
near  the  present  town  of  Cordoba,  and  ensconce  them- 
selves among  the  rugged  hills  in  that  vicinity,  whence 
they  would  pounce  upon  travellers  and  settlements. 
Their  leader  was  an  aged  man  named  Yanga,  who  for 
thirty  years  had  been  seeking  to  stir  his  race  to  united 
action  against  the  colonists.28  The  raids  had  been 
endured  for  some  time,  attended  by  the  defeat  of  es- 
corts and  improvised  troops, under  cruel  circumstances; 
but  finally  the  insecurity  of  the  road  to  Mexico  called 
for  stringent  measures  against  the  bands,  which  were 
growing  both  in  number  and  daring.  Pedro  Gon- 
zalez de  Herrera  of  Puebla  was  commissioned  to  sub- 
due them,  and  set  forth  toward  the  end  of  January 
1609  with  one  hundred  soldiers,  as  many  volunteers, 
and  a  number  of  native  archers,  to  whom  some  two 

26  The  statement  of  a  December  flood  rests  on  Gemelli  Careri,  ubi  sup. ,  and 
lias  been  disputed,  but  it  finds  confirmation  in  the  report  of  a  commission  of 
1624,  showing  that  damage  was  done  to  the  city  by  a  sudden  rise  of  waters. 
Cepeda,  Eel.,  pt.  ii.  19;  Gramblla,  Tumidtos,  MS.,  11;  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  2S2- 
7.  Early  documents  bearing  on  this  subject  are  to  be  found  in  Dice.  Univ., 
ix.  14G  et  seq. 

27  In  1G29  came  disasters  which  gave  energy  to  operations,  as  we  shall  see. 

28  Torquemada,  i.  759,  intimates  "that  at  Mexico  also  a  revolt  was  projected, 
for  Epiphany,  when  a  king  would  be  elected  '  y  otros  con  Titulos  de  Duques,' 
etc.     It  was  quickly  suppressed. 


12  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

hundred  Spaniards  and  half-breeds  were  added  from 
settlements  on  the  way. 

A  tiresome  march  brought  him  near  the  haunts  of 
the  insurgents,  though  without  knowing  where  or 
how  to  meet  them.  From  this  dilemma  he  was  re- 
lieved by  the  arrival  of  a  message  from  Yanga  and  his 
military  lieutenant  Matosa,  brought  by  a  captive,  who 
had  been  defiantly  instructed  to  guide  the  troops  to 
the  foot  of  the  negroes'  stronghold,  so  that  they  might 
measure  arms  with  them.  Herrera  gladly  availed 
himself  of  this  vaunting  challenge,  to  which  the  chief- 
tain's companions  had  objected,  and  in  the  last  week 
of  February  he  came  in  sight  of  the  negro  camp,  on 
the  summit  of  a  mountain.  Regardless  of  the  mis- 
siles showered  upon  them,  the  Spaniards  climbed  the 
rugged  slope,  and  though  many  a  one  was  felled,  now 
by  a  dart,  now  by  some  thundering  rock  or  beam  which 
crushed  everything  in  its  path,  they  persevered  and 
gained  the  camp,  which  contained  fully  three  score 
houses,  with  church,  public  edifices,  and  newly  planted 
fields.  The  negroes  retired  to  several  strong  points 
around,  with  the  loss  of  quite  a  number,  including 
several  leaders,  yet  still  defiant.  Their  spirit  failed, 
however,  with  succeeding  reverses,  and,  as  they  saw 
their  families  falling  captive,  their  houses  burned,  and 
their  effects  seized  or  destroyed,  they  submitted  terms 
of  capitulation  to  the  viceroy.  On  condition  that 
Yanga  and  his  free  companions  be  given  a  site  for  a 
new  settlement  in  the  neighborhood,  they  promised 
to  surrender  all  fugitive  negroes  in  the  camps,  and 
thereafter  to  assist,  if  duly  rewarded,  in  the  capture 
of  any  who  took  refuge  in  that  region.  This  was 
agreed  to;  and  soon  after  they  founded  the  village  of 
San  Lorenzo,  remaining  thenceforth  comparatively 
faithful.29 

In  the  following  year  a  more  extensive  campaign 

29  An  alcalde  appears  to  have  been  appointed  from  among  them,  while  a 
neighboring  curate  attended  to  their  spiritual  wants.  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  ii.  10-16. 


LABORS  OF  THE  JESUITS.  13 

had  to  be  undertaken  against  Indian  rebels  in  Du- 
rango.  This  region  was  frequently  disturbed  by  one 
tribe  or  another,  abused  as  the  natives  were  by  miners, 
and  favored  by  the  physical  features  of  their  country, 
which  on  one  side  presented  rugged  ranges,  and  on 
the  other  plains  and  deserts.  The  private  explora- 
tions of  Francisco  de  Ibarra  in  this  direction  had 
revealed  vast  agricultural  and  mineral  resources,  and 
aided  by  his  influence  with  the  viceroy  he  had  se- 
cured a  commission  as  governor  and  captain-general 
to  conquer  and  rule  the  still  unsubdued  country  to 
the  north.  He  entered  with  a  strong  force,  and  laid 
claim  to  all  the  region  beyond  the  line  now  dividing 
Jalisco  and  Zacatecas  from  Sinaloa  and  Durango, 
applying  to  it  the  name  of  Nueva  Yizcaya,  a  term 
which  soon  became  confined  to  the  district  east  of  the 
Sierra  Madre  range,  embracing,  for  a  while,  a  part  of 
Coahuila.  In  1563  he  formally  established  the  still 
existing  settlement  of  Nombre  de  Dios  as  a  villa;33 
and  beyond,  in  Guadiana  Valley,  he  founded  as  his 
capital  Durango,  known  also  by  the  name  of  the 
valley.  In  1621  this  was  made  a  city  and  the  seat 
of  a  new  diocese  extending  over  all  of  Ibarra's  gov- 
ernment.31 He  pursued  his  discoveries  as  far  as  San 
Bartolome  Valley,  in  southern  Chihuahua,  and  thence 
westward  into  northern  Sinaloa,  where  he  founded 
San  Juan  de  Sinaloa,  laying  claim  also  to  the  two 
southern  districts  of  Culiacan,  with  the  settlement 
of  San  Miguel,  and  to  Chametla,  with  San  Sebastian, 
which  had  maintained  a  precarious  existence  since 
Guzman's  time. 

The  tribes  of  Sinaloa  proved  very  hostile,  and  San 
Juan  had  to  be  abandoned.  It  was  refounded  in 
1583  under  the  name  of  San  Felipe,  but  only  after 
1596,   when  it   became  a  presidio,  was  the  perma- 

30  The  control  of  this  was  long  disputed  by  the  government  immediately 
south,  and  then  seized  upon  by  the  viceroy;  but  in  1611  it  was  restored  to 
Nueva  Vizcaya. 

31  The  Augustinian,  Gonzalo  de  Hermosilla,  was  the  first  prelate. 


14  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

nency  of  this  settlement  secured.  In  1610  the  border 
was  advanced  to  Rio  del  Fuerte,  so  named  after 
the  fort  of  Montesclaros  there  erected;  and  now  the 
Jesuits  began  the  conversion  of  Mayos  and  Yaquis. 
Thirty  years  later  San  Juan  Bautista  was  founded  in 
Sonora  Valley,  already  made  known  by  expeditions 
which  had  passed  into  the  northern  regions.  All  this 
country  west  of  the  Sierra  Madre  was  ruled  by  a 
military  captain  appointed  by  the  viceroy,  but  subject 
in  civil  matters  to  the  governor  at  Durango.  In 
Coahuila,  Saltillo  was  formally  founded  in  1586, 
and  Parras  in  1598,  partly  by  Tlascaltecs,  while  in 
Chihuahua  it  was  not  till  1631  that  a  presidio  rose 
at  Parral  in  the  rich  mining  region,  and  permanent 
missions  in  1639  among  the  Tarahumaras.32 

Side  by  side  with  settlers  and  miners  strode  the 
friars,  in  this  region,  notably  the  Jesuits,  whose  aim 
was  not  alone  to  convert,  but  to  pacify  and  prepare 
the  natives  for  the  yoke  of  Christ  and  the  colonists. 
It  was  cheap  and  effective,  this  subjugation  by  the 
cross.  Warfare  against  the  wilder  tribes  of  the  north 
proved  quite  different  from  that  against  the  more  cul- 
tured and  settled  communities  encountered  by  Cortes. 
Here  the  capture  of  a  capital,  the  treaty  with  a  ruler, 
generally  sufficed  to  control  the  people ;  but  among  the 
northern  tribes  treaties  availed  little  with  the  petty, 
irresponsible  chieftains  unless  they  were  specially 
commissioned  by  the  people,  and  to  ravage  their  vil- 
lages was  seldom  effective.  Hence,  after  many  and 
costly  military  operations,  Viceroy  Velasco  had  toward 
the  close  of  the  preceding  century  found  it  necessary 
to  adopt  a  different  course,  and  stoop  to  what  may  be 
termed  humiliating  concessions.  But  he  stooped  to 
conquer,  for  under  shelter  of  this  purchased  peace 
missionaries  crept  forward  to  fasten  a  gradually  tight- 
ening bond,  secured  at  different  points  by  military 
colonies.     This  policy  did  not  succeed  in  every  quar- 

32  The  history  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  based  on  such  standard  authorities  as 
Ibarra,  Relation;  Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.;  Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hid.,  MS.;  Al~ 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  NATIVES.  15 

ter,  nor  was  it  effected  elsewhere  without  occasional 
struggles.  The  resolute  opposition  of  the  Sinaloa 
tribes  to  the  encroachments  of  the  Spaniards  served 
to  animate  also  adjoining  peoples  who  had  already 
submitted  and  found  just  cause  for  discontent  in  the 
oppression  and  outrages  practised  by  miners  and 
others. 

In  1601  the  Acaxees,  who  occupied  the  mountain 
regions  of  Topia  and  San  Andres/3  rose  to  the  number 
of  five  thousand,  with  a  solemn  determination  to  kill 
or  drive  away  every  Spaniard.  They  swooped  down 
with  unexpected  suddenness  on  the  villages  and 
mining  camps,  whose  number  may  be  estimated  from 
the  statement  that  over  forty  churches  shared  in  the 
destruction.  The  first  effective  resistance  encoun- 
tered was  at  San  Andres,  where  the  small  garrison 
managed  to  hold  out  for  a  fortnight,  till  Governor 
Urdiflola  learned  of  their  strait  and  came  to  the 
rescue  with  sixty  men.  The  warriors  now  withdrew 
to  the  mountain  fastnesses,  and  kept  the  pursuing 
troops  constantly  engaged  in  toilsome  marches  and 
sharp  skirmishes,  ever  on  the  alert  to  entrap  them  into 
ambuscades,  though  with  little  success.  What  arms 
failed  to  achieve  was  accomplished  by  means  of  Urdi- 
nola's  generous  treatment  of  a  number  of  captured 
Acaxee  women.  This  touched  the  hearts  of  the 
husbands,  and  with  the  gentle  persuasion  of  Father 
Santaren  they  submitted  and  began  to  rebuild  their 
churches.34  The  Sabaibos  held  out  for  a  while  longer 
under  the  guidance  of  a  sorcerer  who  proclaimed 
himself  bishop,  and  even  God,  and  proceeded  with 
the  aid  of  associated  apostles  to  carry  on  a  peculiar 
spiritual  and  political  administration.  His  rule  was 
soon  cut  short,  and  with  him  disappeared  the  last 
trace  of  the  revolt. 

bieuri,  Hist.  Mis.,  MS.;  Arlegui,  Ribas,  Alegre,  Beaumont,  Mota-Padilla,  is 
fully  related  in  my  History  of  the  North  Mexican  States,  this  series. 

33  For  particulars  see  Native  Races,  i.  CI 4. 

34  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  campaign  with  its  interesting  happenings, 
see  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  i.,  this  series. 


16  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

This  submission  appears  to  have  either  irritated  or 
emboldened  the  Xiximes,  a  tribe  of  cannibalistic  ten- 
dencies, who  adjoined  the  Acaxees  on  the  south,  and 
ranked  as  their  bitter  foes.  The  neighbors  soon  began 
to  appeal  for  aid  against  their  onslaughts,  and  with 
intercession  of  friars  they  were  in  1607  induced  to 
relent;  but  three  years  later  they  broke  out  in  open 
revolt,  and  an  expedition  of  two  hundred  Spaniards 
and  eleven  hundred  Indians  marched  against  them. 
Their  two  strongholds  were  quickly  reduced,  and 
after  the  execution  of  the  ringleaders  the  excuses  of 
the  remainder  were  accepted  with  a  readiness  that 
served  only  too  often  to  encourage  hostilities,  as  may 
be  seen  throughout  the  history  of  this  frontier  region 
to  the  present  time.  Had  the  same  policy  been  pur- 
sued by  Cortes  and  his  contemporaries,  Spanish 
domination  might  have  been  deferred  for  years.  This 
temporizing  was  owing  in  part  to  a  change  in  the  char- 
acter of  the  settlers,  and  a  diversion  of  public  interest 
from  the  career  of  conquest,  and  partly  to  actual  weak- 
ness and  indecision;  but  under  the  circumstances  it 
was  dangerous  to  display  it  so  freely. 

Of  this  an  instance  may  be  found  in  the  more 
serious  outbreak  in  the  same  province,  in  1616,  among 
the  Tepehuanes,  for  no  outrages  or  other  good  reason 
appear  to  have  afforded  the  pretext.  This  tribe  cov- 
ered a  wide-spread  area  in  Durango,  extending  into 
southern  Chihuahua  and  bordering  east  and  north  on 
Topia,  and  had  yielded  good  fruit  to  the  Jesuit  mis- 
sionaries. Dismayed  by  the  downfall  of  their  influ- 
ence, the  native  sorcerers  strove  hard  to  combat  the 
new  religion;  and  encouraged  by  the  example  of  the 
Sabaibo  bishop,  one  of  them  proclaimed  himself  a  mes- 
siah  divinely  appointed  to  free  his  people  from  the 
foreign  yoke.  This  character  he  sustained  by  a  num- 
ber of  cleverly  executed  miracles,  and  by  alluring 
prospects  disseminated  by  active  agents. 

His  plans  succeeded,  and  his  people  rose  almost  en 
masse.    At  Atotonilco  nearly  two  hundred  •Spaniards, 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT.  17 

men,  women,  and  children,  were  massacred;  at  Pa- 
pasquiaro  a  number  were  lured  to  destruction  by 
treachery;  at  Zape  ninety  persons  fell.  Durango  city, 
the  seat  of  government,  might  also  have  been  sur- 
prised but  for  the  premature  outbreak  on  the  part  of 
certain  greedy  chieftains,  which  gave  the  alarm,  and 
enabled  measures  to  be  taken  against  the  great  simul- 
taneous attack  on  the  21st  of  November.  These 
measures  extended  also  to  the  Acaxees,  Xiximes,  and 
other  tribes  who  were  prevailed  upon  to  withhold  at 
least  active  cooperation  in  the  revolt. 

Nevertheless  the  outlook  became  so  serious  that 
appeal  for  aid  was  sent  to  the  viceroy,  who  gave 
orders  upon  the  royal  coffers  at  Zacatecas  and  Du- 
rango for  funds,  wherewith  to  raise  more  troops.  The 
Tepehuanes  generally  avoided  an  encounter.  With 
the  spring  of  1617  the  revolt  was  practically  ended. 
Deserted  by  their  messiah,  who  mysteriously  disap- 
peared, the  still  rebellious  bands  took  refuge  in  the 
mountains,  there  to  be  exposed  to  repeated  attacks 
from  different  quarters,  to  which  a  price  upon  their 
heads  gave  incentive.  After  suffering '  heavy  losses 
they  were  induced  gradually  to  rejoin  their  submis- 
sive brethren.  As  it  was,  the  outbreak  had  caused  a 
drain  on  the  royal  treasury  of  several  hundred  thou- 
sand pesos,  besides  losses  in  revenue  and  to  settlers, 
and  retarded  material  progress  in  the  province  for  a 
number  of  years.35 

A  lenient  policy  characterized  more  and  more  the 
attitude  of  the  government  toward  the  natives,  and 
experiments  were  continually  tried  for  promoting 
their  welfare.  In  1602  came  a  cedula  recommending 
a  system  of  public  hiring  of  Indians,  to  take  the  place 
of  repartimientos.  A  fair  was  accordingly  established 
in  the  principal  squares  at  Mexico36  under  supervision 
of  a  judge,  where  employers  might  come  to  engage 

35  For  a  full  account  see  Hist.  North  Mox.  States,  i.,  this  series. 

36  On  Sundays.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  237. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    2 


18      OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

laborers.  As  usual,  corruption  crept  in  to  counteract 
the  intended  benefits.  Speculators  found  it  lucrative 
to  engage,  with  connivance  of  the  judge,  a  large  num- 
ber of  the  Indians,  and  hire  them  to  others  at  higher 
rates.  This  abuse  became  so  great  that  the  system 
had  to  be  abandoned.37 

In  pursuance  of  this  step,  and  with  a  view  to  re- 
move cause  for  revolt,  an  important  decree  appeared 
in  1609,  commanding  that  provisions  and  clothing 
must  be  sold  to  Indians  at  reasonable  prices,  and  that 
those  who  attempted  to  defeat  this  measure  should 
be  punished.  In  the  mining  districts  the  Indians 
were  to  be  gathered  into  villages  and  given  land  to 
cultivate,  and  churches  and  hospitals.  Those  who 
settled  in  these  villages  were  to  be  exempt  for  six 
years  from  the  usual  repartimientos;  but  they  must 
not  leave  the  place.  Since  it  was  necessary  to  en- 
courage work  and  progress  among  all  classes,  reparti- 
mientos must  be  maintained  till  the  increase  of  slaves 
and  voluntary  workers  allowed  them  to  be  reduced  or 
abolished.  Not  more  than  one  seventh  of  a  village 
population  should  be  called  away  at  a  time,  in  due 
turn,  nor  must  they  be  sent  to  a  very  distant  place  or 
one  differing  greatly  in  temperature  from  that  to  which 
they  were  used.  The  pay  must  be  fair,  and  cover  the 
time  for  coming  and  going  to  work.  The  time  and 
nature  of  labor  should  not  be  exceeded  or  changed. 
None  could  be  condemned  for  crimes  to  personal  ser- 
vice, nor  could  encomenderos  exact  it  in  lieu  of  tribute. 
The  carrying  of  loads  was  restricted,  particularly  where 
beasts  of  burden  could  be  introduced.38  Not  long  be- 
fore this  a  law  had  been  issued  exempting  from  enco- 

37 '  Clamaron  los  Indios. .  .con  instancia,  bolver  a  lo  pasado.'  Torqucmada, 
i.  726. 

38  An  earlier  decree  prohibited  even  voluntary  carrying  of  goods,  b"t  this 
could  not  be  obeyed.  Those  in  charge  of  herds  should  not  be  held  responsible 
for  lost  stock.  Officials  connected  with  repartimientos  must  be  men  well 
known  for  kindness  and  probity;  they  could  accept  fees  only  from  the  em- 
ployer. Further  minor  regulations  are  given  in  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  216- 
26,  14,  15;  (Jrdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  139.  This  important  letter  was 
dated  May  26,  1609.  In  accordance  with  its  tenor  Velasco  regulated  the 
hours  of  labor  and  other  matters. 


REFORM  MEASURES.  19 

miendas,  and  from  tribute  for  ten  years,  all  hitherto 
unsubdued  Indians  who  voluntarily  gave  allegiance  to 
church  and  king.39  It  was  a  measure  well  calculated 
to  aid  the  missionaries  and  to  promote  a  peaceful  con- 
quest. In  the  settled  regions  on  the  other  hand  we 
find  a  contrast  in  the  confirmation  of  encomiendas  to 
the  third  and  fourth  life. 

The  execution  of  reform  measures  was  by  no  means 
easy,  but  Velasco  sought  to  do  his  duty,  and  though 
exercising  no  undue  severity  he  brought  upon  him- 
self the  hostility  of  a  large  class.  His  friendly 
feeling  toward  the  natives  is  displayed  in  several 
recommendations,  notably  that  of  giving  to  them  all 
the  land  required,  leaving  only  the  balance  to  Span- 
iards.40 His  zeal  was  not  overlooked,  for  in  1609  he 
received  the  title  of  marques  de  Salinas,  and  two 
years  later  promotion  to  the  presidency  of  the  India 
Council.41  So  distinguished  a  preferment  could  not 
be  refused,  and  he  set  sail  for  Spain  June  12,  1611,42 
leaving  behind  the  reputation  of  a  wise  and  humane 
ruler,  against  whom  the  only  objection  may  be  an 
excessive  leniency  which  served  well  for  the  time,  but 
left  the  seed  of  future  troubles.43 

As  his  entry  into  the  government  had  been  pre- 
ceded by  a  comet,  to  which  his  successful  rule  lent  a 
favorable  significance,  so  his  departure  was  attended 
by  an  eclipse  of  the  sun;  and  the  terror  which  this  phe- 
nomenon inspired  received  fresh  impulse  two  months 
later  from  an  earthquake  whereby  a  number  of  build- 

39  This  law  was  issued  on  November  25,  1607,  and  confirmed  in  1671  and 
1672.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  2. 

40  Advertimientos,  in  Instruc.  Virreyes,  256. 

41  Together  with  20,000  ducats  'ayuda  de  costa.'  He  already  received  a 
pension  of  6,000  at  the  end  of  his  former  rule  in  Mexico,  and  now  his  children 
were  granted  additional  allowances.  The  title  of  marquis  appears  to  have 
been  issued  in  1607,  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  55,  though  Vetancurt  intimates  a 
year  or  two  later.    Trat.  Mex.,  13. 

42  Exercising  the  power  of  viceroy  to  the  day  of  sailing.  Torquemada,  i. 
767.     Calle  writes  17th  of  June. 

43  His  partiality  for  the  Dominicans  is  spoken  of  in  Ddvila,  Continuation, 
MS.,  202.     Already  very  aged,  he  did  not  long  survive  his  promotion. 


20  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

ings  were  destroyed  in  different  parts,  notably  at 
Mexico,  involving  the  loss  of  several  lives.44 

Although  Velasco  ruled  until  the  day  of  his  depart- 
ure, the  successor  to  the  viceroyalty  was  already  to  be 
found  at  Mexico  in  the  person  of  Archbishop  Garcia 
Guerra,  a  Dominican,  born  about  1560  at  Fromesta, 
near  Valencia,  of  a  noble  house.45  As  prior  at  Valla- 
dolid  he  managed  to  gain  favor  in  the  eyes  of  Felipe 
III.,  and  a  first  result  was  his  appointment  to  the 
vacancy  caused  by  the  death  in  October  1606  of  Gar- 
cia de  Santa  Maria  y  Mendoza,  archbishop  of  Mexico. 
This  prelate  had  been  prior  of  the  convent  at  the 
Escorial,  general  of  the  Jeronimite  order,  and  a  great 
favorite  of  Philip  II.,  who  named  him  one  of  his  ex- 
ecutors. The  successor  to  the  throne  extended  this 
favor  by  conferring  on  him  the  archdiocese  in  New 
Spain  which  he  administered  in  a  satisfactory  manner, 
living  ever  the  humble  life  of  a  friar,  yet  staining  his 
memory  by  the  bigoted  act  of  defacing  native  sculp- 
tures. While  the  destruction  was  not  so  serious  as 
that  caused  by  the  iconoclast  Zamarraga,46  Santa 
Maria  deserves  even  greater  condemnation  than  this 
earlier  bishop,  whose  vandalism  finds  excuses  to  a  cer- 
tain extent  in  the  conversion-zeal  of  his  period,  and  in 
its  inferior  enlightenment. 

Guerra  made  his  entrance  into  Mexico  as  prelate 
September  29th,  and  by  his  wise  rule  confirmed  the 
royal  choice  to  such  extent  that  with  the  promotion 
of  Velasco  came  his  own  appointment  as  twelfth  vice- 

44  The  eclipse  was  total  and  lasted  till  6  p.  m.  June  10th.  Torqnemada, 
i.  7G8.  The  earttiquake  occurred  on  August  2Gth.  'En  ocasion  que  por 
mandado  del  Arcobispo  Virrey...se  corrian  toros.'  Sigiienza  y  Gdngora, 
Carta,  MS.,  15;  Id.,  Parayso  Occid.,  24.  There  were  more  than  40  shocks 
within  30  hours,  says  Father  Franco.  On  December  27th  a  rain  of  ashes  fell 
at  Mexico,  Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS.,  203;  and  Mota-Padilla,  who  places 
the  eclipse  on  April  15,  describes  a  similar  shower  in  Colima,  caused  by  the 
eruption  of  the  volcano.  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  271.  In  the  same  month  of  the  fol- 
lowing year  another  earthquake  occurred.   Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  257. 

43  Of  the  family  of  De  la  Vega  Guerra.  His  parents  were  Andre's  de  Rojas 
and  Maria  Guerra.  He  professed  as  a  Dominican  in  1578,  at  Valladolid, 
where  he  became  preacher  and  prior.  Gonzalez  Diivila  writes  his  name  De 
Enguerra.    Teatro,  i.  44;  Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS.,  198-200. 

46  As  Torquemada,  iii.  208,  regretfully  points  out. 


DEATH  OF  GUERRA.  21 

roy.  It  was  the  second  time  that  the  supreme  political 
and  ecclesiastical  power  had  been  vested  in  one  man, 
and,  as  the  benevolence  and  sagacity  of  Guerra  were 
recognized,  his  inauguration  June  19,  1611,  created 
wide-spread  joy.47  This  was  not  to  be  of  long  dura- 
tion, however.  Guerra  had  for  some  time  been  an 
invalid,  a  fail  from  his  carriage  being  one  of  the 
causes,  and  soon  a  cold  caught  during  an  exposure  to 
rain  laid  him  low  with  fever.  The  phlebotomy  so 
prevalent  among  doctors  of  the  time  tended  to  weaken 
him;  and  when  an  operation  was  demanded  on  an 
abscess  he  sank  under  it  February  22,  1612,  at  the 
age  of  fifty-two.48  Manifestations  of  grief  were  both 
general  and  profound,  and  the  obsequies  surpassed  in 
solemnity  any  that  had  so  far  been  conducted  in  New 
Spain.     A  description  may  prove  interesting. 

The  embalmed  body,  arrayed  in  pontifical  robes  of 
purple  taffeta  garnished  with  gold  and  silver,  rested 
in  the  chapel  on  a  catafalque,  covered  with  black  gold- 
bordered  velvet,  and  surrounded  with  candles.  The 
interior  of  the  chapel  wTas  draped  in  black.  The  head 
of  the  corpse  reclined  on  a  black  velvet  cushion,  orna- 
mented with  gold  and  silver,  and  bore  on  the  brow  a 
mitre.  Close  to  it  rose  the  guidon  of  the  captain- 
general,  a  rank  held  by  the  deceased  in  virtue  of  his 
office  as  viceroy.  At  the  left  shoulder  rested  the 
pastoral  staff,  and  in  the  right  hand  the  archiepiscopal 
cross ;  at  the  feet  were  two  royal  maces  of  gilt  silver, 
and  between  them  the  prelate's  hat. 

.  For  three  days  a  constant  stream  of  visitors  appeared  ' 
at  the  chapel  to  give  a  last  look  at  the  beloved  face, 
while  friars  and  clergy  held  vigils,  masses,  and  chants 

47  He  had  been  staying  at  the  convent  in  Atlacubaya,  and  entered  by  way 
of  Tlatelulco,  under  arches  and  amidst  great  pomp,  on  a  Sunday.  Ddvila,  Con- 
tinuation, MS.,  202;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Ilex.,  13.  Cavo  dates  his  power  from 
June  17th;  and  Lorenzana,  from  June  12th.  Concilios  Prov.,  1556-65,  216, 
he  counting  no  doubt  Velasco's  departure. 

48  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Eeles.,  ubi  sup.  Cavo  states  that  the  carriage 
accident  occurred  while  he  as  viceroy  was  inspecting  certain  public  works, 
and  this  injured  one  of  his  ribs,  giving  rise  to  the  abscess.  Tres  Sighs,  i.  256. 
On  the  29th  of  January  a  solemn  procession  had  been  held  to  implore  restora- 
tion of  his  health. 


22  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

here  as  well  as  at  other  temples.  The  bells  tolled 
solemnly  all  the  while,  and  nearly  every  person  ex- 
hibited some  token  of  mourning,  especially  officials 
and  men  of  means. 

On  the  25th  a  vast  concourse  gathered  at  the  pal- 
ace to  escort  the  body  to  the  cathedral  tomb.  First 
marched  the  school  children  with  white  lighted  tapers; 
then  came  thirty-eight  brotherhoods,  according  to  age, 
with  standards,  crosses,  and  other  paraphernalia;  the 
different  monastic  orders,  closing  with  the  Domini- 
cans, to  whom  belonged  the  deceased,  followed  by  over 
four  hundred  members  of  the  clergy,  the  prebendaries 
of  the  chapter  being  last.  Then  came  the  coffin,  having 
at  the  feet  the  prelate's  hat,  and  a  cap  with  white  tas- 
sel, the  insignia  of  a  master  of  theology.  Behind  were 
borne  the  cross  and  guidon,  draped  in  black,  between 
two  kings-at-arms.  On  either  side  of  the  coffin  strode 
the  viceregal  guard,  while  halberdiers  assisted  in  keep- 
ing back  the  crowd.  Following  the  guard  came  the 
deacons;  the  commercial  court;  the  university  repre- 
sentation, with  sixty-four  of  its  graduated  doctors 
bearing  the  insignia  of  the  faculty;  the  municipality, 
preceded  by  their  mace-bearers;  the  audiencia,  with 
three  nephews  of  the  deceased;  the  royal  officers, 
bearing  a  black  standard  with  royal  arms  in  gold; 
three  companies  of  infantry  in  lines  of  seven,  with 
arms  reversed,  marching  to  the  sound  of  four  muffled 
drums  and  twTo  fifes;  the  maestre  de  sala  of  the 
viceroy,  bearing  aloft  on  a  half-pike  the  arms  of  the 
deceased,  gilded  on  a  black  surface;  the  master  of 
horse  and  chamberlain,  leading  a  steed  in  deep  mourn- 
ing with  a  long  train;  another  gentleman  of  the  court, 
on  horseback,  bore  the  guidon  of  captain-general,  with 
royal  arms  on  crimson  velvet.  The  procession  closed 
with  the  servants  of  the  palace,  led  by  the  majordomo. 

Between  the  palace  and  the  cathedral  five  cata- 
falques had  been  erected,  to  serve  as  resting-places  for 
the  coffin  as  it  was  transferred  to  different  bearers. 
The  oidores  bore  it  from  the  chapel  to  the  first  station; 


MAGNIFICENT   OBSEQUIES.  23 

then  the  cathedral  chapter,  the  municipality,  the  uni- 
versity corporation,  and  the  commercial  representa- 
tives carried  it  successively,  the  oidores  taking  it  from 
the  last  station  into  the  cathedral,  where  it  was  placed 
in  a  lofty  position,  amid  a  blaze  of  lights.  As  the 
alfereces  approached  they  lowered  the  standards,  and 
placed  them  at  the  foot  of  the  coffin.  On  the  left 
rested  Guerra's  coat  of  arms;  on  the  right  were  the 
cross  and  the  guidon.  After  service  the  coffin  was 
buried  at  a  late  hour  by  the  high  altar,  on  the  evangel 
side.     It  was  a  grand  and  glorious  casting-forth. 

During  the  novenary  each  religious  order  came  to 
chant  masses,  assisted  by  ecclesiastic  and  civil  bodies. 
On  March  7th  the  members  of  the  procession  marched 
in  the  same  order  as  before  to  the  cathedral,  where 
the  visril  was  chanted,  and  a  funeral  oration  delivered 
in  Latin.  The  following  day  the  funeral  sermon  was 
preached  by  the  dominican  provincial.49 

The  government  now  passed  into  the  hands  of  the 
audiencia,  and  the  senior  oidor,  Pedro  de  Otalora,  a 
pious  man,50  took  possession  of  the  palace.  Affairs 
were  by  no  means  such  as  to  require  a  strong  hand 
at  their  head;  yet  the  loss  of  the  recognized  chief 
seems  to  have  created  an  unsettled  feeling,  and  the 
revelation  of  an  intended  uprising  among  the  negroes 
so  alarmed  the  capital  that  on  Monday  and  Thursday 
the  customary  religious  processions  of  the  week  did 
not  take  place.  On  the  evening  of  Thursday  a 
trampling  of  feet  was  heard,  with  much  grunting  and 
yelling,  and  the  cry  spread  that  the  negroes  were 
upon  them.  The  panic-stricken  people  either  closed 
their  doors  or  fled  for  protection  toward  the  palace, 
and  terror  reigned  until  morning,  when  the  cause  of 
the  uproar  appeared  in  a  drove  of  pigs  for  the  Satur- 

49DdviIa,  Continuation,  MS.,  205-7;  Sosa,  Ejnscop.  Mex.,  52-4. 

50  'Hombre  desinteresado  de  las  cosas  de  esta  Vida,  y  mui  gran  Ministro,' 
is  Torquemada's  estimate  of  him.  i.  767.  Among  his  associates  are  mentioned 
the  licentiates  Diego  Nunez  de  Mosquecho  and  Pedro  Juarez  de  Molina. 


24  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

day  slaughter,  which  had  been  mistaken  for  a  negro 
advance.51 

This  play  upon  the  feelings  of  people  and  audiencia 
could  not  be  allowed  to  pass  unavenged,  and  thirty- 
three  unfortunate  blacks  were  convicted  on  doubtful 
evidence  and  hanged.52  As  during  a  previous  inter- 
regnum, the  government  sought  to  cover  its  weakness 
under  a  mask  of  cruelty.  A  measure  against  out- 
breaks on  the  part  of  negroes  was  attempted  by  means 
of  a  decree  ordering  free  persons  of  their  race,  includ- 
ing mestizos,  who  possessed  no  trade,  to  enter  the 
service  of  known  masters  and  take  up  their  abode  with 
them.53 

The  aucliencia's  rule  terminated  with  the  entry  into 
Mexico,  on  October  28,  1612,  of  the  thirteenth  viceroy, 
Diego  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  marques  de  Guadal- 
cazar,  and  his  consort  Maria  Rieder.5i  His  rule  proved 
exceedingly  quiet,  though  at  one  time  a  cloud  appeared 
in  the  form  of  a  freebooter.  The  Dutch  had  for  some 
time  struggled  for  a  foothold  in  the  Moluccas,  and  to 
promote  this  effort  their  East  India  Company  in  1614 
despatched  a  well-equipped  fleet  of  six  vessels,  under 
Joris  Spilbergen,£5  with  instructions  to  do  what  dam- 
age he  could  to  Spanish  shipping  and  interests  on  his 
way,  notably  to  the  fleet  between  Manila  and  Acapulco. 
He  left  Texel  in  August,  touched  at  the  Brazilian 
coast,  passed  through  Magellan  Strait  in  April  1615, 
and  began  a  series  of  petty  and  cautious  raids  on  the 

51  Panes  assumes  that  this  false  alarm  served  to  defeat  the  intentions  of 
the  negroes  by  rousing  the  people.  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  94-5. 

5J  The  bodies  were  exposed  in  different  parts,  till  public  health  demanded 
their  removal.  Four  of  the  victims  were  women.  Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  13. 
Torquemada  makes  the  total  number  36. 

5a  'Pena  de  docientos  acotes.'  Decree  of  the  audiencia  April  12,  1612. 
Montemayor,  Svmarios,  pt.  ii.  49. 

54Lorenzana  writes  Puedrer.   Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  21. 

55  Also  written  Georg  Spilberg,  von  Spilbergen,  Spilberger.  The  flag-ship 
was  the  Zon,  and  the  next,  the  Halve  Maen,  under  command  of  Jansen.  Two 
of  the  vessels  were  smaller,  and  built  for  speed.  The  force  carried  was  1,200 
men  besides  sailors ;  so  at  least  declares  Osten,  a  member  of  the  expedition 
who  escaped  to  New  Spain,  and  whose  account  appears  to  have  been  over- 
looked by  Burney  and  others.  See  Nicolai,  Neiue  vnd  Warliaffte  Eel.,  17-18. 
He,  Purchas,  and  Gottfried  differ  on  several  points,  about  names,  dates,  etc. 


FREEBOOTERS  AGAIN. 


25 


Pacific  coast  of  South  America.  In  this  occupation 
he  was  interrupted  by  a  fleet  of  eight  vessels  under 
Rodrigo  de  Mendoza,  who  had  vowed  to  capture  the 
Hollander.  Fortune  favored  the  latter,  however,  and 
the  Peruvians  retired  with  a  loss  of  two  vessels,  one 
of  them  under  command  of  the  vice-admiral,  who  pre- 
ferred to  go  clown  with  his  ship  rather  than  surrender. 
On  the  10th  of  October  Spilbergen  appeared  be- 
fore Acapulco,  sadly  in  want  of  fresh  provisions  and 
anti-scorbutics  for  his  sick  crews.     He  wTould  prob- 


Port  of  Acapulco. 

ably  have  helped  himself  but  for  some  well-timed 
shots  which  intimated  that  the  place  was  prepared.56 
"Hanging  out  a  flagge  of  peace,  two  Spaniards  came 
aboord,  and  they  agreed  to  exchange  Prisoners  for 
Sheep,  Fruits,  and  Prouision,  which  was  accordingly 
performed.  On  the  15th  Melchior  Hernardo  came 
aboord,  to  take  view  of  the  fleete,  which  had  van- 
quished the  Kings.    He  was  Nephew  to  the  Vice-Roy 


56  'TheCastle  had  seuentie  Brasse  Pieces,  hauing  intelligence  eight  moneths 
before  of  their  comming.'  Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,  1,  pt.  ii.  84. 


2G  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

of  New  Spaine,  and  was  kindly  entertained  of  the 
Admirall."  The  squadron  left  Acapulco  on  October 
18th  and  cruised  off  the  coast  for  some  time,  captur- 
ing a  California  pearl-fishing  vessel  with  two  friars.57 
A  consort  vessel,  under  Iturbicle,  proved  more  for- 
tunate in  bringing  safe  to  port  a  cargo  of  pearls, 
including  one  valued  at  the  then  high  price  of  four 
thousand  five  hundred  pesos.58 

Spilbergen  now  proceeded  to  Salagua,  or  Santiago 
Bay,  where  several  of  his  men,  while  in  quest  of  fresh 
provisions,  were  killed  and  captured  by  an  ambuscaded 
party  which  is  said  to  have  been  commanded  by  the 
navigator  Vizcaino.  The  fleet  passed  on  to  Santiago, 
and  to  Navidad,  where  a  captured  monk  procured 
lemons  on  being  promised  his  liberty.  When  the  time 
came  to  fulfil  the  promise,  the  crews  objected  to  lose 
so  valuable  a  prisoner,  and  Spilbergen  had  to  quell  a 
mutiny  to  keep  his  word  with  the  monk. 

Toward  the  end  of  November  sail  was  set  for  Cape 
San  Lucas,  there  to  watch  for  the  Manila  galleon ;  but 
the  wind  proving  unfavorable  the  prows  were  turned 
for  the  Ladrones  and  Moluccas,  and  after  staying 
here  awhile  Spilbergen  completed  the  circumnaviga- 
tion of  the  globe  with  a  portion  of  his  fleet.  While 
falling  short  of  the  anticipated  results  of  the  voyage, 
he  confirmed  the  opinion  of  his  ability  as  a  naviga- 
tor.59 

While  disaster  was  averted  from  Acapulco,  it  over- 
took the  opposite  port  of  "Vera  Cruz  in  another  guise. 
New  Vera  Cruz,  as  it  was  called,  to  distinguish  it 
from  the  old  town  on  Rio  Antigua,  which  still  lin- 

57  Cardona,  the  captain,  and  a  portion  of  the  crew  escaped  by  swimming 
ashore.  The  authorities  differ  as  to  whether  the  vessel  was  on  the  way  from 
or  to  California.  She  was  incorporated  into  the  fleet  under  the  name  of  the 
'  Peavlship,'  says  Osten,  ubi  svpra. 

^Veneqas,  Not.  Cal.,  i.  202-4;  Cardona,  Mem.,  4G;  Mota-Padllla,  Cong. 
N.  Gal.,  272-3. 

59  For  an  account  of  the  voyage,  see,  besides  the  authorities  quoted,  Gott- 
fried, Neicc  Welt,  454  et  seq. ;  Boss,  Leben  der  See-Uelden,  393-402;  Kerr's 
Col,  x.  157-S;  Berenyer,  Col.  Voy.,  i.  2G2,  2S8-93;  Burncy,  Chron.  Hist. 
Yoy.,  il  330-53. 


RULE  OF  GUADALCAZAR.  27 

gered,  had  rapidly  risen  from  a  landing-station,  known 
by  the  name  of  Buitron,  the  chief  settler,  to  receive 
in  1615  the  title  of  city.  But  the  buildings  were 
hastily  and  irregularly  constructed,  chiefly  of  wood, 
and  when,  in  December  1618,  a  fire  broke  out  in  the 
barracks,  the  flames  spread  under  a  strong  north  wind, 
and  consumed  the  best  part  of  the  place,  inflicting  a 
loss  of  over  two  million  pesos.60  Prompt  aid  was  given 
toward  rebuilding  on  a  safer  and  more  regular  plan. 

On  February  13th  the  whole  country  was  startled 
by  an  earthquake  which  lasted  for  a  quarter  of  an 
hour,  and  extended  from  Central  America  far  north- 
ward. "  It  demolished  buildings,  rent  hills  and  moun- 
tains, disclosed  deep  caverns,  and  brought  forth  new 
lakes.  Rivers  flowed  with  black  waters.  At  sea  ter- 
rible sights  were  seen,  and  many  vessels  went  under. 
Fish  sought  refuge  on  land  from  their  natural  ele- 
ment.';61 

Owing  to  the  insecurity  of  the  road  between  Vera 
Cruz  and  Mexico,  infested  by  robber  bands,  the  town 
of  Cordoba  was  in  April  1618  founded  in  the  foot- 
hills, on  the  more  southern  route  later  followed  by 
the  railroad  to  the  capital.  Its  prosperity  was  soon 
assured  by  extensive  sugar  and  tobacco  plantations, 
and  it  received  also  a  share  of  health -seekers  from 
Vera  Cruz,62  as  did  the  more  important  town  of  Ori- 
zaba, to  the  west,  where  sanitary  facilities  still  attract 
people.63     Cordoba  received  its  name  from  the  vice- 

60  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  i.  263.  In  the  beginning  of  1619,  says  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  115.  Panes,  Veracruz,  MS.,  2;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Ajnintes, 
267.  A  decree  was  thereupon  issued  ordering  government  buildings  to  be 
separated  from  other  edifices  fully  15  paces,  and  urging  the  employment  of 
night  watches.  Recop.  de  Indias,  ii.  27. 

61  '  Corri6  quinientas  leguas  de  Norte  a  Sur,  y  mas  de  sesenta  de  Este  a 
Loeste.'  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro,  i.  59.  This  author  writes  at  11:30  a.  m.  on 
February  14th. 

62  In  May  1714,  an  earthquake  ruined  many  buildings.  In  1850'it  counted 
4,500  inhabitants.  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  549.  Incited  by  the  faulty  accounts  in 
Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  Dr  Rodriguez,  curate  at  C6rdoba,  prepared 
a  full  history  and  description  of  the  town  which  was  published  at  Mexico  in 
1759,  under  the  title  of  Cartilla,  Historica  y  Sagrada  Description  de  Cordova, 
4to,  164  pp.  He  gives  the  names  of  the  first  30  settlers,  the  coat  of  arms,  and 
other  interesting  material.     See  also  Cordara,  Hist.  Comp.  Jevus,  175. 

63  The  order  of  San  Juan  de  Dies  erected  here  a  hospital  about  this  time. 


2S  OPENING  OF  TPIE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

roy,  whose  title  of  Guadalcazar  was  also  perpetuated 
in  that  of  a  mining  town  founded  in  1614  north-east 
of  San  Luis  Potosi.64  Another  town  rose  about  the 
same  time,  on  the  lake  of  Toluca,  under  the  name  of 
Lerma,  in  honor  of  the  favorite  minister  of  Felipe 
III.05  The  same  rule  was  signalized  at  Mexico  by 
the  completion  of  the  new  aqueduct  begun  by  the 
previous  viceroy.  It  brought  additional  water  from 
Santa  Fe  by  way  of  Chapultepec,  and  rested  for  a 
long  distance  on  arches,  nine  hundred  in  number.06 

After  a  government  of  eight  years  Guadalcazar 
was  promoted  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru.  Yet  not 
from  any  merit  as  a  ruler,  for  although  his  reism  had 
proved  peaceful,  corruption  had  spread  fast  in  almost 
every  department,  until  both  social  and  economic  in- 
terests were  so  seriously  imperilled  as  to  rouse  the 
attention  of  the  crown.  Guadalcazar,  in  truth,  was  a 
mild  man,  easily  imposed  upon,  and  not  much  disposed 
to  sacrifice  his  comfort  and  peace  of  mind  by  inquiries 
into  matters  with  which  subordinates  and  associates 
were  intrusted.  The  oidores  had  not  been  slow  to 
take  advantage  of  such  neglect  to  extend  their  own 
importance,  and  even  openly  interfered  in  affairs  not 
pertaining  to  their  jurisdiction,  violating  the  laws  in- 
trusted to  their  watchful  care. 

On  a  small  salary67  they  lived  in  the  style  and 
luxury  of  the  great  lords  of  Spain,  surrounded  by 
relatives  and  friends,  to  whom  the  most  desirable 
offices  were  given,  and  who  were  protected  by  their 
benefactors  from  what  should  have  been  the  results 
of  frequent  and  glaring  malefeasance.  In  the  audien- 
cia  the  causes  of  the  rich  were  despatched  promptly, 
while  the  calendar  was  encumbered  by  the  innumer- 

Gi_CaUe,  Mem.  y  Not.,  70. 

65  Founded  in  1613  says  A  leech,  Die,  ii.  572.  Cavo  places  the  founding 
of  both  in  1G20. 

06  And  G  varas  in  height.  The  cost  was  fully  150,000  pesos.  Cavo,  Tres 
Siglos,  i.  243-4,  2G4-5. 

07  At  this  time  an  oidor  of  Mexico  receives  annually  three  thousand  pesos. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE.  29 

able  suits  of  the  poor.  For  the  decision  of  a  case  it 
was  sufficient  that  an  oidor  should  signify  his  wishes 
in  the  matter,  and  he  was  allowed  also  to  sit  in  judg- 
ment of  questions  wherein  he  was  directly  interested. 
As  a  body  they  sent  judges  in  commission  to  districts 
where  ordinary  justices  existed,  this  having  been 
expressly  forbidden.68  They  went  further  than  this, 
and  released  at  will  even  malefactors  condemned  to 
death  or  to  the  galleys  of  Terrenate.  All  that  seemed 
to  be  lacking  to  them  was  the  investiture  and  title  of 
viceroy.  The  minor  officials  and  the  very  lawyers  of 
the  supreme  tribunal  committed  excesses  with  inso- 
lent impunity  in  the  assurance  that  their  respective 
patrons  would  shield  them  from  harm.  Imitating  an 
example  so  plainly  set  before  them,  the  minor  tribu- 
nals throughout  New  Spain,  each  in  its  microcosm, 
perverted  justice  at  their  will. 

Protected  by  those  in  power,  who  not  infrequently 
were  partners  in  their  gain,  the  rich  had  monopolized 
the  very  necessaries  of  life,  and  this  during  a  time  of 
great  scarcity,  when  famine  was  raging  in  many  parts 
of  the  country,69  so  that  the  poor  had  to  subsist  on 
roots  or  die  of  want.  The  regidores  of  Mexico  had 
seized  and  divided  among  themselves  the  annual 
subsidy  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  thousand  reales 
granted  by  the  crown  in  aid  of  the  public  granary, 
and  they,  in  conjunction  with  a  few  wealthy  men,  had 
forced  the  price  of  maize,  the  staple  food  of  the  lower 
classes,  from  twelve  reales  the  fanega  to  forty-eight. 
Even  at  this  price  the  official  in  charge  of  the  gran- 
ary frequently  turned  away  the  starving  poor,  while 
to  the  servants  of  the  rich  and  powerful  he  gave  a 

68  It  was  again  prohibited  by  the  c^dula  of  November  12,  1621.  Ordenes 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  164. 

69  In  QuertStaro  '  congoxandose  los  Labradores,  y  vezinos  oyendo  las  muertes 
de  los  ganados,  y  perdida  de  las  sementeras. '  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  55. 
Alegre  relates  similar  misery  in  Yucatan.  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  136.  See 
also  Gelvcs,  Bel.  Estad.,  1-2;  Mex.  Eel.  Sum.,  1.  There  are  periodic  records 
of  famines  in  different  parts  of  the  country.  In  1610,  1616,  1625,  and  1629, 
they  extended  over  a  number  of  districts.  Oavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  254,  261, 
277;  Diario,  Mex.,  v.  139. 


30  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

superabundance  which  was  disposed  of  to  their  own 
advantage.  So,  too,  these  imitators  of  their  masters, 
lying  in  wait  just  without  the  city,  forced  the  Ind- 
ians who  supplied  the  general  market  to  give  up,  at  a 
nominal  price,  the  scant  produce  of  their  toil  that  the 
spoilers  might  receive  the  profit.  Some  of  the  meat 
thus  obtained  was  retailed  at  an  exorbitant  price  in 
a  shop  established  in  the  palace  of  the  archbishop. 

The  crown  was  robbed  or  defrauded  of  its  dues  by 
the  royal  officials  and  their  friends.  Shipments  to 
Peru  of  prohibited  goods  brought  from  Manila  were 
made  openly,  and  were  productive  of  great  gain.  The 
supplies  sent  by  the  king  to  the  Philippines  were 
purchased  by  his  agents  at  twice  their  market  value, 
and  complaints  came  from  that  colony  of  their  poor 
quality,  or  rottenness,  as  well  as  of  scant  measure. 
At  the  treasury  it  was  the  custom  to  receive  for  the 
payment  of  dues  coin  or  silver  bullion  indifferently ; 
the  oidores  and  the  treasury  officials,  substituting  the 
former  for  the  latter,  divided  among  themselves  a 
gain  of  three  reales  in  such  wares.  In  all  the  pueblos 
the  tax-collectors  speculated  with  the  royal  funds, 
which  they  withheld  from  the  treasury,  either  with- 
out a  shadow  of  excuse  or  on  the  ground  that  these 
sums  proceeded  from  partial  payments  of  taxes  which 
were  not  due  to  the  crown  until  those  payments 
should  be  completed.  By  collusion  of  those  in  charge 
of  the  mines  and  the  traders  the  king  was  defrauded 
of  his  fifth. 

Religious  ministers  would  not.unfrequently  meddle 
in  these  affairs,  even  when  they  concerned  neither 
their  interests  nor  their  native  proteges.  On  the 
anniversary  of  the  fall  of  Mexico,  1618,  a  Jesuit  spoke 
in  his  sermon  rather  scathingly  of  the  conquerors  and 
especially  of  their  descendants,  as  corrupt,  unfit  to 
hold  office,  and  tyrannical  toward  the  Indians.  The 
remarks  were  probably  exaggerated  by  inimical  persons, 
who  caused  such  a  stir  in  the  matter  that  the  arch- 
bishop was  called  upon  to  arrest  the  preacher.     The 


VICE  AMONG  THE  PEOPLE.  31 

provincial  naturally  objected  to  so  stringent  an  inter- 
ference, and  caused  testimony  to  be  taken,  which  modi- 
fied the  expressions  and  induced  the  viceroy  to  release 
the  Jesuit,  only  to  embitter  the  already  unfriendly 
relations  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastic  chiefs,  and 
to  rouse  fresh  feeling  against  the  society.70  Both 
clergy  and  friars  were  for  that  matter  infected  to  a 
great  extent  by  the  general  disorder,  and  engaged 
with  anything  but  meekness  in  disputes  concerning 
doctrines  and  other  affairs,  or  in  frequent  and  un- 
seemly bickering  concerning  the  election  of  prelates, 
in  which  respect  the  comparatively  quiet  August inians 
made  themselves  notorious  for  a  time.  Two  oidores 
were  accused  by  the  visitador  of  the  order  with  having 
harbored  mutinous  friars  and  sought  to  influence  him 
by  threats  and  bribes  to  promote  the  election  of  a 
provincial  favored  by  them.  In  the  report  and  counter 
report  on  this  subject  the  leading  men  of  the  country, 
including  the  archbishop,  were  called  on  to  testify.71 
As  the  natural  consequence  of  all  this  iniquity 
among  the  rich  and  powerful,  the  lower  classes  gave 
themselves  up  to  such  wickedness  as  was  attainable 
to  them.  Drunkenness,  ever  prevalent,  had  increased 
to  a  frightful  extent,  and  was  accompanied  by  its 
usual  train  of  want  and  crimes.  The  church  itself 
seemed  powerless  to  check  infractions  of  the  law  which 
to  churchmen  have  ever  seemed  misdeeds  more  fla- 
grant than  murder.  Led  by  vicious  inclination  or 
driven  by  want,  idle  men  formed  themselves  into 
associations  of  bandits  which  infested  the  highways, 
and  which  made  life  and  property  insecure  even  in 
the  precincts  of  the  viceregal  palace.72  Housed  at 
times  to  some  exhibition  of  interference,  Guadalcazar 

70  Tho  preacher  was  the  learned  and  eloquent  Cristobal  Gomez,  who  died 
in  1638.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  108,  207;  Mex.  Disturbios,  MS.,  i. 
669-70. 

11  One  of  the  oidores  was  the  corrupt  Gaviria,  whom  we  shall  soon  meet. 
The_  voluminous  testimony  in  this  case  is  given  in  Mex.  Disturbios,  MS.,  i. 
1 6-54,  289-91.  The  same  order  created  trouble  also  at  Ixmiquilpan  by  carry- 
ing off  from  the  mine  of  Guerrero  a  miraculous  image.  Id.,  55-119. 

72  'Tenia  el  alma  en  los  dientes.'  Grambila,  Ticmultos. 


32  OPENING  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

succeeded  only  in  arraying  against  himself  now  the 
church,  now  the  oidores,  or  other  officials  whose  power 
and  influence  may  have  been  concerned.  Their  rep- 
resentations to  the  crown  must  have  had  some  effect, 
for  his  promotion  to  Peru  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  accompanied  by  the  customary  privilege  to 
govern  until  his  departure.  At  any  rate,  the  audi- 
encia  assumed  control.73 

73  Licenciado  Juan  Paez  de  Vallecillo  is  named  as  presiding  oidor,  assisted 
by  Galdos  de  Valencia  and  Gomez  Cornejo,  but  Verzara  Gaviria  should  be 
added.  Ilex.,  Rel.  Svm.,  1;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  263;  Ribera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i. 
108.  It  has  been  said  that  Guadalcazar  left  Mexico  for  his  new  post  on 
March  14,  1621,  escorted  by  the  audienciaand  other  bodies.  Vetancvrt,  Trat. 
Mex.,  13;  but  several  official  reports  show  that  he  remained  till  Gelves 
arrived.  Gelves,  Rel.  Estado,  1  etc.  *  Virrey  priuadamente  retirado,  todoeste 
ticmpo  (nearly  a  year),  fuera  de  Palacio,  en  vna  casa  particular.'  Mex.,  Rel. 
Svm.,  1;  Siguenza  y  Gdngora,  Parayso  Occid.,  25-6.  He  ruled  for  seven 
years  in  Peru. 


CHAPTER    II. 

QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

1621-1624. 

Appointment  of  Gelves  —  His  Energetic  and  Extensive  Reforms  — 
Which  are  Forced  also  on  the  Clergy  —  Hostility  of  Gaviria 
and  the  regidores — archbishop  serna  roused — moral  laxity  in 
New  Spain — Arrest  of  Varaez — Serna  Interferes — The  Viceroy 
is  Excommunicated — Attitude  of  the  Oidores — The  Papal  Dele- 
gate Plays  a  Part — More  Anathemas — The  Prelate  Forces  Him- 
self into  the  Presence  of  the  Audiencia  —  He  is  Exiled  and 
Carried  Away — Imprisonment  of  Repentant  Oidores — A  Mexican 
A  Becket. 

While  not  aware  how  wide-spread  was  the  disorder 
in  New  Spain,  the  newly  enthroned  Felipe  IV.  felt 
convinced  that  reform  was  needed,  and  looked  about 
for  a  man  whose  character  and  attainments  should  fit 
him  for  the  task  of  restoring  order.  Such  a  one  soon 
presented  himself  in  the  person  of  Diego  Carrillo  de 
Mendoza  y  Pimentel,  second  son  of  the  marquis  of 
Tavara,  himself  concle  de  Priego  and  marques  de 
Gelves.1  For  many  years  the  marquis  had  governed 
Aragon,  and  was  actually  a  member  of  the  council  of 
war.  In  the  discharge  of  these  high  trusts  his  recti- 
tude and  love  of  justice  had  been  proven,  while 
personal  valor  was  common  to  those  of  his  princely 
house.  At  the  same  time  the  long  habit  of  command 
had  developed  a  disinclination  to  brook  any  question 
of  his  authority,  especially  where  the  extent  of  his 
jurisdiction  was  concerned,  and  advancing  age,   for 

1  He  was  also  a  knight  of  Santiago,  holding  the  commandery  of  Villa- 
nueva  de  la  Fuente. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    3  (  33  ) 


34  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

his  years  were  more  than  sixty,  had  but  served  to 
strengthen  this  trait. 

The  usual  instructions  were  given  to  Gelves,  May 
11, 1G21,  in  addition  to  certain  special  directions  from 
the  king.  Urged  to  hasten  his  departure,  he  em- 
barked at  Seville  the  3d  of  July,  in  a  vessel  of  the 
fleet  commanded  by  Juan  de  Benavides,  attended  by 
quite  a  slender  following  of  officials  and  dependants. 

After  a  prosperous  voyage  the  fleet  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  August,  and  the  marquis  entered  with  great 
energy  on  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  He  visited 
San  Juan  de  Ulua  and  the  fortifications  of  the  city 
itself,  giving  orders  for  the  repairs  which  he  deemed 
necessary.  Personally  he  inspected  the  king's  slaves, 
informing  himself  minutely  of  their  number  and  con- 
dition, and  ordering  that  they  should  be  employed 
only  in  the  royal  service,  and  under  no  circumstances 
in  that  of  officials,  or  of  private  individuals,  as  had 
been  customary.  Gelves,  having  made  these  and 
other  reforms  at  the  very  threshold  of  the  viceroy- 
alty,  went  on  with  the  work  all  along  the  road  to 
Mexico. 

Contrary  to  established  usage,  he  would  not  allow 
either  Spaniards  or  Indians,  at  the  places  where  halts 
were  made,  to  be  at  the  least  expense  for  the  enter- 
tainment of  himself  and  his  retinue,  peremptorily 
ordering  that  everything  should  be  paid  for  at  the 
highest  current  value.  Nor  would  he  receive  gratu- 
itously gifts  suggested  by  the  hospitality  of  the  people 
or  those  offered  to  him  by  the  many  anxious  to  curry 
favor  with  a  new  ruler.  In  this  respect  he  made  the 
rule  inflexible  during  his  whole  term  of  office,  for  his 
servants  as  well  as  for  himself.  The  fame  of  the 
marquis  preceded  him,  and  on  his  arrival  at  Mexico, 
on  the  21st  of  September,  he  was  received  with  great 
pomp. 

His  inauguration  was  made  particularly  brilliant 
by  the  elaborate  ceremonies  and  rejoicings  which  at- 
tended the  swearing  of  allegiance  to  the  new  king,  an 


RULE  OF  GELVES.  35 

event  deferred  till  this  time,  and  leading  to  prolonged 
festivities  throughout  Spanish  domains.2  There  was 
a  significance  in  it  all  more  than  usual  in  a  corona- 
tion, for  Felipe,  III.  had  not  only  shown  himself  inca- 
pable, but  under  his  rule  Spain  had  suffered  many 
humiliations,  under  which  she  was  rapidly  descending 
from  the  high  position  attained  during  the  golden 
rule  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  and  sustained  by 
Charles  and  Philip.  The  opening  acts  of  Felipe  IV. 
who  ascended  the  throne  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  no  less 
than  his  generous  and  reflective  disposition,  gave 
promise  of  better  things;  but  the  unformed  }^outh  fell 
too  early  into  the  hands  of  scheming  courtiers  and  his 
nobler  instincts  were  perverted.  He  yielded  too  much 
to  the  fascinations  of  literature  and  less  commendable 
pursuits,  while  the  administration  was  surrendered  to 
inefficient  and  corrupt  favorites,  who  accelerated  the 
descent  of  Spanish  prosperity  and  influence. 

The  reform  measures  of  Gelves  on  the  way  to  the 
capital  had  there  roused  the  most  conflicting  senti- 
ments, for,  while  honest  patriotism  hailed  the  coming 
of  so  just  a  governor,  the  placemen  and  their  allies 
apprehended  disaster,  and  they  were  not  wrong.  The 
viceroy  soon  instituted  an  examination  and  found  pub- 
lic affairs  in  a  condition  of  shameless  disorder.  The 
evil  was  greater  than  either  the  monarch  or  himself 
had  thought.  Permitted  an  abnormal  growth  under 
the  lax  administration  of  Guadalcazar,  it  had  spread 
everywhere  in  the  land,  and  its  roots  had  struck  deep 
in  a  congenial  soil.  With  the  energy  to  be  expected 
of  him  the  marquis  undertook  reform.  His  capabil- 
ity for  work  was  great,  and  he  found  at  the  outset  that 
he  must  attend  personally  to  many  things  from  the 
consideration  of  which  his  subordinates  should  have 
relieved  him.  At  Mexico  it  had  ever  been  a  current 
saying  that  in  keeping  the  friars  and  the  Indians  in 

2  'El  resto  del  afio  se  paso  en  fiestas  no  solo  en  la  capital,  sino  tambien  en 
todas  las  ciudades  y  villas  de  aquel  nuevo  mundo. '  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  265- 
G.  This  and  some  other  authors  assume  that  the  long  preceding  mourning 
was  ordered  during  an  interregnum  under  the  audiencia. 


36  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

order  a  viceroy  had  his  hands  full;  Gelves  accom- 
plished more  in  a  week  than  others  in  a  month.  But 
this  very  excess  of  zeal  wrought  his  own  undoing. 
The  land  was  indeed  in  want  of  cultivation;  was  it 
for  him  who  put  his  hand  to  the  plough  to  foresee 
that  thorns,  not  kindly  fruits,  would  be  the  harvest? 
In  his  eagerness  the  marquis  did  not  reflect  that  the 
great  extent  of  newly  settled  New  Spain  was  totally 
unlike  his  compact  little  government  of  Aragon,  and, 
though  he  had  crossed  it,  he  was  unmindful  of  the 
broad  ocean  rolling  between  a  colonial  viceroy  and  the 
master  whose  strengthening  hand  might  at  any  time 
be  needed.  Most  of  all  he  forgot,  as  will  be  seen, 
that  sweeping  reforms,  such  as  that  attempted  by  the 
strong  man  in  the  temple,  not  infrequently  involve  in 
common  ruin  reformer  and  reformed. 

New  Spain  awoke  to  consciousness  of  the  fact  that 
she  had  a  ruler  of  ability  and  courage  sufficient  to 
redress  wrongs  and  punish  evil-doers.  Gelves  visited 
the  prisons,  and  at  times  sat  in  judgment  in  the 
courts.  He  caused  delayed  business  to  be  despatched 
promptly,  ordering  that  in  matters  of  justice  no  dis- 
tinction should  be  made  between  the  rich  and  the 
poor,  and  insisted  that  no  magistrate  should  sit  in 
any  case  wherein  he  was  interested.  He  was  acces- 
sible always  to  those  who  had  complaints  to  make, 
and  his  servants  were  bidden  never  to  deny  him  to 
the  weak  and  friendless.  Criminals  who,  though 
under  sentence,  were  at  large,  he  caused  to  be 
arrested  and  punished,  while  such  as  were  unjustly 
detained  in  prison  were  released.  He  ferreted  male- 
factors who  through  official  negligence  or  wilful  igno- 
rance had  gone  unsuspected.  In  some  instances  it 
came  out  that  certain  official  personages  were  sharers 
in  the  fruits  of  robbery.  These,  also,  were  punished, 
but  in  causing  this  to  be  done  Gelves  gained  the 
enmity  of  others  high  in  station  who  were  their 
patrons.3     He  forbade  the  exercise  of  gubernatorial 

3  Among  these  the  following  were  among  the  most  noteworthy  instances: 


CHARACTER  OF  GELVES.  37 

powers  in  the  release  of  prisoners,  and  ordered  that 
all  such  matters  should  be  referred  to  him  for  decision. 
The  license  to  carry  fire-arms  was  prohibited  to  all 
save  persons  of  good  character,  and  stringent  meas- 
ures were  adopted  for  the  suppression  of  drunkenness, 
gambling,  and  other  vices.  The  growing  insolence 
of  the  free  negroes  and  half-breeds  was  checked  by 
compelling  them  to  register  in  their  respective  districts, 
to  pay  taxes,  and  to  earn  their  living,  such  as  were 
incorrigible  being  banished  or  enrolled  in  the  militia. 
This  efficient  mounted  force  moved  with  great  celer- 
ity, and,  being  well  informed  by  spies  of  the  move- 
ments of  bandits,  was  able  to  make  its  blows  effective. 
Arrest  was  supplemented  swiftly  by  punishment,  and 
highway  robbery  was  completely  at  an  end.  "  It  is 
doubtful,"  says  Cavo,  "  whether  since  the  conquest  so 
many  criminals  had  been  executed "  as  during  this 
brief  administration.4  Gelves  earned  fairly  the  ap- 
pellation of  '  juez  severo,'  or  inflexible  judge. 

He  compelled  absentee  alcaldes  mayores,  corregi- 
dores,  and  justicias  to  return  to  their  jurisdictions. 
He  put  a  stop  to  the  sale  of  votes  on  the  part  of  the 
ayuntamientos,  a  practice  which  obtained  very  gener- 
ally in  cities  and  villas  distant  from  the  capital,  re- 
quiring that  lists  of  eligible  persons  should  be  sent  to 
him  that  he  might  select  the  names  of  those  to  be 
voted  for — the  selection  being  made  only  after  favor- 
able inquiry  concerning  the  character  of  the  person 
proposed.  He  compelled  those  who  had  embezzled 
the  funds  of  the  public  granary  to  disgorge  a  certain 
amount  of  their  plunder,  and  in  the  king's  name  took 

The  assayer's  stamp,  used  for  marking  the  weight  and  value  of  bars  of  silver, 
had  been  counterfeited,  and  the  authorities  were  unable  to  discover  the 
counterfeiters.  Gelves  took  the  matter  in  hand,  and  the  guilty  were  arrested, 
tried,  and  condemned,  by  a  c6dula  dated  June  15,  1622,  to  be  strangled  and 
burned  at  the  stake.  Mex. ,  Eel.  del  Estad. ,  4.  Before  Gelves'  arrival  the  treas- 
ury at  Mexico  had  been  entered  forcibly,  and  some  8,000  pesos  abstracted 
therefrom.  In  an  arbitrary  manner  proceedings  had  been  begun  against  the 
treasury  officials,  who  complained  to  the  viceroy  of  the  injustice.  By  his 
exertions  the  persons  really  guilty  of  the  crime  were  discovered  and  punished. 
Mex.,  Rel.  Svm.,  2. 

4 '  Los  caminos  de  la  Nueva  Espana  estaban  inundados  de  salteadores. ' 
Tres  S:glos,  i.  206. 


33  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

possession  of  two  other  deposits  belonging  to  regidores 
of  the  capital.  By  these  means,  and  by  the  expen- 
diture of  ten  thousand  pesos  of  his  own,  wherewith  he 
made  purchases  in  the  neighboring  provinces,  he  accu- 
mulated a  considerable  store  of  grain.5  He  broke  up 
effectually  the  trade  in  contraband  goods  between  Aca- 
pulco  and  Peru.  While  this  was  a-doing  it  was  found 
that  members  of  the  consulado  had  been  concerned, 
some  of  them  openly,  in  these  practices.6  He  removed 
the  royal  officials  having  charge  of  the  supplies  for  the 
Philippines,  putting  clean-handed  men  in  their  places, 
and  in  consequence  the  amount  of  supplies  sent  to  that 
colony  was  greater  than  ever  before.7 

He  checked  immediately  all  pilfering  of  the  royal 
treasury,  banishing  from  the  mines  the  foreigners  and 
others  who  had  defrauded  the  revenue,  ordering  that 
all  money  received  for  taxes  should  be  sent  at  once 
to  Mexico,  and  putting  an  end  to  other  practices  by 
which  so  much  of  the  king's  money  had  remained  in 
the  hands  of  dishonest  officials.8  Owing  to  these 
reforms  in  the  management  of  the  treasury  the  vice- 
roy was  enabled  to  send  an  increased  amount  of 
money  to   Spain,  where  at  this  time  it  was  sorely 

5  He  also  ordered  that  maize  should  not  be  fed  to  cattle  within  fourteen 
leagues*  of  Mexico  and  ten  of  Pueblo,  and  that  throughout  the  viceroyalty 
the  price  of  this  staple  should  not  be  more  than  twenty  reales  the  fanega. 
Abundance  soon  brought  the  price  down  to  less  than  this,  and  it  sold  as  low 
as  sixteen  reales.  This  public  benefaction  was  acknowledged  by  the  cabildo 
of  Mexico,  in  a  formal  manner,  toward  the  close  of  1623.  Mex.,  Rel.  del 
Estad.,  7-8.  The  viceroy  also  ordered  that  Juan  Juarez,  fiscal  of  the  audien- 
cia,  should  be  present  at  the  granary,  at  certain  determined  hours  daily,  for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  that  the  poor  were  impartially  treated.  He  caused  the 
butcher-shops  of  the  archiepiscopal  palace  to  be  closed  and  prohibited  the  sale 
of  all  articles  of  food  at  the  exorbitant  prices  hitherto  prevailing.  Grambila, 
Tumultos,  MS. ,  3. 

6  In  the  prosecutions  growing  out  of  this  matter  the  viceroy  allowed  no 
appeal;  this  was  afterward  qualified  as  an  act  of  tyranny  by  the  audiencia  in 
their  answer  of  February  8,  1624,  to  Gelves'  protest  from  his  cell  in  the  con- 
vent of  San  Francisco.  Mex.,  Rel.  Svm.,  15. 

7  In  1622  the  value  of  these  supplies  was  nine  hundred  thousand  dollars, 
and  in  the  following  year  two  thirds  of  that  amount.  Mex.,  Bel.  del  Estad.,  5. 

8  Gelves  had  been  told  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  recover  money  turned 
into  the  treasury  in  partial  payment  of  taxes.  On  investigation  it  was 
found  that  there  was  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  dollars  thus  owing, 
some  of  it  since  1598,  and  of  this  amount  about  one  half  was  recovered.  Mex., 
Rel.  del  Estad.,  4. 


RIGOROUS  REFORM.  39 

needed.  After  paying  all  the  expenses  of  administer- 
ing the  viceroyalty  and  meeting  the  cost  of  supplies 
sent  to  Manila,  a  million  of  pesos  was  sent  to  the 
king  in  1622,  and  a  million  and  a  half  in  the  follow- 
ing year.9 

The  marquis  was  a  religious  man  and  his  respect 
for  the  clergy  was  sincere.  To  the  archbishop  he 
spoke  privily,  regretting  the  dissensions  which  rent 
atwain  brethren  who  should  dwell  in  harmony.  He 
also  begged  the  prelate  to  cease  the  unseemly  prac- 
tice of  receiving  gifts  from  suitors  in  the  ecclesiastical 
court,  and  to  reform  other  abuses.10  He  restrained 
the  inquisitors  from  intermeddling  in  temporal  mat- 
ters not  within  their  jurisdiction.  As  far  as  he  was 
able  to  exercise  control  he  saw  that  offices  in  the  re- 
ligious orders  were  held  by  men  fitted  for  their  several 
positions. 

Convinced  by  the  frequent  complaints  of  the  Ind- 
ians that  the  appointment  of  secular  clergymen  as 
doctrineros  instead  of  friars  would  be  detrimental  to 
interests  of  the  crown  also,  the  viceroy  ordered  that 
the  latter  should  be  retained  in  the  doctrinas,  and 
that  in  the  future  only  friars  should  be  appointed  to 
them.  In  this  matter  the  viceroy  was  certainly  not 
strictly  impartial.  Moreover  in  this  action  he  un- 
doubtedly laid  the  foundation  for  an  accusation  which 
afterward  his  enemies  were  only  too  glad  to  make. 
While  his  action  in  the  premises  had  its  origin,  unde- 
niably, in  a  spirit  of  just  kindness  to  the  Indians — for 
to  have  substituted  for  the  friars  to  whom  they  were 

9  This  was  more  than  had  been  sent  heretofore  in  any  corresponding  period. 
Grambila,  Tumultos,  MS.,  10;  Mex.,  Mel.  del  Estad.,  5. 

10  The  abuse  of  the  privilege  of  sanctuary  was  notorious,  and  criminals 
availed  themselves  of  false  witnesses  in  order  to  prove  that  they  were  entitled 
to  it.  Gelves  required  the  fiscal  to  use  every  diligence  in  order  to  arrive  at 
the  truth  in  these  matters.  One  Juan  de  Rincon  having  brought  forward  11 
witnesses  to  prove  his  right  to  immunity,  on  the  testimony  of  29  others  these 
men  were  shown  to  have  forsworn  themselves,  and  were  condemned  to  penal 
servitude  at  Manila.  They  were  sent  out  of  the  city  together  with  other 
convicts;  but  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  the  viceroy,  the  audiencia, 
on  the  ground  that  the  sentence  was  excessive,  caused  them  to  be  brought 
back,  and  finally  they  went  unwhipped  of  justice.  Mex.,  Mel.  Svm.,  2. 


40  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

with  reason  attached  secular  clergymen  ignorant  of 
their  tongues  and  customs  alike,  would  have  been 
tantamount  to  cruelty — it  was  nevertheless  in  conflict 
with  the  provisions  of  royal  cedulas.  Father  Bar- 
tolomc  de  Burguillos,  his  confessor,  was  a  friar  of 
San  Diego,  and  possibly  his  counsels  had  sufficient 
weight  with  the  marquis  to  induce  him  thus  to  slight 
the  wish  of  the  sovereign  frequently  expressed.11 

The  course  of  the  marquis  was  commended  by  the 
upright,  but  these  were  far  less  in  number  than  the 
vicious,  and  the  number  of  his  enemies  increased 
daily.  Those  high  in  place,  accustomed  to  have  their 
own  way  in  matters  of  government,  were  offended  at 
the  summary  clipping  of  their  wings.  In  public  they 
contented  themselves  with  shrubs  and  with  finders 
laid  aside  the  nose,  while  privately  they  spoke  in 
open  anger,  and  fostered  a  hatred  to  the  all-uncon- 
scious object  thereof  that  merely  bided  its  time  for 
throwing  off  the  mask.  Occasionally,  however,  re- 
sentment overcame  prudence. 

Pedro  de  Vergara  Gaviria,  the  senior  oidor,  was  a 
self-willed  man,  who  after  the  brief  taste  of  power 
enjoyed  before  the  arrival  of  Gelves  had  become  un- 
fitted to  play  the  subordinate.  He  had  easily  become 
chief  among  his  fellows,  and  was  not  at  all  inclined 
to  brook  the  restraint  imposed  upon  him  by  the  just 
though  severe  measures  of  the  viceroy.  Gelves, 
always  courteous  in  his  treatment  of  members  of  the 
audiencia  and  the  cabildo,  went  further  than  neces- 
sary in  useless  attempts  to  make  a  friend  of  this  man, 
who  on  his  part  seemed  to  consider  all  the  favors  of 
the  marquis  as  so  many  marks  of  weakness.  Gelves 
made  him  his  asesor  in  matters  relating  to  war,  and 
Gaviria's  inclination  to  absolutism  readily  induced  him 
to  fall  into  the  habit  of  giving  orders  without  having 
troubled  himself  to  consult  the  viceroy.     To  this  the 

11  For  the  provisions  of  many  different  cedulas,  too  numerous  for  insertion 
here,  see  Recop.  de  Ind.,  in  the  titles  of  book  first  relating  to  clerigos,  re- 
ligiosos,  doctrineros,  and  doctrinas. 


FRIARS  AXD  CLERGY.  41 

latter  very  properly  objected.12  But  the  asesor  went 
on  in  this  insubordinate  fashion  until  Gelves  found 
himself  constrained  to  order  that  he  should  be  con- 
fined to  his  own  house.13 

This  unruly  spirit  was  common  among  high  officials. 
On  a  certain  day  of  solemn  observance  some  of  the 
reeridores  ordered  that  their  chairs  should  not  be  taken 
to  the  cathedral,  whither  it  was  their  duty  to  accom- 
pany the  viceroy  and  the  other  corporations,  alleging 
as  an  excuse  for  their  conduct  some  unsettled  question 
of  precedence  with  the  royal  officials.  Noticing  their 
absence,  and  informed  of  the  cause,  the  viceroy  ordered 
their  attendance,  without  prejudice  to  their  rights, 
real  or  fancied.  Nevertheless  they  did  not  make  their 
appearance.  Gelves,  after  consultation  with  the  audi- 
encia,  sent  a  corregidor  to  arrest  them  in  case  of  a 
continued  refusal  to  obey.  Persisting  in  their  dis- 
obedience, they  were  put  under  arrest  in  the  casas  de 
cabildo,  or  city  hall.14  The  justices  and  others  in 
office  had  each  his  grievance.  Some  of  these  were 
incensed  because  the  peculations  of  which  they  had 
been  guilty,  and  which  for  so  long  a  time  they  had 
practised  with  impunity,  were  punished  by  dismissal 
from  office.  Others  again  gave  themselves  up  to  the 
resentment  felt  by  little  minds  because  the  crimes 
which  they  had  been  unable  to  discover  were  brought 
to  light  through  the  exertions  of  the  viceroy.     The 

12  On  a  certain  occasion,  having  received  one  of  these  reproofs,  Gaviria,  in 
the  viceroy's  ante-chamber  and  in  the  presence  of  several  persons,  snatched 
from  the  hand  of  the  secretary  the  papers  to  which  objection  had  been  made 
and  tore  them  in  pieces,  exclaiming  petulantly  that  he  would  not  continue  in 
office  if  he  were  not  allowed  his  way  in  all  things.  Mex.,  Eel.  Svm.,  2. 

13  In  the  letter  of  the  cabildo  of  Mexico  to  the  king,  dated  February  19, 
1624,  in  which  an  account  was  given  of  the  riot  of  the  preceding  month,  it  is 
asserted  that  Gaviria's  imprisonment  was  entirely  owing  to  his  having  allowed 
to  be  read  before  the  audiencia  certain  petitions  of  some  friar  of  La  Merced 
complaining  of  their  vicar-general,  Fray  Juan  Gomez,  a  great  favorite  of  the 
viceroy.  Mex.,  Cartas  de  la  ciudad  d  S.  31.,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sdrie  ii.  torn, 
iii.  139.  In  another  letter  of  the  same  date,  in  which  the  cabildo  recommends 
Gaviria,  and  Dv  Galdos  de  Valencia,  another  oidor  whom  Gelves  had  found  it 
necessary  to  remove  from  office,  to  the  royal  favor,  it  is  stated  that  the  im- 
prisonment of  the  former  lasted  for  eighteen  months.  Id.,  171-2. 

11  Thence,  however,  they  rallied  at  their  will,  in  order  to  inveigh  in  public 
against  the  marquis.  Mex. ,  Eel.  del  £*tad. ,  2. 


42  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

friars  took  umbrage  because  of  what  they  considered 
an  unwarranted  meddling  of  the  viceroy  in  their 
elections.  The  Jesuits  were  aggrieved  that  their 
attempt  on  the  doctrinas  had  met  with  signal  failure, 
and  these  restless  intriguers  immediately  addressed 
themselves  to  the  work  of  undoing  Gelves  as  they 
had  undermined  others.15 

By  far  the  most  formidable  of  the  enemies  of  the 
marquis  was  the  archbishop,  Juan  Perez  de  la  Serna, 
a  man  who  from  the  position  of  canonigo  magistral 
of  Zamora  had  in  1613  been  appointed  to  succeed  the 
deplored  prelate-viceroy  Guerra  as  head  of  the  church 
in  New  Spain.16  He  proved  zealous  in  extending 
spiritual  administration  through  curacies  and  convents, 
striving  to  bring  into  greater  veneration  sacred  places 
and  relics,  and  to  practise  charity17  in  a  manner  that 
brought  him  in  contact  with  the  poor  and  assisted  to 
make  him  popular  with  the  masses.  Among  the  rich 
and  the  officials  he  found  less  welcome,  owing  partly 
to  his  persevering  efforts  for  episcopal  rights,18  partly 
to  the  enforcement  of  a  stricter  morality  among  the 
higher  classes.  The  unseemly  strife  between  friars 
and  clergy,  and  the  loose  conduct  of  many-  of  them, 
greatly  encouraged  an  irreligious  feeling  among  those 
whose  means  lured  them  from  austerity  and  strict 
rules  to  a  life  of  ease  and  free  indulgence,  and  to  laxity 
even  in  sacred  matters.  Painters,  for  instance,  made 
efforts  to  present  church  ceremonials  in  a  ridiculous 

15  The  venom  of  one  of  them  appears  in  a  manuscript  in  my  possession 
copied  from  the  original  in  the  collection  of  Gayangos.  Although  it  is  anony- 
mous there  is  sufficient  internal  evidence  to  show  that  it  was  the  work  of  a 
Jesuit.  Relation  de  un  estupendo  y  monstruo  caso,  in  Mexico  y  sus  disturbios,  i. 
631-57. 

1(3  He  was  born  at  Cervera,  studied  at  Sigiienza  and  Valladolid,  became  a 
professor  at  Durango,  and  in  1597  can6nigo  magistral  of  the  church  at  Zamora, 
a  position  won  from  nine  competitors  'grandes.'  On  January  18,  1G13,  he 
was  appointed  archbishop.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  24;  Gonzalez  Ddvlla,  Teatro 
Ecles.,  i.  45;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-G5,  216-17. 

17  All  charities  being  given  by  his  own  hands,  k  porque  dezia  ser  mucha  la 
diferencia  que  ay,  de  oir  la  miseria  del  pobre  en  relacion,  a  verla  por  vista.' 
Gonzalez  Ddvrfa,  Teatro  Ecles. .  i.  45. 

18  Among  other  troubles  was  the  attempt  by  officials  to  deprive  him  of  the 
procuration  tribute  given  by  towns  and  villages  visited  by  the  prelate.  Gage 
gives  his  income  at  60,000  ducats  a  year.    Voy.  (Amst.  1720),  i.  201. 


POLITICS  AND  SOCIETY.  43 

aspect,  or  they  painted  lewd  persons  with  the  attri- 
butes and  dress  of  saints.  During  lent  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  capital  used  to  perform  pilgrimage  to  a 
place  called  the  Humilladero,  on  foot  and  in  silent 
meditation.  When  Serna  came  he  found  that  this 
journey  of  penance  had  been  transformed  into  a  car- 
nival march,  wherein  the  wealthy  appeared  in  car- 
riages, and  others  in  convivial  groups,  all  bent  on 
enjoyment.  To  this  the  prelate  sought  to  put  a  stop, 
under  threat  of  excommunication,  and  he  also  did  his 
best  to  check  drunkenness  and  other  vices,  though 
herein  the  corrupt  and  unfriendly  officials  under  the 
weak  Guadalcazar  offered  no  assistance. 

The  zealous  introduction  of  reforms  by  Gelves  had 
at  first  won  the  admiring  cooperation  of  Serna,19  but 
when  he  found  them  extending  too  far  within  ecclesi- 
astic precincts  impatience  turned  into  open  hostility, 
for  the  prelate  was  exceedingly  jealous  concerning  his 
prerogatives,  and  possessed  of  a  stubbornness  which 
readily  developed  into  unreasonable  zeal.  He  took 
in  dudgeon  the  wTell  meant  counsels  concerning  the 
reform  of  abuses  in  the  ecclesiastical  court,  and  his 
resentment  was  increased  by  the  decision  in  the  mat- 
ter of  doctrinas.  On  several  occasions  he  forgot  the 
dignity  of  his  station,  and  that  the  viceroy  was  the 
personal  representative  of  the  king  wdiom  both  served. 
In  the  palaces  of  the  great,  tale-bearers  are  never 
lacking,  and  reports  of  the  prelatic  outbursts  lost 
nothing  in  the  recital,  but  Gelves,  desiring  to  avoid  a 
rupture,  took  no  notice  of  them.  This  moderation, 
howTever,  did  not  produce  the  effect  desired,  for  the 
prelate  began  not  only  to  censure  the  acts  of  the  vice- 
roy with  unseemly  freedom,  but  to  lean  openly  to  the 
cause  of  those  opposed  to  him,  as  though  a  formal 
compact  had  been  entered  into  between  them. 

Thus,  in  the  short  space  of  two  years  Gelves,  wdiile 
he  bad  restored  in  a  signal  manner  the  outward  ob- 
servance of  the   law,   bad  failed   to   establish   order 

19  See  his  letters  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sene  ii.  torn.  ii.-iii.,  passim. 


44  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

where  order  was  most  needed,  and  at  the  close  of 
1623  he  found  arrayed  against  him  the  archbishop  and 
the  friars,  the  audiencia  and  the  cabildo  of  Mexico. 
The  lower  class  of  the  people  knew  no  will  but  that 
of  the  church,  when  that  will  was  signified;  the  upper 
class,  composed  almost  entirely  of  men  with  but  a 
single  interest,  that  of  plundering  the  royal  treasury, 
was  manipulated  by  the  two  great  corporations. 
Against  such  a  combination  any  man  protected  only 
by  an  autocrat  six  thousand  miles  away  must  have 
been  powerless,  and  it  needed  but  the  most  trivial 
circumstance  to  bring  about  an  outbreak.  The  occa- 
sion was  not  long  wanting. 

In  September  1622,  Manuel  Soto,  a  person  em- 
ployed at  the  public  granary  of  Mexico,  denounced  to 
the  viceroy  Melchor  Perez  de  Varaez,  alcalde  mayor 
of  Metepec,20  accusing  him  of  forcing  the  Indians  of 
his  jurisdiction  to  purchase  grain  of  him  at  an  exor- 
bitant price,  and  to  sell  to  him  their  cattle  and  produce 
at  merely  nominal  rates,  as  well  as  of  other  oppressive 
acts.  The  viceroy  caused  the  charges  to  be  investi- 
gated, and  the  proofs  being  irrefutable,  ordered  the 
less  important  to  be  made  grounds  of  action  in  Mexico 
while  the  more  grave  he  referred  to  the  India  council. 
Meanwhile  Varaez  had  been  under  arrest  in  a  private 
house,  and  Gelves  now  ordered  that,  under  bonds,  he 
should  be  given  the  freedom  of  the  city.  Varaez 
demurred  to  this,  alleging  that  bonds  should  not  be 
exacted  from  him  for  a  cause  so  trivial,  but  the  vice- 
roy  peremptorily   ordered   compliance,21  and  referred 

20  The  count  of  La  Cortina  says  that  his  jurisdiction  was  that  of  Ixtlahuaca. 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  62;  Alcaraz,  in  Liceo  Mex.,  ii.  122,  makes 
the  same  mistaken  statement.  The  two  places  are  near  to  one  another. 
Varaez  was  a  person  of  some  consequence  and  a  knight  of  Santiago.  Sosa, 
Hspicop.  Mex.,  60.  He  was  the  intimate  friend  of  the  powerful  oidores  Pedro 
de  Vergara  Gaviria  and  Galdos  de  Valencia,  who  through  their  influence 
with  their  associates  in  that  body  had  procured  for  him  an  appointment  as 
corregidor  of  Mexico.  The  fiscal  had  claimed  that  he  could  not  hold  both 
offices.  On  appeal  to  the  India  Council  that  body  decided  that  he  was  incom- 
petent, and  condemned  the  oidores  to  pay  each  a  fine  of  one  hundred  ducado's. 
They  resisted  payment,  but  Gelves,  who  had  arrived  meanwhile,  compelled 
them  to  pay  it.  Mex.,  Rel.  Svm.,  8;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s6rie  ii.  torn.  iii.  62-3. 

21  Varaez  alleged  further  that  his  denouncer  was  an  insignificant  mulatto 


QUESTION  OF  SANCTUARY.  45 

the   cause  to  the  oidor  Alonso  Vazquez  de   Cisne- 


ros.22 


The  proceedings  went  on  too  slowly  to  suit  the 
humor  of  the  marquis.  After  consultation  with  his 
legal  adviser,  Luis  de  Herrera,  but  without  the  con- 
currence of  the  audiencia,  he  ordered  the  case  to  be 
referred  to  the  fiscal  of  Panama,  Juan  de  Alvarado 
Bracamonte,  who  had  just  come  from  Manila.  Braca- 
monte  proceeded  with  activity,  sending  Sancho  de 
Baraona,  a  clerk  of  the  audiencia,  to  the  province  of 
Metepec  to  collect  additional  evidence.  To  the  new 
referee  Varaez  objected,  and  the  viceroy  ordered 
Francisco  Enriquez  de  Avila,  a  corregidor  of  Mexico, 
to  sit  with  him.  These  judges  deemed  it  advisable 
to  exact  from  the  accused  a  bond  to  answer  to  any 
judgment  they  might  render,  and  Varaez,  fearing  lest 
he  might  be  again-  imprisoned,  sword  in  hand  and 
accompanied  by  dependants,  entered  a  coach  and 
hastened  to  claim  sanctuar}^  at  the  convent  of  Santo 
Domingo.  Almost  simultaneously  the  judges  sen- 
tenced him  to  pay  a  fine  of  sixty  thousand  pesos,  and 
to  perpetual  banishment  from  the  Indies. 

Shortly  afterward,  Soto  having  alleged  that  Varaez 
contemplated  fleeing  to  Spain,  guards  were  placed  at 
the  door  of  his  cell,  and  all  communication  with  him 
was  forbidden.  He  contrived,  however,  that  a  memo- 
rial should  reach  the  archbishop,  in  which  it  was 
claimed  that  the  presence  of  the  guards  was  in  viola- 
tion of  the  right  of  sanctuary.23     The  ecclesiastical 

unworthy  of  credence.  What  he  and  his  friends  felt  the  most  was  that  the 
viceroy  would  not  allow  these  to  be  his  judges,  and  that  undoubtedly  he  would 
be  obliged  to  return  to  his  jurisdiction.  In  this  way  their  trading  operations 
would  come  to  an  end.  Id.,  Mex.  Bel.  Svm.,  4. 

22  He  had  arrived  recently  from  Spain,  and  bore  the  reputation  of  being 
an  honest  man.  For  two  months  he  refused  to  accept  the  charge,  but  the 
viceroy  compelled  him  to  do  so.  Soto  alleged  that  Cisneros  was  not  impartial 
in  this  matter,  since  he  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Gaviria  and  his  guest.  Ubi 
sup.,  and  Alcaraz,  in  Liceo  Mex.,  ii.  123. 

23  That  the  prelate  himself  visited  Varaez,  as  is  stated  by  the  author  of  the 
Relation  Svmaria,  seems  extremely  improbable.  Still  the  circumstance  is 
also  mentioned  by  the  conde  de  la  Cortina:  '  y  con  estruendo  y  aparato  y  li- 
cenciosa  ostentacion,  y  visitando  al  retraido,  volvia  £  su  casa  mas  prendado, 
y  dado  el  filo  &  los  aceros.'     The  count  also  states  that  Varaez  objected  to  the 


46  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

judge  ordered  that  the  guards  should  be  removed 
within  two  days,  a  demand  to  which  the  civil  judges 
refused  to  accede  because  Varaez,  having  in  effect 
broken  jail,  was  not  entitled  to  sanctuary.  If  the 
point  were  not  well  taken  it  was  certainly  debatable ; 
but  the  archbishop,  taking  the  case  out  of  the  hands 
of  his  provisor,  excommunicated  Soto,  the  judges,  the 
guards,  and  even  the  counsel  employed  by  them.  The 
persons  so  excommunicated  immediately  appealed  to 
the  audiencia,  and  in  accordance  with  the  royal  pro- 
vision governing  such  cases,  sentence  was  suspended, 
and  absolution  ad  reincidentiam  given  at  first  for 
twenty  days  and  then  for  a  further  period  of  fifteen.24 
A  few  days  afterward  Gelves  called  upon  the  arch- 
bishop to  send  the  notary  to  him  that  he  might  be 
purged  of  contempt.  After  repeated  instances  the 
prelate  reluctantly  consented  to  do  so.  The  notary 
appeared  before  the  viceroy  accompanied  by  the  arch- 
bishop's secretary,  whom  the  marquis  immediately 
dismissed,  in  a  very  discourteous  manner,  as  was 
afterward  alleged  by  the  prelate.25  The  notary  made 
certain  important  statements,  but  these  being  re- 
duced to  writing  he  refused  to  sign  the  deposition 
without  permission  from  his  prelate.  For  this  he 
was  adjudged  guilty  of  contumacy,  and,  being  con- 
demned to  loss  of  property  and  banishment,  he  was 
taken  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua  that  he  might  be  sent  to 
Spain.26 

guards  only  because  of  the  expense  occasioned  to  him  by  their  presence. 
JJoc.  Hist.  Mex.,  seYie  ii.  torn.  iii.  645;  Mex.,  Bel.  Svm.,  5.  In  the  matter  of 
the  right  of  sanctuary  civil  authorities  in  Spain  had  issued  a  number  of  ex- 
emptions which  greatly  restricted  the  privilege. 

21  The  archbishop  demanded  a  copy  of  certain  orders  from  the  clerk  of  the 
audiencia,  C.  de  Osorio,  and  being  denied  he  excommunicated  him. 

25  Gelves  was  attended  by  Herrera,  Bracamonte,  Father  Burguillos,  and 
Baraona.  These  men,  together  with  the  vicar  of  La  Merced,  some  superiors 
of  the  religious  orders,  and  a  few  others,  were  the  viceroy's  trusted  advisers. 
Father  Alonso  de  Villaroel,  a  priest  who  afterward  testified  in  support  of  the 
archbishop's  side  of  the  controversy,  calls  them:  '  aquellos  malos  cristianos 
de  sus  consejeros  aduladores. .  .que  le  enganaban  y  le  adulaban  y  le  dieron 
por  consejo  dicidndole  que  el  era  legado  del  Papa  en  las  Indias  y  rey  en  ellas, 
y  asi  podia  hacer  en  nombre  de  S.  M.  lo  que  quisiese  en  las  Indias.'  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex. ,  s6rie  ii.  torn.  ii.  356. 

20  The  cabildo  of  Mexico,  in  the  letter  to  which  reference  has  been  made, 


CHILDISH  PROCEEDINGS.  47 

This  act  of  the  viceroy  was  undoubtedly  legal,  but 
the  archbishop  immediately  declared  that  he  had  in- 
curred the  censures  mentioned  in  the  bull  called  in 
ccena  domini?1  He  therefore  excommuicated  him, 
ordering  his  name  to  be  placed  in  the  list  of  excom- 
municated persons  affixed  to  the  church  door. 

Gelves  now  called  the  oidores  and  the  alcaldes 
together  in  order  to  get  their  opinion  concerning  the 
right  of  the  archbishop  to  excommunicate  him.  Their 
answer  was  evasive,28  and  he  submitted  the  matter  to 
a  second  assemblage,  composed  of  ecclesiastics  and 
laymen,  who  decided  that  the  archbishop  was  clearly 
in  the  wrong.29  Fortified  by  this  opinion  the  viceroy 
now  retaliated  on  his  antagonist  by  a  decree  condemn- 
ing him  to  pay  a  fine  of  ten  thousand  ducados,  to  con- 
fiscation of  his  temporal  property,  and  to  banishment. 
The  marquis  finally  sent  the  alguazil  mayor,  Luis  de 
Tobar  Godinez,  to  execute  the  decree  and  compel  the 
archbishop  to  revoke  his  sentence.  The  viceroy  had 
notified  the  archbishop  three  several  times  of  his  de- 
cree, but  on  none  of  these  occasions  had  the  audiencia 
taken  part   in    the  action  as  according  to  law  they 

asserts  that  this  man  was  kept  in  prison  for  two  days  and  a  night,  after 
which,  at  midnight,  he  was  hurried  away  to  the  fortress,  where  he  still  re- 
mained (19th  February  1624),  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  meanwhile 
several  vessels  had  sailed  thence  for  Spain.  It  is  not  at  all  probable  that  the 
archbishop  would  allow  the  man,  about  whose  arrest  he  made  such  trouble,  to 
remain  in  durance  for  more  than  a  month  after  the  downfall  of  the  viceroy. 

27  This  celebrated  bull  is  of  great  antiquity,  and  received  its  name  h  om 
the  fact  that  it  was  read  publicly  in  the  presence  of  the  pope  on  Maundy - 
thursdajT,  by  a  cardinal-deacon,  accompanied  by  several  other  prelates.  It 
contains  a  general  excommunication  of  all  heretics,  and  of  those  guilty  of  con- 
tumacy and  disobedience  to  the  holy  see.  One  of  its  34  paragraphs  provides 
that  laymen  who  venture  to  pass  judgment  on  ecclesiastical  judges  and  cite 
them  to  appear  before  their  tribunals  shall  incur  the  censure  specified  in  the 
bull.     On  this  paragraph  the  archbishop  probably  based  his  action. 

28  Their  answer  was  that  they  had  not  studied  the  point.  Cavo,  TresSiglos, 
i.  270.  It  indicates  what  their  purpose  was.  At  this  time,  as  at  any  other 
previous  to  the  breaking-out  of  the  riot,  the  audiencia  might  have  calmed  the 
rising  storm  had  its  members  chosen.  Peace-making,  however,  was  far  from 
their  intention. 

29  In  defense  of  the  decision  of  this  assemblage  Father  Burguillos,  already 
mentioned,  published  a  memorial,  which  was  printed,  addressed  to  the  visi- 
tador  Carrillo.  The  memorial  is  contained  in  28  octavo  pages  of  close  print, 
and  is  a  learned  production.  The  Franciscan,  citing  a  host  of  canonical  au- 
thorities, denies  the  authority  of  any  prelate  to  excommunicate  in  such  a 
case.  Memorial,  in  Tumultos  de  Mex..  67-80. 


48  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

should  have  done.  During  this  passage  at  arms 
neither  of  the  antagonists  had  conducted  himself  with 
the  dignity  to  be  expected  from  persons  of  their  ex- 
alted position.  They  vied  one  with  another  in  selecting 
untimely  hours  and  unusual  places  for  the  exchange 
of  their  peculiar  courtesies.30 

The  appeal  to  the  audiencia,  however,  was  never 
decided;  for  while  it  was  pending  the  judges  and  other 
persons  excommunicated,  seeing  the  obstinacy  of  the 
archbishop,  on  the  20th  of  December  1623  appeared 
before  the  papal  delegate  at  Puebla.31  The  delegate 
peremptorily  ordered  the  archbishop  to  remove  the 
ban,  which  the  prelate  refused  to  do,  on  the  ground 
that  because  of  the  appeal  to  the  audiencia  the  tri- 
bunal at  Puebla  had  no  jurisdiction,  alleging  also  that 
the  time  for  appeal  on  the  part  of  the  excommunicated 
had  gone  by.  Thereupon,  on  New  Year's  day,  the 
delegate  issued  a  compulsory  mandate,  ordering  the 
archbishop  to  absolve  the  excommunicated.  The  exe- 
cution of  this  decree  he  intrusted  to  a  Dominican 
friar,  as  his  sub-delegate,  who  personally  removed 
from  the  church  door  the  obnoxious  notices.32 

From  many  of  the  pulpits  of  the  city  the  conduct 

30  On  the  feast  of  the  Purisima  Concepcion,  Tobar,  by  order  of  Gelves,  noti- 
fied the  arehbishop  of  a  decree  while  he  stood  in  all  the  dignity  of  his  sacred 
office  at  the  high  altar  of  the  cathedral,  with  the  host  uncovered,  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  solemnity  of  the  mass.  The  outraged  prelate,  declaring  that  he 
would  not  permit  such  profanation,  nor  that  the  people  should  be  so  scandal- 
ized, refused  to  receive  the  notice.  Soma,  Iiepresentarion,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.  torn.  ii.  165.  The  cabildo,  in  its  letter  to  the  king,  asserts  that  the 
viceroy  ordered  proclamation  made  that  none  should  pass  by  the  archiepiscopal 
palace  nor  assemble  in  numbers  within  one  block  of  it.  Mex.,  Cartas  de  la  ciu- 
aad  a,  8.  M.,  in  Id.,  iii.  134.  On  the  other  hand  the  archbishop  was  'ciego 
por  el  deseo  de  la  venganza  que  el  llamaba  celo  divino.'  Mora,  Mex.  y  sus 
Rev. ,  iii.  244.  He  also  '  aprcsur6la  por  instantes  con  diligencia  cstraordinaria; 
mandaba  hacer  a  media  noche  notificaciones  esquisitas.'  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  64. 

31  This  office  was  created  by  a  special  bull  of  Gregory  XIII.  for  the  deci- 
sion of  difficult  cases  of  this  very  nature.  The  delegate  generally  resided  at 
Puebla. 

32  The  Dominican,  by  order  of  the  viceroy,  was  accompanied  by  a  guard 
for  the  purpose  of  preventing  any  opposition  that  might  be  offered  by  parti- 
sans of  the  archbishop.  Father  Cavo  with  his  usual  bias  asserts  that  the 
sub-delegate  was  a  'pobre  clerigo  sacristan  de  monjas,  por  no  haber  querido 
ningun  sugeto  de  caracter  encargarse  de  semejante  comision.'  Cavo,  Tres 
Shjlos,  i.  271. 


MISSION  OF  MARTINEZ.  49 

of  the  delegate  was  reprehended  in  no  unmeasured 
terms,  while,  on  the  streets,  knots  of  heated  disputants 
took  one  view  or  the  other  of  the  question  as  their 
feelings  prompted.  On  his  part  the  archbishop,  more 
than  ever  exasperated,  ordered  the  spiritual  outcasts 
to  be  excommunicated  anew  with  all  the  dramatic 
accompaniments  of  bell,  book,  and  candle,  and  that 
the  list  be  again  posted  with  the  name  of  the  sub- 
delegate  added  to  the  rest.  On  that  same  night  of 
January  3d,  he  ordered  also  that  all  the  churches 
of  the  city  should  announce  the  threatened  interdict. 
While  the  ceaseless  clamor  of  the  bells,  ringing  as 
though  for  this  end  only  had  they  been  cast,  was 
inspiring  in  the  souls  of  the  people  the  shadowy  fear 
of  some  greater  ill  impending,  came  the  final  notifica- 
tion of  the  delegate  commanding  the  archbishop  to 
remove  the  ban.  The  sub-delegate  was  ordered,  in 
case  of  the  prelate's  refusal  or  neglect,  to  execute  upon 
him  the  sentence  of  fine  and  banishment.  The  stub- 
born archbishop  again  refused  compliance,  and  the 
sub-delegate  prepared  to  carry  the  sentence  into  effect. 
He  again  removed  the  censures  and  ordered  the  ring- 
ing of  the  bells  to  cease,  and  now  the  very  silence 
aroused  new  fears  among  the  terrified  people. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  January  the 
archbishop  sent  Cristobal  Martinez  de  Recalde,  parish 
priest  of  the  cathedral,  accompanied  by  notaries,  to 
the  viceregal  palace  with  a  petition  addressed  to  the 
audiencia.  After  setting  forth  the  facts  of  the  case^ 
in  a  manner  very  favorable  to  his  own  view  of  it,  the 
archbishop  demanded  that  the  audiencia  should  decide 
immediately  the  pending  appeal.33  In  presenting  this 
petition  to  the  oidores  Juan  Paez  deVallecillo,  Juan  de 
Ibarra,  and  Diego  de  Avendano,  Martinez  said  that 

33  He  stated  moreover  that  it  was  with  difficulty  he  could  find  a  notary 
who  dared  to  publish  the  decree  of  excommunication ;  also  that  in  notifying 
his  decrees  the  viceroy  behaved  'con  menos  decencia  de  lo  que  convenia,'  and, 
finally,  that  the  proceedings  against  Varaez  were  unwarranted  by  law,  and 
were  undertaken  solely  for  the  purpose  of  causing  delay.  Serna,  Rep.,  in  Doc. 
Hist.  Max.,  serie  ii.  torn.  ii.  151-72. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    4= 


50  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

it  was  in  the  power  of  the  auclicncia  to  put  an  end  to 
all  disagreements,  thus  preventing  a  possible  breach 
of  the  peace.  Vallecillo,  who  was  senior  oidor,  re- 
plied that  they  had  been  ordered  by  the  viceroy  to 
receive  no  petitions  from  the  archbishop  or  any  clergy- 
man, except  through  the  proper  channels.  Martinez 
objecting  that  such  an  order  took  away  the  prelate's 
opportunity  of  attempting  to  restore  harmon}^,  Ibarra 
replied:  "You  know  that  this  is  the  order  of  our 
president;  what,  then,  would  you  have  us  dol"  After 
some  farther  speech  of  like  import,  and  an  intimation 
of  coming  trouble  from  Martinez,  he  and  his  com- 
panions withdrew.84 

Bent  on  carrying  his  point,  and  learning  that  the 
sub-delegate  was  about  to  execute  sentence  upon  him, 
the  archbishop  resolved  upon  a  last  desperate  resort. 
At  an  early  hour  on  the  11th  of  January,  1G24,  he 
caused  himself  to  be  taken  to  the  viceregal  palace,  in 
a  sedan-chair  borrowed  for  the  purpose,  and  attended 
only  by  two  pages.  That  he  went  in  this  ostenta- 
tiously humble  manner,  instead  of  in  his  coach,  with 
crozier  upborne  before  him  and  accompanied  by  the 
members  of  his  household,  was  of  itself  a  circumstance 
sufficiently  strange  to  create  attention,  and  on  reach- 
ing the  palace  he  was  surrounded  by  a  crowd  of  idlers. 

The  startled  oidores  asked  what  he  desired.35    The 


34  'Y  cl  dicho  S.  Lie.  Vallecillo  dijo,  andad  con  Dios  que  ya  esta  proveido 
y  con  csto  les  portcros  le  dijeron  que  caHasc,  no  embargante  lo  cual  el  dicho 
Lie.  Martinez  volvi6  a  replicar.'  Id.,  ii.  175.  Informed  that  the  audiencia 
would  not  receive  the  petition,  the  archbishop  caused  another  to  be  addressed 
to  Pedro  do  Areivalo  Scdcno,  fiscal  of  that  body,  calling  upon  him  to  act  as 
though  it  had  been  received,  and  to  take  immediate  steps  for  the  purpose  of 
preventing  any  harm  which  might  result  from  want  of  action  on  the  part  of 
the  auciencia.  I  his  was  delivered  by  Aguilar  to  the  fiscal,  together  with 
copies  of  the  petition  and  of  the  documents  in  the  case  of  Varacz,  and  evoked 
merely  an  evasive  manner.  'Su  mcrccd  rcspondio,  que  yo  el  notario  dijese 
a  S.  Sa-  Illma.  del  ai-obispo  mi  scfior,  que  le  besaba  los  manos  y. .  .hard  todo 
lo  posiblc,  y  lo  quedebe.'  Id.,  178. 

30  in  ita  letter  the  cabildo  asserts  that  the  archbishop  remained  at  the  door 
of  the  audicneo-ehambcr,  asking  leave  to  enter,  and  that  receiving  no  answer, 
he  ventured  within,  and  himself  addressed  the  oidores,  telling  them  his  errand. 
Mex.,  Carta  da  la  Cludad  dS.  M.,  in  Id.,  iii.  136.  This  letter  is  based,  not 
only  in  this  [articular  but  in  manv  others,  on  the  representation  of  the  arch- 
bishojp.  Id.,  lo.j. 


PROCEEDINGS  AGAINST  THE  PRELATE.  51 

prelate  replied  that  he  sought  justice,  and  that  he 
would  not  leave  the  audience-chamber  until  he  had 
received  it.36  He  then  desired  to  read  a  petition  in 
which  it  was  set  forth :  That  he  was  obliged  to  appear 
thus  in  person  because  the  president  of  the  audiencia 
had  given  orders  that  no  communication  brought  from 
him  by  an  ecclesiastic  would  be  received,  and  no  lay- 
man dared  to  aid  him  by  presenting  one.  Since  it 
was  not  just  that  he  alone  in  all  New  Spain  should 
be  denied  the  right  to  appeal  to  the  audiencia  for  pro- 
tection, he  humbly  besought  that  body,  in  the  name 
of  God  and  the  church,  to  pity  the  wretched  condition 
of  the  country  as  well  as  of  his  dignity  and  jurisdic- 
tion, and  to  receive  and  hear  this  petition  against  the 
threatened  action  of  the  papal  delegate;  further,  to 
decide  the  appeal  pending  in  the  matter  of  the  guards 
of  Varaez  without  delay.  Were  this  not  done,  he 
was  determined  to  go  to  Spain,  there  to  appeal  to  the 
king  in  person.  This  petition  the  oidores  refused  to 
receive;  and  summoned  by  the  viceroy  they  left  the 
prelate  in  the  audience-chamber.  He  immediately 
placed  the  petition  and  the  accompanying  documents 
on  the  table  beneath  the  canopy  of  state,  calling  upon 
the  multitude  present  to  bear  witness  that  he  did  so. 
There  were  present  about  one  hundred  persons,  among 
them  some  eight  or  ten  clergymen.  Fearful  lest 
there  might  be  a  disturbance,  the  viceroy  ordered 
that  all  persons  having  no  business  before  the  audien- 
cia should  depart  at  once,  and  presently  the  arch- 
bishop, his  notary  Aguilar,  and  the  two  pages  alone 
remained. 

,  The  prelate  was  now  formally  required  to  return  to 
his  palace,  there  to  await  the  answer  to  his  petitions, 
which  must  pass  through  the  usual  course.  This  he 
refused  to  do,  insisting  upon,  receiving  justice  and 
upon  the  admission  of  appeals.  For  this  obstinacy 
he  was  fined  four  thousand  ducados,  and  upon  his 

36  '  No  se  iria  de  alia  aim  cuando  lo  hicieran  pedazos,  hasta  que  no  se  le 
hiciese  justicia.'  Mex.}  Ret.  Svm.,  6. 


52  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

further  refusal  the  sentence  of  banishment  from  New 
Spain  was  added.37  It  was  afternoon  when  Gclves 
ordered  Lorenzo  do  Terroiies,  alcalde  del  crimen  of  the 
audiencia,  to  execute  the  sentence  by  taking  the  rebel- 
lious prelate  to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  there  to  embark 
for  Spain.38  Accompanied  by  the  alguacil  mayor, 
Martin  Ruiz  de  Zavala,  his  deputy,  Baltasar  de 
Perea,  and  others,  Terrones  notified  the  archbishop 
of  the  instructions  he  had  received.  The  reply  of  the 
prelate  was  that  they  must  remove  him  forcibly,  and 
Terrones  and  Perea,  taking  him  each  by  an  arm,  but 
in  a  respectful  manner,  led  him  down  to  the  court- 
yard, where  a  hired  travelling-carriage  drawn  by  four 
mules  was  in  waiting.  In  this  the  prisoner,  having 
his  crozier  and  the  insignia  of  his  rank  in  the  church, 
and  the  three  officials,  seated  themselves;  some  ten 
or  twelve  mounted  constables  under  Major  Antonio 
de  Campo89  of  the  palace  guard  surrounded  the  equi- 
jmge,  and  the  whole  cortege  departed  by  the  streets 
leading  to  the  causeway  of  Guadalupe. 

So  great  was  the  crowd  in  the  plaza  that  with  dif- 
ficulty a  passage  was  made.  On  all  sides  the  sobs  of 
the  women  mingled  with  the  sterner  voices  of  the  men, 
while  they  asked  whither  their  beloved  pastor  was 
being  taken,  or  heaped  imprecations  on  the  head  of  the 
author  of  this  outrage.  Some  divested  themselves  of 
their  mantles  in  order  to  throw  them  in  the  road  of 
the  carriage.  The  crowd  grew  by  accessions  from  side 
streets  and  from  the  houses  by  the  wayside,  notwith- 

37  This  sentence  was  based  on  more  than  one  royal  decree.  One  oidor  did 
not  take  part  in  this  act,  which  he  chose  to  regard  as  executive  matter. 

38 The  order  was  supplemented  by  another  fuller  and  more  specific  in  its 
instructions.  In  the  latter,  Terrones  was  ordered  to  take  the  prelate  directly 
to  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  there  to  embark  in  the  first  ship  sailing  for  Spain  that 
might  suit  him.  For  each  day  of  service,  going  and  coming,  Terrones  would 
receive  twelve  ducados  de  Castilla,  the  notary  four  pesos  de  oro  comun,  and 
the  guards  their  usual  pay.  All  of  these  expenses,  as  well  as  others  which 
might  be  incurred,  were  to  be  met  by  the  archbishop,  and  the  tithe  collector 
of  the  cathedral  was  obliged  to  pay  2,000  pesos  at  once.  Doc.  Hist.  Mtx.y 
seiie  ii.  torn.  ii.  253-7,  419-21. 

89  The  viceroy  had  sent  for  Captain  Diego  de  Armenteros  to  command 
the  escort,  but  the  captain  apparently  having  no  stomach  for  the  duty  kept 
out  of  the  way. 


ACTION  OF  THE  OIDORES.  53 

standing  Ocampo's  order  that  none  should  go  further 
than  the  church  of  Santo  Domingo,  until  on  reaching 
Guadalupe,  it  numbered  fully  five  thousand  Indians, 
negroes,  and  half-breeds.  While  the  archbishop  dined 
and  rested,  the  people  by  degrees  returned  to  the  city, 
there  spreading  the  news  and  arousing  general  dis- 
content. 

That  night  the  three  oidores,  whether  influenced 
by  partisans  of  the  archbishop  or  fearful  that  their 
action  had  been  hasty,  took  counsel  of  one  another. 
The  result  was  that  Ibarra  despatched  a  messenger 
to  Terrones  bidding  him  go  slowly,  for  on  the  morrow 
the  order  touching  the  exile  of  the  prelate  would  un- 
doubtedly be  revoked.  On  the  morning  of  the  12th, 
accordingly,  the  three  met  formally,  with  Vallecillo 
as  president,  passed  a  resolution  declaring  that  there 
had  been  a  lack  of  accord  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
previous  day,  and  ordering  that,  while  this  point  was 
considered,  those  having  the  prelate  in  custody  should 
return  with  him  at  once.  Of  this  the  viceroy  had 
speedy  information,  and  ordered  the  clerk  of  the  audi- 
encia  to  deliver  up  the  document.  The  oidores  met 
again,  and  passed  another  resolution  revoking  the 
four  orders  of  the  11th,  on  the  ground  that  they  had 
not  been  passed  by  a  quorum,  and  ordering  that  the 
archbishop  should  be  brought  back  to  Mexico.40  In- 
formed of  this  second  meeting  of  the  oidores  the  vice- 
roy ordered  them  into  confinement  within  the  palace, 
and  that  two  relatores  who  had  taken  part  with  them 
siiould  be  put  in  prison.  He  also  ordered  that  no 
action  should  be  taken  in  the  matter  of  the  revoca- 
tion by  the  oidores,  in  which  he  had  had  no  part. 

Fearing  lest  the  archbishop  might  renew  the  inter- 
dict, and  having  strengthened  his  resolve  by  an  appeal 
to  the  fiscal,  the  marquis  sent  Tobar  to  the  cathedral 
and  the  churches,  to  notify  the  chapter  and  the  parish 
priests  not  to  obey  any  such  order  on  the  part  of  their 

40  The  document  was  not  properly  authenticated  because  the  deputy  clerk 
etood  in  fear  of  the  viceroy.  Doc.  Hist.  Ilex. ,  serie  ii.  torn.  ii.  247-50. 


54  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

superior  till  the  delegate  should  have  rendered  his 
decision.  Tobar  found  the  cathedral  doors  shut,  al- 
though the  building  was  full  of  people,  but  obtained 
admittance  after  some  delay.  Not  without  opposition 
he  read  the  order  from  the  steps  of  the  high  altar,  and 
was  promised  obedience  by  the  provisor  and  the  chap- 
ter; but  the  parish  priests  replied  that  they  had  no 
power  to  suspend  or  impede  what  their  superior  might 
determine. 

In  order  that  the  archbishop  might  not  attempt  to 
influence  in  any  way  the  delegate  at  Puebla,  the  vice- 
roy despatched  a  messenger  to  Terrones,  with  orders  to 
avoid  that  city  and  to  take  another  road.41  A  halt  had 
been  made  at  the  town  of  Guadalupe  for  the  purpose 
of  allowing  the  archbishop  to  rest,  and  of  this  he 
availed  himself  to  issue  two  additional  decrees.  In  the 
first,  after  reciting  his  visit  to  the  audiencia,  his  arrest, 
and  his  deportation  to  this  place,  the  prelate  declared 
that  the  president  and  oidores,  as  well  Terrones,  Za- 
vala, Perea,  and  Osorio,  together  with  Ocampo  and 
the  alguaciles  of  the  guard,  had  incurred  the  censures 
mentioned  in  the  canon  dementia  si  quis  suadente  cli- 
abolo  and  the  bull  in  coena  domini}'2  This  decree  was 
made  known  at  once  to  all  the  persons  named  therein, 
except  the  president  and  oidores,  with  an  offer  of  ab- 
solution if  sought  within  six  hours.  The  second  edict 
was  addressed  to  the  clerpfv,  reciting  the  facts  men- 
tioned  in  the  first  edict  and  ordering  an  interdict  to 
be  established. 

The  archbishop  had  wished  to  remain  still  longer 
at  Guadalupe,  but  Terrones  insisting,  he  consented  at 
length  to  go  on,  and  the  night  was  passed  at  the 
hermitage  of  Santa  Isabel.  On  the  following  even- 
ing he  reached  San  Juan  de  Teotihuacan.  On  the 
morning  of  the  13th  Terrones  entering  the  bed-cham- 
ber of  the  archbishop  found  him  still  abed.     He  de- 

41  He  should  send  back  Osorio,  whose  services  were  needed  in  Mexico. 
"The  names  of  the  excommunicated  were  ordered  to  be  posted  in  the 
usual  manner.   Id.,  191-8. 


POSITION  OF  THE  PRELATE.  55 

sired  the  prelate  to  dress  and  to  enter  the  carriage 
which  was  in  waiting  at  the  door.  Informed  of  the 
action  of  the  oidores  the  archbishop  pleaded  that  his 
health  would  not  allow  him  to  pursue  the  journey  for 
the  present.  Terrones  insisting,  he  replied  curtly  that 
a  formal  order  would  alone  have  weight  with  him.43 
It  was  indecent  that  a  person  of  his  quality  should  be 
carried  off  in  this  manner,  when  there  was  nothing  in 
his  conduct  to  warrant  such  treatment;  and  were  he 
to  go  willingly  he  might  be  accused  of  a  desire  to 
proceed  to  Spain  on  an  errand  of  his  own.  Not 
wishing  to  take  extreme  measures  Terrones  sent  to 
Mexico  for  further  orders.  Alarm  at  his  spiritual 
plight  may  have  been  one  of  the  reasons  why  Ter- 
rones consented  to  humor  the  prelate,  but  for  this  he 
was  reprimanded  by  the  viceroy,  who  also  rebuked 
his  negligence  in  allowing  the  issue  of  fresh  excom- 
munications,44 intimating  that  a  prompt  execution  of 
orders  would  be  more  pleasing  than  a  waste  of  time 
in  sending  despatches  and  awaiting  answers.  A  little 
compulsion  would  do  no  harm.45 

The  afflicted  Terrones  accordingly  issued  orders  for 
departure.  The  luggage  was  sent  on  before,  the  car- 
riage stood  in  readiness,  but  no  archbishop  appeared. 
At  first  the  attendants  of  the  prelate  gave  out  that 
he  was  at  his  prayers,  and  then  that  he  had  gone  for 
a  walk;  but,  on  more  special  inquiry,  it  was  found 
that  he  was  actually  in  the  church  of  the  Franciscan 

43  '  Y  no  en  otra  man  era,  y  que  esto  daba  y  di6  por  respuesta. '  Id. ,  259. 

44  While  expressing  sympathy  for  the  illness  of  his  grace,  Gelves  intimated 
that  the  complaint  might  be  merely  a  pretence. 

45  Torres,  the  messenger,  afterward  testified  that  Gelves  bade  him  tell 
Terrones:  'Si  el  dicho  senor  arzobispo  dificultase  el  proseguir  en  la  Jornada  y 
para  esto  se  acostase,  que  ordenase  a  Don  Diego  do  Armenteros  y  a  las  gnardas, 
que  con  la  misma  cama  se  metiese  en  cl  coche  habiendole  apcrcibido  primero 
que  se  vistiese  y  aprestase. '  Father  Domingo  Navarro  Fortunio,  who  accom- 
panied the  archbishop  on  the  journey,  testiiied  that  on  receiving  this  order 
Terrones  said,  his  eyes  filling  with  tears:  'Que"  compadrazgos  tengo  yo  con  el 
senor  arzobispo,  ni  que"  he  liecho  yo  para  que  se  me  trate  tan  infamemente.' 
/(/. ,  405,  261.  An  order  also  came  that  four  members  of  the  cathedral  chapter, 
who  had  come  to  San  Juan  Teotihuacan  by  vote  of  the  chapter  for  the  purpose 
of  accompanying  the  archbishop  to  Vera  Cruz,  should  travel  one  day's  journey 
at  least  in  advance. 


56  QUARREL  OF  THE  VICEROY  AND  ARCHBISHOP. 

convent.46  Terrones  followed  him,  accompanied  by 
the  alguacil  mayor,  Torres,  and  four  of  the  reluctant 
guard.  On  entering  the  church  they  found  the  prel- 
ate, in  rochet,  cape,  and  stole,  standing  by  the  high 
altar,  while  the  ciborium  was  open  with  the  host  in 
remonstrance  within.  Terrones,  weeping,  upbraided 
him  for  thus  forcing  extreme  measures,  saying  that 
he  had  lost  his  honor,  and  his  life  was  forfeit  to  the 
viceroy's  wrath.  To  this  outburst  the  prelate  replied 
calmly  that  he  could  not  continue  the  journey,  for  he 
wTas  engaged  in  visiting  officially  the  altar  of  the 
parish.  Saying  this,  he  took  from  the  ciborium  a 
wafer  which  he  placed  on  a  paten,  and  holding  this 
in  his  hands  he  seated  himself  close  to  the  altar. 
But  soon  the  wily  priest  was  carried  away  by  the 
excitement  attendant  on  a  situation  so  dramatic,  or 
possibly  he  determined  purjDosely  to  heighten  its 
effect.  When  the  alcalde  again  desired  him  to  leave 
these  things  and  to  continue  the  journey,  he  burst 
into  tears,  exclaiming  that  he  had  not  wished  to  re- 
sort to  this  extremity  in  Mexico,  for  the  land  was 
newly  christianized,  and  he  feared  lest  the  faith  of 
the  Indians  might  be  shaken  by  the  occurrence  of 
events  to  them  inexplicable.  "  Here,  however,"  he 
added,  "all  are  Spaniards;  just  as  I  am  take  me 
away."47  Thus  saying,  he  placed  the  paten  upon  the 
altar. 

Terrones  then  ordered  the  notary  to  instruct  the 
captain  of  the  guard  to  do  as  the  viceroy  had  ordered. 
As,  in  obedience  to  the  thrice  repeated  order,  Armen- 
teros  and  one  of  the  guards  began  to  ascend  the  steps 

*£  Armenteros  says  that  the  archbishop  went  to  the  church  in  an  artful 
manner,  without  even  a  hat,  and  as  if  for  a  short  stroll.  Id.,  423. 

47  '  Y  puesto  en  esta  forma,  hablando  las  dichas  palabras,  dijo  le  llevasen 
como  estaba.'  Id.,  263.  The  account  of  the  archbishop's  taking  refuge  in  the 
church  rests  in  the  main  on  the  sworn  testimony  of  Diego  Torres,  the 
notary,  who  in  his  official  capacity  has  full  opportunity  of  knowing  whereof 
he  spoke,  and  whose  words  bear  with  them  intrinsic  evidence  of  their  truth. 
He  stated  that  the  archbishop  accused  Gelves  of  having  forced  the  oidores  to 
pass  the  order  for  his  exile,  adding  that  the  viceroy  was  the  greatest  tyrant 
in  the  world,  and  that  Torres  might  tell  him  so.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  scrie  ii. 
torn.  iii.  8. 


CLERICAL  CUNNING.  57 

of  the  altar,  the  archbishop  arose,  and  lifting  the 
paten  on  high  before  them  he  said:  "Let  us  see  if 
there  be  a  Christian  man  so  dead  to  shame  as  to  lay 
hands  on  Jesus  Christ."  The  intangible  power  of  the 
church  was  still  paramount.  Serna  successfully  played 
the  part  of  Becket,  but  to  Armenteros  and  his  men 
the  spirit  of  the  Norman  knights  was  lacking;  burst- 
ing into  tears  they  retired.48  On  his  part  Terrones 
exclaimed:  "My  lord,  you  have  wrought  my  un- 
doing!" To  this  Serna  replied:  "Sir  doctor,  I  but 
work  in  the  cause  of  your  worship  and  that  of  these 
poor  fellows."  The  alcalde  took  his  wonted  way  out 
of  difficulties,  and  bade  Torres  ride  with  speed  to 
Mexico  in  order  to  give  an  account  to  the  viceroy  of 
the  turn  matters  had  taken.  The  latter  merely  re- 
plied that  Terrones  should  be  recalled  and  give  place 
to  a  man  who  would  carry  out  orders  rather  than 
write  despatches.  All  that  night  the  prelate  remained 
at  the  post  he  had  chosen  near  the  high  altar,  taking 
such  rest  as  he  could  on  its  steps,  regardless  of  the 
cold.  All  night  the  sacrament  remained  exposed  on 
that  altar  while  the  guard  kept  watch  by  turns.49 

48 1  have  already  had  occasion  to  speak  of  the  faint-heartedness  of  Armen- 
teros in  this  matter.  He  lamented  that  he  was  an  unfortunate  man.  '  Que 
no  tenia  mas  que  una  vida,  y  esa  la  habia  de  perder  por  Dios  y  su  rey. '  Id. , 
ii.  423. 

49  In  the  morning  the  archbishop,  wishing  to  celebrate  mass,  desired  all 
who  had  come  under  the  ban  of  the  church  to  withdraw.  This  request  how- 
ever was  denied,  for  Terrones  held  that  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  party  were 
excommunicated,  since,  as  the  prelate  well  knew,  they  were  acting  under 
compulsion,  and  the  mass  was  left  unsaid.  The  request  for  continuing  the 
journey  again  met  with  a  refusal.  The  archbishop  said  he  knew  the  audi- 
encia  had  issued  an  order  for  his  return  to  Mexico,  but  if  Terrones  could 
produce  one  of  later  date  from  the  same  body,  whereby  he  was  required  to 
pursue  his  way  to  exile,  he  would  cheerfully  obey  it. 


CHAPTEK  III. 

OVERTHROW   OF   GELVES. 

1G24. 

The  Interdict  Launched  against  the  Capital — Excitement  among  the 
Populace — The  Rabble  in  Arms — Attack  on  the  Palace — The 
Government  Declared  Vested  in  the  Oidores — Their  Schemes  to 
Secure  Control — Flight  of  Gelves — Triumphant  Entry  of  the 
Archbishop— Reactionary  Measures  by  the  Audiencia — The  Vice- 
roy under  Restraint — His  Vain  Negotiations  for  Return  to 
Power — Gathering  Evidence — Measures  by  the  King — Cerralvo 
Sent  as  Viceroy — Nominal  Restoration  of  Gelves  and  Trium- 
phant Entry — Proceedings  against  the  Rioters — Fate  of  Serna 
and  Gelves— Significance  of  the  Outbreak. 

Among  the  oldest  and  most  sacred  spots  of  Andhuac 
was  Teotihuacan.  During  the  early  Nahua  period 
its  lofty  pyramids  were  famed  throughout  the  land, 
and  under  the  Toltec  empire  it  remained  the  religious 
centre  to  which  pilgrims  with  rich  offerings  flocked 
from  afar  to  worship  in  the  temples  of  the  sun  and 
moon.  Here  kings  and  priests  were  elected,  ordained, 
and  buried,  and  here  were  fulminated  oracles  which 
overturned  dynasties  and  caused  nations  to  tremble. 
It  was  in  the  village  near  this  spot,  now  a  mass  of 
awe-inspiring  ruins,  that  Archbishop  Serna  had  taken 
a  defiant  stand  within  the  convent  church,  and  like 
his  ancient  forerunners  he  sent  forth  a  decree  which 
should  rouse  a  people  and  overturn  a  ruler.  This 
was  nothing  less  than  a  new  excommunication  of  the 
viceroy,  together  with  an  interdict  upon  the  whole 
capital.  The  decree  was  intrusted  to  the  priest  Mar- 
tinez de  Kecalde,  who  set  out  on  horseback  the  even- 
ing it  was  issued,  the  14th  of  January  1624,  and 
reached  the  city  at  dawn  the  following  day.    At  half 

(53) 


EXCOMMUNICATION.  59 

past  five  the  name  of  the  viceroy  again  appeared  in 
the  list  of  religious  outcasts,  and  an  hour  later  the 
interdict  was  read  from  the  cathedral  pulpit  to  such 
of  the  faithful  as  were  present  at  matins.  The  chant 
of  the  choir  ceased  immediately,  the  candles  upon  the 
altar  were  extinguished,  the  massive  doors  closed 
upon  the  devout,  who,  weeping,  spread  throughout 
the  city  the  sad  tidings,  crying  that  the  land  was  now 
as  one  possessed  by  Moors,  since  God  had  gone  from 
among  them.  Soon,  too,  the  willing  feet  of  priests 
were  hastening  to  bear  the  decree  to  the  other 
churches  and  convents  of  the  town.  All  were  closed 
save  the  convent  of  La  Merced,  which  remained  open 
during  the  morning,  while  from  every  belfry  tolled 
forth  the  dread  tidings  to  the  awakening  city. 

The  events  of  the  past  four  days  had  been  at  work 
in  the  minds  of  the  ignorant.  The  archbishop's 
mania  for  excommunicating,  and  the  opposition  of 
the  viceroy  to  one  whom  they  had  been  taught  to 
regard  as  more  than  human,  if  somewhat  less  than 
divine,  had  formed  the  sole  topic  of  conversation,  and 
all  day  long  and  till  late  into  the  night  excited  knots 
of  men  hung  about  the  plaza  and  the  street  corners 
predicting  some  dreadful  catastrophe.  They  were 
faithful  children,  these  poor  Mexicans,  of  a  church 
the  tenets  of  which  to  them  consisted  simply  in  their 
outward  manifestation,  while  they  gratefully  remem- 
bered that  its  ministers  had  ever  stood,  or  endeavored 
to  stand,  between  them  and  the  tyranny  and  greed 
of  their  lay  masters.  Of  this  the  partisans  of  the 
prelate  failed  not  to  remind  them.  If  an  occasional 
skeptic  hinted  at  episcopal  missteps,  the  faithful  ex- 
pressed themselves  as  only  too  willing  to  give  their 
all  for  his  ransom.  They  could  not  bear  to  see  the 
representative  of  heaven  driven  forth  like  a  criminal. 
To  many  it  seemed  an  overwhelming  calamity,  and 
impressed  by  the  popular  disquietude  others  readily 
drifted  into  the  current  of  excitement  which  at  any 
moment  might  develop  into  a  storm. 


60  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

At  eight  o'clock  on  the  morhing  of  the  15th  the 
great  sqtfare  was  full  of  excited  people.  Cristobal  cle 
Osorio,  regarded  as  one  of  the  chief  oppressors  of  the 
archbishop,  passed  through  it  in  his  carriage  and  was 
recognized  by  some  boys.  Cries  of  "heretic,"  "ex- 
communicated dog,"  and  the  like  came  lustily  from 
their  throats  until  Osorio,  losing  his  temper,  ordered 
his  servants  to  chastise  them.  The  boys  defended 
themselves  with  stones,  and  at  length  forced  the 
coachman  to  drive  toward  the  palace  for  protection.1 
The  viceroy,  who  was  still  in  his  bed,  received  a 
probably  exaggerated  account  of  the  attack  and  ordered 
out  the  guard  to  the  rescue.  Though  roughly  handled 
at  first,  the  boys  were  soon  reenforced  by  others  and 
at  length  joined  by  many  of  the  idle  men  who  flocked 
to  the  spot.  Armed  with  sharp  fragments  of  stone 
gathered  from  the  spot  where  the  cathedral  was 
a-building,  they  soon  forced  the  guard  to  retire  within 
the  palace  gates,  against  which  the  mob,  which  had 
now  assumed  formidable  proportions,  threw  itself. 
Gelves  with  characteristic  valor  would  have  sallied 
forth  sword  in  hand,  but  from  such  a  rash  proceeding 
he  was  dissuaded  by  Admiral  Cevallos  and  others 
who  happened  to  be  with  him.  He  contented  himself 
therefore  with  ordering  the  general  call  to  arms  to  be 
sounded  from  the  palace  roof,  and  displaying  from  a 
window  the  pendant  used  during  the  negro  trouble  in 
1612.  The  call  of  the  trumpet  served  first  to  summon 
aid  to  the  rabble,  and,  amidst  the  encouraging  cries  of 
his  fellows,  one  of  the  crowd  mounted  a  ladder  and 
tore  down  the  flag,  which  soon  waved  in  triumph  from 
one  of  the  cathedral  towers.  But  the  rioters  lost  little 
time  in  idle  demonstrations.  Some  busied  themselves 
in  an  attempt  to  fire  the  palace  gate,  others  sought  to 

1  The  author  of  the  Relation  Svmaria  says  that  the  boys  were  urged  on  by 
a  priest.  Mex.,  Iiel.  Svm.,  8.  This  was  the  theory  of  the  causes  of  the  tumult 
which  Gelves  and  his  friends  endeavored  to  have  adopted,  and  although  later 
clergymen  witnesses  unanimously  contradicted  this,  Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  sCrie  ii. 
torn.  ii.  275-345,  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  secular  clergy  was  to  a  great 
extent  responsible  for  the  acts  of  the  mob  on  this  day. 


RIOTOUS  PROCEEDINGS.  61 

free  the  prisoners  in  the  jail,  all  shouting  the  while : 
"Viva  la  fe  de  Jesucristo;  viva  la  Iglesia;  viva  el  rey 
nuestro  seflor,  y  muera  el  mal  gobierno  de  este  luterano 
herege  descomulgado!"  The  bravado  of  the  untrained 
populace  grows  more  demonstrative  the  less  it  is  op- 
posed, and  presently  the  rioters  began  to  cry  that, 
unless  their  pastor2  were  restored  to  his  flock  and  the 
imprisoned  oidores  liberated,  they  would  put  an  end 
not  only  to  all  in  the  palace  but  to  the  tribunals  and 
the  gentry  as  well. 

The  situation  was  becoming  serious,  for  the  supply 
of  arms  was  small  even  for  the  few  defenders  of  the 
palace,  and  the  fire  at  the  gates  grew  hot.  It  hap- 
pened that  the  oidor  Cisneros,  who  had  not  taken  part 
in  the  proceedings  which  led  to  the  arrest  of  the  arch- 
bishop, was  among  the  first  to  obey  the  general  sum- 
mons of  the  viceroy.  He  now,  kneeling,  besought 
Gelves  to  recall  the  prelate,  and  in  this  he  was  sec- 
onded by  other  prominent  persons.  To  this  Gelves 
at  length  gave  consent,  albeit  against  his  will,  for  he 
was  still  inclined  to  offer  a  stout  resistance  to  rebels. 
The  decree  which  he  signed  was  intrusted  for  trans- 
mission to  the  senior  inquisitor,  who  as  he  left  the 
palace  showed  it  to  the  crowd.  But  the  mob  had  no 
faith  in  the  viceroy,  and  notwithstanding  the  general 
freedom  promised  them  they  clamored  still  for  the 
release  of  the  oidores  and  the  issue  of  the  decree  by 
them.  Gelves  had  to  yield,  and  now  the  mob  was 
persuaded  by  the  popular  marques  del  Valle  to  put 
out  the  fire  at  the  gates,  while  some  Franciscans  per- 
suaded a  large  number  to  depart  from  the  spot.3  One 
faction  in  moving  away  amid  exultant  demonstrations, 
sought  to  obtain  the  pendon  de  la  fe  from  the  inquis- 
itors; and  balked  in  this  they  took  Varaez  from  his 
confinement  and  carried  him  round  in  triumph. 

This  lull  by  ro  means  suited  certain  parties;  and  a 
rumor  that  the  archbishop  was  to  be  executed  assisted 

2  'Que  lo  habian  desterrado  por  defensor  de  su  Iglesia.'  Id,,  313. 

3  Gaviria  claims  credit  for  having  aided  in  this  dispersion. 


62  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

to  draw  the  rabble  again  to  the  plaza.  A  number  now 
raised  the  cry  to  break  open  the  prisons  in  one  end  of 
the  palace,  partly  with  a  view  to  plunder  the  building. 
The  lower  jail  was  easily  entered,  but  not  so  the  upper 
and  main  portion,  whereupon  torches  were  applied.4 
Reenforcecl  with  arms  and  ammunition  the  viceroy 
opened  fire  on  the  assailants,  killing  quite  a  number. 
This  naturally  exasperated  the  crowd,  which,  armed 
with  arquebuses,  broke  into  the  archiepiscopal  palace, 
ascended  to  the  roof,  and  began  to  return  the  fire  from 
the  viceregal  palace.  Gelves  now  found  himself  in 
greater  strait  than  ever,  for  the  mob  was  increasing 
both  in  number  and  fury,  and  the  fire  extended  rapidly. 
Finding  it  necessary  to  release  the  prisoners  lest  they 
be  burned  alive,  he  opened  the  cell-doors  on  condition 
that  the  inmates  should  assist  in  quenching  the  flames,5 
but  most  of  them  hastened  to  join  the  mob. 

Meanwhile  the  oidores  had  done  nothing  beyond 
issuing  tame  appeals  for  order  and  urging  upon  the 
viceroy  not  to  persist  in  opposing  the  people  but 
rather  to  retire,6  a  not  very  easy  task,  had  he  so 
desired.  In  response  to  their  appeals  the  people 
shouted  that  they  should  assume  control  and  remain 
in  the  city  hall.7  Only  too  eager  to  comply  with  so 
flattering  a  demand,  the  oidores  turned  for  advice  to 
officials  and  notables  present,  not  omitting  the  clergy, 
whose  fears  prompted  but  the  one  counsel  of  compli- 
ance; and  so,  after  much  pretended  hesitation,  they 
yielded,  in  token  of  which  the  city  standard  was  un- 
furled at  5  p.  m.  At  the  same  time  Gaviria  proclaimed 
himself  captain-general,  and  set  forth  to  summon  citi- 
zens to  join  him  in  suppressing  the  riot.    He  took  the 

4  The  viceroy's  supporters  state  that  powder  alone  was  used,  while  oppo- 
nents declare  that  more  than  100  persons  were  killed,  and  Cavo  accepts  the 
latter  version.    Tres  Siglos,  i.  274. 

5  This  act  he  describes  as  prompted  purely  by  commiseration,  Mex.,  Rel. 
Svm.,  10. 

G  'To  surrender  himself  a  prisoner'  to  them.   Id. 

7  'A  todos  los  oidores  habian  de  acabar  y  matar,  y  que  habian  de  pcrecer 
si  dejaban  de  tomar  al  gobierno.'  Carta  de  la  Cludad,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  144. 


A  DAY  OF  TURMOIL.  63 

direction  of  Tlatelulco,  with  a  view  to  meet  the  large 
force  of  Indians  who  were  said  to  be  gathering  there 
intending  to  march  to  the  main  square. 

All  this  time  the  rabble  at  the  palace  were  having 
their  own  way,  with  little  or  no  attempt  at  interfer- 
ence on  the  part  of  the  oidores  remaining  at  the  city 
hall.  Gelves  even  charges  them  with  promoting  the 
trouble,8  and  intimates  that  Gaviria  kept  away  on 
purpose,  so  that  he  might  be  driven  to  extremes  for 
the  benefit  of  Gaviria's  party.  Part  of  the  palace 
was  already  in  the  hands  of  the  sackers,  and  the  vice- 
roy and  his  adherents  were  beaten  further  and  further 
back,  with  loss  both  in  dead  and  wounded.  Finding 
that  it  would  not  be  possible  to  hold  out  much  longer, 
and  warned  by  the  insensate  outcry  against  him, 
Gelves  resolved  to  seek  safety  in  flight.  He  donned 
the  garments  of  a  servant,9  took  off  his  well  known 
spectacles,  and  favored  by  the  darkness  he  mingled 
with  the  mob,  shouting  awhile  as  lustily  as  any  of 
them  against  himself.  With  two  servants  he  there- 
upon  hurried  to  San  Francisco  convent,  and  hid  in  a 
room  behind  the  refectory. 

His  departure  gave  the  signal  for  a  general  aban- 
donment of  the  palace,  which  the  rioters  now  over- 
ran, plundering  and  destroying,  and  respecting  not 
even  the  sacred  vessels  and  images  in  the  chapeL 
They  also  sacked  the  houses  of  Armentcros  and  the 
viceregal  asesor,  and  would  have  extended  their  raid 
against  other  adherents  of  the  opposite  party,  per- 
haps against  any  one  whom  it  might  pay  to  plunder; 
but  Gaviria  now  returned  at  the  head  of  an  over- 
whelming force  of  citizens.  Whatever  may  have 
been  his  motives  they  could  no  longer  be  promoted 
by  countenancing  the  riot,  which  now  threatened  to 
endanger  the  common  interest.  It  was  not  long, 
therefore,  eie  he  had  cleared  the  palace  and  its  neigh- 

9  Some  of  their  people  were  actually  led  against  the  viceroy  under  Regidor 
Valmascda.  Mez.,  Iiel.  Svm.,  10. 

9  With  a  white  band  on  the  hat.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  274. 


G4  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

borhood  of  all  dangerous  persons;  the  fire  was  extin- 
guished, the  wounded  received  due  care,  and  patrols 
paraded  the  streets  all  night,  keeping  guard  and 
maintaining  bonfires  at  the  corners. 

Few,  however,  of  those  concerned  in  that  day's  tur- 
moil thought  of  returning  home,  for  another  excite- 
ment of  a  more  peaceful  nature  was  in  store.  During 
the  dsij  the  marques  del  Valle,  and  the  bearers  of  the 
audiencia  order,  had  come  up  with  the  archiepiscopal 
party,  and  urged  upon  the  prelate  to  return  at  once 
and  aid  in  calming  the  people.  He  set  out  at  3  p.  m., 
escorted  by  a  crowd,  which  greatly  swelled  as  he 
advanced.  At  Guadalupe  he  was  met  by  a  proces- 
sion of  Indians  with  blazing  torches,  the  advance 
guard  of  many  others, 'and  the  entry  into  the  capital 
about  midnight  resembled  that  of  a  victorious  mon- 
arch. The  houses  were  illuminated,  the  bells  pealed 
merrily,  and  cheering  crowds  lined  the  street,10  im- 
pressed more  than  ever  by  the  grandeur  and  power 
of  the  church.  In  the  morning  the  prelate  removed 
the  interdict,  and  then,  borne  aloft  to  the  altar  over 
the  heads  of  the  crowds,  he  held  mass  and  chanted  the 
te  deum,  the  rest  of  the  day,  a  Tuesday,  being  held 
as  a  feast.  The  dead  rioters  he  buried  free  of  cost, 
showing  them  particular  honor,  but  the  fallen  defend- 
ers of  the  palace  he  disregarded.11 

The  same  day  the  audiencia  took  steps  to  plant 
themselves  firmly  in  power,  and  rumor  being  brought 
by  their  zealous  henchmen  that  the  people  were  again 
showing  uneasiness  at  the  possible  restoration  of 
Gelves,  they  seized  this  as  a  pretext  for  issuing  a 
proclamation  to  the  effect  that  they  would  retain  the 
government.  In  this  document  were  cited  the  views 
and  wishes  of  judges,  clergymen,  and  citizens  of  dif- 

10  They  would  not  depart  from  the  palace  till  he  came  forth  on  the  balcony 
to  give  his  blessing.  Crowds  replaced  crowds.  '  Traian  mas  de  quinientas 
hachaa  encendidas.'  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  ii.  284-5,  291,  296;  Id., 
iii.  150-1,  etc. 

11  Id.,  94.  Captain  Velasco  was  at  first  declared  a  heretic,  but  a  hand- 
some fee  induced  the  clergy  to  bury  him.  Mex.,  Rel.  Svm.,  11.  The  oidores 
received  the  formal  thanks  of  the  prelate  for  their  action. 


PUBLIC  FEELING.  65 

ferent  degrees.  All  the  provinces  were  notified  and 
ordered  to  obey  the  new  rulers.  The  demand  for 
maintaining  order  appeared  to  call  for  a  standing 
force,  and  since  this  would  strengthen  their  position, 
they  hastened  to  mass  arms  and  enroll  men,  and 
formed  several  companies,  including  a  corps  of  cav- 
alry from  among  the  encomenderos  under  Captain 
Legaspi.  Contador  Juan  de  Cervantes  Casaus  was 
created  maestre  de  campo.  Three  companies  of  one 
hundred  men  each  were  regularly  assigned  for  guard 
duty,  their  pay  being  taken  from  the  drainage  fund.12 
A  number  of  these  were  detailed  to  protect  the 
government  house  and  enforce  the  behests  of  the  au- 
diencia,  and  another  body  attended  Gaviria  as  escort. 
He  and  his  associates  moved  about  with  great  pomp; 
banners  were  lowered  as  they  passed,  and  besides 
carrying  staffs  and  other  insignia  they  adopted  the 
broad  frilled  collar  hitherto  restricted  to  the  higher 
nobles.  The  royal  seal  was  brought  from  the  palace 
to  their  hall,  and  the  papers  of  the  viceroy  were 
seized,  many  of  them  being  freely  ventilated,  notably 
his  secret  report  on  the  character  of  the  officials.  It 
contained  reflections  far  from  flattering,  and  served 
to  increase  the  animosity  against  him,  and  to  encour- 
age hostility.  Indeed  a  number  of  his  most  excellent 
measures  were  annulled,  wherever  the  oidores  thought 
it  for  their  interest  to  do  so.  The  restriction  on 
bearing  arms  was  removed,  persons  exiled  for  crimes 
were  recalled,  prisoners  released,  and  apostates  re- 
stored to  their  orders.  Further  than  this,  many 
worthy  officials  had  to  yield  their  posts  to  adherents 
of  the  new  party,  and  among  them  Pedro  Velez  de 
Guevara,  governor  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  who  was 
replaced  by  Francisco  Bravo  de  la  Serna,  a  nephew 
of  the  archbishop.13     Pedro  de  la  Gorreta,  governor 

12  This  levy  amounted  to  64,000  pesos  a  year.  Artillery  was  placed  on 
the  roof  of  the  government  house  and  double  pass-words  were  at  first  required. 
Id.,  13.  Fonseca  states  that  merely  39,853  pesos  were  taken  from  the  fund. 
Hist.  Hac. ,  v.  359. 

13  To  this  end  he  was  first  made  corregidor  of  New  Vera  Cruz,  and  as  soon 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    5 


06  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

of  Acapulco,  declined  to  surrender  his  post  to  the 
relative  of  Gaviria,  who  had  been  appointed  to  receive 
it.  The  public  feeling  against  the  viceroy  was  main- 
tained by  libellous  notices  and  abusive  songs;  and 
although  printers  were  not  as  a  rule  permitted  to 
issue  them,  no  restriction  was  placed  on  public  de- 
livery.14 

These  proceedings  received  encouragement  from  the 
effort  of  the  viceroy  to  keep  secret  his  hiding-place, 
even  from  the  oidores.  They  ferreted  it,  however, 
and  placed  a  guard  round  the  convent,  ostensibly  for 
his  protection,  but  really  to  keep  him  prisoner.  They 
also  took  precautions  to  restrict  visits  by  allowing 
none  to  enter  save  with  their  permission.15  Many  of 
those  who  came  as  visitors  or  servants  were  subjected 
to  the  indignity  of  search,  and  the  viceroy's  secretary 
was  confined  elsewhere  so  as  to  be  unable  to  commu- 
nicate with  him. 

Notwithstanding  the  secrecy  concerning  his  abode 
the  viceroy  had  not  failed  from  the  first  to  let  it  be 
known  that  he  was  still  among  the  living.  On  the 
very  evening  of  his  flight  he  had  summoned  Inqui- 
sitor Juan  Gutierrez  Flores16  and  Fray  Juan  de  Lor- 
mendi,  guardian  of  the  convent,  and  commissioned 
them  to  treat  with  the  audiencia  for  his  restoration  to 
power,  and  for  a  meeting  between  them.  They  must 
also  secure  his  papers.  While  considering  themselves 
firmly  enough  established  to  follow  their  bent,  the 
oidores   nevertheless  thought  it  necessary  to  call  a 

as  the  fleet  for  Spain  had  sailed  he  assumed  command.  Guevara  at  first 
refused  to  yield,  but  certain  promises  prevailed  upon  him.  The  alcalde  mayor 
here  maintained  himself  in  his  office,  however,  by  command  of  Gelves.  Gram- 
bila,  Tumultos,  MS.,  17. 

14  Even  boys  sang  couplets  on  the  streets,  one  of  which  ran : 

'  Ahora  vivamos  en  nuestra  ley, 
Que  no  hay  virey.' 

The  archbishop  allowed  an  abusive  attack  on  the  viceroy  to  be  printed  by 
one  Cristobal  Ruiz. 

15  'Y  que  matasen  al  virey,  si  instase  de  hecho  en  su  salida.'  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  s^rie  ii.  torn.  iii.  97.  The  viceroy's  defenders  point  out  that  the  placing 
of  a  few  guards  at  Varaez'  asylum  had  raised  a  terrible  outcry,  but  none  ob- 
jected to  the  present  violation. 

10  Also  visitador  of  Peru.  Grambila,  Tumultos,  MS.,  15. 


PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  VICEROY.  67 

meeting  of  leading  men  to  give  them  support.  They 
failed  not  to  magnify  the  danger  of  restoring  to  power 
so  unpopular  a  viceroy.  A  civil  war  might  thereby 
be  ignited  which  would  not  only  imperil  the  lives  and 
estates  of  every  Spaniard  in  New  Spain,  but  the  in- 
terests and  authority  of  the  crown  itself.  Although 
the  marques  del  Valle  among  others  made  some  blunt 
obiections  to  these  manifest  efforts  of  the  oidores  to 
retain  control,  yet  their  influence  and  arguments  pre- 
vailed in  obtaining  a  very  respectable  endorsement. 
The  more  prudent  refrained  from  committing  them- 
selves. Thus  strengthened  in  their  position,  Gaviria 
and  his  colleagues  replied  to  Gelves  that  he  had  been 
deposed,  not  by  them  but  by  the  people,  and  had  vir- 
tually admitted  the  removal  by  abandoning  his  post. 
Under  the  circumstances  the  law  and  the  popular 
will  demanded  that  they  should  administer  the  gov- 
ernment till  the  king  decided  in  the  matter.  He 
might  confer  with  any  oidor,  but  it  would  not  be  ad- 
visable for  them  to  meet  him  as  a  body.  His  private 
papers  would  be  surrendered,  but  not  official  docu- 
ments nor  his  estate. 

On  receiving  this  answer  the  viceroy,  partly  with 
a  view  of  sounding  his  opponents,  proposed  to  leave 
for  Spain  since  it  was  not  proper  that  he  should  re- 
main after  being  deprived  of  his  position.  It  was 
also  necessary  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  consult 
with  his  secretary,  his  confessor,  and  other  persons,  in 
order  to  prepare  the  report  which  the  king  expected 
from  him.  Moreover  he  needed  funds  for  the  support 
of  himself  and  followers.  To  this  came  the  reply  that 
the  viceroy  could  not  be  permitted  to  leave  before  his 
residencia  was  taken.  But  residencia  in  this  case 
could  not  be  taken  except  by  special  order  from  the 
king,  it  was  urged,  since  the  office  had  not  been  left 
in  due  form,  and  bonds  would  be  given  if  required. 
This  caused  the  audiencia  to  yield  and  offer  a  vessel, 
at  his  own  expense  however.  Shortly  after  they 
changed  their  mind  and  paid  no  attention  to  proposals 


68 


OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 


for  Iris  departure.17  It  was  thereupon  agreed  that  a 
few  assistants  would  be  given  to  prepare  despatches, 
and  certain  means  for  expenses,  but  no  officials  could 

be  allowed  to  act  for  him   as  messengers  to  Spain. 1S 

The  notaries,  however,  and  other  officials  necessary 

giving  formality  to  the  viceregal  documents  were 

either  withheld  or  delayed,  so  that  negotiations  broke 
for  some  days,  and  more  than  one  opportunity  was 
thus  purposely  lost  to  Gelves  for  sending  reports  to 
the  court 

On  February  7th  the  viceroy  sent  a  formal  protest 
to  the  audieneia.  He  had  learned  of  their  many 
proclamations  and  aets  tending  to  rouse  the  people, 
and  bring  into  contempt  the  royal  authority  vested 
in  him.  They  had  usurped  the  government,  risked 
its  subversion,  and  pi  I  him  from  fulfilling  the 

obligations  o^L  his  office.  There  could  be  only  one 
head  of  government,  and  he.  as  that  royally  appointed 
head,  now  required  the  oidores  to  obey  him  as  vice- 
regent,  governor,  captain-general,  and  president,  re- 
re  him  to  office,  and  protect  his  person  with  the 
force  enrolled,  under  penalty  of  being  declared  rebels, 
ther  with  their  supporters,  a  penalty  involving 
death  and  confiscation. 

In  the  expectation  of  such  notices  it  is  not  to 
wondered  at  that  visitors  to  the  convent  were 
relied.  The  audieneia  did  not  fail  to  express  disap- 
proval of  the  extreme  language  used,  and  regret  that 
the  inquisitor  should  have  undertaken  to  carry  it. 
This  official  was  henceforth  forbidden  entrance  into 
the  convent.  After  two  days  of  deliberation  the 
oidores  replied  in  equally  formal  manner,  in  the  king's 
name,  addressing  Gelves  as  marquis  and  ex-viceroy. 
They  recapitulated  the   different  acts    of  despotism 


'-"  •  Teniendo  dispnesta  mi  Jornada  y  embarcacion.  la  impidieron  contra  mi 
:ad.:    Gelves":  ion  of  September  1,  1624.  in  Doc.  7. 

ii.  torn,  ii:        1      See  also  /■./..  95-6.     He   might   change  his  place   of 

..  14. 
1  by  the  oidores  to  treat  all  matters  with  the  viceroy  in 
I  and  in  writing. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  AUTHORITIES.  (59 

which  gave  rise  to  the  popular  commotion  that 
caused  him  to  abandon  the  palace,  such  as  disobey- 
ing royal  orders;  withdrawing  right  of  appeal;  pre- 
venting the  audiencia  from  administering  justice  and 
fulfilling  the  duties  of  their  office ;  suppressing  letters 
and  interfering  with  the  free  use  of  mails  to  the  court 
and  elsewhere;  proclaiming  that  no  will  but  his  own 
should  prevail,  even  in  spiritual  matters,  to  which 
end  he  had  exiled  the  archbishop  and  imprisoned  the 
oidores.  These  and  other  outrages  had  so  irritated 
the  people  as  to  compel  the  audiencia,  by  common 
acclamation,  and  by  cedulas  providing  for  such  cases, 
to  assume  government  and  save  the  country  from 
ruin.  Tribunals,  secular  and  ecclesiastic  bodies,  and 
citizens  generally  had  further  required  them  to  retain 
this  power  for  the  safety  of  all.  The  efforts  of  the 
marquis  to  resume  his  late  office  were,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, dangerous  to  peace,  and  he  was  ordered 
to  desist,  under  penalty  of  being  held  responsible  for 
any  trouble  and  disaster  that  might  arise  in  conse- 
quence. He  was,  moreover,  commanded  to  obey  the 
audiencia.19 

Without  the  power  to  enforce  his  demands  Gelves 
could  merely  continue  to  issue  protests  while  declaring 
that  he  would  do  nothing  that  might  cause  disturbance. 
Yet  he  objected  to  certain  measures  of  the  audiencia 
as  tending  to  irritate  the  people  against  him,  and  sent 
proclamations  to  municipalities  and  citizens  command- 
ing them  and  other  similar  bodies  in  New  Spain  to 
maintain  order  and  oppose  the  scandalous  and  dis- 
loyal acts20  to  which  the  despotic  and  inimical  conduct 

19  This  document  was  signed  by  Licenciado  Paz  de  Vallecillo,  senior  oidor 
and  acting  president,  Doctor  Galdos  de  Valencia,  Licenciado  Pedro  de  Ver- 
gara  Gaviria,  Licenciado  Alonso  Vasquez  de  Cisneros,  Doctor  Diego  de  Aven- 
dano,  the  only  don  among  the  six,  and  Licenciado  Juan  de  Ibarra.  Counter- 
signed by  the  escribano  mayor  Godinez.  The  text  of  this  and  the  preceding 
protest  are  given  in  full  in  Ilex.,  Bel.  Svm.,  14-18.  The  inquisitor  consid- 
ered the  tone  too  strong,  and  declined  to  act  as  bearer. 

20  This  evoked  from  the  local  authorities  at  Mexico  merely  a  declaration  of 
loyalty  and  of  respect  for  the  'marquis.'  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  194- 
205.  Corregidor  Avila,  as  a  first  cousin  to  Gelves,  wa.3  debased  from  taking 
part  in  the  consideration  of  these  and  later  messages  from  his  kinsman. 


70  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

of  the  aucliencia  might  give  rise.  This  body  issued  a 
counter  proclamation  declaring  Gelves  to  be  actuated 
by  malicious  motives,  and  that  his  order  was  intended 
chiefly  to  draw  attention  from  a  defeated  plot  on  the 
part  of  his  nephew,  Francisco  Pimentel,  to  gather 
forces  in  support  of  the  uncle  while  pretending  to 
raise  them  for  Acapulco.  Pimentel  had  been  arrested, 
and  all  local  authorities  were  charged  to  aid  the  au- 
diencia  in  suppressing  similar  attempts.21 

Meanwhile  clergy,  oidores,  and  local  authorities 
of  Mexico  had  combined  to  gaiher  evidence  against 
the  viceroy,  and  in  support  of  their  acts,  and  this 
evidence  together  with  exculpatory  letters  were  for- 
warded by  the  fleet  under  Oquendo  which  set  sail 
for  Spain  shortly  after  the  riot.  The  audiencia 
appointed  for  this  mission  Doctor  Hernan  Carrillo 
Altamirano,  legal  adviser  of  that  body,  who  had  be- 
come the  sworn  enemy  of  Gelves  because  of  his  inter- 
ference with  certain  of  the  doctor's  irregular  sources 
of  income.22  The  municipality  of  Mexico  commis- 
sioned at  the  same  time  Cristobal  de  Molina  y  Pisa, 
one  of  the  regidores  whom  Gelves  had  placed  under 
arrest,  and  provided  him  with  letters  from  different 
sources,  and  for  the  most  influential  officials  in  Spain.23 
In  the  representation  to  the  king  they  depicted 
Gelves  as  a  tyrannical,  unscrupulous,  self-willed,  and 
violent  man,  who  had  made  himself  so  generally  feared 
and  hated  by  all  good  citizens  as  finally  to  compel 
them  to  rise  in  self-defence.24 

21  Id.,  185-93.  Gelves  claimed  that  lie  had  received  many  offers  to  aid  him 
in  recovering  his  position,  but  he  preferred  not  to  endanger  public  peace. 
Mex.,  Bel.  Svm.,  13. 

22  He  had  once  been  arraigned  for  murder.  Gelves  had  punished  him  and 
taken  away  600  pesos  of  unlawful  income  derived  by  him  from  Indians.  He 
was  now  captain  of  one  of  the  companies  raised  by  the  new  rulers,  and  re- 
ceived 10,000  pesos  from  the  drainage  fund  for  his  journey.   lb. 

23  Cavo  alludes  to  him  as  the  alfdrez  real.  Tres  Sighs,  i.  276.  He  was 
commissioned  as  procurador  general,  and  carried  letters  to  a  number  of 
leading  men,  such  as  Conde  de  Olivares,  prime-minister,  Conde  de  Monterey, 
president  of  the  council  of  Italy,  to  whose  father  Molino  had  been  secretary, 
the  ex- viceroy  Montesclaros,  now  of  the  council  of  state,  and  the  members 
of  the  India  council.  The  different  texts  are  given  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie 
H   torn.  iii.  152-74. 

24  As  a  judge  he  had  been  cruel  and  unjust;  he  had  removed  and  appointed 


BEFORE  THE  COURT  OF  SPAIN.  71 

The  archbishop  showed  himself  no  less  energetic 
in  collecting  and  wording  his  evidence,  in  which  he 
figured  as  a  martyr  to  religion.  The  viceroy  had  in- 
terfered also  in  his  jurisdiction,  and  had  persecuted 
clergymen  and  oidores  for  daring  to  expostulate.  In 
support  of  his  representation  he  did  not  hesitate  to 
include  the  declarations  of  aged  nuns,  who  professed 
to  have  beheld  the  viceroy's  adherents  in  the  form  of 
demons,  and  to  have  heard  a  supernatural  voice  de- 
nounce the  marquis  for  his  disobedience  to  the  prel- 
ate. To  another  had  been  revealed  that  those  who 
attacked  the  palace  were  souls  from  purgatory  led  by 
their  guardian  angel.25 

As  for  the  viceroy,  his  documents  and  letters  of 
defence  were,  after  long  delay,  given  an  opportunity 
for  transmission  in  the  treasure  fleet;  but  this  was 
wrecked,  with  the  loss  of  two  millions  of  precious 
metals,  and  Gelves'  majordomo,  Juan  de  Baeza,  went 
down  with  the  documents  in  his  charge.26  Some 
earlier  reports  by  him  and  his  adherents  appear,  how- 
ever, to  have  reached  Spain. 

The  court  was  not  a  little  astonished  and  perplexed 
on  receiving  the  news  from  Mexico.    It  could  not  well 

officials  at  will,  selecting  those  who  unscrupulously  carried  out  his  orders, 
without  regard  to  their  fitness;  he  had  interfered  with  the  duties  of  the 
audiencia  and  municipality,  taking  upon  himself  to  decide  in  many  of  their 
affairs;  he  shocked  the  feelings  of  the  community  by  his  lack  of  respect  for 
religion,  thereby  setting  a  dangerous  example  to  evil-disposed  persons.  If 
the  municipality  had  formerly  praised  the  viceroy,  it  was  due  to  intimida- 
tion ;  for  he  had  not  only  exiled  the  more  independent  regidores,  but  caused 
all  their  reports  to  be  submitted  to  him,  and  to  be  filled  with  praise  of  him- 
self. As  for  the  rioters,  they  were  chiefly  Indians  and  mestizos  of  feeble 
intelligence,  actuated  by  a  loyal  though  misdirected  zeal  for  the  king.  Regi- 
dores Gaviria  and  Valencia  should  be  rewarded  for  their  good  services  in 
restoring  order.  lb.,  Libro  Capitular,  pt.  xxv.  82-8. 

25  The  nun  had  prophesied  the  riot.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s^rie  ii.  torn.  iii. 
25-49.     Other  testimony  appears  on  pp.  230-74. 

2&Mex.,  Bel.  Svtn.,  13.  Urrutia  names  the  messengers  Melchor  de  C6r- 
doba  and  Ger6nimo  de  Valenzuela,  and  relates  that  the  documents  were 
smuggled  into  their  hands  by  the  aid  of  a  laborer  at  the  convent  where  Gelves 
was  living.  They  further  took  the  precaution  of  leaving  the  city  with  dogs 
and  falcons  as  if  for  a  hunt.  Once  outside  they  hastened  to  Vera  Cruz  to 
embark  on  the  ill-fated  fleet  with  which  they  were  to  perish.  Bel. ,  in  Mex. 
y  sus  Disturbios,  MS.,  i.  363,  497.  This  smuggling  probably  applies  to  an 
earlier  report  sent  by  Gelves. 


72  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

be  decided  with  whom  the  blame  should  rest,  although 
the  defense  of  the  archbishop  appeared  by  no  means 
satisfactory.  One  thing  was  certain  however,  that 
the  authority  of  the  king  had  been  defied  in  his  repre- 
sentative, and  that  an  audiencia  which  had  failed  to 
support  him  at  a  critical  moment  could  not  be  trusted 
with  supreme  control.  It  was  also  the  opinion  of  the 
nobles  that  exemplary  punishment  should  be  meted 
to  the  ringleaders,  lest  leniency  give  encouragement 
to  greater  disloj^alty.  But  to  this  the  marques  de 
Montesclaros  objected,  saying  that  "a  child  could  in 
his  majesty's  name  control  the  whole  viceroyalty."27 
Time  had  evidently  left  a  happy  impression  on  the 
mind  of  the  ex-viceroy. 

Nevertheless  it  was  decided  to  appoint  a  new  ruler; 
one  possessed  of  firmness  to  assume  control  of  an 
apparently  disordered  country  and  with  sagacity  to 
guide  an  investigation  and  restore  harmony  by  recon- 
ciling discordant  elements,  for  it  was  not  thought 
either  prudent  or  needful  to  send  troops.  Such  a  man 
it  was  thought  might  be  found  in  the  governor  of 
Galicia,  Rodrigo  Pacheco  y  Osorio,  marques  de  Cer- 
ralvo/3  who  combined  great  physical  strength  with 
tried  bravery,  and  while  occasionally  subject  to  pas- 
sionate outbursts  was  reputed  to  be  of  jovial  dispo- 
sition and  agreeable  in  manner,  yet  withal  devout 
and  addicted  to  study.  These  qualities  had  however 
contributed  less,  it  is  said,  to  obtain  the  favor  which 
he  enjoyed  at  court  than  the  fortunate  circumstance 
that  he  once  saved  the  queen  by  carrying  her  away 
from  a  fire.29 

Owing  to  the  apparent  urgency  of  the  case  Cerralvo 
hastened  on  his  way  accompanied  by  his  marchioness 

27  'Un  niiio  podia  atar  y  sujetar  a  todo  este  reino  al  servicio  de  S.  M.  con 
un  cordel  de  lana. '  Id. ,  370. 

28  And  relative  of  Pacheco,  viceroy  of  Cataluiia.  Cortina,  Doc.  Hist.  Rei- 
nado  Felipe,  iv.  100-1.     Portrait  and  autograph  in  Rlbera,  Gob.  Ilex.,  i.  118. 

29  He  once  killed  a  corregidor  with  a  dagger  stroke  in  a  just  cause.  Once 
every  week  he  celebrated  the  communion.  His  confessor  was  a  Pauline  friar 
of  great  piety,  master  of  the  college  of  Villagarcia.  Urrutla,  Eel.,  in  Mex.  y 
sus  Disturblos,  MS.,  i.  361-5. 


ARRIVAL  OF  CEERALVO.  73 

and  two  children,80  and  some  eighty  attendants  and 
officers,  four  of  them  knights.  He  was  joined  by 
oidores  appointed  to  replace  certain  members  of  the 
doubtful  audiencia,  and  by  Martin  de  Carrillo,  inquisi- 
tor of  Yalladolid,  the  latter  bearing  special  instruc- 
tions to  investigate  the  outbreak  and  see  to  the 
punishment  of  the  guilty.  The  party  sailed  in  the 
fleet  of  General  Chavez  and  reached  Vera  Cruz  in 
September  1624.31  On  the  way  to  Mexico  they  were 
detained  at  different  places  by  demonstrations,  ad- 
dresses, and  petitions,  and  courted  by  a  host  of  seekers 
for  favors  or  clemency,  in  view  of  the  prospective 
reforms  and  punishments  to  be  ordained.  At  Puebla 
the  reception  was  particularly  brilliant  with  triumphal 
arches,  processions,  bull-fights,  and  other  perform- 
ances. The  bishop  here  sought  to  win  the  good 
graces  of  the  marchioness  by  presenting  a  casket  with 
perfumes  and  the  like,  all  mounted  in  gold.  The  lady 
kept  the  perfume  alone,  returning  the  rest,  whereat 
the  prelate  is  said  to  have  felt  deeply  mortified.32 

Cerralvo  entered  Mexico  informally  toward  the  end 
of  October,  conferred  for  some  time  with  Gelves,33  and 
inquired  into  the  state  of  affairs.  One  result  was 
that  he  determined  first  to  restore  the  dignity  of  his 
office,  and  to  this  end  ordered  the  removal  of  the 
name  of  Gelves  from  the  excommunication  tablet :i 
and  his  reinstallation.  This  was  a  bitter  pill  to  the 
higher  officials,  notably  the  oidores;  but  the  new 
members  of  the  audiencia  assisted  to  overrule  objec- 

30Vetancurt  mentions  only  one,  a  daughter  vrho  died  at  Mexico  in  1G31. 
Trot.  Max.,  14. 

31  On  approaching  this  place  two  fast  sailers  advanced  to  gather  news,  and 
met  cruising  off  the  harbor  two  vessels  sent  by  the  audiencia  to  anticipate  the 
report  of  any  such  arrival  and  what  it  might  bode.    Urrutia,  ubi  sup. 

32 '  Pienso  cpie  el  despego  tan  impensado  sirve  de  azada  para  abrirle  en 
breve  la  sepultura.'  Urrutia,  Bel,  in  Mex.  y  sus  Disturbios,  MS.,  i.  443. 
Gifts  from  Gaviria  were  also  declined. 

33  Urrutia  relates  that  Gelves  made  a  return  visit  to  Chapultepec  where 
the  marchioness  received  him  kneeling  and  in  tears.  Gelves  also  knelt  and 
wept  till  Cerralvo  made  both  rise. 

3i  Portillo,  the  provisor  then  in  charge  of  the  diocesan  affairs,  made  objec- 
tions, but  Cerralvo  peremptorily  ordered  obedience,  and  intimated  that  he 
had  power  to  deal  summarily  even  with  prelates. 


74  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

tions.  On  the  30th  of  October  the  municipality,  with 
the  best  grace  possible,  issued  proclamations  in  accord- 
ance with  the  order,  declaring  their  joy  at  the  pros- 
pective re-entry  of  their  viceroy  on  the  morrow,  and 
ordering  a  pompous  celebration  with  salvos  and  fire- 
works to  testify  "  the  affection  which  the  city  enter- 
tained for  the  marquis."35 

On  the  31st  a  vast  procession  of  officials,  nobles, 
gentry,  and  prominent  citizens  appeared  at  the  con- 
vent, whence  the  troops  had  been  removed,  and  hat 
in  hand  the  oidores  made  their  bow.  Gelves  vaulted 
into  the  saddle  and  was  escorted  to  the  palace.  Along 
the  very  streets  so  lately  trodden  by  him  as  a  decried 
fugitive  shielded  by  the  darkness,  he  now  proceeded 
with  the  pomp  of  a  victor,  beneath  arches  and  fes- 
toons, amid  salvos  and  ringing  of  bells,36  beneath 
floral  showers  from  fair  hands,  and  amid  the  thunder- 
ing cheers  of  countless  spectators,  who  now  and  then 
made  a  diversion  by  cursing  the  oidores  and  other 
enemies  of  their  beloved  viceroy.  At  the  palace  gate 
he  was  actually  caught  in  the  arms  of  the  fickle  popu- 
lace and  carried  to  where  Cerralvo  stood  to  receive 
him.  In  the  evening  came  festivities  with  illumina- 
tion and  fireworks.  Gelves  did  not,  however,  expect 
to  assume  executive  power,  for  this  he  regarded  as 
already  vested  in  Cerralvo.  He  merely  came  to 
triumph.  The  next  day  he  left  the  palace,  and  fol- 
lowed this  time  by  a  sorrow-stricken  crowd  entered 
the  Franciscan  convent  at  Tacuba,  there  to  await  his 
residencia.37 

The  popular  demonstrations  at  his  entry  and  de- 
parture were  by  no  means  so  insincere  as  at  first 
glance  might  appear.  An  interval  of  eight  months  had 
calmed  men's  passions  considerably,  and  the  rule  of 
the  audiencia  had  tended  to  exalt  in  the  eyes  of  most 
citizens  the  salutary  strictness  of  the  overthrown  gov- 

35  Mex.,  Bel.  Estado,  30. 

36  At  all  the  temples,  save  the  cathedral,  the  Jesuit  houses,  and  the  Car- 
melite convent. 

a7  Urrutia,  Bel,  MS.,  i.  441-61. 


INVESTIGATIONS.  75 

eminent.  The  annulling  of  Gelves'  many  reforms,  the 
setting  aside  of  pending  indictments  and  verdicts,  the 
permission  so  generally  given  to  carry  arms,  greatly 
contributed  to  promote  corruption  and  disorder  among 
all  classes.  Monopolies  again  appeared  in  force  to 
raise  prices  and  grind  the  poor,  aided  by  dishonest 
officials;  rich  and  influential  criminals  bought  them- 
selves free,  while  humbler  law-breakers  languished 
in  prison.  Varaez  appeared  on  the  street  with  great 
ostentation,  and  proceeded  to  his  alcaldia  mayor  to 
submit  to  residencia,  accompanied  by  fifty  horsemen, 
who  were  no  doubt  intended  to  intimidate  honest  wit- 
nesses.38 Bandits  again  began  to  crowd  the  highways 
and  commit  depredations  with  impunity,  and  affairs 
assumed  so  forlorn  an  aspect  that  many  became  loud 
in  their  desire  for  the  restoration  of  Gelves.39 

On  the  Sunday  following  the  nominal  reinstallation 
of  his  predecessor,  Cerralvo  took  formal  possession  of 
office  as  fifteenth  viceroy,40  and  prepared  to  extend  the 
needed  reforms,  yet  in  a  manner  more  conciliatory  and 
affable  than  that  of  Gelves,  so  as  to  gain  general  good 
will.  He  showed  also  greater  regard  for  some  of  the 
old  oidores  than  had  been  expected,  Valecillo  being 
recommended  for  promotion  and  Gaviria  intrusted  with 
several  honorable  commissions.41 

The  residencia  of  Gelves  was  proclaimed  with  more 
than  usual  formality,  owing  to  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  his  rule.  Fully  two  hundred  witnesses  came 
from  different  parts  to  testify,  the  trial  lasting  fifteen 
months.     In  connection  with  this  inquisition  Carrillo 

38  He  seized  his  denouncer  Soto  and  forced  him  with  threats  to  declare  his 
testimony  false.  Soto  afterward  reaffirmed  his  statements.  Mex.,Rel.  Svm.y 
12. 

39  Yet  such  expressions  were  promptly  suppressed.  The  oidores  and  regi- 
dores  made  money  by  selling  monopoly  licenses.  Grambila,  Tumultos,MS.,  12- 
15.  No  energetic  efforts  were  put  forth  to  recover  the  booty  taken  from  the 
palace  and  other  places  during  the  riot,  although  a  part  was  recovered.  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  92-3,  151-2. 

40  November  3d,  it  appears,  though  Cavo  and  others  place  this  as  the  date 
of  his  arrival  at  Mexico.  Tres  Siglos,  i.  276. 

41  A  nephew  of  the  latter  was  appointed  asesor  to  the  viceroy.  Ilex.,  ReL 
Estado,  30.     Gelves  does  not  appear  to  have  been  quite  pleased  with  this. 


7G  OVERTHROW  OF  CELVES. 

also  investigated  the  conduct  of  all  concerned  in  the 
riot,  including  ecclesiastics  by  special  assent  of  the 
pope,42  yet  with  prudent  leniency,  for  it  was  not 
politic  to  stir  the  more  powerful  spirits.  Examples 
were  made  among  the  less  formidable.  Many  of  these 
anticipated  events  by  flight,  but  several  officials  in- 
cluding two  oidores  were  removed,  four  of  those  who 
led  in  the  outbreak  were  executed,  and  five  ecclesi- 
astics who  had  hurried  away  to  Spain  were  sent  to 
the  galleys.43  In  a  proclamation  to  the  people  Cer- 
ralvo  announced  that  the  trial  had  convinced  the  king 
of  their  loyalty.  The  outbreak  was  evidently  caused 
by  rancor  against  the  marques  de  Gelves  personally. 
Filled  with  a  desire  to  affirm  their  love  and  remove 
even  the  suspicion  of  disloyalty  among  vassals  of 
Spain,  his  Majesty  decreed  that  all  who  were  ar- 
raigned or  in  prison  for  supposed  complicity  in  the 
riot  should  be  released  unconditionally.44 

Archbishop  Serna  was  among  those  who  had  hur- 
ried out  of  the  way  to  Spain.  The  effect  of  his  con- 
duct in  causing  riot  and  overthrow  of  the  royal  repre- 
sentative must  have  startled  him  when  sober  second 
thought  prevailed.  His  position  became  uncomfort- 
able; he  felt  that  he  must  personally  plead  his  cause 
at  court,  and  in  the  spring  of  1624  he  departed  from 
Mexico.  The  desire  to  anticipate  the  disgrace  of  a 
recall  may  have  been  an  additional  motive.  Highly 
commendatory  letters  were  given  to  him  by  the 
municipality  and  others,  and,  still  warm  in  their  zeal, 

42  Urban  VIII. ,  Cartas,  in  Tumultos  de  Mex.,  MS.,  141. 

43  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sdrie  ii.  torn.  iii.  123-4;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  277. 
Charges  being  made  that  Cerralvo  had  unduly  favored  Gelves  and  influenced 
the  inquisidor,  testimony  was  taken  with  an  almost  unanimous  approval  of 
the  viceroy's  course.  In  this  document  appear  the  following  as  new  mem- 
bers of  audiencia:  Oidores  Juan  de  Alvarez  Serrano,  Don  Antonio  Canseco, 
Miguel  Ruiz  de  la  Torre,  Juan  de  Villavena  Cubiaurre,  and  fiscal  Yfiigo  de 
Argiiello  y  Carbajal.  Oidor  Avendano  remains.  The  officers  of  the  visita  are 
also  named.  Cerralvo,  Inform.,  in  Mex.  y  sus  Disturbios,  MS.,  ii.  221-477. 

44  This  did  not  exempt  those  already  alluded  to  from  punishment  as  trait- 
ors and  robbers.  Text  of  proclamation  dated  December  25,  1025,  in  Doc.  J  list. 
Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  209-12;  Tumultos  de  Mex.,  MS.,  137-8.  Before  his 
departure  Carrillo  ordered  city  officials  to  give  residencia.  They  protested 
and  were  exempted  from  a  review  of  charges  already  passed  by.  Cedulario 
Nuevo,  i.  330;  Libro  Capitular,  pt.  xxvi.  255. 


ARCHBISHOP  SERNA.  77 

the  people  contributed  a  hundred  thousand  pesos  for 
his  journey.45  A  prelate  whose  obstinacy  had  been 
the  chief  cause  for  bringing  into  contempt  a  royal 
representative,  and  into  peril  the  authority  of  the 
crown,  so  as  to  require  costly  and  radical  measures, 
such  a  man  could  not  expect  a  welcome.  He  was 
certainly  treated  coldly;  but  the  pope  felt  pleased 
with  so  firm  a  champion  of  the  church,  and  recom- 
mended his  cause  to  the  king.  Other  influences  were 
brought  to  bear;  so  that  Serna  was  partially  restored 
to  favor  and  granted  the  important  see  of  Zamora. 
He  died  in  1631,  with  the  reputation  of  an  able  bishop 
and  a  benevolent  man.46  His  successor  at  Mexico, 
appointed  in  1628,  was  Francisco  Manzo  y  Zuniga, 
one  who  as  member  of  the  India  Council,  and  in  other 
political  positions,  had  been  trained  not  to  imperil 
royal  interests  for  ecclesiastic  prerogatives.  So  at 
least  it  was  supposed. 

Gelves  came  off  with  honor  from  the  residencia,  as 
a  righteous  judge,  zealous  for  the  administration  of 
justice,  for  the  public  good,  and  the  service  of  the 
king.47  After  the  conclusion  of  the  trial  he  left  for 
Spain,48  and  was  well  received.  His  delay  in  coming 
had  allowed  time  to  soften  the  remembrance  of  his 
unfortunate  mishaps,  for  success  is  above  all  expected 
from  the  agent;  and  now  his  family  influence49  could 
be  wielded  to  greater  advantage. 

^  Mex.,  Bel.  Svm.,  13.  In  their  letter  the  cabildo  pray  the  king  to  send 
him  back  with  greater  power.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iii.  109-70. 
Cavo  says  that  he  was  recalled  to  suffer  humiliation  for  some  time.  Tres  Sig- 
hs, i.  277. 

46  Gonzalez  Davila  attributes  to  him  Carrillo's  appointment  as  visitador. 
Teatro  Ecles. ,  i.  45.  Lorenzana  assumes  continual  favor  for  him  with  the 
king.  Concilios  Mex.,  1555-65,  217.  But  this  Sosa  does  not  admit,  although 
he  does  not  agree  with  Cavo.  Episc.  Mex. ,  66.  The  representations  of  the 
pope  in  1625,  in  his  behalf,  indicate  that  he  did  remain  awhile  under  a  cloud. 
Cartas,  in  TumuUos  de  Mex.,  MS.,  139-40.  But  Lacunza's  allusion  to  deep 
disgrace  is  not  borne  out.  Disc.  Hist.,  491. 

47  'Sentencia,  la  dio  el  Visitador..  .en  14  de  Abril  de  1627.'  Mex.,  Rel. 
Estado,  31. 

48  Several  writers,  followed  by  Zamacois,  state  that  he  left  in  1624,  but  lie 
himself  declares  that  he  remained  in  the  convent  fully  a  year  after  Cerralvo's 
inauguration.  He  appears  to  have  sent  a  letter  from  Mexico  on  January  29, 
1626.  Id.,  30. 

49  He  was  related  to  the  powerful  conde  duque  de  Olivares. 


73  OVERTHROW  OF  GELVES. 

The  monarch  had  good  reason  to  be  dissatisfied 
with  the  leading  personages  in  this  outbreak,  with 
the  viceroy  for  being  so  exacting  and  unyielding,  and 
with  the  prelate  for  his  excess  of  zeal,  when,  as  one 
who  professed  to  set  an  example  in  humility,  he 
should  have  contented  himself  with  a  protest  and 
appeal  to  the  sovereign,  especially  in  view  of  the  in- 
significance of  the  point  involved  and  the  well  known 
temper  of  the  marquis.  The  ecclesiastics,  on  whom 
the  crown  above  all  relied  for  supporting  its  au- 
thority, since  troops  were  not  kept,  had  been  the 
chief  promoters  of  the  riot,  wherein  they  proved 
themselves  possessed  of  a  power  greater  than  that  of 
the  state.  This  influence  had  been  strengthened  by 
the  triumphant  return  of  the  archbishop,  and  ex- 
tended not  alone  over  Indians  and  mestizos,  but  over 
the  Creoles.  The  Avila-Cortes  conspiracy,  a  half- 
century  before,  had  been  an  outburst  on  the  part  of 
landed  proprietors,  with  little  hold  on  the  people; 
here  on  the  other  hand  came  in  action  a  wide-spread 
feeling  rooted  among  the  very  sinews  of  the  colonists 
and  directed  against  the  more  favored  children  of 
Spain,  those  of  Iberian  birth  who  had  come  across 
the  sea  to  fill  the  best  and  largest  number  of  offices, 
with  the  intention  merely  of  enriching  themselves  in 
New  Spain  and  then  turning  their  back  upon  the 
country.  It  is  not  strange  that  those  born  on  the 
soil,  and  bound  to  it  by  every  tie,  should  look  with 
disfavor  on  these  interlopers  who  not  only  encroached 
on  their  rights  and  possessions,  but  treated  them  with 
contempt.50     The  revelation  of  this  antipathy,  which 

60  The  importance  of  the  Gelves  outbreak,  and  the  wide-spread  interest  af- 
fected thereby,  called  forth  a  mass  of  documents  and  accounts  as  we  have 
already  seen.  Among  the  most  valuable  are  those  given  in  Documentor  para 
la  I  1  istoria  de  Mexico,  serie  ii.  torn,  ii.-iii.,  27  in  number,  collected  by  the 
knight  Echeverria  y  Veitia,  and  including  orders,  petitions,  and  representa- 
tions from  different  sources,  yet  for  the  greater  part  in  support  of  the  arch- 
bishop, and  most  of  the  remainder  in  favor  of  the  audiencia  and  cabildo.  The 
only  important  paper  on  Gelves'  side  had  already  appeared  in  print.  This 
partiality  induced  the  historian  Jose"  F.  Ramirez  to  collect  a  complementary 
set  of  documents  bearing  on  the  other  side.  This  exists  in  two  4to  volumes  of 
close  manuscript  under  the  title  of  Mexico  y  sus  Divturbios,  obtained  by  me 


DOCUMENTS  IN  EVIDENCE.  79 

could  not  fail  to  extend  in  a  certain  degree  also  to 
the  home  government,  naturally  alarmed  the  king, 
and  was  a  main  reason  for  the  clemency  observed;  but 
few  well  directed  steps  were  taken  to  profit  by  the 
lesson  in  conciliating  the  Creoles,  and  their  number 
and  feeling  grew  apace  till  they  became  irresistible. 

from  Ramirez'  library,  whereof  the  first  contains  several  important  relations 
by  Urrutia,  partly  in  condensed  form;  and  the  second,  a  lengthy  report  by 
the  secretary  of  Gelves,  Tobar  Godinez,  and  one  in  favor  of  Serna,  from  an 
early  rare  publication  also  in  my  possession.    A  third  volume  folio,  Tumultos 
de  Mexico,  collected  by  the  same  gentleman,  contains  original  documents  and 
early  copies  bearing  chiefly  on  the  investigation,  its  results  and  subsequent 
acts.     Grambila,  Tumultos  de  Ilex.,  is  an  original  folio  manuscript  in  defence 
of  Gelves;  another,  Relation  de   Tumultos,   opposes  him.     Among  the  rare 
accounts  printed  at  this  time  are:  Mexico,  Relation  Svmaria,  drawn  for  Gel- 
ves by  Inquisitor  Flores  and  Friar  Lormendi;  Relation  del  Estado  en  que. . . 
hallo  los  Reynos,  also  prepared  by  him;  Memorial  de  lo  Svrcedido,  in  favor  of 
Serna;  Burguillos,  Memorial  para. .  .Carillo,  by  Gelves'  confessor;  Garzes  de 
Portillo,  En  la  Demanda,  bearing  on  the  sanctuary  privilege.     From  one  or 
more  of  these  sources  have  been  prepared  a  number  of  accounts  with  more  or 
less  impartiality,  yet  none  of  them  complete  or  reliable,  events  subsequent  to 
the  actual  riot  being  almost  wholly  ignored.     Cavo  for  instances  claims  to 
have  used  five  accounts,  three  of  them  in  favor  of  Gelves,  yet  his  clerical  bias 
is  too  evident.     Much  fairer  is  Sosa,  Episc.  Mex.,  59-63,  Ribera,  Gob.  Mex. 
i.  113-17,  and  Alcaraz,  in  Liceo  Mex.,  ii.  121  et  seq.    Dice.  Univ.,  x.  653-63 
gives  Cortina's  imperfect  version.     Mora  is  very  faulty.   Mex.  y  sus  Rev.,  iv 
suppl.  2-43.     Comparatively  brief  or  unimportant  are  the  accounts  in  Vetan 
cvrt,   Trat.  Mex.,  13;   Lorenzana,  in  Concilio  Prov.,  1555-65,  216;    Cortes. 
Hist.  N.  Esp.,  21-2;  Sigiienza  y  Gongora,  Parayso  Occid.,  124,  448;  Alegre 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  146-51;  Crdnica  del  Carmen,  vi.  757;  Gage,  Voy.,  i 
225-45;  Medina,  Crdn.  S.  Diego,  151-2;  Velasco,  Exalt.  Divina,  39-44;  Gri 
jalva,  Cr6n.  S.  Agust.,  110  et  seq.;  Revista  Mex.,  i.  81  et  seq.;  Fisher's  Nat 
Mag.,  i.  249-54;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  188-94;  Midler,  Reisen,  ii.  52-67 
Lacunza,  Disc.  Hist.,  488-91;  Bustamante,  Voy.,  No.  10. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

KING     AND     COLONY. 

1624-1639. 

Defence  Measures — The  Dutch  at  Acapulco — Corsair  Raids  along  the 
Coast  of  Yucatan — The  Barlovento  Squadron — Royal  Loans  and 
Extortions — Inundation  of  Mexico — Proposed  Removal  of  the  Cap- 
ital— Relief  Measures  and  Drainage  Projects — The  Huehuetoca 
Tunnel— San  Felipe  the  Protomartyr  of  Mexico — His  Irregular 
Life  and  Beatification — The  Hermit  Lopez — Viceroy  Cadereita — 
The  Prelate  Zuniga — The  First  Creole  Archbishop. 

In  order  to  guard  somewhat  against  the  recurrence 
of  such  happenings  as  the  Gelves  outbreak,  greater 
precautions  were  observed  by  the  home  government, 
as  we  have  seen,  in  selecting  the  heads  for  political 
and  ecclesiastical  affairs;  additional  instructions  were 
issued  to  guide  them  in  their  relation  to  others,  and  a 
certain  limitation  of  power  was  for  a  time  at  least 
imposed;  the  king  for  instance  taking  upon  himself  to 
appoint  the  commandants  and  magistrates  of  leading 
ports,  strongholds,  and  towns,1  who  had  hitherto  been 
commissioned  by  the  viceroy.  Cerralvo  retained  for 
some  time  the  enlisted  troops  and  erected  suitable 
barracks,2  while  the  enrolment  list  of  volunteers  was 
preserved  for  cases  of  need. 

These  volunteers  really  constituted  a  part  of  the 
general  system  of  militia,  formed  already  by  Cortes,  in 
connection  with  encomiendas,  and  extended  over  set- 

1In  Calle  a  number  of  these  appointments  are  enumerated.  Mem.  y  Not. ,  168. 

2  In  1628  the  city  asked  for  their  disbandment  for  'no  quedan  ceniza  del 
suceso  del  15  de  Enero  de  1624,'  but  this  request  was  not  granted  till  two 
years  later.  Cedulario  Nvevo,  i.  351.  The  cost  of  maintaining  them  appears 
to  have  been  wholly  borne  by  the  desagiie  fund,  which  was  thus  drained  of 
89,853  pesos.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac,  v.  358-9. 

(80) 


A  DUTCH  FLEET  AT  ACAPULCO.  81 

tlements  in  all  directions.  The  only  permanent  stand- 
ing forces  were  those  on  the  frontier,  engaged  partly 
in  conveying  trains  of  merchandise,  partly  in  garrison 
duty  at  the  presidios,  and  those  at  the  leading  coast 
ports,  as  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco.  Altogether  they 
constituted  but  a  small  body,  and  more  were  not  con- 
sidered necessary,  as  the  citizens  were  always  avail- 
able, and  efficient  even  against  foreign  invaders,  who 
after  all  could  do  little  beyond  ravaging  for  a  few 
leagues  along  certain  parts  of  the  coast.3  Still  there 
were  points  which  absolutely  required  protection,  such 
as  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco,  the  ports  for  the  rich 
fleets  and  the  storage  place  for  valuable  cargoes,  and 
in  view  of  the  increasing  number  of  Spain's  enemies 
Cerralvo  took  steps  to  strengthen  the  fortifications 
there. 

The  chief  reason  for  the  latter  measure  was  the 
arrival  at  Acapulco  of  a  large  Dutch  fleet.  Engaged 
in  their  struggle  for  independence,  the  Hollanders 
were  eager  not  only  to  distract  the  attention  of  the 
Spaniards  by  carrying  the  war  to  the  enemy's  coasts, 
but  to  injure  them  while  enriching  themselves.  With 
this  object  several  fleets  were  despatched  to  prey  on 
Spanish  trade  and  colonies,  and  among  them  one  of 
eleven  vessels  with  over  sixteen  hundred  men,  under 
Admiral  Jacob  l'Heremite.  It  was  known,  however, 
as  the  Nassau  fleet,  from  the  prince  under  whose 
auspices  it  was  chiefly  fitted  out.4  It  left  Holland  in 
1623  with  the  chief  object  of  ravaging  the  rich  shores 
of  Peru.  This  plan  proved  a  failure  so  lamentable  as 
to  hasten  the  death  of  l'Heremite.  The  fleet  there- 
upon proceeded  northward  under  Admiral  Schapen- 
ham  and  entered  Acapulco  on  the  28th  of  October 
1624.  The  Philippine  galleons  had  not  yet  arrived, 
and  the  place  contained  little  worth  fighting  for,  espe- 
cially as  the  inhabitants  had  had  time  to  retire  with 

3Zamacois  and  others  hastily  intimate  that  no  troops  existed.  Hist.  3ftf., 
v.  305. 

*This  has  led  most  Spanish  writers  to  suppose  that  this  prince  commanded  it. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    6 


8-2 


KING  AND  COLONY. 


their  valuables.  The  commandant  had  entrenched 
himself  with  his  feeble  garrison  in  a  stronghold,  and 
thence  refused  the  overtures  of  Schapenham  for  an 
exchange  of  hostages,  while  the  latter  endeavored  to 
obtain  some  fresh  provisions.5  The  Hollander's  main 
intention  was  to  ascertain  when  the  Manila  fleet  should 
arrive.  He  now  contented  himself  with  a  few  attempts 
to  procure  water  and  fruit,  magnified  by  modern  Mex- 
ican writers  into  an  invasion  of  the  town.  This  ex- 
treme caution  of  the  enemy  encouraged  the  Spaniards 
on  one  occasion  to  beat  back  his  men  with  loss.  After 
despatching  part  of  his  fleet  Schapenham  set  sail  with 
the  remainder  November  8th,  and  tired  of  waiting  for 
the  galleons  he  steered  for  the  East  Indies.6 

Warned  of  the  visit,  Cerralvo  had  hastened  to  send 
troops  to  relieve  the  town,  but  their  march  was  coun- 
termanded on  learning  of  the  enemy's  departure. 
Energetic  efforts  were  made,  however,  to  construct 
defences7  both  here  and  at  Vera  Cruz,  for  in  the  gulf 
of  Mexico  foreign  cruisers  could  frequently  be  seen. 
In  1625  the  treasure  fleet  for  Spain  under  Cadereita, 
later  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  narrowly  escaped  their 
clutches,8  but  the  fleet  of  1628,  carrying  bullion  and 
other  effects  to  the  value  of  over  twelve  millions  of 
pesos,  was  surprised  in  the  Bahama  Channel  by  the 
famous  Dutch  admiral  Pieter  Heyne,  who  for  some 

5  It  was  proposed  to  give  captured  Peruvians  in  return  for  hostages  and 
provisions. 

c  The  best  account  of  this  voyage  is  the  Diurnal  vnd  Ilistorische  Beschrey- 
bung  der  Nassaicischen  Flotten,  by  Decker,  who  served  on  one  of  the  vessels, 
as  he  states.  Strasburg,  1G29.  It  appeared  in  an  earlier  shorter  form  a3 
Journael  van  de  Nassausche  Vloot,  issued  at  Amsterdam  in  1G26  by  Gerritz, 
and  has  been  widely  copied  in  l)e  Bry's  Hist.  Amer.,  xiii. ;  Gottfried,  Ncwe 
Welt,  5G5  et  seq.,  and  others.  It  is  well  written,  yet  not  so  full  and  candid  as 
might  be  desired. 

7  Eighteen  large  pieces  of  artillery  were  brought  from  Manila  at  a  cost  of 
7,411  pesos.  Gra.u,  Manila,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  330. 
Travellers  mention  bronze  cannon  there  marked  1G28.  In  the  following  year, 
says  Cavo,  another  Dutch  fleet  entered  to  seek  provisions  without  doing  any 
damage.    Tree  Siglos,  i.  277. 

8  For  this  an  annual  thanksgiving  was  ordered  on  the  25th  of  November. 
What  with  corsairs,  storms,  and  carelessness  these  fleets  had  to  meet  many 
misfortunes.  In  1614  seven  vessels  were  driven  on  shore  near  Cape  Cotoche 
with  heavy  loss,  though  the  governor  took  steps  to  recover  a  portion.  Coyol- 
hxlo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  472-3. 


PIRATES  ON  THE  EAST  COAST.  83 

time  had  been  successfully  operating  off  Portugal 
and  against  transatlantic  vessels.  The  Spaniards 
fought  bravely  and  several  vessels  were  sunk  before 
the  flag-ship  surrendered.  The  blow  proved  no  less 
severe  to  the  merchants  of  New  Spain  than  to  the 
king,  who  sorely  needed  the  treasure.9 

This  success  lured  a  number  of  other  raiders  who 
for  want  of  better  points  along  the  gulf  made  Yucatan 
suffer.  In  1632  six  vessels  threatened  Campeche, 
but  timely  succor  made  them  retreat.  In  August  of 
the  following  year  the  town  was  again  visited,  this 
time  by  ten  vessels  under  a  leader  known  to  the 
Spaniards  as  Pie  de  Palo.  Guided  by  a  renegade,  he 
advanced  against  the  entrenchment  behind  which 
Captain  Gal  van  Romero  had  retired,  but  a  well 
directed  fire  killed  several  of  his  men,  and  caused  the 
rest  to  waver.  It  would  not  answer  to  lose  many 
lives  for  so  poor  a  place,  and  so  a  ruse  was  resorted 
to.  The  corsairs  turned  in  pretended  flight.  The 
hot-headed  Spaniards  at  once  came  forth  in  pursuit, 
only  to  be  trapped  and  killed.  Those  who  escaped 
made  a  stand  in  the  plaza,  whence  they  were  quickly 
driven,  and  thereupon  the  sacking  parties  overran  the 
town.10  Seven  years  later  Sisal  was  visited  by  a  fleet 
of  eleven  vessels  and  partly  burned  after  yielding  but 
little  to  the  raiders.11 

One  result  of  these  ravages  was  an  order  for  the 
formation  of  a  squadron,  under  the  name  of  Barlo- 
vento,12  to  protect  the  gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  West 
India  waters.     It  was  to  consist  of  twelve  galleons 

9  In  Vazquez,  Chrdn.  Gvat.,  255,  is  related  a  similar  surprise  by  a  French 
foe,  some  years  later.  Fourteen  friars  perished,  but  eight  others  were  picked 
up  and  forwarded  to  Cadiz. 

J0The  corsair  demanded  40,000  pesos  to  spare  the  town  from  destruction, 
but  the  citizens  refused  to  interfere.  The  renegade  guide,  Diego  the  mulatto, 
felt  deeply  moved  at  the  death  of  Romero,  who  had  been  his  godfather,  but 
against  several  other  persons  he  entertained  a  profound  hatred  born  of  former 
maltreatment.  Cogollvclo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  596-8;  Castillo,  Die.  Yuc.,  269-70. 

11  In  1637  the  opportune  appearance  of  troops  had  saved  the  town  from 
such  a  fate.  Id.,  602,  639-40.  Pie-  de  Palo  was  reported  to  be  waiting  for 
the  fleet  of  1638,  and  it  turned  back.   Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  10. 

12  Windward,  in  allusion  to  this  other  name  for  the  Antilles. 


84  KING  AND  COLONY. 

and  two  smaller  vessels,  and  the  estimated  cost  of 
maintenance,  six  hundred  thousand  ducats,  should  be 
levied  on  the  islands  and  mainland  from  Panama" 
northward.  Mexico  offered  to  contribute  two  hun- 
dred thousand  pesos  by  means  of  an  excise  tax  of  two 
per  cent.13  Merida  placed  herself  on  the  list  with 
seven  thousand  pesos  for  fifteen  years,  and  other 
towns  came  forward  with  different  amounts.  One 
duty  of  the  fleet  was  to  prevent  smuggling,  from 
which  the  treasury  suffered  greatly,  and  while  the 
chief  station  must  be  Vera  Cruz,  other  ports  were  to 
be  frequented.  To  this  end  surveys  should  be  made, 
partly  with  a  view  to  future  shipyards.14 

The  declaration  of  war  by  France  in  1633  added 
another  to  the  many  enemies  arrayed  against  Spain 
through  the  unfortunate  policy  of  Felipe  IV.,15  and 
the  colonies  had  to  share  her  misfortunes  not  alone  in 
the  form  of  pirate  raids,  but  in  being  subjected  to 
forced  loans  and  pressing  appeals  for  voluntary  and 
tax  imposts.  Already  by  cedula  of  December  4, 1624, 
the  king  had  intimated  to  his  subjects  that  they  ought 
to  assist  him  in  his  dire  need  by  voluntary  gifts,  and 
New  Spain  was  told  that  600,000  ducats  would  be 
expected  by  the  following  year  from  her  rich  colo- 
nists. They  sent  432,000  pesos,  and  this  liberal  re- 
sponse caused  the  donativo,  or  gift,  fund  to  become  a 
fixed  source  of  revenue.16     The  appeal  for  this  fund 

13  In  addition  to  four  per  cent  already  existing,  two  reals  were  also  levied 
on  cards.  This  offer  was  accepted  by  council  of  October  19,  1638,  deduction 
having  to  be  made  when  no  fleet  came.  The  contador  of  the  fund  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  king.    Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex. ,  30. 

14  The  lirst  order  for  the  Barlovento  fleet,  dated  in  May  1635,  was  followed 
by  others  bearing  chiefly  on  funds  for  it.  The  two  per  mille  collected  by  the 
consulado  was  applied  to  it,  and  other  taxes.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac,  ii.  12-20; 
Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  559.  Santa  Maria  de  la  Vitoria,  in  Tabasco,  was 
one  of  the  places,  fortified  with  artillery,  and  in  war  time  with  a  large  gar- 
rison. Cdlle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  87.  In  1636  Philippine  traders  fitted  out  two 
vessels  of  their  own  to  watch  for  corsairs. 

15  An  embargo  was  ordered  placed  on  the  property  of  all  French  subjects 
in  New  Spain,  as  elsewhere,  but  timely  warning  came  from  Spain  and  many 
saved  themselves. 

1G  By  1638  Mexico  city  gave  1,100,000  pesos  toward  it.  The  revenue  from 
the  Tributes  y  Real  Servicio  fund  amounted  in  the  decade  of  1631-40  to 
2,390,200,  an  increase  of  400,000  over  the  previous  term.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac, 
i.  450,  v.  433-41;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro,  i.  126. 


TAXATION.  85 

was  enjoined  on  bishops  and  other  officials;  and  differ- 
ent offices,  such  as  canonries  and  prebendary  ships,  were 
granted  to  those  who  displayed  liberality.  Officials 
had  to  submit  to  large  deductions  of  pay  under  the 
term  of  media  anata11  and  mesada,18  the  latter  apply- 
ing to  ecclesiastics.  In  addition  to  these  exactions 
loans  were  demanded,  or  forcibly  taken  when  not 
otherwise  obtainable,19  and  certain  taxes  were  sold  to 
speculators  for  a  large  sum  payable  in  cash.20 

Frequent  prayers  rose  from  all  churches  through- 
out Spanish  domains  for  divine  aid  toward  the  efficacy 
of  these  measures,  and  with  a  view  to  incline  wor- 
shippers to  open  their  purses  as  freely  as  their  hearts. 
There  was  need  in  truth  to  promote  Christian  forbear- 
ance among  the  oppressed  subjects,  for,  at  the  very 
time  they  were  asked  to  bear  the  burden  of  wars 
brought  upon  them  often  by  mere  caprice,  they  re- 
ceived urgent  appeals  to  contribute  large  amounts 
toward  the  rebuilding  of  royal  palaces.21 

The  most  grievously  taxed  colonists  of  New  Spain 
at  this  time  were  probably  those  at  Mexico.  Reputed 
to  be  among  the  richest  in  the  wealthy  colonies,  they 
were  expected  to  meet  liberally  every  demand  for  aid 
b}7  the  crown,  no  matter  how  sorely  rulers,  or  pirates, 
or  famine  mi  edit  harass  them.  And  now  another 
misfortune  was  at  hand.  In  1627  heavy  rains  caused 
the  Rio  Quauhtitlan  to  break  the  dams  confining  its 

17  It  was  established  in  1631  and  exacted  half  the  income  of  the  first  year 
from  each  office,  as  the  term  implies.  This  levy  was  increased  at  times.  For 
rules  regarding  the  tax  see  Recop.  de  Indices,  ii.  542  et  seq. 

18 This  deduction  of  '  monthly '  incomes,  as  the  term  implies,  was  established 
still  earlier.     For  decrees  concerning  it  see  Id.,  i.  152  et  seq. 

19  In  1625  Cerralvo  repaid  40,000  pesos  lent  by  the  municipality,  and  on 
the  strength  of  the  good- will  created  by  this  promptness  he  shortly  after  de- 
manded a  larger  loan.  Cedulario  Nuevo,  i.  86,  326.  Part  of  the  bullion  arriv- 
ing in  Sprin  was  seized  and  the  owners  were  compelled  to  accept  instead 
money  of  inferior  intrinsic  value. 

20 Holders  of  land  with  doubtful  titles  were  made  to  pay  'compromise' 
fees,  collection  offices  were  extended  to  new  regions,  and  other  means  taken 
to  obtain  increased  revenue.  See  also  Gaye,  Voy.,  i.  201.  Much  of  this  was 
sent  direct  to  Florida,  the  West  Indies,  and  other  parts,  which  were  also 
supplied  with  powder  and  other  articles.  Recop.  de  Indicts,  ii.  572,  592-3. 

21  Fonseca,  hist.  Hac.,  v.  441;  Cedulario  Nuevo,  i.  441. 


86  KING  AND  COLONY. 

waters,  and  overflow  into  the  lower  lakes,  so  that  sev- 
eral parts  of  Mexico  were  laid  eighteen  inches  under 
water.  The  alarmed  citizens  at  once  bestirred  them- 
selves; causeways  were  raised  according  to  the  plans 
of  the  engineer  Boot;  a  new  dam  was  constructed 
near  Tizayuca;  another  to  divert  the  Rio  Pachuca, 
and  work  on  the  drainage  tunnel  received  fresh  im- 
pulse.22 

The  decrease  of  moisture  in  the  following  year 
calmed  the  ardor  of  both  workers  and  taxpayers,  and 
many  useful  projects  were  set  aside  as  needless.  In 
1G29  the  rains  began  early  with  the  prospect  of  a  wet 
season.  Dams  broke  at  several  points,  and  already 
on  the  5th  of  September  canoes  floated  in  several 
parts  of  the  city,  and  thousands  prepared  to  depart. 
On  the  21st,  St  Matthew's  day,  came  the  heaviest 
rainfall  so  far  known  in  the  valley;  and  it  continued 
for  thirty-six  hours,  till  the  whole  city  lay  under  water 
to  a  depth  of  fully  two  varas  in  most  parts.23  The 
confusion  and  misery  defy  description.  All  seemed 
one  vast  lake  dotted  with  thousands  of  isolated  houses. 
Poofs  and  windows  were  crowded  with  men,  women, 
and  children,  drenched  and  suffering  from  hunger  and 
exposure.  From  every  direction  rose  lamentation, 
mingled  with  the  agonized  cries  of  drowning  persons 
and  noise  of  crumbling  walls.  While  some  buildings 
were  undermined  with  the  melting  of  the  adobe  brick, 
or  the  washing  away  of  the  foundation,  others  were 
carried  wholly  away.  The  costly  goods  in  shops  and 
warehouses  were  ruined,  and   broken  furniture  and 

22Cavo,  followed  by  modern  writers,  places  some  of  these  measures  in 
1626,  and  states  that  the  flood  of  1627  gave  rise  merely  to  useless  consulta- 
tions, Tres  Siglos,  i.  278;  but  Alcgre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  178,  confirms  the 
more  natural  supposition  that  the  flood  gave  impulse  to  dams  and  other 
works.  The  dam  near  Tizayuca,  called  Presa  del  Rey,  was  made  or  com- 
pleted in  1628.  Inundaciones,  in  Col.  de  Diarios,  356. 

23 '  Lleg6  a  tener  dos  barcas  de  alto  el  agua  por  donde  menos. '  Cepeda,  Rel. , 
pt.  ii.  27.  '  Subia  mas  de  media  vara  en  la  parta  mas  alta.'  Alegre,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  180;  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS.,  90-7.  Vetancurt  writes  that  the 
main  square  with  cathedral,  palace,  and  plazuela  de  Volador,  and  all  Santiago 
remained  above  water,  Chron.,  121;  but  this  must  be  a  mistake,  for  the 
square  lay  less  than  two  varas  above  the  surface  of  the  lake. 


INUNDATION.  87 

other  household  effects  floated  about  the  streets.  No 
one  could  leave  his  dwelling  save  in  canoes ;  and  these 
did  not  suffice  for  all,  so  that  intercourse  was  difficult. 
Public  affairs  came  to  a  standstill;  divine  service  was 
suspended,  and  bells  were  rung  only  for  prayer. 

The  viceroy  and  archbishop  set  an  example  to  offi- 
cials and  wealthy  persons  by  extending  succor  to  the 
more  needy  quarters.  The  city  was  divided  into  dis- 
tricts, and  canoes  were  sent  round  with  provisions;  the 
sick  and  helpless  were  taken  to  better  quarters,  the 
palace  itself  being  converted  into  a  hospital  and  house 
of  refuge,  where  for  six  months  the  viceroy  dispensed 
charity.  No  less  noble  were  the  efforts  of  other 
prominent  persons,  the  prelate  establishing  half  a 
dozen  hospitals,  and  seeking  also  to  encourage  the 
sufferers  with  religious  consolation  by  going  around 
daily  to  hold  masses  at  altars  improvised  on  roofs  and 
balconies.  The  flood  showing  no  signs  of  abatement, 
he  proceeded  to  the  Guadalupe  shrine  on  the  main- 
land, and  brought  thence,  for  the  first  time  since  its 
foundation,  the  image  of  the  virgin,24  in  the  hope  that 
so  sacred  a  presence  might  cause  the  water  to  retire; 
but  no  speedy  relief  was  experienced. 

Under  this  gloomy  prospect  the  agitation  for  a  re- 
moval of  the  city  was  renewed,  and  many  began  to 
erect  houses  in  different  parts  along  the  mainland 
shore.  Petitions  were  addressed  to  the  king  to  grant 
his  sanction,  and  in  a  cedula  of  May  19,  1632,  the 
elevated  plain  between  Tacuba  and  Tacubaya  was 
assigned  for  the  new  site,  if  a  representative  council 
should  find  the  change  necessary.25 

By  this  time  property-holders  were  well  aware  that 

21  Brought  over  on  September  27th  says  Medina,  who  adds  the  pious  false- 
hood that  the  waters  at  once  began  to  retire.  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  123.  Alegre, 
loc.  cit.,  gives  the  24th  and  leaves  the  intimation  that  no  good  effect  followed. 
Florencia,  Estrelia  del  Norte,  130.  Davila  upholds  the  efficacy  of  the  image, 
•and  adds  that  an  image  of  St  Dominic  assisted  in  lowering  the  waters ;  so 
much  so  that 'a  fines  de  Julio  del  afio  de  1630. .  .recibieron  por  Patron  y 
abogado  a  Santo  Domingo.'  Continuation,  MS.,  303;  Pane*,  Vireyes,  MS.,  96-7. 

25  This  site  was  on  the  Sanctorum  grange.  Cavo,  Tren  S'ujlos,  ii.  2-3.  Those 
who  had  erected  houses  elsewhere  must  not  occupy  them.  This  and  sup- 
plementary decrees  are  reproduced  in  Cepeda,  Bel.,  pt.  iii.  7  et  set}. 


83  KING  AND  COLONY. 

such  a  change  would  work  their  ruin,  and  loud  remon- 
strances found  their  way  even  to  the  court.  The  city 
property,  now  valued  at  fully  fifty  millions,  would  be 
lost,  including  a  large  number  of  sumptuous  temples, 
fifteen  convents,  eight  hospitals,  six  colleges,  and  other 
public  buildings  and  works.  With  the  growing  scarcity 
of  available  Indians  the  cost  of  rebuilding  would  be 
immense,  and  thousands  would  be  reduced  to  beggary 
by  the  transfer.  Besides,  how  could  all  the  convents 
and  temples  be  restored,  and  how  could  the  inmates 
be  supported  when  present  rentals  were  lost?26  Those 
who  assisted  at  the  councils  for  considering  the  ques- 
tion were  most  of  them  too  deeply  interested  in  the 
city  property  to  permit  a  change,  and  so  the  project 
dropped.  They  sturdily  continued  to  occupy  their 
houses,  although  for  over  four  years  the  city  remained 
practically  flooded.  The  higher  parts  did  come  above 
the  surface,  but  heavy  rains  on  two  occasions  assisted 
to  keep  the  waters  above  the  lower  lying  districts.27 

Meanwhile  a  large  number  of  families  migrated  to 
Puebla  and  other  towns,  and  a  still  larger  proportion 
perished  during  the  floods  and  from  the  exposure, 
want,  and  diseases  which  followed,  particularly  in  the 
poorer  and  Indian  sections.23  Energetic  measures  were 
taken  to  improve  communication  and  other  facilities 

26  The  most  interesting  representations  on  this  subject  are  given  inCepeda. 
It  is  also  referred  to  in  Fonseca,  Hist.  Mac,  v.  360;  in  Cavo;  Calk,  Mem.  y 
Not.,  43;  Medina,  Chrdn.,  S.  Dier/o,  234;  Gonzalez  Dctvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i. 
18.  The  number  of  houses  is  given  at  7,700.  The  oidores  who  figured  at 
the  time  and  assisted  in  deciding  the  qiiestion,  were  Licenciado  Francisco  del 
Castillo,  Doctor  Juan  dc  Canseco,  licenciates  Alonso  de  Uria  y  Tobar,  Fran- 
cisco de  Herrera  Campuzano,  Antonio  Cuello  de  Portugal,  Juan  de  Villabona 
Zubiaurri,  and  fiscales  Juan  Gonzalez  de  Pinaiiel  and  Juan  de  Miranda  Gor- 
dejuela.  Cepeda,  Rel.,  i.  29,  37. 

27  Vctancurt,  Chrdn. ,  121,  extends  the  flood  over  five  years.  Velasco,  Exalt. 
Div:,  4.1-0,  says  four.  Alegre  specifics  till  spring  of  1033  and  states  that  the 
rains  of  1030  nearly  gave  rise  to  a  riot.  Hist.  Com  p.  Jesus,  ii.  182-3.  Some 
documents  imply  that  the  water  practically  receded  between  1G31  and  1033 
and  finally  in  1034,  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  215,  while  Lorenzana  assumes 
that  rains  in  1031  and  1034  raised  the  decreasing  waters.  Cortes,  Hid.  N. 
Esp.,  22. 

**  Archbishop  Zuniga  exaggerated  the  loss  to  30,000  Indians,  and  states 
that  of  20,000  Spanish  families  (?)  only  400  remained  a  month  after  the  great 
inundation.  Letter  of  October  16,  1629.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Eeles.,  i. 
00;  Medina,  Chrdn.  8.  Die<jo,  121;  QrambUa,  Tuuudtos,  ii. 


PLANS  SUBMITTED.  89 

so  as  to  decrease  the  suffering  and  induce  people  to 
return.  Raised  sidewalks  or  causeways  were  con- 
structed along  the  houses,  canoe  traffic  was  increased, 
and  medical  aid  provided.  In  1634  came  a  series  of 
earthquake  shocks  which  rent  the  valley  in  different 
directions,  and  assisted  greatly  to  draw  off  the  water. 
This  was  claimed  by  the  native  and  Creole  population 
as  a  miracle  performed  by  their  favorite,  the  virgin  of 
Guadalupe,  while  the  Spaniards  stoutly  attributed  it 
to  their  patron,  she  of  Remedios,  intimating  that  the 
mediation  of  the  other  image  had  so  far  effected  no 
good.  The  dispute  between  the  votaries  became  quite 
hot,29  though  they  might  more  reasonably  have  cursed 
the  agency  which,  having  it  within  its  power  to  deliver 
them,  had  kept  them  in  misery  so  long.  With  this 
occurrence  the  city  saw  herself  once  more  free  from 
the  lake;  and  now  haste  was  made  to  clean  the  streets 
and  dredge  the  canals,  for  to  the  obstructions  in  these 
channels  was  partly  attributed  slow  drainage.30 

During  the  excitement  consequent  upon  the  first 
flood,  enemies  of  the  Jesuits  sought  to  direct  popular 
feeling  against  them  as  having  broken  the  dams.  In- 
vestigation revealed-  that  Martinez,  the  engineer  of 
the  drainage  tunnel,  had  closed  this  outlet  on  behold- 
ing the  vast  flow  of  water,  confident  that  its  force  and 
accompanying  debris  would  merely  destroy  his  works, 
while  the  latter  would  be  inadequate  under  the  cir- 
cumstances to  aid  in  saving  Mexico.  The  Jesuits 
were  cleared,  but  Martinez  had  to  languish  for  a  time 
in  prison  for  acting  without  permission.31 

The  importance  of  drainage  and  diversion  of  tribu- 
tary waters  became  now  more  generally  admitted,  and 

"As  Betrani,  Mex.,  ii.  67-8,  eagerly  points  out. 

30  The  new  viceroy  Cadereita  gave  impulse  to  these  operations.  Cavo 
places  the  cost  at  14,000  pesos,  which  must  be  a  misprint.  Cepeda  mentions 
34,000  for  certain  work,  and  Vetancurt,  Chrdn.,  121,  states  that  the  Francis- 
cans accomplished,  with  Indian  aid,  for  90,000  what  others  estimated  at  140,000. 
Algate  speaks  of  relics  of  this  period,  found  in  the  beginning  of  this  century, 
under  the  raised  causeways.  Gaceta,  ii.  124-5. 

31  He  was  also  ill  provided  with  funds  for  work  on  the  tunnel.  Cepeda, 
Be.L,  pt.  ii.  26.  It  was  charged  that  he  had  closed  the  tunnel  on  purpose  to 
raise  the  estimation  of  its  value.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  i.  214. 


90  KING  AND  COLONY. 

a  number  of  projects  to  this  end  were  submitted,  all 
of  which  received  due  attention,  the  viceroy  joining 
personally  in  examination  of  ground.  Several  pro- 
posed a  drain  from  Lake  San  Cristobal  through  Kio 
Tequisquiac  into  the  Panuco,  and  Simon  Mendez  even 
urged  the  extension  of  the  drain  to  Tezcuco  Lake. 
He  was  allowed  to  begin  the  task,  but  its  infeasibility 
must  soon  have  become  apparent,  for  it  did  not  pro- 
gress far.32  Another  suggested  that  the  underground 
passage  into  which  the  Teotihuacan  rivulet  disap- 
peared might  serve  for  outlet,  and  finally  the  Jesuit 
father  Calderon  revived  the  tradition  of  a  natural 
sink  in  the  bottom  of  Tezcuco  Lake,  between  two 
rocks  near  Pantitlan.  This  received  more  attention 
than  might  be  expected,  and  quite  extensive  exami- 
nations were  made  under  the  alluring  offer  of  a  hun- 
dred thousand  pesos  for  its  discovery.33 

None  of  the  plans  appearing  to  possess  the  merits 
of  the  Huehuetoca  channel  for  efficacy  and  cheapness, 
a  contract  was  made  with  Martinez  for  200,000  pesos 
to  put  the  tunnel  in  condition  for  carrying  off  the 
tributary  waters  of  Zumpango  and  Citlaltepec  lakes.34 
The  plan  was  deemed  insufficient35  and  work  dragged 
slowly  along  both  on  the  outlet,  now  destined  to  be- 
come an  open  cut,  and  on  adjacent  structures.  The 
dam  of  San  Cristobal,  protecting  the  Tezcuco  from 
northern  waters,  was  restored  in  a  substantial  manner; 
a  tributary  of  Chalco  Lake  from  the  volcano  range 
was    diverted,    and   several   minor   dams    were    con- 

32  Each  of  these  plans  was  estimated  to  cost  from  three  to  nine  millions. 

33  Humboldt  comments  unfavorably  on  the  supposition  that  the  porous 
amygdaloid  of  the  valley  could  present  any  apertures.  Essai  Pel.,  i.  216. 
For  a  list  of  the  different  projects  with  details  of  the  principal,  see  Cepeda, 
Bel,  10,  pt.  ii.  37-40,  pt.  iii.  5-G,  17  et  seq.;  Vetancvrt,  Chron.,  123-4;  La 
Cruz,  i.  542-5. 

34  This  task  was  to  be  finished  in  21  months  beginning  early  in  1G30.  Mex- 
ico sent  300  Indians  to  work,  and  orders  came  in  October  'que  la  obra  corriera 
hasta  las  bocas  de  S.  Gregorio.'  C'aro,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  2. 

35  The  adverse  report  of  Oidor  Cubiaurre  on  the  work  in  1G32  hastened  the 
death  of  Martinez.  Cubiaurre  succeeded  him  as  superintendent  for  a  short 
time.  In  1037  the  Franciscan  comisario  general  Flores  took  charge  and 
his  order  retained  control  for  many  years.  Inuudacioncs,  in  Col.  de  Diarios, 
MS.,  35G-S. 


A  NATIONAL  SAINT.  91 

structed  or  repaired.36  In  order  to  relieve  the  city, 
the  funds  for  these  operations  were  obtained  chiefly 
by  means  of  a  tax  on  imported  wines.37  By  1637  the 
expenditure  on  the  drainage  works  had  risen  to  nearly 
three  millions.  During  the  following  decade  only 
three  hundred  and  thirty-eight  thousand  pesos  were 
expended,  and  after  that  still  smaller  amounts,  till 
1768-77,  when  they  rose  to  somewhat  over  half  a 
million. 


38 


Mexico  was  not  ver}T  successful  in  her  appeals  to 
the  virgin  patrons,  as  we  have  seen,  and  her  religious 
fortitude  received  a  further  shock  from  the  circum- 
stance that,  just  before  her  greatest  misfortune,  she 
had  celebrated  the  canonization  of  the  protomartyr 
San  Felipe  and  enrolled  him  as  one  of  her  guardians. 
Among  a  population  so  largely  composed  of  Creoles, 
with  an  immense  Indian  support,  all  looking  on  New 
Spain  as  their  native  country,  and  regarding  Span- 
iards from  the  peninsula  with  more  or  less  antago- 
nism— among  such  a  people,  deeply  imbued  with  re- 
ligious feeling,  the  possession  of  a  national  saint  must 
have  been  ardently  desired.  This  longing  was  finally 
satisfied  in  the  person  of  Felipe  de  Jesus,  the  eldest 
of  ten  children  born  at  Mexico  to  Alonso  de  las 
Casas39  and  his  wife  Antonia  Martinez.  Casas  had 
grown  rich  as  a  trader  in  the  capital,  and  eager  for 
the  redemption  of  his  soul,  he  designated  three  of  his 
six  sons  for  the  service  of  God.  One,  Juan,  became 
an  August  inian,  and  found  martyrdom  at  the  Moluc- 
cas in  1607;  another,  Francisco  by  name,  labored 
actively  in  the  same  order  as  a  priest  till  1630;40  and 

s°  By  Father  Garibay  of  Mexicaltzinco.    Vetavcvrt,  Chrdn.,  121. 

37  Of  25  pesos  on  the  barrel,  half  going  toward  the  fortifications  at  Vera 
Cruz.  This  tax  continued  to  be  levied,  though  in  later  years  but  a  fraction 
was  applied  to  the  drainage.  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac,  v.  3G8-9. 

38  Details  of  cost  and  amount  of  different  work  are  given  in  the  full  official 
report  of  Cepeda,  Relation,  pt.  iii.  21,  etc.;  also  in  Instruc.  Vireys,  263. 
Fonscca  specifies  1,504,531  as  expended  during  1028-37,  and  1.464,SS3  pre- 
viously. Hist.  11  etc.,  v.  532. 

39  Wrongly  called  Canales  by  several  writers. 

40  Named  Francisco  and  dying  on  San  Francisco's  day,  he  must  have  had 


92  KING  AND  COLONY. 

the  third,  Felipe,  born  on  May  1,  1575,  and  educated 
at  the  Jesuit  college,  joined  the  barefooted  Francis- 
cans at  Puebla,  but  fell  from  his  vows  and  was  by  the 
angry  parents  sent  to  the  Philippines,  there  to  seek 
his  fortune.41  The  large  sum  of  money  which  he 
brought  as  a  means  for  advancement  was  soon  dissi- 
pated in  riot,  but  the  consequences  hastened  repent- 
ance, and  in  1594  he  became  again  a  barefooted  Fran- 
ciscan, displaying  this  time  such  devout  zeal  as  to 
gain  general  admiration.  After  two  years  of  penance 
he  left  for  home. 

The  vessel  touched  at  Japan,42  and  there  he  with 
several  brother  friars  was  seized  to  undergo  martyr- 
dom.43 Proceedings  wTere  instituted  for  the  canoniza- 
tion of  the  victims,  Archbishop  Serna  himself  making 
inquiries  on  behalf  of  Felipe,  and  by  bull  of  Septem- 
ber 14,  1627,  thirty  years  after  his  death,  the  repent- 
ant son  of  the  merchant  was  admitted  a  saint,  as  the 
protomartyr  of  Mexico.  Two  years  later,  on  the  anni- 
versary of  his  martyrdom,  February  5th,  the  city 
celebrated  the  beatification  with  imposing  ceremonies, 
and  received  San  Felipe  de  Jesus  as  one  of  the 
patrons.  The  viceroy  and  archbishop  led  in  the  pro- 
cession, and  the  mother  of  the  saint  was  able  to  par- 
ticipate; but  the  excitement  and  joy  carried  her  to  the 
grave  a  few  days  later.44 

About  the  same  time  efforts  were  made  for  the 
beatification   of   a   revered   hermit  named  Gregorio 

some  spiritual  relations  with  this  saint,  observes  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego, 
114. 

41  As  a  soldier,  says  Medina,  yet  he  allows  him  to  take  large  amounts  of 
money  wherewith  to  speculate.  Others  intimate  that  he  intended  to  pursue 
the  trade  of  a  silversmith,  in  which  he  had  already  engaged  at  Mexico.  Si  a, 
Maria,  Chron.  St  Joseph,  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  x.;  Ribadeneyra,  Hist.  Arch.,  lib. 
vi.  cap.  iv. ;  Comp.  de  Jesus,  Defensa,  5. 

42  On  a  mission,  it  is  said,  yet  Medina  declares  that  Zales  drove  it  there 
for  refuge.  During  the  voyage  singular  phenomena  gave  indication  of  the 
saint  on  board. 

13  The  bodies  of  the  victims  appear  all  to  have  been  recovered  and  taken 
to  Manila.     Felipe  was  crucified  and  lanced  after  losing  his  left  ear. 

liAlegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  177-8.  Pueblo  city  also  vowed  to  observe 
the  day  of  San  Felipe,  who  first  assumed  the  robe  there.  Medina,  Chrdn.  S. 
U'terjo,  33-4,  114-120;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  9G,  303. 


RETIREMENT  OF  CERRALVO.  93 

Lopez,  who  had  died  in  1596  at  the  age  of  fifty-four. 
In  early  years  he  served  as  page  to  Philip  II.,  yet 
led  an  austere  and  contemplative  life,  and  was  said  to 
be  of  royal  blood.  In  1562  he  came  to  New  Spain 
and  retired  as  a  hermit  among  the  wild  Indians  near 
Atemayac,  preaching,  practising  charity,  and  writing 
books.  Several  of  these  were  printed  and  two  at- 
tained more  than  one  edition.45  Archbishop  Serna 
transferred  his  body  to  the  cathedral  at  Mexico  and 
joined  in  the  efforts  for  his  enrolment  among  the 
saints.  This  was  urged  as  late  as  1752,  but  in  vain.48 
More  persistent  and  successful  were  the  efforts  for 
the  canonization  of  King  Ferdinand  of  Spain,  toward 
which  large  sums  were  at  this  time  collected  in  New 
Spain.47  In  1629  also  imposing  ceremonies  were  held 
in  honor  of  Cortds  the  conqueror,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  funeral  of  his  last  male  descendant.  The  body 
was  then  transferred  from  Tezcuco  to  the  Franciscan 
church  at  Mexico,  the  viceroy,  leading  corporations, 
officials,  and  citizens  joining  in  solemn  procession.- 


48 


Cerralvo  had  twice  asked  to  be  relieved  of  office, 
owing  to  ill-health  and  to  family  affairs  which  de- 
manded his  presence  in  Spain.  This  was  granted  in 
1635,  with  appointment  to  the  councils  of  war  and  the 
Indies  and  a  rental  of  3,000  ducados  for  two  lives.49 
He  certainly  deserved  recognition  from  the  sovereign, 

45  As  Declaracion  del  Appocalipsi  of  which  I  have  a  manuscript  copy; 
Tesoro  de  Medicinas,  Mexico,  1673,  highly  spoken  of  by  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii. 
869,  and  others,  also  in  my  possession;  Oratorio,  Parentatia,  Mex.,  1666,  and 
Collectio  Opusculorum,  Rome,  1752.  A  perpetual  calendar,  a  universal  chron- 
ology, and  other  pieces  remain  in  manuscript. 

46  One  reason  may  have  been  the  charge  of  heresy  made  against  him  on 
first  arriving  at  Mexico,  though  not  sustained.  For  details  of  his  life,  see 
Argalz,  Vida  y  Escritos . .  .Lopez,  Mad.,  1678,  1-121;  Losa,  Vida del  Siervo . . . 
Lopez,  Madrid,  1727,  1-442;  Somoza,  Brev.  Not.,  Puebla,  1850,  1-31,  and 
less  full  accounts  in  Mexican  histories,  such  as  Velasco,  Hist.  Mil.  Ben., 
188-96. 

47  Bishop  Prado  alone  paid  6,000  pesos.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles., 
i.  126,  131. 

48  For  documents  on  the  subject  see  Alaman,  D/sert.,  ii.  52-4,  and  app. 
Sosa  reproduces  many  details  of  the  ceremonies.  Episc.  Mex.,  68-9.  Pedro 
Cort6s  died  January  30,  1629,  and  on  February  24th  the  funeral  took  place. 

49  On  Indians  in  New  Spain,  granted  May  27,  1638.  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  56. 


94  KING  AND  COLONY. 

for  he  had  proved  an  able  and  energetic  ruler,  dis- 
pensing justice  with  promptness  and  impartiality,  fos- 
tering trade  and  industries,  practising  charity,  and 
looking  zealously  to  the  welfare  of  the  people.  He 
left  a  power  of  attorney  to  answer  at  his  residencia50 
and  hastened  away,  carrying  a  considerable  amount 
of  treasure,  it  was  said. 

Before  his  departure  the  installation  took  place,  on 
September  16th,  of  the  sixteenth  viceroy,  Lope  Diez 
de  Armendariz,  marques  de  Cadereita,  a  man  of  long 
and  varied  experience  in  the  royal  service.  In  1G03 
and  1608  he  figured  as  admiral  and  general  of  fleets; 
in  which  position  he  showed  himself  quite  fortunate, 
notably  in  1625,  when  he  caused  wide-spread  rejoic- 
ings by  escaping  with  a  most  valuable  treasure.51  He 
afterward  became  majordomo  to  the  king  and  mem- 
ber of  the  royal  council.52 

His  reception  created  less  attention  than  usual  on 
such  occasions  owing  to  the  restrictions  placed  by  the 
king  on  costly  pageantry.53  Little  of  note  occurred 
during  his  rule;  affairs  progressed  to  the  general 
satisfaction.  The  Indians  received  protection,  and 
settlements  were  extended  northward,  one  in  Nuevo 
Leon  being  named  Cadereita  in  his  honor.  Yet  his 
relations  with  the  audiencia  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  quite  satisfactory,54  and  at  his  residencia  some 

50  The  only  notable  charge  was  by  the  religious  orders  for  his  interference 
in  their  appointments  and  other  acts  tending  to  lower  their  influence  with 
Indians  and  others.  Although  this  was  not  sustained  at  the  time,  a  revival  of 
the  residencia  took  place  five  years  later,  without  any  unfavorable  results  to 
Cerralvo,  it  appears.  Acusacion,  in  Tumultos  deMex.,  1-13;  Cerralvo,  Acu- 
sacion, in  Vireyes  deMex.  Iustruc,  pt.  1G— 17;  Samaniego,  Pel.,  98-9;  Palafox, 
El  Ven.  Seizor,  3.     Doctor  Quiroga  y  Moya  was  the  judge. 

51  An  annual  thanksgiving  was  ordered  held  in  consequence.  Certain  ac- 
counts place  his  fleet  at  eight  galleons  and  that  of  the  enemy  at  109  vessels. 
Aguilar,  Ndutica  Sacra,  2;  Pap.Var.,  i.  pt.  i.;  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS., 
serie  i.  torn.  ii.  2. 

52  He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife,  but  his  daughter  remained  in  Spain.  Ve- 
tanevrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  14;  Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS.,  201;  Figueroa,  Vindicias, 
MS.,  »o.    His  appointment  bore  date  April  19,  1G35.  Cedulario  Nuevo,  i.  344. 

5a  Ordenea  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  14. 

61 A  cedula  of  1G39  reprimands  the  oidores  for  giving  him  bad  advice.  Id., 
ii.  189;  vii.  3-7.  The  names  of  the  leading  officials  at  the  time  may  be  gath- 
ered from  Cepeda,  Pel,  pt.  i.  2;  Certif.  de  Mercedes,  MS.,  124;  Granados, 
Tarda*,  385-G. 


SIXTEENTH  VICEROY.  95 

malice  was  exhibited,  chiefly  from  his  quarrel  with 
the  archbishop.  The  real  nature  of  this  trouble  is 
not  clear,  though  it  arose  from  the  interference  of 
each  dignitary  with  what  the  other  considered  his 
special  privileges  and  duties.55  While  the  crown  was 
not  seriously  alarmed,  a  similar  quarrel  in  1624  proba- 
bly induced  it  to  remove  one  of  them. 

The  prelate,  Doctor  Francisco  Manso  y  Zuniga,58 
had  on  April  12,  1628,57  been  appointed  to  succeed 
the  troublesome  Serna.  He  possessed  many  qualifi- 
cations for  his  office  whereby  he  gained  not  only  public 
approval  but  the  confidence  of  the  king.  Educated 
at  Salamanca,  he  took  orders  in  1608,  became  rector 
of  Valladolid  university,  vicar-general  of  Aloa,  abbot 
of  several  prominent  establishments,  oidor  of  Granada 
in  1612,  and  finally  member  of  the  India  Council;  so 
that  with  high  learning  and  ecclesiastic  experience  he 
combined  the  training  of  judge  and  political  coun- 
selor;53 yet  we  find  him  embroiling  himself  so  far 
with  the  viceroy  as  to  lead  to  his  recall  in  1635.59 
Otherwise  his  administration  proved  satisfactory,  and 
among  the  people  his  memory  was  revered  for  the 
kindness  and  charity  displayed  in  particular  during 
the  great  inundation,  and  in  aiding  religious  edifices.60 
The  king  indeed  was  not  displeased,  for  he  presented 
him  to  the  see  of  Cartagena  and  afterward  to  the 
archdiocese  of  Burgos.  In  1650  Zuniga  entered  the 
Indian  Council  with  the  title  of  conde  de  Ervias.61 

65  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  who  wrote  about  this  time,  merely  sajTs,  'Two  encuen- 
tros  con  cl  Virrey  en  defensa  de  la  inmunidad  de  la  Iglesia.'  Teatro  Ecles.,  i. 
61.    The  marchioness  was  actually  to  be  prevented  from  visiting  nunneries. 

56 Panes  add3  Mendoza.    Virreyes,    MS.,  96. 

57  Gonzalez  Ddvila  writes  1629;  but  Zuniga  was  at  Mexico  already  in  Feb- 
ruary of  this  year,  and  arrived  probably  at  the  close  of  1628. 

|>8IIe  was  born  at  Calias  about  1582,  and  studied  also  at  Valladolid. 

59Cavo  erroneously  writes  1039.   Tres  S/glos,  ii.  11. 

60  Gonzalez  Ddvila  speaks  also  of  his  liberal  expenditures  at  the  funeral  of 
the  infante  archbishop  of  Toledo,  Teatro,  61,  yet  this  act  savors  rather  of  ob- 
sequious calculation. 

61  And  visconde  de  Negueruela.  Sosa,  Episc.  Mex.,  72.  At  his  death,  six 
years  later,  he  left  treasures  to  the  value  of  800,000  pesos,  which  were  placed 
under  embargo.  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Ilex.,  sene  ii.  torn.  i.  359.  Yet 
the  greater  part  no  doubt  reached  his  heirs. 


96  KING  AND  COLONY. 

Francisco  Verdugo,  long  connected  with  the  inqui- 
sition, and  since  1G23  bishop  of  Guamanga  in  Peru, 
was  appointed  his  successor  at  Mexico,  but  died  in 
August  1636,  before  the  bulls  reached  him.62  Mean- 
while the  archdiocese  was  administered  by  Doctor 
Fernandez  de  Ipenza,  an  intimate  of  Zuniga,  who 
probably  assisted  in  procuring  for  him  the  bishopric 
of  Yucatan ;  but  death  overtook  Ipenza  before  conse- 
cration.63 The  next  appointee  to  the  prelacy  of 
Mexico  was  a  Creole,  Feliciano  de  la  Vega,  born  at 
Lima  and  there  educated.  His  great  learning  and 
brilliant  talents  procured  prompt  recognition,  and  he 
became  successively  governor  of  the  Lima  archdiocese 
and  bishop  of  Popayan  and  of  La  Paz.  The  latter 
appointment  was  conferred  in  1639  and  in  the  same 
year  came  his  promotion  to  Mexico.  On  arriving  at 
Acapulco  early  in  December  1640  he  was  seized  with 
fever  from  which  he  died  within  a  few  days,64  to  the 
regret  of  the  creole  population  at  least,  who  were 
naturally  eager  to  see  installed  as  leading  prelate  one 
of  their  own  class,  though  born  in  a  distant  land. 

62  At  the  age  of  75,  it  seems,  though  Gonzalez  Davila  says  80.  He  had 
been  professor  at  Seville,  inquisidor  at  Lima  from  1601-23,  and  had  repeatedly 
declined  promotion  to  Spanish  sees.  He  dispensed  all  his  income  in  alms  and 
died  deeply  regretted.    Teatro  Ecles. ,  i.  62. 

63  The  appointment  was  dated  October  6,  1643. 

61  The  body  was  afterward  removed  from  Mazatlan  to  Mexico  cathedral. 
He  left  a  fortune  of  800,000  pesos,  but  no  will  whereby  to  embalm  his  memory 
in  charities,  observes  Gonzalez  Davila,  yet  he  adds:  'Fue  vno  de  los  mas 
felizes  ingenios  que  tuuo  el  Reyno  de  Pirii.'  Teatro,  i.  63-5.  Of  4,000  de- 
cisions made  by  him  as  ruler  of  the  Lima  see  none  was  revoked.  The  fortune 
above  referred  to  gave  rise  to  strange  complications  as  will  be  seen. 

Herewith  I  give  broader  references  to  some  authorities  consulted  for  the 
preceding  chapters:  Torqvemada,  i.  306-11,  572,  618-19,  671,  690-3,  726-68; 
iii.  269-77,  380-1;  CaMe,  Mem.  y  Not.,  43  et  seq. ;  Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS., 
120,  passim;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  36,  393-442;  ii.  10-42,  115,  136, 
178-9;  Cepeda,  Relation,  i.  4,  passim;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  2, 
18,  42-61,  92-6,  122-31,  182-97,  206-39;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  11,  33-4, 
44-9,  113-53,  234,  240;  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  232-9,  409,  passim;  Her- 
vera,  dec.  i.  lib.  ix.  cap.  viii. ;  Tumultos  de  Mex.,  MS.,  15  et  seq.;  Vetancvrt, 
Citron.  San  Evang.,  13-23,  120-7;  Id.,  Trat.  Mex.,  11-14,  30-9;  Grambila, 
Tumidtos,  MS.,  1-19;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.  Oajaca,  ii.  305-6,  340-2;  Id., 
Palestra  Hist.,  139-48,  193-200;  Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  35-6,  56,  116;  Car- 
riedo,  Estudios  Hist.,  114;  Vazquez,  Chron.  de  Gvat.,  255;  Certification  de  las 
Mercedes,  MS.,  124:  Col.  Doc.  Lied.,  xxi.  447-60;  Contilios  Prov.,  MS., 
1555  y  65,  216-17;  6rdents,de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  145-89;  vii.  1-7;  Remesal, 


FURTHER  AUTHORITIES.  97 

Hist.  Chyapa,  718;  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  2-5;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii. 
torn,  ii.,  passim;  Id.,  s6rie  ii.  torn,  iii.,  passim;  Mexico,  lid.  Svm.  de  Tu- 
mult os,  1  et  seq.;  Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  15;  Id.,  Parayso  Occid., 
24-6;  Mexico  ysus  Disturbios,  MS.,  i.  16-54,  289-91,  361-451;  ii.  1-676; 
Paeheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  380;  Maltratamiento  de  Indios,  MS., 
1-8;  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  18-22;  Instruc.  Vireyes,  263;  Recop.  da  Ind.,  i. 
21,  passim;  ii.  27,  passim;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  56-9,  181,  216-17;  Fi- 
gueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  55-73;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  343,  355;  Durango, 
Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  140-5;  Mexico,  Pel.  del  Estado,  passim;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos, 
i.  passim;  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  MS.,  265;  Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes,  i.  84; 
ii.  791;  Laet,Am.  Descrip.,  233-9,  251-316;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,i.  204-35, 
674;  ii.  817;  Id.,  New  Spain,  90-2,  100-5;  Id.,  Versuch,  ii.  87-128;  Santos, 
Chron.  Hosj).,  ii.  433-45,  458-61;  464-73,  589-90;  Arlegui,  Prov.  de  Zac, 
81-3,  138-44,  243-4,  346;  Mayer,  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  149,  163,  176-98;  Abispa  de 
Chalpancingo,  Escritos,  365;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  139,  328,  342;  ii.  212-19,  260, 
304-5,  378-9,  547-9;  iii.  396;  iv.  489-93;  v.  250-1;  vi.  761-2;  vii.  485-6; 
viii.  577;  ix.  216-17,  260-1,  333-4,  504,  587-8,  805,  930;  x.  369-70,  539-43, 
653-63,  761,  822,  928-9;  Aguilar,  Naidica,  2-12;  San  Sanson,  L'Amer.,  18; 
Zevcdlos,  Hist.  Mund.,  135;  Gonzales,  Col.  N.  Leon,  3-16;  Alvares,  Estudios, 
iii.  179-221,  461-505;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.,  vii.  278-92,  303-5;  Arevalo,  Com- 
pend.,  171-2;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  iii.  237-56;  iv.  2-43;  Album,  Mex.,  i.  351-3; 
Gottfriedt,  Newe  Welt,  472-5,  596-8;  Poussin's  Question,  27-8;  Arrillaga, 
Recop.,  1835,  5-6;  Muhlenpford,  Versuch,  ii.  254-63;  Frost's  Hist.  Mex., 
138-40;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.,  x.  157-8;  Correal,  Voy.  (Paris  ed.),  i.  1;  Beltrami, 
Mex.,  ii.  62-78;  Samaniego,  ReL,  98-9;  Prescott's  Mex.,  ii.  105-7;  Gage, 
Voy.  (Amsterdam  ed.  1720),  i.  68-116,  203-22;  Id.  (Paris  ed.  1696),  i.  225-45; 
Midler,  Reisen  en  Mex.,  ii.  52-67;  iii.  185-90;  Arroniz,  Biog.  Mex.,  159-62, 
250-2;  Id.,  Hist,  y  Cron.,  105-7;  Nicola'i,  Newe  und  Warhaffte,  305;  Green- 
how's  Or.  and  Cal.,  89-91;  Ogilby's  Am.,  245;  Ribera,  Gob.  Max.,  77,  passim; 
Fancourt's  Hist.  Yuc,  176,  223;  Castillo,  Die.  Hist.,  60,  269-72;  Bustamante, 
Voz  de  la  P atria,  i.  10-12;  Alzate,  Gacetas,  ii.  124-5;  Granadas,  TardesAm., 
340-1,  385-6;  Larenaudiere,  Mex.  et  Guat.  (Paris  ed.  1843),  150;  Shepard's 
Land  of  the  Aztec,  37-9;  Varios  Impresos,  nos.  iii.  vi.-vii.;  Fonsecay  Urrutia, 
Reed  Hacienda,  ii.  12-22,  263-337;  iv.  429-50;  v.  352-61;  Churchill's  Col. 
Voy.,  viii.  767-70;  Russell's  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  106;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  51-71; 
Ward's  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  282;  Ternaux-Compans,  Col.  Voy.,  s6rie  ii.  torn.  v. 
322;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  41,  169;  v.  246,  passim;  Bcdbuena,  Grandeza 
Meg.,  1-140;  Liceo  Mex.,  ii.  5-6,  40-2,  52,  80-3,  119-33,  144-7,  164-5;  Bur- 
ney's  Discov.  South  Seas,  ii.  273  et  seq.;  Mexico,  Rel.  de  Gelves,  passim; 
Berenger,  Col.  Voy.,  i.  262,  288-93;  Compania  de  Jesus,  Defensa,  passim; 
Fisher's  National  Mag.,  i.  249-54;  Mosaico  Mex.,  ii.  269;  Mota-Padilla, 
Conq.  N.  Gal.,  271;  Registro  Yucateco,  i.  194-8;  Velasco,  Exalt.  Divin.  Miser., 
39-49;  Terranova  y  Monteleone,  Esposicion,  21-63;  Somoza,  Breve  Not.,  2-31; 
Rodriguez,  Carta  Hist.,  2-6,  35-50;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.t  Boletin,  ii.  7-8;  iv.  19, 
73;  v.  349-52;  viii.  165;  Pcdafox  y  Mendoza,  Venerable  Sefior,  5-7;  Rivera, 
Hist.  Jalapa.  i.  77-91;  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  28-9;  Lacunza,  Discursos 
Hist.,  no.  xxxiv.  486-512;  Alaman,  Disert.,  ii.  50-77,  236-9;  iii.  19-28,  173, 
389;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  13,  passim. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    7 


CHAPTER  V. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  VICEROYS  ESCALONA,   PALAFOX, 
AND  SALVATIERRA. 

1G40-164S. 

Viceroy  Escalona's  Arrival— The  Bishop  and  Visitador  Palafox — 
Quarrels  about  Doctrinas — A  Covetous  Ruler — Fruitless  Com- 
plaints—  Startling  News  erom  Portugal  —  Escalona's  Sympa- 
thies— An  Insolent  Captain — Viceroy  versus  Bishop — Palafox 
Made  Archbishop  and  Governor  of  New  Spain — Secret  Prepara- 
tions—The Stroke  against  Escalona — His  Vindication  in  Spain — 
Palafox  an  Able  Viceroy  —  Iconoclasm  —  Episcopal  Labors  at 
Puebla  —  Viceroy  Salvatierra  Arrives  —  Califohnia  Explora- 
tions— Salvatierra's  Rule. 

Satisfactory  as  the  rule  of  Viceroy  Caclereita  had 
been,  the  crown  had,  as  it  seems,  some  motive  for  his 
removal,1  and  the  appointment  of  a  successor  was  re- 
solved upon.  Diego  Lopez  Pacheco  Cabrera  y  Boba- 
dilla,  duque  de  Escalona  and  marques  de  Villena,  a 
grandee  .  f  Spain,2  was  the  personage  selected  as  seven- 
teenth viceroy.  He  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  the  24th  of 
June  1640,  though  festivities  in  that  city  and  at  sev- 
eral points  on  the  road  delayed  his  entry  into  the 
capital  until  the  28th  of  August.3  In  the  same  fleet 
came  the  new  bishop  of  Puebla  and  visitador  general 
for  New  Spain,  Juan  de  Palafox  y  Mendoza,  with  a 

1  Troubles  with  Archbishop  Manso  y  Ziiniga  may  have  been  the  cause. 
The  reprimand  of  the  audiencia  would  also  indicate  grounds  for  complaint. 

2  He  was  the  first  grandee  that  ever  held  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain. 
Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  5(3.     Escalona  was  a  relative  to  the  dukes  of  Braganza  in 
Portugal. 

3  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  14,  followed  by  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  ii.  12;  Lorcn- 
zana,  Hist.  N.  E*p.,  22-3.  Mayer,  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  198,  and  Ribera,  Hist. 
Jalapa,  i.  91,  state  that  his  entry  into  Mexico  was  made  four  days  after  his 
arrival  at  Vera  Cruz. 

(98) 


THE  CALIFORNIA  COAST.  99 

special  commission  to  take  the  residencias  of  the 
former  viceroys,  Cerralvo  and  Cadereita,  and  to  in- 
vestigate the  commercial  relations  with  Peru  and  the 
Philippine  Islands. 

The  new  viceroy  was  a  man  of  fair  speech,  and  for  a 
time  won  for  himself  the  sympathies  of  the  people, 
who  expected  from  him  a  change  for  the  better  in  the 
condition  of  affairs.  At  this  period  commerce  and 
mining  industries  were  depressed/  and  the  common 
necessaries  of  life  could  be  purchased  only  at  exorbi- 
tant rates.  Moreover  the  church  was  in  a  demoralized 
condition,  and  the  religious  brotherhoods  ever  at 
strife;  the  highest  ecclesiastical  dignity  in  New  Spain 
being  represented  only  by  a  deputy. 

The  beginning  of  Escalona's  rule  showed  some 
activity.  He  had  been  ordered  by  the  king  to  make 
explorations  on  the  coast  of  California,  and  soon  after 
his  accession  a  commission  was  issued  for  that  pur- 
pose to  the  governor  of  Sinaloa.  Certain  Jesuits 
accompanied  the  expedition;  but  the  only  purpose 
which  it  served  was  to  ascertain  that  the  coast  was 
rich  in  pearls,  and,  though  cheerless  and  barren,  in- 
habited by  peaceful  tribes.  In  the  mean  time  the 
viceroy  aided  effectually  in  carrying  out  the  orders 
which  had  been  given  him  for  the  reformation  of  the 
doctrinas,  the  execution  of  which  rested  with  the 
visitador-bishop  Palafox,  an  able,  energetic  man, 
whose  name  became  intimately  linked  with  that  of 
Escalona,  and  with  the  greatest  ecclesiastical  strife 
which  occurred  during  the  seventeenth  century. 

Juan  de  Palafox  y  Mendoza  was  born  in  Fitero, 
Navarre,  on  the  24th  of  June  1600,  and  was  of  noble 
descent,  though  a  natural  son.  When  ten  years  old  he 
was  legitimized  by  his  father,  Jaime  de  Palafox  y  Men- 
doza, marques  de  Ariza.5    Having  received  an  educa- 

4  The  losses  sustained  by  shipwrecks  and  pirates  during  the  preceding  ten 
years  were  estimated  at  30,000,000  pesos.  Palafox,  El  Ven.  Sefior,  4-5. 

5  The  latter  title  has  probably  misled  several  authors,  among  them  Vetan- 
curt  and  Gonzalez  Davila,  who  give  Ariza  in  Aragon  as  his  birthplace.  Trat. 
Mex.,  52;  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  98. 


100  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AND  SALVATIERBA. 

tion  in  keeping  with  his  rank,  he  intended  to  enter 
the  army,  but  being  dissuaded  by  his  father,  he  studied 
law  and  theology  at  Alcala  and  Salamanca,  where  his 
talents  won  the  admiration  of  his  teachers  and  fellow- 
students.  His  fame  soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  kino:, 
who  summoned  him  to  court,  and  he  was  appointed 
in  quick  succession  to  several  important  offices  in  the 
council  of  the  Indies,  and  of  war.  During  this  time 
he  first  entertained  the  idea  of  changing  his  worldly 
life  for  a  more  sacred  calling,6  and  a  few  years  later 
was  ordained  a  priest,  being  appointed,  in  1629,  chap- 
lain and  chief-almoner  to  the  empress,  whom  he  ac- 
companied to  Germany,7  where  he  remained  for 
several  years.  On  the  27th  of  December  1639  he  was 
consecrated  at  Madrid,  and  on  his  arrival  in  New 
Spain,  in  June  1640,  immediately  entered  upon  his 
duties.  His  zeal  and  charity  soon  gained  for  him  the 
love  and  obedience  of  his  flock,  while  as  visitador  he 
knew  so  well  how  to  temper  justice  with  moderation 
that  litigants  highly  respected  his  decisions.  The 
only  matter  in  which  he  displayed  unwonted  rigor  was 
the  removal  of  friars  from  doctrinas,  and  in  this  he 
was  seconded  by  the  viceroy. 

For  years  great  irregularities  had  prevailed  in  the 
appointments  to  doctrinas,  or  neophyte  congregations, 
a  great  number  of  which  the  religious  brotherhoods  had 
held  in  their  gift  since  the  time  of  the  conquest.  Friars 
were  installed  and  removed  at  will  by  their  superiors, 
regardless  of  royal  and  pontifical  decrees  to  the  con- 
trary, and  of  instructions  directing  candidates  to  be 
examined  and  approved  by  the  bishop.  Little  or  no  at- 
tention was  paid  to  the  manner  in  which  the  doctrinas 

6  Several  miraculous  escapes  from  danger  had  already  predisposed  him  to 
this  change,  and  the  death  of  two  prominent  courtiers  hastened  his  resolution. 
His  mother,  who  had  become  a  recluse,  encouraged  him.  Palafox,  Obras,  xiii. 
10,  15-47. 

7  He  held  also  for  some  time  the  offices  of  a  treasurer  of  the  church  of 
Tarasona  and  of  an  abbot  of  Cintra.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  M ex.,  52;  Gonzalez 
Ddvlla,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  98.  Lorenzana,  in  Concillos  Prov.,  1555-65,  251, 
mentions  Palafox  also  as  visitador  of  the  royal  convent  of  barefooted  nuns  of 
Madrid. 


CURRENT  MEASURES.  101 

were  administered,  the  only  object  seeming  to  be  the 
accumulation  of  wealth  at  the  expense  of  others.  The 
bishop  at  once  resolved  to  correct  this  abuse,  and 
meeting  with  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  friars, 
proceeded  to  deprive  the  orders  of  their  missions.  In 
a  short  time  he  had  established  thirty-seven  new 
curacies,  which  formerly  had  belonged  to  the  Fran- 
ciscans, Dominicans,  and  Augustinians.  It  must  be 
admitted  that  in  some  instances  he  went  too  far, 
making  a  parish  out  of  every  district  containing  a 
small  church  or  hermitage,  if  the  ecclesiastics  failed 
to  appear  before  him  during  the  short  term  granted 
for  examination.8  Finally,  when  the  religious  orders 
realized  their  inability  to  battle  successfully  with  the 
united  powers  of  the  bishop  and  the  viceroy,  they 
submitted  under  protest  to  the  India  Council,  a  meas- 
ure which  was  of  no  avail  to  them,  however,  as  the 
conduct  of  the  bishop  was  approved.  The  general 
feeling  of  the  population  had  doubtless  been  with  the 
bishop,  and  they  considered  the  great  number  of  friars 
as  a  burden  to  the  country,  and  one  of  little  benefit; 
for  a  few  years  later  petitions  were  addressed  to  Spain, 
urging  that  no  more  friars  be  sent  to  Mexico,  and 
that  no  licenses  be  issued  for  new  convents. 

Although  an  intimate  friendship  seemed  to  exist 
between  Escalona  and  Palafox,  which  found  expression 
in  the  frequent  visits  they  paid  each  other,  the  former 
had  not  been  deaf  to  the  complaints  of  the  friars  merely 
for  the  sake  of  the  bishop's  good- will.  He  required 
a  more  tangible  compensation,  which  was  nothing  less 
than  the  assistance,  or  at  least  the  non-interference,  of 
the  powerful  visitador.  Pleasure,  and  the  acquisition 
of  wealth,  were  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  viceroy.  The 
duties  of  his  office  were  a  sore  burden  to  him,  and  he 

8  The  Franciscans  as  the  most  numerous  seem  to  have  suffered  most, 
judging  from  the  long  complaint  of  Vetancurt,  who  says  that  his  order  had 
to  suffer  many  grievances.  Only  one  Franciscan,  of  Atlixco,  submitted  to 
the  bishop's  demand,  and  having  been  approved,  was  left  in  undisturbed  pos- 
session of  his  doctrina.  Vetancvrt,  Chro)i.  San  Evang.,  14-16;  Gonzalez  Da- 
vita,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  99.  See  also  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  13;  Alaman,  DiserL, 
iii.  app.  28. 


102  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AKD  SALVATXERRA. 

willingly  transferred  tliem  to  his  friends  and  courtiers, 
if  they  would  only  offer  him  opportunity  for  amuse- 
ment, and  his  due  share  of  the  official  perquisites. 
The  best  offices  were  thus  given  to  the  partisans  of 
the  duke,  and  by  them  resold  to  the  highest  bidder. 
Among  other  measures  he  was  induced  to  order  a 
census  to  be  taken  of  all  the  mulattoes,  negroes,  and 
mestizos,  but  for  what  purpose  does  not  appear,  save 
that  of  swelling  his  own  coffers,  and  those  of  his  fa- 
vorites. One  of  his  attendants  was  put  in  charge  of 
the  granary,  the  stores  of  which  were  sold  at  exces- 
sive rates  to  the  public;  another  was  made  judge  of 
police  and  given  charge  of  the  public  water  works.9 
A  third  was  appointed  jnez  de  pulques  under  the  pre- 
text of  enforcing  the  laws  against  the  sale  of  intoxi- 
eating  liquors,  and  made  fifty  thousand  pesos  a  year 
by  his  office.  The  sale  of  cacao  was  also  monopolized, 
and  its  price  wTas  so  extravagant  that  only  rich  per- 
sons could  afford  to  buy  it.10 

The  people  were  loud  in  their  complaints,  but  no 
whisper  reached  the  ears  of  the  viceroy,11  for  his  friends 
did  their  utmost  to  prevent  him  from  learning  how 
great  was  the  dissatisfaction  his  measures  had  created. 
Representations  were  made  to  the  bishop-visitador, 
who  argued  with  Escalona,  suggesting  that  if  the 
offices  were  sold  the  proceeds  ought  to  be  turned 
over  to  the  royal  treasury.  His  counsel  was  disre- 
garded by  the  duke,  who  was  piqued  by  it,  and  after- 
ward endeavored  to  keep  aloof  from  him.12 

The  viceroy  still  wanted  money  to  redeem  his  en- 
cumbered estates,  and  a  new  scheme  was  devised  by 
his  ingenious  financiers.     A  list  of  wealthy  persons 

9  Even  the  salmons  water  sold  at  two  and  three  reals  a  load,  and  its  use 
caused  diseases  among  the  population. 

10  '  If  thus  the  wealthier  classes  were  unable  to  obtain  it,  how  could  it  be 
with  those  who  had  no  means,  y  con  solo  este  desayuno  ayunaban  los  dias  y 
las  noehes.'  Palafox,  El  Ven.  Seuor,  6. 

1  l  His  rooms,  in  the  interior  of  the  palace,  were  quite  distant  from  that 
part  of  the  building  where  the  offices  were  situated,  and  to  which  the  public 
had  access. 

12  'Parecie'ndole  que  en  no  oysndo  culparse  no  seria  culpado.'  Palafox,  El 
Ven.  Senor.  7. 


ARCHBISHOP  AXD  VICEROY.  103 

was  made,  and  all  were  in  turn  invited  to  the  palace 
by  the  viceroy,  who  flattered  them,  feasted  them,  pro- 
moted some  of  them  to  office,  and  finally  did  them 
the  honor  of  borrowing  their  money,  the  repayment 
of  which  in  all  probability  was  to  be  made  ad  Grcecas 
ccdendas.  To  refuse  or  to  concede  was  alike  danger- 
ous, and  many  preferred  the  latter.  So  well  worked 
the  contrivance,  that  within  a  short  time  several  hun- 
dred thousand  pesos  were  obtained.13  Occasionally  ap- 
propriations were  also  made  from  the  royal  treasury 
and  from  the  monopoly  of  quicksilver,  the  latter  prov- 
ing so  injurious  that  the  product  of  the  mines  was 
largely  reduced.14 

Cool  as  were  the  relations  between  Escalona  and 
Palafox,  an  open  rupture  had  always  been  avoided  by 
the  latter,  perhaps  more  from  policy  than  from  any 
other  motive.  Even  the  viceroy's  misconduct  with 
regard  to  the  armada  de  Barlovento,  and  the  despatch 
of  the  fleet  of  1641,  did  not  produce  any  visible  effect 
on  the  visitador,  though  it  evidenced  the  breach 
already  existing.  Orders  had  been  given  to  the  duke 
to  proceed  with  the  organization  of  this  armament  for 
the  protection  of  the  coasts  and  the  escort  of  mer- 
chant vessels.  These  instructions  were  carried  out  in 
the  most  careless  manner;  a  large  amount  of  money 
was  drawn  from  the  royal  treasury  and  spent  on  ves- 
sels scarcely  seaworthy  and  altogether  too  small.15  In 
addition,  the  despatch  of  the  fleet  was  unnecessarily 
delayed  until  the  end  of  July.  In  vain  the  visitador 
had  remonstrated;  but  though  his  advice  was  disre- 
garded the  result  proved  how  correct  it  had  been,  for 
a  storm  destroj^ed  the  whole  flota,  and  caused  the 
crown  a  loss  of  about  eight  millions  of  pesos.16 

13  Authorities  differ  as  to  the  exact  figure,  stating  it  from  300,000  to  400,000 
pesos.     One  Alvaro  de  Lorenzana  alone  is  said  to  have  loaned  50,000  pesos. 

14  It  is  asserted  that  not  one  mark  of  silver  entered  the  royal  treasury 
under  Escalona's  rule. 

15  The  amount  is  estimated  at  800,000  pesos.   Pain  fox,  El  Yen.  Senor,  8. 

16  Palafox  made  of  the  viceroy's  proceedings  a  charge  of  harboring  seditious 
plans;  but  this  fell  tojdie  ground;  for  at  Habana  the  fleet  was  placed  under 
the  command  of  an  officer  quite  independent  of  Escalona.  Escalona,  Defenm 
in  Vlr.  Instrue.,  MS.,  serie  i.,  no.  1,  13-14. 


104  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AND  SALVATIERRA. 

During  this  same  year  the  viceroy's  covetousness 
was  again  a  cause  of  offence  to  Palafox.  The  late 
archbishop  elect,  Feliciano  de  Vega,  had  died  intes- 
tate, soon  after  his  arrival  at  Acapulco,  leaving  prop- 
erty valued  at  eight  hundred  thousand  pesos,  and  a 
controversy  arose  as  to  whom  belonged  the  adminis- 
tration. The  bishop  claimed  it  in  virtue  of  his  office 
as  visitador,  and  commissioned  his  vicar-general,  Bar- 
tolome  cle  Nogales,  to  make  an  inventory.  But  the 
property,  or  at  least  the  greater  part,  had  already 
been  seized  and  placed  in  safe-keeping  by  the  oidor, 
Melchor  de  Torreblanca,  by  order  of  the  viceroy ;  and 
when  Nogales  proceeded  to  comply  with  his  instruc- 
tions, he  was  strongly  rebuked  by  Escalona,  and  also 
by  Palafox,  who  yet  strove  to  remain  on  good  terms 
with  the  duke.  Nogales  returned  in  disgust  to 
Spain;17  and  the  bishop,  also  annoyed,  abandoned  his 
claim  and  retired  to  Puebla.18 

During  the  first  days  of  April  1G41  news  reached 
Mexico  that  Portugal  and  Catalonia  had  risen  in 
revolt,  and  were  at  war  with  Spain  in  defence  of  their 
proclaimed  independence.  The  people  of  Mexico  be- 
came alarmed,  for  the  viceroy  was  a  near  relative  to 
the  chief  of  the  Portuguese  insurgents,  the  duke  of 
Braganza,  and  there  was  a  large  number  of  that 
nationality  in  the  country.  Many  of  them  were 
wealth}7  and  influential,  and  had  always  been  treated 
by  Escalona  with  marked  favor.  Fears  were  enter- 
tained that  the  insurrection  might  spread  to  the  New 
World,  and  the  duke's  behavior  apparently  justified 
this    apprehension.     Cedulas  had    been  sent  to    the 

17  'Diciendo  no  queria  estar  en  tierra  donde  tanto  ataba  las  manosala  jus- 
ticia  la  contemplacion  de  los  senores  vireyes.'  Palafox,  El  Ven.  Seilor,  9. 

18  The  money  disappeared  mysteriously;  'murieron  (the  800,000  pesos) 
como  su  duefio  muy  apriessa. '  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Tcatro  Ecles.,  i.  65.  Torre- 
blanca was  later  suspended  from  office  and  banished  to  Tacuba,  for  the  term 
of  five  years.  In  1650  the  council  of  the  Indies  pronounced  a  severe  sentence 
against  him — perpetual  removal  from  office,  exile  from  the  New  World,  for 
ten  years  from  the  court,  and  a  line  of  15,000  ducats.  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc. 
Hut.  Mex.,  lstser.,  i.  107.  All  this  implies  that  frauds  were  committed  in 
the  administration  of  the  estate. 


WAR  WITH  PORTUGAL.  105 

viceroy  to  serve  as  a  guide  for  his  conduct  toward  the 
Portuguese,  but  they  were  kept  secret,  and  neither 
the  audiencia  nor  the  visitador  learned  their  con- 
tents. The  distinctions  bestowed  on  the  Portuguese 
were  remembered;  how  one  had  been  made  castellan 
of  San  Juan  de  Ulua;  how  another,  even  after  the 
arrival  of  the  news,  had  been  placed  in  charge  of  a 
portion  of  the  troops,  and  received  the  rank  of  maes- 
tre  de  campo;  while  a  third  was  appointed  comisario 
general.19  It  was  also  asserted  that,  on  the  very  day 
when  the  intelligence  was  received,  Escalona,  instead 
of  expressing  sorrow,  dressed  himself  in  gala  costume 
and  invited  his  friends  to  a  banquet. 

One  circumstance,  however,  although  a  trivial  one, 
was  brought  forward  as  clearly  proving  the  duke's 
disloyalty.  It  was  alleged  that,  when  offered  the 
choice  of  two  horses,  one  belonging  to  Pedro  de  Cas- 
tilla, and  the  other  to  Cristobal  de  Portugal,  he  ex- 
claimed, after  trying  them:  "The  Portuguese  is  the 
better.'"20  This  remark  did  not  escape  the  strained 
ears  of  his  enemies;  and  trifling  as  it  was,  it  was 
afterward  so  construed  as  to  form  one  of  the  heaviest 
charges  against  him.21  The  loss  of  one  of  the  mail- 
ships,  despatched  in  the  beginning  of  the  year,  also 
caused  great  excitement,  and  without  regard  to  in- 
consistency of  dates  was  by  some  persons  interpreted 
as  a  premeditated  step  of  the  viceroy  to  aid  his  rebel 
cousin  in  Portugal. 

The  feeling  of  the  Spaniards  against  the  Portu- 

19  It  seems  that  the  first  instructions  from  Spain  did  not  order  the  dis- 
missal of  Portuguese  officials,  who  were  considered  trustworthy,  but  only  en- 
joined strict  vigilance.  The  duke  retained  them  in  office  as  there  were  no 
sufficient  reasons  for  their  removal. 

20  'Mejor  es  el  de  Portugal.'  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  14;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs, 
ii.  15;  Bustamante  in  Palafox,  El  Ven.  Sefior,  79.  The  two  last  authorities 
say  the  horses  had  been  given  to  the  duke.  Palafox,  Respuesta,  in  Palafox, 
El  Ven.  Senor,  57,  gives  to  the  horses  the  names  of  Castilla  and  Portugal, 
and  changes  the  viceroy's  exclamation  to  'Dejo  a  Castilla  por  Portugal.' 

21  Correspondence  with  Portuguese  noblemen,  observations  approving  the 
duke  of  Braganza's  treachery,  and  even  the  project  of  a  Portuguese  invasion 
were  also  on  the  list  of  accusations  against  Escalona,  but  proofs  were  never 
furnished,  and  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  the  bishop  had  a  good  deal  to 
do  with  the  circulation  of  such  rumors,  if  not  with  their  creation. 


106  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AND  SALVATIERRA. 

guese  reached  its  climax  on  the  13th  of  August  1641, 
the  day  of  St  Hippolytus.  When  the  usual  proces- 
sion of  the  banner  met  a  body  of  soldiers  with  their 
Portuguese  captain,  the  customary  salute  of  lowering 
the  flag  was  refused  on  the  ground  of  the  duke's 
absence.22  The  Spaniards,  though  greatly  incensed, 
merely  changed  their  route,  and  made  no  attempt  to 
punish  their  insolent  neighbors.  Palafox,  who  soon 
afterward  returned  to  Mexico,  represented  to  the 
viceroy  the  necessity  of  punishing  the  captain  and  of 
adopting  energetic  measures  to  prevent  an  outbreak 
of  the  Portuguese,  who  became  more  haughty  from 
day  to  day.  Escalona  agreed  with  the  bishop,  but 
could  not  be  induced  to  take  any  active  steps, 
although  the  representations  were  repeated.23 

While  the  viceroy  and  Palafox  were  yet  quarrelling, 
information  reached  Mexico  that  the  Portuguese  in 
Brazil  had  rebelled,  and  that  a  mutiny  had  occurred 
in  Cartagena,  New  Granada.24  The  zealous  visitador 
immediately  held  consultations  with  the  members 
of  the  audiencia,  the  inquisition,  and  a  number  of 
prominent  persons,  and  all  urged  him  to  reason  with 
the  duke,  and  call  his  attention  to  the  impending 
danger.  The  dismissal  of  the  Portuguese  captain 
and  those  of  his  countrymen  who  held  office  under  the 
crown,  and  the  disbanding  of  the  companies  of  Portu- 
guese soldiers,  were  deemed  necessary.  An  attempt 
to  obtain  an  interview  with  the  viceroy  failed,  owing 
to  the  latter's  discourtesy;  and  when  the  bishop  ex- 
plained his  views  in  a  letter,25  the  duke's  answer  was, 

22  No  reason  is  assigned  why  the  viceroy  failed  to  assist.  '  El  portugues 
dijo:  que  no  hallandose  en  el  (the  procession),  S.  E.  a  ningun  otro  abatiria  sn 
bandc'va."  Palafox,  El  Ven.  Seuor,  10-11. 

23  Palafox,  in  his  letter  to  the  king,  mentions  the  disrespectful  language 
of  the  viceroy,  saying  that  the  latter,  on  one  occasion,  told  the  bishop's  chap- 
lain: '  por  ahi  dicen  que  me  alzo  con  esto,  si  eso  f uese  asi,  yo  seria  rey,  y  mi 
obispo  papa.'  Palafox,  El  Ven.  Setior,  GO.  There  is  no  doubt  that,  as  well  on 
this  as  on  other  occasions,  the  viceroy  made  merry  with  the  serious  remarks 
of  the  bishop,  who  really  suspected  a  conspiracy. 

24  Cartagena  de  las  Indias,  as  it  was  then  called,  to  distinguish  it  from 
that  of  old  Spain. 

2a '  Con  maravillosas  razones  y  profunda  reverencia  le  proponia  la  reforma- 
cion  del  capitan  portugues,  y  todos  los  demas  puntas  convenientes.' 


SUSPICIONS  OF  DISLOYALTY.  107 

"The  learned  always  err."  Nevertheless  a  meeting 
was  convoked,  consisting  of  lawyers,  friars,  and  other 
personages  with  little  or  no  judgment  on  political 
affairs.  Moreover  disputes  about  etiquette  prevented 
any  definite  action. 

Comprehending  at  last  the  danger  of  greater  delay, 
the  viceroy  issued  a  proclamation,  ordering  the  Portu- 
guese inhabitants  to  deliver  up  their  fire-arms  under 
pain  of  death.  The  Portuguese  captain  was  dismissed, 
and  Palafox,  in  order  to  manifest  his  conciliatory  dis- 
position, went  to  the  palace  to  congratulate  Escalona, 
but  was  discourteously  treated  by  the  viceroy.  The 
ill-will  of  the  latter  increased  when  his  request  to  the 
visitador  to  pardon  a  certain  prisoner  was  denied,  and 
the  bishop  in  some  skilful  manner  contrived  to  secure 
the  people's  sympathy  for  his  conduct.  The  duke  re- 
taliated, vexing  the  bishop  by  petty  annoyances  and  a 
lack  of  courtesy;  he  persecuted  his  friends,  and  forbade 
him  to  interfere  with  the  despatch  of  the  Philippine 
vessels,  a  matter  which  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  visitador.  Toward  the  end  of  1641  Palafox 
was  desirous  of  returning  to  his  diocese,  but  was  pro- 
voked by  the  sneering  remarks  of  the  duke26  to  remain, 
only  to  experience  new  offence  in  the  following  year, 
when  the  corregidor  of  Vera  Cruz  imprisoned  a  Car- 
melite friar  on  whose  person  were  found  letters  which 
caused  him  to  be  suspected  of  being  an  emissary  of 
the  bishop,  and  the  latter's  efforts  in  his  behalf  seemed 
to  confirm  it.  Having  failed  to  obtain  from  the  vice- 
roy the  punishment  of  the  corregidor,  and  the  resi- 
dencia  of  Caclereita  being  concluded,  in  Februar}r  1642 
the  bishop  retired  to  Puebla  to  attend  to  his  duties, 
and  to  await  the  result  of  his  reports  to  the  king, 
whom  as  a  loyal  subject  and  in  duty  bound  he  had 
informed  of  the  suspicious  behavior  of  the  duke. 

His  patience  was  not  put  to  a  severe  test.  The 
king  had  always  been  aware  of  the  viceroy's  intimate 
relation  with  the  Portuguese  rebel,  who  had  wrested 

26 Escalona  said  publicly  he  had  ordered  the  bishop  to  return  to  Puebla. 


108  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AKD  SALVATIERRA. 

from  the  Spanish  sovereign  an  important  province; 
the  critical  circumstances  of  the  epoch  and  the  abuses 
wrought  by  the  viceroy's  attendants,  magnified  as 
they  were  by  the  bishop,  effectually  undermined  the 
king's  confidence.  Previous  orders  to  exercise  a  whole- 
some surveillance  were  now  amplified,  and  the  visi- 
tador  was  ordered  to  take  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment. Simultaneously  his  services  were  recognized 
by  offering  him  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico,  vacant 
since  the  death  of  Feliciano  de  Vega.27 

These  cedulas  arrived  toward  the  end  of  May  1642,23 
and  Palafox  was  not  loath  to  assume  the  viceroyalty, 
which  office  so  well  suited  his  ambition.  He  declined, 
however,  the  archiepiscopal  see.29  The  latter  was  in 
consequence  given  to  Juan  de  Manosca  y  Zamora,  the 
late  president  of  the  chancilleria  of  New  Granada.30 
He  was  consecrated  by  Palafox  on  the  24th  of  Feb- 
ruary 1645.  Keeping  secret  his  appointment,  the 
bishop  proceeded  on  the  6th  of  June  1642  to  Mexico, 
where  his  exaltation  to  the  highest  ecclesiastical  disr- 
nity  had  filled  with  joy  the  whole  population,  save  the 
viceroy,  who  congratulated  him  with  such  scant  cour- 
tesy31 as  to  rouse  the  ire  of  the  bishop,  who  occupied 
himself  during  the  two  following  days  with  sending 
letters  to  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz,  and  other  places,  making 
known  his  appointment  almost  simultaneously.  On 
the  eve  of  Saturday  the  9th  of  June,  the  final  prepa- 

27  Diego  de  Guevara,  archbishop-elect  of  Santo  Domingo,  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  see  in  the  name  of  Vega,  and  ruled  until  his  death.  Gonzalez 
Ddvila,  Tcatro  Ecles.,  i.  64. 

28  The  contemporary  narrator,  in  Palafox,  El  Veil.  Sefior,  18,  says  March 
23d,  which  is  likely  to  be  a  misprint,  or  incorrect  reading  of  the  original  man- 
uscript. The  time  given  in  the  text  is  supported  by  the  personal  statements 
of  Palafox,  and  intimated  by  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  14. 

29  Gonzalez  Davila  asserts  because  he  had  vowed  not  to  accept  any  other 
see  but  that  of  Puebla. 

30  A  native  of  Marquina  in  Biscay.  He  was  educated  in  Mexico,  studied 
in  Salamanca,  and  held  later,  among  other  offices,  that  of  inquisitor  at  Carta- 
gena and  Lima.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex. ,  25.  Some  call  him  Maiiosca,  others 
Zamora;  the  first,  his  maternal  name,  was  with  preference  adopted  by  him. 
Panes  mentions  him  as  Juan  Saenz  de  Mayorca  y  Zamora.  Vireyes,  in  Mon- 
me/itos,  Dora.  Esp.,  MS.,  99. 

31  It  is  also  said  that  Escalona  circulated  reports  that  Palafox  owed  his 
elevation  to  his  influence. 


THE  INEVITABLE  BLOW.  109 

rations  for  the  stroke  were  made  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
as  the  viceroy  intended  to  retire  to  Chapultepec.  At 
a  late  hour  of  the  night,  after  previously  informing 
the  members  of  the  inquisition,  and  ordering  them  to 
be  ready  for  action,  the  members  of  the  audiencia  were 
summoned  to  his  house  and  shown  the  royal  cedulas, 
which  they  obeyed,  recognizing  Palafox  as  viceroy. 
Subsequently  the  city  council,  municipal  and  royal 
officials,  and  a  number  of  prominent  citizens,  who  had 
been  assembled,  were  likewise  acquainted  with  the 
king's  will,  and  all  declared  their  willingness  to  obey. 

During  the  same  night,  by  order  of  Palafox,  the 
maestre  de  campo,  Antonio  Urrutia  de  Vergara,32  with 
thirty  resolute  men  took  possession  of  and  guarded 
the  entrances  to  the  viceregal  palace,  allowing  all  who 
so  desired  to  leave  it,  but  none  to  enter.  This  done, 
word  was  sent  to  the  new  viceroy,  together  wTith  the 
information,  that  everything  within  the  palace  was 
quiet  and  that  there  was  not  the  least  suspicion. 
Others  had  secured  the  prison,  the  mint,  the  house 
where  the  royal  seal  was  kept,  and  several  public 
buildings. 

Confident  as  was  the  bishop  that  his  conduct  could 
not  fail  to  meet  with  the  approval  of  the  people,  he 
still  deemed  it  but  prudent  to  have  an  eye  to  his  own 
safety.  At  five  o'clock  the  next  morning  everything 
was  ready,  and  the  oidor  Andres  de  Pardo  de  Lagos,33 
accompanied  by  two  alcaldes,  the  fiscal,  and  a  secretary, 
proceeded  to  the  palace  to  notify  to  the  duke  his  down- 
fall.34 

Escalona  was  asleep  when  Lagos  and  his  compan- 
ions entered,  and  awoke  to  find  the  party  on  bended 
knee,  as  they  apprised  him  of  the  king's  latest  reso- 
lution.    The  secretary  handed  him  the  cedula,  but  he 

32  He  is  sometimes  only  called  Vergara,  in  other  instances  Urrutia. 

33  In  some  places  he  is  called  Lugi  or  Lugo. 

3iCavo,  Tres  Sir/los,  ii.  14-15,  expresses  his  astonishment  that  they  could 
enter  the  palace  without  encountering  opposition.  He  forgets  evidently  that 
the  guard,  although  only  subject  to  the  immediate  orders  of  the  viceroy, 
would  not  fail  to  obey  those  of  the  maestre  de  campo,  the  second  commander, 
who,  as  has  been  shown,  sided  with  the  bishop. 


110  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AND  SALVATIERRA. 

returned  it  with  the  request  that  it  be  read  to  him. 
This  was  done,  and  raising  himself  on  his  shoulder  he 
listened,  speechless  with  surprise,  to  the  words  of  his 
sovereign,  who,  under  pretext  of  bestowing  on  him 
greater  favors,  bade  him  deliver  up  the  reins  of  power 
to  the  archbishop  and  return  to  Spain.  "This  is  a 
hard  blow,  but  the  orders  of  the  king  must  be  obeyed," 
was  his  answ.er.  Informed  that  his  successor  had 
already  assumed  office  and  demanded  his  early  de- 
parture from  Mexico,  he  left  the  capital  between  seven 
and  eight  o'clock,  poorly  equipped  and  with  a  scanty 
retinue,"5  and  retired  to  the  convent  of  the  barefooted 
Franciscans  at  Churubusco,  a  few  miles  distant. 
When  the  inhabitants  awoke,  they  learned  with 
amazement  how  close  to  the  verge  of  rebellion  the 
province  had  been,  and  that  but  for  the  prudence  and 
energy  of  the  new  viceroy  the  stain  of  sedition  had 
been  branded  on  the  most  noble  and  loyal  city  of  New 
Spain.  Such  was  at  least  the  manner  in  which  the 
friends  of  the  bishop  justified  his  conduct,  and  though 
the  people  believed  it  for  a  while,  they  were  soon  un- 
deceived. 

On  the  10th  of  June36  Palafox  inaugurated  his 
rule,  and  his  first  measure  was  to  place  under  em- 
bargo all  the  property  and  papers  belonging  to  his 
predecessor,37  wdiose  residencia  he  immediately  began 
to  take.  The  conduct  of  Escalona  and  of  certain  of 
his  friends  and  attendants  who  were  in  prison,  was 
closely  scrutinized;  but  all  efforts  failed  to  secure 
evidence  of  the  suspected  conspiracy.  The  people, 
always  inclined  to  sympathize  with  the  unfortunate, 

35  '  En  un  coche  de  dos  mulas,  mal  aliiiada  la  persona  y  con  un  solo  page.' 
Palafox,  El  Ven.  Seuor,  21. 

36  The  son  of  Escalona  in  his  complaint  to  the  king  says  erroneously  that 
the  bishop  took  these  measures  on  the  night  of  a  Sunday,  which  would  have 
been  June  10th.  Escalona,  Defensa  in  Vir.  fnstruc.,  MS.,  1st  ser. ,  no.  1,  1-2. 
Lorcnzana,  referring  to  the  Libro  de  Cabildo,  says  Palafox  entered  into  office 
on  the  9th.  Hist.  JV.  Esp. ,  23. 

37Cavo,  Tres  Sh/los,  ii.  14,  followed  by  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mcj.,  v.  330, 
makes  the  improbable  assertion,  that  the  duke's  property  was  sold  at  auc- 
tion. 


REFORMS  INSTITUTED.  Ill 

ere  long  pitied  the  duke  on  account  of  the  new  vice- 
roy's harsh  proceeding,  explaining  his  alleged  malefea- 
sance  as  the  calumniations  of  his  enemies,  and  his 
mistakes  in  the  government  as  originated  by  the  bad 
counsel  of  his  advisers.  Later  events  seemed  to  jus- 
tify this  opinion,  and  having  remained  in  the  convent 
of  Churubusco  till  the  end  of  1642  Escalona  removed 
to  the  small  town  of  San  Martin,  about  sixteen 
leagues  from  Mexico,  and  three  months  later  returned 
to  Spain.33  Here  he  vindicated  his  conduct  so  satis- 
factorily that  the  king  intended  to  reinstall  him  in 
office,  but  afterward  bestowed  on  him  the  viceroyalty 
of  Sicily  and  a  grant  of  six  thousand  pesos  of  rental. 
His  opinion  was  also  consulted  about  the  government 
of  New  Spain,  and  among  other  suggestions  he  made 
was  that  of  resuming  the  expeditions  to  California. 
There  is  no  doubt  that  he  became  a  victim  to  the 
visitador's  ambition  or  scruples,  and  that  on  account 
of  his  innate  indolence  his  friends  and  attendants 
were  allowed  too  much  influence  in  the  control  of  af- 
fairs, but  no  evidence  has  been  produced  strong  enough 
to  convict  him  of  disloyalty.39 

Whatever  the  reasons  which  controlled  the  conduct 
of  Palafox  in  all  affairs  where  Escalona  was  concerned, 
once   in   charge  of  the  highest  magistracy  of  New 

38  With  him  he  took  written  testimony  of  the  city  council,  other  corpo- 
rations, and  many  prominent  persons,  giving  evidence  of  his  innocence. 

99  El  Venerable  Seuor  Don  Juan  de  Palafox  y  Mendoza. .  .justificado  en  el 
Tribunal  de  laRazon,  Mexico,  1831,  pp.  79,  published  by  Carlos  Maria  de  Bus- 
tamante.  This  work  forms  part  of  the  Voz  de  la  Patria,  and  contains  docu- 
ments bearing  on  the  altercations  between  Escalona  and  Palafox.  The  first 
is  a  relation,  written  by  a  contemporary,  apparently  a  friend  of  the  bishop, 
but  full  of  valuable  information  and  less  biassed  than  might  have  been  ex- 
pected. The  second  is  a  memorial  to  the  king  by  the  son  of  the  ex-viceroy, 
asserting  the  duke's  innocence  and  severely  accusing  Palafox.  Another, 
apparently  coetaneous  copy  exists  in  my  manuscript  collection  under  the 
ticle  Escalona,  Defensa.  The  last  document  is  the  bishop's  reply  to  the  king 
concerning  the  charges  preferred  against  him.  Both  the  memorial  and  the 
reply,  partial  as  their  origin  necessarily  stamps  them,  add  few  historical  facts 
to  the  first  document,  but  are  valuable  because  they  reveal  occasionally  the 
reasons  which  guided  the  two  antagonists.  Of  later  writers,  most  have 
adopted  the  version  that  the  removal  of  Escalona  was  an  act  of  unnecessary 
caution  in  view  of  the  slight  reasons  against  him ;  others,  like  Alaman  and 


112  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AND  SALVATIERRA. 

Spain  he  proved  himself  well  fitted  for  the  position. 
The  abuses  which  his  predecessor  had  permitted  in 
the  management  of  the  public  water-works  and  the 
granary  were  corrected;  crime  was  severely  pun- 
ished; and  frequent  public  sessions  were  held,  often 
presided  over  by  the  viceroy  himself.40  The  affairs 
of  the  royal  treasury,  of  late  a  mine  of  wealth  for 
unscrupulous  officials,  were  reorganized,  but  Palafox 
himself  did  not  draw  any  of  the  salary  due  him  as 
visitador  and  viceroy. 

Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco  were  fortified  according 
to  orders  from  Spain,  the  duties  of  maestre  de  campo 
more  clearly  defined,  and  twelve  new  companies  of 
militia  organized  for  purposes  of  defence.  The  vice- 
roy then  directed  his  attention  to  the  improvement  of 
ecclesiastical  and  educational  matters.  He  made  re- 
forms in  the  affairs  of  the  church,  visited  the  convents, 
framed  statutes  for  the  university,  and,  though  a  pro- 
tector of  the  Indians,  was  sometimes  severe  in  his 
endeavor  to  outroot  such  superstitions  as  still  lingered 
in  their  minds.  To  that  end  a  number  of  ancient 
statues  and  idols,  kept  by  preceding  viceroys  as  tokens 
of  victory,  were  demolished.41 

In  the  mean  time  a  new  viceroy  had  been  appointed 
by  the  crown,  and  to  him  Palafox  delivered  the  reins 
of  power,  after  a  rule  of  five  months,42  during  which 
brief  term  he  gave  unquestionable  proof  of  ability  and 
disinterestedness.  By  order  of  the  king,  he  gave  to 
his  successor  a  collection  of  '  instructions'  to  guide 

Ribera,  confine  themselves  to  a  mere  statement  of  the  facts,  without  express- 
ing their  opinions.  In  addition  to  the  authorities  already  quoted  I  refer  the 
reader  for  more  details  to  Vdancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  14;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii. 
11-15;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  237-8;  Alaman,  Disert. ,  iii.  app.  28-9; 
liivera,  Gobe mantes,  i.  132-41. 

40  'Di6  audiencia.  .  .en  que  hablaban  en  dos  dias  cuantos  no  habian  podido 
hablar  a  S.  E.  en  dos  alios. '  Palafox,  el  Vai.  Senor,  23. 

41  This  iconoclasm  has  been  severely  censured,  and  justly  so,  because  a 
number  of  curious  and  doubtless  valuable  relics  have  thus  disappeared.  If 
he  had  simply  put  them  among  other  objects  of  idol- worship,  the  bishop 
would  also  have  attained  his  purpose  and  remained  exempt  from  the  just 
charge  of  intolerance  and  fanaticism. 

43  Touron  is  in  error  when  he  states  that  Palafox  ruled  three  years  as  vice- 
roy.  Hist.  (Jen.  Amerlque,  vii.  3C1. 


NINETEENTH  VICEROY.  113 

him  in  the  government/3  and  then  turned  his  atten- 
tion to  his  duties  as  bishop  and  visitador.44  The 
cathedral  of  Puebla,  which  had  been  commenced  in 
the  middle  of  the  preceding  century,  was  completed,45 
the  viceroy  making  a  donation  of  15,000  pesos,  and 
obtaining  within  four  years  subscriptions  amounting 
to  150,000  pesos.46 

The  building  was  consecrated  on  the  18th  of  April 
1649,  and  until  the  completion  of  the  cathedral  in 
Mexico  was  the  finest  church  edifice  in  New  Spain.47 
More  than  a  hundred  thousand  persons  were  con- 
firmed;43 the  college  of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  was 
founded,  with  a  library  of  some  six  thousand  volumes; 
the  hospital  de  la  Concepcion  for  orphans  was  estab- 
lished; and  many  other  charitable  acts49  gave  testi- 
mony to  the  zeal  of  this  worthy  prelate. 

In  October  1642   the  nineteenth  viceroy  of  New 

43  These  Instracciones,  as  they  were  generally  termed,  should  by  order  of 
the  crown  be  given  by  every  vacating  viceroy  to  his  successor,  and  were  gen- 
erally rather  a  resume"  of  the  condition  of  the  country,  with  suggestions  for 
the  best  government,  than  what  the  title  implied.  Those  of  Palafox  to  Sal- 
vatierra,  contained  in  Morfi,  Col.  Doc,  MS.,  7-46,  reveal  a  very  thorough 
understanding  of  the  social  and  political  state  of  affairs  in  New  Spain  at  that 
time,  and  embrace  nearly  all  the  important  points  which  then  might  come 
under  consideration.  The  character  of  their  author  readily  accounts  for  cer- 
tain stress  laid  on  ecclesiastical  cooperation. 

41  His  residencia  was  not  taken  until  1652,  and  though  he  had  created 
many  enemies  no  charges  were  made.  'No  resulto.  .  .cargo,  ni  culpa  alguna 
. .  .  ni  huuo  Demanda,  Querella,  ni  Capitulo. '  The  council  of  the  Indies  pub- 
lished the  sentence  on  August  8,  1652.  Satisfacion  al  Memorial,  31-2;  Pala- 
fox, Obras,  xii.  465-7;  xiii.  106-14;  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st 
ser.,  i.  215-16. 

45  A  royal  cedula  of  January  19,  1640,  had  directed  him  to  hasten  the  com- 
pletion of  the  building. 

46  Rosende,  in  Palafox,  Obras,  xiii.  57-60,  followed  by  Touron,  Hist.  Gen. 
Amerique,  vii.  326-7,  places  the  amount  at  400,000  pesos;  but  the  former's 
statement  probably  originated  in  the  desire  of  extolling  the  glory  of  his 
patron.  Gonzalez  Davila,  Vetancurt,  and  Calle  give  the  statements  adopted 
in  the  text.  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  99;  Trat.  Mex.,  52;  Mem.  y  Not.,  66.  Garcia 
says  that  altogether  333,133  pesos  1  real  11  granos  were  spent.  Soc.  Mex. 
Georf.,  BoL,  viii.  175. 

47  A  description  of  the  cathedral,  which  contained  many  costly  paintings 
and  sculptures,  and  is  said  then  to  have  been  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  the  finest 
in  Spain,  is  given  by  Rosende  in  Palafox,  Obras,  xiii.  55-61;  also  in  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  4S-9. 

48  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  52.  Gonzalez  Davila  says  60,000  from  1640  to 
1645.    Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  99. 

49  The  bishop  also  established  a  nunnery,  aided  in  the  repairing  of  more 
than  50  churches  and  hospitals,  and  in  the  construction  of  convents. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    8 


114  ESCALONA,  PALAFOX,  AND  SALVATIERRA. 

Spain,  Garcia  Sarmiento  de  Sotomayor,  conde  do 
Salvatierra  and  marques  de  Sabroso,50  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  in  the  following  month  took  charge  of  the 
government.51  During  his  administration  an  expedi- 
tion was  despatched  to  the  coast  of  LowTer  California, 
in  charge  of  Pedro  Porter  y  Casanate.  Troops  were 
enlisted,  and  a  large  number  of  persons  made  ready  to 
embark  on  board  the  fleet;  for  it  was  said  that  the 
pearl  fisheries  of  that  region  wTere  second  only  to  those 
discovered  by  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa.  When  all  was 
in  readiness  the  vessels  wTere  destroyed  by  fire.  A 
second  expedition  was  fitted  out  and  set  sail  a  few 
years  later,  but  resulted  in  failure.  In  1648  Casanate 
returned  to  report  to  the  viceroy  that  he  had  failed 
even  to  discover  any  spot  suitable  for  a  settlement. 

During  this  year  Salvatierra  was  appointed  to  the 
viceroyalty  of  Peru.52  His  conduct  meets  with  the 
approval  of  the  chroniclers  of  his  period,  although 
the  condition  of  affairs  during  his  regime  was  far  from 
prosperous.53  Spain  was  engaged  in  external  wars 
and  the  suppression  of  internal  revolts;  the  attention 
of  her  sovereign  was  concentrated  almost  exclusively 
on  European  affairs,  and  though  cedula  followed  cedula 
in  quick  succession  they  contained  little  save  demands 
for  money.     Throughout  the  provinces  commerce  and 

50  Some  authors  say  Sobroso;  Zamacois  styles  him  marques  de  Sonora. 
Hist.  Mej.,  v.  334. 

51  Vetancurt,  Trat.  Mex.,  14,  and  Cavo,  Tres  SigJos,  ii.  16,  say  it  was  on 
the  23d  of  November.  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Dsp.,  23,  and  Guijo,  Diario,  in 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s6rie  i.  6,  respectively  place  it  on  the  13th  and  15th. 

52Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  701-2,  says  Salvatierra  was  somewhat  reluctant 
to  deliver  up  the  government ;  but  this  is  not  probable,  as  the  viceroyalty  of 
Peru  was  generally  held  in  higher  esteem  than  that  of  New  Spain.  On  the 
12th  of  June,  1648,  his  residencia  was  begun,  and  though  later  discontinued 
by  order  of  the  king,  was  resumed  in  July  1652.  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  1st  series,  i.  10,  15,  223.  In  June  1660  news  arrived  at  Mexico  that 
Salvatierra,  after  serving  his  term  as  viceroy  of  Peru,  became  temporarily  in- 
sane, and  died  shortly  after  his  recovery.  Guijo,  in  Id.,  443.  Vetancurt  says 
he  died  at  Cartagena  when  on  his  way  to  Spain. 

53  The  only  serious  charge  brought  against  him  was  that  he  caused  the 
Indians  to  serve  as  slaves  to  the  friars  and  to  pay  their  tribute  in  kind.  The 
king  disapproved  of  the  measure,  and  in  1644  forbade  it.  Indians  were  to  be 
exempted  from  all  imposts,  and  from  servitude,  unless  they  were  paid  and 
volunteered  to  do  the  work.  Strict  compliance  with  previous  c&lulas  bear- 
ing on  the  subject  was  enjoined.  Maltratamknto  de  Indios,  MS.,  no.  5,  1-2. 


SOCIAL  AND  PHYSICAL  DISASTER.  115 

industries  languished,  and  a  crowd  of  quarrelsome 
ecclesiastics  and  indolent  officials  gathered  in  the 
wealth  of  the  community.  Flood  and  earthquake 
wTere  among  the  causes  that  made  the  term  of  Salva- 
tierra's  administration  memorable  as  one  fraught  with 
disaster  to  the  people  of  Mexico.54 

54  A  town  named  after  the  viceroy  was  founded  in  Guanajuato,  and  in  the 
following  year  declared  a  city.  Quintana,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.t  BoL,  2da  ep. 
i.  579.  The  ground,  an  immense  tract  of  land,  had  been  given  by  a  certain 
Alderete  under  condition  that  a  yearly  rent  of  2,000  pesos  be  paid  to  him  and 
his  descendants  in  honor  of  the  donation.  Romero,  Not.  Mich.,  223-5.  Salva- 
tierra  was  a  man  of  simple  manners,  and  much  averse  to  the  burdensome 
etiquette  connected  with  his  position.  He  frequently  gave  cause  of  offence 
to  the  oidores  by  his  unceremonious  conduct,  and  sometimes  incurred  severe 
rebukes  from  the  crown. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 
1600-1700. 

The  Field  oe  Jesuit  Labors — The  First  Disputes  with  the  Church  of 
Puebla — Attitude  of  Palafox — Relations  between  the  Bishop 
and  the  Jesuits — Open  Hostility — Appointment  of  Judges— 
Palafox  Sentenced — He  Retaliates — His  Flight  from  Puebla — 
The  Victorious  Society — The  Bishop  Return — General  Repri- 
mands from  Spain — The  Jesuits  Defeated  in  Rome — Revival  and 
Conclusion  of  the  Quarrel — Life  of  Palafox  in  Spain — His 
Death — Disputes  with  the  Society  about  Tithes — The  Jesuits  at 
the  Close  of  the  Century. 

During  the  rule  of.  Viceroy  Salvatierra  there  oc- 
curred a  bitter  dispute  between  the  regular  and  secu- 
lar clergy,  and  one  which  though  carried  on  only  in 
Mexico  and  Puebla  agitated  almost  all  New  Spain, 
absorbed  the  attention  of  the  governments  at  Mexico 
and  Madrid,  and  became  a  frequent  subject  for  dis- 
cussion and  consultation  to  the  holy  see  itself.  On 
one  side  was  the  able,  energetic,  and  strong-minded 
bishop  of  Puebla,  Juan  de  Palafox  y  Mendoza,  tem- 
porary viceroy,  archbishop  elect  of  Mexico,  and  visi- 
tador  general  of  New  Spain.  His  adversaries  were 
the  Jesuits,  who  were  not  second  to  him  in  ability, 
whose  ranks  were  thoroughly  organized,  who  had 
the  command  of  wealth  wherewith  to  secure  friends, 
and  whose  influence  over  the  people  was  fully  equal 
to  that  of  the  prelate.  The  early  labors  of  Palafox 
have  already  been  related;  and  in  order  that  the 
means  at  the  disposal  of  his  antagonists  may  be  bet- 
ter understood,  I  shall  give  a  brief  sketch  of  the  field 

(HG) 


JESUIT  TERRITORY.  117 

worked  by  the  Jesuits  since  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century. 

The  operations  of  the  society  extended  not  only  to 
the  capital  and  its  neighborhood,  but  to  northern 
regions.  They  partly  held  possession  of  Durango, 
Sonora,  and  Sinaloa,  and  from  those  points  extended 
their  missions  into  the  unknown  territory  of  California. 
Occasionally  efforts  were  made  in  some  districts  by 
other  orders,  and  by  the  secular  clergy,  to  deprive 
them  of  their  predominating  influence;  but  by  ably 
conducted  intrigues,  or  even  open  resistance  against 
episcopal  orders  which  they  regarded  as  encroaching 
upon  their  privileges,  they  contrived  to  maintain  their 
claims.  With  equal  success  they  always  regained  the 
ground  temporarily  lost  by  revolts  of  the  natives,  and 
at  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  were  steadily 
extending  their  dominion  toward  the  north.1 

At  the  same  time,  while  their  efforts  were  chiefly 
in  that  direction,  they  lost  no  opportunity  to  establish 
houses  and  colleges  in  other  provinces,  well  aware  that 
if  the  education  of  the  }roung  could  be  brought  under 
their  control  their  influence  would  be  greatly  extended. 
Thus  arose  their  establishment  at  Zacatecas,  and  later 
the  one  at  Guadalajara,2  both  of  which  became  among 
the  most  prominent  in  the  country.  In  the  adjoining 
province  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  there  had  been  but  two 
fathers  during  the  early  part  of  the  century;  never- 
theless their  work  was  so  successful  that  in  1623  a 
college  was  founded,3  and  notwithstanding  some  tem- 
porary opposition  it  prospered.  A  marked  triumph 
was  moreover  secured  by  the  order  in  Guanajuato, 
when  the  city,  in  1616,  chose  San  Ignacio  de  Loyola 

1  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  Jesuit  labors  in  the  unknown  region,  I  refer 
the  reader  to  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  i. ,  passim,  this  series. 

2  Both  were  erected  with  money  mainly  derived  from  donations;  that  of 
Zacatecas  was  begun  in  1616;  the  other  of  Guadalajara  was  commenced  in 
1659,  but  the  foundation  did  not  take  place  till  about  40  years  later.  Alegre, 
Hist.  Camp.  Jesus,  ii.  81-2,  416;  iii.  64-9,  91-2;  Jalisco,  Notas,  16-17,  171. 

3 Sinaloa,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  983-91.  Voluntary  gifts  of  considerable 
amount  were  at  first  offered;  later  the  inhabitants  made  a  donation  of  a  her- 
mitage which  had  been  founded  under  the  name  of  Santa  Veracruz,  or  San 
Sebastian.  Alegre,  ii.  141-2,  152-3. 


US  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

as  its  patron  saint.  At  about  the  same  time  pre- 
liminary steps  were  taken  for  the  establishment  of  a 
college  in  Querctaro,  but  it  was  not  founded  till  some 
years  later.4 

On  a  more  extensive  scale  were  the  Jesuit  labors 
in  Michoacan.  In  their  colleges  at  Patzcuaro  and 
Valladolid  new  converts  were  educated  and  made 
familiar  with  the  native  tongues  of  that  region.  Thus 
practically  all  the  religious  work  of  the  bishopric  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  society.  This  success  was  due  as 
well  to  their  zeal  as  to  the  veneration  in  which  some 
of  the  fathers  were  held,  among  them  Francisco 
Ramirez  and  Juan  Ferro.5 

While  thus  the  society  was  gaining  ground  in  the 
central  and  northern  regions,  it  was  less  successful  in 
the  south-east.  In  Oajaca  the  missions  of  the  Jesuits 
were  in  a  poor  condition,6  and  in  Yucatan  where  a 
college  had  been  founded  under  the  most  promising 
auspices,7  they  could  never  attain  the  same  influence 
as  elsewhere. 

This  failure,  however,  was  more  than  compensated 
for  in  Mexico  and  its  neighborhood,  where  their  estab- 
lishments were  more  flourishing  than  ever  before; 
and  costly  structures,  the  number  of  which  was  con- 
stantly increasing,  gave  evidence  of  their  wide-spread 
influence.  In  1603  was  consecrated  the  church  of 
the  Colegio  Maximo  in  Mexico,8  at  that  time  not  sur- 
passed in  magnificence  by  any  church  edifice  in  New 
Spain.  The  highest  dignitaries  often  officiated  there ; 
among  others  Archbishop  Garcia  Guerra,  who  held 

4  Pedro  de  Egurrola  is  mentioned  as  the  first  rector.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  ii.  205.  The  same  author  gives  many,  though  uninteresting,  details 
connected  with  the  foundation. 

5  The  former  labored  for  60  years  among  the  Tarascos,  and  at  the  colleges 
of  Patzcuaro  and  Valladolid.  Ferro  was  famous  as  an  excellent  linguist, 
having  confessed  persons  in  five  or  six  different  languages. 

6  The  Dominicans,  who  predominated  in  this  province,  though  otherwise 
stanch  friends  of  the  Jesuits,  labored  energetically  to  maintain  their  own 
superiority. 

7  On  May  19,  1618.  Later  the  privileges  of  a  university  were  also  granted. 
CogoUudo,  Hist.  Yuc,  215-16,  449. 

8 'El  mas  suntuoso  que  habia  entonces  en  Mexico.'  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  i.  408. 


CHURCHES  AND  COLLEGES.  119 

services  during  lent  of  1608,  the  bishops  of  Oajaca 
and  Michoacan  acting  as  his  assistants.  The  crown 
also  favored  the  society  at  this  time.  Since  1582  the 
college  of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  established  orig- 
inally by  the  first  provincial,  had  suffered  many 
vicissitudes,  and  when  abandoned  by  the  Jesuits  in 
consequence  of  the  pretentious  behavior  of  its  patrons, 
fell  into  decay.  By  a  cedula  of  May  29,  1612,  the 
management  was  again  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
order,  and  the  Jesuits  took  formal  possession  in  Jan- 
uary 1618,  after  which  it  was  incorporated  with  the 
college  of  San  Ildefonso,  although  under  the  royal 
patronage.9 

Another  establishment  of  similar  character  and 
under  the  same  name  was  founded  some  years  later 
in  Puebla,  when  Ildefonso  de  la  Mota,  bishop  of  that 
see,  transferred  to  the  society  a  church  and  several 
houses  for  the  foundation  of  a  college/0  with  chairs 
for  theology  and  philosophy.  Viceroy  Cerralvo  later 
endowed  it  with  the  privilege  of  bestowing  university 
degrees.11 

Since  1618  the  Jesuits  had  also  been  presented  with 
the  curacy  of  Tepotzotlan,  where  they  had  a  house  for 
novices,  and  labored  gratuitously  as  the  natives  could 
not  maintain  a  regular  parish  priest.12  Occasionally 
disputes  arose,  apparently  originated  by  claims  for 
greater  independence  from  episcopal  jurisdiction;  but 
favorable  reports  of  the  ruling  viceroys  caused  the 
society  to  remain  in  undisturbed  possession  for  many 
years. 

Stimulated  by  the  success  of  their  labors,  as  well 

9  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Jesus,  174-80;  Recop.  Ind.,  i.  212.  At  the  same 
time  the  statutes  for  its  government  were  issued.  Alegre,  ii.  96-103. 

10  For  some  unknown  reason  the  bishop  abandoned  his  original  project  to 
establish  a  hospital  for  natives.  Alegre,  Hist.  Com}).  Jesus,  ii.  155-7. 

11  The  bishop  died  before  the  chairs  were  established ;  and  then  the  church 
of  Puebla  claimed  that  the  donation  was  null  on  the  ground  that  it  had  been 
made  by  the  deceased  after  receiving  the  last  sacraments,  and  therefore  un- 
lawfully, a  statement  which  is  refuted  by  Alegre.  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  155- 
8, 193-4.     Later  a  compromise  settled  the  dispute. 

12  Ilibas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  731-2,  says  it  was  the  only  curacy  that  the 
society  held. 


120  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

among  Spaniards  as  natives,  the  Jesuits  continued 
to  amass  wealth,  though  under  the  guise  of  poverty; 
and  well  aware  of  the  sympathy  bestowed  on  them 
by  rich  and  poor,  they  were  not  afraid  of  adversaries. 
This  appeared  when,  in  1639,  troubles  began  be- 
tween the  Jesuits  and  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral  of 
Puebla  about  a  donation  made  to  the  society  by  the 
prebendary,  Hernando  de  la  Serna.13  The  dispute  arose 
concerning  a  farm  valued  at  sixty  thousand  pesos,  and 
intended  for  the  establishment  of  a  Jesuit  college  at 
Vera  Cruz.  Notwithstanding  an  order  of  the  eccle- 
siastical cabildo,  forbidding  Serna  to  make  the  con- 
veyance, except  to  a  party  subject  to  the  payment  of 
tithes,  the  transfer  was  made  to  the  society.  The 
vicar-general  of  the  diocese  in  consequence  attached 
the  remainder  of  Serna's  property,14  to  guarantee  the 
payment  of  the  tithes,  and  demanded  that  the  dona- 
tion be  annulled  under  threat  of  severe  ecclesiastical 
censure.  Serna  protested  against  the  legality  of  such 
proceeding  and  of  course  received  support  from  the 
Jesuits,  who  also  disputed  the  authority  of  the  vicar- 
general.15 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  Palafox  arrived 
in  New  Spain.  As  he  had  always  been  a  friend  of 
the  society,  and  had  given  repeated  proofs  of  such 
friendship,  an  immediate  and  favorable  decision  was 
expected.  At  first  his  rule  was  promising  for  the 
Jesuits;  the  embargo  on  the  prebendary's  property 
and  income  was  modified  so  as  to  comprise  only  the 
amount  of  the  tithes  involved,  and  a  free  disposal 
allowed  of  the  remainder.    The  bishop  refused  a  more 

13  Bustamante,  in  Cava,  TresSiglos,  ii.  20,  followed  by  Rivera,  Gobernantes, 
i.  144,  calls  him  Hermenegildo  de  la  Serna.  Alegre  says  Fernando  and  Her- 
nando; Palafox,  in  his  different  works,  gives  Hernando. 

11  As  an  additional  reason  it  was  said  that  two  sisters  of  the  donor  owned 
a  certain  part  of  the  farm,  and  being  nuns  of  the  convent  de  la  Concepcion, 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  see  of  Puebla,  their  shares  could  not  be  alienated 
without  episcopal  consent.  Palafox,  Carta  del  Ven.,  119-21.  Alegre,  Hist. 
Convp.  Jesus,  ii.  223-4,  asserts  that  the  donation  was  made  by  Serna  and  his 
mother,  and  the  deed  signed  Feb.  22,  1639. 

15  Alegre,  226,  carefully  avoids  mentioning  why  the  cathedral  demanded 
the  revocation  of  the  gift. 


WAR  ON  PALAFOX.  121 

pronounced  use  of  his  authority,  convinced  that  the 
request  of  the  cabildo  was  founded  on  justice.  He 
therefore  advised  the  Jesuits  either  quietly  to  await 
the  result  of  the  law-suit  then  pending  concerning 
the  property,  or  to  compromise,  recommending  the 
latter  course.16  But  this  counsel  was  not  accepted. 
To  compromise  now,  would  seem  to  render  their  pre- 
tensions unfounded.  Applications  were  once  more 
made  to  the  bishop,  usually  couched  in  respectful 
phrase,  but  occasionally  imperative  in  tone.  No  fa- 
vorable answer  was  received,  and  thus  gradually  a 
colder  feeling  was  created  between  the  prelate  and 
the  society. 

Thus  matters  continued  till  1643,  when  a  council 
of  the  Jesuit  order,17  where  Andres  Perez  de  Ribas 
and  Juan  de  Sangiiesa  were  elected  as  proctors, 
prompted  the  bishop  to  issue  a  document  in  defense 
of  his  church.  This  was  despatched  to  Spain  by  the 
same  fleet  in  which  the  proctors  took  their  departure. 
The  emissaries  of  the  society  obtained  nothing  in 
Spain,  and,  when  this  became  known  in  Mexico,  the 
provincial,  Francisco  Calderon,  published  a  pamphlet 
against  the  bishop's  policy.  Palafox  had  meanwhile 
been  exposed  to  many  annoyances  on  the  part  of  his 
former  friends.  Sermons  were  preached  against  him 
by  the  Jesuit  priests,  especially  by  Father  Juan  de 
San  Miguel.  During  his  illness  in  the  beginning  of 
1647,  when  a  great  festivity  was  held  in  one  of  their 
churches,  he  was  treated  with  open  discourtesy,  and 
much  ill-feeling  was  manifested  when  the  society  lost 
another  law-suit  about  an  inheritance,18  as  they  sup- 
posed through  the  bishop's  influence.     All  this  con- 

16  'Que  era  mejor  componer  este  pleito.  .  .y  con  soltar  los  diez,  lograban 
lcs  padres  los  ciento.'  Palafox,  Carta  del  Yen.,  120.  The  want  of  the  royal 
license  for  the  projected  foundation  was  another  reason  why  Palafox  refused 
to  decide  against  the  cathedral. 

17  The  usual  time  was  Xovember,  but  in  order  that  proctors  might  be  sent 
to  Spain  it  was  convoked  in  February. 

18  They  attempted  to  appropriate  one  half  of  a  legacy  of  50,000  pesos,  the 
administration  of  which  had  been  intrusted  to  the  society  as  executors  of  the 
will.  Palafox,  Carta  del  Veil.,  123. 


122  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 


tributed  to  bring  about  a  rupture,  which  was  to  be 
felt  throughout  New  Spain.19 

Palafox  retaliated,  prohibiting  Father  Juan  de  San 
Miguel  from  preaching,  and  complaining  to  the  general 
of  the  order.  The  main  issue  was  taken,  however,  on 
ash-Wednesday,  the  6th  of  March,  1647,  when  his 
provisor  and  vicar-general,  Juan  de  Merlo,  suspended 
the  licenses  of  the  Jesuit  fathers  to  preach  and  to 
confess,  until  recognized  and  ratified  by  the  bishop. 
A  term  of  twenty-four  hours  was  granted  to  obtain 
the  confirmation.  The  members  of  the  order  were  no 
less  provoked  than  surprised  at  this  edict,  and  re- 
garded it  as  an  inroad  on  their  privileges.  True  they 
had  not  the  exequatur  of  the  India  Council,20  but  they 
were,  or  at  least  thought  themselves,  protected  by 
their  office  from  the  wrath  of  the  prelate,  who,  more- 
over, as  visitador  and  viceroy  had  rendered  them  all 
possible  assistance.  The  pending  dispute  about  the 
payment  of  tithes  became  now  a  secondary  matter; 
the  great  question  was  whether  they  should  comply 
with  the  edict  of  the  vicar-general.  Two  priests  were 
sent  to  the  bishop  to  inform  him  of  the  society's  ex- 
emption from  procuring  or  exhibiting  licenses  and 
privileges;  but  this  measure  made  no  impression  on 
Palafox,  who  as  a  former  member  of  the  India  Council, 
and  one  well  acquainted  with  the  entire  system  of 
colonial  legislation,  enjoined  the  Jesuits  either  to  prove 
their  rights  by  presentation  of  the  alleged  documents, 
or  obtain  the  necessary  licenses  after  previous  exam- 
ination as  to  their  ability.21  Having  thus  failed,  they 
strove  to  gain  time,  claiming  that  they  were  subject 

19  Temporarily  a  reconciliation  had  been  effected  through  the  intercession 
of  the  Jesuit  visitador  Juan  de  Bueras,  but  after  his  death  the  bishop  was 
again  persecuted.  In  Carta  del  Ven.,  138-41,  Palafox  makes  the  hardly 
credible  assertions  that  toward  the  end  of  1G46  the  Jesuits  attempted  to  ob- 
tain from  the  viceroy  his  banishment  from  New  Spain,  and,  failing  in  that, 
even  suggested  murder ! 

20Sueh  is  the  assertion  of  Palafox,  which  finds  a  tacit  confirmation  in  the 
reticence  of  Alegre  about  so  necessary  a  formality. 

21  The  bishop  was  doubtless  right,  but  it  seems  as  if  the  laws  on  the  sub- 
ject had  not  been  rigidly  enforced  of  late.  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  17,  56,  main- 
tains that  in  three  years  only  one  Jesuit  priest  had  applied  for  a  license. 


FATHER  LEGASPI'S  SERMOK  123 

to  the  provincial  in  Mexico,  to  whom,  they  said,  the 
affair  had  been  submitted.  A  request  to  obtain  in 
the  interim  permission  to  preach  and  to  confess  was 
denied.  Notwithstanding  a  reiterated  injunction,  how- 
ever, on  the  8th  of  March  Father  Luis  Legaspi  de- 
livered a  sermon,  which  had  been  announced  for 
several  days.  The  bishop,  now  thoroughly  roused, 
ordered  a  decree  to  be  published,  imposing  the  greater 
excommunication  and  ecclesiastical  censures  on  the 
Jesuits,  who  were  described  as  transgressors  of  the 
tridentine  council.  At  the  same  time  the  inhabitants 
were  warned  against  attending  their  sacrilegious  min- 
istrations.22 

The  Jesuits  obeyed  the  episcopal  orders,  and  during 
the  remainder  of  lent  neither  confessed  nor  preached; 
but  meanwhile  they  made  active  preparations  in  Mex- 
ico, to  vindicate  their  cause.  At  a  meeting  convoked 
for  that  purpose  by  the  provincial,  Pedro  de  Velasco, 
the  appointment  ofjaeces  conservadores23  was  resolved 
upon.  The  difficulty  in  finding  persons  willing  to  ac- 
cept such  an  office,  which  necessarily  would  arouse 
the  wrath  of  the  visitador  and  bishop,  was  solved  by 
the  eagerness  of  the  Dominicans,  who  somewhat  reck- 
lessly offered  their  services.24  Two  prominent  mem- 
bers of  their  order,  Juan  de  Paredes  and  Agustin 
Godines,  were  elected;25  a  memorial  in  defense  of  such 
policy  was  published,  and,  if  we  may  credit  the  Jesuit 
chroniclers,  was  received  with  general  approbation  by 
the   most    influential  religious  orders.26     The  bishop 

22  An  order  that  the  decree  be  fixed  on  the  church  doors  was  not  carried 
out,  perhaps  from  fear  of  scandal,  the  people  being  already  wildly  agitated, 
Alegre,  ii.  283;  but  printed  copies  were  distributed  all  over  the  country. 
The  full  text  of  the  decree  is  given  in  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  20-47. 

23  This  name  was  given  to  judges  appointed  to  defend  the  rights  and  privi- 
leges of  a  convent,  church,  or  religious  corporation  against  any  violent  acts 
from  without. 

24 '  Desde  luego  of recian  hasta  los  calices  de  su  iglesia . . .  para  el  socorro  y 
gastos  de  la  defensa.'  Alegre,  ii.  286. 

25  Bribed  by  a  gift  of  4,000  pesos,  says  Palafox. 

26  So  says  Alegre,  followed  by  a  number  of  writers  ;  he  also  gives  extracts 
of  the  testimony  obtained  in  favor  of  his  society.  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii. 
289-91.  Guijo,  however,  a  contemporary  and  probably  more  impartial  author, 
says  that  opinions  were  divided  as  to  whether  the  appointment  was  a  pru- 
dent step.     Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Alex.,  1st  ser.,  i.  11. 


124  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

protested  through  his  attorneys,  the  fiscal  Pedro 
Melian  and  the  maestre  de  Campo  Antonio  de  Ver- 
gara  y  Urrutia,  but  was  overruled  by  the  viceroy 
Salvatierra,  who,  advised  by  his  asesor,  excluded  the 
audiencia  from  jurisdiction  in  the  matter,27  and  declared 
the  appointment  to  be  valid.  The  archbishop  of  Mex- 
ico, Maiiosca,  having  given  a  similar  decision,  the 
Jesuit  provincial  boldly  demanded  the  nullification 
of  the  bishop's  decree,  and  that  the  fathers  at  Puebla 
be  restored  to  their  former  ministries. 

This  request  was  but  too  easily  granted  by  the 
judges,  who  on  April  2,  1647,  pronounced  a  decision 
commanding  the  bishop  to  revoke  within  six  days  the 
penalties  imposed,  grant  provisional  absolution  to  the 
persons  concerned,  reinstall  the  fathers  in  the  offices 
of  which  they  had  been  deprived,  and  revoke  what- 
ever had  been  printed  during  the  controversy.  The 
bishop  and  his  vicar-general  were  to  become  liable  to 
the  greater  excommunication  and  to  heavy  fines  in 
case  of  non-compliance,  and  to  more  severe  penalties, 
as  general  interdict,  for  continued  disobedience.23 
Through  the  influence  of  the  comisario  general  of  the 
Franciscans,  Palafox  obtained  a  temporary  delay  from 
the  viceroy,  but  Jesuit  intrigues  were  brought  to  bear 
on  the  latter  and  his  asesor,  and  the  order  remained 
in  force. 

About  the  same  time  a  libel  was  published,  defend- 
ing the  policy  of  the  society.  The  state  of  affairs 
now  became  exciting.  The  bishop  and  his  provisor 
excommunicated  several  teachers  in  the  Jesuit  college. 
In  return  the  judges  imposed  upon  them  the  same  pen- 
alty for  their  disobedience.  The  inhabitants  of  Puebla 
were  in  a  serious  dilemma,  as  on  the  one  hand  they 

27  On  the  ground  that  the  oidores  were  subject  to  the  bishop  as  visitador. 
This  was  true,  but  the  law  provided  for  such  cases,  and  the  viceroy  could 
never  concentrate  in  his  own  person  the  entire  jurisdiction.  Salvatierra  was 
in  fact  reprimanded  by  the  king  for  his  illegal  conduct. 

28Guijo  adds  that  the  bishop's  property  afc  Puebla  was  sequestered  by  the 
alcalde  mayor,  Agustin  de  Valdes,  and  that  he  was  suspended  as  visitador. 
The  text  of  the  sentence  is  given  in  AUgre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jeans,  ii.  '293-7,  and 
in  Ptda/ox,  ObraSj  xii.  113-10. 


TUMULT  IN  PUEBLA.  125 

were  unwilling  to  forsake  their  beloved  bishop,  while 
on  the  other  they  saw  arrayed  against  him  not  only 
the  Jesuits,  whom  they  equally  esteemed,  but  also 
the  viceroy,  the  archbishop,  and  the  religious  orders. 
Each  party  forbade,  under  severe  penalties,  that  the 
decrees  of  the  other  should  be  read  or  published.  An 
essential  matter  had,  however,  not  yet  been  disposed 
of — the  notification  of  the  sentence  to  the  bishop 
and  his  vicar-general.  The  curate  of  the  church 
of  Mexico,  Cristobal  Gutierrez  de  Medina,  together 
with  Miguel  Ibarra,  being  commissioned  to  proceed 
to  Puebla,  for  this  purpose  repaired  to  the  Au- 
gustinian  convent  and  there  published  the  verdict. 
Simultaneously  by  order  of  the  inquisition  several 
persons  were  arrested  and  sent  to  Mexico  with  a 
view  to  maintain  peace. 

Aware  of  his  great  influence  among  the  people, 
Palafox  now  proceeded  to  extreme  measures.  A  trib- 
une draped  in  black  was  erected  in  the  cathedral;  the 
bells  were  tolled  during  a  whole  night;  and  the  next 
morning,  accompanied  by  the  greater  part  of  the  chap- 
ter, the  bishop  pronounced,  according  to  the  solemn 
ritual  of  the  church,  an  anathema  against  the  judges, 
the  proctor,  and  several  of  the  teachers  of  the  society. 
At  the  same  time  Palafox  himself  delivered  a  stirring- 
discourse  on  the  lamentable  fate  of  the  excommuni- 
cated. The  excitement  became  intense;  and  had  it 
not  been  for  some  of  the  more  prudent,  who  kept 
watch,  the  Jesuit  colleges  would  have  been  burned 
that  night  by  fanatics  assembled  in  the  streets  of 
Puebla. 

In  order  to  secure  the  approval  of  the  pope,  on  the 
25th  of  May,  1647,  Palafox  wrote  a  long  report  to 
Innocent  X.,  in  which  he  complains  bitterly  of  his 
offended  dignity,  and  tells  his  sufferings  of  late  sus- 
tained at  the  hands  of  the  Jesuits,  who  not  only  strove 
to  make  themselves  masters  of  the  entire  wealth  of 
New  Spain,  but  to  undermine  the  authority  of  the 
church.     He  also  defends  his  own  policy  and  requests 


126  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

that  effectual  measures  be  taken  to  solve  existing  diffi- 
culties.29 

As  soon  as  the  tumult  in  Puebla  became  known 
in  Mexico  it  was  resolved  that  the  judges  themselves 
should  proceed  thither.  The  bishop  remonstrated, 
hinting  at  serious  disturbances  which  might  arise,  and 
showed  a  desire  for  a  reconcilation;  whereupon  a 
lengthy  correspondence  ensued,  the  fiscal,  Viceroy  Sal- 
vatierra,  and  the  municipal  authorities  of  Puebla  open- 
ing negotiations  with  the  prelate  for  a  settlement  of 
the  dispute.30  The  preliminaries  were  arranged;  a 
meeting  was  convoked  by  the  viceroy  for  the  15th  of 
June,  and  all  were  hopeful  that  at  length  matters 
would  be  adjusted, when  an  untoward  incident  occurred. 
The  bishop  suddenly  disappeared  from  Puebla,  and 
none  knew  of  his  whereabouts.  Whatever  may  have 
been  the  reason  which  prompted  his  flight,  distrust  in 
the  sincerity  of  the  proposed  reconciliation  seems  to 
have  been  the  principal  motive.31  It  was  afterward 
known  that  he  had  retired  to  Tepeaca,  nine  leagues 
distant,  leaving  the  affairs  of  the  church  in  charge  of 
Alonso  de  Salazar  Varaona,  Nicolas  Gomez,  and  Juan 
de  Merlo,  and  advising  them  not  to  yield  to  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  Jesuits  and  their  allies.32 

The  rule  of  the  bishop's  delegates  was  very  brief. 
As  soon  as  the  flight  of  Palafox  became  known  in 

29  The  full  text  of  the  reoort  is  given  in  Palafox,  Carta,  1-38,  and  Id. , 
Obras,  xi.  27-GO. 

30  In  the  beginning  of  May,  the  fiscal  of  the  inquisition  had  presented  a  pe- 
tition to  the  archbishop  for  that  purpose,  but  was  discourteously  received  and 
ordered  from  his  presence  when  he  repeated  his  request.  Gttijo,  Dlario,  in 
Doc.  J  list.  M<x.,  1st  ser.  i.  12-13. 

31  Gruijo  asserts  that  the  partial  administration  of  justice,  and  the  want  of 
a  competent  tribunal  in  New  Spain  to  which  to  appeal,  induced  the  bishop 
to  flee.  In  a  letter  to  the  pope  of  Jan.  8,  1049,  he  says  that  his  flight  was 
caused  by  menaces  to  imprison,  exile,  and  even  to  kill  him,  and  that  he 
also  wished  to  evade  the  bloodshed  which  otherwise  had  become  inevitable, 
as  his  friends  at  Puebla  would  have  made  armed  resistance.  This  assertion, 
as  well  as  a  similar  one  in  the  report  to  the  king,  is  certainly  exaggerated. 
Palafox,  Obras,  xi.  G8-71,  xii.  204-18.' 

32  The  formal  appointments  were  made  in  a  letter  from  Tepeaca,  and  con- 
firmed together  with  instructions  by  several  others  from  the  same  place, 
written  during  his  residence  there.  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  218-22;  iSatisfacion 
al  Memorial.  55-G. 


PARTIAL  RECONCILIATION.  127 

Mexico,  Captain  Diego  Oregon  was  despatched  to 
Puebla  to  maintain  order,  accompanied  by  the  jueces 
conservadores,  and  soon  after  the  Jesuit  provincial, 
Pedro  de  Velasco,  arrived.  They  were  received  with 
ringing  of  bells  and  demonstrations  of  joy  on  the  part 
of  the  people,  who  were  somewhat  disgusted  with  the 
conduct  of  Palafox.  The  Jesuits  had  now  the  victory, 
and  knew  how  to  use  it.  Only  two  of  the  appointed 
provisors  were  there,  and  it  was  not  very  difficult  to 
oblige  them  to  resign,  and  to  appease  the  faint  pro- 
tests of  the  other  members  of  the  chapter.33 

The  see  of  Puebla  was  declared  vacant  and  its  con- 
trol assumed  by  the  cabildo,  the  members  of  which 
submitted,  or  at  least  a  majority  of  them,  to  the 
judges.  The  decrees  of  excommunication  published 
by  the  bishop  were  removed,34  and  the  Jesuits  again 
placed  in  possession  of  their  former  functions,  the 
farce  of  an  examination  of  their  licenses  having  previ- 
ously taken  place.35  All  the  former  prohibitions  and 
excommunications  pronounced  by  Palafox  were  re- 
voked and  the  inhabitants  of  Puebla  admonished  to 
visit  the  churches  of  the  Jesuits.  Having  thus  com- 
plied with  their  mission  and,  as  they  regarded  it, 
restored  peace  in  the  turbulent  diocese,  the  judges  re- 
turned to  Mexico. 

Soon  after  these  incidents  news  arrived  that  Salva- 
tierra  had  been  promoted  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru 
and  would  be  succeeded  in  New  Spain  by  the  bishop 
of  Yucatan,  Marcos  de  Torres  y  Pueda.  Supposing 
that  the  new  viceroy  would  favor  his  cause,  Palafox 
left  his  place  of  retirement,  and  in  November  1647 
returned  to  Puebla,  where  he  found  a  cedula  remov- 

33  Alegre  attempts  to  prove  that  no  forcible  means  were  used  to  that  effect. 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  312. 

34  The  dean  of  the  cathedral,  Juan  de  Vega,  removed  with  his  own  hand 
from  the  church  doors  the  censures  issued  by  Palafox,  which  he  himself  had 
approved.  Vega  and  another  prebendary  had  been  most  diligent  in  declaring 
the  see  as  vacant,  owing  to  a  bribe  received  from  the  Jesuits,  as  was  proved 
in  later  years.   Guijo,  Diario,  in  Hoc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.  i.  91. 

35  An  edict  of  the  chapter  dated  July  19th  declared  the  bulls  and  privileges 
of  the  society  to  be  sufficient  to  prove  their  rights  and  that  they  were  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  instructions  of  the  tridentine  council.  Alegre,  ii.  311-17. 


128  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

ing  him  from  his  office  as  visitador  general;36  but  after 
some  difficulties,  originated  by  the  Jesuits,  he  was 
again  recognized  as  prelate  of  his  diocese.37  His  first 
measure  was  to  renew  his  protests  against  the  pro- 
ceedings of  the  judges  and  to  request  of  the  viceroy 
a  reconciliation,  or  at  least  a  temporary  revocation  of 
the  censures  and  edicts,  leaving  the  decision  of  the 
entire  matter  to  the  India  Council.  The  proposal  was 
accepted  and  peace  seemed  to  be  restored,  the  more 
so,  when  at  Christmas  the  Jesuits  paid  the  bishop 
the  customary  visit  of  respect,  "  humbly  to  kiss  that 
hand  of  which  the  Lord  had  chosen  to  make  use  to 
deal  them  such  afflicting,  sensible  blows."  The  color 
of  affairs,  however,  was  changed,  when  in  May  1G48 
bishop  Torres  y  Rueda  took  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment, and  cedillas  were  received  which  the  bishop 
interpreted  as  favorable  to  his  cause.  Already,  before 
his  flight  from  Puebla,  he  had  sent  messengers  to 
Eome  and  Madrid,  there  to  plead  in  his  behalf,  and  a 
subsequent  letter,  written  during  his  retirement,38 
again  urged  the  king  for  redress.  In  reply  there 
arrived  letters  from  the  court  dated  January  25,  1G48, 
reprimanding  the  vicero}^39  the  audiencia,  and  the 
archbishop  for  lack  of  neutrality,  and  the  Dominicans 
for  promoting  scandal  instead  of  suppressing  it;  the 
judges  were  suspended;  the  provincial  of  the  Jesuits 
was  reproved  for  having  gone  too  far;  and  orders  were 

36  Pedro  tie  Galvez,  alcalde  of  Granada,  was  appointed  to  finish  the  visita. 
He  arrived  in  1050,  and  having  concluded  his  mission,  returned  to  Spain  in 
the  beginning  of  1054.  Gitljo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mcx.,  1st  ser.  i.  107-270, 
passim. 

37  He  found  on  this  occasion  the  support  of  the  viceroy,  who  apparently- 
desired  a  reconciliation.  Rivera,  Gobernantes,  i.  149,  says  erroneously  that 
this  occurred  in  the  beginning  of  August,  1C47. 

38  Dated  September  12,  1647,  from  Chiapa,  near  Tepeaca,  and  containing  a 
narrative  of  all  the  events  that  had  occurred  since  March  of  that  year.  Re- 
ferring to  the  numerous  copies  of  documents  and  libels,  issued  by  both  par- 
ties, the  bishop  defends  his  conduct  and  divides  the  blame  and  responsibility 
between  the  Jesuits,  as  instigators,  and  the  viceroy  as  cooperator.  Pro- 
testing his  conciliatory  disposition,  he  requests  the  king  to  adopt  measures 
powerful  enough  to  avoid  in  future  similar  excesses,  especially  those  com- 
mitted by  the  representative  of  the  crown.   Pcdafox,  Obras,  xii.  170-285. 

89  Rivera,  Gobemantes,  i.  150,  makes  the  strange  assertion  that  Sal vatierra 
was  removed  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru  in  consequence  of  his  interference. 


HUMILIATIONS.  129 

given  to  transfer  all  documents  bearing  on  the  subject 
to  the  council  of  the  Indies  for  final  decision.40  Pala- 
fox  did  not  escape  censure,  and  was  enjoined  to  pursue 
a  more  conciliatory  policy;  but  the  reproof  was  un- 
heeded by  the  bishop,  who  displayed  anything  but  a 
forgiving  spirit,  especially  in  the  prosecutions  insti- 
tuted against  those  prebendaries  of  his  church  who 
had  been  rather  eager  to  recognize  the  jueces  conser- 
vadores  and  declare  his  see  vacant.  His  vicar-general, 
Juan  de  Merlo,  conducted  the  trial  and  sentenced  the 
accused  to  removal  from  office  and  heavy  fines.  They, 
however,  escaped  the  execution  of  the  sentence  by 
taking  refuge  in  the  Jesuit  college  of  Mexico,  where, 
although  excommunicated,  they  said  mass  and  other- 
wise officiated  as  priests,  appealing  to  the  audiencia 
and  later  to  the  archbishop. 

Under  the  new  viceroy  there  was  a  decided  ten- 
dency to  side  with  the  bishop ;  and  availing  himself  of 
this  circumstance  he  instituted  proceedings  against  the 
alcalde  mayor  of  Puebla,  who  during  the  disturbance 
had  sequestrated  his  property.  He  also  connived  at 
petty  annoyances  of  the  Jesuits,  who  in  September 
1648  presented  several  complaints  to  the  bishop-gov- 
ernor.41 Fortune  again  seemed  to  favor  them,  for  at 
this  juncture  a  royal  cedula  arrived,  directing  Palafox 
to  return  immediately  to  Spain,  the  order  being  made 
more  stringent  by  an  autograph  postscript  of  the  king.42 
Great  but  short-lived  were  the  rejoicings  of  the  order 
at  the  supposed  downfall  of  the  bishop,  for  they  were 
soon  to  hear  of  the  decision  given  against  them  by 

40 The  text  of  several  of  the  c^dulas  is  given  in  Ordenes  de  la  Cordna,  MS., 
i.  7,  ii.  200;  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  286-8;  Ale <jre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  331-3; 
Satisfacion  al  Memorial,  38-9,  49;  see  also  Guijo,  Diario,  6,  16.  In  1654  the 
appointment  of  jueces  conservadores  against  bishops  and  archbishops  was 
strictly  forbidden.  Movtemayor,  Svmarios,  39. 

41  The  grounds  of  complaint  are  minutely  given  in  Alenre,  Hist.  Comp. 
Jesus,  ii.  335-8,  and  relate  chiefly  to  supposed  calumnies  and  petty  vexations 
to  which  they  claim  to  have  been  exposed. 

42  The  order  is  given  in  brief  and  peremptory  terms,  but  faintly  covered 
by  the  polite  phrases  interwoven  with  the  text,  and  these  are  more  than  neu- 
tralized by  the  addition  in  the  king's  own  handwriting.  Still  the  biographer 
of  Palafox  extols  the  latter  as  a  rare  and  noteworthy  mark  of  esteem.  The 
full  text  is  given  in  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  463-4;  Satisfacion  al  Memorial,  30-1". 

Htsr.  Max   .,  Vol.  III.    9 


130  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

Pope  Innocent  X.  A  brief  of  the  14th  of  May  1648 
contains  the  resolutions  adopted  by  a  congregation 
of  cardinals  and  prelates,  to  whom  the  investigation  of 
the  complaints  made  by  Palafox  had  been  transferred 
by  the  holy  see.  The  society  was  placed  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  in  all  the  disputed  points,  al- 
though at  the  same  time  lenient  measures  were  recom- 

o 

mended  to  Palafox;43  general  absolution  was  granted 
him;  and  all  rights  and  privileges  conflicting  with  this 
decision  declared  null  and  void. 

With  proud  satisfaction  the  prelate  sent  a  copy  of 
the  brief  to  the  Jesuit  fathers  of  the  colleges  at 
Puebla,  and  however  great  their  reluctance  might  be, 
they  could  not  openly  disregard  the  pontifical  orders. 
After  deliberating  about  the  matter,  they  expressed 
their  willingness  to  obey,  and  on  October  23d  exhibited 
their  licenses,  which  were  not  only  ratified  by  Palafox 
but  supplemented  with  new  ones.  A  short  time  after- 
ward an  episcopal  decree  revoked  all  the  previous 
censures  and  restrictions.  While  the  Jesuits  submit- 
ted they  protested,  however,  against  the  pope's  brief 
in  so  far  as  it  had  arrived  without  the  exequatur  of 
the  India  Council,  and  so  well  they  knew  how  to 
avail  themselves  of  their  influence  that  although  this 
necessary  requisite  was  later  formally  issued,  years 
elapsed  before  it  could  be  ordered  by  the  audiencia 
that  the  papal  brief  should  take  effect.44  On  the  ad- 
vantage thus  obtained  all  their  subsequent  opposition 
was  founded,45  for  they  had  always  sufficient  friends, 

43  They  could  not  preach  or  confess  in  their  own  churches  without  notify- 
ing the  bishop,  or  in  any  other  without  his  consent;  and  were  forbidden  to 
appoint  jueces  conservadores,  or  to  excommunicate  the  bishop  or  his  vicar- 
general.  For  full  text  of  the  brief,  see  Palafox,  Obras;  xii.  289-308.  Alegre 
asserts  that  this  decision  was  obtained  because  the  messenger  of  Palafox  ap- 
peared in  Rome  unexpectedly,  and  the  proctors  of  the  society,  almost  ignorant 
of  the  whole  affair,  had  no  documents  to  prepare  a  comprehensive  defense. 
Hist.  Comp.  Jeeus,  ii.  340-1.  The  same  author  in  Id.,  342  9,  explains  several 
of  the  decisions  with  the  sophistry  characteristic  of  his  order. 

4 'The  execution  of  the  papal  brief  had  been  ordered  by  royal  c6"dulas  of 
Bee.  12,  1048,  and  March  18,  1051.  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  318-19. 

45l)iiliculties  created  by  the  bishop  about  licenses  for  younger  Jesuit 
fathers,  and  the  peremptory  demand  for  the  execution  of  the  papal  brief,  were 
the  main  reasons  which  revived  the  dispute. 


FURTHER  CONTROVERSY.  131 

both  at  Madrid  and  in  Mexico,  to  procure  a  delay. 
Their  efforts  to  secure  in  Mexico  the  cooperation  of 
other  religious  orders,  to  support  their  continuous 
petitions,  were  only  successful  to  a  limited  degree. 
The  provincial  of  the  order  of  Mercy,  who  had  con- 
sented to  sign  them,  was  strongly  rebuked  by  the 
vicar-general  in  Spain,  and  forbidden  again  to  accede 
to  similar  requests.46 

Meanwhile  there  had  been  a  bitter  controversy  be- 
tween the  bishop  and  the  Jesuit  provincial,  Andres  de 
Ilada,  about  the  formal  execution  of  the  papal  brief, 
and  this  was  terminated  only  by  the  departure  of  Pa- 
lafox  for  Spain47  in  May  1649.  After  that  event  the 
dispute  which  for  ten  years  had  excited  general  inter- 
est both  in  Spain  and  the  Indies  approached  its  end; 
for  although  it  was  continued  b}^  the  vicar-general, 
Juan  de  Merlo,  whom  Palafox  had  left  in  charge  of 
his  diocese,  it  never  again  assumed  such  serious  pro- 
portions as  before.  The  trial  of  the  prebendaries  was 
continued,  and  the  demands  for  the  execution  of  the 
papal  brief  were  repeated,  but  the  matter  dragged 
along  without  decisive  result  till  1650,  when  Viceroy 
Alba  de  Alispe  ordered  the  restoration  of  the  pre- 
bendaries to  their  former  offices.48  In  Rome  the  in- 
vestigation of  the  dispute  was  continued  till  late  in 
1652,  and  resulted  in  the  ratification  of  the  former 

46  The  friendship  formerly  existing  between  the  Jesuits  and  the  Dominicans 
also  ceased.  Juan  Paredes,  one  of  the  judges,  was  by  the  general  of  his  or- 
der deprived  of  all  his  titles  and  honors,  removed  from  his  position  as  provin- 
cial, and  subjected  to  other  penalties.  The  other  judge,  Godines,  died 
suddenly  at  Vera  Cruz  some  time  before. 

47  The  letters  are  dated  April  7  and  14,  1648,  and  May  4,  1649.  All  of 
them  reveal  the  great  animosity  between  the  bishop  and  the  society,  and 
though  full  of  pious  phrases,  are  highly  acrimonious.  They  are  given  in 
Papeles  de  Jesahas,  MS.,  no.  1,  1-17;  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  387-418;  Id.,  Car- 
tas, 10-64.  The  latter  collection  contains  also  letters  of  the  bishop  to  high 
church  dignitaries  in  Spain,  and  memorials  bearing  on  financial  frauds 
attributed  to  the  society;  together  with  the  Satisfacion  al  Memorial  and 
other  letters  of  Palafox  it  was  for  a  number  of  years  forbidden  by  the  inquisi- 
tion and  placed  on  the  expurgatory  index.  I  have  consulted  several  of  these 
works  and  obtained  much  valuable  information  therefrom. 

48  One  of  them,  Montesinos,  had  died  in  the  mean  time;  but  the  dean, 
Vega,  was  reinstated,  an  event  which  was  solemnly  celebrated  by  the  Jesuits, 
though  ostensibly  the  festivities  were  in  honor  of  the  viceroy's  recent  arrival. 
Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.,  i.  89-90,  124-5. 


132  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

decision  given  in  1G48.  On  the  27th  of  May  1653  a 
new  brief  was  issued  by  Innocent  confirming  the  pre- 
ceding one,  and  enjoining  perpetual  silence  upon  both 
parties.  A  royal  cedula  of  June  30,  1653,  ordered  an 
exequatur  to  be  issued  by  the  council  of  the  Indies. 
A  semi-official  letter  of  Cardinal  Spada  to  Palafox, 
dated  December  17,  1652,  while  gently  rebuking 
the  prelate,  acknowledges  him  to  be  in  the  right  on 
the  whole  question;  but  the  Jesuits  would  not  accept 
their  defeat,  and  made  extracts  from  the  briefs  and 
cedulas  apparently  terminating  the  matter  in  their 
favor,  though  the  final  triumph  of  the  bishop  is 
beyond  question.49 

On  his  arrival  in  Spain  Palafox  had  yet  to  realize 
the  implacable  character  of  his  enemies.  Having 
reached  his  native  country  after  a  tiresome  voyage  of 
nine  months,  he  expected  in  vain  the  honors  which 
had  been  promised  him.  The  king  had  intended  to 
promote  him  to  the  see  of  Cuenca,  one  of  the  most 
important  in  Spain,  but  was  dissuaded,  owing  to  the 
intrigues  of  the  prime  minister,  prompted  by  the 
Jesuits.50  Years  elapsed,  and  it  was  not  until  1653 
that  the  bishopric  of  Osma,  one  of  the  least  in  impor- 
tance, was  offered  him.  He  took  possession  the  fol- 
lowing year  and  labored  with  his  usual  zeal.  Though 
his  straitened  means  were  a  great  drawback  to  the 
later  years  of  his  ministry,51  he  gained  the  love  and 
esteem  of  his  flock,  and  universal  grief  was  expressed 
when  his  decease   occurred   on  the   1st  of  October, 

49  The  literal  text  of  the  last  mentioned  documents,  together  with  com- 
ments on  their  judicial  value,  is  given  in  Palafox,  Obras,  xii.  481-563.  The 
interpretation  given  by  the  Jesuits  was  printed  at  Rome  in  1G53  under  the 
title  Fin  de  la  Causa  Angelopolitana,  but  placed  on  the  expurgatory  index  of 
1664  by  Pope  Alexander  VII.  for  having  been  artfully  included  in  the  Bulario 
Romano  of  1655. 

5U  The  Jesuits  and  the  friends  of  the  former  viceroy  Escalona  were  doubt- 
less the  chief  instigators,  and  exerted  all  their  influence  to  humiliate  him  if 
p<  issihle.  Rivera,  Gobemantes,  i.  194,  surmises  that  the  duke  of  Alburquerquc, 
in  1653  viceroy  of  Mexico,  also  intrigued  against  Palafox,  but  there  was  no 
reason  for  him  to  do  so. 

51  The  income  of  the  bishopric  was  small,  and  Palafox  had  returned  from 
New  Spain  burdened  with  a  debt  of  140,000  pesos.  He  was  so  poor  that  he 
had  to  borrow  the  amount  necessary  to  pay  the  bulls  for  the  bishopric  of 
Osma.   Palajox,  Obras,  xiii.  140-7. 


DEATH  OF  PALAFOX.  133 

1659.52  His  funeral  took  place  with  the  ceremonies 
becoming  his  rank;  the  corpse  was  buried  in  the 
principal  chapel,  and  an  elaborate  tombstone  with  a 
eulogy  of  his  character  placed  over  his  grave.  Thus 
ended  in  an  insignificant  town  of  Spain  the  career  of 
a  man  who  had  been  vested  with  the  highest  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  powers  ever  conferred  by  the  sovereign 
on  any  of  his  vassals  in  the  New  World.  After  his 
death  miracles  were  attributed  to  him,  and  these,  in 
addition  to  his  eminent  virtues,  were  made  the  grounds 
of  a  request  for  his  canonization.  The  demand  was 
supported  by  testimony  from  Spain  and  the  Indies, 
and  favored  by  the  king,  the  viceroy,  and  the  ecclesi- 
astical dignitaries.  A  congregation  of  cardinals  hav- 
ing in  1691  discussed  the  matter  and  examined  his 
writings53  reported  favorably,  and  the  prescribed  pro- 
ceedings were  instituted.  Intrigues  in  Rome  and 
Madrid  by  the  Jesuits  and  the  descendants  of  the 
duke  of  Escalona  frustrated,  however,  all  efforts 
made  at  this  period  and  at  a  later  date.54 

52  The  news  reached  Mexico  in  May  of  the  following  year,  but  apparently 
created  no  impression.   Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  seYie  i.,  i.  442. 

53  Palafox  was  a  prolific  and  able  author,  his  first  literary  attempts  having 
been  made  in  1618.  His  writings  are  not  only  on  spiritual,  but  on  historical, 
judicial,  and  other  subjects,  the  greater  part  being  written  in  NeAV  Spain. 
The  most  important  are  the  Vida  Interior,  Varon  de  Desseos,  Estatvtos.  .  .de 
la.  .  ,  Vniversidad  de  Mexico,  and  the  different  memorials  bearing  on  his  dis- 
pute with  the  Jesuits,  and  his  letters  to  Pope  Innocent  X.  Some  of  his  works 
have  been  lost;  the  first  general  edition,  comprising  nearly  all  that  had  been 
written  by  him,  and  including  the  manuscripts  which  he  had  left  to  the  bare- 
footed Carmelites,  was  published  between  1659  and  1671  in  eight  tomes,  to 
which  another  was  added,  containing  his  biography  by  Antonio  Gonzalez 
Rosende.  Another  edition  was  issued  in  1762,  by  order  and  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Carmelite  friars  of  Madrid,  consisting  of  13  volumes  in  15  tomes 
in  folio.  Besides  these  editions  there  have  appeared,  before  and  after  that 
time,  several  publications  of  single  works,  chiefly  in  Spanish,  but  also  in 
other  languages. 

54  In  1726  and  1767  Ribera,  Gobernantes,  i.  151-2,  says  the  beatification 
was  pronounced  on  August  16,  1767;  but  he  has  evidently  misinterpreted 
Lorenzana,  in  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65.  See  also  Papeles  de  Jesuitas,  MS., 
no.  8,  8-25,  30.  The  fact  that  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth  century 
proceedings  for  the  beatification  of  Palafox  were  continued,  explains  the  par- 
tiality manifested  by  nearly  all  his  biographers  and  by  the  leading  chroniclers; 
they  were  either  friends  or  foes,  and  therefore  overrated  his  virtues  or  exag- 
gerated his  defects.  The  most  unbiassed  but  unfortunately  rather  fragmen- 
tary account  is  certainly  that  given  by  the  contemporary  Guijo  in  his  Diario, 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.,  i.  6  et  seq.  The  information  furnished  by  him, 
together  with  that  contained  in  the  memorials  and  letters  of  Palafox,  and 


134  JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 

The  question  of  tithes,  which  had  occasioned  the 
unseemly  dispute  between  the  church  dignitaries  of 
Puebla  and  the  society  of  Jesus,  had  been  a  source  of 
contention  for  years  before.  As  early  as  1624  com- 
plaints were  filed  in  the  India  Council  against  the 
different  orders,  demanding  the  payment  of  tithes  from 
all  the  produce  of  plantations  and  increase  of  stock. 
The  claim  was  made  by  the  royal  fiscal  and  supported 
by  the  secular  church,  based  on  the  obligation  of  the 
crown  to  provide,  if  necessary,  the  means  for  the  per- 
formance of  divine  service.  On  the  other  hand  the 
religious  orders  pleaded  their  statutes  and  fueros,  the 
validity  of  which  was  disputed  on  the  ground  of  the 
cession  of  the  tithes  to  the  crown.55  The  first  judg- 
ment was  given  in  1655  in  favor  of  the  fiscal;  both 
parties  appealed,  the  fiscal  demanding  that  the  tithes 
be  collected  at  an  earlier  date  than  the  one  provided 
in  the  judgment,  and  the  orders,  among  whom  the 
Jesuits  were  most  conspicuous,  clamoring  for  a  trans- 
fer of  the  law-suit  to  the  holy  see. 

On  the  16th  of  June  1657  the  judgment  was  ratified 
by  a  new  decision,  ordering  their  payment  after  that 
date  to  the  king  or  the  secular  church.  All  the  orders 
submitted,  except  the  Jesuits,  who  presented  protests 
to  the  sovereign,  but  without  avail.  On  November 
4,  1658,  and  December  31,  1662,  orders  were  trans- 

counterbalanced  by  the  prejudiced  statements  of  Alegre,  gives  doubtless  the 
best  means  to  arrive  at  an  impartial  conclusion.  Still  the  latter  authority,  in 
his  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  274-356,  passim,  has  almost  been  implicitly  followed 
by  Bustamante,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  20-33,  Ribera,  Qobernantes,  i.  144-51, 
and  Sosa,  Episcop.  M ex.,  83-90.  Lorenzana,  in  Coricilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  211), 
251-G9,  as  is  natural,  defends  the  policy  of  his  predecessor,  of  whom  he  makes 
a  glowing  panegyric.  So  does  Touron,  a  Dominican  friar,  in  his  Hist.  Gen. 
Apiirique,  vii.  310-86,  viii.  1-100,  passim.  Vetancurt  and  Gonzalez  Davila, 
who  lived  at  the  time  of  the  dispute,  pass  it  by  in  silence,  but  otherwise 
praise  the  saintly  character  of  the  bishop.  Zamacois,  in  Hist.  Mcj. ,  v.  336- 
47,  349-50,  is  unusually  reticent  in  assigning  the  causes  which  led  to  the  dis- 
pute, and  also  abrupt  in  speaking  of  its  conclusion. 

:'5  Pope  Alexander  VI.  by  a  bull  of  Nov.  16,  1501,  made  a  donation  of  all 
the  tithes  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  in  remuneration  for  the  expenses  connected 
with  the  conquest  of  the  American  colonies.  Diezrnos  tie  Intl.,  no.  4,  5-6.  A 
royal  cedula  of  June  12,  1625,  ordered  that  all  bulls  issued  by  the  holy  see 
to  evade  the  payment  of  tithes,  and  sent  to  New  Spain  without  the  king's 
permission,  be  collected  and  forwarded  to  the  India  Council.  Montemayor, 
Svmario8t  49. 


BROTHERHOODS  FOUNDED.  135 

mitted  that  the  judgment  take  effect,  and  the  arch- 
bishop and  cathedral  chapters  invested  with  the 
requisite  authority.  Nevertheless  execution  was  de- 
layed for  years,  owing  to  the  difficulties  which  arose 
as  to  the  valuation  of  property,  and  several  times  new 
orders,  reaffirming  previous  cedulas,  were  issued  in 
Spain.  In  Puebla  the  Jesuits  contrived  to  delay  pay- 
ment till  1673,  when  after  fruitless  appeals  to  the 
audiencia,  and  after  being  placed  under  excommuni- 
cation, they  finally  submitted.  After  that  no  other 
difficulties  arose  till  1732,  when  investigation  showed 
that  frauds  had  been  committed  by  the  society  in  their 
statements  of  the  revenue  derived  from  their  property.53 

Notwithstanding  the  many  disputes  in  which  the 
society  had  become  involved,  the  ranks  of  their  parti- 
sans continually  increased,  and  new  establishments 
gave  evidence  of  the  sympathy  which  the  order  en- 
joyed. Licenses  having  been  obtained  in  Spain  for 
the  founding  of  a  novitiate  at  Mexico  in  support  of  that 
of  Tepotzotlan,  donations  of  money  were  made  for  this 
purpose  in  1626,  and  in  1642  it  was  completed  and 
dedicated  to  Santa  Ana.  Subsequent  discussions  with 
one  of  the  founders  caused  its  abandonment,  till 
1672,57  when  Andres  de  Tapia  y  Carbajal,  a  very 
wealthy  man  and  one  friendly  to  the  order,  endowed 
the  establishment  with  sufficient  means  for  the  main- 
tenance of  twenty  novices  and  the  necessary  fathers 
and  lay-brothers.  On  the  19th  of  November  the 
societ}^  took  possession  of  it,  changing  the  name  to 
that  of  San  Andres. 

Several  brotherhoods  were  also  founded  by  the 
order,  that  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  being  the 
most  prominent,  and  including   ecclesiastics,  laymen, 

56  Details  on  this  subject  are  contained  in  a  number  of  memorials  and  pam- 
phlets, forming  a  collection  under  the  title  Diezmos  de  Indicts.  Some  of  the 
documents  are  of  Jesuit  origin;  others  have  been  written  by  the  secular  church 
and  their  partisans.  Those  numbered  from  one  to  five  have  been  consulted 
in  this  chapter;  the  rest  bear  exclusively  on  later  disputes. 

57  Lazcano,  Vida  del  P.  Oviedo,  56-7,  says  it  was  in  1676. 


136 


JESUIT  LABORS  AND  STRIFES. 


and  students  of  the  higher  grades.  Recognized  by 
the  general  in  Rome  in  1G51,  the  number  of  its  mem- 
bers increased  rapidly,  and  a  few  years  later  persons 
of  the  highest  rank,  including  a  viceroy  of  New  Spain, 
were  eager  to  be  admitted.58 

Before  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
society  had  still  further  spread  its  influence  by  hold- 
ing missions  throughout  the  provinces.  Their  at- 
tempts were  successful,  and  nowhere  more  so  than  in 
Mexico,  through  which  territory  fathers  Perez  and 
Zappa  passed  from  town  to  town,  and  made  number- 
less converts,  miracles  being  wrought,  as  the  chron- 
iclers report,  to  attest  the  saintly  character  of  the 
Jesuits.59 


58  Minute  records  as  to  its  organization  and  progress  are  given  in  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  259-G2;  Morji,  Col.  Doc,  MS.,  app.,  i.  47. 

59  Lengthy  descriptions  of  these  revivals  are  given  in  Perez  and  Zappa, 
Eel.,  61-79. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

VICEROYS  TORRES,  ALVA,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

1648-1660. 

Bishop  Torres  Governor  of  New  Spain — His  Brief  Rule — Epidemic — 
Government  of  the  Audiencia — Viceroy  Alva  Arrives — His  Quiet 
Rule — Alburquerque  Appointed  Viceroy — He  Governs  with  Pru- 
dence— And  Checks  Abuses — Loss  of  Jamaica  and  the  Influence 
thereof  on  new  spain — yucatan  infested  by  plrates — attempt 
to  Assassinate  Alburquerque — The  Swift  Punishment  that  Fol- 
lowed— Public  Rejoicings — Viceroy  and  Archbishop  Recalled — 
Their  Departure  and  Subsequent  Career. 

It  had  been  the  usual  policy  with  the  court  of 
Spain,  to  appoint  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  as  viceroy 
ad  interim,  whenever  a  sudden  vacancy  occurred  in 
that  office,  but  on  the  promotion  of  the  duke  of  Salva- 
tierra  an  exception  was  made,  and,  as  we  have  seen, 
the  chief  magistracy  with  the  title  of  governor  was 
given  to  Marcos  de  Torres  y  Rueda,  then  bishop  of 
Yucatan.1 

He  arrived  in  November  1647,  and  remained  in 
Tacuba  till  February  1648,  when,  upon  the  notice 
that  a  vessel  sent  for  him  from  Peru  had  arrived  at 
Acapulco,  he  repaired  to  Mexico  to  receive  the  gov- 

XI  have  before  me  a  copy  of  the  cddula,  appointing  him  as  governor,  and 
dated  July  8,  1647.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  198-9.  He  was  born  in 
Almazan  in  Spain,  and,  when  a  student  at  Salamanca,  won  the  degree  of 
licenciate  in  arts  among  100  competitors.  After  holding  several  important 
ecclesiastical  offices,  he  was  presented  to  the  bishopric  of  Yucatan  in  1044. 
Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  219.  In  November  1040  he  took  possession 
of  his  see,  the  greater  part  of  which  he  visited  in  person,  attempting  on  that 
occasion  to  introduce  several  innovations,  which  appear  to  have  been  for  the 
purpose  of  filling  his  own  pockets.  Cogolludo  mentions  his  meanness  to  the 
captain  who  brought  him  the  news  of  his  appointment  to  the  viceroyalty ; 
'  auduno  tan  corto  con  el  Capitan,  que  dio  harto  que  dezir  V  Coaollvdo,  Hist. 
Yuc,  701. 

(137) 


138         VICEROYS  TORRES,  ALVA,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

ernment;  but  on  the  following  clay  a  resolution  of  the 
real  acuerdo  ordered  his  immediate  return  to  Tacuba, 
there  to  await  the  proper  moment  for  his  installation 
into  office.2  This  did  not  take  place  until  May  13, 
1648,3  when  the  bishop-governor,  with  the  usual  reti- 
nue, made  his  official  entrance  into  Mexico,  and  ex- 
hibited in  the  palace  his  credentials. 

His  rule  was  brief  and  eventful.  An  epidemic  is 
said  to  have  caused  great  devastation  at  Vera  Cruz 
in  the  latter  half  of  the  year  1648,  but  in  view  of  the 
scanty  information  on  the  subject,  considerable  al- 
lowance must  probably  be  made  for  exaggeration.  On 
his  decease  in  April  of  the  following  year4  the  audien- 
cia  assumed  the  government;  and  the  senior  oidor, 
Matias  de  Peralta,  acting  as  president,  removed  to 
the  viceregal  palace.  Before  the  exequies  of  the  late 
governor  were  concluded5  his  entire  estate  had  been 
sequestered,  partly  to  guarantee  the  sum  of  twenty 
thousand  pesos,  which  he  had  received  in  advance  of 
salary,  and  also  because  suspicions  had  arisen  that  a 
large  part  of  his  estate  belonged  to  the  crown,  and 
had  been  fraudulently  appropriated  by  the  secretary 
and  nephew  of  the  deceased,  Juan  de  Salazar.  To 
that  end  the  surrender  was  ordered  under  severe  pen- 
alties, of  all  the  property  of  the  bishop,  and  that  of 
his  relatives,  to  the  senior  oidor,  who,  together  with 
the  fiscal,  had  assumed  the  functions  of  executor  of 

2Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Max.,  lstser.,  i.  7-8,  adds  that  returning  to 
Tacuba  the  bishop  found  that  all  the  furniture  of  his  residence,  belonging  to 
Salvatierra,  had  been  removed  in  the  mean  time. 

8  Mayer,  Mex,  Aztec,  i.  202,  following  the  Liceo,  Mex.,  ii.  223,  says  er- 
roneously March  13th. 

4  Torres  was  on  bad  terms  with  the  audiencia,  and  in  January  1049  had 
some  dispute  with  the  municipal  authorities,  caused  by  his  pretentious  con- 
duct. It  is  said  that  this  brought  on  the  sickness  which  terminated  fatally 
on  April  22d.  Cogolludo  remarks  that  Torres,  not  supposing  his  illness  to  be 
of  a  serious  nature,  did  not  make  such  provisions  for  the  administration  of 
affairs  as  his  high  position  required.  Hist.  Yuc,  702.  This  does  not  appear 
probable,  judging  from  the  deed  executed  by  the  governor  on  the  8th  of 
April,  and  appointing,  in  case  of  his  demise,  the  audiencia  to  succeed  him  ad 
interim.    Vir.  Instruc.,  MS.,  1st  ser.,  no.  23,  1-2. 

5  lie  was  buried  on  the  25th  of  April  in  the  church  of  the  Augustinian  con- 
vent at  Mexico;  the  bishop-elect  of  Habana,  Nicolas  de  la  Torre,  officiated,  as 
the  archbishop  was  absent.   Giujo,  Diario,  55-02. 


SUBSTANCE  AND  SHADOW.  139 

the  governor's  will.  Steps  were  also  taken  to  prevent 
the  shipment  of  such  property  by  the  fleet,  then  ready 
to  sail;  and  on  the  15th  of  May  1649  orders  were  sent 
to  the  governor  of  Yucatan  to  attach  all  the  estate  of 
the  late  bishop  in  that  province. 

Although  a  considerable  amount  was  delivered  up 
to  the  president,  a  repetition  of  the  order  was  re- 
solved upon,  and  to  make  it  more  effectual  was  pub- 
lished from  the  pulpits,  ecclesiastical  censures  being 
threatened  against  all  who  failed  to  surrender  it  or 
even  withheld  information  as  to  its  concealment.  It 
seems,  however,  that  the  conduct  of  the  audiencia 
was  guided  more  by  personal  hostility  against  Torres 
and  his  kindred  than  by  pretended  loyalty;  for  Sala- 
zar,  having  laid  his  case  before  the  India  Council,  was 
acquitted,  and  the  audiencia  reproved  and  ordered  to 
restore  all  the  sequestered  property.6 

For  nearly  fifteen  uneventful  months  Peralta  held 
the  reins  of  power  in  New  Spain,  until,  in  May  1650, 
a  new  viceroy  arrived  in  the  person  of  Luis  Enriquez 
de  Guzman,  conde  de  Alva  de  Liste,  and  marques  de 
Villaflor.7 

His  rule  was  a  quiet  one,  interrupted  only  in  1651 
by  the  revolt  of  the  Indians  in  the  northern  regions, 
where  the  Tarahumares,  Conchos,  and  other  tribes  in 
open  revolt  killed  several  Spaniards,  among    whom 

6  The  decision  reached  Mexico  in  May  1650,  and  its  ratification  in  1C57. 
The  audiencia  was  reprimanded  for  disrespect  shown  at  the  funeral  of  Torres, 
and  ordered  to  make  restitution  to  all  the  servants  and  followers  of  the 
bishop.  Gaijo,  Diario,  107-8,  379-80. 

7  His  other  titles  are:  gentilhombre  de  la  camara  de  su  Magestad,  senor 
de  las  villas  de  Garrovillas,  Carvajales,  Membibre,  i  Castro  Calvon,  i  lu- 
gares  de  su  jurisdicion,  alfCrez  i  alguacil  mayor  de  la  ciudad  de  Zamora, 
alcaide  perpetuo  de  las  Torres  i  Fortaleza  de  ella,  por  el  Rey  N.  Scfior, 
alcaide  mayor  de  sacas,  y  escribano  mayor  de  rentas  de  la  dicha  ciudad. 
Frcules  Doctrimros,  in  Disturbios  de  Fra'des,  MS.,  ii.  131.  Vetancurt,  Trat. 
Mex.,  15,  followed  by  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  34,  and  others,  writes  Alvade- 
liste;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  360,  and  Eibera,  Gobernantes,  i.  177,  call  him 
de  Aliste;  Guijo,  Diario,  121,  says  de  Lista.  Miravel  y  Casadevante,  El 
Gran  Dice,  i.  411,  in  his  genealogical  account  of  the  count's  family,  gives  the 
name  as  in  the  text,  and  is  herein  followed  by  Lorenzana,  Hist  N.  Esp.,  24, 
and  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  31.  The  official  entry  of  the  new  viceroy  was 
made  July  3d.  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp. ,  24,  says  erroneously  it  was  on  the 
13th. 


140         VICEROYS  TORRES,  ALVA,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

were  three  friars,  and  burned  the  churches.  The  gov- 
ernor ofDurango  was  ordered  to  subjugate  them,  and 
during  the  following  year  restored  peace  throughout 
the  disturbed  districts. 

The  old  dispute  about  the  submission  of  the  doc- 
trineros  to  the  episcopal  authority  was  revived  during 
the  term  of  viceroy  Alva,  but  his  prudent  conduct 
prevented  it  from  assuming  such  significance  as  the 
former  one.  Royal  orders,  tending  to  check  the  efforts 
of  the  regular  clergy  to  become  more  independent  of 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  crown,  were  also  successfully 
enforced8  without  encountering  serious  opposition. 

Although  the  count  appears  to  have  made  a  moder- 
ate use  of  his  authority,  he  was  jealous  of  his  rights 
as  the  representative  of  a  powerful  monarch,  and  did 
not  fail  to  guard  them  when  occasion  happened. 
Among  other  instances  may  be  mentioned  a  case 
which  occurred  in  June,  1651,  when  a  dispute  arose 
about  the  place  which  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral  and 
the  pages  of  the  viceroy  should  occupy  in  the  proces- 
sion of  corpus  christi.  The  procession  was  forcibly 
interrupted  by  order  of  the  count,  who  in  unison  with 
the  audiencia  issued  several  orders,  which  caused  great 
excitement  among  the  people.  The  matter  was  settled 
by  the  chapter  yielding  to  the  demand  of  the  viceroy, 
when  the  ceremony  was  allowed  to  proceed.9 

Owing  to  the  wars  almost  continuously  carried  on 

8  Several  cddulas  were  issued  to  protect  the  royal  jurisdiction.  One  of 
September  18,  1G50,  ratified  on  the  6th  of  June,  1655,  declared  all  briefs  and 
bulls  of  the  holy  see  issued  to  the  people  of  New  Spain  as  null  and  void,  if  not 
authorized  by  the  council  of  the  Indies,  to  which  they  were  to  be  sent.  To 
the  same  scrutiny  were  subjected  all  those  patents  for  religious  orders  which 
introduced  important  innovations  or  referred  to  the  founding  of  new  convents. 
Movtemayor,  Svmarios,  37-8;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  219-21. 

9Quijot  Diario,  179-82;  liobles,  Vida,  127-9.  The  viceroy  would  probably 
have  encountered  more  opposition  had  there  been  an  archbishop.  The  last 
one,  Juan  do  Maiiosca  y  Zamora,  had  died  on  December  12,  1G50,  not  in  1053 
as  Vetancurt,  Trot.  Mex.,2o,  has  it.  Guijo,  Diario,  157-9,  1C7;  Panes,  Vir., 
MS.,  100;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-G5,  219.  The  see  remained  vacant  for  two 
years  until  December  25,  1652,  when  Pedro  de  Barrientos  took  possession  of 
it  in  the  name  of  the  new  appointee,  Marcclo  Lopez  de  Ascona,  who  arrived 
in  July,  1653.  He  died  after  a  few  months,  on  November  10th  of  the  same 
year.  Qui  jo,  Diario,  227,  229-30,  248-70;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  220.  Panes, 
Vir.,  says  erroneously  1654.     MS.,  101. 


EARTHQUAKE  AND  DROUGHT.  141 

in  Europe  by  the  Spanish  crown,  communication  with 
the  mother  country  had  become  dangerous,  and  the 
peril  of  raids  on  the  coast  of  New  Spain  increased. 
In  order  to  guard  against  these  inroads,  the  viceroy 
stationed  some  soldiers  at  Vera  Cruz,  and  provided 
the  fleets  despatched  to  Spain  with  a  force  at  least 
strong  enough  to  leave  them  no  longer  at  the  mercy 
of  the  first  pirate  or  man-of-war  they  might  encoun- 
ter. It  was  indeed  necessary  to  take  some  precau- 
tions that  the  treasure  remittances  should  reach  Spain 
in  safety.  The  money  was  greatly  needed;  for  it  was 
only  by  means  of  the  contributions  of  the  colonies, 
that  the  monarch  was  enabled  to  carry  on  the  expen- 
sive wars  which  were  to  sustain  the  glory  of  Castile. 
The  king  was  always  hard  pressed ;  and  confident  of  the 
forbearance  and  patriotic  zeal  of  his  subjects  in  the  New 
World,  had  seized  about  a  million  of  pesos  belonging 
to  private  persons,  the  amount  having  been  remitted 
by  the  fleet  of  1649.  Viceroy  Alva  soon  after  his 
arrival  informed  the  people  of  this  proof  of  the  confi- 
dence of  their  royal  master,  but  at  the  same  time 
assured  them,  under  pledge  of  the  royal  word,  that 
it  would  not  be  repeated,  and  that  measures  had  even 
been  taken  to  make  repayment  in  redeemable  warrants 
against  the  revenue,  derived  from  the  media  anata.10 
During  the  last  months  of  Viceroy  Alva's  rule, 
earthquake  and  drought  visited  the  province  of  Mex- 
ico. The  former  disaster  was  portended  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  comet  which  was  visible  from  the  middle 
of  December  of  1652  till  the  first  days  of  1653.  The 
shock  was  severely  felt  in  the  capital,11  and  destroyed 
the  walls  of  several  buildings,  causing  greater  damage 

10  'Tenia  librada  la  satisfaccion  cle  esta  cantidad  en  juros  y  media  annata. ' 
Guijo,  Diario,  121.  The  publication  of  a  similar  cddula  in  March  1651  im- 
plies that  this  manner  of  making  loans  was  repeated,  notwithstanding  the 
promise  made. 

u'Dur6  mas  del  tiempo  que.  ..rezar  dos  credos  con  devocion.'  Id.  232.  A 
minute  account  together  with  a  scientific  treatise  on  the  comet  is  given  by- 
Ruiz,  Discurso  hecho  sobre  Impressiones  meteorologicas,  Mexico,  1653,  1  et 
seq.  According  to  Guijo,  Diario,  239,  in  the  same  year,  1053,  a  conflagra- 
tion destroyed  the  whole  city  of  Colima. 


142        VICEROYS  TORRES,  ALVA,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

in  the  environs.  That  no  others  were  felt  was  sup- 
posed to  be  due  to  a  solemn  procession,  held  during 
the  following  days  in  honor  of  the  conception  of  the 
ScrenisimaReina  de  los  Angeles.  With  similar  good 
effect  the  interposition  of  the  virgen  de  los  Remedios 
was  implored  some  months  later;  when  want  of  rain 
had  produced  diseases,  and  supplications  lasting  nine 
days  were  ordered.  The  supplications  were  quickly 
heard,  for  within  nine  days  abundant  rains  fell 
throughout  the  province. 

The  viceroy's  term  of  government  had  meanwhile 
expired,  and  in  the  beginning  of  July  1653  news 
reached  him  of  the  arrival  of  his  successor  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  of  his  promotion  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Peru. 
On  the  1st  of  August  he  formally  laid  down  his 
authority  and  proceeded  to  San  Cristobal,  to  greet 
the  new  ruler,  the  duke  of  Alburquerque.  He  re- 
mained in  Mexico  for  more  than  a  year,  as  there  was 
no  vessel  to  carry  him  to  his  destination.  The  17th 
of  October  1G54  he  left  for  Acapulco  with  a  large 
retinue.  At  every  point  along  his  route  he  received 
marks  of  respect,  for  his  benevolence  and  integrity 
had  gained  for  him  the  sympathy  of  the  people.12 

Francisco  Fernandez  de  la  Cueva,  duque  de  Al- 
burquerque and  grandee  of  Spain,13  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  accompanied  by  his  wife,  a  daughter  of  the  ex- 
viceroy  Cadereita,  early  in  July,  1653,  and  made  his 
official  entrance  into  Mexico  on  the  15th  of  August, 
amidst  the  usual  ceremonies.  In  personal  qualifica- 
tions no  less  than  in  rank  he  was  a  worthy  successor 

12His  juez  de  residencia  sentenced  him  to  the  payment  of  several  amounts 
of  money  claimed  from  him,  and  transferred  the  decision  of  other  charges  to 
the  India  Council,  but  nevertheless  declared  him  'por  bueno  y  recto  nrinistro 
de  S.  M.'  Guijo,  Diario,  270.  After  serving  his  term  in  Peru  he  went  to 
Spain,  where  he  died  about  1667. 

13  He  was  of  one  of  the  noblest  houses  of  Spain,  and  besides  the  titles 
given  in  the  text,  and  such  as  his  new  position  gave  him,  held  those  of  mar- 
cpi6s  de  Cuellar  y  de  Cadereita,  conde  de  Ledesma,  conde  de  Guelma,  senor 
de  las  villas  de  Mombeltran  y  de  la  Codosera,  gentilhombre  de  la  caiuara  de 
Su  Magestad,  and  capitan  general  de  las  galeras  de  Espana.  Ordenes  de  la 
Corona,  MS.,  vii.  1;  Frailes  Doctr.,  in  Disturb,  de  Frailes,  MS.,  ii.  129,  152. 


MORE  PIRATES.  143 

to  the  count  of  Alva.  He  lacked  none  of  the  accom- 
plishments then  commonly  possessed  by  the  nobility 
of  Spain,  and  was  moreover  a  man  of  jovial  disposi- 
tion, much  given  to  hospitality,  and  lavish  of  expense. 
During  his  reign  he  lost  no  opportunity  of  displaying, 
though  sometimes  a  little  too  ostentatiously,  his 
boundless  loyalty  to  his  sovereign.  The  first  occasion 
that  occurred  was  in  April  1654,  when  balls  and  ban- 
quets, lasting  several  days,  were  arranged  by  the 
viceroy  in  commemoration  of  the  birthday  of  his 
sovereign.  These  festivities  were,  however,  eclipsed 
by  those  which  were  held  later  in  celebration  of  the 
birth  of  prince  Felipe  Prospero.14  Solemn  thanks- 
givings alternated  with  magnificent  processions  in 
costume,  headed  by  the  viceroy  and  the  highest  offi- 
cials. For  several  days  the  town  was  illuminated; 
festivals  were  arranged  by  the  Jesuit  fathers;  bull- 
fights were  held  in  the  plaza;  there  were  no  regular 
sessions  of  the  audiencia  for  several  weeks ;  and  many 
of  the  prisoners  confined  in  jail  were  pardoned,  while 
the  sentences  of  others  were  commuted.  So  popular 
became  the  viceroy,  that  a  mere  hint  from  him  was 
sufficient  to  elicit  an  annual  donation  in  favor  of  the 
newly  born  prince  of  250,000  pesos  for  the  next 
fifteen  years. 

The  treasure  fleet  despatched  from  Vera  Cruz  in 
April  1654  was  one  of  the  most  richly  freighted  that 
had  ever  left  the  shores  of  New  Spain*  and  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  a  large  amount  was  forwarded ;  but  the 
capture  of  Jamaica15  in  1655  caused  a  large  decrease 
in  remittances  after  that  date.16 

u  In  January  1656  public  praj'ers  had  been  said  in  the  cathedral  and  all 
the  other  churches  for  an  heir  to  the  throne.  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist. 
Mex.,  serie  i.,  i.  337. 

15  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  36,  Rivera,  Gob.,  i.  197,  and  other  Spanish  authori- 
ties state  that  Cromwell  was  urged  to  despatch  the  expedition  which 
effected  the  capture  of  Jamaica  by  Thomas  Gage,  the  author  of  The  New  Sur- 
vey of  the  West  Indies.  Gage  was  an  apostate  friar;  hence  perhaps  the  state- 
ment, which  is  not  founded  on  fact. 

16  During  the  same  year  news  arrived  that  a  party  of  buccaneers  had  been 
captured  by  the  settlers  of  Tampico.  Twenty-two  of  them  were  sent  as  pris- 
oners to  Mexico.  Gaijo,  Diario,  330,  362. 


144         VICEROYS  TORRES,  ALVA,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

The  news  of  this  disaster  caused  serious  alarm 
throughout  Spain  and  the  Spanish  colonies,  though  it 
was  but  the  beginning  of  a  long  series  of  calamities, 
many  of  which  I  have  related.  Already  the  North 
Sea  was  infested  with  pirates,  and  in  the  islands  of  the 
West  Indies  thousands  of  buccaneers,  filibusters,  and 
sea  rovers,17  who  regarded  the  Spaniards  as  their 
natural  prey,  had  formed  permanent  settlements. 
During  the  latter  portion  of  the  seventeenth  century 
the  colonies,  more  especially  those  of  Central  Amer- 
ica, were  never  free  from  their  raids;  Portobello  was 
sacked;  Panamd  was  destroyed;  other  cities  were 
plundered  or  burned;  and  within  a  few  years  of  its 
capture  Jamaica  became  the  spot  where  most  of  these 
raids  were  organized,  often  with  the  consent  and 
always  with  the  connivance  of  the  representative  of 
the  British  monarch. 

In  1G57  the  viceroy  despatched  a  force  of  over  four 
hundred  men  to  aid  the  Spaniards  in  driving  the  Eng- 
lish garrison  from  the  island,  but  to  no  purpose. 
Most  of  them  perished  of  disease  without  inflicting 
any  loss  on  the  enemy,13  and  the  inhabitants  remaining 
on  the  island  removed  to  New  Spain. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  Spaniards  felt  the  evil 
effects  of  thus  tamely  allowing  the  British  to  gain  a 
foothold  in  the  West  Indies.  Every  year  the  convoy 
of  the  fleets  became  more  difficult.  In  one  instance 
fifty-five  days  -were  required  for  the  passage  from 
Vera  Cruz  to  Habana,  the  ships  having  remained 
near  the  coast  of  Florida,  to  avoid  capture  by  an 
English  fleet.     Often  the  church  bells  summoned  the 

17  For  the  origin  of  piracy  in  the  West  Indies  see  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  ii. 
451  et  scq.,  this  series. 

lBVetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  15;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  41;  Guijo,  Diario, 
303-4,  40G-7,  443.  Still  this  writer  speaks  in  another  place  of  a  great  victory 
obtained  by  the  auxiliaries,  who  dislodged  the  English  from  the  island,  and 
says  that  the  news  was  celebrated  in  the  cathedral  and  all  other  churches  of 
Mexico.  Id.,  400-1.  'Todos  miserablementc  perecicron  en  manos  del  ene- 
migo.'  It  is  of  course  well  known  that  the  English  retained  possession. 
About  this  time  the  town  of  Alburquerque  was  founded  in  New  Mexico,  per- 
haps with  a  view  to  give  those  who  had  arrived  from  Jamaica  an  opportunity 
to  establish  new  settlements  and  restore  their  fortunes. 


YUCATAN  SUFFERS.  145 

loyal  and  pious  inhabitants  of  the  capital  to  prayers 
for  the  safety  of  the  treasure  ships;  but  not  always 
were  their  prayers  answered,  for  on  one  occasion  dur- 
ing the  viceroy's  rule  the  flag-ship  with  five  million 
pesos  and  four  hundred  persons  on  board  was  lost. 
At  about  the  same  time  another  fleet  was  attacked 
and  partly  captured  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  of 
Cadiz.  Henceforth  Alburquerque  became  more  cau- 
tious, and  detained  the  fleet  of  1658  until  greater 
protection  was  afforded. 

While  New  Spain  was  thus  harassed  by  more  dis- 
tant foes,  Yucatan  was  selected  as  a  favorite  scene  of 
action  by  the  law-defying  brethren  of  the  coast.  Its 
isolated  position,  the  difficulty  of  moving  military  forces 
from  one  place  to  another,  the  very  position  of  the 
towns,  all  of  which  were  near  the  seaboard,  had  long 
made  this  peninsula  a  favorite  resort  for  pirates. 
After  a  less  important  expedition  in  1613,  during 
which  they  took  temporary  possession  of  the  bay  of 
Ascension,  they  reappeared  in  1632  near  Campeche; 
but  noticing  the  energetic  preparations  for  defense 
no  attack  was  made.  Their  project,  however,  had 
not  been  abandoned.  In  the  following  year  they  re- 
turned under  the  command  of  their  two  famous  leaders 
Pie  de  Palo  and  Diego  the  Mulatto.  After  a  hot 
fight  the  town  was  taken  and  sacked.  Efforts  to  ob- 
tain a  ransom  failed,  however,  and  when  rumors  of  a 
force  approaching  from  Merida  became  known  to  the 
corsairs,  they  departed.19 

Again  a  short  period  of  tranquillity  followed,  till, 
in  1644,  a  squadron  of  thirteen  vessels  with  fifteen  hun- 
dred soldiers  landed  at  Champoton.  The  inhabitants 
having  fled,  the  invaders  departed  after  completing 
their  stores,20  taking  with  them  two  Franciscan  friars 

19  Under  the  same  Diego  the  Mulatto,  Salamanca  was  sacked  in  1642,  the 
town  having  been  taken  by  surprise.  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  658-9. 

20  They  shot  some  cattle,  preparing  the  meat  in  the  church,  which  sacri- 
legious act  especially  calls  forth  the  wrath  of  the  pious  Cogolludo.  '  Sir- 
viendose  de  la  Iglesia  para  tan  indecente  execucion,  y  especiahnente  de  la  pila 
Bautismal.'  Hist.  Yuc,  682. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    10 


U6        VICEROYS  ALVA,  TORRES,  AKD  ALBURQUERQUE. 

whom  they  f()uri(l  hid  near  Ziho,  and  placed  on  board 
one  of  their  vessels.  Such  an  act  committed  against 
the  representatives  of  the  faith,  say  the  chroniclers, 
provoked  the  wrath  of  heaven,  and  as  a  due  chastise- 
ment all  the  vessels  foundered,  that  bearing  the  friars 
only  after  the  holy  men  had  been  placed  ashore  on 
the  coast  of  Florida.21 

But  this  incident  made  little  impression  on  the 
buccaneers,  who  continued  their  depredations  on  both 
the  eastern  and  western  coasts  of  the  peninsula. 
In  April  1648  they  captured  a  frigate  with  more  than 
a  hundred  thousand  pesos  on  board,  and  a  few  weeks 
later  boldly  attacked  a  vessel  in  the  very  port  of 
Campeche.  At  about  the  same  time  another  band, 
commanded  by  the  pirate  Abraham,  captured  Sala- 
manca.22 During  the  second  half  of  the  seventeenth 
century  their  raids  became  more  frequent.  In  1659 
and  1678  Campeche  was  again  taken  and  sacked  by 
English  and  French  freebooters.  They  were  aided 
on  this  occasion  by  logwood-cutters,  who  since  that 
time  had  begun  to  establish  themselves  on  the  penin- 
sula; and,  notwithstanding  the  repeated  efforts  of  the 
Spaniards  to  expel  them,  successfully  maintained  their 
positions,23  till  in  1680  they  were  driven  from  the  bay 
of  Terminos  by  forces  sent  against  them  from  Mexico 
and  Yucatan.24 

Alburquerque  bore  the  reputation  of  a  just,  vigilant, 
and  capable  ruler,  one  who  strictly  carried  out  the 
duties  of  his  office,  regardless  of  censure.  Hearing 
that  one  of  the  contadores  mayores  had  challenged 
the  other,  he  ordered  both  under  arrest,  and  sen- 
tenced to  fines  of  three  thousand  and  fifteen  hundred 


21  Cogolludo  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  miraculous  powers  which 
our  lady  of  Champoton  and  the  11,000  virgins  exhibited  on  this  occasion. 
Id.,  683-4. 

22  He  repeated  the  sack  of  the  same  town  in  1G52. 

23  For  a  detailed  account  of  the  origin  of  the  logwood  establishments, 
from  which  the  settlement  of  Belize  emanated,  I  refer  to  the  Hist.  Cent. 
Am.,  ii.  023  etseq.,  this  series. 

24  Robles,  Dlario,  303-9,  gives  a  pretty  detailed  account  of  the  trophies 
obtained  on  this  victorious  expedition. 


FRIARS  PUNISHED.  147 

pesos  respectively,  though  duelling  was  at  this  time  a 
common  practice  in  New  Spain.  During  the  year 
1659  he  suspended  the  corregidor  and  his  lieutenant, 
and  imprisoned  several  of  the  regidores  because  they 
had  been  bribed  to  consent  to  a  reduction  in  weight  of 
the  loaf.  Personal  inquiries  at  the  mills  and  bakeries 
had  convinced  him  that  there  was  no  reason  for  mak- 
ing such  a  change. 

The  clergy  were  not  exempt  from  the  duke's  search- 
ing vigilance,  and  in  his  excessive  zeal  for  the  welfare 
and  dignity  of  the  church  he  occasionally  played  a  some- 
what ridiculous  part.  Patrolling  the  streets  near  the 
palace  one  night,  as  was  his  wont,  he  noticed  at  a  late 
hour  two  Austin  friars  in  a  dilapidated  looking  bakery 
eating  fritters.  The  viceroy  was  shocked,  and  at  once 
ordered  their  arrest;  not,  he  declared,  because  the  act 
of  eating  fritters  was  of  itself  unclerical,  but  that,  con- 
sidering the  time,  the  place,  and  the  sacred  vestments 
of  the  culprits,  such  an  indulgence  was  scandalous. 
One  of  the  ecclesiastics  took  to  his  heels  and  escaped, 
but  the  other  was  taken  to  the  palace  and  sternly 
reproved  and  kept  in  custody  till  the  following  day, 
when  he  was  delivered  to  the  prior  of  his  order. 
After  remonstrating  with  the  latter,  the  viceroy  sum- 
moned also  the  other  heads  of  religious  orders,  and 
having  expressed  his  disapproval  in  general,  directed 
them  to  exercise  in  future  a  better  surveillance.25 
This  was  readily  promised,  and  severe  penalties  were 
imposed  for  similar  transgressions.  A  reformation  had 
indeed  become  necessary;  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
friars  were  no  longer  the  worthy  followers  of  those 
whose  charity,  humility,  and  untiring  zeal  had  made 
so  deep  an  impression  on  the  native  population  a 
century  before.  In  addition  to  their  hypocrisy,  some 
of  them  were  guilty  of  the  worst  crimes  common  to 
their  fellow-men;  and  it  is  related  that  in  1655  two 

25In  the  following  year,  1655,  the  rebuke  was  repeated,  the  king  having 
issued  three  c^dulas,  complaining  of  the  increasing  disorders  of  the  monastic 
life.  Guijo,  Diario,  311-12. 


143         VICEROYS  ALVA,  TORRES,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

Augustinian  lay-friars  did  not  shrink  from  assassi- 
nating the  former  provincial  of  their  order. 

It  was  perhaps  the  viceroy's  undue  interference 
in  ecclesiastical  matters  that  excited  the  enmity  of 
the  archbishop.  During  his  administration  the  same 
ridiculous  dispute  arose  which  had  occurred  during 
the  regime  of  his  predecessor,  concerning  the  prece- 
dence of  the  attendants  at  the  procession  of  corpus 
christi.  Neither  would  yield  the  point,  and  the  matter 
was  settled  only  by  an  agreement  that  neither  the 
pages  of  the  viceroy  nor  those  of  the  archbishop 
should  assist.26  The  latter,  named  Mateo  Sagade  Bu- 
gueiro,27  was  a  man  of  rather  haughty  character,  and 
ere  lonsf  new  difficulties  arose  between  him  and  the 
representative  of  the  crown,  occasioned  by  the  con- 
troversy of  the  former  with  the  commissary-general 
of  the  holy  crusade.  The  archbishop  also  publicly 
accused  the  viceroy  of  withholding  and  intercepting 
his  correspondence  with  Spain,  but  finally  a  reconcili- 
ation was  effected,  and  after  that  time  a  better  under- 
standing prevailed. 

The  religious  zeal  of  the  viceroy28  well  nigh  cost 
him  his  life.  It  was  his  custom  each  afternoon  to  pay 
a  visit  to  the  cathedral,  then  in  course  of  completion, 
in  order  to  inspect  the  progress  made  during  the  day, 
and  afterward  to  attend  vespers  in  one  of  the  chapels. 
While  kneeling  at  prayer  on  the  evening  of  the  12th 
of  March  1660,  a  soldier  named  Manuel  Ledesma  y 

20  Similar  difficulties  continued  to  disturb  the  good  understanding  between 
the  viceroys  and  the  archbishops,  although  royal  cedulashad  clearly  fixed  the 
jurisdiction  to  which  either  of  them  was  entitled,  their  tenor  being  essen- 
tially favorable  to  the  viceroys.  In  later  years  under  the  rule  of  Mancera  an 
outbreak  of  these  old  hostilities  was  prevented  merely  by  the  duke's  diplo- 
macy, and  the  modesty  and  genuine  christian  spirit  of  the  then  archbishop 
Alonso  de  Cuevas.  Davalos,  Mancera,  Ivstrucciones,  in  Doc.  Ined.,  xxi.  471-2. 

27  He  was  born  in  San  Pedro  de  San  Roman  in  Galicia,  and  had  previously 
held  the  offices  of  canon  of  the  churches  of  Astorga  and  Toledo.  Concilios 
1  ro r.,  1555--G5,  220.     Panes,   Vir.,  MS.,   101-2,  calls  him  Mateo  de  Yaga, 

Bays  he  was  born  in  Pontevedro  in  Galicia.     He  was  consecrated  in  Mex- 
ico the  25th  of  July,  1656.  Guijo,  Diario,  362. 

28  He  assisted  at  the  festivals  of  the  churches  and  made  liberal  contribu- 
tions toward  the  completion  of  the  cathedral.     Guijo  states  that  a  royal 

la  arrived  in  May  1655  ordering  that  the  building  be  completed  as  soon 
a-  possible.  Diario.  309. 


THREATENED  ASSASSINATION.  149 

Robles  entered  the  chapel  and  gave  him  several  blows 
with  the  flat  of  his  sword.  The  viceroy  sprang  to  his 
feet,  and  placing  the  prie-dieu  between  himself  and  his 
assailant,  meanwhile  clutching  with  his  right  hand  at 
his  sword,  exclaimed,  "  What  mean  you?"  "  To  kill 
you,"  was  the  answer.29  At  that  moment  the  treas- 
urer  of  the  cathedral  came  to  the  duke's  assistance 
and  was  soon  followed  by  others.  The  would-be 
assassin  was  overpowered,  and  the  duke  after  finish- 
ing his  devotions  returned  to  his  palace.  A  trial  was 
held  the  same  evening  by  the  military  auditor,  but 
considering  the  grave  character  of  the  crime,  the 
audiencia  ordered  that  the  prisoner  be  brought  before 
their  court.  At  the  same  time  a  resolution  was 
passed  that  there  should  be  no  rest  until  the  law  was 
vindicated.30 

During  the  whole  night  the  depositions  of  witnesses 
were  taken,  corroborating  the  attempt  to  murder,  but 
they  added  little  to  the  contradictory  confession  of 
the  accused,  who  in  one  place  gives  as  a  reason  a 
supposed  offence  suffered  from  the  viceroy,  while  in 
another  he  states  that  his  sole  purpose  was  to  per- 
petuate his  name.31  There  is  little  doubt  his  mind 
was  deranged;  he  could  easily  have  killed  the  viceroy 
had  he  been  so  disposed;  but  as  it  was  a  great  man 
who  had  been  frightened,  his  judges  were  determined 
not  to  recognize  the  fact;  the  appointment  of  an  advo- 
cate for  the  accused  was  but  for  form,  and  no  time 
was  granted  him  to  prepare  his  defence.  At  seven 
o'clock  next  morning  the  verdict  was  rendered;  the 

29  '  Matarlo  y  que  no  se  diga  misa.'  Copia  de  la  Causa  Criminal,  in  Rcgistro 
Trimestre,  289.  '  Voto  a  Cristo,  q  le  he  de  matar,'  says  the  viceroy  in  his 
letter  of  March  16,  1660,  to  the  king,  adding  '  me  dio  de  cuchilladas  y  esto- 
cadas,  en  las  espaldas  y  rinones. '  The  latter  assertion,  notwithstanding  its 
source,  is  exaggerated,  as  proved  by  the  depositions  of  the  witnesses  during 
the  trial.  Carta,  in  Vir.  Instruc,  MS.,  1st  ser.  no.  24,  1. 

30<Hasta  tan  to  se  de  juridica  y  corapetente  satisfacciori  a  ejemplar  tan 
atroz,  no  se  deje  la  mano  de  las  diligencias. '  Copia  de  la  Causa  Criminal, 
277. 

31Guijo,  Diario,  439-40,  asserts  that  he  was  submitted  to  torture;  but  this 
is  doubtful;  as  the  minutes  of  the  trial  would  hardly  have  concealed  the  ap- 
plication of  a  measure  which  then  was  considered  quite  legal  in  order  to 
obtain  a  confession. 


150         VICEROYS  ALVA,  TORRES,  AND  ALBURQUERQUE. 

criminal  was  condemned  to  be  dragged  through  the 
streets,82  and  thence  taken  to  the  gibbet.  His  head 
and  right  hand  were  to  be  cut  off  and  exposed,  the 
former  on  the  main  square,  the  latter,  together  with 
his  sword,  in  front  of  the  door  of  the  cathedral  where 
the  crime  had  been  committed.  Three  hours  later 
the  tribunals  and  loyal  inhabitants  of  Mexico  had  the 
satisfaction  of  witnessing  the  execution  of  the  sen- 
tence,  the  corpse,  feet  upwards,  remaining  exhibited 
on  the  gallows  till  late  in  the  afternoon.33 

Public  demonstrations  of  joy  and  processions,  ar- 
ranged by  the  archbishop  and  the  religious  corpora- 
tions, celebrated  the  escape  of  the  viceroy  from  death.34 

A  few  months  later  Alburquerque  was  informed 
that  the  concle  de  Banos  had  been  appointed  his  suc- 
cessor, and  that  he  himself  was  promoted  to  the  vice- 
royalty  of  Sicily.35  At  the  same  time  the  archbishop 
was  recalled,  and  both  set  sail  from  Vera  Cruz  in  May 
1G61.36  In  September  the  duke  surrendered  the  reins 
of  power  to  the  new  viceroy37  at  Santa  Ana,  as  was 
the  custom.  His  residencia  was  begun  at  the  same 
time  by  Gines  Morote,  but  difficulties  between  the 
latter  and  the  audiencia  prevented  its  completion 
until  1662,  when  it  was  concluded  by  the  oidor  Fran- 

32 '  Que  sea  arrastrado  a  la  cola  de'dos  caballos  metido  en  un  ceron.  ..yen 
la  horca. .  .ahorcado  hasta  que  naturalmente  muera.'  Copia  de  la  Causa  Crim- 
inal, 301-2. 

33  The  culprit  did  not  repent  of  his  crime.  '  No  pudieron  reducirlo  a  que 
se  confesara,  ni  a  que  invocase  el  nombre  de  Jesus.'  Guijo,  Diario,  440.  The 
viceroy  in  his  letter  to  the  king  expresses  regret,  and  adds  that  '  both  in 
writing  and  verbally  he  pardoned  him  for  this  and  the  other  life.'  Carta,  in 
Vir.  Tnstrucc,  MS.,  1st  ser.  no.  24,  2. 

34  For  details  of  this  event  see  Coj)ia  de  la  Causa  Criminal,  in  liegistro  Trim. , 
205-305;  Guijo,  Diario,  439-40;  Carta,  in  Vir.  Jnstrucc.,MS.,  lstser.no.  24, 
1-3. 

85  Guijo  says  he  was  made  general  of  the  fleets  intended  to  operate  against 
the  Portuguese.  Diario,  442. 

3CLacunza,  Disc.  J  list.,  xxxv.  501-2,  speaks  of  the  removal  of  both  as 
caused  by  the  king's  displeasure  with  their  conduct,  '  fueron  muy  ricos,  aun- 
que  con  el  deshonor  consiguiente. '  There  is  not  the  slightest  reason  for  such 
a  statement,  and  their  later  career  indicates  plainly  the  contrary,  Buguerio 
being  presented  to  the  see  of  Leon,  one  of  the  greatest  in  Spain,  and  Albur- 
querqne,  as  already  stated,  being  made  viceroy  of  Sicily. 

J7  During  his  term  of  office  he  made  many  improvements  in  the  viceregal 
palace. 


RETURN  TO  SPAIN. 


151 


cisco  Valles.38  In  the  mean  time  the  duke  had  left 
for  his  native  land,  carrying  with  him  the  sympathy 
and  good  wishes  of  all  the  people  of  New  Spain. 


G    U  L  F     O  F 
M  F  X  I  0  0 


MeriUa 
0  Izaiual 

Tlcul?.PM»ni 


I Pi* 


MP 


lonfet^ 


Ch^uipotoil0^^  ^    *        r 


Gulf  of  Mexico. 

38  The  visitador  fixed  the  bond  at  180,000  pesos,  but  was  overruled  by  the 
oidores,  who  reduced  the  amount  to  50,000  pesos  notwithstanding  the  pro- 
tests of  Morote. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

YUCATAN. 
1601-1708. 

An  Uneventful  Period — Good  Rulers— Marshal  Carlos  de  Luna  t 
Arellano — The  Government  of  the  Towns — The  Monarch  as  a 
Mendicant— Governor  Juan  de  Vargas — His  Maleadministration — 
The  Licentiate  Carvajal  Takes  his  Residencia — Indian  Revolts — 
The  Succession  of  Rulers — Campeche  Fortified — Soberanis  and 
Martin  de  Ursua — More  Dissensions — Excommunication  of  Sobe- 
ranis— Concerning  the  Conquest  of  the  Itzas— Conduct  of  Ursua 
Justified,  and  his  Subsequent  Promotion — His  Qualities  as  a  Sol- 
dier the  Cause  of  his  Preferment. 

During  the  latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
it  will  be  remembered,  the  governors  of  Yucatan  were 
constantly  at  variance  with  the  church,1  and  unseemly 
quarrels  between  the  secular  and  ecclesiastical  author- 
ities were  prevalent  almost  from  the  time  that  the 
custodian  Villapando  built  at  Mani2  the  first  convent 
founded  in  the  Maya  peninsula.  On  August  11,  1604, 
the  marshal  Cdrlos  de  Luna  y  Arrellano3  took  pos- 
session of  the  government,  and  although  his  reign 
lacked  none  of  the  usual  strifes,  as  well  with  the  city 
council  as  with  the  bishop  and  the  secular  and  regu- 
lar clergy,  his  qualities  as  an  honest  ruler  and  the 
progress  which  the  province  made  during  his  admin- 
istration were  fully  recognized.  The  strongest  proof 
of  his  rectitude  is  that,  although  no  failure  of  crops 

*In  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  428  et  seq.,  this  series,  the  conquest  of  Yucatan  is  re- 
lated, and  on  pages  648-654  of  the  same  volume  is  a  brief  sketch  of  the  history 
of  this  province  during  the  latter  half  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

2  About  1550. 

3  The  author  of  Datos  Biofjruficos,  in  Cartas  de  Indicts,  791-2,  says  his 
Christian  name  was  Tristan  and  that  of  his  father  Carlos. 

(152) 


SUCCESSION  OF  RULERS.  153 

or  other  calamity  occurred  during  his  administration, 
eight  years'  service  left  him  a  poorer  man  than  before, 
while  several  of  his  predecessors  had  entered  upon 
office  encumbered  with  debt  and  retired  with  a  for- 
tune. 

To  Luna  succeeded  Antonio  de  Figueroa,4  who  is 
also  spoken  of  as  a  just  ruler,  but  whose  government, 
save  for  a  dispute  with  the  encomenderos  of  Yalla- 
clolid,5  is  void  of  any  noteworthy  event.  After  a  term 
of  nearly  five  years  his  successor  arrived  in  the  person 
of  Francisco  Ramirez  Briceno,  the  first  governor  since 
Montejo's  time  on  whom  the  king  conferred  the  title  of 
captain-general.  He  took  possession  April  27,  1617, 6 
and  being  an  experienced  soldier,  at  once  began  the 
military  organization  of  the  country.  During  his 
brief  term  of  office  he  gained  the  sympathy  of  the 
people,  and  his  early  death,  on  December  7,  16 19/ 
excited  general  grief. 

By  virtue  of  a  royal  cedula  of  the  24th  of  May 
1600,  now  for  the  first  time  carried  into  effect,  each 
of  the  alcaldes  ordinarios  governed  the  different  towns 
and  villas  that  lay  within  his  own  jurisdiction.  This 
ceased  when  on  September  3,  1620,8  Captain  Arias, 
count  de  Losada  y  Taboada,  arrived,  as  governor  ad 
interim,  appointed  by  the  viceroy  of  Mexico.  Within 
a  few  months  the  reins  of  power  w^ere  delivered  up  to 
Diego  de  Cardenas,  a  knight  of  Santiago,  who,  being 
appointed  by  the  crown,  took  possession  in  September 
1621.9 

4  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  201,  misled  by  a  contradictory  statement  in  Cogo- 
lludo,  gives  the  date  of  Figneroa's  succession  to  the  government  as  August 
29,  1612,  instead  of  March  29th,  for  which  statement  he  only  refers  to  Lara. 

5  They  surprised  him  on  a  journey  to  the  River  Lagartos,  and  sent  him  by 
force  to  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  together  with  a  long  list  of  accusations.  Im- 
mediately acquitted  by  the  latter,  he  returned  to  Merida,  and  against  all 
expectation  refrained  from  punishing  the  aggressors. 

6  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  474.  In  another  place  the  same  author  says 
Figueroa  ruled  till  September  27,  1617. 

7  Cogolludo  says  his  death  resulted  from  an  illness,  and  Lara  that  he  was 
poisoned. 

8  August  28th.  Lara,  Apuntes  Histo'rkos;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.  Yuc,  61. 

9  '  Manifestaba  su  Magestad  las  graues  necessidadf&s.  .  .por  las  guerras  que 
tenia  con  Hereges,  Turcos,  y  Moros.'  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  541. 


154 


YUCATAN. 


On  the  13th  of  July  1618  the  title  of  <Muy  noble  y 
muy  leal'  was  bestowed  on  the  city  of  Merida,  and  in 
August  of  the  same  year  a  coat  of  arms  was  presented 
to  the  cabildo.10  Still  further  to  testify  his  regard  for 
the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  the  monarch  conde- 
scended to  ask  of  them,  four  years  later,  a  contribution 
in  money. 

In  order  to  justify  the  cherished  title,  liberal  do- 
nations were  made  to  the  royal  mendicant  by  the 
city  council,  the  encomenderos,  and  many  other 
settlers,  the  governor  himself  setting  the  example 
with  a  gift  of  one  thousand  pesos  out  of  his  own 
salary.    Little  else  is  known  of  his  rule,  which  seems 

to  have  been  unusually  quiet, 
not  even  the  customary  dis- 
sensions with  the  clergy  being 
mentioned  by  the  historians, 
who  represent  Cardenas  as 
a  pious  and  charitable  man. 
After  a  reign  of  seven  years11 
lie  gave  place  to  Juan  de  Var- 
gas,12 who  entered  into  office  on 
the  15th  of  September  1628. 
A  change  now  occurs  in  the 
peaceful  condition  of  affairs, 
for  Vargas  is  characterized  as 
one  of  the  worst  governors 
ever  appointed  to  the  prov- 
ince. 

Soon  after  the  conquest  of  Yucatan  the  natives 
were  made  to  feel  the  bitterness  of  their  bondage. 
They  were  robbed  and  maltreated  by  their  taskmas- 
ters, first  under  the  title  of  alcaldes  and  corregidores, 
and  later  by  officials  under  different  names.13    During 

10The  text  of  the  ce\lulas  by  which  the  title  and  coat  of  arms  were  be- 
stowed is  given  in  Cogottvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  461-2.  /  Calle  is  in  error  when  he 
gives  1C19  as  the  date  in  Mem.  y  Not.,  82. 

11  Ancona  says  erroneously  he  ruled  only  four  years. 

12  A  knight  of  Santiago  and  descendant  of  the  renowned  Spanish  general, 
Alonso  de  Vargas.  • 

16  Jueces  de  grana,  de  vino,  6  de  agravios. 


Merida  Coat  of  Arms. 


QUARRELS  OF  THE  OFFICIALS.  155 

Figueroa's  term  of  office  the  production  of  cochineal 
had  been  largely  increased,  and  the  number  of  such 
officials,  who  in  reality  were  but  the  agents  of  the 
governor,  was  rapidly  multiplied.  In  vain  prohibitory 
and  restrictive  orders  had  been  issued  by  the  audi- 
encia  of  Mexico  and  were  now  repeated  in  a  royal  ce- 
dula  of  March  17,  1627.  Changing  their  title  into  that 
of  capitanes  &  guerra,  the  governor  evaded  the  exe- 
cution of  the  law  and  the  evil  remained  unchecked. 
New  complaints  were  filed  with  the  central  govern- 
ment at  Mexico,  and  Vargas  was  ordered  under  heavy 
penalties  to  revoke  the  appointments,  and  forbidden 
to  make  new  ones  under  any  name  whatever.14  He 
remonstrated,  alleging  the  necessity  of  such  officials, 
and  refused  to  obey  until  representations  were  made 
to  the  king  and  the  council  of  the  Indies. 

Simultaneously  an  imbroglio  occurred  between  the 
treasury  officials  and  the  governor,  who,  transgressing 
his  authority,  proposed  to  make  an  inspection  of  the 
royal  treasury.  To  this  the  former  objected,  and  in 
the  dispute  which  ensued  one  of  them  was  personally 
maltreated  by  Vargas,  who,  carried  away  by  anger, 
seized  the  treasurer  and  contador  and  sent  them  to 
Spain  to  appear  before  the  India  Council,  without 
granting  time  for  defense.15  Such  harsh  conduct  aided 
to  swell  the  number  of  malecontents,  and  more  claims 
were  brought  before  the  audiencia  of  Mexico,  urging 
that  an  oidor  be  sent  to  investigate  the  matter  and 
restore  order.  Vargas,  when  informed,  tried  to  evade 
the  blow,  prevailing  on  the  city  council  to  support  his 
protest  against  the  necessity  of  such  a  measure  -by 
appointing  his  lieutenant-general  their  attorney. 

In  the  mean  time  the  licenciate  Ynisco  de  Arguello 
Carbajal16  was  sent  as  visitador,  and  presented  him- 

14  A  royal  cedula  of  August  23,  1642,  approved  this  decree  of  the  audien- 
cia.  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  88. 

15  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc. ,  ii.  221 ,  intimates  as  the  probable  reason  an  attempt 
of  the  officials  to  exact  the  fines  imposed  by  the  audiencia  of  Mexico. 

16  A  knight  of  Calatrava  and  oidor  of  the  audiencia  of  Mexico.  His  com- 
mission was  issued  on  the  7th  of  April,  1G30.   Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  566-76. 


156  YUCATAN. 

self  in  Merida  August  14,  1G30.  Notwithstanding 
the  governor's  opposition/7  Carbajal  began  to  execute 
his  mission;  whereupon  Vargas  ordered  him  to  leave 
Merida  within  six  days,  and  the  province  within  fif- 
teen days,  and  made  preparations  for  armed  resistance. 
At  this  juncture  the  bishop,  Gonzalo  de  Salazar,  in- 
terfered in  behalf  of  the  visitador.  Authorized  by  a 
royal  cedula  to  co-operate  with  the  viceroy  in  the 
suppression  of  local  disturbances,  he  published,  De- 
cember 17,  1630,  a  decree,  which  under  severe 
penalties  and  ecclesiastical  censures18  ordered  the 
governor,  municipal  authorities,  and  all  the  inhabi- 
tants to  obey  the  orders  of  Arguello.19 

Free  from  restraint,  the  licentiate  continued  the 
trial,  and  after  two  months  sentenced  the  governor  on 
some  of  the  charges  to  temporary  suspension  from 
office  and  heavy  fines,  reserving  the  other  accusations 
for  the  decision  of  the  audiencia  of  Mexico,  whither 
the  accused  was  to  be  sent  as  a  prisoner.  Other  offi- 
cials were  also  punished,  and  compensation  granted 
to  the  oppressed  natives.  In  March  1631  Carbajal 
left  with  his  prisoner  for  Mexico,20  the  government 
remaining  in  charge  of  the  alcaldes  till  November, 
when  Fernando  Centeno  Maldonado  arrived,  being 
appointed  by  the  viceroy  as  governor  ad  interim.  He 
was  replaced  by  Geronimo  de  Guero,  who  took  charge 

17  Vargas  claimed  as  governor  and  captain-general  only  to  be  answerable 
to  the  king  and  the  council  of  the  Indies.  He  also  alleged  the  great  expense 
and  damage  to  the  native  population,  which  the  visitador's  mission  would 
cause.  Cogolludo  gives  these  and  other  reasons  in  a  lengthy  way.  Hist.  Yucf 
567-9.  The  governor  was  wrong,  however;  orders  of  the  crown  dated  No- 
vember 2,  1627,  and  May  19,  1631,  placed  the  government  of  Yucatan  under 
that  of  Mexico.  Montemayor,  Scmarios,  91,  159;  Recop.  delnd.,  ii.  110. 

18  Excommunication  mayor,  heavy  fines,  and  liability  to  be  tried  for  high 
treason. 

19  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  223,  says  nothing  about  the  bishop's  intercession 
being  based  on  a  royal  cedula. 

2U  In  Mexico  Vargas  was  committed  to  prison,  and  a  trial  instituted  against 
him,  but  before  its  conclusion  he  died.  Cof/oUcdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  576-7.  Ancona, 
J  list.  Yuc,  ii.  223-4,  and  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.  Yuc,  60-1,  attribute  his  death 
to  grief  caused  by  the  stern  rebuke  of  the  viceroy.  It  is  nowhere  else  inti- 
mated that  Vargas  possessed  a  conscience,  or  any  senseof  shame.  During  his 
administration  heavy  rains  occurred,  lasting,  as  Cogolludo  says,  for  27  con- 
secutive days,  and  causing  a  severe  famine. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  157 

in  1633.  His  rule  was  brief,  and  is  favorably  noticed 
by  the  chroniclers  of  his  period.  After  his  decease  at 
an  advanced  age  on  March  10,  1635,  the  government 
again  devolved  on  the  alcaldes;  but  a  few  months 
later  was  transferred  to  Centeno,  who  for  a  second 
time  had  been  temporarily  appointed  by  the  viceroy. 
During  his  term  of  office,  which  lasted  until  March  4, 
1636,  he  had  serious  dissensions  with  the  Franciscans, 
and  in  consequence  of  their  instigations  his  removal 
was  ordered.  He  died,  however,  before  the  arrival 
of  his  successor,  Andres  Perez  Franco,  who  on  March 
14th  took  office  as  governor  ad  interim,  holding  that 
position  only  two  months. 

On  May  17,  1636,  Diego  Zapata  de  Cdrdenas,  mar- 
ques de  Santo  Floro,  presented  his  credentials  from 
the  court  of  Spain  as  governor  and  captain-general, 
and  was  duly  admitted.  Although  the  chroniclers 
disagree  in  their  estimate  of  his  character,  they  admit 
that  serious  dissensions  occurred  between  him  and  the 
city  council,  which  corporation  even  planned  a  coup 
d'etat.  The  fact,  however,  that  his  term  of  govern- 
ment was  extended  to  nearly  eight  years  speaks 
strongly  in  his  favor,  as  also  do  his  measures  to  re- 
lieve the  natives  from  the  payment  of  oppressive 
taxes.21  His  efforts  on  their  behalf  are  probably  due 
in  part  to  a  revolt  among  the  Bacalar  Indians,  which, 
beginning  in  1636,  lasted  till  after  his  removal  from 
office. 

The  treatment  of  the  Indians  had,  as  we  have  seen, 
always  given  rise  to  dissensions  and  doubts,  both  in 
old  and  New  Spain.  Meanwhile  they  were  continu- 
ally being  robbed,  now  by  the  insatiable  agents  of  the 
governors,  now  by  the  priests  and  friars,  and  between 
both  they  were  despoiled  of  whatever  they  possessed. 

21  The  tribute  of  the  Indians  amounted  in  1643  and  1644  to  about  154,000 
pesos,  including  the  former  encomiendas  of  Montejo,  and  more  than  20,000 
pesos  belonging  to  those  of  the  crown.  The  whole  number  of  encomenderos 
in  Yucatan  was  131.  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  385-6;  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  82-8, 
183. 


158 


YUCATAN. 


It  is  not  strange  then  that  the  true  faith  had  little 
attraction  for  them,  or  that  occasionally  they  at- 
tempted to  shake  off  a  yoke  which  plunged  them  not 
only  into  a  condition  worse  than  they  had  known  in 
aboriginal  times,  but  threatened  the  extermination 
of  their  race.  It  was  seldom,  however,  that  they 
even  temporarily  succeeded,  and  a  severe  administra- 


Map  of  Yucatan. 

tion  of  justice  by  the  Spanish  authorities  always  sup- 
pressed their  mutinous  tendencies  for  a  number  of 
years. 

It  is  thus  that,  at  frequent  intervals,  we  have  to 
record  Indian  revolts.  The  first  one,  in  1610  at 
Tekax,  caused  by  dissatisfaction  with  the  cacique, 
was  easily  quelled,  and  three  of  the  ringleaders  for- 
feited their  lives  on  the  gallows  of  Merida.  In  1633, 
owing  to  a  famine  some  years  before,  a  large  number 
of  natives  who  had  abandoned    their  villages  were 


INDIAN  REVOLTS.  159 

brought  back  by  force,  the  governor  Centerto  employ- 
ing to  that  end  energetic  measures.  A  gibbet  was 
erected  wherever  he  went,  and  death  threatened  to 
all  who  would  cooperate  in  concealing  fugitive  Ind- 
ians. Thus  in  the  coast  districts  alone  more  than 
sixteen  thousand  tributaries  were  restored  in  a  short 
time  to  their  settlements.22  A  more  extensive  out- 
break, however,  occurred  in  1636,  occasioned  proba- 
bly by  the  efforts  of  the  governors  to  exact  the  con- 
tributions for  the  Barlovento  fleet.  Gradually  the 
revolt  assumed  greater  dimensions,  and  in  1639  only 
the  villa  of  Salamanca  had  remained  faithful,  the  re- 
mainder of  the  Bacalar  district  having  openly  declared 
its  sedition,  and  relapsed  into  idolatry.  Armed  expedi- 
tions were  proposed,  but  objected  to  by  the  governor, 
Santo  Floro,  and  after  long  deliberations  only  some 
friars  were  sent  to  the  seditious  region,  a  proceeding 
which  utterly  failed.  It  was  only  in  1644  that  part 
of  the  fugitives  were  induced  to  return  to  their  vil- 
lages.23 Later  revolts,  though  most  of  them  of  less 
importance,  occurred  in  1653,  1669,  and  1670,  when 
the  Indians  of  Sahcabchen  rebelled,  and  again  about 
1675.24  Still  there  remains  no  doubt  that  the  natives 
were  gradually  brought  under  subjection,  and  the 
zealous  missionaries  by  their  incessant  labors  obtained 
more  and  more  influence  over  the  native  population. 

The  successor  of  Santo  Floro,  Francisco  Nunez 
Melian,25  took  charge  of  the  government  the  last  day 
of  December  1643,  but  his  sudden  death  on  April  13, 
1644,26  again  made  necessary  a  temporary  appoint- 
ment by  the  viceroy  at  Mexico.     Enrique  Davila  y 

22  For  details  of  this  expedition  see  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  593-5;  also 
Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  224-5. 

n  Governor  Francisco  Nunez  Melian  succeeded  in  bringing  back  about 
9,000  Indians.   Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  679. 

2i  The  date  for  the  last  revolt  cannot  be  exactly  fixed,  as  it  is  not  given  by 
Villagutierre,  who,  in  his  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  146-7,  merely  alludes  to  them. 

25  The  general  Luis  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  previously  appointed,  was  pro- 
moted to  the  government  of  Cartagena  before  undertaking  the  voyage. 
Cogullvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  678. 

26  During  a  review  of  the  military  forces  at  Menda. 


1G0  YUCATAN. 

Pacheco  was  the  one  selected,  and  on  June  28,  1644, 
he  assumed  office,  relieving  the  alcaldes  ordinarios, 
who  had  ruled  in  the  mean  time.  His  administration 
is  recorded  as  one  of  the  best  ever  experienced.  At 
his  residencia  it  is  said  that  only  one  insignificant 
charge  was  brought  against  him,  and  after  the  death 
of  his  successor  Estevan  de  Azcdrraga,27  who  was  in 
charge  from  December  4,  1645,  to  August  8, 1648,  he 
was  again  summoned  by  the  viceroy  (of  Mexico  to 
represent  the  crown.28  He  remained  in  that  position 
from  December  15,  1648,  to  the  19th  of  October, 
1649,  at  which  date  a  new  ruler,  appointed  by  the 
crown,  arrived  in  the  person  of  the  count  de  Penalva. 29 
Under  his  rule  a  serious  famine  occurred,  and  great 
numbers  died  of  starvation.  The  evil  was  increased 
by  the  injudicious  though  well  intended  measures  of 
the  governor  to  remedy  it.  The  number  of  enemies 
thus  created  was  increased  by  his  avaricious  proceed- 
ings, and  on  August  1,  1652,  he  was  found  assassi- 
nated in  his  room.30 

After  the  death  of  Penalva  governors  followed  in 
rather  quick  succession,  but  nothing  important  is  con- 
nected with  their  time.  The  temporary  rule  of  the 
alcaldes  ended  when  on  November  19,  1652,  Martin 
de  Robles  y  Villafana,  nominated  by  Viceroy  Alva  de 
Lista,  took  charge  of  the  government,  but  being  pro- 

27  Azcarraga  died  during  an  epidemic  which,  in  1648,  played  havoc  in  Yu- 
catan to  such  an  extent  that  no  bells  were  tolled  except  for  mass.  Not  even 
the  governor's  death  met  with  an  exception,  and  the  burial  took  place  with- 
out any  of  the  usual  solemnities.  Cogolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  714-30,  gives  many 
details  referring  to  the  pestilence.  From  1627  to  1631,  and  later  in  1636, 
floods  and  bad  crops  had  also  produced  famine  and  epidemics,  of  which  many 
people  died.  Cor/ollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  202-3,  558,  592-3.  4 

28  One  of  the  alcaldes,  who  in  the  interim  held  the  goverment,  was  Juan 
de  Salazar  Montejo,  a  great-great-grandson  of  the  Adelantado  Francisco  de 
Montejo. 

29Davila  had  been  held  in  such  esteem,  that  after  his  departure  from  Yu- 
catan, the  city  council  of  Merida  in  a  letter  to  the  king  greatly  eulogized  his 
administration.  Later,  after  the  death  of  Penalva,  a  petition  was  sent  tcsSpain, 
requesting  that  Davila  be  sent  as  governor  for  a  third  time.  Cogollvdo,  Hist. 
Yuc.,  731-3.  The  full  title  of  his  successor  was  Garcia  de  Valdes  Osorio, 
first  count  de  Penal va.  Id.,  742. 

30  Cogolludo  assigns  no  cause  for  his  death,  but  his  unusually  brief  mention 
of  his  demise  rather  confirms  the  statement  of  Lava,  that  such  a  crime  was 
committed.     No  clue  was  ever  obtained. 


SUCCESSION  OF  GOVERNORS.  161 

moled  to  the  province  of  Caracas  was  relieved  by- 
Pedro  Saenz  Izquierdo  in  November  1653,  also  by 
appointment  from  Mexico,  and  it  was  not  until  May 
1G55  that  Francisco  de  Bazan  arrived  from  Spain 
with  a  commission  from  the  crown.  He  was  followed 
by  Jose  Campero,31  who  governed  from  August  1660 
till  his  death  on  the  29th  of  December  1662.32  Be- 
tween his  successors,  Francisco  de  Esquivel  and  Ro- 
clrigo  Flores  Aldana,  temporary  troubles  arose,  each 
claiming  the  government,  and  finally  the  latter,  who 
had  been  removed  by  the  audiencia  of  Mexico,  was 
reinstalled  on  January  29,  1667,  by  order  of  the 
king,33  with  whom  he  was  a  favorite.  Without  any 
apparent  reason  he  was  superseded  on  December  29, 
1669,  by  Frutos  Delgado,  oidor  of  the  audiencia  of 
Mexico,  who  came  to  take  his  residencia.  But  in  the 
following  year  Fernando  Francisco  de  Escobedo,  ap- 
pointed immediately  by  the  crown,  took  charge  of  the 
government.34  During  his  rule,  which  lasted  from 
October  18,  1670,  to  March  27,  1672,  the  governor, 
who  was  an  experienced  soldier,  directed  his  attention 
to  the  military  affairs  of  the  province,  and  the  im- 
provements which  he  made  were  continued  by  his 
successors,  Miguel  Franco  Cardones  and  Sancho  Fer- 
nandez de  Angulo  y  Sandoval,  of  whom  nothing 
worthy  of  note  is  recorded/ 


33 


31  Castillo  says  erroneously  in  one  place  that  Bazan's  successor  was  Anto- 
nio Ancona,  whereas  in  another  he  gives  Jose  Campero.  Dice.  Hist.  Yuc,  54, 
142-5.  His  full  title  was  Jose"  Campero  de  Sorrevilla,  maestre  de  canrpo  and 
knight  of  Santiago,   Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  2. 

32  His  death  was  hastened,  if  not  caused,  by  a  trick  played  on  him  in  the 
cathedral  of  M6rida,  at  a  late  hour  of  the  night,  and  the  bishop  and  the  Jesuits 
were  supposed  to  have  taken  part  in  it,  in  order  to  gain  more  influence  over 
him.  Iiegistro  Yucaleco,  ii.  74-6. 

33  Esquivel  delivered  the  government  to  Flores  on  July  28,  1664,  having 
ruled  since  September  4,  1663,  but,  obtaining  his  opponent's  removal,  again 
took  possession  on  the  28th  of  March  1665.  Guijo  calls  him  Flores  de  Vera. 
Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex,,  s6rie  i.,  i.  548. 

uBobles,  Diario,  i.  140;  Jnarros,  Guat.,  265.  He  was  a  knight  of  the  grand 
cross  of  St  John,  bailio  of  Lora,  and  general  of  the  artillery  of  Jaen.  Ancona, 
Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  263,  calls  him  Fernando  Franco  de  Escobedo,  and  says  he  was 
commander  of  the  villas  of  Samayon  and  Santi-Estevan.  He  was  later  pro- 
moted to  the  presidency  of  Guatemala. 

35Cordones  governed  from  March  27,  1672,  till  September  28,  1674,  and  An- 
gulo from  that  date  to  the  18th  of  December  1677.  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  263-5. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    11 


162  YUCATAN. 

The  following  governor,  Antonio  de  la  Iseca  y 
Alvarado,  an  old  inhabitant  of  Merida,  was  removed 
through  the  intrigues  of  his  enemies  on  the  20th  of 
February,  1670,  by  the  oidor  Juan  de  Arechiga, 
sent  by  the  audiencia  of  Mexico.  He  was  reinstated, 
however,  one  year  later,  and  remained  in  undisturbed 
possession  till  1683,38  when  on  July  14th  Juan  Bruno 
Tello  de  Guzman  succeeded  him.  The  administration 
of  this  governor  is  marked  in  the  annals  of  Yucatan 
by  the  frequent  invasions  of  pirates,  who,  owing  to 
the  pusillanimity  of  Tello,  met  with  little  resistance. 
To  check  such  raids  the  fortification  of  Campeche 
was  resolved  upon,  but  it  was  only  under  the  rule  of 
his  successor,  Juan  Jose  de  la  Barcena,37  an  experi- 
enced soldier  and  energetic  man,  that  any  consider- 
able progress  was  made  with  the  works.38 

The  rule  of  the  last  two  governors,  who  at  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century  administered  the 
affairs  of  the  province,  is  noteworthy  for  the  internal 
dissensions  which  prevailed.  On  August  20,  1693, 
Koque  de  Soberanis  y  Centeno,  a  man  rather  young 
for  such  high  position,  was  intrusted  with  the  reins 
of  power.39  Mainly  through  lack  of  experience  he 
made,  within  a  short  time,  a  number  of  enemies,  in 
whose  ranks  appeared  also  the  bishop  of  Yucatan, 
Juan  Cano  y  Sandoval.40  The  dispute  became  so 
fierce  that  Soberanis  was  excommunicated  in  July 
1694,  and  upon  complaints  laid  before  the  audiencia 

36  In  1C82  a  conflagration  destroyed  half  of  the  town  of  Campeche.  Iiohlcs, 
Diario,  i.  343. 

37  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.  Yuc,  S9-91.  Robles,  Diario,  i.  399,  calls  him  Bar- 
rera.     He  ruled  from  July  25,  1688,  till  August  20,  1G93. 

38  Details  are  given  in  Castillo,  loc.  cit.  The  total  cost  of  the  fortification 
of  Campeche,  derived  from  contributions  by  the  crown  and  the  inhabitants, 
and  from  certain  imposts,  amounted  to  more  than  200,000  pesos.  In  February, 
1690,  the  first  pieces  of  heavy  artillery  ever  seen  in  the  province  were  landed 
at  the  town. 

39  He  owed  his  appointment  to  his  descent  from  one  of  the  wealthiest  and 
most  influential  families  of  Cadiz. 

40  Biographers  of  the  bishop,  who  was  a  native  of  Mexico,  speak  of  him  in 
very  favorable  terms.  See  Registro  Yuc,  ii.  278-81  ;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist. 
Tuc.s  145;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  359-00;  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  70; 
Holies,  Diario,  i.  355,  3G0,  375. 


DEATH  OF  SOBERANIS.  163 

of  Mexico  was  removed  from  office,  and  summoned  be- 
fore that  tribunal.41  Martin  de  Ursua  y  Arizmendi, 
the  governor  elect,  was  appointed  to  replace  Sobe- 
ranis,  and  at  once  made  preparations  to  avail  himself 
of  the  opportunity  to  carry  out  his  favorite  project — 
the  conquest  of  the  Itzas. 

Meanwhile,  however,  Soberanis,  acquitted  in  Mex- 
ico, was  restored  to  his  government,  and  from  this 
time  to  his  death  on  September  25,  1699,42  made  all 
possible  opposition  to  the  schemes  of  his  successor, 
notwithstanding  royal  orders  to  the  contrary.  Ursua's 
second  term  lasted  from  1699  to  the  end  of  1703,  when 
he  was  deposed  by  the  viceroy  of  Mexico,  on  a  charge 
of  implication  in  the  murder  of  an  alcalde  of  Yallado- 
lid.43  Ursua  went  to  Spain,  where  he  not  only  justified 
his  conduct,  but  obtained  new  distinctions,  and  was  re- 
instated on  June  6,  1706,  holding  office  till  the  15th 
of  September  1708,  when  he  was  promoted  to  the 
presidency  of  Manila,44 

The  services  that  he  rendered  in  the  expedition 
against  the  Itzas  in  1697,  and  which  have  already 
been  related,45  were  probably  the  main  reason  for  his 
preferment,  for  during  that  campaign  he  displayed  all 
the  qualities  of  a  cautious  and  capable  leader.' 


4G 


41  An  oidor,  Francisco  Zaraza,  sent  to  Mericla  in  December  1694  to  in- 
vestigate the  matter,  returned  to  Mexico  in  July  1695,  without  pronouncing 
sentence,  the  bishop  having  died  in  February  1695.  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  159- 
60,  167,  170,  172. 

42  Of  yellow  fever,  the  first  time  the  disease  appeared  in  the  country.  Lara, 
Apuntes  Hist6ricos,  followed  by  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.  Yuc,  69. 

43  A  visitador,  Carlos  Bermudez,  was  sent  from  Mexico  and  later  a  governor 
ad  interim  appointed,  Alvaro  de  Bivaguda,  who  punished  several  of  the 
guilty  persons,  but  failed  to  discover  any  evidence  of  the  complicity  of  Ursua. 
liobles,  Diario,  1st  ser.,  ii.  468,  477,  484;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  316-25. 

44  The  titles  of  count  de  Lizarraga  Vengoa,  conqueror,  perpetual  governor, 
and  captain-general  of  the  Itza  provinces,  were  among  others  given  him. 
Elorza  y  Rada,  Nobil.,  211. 

45  See  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  ii.  681  et  seq.,  this  series. 

46  In  addition  to  the  authorities  already  quoted,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
Cofjollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  220,  385-6,  452-752,  passim;  Villaqvtierre,  Hist.  Cong. 
Itza,  326-40,  410-17,  535-41;  Guijo,  Diario  in  Doc  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.,  i. 
223-4,  548;  Robles,  Diario,  i.  81,  140,  312,  343,  355,  35S,  375,  399,  452,  ii. 
155,  183;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  84-5,  87-8;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  64; 
Barbacliano,  Mem.  Camp.,  2-8;  Castillo,  Dice  Hist.  Yuc,  54,  59-61,  63,  69, 
72,  93,  294-5;  Juarros,  Gnat.,  i.  33;  Stephens,  Yuc,  ii.  194;  Dice  Univ.,  vi. 
785-6;  viii.  494,  x.  763-6. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

FIVE    MOUE    VICEROYS. 

1GG0-1GS0. 

Count  de  Banos,  the  Twenty-third  Viceroy — A  New  Order  of  Things— 
Indian  Revolt  at  Tehuantepec — An  Arbitrary  Ruler — Character 
or  the  Man — He  is  Replaced  by  Archbishop  Osorio — The  Prelate's 
Brief  but  Beneficent  Government— A  Native  of  Mexico  Made 
Archbishop — Arrival  of  Marquis  Mancera — His  Efficient  Rule — 
California  Explorations — The  Cathedral  of  Mexico — Its  Dedi- 
cation— Mancera's  Wise  Policy — Eruption  of  Popocatepetl  and 
Other  Calamities — Veraguas,  Descendant  of  Columbus,  as  Vice- 
roy— His  Untimely  Death — Archbishop  Ribera  Succeeds — His 
Character  and  Good  Government — He  Declines  New  Honors — 
His  Retirement  to  Spain,  and  Death. 

Late  in  July  1660  the  twenty-third  viceroy  of  New- 
Spain,  Juan  de  Leiva  y  de  la  Cerda,  marques  de  Leiva 
y  de  Laclrada,  conde  de  Baflos,1  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz. 
He  entered  Mexico  on  the  16th  of  September,  and  on 
the  same  day  took  charge  of  the  government.  One  of 
his  first  acts  was  the  imprisonment  of  the  castellan  of 
the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  without  any  appar- 
ent reason,  and  such  arbitrary  measures  were  several 
times  repeated  during  his  administration  which  was 
in  strong  contrast  with  that  of  his  predecessor.  Dur- 
ing the  last  months  of  Alburquerque's  reign,  news  was 
received  in  Mexico  that  the  Indians  of  the  district 
of  Tehuantepec  were  in  revolt  and  had  killed  the  al- 
calde mayor.2  A  small  force  sent  against  them  was 
defeated,  and  preparations  were  made  to  assemble  a 
larger  expedition.     But  before  this  was  ready  it  was 

1  ( ruijo  calls  him  Juan  de  la  Cueva  Leiva  y  Labrada.  Diario,  444,  447. 

2  The  cause  of  the  outbreak  was  the  usual  extortions  practised  upon  the 
natives,  many  of  them  being  driven  to  suicide.  Holies,  Vkla,  151-3. 

(1G4) 


COUNT  BAftOS.  165 

learned  that  the  troubles  had  been  allayed  by  the  in- 
tercession of  the  bishop  of  Oajaca,  Alonso  de  Cuevas 
Davalos.3 

The  count  was  a  man  utterly  unfitted  for  the  posi- 
tion,4 and  soon  made  himself  extremely  unpopular 
among  his  subjects.  Vain,  arrogant,  and  selfish,  he  is 
mentioned  as  one  of  the  worst  rulers  that  was  ever 
placed  at  the  head  of  affairs.  As  an  instance  of  his 
vanity  it  may  be  mentioned  that  in  the  second  year 
after  his  arrival  he  used  his  influence  to  change  the 
route  of  the  procession  of  corpus  christi  in  such  a 
manner  that  it  would  pass  by  the  viceregal  palace. 
In  the  following  year,  on  repeating  this  request,  he 
met  with  energetic  opposition  from  the  new  arch- 
bishop, Diego  Osorio  de  Escobar  y  Llamas/  who 
under  severe  ecclesiastical  penalties  forbade  any  de- 
viation from  the  rule  observed  since  the  early  days 
of  Spanish  dominion. 

This  was  more  than  the  overbearing  viceroy  could 
endure;  and  considering  himself  moreover  deeply  in- 
jured by  the  general  sympathy  displayed  by  the  pub- 
lic, and  the  religious  corporations,  at  the  sudden  death 
of  the  commander  of  San  Juan  de  Uliia,  who  had  been 
imprisoned  by  his  order,  he  resolved  on  revenge.6 

3Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.,  erroneously  gives  the  date  as  1G61;  Mayer  says 
1601  and  1662,  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  208;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  95,  1664.  Dome- 
nech,  reversing  the  order,  says  the  troubles  arose  in  consequence  of  decrees 
issued  by  Davalos,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  275-6.  A  letter  of  the  king  dated  October  2, 
1662,  thanks  the  bishop  for  his  services  in  flattering  terms  and  promises  him 
the  royal  favor.  Robles,  Vida,  164-5. 

4  Among  other  instances  of  his  incapacity  it  may  be  mentioned  that  when 
news  was  received  of  the  occupation  of  Cuba  by  the  English  the  viceroy  at- 
tempted to  organize  an  expedition,  but  except  enlisting  a  number  of  recruits 
and  appointing  two  of  his  sons  as  officers,  it  is  not  recorded  that  he  accom- 
plished anything. 

5  Born  in  Coruiia  in  Galicia,  and  in  1656  made  bishop  of  Puebla  after  hold- 
ing several  important  offices  in  Spain.  Lorenzana,  in  ConciliosProv.,  1555-Go, 
220-1,  269.  In  1663  he  was  promoted  to  the  see  of  Mexico.  Lorenzana,  in 
Id.,  269-70,  gives  1666  as  the  year,  but  mentions  the  correct  date  on  p.  221. 
His  mistake  has  been  copied  by  Ribera,  Gobernantes,  i.  213. 

6  The  election  of  Osorio  had  frustrated  the  hopes  of  the  bishop  of  Nica- 
ragua, Juan  de  la  Torre,  then  in  Mexico,  who  was  one  of  the  viceroy's  favor- 
ites. Torre  even  later  wrote  to  Spain,  calumniating  the  character  of  the 
archbishop  and  of  the  oidores,  on  the  other  hand  extolling  that  of  his  patron. 
By  accident  the  affair  became  known,  and  the  audiencia  peremptorily  ordered 
Torre  to  depart  for  his  bishopric.  Guijo,  Hiario,  500-7. 


1G6  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS* 

Failing  in  his  efforts  to  undermine  the  influence  of 
the  archbishop,  who  again  in  1GG4  denied  the  right  of 
the  count  to  change  the  route  of  the  corpus  christi 
procession,7  he  next  thought  of  exiling  him  under 
some  pretext,  which  it  would  not  be  difficult  to  find. 
Meanwhile  he  caused  all  letters  from  Spain  addressed 
to  Osorio  to  be  destroyed.  On  the  27th  of  June 
his  preparations  were  concluded,  the  audiencia  had  al- 
ready been  informed,  and  on  the  following  day  the 
plan  was  to  be  executed.  But  at  this  moment  an 
incident  occurred  which  overthrew  his  projects.  A 
vessel  from  Spain  ran  ashore  near  the  old  town  of 
Vera  Cruz.  The  crew  and  mails  were  saved,  and  even 
the  vigilance  of  the  spies  kept  by  the  viceroy  could 
not  prevent  the  agents  of  Osorio  from  securing  and 
delivering  in  safety  the  archbishop's  correspondence. 
The  latter  with  surprise  observed  that  among  the  let- 
ters was  one,  addressed  to  him,  as  viceroy  of  Mexico. 
Immediately  the  news  spread,  carrying  with  it  no  less 
joy  than  astonishment  to  all  save  the  count,  for  he 
had  withheld  and  burned  six  previous  despatches  of 
the  same  character.8 

On  the  following  day  Osorio  sent  the  official  infor- 
mation to  the  viceroy  and  the  oidores,  summoning  the 
latter  to  the  archiepiscopal  palace.  Showing  them 
two  royal  cedulas,  which  referred  to  him  as  viceroy 
and  captain-general,  he  asked  their  opinion,  whether 
these  documents  were  sufficient  authority  for  him  to 
assume  the  government.  The  audiencia  returned  to 
the  palace,  there  to  discuss  the  question  in  presence 
of  the  count.  The  latter  denied  the  risdit  of  Osorio, 
unless  a  cedula  expressing  the  formal  appointment  be 
exhibited.  The  doubts  were  soon  solved,  for  in  the 
box   containing  the    despatches    another   letter  was 

7  For  having  attempted  this,  the  viceroy  was  afterward  fined  12,000 
ducats. 

8  When  the  bishop  learned  this,  he  demanded  their  delivery  under  severe 
penalties.  An  official  of  the  government,  who  had  witnessed  the  destruction 
of  the  documents,  among  which  there  had  been  one  from  the  inquisition  in 
Spain,  was  imprisoned  by  the  holy  office  of  Mexico  for  having  concealed  this 
fact.   Guijo,  Diario,  529-30. 


OSORIO'S  APPOINTMENT.  1C7 

found  directing  the  audiencia  to  take  charge  in  case 
Osorio  should  have  died  or  resigned.  Immediately 
the  oidores  returned  and  informed  the  archbishop  that 
his  authority  was  recognized,  and  two  hours  later  he 
took  the  oath  and  was  formally  installed.  Soon  after- 
ward, when  again  in  his  palace,  the  ex-viceroy  paid 
him  a  visit,  as  prescribed  by  etiquette,  and  left  him 
his  guard.  No  sooner  did  the  people  see  the  count 
alone,  than  they  began  to  shout,  scoff,  and  throw 
stones  at  him  and  his  companions,  obliging  them  to 
hasten  as  quickly  as  possible  to  the  viceregal  palace.9 
Great  were  the  demonstrations  of  joy  at  Osorio's 
appointment.  The  streets  were  crowded ;  there  were 
festivities  and  illuminations,  and  the  following  day  a 
te  deum  was  sung  in  the  cathedral.  At  the  same  time, 
in  consequence  of  his  resignation  of  the  archbishopric, 
the  bishop  of  Oajaca,  Alonso  de  Cuevas  Davalos,  had 
been  appointed  as  successor.  At  the  request  of  the 
chapter  and  the  new  prelate  Osorio  continued,  how- 
ever, to  govern  the  see  till  November,  when  Cuevas 
arrived.  Although  the  rule  of  the  new  viceroy  lasted 
but  a  few  months,  many  changes  were  made  for  the 
better.  The  people  began  to  breathe  more  freely. 
Persons  exiled  by  Banos,  and  others,  who  from  fear 
had  left  the  town,  returned;  justice  was  administered 
with  rigor,  but  with  impartiality;  the  count  of  San- 
tiago Calimaya,  notwithstanding  his  high  rank,  and 
Pedro  de  Leiva,  son  of  the  ex-viceroy,  were  both 

9  This  according  to  Guijo.  Nevertheless  many  later  writers  represent 
Banos  as  a  popular  ruler.  Alegre  says  the  viceroy  visited  and  supported  the 
hospitals  of  the  society,  and  calls  him  'un  virey  de  los  mas  ejemplares  y 
justos.'  Hint.  Convp.  Jems,  ii.  425-0.  Similar  though  less  enthusiastic  praise 
is  bestowed  on  him  by  Vetancurt,  Trat.  Ilex.,  15,  Lorenzana,  Hist.  iV.  Exp., 
25,  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  47,  and  others.  Similar  manifestations,  as  whistling 
and  hissing,  were  repeated  months  afterward,  when  the  count  was  present  at 
some  bull-fights  arranged  in  honor  of  viceroy  Mancera.  In  October  16G4  his 
residencia  was  begun,  but  not  concluded  till  1GG6.  Guijo,  Diario,  557;  Bohles, 
Diario,  i.  15.  The  entire  property  of  the  ex-viceroy  was  attached,  notwith- 
standing royal  orders  to  permit  his  return  to  Spain,  and  he  was  placed  under 
bonds  for  40,000  pesos.  Qrdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  38;  Reales  Cedulas, 
IMS.,  ii.  148-9.  In  1G6G  Banos  returned  to  Spain,  where  after  the  death  of 
his  wife  he  entered  the  order  of  the  barefooted  Carmelites.  Robles,  Diario,  i. 
17-18,  223,  239. 


1GS  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

placed  under  arrest  for  arranging  a  duel.10  Abuses 
introduced  under  the  rule  of  Bafios  were  reformed; 
all  grants  and  appointments  made  by  the  latter  were 
declared  as  null  and  void  by  order  of  the  crown ;  and 
severe  punishment  was  inflicted  on  several  negligent 
and  defaulting  officials.11 

The  activity  displayed  by  the  bishop-viceroy  was 
astonishing,  and  seemed  to  be  transmitted  to  all  de- 
partments of  the  government.  Assistance  in  money, 
workmen,  and  ammunition  was  sent  to  Cuba:  the 
management  of  the  royal  treasury  was  reorganized  so 
effectually  that,  after  a  rule  of  only  six  weeks,  there 
were  four  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pesos  ready 
to  be  sent  to  Spain,  and  from  July  till  October  more 
than  seventy  law-suits  were  despatched  in  the  court 
of  the  audiencia.  Thus  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs  was 
changed,  and  hopes  were  entertained,  that  New  Spain 
would  prosper  under  his  administration,  when  news 
arrived  that  a  successor,  appointed  by  the  crown,  had 
reached  Vera  Cruz.  On  September  27th  the  viceroy 
formally  gave  up  his  office,  and  on  November  15th  his 
archbishopric,  when  his  successor  took  possession.12 

Alonso  cle  Cuevas  Davalos  was  the  first  native  of 
Mexico  who  ever  occupied  the  archiepiscopal  chair 
of  New  Spain.  He  was  born  in  1590,  had  studied  in 
the  Jesuit  college,  and  been  rector  of  the  university 
in  1632.     After  holding  the  offices  of  canon  at  Puebla, 

10  The  imbroglio  arose  in  1G60  on  the  arrival  of  Bafios,  in  consequence  of 
remarks  made  by  Pedro  de  Leiva,  about  the  Creoles,  in  presence  of  the  count. 
Altercations  and  brawls  followed,  but  the  final  settlement  of  the  question  had 
been  delayed  till  Bafios  was  removed.   Guijo,  Diario,  546-7. 

11  Diego  Valles,  an  official  of  the  treasury  and  quicksilver  department,  was 
suspended  and  heavily  fined  in  virtue  of  a  royal  cedula,  '  the  severest  ever 
despatched  against  an  official,'  says  Guijo.  He  was  charged  with  being  bribed 
by  Bafios.  Two  regidores  were  removed  for  having  revealed  the  secrets  of  the 
cabildo  sessions  to  the  former  viceroy.  See  Guijo,  Diario,  537-48,  where  also 
several  similar  cases  are  mentioned. 

12  A  month  later,  December  15,  1064,  Osorio  returned  to  his  diocese  of 
Puebla,  which  he  retained  till  his  death  in  1673.  His  residencia  was  taken 
in  L666,  and  several  charges  were  preferred  against  him  by  representatives  of 
the  count  of  Bafios,  relative  to  his  conduct  at  the  time  of  his  succession  to  the 
government,  but  no  sentence  seems  ever  to  have  been  pronounced  against 
him,  save  one,  imposing  a  small  fine,  which  afterward  was  revoked  by  the 
council  of  the  Indies,  iiobles,  Diario,  i.  29-34,  151. 


THE  MARQUIS  OF  MANCERA.  169 

and  deacon  and  treasurer  of  the  cathedral  of  Mexico, 
he  became  in  1657  bishop  of  Oajaca,  whence  he  was 
promoted  to  the  see  of  the  capital.  He  wore  the 
mitre  but  for  a  short  time,  dying  the  following  year."" 


13 


The  twenty-fifth  viceroy,  Antonio  Sebastian  de 
Toledo,  Molina  y  Salazar,  marques  de  Mancera,14  ar- 
rived at  Vera  Cruz  in  July  1664,  but  his  entrance 
into  Mexico  was  delayed  for  several  months,  when, 
notwithstanding  an  order  of  the  crown,  it  was  made 
on  the  15th  of  October  with  the  usual  ceremonies.15 
On  the  same  day  he  took  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment.16 His  previous  career  had  already  given  him 
an  opportunity  to  exhibit  his  abilities,  and  he  now 
showed  that  his  election  was  fully  justified. 

Immediately  after  his  arrival  the  drainage  of  Lake 
Zampango  was  recommenced.  The  undertaking  had 
been  begun  nearly  a  century  before,  but  was  still  in  a 
backward  condition.     Under  Mancera  a  friar  of  the 

13  His  appointment  was  chiefly  caused  by  the  valuable  services  rendered 
in  suppressing  the  revolt  of  the  Indians  of  Tehuantepec.  Florencia,  Hist. 
Prov.  Comp.  Jesus,  232,  says  erroneously  that  from  his  see  of  Oajaca  he  was 
promoted  to  that  of  Puebla.  In  August  1GG5  he  fell  sick,  and  on  September 
2d  he  died.  Five  days  afterward  his  bulls  arrived  from  Spain.  His  biogra- 
phy was  written  by  Antonio  Robles,  the  author  of  the  Diarlo  de  sucesos  nota- 
bles, under  the  title  Resgnardo  contra  el  olvldo. .  Ale  la  vida.  .  .del  Illmo  Sr 
Dr  D.  Alonso  de  Cuevus  Ddvalos,  Mexico,  1757,  pp.  xliv.  208,  38.  It  contains 
minute  details  of  the  bishop's  life,  and  the  miracles  he  wrought,  but  little 
historical  material.  The  work  is  less  bigoted  than  others  of  that  character 
and  epoch — the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.  See  also  Vetancrrt, 
Trat.  Mex.,  25;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  221,  308-9;  Robles,  Diario,  i.  4-5, 
12;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  240. 

14  Sefior  del  Marmol  y  de  las  cinco  Villas,  tesorero  general  de  la  Orden 
de  Alcantara,  were  his  other  titles  according  to  Miravel  y  Casaderante, 
El  gran  Dice.,  vii.  132.  He  was  also  comendador  de  Puerto-llano  in  the 
order  of  Calatrava  and  belonged  to  the  council  of  war.  Palafox,  Estatutos  De- 
dicaioria.  Later  Mancera  was  made  a  grandee  of  Spain.  When  he  came  to 
Mexico  he  had  already  a  splendid  record  as  an  able  official,  having  been  em- 
bassador of  the  crown  at  Venice  and  in  Germany. 

10  A  cedula  of  July  1663  forbade  public  demonstrations  or  receptions  to 
all  new  viceroys,  for  the  reason  that  they  entailed  too  much  expense  on  the 
respective  towns  and  villages.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  11.  Rivera, 
Gobe mantes,  i.  214,  asserts  that  no  public  reception  took  place,  and  that 
Mancera  presented  to  the  king  the  money  appropriated  by  the  city  to  cover 
the  expenses.  A  contemporary,  Guijo,  gives,  however,  a  minute  description 
of  the  festivities  held  in  honor  of  his  arrival,  and  one  which  differs  little,  if 
at  all,  from  those  celebrated  on  similar  occasions.  Diario,  553-5. 

16Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  25,  followed  by  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS.,  103, 
erroneously  places  his  succession  to  the  government  in  the  year  16C5. 


170  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

Franciscan  order  was  put  in  charge  of  the  work,17 
and  earnest  efforts  were  made  for  its  completion. 
Although  this  was  not  accomplished,  greater  progress 
was  made  than  under  any  of  his  predecessors,  and  at 
a  smaller  cost.18  The  work  was  confirmed  by  his  suc- 
cessor, the  archbishop  Kibera,  and  concluded  in  the 
middle  of  1675,  inundations  which  occurred  mean- 
while having  caused  operations  to  be  pushed  with 
vigor.19  A  te  cleum  was  sung  in  the  cathedral,  and 
other  solemnities  celebrated  the  event. 

The  viceroy's  attention  was  now  directed  to  financial 
and  military  affairs,  both  of  which  were  in  a  deplorable 
condition,  owing  to  the  indolence  and  dishonesty  of 
previous  rulers.  Convinced  that  the  creation  of  new 
imposts  would  not  check  the  evil,  and  only  add  new 
burdens  to  those  under  which  the  inhabitants  were 
already  laboring,  he  began  his  reforms  by  improv- 
ing the  administration  of  the  treasury  department. 
"When  he  arrived  he  not  only  found  the  strong-box 
empty,  but  was  faced  by  a  considerable  amount  of 
debts,  contracted  in  preceding  years,  when  the  ex- 
penses had  always  exceeded  the  income.  Exercising 
a  strict  vigilance,  and  submitting  the  officials  to  fre- 
quent inspections,20  he  put  an  end  to  the  peculations21 
which  had  been  committed  in  all  the  different  branches 

17  His  name  was  Manuel  de  Cabrera,  and  a  monthly  salary  of  200  pesos  waa 
assigned  him.  Guijo,  Diario,  562-3.  Mancera,  in  the  instructions  to  his  suc- 
cessor, calls  him  Juan  de  Cabrera  in  one  place,  in  another  Manuel. 

18 The  excavations  made  during  the  time  of  Mancera  extended  over  1,693 
varas,  the  expense  amounting  to  138,550  pesos.  See  Mancera's  report  to  his 
successor,  in  Instrucc.  Vireyes,  263-4.  This  statement  is  doubtless  more 
reliable  than  that  given  by  Rivera,  Gobernantes,  i.  236,  who  speaks  of  1,319 
varas  with  a  cost  of  105,950  pesos. 

19  Still  the  work  seems  to  have  been  insufficient,  for  in  1678  another  inun- 
dation, which  damaged  the  drain  somewhat,  has  been  recorded.  Robles,  Diario, 
i.  203.  Another  peril,  though  of  a  different  nature,  threatened  Mexico  from 
the  close  proximity  of  the  powder-mill  and  magazine.  Mancera  averted  the 
danger  by  removing  the  establishment  to  a  greater  distance,  and  distributing 
the  powder  in  several  depots,  each  of  which  contained  only  a  small  quantity.  A 
short  time  after  this  was  done  a  flash  of  lightning  struck  the  factory  without 
causing  any  damage. 

20  •  El  primer  movil  que  da  impulso  a  la  corriente  y  pura  recaudacion  de  loa 
Reales  haberes,  conteniendo  el  desorden. .  .es  el  temor  de  las  cucntas.'  Man- 
cera, in  Instrucc.  Virreyes,  290. 

21  In  the  custom-house  alone  they  amounted  in  less  than  two  years  to  more 
than  160,000  pesos.  Id.,  296. 


ROYAL  BEGGARY.  171 

of  the  department,  and  was  able  to  leave  it  to  his 
successor  free  of  debts,  and  with  an  increased  revenue. 
Besides  attending  strictly  to  all  the  remittances  which 
then  were  made  to  the  West  India  Islands,  the  Phil- 
ippines, and  in  support  of  the  various  presidios,  he  still 
sent  more  than  four  million  pesos  to  Spain. 

After  the  death  of  Felipe  IV.,  whose  obsequies 
were  celebrated  in  Mexico  with  becoming  solemnity,22 
the  queen-regent  gave  to  her  loyal  subjects  of  New 
Spain  a  proof  of  confidence,  not  uncommon  at  that 
time,  by  appealing  to  them  for  voluntary  donations 
to  meet  the  increased  expenses  caused  by  the  change 
in  the  government.  Viceroy  and  archbishop  imme- 
diately set  the  example23  by  subscribing  a  considerable 
amount,  which  in  a  short  time  was  swelled  to  more 
than  a  hundred  thousand  pesos.  It  was  only  natural 
that  such  patriotism  should  be  recognized,  and  the 
crown  expressed  its  approval  in  several  cedillas,  the 
last  of  which,  dated  June  11,  1672,  directed  that  the 
viceroy  should  instruct  his  successor  as  to  his  policy 
in  financial  matters. 

Mancera's  reforms  in  military  affairs  were  less  suc- 
cessful, chiefly  in  consequence  of  the  lukewarm  coop- 
eration of  the  government  in  the  mother  country. 
The  latter  indeed  issued  on  one  occasion  orders  re- 
ducing the  pensions  and  gratuitous  subventions,  and 
appropriated  the  amount  thus  saved  to  the  support 
of  a  fleet,24  but  contradictory  instructions,  now  direct- 
ing the  vessels  to  protect  the  coasts  of  New  Spain 
and  the  islands,  now  recalling  them  to  Spain,  left  the 

22  The  king  had  died  on  September  17,  1665;  his  demise  was  published  in 
Mexico  the  26th  of  May  1666,  and  all  persons  were  ordered  under  fine  to  put 
on  mourning.  Early  in  June  the  viceroy  received  the  formal  visits  of  condo- 
lence from  the  audiencia,  inquisition,  chapter  of  the  cathedral,  and  the  re- 
ligious orders;  funeral  services  were  also  held,  but  the  exequies  proper  were 
not  celebrated  till  July,  when  they  lasted  for  about  a  month.  After  the 
beginning  of  November  mourning  was  laid  aside.  Holies,  Dairio,  i.  18-27. 

23  The  former  by  making  a  gift  of  12,000,  the  latter  one  of  8,000  pesos. 

2i  A  royal  cedula  of  July  3,  1669,  reduced  all  the  pensions  of  300  ducats 
or  less  to  200,  and  beyond  that  to  one  half  of  their  original  amount.  None 
were  to  exceed  4,000  ducats,  'pues  en  esta  forma  es  bastante  la  recompensa 
que. .  .puedare,  cargar  sobre  el  Real  Patrimonio,  quando  se  halla  tan  exausto.5 
Montemayor,  Svmarios,  265-6. 


172  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

commerce  of  the  colonies  at  the  mercy  of  the  corsairs. 
Disregard  was  also  shown  to  the  pressing  demands 
of  the  duke  for  the  improvement  of  the  defenses  of 
the  coast  ports  on  the  North  and  South  seas.  His 
request  that  the  fortifications  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
should  be  repaired  were  rot  even  answered.1 


23 


It  was  hoped  that  the  treaty  concluded  between 
England  and  Spain,  October  8,  1G70,  whereby  either 
power  was  granted  the  sovereignty  over  the  lands 
then  in  their  possession  in  the  Indies,  and  all  trade 
forbidden  between  the  two  nations  in  those  regions, 
would  be  of  benefit  to  the  provinces;  but  such  was 
not  the  case.  The  governor  of  Jamaica,  Thomas 
Lynch,  continued  to  grant  the  pirates  a  tacit  protec- 
tion, and  it  was  only  under  his  successor,  Load 
Vaughan,  that  the  licenses  given  to  the  corsairs  were 
revoked,  and  a  number  of  the  sea-robbers  hanged, 
when,  in  disregard  of  warnings,  they  returned  to  that 
island  to  dispose  of  their  booty. 

In  the  beginning  of  1672  some  English  buccaneers 
landed  near  the  mouth  of  Goazacoalco  River,  and 
thence  made  raids  on  the  neighboring  villages.  The 
viceroy,  afraid  of  provoking  hostilities,  or  for  some 
other  reason,  did  not  proceed  against  them,  but  asked 
for  instructions  from  Spain.  In  reply  he  was  rebuked 
for  his  hesitation,  and  ordered  to  dislodge  the  invaders, 
and  try  the  captured  pirates  in  Mexico,  instead  of  send- 
ing them  to  Spain,  as  had  been  usual.  An  expedition 
wTas  despatched,  and  succeeded  in  driving  the  English 
vessel  ashore,  where  it  was  burned.  The  crew,  how- 
ever, fled  to  the  woods.     Subsequently  detachments 

25  Mancera  himself  had  inspected  them  in  the  beginning  of  1670.  Mancera, 
in  Instruec.  Vireyes,  277;  Eobles,  Diario,  i.  86.  It  was  not  alone  from  pirates 
that  danger  threatened  Vera  Cruz;  a  garrison  of  tolerable  force  was  also  re- 
quired to  prevent  an  outbreak  of  the  negro  slaves,  who  at  intervals  had  been 
sent  there,  sometimes  several  hundred  at  a  time.  In  1669  about  500  of  them, 
when  near  Vera  Cruz,  on  the  road  to  Mexico,  had  risen,  overpowered  and 
killed  the  escort,  and  fled  to  the  woods.  It  became  necessary  to  send  forces 
against  them  to  remove  such  dangerous  neighbors  from  the  principal  port  of 
New  Spain. 


THE  CATHEDRAL.  173 

were  also  sent  against  British  corsairs  near  Campeche, 
and  in  the  Laguna  de  Terminos,  but  their  operations 
were  confined  to  the  destruction  of  some  settlements 
on  the  coast,  as  the  deep  draught  and  unwieldy  shape 
of  the  Spanish  ships  prevented  them  from  pursuing 
the  enemy  in  the  shallow  water. 

In  matters  of  local  interest,  as  well  as  in  the  affairs 
of  state,  Mancera  proved  himself  a  zealous  ruler. 
Aroused  by  the  comments  made  in  Europe  on  the 
slow  progress  of  the  cathedral  building  of  Mexico,  he 
set  to  work  energetically  to  hasten  its  completion. 
In  1573,  as  already  mentioned,  the  construction  of  a 
temple  worthy  the  high  rank  which  the  capital  of  new 
Spain  occupied  among  all  the  colonies  of  the  crown, 
had  been  commenced.  The  grandeur  of  its  plan  was, 
however,  equalled  only  by  the  dilatoriness  with  which 
it  was  executed.  In  1615  only  part  of  the  outer  walls 
had  been  finished,  but  in  1623  the  vaults  of  the  main 
sacristy  were  ready,  and  three  years  later  the  old 
cathedral  was  pulled  down;  the  host  was  transferred 
to  the  new  building,  and  divine  service  performed 
there.  From  that  time  progress  was  slow,  and  the 
great  inundation  of  1629  caused  it  to  be  entirely  in- 
terrupted till  toward  the  end  of  1635,  when  work  was 
resumed  with  zeal  by  Viceroy  Cadereita,  and  con- 
tinued with  good  results  by  his  successors.26 

The  activity  of  Alva  de  Liste,  who  brought  the 
completion  within  the  reach  of  probability  as  was  gen- 
erally said,  and  in  whose  time  the  construction  of  a 
tower  over  the  ciborium  was  begun,  was,  however, 
eclipsed  by  that  of  the  duke  of  Alburquerque.  Owing 
to  the  latter 's  personal  interest,  his  frequent  pecuniary 

26  Under  Cadereita  the  first  vaults  of  the  principal  nave  and  five  others 
of  the  aisles  Mere  concluded.  During  Escalona's  rule  part  of  the  main  nave 
was  covered,  and  in  1*641  the  holy  sacrament  placed  there,  as  the  sacristy 
proved  too  small.  Sarluana,  Not.  breve,  8.  At  the  time  of  Viceroy  Salvatierra, 
other  vaults  as  also  some  chapels  being  sufficiently  advanced,  the  conse- 
cration of  Archbishop  Mafiosca  took  place  in  1645,  and  this  circumstance 
probably  misled  Gonzalez  Davila  who  asserts  that  during  Manosca's  rule  the 
cathedral  was  completed.   Teatro  Eden.,  i.  66. 


174  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

donations,  and  the  premiums  he  gave  to  the  work- 
men, great  progress  was  made.  The  number  of 
bells27  was  increased,  the  tower  and  several  of  the 
vaults  finished,  and  the  remainder  of  the  church 
covered  with  a  roof  of  wood.  On  the  30th  of  Jan- 
uary, 1656,  the  dean  and  chapter  assembled  in  the 
cathedral,  and  were  joined  by  the  viceroy,  his  consort, 
daughter,  and  attendants;  the  doors  were  closed,  and 
an  appropriate  speech  was  made  by  the  duke,  referring 
to  the  condition  of  the  work  and  his  satisfaction  at  the 
progress  attained.  Then  in  the  name  of  the  king  he 
formally  delivered  the  temple  with  the  keys  to  the 
chapter.  In  succession  the  viceroy,  accompanied  only 
by  his  wife  and  daughter,  proceeded  to  the  presbytery, 
and  kneeling  kissed  its  first  step  '  with  all  veneration 
and  respect.'  This  done  the  three  august  personages 
began  to  sweep  that  part  of  the  church  in  a  thorough 
way,  as  the  pious  chronicler  remarks.28 

The  formal  dedication  was  ordered  to  be  held  on  the 
2d  of  February.  The  different  religious  orders,  and 
the  alcaldes  de  corte,  were  assigned  sites  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  the  cathedral  whereon  to  erect  altars  and 
make  other  preparations.  All  was  in  readiness  by  the 
end  of  January,  and  neither  money  nor  pains  was 
spared  to  produce  a  spectacle  which  for  its  magnifi- 
cence surpassed  all  others  of  similar  character.  One 
order  had  vied  with  another  in  the  decoration  of  the 
altars,  covering  them  with  costly  trimmings  of  brocade 
and  embroidery  in  gold  and  silver.  On  them  were 
placed  the  images  of  the  patron  saints,  often  of  superior 
workmanship,  and  always  of  costly  material.  The 
streets  along  which  the  procession  was  to  march  had 
been  gaudily  decorated,  and  all  passing  of  carriages 

27  According  to  Sarinana,  Not.  breve,  14,  Alburquerque  increased  the  number 
from  8  to  20.  Guijo,  in  his  Diario,  279-326,  passim,  gives  minute  accounts 
of  19,  assigning  to  the  largest,  named  Dona  Maria,  a  weight  of  44,000  pounds, 
a  figure  which,  if  correct,  would  place  it  among  the  largest  ever  made. 

-8It  may  be  added  that,  according  to  the  same  author,  200  Indians  had 
already  done  the  preliminary  cleaning  of  the  temple  some  days  before  at  the 
expense  of  the  viceroy.  Guijo,  Diario,  338-9. 


CATHEDRAL  ROUTE.  175 

in  them  was  forbidden  for  several  days  under  pain  of 
forfeiture. 

On  the  1st  of  February  all  the  religious  orders, 
brotherhoods,  and  other  clergy,  together  with  the  dea- 
cons, assembled  in  the  atrium  of  the  cathedral,  with 
crosses  and  candles,  and  the  procession  was  formed. 
Members  of  the  brotherhood  of  San  Pedro,  with 
burning  lights,  and  red  stoles  over  their  surplices, 
carried  the  images  of  San  Pedro  and  of  Our  Lady  of 
Assumption,  the  patron  of  the  church.  They  were 
followed  by  the  chapter  of  the  cathedral,  amongst 
whom  rode  thirty  knights  of  the  military  orders,  the 
clean  Alonso  de  Cuevas  Davalos  with  the  holy  sacra- 
ment, the  members  of  the  university,  the  city  author- 
ities, the  tribunals,  the  officials  of  the  contadurias, 
treasury,  and  audiencia;  the  viceroy  Alburquerque 
with  his  attendants,  all  richly  attired,  coming  last. 
When  the  priest  carrying  the  host  reached  the  cathe- 
dral, the  seven  doors  were  opened,  the  holy  sacrament 
was  placed  in  the  ciborium,  and  after  prayers  had 
been  said  the  procession  dispersed.  Fireworks  around 
the  church  and  on  the  tower,  together  with  a  general 
illumination  of  the  city,  concluded  the  preliminary 
festival. 

The  following  day  the  cathedral  was  opened  to  the 
public,  but  no  mass  was  said  during  the  early  hours. 
At  ten  o'clock  the  viceroy  arrived,  accompanied  by 
the  university,  audiencia,  tribunals,  and  city  council. 
He  was  received  at  the  main  entrance  by  the  chapter, 
and  conducted  amid  the  ringing  of  bells  into  the 
church,29  while  the  te  deum  was  being  chanted.  Re- 
fusing the  offered  cushion  he  kneeled  down,  repeated 
his  prayers,  kissed  the  first  steps  of  the  presbytery, 
and  was  then  led  to  his  seat,  close  to  which,  though 
separate,  were  those  of  his  consort  and  his  daughter. 
After  a  procession  in  the  cathedral  with  lighted 
tapers,  divine  services  began  simultaneously  in  the 
four  different  chapels  into  which  the  church  had  been 

29  'Como  si  fuera  recien  venido.'  Guijo,  Diario,  346. 


176  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

divided.  It  was  a  novel  spectacle  to  the  people  of 
Mexico,  upon  whom  it  made  a  deep  impression.  The 
clean,  officiating  at  the  main  altar,  pronounced  the 
dedication,  to  which  the  canonigo  magistral  responded 
in  a  sermon,  which  lasted  several  hours.  At  night 
the  cathedral  and  city  were  again  illuminated,  and  so 
every  night  during  the  ten  days  which  the  celebra- 
tion lasted,30  the  sermons  being  preached  in  turn  by 
members  of  the  different  religious  orders.  Every  day 
viceroy,  audiencia,  and  other  principal  magistrates 
were  present,  and  the  same  undiminished  enthusiasm 
was  shown  by  the  people. 

Alburquerque  continued  the  work  on  the  cathedral, 
and  in  October,  1G59,  a  number  of  houses  surrounding 
the  building  were  demolished  in  order  to  allow  more 
space  for  the  majestic  pile.  His  successors  Banos  and 
Osorio  inherited  his  sympathy  but  not  his  zeal  for  the 
work,  and  it  advanced  but  slowly  under  their  adminis- 
tration. Under  Mancera,  however,  a  notable  change 
took  place,  and  such  progress  was  made,  that  in  the 
beginning  of  16G7  he  was  able  to  inform  the  king  ap- 
proximately when  the  whole  interior  of  the  church 
would  be  finished.  In  reply  the  sovereign  expressed 
his  thanks  for  the  energy  displayed  and  requested  him 
to  continue  his  efforts.  The  viceroy  had  not  promised 
too  much;  for  on  the  22d  of  December  the  second 
solemn  dedication  of  the  temple  took  place.  It  was 
a  festival  similar  to  the  one  held  eleven  years  before, 
though  the  solemnities  did  not  last  so  long.31  The 
total  cost  up  to  that  elate  exceeded  a  million  and  three 

30  The  daily  consumption  of  wax  alone  amounted  to  150  pounds,  and  its 
cost  was  defrayed  by  the  Cofradia  del  Santisimo  Sacramento.  Guijo,  Diario, 
349. 

31  The  22d  of  December  was  selected,  it  being  the  birthday  of  the  queen 
of  Spain.  The  festivities  were  essentially  in  the  same  style  and  on  the  same 
scale  as  under  Alburquerque.  One  of  the  sermons  was  delivered  on  that 
occasion  by  the  Doctor  Isidro  Sarifiana,  a  parish  priest  of  Mexico,  and  in  1068 
he  published  it  together  with  a  description  of  the  celebration  and  an  historical 
account  of  the  cathedral  since  its  beginning.    The  title  is  Notlcia  breve  De  La 

sine. .  .Dedication  del  Templo  Metropolitano  de  Mexico,  pp.  50,  28.  The 
work  is  dedicated  to  the  consort  of  the  viceroy,  Leonor  Maria  del  Carreto, 
and  contains,  besides  its  historical  records,  a  panegyric  of  the  christian  re- 
ligion, the  sovereigns  of  Spain,  and  their  representatives  in  New  Spain. 


DIMENSIONS.  177 

quarters  of  pesos,  but  was  considerably  increased  in 
later  }Tears,  as  the  completion  was  not  finally  effected 
till  the  beginning  of  the  present  century.32 

The  dimensions  of  the  cathedral  are  393  feet  in 
length  from  north  to  south,  by  192  feet  in  width  from 
east  to  west.33  The  architecture  is  of  the  Doric 
order,34  all  the  columns,  bases,  capitals,  cornices,  and 
friezes  being  of  hewn  stone,  and  the  other  work  of 
tetzontli.33 

The  whole  edifice,  containing  fourteen  chapels,  is 
divided  into  five  parts,  the  principal  one,  the  main 
nave,  being:  53  feet  wide  from  column  to  column. 
Five  portals  give  entrance,  three  of  them  facing  the 
great  square  or  plaza  toward  the  south,  while  light  is 
admitted  by  174  windows.  The  cupola,  184  feet 
above  the  pavement,  and  of  octagonal  form,  is  sur- 
mounted by  a  fanal  44  feet  high.  In  this  magnificent 
temple  were  placed  many  and  valuable  images  and 
ornaments.  Among  the  former  the  most  remarkable 
was  that  of  Our  Lady  of  the  Assumption,  wrought  of 
gold,  as  was  also  the  pedestal  and  the  four  angels  sup- 
porting the  image.36  Another  was  that  of  Our  Lady  of 
the  Conception  of  pure  silver,37  and  less  valuable  ones 

32  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  257-8,  says  that  expenses  till  1677  amounted 
to  2,543,264  pesos.  The  annual  appropriation  from  the  royal  treasury  was 
18,500  pesos;  and  one  year  13,000  pesos  more  were  granted  by  the  crown. 
Sarinana,  Xot.  breve,  20.  Bustamante  in  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  410, 
makes  a  blunder  when  he  gives  the  cost  up  to  1667  as  1,050,000  pesos.  Worse 
still  is  Saavedra  in  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  280,  who  asserts  that  the  cathedral  was 
finished  in  1657  by  Marcos  Ramirez  de  Prado  and  dedicated  by  him  on  the 
22d  of  December,  the  amount  expended  so  far  being  1,759,000  pesos.  Ramirez 
did  not  become  archbishop  of  Mexico  till  November  1666,  and  died  the  follow- 
ing year  in  May,  seven  months  before  the  inauguration  of  1667  took  place. 

b3Orozco  y  Berra,  in  Dice.  Univ.,  v.  674,  copies  the  above  statement  of 
Sarinana,  but  is  evidently  mistaken  in  his  Mem.  Ciud.  Mex.,  96,  where  he 
mentions  130^  and  61  metres.  Saavedra,  in  loc.  cit.,  differs  again,  saying 
155;*  and  73  varas. 

3iVetancurt,  Trat.  Mex.,  17,  says  it  is  of  the  Ionic  order. 

35Ared,  light,  hard,  porous  stone,  which  was  found  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Mexico  and  extensively  used  for  buildings.  See  also  Xative  Races,  ii. 
160,  557,  568,  this  series. 

3,3  Its  weight  is  that  of  139  marks  of  gold,  then  representing  6,984  pesos 
de  oro. 

37  Weighing  138  marks  and  more  than  one  vara  high  ;  it  was  a  present  of 
the  silversmiths  of  Mexico.     Since  1618  it  had  had  its  own  chapel.     Ribera, 
Gobernantes,  i.  221,  says  erroneously  it  was  of  gold. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    12 


ITS  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

were  distributed  in  the  different  chapels.  Of  consid- 
erable value  were  also  the  church  vessels,  among  which 
a  silver  baptismal  font,  and  a  monstrance  of  the  same 
metal,  especially  excited  admiration."8 

Although  the  viceroy  proved  himself  beyond  doubt 
a  man  of  christian  character,  he  would  not  allow  the 
least  encroachment  of  the  church  upon  his  prerog- 
atives as  the  representative  of  the  king.  In  16G6  a 
litigation  arose  between  him  and  the  inquisition  about 
a  small  sum  of  money  which  the  holy  office  had  forcibly 
extracted  from  the  royal  treasury  at  Guadalajara  under 
some  trivial  pretext.  Mancera  objected,  and  with  the 
consent  of  the  audiencia,  notwithstanding  loud  protests 
of  the  inquisition,  obliged  the  latter  to  refund  the 
money.  Both  parties  appealed  to  the  king,  who  after 
some  investigations  had  been  made  approved  of  the 
duke's  conduct.39  At  other  times  disputes  sprang  up 
between  him  and  the  clergy  about  that  fruitful  source 
of  discord,  the  royal  patronage,  but  he  usually  con- 
trived to  check  their  aspirations  when  too  grasping, 
while  on  other  occasions  he  would  give  way  if  it 
could  be  done  without  prejudice  to  the  crown.  He 
was  prompted  to  the  latter  course  by  the  king,  who 
while  approving  his  efforts  to  maintain  the  royal  au- 
thority, intimated  that  he  disliked  such  quarrels,  from 
which,  moreover,  little  benefit  was  derived.40 

The  viceroy  always  pursued  a  conciliatory  policy, 

38  The  value  of  the  candlesticks  and  chandeliers  for  ordinary  use  alone 
represented  a  considerable  sum.  '  Solamente  en  vn  facistor,  seis  blandone3 
Imperiales  del  altar,  quatro  mayores  de  cirios . .  .  y  los  Ciriales,  sirven  al  culto 
casi  de  ordinario  mil  y  cinqu6ta  y  siete  marcos  de  plata.'  Sariuano,  Not. 
breve,  28. 

39  The  inquisition  qualified  the  order  of  the  viceroy  for  the  repayment  of 
the  amount  seized  as  'injusta  inusitada  y  de  malas  consecuencias, '  and  told  him 
so  in  plain  language.  Maneera,  in  Instrucc.  Vireyes,  270-1. 

40  In  the  instructions  given  by  Mancera  to  his  successor  he  quaintly  remarks, 
that  notwithstanding  his  long  experience,  obtained  both  in  Peru  and  New 
Spain,  he  still  has  remained  so  ignorant  of  the  patronage  question  'que  lo 
que  he  aprendido  es  solo  saber,  que  la  ignoro,  y  que  sn  acierto  consiste  en 
puntos  y  apices  indivisibles.'     He  expresses  the  hope  that  the  new  appointee 

more  successful  'amidst  gulfs  and  reefs  so  very  unsafe.'  Id.,  28o-G. 


VICEREGAL  REGULATIONS.  179 

and  thus  dissensions  which  threatened  to  end  in  a 
serious  rupture  between  him  and  the  archbishop 
were  avoided.  They  had  been  caused  by  the  com- 
plaints of  the  latter  about  several  of  the  religious 
orders,  and  were  decided  against  the  primate  when 
brought  before  the  aucliencia.  The  government  even 
threatened  him,  though  in  vain,  with  a  suspension  of 
the  temporalities.  Ribera  refused  to  obe}^,  but  was 
finally  persuaded  to  do  so  under  protest  through  the 
intercession  of  the  inquisition.41 

When  the  end  of  his  second  term  of  office  drew 
near,  Mancera  had  requested  to  be  relieved;  but  the 
sovereign  was  not  willing  to  part  with  such  an  able 
governor,  and  prolonged  his  term  for  three  years  more, 
the  news  reaching  Mexico  in  the  beginning  of  Octo- 
ber 1670.42  At  about  the  same  time  a  cedula  arrived 
by  which  the  viceroys  of  New  Spain  were  again  author- 
ized to  appoint  governors  ad  interim  for  the  Philip- 
pine Islands,  a  right  which  had  been  revoked  in  16t>4, 
but  was  now  restored43  upon  the  representations  of  the 
viceroy  to  the  India  Council.  Although  the  condi- 
tion of  affairs  in  New  Spain  was  at  this  time  fairly 
prosperous,  several  calamities  occurred  during  Man- 
cera's  administration.  Soon  after  his  succession  to  the 
viceroyalty  an  eruption  of  Popocatepetl  took  place, 
lasting  four  daj^s,  and  the  showers  of  ashes  and  stones 
threw  into  consternation  the  entire  population  of  the 
surrounding  districts.44  At  about  the  same  time  a 
tornado  struck  Vera  Cruz,  causing  an  inundation, 
which  flooded  the  city  and  did  considerable  damage. 

41  According  to  IZobfes,  Diario,  i.  83-4,  a  rather  powerful  influence  was 
exercised  by  the  duke's  consort,  who  threatened  to  enter  the  convent  of 
Santa  Teresa  if  no  reconciliation  were  effected. 

42  A  few  days  before,  a  large  torch-light  procession  had  been  held  in  honor 
of  the  king's  birthday. 

43By  c6dulas  of  October  22,  1669,  and  May  6,  1670.  Mancera,  Instruction, 
in  Col.  Doc.  I ned.,  xxi.  462-3,  and  in  Instrucc.  Vireyes,  266. 

4i Authorities  differ  about  the  date.  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  25,  says  it 
was  in  the  same  year  when  Mancera  arrived,  but  gives  the  latter  erroneously 
as  1665.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  47,  also  adopts  1665,  in  which  he  is  followed 
by  Ribera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  95,  but  this  writer  makes  the  blunder  of  placing 
it  under  the  rule  of  Bailos. 


180  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

The  fleet,  then  at  anchor,  suffered  also  to  a  great  ex- 
tent; one  of  the  larger  vessels  broke  her  chains  and 
was  driven  on  a  reef,  where  she  was  lost  with  all  her 
cargo,45  while  two  smaller  ones  foundered.  Two  years 
later,  in  the  middle  of  1GG7,  earthquakes  began  to 
alarm  the  population,  but  although  the  first  on  July 
30th  is  said  to  have  somewhat  injured  the  tower  of 
the  church  of  Santa  Clara  at  Mexico,  and  the  cathe- 
dral of  Puebla,  subsequent  shocks,  which  occurred  at 
smaller  or  greater  intervals  till  May  16G8,  seem  to 
have  caused  little  damage. 

A  more  serious  affliction,  however,  was  threatened 
by  a  failure  of  the  crops  of  maize  and  cacao  in  the 
year  1673,  producing  a  famine  which  caused  great 
hardship  to  the  natives.46  The  viceroy  in  unison  with 
the  city  council  strove  to  alleviate  the  evil,  introduc- 
ing into  Mexico  grain  from  other  parts.  While  thus 
engaged  he  learned  that  his  successor,  the  duke  of 
Veraguas,  had  arrived;  and  in  consequence  laid  down 
the  government  on  the  9th  of  November  1673.  A 
few  days  later  he  left  the  city  for  Otumba,  where  he 
had  an  interview  with  the  new  ruler.  He  also  gave 
him,  by  order  of  the  king,  a  full  report  upon  the  con- 
dition of  the  country,  together  with  suggestions  for 
its  government.47 

About  the  beginning  of  April  1674  the  marquis  set 

45 It  was  on  a  reef  called  '  Bajo  de  la  Lavandera,'  according  to  Bustamante 
in  Aleyre,  Hist.  Comp.  J  mm,  ii.  439.  Robles,  Diario,  i.  12,  gives  the  name  of 
the  vessel  as  'El  Buen  Suceso,'  differing  from  Alegre,  loc.  cit.,  who  names  it 
San  Javier  and  relates  in  a  long  story,  how  a  few  planks  of  the  ship,  with  the 
image  of  that  saint,  floated  against  tide  and  wind  to  the  city,  and  remained 
at  the  doors  of  the  Jesuit  college  till  they  were  recovered  by  two  pious 
fathers.  Since  that  time  the  image  has  been  highly  venerated,  and  is  said  to 
have  miraculously  maintained  the  original  freshness  of  its  colors. 

4GThe  Indian  population  increased  under  the  rule  of  Mancera,  as  was 
ascertained  by  a  census  taken  by  his  order,  to  vindicate  the  charge  alleged 
against  the  Spanish  government  of  fostering  the  systematic  extermination  of 
the  natives.  Mancera,  in  Instruce.  Vireyes,  266. 

47  The  full  text  of  these  instructions,  dated  October  22,  1673,  may  be  found 
in  Instrucc.  Vireyes,  257-301.  In  this  document  Mancera  gives  a  minute  de- 
scription of  the  condition  of  the  country,  of  important  events  which  occurred 
under  his  rule,  and  of  all  noteworthy  affairs.  It  is  of  very  interesting  char- 
acter, free  from  all  ostentation ;  it  reveals  the  superior  administrative  talent 
of  the  retiring  viceroy,  and  contains  much  valuable  information,  and  many 
suggestions  to  guide  his  successor. 


A  DESCENDANT  OF  COLUMBUS.  181 

out  from  Mexico,48  but  on  reaching  Tepeaca  his  wife 
fell  sick  and  died.  Her  funeral  was  held  on  the  28th 
of  April  in  the  cathedral  of  Mexico  by  the  archbishop, 
and  Mancera  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  the  3d  of  July. 
His  rule  had  lasted  more  than  nine  years  and  had 
materially  changed  for  the  better  the  aspect  of  affairs 
in  New  Spain. 

Almost  two  hundred  years  had  now  elapsed  since 
the  discovery  of  the  New  World,  when  the  services 
of  the  great  navigator  were  again  acknowledged  by 
exalting  one  of  his  descendants  to  the  viceroyalty  of 
New  Spain.  Pedro  Nunez  Colon  de  Portugal,  duque 
de  Veraguas  y  de  la  Vega,  marques  de  Jamaica,  a 
grandee  of  Spain  of  the  first  class,  and  knight  of  the 
golden  fleece,  was  appointed  as  the  twenty-sixth 
representative  of  the  sovereign  of  Castile  and  Leon.49 
On  the  26th  of  September  1673  he  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz,  and  on  the  8th  of  December  made  his  official 
entry  into  Mexico,  taking  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  was  well  advanced  in  years,  and  in  a  few 
days  died,  that  is  to  say  on  the  13th,  and  so  suddenly 
that  not  even  the  last  sacraments  could  be  adminis- 
tered. His  death  brought  much  grief,  for  he  was 
said  to  be  kind  and  benevolent,  and  the  steps  taken 
by  him  to  alleviate  the  condition  of  the  natives 
seemed  to  justify  the  opinion.  The  obsequies  wrere 
held  with  the  pomp  becoming  his  illustrious  rank,  and 
three  years  later  the  remains  were  taken  to  the  family 
vault,5'0 

48  His  residencia  had  been  begun  November  20,  1673,  by  the  oidor  Juan 
de  Garate  y  Francia,  but  nothing  about  its  result  is  known. 

49  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  1st  app.  12,  iii.  app.  3G,  makes  some  contradictory 
statements  upon  the  question  whether  he  was  at  that  time  a  duke  of  Vera- 
guas and  grandee  of  the  first  class.  See  also  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  274,  this 
series.  Guijo,  Dictrio,  519,  speaks  of  the  appointment  in  1663,  of  a  duke  of 
Veraguas  as  successor  of  Viceroy  Banos. 

50  By  the  fleet  which  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  June  29,  1676.  RobJes,  Diario, 
i.  218.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  52,  supposes  the  remains  were  taken  to  Santo 
Domingo.  Robles  intimates  that  they  were  sent  to  Spain,  which  version  has 
been  adapted  by  Rivera,  Goberntintes,  i.  240,  and  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v. 
422. 


1S2  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

The  appointment  of  the  duke  of  Vcraguas  as  vice- 
roy of  New  Spain  had  been  made  more  with  a  view 
of  distinguishing  that  personage  than  from  political 
reasons.  Foreseeing  that  in  all  probability  his  rule 
would  be  only  of  short  duration,  the  queen  regent 
sent  by  the  same  fleet  which  carried  him  a  sealed 
letter  to  the  inquisition  with  instructions  for  its  de- 
livery to  the  audiencia  as  soon  as  his  decease  should 
occur.  In  compliance  with  this  order  the  document 
was  presented  on  the  13th  of  December  1673,  and  it 
was  learned  that  Fray  Payo  Enriquez  cle  Rivera  was 
appointed  successor.51 

The  new  ruler  was  a  native' of  Seville,  and  the  son  of 
the  duke  of  Alcala,  viceroy  of  Naples.52  In  1G28  he 
professed  in  the  Augustinian  order,  and  having  studied 
in  Salamanca,  and  obtained  the  degrees  of  master  of 
philosophy  and  theology,  held  subsequently  several 
important  offices  in  Spain  till  1657,  when  he  was  pre- 
sented to  the  see  of  Guatemala/3  and  thence  in  1667 
promoted  to  that  of  Michoacan.  But  before  reach- 
ing his  new  diocese  he  learned  of  his  appointment 
to  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico,54  where  he  arrived 
toward  the  end  of  June  1668,55  the  see  having  been 
vacant  since  the  death  of  his  predecessor,  Marcos 
Ramirez  de  Praclo.56  The  latter  having  been  pre- 
viously  bishop  of  Michoacan   for  nearly  twenty-six 

51  Doubts  having  arisen  whether  he  was  also  vested  with  the  presidency 
of  the  audiencia,  a  c6dula  from  Spain,  which  arrived  in  February  1G75,  set- 
tled the  question  by  appointing  him  president.   Rubles,  Diario,  i.  177. 

52  His  name  is  differently  given  by  the  various  authorities.  Lorenzana, 
in  Conei/io*  Prov.,  1555-05,  201,  calls  him  Fray  Payo  de  Rivera.  In  Rioera, 
(/oh, ■■riKoiti ■■*,  i.  241,  the  name  has  been  reversed  to  Payo  do  Rivera  Enriquez. 
The  same  author,  following  apparently  a  version  of  the  Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  207, 
says  he  was  a  natural  son. 

r>:)  See  llisL.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  C67-8,  this  series,  for  his  career  as  bishop  of  that 
diocese. 

B,Sosa,  Episcoj).  Mex.,  142,  makes  him  bishop  of  Chiapas  and  bishop 
elect  of  Michoacan  at  the  time  of  his  promotion  to  the  sec  of  Mexico.    Zama- 
TJist.  Mij.t  v.  422,  says  Rivera  was  then  in  Michoacan. 
'■'■'  The  appointments  being  always  made  optional,  his  pall  did  not  arrive 
till  October,  1070.     Two  months  later,  on  the  8th  of  December,  he  was  for- 
mally installed  as  archbishop. 

5('He  was  a  Franciscan  and  a  native  of  Spain,  but  being  of  an  advanced 

uccitmbed  to  the  change  of  climate,  when  he  proceeded  from  Michoacan 

[exico.     His  piety  seems  to  have  been  equalled  by  his  charity,  and  great 


FRAY  PAYO  ENEIQUEZ  DE  RIVERA.  183 

years,  had  been  appointed  archbishop  in  November 
1GG6,  but  died  in  May  of  the  following  year. 

A  general  feeling  of  satisfaction  prevailed  when  the 
appointment  of  Rivera  as  viceroy  became  known,  for 
the  fame  he  had  acquired  in  Guatemala,  and  during 
his  pastoral  labors  in  the  capital,  had  justly  w7on  for 
him  the  good  opinion  of  the  people.  It  had  been 
through  his  influence  that  the  Bethlehemites,  estab- 
lished in  Guatemala  since  1653,57  and  the  first  relig- 
ious order  created  in  America,  were  induced  to  extend 
their  labors  to  Mexico.  The  congregation  of  San 
Francisco  Javier,  which  had  not  been  recognized  by 
the  king,  were  persuaded  by  the  archbishop  to  cede 
their  house  to  the  new-comers.  The  latter  to  the 
number  of  four,  Francisco  de  la  Misericordia,  Gabriel 
de  Santa  Cruz,  Juan  Gilbo,  and  Francisco  del  Hosario, 
the  superior,58  took  possession  of  the  building,  and 
being  aided  by  the  viceroy,  and  the  count  of  Santiago, 
were  enabled  ere  long  to  open  a  hospital  for  conva- 
lescents, and  subsequently  also  a  church,  the  former 
on  the  31st  of  May  1G75,  and  the  latter  on  March  25, 
1677,59  and  gradually  their  labors  extended  more  and 
more,  the  example  given  by  the  viceroy  Rivera,  in 
defraying  the  expenses  of  the  hospital  for  every  first 
day  of  the  month,  having  been  followed  by  other 
donations  from  prominent  citizens.     Later,  however, 

eulogy  is  bestowed  on  him  for  his  untiring  zeal  during  an  epidemic,  which  in 
1643  swept  away  a  great  part  of  the  population  of  Michoacan.  Gonzalez  Dd- 
vila,  Teatro,  i.  130-4;  Romero,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  la  £p.  viii.  543-4. 
Before  and  after  the  succession  of  Ramirez  to  the  archbishopric,  noisy  dis- 
turbances had  occurred  between  the  members  of  the  chapters,  two  parties 
having  sprung  up,  both  of  which  claimed  a  right  to  the  most  important  offices. 
The  dissensions  lasted  from  1665  to  1667  and  excited  considerable  scandal  in 
the  city.  Robles,  Diario,  i.  7-10,  39-47. 

57 See  Hist.  Gent.  Am.,  ii.  666-7,  this  series,  for  the  establishment  of  the 
order  in  Guatemala. 

58  Garcia,  Hist.  Beth.,  ii.  110,  gives  the  first  name,  probably  by  misprint, 
as  Francisco  de  la  Miseria;  Vetancurt  speaks  only  of  three  brothers,  mention- 
ing one  as  Francisco  de  San  Miguel,  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Cabrera.  Es- 
cudo  de  Armas,  429;  Trat.  Mex.,  37.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Mem.  Ciud.  Mex.,  133, 
says  two  brothers  began  the  foundation  at  Mexico. 

59 Robles,  Diario,  i.  189,  232;  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  37;  Cavo,  TresS!glos, 
ii.  55;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  12.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Mem.  Ciud.  Mex.,  133, 
differs,  assigning  the  dates  as  May  29,  1675,  and  February  12,  1677,  respec- 
tively. 


184  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

hospitals  for  sick  persons  in  general,  and  primary 
schools  for  children,  were  founded,  together  with 
houses  where  food  and  shelter  were  provided  for 
travellers  and  strangers.  The  members  lived  accord- 
ing to  monastic  rules  after  the  Augustinian  rites,  but 
were  subject  to  secular  jurisdiction.60  Their  four  vows 
of  poverty,  chastity,  obedience,  and  hospitality  were 
binding  only  while  they  remained  in  the  brotherhood, 
but  after  a  membership  of  three  years  they  were  al- 
lowed to  bind  themselves  for  life  by  an  additional 
vow. 

On  his  departure  from  New  Spain  in  1680  the  vice- 
roy further  showed  his  regard  for  the  order  by  making 
a  donation  of  a  thousand  pesos  and  presenting  them 
with  all  his  carriages.01  Rivera  proved  himself  no  less 
capable  as  a  military  leader  than  as  a  prelate,  and  in- 
deed it  was  necessary  that  at  this  epoch,  when  the 
coasts  of  New  Spain  were  continually  infested  with 
corsairs,  the  one  at  the  head  of  affairs  should  possess 
the  qualities  of  a  soldier.  Meetings  were  convoked, 
and  measures  adopted  to  prepare  against  threatened 
depredations.  A  council  was  held  in  February  1675 
to  discuss  the  means  of  raising  a  force  of  nine  hundred 
men,  asked  for  by  the  governor  of  Campeche.  Soon 
afterward  news  reached  the  capital  from  Habana  that 
a  hostile  force  of  about  fifteen  hundred  men  was  pre- 
paring to  land  between  old  and  new  Vera  Cruz,  and 
immediately  steps  were  taken  to  place  that  port  in  a 
state  of  defence.  Ammunition  was  sent  there,  com- 
panies of  cavalry  were  raised,  and  guns  placed  at  the 

60  The  bull  of  Pope  Clement  X.,  issued  in  1674,  placed  the  order  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  bishop,  Medina,  Chron.  8.  Diego,  12,  but  the  royal  cedula 
of  February  29,  1676,  permitting  its  establishment  in  Mexico,  forbids 
the  establishment  of  a  convent,  '  que  no  ha  de  ser  ereccion  Eclesiastica, 
sino  sugeta  6  incorporada  al  Real  Patronato. .  .apartando  todo  aquello,  que 
puedc  tener  color  de  Convento,  6  Casa  Religiosa,  6  Eclesiastica,'  expressly 
placing  it  under  secular  jurisdiction.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  11.  For  the 
rules  of  the  order  see  Garcia,  Hist.  Beth.,  ii.  174-97. 

01  A  detailed  account  of  the  Bethlehemite  order  will  be  found  in  Garcia, 
J 1 1st.  Beth.,  ii.  100  et  seq.  Vetancurt,  Trat.  Mex.,  37-9,  gives  also  many 
particulars,  as  the  founder,  Pedro  de  San  Jos6  Vetancur,  was  a  near  relative 
to  him. 


DEFENCE  AND  DEVELOPMENTS.  185 

openings  of  the  streets.  The  inhabitants,  however, 
began  to  leave  the  town,  taking  with  them  their  valu- 
ables.62 Fortunately  the  alarm  proved  to  be  false,  for 
on  the  19th  of  June  1675  letters  from  Habana  were 
received  stating  that  no  enemy  had  appeared  as  yet, 
and  the  panic  subsided.  At  about  the  same  time  ru- 
mors spread  of  other  projected  invasions  on  the  Sooth 
Sea  coast,  and  preparations  had  also  to  be  made  in  that 
direction.  At  greater  or  less  intervals  similar  news 
was  received  during  the  following  years.63 

In  1678  the  pirates  operated  successfully  against 
Campeche,  and  during  the  same  year  exaggerated  re- 
ports announced  the  presence  of  eleven  sail  in  sight 
of  Vera  Cruz.  A  meeting  was  hastily  summoned,  the 
treasure  ready  for  remittance  to  Spain  was  sent  to 
Jalapa,  and  the  despatch  of  the  fleet  delayed.  It  was 
soon  learnt  that  the  hostile  force  consisted  of  but  one 
vessel,  which,  defying  the  Spaniards,  had  been  so 
daring  as  to  enter  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz  and  recon- 
noitre. This  feat  was  afterward  repeated  by  another 
ship,  but  as  the  garrison  had  been  reenforced  by  the 
viceroy  no  attack  was  made. 

Much  difficulty  was  found  in  raising  the  required 
force  for  the  Philippine  Islands.  Many  of  the  sol- 
diers dreading  the  climate  would  desert  before  reach- 
ing Acapulco,  and  new  schemes  had  to  be  devised  to 
obtain  recruits.  Thus  in  1677  all  criminals  willing  to 
enlist  were  pardoned,  and  one  hundred  and  twenty -five 
pesos  a  year  given  them  as  pay.  Still,  only  a  small 
number  could  be  induced  to  accept  this  offer. 

While  Rivera  was  actively  engaged  in  discharging 

62  So  says  the  contemporary  author,  Robles,  Diario,  i.  191.  Still  Zama- 
cois  speaks  of  the  extreme  valor  of  the  inhabitants,  who  'grasping  their 
swords  anxiously  awaited  the  moment  to  cross  them  with  those  of  their  ene- 
mies.' Hist.  Me).,  v.  424. 

c3In  April  1676  it  was  said  that  preparations  were  made  at  Jamaica  to 
capture  the  treasure  fleet.  Some  months  later  rumors  spread  that  Panuco  had 
been  taken  by  the  enemy.  Bobles,  Diario,  i.  216-19.  The  following  year 
several  vessels  cruised  in  the  neighborhood  of  Alvarado  but  escaped  the  pur- 
suit of  an  armament  sent  against  them.  Id.,  237-8,  242-3.  Panes,  Vireye.s, 
MS.,  104,  speaks  of  serious  losses  caused  to  the  English  by  the  gallant  resist- 
ance of  the  inhabitants  of  Alvarado. 


186  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

the  more  urgent  duties  of  his  position,  he  by  no  means 
neglected  internal  affairs.  The  pavements  of  the  city 
were  repaired,  improvements  were  made  in  the  vice- 
regal palace,  and  the  drainage  labors  were  concluded 
in  1675.  In  1676  it  had  also  been  decreed  that  gold 
be  coined  in  Mexico,  but  it  was  not  till  1679  that 
the  first  pieces  were  stamped.  On  that  occasion  the 
viceroy  and  the  audiencia  repaired  to  the  mint,  to 
witness  the  first  coinage.  Rivera's  pastoral  labors, 
however,  did  not  suffer  from  the  multitude  of  worldly 
affairs  which  claimed  his  attention,  as  was  proved 
by  the  numerous  consecrations  of  bishops,  churches, 
altars,  and  temples,  held  by  him.  There  was  no 
great  religious  festival  at  which  he  failed  to  attend, 
and  occasionally  he  wrould  ascend  the  pulpit  and 
preach.  During  the  thirteen  years  that  he  wore  the. 
mitre,  he  visited  twice  all  the  different  parts  of  his 
diocese.64 

On  several  occasions  the  archbishop-viceroy  had 
requested  of  the  crown  and  the  holy  see  that  he 
might  be  removed  from  office,  but  both  were  unwilling 
to  dispense  with  the  services  of  so  faithful  a  servant.05 
At  last  the  king  granted  his  petition,  on  account  of 
his  impaired  health,  but  desirous  of  retaining  him 
in  his  service,  offered  him  the  bishopric  of  Cuenca, 
and  the  presidency  of  the  India  Council.  In  Sep- 
tember 1680  the  new  viceroy  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz, 
and  in  the  following  month  Rivera  formally  deliv- 
ered over  the  government.  He  remained,  however, 
in  Mexico,  where  his  residencia  was  being  taken 
by  the  oidor  Frutos  Delgado.  On  the  27th  of  Feb- 
ruary 1681,06  the  latter  published  the  sentence,  ac- 

64  For  details  see  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  25-6;  Rohlcs,  Diario,  i.  11G-324, 
passim  ;  Sosa,  EpUcop.  Mcx.,  144-5.  The  latter  authority  asserts  that  Rivera 
forbade,  in  1070,  all  public  processions  on  account  of  the  disorders  and  excesses 
to  which  they  gave  rise. 

Cj  Repeatedly  since  1G75  rumors  had  reached  Mexico  of  the  appointment, 
and  sometimes  even  of  the  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  of  a  new  viceroy,  but  they 
had  always  proved  unfounded,  and  in  every  instance  the  people  rejoiced  that 
this  was  the  case.  Eobles,  Diario,  i.  197-201,  210-17,  222-3,  236-7,  200,  270-1. 

66  Robles,  Diario,  i.  318.  Sosa,  Episcojj.  Mex.,  140,  without  assigning  an 
authority,  says  the  3d  of  May  1GS1. 


RETIREMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  RIVERA.  187 

quitting  the  ex-viceroy  of  all  the  charges  preferred 
against  him.67 

Four  months  later,  on  the  29th  of  June,  he  took 
leave  of  his  flock  in  the  cathedral,  and  the  following  day 
left  Mexico.  The  viceroy,  at  whose  right  side  he  was 
seated,  the  audiencia,  and  the  tribunals  accompanied 
him  to  Guadalupe;  the  ringing  of  the  bells  gave  no- 
tice to  the  entire  population  of  the  departure  of  their 
beloved  prelate,  and  fervent  prayers  were  offered  in 
all  the  churches  for  his  safe  return  to  Spain.63 

On  reaching  Puerto  Real  in  Spain,  he  resigned  the 
two  high  positions  to  which  the  king  had  recently 
promoted  him,  and  retired  to  the  convent  of  Santa 
Maria  del  Risco.  Still  leading  a  pious,  humble  life, 
he  received  while  there  further  marks  of  favor  from  a 
grateful  sovereign.  The  king  granted  him  a  yearly 
rental  of  four  thousand  ducats,  to  be  defrayed  by  the 
royal  treasury  of  Mexico,  and  the  pope  gave  him  the 
privilege  of  entering  any  church  of  Spain  dressed  in 
the  archiepiscopal  garb.  On  the  8th  of  April  1684 
he  breathed  his  last,69  and  when  the  news  of  his  de- 
cease reached  Mexico,  imposing  funeral  services  were 
held  in  several  of  the  churches  to  honor  the  memory 
of  one  whose  name  wTas  deeply  graven  on  the  hearts 
of  the  people.70 

67  This  decision  was  formally  ratified  by  the  India  Council  on  the  23d  of 
December  of  the  same  year.  The  same  body  recommended  Rivera  as  worthy 
of  the  king's  further  protection.  '  Declaro  assimismo  ser  digno,  y  merecedor 
de  que  su  Magestad  empleasse  su  persona ...  en  aquellos  y  otros  may  ores 
puestos,  condignos  a  su  ajustado  obrar.'  The  tenor  of  the  sentence  is  given  in 
Ribera,  Sentencia,  1-4. 

C8' Limes  30,  dia  triste  para  Mexico,  se  fue'  el  Illmo  y  Exmo  seiior  maes- 
tro D\  Fr.  Payo  Enriquez  de  Rivera,'  says  Robles,  Diario,  i.  324.  C.  M. 
Bustamante  in  the  Diario  Curioso  of  Rivera,  18,  makes  the  blunder  of  stating 
that  Rivera  ruled  17  years  as  viceroy,  from  1663  till  1680. 

69Lorenzana,  in  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  222,  291-2,  says  in  one  place 
1684,  in  another  1685;  the  latter  date  has  erroneously  been  adopted  by  Juar- 
ros,  Guat.,  284. 

70  For  fuller  and  additional  references  to  authorities  bearing  on  the  pre- 
ceding chapters  see  Torquemada,  iii.  596-7;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  de  Jesus.,  i. 
43-65,  201-3;  ii.  64,  passim;  iii.  6-108,  165-72,  224-6,  251-2,  299;  Cortes, 
Hist.  N.  Esp.,  22-6;  Pindo,  Relation,  4;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  46,  54-8,  6(i,  73, 
81-7,  122;  Seriano,  Prdlogo,  MS.,  7-9;  Villa-Senor  y' Sanchez,  Theaf.ro  M ex., 
i.  17-18;  Robles,  Vida  del  Arzbpo.  Cuevas,  148,  passim;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Tea- 
tro  Ecles.,  i.  65  et  seq.;  ii.  34,  91-2;  Ribas,  Hist.  Trivmphos,  735-44,  Arrici- 
vita,  Crdn.  Serdjica,  158-206,  517-18;  Carriedo,  Estudios  Hist.,  115;  Concilios 


188  FIVE  MORE  VICEROYS. 

Prov.j  1555  y  15G5  (eel.  Mcx.  1709),  218,  passim;  Florencia,  Hist.  Prov.  Comp. 
de  Jesus,  174-G,  232;  Medina,  Crdn.  S.  Dieqo,  12,  27,  1C2-6,  240-1,  251-5; 
Vireyes  de  Alex.,  MS.,  1-3;  Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  14-1G,  25-G,  35-8,  52-3; 
Co'/ollvdo,  Hist.  Yucathan,  215,  passim;  Villagvtierre,  Hist.  Conq.  ftza,  165-7, 
190-2,  437-4G;  Ordenes.  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  7-11,  38,  182;  ii.  198-221;  iv. 
2-8;  vii.  7,  G2-3;  Col.  Doc.  Incd.,  xxi.  440,  4G6,  471;  Espinosa,  Chron.  Apost., 
260-SG;  Palafox  y  Mendoza,  Carta  al  Papa,  1047,  1-38;  Id.,  Carta  del  Ven- 
erab., 47-401;  /(/.,  Obras,  xi.-xiii.,  passim;  Id.,  Venerab.  Senor,  passim;  Id., 
Vie  du  Venerab.,  passim;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  148-9;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie 
i.  torn,  i.,  passim;  Id.,  s6rie  i.  torn.  ii. ,  passim;  Id.,  serie  ii.  torn.  vi.  5-29; 
Pajieles  de  Jesuitas,  MS.,  1-17;  Ddvila  Padilla,  Hist.  Fmd.  Mex.,  1-14,  29, 
45-G2;  Disturbios  de  Frailes,  MS.,  129-43;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  355, 
440-1,  457-8,  479;  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  212,  339;  ii.  178;  Figueroa,  Vindirias, 
MS.,  56,  70;  Montemayor,  Svmarics,  10-11,  91;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  2; 
ii.  13-14;  v.  1-34;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  239-326;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.,  18, 
passim;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  viii.  543-4;  Id.,  2da  6p.,  iv.  166-7;  Monu- 
onentos  Doniin.  Esp.,  MS.,  15,  passim;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.,  passim;  Robles, 
Diario,  ii.,  passim;  Correal,  Voyage  (eel.  Paris),  i.  46-64;  Id.  (ed.  Amster- 
dam), i.  52-73;  Juarros,  Compendia,  282-3;  Id.,  Gnat.,  i.  284;  Liceo  Mex., 
ii.  171-3,  186-7,  201-7,  222-3,  254-7,  233-357;  Guijo,  Diario,  ii.,  passim; 
Laet,  Am.  Descript.,  271-6;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  71-141;  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mrj.,  iv.  169,  553;  v.  328-432;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  28-38,  184-5;  Mayer's 
Mex.  Aztec,  i.  198-213;  Touron,  Hist.  Gen.,  vii.  309-86;  viii.  1-188;  Lacunza, 
Discursos  Hist.,  no.  xxxiv.  492;  xxxv.  501-3;  Bustamante,  Efemcride,*,  i., 
passim;  Id.,  Defensa,  27;  Granados,  Tardes  A m.,  341-2,  386-95;  Sammlung, 
A  Her  Reisebech,  xiii.  500-7;  Museo,  Alex.,  i.  49-133;  iii.  230-3;  Wilson's  Mex. 
and  its  Re!/e/ion,  296;  Vidal,  Vida  de  Amana,  passim;  Registro  Yucateco,  i. 
265-305,  354-G,  389-91,  449-56;  ii.  73-6,  116-17,  121-31,  143-5,  329-43; 
Gallo,  Hombres  I  lust,  ii.  353-72;  Fancourt's  Hist.  Yuc,  223-7;  Prior's  All 
the  Voys.,  57;  Midler,  Reisen  en  Mex.,  iii.  192;  Robertson's  Hist.  Am.,  ii. 
908-9;  Velasquez,  Carta,  1-31;  Oviedo,  Vida,  passim;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  293, 
304,  passim;  ii.  97,  252,  304,  352,  559-60;  iii.  206  et  seq.;  iv.  171-2,  776, 
790;  v.  143,  183,  225;  viii.  99,  129-34,  138-9,  149,  237-40,  333-4,  5li-12, 
571-2,  607;  ix.  143,  passim;  x.  368  et  seq.;  Barbachano,  Mem.  Camp.,  10-12; 
Alvarez,  E&tvMos  Hist.,  iii.  221-63;  Dampier's  Voy.,  ii.  pt.  ii.  9-39,  41-129; 
Stephens'  Yuc,  ii.  194-5;  Arroniz,  Biog.  Mex.,  136-8,  195-7;  Id.,  Hist,  y 
Cron.,  88,  110;  Darien,  Defence,  11-13;  Id.,  Vindication,  149-G0;  Zerecero, 
Rev.  Mcx.,  528;  Navarrete,  Relac  Peregrino,  ii.  30-1;  iii.  27-33;  Id.,  Tra- 
tad.  Hist.,  295-6;  La  Cruz,  vii.  637;  Pap.  Var.,  clxix.,  passim;  clxxi.  27  et 
seq.;  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  276;  Rivera,  Gobernantes  de  Mex.,  i.  127-251; 
Diario  Mex.,  vii.  7;  Nuevo  Mex.,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  1199-1200;  Rivera,  Hist. 
Jcdapa,  i.  82-97;  Ribera,  Sentencia,  passim;  Lazcano,  Vida  del  P.  Oviedo,  17 
et  seq. 


CHAPTER  X. 

THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ,  AND  OTHER  PIRATICAL  RAIDS. 

1680—  1G86. 

The  Corsairs  in  Central  America  and  New  Spain — Laguna  Appointed 
Viceroy — Van  Horn  the  Sea  Rover — The  Pirates  Resolve  to  At- 
tack Vera  Cruz — The  Corsair  Lorencillo — A  Clever  Stratagem— 
Vera  Cruz  Surprised  by  Buccaneers — The  Inhabitants  Imprisoned 
in  the  Churches— And  Kept  for  Three  Days  without  Food  or 
Water — The  Captives  Taken  to  the  Island  of  Sacrificios — De- 
parture of  the  Corsairs — Division  of  the  Booty — News  of  the 
Raid  Received  in  Mexico — Further  Operations  of  the  Freebooters 
— Dampier  and  Others  in  the  South  Sea — End  of  Laguna's  Admin- 
istration. 

Between  the  years  1680  and  1687,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, the  principal  towns  of  Central  America 
that  lay  near  the  shores  of  the  South  Sea  were  con- 
tinually infested  by  pirates.  The  settlements  on  the 
North  Sea  had  been  so  frequently  sacked  that  few  of 
them  contained  sufficient  wealth  to  tempt  the  free- 
booters, with  the  exception  of  Cartagena,  which  was 
too  strongly  fortified  to  fall  an  easy  prey.  Neverthe- 
less they  were  not  exempt  from  attack.  In  August 
1682  four  French  vessels  entered  the  harbor  of  Porto- 
bello  and  rescued  a  number  of  their  countrymen  who 
were  detained  there  as  prisoners.  From  a  negro  slave 
on  board  the  squadron  the  governor  ascertained  that 
fifteen  French  vessels  had  arrived  at  Martinique  with 
three  thousand  persons  on  board,  the  purpose  of  the 
expedition  being  the  colonization  of  Darien.  In 
Nicaragua  news  was  received  that  two  thousand  fili- 
busters were  assembled  at  the  same  point,  intending 
to  make  a  raid  on   Panama.    Vera  Cruz  and  other 

(  189  j 


190  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

parts  of  New  Spain  were  also  threatened,  and  the 
marques  dc  Laguna,1  who  took  office  in  November 
1G80,  at  once  made  preparations  for  defence;  the 
militia  were  called  out;  the  principal  harbors  were 
strongly  fortified  and  garrisoned,  and  the  armada  de 
Barlovento  was  refitted  and  ordered  to  cruise  off  the 
coast  of  Tierra  Firme. 

But  at  this  period  corsairs  ceased  not  to  harass  the 
Spaniards  on  land  and  sea.  During  the  absence  of  the 
settlers  they  made  sudden  raids  on  the  coast,  sacked 
the  towns,  and  carried  off  the  cattle,  thus  causing  many 
thriving  colonies  to  be  abandoned.  Hovering  on  the 
shores  of  New  Spain,  they  lay  concealed  in  their  light 
swift  craft  behind  some  point  or  reef,  whence  on  the 
appearance  of  a  treasure  ship  they  darted  like  hawks 
on  their  prey.  Laying  their  vessels  athwart  the 
Spaniard's  bow  they  raked  her  deck  with  musketry, 
then  pulled  alongside,  and  dagger  in  hand  swarmed 
over  the  bulwarks.  Rarely  did  they  fail  to  secure 
their  prize,  and  often  the  Spaniards  made  no  defense; 
the  pirates  finding  them  on  their  knees  in  suppli- 
cation to  the  virgin  and  the  saints,  who  sadly  failed 
them  in  their  emergencies. 

In  consequence  of  these  depreciations  the  viceroy 
gave  orders  that  no  ship  should  leave  Vera  Cruz 
without  orders.  This  measure  remedied  the  evil  bo 
some  extent;  but  still  the  corsairs  lurked  among  the 
numberless  islands  and  reefs  of  the  Bahama  Channel, 
through  which  vessels  must  pass  on  their  way  to 
Spain,  and  many  a  richly  laden  craft  fell  a  prize  to 
them  before  those  on  board  were  aware  that  an  enemy 
was  within  sight.  On  one  occasion  while  the  vice- 
admiral  of  the   treasure  fleet  was  at  dinner  in  his 

1  Don  Tomas  Antonio  de  la  Cerda,  conde  de  Paredes,  marque's  de  la  La- 
guna, de  la  orden  de  Alcantai-a,  del  Consejo  de  su  Magestad,  Camara,  y  junta 
de  Guerra  de  Indias.  Ordenen  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  47.  He  took  oiliee  on 
November  30,  1C80.  Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  16.  In  Rivera,  Gob.,  2.32,  he  is 
called  Antonio  de  la  Cerda  y  Aragon.  According  to  this  authority  he  was  a 
man  of  illustrious  family,  the  members  of  which  had  always  been  employed 
in  civil  and  military  affairs.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife,  the  Dona 
Maria  Louisa  Manrique  de  Lara  y  Gonzaga. 


NICHOLAS  VAN  HORN.  191 

cabin,  his  ship  was  boarded  by  a  boat's  crew  of  twenty- 
eight  men  in  charge  of  a  Frenchman  named  Pierre,  a 
native  of  Dieppe.  So  sudden  and  daring  was  the 
attack  that  the  vice-admiral  and  a  number  of  officials 
who  sat  at  table  with  him  found  themselves  prisoners 
before  they  had  time  to  gain  the  deck.  The  cap- 
tives were  put  on  shore  at  Cape  Tiburon,  and  a  few 
weeks  later  Pierre  entered  the  port  of  Dieppe  with 
his  prize,  which  contained  a  rich  freight  of  treasure 
and  merchandise.  This  adventurer  is  dignified  in 
buccaneer  history  by  the  title  of  le  Grand. 

In  1682  Tampico  was  sacked  by  corsairs  and  thirty 
prisoners  taken.  During  the  same  year  a  sea  rover 
named  Nicholas  Van  Horn  captured  two  vessels  off  the 
coast  of  Honduras.  Van  Horn  is  described  as  a  man 
of  swarthy  complexion  and  short  stature,  a  thorough 
seaman  and  a  capable  and  far-sighted  commander.  He 
began  life  as  a  common  sailor,  and  remained  in  that 
position  until  he  had  saved  money  enough  to  purchase 
a  small  craft  of  his  own.  Collecting  a  crew  of  twenty- 
five  or  thirty  men,  he  began  his  career  as  a  pirate  by 
capturing  several  Dutch  vessels,  which  he  sold,  and 
with  the  proceeds  sailed  for  Ostend  and  there  pur- 
chased a  ship  of  war.  His  further  operations  were 
successful,  and  in  a  few  years  he  was  in  command  of 
a  small  fleet,  with  which  he  swept  the  seas,  taking 
many  prizes,  and  requiring  all  but  French  vessels  to 
lower  their  flag  as  they  passed  him.  Finally  he  gave 
offence  to  the  monarch  of  France,  and  a  captain 
named  D'Estrees,  being  ordered  to  arrest  him,  put  to 
sea  in  a  well  armed  frigate  for  that  purpose.  When 
the  captain's  vessel  fell  in  with  Van  Horn,  the  latter, 
finding  himself  outsailed,  and  not  wishing  to  fight, 
for  he  was  aware  that  D'Estrees  was  acting  under 
orders  from  the  crown,  boarded  his  ship  in  a  small 
boat,  and  demanded  his  intention  .in  thus  pursuing 
him.  "  To  conduct  you  to  France,"  replied  the  cap- 
tain. "But  why?"  exclaimed  the  pirate;  "I  have 
given  no  cause  of  offence  to  his  Majesty,  and  have 


102  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

made  war  only  upon  his  enemies."  "My  instruc- 
tions are  explicit,"  rejoined  D'Estrees,  and  after  some 
further  parley  ordered  the  anchor  to  be  weighed. 
"What  arc  you  about?"  cried  the  corsair  angrily,  and 
looking  the  captain  straight  in  the  eye.  "Think  you 
my  men  will  not  fight  when  they  see  me  thus  carried 
oft*  before  their  eyes?  You  will  find  that  my  lieuten- 
ant is  prompt  to  act,  and  that  my  crew  fear  neither 
danger  nor  death."  The  captain  saw  that  his  prisoner 
meant  what  he  said,  and  as  he  had  no  orders  to  risk 
his  vessel  in  an  encounter  wTith  the  corsair,  he  allowed 
him  to  depart. 

Van  Horn  had  the  reputation  of  being  the  bravest 
of  all  the  sea-rovers,  and  his  crew  was  composed  of 
men  after  his  own  heart.  During  the  hottest  fight 
he  would  closely  observe  their  actions,  and  if  any 
showed  signs  of  fear,  such  as  stooping  to  avoid  the 
enemy's  missiles,  he  would  shoot  them  dead  on  the 
spot.  But  while  he  thus  punished  cowards,  he  re- 
warded without  stint  those  who  distinguished  them- 
selves in  action,  for  he  had  amassed  enormous  wealth, 
and  like  others  of  his  craft  was  lavish  with  his  means. 

Soon  after  joining  the  buccaneer  fraternity  he  ob- 
tained a  commission  from  one  of  the  French  gov- 
ernors,  of  whom  there  were  now  many  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  proceeded  to  the  island  of  Roatan,  where 
he  was  joined  by  captains  Laurent  de  Gaif,  Michel 
Grammont,  and  others,  who  were  there  lying  in  wait 
for  Spanish  vessels.  He  now  proposed  an  expedition 
against  Vera  Cruz,  which  was  then  the  storing-place 
for  the  treasure  and  merchandise  which  passed  be- 
tween New  and  Old  Spain.  The  city  was  protected 
by  the  island  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  which 
at  that  time  was  supposed  to  be  impregnable.  The 
fortress  was  mounted  with  sixty  guns  which  com- 
manded the  town,  and  swept  the  approach  by  sea, 
and  at  the  north-east  and  south-west  corners  of  the 
city  were  two  other  forts  with  twenty  guns.  A  few 
companies  of  veterans  were  stationed  on  the  island; 


SAN  JUAN  DE  ULtfA. 


193 


in  the  city  itself  was  a  garrison  of  trained  soldiers,  and 
several  thousand  men  could  be  concentrated  within 
twenty-four  hours  from  the  interior.  The  enterprise 
was  a  bold  one,  and  by  many  deemed  too  hazardous; 
but  the  filibusters  were  now  assembled  in  force,  mus- 
tering probably  about  a  thousand  strong/  and  their 
leaders  were  men  fertile  of  resource. 


Map  of  Vera  Cruz. 

2 '  Ce  fut  en  l'ann^e  1683,  apres  avoir  fait  une  revue  g^nerale  de  la 
flotte,  qui  se  trouva  monte'e  de  deux  cens  Flibustiers,  tous  gens  d 'elite.'  Es- 
quemelin,  Hist.  Flib.,  i.  269.  Probably  the  200  included  only  the  French  con- 
tingent. They  numbered  over  1,000.  Rivera,  Gov.  Mex.,  i.  255.  800  men, 
Cavo,  ii.  63-4.  The  expedition  consisted  of  960  men,  a  motley  gathering, 
including  French,  English,  Spaniards,  mulattoes,  and  Indians.  Momico,  i. 
407.  8,000  men,  Robles,  Diario,  i.  370;  Zamacois,  v.  438.  The  last  estimate 
Hist.  Mkx.,  Vol,  III.    13 


194  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

Laurent,  or  as  he  is  more  frequently  known  by  the 
chroniclers  Lorencillo,  by  which  name  we  shall  hence- 
forth call  him,  was  appointed  commander  of  the  fleet, 
while  Van  Horn  was  in  charge  of  the  land  forces. 
The  former  is  described  as  a  tall,  well  proportioned, 
and  handsome  man ;  light-haired  and  comely  of  aspect, 
a  generous  ruffian  withal,  though  of  course  always 
alieni  profusus,  and  one  very  popular  among  his  com- 
rades. He  was  in  fact  a  model  corsair.  It  is  not 
recorded  that  he  was  ever  guilty  of  quite  such  dia- 
bolic atrocities  as  were  laid  to  the  charge  of  Morgan 
or  L'Olonnois,  but  if  we  can  believe  the  Spanish  rec- 
ords of  this  period,  his  deeds  were  sufficiently  diabol- 
ical to  be  interesting.  It  is  there  stated  that  while 
still  a  youth  he  wTas  punished  by  an  alcalde  of  Tabasco 
for  some  offence.  Vowing  vengeance  he  disappeared, 
and  not  long  afterward  returned  with  a  gang  of  male- 
factors who  sacked  and  burned  the  town  and  outraged 
the  women.  But  the  account  given  by  Esquemelin, 
one  of  his  fraternity,3  and  probably  the  more  truthful 
version  is  that,  being  captured  by  pirates  while  serv- 
ing on  board  a  Spanish  vessel,  he  consented  to  join 
the  buccaneers.  This  writer  describes  the  character 
of  his  favorite  hero  in  glowing  colors,  giving  him 
credit  for  all  the  qualities  of  a  true  gentleman,  and 
remarking  with  amusing  naivete  that  his  only  fault 
was  his  impatience  and  a  habit  of  swearing  a  little  too 
frequently.4 

Toward  sunset  on  the  17th  of  May,5 1G83,  two  large 
ships  flying  Spanish  colors  were  seen  to  the  leeward  of 
Vera  Cruz,  crowding  all  sail  to  make  the  port,  for  a 

is  of  course  absurd.  Robles  himself  gives  them  only  15  vessels,  while  in 
the  Mosaico  are  mentioned  11  ships  and  nine  piraguas,  one  of  the  former 
being  mounted  with  50  guns,  according  to  the  author  of  West  Indies,  Geog.  and 
II  it.,  140,  the  other  ships  having  in  all  124  guns.  This  chronicler  places  the 
land  forces  at  1,200. 

3  Hist.  Flib.j  i.  27G  et  seq. 

4 /,/.,  i.  27G. 

5  The  9th  of  May  in  Sharp's  Voyages,  116.  The  17th  is  the  date  given 
in  Villarroel,  Invasion  Vera  Cruz;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  273.  Al- 
though the  latter  is  somewhat  contradictory  as  to  dates  in  relating  the  sack 
of  Vera  Cruz,  he  is  probably  right  in  this  instance. 


THE  CITY  SURPRISED.  105 

league  or  two  farther  out  at  sea  was  a  strong  squadron 
apparently  in  pursuit.  At  nightfall,  the  Spaniards 
on  the  island  and  mainland  made  fires  to  cmide  them 
into  the  harbor,  for  they  were  supposed  to  be  two 
vessels  laden  with  cacao  that  were  now  due  from  the 
coast  of  Caracas.6  The  pursuing  squadron  had  changed 
its  course  when  the  ships  neared  the  fort,  casting  anchor 
a  short  distance  from  the  city,  and  the  townsfolk  went 
to  vespers  and  to  rest  as  usual,  apprehending  no  danger. 

About  an  hour  after  midnight  a  few  musket  shots 
were  heard,  but  the  inhabitants,  supposing  a  serenade 
was  being  given  to  some  prominent  citizen,  remained 
quietly  in  bed.  The  town  was  well  garrisoned;  the 
castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  was  the  strongest  fort- 
ress in  the  Xew  World,  and  to  add  to  the  feeling  of 
security,  the  great  fleet  was  daily  expected  from  Spain. 
Never,  for  years,  had  the  citizens  been  more  free  from 
alarm  than  when  they  awoke  at  sunrise  and  prepared 
to  go  about  their  daily  avocations.  The  church  bells 
tolled  as  usual  for  matins,  and  the  people  set  forth  to 
obey  the  summons.  But  no  matins  were  said  that 
morning  in  Vera  Cruz;  for  those  who  first  made  their 
appearance  in  the  streets  found  them  guarded  by  par- 
ties of  armed  men,  and  soon  the  dread  news  spread 
from  house  to  house  that  pirates  were  in  possession 
of  the  city. 

The  buccaneers  had  obtained  information  from  pris- 
oners captured  off  the  coast  of  the  two  ships  laden 
with  cacao  that  were  hourly  expected  at  Vera  Cruz, 
and  this  information  had  siiGfGfested  the  stratagem 
already  related.  On  board  the  vessels  which  the 
Spaniards  had  supposed  to  be  thus  laden  was  the 
main  body  of  the  pirates,  captains  Van  Horn  and  Lor- 
encillo  in  charge.  During  the  night  nearly  eight  hun- 
dred men,  armed  to  the  teeth,  had  landed  at  a  distance 
of  less  than  a  league  from  Vera  Cruz,  and  guided  by 
slaves  had  crept  stealthily  on  the  city,  surprised  the 

6  Sharp's  Voyages  (London,  1C84),  110;     Burnei/s  Hist.  Bucc,  127. 


196  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

forts,  and  made  themselves  masters  of  the  place  with 
the  loss  of  only  four  men.7 

Lorencillo  had  recommended  that  a  party  be  sent 
to  surprise  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Uliia,  and  if 
his  advice  had  been  taken,  the  pirates  might  have  re- 
mained masters  of  Vera  Cruz  long  enough  to  obtain 
an  immense  ransom.  But  this  was  deemed  too  hazard- 
ous, and  they  resolved  to  plunder  the  town  and  make 
good  their  retreat  as  speedily  as  possible.  The  doors 
of  the  houses  were  battered  in  and  the  panic-stricken 
inhabitants  dragged  forth  without  regard  to  age,  sex, 
or  condition,  into  the  public  square,  and  soon  after- 
ward lodged  in  the  principal  churches,  where,  by  nine 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  over  six  thousand  persons  were 
confined,  most  of  them  being  placed  in  the  parish 
church.8  For  three  days  and  nights  they  were  kept 
without  food  or  drink,  while  the  buccaneers  plundered 
the  city,  and  when  at  length  water  and  a  small  dole 
of  food  were  given  to  them,  many  died  from  drinking 

7  Three  of  these  were  killed  by  their  own  comrades,  who  mistook  them  in 
the  darkness  for  Spaniards.  Sharj^s  Voyages,  117.  There  is  considerable  dis- 
crepancy among  the  authorities  as  to  the  particulars  of  the  capture  of  Vera 
Cruz.  In  Sharp's  Voy.,  it  is  stated  that  the  buccaneers  landed  774  men,  who 
by  break  of  day  had  made  themselves  masters  of  the  town  and  forts  on  the 
mainland,  and  that  after  stationing  guards  at  the  streets  '  they  sent  parties  to 
break  open  the  houses,  where  they  found  everybody  as  quiet  as  in  their  graves. ' 
VillarroePs  version  is  that  on  the  18th  of  May  the  pirates  landed  GOO  men, 
who  reached  the  city  at  4  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  charged  through  the 
streets  firing  their  muskets  and  crying  'Long  live  the  king  of  France  ! '  The 
garrison,  he  says,  rushed  to  arms,  but  were  shot  down  or  captured  as  soon  as 
they  appeared,  while  all  the  citizens  who  attempted  to  leave  their  houses  met 
with  a  similar  fate.  Villarroel,  Invasion  Vera  Cruz,  in  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt. 
II  1st.,  274-5,  285.  Esquemelin,  Hist.  Flib.,  i.  271,  states  that  the  inhabitants 
remained  quietly  in  their  beds,  '  jusqu'a  ce  que  l'heure  de  se  lever  fut  venue; 
mais  alors  ils  furent  bien  surpris  d'apprendre  que  les  Flibustiers  etoient  mai- 
tres  de  leur  ville. '  Esquemelin's  account  seems  to  be  the  more  probable  on 
this  point,  for  the  pirates,  having  possession  of  the  forts  which  commanded 
the  city,  had  nothing  to  gain  by  rousing  up  the  inhabitants  by  night,  and  thus 
giving  them  a  chance  to  escape  during  the  darkness.  The  stratagem  by  which 
the  buccaneers  contrived  to  make  their  landing  undiscovered  is  related  in 
tin  nicy's  Hist.  Bucc.,  127,  and  is  apparently  taken  from  Esquemelin,  and  the 
author  of  Sharp's  Voyages,  though  neither  mention  that  the  buccaneer  ilect 
appeared  in  chase  of  the  two  vessels.  Such  a  ruse  was,  however,  very  Likely 
to  have  been  adopted. 

8  Villarroel,  Invasion  Vera  Cruz,  in  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  274-5. 
In  Sharp's  Voy.,  118,  the  number  is  given  at  5,700,  all  of  whom  were  eonflned 
in  the  parish  church;  but  it  is  not  probable  that  the  building  would  contain 
so  many. 


SPOILS  AXD  RANSOMS.  197 

immoderately.  Meanwhile  the  ruffians  who  kept 
guard  over  them  mocked  at  the  wailings  of  the  women 
who  beaded  of  them  in  vain  to  save  the  lives  of  their 
little  ones.  The  captives  wrere  told  that  they  were  all 
to  be  burned  alive,  and  barrels  of  powder  were  placed 
in  their  sight  at  the  doors  of  the  church,  ready  to  blow 
up  the  building  in  case  they  should  attempt  resistance. 
Not  a  woman  escaped  outrage,  and  each  day  they  wTere 
driven  off  in  bands,  like  cattle,  to  satisfy  the  lust  of 
their  tormentors.9 

A  quantity  of  plate  was  found  in  the  churches,  and 
the  altars  and  sacred  images  were  stripped  of  every 
article  of  value;  but  these  wrere  only  a  small  portion 
of  the  spoils.  Besides  the  property  of  the  inhab- 
itants, the  pirates  secured  large  amounts  of  specie, 
bullion,  and  merchandise  which  had  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  in  transit  for  Spain.  Among  the  plunder  was 
much  valuable  jewrelry  and  about  three  hundred  bags 
of  cochineal,  each  weighing  from  a  hundred  and  fifty 
to  two  hundred  pounds.10  The  freebooters  w^ere  not 
yet  satisfied,  howrever,  and  suspecting  that  some  of 
the  wealthier  citizens  had  secreted  their  treasure,  put 
several  to  the  torture,11  again  threatening  to  burn 
the  parish  church  with  its  inmates  unless  all  their 
valuables  were  delivered  up.  Thereupon,  one  of  the 
priests  ascended  the  pulpit  and  besought  the  captives 
to  surrender  their  property  in  order  to  save  their 
lives.  Thus  a  further  large  amount  was  obtained. 
For  the  ransom  of  the  governor,  who  wTas  found  hid- 
den under  a  pile  of  grass  in  a  stable,  the  sum  of 
seventy  thousand  pesos  was  paid. 

Troops  of  mounted  Spaniards  now  appeared  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  town,  and  occasionally  made  a  dash 

9  'Las  mugeres  pasaron  muchos  travajos,  porque  su  maldad  no  reservava 
blanca,  ni  prieta,  ni  Joncella  ni  casada,  que  £  fuerza  de  su  vigor  no  las  sacasen, 
llcvandolas  a.  forzarlas.  Siendo  este  caso  una  de  las  cosas  mas  sensibles.' 
Villarroel,  Invasion  V.  Cruz,  275. 

_ 10  Esquemelin  estimates  the  value  of  the  booty  at  6,000,000  crowns,  but 
this  must  be  an  exaggeration.   Hist.  Flib.,  i.  272. 

_  u  Among  these  was  one  Gaspar  de  Hen-era,  who  was  suspended  by  the 
private  parts  until  he  was  nearly  dead.  Mosaico,  i.  401. 


19S  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

at  the  pirates,  though  they  did  not  venture  an  organ- 
ized attack.  It  was  observed,  however,  that  their 
numbers  constantly  increased.  Moreover  the  fleet 
from  Spain  was  every  moment  expected,  and  the 
corsairs  deemed  it  prudent  to  depart.  The  spoils 
were  therefore  removed  to  the  island  of  Sacrificios 
where  the  fleet  was  stationed.  All  the  negroes  and 
mulattoes  of  both  sexes,  and  some  of  the  Spaniards, 
were  taken  from  the  churches  to  serve  as  pack  ani- 
mals. The  latter  were  unused  to  such  work,  and  be- 
ing enfeebled  by  fasting  could  barely  stagger  under 
their  burdens,  but  were  urged  on  by  the  merciless 
blows  of  their  captors.  Not  even  yet  were  the  pirates 
satisfied.  About  fifteen  hundred  prisoners,  including 
the  governor  and  the  leading  citizens,  were  conveyed 
to  the  island,  and  a  ransom  of  a  hundred  and  fifty 
thousand  pesos  demanded  from  the  citizens  of  Vera 
Cruz,  under  threat  that  twelve  of  the  principal  Span- 
iards, whom  meanwhile  they  would  hold  as  hostages, 
should  be  put  to  death  in  case  of  non-payment.12 

Haggard  and  gaunt  with  hunger  after  their  four 
days'  imprisonment  in  the  stifling  and  fetid  atmosphere 
of  the  crowded  churches,  the  captives  were  in  a  piti- 
ful condition;  but  further  suffering  was  in  store  for 
them.  Before  embarking  for  the  island  and  on  land- 
ing they  were  closely  searched  and  everything  of  the 
least  value  taken  from  them,  even  to  the  piece  of  straw 
matting  which  was  their  only  bed  at  night  and  their 
shelter  from  the  sun  by  day.  Their  food  was  of  the 
coarsest,  and  barely  sufficient  to  sustain  life.  A  supply 
of  provisions  sent  to  them  from  the  city  was  appro- 
priated by  the  pirates.  They  were  constantly  ex- 
posed to  insults  and  threats,  and  most  of  them  expected 
only  death,  or,  as  a  worse  alternative,  a  life  of  hopeless 
captivity.  For  ten  days  they  remained  on  the  island 
until  the  ransom  was  paid,  about  midday  on  the  second 

12  Kohl™,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mcx..  i.  371-3.  According  to  this  authority 
the  ransom  was  demanded  from  the  viceroy.  Zamacois  places  the  amount  at 
100,000  pesos,  v.  438-9. 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  FLEET.  199 

Sunday  after  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  Span- 
iards who  had  been  held  as  hostages  were  then  released; 
the  negroes  and  mulattoes,  to  the  number  of  at  least 
thirteen  hundred,  and  the  most  attractive  of  the  female 
captives,  were  placed  on  board  the  fleet;13  and  the 
buccaneers  prepared  to  set  sail  from  the  island. 

During  the  afternoon  a  double  guard  was  placed 
over  the  remaining  prisoners;  the  rude  huts  which 
they  had  erected  of  branches  to  screen  them  from  sun 
and  dew  were  destroyed;  and  the  pirates,  brandishing 
their  weapons,  never  ceased  to  menace  them  with 
death,  in  the  hope  of  yet  extorting  a  further  ransom. 
The  threats  were  not  executed,  however,  and  at  night 
all  the  corsairs  withdrew,  for  the  ships  were  now  ready 
for  sea.  The  following  morning  a  boat's  crew  returned 
to  take  on  board  another  load  of  captives;  but  found 
that  all  had  concealed  themselves.  The  governor  and 
two  friars  were  discovered,  and  having  no  time  for 
further  search  the  pirates  carried  them  off  to  their 
vessels,  though  the  latter  were  afterward  released. 
They  secured  also  a  launch  laden  with  provisions, 
which  had  been  sent  from  the  city  for  the  relief  of 
the  famishing  prisoners. 

No  sooner  had  the  ransom  been  paid  than  the  fleet 
from  Spain  appeared  in  sight.14  The  governor  of 
San  Juan  de  Uliia  immediately  despatched  a  boat 
to  the  admiral,  proposing  to  make  a  combined  attack 
on  the  corsairs,  who  now  put  to  sea,  not  waiting  even 
to  take  in  water,  or  a  supply  of  fresh  meat  which 
they  had  provided  at  the  mouth  of  the  Medellin 
River.  Now  once  more  the  Spaniards  let  slip  their 
opportunity,  for,  like  the  Austrians  in  the  days  of 
Bonaparte,  they  knew  not  the  value  of  minutes.  If 
a  prompt  and  vigorous  attack  had  been  made  on  the 

13Villarroel  states  the  corsairs  took  with  them  over  3,000  mulattoes, 
negroes,  and  boys.  Invasion  Vera-  Cruz,  in  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Ajowitt.  J  J  id. , 
283.  Robles,  that  they  carried  away  only  1,300  negroes.  Diario,  in  Doc. 
Hint.  Ilex.,  i.  376.  The  latter  is  probably  nearer  the  truth,  for  3,000  captives 
in  addition  to  all  the  plunder  would  have  overcrowded  the  vessels. 

14 It  consisted  of  11  sail.  Robles,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  37-4.  17  ves- 
sels. Dsquemelin,  Hist.  FUb.,  i.  271.     12  great  ships.  Sharp's  Voyayes,  118. 


200  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

overladen  ships  of  the  buccaneers  it  would  probably 
have  been  successful;  but  instead  of  instant  action  a 
council  of  officers  was  summoned,  and  while  they 
were  yet  in  deliberation,  the  pirates,  crowding  all  sail, 
made  good  their  escape.15 

Before  leaving  the  island  of  Sacrificios  a  partition 
was  made  of  the  spoils,  which  were  divided  into  1,200 
shares;  and  it  was  found  that  each  share  amounted 
to  800  pesos,  the  total  being  valued  at  900,000  pesos, 
Van  Horn  demanding  for  himself  80  shares  or  64,000 
pesos.  Lorencillo  appears  to  have  been  dissatisfied 
with  his  portion,  for  he  quarrelled  with  the  former 
concerning  the  dividend,16  and  the  dispute  ended  in  a 
duel  in  which  Van  Horn  was  wounded  in  the  wrist. 
The  commander  of  the  buccaneers  paid  no  attention 
to  his  hurt,  for  trifling  wounds  were  not  regarded 
among  his  fraternity;  but  this  neglect  cost  him  his 
life.  His  wrist  grew  worse ;  soon  mortification  set  in ; 
and  when  fifteen  days  out  at  sea,  he  was  thrown  over- 
board, a  corpse,  off  Cape  Yucatan.  The  plunder  on 
board  his  vessel,  amounting  to  one  hundred  thousand 
pesos,  was  bequeathed  to  his  son,  a  youth  of  twelve, 
and  the  command  of  his  ship  devolved  on  Grammont, 
his  lieutenant. 

V:>Robles,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Ilex.,  i.  373;  Cavo,  ii.  64.  The  French  and 
English  versions  of  the  matter  differ  materially  from  the  above.  Esquemelin 
says  that  the  fleet  arrived  while  the  buccaneers  were  at  Vera  Cruz,  Hist. 
Flib.,  i.  274;  the  author  of  Sharp's  Voij.,  119-20,  that  Van  Horn  proposed  to 
attack  it  and  offered  to  board  the  admiral's  ship,  but  that  Lorencillo  refused 
to  cooperate  with  him.  It  is  not  likely  that  the  buccaneers  would  think  of 
thus  risking  their  spoils,  or  would  have  ventured  to  remain  on  the  coast  in  the 
presence  of  so  strong  a  fleet,  supported  by  the  artillery  and  garrison  of  the 
fort. 

^Sharp's  Voyages,  119.  Esquemelin  attributes  the  quarrel  to  a  report  that 
Van  Horn  had  said  something  offensive  concerning  Lorencillo,  whereupon  the 
latter  went  in  search  of  his  traducer,  and  though  he  denied  the  charge,  drew 
his  sword,  exclaiming,  'Voila  ce  qui  va  me  venger  de  l'injure  que  tu  m'as 
faite.'  Van  Horn  also  drew,  and  in  the  fight  which  ensued  was  wounded  in 
the  wrist.  Hist.  Flib.,  i.  291-2.  Villarroel's  version  is  that  immediately  after 
boasting  before  his  prisoners  that  he  believed  in  no  God,  and  that  his  success 
was  due  to  his  own  valor,  he  was  met  by  Lorencillo,  who  reproved  him  for 
his  harsh  treatment  of  the  captives.  Hence  the  quarrel  and  the  duel.  Inva- 
sion Vera  Cruz,  in  Lei-do  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  281.  Robles  states  that 
lr>th  were  wounded,  and  that  Lorencillo  offered  to  restore  the  booty  on  certain 
conditions.  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hint.  Mex.,i.  373.  The  account  given  in  Sharp's 
\'oy.  ijeems  the  most  probable. 


THE  FLIGHT  OF  LORENCILLO.  201 

Overcrowding  and  want  of  provisions  caused  sick- 
ness on  board  the  buccaneer  fleet,  and  numbers  per- 
ished. Lorencillo  and  his  squadron  were  next  seen  off 
Jamaica.  Grammont  sailed  for  the  island  of  Little 
Guayove,  where  he  arrived  in  safety,  though  with  the 
loss  of  two  thirds  of  his  prisoners.  A  vessel  which 
accompanied  him  was  chased  by  a  Spanish  armadilla;17 
and  the  crew  were  compelled  to  take  to  their  boats, 
securing  their  treasure,  but  leaving  behind  them  the 
slaves  and  merchandise.  No  further  attempt  was 
made  to  pursue  or  punish  the  marauders.  The  Span- 
iards contented  themselves  with  offering  up  thanks  to 
the  Almighty  for  their  deliverance,  and  an  order  was 
issued  that  in  all  churches,  chapels,  and  convents 
founded  by  the  crown,  a  solemn  annual  mass  should 
be  celebrated  in  gratitude  "for  the  happy  event  of  the 
flight  of  Lorencillo." 

After  the  departure  of  the  pirates  those  who  re- 
mained on  the  island  of  Sacrificios  were  at  once  trans- 
ferred to  the  city,  which  was  now  guarded  by  a  large 
force  of  cavalry.  During  the  raid  over  three  hundred 
of  the  inhabitants  perished,  and  many  of  the  survivors 
were  reduced  to  beggary.  The  entire  loss  amounted 
to  several  millions  of  pesos.  None  of  the  buildings 
were  destroyed,  but  all  were  more  or  less  injured,  and 
most  of  them  were  found  in  a  filthy  condition.  Sev- 
eral months  were  required  to  purify  the  churches. 
The  streets  were  choked  with  garbage,  and  the  air 
was  poisoned  with  the  stench  of  decomposed  bodies. 

For  many  years  the  name  of  Lorencillo  was  re- 
membered with  terror  by  the  people  of  New  Spain, 
and  even  to  this  day  it  is  not  forgotten.18    Such  was 

17 On  June  17,  1683,  it  was  reported  from  Goazacoalcos  that  the  pirates 
demanded  60, COO  pesos  of  ransom  for  their  negro  and  mulatto  captives.  An 
armadillo  of  6  vessels  with  600  men  left  Vera  Cruz  for  Goazacoalcos  in  the 
middle  of  July,  in  pursuit  of  the  pirates ;  but  was  drived  back  by  a  storm 
and  detained  for  about  a  week.  About  the  20th  of  August  the  armament  re- 
turned with  6  prizes  and  90  slaves  taken  from  the  enemy.  Eobks,  Diario, 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  370,  380-3.  The  recapture  of  the  slaves  is  confirmed 
in  Esquemelin,  but  it  is  nowhere  mentioned  except  in  Robles  that  the  Span- 
iards took  more  than  one  vessel. 

18  The  name  of  Lorencillo   afterward  became   a  byword  in  Vera  Cruz. 


202  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

the  dread  which  he  inspired  that  life  and  property 
were  no  longer  considered  safe  in  Vera  Cruz,  and 
when  foreign  vessels  appeared  in  sight  the  inhabi- 
tants fled  to  the  woods.  It  was  now  ordered  that 
the  treasure  destined  for  Spain  should  be  detained  at 
Jalapa  until  after  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  and  the 
armada  de  Barlovento  was  ordered  thenceforth  to  con- 
voy the  vessels  as  far  as  Habana.  This  force  was 
reorganized,  and  its  commander  tried  by  court-martial 
and  cashiered  for  neglect  of  duty,  Don  Andres  Ochoa 
y  Zarate  being  appointed  in  his  stead. 

The  raid  of  Morgan  and  his  gang  on  Panamtf,,  in 
1671,  had  always  been  considered  as  the  boldest  ven- 
ture of  the  buccaneers;  but  the  sack  of  Vera  Cruz 
was  a  yet  more  daring  exploit.  When  Morgan  was 
once  in  possession  of  Panamd  it  was  impossible  that 
any  large  body  of  Spanish  troops  could  arrive  in  time 
to  interfere  with  his  operations,  but  at  Vera  Cruz  the 
case  was  different.  Apart  from  the  garrison  of  San 
Juan  de  Ulua  there  were  troops  stationed  at  several 
points  not  more  than  thirty  leagues  distant.  A 
courier  was  despatched  to  the  city  of  Mexico  within 
a  few  hours  after  the  landing  of  the  pirates,  and  ar- 
rived in  three  days,19  reporting  that  they  came  in  fif- 
teen large  ships  and  numbered  eight  thousand  men. 
On  the  following  day  a  hastily  levied  force  of  nearly 
two  thousand  horse  and  a  few  companies  of  foot  set 
forth,  soon  to  be  followed  by  large  reinforcements 
from  the  capital,  all  Spaniards  capable  of  bearing 
arms,  between  the  ages  of  fifteen  and  sixty,  being  en- 
rolled. The  ecclesiastics  assembled  in  the  cathedral 
and  resolved  to  join  them  in  a  body.  But  before  any 
of  these  reinforcements  could  arrive  the  buccaneers 
had  abandoned  the  city,  and  news  of  their  departure 
was  received  in  Mexico  on  the  5th  of  June.20 

When  anything  was  irrecoverably  lost  it  was  customary  to  say  that  Loren- 
cillo  had  taken  it.  Vdlarroet,  Invasion  Vera  Cruz,  in  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt. 
tfixt.,  2S8-0. 

l9The  distance  is  about  94  Spanish  leagues.' 

20  The  chief  authorities  which  have  been  consulted  in  relation  to  the  sack 


TRIAL  OF  THE  GOVERNOR.  203 

On  the  28th  of  July  the  viceroy  arrived  in  Vera 
Cruz.  His  first  measure  was  to  cause  the  governor 
to  be  tried  for  cowardice,  and  sentence  of  death  was 
pronounced;  but  an  appeal  being  made,  his  life  was 
spared  and  he  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Spain.  The 
defences  of  the  city  were  repaired  and  strengthened, 
and  to  ensure  the  earlier  departure  of  the  fleet  it  was 
ordered  that  the  annual  fair  be  transferred  from  the 
capital  to  Vera  Cruz,  which  was  as  yet  the  only  port 
of  entry  in  New  Spain,  and  now  for  a  few  years  became 
the  distributing  point  for  the  merchandise  of  Seville. 

During  the  remainder  of  Laguna's  administration, 
the  raids  of  corsairs  and  privateers  continued  almost 
without  intermission.  On  the  3d  of  August  1683 
news  was  received  in  the  city  of  Mexico  that  war  was 
declared  between  France  and  Spain,  and  in  the  follow- 
ing year  hostilities  broke  out  with  England.  The 
operations  of  the  English  buccaneers  were  mainly 
directed,  as  we  have  seen,  against  the  cities  of  Central 
America;  but  those  of  the  French  filibusters  extended 
over  all  portions  of  the  coast  of  New  Spain.  On  the 
northern  portion  of  Santo  Domingo  nearly  ten  thou- 
sand of  the  latter  had  their  head-quarters,  all  of  them 

of  Vera  Crnz  are  the  contemporaneous  accounts  of  Father  Villarroel  and 
Antonio  Robles.  The  former,  who  was  assistant  parish  priest  of  Vera  Cruz 
at  the  time  of  its  capture,  has  left  in  one  of  its  registers  of  births  a  detailed 
record  of  this  event.  It  contains  occasional  repetitions,  and,  as  I  have  said, 
there  is  some  confusion  in  the  dates,  but  otherwise  it  is  clear  and  graphic. 
A  literal  copy  is  given  by  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  in  his  Apuntes  Histdricos,  278-85, 
and  another  copy,  less  carefully  taken,  will  be  found  in  the  Mosaico  Mexi- 
cano,  i.  399-407.  Though  the  Diario  of  Robles,  i.  370-83,  contains  only 
brief  items  relating  to  this  event,  it  serves  to  confirm  the  main  statements  of 
Villarroel  and  furnishes  some  additional  facts.  These  are  the  sources  from 
which  the  principal  writers  of  later  times  have  drawn  their  information, 
though  not  always  conforming  to  the  originals.  Among  the  numerous  foreign 
writers,  English,  French,  and  Dutch,  who  treat  of  this  event  in  connection 
with  the  buccaneers,  the  author  of  Sharp's  Voyages  and  Esquetnelin  are 
probably  the  best,  though  both  are  biassed,  and  the  latter  superficial.  The 
former  narrative  is  meagre,  but  professes  to  be  taken  from  despatches  sent 
from  Jamaica  in  August  1683.  As  his  work  was  published  in  London  during 
the  following  year,  this  is  probably  the  case.  Further  mention  of  this  writer 
is  made  in  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  ii.  510-11,  this  series,  and  of  Esquemelin  in.  Id., 
5C7.  These  works  are  probably  the  most  reliable  so  far  as  they  relate  to  the 
stratagem  by  which  the  city  was  surprised,  and  to  questions  of  detail  relating 
to  the  buccaneer  armament;  for  the  Spaniards  captured  no  prisoners,  and 
neither  Villarroel  nor  Iiobles  could  have  known  anything  definite  about  these 
matters. 


204  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

professing  allegiance  to  the  king  of  France.  The 
waters  of  the  Caribbean  sea  swarmed  with  pirates  who 
defied  the  Spanish  cruisers  and  the  armada  de  Barlo- 
vento.  All  the  efforts  of  the  Spanish  authorities  to 
rid  the  seas  of  this  scourge  were  of  little  avail.  Orders 
were  given  that  whenever  a  pirate  craft  was  captured 
the  captain  and  officers  should  be  shot  and  the  crew 
sent  to  work  at  the  galleys  in  Spain.  Nevertheless 
it  seldom  happened  that  a  vessel  arrived  in  Vera  Cruz 
without  bringing  news  of  further  depredations. 

At  the  very  time  when  Van  Horn  and  his,  gang 
were  sharing  the  spoils  of  this  city  at  the  island  of 
Sacrificios,  a  large  force  of  French  corsairs  captured 
the  city  of  Guayana  with  its  governor  and  garrison, 
and  took  possession  of  Margarita  and  other  small 
islands  in  the  West  Indies.  Maracaibo  was  also 
threatened,  and  the  audiencia  of  Santa  ¥6  petitioned 
the  viceroy  to  allow  the  armada  de  Barlovento  to  pro- 
ceed to  New  Granada.  On  the  2d  of  May  1684  news 
arrived  in  Mexico  that  Tampico  had  again  been 
sacked  by  a  large  force  of  pirates,  and  a  number  of  the 
inhabitants  carried  off  as  captives.  Two  days  later 
the  Barlovento  fleet  sailed  in  pursuit  of  them  and 
captured  three  of  their  ships.21  On  July  6th  of  the 
same  year  Lorencillo  appeared  once  more  in  the  North 
Sea,  this  time  off  the  port  of  Campeche,  which  he 
captured  after  a  five  days'  siege,  and  thence  marched 
on  Mcrida,  but  was  driven  back  with  heavy  loss.  On 
his  return  voyage  he  encountered  the  armada  under 
command  of  Genoa,  and  one  of  his  frigates  mounting 
twenty-seven  guns  was  captured  by  Spaniards.  Lo- 
rencillo escaped  with  his  own  vessel22  and  henceforth 
appears  no  more  in  connection  with  piratical  expedi- 
tions on  the  mainland. 

21  Rivera  mentions  that,  during  this  year,  a  pirate  vessel  was  captured 
near  Tainpico  with  104  men  on  board.  The  prize  was  taken  to  Vera  Cruz  and 
5  of  the  corsairs  were  hanged.  The  rest  would  have  met  with  the  same  fate 
but  for  a  recent  order  requiring  that  all  freebooters  taken  captive  should  be 
sent  to  Spain.  Gob.  Max.,  i.  203. 

22  Id. ,  42G,  428,  435-7.  Ochoa  died  about  this  time;  but  whether  he  was 
killed  in  action  is  not  recorded. 


OTHER  PIRATICAL  OPERATIONS.  205 

Nevertheless  the  settlers  of  Merida  were  constantly 
in  dread  of  filibusters.  Many  of  the  corsairs  when 
not  engaged  in  their  raids  employed  themselves  in  the 
profitable  occupation  of  tortoise  fishing,  these  grounds 
extending  from  Campeche  to  the  confines  of  Nica- 
ragua. Among  the  numerous  keys,  islands,  or  coves 
of  this  long  stretch  of  coast  they  careened  their  ves- 
sels, pursued  their  fishing,  and  planned  their  expedi- 
tions, safe  from  the  attacks  of  Spanish  cruisers.  The 
intricate  coast  of  Campeche,  with  which  they  were 
perfectly  familiar,  was  constantly  frequented  by  these 
marauders,  and  in  consequence  Merida  was  contin- 
ually exposed  to  their  attacks.  The  garrison  consisted 
of  but  two  companies  of  half-clad  and  poorly  fed  sol- 
diers, until  after  the  raid  of  Lorencillo,  when  two  more 
companies  were  sent  from  Spain.  The  encomenderos 
offered  to  build  a  wall  around  the  city  at  their  own 
expense,  asking  only  that  they  should  be  released  from 
the  tax  for  the  support  of  cavalry  called  montado. 

During  the  years  1685  and  1686  the  principal  oper- 
ations of  the  pirates  were  the  raid  of  Agramon  on 
the  coast  of  Florida,  and  the  expedition  of  Dampier  to 
the  South  Sea.  The  former  was  driven  off  with  the 
loss  of  fifty  men.  The  operations  of  Dampier,  Swan, 
and  others  on  the  coast  of  Central  America  have  been 
related  in  their  place;  and  it  has  already  been  men- 
tioned that  the  latter,  accompanied  by  Townley,  re- 
solved to  try  his  fortune  on  the  coast  of  Mexico,  hoping 
to  capture  the  Manila  ship,  which  at  this  epoch  was 
wont  to  leave  the  Philippines  in  June  and  arrive  at 
Acapulco  about  Christmas.  After  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  take  the  Lima  galleon  from  under  the  guns 
of  the  fort  at  Acapulco  early  in  November  1685,  and 
an  equally  vain  effort  to  find  the  town  of  Colima  on 
the  26th,  they  reached  Salagua,  or  Santiago,  Decem- 
ber 1st,  and  had  a  skirmish  with  the  Spaniards,  cap- 
turing two  mulattoes,  but  were  unable  to  find  there 
any  such  town  as  was  described  in  the  Spanish  pilot- 
books. 


206  THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

Many  of  the  Englishmen  died  in  this  region  of  a 
prevalent  dropsy  following  chills  and  fever.  The 
malady  might  have  been  easily  cured  by  certain  parts 
of  an  alligator  pulverized  and  taken  in  water,  but 
there  were  no  alligators  to  be  had.  On  the  11th  they 
sighted  Cape  Corrientes,  and  it  was  their  plan  to 
cruise  about  this  place  and  watch  for  the  galleon ;  but 
it  was  also  necessary  to  obtain  supplies,  and  during 
one  of  the  raids  made  for  this  purpose,  the  galleon  is 
supposed  to  have  passed  by  unnoticed;  at  least  the 
hope  of  taking  her  was  soon  given  up,  and  on  January 
6,  1686,  the  fleet  separated,  sailing  from  Banderas 
Valley,  where  on  December  4th  they  had  had  a  fight 
with  the  Spaniards,  losing  four  men  and  killing  seven- 
teen. Captain  Townley  with  two  vessels  returned 
down  the  coast,  while  Captain  Swan  continued  his 
voyage  northward  in  the  hope  of  finding  towns  or  rich 
mines.  The  northern  limit  reached  by  the  ships  was 
23°  30',  just  above  Mazatlan,  although  Swan  went  in 
boats  still  farther  in  search  of  Culiacan,  which  he  did 
not  reach.  The  fleet  turned  about  on  February  2d. 
On  February  11th  they  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Santiago,  or  Tololotlan,  up  which  stream  seventy 
men  were  sent  in  four  boats;  but  having  captured  an 
Indian  who  could  guide  them  to  Santa  Pecaque,  prob- 
ably Centipac,  Swan  set  out  in  person  with  double 
that  force.  The  inhabitants  ran  away,  and  the  town 
was  entered  without  resistance.  Several  days  were 
spent  in  loading  the  canoes  with  supplies,  and  on  the 
19th  fifty  men  on  their  way  from  the  town  to  the 
landing,  each  leading  a  horse  laden  with  maize,  were 
attacked  by  Spaniards,  Indians,  and  negroes  from 
Santiago,  and  every  man  killed,  as  already  related,23 
including  Ringrose  the  buccaneer  author,  who  was 
Swan's  supercargo.  This  disaster  discouraged  the 
British  "from  attempting  anything  more  hereabouts." 
It  was  proposed  to  go  to  Cape  San  Lucas  for  repairs, 
and  they  sailed  on  the  21st,  passing  the  Tres  Marias 

23  Hist.  Cent.  Amer..  ii.  5G8,  this  series. 


END  OF  LAGUNA'S  REIGN.  207 

but  were  driven  back  thither  on  the  7th  of  March. 
It  was  now  decided  to  sail  for  Manila,  and  after  taking 
water  at  Banderas  they  left  Corrientes  on  the  last  day 
of  March.  The  men  murmured  at  the  long  voyage 
before  them,  but  hoped  for  rich  booty  in  the  East 
Indies.  The  historian  of  the  expedition  naturally 
does  not  quit  the  coast  without  having  his  say  about 
Californian  geography  and  the  Strait  of  Anian.24 

Apart  from  the  raids  of  buccaneers  few  incidents 
worthy  of  note. occurred  during  the  reign  of  Viceroy 
Laguna;  there  was  an  Indian  revolt  in  New  Mexico, 
and  an  expedition  to  the  coast  of  Lower  California, 
which  will  be  related  in  their  place.  On  the  8th  of 
February  1684,  the  viceroy  received  intelligence  that 
his  term  of  office  was  extended  for  three  years.25  In 
1686  his  residencia  was  taken  by  the  fiscal  Bastida. 
The  charges  were  trivial,  and  about  two  years  later 
he  returned  to  his  native  country,  where,  having 
made  a  donation  of  fifty  thousand  pesos  for  some 
charitable  purpose,  he  received  the  rank  of  grandee 
of  Spain,  and  his  son  the  title  of  duke  of  Guastala. 

24  Dampier's  New  Voyage  around  the  World,  London,  1G99,  i.  237-78. 
The  author,  Wm.  Dampier,  was  on  the  fleet,  but  in  what  position  does  not 
appear.  He  had  left  Virginia  under  Captain  Cook  in  Aug.  1683,  had  been 
with  Captain  Davis  in  the  south,  and  had  come  north  with  Captain  Swan. 
Between  1G86  and  1688  several  attacks  on  the  coast  of  Cumana  were  repelled 
by  Governor  Gaspar  Mateo  de  Acosta,  but  he  was  unable  to  expel  a  French 
colony  established  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Guarapicheto,  and  the  armada  de 
Barlovento  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  his  aid.  A  number  of  French  pirates 
were  pardoned,  and  one  of  them,  named  Lorenzo,  appointed  sargento  mayor. 
In  December  1686,  three  prisoners  taken  at  Laguna  de  Terminos  gave  inform- 
ation that  100  men  had  been  engaged  there  for  several  months  in  cutting  log- 
wood and  shipping  it  to  Jamaica.  Measures  were  taken  by  the  viceroy  to 
expel  them.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  2G3-4.  The  treaty  concluded  between 
England,  France,  and  Holland  at  this  period,  whereby  these  countries  were 
pledged  to  aid  each  other  in  extending  their  possessions  in  America,  caused 
much  uneasiness  to  the  Spanish  crown,  and  the  viceroy  was  ordered  to  make 
vigorous  preparations  for  defence.  The  forts  were  repaired,  the  armada  de 
Barlovento  was  refitted,  another  vessel  purchased,  and  Jacinto  Lopez  Gijon, 
admiral  of  the  Flemish  squadron  in  the  ocean  fleet,  placed  in  command. 

25  During  the  previous  year  an  impostor  appeared  in  the  person  of  Antonio 
Benavides,  who  represented  himself  as  the  marquis  of  Saint  Vincent,  a  field- 
marshal  and  governor  of  the  castle  of  Acapulco.  He  is  commonly  known  as 
the  Tapado.  He  was  arrested  by  order  of  the  audiencia,  tried,  and  sentenced 
to  death.  While  in  prison  he  tried  to  strangle  himself  with  a  handkerchief. 
After  his  execution  his  head  and  one  of  his  hands  were  taken  to  Puebla.  The 
other  hand  was  fastened  on  the  gallows.  Robles,  370  et  seq.;  C'avo,  ii.  64; 
Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  60-1. 


CHAPTER  XL 

THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

1683-1803. 

Extent  of  the  City  of  Vera  Cruz — Entrepot  of  Commerce — Character 
of  the  Population — Prosperity  of  the  People — Its  Inhabitants — 
Its  Trade — Scarcity  of  Water — The  Black -vomit — The  Port  of 
Vera  Cruz — The  Fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua — Its  Garrison — 
The  Works  Cost  Nearly  Forty  Millions  of  Pesos — Cessation  of 
Buccaneering  Raids — The  Towns  of  Cordoba,  Jalapa,  and  Orizaba. 

There  are  few  records  as  to  the  condition  of  the 
province  of  Vera  Cruz  for  some  twenty  or  thirty 
years  after  the  sack  of  its  capital.  About  1730  the 
city  contained  perhaps  three  thousand  Spaniards, 
mulattoes,  and  negroes,  apart  from  its  garrison;  the 
remainder  of  its  heterogeneous  population  including 
people  from  all  the  western  nations  of  Europe.  The 
city  was  about  one  sixth  of  a  league  in  length  and 
half  that  distance  in  width.  Most  of  the  inhabitants 
were  mulattoes;  some  of  them  being  wealthy,  for 
money  was  readily  made  at  this  entrepot  of  com- 
merce, and  even  the  negro  slaves  could  accumulate 
enough  to  purchase  their  freedom. 

In  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  "Vera  Cruz 
was  but  an  insignificant  port,  serving  as  a  landing- 
place  for  the  bands  of  adventurers  who  came  to  the 
shores  of  New  Spain.  At  the  opening  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  it  was  the  commercial  emporium  of  a 
territory  whose  vast  resources,  little  developed  as  they 
are  even  to  this  day,  had  excited  the  envy  of  the 
world.  At  the  latter  date  its  population  was  esti- 
mated at  over  thirty-five  thousand,  of  whom  about 

(208) 


SOCIETY.  209 

twenty  thousand  were  permanent  residents.1  The  in- 
habitants were  quiet,  orderly,  and  peaceable.  Business 
dishonesty  was  unknown,  and  property  of  all  kinds  was 
secure,  few  precautions  being  needed  to  insure  its 
safety.  There  were  no  beggars  in  the  streets,  and 
few  criminals  in  the  public  jail;  the  poorer  classes 
were  all  employed  in  some  useful  occupation,  and 
among  the  rich  were  not  a  few  who  had  acquired 
immense  fortunes  in  commercial  pursuits.  The  gov- 
ernment employes,  both  civil  and  military,  performed 
their  duties  faithfully  and  were  accorded  the  consid- 
eration due  to  their  rank.  The  church  was  well  sup- 
ported, and  the  religious  orders  were  among  the  largest 
property-holders  in  the  province.2 

*Of  the  floating  population  3,040  were  seamen,  7,370  muleteers,  and  4,500 
passengers,  troops,  servants,  and  non-resident  tradesmen.  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
Apunt.  Hist.,  306.  In  old  Vera  Cruz  there  was  in  1777  a  population  of  777 
persons,  of  whom  only  39  were  Spaniards.  Vera  Cruz,  Fabrica,  in  Mex.  Doc. 
Ecles.,  MS.,  i.  no.  ii.  fol.  10.  At  this  date  the  population  of  the  new  city 
was  estimated  by  the  traveller  De  Menonville,  in  Pinkerton's  Col.  Voy.,  xiii. 
777,  at  0,000  to  7,000.  If  this  be  so  it  had  increased  more  than  five-fold 
within  30  years.  The  writer  affirms  that  at  the  time  of  his  visit  the  houses 
were  built  entirely  of  stone  brought  from  Campeche,  and  that  he  saw  the 
ruins  of  at  least  20  buildings  that  had  lain  there  for  fifty  years,  the  walls  of 
which  were  of  masonry;  but  why  stone  should  be  brought  from  Campeche 
when  there  was  excellent  material  in  the  neighborhood  he  does  not  explain. 
Speaking  of  the  city  he  remarks  that  not  the  slightest  culture  embellishes 
the  neighborhood.  'The  men,'  he  continues,  'are,  generally  speaking,  lofty- 
minded  and  proud;  either  from  this  being  the  specific  character  of  their 
nation,  or  owing  to  their  excessive  wealth  in  a  country  where  gold  stamps  so 
much  value  on  its  possessor.  They  comprehend  trade  very  well,  but  here, 
as  elsewhere,  their  natural  indolence,  and  their  rooted  habits,  and  supersti- 
tion, render  them  irremediably  averse  from  labour.  Incessantly  they  are 
seen  with  their  chaplets  and  relics  on  their  arms  and  round  their  neck;  their 
houses  are  filled  with  statues  and  paintings  of  saints;  and  their  life  is  a  series 
of  devotional  practices.  The  women  live  recluse  in  their  apartments  above 
stairs,  to  avoid  being  seen  by  strangers;  though  it  is  by  no  means  difficult  to 
perceive  that,  but  for  the  restrictions  placed  on  them  by  their  husbands,  they 
would  be  far  more  easy  of  access.  Within  doors  they  wear  over  the  shirt 
nothing  but  a  small  silk  corset,  laced  with  a  gold  or  silver  cord.  Still,  though 
so  simple  their  dress,  they  wear  a  gold  necklace,  bracelets  at  the  wrist  of  the 
same  metal,  and  at  their  ears  pendants  of  emeralds  of  greatest  value.  Gen- 
erally speaking,  the  fair  in  this  city  are  not  handsome;  for  however  rich  their 
dress  they  show  a  deficiency  of  grace  and  fancy,  and,  under  an  apparent 
reserve,  are  strongly  inclined  to  lasciviousness.  The  only  amusements  are 
the  neveria,  a  sort  of  coffee-house,  whither  the  genteeler  sort  repair  to  take 
ice-creams,  and  some  imitations  of  bull-fights  for  the  vulgar;  unless  indeed 
under  this  denomination  be  comprised  the  processions  and  flagellations  of  the 
holy  week. ' 

2  In  1740  Vera  Cruz  contained  seven  convents  belonging  to  the  Dominican, 
Franciscan,  Augustinian,  and  Merced  orders,  two  hospitals,  and  a  Jesuit  col- 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    14 


210  THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

At  this  period  the  trade  of  Vera  Cruz  probably 
exceeded  thirty  million  pesos  a  year.  Apart  from 
commerce  the  city  had  little  to  depend  upon.  So 
limited  was  the  area  of  cultivated  land  in  its  vicinity3 
that  nearly  all  the  leading  articles  of  consumption 
were  brought  from  a  distance.  Stock-raising  was  the 
chief  occupation  in  the  surrounding  country,  and 
hides  and  dried  fish  the  only  commodities  exported 
from  the  province.  Much  of  the  prosperity  now 
enjoyed  was  due  to  the  measures  adopted  by  Carlos 
III.  in  1778  with  a  view  to  facilitate  commerce 
between  Spain  and  her  colonies.  Many  of  the  re- 
strictions which  had  aimed  at  a  monopoly  of  trade, 
and  had  served  only  to  divert  it  into  the  hands  of 
foreigners,  were  now  removed,  and  no  community 
was  more  greatly  benefited  thereby  than  that  of 
Vera  Cruz,  which  was  still  the  only  port  of  entry  on 
the  northern  seaboard  of  New  Spain.  In  1795  a  tri- 
bunal of  commerce4  was  established  there  by  royal 
decree,  and  its  operations  were  of  great  benefit  both 
to  the  city  and  the  province.  At  the  opening  of  the 
nineteenth  century  the  city  had  attained  the  full 
growth  of  her  prosperity,  and  more  substantial  build- 
ings were  erected  than  during  the  two  preceding  cen- 
turies. The  madrepore  stone,  called  by  the  natives 
piedra  mucura,  and  found  in  abundance  on  the  reefs 

lege.  There  were  also  two  chapels  outside  the  walls.  Villa-Seuor,  Teatro,  i. 
271.  Although  there  were  more  priests  in  Vera  Cruz  than  were  needed,  many 
of  the  towns  in  the  district  had  none,  and  in  1802  had  not  been  visited  by  the 
bishop  of  Puebla,  to  whose  diocese  they  belonged,  for  47  years.  The  first 
hospital  was  established  by  two  Jesuits  on  the  island  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 
During  the  rule  of  the  Marquis  of  Montesclaros  a  hospital  was  founded  in 
Vera  Cruz  and  named  after  the  marquis.  It  was  abandoned  in  1805.  The 
next  one  founded  in  the  city  was  the  military  hospital  of  San  Carlos,  com- 
pleted in  1704.  One  named  Our  Lady  of  Loreto  was  built  for  the  accommo- 
dation of  women,  and  one  for  convalescents  was  commenced  in  1 784  and 
placed  in  charge  of  the  Bethlehemite  nuns.  The  last  three,  together  with  the 
2>ublic  hospital  of  San  Sebastian,  existed  in  1S07.  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apuitt. 
Hist.,  377-8. 

3  Elsewhere  in  the  province  agricultural  products  were  considerable,  in- 
cluding among  other  items  300,000  fanegas  of  corn  a  year,  243,750  arrobas  of 
cotton,  and  80,000  arrobas  of  sugar.   Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hint.,  3G5-0. 

4 '  Consulado.'  In  1784  the  orlice  of  '  comandancia  del  resguardo  de  todas 
las  rentes '  was  created  in  Vera  Cruz  by  order  of  the  crown,  the  regulations 
adopted  being  the  same  as  those  in  force  at  Cadiz. 


PREVALENCE  OF  DISEASE.  211 

in  the  harbor,  supplied  an  excellent  material,  and 
came  into  general  use.  Before  this  time  the  houses 
were  built  for  the  most  part  of  wood,  although  during 
the  preceding  century  and  a  half  the  city  had  several 
times  been  partly  destroyed  by  fire.5 

The  streets  of  Vera  Cruz  were  regularly  laid  out, 
their  direction  corresponding  with  that  of  the  car- 
dinal points  of  the  compass.  Their  pavement  was 
commenced  in  1765  and  completed  in  1776.  In  April 
of  the  following  year  they  were  lighted  for  the  first 
time  by  order  of  the  municipality.  In  1790  a  cemetery 
was  opened  outside  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  by  order 
of  the  viceroy  the  burial  of  the  dead  in  church  vaults 
was  forbidden.  To  this  practice  and  to  the  scantiness 
and  poor  quality  of  the  water6  may  be  attributed  in 
part  the  pestilences  from  which  the  inhabitants  were 
seldom  free.  The  rich  obtained  their  supply  from 
cisterns  built  on  their  own  premises,  the  poor  from 
an  aqueduct7  which  was  usually  empty  during  two  or 
three  months  in  the  year,  when  they  were  dependent 
on  a  single  well  sunk  near  the  bastion  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara. Another  cause  of  the  prevalence  of  disease 
was  the  overcrowding  of  the  houses,  which  were 
packed  so  closely  together  in  the  poorer  quarters  of 
the  town  as  to  impede  the  circulation  of  the  air. 

The  rains  set  in  at  Vera  Cruz  about  the  20th  of 
March  and  lasted  for  six  months,  being  followed  by 
violent  north-west  winds  which  continued  almost 
throughout  the  dry  season,  raising  the  sand  in  such 
clouds  as  often  to  obstruct  the  si^ht  and  render  breath- 
ing  difficult.  September  and  October  were  the  most 
unhealthy  months,  and  it  was  then  that  the  sickness 

5  The  fire  of  1618,  spoken  of  on  page  27  of  this  volume,  is  not  even  men- 
tioned by  Miron  in  Notlcia  Imtructiva,  although  there  is  no  doubt  that  it 
occurred;  but  he  speaks  of  two  others  that  happened  in  1006  and  1608. 

6  As  early  as  1703  an  attempt  was  made  to  bring  water  into  the  city  from 
the  river  Jamapa.  In  1795  a  dam  was  built  and  an  aqueduct  constructed  for 
some  distance,  but  the  work  was  abandoned.  Though  surveys  have  since  been 
made  and  revenues  assigned  for  the  purpose,  nothing  has  been  acconrplished. 
Ltrdo  tie  Tejada,  Ajnuit.  Hist.,  322-6. 

7  Constructed  by  Malibran  in  1726. 


212  THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

known  as  the  black-vomit  was  the  most  deadly.  This 
scourge  was  supposed  to  have  been  introduced  by  an 
English  slave-ship  in  the  year  1699,  but  was  more 
probably  an  endemic  disease  due  to  the  causes  already 
mentioned,  and  to  the  malaria  generated  by  decaying 
animal  and  vegetable  matter.8  At  the  close  of  the 
last  and  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  so  great 
was  the  havoc  wrought  by  this  malady  that  it  was 
proposed  to  abandon  the  site  of  Vera  Cruz  and  re- 
move to  Jalapa. 

The  port  of  Vera  Cruz  was  neither  safe  nor  com- 
modious, being  but  a  roadstead,  sheltered  on  the  east 
side  by  a  few  small  and  widely  separated  reefs  and 
islands.  On  the  north  it  was  entirely  exposed,  and 
from  September  to  March  was  swept  by  violent  north 
winds,  which  made  the  anchorage  unsafe.  The  island 
of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  is  less  than  a  mile  distant  from 
the  city,  only  its  south-west  point  on  which  the  fort 
was  built  being  above  high-water  mark.  On  the  lee- 
ward side  of  this  island,  facing  the  city,  vessels  made 
fast  by  cable  ropes  to  huge  bolts  and  rings  let  into 
the  walls  of  the  fort.  Here  the  depth  of  water  was 
six  or  eight  fathoms,  and  from  this  point  passengers 
and  freight  were  transferred  to  the  mainland  in  boats. 
Opposite  the  city,  and  at  about  the  same  distance,  was 
a  small  reef  called  Lavandera,  near  which  was  also  an 
anchoring  ground  for  merchant  craft.  Five  or  six 
miles  to  the  south-east  are  the  islands  of  Verde  and 
Sacrificios,  where  were  the  quarantine  ground  and  the 
station  for  ships  of  war.  The  harbor  wTas  entered  by 
two  channels,  the  best  one  being  on  the  north  side, 
between  Ulua  and  the  mainland,  with  a  depth  of  four 
to  five  fathoms  and  a  width  of  four  hundred  varas. 
The  other  channel  lay  between  the  island  of  Sacrifi- 

8  Humboldt,  Essai,  i.  276-9.  In  1803,  the  eminent  Spanish  physician  Flo- 
rcncio  Perez  de  Comoto  declared  that  the  disease  had  not  been  introduced 
from  any  foreign  country.  The  presence  of  foreigners,  of  whom  large  num- 
bers died  of  yellow  fever,  was,  however,  believed  to  aid  the  development  of 
the  germs  of  this  disease,  and  such  was  the  experience  in  all  places  subject  to 
it.  In  18'2o  the  legislature  offered  a  reward  of  100,000  pesos  to  any  one  who 
should  discover  a  remedy. 


HARBORS. 


213 


cios  and  the  Pdjaro  reef,  and  was  of  the  same  depth 
and  width. 

A  larger  and  more  sheltered  harbor,  named  Anton 
Lizardo,  was  situated  a  few  leagues  to  the  south-east 
of  Vera  Cruz,9  and  there  appears  to  be  no  good  reason 
why  the  latter  was  selected,  except  that  the  island  of 
San  Juan  de  Ulua  was  a  favorable  spot  for  the  con- 
struction  of  a  fortress.     No   attempt  was  made   to 


San  Juan  de  Ulua. 


improve  it,  and  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century- 
it  remained  in  the  same  condition  as  when  first  dis- 
covered by  Grijalva  in  1518. 


9  Anton  Lizardo  was  the  harbor  in  which  the  French  fleet  anchored  in 
1838  and  the  Americans  in  1S47-1S48. 


214  TIIE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

There  arc  no  reliable  data  as  to  the  exact  time 
when  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  cle  Uliia  was  erected; 
but  the  works  must  have  been  commenced  between 
the  years  1582  and  1G25.  At  the  former  date  the 
island  was  occupied  only  by  sailors  and  merchants;  at 
the  latter  the  fortress  is  mentioned  by  the  traveller 
Gage,  in  connection  with  his  visit  to  Vera  Cruz,  and 
appears  to  have  been  then  well  advanced.  It  was 
probably  the  strongest  fort  in  the  New  World,  and 
until  the  improvements  made  in  modern  warfare  was 
considered  almost  impregnable,  being  often  termed 
the  San  Juan  de  Acre  of  America.  In  174G  it  was 
mounted  with  one  hundred  and  twenty  guns  and 
three  mortars.  In  1780  it  contained  one  hundred 
brass  cannon  and  about  fifty  pieces  of  ordnance  made 
of  iron,  the  latter  being  of  heavy  calibre.10  The  main 
building  was  in  the  shape  of  a  parallelogram,  with  a 
bastion  at  each  of  its  angles.  The  one  at  the  south- 
west corner  was  named  the  bastion  of  San  Pedro  and 
was  completed  in  1633.  It  was  surmounted  by  a 
high  tower  on  which  was  a  revolving"  liglrt.  On  the 
south-east  corner  was  the  bastion  of  San  Crispin, 
completed  in  1710.  Here  was  built  a  lookout  tower 
whence  vessels  were  sighted  and  communication  main- 
tained with  the  city  by  a  system  of  signals.  Others 
named  Our  Lady  del  Pilar  and  Santa  Catalina  were 
finished  in  1778  and  1799  respectively.  The  curtain 
and  the  flanks  of  the  bastions  facing  seaward  were 
covered  with  stakes  of  hard  wood  sharpened  at  the 
end  and  rising  a  foot  and  a  half  out  of  the  water,  so 
that  at  high  tide  vessels  could  not  approach  within 
musket  shot.  Within  the  fort  were  seven  large  cis- 
terns, containing  nearly  a  hundred  thousand  cubic 
feet  of  water,  and  below  it  were  damp,  narrow  dun- 
geons, where  notorious  criminals  were  confined.  Pew 
who  were  once  incarcerated  there  came  forth  alive. 

At  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  gar- 

10  Ytlla-Seuor  y  Savrhez,  Teatro,  i.  274-5;  Tnforme  del  Comand.  de  Ulua> 
July  29,  1780,  in  Col.  Diario,  MS.,  504-G. 


COAST  DEFENCES.  215 

rison  appears  to  have  been  smaller  than  at  the  time 
of  the  sack  of  Vera  Cruz  by  buccaneers  in  1683,  con- 
sisting of  only  120  artillerymen,  150  troops  drawn 
from  the  naval  battalion  of  the  city,  the  latter  being 
relieved  every  month,  and  30  sailors.  A  band  of  con- 
victs was  also  stationed  there  and  employed  on  the 
works.  At  this  time  there  were  quartered  in  the 
city  a  naval  battalion  of  GOO  men,  an  infantry  regi- 
ment 1,000  strong,  300  dragoons,  and  30  artillerymen. 
A  militia  regiment  with  ten  companies,  two  of  them 
being  composed  of  mulattoes  and  two  of  negroes, 
added  1,000  additional  troops  to  the  defensive  force, 
and  the  firing  of  a  cannon  would  at  any  time  summon 
700  or  800  lancers  from  the  adjacent  towns  and 
haciendas.11  In  1741  a  plan  was  drawn  up  by  the 
engineer,  Felix  Prospero,  for  constructing  a  wall 
around  the  city,  and  the  work  was  completed  five 
years  later.  The  wall  was  built  of  hewn  stone 
brought  from  Campeche;  it  was  six  feet  high,  and 
was  surmounted  by  a  strong  double  stockade  of  the 
same  height.  It  contained  seven  gates,  one  of  them 
being  for  the  accommodation  of  shipping  and  fisher- 
men, and  one  for  the  special  use  of  the  viceroys. 
On  the  inner  side  was  a  banquette  for  infantry;  on  a 
tongue  of  land  at  the  extreme  north  was  afterward 
constructed  the  bastion  of  La  Concepcion  mounted 
with  sixteen  heavy  guns,  and  commanding  the  north 
channel  with  the  adjacent  coast;  on  the  extreme 
south  was  the  bastion  of  Santiago,  mounting  twenty- 
six  guns,  and  containing  the  arsenal  and  naval  stores. 
Between  these  two  bastions,  and  facing  the  land  side, 
smaller  ones  protecting  the  main  avenues  of  approach 
were  erected  at  intervals.12 

11  Villn-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Tealro,  i.  273^.  According  to  this  authority 
the  military  staff  was  composed  of  the  governor,  the  king's  lieutenant,  an  ad- 
jutant, a  sargento  mayor,  and  three  engineers.  In  May  1727  the  viceroy, 
Casa  Fuerte,  framed  the  first  ordinance  regulating  the  strength  of  the  garrisons 
at  Vera  Cruz  and  Ulna,  in  imitation  of  a  similar  one  issued  nine  years  previously 
for  the  city  and  fortress  of  Habana.  At  this  date  the  garrison  was  somewhat 
smaller,  and  that  of  the  city  consisted  mainly  of  cavalry. 

12Id.,  271-2. 


21G  THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

After  the  capture  of  Habana  by  the  English  in 
1762  much  apprehension  was  felt  as  to  the  safety  of 
Vera  Cruz.13  The  defences  of  the  city  and  of  San 
Juan  de  Ulua  were  strengthened,  and  new  ones  erected 
on  other  portions  of  the  coast.  The  island  fortress 
was  ordered  to  be  repaired  at  a  cost  of  over  a  million 
and  a  half,  and  the  port  of  Anton  Lizardo  was  to  be 
fortified  at  an  expense  of  a  million  and  a  quarter  pesos. 
A  fort  was  also  begun  at  San  Carlos  de  Perote,  this 
point  being  intended  for.  an  arsenal  and  as  a  storing 
place  for  treasure,  Jalapa  being  now  considered  unsafe. 
Additional  troops  were  despatched  from  Spain,  and 
in  December  1774  a  military  commission  met  at  Vera 
Cruz  to  consider  such  further  measures  as  might  be 
necessary  for  defence.  The  result  was  very  unfavor- 
able. It  was  reported  that  the  city  was  untenable, 
and  that  Ulua,  which  was  supposed  to  be  im- 
pregnable, could  only  be  held  for  a  few  days,  and 
would  require  a  garrison  of  1,700  infantry  and  300 
artillerymen,  together  with  a  force  of  sailors  suffi- 
cient to  man  a  number  of  armed  boats.14  It  was  even 
recommended  that  on  the  approach  of  an  enemy  the 
bastions  should  be  blown  up  and  the  inhabitants  sent 
into  the  interior,  taking  with  them  their  effects.  The 
report  of  the  commissioners  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  heeded,  and  at  the  close  of  the  century,  when 
Europe  was  at  war  and  the  Spanish  American  pos- 
sessions were  at  any  time  liable  to  attack,  the  garri- 
sons of  the  city  and  fortress  were  even  smaller  than 
those  stationed  there  sixty  years  before.15 

13  When  intelligence  arrived  of  the  capture,  the  viceroy  ordered  that  muni- 
tions of  war  be  at  once  forwarded  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  that  all  available  troops 
be  immediately  put  in  motion  for  that  point.  When  it  was  known  that  there 
was  no  imminent  danger  of  attack,  he  withdrew  his  forces  to  Jalapa  and  Pcrote 
where  the  climate  was  more  healthy.     The  next  year  peace  was  declared. 

11  De  Mcnonville  says  that  at  the  time  of  his  visit  in  1777  the  fortress  was 
mounted  with  300  guns  of  from  12  to  36  pound  calibre,  and  that  it  was  ex- 
posed to  attack  on  the  south-east  corner,  where  was  a  landing-place  much 
nearer  the  fort  than  the  principal  one,  and  where  vessels  might  anchor  under 
the  curtain,  the  fire  from  which  would  be  of  no  avail.  Pinkerton's  Col.  Voy., 
xiii.  770.  In  1780  Viceroy  Mayorga  inspected  the  defences  of  the  city  and 
and  changed  the  plan  of  defence  adopted  by  his  predecessor. 

u  At  the  beginning  of  the  19th  century  the  combined  garrisons  of  the  city 


GOVERNMENT  OFFICES.  217 

Notwithstanding  the  enormous  sums  expended  on 
coast  defences,  the  fortress  of  Ulua  alone  having  cost 
nearly  forty  millions  of  pesos,  the  people  of  New 
Spain,  besides  being  in  constant  fear  of  the  armaments 
of  hostile  powers,  were  still  in  dread  of  corsairs.  In 
November,  1788,  a  royal  decree  was  issued  in  answer 
to  the  viceroy's  petition  ordering  two  brigantines  to 
be  constructed  for  coast-guard  service  against  pirates 
and  smugglers.16  Of  course  the  operations  of  the 
former  were  now  confined  to  the  more  thinly  popu- 
lated portions  of  the  coast;  for  such  raids,  except 
made  by  licensed  freebooters  under  the  name  of 
privateersmen,  were  long  since  discountenanced  by 
the  nations  of  Europe. 

After  the  bemnninor  of  the  war  between  England 
and  Spain,  in  1796,  it  was  believed  that  an  expedition 
was  being  prepared  for  an  attack  on  Vera  Cruz,  and 
during  the  following  year  eight  thousand  troops  were 
cantoned  at  Jalapa,  Cordoba,  and  Perote  in  readiness 
for  action;  but  England  had  now  sufficient  occupa- 
tion for  all  her  forces  on  land  and  sea,  in  the  long 
protracted  struggle  with  the  great  Napoleon.  A  few 
months  later  all  the  encampments  were  broken  up, 
excepting  one  of  six  hundred  men  who  wrere  stationed 
on  the  plain  near  Buena  Vista  in  the  vicinity  of  Vera 
Cruz,  and  so  great  was  the  mortality  among  this 
corps  that  it  soon  became  necessary  to  remove  the 
survivors  into  the  city. 

Until  1629  the  offices  of  corregidor  of  Vera  Cruz 
and  governor  of  Ulua  were  vested  in  the  same  person, 
but  in  that  year  they  were  separated,  the  commander 
of  the  fortress  receiving  a  salary  of  one  thousand  one 

and  fortress  consisted  of  the  permanent  battalion  of  Vera  Cruz,  organized  in 
1793,  its  strength  being  1,000  men,  a  company  of  veteran  artillery,  and  two 
of  militia,  810  men,  and  the  regiment  of  Vera  Cruz  lancers,  enrolled  in  17G7, 
nominally  1,000  strong.  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mcx.y  Apunt.  Hist., 
383-4.  In  1784  the  garrison  of  Vera  Cruz  was  reenforced  by  two  infantry 
regiments  from  Mexico,  Id.,  309;  but  these  appear  to  have  been  soon  with- 
drawn, for  in  Gac.  Mex.,  ii.  290,  it  is  stated  that  in  178G  the  garrison  of  Vera 
Cruz  mustered  only  1,3G0  men. 

16  They  arrived  in  Vera  Cruz  about  two  years  afterward.  Later  a  schooner 
was  built  for  the  same  purpose. 


218  THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

hundred  pesos  a  year.  Later  the  former  received 
the  title  of  governor,  but  in  1730  his  civil  functions 
were  the  same,  though  he  received  from  the  viceroy 
the  rank  of  lieutenant  captain-general  and  military 
governor.  Between  1730  and  1733  it  was  ordered 
that  this  official  should  also  have  authority  over  the 
garrison  of  Uhia,  a  resident  commander  of  the  fortress 
being  appointed  as  his  subordinate.17  After  the  estab- 
lishment of  intendencias  in  1787  the  powers  of  the 
former  were  greatly  enlarged,  the  offices  of  governor 
and  intendente  being  afterward  combined.18 

At  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  inten- 
dencia  of  Vera  Cruz  contained  a  population  of  about 
one  hundred  and  fifty-four  thousand.19  The  second 
town  in  importance  was  Cordoba,  founded,  it  will  be 
remembered,  in  J618.20  In  1746  it  contained  over 
seven  hundred  families.21  About  thirty  years  later- 
its  population  was  about  the  same.  Most  of  the 
houses  were  of  stone;  the  streets  were  wide  and  well 
paved,  and  a  plentiful  supply  of  water  was  obtained 
from  the  mountain  streams  in  its  neighborhood.  In 
the  center  of  the  plaza  was  a  large  fountain,  and  on 
one  side  of  it  stood  the  cathedral,  the  three  remaining 
sides  being  adorned  with  Gothic  arches.  The  sur- 
rounding vegetation  was  rich  and  of  many  hues,  and 

17 Reales  Ccdidas,  MS.,  ii.  233-4.  It  is  there  stated  that  Antonio  de 
Benavides  was  the  first  one  vested  with  these  powers.  He  was  appointed 
about  the  year  1734. 

18  The  intendente  was  also  subdelegado  of  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz  and  its 
district.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  1G4.  The  first  intendente  of  Vera  Cruz  was 
Pedro  Corvalan,  appointed  in  17S8.  [In  Id.,  i.  1C5,  Cervalan.]  In  1702  Pedro 
Gorostiza  held  that  office.  Id.,  1G4.  In  1795  Diego  Garcia  Panes  received  the 
appointment.  Gomez,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  vii.  43G;  and  in 
1708 — Plan  de  Defcnm  de  San  Juan  de  Uhia,  in  Col.  de  Diario,  MS.,  510. 

19  Distributed  among  372  poblados.  Caucelada,  liuina  de  laNueva  JSspana, 
73-5.  Lcrdo  de  Tejada  states  that  there  were  2  cities,  5  villas,  147  pueblos, 
GO  haciendas,  and  157  ranchos.  Apunt.  Hist.,  3G5-6.  It  extended  from  the 
bay  of  Terniinos  to  Tampico,  a  distance  of  210  leagues,  with  a  varying  width 
of  25  to  35  leagues.  Its  boundaries  are  defined  in  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i. 
150-1,  and  remained  the  same  until  1824. 

20  See  p.  27,  this  vol. 

21  Two  hundred  and  sixty  Spanish  families,  126  of  mestizos,  60  of  mulattoes 
and  negroes,  and  263  of  Indians.  The  town  had  now  an  alcalde  mayor. 
Villa- lienor  y  Sanchez,  Teatro,  i.  2G5. 


TOWNS  AND  COUNTRY. 


219 


on  its  deep  soil  of  red  clay22  were  produced  most  of 
the  tropical  and  subtropical  fruits.  The  raising  of  to- 
bacco and  sugar,  of  which  plantations  were  first  estab- 
lished early  in  the  seventeenth  century,  was  still  the 
leading  industry,  but  here,  as  elsewhere  in  New  Spain, 
nature  was  so  prodigal  of  her  gifts  that  little  effort 
was  needed  on  the  part  of  man,  and  many  of  the 
Spaniards  grew  wealthy  almost  without  exertion.  ~ 
Although  in  1790  an  earthquake  demolished  or  dam 


23 


Vera  Cruz  Province. 

aged  nearly  all  the  buildings,  the  town  appears  to 
have  steadily  increased  in  prosperity,  for  in  1810  it 
contained  at  least  eight  thousand  inhabitants.24 

Among  the  most  flourishing  towns  in  the  province 
was  Jalapa,  where,  between  1720  and  1777,  the  annual 
fair  was  held,  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  from  Spain, 

22  The  depth  was  at  least  ten  feet. 

23  The  principal  industry  was  sugar-raising,  and  at  this  date  there  were 
more  than  30  sugar-mills  in  Cordoba,  worked  mainly  by  Indians. 

24  Eight  thousand  to  10,000,  of  whom  five  eighths  were  Spaniards.  Diario 
Mex.,  xii.  233-4. 


220 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 


beino:  transferred  thence  from  Vera  Cruz.  Before  the 
former  date  half  a  dozen  commercial  houses,  estab- 
lished by  merchants  in  the  capital,  had  monopolized 
the  entire  trade  of  the  surrounding  district,  but  within 
a  few  years  afterward  goods  to  the  value  of  thirty 
millions  of  pesos  changed  hands  at  each  fair.  This  in- 
creased circulation  of  wealth  caused  people  to  abandon 
their  simple  habits,  and  to  adopt  the  dress  and  amuse- 
ments and  most  of  the  vices  of  the  Spaniards  in  the 
Old  World.  In  1794  Jalapa  was  declared  a  city,25  and 
together  with  Cordoba  and  Orizaba  was  a  favorite 
summer  resort  for  the  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz. 

Orizaba  stood  on  the  high  road  from  Mexico  to  Vera 
Cruz,  being  distant  about  thirty-eight  leagues  from 
the  latter  city  and  forty-six  from  the  capital.  It  was 
situated  in  a  beautiful  valley  and  surrounded  with 
forest-clad  mountains,  high  above  which  towered  the 

snow-capped  volcano  of  Ori- 
zaba. So  luxuriant  was  the 
surrounding  vegetation  that 
a  square  league  of  land  suf- 
ficed for  the  pasturage  of  about 
seven  thousand  sheep.26  Here 
was  a  halting-place  for  cara- 
vans laden  with  merchandise, 
and  the  point  where  goods  in 
transit  were  appraised.  In 
1777  its  population  numbered 
about  forty-five  hundred,  of 
whom  it  was  estimated  that 
nearly  three  thousand  were  of 

Coat  op  Aems  op  Jalapa.  Spanish  descent.27 

25  In  1746  there  were  786  resident  families  of  Spaniards,  mestizos,  and 
Indians.  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  i.  Later  the  population  appears  to 
have  decreased,  for  Humboldt  states  that  in  1803  its  population  was  only 
1,300.  L   L  * 

26  A  traveller  passing  through  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz  in  1777  states 
that  within  the  space  of  a  Spanish  league  he  counted  11  flocks  of  sheep,  each 
numbering  over  GOO.    Thiery,  ii.  71. 

27  In  the  town  were  several  tanneries,  and  factories  for  the  making  of 
coarse  cloth.  A  large  quantity  of  tobacco  was  raised  in  its  neighborhood. 
Pinkerton's  Hod.  Geog.,  iii.  214. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  ECLIPSE. 

1688-1692. 

Laguna's  Administration — His  Successor,  the  Conde  de  Galve — The 
Pirates  Driven  from  the  South  Sea — War  with  France — Pirates 
in  the  North  Sea — The  Armada  de  Barlovento — Union  of  Spanish 
and  English  against  the  French — Drought  and  Flood — Loss  of 
Crops — Excesses  of  the  Soldiery — Death  of  Maria  Luisa — The 
Drainage  System — Portentous  Events — The  Bakers  Refuse  to 
Bake — Efforts  of  the  Viceroy. 

The  successor  to  the  marques  de  la  Laguna  was  the 
conde  de  Monclova,1  who  made  his  public  entry  into 
the  capital  on  the  30th  of  November  1686,  and  whose 
administration  lasted  for  nearly  two  years,  when  he 
was  appointed  viceroy  of  Peru.2  He  is  represented 
by  the  chroniclers  of  the  period  as  an  upright  and 
vigilant  ruler,  and  the  charges  brought  against  him  at 
his  residencia  were  even  more  frivolous  than  those 
preferred  against  his  predecessor.3     Little  worthy  of 

1  Don  Melchor  Portocarrero,  Lasso  de  la  Vega,  conde  de  Monclova,  comen- 
dador  de  la  Sarza  en  la  orden  de  Alcantara,  of  the  royal  council  of  war, 
and  of  the  junta  of  war  of  the  Indies.  Eeales  Cedillas,  ii.  3.  He  was  com- 
monly known  as  Brazo  de  la  Plata  on  account  of  his  false  arm,  his  own  having 
been  lost  in  battle.  Lorenzana,  Hist.  Nueva  Espcula,  27.  His  wife  was  the 
Doiia  Antonia  de  Urr£a.  Ibid.  He  had  several  children,  of  whom  four 
accompanied  him.    Vetancvrt,  Trot.  Mex.,  16. 

2  October  15,  168S.  Ibid.  He  embarked  at  Acapulco,  May  11,  1689. 
Rivera,  Gob.  Max.,  i.  264. 

3  There  were  but  six  trifling  charges.  Zamacois,  v.  445.  Among  other 
measures  adopted  by  the  viceroy  was  one  compelling  all  the  religious  who 
were  without  license  to  return  to  Spain.  He  also  enforced  a  law  forbidding 
Creoles  to  serve  among  the  troops  in  Vera  Cruz.  During  his  administration 
the  condition  of  the  natives  did  not  improve.  They  suffered  most  in  the 
missions  of  Rio  Verde  and  Tampico,  and  in  Nuevo  Leon.  There  the  Span- 
iards robbed  them  of  their  wives  and  daughters,  sold  their  young  children 
as  slaves,  and  deprived  them  of  their  best  lands.  The  friars  appealed  to  the 
king  in  their  behalf,  but  to  little  purpose.  Id.,  263-4. 

(221) 


222  FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  ECLIPSE. 

note  occurred  during  his  administration,  but  the  next 
seven  years  form  an  exciting  epoch  in  the  annals  of 
the  capital. 

During  this  time  New  Spain  was  governed  by 
Gaspar  de  la  Cercla  Sandoval  Silva  y  Mendoza,  conde 
de  Galve,  a  gentleman  of  the  royal  bed-chamber,  and 
knight  of  the  order  of  Alc&ntara.4  He  arrived  at 
Vera  Cruz,  accompanied  by  his  wife/  on  the  18th  of 
September  1688,  and  about  two  months  later  took 
formal  possession  of  office.6 

One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  adopt  measures  for  the 
extermination  of  the  corsairs,  whose  increasing  num- 
bers and  daring  kept  the  coast  settlements,  both  in 
the  North  and  South  seas,  in  constant  alarm.7  Soon 
after  his  arrival  he  applied  to  the  church  authorities 
for  money  to  aid  in  making  the  necessary  preparations, 
to  which  appeal  the  archbishop  and  several  of  the 
bishops  responded  with  contributions  amounting  to 
nearly  eighty-nine  thousand  pesos.8  Hardly  had  he  as- 
sumed office  when  news  reached  the  capital  of  the  cap- 
ture by  corsairs  of  Acaponeta,  a  small  town  on  the 
coast  of  Nueva  Galicia.  Besides  a  quantity  of  silver 
the  enemy  carried  off  many  prisoners,  including  forty 
women  and  two  friars,  an  outrage  which  caused  the 
viceroy  at  once  to  despatch  an  expedition  in  their 
pursuit.  Troops  were  sent  from  Mexico  City,  and 
there  being  no  other  vessel  available,  a  Peruvian 
frigate,  recently  arrived  at  Acapulco,  was  ordered  to 
go  in  search  of  the  enemy.     The  capture  of  Acapo- 

*Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  72;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  ii.  4;  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N. 
Esp. ,  27;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex. ,  i.  2G5.  By  some  authorities  his  name  is  variously 
given  as  Gaspar  de  Silva  Cerda ;  Gaspar  de  Sandoval  Cerda  Silva  y  Mendoza. 
Robles,  Diario,  i.  500;  Parian,  Col.  Doc,  16. 

5  Dona  Elvira  de  Toledo,  daughter  of  the  marques  de  Villafranca.  JRobles, 
Diario,  i.  500. 

6  On  November  20th.  He  made  his  public  entry  December  4th.  Robles, 
Diario,  i.  501-2,  505-6;  or,  according  to  Cavo,  TresSiglos,  ii.  72,  Sept.  17th;  in 
this  statement  Cavo  is  followed  by  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  27.  See  also 
Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  265;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  217. 

7  While  en  route  to  Vera  Cruz  he  captured  a  corsair  frigate  in  the  gulf  of 
Mexico.  Sigiienzay  Gongora,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  3. 

8  The  archbishop  and  his  clergy  gave  80,000  pesos;  the  bishop  of  Puebla 
5,700;  of  Guadalajara  1,700,  and  of  Oajaca  1,500.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  26S. 


CORSAIRS  ON  THE  COAST.  223 

neta  occurred  on  the  14th  of  November;  twelve 
days  later  the  news  was  received  'at  the  capital,  and 
on  the  17th  of  December  following  the  frigate  sailed. 
Notwithstanding  this  prompt  action,  however,  nothing 
was  accomplished,  the  frigate  returning  to  Acapulco 
about  the  middle  of  February  without  even  having 
sighted  the  enemy. 

The  corsairs  still  continued  to  hover  off  the  coast, 
and  a  general  council  was  held  in  the  capital,  on  the 
8th  of  May,  to  concert  further  measures  for  their 
pursuit.9  Twelve  days  later  it  was  ascertained  that 
they  had  sailed  for  Peru,  having  released  all  their 
prisoners  excepting  three  men,  one  of  them  a  Francis- 
can friar.  Nevertheless  preparations  were  continued; 
troops  were  again  sent  from  the  capital,  and  a  small 
fleet  sailed  about  the  middle  of  August  from  Acapulco 
to  cruise  along  the  coast.  These  expeditions  con- 
tinued until  1692,  but  without  other  apparent  result 
than  to  cause  the  pirates,  at  least  for  the  time  being, 
to  abandon  the  coast.10 

At  this  time  there  was  not  a  single  craft  of  any 
kind  for  the  defence  of  the  long  coast  line  from  Te- 
huantepec  to  Sinaloa.  Before  the  end  of  August, 
1692,  two  well  equipped  vessels,  built  in  Guatemala 
by  order  of  the  viceroy,  and  intended  for  coast-guard 
service,  were  anchored  in  the  port  of  Acapulco.  Dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  Galve's  rule,  there  is  no  evidence 
that  the  corsairs  again  appeared  on  the  coast  of  the 
South  Sea. 

In  consequence  of  the  renewal  of  war  with  France, 
in  1689,  the  Spanish  crown  ordered  the  viceroy  to 
take  all  possible  means  to  strengthen  the  defenses  of 
New  Spain;  and  to  make  reprisals  on  the  French,  by 
confiscating  their  property,  and  banishing  from  the 
country  all  subjects  of  that  nation  except  those  en- 
gaged in  the  mechanic  arts.    In  accordance  with  these 

9  Partly  in  consequence  of  the  receipt  of  intelligence  by  the  viceroy  that 
the  corsairs  had  cut  off  the  nose  of  one  of  the  friars  held  as  prisoners. 

10Robles,  Diario,  i.  506,  510;  ii.  8-9,  14-15,  18,  27-8,  34,  106-7;  Slguenza 
y  Gdngora,  Carta al  Almirante,  MS.,  5. 


224  FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  ECLIPSE. 

instructions  the  oidores  began  on  the  10th  of  Septem- 
ber to  imprison  French  subjects  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
and  to  seize  their  effects.  Meanwhile  Galve  forwarded 
supplies  to  all  military  posts,  on  the  seaboard  as  well 
as  on  the  frontier,  strengthening  their  garrisons,  and 
providing  for  the  prompt  payment  of  the  troops,  this 
matter  having  heretofore  been  neglected.  The  feeble 
Spanish  garrison  of  Campeche,  constantly  threatened 
by  the  wood-cutters  of  the  bay  of  Terminos,  was  re- 
enforced,  and  received  a  supply  of  ammunition  and 
vessels  of  war.  Men,  money,  and  arms  were  also  for- 
warded to  the  governors  of  Yucatan  and  Tabasco, 
whose  territory  was  constantly  exposed  to  invasion 
by  corsairs.  After  several  unsuccessful  expeditions 
they  succeeded  in  expelling  the  wood-cutters  before 
the  end  of  1602,  but  they  returned  a  few  years  later.11 
About  the  same  time  the  viceroy  attempted,  but  in 
vain,  to  drive  them  from  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  al- 
though the  armada  de  Barlovento  and  other  Spanish 
cruisers  frequently  made  prizes,  sometimes  of  consid- 
erable value,  they  could  not  prevent  the  corsairs  from 
capturing,  at  intervals,  Spanish  vessels  of  still  greater 
value.12 

Thus  while  the  viceroy  had  been  partially  success- 
ful in  his  operations  against  the  corsairs,  all  his  efforts 
to  drive  them  from  the  North  Sea  were  of  little  avail. 
Nor  could  any  other  result  be  expected,  while,  in  the 
islands  of  the  West  Indies,  their  numbers  increased 
from  year  to  year,  and  no  attempt  was  made  to  strike 
at  the  root  of  the  evil.  The  island  of  Santo  Domingo 
was  a  favorable  rendezvous  of  French  pirates,  and  the 
crown  having  resolved  to  attempt  their  expulsion, 
intrusted  the  undertaking  to  Viceroy  Galve.  Exten- 
sive preparations  were  begun  in  1G89,  and  the  follow- 
ing year  the  armada  de  Barlovento,  then  composed 
of  six  ships  of  the  line  and  a  frigate,  sailed  from  Vera 

11  Iiob/es,  Diario,  ii.  22,  49;  Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS., 
3-5;  Rivera,  Gob.  Max.,  i.  2GG,  208,  272;  Carrido,  Elorigcn  de  Belice,  in  Bole- 
tin,  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  3a  ep.  iv.  2G0-1. 

12  For  details  sec  Holies,  Diario,  ii.  6,  15,  17-18,  4G,  79,  144-G,  1G9. 


THE  FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH.  225 

Cruz,  carrying  two  thousand  six  hundred  troops. 
Landing  at  the  northern  end  of  Santo  Domingo,  near 
Cape  Frances,  the}?-  were  joined  by  seven  hundred 
men  from  the  Spanish  settlements.  The  French,  ap- 
prised of  their  landing,  though  greatly  inferior  in 
numbers,  rashly  gave  them  battle,  and  were  routed 
with  a  loss  of  five  hundred  men,  the  almost  impene- 
trable woods  alone  saving  their  force  from  annihilation. 
Having  destroyed  several  towns,  including  the  city  of 
Guarico,  captured  a  number  of  vessels,  and  taken 
many  prisoners,  the  expedition  returned  to  Vera  Cruz 
in  March  1691,  avoiding  the  more  powerful  French 
settlements  on  the  east  coast  of  the  island.  In  honor 
of  this  success  a  thanksgiving  service  was  celebrated 
in  the  capital,  and  a  full  account  of  the  expedition  was 
soon  after  written  and  published  by  the  celebrated 
Mexican  author,  Cdrlos  de  Siglienza  y  Gongora. 

In  1695  a  combined  expedition  of  Spaniards  and 
English,  the  latter  having  now  made  common  cause 
against  a  mutual  foe,  attacked  the  French  settlements 
of  Santo  Domingo,  destroyed  their  forts,  captured 
eighty-one  pieces  of  cannon,  and  laid  waste  two  settle- 
ments.13 

The  French  were,  at  this  time,  the  most  enterprising 
foe  with  whom  the  Spaniards  had  to  contend,  and 
several  years  before  the  events  just  described  had  at- 
tempted to  establish  settlements  on  the  mainland, 
which  might  serve  as  a  base  for  future  operations. 
As  early  as  1684  the  Spaniards,  by  the  capture  of  a 
vessel  off  Santo  Domingo,  had  learned  of  the  expedi- 
tion of  La  Salle,  of  which  mention  will  be  made  in  its 
place,  but  no  attempt  to  thwart  him  appears  to  have 
been  made  until  two  years  later,  although  in  1685  the 
report  reached  Mexico  that  a  French  colony  had  been 
founded  on  Esplritu  Santo  Bay.  The  earlier  expedi- 
tions sent  in  search  of  this  colony  failed  to  find  any 
traces  of  it  or  of  the  lost  vessels,  but  in  1687  the 

nCavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  73-8,  85-6;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  265,  271-3,  278; 
Robles,  Diario,  ii.  56;  Sigilenza  y  Gongora,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  5-G. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    15 


228  FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  ECLIPSE, 

wreck  of  one  of  La  Salle's  ships  was  discovered,  though 
owing  to  its  inland  and  secluded  position  the  settle- 
ment escaped  the  search  of  the  Spaniards.  The  fol- 
lowing year,  however,  the  arrival  at  Coahuila  of  a 
deserter  from  the  colony  removed  all  doubts  as  to  its 
existence. 

Accordingly  in  March  1689,  by  order  of  Viceroy 
Galvc,  an  expedition  under  the  command  of  Alonso  de 
Leon,  governor  of  Coahuila,  set  out  with  the  French- 
man as  guide,  for  the  bay  of  Espiritu  Santo.  A 
month  later  they  reached  the  fort,  only  to  find  it  de- 
serted. Of  the  twenty  colonists  left  by  La  Salle  more 
than  half  had  succumbed  to  disease,  or  had  been  slain 
by  the  natives.  The  survivors  were  scattered  among 
the  neighboring  tribes,  and  two  of  them  having  sur- 
rendered to  the  Spaniards  the  governor  returned. 
Encouraged  by  his  report  as  to  the  peaceable  disposi- 
tion of  the  natives,  Galve  despatched  another  expedi- 
tion in  1690  under  the  same  leader,  for  the  purpose 
of  establishing  missions,  three  Franciscan  friars  bein^ 
among  the  number.  Two  missions  were  founded  near 
the  river  now  known  as  the  Neches,  where  the  eccle- 
siastics met  with  a  friendly  reception. 

In  consequence  of  the  reports  of  the  viceroy,  the 
crown  determined  on  the  permanent  occupation  of  this 
territory,  and  ordered  that  steps  be  at  once  taken  for 
that  purpose.  Early  in  1691,  a  strong  force  was  de- 
spatched by  sea  and  land,  and  the  country  explored 
toward  the  north ;  but  no  settlements  or  missions  were 
founded,  although  numerous  settlers  and  friars  accom- 
panied the  troops,  and  before  the  end  of  the  year  all 
returned  to  Vera  Cruz  except  a  few  soldiers  and  a 
portion  of  the  ecclesiastics. 

The  loss  of  crops  by  drought  and  flood;  the  disap- 
pearance of  live-stock;  the  withdrawal  of  the  native 
converts;  the  excesses  of  the  soldiery,  and  the  conse- 
quent hostility  of  the  savages  were  among  the  causes 
which  soon  afterward  compelled  the  evacuation  of  the 
country,  and  no  further  attempt  to  occupy  this  terri- 


THE  COMING  OF  DESTRUCTION.  227 

tory  was  made  by  either  Spaniards  or  French  during 
the  next  twenty  years.14 

About  this  time  the  occupation  of  Pensacola  had 
been  resolved  upon,  partly  with  a  view  to  check  the 
further  encroachments  of  the  French,  and  an  expedi- 
tion having  been  sent  from  Vera  Cruz  in  1693  to  ex- 
amine the  bay  and  select  a  site,  the  following  }rear 
troops,  colonists,  and  supplies  were  landed,  and  the 
erection  of  a  fort  and  town  was  immediately  begun. 
In  1696  both  town  and  fortifications  were  complete, 
and  the  name  of  Santa  Maria  was  given  to  the  bay 
and  colony.15 

Notwithstanding  some  drawbacks,  the  adminis- 
tration of  Viceroy  Galve  up  to  1691  had  given  gen- 
eral satisfaction,  and  the  arrival  in  November  of  a 
decree  extending  his  term  of  office  was  made  the  oc- 
casion for  a  public  rejoicing.  But  this  second  term 
proved  to  be  as  disastrous  as  the  previous  one  had 
been  for  the  most  part  prosperous.  Shortly  before  its 
commencement  inundation  and  famine  had  visited  the 
fair  valley  of  Mexico. 

Contrary  to  custom,  on  the  death,  in  1689,  of  the 
queen,  Dona  Maria  Luisa,  wife  of  Carlos  II.,  the 
usual  funeral  ceremonies  and  mourning  were  omitted,16 
but  not  so  the  festivities  which,  a  year  later,  were 
celebrated  with  extraordinary  splendor  in  honor  of 
the  marriage  of  the  king  with  Mariana  de  Neoburgo, 

These  brilliant  festivities  were,  however,  interrupted 
on  the  9th  of  June  by  a  sudden  freshet  which  swept 
down  into  the  valley,  carrying  away  houses  and 
cattle,  destroying  in  its  course  the  wheat  crops  and 
the  flour  stored  in  the  mills,  and  inundating  for  a 
time  the  western  portion  of  the  city.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  a  slight  rain  on  the  preceding  day  the 
weather  in  the  city  and  its  vicinity  had  for  months 

14  A  more  detailed  account  is  given  in  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  this  series. 
uCavo,  Tres  Stylos,  ii.  83-6;  Morfi,  Mem.  Hist.  Tex.,  MS.,  100-11;  Rivera, 
Gob.  Mex.,  I  273,  276. 

16  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  vi.  80-1. 


228  FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  ECLIPSE. 

been  fair,  and  although  rain  at  this  early  period  was 
unusual,  the  storm  which  raged  on  the  morning  of 
the  9th  among  the  mountains  to  the  west  of  the 
valley  gave  no  cause  for  apprehension.  In  that 
region,  however,  the  rains  were  so  heavy  that  many 
natives  and  cattle  were  carried  away  by  the  flood, 
and  the  waters  of  the  swollen  streams  were  precipi- 
tated in  torrents  into  the  valley  below.  Fortunately 
precautions  had  been  taken  against  such  a  catastrophe 
by  the  viceroy  and  by  several  of  his  predecessors, 
whose  efforts  have  already  been  related,  and  the 
waters  soon  subsided. 

A  month  later,  however,  a  more  serious  flood  oc- 
curred. On  the  11th  of  July  a  heavy  rain  began, 
and  continued  without  interruption  until  the  2 2d. 
The  whole  valley  was  now  inundated,  together  with 
a  large  portion  of  the  city,  and  communication  with 
the  surrounding  country  was  for  several  days  cut  off, 
causing  a  scarcity  of  provisions  in  the  capital.  Upon 
the  cessation  of  the  rains  the  viceroy  caused  abundant 
supplies  to  be  brought  to  the  city  in  canoes,  and  the 
archbishop  displayed  his  usual  charity  by  ministering 
to  the  wants  of  the  starving  natives. 

Galve  now  gave  his  attention  to  the  improvement 
of  the  drainage  system,  causing  the  sewers  of  the  city 
to  be  cleaned  and  extended,  new  ones  to  be  opened, 
and  repairs  made  on  the  canal  of  Huehuetoca.  The 
natural  channels  of  the  streams  were  cleared  of  ob- 
structions and  widened,  an  outlet  opened  for  the  pent- 
up  waters,  and  all  this  accomplished  in  an  incredibly 
short  time,  the  viceroy  animating  the  laborers  by  his 
frequent  presence,  and  even  expending  his  private 
funds  on  some  portions  of  the  work. 

But  a  more  serious  calamity  now  began  to  threaten 
the  capital.  Previous  to  the  23d  of  August  the  grain 
crop  in  its  vicinity  which  had  escaped  destruction  from 
flood  gave  promise  of  a  bountiful  harvest.  But  on 
this  date  a  total  eclipse  of  the  sun  occurred,  accom- 
panied by  intense  cold,  and  almost  immediately  the 


FAILURE  OF  THE  WHEAT  CROP.  229 

rapidly  ripening  wheat  was  attacked  by  the  chiahu- 
iztli,17  and  the  greater  part  destroyed. 

The  eclipse  occurred  about  nine  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. For  three  quarters  of  an  hour  the  city  was 
shrouded  in  almost  total  darkness,  during  which  the 
greatest  confusion  and  consternation  prevailed.18  To 
the  superstitious  and  already  excited  minds  of  the 
lower  classes  this  phenomenon  appeared  as  an  evil 
omen,  a  belief  which  subsequent  events  only  served 
to  confirm. 

With  the  loss  of  the  wheat  crop  the  consumption 
of  corn  increased,  its  price  being  further  advanced 
by  the  partial  failure  of  the  crop,  due  to  excessive 
moisture  and  cold.  The  situation  was  indeed  critical. 
Maize  was  the  food  staple  of  the  natives,  and  since 
the  loss  of  the  wheat  crop  the  tortilla  had  taken  the 
place  of  wheat  bread,  not  only  among  all  the  lower 
and  laboring  classes  of  the  capital,  but  also  to  some 
extent  among  the  wealthy.19  Such  was  now  the  in- 
creasing scarcity  that  by  the  beginning  of  September 
the  price  of  wheat  had  more    than   doubled.     The 

17  According  to  Sigiienza,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  28,  who  submitted 
the  wheat  to  a  microscopic  examination,  this  is  a  small  insect,  a  mere  speck 
to  the  naked  eye,  the  size  of  a  needle  point,  with  legs  like  those  of  a  flea,  and 
wings  resembling  those  of  a  weevil.  Myriads  of  them  were  seen  on  each  ear 
of  wheat,  and  spread  with  astonishing  rapidity.  He  states  that  pulgon,  or 
aphis,  is  the  meaning  given  this  word  in  the  Mexican  vocabulary.  Molina, 
in  his  Vocabutario,  pt.  ii.  19,  to  which  Sigiienza  probably  refers,  writes  the 
word  chiauitl,  which  he  renders  in  Spanish,  '  Otro  biuoro,  o  pulgon  q  roe  las 
vinas' — worm  or  aphis  which  destroys  vineyards.  Robles,  Diario,  ii. ,  writes 
it  chahuistle,  describing  it  as  a  worm  whichattacks  the  roots,  and  this  term 
is  also  probably  taken  from  Molina's  definition.  In  modern  times  the  usual 
form  of  the  word  is  that  given  by  Robles,  and  it  is  generally  applied  to  rust  in 
grain. 

18  Stars  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  magnitude  were  visible;  dogs 
howled;  birds,  with  frightened  cries,  flew  wildly  about;  cocks  crew;  women 
and  children  screamed;  the  native  women  in  the  plaza  abandoned  their  stalls 
and  fled  in  terror  to  the  cathedral;  and  the  excitement  and  dread  were  in- 
creased by  the  ringing  of  the  church  bells  for  prayers  throughout  the  city. 
Sigiienza  y  Gongora,  Carta,  MS.,  27-8;  Robles,  l)i«rlo,  ii.  66. 

19  Cavo,  Tres Siglos,  ii.  79,  is  not  altogether  to  be  relied  on.  Sigiienza  y  Gon- 
gora, Carta,  MS.,  31,  whose  statements  are  to  be  preferred,  for  reasons  which 
will  hereafter  be  shown,  says,  '  jamas  le  falto  a  la  republica  el  pan  con  la  pen- 
sion de  caro,  porque  (ya  que  otra  cossa  no  se  podia),  se  acomodaron  los  pobres 
y  plebeyos  &  comer  tortillas  (ya  sabe  vmd.  que  asi  se  nombra  el  pan  de  maiz 
por  aquestas  parttes)  y  a  los  criados  de  escalera  auajo  de  casi  todas  las  cassas 
de  Mexico  se  les  rasionaua  con  ellas.' 


230  FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  ECLIPSE. 

bakers  in  consequence  refused  any  longer  to  make 
bread,  for  at  the  price  at  which  they  were  compelled 
to  soil  it  they  found  the  business  unprofitable,  and  a 
disturbance  was  averted  only  by  the  prompt  measures 
taken  by  the  viceroy  to  insure  a  sufficient  supply.20 

Murmurs  began  to  be  heard  on  all  sides,  and  not- 
withstanding the  strenuous  efforts  of  the  viceroy  to 
provide  a  supply  of  grain  the  suspicious  and  unrea- 
soning populace  would  not  credit  the  reported  failure 
of  the  crops  until  a  special  commissioner  was  sent 
into  the  valley  to  verify  the  report.  From  the  begin- 
ning Galve  adopted  every  measure  that  experience 
and  prudence  could  suggest  to  prevent  or  at  least 
mitigate  the  suffering  and  dangers  of  a  prolonged 
famine.  Officials  were  sent  among  the  farmers  of  the 
valley  and  interior  districts  to  purchase  all  the  surplus 
grain,  and  with  orders  to  seize  it  if  necessary.  The 
sale  of  grain  and  flour  in  the  city  by  private  individ- 
uals was  forbidden,  all  that  could  be  found  being 
collected  by  the  government  for  distribution  at  the 
public  granary.21  The  use  and  cultivation  of  the  trigo 
blanquillo  which  was  unwisely  forbidden  in  1G77,22 
was  also  permitted,  the  viceroy  having  induced  the 
church  authorities  to  remove  the  interdict  against  it. 

The  public  granary  was  now  placed  in  charge  of  the 
municipal  authorities,  and  grain  could  be  purchased 
only  there.  In  November  of  1691,  the  daily  allow- 
ance for  each  individual  was  one  quartilla,23  and  the 
daily  consumption  from  one  thousand  to  thirteen  hun- 
dred fanegas.24    In  the  surrounding  country  the  suffer- 

20 The  difficulty  with  the  bakers  occurred  on  the  13th  of  Sept.,  and  on  the 
following  day  there  was  no  bread  to  be  had.  Holies,  Diario,  ii.  07;  Carta  de 
vii  lidU/ioso,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s£rie  ii.  torn.  iii.  310-11. 

21  '  Sabado  15'  (Sept.),  'embarg6  el  corregidor  toda  la  harina  a  Hurtadoy 
a  Guerto  y  la  trajo  a  la  alhondiga.'  Holies,  Diario,  ii.  07. 

22  The  trigo  blanquillo  was  a  species  of  wheat,  chiefly  cultivated  in  the 
bishopric  of  puebla,  of  enormous  yield,  and  superior  in  every  respect  to  all 
other  kinds  produced  in  New  Spain.  For  some  reason  not  clearly  explained 
it  was  denounced  as  unwholesome,  and  its  use  and  cultivation  prohibited 
under  heavy  penalties  by  both  government  and  church.  Moniema>/or,  Srma- 
rios,  60-1 ;  Sigitenza  y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  37-0;  Carta  de  un  Rtlhjioao,  312. 

88  Equal  to  about  two  quarts. 

21  A  fanega  is  about  equivalent  to  a  bushel  and  a  half. 


ADVANCE  IN  PRICES.  231 

ing  was  still  greater  than  in  the  city,  as  the  governor 
having  seized  most  of  their  grain,  many  of  the  inhab- 
itants were  compelled  to  beg  food  in  the  capital. 

Meanwhile  the  viceroy  did  not  relax  his  efforts  to 
maintain  the  supply.  In  April  1692,  a  meeting  of 
the  principal  civil  and  ecclesiastical  authorities  was 
called  for  this  purpose,  and  commissioners  were  kept 
constantly  busy  in  the  neighboring  districts  as  well  as 
in  those  more  remote,  collecting  and  forwarding  corn. 
In  May  an  abundant  crop  of  wheat  was  harvested 
from  the  irrigated  lands  in  the  valley,  and  under  the 
belief  that  the  prevailing  high  price  would  induce  the 
farmers  to  bring  their  gram  to  the  capital  permis- 
sion for  its  free  sale  was  given.  Many,  however,  sold 
it  elsewhere,  and  this,  together  with  the  partial  failure 
in  the  remoter  districts,  owing  to  a  snow  storm  early 
in  April — a  rare  occurrence  in  the  valley  of  Mexico — 
caused  the  stock  in  the  capital  to  run  low  toward  the 
end  of  May.  Vigorous  measures  were  now  required, 
and  fresh  commissioners  were  despatched  with  orders 
to  confiscate  all  grain  wherever  found.  The  daily 
allowance  of  corn  in  the  city  was  also  reduced,  although 
a  sufficient  quantity  of  grain  was  obtained  by  the 
commissioners  to  insure  a  moderate  supply  until  the 
next  harvest. 

By  this  time  the  price  of  grain  had  increased  so 
enormously  that  a  load  of  wheat  which  usually  sold 
for  three  or  five  pesos  could  not  now  be  purchased  for 
less  than  twenty-four  pesos.' 


25 


25  The  load  of  corn  which  was  ordinarily  sold  at  about  two  and  a  quarter 
pesos,  was  now  worth  seven.  The  loaf  of  wheaten  bread  usually  weighed  six- 
teen ounces,  and  was  sold  for  half  a  real.  Its  price  continued  the  same,  but  its 
weight  was  now  reduced  to  seven  ounces.  Sigiienza  y  Gongora,  Carta,  MS., 
29,  41-2  ;  Robles,  Diarlo,  ii.  72-3  ;  Carta  de  un  lieligioso,  312. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

1692-1696. 

Increased  Murmurs — Rumored  Grain  Speculations  of  the  Viceroy — 
An  Imprudent  Preacher — The  Leperos — Pulque  Shops — Inefficient 
Forces  at  Command — Awaiting  Opportunity — Affair  at  the  Gran- 
ary— The  Viceroy  Threatened — Outbreak — Death  to  the  Offi- 
cials!— The  Palace  Set  on  Fire — The  Plaza  Stalls  also  Fired— 
Robbery  and  Murder — Executions — Revolt  at  Tlascala — Sale  of 
Pulque  Prohibited — Rebuilding  of  the  Palace — Affairs  in  New 
Mexico. 

The  suppressed  murmurs  of  the  populace  previously 
heard  against  the  government,  now  gave  place  to 
complaints  in  which  the  viceroy  was  openly  accused 
of  speculating  in  grain ;  and  notwithstanding  the  pub- 
licity of  all  his  measures  and  the  character  of  the 
persons  commissioned  for  the  collection  and  distribu- 
tion of  supplies  this  unjust  charge  gained  a  ready 
credence  among  the  natives  and  lower  classes.  This 
grave  accusation  and  the  hostile  attitude  toward  the 
government  to  which  it  gave  rise  were  encouraged  by 
the  imprudent  language  of  a  Franciscan  friar,  during 
a  sermon  preached  in  the  cathedral  at  the  beginning 
of  Easter.  Notwithstanding  the  presence  of  the  vice- 
roy, oidores,  and  the  officials  of  the  various  tribunals, 
he  alluded  in  such  terms  to  the  existing  scarcity  as  to 
confirm  the  suspicions  of  his  audience,  who  loudly  ap- 
plauded him.1 

1  Sigiienza  y  G6ngora,  Carta,  MS.,  40,  states  that  he  preached  'no  lo  que 
se  deuia  para  consolar  al  pueblo  en  la  carestia  sino  lo  que  se  dicto  por  la  iin- 
prudencia  para  irritarlo.'  Robles,  Diarlo,  ii.  122,  who  confirms  the  foregoing, 
states  that  the  friar's  name  was  Antonio  de  Escaray. 

(232) 


STATE  OF  SOCIETY.  233 

The  populace,  urged  by  the  pangs  of  hunger  and 
by  their  fancied  grievances,  were  now  in  a  mood  which 
boded  ill  for  the  peace  and  safety  of  the  capital.  Yet, 
although  previous  outbreaks  had  shown  their  turbu- 
lent nature,  no  precaution  whatever  appears  to  have 
been  taken  to  guard  against  a  disturbance.  Affairs 
wrere  ripe  for  an  outbreak.  The  city  was  divided  into 
nine  wards,  six  of  which  were  inhabited  wholly  by 
natives  having  their  own  governors.  The  total  popu- 
lation was  over  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand,  of 
whom  the  Spaniards  and  mixed  races  formed  but  a 
small  proportion.  A  large  part  of  the  lower  classes 
were  idle  and  dissolute,  and  among  them  were  many 
criminals.  The  name  saramidlos  was  then  applied  to 
them  and  later  they  were  called  leper os.2 

The  usual  resorts  of  this  class  were  the  shops  where 
pulque  was  sold,  and  the  baratillo,3  where  the  natives 
also  congregated,  and  where  all  plotted  against  and 
denounced  the  government  at  will,  free  from  the  inter- 
ference of  the  officers  of  justice.4 

The  natives  at  this  period,  especially  the  men,  were 
restless,  indolent,  and  vicious,  and  so  addicted  to  the 
use  of  pulque,  the  consumption  of  which  had  never 
been  so  great,  that  all  contemporary  writers  concur  in 
affirming  that  they  were  daily  under  its  influence. 
They  were  the  chief  complainers  against  the  govern- 
ment, and  were  constantly  encouraged  by  the  sara- 
nmllos,  who  eagerly  desired  an  outbreak  because  of 
the  opportunity  thus  afforded  them  for  plunder. 

To  oppose  these  dangerous  elements  there  was  in 

2 'La  poblacion . . . de  las  grandes  ciudades  interiores  de  la  colonia,  cuya 
mayoria  inmensa  se  componia  ent6nces,  como  se  compcme  todavfa  hoy  por 
desgracia,  de  esa  plebe  vagamunda  y  degradada  por  la  ignorancia  y  la  miseria, 
conocida  con  el  infamante  apodo  de  leperos.'  Lerdode  Tejada,  Apunt.  JlisL, 
3G6.     See  also  Siguenza  y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  37. 

3  A  shop  or  collection  of  shops  in  the  main  plaza  where  cheap  and  second- 
class  wares  were  sold,  and  where  stolen  articles  were  also  disposad  of.  It  was 
frequented  by  vagabonds  and  criminals,  and  several  attempts  had  already  been 
made  by  the  authorities  to  abolish  it.  Rivera,  Diario,  72;  Iiobles,  Diario,  ii. 
26.  The  baratillo  was  not  abolished  until  several  years  later,  although  a 
ce'dula  prohibiting  it  was  published  in  November  1689. 

4 '  Las  pulquerias  donde  por  condision  iniqua  y  contra  Dios  que  se  le  con- 
cedio  al  Asentista  no  entra  justicia.'  Siguenza  y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  42. 


234 


CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 


the  capital  but  a  single  company  of  infantry,  of  less 
than  one  hundred  men,  who  did  duty  as  palace  guard, 
and  even  these  were  indifferently  armed  and  equipped. 
There  was  no  artillery,  no  store  of  small  arms  and 
ammunition,  and  no  organized  militia.  The  better 
class  of  Spaniards  for  the  most  part  possessed  weapons 
of  their  own,  but  as  subsequent  events  showed,  they 
would  not  act  together  in  time  of  need.  Without  the 
city  the  nearest  available  troops  were  the  distant  gar- 
risons of  Acapulco  and  Vera  Cruz.  Not  even  an 
organized  police  force  existed  which  could  be  made 
available  in  quelling  an  incipient  outbreak. 


Palace  of  Mexico. 

The  palace,  as  shown  by  the  accompanying  plan, 
was  provided  with  loopholes  for  infantry  and  em- 
brasures for  cannon,  but  in  the  disturbance  which 
followed  there  was  nothing  to  indicate  that  artillery 
was  placed  there.  In  the  construction  of  the  other 
buildings  of  the  capital  there  was  no  provision  made 
for  their  defence  save  that  afforded  by  the  thick  walls, 
heavy  barred  doors,  and  strong  shutters  and  iron  bars 
of  the  windows;5    but  these  were   common  to  most 

5  Sigiienza  y  Gongora,  Carta,  MS.,  49,  summarizes  this  condition  of  affairs 
as  the  ^'culpa1)ilisimo  descuido  con  que  vivinios  entre  tanta  pleue  al  mismo 
tiempo  que  preaumimos  do  forniidables.' 


ABOUT  THE  PLAZA.  235 

Spanish  houses,  and  of  course  ineffectual  against  the 
attacks  of  a  mob,  unless  a  strong  armed  force  were 
stationed  within. 

Although  the  greater  portion  of  the  dwellings  with 
their  massive  walls  of  stone  or  adobe,  their  tiled  roofs, 
and  solid  doors,  afforded  some  protection  for  life  and 
property  in  the  event  of  a  riot,  the  immense  quantity 
of  merchandise  contained  in  the  stalls  situated  in  the 
main  plaza  had  no  such  protection.  Here  were  built 
without  order  two  hundred  and  eighty  light  wooden 
structures,  styled  cajones,  in  which  native  and  foreign 
wares  of  all  descriptions  were  sold.  Among  them 
and  scattered  over  other  portions  of  the  public  square 
were  numberless  booths  of  canes  and  rushes,  for  the 
sale  of  fruit,  vegetables,  and  provisions,  giving  to  this 
plaza,  which  was  one  of  the  finest  in  the  world,  the 
appearance  of  an  irregular  village  of  huts. 

In  1658  several  of  the  stalls  were  destroyed  by  fire, 
and  during  the  confusion  which  ensued  many  were 
plundered.  In  the  following  year  orders  were  given 
for  the  plaza  to  be  cleared  of  both  stalls  and  booths,6 
but  the  danger  from  fire  and  thieves  being  quickly 
forgotten,  they  were  soon  restored  to  their  former 
location.  Later  the  attention  of  the  authorities  was 
called  to  the  danger  to  which  this  collection  of  un- 
guarded inflammable  structures  was  exposed,  but  with 
their  usual  apathy  they  paid  no  heed  to  the  matter 
until  a  second  and  greater  disaster  compelled  the  ap- 
plication of  a  permanent  remedy. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  capital  in  the  begin- 
ning of  June  1692.  Though  the  scarcity  of  grain  still 
continued,  the  careful  distribution  of  the  supply  daily 
received  at  the  public  granary  sufficed  to  keep  star- 
vation from  the  city.  The  natives,  however,  daily 
grew  bolder  and  more  insolent,  and  awaited  but  a 
pretext  to  revolt,  encouraged,  as  they  were,  by  the 

c  The  stalls  were  removed  to  the  Plazuela  del  Marques  which  opens  into 
the  main  plaza,  and  the  booths  to  the  Plazuela  de  la  Universidad.  I)kc. 
Univ.,  v.  737. 


236  CORN  TJOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

inaction  of  the  authorities  which  they  construed  into 
fear.7 

The  desired  opportunity  soon  arrived.  On  Friday 
June  7th  the  corn  at  the  public  granary  gave  out  at 
six  o'clock  in  the  evening,  whereupon  several  native 
women  who  remained  to  be  served,  gave  vent  to  their 
disappointment  in  shrill  outcries  and  insulting  epithets. 
On  the  following  day  they  were  still  more  disorderly, 
shouting,  fighting,  pushing,  and  crowding  each  other, 
so  as  to  make  it  impossible  for  the  officers  to  proceed 
with  the  distribution.  Taking  advantage  of  this  con- 
fusion, several  attempted  to  help  themselves  to  corn, 
whereupon  one  of  the  officials,  finding  peaceful  meas- 
ures ineffectual,  seized  a  whip,  and  by  laying  it  on 
ri^ht  and  left  succeeded  in  driving  them  back.  In  a 
few  minutes,  however,  they  surged  forward  again, 
headed  by  one  more  daring  than  the  rest.  The  offi- 
cial again  made  use  of  his  whip,  and  seizing  a  cane 
rained  a  shower  of  blows  on  the  head  and  shoulders 
of  the  leader  and  her  companions.  Exasperated  by 
this  treatment,  some  of  them  seized  their  leader,  and 
raising  her  on  their  shoulders  rushed  out  of  the  gran- 
ary, whence,  followed  by  nearly  two  hundred  of  their 
companions,  they  hastened  across  the  plaza  to  the 
palace  of  the  archbishop  and  demanded  to  see  him. 
The  attendants  refused,  but  listened  to  their  com- 
plaints, consoled  them  as  best  they  could,  and  dis- 
missed them.  Not  content  with  this  reception,  the 
crowd,  still  carrying  the  injured  woman,  proceeded  to 
the  viceregal  palace,  filling  its  lower  corridors  and 
clamoring  for  an  interview  with  the  viceroy.  On 
being  told  that  he  was  absent,  they  tried  to  force 
their  way  into  the  viceregal  apartments,  but  were 
pushed  back  by  the  guards.  Thereupon  they  returned 
to  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  not  a  single  man  having 
joined  them  thus  far,  and  wTere  met  by  the  primate. 

7  In  the  public  granary  the  Indian  women  were  sometimes  served  before  a 
Spaniard,  and  this  confirmed  the  natives  in  their  belief  that  the  authorities 
were  afraid  of  them.  Siyiienza  y  Gdnyora,  Carta,  MS.,  42. 


EXCITEMENT.  237 

To  him  they  repeated  their  complaints,  adding  that 
the  injured  woman  had  just  died.  Through  an  inter- 
preter he  sought  to  pacify  them,  and  despatched  a 
messenger  to  the  granary  officials,  requesting  that 
the  Indians  should  in  future  be  treated  with  more 
consideration.  After  another  fruitless  attempt  to 
obtain  an  interview  with  the  viceroy,  the  tumult 
ended  for  that  day.8 

On  the  return  of  the  viceroy  in  the  evening  he  gave 
orders  that  in  future  an  oidor  should  be  present  dur- 
ing the  distribution  of  corn,  for  to  a  lack  of  system  in 
this  matter  the  outbreak  was  attributed.  Instruc- 
tions were  also  issued  to  the  captain  of  the  palace 
guard  to  take  every  precaution  to  prevent  any  repeti- 
tion of  the  disturbance.  Pikes  were  to  be  made 
ready,  ammunition  to  be  distributed  to  the  troops, 
and  all  fire-arms  to  be  kept  loaded.9  No  uproar  oc- 
curred during  the  night,  nor  does  any  attempt  appear 
to  have  been  made  by  the  authorities  to  ascertain  the 
state  of  affairs  in  the  native  wards  or  among  the  sara- 
mullos.  On  the  following  day,  the  8th  of  June,10  the 
native  women  appeared  as  usual  at  the  public  granary, 
and  with  the  exception  of  pushing  and  crowding  in 
their  attempt  to  gain  the  foremost  place,  the  presence 

8  A  somewhat  different  version  of  this  affair  is  given  in  the  Carta  de  tin 
Relu/ioso,  315.  There  it  is  stated  that  but  one  visit  was  made  to  the  arch- 
bishop, who  advised  that  one  or  two  of  them  should  go  and  lay  the  matter 
before  the  viceroy,  but  that  his  counsel  was  disregarded,  and  the  women  dis- 
persed to  their  homes.  This  author,  however,  was  a  recluse  friar,  and, 
although  a  contemporaneous  writer,  derived  his  information  from  others, 
while  8igiienza  y  G6ngora,  whose  version  I  have  adopted,  was  a  prominent 
man,  on  intimate  terms  with  the  viceroy  and  other  government  officials,  and 
one  of  the  most  celebrated  writers  of  the  period. 

9  According  to  the  Carta  de  un  fieligioso,  315-16,  previously  cited,  the 
viceroy  upon  learning  of  the  occurrence  immediately  sent  for  the  corregidor, 
whom  he  ordered  to  investigate  the  complaints,  and  severely  punish  the  dis- 
tributors of  corn.  The  corregidor,  however,  soon  returned  declaring  that  the 
charges  of  the  Indian  women  against  the  officials  at  the  granary  were  false, 
nothing  unusual  having  occurred  there  during  the  day.  Reassured  by  this 
statement  and  the  opinion  of  several  gentlemen  that  it  was  only  a  drunken 
affair  of  the  natives,  the  viceroy  contented  himself  with  ordering  that  an 
official  of  his  own  selection  should  superintend  the  distribution  on  the  fol- 
lowing day. 

10Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  81,  erroneously  gives  June  9th  as  the  date,  and 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  458,  x.  1302,  that  of  June  18th.  This  latter,  how- 
ever, though  occurring  in  two  different  places,  is  evidently  a  misprint. 


238  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

of  the  oidor  prevented  a  repetition  of  the  previous  dis- 
order. During  the  early  hours  quiet  reigned  through- 
out the  city,  and  the  authorities,  fearing  no  danger, 
neglected  to  take  further  precautions. 

The  viceroy,  however,  was  ill  at  ease.  Leaving  his 
breakfast  untouched,  he  repaired  to  the  convent  of 
Santo  Domingo  to  hear  mass,  and  his  appearance  was 
greeted  with  a  murmur  of  disapproval  by  the  assem- 
bled worshippers,  who  regarded  him  as  the  cause  of 
their  present  sufferings.  About  four  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon  he  attended  service  at  the  Augustine  con- 
vent, and  thence  proceeded,  as  was  his  custom,  to 
the  convent  of  San  Francisco.  The  usual  procession 
ended,  he  entered  the  convent  to  converse  with  the 
friars,  when  suddenly  the  sound  of  tumult,  accom- 
panied by  the  report  of  fire-arms,  was  heard.  The 
viceroy  started  up  to  go  to  the  palace,  but  in  this  he 
was  prevented  by  his  few  attendants,  and  by  the 
friars,  who,  gathering  about  him,  represented  the 
danger  of  such  an  attempt,  the  streets  being  already 
filled  with  excited  natives,  who  with  loud  cries  were 
hurrying  from  all  quarters  toward  the  plaza. 

But  five  hundred  fanegas  of  corn  were  received  at 
the  public  granary  on  this  day,  and  by  five  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon  the  supply  was  exhausted,  while  there 
were  still  many  to  be  served.  This  caused  a  great 
commotion  among  the  native  women,  during  which 
one  of  them  fell  to  the  ground,  whether  intentionally 
is  not  known,  and  was  trampled  upon  and  injured  by 
her  companions. 

The  role  of  the  previous  day  is  again  performed,  but 
with  more  fatal  results.  The  injured  woman  is  placed 
on  the  back  of  an  Indian,  who  runs  with  her  to  the 
baratillo,  and  thence,  having  been  joined  by  a  number 
of  the  saramullas,  to  the  palace  of  the  archbishop,  the 
crowd  following  with  wild  cries  and  shouts  of  rage. 
A  demand  to  see  the  archbishop  is  again  made,  and  is 
again  denied  by  the  attendants,  whereupon  they  are 


THE  SOLDIERY  DEFEATED.  239 

assailed  with  the  vilest  language.  Growing  impatient 
at  the  non-appearance  of  the  archbishop  the  constantly 
increasing  mob  proceeds  across  the  plaza  to  the  vice- 
regal palace,  the  women  taking  up  a  position  at  the 
corners  of  the  streets.11  Then  they  begin  to  abuse 
the  viceroy  in  set  terms,  and  to  throw  stones  at  the 
balcony  of  the  viceregal  apartments,  which  are  soon 
destroyed.  After  some  delay  a  dozen  or  more  of  the 
guard  appear,  and  joined  by  an  equal  number  of  vol- 
unteers charge  the  rioters,  now  mustering  about  two 
hundred.  The  latter  fly  for  refuge  to  the  stalls  and 
the  cathedral  cemetery,  but  being  reenforced  rally 
and  drive  back  their  assailants.  .  A  few  of  the  guard 
ascend  to  the  roof  and  fire  blank  catridges.  This  of 
course  only  emboldens  the  rioters,  who  answer  with 
shouts  of  derision  and  volleys  of  stones. 

As  the  first  party  return  from  their  charge,  driven 
back  by  overwhelming  numbers,  a  squad  of  soldiers 
come  forward,  and  are  joined  by  the  count  of  Santiago 
and  a  few  other  gentlemen ;  but  the  rioters  are  now 
assembled  in  such  force  that  the  troops  are  compelled 
again  to  retire.  It  is  then  resolved  to  close  the 
palace  doors,  which  is  done  with  such  haste  that  two 
or  three  of  the  guard  are  shut  out,  and  are  seized  and 
torn  in  pieces.12     A  shout  of  triumph  arises  from  the 

11  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  88,  in  his  account  of  the  events  which  led  to  the 
outbreak  makes  no  mention  of  the  disturbance  of  the  7th,  and  in  regard  to  that 
of  the  8th  states  that  the  attendants  of  the  archbishop  sent  them  to  the  vice- 
regal palace,  whence  they  were  driven  away  by  the  guard.  For  the  reasons 
already  stated  preference  is  given  to  the  version  of  Sigiienza  y  Gongora,  which 
is,  with  few  exceptions,  followed  for  this  and  all  subsequent  events  relating 
to  these  troubles.  According  to  the  Carta  de  un  Eeligioso,  the  archbishop 
appeared  and  denied  that  they  had  any  cause  to  complain  against  the  viceroy, 
whose  every  effort  was  directed  to  maintain  the  supply  of  grain. 

12 Robles,  Diario,  ii.  88-9,  states  that  by  the  advice  of  the  attendants  at 
the  archiepiscopal  palace  the  Indians  proceeded  to  the  viceregal  palace  whence, 
having  been  refused  admittance  by  the  guard,  they  went  to  their  homes,  with 
the  exception  of  some  twenty  who  persisted  on  entering,  and  the  guard  continu- 
ing to  oppose  them  they  began  to  storm  the  palace  doors  and  balconies.  The 
ensign  with  nine  soldiers  charged  and  drove  back  the  rioters,  now  reenforced 
by  over  two  hundred,  but  was  compelled  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  two  men. 
The  doors  were  then  closed.  According  to  the  Carta  de  un  Religioso,  the 
captain  of  the  guard  led  three  charges,  being  severely  wounded  in  the  third 
by  a  blow  from  a  stone.  It  is  there  stated  that  the  Indians  had  bows  and 
arrows,  blunderbusses,  pistols,  and  knives,  and  that  their  intention  was  to  set 
fire  to  the  palace,  and  rob  the  royal  treasury. 


240  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

crowd,  now  numbering  ten  thousand.13  "Death  to 
the  viceroy  and  corregidor,"  they  cry,  "death  to  those 
who  have  all  the  corn  and  are  killing  us  with  hunger!" 
It  is  half  past  six;  and  though  thirty  minutes  have 
scarcely  elapsed  since  the  beginning  of  hostilities,  the 
plaza  is  filled  with  the  populace.  Eager  for  plunder 
they  join  in  the  cries  against  the  government,  shout- 
ing, "Death  to  the  viceroy  and  all  who  defend  him!" 
while  the  echo  from  hundreds  swells  the  uproar, 
"Death  to  the  Spaniards  and  gachupines  who  are 
eating  our  corn!"14 

At  this  juncture  the  archbishop  approaches  on  foot 
with  uplifted  cross,  and  surrounded  by  his  attendants. 
Little  regard  is  shown  him,  however,  for  his  coach- 
man, who  was  sent  on  before,  is  knocked  from  his 
seat  by  a  stone,  and  missiles  begin  to  fall  so  thickly 
that  the  primate  and  his  companions  are  glad  to  make 
good  their  escape.  The  guards  in  the  palace  make  no 
further  attempt  to  disperse  the  rioters.  After  some 
thirty  shots  from  the  roof,  firing  ceases;  for  not  only 
are  many  of  the  soldiers  disabled,  but  their  ammuni- 
tion is  exhausted. 

The  rioters  continue  to  storm  the  palace,  but  find- 
ing that  little  harm  is  done  they  resolve  to  burn  it 
down,  no  longer  fearing  those  within.  The  booths  in 
the  plaza  afford  an  abundance  of  combustible  material, 
and  dry  rushes  and  reeds  are  soon  heaped  against  the 
wooden  doors  and  set  ablaze.  The  city  hall  is  also 
fired;  and  while  some  are  thus  engaged,  others  seize 
the  coach  of  the  corregidor,  whose  residence  forms  a 
portion  of  that  building,  set  fire  to  it,  and  with  the 
mules  attached  drive  it  in  triumph  around  the  plaza, 
finally  killing  the  wildly  affrighted  animals.  The  cor- 
regidor and  his  wife  are  fortunately  absent;  else  their 

13  This  sudden  increase  in  the  numbers  of  the  mob,  from  200  to  10,000,  is 
accounted  for  by  the  fact  that  the  plaza  could  be  reached  within  less  than 
half  an  hour  from  all  parts  of  the  city. 

11  According  to  Robles,  at  the  first  alarm  most  of  the  Spaniards  shut  them- 
selves up  in  their  houses,  whence  but  few  issued  till  the  riot  was  over.  Diario, 
ii.  90.  Sigiienza  y  G6ngora  fails  to  account  for  this  lack  of  courage  on  the 
part  of  his  countrymen. 


FIRE  AND  MURDER.  241 

ives  were  lost.  The  opportunity  for  plunder  sought 
or  by  the  saramullos  has  arrived.  With  the  excep- 
ion  of  the  burning  of  the  gallows,  also  situated  in 
he  plaza,  none  of  the  lower  classes  appear  to  have 
aken  part  with  the  natives  in  the  work  of  destruc- 
ion,  but  there  is  little  doubt  that  they  were  the 
:hief  instigators  in  the  matter.  Almost  simulta- 
leously  with  the  burning  of  the  palace  the  adjacent 
tails  are  set  on  fire. 

And  now  follows  a  scene  which  no  pen  can  fully 
lescribe.  It  is  between  seven  and  eight  o'clock,  and 
he  spacious  plaza  is  made  as  light  as  day  by  the  con- 
lagration.  Filling  the  plaza  and  adjoining  streets, 
lie  maddened  populace  may  be  seen  surging  to  and 
ro  in  dense  masses  like  an  angry  sea,  and  above  the 
-oar  of  the  flames  rise  hoarse  shouts  of  exultation 
is  the  work  of  destruction  goes  on.  Few  Spaniards 
ire  visible.  From  the  palace  corridors,  with  despair- 
ing form  and  features,  the  archbishop  and  his  attend- 
tnts  gaze  in  silence,  while  on  the  outskirts  of  the 
)laza  groups  of  citizens  watch  in  speechless  terror  the 
progress  of  the  conflagration.  Suddenly  the  cry  is 
*aised,  "  To  the  stalls!"  "  To  the  stalls!"  and  the  hu- 
nan  sea  surges  in  that  direction.  The  places  where 
lardware  was  sold  are  first  attacked,  and  knives, 
uachetes,  and  iron  bars  secured,  the  last  named  for 
lefense  as  well  as  for  breaking  open  doors.  And  now 
et  chaos  come;  innocent  and  guilty,  friend  and  foe, 
ire  one;  robbery  and  rape,  fire  and  blood;  the  people 
aave  become  raving  maniacs!  As  fast  as  the  houses 
ire  broken  open  and  robbed  the  torch  is  applied. 
Gradually  the  infuriated  yells  sink  to  a  low  murderous 
lum  of  voices,  interrupted  only  by  the  crash  of  falling 
3uildings.  Rapidly  the  flames  spread,  and  by  the 
.urid  light  may  be  seen  the  dusky  forms  of  the  rioters 
Sitting  in  and  out  and  among  the  buildings,  or  disap- 
pearing in  the  darkness  laden  with  plunder. 

A  singular  phase  of  riot  and  robbery  now  presents 
itself.     Among  the  rabble  are  many  owners  of  stalls 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    16 


242  CORN  MOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

who  dare  not  openly  protect  their  property,  yet  are 
unable  to  witness  its  loss  with  indifference.  Merchants 
yesterday  they  are  robbers  now,  and  may  as  well  rob 
themselves  as  be  robbed  by  their  comrades.  So  they 
join  in  the  attack  on  their  own  stalls,  being  some- 
times the  first  to  enter,  and  if  possible  to  seize  and 
carry  to  a  place  of  safety  some  of  their  own  effects. 
Others,  affecting  an  air  of  resignation,  encourage  the 
pillage  of  their  stalls,  and  then  stealthily  follow  the 
plunderer  and  relieve  him  of  his  load  by  a  sudden 
blow  or  deadly  thrust.  Many  of  the  rioters  are  run 
through  at  the  entrance  to  the  streets  by  the  groups 
of  exasperated  Spaniards,  as  they  are  tauntingly 
defied  by  the  passing  rabble,  and  not  a  few  perish  in 
the  flames. 

While  the  many  are  thus  engaged,  a  few  hasten  to 
the  palace  of  the  marques  del  Valle,  to  fire  it.  The 
flames  have  reached  the  balconies,  when  the  treas- 
urer of  the  cathedral,  Manuel  de  Escalante  y  Men- 
doza,  arrives  accompanied  by  a  few  ecclesiastics,  and 
bearing  the  uncovered  host.  All  other  means  proving 
unavailing,  this  pious  proceeding  is  adopted,  in  the 
hope  of  saving  the  city.  Exhortations  accompany  the 
act  of  elevating;  and  finally  a  number  of  the  more  re- 
ligious rascals  temporarily  extinguish  the  flames  in  the 
palace  of  the  marques.  Here,  however,  their  for- 
bearance ceases,  for  they  at  once  hurry  away  to  join 
their  companions  in  the  work  of  plunder  elsewhere. 
To  add  to  the  solemn  terror  of  the  occasion  all  the 
bells  begin  to  ring,  but  it  is  the  call  to  prayers,  and 
not  to  arms.  Following  the  example  of  the  cathe- 
dral treasurer,  the  religious  orders  next  appear  march- 
ing in  procession,  with  uplifted  crosses  and  solemn 
chants.  Their  efforts,  however,  avail  but  little;  they 
are  greeted  with  a  shower  of  stones,  and  dispersed; 
and  although  singly  or  in  groups  they  continue  their 
exhortations  in  different  parts  of  the  plaza,  the  rioters 
disregard  them,  or  reply  with  jeers. 

These  exciting  events  have  occupied  but  a  short 


THE  SPANIARDS  ASCENDANT.  243 

time,  for  it  is  yet  hardly  nine,  and  the  plaza,  which 
for  the  last  three  hours  has  been  thronged  with  the 
canaille  of  the  capital,  is  fast  becoming  deserted.  The 
rioters  have  for  the  most  part  retired  with  their  plun- 
der, and  among  the  few  that  remain  the  religious  still 
continue  their  fruitless  exhortations.  Despite  the 
efforts  of  the  guard  and  those  of  the  few  citizens  who 
have  ventured  to  show  themselves,  the  fire  in  the 
viceregal  palace  and  city  hall  still  burns,  and  the  stalls 
and  booths  are  one  mass  of  flames. 

At  this  juncture  the  count  of  Santiago  with  a  num- 
ber of  armed  citizens,  collected  by  order  of  the  vice- 
roy, appear  in  the  plaza  and  open  fire  on  the  crowd, 
but  are  induced  to  stop  by  the  religious,  who  declare 
that  many  innocent  persons  will  thus  be  slain.  As 
there  is  nothing  further  to  be  feared  from  the  people 
remaining  in  the  plaza,  the  citizens  direct  their  efforts 
to  subduing  the  flames.  With  the  aid  of  the  prison- 
ers from  the  palace  jail,15  who  have  barely  escaped 
with  their  own  lives,  and  of  the  inmates  of  the  vice- 
regal palace  who  are  forgotten  by  the  mob  while  intent 
on  plundering  the  stalls,  everything  of  value  in  the 
viceregal  apartments  is  saved,  and  the  females  of  the 
household  are  conveyed  in  safety  through  the  plaza  to 
the  palace  of  the  archbishop.  Prominent  among  those 
to  whose  energy  and  presence  of  mind  the  saving  of 
many  valuable  papers  is  due,  is  Carlos  de  Sigiienza 
y  Gongora.  Entering  the  plaza  before  the  flames  are- 
kindled,  he  remains  throughout  the  disturbance,  ac- 
companying the  bishop  on  his  mission  of  peace,  and 
later  the  cathedral  treasurer;  then  helping  to  fight 
the  fire  in  the  viceregal  palace,  where  he  personally 
rescues  important  archives,  and  finally  repairing  to  the 
city  hall  in  time  to  snatch  from  the  flames  a  portion 
of  the  cabildo  records. 

The  riot  was  now  virtually  at  an  end,  and  additional 

15  In  consideration  of  their  services  the  prisoners  were  all  pardoned.  Sigii- 
enza y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  70-1;  Gavo,  TresSiglos,  ii.  81-2.  Robles,  Diario, 
ii.  93-4,  says  simply  that  prisoners  escaped. 


JU  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

assistance  arriving,  the  further  progress  of  the  fire  was 
checked,  although  it  continued  to  burn  fiercely  until 
the  following  Tuesday.  Meanwhile  the  viceroy  was 
still  at  the  Franciscan  convent.  At  the  first  alarm 
the  doors  of  the  building  were  closed,  and  nothing 
could  induce  the  terrified  inmates  to  open  them,  except 
for  the  admission  of  the  countess,  whose  absence  had 
been  an  additional  cause  of  anxiety.  Early  in  the  day 
she  had  set  out  on  a  visit  to  the  gardens  of  San 
Cosme,  and  was  already  returning  when  the  outbreak 
occurred.  Upon  nearing  the  plaza  the  coachman 
seeing  the  disturbance  turned  back  and  drove  hurriedly 
to  the  convent,  where  the  countess  arrived  without 
mishap.  As  the  riot  progressed  several  persons 
knocked  at  the  doors  for  admission,  but  the  friars 
fearing  for  the  safety  of  the  viceroy  and  countess  re- 
fused all  admission.  Later  in  the  evening  several 
prominent  persons  came  to  offer  their  services  to  Galve 
and  were  admitted. 

Informed  of  the  condition  of  affairs  he  immediately 
issued  such  orders  as  seemed  necessary  under  the  cir- 
cumstances. As  we  have  seen,  the  count  of  Santiago 
with  another  official  was  ordered  to  summon  the  citi- 
zens and  disperse  the  rioters;  the  regidor  Juan  Aguirre 
de  Espinosa  received  instructions  to  proceed  without 
delay  to  the  province  of  Chalco,  seize  all  the  corn  he 
could  find,  and  forward  it  to  the  city,  so  that  it  should 
arrive  by  morning;  another  commissioner  was  sent  to 
meet  the  mule  train  with  corn  from  Celava,  and  brin^ 
it  with  all  possible  speed  into  the  city;  all  the  bakers 
were  notified  to  make  three  times  the  usual  quantity 
of  bread,  and  the  butchers  and  fruit  and  vegetable 
dealers  were  enjoined  to  provide  full  supplies  for  the 
following  day.  Next  the  viceroy  despatched  couriers 
to  Puebla  and  other  principal  towns  to  warn  the  au- 
thorities, lest  the  example  of  the  natives  in  the  capital 
should  be  followed  elsewThere. 

Armed  citizens  patrolled  the  streets  in  the  Spanish 
quarters  during  the  remainder  of  the  night,  but  no 


REAPPEARANCE  OF  THE  VICEROY.  245 

further  disturbance  occurred.  The  sun  rose  upon  a 
mass  of  smouldering  ruins  in  the  plaza,  while  the 
bodies  of  the  dead  lay  scattered  here  and  there  among 
the  various  articles  of  plunder  dropped  by  the  rioters 
in  their  hasty  flight.  The  greater  portion  of  the  vice- 
regal palace  was  destroyed,  as  were  the  halls  of  the 
audiencia,  the  jail,  and  several  government  offices, 
containing  many  valuable  documents.  The  city  hall 
was  almost  in  ruins,  and  with  it  perished  the  greater 
part  of  its  archives.  The  public  granary  and  the  ad- 
joining buildings  also  suffered;  and  but  for  the  timely 
efforts  of  the  cathedral  treasurer  the  fire  would  have 
extended  not  only  to  the  residence  of  the  marques  del 
Valle,  but  also  to  the  archiepiscopal  palace  and  ca- 
thedral. The  loss  of  property  caused  by  this  outbreak 
was  estimated  at  three  million  pesos.  The  number  of 
lives  lost  did  not  exceed  fifty,  and  was  possibly  not  so 
great;  nor  is  there  any  evidence  to  show  that  except- 
ing the  two  or  three  victims  among  the.  palace  guard, 
a  single  Spaniard  was  seriously  injured.16 

On  Monday  morning  the  viceroy  and  countess,  ac- 
companied by  the  chief  authorities,  over  two  hundred 
mounted  gentlemen,  and  an  immense  number  of  the 
populace,  set  forth  from  the  Franciscan  convent  for 
the  plaza,  being  joined  on  the  way  by  the  archbishop. 
Having  reached  the  spot  the  procession  marched 
around  it  in  order  that  the  viceroy  and  countess  might 
view  the  ruins,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  palace  of 
the  marques  del  Valle,  where  Galve  temporarily  took 
up  his  residence. 

There  was  still  much  apprehension  lest  the  Indians 
should  return,  and  this  was  increased  by  the  discovery 

16  Some  contemporary  authorities  have  affirmed  that  the  Indians  were  pro- 
vided with  all  kinds  of  weapons,  but  the  surprisingly  small  number  of  victims 
among  the  Spaniards,  and  the  statements  of  other  authorities,  one  an  eye- 
witness of  these  events,  refute  these  assertions.  Other  writers  have  also 
sought  to  give  to  this  outbreak  of  the  natives  a  more  serious  character,  that 
of  a  premeditated  attempt  to  throw  off  the  Spanish  yoke,  but  it  is  only  too 
evident  from  their  own  accounts  of  the  riot,  which  agree  essentially  with  the 
facts  here  given,  that  they  seek  to  draw  attention  from  the  culpable  negli- 
gence of  the  authorities.  Sigitenzay  Gonr/ora,  Carta,  MS.,  41-4,  48-9;  Carta 
deun  Rdiyioso,  317,  320,  331-3;  Uobles,  JDiario,  ii.  97. 


24G  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

that  the  native  ward  of  Santiago  Tlaltelulco  was 
deserted.  The  most  active  measures  were  therefore 
taken  to  prevent  another  uprising,  and  for  the  arrest 
and  punishment  of  the  rioters,  and  the  recovery  of 
the  stolen  property.  Orders  were  issued  for  the 
immediate  enrolment  of  all  citizens.  Several  compa- 
nies of  infantry  and  cavalry  were  organized,  two  of 
the  latter  at  the  expense  of  the  royal  treasury.17  For 
several  days  the  troops  patrolled  the  streets;  and, 
although  save  a  few  false  alarms  everything  remained 
quiet,  the  stores  and  schools  continued  closed,  and  for 
three  days  no  church  bells  were  rung  nor  service  held.18 
The  saramullos  were  to  be  feared,  however,  no  less 
than  the  natives,  and  their  contempt  for  the  author- 
ities was  expressed  by  posting,  during  the  night,  in 
conspicuous  places,  pasquinades  ridiculing  them  for 
their  want  of  courage  and  energy.19 

Great  care  was  now  taken  that  the  supply  of  grain 
should  not  fail ;  and  although  for  a  time  there  was  oc- 
casional evidence  of  scarcity,  wTithin  two  months  the 
weight  of  bread,  which  a  short  time  before  the  begin- 
ning of  the  riot  had  been  reduced  to  seven  ounces,  was 
increased  first  to  ten  and  finally  to  fourteen  ounces.20 

17  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  95-6,  99,  says  eight  companies  of  cavalry,  besides 
two  of  mulattoes  and  two  of  negroes.  A  commercial  battalion  and  a  company 
of  negroes  are  mentioned  in  Carta  de  un  Religioso,  329-30,  and  Siguenza  y  G6n- 
gora,  Carta,  MS.,  76,  mentions  two  companies  of  cavalry  only. 

18  On  June  9th,  and  again  two  days  later,  considerable  fright  was  caused 
by  the  report  that  a  body  of  armed  Indians  were  entering  the  city.  A 
reconoissance,  however,  showed  that  there  was  no  cause  for  alarm,  liobles, 
Diario,  ii.  98-9- 

19  On  the  morning  of  the  9th  two  pasquinades  were  found,  one  fastened 
to  the  walls  of  the  palace,  one  of  which  read,  '  Este  corral  se  alquila  para 
gallos  de  la  tierra  y  gallinas  de  Castilla;'  the  other,  '  Repr6sentase  la  comedia 
famosa  de  Peor  esta  que  estaba.'  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  96-7. 

20  During  July  the  retailing  of  grain  was  forbidden  by  both  government 
and  church.  liobles,  Diario,  ii.  103.  According  to  Siguenza  y  Congora,  Carta, 
MS.,  76-7,  on  the  9th  the  viceroy  ordered  that  the  whole  supply  of  grain 
should  be  distributed  gratis  among  the  populace.  Meanwhile  a  vigorous 
search  had  been  made  for  the  plunder,  and  resulted  in  the  recovery  of  a  large 
portion  of  it,  and  the  arrest  of  many  natives  in  whose  possession  it  was  found. 
Most  of  the  clothing,  dry  goods,  and  other  articles  stolen  from  the  stalls 
was,  however,  found  during  subsequent  days  lying  on  the  streets,  where 
it  had  been  thrown  during  the  night,  in  all  probability  by  the  saramullos, 
for  few  of  them  appear  to  have  been  arrested.  By  Tuesday,  goods  to  the 
value  of  70,000  pesos  had  been  recovered  and  returned  to  the  owners.  Robles, 
Diario,  ii.  98-9. 


REVOLT  AT  TLASCALA.  247 

Although  the  saramullos  took  part  in  the  pillage 
of  the  stalls,  if  not  in  setting  fire  to  the  viceroy's  pal- 
ace, they  for  the  most  part  escaped  punishment,  the 
principal  victims  being  natives.  The  first  execution 
took  place  on  the  11th  of  June.  Three  Indians,  taken 
in  the  act  of  setting  fire  to  the  palace,21  were  shot  in 
the  plaza  under  the  gallows,  erected  in  place  of  the 
one  destroyed;  and  in  the  afternoon  their  hands  were 
cut  off,  and  some  nailed  to  the  gallows,  and  others  to 
the  door-posts  of  the  palace.  Between  this  date  and 
the  twenty-first  of  the  following  August  thirty-six 
Indians  of  both  sexes  and  a  few  mestizos  were  pub- 
licly whipped,  and  eleven  natives  and  one  mestizo 
were  hanged.  A  Spaniard  who  took  part  in  the  riot, 
and  died  of  his  wounds  in  hospital,  was  exposed  on 
the  gibbet.  The  last  one  put  to  death  was  a  lame 
Indian,  who  was  believed  to  have  been  the  captain 
of  the  rioters.22 

A  few  days  later  news  was  received  in  the  capital 
of  an  Indian  revolt  at  Tlascala.23  The  outbreak  had 
taken  place  on  the  previous  Saturday,  that  being  the 
usual  market-day,  on  which  the  inhabitants  of  the 
surrounding  country  repaired  to  the  city  to  purchase 

21  Four  were  captured,  but  one  had  died  on  the  night  of  the  10th,  either 
from  poison  self-administered  or  from  ill-treatment.  Sigiienza  y  G6ngora, 
Carta,  MS.,  78,  says  he  committed  suicide,  but  Hobles,  Diario,  ii.  98,  states 
'pero  uno  se  mat6  antes  con  veneno,  segun  se  dijo  entonces,  y  parece  que  del 
maltrato  que  le  dieron.' 

22 Robhs,  Diario,  ii.  98-106.  Sigiienza  y  G6ngora,  Carta,  MS.,  78,  writ- 
ing August  30th  of  this  year,  says  that  besides  the  three  who  were  shot,  live 
or  six  were  hanged  and  one  burned;  and  that  a  few  days  afterward  many  were 
whipped,  while  others  were  detained  in  prison  awaiting  trial.  In  the  Carta 
de  un  ReUijioso,  it  is  stated  that  the  four  Indians  captured  at  the  palace  were 
executed  on  Monday  the  9th,  and  mention  is  made  of  the  other  executions. 
Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  ii.  82,  says  that  eight  of  the  populace  who  were  found  to 
have  been  implicated  in  the  outbreak  were  executed,  and  many  others  con- 
demned to  be  whipped.  He  is  indorsed  by  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  275.  The 
statements  of  Itobles  are  to  be  preferred  in  this  instance,  as  he  gives  from  day 
to  day  the  more  important  events  of  this  period.  Various  decrees  were  issued 
relating  to  the  conduct  of  the  natives.  On  June  10th  they  were  forbidden 
under  penalty  of  death  to  collect  on  the  streets  in  groups  of  more  than  five; 
two  days  later  all  those  residing  in  the  Spanish  quarter  were  ordered  to  re- 
move to  the  native  wards,  but  this  ordinance  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
obeyed  until  the  15th,  when  it  was  repeated. 

23  On  the  10th  of  June,  during  the  absence  of  the  governor  and  principal 
lords  of  Tlascala,  who  had  repaired  to  the  capital  to  tender  their  services. 


248  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

provisions.  The  load  of  maize  was  then  worth  five 
pesos,  but  the  natives  from  two  adjoining  towns  de- 
manded that  it  should  be  sold  for  less,  whereupon  the 
alcalde  mayor,  Fernando  de  Bustamante,  finally  con- 
sented to  make  a  reduction  of  one  peso.  This,  how- 
ever, did  not  pacify  them,  and  they  immediately  seized 
upon  the  maize  lying  in  the  plaza.  Without  a  suffi- 
cient force  to  support  his  authority,  the  alcalde  mayor 
knew  that  it  would  be  vain  to  oppose  them,  and  they 
were  allowed  to  carry  off  the  maize  unmolested. 
About  midday,  however,  noting  an  increasing  excite- 
ment among  the  natives,  and  fearing  an  outbreak  sim- 
ilar to  the  one  in  the  capital,  he  caused  a  drum  to  be 
beaten  in  the  streets  as  a  signal  for  the  Spaniards  to 
muster  at  the  city  hall.  It  was  now  two  o'clock,  and 
but  six  Spaniards  had  answered  the  summons,  when 
a  large  body  of  natives  gathered  around  the  building, 
and  meeting  with  no  opposition,  set  fire  to  it.  The 
alcalde  and  his  companions  stood  to  their  post  until  a 
reenforcement  of  twenty  citizens  enabled  them  to 
attack  and  disperse  the  rioters.  Assistance  soon  ar- 
rived from  different  points,  including  a  company  of 
cavalry  from  the  capital.  Order  was  restored,  and 
the  principal  rioters  punished;  but  during  the  dis- 
turbance the  greater  part  of  the  city  hall  was  de- 
stroyed, and  one  hundred  natives  and  three  Spaniards 
killed.24 

Quiet  was  now  restored25  in  the  capital  and  through- 
out the  kingdom.     On  the  16th  the  cabildo  met  for 

24  Sixty  of  the  rioters  were  executed.  Sigiienzay  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  80; 
Holies,  Diario,  ii.  9S-104.  The  Carta  de  un  lieligioso,  237,  gives  a  some- 
what different  account.  The  scene  of  the  riot  is  placed  at  Santa  Cruz,  a 
native  town  of  some  7,000  inhabitants,  in  the  vicinity  of  Tlascala.  The  riot- 
ers sought  to  kill  the  alcalde  mayor,  who,  however,  escaped;  the  religious 
appeared  with  the  host,  but  were  stoned  and  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  the 
church;  a  force  of  300  infantry  and  100  cavalry  was  ordered  from  Vera  Cruz; 
and  the  Tlascalan  Indians  sent  a  message  to  the  viceroy  protesting  their  inno- 
cence, and  offering  to  furnish  400  warriors.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  make3  no  men- 
tion of  this  affair,     llivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.,  gives  an  erroneous  account. 

25  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  103,  states  that  on  July  10th  intelligence  was  received 
at  the  capital  of  a  riot  in  Guadalajara,  in  which  two  oidores  had  been  stoned. 
This,  however,  was  no  doubt  a  false  rumor,  as  no  further  reference  is  made  to 
it,  nor  is  it  mentioned  by  any  other  authority. 


PULQUE  PROHIBITION.  249 

the  first  time  since  the  riot,  but  the  sessions  of  the 
audiencia  were  not  resumed  until  the  30th.26  On  this 
latter  elate  the  viceroy  made  a  full  report  to  the  crown 
of  the  riot  and  of  his  subsequent  measures,  which  were 
approved.27 

Habitual  intoxication  among  the  natives  was  justly 
regarded  as  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  late  out- 
break, and  the  use  or  sale  of  pulque  in  the  city 
was  strictly  forbidden,  though  the  order  was  little 
regarded,  and  to  deprive  the  natives  of  a  beverage  to 
the  use  of  which  they  had  been  accustomed  from 
childhood  was  a  measure  of  doubtful  policy.23  On 
the  19th  of  July,  the  day  on  which  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  the  liquor  was  prohibited  throughout  New 
Spain  under  heavy  penalties,29  a  mestizo  was  whipped 
in  the  capital  for  having  in  his  possession  a  pitcher 
of  pulque.30  In  a  few  years,  however,  its  use  and  sale 
were  again  permitted.31 

Neither  stalls  nor  booths  were  again  allowed  to  be 
erected  in  the  plaza,  and  in  their  place  a  spacious 

26  The  cabildo  had  selected  as  temporary  council  rooms  the  new  hall  of  the 
public  granary  and  the  audiencia  occupied  a  portion  of  the  palace.  Parian, 
tol  Doc,  11-13,  m  J amos  Impresos,  i.;  Routes,  Diarlo,  ii.  102 

oJLf^T^  C°\  D°C"  UJ  Rir™>  Gob-  Mex-  l  275-  Galve  suspended  the 
captain  of  the  palace  guard  and  sent  him  to  the  fortress  of  Uliia,  pending  the 
investigation  of  his  conduct.     This  act  caused  no  little  surprise  and  comment 

rArlli  m  eDing  °f,the  ri0t  Wf  $er\er&Uy  *PPL™dcd-  Carta  de 
un  Ketigioso,  oSo-9.  Moreover  it  was  remarked  that  during  the  riot  the  vice- 
roy had  remained  securely  guarded  within  the  walls  of  a  convent  The  can- 
tarn  was  reinstated.  Routes,  Diarlo,  ii.  9G,  100.  l 

»ff  Tfiie  IiCC!?^  Lad  Previ0llsly  written  to  the  king  in  regard  to  its  evil 
effects .,buo  nothing  appears  to  have  been  done.  Sigiienm  yGdngora,  Carta, 
W  nn  Vh*  m  IresW°\*-  ^3,  believes  that  a  book  written  about  this 
p^!  °?v  evilsncansed  ^  «\e  excessive  use  of  pulque  was  due  to  the  influ- 
enc?  of  Viceroy  Galve-     Sce  also  R°ble8,  Diarlo,  ii.  <JG-7 

hJ*  i,  Pe  UnliJ  for  SPa.niards  was  200  pesos,  and  for  Indians,  whipping  and' 
hard  labor.  Robles,  Diarlo,  ii.  103-4.  L     * 

tl^3!0^1^?!^11^3*^116^186  °/  mattinSs  in  the  P^za  was  prohibited,  and  on 
the  loth  of  this  month  all  roofs  composed  of  shingles  were  ordered  to  be  re- 

S^1?  2t  horS;  A111natlves  were  foi  bidden  to  appear  in  the  streets 
?L^l  o?Fi1Ca  afteLda?;  and  a  few  days  later  they  were  forbidden  to  wear 
shoes  or  cloaks.     Mestizos  were  compelled  to  present  themselves,  and  were 

Tref^nlf  ••°  of  7r  T$*'  RoUeS>  Diario>  il  103~4-  According  to  Cavo, 
*hJL.l?  I  7  e  Indians  were  compelled  to  cut  off  their  forelock,  and 
and  drcsT  °rm  t0  the  nativc  custom  in  the  manner  of  wearing  their  hair 

ii.  173hQ  baratiU°  was  not  finally  abolished  until  100G.   Ccdulas  Reates,  MS., 


250  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

stone  building  was  begun  in  1G95,  and,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  certain  parts  of  its  interior,  finished  in 
1703.  It  was  first  called  the  Alcaiceria  de  la  Plaza 
Mayor,  because  built  after  the  manner  of  the  raw 
silk  market  in  Manila.  Its  name  was  soon  afterward 
changed  to  the  Parian.32 

During  the  next  year  nothing  worthy  of  note 
occurred  in  the  capital.33  In  1G93  the  rebuilding  of 
the  palace  was  begun,  and  in  course  of  time  this 
structure  assumed  magnificent  proportions.  Although 
occupied  in  1697  by  Viceroy  Montezuma,  it  was  not 
completed  until  nearly  a  hundred  years  later.34 

About  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  palace 
is  described  as  a  magnificent  building,  covering  four 
squares,  and  exceeding  in  extent  the  largest  building 
in  Madrid.  It  had  a  handsome  facade,  and  within 
were  three  courtyards,  each  communicating  with  the 
other.  Facing  the  largest  of  the  three  were  situated 
the  halls  of  the  audiencia,  with  all  its  offices,  and  those 
of  the  other  tribunals.  This  was  called  the  palace 
court  to  distinguish  it  from  the  others,  and  a  fountain, 
whose  central  figure  was  a  bronze  horse,  occupied  its 
center.  Here  also  was  the  principal  entrance  to  the 
palace.  Adjoining  this  court  was  that  on  which  the 
viceregal  apartments  faced,  a  series  of  spacious  rooms 
occupying   the    upper   portion   of  the    building    and 

32  So  called  because  its  interior  resembled  that  of  the  oriental  bazaar.  In 
1703  the  building,  with  98  stalls,  was  completed,  at  a  cost  of  97,G52  pesos; 
between  1757  and'1794  83  more  were  added,  making  in  all  181  stalls,  and  the 
total  cost  of  the  building  141,570  pesos.  Parian,  Col.  Doc,  1-2,  22,  49; 
Dice.  Univ.,v.  738-9. 

3J  The  maintenance  of  order  in  the  city  was  henceforth  assured  by  the  or- 
ganization of  two  regiments  of  militia.  Notwithstanding  the  frequent  orders 
of  the  crown,  the  two  cavalry  companies  formed  on  the  9th  of  June  and  sup- 
ported by  the  royal  treasury  were  not  abolished  until  the  end  of  1G9G.  Parian, 
Col.  Doc,  13—16.    The  final  decree  abolishing  them  was  dated  Oct.  9,  1G9G. 

31  Work  on  the  palace  was  begun  about  the  middle  of  February  under  the 
direction  of  Fray  Diego  de  Valverde,  an  Augustine  friar.  JRobles,  Diario,  ii. 
125-6.  During  the  administration  of  Viceroy  Galve  the  sum  of  195,5-14  pesos 
was  expended  in  the  work.  In  future  administrations  appropriations  of  a 
greater  or  less  amount  were  made,  that  during  the  rule  of  Viceroy  Flores, 
J  7<-7-9,  being  the  last.  According  to  an  official  report  made  in  1792  by  order 
of  Viceroy  llcvilla  Gigedo,  the  total  amount  expended  in  its  reconstruction 
was  781, G07  pesos.  Alaman,  Diaert.  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  app.  100-2. 


NEW  MEXICAN  MATTERS.  251 

fronting  on  trie  main  plaza.  In  the  rear  of  this  was 
situated  the  third  court,  occupied  by  the  quarters  of 
the  palace  guard.  A  series  of  spacious  apartments 
also  fronted  on  the  plazuela  del  Volador;  and  besides 
the  mint,  a  separate  building  within  the  palace  walls, 
there  was  an  extensive  garden  for  the  recreation  of 
the  viceroys.35 

Though  the  scarcity  of  grain  continued  during  the 
three  following  years,  it  was  only  in  a  slight  degree 
and  for  brief  periods;  but  in  1696  the  danger  of  famine 
was  so  great  that  another  outbreak  was  threatened, 
and  was  prevented  only  by  the  most  energetic  meas- 
ures.36 

During  Galve's  rule  the  province  of  New  Mexico 
was  reconquered  after  a  series  of  attempts  extending 
over  a  period  of  nearly  fourteen  years.  In  August 
1680  this  territory  was  the  scene  of  the  most  serious 
revolt  that  had  occurred  since  the  conquest  of  Mexico. 
All  was  arranged  for  a  given  day  throughout  the  ter- 
ritory. Four  hundred  Spaniards,  including  twenty- 
five  Franciscan  friars,  were  slaughtered  by  the  natives, 
and  the  survivors  compelled  to  abandon  the  province. 
During  subsequent  years  numerous  expeditions  were 
sent  out  by  the  successive  governors  to  reoccupy  it, 
but  notwithstanding  the  quarrels  among  themselves 
the  natives  successfully  resisted  all  attempts  to  sub- 
jugate them  until  1694. 

In  1692  an  expedition  recaptured  without  blood- 

85  Estrdla,  xxvi.  264-7,  27S-9. 

3GBob!es,  Diario,  ii.  130-71.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  84-5,  states  that  in 
1694,  owing  to  the  great  scarcity,  an  epidemic  appeared  which  carried  off 
thousands  of  the  people.  Lorenzana,  Hist.  JV.  Spain,  28,  and  Panes,  Vireyes, 
MS.,  also  speak  of  a  pestilence  in  this  year,  which  they  imply  was  a  divine 
punishment  visited  on  the  rioters.  I  am  disposed  to  reject  these  statements; 
for  E,obles,  whose  Diario  is  a  diary  of  the  important  events  of  this  period, 
makes  no  mention  of  any  pestilence  between  1G92  and  1GD6,  excepting  an 
epidemic  in  a  convent  of  the  capital  which  in  April  1695  carried  off  six  nuns. 
An  epidemic  of  measles  appeared  in  the  city  of  Puebla  in  September  1692, 
and  in  one  parish  alone  carried  off  3,000  children.  Itobles,  Diario,  ii.  110;  Ri- 
vera,  Diario,  75.  This  latter  authority  calls  this  event  'a  horrible  pestilence, 
...attributed  to  the  prohibition  of  pulque.'  Carlos  Maria  Bustamante  was 
the  editor  of  this  work,  as  also  that  of  Cavo,  Tres  S'xjlos,  both  of  which  con- 
tain many  interpolations,  and   the  connection  between   the   above   absurd 


252  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

shed  the  capital  of  New  Mexico,  and  received  the 
submission  of  several  other  towns.  In  1606  another 
revolt  occurred,  in  which  five  missionaries  and  twenty 
colonists  lost  their  lives  and  many  towns  were  aban- 
doned, but  before  the  end  of  the  year  quiet  was  re- 
stored. Henceforth  the  natives  continued  submissive 
to  Spanish  rule.37 

Owing  to  ill-health  the  viceroy  had  several  times 
asked  to  be  relieved,  and  his  petition  was  finally 
granted  in  July  of  1G95.  He  left  Mexico  City  on 
the  10th  of  May  of  the  following  year,  and  died  soon 
after  his  arrival  in  Spain.  His  justice,  moderation, 
zeal,  and  ability  won  for  him  the  esteem  of  the  people 
and  the  approval  of  the  crown.  At  his  residencia  the 
oidor  Charcon  brought  thirty  charges  against  him, 
but  failing  to  prove  them  was  banished  from  the  city. 


us 


Prominent  among  noted  Mexicans  of  colonial  times  stands  Carlos  de  Sig- 
fienza  y  Gongora,  a  man  of  learning  and  varied  attainments.  A  native  of  the 
capital,  where  he  was  born  in  1G45,  he  inherited  his  taste  for  study  from  his 
father,  Curios  de  Sigiienza,  a  man  of  superior  intelligence  who  had  in  his 
native  country  been  instructor  to  the  prince  Don  Baltazar  Carlos.  At  an 
early  age  he  gave  indications  of  possessing  talents  of  a  high  order,  and  at 
seventeen  such  was  the  proficiency  which  he  had  attained  in  literature, 
mathematics,  physics,  and  astronomy,  that  in  Mexico,  a  country  then  almost 
void  of  educational  facilities,  he  was  regarded  as  a  prodigy.  This  drew  upon 
him  the  attention  of  the  Jesuits,  in  whose  order  at  that  time  centred  the 
learning  of  New  Spain.  Seduced  by  the  wiles  of  these  crafty  fathers,  as 
some  authors  assert,  Sigiienza,  after  a  novitiate  of  less  than  two  years  at  the 
college  of  Tepotzotlan,  took  his  first  vows  on  the  fifteenth  of  August  1G62. 
Under  the  instruction  of  the  Jesuits,  which  at  this  period  j)roduced  a  Cla. 
vigero  and  an  Alegre,  Sigiienza  continued  his  studies,  perfecting  himself  in  the 
classics,  and  acquiring  the  superior  literary  judgment  and  taste  for  archaeolog- 
ical studies  which  in  later  times  added  to  his  fame.  After  a  few  j^ears'  stay 
among  the  Jesuits,  in  his  twentieth  year  he  abandoned  them  and  retired  to 
the  hospital  of  Amor  de  Dios  in  Mexico  City,  of  which  he  had  been  appointed 
chaplain.     Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  93,  is  the  only  author  who  gives  any  motive 

statement  and  that  of  Cavo,  already  cited,  disproving  the  prohibition  of 
pulque,  is  only  too  apparent.  Besides,  Robles,  who  derived  his  information 
from  the  same  source  as  the  so-called  Rivera,  Diario,  makes  no  allusion  to 
this  fact. 

37  JJ/.st.  N.  Mex.  States,  i.  374-5,  this  series. 

"JRobles,  Diario,  ii.  193-8,  214;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  G8;  Ri- 
vera, Gob.  Mex.,  i.  278. 


SIGUENZA  Y  G6NG0RA.  253 

for  this  act.  He  states  that  it  was  done  at  the  instance  of  Sigiienza's  father. 
Though  his  fame  was  now  daily  increasing  and  honors  began  to  be  showered 
upon  him,  nothing  could  induce  him  to  leave  his  retirement.  Carlos  II. 
appointed  him  royal  cosmographer,  and  confirmed  his  appointment  to  the 
chair  of  mathematics  in  the  University  of  Mexico.  His  fame  even  reached 
the  court  of  Louis  the  Great,  who  vainly  offered  him  appointments  and  pen- 
sions. When  not  engaged  in  attending  to  his  duties  at  the  hospital,  or  in 
acts  of  charity,  his  time  was  devoted  to  study. 

Associated  with  the  celebrated  writer  on  ancient  Mexican  history,  Ixtlil- 
xochitl,  Sigiienza  perfected  his  knowledge  of  the  language  and  history  of  the 
Aztecs.  Ixtlilxochitl,  at  his  death,  left  all  his  papers  to  Sigiienza,  as  the 
person  best  fitted  to  write  the  history  of  his  ancestors,  and  of  whom  he  spoke 
as  his  '  friend  in  the  sciences  and  teacher  in  virtue.'  In  1693  he  was  commis- 
sioned by  Viceroy  Galve  to  assist  in  the  exploration  of  the  gulf  coast.  He 
examined  the  coast  as  far  as  Mobile  Bay,  which  he  explored,  as  also  that  of 
Pensacola,  and  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  River.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex., 
p.  x;  Granados,  Tardes  Amer.,  414;  Museo  Mex.,  ii.  471-3.  His  report  of 
this  expedition  was  written  upon  his  return,  under  the  title  of  Description  de 
la  Bahia  de  Santa  Maria  de  Galve,  de  la  Moblla  y  rio  de  la Palizada  6  Missis- 
sippi, en  la  costa  septentrional  del  Seno  Mexicano.  A  manuscript  signed  by 
Sigiienza,  entitled  Reconocimiento  de  la  Bahia  de  Panzacola  en  Florida,  prob- 
ably the  same  as  the  foregoing,  has  been  preserved  in  the  collection  of  the 
late  Don  Jose"  Fernando  Ramirez.  His  first  published  work  was  the  Pri- 
mavera  Indiana,  a  sacred  poem  describing  the  apparition  of  our  Lady  of 
Guadalupe  of  Mexico.  Beristain  states  that  it  appeared  in  1662,  and  subse- 
quently in  1668  and  1683,  but  Vetancurt,  Teatro  Mex.,  p.  x,  mentions  the 
edition  of  1668  only.  Between  1667  and  1682,  two  more  poems  of  a  sacred 
character  were  published,  and  in  1681  his  celebrated  Manifiesto  filosofico  con- 
tra los  cometas  appeared.  His  theory  was  immediately  attacked  by  three 
prominent  scholars,  among  whom  was  the  subsequently  famous  Jesuit  mis- 
sionary, Father  Eusebio  Kino,  recently  arrived  in  Mexico.  To  this  latter 
Sigiienza  successfully  replied  with  a  pamphlet  entitled  Libra  Astronomica, 
published  in  1690.  To  another,  Martin  de  la  Torre,  a  Flemish  gentleman,  he 
replied  with  his  El  Belorofonte  Matemdtico,  contra  Ice  quimera  astroldgica  de 
D.  Martin  de  la  Torre,  which  according  to  Beristain  was  never  issued.  In 
1684  the  Parayso  Occidental,  was  published.  From  1690  to  1693,  several 
works  were  printed  treating  of  special  historical  subjects,  and  in  1693,  the 
Mercurio  Volante  appeared,  which  was  extended  to  four  volumes,  and  was 
probably  the  first  newspaper  published  in  New  Spain.  His  last  work  was  El 
Oriental  Planeta  Evangelico,  which  appeared  in  1700,  shortly  after  his  death. 
The  most  valuable  as  well  as  the  most  numerous  of  his  writings,  however, 
were  those  he  left  in  manuscript.  Besides  the  papers  of  Ixtlilxochitl,  he  pos- 
sessed those  of  Chimalpain  Pomar,  Gutierrez  de  Santa  Clara,  and  Zurita,  all 
writers  on  antiquities  excepting  the  last  named.  With  the  aid  of  these  he 
pursued  his  researches  in  the  language,  origin,  and  history  of  the  Aztecs,  and 
the  results  of  his  labors  were  embodied  in  several  volumes,  among  which 
were  the  Auo  Mexicano,  Imperio  Chichimeco,  Fenix  del  Occidente,  and  Genea- 
logia  de  los  Emperadores  Mexicanos.     Nicolas  Antonio,  Bib. -Hisp.- Nova,  i. 


254  CORN  RIOT  IN  THE  CAPITAL. 

232,  cites  the  Impcrio  Chichimeco,  as  Del  Origin  de  los  Jndlos  Mexicanos;  the 
F< -d'i x  del  Occldenfe,  as  De  la  predication  de  Santo  Tomas  Apostol,  these  and 
the  Clclografia  Mexicana  and  Mltologia  Mexicana  being  the  only  works  of 
Siguenza  mentioned.  The  most  definite  information  we  have  of  these  works 
is  from  his  friends  and  companions,  Sebastian  de  Guzman  y  Cordoba,  and 
Vetancurt. 

Guzman,  in  the  preface  to  Siguenza's  Libra  Astronomica,  which  he  pub- 
lished, says  of  the  Alio  Mexicano,  'this  book,  though  not  large  in  body,  has  a 
gigantic  soul,  and  Don  Carlos  only  could  have  given  it  being.'  It  is  a  treatise 
on  the  Mexican  system  of  chronology.  Beginning  with  the  deluge,  by  com- 
paring the  occurrences  of  eclipses  and  other  events  as  recorded  by  both  Aztecs 
and  the  nations  of  the  old  world,  the  historical  epochs  of  the  former  were  ad- 
justed to'  the  chronology  of  the  latter.  The  Clclografia  Mexicana,  also  a 
manuscript,  and  devoted  to  the  same  subject,  is  cited  by  Nicolas  Antonio, 
Pinelo,  and  other  bibliographers  as  a  distinct  work,  but  I  am  disposed  to  re- 
gard it  with  Beristain  as  another  title  of  the  same  work.  The  Imperio  Chichi- 
weco,  according  to  Guzman,  was  a  history  of  the  different  nations  composing 
the  Chichimec  empire,  their  customs,  religion,  and  political  and  military  in- 
stitutions; the  knowledge  of  their  system  of  chronology  enabling  the  author 
to  correct  the  errors  of  previous  writers.  The  Fenix  del  Occidente,  to  which  in 
modern  times  has  also  been  given  the  title  oiFenixde  la  America,  was  an  attempt 
to  prove  that  the  apostle  Saint  Thomas  had  preached  in  New  Spain,  by  iden- 
tifying him  with  Quetzalcoatl.  Vetancurt,  writing  between  1G92  and  1098, 
mentions  the  Geneologia  de  los  Emperadores  Mexicanos.  Del  Origen  de  loslndios 
Mexicanos,  an  account  of  the  origin  of  the  Toltecs,  is  mentioned  by  Vetancurt 
and  Nicolas  Antonio  among  Siguenza's  manuscripts,  and  the  latter  also  cites  the 
Mltologia  Mexicana,  or  the  Mexican  gods  compared  with  those  of  the  ancient 
Romans,  Greeks,  and  Egyptians,  whose  existence  some  authors  are  inclined 
to  doubt,  believing  that  the  mythology  of  Torquemada  is  confounded  with 
the  A  notaciones  criticas,  d  las  obras  de  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  y  de  Fr.  Juan 
de  Torquemada,  another  manuscript  by  Siguenza.  Several  other  manuscripts 
on  religion,  politics,  science,  and  biography  are  mentioned  by  the  various 
bibliographers,  the  most  complete  list  being  given  by  Beristain,  in  his  Bib. 
Hisp.  Amer.,  160  etseq.  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  581  et  seq.,  gives  the  extensive 
list  of  Siguenza's  printed  and  manuscript  works,  but  it  is  far  from  complete, 
and  the  list  of  manuscripts  is  taken  wholly  from  Vetancurt  and  Nicolas  An- 
tonio. Among  the  other  authorities  who  give  lists  more  or  less  complete, 
chiefly  compilations  or  copies  of  the  foregoing,  are  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.  y  Libre, 
192-7;  MuseoMex.,  ii.  471-9;  Gallo,  Hombres  Llus.,  ii.  351-52;  Zamacois,  Hist. 
Mdj.,  v.  490-1.  Of  all  these  valuable  manuscripts  but  few  now  remain,  and 
those  are  exceedingly  rare.  In  the  preface  to  his  Parayso  Occidental,  p.  xiv, 
Siguenza  laments  the  want  of  means  to  publish  his  works,  and  fears  that 
they  will  die  with  him,  a  fear  which  was  in  part  realized.  At  his  death, 
which  occurred  at  Mexico  City  August  22,  1700,  he  left  to  the  Jesuits,  besides 
his  library,  twenty-eight  volumes  of  manuscripts.  At  the  expulsion  of  this 
order  in  1707  they  were  transferred  to  the  university  of  Mexico,  where  but 
some  eight  or  nine  volumes  existed  about  the  beginning  of  the  present  cen- 
tury.    Among  the  manuscripts  which  have  survived  the  inexcusable  neglect 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  255 

of  his  countrymen,  I  have  had  the  good  fortune  to  acquire  the  rare  and  valu- 
able Feniz  del  Occidenie,  Anotaciones  Griticas,  and  Aboroto  y  Motin  de  los  In- 
dicts de  Mexico.  This  last  is  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  memorable 
riot  in  Mexico  City  of  the  8th  of  June  1G92,  written  in  the  form  of  a  letter  to 
the  Spanish  admiral,  Andrds  de  Pez,  with  permission  for  its  publication.  It 
consists  of  eighty  closely  written  folio  pages,  in  the  author's  graceful  style, 
and  with  what  appears  to  be  his  autograph  signature.  This  was  never  pub- 
lished, and  is  now  quoted  for  the  first  time.  No  mention  of  it  is  to  be  found 
in  any  of  the  existing  works  on  bibliography. 

Sigiienza  counted  among  his  friends  all  the  prominent  persons  of  his  time 
who  were  attracted  to  him  no  less  by  his  modesty  and  other  qualities  of  heart 
than  by  those  of  his  superior  mind.  One  of  these  was  the  celebrated  Mexi- 
can poetess  Sor  Juana  Ines  de  la  Cruz;  and  on  her  death,  in  1C95,  he  wrote 
her  eulogy.  Gemelii  Careri  sought  his  friendship,  and  in  his  Giro  del  Mvndo 
has  acknowledged  the  assistance  generously  given  him,  and  paid  a  just  trib- 
ute to  the  genius  of  Sigiienza.  His  countrymen  showed  their  appreciation  of 
his  services  and  their  sorrow  for  his  death  by  a  magnificent  funeral  and  gen- 
eral mourning,  but  no  fitting  tribute  has  otherwise  been  paid  to  the  memory 
of  this  benefactor  of  his  race. 


CHAPTEE  XIV. 

VICEROYS  MONTAKEZ  AND  MONTEZUMA. 

1696-1701. 

More  Insurrections  in  the  Capital — The  Baratillo  Suppressed — Nar- 
row Escape  of  the  Treasure  Fleet — Another  Famine — Montezuma 
Succeeds  Montanez — Fair  at  Acapulco — Obsequies  on  the  Death  of 
Carlos  II. — Rejoicings  at  the  Accession  of  Felipe  V. — Montezuma 
Suspected  of  Disloyalty— A  Worthy  Ruler  Deposed — Jesuit  Expe- 
ditions to  Lower  California. 

On  the  27th  of  February  1696  Juan  de  Ortega 
Montanez,  bishop  of  Michoacan,  succeeded  Galve  as 
viceroy  of  New  Spain,  his  rule  lasting  only  until  the 
18th  of  December  following.1  Between  1662  and 
1673  he  was  inquisitor  of  Mexico,  and  in  the  latter 
year  was  appointed  bishop  of  Guadiana,  but  did  not 
take  possession  of  that  see,  since  in  1675  he  was  pro- 
moted to  the  bishopric  of  Guatemala,  and  being  con- 
secrated the  same  year  left  Mexico  in  December.  In 
1682  he  was  again  transferred,  and  assumed  the  prel- 
acy of  Michoacan  two  3^ears  later.  A  rigid  discipli- 
narian in  church  government,  he  was  no  less  exact  in 
the  performance  of  his  political  duties;  and  though 
zealous  in  maintaining  the  dignity  of  his  rank,  he  was 
generous  withal  and  kind-hearted. 

Exactly  one  month  after  the  instalment  of  Mon- 
tanez a  serious  riot  occurred,  headed  by  the  students 

1  In  1G95  the  conde  de  Cafiete  was  appointed  viceroy,  but  did  not  arrive, 
owing  to  bis  inability  to  pay  300,000  pesos  which  he  had  promised  for  the 
office.  On  the  21st  of  January  1G9G  a  despatch  was  received  appointing  Dr 
Manuel  Fernandez  de  Santa  Cruz,  the  bishop  of  Puebla,  viceroy,  but  he  refused 
to  accept  the  administration.  A  second  despatch  named  Ortega  as  viceroy. 
Eobka,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hint.  Alex.,  1st  ser.,  iii.  140-1,  181,  186,  189-91. 

(25CJ 


ANOTHER  RIOT.  257 

of  the  university,  during  which  the  pillory  in  the 
public  square  was  burned.  On  the  following  day 
the  authorities,  having  taken  the  necessary  precau- 
tions to  prevent  disturbance,  proceeded  to  erect  an- 
other pillory.  The  collection  of  stalls  and  traders' 
tables,  which  had  been  replaced  after  the  fire  of  1692, 
and  more  especially  the  baratillo,  where  second-hand 
and  stolen  goods  were  bought  and  sold,  were  still  re- 
sorted to  by  idlers  and  vagabonds,  thieves  and  assas- 
sins. Thither  congregated  the  vicious  of  all  classes, 
including  also  the  students  of  the  university,  and  the 
suppression  of  such  haunts  of  vice  and  crime  was  nec- 
essary. The  new  viceroy  accordingly  issued  a  decree 
ordering  the  removal  of  all  trading  stalls,  especially 
the  baratillo,  the  reerection  of  which  in  any  part  of 
the  city  he  prohibited  under  pain  of  death.  Ortega's 
measures  met  with  opposition,  but  were  nevertheless 
carried  out,  though  it  was  necessary  that  for  some 
time  troops  should  constantly  patrol  the  streets.2 

In  spite  of  all  precautions,  however,  a  serious  plot 
for  a  general  insurrection  was  discovered  at  the  end 
of  April,  which  was  the  more  dangerous  from  the 
fact  that  the  Indians  of  the  wards  of  San  Juan  and 
Santa  Clara  possessed  fire-arms.  The  intention  of  the 
conspirators  was  to  rise  on  the  departure  of  the  flota, 
by  which  a  large  number  of  Spaniards  would  leave 
Mexico.  But  the  watchful  care  of  the  viceroy  de- 
tected the  plot ;  troops  were  mustered,  the  palace 
guard  doubled,  and  all  necessary  measures  taken  to 
secure  peace.3 

2  The  viceroy  enjoined  the  religious  orders  not  to  appear  frequently  in  the 
streets  or  alone.  The  students  of  the  university  were  ordered  to  wear  their 
hair  after  the  fashion  of  those  of  Salamanca,  and  also  to  adopt  similar  collars. 
Id.,  195.  Shortly  after  the  erection  of  the  new  pillory,  a  pasquinade  was 
found  attached  to  it  beginning  with  the  words:  'Nos  los  inquisidores.' 
Id.,  195.  S 

3  The  crown  highly  approved  of  Montanez'  action  at  this  crisis,  and  sent 
instructions  to  him  and  the  criminal  judges  to  make  every  effort  to  keep  order 
and  suppress  assemblages  of  the  idle  and  vicious.  At  the  same  time  the  vice- 
roy was  made  to  understand  that  any  negligence  or  want  of  activity  on  his 
part  would  meet  with  severe  displeasure  and  punishment.  Refractory  and 
turbulent  persons  of  the  lowest  class  were  to  be  punished  by  the  infliction  of 
200  lashes;  others  in  proportion  to  their  rank.    Criminal  Spaniards  were  to  be 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    17 


258  VICEROYS  MONTAftEZ  AND  MONTEZUMA. 

The  flota  was  richly  laden  this  year,  and  its  departure 
was  postponed  until  long  after  the  usual  date.  Al- 
though the  fault  of  the  officials,  it  was  a  fortunate 
circumstance,  for  soon  it  was  known  that  a  French 
squadron  had  been  cruising  for  many  weeks  off  Ha- 
bana  in  the  hope  of  capturing  the  treasure  ships. 
So  long  was  the  fleet  detained,  however,  that  the 
enemy  supposed  their  plans  discovered,  and  on  the 
same  day  the  Spanish  vessels  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz 
they  turned  their  prows  toward  Europe.4 

The  famine  which  had  occurred  during  the  reign  of 
Galve  was  not  yet  at  an  end.  From  all  parts  of  the 
country  natives  thronged  to  the  capital,  begging  for 
help  to  save  their  families  from  starving.  The  mule 
load  of  corn  which  usually  sold  for  six  reales  had  now 
risen  to  ten  pesos;  and  other  provisions  were  propor- 
tionately high.  Cattle  perished  in  large  numbers  for 
want  of  water,  and  even  poultry  dropped  dead  at  the 
homestead  door.5  Every  exertion  was  made  by  the 
viceroy  and  clergy  to  relieve  the  prevailing  distress. 
Ecclesiastics  of  the  city  even  sold  their  books  in  order 
to  supply  food  to  those  in  need,  but  in  the  country 
thousands  were  left  to  starve.  The  rural  clergy  seem 
to  have  acquired  the  passion  for  wealth  which  marked 
the  encomenderos,  and  during  this  period  of  suffering 
they  withheld  the  corn  which  had  been  sown,  reaped, 
and  gathered  into  their  garners  by  the  natives.6 

sent  to  work  under  guard  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  Santo  Domingo,  Cuba, 
and  elsewhere,  'con  lo  cual  no  solamente  se  lograria  castigar  sino  evacuar  las 
carceles.'  Rivera,  Hint.  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  281-2. 

i  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  8G-7;  Rivera,  Hist.  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  280-1.  Shortly- 
after  the  departure  of  the  fleet  news  reached  Mexico  of  the  threatened  danger. 
Prayers  were  offered,  and  a  religious  procession,  attended  by  the  viceroy  and 
the  archbishop,  marched  solemnly  through  the  streets  of  Mexico  in  honor  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedios. 

5  The  common  articles  of  food  rose  to  prices  beyond  the  reach  of  the  Indians. 
Flour  was  sold  at  prices  varying  from  25  to  30  pesos  the  carga;  beans  at  the 
same  price;  sugar  at  10  pesos.  During  the  month  of  August  flour  fell  to  16 
and  14  pesos,  owing  to  a  large  crop  having  been  gathered  from  irrigated  lands. 
Robles,  Diario,  ii.  197,  203. 

cThe  archbishop  of  Mexico  in  July  of  1G96  informed  the  king  that  ecclesi- 
astics who  had  farms  neglected  to  carry  out  his  orders  to  supply  grain.     On 


SCARCITY  OF  PROVISIONS.  259 

The  last  days  of  Montanez'  administration  were 
days  of  mourning  caused  by  news  of  the  death  of  the 
queen  of  Spain.  For  three  weeks  the  city  was  draped 
with  funeral  emblems,  and  religious  observances  were 
held  in  honor  of  the  dead.7 

In  October  intelligence  reached  New  Spain  that 
Jose  Sarmiento  Valladares,  conde  de  Montezuma,  had 
been  appointed  viceroy.  Connected  with  the  dukes 
of  Lessa,  this  ruler  obtained  his  title  by  marriage  with 
Geronima  Maria,  a  lineal  descendant  of  the  Mexican 
emperor,  and  third  countess  of  Montezuma.8  Accom- 
panied by  his  wife  he  took  possession  of  the  govern- 
ment on  the  18th  of  December,  and  on  the  2d  of 
February  following  made  his  public  entry  into  the 
city.9 

During  January  and  February  the  attendance  at 
the  annual  fair  at  Acapulco  was  unusually  large.  The 
galleon  from  the  Philippines  arrived  safely  with  so 
large  and  valuable  a  cargo  that  eighty  thousand  pesos 
were  paid  in  custom  duties.  Merchants  from  all  parts 
of  New  Spain  hastened  to  the  fair;  but  what  caused 
the  assembly  to  be  so  numerous  this  year,  and  trading 
so  brisk,  was  the  arrival  of  a  forty-two  gun  frigate, 
with  a  number  of  Peruvian  merchants,  who  brought 
with  them  two  million  pesos  for  the  purchase  of 
Chinese  goods.10 

While  wealth  was  thus  flowing  into  the  country  the 

November  4,  1697,  a  royal  cddula  was  issued  ordering  that  in  future  they 
should  be  compelled  if  necessary  to  produce  all  surplus  grain.  Providencias 
Beetles,  MS.,  79-80;  Ceclulas  Beales,  MS.,  161. 
tBobles,  Diario,  ii.  205-8. 

8  The  viceroy's  wife  was  descended  from  Pedro  Johualicahuatzin,  whose 
son  accompanied  Martin  Cort6s,  the  second  marque's  del  Valle,  to  Spain,  where 
he  married  Francisco  de  la  Cueva.    Vetccncvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  pt.  ii.  51-2. 

9  While  passing  under  the  triumphal  arch  erected  near  the  church  of  Santo 
Domingo,  the  viceroy's  horse  shied  and  threw  him.  'Y  se  le  cay6  la  cabe- 
llera.'  Bobles,  Diario,  ii.  211.  This  occurrence  augured,  it  was  said,  that  his 
administration  would  be  far  from  prosperous. 

_  10Many  of  the  visitors  died  as  usual  from  the  effects  of  the  climate.  The 
fair  closed  on  February  the  25th,  on  which  day  and  the  following  severe  shocks 
of  earthquake  caused  much  damage  in  Acapulco  and  the  city  of  Mexico.  Cavo, 
Tres  Siglos,  ii.  89. 


2G0  VICEROYS  MONTANEZ  AND  MONTEZUMA. 

unfortunate  inhabitants  of  the  capital  were  again 
threatened  with  famine,  the  crops  having  failed  from 
the  usual  causes.  Provisions  became  scarce  and  dear, 
and  on  the  8th  of  March  a  famished  multitude  rushed 
into  the  square  in  front  of  the  viceregal  palace,  and 
with  fierce  cries  demanded  bread.  Decisive  measures 
had  to  be  adopted  to  prevent  an  outbreak.  The 
viceroy  caused  cannon  to  be  planted  at  the  entrances 
to  the  principal  streets,  and  with  the  assistance  of 
influential  persons  succeeded  in  restoring  quiet. 
Orders  also  were  issued  to  the  farmers  to  forward 
at  once  to  the  city  all  the  grain  on  hand.  A  supply 
sufficient  for  two  months  was  thus  obtained,  and  by 
the  beginning  of  May  corn  and  wheat  began  to  arrive 
from  the  tierra  caliente,  where  the  second  crop  of  the 
year  had  been  plentiful.11 

This  serious  trouble  being  ended,  the  viceroy,  on 
the  25th  of  May,  took  possession  of  the  new  palace, 
which,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  had  been  for  some  time 
in  course  of  construction.  The  occasion  was  celebrated 
with  befitting  ceremonies.  The  floors  were  sprinkled 
with  holy  water,  and  the  archbishop  in  sacerdotal 
robes,  with  uplifted  hands,  implored  a  blessing  upon 
the  future  residence  of  the  viceroys  of  New  Spain. 
The  benediction  availed  little  however,  for  in  less  than 
two  short  months  the  conde  de  Montezuma's  daughter 
lay  dead  within  the  palace  walls.12 

Intelligence  having  been  received  of  the  arrival  in 
Spain  of  the  fleet  which  had  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  in 
the  previous  year,  the  safety  of  which  had  caused 
much  apprehension,  a  solemn  thanksgiving  was  offered 
in  the  cathedral,  at  which  service  the  viceroy  and 
members  of  the  different  tribunals  attended.  The 
value  of  the  prize  which  had  thus  escaped  the  French 

11  Two  crops  were  annually  raised  in  the  tierra  caliente  districts.  Id.,  90. 
The  excitement  was  allayed  in  part  by  the  arrival  of  the  royal  decree  per- 
mitting the  use  of  pulque.  Id.,  91-2;  Rivera,  Hist.  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  284. 

Ia  Dofia  Fausta  Dominica — called  by  Rivera  and  Zamacois,  Dominga — died 
of  small-pox  on  the  lGth  of  July  1097.  Hooks,  Diario,  ii.  214. 


DEATH  OF  THE  KING.  261 

may  be  recognized  from  the  fact  that  the  duties  paid 
on  the  treasure  and  merchandise  amounted  to  four 
hundred  and  twelve  thousand  pesos.13 

The  command  of  the  seas  by  the  French,  English, 
and  Dutch  had  not  only  a  depressing  effect  on  com- 
merce, but  on  all  the  industries  of  the  country,  and 
especially  that  of  mining.  Quicksilver  was  so  scarce 
this  year  that  the  quintal  rose  from  eighty-four  pesos 
to  three  hundred,  and  the  viceroy  addressed  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  Philippines  on  the  matter,  requesting  him 
to  procure  a  quantity  of  the  metal  in  China  and  ship 
it  to  Acapulco.  News,  however,  arrived  in  1698  that 
a  treaty  of  peace  had  been  concluded.  Great  was  the 
joy  at  this  intelligence;  and  for  a  time  commerce  and 
industries  revived.  The  rejoicing  was  short-lived 
however,  for  in  May  1701  despatches  were  received 
from  Spain  ordering  the  authorities  to  put  their  ports 
in  a  state  of  defence  against  invasion  by  the  English 
and  Dutch;  and  though  in  the  following  month  these 
instructions  were  countermanded,  in  August  two  sloops 
arrived  from  the  Habana  with  intelligence  that  war 
had  not  been  averted.14 

Meanwhile  the  death  of  a  Spanish  monarch  had 
caused  the  celebration  of  royal  obsequies  to  be  held 
in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and  in  all  the  principal  towns 
of  New  Spain,  with  the  solemnity  observed  on  such 
occasions.  Carlos  II.  died  on  the  1st  of  November 
1700,  and  intelligence  reached  the  capital  the  7th  of 
March  of  the  following  year.  A  courier  clad  in  black, 
and  bearing  a  banner  of  the  same  color,  brought  the 
tidings.  Each  half  hour  of  his  journey  he  fired  off  his 
piece  as  a  salute  in  honor  of  the  dead  king.    The  de- 

13  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  90. 

liRobles,  Diario,  ii.  313-15,  326-7.  In  June  an  English  vessel  was  driven 
into  Vera  Cruz  by  stress  of  weather,  and  its  crew  of  17  men  were  detained  as 
prisoners  until  an  opportunity  occurred  of  sending  them  to  Spain.  Two 
reoles  a  day  were  allowed  each  man  for  his  maintenance.  Id.,  320.  War 
broke  out  again  in  1700,  and  in  1702  the  whole  Spanish  flota  was  captured 
by  the  combined  English  and  Dutch  fleets.  Lerdo  de  Tejada.  Apunt.  Hint.. 
292-3. 


2G2  VICEROYS  MONTANEZ  AND  MONTEZUMA. 

spatchcs  he  bore  conveyed  the  instructions  of  the  queen 
regent  Mariana  de  Ncoburgo  relative  to  the  ceremo- 
nials to  be  observed,  and  were  opened  with  the  usual 
formalities. 

In  accordance  with  her  commands  the  viceroy  pro- 
ceeded to  arrange  the  obsequies.  Two  ministers,  con- 
versant with  the  prescribed  etiquette,  were  promptly 
appointed,  and  orders  despatched  to  the  authorities 
of  the  different  towns  instructing  them  how  to  con- 
duct the  ceremonies.  The  ayuntamiento  of  the  capi- 
tal was  notified  to  proclaim  that  the  16th  of  March 
was  appointed  for  the  public  demonstration.  Ac- 
cordingly on  that  day  a  cavalcade  with  trumpets  and 
muffled  drums,  draped  in  the  insignia  of  mourning, 
left  the  cabildo  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock  in  the 
forenoon.  These  were  followed  by  the  mace-bearers 
dressed  in  black,  and  after  them  came  the  members 
of  the  audiencia,  the  alcaldes,  alguacil  mayor,  and 
other  authorities  with  their  rods  of  office.  The  fu- 
neral cortege  in  dismal  drapery  slowly  marched  to  the 
residence  of  the  viceroy,  where  the  king's  death  was 
publicly  proclaimed;  then  at  a  given  signal  the  great 
bell  of  the  cathedral  was  tolled  three  hundred  times.15 
With  the  same  ceremonies  similar  proclamations  were 
made  at  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  and  at  the  buildings 
of  the  inquisition  and  the  cabildo. 

March  the  2 2d  was  appointed  by  Montezuma  as 
the  day  on  which  he  would  receive  visits  of  condo- 
lence from  the  different  tribunals,  royal  officials,  ec- 
clesiastics, and  gentry.  The  obsequies  were  celebrated 
on  the  26th  and  27th  of  April,  on  the  first  of  which 
days  in  the  afternoon  all  the  bells  of  the  city  tolled 
the  vespers  for  the  dead,  and  the  ceremonies  were 
concluded  by  the  delivery  of  a  Latin  oration  in  eulogy 
of  the  late  king.  On  the  following  sunrise  the  ser- 
vice for  the  dead  was  chanted  in  the  churches,  the 
viceroy,   archbishop,   and    nobility   attending  at  the 

15  'A  que  correspondieron  las  campanas  de  setenta  y  una  iglesias,  que  Labia 
eu  Mexico,  y  en  sus  arrabales.'  Cavo,  Tres  Siylos,  ii.  OU-9. 


ACCESSION  OF  FELIPE  V.  263 


cathedral.     A  funeral  sermon  terminated  the  observ- 


ances.16 


But  previous  to  the  performance  of  the  latter  cere- 
monies, others  of  a  different  character  were  celebrated 
on  the  4th  and  5th  of  April  on  account  of  the  acces- 
sion of  Felipe  V.  to  the  throne  of  Spain.  Appointed 
sovereign  by  the  will  of  Carlos  II. ,  his  reign  was  a 
turbulent  one  for  many  years;  since  the  transfer  of 
the  regal  power  from  the  house  of  Austria  to  that 
of  the  Bourbons  involved  both  Spain  and  France 
in  a  war  with  the  combined  nations  of  Europe;  nor 
can  Felipe  be  considered  to  have  been  securely  seated 
on  the  throne  until  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  in  January 
1712.  During  the  first  years  of  the  struggle  the 
power  of  Spain  was  weakened  by  civil  factions,17  and 
much  opposition  was  shown  to  the  change  of  dynasty; 
yet  Mexico  at  once  espoused  the  cause  of  Felipe's 
party.  Thus  it  was  that  on  the  first  named  day  the 
church  bells  were  pealed,  the  royal  standard  unfurled, 
and  the  viceroy,  audiencia,  and  all  authorities  and 
officials  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  on  a  beautifully 
ornamented  platform  erected  in  front  of  the  palace. 
This  being  done,  numbers  of  caged  rabbits,  pigeons, 
and  other  birds  were  set  free,  while  a  royal  salute  was 
fired  by  the  musketeers.  On  the  following  day  thanks- 
givings were  offered  in  the  cathedral,  the  mass  of  the 
most  holy  trinity  chanted,  and  a  procession  formed. 
In  the  afternoon  a  parade  of  infantry  was  held  before 
the  palace,18  and  during  the  night  pyrotechnic  displays 
enlivened  the  scene. 

Although  the  viceroy  took  the  customary  oath  of 
allegiance  to  Felipe  an  opinion  seems  to  have  pre- 
vailed that  before  the  death  of  Carlos  he  was  opposed 

16  Mourning  was  ordered  to  be  worn  for  six  months.  fiobles,  Diario,  ii. 
307,  312-13.  The  viceroy,  in  order  to  prevent  the  exactions  of  merchants 
who  had  bought  all  the  mourning  material,  fixed  the  price  of  it.  Cavo,  Tres 
Siylos,  ii.  97. 

17  As  late  as  June  1707  the  inquisition  issued  an  edict  ordering  all  subjects 
secular  or  ecclesiastic  to  obey  the  king,  under  pain  of  excommunication.  Or- 
denes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  vi.  135. 

18  Three  hundred  and  seventy  men  mustered  on  the  occasion.  Robles, 
Diario. 


264  VICEROYS  MONTANEZ  AND  MONTEZUMA. 

to  the  prospect  of  a  Bourbon  successor  to  the  throne 
of  Spain;  but  more  than  this,  it  was  whispered  that 
in  the  event  of  the  monarch's  decease,  he  might  be 
inclined  to  favor  the  independence  of  New  Spain, 
and  establish  himself  as  its  king.19  Whether  Felipe 
apprehended  any  such  possible  defection  or  not,  it 
is  certain  that  he  recalled  Montezuma  shortly  after 
his  accession,  for  in  November  1701  a  cedula  arrived 
from  Spain  appointing  the  oidor,  Juan  de  Escalante, 
as  the  juez  de  residencia  of  the  outgoing  viceroy,20 
Montanez,  having  been  reappointed  to  the  viceregal 
chair  six  months  previously. 

On  the  13th  of  May  following,  the  conde  de  Mon- 
tezuma left  for  Spain,  the  countess  having  preceded 
him,  accompanied  by  the  wives  of  the  oidores.  Most 
writers  concur  in  reo^ardin^  his  administration  as  a 
wdse  and  prudent  one.  He  certainly  exerted  himself 
in  improving  the  social  condition  of  the  capital,  and 
was  especially  active  in  the  suppression  of  robbers 
and  criminals.  With  this  object  he  organized  an 
efficient  police  force,  and  enacted  severe  regulations 
for  the  punishment  of  evil-doers.21     The  riots  in  1692 

19  Mr  Vernon,  English  secretary  of  state,  in  letters  addressed  at  the  period 
to  the  duke  of  Shrewsbury,  makes  the  following  statement:  'It  is  said  that 
Montezuma,  viceroy  of  Mexico,  would  not  suffer  their  plate  to  come  into  the 
hands  of  the  French,  and  the  orders  from  Spain  would  not  be  obeyed  while 
they  were  looked  upon  to  be  under  the  influence  of  France.'  A  more  remark- 
able passage  written  in  June  1699  reads  thus:  'The  Indians  there  are  very 
earnest  with  the  countess  of  Montezuma,  who  is  descended  of  their  race,  that 
she  would  take  upon  her  the  title  of  queen,  which  she  seems  willing  to 
accept;  but  the  conde,  her  husband,  refuses  it  as  yet,  though  it  is  thought 
if  the  king  of  Spain  dies  he  will  set  up  for  himself.'  Edinburgh  Review,  Oct. 
1841,  131.  Completely  at  variance  with  the  above  is  Bustamante's  state- 
ment that  he  caused  the  destruction  of  all  Aztec  relics  in  order  to  obliterate 
all  traces  of  his  ancestors  '  por  congraciarse  con  la  corte  de  Madrid.'  Leon  y 
Gama,  Dos  Piedras,  81-2,  note.  As  I  cannot  discover  that  Montezuma  was 
connected  with  the  roj-al  family  of  the  Aztec  monarch  otherwise  than  by 
marriage  and  the  assumption  of  the  name,  Bustamante's  deduction  seems 
groundless,  and  I  prefer  to  attribute  the  viceroy's  action  to  religious  bigotry. 

20  The  auto  de  residencia  was  proclaimed  on  the  19th  of  the  same  month, 
both  in  the  Castilian  and  Mexican  languages.  liobles,  Diario,  339;  consult 
also  331,  333. 

21  On  the  15th  of  June  there  were  200  prisoners  confined  in  the  principal 
jail  of  the  city.  On  the  28th  of  August  the  miscreants  attempted  to  escape. 
They  made  a  large  hole  in  the  outer  wall,  and  severely  wounded  the  jailer 
and  porter  before  they  were  overpowered.  On  the  following  day  seven  of 
the  ringleaders  were  publicly  flogged  through  the  streets.  Id.,  32G-8. 


LOWER  CALIFORNIA.  265 

indicated  to  him  the  necessity  of  a  more  generous 
treatment  of  the  Indians,  and  the  measures  which  he 
adopted  for  their  relief  during  times  of  scarcity  were 
energetic  and  effective.  He  caused,  moreover,  the 
fortifications  of  the  city,  which  were  in  a  wretched 
condition,  to  be  put  in  a  better  state  of  defence,  while 
measures  were  also  taken  for  the  protection  of  the 
coast  during  war  time. 

During  his  administration  physical  phenomena  from 
time  to  time  caused  distress  and  damage.  Earth- 
quakes destroyed  houses  and  occasioned  loss  of  life; 
and  an  eruption  of  the  volcano  Popocatepetl  in  1697 
caused  much  destruction  in  the  surrounding  country. 
The  same  year  the  capital  was  again  inundated,  owing 
to  the  unusually  heavy  rains,  whereupon  the  viceroy, 
aided  by  contributions,  caused  the  drainage  and 
sewers  to  be  put  in  order  and  improved.  Indeed,  in 
all  cases  of  calamity  he  was  ever  prompt  in  devising 
means  of  relief.  Though  for  political  reasons  the 
king  may  have  deemed  it  prudent  to  recall  him,  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  he  did  his  utmost  for  the  wel- 
fare of  New  Spain.22 

It  was  during  the  administration  of  Montezuma 
that  the  pacification  of  Lower  California  was  begun 
by  the  Jesuits.  The  settlement  of  this  country  had 
been  frequently  attempted  during  the  last  century, 
but  no  success  had  attended  previous  efforts.  Expedi- 
tion after  expedition  under  different  leaders,  most  nota- 
ble among  whom  were  Ortega,  Casanate,  and  Otondo, 
had  successively  failed/3  and  in  1686  the  audiencia 

22  In  1699  Carlos  II. ,  by  cedula  of  the  27th  of  February,  granted  to  Mon- 
tezuma and  his  heirs  a  pension  of  4,000  ducados,  with  the  title  of  duke  of 
Atlixco.  This  grant  was  ratified  by  Felipe  V.  in  1704,  and  again  by  Fer- 
nando VI.  in  1752.  Reales  Cedillas,  MS.,  10-11,  30-42.  In  Certif.  de  las 
Mercedes,  MS.,  181-2,  the  amount  is  given  as  4,000 pesos,  and  the  date  of  the 
cedula  as  February  17,  1699.  The  income  was  payable  from  Indian  tributes 
in  Peru,  Guatemala,  and  Campeche.  Later  orders  made  it  payable  from  trib- 
utes collected  in  Yucatan.  The  duquesa  de  Atlixco  was  the  last  heir  to  whom 
it  was  paid,  probably  in  1758. 

ffl  For  full  particulars  of  these  expeditions  see  Hist.  N.  Ilex.  States,  i.  153 
et  seq.,  this  series. 


2G6  VICEROYS  MONTANEZ  AND  MONTEZUMA. 

abandoned  the  idea  of  conquest  by  force  of  arms.  The 
oidores,  however,  considered  that  the  subjugation  of 
the  Indians  could  be  accomplished  by  the  Jesuits  and 
proposed  that  they  should  make  the  attempt,  the  ex- 
penses incurred  being  paid  by  the  crown.  The  pro- 
vincial of  the  order  saw  fit  to  decline  the  offer,  alleging 
that  the  civil  and  temporal  duties  which  their  mission- 
aries would  be  obliged  to  undertake  would  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  constitution  of  the  society. 

Urged  by  renewed  instructions  from  Carlos  II.  to 
omit  no  means  of  accomplishing  the  settlement  of 
Lower  California,  the  viceroy  in  1690  consulted  with 
Otondo  relative  to  the  annual  cost  of  the  maintenance 
of  a  presidio  on  the  Peninsula.  Otondo  was  of  opinion 
that  thirty  thousand  pesos  a  year  would  be  sufficient, 
and  the  viceroy  gave  orders  for  an  appropriation  to 
that  amount,  but  the  demand  from  the  court  for  a 
large  sum  of  money  prevented  immediate  action,  and 
the  meditated  expedition  was  indefinitely  postponed. 
And  now  notwithstanding  their  former  action  the 
Jesuits  came  forward,  and  in  1696  proposed  to  under- 
take the  reduction  of  the  natives,  and  commenced 
collecting  alms  for  that  purpose.  Viceroy  Ortega 
warmly  approved  the  plan,  but  deemed  it  proper  to 
consult  the  audiencia  as  to  the  advisability  of  extend- 
ing the  necessary  license.  The  oidores  displayed  an 
inconsistency  almost  equal  to  that  of  the  Jesuits,  and 
long  debated  whether  it  would  be  right  to  intrust 
such  a  matter  to  a  religious  order. 

This  hesitation  caused  much  astonishment,  but  it 
was  finally  arranged  that  the  commission  should  be 
granted  on  condition  that  the  society  should  not  make 
any  demand  upon  the  royal  treasury,  and  that  they 
should  take  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name 
of  Carlos  II.  The  audiencia,  however,  conceded  to 
fathers  Salvatierra  and  Kino,  the  promoters  of  the 
enterprise,  and  to  their  successors,  the  right  to  select 
the  troops  and  officers  which  might  be  required,  and 
to  discharge  them  when  they  deemed  it  necessary,  after 


OPERATIONS  OF  THE  JESUITS.  267 

first  advising  the  viceroy.  The  particulars  of  the  op- 
erations of  the  Jesuits  belong  properly  to  the  history 
of  Lower  California,  in  which  an  account  of  their  pro- 
ceedings will  be  given;  suffice  it  to  say  that  their  ef- 
forts were  successful,  and  permanent  settlements  were 
established  in  the  country.24 

2*  Consult  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  63-4,  69-70,  75-6,  87-8,  and  Hist.  North 
Hex.  States,  i.  passim,  this  series. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

NEW  SPAIN  AT  THE  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

1700-1722. 

Montanez  Viceroy  for  a  Second  Term — His  Formal  Entry  into  the 
Capital — Loss  of  Treasure  Ships — The  Hermandad  and  Acorda- 
da — Montanez  Appointed  Archbishop  of  Mexico — Alburquerque's 
Reign — His  Character  Illustrated — Captain  Dampier  Once  More 
in  the  South  Sea — A  Privateering  Expedition  Fitted  Out  by  Bris- 
tol Merchants — A  Motley  Crowd  on  Board  the  Ships — Their 
Voyage  round  the  World — Enormous  Profits  of  the  Enterprise — 
Linares'  Administration — Earthquake,  Famine,  and  Flood — Con- 
traband Trading — Valero's  Rule — Attempted  Assassination — Cor- 
sairs in  Yucatan. 

On  the  4th  of  November  1701  Montanez  for  the 
second  time  took  office  as  viceroy,1  though  his  formal 
entry  into  the  city  was  delayed  until  the  29th  of  Jan- 
uary in  the  following  year.  On  that  day  the  digni- 
taries of  the  church  were  ordered  to  assist  at  the 
ceremony,  arrayed  in  their  surplices,  and  the  religious 
orders  to  appear  in  fitting  garb,  carrying  uplifted 
crosses.2  The  cathedral  was  handsomely  decorated; 
the  pillars  were  hung  with  tapestry ;  and  on  the  grand 
altar  innumerable  tapers  stood  ready  to  light  up  the 
building,  should  the  viceroy  make  his  entry  by  night. 
Stages  were  erected  in  suitable  places,  and  arches  of 

1  On  the  day  of  his  assuming  office  he  received  the  papal  bulls  and  the 
pallium.  jRobles,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  332. 

2  All  obeyed  except  the  Carmen  and  San  Hip61ito  orders.  The  former 
refused  under  the  plea  that,  according  to  their  constitution,  and  the  privi- 
leges granted  them  by  the  apostolic  see,  they  were  not  required  to  appear  in 
processions  except  at  public  prayers.  Nevertheless,  out  of  compliment  to  his 
Excellency,  they  allowed  six  of  their  number  to  attend.  The  latter  declined 
on  the  ground  that  they  were  not  allowed  to  take  precedence  over  the  Beth- 
lehemites.  Id.,  365-G. 

(268) 


VICEROY  MONTAftEZ.  269 

tule  extended  from  the  cathedral  to  the  street  of  San 
Francisco,  where  stood  the  profesa.  The  church  of 
Vera  Cruz,  whence  the  procession  was  to  set  forth, 
was  decked  with  costly  draperies;  those  in  the  hall 
of  knights,  where  seats  were  provided  for  his  Excel- 
lency and  the  members  of  the  chapter,  excelling  all 
others  in  taste  and  beauty  of  design. 

When  all  was  in  readiness  the  archbishop,  escorted 
by  his  body  guard  of  cavalry  and  a  company  of  halber- 
diers, proceeded  to  the  church  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  half 
an  hour  later  the  members  of  the  chapter  left  the 
principal  door  of  the  cathedral  to  pay  their  respects. 
In  front  rode  the  verger  in  his  white  robe  of  office. 
Then  came  the  prebendaries  in  carriages,  in  the  order 
of  their  seniority,  followed  by  the  precentor,  the  dean, 
and  the  secretary  of  the  cabildo.  As  soon  as  the 
ecclesiastics  had  withdrawn,  the  city  cavalry,  preceded 
by  trumpeters  and  drummers,  escorted  to  the  church 
the  ministers  of  state,  the  alguaciles,  regidores,  alcal- 
des, and  the  corregidor,  who  in  the  order  mentioned 
saluted  the  viceroy.  The  procession  was  then  formed, 
and  Montanez  was  conducted  to  the  presbytery,  where 
he  took  his  seat  on  the  viceregal  throne;  and  his 
mantle  being  removed,  he  was  robed  in  the  vestments 
and  regalia  of  office.  Incense  was  then  burned;  the 
te  deum  chanted;  the  viceroy  returned  to  his  palace, 
and  the  procession  was  dismissed. 

The  first  administration  of  Montanez  lasted,  as  will 
be  remembered,  but  ten  months;  the  second  continued 
for  less  than  thirteen  months;  and  during  his  latter 
term  of  office  the  events  which  occurred  in  Europe 
boded  evil  to  the  Spanish  provinces.  After  the  com- 
plications that  followed  the  decease  of  Carlos  II.  had 
culminated  in  the  war  which  commenced  in  Austria, 
in  May  1702,  the  shores  of  New  Spain  were  liable 
to  invasion  from  the  armaments  of  the  two  greatest 
naval  powers  in  Europe.  Moreover  the  oceans  were 
still  scoured  by  cruisers  ever  on  the  alert  to  pounce 
on  the  Spanish  treasure  ships,  and  no  vessel  contain- 


270  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

ing  treasure  was  now  despatched  without  the  escort 
of  several  men  of  war.  At  Vera  Cruz  a  vast  amount 
of  gold  and  silver  was  stored,  awaiting  convoy,  and 
on  the  arrival  of  a  French  squadron  under  the  count 
de  Chateau  Renaud,  was  placed  on  board  the  fleet. 
Eluding  an  English  squadron  that  lay  in  wait  in 
Tortuguilla  Sound,  the  flota  arrived  in  safety  off 
Cadiz;  but  finding  that  harbor  closely  blockaded  by 
the  enemy,  sailed  for  the  port  of  Vigo.  There  they 
were  attacked  by  a  powerful  squadron;  several  vessels 
were  captured;  the  remainder  were  sunk,  and  treasure 
amounting  to  at  least  seventeen  million  pesos  lies 
buried  to  this  day  on  that  portion  of  the  coast  of 
Galicia,  all  efforts  to  recover  it  having  as  yet  proved 
unsuccessful.3 

At  the  close  of  1701  Montanez  received  orders  to 
garrison  Vera  Cruz  with  a  force  of  six  thousand  men; 
for  during  that  year  it  became  e>ident  that  war  could 
not  be  averted,  and  the  Spanish  provinces  in  America 
offered  no  more  tempting  prize  to  a  hostile  armament. 
The  viceroy  lost  no  time  in  placing  this  and  other 
ports  in  New  Spain  in  a  thorough  state  of  defense. 
On  the  4th  of  February  1702  he  issued  a  proclama- 
tion warning  his  subjects  of  the  impending  danger, 
and  inviting  all  single  men  to  proceed  to  Vera  Cruz 
in  the  service  of  his  Majesty,  promising  them  liberal 
pay  and  kind  treatment.  He  also  caused  the  arrest 
of  all  idlers,  thus  inducing  many  to  enlist  as  volun- 
teers. It  is  related  that  on  one  occasion,  after  visit- 
ing the  jail,  he  repaired  to  the  criminal  court,  and 
finding  there  a  number  of  men  listening  to  the  plead- 
ings of  the  lawyers,  marched  them  off  to  prison,  de- 
claring that  persons  who  had  nothing  better  to  do 
were  not  earning  an  honest  livelihood,  and  must  be 
treated  as  vagrants. 

But  New  Spain  had  within  her  own  borders  ene- 

3 Alaman,  Discrt.,  iii.  app.  46-7;  confirmed  by  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
i.  10G.  Zamacois  states  that  the  amount  shipped  on  board  the  treasure  fleet 
was  38,500,000  pesos,  of  which  sum  the  Spaniards  landed  12,000,000  at  Vigo, 
leaving  26,500,000  pesos  unaccounted  for.  Hist,  Mcj.,  v.  513-14. 


SANTA  HERMANDAD.  271 

mies  do  less  dreaded  than  were  the  English  and  the 
Dutch.  The  Chichimecs,  Otomis,  and  other  native 
tribes,  who,  though  often  defeated,  had  never  been 
brought  under  subjection,  infested  the  provinces,  plun- 
dering the  settlements  and  rendering  travel  unsafe. 
To  add  to  this  evil  the  community  was  kept  in  constant 
alarm  by  organized  bands  of  brigands,  who  almost 
held  possession  of  many  of  the  public  highways,  and 
neither  treasure,  merchandise,  nor  traveller  could  pass 
along1  them  without  a  strong  escort. 

All  efforts  to  remedy  this  evil  had  proved  unavail- 
ing. The  courts  of  justice  were  corrupt,  especially 
the  criminal  court.  In  Viceroy  Linares'  instructions 
to  his  successor  we  have  a  startling  description  of  the 
irregularities  which  prevailed  during  his  administra- 
tion and  long  previously.  The  despatch  of  business, 
no  matter  how  important,  was  continually  left  to  the 
clerks,  and  perjury  and  false  testimony  constantly 
admitted  without  any  attempt  to  punish  the  false  wit- 
nesses. Rich  criminals  laughed  at  the  idea  of  meet- 
ing with  their  deserts,  but  the  poor  were  treated  with 
the  utmost  rigor,  the  wives  and  children  of  any  who 
escaped  from  justice  being  reduced  to  slavery.  The 
members  of  this  tribunal  paid  no  heed  to  the  orders 
of  the  aucliencia,  and  the  alcaldes  may  ores  perjured 
themselves,  violated  their  obligations,  and  both  gave 
and  received  bribes.  A  portion  of  the  gains  of  brig- 
andage sufficed  to  procure  immunity  for  the  robber, 
and  even  the  judges  sent  by  the  audiencia  to  investi- 
gate cases  of  appeal  gave  their  decision  in  favor  of  the 
richer  contestants.4 

In  view  of  this  state  of  affairs  the  viceroy  deter- 
mined to  invest  the  court  of  the  santa  hermandad 
with  greater  and  more  unrestricted  powers,  and  the 
dreaded  tribunal  known  as  the  acordada  was  finally 
established.  I  will  now  give  some  account  of  the 
functions  and  previous  operations  of  the  santa  her- 
mandad from  which  the  acordada  was  developed,  to- 

'Instruc.  Vireijcs,  MS.,  6-10,  13-14,  68-71. 


272  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

gcthcr  with  a  brief  description  of  the  operations  of 
the  latter  until  it  was  abolished  early  in  the  nineteenth 
century. 

As  early  as  1553  highwaymen  had  become  so 
troublesome  that  for  the  security  of  the  public  roads 
the  santa  hermandad  was  established  in  New  Spain.5 
This  force  originated  in  Spain  at  an  early  date,  and 
was  composed  of  bands  of  associated  citizens  or  broth- 
ers— as  the  name  implies — who,  unassisted  by  the 
government,  patrolled  the  highways  as  a  protection 
against  bandits  and  robbers,  and  as  a  check  against 
the  lawlessness  of  the  aristocracy.  The  utility  of  such 
armed  bodies,  and  the  benefits  which  peaceful  persons 
and  communities  derived  from  their  vigilance,  gained 
for  them  various  privileges  from  the  kings  of  Spain, 
as  well  as  the  distinguishing  title  of  holy  brotherhood. 
In  time  they  became  a  recognized  power  in  the  land, 
and  laws  were  promulgated  conferring  on  them  a  cer- 
tain jurisdiction,  and  defining  their  duties.  In  1498 
the  original  system  of  confederated  associations  was 
abolished,  owing  to  the  establishment  of  better  order 
in  the  kingdom,  and  the  santa  hermandad  was  con- 
verted into  a  police  force  and  tribunal.  An  organized 
court  of  the  santa  hermandad  was  presided  over  by 
two  alcaldes,  and  was  composed  of  a  proportionate 
number  of  alguaciles  and  the  officers  of  the  patrol 
parties.  It  had  the  power  to  arrest  malefactors  and 
try  them.  In  1631  a  royal  ce'dula  was  issued  order- 
ing the  appointment  of  alcaldes  de  la  hermandad  in 
all  cities  and  towns  of  the  Indies.  These  officers  were 
distinguished  by  the  name  of  provinciales.6 

But  little  is  known  of  the  operations  of  the  santa 
hermandad  in  New  Spain  down  to  the   end  of  the 

5  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  162. 

6  The  provinciales  received  a  salary  of  100,000  maravedis  payable  out  of 
the  fines  of  the  tribunal  court.  As  a  matter  of  course  these  positions  were 
made  salable  to  the  highest  bidder.  They  were  '  renuneiables  perpetua- 
mente,  en  la  forma,  y  con  el  gravamen,  que  los  demas  oficios  vendibles  de  las 
Indias.'  Recop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  133-4.  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  119,  has  this  note: 
'Escriuano  publico  del  juzgado  del  Prouincial  de  la  Hermandad,  es  oficio 
uueuo,  vendido  en  700.  tostoiies  en  el  afio  de  1045.' 


WORKINGS  OF  THE  TRIBUNAL.  273 

seventeenth  century;  but  to  judge  from  the  contin- 
ually increasing  numbers  and  depredations  of  robbers, 
it  could  not  have  been  an  efficient  force.7 

In  1710,  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Queretaro,  Miguel  Velazquez  de  Lorea,  a  native  of 
that  city,  was  appointed  as  provincial  alcalde  of  the 
santa  hermandad  in  that  district.8  The  energy  of 
this  officer  and  his  success  in  the  suppression  of  brig- 
andage were  so  great  that  later  his  powers  were 
greatly  increased.  Hitherto  the  tribunal  of  the 
santa  hermandad  had  been  subordinate  and  responsi- 
ble to  the  criminal  court  at  Mexico;  in  1719  it  was 
ordered  that  the  sentences  pronounced  by  Velazquez 
should  be  final,  and  he  was  exempted  from  the  obliga- 
tion of  reporting  his  decisions  to  that  tribunal.9  By 
royal  cedula  dated  May  22,  1722,  his  conduct  was  ap- 
proved and  he  was  confirmed  in  office.  From  this 
time  the  acordada  may  be  considered  as  established 
as  an  independent  tribunal.  Velazquez,  retaining  his 
position  of  provincial  alcalde,  was  appointed  judge  of 
the  new  court,  and  rigorously  did  he  perform  the 
judicial  duties  of  his  calling.  Scouring  the  country 
with  his  men,  he  assailed  the  brigands  wherever  he 
could  find  them,  and  none  escaped  who  fell  into  his 
hands.  A  hurried  trial  over,  the  inexorable  judgment 
was  passed,  and  in  a  few  minutes  the  culprit,  having 
been  shrived  by  the  court  chaplain,  was  dangling  from 
the  nearest  tree,  or  was  shot  through  with  arrows.10 

7 Viceroy  Alburquerque,  whose  rule  will  be  mentioned  later,  exerted  him- 
self with  great  energy  to  suppress  brigandage.  A  number  of  highwaymen 
were  captured  and  several  executed  on  a  single  day.  Vetancvrt,  Trat.  Mex., 
15.  In  May  1655  a  highwayman  was  taken  from  a  church,  whither  he  had 
fled,  and  notwithstanding  his  claim  of  privilege  of  sanctuary,  and  despite 
the  excommunication  fulminated  by  the  bishop,  he  was  tried  and  put  to 
death.  Guijo,  Diarlo,  307-8. 

*Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  115-16. 

9  The  proclamation  was  published  '  con  acuerdo  de  la  audiencia,'  from  which 
act  the  future  tribunal  received  its  name  of  acordada.  See  Cavo,  Tres  Slglos, 
ii.  107. 

10  Sigiienza  y  G6ngora  supplies  us  with  the  number  of  criminals  whom  he 
punished  during  the  period  from  1719  to  1732:  'Hizo  justicia  en  quarenta  y 
tres  reos  que  ahorc6,  en  ciento  y  cincuenta  y  uno  que  asaete6,  y  en  setecientos 
treinta  y  tres  que  mand6  desterrados  a  varios  Presidios  de  este  Reyno. '  Glo- 
rias de  Quere'taro,  30. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    18 


274  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

This  severity  was  commended,  and  Velazquez  was 
enjoined  to  exterminate  the  banditti  whose  augment- 
ing numbers  had  placed  the  safety  of  the  kingdom  in 
jeopardy.  His  energy  and  his  integrity,  which  placed 
him  above  purchase  by  bribery,  won  for  him  alike  the 
thanks  of  the  king,11  viceroys,  and  people.  He  died 
at  Mexico  on  the  7th  of  September  1732,  at  the  age 
of  sixty-two,  and  was  buried  in  the  Jesuit  church  de 
la  Profesa.12 

Jose  Velazquez  succeeded  to  his  fathers  position, 
and  made  himself  equally  conspicuous  as  a  suppressor 
of  brigandage.13  On  his  death,  which  occurred  in  1756, 
the  former  implored  his  son  not  to  accept  the  succes- 
sion to  the  office  which  had  been  conferred  in  per- 
petuity,14 and  it  was  therefore  bestowed  on  Jacinto 
Martinez  de  la  Concha,  who  proved  a  no  less  formid- 
able foe  to  highway  robbers  than  were  his  predecessors. 
To  the  end  of  the  century  competent  chiefs  in  turn 
presided  over  the  tribunal,  among  whom  may  be  men- 
tioned Manuel  Antonio  de  Santa  Maria,  who  held  the 
office  from  1782  to  1808,  and  made  himself  celebrated 
by  the  capture  and  capital  punishment  of  two  no- 
torious robbers  named  Piedra  y  Paredes  and  Pillo 
Madera.15 

However  beneficial  such  a  tribunal  was  by  the  pro- 

11  Felipe  V.  in  the  cddula  of  May  22,  1722,  conveyed  his  especial  thanks 
to  Velazquez  for  the  zeal  he  had  displayed. 

12 Velazquez  was  deeply  lamented;  obsequies  were  paid  him,  and  the 
'Gazeta  de  Mexico  hizo.su  cligno  elogio.'  Id.,  30-1. 

13 For  particulars  of  the  numerous  bands  of  robbers  which  he  destroyed 
consult  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Mon.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.  118.  From  an  official  report 
dated  1811  giving  the  number  of  evil-doers  captured  and  punished  by  theacor- 
dada  down  to  1809,  it  appears  that  during  Jos6  Velazquez'  term  of  office, 
from  1732  to  1736,  3,384  malefactors  were  made  prisonors.  Of  these  320  suf- 
fered capital  punishment;  1955  were  distributed  among  the  presidios;  79 
'were  flogged,  and  432  discharged  after  punishment  or  proof  of  innocence. 
•Columna's  Report  in  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  app.  3. 

14  Galvez,  Instruc,  in  Museo  Mex.,  i.  300. 

13  Santa  Maria  captured  Piedra  y  Paredes  sometime  previous  to  his  seizure 
of  Madera.  This  gave  rise  to  the  following  popular  quartette  which  was  sung 
.at  that  period : 

'El  Seuor  Santa  Maria 
Tieno  que  hacer  una  casa, 
Ya  Piedra  y  Paredes  tiene 
Madera  solo  lc  falta.' 

Alaman,  Hist.  Me'j.,  iii.  app.  73-4. 


THE  ACORDADA.  275 

tection  which  it  afforded  to  the  royal  treasures  during 
transportation,  and  to  the  community  at  large,  it  did 
not  give  unqualified  satisfaction.  Its  absolute  power, 
and  the  precipitancy  with  which  it  hurried  through 
the  trials  of  captives,  led  to  the  commission  of  abuses 
and  injustice.  Though  collisions  with  other  judicial 
authorities  occurred,  and  complaints  from  private  in- 
dividuals were  frequently  preferred  against  the  action 
of  lieutenants  and  comisarios  of  the  acordada,  it  was 
firmly  supported  by  viceroys  and  kings  during  a  long 
period.16  Both  the  civil  and  territorial  jurisdiction 
of  the  tribunal  was  greatly  extended,  and  robbers  in 
the  distant  provinces  of  Nueva  Galicia  and  Nueva 
Vizcaya  learned  to  dread  the  name  of  the  acordada, 
which  employed  nearly  two  thousand  five  hundred 
men  in  its  services,  while  smugglers,  vagabonds,  and 
petty  thieves  avoided  its  servants  as  they  would  the 
revenue  guards  or  the  city  police.17 

Finally,  such  representations  were  made  to  his 
Majesty  with  regard  to  the  easy  indifference  with 
which  the  lives  of  his  vassals  were  disposed  of,  that  a 
royal  cedula  was  issued  ordering  the  sentences  of  the 
acordada  not  to  be  carried  out  without  the  approval 
of  the  viceroy,  who  was  invested  with  the  power  to 
revoke  or  modify  every  form  of  punishment.18  The 
result  was  that  within  a  few  years  the  list  of  cases 
tried  by  this  tribunal  was  reduced  to  one  eighth  of  its 
former  number,  and  the  viceroy  was  of  opinion  that 
if  the  ordinary  courts  of  justice  were  properly  admin- 
istered there  would  be  no  further  need  for  the  former. 

16  The  arbitrary  form  of  trial  was,  however,  somewhat  modified  by  royal 
cedula  of  21st  December  1765,  by  which  it  was  ordered  that  the  judge  should 
be  assisted  by  two  asesores,  or  legal  advisers,  and  that  the  sentences  passed 
after  hearing  the  defender  of  the  accused  should  be  signed  by  all  three.  But 
there  was  no  appeal. 

11  The  jurisdiction  in  matters  connected  with  prohibited  liquors  was  also 
conferred  upon  the  acordada.  The  titles  of  the  chief  were  also  multiplied. 
They  were  alcalde  provincial  de  la  hermandad,  juez  de  la  acordada,  guarda 
mayor  de  los  caminos,  and  juez  de  bebidos  pi'ohibidos.  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii. 
113-29;  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc.,  24. 

lb'Con  el  dictdmen  de  una  junta,  compuesta  de  un  alcalde  de  corte,  el 
asesor  del  virreynato,  y  un  abogado  de  toda  su  confianza.'  Id.,  25.  Azaiiza, 
Ynstruc,  MS.,  25. 


276  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

This  change  of  system  did  not  fail  to  meet  with  oppo- 
sition, and  occasional  disagreements  arose  between  the 
acordada  and  the  superior  junta;19  but  these  were  over- 
come by  the  persistence  of  the  viceroys.  The  junta 
could  not  at  first  keep  pace  with  the  number  of  cases 
which  required  its  cognizance.  When  Azanza  com- 
menced his  administration  in  1798,  there  were  fifteen 
hundred  prisoners  awaiting  trial,  and  his  compassion 
induced  him  to  add  temporarily  two  additional  coun- 
sellors to  the  junta  in  order  that  the  decisions  might 
be  rendered  with  more  despatch.20  The  measures 
which  were  successively  adopted  from  this  time 
reduced  the  terror-inspiring  acordada  to  a  mere  shadow 
of  its  former  power. 

The  prison  in  which  offenders  were  confined  by  this 
tribunal  was  built  close  to  the  court-room  of  the 
acordada.  In  1 776  it  was  destroyed  by  an  earthquake, 
but  was  rebuilt  on  an  enlarged  scale.  By  order  of  the 
cortes  of  Cadiz  this  building  was  demolished  in  1812, 
and  the  frowning  walls  and  loathsome  dungeons  of  the 
acordada  passed  from  the  sight  though  not  from  the 
memory  of  the  people  of  Mexico.21 

On  the  conclusion  of  Montanez'  first  term  as  vice- 
roy he  had  returned  to  his  diocese  of  Michoacan, 
where  for  two  years  and  a  half  he  remained  in  the 
active  discharge  of  his  duties.  In  1698  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Mexico  became  vacant  by  the  death  of 
Francisco  de  Aguiar  y  Seixas22  on  the  14th  of  August, 

19  During  Azanza's  administration  from  1798  to  1800  the  juez  de  la  acor- 
dada claimed  that  he  could  try  cases  with  only  one  asesor  present.  The 
viceroy  compelled  the  judge  to  conform  strictly  to  the  terms  of  the  royal 
cedilla,  '  pronunciando  siempre  sus  sentencias  despues  de  haber  oido  la  relacion 
del  proceso  que  debia  hacer  el  Escribano  y  el  dictamen  de  los  dos  Asesores  y 
Defensor  de  la  Casa.'  Id.,  30-31.  ^ 

20 Id.,  23-32. 

21  According  to  the  official  report  of  Columna,  in  Alaman,  Hist.  Mrj.,  i. 
app.  3,  during  the  period  from  1703  to  1809,  62,900  persons  were  imprisoned 
by  the  tribunal. 

'n  Francisco  de  Aguiar  was  born  in  Betanzos,  Calicia.  He  successively  oc- 
cupied the  episcopal  chairs  of  Guadalajara  and  Michoacan;  he  was  appointed 
archbishop  of  Mexico  in  1G81,  Rivera  having  declined  to  accept  the  honor. 
Aguiar  was  the  principal  founder  of  the  college  at  Ninas  de  Belen;  built  the 


DEATH  OF  MONTAftEZ.  277 

and  in  October  1699  the  appointment  of  Montanez  as 
his  successor  arrived  in  Mexico.  In  March  1700  he 
took  formal  possession  of  his  see,  and  on  the  2d  of 
January  1702  was  invested  with  the  pallium  which  had 
been  received  with  the  pope's  bull  confirming  his  ap- 
pointment in  the  previous  November.  On  the  15th 
of  January  the  new  archbishop  gave  the  customary 
banquet  in  celebration  of  the  ceremony.  The  guests, 
who  were  members  of  the  chapter  and  the  audiencia, 
were  regaled  with  every  luxury  that  the  country  could 
produce,  no  less  than  thirty  dishes  of  different  kinds 
of  fish,  meats,  game,  poultry,  and  confectionery  being 
placed  in  succession  upon  the  table.23  Public  pageantry 
succeeded  religious  ceremonies  and  private  feasting. 
On  the  29th  of  the  same  month  the  archbishop  made 
his  public  entry  into  the  capital  with  a  solemnity  and 
splendor  rarely  witnessed.24 

The  ecclesiastical  administration  of  Montanez  was 
marked  by  severity ;  and  his  measures  of  reform  were 
carried  out.  His  integrity  was  unimpeachable,  and  it 
was  on  this  account  that  the  king  appointed  him  a 
second  time  viceroy.  The  zeal  which  he  displayed  in 
furthering  the  completion  of  the  church  of  Our  Lady 
of  Guadalupe  prompted  him  personally  to  solicit  alms 
in  the  streets  of  Mexico  for  that  purpose.  His  ad- 
vanced age — for  he  was  seventy  years  old  when  he 
assumed  the  archbishopric — prevented  him  from  visit- 
ing his  diocese,  but  his  duties  were  faithfully  performed 
to  the  last.    The  date  of  his  decease  is  uncertain,25  but 

asylum  for  insane  females,  and  laid  the  first  stone  of  the  church  of  Our  Lady 
of  Guadalupe  on  March  26,  1695.  Concil.  Prov.,  1,  2,  222-3,  329-30;  Rivera, 
Diario,  19;  Ddvila,  Mem.  Hist.,  pt.  i.  28.  In  1721  his  remains  were  removed 
from  the  place  where  they  had  been  interred  and  deposited  in  a  sepulchre  on 
the  right  side  of  the  chapel  of  San  Felipe  de  Jesus.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2a»  serie 
iv.  268. 

23 '  Otros  dicen  que  hubo  cincuenta  de  diversas  viandas,  asi  de  pezcados 
esquisitos,  como  de  carnes  y  aves  diferentes.'  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  361-2.  The 
banquet  lasted  from  12  M.  till  2:30  p.  M. 

24  A  full  account  of  the  ceremonial  will  be  found  in  Id.,  365-72. 

25 In  Concil.  Prov.,  1,  2,  292,  it  is  stated  that  he  died  in  1704;  Juarros  says 
in  1710.  Sosa,  Ei^iscoj).  Mex.,  168,  makes  this  remark:  'no  hay  la  menor 
contradiccion  en  los  autores  que  senalan  el  ano  de  1708  como  el  de  la  mueite 
del  Sr  Ortega  y  MontanCs.'  Cabrera,  Escudo  de  Armas,  367  et  seq. 


278  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

as  his  successor  was  not  appointed  till  1711,  it  is  prob- 
able that  his  death  occurred  during  the  preceding 
year. 

The  next  archbishop,  Fray  Jose  Lanciego  y  Egui- 
laz,  did  not  take  possession  until  the  beginning  of 
1713,  and  his  consecration  took  place  in  November 
of  the  following  year.  He  administered  the  affairs 
of  the  church  until  1728,  and  was  conspicuous  for  his 
piety  and  charity.  Numerous  institutions  received 
his  support,  and  the  most  remote  districts  of  his  dio- 
cese were  visited.  Lanciego  was  an  especial  friend 
of  the  Indians,  and  every  month  his  palace  was 
crowded  with  beggars  to  whom  he  distributed  alms. 
He  died  on  the  25th  of  January  1728,  and  was  in- 
terred in  the  cathedral,  a  funeral  oration  being  deliv- 
ered by  the  canonigo  magistral  Doctor  Bartolome 
Felipe  de  Ita  y  Parra.' 


2G 


In  October  1702,  the  duke  of  Alburquerque,  the 
newly  appointed  viceroy,  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz.27  A 
few  weeks  later  Montanez,  having  first  despatched 
his  nephew,  the  captain  of  the  guard,  to  welcome  the 
duke,  set  forth  in  person  to  meet  him,  accompanied 
by  a  splendid  cortege.  Alburquerque  was  a  man  of 
many  titles,  and  somewhat  given  to  display;  never- 
theless his  career,  which  lasted  for  more  than  eight 
years,  fully  justified  the  enthusiasm  with  which  all 
classes  greeted  his  entrance  into  the  capital.28     He  was 

26  Ita  y  Parra,  Sermon  Funeral  del  Sr  Lanciego,  passim. 

27  In  the  same  month  cedulas  were  received  in  which  Montanez  was 
reproved  for  alleged  malefeasance,  deprived  of  his  office  and  title  of  viceroy, 
and  forbidden  to  ride,  as  was  his  custom,  in  a  carriage  drawn  by  six  horses. 
He  was  also  censured  for  refusing  to  give  precedence  to  the  monks  of  the 
order  of  San  Diego,  and  for  want  of  respect  to  the  vicereine.  In  August  1703, 
further  c6dulas  arrived  threatening  him  with  the  inquisition.  liobles,  JJiario, 
403-6,  4G3-4. 

28  The  titles  of  the  new  viceroy  were  duque  de  Alburquerque,  marques  de 
Cuellar,  conde  de  Ledesma  y  Huelma,  senor  de  las  villas  de  Monbeltran, 
Codosera,  Lanzaita,  Mijares,  Pedro  Bernardo,  Aldea  Ddvila,  S.  Este'van,  Vi- 
llarcjo  y  Cuevas,  comendador  de  Guadalcanal,  y  Bensayan  of  the  orders  of 
Santiago  and  Alcantara;  chamberlain  to  the  king,  general,  and  viceroy  of  New 
Spain.  His  wife  was  J  nana  de  la  Cerda  y  Aragon,  duchess  of  AlburqucTque, 
etc.  San  Miguel  (A.  de),  Sermon  de  la  Samuritana,  title-page,  no.  10;  J'<:}>- 
Var. ,  ii.    His  daughter,  who  was  confirmed  in  1703,  received  no  less  than  fifty* 


VICEROY  ALBIjRQUERQUE.  279 

a  shrewd,  fair-dealing,  and  energetic  ruler;  one  well 
fitted  to  be  at  the  head  of  affairs  during  the  eventful 
years  of  the  war  of  the  Spanish  succession. 

An  incident  which  is  related  of  the  duke  a  short 
time  after  his  arrival  may  serve  to  throw  some  light 
upon  his  character.  A  certain  widow  obtained  audi- 
ence of  his  Excellenc}T,  and  produced  certain  docu- 
ments whereby  it  appeared  that  a  resident  of  the 
city  was  indebted  to  her  in  the  sum  of  four  thousand 
pesos;  "  but,"  said  the  applicant,  "he  is  unwilling  to 
pay."  The  viceroy  examined  her  papers,  and  after 
asking  a  few  questions  bade  her  return  on  a  day  which 
he  appointed.  He  then  sent  for  the  debtor,  whom  he 
received  cordially,  and  after  a  pleasant  chat  inquired 
whether  he  were  in  easy  circumstances.  The  man 
replied  that  he  was  in  the  receipt  of  an  ample  income; 
whereupon  the  cluke  requested  that  he  would  favor 
him  with  a  loan  of  four  thousand  pesos.  "  Not  only 
four  thousand  pesos,  but  my  entire  estate  is  at  your 
Excellency's  service;"  exclaimed  the  debtor.  He  was 
requested  to  bring  the  amount  on  the  next  morning, 
and  then  took  his  departure.  Though  loath  to  part 
with  his  gold,  he  was  loud  in  his  praise  of  the  vice- 
roy's affability  and  condescension,  and  spared  no  pains 
to  publish  the  interview  among  his  comrades.  On 
making  his  appearance  the  following  day,  however, 
he  was  confronted  with  the  documents  and  with  the 

three  names  on  the  register.  Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  i.  284.  On  the  21st 
of  October  the  viceregal  party  reached  Jalapa,  and  on  the  25th  a  committee 
from  Mexico,  consisting  of  the  maestre  de  campo  and  others,  went  forth  to  wel- 
come him.  On  the  15th  of  November  it  is  recorded  that  a  special  miracle 
was  wrought  in  Puebla  for  his  benefit,  and  that  both  he  and  the  vicereine 
carried  away  some  divine  ichor  from  the  body  of  the  beato  Aparicio.  Bobles, 
Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  408-14.  On  the  27th  of  November  he  took  pos- 
session of  the  government  and  on  the  8th  of  December  (conception  day)  made 
his  public  entry  into  the  city.  He  was  met  at  the  gates  by  the  audiencia, 
city  officials,  university  authorities,  and  the  members  of  the  different  tribu- 
nals. Behind  him  came  the  vicereine  and  her  ladies  of  honor,  and  then 
followed  24  sumpter  mules  with  silver  bits  and  headstalls,  royally  capari- 
soned. At  the  cemetery  he  was  met  by  the  archbishop,  and  then  proceeded 
to  his  palace.  A  royal  salute  was  fired,  several  persons  being  injured  through 
the  carelessness  of  the  gunners.  Robles,  Diario,  418-20.  Even  the  tribunal 
of  the  inquisition  joined  the  procession,  an  honor  which  had  never  before 
been  shown  even  to  a  viceroy.  Mex.,  Not.  Ciud.  Mex.,  295-7. 


280  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

widow,  whose  claim  he  was  compelled  to  satisfy, 
though  the  loss  of  the  money  was  as  nothing  com- 
pared with  the  mortification  which  sunk  deep  into 
the  soul  of  the  crestfallen  man  as  he  slunk  from  the 
duke's  presence  chamber. 

The  dispute  between  the  grand  monarch  and  the 
emperor  Leopold,  which  cost  Europe  ten  years  of 
war,  and  divided  even  the  Spaniards  into  rival 
factions,  concerned  not  the  people  of  New  Spain. 
The  emperor's  son  was  acknowledged  by  all  as  the 
rightful  heir,  and  the  brilliant  campaigns  of  Marl- 
borough caused  no  more  excitement  in  the  Spanish 
provinces  than  the  bloodless  revolution  which  a  few 
years  before  placed  William  III.  on  the  throne  of 
England  aroused  among  the  colonies  of  British  Amer- 
ica. The  new  viceroy  regulated  the  internal  affairs 
of  his  province  without  difficulty,  and  at  once  made 
preparations  to  repel  the  attacks  of  foreign  powers, 
and  of  corsairs  who  still  hovered  on  the  coast.  He 
increased  the  navy,  strengthened  the  fortifications, 
reenforced  the  garrisons  with  two  thousand  veteran 
troops  from  Spain,  and  appointed  officers  of  known 
valor  and  ability  to  the  command  of  the  fortresses. 
If  a  less  capable  man  than  the  duke  of  Alburquerque 
had  now  been  at  the  head  of  affairs,  it  is  probable 
that  some  serious  disaster  might  have  befallen  the 
provinces,  for  evil  tidings  were  constantly  being  re- 
ceived in  the  capital. 

In  May  1703  a  despatch  was  forwarded  to  the  au- 
thorities in  Mexico,  stating  that  the  people  of  Vera 
Cruz  were  leaving  that  city  with  their  effects,  through 
dread  of  foreign  invasion.  In  June  of  the  same  year 
the  governor  of  Tabasco  defeated  the  crew  of  a  British 
man-of-war,  many  of  the  English  being  killed,  and  a 
hundred  and  fifty  prisoners  captured.  In  the  autumn 
of  1704  Captain  William  Dampier,  whose  raids  in 
Central  America  have  already  been  described/9  ap- 

29  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  ii.  541  et  seq.,  this  series. 


ROGERS  AND  DAMPIER.  281 

peared  once  more  in  the  waters  of  the  South  Sea,  in 
command  of  the  ship  Saint  George,  intent  on  cap- 
turing the  treasure  galleon  from  Acapulco.  After 
taking  two  vessels  whose  cargoes  were  of  little  value 
he  sighted  the  treasure  ship.  Hoisting  the  Spanish 
colors  he  sailed  close  up  to  her  and  opened  fire.  A 
prisoner  on  board  the  pirates'  vessel  counselled  them 
to  board  at  once,  during  the  confusion  caused  by  the 
first  volley;  but  there  was  a  difference  of  opinion 
among  the  officers,  and  while  the  matter  was  yet  un- 
der discussion  the  galleon's  heavy  guns  were  brought 
to  bear  on  the  craft  of  the  corsairs  with  such  effect 
that  they  were  glad  to  escape  in  their  sinking  vessel. 
During  the  same  year  one  Captain  Clipperton,  who 
accompanied  that  famous  adventurer,  separated  from 
him  when  off  the  eastern  coast  of  Mexico,  and  with 
a  vessel  of  ten  tons,  mounting  only  two  pieces  of 
cannon,  defied  the  town  of  Kealejo,  and  captured  two 
Spanish  ships  which  lay  there  at  anchor,  one  of 
which  contained  treasure  to  the  value  of  four  thou- 
sand pesos. 

Five  years  later  certain  wealthy  merchants  of  Bris- 
tol fitted  out  two  vessels  for  a  "  voyage  of  discovery 
and  profit,"  the  explorations  to  be  extended  to  the 
oceans  on  either  side  of  the  American  continent,  and 
the  profit  to  be  derived  from  the  pillage  of  Spanish 
settlements  and  Spanish  treasure  ships.  Two  ves- 
sels were  chartered,  the  Duke  and  the  Duchess,  well 
armed  and  equipped,  having  on  board  a  complement 
of  about  three  hundred  and  thirty  men,  and  carrying 
commissions  from  the  king's  consort  and  lord  high 
admiral  of  England  to  attack  and  plunder  the  Span- 
iards and  French  on  the  coasts  of  Peru  and  Mexico. 
Captain  Woodes  Rogers  was  placed  in  command,  and 
among  other  officers  was  William  Dampier,  though 
now  in  a  subordinate  position.  It  was  a  motley  crew 
that  sailed  from  Cork  harbor  on  the  27th  of  August 
1708  to  undertake  the  circumnavigation  of  the  world. 
There  were  on  board  tailors,  pedlers,  tinkers,,  fiddlers, 


282  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

ploughmen,  haymakers,  laborers,  and  men  representing 
nearly  all  the  occupations  by  which  the  poor  earn  a 
livelihood,  except  that  of  seaman. 

Rounding  Cape  Horn  in  safety  the  vessels  arrived 
off  the  island  of  Juan  Fernandez  on  the  1st  of  Febru- 
ary 1709,  and  the  same  afternoon  a  pinnace  was  sent 
on  shore  for  water.  At  dusk  a  light  was  observed 
on  the  island,  and  the  commander,  supposing  that  it 
was  kindled  by  the  crew  of  a  Spanish  or  French  man- 
of-war,  fired  guns  from  the  quarter-deck  to  recall  the 
pinnace,  and  prepared  his  ships  for  action.  No  sail 
was  in  sight  on  the  following  morning,  and  it  was  con- 
cluded that  the  enemy  had  been  frightened  away  by 
the  sound  of  the  firing.  The  cause  of  the  strange 
light  was  soon  explained,  however,  for  the  pinnace 
being  again  sent  ashore  returned  with  a  man  clad  in 
goat-skins,  and  as  wild  of  aspect  as  the  animals  from 
which  he  had  procured  his  apparel.  His  name  was 
Alexander  Selkirk. 

The  expedition  then  sailed  for  Peru,  and  after  taking 
a  number  of  prizes  and  capturing  the  town  of  Guay- 
aquil, for  which  a  moderate  ransom  was  received,  pro- 
ceeded to  the  island  of  Gorgona,  whence  some  of  the 
prisoners,  being  sent  to  Panama  for  the  purpose,  re- 
turned with  money  to  redeem  a  portion  of  the  prize 
cargoes,  the  bargain  being  honorably  fulfilled  on  both 
sides.  Rogers  soon  afterward  sailed  for  Mexico,  and 
sighted  land  near  the  spot  where  Dampier  was  de- 
feated by  the  treasure  galleon.  Thence  a  few  days 
later  he  shaped  his  course  for  the  coast  of  Lower  Cal- 
ifornia, made  Cape  San  Lucas  on  the  1st  of  November, 
and  cruising  southward  a  few  weeks  later  captured  a 
large  and  well  manned  twenty -gun  ship  bound  from 
Manila  to  Acapulco. 

The  prisoners  gave  information  that  a  still  larger 
vessel  had  left  Manila  in  company  with  them,  but 
being  a  better  sailer  had  long  since  parted  company, 
and  was  now  probably  lying  at  Acapulco.  Within  a 
few  days  this  ship  came  in  sight,  but  now  the  priva- 


THE  UBIQUITOUS  BUCCANEEEJ3.  283 

teers  found  more  than  their  match.  She  proved  to 
be  the  Vigonia  mounting  sixty  guns  and  with  a  com- 
plement of  four  hundred  and  fifty  men.  After  a  seven 
hours'  fight  the  English  were  driven  off  with  heavy 
loss,  and  with  numbers  greatly  reduced  the  expedition 
sailed  homeward  a  fortnight  later  by  way  of  the 
Cape  of  Good  Hope,  anchoring  in  the  Downs  on  the 
1st  of  October  1610.  The  cost  of  the  voyage  did  not 
exceed  75,000  pesos,  and  the  proceeds  amounted,  as  a 
chronicler  of  that  period  affirms,30  to  850,000  pesos,  of 
which  the  promoters  received  two  thirds,31  or  a  clear 
profit  of  more  than  750  per  cent  on  their  outlay. 
Thus  did  the  worthy  merchants  of  Bristol  grow  rich 
by  licensed  piracy,  and  learn  to  despise  the  slow  gains 
of  legitimate  commerce. 

About  the  year  1712  the  buccaneers  mustered  in 
force  for  a  raid  on  Vera  Cruz,  and  once  more  taught 
the  Spaniards  how  defenceless  were  their  forts  and 
garrisons  when  assailed  by  a  band  of  resolute  men. 
The  pirates  anchored  out  of  sight  of  the  city,  and  six 
hundred  of  them,  landing  by  night,  arrived  undiscov- 
ered at  the  sandhills  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  town. 
Here  they  lay  hidden  till  after  midnight  of  the  fol- 
lowing day,  timing  their  advance  on  Vera  Cruz  for 
the  hour  of  dawn  when  the  gates  were  opened.  A 
few  of  the  party  who  could  converse  in  Spanish  were 
sent  forward  disguised  as  peasants,  and  as  soon  as 
the  nearest  gate  was  opened,  one  of  them  mounted 
by  a  ladder  to  a  neighboring  bastion  and  begged  the 
sentinel  to  give  him  a  light  for  his  pipe.  The  sentry 
approached  with  a  lighted  brand,  and  as  he  drew  near 
the  buccaneer  shot  him  dead  with  his  pistol.  The 
remainder  of  the  party  then  secured  the  gate,  and  the 
main  body  instantly  marched  into  the  town  and  took 
up  a  position  in  the  parade  ground.  The  Spaniards, 
roused  from  their  slumbers,  quickly  collected  their 
forces,  and  marched  with  horse  and  foot  through  one 

30  Harris,  Col.  Voy.,  i.  198. 

31  One  half  according  to  Harris. 


284  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

of  the  widest  streets  to  attack  the  invaders.  The 
pirates  were  drawn  up  in  three  lines,  each  of  which, 
after  firing  a  volley,  withdrew  to  reload  and  allow 
those  in  the  rear  to  deliver  their  fire.  The  Spanish 
troops  began  to  waver;  their  horses  taking  fright 
plunged  through  their  ranks,  and  soon  the  garrison 
were  routed  and  fled  through  the  city,  hotly  pursued 
by  the  buccaneers,  until  they  reached  one  of  the  gates 
and  scattered  over  the  adjacent  country. 

Meanwhile  the  alarm  had  been  given  at  the  castle 
of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  and  a  brisk  fire  was  opened  on 
the  town.  The  pirates  then  held  a  council,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  seize  the  padres,  and  after  cutting  off  the 
heads  of  several,  to  send  others  to  the  castle  with 
instructions  to  present  them  to  the  governor  and  tell 
him  that  unless  the  firing  ceased  the  remainder  would 
be  treated  in  the  same  way.  The  governor  answered 
by  redoubling  his  fire;  whereupon  the  buccaneers 
closed  all  the  gates  and  drove  the  inhabitants  in  a 
body  to  the  part  of  the  city  which  was  most  exposed 
to  the  shot  from  the  fort.  Orders  were  now  given  to 
cease  firing,  and  the  freebooters  were  left  undisturbed 
to  plunder  the  town;  but  finding  no  great  booty,  they 
carried  off  to  their  ships  a  number  of  the  principal 
citizens,  and  demanded  a  large  sum  for  their  ransom. 
Soon  after  their  departure  the  Spaniards  erected 
watch-towers  and  posted  sentinels  along  'the  coast  to 
guard  against  surprise  for  the  future. 

No  other  incidents  worthy  of  fiote  occurred  dur- 
ing the  reign  of  Alburquerque.  Toward  the  close  of 
his  administration32  he  was  invested  with  the  order 
of  the  golden  fleece,  the  honor  being  conferred  on 
him  by  the  senior  inquisitor,  Francisco  de  Deza. 
During  his  long  term  of  office  he  lived  in  royal  state, 
giving  magnificent  banquets,  and  freely  distributing 

32  In  1709,  according  to  Lorenzana,  Hist.  Nneva  Espaiia,  29-30,  copied  in 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  and  Rivera,  Hist.  Jala-pa;  in  Alaman,  and  others, 
1708. 


VICEROY  LINARES.  285 

his  vast  wealth.  His  rule  was  long  remembered  in 
the  capital,  for  it  was  said  that  no  monarch  could  live 
in  more  princely  style  than  did  this  viceroy  of  New 
Spain. 

On  the  15th  of  January  1711  the  successor  of 
Alburquerque,  Don  Fernando  de  Alancastre,  Ma- 
rona  y  Silva,  duque  de  Linares,  marques  de  Valda- 
fuentes,  made  his  public  entry  into  Mexico.  He  is 
described  by  the  chroniclers  of  his  age  as  a  faithful, 
energetic,  and  benevolent  man.  For  five  years  and  a 
half  he  held  the  reins  of  power,  and  during  that  time 
justice  was  promptly  and  impartially  administered; 
public  officials  were  not  allowed  to  neglect  their 
duties;  education,  art,  and  science  found  in  him  a 
willing  patron,  and  the  affairs  of  the  crown  a  zealous 
guardian.  Nevertheless  the  new  viceroy  had  fallen 
upon  evil  times,  and  the  first  portion  of  his  adminis- 
tration is  in  marked  contrast  with  the  prosperity 
which,  with  some  drawbacks,  seems  to  have  prevailed 
during  the  rule  of  his  predecessor.  The  scourges  of 
earthquake,  famine,  and  pestilence,  following  in  close 
succession,  fell  on  many  portions  of  New  Spain,  but 
nowhere  more  heavily  than  on  the  capital. 

On  the  16th  of  August  in  this  year  a  severe  earth- 
quake occurred  lasting  for  half  an  hour.  The  strongest 
buildings  could  not  withstand  the  shocks ;  and  though 
we  have  few  records  of  this  disaster,  except  in  Mexico 
and  Puebla,  it  is  probable  that  other  cities  suffered 
no  less  severely.  A  short  time  before  there  had  been 
an  almost  total  eclipse  of  the  sun;  and  now  the 
panic-stricken  inhabitants,  thinking  that  the  world 
was  surely  at  an  end,  thronged  to  the  churches  to 
confess  their  sins  and  receive  the  sacrament.  For  a 
time  there  was  no  more  religious  community  on  earth 
than  that  which  was  gathered  in  the  valley  of  Mex- 
ico. The  thief  brought  back  his  stolen  goods ;  the 
gambler  restored  his  gains;  the  rich  man  gave  to  him 
that  had  not;   and  many  a  long-standing  feud  was 


2S6  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

reconciled  in  anticipation  of  the  great  day  of  reckon- 
ing which  all  believed  to  be  imminent.33 

But  the  threatened  judgment  was  postponed  for 
a  while,  and  soon  men  gambled  and  quarrelled  and 
cheated  each  other  as  in  the  good  old  days  of  Cortes 
and  Alvarado.  As  for  the  poor,  those  who  were  left 
houseless  and  penniless  by  the  disaster,  they  begged, 
and  generally  in  vain,  for  assistance  in  repairing  their 
shattered  dwellings.  Fortunately,  however,  they  met 
with  a  good  friend  in  Linares,  who  spared  neither 
income  nor  private  fortune  in  relieving  their  wants; 
supplied  funds  for  rebuilding,  and  kept  the  public 
granaries  filled  with  maize,  which  he  distributed  to 
the  destitute  at  his  own  expense,  and  to  the  less  needy 
at  the  lowest  possible  price. 

Disastrous  as  was  the  year  1711,  it  was  but  the 
precursor  of  yet  more  calamitous  days.  In  1713  pre- 
mature frosts  completely  destroyed  the  crops,  not  only 
in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  but  in  all  the  table  lands  of 
New  Spain.  The  viceroy  bestirred  himself  with  his 
usual  energy,  and  at  great  personal  sacrifice  succeeded 
in  filling  the  granaries  of  the  capital.  But  during  the 
following  year  the  supply  became  exhausted,  or  at 
least  the  supply  available  for  the  poor.  Soon  pesti- 
lence followed;  and  through  the  fair  streets  of  the 
metropolis  wandered  gaunt  and  plague-stricken  figures, 
begging  with  feeble  voice  and  vainly  stretching  out 
their  hands  for  bread.34 

The  wants  of  the  sick  and  destitute  were  to  some 
extent  relieved  by  the  viceroy,  the  archbishop,  and 
the  charitable  institutions  of  Mexico;  but  elsewhere 
even  greater  sufferings  were  experienced,  and  fresh 
catastrophes  added  to  the  prevailing  distress.  On 
the  night  of  the  15th  of  May,  1714,  the  province  of 

33  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mtj.,r.  525-6;  Alegre,  Hist.  Compend.,  iii.  158.  During 
1711,  a  snow  storm  occurred  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  the  only  one  mentioned 
from  that  date  until  1767. 

31  The  gloom  now  pervading  the  city  was  increased  by  the  news  that  the 
wife  of  Felipe  V.  was  dead;  the  people  being  ordered  to  wear  mourning  in  her 
memory.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  109. 


LOSS  OF  COMMERCE.  287 

Vera  Cruz  was  visited  by  a  severe  earthquake.  In 
the  town  of  Cordoba  the  shocks  came  in  so  rapid  suc- 
cession and  with  so  increasing  intensity  that  the  en- 
tire population  rushed  forth  into  the  streets.  Women 
forgot  their  modesty  and  hurried  almost  naked  from 
their  dwellings;  men  forgot  their  manhood  and  left 
their  little  ones  to  perish  amidst  the  wreck  of  falling 
houses;  while  man,  matron,  and  maid  knelt  side  by 
side,  bare-kneed  on  the  pavement,  and  offered  fervent 
supplications  to  the  virgin  for  deliverance.35 

Before  the  people  of  Cordoba  had  time  to  recover 
from  their  fright  another  calamity  befell  them  and 
one  far  more  disastrous.  On  the  23d  of  June  in  the 
same  year,  dense  black  clouds  rolled  in  from  the  ocean, 
and  torrents  of  rain  fell,  almost  without  intermission 
for  fifteen  days.  The  houses  were  flooded;  and  those 
who  lived  on  the  mountain  side  were  in  danger  of  de- 
struction from  the  huge  bowlders  and  trunks  of  trees 
swept  down  by  the  swollen  torrents.  All  communi- 
cation with  the  neighboring  haciendas  was  cut  off; 
cattle  perished  by  the  thousand,  and  their  owners 
barely  escaped  with  their  lives.  When  the  storm 
cleared  away  it  was  found  that  the  surface  of  the  coun- 
try was  greatly  changed.  Enormous  barrancas  were 
formed  and  the  streams  diverted  from  their  former 
channels. 

During  all  these  calamities  the  people  of  New  Spain 
found  some  consolation  in  the  relief  which  they  now 
enjoyed  from  the  raids  of  freebooters  and  privateers; 
but  this  immunity  was  secured  under  conditions 
which,  ere  long,  caused  Spain  the  loss  of  her  New 
World  commerce.  By  the  treaty  which  was  signed 
at  Utrecht  on  the  11th  of  April,  1713,  England  ob- 
tained the  privilege  of  shipping  negro  slaves  to  the 
islands  and  mainland  of  America,  and  of  maintaining 

35  By  this  earthquake  the  church  of  San  Antonio  was  so  much  shattered 
that  it  became  necessary  to  rebuild  it.  Rodriguez,  Cart.  Hist.,  41. 


288  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTNRY. 

depots  and  trading  factories  in  the  Spanish  American 
possessions;36  this  being  a  part  of  the  price  at  which 
France  and  Spain  secured  the  withdrawal  of  Great 
Britain  from  the  grand  alliance. 

His  Catholic  Majesty  Felipe  V.  and  her  Britannic 
Majesty  Queen  Anne  were  to  receive  each  one  fourth 
share  in  the  profits  obtained  from  the  sale  of  these 
human  chattels,  the  former  agreeing  to  advance  one 
million  pesos  for  carrying  on  the  trade,  or  in  case  he 
could  not  raise  such  an  amount  to  pay  interest  there- 
upon at  the  rate  of  eight  per  cent  a  year.37  Before 
her  decease,  which  occurred  in  the  following  year, 
the  English  sovereign,  finding  her  share  unprofitable, 
transferred  it  to  the  South  Sea  Company,  though  it 
does  not  appear  that  the  latter  reaped  much  benefit 
therefrom.38 

"Commercial  houses/'  as  they  were  termed,  were 
at  once  established  at  Vera  Cruz  and  elsewhere  on 
the  coast  of  the  North  Sea;  but  their  owners,  not 
content  with  the  enormous  profits  of  the  slave-trade, 
violated  the  terms  of  the  treaty  by  introducing  cargoes 
of  foreign  merchandise.  England  was  now  permitted, 
as  we  have  seen,  to  send  yearly  to  Portobello  a  five 
hundred  ton  vessel  freighted  with  merchandise;39  but 
each  slaver  that  landed  its  living  cargo  on  the  shores 
of  New  Spain  brought  also  a  quantity  of  contraband 
goods.  In  vain  the  custom-house  officers  attempted 
to  stay  this  traffic;  and  in  vain  the  penalty  of  death 
and  confiscation  of  property  was  threatened  against 

36  An  asiento  for  the  sale  of  slaves,  with  power  to  regulate  their  price,  was 
also  granted  to  the  French  about  the  year  1702. 

37  Some  of  the  clauses  of  this  asiento  are  given  in  Moro,  In  forme  (Mexico, 
1724),  1-4,  and  all  of  them  in  an  abridged  form  in  Salmon's  Modern  Hist.  (3d 
ed.,  London,  1746),  iii.  220-2.  The  asiento  had  been  previously  granted  (in 
1702)  to  the  French  Guinea  Company  and  was  transferred  to  the  crown  of 
England  at  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

38  In  a  speech  delivered  before  the  company  in  1731,  Sir  John  Eyles  in  giving 
an  account  of  this  branch  of  their  business  during  the  previous  ten  years, 
states  that,  though  the  report  of  their  having  lost  £2,000,000  by  the  trade  was 
untrue,  they  had  incurred  such  losses  through  the  seizure  of  their  effects  by 
the  Spaniards  during  the  wars  with  Spain  that  their  gains  were  very  small. 
They  were  not,  however,  out  of  pocket.  Id. ,  222. 

■' Hist.  Cent.  Amer.}  ii.  586-7,  this  series. 


CONTRABAND  TRADERS.  239 

all  Spaniards  who  engaged  in  it.  It  was  an  easy 
matter  to  bribe  the  not  over-conscientious  or  over- 
vigilant  officials,  and  thus  to  procure  goods  at  cheap 
rates  instead  of  paying  tribute  to  the  merchants  of 
Seville.  For  twenty-eight  years  the  South  Sea  Com- 
pany and  private  adventurers  carried  on  a  contraband 
trade,  almost  to  the  exclusion  of  Spanish  commerce, 
until,  at  the  convention  of  Madrid  in  1750,  the  former 
agreed  to  annul  the  asiento,  receiving  in  return  certain 
commercial  privileges,  and  a  money  compensation  of 
500,000  pesos.  During  this  period  the  commerce 
between  the  Spanish  provinces  and  Europe  was  esti- 
mated at  286,000,000  pesos,  of  which  amount  English 
smugglers  and  slavers  absorbed  no  less  than  224,- 
000,000  pesos,  and  only  62,000,000  pesos,  or  less  than 
22  per  cent  of  the  entire  sum,  fell  to  the  share  of  the 
Spanish  galleons.40 

During  the  last  years  of  his  administration  the 
viceroy  was  constantly  engaged  in  petty  warfare  with 
the  contraband  traders;  but  to  no  purpose.  All  that 
man  could  do  he  did.  The  troops  were  kept  on  the 
alert;  the  armada  de  Barlovento  also  rendered  good 
service,  in  consideration  of  which  they  received  their 
pay41  at  no  very  long  intervals,  and  sometimes  even 
with  regularity,  the  latter  a  rare  incident  in  those 
days.  But  on  the  thinly  peopled  coast  of  New  Spain 
were  many  excellent  and  secluded  anchorage  grounds, 
and  the  population  being  for  the  most  part  in  league 

i0Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  531. 

41  In  his  instructions  to  his  successor  the  viceroy  says  that  the  armada  de 
Barlovento  had  received  assistance  from  himself  and  his  predecessors,  as  the 
troops  were  in  arrears  of  pay,  but  that  if  a  trustworthy  person  were  sent  to 
examine  the  accounts  of  the  different  garrisons,  it  might  be  found  that  the  king 
was  a  creditor  rather  than  a  debtor.  The  instructions  relate  to  other  matters, 
and  are  remarkable  for  their  terseness  and  vigor  of  expression.  Linares,  In- 
struction a  su  sucesor,  in  Vireyes  de  Mex.  Instruc,  MS.,  fol.  i.  49,  ii.  23.  In 
June  1687  the  seamen  and  troops  belonging  to  the  armada  mutinied  at  Vera 
Cruz  on  account  of  not  having  received  their  pay,  which  was  at  the  rate  of 
about  eleven  pesos  a  month,  and  because  they  were  not  satisfied  with  this 
amount.  On  receiving  a  portion  of  their  back  pay  and  a  full  pardon  they  re- 
turned to  their  duty.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  262-3.  Robles,  476,  states  that 
a  force  of  mulattoes  was  sent  against  them  and  that  three  of  the  mutineers 
were  killed. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    19 


290  OPENING  OF  TEE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

with  the  English,  little  could  be  done  to  check  their 
unlawful  traffic. 

On  the  15th  of  August  1716,  Linares'  term  of 
office  expired,  and  his  decease  occurred  during  the 
following  year.42  He  had  proved  himself  a  humane 
and  benevolent  man;  but  it  was  not  until  after  his 
death  that  the  full  extent  of  his  charities  was  known. 
It  then  appeared  that  besides  devoting  large  sums  to 
the  relief  of  the  poor,  he  had  established  free  dispen- 
saries at  the  different  barriers  of  the  city,  and  in  his 
will  he  bequeathed  a  further  amount  for  similar  pur- 
poses. All  his  bequests  were  faithfully  carried  out 
by  his  executors,  and  among  them  was  one  of  five 
thousand  pesos  in  aid  of  the  Jesuit  missions  in  Cali- 
fornia.43 

Linares'  successor  wras  Baltasar  de  Zuniga,  mar- 
ques de  Valero  and  duque  de  Arion.44  The  salary  of 
the  new  viceroy  was  fixed  at  twenty-seven  thousand 
pesos  a  year,  a  larger  stipend  than  was  usually  paid, 
and  its  amount  excited  unfavorable  comment  from  his 
predecessor.45  The  condition  of  affairs  in  New  Spain 
was  not  in  keeping  with  such  extravagance.  The 
country  had  not  yet  recovered  from  the  disasters  of 
1714,  and  two  years  after  Valero  had  assumed  office, 
tidings  arrived  of  a  severe  famine  in  Texas.  So  great 
was  the  scarcity  of  grain  that  the  troops  stationed 
there  threatened  to  desert.  Provisions  were  at  once 
forwarded  to  the  governor  of  Coahuila,  and  in  the 
hope  of  making  that  territory  self-sustaining  persons 

42  He  died  in  Mexico  on  the  3d  of  June,  and  his  death  was  much  regretted. 
He  was  buried  in  the  Carmen  convent,  which  was  afterward  known  as  the 
church  of  San  Sebastian.  His  portrait  was  preserved  in  the  nunnery  of  Santa 
Teresa  la  Nueva. 

43  Linares  was  the  first  secular  of  the  congregation  of  the  Bucna  Muerte, 
and  the  spacious  edifice  belonging  to  the  society  was  erected  mainly  at  his 
expense.     It  exists  at  the  present  day.  Alegre,  11 1st.  ComjJend.,  iii.  177. 

"He  took  office  August  16,  1710. 

45  Linares  remarked:  'ITabre"  vivido  seis  anos  en  opulencia;  y  aunque 
ahora  no  me  hallo  en  abundancia  volvere'  a  los  pi^s  del  Ilcy,  gurstoso,  a  hacerle 
ver  que  con  veintisiete  mil  pesos  de  sueldo,  sin  abusar  da  bub  caudales,  ni 
vender  la  justicia,  me  restituyo  satisfecho  d  ellos.'  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v. 
tJoG. 


VICEROY  VALERO.  291 

were  sent  to  instruct  the  natives  in  the  science  of 
agriculture. 

On  the  16th  of  June  1718,  while  returning  from 
the  procession  of  corpus  christi  in  company  with  the 
oidores,  an  attempt  was  made  on  the  viceroy's  life. 
When  about  to  ascend  the  stairs  of  his  palace,  a  man 
named  Nicolas  Camacho  grasped  at  Valero's  sword, 
drew  it  half  way  from  the  scabbard,  and  would  prob- 
ably have  plunged  it  into  his  body  had  he  not  been 
seized  by  the  attendant  halberdiers.  On  being  ques- 
tioned as  to  his  motives  it  was  found  that  the  would- 
be  assassin  was  a  lunatic,  and  after  a  brief  trial  he  wa3 
sent  to  the  hospital  of  San  Hipolito.46 

During  the  remainder  of  the  viceroy's  administra- 
tion, which  lasted  until  the  15th  of  October,  1722,  the 
provinces  of  New  Spain  were  in  a  prosperous  condi- 
tion. The  mines  were  unusually  productive,  the  yield 
of  quicksilver  being  especially  large;  the  crops  were 
abundant;  and  the  volume  of  trade  was  greatly  in- 
creased.47 

The  sole  drawback  to  this  flourishing  condition  of 
affairs  was  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  between  France 
and  Spain,  occasioned  by  a  dispute  between  the  duke 
of   Orleans,   who   was   appointed  regent  during   the 

46  The  trial  lasted  only  two  days.  A  report  of  it  is  given  in  Die.  Univ. 
Hist.  Geog.,  app.  i.  470-1.  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  writer  that  Camacho  was 
not  insane,  but  the  victim  of  an  intrigue  on  the  part  of  the  viceroy  who  pur- 
posed to  deprive  him  of  his  wife.  The  same  view  is  taken  in  Begistro  Trimestre, 
i.  385-407.  The  editor  makes  the  following  comment  on  the  trial :  'Esta  causa 
forma  una  especio  de  contraste  con  la  que  dimos  en  le  numero  anterior,  y 
aunque  los  jueces  aparecen  mas  equitativos,  queda  siempre  una  sospecha  de  que 
el  desgraciado  Camacho,  fue  victima  de  una  intriga  para  quitarle  a  su  muger. 
Por  lo  demas  se  advierten  cosas  dignas  de  notarse  en  esta  causa.  Tal  es 
por  ejemplo,  el  que  en  un  hecho  sucedido  a  mediodia  y  a  muy  poca  distancia 
de  os  testigos  presenciales,  solo  Muelas  asegure  que  Camacho  arremeti6  con  el 
espadin  al  virey,  diciendo  unicamente  los  demas  que  se  lo  estrajo  de  la  vaina. 
Es  tambien  notable  el  dictamen  fiscal,  que  fundado  en  la  idea  equivocada  de 
que  no  puede  haber  un  complete  trastorno  mental  sin  furor,  pide  la  pen  a  cor^ 
respondiente  al  delito  de  Lesa  Magestad  in  primo  capite.  Creemos  que  tambien 
es  de  notar  el  parecer  del  protomedicato,  pues  que  su  dictamen  nada  tiene  de 
medico  y  cualquiera  pudiera  decir  lo  mismo  sin  haber  saludado  los  principios 
del  arte.  Sin  embargo,  esta  es  una  causa  formada  con  esmero,  pues  per  lo  sin- 
gular del  caso  se  mando  al  rey  copia  de  ella.' 

47  In  1721  the  fleet  from  New  Spain  reached  Cadiz  with  treasure  and  mer- 
chandise to  the  value  of  11,000,000  pesos.   Mayer's  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  228. 


292  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

minority  of  Louis  XV.,  and  Cardinal  Alberoni,  the 
minister  of  Felipe  V.  On  the  19th  of  May  1719  the 
garrison  of  Pensacola  surrendered  to  the  French,  and 
the  colonists  and  missionaries  of  Florida  and  Texas 
were  compelled  to  take  refuge  in  Coahuila.  But  the 
French  could  not  maintain  their  foothold  in  the  coun- 
try. When  the  news  of  their  invasion  reached  Mex- 
ico, Valero  quickly  despatched  against  them  a  force 
of  five  hundred  men  under  command  of  the  marquis 
of  San  Miguel  de  Aguayo,  governor  of  Texas  and 
Coahuila.  The  French  retired  from  Texas;  the  mis- 
sions were  reestablished;  and  the  peace  which  was  con- 
cluded in  1721  put  an  end  to  further  aggressions.48 

Mention  has  already  been  made  of  the  buccaneer 
settlements  in  Yucatan,  where,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
freebooters,  when  not  engaged  in  making  raids  on  the 
Spanish  settlements  or  cruising  in  quest  of  Spanish 
treasure  ships,  occupied  themselves  with  cutting  dye- 
woods  and  mahogany.49  A  favorite  rendezvous  of 
these  adventurers  was  the  Isla  Triste,  or  as  it  is  now 
known  the  Isla  del  Carmen,  at  the  entrance  of  the 
bay  of  Terminos.  During  the  war  of  the  Spanish 
succession  they  frequently  attacked  Spanish  vessels 
trading  between  Campeche  and  Vera  Cruz.  In  1708 
Fernando  Meneses  Bravo  de  Saravia,  when  on  his 
way  accompanied  by  his  family  to  the  province  of 
Yucatan,  of  which  he  had  been  appointed  governor, 
wras  taken  from  his  vessel  in  the  bay  of  Campeche  by 
the  pirate  Barbillas.     Saravia  was  set  on  shore  and 

48  On  the  31st  of  March  in  the  same  year,  the  Sacra  Famllia,  a  vessel  of 
300  tons,  with  6  guns  and  70  men,  was  captured  by  Captain  Shelvocke  in  the 
port  of  Sonsonate  (the  modern  Acajutla)  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  the 
same  name.  The  prize  contained  only  small  arms,  hand  grenades,  and  ammu- 
nition, and,  as  the  captain  remarks,  was  hardly  worth*  the  risk  and  trouble  of 
capture.  Voy.  de  Shelvocke,  in  Beranger,  Coll.  Voy.,  iii.  3-4,  S9-125;  and  Kerr's 
Coll.  Voy.,  x.  500-1.  In  the  latter  a  detailed  account  of  the  voyage  is  given, 
compiled  from  the  narratives  of  Shelvocke  and  Captain  William  Betagh,  the 
commander  of  the  marines.  They  sailed  from  Plymouth  on  board  the  Speed- 
well on  the  13th  of  February  1719,  bound  on  a  privateering  expedition  on 
the  coasts  of  Chile,  Peru,  and  New  Spain,  but  met  with  little  success. 

49  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  ii.  023  etsecp,  this  series. 


FIERCE  FIGHTING.  293 

his  wife  and  children  detained  as  captives  until  a  ran- 
som of  14,000  pesos  should  be  received.  As  the 
ayuntamiento  refused  to  pay  the  money,  the  pirate 
made  his  demand  in  person  at  the  town-hall;  where- 
upon the  governor,  feeling  that  his  family  might  come 
to  harm,  ordered  the  amount  to  be  paid. 

Nine  years  later  an  expedition  was  despatched  from 
Mexico  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz  to  Campeche,  and  being 
reenforced  by  the  troops  stationed  there,  drove  the 
intruders  from  all  their  settlements  on  the  bay  of 
Terminos.  The  attack  was  made  on  the  16th  of  July 
1717,  the  feast  of  the  virgin  of  Carmen,  and  hence  the 
island  received  its  name.  A  large  amount  of  booty 
was  wrested  from  the  buccaneers,  many  of  whom 
were  slain,  those  who  escaped  harboring  in  Belize, 
where,  being  joined  by  others  of  their  craft,  they  or- 
ganized a  force  of  three  hundred  and  thirty-five  men 
and  returned  to  the  bay  of  Terminos.  Landing  on 
the  Isla  del  Carmen  they  sent  a  message  to  Alonso 
Felipe  de  Anclrade,  the  commander  of  the  Spanish 
fort  which  had  been  erected  during  their  absence, 
ordering  him  to  withdraw  his  garrison.  The  reply 
was  that  the  Spaniards  had  plenty  of  powder  and  ball 
with  which  to  defend  themselves. 

The  freebooters  made  their  attack  during  the  same 
night  and  captured  the  stronghold  without  difficulty, 
taking  three  of  the  four  field  pieces  with  which  it  was 
defended.  But  Andrade  was  a  brave  and  capable 
officer,  and  his  men  were  no  dandy  warriors.  Placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  command  he  led  them  against 
the  enemy,  forced  his  way  into  the  fort,  recaptured 
one  of  the  field  pieces,  and  turned  it  against  the  foe. 
During  the  fiodit  a  building  filled  with  straw  was  set 
on  fire  by  a  hand  grenade.  This  incident  favored  the 
Spaniards,  who  now  made  a  furious  charge  on  the  in- 
vaders. Their  commander  was  shot  dead  while 
leading  on  his  men;  but  exasperated  by  the  loss  of 
their  gallant  leader,  they  sprang  at  the  buccaneers 
with  so  fierce  a  rush  that  the  latter  were  driven  back 


294  OPENING  OF  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY. 

to  the  shore,  whence  they  reembarkcd  for  Belize 
and  thenceforth  returned  no  more  to  the  bay  of 
Terminos.50 

50  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  ep.  i.  220-2;  ep.  iii.  442;  Nouv.  Annates,  Voy.,  c. 
52.  The  account  given  in  the  former  work  is  absurdly  exaggerated;  but  it  is 
the  only  one  that  pretends  to  give  a  detailed  narrative  of  the  expulsion  of  the 
buccaneers  from  the  isla  del  Carmen.  It  there  stated  that,  after  being  driven 
from  the  fort,  the  Spaniards  mustered  but  42  men,  while  the  buccaneers 
according  to  this  version  must  have  numbered  more  than  200,  allowing  for 
their  losses  during  the  assault  and  for  those  who  were  left  to  guard  their 
vessels.  That  this  force,  now  in  possession  of  three  pieces  of  artillery,  should 
have  been  defeated  by  a  handful  of  Spaniards,  seems  ridiculous  to  all  who  are 
acquainted  with  the  records  of  buccaneer  warfare. 

Herewith  I  give  more  complete  references  to  the  authorities  consulted  for 
the  preceding  chapters:  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  132;  iii.  63-4,  115-16;  iv.  23; 
Reales  Ccdulas,  MS.,  i.  5  etseq.;  ii.,  passim;  Providencias  Reales,  MS.,  79- 
101,  222-3,  266-8;  Robles,  Diario,  i.  ii.,  passim;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS., 
ii.  25,  31-2;  iii.  60-1,  166-7;  iv.  30  et  seq.;  vi.  113-16,  135-7,  153;  vii.  8-45; 
Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  sene  i.  torn.  i.  268-74,  314-21,  411,  478,  507;  ii. 
154,  178-200,  321-6;  Rivera,  Diario,  vi.  15-96;  Linares,  Inslrucciones,  MS., 
6-88;  Certification  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  13-21,  182;  Disposiciones  Varias, 
MS.,  vi.  3-13;  Siguenza  y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  passim;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex., 
MS.,  i.  1-32;  ii.  2-6,  25,  47-52,  74;  Vireyes  de  Mex.,  Instruc,  MS.,  sene  i. 
49;  s6rie  ii.  8,  23;  Maltratamiento  de  Ind.,  1-15;  Lazcano,Vida  del  P.  Oviedo, 
70-101,  140-57;  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS. ,  12,  74,  78,  123;  Villcujutierre,  Hist. 
Conq.  Itza,  192-9,  211-49,  291-659;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  41-3;  ii. 
223-4;  iii.  31-40,  109-215;  Papeles  de  Jesuitas,  MS.,  5;  Espinosa,  Chron. 
Apost.,  465-6,  488-534;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  70;  Davila,  Mem.  J  J  1st.,  pt.  i. 
19-28;  iii.  252-96;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  104-9,  132,  152-5;  VUla- 
S e nor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  i.  122  etseq.;  Vetancvrt,  Cron.  San.  Evang.,  75-9, 
135;  Id.,  Teatro,  51-2;  Id.,  Trat.  Mex.,  16-17;  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  26-30; 
Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Sera/.,  94-7,  169-70,  241-312,  583-5;  Carriedo,  E^tudios 
Hist.,  116;  Guatemala,  Col.  Ccdulas  Tteales,  passim;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  ix.  133-49,  150-79;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sCrie  i.  torn.  i.  ii.,  passim; 
sene  ii.  iv.  56  et  seq.;  vi.  17-96;  Arlegui,  Prov.  de  Zac,  81-2,  92-123,  201-6, 
250-2;  Escamilla,  Noticias,  4;  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  599;  N.  Mex.  Ccdulas,  MS., 
80-2,  149-64,  281-4,  322-9;  Derrotero  para  Naveg.,  MS.,  13-22,  88-90; 
E(]idos  de  Me'x.,  MS.,  61;  Jaillandier,  Extraite,  MS.,  passim;  America  De- 
scrip.,  MS.,  155-8,  166,  177-9,  196-8,  207-39;  N.Vizcaya,  Doc,  Mex.,  iv.  14- 
21;  Texas,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  455-9;  Morfi,  Doc.  Mex.,  iv.  442-4;  Escobar, 
Breve  Trat.  Ord.,  MS.,  passim;  Berrotaran,  Doc.  Mex.,  i.  171-7;  Panes, 
Extension,  MS.,  jmssim;  Reales  Ordenes,  iii.  56-72,  308-12;  iv.  416-19; 
Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  505-10;  Mayer  MSS.,  passim;  Laet,  Amer.  De- 
script.,  256-9;  Alaman,  Disert,  iii.  38-53,  211,  390;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt. 
Hist.,  no.  5,  289-94,  366,  380-92;  Arevalo,  Compend.,  29-30;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol.,  i.  276-81;  Id.,  New  Spain,  ii.  203-22;  Id.,  Tablas  Estad.,  MS., 
7-40;  Id.,Versuch,  ii.  178-86;  Gonzales,  Col.  N.  Leon,  39-58;  Arroniz,  J  list. 
y  Cron.,  122-39;  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  17-18;  Nayaritas,  Relac.  C'onquist, 
6;  Caro,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  59-119;  Verona,  Paromologi.a,  MS.,  1-93;  Lacunza, 
D%8cur808  Hist.,  no.  xxxv.,  503-9;  Rodriguez,  Cuadro  Hist.,  41-2;  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Bol.,  ii.  29;  iii.  239-42;  iv.  19;  v.  312;  ix.  54;  xi.  504;  Id.,  2da  ep.  i. 
218-22;  ii.  337;  iii.  175-6;  3a  ep.  iv.  258;  Nueva  Espana,  Breve  Res.,  MS., 
141-222;  IiiHfnicciones  d  las  Vireyes,  302-17;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.,  x.  263-72, 
337-40;  Correal,  Voy.,  i.  44-5;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.  Libre,  425-33;  Zerecero, 
E<r.  Mex.,  4-5,  508,  525-7;  Mofras,  V Exploration,  ii.  104;  Zamora,  Bib. 
Leg.,  ii.  253-5;  iv.   442-4;  Ortega,  Alegacion,   1-50;   Rivera,  Gobemantes.  de 


AUTHORITIES.  295 

Mex.,  i.  252-68;  Som,  Episcop.  Mex.,  152-73;  Nov. v.  Annales  desVoy.,  c.  52; 
cliii.  8;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  98-110,  181-3;  Varios  Impresos,  iii.,  passim; 
Foxseca  y  Urrulia,  Real  Hac,  i.  28-35,  324-5;  Orizaba,  Ocurrencias  en,  1  et 
seq.;  Registro  Yucateco,  ii.  5-10;  Mexico,  Not.  Cuidad  Mex.,  22,  295-8; 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mcj.,  v.  439-553,  723-0;  x.  1302-3;  Pap.Var.,  ii.,  passim; 
clxvii.  3-9;  cxcvi.  11  etseq.;  Alvarez,  Estvdios  Hist.,  iii.  203-4;  Sammfung 
aller  Reisebesch,  xii.  386-403,  534-52;  xiii.  484-9;  Monroy,  Oraciones  Paneg., 
passim;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  316;  Mnseo  Mex.,  i.  51-3,  99-102;  iv.  73-80; 
Alzate,  Gacetas,  iii.  441-2,  464;  Cartas  Edificantes,  vii.  258-9;  Gareta,  Mex., 
i.  ii.  iii.,  passim;  iv.  9  etseq.;  v.  18-370;  vi.  30-70;  viii.  277-309;  x.  98, 
185-6;  Robinson's  Mex.,  Rev.,  ii.  299-302;  Lussan's  Journal,  143-5,  348-84; 
Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec.,  i.  213-34;  Stephen's  Yuc,  ii.  195-8;  Mexico,  Notes  on, 
236';  Wilson's  Mex.,  24-5;  World  Displayed,  vi.  49-65,  178-85;  West.  Indies 
Geog.,  124-55;  Id.,  Descript.,  62-5;  Hn/lin's  Cosmog.,  1009-80;  Douglas' 
Summary,  72,  88;  Chappe,  Voy.,  17-25;  Fosscy,  Mex.,  9;  Mac] Person's  An- 
nals, iii.  57;  Archenholtz's  Hist.  Pirates,  78-84;  Berenger's  Col.  Voy.,  i.  377-9, 
402-3;  iii.  3-4,  89-128,  309-10,  355-72;  Spanish  Empire  in  Am.,  124-5;  Rob- 
ertson's Hist.  Am.,  ii.  919,  1024;  Mesa  y  Leompart,  Hist.  Am.,  i.  487-91, 
572-5;  Laharpe,  Abreqe,  x.  86-93,  102-7,  124-31;  Oexmelin,  Hist,  de  Flib.,  i. 
261-76;  ii.  285-301;  iii.  273-300;  Muller,  Reisen,  iii.  195;  Hassel,  Mex.  et 
Gnat.,  229-43;  Mosaico  Max.,  i.  399-407;  iv.  56-7;  vi.  162-3;  Larenaudidre, 
Mex.  et  Guat.,  Vallejo,  Vida,  passim;  Drake,  Cavendish  and  Damp ier,  Lives, 
201-2,  270-1;  Burney's  Discov.  South  Sea,  iv.  127-8,  227-36;  Ilmfracion  Mex., 
iii.  146-51;  Fancourt's  Hist.  Yuc,  277-85,  292-316;  Dice  Univ.,  i.  80,  410, 
470,  525,  067;  ii.  64-6,  301-2;  iv.  800;  v.  53;  vi.  156  et  seq.;  vii.  341,  517-18; 
viii.  142,  passim;  ix.  287-432;  x.  96  et  seq.;  Viagero  Univ.,  xxvi.  264, 
278-9;  xxvii.  58-70,  82-4;  Pinkerton's  Modern  Geog.,  210-14;  Gage's  Survey, 
48-53;  Id.,  Voyage,  i.  50-68;  Voijagcs,  A  New  Col,  iii.  183-206;  Id.,  His- 
torical, i.  332-60;  ii.  45-06;  Id.,  New  Univ.  Col,  i.  141-8,  219-24;  Zunigay 
0.,  Calend.,  109-200;  Sharp's  Voy.,  115-20;  Payne's  Hist.,  67;  Dunbar's 
Mex.,  197-8;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.,  69,  183-6;  Veracruzano,  i.  34;  Dampier's 
Voy.,i.  254-71;  Castellanos,  Derecho,  passim;  Sartor ius,  Mex.,  33;  Castorena, 
Racones,  1-40;  Salesii,  De  Confessionibus,  passim;  Dillon,  Hist.  Mex.,  76-9. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

NUEVA  GALICIA. 

1601-1803. 

Boundaries  of  the  Territory— Its  Governors — The  Audiencia  of  Gua- 
dalajara— Its  Jurisdiction  and  Powers — Local  Government — Cor- 

REGIMIENTOS  AND  ALCALDIAS   MaYORES — ClTIES,  TOWNS,  VILLAGES,  AND 

Mining  Districts — The  Capital — A  City  of  Office-holders — Treas- 
ury Department — Industrial  Progress — Mines — Quicksilver  Mo- 
nopoly and  its  Effects — Agriculture  and  Stock-raising — Labor, 
Commerce,  and  Ship-building — Population  and  Local  Statistics. 

During  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries, 
Nueva  Galicia  almost  coincided  with  the  territory 
which  now  forms  the  states  of  Jalisco,  Aguas  Ca- 
lientes,  and  Zacatecas.  On  the  south,  however,  those 
parts  of  the  Avalos  provinces  that  lay  south  of  Au- 
tlan  and  Zayula,  now  forming  part  of  Jalisco,  appear 
to  have  then  belonged  to  New  Spain,  and  were  sub- 
ject to  the  viceroy,  while  in  the  north-east  Nueva 
Galicia  included  the  western  portion  of  what  is  now 
San  Luis  Potosi,  the  boundary  line  running  near 
Charcas  and  Matehuala.  The  territory  was  under 
the  political  rule  of  a  governor,  who  was  also  president 
of  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  and  was  appointed  by 
the  king,  though  nominally  subject  to  the  viceroy.1 
In  case  of  his  death  or  inability  to  perform  his  duties 
the  senior  oidor  of  the  audiencia  ruled  ad  interim 
until  a  new  appointment  could  be  made. 

In   the  seventeenth  century  the  governors   were 

1  During  the  latter  part  of  the  18th  and  the  beginning  of  the  19th  cen- 
tury their  titles  were  gobernador,  presidente  de  la  real  audiencia,  coman- 
dante  general,  and  intendente.  See  Cedvlario,  MS.,  i.  114,  209;  iii.  176,  238; 
Real  Orden,  in  Mayer  MSS.,  no.  2;  Ugarte  y  Loyola,  lid.,  in  Soc,  Alex. 
Ceoy.,  Boletin,  2d  ep.,  iii.  307. 

(296) 


GOVERNMENT  OFFICIALS.  297 

usually  lawyers,  and  their  duties  in  connection  with 
the  civil  administration  of  the  county  were  by  no 
means  arduous.  Later,  military  men  were  more  fre- 
quently appointed,  and  held  under  the  viceroy  the 
rank  of  captain-general;  but  their  responsibilities 
were  light,  for  peace  prevailed  throughout  the  land 
except  in  Nayarit,  where  a  comandante  was  stationed, 
subject  in  military  matters  to  viceregal  orders,  and  in 
political  and  judicial  affairs  to  the  governor  and  audi- 
encia.  The  election  of  subordinate  local  officials 
seems  to  have  belonged  originally  to  the  audiencia; 
but  after  long  disputes  between  that  body  and  its 
president,  during  which  both  parties  several  times 
appealed  to  the  crown,  the  latter  received  the  right 
of  making  appointments — a  license  which  he  had 
gradually  usurped.2 

The  governor  subsequently  named  the  alcaldes 
may  ores  and  corregidores  of  the  different  districts, 
with  the  exception  of  Zacatecas  and  perhaps  one  or 
two  others,  where  the  king,  for  some  special  reason, 
retained  the  privilege.  He  also  appointed,  down  to 
1646,  many  of  the  officials  of  Nueva  Yizcaya.  All 
this  power  would  seem,  however,  to  have  been  vested 
in  him  as  president  of  the  audiencia,  for  the  revenues 
were  administered  by  special  treasury  officials  ap- 
pointed by  the  king,  the  governor  receiving  a  regular 
stipend.3 

There  are  few  incidents  worthy  of  record  concern- 
ing the  governors  of  Nueva  Galicia,  and  these  relate 
for  the  most  part  to  trivial  matters,  as  the  quarrel  of 
one  with  a  bishop  about  some  petty  formality;  the 
unusual  brilliancy  of  the  bull-fights  at  the  installation 
of  another,  while  the  building  of  a  church  or  even  the 

2 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  508,  is  the  authority  for  this  usurpation, 
and  he  gives  the  number  of  appointments  in  1742  as  above  32;  but  Calle, 
Mem.  y  Not.,  92,  states  that  a  century  earlier  the  governor  had  the  appoint- 
ment of  54  officials  in  Nueva  Galicia  and  Nueva  Vizcaya. 

3  The  revenue  collected  in  Guadalajara  from  all  sources  from  1730  to  1740 
was  2,332,335  pesos.  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  318.  The  same  author 
boasts  of  the  promptness  with  which  Nueva  Galica  always  paid  her  quota  of 
taxation. 


298  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

transfer  of  a  sacred  image  during  a  ruler's  administra- 
tion was  considered  by  the  chroniclers  of  this  period 
an  event  sufficiently  remarkable  to  place  his  name 
side  by  side  with  that  of  a  viceroy.  Many  of  them 
were  able  men,  as  was  the  case  with  Juan  dc  Villela, 
whose  rule  lasted  from  1607  to  1613. 4  The  adminis- 
tration of  Diego  Nunez  de  Morquecbo,  who  held  office 
from  1629  to  1632,5  is  noteworthy  from  the  fact  that 
he  enforced  the  laws  which  forbade  the  ill-treatment 
of  Indians.  The  custom  had  become  prevalent  of 
practically  evading  the  royal  decrees  against  slavery 
by  advancing  to  native  workmen  sums  of  money  which 
they  could  never  pay,  and  which  thus  became  a  life- 
lien  upon  their  labor.  The  governor  accomplished  his 
purpose  by  limiting  the  amount  of  a  native's  credit  to 
five  pesos.6  Antonio  de  Abarca,  who  was  appointed 
in  1702,  was  the  last  of  the  legal  profession  who  held 
office  as  governor,7  and  Toribio  Rodriguez  de  Solis, 
whose  administration  lasted  until  1716,  the  first  who 
bore  the  title  of  captain-general.8 

The  audiencia  of  Guadalajara  held  jurisdiction  over 

4  His  predecessor  was  Santiago  Vera,  who  was  in  office  from  1600  to  1606, 
and  it  is  said  that  he  interested  himself  in  the  conversion  of  the  Indians  in 
the  north-western  sierra,  hut  it  is  not  recorded  that  he  accomplished  much. 
On  March  6,  1610,  Francisco  Pacheco  de  C6rdoba  y  Bocanegra  was  appointed 
adelantado  of  Nueva  Galicia,  but  his  name  does  not  appear  as  one  of  the 
governors.  In  1612  his  wife  and  his  son  obtained  a  rental  on  the  Mexican 
treasury  of  1,312,500  maravedis  and  in  the  following  year  his  daughter  re- 
ceived an  encomienda  of  Indians  in  New  Spain.   Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  90. 

5  His  predecessors  were  Alonso  Perez  Merchan,  who  was  in  power  from 
1613  to  1617,  and  Pedro  de  Otarola,  who  held  office  from  the  latter  date  to  1629. 
During  the  rule  of  the  former,  earthquakes  and  floods  occurred  in  the  province. 
Otarola  was  a  religious  enthusiast,  and  is  said  to  have  committed  a  kind  of 
pious  suicide,  since  he  died  of  fasting. 

G  His  successor  was  Juan  Canseco  y  Quinones,  who  was  governor  from  1636 
to  1643.  It  is  said  that  he  squandered  the  revenues  of  the  state  on  bull-fights, 
and  festivities  for  the  populace,  although  he  spent  large  sums  on  public  im- 
provements. 

7  It  is  said  that  he  died  of  melancholy,  caused  in  part  by  the  impression 
made  on  his  mind  by  a  tragedy  styled  'Life  is  a  Dream,'  which  was  performed 
at  his  reception.  The  partial  destruction  of  the  governor's  palace  by  fire  may 
have  increased  his  malady.  On  state  occasions  he  made  his  appearance  so 
shabbily  apparelled  as  to  cause  the  audiencia  to  make  complaints  at  court. 

8  He  was  appointed  in  1708.  His  successor,  Tomas  Tcran  de  los  Rios, 
who  undertook  the  task  of  bridging  the  Rio  Grande,  or  Tololotlan,  was  in 
office  from  1716  to  1724.  Governor  Nicolas  de  Ribera  y  Santa  Cruz,  who  ruled 
from  1724  to  1727,  was  constantly  involved  in  difficulties  with  subordinates, 
equals,  and  superiors.     He  escaped  removal  at  the  hands  of  the  India  Coun- 


POLITICAL  DISTRICTS.  299 

all  the  regions  occupied  by  the  Spaniards  north-west 
of  Nueva  Galicia,  including  also  the  Avalos  prov- 
inces, and  at  times  Colima.9  It  claimed  jurisdiction 
as  well  over  the  north-western  region  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  but  the  king's  decision  in  1679  was  adverse  to 
this  pretension.10  It  does  not  appear  that  the  au- 
thoritv  of  the  audiencia  in  Nueva  Galicia  differed  in 
any  respect  from  that  in  Nueva  Vizcaya,  although  on 
account  of  distance  and  consequent  expense,  only 
cases  of  considerable  importance  came  as  a  rule  from 
the  latter  territory.11  The  oidores  of  the  audiencia 
were  alcaldes  in  criminal  proceedings,  but  had  no  voice 
in  matters  pertaining  to  war  and  exchequer;  and  after 
the  time  of  Governor  Ceballos,  who  ruled  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century,  they  lost  the 
power  of  making  higher  appointments  which  origin- 
ally they  seem  to  have  held.  The  president,  who,  as 
we  have  seen,  was  also  political  governor  of  Nueva 
Galicia,  simply  held  the  right  of  presiding  over  the 

cil  only  by  death,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son.  The  few  and  meagre  rec- 
ords that  have  been  handed  down  to  us  concerning  these  officials  are  taken 
from  Mota-Padilla,  the  original  historian  of  Nueva  Galicia. 

9  In  1790  Colima  was  subject  in  civil  affairs  to  Nueva  Galicia.  In  matters 
ecclesiastic  it  was  entirely  under  the  bishop  of  Michoacan  till  August  8,  1790, 
when  it  was  finally  decided  that  it  belonged  to  the  diocese  of  Guadalajara  ; 
and  thus  Colima  continued  belonging  in  all  branches  of  administration  to 
Nueva  Galicia.  Colima,  Representation,  MS.,  4.  During  the  17th  and  18th 
centuries  the  province  of  Colima  made  little  progress  owing  to  its  isolated 
position.  The  Villa  de  Colima  continued  to  hold  its  rank  as  the  chief  town 
and  capital  of  the  province  and  was  the  residence  of  the  principal  part  of  the 
Spanish  population.  Some  dozen  or  more  smaller  towns  composed  the  remain- 
ing settlements,  whose  inhabitants,  for  the  most  part  natives,  were  employed 
in  farming.  Besides  the  usual  agricultural  products,  a  limited  amount  of 
sugar  and  cotton  was  produced;  a  few  natives  were  employed  in  the  manu- 
facture of  matting;  considerable  salt  was  made,  and  a  variety  of  fruits,  among 
which  were  the  cocoanut  and  plantain,  grew  in  abundance.  Upon  the  estab- 
lishment in  1787  of  the  system  of  intendencias  this  province  became  a  part  of 
the  intendencia  of  Guadalajara.  Humboldt,  Essui.  Pol.,  i.  259;  Calle,  Mem.  y 
Not.,  78;  Gac.  de  Mex.,  i.  273;  ii.  282,  342;  Villa-Seuor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro 
Am.,  ii.  83-8. 

10  According  to  royal  cddula  of  October  15,  1778,  the  audiencia  of  Guadala- 
jara then  had  jurisdiction  to  a  certain  degree  over  six  provinces:  Nueva 
Galicia,  Zacatecas,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Sonora,  New  Mexico,  and  the  Californias. 
Cedidario,  MS.,  iii.  9-10. 

11  The  audiencia  was  composed  of  four  oidores,  or  judges,  and  a  fiscal,  or 
attorney,  each  with  a  salary  of  2,000  ducats.  There  was  also  quite  a  number 
of  minor  officials  of  whom  a  few  were  appointed  and  received  a  salary,  but 
most  of  them  bought  their  offices  at  auction,  paying  from  1,000  to  10,000 
pesos,  according  to  the  privileges  and  emoluments  connected  with  each. 


300  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

court,  and  of  taking  the  place  of  honor  on  occasions 
of  state,  but  had  no  vote  in  judicial  matters.12 

In  Nucva  Galicia  there  were  in  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century  thirty-two  districts  under  corregi- 
dores  and  alcaldes  mayores,  although  a  century  earlier, 
according  to  Calle's  list,  they  numbered  forty-one. 
There  were  three  cities,  Guadalajara,  Zacatecas,  and 
Compostela;  eight  towns,  Lagos,  Aguas  Calientes, 
Jerez,  Fresnillo,  Purificacion,  Villagutierre  de  Aguila 
or  Villanueva,  Sombrerete,  and  San  Jose  de  Monte- 
zuma, near  Tepatitlan ;  and  twenty-one  reales  de  minas, 
or  mining  towns.13  So-called  pueblos  and  other  small 
settlements  scattered  over  the  territory  numbered  up- 
ward of  two  hundred.  The  officers  who  ruled  the 
large  towns  with  their  districts  annexed,  known  as 
alcaldias  or  corregimientos,  were  with  few  exceptions 
appointed  by  the  president  of  the  audiencia,  and  re- 
ceived salaries.  Under  these  officials  in  each  city  and 
town  were  one  or  more  ordinary  alcaldes,  an  alguacil 
mayor,  four  regidores,  and  a  notary,  forming  virtually 
an  ayuntamiento,  though  not  often  called  by  that 
name.  There  seem  to  have  been  no  salaries  attached 
to  these  minor  positions,  and  that  of  alguacil,  or  con- 
stable, was  nearly  always  sold  at  auction,  at  different 
times  and  places.  Ordinarily  alcaldes  in  some,  and 
perhaps  all  the  towns,  were  elected  yearly,  requiring, 
in  the  larger  places  at  least,  confirmation  by  the 
president. 

Guadalajara,  the  capital  of  Nueva  Galicia,  the  cathe- 
dral city,  the  seat  of  the  audiencia,  and  the  place 
where  the  royal  treasury    was    kept,  swarmed   with 

12  About  1670  there  was  a  quarrel  between  the  president  and  the  audien- 
cia as  to  the  right  to  appoint  a  governor  ad  interim  of  Nueva  Vizcaya.  The 
king  at  first  decided  in  favor  of  the  president,  but  later  reversed  his  decision; 
and  later  still,  gave  the  president  and  fiscal  a  vote  on  the  subject.  Mota-Pa,' 
ti'dla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  400-1.  See  also  on  audiencia  liecop.  de  Ind.,  i.  320; 
Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  91-2. 

18  In  Calle's  time,  1646,  there  was  yet  a  villa  de  Espfritu  Santo  at  Tepic; 
Fresnillo  was  only  a  real  de  mina;  and  neither  Villagutierre  nor  San  Jose  had 
been  founded.     This  author  names  13  reales  de  minas. 


MINES  AND  MINING.  301 

officials,  and  he  was  a  humble  Spaniard  indeed,  who 
filled  no  public  position.  It  is  not  necessary  to  enter 
more  fully  into  the  details  of  the  municipal  machinery 
or  the  somewhat  intricate  relations  of  the  different 
branches  of  power  in  this  much  governed  city.14  The 
treasury  department  was  under  a  staff  of  officers  whose 
chief  duty  it  was  to  receive,  tax,  and  stamp  silver  bull- 
ion, and  to  deliver  quicksilver  for  use  in  the  mines.  At 
one  time  the  administration  of  the  exchequer  seems 
to  have  been  intrusted  to  the  governor  and  audiencia, 
but  they  did  not  long  retain  control,  for  the  king 
always  took  care  that  the  precious  metals  in  transit 
between  the  mines  and  the  royal  coffers  in  Spain 
should  pass  through  as  few  hands  as  possible.  A 
branch  treasury  was  also  established  at  Zacatecas, 
where  the  revenue  for  a  single  decade,  commencing  in 
1730,  amounted  to  nearly  four  million  pesos. 

Before  1600,  as  we  have  seen,  rich  mines  were  dis- 
covered, and  during  the  next  two  centuries  many  were 
developed,  often  with  rich  returns  in  spite  of  great  dis- 
advantages. They  were  nearly  all  of  silver-bearing 
ore,  though  according  to  Mota-Padilla,  very  fine  gold 
was  taken  out  at  Mezquital,  and  in  such  abundance 
as  to  be  used  secretly  in  trade  throughout  the 
country.  This  yield  ceased  however  toward  the  mid- 
dle of  the  eighteenth  century.  Respecting  methods 
of  mining  and  of  reduction  we  have  little  or  no  con- 
temporaneous information,  while  of  the  yield  we  have 
for  statistics  only  a  few  meagre,  disconnected,  and 
doubtless  in  most  instances  inaccurate  statements 
bearing  upon  different  localities  at  different  periods. 

Bullion  was  presented  at  the  treasury  at  Guadala- 
jara, Zacatecas,  and  in  later  years  at  Llerena,  and  was 
there  properly  stamped  after  the  royal  dues  had  been 

14  Villa-Seiior,  Teatro,  ii.  204^6,  names  the  secular  cabildo  of  Guadalajara 
in  1745  as  consisting  of  twelve  regidores,  alferez  real,  alguacil  mayor,  two 
alcaldes,  contador,  procurador,  and  notary.  He  also  speaks  of  a  custom- 
house  staff. 


302  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

paid.  Thence  it  must  be  transported  to  Mexico  for 
sale  as  there  was  no  nearer  mint.15  The  labor  was 
mainly  performed  by  Indians,  under  Spanish  over- 
seers, nominally  working  for  wages  of  from  two  to 
five  pesos  a  month,  yet  practically  held  in  bondage 
during  much  of  the  time  and  in  many  sections.16  The 
severest  toil,  however,  fell  to  the  lot  of  negro  slaves. 
Notwithstanding  the  richness  of  the  ores,  the  min- 
ing industry  was  well  nigh  paralyzed  by  the  govern- 
ment monopoly  of  quicksilver,  which  restricted  the 
production  of  that  metal  to  the  mines  of  Almaden  in 
Spain.  Rich  deposits  are  said  to  have  been  discovered 
in  Nueva  Galicia,  especially  in  the  Sierra  de  Pinos, 
but  its  extraction  was  prohibited  by  cedula  of  1730. 
The  immediate  effect  was  of  course  to  make  the  price 
of  quicksilver  so  excessive  that  only  the  most  produc- 
tive mines  could  be  profitably  worked,  to  say  nothing 
of  the  occasional  failure  of  the  supply  on  account  of 
interrupted  communication  with  Mexico.  But  these 
were  not  the  only  disadvantages  of  the  monopoly;  for 
not  only  must  the  quicksilver  be  brought  directly  from 
the  government  officials,  but  must  be  bought  only  in 
large  quantities.  No  subsequent  transactions  were 
allowed,  nor  any  retail  trade  in  this  commodity.  It 
was  not  enough,  however,  that  quicksilver  must  be 
bought  in  large  quantities  and  at  exorbitant  rates; 
the  purchaser  must  at  the  same  time  become  responsi- 
ble for  the  payment  of  the  tax  on  the  amount  of  silver 
bullion  which  the  supply  purchased  would  enable  him 
to  produce!  This  was  intended  to  prevent  frauds  in 
evading  the  payment  of  taxes  and  tithes;  but  the 
practical  effect  was  that  if  the  discoverer  of  a  mine 
happened  to  be  a  man  without  means  he  was  com- 
pelled to  take  others  into  partnership;   and  when  the 

15 In  1G07  a  royal  order  was  obtained  ordering  a  mint  to  be  established  at 
Zacatecas,  but  nothing  was  done  in  the  matter.  Bema?'dez,  Zac,  38;  Y'dU- 
Srnor,  Teatro,  ii.  223. 

1Gl)ampier.  Voycuje,  i.  269,  speaks  of  some  hundreds  of  Indian  slaves  who 
worked  in  the  silver  mines  near  Centizpac  in  1C86,  carrying  ore  to  Compostela 
and  supplies  back  to  the  mines. 


AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES.  303 

mine  proved  valuable,  litigations  would  follow,  and 
the  discoverer  would  too  often  lose  his  interest.17 

At  this  period  the  industries  of  agriculture  and 
stock-raising  were  fairly  prosperous.  There  was  no 
lack  in  Nueva  Galicia  of  fertile  land,  which  produced 
an  abundant  food-supply,  while  in  ocean  and  river 
there  were  excellent  fisheries.  Several  small  vessels 
were  built  on  the  coast  for  expeditions  to  California, 
the  workmen  being  sent  from  Mexico  and  encamping 
at  some  suitable  spot  near  the  mouth  of  a  river,  where 
they  felled  the  timber,  built  the  craft,  and  then  aban- 
doned their  camp.  Of  manufactures  there  were  none, 
except  the  rude  articles  made  by  the  natives  for  their 
own  use,  and  the  commerce  of  the  country  was  carried 
on  by  native  carriers,  pack-mules,  and  wagon-trains, 
by  means  of  which  agricultural  products  were  carried 
to  the  nearest  market,  ore  and  bullion  forwarded 
from  the  mines,  and  tools,  machinery,  quicksilver,  and 
clothing  brought  overland  from  the  city  of  Mexico. 
To  the  capital  were  also  sent  the  few  articles  of  prod- 
uce which  would  pay  the  cost  of  freight,  together 
with  herds  of  live-stock.  At  times  the  privilege  of 
killing  and  exporting  cattle  was  restricted  by  the  gov- 
ernor on  complaint  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities 
that  the  amount  of  tithes  was  thereby  diminished. 

The  city  of  Mexico  derived  much  greater  benefit 
from  the  resources  of  Nueva  Galicia  than  did  the 
province  itself.  In  the  capital  alone  could  any  products 
except  those  of  mine  or  field  be  exchanged  for  money.18 
Men  were  not  wanting  who  understood  these  disad- 
vantages, and  foremost  among  them  was  Mota-Padilla, 
who  never  ceased  his  efforts  to  separate  the  country 
from  New  Spain,  to  obtain  for  her  ports  a  trade  with 
China  and  with  Central  and  South  America;  to  estab- 
lish a  mint,  and  make  Guadalajara  a  centre  of  trade; 

17 '  Ya  se  tiene  por  cierto  que  cuando  se  litiga  sobre  mina  se  pierden  las 
leyes.'  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  321. 

18 'Mexico  se  ha  liecho  garganta  precisa  por  donde  liaya  de  pasar  todo.' 
Mota-Paddla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  263-4. 


304  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

but  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  on  the  king  from 
the  New  World  metropolis  was  always  too  strong, 
and  the  interests  of  the  province  were  disregarded.19 

The  total  population  of  Nueva  Galicia  in  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  was  estimated  at  not  less 
than  two  hundred  thousand,  of  which  number  sixty 
thousand  were  Indians  and  the  remainder  of  Spanish 
and  mixed  blood.  Though  this  seems  a  comparatively 
high  figure,  Mota-Padilla  certainly  had  excellent  ap- 
portunities  for  obtaining  correct  statistics.20  During 
the  second  half  of  the  century  the  population  seems 
to  have  increased  more  rapidly;  for  we  find  that  at 
the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century  the  popula- 
tion of  Guadalajara  was  variously  estimated  at  from 
nineteen  to  thirty-five  thousand,  and  that  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  audiencia  as  high  as  six  hundred 
and  thirty  thousand.21 

It  will  be  remembered  that  at  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth century  Zacatecas  was  the  new  El  Dorado  which 
attracted  settlers  and  adventurers  from  all  parts;  the 
population  rapidly  increased;  mines  were  being  dis- 
covered and  developed,  and  a  great  future  seemed  to 
be  in  store  for  the  new  colony.  At  that  time  the  site 
of  the  city  of  Zacatecas  seemed  anything  but  pleasant 

19  From  1 748-53,  according  to  the  Noticias  Biog.  of  Icazbalceta,  the  his- 
torian made  efforts  to  have  the  four  jurisdictions  of  the  coast,  Purificacion, 
Tepic,  Acaponeta,  and  Centizpac,  formed  into  a  new  government,  to  be  placed 
under  himself  as  ruler. 

20Mota-Padilla,s  actual  basis  is  the  number  of  Indian  tributaries,  which 
was  8,000,  representing  16,000  persons,  not  including  chiefs,  the  aged,  or 
children.  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  509.  Gil,  Soc.  Mex.  Geog. ,  viii.  493,  says  the  popu- 
lation in  about  1750  was  estimated  at  about  115,000. 

21  Gil,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  viii.  493,  insists  however  that  in  1807,  on  taking 
tribute,  the  population  was  found  to  be  only  130,000,  having  increased  but 
15,000  since  1750.  There  is  no  doubt  that  there  was  a  misunderstanding  as 
to  the  territory  included.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  155,  and  New  Spain,  ii. 
180-3,  gives  for  the  intendencia  of  Guadalajara  030,500,  and  for  the  city 
19,500;  0,381  square  leagues  with  023,572  inhabitants  are  mentioned  in  Tri- 
bunal del  Conmlado,  1805.  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.,  79,  gives  030,000  for  1803. 
According  to  Navarro,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.,  i.  291,  in  1810  the  inten- 
dencia of  Guadalajara  comprised  9,012square  leagues;  28partidos,  lOOcuracics, 
9  missions,  2  cities,  7  towns,  32G  villages,  33  mining  districts,  370  haciendas, 
1,511  ranchos,  and  118  stock  ranches.  There  were  29  convents  and  7  nun- 
neries; 441  clerigos,  192  friars,  and  225  nuns;  there  were  104,420  Spaniards, 
172,070  Indians,  and  179,720  of  mixed  blood,  making  a  total  population, 
including  the  religious,  of  517,074. 


ZACATECAS  MATTERS. 


305 


to  the  Spaniards.  The  soil  was  little  adapted  to  the 
cultivation  of  wheat,  maize,  or  even  fruit,  excepting 
the  Indian  fig,  the  cactus  apuntia  covering  the  neigh- 
borhood in  every  direction.  Nevertheless  its  location 
had  many  advantages.  The  climate,  though  change- 
able, was  healthy,  being  never  excessively  hot  or  cold. 
In  the  vicinity  variety  of  temperature  favored  the 
cultivation  of  different  agricultural  products.  Cattle- 
raising  became  an  important  feature  at  an  early  day, 
and  besides  silver,  copper  lead  and  other  metals  were 
found  in  abundance.22 


City  of  Zacatecas. 

The  three  or  four  persons  in  charge  of  the  treasury, 
and  the  corregidor,  appointed  directly  by  the  king, 
were  the  only  officials  who  were  paid  a  salary  at  Zaca- 

22  The  veins  around  Zacatecas  city  yielded  in  1608  an  average  of  more  than 
two  ounces  per  cental.  There  were  20  haciendas  de  minces,  whose  owners  were 
worth  from  30,000  to  100,000  pesos  each,  and  employed  about  100  Spaniards, 
the  same  number  of  negroes,  and  1,500  Indians.  Each  hacienda  worked  about 
80  centals  a  day.  No  smelting  was  done,  and  only  mule  power  was  used. 
Zacatecas,  Bel.,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ix.  182-7.  At  San 
Andres  General  Mendiola  tore  down  his  stone  buildings,  the  material  yielding 
three  marks  per  cental.  The  product  of  the  mines  at  Zacatecas  had  declined 
considerably  in  1732;  there  were  only  24  reduction  works;  the  expenses 
1,300,000  pesos  per  year;  and  the  king  received  257,350  pesos.  Bemardez, 
Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  III.    20 


306  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

tecas,  and  the  salable  offices  brought  at  auction  from 
six  to  eight  thousand  pesos.23  The  province  had  also 
a  lieutenant  captain-general,  and  a  force  of  troops  for 
protection  in  case  of  outbreaks  among  the  natives.24 
In  wealth  and  probably  in  population  the  city  was 
superior  to  the  capital  of  Nueva  Galicia.25 

The  mining  districts  of  Fresnillo,  Sombrerete,  Pi- 
nos,  Nieves,  Mazapil,  and  Zacatecas  were  all  alcaldias 
mayores,  subject  to  a  corregimiento,  to  which  grade, 
in  1736,  the  so-called  province  of  Zacatecas  was 
raised,  the  districts  of  Aguas  Calientes  and  Juchipila 
being  added  three  years  later.  When  the  alcaldias 
mayores  and  corregimientos  were  abolished  by  the 
ordinance  establishing  intendencias,  these  latter  dis- 
tricts were  made  a  part  of  the  intendencia  of  Gua- 
dalajara, until  joined  to  that  of  Zacatecas  by  royal 
decree  of  December  30,  1791. 

The  town  of  Aguas  Calientes  derived  its  name  from 
the  thermal  springs  in  its  immediate  vicinity.26     In 

Zac,  42-50.  In  1750  the  mines  did  not  yield  more  than  500,000  pesos;  but 
the  output  increased  in  a  few  years  to  ten  times  as  much  through  the  efforts 
of  one  Laborde.  Jacobs'  Hist.  Inq.,  ii.  153.  The  wealthiest  inhabitant  of 
Zacatecas  was  Agustin  de  Zavala,  who  in  20  years  had  paid  in  silver  king's 
fifths  to  the  amount  of  800,000  pesos,  which  shows  that  during  that  time  he 
had  sent  to  be  marked  4,000,000.  Satgado,  Viola,  23.  This  is  the  same  Zavala 
who  was  governor  of  Nuevo  Leon. 

23 Zacatecas,  ReL,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ix.  184-0.  Mier  y 
Campo,  in  Revista  Lien.,  ii.  Ill,  says  the  royal  treasury  was  established  in 
1767. 

24  In  1608  Cristobal  de  Cardivar  is  named  as  holding  the  position  of  'teni- 
ente  de  capitan  general.'  Ibid.  The  same  writer  speaks  of  a  governor  of 
Zacatecas  appointed  every  six  years  by  the  council  of  the  Indies.  A  '  capitan 
a  guerra'  is  also  mentioned  about  1745  in  Villa-Seiior,  Teatro,  ii.  223. 

23  The  population  of  the  province  of  Zacatecas  for  1793  as  given  by  Hum- 
boldt, Essai  Pol.,  i.  57,  155,  was  118,027;  that  of  the  capital,  25,495,  and  in 
1803,  153,300  including  city  and  province.  For  description  of  principal 
places  sec  Id.,  260-61;  also  Viagero,  Univ.,  xxvii.  105-6.  For  the  latter 
year  the  tribunal  del  consulado,  in  Soc.  J\Lex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  6,  gives  1681 
square  leagues  and  151,749  inhabitants.  Murillo,  Geog.  Hist.,  814,  gives 
40,000  for  the  city  in  1778-9,  and  Cancelada,  Ruina,  73-5,  the  same  figures 
as  the  consulado.  Navarro,  in  Soc.  Alex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2d  cp.,  i.  291,  has 
in  1810  for  the  intendencia  of  Zacatecas  2,355  square  leagues,  with  22,296 
Spaniards,  40,872  Indians,  and  77,555  other  races;  6  partidos,  17  curates,  a 
city,  2  villas,  28  pueblos,  19  reales  de  minas,  108  haciendas,  438  ranchos,  and 
16  cattle  ranchos.  See  also  Mini's  Geog.,  ii.  132;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ix. 
275;  Berghes,  Zac.,  4;  Zwniga  y  0.,  Calend.,  116-17;  N.  Esp.,  Brev.  Res.,  ii. 
319 

2 'The  town  used  the  royal  arms,  having  no  coat  of  arms  of  its  own. 
Aguirre,  Doc.  Antig.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2d  ep.  iii.  19.     For  other 


OTHER  MINING  DISTRICTS. 


307 


1794  it  had  a  parish  church  and  three  convents  with 
about  thirty  friars,  and  as  many  other  clergymen. 
There  was  also  a  public  school  supported  by  funds 
bequeathed  by  a  resident  of  that  town.  Toward  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  population  was 
rapidly  increasing,27  and  mining,  commerce,  agricult- 
ure, and  stock-raising  had  made  great  progress. 

Fresnillo  had  at  this  period  about  five  thousand  in- 
habitants and  was  governed  by  a  lieutenant  under  the 


Zacatecas,  Aguas  Calientes,  San  Luis  Potosi. 

alcalde  of  Jerez;  there  was  a  large  parochial  church 
and  a  Dominican  hospice.  The  site  was  little  better 
than  that  of  Zacatecas.  The  mines  in  the  hills  of 
Proano,  south-west  of  the  town,  belonged  for  the  most 
part  to  the  marquis  of  Apartado.28 

Most  of  the  settlements  in  the   province   of  San 


details  concerning  it  see  Id.,  ii.  18;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  77-8;  S.  Miguel,  Hep. 
Mex.,  i.  7. 

27  In  1794  the  town  had  8,376  inhabitants.  Aguirre,  Doc.  Antig.,  in  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2d  ep.  iii.  21-5.  See  for  other  details  Dias,  Mex.,  v. 
322;  Gazeta  Mex.,  i.-xv.,  passim. 

1)8  The  curacy  of  Fresnillo  was  said  to  be  the  most  lucrative  in  Nueva 
Galicia,  paying  $12,000  per  year.  Morji,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  ser.  iv.  333-5. 


308  NUEVA  GALICIA. 

Luis  Potosi  were  founded  toward  the  close  of  the  six- 
teenth and  during  the  early  part  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  there  is  nothing  that  requires  record 
concerning  their  progress.  The  capital  of  the  same 
name  is  situated  on  the  eastern  declivity  of  the  great 
plateau  of  Analiuac,  in  a  fertile  and  extensive  valley, 
bounded  on  the  west  by  the  mountains  of  San  Luis. 
The  oldest  records  of  the  town  council  date  back  to 
1612,  the  title  of  city  being  awarded  by  the  king  in 
1G56.29  The  population  in  1G04  consisted  of  eight 
hundred  Spaniards  and  some  three  thousand  Indians; 
and  about  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
Villa-Senor  states  it  at  sixteen  hundred  families. 
Most  of  the  natives  were  distributed  among  the 
mines  of  San  Pedro  and  the  neighboring  haciendas, 
and  from  this  time  forward  the  population  seems  to 
have  increased  rapidly.30 

San  Pedro,  Charcas,  Villa  del  Valle,  Guadalcazar, 
Panuco,  and  other  towns  were  also  in  a  flourishing 
condition.31  The  mining  town  of  Catorce,  so  named 
on  account  of  the  murder  of  fourteen  soldiers  by  sav- 
ages in  ancient  times,  appears  to  have  been  founded 
in  1772,32  though  some  place  the  date  as  early  as  1738. 

29  Iturribarria,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,-  vii.  300.  According  to  Arle- 
gui,  57,  in  1666. 

30  Statistics  concerning  the  population  of  San  Luis  Potosi  run  widely  apart. 
Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  57,  gives  for  1793  in  the  city  8,571,  and  in  the  pro- 
vince 242,280;  for  1803,  12,000  and  334,000  respectively.  Castillo,  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  3d  ep  .v.  497,  gives  22, 000  for  the  city  in  1787 — an  absurd  state- 
ment. Taladez,  Not.,  in  Id.,  58,  61,  in  1794  for  the  province  168,002.  Not.  de 
Esp.,  in  Id.,  ii.  19,  for  1805,  186,503;  so  Tr'tb.  Consid,  in  Id.,  16;  see  for 
population  at  different  periods  Id.,  Id.,  ix.  272;  for  1808.  Cancelada,  Iiuina, 
73-5,  gives  311,503.  Navarro,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2d  ep.  i.  291, 
gives  for  the  intendencia  of  San  Luis  in  1810:  2,357  square  leagues,  with 
22,609  Spaniards,  88,949  Indians,  62,007  of  mixed  race,  a  total  of  173,651. 
There  were  10  partidos,  23  curacies,  and  19  missions;  one  city,  2  villas,  49 
pueblos,  15  reales  de  minas,  124  haciendas,  431  ranchos,  and  18  cattle  ranchos. 
Properly  there  were  14  partidos,  10  under  the  viceroy,  and  four  under  the 
commander-general  of  the  provincias  orientales.  See  also  Hassel,  Handbuch, 
Mex.  and  Gnat.,  224-9. 

31  In  1740  San  Pedro  had  100  families  of  Spaniards,  mestizos,  and  mulattoes, 
with  some  2,000  Indians  in  the  vicinity;  Charcas,  40  or  50,  and  Villa  del  Valle 
240  Spanish  families.    Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  i.  54-9. 

82 See  Campo,  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2d  ep.  iv.  374.     Five  thousand  in- 
habitants are  given  for  the  year  1776.  in  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  132-3,  which  seems 
gerated.     According  to  Hassel,  Handbuch,  the  mines  were  discovered  in 
1770. 


PROGRESS  IN  SAN  LUIS  POTOSL  309 

Ceclral  was  established  in  1780,  and  became  a  doc- 
trina  in  1790.33 

The  alcalde  mayor  of  San  Luis  Potosi  held  the 
title  of  lieutenant  captain-general,  the  appointment 
being  made  on  account  of  the  proximity  of  that  prov- 
ince to  the  Chichimec  frontier,  where,  however,  the 
friars  were  actively  engaged  in  the  work  of  conversion. 
The  ayuntamiento  of  the  capital  consisted  of  twelve 
regidores,  alcaldes,  alguaciles,  and  other  necessary 
officials.84  The  title  of  city  was  granted  by  viceroy 
Alburquerque  in  1656,  and  was  confirmed  by  Felipe 
III.  August  17,  1658.  On  the  25th  of  October  1787 
the  province  was  made  an  intendencia.85 

Of  the  mining  and  other  industries  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  speak  later.  The  only  disturbances  which 
seem  to  have  occurred  in  San  Luis  Potosi  are  those 
on  the  occasion  of  the  Jesuit  expulsion  in  1767. 
When  these  were  suppressed,  the  province  made  ex- 
traordinary progress,  remaining  free  from  political 
convulsions  until  in  1810  the  country  was  aroused  by 
the  revolution  of  Dolores.86 

33  See  article  on  San  Luis  Potosi,  in  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  321,  and  Iturribarria, 
in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  vii.  304. 

3iAt  an  early  date  the  city  had  five  convents  and  a  Jesuit  college.  Calle, 
Mem.  y  Not,  77;  Santos,  Chron.,  467. 

35  The  first  intendente  was  Bruno  Diaz  Salcedo,  who  took  possession  on  the 
same  day.  Castillo,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geoe/.,  Boletin,  3d  ep.  v.  497.  See  also  in 
Id., ii.  19-20,  96-110;  Humboldt,  EssaiPol.,  i.  282-5;  Zuniga  y  O.,  Calend., 
117;  GazetaMex.,  i.-xvi.,  passim. 

3GBesides  Mota-Padilla  the  following  authorities  have  been  consulted  for 
matters  treated  in  this  chapter:  Torquemada,  iii.  333-4,  342,  384;  Apostolicos 
Afanes,  passim;  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  ii.  204-26;  Zacatecas,  Rel. , 
in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ix.,  179-91;  Aleqre,  Hist.  Comp.,  i.  205- 
29,440;  ii.  24-5,  52-3,  81-2,  156-9,  241,  416  et  seq. ;  iii.  20-1, 64-9, 91-2,  191-2; 
Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac,  passim;  Bernardez,  Zac,  26-90;  Michoacan,  Prov.,  95, 
115-16;  Arricivita,  Crdn.  Serdf.,  92,  590;  Espinosa,  Cron.  Apost.,  415,  499- 
507;  Ay  eta,  Defensa  Verdad,  passim;  Ribas,  Hist.  Triumphos,  729;  Margil 
de  Jesus,  Notizie,  passim;  Venegas,  Not.  Cat.,  ii.  515-16;  Dice.  Univ.,  iv. 
375-9;  ix.  860-2;  x.  168,  1032-88;  Instruccion  Vireyes,  3,  12,  126;  Iglesias, 
Rel,  289-316;  Jalisco,  Not.,  16-23,  66,  141;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  266;  Lazcano, 
Vida  de  Oviedo,  149-56;  Alfaro  y  Pina,  Cat.  de  Guad.,  5-14;  Castilla,  Espejo, 
1-297;  Revista,  Scien.,  ii.  110-11;  Morji,  Diario,  329;  Jacob's  Hist.  Inq.,  ii. 
153;  Dampier's  Voy.,  i.  257-72;  Salvador,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  3d  series,  iv. 
653;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  163-4;  Museo  Mex.,  2d  ep.  i.  2;  FunneWs  Voy., 
91;  Gil,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  viii.  493. 


CHAPTEE  XVII. 

THE    CONQUEST    OF   NAYARIT. 

1701-1722. 

The  Last  Refuge  oe  Idolatry  in  Nueva  Galtcia — Geography  of  Naya- 
rit — Characteristics  of  the  Natives — Partial  Success  of  Arisbaba 
ix  1C18— Trouble  at  Acaponeta — Massacre  of  Bracamonte  and  his 
Party  in  1701 — Revolt  at  Colotlan — The  Barefoot  Friars — Men- 
diola's  Expedition  and  The  First  Jesuit  Attempt — The  Tonati 
Visits  Mexico— His  Treaty  and  his  Flight— Preparations  and  Ob- 
stacles at  Zacatecas — Camp  at  Peyotlan— Flores  in  Command — 
Assault  on  the  Mesa — The  Nayarits  Subdued  and  Conquest 
Achieved — Progress  of  the  Missions. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  Mixton  war1  it  was  be- 
lieved that  the  powerful  blow  administered  by  Vice- 
roy Mendoza  to  the  revolted  savages  of  Nueva  Galicia 
had  been  final.  The  utter  defeat  and  rout  of  the 
Chichimecs,  who  then  made  a  last  heroic  effort  to 
throw  off  the  Spanish  yoke,  had  been  decisive.  The 
Spaniards  enjoyed  the  peaceful  possession  of  the  terri- 
tory in  the  firm  belief  that  no  further  attempts  would 
ever  be  made  by  the  scattered  natives  to  assert  their 
ancient  rights.  The  Indians  had  not  been  finally  sub- 
dued, however,  and  two  centuries  later  the  struggle 
was  to  be  renewed.  Many  of  the  natives  who  had 
escaped  death  or  captivity  at  Cuiml,  Nochistlan,  and 
Mixton  had  taken  refuge  in  what  was  later  known  as 
the  sierra  of  Nayarit.2 

1  See  Hist.  31ex.,  ii.  490-515,  this  series. 

-The  region  so  called  is  situated  in  modern  Jalisco,  north  of  the  Tololo- 
tlan,  on  and  south  of  the  Durango  boundary,  east  of  the  coast  province  of  Aca- 
poneta,  west  of  Zacatecas,  on  and  near  the  river  San  Pedro.  In  Nayarita8t 
Jit/.,  4-5,  Nayarit  is  described  as  a  province  of  22  pueblos,  lying  within  a 
triangle  formed  by  the  towns  of  Zacatecas,  Huajuquilla,  and  Guazaniota.  It 
included  a  valley  enclosed  by  high  mountains  broken  only  by  the  Rio  Vara- 

(310) 


NATIVE  NATIONS. 


311 


Very  little  has  been  learned  about  the  country 
since  its  so-called  conquest  in  the  first  quarter  of  the 
last  century.  It  is  still  inhabited  for  the  most  part 
by  aborigines  seemingly  but  little  under  the  control 
of  Mexican  authority,  and  has  become  famous  of  late 
years  as  the  central  stronghold  from  which  the  native 
chieftain  Lozacla  attempted  valiantly,  but  in  vain,  to 
restore  the  independence  of  his  nation.     One  or  two 


Nayarit. 


difficult  passes,  easily  defended  against  a  superior  in- 
vading force,  lead  to  a  succession  of  wooded  peaks, 
arid  mesas,  huge  chasms,  and  small  valleys  of  consid- 
erable fertility.  The  natives  inhabiting  this  region 
became  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  Nayarits,  Coras, 
and  Tecualmes;  there  were  also  other  minor  tribes, 
who  together  with   them   claimed  descent  from  the 


nia — by  which  may  be  meant  the  Tololotlan.  The  entrance  is  ten  leagues 
from  Guazamota.  According  to  Ajjostolicos  Afaues,  173,  the  chief  river  is  the 
Jesus  Maria  y  Joseph,  probably  the  modern  San  Pedro,  which  is  tributary  to 
the  Tololotlan.  Mota-Padilla  and  Alegre  content  themselves  with  giving 
latitude  and  longitude,  with  general  bearings  from  well  known  points.  It  is 
evident  that  the  early  writers  knew  nothing  of  Nayarit  geography. 


312  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

Aztecs,  a  claim  supported  to  some  extent  by  their 
language.3 

In  the  central  parts  of  Nayarit  are  two  plateaus, 
known  as  the  mesas  del  Tonati  and  del  Cangrcjo,  on 
the  former  of  which  were  the  nation's  sacred  temples. 
The  people  were  a  bold  race  of  mountaineers,  for  the 
most  part  savages,  their  Aztec  forefathers  having 
handed  down  to  them  only  a  few  religious  forms,  and 
a  knowledge  of  agriculture.  They  enjoyed  a  fine  and 
healthy  climate.  In  their  territory  was  an  abundance 
of  wild  fruits,  and  no  lack  of  game.  They  dwelt  in 
security  under  the  protection  of  their  own  gods,  with 
whom  they  were  content;  but  what  they  seem  to  have 
prized  above  all  was  their  long  immunity  from  Span- 
ish and  christian  intermeddling.  Nevertheless  they 
beheld  with  distrust  the  progress  of  the  Spaniards, 
and  gradually  found  themselves  entirely  surrounded 
by  numerous  missions.  From  their  observations  and 
the  reports  of  fugitives  they  had  ample  opportunities 
to  study  the  effects  of  the  new  institutions  that  had 
encircled  their  retreat;  but  their  conclusion  was  that 
their  old  gods,  customs,  and  rulers  were  good  enough. 
Like  most  other  natives,  they  doubted  not  their  abil- 
ity to  resist,  with  the  aid  of  their  natural  defences, 
notwithstanding  their  small  numbers — perhaps  never 
more  than  three  or  four  thousand.  Circumstances 
contributed  to  strengthen  their  self-confidence  as  the 
Spaniards  long  delayed  active  measures  to  subdue 
them. 

The  Indians  in  their  visits  to  the  coast,  where  they 
were  wont  to  obtain  salt  in  large  quantities  for  barter 
with  inland  tribes,  or  to  the  Zacatecan  towns,  came 
often  into  friendly  contact  with  the  friars  and  soldiers, 
always  declining  their  invitations  to  become  christians, 
and  gradually  forming  the  idea  that  submission  was  to 

3  See  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States,  iii.  719-20.  The  region  is  often 
called  sierra  de  los  Coras.  According  to  Apoxtd/icos  Afaiiex,  8-9,  the  Nay- 
arits  were  there  when  the  Mexicans  marched  south  in  search  of  homes,  and 
the  long  lines  of  intrenchments  by  which  they  defended  their  land  Mere  still 
visible  in  17o2. 


EARLY  EXPEDITIONS.  313 

be  altogether  optional.    The  friars,  however,  had  other 
views. 

In  the  sixteenth  century  there  is  no  record  of  any 
definite  communication  with  Nayarit;  but  we  are  told 
that  in  the  first  years  of  the  seventeenth,  Captain 
Geronimo  de  Arciniega  penetrated  to  Guainamota, 
took  thence  two  thousand  Indians,  and  with  them 
founded  four  settlements.4  Then  we  have  a  vague 
narrative  of  the  expedition  in  1616  to  1618  of  Cap- 
tain Miguel  Cadera  with  several  companions.  They 
are  said  to  have  set  forth  from  Compostela  and  to 
have  spent  some  time  about  the  entrance  to  the  for- 
bidden realms,  meeting  the  king  and  his  attendants, 
receiving  four  children  as  a  gift,  and  making  so  favor- 
able an  impression  that  some  of  the  Nay ar its  came  to 
Tepic  and  even  submitted  to  baptism.  About  the 
same  time  a  band  of  rebellious  Tepehuanes  from 
Durango  sought  refuge  in  the  southern  sierra,  and 
Captain  Bartolome  Arisbaba,  pursuing  them,  met 
Caldera  and  the  Indians  at  Guazamota.  Here  was 
a  chance  for  the  great  chief  to  give  a  practical  demon- 
stration of  his  new  friendship,  as  in  fact  he  is  said  to 
have  done,  by  offering  to  join  in  the  pursuit.  Of  the 
result  we  only  know  that  Arisbaba  left  on  a  stone 
preserved  in  the  church  at  Guazamota  as  late  as  the 
middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  an  inscription  recit- 
ing that  in  1618  he  conquered  the  province  of  San 
Jose  del  Gran  Nayar.  His  conquest  however  cannot 
have  been  a  very  effectual  one,  probably  consisting  of 
certain  ceremonies  of  formal  submission,  of  which  the 
wily  natives  were  ever  prodigal  outside  of  their  own 
territory;    and  Guazamota  was   on  the   frontier  and 

4 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  458-9.  Other  Indians  were  added  in  1603, 
and  in  1G05  the  king  thanked  Arciniega  for  his  services.  The  same  author 
relates  that  in  1613  father  Miguel  de  Aranzu  walked  barefoot  up  the  Sierra 
de  los  Coras,  meeting  many  natives  under  a  one-eyed  chieftain  who  said  his 
name  was  Nayarit,  thus  originating  a  name  for  the  province  and  for  the  peo- 
ple. It  is  probable  that  the  name  did  come  from  a  native  ruler.  According 
to  Apostolicos  A  fanes,  2,  9,  it  was  from  El  Naye,  the  first  who  attained  to 
regal  power.  El  Gran  Nayar  is  another  and,  according  to  this  author,  more 
vulgar  form.     He  however  calls  the  chief  ruler  in  1616  El  Gran  Nayarit. 


314  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

not  within  the  pass.  From  this  time,  the  Franciscans 
seem  to  have  had  a  station  there.5 

It  was  also  in  1G17  that  Acaponeta  was  attacked 
and  destroyed  by  a  force  said  to  have  come  from  Du- 
rango,  and  which  seems  to  have  incited  a  revolt  of 
the  natives  in  this  region.  Aid  soon  came  from  Gua- 
dalajara and  Guadiana  however,  and  peace  was  re- 
stored. It  is  not  unlikely  that  Arisbaba  was  in 
command  of  the  reenforceinent  sent  on  this  occasion, 
and  that  it  was  against  the  destroyers  of  Acaponeta 
that  the  alliance  of  the  Gran  Nayarit  was  utilized. 
In  1667,  and  again  a  few  years  later,  the  Franciscans 
drew  from  Nayarit  some  converts  for  their  outside 
missions.  According  to  a  royal  decree  of  1673  the 
friars  were  to  be  aided  in  their  efforts,  but  nothing 
more  was  done  during  the  century.6 

In  1701  Captain  Francisco  Bracamonte,  who  seems 
to  have  been  military  commander  on  the  frontier,  had 
gained  the  friendship  of  the  Nayarits,  and  was  even 
known  as  protector  of  the  Gran  Nayar.  Governor 
Gutierre  of  Nueva  Galicia  now  proposed  to  use  his 
influence  in  the  subjugation  of  their  territory.  Bra- 
camonte, not  without  misgivings,  accepted  the  offer, 
and  with  several  priests,  escorted  by  a  dozen  soldiers, 
set  about  his  task.  The  Nayarits  were  indignant  at 
this  action  of  their  friend,  and  forbade  all  further  ad- 
vances. Foolishly  Bracamonte  was  induced  by  his 
companions  to  go  on  and  enter  the  pass  known  as  El 
Simon.  The  result  was  that  only  one  of  the  ill-fated 
band  escaped,  badly  wounded,  the  rest  being  slain 
with  their  commander.7 

The  natives  now  became  more  aggressive  in  their 
policy.  In  1702  there  were  tumults  on  the  frontier, 
during  which  the  Nayarits  not  only  sheltered  fugitives, 

5  Apostolieos  Afaves,  28-34;  Alegre,  Hist.  Co?np.,  iii.  197-8.  Arlegui, 
Zac.,  J  72,  tells  us  that  his  order  first  entered  Nayarit  in  1G35. 

u»See  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  GuL,  459. 

7  The  account  of  this  occurrence  in  Ajjostdlicos  Af ernes,  34-5,  is  made  up 
from  a  written  statement  by  the  survivor,  and  from  the  testimony  of  some 
Indians  who  were  present  at  the  massacre. 


A  PLACE  OF  EVIL  OCCUPATION.  315 

but  sent  a  force  under  the  chief  Tzomon  to  aid  the 
malecontents.  Depredations  were  committed  from 
time  to  time;  and  though  open  rebellion  was  finally 
prevented  on  the  west,  the  dissatisfaction  spread  east- 
ward, and  in  1703-4  as  we  are  told  by  Arlegui,  the 
Indians  of  the  Tololotlan  sierra  rose,  killed  Captain 
Silva,  their  protector,  threatened  their  curate,  and 
stole  everything  within  their  reach.  They  were  four 
thousand  in  number,  held  meetings  at  Nostic,  and  sur- 
rounded Tlaltenango;  but  Count  Santa  Rosa  marched 
against  them  with  three  hundred  men  from  Zacate- 
cas,  and  defeated  them  with  considerable  slaughter. 
Whether  the  Nayarits  took  any  active  part  in  this 
revolt  we  are  not  informed.8 

The  Nayarits,  though  often  professing  friendship 
or  even  submission  on  the  border,  allowed  no  white 
man  to  enter  their  province;  and  thus,  by  the  weak- 
ness of  Spanish  effort  rather  than  by  any  achievement 
of  their  own,  became  day  by  day  more  firmly  con- 
vinced that  they  could  not  be  conquered.  Various 
attempts  were  made  to  reduce  them,  but  with  insuffi- 
cient forces.  Then  a  party  of  devoted  Franciscans 
from  Nueva  Galicia  started  barefooted  from  Guada- 
lajara for  the  dominions  of  the  devil  and  Gran  Nayar. 
But  not  even  bare  and  saintly  feet  were  permitted  to 
enter  there,  and  the  sorrowing  friars  turned  back 
from  Guazamota.  All  this  occurred  before  1709. 
The  Nayarits,  however,  as  proved  later,  were  by  no 
means  invincible;  all  that  was  required  for  their 
reduction  was  a  determined  effort  by  a  few  hundred 
armed  men.9 

The  time  for  decisive  action  had  not  yet  arrived. 

8  Arlegui,  Cron.  Zac,  89-90,  201.  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  459,  gives 
the  date  of  the  defeat  of  Bracamonte — whom  he  calls  Juan — in  1709. 

9  The  Jesuit  chroniclers,  like  the  author  of  the  Society's  Apostdlkos  Afanes, 
or  Apostolic  Labors,  though  doubtless  conversant  with  the  facts,  delight 
in  exaggerating  here  as  elsewhere  the  fruitless  efforts  of  state  and  church  to 
bring  gentiles  to  law  and  faith  before  the  task  was  undertaken  by  the  com- 
pany of  Jesus.  The  Jesuits  were,  like  other  orders,  zealous  and  able  workers; 
but  they  also  had  the  good  fortune  in  several  notable  instances  to  undertake 
a  difficult  task,  just  when  the  government  was  ready  to  learn  by  past  ex- 
perience and  adopt  an  effective  policy. 


316  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYAPJT. 

-  • 

Pursuant  to  the  recommendation  of  oidor  Pacheco  of 
Guadalajara,  a  royal  decree  of  1709  ordered  both  the 
viceroy  and  the  audiencia  to  intrust  the  spiritual  con- 
quest of  the  savage  district  to  the  famous  Franciscan 
friar  Margil  de  Jesus.  Delays  occurred,  and  the  plan 
of  Padre  Margil  was  not  matured  till  1711.  His  sug- 
gestions were  adopted  and  all  needed  aid  promised, 
but  he  was  instructed  in  case  of  failure  to  make  care- 
ful observations  which  might  be  useful  in  the  future. 
The  good  friar,  with  his  companion,  Fray  Luis  Del- 
gado  Cervantes,  and  six  frontier  caciques,  set  out  for 
Guazamota.  The  Nayarit  chief  was  notified  of  their 
intention,  and  permission  to  advance  was  denied.  The 
Nayarits  would  sooner  die  than  become  Christians. 
Still,  Father  Margil  pressed  forward  until  stopped  by 
hostile  demonstrations.  No  miracle  took  place  to 
soften  the  barbarian's  heart.  The  chief  insultingly 
gave  the  friars  for  supper  a  fox-skin  stuffed  with 
straw,  and  retired  with  his  men  to  the  mountains. 
This  was  too  much  for  Christian  digestion;  and  sadly 
the  would-be  apostles  again  turned  back.  By  force 
alone  could  the  gospel  of  peace  be  given  to  these 
obstinate  heathen,  and  Father  Margil  now  came  to 
the  sensible  conclusion  that  the  next  attempt  at  con- 
version should  be  made  with  the  assistance  of  at  least 
a  hundred  well  armed  soldiers.  But  this  was  expen- 
sive, and  Nayarit  must  wait.10 

The  next  expedition  was  accompanied  by  a  member 
of  the  company  of  Jesus.  Obstacles  now  began  to  dis- 
appear, and  compared  with  preceding  attempts  this 
one  was  almost  a  success.  General  Gregorio  Matias 
de  Mendiola,  with  thirty  Spaniards,  a  hundred  Ind- 
ians, and  some  friars,  arrived  at  Guazamota  in  1715, 
early  in  December.     In  January   1716  the   Nayarit 

10  Father  Pablo  Felipe  wrote  a  report  of  this  embassy  from  which  comes 
the  information  in  AjkMuIIcos  A  fanes,  55-61.  The  date  is  made  17  JO  in  Nay- 
aritas,  Bel.,  0,  and  Pedro  Alvarez  de  Roa  is  named  as  protector  in  that  year. 
In  the  saint's  life,  Margil,  Notizic,  07-7*2,  it  is  stated  that  ho  was  on  the  point 
of  being  killed  during  this  journey,  but  that  God  struck  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  the  savages,  thus  saving  his  life. 


PABLO  FELIPE.  317 

chiefs  allowed  them  to  enter  the  pass,  and  the  country 
was  named,  after  the  day,  Provincia  del  Santo  Nombre 
de  Jesus.  Passing  across  the  San  Pedro  up  a  steep 
grade  to  a  plateau,  they  were  ceremoniously  received 
by  four  hundred  young  warriors;  further  on  they  met 
the  priests  of  the  sun  and  Nayarit  nobility.  They  were 
greeted  with  the  barbarous  etiquette  of  the  sierra 
tribes.  The  savages  readily  went  through  the  forms 
of  submission  to  the  authority  of  Felipe  V.,  but  re- 
fused to  change  their  religion. 

Argument  was  in  vain,  and  after  several  days  of 
festivity  the  Spaniards  noted  some  peculiarities  of  con- 
duct on  the  part  of  their  hosts,  which  prompted  them 
to  retire  with  more  alacrity  than  they  had  entered.11 

The  mountaineers  now  became  more  haughty  and 
daring  than  ever,  until  the  tribes  of  the  coast,  tired 
of  their  continued  outrages,  assumed  about  1718  a 
hostile  attitude,  attacked  small  parties  which  ventured 
out  of  the  stronghold,  and  finally  were  able  to  cut  on 
Nayarit  communication  with  the  coast.  Then  came  a 
new  cecjula  urging  as  usual  active  measures  for  the 
breaking  up  of  this  last  refuge  of  idolatry  in  Nueva 
Galicia.  The  viceroy  put  the  matter  into  the  hands 
of  Martin  Verdugo  de  Haro,  corregidor  of  Zacatecas, 
and  the  latter  intrusted  it  to  Juan  de  la  Torre  Valdes 
y  Gamboa,  a  rich  and  popular  citizen  of  Jerez,  with 
the  suggestion  that  a  Nayarit  representative  be  in- 
duced to  visit  Mexico.  Circumstances  were  favorable, 
since  the  Nayarits  were  in  great  trouble  about  the 
cutting-off  of  their  salt  supply  for  consumption  and 
trade.  Pablo  Felipe,  native  chief  and  governor  at 
San  Nicolas,  exerted  his  diplomatic  powers  in  favor 
of  Spanish  interests,  and,  particularly  in  the  interests 
of  his  friend  Torre,  easily  persuaded  the  Indians  that 
the  viceroy  alone  could  effectually  redress  their  wrongs, 
that  a  personal  application  to  that  official  was  essential, 

11  A  letter  to  the  bishop,  February  25,  1716,  by  Father  Solchaga,  who  ac- 
companied this  expedition  as  chaplain,  is  the  authority  given  in  Ajpostolicos 
Afanes,  63-73;  it  is  followed  in  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.,  iii.  199-201.  Other 
writers  do  not  mention  Mendiola's  expedition. 


318 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 


and  that  Juan  dc  la  Torre  was  the  man  above  all  others 
to  accompany  their  embassy  to  Mexico  and  take  charge 
of  their  interests. 

Accordingly  the  tonati,  or  guestlacatl,  that  is  to  say 
the  chief,12  notified  Torre  of  his  purpose  to  visit  him 
with  fifty  of  his  subjects  for  consultation.  The  viceroy 
was  notified  of  this  intended  visit  by  a  letter  of  the  cor- 
regidor  dated  November  25,  l720,13at  a  time  when  Juan 


fir 


E 


G 


C 


-Capetatde  la  Galicia 


Ancient  Map  of  Nayarit. 


12  Called  also  Tonat,  Tonatin,  Tonatiuh,  Tonali,  Nayarit,  Nayerit,  Nayar, 
.  Naye,  Giiestlacalt,  Guactlaco,  and  Gueitlacal. 

13 Nayaritas,  Relation  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Provincia  de  los  Nayaritas  en 
el  Reyno  de  la  Nueva  Espaua,  que  consiguieron  las  Armas  de  su  Magestad  a, 
principios  de  este  afio  de  1722,  Madrid  (about  1723),  sm.  4to,  30  p.  This  is  a 
report  dated  Madrid,  Oct.  6,  1722,  apparently  made  to,  and  by  order  of,  the 
king,  by  a  writer  whose  name  is  not  given.  It  is  a  little  volume  of  consider- 
able historical  value  which  has  now  become  very  rare. 

Another  important  authority  on  the  final  conquest  is  the  Gacetas  de  Mex- 
ico, a  serial  publication,  or  newspaper,  begun  by  Dr.  Juan  Ignacio  de  Casto- 
rcfia  y  Ursiia  at  the  beginning  of  1722,  just  in  time  to  include  in  the  first 
numbers  for  January- April  of  that  year,  the  news  from  Nayarit.  These  old- 
est numbers  were  reprinted  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  iv.  Of  the  series 
from  1784  to  1821  I  have  a  complete  set  in  my  library. 


ATTITUDE  OF  THE  TONATI.  319 

Berrotaran  was  negotiating  for  the  conduct  of  the  en- 
terprise, having  offered  to  raise  two  hundred  men  for 
forty  days  at  his  own  cost;  but  he  immediately  ap- 
pointed Torre  capitan  protector  of  Nayarit,  with  four 
hundred  and  fifty  pesos  per  year  for  his  expenses,  and 
an  allowance  of  two  or  three  hundred  with  which  to 
entertain  the  embassy.14  This  according  to  Mota- 
Padilla  was  on  December  10th,  and  at  the  appointed 
time  the  tonati  with  his  fifty  companions  arrived  at 
Jerez.  Every  attention  was  shown  them,  both  here 
and  at  Zacatecas  where  they  soon  went  with  their  pro- 
tector. The  devil,  fearing  to  be  forced  from  his  last 
Galician  intrenchments,  circulated  a  report  that  the 
tonati's  companions  were  not  Nayarits  at  all,  but 
apostate  frontiersmen.  This  not  being  credited,  he 
worked  upon  the  fears  of  the  Indians  themselves,  so 
that  twenty-five  of  the  fifty  on  one  excuse  or  another 
returned  home.  The  rest  followed  their  ruler  to 
Mexico,  where  they  arrived  under  the  escort  of  Cap- 
tain Torre  and  Captain  Santiago  Rioja,  in  February 
1721.15 

The  visitors  were  entertained  in  the  metropolis 
with  the  attention  and  pomp  due  their  rank,  hospi- 
talities being  measured  somewhat  by  what  the  Span- 
iards hoped  to  gain.  They  created  no  little  sensation 
among  all  classes,  and  were  themselves  suitably  im- 
pressed, though  we  are  told  they  were  successful  in 
concealing  their  wonder.  At  their  first  audience  for 
the  transaction  of  business,  perhaps  on  March  16th, 
each  of  the  native  nobles,  kneeling,  presented  to  the 
viceroy  an  arrow,  and  the  tonati  offered  his  wand  and 
a  crown  of  feathers,  all  in  token  of  submission.  In 
return  the  marquis  Valero  expressed  thanks,  pardoned 
past  delinquencies,  and  received  a  written  memorial 
containing  the  Nayarit  grievances.     At  the  second 

14  So  say  Mota-Padilla  and  the  Relation.  According  to  Apostdlicos  Afanes 
Torre  was  appointed  before  the  negotiations  for  a  visit  to  Mexico. 

15  Villa-Sefior,  Teatro,  ii.  268-9;  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  834.  Cavo,  Tres Sighs,  ii. 
115-17;  and  Revilla  Gigedo,  I)tforme,  467,  make  the  date  of  the  visit  to 
Mexico  1718. 


320  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

audience  Viceroy  Valero,  after  granting  all  the  me- 
morial asked  for,  gave  his  attention  to  the  spiritual 
wants  of  the  applicants,  delivering  orally  and  in  writ- 
ing a  most  eloquent  and  convincing  argument  in  favor 
of  the  adoption  of  a  new  and  better  faith.  The  poor 
Indians  were  somewhat  confused,  but  they  could  not 
answer  the  viceregal  logic,  and  were  understood  to 
assent,  and  to  call  for  'black  padres/  as  they  termed 
the  Jesuits,  to  instruct  their  people.  The  archbishop 
entertained  and  blessed  his  prospective  converts;  and 
the  Jesuit  provincial,  being  assured  of  non-interfer- 
ence of  other  orders  in  Nayarit,  named  on  March  19th 
fathers  Juan  Tellez  Jiron  and  Antonio  Arias  Ibarra 
as  missionaries  for  the  new  field.  He  even  made  a 
strong  effort  to  convert  and  baptize  the  tonati  then 
and  there;  but  the  latter  did  not  deem  it  a  conven- 
ient season,  owning  that  were  he  baptized  his  people 
would  probably  kill  him.  He  had  no  yearnings  for 
martyrdom,  but  at  last  agreed  to  submit  to  the  rite  at 
Zacatecas,  a  city  he  was  subsequently  very  careful  to 
avoid. 

The  treaty,  by  the  terms  of  which  the  Nayarits 
were  to  be  protected  in  all  their  rights  on  condition 
of  rendering  allegiance  to  Spain  and  admitting  Jesuit 
instructors,  was  confirmed  in  a  council  held  March 
20th.1G  The  party  soon  started  for  the  north,  Torre 
as  governor  with  authority  to  recruit  troops — called 
for  by  the  tonati  himself,  who  dared  not  return  with- 
out their  protection — and  to  draw  on  the  treasury  at 
Zacatecas  for  the  necessary  funds.  Now  the  tonati's 
real  troubles  began.  In  fact  the  royal  representative 
of  the   sun  lost   his  wits  in   Mexico,  and  promised 

16  Revilla  Gigedo  in  his  report  of  1793,  Informe,  467,  gives  the  conditions 
of  the  treaty  more  fully  than  any  other.  According  to  this  authority  the 
tonati  was  to  be  sustained  as  lord  of  his  country,  his  rights  and  titles  to 
descend  to  his  successors;  his  subjects  were  never  to  pay  tribute  nor  to  ftc- 
knovvledge  any  superior  judges  save  the  viceroy;  the  privilege  of  obtaining  salt 
from  Acaponeta  and  Nexcatitlan  free  from  all  tax  was  guaranteed;  and  re- 
bellious Nayarits  in  the  future  were  to  be  brought  gently  back  to  the  path 
of  duty.  Frejes  gives  date  of  treaty  May  20th.  His  aceount  of  Nayarit 
conquest  is  ineomplete  and  even  inaccurate.  Hint.  Breve,  150-5. 


FURTHER  ENLISTMENT.  321 

more  than  popular  feeling  at  home  would  permit  him 
to  perform.  This  he  realized  more  and  more  as  the 
day  of  meeting  with  his  people  drew  near,  and  his 
companions  began  to  be  free  in  the  expression  of  their 
views  and  fears.  He  became  nervous  and  change- 
able; intending  at  first  perhaps  to  fulfil  his  pledges, 
else  he  would  hardly  have  asked  for  a  military  force; 
but  finally  overcome  by  his  fears,  especially  when 
warned  by  one  of  his  old  men  respecting  the  popular 
discontent  and  the  plots  of  a  rival  chieftain,  Gua- 
mocat.  At  Jerez  he  managed  to  escape  from  his 
Spanish  escort,  and  hurried  home  to  explain  his  pol- 
icy, regain  his  impaired  influence,  and  prepare  for 
defence.17 

Some  months  were  now  spent  by  the  governor  in 
preparations  at  Zacatecas  and  Jerez,  where  obstacles 
were  thrown  in  his  way  from  the  first  by  persons  who 
liked  not  to  hear  their  old  companion  addressed  as 
governor  and  general.  These  mischief-makers  had 
much  to  say  of  the  foolhardiness  of  the  expedition; 
and  then  raised  doubts  as  to  the  validity  of  some  of 
Torre's  papers,  thus  confusing  the  treasury  officials 
and  necessitating  a  hasty  trip  of  Captain  Rioja  to 
Mexico.  In  June,  however,  all  was  declared  satisfac- 
tory ;  the  proper  orders  were  issued ;  and  after  seven- 
teen citizens  had  raised  40,000  pesos  for  the  depleted 
treasury,  the  enlistment  flag  bearing  the  holy  image  of 
Christ  was  raised  on  the  29th  of  June.18  One  hun- 
dred men  were  to  be  raised  and  to  receive  each  four 
hundred  pesos.  Captain  Rioja  enlisted  fifty  at  Zaca- 
tecas and  Captain  Alonso  de  la  Reina  y  Narvaez 
another   company    of  fifty  at    Jerez.     One    hundred 

17 Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal,  472-4,  and  Villa-Seilor,  Teatro,  ii.  268-9, 
state  that  the  tonati  did  not  leave  the  Spaniards  until  the  latter  had  entered 
Nayarit,  when  according  to  the  former  he  was  sent  in  advance,  or  as  the  latter 
says  fled,  taking  with  him  a  large  part  of  the  company's  property! 

18 From  Na//aritas,  Bel.,  8-9,  it  would  appear  though  vaguely  that  some 
of  the  delay  may  have  arisen  from  the  fact  that  Torre  called  on  the  treasury 
for  more  men  than  had  been  specified  in  Mexico.  He  said  he  had  800  Indians 
enlisted  and  wanted  money  to  pay  200  soldiers.  The  names  of  the  17  con- 
tributors to  the  fund  are  given. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    21 


322  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

Indian  allies  were  also  enlisted.  Father  Jiron  had 
accompanied  the  embassy  from  Mexico,  and  father 
Ibarra  now  came  down  from  Nucva  Vizcaya.  The 
Jesuits  were  allowed  nine  hundred  and  eighty-four 
pesos  for  sacred  utensils,  and  an  additional  sum  for 
clothing  and  gifts  with  which  to  conciliate  the  natives. 

Just  as  the  army  was  about  to  march,  Governor 
Torre  was  stricken  with  a  serious  brain  trouble, 
resulting  from  past  anxiety,  and  amounting  almost  to 
insanity.  The  viceroy  was  notified  of  the  calamity, 
but  before  any  reply  was  received  the  governor  recov- 
ered his  health  and  marched  with  his  men  to  Huaju- 
quilla,  perhaps  in  July  or  August.  Nothing  had  been 
heard  from  Nayarit;but  now  came  conflicting  rumors 
from  dwellers  on  the  frontier  respecting  the  tonati's 
intentions.  Cristobal  Geronimo,  a  friendly  Cora,  was 
sent  forward,  but  the  Nayarits  demanded  more  time 
before  giving  any  definite  reply.  In  the  mean  while 
news  of  Torre's  malady  reached  the  viceroy  and  orders 
came  north  for  Count  Laguna  to  take  command. 
Considerable  correspondence  and  delay  ensued,  and 
finally  the  count  came  to  Huajuquilla,  where  he  found 
that,  although  the  commander  was  still  afflicted  at 
intervals,  yet  it  would  cause  dissatisfaction  for  him  to 
assume  command,  since  many  of  the  officers  and  men 
had  enlisted  merely  from  friendship  to  Torre.  He 
therefore  decided  to  let  the  governor  go  on,  but  to 
remain  himself  as  colonel  on  the  frontier  to  be  prepared 
for  any  emergency.  The  little  army  set  out  for 
Nayarit  on  the  26th  of  September. 

The  distance  was  thirty  leagues  over  a  difficult  and 
dangerous  way.  Fording  a  largfe  river  called  Cha- 
palagama  and  climbing  a  steep  grade  they  entered 
El  Pinal,  where  on  October  1st  they  met  Geronimo 
with  a  message  to  the  effect  that  the  Spaniards  might 
come  to  the  pass  and  in  a  designated  spot  await  fur- 
ther communications.  Next  day  they  said  mass  at 
Angel  de  la  Guarda,  looked  from  the  summit  upon  the 
promised  land — "fit  only  for  apostates  or  apostles," 


BATTLE  OF  TEAURITE.  323 

and  later  known  as  the  Nayarit  hell — and  descended 
to  the  rendezvous  in  the  pass.  The  spot  was  unfavor- 
able both  for  comfort  and  defence;  many  Indians  vis- 
ited the  camp  in  pretended  friendliness,  but  the  rulers 
did  not  make  their  appearance.  The  governor  went 
in  person  to  meet  a  band  of  two  hundred  warriors  at 
a  rancheria  near  by,  and  was  ordered  by  an  apostate 
chief,  Cucut,  the  Serpent,  to  leave  the  country  since 
the  tonati's  acts  in  Mexico  would  not  be  ratified  by 
the  people.  When  Torre  refused  to  comply,  the  In- 
dians pretended  to  listen  to  his  arguments,  became 
very  friendly,  and  even  held  out  hopes  of  submis- 
sion in  the  near  future.  During  the  next  few  days 
smoke  signals  were  seen  in  all  directions;  Nayarit 
spies,  including  Melchor  and  Alonso,  two  of  the  lead- 
ing chiefs,  came  to  inspect  the  Spanish  camp;  and 
other  spies  sent  out  by  Torre  reported  a  plan  to 
assemble  for  formal  homage,  and  having  arranged  the 
warriors  advantageously  to  attack  at  a  given  signal.19 
A  council  of  war  decided  upon  a  retreat  to  Peyotlan, 
five  leagues  from  the  pass.  The  Indians  treacherously 
protested  against  the  change,  promising  everything, 
and  the  governor  was  inclined  to  credit  their  promises; 
but  his  men,  and  especially  the  native  allies,  insisted. 
The  Spaniards  remained  at  Peyotlan  from  the  11th 
to  the  19th  of  October,  frequently  visited  by  Nayarits, 
who  declared  that  the  nation  awaited  only  the  coming 
of  the  tonati  to  submit. 

Meantime  that  dignitary  was  in  council  with  the 
elders  at  the  rancheria  of  El  Portero.  He  was  op- 
posed to  war,  and  favored  the  admission  of  at  least  the 
padres,  but  was  induced  to  leave  the  whole  matter  to 
the  old  men.  Their  decision  was  to  name  Coaxata,  or 
Guasta,  as  a  rendezvous,  and  to  attack  the  Spaniards 
on  the  way  thither  at  the  Teaurite  pass  where  the 
trail  crossed  a  stream.     This  was  on  the  17th,  and  two 

19  According  to  Nayarit  as,  Rel.,  10,  the  warning  came  on  October  10th,  and 
the  attack  was  planned  for  October  16th.  This  writer  speaks  of  a  change  of 
camp  but  does  not  name  Peyotlan.  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  473-4,  says 
nothing  of  a  retreat  before  the  battle. 


324  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

days  later  Torre  marched  for  Coaxata.  The  battle 
took  place  on  the  20th;20  it  was  not  an  unexpected 
attack  by  ambushed  foes,  since  the  Spaniards  were 
forewarned.  The  hills  swarmed  with,  natives;  the  Na- 
yarit  chief  stood  in  sight  directing  his  men  where  the 
padres  went  up  to  embrace  him,  and  the  army  made 
no  special  effort  to  retire,  notwithstanding  the  unfa- 
vorable nature  of  the  spot  for  a  fight.  The  Christians 
were  enveloped  in  a  cloud  of  arrows,  but  soon  learned 
they  had  nothing  to  fear;  the  arrows  fell  harmless, 
only  scratching  slightly  seven  or  eight  men.  Santiago 
with  his  heavenly  corps  was  plainly  visible  to  the  sav- 
age patriots,  fighting  for  the  invaders;  and  after  an 
hour's  ineffectual  fight  Alonso  retired  with  a  loss  of 
forty  or  fifty  warriors,  and  devoted  his  whole  atten- 
tion thereafter  to  the  defense  of  the  mesa.  The 
Spaniards  having  come  to  take  possession  in  accord- 
ance with  past  promises  rather  than  to  conquer,  did 
not  deem  their  force  sufficient  to  follow  up  the  victory, 
and  retired  to  Peyotlan.  This  is  the  Jesuit  version ; 
according  to  Mota-Padilla  the  glorious  victory  was  a 
defeat,  and  the  Spaniards  with  difficulty  escaped  with 
their  lives.21 

During  the  remaining  months  of  1721,  fortifications 
were  strengthened  at  Peytolan,  the  presidio  being 
called  apparently  San  Juan ;  while  the  friars  gathered 
about  one  hundred  natives,  baptized  them,  and  founded 
there  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Rita.  Governor  Torre  re- 
ported to  the  viceroy,  asked  for  aid  and  instructions, 
and  at  the  same  time  called  upon  Jerez  and  Zacatecas 
for  temporary  reinforcements  with  which  to  hold  his 
position  and  check  threatening  movements  in  the 
frontier  towns.  Fifty  men  were  at  once  enlisted  un- 
der Captain  Nicolas  Escobedo  and  Nicolas  Caldera, 

20Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  201-6,  says  Oct.  26th,  and  Mota-Padilla 
makes  it  Oct.  3d. 

21  Coi/q.  N.  Gal.,  473-4.  He  makes  the  date  Oct.  3d,  and  speaks  of  24  cap- 
tives. In  the  Relation,  10,  it  is  stated  that  Torre  was  attacked  suddenly  by 
500  men  in  ambush,  and  that  after  an  hour's  hard  fighting  both  parties  retired. 
This  version  is  a  medium  between  the  others  and  is  perhaps  the  most  reliable. 


GOVERNOR  FLORES.  325 

and  sent  to  Peyotlan  where  they  remained  a  month 
or  more.22  Communication  with  the  Nayarits  on  the 
mesa  was  not  rare.  Negotiations,  of  which  the  de- 
tails are  complicated  and  need  not  be  repeated,  took 
much  the  same  course  with  much  the  same  results  as 
before  the  battle.  Many  of  the  chiefs  were  free  with 
their  promises,  but  never  quite  ready  to  perform. 
Torre  called  upon  them  repeatedly  to  submit,  but  was 
not  ready  to  enforce  his  order,  and  always  granted 
the  few  days'  delay  required.  On  the  mesa  a  small 
party  with  the  tonati  still  opposed  resistance;  but 
a  plot  was  formed  to  kill  the  tonati  and  put  another 
in  bis  place.  The  plot  failed,  partly  because  the  rival 
chieftain  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards  in  one  of 
their  raids  to  the  foot  of  the  mesa. 

In  Mexico,  though  it  was  resolved  to  prosecute  the 
war,  it  was  deemed  unsafe  to  trust  the  command 
longer  to  Torre,  a  return  of  whose  malady  might 
cause  disaster  at  the  very  moment  of  success.  Juan 
Flores  de  San  Pedro23  was  made  governor,  and  Torre 
was  summoned  to  Mexico.  The  order  came  on  De- 
cember 8th,  and  the  new  commander,  marching  from 
Yillanueva  on  the  24th,  arrived  on  the  4th  or  5th  of 
January  1722,  at  the  camp  of  San  Juan,24  with  sixty 
men,  three  hundred  horses,  and  a  large  store  of  sup- 
plies. Captain  Escobedo  and  his  men  seem  to  have 
returned  at  about  the  same  time.  Torre  gave  up  the 
command  and  started  for  Mexico.25 

Governor   Flores   lost   no   time   in   notifying   the 

22  The  names  of  citizens  who  contributed  to  the  fund  of  839  pesos  are  given 
in  Nayaritas,  Bel.,  13-17.  Capt.  Escobedo  raised  his  company  at  his  own 
cost. 

23  So  called  in  Apostdlicos  Afanes,  148;  Gacetas  de  Mex.,  Jan.  1722,  and 
Nayaritas,  Eel.,  16.  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  474,  and  Kevilla  Gigedo, 
hi  forme,  467,  call  him  Juan  Flores  de  la  Torre,  a  descendant  of  the  second 
governor  of  N.  Galicia.  Mota-Padilla  attributes  Torre's  insanity  to  his  defeat, 
and  accordingly  represents  the  correspondence  with  Count  Laguna  as  having 
taken  place  while  the  army  was  at  Peyotlan. 

21  Called  Santiago  Teyotan  in  the  Gacetas  de  Mex. 

25  The  Gaceta  de  Mex.  for  Jan.  1722  contains  the  notice  that  Capt.  Rioja 
had  arrived  with  news  of  the  battle,  and  that  Torre  was  expected  soon.  The 
number  for  Feb.  announces  Torre's  arrival.  The  force  brought  by  Flores  is 
given  by  Mota-Padilla  as  60;  by  the  Afanes  as  70;  and  by  the  Relation  as  16. 


326  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

Nayarits  of  his  appointment,  of  his  intention  to  take 
immediate  possession,  and  of  his  desire  to  receive  at 
once  the  promised  allegiance.  After  a  not  very  suc- 
cessful resort  to  their  former  dilatory  tactics,  they 
formally  announced  on  January  13th  their  purpose 
to  defend  the  mesa.  Thereupon  Flores,  who  had  al- 
ready sent  out  expeditions  in  different  directions  to 
close  all  avenues  of  escape,  began  active  operations  on 
the  14th.  Dividing  his  force  he  marched  in  person 
with  fifty  soldiers  and  many  Indians  via  Guainamarus, 
where  he  began  the  foundation  of  Santa  Teresa,26 
with  three  hundred  natives,  making  a  long  detour  to 
attack  the  mesa  from  the  west.  Escobedo  with  a 
like  force  took  a  shorter  way  to  the  eastern  base. 
This  plan  of  attack  by  divided  forces  was  not,  as  the 
Jesuit  chronicler  justly  observes,  a  very  wise  one; 
but  it  resulted  in  no  harm,  save  to  the  governor  him- 
self, who  was  perhaps  deprived  by  it  of  the  personal 
honors  of  the  victory. 

Escobedo  had  orders  to  march  slowly  so  as  to  as- 
sault the  mesa  on  January  17th,  simultaneously  with 
Flores  from  the  opposite  side;  but  he  arrived  on  the 
loth,  and  could  not  resist  the  temptation  to  begin 
operations  at  once.  The  Indians  of  the  mesa  del 
Cangrejo  adjoining  that  of  the  Tonati  were  induced 
to  offer  no  resistance,  and  to  abide  by  the  result  if 
their  neighbors  were  vanquished.  On  the  morning 
of  the  16th  Escobedo's  force  began  the  ascent,  and 
reached  the  summit  late  in  the  afternoon,  having  left 
the  horses  half  way  up,  with  a  guard.  Authority  is 
not  wanting  to  warrant  the  historian  in  giving  to  the 
Nayarits  a  valiant  defence,  terminated  perhaps  by  a 
leap  down  the  precipice  of  the  few  who  escaped  Spanish 
bullets.  The  Jesuit  historian  pictures  a  terrible  con- 
flict as  Escobedo's  men  fought  their  way  inch  by  inch 
up  the  narrow,  steep,  and  tortuous  trail,  over  suc- 

26  Called  Santa  Teresa  de  Miraflores,  from  Teresa,  his  wife's  name,  and 
Flores,  his  own.  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  478.  According  to  the  Rela- 
Hon,  17,  he  arrived  here  on  the  15th;  the  pueblo  was  named  Santa  Gertrudis 
and  the  presidio  Santa  Teresa. 


ESCOBEDO'S  MOVEMENTS.  327 

cessive  lines  of  artificial  as  well  as  natural  defences, 
enveloped  in  clouds  of  arrows  and  showers  of  stones 
hurled  from  slings,  and  above  all  impeded  continually 
by  immense  masses  of  rock  which  were  precipitated 
from  the  cliff  and  dashed  large  trees  into  splinters  as 
they  passed !  Others  assert  that  not  one  of  the  assail- 
ants, and  but  one  or  two  of  the  defenders,  were  in- 
jured— which  is  somewhat  absurd  unless  with  the 
chronicler  we  can  regard  the  proceeding  as  miraculous; 
for  Santiago  fought  with  the  Spaniards,  and  against 
him  human  missiles  could  not  prevail.  It  must  be 
confessed,  that  in  the  light  of  their  reputed  bravery 
and  the  strength  of  their  position,  the  Nayarits  made 
but  a  sorry  show  of  resistance  or  heroism. 

The  author  of  the  Afanes  admits  that  an  accidental 
turning  aside  into  a  by-path  near  the  top  materially 
aided  the  assailants  and  deranged  the  plans  of  the 
enemy.  Following  this  writer,  Escobedo  took  pos- 
session of  the  mesa  on  the  afternoon  of  the  16th; 
the  enemy  fled  after  one  of  their  bravest  leaders, 
Tahuitole,27  had  fallen  in  a  last  desperate  and  single- 
handed  charge,  and  Governor  Flores  arrived  next 
morning,  to  find  the  victory  won,  and  to  chicle  the 
victor  for  his  haste.  Mota-Padilla,  however,  with 
little  to  say  of  hard  fighting,  tells  us  that  Escobedo 
did  not  quite  reach  the  summit  on  the  first  day,  and 
that  the  Nayarits  ran  away  when  they  heard  of 
another  force  approaching  from  the  west;  so  that 
when  Flores  next  morning  prepared  for  an  assault, 
he  found  no  foe  save  a  few  warriors  forming  a  kind  of 
rear-guard  to  the  flying  masses.  One  of  this  number 
was  Tlahuitole,  who  was  slain  by  Flores'  men.  Im- 
mediate pursuit  into  the  barrancas  was  impracti- 
cable.28 

With  the  occupation  of  the  mesa  the  conquest  of 

27  Written  also  Taguitole,  Talmitole,  Tlaquilote,  and  Taquiloe. 

28  The  Relation,  17-18,  gives  only  a  general  account,  stating  that  both  at- 
tacking parties  were  miraculously  protected.  The  Gaceta  for  Feb.  does  not 
say  which  party  reached  the  summit  first,  but  seems  to  have  confused  the 
two  parties,  apparently  making  Escobedo  command  the  western  division 
under  Flores,  while  the  other  was  under  captains  Reina  and  Muro. 


32S  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAY  ABIT. 

Nayarit  practically  ends.  There  was  no  farther  op- 
position meriting  the  name  even  in  comparison  with 
past  events;  neither  do  subsequent  developments  re- 
quire more  than  a  general  glance  here.  The  attention 
of  the  Christians  was  first  turned  to  the  destruction 
of  temples  on  the  mesa,  with  all  their  paraphernalia  of 
idolatry.  Evil  influences  were  exorcised,  though  not 
easily,  by  the  zealous  conjurations  of  the  friars;  a 
temporary  structure  for  mass  was  erected  without  de- 
lay; and  the  bones  of  the  first  Nayar  were  sent  with 
other  relics  and  trophies  to  Mexico.29  The  new  prov- 
ince in  accordance  with  the  viceroy's  wish  was  called 
Nuevo  Reino  de  Toledo,  because  he  attributed  the 
successful  conquest  largely  to  the  image  of  our  lady 
worshipped  in  the  cathedral  of  Toledo.  Flores  was 
made  comandante  of  the  territory  he  had  won  as 
lieutenant  of  the  captain -general.  The  natives  on  the 
adjoining  Mesa  del  Cangrejo30  had  kept  their  promise, 
merely  rolling  down  a  few  stones  where  they  could  do 
no  harm  and  making  some  noise  during  the  battle  in 
order  to  make  a  good  showing  in  case  the  Spaniards 
were  defeated.  They  now  came  in  and  offered  their 
submission,  and  other  rancherias  followed  their  exam- 
ple. Soldiers  were  despatched  in  every  direction,  and 
the  whole  native  population  was  gradually  subdued, 
though  not  without  considerable  difficulty  and  delay 
by  reason  of  the  abundance  of  almost  inaccessible 
hiding-places  long  frequented  by  apostates.31 

The  missionaries  were  as  usual  earnest  and  indus- 
trious; the  military  guard  at  first  sufficient;  and  the 
local  troubles  and  partial  revolts  less  frequent  and 
serious  than  might  have  been  anticipated  from   the 

29  The  trophies  arrived  in  Mexico  Feb.  12,  1722,  where  they  were  burned 
with  great  ceremony  for  the  good  of  the  faith.  Gacetas  de  Mex.,  Feb.  1722. 
This  author  calls  the  temple  Hnci  CalU,  the  image  of  the  sun  worshipped  in  it 
Tonati,  and  the  Gran  Nayari  whose  bones  were  sent  to  Mexico  Guayco  or 
'  third.'     Mota-Padilla  calls  the  temple  GaUguei. 

""Their  chief  is  called  Cangrejo  in  Relation,  20. 

81  Mota-Padilla  gives  more  importance  to  these  various  expeditions  than 
does  the  author  of  the  A  fanes,  and  represents  the  soldiers'  sufferings  as  very 
great  from  exposure,  scorpions,  etc.  According  to  Nayaritas,  Relation,  a 
Franciscan  friar,  P.  Arroyo,  accompanied  the  army. 


PRESIDIOS  AND  MISSIONS.  329 

character  of  the  people.  Already  a  presidio  of  San 
Juan,  and  a  pueblo,  or  mission,  of  Santa  Rita  had  been 
established  at  Peyotlan;  and  preparations  had  been 
made  for  a  pueblo  of  Santa  Teresa  at  Guahnarus  in 
the  north.32  Now  the  pueblo  of  Trinidad  and  presidio 
of  San  Francisco  Javier  de  Valero  were  founded  on 
the  mesa,  as  capital  of  the  province,  with  Father  Tellez 
in  charge;  in  the  north  were  founded  the  pueblo  of 
Santa  Gertrudis33  and  the  presidio  of  San  Salvador  el 
Verde;  while  on  the  river  were  located  Jesus  Maria 
and  San  Francisco  de  Paula.34 

Governor  Flores  left  Nayarit  in  March  to  visit  his 
hacienda,  not  returning  until  the  end  of  May.  Dur- 
ing his  absence  there  were  some  disturbances;  many 
Indians  ran  away  to  join  a  rebellious  band  under 
Alonso  at  the  rancheria  of  Santiago;  and  a  party 
searching  for  mines  was  attacked,  by  its  own  fault, 
and  one  man  lost.  On  the  comandante's  return,  how- 
ever, with  reinforcements,  and  with  two  padres,  Jose 
Bautista  Lopez  and  Jose  Mesa,  order  was  restored, 
and  Alonso  soon  gave  up  the  useless  struggle.  A 
new  establishment  of  San  Ignacio  was  founded  at 
Guainamota35  under  Captain  Bioja  and  Father  Mesa. 
In  July  Flores  made  an  expedition  into  the  territory 
of  the  Tecualmes  and  Coras,  and  with  natives  of  these 
tribes  founded  San  Juan  Bautista  and  San  Pedro  on 
the  Bio  de  San  Pedro.  Of  all  the  fugitives,  an 
apostate  female  leader  named  Juana  Burro  held  out 
longest  against  the  Spaniards;  but  she  at  last  yielded 
to  gospel  influence  and  muskets.  The  comanclante 
was  now  absent  again  for  a  year  or  more;  but  all  went 
well  with  the  missions,  the  new  one  of  Bosario  being 

32Coynamams,  Guaimaruzi,  or  Coaymarus.  It  was  about  20  leagues  north- 
west of  the  mesa. 

33  According  to  Relation,  17,  20,  Sta  Teresa  was  the  presidio  and  Sta  Ger- 
trudis the  pueblo,  and  they  were  six  leagues  apart. 

31  The  Relation,  27,  states  that  the  presidio  of  San  Juan  Bautista  was 
afterward  moved  to  Jesus  Maria.  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  480,  says  a 
pueblo  of  Guadalupe  was  founded  in  February,  12  1.  east  of  the  mesa.  The 
Relation,  20,  says  it  was  on  the  mesa  12  leagues  from  the  real. 

3d  At  Guazamota  according  to  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  18. 


330  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

founded,  and  fathers  Urbano  de  Covarrubias,  Cristobal 
Lauria,  and  Manuel  Fernandez  being  added  to  the 
Jesuit  force. 

Flores  came  back  to  Nayarit  at  the  end  of  1723, 
and  new  troubles  soon  arose,  resulting  in  the  tempo- 
rary abandonment  of  Trinidad  and  Santa  Gertrudis, 
the  burning  of  the  churches  at  Rosario  and  Santa 
Teresa,  and  the  death  of  one  of  the  leading  allies  of  the 
Spaniards  named  Luna.  Aid  was  sent,  however,  from 
different  quarters,  and  quiet  restored  without  much 
difficulty.  It  is  said  that  none  of  the  missions  re- 
volted on  this  occasion  unless  the  padre  was  absent. 
Perfect  safety  was  secured  before  March,  when  Flores 
returned  with  a  body  of  fugitives  whom  he  had  pur- 
sued into  Durango. 

The  tonati  does  not  seem  to  have  been  a  very  im- 
portant personage  in  these  latter  days.  He  wandered 
for  some  time,  a  fugitive  even  from  his  own  people, 
until  captured  by  the  Spaniards  in  1722.  Fie  was 
baptized  in  1725,  when  the  visitador  Rivera  stood  as 
godfather  to  this  relic  of  Nayarit  royalty.  Rivera 
found  nearly  four  thousand  Indians  in  ten  settlements, 
all  in  excellent  condition;  and  when  in  1728  the  bishop 
came  on  a  pastoral  visit  he  was  delighted  with  his 
reception  and  with  the  progress  of  the  converts.556 

Indeed  from  this  time,  so  far  as  the  record  shows, 
the  Nayarits  were  model  converts,  attached  to  their 
teachers,  living  quietly  in  their  settlements,  and  all 
the  more  orderly  doubtless  because  few  Spaniards  ever 
had  occasion  to  visit  their  mountain  homes.  The 
missions  were  still  flourishing  in  17G7  under  seven 
Jesuits,  who  were  expelled  with  their  order.37     They 

30  Alegre  speaks  of  5,000  pesos  distributed  to  pay  for  damages  during  the 
conquest;  he  also  mentions  difficulties  in  1729  caused  by  the  bad  character  of 
the  soldiers  sent  to  the  country.  Hist.  Comp.,  iii.  227-8,  238-9.  It  is  stated, 
however,  by  Mota-Padilla,  writing  in  1742,  that  the  people  had  given  no 
trouble  .since  the  conquest,  and  that  the  military  governors  might  well  be 
dispensed  with.  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  510.  In  1725  a  presidio  with  38  soldiers  was 
still  kept  up.  Villa-Senor,  Teatro,  ii.  270.  In  1752  a  real  de  minas  was  es- 
tablished at  Bolanos  and  part  of  Nayarit  brought  under  a  corregidor.  Instruc- 
tion Vireyes,  44-57. 

37  The  seven  missions  in  17G7  were  Santa  Rita,  Santa  Teresa,  San  Pedro, 


MODERATION  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES.  331 

were  then  with  their  settlements  turned  over  to  the 
Franciscans  of  Nueva  Galicia.  The  principal  mission 
on  the  mesa  was  transferred  on  February  1st,  the 
same  day  the  Jesuits  left.  All  the  missions  were  re- 
ported to  be  in  a  lamentable  condition  as  to  the 
spiritual  and  temporal  welfare  of  the  natives,  who  re- 
ceived no  religious  instruction,  absented  themselves  at 
will,  and  worshipped  their  idols  unmolested,  so  that  it 
was  necessary  to  use  force  in  order  to  bring  in  whole 
families  living  thus.  At  the  time  the  Tecualmes  of 
San  Pedro  Iscatan  still  spoke  their  native  tongue; 
but  this  was  entirely  lost  before  1785,  when  they  used 
the  mixed  Mexican  and  Spanish  spoken  in  most  of 
the  New  Spain  missions.  At  the  other  Nayarit  mis- 
sions the  Indians  were  Coras.38 

The  province  was  garrisoned  by  a  company  of  about 
forty  soldiers,  under  a  comandante  who  was  at  the 
same  time  protector  of  the  Indians,  and  who  not  in- 
frequently misused  his  power  to  oppress  the  natives. 
It  is  said  the  Jesuits  had  been  so  lenient  with  their 
flock  that  under  their  regime  the  Indians  only  con- 
fessed in  articulo  mortis,  and  most  frequently  through 
interpreters.  If  the  Franciscans  applied  more  strin- 
gent measures,  it  is  not  shown  that  they  made  more 
progress  than  their  predecessors;  in  1789  only  twelve 
friars  were  engaged  in  missionary  work  in  Nayarit,39 
nor  do  the  records  show  how  long  the  garrison  or 
missions  were  continued.40 

Jesus  Maria,  Trinidad,  Guainamota,  and  Rosario.  Comp.  de  Jesus,  Catdlogo. 
Villa-Senor,  Teatro,  ii.  271,  in  1745  adds  the  following  names:  San  Joaquin, 
Santa  Maria,  San  Lucas,  Dolores,  and  Tecualmes.  Orozco  y  Berra,  Geog., 
279-80,  adds  San  Juan  Corapa,  Santa  Fe",  and  San  Diego. 

38  Navarro,  Misiones  de  Nayarit,  in  Plnart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  4G7-80.  This 
author,  who  was  one  of  the  Franciscans  to  whom  the  missions  were  transferred, 
states  that  each  had  its  ranchos  of  horned  cattle,  horses,  mules,  goats,  and 
sheep.  All  that  belonged  to  the  missions  had  been  placed  in  deposit  with 
Joaquin  Hernandez  Solis,  a  minero  matriculado  of  the  real  of  Tenamachi, 
who  sold  everything  without  rendering  an  account  to  the  royal  treasury.  He 
turned  over  to  the  Franciscans  only  the  empty  mission  buildings  without  furni- 
ture or  utensils  of  any  kind ;  even  the  standing  crops  had  been  sold,  so  the 
friars  were  obliged  to  buy  maize  for  their  subsistence. 

™Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.,  i.  572. 

40  The  principal  authorities  consulted  on  matters  treated  in  this  chapter 
have  been  quoted  in  separate  notes.     From  certain  passages  in  the  Apostolicos 


332  THE  CONQUEST  OF  NAYARIT. 

Afane*,  I  infer  that  the  author  was  the  friar  in  charge  of  Santa  Rita  and 
Jesus  Maria  from  a  date  somewhat  earlier  than  1728,  that  he  wrote  much  of 
his  work  at  Santa  Rita,  that  his  name  was  probably  Joseph  Ortega,  and  that 
the  part  of  his  narrative  relating  to  Nayarit  was  largely  founded  on  a  manu- 
script from  the  pen  of  father  Antonio  Arias  de  Ibarra.  Frejcs,  however, 
.-peaks  of  father  Flu  via  as  the  author.  Hist.  Breve,  20.  Of  the  three  parts 
which  make  up  the  volume  the  first  is  entitled  Maravillosa  reduction  y  con- 
quista  de  la  Proirineia  de  Sail  Joseph  del  Gran  Nayar,  Nuevo  Reino  de  Toledo, 
filling  25  chapters  and  223  pages.  It  is  therefore  the  leading  authority  for 
the  present  chapter  of  my  work.  Mota-Padilla's  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  271-2,  319, 
458-87,  510,  written  ten  years  earlier  than  the  A  fanes,  and  not  consulted  by 
the  author  of  that  work,  contains  some  information  not  included  in  the  Jesuit 
record,  and  is  hardly  second  to  it  as  an  authority.  Alegre,  Hist.  Com  p.,  iii. 
TJG-239,  gives  a  very  full  account  of  the  subject,  following  the  Afanes  pretty 
closely,  and  his  version  is  repeated  in  Dice.  Univ.  Geog.,  x.  10-18,  834.  Ar- 
legui,  Cron.  Zac.,  89-90,  172-3,  201,  and  Arricivita,  Cron.  Serdf.,  88-92,  nar- 
rate the  acts  of  the  Franciscans  in  the  Nayarit  region. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON,  AND  CONQUEST  OF  SIERRA 
GORDA  AND  TAMAULIPAS. 

1601-1803. 

Governors  Agustin  de  Zavala,  Juan  Ruiz,  and  Martin  de  Zavala — 
congregas — uprising  of  natives — and  flnal  subjection — political 
Division — Secularization  of  Missions — And  Consequent  General 
Insurrection — Governor  Barbadillo — His  Prudent  Measures — 
More  Difficulties — Population  of  Province — Sierra  Gorda — Death 
of  Zaraza — Governor  Jose  de  Escandonv— His  Pacification  and  Con- 
quest of  Sierra  Gorda — Condition  of  Tamaulipas— Escandon  is 
Appointed  Governor — He  Founds  Nuevo  Santander — Numerous 
Towns  and  Missions  are  Founded— Statistics  for  1757 — General 
Progress  of  the  Colonies. 

At  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  Nuevo  Leon, 
as  will  be  remembered,  was  ruled  by  the  lieutenant- 
governor,  Diego  de  Montemayor.  The  records  tell  us 
little  or  nothing  about  the  progress  of  the  country 
during  his  term  of  office,  and  after  1611  his  name  dis- 
appears. It  is  uncertain  whether  he  left  the  province 
or  died  there,  and  only  the  names  of  his  two  sons, 
Diego  and  Miguel,  are  mentioned.  Meanwhile,  the 
Spanish  settlers  seem  to  have  increased  in  number, 
spreading  toward  the  adjoining  province  of  Coahuila, 
where  an  active  trade  was  carried  on  with  the  aborig- 
ines. From  this  time  also  until  1628,1  when  Martin 
de  Zavala  was  appointed  to  office,  nothing  worthy  of 
note  is  recorded  concerning  the  province.     This  ruler 

1  In  1613  Agustin  de  Zavala  appears  upon  the  scene  as  governor,  ap- 
pointed by  Viceroy  Guadalcazar.  He  is  said  to  have  been  a  wise  ruler,  his 
prudent  measures  serving  to  check  the  occasional  aggressions  of  the  natives. 
He  was  succeeded  in  1625  by  lieutenant-governor  and  captain-general  Juan 
Ruiz,  attorney  of  the  audiencia  of  Mexico. 

(333) 


334  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

made  himself  conspicuous  by  his  harsh  treatment  of 
the  natives,  forcing  them  as  soon  as  converted,  or  even 
before,  into  the  congregas,or  congregations,  established 
by  Monte  mayor.  The  laws  regarding  the  formation 
of  encomiendas  were  now  so  stringently  enforced  that 
of  necessity  some  means  had  to  be  devised,  to  elude 
them  in  order  to  retain  the  benefits  derived  from  com- 
pulsory Indian  labor.  The  difference  between  the 
congrega  and  encomienda  existed  only  in  name,  but 
under  the  former  system  the  law  was  evaded,  while 
an  attempt  was  thus  made  to  delude  the  natives  by 
the  abolition  of  the  obnoxious  appellation  formerly 
in  use. 

The  immediate  result  of  Zavala's  policy  was  a  gen- 
eral uprising  of  the  natives,  which  it  required  more 
than  eight  years  to  master.  A  decisive  battle  in 
1G37  restored  peace  to  the  country  for  a  time;  but  a 
great  number  of  natives  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
sierras  of  Tamaulipas  whence  at  intervals  they  con- 
tinued to  harass  the  Spanish  settlers.  During  two 
centuries  Nuevo  Leon  was  seldom  free  from  alarm. 
The  missionaries  in  vain  exerted  themselves  to  restore 
peace;  in  vain  did  the  viceroys  send  troops,  settlers, 
and  money;  in  vain  did  the  venerable  Margil  de 
Jesus  labor  to  check  the  outrages  of  the  Spaniards 
and  to  bring  the  Indians  into  subjection.  The  strife 
continued;  and  though  the  natives  were  the  greatest 
sufferers,  in  course  of  time,  especially  during  the 
second  half  of  the  seventeenth  and  the  early  part  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  many  of  the  Spanish  settle- 
ments were  destroyed  by  the  natives  or  abandoned  by 
the  colonists.2 

2  Such  was  the  fate  of  Tanguanchin,  Laxa,  Jaumave,  Palmillas,  Monte  Al- 
verne,  Santa  Clara,  Buenaventura,  Bernardino,  and  others.  Prieto,  Hist. 
Tamaul.,  84-5.  Some  friars  who  subsequently  investigated  the  matter 
found  that  all  this  ruin  had  been  caused  by  the  iniquities  of  the  Spaniards. 
Among  the  settlements  which  had  sprung  up  before  the  middle  of  the  18th 
century  were  Pesqueira,  Santo  Catarina,  Salinas,  Boca  de  Leones,  the  pre- 
sidio  of  Serralvo,  Sabinas,  the  Tablas,  and  Agualeguas  missions,  Cadereita, 
Huajuco,  Pilon,  the  Mota  mission,  Linares,  San  Antonio  de  los  Llanos,  the 
presidios  of  Santa  Engracia  and  Lainpazos,  Labradores,  and  others. 


MISSION  SECULARIZATION.  335 

In  1700  there  were  in  Nuevo  Leon  five  ayuntami- 
entos,  fourteen  alcaldias  mayores,and  the  same  number 
of  capitanias.  After  a  season  of  comparative  quiet, 
affairs  were  brought  to  a  climax  in  1712  by  the  secu- 
larization of  the  missions  and  curacies  by  order  of 
Bishop  Diego  Camacho  y  Avila.  In  consequence  of 
this  impolitic  measure  the  natives  rose,  and  the  insur- 
rection assumed  such  a  general  character  that  it  spread 
not  only  over  Nuevo  Leon,  but  over  all  the  neighbor- 
ing provinces,  carrying  devastation  even  far  into 
Queretaro.  From  1709  to  1715  the  Indians  in  those 
regions  are  said  to  have  killed  over  a  thousand  Spanish 
settlers.3  It  was  conceded  by  this  time  that  the 
whole  system  of  colonization  in  Nuevo  Leon  was  a 
failure. 

In  1715  Francisco  Barbadillo  was  appointed  gov- 
ernor of  the  province  by  Viceroy  Linares,  and  com- 
missioned to  investigate  the  causes  of  the  disturbance. 
On  his  arrival  at  Monterey  this  officer,  who  is  highly 
commended  bj  the  chroniclers  of  his  time,  proceeded  to 
organize  a  company  of  mounted  militia,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  settlers.4  His  next  step  was  to  strike 
at  the  root  of  the  evil  by  abolishing  the  congregas, 
though  he  was  bitterly  opposed  in  this  measure  by  the 
Spanish  settlers;  at  the  same  time  he  founded  with 
some  five  thousand  Indian  families  from  the  western 
sierra  of  Tamaulipas — to-day  known  by  the  name  of 
San  Carlos— independent  native  settlements  and  mis- 
sions.0   The  settlers  were  provided  with  cattle,  farming 

3  In  April  1713  Governor  Francisco  Mier  y  Torre  commissioned  the  ex- 
governor,  Treviuo,  to  enter  into  negotiations  for  peace  with  the  Indians,  but 
while  thus  engaged  his  whole  party  was  massacred.  More  stringent  measures 
were  then  dictated  by  a  council  of  war,  but  they  were  also  ineffectual.  Gon- 
zalez, Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon,  38-40. 

4  This  was  a  light  cavalry  troop  recruited  from  among  the  settlers,  and 
maintained  by  pro  rata  contributions  of  the  colonists.  This  was  the  first 
instance  in  which  the  settlers  were  required  to  pay  any  tax  for  the  expenses 
of  government.    See  Prielo,  Hist.  Tamaul.,  83-6. 

0  Among  them  Guadalupe,  near  Monterey,  with  1,000  families;  Concep- 
cion  and  Purificacion  on  the  margins  of  the  Pilon,  with  600  families  each.  A 
great  number  of  families  was  also  apportioned  to  the  different  settlements 
already  established.  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon,  46-7;  Prieto,  Hist.  Tamaul, 
86-7. 


336  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

implements,  and  everything  needed  to  establish  them 
on  their  farms,  and  salaried  protectors  were  appointed 
to  guard  their  interests.  Barbadillo  enforced  a  strict 
compliance  with  his  orders, -and  his  plan,  for  the  time 
being,  proved  a  complete  success. 

The  services  of  such  men  as  Barbadillo,  however, 
were  also  required  in  Mexico,  and  scarcely  had  order 
and  peace  been  restored  in  Nuevo  Leon,  when  he 
was  recalled.  This  was  the  signal  for  the  colonists, 
who  had  suffered  by  his  policy,  to  revenge  themselves 
on  the  natives.  Contributions  were  refused  to  main- 
tain the  militia,  which  was  soon  disbanded;  the 
defenseless  natives  in  the  settlements  were  aofain 
subjected  to  extortions  and  maletreatment  of  every 
kind,  which  abuses  the  protectors  were  powerless  to 
check,  and  thousands  of  them  again  sought  refuse  in 
their  mountain  homes.  Linares  had  died  in  the 
mean  time,  and  his  successor,  the  Marquis  Valero,  or- 
dered Barbadillo  to  undertake  the  task  of  restoring 
order  in  the  province.  He  at  once  set  forth  for 
Monterey,  and  we  are  told  that  at  his  mere  presence 
the  colonists  ceased  from  their  iniquities,  and  the  na- 
tives, mindful  of  past  favors  received  at  his  hands, 
returned  in  flocks  to  their  abandoned  settlements. 
Barbadillo  remained  in  Nuevo  Leon  for  four  years, 
when  he  was  recalled  to  Mexico  by  Viceroy  Casa- 
fuerte,  and  the  government  of  the  province  was 
bestowed  on  Pedro  de  Zaravia  Cortes.  The  inca- 
pacity of  this  ruler  soon  produced  the  same  disorders 
which  had  occurred  twice  before  in  that  region,  and  on 
this  occasion  they  spread  to  the  Sierra  Gorda  as  far  as 
to  Huasteca.  Revolts  and  insurrections  became  more 
frequent,  and  more  disastrous  than  ever  in  their  ef- 
fects, and  the  governors  and  officials  of  several  prov- 
inces with  their  combined  forces  were  unable  to  restore 
quiet. 

It  now  became  evident  to  the  government  of  New 
Spain  that  more  decisive  measures  must  be  inaug- 
urated.    In  the   Sierra  Gorda  districts  and  in   Ta- 


MINES  AND  MISSIONS. 


337 


maulipas  the  bands  of  marauding  savages  always 
found  a  safe  retreat.  Moreover,  those  regions  were 
suspected  to  possess  rich  mines  and  other  wealth; 
and  for  these   reasons  the  definite   conquest  of  the 


Map  of  Sierra  Gorda. 

coast  region  from  the  river  Panuco  to  the  borders  of 
Texas  was  decided  upon.6 

6 In  1810  the  province  of  Nuevo  Leon  comprised  2,621  square  leagues  of 
territory,  consisting  of  one  partido;  there  were  13  curacies,  1  mission,  2  cities, 
Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  III.    22 


338  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

Ever  since  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century,  after 
Viceroy  Velasco  had  colonized  the  regions  about  San 
Luis  Potosi,  Cololotlan,  and  San  Miguel  Mczquitic 
with  Tlascaltec  and  Chichimec  families,  missionaries 
had  beofun  to  enter  the  wild  districts  of  the  Sierra 
Gorda7  and  Tamaulipas,  to  convert  the  numerous 
tribes,  which  were  supposed  to  have  taken  up  their 
abode  in  this  part  of  the  country  after  the  conquest. 
These  efforts  seem  to  have  been  attended  with  very 
little  success.  Toward  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century  six  Dominican  missions  had  been  established 
in  Sierra  Gorda  territory.  The  friars  were  soon  driven 
away,  however;  the  churches  were  burned,  the  mis- 
sions destroyed,  and  the  Spaniards  who  had  settled  in 
the  vicinity  were  compelled  to  abandon  the  country. 

In  1704  Francisco  Zaraza  was  made  lieutenant 
captain-general,  and  commissioned  to  bring  the  re- 
volted aborigines  under  subjection;  hitherto  all  the 
efforts  to  that  effect  of  the  alcaldes  and  captains  of 
militia  had  been  unavailing.  Zaraza  opened  a  cam- 
paign against  the  natives,  but  was  killed  during  an 
attack,  without  having  accomplished  anything  de- 
cisive. In  his  place  was  appointed  Gabriel  Guerrero 
de  Ardila,  who  with  a  force  of  eight  hundred  cavalry 
defeated  the  natives  and  compelled  them  to  enter  into 
a  treaty  of  peace.  This  occurred  in  1715,  and  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty  were  most  favorable  to  the 
Indians,  who  were  to  retain  their  liberty  and  be  abso- 

4  villas,  1G  pueblos,  4  mining  districts,  and  23  haciendas.  The  population 
consisted  of  27,412  Spaniards,  2,431  Indians,  and  13,838  of  mixed  blood,  mak- 
ing a  total  of  43,G81  inhabitants.  Navarro,  in  Soc.  Ilex.  Gear/.,  Boletin,  2da 
ep.,  i.  201.  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.Leon,  137-45,  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  155, 
gives  the  population  in  1803  as  low  as  29,000.  In  1828  the  population  had 
increased  to  88,793,  said  to  have  been  due  to  a  large  immigration;  in  1850 
there  were  137,070  inhabitants.  Dice.  Univ.,  x.  38.  For  more  details  con- 
cerning Nnevo  Leon  for  the  period  under  consideration  see  Ordenes  de  hi 
■Corona,  US.,  v.  11,  99,  104;  Revilla-Gigedo,  in  Mayer  MSS.,  no.  11,  49-51  j 
ViUenadl  Regente  Roma,  MS.;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  iii.  181;  Mier-Vida,  Avert- 
turns,  'A;  Ala, nan,  Mej.,  ii.  9G;  Not.  N.  Esp.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geo;/.,  Boletin,  ii.  19; 
Gonzalez,  in  Id.,  3daep.,  i.  238,  2GG;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,v.  718;  vii.  194. 

7  The  mountainous  region  so  called  extends  from  near  Kio  Verde  in  San 
Luis  Potosi  to  the  vicinity  of  Queretaro,  and  forms  the  partido  of  Cadercita, 
to-day  belonging  to  the  province  of  Queretaro.  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon, 
335. 


STIRRING  NATIVES  TO  REVOLT.  330 

lute  masters  of  the  sierra.  Nevertheless  we  find  that 
outrages  and  disturbances  soon  afterward  became  the 
order  of  the  day.  For  many  years  the  towns  in  the 
jurisdictions  of  Queretaro,  San  Miguel  el  Grande, 
Celaya,  Chamaeuero,  San  Juan  del  Rio,  Cadereita 
and  elsewhere  remained  in  the  same  condition.  The 
native  tribes  of  Sierra  Gorda  were  under  neither 
military,  civil,  nor  religious  control,  and  their  raids 
extended  at  times  into  the  very  streets  of  Spanish 
settlements. 

If  we  can  believe  Arlegui,  one  or  more  of  the  gov- 
ernors of  Nuevo  Leon  were  induced  to  persecute  the 
natives  by  private  persons  who  claimed  to  have  lost 
lands  through  the  appropriation  of  tracts  for  the  Ta- 
maulipas  tribes  in  1715,  and  many  Indians  were  subse- 
quently hanged  for  trivial  offences.  Nor  would  this 
suffice;  the  settlers  themselves  constantly  sought  to 
drag  the  Indians  into  revolt  in  order  to  have  a  pre- 
tence to  make  them  slaves.  Under  such  circum- 
stances the  efforts  of  a  few  friars  were  of  no  avail. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  when  in  1734  Jose  de 
Escandon,  an  officer  of  the  Queretaro  militia,  was  com- 
missioned to  pacify  the  Sierra  Gorda.  At  last  the 
proper  person  had  been  found  to  carry  out  this  diffi- 
cult task.  During  his  first  expedition  four  hundred 
prisoners  were  taken;  the  ringleaders  were  summarily 
punished,  while  the  others,  in  place  of  being  enslaved, 
were  treated  with  great  consideration.  This  policy 
had  the  desired  effect,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  years 
several  other  expeditions  under  the  same  leader  com- 
pleted the  work  of  pacification.  All  these  campaigns 
were  carried  on  by  Escandon  with  little  expense  to  the 
crown,  without  burdening  too  much  the  Spanish  set- 
tlers, and  without  enslaving  the  natives.  He  was  a 
wealthy  man,  and  expended  the  greater  part  of  his  own 
fortune  in  maintaining  his  troops,  who  were  kept  under 
strict  discipline,  and  not  allowed  to  commit  any  ex- 
cesses. His  conduct  gained  for  him  the  esteem  of  the 
government,  the  respect  of  the  colonists,  and  the  love 


340  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

of  the  pacified  tribes,  who  under  similar  circumstances 
had  hitherto  been  treated  like  brutes.  It  was  also 
remarked  that  although  he  divided  lands  among 
Spaniards  and  Indians,  none  were  reserved  for  him- 
self. 

Thus  the  wild  regions  of  Sierra  Gorda  were  finally 
brought  under  Spanish  rule,  without  much  bloodshed, 
and  without  any  of  the  revolting  incidents  usually  at- 
tending the  conquest  of  new  territory.  In  considera- 
tion of  his  services  Escandon  was  made  count  of 
Sierra  Gorda,  and  his  achievements  paved  the  way  for 
the  conquest  of  Tamaulipas,  where  still  greater  laurels 
were  in  store  for  him.8 

The  same  causes  which  led  to  the  final  pacification 
of  Sierra  Gorda  and  the  subjugation  of  the  Nayarits, 
ultimately  led  to  the  conquest  of  the  gulf  region 
stretching  from  Panuco  north  to  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  the  Indians  were  driven 
to  revolt  by  a  series  of  outrages  committed  on  them 
by  squatters,  robbers,  kidnappers,  and  slave-traders.9 
During  and  subsequent  to  the  operations  of  Escandon, 
various  proposals  were  made  to  the  central  govern- 
ment at  Mexico,  and  to  the  crown,10  for  the  extension 
of  Spanish  settlements  in  Tamaulipas.  No  decision 
was  arrived  at,  however,  till  1746,  under  the  rule  of 
Kevilla  Gigedo,  when  a  council  of  war  held  for  the 
purpose  intrusted  the  enterprise  to  Escandon,  who  was 
now  universally  recognized  as  a  man  of  consummate 

8  In  1767  there  were  nine  Indian  towns  in  Sierra  Gorda,  with  an  average  of 
over  1,700  families.  Soreaino,  Prologo,  2.  Most  of  these  were  founded  by 
Escandon  at  the  time  of  the  pacification.  For  further  details  concerning 
Sierra  Gorda  affairs  see  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  67-70;  N.  Mex.,  Cedil- 
las, MS.,  250-8,  268-81 ;  ArUgui,  Cron.  Zac.,  122-3;  Frejes,  Hist.  Brev.,  238- 
40;  Tamaid.,  Conversiones,  in  MaltraL  Ind.,  no.  20,  1-5;  Guijo,  Diar.,  Doc. 
Hut.  Mex.,  laser.,  i.  330,  362;  Prieto,  Hist.  Tamaid.,  60-1,  71-8,  101-2; 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  373-4,570,  575. 

9  A  royal  cddula  for  the  protection  of  the  Tamaulipas  Indians  was  issued 
May  25,  1689.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  67-70.  See  also  Tamaul.,  Con- 
vcrs'/ones,  in  Maltrat.  Ind.,  no.  20,  1-5. 

10  Notably  by  Ladron  de  Guevara,  whose  conditions  were  very  extrava- 
gant, and  excited  suspicion  concerning  his  ultimate  object  in  regard  to  the 
natives.  N.  Mex.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  250-8. 


OPERATIONS  OF  ESCAND0N. 


341 


ability;  nor  could  a  better  selection  have  been  made.11 
The  whole  northern  coast  from  Darien  to  Florida  had 
gradually  succumbed  with  the  exception  of  this  portion, 
which  now,  after  a  successful  resistance  of  over  twc 


PXaiupazos 


Tamaulipas. 

hundred  years,  was  to  be  the  last  to  submit  to  Spanish 
domination. 

11  Escandon  was  appointed  September  3, 1746.  For  the  transport  of  the  set- 
tlers, soldiers,  and  other  expenses,  115,000  pesos  were  needed;  after  that  the 
sum  of  29,000  pesos   a  year  was  to  be  paid  from  the  royal  treasury.     The 


342  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEOK 

Escandon  was  authorized  to  extend  his  operations 
over  a  distance  of  more  than  a  hundred  leagues  from 
south  to  north,  and  sixty  or  eighty  from  east  to  west, 
the  boundaries  being  designated  on  the  east  by  the 
gulf;  south  by  the  jurisdictions  of  Panuco  and  Tam- 
pico,  Villa  de  Valles,  Sierra  Gorda,  and  Huasteca ; 
west  by  Guadalc&zar,  Venado,  Charcas,  Nuevo  Leon, 
and  part  of  Coahuila,  and  north  by  this  latter  province 
and  the  boundary  of  Texas.  The  territory  comprised 
within  these  limits  received  the  appellation  of  Nuevo 
Santander.  Most  extensive  preparations  for  the  ex- 
pedition were  made  in  the  city  of  Queretaro;  and  the 
prestige  of  Escandon  was  so  great  that  from  all  parts 
of  the  country  Spanish  families  hastened  to  join  his 
fortunes,  and  many  an  adventurous  soldier  enlisted 
under  his  banner.  Enthusiasm  ran  high,  till  finally 
the  expeditionary  forces  numbered  seven  hundred  and 
fifty,  while  the  number  of  prospective  settlers,  con- 
sisting of  Spaniards  and  converted  Indians,  exceeded 
two  thousand  five  hundred  families.  That  these  num- 
bers are  not  exaggerated  is  shown  by  the  settlements 
founded  by  Escandon,  and  by  subsequent  official 
statistics. 

The  expedition  set  forth  from  Queretaro  early  in 
December  1748,  passing  through  the  towns  of  Pozos, 
San  Luis  de  la  Paz,  Santa  Maria  del  Rio,  San  Luis 
Potosi,  and  thence  to  Tula,12  where  it  was  joined  by  a 
number  of  Spanish  families.  Various  attempts  seem 
to  have  been  made  since  1714  to  form  new  settlements 
in  this  vicinity,  attended  apparently  with  little  success. 
At  one  of  these,  Palmillas,  Escandon  appointed  a 
military  governor,  and  continuing  his  march  in  a 
north-easterly  direction,  founded  on  December  25th 
the  town  of  Llera  with  sixty-seven  families.  Turn- 
ing  northward   on    January    1,    1749,    Guemes    was 

nudiencia  at  Mexico  in  1748  granted  the  funds,  and  in  1749  the  king  ordered 
an  additional  sum  to  be  paid  to  complete  the  enterprise.  ReulUa  Glgedo,  in 
liislmc.   Vireyes,  37-8. 

12  This  place,  then  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Charcas,  was  at  the  time  quite  a 
flourishing  colony. 


SANTANDER  ESTABLISHED.  343 

established  with  fifty-eight  families,  and  a  mission  some 
few  leagues  distant  on  the  banks  of  the  Purificacion. 
On  January  6th  forty-four  families  settled  at  Padilla, 
and  a  mission  was  established  in  that  neighborhood. 
It  may  be  mentioned  here  that  for  each  newly  settled 
place  a  military  governor  was  appointed  with  the  rank 
of  captain,  and  a  small  garrison  was  left  for  police 
duty,  and  to  protect  the  settlers  against  the  hostilities 
of  the  natives.  Other  towns  were  located  in  rapid 
succession,  and  at  first  the  colonists  had  to  be  content 
with  primitive  huts,  hastily  constructed  of  branches 
and  leaves,  until  better  accommodations  could  be  se- 
cured. During  the  first  years  they  suffered  great 
hardships,  for  in  many  instances  the  sites  selected 
were  unfavorable,  either  on  account  of  their  liability 
to  floods,  their  sickly  climate,  or  for  other  reasons. 
The  settlers  of  the  town  of  Escandon  are  said  to  have 
been  driven  from  their  second  site  by  clouds  of  mos- 
quitoes and  other  obnoxious  insects. 

From  Padilla,  Escandon  continued  his  march  some 
twenty  leagues  in  a  north-easterly  direction,  with  a 
view  to  establish  a  general  camp  from  which  exploring 
expeditions  might  be  despatched,  particularly  to  dis- 
cover the  harbor  of  Santander,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river  then  called  Purificacion,  and  to-day  La  Marina. 
On  this  march  from  Padilla  the  first  savages  made  their 
appearance,  descending  in  great  numbers  from  the 
eastern  sierras  of  Tamaulipas,  but  being  overawed  by 
the  vast  caravan  of  Spaniards,  abstained  from  attack. 
About  the  same  time  Escandon  was  joined  by  another 
party  of  settlers  from  Linares,  consisting  of  sixty 
families  under  the  conduct  of  Ladron  de  Guevara,  and 
efforts  were  now  made  to  reach  the  seaboard.  After 
various  attempts,  on  February  17th,  the  mouth  of 
the  Purificacion  was  discovered;  the  town  of  Santan- 
der was  established  with  forty-five  families,  and  desig- 
nated as  the  capital  of  the  province.13 

13  The  site  was  subsequently  changed  and  the  town  flourished,  counting 
nearly  COO  inhabitants  in  1757. 


344  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

From  the  new  capital  Escandon  proceeded  north  in 
quest  of  the  valley  of  Florcs.  Crossing  the  Rio 
Conchas,  and  passing  along  the  banks  towards  its 
mouth  at  Salinas  bar,  he  came  upon  a  friendly  Indian 
chief  who  had  formed  a  settlement  of  Pintos.  Leav- 
ing several  Franciscan  friars  with  the  natives,  he 
pushed  forward  to  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte,  expect- 
ing to  meet  with  some  families  coming  from  Linares 
and  other  places,  with  whom  to  form  a  settlement. 
He  soon  arrived  at  Camargo,  which  had  been  provi- 
sionally founded  by  one  Barrero  from  Nuevo  Leon, 
and  formally  established  the  town  on  March  5th, 
leaving  Captain  Falcon  in  command.  A  little  to  the 
south  a  mission  was  erected  with  the  Franciscan, 
Juan  Garcia,  in  charge;  this  friar  was  also  the  first 
curate  of  Camargo.  Thence  proceeding  west,  the 
town  of  Reinosa  and  a  mission  were  established,  with 
families  from  Nuevo  Leon  under  Captain  Cantun. 
After  despatching  Captain  Basterra  to  form  a  settle- 
ment on  the  Nueces  River,  Escandon  returned  to 
Salinas,  where,  with  families  brought  by  Captain 
Merino,  he  founded  San  Fernando.  On  this  return 
march  the  natives  showed  signs  of  hostility,  and 
an  inclination  to  dispute  the  passage.  They  were 
appeased,  however,  by  Escandon's  kind  words  and 
by  presents. 

About  April  27th  Altamira  was  located  near  the 
coast,  and  on  May  9th  the  city  of  Horcasitas  was 
founded  with  more  than  ordinary  pomp.  Ten  days 
after  this,  Santa  Barbara  and  the  mission  Soledad1* 
were  established,  after  which  Escandon  returned  by 
way  of  Tula  to  Queretaro,  to  report  on  the  progress 
of  his  enterprise.  Remaining  there  during  the  whole 
of  the  following  year,  he  prepared  a  second  expedi- 
tion. At  no  time  during  the  colonial  history  of  New 
Spain  had  so  many  settlements  been  founded  in  such 

11  The  mission  Santa  Maria  de  la  Soledad  a  quarter  league  east  of  Santa 
Barbara,  was  given  lands  by  Escandon  in  the  king's  name,  the  same  as  all  the 
other  missions.  Pinort,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  361. 


PACIFICATION  OR  EXTERMINATION.  345 

a  comparatively  short  period,  and  with  so  little  blood- 
shed. True,  here  and  there  the  natives  were  obsti- 
nate and  unwilling  to  submit  to  the  strangers,  and  in 
several  instances  Spanish  settlements  were  attacked 
by  the  nomad  tribes  still  scattered  in  the  recesses  of 
their  mountain  retreats.  Thus  it  became  necessary 
at  times  to  send  a  force  against  them.  This,  how- 
ever, seems  never  to  have  been  done  unless  the  Ind- 
ians first  gave  sufficient  provocation  by  their  hostile 
attitude.  Indeed,  as  a  rule  Escandon  managed  the 
aborigines  with  great  skill  and  judgment,  never  resort- 
ing to  hostile  measures  when  with  inducements  and 
promises  he  could  attract  them  to  the  missions,  after 
which  they  would  generally  become  good  settlers.  It 
is  evident  that  this  leader  pursued  a  wise  policy  in 
making  the  lot  of  the  subjugated  natives  as  comfort- 
able as  possible.  We  find  no  signs  of  encomiendas  or 
congregas,  the  same  policy  being  observed  as  in  Sierra 
Gorda,  It  is  indeed  refreshing  to  record  a  circum- 
stance of  this  nature — so  much  at  variance  with  the 
general  conduct  observed  by  nearly  all  the  conquer- 
ors and  pacificators  of  earlier  times — and  even  at  the 
present  day  the  name  of  Escandon  is  esteemed  and 
honored  in  Tamaulipas. 

Many  other  settlements  and  missions  were  founded 
during  the  second  expedition,  the  details  of  which  are 
similar  to  those  of  the  first,  and  of  little  interest  to 
the  general  reader.  All  these  new  settlements,  as  I 
have  mentioned,  were  placed  in  charge  of  a  military 
commander,  while  one  or  more  Franciscan  friars  took 
charge  of  each  mission.  Thus  the  government  of  the 
new  colonies  was  at  first  purely  military;  yet  it  cannot 
be  denied  that,  for  the  time  being,  and  under  a  man  like 
Escandon,  this  was  the  best  fitted  to  keep  the  Ind- 
ians under  subjection,  and  to  prevent  civil  dissensions 
among  the  colonists  themselves.  At  all  events  we  do 
not  hear  of  any  abuses  committed  by  the  commanders 
appointed  by  Escandon,  and  the  progress  of  the  col- 
onies evidenced  the  success  of  the  system.     Never- 


346  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

theless  even  in  1757  Indian  hostilities  had  not 
entirely  ceased  ;15  and  for  this  reason  it  was  recom- 
mended lyy  Inspector-general  Tienda  de  Cuervo,  who 
made  an  official  visit  to  the  province  in  that  year,  to 
take  final  measures  to  complete  the  pacification  of  the 
territory.  Though  Spanish  dominion  wTas  perma- 
nently established,  he  was  aware  that  to  ensure  the 
peaceful  and  steady  development  of  the  country,  an- 
other campaign  must  be  inaugurated;  the  natives 
•who  remained  obstinate  must  be  pursued  to  their  last 
haunts;  they  must  either  be  obliged  to  settle  in  the 
missions  or  be  exterminated.  The  recommendation 
was  approved  by  Viceroy  Amarillas,  and  it  is  claimed 
that  the  campaign  was  a  success,  and  that  soon  after 
the  establishment  of  San  Carlos  all  hostilities  and 
depredations  by  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  neighborhood 
ceased.  Many  of  them,  seeing  they  were  pursued 
even  to  their  most  secret  haunts,  had  preferred  to  join 
the  missions;  but  others,  more  warlike,  receded  be- 
yond the  boundaries  of  Coahuila  and  to  the  Rio 
Bravo.  They  were  gradually  surrounded,  and  con- 
fined by  the  encroaching  Spanish  settlements  to  the 
most  remote  parts  of  the  province;  and  being  obliged 
to  withdraw,  they  joined  the  wild  tribes  of  Coahuila, 
Sonora,  and  New  Mexico,  who  long  afterward  con- 
tinued to  harass  the  settlers  on  the  borders  of  Mexico 
and  the  United  States.    In  1792  a  last  raid  was  made 

15  According  to  a  statistical  report  made  by  the  inspector-general  Jos6 
Tienda  de  Cuervo  in  1757,  Escandon  had  founded  24  cities,  towns,  and  villages, 
■with  nearly  the  same  number  of  missions;  there  were  8,09.3  inhabitants;  20 
missionaries;  3,473  Indians  settled  in  the  missions.  The  stock  of  the  colony 
consisted  of  58,392  horses;  1,874  mules;  24,747  horned  cattle,  and  288,303 
sheep  and  hogs.  The  cost  of  the  political  and  religious  administration  was 
45,095  pesos  annually.  Hist.  Arch.  Gail.  Mex.,  liv.  Navarro,  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geo;/.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.,  i.  291,  gives  the  area  of  Nuevo  Santanderin  1810  as 
5,193  square  leagues,  one  partido,  26  curacies,  8  missions,  18  villas,  and  J I 
pueblos  j  and  a  population  of  50,715,  consisting  of  14,039  Spaniards,  13,251 
Indians,  and  28,825  of  mixed  blood.  In  Certifn de  los  Mercedes.  MS.,  Pinart, 
Col.  J  Joe.  Mex.,  39,  the  cost  of  the  presidio  at  Camargo  in  1758  is  given  at 
3,225 pesos;  that  of  Santander  at 32,927  pesos.  See  also  Humboldt,  Tab.  Es- 
tad.,  MS.,  7-40;  iV.  Mex.  Ccdu/as,  MS.,  303-22;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin, 
ii.  19.  The  prospects  for  agricultural  development  were  very  poor,  accord- 
ing to  a  report  of  Bishop  Candamo  in  1791.  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.  L>on, 
123-25. 


TOWNS  FOUNDED.  347 

by  the  savages  on  Laredo,  but  they  were  soon  repulsed 
and  driven  beyond  the  frontier. 

At  the  time  of  Cuervo's  arrival  at  Soto  la  Marina 
he  found  a  schooner  belonging  to  Escandon  anchored 
in  the  harbor.  This  is  the  first  craft  known  to  have 
traded  between  Vera  Cruz  and  Nuevo  Santander. 
The  master,  Bernardo  Vidal  Buzcarrones,  informed 
Cuervo  as  to  the  general  condition  of  the  coast,  an- 
chorage, and  the  different  sand-bars  he  had  examined 
at  the  mouths  of  various  rivers.  According  to  his 
opinion  prospects  for  shipping  were  not  at  all  encour- 
aging, as  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year  only 
small  craft  were  able  to  cross  the  bars  and  find  a  safe 
harbor.  Then  Cuervo  made  a  tour  of  inspection  with 
the  schooner  himself,  during  which  he  came  to  the 
same  unfavorable  conclusion. 

More  improvements  were  made  in  1763.  The  sites 
of  Escandon,  Burgos,  and  Beinosa  were  changed; 
new  settlements  were  founded,  and  the  settlers  re- 
ceived assistance  from  the  government.  For  fifteen 
years  the  lands  in  the  vicinity  of  the  colonies  had 
been  used  in  common,  but  in  1764,  by  order  of  Vice- 
roy Crulllas,  they  began  to  be  segregated.  The  fol- 
lowing year  the  town  Cruillas  was  founded,  and  in 
1766  San  Carlos  was  established.  From  this  time 
until  the  end  of  the  century  the  colonists  were  enabled 
to  breathe  more  freely;  all  the  settlements  rapidly 
improved;  several  mines  were  discovered  and  worked; 
stock-raising  increased;  and  merchants  and  dealers 
from  Mexico,  Huasteca,  Sierra  Gorda,  San  Luis  Po- 
tosi,  and  other  parts  of  the  country  began  to  frequent 
the  flourishing  towns  of  Nuevo  Santander.16 

16  In  1779  Manuel  de  Medina  was  governor  of  the  province,  and  in  1787 
Melchor  Vidal  de  Lorza  was  appointed.  In  1791  and  1799-1800  the  conde 
de  Sierra  Gorda,  probably  a  son  of  Jose"  de  Escandon,  is  again  mentioned  as 
governor,  and  at  the  outbreak  of  Hidalgo's  revolution  we  find  Manuel  de 
lturbe  e"  Irreta  at  the  head  of  affairs  in  the  province.  See  Medina,  al  Regente 
Romd,  MS.;  Gomez,  Diar.,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.,  vii.  278;  A/a'man, 
Mej.,  ii.  94;  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon,  153;  Dice.  Univ.,  v.  458;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.  vii.  191.  In  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  missions 
of  the  custodia  of  Rio  Verde  and  San  Pablo  de  Michoacan,  Tula,  Palmillas, 


343  PROGRESS  IN  NUEVO  LEON. 

Pantano,  Janmave,  Llcra,  Croix,  and  Gucmes  belonged  politically  to  the  col- 
ony of  Nuevo  Santander,  and  spiritually  to  the  diocese  of  Nuevo  Leon. 
Arias,  Informe,  MS.,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  342.  See  also  Estad.  Hist. 
Ant.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.,  i.  570. 

The  Historia,  Geograjin  y  Estadistica  del  Estado  de  Tamaidipas  por  el  G. 
Ingeniero  Alejandro  Prieto,  Mexico,  1873,  4to,  pp.  5,  301,  map,  gives  an  out- 
line of  the  history  of  Tamaulipas  from  the  time  of  the  conquest;  the  author 
makes  an  effort  to  prove  an  ancient  civilization  in  that  state,  based  upon  some 
personal  researches  and  a  number  of  relics  discovered,  with  a  brief  narrative 
of  aboriginal  traditions,  habits,  customs,  and  religion,  touching  also  in  a  gen- 
eral way  on  the  historical  events  of  Texas,  Nuevo  Leon,  and  Sierra  Gorda. 
Then  follows  a  description  of  geographical  conditions  and  political  divisions, 
giving,  based  on  statistics,  information  on  the  material  standing  of  the  coun- 
try in  regard  to  agriculture,  commerce,  industries,  and  genei'al  resources. 
This  portion  of  the  work  is  by  far  more  useful  than  the  historical  division; 
indeed  the  author  does  not  claim  any  credit  in  that  direction,  and  we  find 
but  a  confused  compilation  of  historical  data,  scattered  about  promiscuously 
with  an  utter  disregard  to  logical  sequence,  and  clogged  by  eternal  repeti- 
tions. Notwithstanding  these  defects,  the  author  has  undoubtedly  been 
painstaking  in  his  researches,  both  among  the  ancient  ruins  of  his  country, 
and  among  authorities  which  it  might  be  difficult  for  others  to  obtain. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 
1721-1760. 

Bl-CENTENNIAL  OF  EUROPEAN  OCCUPATION — VlCEROY  CASAFUERTE — He  EN- 
COURAGES Public  Improvements — Peaceful  Progress — Death  of  the 
Viceroy— His  Successor  Archbishop  Vizarron — Negro  Insurrec- 
tion at  C6rdoba — Its  Suppression  by  the.  Military — Ravages  of 
Epidemic — Viceroy  Conquista's  Rule — Fuenclara  Arrives — Com- 
modore Anson — He  Captures  the  'Covadonga' — Spanish  Jealousy — ■ 
Persecution  of  Boturini — Loss  of  Valuable  Manuscripts — Admin- 
istration of  Re  villa  Gigedo — His  Trafficking  Propensities — 
Famine,  Disease,  and  Earthquakes — Fuenclara  Resigns — Viceroy 
Amarillas — His  Poverty  and  Death — The  Audiencia  Rules — Short 
Administration  of  Viceroy  Cruillas. 

More  than  two  centuries  had  now  elapsed  since  the 
fleet  of  Cortes  had  cast  anchor  under  the  island  of 
San  Juan  de  Uliia,  and  of  all  the  powerful  tribes  that 
once  rendered  allegiance  to  the  Montezumas  few  re- 
tained any  traces  of  their  ancient  glory.  While  in 
1721  the  Spaniards  were  celebrating  the  bi-centennial 
of  the  occupation  of  the  capital,  the  mountain  tribes  of 
Nayarit  were  being  subjugated,  and  a  quarter  of  a 
century  later  those  of  Nuevo  Leon,  Sierra  Gorda,  and 
Tamaulipas  were  destined,  as  we  have  seen,  to  meet 
the  same  fate. 

On  October  15,  1722,  Juan  de  Acuna,  marques  de 
Casafuerte,  the  successor  of  Valero,  arrived  in  Mex- 
ico as  thirty-seventh  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  He  is 
said  to  have  been  one  of  the  best  of  all  the  represent- 
atives of  royalty,  being  remembered  in  the  history  of 
the  country  as  the  '  great  governor.'1    During  his  ad- 

1  Casafuerte  was  a  Creole,  a  native  of  Lima,  Peru.  During  59  years  of 
public  service  he  had  been  viceroy  of  Messina  and  of  Sicily.     Besides  being 

(349) 


350  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

ministration  Casafuerte  wrought  a  marked  change  in 
the  various  branches  of  the  public  service,  and  labored 
zealously,  and  not  in  vain,  to  purify  a  venal  court. 
Many  of  the  former  rulers  had  done  much  to  benefit 
the  country  by  establishing  new  colonies,  and  encour- 
aging commerce  and  the  development  of  the  mining 
and  agricultural  interests.  It  must  be  acknowledged, 
however,  that  few  of  them  were  proof  against  the 
temptations  of  the  age,  and  that  directly  or  indirectly 
they  countenanced  the  shameful  abuse  of  selling  public 
offices  to  the  highest  bidder.  When  Casafuerte  took 
charge,  he  at  once  abolished  this  practice.  No  presents 
were  received,  no  favors  shown ;  none  of  his  household 
or  subordinates  dared  to  meddle  in  the  question  of  ap- 
pointments, or  to  intercede  for  office-seekers.  Whole- 
some reforms  were  introduced  and  maintained  during 
his  long  rule,  while  merit  alone  was  the  passport  to 
preferment. 

In  the  matter  of  public  improvements  the  marquis 
was  equally  active.  The  building  of  a  new  mint  was 
begun  in  1731,  and  finished  in  1734,  at  a  cost  of  four 
hundred  and  fifty  thousand  pesos  ;2  in  1 733  the  plaza  de 
Acapulco  was  renovated,  the  San  Cristobal  causeway 
having  been  reconstructed  the  previous  year.  The 
grand  aqueduct  which  supplies  the  city  of  Queretaro 
with  water  was  begun  in  1726  and  finished  in  1738.3 
Improvements  were  also  made  in  the  various  presidios 
throughout  the  country  under  Pedro  de  Rivera,  who 
made  a  four  years'  tour  of  inspection  by  order  of  the 
viceroy,  and  a  cannon  foundry  was  established  at  Ori- 
zaba, the  guns  being  used  to  strengthen  the  coast 
defences. 

gonial  of  artillery,  he  had  attained  the  highest  military  title,  that  of  captain- 
general  of  the  Spanish  army.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  122;  Alaman,  DlserL,  iii. 
app.  53. 

2  In  1722  the  royal  theatre  was  destroyed  by  fire.  Steps  were  immediately 
taken  to  rebuild,  though  the  new  edifice  was  not  reopened  until  1753.  Ala- 
mat/,  Disert,  iii.  app.  53;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  122. 

3 This  structure  was  undertaken  at  the  suggestion  and  under  the  patronage 
of  Juan  Antonio  de  Urrutia  y  Arana,  marquis  of  Villa  del  Villar  del  Aguila, 
who,  encouraged  by  Casafuerte,  spent  large  sums  on  it  from  his  private  for- 
tunc.  Xavarrete,  Rel.  Peregrma,  no.  ii.  1-11. 


CASAFUERTE  AND  VIZARRON".  351 

The  administration  of  Casafuerte  was  not  marked 
by  any  internal  disturbances ;  nor  were  the  provinces 
harassed  by  the  depredations  of  pirates  which  wrought 
so  much  mischief  during  the  rule  of  his  predecessors. 
Commerce  still  suffered  to  some  extent  on  the  North 
Sea,  but  corsairs  had  been  driven  from  the  waters  of 
the  Pacific,  and  trading  vessels  passed  to  and  fro  be- 
tween New  Spain  and  the  East  Indies  without  fear 
of  being  molested. 

The  marquis  was  beloved  by  the  people,  and  the 
only  enemies  he  had  were  dissatisfied  office-seekers. 
These  prevailed  upon  the  king's  council  to  recommend 
his  removal  on  account  of  his  great  age,  and  his  long 
tenure  of  office,  which  was  inconsistent  with  general 
usage.  When  this  was  done  Felipe  signified  his  con- 
fidence in  his  representative  by  merely  replying:  "As 
long  as  Casafuerte  lives  his  talents  and  virtues  give 
him  all  the  strength  necessary  for  a  good  governor." 
Soon  afterward,  however,  in  1734,  the  marquis  died, 
at  the  age  of  seventy-seven.  His  funeral  ceremonies 
were  described  in  detail  in  the  Gazette  then  published 
by  Sahagun.  Since  that  time  they  have  served  as  a 
model  on  similar  occasions,  and  resemble  those  which 
at  the  present  day  are  observed  on  the  demise  of  a 
president  of  the  Mexican  republic.4 

When  the  carta  cle  mortaja,  was  opened  by  the 
audiencia  it  was  found  that  the  archbishop  of  Mexico, 
Juan  Antonio  de  Vizarron  y  Eguiarreta,  was  desig- 
nated to  fill  the  vacancy.5  Vizarron  was  appointed 
to   the   primacy  January  13,   1730,    and   arrived   in 

*In  1724  Felipe  V.  abdicated  the  crown  of  Spain  in  favor  of  his  son  Luis 
I. ,  who  ascended  the  throne  on  January  10th.  While  preparations  were  being 
made  to  celebrate  the  event,  news  arrived  of  the  death  of  the  latter,  which 
had  occurred  August  13th  the  same  year,  and  Felipe,  reluctant  to  place  his 
minor  son  Fernando  upon  the  throne,  had  reassumed  the  crown. 

aOn  the  death  of  archbishop  Lanciego  in  1728,  Manuel  Jose"  de  Endaya  y 
Haro  was  elected  to  the  see,  but  died  before  taking  possession,  October  5, 
1729.  The  bishop  of  Puebla,  Juan  Antonio  de  Lardiz&bal,  was  elected  the 
same  year  to  fill  the  vacancy,  but  the  prelate  refused  the  appointment.  Con- 
alios  Prov.,  1555-65,  224-5;  Doc.  Eden.  Mex..  MS.,  ii.  pt.  i.:  Dice.  Univ.. 
ix.  271. 


352  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

the  capital  on  December  20th  of  the  same  year.  He 
was  consecrated  by  the  bishop  of  Pucbla  Lardizabal 
y  Elorza,  assisted  by  the  bishops  of  Yucatan  and 
Caracas,  who  were  on  a  visit  to  Mexico  at  the  time, 
and  took  charge  of  the  ecclesiastical  government  on 
the  21st  of  May  1731,  receiving  the  pallium  on  the 
1 3th  of  January  1 732. 6  The  pastoral  administration  of 
the  archbishop,  which  lasted  sixteen  years,  was  one 
of  the  most  peaceful  and  prosperous  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  the  Mexican  church;  and  concerning  his 
reign  as  vicero}^  it  may  be  said  that  he  was  in  every 
way  a  worthy  successor  to  Casafuerte;  he  sent  more 
treasure  to  Spain  than  any  previous  viceroy,  without 
oppressing  the  people,  draining  the  country  of  the  pre- 
cious metals,  or  diminishing  the  amount  usually  held 
in  reserve  at  Mexico. 

Though  near  the  close  of  his  administration  war 
was  again  declared  between  Spain  and  England;  New 
Spain  remained  undisturbed  by  foreign  aggression; 
on  the  other  hand,  we  have  to  record  for  this  period 
some  internal  troubles  and  calamities.  The  negro  and 
other  slaves  of  the  town  and  vicinity  of  Cordoba  had 
long  meditated  revolt,  when  in  1735  a  rumor  was  cir- 
culated by  a  mulatto  that  all  slaves  had  been  declared 
free  by  the  king,  and  that  they  were  now  unlawfully 
kept  in  bondage  by  the  Spaniards.  A  general  upris- 
ing followed  in  the  month  of  June;  and  though  some 
of  the  more  timid  remained  with  their  masters,  the 
majority,  being  supplied  in  secret  with  arms  of  every 
description,  gathered  and  fortified  themselves  on  the 
hacienda  called  Omealca,  protected  by  the  Rio  Blanco 
and  the  mountains.     The  militia  of  Vera  Cruz,  Ori- 

6  Archbishop  Vizarron  was  born  in  the  city  and  port  of  Santa  Maria,  Spain. 
So  little  is  known  of  the  early  history  of  this  illustrious  member  of  the  church 
that  not  even  the  date  of  his  birth  is  given.  His  biographers  merely  mention 
that  his  studies  were  completed  in  the  college  of  San  Clemente  in  Rome,  and 
that  at  the  time  of  his  election  as  archbishop  of  Mexico  he  was  a  high  digni- 
tary of  the  church  of  Seville.  See  lieahs  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  2S-9;  Provide ■nn las 
Hemes,  MS.,  8-10;  Cabrera  y  Quintcro,  Festividades,  Div.,  i.  pt.  i. ;  Villa- 
Senor,  Tiatro,  i.  2G-31;  Gazeta  Alex.,  Dec.  1730;  Arcvalo,  Compend.,  290. 


DUQUE  DE  LA  COXQUISTA.  353 

zaba,  and  the  neighboring  towns  were  called  out,  and 
a  formal  campaign  opened.  A  force  of  six  hundred 
Spaniards  attacked  the  insurgents,  who  were  routed 
after  a  stubborn  resistance.  The  ringleaders  were  ex- 
ecuted, and  others  who  were  captured  were  subjected 
to  cruel  tortures.  Those  who  escaped  fled  to  the 
mountains;  but  hunger  caused  most  of  them  to  return, 
while  a  few  preferred  death  from  starvation  to  the 
fate  of  their  companions.7 

During  the  greater  part  of  the  following  year  vio- 
lent storms  prevailed,  and  in  the  month  of  August  the 
epidemic  called  matlazahuatl  made  its  appearance  in 
Tacuba,  and  spread  with  rapidity  over  the  whole 
country.8  This  terrible  disease  was  similar  to  that 
of  1576,  which  carried  off  some  two  millions  of  natives.9 

After  being  relieved  from  office  as  viceroy,  Vizarron 
remained  in  charge  of  the  primacy  until  the  day  of 
his  death,10  and  was  succeeded  in  1749  by  archbishop 
Dr  Manuel  Joseph  Rubio  y  Salinas,  who  presided 
over  the  affairs  of  the  church  no  less  ably  than  had 
his   predecessor.11     He    died,   after  a  successful   ad- 

7  More  particulars  about  this  insurrection  may  be  found  in  Rodriguez, 
Cart.  Hist.,  43-G;  Rivera,  Gobernantes,  i.  107-8.  In  1737  a  Guaima  Indian 
was  hanged  for  inciting  the  natives  to  revolt,  pretending  to  be  a  prophet.  At 
the  execution  the  natives  were  much  astonished  that  the  Spaniards  did  not 
turn  into  stone.  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  56. 

8  The  cholora  morbus  of  1833  also  broke  out  in  August,  at  the  time  when 
Herschel's  comet  was  expected,  though  this  was  not  visible  in  Mexico  till 
Oct.  11, 1835.  Bustamante,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  ii.  137.  The  epidemic  of  1736-7 
was  also  ascribed  to  the  appearance  of  a  comet.  In  the  city  of  Mexico  the 
deaths  amounted  to  40,000,  according  to  Alaman,  and  Cabrera  gives  54,000 
for  Puebla.  Alegre  claims  that  in  the  province  of  Mexico  one  third  of  the 
population  perished,  and  Villa-Seii or  states  that  many  towns  remained  deserted. 
A  remarkable  circumstance  was  that  Teutitlan,  Ayahualica,  Hueyacocotlan, 
and  Xotchixtlan  in  the  bishopric  of  Oajaca,  though  surrounded  by  infected 
towns  remained  free  from  contagion.  The  Spaniards,  as  usual,  suffered  less 
than  the  Indians.  See  also  A leyre,  Hist.  Comp.,  iii.  261-8;  Panes,  Vireyes, 
MS.,  113-15;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  pt.  i.  133;  Alzate,  GazetaLit.,  ii.  97. 

9  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe  was  supposed  to  have  caused  the  disappearance 
of  the  epidemic.  She  was  therefore  declared  the  patron  saint  of  the  city  of 
Mexico,  and  in  later  years  of  the  whole  country.  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  56. 

10 He  made  a  report  of  the  condition  of  the  country  and  the  different 
branches  of  the  administration  to  the  king,  and  died  Feb.  25,  1747.  See  Vi- 
zarron y  Eguiarreta,  4-7,  85-92,  in  Vireyes  de  Mex.  Instruc.,  1st  ser.  nos.  18, 
19;  Aetos  Secretos,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  pt.  i.  v.;  Villa- Se nor  y  San- 
chez, Theatro,  i.  17-19;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  56;  Castro,  Diario,  in  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.,  iv.  76-7. 

11  This  prelate,  related  to  the  most  prominent  nobility  of  Spain,  was  born 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  in.    23 


354  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

ministration   of  sixteen  years,  at  the  age  of  sixty- 
two. 

The  thirty-ninth  viceroy,  Pedro  de  Castro  y  Figu- 
eroa  Salazar,  duque  de  la  Conquista  y  marques  de 
Gracia  Real,  took  charge  of  the  government  of  New 
Spain  August  17,  1740.  He  had  taken  passage  in  a 
Dutch  ship  in  order  to  elude  the  English  war  vessels 
which  were  then  cruising  in  the  North  Sea,  but  being 
pursued  near  Portobello  was  obliged  to  make  his  es- 
cape in  a  small  swift  craft  which  had  served  as  escort. 
His  baggage  and  papers  were  left  behind,  but  he  was 
nevertheless  acknowledged  as  viceroy  without  creden- 
tials.12 During  his  brief  reign  of  a  single  year,  he  gave 
indications  of  being  a  good  ruler,  though  he  found  the 
country  in  a  less  favorable  condition  than  his  prede- 
cessors. The  French  had  retired  from  the  extreme 
northern  provinces  of  New  Spain,  but  the  English, 
under  Oglethorpe,  bombarded  San  Agustin,  in  Florida; 
while  Admiral  Vernon  who  had  captured  Portobello 
and  destroyed  the  castle  of  San  Lorenzo  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Chagre,  threatened  Ulua  and  Vera  Cruz. 

The  duke  ordered  that  the  razed  batteries  of  Gua- 
dalupe and  San  Miguel  should  be  reconstructed,  and 
an  adequate  force  raised  for  the  protection  of  the  gulf 
coast.  Soon  afterward  he  repaired  to  Vera  Cruz  for 
the  purpose  of  adopting  measures  for  defence,  but  a 
short  time  after  his  arrival  at  that  port  he  was  stricken 

June  29,  1703.  He  finished  his  studies  at  the  famous  university  of  Alcala  de 
Henares  and  became  celebrated  as  a  licentiate  in  canon  law.  It  is  not  known 
when  he  took  orders,  but  he  rose  rapidly  in  the  ecclesiastical  career  under 
the  patronage  of  Cardinal  Borja,  and  at  the  time  of  his  election  to  the  Mexi- 
can archsee  was  abbot  of  San  Isidro  de  Leon.  See  Veitla,  Linar/e,  in  Doc. 
Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  pt.  v.  36;  Concilios  Prov.,  1555-65,  225-2G;  RedlesCcduhx, 
MS.,  i.  181;  N.  Esp.  Breve  Res.,  i.  139-40;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  182-91;  Mo- 
vena,  Juan  Becerra,  Bel.  Mex.,  176G;  Vallarte,  Sermon,  pt.  ix.,  in  Arteaya, 
Josias. 

12 Instead  of  saving  the  credentials  and  instructions  of  the  crown,  the 
duke  took  with  him  his  favorite  poodle-dog.  For  this  he  was  severely  repri- 
manded by  the  king,  and  the  rebuke  bore  so  heavily  upon  his  mind  that  one 
year  later  it  caused  his  death.  So  say  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  148,  and  Rivera, 
Gobern antes,  i.  353.  It  is  more  likely  that  the  viceroy  died  from  yellow  fever. 
The  lost  baggage  was  valued  at  100,000  pesos. 


CONDE  DE  FUENCLARA.  355 

down  with  a  severe  illness,  causing  his  immediate  re- 
turn to  Mexico,  where  he  died,  August  22, 1741. 13  His 
successor,  Pedro  Cebrian  y  Agustin,  conde  de  Fuen- 
clara,  the  fortieth  viceroy,  and  the  last  who  in  those 
days  enjoyed  the  dignity  of  grandee  of  New  Spain, 
assumed  office  November  3,  1742. 

At  this  time  the  Spanish  provinces  were  kept  in  a 
state  of  constant  alarm  by  the  operations  of  Anson 
and  Vernon,  which  have  already  been  briefly  related.14 
After  scouring  the  Pacific  coast  of  South  America, 
Anson  arrived  off  Acapulco  in  February  1742,  with 
forces  greatly  reduced  by  sickness,  and  failing  to  re- 
ceive the  cooperation  of  Vernon,  resolved  not  to  make 
any  attempt  on  the  mainland.  Hearing  that  he  had 
narrowly  missed  intercepting  a  treasure-ship  named 
the  Covadonga,  which  had  sailed  safely  into  Acapulco  a 
short  time  before,  he  cruised  off  that  port  for  three 
months  in  the  hope  of  capturing  this  prize.  In  the 
ordinary  course  of  things  the  Covadonga  should  have 
left  Acapulco  in  March,  but  on  account  of  Anson's 
presence  the  authorities  thought  it  best  to  detain  her 
until  the  following  year.  Thereupon  the  British  ad- 
miral set  sail  in  disgust  for  China;  and,  having  burned 
one  of  his  two  vessels  and  refitted  the  other  near 
Macao,  put  off  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  two  galleons 
which  he  expected  would  reach  the  Philippines  in  May 
1743.  On  the  20th  of  this  month  he  arrived  in  his 
remaining  vessel,  the  Centurion,  a  frigate  of  sixty  guns, 
and  with  a  very  slender  ship's  company,  at  cape  Espi- 

13  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol. ,  i.  203,  asserts  that  the  duque  de  la  Conquista 
was  the  only  viceroy  born  in  America.  In  this  statement  he  is  in  error; 
there  were  several  others,  among  whom  was  Casafuerte,  who,  as  before  related, 
was  born  in  Lima.  For  more  particulars  concerning  the  administration  of  this 
viceroy,  see  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  123;  Villa-Senor,  Teatro,  i.  44-5;  Papeles 
Franciscanos,  MS.,  i.  1st  ser.  521,  531;  Castillo,  Sermon  Peal,  1  etseq.;  Panes, 
Vireyes,  in  Mon.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  117;  Peales  Cedulas,  MS.,  149;  Vireyes,  In- 
struc,  MS.,  pt.20;  Linares,  Instruc.,  MS.,  1-12;  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist. 
N.  Esj).,  32;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  146-8;  A  la  man,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  57;  Pivero, 
Gobernantes,  i.  351-4.  On  the  death  of  the  viceroy,  there  being  no  carta  de 
mortaja,  the  audiencia  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  with  Pedro  Malo  de 
Villavicencio  as  president.  During  his  brief  rule  nothing  worthy  of  note 
occurred. 

14  See  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  ii.  589  et  seq.,  this  series. 


35G  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

ritu  Santo,  off  the  island  of  Samal.  Here  were  erected 
signal  stations  for  the  purpose  of  warning  Spanish  gal- 
leons to  beware  of  enemies  who  might  be  cruising  about 
in  neighboring  waters.  The  Covadonga  soon  made  her 
appearance,  and  when  Anson's  ship  was  sighted,  bore 
down  upon  her  to  give  battle. 

Though  not  a  war  vessel,  the  Covadonga  was  well 
armed  and  manned,  having  thirty-six  large  guns, 
twenty-eight  howitzers,  and  five  hundred  and  fifty 
men,  a  number  greatly  in  excess  of  the  Centurions 
crew.  But  these  advantages  were  counterbalanced 
by  the  lightness  of  the  British  frigate,  and  the  greater 
efficiency  of  her  men.  For  two  hours  the  conflict 
lasted.  Though  outmatched  in  seamanship  the  Span- 
iards showed  no  lack  of  courage.  The  galleon's  rig- 
ging caught  fire;  her  pennant  was  shot  away;  her  com- 
mander was  wounded,  sixty-seven  of  her  crew  were 
killed,  and  a  greater  number  wounded,  before  her 
colors  were  struck,  while  the  loss  of  the  British  was 
but  one  man  killed  and  seventeen  wounded.  Taking 
possession  of  his  prize,  Anson  found  on  board  treasure 
amounting  to  nearly  a  million  and  a  half  in  coin,  and 
about  forty  thousand  five  hundred  marks  in  silver 
bullion.15 

When  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached  Mexico,  it 
created  much  dissatisfaction  among  the  parties  inter- 
ested, who  laid  the  blame  on  the  authorities.  More- 
over, the  war  which  was  then  raging  in  Europe  caused 
great  scarcity  of  merchandise  and  high  prices  through- 
out New  Spain. 

A  remarkable  instance  of  Spanish  jealousy  toward 
foreigners,  and  of  the  strictness  with  which  the  laws 
in  that  respect  were  enforced,  occurred  at  the  begin- 
ning of  Fuenclara's  rule.  Before  the  arrival  of  the 
viceroy,  an  Italian  gentleman,  Lorenzo  Boturini, 
appeared  in  Mexico  provided  with  a  papal  bull  author- 

15Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  152,  gives  only  4,4G3  marks  of  silver.  Other 
authors  eonrirm  the  amount  given  in  the  text. 


LORENZO  BOTUKINI.  357 

izing  him  to  make  collections  for  the  purpose  of 
providing  a  costly  crown  for  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe. 
Upon  leaving  Spain,  however,  he  had  forgotten  to 
procure  the  sanction  of  the  India  Council;  nevertheless 
the  audiencia,  believing  Boturini  to  be  sincere  in  his 
intention,  decided  to  issue  to  him  a  license  and  pass- 
port. Fuenclara,  however,  took  matters  more  seri- 
ously. An  investigation  was  instituted,  Boturini  was 
imprisoned,  and  his  papers,  forming  an  exceedingly 
valuable  historical  collection,  were  taken  in  charge  by 
the  authorities.16  Although  Boturini  had  acted  in 
good  faith,  he  was  kept  in  confinement  for  a  long 
time,  until  finally,  not  knowing  what  to  do  with  him, 
the  audiencia  sent  him  to  Spain.  There  he  presented 
his  case  at  court  and  was  compensated  by  the  position 
of  royal  chronicler  with  the  salary  of  a  thousand  pesos, 
and  the  Mexican  government  was  ordered  to  return 
his  manuscripts.  This,  however,  was  never  done,  and 
the  greater  portion  of  them  disappeared  from  the 
office  of  the  viceroy's  secretary.  Thus  the  persecution 
of  Boturini  and  his  exile  from  New  Spain  were  the 
cause  of  an  irreparable  loss  to  Mexican  history,  for 
which  Fuenclara  is  directly  answerable.  As  for  the 
audiencia,  the  viceroy  was  ordered  to  convoke  a  secret 
session,  and  having  done  so,  to  administer  a  stern 
rebuke  for  their  presumption  in  encroaching  on  the 
prerogatives  of  the  council  of  the  Indies. 

Fuenclara  was  a  peaceably  inclined  ruler  and  seems 
to  have  paid  much  more  attention  to  the  development 
of  the  country's  resources.  Apart  from  this  there  is 
little  to  record  concerning  his  administration.  Indeed 
this  period  of  the  history  of  New  Spain  is  necessarily 
void  of  interest.  The  European  wars  were  confined 
to  the  Old  World,  and  the  people  of  New  Spain  were 

16  The  learned  Italian  made  this  collection  intending  to  write  the  history  of 
'  Onr  Lady  of  Guadalupe. '  The  ancient  documents  which  he  gathered  from 
all  parts  of  New  Spain  grew  upon  his  hands,  and  induced  him  to  extend  the 
scope  of  his  work.     These  works  will  be  fully  discussed  later. 


358  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

content  to  supply  the  royal  coffers  with  the  necessary 
treasure,  so  long  as  they  were  comparatively  free  from 
the  attacks  of  foreign  powers.  England  considered 
it  a  much  easier  task  to  capture  Spanish  treasure  ships 
on  the  ocean  than  to  send  expeditions  to  the  main- 
land, where  the  deadly  climate  carried  off  her  soldiers 
by  hundreds.  Nothing,  therefore,  impeded  the  prog- 
ress of  the  provinces;  agriculture  and  mining  were 
developed;  the  population  increased;  new  lands  were 
occupied,  so  that  in  every  direction  the  country  be- 
came sprinkled  with  industrious  settlers.  New  Spain 
had  now  arrived  at  the  stage  when  the  spirit  of  con- 
quest disappears;  and  having  outlived  the  period  of 
early  settlement,  the  people  quietly  and  steadily  pur- 
sued their  course. 

Ill-health  finally  induced  Fuenclara  to  resign, 
though  his  salary  had  been  raised  to  forty  thousand 
pesos.  The  resignation  was  accepted  by  the  king  in 
1745,  and  in  the  following  year  he  was  relieved17  by 
Juan  Francisco  de  Guemes  y  Horcasitas,  conde  de 
Kevilla  Gigedo,  who  assumed  the  reins  of  govern- 
ment as  forty-first  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  He  was 
appointed  while  captain-general  of  Cuba,  and  assumed 
office  July  9,  1746.  The  peaceable  condition  of  the 
country  favored  the  propensities  of  the  new  ruler, 
who  had  acquired  a  vast  fortune  by  trading  ventures, 
and  throughout  Europe  was  regarded  as  the  richest 
vassal  of  his  sovereign.  His  fortune  increased  enor- 
mously during  his  administration,  and  in  the  history 
of  the  viceroys  he  is  noted  mainly  as  a  shrewd  and 
successful  speculator.  He  would  pass  by  no  commer- 
cial enterprise  or  profitable  traffic,  generally  devoting 
thereto  his  personal  attention,  so  that  the  viceregal 
palace  was  transformed  into  an  exchange.  Neverthe- 
less he  had  some  qualities  which  gained  for  him  the 

17  He  returned  to  Spain,  and  was  appointed  ambassador  to  Vienna,  where 
he  arranged  the  marriage  of  one  of  the  sons  of  Philip  V.  Rivera,  Gobemantes, 
i.  363.  See  also,  for  other  particulars,  0 r denes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  38-9,  100; 
Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  210;  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Mon.  Dom.  Esp.t  MS.,  45;  Lo- 
renzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  33;  VUla-Seiior,  Teatro,  i.  7. 


REVILLA  GIGEDO.  359 

respect  of  his  subjects,  and  chief  among  them  was  his 
personal  courage.  It  is  related  that  when  a  revolu- 
tionary mob  once  gathered  about  his  palace  he  rode 
*  in  among  them  unattended  by  any  guard,  and  by  his 
commanding  presence  and  stern  rebuke  caused  the 
rioters  to  disperse.  Although  he  devoted  much  of 
his  time  to  his  individual  interests,  it  cannot  be  alleged 
that  he  neglected  the  affairs  of  state.  It  is  even 
claimed  that  he  augmented  the  resources  of  the  coun- 
try, and  greatly  increased  the  royal  revenue.  The 
generous  protection  extended  to  Escandon  in  the  pac- 
ification of  Nuevo  Santander  is  also  greatly  in  his 
favor. 

The  years  1749  and  1750  were  sad  ones  for  the  in- 
habitants of  New  Spain.  The  crops  were  destroyed 
by  unusual  frosts  in  many  provinces,  occasioning  a 
famine  throughout  the  country,  which  in  its  turn  was 
succeeded  by  an  epidemic  in  the  territory  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara.  During 
the  same  period  many  and  destructive  earthquakes 
occurred,  the  centres  of  which  seem  to  have  been  near 
the  volcano  of  Colima.  Many  lives  were  lost  and 
towns  destroyed,  though  the  city  of  Colima  suffered 
but  little.18 

Fernando  VI.,  who  succeeded  to  his  father  Felipe 
V.  on  the  decease  of  that  monarch  in  August  1746, 
had  certainly  no  reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with  Kevilla 
Gigedo's  administration,  for  his  constant  demands  for 
gold  to  replenish  the  empty  coffers  of  the  royal  treas- 
ury were  ever  promptly  complied  with.  But  the 
count  had  now  ruled  for  nine  years,  and  he  was  rich 
enough.  His  resignation  was  accepted  in  1755,  on 
which  date  he  returned  to  Spain.19    He  was  succeeded 

18  The  towns  of  Sayula,  Zapotlan  el  grande,  Amacalpan,  and  many  others 
of  minor  importance  were  destroyed.  On  May  13,  1752,  an  eclipse  of  the  sun 
terrified  the  inhabitants,  and  in  1758  the  volcano  of  Jorullo  on  the  hacienda 
of  that  name,  near  Patzcuaro,  suddenly  became  active.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii. 
1G2,  169,  172;  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  i.  117;  Hernandez,  Estad.,  18;  Ale<jre,  Hist. 
Comp.,  iii.  226-7. 

19  On  his  return  to  Spain  he  received  the  title  of  captain-general  of  the 
army  and  was  made  president  of  the  council  of  war.     For  other  particulars 


3G0  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

by  Agustin  de  Ahumada  y  Villalon,  marques  de  las 
Amarillas,  who  took  charge  of  the  government  on 
the  10th  of  November  in  that  year.  The  character 
of  the  marquis  was  in  strong  contrast  with  that  of  his 
predecessor  in  almost  every  respect.  Indeed,  they 
seemed  to  have  only  one  trait  in  common,  and  that  was 
loyalty  to  their  sovereign.  Amarillas  was  a  soldier 
who  had  won  fame  in  the  Italian  wars,  and  at  once 
devoted  himself  to  correcting  the  abuses  that  had 
crept  in  under  the  former  administration.  But  soon 
after  his  arrival  his  health  began  to  fail,  and  by  the 
advice  of  physicians  he  resided  for  some  time  at 
Cuautitlan,  and  thence  removed  to  the  city  of  Cucr- 
navaca.  Not  finding  relief  he  returned  to  Mexico 
where  he  died  February  5,  1760.  While  his  prede- 
cessor was  known  as  the  wealthiest  vassal  of  the  king, 
it  may  be  said  of  Amarillas  that  he  was  one  of  the 
poorest.  Though  his  administration  lasted  more  than 
four  years,  his  honesty  and  generosity  had  been  such 
that  his  widow  was  left  in  poverty,  and  became  de- 
pendent on  the  archbishop  Kubio  y  Salinas,  who  pro- 
vided funds  for  her  return  to  Spain.20 

Francisco  de  Ech&varri,  president  of  the  audiencia, 
took  charge  on  the  death  of  the  viceroy,  and  ruled  for 
several  months  pending  the  arrival  of  his  successor. 
In  the  carta  de  mortaja,  the  governor  of  Habana, 
Francisco  Cagigal  de  la  Vega,  was  designated  to  fill 
the  vacancy    ad    interim.     Fie    was    notified    of   his 

concerning  Revilla  Gigedo's  administration,  see  Instruc.  Vireyes,  3-57;  Or- 
denes  tie  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  190;  Doc.  Ecles.  Ilex.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  i.  27;  Payno, 
Rentas  Generates,  vi.-vii.;  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,33;  Castro,  Diario,  in 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.  vi.  84^5;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  59-00;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mej.,  v.  571-9. 

20  Some  years  previous  to  the  viceroy's  death,  an  aged  married  couple  with- 
out heirs,  and  friends  of  the  family,  had  donated  a  large  estate  to  his  wife. 
After  much  reluctance,  the  gift  was  accepted.  The  case  was  reported  to  the 
king  by  evil-disposed  persons,  and  the  donation  was  declared  void,  thus 
leaving  the  viceregal  family  in  poverty.  For  particulars  of  the  case  see 
Recties  Cedtdas,  M.S.,  ii.  225-8.  See  also  Vtreyex,  Instruc,  MS.,  1st  ser.,  pt. 
v.  1-0;  pt.  vi.  7;  2d  ser.,  pt.  iv.  1-2;  Doc.  Ecles.  31  ex.,  MS.,  i.  pt.  vi. ;  Coloyulo, 
Soph,  y  Leon.,  MS.,  4;  Danes,  Viretjes,  in  Mon.  Dora.  E<p.,  MS.,  47:  Lor< n- 
zana,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  33;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  00-1;  Rivera,  Goberuuntes, 
379-85. 


AMARILLAS  AND  VEGA.  361 

appointment  by  the  audiencia,  and  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  April  8,  17 GO,  receiving  the  viceregal  baton  on 
the  28th,  when  he  formally  entered  the  city  of  Mexico. 
The  administration  of  this,  the  forty-second  viceroy, 
was  void  of  any  important  event,  and  of  very  short 
duration.  Knowing  that  his  successor  would  soon 
arrive  from  Spain,  he  abstained  from  making  any 
changes  in  the  government,  and  contented  himself 
with  upholding  for  the  time  the  existing  laws.  "  How- 
ever, during  the  few  months  of  his  rule,"  says  Panes, 
"he  gave  evidence  of  extreme  rectitude,  zeal,  and 
disinterestedness  in  the  service  of  the  king  and  the 
publ 


1C.    21 


21 1  may  mention  as  authorities  on  the  preceding  chapters  the  following : 
Villa- Seiior  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  Mex.,  i.  33-382;  ii.  47,  passim;  Calle,  Mem. 
y  Not.,  77,  90;  Torquemada,  i.  338-9;  Papeles  tie  Jesuitas,  MS.,  521-38; 
Doc.  Ecles.  de  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  4-15,  27-41;  ii.  1-3,  43-6,  133;  Alec/re,  Hist. 
Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  197-8,  213-18,  2G1-8;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  29, 
38-9,  59,  68;  ii.  58-189;  iii.  171;  iv.  67-70,  139-48,  164-6,  190-4;  v.  11,  99, 
104;  vi.  7;  vii.  48-54;  Arlegui,  Prov.  de  Zac,  57,  73-89,  94-6,  122-3,408-44; 
Providencias,  Peaks,  MS.,  1,  8-10,  60-2,  172-5,  219-21;  Villena  a  Regente 
Roma,  MS.,  passim;  Navarro,  Misiones  de  Nayarit,  MS.,  466,  469;  Certifi- 
cation de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  33-56;  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  31,  33-4;  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ix.  179-91;  Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS.,  192;  Azanza, 
Ynstruccion,  MS.,  76-8,  106-8;  Lazcano,  Vida  del  P.  Oviedo,  276-8;  Naya- 
ritas,  Relation  de  la  Conq.,  passim;  Michoacan,  Informe  de  las  Misiones,  MS., 
137,  passim;  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  MS.,  passim;  Nayarit,  Fragmento  Hist., 
MS.,  1;  Id.,  Informe  de  la  And.  de  Quad.,  MS.,  67-9,  75;  Descrip.  de  America, 
MS.,  107,  123-5;  Medina  d  Regente  Roma,  MS.,  passim;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex., 
serie  i.  torn.  i.  330,  362;  iv.  v.  vi.,  passim;  serie  ii.  torn,  iv.,  passim;  torn, 
vii.  31,  278,  435;  Medina,  Cron.  de  San  Dier/o  de  Mex.,  181,  256;  Vireyes  de 
Mex.,  MS.,  serie  i.  1-19;  serie  ii.  2-17;  Reales  CMulas,  MS.,  i.  1,  28-35,  S3, 
181-3,  203;  ii.  109-12,  159,  197,  210,  225-8,  234;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  66,  88, 
114,  209-14,  330-1;  iii.  9-11,  34-7,  96,  110-28,  176,  211,  238;  Monumeutos 
Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  41-7,  110-17,  309-48;  Concilios  Prov.  1555  y  1565,  224-6; 
Salguero,  Vida,  passim;  Cancelada,  Ridna  de  la  N.  Esp.,  73-7;  Figuproa, 
Vindkias,  MS.,  123;  Beaumont,  Cr6n.  Mich.,  iv.  92;  v.  79-84;  Maltratami- 
ento  de  Indios,  MS.,  1;  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  339;  Castro,  Diario,  passim;  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Bol,  torn.  i.  135;  ii.  6,  18-20,  96-110;  vi.  295;  vii.  3-40,  138. 
300-17,  521-43;  ix.  270-5;  xi.  200-1;  Id.,  2da  ep.  i.  291,  497-500,  570-2; 
iii.  21-5,  194-9,  307;  Id.,  3da  ep.  i.  238,  266;  v.  497;  Montemayor,  Svma- 
rios,  61;  Soriano,  Prdlogo,  passim;  Are'valo,  Compend.,  6  et  seq. ;  Cavo, 
Tres  Siglos,  ii.,  passim;  iii.  197;  Mayer  MSS.,  no.  2,  passim;  no.  11,  49- 
51;  Linares,  Instruc,  MS.,  15-27;  Belefia,  Recop.,  ii.  26-58;  Orozco  y  Berra, 
Not.  Hist.,  291-2;  Frejes,  Hist.  Conq.,  238-40;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  i. 
57,  155,  203,  257-61,  282-8;  Id.,  New  Spam,  ii.  180-7,  224-35;  Id.,  Tabla 
Estad.,  MS.,  7-40;  Id.,Versuch,  ii.  156-60,  186-95;  Nueva  Espana,  Breve 
Res.,i.  112-14,  139-40;  ii.  304-20;  Instrucciones  d  los  Vireyes,  5-111:  Beltrami, 
Mex.,  i.  107-9;  Guerra,  Revue  N.  E<p.,  i.  354;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  228-39; 
Id.,  Mex.  as  it  ums,  172-3;  Pay  no,  Rentas  Generates,  vi.-vii.,  passim;  Rodri- 
guez, Carta  Hist.,  43-56;  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  4-15:-,  365-72;  Mosaico, 
Mex.,  ii.  419;  vi.  162;  vii.  225-9;  Prieto,  Hist.  Tarn.,  1-9,  67-8,  75-213;  Al- 


302  THIRTY-SEVENTH  TO  FORTY-THIRD  VICEROYS. 

zate,  Gazetas,  ii.  97;  iii.  344,  420;  Colima,  Representation,  passim;  Noticia  de 
N.  Espa/la,  18-19;  Sanchez,  Sermon,  1-2S;  Hassel,  Mex.  and  GuaL,  155-68, 
212  29;  I'raiixham,  World,  8-20;  Lacunza,  Discursos  Hist.,  no.  35,  509-12; 
Robertson's  J  list.  Am.  (ed.  London),  ii.  950,  955,  970-2;  Ortiz,  Mex.  fndep. 
Libre,  79;  Castellanos,  Defensa,  26;  Alvarez,  Estudios  Hist.,  iii.  354,  364-84; 
jParros,  ('onq.  de  Jalisco,  MS.,  520-1,  742-3;  Lerdo  de  Tajada,  Apunt.  Hist., 
no.  5,  294-313,  382-8;  Rivera,  Deserip.  Zac.,  50-66;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex., 
182-91;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  681;  v.  535-95;  vi.  301;  vii.  7-9,  34-40, 
174,  184-94;  viii.  49;  x.  1372-3;  Montanus,  Die  Nieuwe  Weereld,  222-30; 
D'Avify,  Deserip.  Gen.,  ii.  83-4;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.,  x.  400-19,  495-513;  xi. 
1-8,  400-33;  Rivera,  Gobernantes  de  Mex.,  i.  107-8,  222;  Sammlung,  Alter 
Reisebesch.,  xiii.  508-13;  Navarrete,  Rel.  Peregriuo,  no.  1,  30-66;  Galvez,  In- 
form e  del  Visitador,  MS.,  42-54;  Viagero,  Univ.,  xxvii.  97-112;  Mofras, 
L' Exploration,  i.  105;  Velasco,  Noticias  Son.,  197;  Mexico,  Ordenanzas,  7  et 
seq. ;  Laet,  Am.  Deserip.,  282-9;  Spanish  Empire  in  Am.,  103-14;  Arispe, 
Colosso  Eloquente,  98,  174;  Zavala,  Rev.  Mex.,  65;  Salmon's  Modern  Hid., 
iii.  159-60;  Burke's  Europ.  Settlement,  228-30;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.,  iv.  284; 
Lardner's  Hist.  Marit.  Discov.,  ii.  328;  Burney's  Discov.  South  Seas,  v.  60-4; 
Zuhigay  O.,  Calendario,  103-17;  Bury's  Exodus,  ii.  172-3;  Moreno,  Relation 
del  Funeral,  1-155;  Betagh's  Voy.,  190-3;  Arispe,  Colosso  Eloquente,  98, 
passim;  Willie,  Noticias  Hacienda,  4;  Vcdlarta,  Sermon  Funebre,  passim; 
Coloquio  entre  Sophronio  y  Leonidas,  MS.,  4-16;  Berenger's  Col.  Voy.,  iv. 
149-51,  268-92;  Hernandez,  Estadistica,  18;  World  Displayed,  vi.  119-42; 
Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  61-2,  70;  Young's  Hist.  Mex.,  60;  Boucher's  Bib.  Univ., 
ii.  123-5;  Voyages,  A  New  Col.,  iii.  413-43;  Id.,  New  Univ.  Col,  i.  240-2, 
286-8,  395-402;  Id.,  Hist.  Voy.  round  World,  ii.  117-19,  202-33;  Flint's  Geog., 
ii.  132,  142;  Berghes,  Zac.,  4;  Pap.  Var.,  ii.  passim;  iv.  1-155;  x.  3  ct  scq.; 
cxlix.  413;  cexv.  17,  61-76;  Diario,  Mex.,  iii.  486-8;  iv.  1-2;  xi.  220-2, 
675-6;  xii.  252;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  110-18;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  53-61, 
266-90;  Id.,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  49-51;  ii.  94-6;  Gazeta  de  Mex. ,  i.  42  et  seq.;  ii.-v., 
passim;  vi.  9-709;  vii.  10-475;  viii.-x.,  passim;  xi.  9  etseq.;  xii.  165-293; 
xiii.  411-803;  xiv.-xvi.,  passim. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUK,  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

1760-1779. 

Viceroy  Marques  de  Cruillas — King  Carlos  III.  Proclaimed — War 
with  Great  Britain — Extensive  and  Costly  Preparations  against 
Possible  Attacks— Visitador  General  Jose  de  Galvez — His  Eminent 
Services  in  Mexico  and  Spain — Cruillas'  Relief  and  Harsh  Treat- 
ment— Viceroy  Marques  de  Croix — He  Supports  Galvez — His  Rule 
Approved — Promotion,  Recall,  and  Future  Career — Unjust  Strict- 
ures— Viceroy  Frey  Antonio  Maria  Bucareli — General  Measures 
of  his  Long  Rule — His  Death — Temporary  Rule  of  the  Audiencia — 
Fourth  Ecclesiastical  Council — Its  Acts — Archbishop  Francisco 
Antonio  Lorenzana — His  Course  in  Mexico  and  Spain — He  is  Made 
a  Cardinal — Future  Career  and  Death. 

The  successor  of  General  Cagigal,  and  forty-fourth 
viceroy,  was  Joaquin  Monserrat,1  marques  de  Cru- 
illas, a  knight  grand  cross,  claviger  commander  of 
Montroy  and  Burriana,  and  bailiff  of  Sueca  in  the 
order  of  Montesa,2  a  mariscal  de  campo3  of  the  army, 
and  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  ro}^al  Spanish  infantry 
guards.  He  brought  out  his  wife,  Dona  Maria  Josefa 
de  Acufla,4  a  lady  related  to  the  highest  nobility  of 

1  His  family  names,  as  given  at  the  head  of  his  decrees,  were  Monserrat, 
Ciurana,  Cruillas,  Crespi  de  Valldaura,  Alfonso,  Calatayud,  Sans  de  la  Llosa. 
Disposic.   Farias,  i.  21,  iv.  1. 

2  A  Spanish  order  of  knighthood  named  after  the  convent  of  Santa  Maria 
de  Montesa,  which  was  situated  two  leagues  from  the  city  of  Jativa  in  the 
province  of  Valencia.  It  was  founded  with  the  sanction  of  Pope  John  XXIL 
in  1537.  Moreri  and  Miravel  y  Casadevante,  Gran.  Dice,  vii.  74. 

3  This  was  his  military  rank  at  the  time  of  his  appointment.  Reales  Cedulas, 
MS.,  ii.  237.  His  promotion  to  lieutenant-general  was  decreed  soon  after 
his  departure  for  America.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex. ,  i.  388.  He  certainly  held  the 
commission  of  a  lieutenant-general  during  his  rule  in  Mexico,  and  made  ii 
appear  in  his  decrees. 

4  Her  family  names  were:  Acuria  y  Prado,  Vazquez,  Coronado,  Henriquez, 
Luna  y  Portocarrero,  Castro,  Figueroa  y  Mendoza,  Konquillo  y  Briseiio,  Mas* 
carefias,  Alencastre  y  la  Cueva.  Rodriguez,  Express,  del  Dolor.,  i.-xvi. 

(363) 


3G4  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

Spain,  among  whom  was  the  late  viceroy,  marquds  de 
Casafuerte,  and  it  is  even  said  that  royal  blood  coursed 
in  her  veins. 

The  marques  dc  Cruillas  was  appointed  viceroy  of 
New  Spain  on  or  before  the  9th  of  May,  17 GO.  He 
left  Spain  in  July,  touched  at  Puerto  Rico  and  Cuba, 
and  landed  in  Vera  Cruz  the  4th  of  September.  He 
left  that  city  the  19th,  and  journeying  as  his  prede- 
cessors had  done,  reviewing  on  his  way  the  colored 
troops  in  Puebla,  and  reached  on  the  5th  of  October 
Otumba,  where  acting  viceroy  Cagigal  delivered  him 
the  baton  of  command,  and  on  the  next  day6  informally 
entered  the  capital.  Being  received  by  the  ayunta- 
miento  and  conducted  to  the  presence  of  the  royal 
audiencia  he  then  laid  before  that  body  his  commis- 
sions as  viceroy,  governor,  and  president,  took  the 
oath  of  office,6  and  made  his  public  entry  into  Mexico 
on  the  25th  of  January,  1761/  not  the  17th  as  modern 
authors  have  asserted. 

Several  important  affairs  soon  engaged  the  new 
viceroy's  attention.  The  first  was  the  recognition  and 
proclamation  of  the  new  king  who  had  ascended  the 
throne  in  November  1759.  The  act  had  been  decreed 
in  1760  and  postponed.  The  viceroy  resolved  that  it 
should  be  on  a  magnificent  scale.  Accompanied  from 
the  palace  by  the  city  council,  courts  of  justice,  and 
the  nobility  on  horseback,  holding  the  standard  that 
had  been  blessed  by  the  archbishop,  the  marquis 
repaired  to  the  stage  erected  in  the  plaza  mayor, 
where  being  challenged  to  raise  the  standard  for  Carlos 

6  Cavo,  Tre.s  Stylos,  ii.  173,  refers  to  the  Libro  Capitular  of  Mexico  for  this 
date.  Lorenzana,  Hist.  N.  Esp. ,  has  it  4th  of  October.  Panes  erroneously 
places  his  arrival  in  Mexico  on  the  24th  of  August.  The  same  authority  adds 
that  Cruillas  was  the  last  viceroy  to  make  a  public  entry  in  Tlascala  and  other 
places  as  had  ,been  the  practice  of  his  regularly  commissioned  predecessors. 
Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  49. 

(;  On  his  recognition  he  demanded  the  yearly  pay  of  $40,000  from  the  date 
of  his  embarkation  for  America.   Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  388. 

7  He  at  once  carried  out  the  papal  bull  on  patronage,  prayer,  and  recogni- 
tion of  the  mystery  of  the  immaculate  conception  of  the  virgin  Mary.  lb.  A 
grand  triumphal  arch  was  erected  with  allegorical  paintings,  which  arc  de- 
scribed in  a  work  dedicated  to  the  marcpiesa  de  Cruillas.  Leon,  Hunt,  de  las 
Piuluras,  1-40. 


MARQUES  DE  CRUILLAS.  365 

III.  lie  complied,  and  then  and  there  the  caciques  of 
Tlatelulco,  Tezcuco,  Tlacopan,  and  Cuyoacan  re- 
iterated their  allegiance  on  behalf  of  the  Mexican 
nation.  The  procession  being  again  organized,  the 
several  other  platforms  were  visited,  and  the  cere- 
monies repeated.  That  night,  and  the  two  following, 
the  city  was  brilliantly  illuminated,  and  the  people 
surrendered  themselves  for  three  days  to  festivities,  in 
the  midst  of  which  poetical  effusions  were  not 
wanting.8 

While  the  viceroy  was  studying  the  general  affairs 
of  the  country,  and  discharging  his  multifarious  duties, 
news  reached  Mexico  early  in  1762  that  war  had  been 
declared  by  Spain  against  Great  Britain.  There 
were  good  reasons  to  apprehend  an  attack  on  Vera 
Cruz,  for  early  in  June  a  combined  land  and  naval 
force  had  captured  Habana.  Cruillas  hastened  to 
Vera  Cruz  to  provide  for  its  defence,  taking  with  him 
the  two  companies  of  his  guard,  and  reenforcing  the  few 
bodies  of  regular  troops  at  his  command.  The  militia, 
both  infantry  and  cavalry,  from  all  parts  of  the 
country  was  mustered  into  active  service,  and  quar- 
tered at  a  convenient  distance  from  Vera  Cruz. 
Among  them  was  one  battalion  of  Puebla,  and  one  of 
Michoacan.  Most  of  the  men  were  Spanish  Creoles; 
to  render  them  efficient  the  viceroy  summoned  to  his 
aid  such  governors,  corregidores,  and  alcaldes  mayores 
as  had  formerly  followed  the  profession  of  arms.9 

The  real  consulado  of  Mexico  raised  and  equipped 
at  its  own  expense  a  regiment  of  dragoons.    The  regi- 

8  Carlos  III,  Amorosa  Contienda,  1-208;  Carlos  III.,  Real  Prod.,  1-29. , 
The  ceremonials  of  allegiance  were  repeated  throughout  the  country.  In 
Puebla,  particularly,  the  loyal  manifestation  was  marked.  An  obelisk,  said 
to  have  been  worthy  of  the  Augustan  era,  with  the  king's  statue  on  the  top 
was  erected  in  the  plaza.  Carlos  III.,  Obelisco,  1-4,  etc.;  Plateros,  Obelisco, 
1-5.     The  ceremonies  in  Vera  Cruz  are  described  in  Idea  Mercurial,  1-26. 

9  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  63.  Among  those  who  obeyed  the  summons 
were  Pedro  Montesinos  de  Lara,  president  of  the  real  audiencia  of  Nueva 
Galicia,  and  comandante  general  of  that  province;  and  Jose"  Carlos  de  Aguiar, 
governor  of  Durango.  The  latter  was  made  inspector-general  of  all  the  troops 
called  to  the  succor  of  Vera  Cruz.  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esv.,  MS., 
119-20. 


3GG  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

micnto  del  comercio  was  intrusted  with  the  preserva- 
tion of  public  order  at  the  capital,  which  service  it  had 
rendered,  on  several  previous  occasions  of  danger,  free 
of  all  cost  to  the  royal  treasury. 

The  viceroy  visited  Anton  Lizardo  and  Alvarado, 
and  caused  provisional  batteries  to  be  erected  to  pro- 
tect the  entrance  of  the  bar,  and  floating  batteries. 
A  hospital  was  likewise  made  ready,  and  barracks  for 
the  troops.  Every  possible  measure  was  adopted  to 
meet  the  impending  attack.10 

The  whole  force  put  under  arms  remained  in  active 
service  till  all  danger  had  passed,11  peace  having  been 
concluded  between  the  belligerents  soon  after.  The 
news  of  peace  was  brought  by  a  British  man-of-war, 
which  found  some  difficulty  in  gaining  admittance  into 
port;  but  becoming  satisfied  of  the  truth  of  the  re- 
port, the  authorities  finally  greeted  her  with  the  usual 
honors.  On  the  25th  of  February,  1763,  arrived  in 
Vera  Cruz  the  British  frigate  Trent  with  the  Spanish 
prisoners  captured  by  the  English  in  the  siege  of 
Habana,  and  a  copy  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace.  In 
September  of  the  same  year  came  several  small  vessels 
conveying  the  garrison,  officials,  vecinos,  and  two 
bands  of  Indians  from  Pensacola,  which  place,  by  order 
of  the  captain-general  of  Cuba,  had  been  surrendered 
to  the  English.12  The  energetic  measures  taken  and 
personally  supervised  by  the  marques  de  Cruillas  for 
the  defence  of  New  Spain  were  highly  appreciated, 
and  rewarded  by  the  crown.13 

10 At  this  time  was  brought  to  Vera  Cruz  from  Campeche  a  'religioso  ser- 
vita,'  who  pretended  to  have  visited  Yucatan  to  procure  shoes  for  the 
English.  Several  papers  and  drawings  of  Spanish  ports  being  found  on  his 
person,  he  was  taken  to  Mexico  as  a  spy,  and  with  the  approval  of  the  au- 
diencia  thrown  into  jail.  This  confinement  of  a  priest  with  common  crim- 
inals was  objected  to  by  the  archbishop,  who  claimed  the  ecclesiastic  immu- 
nity; the  secretary  of  the  audiencia  was  excommunicated;  but  the  viceroy 
and  audiencia  demanded  the  repeal  of  the  excommunication,  and  the  demand 
was  complied  with.   Cavo,  Tres  Siglosy  ii.  380-1;  liivera,  Gob.  Mex,  i.  394-."). 

11  The  expense  incurred  in  these  preparations  exceeded  two  million  dollars. 

i,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  394. 

12  The  authorities  and  the  people  provided  for  the  comfort  of  the  immi- 
grants. Id. 

n  lie  was  made  'gentil  hombre  de  camara  de  S.  M.'  lieales  Cedillas,  MS., 
ii.  153;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  399. 


ARMONA  AND  GALVEZ.  367 

Experience  had  taught  the  necessity  of  a  strict  su- 
pervision by  the  crown  over  the  management  of  the 
treasury.  The  court,  therefore,  directed  Francisco 
Armona  to  come  to  New  Spain  as  visitador  general 
to  inspect  and  arrange  the  administration  of  the  royal 
revenues.14  The  king's  minister,  Arriaga,  sent  the 
viceroy  the  instructions  under  which  the  visitador 
was  to  act,  and  ordered  him  to  aid  that  officer  in  every 
possible  way.  Armona,  who  had  been  given  five  as- 
sistants, died  on  the  passage  out,  and  Jose  de  Galvez, 
an  intendente  of  the  royal  army,  was  chosen  for  the 
position.15  He  came  out  in  1761,  and  before  he  had 
fairly  begun  the  discharge  of  his  duties  a  disagree- 
ment sprang  up  with  the  viceroy  who  refused  to 
recognize  certain  powers  claimed  by  the  visitador. 
Thereupon  the  latter,  referring  the  questions  to  the 
crown,  led  a  retired  life  and  awaited  the  final  decision. 
The  fleet  of  1764  brought  him  powers  independent 
of  the  viceroy,  almost  unlimited  ones,  which  the  latter 
could  not  ignore. 

Galvez  was  endowed  with  talents  of  a  high  order,  a 
sterling  fearless  character,  indomitable  will,  and  un- 
common industry,  united  to  great  experience  in  affairs. 
He  has  been  charged  with  a  harsh,  despotic,  ran- 
corous disposition,16  that  never  tempered  justice  with 
clemency,17  but  there  were  deeply  rooted  abuses  to 

14  The  French  at  that  time  had  much  influence  at  the  Spanish  court.  They 
urged  Spain  to  be  better  prepared  with  resources  for  war,  to  which  end  the 
government  should  effect  such  changes  in  the  administration  of  the  American 
possessions  as  would  bring  about  an  increase  of  revenue,  which  hitherto,  con- 
sidering their  extent  and  wealth,  was  indeed  a  very  scanty  one.  Alamcrn, 
DiserL,  iii.  296. 

15  He  owed  his  great  promotion  to  the  French  ambassador  at  Madrid.  Ala- 
man,  DiserL,  Hi.  296. 

16  'Hombre  de  pasiones  fuertes,  rencoroso  y  terrible. .  .abusaba  del  poder 
que  el  Soberano  habia  puesto  en  sus  manos.'  Many  thought  him  insane. 
Bustamante,  Sitplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  44. 

17  Galvez  was  a  native  of  Malaga.  His  services  were  munificently  re- 
warded by  the  sovereign.  In  1768  he  was  made  a  member  of  the  supreme 
council  of  the  Indies,  and  on  his  return  to  Spain  ministro  universal  de  Indias, 
an  office  that  he  held  till  his  death,  which  occurred  suddenly  at  Madrid 
on  the  17th  of  June,  1787.  He  had  been  also  given  the  title  of  marques 
de  Sonora.  The  news  of  his  death  reached  Mexico  the  30th  of  August. 
Many  of  those  who  suffered  at  his  hands  showed  their  satisfaction  in  disgrace- 
ful printed  papers  that  made  their  appearance  the  next  morning.    Loreuzana, 


363  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

be  corrected  regardless  of  reputation.18  It  is  believed, 
however,  that  the  visitador  used  a  just  discrimination. 
The  result  of  his  efforts  was  that  in  future,  or  at  least 
during  his  term,  every  branch  of  the  public  adminis- 
tration experienced  a  marked  improvement,19  officials, 
in  the  fear  of  dismission,  faithfully  doing  the  right. 

Viceroy  Cruillas  neglected  none  of  the  important 
duties  of  his  offices,  and  his  wise,  energetic  policy  won 
him  an  honorable  name  in  the  country.  His  disagree- 
ments with  General  Villalba,  explained  elsewhere,  and 
the  presence  of  an  official  exercising  authority  inde- 
pendent of  him,  rendered  his  stay  in  New  Spain  un- 
pleasant.    His  relief  came  in  August  17G6. 

The  marquis  was  subjected  to  a  rigorous  residencia 
by  the  judge  commissioner,  Jose  Areche,  who  refused 
him  permission  to  go  to  Spain  on  bail,  as  had  been 
granted  his  predecessors.  He  remained  in  Cholula 
till  the  end  of  his  trial,  and  then  was  allowed  to  depart 
for  the  mother  county,  which  he  did  in  the  same  ship 
that  carried  General  Villalba. 

The  forty-fifth  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  Carlos 
Francisco  de  Croix,20  marques  de  Croix,  a  knight  of 
the  order  of  Calatrava,  commander  of  Molinos  and 
Laguna  Rota  in  the  same  order,  and  a  lieutenant- 
general  of  the  royal  army,21  who  had  been  colonel  of 
the  Walloon  guards.  He  had  given  proofs  of  military 
skill  in  fifty  years  of  service;  he  had  been  in  command 
at  Ceuta  and  Puerto  de  Santa  Maria,  and  had  served  as 
captain-general  of  Galicia.  King  Cdrlos  III.  esteemed 
him  highly,  knowing  that  he  was  a  sincere,  just  man, 
and  a  true  soldier,  ready  at  all  times  to  sacrifice  him- 

Hiat.  V.  Ekp.f  34,  35;  Panes,  Vir.  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  121;  Gomez, 
Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.,  vii.  280-1;  Gazeta  de  M6x.  (1786-7),  ii. 
82.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  402,  wrongly  gives  1789  as  the  year  of  his  death. 
18A  few  of  those  were  at  a  later  day  reinstated  by  the  sovereign.  Cavo, 
Tres  Sighs,  ii.  182. 

19  His  master  mind  had  been  felt  everywhere.  Alaman,  D'tsert.,  in.  app.  04. 

20  In  several  documents,  both  manuscript  and  printed,  the  name  is  written 
Croix,  which  was  probably  the  accent  given  it  by  Spaniards. 

*J1  A  native  of  the  city  of  Lille  in  Flauders,  and  of  a  very  illustrious  family. 
Loreuzana,  J  J  id.  N.  Esp.,  35;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  05. 


MARQUES  DE  CROIX.  3G9 

self  for  his  master,  as  he  called  the  sovereign,  whose 
orders  were  to  be  obeyed  without  cavil,  and  on  the 
same  principle  he  allowed  no  contradiction  to  his  own 
authority  as  the  king's  lieutenant.22 

The  marquis  took  charge  of  his  offices  on  the  25th 
of  August  1766,  which  was  the  date  of  his  entering  the 
capital.23  From  that  time  he  paid  strict  attention  to 
his  duties,  doing  all  in  his  power  for  the  improvement 
and  defence  of  the  country,  the  increase  of  its  revenues, 
the  development  of  knowledge,  and  all  that  might 
be  expected  from  a  conscientious  ruler.  With  the 
visitador  general,  Jose  de  Galvez,  he  maintained  the 
closest  relations,  supporting  all  his  measures,  as  he 
had  the  fullest  confidence  in  his  ability  and  character. 
The  marques  de  Croix  won  for  himself  the  name  of 
an  able  viceroy,  as  well  as  of  a  pure,  upright  man. 
When  he  arrived  he  refused  to  accept  the  customary 
gifts,  and  called  for  higher  pay  from  the  crown,  which 
was  granted  him.  He  was  somewhat  addicted  to 
drink,  and  evil  tongues  called  him  a  drunkard.24  If 
this  was  so  he  was  a  better  man  drunk  than  was  many 
another  sober;  at  all  events  his  measures  showed  that 
he  was  a  very  sensible  man,  and  that  they  were  planned 
by  no  clouded  or  besotted  intellect. 

22  Anecdotes  were  related  of  him,  which,  if  authentic,  and  they  are  given  for 
what  they  may  be  worth,  go  to  show  that  he  possessed  a  vein  of  humor  as  well 
as  force  of  character.  Once  while  holding  a  command  in  Spain,  the  all- 
powerful  inquisition  sent  for  him,  and  he  obeyed  the  summons  ;  but  knowing 
the  characters  he  had  to  deal  with,  took  with  lr'masquad  of  artillerymen  and 
four  cannon,  which  he  stationed  round  the  inquisitorial  quarters,  giving  orders 
to  his  men,  before  entering  the  building,  that  if  he  did  not  come  out  in  fifteen 
minutes  they  were  to  demolish  it.  The  inquisitors  on  learning  this  dismissed 
him  'con  muchas  zalemas  y  carabanas,'  and  never  troubled  him  again.  An- 
other time  a  bishop  excommunicated  him;  and  on  being  apprised  that  this 
meant  cutting  off  relations  between  him  and  the  faithful,  he  resolved  to  cut 
off  relations  of  the  faithful  with  the  bishop,  and  laid  siege  with  armed  men  to 
the  episcopal  palace  to  stop  all  ingress  and  egress  as  long  as  the  excommuni- 
cation should  be  in  force.  The  next  day  the  prelate  raised  the  ban,  and  sent 
the  marquis  his  apologies,  whereupon  the  troops  were  removed.  Correo  Sema- 
ndrio  (Eno.  10,  1827),  i.  124-5. 

23  He  was  the  first  viceroy  not  to  make  a  public  entry,  as  his  regularly 
commissioned  predecessors  had  done.  Panas,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.. 
MS.,  50. 

21  His  stock  of  wines  and  liquors  was  the  finest  in  the  country,  and  his 
table  splendid.     His  expression  of  thanks  to  the  sovereign  for  increase  of 
pay  and  promotion  was  no  warmer  than  when  he  was  granted  exemption 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    24 


370  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

On  the  21st  of  April  1770  ho  was  commissioned  a 
captain-general  of  the  royal  army ;  and  as  a  further  re- 
ward of  his  faithful  services,  on  being  relieved  from 
the  government  of  New  Spain  the  2 2d  of  September 
1771,  he  was  promoted  to  viceroy  and  captain-general 
of  the  kingdom  of  Valencia  in  Spain.25  These  offices 
he  held  at  the  time  of  his  death.'20 

The  forty-sixth  viceroy  was  the  bailiff  Frey  An- 
tonio Maria  Bucareli  yUrsua,  Henestrosa,  Lasso  de  la 
Vega,  Villacis  y  Cordoba,  knight  commander27  of  La 
Boveda  de  Toro28  in  the  order  of  Saint  John  of  Malta, 
and  a  lieutenant-general  of  the  royal  armies.29 

Bucareli  was  a  native  of  Seville,  and  related  to  the 
most  noble  families  of  Spain  and  Italy,  being  on  his 
paternal  side  a  descendant  from  a  very  distinguished 
family  of  Florence,  which  boasted  among  its  con- 
nections three  popes,  six  cardinals,  and  other  high 
officers  of  the  state  and  church;  and  on  the  maternal, 
the  Ursuas  were  related  to  several  ducal  families.30 
The  knight  entered  the  military  service  of  his  country 
as  a  cadet,  and  rose  by  gallantry  and  honorable  service 
to  be  lieutenant-general.  He  had  distinguished  him- 
self in  several  campaigns  in  Italy  and   Spain,  in  en- 

from  import  duty  on  some  barrels  of  Bordeaux  wine.  Bustamante,  Suplem. , 
in  Cavo,  Tres  SUjlos,  iii.  13-14. 

25  About  the  time  of  his  departure  the  spite  of  his  enemies  was  displayed 
in  doggerel  verse,  depreciating  his  rule,  and  even  hinting  at  peculation.  I  "w. 
Instrucc,  MS.,  lstser.,  no.  13,  1-3;  no.  14,  1-4. 

2uIn  178G,  at  the  age  of  87  years.  Gomez,  Dlario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d 
ser.,  vii.  259-GO.  In  1775  had  been  paid  him  out  of  the  Mexican  treasury  by 
royal  order  an  extra  allowance  of  $12,000.  Mex.,  Circular  sobre  Nomb.,  MS., 
no.  8. 

27 In  1776  he  called  himself  knight  grand  cross,  and  commander,  having 
been  promoted  to  the  former  dignity  by  the  grand  master  of  the  order.  (Jcdn- 
lario,  MS.,  i.  153,  iii.  04;  Dispositions  Varias,  i.,  no.  20;  Panes,  Vir.,  in 
Monum.  Dom.  Esj).,  MS.,  51. 

28 One  author  says  La  de  Osma.  Panes,  in  Id.,  124.  And  still  another 
work  descriptive  of  the  viceroy's  funeral,  in  the  title-page  has  it  La  Tociua. 
The  same  is  found  in  some  of  Bucareli's  later  edicts.  Bucareli,  Breve  Descrij)., 
D is /josi clones  Varias,  i.  57. 

29  Later,  probably  after  1770,  the  king  bestowed  on  him  the  office  of  a 
'gentil  hombre  de  cainara  con  entrada.'  Panes,  in  Id.,  124. 

30A]))urfjuerrpie,  Lerma,  Denia,  Alba,  Arcos,  Medina-Coeli,  etc.  Bucareli 
was  received  into  the  order  of  Malta  by  special  dispensation,  when  he  was 
still  under  the  prescribed  age.    (Jribe,  Eloijio,  in  Breve  Descrip.,  8-10. 


BUCARELI.  371 

gineering  work,  and  as  the  inspector-general  of  cavalry. 
Lastly,  he  was  called  to  be  governor  and  captain-general 
of  Cuba,  where  he  again  rendered  valuable  services  to 
the  crown,  which  were  rewarded  with  the  promotion 
to  the  viceroyalty  of  New  Spain.  Nor  was  this  the 
only  reward.  He  was  not  only  permitted  to  grant 
offices  to  twelve  of  his  friends  and  attaches,  a  privi- 
lege that  had  been  withheld  for  some  years  from  his 
predecessors,  but  was  given  by  royal  order  of  January 
22,  1777,  an  increase  of  $20,000  a  year  above  what 
had  been  the  viceroy's  salary,  making  it  $80,000,  as  a 
mark  of  special  favor.31 

The  newly  appointed  viceroy  left  Habana  August 
14,  1771,  and  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  on  the  23d;  started 
thence  September  9th,  and  travelling  slowly,  via  An- 
tigua, Rinconada,  Plan  del  Rio,  Jalapa,  Vigas, 
Perote,  Haciendas  de  Soto,  Tonquito  and  San  Diego, 
Piedras  Negras,  Buenavista,  Apam,  Otumba,  and 
San  Cristobal,  accomplished  the  journey  of  84  leagues 
to  the  capital  on  the  23d.  This  route  was  the  short- 
est as  well  as  most  convenient,  avoiding  the  entry 
into  Tlascala  and  Puebla,  in  both  of  which  cities  the 
municipal  authorities  and  people,  particularly  the  Ind- 
ians of  the  former,  would  have  insisted  on  entertaining 
the  viceroy,  and  their  wishes  could  not  well  have  been 
slighted,  entailing  upon  him  the  delay  of  two  or  three 
days  at  each  place,  and  upon  those  communities  ex- 
penditures that  would  have  weighed  heavily  on  them 
for  a  long  time.  At  San  Cristobal  the  real  audiencia 
and  other  officials,  among  them  the  representatives  of 
the  city  of  Mexico,  paid  their  homage  to  the  incoming 
ruler,  who  received  the  baton  of  command  from  his 
predecessor  the  2 2d  of  September,  whereupon  the 
city  authorities  escorted  him  to  the  capital.32  His 
public  reception  was  magnificent,  for  the  citizens  be- 
lieved him  deserving.33 

31  Expedlente  promovido,  inMex.,  Circular  sobre  JSfomh.,  MS.,  no.  7-26. 

3l  Vir.  Instruc.y  MS.,  1st  ser.,  no.  8,  1-2. 

33  The  triumphal  arch  was  a  splendid  architectural  work  in  three  of  the 


372  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

General  Bucareli  on  the  23d  produced  to  the  au- 
diencia  his  three  commissions  as  viceroy  and  governor, 
captain-general,  and  president  of  that  body,  and  took 
the  oath  to  faithfully  discharge  his  duties;  among  the 
pledges  was  that  of  maintaining  peace  in  the  interior, 
and  defending  the  kingdom  against  all  foes.34 

Viceroy  Bucareli  during  nearly  eight  years'  rule 
attended  carefully  to  the  organization  of  the  military 
forces  and  coast  defences;  to  the  well-being  of  the  new 
settlements  in  California;  an  honest  and  economical 
management  of  the  royal  treasury,  the  revenue  of 
which  he  augmented  without  burdening  the  king's 
subjects  with  extra  taxation;  the  police  and  adminis- 
tration of  justice;  the  development  of  public  instruction 
and  the  arts  of  peace.  Indeed,  whatever  could  con- 
tribute to  the  honor  of  his  sovereign  and  the  welfare 
of  the  people  was  matter  of  interest  to  him.  He 
cared  for  the  poor  in  hospitals  and  asylums,  and  was 
zealous  in  assisting  the  prelates  of  the  religious  orders 
to  preserve  good  morals.  The  term  of  his  rule  was 
the  happiest  that  New  Spain  experienced.  Peace  and 
prosperity  reigned;  and  the  country  took  long  strides 
in  advance. 

Whilst  the  viceroy  w^as  thus  engaged  disease  seized 
him,  a  violent  attack  of  pleurisy,35  to  which  he  suc- 
cumbed on  the  9th  of  April,  1779.  His  death  spread 
sorrow  throughout  the  land,  for  he  had  won  the  title 
of  "virey  amado  por  la  paz  de  su  gohierno."  As  an 
evidence  of  the  high  standing  of  his  character,  I  shall 
mention  one  instance.     Being  in  need  of  funds  for  the 

orders,  namely,  Ionic,  Corinthian,  and  composite.  The  allegory  of  Ulysses 
was  used  to  represent  Bucai'eli's  great  actions,  his  learning,  wisdom,  and 
virtues.  The  formula  was  that  of  the  ancient  Romans,  with  mottoes  and 
emblems  from  Latin  and  Greek  authors,  and  descriptions  of  passages  in  appro- 
priate Castilian  verse.  Leon,  J.  Velasquez,  Explication  de  los  Adornos,  1-22. 

31  Etcribauo  Castro,  Ccrtij'.,  in  Mex.,  Circular  sobre  Nomb.,  MS.,  no.  1. 

'■'■'■  1  taring  this,  his  last  illness,  were  brought  to  him  the  most  notable  relics 
in  the  convents  and  churches.  The  viaticum  came  from  the  sagrario  of  the 
cathedral,  the  archbishop  accompanying  the  host  from  the  foot  of  the  palace 
stairs;  but  not  administering  the  communion  because  the  viceroy  objected  to 
giving  him  the  trouble  of  putting  on  his  vestments.  Gomez,  Diario,  in  Doc. 
/list.  Mex.,  2d  ser.,  vii.  59. 


RULE  OF  THE  REGENTE.  373 

operations  of  the  mint  the  merchants  lent  him  with- 
out interest  or  security  $2,500,000.36 

The  deceased  had  ordained  in  his  last  will  that  his 
remains  should  be  interred  in  the  temple  of  the  In- 
signe  j  Real  Colegiata  of  Guadalupe,  charging  that 
the  interment  should  be  in  the  humblest  and  most 
trampled  spot  at  the  very  entrance  of  the  temple. 
The  body  remained  in  state  at  the  palace  till  the  13th, 
when  the  funeral  cortege  started  in  the  morning  for 
the  convent  of  San  Francisco,  where  it  was  deposited 
till  the  evening,  and  then  it  was  conveyed  to  the  san- 
tuario  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  and  there  on 
the  29th  of  October  inhumed  in  the  threshold,  as  he 
had  requested,  with  expressive  epitaphs  on  the  tomb. 
The  executors,  Jose  Martin  de  Chavez  and  Joaquin 
Antonio  Dongo,  in  view  of  the  late  viceroy's  great 
regard  for  the  Capuchin  nuns,  and  of  his  great  zeal  in 
the  erection  and  preservation  of  the  casa  de  ejerci- 
cios  in  the  oratory  of  San  Felipe,  resolved  that  his 
heart  should  be  given  to  the  Capuchin  nuns,  and  his 
other  vitals  to  the  before  mentioned  casa.37 

So  soon  as  the  supreme  government  heard  of  the 
death  of  Viceroy  Bucareli,  it  ordered  that  his  effects 
should  be  forwarded  to  Spain,  and  that  no  resi- 
dencia  of  his  official  acts  should  be  had,38  a  course 
unprecedented  in  the  history  of  royal  representation. 

Immediately  after  Bucareli's  death  was  officially 
announced,  was  opened  the  pliego  de  providencia  or 
mortaja,  by  which  the  president  of  Guatemala  was  to 

36He  was  not  backward  in  reimbursing  the  loan.  Alaman,  Discrt.,  iii.  app. 
68.  As  evidence  of  his  piety  and  humility,  when  he  felt  death  approaching 
he  begged  to  be  helped  on  his  knees  that  he  might  die  in  that  position,  or  at 
least  allowed  to  lie  on  a  bare  floor.    Uribe,  Eloyio,  16-20,  26,  38-41. 

37  This  is  probably  the  correct  version  as  to  the  disposal  of  the  heart  and 
other  vitals;  though  it  was  asserted  in  Habana  that  the  heart  was  deposited 
in  Santa  Brigida,  and  the  entrails  in  the  cathedral.  A  contemporary  left  it 
written  that  the  heart  went  to  the  Capuchin  nuns,  a  moietj'  of  the  other 
vitals  to  the  casa  de  ejercicios,  and  the  other  to  the  cathedral.  Gomez,  Diario, 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sdrie  ii.  vii.  60,  74-5.  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom. 
E*p.,  MS.,  51,  124,  merely  says  that  the  heart  was  deposited  in  the  convent 
of  the  Capuchin  nuns,  and  the  body  in  the  colegiata. 

S8(Jomez,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  vii.  85-6. 


374  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

succeed  as  viceroy  ad  interim.  Until  his  arrival  the 
government  devolved  on  the  audiencia.  The  baton 
of  acting  captain-general  was  delivered  to  the  regente, 
Francisco  Komd  y  Rosel.39  Circulars  were  despatched 
to  the  authorities  throughout  the  country  to  notify 
them  of  these  events.40 

On  the  23d  of  April  was  celebrated  a  thanksgiving 
mass,  attended  by  the  audiencia  and  the  regente.  At 
the  head  of  the  palace  reception  room  were  placed 
three  chairs;  the  middle  one  was  occupied  by  the 
regente,  and  the  other  two  by  the  decano,  or  senior 
oidor,  and  the  subdecano.  The  regente  and  his  two 
associates  took  the  palace  coach,  the  guard  presenting 
arms,  and  with  a  squad  of  cavalry  in  advance,  and  the 
escort  of  halberdiers,  repaired  to  the  cathedral,  at  the 
principal  door  of  which  were  four  canons  to  receive 
them.  For  the  regente  was  supplied  not  a  prie-dieu, 
but  a  mere  cushion.41  The  audiencia  during  its  rule 
of  a  little  over  four  months  made  no  change  in  the 
government  policy. 

One  of  the  notable  events  of  the  second  half  of  the 
eighteenth  century  was  the  assembling  of  the  fourth 
Mexican  provincial  council,42  convened  pursuant  to 
two  royal  cedulas  of  August  21,  1769,  one  of  which 

39  He  was  the  first  regente;  appointed  June  20,  1776;  entered  upon  his 
duties  March  13,  1778,  and  resigned  the  office  in  1782.  Both  he  and  his 
wife,  Narcisa  Paisagns,  were  from  Catalonia.  He  died  in  Mexico,  December 
],  1784,  and  was  buried  the  next  day  in  the  chapel  of  Santo  Domingo  with 
the  honors  of  the  last  rank  he  held  in  life.  Beetles  Ce'dulas,  MS.,  ii.  159; 
Gomez,  D'tario,  198-9.  His  colleagues  in  the  government  were  the  oi (lores 
Villaurrutia,  Madrid,  Gamboa,  Algarin,  Luyando,  and  Guevara.  Cedulario, 
MS. ,  i.  90. 

40  Every  official  on  seeing  the  circular  wrote  over  his  signature  in  continu- 
ation the  date  of  its  receipt,  as  well  as  the  obligation  he  was  under  of  for- 
warding it  to  other  officials  residing  off  the  main  routes  taken  by  the  couriers. 
There  were  six  such  circulars.  Lttvano,  Litis  Mcndez  de,  Carta  a  Roma,  MS. 

41  Other  ceremonies  pi-actised  toward  viceroys  were  omitted;  for  instance: 
the  mace-bearers  and  doorkeepers  of  the  city  were  not  stationed  in  front  of 
the  audiencia;  the  holy  book  was  not  brought  to  the  regente  to  kiss,  'sino  la 
paz,'  that  is  to  say,  an  image  to  be  kissed  in  sign  of  peace  and  fraternity,  and 
this,  not  by  a  canon,  but  by  the  master  of  ceremonies  wearing  the  surplice 
and  stole.   Gomez,  Diario.iw  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.,  vii.  62-3. 

11  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.,  this  series,  gave  full  information  on  the  preceding 
councils. 


FOURTH  PROVINCIAL  COUNCIL.  375 

commanded  the  prelates  of  America  and  the  Philip- 
pines to  attend  such  a  council.  The  other,  called  the 
tomo  regio,  specified  as  many  as  twenty  points  to  be 
considered.43  The  partisans  of  the  expelled  Jesuits, 
among  whom  is  the  writer  Carlos  M.  Bustamante, 
would  have  the  world  believe  that  the  ministers  who 
had  influenced  the  king  to  adopt  that  measure,  now 
impressed  upon  his  mind  a  conviction  that  the  convo- 
cation of  a  provincial  council,  after  the  old  fashion, 
was  needed  to  eradicate  the  erroneous  doctrines  taught 
by  the  society  of  Jesus,  which  had  taken  deep  root  in 
America;  that  the  king's  flatterers  represented  morals 
in  Mexico  to  be  at  a  low  ebb,  owing  to  those  teach- 
ings; and  one  of  the  orators  at  the  council  affirmed 
that  the  period  was  worthy  of  comparison  with  that 
of  the  conquest  of  America.44 

On  the  13th  of  January,  1770,  Archbishop  Loren- 
zana  laid  the  royal  cedulas  before  his  chapter,  and  on 
the  21st  it  was  announced  at  high  mass  that  the 
council  would  be  inaugurated  on  the  13th  of  January 
proximo.  Some  differences  between  the  archbishop 
and  his  chapter  on  matters  of  ceremonial  occurred 
toward  the  end  of  1770,  and  new  discussions  arose 
one  week  before  the  installation  of  the  council.  They 
were  not,  however,  an  obstacle  to  the  swearing-in,  on 
the  11th  of  January  1771,  before  the  archbishop,  of 
the  theologians  and  canonists  who  had  been  chosen  to 
act  as  advisers  of  the  council.45 

The  preliminary  ceremonies  took  place,  part  in  the 
church,  and  part  in  the  chapter's  hall,  which  was  the 
room  selected  for  the  sittings.46  The  viceroy  made  a 
short  address ;  and  after  the  tomo  regio  and  the  arch- 
bishop's decree  had  been  read,  he  retired." 


47 


43 Cedula,  in  Concilio  Prov.  Mex.,  iv.  MS.,  i.  1-8. 

uSuphm.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  7. 

45  Five  of  the  former  taken  from  both  the  secular  and  regular  clergy,  and 
six  of  the  latter.  iSosa,  Ejnscop.  Mex.,  194. 

40 The  religious  rites  were  attended  by  the  royal  courts  without  the  vice- 
roy ;  but  at  their  termination  he  was  found  sitting  on  the  throne  under  the 
canopy  in  the  council  chamber.  Id.,  193. 

47  The  next  day  the  archbishop  delivered   a  long  discourse  on  provincial 


37G  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

The  council  was  presided  over  by  the  archbishop, 
and  the  following  prelates  and  dignitaries  of  the 
church  were  in  attendance.  Bishops:  Miguel  Alvarez 
de  Abreu,  of  Antequera;  Friar  Antonio  Alcala,  of 
Yucatan,  and  elect  of  Guadalajara;  Francisco  Fabian 
y  Fuero,  of  Puebla,  and  Jose  Diaz  Bravo,  of  Du- 
rango.  The  bishoprics  of  Michoacan  and  Guadalajara 
were  represented  by  canons  of  their  chapters.  Prel- 
ates of  the  religious  orders:  generals  of  the  San 
Hipolito  and  Bethlehem ite  orders,  and  the  provincials 
of  the  Franciscans,  and  barefooted  Franciscans,  Do- 
minicans, Augustinians,  barefooted  Carmelites,  and 
order  of  Mercy;  and  the  comisario  of  the  clerigos  re- 
gulares  of  San  Camilo.  The  colegiata  of  Guadalupe 
likewise  had  two  seats  in  the  council.  Oidor  Antonio 
de  Bivadeneira,  as  asistente  real,  and  Jose  Areche, 
fiscal  of  the  audiencia;  and  the  two  representatives  of 
the  city  of  Mexico.  The  officials  of  the  council  were 
the  secretary,  Doctor  Andres  Martinez  Campillo,  pro- 
moter, master  of  ceremonies,  notary,  and  two  nuncios. 

The  labors  of  the  council  were  completed  on  the 
26th  of  October,48  and  on  the  10th  of  November  a 
commissioner  was  despatched  to  Spain  with  the  acts 
to  be  laid  before  the  king  in  council  for  approval. 
This  was  never  given  them,  owing  to  the  many  objec- 
tions preferred  by  the  fiscal  for  Peru,  based  chiefly 
on  alleged  grievances  against  Archbishop  Lorenzana. 
The  king  on  the  8th  of  October,  1772,  ordered  that 
the  acts  should  not  be  made  public  till  they  were 
sanctioned  by  his  council  and  the  pope.  They  have 
consequently  remained  unpublished.49  An  authenti- 
cated copy  of  them  exists  in  the  archives  of  the  arch- 
bishopric of  Mexico.  The  manuscript  has  a  blue  vel- 
vet cover,  and  is  entitled  Concilio  IV provincial  Mex- 

councils,  and  was  followed  by  the  asistente  real,  or  viceroy's  proxy,  who  spoke 
of  what  was  to  be  done,  and  ended  with  vivas  and  acclamations  to  the  vice- 
roy, andVisitador  Galvez.  Bustamante,  Supfern.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  S!;jIos,  iii.  9. 

48 On  the  10th  of  the  same  month  the  council  was  visited  by  De  Croix's 
successor,  Bucareli,  amid  much  ceremonial,  and  with  a  large  suite.  Busta- 
mante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  9-10. 

^Concilio  Prov.  Mex.  IV,  MS.,  i.  305;  Belena,  Recop.,  ii.  334-5. 


ARCHBISHOP  LORENZANA.  377 

icano,  celebrado  en  1771.  It  contains  five  books,  the 
first  with  thirteen  titles;  the  second  with  sixteen;  the 
third  with  twenty-four;  the  fourth  with  two;  and  the 
fifth,  with  twelve;  each  title  having  a  large  number 
of  decrees  and  ordinances  on  ecclesiastic  reform  and 
discipline.50 

The  council  also  prepared  fourteen  works,  all  on 
matters  more  or  less  connected  with  the  church,  and 
tending  to  the  improvement  of  its  branches  and  ser- 
vice, and  to  the  advancement  of  religion  and  popular 
education ;  one  of  them  concerned  the  management  of 
hospitals,  and  another  the  beatification  of  Juan  de 
Palafox. 

Doctor  Francisco  Antonio  Lorenzana  y  Butron,  of 
whom  mention  has  been  so  often  made  in  connection 
with  the  above  described  fourth  council,  was  of  illus- 
trious lineage,  born  in  Leon,  Spain,  on  the  2 2d  of 
September  1722;  he  studied  literature  in  the  college 
of  San  Salvador  de  Oviedo,  of  the  renowned  uni- 
versity of  Salamanca.51  His  first  prominent  position 
was  that  of  canoni^o  doctoral  in  the  cathedral  of  Sisru- 
enza.  He  afterward  became  successively  canon  and 
vicar-general  of  Toledo,  abbot  of  San  Vicente,  a  dig- 
nitary of  the  cathedral  of  Toledo,  and  a  member  bf  the 
royal  council.  In  1765  he  was  made  bishop  of  Pla- 
sencia,  and  on  the  14th  of  April  of  the  following  year 

s°Contilio  Prov.  Max.  IV,  MS.,  i.  9-360;  ii.  13-323;  Granarlos,  Tardea, 
Am.,  484-5.  Bustamante  irreverently  calls  this  council  a  solemn  iarce, 
inspired  by  party  spirit,  and  supported  by  the  king  or  his  councillors,  to 
impress  the  Mexican  people  with  awe  and  dread,  and  with  the  idea  that  the 
king  was  a  divine  being.  Comparing  it  with  the  first  presided  over  by  Father 
Martin  de  Valencia,  he  derides  the  former  as  well  as  Lorenzana.  Suplem.,  in 
Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  11-12.  Bustamantc's  remarks  are  certainly  ill-con- 
sidered, for  the  instructions  to  parish  priests,  among  other  points,  clearly 
show  that  they  were  intended  to  elevate,  and  not  to  depress  the  character  of 
the  Indians.  Catliecismo  por  IV  Contilio.  This  is  an  original  manuscript,  in 
my  collection,  dated  September  5,  1771,  bearing  the  signatures  and  rubrics  of 
the  archbishop  of  Mexico,  bishops  of  Yucatan  and  Puebla,  the  proctors  of 
Michoacan  and  Guadalajara,  and  the  secretary.  It  is  followed  on  pages  09  to 
263  by  an  explanation  of  Christian  doctrine  made  by  the  council,  dated  August 
4,  1771,  also  bearing  the  same  signatures. 

51  His  earliest  ecclesiastic  instruction  he  received  in  a  Benedictine  monas- . 
tery.  Vir.  de  31ex\,  Imtruc,  MS.,  no.  22,  2. 


37S  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

was  promoted  to  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico,  of  which 
he  took  possession  on  the  22d  of  August,  receiving  on 
the  8 ih  of  September  the  pallium  from  the  bishop  of 
Puebla.52 

Lorenzana's  government  of  the  archdiocese,  though 
a  brief  one,  was  marked  by  acts  that  justly  entitled 
him  to  a  high  place  among  the  most  distinguished 
members  of  the  Mexican  episcopacy.  His  first  act 
was  to  establish  a  foundling  asylum.  Soon  after  his 
arrival  he  noticed  the  absence  of  such  a  shelter  for  the 
care  of  infants  forsaken  by  their  parents  either  to  con- 
ceal a  fault  or  to  elude  the  fulfilment  of  their  duties. 
He  purchased  out  of  his  income  a  suitable  building 
on  the  11th  of  January,  1767,  founding  and  organiz- 
ingin  it  the  casa  de  ninos  expositos,  commonly  known 
as  La  Cuna,  which  he  supported  till  he  left  the  coun- 
try. He  was  governing  in  harmony  with  the  civil 
power,  and  much  valued  for  his  learning,  virtue,  and 
philanthropy,  when  he  received  promotion  to  the 
archbishopric  of  Toledo,  and  was  made  primate  of 
Spain,  to  which  place  he  had  been  nominated  on  the 
27th  of  January,  1771.  In  his  new  position  he  had  a 
still  wider  field  of  usefulness.  On  the  30th  of  March, 
1789,  Pius  VI.  made  him  a  cardinal/'3 

When  the  French  revolution  broke  out  and  a  large 
number  of  ecclesiastics  from  that  nation  sought  a  re- 
fugc  in  Spain,  Lorenzana,  foremost  among  the  Spanish 
prelates,  afforded  them  great  protection  and  assist- 
ance/4 In  1797  he  was  sent  by  Carlos  IV.  to  Rome 
to  afford  aid  and  comfort  to  Pius  VI.,  and  remained 
at  the  pontiff's  side,  accompanying  him  to  Florence 
and  thence  to  Parma.  The  object  of  his  company  was 
to  furnish  pecuniary  resources  to  Pius.     At  last  the 

52  Condlios  P7'Ov.,  1-2.  His  autograph  signatures  and  official  seal  appear 
in  Coucilio  Prov.  Mex.,  4;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  192;  Fhjueroa,  Vindicias, 
MS.,  1. 

53 Dustamante  and  others  attribute  his  getting  the  red  capello  to  his 
work  in  the  fourth  provincial  council.  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iii.  12. 
The  fact  is  that  the  honor  has  been  almost  invariably  conferred  on  the  arch- 
bishops of  Toledo. 

54 Michaud,  Blog.  Univ.,  in  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  197. 


LORENZANA'S  WRITINGS.  379 

French  refused  him  a  passport,  and  he  was  separated 
from  the  illustrious  captive,  whom  he  never  saw  again. 
The  cardinal  is  heard  of  as  present  at  the  conclave  held 
in  Venice.65  In  1800  he  resigned  the  archbishopric 
of  Toledo,  and  fixed  his  residence  in  Rome,  where  he 
died  the  17th  of  April,  1804,  being  interred  in  the 
church  of  Santa  Croce. 

Upon  the  receipt  in  Mexico  of  the  news  of  the 
death  of  its  former  archbishop,  funeral  honors  were 
paid  him  with  great  pomp." 


56 


55 Id.  in/d.,198. 

b6Vi?\  de  Mex.,  Instruc,  MS.,  1st  ser.,  no.  22,  1-12;  Are'valo,  Laudatio 
Funebris,  1-31.  Lorenzana  published  several  works  giving  impulse  to  letters, 
particularly  to  historical  research.  The  principal  ones  were :  Concilios  pro- 
vinciates primero  y  sec/ undo,  celebrados  en  la  unity  noble,  y  muy  leal  ciudad  de 
Mexico.  Mex.  1769,  folio.  Concilium  Mexicanum  provinciate  III.  Cetebratum 
Mexici,  anno  MDLXXXV.  Preside  D.  D.  Petro  Moyact  Contreras. .  .Covfir- 
matum  Romce  die  XXVII.  Octobris  anno  MDLXXXIX. .  .Mex.  1770,  folio. 
Historia  de  Nueva-Espafia,  escritct  por  su  esclarecido  Conquistador  Hernan 
Cortes,  Aumentada  con  otros  documentor,  y  notas.  Mex.  1770,  folio.  Statuta 
Ordinata  a  Sancto  Concilio  Provinciali  Mexicano  III.  Ex  Prozscripto  Sacro- 
sancti  Concilij  Tridentino  Decreto  Sess.  24 cap.  12 de  Reform.,  verba  cetera.  Re- 
visa  a  Catholica  Majestate,  etaSacrosanctasede  Apostolica  Confirmata,  A.  D. 
Millessimo  quingestissimo  octuagessimo  nono,  folio.  In  the  first  above  men- 
tioned work,  preceding  the  Constituciones  of  the  councils  is  the  editor's  carta 
pastoral,  briefly  relating  the  object  of  such  councils,  and  giving  the  history  of 
those  held  in  Mexico.  Next  appear  the  resolutions  of  the  first  Junta  Apos- 
tolica, and  the  curious  information  of  Captain  Juan  Juarez  y  Gamboa  in  1649 
on  the  coming  of  the  first  clergymen  to  New  Spain ;  Bishop  GarceV  letter  to 
Paulus  III.  in  favor  of  the  natives,  and  next  the  pope's  bull  in  1537  declaring 
the  Indians  rational  beings.  After  the  acts  of  the  two  councils  are  given 
biographical  sketches  of  the  archbishops  of  Mexico,  and  bishops  of  Puebla, 
Guatemala,  Antequera,  Michoacan,  Guadalajara,  Yucatan,  and  Durango. 
These  biographies,  though  brief  and  often  erroneous  as  to  dates,  are  important 
for  the  study  of  Mexican  ecclesiastic  history.  In  continuation  are  the  Avisos 
para  la  acertada  conducta  de  unpdrroco  en  la  America;  Privilegios  de  Indios, 
&nd  Avisos  para  que  los  naturales  de  estos  reynos  scan  felices  en  lo  espiritual  y 
temporal.  The  whole  ending  with  a  good  index  in  six  pages  of  the  matter 
contained  in  the  volume. 

With  reference  to  the  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  which  contains 
the  second,  third,  and  fourth  letters  of  Hernan  Cortes,  Icazbalceta  says 
that  he  has  been  unable  to  ascertain  if  the  original  Lorenzana  had  before 
him  was  the  edition  in  Gothic  letters  or  Barcia's  reprint.  His  work  is 
valuable  any  way,  for  his  additions,  namely:  Alzate's  map  of  New  Spain 
(1769);  CorteV  journey  from  la  Antigua  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico,  for  the  bet- 
ter understanding  of  the  places  mentioned  in  the  map;  a  drawing  of  the 
chief  temple  of  Mexico;  remarks  for  better  understanding  CorteV  letters  (in- 
formation on  ancient  history  with  the  series  of  Mexican  emperors);  months 
of  the  Mexican  year  (drawing);  government  of  New  Spain  (list  of  governors 
and  viceroys  from  Cortes  to  Viceroy  de  Croix);  here  follows  CorteV  second 
letter;  fragments  of  a  tribute  map  (Mendoza's  Codex),  giving  the  towns  that 
paid,  and  expressing  the  kind,  quantity,  and  time  (31  drawings  with  a  pre- 
liminary note);  here  follows  Cortes'  third  letter;  CorteV  voyage  to  the  Cali- 


3S0  VICEROYS  FORTY-FOUR  TO  FORTY-SIX. 

fornias,  with  information  on  all  expeditions  made  to  that  country  till  17G9, 
for  better  understanding  CorteV  fourth  letter  and  projects. 

Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc.  J  list.  Mex.,  i.,  referring  to  Lorenzana's  collection 
reprinted  in  New  York,  in  1828,  1  vol.  8vo,  by  Manuel  del  Mar,  justly  finds 
fault  with  the  editor's  alterations,  an  unpardonable  one  being  that  of  substi- 
tuting j  for  x  in  Mexican  names.  The  editor  omitted  Nos.  1-5,  7,  and  9  of  the 
previous,  and  added  an  historical  account  of  Hernan  Cortds  with  some  poor 
cuts  taken  from  Clavigero.  As  to  the  tribute  map,  Orozco  y  Berra,  an  archae- 
ologist worthy  of  all  respect,  discovered  many  errors,  omissions,  and  changes 
which  he  details  in  Anales  del  Museo  Nacional  de  Mex.,  i.  183  et  seq.,  con- 
cluding with  these  remarks:  '  No  proseguiremos  amontonando  cargos,  dolien- 
donos  que  los  grandes  gastos  y  empeilo  del  Senor  Arzobispo  Lorenzana,  por 
circunstancias  fuera  de  su  voluntad,  no  hubieran  sido  mas  fructuosos  para  la 
ciencia.'  Lorenzana  published  at  his  own  expense  for  distribution,  not  for 
sale,  the  above  named  works,  and  several  others  of  minor  importance,  namely  : 
several  pastoral  letters ;  Misscde  Gothlcum  secundum  regidam  B.  Isidori  in 
usum  Mozarabum,  Borne,  1804,  folio;  Opera  Pat  rum  Toletanorum;  Opera  S. 
Martini  Legionensis,  etc.,  all  of  which  have  become  quite  rare.  Also:  Aranzel 
para  tudos  los  curas  de  este  arzobispado,  fuera  de  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico,  Mex. 
17G7,  fob,  G  leaves;  Memorial  que,  presentan  a  todas  las  Comunidades,  y  Gre- 
mios  los  Pobres  Mendigos  de  Mexico  por  mono  de  su  Arzobispo  (n.  p.  n.  d.), 
4to,  pp.  29;  Memorial  que  presentan  d  todas  Estados  los  Ninos  Expdsitos  de  la 
Imperial  Ciudad  de  Mexico  por  mano  de  su  Arzobispo,  Mex.  1770,  4to,  pp.  21; 
Reglas  para  que  los  naturales  de  estos  Reynos  sean  felices  en  lo  espiritual,  y 
temporal,  Mex.  17G8,  folio,  2  leaves;  Tratado  del  Agua  Mineral  Caliente  de 
San  Bartholome  (n.  p.),  1772,  4to. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-MNE. 

1779-1787. 

Viceroy  Martin  de  Mayorga — His  Exceptional  Position — War  with 
Great  Britain — Warlike  Measures — Mayorga's  Efficient  Rule — 
Viceroy  Matias  de  Galvez — His  Short  Administration — He  Pro- 
motes Improvements — The  Conde  de  Aranda's  Plan — Independent 
Kingdoms  in  Spanish  America  to  be  Erected — King  Carlos'  Objec- 
tions— The  Audiencia  Rules  a  Few  Months — Viceroy  Conde  de 
Galvez — His  Great  Services  and  Rank — Unbounded  Popularity — 
Treasonable  Schemes  Attributed— His  Illness  and  Death— Post- 
humous Birth  of  his  Child — Magnificent  Ceremonials  at  the 
Christening — The  Family  Liberally  Pensioned — The  Audiencia 
Rules  Again. 

Martin  de  Mayorga,  a  knight  of  Alcantara  and 
mariscal  de  campo  of  the  royal  army,  who  had  been 
captain  of  the  Spanish  royal  guards,  governor  of  Al- 
cantara in  Estremadura,  and  lastly  governor,  presi- 
dent, and  captain-general  of  Guatemala,  became  the 
forty-seventh  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  He  had  but 
just  surrendered  the  baton  of  command  to  the  in- 
spector of  the  troops,  and  was  on  the  point  of  depart- 
ing for  Spain,  when  despatches  reached  him  that  in  the 
pliego  de  mortaja  opened  in  Mexico  at  the  death  of 
Viceroy  Bucareli  he  was  named  as  the  successor  ad 
interim.1  On  the  23d  of  August,  1779,  he  entered  the 
viceregal  palace,  and  took  the  oath  of  office,  which  was 
administered  him  by  the  regente  in  the  presence  of  the 
oidores.2 

1  He  started  for  Mexico  on  the  18th  of  May,  1779.  Juarros,  Gnat,  i.  271-2; 
Escamilla,  Not.  Curiosas  de  GuaL,  50-1;  Disposiciones  Varias,  i.  58-63;  Cedu- 
lario,  iii.  61. 

2  Gomez,  Diario,  70. 

(381) 


3S2  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

Mayorga  is  represented  to  have  been  affable  and 
liberal,  possessing  a  magnanimous  charitable  heart, 
and  making  himself  beloved  by  all,  and  yet  he  had  to 
exercise  much  prudence  as  well  as  force  of  character, 
his  position  being  an  unfortunate  one,  as  will  be  seen 
hereafter. 

The  new  viceroy's  arrival  at  the  capital  occurred 
just  eleven  days  after  the  proclamation  there,  on  the 
12th,  of  war  having  been  declared  May  18th  against 
Great  Britain  by  King  Carlos  III.  Assistance  secretly 
afforded  by  Spain  to  the  British  North  American 
colonists  to  attain  their  independence,3  had  much  to 
do  with  the  animosity  of  the  day;  in  which  measure 
Spain  did  not  know  how  surely  she  was  working  her 
own  undoing  in  the  same  direction. 

The  people  of  Mexico  saw  in  this  war  nothing  but 
misfortune;  their  trade  would  be  harassed,  and  their 
coasts  ravaged.  Taxation,  loans,  and  sacrifice  of  life 
would  naturally  follow.  Nor  were  their  fears  un- 
founded, for  very  soon  Mexico  was  called  to  the  aid 
of  Guatemala  for  the  recovery  of  the  port  of  Omoa  in 
Honduras,  which  the  English  had  taken.  She  was 
also  required  to  take  a  prominent  part  in  the  combined 
Spanish  and  French  operations  against  Florida.  Those 
operations  were  quite  active  from  1779  to  1781. 4 

Fearing  an  assault  on  Vera  Cruz,  the  government 

3Bustamante,  the  editor  of  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  iii.  31-2,  assures  us  that 
the  policy  of  the  Spanish  court  in  aiding  the  colonists  was  intended  to 
avert  a  dangerous  British  invasion  of  New  Spain  from  the  North  American 
colonies — a  false  step  in  his  opinion,  which  eventually  proved  injurious  not 
only  to  the  allied  powers,  the  French  and  Spaniards,  but  also  to  the  people  of 
New  Spain,  whose  emancipation  it  retarded  50  years,  though  not  preventing  it. 
The  king  however,  in  his  manifesto  of  July  8th  to  his  vassals  of  America,  states 
as  his  reasons  for  the  war,  among  others,  the  hostile  acts  of  the  British  author- 
ities in  Darien  and  Honduras.  On  the  iirst  day  of  the  same  month  ordinances 
additional  to  the  general  regulations  to  govern  the  royal  navy  and  letters  of 
marque  on  the  subject  of  prizes,  had  been  issued.  All  trade  and  intercourse 
with  the  British  had  been  forbidden  in  June.  Beaks  Ordenes,  iv.  57-84,  192-6, 
199-225. 

*  Mayorga  had  been  apprised  in  Puebla  of  the  measures  the  audiencia  had 
decreed  to  supply  with  money  Yucatan,  New  Orleans,  Habana,  Manila,  and 
other  points,  which  derived  their  support  from  Mexico,  and  might  expect  an 
attack  by  the  enemy  at  any  moment.  He  sent,  in  various  amounts,  about 
$600,000  to  Louisiana  for  the  campaign  against  the  English  in  Florida. 
Bustamaute,  Suptem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  tiiglos,  iii.  30-7. 


MARTIN  DE  MAYORGA.  383 

made  every  preparation  to  repel  it.  The  disposable 
force,  both  regulars  and  provincial  militia,  was  called 
into  active  service.  Mayorga  and  his  secretary5  vis- 
ited Vera  Cruz,  inspected  the  fortifications,  corrected 
defects,  and  stationed  the  troops  in  Orizaba,  Encero, 
Jalapa,  and  other  convenient  spots.  In  this  inspec- 
tion and  in  all  the  arrangements,  which  occupied  about 
nineteen  days,  Mayorga  conducted  himself  with 
ability,  energy,  and  dignity.  Fortunately,  the  enemy 
attempted  no  movements  upon  the  coasts  of  Mexico. 

But  offensive  operations  were  carried  on  from  Yu- 
catan to  expel  the  British  from  Belize  and  the  neigh- 
borhood, pursuant  to  orders  from  the  crown  to  the 
governor,  Captain-general  Roberto  Rivas  Betancourt, 
who  hastened  his  preparations;  and  before  the  enemy 
could  effect  his  purposes  against  Bacalar,  Rivas  was 
at  this  town  ready  for  action.  The  viceroy  of  New 
Spain  had  been  directed  to  aid  the  governor,  but  he 
could  not  do  it.  He  sent  him,  however,  a  great 
quantity  of  gunpowder,  and  money,  which  were  of 
much  benefit  for  the  campaign.6 

Rivas'  efforts  were  successful.  He  not  only  dis- 
lodged the  British  from  Belize,  capturing  on  Cayo 
Cocina  the  15th  of  September,  1779,  a  number  of 
prisoners,  over  three  hundred  slaves,  and  some  small 
vessels,  but  with  his  canoes  and  pirogues  made  a  prize 
of  an  English  brig  armed  with  fourteen  guns.  He  did 
not,  it  is  true,  accomplish  all  that  was  expected  of  him ; 
but  considering  the  small  resources  at  his  command 
to  counteract  the  large  ones  of  the  enemy,  his  conduct 
was  deemed  meritorious. 

Viceroy  Mayorga  attended  to  all    his  duties,  not 

neglecting  those  of  charity  to  the  poor  in  a  time  of 

affliction,  with  signal  zeal  and  ability.     His  measures 

j   for  the  defence  and  security    of  the   country   were 

6Melchor  de  Peramas  was  the  secretary  by  royal  appointment  of  the  vice- 
i  royalty.  In  January  1780  he  was  retired  with  the  honors  of  an  oidor.  His 
!  successor  in  the  office  was  Pedro  Antonio  Cosio.  Gomez,  Diario,  78;  Papelts 
Franciscanos,  MS.,  ii.  1st  ser.  313,  315;  Disposlciones  Varias,  i.  33. 

6  Mayorga,  Carta,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.,  i.  242. 


384  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

effected  with  the  utmost  possible  economy  to  the  royal 
treasury,  and  it  is  a  well  known  fact  that  his  remit- 
tances of  treasure  during  his  short  rule  amounted  to 
about  fifty  million  pesos,  without  delays  or  burdening 
the  people  with  extra  taxation.7  But  all  his  wisdom 
and  valuable  services  could  not  save  him  from  the 
constant  fault-finding  of  the  all-powerful  Jose  de  Gal- 
vez, ministro  universal  de  Indias.  He  had  incurred 
the  enmity  of  that  dignitary,  it  seems,  because  he  had 
been  called  to  the  viceroy alty,  an  office  which  the 
minister  had  intended  should  fall  to  his  brother,  Ma- 
fias de  Galvez;  but  Bucareli's  death  took  place  sooner 
than  was  expected,  and  before  Matias  de  Galvez  had 
been  commissioned  as  president  of  Guatemala.8  What- 
ever the  motive,  Mayorga  was  the  victim  of  the  min- 
ister's ill-concealed  resentment. 

In  November,  L781,  there  arrived  in  Mexico  Fran- 
cisco Saavedra,9  a  person  who  later,  though  but  for  a 
short  time,  became  one  of  the  ministers  of  state  in 
Spain.  He  made  it  appear  that  he  held  some  au- 
thority from  the  court.  The  common  people  believed 
him  to  be  a  royal  prince  travelling  incognito.  As  he 
presented  a  grave  demeanor,  and  never  gave  public 
offence,  a  certain  mystery  and  respect  surrounded  him. 

The  viceroy's  unpopularity  at  court  was  soon  known 
in  Mexico,  and  there  were  not  wanting  those  to  take 
advantage  of  it.  Even  the  audiencia  of  Mexico  with 
whom  he  had  endeavored  to  maintain  cordial  relations, 
tried  to  interfere  with  his  action;  but  in  a  dignified 
manner  he  upheld  his  authority.  The  regente  of  the 
audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  Eusebio  Sanchez  Pareja, 
took  upon  himself  the  title  of  captain-general,  and  re- 
quired the  commissioner  sent  by  Mayorga  to  attend 

7  The  calls  of  the  war  on  him  were  large,  but  with  the  assistance  of  the 
real  consulado  he  was  enabled  timely  to  meet  them.  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum. 
JJom.  Exp.,  MS.,  125;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  147. 

8  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  42;  Ataman,  Dlsert.,  iii. 
app.  71. 

9  Mayorga  announced  it  in  a  letter  to  the  minister  of  state.  It  was  be- 
lieved that  Saavedra  came  to  spy  the  viceroy's  acts.  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in 
Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  42. 


MATIAS  DE  GALVEZ.  385 

to  military  affairs  in  Nueva  Galicia  to  first  ask  his 
leave  to  carry  out  orders.  His  presumption  was  re- 
buked, Mayorga  maintaining  the  unity  of  the  chief 
military  command.10 

The  governor  of  Vera  Cruz  also  manifested  some 
insubordination,  because  the  viceroy  did  not  approve 
some  of  his  schemes,11  and  thus  the  viceroy's  position 
was  made  unpleasant.  Besides  these  annoyances  was 
the  injustice  of  not  making  his  appointment  regular, 
or  sending  out  a  successor.  His  tenure  was  ad  interim, 
and  therefor  he  was  allowed  only  half  pay,  though  his 
expenses  were  great.12  At  last  he  was  recalled,  and 
gave  up  the  office  on  the  29th  of  April,  1783,  soon 
after  embarking  for  Spaim  He  died  on  board  the 
vessel  in  sight  of  Cadiz,13  foul  play  being  suspected  by 
some.  In  April,  1784,  news  reached  Mexico  that 
Mayorga's  estate  had  been  attached  by  the  king's 
order.  This  was  probably  the  usual  course  where  an 
official  was  subjected  to  a  residencia.  That  of  the 
ex-viceroy  was  published  in  Mexico  on  the  3d  of  June, 
the  alcalde  de  corte,  Juan  Francisco  de  Anda,  being 
the  judge,14  with  results  favorable  to  the  residenciado. 

The  forty-eighth  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  Matias 
de  Galvez,  Garcia,  Madrid,  y  Cabrera,15  a  lieutenant- 
general  of  the  royal  armies,16  transferred  from  Guate- 
mala, where  he  had  been  president,  governor,  and 
captain-general.17    The  new  viceroy  brought  with  him 

10  From  that  time  the  people  of  Jalisco  began  to  show  a  spirit  of  independ- 
ence from  the  central  authority,  which  in  later  years  became  more  developed, 
and  caused  untold  evils.  Id. 

11  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Ayuntes  Hist.,  no.  5,  308. 

12  Of  this  he  complained  to  the  king,  pleading  also  that  the  trouble  had 
come  upon  him  soon  after  he  had  lost  heavily  by  the  Guatemala  earthquake 
of  1775.  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  72.  After  his  death  20,000  pesos  were 
paid  his  widow,  Maria  Josefa  Valcarcel,  out  of  the  royal  treasury.  Id.; 
Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  252-3;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  636. 

13  Gomez,  Dlario,  173;  Paves,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Horn.  Bsp.,  MS.,  125. 
uOrdmes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  57;  Gomez,  Diario,  184,  186-7. 

1d  Galvez,  Solemnes  Exequias,  title-page.  At  foot  of  his  portrait,  which  is 
probably  copied  from  the  original  formerly  existing  in  the  viceregal  palace, 
he  is  named  Galvez  y  Gallardo.  Rivera,  Gob.  Alex. ,  i.  449. 

16  Cedularios,  i.  153;  Disposiciones  Varias,  iii.  97. 

17 Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.,  this  series. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    25 


386  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

his  wife,  Ana  do  Cordoba.18  Though  a  brother  of  the 
talented  minister  of  state,  the  marques  de  Sonora,  and 
Laving  a  better  heart,  Matias  de  Galvez  was  not  en- 
dowed with  the  same  powers  of  mind.  But  best  of  all 
he  had  sound  common  sense  and  indefatigable  industry. 
He  had  been. a  plain  farmer,  and  he  looked  like  one; 
and  he  loved  a  farmer's  life,  from  which  he  had  been 
drawn  at  his  brother's  elevation  to  high  official  position 
near  the  king's  person.  He  wTas  not  afraid,  and  on 
every  proper  occasion  showed  a  martial  spirit;  but  to 
inflict  punishment  upon  another  was  an  infliction  upon 
himself.  His  solicitude  for  the  general  welfare,  and 
particularly  for  the  relief  of  the  poor  and  afflicted,  was 
well  known  both  in  Guatemala  and  Mexico.  He  was 
cheerful,  witty,  frugal,  modest  in  his  tastes,  affable, 
and  was  reputed  pious;  and  so  disinterested  was  he, 
that  having  held  high  and  lucrative  offices,  his  estate 
did  not  probably  reach,  at  his  death,  the  value  of 
50,000  pesos.19 

On  the  29th  of  April,  1783,  he  took  possession  of 
the  baton  of  command  ad  interim,29  at  the  town  of 
San  Cristobal  Ecatepec,  and  not  at  Guadalupe,  as  his 
predecessors  had  done,  owing  to  the  bad  condition  of 
the  reception  house  at  the  latter  place.  It  had  been  the 
viceroy's  intention,  on  account  of  his  advanced  age  and 
bodily  infirmities,  to  enter  the  city  in  a  carriage;  but 
some  difficulty  about  precedence  having  been  raised  by 
the  city  council,  he  cut  it  short  by  mounting  a  gentle 
horse  and  riding  into  Mexico.  He  was  the  last  vice- 
roy that  entered  the  city  on  horseback.21     The  pas- 

18 Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  53. 

19  Galvez,  Solemnes  Exequias,  1-31;  Bustamante,  Suplemento,  in  Cavo,  Tres 
Sighs,  iii.  52-3;  Rivera,  Hist  Jalapa,  i.  147. 

20  On  the  19th  of  November  of  the  same  year  the  mail  brought  out  his  com- 
mission as  '  virey  en  propiedad.'  Gomez,  Diario,  1G0,  171. 

21  The  act  of  receiving  the  command  at  San  Cristobal  was  approved  in 
the  royal  order  of  Aug.  8,  1783,  which  prescribed  that  in  future  such  act 
should  take  place  there.  The  precedence  that  the  city  council  claimed  was 
disallowed,  and  the  king  ordered  March  14,  1785,  that  there  should  never  be  a 
second  public  entry,  to  save  the  city,  the  consulado,  and  the  people  in  gen- 
eral the  onerous  expenses  it  entailed.  The  audiencia  declared  its  obedience 
June  25,  17S5.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  42,  54.  Panes,  Vir.,  in 
Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.  126. 


THREATENED  DANGERS.  SS7 

sage  to  the  palace  was  adorned  with  triumphal  arches, 
bearing  descriptive  devices  of  his  military  prowess 
against  the  English,  and  his  wise  administrative  acts 
in  Central  America.  The  services  of  the  Galvez 
were  compared  in  emblems  and  verse  with  those  of 
the  Vespasian  family  in  ancient  Rome.22  On  the 
same  day  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  before  the  real 
acuerdo,  administered  to  him  by  Regente  Herrera. 
With  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  Spain  and 
England,2*  Galvez  was  free  to  devote  his  atten- 
tion to  public  affairs.  Many  improvements  in  the  cap- 
ital and  elsewhere  were  made;  he  was  zealous  in  the 
king's  service,  and  jealous  of  anything  that  might 
prove  detrimental  to  the  authority  of  his  sovereign. 
Hence  his  disapproval  of  the  aid  given  the  revolted 
colonies  of  North  America  to  attain  their  indepen- 
dence, and  of  the  treaties  afterward  concluded  with 
them.  He  foresaw  dangers  to  Spanish  domination 
in  America  from  the  presence  of  a  democratic  re- 
public.24 Amidst  high  duties  well  performed  came 
death.  On  the  16th  of  September,  1784,  he  lay  ill  at 
Tacubaya,  unable  to  sign  his  name,25  and  some  Indians 
brought  him  to  the  city  on  a  litter.  After  re- 
ceiving the  sacrament  and  executing  his  last  will, 
he  breathed  his  last  the  3d  of  November.  The 
4th  being  the  king's  birthday,  the  remains  could 
not  be  laid  in  state,  so  the  ceremony  was  post- 
poned to  the  next  day,  when  the  death  was  promul- 
gated by  firing  three  guns;  after  that,  one  gun  was 
fired  every  half  hour  till  the  morning  of  the  8th, 
when  the  funeral  cortege  left  the  palace  for  the  con- 

22  Velazquez  de  Leon,  La  Estirpe  Vespasiana,  1-27. 

2a  The  news  reached  Mexico  a  few  days  after  Galvez  assumed  his  duties. 
The  crown  on  the  22d  of  October,  1783,  ordered  certain  demonstrations  of 
piety  and  rejoicing  to  celebrate  that  auspicious  event,  as  well  as  the  birth 
given  to  twins  by  the  princesa  de  Asturias,  heiress  to  the  throne.  Rentes, 
Ordenes,  MS.,  iv.  313-17.  Before  the  celebration  the  twins  had  died.  Leon 
y  Gama,  Carta,  in  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  x.  785. 

24  This  is  given  on  the  authority  of  Andre's  Muriel,  wt  o  was  constantly 
near  the  viceroy.  Bustamante,  Suplemento,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Si(jlos,  iii.  50. 

25  A  fac-simile  of  his  signature  was  affixed  to  public  documents  needing  it, 
with  a  stamp  by  the  secretary  of  the  viceroyalty.  Gomez,  Liario,  193. 


3S8  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

vent  of  San  Fernando,  where  the  remains  were 
deposited,  with  religious  rites.26  As  a  mark  of  appre- 
ciation of  the  purity,  uprightness,  and  ability  shown 
by  Galvez  during  his  rule  in  Mexico,  the  king  on  the 
2Gth  of  March,  1785,27  decreed  to  relieve  him  of  a 
residencia,  and  consequently  his  estate  of  the  expenses 
incident  thereto. 

It  was  at  this  interesting  period  in  American  his- 
tory— 1783 — that  Carlos'  principal  secretary  of  state, 
Pedro  Abarca  de  Bolea,  conde  de  Aranda,  having  re- 
turned with  a  leave  of  absence  from  Paris  where  he 
went  by  express  order  to  sign  the  general  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain  by  virtue  of  which  the  in- 
dependence of  the  United  States  of  America  was 
afterward  recognized  by  George  III.  and  his  govern- 
ment, made  a  sweeping  suggestion  to  his  sovereign. 
Entertaining  a  favorable  opinion  of  the  state  of  learn- 
ing and  culture  prevailing  among  the  Spanish  Ameri- 
cans, he  recommended  the  creation  of  three  independ- 
ent monarchies  in  the  king's  American  dominions, 
each  under  a  prince  of  the  Spanish  reigning  family, 
Carlos  for  himself  and  his  successors  assuming  the 
title  of  emperor,  and  the  latter  for  all  time  to  be 
recognized  by  the  American  monarchs  as  the  head  of 
the  family.     Marriages  of  the  new   sovereigns  and 

26  The  viceroy's  last  will  called  for  a  humble  funeral,  but  theaudiencia  dis- 
regarded the  wish,  official  etiquette  requiring  it,  and  caused  the  viceregal  and 
military  honors  to  be  paid.  Jiivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  453.  The  body  was  escorted 
from  the  foot  of  the  palace  stairs  by  six  colonels,  the  captain  of  the  halber- 
diers, Conde  de  Santiago,  and  the  master  of  the  horse,  Agustin  Yariez.  Three 
regiments,  regular  troops  and  militia,  and  the  company  of  halberdiers — the 
last  as  the  guard  of  honor  of  the  audiencia — took  part  in  the  pageant.  The 
mass  at  the  church  was  celebrated  by  the  precentor  of  the  cathedral.  The 
following  gentlemen  acted  as  mourners :  the  fiscal  de  real  hacienda  in  the  real 

.audiencia,  Ramon  de  Posada  y  Soto;  the  secretary  of  the  viceroyalty,  Fran- 
cisco Fernandez  de  C6rdoba;  Fernando  Jose  Mangino;  ColonelJuan  Cambiaso 
of  the  Corona  regiment;  and  Jose"  Chavez  and  Francisco  Cabezon,  executors 
conjointly  with  the  above  named  Posada  and  C6rdoba.  Gomez,  Diario,  196-7; 
Galvez,  Solemn?*  Exequias,  2.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1785,  there  were  solemn 
obsequies,  with  eulogy  of  the  deceased,  all  the  civic  and  ecclesiastical  bodies 
being  in  attendai  cc;  the  ceremonies  were  imposing.  Next  day  the  arch- 
bishop officiated  at  the  mass,  and  a  sermon  was  preached.  Gomez,  Diario,  203; 
(.'(■/re,  Elogio  Jfy'mebre,  1-42. 

27  (Jrdcues  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  5G. 


ARANDA'S  SCHEME.  389 

their  offspring  and  near  connections  were  to  be,  as  a 
matter  of  policy,  with  members  of  the  royal  family  of 
Spain,  and  vice  versa.  Treaties  of  reciprocity  for  com- 
merce, and  of  offence  and  defence,  were  to  be  made 
between  the  European  and  American  sovereignties, 
and  forever  maintained  in  force.  France,  the  family 
ally,  was  to  be  specially  favored  in  her  manufactures. 
Relations  of  any  kind  with  the  British  were  not  to 
be  tolerated.     The   aggrandizement  of  the  new  re- 

©o 

public,  or  of  any  other  power  that  might  establish 
itself  in  America,  was  also  to  be  averted. 

The  three  kingdoms  thus  proposed  to  be  erected 
were  Mexico,  Peru,  and  Costa  Firme.  Cuba,  Porto 
Rico,  and  one  or  two  more  islands  were  to  be  retained 
to  serve  as  entrepots  to  foster  the  national  trade. 
Every  argument  that  could  be  adduced  in  favor  of 
this  project  was  brought  forth  in  a  memoir,  and 
amono:  them  the  following:  The  large  extent  of  the 
possessions  and  their  great  distance  from  the  mother 
country  rendered  it  difficult  for  the  supreme  govern- 
ment to  protect  them  against  foreign  hostilities,  or  to 
obtain  correct  views  on  affairs,  so  as  to  adopt  the 
wisest  and  most  efficacious  measures  for  the  benefit 
of  the  country,  to  check  abuses,  and  administer  jus- 
tice. So  far  as  the  people  of  America  were  concerned 
the  benefits  were  obvious,  chief  among  which  was  the 
facility  with  which  they  might  resort  to  the  sovereign 
authority.  All  the  difficulties  enumerated  of  course 
tended,  as  was  affirmed,  to  breed  discontent  among  the 
crown's  American  vassals. 

We  have  the  assurance  that  Aranda's  scheme  was 
seriously  considered  by  the  king  in  council,  and  that 
it  would  have  been  resolved  in  the  affirmative,  had 
there  been  in  those  countries  a  larger  number  of  pure 
white  people  and  mestizos  able  to  withstand  the  pos- 
sible attempts  at  subjugation  by  the  other  more 
numerous  races.  This  fear  of  danger  was  attributed 
to  Carlos  himself,  in  whose  lips  were  placed  words 
suggestive  that  in   the  event  of  the  subversion  of 


390  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

the  upper  classes  by  the  lower,  tyranny  and  licen- 
tiousness would  follow,  smothering,  perhaps  in  its 
very  cradle,  each  national  autonomy.  How  the  pro- 
posed new  political  organization  was  to  increase  this 
danger  does  not  appear.  Possibly  opposition  on  the 
part  of  Great  Britain  was  foreseen,  or  Carlos  could 
not  be  brought  to  voluntarily  abdicate  his  undivided 
sovereignty  over  the  immense  domains  of  America. 
Aranda  at  an  audience  persisted  in  his  views,  but 
the  king  continued  his  objections.28  The  plan  was, 
therefore,  postponed  to  a  future  day;  and  the  policy 
of  crossing  the  races  was  warmly  persevered  in. 

The  real  object  in  view  on  the  minister's  part,  as 
avowed  by  him,  for  an  independent  Mexico,  was  to 
counteract  Anglo-Saxon  supremacy  and  protestantism 
in  America.29  Indeed,  Aranda  apprehended  serious 
evils  to  Spain  from  the  act  he  had  just  performed  at 
Paris,  on  the  ground  that  the  American  federal  re- 
public would  in  due  time  assume  greatness,  and  forget 
the  benefits  received  at  the  hands  of  France  and 
Spain,  and  think  only  of  self-aggrandizement;  and  this 
would  naturally  be  at  the  expense  of  the  Spanish  pos- 
sessions in  America,  beginning  with  bhe  Floridas  in 
order  to  obtain  control  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico.30 

The  administration  of  public  affairs  had  been  by 
direction  of  Viceroy  Galvez  in  charge  of  the  real  au- 
diencia  since  the  20th  of  October.  On  the  evening 
of  the  3d  of  November,  just  fifteen  minutes  after 

28  It  is  related,  and  I  give  the  story  for  what  it  may  be  worth,  deem- 
ing it  well  suited  to  the  character  of  both  men,  that  the  king  playfully 
twitted  the  minister  with  stubbornness,  and  was  repaid  in  kind.  '  Conde  de 
Aranda,  thou  art  more  stubborn  than  an  Aragonese  mule. '  '  Pardon  me, 
please  your  Majesty,  I  know  another  still  more  stubborn  than  myself.'  'And 
who  may  he  be?'  asked  the  king.  'The  sacred  royal  majesty  of  my  liege 
lord,  Carlos  III.,'  was  the  reply.  The  king  smiled  and  dismissed  him  with 
his  usual  affability.    Tejas,  Ligeras  Indie,  3. 

29  '  Neutralizar  la  prepotencia  y  consiguientes  influencias  de  la  raza  sajona, 
y  con  ellas  del  protestantismo  en  el  Nuevo  Mundo. '  Martinez,  V.  J.,  Sindpds 
hist.  JilosOf.  polity  i.  20. 

30 Aranda,  Mem.  Secreta,  in  Variedades  deJurisp.,  v.  app.  39-43;  Aranda, 
Mem.,  in  El  Indicador,  iii.  158-65;  Ramirez,  Vida  de  Motolinia,  in  Icazbal- 
ceta,  Col.  de  Doc,  i.  cxvii.-viii. 


BERNARDO  DE  GALVEZ.  391 

that  ruler's  death,  the  audiencia  held  a  meeting  to 
ascertain  on  whom  the  government  should  devolve, 
and  there  being  no  pliego  de  providencia,  or  mortaja, 
it  became  ex  officio  the  governor  and  captain-general 
of  the  kingdom  of  New  Spain.  This  fact  was  duly 
announced,  and  the  regente,  Vicente  de  Herrera  y 
Rivero,  formally  took  possession  of  the  baton,  and 
presented  himself  with  it  in  public.31  There  is  no  rec- 
ord that  during  the  rule  of  that  body  of  about  eight 
and  a  half  months  it  did  anything  worthy  of  notice, 
save  that  under  apprehensions  of  certain  designs  of 
the  British  on  the  port  of  Trujillo  it  adopted  precau- 
tions to  defeat  them. 

The  succeeding  and  forty-ninth  viceroy  w7as  Ber- 
nardo de  Galvez,  Madrid,  Cabrera,  Ramirez,  y  Mar- 
quez,  conde  de  Galvez,32  a  pensioned  knight  of  the 
royal  order  of  Carlos  III.,  commander  of  Bolanos  in 
the  order  of  Calatrava,  and  a  lieutenent-general  of  the 
king's  armies.33  The  conde  de  Galvez,  a  son  of  his 
predecessor  in  office,  was  now  about  thirty-seven  years 
of  age,  of  noble  mien,  gentlemanly  deportment,  frank 
and  affable.  He  possessed,  in  short,  the  requisite 
qualifications  to  make  him  popular  with  all  classes. 
The  reputation  had  preceded  him  that  in  every  act  of 
his  government  elsewhere  he  had  shown  mildness, 
united  with  a  just  and  enlightened  spirit;  and  his 
course  in  Mexico  confirmed  repute.     His  young  wife, 

31  Gomez,  Diario,  196.  Herrera  had  been  some  time  an  oidor  in  the  audi- 
encia when  he  was  made  the  regente  of  that  in  Guatemala,  a  newly  created 
office  which  lie  held  till  September  1782,  when  he  was  promoted  to  regente  of 
Mexico.  He  was  afterward  called  to  the  council  of  the  Indies.  His  wife  was 
a  daughter  of  the  conde  de  Regla;  and  he  was  also  at  a  later  day  created  a 
marquis.  Beetles  Cedulas,  MS.,  ii.  159;  Ataman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  74.  His 
colleagues  were  the  oidores  Antonio  de  Villaurrutia,  Baltasar  Ladron  de 
Guevara,  Joaquin  Galdeano,  Miguel  Calixto  de  Acedo,  Jose"  Antonio  de  Urizar, 
Kuperto  V.  de  Luyando,  Simon  Antonio  Mirafuentes,  Eusebio  Ventura  Belelia. 
Juan  Jos6  Martinez  de  Soria,  escribano  de  camara.   Cedidario,  MS.,  iii.  49. 

32  The  editor  of  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico  for  1786-7,  in  the  dedication  of  it  to 
the  viceroy,  calls  him  vizconde  de  Galveztown,  as  well  as  conde  de  Galvez. 

33  For  distinguished  services  he  was,  even  after  being  called  to  the  vice- 
royalty  of  New  Spain,  to  retain  his  former  offices  of  inspector-general  of  all 
troops  in  America,  and  captain -general  of  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas,  with 
their  pay.  Gaz.  de  Mcx.  (1784-5),  i.  326;  Id.  (1786-7),  ii.  251;  Beleua, 
Becop.,  i.  pref.  1-2.  The  news  of  his  appointment  as  viceroy  reached  Mex- 
ico April  25,  1785.  Gomez,  Diario,  206. 


392  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

Feh'citas  cle  Saint  Maxcnt,  a  native  of  Louisiana  and 
of  French  extraction,  was  a  lady  of  surpassing  loveli- 
ness, charitable,  gracious,  and  intelligent.34  Scarcely 
more  than  fifteen  years  had  elapsed  since  the  young 
general  had  been  in  Mexico  in  an  humble  position  and 
with  scanty  means.35  He  had  served  as  a  subaltern 
in  Portugal  in  17G2.  The  marques  de  Croix  gave 
him  a  commission  in  the  Corona  regiment.  He  finds 
himself  a  little  later  a  captain  in  the  same  regiment, 
serving  as  comandante  de  armas  in  Nueva  Vizcaya, 
where  he  punished  the  Apaches  in  several  encounters, 
being  himself  wounded  several  times,  once  quite 
severely.  Pie  afterward  went  to  Habana,  and  in 
1772  to  Spain,  where  he  continued  his  military  ser- 
vice, and  followed  it  up  in  America  with  brilliant 
success,  obtaining  rapid  promotion  till  he  reached, 
with  other  honors,  the  highest  rank  but  one  in  the 
army.36 

34  Spaniards  and  Mexicans  came  to  regard  her  highly,  making  much  of 
her,  and  she  greatly  contributed  to  her  husband's  popularity.  Gayarrc's  Hist. 
Louisiana,  165. 

350f  this  he  was  good-naturedly  reminded,  after  his  exaltation,  and  some 
advice  given  him,  in  a  pasquin  that  was  found  fastened  on  the  wall  of  the  palace 
the  9th  of  August: 

'  Yo  te  conocl  pepita 
Antes  que  fueras  melon, 
Maneja  bien  el  baston 

Y  cuida  la  francesita.' 

Another  quartette   favorably  compared  him  and  his  countess  with  the  in- 
spector of  the  troops  and  his  wife  who  had  come  together  with  Galvez : 
'  El  virey,  muy  bueno, 

La  vireina,  mejor; 

El  inspector  el  diablo, 

Y  su  muger ;  peor ! ' 

The  last  two  lines  referred  only  to  the  ill-temper  of  the  couple.  Gomez, 
Liario,  206,  213-14. 

36  In  1775  as  a  captain  of  infantry  he  took  part  in  the  landing  and  fight  of 
the  Spaniards  with  the  Algerines  on  the  Algiers  beach,  and  was  seriously 
wounded.  This  won  him  promotion  to  lieutenant-colonel,  and  to  superin- 
tendent of  the»military  school  at  Avila.  The  next  time  we  see  him  a  colonel 
in  command  of  a  regiment  in  Louisiana,  and  soon  after  placed  in  temporary 
charge  of  the  government,  wherein  displaying  good  judgment,  he  also  had 
some  successful  brushes  with  the  British;  he  was  then  made  a  brigadier.  His 
military  record  in  Louisiana  seems  to  have  been  marked  by  brilliancy.  1 
have  no  space  to  detail  his  deeds.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  defeated  the 
British  in  several  actions,  and  took  from  them  aided  by  the  French,  Mobile 
with  a  large  quantity  of  arms  and  many  prisoners.  After  that,  with  his  own 
forces  he  laid  siege  to  Fensacola,  and  captured  it  with  all  its  forts,  artillery 
and  other  arms,  and  a  large  number  of  prisoners  whom  he  granted  the  honors  of 
war;  among  them  were  the  governor,  captain-general,  and  the  general  com- 
manding the  English  forces.    At  Pensacola,  which  he  entered  in  a  brig  called 


POPULARITY  OF  GALVEZ.  393 

On  the  morning  of  the  29th  of  May  1785  a  special 
messenger  arrived  in  Mexico,  announcing  that  the 
new  viceroy  had  arrived  in  Vera  Cruz,  and  on  the 
30th  would  start  for  the  capital.  On  the  16th  of 
June  he  arrived  at  the  town  of  San  Cristobal,37  and 
received  the  command  from  the  regente.  During  the 
day  he  was  honored  and  magnificently  entertained  by 
the  real  consulado,  the  archbishop,  courts,  religious 
orders,  corporations,  and  citizens.  The  next  morning 
at  ten  he  reached  Guadalupe.  After  the  religious  cer- 
emonies, and  having  been  greeted  by  the  audiencia  and 
others,  he  pursued  his  way  to  the  capital,  entering 
amidst  the  greatest  marks  of  respect  and  enthusiasm, 
and  a  salute  of  fifteen  guns.  The  same  salute  had  been 
given  to  the  vicereine,  who  had  gone  in  advance  es- 
corted by  the  police  of  the  real  acordada,  four  halber- 
diers at  the  steps  of  the  carriage,  and  a  squad  of  dra- 
goons.  The  people  manifested  their  joy  in  many  ways.88 

the  Galveztown,  lie  was  again  wounded.  The  result  of  his  campaigns  wag 
that  he  rid  the  Mexican  gulf  of  the  presence  of  the  English.  His  services 
were  rewarded  without  stint.  It  is  true  that  his  uncle,  Jose*  de  Galvez,  was 
the  king's  minister  for  the  Indies,  but  he  had  well  deserved  of  his  sovereign 
and  country;  promoted  successively  to  mariscal  de  campoand  lieutenant-gen- 
eral, a  title  of  Castile  was  also  given  him  with  the  privilege  of  adding  on  his 
coat  of  arms  the  motto  'yo  solo,'  for  his  prowess  at  Pensacola,  and  one  of  the 
fleurs  de  lis  of  Louisiana.  It  was  also  ordered  that  the  bay  of  Pensacola 
should  thereafter  be  named  Santa  Maria  de  Galvez.  He  was  next  granted 
knightly  honors,  and  later  appointed  governor,  captain-general  of  Cuba, 
and  inspector  of  all  Spanish  troops  in  America.  He  was  finally  exalted 
to  the  position  of  viceroy,  governor,  president,  and  captain-general  of  New 
Spain.  When  the  British  fleet  under  Admiral  Hood,  conveying  the  royal 
duke  of  Lancaster,  visited  in  April  1783  the  port  of  Guarico,  the  duke, 
wishing  to  know  the  young  hero,  called  at  his  head-quarters,  and  on  the 
French  general.  Galvez  being  absent,  the  latter  had  to  do  the  honors  to  the 
prince.  But  the  former  as  a  mark  of  respect  sent  to  the  duke,  with  a  full 
pardon,  the  chief  of  the  Natchez  and  his  accomplices,  who  were  under  sentence 
of  death  for  plotting  in  the  interest  of  the  English.  The  prince  was  much 
pleased  at  this,  promising  to  report  it  to  the  British  king.  Gaz.  de  Mix. 
(17S6-7),  ii.  pref. ;  Belefia,  Recof).,!.  pref.  3;  Barea,  Oration  funebre,  1-40; 
Vargas,  Carta  de  pesame,  in  Fe*tiv.  Div.,  i.  no.  11,  1-16.  Whilst  he  was  gov- 
ernor in  Habana  he  extended  a  kind  treatment  to  some  Americans  who  had 
been  brought  there  as  prisoners,  for  which  the  secretary  of  the  American 
congress  wrote  the  conde  de  Floridablanca  to  thank  him  in  the  name  of 
congress  for  Galvez'  generosity.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mix.,  i.  456. 

37  He  made  what  was  called  an  'entrada  mista,'  having  on  his  way  visited 
first  Puebla,  and  Tlascala  next.  Panes,  Vir. ,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp. ,  MS. ,  54. 

38  Both  the  viceroy  and  vicereine  were  loudly  cheered.  Rockets  and 
flowers  formed  great  features  on  the  occasion.  Gomez,  Dlarlo,  209-10;  Gaz.  de 
Mex.,  1784-5,  i.  326-7. 


394  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

At  the  palace,  his  commissions  being  produced  and 
read,  he  took  the  oath  of  office  before  the  real  acuerdo. 
The  rest  of  that  day  and  the  two  following  were  spent 
mostly  in  ceremonials  and  compliments.  But  he  soon 
after  devoted  his  attention  seriously  to  public  affairs. 
His  short  rule  was  marked  by  two  great  calamities,  the 
loss  of  crops,  consequent  upon  heavy  and  continuous 
frosts,  and  famine  followed  by  an  epidemic.  To  meet 
the  latter  he  was  foremost  in  liberality,  not  only  con- 
tributing 12,000  pesos  remaining  from  his  father's 
estate,  but  borrowing  $100,000  more  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. He  formed  a  board  of  relief,  and  used  every 
exertion  to  supply  the  city  with  the  necessaries  of 
life. 

One  clay  while  transacting  business  with  the  board, 
information  reached  him  that  the  allwndigci,  or  public 
granary,  was  empty,  and  that  poor  people  could  get 
no  maize  for  the  morrow.  Hushing  into  the  streets 
without  an  escort,  or  even  his  hat,  he  walked  to  the 
alhondiga,  where  he  took  steps  to  keep  up  the  supply. 
When  the  people  saw  him,  and  learned  what  had 
brought  him  there,  they  were  moved  to  tears,  and 
escorted  him  back  to  the  palace  in  the  midst  of 
acclamations.39  On  another  occasion,  the  Saturday 
preceding  palm  Sunday,  April  8,  1786,  as  Galvez  was 
riding  from  the  country  house  called  El  Pensil  to 
meet  the  audiencia  for  the  general  visit  of  prisons, 
either  purposely  or  accidentally40  he  encountered  three 
prisoners  on  their  way  to  the  scaffold,  followed  by  a 
rabble,  who  besought  the  viceroy  to  spare  the  con- 
demned, which  was  done.  Much  obloquy  wTas  heaped 
upon  Galvez  for  this  act;  he  was  charged  not  only  with 
the  deliberate  intent  of  saving  the  criminals  to  win 
favor  with  the  populace,  but  of  misrepresenting  the 
facts  to  the  crown.41     He  stated  that  under  the  cir- 

3i)  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iii.  58. 

40  Jos6  Gomez,  one  of  his  guard  of  halberdiers,  says  in  his  Diarlo,  23G,  that 
it  was  the  latter;  '  sucedio  la  casualidad  que  en  la  estaeion  de  la  carccl  al 
Buplicio,'  are  his  own  words. 

il  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iii.  02-5.  That  author  is  very 


INCREASING  INFLUENCE.  395 

cumstances  it  was  his  duty,  as  the  agent  of  a  benign 
sovereign,  to  heed  the  clamors  of  a  people  then  stricken 
by  famine,  misery,  and  disease.  Be  it  as  it  may,  the 
crown  confirmed  the  viceroy's  act;  but  at  the  same 
time  added  to  the  approval  a  reproof;  for  he  was  di- 
rected in  future  to  abstain  when  possible  from  going 
out  of  the  palace  at  such  hours  as  prisoners  were 
usually  taken  to  the  place  of  execution. 

A  certain  distance  had  been  heretofore  maintained, 
as  a  matter  of  etiquette,  between  the  ruler  and  the 
ruled.  Very  few  could  approach  the  viceroy  with  any 
degree  of  intimacy.  Galvez  ignored  that  practice,  and 
from  the  moment  of  assuming  the  vicegerency  of  his 
sovereign  in  New  Spain,  established  close  relations 
with  the  chief  families,  without  in  any  manner  lower- 
ing by  undue  familiarity  the  decorum  of  his  high 
position.  His  countess'  attractions  aided  to  awaken 
enthusiasm  and  to  win  affection,  at  the  same  time 
exalting  the  office.  He  caused  his  little  son  and  heir 
Miguel  to  be  enrolled  in  October  1785  as  a  private 
in  the  grenadier  company  of  the  Corona  regiment, 
on  which  occasion  the  boy  was  bandied  from  hand  to 
hand  among  his  new  comrades.  The  same  day  the 
father  gave  a  banquet  in  the  throne-room  to  the  offi- 
cers of  the  regiment  and  the  grenadier  company,  and 
also  entertained  civilians  on  the  flat  roof  of  the  palace.42 

Such  acts  at  such  a  time,  tending  to  unusual  popu- 
larity, awakened  at  court  suspicion  of  treasonable  in- 
tent. Some  authorities  assert  that  the  viceroy  enter- 
tained the  plan  of  setting  up  a  throne  for  himself;  that 
when  certain  of  the  affection  of  the  Mexicans  he  be^an 
to  feel  his  way,  throwing  out  ambiguous  remarks  of 
double  meaning,  which  could  not  compromise  him. 
With  his  more  intimate  friends,  they  say,  he  would 

severe  in  his  strictures,  and  lays  on  Galvez  the  responsibility  for  future 
crimes  committed  by  two  of  those  reprieved  men  which  finally  carried  them 
to  the  gibbet. 

42  This  is  the  version  given  by  Gomez,  Diario,  217-18.  On  the  20th  of  Au- 
gust, 17S6,  the  sergeants  of  the  Corona  regiment  came  to  the  palace  to  place 
on  the  viceroy's  son's  shoulder  the  epaulet  of  a  second  sergeant.   Id.,  246. 


390  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

discuss  the  present  superiority  of  affairs  over  those 
of  Montezuma's  time,  referring  to  the  elements  pos- 
sessed by  the  country  to  become  an  independent  mon- 
archy. At  other  times  he  spoke  of  the  difficulties 
there  might  be  to  keep  up  uninterrupted  relations 
with  the  mother  country  in  future  wars  with  Eng- 
land or  France,  now  that  their  navies  were  becoming 
so  much  more  powerful  than  Spain's.  Then  he  would 
expatiate  on  the  need  the  Mexicans  had  of  erecting 
strong  fortifications  at  certain  points  in  the  interior, 
and  of  making  other  preparations,  so  that  they  could 
rely  on  their  own  resources  in  the  event  of  a  foreign 
invasion  when  Spain  could  afford  them  no  aid.  Thus 
he  would  hint,  his  accusers  said,  that  Mexico  received 
no  benefits,  but  on  the  contrary  much  injury  from 
maritime  wars,  and  all  because  of  a  useless,  indefensi- 
ble, and  damaging  connection  with  Spain.  The  fre- 
quent social  gatherings  at  the  palace  and  at  private 
houses  are  said  to  have  afforded  him  opportunities 
for  quietly  promulgating  such  ideas.43  Another 
charge  advanced  against  the  count  is  that,  to  further 
gain  the  good-will  of  the  people,  he  invited  the  ayun- 
ta  mien  to  of  the  capital  to  stand  sponsor  of  a  child 
soon  to  be  born,  and  which,  if  a  girl,  was  to  be  named 
Guadalupe  after  the  worshipped  patroness  of  the 
city.44  The  reconstruction  of  Chapultepec,  and  the 
peculiar  form  and  strength  given  it,  likewise  aroused 
suspicion.  It  wTas  not,  they  said,  a  palace  for  the 
viceroy's  pleasure,  but  a  masked  fortress,  or  a  citadel 

43  Alamnn  seems  to  give  credence  to  the  charges.  Disert.,  iii.  app.  74-0. 
Others  say  that  letters  were  written  to  Spain  blaming  Galvez  for  his  demo- 
cratic demeanor,  and  foretelling  a  revolution  like  that  of  the  United  States. 
Bu8tamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres Slglos,  iii.  G5;  JRlvera,  Gob.  Ilex.,  i.  457, 
and  others.  Humboldt,  speaking  on  the  subject,  is  loath  to  give  credence  to 
the  charge.  Essai  PollL,  203. 

u  The  person  first  invited  to  be  godfather  was  Fernando  Mangino,  super- 
intendent of  the  mint,  who  courteously  gave  way  to  the  ayuntamicnto;  this 
was  after  the  city  council  expressed  the  wish,  the  father  being  already  dead. 
But  more  anon.  El  Ii/dicador  dc  la  Fed.  Mex.,  iii.  170,  in  an  article  either 
contributed  to  or  copied  from,  and  also  appearing  in  J\Iora,  JRevol.  Mex.,  iii. 
289-90,  would  indicate  that  the  infant  in  question  was  born  in  the  vice- 
roy's lifetime,  when  there  is  evidence  beyond  doubt  that  it  was  a  posthumous 
child. 


CHARGES  OF  TREASON.  397 

to  command  the  city.  The  expense  incurred  was 
large  and  disapproved  by  the  crown,  but  the  order 
came  out  when  it  could  not  annoy  Galvez.  If,  as 
charged,  the  viceroy  was  plotting  independence,  his 
rule  was  too  short  for  his  ambition. 

Others  scouted  the  imputation  of  treason,  and  said 
that  he  who,  like  his  father,  and  his  uncles  the  mar- 
ques de  Sonora,  and  Miguel  de  Galvez,  ambassador  at 
Berlin,  had  been  so  exceptionally  favored  by  their 
sovereign,  would  never  lend  himself  to  treasonable 
schemes;  and  further,  if  gratitude  would  not  deter 
him,  fear  of  the  consequences  would.  And  again,  if, 
as  the  count's  accusers  say,  his  ambiguous  behavior 
gave  rise  to  suspicion,  how  is  it  that  neither  the  sov- 
ereign, nor  his  ministers,  nor  the  audiencia  or  other 
authorities  in  New  Spain,  gave  information  of  it?45 

I  am  inclined  to  doubt  the  truth  of  any  charge  of 
treason,  and  for  the  following  reasons.  On  the  22d 
of  May  1786,  the  audiencia  sent  a  petition  to  the 
kino:  that  the  count  might  be  retained  at  the  head  of 
the  government  in  New  Spain,  recounting  his  merits 
and  services  to  the  crown.  Speaking  for  the  people 
of  Mexico  the  oidores  praise  his  benevolence;  the 
wisdom  of  his  measures  in  government;  in  the  subju- 
gation of  hostile  Indians;  in  the  arrangement  and 
division  of  the  provincias  internas ;  and  generally,  in 
everything  he  had  done,  all  which  they  declare  as  con- 
ducive to  the  public  welfare  and  happiness.  To  that 
petition  the  king  answered  on  the  18th  of  August 
promising  to  retain  Galvez  as  viceroy  in  Mexico,46  so 
long  as  he  might  not  be  more  urgently  needed  for 
other  duties.  The  idea  of  treason  seems  not  to  have 
occurred  to  any  one  at  the  time,  and  what  follows 

45  It  is  stated  that  he  received  severe  rebukes  from  the  crown  that  so 
preyed  upon  his  mind,  as  to  break  down  his  health;  that  he  became  melan- 
choly, and  seriously  ill,  which  much  alarmed  the  people,  and  prayers  were 
daily  uttered  in  almost  every  household  for  their  idolized  ruler  and  friend. 
Budamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  65. 

46 '  Para  satisfaccion  y  consuelo  de  sus  Vasallos  de  N.  E.'  Belena,  JRecop., 
i.  pref.  3-4. 


30S  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

tends  only  to  disarm  the  impartial  observer  of  any 
suspicion. 

The  young  viceroy  was  stricken  by  disease,  and  on 
the  9th  of  October  1786,  a  consultation  of  physicians 
took  place  at  the  palace.  On  the  13th  the  sacraments 
were  publicly  administered  to  him  in  the  presence  of 
the  archbishop,  curates  of  the  parishes,  religious  or- 
ders, and  courts.  The  dean  of  the  cathedral  chapter 
officiated.47  On  the  31st  the  patient  was  removed  to 
Tacubaya  in  a  litter,  hoping  benefit  from  the  change 
of  air.  On  the  8th  of  November,  feeling  his  end 
approaching,  he  executed  his  last  will,  his  estate  being 
estimated  at  a  trifle  over  40,000  pesos.  Eight  days 
later,  the  16th,  extreme  unction  was  administered. 
He  then  addressed  his  family  in  most  touching  terms, 
such  as  drew  tears  from  all  present.  On  the  morning 
of  the  30th  he  expired,  aged  about  38  years,  and  his 
remains  were  transferred  to  the  palace  in  the  city.48 

At  the  funeral,  on  the  4th  of  December,  the  high- 
est honors  were  paid;  the  civil,  military,  and  ecclesi- 
astic authorities  and  the  people  contributing  to  the 
splendor  of  the  rites,  the  cathedral  chapter  defraying 
the  expenses.  The  body  was  deposited  temporarily  in 
the  cathedral  church.49 

On  the  30th  of  November,  after  the  viceroy's  de- 
mise, the  audiencia,  who  had  charge  of  affairs  by  Gal- 
vez'  direction  since  the  16th,  took  formal  possession 
of  the  government,  no  pliego  de  providencia  having 
been  found,  and  the  regente  Eusebio  Sanchez  Pareja50 

47  This  was  at  1 1  o'clock  in  the  morning  ;  the  viceroy  wore  his  full  dress 
uniform  of  a  lieutenant-general,  and  received  the  eucharist  standing.  Gomez, 
Diario,  248. 

48  It  has  been  hinted  that  the  court  got  rid  of  him  by  means  of  poison. 
Lacunza,  Discursos  Hist.,  528.  I  find  no  evidence  to  sustain  the  charge.  The 
manifestations  of  sorrow  by  the  people  it  would  be  difficult  to  describe.  Gaz. 
de  Mex.  (1786-7),  ii.  251-2. 

49  Later,  in  May  1787,  it  was  taken  to  the  San  Fernando  church,  and 
placed  near  that  of  Matiasde  Galvez.  Id.,  252-5;  Gomez,  Diario,  272;  Patten, 

\rir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  54. 

50  This  gentleman  when  an  oidor  of  Mexico  was  made  regente  of  the  audi- 
encia of  Guadalajara,  being  the  first  to  have  that  office,  which  he  held  till 
1786,  when  he  became  the  third  regente  of  Mexico.  lieales  CMtdas,  MS.,  ii. 
159.     His  colleagues  in  the  government  were  the  same  that  the  former  regente 


A  NOTABLE  BIRTH.  399 

acting  as  captain-general.  On  the  1st  of  December 
the  marques  de  Sonora,  ministro  universal  de  Indias, 
was  officially  apprised  of  these  occurrences,  and  of  the 
fact  that  the  commissions  issued  by  the  late  viceroy 
had  all  been  endorsed  by  the  present  ruler.  The 
audiencia  on  the  same  day  petitioned  the  king  to  ex- 
tend to  the  widow  and  her  children  the  utmost  liber- 
ality consistent  with  the  condition  of  the  royal 
treasury.  To  the  chief  secretary  of  state,  conde  de 
Floridablanca,  a  despatch  was  addressed,  to  be  for- 
warded post-haste  from  Coruna,  with  the  object  of 
preparing  the  marques  de  Sonora  to  hear  of  his 
nephew's  death.51 

December  12th  at  1:15  in  the  night,  the  vicereine 
gave  birth  to  a  girl,  who  was  christened  on  the  19th 
and  given  the  names  of  Maria  de  Guadalupe,  Ber- 
narda,  Felipa  de  Jesus,  Isabel,  Juana  Nepomucena, 
and  Felicitas,  to  which  was  added  afterward  that  of 
Fernanda,  as  a  compliment  to  one  of  the  sponsors. 
The  sponsors  were  the  '  nobih'sima  ciudad  de  Mexico,' 
represented  by  the  corregidor  Colonel  Francisco 
Crespo,  a  knight  of  Santiago,  and  Josefa  Villanueva, 
wife  of  the  senior  oidor,  Jose  Angel  de  Aguirre.  The 
godfather  at  the  confirmation  was  Fernando  Jose 
Mangino.  Both  baptism  and  confirmation  were  ad- 
ministered by  the  archbishop  on  the  same  day.52     On 

had  in  1785,  excepting  Luyano,  and  adding  Cosme  de  Mier  y  Trespalacios  and 
Juan  Francisco  de  Anda.  Beleua,  liecop.,  i.  pref.  4;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona, 
MS.,iii.  57,  v.  4. 

51  The  receipt  of  the  first  despatch  was  acknowledged  on  the  21st  of  Feb- 
ruary 1787,  conveying  the  king's  sorrow  at  the  loss  of  so  valuable  a  subject. 
Floridablanca  on  the  27th  of  the  same  month  notified  his  colleague  of  the 
Indies  department,  of  the  king's  high  appreciation  of  the  late  count's  distin- 
guished services,  and  that  provision  in  various  ways  had  been  decreed  for 
his  family.  According  to  the  marques  de  Sonora's  letter  of  February  28th 
to  his  niece,  that  provision  was  as  follows  :  to  the  countess  dowager,  so  long 
as  she  remained  a  widow,  the  yearly  pension,  sin  ejemplar,  of  50,000  reales 
devellon  (.$2,500),  free  of  media  annata;  to  young  Miguel  de  Galvez,  heir  to 
the  title,  the  encomienda  of  Bolanos  in  the  order  of  Calatrava;  and  to  the 
other  members  of  the  family  the  following  yearly  pensions:  to  the  post- 
humous child,  $050  if  a  boy,  or  $300  if  a  girl;  to  Matilda  de  Galvez  $300; 
and  to  the  half-sister,  Adelaida  Detrehan,  $200.  Beleiia,  Recoj).,  pref.  7-10. 

52  This  was  the  grandest  performance  of  the  kind  hitherto  witnessed  in 
Mexico.  The  city  presented  the  vicereine  a  pearl  necklace  of  the  value  of 
$11,000,  and  the  babe  another  worth  $4,000.     The  archbishop  and  Mangino 


400  VICEROYS  FORTY-SEVEN  TO  FORTY-NINE. 

the  6th  of  May  1787,  came  an  order  from  the  crown 
to  pay  the  countess  dowager  30,000  pesos  for  her 
passage  to  Spain.  She  left  the  city  on  the  25th  with 
her  four  children.53  According  to  Gomez,  Diario,  298, 
on  the  10th  of  June,  1788,  the  residencia  of  the  late 
viceroy  was  published  with  little  formality,  forty  days 
being  allowed  within  which  to  present  charges  to  his 
successor. 

each  gave  a  gold  plate,  spoon,  knife,  and  fork.  The  vicereine  returned  the 
compliment  by  presenting  her  comadre  the  material  for  a  dress  worth  $1,000; 
to  the  archbishop  she  gave  a  gold  box  garnished  with  emeralds  and  a  pectoral 
of  diamonds;  to  Mangino  very  rich  and  special  material  for  two  dresses;  and 
to  the  corregidor,  a  cane  with  a  gold  head  garnished  with  diamonds.  March 
7,  1787,  was  the  first  day  that  the  vicereine  showed  herself  in  the  streets  with 
her  guard  of  honor,  since  her  husband's  death.  She  attended  church  with 
her  two  sisters  and  children.  The  palace  guard  paid  her  military  honors,  the 
same  as  when  her  husband  lived.  Gomez,  Diario,  252-3,  261.  The  two  sisters 
above  alluded  to  were  Victoria  and  Mariana  de  Saint  Maxent;  both  were 
married,  the  former  to  Juan  Antonio  de  Riafio,  and  the  latter  to  Manuel  do 
Flon,  afterward  conde  de  la  Cadena.  Both  husbands  were  killed  in  the  war 
of  independence.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  75. 

53  She  was  accompanied  as  far  as  Vera  Cruz  by  the  new  superintendent  of 
the  mint,  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  and  the  secretary  of  the  viceroy- 
alty,  Fernando  de  Cordoba.  On  the  9th  of  June  she  sailed  from  Vera  Cruz 
on  the  ship  El  Astuto.  Gomez,  Diario,  270-1,  274,  276;  Belena,  Recoy.,  i. 
pref.  5. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

1642-1808. 

Early  Efforts  to  Provide  Forces — Organization  Begun — Difficulties 
and  Changes  in  Policy — Regular  Troops— Urban  Companies — 
Provincial  Regiments  and  Battalions — Presidio  Companies — Coast 
Guards — Effective  Force  for  War — Artillery  and  Other  Sup- 
plies — Perote  as  a  Deposit — Sea-coast  Defences — Fortresses  on 
Both  Seas — Naval  Stations — Pay  Department — Pay  of  Officers 
and  Men — Pension  System — Annual  Expenditure — Religious  De- 
partment— Vicario  General — Tenientes  Vicarios  Generales — ■ 
Army  and  Navy  Chaplains — Fuero  Militar,  and  its  Judiciary 
System. 

The  clanger  of  foreign  invasion  in  time  of  war  did 
not  escape  the  attention  of  a  military  man  like  the 
Viceroy  Cruillas.  He  formally  reported  to  the  court 
on  the  defenceless  condition  of  New  Spain,  all  the 
regular  force  at  the  disposal  of  the  government  being 
one  regiment,  called  La  Corona,1  in  Vera  Cruz,  some 

1  The  earliest  organization  of  anything  like  a  regular  force,  apart  from  that 
employed  to  keep  hostile  Indians  in  check,  seems  to  have  been  in  1642,  when 
a  battalion  with  12  companies  of  infantry  of  about  120  men  each  was  formed, 
whose  officers,  all  men  in  high  positions,  cheerfully  paid  the  expense  of  organ- 
ization and  arms.  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  101;  Guijo,  Diario,  in 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  lstser.  i.  20-1;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  16,  followed  hy  several 
others.  This  was,  it  is  presumed,  the  nucleus  of  the  body  of  infantry  which 
in  1741  was  organized  into  a  regiment  whose  ranks  were  filled  mostly  with 
marines  of  the  escuadra  de  barlovento  when  it  visited  Vera  Cruz.  It  was  then 
named  La  Corona,  and  its  chief  object  was  to  garrison  that  port.  Previous 
to  and  after  1642,  between  1635  and  1649,  on  several  occasions  a  few  companies 
were  formed,  destined  to  be  short-lived,  their  support  being  too  much  for  the 
treasury.  Their  last  disbandment  was  in  1649,  after  serving  seven  months  and 
ten  days.  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Id.,  i.  1st  serl  20-21,  31-2;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  143. 
Again  ten  companies  were  organized  in  1661.  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Id.,  i.  1st  ser. 
466-9.  In  1685  was  completed  the  organization  of  militia  on  the  coasts  of  the 
Mexican  Gulf,  which  did  not  prove  of  much  service,  as  the  buccaneers  made 
sudden  raids  and  as  quickly  escaped  with  their  booty.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    26  (  401 ) 


402  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

dragoon  companies,  a  few  soldiers  in  Acapulco,  a  small 
body  of  artillerymen,  and  the  two  companies  of  the 
palace  guard. 

The  militia  troops  consisted  of  urban  companies, 
mostly  made  up  of  white  men  and  mestizos.  In  the 
capital  there  were  some  companies  of  laboring  men, 
and  about  thirteen  or  fourteen  others  composed  of 
merchants  and  tradesmen.  In  Puebla,  as  in  Mexico, 
was  aregimiento  del  comercio,  which  had  been  created 
about  1693.  These  troops  lacked  a  knowledge  of  the 
use  of  weapons,  and  to  enable  them  to  acquire  it;  the 
viceroy  asked  the  crown  for  experienced  officers  and 
a  supply  of  arms,  urging  likewise  the  construction  in 
Perot e  of  warehouses  for  the  safe-keeping  of  military 
stores,  so  that  the  viceregal  government  might  afford 
prompt  aid  to  Vera  Cruz  and  the  Antilles.  These 
suggestions  were  acted  upon  at  court,  and  on  the  first 
of  November,  1765,  Lieutenant-general  Juan  de  Vill- 
alba  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz,  commissioned  as  commander 
and  inspector  of  the  forces,  having  with  him  several 
mariscales  de  campo,2  and  a  number  of  field  and  com- 
pany officers,  being  the  nucleus  of  an  infantry  regi- 
ment to  be  known  as  the  America,  and  nearly  two 
hundred  non-commissioned  officers  and  drummers  for 
organizing  provincial  infantry  and  cavalry  regiments. 

i.  100.  In  1692,  at  the  time  of  the  riots,  were  formed  two  companies  of  50 
men  each,  that  had,  contrary  to  royal  orders,  not  been  disbanded  in  1694, 
which  brought  down  a  second  and  peremptory  command  to  break  them  up. 
Realcs  Cedillas,  MS.,  75-6.  In  1745  there  were  14  companies  of  militia  in 
the  city  of  Mexico,  of  merchants  and  tradesmen,  who  served  on  occasions  when 
the  regulars  had  to  march  out.  These  regulars  were  two  companies,  one  of 
infantry  and  one  of  cavalry,  to  guard  the  viceroy's  palace,  which  still  existed 
at  the  time  of  the  marcpiCs  de  Cruillas'  rule.  The  infantry  company  had  a  cap- 
tain-governor, a  major,  second  engineer,  lieutenant,  second  lieutenant,  alferez, 
adjutant,  eight  sergeants,  12  corporals,  two  drummers,  188  privates,  10  artil- 
lerymen; the  cavalry  company  had  a  captain,  lieutenant,  second  lieutenant, 
alfdrez,  two  sergeants,  four  corporals,  one  bugler,  and  96  privates.  Their  cost 
was  46,168  pesos  a  year.  There  was  also  in  1758  a  company  of  24  halberdiers 
under  a  captain,  who  formed  the  viceroy's  guard  of  honor,  the  yearly  ex- 
pense of  which  was  5,161  pesos.  Villa-Sefior,  Thmtro  Am.,  i.  37,  50.  In  that 
same  year,  1758,  there  was  also  a  battalion  of  negroes  and  mulattoes,  with  a 
white  colonel.   Certification  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  53-5. 

'lCavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  184.  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  120, 
gives  their  arrival  in  1702,  naming  four  of  them,  Juan  Fernando  Palacios, 
Crist6bal  de  Zayas,  Antonio  Ricardos,  and  the  marque's  de  Rubi. 


JUAN  DE  VILLALBA.  403 

General  Villalba  began  his  labors  at  Vera  Cruz  by  re- 
constructing the  old  Corona  into  a  cavalry  regiment,3 
which  was  thereupon  called  the  Espana;  he  then  pro- 
ceeded to  the  capital  with  the  other  generals  to  con- 
tinue the  work  of  organization.  The  pay  of  each  rank 
was  at  once  established.  The  Mexican  privates  it  was 
decided  should  be  drawn  by  lot  from  the  male  popu- 
lation; but  this  scheme  was  not  then  enforced,  and 
that  of  voluntary  enlistment  was  for  a  time  adopted. 

It  had  been  intended  by  the  supreme  government 
to  raise  one  regular  regiment  of  dragoons,  and 
three  others  of  militia,  light  cavalry,  and  dragoons; 
and  six  regiments,  with  twelve  companies  each,  of 
militia  infantry,  the  calculation  being  that  the  number 
of  militiamen  would  reach  25, 000. 4 

The  development  of  the  system  was  left  to  General 
Villalba,  under  the  orders  of  the  viceroy  as  the  cap- 
tain-general. In  order  to  smooth  the  way,  the  officers 
were  instructed  to  maintain  the  most  cordial  rela- 
tions with  the  people,  and  to  make  the  necessity  for 
the  change  evident  to  them.  Every  effort  to  render 
the  military  service  attractive  was  resorted  to.  Mem- 
bers of  the  nobility  and  gentry  were  induced  to  accept 
commissions  in  the  provincial  militia  by  granting  them 
the  fuero  militar5  and  such  other  distinctions  as  would 
flatter  their  pride.     The  viceroy  had  the  choice  of 

3  With  the  Corona  and  the  dragoon  companies,  and  men  brought  from 
Spain.  Some  of  the  officers  and  men  of  the  former  were  made  into  a  third  bat- 
talion for  the  America.  Villalba  lowered  the  pay  of  those  troops,  and  of  the 
artillerists,  and  did  other  things  'sin  anuencia  del  Rey,'  possibly  meaning 
the  virey.  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  120. 

4  This  plan  eventually  had  to  be  abandoned.  The  treasury  could  not  de- 
fray the  expense  of  maintaining  an  army  of  regular  troops,  which  would  be 
no  less  than  three  million  pesos  yearly.  In  view  of  this,  the  king  approved 
in  1787  and  1788  a  plan  of  Colonel  Francisco  Antonio  Crespo,  and  ordered  its 
execution  with  a  few  modifications.  It  was  put  in  practice  in  1789.  Brand- 
forte,  Listruc,  MS.,  14-15;  Mores,  Instruc,  MS.,  26-29. 

5  It  was  defined  in  a  royal  order  of  March  26,  1782,  that  the  fuero  militar 
belonged  to  members  of  the  militia  only  when  they  were  in  actual  service. 
Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  69,  82.  In  Beales  Ce'dulas,  MS.,  ii.  58-63,  appear  the 
military  regulations  enacted  from  1766  to  1785;  rules  and  regulations  for  the 
militia  issued  in  1767,  and  tactics  for  dragoons  decreed  in  1768;  privileges  of 
soldiers  in  making  their  wills,  and  in  the  settlement  of  their  estates,  ail 
former  grants  being  confirmed,  and  new  ones  added  in  the  royal  order  of 
December  16,  1762,  and  July  21,  1766. 


404  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

colonels  and  lieutenant-colonels,  and  the  inspector 
might  select  the  other  officers  with  the  viceroy's 
sanction.  The  only  able-bodied  men  excluded  from 
the  ranks  were  negroes  and  Indians.  The  castas,  or 
various  grades  of  mixed  breeds,  might  be  admitted  to 
the  number  of  one  third  in  each  company,  and  regi- 
ments of  any  certain  color  might  be  formed.6  The 
different  localities  were  to  pay  for  the  clothing  and 
other  needed  articles,  the  government  furnishing 
arms. 

The  two  companies  of  the  viceroy's  guard  were 
mustered  out  of  service,  and  the  palace  was  thereafter 
guarded  by  the  troops  of  the  garrison,  the  halberdiers 
being  retained.7  Dissension  soon  arose  between  the 
viceroy  and  General  Villalba,  the  latter  assuming  in- 
dependent powers,  in  which  he  seemed  to  have  been 
upheld  by  some  of  the  officers  brought  by  him  from 
Spain,8  and  even  failed  to  pay  the  viceroy  honors  that 
were  due  him.  His  course  was  disapproved  by  the 
crown,  and  an  order  issued  for  him  and  the  mariscales 
Zayas  and  Ricardos  to  return  to  Spain.9 

6  The  provincial  regiments  were  intended  to  replace  the  old  urban  com- 
panies. Colored  men  serving  in  them  were  exempted  from  personal  taxation. 
(Jrdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  134-5.  All  military  officers  were  exempt  from 
taxation  by  royal  decree  of  May  4,  1760.  Providencias  Reales,  MS.,  52.  The 
task  of  raising  white  troops  was  not  an  easy  one.  As  late  as  1775,  a  committee 
appointed  by  the  government  to  aid  in  developing  the  military  defences,  de- 
clared both  the  old  Spaniards  and  their  descendants  unreliable ;  for  at  the 
least  rumor  of  war  they  would  disappear,  there  being  in  them  none  of  the  old 
Roman  or  Greek  spirit.  Plande  Defensa,  MS.,  424,  in  Col.  Diar.  The  white 
natives  had  no  taste  for  the  military  service.  Of  the  enlisted  men  many  de- 
serted, despite  the  measures  adopted  from  time  to  time,  between  1773  and 
1810,  to  uphold  discipline,  and  to  check  vice  and  desertions,  and  other  viola- 
tion of  the  articles  of  war,  which  were  not  very  successful.  Reales  Ordenes,  i. 
254-8;  Arrillarja,  Recop.  (183G),  323-4,  (1839),  298-300;  Gaz.  Mix.  (1788-9), 
iii.  339-41;  (1792-3),  v.  529-31;  (1802-3),  xi.  37-8,  211-15;  Revilla  Gigedo, 
Bandos,  ii.  no.  6;  Diario  Mex.,  ix.  319-20,  xiii.  505-6.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  desertions  were  common  when  we  consider  that  the  government  forced 
and  accepted  into  the  service  some  very  bad  characters.  Real  Cedula  (May  7, 
1775),  in  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  15-23;  Estalla,  xxvi.  334-5.  The  natives  either 
could  not  endure  the  strict  discipline,  or  disliked  the  dress  or  food,  or  may 
be,  'el  aseo,  como  poco  acostumbrados  a  Cl  desde  su  nacimiento.'  Villarroel, 
En /Win.  Polit.,  in  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  v.  166-7. 

7 Reales  Cedidas,  MS.,  i.  10. 

8  A  colonel  was  suspended  and  placed  under  arrest  in  consequence,  and 
was  released  and  reinstated  only  by  Cruillas'  successor.  Vir.  Instruc,  MS., 
1st  ser.  no.  9,  1-8. 

9The  marques  de  Rubi  was  sent  to  inspect  the  provincias  internas,  and 


ARRIVAL  OF  TRANSPORTS.  405 

After  this,  the  organization  of  the  forces  was  left 
to  the  viceroy,  who  was  an  experienced  soldier.  But, 
as  Great  Britain  had  in  her  North  American  colonies 
the  material  for  an  army,  and  in  Jamaica  a  naval  sta- 
tion, and  was  thus  in  a  position  to  strike  at  any 
moment  a  blow  against  New  Spain,10  the  government 
deemed  the  forces  already  organized  insufficient,  and 
several  regiments  were  despatched  from  Spain.  By 
the  18th  of  June  1768,  there  had  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  on  the  frigate  Astrea  and  seven  transports  the 
regiments  Saboya,  Flandes,  and  Ultonia.  Later  came 
the  Zamora,  Granada,  Castilla,  and  Guadalajara.11 
Each  regiment  was  of  three  battalions.  The  veteran 
force  now  in  the  country  consisted  of  10,000  men. 
Their  uniform  was  white,  with  trimmings  of  different 
colors  to  distinguish  the  regiments.  For  this  reason 
the  people  nicknamed  them  blanquillos.  The  office 
of  sub-inspector,  formerly  held  by  a  maestre  de  campo, 
was  created  with  larger  powers  and  importance;  he 
had  the  direct  management  of  the  troops.  The  mar- 
ques de  Bubi  was  appointed  to  it.12  His  superior  in 
Spain  was  the  inspector-general,  who  at  that  time  was 
the  conde  O'Reilly. 13  The  chief  duty  of  this  officer 
was  the  discipline  of  the  troops.  From  time  to  time 
his  functions  were  more  clearly  defined  till  1806,  when 

General  Palacios  was  made  governor  of  Vera  Cruz.  Panes.,  Vi?\,  in  Monum. 
Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  120-1. 

10  Such  an  emergency  had  been  foreseen,  as  appears  in  the  correspondence 
of  the  marques  de  Croix  with  Minister  of  State  Arriaga  in  1776.  Bustamante, 
Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  6. 

11  The  secretary  of  war  of  Mexico  in  an  official  report  gives  these  names  : 
Ultonia,  Saboya,  America,  Asturias,  Granada,  and  Zamora.  Mcx.,  Mem. 
Guerra,  1835,  9.  The  fact  was  that  the  Asturias  came  out  in  a  ship  of  the 
line  in  June  1776.  Gomez,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.,  vii.  22. 

12  The  officer  was  called  cabo  subalterno,  or  segundo  cabo.  Some  years 
after  a  doubt  having  occurred  whether  he  should  take  the  command  in  chief 
in  the  event  of  the  viceroy's  death,  the  crown,  on  the  10th  of  January  1786, 
decided  the  point  in  the  negative,  adding  that  in  that  event  he  was  merely 
to  command  the  forces  subject  to  the  real  acuerdo.  He  was  declared  to  have 
no  prerogative.  Reales  Ordenes,  MS.,  iii.  158. 

13  From  this  time  Mexico  assumed  a  military  aspect,  and  retained  it  ever 
after.  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  6.  A  provisional  regula- 
tion for  the  army  was  issued  in  1774.  Bucareli,  Beglamento,  1-32.  In  this 
same  year  was  decreed  the  creation  of  a  cuerpo  de  invalidos,  which  was  or- 
ganized in  1779.  Mex.,  Mem.  Guerra,  1840,  37-39. 


4.0G  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

it  was  ordered  that  every  three  years  he  should  per- 
sonally inspect  the  troops,  not  only  those  stationed  at 
the  capital,  but  those  in  the  provinces,  and  if  unable  to 
do  this  on  account  of  ill  health,  the  fact  was  to  be  con- 
fidentially made  known  to  the  king  by  the  viceroy  or 
captain-general.14 

Fears  of  war  with  Great  Britain  having  ceased  in 
1772,  the  government  mustered  out  of  garrison  duty 
three  of  the  native  regiments,15  though  the  drilling 
of  the  militia  was  continued.  The  troops  from  Spain 
were  successively  sent  back,  and  from  the  last  of 
them,  the  Zamora,  were  retained  the  necessary  officers, 
sergeants,  and  corporals  for  perfecting  the  organ- 
ization of  the  provincial  militia.  Later,  the  occu- 
pation by  the  British  of  the  Philippines,  and  the  revo- 
lution in  England's  colonies  in  North  America,  a<min 
warned  Spain  of  the  necessity  of  being  prepared  for 
an  emergency.  But  no  preparations  were  made.  At 
the  end  of  the  war  of  1783,  when  the  coasts  of  Span- 
ish America  were  threatened,  and  the  forts  of  Omoa 
and  San  Juan  de  Nicaragua  were  taken  by  the  English, 
she  resolved  further  to  increase  her  military  estab- 
lishment in  Mexico,  creating  in  1788  the  regiments 
Nueva  Espana  and  Mexico,  and  the  next  year  the 
Puebla.  The  French  revolution  deeply  affected  Spain, 
and  the  revolt  of  Santo  Domingo  gave  rise  to  the 
creation  of  the  Fijo  de  Vera  Cruz  in  1793.  The 
Nueva  Espana,  Mexico,  and  Puebla  were  afterward 
sent  away  to  serve  in  Cuba,  Santo  Domingo,  Louisi- 
ana, and  Florida.16     But  between  1789  and  1794  the 

11  The  king  wished  it  distinctly  understood  that  the  office  had  been  created 
to  be  useful  to  the  royal  service,  and  not  to  be  a  mere  additional  authority  in 
the  country.  Cedidario,  MS.,  25. 

15  The  government  always  was  apprehensive  that  the  natives,  with  arms 
in  their  hands,  might  revolt.  Hence  the  policy  of  transporting  and  main- 
taining at  heavy  expense  in  Mexico  one  or  two  regiments  of  Spaniards.  But 
nothing  was  really  gained  by  it.  A  few  months  after  the  arrival  of  such 
troops  they  were  of  little  use.  Officers  and  men  pursued  pleasure  and  vice, 
and  discipline  became  relaxed.  Some  of  the  privates  got  themselves  mus- 
tered out  of  service,  and  others  deserted;  and  when  a  regiment  went  back  to 
Spain  it  was  much  smaller  than  when  it  came  out.  Villarroel,  Evferm.  PoliL, 
in  Buatamante,  Voz  de  la  Patrla,  v.  167. 

10  From  Habana  these  regiments  were  despatched  upon  the  useless  expe- 


PROVINCIAL  ORGANIZATIONS.  407 

force,  both  of  regular  and  provincial  troops,  had  been 
reduced  to  4,767  men.17 

Having  thus  spoken  of  the  regular  force  in  Mexico, 
I  have  to  add  a  few  remarks  on  the  provincial  and 
urban  organizations.  Each  infantry  regiment  had  two 
battalions,  and  each  battalion18  five  companies,  includ- 
ing that  of  grenadiers.  The  effective  force  in  time  of 
peace  was  825  rank  and  file,  and  in  time  of  war  1,350. 
Each  cavalry  regiment  had  four  squadrons  with  361 
men  in  time  of  peace,  and  617  in  time  of  war.  The 
conscription  age  was  from  14  to  40  years  inclusive, 
taken  first  from  the  unmarried  men;  but  if  the  able- 
bodied  of  a  district  did  not  cover  the  requisition,  then 
the  married  were  conscripted.  Officers'  commissions 
were  given  by  the  viceroy,  subject  to  confirmation  by 
the  crown.19  The  provincial  regiments  already  organ- 
ized were  disbanded  about  1788  by  the  conde  de  Re  villa 
Gigedo,  and  their  arms  taken  to  the  royal  warehouses 
in  Mexico,  Perote,  and  Vera  Cruz.  They  were,  how- 
ever, restored  by  his  successor  after  1794.20    It  was 

dition  of  Bayaja,  where,  by  the  'cobardia  de  un  oficial  extrangero,'  the  honor 
of  one  of  them  suffered.  They  gradually  returned  to  Mexico  several  years 
after,  almost  skeletons.  General  Apodaca  brought  the  Puebla  and  one  bat- 
talion of  the  Mexico  very  much  reduced.  Those  troops  cost  a  great  deal 
of  money,  and  did  no  useful  service  to  Mexico.  Bustamante,  Medietas,  MS., 
55-6.  It  was  not  the  first  time  that  Mexico  sent  military  assistance  to  another 
Spanish  colony.  In  1761 ,  news  having  come  that  hostile  Indians  were  attempt- 
ing to  capture  the  fort  at  Panzacola,  200  infantry  and  some  artillerymen  under 
command  of  Colonel  Luis  Ortiz  Parrilla  was  sent  there,  who  arrived  in  season, 
and  the  difficulty  was  terminated  without  bloodshed.  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum. 
Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  119. 

17  Certainly  not  enough  for  general  defence,  though  the  conde  de  Revilla 
Gigedo  had  deemed  a  larger  force  unnecessary.  Branciforte,  Instruc.,  MS., 
13-14.  He  thus  decided  against  the  order  of  the  court;  but  finally  organized 
the  first  Batallon  Fijo  de  Vera  Cruz,  which  was  later  increased  till  in  1S09  it 
had  three  battalions.  Bustamante,  Medidas,  MS.,  56.  The  same  viceroy  in 
1792  had  two  companies  of  light  infantry  created,  each  with  three  officers, 
and  eighty  men  rank  and  file,  costing  for  the  two  companies  $27,816  per  year. 
Revilla  Gigedo,  Bandos,  no.  69. 

18  A  royal  order  of  1798  placed  each  battalion  under  a  lieutenant-colonel. 
Arrillaqa,  Recop.  (1830-6),  508-9. 

™Diario,  Ilex.,  v.  162-320,  389,  554;  vi.  12-32,  159-376;  vii.  48-254;  viii. 
112,  414;  ix.  548.  Gaz.  Mex.  (1784),  i.  199,  287-8.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i. 
180,  asserts  that  the  nominations,  made  by  the  ayuntamientos,  were  often 
awarded  for  money  to  the  highest  bidders,  though  in  some  instances  the 
money  was  applied  to  the  fitting-out  of  the  forces. 

20  In  1798  was  organized  the  Michoacan  dragoon  regiment,  and  a  small, 
company  near  Cape  San  Lucas  in  Lower  California.  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS., 
172-3,  187. 


403  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

officially  stated  that  the  work  met  with  no  obstacles. 
Men  voluntarily  enlisted,  and  wealthy  persons  aided 
with  their  pecuniary  means.21 

After  completing  the  organization  of  the  provincial 
regiments,  the  government  had  of  these  troops  about 
10,000  men,  which,  added  to  5,000  of  the  regular  force, 
made  15,000,  of  whom  about  4,000  were  light  cav- 
alry and  dragoons,  and  the  rest  infantry.  There 
were  also  three  companies  of  artillerymen,22  muster- 
ing about  400,  the  companies  of  negroes  and  colored 
men  of  Vera  Cruz,  one  battalion  of  infantry,  and  two 
companies  of  volunteers  in  the  same  city.23 

21  The  wealthy  contributed  not  only  money  but  gave  their  own  and  their 
sons'  services.  Gaz.  Mex.  (1795),  vii.  7-8,  14-16,  22-4,  33-5,  GG-8,  95-G, 
119-20,  174-8.  The  marqu6s  de  Branciforte  was  prompted  by  his  insatiable 
avarice  rather  than  by  loyalty.  He  sold  commissions  at  his  own  prices,  pre- 
tending to  apply  the  money  to  the  purchase  of  arms  for  the  regiments,  which 
he  never  did.  The  purchasers  wanted  the  fuero  militar,  so  as  not  to  be  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  common  law  courts.  They  were  of  little  use  when  fight- 
ing days  came.  Bustamante,  Medietas,  MS.,  57. 

22  The  artillery  corps,  down  to  the  end  of  the  Spanish  domination,  consisted 
of  a  few  regular  and  provincial  companies,  there  being  a  very  limited  number 
of  fortified  places  and  some  poor  redoubts  on  the  coasts  and  frontiers.  The 
sub-inspection  was  in  charge  of  the  viceroy,  and  the  direct  command  under 
an  officer  sent  from  Spain.  The  factories  and  everything  connected  with  this 
branch  of  the  service  were  finally  governed  by  the  regulation  of  December  10, 
1807.  Mex.  Mem.  Guerra,  1835,  10. 

23 Branciforte,  Instruc.,  MS.,  22-3.  The  following  list  appears  in  an 
official  work:  Infantry  regiments:  Mexico,  Puebla,  Tlascala,  Cordoba,  Ori- 
zaba, and  Jalapa  (the  last  three  places  forming  one),  Valladolid,  Celaya,  and 
Toluca;  battalions  of  Guanajuato  and  Oajaca,  412  men  each;  militia  of  Ta- 
basco, 9  companies  of  free  colored  men,  and  one  of  cavalry  of  Spanish  volun- 
teers, 1,018  strong;  22  companies  mixed  of  infantry  and  cavalry  on  the 
Mexican  Gulf  coasts;  2  companies  of  negroes  and  colored  men  of  Vera  Cruz; 
light  cavalry  regiments,  Santiago  de  Queretaro  and  Principe;  dragoon  regi- 
ments, Puebla,  San  Luis,  San  Carlos;  dragoons  de  la  Reina;  lancers  of  Vera 
Cruz;  dragoons  of  Michoacan;  cavalry  on  the  frontier  of  Sierra  Gorda;  dra- 
goons on  the  frontier  of  San  Luis  de  Colotlan,  being  9  companies  with  720 
men;  cavalry  on  the  frontier  of  the  colony  of  Nuevo  Santander,  being  6 
companies  with  300  men.  In  Yucatan,  one  battalion  of  volunteers  of  Merida, 
another  of  whites  of  Campeche;  2  divisions  of  colored  sharp-shooters  of  Mdrida 
and  Campeche,  each  division  with  8  companies.  Colon,  Juzgados  Milit.,  ii. 
527-8.  In  forming  the  urban  companies  of  Vera  Cruz  it  was  agreed  that 
when  necessary  the  citizens  should  be  armed,  the  ayuntamiento  furnishing 
500  men,  and  the  real  consulado  500  more,  for  whom  the  government  pro- 
vided 1,000  muskets.  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  172-3;  Marquina,  Instruc.  (1803), 
in  Instruc.  Fir.,  184.  Humboldt,  Essai  Polit.,  ii.  811-25;  Id.,  Versuch,  v. 
30-51,  55,  gives  in  1804:  regular  force,  9,919,  and  militia,  22,277,  adding  that 
of  the  32,196  the  number  of  disciplined  troops  scarcely  amounted  to  8,000 
or  10,000,  of  whom  3,000  or  4,000  had  considerable  military  experience, 
namely,  the  cavalry  stationed  in  Sonora,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  Nueva  Galicia, 
nearly  all  of  whom  were  natives  of  the  northern  provinces — tall,  robust  moun- 
taineers, accustomed  to  all  weathers  and  hardships.     Humboldt,  Tabla  Esta- 


PROVINCIAS  INTERNAS.  409 

Let  us  now  examine  the  special  military  organiza- 
tion of  the  provincias  interims,  some  of  which  were  at 
all  times  immediately  dependent  on  the  viceroyalty  of 
New  Spain,  others  being  under  a  government  of  their 
own.  The  expenses  incurred  by  the  twenty  presidios 
and  three  flying  companies  existing  in  1721,  amounted 
to  370,000  pesos  per  annum.  But  though  the  treas- 
ury had  every  year  paid  out  the  full  amount,  the  sol- 
diers were  defrauded  of  a  large  portion  of  their  pay.24 
Other  abuses  were  also  committed,  such  as  employing 
the  soldiers  away  from  their  presidios  in  working 
mines  or  herding  cattle  for  their  captains'  profit. 
Officers  had  been  sometimes  despatched  by  the  vice- 
roys to  inspect  and  report  upon  the  presidios,  but  no 
advantage  had  been  gained,  and  matters  had  gone 
from  bad  to  worse  till  a  complete  demoralization  pre- 
vailed. Moreover,  as  the  population  had  in  some 
parts  increased,  a  number  of  the  presidios  had  become 

dUtica,  MS. ,  65-6,  a  copy  of  which  is  said  to  have  been  left  by  the  author  in 
the  archives  of  the  viceroyalty,  gives  the  whole  force  in  1803  as  follows: 
regular  troops  9,924,  provincial  militia  21,951,  urban  militia  1,059.  The  levy 
of  recruits  he  declared  to  be  excessive  for  the  population.  Es-sai  Pollt. ,  i.  273. 
21  June  27,  1608,  the  king  decreed  that  the  payment  of  the  presidios 
should  be  punctual  every  four  months.  Ilecop.,  hid.,  i.  595-6,  612.  The 
crown  had  from  time  to  time  issued  orders  tending  to  the  efficiency  of  the 
service  in  the  presidios,  and  providing  for  the  welfare  of  the  men.  The  fol- 
lowing are  some  of  them :  Every  officer  or  private  soldier,  before  an  expedi- 
tion started,  might  with  a  proper  modesty  appear  before  his  superior,  and 
express  his  opinion,  and  any  difficulties  he  might  foresee.  If  his  remarks 
were  well  founded  they  must  be  heeded;  any  neglect  of  the  same  made  the 
superior  amenable  to  a  fine  of  500  ducados.  See  royal  decree  of  1622.  Vacan- 
cies occurring  in  the  office  of  captain  of  presidios  were  to  be  provisionally 
filled  by  the  captain -general;  after  which  the  names  of  three  officers  compe- 
tent for  the  position  were  to  be  sent  to  the  king  accompanied  with  a  statement 
of  the  services  and  qualifications  of  each ;  the  appointment  would  then  be 
made  from  the  tenia.  Mulattoes,  negroes,  and  mestizos  were  not  to  be  ac- 
cepted as  soldiers  in  the  presidios.  No  soldier  was  to  be  dismissed  the  serv- 
ice without  a  just  cause.  Id.,  597,  600-2.  In  1688  and  1690  the  presidios 
had  been  fully  supplied  with  men,  arms,  and  ammunition.  Those  on  the 
northern  coast  had  not  been  neglected.  In  former  years  each  presidio  had 
to  send  a  well  paid  agent  to  Mexico  for  its  supplies,  who,  after  dancing  at- 
tendance on  and  paying  much  reverence  to  the  officials,  obtained  and  took 
away  the  goods  to  his  presidio,  at  the  risk  of  being  plundered  on  the  way  by 
Indian  raiders.  Under  royal  orders  of  1643,  1663,  1664,  and  1672,  the  vice- 
roys were  to  attend  to  those  supplies,  the  treasury  officials  having  little  to  do 
in  the  matter.  These  injunctions  had  been  overlooked.  But  in  1688  the 
situados  were  taken  in  coin  to  those  presidios  by  the  armada  de  barlovento. 
Siguenza  y  Gongora,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  4:  Montemayor,  Svmarios, 
184-91. 


410  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

unnecessary.  Viceroy  Casafuerte  recommended  the 
promotion  of  Colonel  Pedro  de  Rivera  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier,  and  his  appointment  as  special  inspector 
and  regulator  of  presidios,  which  was  done  by  the 
sovereign  in  1724..  Accompanied  by  the  lieutenant- 
colonel  of  engineers,  Francisco  Alvarez  Barreiro,  who 
was  to  make  plans,  Rivera  proceeded  on  his  mission. 
The  task  occupied  him  four  years,  during  which  time 
he  journeyed  three  thousand  leagues,  and  reorganized 
the  presidios  in  the  best  possible  manner.  The  gov- 
ernment Gazeta  of  June  1728  mentions  his  return  to 
Mexico  from  his  arduous  labors,  when  he  made  his 
report  to  the  viceroy.25 

In  1729  the  number  of  presidios  was  fixed  at  twenty, 
that  of  New  Mexico  being  the  most  distant,  with  sev- 
enty-seven men  and  three  commissioned  officers.  On 
the  20th  of  April  was  issued  the  new  reglamento,  under 
which  the  annual  expenditure  for  such  troops  was  re- 
duced from  444,883  pesos  to  283,930  pesos;  the  prices 
of  goods  and  provisions  sold  to  the  soldiers  were  fixed, 
and  captains  of  presidios  were  required  to  reside  per- 
manently in  their  presidios.  The  law  also  prescribed 
the  circumstances  under  which  Indians  might  be  aided 
against  hostile  tribes.26 

The  king,  accepting  the  viceroy's  suggestions,  de- 

25  Ricera,  Dlario  y  Derrotero,  1-76.  In  October,  1727,  the  king  had  or- 
dered the  establishment  of  a  presidio  at  the  Real  de  Boca  de  Leones  in  Nuevo 
Leon  with  a  corporal  and  fourteen  men,  which  were  later  increased  to  25.  New 
Mex.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  245-7.  In  1728  a  full  report  was  called  for  by  the  crown 
upon  all  the  presidios,  and  the  force  each  could  rely  on  both  paid  and  unpaid; 
also  upon  armament  of  all  kinds,  etc.  Id.,  324-31. 

2G  It  also  marked  out  the  course  of  duty  for  each  man  in  the  presidio,  and 
the  discipline  to  be  maintained.  Instruc.  formada  en  virtud  de  Heed  Orden,  9; 
New  Mex.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  335-7;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iv.  284;  Escudero, 
Son.  y  Sin.,  Gl-2,  70;  Arcvalo,  Compend..  228.  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal, 
177,  speaking  on  the  subject  about  1742  gives  the  presidios  then  existing, 
namely:  Nayarit,  Durango,  El  Pasage,  El  Gallo,  Mapimi,  Cerro  Gordo,  San 
Bartolo,  Conchos,  Nuevo  Mexico,  El  Paso,  Janos,  Fronteras,  Sinaloa,  Adais, 
Texas,  Bahia  del  Espiritu  Santo,  San  Antonio  de  B6jar,  Bio  del  Norte,  Coa- 
huila,  Cerralvo,  Cadereita,  and  the  force  at  Saltillo,  with  a  total  force  of  84G 
officers,  rank  and  file.  In  1754  frontier  presidios  were  ordered  to  have  each 
four  swivel  guns,  and  50  muskets  with  the  requisite  ammunition,  lances, 
shields,  etc.  Sixteen  articles  were  issued  for  their  rule.  Ditches,  ramparts, 
and  stockades  were  to  be  erected.  Instruc.  Vireyes,  29.  In  1755  Engineer 
Camaras  Altas  was  sent  to  make  a  thorough  map  of  the  northern  frontiers  of 


REGULATIONS.  411 

cidecl,  November  26,  1757,  that  governors  of  frontier 
provinces  should  thereafter  be  military  officers.  Still 
another  royal  order  of  October  8,  1761,  declared  that 
inasmuch  as  the  command  of  the  presidial  companies 
had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  traffickers  instead  of  being 
held  by  true  soldiers,  the  viceroy  was  to  remove  all 
captains  of  the  former  stamp  without  going  through 
the  formality  of  a  court-martial  or  other  procedure. 
A  later  one  of  January  11,  1764,  regulated  the 
prices  of  goods  for  presidios,  greatly  moderating  those 
of  the  tariff  of  1729.  Other  orders  reiterated  pre- 
ceding ones  in  the  sense  of  reforming  the  general 
regulation  of  presidios.  Finally,  in  1765,  the  whole 
matter  was  referred  for  a  general  report  to  the  mar- 
ques de  Rubi,27  who  discharged  the  duty  in  a  satis- 
factory manner.  He  was  again  commissioned  by  the 
marques  de  Croix  to  revisit  the  presidios.  In  a  letter 
of  May  24th  from  Pasage  he  reported  a  bad  state  of 
affairs,  demanding  a  change  in  the  system  of  presidios, 
and  that  they  should  be  located  to  better  advantage. 
Hence  the  regulation  of  1772,  which  Brigadier  Hugo 
O'Connor  was  directed  to  enforce,  as  governor  and 
comandante  inspector  of  the  provinces.  The  regla- 
mento  gave  the  number  and  positions  of  the  presi- 
dios, and  the  economical  system  of  each,  and  prescribed 
the  mode  of  managing  funds;  the  policy  to  be  ob- 
served toward  the  Indians;  quality  and  condition  of 
arms,  ammunition,  horses,  accoutrements,  and  clothing 
of  the  soldiers;  mode  of  providing  commissions  and 
promotions,  reviews  and  police  of  each  presidio;  powers 
and  duties  of  captains,  subalterns,  and  rank  and  file  of 

Mexico  and  provinces  outside.  Id.,  97.  The  same  year  the  king  reiterated 
his  order  of  1748  about  statements  of  arms  and  ammunition,  and  their  con- 
dition being  punctually  forwarded  him.  New  Mex.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  350. 

27  New  Mex.,  Cedulas,  MS.,  353-8.  Rubf  was  told  that  the  presidios  were 
in  a  state  of  confusion,  dissension  prevailing  everywhere,  and  that  a  remedy  of 
the  evils  was  much  needed.  He  visited  those  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Sonora, 
Coahuila,  and  New  Mexico  in  17G6,  and  that  of  Texas  in  17C7.  His  report 
to  the  crown,  on  his  return,  was  the  basis  of  reformatory  measures,  embodied 
in  a  new  reglamento  published  by  the  marques  de  Croix  in  1771.  Morii,  Tex., 
392-3. 


412  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

the  troops ;  and  the  mode  of  choosing  habilitados  and 
rendering  them  effective. 

It  will  be  unnecessary  to  dwell  here  on  the  presidios 
of  the  country  north  of  Durango,  as  they  will  be 
fully  treated  of  in  other  volumes.28  The  presidios  of 
Monterey  and  Nayarit  were  suppressed,  placing  in 
lieu  of  the  former  two  salvaguardias  in  each  of  the 
eiodit  missions  of  Nuevo  Leon,  and  seven  salva<mar- 
dias  in  lieu  of  the  latter.29 

It  was  Rubi's  report  on  the  secure  condition  of 
Nuevo  Leon  that  induced  the  suppression  of  the  pre- 
sidio of  Monterey.  It  was  ill-founded,  for  in  1774 
the  country  was  overrun  by  natives.  The  coman- 
dante  of  the  presidios,  Hugo  O'Connor,  came  to  the 
rescue,  and  a  detachment  wTas  stationed  at  Punta  cle 
Lampazos,80  which  place  wTas  made  stronger.  Subse- 
quently, in  1783,  an  attempt  was  made  to  increase  the 
force  in  Nuevo  Leon,  but  Colonel  Juan  de  Ugalde, 
late  governor  of  Coahuila,  strenuously  opposed  it,  as 
expensive,  burdensome  in  every  way,  and  useless,  for 
Nuevo  Leon  being  in  the  rear  of  Coahuila  could  be 
of  no  assistance  to  other  provinces  if  assailed.31  The 
people  of  Nuevo  Leon,  however,  were  all  armed.  In 
1795  there  were  twenty-two  companies  of  militia  well 
equipped.32    The  total  military  force  in  1786  in  the 

28  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  L;  Hist.  Cal.,  i.-v.;  Hist.  New  Mex.  and  Ari- 
zona, passim,  this  series. 

29 The  reglamento  was  carried  out  in  Nayarit  in  1773,  a  detachment  of 
the  Catalan  volunteers  placed  there,  and  Pedro  Alberni,  then  a  subaltern, 
made  a  captain  and  comandante.  A  subaltern  officer,  sergeant,  and  fourteen 
privates  were  also  stationed  at  the  mesa  de  Tonati.  Regl.  6  Instruc.  Presid., 
127-9;  Laba,  Inform?,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  208;  Nayarlt,  Informe  de  la 
Aud.  de  Guadal.,  in  Id,.,  75.  In  1792-3  Jalisco  and  Nayarit  were  defended  by 
nine  companies  of  dragoons.  The  governor  at  San  Luis  Colotlan  was  ex  officio 
their  commander,  and  resided  at  Real  de  Bolanos.  There  were  two  adjutants, 
one  with  the  governor,  and  the  other  at  the  mesa  de  Tonati  as  lieutenant-gov- 
ernor of  the  province  of  Nayarit.  Revilla  Gigedo,  Bandos,  no.  80. 

30  Humboldt,  Essai  Polit.,  ii.  812. 

31  Ugalde,  Doc.,  MS.,  19-24.  In  1786,  Ugalde,  as  governor  and  coman- 
dante of  Coahuila,  Texas,  Nuevo  Leon,  and  Santander,  materially  reduced 
their  force  and  offered  to  protect  Saltillo  and  Parras.  Instruc,  Ugarte,  39-40. 

32  The  people  knew  of  the  king  and  viceroy  only  by  hearsay.  Governors 
were  sent  out  from  Mexico  every  four  or  five  years,  who  at  the  expiration  of 
their  terms  remained  in  the  country.  It  was  not  uncommon  to  see  an  ex-gov- 
ernor acting  as  alcalde  or  regidor.  Gonzalez,  Apuntes,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Boletln,  3a  ep.,  i.  238. 


CONDITION  AND  NUMBERS.  413 

provincias  internas,  exclusive  of  the  Californias,  was 
3,6G3  men,  of  which  there  were  300  in  Nuevo  Leon, 
and  as  many  in  Tamaulipas.  The  annual  expense  for 
all  was  estimated  at  951,084  pesos. 

The  condition  of  the  military  in  1808,  shortly  be- 
fore the  political  disturbances  broke  out,  was  essen- 
tially as  follows :  In  the  province  of  Mexico  the  viceroy 
held  command.  In  Oajaca,  Queretaro,  and  San  Luis 
Potosi,  the  forces  were  in  charge  of  commanders  of 
brigades.  In  the  other  provinces  the  respective  in- 
tendentes  were  in  charge;  these  officers  in  Guadala- 
jara, Puebla,  and  Vera  Cruz  were  also  commanders  of 
the  brigades  within  their  respective  districts.  The 
regular  force  now  consisted  of  the  viceroy's  guard 
of  honor;  four  regiments,  namely,  Corona,  Nueva 
Espana,  Mexico,  and  Puebla,  of  which  the  last  named 
was  then  in  Habana,  and  one  battalion,  the  Fijo  de 
Vera  Cruz,  of  infantry,  with  about  5,000  men;  two 
regiments  of  dragoons,  the  Espana  and  Mexico,  with 
500  men  each;  one  corps  of  artillery  with  720  men 
scattered  in  several  places;  a  small  number  of  engi- 
neers; two  companies  of  light  infantry  and  three 
fixed  companies  in  the  ports  of  Isla  del  Carmen,  San 
Bias,  and  Acapulco.33 

The  main  force  consisted,  as  we  have  seen,  of  pro- 
vincial militia,  which  was  placed  under  arms  only  when 
needful.  It  was  chiefly  composed  of  country  people 
and  artisans,  and  caused  no  expense  to  the  government. 
The  regiments  were  distributed  by  districts,  and  the 
companies  by  towns.  The  horses  of  the  mounted 
troops  were  confided  to  the  care  of  the  haciendas  of 
each  district.  The  officers  were  property-owners  of 
the  provinces.  The  honor  was  much  coveted,  and 
high  prices  were  paid  for  a  commission  as  colonel  or 
lieutenant- colonel  when  the  forces  were  first  organized. 
In  the  central  provinces,  which  were  more  thickly 
settled,  and  had  a  cold  or  temperate   climate,  were 

33  The  total  effective  regular  force  at  the  disposal  of  the  viceroyalty  did  not 
exceed  6,000  men.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  77-8. 


414  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

organized  seven  infantry  regiments  of  two  battalions 
each,  namely,  Mexico,  Puebla,  Tlascala,  Orizaba,  Cor- 
doba, Jalapa,  Toluca,  Celaya,  and  Valladolid.  There 
were  likewise  three  separate  battalions,  named  re- 
spectively Guanajuato,  Oajaca,  and  Guadalajara.  Each 
battalion  had  an  effective  force  of  825  men,  the  total 
being  14,000,  to  which  were  to  be  added  the  two  urban 
battalions  of  Mexico  and  Puebla,  having  together 
930  men. 

The  cavalry  consisted  of  eight  regiments,  namely, 
Queretaro,  Principe,  Peina  in  Guanajuato,  Puebla, 
San  Luis,  San  Carlos  in  the  province  of  San  Luis, 
Michoacan,  or  Pdtzcuaro,  and  Aguas  Calientes;  each 
of  which  had  four  squadrons  of  361  men  in  time 
of  peace,  and  517  in  time  of  war,  making  a  total  of 
4,936  dragoons.  In  the  vicinity  of  Vera  Cruz  was 
a  body  of  1,000  lancers;  there  were  three  other  bodies 
for  the  protection  of  the  old  frontiers  of  Sierra  Gorda, 
Colotlan,  and  Nuevo  Santander,  with  1,320  men,  and 
an  urban  squadron  in  Mexico  with  200  men. 

The  troops  for  guarding  the  coasts  were  in  detached 
companies  at  different  places,  forming  mixed  divisions 
of  infantry  and  cavalry,  with  little  discipline,  and  not 
even  a  uniform.  They  were  useful,  however,  in  their 
respective  sections.  Five  of  them  were  on  the  gulf 
border,  and  with  the  two  companies  of  negroes  and 
colored  men  of  Vera  Cruz  made  up  a  force  of  3,400.34 
On  the  Pacific  were  seven  companies  consisting  of 
3,750  men.  The  total  force  of  provincial  militia,  both 
infantry  and  cavalry,  together  with  the  seven  com- 
panies of  militia  artillery  at  Vera  Cruz  and  other 
points  of  the  coasts,  when  complete  and  on  a  war  foot- 
ing, which  never  occurred,  would  have  made  29,411 
men;35  but  deducting  7,200  of  the  coast  guard,  who 

34  In  June  1806  was  living  at  the  age  of  90  years  Antonio  Santa  Ana,  who 
was  decorated  with  a  royal  medal,  and  was  captain  of  the  company  of  blacks 
of  Vera  Cruz;  a  master  mason  by  trade;  he  wrote  a  farce  for  the  theatre  that 
won  a  prize.  Diario,  Hex. ,  iii.  207. 

r:'  Another  account  gives  the  entire  force  of  New  Spain  in  time  of  peace  In 
1805  as  32,924  men.  Not.  de  N.  Esp.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  24.    The 


COAST  DEFENCES.  415 

were  never  taken  from  their  sections,  the  effective 
force  remaining  was  22,211,  which,  added  to  6,000 
of  the  regular  force,  formed  a  total  of  28,000  men 
whom  the  viceroy  could  place  in  the  field.  There 
were,  besides,  in  Yucatan,  one  battalion  of  regular 
troops,  a  few  regiments  of  provincials,  and  the  neces- 
sary artillerymen.  The  disciplined  militia  and  the 
coast  divisions  formed  ten  brigades,  each  having  the 
military  commandant  at  the  head  town  of  the  district 
for  its  brigadier,  excepting  those  of  Mexico,  Oajaca, 
Queretaro,  and  San  Luis  Potosi  which  had  their 
regular  commanders.36 

The  organization  of  troops  for  defence  against  in- 
ternal and  external  foes,  however  important,  was 
not  all  that  was  needed.  The  defences  of  the  ports 
and  of  the  whole  coast-line  on  both  seas  demanded 
attention,  and  constantly  engaged  that  of  the  supreme 
national  government  as  well  as  of  the  local  authorities 
from  the  earliest  days.37    The  port  of  Vera  Cruz  with 

force  of  all  organizations  is  set  down  in  1809,  before  the  revolution,  at  29,661. 
Torrente,  Rev.  Hisp.  Am.,  Introd.,  i.  19;  Zavala,  Rev.  Mex.,  i.  26. 

36  Most  of  the  field  and  many  of  the  company  officers,  in  both  the  regular 
and  militia  regiments,  were  from  Spain.  The  sergeants,  corporals,  and  pri- 
vates were  natives  of  Mexico,  taken  chiefly  from  the  various  castas,  the  pure 
Indians  being  exempt.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  78-81;  v.  956.  We  are  told 
by  a  competent  authority,  however,  that  the  country,  in  1809,  lacked  mus- 
kets, bayonets,  sabres,  and  other  things  for  infantry  and  cavalry;  it  had  not 
enough  field-pieces,  balls,  grape,  etc.,  for  the  artillery,  nor  tents.  It  was  de- 
ficient in  almost  every  material  of  war  needed  to  organize  a  competent  force 
fit  to  cope  with  the  well  provided  armies  of  Europe.  Some  of  them  could  at 
that  time  be  obtained  in  the  United  States  and  Jamaica.  Cannon  and  cannon 
balls  and  grape  could  be  made  in  Mexico.  Queipo,  Represent,  al  Real  Acnerdo, 
129-30,  137. 

37  From  1570  to  1657  the  crown  was  repeatedly  issuing  orders  for  the  de- 
fence of  the  country  and  the  improvement  of  the  military  service,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  management  of  fortresses  on  the  coasts,  and  garrisons  of 
presidios  in  towns  or  frontiers.  Most  of  them  are  mere  matter  of  routine, 
which  it  is  unnecessary  to  give  here.  Among  those  which  were  of  general 
interest  may  be  mentioned:  A  royal  order  of  May  7,  1570,  made  it  incumbent 
on  all  residents  at  ports  to  have  arms  and  horses,  according  to  their  means, 
ready  to  resist  and  repel  foreign  aggressions.  Another  of  November  30,  1599,  re- 
quired that  in  time  of  danger  no  man,  unless  specially  exempted  by  law,  should 
fail  to  present  himself  for  military  service.  One  of  March  26,  1627,  prescribed 
that  only  military  men,  known  to  be  possessed  of  experience  in  the  defence  of 
besieged  fortresses,  should  be  nominated  for  the  position  of  alcaldes.  Among 
the  requirements  from  commanders  of  forts  on  the  coast,  good  ones  prob- 
ably, but  which  often  had  not  the  desired  effect,  they  were  urged  to  be  dis- 


416  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

the  isle  of  San  Juan  de  Uliia  was  the  key  of  New 
Spain,  and  the  object  of  special  solicitude.88  Efforts 
were  made  and  means  supplied  in  order  to  put  the 
defences  in  a  condition  to  resist  attacks.39  The  forma- 
tion of  plans  and  the  building  of  a  new  fortress  were 
in  charge  of  Captain  Jaime  Franck.  Objection  having 
beeM  made  to  the  work,  the  subject  was  laid  before 
certain  officials  for  their  opinion.40 

When  a  portion  of  the  fortress  was  constructed,  a 
small  garrison  was  placed  there  under  an  officer  who 
bore  the  title  of  castellano,  subordinate  to  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  town.  In  the  course  of  years  the  title 
was  changed  to  teniente  rey,  and  the  officer  succeeded 
the  governor  at  his  death  or  absence.  Both  officers 
had  high  military  rank,  the  governor  having  charge 
of  the  garrisons  of  Ulua  and  Vera  Cruz.41 

The  fortifications  on  San  Juan  de  Ulua  were  in 
1767  strengthened  with  cannon  brought  from  Spain.42 

creet  as  well  as  energetic  and  brave,  and  thus  make  themselves  feared,  'para 
cobrar  reputacion,  pues  esto  bastara  a  atemorizar  los  animos  de  los  cosarios.' 
Recop.  hid.,  i.  2G0-1,  567-617. 

38  From  1648  to  1673  the  place  was  well  supplied  with  means  of  defence 
Repairs  were  begun  in  1671.  The  commander  proposed  a  plan  of  fortification 
involving  heavy  expense,  but  affording  great  strength.  It  was  referred  to  the 
king.  After  some  changes  of  policy  in  regard  to  the  garrison,  it  was  decided 
finally  in  1670  and  1671  to  keep  a  force  there  of  about  300  men.  The  white 
militia  and  the  companies  of  free  negroes  and  mulattoes  were  tolerably  well 
disciplined.  During  the  years  above  mentioned  there  were  expended  upon 
San  Juan  de  Ulua  $403,278,  besides  $183,914  on  other  defences,  and  for  men, 
war  materials,  etc.  Mancera,  Instruc,  in  Doc.  Lied.,  xxi.  490-3.  Money  was 
being  constantly  spent  on  supplies  for  the  defences.  Montemayor,  Svmarios, 
188-9. 

39Sigiienza  y  Gongora  was  very  sanguine  in  1692,  when  he  said  that  the 
new  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  was  in  a  good  condition  to  defend  the  port, 
and  all  accomplished  within  a  few  months  at  a  moderate  expenditure.  Carta 
al  Almirante,  MS.,  39. 

40  Several  of  the  persons  consulted  eluded  the  responsibility.  The  mathe- 
matician Sigiienza  y  Gongora  recommended  that  no  change  should  be  made, 
considering  the  defences  almost  impregnable,  though  chiefly  from  the  nat- 
ural strength  of  the  position.  Memorial,  in  Morfi,  Col.  Doc,   i.  211,  223-39. 

41  Till  about  the  middle  of  the  18th  century  the  garrisons  of  the  city  and 
castle  had  been  necessarily  small,  but  always  being  gradually  increased.  In 
1727  there  were  in  the  fort,  besides  the  castellano,  one  major,  one  alferez,  one 
surgeon,  and  153  rank  and  file  of  infantry,  one  captain  and  101  rank  and  file 
of  artillerists.  The  captains  were  enjoined  to  swell  their  ranks  with  Span- 
iards from  the  mother  country,  and  if  possible  with  veterans,  but  as  the  sons 
of  Spaniards  born  in  Mexico  could  not  be  prudently  excluded  'sepennitia 
que  en  cada  compania  pudiera  haber  catorce,  y  nada  mas.'  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
Ajruntes  J  list. ,  384. 

42  The  same  year  was  put  up  in  Tacubaya  a  factory  for  cannon;  and  the 


SAN  JUAN  DE  ULtf  A.  417 

In  that  year  and  the  next  Anton  Lizardo  was  strongly 
fortified.  At  the  same  time  was  constructed  the 
fortress  of  Perote,  which  cost  no  less  than  that  of  San 
Juan  de  Ulua.  The  former  was  deemed  necessary  for 
the  safe  keeping  of  treasure  when  on  the  way  for 
shipment  to  Spain,  for  if  Vera  Cruz  were  once  in  pos- 
session of  an  enemy,  a  dash  on. Orizaba  might  easily 
be  made.  In  Perote  were  mounted  six  24-pounders, 
eight  16-pounders,  ten  12-pounders,  and  33  pieces 
of  calibre  from  4  to  8;  there  was  a  complete  supply  of 
ammunition,  the  cost  of  conveying  which  had  exceeded 
40,000  pesos.43 

The  anxiety  to  make  San  Juan  de  Ulua  and  the 
whole  Vera  Cruz  coast  impregnable  if  possible,  was 
great,  but  the  means  were  wanting.  Among  the 
many  plans  presented  was  one  in  1774  which  might 
have  been  acceptable  had  it  not  called  for  an  exces- 
sive expenditure.  One  and  a  half  million  pesos  the 
authors  claimed  would  suffice;  four  to  six  millions,  said 
others,  would  be  consumed  before  reaching  comple- 
tion, besides  the  demand  for  a  garrison  so  large  that 
other  important  points  would  have  to  be  utterly 
neglected.  The  king  favored  certain  modifications, 
and  in  1780  the  matter  was  left  to  a  commission44 
which  presented  a  plan  to  guard  the  defences,  includ- 
cling  the  coast  on  both  sides,  against  foreign  assaults, 
but  it  was  not  accepted.  Several  other  schemes  were 
recommended,  but  no  extensive  plan  seems  to  have 
been  adopted.- 


4.5 


next  were  cast  some  field  pieces.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  iii.  6;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
i.  141.  The  powder  factory  was  in  Chapultepec.  At  the  end  of  the  century 
it  supplied  large  quantities  of  powder,  not  only  to  Mexico,  but  also  to  the 
Antilles,  New  Granada,  Louisiana,  and  Florida.  Panes,  Vir.,in  Mouum.Dom. 
Enp.,  MS.,  135;  Azanza,Instnic,  MS.,  180-1;  Alzate,  Gacetas,  iv.  349-55;  Gaz. 
Mcx.  (1784-5),  i.  228-30;  Diario,  Mix.,  ii.  132;  Quia  de  Hac.  Rep.  Mex., 
ii.  129-40. 

43  As  a  warehouse  for  provisions  and  war  material  to  aid  Vera  Cruz,  and 
as  a  rendezvous  for  troops  to  keep  a  foreign  enemy  in  check,  Perote  was,  owing 
to  its  climate,  very  valuable;  but  as  a  fortress  it  was  not  worth  much.  Re- 
villa  Gigedo,  Instruc,  MS.,  i.  527-8. 

44 Carrion,  Plan  de  Defensa,  MS.,  404-591,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Diario, 
Not.,  etc. 

45  The  most  favored  was  that  of  Lieutenant  Colonel  Pedro  de  Alonso,  which 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    27 


418  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

The  use  of  the  native  militia  of  the  coast,  who  were 
good  lancers  and  inured  to  the  climate,  was  strongly 
recommended,  it  being  added  that  the  regular  troops 
might  be  stationed  in  cool  localities,  and  the  officers 
make  themselves  familiar  with  the  country.46  Finally, 
in  1800,  the  government  was  still  engaged  in  providing 
for  the  security  of  Vera  Cruz,  largely  supplying  the 
fortress  with  provisions  and  war  material,47  and  build- 
ing an  extensive  hospital.  The  two  cavalry  regi- 
ments were  reenforced,  and  barracks  erected  at 
Buenavista;  but  experience  soon  proved  the  place 
sickly,  and  the  troops  were  removed  after  sustaining 
some  loss  of  life.48  A  considerable  number  of  armed 
launches  and  gunboats  were  also  provided.  In  1806, 
at  the  suggestion  of  the  Spanish  generalissimo,  the 
principe  de  la  Paz,  viceroys  and  captain-generals  in 
America  were  ordered  by  the  king  to  ask  for  means 
of  defence  only  in  moderation,  and  they  were  to 
remind  him  at  the.  end  of  each  year,  avoiding  repeti- 
tions.49 They  were  to  employ  the  means  at  their 
disposal,  bringing  into  moderate  requisition  whatever 
the  country  afforded.  If  they  failed  so  to  do,  and 
reverses  occurred,  they  would  be  held  accountable, 
and  the  fact  of  not  having  been  allowed  what  they 
had  called  for  from  the  crown  would  not  serve  as  an 
excuse.     The  half-witted  Cdrlos  IV.  was  in  this  as 

called  for  large  supplies  in  and  out  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua;  and  a  garrison  of 
1G70  men,  including  the  governor  and  his  staff,  attache's  of  the  government, 
and  the  military  force,  hospital,  etc.  Alonso,  Plan  de  Defensa,  MS.,  508-48, 
in  Id. 

iGCostans6,  Eeconocim. ,  MS.,  594-614,  in  Id. 

47  In  1794  the  armament  of  the  fortress,  town,  and  batteries  of  Alvarado 
and  Mocambo  consisted  of  132  brass  pieces  of  various  calibres,  173  iron 
pieces,  17  brass  and  four  iron  mortars.  Many  of  them  were  old-fashioned 
and  should  have  been  excluded.  Revilla  Gigedo,  Inslruc,  MS.,  i.  524-7; 
Florcs,  Inst  rue,  MS.,  29-30.  In  1799  the  fortress  had  120  cannons  and  three 
mortars,  besides  a  handsome  lower  battery,  built  in  the  latest  style,  to  defend 
the  two  channels  to  the  north  and  south-east.  Estcdla,  xxvii.  59. 

48  The  climate  of  Vera  Cruz  was  deadly  for  troops;  and  the  force  stationed 
in  the  nearest  healthy  towns,  owing  to  distances  and  difficult  roads,  could 
not  be  counted  on  to  meet  a  sudden  attack.  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  159-03, 
160-71. 

49  '  Con  una  moderacion  prudente  lo  q  haga  f alta  en  su  distrito . . .  estas 
repeticiones  hacen  vulgares  las  cosas.'  Cedulario,  MS.,  iv.  24;  Zamora,  Bib. 
Ley.  UlL,  v.  503. 


YUCATAN.  410 

in  everything  the  tool  of  his  wily  and  avaricious 
counsellor. 

Yucatan  had  not  been  neglected.  Not  only  had 
troops  been  provided  for  her  defence  as  early  as  1645,50 
but  in  1672  forts  were  ordered  by  the  king  to  be 
built,  and  garrisons  placed  in  them.51  In  1690  the 
wall  around  Campeche  had  been  in  process  of  con- 
struction for  several  years.  Early  in  the  year  thirty 
pieces  of  artillery  of  various  calibres  were  mounted 
thereon.52  The  forts  of  Campeche  were  begun  in 
1692  and  finished  in  1769.  Eight  castles  were  suc- 
cessively erected.  Spain  at  first  furnished  fifty-six 
poor  pieces  of  iron  of  small  calibre;  but  in  1739  and 
1740  eighty-eight  pieces  of  large  size  were  sent, 
part  of  brass  and  part  of  iron.53  The  citadel  of  San 
Benito  in  Merida  had  five  small  bulwarks  on  an  arti- 
ficial hill  commanding  the  whole  town.  The  artillery 
consisted  of  old  18-pounders.54 

In  the  island  of  Tris  in  the  laguna  de  Terminos 
was  established  a  presidio  for  which  a  regulation  was 
issued  in  1791.  It  had  a  governor  commanding  the 
forces.55  In  Tabasco  was  built  in  1683  the  castle  of 
Santiago,  which  was  garrisoned  with  a  paid  infantry 
company.56  Acapulco,  the  chief  Mexican  port  on  the 
Pacific,  was  considered  in  1642  sufficiently  defended 
with  its  fortifications  and  garrison.57 

50Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  204-5,  702-3;  Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  85;  Monte- 
mayor,  Svmarios,  187-8. 

51  The  viceroy  of  New  Spain  was  directed  to  afford  all  aid.  Mancera, 
bistruc,  in  Doc.  Ined.,  xxi.  495-6. 

52  Sierra,  Efemerkles,  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  273. 

53  Spain  in  1795  and  1808,  and  Mexico  in  1827,  increased  the  armament  to 
over  200  pieces.  Villcveque,  Descrip. 

54  It  had  two  inexhaustible  wells  of  water,  and  warehouses  with  arms,  etc. 
Echdnove,  Cuadro  Estud.,  1813;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  362-3. 

55  The  command  consisted  of  one  adjutant,  one  surgeon  with  his  hospital 
and  assistants,  two  chaplains,  one  paymaster  and  his  assistant;  one  infantry 
company  of  100  men  and  3  officers;  one  dragoon  company  of  43  men  and  3 
officers;  one  officer  and  30  artillerymen;  23  settlers,  some  invalid  soldiers,  one 
negro  slave  of  the  king's,  and  some  mechanics.  lievilla  Gigcdo,  Bandos,  no. 
55,  1-56;  Hospital,  Iastruc,  1-15.  In  1798  this  presidio  had  3  militia  com- 
panies of  100  men  each.  Azanza,  Inslruc,  MS.,  174-5. 

56 There  was  also  a  company  of  colored  men.  Chiap.  y  Yuc,  Jurisdic 
Ecles.,  31-2. 

57  It  had  a  governor  commanding  the  garrison,  who  could  call  to  his  aid  all 
men  dwelling  on  the  coast.  Palafox,  Instruc,  in  Morji,  Col.  Hoc,  MS.,  15. 


420  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

In  1790  the  same  arrangement  continued,  the  gov- 
ernor being  also  commandant  of  the  fort.58  This  fort, 
called  San  Diego  de  Acapulco,  of  more  modern  con- 
struction, underwent  in  1 794  some  repairs.  It  then  had 
only  ten  brass  and  fifty-eight  iron  guns  in  good  condi- 
tion, and  more  that  were  unserviceable.69  The  provi- 
sion of  muskets,  pistols,  and  side-arms  was  abundant. 

The  naval  department  at  San  Bias  was  established 
to  aid  the  government  in  its  efforts  to  occupy  vacant 
coasts  and  islands  adjoining  its  settled  provinces,  es- 
pecially the  west  coast  of  North  America.  Arsenals, 
ship-yards,  and  warehouses  were  established.  All  or- 
ders given  to  expeditions  passed  through  the  hands  of 
its  chief.60  It  was,  however,  on  the  point  of  being  aban- 
doned, when  Father  Junipero  Serra's  suggestions  in 
1773,  on  its  usefulness  for  supplying  the  Californias, 
led  to  its  being  continued  and  carefully  sustained.  To- 
ward the  end  of  the  century  the  naval  force  consisted 
of  three  ships,  two  brigs,  three  schooners,  and  one 
sloop.61  The  personnel  consisted  of  a  naval  com- 
mander, seven  other  naval  officers,  one  comisario  and 
his  assistant,  eight  clerks,  seven  chaplains,  six  sur- 
geons, thirteen  sailing  masters,  seven  artillerymen, 
and  five  hundred  and  five  petty  officers,  seamen,  and 
landsmen,  besides  a  number  of  mechanics  and  laborers 
in  the  navy-yard.  Conde  de  Revilla  Gigedo  during 
his  rule  strongly  urged  removal  to  Acapulco  ;62  but  it 
was  not  removed,  and  in  1803  remained  at  San  Bias 
without  change.63  For  defence,  aside  from  its  own 
garrison,  it  could  rely  on  the  forces  in  Nueva  Galicia 

58  The  garrison  was  more  than  doubled  from  1766  to  1790.  In  the  latter 
year  it  had  three  officers,  74  infantry,  and  28  artillerymen.  The  supplies  were 
punctually  furnished.  Acapulco,  Provision,  in  Vir.  Instruc,  MS.,  2d  ser., 
no.  2,  6-31;  Revilla-Gigcdo,  Bandos,  no.  32,  1-8.  No  change  was  made  to 
1800.  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  171. 

59  Twenty-one  brass  gims  were  under  way  from  Manila.  Revilla  Gigedo, 
Instruc,  MS.,  i.  528-30. 

00  His  residence  was  at  the  port  itself.   Greenhoiv's  Hist.,  112. 
G1In  1800  it  had  undergone  a  small  change.     One  of  the  ships  was  lying 
useless  at  Manila.  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  194-6. 

62  Looking  for  a  better  climate  and  other  advantages.  Revilla  Gigedo,  In- 
etrur.,  MS.,  i.  533-7. 

63  Marquina,  Instruc,  in  Instruc  Vireyes,  188. 


PAY  DEPARTMENT.  421 

and  the  provincias  interims.  The  comandante  de 
marina  had,  on  his  part,  erected  batteries  along  the 
coast  for  protection  against  pirates. 

Before  concluding  this  review  of  the  military  es- 
tablishment in  Mexico  let  us  examine  the  other 
branches  connected  with  the  service.  The  pay  de- 
partment had  been  in  charge  of  the  oficiales  reales 
till  December  1786,  when  a  royal  ordinance  intrusted 
the  whole  financial  business  of  the  army  to  military 
intendentes,  and  to  the  provincial  intendentes  within 
their  respective  provinces.64  The  total  expenditure 
of  presidial  and  other  forces,  transportation,  etc.,  in- 
cluding the  presidios  of  the  Philippines,  and  naval 
vessels  on  the  Pacific  and  elsewhere,  paid  out  of  the 
Mexican  treasury,  was,  in  1758,  882,227  pesos.65  In 
1765-6,  after  the  organization  of  the  military  forces, 
the  yearly  expense  was  626,776  pesos.66     The  outlay 

64  Intendentes,  Real  Ordenanza,  347-407. 

65 Certif.  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  33-56. 

66  Comandante-general's  pay,  $18,000;  three  mariscales  de  campo,  $24,000; 
engineers,  $5,800;  detached  officers,  $13,620;  4  aides  de  camp,  $2,424.  The 
rest  went  for  pay  and  allowances  of  the  organized  bodies  of  troops.  Rivera, 
Gob.  Mex.,  i.  402.  A  royal  order  of  January  17,  1791,  made  clearer  a  former 
one  of  August  6,  1776,  in  the  sense  that  all  pay  and  allowances  of  officers 
serving  in  America  should  be  in  pesosfuertes  de  America  (eight  reales  de  plata 
to  each  peso);  those  coming  from  Spain  to  have  their  pay  reckoned  from  the 
day  of  leaving  port.  Back  pay  due  in  Spain  and  made  good  in  America  to  be 
at  the  rate  of  Spain,  calculating  each  peso  fuerte  at  two  escudos  de  vellon.  The 
Spain  rate  to  be  allowed  any  officer  of  America  who  was  in  Europe  on  leave, 
or  for  any  other  purpose.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS. ,  vi.  63-64.  Under  various 
royal  orders,  officers  of  the  army,  below  the  grade  of  general,  who  had  held  mil- 
itary governments  in  America  by  special  royal  appointment,  not  at  their  solicita- 
tion, were  to  be  retained  with  the  pay  of  their  rank,  and  if  possible  employed; 
but  if  no  longer  needed  in  America  were  allowed  12  months'  extra  pay  of  their 
grade.  General  officers  were  excluded  from  that  benefit,  because  when  not  in 
actual  command  or  office  they  were  allowed  their  full  pay  en  cuartel.  Id. ,  75-78. 
Under  a  law  of  1781  men  of  the  rank  and  file  who  had  served  25  or  35  years, 
and  continued  in  the  service,  received  not  only  the  allowances  awarded  to 
shorter  terms,  but  also  the  full  pay  of  their  rank.  Drummers,  fifers,  timbrel- 
players,  and  trumpeters  who  had  served  35  years  could  not  obtain  the  brevet 
of  alferez,  but  in  lieu  thereof  they  received  $14f.  All  such  allowances  ceased 
when  the  men  were  promoted  to  officers;  this  under  a  royal  order  of  February 
1,  1788.  Other  laws  favored  veterans  who  reenlisted.  A  regulation  of  1810 
established  the  extra  allowance  of  112^  reales  per  month  and  the  grade  of  first 
sergeant  for  privates  honorably  serving  30  consecutive  years,  and  the  brevet 
rank  of  lieutenant  with  a  retired  pension  of  260  reales  monthly  for  those  who 
served  honorably  40  consecutive  years.  Still  another  royal  order  of  July  8, 
1811,  permitted  the  latter  to  continue  in  service  if  they  were  able-bodied. 
Mex.  Cuad.  de  Formularios,  40. 


422  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

was  largely  augmented  by  the  cost  of  the  defences  of 
the  port  of  Vera  Cruz,  the  depot  at  Perote,  and  the 
foundry  at  Tacubaya.  The  expense  at  Vera  Cruz 
closely  approached  $1,500,000,  and  that  at  Anton 
Lizardo  exceeded  $1,250,000.  I  have  no  record  of 
the  rest. 

The  expense,  in  1789,  for  troops,  including  $98,31G 
for  the  naval  station  of  San  Bias,  is  stated  to  have 
been  $2,594,08 167  out  of  a  total  paid  by  the  treasury 
during  the  year  of  $3,424,995.  The  military  budget 
for  1805  had  risen  to  $3,500,000,  to  which  must 
be  added  $500,000  more  for  arsenals,  fortifications, 
etc.68  In  1809  the  outlay  is  given  at  the  same  round 
figures,  four  million  dollars.69  A  regular  system  of 
pensions  had  also  been  established  in  Mexico  and  the 
rest  of  America  to  conform  with  that  of  old  Spain,  ex- 
cept in  the  amounts.  A  royal  order  of  September  29, 
1761,  authorized  the  foundation  of  the  montepio  mill- 
tar,  out  of  which  was  to  be  paid  to  the  widows  and 
orphans,  or,  should  there  be  none,  to  the  mothers  of 
army  or  navy  officers  serving  and  dying  in  America, 
a  yearly  allowance,  according  to  the  pay  of  the  officer 
at  the  time  of  decease.  In  1773  were  issued  rules  for 
the  uniform  observance  of  that  decree,  and  the  rates 
of  yearly  allowance,  as  well  as  the  amount  to  be  de- 
ducted from  each  officer's  pay  to  swell  the  montepio 
fund,  were  fixed.70 

67  The  presidial  salaries  are  set  down  at  only  $153,707.  Not.  de  N.  Esp.,  in 
Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  40.  An  official  account  of  1786  gives  the  expense 
for  the  military  forces  in  the  provincias  internas  (without  the  Calif ornias  or  the 
Pacific  ports)  at  $951,084.  Estado  general  que  manifesto,,  etc.,  MS.  The  com- 
mandant of  a  presidio  could  not  dispose  of  his  company's  funds  without  the 
sanction  of  the  habilitado,  who  on  his  part  could  do  nothing  to  the  prejudice 
of  any  member  of  the  company,  and  was  obliged  to  supply  the  men  with 
goods  at  rates  that  neither  he  nor  they  had  any  power  to  alter.  Purchases 
were  made  by  the  habilitado  in  public,  and  with  the  intervention  of  the 
ayudante  inspector,  so  that  it  was  not  easy  to  monopolize  effects  and  prices. 
The  effects  were  often  bought  at  20  per  cent  below  the  fixed  rates  of  the 
presidios.    Velasco,  Son.,  98;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  viii.  394. 

68 The  cost  for  3099  men  in  the  provincias  internas  is  not  given;  it  is 
probably  included  in  the  $1,200,000  given  as  the  cost  of  the  presidios.  Not.  de 
X.  Esp.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  24. 

G<J  Military  force,  $1,800,000;  San  Carlos  de  Perote,  $200,000;  fortifica- 
tions and  unforeseen,  $2,000,000.    Torrente,  Rev.  Uisp.  Am.,  IntrocL,  i.  19. 

70 The  following  were  the  allowances  according  to  rank:  captain-general, 


ECCLESIASTICAL  JURISDICTION.  423 

To  swell  the  fund  of  the  montepio  militar  the  fol- 
lowing deductions  were  made  from  each  officers  pay 
from  the  time  when  he  first  entered  the  service :  half 
a  month's  pay  retained  once ;  eight  maravedis  de  plata 
fuerte  out  of  every  peso  fuerte;  the  increase  of  pay 
for  the  first  month  in  the  case  of  officers  promoted  to 
higher  rank  and  the  amount  of  the  whole  month's 
salary  in  the  case  of  officers  and  officials  newly  em- 
ployed.71 With  the  view  of  creating  afondo  de  invar 
lidos,  from  which  invalided  officers  and  soldiers  were 
to  draw  pensions,  it  was  ordered  by  the  crown  Jan- 
uary 14,  1775,72  that  a  deduction  of  eight  maravedis 
de  plata  should  be  made  from  the  pay  and  extra  allow- 
ances of  officers  and  men  in  actual  service. 

The  jurisdiction  eclesidstica  castrense,  or  the  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction  of  the  army  and  navy  of  Spain 
and  her  Indies,  was  under  the  vicario  general  de  los 
reales  ejercitos  y  armadas,  an  office  annexed  to  that  of 
the  patriarca  de  las  Indias  y  capellan  mayor  of  the 

$1,125;  lieutenant-general,  $750;  mariscal  de  campo  or  rear  admiral,  $625; 
brigadier  and  colonel,  $500;  lieutenant-colonel,  $375;  sargento  mayor,  or 
major,  $319;  captain,  $188;  adjutant,  $169;  lieutenant,  $120;  sub-lieutenant 
or  alf 6rez,  $94.  The  same  privilege  was  awarded  to  the  widows  and  orphans, 
or  mothers  of  civil  officials  belonging  to  the  pay  department  of  the  army  or 
navy.  The  following  exceptions  were  established.  Widows,  orphans,  or 
mothers  of  officers  who,  after  the  foundation  of  the  montepio,  married  with  a 
rank  below  that  of  a  full  captain  in  the  army,  or  a  teniente  de  fragata  in  the 
navy,  had  no  claim  to  the  allowance,  unless  their  husbands,  fathers,  or  sons  had 
died  in  battle;  in  this  event  those  heirs  were  entitled  to  the  pay.  The  same 
rule  applied  to  officials  connected  with  the  pay  department  of  the  navy  who 
had  not  attained  the  grade  of  a  purser  of  a  ship  of  the  line.  Revilla  Gigedo, 
Bandos,  no.  27.  An  order  of  February  21,  1789,  the  widows,  etc.,  of  officers 
who  married  after  being  sixty  years  old.   Gaz.  Mex.  (1788-9),  iii.  363. 

71  Agreeably  to  the  royal  order  of  April  20,  1761,  establishing  the  montepio 
militar.  Real  Declaration,  in  Reales  Ordenes,  ii.  305-31.  The  montepio  was 
not  founded  in  New  Spain  till  February,  1765.  It  was  done  with  the  fund 
accumulated  by  taking  from  each  officer  one  whole  month's  pay,  and  2^  per 
cent  from  his  running  pay;  to  that  were  added  $2,000  annually,  taken  from 
the  fondo  de  vacantes  mayores  y  menores;  widows  and  orphans  received  one 
fourth  of  the  pay  their  husbands  or  fathers  obtained  at  the  time  of  their  death. 
Later  all  excesses  collected  under  the  1\  per  cent  were  reimbursed.  The 
income  of  the  fund  till  1792  was  $362,381;  the  out-go  $119,692.  Revilla 
Gigedo,  Instruc,  MS.,  5-8.  The  eight  maravedis  taken  from  every  dollar 
of  an  officer  or  official's  pay  were  to  be  also  deducted  from  all  other  allow- 
ances he  might  have  from  the  treasury,  under  royal  orders  of  1779,  1788,  and 
1791.  No  such  discount  could  be  made  from  persons  enjoying  pensions  from 
the  montepio  fund.  6rde?ies  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  vi.  68-72. 

72  Further  explanations  were  issued  in  October,  1791.  Ordenes  de  la 
Corona,  MS.,  67-68,  72. 


424  MILITARY  SYSTEM. 

sovereign  by  the  brief  of  Pope  Clement  XIII.  issued 
in  1762,  with  special  powers  and  privileges  renewable 
every  seven  years.  It  was  exercised  in  the  Indies  by 
tenientes  vicarios  generales,  which  title  was  usually, 
though  not  necessarily,  conferred  on  the  diocesan 
bishops  by  the  vicario  general.  To  do  away  with  all 
doubts  and  disputes  on  the  subject  of  ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction,  the  pope  on  June  12,  1807,  referring  to 
and  confirming  all  previous  briefs  pertinent  to  the 
subject,  placed,  at  the  king's  request,  under  the  ex- 
clusive control  of  the  vicario  general,  and  detached 
from  that  of  the  ordinaries,  all  persons,  clergymen 
included,  belonging  to  the  military  service  in  any  of 
its  branches,  and  all  who  held  the  fuero  militar,  with 
their  families,  employes,  or  servants.  The  followers 
of  the  army,  and  all  individuals  subject  to  military 
rule,  forts,  fortresses,  castles,  schools  and  colleges,  hos- 
pitals, factories,  arsenals,  navy -yards,  war-ships,  and 
transports  were  placed  under  the  same  jurisdiction.73 

The  judiciary  system  in  its  connection  with  the 
service  also  deserves  attention.  By  royal  orders  of 
1606,  1616,  1617,  1633,  and  1634,  the  commandants 
of  castles  and  forts  were  clothed  with  judicial  powers 
over  all  causes,  civil  or  criminal,  of  the  troops  and 
people  within  their  respective  commands.  Appeals 
were  allowed  to  the  governing  captain-generals. 

Militia  officers  and  men,  while  in  active  service, 
had  the  privilege  of  fuero  militar.  Neither  the  audi- 
encias  nor  the  alcaldes  del  crimen  could  intervene  in 
their  civil  or  criminal  trials,  which  had  to  be  adjudi- 
cated upon,  in  the  first  and  second  instances,  by  the 
captain-generals,  or  comandantes  generales;  and  ap- 
peals from  their  decisions  went  to  the  junta  de  guerra 
de  Indias  in  Spain.74  Still,  any  person,  possessed  of 
that  privilege,  if  found  committing  an  offence  against 
the  general  laws,  or  soon  after,  might  be  arrested  by 

73  And  everyplace  or  building  permanently  applied  to  the  uses  of  the  army 
and  navy.  Zamora,  Bib.  Let/.  Ult.,  vi.  190-205;  Mex.,  Providencias  Dioce- 
sanas,  ISIS.,  20,  21,  33-35,  68,  60,  106;  Real  6rd.,  Eno.  21,  1791  (with  autog. 
sign  of  King  Carlos  IV.  and  sec.),  in  Iltvilla  Giyedo,  Bandos,  no.  34. 


COURTS.  425 

a  juez  ordinario,  but  he  must  be  forthwith  surrendered 
to  the  'juez  de  su  fuero.'75 

A  supreme  court  of  military  justice,  under  the 
name  of  supremo  consejo  de  guerra,  was  created,  or 
rather  the  court  formerly  existing  was  reorganized  in 
November  1773,76  the  king  retaining  for  himself  the 
presidency  of  it.  In  later  times  the  administration 
of  justice  under 'the  fuero  militar  was  subdivided  in 
minor  courts,  one  for  each  branch  of  the  military  ser- 

77 

vice. 

Persons  possessed  of  the  fuero  militar  preferred  to 
fight  or  litigate  in  their  own  camp,  having  little  re- 
spect or  regard  for  any  authority  but  their  own,  and 
committing  offences  that  might  not  have  occurred  if 
punishment  by  the  common  courts  had  been  certain. 
The  question  of  fuero,  not  the  military  one  alone,  for 
there  were  others,  has  been  in  Spanish  countries  a 
great  evil  in  the  body  politic,  until  completely  eradi- 
cated, as  will  afterward  appear  in  the  course  of  this 
history. 

74  The  fuero  militar  could  be  waived,  however,  under  a  law  of  December 
31, 1642,  by  officers  and  men,  in  contracts  or  deeds  of  conveyance.  Hecop.  hid. , 
605-11. 

75  Hevilla  Gigedo,  Bandos,  no.  22.  In  1790  it  was  declared  that  servants 
of  military  men  employed  in  their  country  estates,  factories,  or  business, 
wholly  foreign  to  the  military  service,  were  not  entitled  to  the  fuero  militar. 
Id.,  no.  26. 

76  Eeales  drdenes,  ii.  1-17. 

77  All  such  causes  were,  however,  under  the  almost  exclusive  jurisdiction 
of  the  viceroy  as  captain-general,  who,  by  and  with  the  advice  of  an  auditor 
de  guerra,  who  was  usually  one  of  the  oidores  of  the  audiencia,  adjudicated 
in  the  premises.  In  appeals,  which  were  made  to  the  captain-general  him- 
self, he  associated  another  justice  with  the  auditor  de  guerra.  In  affairs  of 
navy  persons  there  was  first  in  Vera  Cruz  a  juzgado  de  matricula  presided 
over  by  the  governor  of  Vera  Cruz;  later,  &  juzgado  de  marina  was  established 
for  such  cases.  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apuntes,  388-91. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

EXPULSION  OF  THE   JESUITS. 

1720-1810. 

The  Society  of  Jesus  in  Mexico — Last  Services — Moral  Condition — 
Squabbles  about  Tithes,  and  the  Consequences — The  Situation  in 
Mexico  and  the  World  in  1750 — Members,  Houses,  and  Missions 
in  Mexico  in  1767 — Converts  Made — Unsuccessful  Renunciation 
of  Missions — Clouds  Portentous  of  Disaster — Persecution  in 
Portugal  and  France — Obloquy  and  Refutation — Expulsion  from 
Spanish  Dominions  and  Other  Nations — Causes  therefor — How 
Effected  in  Mexico— Sufferings  of  the  Exiles — Harsh  Treat- 
ment— Means  of  Support — Revolutionary  Movements  in  Mexico 
Quelled — Relentless  Punishment  of  the  Leaders — Papal  Sup- 
pression of  the  Society — Later  Moderation — The  Order  Restored 
and  Readmitted  in  Mexico  to  be  again  Expelled. 

We  come  now  to  one  of  those  episodes  in  the  his- 
tory of  intellectual  development  which  occasionally 
startle  us  from  our  contemplation  of  the  more  usual 
monotony  of  facts;  in  this  instance  an  episode  which 
causes  us  to  wonder  at  a  state  of  human  society  that 
could  evolve  such  phenomena.  There  are  few  events 
in  the  annals  of  the  race,  very  few  upon  its  later  pages, 
wherein  is  so  displayed  the  mighty  power  of  one  over 
the  many,  not  of  one  mind  over  the  will  of  the  many, 
as  frequently  occurs  in  the  great  currents  of  supersti- 
tion, but  the  arbitrary  and  unjust  domination,  the 
iron  tyranny  of  one  will  over  the  minds  and  bodies  of 
millions.  In  the  midst  of  its  palmiest  days,  at  a  time 
when  its  wealth  and  influence  are  almost  limitless, 
the  church  throws  a  faint,  almost  imperceptible  scowl 
at  the  state,  and  instantly  one  of  her  most  powerful 
divisions  is  hurled  hence,  and  dissipated  to  the  winds; 
and  this  in  a  Catholic  country,  by  a  Catholic  monarch, 

(426) 


IN  GUANAJUATO.  427 

and  in  defiance  of  the  pope  of  Rome.  It  was  during 
the  administration  of  the  marques  de  Croix  that  New 
Spain,  as  well  as  the  other  dominions  of  the  Spanish 
crown,  was  subjected  by  Carlos  III.,  their  king,  to 
this  catastrophe  which  brought  to  thousands  humilia- 
tion and  distress. 

1  have  given,  with  sufficient  detail,  the  origin  and 
progress  in  Mexico  of  the  society  of  Jesus  to  the  end 
of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  order  continued  to 
spread  during  the  next  hundred  years,  and  its  hold  on 
the  country  was  such  that,  to  all  appearances,  no 
power  could  shake  it  so  long  as  it  pursued  its  estab- 
lished policy.1  In  1732  the  Jesuits  entered  the  field 
of  Guanajuato,  and  took  initiatory  steps  toward 
founding  a  college  in  the  city  of  that  name.  The  site 
was  determined,  and  the  appurtenances  received  in 
September,2  but  it  was  not  until  1744  that  the  royal 
authorization  was  obtained.3  The  corner-stone  was 
laid  in  1747,  fifty  thousand  pesos  having  been  secured, 
besides  four  haciendas  valued  at  double  that  sum.4 
The  church  of  the  college  was  consecrated  in  1765. 
There  was  at  Leon  in  Guanajuato  a  beaterio  of  Jesuit 
women  for  the  education  of  girls,  the  only  one  in 
America.  In  Michoacan  the  order  had  a  mission  in 
San  Juan  Puruandiro  of  the  district  of  Patzcuaro.5 
The  college  of  San  Javier  was  given  to  the  society  by 
the  bishop  of  Michoacan.  In  Jalisco,  the  conversion 
of  the  natives  of  Nayarit  was  taken  in  hand  by  the 
Jesuits  in  1720.6     They  labored  in  that  barren  field 

1The  society's  extraordinary  privileges  had  been  at  various  periods — 1708 
to  1757 — renewed  by  the  papal  court,  the  last  extension  being  for  twenty 
years.  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov.  Orb.,  518-625. 

2  It  is  stated  that  as  early  as  1016  the  people  there  had  asked  for  Jesuits; 
and  there  was  a  tradition  that  for  fifteen  days  before  a  priest  named  Vidal 
visited  the  place,  the  form  of  a  Jesuit  was  seen  in  the  pulpit  of  the  parish 
church.  Vidal  vanquished  and  drove  out  the  devil,  who  had  declared  that 
he  would  prevent  the  Jesuit  entry.  Lazcano,  Vida  del  P.  Oviedo,  270-5. 

*Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  241-3,  284-6. 

4  As  many  as  500  miners  helped  at  the  work  on  certain  days  without 
wages,  and  yet  the  college  and  its  magnificent  temple  cost  over  half  a  million 
pesos.   Romero,  Mich.,  160-1. 

5  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Theatro,  ii.  28. 

6  When  these  people  earnestly  asked  for  them.     They  had  since  1635  re- 


428  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

amidst  difficulties  and  hardships.  Much  of  the  trouble 
arose  from  the  conduct  of  the  whites,  including  the 
troops  of  the  presidio,  whose  captain  could  not  control 
them.7 

The  moral  condition  of  the  province  seems  to  have 
been  satisfactory  to  the  general  of  the  order  in  1747, 
as  he  so  expressed  himself  to  the  provincial  in  Mexico, 
who  in  his  turn  made  it  known  to  his  subjects,  in  his 
letter  enjoining  the  strictest  discipline,  in  order  that 
the  general's  words  should  be  sustained.8  The  ques- 
tion of  payment  of  tithes  by  the  society  on  its  estates 
had  been  for  several  years  a  cause  of  contention  be- 
tween it  and  the  archbishop,  in  which  the  real  audi- 
encia  sided  with  the  latter.  In  December,  1734,  the 
jueces  hacedores  of  the  archdiocese  passed  a  decree, 
wherein,  after  noticing  the  decrease  in  the  amount 
paid  by  the  managers  of  the  haciendas  owned  by  the 
society  in  New  Spain  and  the  Philippines,  the  col- 
lection was  provided  of  the  full  tithes  due  for  that 
year  by  the  aforesaid  estates.  The  judges  also  pub- 
lished censuras  against  their  managers  and  several 
other  members  of  the  society,  even  though  it  had  an 
appeal  pending  before  the  audiencia.  The  provincial 
refused  to  accede  to  the  demand,  and  pretended  to  pay 
little  or  no  heed  to  the  censuras.9     However,  in  Oc- 

fused  Christianity,  and  in  1713  declined  to  listen  to  the  Franciscan  friar 
Antonio  Margil,  and  even  struck  his  face  with  a  fox.  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac, 
173. 

7  The  troops  were  made  up  of  bad  men  who  countenanced  the  Indians  in 
their  idolatrous  and  other  evil  practices,  to  gain  their  good-will,  and  thereby 
get  them  to  work  on  their  farms,  and  to  show  them  where  the  good  mines  were. 
A  legre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  238-9.  It  is  said  that  in  the  Nayarit  missions, 
whilst  the  Jesuits  had  them  the  Indians  were  confessed  only  in  articulo  mor- 
tis, frequently  through  an  interpreter.  31ascres,  Informe,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc. 
Mex.,  209. 

8  '  Y  que  si  ay,  como  en  comunidad  de  hombres,  sv  mal  necessario,  se  cor- 
rigen,  y  se  dan  las  penitencias.'  Papeles  de  Jesuitas,  MS.,  no.  43,  1-11. 

9  It  was  claimed  that  the  censuras  had  no  value  whatever  inforo  conscien- 
tice;  that  they  had  no  power  over  members  of  the  order  of  Jesus,  because  it 
was  not  subject  to  the  authority  decreeing  them,  but  directly  to  that  of  the 
holy  see;  that  as  they  were  null  and  void  inforo  interno  et  cxterno,  they  im- 
posed no  obligation  of  asking  for  or  accepting  absolution  ad  hue  ad  cautelam. 
It  was  also  alleged  that  a  royal  order  of  October  4,  1705,  pursuant  to  a  papal 
bull  of  October  10,  1704,  had  forbidden  the  ordinaries  of  Mexico,  Central 
America,  and  the  Philippines  from  issuing  excommunications  against  mem- 


THE  QUESTION  OF  TITHES.  429 

tober  1735,  the  provincial  proposed  to  the  audiencia  a 
temporary  arrangement,  which  was  rejected  May  12, 
1736,  on  two  grounds:  first,  that  the  provincial  had 
insulted  the  archbishop-viceroy  and  the  members  of 
the  audiencia;  and  second,  that  he  had  paid  no  re- 
spect to  the  censuras  issued  against  the  priests  admin- 
istering the  haciendas  of  the  society.  It  was  ordered 
that  the  collection  of  the  whole  tithes  for  1734  should 
be  made,  and  that  a  copy  of  the  proceedings  should 
be  forwarded  to  the  royal  council  at  Madrid.10  The 
provincial  had  objected  to  the  second  order  to  pay  the 
decimal  tax,  entering  a  solemn  protest  against  it,  and 
adding  that  as  it  would  not  be  decent  for  his  peo- 
ple to  use  other  weapons  than  those  of  reason,  the 
collector  of  tithes  would  need  no  armed  force  to  effect 
his  purpose,  but  only  assistants  to  measure,  count,  and 
weigh.11 

The  subject  having  been  duly  considered  in  the 
king's  council,  it  was  decreed12  that  the  payment  of 
the  tithes  should  be  enforced,  and  censures,  if  neces- 
sary, applied.  The  society  was  required,  under  that 
decree,  to  produce  sworn  statements  of  the  produce  of 
its  estates  subject  to  tithes;  afterward,  if  it  had 
any  exceptions  to  make,  to  send  them  to  the  royal 

bers  of  the  regular  orders,  except  in  such  cases  as  the  council  of  Trent  and 
certain  papal  bulls  then  in  force,  authorized  them.  Segura,  Defensa  Candnica, 
MS.,  1-203.  The  author  of  this  work,  Father  Nicolas  de  Segura,  being  the 
propositus  of  the  casa  profesa  in  Mexico,  in  1743,  was  discovered  dead  by- 
strangulation,  upon  his  bed,  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  March.  The  lay- 
brother  who  acted  as  door-keeper  said,  '  En  el  monte  estd  quien  el  monte 
quema.'  Five  days  later,  on  the  13th,  at  daybreak,  the  sententious  brother 
was  also  found  dead  by  strangulation.  Some  time  after  it  was  reported  that 
the  author  of  those  deeds,  another  lay-brother,  had  been  discovered,  confined, 
and  afterward  taken  to  Rome.  The  affair  was  hushed  up  and  remained  a 
mystery  ever  after.  Dice.  Univ.  Hid.  Geog. ,  x.  376-7. 

10Auttos  Secrettos,  in  Mex.  Doc.  Ecles.,  MS.,  no.  1,  1-82.  See  also  Diez- 
mos  de  Ind.,  nos.  iv.,  ix.,  xii.-xiv. 

11  The  concluding  words  of  the  document  are  characteristic,  conveying 
as  they  do  malignancy  under  the  garb  of  humble  submission.  It  was  to  be 
understood,  he  said,  that  the  assent  by  the  manager  of  an  estate  to  the  demand 
for  one  out  of  every  ten,  would  be  like  that  of  a  peaceable  unarmed  travel- 
ler patiently  submitting  to  necessity  when  stopped  on  his  way,  and  forced 
to  surrender  his  goods.  Barba,  Respuesta,  in  Sequra,  Defensa  Candnica, 
MS.,  211-14. 

12  June  16,  1736.  Diezmos,  Real  Cedilla,  official  copy,  1-15. 


430  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

council.     The  audiencia  in  Mexico  decreed  October 
8,  1736,  the  fulfilment  of  the  royal  order. 

The  matter  did  not  stop  here.  The  Jesuits  were 
showing  a  marked  disposition  toward  the  acquisition 
of  worldly  wealth,  and  no  more  fondness  for  pay- 
ing taxes  than  have  most  corporations.  But  finding 
that  they  could  not  escape  the  infliction,  they  did  the 
next  best  thing:  they  paid  as  little  as  possible.  Iu 
the  reign  of  Fernando  VI.,  through  Father  Pedro 
Ignacio  Altamirano,  they  made  with  that  sovereign  in 
January  1750  a  contract  of  compromise  for  the  tithes, 
under  which  they  acquired  privileges  and  facilities 
denied  to  other  religious  orders.  They  were  thereby 
privileged  to  pay  one  out  of  every  thirty-one,  instead 
of  one  out  of  every  ten.  This  concession  was  not  only 
an  unfair  discrimination  against  the  other  religiosos, 
and  in  fact  against  all  other  producers,  but  had 
been  actually  obtained  under  a  false  representation  of 
the  quality  and  quantity  of  the  crops.  As  a  natural 
consequence,  the  ecclesiastical  chapters  of  other  re- 
ligious orders  in  due  time  represented  the  facts  to 
Fernando's  successor,  Carlos  III.,  who  referred  them 
to  his  council;  and  though  the  pleas  of  the  attorney 
of  the  society  of  Jesus  were  duly  weighed,  the  crown's 
fi  scales  found  them  wanting,  and  asked  that  the  so- 
called  transaction,  having  been  obtained  on  false  pre- 
tences, should  be  declared  null,  whether  it  was  looked 
upon  as  a  compromise  or  as  a  favor,  for  *  the  right  of 
the  crown  to  the  tithes  recognized  no  privileges  either 
anterior  or  posterior  granted  by  the  holy  see.  There- 
upon they  insisted  that  the  Jesuits  should  be  in 
future  compelled  to  pay  tithes  like  other  producers. 
The  attention  of  the  council  was  also  called  to  the 
studied  policy  of  the  Jesuit  society  in  delaying  the 
conclusion  of  this  tithes  question  for  over  a  century, 
to  the  injury  of  the  royal  treasury.  The  council,  com- 
posed of  eleven  members,  stood  six  to  five  in  favor  of 
submitting  the  case  to  the  supreme  court  of  justice. 
The  king  then  called  a  council  of  members  drawn  from 


NUMBERS.  431 

the  councils  of  Castile,  the  inquisition,  ordenes,  and 
hacienda  or  exchequer,  to  which  were  also  invited 
several  distinguished  theologians  who  took  part  in  the 
deliberations.  Of  the  eleven  members  constituting 
this  council,  ten  cast  their  votes  for  the  annulment 
of  the  compromise,  and  thus  it  was  declared  in  the 
royal  decree  of  December  4,  1766.  The  Jesuits  were 
then  required  to  pay  thereafter  one  per  decern  upon 
all  the  produce  of  their  haciendas,  ranchos,  and  in- 
genios,  or  sugar  plantations.13 

The  society  of  Jesus  on  the  31st  of  August,  1750, 
had  in  the  province  of  New  Spain,  which  included 
Guatemala,  Cuba,  and  Florida,  625  members,  of  whom 
382  were  ordained  priests.  About  one  half  of  them 
were  natives  of  America,  and  the  larger  portion  of 
the  latter  were  born  in  Mexico.14  In  the  summer  of 
1767,  when  disaster  overtook  the  society,  there  were 
in  the  province  of  New  Spain  418  priests,  137  esco- 
lares,  and  123  coadjutors,  making  a  total  of  678, 
of  whom  464  were  natives  of  America,  153  from 
Spain,  and  61  foreigners.15  The  society  had  in  the 
province  one  casa  profesa  in  the  city  of  Mexico, 
23  colleges,  one  house  of  probation,  eight  convictus 
et  seminaria,  and  five  residences.  It  had  taken  root 
in  every  province  of  the  country,  controlling  103  mis- 
sions with  104  priests,  besides  one  visitador-general 
of  missions  and  his  associate.16  In  1766  the  provin- 
cial, Father  Francisco  Ceballos,  had,  after  due  delib- 

13  The  viceroy  had  the  orders  published  in  Mexico,  and  endeavored  to 
execute  them,  but  the  Jesuits  again  opposed  a  resistance.  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex., 
i.  408-9. 

14  In  the  Spanish  dominions,  including  all  America  and  the  Philippines, 
there  were  5,167,  of  whom  2,774  were  priests;  in  Portugal,  1,754,  of  whom 
927  were  priests;  in  France,  1,542,  of  whom  about  half  were  priests.  In  the 
world,  22,642,  of  whom  11,345  were  ordained  priests.  Cat.  Per  sonar  um  et 
Domic'diarum  (1-21);  Comp.  Jesus,  Col.  Gen.,  24. 

15  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo,  4-70.  The  neophytes  converted  and  directed  by 
the  order  in  Mexico  were  122,000;  in  the  rest  of  America,  191,000;  in  the 
Philippines,  etc.,  165,000;  making  a  total  of  478,000.  To  that  number  must 
be  added  the  neophytes  in  the  Portuguese  possessions.  Boero,  note,  in  Expul- 
sion des  Jcsuites,  220. 

16  In  Upper  Pimeria,  8;  Sonora,  18;  Sinaloa,  16;  Chinipas,  7;  Taraumara, 
13;  Tepehuane,  12;  Piastla,  10;  Nayarit,  6;  Lower  California,  13.  Cat.  Per- 
sonarum  et  Domlcil.  (1-21).     All  existed  in  1767. 


432  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

eration,  solemnly  relinquished  to  the  viceroy  all  the 
missions,  more  especially  those  in  California,  offering 
to  establish  others  among  the  heathen  whenever  de- 
sired. This  must  have  been  put  forth  as  a  test,  with 
a  full  conviction  that  the  surrender  could  not  and 
would  not  be  accepted.  And  so  it  proved.  The 
viceroy  called  a  council,  consisting  of  oidores,  the 
auditor  de  guerra,  and  the  fiscal,  who  asked  the  opin- 
ions of  the  bishops  and  governors  of  the  regions 
where  the  missions  were  situated.  The  bishops  and 
most  of  the  governors  objected  to  the  renunciation, 
stating  their  reasons.  The  viceroy  then  referred  the 
matter  to  the  crown.17 

This  great  association,  notwithstanding  its  wealth 
and  almost  unlimited  sway  over  the  Roman  Catholic 
mind  and  conscience,  was  now  to  undergo  a  great 
calamity.  Persecution,  dire  and  relentless,  was  at 
hand.  On  the  27th  of  February,  1767,  King  Carlos 
III.,  after  a  consultation  with  his  intimate  coun- 
sellors, and  for  reasons  that  he  reserved  in  his  royal 
breast,  issued  a  mandate  to  his  minister  of  state,  the 
conde  de  Aranda,  for  the  expulsion  from  his  domin- 
ions in  Europe,  America,  and  Asia  of  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  society  of  Jesus,18  that  is  to  say,  ordained 

17  Meanwhile  the  California  missionaries  asked  to  be  at  least  relieved  of 
the  two  southern  missions,  which  were  troublesome,  overtasked,  and  less 
fruitful,  particularly  since  the  opening  of  mines.  The  request  was  not 
granted.  Clavigero,  Storia  Cal.,  ii.  169-70. 

18  The  order  had  been  expelled  from  the  dominions  of  King  Jose*  I.  of 
Portugal,  by  a  royal  decree  of  September  3,  1750,  in  which  the  Jesuits  were 
declared  traitors  and  rebels,  and  the  society's  estates  confiscated.  On  the 
same  date  of  the  previous  year  the  king  was  shot  at  and  wounded  in  the  pub- 
lic streets,  and  the  Jesuits  were  accused  of  being  at  the  bottom  of  a  plot; 
three  of  their  number  were  imprisoned,  and  the  chief  among  them  suffered 
death,  against  the  express  disapproval  of  the  pope.  The  expulsion  was  said 
to  be  the  work  of  the  minister  of  state,  marques  de  Pombal,  the  first  to  raise 
the  standard  of  persecution,  who  had  resolved  to  reform  the  church,  bringing 
its  members  under  the  control  of  the  royal  government ;  to  accomplish  which 
he  committed  numerous  acts  of  despotism  and  cruelty,  notably  those  against 
the  Jesuits.  So  was  asserted  by  their  friends.  The  expulsion  from  Portugal 
was  followed  by  the  suppression  of  the  order  in  France.     A  decree  of  the 

Earliament  of  August  C,  1702,  declared  it  inadmissible  in  any  civilized  state, 
ecause  of  its  hostility  to  natural  rights,  as  well  as  to  spiritual  and  temporal 
authority.  The  society  should  be  dissolved  and  its  property  confiscated. 
Other  decrees  were  passed,  and  finally,  King  Louis  XV.,  in  November  1704, 


SEVERE  MEASURES.  433 

priests,  lay-brothers,  or  coadjutors  who  had  taken  the 
first  vow,  and  novices  who  refused  to  abandon  the 
society,  together  with  sequestration  of  their  estates.19 
The  order  wTas  confirmed  by  the  pragmatic  sanction 
of  April  2d,  published  the  same  day,  making  known 
the  royal  action  in  the  premises,  and  that  the  exiled 
would  be  allowed,  out  of  the  income  of  the  suppressed 
society's  property,  a  yearly  pension  of  one  hundred 
pesos  to  each  ordained  priest,  and  ninety  pesos  to 
each  lay-brother,  the  foreign  born  and  those  of  im- 
moral conduct  being  excepted.  It  was  strictly  for- 
bidden them  to  write  anything  savoring  of  rebellion 
against  the  royal  act,  under  penalty,  in  the  event  of 
violation  of  that  clause,  if  it  "were  only  by  a  single 
member,  of  the  forfeiture  of  the  pensions  of  all  his 
brethren.  Nor  was  this  all.  Any  Jesuit  who  should, 
without  the  king's  express  leave,  return  to  the  Span- 
ish dominions  under  any  pretext  whatsoever,  even 
that  of  having  resigned  from  the  society  and  being 
absolved  of  its  vows,  would  be  treated  as  a  proscript, 
incurring  if  a  layman  the  penalty  of  death,  and  if  a 
priest  that  of  confinement,  at  the  option  of  the  ordi- 
naries.20 


extinguished  the  order,  permitting  its  members  to  reside  in  France  subject 
to  the  ordinaries,  and  submissive  to  the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  though  later 
they  were  forced  to  quit  the  country.  The  suppression  was  the  result,  as 
the  partisans  of  the  Jesuits  alleged,  of  palace  intrigues.  Madame  de  Pom- 
padour, the  king's  mistress,  entertained  a  great  animosity  to  the  order, 
because  of  the  opposition  of  one  or  more  of  its  members  to  her  residence 
at  court,  and  brought  her  influence  to  bear  upon  the  king,  the  minister, 
due  de  Choiseul,  and  other  men,  all  affiliated  in  the  new  school  of  philoso- 
phers, to  accomplish  the  ruin  of  the  society  of  Jesus.  It  is  not  my  purpose, 
it  being  not  within  the  scope  of  this  work,  to  enter  into  a  full  disquisition 
of  the  actual  causes  that  prompted  the  policy  of  these  two  prominent  sons  of 
the  Roman  church,  the  kings  of  France  and  Portugal,  nor  into  the  history  of 
their  negotiations  on  the  subject  with  the  head  of  the  church.  The  question 
is  fully  treated  by  a  number  of  writers,  to  whom  I  must  refer  the  reader. 
Among  them  may  be  mentioned:  Expulsion  ties  Jesuites;  Encyclopedia 
Brita ninca;  Diciionnaire  de  la  Conversation;  Busiamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo, 
Tres  Sighs;  Id.,  Expatriacion,  in  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus;  Beaufort,  His- 
toire  des  Papes;  Alaman,  Diseriaciones;  Mendo,  Crisis  Comp.  Jesus  (i.-xiii.), 
and  1-284. 

19  Subsequent  decrees  prescribed  the  mode  of  disposing  of  the  property. 
Belena,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  330-40. 

20Aiders  and  abettors,  and  persons  knowing  of  such  arrivals  who  failed  to 
make  them  known  to  the  authorities,  incurred  the  penalties  prescribed  in  the 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    28 


434  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

The  causes  prompting  the  Spanish  sovereign  to 
adopt  so  extreme  a  measure,  very  much  against  his 
feelings21  as  we  have  been  told  by  some  friends  of  the 
victims,  were,  as  I  have  said,  reserved  to  himself.  It 
has  been  asserted  that  the  grounds  on  which  the 
council  based  its  advice  were  purposely  or  otherwise 
removed  from  sight,  thus  not  enabling  us  to  judge 
with  any  degree  of  certainty  what  it  was  that  had 
biassed  the  king's  mind;  and  fault  has  been  found  with 
his  reticence  in  a  case  calling,  in  his  judgment,  for  so 
severe  a  punishment.  But  if  that  record  is  lost,  the 
causes  are  extant  in  another  equally  important  docu- 
ment, of  which  I  possess  a  copy  and  will  take  notice 
in  this  connection. 

A  measure  of  such  magnitude  affecting  so  vitally 
the  interests  of  the  church,  could  not  have  been  con- 
summated by  a  faithful  Catholic  and  high-minded 
king  and  gentleman,  such  as  Carlos  III.,  without  ap- 
prising the  Roman  pontiff  of  the  intention,  and  per- 
haps of  some  of  his  motives.  He  dutifully  discharged 
that  obligation.  His  action  met  with  opposition  on 
the  part  of  Clement  XIII.,  who  felt  both  distressed 
and  indignant;  indeed,  the  destruction  of  a  religious 
order  from  which  the  papacy  derived  so  much  sup- 
port and  so  large  a  revenue,  could  but  be  unpalatable, 
aside  from  other  considerations,  such  as  the  possibility 
of  the  pensions  being  suddenly  stopped,  and  the 
pope's  treasury  becoming  burdened  with  the  mainten- 
ance of  the  poverty-stricken.  His  Holiness  made  up 
his  mind  not  to  receive  the  ejected  Jesuits  in  his  do- 
minions.22 Still,  Carlos  was  a  powerful  monarch,  and 
a  stubborn  one,  upon  whom  the  fulminations  of  the 
Vatican  wTould  fall  harmless;  conciliation  was  then  the 

royal  rescript.  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo,  1-2,  3G-73;  Beleila,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii. 
337;  Col.  UealDcvreto,  Feb.  27,  1707,  in  Reales  Ord.,  v.  220-39. 

21  He  lias  not  been  included  among  persecutors  out  of  extreme  charity  for 
his  blindness.  Expulsion  des  Jcsuites,  pref.  He  acted  '  siguiendo  agenos  in- 
flujos.'  Alaman,  Hist.  Mcj.,  i.  83. 

23  This  is  made  to  appear  in  the  official  correspondence  of  the  due  de 
Choiseul,  and  the  marquis  d'Aubeterre,  French  ambassador  at  Home.  Expul- 
sion dts  Jcsuilcs,  398-438. 


DISCUSSION  IN  COUNCIL.  435 

only  available  recourse.  It  was  thought  that  he 
might  be  amenable  to  papal  reasoning;  that  some- 
thing might  be  gained  by  a  friendly  interference  to 
obtain  a  revocation,  or  at  least  a  suspension  of  the 
obnoxious  decree.  The  plan  was  tried  and  failed.  In- 
deed the  pope's  brief  of  April  16th,  overpraising  the 
virtues  and  other  merits  of  the  Jesuits,  at  that  par- 
ticular time,  and  bespeaking  favor  for  them,  was  a 
blunder;  at  all  events,  it  did  not  mend  matters. 

The  king  submitted  the  brief  for  advice  to  his  coun- 
cil, which  on  the  30th  of  the  same  month  met  in  extra 
session,  and  after  minutely  reviewing  its  contents, 
expressed  the  opinion  that  the  pope  had  no  business 
to  interfere  in  a  matter  so  entirely  temporal  in  its  na- 
ture, and  of  the  king's  exclusive  province ;  and  that  no 
power  on  earth  had  any  right  to  call  him  to  account 
for  his  decision  thereon,  much  less  after  he  had,  from 
pure  courtesy,  advised  the  pope  of  his  action  in  the 
premises.  The  council,  furthermore,  not  recognizing 
in  the  Jesuits  the  merits  ascribed  to  them,  but  on  the 
contrary  many  serious  faults  that  made  them  danger- 
ous, could  see  no  reason  why  the  sovereign  should 
abandon   or  even  modify  his  order.23     It  concluded 

23  It  has  been  said  that  the  real  reason  was  that  Clement  XIII.  and  his 
minister  Cardinal  Torregiani  had  seen  through  the  motives  of  the  enemies  of 
public  order  and  opposed  them  with  all  their  might.  Schcett,  Cours  dPHist. ,  in 
Alaman,  Divert.,  iii.  305.  The  king's  council  said,  the  hand  of  the  Jesuit 
general,  Lorenzo  Ricci,  could  be  detected  in  the  brief,  he  being  the  confessor 
and  spiritual  adviser  of  the  cardinal,  with  an  influence  potential.  It  charged 
the  Jesuits  with  the  introduction  of  false  doctrines  in  the  church  and  corrup- 
tion of  morals,  probably  referring  to  what  has  been  published  under  the  title  of 
secret  instructions  of  the  Jesuits,  of  which  I  have  a  copy,  but  whose  authen- 
ticity I  have  no  means  of  verifying.  It  accused  them  of  being  promoters 
and  accomplices  in  several  riots,  rebellions,  and  regicides  in  various  kingdoms 
of  Europe,  as  evidenced  in  solemn  decisions  standing  against  them  in  courts 
of  justice;  of  being  the  persecutors  of  bishops,  and  keeping  prelates,  chapters, 
orders,  universities,  etc. ,  in  turmoil  by  banding  themselves  as  to  have  their 
own  opinions  and  schemes  prevail  over  those  of  other  respectable  corporations 
or  persons:  'assi  sedio  a  conoser  la  Compania  desde  qe  se  fundo;  y  assi  se 
hallaba  quando  V.  M.  se  sirvio  por  su  RL  Decreto  de  24  de  Febrero  mandarla 
extranar  de  sus  Dominios.'  The  necessity  was  denied  of  the  society's  exist- 
ence; and  even  its  usefulness  was  greatly  doubted,  as  it  had  tolerated  super- 
stition in  America;  and  in  the  Philippines  caused  a  revolt  of  the  natives  in 
favor  of  the  English;  and  everywhere  its  members  had  made  themselves  the 
actual  sovereigns;  '  y  en  todas  las  Yndias,  como  en  el  Paraguay,  Moros,  May- 
nas  y  Orinoco,  California,  Sinaloa,   Sonora,  Pigmeria,  Nayarit,  Tayanularit, 


4.36  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

that  the  presence  of  the  Jesuits  in  the  Spanish  domin- 
ions was  extremely  prejudicial,  through  their  complicity 
in  traitorous  attempts,  grasping  and  seditious  spirit, 
fanaticism,  disobedience,  and  intolerable  pride.  The 
unanimous  decision  of  the  members,  the  fiscales  con- 
curring, was  that  no  discussion  of  the  subject  with 
the  papal  court  should  be  entered  into,  and  a  mere 
acknowledgment  of  the  receipt  of  the  brief  should  be 
returned  in  answer. 

Without  discussing  the  merits  of  the  charges  pre- 
ferred against  the  society  for  its  conduct  in  Europe, 
or  attempting  to  deny  its  worldliness  in  the  acquisi- 
tion of  property  and  its  selfish  efforts  to  escape  the 
burdens  weighing  upon  other  members  of  the  church 
and  the  body  politic  in  America,  and  without  laying 
particular  stress  on  its  overbearing  deportment,  several 
instances  of  which  have  been  recorded  in  the  course 
of  this  history,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  Jesuits 
maintained,  if  not  perfect  purity  of  conduct,  at  least 
a  degree  of  virtue  that  made  them  the  exceptional 
members  of  a  church  which  had  at  that  time,  but  for 
them  and  a  few  other  honorable  exceptions,  almost 
become  an  exemplar  of  vice.  At  all  hours  and  seasons 
they  were  found  performing  the  offices  of  religion  and 
charity.  The  service  of  God  in  their  churches  was 
reverent  and  dignified.  They  spread  education  among 
all    classes;  their   libraries  were   open   to  all.     They 

y  otras  naciones  de  Yndias,  se  ban  apoderado  de  la  soberania.'  It  had  treated 
Spaniards  as  enemies,  depriving  them  of  trade,  and  teaching  them  horrible 
things  against  the  king's  service,  of  all  which  the  pope  was  ignorant.  Even 
the  spiritual  care  of  the  missions  had  been  neglected  by  the  Jesuits,  accord- 
ing to  their  own  confession  in  their  intimate  correspondence.  Other  charges 
were  enumerated,  one  of  the  most  serious  being  that  the  society  had  worked 
to  bring  about  in  Spain  a  change  in  the  government  to  suit  itself.  Conmlta 
d'/  Consfjo,  in  Papelcs  de  Jesaitas,  MS.,  no.  6,  1-9.  According  to  Alaman, 
Disert.,  iii.  315-17,  the  king  was  induced  to  believe  that  the  Jesuits  had 
promoted  a  riot  that  occurred,  with  the  purpose  of  deposing  him,  to  prove 
which  seditious  papers  were  produced  to  him  of  such  a  nature  that  they 
could  not  be  divulged  without  compromising  the  dignity  of  the  crown  and 
the  decorum  of  the  royal  family.  It  was  also  asserted  that  Carlos  III.  was 
chagrined  at  the  Jesuits'  opposition  to  a  darling  project  of  his,  namely,  the 
canonization  of  Juan  Palafox,  former  bishop  of  Puebla  and  viceroy  of  Mexico, 
and  of  Brother  Sebastian  del  Nino  Jesus,  who  foretold  him  that  he  would  be 
king  of  Spain,  when  he  was  not  the  heir  presumptive. 


RELENTLESS  COMMANDS.  437 

incessantly  taught  the  natives  religion  in  its  true 
spirit,  as  well  as  the  mode  of  earning  an  honest  living. 
Among  the  most  notable  instances,  in  support  of  this 
last  assertion,  are  those  of  Nayarit,  Sonora,  Sinaloa, 
Chihuahua,  and  Lower  California,  where  their  efforts 
in  the  conversion  of  the  natives  were  marked  by  per- 
severance and  disinterestedness,  united  with  love  for 
humanity  and  progress.24  Had  the  Jesuits  been  left 
alone,  it  is  doubtful  whether  the  Spanish  American 
provinces  had  revolted  so  soon,  for  they  were  devoted 
servants  of  the  crown,  and  had  great  influence  with 
all  classes — too  great  to  suit  royalty,  but  such  as  after 
all  might  have  saved  royalty  in  this  quarter. 

Never  was  the  king's  absolute  power  made  so  mani- 
fest as  upon  this  occasion,  when  he  determined  to 
crush  at  one  blow  the  most  powerful  association  in 
his  dominions.  The  conde  de  Aranda,  clothed  with 
royal  author  it}^,25  on  the  20th  of  March  circulated 
his  orders,  which  contained  minute  instructions  pre- 
pared by  Campomanes,  the  fiscal  of  the  royal  council. 
Everything  had  been  foreseen,  time  and  distances 
calculated,  so  that  the  society  should  be  stricken 
without  fail  at  one  and  the  same  moment,  on  the  night 
between  the  2d  and  3d  of  April.  A  later  order  of  March 
28th  hastened  the  execution  by  two  days  in  Madrid 
and  neighboring  places,  and  it  was  carried  out  on  the 
night  of  the  31st  of  March.  When  the  inhabitants 
awoke  the  next  morning  they  learned  with  astonish- 
ment that  the  Jesuits  were  already  several  leagues 

24  Two  distinguished  officers  of  rank  in  the  Spanish  royal  navy,  Jorge  Juan 
and  Antonio  Ulloa,  in  a  secret  report  to  the  crown  upon  affairs  of  South 
America,  equally  applicable  to  Mexico,  had  nothing  but  words  of  commenda- 
tion of  the  Jesuits  and  their  work.  Juan  and  Ulloa,  Not.  Secretas,  in  Quart. 
Rer.,  xxxv.  333-4.  Azara,  an  adversary  of  the  Jesuits,  admits  that  they 
used  their  supreme  authority  over  the  missions  with  admirable  moderation 
and  mildness.  Magarinos  Cervantes,  a  liberal  and  judicious  Spaniard,  says 
that  under  Jesuit  influence  the  administration  of  missions  rose  to  the  highest 
grade  of  prosperity,  and  as  soon  as  it  fell  into  other  hands  they  were  ruined. 
Art.  Ducrue,  in  Dice.  Univ.  Hid.  Geog.,  ix.  240-1.  Such  statements  are 
borne  out  by  those  of  many  other  writers;  Brigadier  Diego  Albear,  Gonzalo  de 
Doblas,  lieutenant-governor  of  Buenos  Ayres,  the  traveller  Pag6s,  who  were 
eye-witnesses,  Robertson,  Raynal,  Chateaubriand,  Humboldt,  etc. 

ToBdena,  Recojo.,  ii.  387-8. 


'-id 


43S  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

from  Madrid,  on  their  way  to  the  ports  at  which  they 
wc^re  to  be  embarked.  It  was  done  with  the  utmost 
secrecy,  and  even  the  officers  charged  with  the  duty, 
though  many  of  them  were  doubtless  friends,  relatives 
and  supporters  of  the  victims,  dared  not  disobey. 
To  other  parts  of  the  Spanish  dominions  strict  orders 
had  been  transmitted,  and  dates  exactly  fixed  for 
the  arrest  of  every  member  of  the  society  of  Jesus. 
Troops  were  at  hand  to  aid  the  authorities  should 
necessity  arise. 

Let  us  now  return  to  New  Spain  and  see  how  the 
order  was  executed;  and  let  us  mark  carefully  the 
method  of  it,  for  it  is  full  of  interest  and  instruction. 
Early  in  the  evening  of  the  24th  of  June  1767,  the 
viceroy,  marques  de  Croix,  received  in  the  palace  the 
audiencia,  the  archbishop  of  Mexico,  and  the  rest  of 
the  high  officials,  whom  he  had  summoned  to  a  meet- 
ing for  the  consideration  of  an  important  and  confi- 
dential affair  of  state.  Croix  then  produced  a  sealed 
package  which  he  had  received  from  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment. Upon  removing  the  outer  envelope  there 
was  found  another,  upon  which  was  written  the  fol- 
lowing words:  "So  pena  de  la  vida,  no  abrireis  este 
pliego  hasta  el  24  de  Junio  d  la  caida  de  la  tarde."27 
This  cover  being  removed  there  were  found  instruc- 
tions concerning  the  measures  to  be  adopted  in  the 
arrest  of  the  Jesuits,  naming  the  men  who  were  to  do 
the  work,  and  telling  how  they  should  do  it.  On  re- 
moving the  last  wrapper  the  full  order  was  found 
expressed  in  the  following  terms:  "  I  invest  you  with 
my  whole  authority  and  royal  power  that  you  shall 
forthwith  repair  with  an  armed  force — d  mano  ar- 
mada— to  the  houses  of  the  Jesuits.  You  will  seize 
the  persons  of  all  of  them,  and  despatch  them  within 
twenty-four  hours  as  prisoners  to  the  port  of  Vera 
Cruz,  where  they  will  be  embarked  on  vessels  pro- 

™Alaman,  Hist.  Mcj.,  i.  82-4. 

27  Meaning,  '  under  the  penalty  of  death  you  will  not  open  this  despatch 
till  the  24th  of  June  at  nightfall.' 


HOW  THE  ORDER  WAS  EXECUTED.         439 

vicled  for  that  purpose.  At  the  very  moment  of  such 
arrest  you  will  cause  to  be  sealed  the  records  of  said 
houses,  and  the  papers  of  such  persons,  without  allow- 
ing them  to  remove  anything  but  their  prayer-books, 
and  such  garments  as*  are  absolutely  necessary  for  the 
journey.  If  after  the  embarkation  there  should  be 
found  in  that  district  a  single  Jesuit,  even  if  ill  or 
dying,  you  shall  suffer  the  penalty  of  death.  Yo  el 
Rcy,"  these  last  words  being  the  sovereign's  autograph 
signature,  and  meaning  I,  the  king.28 

Pursuant  to  this  command  the  viceroy  gave  his 
orders;  and  on  the  25th29  of  June,  a  little  before 
daybreak,  the  Jesuits  were  arrested  in  their  resi- 
dences, and  their  papers30  and  effects  seized.  In  the 
casa  profesa  the  notification  was  made  by  Jose 
Areche,  fiscal  of  the  audiencia,  to  the  father  propo- 
situs, the  provincial,  Salvador  Gandara,  being  then 
absent  in  Queretaro,  and  the  other  members,  all  of 
whom  humbly  submitted,  knelt  down,  and  prayed.31 

28  Ddvila,  J.  M.,  P.  Salvador  Gdndara,  in  Dice.  Univ.,  iii.  547. 

29  Some  modern  authorities  by  mistake  say  it  was  on  the  20th.  Zerecero, 
Mem.  Rev.  Mex.,  442;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  iii.  264. 

30  Father  Joseph  Och  repudiates  the  idea  that  anything  detrimental  to  the 
Jesuits  was  found  in  their  papers,  but  he  made  haste  to  destroy  all  the  writ- 
ings in  his  possession  at  the  first  opportunity.  He  denies  the  imputation  that 
there  was  anything  secret  about  the  system  or  relations  of  the  Jesuits,  but 
perhaps  forgets  himself  when  he  admits  that  many  persons  would  have  given 
$1,CC0  to  speak  to  some  of  them  when  confined,  and  exults  over  the  fact 
that  one  man  actually  did  smuggle  himself  in  under  the  pretence  of  being  a 
doctor.  Och,  Rcise,  in  Murr,  Nachrichten,  94-6;  Och,  Josejjh,  Nachriditen  von 
seinen  Reisen,  1757  bis  1767,  in  Murr,  Nachrichten.  Halle,  1809.  Och  was  a 
Jesuit  priest  who  came  to  Mexico  in  17oG;  soon  after  he  was  assigned  to  a 
mission  in  Pimeria,  and  remained  there  till  1707,  when  he  returned  in  ill- 
health  to  Mexico.  He  was  one  of  the  Jesuits  expelled  from  the  country,  and 
seems  to  have  been  a  sociable,  jolly  priest,  and  not  over  pious.  His  auto- 
graph memoirs  contain  much  information  on  the  country  and  its  inhabitants, 
but  little  on  missions.  In  treating  of  the  enemies  of  his  order  he  indulges 
freely  in  sarcasm,  relating  several  exaggerated  and  even  unsavory  stories  in 
reviling  such  government  officials  as  had  a  hand  in  the  expulsion.  The 
memoirs  were  given  by  Abbot  Franz  Huberti  to  Murr,  who  published  them, 
as  lie  tells  us,  reforming  them  to  suit  the  public  taste.  Father  Och  died  of 
apoplexy  in  the  Jesuit  college  of  Wiirzburg  early  in  July  1773,  and  only  a 
few  days  before  the  suppression  of  his  order. 

31  The  commissioner  having  demanded  the  consumption  of  the  consecrated 
hosts  in  the  ciborium  previous  to  forming  an  inventory  and  seizing  the  sacred 
vases,  Father  Iragorri  inquired  if  the  Jesuits  present  desired  to  take  the  com- 
munion, and  all  so  expressed  their  wish.  Bustamante,  Expa'r/acion,  in  A /eyre, 
II  1st.  Comj>.  Jesus,  iii.  302;  /(/.,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iii.  2.  Father 
Diego  Jose  Abad,  a  Tarasco  Indian,  uttered  harsh  remarks  in  Tarascan  to 


440  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

From  that  moment  the  Jesuits  were  kept  confined  in 
their  colleges  in  Mexico,  and  troops  were  stationed 
in  the  crossings  of  the  streets  leading  to  them. 

That  same  day  the  viceroy  published  an  edict  to  all 
the  inhabitants  "cle  este  impcrio,"  notifying  them  of 
the  king's  peremptory  order  for  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits,  which  he  had  put  into  execution.  He  warned 
all  the  king's  vassals,  without  exception,  of  their  duty 
to  respect  and  obey  his  ever  just  decisions,  which  they 
were  bound  to  venerate  and  aid  to  carry  out  with  the 
utmost  fidelity,  or  incur  his  Majesty's  displeasure, 
and  the  severest  punishment,  should  they  by  word  of 
mouth  or  writing  manifest  any  disapproval  or  hostility 
to  the  measure.32  The  people  were  told  once  for  all 
that  they  were  born  to  obey  and  hold  their  peace.33 

On  the  28th  the  Jesuits  were  conveyed  in  coaches 
strongly  guarded  by  troops  to  Vera  Cruz.  At  Guada- 
lupe they  were  allowed  by  Jose  de  Galvez,  the  visita- 
dor,  who  superintended  the  proceedings,  to  enter  the 
santuario,  where  they  sent  up  prayers  to  heaven  for 
the  happiness  of  a  people  who  had  ever  idolized  them. 
Large  crowds  of  sorrowful  friends  surrounded  the 
carriages.  The  entry  into  Jalapa  resembled  a  trium- 
phal march,  though  it  was  attended  by  so  much  bitter- 
ness. The  throng  in  the  streets  was  so  large  that 
the  troops  in  some  places  had  to  open  a  way  with  the 
but-ends  of  their  muskets.34  The  exiles  from  the  capi- 
tal and  neighboring  parts  finally  arrived  in  Vera 
Cruz,  where  they  were  gradually  joined  by  their 
brethren  from  other  provinces,  who  had  been  arrested 
and  treated  in  the  same  manner  as  themselves.    Dur- 

Father  Iragorri.  Areche  then  said  to  him:  'Father,  were  you  to  swear  in 
Basque,  you  and  your  interlocutor  must,  whether  it  be  to  your  liking  or  not, 
visit  distant  lands,  and  make  your  racket  to  people  that  do  not  know  Indians 
as  we  do.'  After  which  he  confined  Abad  in  a  cell,  and  placed  two  sentries 
over  him.  Zcrecero,  Mem.  Rev.  Mex.,  442. 

32 'Me  vere  precissado  a  usar  del  ultimo  rigor,  y  de  execucion  militar.' 
DispoHiciones  Varias,  iv.  G7. 

33 '  1  >c  una  vez  para  lo  venidero  deben  saber  los  siibditos  de  el  gran  Mo- 
narca  que  ocupa  el  Trono  de  Espana,  que  naeieron  para  callar,  y  obedecer,  y 
no  para  discurrir,  ni  cpinar  en  los  altos  assumptos  del  Govierno.'  Id. 

•4  Rivera,  J  J  int.  Jalcqm,  i.  137-40. 


THE  EMBARKATION".  441 

ing  the  sojourn  of  the  Jesuits  in  that  port  thirty-four 
of  them  died. 

On  the  24th35  of  October  the  government  provided 
the  requisite  ships,  and  on  that  day  the  Jesuits  em- 
barked for  Habana.36  Four  days  out  there  was  a  vio- 
lent gale  which  dispersed  the  convoy,  and  nearly 
caused  the  destruction  of  all.  November  13th  they 
reached  Habana,  and  were  kindly  treated  by  the  gov- 
ernor captain -general,  their  condition  being  truly 
pitiable.  After  recruiting  their  strength,  having  lost 
a  few  more  members,  they  were  reem barked  Decem- 
ber 23d  for  Cadiz,  where  they  arrived  the  30th  of 
the  following  March.37  They  were  then  taken  to  the 
puerto  de  Santa  Maria,  and  together  with  many  others 
placed  in  an  asylum.  In  the  middle  of  June,  1768, 
having  lost  fifteen  of  their  brethren  by  disease  at 
Santa  Maria,  they  were  reembarked,  those  from  Mex- 
ico numbering  now  about  528,  for  the  Roman  states, 
where  they  arrived  only  to  be  refused  admission.38 
The  unfortunate  exiles  were  then  obliged  to  wander 
about  the  Mediterranean,  suffering  for  the  necessaries 
of  life,  closely  confined  in  the  ships,  and  subject  to  the 
harsh  treatment  of  the  commander,  till  they  were 
finally  given  refuge  in  Corsica.  But  as  this  island 
was  the  next  year  ceded  to  France,39  they  had  to 
transfer  themselves  to  Genoa,  whence  they  eventu- 
ally reached  the  papal  states.  In  Naples  and  Parma, 
whose  sovereigns  depended  on  the  king  of  Spain,  the 
Jesuits  met  with  no  hospitality. 

35  Ocli's  Beise,  in  Murr,  Nachrichten,  79-138,  gives  the  dates  of  embarka- 
tion as  the  22d  and  23d. 

30  It  seems  that  ten  priests,  one  escolar,  and  three  coadjutors  were  after 
all  permitted  to  remain  in  America,  probably  for  advanced  age  and  infirmities. 
Among  them  were  fathers  Francisco  Chavez,  Jose  Maria  Estrada,  and  Regis 
Salazar,  kept  in  confinement  in  Puebla,  and  the  first  named  eventually  taken 
to  Mexico.  Eighteen  novices  abandoned  the  order  in  America,  and  28  priests 
were  allowed  to  remain  in  Spain.   Comp.  Jesus,  Catdloyo,  88-90. 

37  The  barque  Bizarra,  with  the  provincial,  Father  Salvador  de  la  Gandara, 
was  driven  upon  the  coast  of  Portugal,  where  she  was  on  the  brink  of  de- 
struction. Budamante,  Expatriation,  in  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  303; 
Id. ,  Suplem. ,  in  Cavo,  Tres  S'ujlos,  iii.  3. 

38  Expulsion  des  Jesuit es,  446. 

39  The  due  de  Choiseul  would  not  let  them  stay  there.  Alaman,  Disert.t 
iii.  319-20. 


442  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

Nearly  all  writers,  both  Protestant  and  Roman 
Catholic,  even  those  who  justify  the  act  of  expulsion, 
condemn  the  arbitrary  and  cruel  manner  of  its  execu- 
tion. The  Jesuits  were  arrested  and  violently  han- 
dled, as  if  they  had  been  guilty  of  heinous  crimes,  and 
without  trial  were  driven  from  their  homes  and  coun- 
try, exposed  to  want,40  and  compelled  to  live  in  Italy 
under  pain  of  forfeiting  the  pittance  allowed  them  for 
their  support  out  of  the  millions  that  had  been  ruth- 
lessly taken  from  them.41 

Returning  again  to  Mexico,  we  shall  see  what  oc- 
curred there.  On  the  18th  of  July  17G7  the  viceroy 
and  audiencia  issued  an  edict  for  the  sequestration  of 
the  temporalities  of  the  Jesuits,  again  warning  the 
people  to  be  obedient  and  submissive  to  the  king's 
orders.42  The  expulsion  of  the  society  from  Mexico 
was  felt  in  various  ways.    It  was  a  heavy  blow  to  the 

40  This  was  in  violation  of  the  king's  order,  which  expressly  said  that  they 
should  be  well  treated:  'Sc  les  tratarrl  en  laexecucion  con  la  mayor  dcccncia, 
atencion,  humanidad  y  asistencia. '  Comp.  Jesus,  Col.  Gen.,  2. 

41  All  the  sovereigns  of  the  Bourbon  family  demanded  vi  et  armis  of  Pope 
Clement  XIII.  that  he  should  abolish  the  society  of  Jesus  forever,  but  he 
never  acceded  to  the  demand,  and  death  came  to  relieve  him  of  his  responsi- 
bilities in  17G8.  His  successor,  Ganganelli,  who  took  the  name  of  ( ■lenient 
XIV.,  was  a  Franciscan.  He  at  once  set  to  work  to  restore  harmony  with 
the  Catholic  sovereigns,  and  was  successful.  But  the  sovereigns  before 
mentioned  being  joined  by  Austria,  and  by  the  grand  master  of  Malta — 
the  last  named  had,  April  22,  17G8,  exiled  the  Jesuits  from  his  dominions, 
allowing  annually  to  each  eighty  Roman  scuti — insisted  on  the  abolition  of 
the  obnoxious  society,  and  even  made  demonstrations  to  force  compliance. 
The  pope  at  last  submitting  to  the  inevitable,  on  the  21st  of  July  1773,  upon 
the  plea  that  the  society  could  no  longer  be  useful,  issued  the  famous  bull, 
Domimts  ac  Redanptor  Noster,  for  its  extinction.  Clemente  XI  V.,  Bula,  1-52; 
Iieales  6rdenes,  v.  200-89;  Beavfort,  Hist,  da  los  Papas,  v.  330.  After  Clem- 
ent's death,  in  September  1774,  Pius  VI.  confirmed  all  the  prohibitions  against 
objecting  to  the  suppression:  'imponi<mdose  perpctuo  silcneio  en  cl  asunto;' 
all  violations  were  to  be  punished  for  disobedience  and  contempt  of  the  man- 
dates of  the  pope  and  the  king,  and  any  disturbance  of  the  public  peace  and 
high  treason.  Belena,  llecop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  338.  Jesuits  residing  in  Prussia  and 
Russia,  engaged  in  the  education  of  Roman  Catholics,  remained  with  the  eon- 
sent  of  the  respective  sovereigns,  Frederick  II.  and  Catherine  II. 

42  March  14,  17G8,  was  published  another  edict  embodying  a  royal  order  of 
November  11,  1707,  which  forbade  the  return  of  Jesuits,  under  any  name, 
character,  or  pretext,  to  the  Spanish  dominions,  without  the  king's  special 
leave.  JJisposiciones  Varias,  iv.,  nos.  08  and  Gl).  April  3,  1700,  the  viceroy 
made  known  other  orders  of  the  king  and  council  to  suppress  from  the  uni- 
versities and  colleges  every  chair  called  Jesuitica;  and  no  texts  of  the  order  or 
recommended  by  it  were  to  be  thereafter  used.  In  this  he  was  seconded  by 
the  bishops,  /'/.,  nos.  70-72;  Croix,  Heal  Cedida,  Ag.  12,  1708;  Fabian,  Col. 
de  Procidentias,  455-01. 


CAUSE  OF  THE  MEASURE. 


443 


feelings  of  the  people,  because  of  the  affection  they 
bore  it,  and  of  the  degradation  inflicted  on  them 
by  the  assurance  that  they  were  mere  serfs,  born  to 
obey,  and  not  to  think  about,  much  less  dispute,  the 
acts  of  their  master.  Some  persons,  doubting  the 
truth  of  the  mandate,  ventured  to  expostulate,  and 
suffered  for  it.43 

But  in  destroying  what  the  royal  government  con- 
sidered an  evil  which  must  be  eradicated  at  all  hazards, 


Guanajuato,  Queretaro,  and  Mexico. 

even  against  the  dearest  traditions  of  the  people,  every 
preparation  had  been  made  to  confront  any  possible  at- 
tempts at  rebellion.     The  fact  should  not  be  lost  sight 


43  A  canon  of  Mexico,  Francisco  Javier  de  Esnaurrizar,  for  free  utterances 
in  private,  was  shut  up  in  San  Juan  deUhia.  Doctor  Antonio  Lopez  Portillo, 
accused  of  being  the  author  of  a  hostile  article,  was  sent  to  Spain,  and 
because  of  his  great  learning,  then  deemed  very  dangerous,  was  never  per- 
mitted to  return  to  his  country.  Bustamante,  Expatriation,  in  Alegre,  I J  1st. 
Comp,  Jesus,  iii.  305;  Id.,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tre.s  Slylos,  iii.  5.  In  Jalisco 
the  nuns  sided  with  the  Jesuits,  and  some  fanatical  prophecies  were  made 
in  favor  of  the  fathers'  return.     The  bishop  of  the  diocese  in  1708  reproved 


444  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

of  that  the  natives  of  Spanish  descent,  being  mostly  at- 
tached to  the  Jesuits, and  at  the  same  time  displeased  at 
the  preference  shown  by  the  government  to  subjects 
from  Spain,  in  open  violation  of  the  right  and  priv- 
ileges given  the  former  in  the  laws  of  the  Indies,  were 
indignant  at  the  treatment  the  Jesuits  had  met  with, 
and  which  could  be  regarded  as  nothing  less  than  rank 
despotism.  In  and  near  the  capital,  where  the  govern- 
ment had  great  military  resources,  the  discontented 
could  not  openly  resent  the  insult.  But  in  the  more 
distant  parts  the  people  imprudently  gave  vent  to  their 
feelings,  and  this  in  overt  acts,  planning  a  dangerous 
conspiracy  against  the  Spaniards  from  Europe,  and  the 
government.  There  is  no  means  of  ascertaining  what 
was  its  real  scope,  but  it  is  believed  that  in  Guanajuato, 
Michoacan,  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  Querdtaro,  those 
who  were  engaged  in  it  purposed  to  break  the  con- 
nection with  Spain,  and  establish  in  Mexico  a  mon- 
archy with  a  Mexican  dynasty.  The  plan  had  been 
matured  with  great  secrecy,  but  owing  to  an  im- 
prudent act  the  revolt  broke  out  prematurely  in  the 
town  of  Apatzingan,  seconded  in  Uruapan,  and  fol- 
lowed up  in  Patzcuaro,  Guanajuato,  San  Luis  de  la 
Paz,  and  other  places.  The  pretext  alleged  was  the 
king's  rescript  for  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits.  Every- 
where was  heard  the  cry  of  mueran !  mueran !  There 
were  constant  violations  of  law  and  order;  life  and 
property  became  insecure.  The  motto  was  "nuevo  rey 
y  nueva  ley."  The  creation  of  a  nobility  and  other 
hare-brained  projects  was  contemplated;  but  nothing 
was  done  toward  accomplishing  the  national  indepen- 
dence except  the  removal  from  the  court-rooms  and 

them,  quoting  the  words  of  the  royal  cedula.  Rivets  y  Yelasco,  Carta  Pas- 
toral, passim.  The  government  itself  violated  the  order  for  silence,  by  pub- 
lishing a  pamphlet  which  pretended  to  give  chronologically  the  offences  of 
the  society  from  its  installation.  A  pastoral  of  the  bishop  of  Puebla  of  October 
28,  1 707,  was  severely  criticised  by  one  Sanibeli,  who  used  abusive  language 
against  the  government,  accusing  it  and  its  agents  of  robbery,  and  assuring 
the  king  that  he  would  get  no  profit  from  the  Jesuits'  estates,  because  '  a  los 
ministroa  que  auluvicron  en  la  danza  se  les  ha  pegado  mucho  en  las  ufias' 
....  'quicn  hurta  a  ladron  gana  cicn  anos  de  perdon.'  Fabian,  Col.  de  Prov- 
idtiicias,  231-93;  Lcxarza,  DUiyenciaa,  in  Pap.  de  Jesuitas,  MS.,  no.  4,  1-4. 


SUBSEQUENT  SUPPORT.  445 

other  public  places  of  the  king's  portraits,  coats  of 
arms,  etc.  Nor  did  the  conspirators  even  attempt 
to  restore  order  among  their  followers.  When  this 
state  of  things  became  known  in  Mexico,  the  viceroy 
clothed  the  visitador  Jose  de  Galvez  with  full  powers 
to  crush  the  rebellion,  and  punish  the  leaders.  Gal- 
vez appointed  commissioners  to  investigate,  under  his 
direction,  the  cases  of  treason,  reserving  for  his  own 
more  particular  scrutiny  those  in  Valladolid,  Guana- 
juato, and  San  Luis  Potosi.  There  was  fighting  in 
several  places,  Indians  taking  a  prominent  part,  and, 
as  might  be  expected,  the  disorganized  rebels  were  soon 
defeated,  the  punishment  of  the  leaders  being  both 
swift  and  severe.44 

The  Spanish  and  American  Jesuits,  to  the  number  of 
about  six  thousand,  residing  in  the  pontifical  capital 
and  legations,  were  punctually  paid  their  pensions. 
Some  years  later,  in  1784,  a  royal  order  declared  that 
they  had  a  right  to  inherit  and  possess  real  and  per 
sonal  property,  but  this  was  subject  to  restrictions 


-15 


"Galvez,  Informe  del  Visitador,  MS.,  11-48,  54-81;  Galvez,  Informe  Gen., 
138-9;  Doc.  Hint.  Mex.,  s6rie  iv.  ii.  62-4;  Iturribarria,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog. 
Boletln,  vii.  289-90;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  0G;  Lice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog., 
x.  313.  Upward  of  ninety  persons  perished  on  the  scaffold,  after  undergoing 
the  most  cruel  torture,  and  their  limbs,  exposed  to  view  in  high  roads  and 
public  places,  remained  without  burial  for  a  long  time.  Many  others  were 
sentenced  to  cruel  cudgelings,  or  to  hard  labor  in  chain-gangs,  and  not  a  few 
to  imprisonment  for  life.  Mora,  Rev.  Mej.,  iii.  2G5-70;  El  Iiidicador  de  la  fed. 
Mex.,  iii.  151-4.  The  visitador  not  only  hanged  some  of  the  rioters  of  Gua- 
najuato, but  laid  a  yearly  tribute  of  $8,000  on  the  city,  which  proceeding  told 
against  the  Spanish  government  in  1810.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus  (foot- 
note), iii.  244.  That  odious  tribute  was  paid  by  the  tribunal  de  mineria  every 
year  till  September  12,  1810,  when  Intendente  Riafio,  to  propitiate  the  good- 
will of  the  people  and  avert  the  revolution,  repealed  it.  Romero,  Mich.,  1G1. 

45  To  prevent  the  removal  from  the  Spanish  dominions  of  the  proceeds  of 
such  estates,  they  were  to  be  administered  by  the  nearest  relatives  of  the 
heirs,  without  the  privilege  of  selling,  and  with  the  obligation  of  investing 
moneys  and  other  effects  so  as  to  obtain  incomes  therefrom.  Ex-coadjutors, 
if  unmarried,  were  to  receive  one  half  the  income  during  their  lifetime;  if 
married,  two  thirds;  the  other  half  or  third,  as  the  case  might  be,  was  for 
the  administrator  of  the  estate.  The  same  rule  applied  to  novices.  The 
children  of  ex-coadjutors  or  ex-novices  were  allowed  to  reside  in  the  Spanish 
dominions,  by  first  obtaining,  should  there  be  no  objection  to  their  personal 
behavior,  a  special  passport  from  the  crown.  Ordained  priests  were  allowed 
one  half  the  income;  at  their  death  the  estates  were  to  go  to  their  legal  heirs 
ab  intestato.  Whenever  an  ex- Jesuit  acquired  by  inheritance  an  income  ex- 
ceeding $200  a  year,  his  pension  from  the  crown  was  to  cease.  Reales  Ordenes, 
v.  412-17. 


44G  EXPULSION  OF  TJJE  JESUITS. 

Iii  1796,  with  the  invasion  of  the  pope's  states,  the 
remaining  Jesuits  became  dispersed,  and  the  few 
Americans  returned  to  their  respective  countries. 
Some  of  them  had  their  pensions  doubled  and  trebled, 
and  received  other  compensations.  But  the  privilege 
of  living  in  their  native  country  did  not  last  long. 
The  Spanish  government,  controlled  by  Godoy,  the 
favorite  of  King  Carlos  IV.,  caused  the  last  survivors 
to  be  confined  in  convents.46 

The  deputies  from  America  and  the  Philippines  to 
the  national  c6rtes  in  Spain,  presented  several  peti- 
tions for  the  restoration  of  the  society  of  Jesus  in  the 
Indies.  The  eleventh  and  last  was  on  the  16th  of  De- 
cember 1810,  and  was  ratified  on  the  31st  of  the  same 
month  by  new  members  from  Mexico.  The  reasons47 
adduced  were  the  great  importance  of  the  society  in 
promoting  science,  and  the  progress  of  missions  which 
introduced  and  spread  the  Christian  faith  among  the 

iG Bustamante,  Expatriation,  in  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  304;  Id., 
Si'pJem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  iii.  4.  Father  Rafael  de  C^lis,  a  native  of 
Vera  Cruz,  wrote  in  17SG  a  catalogue  of  the  province  of  Mexico  containing 
biographical  data,  and  showing  the  date  of  death  of  each  member  till  the 
time  of  his  own  demise.  The  list  was  continued  by  Father  Pedro  Marquez. 
Only  90  were  alive  at  the  beginning  of  the  19th  century;  and  in  1820,  96 
of  them  were  already  dead.  Comp.  Jesus,  Catdlogo,  3-202;  Gfaz.  Mex.  (1798-9), 
ix.  85-7.  It  is  well  known  that  several  of  the  exiled  Jesuits  wrote  volumi- 
nous works,  for  which  the  learned  world  has  given  them  due  credit.  Among 
such  writers  were  several  natives  of  New  Spain,  from  whose  productions  I 
have  often  quoted  in  the  course  of  this  work.  Their  names  and  writings  will 
be  duly  noticed  elsewhere.  Others  had  won  themselves  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury an  honorable  and  revered  name  in  Mexico,  for  their  virtues  and  apostolic 
zeal;  namely,  Antonio  de  Hordoiiana,  Francisco  Chavez,  Francisco  Javier 
Solchaga,  Juan  Villavicencio;  Francis  Herman  Glandorfi',  a  native  of  West- 
phalia, the  great  apostle  of  Taraumara,  who  was  compared  with  Saint  Francis 
Xavicr,  and  died  August  9,  1763;  Juan  Francisco  Iragorri,  the  'santo  ameri- 
cano;'  Francisco  Javier  Gomez;  Juan  Perez,  of  whom  Father  Oviedo  said  that 
a  man  of  approved  spirit  saw  '  subir  su  alma  de  lacama  al  cielo,  sin  pasar  por 
el  purgatorio' — seeing  the  soul  fly  up  is  certainly  a  dramatic  form  of  ex- 
pression. Perez  died  in  March,  17S0;  he  was  noted  for  the  charitable  care 
he  took  of  insane  females.  Then  there  were  Agustin  Arriola,  Manuel  Alvarez, 
Juan  Carnero,  who  foretold  the  day  of  his  death;  Jose  de  Guevara,  Cristobal 
Floras,  Salvador  de  la  Gandara,  Manuel  Arce,  Pedro  Canton,  Juan  Antonio 
de  Oviedo,  Juan  Mayora,  and  Agustin  Marquez.  Excepting  Glandorff, 
Gomez,  Perez,  and  Alvarez,  the  above  named  were  born  in  New  Spain. 
J\]<ynra,Rel.,  1-78;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist.  Geog.,  i.-x.  passim;  Jesus,  Cat.  Comp., 
2  ;  Lazeano,  Vida  del  P.  Oviedo,  1-582;  Pap.  deJesuitas,  MS.,  no.  20,  1-31; 
Ca&tauiza,  I'd,  frontispiece. 

"i7  The  new  deputies  asked  for  their  consideration,  '  con  la  preferencia  que 
demandan  las  Americas,  y  la  urgencia  de  que  somos  testigos.'  Bustamante, 
Defensa  Comp.  Jesus,  15-16. 


DISPOSAL  OF  PROPERTY.  447 

Indians.  Nothing  was  clone,  however,  till  Pius  VII., 
by  bull  of  August  7,  1814,  reinstated  the  society. 
Fernando  VII.  issued  his  exequatur  September  17, 
1815,  appointing  a  board  to- restore,  as  far  as  possi- 
ble, the  sequestered  property.  The  royal  order  was 
executed  in  Mexico,  the  solemn  installation  of  the 
Jesuits  being  made  May  19,  1819,  at  the  college  of 
San  Ildefonso,  which  was  delivered  to  fathers  Jose 
Maria  Castailiza,  Antonio  Barroso,  and  Pedro  Can- 
ton, natives  of  Mexico,  and  members  of  the  late 
society.48  But  the  persecuted  society  was  not  long  to 
enjoy  peace.  It  was  again  expelled  by  a  decree  of  the 
Spanish  cortes  of  1820,  which  was  carried  out  in  New 
Spain  in  January  1821.49  The  disposal  made  of  the 
society's  property  and  missions  will  appear  in  con- 
nection with  financial  and  general  church,  affairs, 
treated  of  separately  in  this  volume. 

The  first  attempt  to  record  the  labors  of  the  Jesuit  order  in  America  was 
the  Historia  de  la  Provincla  de  la  compatiia  de  Jesus  de  Nueva  Espaua,  by  Fran- 
cisco de  Florencia,  one  of  the  society,  published  in  Mexico  in  1094.  This  was 
a  mere  beginning,  however,  for  although  the  author  evidently  intended  to  com- 
plete the  work  it  was  never  extended  beyond  the  first  volume.  The  period 
covered  is  the  decade  beginning  in  1571,  during  which  the  Jesuit  establish- 
ments at  Mexico,  Patzcuaro,  and  Oajaca  were  founded.  Beyond  the  facts  con- 
nected with  these  establishments,  and  the  lives  of  the  founders  and  first  two 
provincials  of  the  order  in  Mexico,  the  historical  data  are  meagre.  The  ar- 
rangement is  faulty,  the  dates  for  many  important  events  are  wanting,  and 
the  style  is  that  common  to  the  monkish  chroniclers  of  the  fourteenth  century. 
The  most  extensive  account  of  Florencia's  life  is  given  by  Beristain.  According 
to  this  author  he  was  born  in  Florida  in  1620,  studied  in  the  college  of  San  Ilde- 
fonso of  Mexico,  and  in  1G43  took  the  Jesuit  habit.  Having  successfully 
occupied  the  chairs  of  philosophy  and  theology  in  the  Jesuit  college  of  San 
Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  acquiring  considerable  fame  in  the  capital  as  a  preacher, 
and  having  held  several  important  commissions  in  connection  with  the  inqui- 
sition, he  was  appointed  in  1088  procurator  of  his  province  at  Madrid  and 
Rome.  Subsequently  he  filled  for  several  years  the  office  of  procurator-gen- 
eral at  Seville  of  all  the  provinces  in  the  Indies.  He  finally  returned  to 
Mexico,  where  he  died  in  his  seventy-fifth  year. 

Of  his  numerous  writings,  which  are  wholly  of  a  religious  character,  and 
some  of  which  have  passed  through  several  editions,  his  fame  rests  chiefly  on 

48  Father  Canton  had  been  quietly  living  in  the  country  since  1808.  Busta- 
mante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iv.  176. 

49  Id. t  177;  Id.,  Deftnsa  Comp.  Jesus,  17. 


443  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS. 

the  work  already  cited,  and  the  Zodiaro  Mariano,  Mcx.,  1755,  a  posthumous 
work  of  considerable  importance  for  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  Spanish 
North  America,  in  which  the  details  arc  narrated  with  great  fulness,  with 
names,  dates,  and  circumstances,  and  with  authorities  and  bibliographical 
citations.  Nicolas  Antonio,  Bib.  llisp.  Nova,  i.  426,  makes  no  mention  of 
these  two  works,  only  two  of  his  earlier  and  less  important  publications  being 
cited.  Of  the  author  he  says  *  turn  Roma,  turn  Hispali  omnium  Indicavum 
provinciarum  procurator.'  Alcedo,  Bib.  Am.,  MS.,  i.  400-1,  who  follows  An- 
tonio, adds  to  the  latter's  list  two  more  works  of  the  same  class.  While 
Beristain's  list  of  this  author's  works  is  very  complete,  Sabin  gives  some  val- 
uable information  relative  to  the  various  editions. 

Florencia's  incompleted  task  was  destined  to  be  continued  by  one  greater 
than  he,  but  who,  like  him,  was  also  fated  to  leave  the  work  unfinished.  His 
successor,  Francisco  Javier  Alegre,  was  born  in  1729  at  Vera  Cruz,  where  he 
received  his  early  education  and  studied  Latin.  Thence  he  passed  to  Puebla, 
where,  having  distinguished  himself  in  the  study  of  philosophy  and  the  other 
branches  taught  at  that  period,  he  began  a  course  of  canonical  law  at  the 
capital.  On  the  19th  of  March  1794  he  took  the  habit  at  the  Jesuit  college 
of  Tepozotlan.  During  his  novitiate  he  committed  to  memory  the  works  of 
St  Francis  of  Sales,  and  the  ascetic  writings  of  Friar  Luis  de  Granada  and 
others,  and,  after  professing,  diligently  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  the 
Latin  writers  of  the  golden  age.  Later  he  dedicated  himself  with  such  ear- 
nestness to  the  study  of  theology  that  his  astonishing  progress  in  this  science 
gained  for  him  the  applause  of  his  companions,  but  so  affected  his  health  as 
to  compel  his  transfer  to  Habana.  There  he  taught  philosophy,  and  perfected 
himself  in  Greek,  mathematics,  and  the  modern  languages.  Seven  years  later 
he  passed  to  the  Jesuit  college  recently  opened  in  Merida,  Yucatan,  where 
after  a  few  years,  his  superiors  recognizing  his  fitness  for  the  work,  he  was 
called  to  Mexico  to  continue  the  history  of  the  society. 

Availing  himself  of  the  work  of  Florencia,  the  valuable  writings  of  Ribas, 
Kino,  Fray  Martin  Perez,  Friar  Ignacio  Trysk,  and  an  immense  mass  of 
annual  reports  and  private  correspondence,  he  described  in  a  simple  but  cor- 
rect and  elegant  style  the  extensive  labors  of  his  order  from  their  establish- 
ment in  Florida  in  15G6  to  about  1705,  when  its  members  had  already  com- 
pleted the  conquest  of  the  north-western  provinces  of  New  Spain.  Two 
volumes  in  manuscript  had  thus  far  been  completed,  when  two  years  later 
the  further  continuation  of  the  work  was  prevented  by  the  expulsion  of  the 
society.  Having,  with  the  majority  of  his  exiled  companions,  taken  up  his 
residence  at  Bologna,  he  continued  his  studies  and  teachings,  published  a 
translation  of  the  Iliad,  wrote  Alexandrkula,  a  poem  on  the  conquest  of  Tyre 
by  Alexander,  and  finished  fourteen  books  on  Elementos  de.  Geometria,  and 
four  lectures  on  Sccciones  Cdnicas.  Here  also  he  wrote  the  most  famous  of 
his  works,  the  IvsUluciones  Teoldyicas,  consisting  of  eighteen  books  in  seven 
volumes,  and  published  a  year  after  his  death,  which  occurred  August  16, 
1788,  near  Bologna.  In  all,  he  wrote  twenty  works,  which  are  enumerated 
by  Beristain,  Bib.  Hisp.-Am.,  i.  54.  Alegre 's  early  studies  are  evident  in 
his  various  works,  his  good  taste  and  judgment  being  everywhere  appar- 
ent.    His  expressions  against  the  enemies  of  the  society  are  moderate,  aud 


BIBLIOGRAPHY.  449 

the  space  given  to  religious  rhapsodies  and  accounts  of  miracles  not  ex- 
cessive. His  Historia  de  la  Compauia,  the  best  work  of  its  kind  left  by  the 
Jesuits,  and  invaluable  for  the  history  of  the  north-west  provinces  of  Mexico, 
remained  unpublished  until  1841,  when  it  was  rescued  from  oblivion  by  the 
efforts  of  the  celebrated  Mexican  writer,  Carlos  Maria  Bustamante.  In  May 
of  this  year  a  bill  to  permit  the  re-establishment  of  the  Jesuits  in  Mexico 
was  laid  before  congress  and  supported,  among  others,  by  Bustamante,  who 
sought  to  influence  the  public  in  their  favor  by  the  publication  of  this  work. 
It  was  issued  in  1841-2,  in  3  vols,  with  notes  and  a  portrait  of  the  author. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    29 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 
1769-1790. 

Separate  Government  for  tiie  Provincias  Internas — Intendencias  op 
Provinces— Changes  Effected  and  Final  Establishment — Viceroy 
and  Archbishop  Alonso  Nunez  de  Haro — His  High  Character  and 
Previous  Record— Extraordinary  Honors  Conferred  on  Him  by 
the  Crown— His  Death  and  Burial — Calamitous  Visitations— Epi- 
demics and  Earthquakes — Their  Effect  on  the  Ignorant — Vice- 
roy Manuel  Antonio  Florez— His  Previous  Career— War  against 
the  Apaches — English  and  Russians  Watched  in  the  Pacific- 
General  Policy  of  This  Ruler — Resignation,  and  Cause  of  It- 
Special  Favor  Shown  Him  by  the  Crown — His  Departure  for 
Spain — Obsequies  of  and  Mourning  for  Carlos  III. — Grand  Proc- 
lamation of  Carlos  IV. — Honors  to  Royal  Personages. 

The  expediency  of  reorganizing  the  government  of 
New  Spain  was  one  of  the  primary  questions  that  en- 
gaged the  attention  of  the  visitaclor  general,  Jose  de 
Galvez,  during  his  sojourn  in  the  county.  In  accord 
with  Viceroy  de  Croix,  who  ruled  for  the  king  at  the 
time,  he  formed  and  laid  before  the  crown  a  plan  for  its 
better  administration,  which  was  approved  and  ordered 
to  be  carried  out.  That  plan  provided  among  other 
things  for  the  creation  of  a  government,  comandancia 
general,  and  superintendencia  de  hacienda,  entirely 
independent  of  the  viceroyalty  -  of  New  Spain,  in 
the  provincias  internas,  so  called,  including  Nueva 
Vizcaya,  Sonora,  Sinaloa,  and  the  Californias,  together 
with  Coahuila,  Texas,  and  New  Mexico;  the  new  gov- 
ernor to  have  also  the  j)atronato  real,  a  prerogative 
that  will  be  fully  treated  of  in  another  part  of  this 
volume.     Though  clothed  likewise  with  judicial  pow- 

(450) 


INTENDENCIAS  CREATED.  451 

ers,  the  governor  was  practically  relieved  from  the 
duties  attendant  thereon  by  the  process  of  referring 
to  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara  all  judicial  matters 
coming  to  him  on  appeal.  Thus  he  was  enabled  to 
devote  a  large  portion  of  his  attention  to  military  and 
financial  affairs  with  perfect  independence  of  any  New 
World  authority.  Full  particulars  upon  this  new 
organization  are  given  in  another  subdivision  of  my 
work.1  Suffice  it  to  add  here  that  after  this  part 
of  the  plan  had  undergone  several  changes,  a  final 
arrangement  was  made  under  royal  decrees  of  the  23d 
and  24th  of  November,  1792,  with  the  reorganization 
of  a  comandancia  general  de  provincias  internas,  coin- 
prising  Sonora,  Nueva  Vizcaya,  New  Mexico,  Texas, 
and  Coahuila,  independent  of  the  viceroy.2  The  two 
Californias,  Nuevo  Leon,  and  the  colony  of  Nuevo 
Santander  were  attached  to  the  viceroyalty  of  New 
Spain.  This  last  arrangement  went  into  effect  in 
1793,  and  was  still  in  force  in  the  early  years  of  the 
present  century.3 

The  other  part  of  the  plan  adopted  by  the  crown 
in  17G9  upon  the  joint  recommendation  of  the  marques 
de  Croix  and  Visitador  general  Galvez,  on  the  loth 
of  January,  1768,  for  an  entire  change  in  the  organi- 
zation of  the  government,  was  that  of  suppressing  the 
corregidores  and  alcaldes  mayores,  of  whom  there 
were  about  two  hundred  in  the  districts  of  the  audi- 
encias  of  Mexico  and  Guadalajara.  These  officials 
were  deemed  prejudicial,  for  the  reason  that  having 
to  support  themselves,  to  pay  off  the  debts  con- 
tracted for  obtaining  their  office,  and  to  retire  with 
a  fortune,  they  resorted  to  any  means  to  secure 
these  ends.4     Viceroy  Linares  gave  them  a  bad  char- 

1  Hist.  North  Ilex.  St cites,  i.,  this  series. 

2 Itev'dla  G'njedo,  Tnstruc,  MS.,  545-G;  lnstruc.  Vireyes,  201. 

*Real  6rden,  May  30,  1804,  in  Mayer's  MSS.,  no.  3;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog., 
Bole.tin,  ii.  5. 

4 '  No  perdonan  comunmente  arbitrio,  por  injusto 6  extraorcUnario que  sea.' 
Galvez,  Informe,  17-18. 


452  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

actcr  early  in  the  century,8  regarding  them  as  a 
miserable  set  for  the  most  part,  bent  on  plunder  and 
other  malefeasances. 

The  plan  proposed  was  the  creation  of  intendencias  in 
Mexico,  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz,  Yucatan,  Oajaca,  Valla- 
dolid,  Guanajuato,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Nueva  Galicia, 
Durango,  Sonora,  and  Sinaloa,  New  Mexico,  and  the 
Californias,  with  a  gobernador  intendente  at  the  head 
of  each,  charged  with  the  four  important  branches  of 
the  public  service,  namely,  government  and  police, 
justice,  treasury,  and  war.  Excepting  those  of  Mexico, 
Vera  Cruz,  Yucatan,  and  Sonora,  they  were  to  have  also 
the  patronato  real.6  Viceroy  Bucareli  could  not  see  the 
advantage  of  these  intendentes,  with  so  many  and 
enlarged  powers,  feeling  certain  that  they  never  could 
efficiently  perform  their  manifold  duties,  owing  mainly 
to  the  difficulty  in  procuring  competent  subordinates 
for  the  sub-districts  of  the  vast  extent  of  territory 
assigned  to  each  intendencia.  He  preferred  to  see 
reforms  introduced  more  slowly. 

The  scheme  seems  to  have  lain  dormant  till  toward 
the  end  of  1786,  when  by  a  royal  ordinance  counter- 
signed by  Jose  de  Galvez,  as  ministro  universal  de 
Indicts,  New  Spain,  including  Yucatan  and  Nueva 
Galicia,  was  divided  into  twelve  intendencias,  namely, 
one  intendencia  general  for  the  province  of  Mexico, 
and  the  intendencias  of  Guadalajara,  Zacatecas,  Du- 
rango, Sonora,  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz,  Merida,  Oajaca,  Va- 
lladolid,  Guanajuato,  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  taking  the 
names  of  their  capitals,  and  each  having  at  its  head 
a  gobernador  intendente.  The  head  towns  and  resi- 
dences of  such  officers  were  made  the  seats  of  corregi- 
mientos,  a  rank  that  several  of  them  had  not  before. 
Under  this  ordinance  the  alcaldes  mayores  were  dis- 

5  He  pithily  said  of  them,  'desde  el  ingreso  de  su  empleo  faltan  a  Dios,  en 
el  juramento  que  quiebran;  al  rey,  en  los  repartimientos  que  hacen;  y  al  co- 
liiui)  de  los  naturales,  en  la  forma  con  que  los  tiranizan.'  Linares,  lastrac, 
MS.,  13. 

{'Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult,,  iii.  371-87;  Intendetttes,  Ileal  Orel.,  410;  Beleua, 
liccop.,  ii.  80;   Villarroel,  Junta  liejndsa,  MS.,  2;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.y  i.  428. 


ORDENANZA  DE  INTENDENCIAS.  453 

continued,  and  subdelegados,  alcaldes  ordinarios,  and 
asesores  were  created;  the  last  named  must  needs  be 
learned  in  the  law,  acting  as  legal  advisers  of  their 
chiefs  in  all  matters,  and  as  jueces  letrados.  This  plan 
was  considered  by  the  supreme  government  as  the 
best  adapted  to  the  condition  of  America,  combining 
unity  and  centralization  of  authority,  with  dependence 
of  each  official  upon  a  higher  one  till  the  highest  was 
reached,  namely,  the  viceroy  or  captain-general,  who 
with  the  audiencia  had  ample  superior  authority  for 
all  cases  of  justice,  government,  and  war;  while  the 
superintendente  de  hacienda,  with  his  junta  superior, 
amply  provided  for  all  fiscal  exigencies. 

But  the  system  involved  innovations  of  a  radical 
character,  such  as  could  but  meet  with  disapprobation 
among  a  large  class.  Every  one  took  a  different  view 
of  the  matter,  according  to  his  convictions,  preju- 
dices, or  interests.  Indeed,  few  thought  well  of  the 
change,  and  some  even  foretold  a  complete  subver- 
sion of  New  Spain  if  the  ordenanza  de  intendencias 
were  actually  put  in  practice.7     This  was  done,  how- 

7  The  interference  with  the  viceroy's  powers  was  one  of  the  objectionable 
points.  Since  the  enactment  of  the  law  of  December  15,  1588,  confirmed  by- 
Felipe  III.  July  19,  1614,  the  viceroy's  authority  or  functions  had  remained 
untouched;  and  now,  it  was  claimed,  the  regulation  virtually  lowered  him  to 
a  mere  provincial  governor  and  captain-general;  in  political  affairs  he  was  re- 
duced to  little  more  than  an  alcalde  ordinario,  and  even  much  of  his  military 
authority  was  curtailed  and  transferred  to  the  intendentes.  As  for  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  and  of  the  finances,  it  was  taken  away  from  him  alto- 
gether. The  abolition  of  the  alcaldes  mayores  to  be  replaced  by  subdelegados, 
alcaldes  ordinarios,  and  asesores  was  looked  upon  as  a  deliberate  blow  struck 
at  the  administration  of  justice  and  police  by  diverting  these  two  branches 
from  the  old  channels.  Recop.  hid.,  i.  543-4;  Villarroel,  Justa  Repulsa,  33-7, 
42-8,  76-7. 

In  the  Enfermedades  politicas  que  padece  la  Capital  de  esta  Nueva  Espana 
en  casi  todos  los  Cuerpos  de  que  se  compone,  Mex.  1785-7,  MS.,  4to,  4  vols.,  the 
author,  Hipolito  Villarroel,  gives  a  review  of  the  administrative  system  of 
New  Spain  in  all  its  branches,  pointing  out  alleged  defects,  and  suggesting 
remedies.  The  corrupt  condition  of  the  government  in  the  capital,  and  the 
consequent  degenerate  morals  of  its  inhabitants,  occupy  much  of  his  atten- 
tion. Some  facts  are  also  given  in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  Indians 
within  and  without  the  capital,  and  on  the  character,  manners  and  customs, 
and  race  mixtures  of  the  inhabitants.  The  workings  of  the  courts  of  justice, 
particularly  those  of  the  tribunal  de  la  acordada,  and  tribunal  de  mineria, 
laws  for  the  suppression  of  intemperance  and  gambling,  and  the  state  of  com- 
merce, manufactures,  and  agriculture,  are  made  to  appear.  Volumes  i.  and 
iii.  entitled  as  above  are  divided  into  five  parts.  They  were  published, 
with  a  few  unimportant  verbal  changes  by  Carlos  M.  Bustamante,  under  the 


454  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

ever,  to  the  great  chagrin  of  cavillers.  Early  in  1787 
arrived  in  New  Spain  several  of  the  intendentes  ap- 
pointed for  the  provinces.  A  royal  order  of  October 
25,  1787,  required  such  officials  to  produce  their  com- 
missions to  the  viceroy,  who  would  endorse  them, 
place  the  appointees  in  office,  and  notify  the  audiencia 
of  the  fact.  The  intendentes  had  to  apprise  the  vice- 
roy of  the  persons  appointed  by  them  as  subdclegados, 
and  this  was  also  made  known  to  the  audiencia  of 
Mexico.8  Like  all  radical  measures  in  government, 
the  present  one  did  not  work  well  at  first.  After  three 
years'  experience  the  new  system  was  found  defective 
in  many  points,  and  loud  were  the  laments  and  pre- 
dictions of  calamity.9  Some  trifling  changes  had  been 
effected,  one  of  which  was  that  of  annexing  the  super- 
intendencia  general  to  the  viceregal  office.  Many 
of  the  other  intendencias  had  been  filled  with  men  of 
ability  and  integrity,  but  of  little  or  no  administrative 
experience,  and  entirely  ignorant  of  the  country's 
peculiar  needs.  This  was  a  serious  mistake  which 
caused  the  many  defects  of  the  system  to  be  still  more 
glaring.  Constant  suggestions  were  made  to  the  king 
for  reforms,  but  they  all  remained  unheeded.10    The 

title  of  Mexico  por  Dentro  y  Fuera,  bajo  el  cjobierno  de  los  vireyes,  6  sea 
Enfermedades  politicas,  etc.  Mex.,  1831,  8vo,  183.  Vol.  iv. ,  bearing  the  title 
of  Justa  Repulsa  del  JReylamettto  de  Intendencias,  given  as  an  appendix  to  the 
foregoing  work,  is  taken  up  chiefly  with  strictures  on  that  ordinance.  These 
manuscripts  are  probably  original,  and  the  signatures  of  Villarroel  appended 
to  them  with  a  rubrica,  in  his  own  handwriting.  Bustamante,  in  a  criticism 
of  the  work  in  No.  24  of  his  periodical  La  Voz  de  la  Patria,  speaks  of  the 
author  as  one  who  had  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  state  of  New  Spain,  and 
of  his  belief  that  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  had  it  before  him  when  he  formed 
his  wise  instructions  for  his  successors;  adding  likewise  that  many  of  the  re- 
forms there  recommended  by  Villarroel  were  from  time  to  time  adopted. 

8 Intendentes  residing  within  the  district  of  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara, 
had  to  notify  it  of  the  appointed  subdclegados.  March  21,  1703,  the  king  or- 
dained  that  such  intendentes  should  take  the  official  oath  before  that  court. 
Ordenea  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  5-G;  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  10-11.  Antoneli  in Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2a  ep.,  ii.  338. 

9  The  necessity  of  amending  some  of  the  articles  of  the  regulation  and 
suppressing  others  had  been  represented  to  the  crown.  Flores,  Instruc.  15-18, 

,ares,  Instruc,  MS. 

10  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  recommended  that  some  of  the  intendencias,  such 
as  Guadalajara,  Vera  Cruz,  and  Yucatan,  should  be  intrusted  to  military  of  - 

ofhigh  rank,  likemariscales  de  campo  and  brigadiers;  others  to  colonels; 
and  the  rest  might  be  placed  in  charge  of  civilians.  He  also  suggested  the 
creation  of  one  intendencia  for  the  four  eastern  provincias  internas,  one  for 


TWELVE  INTENDENCIAS.  455 

intenclencia  of  Guadalajara,  one  of  the  most  impor- 
tant, that  city  being  the  seat  of  an  audiencia,  an 
episcopal  see,  and  a  university,  was  placed  in  charge 
of  a  high  military  officer,11  the  brigadier  Jacobo  de 
Ugarte  y  Loyola,  who  on  the  14th  of  March,  1791, 
assumed  the  duties  of  his  offices.12  Another  exten- 
sive intenclencia  was  that  of  Vera  Cruz13  with  a  length 
of  two  hundred  and  ten  leagues,  and  a  width  of  from 
twenty-five  to  thirty  leagues. 

In  1804,  and  from  that  time  to  the  end  of  the  Span- 
ish domination,  the  country  was  divided  into  twelve 
intendencias,  to  wit:  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  Durango, 
Zacatecas,  Guadalajara,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Guanajuato, 
Valladolid,  Mexico,  Oajaca,  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz,  and 
Merida;  besides  the  three  provinces  of  New  Mexico, 
Antigua  California,  and  Nueva  California.14 

The  intendentes,  acting  in  some  provinces  as  gov- 
ernors and  in  others  as  corregidores,  had  the  ordinary 
royal  jurisdiction,  subject  respectively  to  the  superior 
government  and  the  courts  of  justice.  As  regards 
Yucatan  there  was  some  difference;  the  gobernador 
intendente  was  subject  to  the  viceroy,  audiencia,  and 
superintendente  de  hacienda  of  New  Spain,  in  mat- 

Chihuahua,  and  one  for  Tabasco ;  the  last  to  be  in  charge  of  a  military  man. 
Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc.,  MS.,  80-110. 

11  The  intenclencia  was  bounded  on  the  north  by  Nueva  Viscaya,  on  the 
south  by  that  of  Valladolid,  on  the  west  by  Sonora  and  the  Pacific  Ocean,  on 
the  east  by  Zacatecas  and  Guanajuato.  Descripclon,  etc.,  in  Col.  de  Diarios, 
etc.,  MS.,  241. 

12  He  called  himself  comandante  general,  presidente,  gobernardor  inten- 
dente of  the  provinces  comprised  within  the  kingdom  of  Nueva  Galicia. 
Ugarte  y  Loyola,  Relation,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.  iii.  307,  314. 

13  It  had  on  the  east,  Yucatan  and  the  gulf  of  Mexico;  on  the  west  the  in- 
tendencias of  Oajaca,  Puebla,  and  Mexico;  on  the  north,  the  colonies  of 
Nuevo  Santander,  later  known  as  Tamaulipas.    Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  150-1. 

11  The  following  shows  the  area  and  population  of  each  intendencia  in 
1803:  Sonora  and  Sinaloa,  19,143  square  leagues,  pop.  121,400;  Durango, 
16,873  sq.  1.,  pop.  159,700;  Zacatecas,  2,355  sq.  1.,  pop.  153,300;  Guadala- 
jara, 9,G12  sq.  1.,  pop.  630,500;  San  Luis  Potosi,  27,821  sq.  1.,  pop.  331,900; 
Guanajuato,  911  sq.  1.,  pop.  517,300;  Valladolid,  3,447  sq.  1.,  pop.  370,400; 
Mexico,  5,927  sq.  1.,  pop.  l",511,900;  Puebla,  2,696  sq.  1.,  pop.  813,300;  Vera 
Cruz,  4,141  sq.  1.,  pop.  156,000;  Oajaca,  4,447  sq.  1.,  pop.  534,800;  Menda, 
5,977  sq.  1.,  pop.  465,800.  Adding  the  three  provinces:  New  Mexico,  5,709 
sq.  1.,  pop.  40,200;  Antigua  California,  7.295  sq.  1.,  pop.  9,000;  Nueva  Cali- 
fornia, 2,125  sq.  1.,  pop.  15,600.  Totals,  118,478  sq.  1.,  pop.  5,837,100. 
Humboldt,  Versuch,  i.  no.  3,  14-245;  Id.,  Essai  Polil.,  145-60. 


45G  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

ters  of  government,  judiciary,  and  finances,  respec- 
tively; but  was  independent  in  his  military  position, 
being  clothed  with  the  title  of  captain-general.  The 
expediency  of  creating  the  office  of  intendente  corre- 
gidor  for  the  province  of  Mexico  was  suggested  to  the 
crown  by  several  viceroys.15 

Soon  after  the  king's  government  learned  of  the 
death  of  Viceroy  Galvez,  it  sent  out  a  temporary  ap- 
pointment to  Doctor  Alonso  Nunez  cle  Haro  y  Pe- 
ralta,16  a  member  of  the  royal  council,  and  archbishop 
of  Mexico,  who  thus  became  the  fiftieth  viceroy.17 
The  archbishop  was  a  native  of  Villagarcia,  of  the 
diocese  of  Cuenca  in  Spain,  born  on  the  31st  of  Octo- 
ber 1729.  He  began  his  literary  studies  in  the  uni- 
versity of  Toledo,  and  finished  them  at  Bologna, 
where  he  subsequently  was  rector  of  the  college  of 
San  Clemente.  Later  he  became  professor  of  theol- 
ogy, and  a  doctor  of  divinity  of  the  last  named  college, 
and  of  the  university  of  Avila.  This  honor  he  re- 
ceived when  only  eighteen  years  of  age.  Haro  was  a 
great  linguist,  having  a  thorough  knowledge  of  He- 
brew, Chaldean,  Greek,  and  Latin,  and  being  able  to 
converse  and  write  with  as  much  ease  and  perfection 
in  Italian  and  French18  as  in  his  native  tongue.  When 
still  very  young  he  paid  a  visit  to  Rome,  and  Benedict 
XIV.  was  so  much  pleased  with  his  erudition  that 
he  specially  recommended  him  to  the  royal  prince 
Luis  de  Borbon,  cardinal-archbishop  of  Toledo,  and 
primate  of  Spain.  In  after  years  Doctor  Haro  filled 
several  high  ecclesiastical  positions,  acquiring  an  en- 
viable reputation  for  learning  and  pulpit  eloquence, 

15  Marquina,  Instruc.  al  Vir.  Iturrigaray,  1803,  in  Instruc.  Vireyes,  204. 

le Dlsposlciones  V arias,  iii.  43;  Alzate,  Gaz.,  ii.  412,  iii.  3.  I  possess  his 
autograph  signature  in  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  v.  4,  and  in  Doc.  Hides., 
Mex.,  MS.,  no.  7. 

17  There  is  nothing  to  explain  why  the  audiencia,  without  having  offended, 
was  slighted.  The  only  reason  that  may  be  adduced  is  that  the  marques  de 
Sonora  meant  the  appointment  of  Haro  to  be  a  mark  of  esteem  for  the  high 
honor  and  consideration  he  had  extended  to  his  nephew. 

l6Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  199-200.  A  distinguished  author  and  theologian. 
Gaz.  Mex.  (1800-1),  x.  137-8. 


THE  FIFTIETH  VICEROY.  457 

until  in  1771  Carlos  III.  nominated  him  to  succeed 
Lorenzana  as  archbishop  of  Mexico.  The  pope,  Clem- 
ent XIV.,  on  issuing  his  confirmatory  bulls,  granted 
the  new  appointee  more  powers,  indulgences,  and 
favors  than  any  of  his  predecessors  ever  had,  and  the 
congregation  cle  propaganda  fide  trusted  him  with  a 
delicate  commission. 

The  new  prelate  arrived  in  Vera  Cruz  the  12th  of 
September,  1772 ;  he  was  consecrated  in  Puebla  on  the 
13th,  and  on  the  22d  assumed  the  government  of  the 
archdiocese,  devoting  from  that  time  his  talents  and 
energies  to  the  faithful  discharge  of  his  duties,  and  soon 
winning  for  himself  the  respect  and  love  of  his  flock. 
Among  the  tasks  that  he  completed  under  the  king's 
special  instructions  were  the  by-laws  for  the  foundling- 
house  in  Mexico,  which  his  predecessor  had  been  un- 
able to  do.  For  this  and  for  the  monthly  pension  of 
two  hundred  pesos  which  he  bestowed  on  that  estab- 
lishment, the  king  manifested  his  satisfaction.  With 
the  royal  approval  he  founded  in  the  old  novitiate  house 
of  the  Jesuits  in  Tepozotlan  an  ecclesiastic  college, 
amply  endowing  it.  The  college  was  in  many  respects 
superior  to  any  institution  of  the  kind  in  the  mother 
country. 

During  the  desolating  epidemic  of  1779  he  seconded 
the  viceroy  in  every  way,  making  most  generous  pro- 
vision for  the  indigent  sick;  and  while  the  scourge 
lasted,  one  year  and  four  months,  he  supported  at  his 
own  cost  a  well  provided  hospital  with  400  beds.19 

19 At  the  end  of  that  calamity  Haro  resolved  to  make  the  hospital,  named 
San  Andres,  a  permanent  establishment,  and  between  Sept.  26,  1784,  and 
Feb.  10,  1790,  he  expended  upon  it  nearly  $-160,000  without  asking  any  aid. 
The  same  large-hearted  philanthropy  was  again  shown  by  him  during  the 
small-pox  epidemic  of  1797,  as  president  of  the  chief  board  of  charity;  he 
then  gave  $12,000  to  the  above  named  hospital,  and  $12,000  more  for  the  in- 
digent that  could  not  go  to  it.  He  specially  rewarded  priests  who  became 
prominent  in  affording  spiritual  and  material  relief  to  the  sick  poor.  To  his 
activity  and  pious  zeal  was  due  the  rapid  construction  of  the  new  convent 
of  Capuchin  nuns  in  the  town  of  Guadalupe  with  every  improvement  and 
convenience  for  children  and  their  teachers.  To  that  work  Haro  contributed 
upwards  of  $46,000  in  four  years,  besides  liberally  giving  toward  its  support 
till  his  death.  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  201.  This  author  refers  for  his  informa- 
tion to  Flores,  Resumen  hist,  de  la  vida,  conducta  pastoral  y  politica  of  Arch- 
bishop Haro. 


458  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

In  1785  serious  injury  befell  the  country  from 
heavy  frosts.  Haro,  in  conjunction  with  the  conde 
do  Galvez,  rendered  all  possible  aid,  placing  at  the 
disposal  of  the  curates  in  the  tierra  caliente,  Huas- 
teca,  and  the  Sierra,  nearly  $100,000  to  be  distrib- 
uted among  the  ruined  agriculturists.  The  results 
were  so  satisfactory  that  the  prelate  not  only  won 
the  gratitude  of  those  benefited,  but  also  the  king's 
warmest  commendations  and  thanks.20 

With  such  a  record  Haro  y  Peralta  was  certainly 
entitled  to  the  mark  of  confidence  reposed  in.  him  in 
being  called  to  the  temporary  rule  over  New  Spain 
by  the  royal  order  of  February  25,  1787.  He  took 
possession  of  the  office  on  the  8th  of  May,21  and 
held  it  until  the  16th  of  August  of  the  same  year. 
Within  his  short  rule  he  brought  to  an  end  all  the 
affairs  that  the  former  viceroy  had  left  pending  at  his 
death,  and  likewise  all  those  that  from  day  to  day 
were  submitted  to  his  consideration  for  despatch. 
He  forwarded  Doctor  Sesse's  plan  of  a  botanic  gar- 
den, and  resolved  the  difficult  matter  of  the  inten- 
dencias,  from  which  much  benefit  to  the  native  race 
was  expected.  In  this  he  encountered  some  trouble, 
but  managed  to  calm  the  excited  passions  of  those 
whose  interests  were  injured  by  the  innovation;  and 
while  the  royal  behests  were  fully  carried  out,  the 
dignity  of  the  ruler  was  also  upheld.22  He  placed 
in  Habana  and  La  Guaira  large  amounts  of  money 
for  the  purchase  of  negroes  from  the  English  dealers. 
He  declined  to  draw  his  salary.  He  discharged  the 
viceregal  as  he  had  the  pastoral  duties,  with  tact  and 
uprightness,  his  fine  education  and  elegant  manners 
aiding  at  all  times  to  enhance  the  merit  of  his  acts. 

20  A  royal  order  of  May  19,  178G,  says  that  the  king's  heart  was  filled  with 
joy  on  seeing  how  munificently  his  vassals  had  been  succored.  He  was  fully 
satisfied  that  Haro's  appointment  to  Mexico  had  been  a  most  judicious  one. 

J1  The  baton  of  command  was  delivered  him  at  the  top  of  the  stairs  in  the 
corridors  of  the  palace;  thence  he  went  to  the  hall  of  the  real  acuerdo,  where 
he  took  the  oath  of  office  administered  by  the  secretary  of  the  audiencia,  Jos6 
Mariano  Villaseca.  Gaz.  de  Mcx.  (17SG-7),  ii.  354;  Gomez,  JDiario,  211-13. 

21  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monnm.  Dom.  Esp.t  MS.,  130. 


TWENTY-FIFTH  ARCHBISHOP.  459 

The  king  in  council,  wishing  to  reward  his  efficiency 
and  rectitude,  directed  that,  after  his  surrender  of  the 
viceregal  office  and  its  appendages  to  his  successor, 
there  should  he  continued  to  him  the  address  of  Ex- 
celentisimo  e  Ilustrisimo  Senor,  and  the  honors  of  a 
captain-general,  the  viceroy's  guard  paying  him 
during  the  rest  of  his  life  the  same  honors  as  when 
he  held  the  office  of  viceroy.  And  this  was  done, 
although  his  successor  was  churlish  enough  to  make 
objection.  Not  content  with  that,  the  king  conferred 
on  him  the  grand  cross  of  the  royal  and  distinguished 
order  of  Carlos  III.  The  seat  in  the  royal  council, 
must  have  been  given  him  at  a  much  earlier  date.23 

The  archbishop's  course  and  exemplary  life  through- 
out his  twenty-eight  years  of  service  had  made  him 
highly  esteemed  at  court,  as  was  evident  in  upward 
of  one  hundred  and  ten  royal  cedulas,  letters,  and 
other  writings,  from  the  king's  ministers  and  council, 
which  conveyed  the  approval  of  some  act,  and  the 
appreciation  of  his  merits.24  After  a  year's  painful 
illness  the  prelate  died  on  the  26th  of  May,  1800,  at 
the  age  of  seventy  years,  an  event  that  caused  the 
deepest  sorrow  throughout  all  classes.     He  was  the 

23  Among  the  printed  works  of  that  period  in  which  he  is  mentioned  with 
these  honors  is  Xarosehard,  Josef  a,  Version  parafrdstica.  The  archbishop's 
efforts  and  large  donations  were  not  confined  to  benevolent,  religious,  and 
educational  purposes.  For  the  construction  of  a  dockyard  on  the  Alvarado 
River  he  gave  $80,000;  for  the  wars  against  France  and  England,  $100,000 
and  $90,000  respectively;  for  printing  the  work  entitled  Flora  Americana ■„ 
$2,000;  for  a  statue  of  Carlos  IV.,  $6,000;  besides  other  considerable  sums, 
including  $37,000  for  enlarging  the  archiepiscopal  palace,  and  $24,009  in  aid 
of  the  poor  stricken  by  small-pox  in  1797.  None  of  the  above  contributions 
includes  the  annual  and  monthly  alms  he  gave,  nor  his  large  presents  to 
his  cathedral  church,  nor  the  cost  of  gold  and  silver  medals  that  he  caused 
to  be  struck  and  sent  to  Spain  to  commemorate  Carlos  IV. 's  elevation  to  the 
throne.  During  his  episcopacy  Haro  confirmed  in  parishes  of  his  archdiocese 
nearly  700,000  persons,  and  ordained  11,197  priests,  of  whom  6,958  were 
secular  and  4,239  regular  of  the  several  religious  orders.  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex., 
203-5. 

21  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  461;  Id.,  Hist.  Jalapa,  149;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii. 
app.  77-8.  Bustamante,  who  was  not  given  to  glorifying  the  men  who  held 
power  during  the  Spanish  domination,  does  full  justice  to  the  purity  of  pur- 
pose and  valuable  services  to  Mexico  of  this  distinguished  man:  '  Su  memoria 
sera  suave  a  la  posteridad,  excitara  sentimientos  de  justa  gratitud  y  alabanza.' 
Suplcm.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  iii.  193.  'Pastor  espiritual,  el  mas  celoso  y 
caritativo  ejemplo  de  Padre  de  todos.'  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.. 
MS.,  55. 


4G0  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 


twenty-fifth  archbishop  of  Mexico,  and  his  funeral 
was  marked  by  the  usual  pomp. 


25 


New  Spain  during  the  eighteenth  century  was  vis- 
ited by  calamities  in  various  forms — epidemics,  of 
which  I  have  spoken  elsewhere,  storms  and  floods,28 
and  last,  and  yet  more  destructive  and  terrorizing, 
earthquakes,  the  severest  of  which  were  probably 
those  experienced  between  the  28th  of  March  and 
the  17th  of  April,  1787,27  in  the  city  of  Mexico  and 

25  Del  Barrio,  Panegirico  Oratio;  Cdndamo,  G.  G.,  Sermon  de  honras; 
Camas,  R.,  Oration  funebre;  Nunez,  lid.,  Relation  de  la  fun.  cerem. 

26  In  1762  the  city  of  Guanajuato  had  a  flood  brought  on  by  heavy  rains, 
which  destroyed  her  best  buildings,  temples,  mines,  etc.  Reales  (Jedulas, 
MS.,  i.  8.  Snow  fell  in  Mexico — a  very  rare  phenomenon — the  2d  of  Febru- 
ary, 1767,  doing  some  damage.  Alzate,  Gacetas,  ii.  311.  An  inundation  in 
Guanajuato  July  27,  1780,  made  it  necessary  to  raise  the  level  of  the  greater 
part  of  that  city,  and  many  fine  edifices  were  accordingly  buried.  Romero, 
Mich.,  159.  From  15th  to  20th  December,  1783,  Teutitlan  del  Valle  had 
heavy  storms  of  sleet — a  strange  spectacle  for  that  region — which  did  great 
damage  among  the  flocks  of  sheep  and  grain-fields.  They  were  followed  on 
the  21st  by  a  tremendous  rain,  half  an  hour  before  which  a  subterranean 
rumbling  was  heard  which  filled  the  people  thereabout  with  fear.  Gaz.  de 
Mex.  (1784-5),  i.  10. 

27  The  10th  of  March,  1727,  was  a  fatal  day  for  Oajaca  City,  which  was 
visited  by  terrific  shocks.  Many  buildings  were  thrown  down,  and  others  so 
much  injured  that  they  had  to  be  demolished.  The  18th  had  been  fixed  for 
public  prayers  and  a  procession,  when  in  its  midst  a  still  more  violent  shock 
than  any  preceding  occurred,  frightening  and  dispersing  the  people;  fortu- 
nately, there  was  no  loss  of  life.  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  226-7.  On 
the  4th  of  April,  1768,  at  about  6:30  in  the  morning,  the  city  of  Mexico  had 
a  shock;  no  record  existed  of  any  previous  one  of  like  force.  The  foun- 
tains were  half  emptied  by  the  earth's  vibrations.  It  lasted  over  seven  min- 
utes. Not  a  building,  large  or  small,  but  showed  the  ravages  caused  by  the 
unwelcome  visitor.  The  shock  was  also  felt  in  the  town  of  Nativitad  Ixtlala; 
the  ground  opened,  and  out  of  the  fissure,  which  was  of  about  12  inches  in 
width,  and  of  great  depth,  rushed  a  stormy  wind  for  a  while.  Alzate,  Gacetas, 
ii.  27-35,  445,  448.  In  August,  1773,  a  severe  earthquake  so  damaged  sev- 
eral bridges  in  and  about  Mexico  City  that  guards  were  placed  to  prevent  the 
passage  of  laden  vehicles.  April  21,  1776,  the  city  was  again  scourged  in  the 
same  manner.  The  archbishop  fled  to  Guadalupe;  the  viceroy  bivouacked  in 
his  garden;  the  wealthiest  citizens  abandoned  their  houses,  some  sleeping  out- 
side of  the  city  in  their  coaches,  others  in  the  ranchos  of  the  suburbs.  The 
people  generally  betook  themselves  to  prayer  and  penitence.  The  shocks  in 
Mexico  lasted  20  days,  and  in  other  parts  about  50.  The  havoc  to  buildings 
everywhere  was  great.  Acapulco  was  almost  entirely  destroyed.  Even  small 
houses  were  thrown  down,  and  just  back  of  the  town,  part  of  a  hill  top  slid 
away.  Kscamilla,  Noticias  Curiosas  de  Guat.,  40;  Masson,  Olla  Podrida,  90. 
The  following  year,  at  about  12:18  in  the  night  of  the  8th-9th  of  October  a 
terrific  shock  lasting  ninety  seconds  visited  Antigua  Vera  Cruz,  very  much 
damaging  the  church,  which  had  not  been  repaired  yet  in  1782.  Doc.E<'<s. 
Mr,-.,  MS.,  i.  no.  2,  1-52.  Again,  in  1784  on  the  13th  of  January,  Guana- 
juato was  greatly  shaken.  The  shocks  lasted  till  early  in  February;  they 
had  been  preceded  by  such  terrific  subterranean  noises  that  the  people,  fear- 


EARTHQUAKES.  461 

other  places,  and  more  particularly  felt  in  its  effects 
at  the  port  of  Acapulco.  On  the  28th  of  March,  at 
about  seventeen  minutes  past  eleven  in  the  morning, 
the  capital  felt  some  of  the  severest  shocks  that  ever 
befell  that  city.  They  lasted  nearly  six  minutes, 
and  the  vibrations  from  north  to  south  with  some 
inclination  to  the  north-west  were  so  heavy  as  to 
cause  much  injury  to  the  buildings.  A  repetition 
of  the  shocks  occurred  at  12:15,  sometimes  from  east 
to  west,  and  at  others  from  north  to  south.  During 
the  rest  of  the  day  five  more  took  place. 

In  Oajaca  City  the  effects  were,  if  possible,  more 
alarming.  The  first  shock  was  very  strong  at  11:15; 
the  second  being  no  less  severe,  the  endangered  citi- 
zens rushed  to  the  plaza  mayor  as  a  place  affording 
some  safety.  The  damage  to  buildings  was  at  once 
seen.  The  new  and  strongly  built  casas  reales  showed 
large  cracks  in  the  walls,  and  some  of  the  cornices 
had  fallen.  The  prisoners  in  the  jail,  some  two  hun- 
dred and  twenty,  implored  removal,  which  was  at- 
tended to  with  the  requisite  precautions.  Measures 
were  promptly  taken  by  the  authorities  for  the  pro- 
tection of  life  and  property,  and  to  avoid  unnecessary 
confusion.  During  the  whole  of  that  day  and  the 
29th  the  quaking  of  the  earth  ceased  only  at  short 
intervals.  It  continued  with  increasing  force  on  the 
30th  till  11:30  in  the  morning,  when  it  stopped,  but 
only  to  begin  anew  more  severely  at  four  in  the  after- 
noon. A  more  tremendous  shock  than  the  first  one 
of  the  28th  took  place  at  11  o'clock  that  night,  and 

ing  that  a  volcano  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  out,  fled  in  confusion,  leaving 
most  of  their  valuables  behind.  All  the  efforts  of  the  authorities,  both  civil 
and  ecclesiastic,  to  check  the  exodus  were  unavailing,  and  finally,  200  men 
were  put  under  arms  to  keep  the  inhabitants  in.  After  a  month  the  noise 
ceased;  it  had  been  like  that  of  a  heavy  wagon  on  a  gravel  road,  terminating 
in  a  loud  detonation.  Then  the  self-exiled  returned  to  their  homes  to  suffer 
from  want  of  food,  which  traders  had  feared  to  bring.  Some  supposed  the 
noise  to  have  been  caused  by  large  rocks  that  disengaged  themselves  from 
some  mountain-top  near  by.  Gaz.  de  Mex.  (1784-5),  i.  15,  16,  18-19,  27;  Mar- 
tinez, Sermon  de  Gracias,  1-23;  Romero,  Mich.,  168-9;  Dice.  Univ.  Hist. 
Geo<j.,  iii.  720-1;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  641-2.  On  the  26th  of  July  of  the 
same  year,  in  the  city  of  Mexico  was  felt  a  strong  vibration.  Alzate,  Gacetas. 
,iv.  381. 


402 


MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 


injured  still  more  the  casas  reales  and  other  edificct. 
This  dreadful  state  of  things  continued  till  daybreak 
on  the  31st,  when  only  a  slight  motion  was  felt.  IrA\ 
the  afternoon  at  five  o'clock,  after  a  violent  hurricane, 
there  fell  a  heavy  rain.  A  rumor  was  circulated  that 
the  San  Felipe  hill,  distant  about  three  miles  from 
the  city,  and  supposed  to  be  filled  with  water,  had 
burst  open,  and  so  great  was  the  terror  which  seized 
the  people,  that  they  fled  in  the  direction  of  other 
hills.  It  was  only  with  much  difficulty  that  the  au- 
thorities convinced  them  of  their  mistake  and  induced 
them  to  return.     The   motion   of  the   earth    ceased 


Oajaca. 

on  the  3d  of  April,  when  opportunity  was  offered  to 
inspect  the  damages.  Besides  the  royal  houses,  the 
cathedral,  the  convents  of  La  Merced  and  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  many  other  fine  buildings  had  greatly  suf- 
fered. Nearly  all  the  families  had  sought  shelter 
under  tents  raised  by  them  in  the  plazas  and  open 
fields  near  the  city.  Fortunately  there  were  no  cas- 
ualties, and,  thanks  to  the  timely  measures  adopted, 
no  scarcity  of  food,  or  robberies.28 

28 The  audiencia,  then  governing  the  kingdom,  and  the  local  authorities  al 
the  respective  places  had  prayers  made  to  heaven  for  mercy  and  the  cessation 
of  the  Bconrge.  Oca.  de  M6x.  (1786V7),  ii.  3-27-31;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comi>.  J( 
iii.  220;  Carriedo,  Edudios  Hid.,  ii.  107. 


OTHER  FEARFUL  PHENOMENA. 


463 


From  Acapulco  the  commander  of  the  fort  reported 
a  strange  action  of  the  sea,  which  receded  and  then 
advanced,  without  forming  high  waves,  at  mid-day; 
after  two  o'clock,  it  would  recede  ten  feet  in  four 
minutes,  and  rise  again  the  same  distance  in  six 
minutes.  Over  one  hundred  yards  of  beach  were  left 
bare  each  time  the  waters  retired.  At  four  in  the 
afternoon  the  sea  rose  twelve  feet,  overflowing  the 


MlCHOACAN   AND   GUERRERO. 


pier  and  some  houses.  The  royal  treasure  was  re- 
moved to  the  hospital,  and  the  merchants  removed 
their  goods  for  safety.  This  alarming  action  of  the 
ocean  lasted  twenty-four  hours,  the  agitation  of  the 
waters  becoming  less  and  less  after  five  o'clock.  A 
large  quantity  of  live-stock  was  carried  off  .by  the  sea. 
The  earthquakes  with  their  consequent  damages  were 
also  experienced  in  Teutitlan  del  Yalle.  In  Vera  Cruz, 
Chilapa,  and  many  other  places  the  people  were  sub- 


4G4  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

jcctcd  to  the  same  alarms,  but  no  serious  damage 
seems  to  have  been  done  to  property. 

Imaginary  afflictions  were  not  wanting.  A  brilliant 
meteor  was  observed  about  seven  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing of  the  24th  of  January,  1678,  running  from  west 
to  east,  and  made  the  city  lights  look  pale  and  sickly; 
it  disappeared  after  passing  the  meridian,  previous  to 
which  it  threw  out  sparks  of  a  red  color  similar  to 
those  of  a  rocket.  No  report  was  heard  in  Mexico, 
but  the  people  of  Tacubaya  and  other  places  asserted 
that  they  had  clearly  heard  it,  and  felt  much  alarmed. 
Between  seven  and  eight  in  the  evening  of  November 
14,  l789,29an  aurora  borealis  was  seen,  which  covered 
a  large  portion  of  the  hemisphere  on  the  north  side. 
Surely  the  end  of  all  things  was  at  hand.  The  heav- 
enly lire  attained  its  greatest  intensity  an  hour  later, 
when  red  and  yellow  light  glared  threateningly.  In 
yet  another  hour  it  had  disappeared,  leaving  New 
Spain  unscorched. 

The  fifty-first  viceroy,  Manuel  Antonio  Florez,30 
was  a  lieutenant-general,  or  vice-admiral  of  the  royal 
navy,  a  knight  of  the  order  of  Calatrava,  and  com- 
mander of  Molinos  and  Laguna-rota  of  the  same  order. 
He  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  on  the  line  of  battle  ship 
San  Julian,  after  a  voyage  of  fifty-six  days,  on  the 
18th  of  July,  1787,  bringing  his  family,  one  of  whom 
was  Lieutenant-colonel  Joseph  Florez,  who  had  the 
appointment  of  castellano,  or  commandant  of  the  fort 
at  Acapulco.31 

™Ahate,  Gacetas,  i.  231-4;  iv.  445;  Gaz.  de  Mej.  (1788-9),  iii.  432-3; 
Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Msp.,  MS.,  140. 

30  The  list  of  his  names  as  appearing  at  the  head  of  all  his  edicts,  were, 
besides  the  above,  Maldonado  Martinez  de  Angulo  y  Bodquin.  I  possess  sev- 
eral of  the  rubricas  or  scrolls  that  he  usually  added  to  his  signature.  During 
his  rule  the  king,  to  relieve  him  of  much  labor,  allowed  that  he  should  affix 
only  his  media  jirma,  that  is  to  say,  his  first  surname  with  the  scroll,  to  public 
documents  that  were  neither  warrants  nor  orders  in  any  way  involving  pay- 
ment of  moneys  out  of  the  royal  treasury,  nor  original  despatches  to  the  sov- 
ereign, his  ministers  or  council.  Disposiciones  Varices,!.  65,  ii.  11.  Cedulario, 
M.S.,  i.  154. 

31  This  officer  resigned  that  command  after  a  while.  He  married  in  Mex- 
ico a  lady  of  the  Teran  family.     In  later  years  he  became  conde  de  Casa- 


FIFTY-FIRST  VICEROY.  4G5 

The  tidings  of  the  vicero}^'s  arrival  at  the  port 
reached  the  capital  on  the  21st.  On  the  14th  of 
August  the  real  acuerdo  paid  its  last  official  visit  to 
Archbishop  Flaro,  as  viceroy.  The  latter  on  the  16th 
surrendered  the  baton  to  his  successor  at  the  town  of 
San  Cristobal  de  Ecatepec,  where,  as  well  as  in  Gua- 
dalupe, the  incoming  viceroy  was  splendidly  enter- 
tained. On  the  17th  he  entered  the  city  of  Mexico 
amid  salvos  of  artillery  and  the  enthusiastic,  hearty 
greeting  of  the  people,  the  troops  lining  both  sides 
of  the  procession.32  He  proceeded  direct  to  the 
council  chamber,  where,  his  three  commissions  as  vice- 
roy-governor, president  of  the  audiencia,  and  captain- 
general  having  been  read,  the  oath  of  office  was 
solemnly  administered  to  him.  The  rest  of  that  day 
and  night  and  the  two  following  ones  were  spent  in 
receiving  and  returning  visits  of  ceremony,  in  attend- 
ing banquets,  and  general  amusement.33 

On  the  21st  the  late  viceroy  was  closeted  in  con- 
sultation on  public  affairs  with  Florez  nearly  three 
hours.  The  business  of  the  ministerio  general  de 
Indias  having  become  in  1787  extensive  and  com- 
plicated,  the  king  resolved  to  divide  it,  placing  judicial 
and  ecclesiastic  affairs  in  charge  of  one  department, 
and  the  military  and  financial  together  with  commerce 
and  navigation  in  that  of  another;  a  secretary  of  state 
presiding  over  each  of  the  departments.  Viceroy 
Florez  had  filled  the  same  position  in  Santa  Fe  de 
Bogota,  and  was  therefore  familiar  with  its  powers  and 
duties ;  but  in  Mexico  he  found  a  complete  change  in 
the  system  of  administration,  owing  to  the  establish- 
ment of  the  intendencias  and  the  creation  of  a  super- 
intendente  delegado  de  hacienda  in  the  person  of 
Fernando    Mangino,   former   chief  of  the    mint,  by 

Florez,  viceroy  of  Buenos  Aires,  and  ambassador  at  the  French  court.  From 
him  descended  one  of  the  first  families  of  Mexico.  Alaman,  DiserL,  iii.  app. 
79. 

32  He  allowed  the  halberdiers  who  rode  by  the  side  of  his  coach  to  go  with- 
out their  halberds,  only  with  sword  in  hand.  This  was  a  favor.  Gomez,  Dla- 
rio,  278-80. 

™Gaz.  de  Hex.  (1786-7),  ii.  397-8. 
Hisi.  Mex.,  Vol.  HI.    30 


406  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

which  the  viceregal  functions  had  been  very  much 
curtailed,  in  fact,  reduced  to  but  little  else  than  pre- 
siding over  the  audiencia,  and  directing  military 
matters.  Without  complaint,  however,  he  devoted  his 
attention  to  this  latter  branch  of  the  royal  service, 
introducing  many  improvements,  and  employing  the 
forces  to  the  best  advantage. 

After  the  death  of  the  once  powerful  Jose  de  Gal- 
vez,  marques  de  Sonora,  the  policy  of  the  king's 
government  underwent  a  change.  The  superinten- 
dency  of  the  exchequer  was  again  given  to  the  vice- 
roy,31 and  Mangino  was  called  to  the  royal  council. 
The  crown,  heeding  the  clamor  from  the  frontier  pro- 
vinces and  the  viceroy's  urgent  advice,  empowered 
him  to  wage  a  relentless  war  upon  the  wild  tribes. 
Florez,  accordingly,  in  1788  and  1789  made  constant 
warfare  against  the  Apaches,  Lipans,  and  Mescaleros 
until  they  were  subdued,  the  peace  lasting  for  many 
years.35  The  viceroy  promoted  the  officers  who  had 
rendered  efficient  service  in  the  campaign,  not  for- 
getting the  rank  and  file,  to  whom  deserved  rewards 
were  given.  He  was  now  compelled  to  look  after  the 
expeditions  sent  to  the  Pacific  by  the  English  and 
Americans,  and  to  watch  the  Russians  in  Califor- 
nia. He  gave  strict  orders  to  the  governor  of  this 
province,  the  commandants  at  San  Bias  and  Acapulco, 
and  the  other  local  authorities  on  the  Pacific,  and  re- 
quested the  president  of  Guatemala  to  arrest,  if  possi- 
ble, all  such  exploring  ships  and  their  crews  as  came 
within  their  respective  jurisdictions.  During  this 
rule  two  exploring  expeditions  were  despatched  from 
San  Bias  to  the  Northwest  Coast.  Full  details  on 
these  matters  are  given  in  other  parts  of  this  history. 
Florez  did  not  confine  himself  to  war;  he  favored 
letters,  and  was  a  friend  to  the  scientific  and  literary 
men  of  Mexico.     He  endeavored  to  carry  out  the 

34  Florps,  Tnstrric.,\\\In$trueciones  Vir.,  119. 

35  Real  Orden,  March  11,  1788,  in  Mayer's  MSS.,  no.  1;  Escudero,  Not. 
■  Son.,  71;  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Trea  Siglos,  iii.  82. 


RETIREMENT  OF  FLOREZ.  4C7 

project  of  creating  a  botanic  garden,  together  with 
an  institute  for  lectures,  a  library,  etc.,  but  the  heavy 
expenditure  that  must  be  incurred  checked  these 
enterprises. 

At  this  time  the  treasury  had  much  trouble  in 
meeting  the  outflow  resulting  from  various  causes 
beyond  Elorez'  control.  In  1787  the  revenue  had 
decreased  considerably,  and  left  a  deficit  of  nearly  one 
million  dollars,  though  Florez  had  remitted  ten  mill- 
ions. Being  unable  to  finish  the  palace  of  Chapulte- 
pec  he  recommended  that  it  should  be  sold,  or  that 
the  surplus  from  the  liquor  revenue  should  be  applied 
to  its  completion.  The  old  palace  at  the  foot  of  the  hill 
was  now  a  mass  of  ruins.  The  health  of  the  viceroy 
had  been  bad  during  the  most  of  the  time  of  his  ad- 
ministration. He  suffered  from  hypochondria,  which 
restricted  his  efforts.36  Consequently,  on  the  26th  of 
September,  1788,  he  petitioned  the  king  to  relieve 
him  of  his  office  and  permit  his  return  to  Spain. 
This  was  granted  in  a  royal  order  of  February  22, 
1789,  with  the  condition  that  he  should  remain  in 
Mexico  till  his  successor  arrived.37  The  crown,  how- 
ever, in  order  to  show  its  appreciation  of  Florez' 
services  in  Mexico,  relieved  him  from  the  usual 
residencia,  and  directed  that  six  months'  pay  of  a 
viceroy  should  be  placed  at  his  disposal  from  the 
royal  treasury,  to  take  him  back  to  Spain.38  He  ac- 
cordingly left  Mexico  on  the  5th  of  October  for  Gua- 
dalupe, refusing  the  honors  paid  to  viceroys  on  such 
occasions.39  After  delivering  the  command  to  his 
successor,  on  the  19th  he  started  for  Vera  Cruz,  re- 
maining in  Jalapa  till  November,  when  he  embarked 
for  Spain  on  the  ship  of  the  line  San  Roman. 

86  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Bom.  Esp.,  MS.,  56. 

37  Alaman  believes  that  his  son's  marriage  into  a  family  permanently  set- 
tled in  Mexico,  contributed  not  a  little  to  the  prompt  acceptance  of  the  resig- 
nation; the  policy  of  the  government  being  opposed  to  high  officials  or  their 
immediate  connections  relating  themselves  so  closely  with  permanent  settlers 
in  the  country  where  they  held  office. 

38  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  82. 

39  Gomez,  Diario,  326-7. 


4C8  MEXICO  UNDER  A  REORGANIZED  SYSTEM. 

The  death  of  Cdrlos  III.,  which  occurred  the 
14th  of  December,  1788,  was  officially  announced  in 
Mexico  the  23d  of  March  in  the  following  year.  The 
viceroy,  as  well  as  the  ayuntamiento,  calling  itself 
"cabildo,  justicia  y  regimiento  de  esta  imperial  cortc, 
cabeza  de  todos  los  Reinos  y  Provincias  de  la  Nucva 
Espafia,"  on  the  same  day  directed  solemn  obsequies, 
and  public  prayers  for  the  soul  of  the  deceased  mon- 
arch; all  citizens  and  dwellers  in  the  country  except- 
ing dependants,  servants,  and  Indians,  were  to  wear 
mourning,  provided  at  their  own  expense,  during 
six  months.  The  Indians  were  exempted  on  account 
of  poverty,  and  left  to  use  such  signs  of  sorrow  as  they 
wished,  or  their  small  means  allowed.40  The  prelim- 
inary ceremonies  took  place  at  9.30  in  the  morning  of 
the  same  day  and  of  the  next  at  the  cathedral,  followed 
by  others  at  the  parish  and  conventual  churches,  till 
9  o'clock  in  the  night  of  the  24th.  Immediately  after 
the  announcement  of  the  death,  five  guns  were  fired, 
followed  by  one  every  fifteen  minutes.  The  balconies 
of  the  government  and  other  principal  buildings  were 
dressed  with  damask,  its  bright  color  beinof  relieved 
by  black  crape.  The  26th  and  27th  of  May  were  fixed 
by  the  viceroy,  audiencia,  and  archbishop  for  the 
obsequies.  These  were  held  with  the  greatest  possi- 
ble magnificence,  the  archbishop  officiating,  and  the 
viceroy  and  other  authorities  of  all  ranks  attending 
them,  the  military  also  taking  a  prominent  part.  The 
ceremonies  were  repeated  with  much  solemnity  at  the 
Santo  Domingo  convent  in  Mexico,  and  at  all  the  chief 
cities  and  towns  in  the  country.41 

Soon  after  the  death  of  Carlos  III.  his  son  Carlos 
IV.  ascended  the  throne,  having  been  duly  recognized 
as  the  rightful  successor.     Viceroy  Florez  had  been 

40  Disposiciones  Varias,  i.  66;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  79-80. 

41  Gaz.  de  Alex.  (1788-9),  iii.  278-9,  302-3,  324-5;  Realea  Exequicm  en  Id 
Sta  Catedral,  1-13,  and  i.-xxxiv.  1-29;  Carlos  III.,  Jiealcs  Exequias,  May 
26-7,  1789;  Carlos  III.,  lieales  Ex.  en  Guadalajara;  Carlos  III.,  Puulcs  Ex. 
eu  Puebla. 


IMPOSING  CEREMONIES.  4G9 

duly  apprised  of  this  fact  on  the  23d  of  December 
1788,  the  king  manifesting  a  wish  that  the  expenses 
to  be  incurred  at  the  festivities  to  celebrate  his  acces- 
sion should  be  moderate,  so  as  to  relieve  his  faithful 
vassals  from  unnecessary  burdens.  The  proclamation 
of  the  new  king  was  first  officially  made  in  Mexico 
on  the  27th  of  December  1789,42  and  on  the  23d  of 
January  1790  the  intendente-corregidor  published  an 
edict  to  notify  the  people  of  the  capital  that  from  the 
25th  to  the  28th  of  January,  and  from  the  1st  to  the 
7th  of  February  feasts  were  to  be  held.  The  pro- 
gramme included  high  mass  and  other  religious  rites, 
swearing  allegiance  to  the  sovereign,  banquets,  balls, 
public  illuminations,  fireworks,  bull  fights,  and  tourna- 
ments. Befitting  literary  exercises  were  held  at  the 
university. 

The  ceremonies  of  recognition,  and  the  consequent 
festivities,  were  repeated  in  all  the  large  towns,  and 
the  people  everywhere  gave  themselves  up  to  rejoic- 
ing.43 Several  other  times  during  the  century  had 
the  people  of  Mexico  an  opportunity  to  make  mani- 
fest their  loyalty  to  the  crown.  In  1789  and  1791, 
upon  the  birth  of  princesses,  and  in  1796  on  the  oc- 
currence of  the  royal  marriages,  te  deums,  salutes,  and 
amusements  were  in  order.44 

42  A  royal  order  of  September  18,  1789,  reduced  the  number  of  occasions 
that  the  audiencia  was  bound  to  attend  church  feasts  and  other  ceremonies. 
It  also  reiterated  the  royal  order  of  March  14,  17S5,  forbidding  the  second  entry 
by  viceroys.   Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  85-6. 

i3Gaz.  de  Mex.  (1790-1),  iv.  18-19,  26,  30,  33-4,  36-8,  41-43;  Univ.  de 
Mcx.,  Obras  de  eloqiiencia,  several  pages;  Plancarte,  J.,  Sermon  de  Gracias, 
1-26;  Ctirlos  IV.,  Breve  Bel.  de  las  Func.,  1-17,  and  a  cut;  Pmuelas,  P.  Ser- 
mon, 1-14;  Limon,  Ildef.  Gomez,  Sermon,  1-30.  Registro  Yucatero,  ii.  213-19, 
gives  from  an  unpublished  manuscript  an  account  of  the  feasts  that  took 
place  the  21st,  22d,  and  23d  of  April,  1790,  in  Campeche. 

u  Ilevvla  G'ujedo,  Bandos,  nos.  3,  4,  and  47.  In  1796  the  king  granted  a 
general  pardon  to  all  minor  offenders  against  the  laws.   Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  204. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

ADMINISTRATION  OF  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO 
THE    YOUNGER. 

1789-1794. 

Ancient  and  Modern  Population  of  New  Spain  and  the  Capital — 
Chapultepec — Palace  of  Viceroy  Galvez — Moral  and  Social  Con- 
dition of  the  Capital— Reforms  Made  by  the  Viceroy— Appear- 
ance of  the  City  in  1800 — Prominent  Buildings — And  Other 
Objects  of  Note — Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedios — Arrival  of 
Revilla  Gigedo — Crimes  and  Quick  Justice— Military  Reforms — 
Indian  Disturbances — The  Viceroy's  Letter-box — Formation  of 
Official  Archives — Intendencias — Effect  of  the  French  Revolu- 
tion on  New  Spain — Recall  of  the  Viceroy — Unjust  Persecu- 
tion— His  Final  Vindication. 

According  to  a  census  taken  in  1790,  by  order  of 
Viceroy  Re  villa  Gigedo  the  younger,  the  population 
of  the  intendencia  of  Mexico  then  exceeded  1,500,000, 
and  that  of  the  capital  was  little  short  of  1 13,000;* 
and  yet  it  is  probable  that  the  latter  estimate  was 
little  more  than  one  third  of  the  number  of  inhabi- 
tants that  peopled  Tenochtitlan  immediately  before 

1 112,926,  according  to  the  tabular  statement  of  this  census  in  Gaceta 
Mex.,  v.  8.  It  was  considered,  however,  that  this  count  fell  short  by  about 
one  sixth.  Humboldt,  basing  his  calculation  on  this  census,  estimates  the 
population  at  the  beginning  of  this  centui-y  at  137,000.  Of  these  2,500  were 
Europeans,  65,000  Spanish  Creoles,  33,000  native  Indians,  26,500  mestizos, 
and  10,000  mulattoes.  It  is  probable  that  this  estimate  is  not  too  high, 
though  the  population  of  the  city  was  fluctuating,  being  influenced  by  floods, 
political  disturbances,  and  other  causes.  Moreover,  at  certain  times  the 
capital  would  be  overrun  with  vagrants,  while  at  others  it  would  be  almost 
free  from  them.  Consult  Humboldt,  Tab.  Estad.,  MS.,  7-40;  Id.,  Essai  Pol., 
i.  l!)4-8;  Cancelada,  Ruina,  73-7;  Guia  de  Forasteros,  1797,  197-8;  Ztiiiiga 
y  O.,  Ccdend.,  149-50;  Mex.,  Not.  Chid.,  178-80;  Guerra,  Hev.  de  N.  Esp.% 
i.  31,  335;  Abeja,  Poblana,  75;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Lid.  Libre,  79-80;  Mex.  Or/. 
Division,  passim;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bol.,  ii.  8.  Russell,  Hist.  Amer.,  i.  389 
(London,  1778),  places  the  population  at  80,000. 

(470) 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  CAPITAL.  471 

the  conquest.  It  is,  of  course,  impossible  to  give  the 
population  of  the  ancient  capital  with  any  approach 
to  accuracy;  and,  apart  from  the  records  of  the  chron- 
iclers, we  can  but  draw  our  conclusions  from  the 
number  of  warriors  whom  Cuitlahuatzin  and  Quauh- 
temotzin  arrayed  against  the  Spaniards  and  their 
allies,  from  the  remains  of  walls  and  buildings,  and 
from  what  we  can  ascertain  of  the  circumference  of 
the  city.2 

From  the  4th  of  July  1523,  on  which  date,  it  will 
be  remembered,  a  coat  of  arms  was  presented  to  the 
capital  of  New  Spain  in  consideration  of  its  being 
"  tan  insigne  y  noble,"3  until  the  close  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  the  growth  in  population  had  not  been 
remarkable.  Cortes  in  a  letter  dated  October  15, 
1524,4  intimates,  as  we  have  seen,  that  there  were 
then  30,000  vecinos,  although  this  number  doubtless 
included  many  non-residents,  while  Gomara,  who 
wrote  about  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
makes  mention  of  two  thousand  Spanish  settlers  alone,5 
and  Torquemada,  who  describes  events  that  occurred 
thirty  years  later,  places  the  number  of  Spanish  house- 
holds as  high  as  seven  thousand,  and  of  native 
families  at  eisdit  thousand.  Allowing  for  exawera- 
tion,  it  must  be  said,  therefore,  that  the  progress  of 
the  metropolis  in  this  particular  was  much  smaller 
than  that  of  many  of  the  old-world  capitals  during  a 
similar  period,  and  far  less  than  has  been  made  with- 
in two  or  three  decades  by  many  cities  on  this  conti- 
nent. 

It  requires  no  slight  exercise  of  faith  to  believe 
that  the  modern  capital  which  is  now  distant  about  a 
league  from  the  shore  of  the  lake,  was  built  on  the 

2  As  already  stated  in  my  Native  Races,  ii.  560-61,  the  number  of  houses 
is  variously  given  at  from  30,000  in  Ayalon  to  120,000  in  Torquemada;  and 
according  to  the  most  reliable  estimates  the  population  may  be  set  down  at 
about  300,000. 

3  See  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  17,  this  series.  A  description  of  the  foundation  and 
early  growth  of  the  city  is  given  in  the  opening  chapter  of  that  volume. 

*  Cartas,  309. 
bHist.  Mex.,  236. 


472  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

site  "  where,"  as  Humboldt  says,  "  stood  old  Tenoch- 
titlan,  with  its  numerous  teocallis,  which  rose  toward 
the  sky  like  minarets,  surrounded  by  water  and  cause- 
ways, built  upon  islands  covered  with  vegetation,  and 
with  the  constant  movement  of  thousands  of  boats 
on  the  surface  of  the  lake."  The  main  cause  that 
contributed  to  dry  up  the  lakes  round  the  city,  is  the 
drainage  work  of  Huehuetoca,  of  which  mention  has 
been  made  in  its  place.6  The  destruction  of  the  for- 
ests in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  occasioned  by  the  vast 
consumption  of  lumber  needed  to  rebuild  the  city 
and  for  other  purposes,  of  course '  helped  to  cause  a 
shrinkage  in  the  volume  of  water. 

Chapultepec,  a  historic  spot  in  Aztec  as  well  as 
New  Spain  history,7  alone  retained  its  former  beauty. 
After  the  conquest  the  Spanish  commander  stationed 
there  a  small  garrison  of  Tlascaltecs,  and  from  that 
time  it  became  a  favorite  place  of  resort  for  the  Span- 
iards, as  it  had  formerly  been  of  the  Mexican  em- 
perors.8 Viceroy  Luis  Velasco  dedicated  "to  his 
sovereign  this  forest,  beautiful  place  for  public  recrea- 
tion," and  placed  there  two  greyhounds  that  had  been 
brought  from  Spain  by  Archbishop  Montufar.  These 
multiplied  so  rapidly  that  the  species  after  some  years 
became  quite  common  throughout  New  Spain. 

The  viceroy  Galvez  chose  the  heights  of  Chapulte- 
pec on  which  to  build  a  palace  for  himself  and  his  suc- 
cessors.9 The  design  of  the  structure  was  somewhat 
remarkable.  The  side  facing  Mexico  was  fortified 
with  walls  and  buttresses  capable  of  supporting  can- 
non, though  built  as  though  merely  for  architectural 

6  Page  7  et  seq.,  this  vol. 

7  See  Native  Races,  ii.  1G6-7;  iii.  298;  iv.  502;  v.  295-7,  321-4,  330-1,  340. 

8  The  palace  which  the  Montezumas  built  there  was  used  as  a  powder  fac- 
tory, and  was  blown  up  in  1784,  with  the  loss  of  forty-seven  lives.  Sec  Galvan, 
Calendario,  1838;  Mex.  Gaceta,  Dec.  1,  1784,  supl.;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  54; 
Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.  (torn.  ii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  viii.,  German  cd.)  On  June  5, 
1728,  the  city  council  issued  a  license  to  Juan  Diaz  del  Real,  to  establish  there 
a  house  to  furnish  refreshments  to  visitors  who  '  fueran  a  holgar,  pan  6  vino 
6  otros  mantenimieutos.'  Icazbalceta,  Notas,  in  Salazar,  Alex,  en  1554,  256-7. 

9  The  crown  disapproved  of  the  enormous  expense,  but  too  late,  llealcs 
Cedulas,  MS.,  105-6. 


CHAPULTEPEC  PALACE.  473 

adornment.  On  the  north  were  ditches  and  wide 
souterrains  large  enough  to  contain  stores  for  several 
months.10  When  Galvez  was  wrongfully  suspected 
of  treason,  it  was  thought  that  the  palace  was  in- 
tended to  serve  him  as  a  last  retreat  and  place  of 
defence,  should  European  troops  be  sent  against  him. 
The  structure  remained  unfinished  until  devoted  to 
other  uses  after  the  independence,  and  its  beauty  was 
marred  by  the  addition  of  an  astronomical  observa- 
tory. From  this  point  is  obtained  a  fine  view  of  the 
valley,  and  of  the  city  of  Mexico  with  its  towering 
spires  and  prominent  structures  encircled  with  gar- 
dens, orchards,  country  villas,  and  shaded  causeways.11 

At  the  time  of  Rev  ilia  Gigedo's  arrival  as  viceroy 
of  New  Spain  in  1789,  the  capital  appears  to  have 
been  in  a  demoralized  condition  morally  and  socially. 
"It  had  been  converted/'  says  Bustamante,  "into  a 
receptacle  for  immoral  persons,  coming  from  all  parts 
of  the  country,  and  hiding  with  greater  security  in  the 
capital  than  thieves  in  their  forest  haunts  and  dens; 
they  act  with  impunity  knowing  that  there  is  no  police 
to  interfere  with  their  conduct."  And  in  no  very  flat- 
tering language  this  writer  laments  that  the  city  was 
not  the  capital  of  a  flourishing  empire,  but  "a  cess- 
pool, filthy  and  pestiferous,  with  its  centre  in  the 
principal  square." 

Indeed,  this  plaza  presented  a  singular  appearance. 
Notwithstanding  the  orders  issued  after  the  riot  of 
1692,  its  surface  was  covered  with  booths  and  stands 
of  every  description  and  filled  with  half-naked  huck- 
sters. The  gallows  and  the  pillory  occupied  a  promi- 
nent place  in  front  of  the  viceregal  palace  to  the 
right,  and  the  execution  of  criminals  could  be  wit- 
nessed by  many  thousands  of  spectators.  A  column, 
poorly  constructed  and  crowned  by  a  statue  of  Fer- 

10 Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  202. 

11  More  particulars  concerning  Chapultepec  may  be  found  in  Pevilla  Gigedo, 
Residencia,  MS.,  374-85;  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS.,  128;  Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Flo- 
rida, Col.  Doc,  137;  Temaux-Comp., ser.  ii.  torn.  v.  273;  Dice.  Univ.,  ix.  31- 
5,  385;    Viagero  Univ.,  xxvi.  190  et  seq. 


47 1  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

nanclo  VI.  rose  in  the  centre  of  the  square,  and  on  one 
side  was  the  graveyard  of  the  cathedral.  The  interior 
of  the  viceregal  palace,  which  was  never  closed,  was 
also  filled  with  hucksters'  booths,  and  along  the  sides 
of  its  walls  flowed  the  drainage  canal  which  received 
the  offal  of  the  city.  The  police  system  was  in  keep- 
ing with  the  condition  of  the  plaza;  there  were  no 
watchmen  or  guardians  of  the  peace,  nor  any  other 
means  to  assure  safety  than  the  occasional  few  patrols 
of  alcaldes  or  citizens;  there  were  no  street  lights, 
and  at  night  it  was  necessary  to  carry  torches  or 
lanterns;  the  pavements  were  neglected,  and  through 
the  middle  of  the  streets  ran  open  gutters  loaded  with 
filth.  Nevertheless,  comparing  the  condition  of  the 
capital  with  that  of  many  of  the  principal  European 
cities  in  the  eighteenth  century,  the  contrast  is  not 
very  marked. 

Revilla  Gigedo  comprehended  the  immediate  neces- 
sity of  reform.  He  recognized  that  the  prevailing 
abuses  were  caused  by  the  indolence  and  criminal 
neglect  of  former  rulers,  whose  principal  aim  seemed 
always  to  have  been  the  accumulation  of  riches  which 
they  might  enjoy  on  their  return  to  Spain.  He  sup- 
pressed the  festivities  at  his  reception;  the  palace 
and  the  plaza  were  deprived  of  their  filthy  booths; 
working  men  were  compelled  to  appear  in  more 
decent  dress;  public  baths  and  market-places  were 
overhauled  and  regulated;  a  system  of  lighting  the 
streets  was  inaugurated,  the  paving  of  streets  was 
recommenced,  and  an  effective  fire  brigade  was  or- 
ganized. A  multitude  of  other  useful  measures  was 
adopted  during  the  administration  of  this  able  and 
energetic  ruler.  Anions  them  was  a  reduction  in  the 
number  of  feast  days  which  clogged  the  regular  course 
of  traffic  and  commerce,  and  increased  the  natural 
indolence  of  the  masses.  A  foundling  institute  was 
also  erected  to  check  the  crime  of  child-murder,  which 
had  become  very  prevalent. 

This  was  not  all.     Not  a  single  elementary  free 


CITY  ARCHITECTURE.  475 

school  is  said  to  have  existed  at  the  time  in  the  capi- 
tal or  in  the  provinces,  and  nearly  all  the  other  insti- 
tutions of  learning  were  under  the  charge  of  friars, 
generally  ignorant  and  cruel,  while  the  female  insti- 
tutes were  directed  by  women  whose  mode  of  teaching 
consisted  in  narrating  ridiculous  stories  of  saints,  cal- 
culated to  develop  the  superstition  of  the  listeners. 
Of  useful  knowledge,  a  little  reading  and  writing  were 
sufficient.12  Even  the  school  of  mining,  so  celebrated 
in  after  years,  was  only  an  institute  in  name.  It  lacked 
professors,  instruments,  and  apparatus,  and  its  utility 
was  questionable.  All  these  matters  received  the 
attention  of  the  viceroy.  At  the  same  time  he  es- 
tablished a  new  police  system  and  remodelled  the 
administration  of  justice.  Great  changes  were  soon 
apparent,  and  the  labors  of  Revilla  Gigedo  became  of 
lasting  benefit  to  New  Spain,  particularly  to  the  capital. 
Notwithstanding  these  drawbacks,  at  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century  Mexico  was  the  largest  city 
in  America,  and  one  of  the  finest  built  by  Euro- 
peans on  either  hemisphere.  From  north  to  south  it 
measured  one  league,  and  three  fourths  of  a  league 
from  east  to  wrest.  It  was  encircled  by  a  ditch, 
or  navigable  canal,  which  served  at  the  same  time  as 
a  drain  and  military  defence,  and  prevented  goods  from 
being  introduced  except  by  the  causeways  and  gates, 
thus  serving  as  a  protection  to  the  customs  depart- 
ment. The  buildings  were  plain  and  elegant,  not 
overladen  with  ornament,  and  not  disfigured  by  the 
uncouth  galleries  and  balconies  so  common  to  other 
Spanish  cities.  The  material  of  which  they  were 
mainly  constructed — tetzontli  and  a  peculiar  kind  of 
porphyry13 — gave  them  an  aspect  of  solidity  and  splen- 

12  Rivera,  Gobcrnantes,  i.  476,  whose  facilities  to  ascertain  historical  data 
concerning  the  city  of  Mexico  may  be  considered  fully  as  ample  as  those  of 
Zamacois,  supports  the  statement  made  in  the  text.  The  latter  author,  Hist. 
Mej.,  v.  683,  takes  umbrage  at  this,  claiming  that  many  elementary  institu- 
tions existed  in  the  country  at  the  time,  particularly  for  orphans,  in  which 
tuition  and  maintenance  were  given  gratuitously. 

13  The  porous  amygdaloid  called  tetzontli,  and  a  porphyry  of  vitreous 
felspar  without  any  quartz. 


47G  VICEROY  REVILLA  GICEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

dor.  The  most  prominent  architectural  structure  in 
the  city  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  the  cathedral;  and 
as  to  the  palace  of  the  viceroys,  it  was  said  that 
no  edifice  in  Madrid  could  compare  with  it  in  size.14 
Adjoining,  and  on  the  side  fronting  toward  the  palace 
of  the  archbishop,  stood  the  mint,  a  large  and  imposing 
structure.  The  custom-house,  fronting  on  the  plaza 
Santo  Domingo,  was  also  a  fine  edifice.  The  botanic 
garden  in  one  of  the  courts  of  the  viceregal  palace, 
though  small,  was  famous  for  its  collection  of  rare 
plants,  and  of  such  as  were  important  to  industry  and 
commerce.  Here  Viceroy  Bucareli  would  pitch  his 
tent  during  certain  seasons  of  the  year,  receive  vis- 
itors day  and  night,  and  transact  his  business. 

Another  large  building  was  the  tobacco  factory,  in 
which  more  than  five  thousand  persons  were  employed. 
A  structure  of  historical  interest  was  the  famous 
acordada  building,  erected  during  Bucareli's  adminis- 
tration, and  situated  between  the  alameda  and  the 
paseo  bearing  that  viceroy's  name.15  The  municipality 
buildings  were  also  of  imposing  proportions,  situated 
on  the  principal  plaza  and  facing  the  parian,16  which 
had  taken  the  place  of  the  baratillo  and  occupied  an 
area  of  a  hundred  and  forty  varas.  Other  edifices  of 
note  were  the  college  of  San  Ildefonso,  and  the  mining 
school  with  its  physical,  mechanical,  and  mineralogical 
collections;  the  university  building  and  public  library, 
and  the  academy  of  fine  arts  with  its  collection  of 
gypsum  casts;  the  celebrated  hospices,  and  the  build- 
ings of  the  inquisition.  The  least  favored  of  all  the 
public  buildings  was  the  theatre.17 

The  principal  entrances  to  the  city  were  those  of 
Guadalupe,    Angeles,    Traspana,    Chapultepec,    San 

14 '  No  hay  en  Madrid  edificio  comparable  en  extension  con  el  palacio  del 
Virey.'  Estnlla,  xxvi.  278. 

15 Id.,  279. 

10 See  VUla-Seuor  y  Sanchez,  Tcatro,  i.  53-C1;  Ilex.,  Not.  Ciudad  Mex.,  8 
et  seq.;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.  Libre,  4So  et  seq.;  Estcdla,  xxvi.  281. 

17 '  El  coliseo  6  teatro  es  indigno  do  Mexico,  y  no  se  puede  pondcrar  su  de- 
formidad  sino  afirmando  que  es  abominable  el  edificio,  y  lo  peor  es  que  aine- 
naza  dcsplomarsc.'  Ortiz,  Mex.  Iud.  Libre,  497. 


PASEOS  AND  CONVENTS.  477 

Anton,  and  San  Ldzaro.  The  two  magnificent  aque- 
ducts which  enter  by  way  of  Traspana  and  Chapulte- 
pec  and  supply  the  city  with  water,  have  been  described 
elsewhere. 

The  so-called  paseos,  or  public  walks,  were  the  de- 
light of  the  Mexican  population.  The  most  beautiful 
of  them  was  the  famed  alameda,  which  had  no  equal 
in  Spain.  The  paseo  of  Iztacalco  was  another  favor- 
ite resort,  and  lay  on  the  banks  of  a  canal  of  that 
name.  By  this  route  and  the  canal  of  Chalco  hun- 
dreds of  canoes  brought  daily  into  the  city  building 
material,  provisions,  vegetables,  fruit,  and  flowers  in 
great  quantities,  until  in  time  the  canals  were  filled  up 
in  the  central  part  of  the  capital;  particularly  when  the 
streets  became  raised  in  consequence  of  the  deposits 
left  by  inundations.  The  greater  part  of  the  vege- 
tables and  flowers  were  raised  on  the  famous  chinam- 
pas,  or  floating  gardens;  their  number,  however,  was 
daily  diminishing.  In  the  paseo  of  Bucareli  an  ob- 
ject of  just  admiration  was  the  colossal  equestrian 
statue  of  Carlos  IV.,  first  erected  on  the  principal 
square,  but  in  later  years  removed  to  this  place  of  rec- 
reation. This  piece  of  American  art  was  executed  by 
the  order  and  at  the  expense  of  Viceroy  Branciforte. 
It  was  of  bronze  and  in  one  piece,  modelled,  cast,  and 
erected  by  the  celebrated  Mexican  sculptor  Manuel 
Tolsa.  Humboldt,  who  was  present  at  the  unveiling 
of  the  monument,  says  that,  except  the  statue  of 
Marcus  Aurelius  at  Home,  there  was  nothing  of  the 
kind  in  Europe  to  equal  it  in  beauty  and  purity  of 
design.18 

Among  the  convents  the  most  prominent  was  that 
of  the  Franciscans,  which  in  the  year  1800  enjoyed  an 
income  from  alms  alone  of  more  than  a  hundred  thou- 
sand pesos.  Of  the  churches  remarkable  for  splendor, 
elegance,  and  beauty  of  design  those  of  San  Agustin, 
Santo  Domingo,  San  Pablo,  Soledacl,  Jesus  Maria, 
and  Santa  Teresa  were  the  most  noteworthy.     In  this 

18 See  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  i. 


478  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

connection  may  be  mentioned  an  image  of  the  virgin 
worshipped  under  the  name  of  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  los 
Remedies,  to  which  miraculous  powers  were  attrib- 
uted. This  was  among  the  images  brought  to  Mexico 
by  the  soldiers  of  Cortes.  It  belonged  to  one  Juan 
Rodriguez  de  Villafuerte,  to  whom  it  had  been  given 
by  his  brother,  who  said  it  had  aided  him  greatly  in 
his  campaigns  in  Italy  and  Germany.  The  image 
was  at  first  placed  in  a  temple  hastily  built,  and  from 
that  time  became  an  object  of  veneration  to  Spaniards 
and  Indians,  on  account  of  favors  said  to  have  been 
conferred  on  the  public  and  on  individuals  in  times 
of  calamity.  In  1574,  as  before  mentioned,  a  church 
was  founded  for  its  reception,  where  four  festivals 
were  celebrated  yearly — those  of  the  nativity,  purifi- 
cation, incarnation,  and  conception.  Many  great 
marks  of  favor  were  recorded,  after  the  building  of 
this  temple;  particularly  in  times  of  drought,  storm, 
epidemic,  earthquake,  inundation,  and  famine.  Down 
to  1696  the  image  had  been  solemnly  carried  in  pro- 
cession to  the  city  as  often  as  fifteen  times.19 

Of  all  the  viceroys  of  New  Spain,  the  fifty-second, 
Don  Juan  Vicente  de  Giiemes  Pacheco  de  Padilla, 
conde  de  Revilla  Gigedo,  was  one  of  the  most  able. 

19 The  first  solemn  occasion  was  in  1577,  'para  dar  remedio  a  la  epidemia 
del  cocolistli.'  Medina,  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  31-2.  In  1810,  after  the  first  war  of 
independence  broke  out,  it  was  brought  to  and  placed  in  the  cathedral.  The 
viceroy  laid  at  its  feet  his  baton,  and  declared  the  virgin  'generala'  of  the 
royalist  troops,  decorating  the  image  with  the  insignia  of  that  rank.  The 
patriots,  on  the  other  hand,  bestowed  the  rank  of  captain-general  on  their 
favorite,  the  image  of  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe.  Thus  was  the  virgin  under  dif- 
ferent names  called  on  to  lead  the  two  hostile  armies.  Vetancvrt,  Prov.  8. 
Evany.,  128-32.  For  description  and  particulars  concerning  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico at  different  periods,  see  (Jgilby's  America,  86,  243  ;  Gage's  Survey,  87-150; 
Sammlung,  Reiseb.,  453-78;  Vetancvrt,  CiudadMex.,  1-5;  Medina,  Chrdn.  S. 
Diego,  Mex.,  234;  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS.,  128;  Tratado,  Mex.,nt  v.  28-45; 
Cal'le,  Mem.  y Not.,  42-5;  Ddvila,  Cont.,  MS.,  302;  Torquemada,  i.  298-304; 
Cepeda,  Rel.,  in.  Boucher,  vi.  154;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  7-8,  11; 
Vilta-Seuor,  Teatro,  i.  53-61;  Mendoza,  Carta,  in  Florida,  Col.  Doc.  137; 
Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  202-4;  Revilla  Gigedo,  Resid.,  MS.,  374-85;  Viagero 
Univ.,  190  et  seq;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.  Lib.,  485-535;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Mem. 
Ciud.  Mex.,  159-222;  Pages,  in  Berenger,  Col.  Voy.,  vi.  44-6;  Correal,  Voy. 
(Paris  ed.),  i.  50-60;  Mex.  Not.,  Ciud.  Mex.,  8-188;  Russell's  Hist.  A?n.,i. 
382-4. 


A  NOTED  BANDIT.  479 

After  being  appointed  captain  of  the  viceregal  guard 
under  his  father,  who  was  a  former  viceroy,  he  served 
with  distinction  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Spanish 
guards  at  the  siege  of  Gibraltar.  Landing  at  Vera 
Cruz  on  October  8,  1789,  the  baton  of  office  was 
delivered  to  him  at  Guadalupe20  on  the  16th  of  the 
same  month. 

The  count  was  the  man  needed  for  the  occasion. 
One  morning,  about  a  week  after  his  arrival,  it  was 
found  that  the  house  of  a  wealthy  merchant,  named 
Joaquin  Dongo,  had  been  broken  into  by  burglars, 
money  and  valuables  stolen,  and  all  the  members  of 
the  household,  eleven  in  number,  assassinated.  The 
criminals  were  executed  on  November  7th,  a  fortnight 
after  the  commission  of  the  deed.  Never  before,  ex- 
cept in  the  days  of  Velazquez  and  other  officials  of 
the  santa  hermandad  and  acordada,  had  justice  been 
administered  with  such  despatch. 

For  many  years  before  the  viceroy's  arrival  a  cele- 
brated bandit  named  Pillo  Madera  had  been  the  terror 
of  the  community.  The  authorities  either  would  or 
could  not  bring  the  miscreant  to  justice.  His  astute- 
ness and  audacity  were  as  great  as  those  of  any  of  his 
famous  colleagues  in  Italy,  and  his  band  of  cut-throats 
had  never  been  surpassed  in  ferocity  and  cruelty. 
Madera  alone  had  committed  twenty-eight  highway 
robberies  and  seven  assassinations.  The  new  ruler 
made  short  work  of  the  matter:  in  1791  Pillo  Madera 
was  captured  and  hanged. 

During  Kevilla  Gigedo's  administration  war  was 
declared  with  France.  Although  there  was  little  fear 
of  invasion  the  viceroy  made  all  needful  preparations. 
A  regiment  of  dragoons  was  sent  to  Durango  to  pro- 
tect the  borders  of  the  provincias  internas;  the  militia 
on  the  north  coast  was  prepared  for  efficient  service, 

20  He  was  originally  appointed  viceroy  of  Buenos  Ayres;  but  in  conse- 
quence of  the  resignation  of  Florez,  he  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  New  Spain. 
See  Ordenes  dela  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  82. 


480  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

and  the  fortifications  of  San  Juan  cle  Ulua  strength- 
ened; the  garrison  of  Vera  Cruz  was  rconforccd,and  the 
king's  treasure,  ready  for  shipment,  removed  to  a  safe 
distance.     All  this  was  accomplished  at  little  expense. 

The  condition  of  the  army  occupied  the  viceroy's 
special  attention  and  a  reconstruction  was  proposed 
according  to  orders  issued  in  January,  1792.  The 
regular  troops  and  the  militia  were  in  a  demoralized 
condition,  and  their  insubordination  gave  such  seri- 
ous cause  of  offence  that  they  were  put  under  strict 
regulations,  and  a  portion  of  the  latter  disbanded. 
These  measures  caused  dissatisfaction,  particularly 
among  the  Creoles,  and  it  is  claimed  that  the  reduc- 
tion in  the  militia  was  one  of  the  few  errors  of  Bevilla 
Gigedo's  administration.  Bustamante  says  that  he 
gave  a  fatal  blow  to  this  branch  of  the  service,  de- 
stroying and  unmaking  what  had  been  established  with 
much  care  and  labor  since  the  time  of  Viceroy  Cru- 
illas.  In  his  instructions  to  Branciforte,  the  count 
claimed,  however,  that  in  the  enlistment  of  provin- 
cials there  seemed  to  have  been  no  other  purpose 
than  to  defraud  the  king's  treasury,  for  such  troops 
were  unreliable  in  action.21 

The  immediate  consequence  of  this  measure  was 
that  native  tribes  committed  depredations  in  the  east- 
ern provinces.  Many  colonists  wTere  assassinated  in 
Coahuila,  the  Indians  penetrating  to  within  the  con- 
fines of  Saltillo,  driving  off  cattle,  and  winning  over 
the  presidio  of  San  Juan  de  Rio  Grande.  Still  greater 
disturbances  occurred  in  the  colony  of  Nuevo  Santan- 
der,  where  in  the  settlements  of  Laredo,  Bevilla,  and 
Mier,  twenty-five  Spaniards  wTere  killed  between 
March  and  July,  1791. 

21  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  147.  Bustamante,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Shjlos,  iii.  104, 
says  that  the  viceroy  believed  them  to  be  no  match  for  foreign  troops  in  case 
of  invasion.  The  viceroy  reduced  the  militia  in  order  to  increase  the  royal 
revenue;  for  while  serving,  the  Indian  was  exempt  from  the  payment  of  trib- 
ute, ceasing  to  enjoy  this  privilege  as  soon  as  discharged.  /(/.,  Id.,  105.  The 
Spanish  government  disapproved  of  the  count's  measures,  and  decrees  were 
subsequently  issued  for  the  reconstruction  of  the  militia,  during  Branciforte's 
administration. 


PUBLIC  ESPIONAGE.  481 

Another  source  of  dissatisfaction  among  the  officials 
of  the  capital  was  the  viceroy's  order  that  a  letter- 
box should  be  placed  in  one  of  the  halls  of  the  palace, 
into  which  any  person  having  cause  for  grievance 
might  deposit  a  written  statement  of  the  facts  for  his 
information.  He  knew  well  that  the  complaints  of 
the  people  seldom  came  to  the  ears  of  the  ruler,  and 
that  the  abuses  committed  by  those  who  surrounded 
him,  were  carefully  concealed  by  the  courtiers  whose 
interest  it  was  to  represent  everything  in  the  most 
favorable  light  for  themselves.  This  matter  exposed 
the  viceroy  to  insult  through  anonymous  communica- 
tions, and  many  an  honest  official  was  wrongfully 
accused  by  some  hidden  foe.  This,  however,  Revilla 
Gigeclo  had  undoubtedly  anticipated.  Wise  enough 
to  disregard  vilifications  of  this  kind,  he  received,  on 
the  other  hand,  many  important  suggestions  from 
well  meaning  and  loyal  citizens,  who  denounced  actual 
abuses,  and  disclosed  the  true  state  of  affairs  in  the 
kingdom.  The  secret  information  no  doubt  enabled 
him  to  inaugurate  many  useful  measures,  of  which 
the  instructions  to  his  successor  give  ample  proof,  and 
which  otherwise  might  not  have  been  suggested. 
The  officials,  however,  who  were  thus  attacked  from 
an  unknown  quarter,  and  often  with  sufficient  cause, 
continued  loud  in  their  denunciation  of  the  practice, 
as  directly  favoring  a  system  of  espionage  unworthy 
of  the  high  station  and  dignity  of  a  viceroy.  Though 
it  may  have  been  a  dangerous  practice,  Re  villa  Gigedo 
made  good  use  of  it.22 

The  dispositions  of  the  viceroy  made  necessary  a 
change  in  the  system  of  arranging,  classifying,  and 
preserving  official  documents,  which  had  received 
little  or  no  attention  on  the  part  of  his  predecessors, 
the  secretaries  generally  using  their  own  judgment 

22 '  Se  ha  querido  decir  que  por  este  medio  se  autorizaba  el  espionage;  con- 
fieso  que  es  peligroso  cuando  el  gefe  no  sabe  hacer  buen  uso  de  el,  y  que 
semejante  un  veneno  aprovecha  6  mata   segun  el  profesor  que  lo  ministra. 
En  Revilla  Gigedo  obro  los  buenos  efectos.'  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  105. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    31 


482  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

and  consulting  their  own  convenience  in  the  matter.23 
He  villa  Gigedo  therefore  determined  to  form  general 
archives  in  which  were  deposited  all  documents  of 
importance  pertaining  to  the  tribunals  and  other 
branches  of  administration,  without  any  expense  to 
the  crown.24 

The  intendencias  established  by  his  predecessor 
continued  unchanged  during  his  administration,  ex- 
cept that  he  ordered  the  intendencia  of  San  Luis 
Potosi  to  comprise  the  territories  of  Coahuila  and 
Texas,  the  intendente  himself  to  act  as  subdelegate  in 
regard  to  all  contentions  arising  on  questions  of  ex- 
chequer and  war.  In  accordance  with  instructions 
from  the  crown  commissioners  were  sent  to  explore 
the  portion  of  Texas  near  the  confines  of  Louisiana 
to  determine  whether  it  were  convenient  to  extend 
the  limits  of  the  latter  territory  to  the  river  Sabinas.25 

While  the  viceroy,  faithful  to  his  trust,  was  improv- 
ing the  condition  of  New  Spain,  the  tempest  of  the 
French  revolution  was  raging  in  its  greatest  fury,  and 
Louis  XVI.  was  no  more.  Though  most  of  the  oi- 
dores  were  inimical  to  the  viceroy,  they  vied  with  each 
other  in  representing  to  the  people  that  the  im- 
prisonment.and  execution  of  the  French  monarch  was 
a  transgression  against  laws  divine  and  human.     More- 

©  © 

over  the  English  colonies  of  North  America  had  re- 
cently shaken  off  their  allegiance.  The  authorities 
began  to  tremble;  and  to  increase  their  alarm,  from 
the  mother  country  came  secret  reports  that  among 
the  merchandise  shipped  to  the  colonies  were  numer- 

23  The  reader  will  remember  the  loss  of  the  valuable  manuscripts,  taken  from 
Boturini  during  Fuenclara's  administration,  which  could  only  be  attributed 
to  the  carelessness  of  the  secretaries. 

24  It  was  the  custom  of  the  viceroy  to  drop  in  unawares  upon  the  govern- 
ment employes  when  they  least  expected  him.  In  this  manner  he  visited 
the  tribunals,  treasury,  acordada,  and  other  offices,  where  he  had  found  the 
archives  in  dire  confusion. 

'-'•'  The  governor  of  Louisiana  reminds  us  of  the  times  of  Nufio  de  Guzman. 
He  was  removed  by  the  viceroy  for  having  killed  in  cold  blood  five  friendly 
Lipan  Indians,  who  were  on  a  visit  at  his  own  residence,  and  also  for  other 
grave  oti'ences. 


PROGRESSIVE  MEASURES.  4S3 

ous  articles,  as  snuff-boxes,  watches,  and  even  pieces 
of  money,  bearing  the  figure  of  a  woman  dressed  in 
white,  displaying  a  banner,  and  around  her  the  in- 
scription "  Libertad  Americana."  The  viceroy  was 
enjoined  to  confiscate  all  of  these  articles  that  he 
could  lay  hands  upon;  and  in  order  to  prevent  the 
revolutionary  contagion  from  spreading  to  New  Spain, 
the  introduction  and  circulation  of  books,  pamphlets, 
and  papers,  bearing  on  religious  or  political  emanci- 
pation, were  prohibited,  and  the  greatest  vigilance  ex- 
ercised by  all  the  authorities  to  impede  even  private 
correspondence  on  matters  relating  to  the  French 
revolution.  It  was  at  this  time  also  that  Carlos  IV. 
issued  his  famous  decree  prohibiting  French  prison- 
ers in  New  Spain  from  discussing  public  affairs  per- 
taining to  their  country. 

During  his  administration,  Revilla  Gigedo  made 
other  public  improvements  and  did  much  to  develop 
the  commerce  and  industrial  condition  of  New  Spain. 
Botanical  gardens  were  laid  out  in  the  suburbs  of  the 
capital;  the  drainage  of  the  city  received  attention; 
mills  were  built  for  the  manufacture  of  cotton,  silk, 
hemp,  linen;  bridges  were  constructed;  and  the  roads 
were  repaired  and  improved,  especially  the  one  lead- 
ing from  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz.  Mining  and  agri- 
culture were  also  encouraged,  and  it  is  said  that  at 
this  period  the  coinage  averaged  twenty-four  millions 
of  pesos  a  year  against  eighteen  to  twenty  millions 
previously.  The  series  of  orders  which  the  viceroy 
issued  for  these  purposes  are  regarded  with  great 
interest  even  at  the  present  day  by  students  of  polit- 
ical administration.26 

But  the  expenses  occasioned  by  these  improve- 
ments were  necessarily  great,  so  much  so,  that  the 
crown,  always  selfish  and  grasping  with  her  colonies, 

26  See  Revilla  Gigedo,  Ban dos,  passim;  Td.,Instruc,  MS.,  passim;  Dispos. 
Varias,  ii.  63;  Alvarez,  Manif.,  6;  Zuiliga  y  O.,  Calend.,  35-7;  Arroniz,  Hist, 
y  Cron.,  144-9;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  v.  pt  i. 


4St  VICEROY  REVILLA  GIGEDO  THE  YOUNGER. 

began  to  put  obstacles  in  the  way;  particularly  as  the 
viceroy  had  paid  much  attention  to  the  moral  and 
social  progress  of  the  community,  and  enlightenment 
was  not  particularly  desired  at  this  time.  The  home 
government  having  become  displeased  with  his  admin- 
istration, his  successor,  the  marques  de  Branciforte, 
was  appointed  in  1794;  thus  he  did  not  complete  the 
five  years  of  office  for  which  it  was  intended  that  lie 
should  serve.  It  was  ordered  that  his  residencia  be 
taken  in  secret  by  the  new  viceroy,  and  a  public  in- 
vestigation proclaimed  and  concluded  within  forty 
days.  The  marquis  refused  to  hold  a  secret  residencia, 
alleging  that  ifc  was  necessary  for  Revilla  Gigedo  to 
depart  for  Spain  previous  to  taking  any  steps  in  the 
matter.  When  he  had  sailed,  his  successor,  knowing 
the  cause  of  his  removal,  incited  the  ayuntamiento  of 
Mexico  to  prefer  numerous  charges  against  him ;  but 
though  the  matter  was  not  concluded  for  several 
years,  he  was  finally  acquitted,  and  the  corregidores 
of  Mexico  were  sentenced  to  pay  all  costs.27 

27  Notwithstanding  apparently  serious  accusations  against  Revilla  Gigedo, 
on  his  return  to  Spain  he  was  appointed  director-general  of  artillery  hy  the 
king,  who  it  seems  believed  him  innocent.  His  death  occurred  May  12,  1799, 
before  any  decision  was  rendered  concerning  his  residencia,  and  his  last  days 
were  embittered  by  unjust  persecution.  When  the  sentence  of  the  council 
of  the  Indies  was  finally  pronounced,  the  truth  became  known,  and  the  vir- 
tues and  faithful  services  of  this  eminent  ruler  were  duly  appreciated,  and 
his  descendants  made  grandees  of  Spain  of  the  first  class.  In  connection  with 
his  reign  may  be  mentioned  an  expedition  despatched  in  January  1790,  under 
Juan  Eliza,  to  occupy  the  new  establishment  atNootka  on  the  northern  coast 
of  the  Calif ornias,  with  orders  to  explore  the  islands  and  places  on  the  coast 
visited  by  Cook.  One  year  later,  in  May  1791,  the  celebrated  mariner  Alex- 
andro  Malaspina  touched  at  Acapulco  on  his  voyage  north,  to  investigate  the 
existence  of  the  north-west  passage  to  the  Atlantic,  based  on  a  narrative  of  the 
voyage  of  Lorenzo  Ferrer  de  Maldonado  in  1558,  and  said  to  have  been  re- 
cently discovered  in  private  archives. 

The  following  authorities  have  been  consulted  on  matters  concerning  this 

administration:  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruction,  MS.,  passim;  Id.,  Bandos,  pts. 

i.-iii.    xxi.  xxiii.  xxxiii.;  Id.,  Solemucs  Exequias,   passim;   Id.,  Residencia, 

passim;  Disposiciones   Varias,  i.  06-94,  131-3;  ii.  63;  iii.  41;  Ordenea 

d    la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  82;  v.  133;  Ccdularios,  i.  152;  Doc.  Ecles.  Ilex.,  MS., 

v.  pt.  i.  2;  Papeles  Frandscanos,  MS.,  i.  1st  ser.  221;  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS., 

40;  Cavo,  Tres  Stylos,  iii.  86-106;  Ihistamantc,  Efem.,  i.  passim;  Zuniga 

.  Calendario,  35-7 ;  Lerdode  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  pt.  v.  312-13;  Estalla, 

xxvi.   190  et  seq;   Arroniz,  Hist,  y  Cron.,  144-9;   Gomez,  Diario,  317-468; 

Vice.  Univ.,  iii.  103-4,  732-4;  x.  259-69;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  80-2. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

1794-1803. 

Viceroy  Branciforte — Prejudice  against  Him — And  Causes  thereof— 
Persecution  of  French  Residents — Organization  of  the  Militia — 
Shameful  Traffic  in  Honors  and  Commissions — A  Depeleted 
Treasury — Auto  de  Fe — Persecution  of  the  English — Preparations 
for  War — Recall  of  Branciforte — Arrival  of  Viceroy  Azanza — 
Military  Changes — Effects  of  the  War  with  England — Germs  of 
Revolution  in  Mexico— Guerrero's  Conspiracy— Fate  of  the  Male- 
contents — The  Machete  Plot — Indian  Aspirations  to  Royalty — 
Discomfiture  of  Native  Conspirators — Internal  Progress — Storms 
and  Earthquakes — Recall  of  the  Viceroy. 

On  the  15th  of  June  1794  the  marques  de  Branci- 
forte1 arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  and  took  charge  of  the 
government  about  a  month  later.  He  was  a  native 
of  Sicily,  and  belonged  to  the  family  of  the  princes  of 
Carini.  His  rank  of  captain-general  of  the  Spanish 
army,  his  grandeeship  of  Spain,  and  appointment  as 
viceroy,  he  owed  to  his  brother-in-law,  Manuel  Godoy, 
duke  of  Alcudia,  and  afterward  known  as  the  prince 
of  peace.  His  administration  was  in  strong  contrast 
with  that  of  his  predecessor,  and  even  before  his  ar- 
rival he  gave  proof  of  qualities  which  afterward  made 
him  one  of  the  most  unpopular  rulers  of  New  Spain. 
Although  he  received,  besides  his  salary  as  viceroy 
and  captain-general,  an  additional  sum  of  twenty  thou- 
sand pesos  a  year,  he  contrived  that  all  his  baggage 
and  effects  should  pass  through  the  custom-house  at 

1Don  Miguel  do  la  Grua  Talamanca  y  Branciforte,  marqudsde  Branciforte, 
was  the  fifty-third  viceroy  of  New  Spain.  Cedidario,  MS.,  iii.  129;  Disposi- 
clones  Varias,  i.  97;  Gomez,  Diario,  398,  410. 

(485) 


4SG  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

Vera  Cruz  without  examination.  This  created  the 
bulicf  that  he  had  brought  a  large  quantity  of  valu- 
able merchandise  from  Spain  to  dispose  of  in  the  col- 
onies, and  thus  defraud  the  revenue.2 

The  marquis  was  invested  with  the  order  of  the 
golden  fleece  by  Carlos  IV.  Vainglorious  with  this 
testimony  of  royal  favor,  he  made  haste  to  adorn  his 
person  with  the  badge,  and  lost  no  opportunity  to 
display  it  before  the  public.3  This  demonstration  of 
vanity  became  offensive  to  the  people,  and  gave  occa- 
sion for  much  satire  and  ridicule.  Caricatures  of  the 
viceroy  began  to  circulate,  with  a  dead  cat  suspended 
from  his  neck  instead  of  the  lamb  insignia  of  the 
order.4  At  a  reception  held  in  the  palace  he  re- 
mained seated  under  a  canopy  during  the  usual  cere- 
monies, though  this- pretension  to  royal  homage  had 
no  precedent  among  the  viceroys.5 

The  main  object  of  the  new  viceroy  was  to  enrich 
himself,  by  fair  means  or  foul.6  Rivera  says  that  he 
undid    all  the  benefit  wrought   by  Revilla  Gigedo.7 

2  Alaman,  Rivera,  Mayer,  Arroniz,  and  other  authorities  make  the  same 
assertion;  and  Bustamante,  who  knew  Branciforte  personally,  says:  'Con 
mucha  anticipacion  se  previno  por  la  c6rte  que  no  se  la  registrase  su  equipage, 
que  llegd  dentrq  de  poco,  y  esto  dio  luego  a  conocer  que  traia  una  riquirima 
factura  de  g6ueros  preciosos  para  venderlos  por  altos  precios,  y  comenzar  a 
hacer  su  fortuna,  objecto  principal  con  que  se  le  enviaba.'  Cavo,  Ties  Siglos, 
iii.  1G6.  Zamacois,  who,  for  some  reason,  seems  anxious  to  screen  the  mem- 
ory of  this  viceroy,  here  makes  but  a  mild  apology  in  saying,  Hist.  Alej. ,  v. 
692,  '  No  me  atreverd  yo  a  decir  que  las  sospechas  descansaban  en  un  hecho 
positivo,  ni  quiero  inclinar  el  animo  del  lector  a  un  desfavorable  concepto 
hacia  el  nuevo  gobernante.' 

3  '  Sin  demora  se  lo  puso,  y  con  el  se  present6  a  lucirlo  aquella  noche  en  el 
teatro.'  Gomez,  Diario,  414. 

i  '  El  pueblo  explicaba  su  enojo,  no  solo  con  las  hablillas,  sino  tambien 
con  las  caricaturas.  Cuando  le  vino  el  toison  de  oro,  pintaron  a  Branciforte 
con  el  collar  puesto,  pero  en  lugar  del  cordero  con  que  termina  este  collar,  le 
pusicron  \m  g<tto.'  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  173. 

5 'These  trifles,'  says  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  C97,  'which  perhaps  in 
another  would  have  jiassed  unnoticed,  were  considered  censurable  in  Branci- 
forte, as  the  people  were  already  prejudiced  against  him  because  of  his  being 
a  foreigner. ' 

c'Su  principal  objeto  fud  enriquecer,  y  el  intermedio  que  se  vali6para  ello 
fue  D.  Francisco  Perez  Sonanes,  conde  de  Contramina,  que  era  el  canal  por 
donde  se  conseguian  todas  las  gracias  a  precio  de  dinero.'  Alaman,  DiserL, 
iii.  app.  83;  Lacunza,  Dice.  Hist.,  530-1;  Respuesta,  in  Pap.  Var.,  17-18. 

7  'File*  corrupter  de  la  severa  y  bendfica  administracion  de  llevillagigedo, 
asf  como  reemplaz6  en  la  Metropoli  D.  Manuel  Godoy  a  los  ministros  ilustra- 
dos  de  Carlos  III.'  Rivera,  Gob.,  i.  488;  see  also  Id.,  Hist.  Jul.,  i.  177-8,  187. 


HYPOCRISY  AND  PECULATION.  487 

His  efforts  at  dissimulation  were  of  no  avail,  and 
merely  showed  him  in  a  baser  light ;  for  his  character 
was  but  a  blending  of  subtle  astuteness  and  hypocrisy. 
Adoration  of  the  royal  family,  and  veneration  for  the 
virgin  of  Guadalupe,  were  ever  on  his  lips.  Every 
Saturday,  and  every  twelfth  day  of  the  month,  he 
would  appear  at  the  sanctuary;  and  a  veiled  image  of 
the  virgin  was  placed  on  the  balcony  of  the  palace.8 

The  war  between  France  and  Spain  still  continued, 
and  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  viceroy  was  to  con- 
fiscate the  possessions  of  all  Frenchmen  living  in 
Louisiana  and  New  Spain.9  His  pretext  was  that 
French  settlers  were  spreading  revolutionary  doctrines 
throughout  the  country,  and  casting  aspersions  on  the 
virtue  of  Queen  Louisa  in  connection  with  his  broth- 
er-in-law. The  viceroy  raised  the  force  of  militia  to 
its  former  strength,  though  for  what  purpose  save  to 
fill  his  own  pockets  does  not  appear.  At  that  time 
commissions  were  much  sought  after  by  the  sons  of 
the  noble  and  wealthy.  It  was  notorious,  says  Busta- 
mante,  that  he  appointed  as  his  representative  the 
count  of  Contramina,  at  whose  house  favors,  offices,  and 
commissions  were  dispensed  to  the  highest  bidder. 
There  was  not  a  stripling  of  means  or  family  in  the 
kingdom  who  did  not  long  to  wear  an  epaulette. 
Newly  appointed  officers  were  required  to  contribute 
sums  of  money,  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  procur- 
ing arms  and  accoutrements  for  the  troops,  though  it 
is  asserted  that  none  were  purchased  from  the  pro- 
ceeds of  these  contributions.10     It  was  also  notorious 


8  When  he  took  occasion  to  speak  of  the  king,  'se  enternecia,  hacia  puche- 
ritos,  exhalaba  suspiros,  y  parecia  entrar  en  tiernos  deliquios;  sobre  todo, 
cuando  referia  las  piedades  de  sus  benignas  manos,  y  de  sus  catolicos  pechos. ' 

9  Zamacois,  Hid.  Mej. ,  v.  705,  who  '  supposes '  that  after  the  treaty  of 
Basil,  July  22,  1795,  those  who  were  expelled  from  Mexico  recovei-ed  their 
own,  is  in  error.  Persecution  of  French,  in  fiespuesta,  Pap.  Var.,  17-18. 

10 '  No  hemos  visto  llegar  un  fusil  de  Europa  con  esta  contribucion,  y  urri- 
camente  consta  en  la  correspondencia  ministerial,  que  solo  habia  ocho  mil  fu- 
silcs  utiles  en  Perote,  y  que  los  cuerpos  levantados  no  tenian  armamento.' 
Cavo,  Tres  Slglos,  iii.  169.    The  muskets  here  mentioned  were  probably  those 


488  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

at  the  time  that  soon  after  his  arrival  Branciforte 
had  sold  the  office  of  subdelegate  of  Villa  Alta  to 
one  Francisco  Ruiz  de  Conejares  for  the  sum  of  forty 
thousand  pesos. 

Though  during  the  administration  of  Revilla  Gi- 
geclo,  nearly  one  hundred  and  ten  millions  of  pesos 
had  been  coined  in  the  Mexican  mint,  the  exorbitant 
demands  of  the  crown  had  always  kept  the  colonial 
treasury  depleted.  Moreover  the  duties  on  sugar  and 
other  commodities  had  been  repealed.  In  order  to 
replenish  the  royal  coffers  and  his  own,  the  viceroy 
now  enforced  an  order  which  required  all  intendentes 
to  deposit  ten  thousand  pesos  as  security,  this  sum 
being  retained  until  their  residencia  was  taken. 

Humors  of  war  between  Spain  and  the  United 
States  were  at  this  time  afloat  because  of  the  hostile 
attitude  of  the  latter  country  concerning  the  province 
of  Louisiana.  But  the  matter  soon  ended  in  a  treaty 
of  friendship  signed  at  San  Lorenzo  in  October  1795.11 

After  the  conclusion  of  peace  between  Spain  and 
France,  Branciforte  received  orders  from  the  crown 
to  release  the  French  prisoners,  whereupon  Branci- 
forte delivered  them  over  to  the  inquisition.  Among 
those  persecuted  were  Juan  Lauset,  and  Estevan 
Morell;  the  latter  a  professor  of  medicine,  licensed  by 
the  medical  faculty  of  Mexico.  He  escaped  torture 
by  committing  suicide;  but  sentence  must  bo  pro- 
nounced and  executed  nevertheless.  On  the  9th  of 
August  1795  an  auto  de  fe  was  celebrated,  in  which 
the  dead  physician  was  condemned  as  a  confirmed 
heretic,  deist,  and  materialist,  "  voluntary"  suicide,  and 
"  apparent  atheist.' 12 

which  arrived  during  Revilla  Gigcdo's  rule.     Other  authors  agree  as  to  the 
shameful  &ale  of  offices  and  commissions,  while  Zamacois,  J  list.  Jlcj.,\.  I 
8,  as  usual,  endeavors  to  create  the  impression  that  Branciforte's  conduct 
rictly  honorable. 

11  Boundaries  and  navigation  were  regulated;  the  treaty  was  signed  by 
Thomas  Pinckney  on  the  part  of  the  United  States,  and  by  the  favorite  Godoy 
for  Spain.  North  Americans  were  prohibited  from  entering  the  territory  of 
New  Spam.  See  Guerra  entre  Mex.  y  Jos  E.  U.,  3-5. 

12  These  facts  are  taken  from  the  secret  archives  of  the  viceroys,  where  all 
the  correspondence  is  found  between  Branciforte  and  the  inquisition  concern- 


PRECAUTIONS  AGAINST  THE  ENGLISH.  489 

On  the  declaration  of  war  between  England  and 
Spain  in  1796  all  intercourse  between  the  two  nations 
ceased,  and  the  English  who  resided  in  New  Spain 
shared  the  fate  of  the  French  during  the  war  which 
terminated  the  previous  year.  The  colonial  forces 
were  increased,  and  Branciforte  concentrated  his  army, 
eight  thousand  strong,  between  Orizaba,  Cordoba, 
Jalapa,  Perote,  and  Encero,13  with  head-quarters  at 
Orizaba.  He  strengthened  the  fortifications  at  San 
Juan  de  Ulua,  and  provisioned  that  fortress  for  a  six 
months'  siege.  All  the  batteries  on  the  coast  were 
put  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  several  gun-boats  were 
constructed.  The  commander  of  the  fortress  at  Aca- 
pulco  was  directed  to  complete  the  organization  of 
the  militia  on  that  coast,  to  call  to  his  aid  the  com- 
panies at  Zacatula,  to  reenforce  the  infantry  garrison 
and  his  artillery  detachment,  and  to  mount  guns  of 
the  heaviest  calibre.  The  naval  commander  at  San 
Bias  received  orders  to  the  same  effect,  and  was  in- 
structed to  cooperate  with  the  commander-general  of 
the  provincias  internas  and  the  intendente  of  Guada- 
lajara.14 

In  the  midst  of  these  warlike  preparations  Branci- 
forte received  notice  that  his  successor  had  been 
appointed.  The  excitement  during  the  preparations 
for  war  gave  him  an  opportunity  to  leave  the  capital 
in   1797,  under  pretext    of  taking  command  of  the 

ing  the  persecution  of  foreigners.  Though  Zamacois  profusely  copies  Alaman, 
he  perhaps  intentionally  suppresses  the  statement  of  this  author,  Hist.  Mcj. , 
i.  127-8,  'que  el  virey  marques  de  Branciforte  excitase  repetidamente  el  zelo, 
no  muy  tibio  por  cierto,  de  la  inquisicion  para  no  dejarlas  (seditious  doctrines) 
echar  raiz,  persiguiendo  de  acuerdo  ambas  autoridades  a  los  franceses  . . . 
muchos  de  los  cuales  fueron  llevados  a  las  carceles  de  la  inquisicion,  otros  a 
la  de  la  corte,  y  todos  con  muy  pocas  excepciones  obligados  a  salir  del  reino.' 
Why  Zamacois  should  have  omitted  to  notice  these  statements  of  his  favorite 
author  against  Branciforte  is  not  clear. 

13  The  army  consisted  of  the  militia  regiments  of  Mexico,  Tlascala,  Toluca, 
Tres  Villas,  Celaya,  Oajaca,  and  Valladolid,  together  with  a  cavalry  force. 
GuiadeForaderos(lldt),  15G-83;  Rivera,  Hist.  JaL,  i.  179. 

14  The  particulars  of  these  preparations  may  be  found  in  Branciforte,  Mar- 
ques de,  Instruction,  MS.  (Mex.  1707),  p.  47.  This  manuscript  comprises  a 
review  of  Branciforte's  administration;  progress  in  various  branches  of  gov- 
ernment, condition  of  treasury,  revenue,  army  defenses,  with  suggestions 
for  their  continuation,  and  a  brief  account  of  the  condition  of  the  Californias. 


490  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

troops  at  Orizaba.  His  stay  at  that  town,  where  he 
wras  surrounded  by  his  creatures,  was  marked  by  a 
series  of  disgraceful  orgies,  and  when  in  May  1798, 
he  embarked  for  Spain,  he  took  with  him  nearly  five 
millions  of  pesos  in  gold  and  silver,  the  greater  por- 
tion of  which  belonged  to  him.  Never  had  the  people 
of  New  Spain  complained  so  bitterly  and  with  so 
good  cause,  as  against  this  viceroy,  who  in  after  years 
deserted  his  sovereign  in  the  hour  of  his  sorest  need.15 

The  new  viceroy,  Don  Miguel  Jose  de  Azanza, 
assumed  office  on  the  31st  of  May  1798,  and  as  he 
was  known  to  be  a  man  of  ability  and  character,  his 
public  reception  in  the  capital  on  the  10th  of  July  fol- 
lowing, was  enthusiastic.10  He  showed  himself  worthy 
of  the  good  opinion  of  the  people,  and  secured  their 
confidence  and  respect  by  one  of  the  earliest  measures 
of  his  administration.  Having  determined  that  the 
exigencies  of  the  war  with  England  did  not  require  a 
standing  army  of  eight  or  ten  thousand  men,  he  at 
once  dissolved  the  military  encampments  formed  by 
Branciforte,  which  had  been  maintained  at  a  monthly 
expense  of  over  sixty  thousand  pesos.17  This  heavy 
tax  on  the  colonial  treasury  had  long  been  a  burden 
on  the  people,  and  the  withdrawal  of  so  large  a  number 
of  men  from  industrial  pursuits  necessarily  retarded 
the  progress  of  the  country.  He  took  all  needful  pre- 
cautions, however,  to  provide  for  the  coast  defences, 
and  ordered  gun-boats  to  be  built,  two  of  which  were 
stationed  in  the  River  Alvarado. 

The  continuation  of  the  war  with  England  again 
necessitated   heavy  contributions  from   the   Spanish 

15  To  serve  Joseph  Bonaparte,  when  king  of  Spain. 

10 Azanza,  the  fifty-fourth  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  was  bom  in  Navarre,  in 
1746,  and  came  to  Mexico  for  the  first  time  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  with  an 
uncle,  who  filled  several  important  government  positions.  In  1781  he  was  a 
captain  at  the  siege  of  Gibraltar,  and  afterward  filled  various  important  dip- 
lomatic and  military  positions.  He  was  appointed  to  the  viceroyalty  in  1796, 
but  did  not  arrive  until  the  time  mentioned  in  the  text.  Gomez,  Diario,  464, 
468;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  311,  803;  Rivera,  Gob.,  496;  Cavo,  Tres  SUjlos, 
iii.  176,  136-90;  Alaman,  Uisert.,  iii.  app.  84. 

17  See  Azanza,  I  untrue,  MS.,  158. 


MILITARY  MEASURES.  491 

subjects  in  the  colonies,  this  time  principally  from 
those  in  the  northern  provinces,  and  danger  was  once 
more  apprehended  from  the  United  States.  Notwith- 
standing the  recent  treaty,  it  was  believed  that  the 
government  of  the  latter  country  was  in  sympathy 
with  England,  and  would  not  prevent  her  from  in- 
vading Spanish  Florida  and  Louisiana,  with  a  view 
to  make  herself  master  of  the  commerce  of  the  West 
Indies.18  It  was  also  feared  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  might  attempt  to  extend  their  posses- 
sions southward.19 

Though  Azanza  had  dissolved  the  encampments 
formed  by  his  predecessor,  it  now  became  necessary 
to  have  at  his  disposal  an  effective  force  of  troops. 
The  brigadier-general,  Garcia  Davila,  intendente  of 
Vera  Cruz,  having  returned  from  Habana,  was  or- 
dered to  Mexico  to  receive  verbal  instructions  con- 
cerning the  defence  of  the  coast;  Pedro  Garibay, 
afterward  viceroy,  was  appointed  to  the  presidency  of 
Guadalajara,  and  Felix  de  Calleja,  who  was  destined 
to  play  an  important  part  during  the  revolution  in 
the  service  of  the  crown,  and  also  as  viceroy,  was 
appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  brigade  of  San  Luis 
Potosi.20  During  this  time  brigades  were  established 
throughout  the  country,  to  which  the  militia  might  be 
assigned  for  military  training.  Azanza  also  proposed 
measures  to  avoid  the  inconvenience  caused  by  the 
almost  independent  control  of  the  provincias  internas 
by  the  comandante  general,  a  matter  which  former 
viceroys  had  not  been  able  satisfactorily  to  arrange. 

18  Without  giving  any  authority  for  the  statement,  Rivera,  Gobemantes,  i. 
497,  says:  'El  ministro  Talleyrand  di6  la  voz  de  alarma,  espresando  al  eniba- 
jador  espafiol  en  Paris  los  temores  que  abrigaba  por  la  conducta  de  los  Esta- 
dos-Unidos,  en  cuyo  congreso  el  oro  y  las  intrigas  del  ministro  Pitt  habian 
ganado  muchos  adeptos. ' 

19  Because  of  this  mistrust,  a  number  of  English  and  Americans  who  had 
landed  in  California  were  arrested  and  shipped  to  San  Bias  and  thence  trans- 
ferred to  Vera  Cruz.  One  of  the  prisoners  died  on  the  way,  and  another 
escaped. 

20  When  Calleja  first  heard  of  the  revolutionary  outbreak  at  Dolores  in 
1810,  he  immediately  concentrated  his  brigade — 'organize  un  ejercito,  y  con 
el  obtuvo  las  primeras  ventajas  del  gobierno  espafiol.'  Cavo,  Tres  Siglosy  iii. 


492  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

The  frontiers  had  not  been  extended;  no  Indians  were 
being  converted,  nor  were  those  provinces  pacified. 
For  these  reasons  it  was  considered  advantageous 
that  they  should  again  be  under  the  direct  control  of 
the  viceroy. 

The  preparations  made  by  the  viceroy  were  a  timely 
precaution.  In  1799  war  was  declared  with  Russia. 
During  the  summer  of  this  year  several  English  priva- 
teers had  molested  the  Mexican  coast  on  the  southern 
sea.  They  captured  some  valuable  Spanish  vessels, 
and  cruised  along  the  gulf  of  California  to  the  north 
of  the  Colorado,  touching  at  the  southern  part  of  the 
Peninsula,  and  at  the  Maria  Islands,  to  procure  fresh 
stores.  The  Spanish  vessels  at  San  Bias  were  pow- 
erless against  them,  and  the  English  squadron  even 
prevented  the  departure  of  the  expedition  which  the 
captain-general  of  the  provincias  internas  had  pre- 
pared against  the  Indians  on  Tiburon  Island.21 

Foreign  wars  and  expected  invasion  were  not  all 
that  the  authorities  dreaded.  The  political  horizon 
of  New  Spain  became  overcast,  and  germs  of  rebellion 
already  began  to  appear.  Ideas  and  opinions  disre- 
spectful to  the  authority  of  the  king  were  here  and 
there  diffused  among  the  people,  and  were  no  secret 
to  those  in  command.  This  was  particularly  notice- 
able when  some  occurrence  called  forth  the  ancient 
rivalry  between  Creole  and  Spaniard.  Prosecutions 
for  high  treason  became  more  frequent,22  the  first  im- 
portant case  of  the  kind  being  that  against  Juan 

21  The  brig  Activo,  schooner  Sutil,  and  sloop  ITorcashas,  which  were  to  go 
on  the  expedition,  had  to  take  refuge  in  Puerto  Escondido.  Azanza,  List  rue, 
MS.,  184-G.  Azanza  feared  that  the  Russians  might  in  conjunction  with  the 
English  invade  Alta  California,  where  they  had  always  been  anxious  to  form 
settlements.  The  viceroy  therefore  asked  the  king  to  establish  a  naval  force 
at  Acapulco.  It  was  thought  impossible  to  establish  forts  and  garrisons  in 
California.  Azauz'i,  Instruc,  MS.,  184-6.  At  this  time  the  coast  of  Tabasco 
and  the  Carmen  presidio  were  harassed  by  corsairs,  who  did  little  damage, 
however,  thanks  to  the  activity  of  the  governors. 

"Sec  the  case  against  the  agitator  Rojas,  who  escaped  from  the  clutches 
of  the  inquisition  to  New  Orleans.  Alaman,  J  list.  Mej.,  i.  128. 


GUERRERO'S  PLOT.  493 

Guerrero  and  his  companions  during  the  administra- 
tion of  Branciforte.23 

The  instigator  and  principals  in  this  conspiracy- 
were  Europeans.24  Their  plan  was  to  surprise  the 
commander  of  the  plaza  by  night  in  the  capital,  and 
with  threats  against  his  life,  force  him  to  put  at  their 
disposal  a  force  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  men  from  one 
of  the  regiments  of  the  garrison.  This  accomplished, 
the  city  prisons  and  the  acordada  building,  the  latter 
alone  containing  eight  hundred  prisoners,  were  to  be 
thrown  open;  the  archbishop  and  the  authorities 
were  then  to  be  secured,  after  which  the  mint,  treas- 
ury, and  the  wealthy  merchants  were  to  be  plundered. 
The  banner  of  liberty  wTas  then  to  be  unfurled  on  the 
palace,  and  the  Indians  released  from  paying  tribute. 
Guerrero  thought  he  might  then  possess  himself  of 
Vera  Cruz  by  merely  sending  to  that  place  an  envoy; 
the  port  was  to  be  opened  to  the  ships  of  all  nations, 
without  permitting  any  to  depart,  lest  news  of  the 
state  of  affairs  should  reach  Spain,  though  he  did  not 
greatly  fear  that  troops  would  arrive,  as  the  atten- 
tion of  the  mother  country  was  absorbed  in  European 
affairs. 

This  plan  Guerrero  communicated  to  the  presbyter 
Juan  Vara,  chaplain  of  the  regiment  de  Corona,  in 
Mexico,  whom  he  offered  to  make  archbishop  in  case 
of  success.  But  Vara  must  impart  the  news  of  his 
prospective  exaltation  to  a  countryman,  who  in  turn 
made  haste  to  betray  his  friend  by  reporting  the  matter 
to  the  authorities.  Guerrero  was  imprisoned  on  the 
15th  of  September,  and  all  his  companions  soon  shared 
the  same  fate.  With  the  exception  of  the  presbyter, 
who  managed  to  escape  from  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the 

23 See  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  177-80;  Bustamante,  Medidas  Pacif. , 
MS.,  ii.  63-4;  Alaman,  Hint.  Mej.,  i.  128-31;  Arranr/oiz,  i.  33-4;  Domenech, 
Hist.  duMex.,  i.  308-9. 

24 Guerrero  was  a  native  of  Estepona  in  Granada,  Spain,  and  had  come  to 
Mexico  as  purser  of  one  of  the  ships  from  the  Philippines.  Having  been  left 
at  Acapulco  on  account  of  sickness,  he  asked  his  pay  from  the  authorities  at 
Mexico,  but  was  refused.  Poverty  then  drove  him  to  rebellion.  Alaman, 
Hist.  Mej.,  i.  12S-9. 


494  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 


conspirators,  after  eight  years  of  investigation,  were 
exiled  to  different  parts  of  the  world.25 

While  Guerrero  and  his  friends  were  -undergoing 
trial,  another  plot  was  discovered,  which  created  much 
excitement  at  the  time  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  This 
was  the  so-called  "  machete  conspiracy"  toward  the 
end  of  1799,  instigated  by  Pedro  Portilla,  collector  of 
duties  of  the  city.  His  nephew,  Isidoro  Francisco  de 
Aguirre,  a  former  government  employe  at  Guadala- 
jara, to  whom  Portilla  had  confided  the  matter,  be- 
lieving him  dissatisfied  with  the  authorities,  disclosed 
the  affair  to  Viceroy  Azanza.  The  conspirators  num- 
bered thirteen,  and  were  either  relatives  or  friends 
of  the  leader,  some  of  them  holding  public  positions. 
The  object  was  much  the  same  as  that  of  Guerrero, 
but  the  project  was  in  its  conception  impracticable. 
Without  weighing  the  difficulties  attending  the  exe- 
cution of  their  plan  the  conspirators  had  provided 
themselves  with  no  other  arms  than  a  number  of 
machetes.  Prisoners  were  to  be  liberated  with  whose 
aid  they  would  make  themselves  masters  of  the  palace 
and  government  offices;  the  authorities  and  all  Euro- 
peans were  to  be  imprisoned,  and  their  possessions 
confiscated.  The  people  should  then  be  called  upon 
to  decide  on  the  convocation  of  a  congress  like  that 
of  the  United  States,  or  other  form  of  government. 

Though  the  plot  was  ridiculous,  Azanza  did  not 
undervalue  its  moral  importance.  "Although,"  he 
says  to  the  king,26  "the  condition  of  the  individuals 
who  formed  the  project  would  cause  me  little  anxiety, 
as  neither  for  their  position,  faculties,  nor  talents  were 
they  fit  to  carry  out  a  plan  of  that  kind,  yet  by  some 

25  Besides  Guerrero  and  Father  Vara  there  were  Jose"  Rodriguez  Valencia, 
a  wig-maker,  intended  as  ambassador  to  the  United  States;  Antonio  Reyes,  a 
retired  officer  of  dragoons;  Mariano  de  la  Torre,  government  official,  and  Jos6 
Tamayo,  master  barber,  who  died  in  prison.  According  to  Alaman,  Hist. 
Mej.,  i.  132,  Guerrero  had  abandoned  his  purpose  before  his  arrest.  Never- 
theless he  was  sentenced  to  six  years  of  exile  to  Africa,  after  being  kept  in 
irons  during  the  investigation.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  177-80;  Busla- 
mante,  Medidas,  Pad/.,  MS.,  ii.  C3-4;  Arrangoiz,  Max.,  i.  33-4. 

™  Informe  Reservado,  Nov.  30,  1799. 


THE  MACHETE  CONSPIRACY.  495 

great  misfortune  there  exist  in  America  an  ancient 
division  and  bitter  enmity  between  Europeans  and 
Creoles,  an  enmity  capable  of  producing  the  most  fatal 
results,  and  which  must  ever  be  a  source  of  apprehen- 
sion to  the  government.  I  deemed  it  necessary  to 
look  seriously  at  this  matter,  and  to  take  active  steps 
to  check  the  evil  at  the  start." 

During  the  night  of  November  9th,  the  conspira- 
tors were  surprised  "without  noise  or  scandal,"  at  their 
place  of  meeting,  and  imprisoned.  The  greatest  care 
was  taken  to  conceal  from  the  public  the  motive  for 
this  proceeding,  so  as  not  to  excite  the  rancor  between 
the  two  classes.  Though  Azanza  by  this  measure 
rooted  out  a  conspiracy  of  which  he  affected  to  speak 
lightly,27  it  was  understood  that  he  foresaw  the  coming 
storm,  and  was  desirous  of  leaving  the  country.  The 
prisoners,  who  expected  summary  punishment,  enjoyed 
the  benefit  of  the  delicate  political  situation  of  the 
country.  According  to  the  opinion  of  many,  among 
whom  was  the  oidor  Guillermo  de  Aguirre,  the  day 
which  should  see  a  criminal  of  that  class  executed, 
would  be  the  commencement  of  a  reaction,  the  result 
of  which  would  be  the  independence  of  New  Spain. 
Several  of  the  conspirators  died  in  prison,  and  the 
others,  it  seems,  were  released  by  Azanza's  successor.23 

Azanza's  judgment  concerning  the  political  fermen- 
tations was  well  founded.  During  the  administration 
of  his  successor,  Marquina,  a  conspiracy  was  discovered 
in  Nueva  Galicia  among  the  natives,  headed  by  an  Ind- 
ian named  Mariano,  son  of  the  governor  of  Tlaxcala,29 
who  had  pretensions  to  royalty.  His  plan  comprised 
nothing  less  than  the  reestablishment  of  the  ancient 

27  Qualifying  it  as  '  de  mala  naturaleza,  por  la  disposicion  que  habia  en  el 
pueblo  a  dividirse  en  los  partidos  de  gachupines  y  criollos.'  Azanza,  Infor- 
mealEey,  Mex.,  Nov.  30,  1799;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  134. 

28  The  principal,  Portilla,  was  a  man  of  some  note  after  the  independence. 
Particulars  of  the  trial  are  in  Portilla,  Representacion,  passim;  See  also  Azanza, 
Informe  al  Rey,  passim;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  132-4;  Cavo,  Trss  Siglos, 
iii.  182-3;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  iii.  292-4;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  715-17;  x. 
1364;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  396. 

29  Not  the  ancient  city  of  Tlaxcala  near  Puebla,  but  one  of  the  colonies  of 
Tlaxcaltecs  established  in  the  interior. 


496  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

Aztec  empire,  with  himself  as  king;  and  being  at  a 
loss  for  a  crown,  he  stole  the  one  from  the  image  of 
St  Joseph  in  one  of  the  churches  at  Topic.  Anony- 
mous proclamations  were  circulated,  and  the  would-be 
king  was  in  communication  with  the  Indian  towns  of 
Colotlan  and  Nayarit.  It  was  supposed  that  the 
movement  was  encouraged  by  Count  Miravalles  of 
Mexico,  who  held  large  possessions  in  the  vicinity  of 
Tepic,  and  that  everything  was  done  with  the  knowl- 
edge and  assistance  of  the  English.  The  timorous 
viceroy  had  even  conceived  the  absurd  notion  that  the 
United  States  had  a  hand  in  the  conspiracy.  This 
time  a  woman,  named  Maldonado,  divulged  the  names 
of  the  leaders,  and  the  president  of  Guadalajara,  Jose 
Fernando  Abascal,  reported  the  matter  to  the  viceroy. 
At  the  same  time  Lieutenant  Salvador  Fidalgo  and 
Captain  Leonardo  Pintado  were  ordered  out  with 
forces  against  the  Indians.  Eighty-six  persons  wTere 
arrested  by  these  two  officers,  and  many  others  by  the 
civil  authorities,  all  of  them  being  taken  to  Guadala- 
jara. This  conspiracy  partook  somewhat  of  a  nihilis- 
tic character.  It  had  been  decided  that  during  the 
festivities  to  the  virgin  of  Guadalupe,  her  sanctuary 
near  Mexico  should  be  fired  by  means  of  explosives 
concealed  in  wax  candles,  to  be  donated  by  the  natives 
on  that  day.  During  the  confusion  the  palace  of  the 
viceroy  was  to  be  blown  up,  for  which  purpose  it 
would  be  previously  undermined  at  the  four  corners.30 
The  most  careful  investigation  in  the  matter  did  not 
bring  to  light  sufficient  evidence  to  convict  any  of  the 
participants,  which  either  proves  that  the  viceroy 
dared  not  publicly  inflict  punishment  for  rebellion,  or 
that  the  plan  had  been  so  astutely  managed  as  to  pre- 
clude the  possibility  of  conviction.  Many  of  the  pris- 
oners died  in  the  hospital;  among  them  Jose  Geronimo 
Perez,  who  had  communicated  with  the  Indians  in  the 

30  This  was  told  to  the  woman  Maldonado  by  the  wife  of  one  of  the  con- 
spirators; it  was  also  divulged  by  an  unknown  person  passing  through  Tepic. 
Alaman,  West.  JI<j.,  i.  135. 


EFFECT  OF  FOREIGN  WAR.  497 

interior,  and  his  wife,  who  had  disclosed  the  affair  to 
the  woman  Maldonado.31 

In  the  mean  while  the  Comanches  continued  their 
depreciations,  Laredo,  Reinosa,  Revilla,  and  other 
places  being  attacked  at  various  times.  Of  not  much 
avail  were  the  measures  dictated  by  commanders  of 
presidios,  and  the  count  of  Sierra  Gorda,  governor 
of  Nuevo  Santander.  Though  these  outbreaks  were  of 
little  importance  in  themselves,  the  concern  which  the 
government  showed  in  regard  to  them  is  a  proof  that 
serious  trouble  was  expected. 

The  European  wars  seem  in  one  respect  to  have 
been  rather  an  advantage  to  New  Spain.  The  Eng- 
lish fleets  blockading  Vera  Cruz  or  cruising  about  the 
gulf  were  the  cause  of  a  great  diminution  of  the  silver 
export,  preventing  on  the  other  hand  the  entry  of 
merchandise  from  Spain.  This  necessarily  promoted 
home  industry  and  internal  commerce,  to  which  the 
surplus  funds  could  be  applied.  Thus  New  Spain  was 
made  nearly  dependent  on  herself  for  the  time  being, 
the  commotions  of  the  old  world  making  the  colony 
acquainted  for  the  first  time  with  the  extent  of  her 
resources,  and  teaching  her  the  value  of  an  indepen- 
dent existence.32 

During  his  short  rule  Azanza  was  too  busy  to 
give  much  attention  to  the  formation  of  new  settle- 
ments; but  on  the  borders  of  the  river  Salado,  in 
Nuevo  Leon,  he  established  a  new  colony  under  the 
name  of  Candelaria  de  Azanza,  with  a  detachment  of 
militia  as  a  guard  for  protection  against  the  savages 
who  passed  through  those  regions  during  their  raids 
on  the  frontier.     Of  the  calamities  during  this  admin- 

31  In  acknowledgment  of  his  services  during  this  conspiracy,  president 
Abascal  was  made  viceroy  of  Buenos  Ayres,  and  then  of  Peru,  where  he  re- 
ceived the  title  of  marque's  de  la  Concordia. 

32  Azanza  gave  much  encouragement  to  the  manufactures  of  silk,  cotton, 
and  wool.  In  the  town  of  Cadereita  alone  there  were  more  than  two  hundred 
looms,  giving  employment  to  over  five  hundred  men.  Azanza,  Relation,  San 
Crist6bal,  1800.  The  uniforms  of  the  whole  army  of  New  Spain  were  made 
from  cloth  manufactured  at  Queretaro. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    32 


498  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

istration,  two  are  recorded  as  of  note.  In  July  1799 
a  destructive  hurricane  swept  over  the  port  and  city 
of  Acapulco,  causing  much  damage  to  life  and  prop- 
erty.83 On  the  day  of  Saint  John,  March  8,  1800, 
one  of  the  severest  earthquakes  on  record  was  felt  in 
the  city  of  Mexico,  extending  with  more  or  less  force 
over  many  of  the  provinces.  It  commenced  with  an 
oscillation  from  east  to  west,  thence  changing  its  di- 
rection from  north  to  south,  and  terminating  with  the 
circular  motion  observed  at  times  in  other  earth- 
quakes.34 The  greatest  consternation  prevailed  for  a 
time,  but  fortunately  no  lives  were  lost,  and  the  dam- 
age to  buildings  was  not  so  great  as  had  been  feared. 
The  transit  of  coaches  and  wagons  was  prohibited, 
until  it  was  ascertained  by  a  board  of  engineers  that 
the  walls  of  the  buildings  throughout  the  city  re- 
mained secure.  Of  an  earthquake  which  occurred  at 
Oajaca  the  next  year,  Carriedo  sa}^s:  "It  happened 
at  midnight,  during  a  heavy  rain;  the  people  took  to 
praying,  the  dogs  to  howling,  and  the  priests  to  hear- 
ing confessions.35 

While  Azanza  was  beginning  to  enjoy  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people,  it  seems  that  his  good  qualities  as 
a  ruler  were  not  appreciated  by  the  home  government, 
for  without  any  apparent  cause  he  suddenly  lost  favor 
at  court,  and  his  successor  was  appointed.36     He  was, 

33  See  Azanza,  Fnstruc,  MS.,  92-3. 

34The  duration  was  over  four  minutes.  In  Guanajuato,  where  Busta- 
mante  was  at  the  time,  no  shock  was  felt,  but  '  se  noto  una  grande  opacidad  en 
la  atm6sfera,  cosa  rara  en  aquel  cielo  hermoso.'  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  182. 
Other  shocks  occurred  in  Oajaca  the  following  year,  in  Vera  Cruz  and  Orizaba 
in  1805,  and  more  or  less  severe  shocks  during  the  next  four  or  five  years.  See 
/(/.,  Id.,  197-8;  Carriedo,  Estudios,  ii.  107;  Orizaba,  Ocatrrencias,  i. ;  Azanza, 
Inst  rue,  MS.,  55;  Fossey,  Mex.,  398;  Cortina,  Seismologia,  passim;  Diar., 
il/ex.,i.303,337;  ii.  344;  iii.  70-1,  153-4,176;  vii.  159;  vi'ii.jxiii.;  Gaz  Mex., 
xiii.  2G3-4,  400,  411-16. 

3'°Estudios  Hist.,  ii.  107. 

36Alaman,  Hist.  M6j.,  i.  134,  assumes  that  Azanza  was  anxious  to  hay  down 
the  government  on  account  of  impending  troubles  in  Mexico.  Bustamante,  in 
Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  iii.  185-6,  affirms  that  the  removal  of  the  viceroy  Mas  the 
work  of  intrigue  and  barter  between  Godoy  and  Marquina.  '  El  vireinato  se 
puso  en  venta  en  aquella  corte  (Madrid):  dicese  que  se  ofreci6  en  ochenta  mil 
pesos  al  Secretario  Bonilla  que  residia  en  la  corte,  y  se  qued6  sin  el  por  no 


AZANZA'S  LATER  CAREER.  409 

however,  only  too  glad  to  be  removed  from  office. 
Shortly  before  his  departure  he  married  his  cousin, 
the  widow  countess  of  Contramina;  then  removing  to 
San  Cristobal,  he  delivered  the  government  into  the 
hands  of  his  successor,  and  sailed  for  Spain.  Nothing 
of  the  odium  of  his  predecessor  attached  to  this  ruler, 
and  the  people  of  Mexico  were  unwilling  to  see  him 
depart. 

On  his  arrival  at  Madrid  he  received  some  honors 
at  the  hands  of  Carlos  IV.,  but  remained  away  from 
court  until,  in  1808,  he  became  minister  under  Ferdi- 
nand VII.  Until  that  time  Azanza  seems  always  to 
have  labored  for  the  welfare  of  his  country,  but,  like 
his  predecessor,  was  afterward  guilty  of  desertion,  and 
took  service  under  Joseph  Bonaparte.37 

The  people  of  New  Spain  were  again  filled  with 
forebodings  of  evil  on  the  arrival  of  the  new  viceroy, 
for  he  was  supposed  to  be  another  of  the  creatures  of 
Godoy.  The  power  of  this  misnamed  prince  of  peace 
over  the  king,  and  his  alleged  paramour  the  queen, 
and  his  fatal  influence  on  the  destinies  of  Spain,  had 
begun  to  cast  a  sombre  shadow  on  the  colonies.  Felix 
Berenguer  de  Marquina  took  the  customary  oath  in 
the  capital 3S  on  the  30th  of  August  1800.  He  was 
not  received  in  the  city  with  the  customary  enthu- 
siasm, the  popular  mind  being  strongly  prejudiced 
against  him.     The  audiencia,  it  seems,  were  even  re- 

haber  encontrado  un  libramiento  contra  su  yerno  D.  Lorenzo  Guardamino,  y 
se  le  confirio  a  D.  Felix  Berenguer  de  Marquina.' 

37  He  died  at  Bordeaux  on  the  20th  of  June  1820,  at  the  age  of  80,  poor,  and 
bereft  of  all  his  offices  and  titles,  but  appreciated  in  civil  life  for  his  personal 
merits  and  virtues.  See  Disposiciones  Varices,  MS.,  i.  108,  140;  Agreda,  Rep- 
resent., MS.,  passim;  Spain,  Manifiesto,  66-100;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  201-5; 
Rivera,  Gob.,  i.  502;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  84-5.  In  Azanza,  Instruction 
sobre  las  provincias  de  Nueva  Espafia,  MS.  (Mex.,  April  29,  1800),  are  the 
instructions  given  by  the  viceroy  to  his  successor.  It  also  contains  full  infor- 
mation concerning  the  policy  of  Azanza's  administration  from  1798  to  1800,  and 
a  sketch  of  the  general  condition  of  New  Spain  for  that  period,  with  mairy 
details  on  mining,  commerce,  and  military  matters. 

38  Marquina,  the  fifty-fifth  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  held  the  rank  of  rear- 
admiral  in  the  royal  navy.  Of  his  earlier  life  very  little  is  known.  On  his 
way  to  Mexico  he  was  captured  by  the  English  near  Cape  Catoche  and  taken 
to  Jamaica;  he  was  allowed  to  proceed,  however,  to  his  destination  with  his 
secretary  Bonilla. 


COO  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

1  octant  to  recognize  the  authority  of  the  new  ruler, 
pretending  that  his  papers  were  not  in  the  customary 
form.  The  fact  of  his  having  been  taken  prisoner  by 
the  English  during  his  voyage  to  New  Spain  created 
the  belief  that,  as  an  officer  of  the  royal  navy,  he  had 
been  obliged  to  promise  not  to  take  up  arms  against 
that  nation  during  his  administration,  in  order  to 
secure  his  release.  It  was  well  known  that  while 
governor  of  the  Mariana  islands  he  had  shown  himself 
inimical  to  the  audiencia  of  Manila,  which  matter 
came  to  the  official  knowledge  of  the  oidores  of  Mex- 
ico. Hence  they  had  reason  to  fear  his  authority,  not 
being  aware  of  the  harmless  character  of  the  individ- 
ual.39 His  interference  with  the  right  of  the  people 
to  enjoy  bull-fights  by  forbidding  them  from  the  very 
day  of  his  reception,  though  humane  and  praiseworthy, 
increased  his  unpopularity.  The  ayuntamiento  of  Mex- 
ico claimed  that  in  the  festivities  on  this  occasion  they 
had  expended  a  greater  sum  than  the  legal  allowance 
for  that  purpose,  and  they  must  have  the  bull-fight 
customary  on  such  occasions  to  cover  the  deficiency. 
Still,  Marquina  remained  firm.  "Such  festivities,"  he 
tells  the  ayuntamiento,  "  contribute  to  the  demoral- 
ization of  the  people,  and  ruin  the  heads  of  families 
by  augmenting  their  expenses  at  a  period  when  public 
misery  is  at  its  height."  Then  from  his  own  means 
he  paid  seven  thousand  pesos  to  make  good  the  differ- 
ence. Nevertheless  he  was  considered  little  better 
than  a  fool,  for  he  was  thought  to  lack  ability  to  gov- 
ern a  great  country,40  and  though  kind  of  heart,  his 
simplicity  often  exposed  him  to  ridicule.41 

39  '  Se  habia  conducido  con  animosidad  cuando  fiie"  Gobernador  de  Islas 
Marianas,  y  se  tenia  que  obrase  del  mismo  modo  en  Mexico.'  Cavo,  Tres 
Sigloa,  iii.  192-3. 

40  This  seems  disproved  however  by  the  fact  that  subsequently  Marquina 
was  made  viceroy  of  Buenos  Aires,  and  then  of  Peru,  where  he  obtained  the 
tide  of  marques  de  la  Concordia. 

n  He  was  fond  of  writing  his  decrees  himself.  At  one  time,  when  on  a 
certain  measure  the  assessor  supported  one  view  and  the  fiscal  another,  he 
thought  to  reconcile  the  two  extremes  by  ending  his  decree  with  the  words: 
'As  the  fiscal  claims  and  the  assessor-general  thinks,  although  it  does  not 
seem  so  to  me — Marquina.'     During  a  trip  to  Vera  Cruz  the  senior  oidor  in 


MARQUINA'S  REFORMS.  501 

Another  of  Marquina's  acts  showing  his  humane 
disposition  was  the  release  of  English  prisoners  at 
Vera  Cruz.  He  had  seen  the  Spanish  prisoners  suf- 
fer at  Jaimaca,  and  by  this  generous  step  obtained  the 
release  of  his  countrymen  from  the  governor  of  that 
island.  Reforms  were  made  in  the  police  system,  and 
strict  measures  were  taken  to  enforce  the  ordinances 
passed  by  Revilla  Gigedo  and  Azanza,  by  which  the 
plebeians  were  prohibited  to  present  themselves  in 
public  unless  decently  clad,  all  such  offenders  being 
thenceforth  treated  as  vagrants.  Though  this  meas- 
ure was  considered  tyrannical,  its  enforcement  meeting 
with  great  obstacles,  it  is  claimed  to  have  had  a  very 
salutary  effect.42  The  regulations  of  the  various  guilds 
of  Mexico  excluded  women,  and  prohibited  them  from 
engaging  in  any  labor  or  industry  of  which  they 
claimed  a  monopoly.  Marquina's  predecessor  had 
fully  recognized  the  injustice  of  this  social  tyranny, 
and  declared  by  an  ordinance  of  April  22,  1799,  that 
women  should  be  free  to  employ  their  time  in  any 
labor  suited  to  their  strength  and  the  decorum  of 
their  sex.43  This  ordinance  was  now  reiterated  and 
enforced. 

charge  of  the  government  took  advantage  of  the  viceroy's  absence  to  give  the 
people  a  bull-fight.  On  his  return,  Marquina,  enraged,  immediately  issued  a 
decree  declaring  that  bull-fight  null  and  void!  The  only  public  improvement 
made  during  his  rule  was  a  fountain,  donated  by  the  viceroy  himself.  For 
some  reason  it  was  without  water  and  soon  became  a  receptacle  for  filth  and 
offal.  One  morning  there  was  attached  to  it  a  placard  with  the  following 
epigram: 

'Para  perpetua  memoria 

Nos  dejo  cl  Serlor  Marquina 

Una  pila  en  que  se  orina, 

Y  aqui  se  acaba  su  historia.' 

42  The  reform  was  extended  over  the  whole  country.  The  guilds  and  co- 
fradias  were  prohibited  from  receiving  any  person  not  decently  dressed.  In 
processions,  or  in  the  streets  they  passed,  in  the  paseos,  or  at  church  festi- 
vals, no  person  was  allowed  with  a  '  manta,  sabana,  zarape, '  or  similar  gar- 
ment under  pain  of  eight  days'  imprisonment.  The  same  was  enforced  in  re- 
gard to  children  in  primary  schools.  This  was  in  compliance  with  Azan- 
za's  recommendation  that  'la  vergonzosa  desnudez  del  pueblo  bajo  ofende 
tanto  la  vista  de  la  gente  culta,  y  ocasiona  muchos  dafios  fisicos  y  morales, 
quise  destruia  enteramente  este  abuso  pernicioso,  tan  comun  en  la  Capital 
como  en  otras  Ciudades  del  Reyno.'  histrucciones,  MS.,  60. 

43  'Declare  por  punto  general  que  las  mujeres  pueden  ocuparse  en  quales- 
quiera  labores  y  manufacturas  que  sean  compatibles  con  las  fuerzas  y  decoro 
de  su  sexo.'  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  59.     A  similar  decree  with  reference  to 


502  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

Reforms  of  a  different  nature  and  of  more  import 
had  begun  to  mark  the  progress  of  the  age.  The 
Spanish  government  had  issued  laws  tending  to  re- 
strict the  abuses  committed  by  ecclesiastics  in  their 
capacity  as  confessors,  who  would  induce  repentant 
sinners,  and  persons  on  their  death-bed,  to  make  over 
to  them  their  property,  apparently  for  charitable  pur- 
poses, to  the  injury  of  the  lawful  heirs  and  the  state. 
The  council  of  the  Indies  had  therefore  declared  all 
such  bequests  void;  but  this  had  not  the  desired  effect 
until  Carlos  IV.  forbade  notaries  to  legalize  such 
transactions  in  any  form,  or  under  any  pretence 
whatever. 

The  English  fleet  continued  to  damage  the  com- 
merce of  New  Spain  and  to  blockade  the  harbor  of 
Vera  Cruz  in  sight  of  the  fortress  of  Uliia  and  the 
gun-boats.  The  poor  construction  of  the  latter  never 
enabled  them  to  do  any  harm  to  the  more  powerful 
enemy,  who  had  control  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
wTas  ready  to  capture  Spanish  craft  that  might  ven- 
ture into  or  out  of  any  port  on  the  coast.  Marquina 
repaired  to  Vera  Cruz  where  a  council  was  held  as 
to  the  feasibility  of  sending  out  the  naval  forces  to 
engage  the  enemy  and  oblige  him  to  retire  from  the 
coast.  The  plan  was  disapproved,  but  on  the  27th  of 
the  same  month  when  an  English  frigate  appeared  in 
front  of  Vera  Cruz,  the  four  available  craft  in  the 
harbor  were  sent  out  to  engage  her;  they  soon  re- 
turned, however,  not  being  in  a  condition  to  risk  an 
attack.  All  the  public  treasure  located  in  the  port 
was  transported  to  Jalapa  for  safety;  provisions  and 
ammunition  were  stored  in  Ulua  in  expectation  of  an 
attack.  Instructions  also  were  given  that  if  the  place 
could  not  be  held,  the  commander  should  cut  his  way 
through,  and  retreat  toward  the  capital  as  best  he 
might. 

New  Spain  was  issued  by  Carlos  III.  in  1784;  this  was  subsequently  reformed 
and  amplified  by  Carlos  IV. 


TREASURE  SHIPMENTS.  503 

As  further  precautions  for  defense  Calleja  was  or- 
dered to  form  a  brigade  of  cavalry  at  San  Luis  Potosi; 
Nemecio  Salcedo  was  appointed  comandante  general 
to  govern  the  provincias  internas,  and  the  licentiate 
Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna,  the  future  general, 
was  made  subdelegate  of  Antigua  Vera  Cruz.  An- 
other appointment  made  by  Marquina  at  this  time 
was  that  of  a  corregidor  for  Queretaro,  in  the  person 
of  Don  Miguel  Dominguez,  who,  together  with  his 
wife,  Josefa  Maria  Ortiz,  became  famous  in  the  strug- 
gle for  liberty  during  the  revolution. 

Among  the  most  notable  events  during  the  admin- 
istration of  Marquina  was  the  publication  in  Mexico 
in  1802,  of  the  peace  concluded  with  England,  and  a 
year  previously  of  that  with  Portugal.  The  immediate 
effect  was  a  fall  in  the  prices  of  all  commodities,  and 
commerce  received  a  new  and  vigorous  impulse.  Pub- 
lic treasure  had  accumulated,  and  Marquina  shipped 
treasure  to  the  amount  of  six  million  dollars  to  Ha- 
bana  and  eighteen  millions  to  Spain.  Still  the  crown 
must  have  more  gold,  and  a  papal  bull  was  obtained 
for  the  sale  of  new  indulgences  whereby  all  could  be 
released  from  fasting  during  lent. 

These  exactions  were  more  severe  on  the  inhabitants 
as  at  the  same  time  they  were  suffering  from  other 
calamities.  During  the  latter  portion  of  the  viceroy's 
administration  there  occurred  an  extraordinary  rain- 
fall in  Tamaulipas,  lasting  about  two  weeks,  and 
inundating  many  towrns  and  ranchos.  In  Lampazos 
some  hundred  dwellings  were  destroyed;  the  new 
town  of  Azanza  was  swept  awTay,  and  the  river  Salado 
overspread  its  banks  four  leagues  on  either  side.  In 
Nuevo  Santander  all  the  northern  settlements  were 
under  water,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Peinosa  abandoned 
the  town  on  rafts.  In  the  town  of  Santa  Rosa  in 
Coahuila,  only  seven  dwellings  were  saved,  and  in 
Monclova  two  hundred  houses  wTere  destroyed.44 

i4:Arch.  Nac.  Mex.,  torn.  ccxi.  carta  dclxlviii. 


504  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

Many  expedients  provided  by  Marquina  were 
disapproved  by  the  home  government,  especially  in 
cases  of  appointments,  a  matter  in  which  he  always 
proceeded  with  the  greatest  care,  to  satisfy  himself 
that  he  neglected  not  his  duty  to  the  crown.45  The 
disappointment  which  he  felt  in  not  seeing  his  loyal 
intentions  appreciated/6  induced  him  early  in  1802  to 
resign  in  disgust  an  office  which  he  tried  in  vain  to 
fill  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  people  and  his  king. 
The  resignation  was  promptly  accepted,  and  in  Janu- 
ary, 1803y  he  delivered  the  baton  of  office  into  the 
hands  of  his  successor.  Although  he  was  not  a  capa- 
ble ruler,  the  government  of  New  Spain  had  never 
been  intrusted  to  purer  hands,  and  his  departure  was 
regretted  by  many  who  had  learned  to  respect  in  him 
the  good  qualities  which  had  drawn  forth  the  ridicule 
of  the  vulgar. 

Never  was  an  able  viceroy  more  sorely  needed  at 
the  head  of  affairs  than  at  the  opening  of  the  nine- 
teenth century.  Discontent  and  impatience  of  home 
rule  were  openly  expressed  throughout  the  provinces, 
and  the  distant  moaning  of  the  storm  which  was  soon 
to  burst  over  Spanish  America  could  already  be  dis- 
tinctly heard.  It  was  a  favorite  maxim  of  Revilla 
Gigeclo  the  younger  that  the  first  duty  of  a  Spaniard 
was  gratitude  to  the  mother  country.  It  must  be 
confessed,  however,  that  she  was  an  exceedingly  self- 
ish parent.  The  burden  of  excessive  imposts,  and  the 
vexatious  restrictions  on  commerce  and  industries, 
which  became  her  settled  policy,  fell  heavily  on  the 
colonies.  Crowds  of  indolent  and  dishonest  officials 
lived  in  luxury  at  the  public  expense,  and  helped  them- 
selves from  the  public  purse.  The  viceroys  at  this 
time  received  a  salary  more  than  twice  as  large  as 

45  'Me  parece  queeste  punto  lo  he  manejado  con  excesiva  escrupulosidad,  y 
estoy  poseido  de  una  interior  satisfaccion  de  que  he  llenado  mis  deberes.'  In. 
struc,  Vireyes,  217. 

!C  '  Sin  embargo  de  este  prcmeditado  procedimiento . . .  tuve  el  dolor  de  habef 
recibido  en  Agosto  ultimo  dos  Reales  Ordenes  que  no  aprobaban  el  nombra- 
miento  que  hice.'  Id. 


OMES'OUS  SIGNS.  50o 

that  of  the  presidents  of  the  United  States.47  but  this 
was  small  as  compared  with  the  profits  of  office,  for 
not  infrequently  they  retired  with  enormous  fortunes 
acquired  by  stolen  gains.  Yet,  as  we  have  seen,  the 
Spanish  monarch  and  his  representatives  in  New 
Spain  often  neglected  to  find  means  for  the  protection 
of  the  colonies  from  the  raids  of  corsairs,  and  from  in- 
vasion by  foreign  powers.  So  little  confidence  had 
the  people  in  their  rulers  that  even  in  the  reign  of 
Re  villa  Gigedo — one  of  the  most  able  and  energetic 
of  all  the  viceroys — the  presence  of  a  fishing  fleet  in 
the  gulf  of  Mexico  threw  the  country  into  a  panic.48 
But  other  causes  were  also  at  work.  The  success- 
ful termination  of  the  American  war  of  independence, 
and  the  vast  increase  in  material  prosperity  which  en- 
sued within  less  than  a  quarter  of  century;  the  marvel- 
lous change  which  the  genius  of  the  First  Consul  had 
wrought  in  the  fortunes  of  the  French  republic:  the 
feeble  administration  of  Carlos  IV.,  who  in  the  darkest 
hour  of  his  country's  distress  still  left  the  control  of 
affairs  in  the  hands  of  his  crafty  but  incapable  min- 
ister, Manuel  de  Godoy — all  these  events  tended  to 
foster  the  spirit  of  disloyalty  among  the  people,  who 
became  every  year  more  ripe  for  rebellion.  Though 
the  hour  had  not  yet  come,  the  term  of  Spain's  long 
dominion  in  the  Xew  World  was  well  nigh  accom- 
plished; her  days  were  numbered,  and  already  the 
handwriting  was  on  the  wall. 

47  The  salary  of  the  viceroys  -was  now  60.000  pesos  a  year. 

*sIt  was  at  first  supposed  that  the  fleet  was  sent  for  the  purpose  of  estab- 
lishing a  settlement  or  making  raids  on  Spanish  territory,  but  the  alarm  sub- 
sided when  it  was  known  that  it  had  sailed  from  Boston.  To  prevent  such 
expeditions  in  the  future  a  royal  decree  was  issued  in  September  1789  order- 
ing a  company  to  be  established  with  the  exclusive  right  to  the  gulf  fisheries 
for  twenty  years,  and  with  the  privilege  of  trading  and  establishing  colonies 
in  America  and  Asia,  the  king  furnishing  troops  and  arms. 

The  bibliographic  review  at  the  close  of  the  preceding  volume  may  be  said 
to  include  in  its  general  features  the  present,  by  explaining  the  imperfect  and 
scattered  nature  of  the  material  from  which  I  have  had  to  cull  the  facts. 
Writers  who  have  attempted  to  cover  the  entire  field  from  the  conquest  to 
their  own  times  are  most  unsatisfactory  in  their  scanty  outline,  swelled  now 


506  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

and  then  by  disproportionate  details  on  some  topic  for  which  they  happened 
to  obtain  special  information,  or  with  predilection  for  certain  regions  or  sub- 
jects. In  the  latter  respect  the  monk  chroniclers  excel;  and  intent  as  they 
are  on  their  favorite  theme,  they  sprinkle  but  scantily  political  and  general 
information  in  a  mass  of  theological  verbiage,  in  extenuated  accounts  of  mis- 
sion labors  in  obscure  districts,  and  in  reciting  the  negative  virtues  of  humble 
ascetics.  Add  to  the  want  of  historic  method,  the  lack  of  judgment  in  select- 
ing interesting  matter,  and  in  distinguishing  truth  from  absurdity,  the  bias 
given  by  credulity  and  bigotry,  the  involved  style,  and  other  defects,  and  the 
confusion  is  complete.  Not  that  I  ever  expected  to  find  the  subject  much 
better  presented;  had  it  been  so,  my  efforts  were  of  less  importance.  I  was, 
and  am,  fully  aware  of  the  necessity  to  go  to  the  fountain-head  for  informa- 
tion, if  I  would  rescue  much  valuable  material  cast  aside  by  the  unreflecting 
mind  and  which  serves  in  its  less  tangible  points  at  least  to  promote  the  phil- 
osophic treatment  of  the  rest.  The  original  sources  lie  not  alone  in  the  many 
collections  of  letters  and  reports  from  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  officials 
indicated  in  the  preface  to  Hist.  Mex.,  i.,  this  series,  and  throughout  the  foot- 
notes, but  they  are  to  be  found  in  the  many  annals  of  special  districts  and 
corporations,  based  on  documents  from  obscure  convents  and  local  offices, 
especially  for  periods  beyond  the  reach  of  the  writer's  own  observations.  The 
value  of  such  annals  is  increased  by  the  disappearance  of  the  sources  before 
the  inroads  of  time,  the  ravages  of  factions,  and  such  orders  from  the  superior 
government  as  instanced  in  Zamada,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  509,  wherein  a  remis- 
sion to  Spain  is  demanded  of  books  and  documents  which  may  serve  for  a  gen- 
eral history  of  the  Indies.  Among  the  special  works  must  be  mentioned  the 
diaries  of  private  individuals,  which  connected  extend  over  a  long  period,  and 
allude,  though  often  very  briefly,  to  almost  every  incident  of  note  throughout 
the  country.  Latterly  periodicals  begin  to  appear,  and  while  subjected  to  a 
most  depressing  censorship,  they  fail  not  to  add  both  facts  and  clues  for  the 
investigator.  Many  of  these  special  treatises,  annals,  and  diaries  are  so  rare 
as  not  to  have  reached  the  hands  of  modern  national  writers  on  New  Spain 
history,  or  they  have  only  quite  recently  been  brought  to  light;  others,  and 
especially  official  reports  from  viceroys,  governors,  judges,  prelates,  and  cor- 
porations, exist  only  in  manuscript  form,  many  of  them  unique. 

In  the  collection  of  such  rare  and  valuable  material  I  have  been  exceed- 
ingly fortunate,  partly  through  the  active  aid  of  friends  and  agents,  and  the 
researches  of  esteemed  predecessors  in  certain  portions  of  my  fields,  as  Pres- 
cott,  Squier,  Stephens;  but  also  by  constant  personal  search  and  effort  for  a 
period  of  30  years.  While  possessing  these  advantages  over  the  few  His- 
pano- American  writers  who  have  in  a  more  or  less  complete  manner  sought  to 
cover  the  colonial  period,  I  am  not  unmindful  of  their  meritorious  efforts,  and 
acknowledge  also  the  aid  afforded  me  by  their  different  views,  now  in  favor 
of  Spain,  now  for  Mexico;  upholding  the  cause  of  some  party  or  order,  or 
bringing  into  prominence  some  special  topic.  For  the  historian  must  not 
alone  sift  facts,  but  look  upon  them  from  all  sides  and  with  many  eyes,  in 
order  to  arrive  at  a  true  statement. 

The  leading  general  chronicler  for  the  sixteenth  century  was  Torquemada, 
and  the  same  position  must  be  assigned  for  the  seventeenth  to  Augustin  de 


VETANCURT  AND  CAVO.  507 

Vetancurt,  also  a  Franciscan  who  covered  the  same  field,  though  in  a  less 
diffuse  manner,  and  carried  his  observations  onward.  He  wrote  under  orders 
as  chronicler  of  the  central  Franciscan  provincia  Santo  Evangelio,  a  position 
assigned  to  him  for  his  high  attainments,  his  eloquence  as  a  preacher,  and  his 
association  with  Mexico  as  a  curate  for  40  years  of  the  ancient  Indian  parish 
of  St  Joseph.  He  was  born  in  that  city  in  1620,  and  claimed  descent  from 
the  famous  Frenchman,  Juan  de  Bethencourt,  conqueror  and  so-called  king 
of  the  Canaries,  whose  'posteridad  se  establecio  en  Esparia.'  Moreri,  ii.  271. 
On  p.  38  of  his  Trat.  Mex. ,  he  mentions  his  relationship  to  Vetancurt,  the 
founder  of  the  Bethlehemite  order  in  New  Spain.  After  joining  the  Francis- 
cans at  Puebla  he  rose  to  become  member  of  the  provincial  chapter  and  comi- 
sario  general  of  the  Indies,  dying  in  1700,  after  60  years  of  zealous  labors,  not 
the  least  of  which  were  in  connection  with  his  numerous  works.  The  earliest 
of  these  according  to  his  own  list  is  Arte  de  Lengua  Mexicana,  Mex.  1673, 
one  worthy  of  the  pen  of  so  profound  an  Aztec  scholar.  There  are  several 
manuals,  sermons,  lives  of  martyrs  and  apostles,  and  theologic  treatises,  enu- 
merated in  his  Menologio,  144,  and  in  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  732,  761,  797,  854, 
860,  etc.,  most  of  which  were  published,  some  in  several  editions;  but  the 
leading  work  is  undoubtedly  Teatro  Mexicano,  Description  Breve  de  los  Svcessos 
Exemplares,  Historicos,  Politicos,  Militares,  y  Beligiosos,  Mex.  1697-98,  in  four 
parts  and  two  volumes  folio.  The  Teatro  proper  in  the  first  volume  contains  the 
first  three  parts,  Svcessos  Naturales,  relating  to  physicial  geography  and  natural 
resources;  Svcessos  Politicos,  to  ancient  history  and  rites,  and  Svcessos  Militares 
to  discovery  of  America  and  conquest  of  Mexico.  The  fourth  part  forms  a 
distinct  section,  published  in  1697  as  Chronica  de  la  Provincia  del  Santo 
Evangelio  de  Mexico,  and  gives  the  history  of  the  Franciscans  in  New  Spain, 
notably  of  the  mother  provincia,  interspersed  with  much  matter  on  military 
expeditions,  founding  of  towns,  and  so  forth.  To  this  is  appended  Menologio 
Franciscano,  a  series  of  biographies  of  prominent  members  of  the  order, 
monks  and  nuns,  prelates,  officers,  and  writers,  a  few  in  list  form,  but  mostly 
arranged  in  the  chronologic  order  indicated  by  the  title,  under  the  date  of 
their  death.  A  smaller  appendix  of  56  pages,  Tratado  de  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico, 
gives  an  acceptable  account  of  the  civil,  political,  and  religious  institutions 
of  the  city,  with  brief  biographies  of  its  noted  men,  and  outlines  of  the 
rule  of  each  viceroy  and  archbishop.  The  last  7  pages  relate  in  a  similar 
manner  to  Puebla.  A  reprint  of  the  Teatro,  Chronica,  and  Menologio  was 
issued  at  Mexico  1870-1,  as  volumes  vii.-x.  of  Biblioteca  Iberia,  in  modern 
orthography  and  with  a  brief  notice  of  the  author.  His  name  appears  in  dif- 
ferent form;  he  himself  signs  Vetancurt  in  Prov.  Sto  Evang.,  pt.  i.  71. 

He  gives  quite  a  respectable  list  of  authorities,  printed  and  in  manu- 
script, as  the  sources  for  the  Teatro,  but  it  is  only  too  apparent  that  he  has 
copied  or  condensed  Torquemada's  versions  for  a  great  part  of  it.  'Le  epi- 
toma. .  .Betancur,  en  su  Menologia,'  observes  Pinelo,  Epitome,  ii.  761.  Clavi- 
gero  also  criticises  him  for  this,  while  acknowledging  that  he  'scrisse  sulle 
memorie  d'Alba'  and  others.  Storia  Mess.,  iii.  75.  It  must  also  be  confessed 
that  he  inclines  to  hasty  assumption  of  facts,  without  duly  weighing  proba- 
bilities, or  caring  for  accuracy;  '  con  muy  muchas  inconsecuencias,'  as  a  writer 
expresses  it  in  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  i.  pt.  i.  24.     On  the  other  hand  he 


503  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

indulges  in  no  rhapsodies  or  soaring  elegance  with  which  to  obscure  his  dic- 
tion, but  is  exceedingly  plain  and  clear  for  his  time,  with  a  marked  effort  at 
conciseness,  although  the  biographies  lead  him  away  at  times  into  trivialities. 
Indeed  his  works  may  be  said  to  be  a  condensation  of  the  bulky  and  verbose 
material  of  many  predecessors,  and  I  gladly  join  with  Alegre  in  recognizing 
the  value  of  his  labors. 

Similar  in  nature  to  the  biographic  history  of  the  viceroys  in  Vetancurt's 
Trat.  Mex.,  is  the  Cronologia  de  los  Vireyes,  by  Diego  Panes  y  Abellan,  lieu- 
tenant-colonel of  infantry,  MS.,  131  folios,  w  Inch  does  not  add  much  informa- 
tion to  the  part  covered  by  the  preceding  work,  but  carries  the  account  a 
century  further,  to  1789,  and  serves  in  this  respect  as  a  useful  check  on  con- 
temporary writers.  Another  work  by  the  same  officer  is  Extension  interesante 
dela  Plaza,  de  Vera  Cruz,  MS.,  281  pages,  4to,  with  plans,  wherein  he  dwells 
on  the  plan  and  necessity  for  extending  the  barracks,  and  improving  the  means 
for  the  health  and  protection  of  the  troops.  With  this  is  interpersed  a  certain 
amount  of  historic  information. 

The  only  comprehensive  historian  of  New  Spain  after  Vetancurt  is  the 
Jesuit  father  Andre's  Cavo,  who  was  commissioned  by  the  city  council  of 
Mexico  to  write  the  annals  of  the  capital  from  the  conquest  down.  While 
complying  with  this  he  included  also  all  notable  events  in  the  country,  based 
partly  on  meagre  data  remitted  by  the  council  to  Rome,  where  he  lived  in 
exile  as  a  member  of  the  expelled  society  of  Jesuits,  and  partly  on  well  known 
standard  authorities;  but  he  lacks  the  far  more  thorough  and  reliable  facts  in 
different  diarios,  cedulas,  despatches,  and  similar  matter  from  official  sources 
or  from  eye-witnesses,  so  that  his  narrative  is  both  meagre  and  unsatisfactory. 
It  is  moreover  in  the  form  of  annals  rather  than  philosophic  history,  though 
attractive  in  its  pure  simple  style,  clear  judgment,  and  impartiality.  In  the 
latter  respect  Cavo  goes  so  far  as  to  praise  the  integrity  of  Marques  de  Croix 
and  the  talents  of  Visitador  Galvez,  who  were  leading  instruments  in  his  ex- 
pulsion; he  abstains,  however,  from  alluding  to  this  episode,  and  also  from 
entering  on  church  affairs,  except  when  absolutely  needful.  His  account, 
ending  with  1766,  was  dedicated  to  the  municipality  of  Mexico,  and  passed 
into  the  hands  of  Bishop  Madrid  of  Tenagra,  after  1794,  in  which  year 
'escribimos  en  Roma  esta  historia,'as  Cavo  states,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  131.  He 
was  born  at  Guadalajara  in  1739,  and  joined  the  society  in  his  nineteenth  year 
to  become  a  missionary  among  the  Indians.  At  the  expulsion  he  formed  a 
close  friendship  with  Father  Parreiio,  the  influential  rector  of  the  college  of 
Mexico,  and  shared  with  him  every  comfort  and  discomfort  till  death  parted 
them.  De  Vita  Josephi  Juliani  Parrenni,  Havanensis,  Rome,  1792,  commem- 
orates this  intimacy  and  the  virtues  of  his  friend.  An  intense  longing  for 
home  had  at  one  time  induced  both  to  sever  their  connection  with  the  society 
with  a  view  to  return  to  America,  but  their  wishes  were  not  gratified. 

The  well  known  Mexican  writer  Carlos  Maria  Bustamante  learned  in  1 799 
from  a  brother,  Lorenzo  Cavo,  of  Cavo's  history,  and  obtaining  the  original 
MS.  from  the  prelate  Madrid,  he  caused  it  to  be  published  at  Mexico  in  1836 
in  2  volumes,  sm.  4to,  with  addition  of  notes.'  and  certain  not  very  commendable 
changes,  which  extended  not  only  to  language  as  stated,  but  to  interpolations. 
He  moreover  replaced  the  original  title  of  Hietoria  Civil  y  Politica  de  Mexico 


VALUABLE  DIARIOS.  509 

with  Los  Tres  Sighs  de  Mexico.  Two  years  later  appeared  its  continuation 
by  the  editor,  in  two  other  volumes,  from  1767  to  1821,  the  end  of  Spanish 
rule  in  New  Spain,  just  three  centuries  after  the  fall  of  Mexico,  based  in  this 
case  on  the  government  archives,  with  the  despatches  of  viceroys  and  other 
officials,  of  which  he  claims  to  have  examined  280  volumes.  It  certainly  gives 
the  most  thorough  account  so  far  of  the  1767-1800  period,  and  a  very  accept- 
able one  for  the  following  years,  and  it  is  written  in  a  more  historic  spirit, 
though  marred  by  a  singular  bigotry  and  effusive  patriotism,  strongly  arrayed 
against  the  '  Spanish  oppressors. '  The  value  of  the  work  has  been  recognized 
by  two  reprints  of  1852  and  1870,  in  4to  form. 

Although  the  material  for  special  topics,  periods,  and  districts  has  as  a 
rule  been  commented  upon  in  appropriate  places  throughout  this  volume, 
I  must  here  allude  to  several  private  diaries  which  present  the  daily  record 
of  events  in  the  capital  for  about  a  century,  together  with  frequent  mention  of 
the  more  important  occurrences  in  other  portions  of  New  Spain.  For  the 
publication  of  some  of  the  most  important  we  are  indebted  to  the  Diario  Of- 
ficial of  Mexico,  in  whose  rare  collection  of  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico,  consisting  of  twenty  volumes  of  various  sizes,  issued  in  Mexico, 
1853-7,  they  are  included.  Although  mention  is  made  of  diaries  covering  the 
period  from  1621  to  1647,  Robles,  Diario,  i.  p.  ii.,  the  earliest  one  which  has 
been  preserved  is  that  of  the  licentiate  Gregorio  Martin  del  Guijo,  presbyter, 
and  secretary  of  the  cathedral  chapter  of  Mexico  City,  comprising  the  period 
from  1048  to  1664,  and  occupying  the  first  volume  of  the  above  collection. 
It  relates  to  every  imaginable  subject,  particularly  within  the  capital,  and 
possesses  that  value  which  attaches  to  the  testimony  of  an  intelligent  eye- 
witness and  contemporary,  notwithstanding  certain  defects  of  style  and  occa- 
sional omissions.  The  second  diary  and  continuation  of  the  foregoing,  by 
which  it  was  suggested,  is  that  of  the  licentiate,  Antonio  de  Robles,  a 
presbyter,  and  member  of  the  college  of  San  Pedro  of  Mexico  City.  The 
period  covered  is  from  1665  to  1703  inclusive,  but  the  diary  material  is  for 
the  most  part  a  compilation  or  copy  of  others;  indeed,  Robles  acknowledges 
having  taken  more  than  half  from  that  of  the  licentiate  Diego  de  Calderon 
Benavides,  suppressing  some  of  its  details  and  making  some  additions.  He 
proposed  to  add  a  summary  of  events  from  the  conquest  down,  but  no  such 
result  appears. 

As  late  as  1849  there  existed  in  the  library  of  the  university  of  Mexico  a 
manuscript  diary,  which  according  to  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.  app.  93,  had  been 
kept  by  a  chaplain  of  the  hospital  of  Jesus  of  Mexico  City,  Leaves  were 
wanting  at  both  the  beginning  and  end,  the  remaining  portion  comprising  the 
period  from  January  1675  to  April  1696.  Carlos  Maria  Bustamante  in  1843 
made  an  abstract,  added  numerous  notes  and  interpolations,  which  greatly 
impaired  its  value,  and  published  the  more  interesting  part  in  the  Museo 
Mexicano,  i.  49  et  passim;  under  the  title  of  Diario  curioso  y  esacto  de  Juan 
Antonio  Rivera,  capellan  del  hospital  de  Jesus  Nazareno  de  Mexico.  In  1854 
the  complete  abstract  of  Bustamante  appeared  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sene 
ii.  torn.  vi.  Why  this  diary  was  attributed  to  Rivera  does  not  appear ;  for 
although  Bustamante  calls  the  author  a  chaplain  of  the  hospital  of  Jesus,  it  is 
stated  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  that  the  manuscript  had  formerly  belonged  to  the 


510  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

Jesuits,  but  that  its  author  was  unknown.  Now  if  the  so-called  Diario  of 
Rivera  be  compared  with  that  of  Robles  for  the  same  period,  their  identity  of 
origin  is  at  once  apparent;  the  manuscript  attributed  to  Rivera  is  the  Diario 
of  Benavides  mentioned  by  Robles. 

Owing  to  the  defects  of  Bustamante's  version  already  noted,  that  of  Robles 
is  to  be  preferred,  not  only  because  of  its  greater  fulness,  but  because  the 
editors  of  the  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.  have  v/isely  refrained  from  any  attempt  to 
change  the  original.  The  style  and  manner  of  treatment,  whieh  is  in  the 
usual  form  of  a  diary,  is  the  same  as  in  Guijo.  It  occupies  volumes  ii.-iii.  of 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s^rie  ii.  Following  these  are  the  Diario  of  Jose  Manuel  de 
Castro  Santa- Anna,  extending  from  1752  to  1758,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serici.  torn. 
iv.-vi. ;  and  the  Diario  of  Jose"  Gomez,  one  of  the  vice-regal  halberdiers,  extend- 
ing from  August  1776  to  May  1798,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  s6rie  ii.  torn.  vii.  To 
these  may  be  added  the  Gacetas  de  Mexico,  with  reviews  of  both  domestic  and 
foreign  events,  and  the  political  and  local  affairs  of  the  capital  and  the 
provinces.  Toward  the  end  of  the  century  they  became  permanently  estab- 
lished, after  appearing  previously  for  short  periods. 

About  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Spanish  crown,  feeling  the 
need  of  a  full  and  detailed  account  of  the  actual  extent  of  its  increasing 
dominions  in  the  new  world,  and  the  civil  and  religious  condition  of  their 
inhabitants,  issued  a  royal  decree  dated  July  19,  1741,  demanding  from  the 
alcaldes  mayores  and  justices  a  complete  report  on  their  respective  districts. 
The  compilation  of  these  data  in  New  Spain  was  confided  by  Viceroy  Fuen- 
clara,  to  the  auditor-general  of  the  department  of  quicksilver,  Jose'  Antonio 
de  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez.  Villa-Senor,  according  to  Alcedo,  Bib.  Am.,  MS., 
ii.  1158,  was  a  native  of  Valladolid  in  Michoacan,  but  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg, 
Bib.  Mex.-Guat.,  154,  gives  Mexico  as  his  birthplace,  describing  him  as  'un 
rnathematicien  distingue^  un  historien  exact  et  un  bon  citoyen.'  Villa-Senor 
lost  no  time  in  beginning  his  labors,  and  published  in  Mexico  the  first  volume 
of  his  work  in  1746,  and  the  second  two  years  later,  under  the  title  of  The- 
atro  Americano,  Descripcion  General  de  los  Reynos,  y  Provincias  de  la  Nueva 
Espaua.  After  a  brief  and  general  account  of  the  early  history  of  America 
and  the  Aztecs,  with  an  outline  of  the  physical  geography  of  New  Spain,  the 
text  proper  follows,  in  six  parts,  corresponding  to  the  six  dioceses,  with  the 
history  of  their  towns,  parishes,  and  missions,  classified  by  districts,  together 
with  some  information  regarding  their  relative  situations,  actual  population, 
condition,  products,  and  industries.  Volume  i.,  containing  books  i-— ii. , 
with  382  numbered  pages,  is  devoted  to  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico,  and  the 
see  of  Puebla,  including  a  full  description  of  the  city  of  Mexico,  its  public 
buildings,  general  and  local  government  departments,  and  revenues.  The 
second  volume  is  equally  divided  between  the  remaining  bishoprics.  Though 
at  the  time  of  its  publication  this  work  enjoyed  a  high  reputation  for  ac- 
curacy, it  was  subsequently  found  to  contain  many  errors.  Alcedo,  Bib. 
Am.,  MS.,  ii.  1159.  Approaching,  in  its  nature,  a  geographical  and  historical 
dictionary,  it  was  the  first  of  its  kind  relating  to  New  Spain;  and  notwith- 
standing its  defects,  which  later  publications  have  served  to  rectify,  it  is  in- 
valuable for  the  history  of  this  period,  and  has  been  freely  used  by  subsequent 
writers.     Villa-Senor  is  said  to  have  been  the  author  of  several  other  works, 


VILLA-SEftOR  AND  ALCEDO.  511 

likewise  printed  in  Mexico,  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Bib.  Mcx.  Guat.,  155,  but 
I  have  been  unable  to  find  any  mention  of  such  works,  excepting  that  given 
by  Alcedo,  Bib.  Am.,  MS.,  ii.  1159-60,  entitled  Retpuesta  &  la  Apologia,  Mex. 
1742,  relating  to  the  monopoly  of  quicksilver. 

About  forty  years  after  the  publication  of  the  Theatro  Americano,  there 
appeared  in  Spain  the  first  general  geographical  and  historical  encyclopaedia 
of  America,  the  Diccionario  Geogrdjico-Historico  de  las  Indias  Occidentales  6 
America.  Madrid,  1786-9,  5  vols.  4to.  The  author,  Antonio  de  Alcedo  y 
Bexarano,  was  born  at  Quito,  during  the  rule  of  his  father,  Dionisio  de 
Alcedo,  president  and  captain-general  of  that  province.  Returning  to  Spain 
soon  after  the  author's  birth,  his  father  was  appointed  to  the  presidency  of 
the  audiencia  at  Panama,  whence  he  departed  in  1742.  After  studying  in 
the  Jesuit  college  of  that  town  till  1752,  Antonio  entered  the  Spanish  guards 
in  Spain  as  cadet,  and  pursued  a  course  of  mathematics  in  the  Imperial  col- 
lege of  Madrid,  and  later  that  of  medicine  in  the  college  of  Montpellier.  A 
few  years  afterwards  he  began  the  collection  and  preparation  of  material  for 
his  Diccionario,  which  employed  all  the  time  he  could  spare  from  his  varied 
duties  during  the  next  twenty  years.  Meanwhile  he  had  risen  to  lieutenant, 
while  still  a  minor,  and  took  part  in  the  operations  against  Gibraltar.  In 
1784  he  received  the  rank  of  captain,  and  later  that  of  colonel.  About  1794 
he  was  appointed  political  and  military  governor  of  the  city  of  Alciras,  with 
the  rank  of  brigadier-general.  In  1800  he  rose  to  that  of  marescal  de  campo, 
and  in  1802  was  made  military  governor  of  Coruna. 

The  Royal  Academy  of  History  made  him  one  of  its  members  in  1784,  and 
subsequently  he  received  similar  honors  from  the  society  Cantabrica,  and  that 
of  the  city  of  Valencia.  Alcedo  Bib.  Am.,  MS.,  i.  27-9. 

For  the  compilation  of  his  Diccionario,  Alcedo  has  drawn  upon  a  variety  of 
sources.  The  articles  relating  to  the  English  and  French  possessions  of 
North  America  are  taken  from  the  American  Gazetteer,  Lond.  1762;  the 
greater  portion  of  those  relating  to  South  America  from  Coleti's  Dizionario 
Storico-Geogrdjico,  Venice,  1771;  but  the  information  relating  to  New  Spain 
is  said  to  come  from  over  three  hundred  works  on  America,  in  various  lan- 
guages. In  addition  to  these,  numberless  documents  were  examined  and 
much  information  received  from  intelligent  residents  of  the  Indies,  to  whom 
he  submitted  his  work.  The  result  of  these  labors  was  a  work  whose  value 
was  immediately  recognized,  and  though  in  many  respects  defective  when 
compared  with  later  encyclopaedias,  owing  to  the  numerous  valuable  authori- 
ties used,  and  now  lost  or  inaccessible,  it  remains  a  standard  work.  The 
desire  of  stimulating  commerce  between  Spain  and  her  American  possessions, 
by  collecting  the  most  full  and  accurate  information  possible,  was  one  of  the 
chief  motives  of  the  author,  but  this  laudable  desire  was  well  nigh  frustrated 
by  the  Spanish  government,  which,  in  order  to  prevent  this  information  from 
spreading  among  foreign  nations,  ordered  the  suppression  of  the  work.  A  few 
copies,  however,  escaped,  but  though  the  work  at  once  became  very  rare  no 
reprint  was  ever  attempted,  owing  chiefly,  no  doubt,  to  its  subsequent  trans- 
lation into  English.  The  growing  importance  of  English  trade  with  Amer- 
ica, which  had  increased  enormously  since  the  American  revolution,  and  the 
necessity  for  more  extensive  information  induced  G.  A.  Thompson,  one  of  her 


512  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

citizens,  to  undertake  the  translation,  which  resulted  in  the  publication  in 
1812—15  of  live  large  4to  vols.,  containing  as  nearly  as  possible  a  literal  trans- 
lation of  Alcedo,  and  with  many  valuable  additions,  chiefly  from  the  works  of 
Morse,  Molina,  Humboldt,  Depons,  Azara,  and  official  sources.  To  many 
of  the  leading  articles  much  matter  has  been  added,  including  statistics  in 
the  preface  to  the  first  volume;  a  statistical  review  of  English  trade  is  given; 
Alcedo's  glossary  of  provincial  terms  has  been  revised  and  enlarged;  various 
improvements  have  been  made  in  the  arrangement  and  treatment;  many 
inaccuracies  have  been  corrected;  and  the  whole  has  been  supplemented  with 
a  valuable  collection  of  maps  in  a  separate  volume. 

With  the  object  of  avoiding  the  endless  repetition  of  authors  in  connection 
with  the  various  articles  of  the  Diccionario,  Alcedo  wrote  two  separate  vol- 
umes, containing  bibliographical  sketches  of  all  the  works  consulted,  to  which 
he  gave  the  title  of  Biblioteca  Americana,  6  Catdlogo  Ilistdrico  de  todos  los 
antores  que  han  escrito  sobre  materias  de  America  en  varios  idiomas,  con  una 
noticia  de  sus  vidas,  MS.,  fol.,  2  vols.  This  work  was  never  published,  and 
but  few  copies  of  the  original  are  extant.  One  of  these,  sent  to  Mexico  in 
1854  by  William  H.  Prescott,  is  now  in  my  possession.  Another  manuscript 
work  of  Alcedo,  whose  title  is  given  in  the  foregoing  work,  is  Historia  del 
licyno  de  T terra  Flrme  y  Ciudad  de  Panama,  desde  el  ano  de  1519,  MS.,  with 
cuts,  4to.     I  find  no  mention  of  this  work  elsewhere. 

In  common  with  other  religious  provinces  of  New  Spain,  the  Franciscan 
province  of  Zacatecas  had  its  special  chronicler.  The  labors  of  its  friars  were 
chiefly  confined  to  that  portion  of  New  Spain  in  which  are  included  the  mod- 
ern states  of  Zacatecas,  San  Luis  Potosi,  New  Leon,  Coahuila,  Chihuahua, 
Durango,  and  the  north-eastern  part  of  Jalisco,  and  were  closely  identified 
with  the  conquest  and  settlement  of  these  regions.  All  this  is  related  in  the 
Chronica  de  la  Provincia  de  N.  S.  P.  San  Francisco  de  Zacatecas,  Mex.  1737, 
4to,  by  Friar  Jose  Arlegui,  with  special  attention  to  the  founding  of  con- 
vents and  the  lives  and  sufferings  of  its  members,  including  descriptions  of 
miracles.  Arlegui,  who  was  a  native  of  Biscay  and  provincial  of  this  prov- 
ince in  172-3-8,  had  in  173G  been  appointed  chronicler  of  the  province.  In 
1819  the  continuation  of  the  history  was  determined  upon,  and  Antonio  Gal vez 
was  commissioned  for  this  purpose.  He  brought  the  history  of  the  province 
down  to  1828  in  the  form  of  a  list  of  provincials,  on  whose  character  and  rule 
he  dwells,  interspersing  brief  accounts  of  outside  political  and  ecclesiastical 
history.  This  addition  with  the  title  of  Memorias  para  la  continuation  de  la 
Cronica  de  la  muy  religiosa  provincia  de  JV.  S.  P.  San  Francisco  de  las  Zaca- 
tecas, acopiado  por  Fr.  Antonio  Galvez,  aiio  de  1827,  was  added  to  a  new 
edition  of  the  former  work  published  in  1851,  the  paging  running  continu- 
ously throughout. 

Among  my  rarest  provincial  histories  is  that  of  religious  labors  in  Oajaca 
by  Father  Francisco  de  Burgoa,  identified  with  the  district  by  birth  and  by 
life-long  work  in  its  missionary  field.  He  had  joined  the  Dominican  order 
there  in  1G20,  and  succeeded  twice  in  reaching  the  chair  of  provincial,  be- 
sides representing  the  provincia  at  Rome  in  1G56.  He  also  acted  for  the  inqui- 
sition, and  lived  latterly  as  guardian  of  Huaxolotitlan  and  other  convents 
dying  at  an  advanced  age  in  1G81.     Several  writings  of  his  were  published, 


ARLEGUI  AND  BURGOA.  513 

but  the  most  important  is  the  Palestra  Historical  de  Virtvdes,  y  Exemplares, 
Mexico,  1670,  2G9  folios,  followed  in  1074  by  a  second  part  under  the  title  of 
Geoijrajica  Description. .  .de  esta  Provincia  de  Predicadores  de  Anteqvera,  423 
folios  and  a  supplement,  in  two  volumes,  both  devoted  to  the  history  of  Do- 
minican missions,  and  the  lives  of  the  friars,  interspersed  with  numerous 
details  on  the  ancient  history,  rites,  and  relics  of  the  Zapotecs  and  adjoining 
tribes.  It  is  the  only  source  of  any  value  for  the  history  of  this  important 
province;  yet  it  is  so  rare  even  in  Mexico  as  to  have  been  overlooked  by 
several  bibliographers.  An  engraved  page  representing  a  portal  with  a  num- 
ber of  statues,  astronomic  signs,  and  other  elaboration,  precedes  the  title- 
page.  The  printing  is  in  double  columns,  and  rather  crude.  The  diction  is 
flowery  and  verbose,  with  the  superabundance  of  religious  matter  to  be  ex- 
pected from  such  a  pen,  and  the  phraseology  is  obscure,  rendering  it  on  the 
whole  very  troublesome  to  glean  facts;  but  these  are  faults  of  the  time,  as 
much  as  of  the  man,  whose  pious  biographies  do  justice  to  his  fraternal  zeal, 
if  not  to  his  judgment,  and  whose  curious  annals  rouse  our  interest. 

The  crowning  figure  in  the  bibliographic  series  for  the  later  colonial  period 
is  undoubtedly  Friedrich  Heinrich  Alexander  von  Humboldt,  whose  well 
known  work  on  New  Spain  forms  a  review  of  its  condition  at  the  most  ad- 
vanced period,  the  first  exhaustive  account  of  the  kind  ever  given,  and  that 
by  one  of  a  foreign  race,  hitherto  so  jealously  excluded  from  making  inquiries. 
The  exemption  granted  in  this  case  was  due  greatly  to  Humboldt's  fame  as  a 
scientist  and  traveller,  which  had  paved  the  way  to  favor  at  a  court  roused  in 
a  measure  to  the  liberal  requirements  of  the  age.  He  early  displayed  a  taste 
for  botany  and  kindred  subjects,  and  was  allowed  full  liberty  for  his  inclina- 
tion at  the  universit}''  of  Gottingen,  at  that  time  preeminent  for  scientific 
studies.  His  rapid  advancement  in  these  and  other  branches  can  be  traced 
greatly  to  the  influence  of  a  noble-minded  mother,  on  whom  had  devolved  his 
entire  care  since  his  tenth  year,  owing  to  the  death  in  1779  of  his  father, 
a  major  in  the  army  and  chamberlain  at  the  Berlin  court.  At  Gottingen 
Humboldt  formed  a  friendship  with  George  Forster,  companion  of  the  navi- 
gator Cook,  which  gave  impulse  to  an  innate  love  for  travelling,  and 
henceforth  his  reading  was  especially  directed  to  prepare  him  for  scientific 
exploration,  while  a  series  of  contributions  on  subjects  ranging  from  physics 
to  philosophy  gave  evidence  in  his  twentieth  year  both  of  his  profundity 
and  the  variety  of  his  attainments.  In  1792  he  had  accepted  a  position  in 
the  mining  department  with  a  view  to  advance  his  studies,  but  displayed 
such  marked  ability  as  to  obtain  rapid  advancement,  as  well  as  important 
commissions.  In  1795  he  undertook  a  scientific  tour  through  Switzerland  and 
Italy,  prepared  shortly  after  to  join  the  projected  circumnavigation  party  un- 
der Baudin,  but  drifted  to  Madrid  and  was  invited  to  select  Spanish  America 
as  a  field  for  investigation.  He  accordingly  left  Coruna  in  1799,  accom- 
panied by  the  botanist  Bonpland,  overran  successively  Nueva  Andalucia, 
Spanish  Guaiana,  and  Cuba,  established  the  existence  of  a  connection  between 
the  Orinoco  and  Amazon,  and  began  in  1801  the  celebrated  exploration  of  the 
Andes,  crowned  by  an  ascent  of  Chimborazo,  and  complemented  by  observa- 
tions on  the  transit  of  Mercury,  on  the  sources  of  the  Amazon,  and  on  the 
fertilizing  properties  of  guano. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    33 


514  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

In  1802  lie  left  Callao  for  Acapulco,  still  accompanied  by  Bonpland,  who 
attended  to  botanical  researches.  The  letters  of  Minister  Urquizo  procured 
him  in  New  Spain  as  elsewhere  the  attention  and  cooperation  of  the  highest 
officials,  and  he  was  enabled  to  make  investigations  connected  not  alone  with 
the  abstract  and  concrete  sciences,  which  formed  his  chief  aim,  but  with  the 
j)olitical  and  economic  condition  of  the  country  hitherto  so  jealously  veiled. 
During  a  stay  from  March,  1803,  till  the  same  month  in  the  following  year,  he 
made  trips  in  different  directions,  embracing  the  mining  districts  of  Real  del 
Monte,  Guanajuato,  and  Zacatecas,  the  agricultural  regions  of  Michoacan, 
and  back  past  the  snow-crowned  volcanoes  Popocatepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl  to 
the  aboriginal  center  of  Cholula  with  it  famous  pyramid,  and  thence  to  the 
miasmatic  gulf-shore,  directing  his  penetrating  observations  on  ancient  and 
modern  society,  on  mouldering  ruins  and  unfolding  elements  of  a  higher  cul- 
ture, on  supernal  phenomena  and  subterranean  forms,  all  the  more  interesting 
since  in  connection  with  his  southern  explorations,  they  formed  the  base  for 
several  branches  of  science,  to  which  he  lays  claim  as  founder,  notably  in 
meteorology  and  physical  geography.  He  returned  to  Europe  in  1804,  and  be- 
gan soon  after  at  Paris,  with  aid  from  different  quarters,  to  prepare  for  publi- 
cation the  fruit  of  his  remarkable  tour,  a  task  occupying  a  great  part  of  his 
attention  for  over  20  years,  and  intimately  connected  with  other  works  of 
encyclopaedic  range  which  flowed  from  his  ever  busy  pen,  and  procured  him  a 
fame  almost  unrivalled  in  scientific  annals. 

The  results  of  his  American  journey  were  given  to  the  world  in  Voyage  aux 
rdgions  e'qidnoxiales  du  nouveau  continent,  fait  dans  les  annees  1799  a  1804, 
divided  into  six  parts  in  30  folio  and  quarto  volumes,  and  embracing  such  sec- 
tions as  Relation  Ilistorique,  Vues  des  Cordilleres,  Atlas,  Examen  critique  de 
Vhistoire  de  la  geographic  du  nouveau  continent,  spoken  of  in  connection  with 
my  Summary  of  Geographical  Knowledge  and  Discovery,  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i., 
and  Essai  Politique  sur  le  Royaume  de  la  Nouvelle  Espagne,  Paris,  1811,  2 
vols.,  the  rest  relating  especially  to  natural  history,  geology,  meteorology f 
accompanied  by  maps  and  drawings.  Most  of  these  and  other  works  have  been 
translated  into  different  languages,  and  issued  in  many  editions,  both  com- 
plete and  abbreviated.  My  remarks  must  for  the  present  be  confined  to  the 
Essai  Politique,  as  the  only  section  which  relates  particularly  to  New  Spain. 
It  is  dedicated  to  Carlos  IV.,  as  his  patron  in  this  instance,  and  has  a  valu- 
able atlas.  After  an  introductory  explanation  of  the  maps,  it  opens  with 
physical  geography  and  its  bearing  on  agriculture  and  other  industries,  and 
proceeds  to  treat  of  population,  the  causes  which  affect  births  and  deaths, 
notably  epidemic  diseases,  and  characteristics  and  conditions  of  the  races  and 
castes.  Then  follows  a  description  of  the  different  intendencias  and  provinces, 
their  extent,  resources,  and  leading  towns;  the  second  volume  with  the  three 
last  directions  is  devoted  respectively  to  agriculture  and  mines,  commerce 
and  manufactures,  revenue  and  defences,  followed  by  two  supplements  of 
notes  and  additions.  Like  many  other  parts  of  Humboldt's  work,  this  was 
first  issued  in  sections  from  1808-11,  as  noticed  in  Edinburgh  Rev.,  April 
1810,  and  November  1811,  the  first  complete  edition  being  the  folio  before 
me  of  1811.  I  have  also  the  first  German  issue  of  1800-14  in  5  vols.,  Svo, 
and  English  and  Spanish  editions,  those  of  later  date  containing  additions. 


HUMBOLDT.  515 

The  value  of  the  work  is  recognized  not  so  much  in  the  many  reprints,  as  in 
the  extensive  use  made  of  it  by  later  writers,  hardly  any  one  attempting  to  con- 
sult earlier  authorities  for  the  field  covered;  and  indeed  they  could  not  have 
done  better,  for  it  is  with  rare  exceptions  not  only  full  and  accurate,  based  on 
official  data  freely  placed  before  the  author,  but  it  may  be  called  the  first 
comprehensive  and  philosophic  treatise  of  the  kind  on  New  Spain.  Neverthe- 
less it  is  not  exhaustive,  and  it  rarely  goes  back  beyond  the  generation  of 
Humboldt's  time  for  statistics  or  historic  information,  a  circumstance  over- 
looked by  many  a  hasty  and  ungrateful  borrower.  For  my  purposes,  though 
the  scope  is  broad,  the  work  has  served  merely  as  an  aid  to  fill  certain  gaps. 
None  the  less  do  I  acknowledge  my  obligations  to  the  researches  of  this  truly 
great  man,  the  first  to  unlock  the  Spanish  colonies  to  foreign  investigators, 
and  I  heartily  join  my  voice  to  the  applause  still  ringing  to  his  memory. 


Herewith  I  give  broader  references  to  some  authorities  consulted  for  the 
preceding  chapters:  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  69,  90,  152-4,  179-97,  204;  iii.  23,  49, 
61-4,  129;  iv.  24-5,  158-9;    Vireyes  de  Mex.,  Instruc,  MS.,  passim;  Ordenes 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  5-6,  45-50,  134;  iii.  12,  42,  53-7,  79-86,  128-30,  158, 
177-80;  v.  1-54,  133;  vi.  63-76;  Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  i.   1-369;  ii.,  passim; 
iii.  63-203;  iv.  69  et  seq.;  Beaks  Ordenes,  i.  254-8;   ii.  1-17,  305-33;   iv., 
passim;   viii.    16,  24,   214-15;   Instruction    Vireyes,   29,  97,-  104-204;    Beales 
Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  8-10,   75-6,    105-6;  ii.  58-63,   153-9,   172-3,   237;   Revilla 
Gigedo,  Instruc,  MS.,  i.,  passim;  ii.  1-8,  80-100;  Id.,  Instruc.,   1-353;  Id., 
Besidentia,  MS.,  passim;  Id.,  Bandos,  passim;  Id.,  Solemnes  Exequias,  1-91; 
Branciforte,  Instruc,  MS.,  13-36;  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  passim;  Papeles  de 
Jesuitas,  MS.,  5;  Linares,  Instruc,  MS.,  passim;  Panes,   Vireyes,  MS.,  54, 
82,  119;  Certification  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  53-5,  119-20;  Medina,  Chron.  S. 
Diego,  234;  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  221,  313-15;    Villa-Seftor,  Theatro,  i, 
33-6,  53-61;  Procidentias  Beales,  MS.,  52,  204-5;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  38-45, 
157,  161-2,  181-3;  Intendentes,  Beal  Ordenanza,  347-410;  Dispositions  Va- 
rias,  passim;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Deles.,  i.  274;   Torquemada,  i.  298-304, 
620-1;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  i.  38-40;  ii.  73-4;  iii.   107-8;  Siguenza  y 
Gongora,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  4-9,  37;  Id.,  Parayso,  Occid.,  25-32;  Pa- 
checo  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  iv.  136-40,  363;  Becop.  de  Indias,  i.  567  et 
seq.;  Col.  Doc  Died.,  xxxi.  496-502;  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp.,  34-5;  Doc  Hist. 
Mex.,   serie  i.   torn,   i.,  ii.,  passim;  Id.,  serie  ii.   torn.   vi.   5-96;  torn,  vii., 
passim;  Alaman,  Disert.,  iii.   62-85,   239-44,  262-4,   296,  390-1;  Id.,  Hist. 
Mej.,  i.  8  et  seq.;  ii.  1-2;  iv.  724;  v.  956;  Colon,  Juzgados  Militares,  ii.  523- 
60;  iii.,  iv.,  passim;  Cartas  de  Indias,  272,  791-2;  Doc  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i. 
1-52;  Carriedo,  Estudios  Hist.,  ii.  107;  Vetancvrt,  Chron.  San  Evang.,  31-48, 
67-9,  81-3;  Id.,  Trat.  Mex.,  1-5,  34-45;  Beleua,  Becop.,  i.,  passim;  ii.  86, 
332-5;  Gomez,  Diario,  passim;  Presidios,  Beglamento,  1-132;  Bobles,  Diario, 
passim;  Morji,  Col.  Doc,  MS.,  8-26,  211-39;  Arrangoiz,  Mex.,  i.  33-4;  Mon- 
umentos  Domen.  Esp>.,  MS.,  passim;  Guijo,  Diario,  8  et  seq.;  Arroniz,  Hist,  y 
Cron.,  150-5;  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  JV.   Gal.,  3-18,   177;  Bustamante,  Cuad. 
Hist.,  i.  10—11;  Id.,  Efemerides,  i.   33;  Id.,  Medidas  Pacification,  MS.,   ii. 
63-4;  Id.,  Vozde  la  P atria,  iii.  7-8,  24;  Villarroel,  Enfermedades,  55,  111-14, 
163-72;  Moutemayor,  Svmarios,  3-9,  184-91;  Carlos  III.,  Beales  Exequias, 
1-33;  Id.,  IV.,  Breve  Belacion,  passim;  Colon  de  Darridtegui,   Juzgados,  1- 
466;  Alzate,  Gaceta,  i.  71-7,  166-7,  231-4,  365;  ii.  82  et  seq.;  iii.  1-3,  46-8, 
453-62;  iv.  passim;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  67,  142-210;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep. 
Libre,  79-80,   159-222,   485-535;    Pinart,   Col.  Doc   Mex.,  463-4;  Orozco  y 
Berra,  Mem.    Cited.   Mex.,  171-2,    194-206;   Lacunza,    Dhscursos    Hist.,   no. 
xxxvi.  513-35;  Palafox  y  Mendoza,  El   Venerab.   Seiior,   23;  Mayer's  Mex. 
Azt.,  i.   96  et  seq.;  Cava,  Tres  Stylos,  i.  264-5;  ii.   2-12,  65-83;  iii.  87-9, 


51 6  FIFTY-THIRD  AND  FIFTY-FOURTH  VICEROYS. 

93-8,  166-225;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  192-205;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  i. 
4-7,  145-237,  273;  ii.  811-30;  Id.,  New  Spain,  ii.  3,  61,  138;  iv.  247-76, 
322-3;  hi,  Tablets  Eslud.,  MS.,  7-40,  65-6;  Id.,  Versuch.,  ii.  25-130; 
v.  30-51,  Gl-8;  Soc.  Mex.  Geocj.,  Boletin,  i.  49-50;  ii.  5-8,  24,  35-6,  76; 
iv.  19;  viii.  164-6;  Id.,  2da  dp.,  i.  242-3;  ii.  576-7;  iii.  307,  314;  Id.,  3ra 
dp.,  iii.  111-12;  Beristain  de  Sousa,  Cantos,  passim;  Guerra,  Revue  N.Esp., 
i.  206,  281-3;  Simon,  Sermon,  1-30;  Torrente,  Revol.  Hispania,  i.  6-11;  19; 
Zuiiiga  y  0.,  Calendario,  29-37,  82-107,  120-30,  149-50;  Leon,  Explica- 
tion, passim;  Id.,  llustracion,  1-40;  Rodriguez,  Express  del  Dolor,  passim; 
Bucareli,  Reglamento,  1-32;  Vargac,  Carta,  passim;  Cedula,  Agosto  21, 
1769,  1-7;  Barea,  Oracion,  1-40;  Famecio,  Reales  Exequias,  passim;  Diario, 
Mex.,  i.  91-2,  303,  337;  ii.  67  et  seq.,  iii.  19,  70-1,  308;  iv.  7-8,  417-20;  v. 
99  ctscq.;  vi.  12,  16,  21-20,  219-91;  vii.  48,  passim;  viii.  112,  139-41;  ix. 
159-00,  319-20,  465,  548;  x.  12,  37-44,  401-2;  xi.  407-70;  xii.  200,  345-0, 
631-4,  72G;  xiii.  107-70,  173-9,  505-0;  Lefevre,  Doc.  Maxim.,  i.  388-9;  Rivera, 
Gobernantes  de  Mex.,  i.  37,  03,  108,  144  et  seq.;  Mexico,  Bosquejo  Revol. ,  8; 
Id.,  Cuademo,  40;  Id.,  Circular  sobre  Numb.,  MS.,  passim;  Id.,  Extractos  de 
Cedulas,  MS.,  13-33;  Id.,  Informe,  9;  Id.,  Memoria  Guerra  1840,9-11,  37-9; 
Id.,  Memoria  Relaciones  1850,  8-9;  Id.,  Notes  on,  94,  113-14,  234;  Id.,  Not. 
Chid.  Mex.,  28,  178-88;  Id.,  Ordenanzas,  1-02;  Id.,  Provid.  Diocesanax,  MS., 
passim;  Id.,  Regla  Linea  Front,  28-9;  Hospital  de  la  Tropa,  Instruc,  1-15; 
Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  149-50;  Guia  de  Hacienda,  ii.  129-40;  Id.,  Forasteros 
1797,  150-83;  Castillo,  Oracion  Paneg.,  1-37;  West  Indies,  Descript.,  00-4; 
Modern  Traveller,  Mex.  and  Guat.,  i.  4;  Pinkerton's  Modern  Geog.,  iii.  100-0; 
Zerecero,  Rev.  Mex.,  20;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  273-4,  302-5;  iii.  432,  449; 
Casans,  Oracion  Funebre,  passim;  Spanish  Empire  in  Am.,  112-14;  Pike's 
Expior.,  377-85;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  371-9;  vi.  190-205,  229-55;  Gal- 
vez,  Informe  Marques,  17-18,  54-00,  180;  Id.,  Oracion  Funebre,  1-11;  Yuca- 
tan, Estad.  Tabla,  3  et  seq.;  Gayarre's,  Hist.  Louis,  1G4-G;  Conde  yOqueudo, 
Oracion,  1-37;  Zavala,  Rev.  Mex.,  30;  Pap.  Var.,  v.  55-6;  xxxiii.,  passim; 
xxxv.  11  et  seq.;  lxxiv.  1-12;  exxii.  29-73;  cxlix.  19-20;  cexvii.,  passim; 
Coleccion  de  Diarios,  225-40;  Leon,  La  Estirpe,  1-27;  Respuesta  al  Papel, 
17-18;  Plateros,  Obelisco,  1-5;  Reglamento,  Instruc.  Presid.,  1-132;  Mu.seo, 
Mex.,  i.  304-9,  353-8,  393-402;  iii.  212-16,  397-406;  iv.  92-5,  119-20,  259- 
85,  525-35;  Willie,  Noticia  Hac,  4-5;  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1834,  142-89;  1835, 
3-6,  298-300,  323-4;  Escamilla,  Not.  Cur.  de  Guat.,  40,  50-1;  Arevalo,  Lau- 
datio  Funebris,  1-31;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  63,  70-1;  Viagero,  Universal,  xxvi. 
253-330,  343-4,  355-72;  xxvii.  51-86,  196-9,  247-9;  Rocha,  Codtgo  Nic,  ii. 
30;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  301-62;  Gonzalez,  Col.  Doc.  N.  Leon, 
149-50;  Juarros,  Compendio  Guat.,  267-70;  Gazeta  Mex.,  i.-xi.,  passim; 
Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.,  passim;  vi.  9-55,  74,  555-9;  vii.  49,  785;  viii.  49; 
x.  1296,  1373;  Young's  Hist.  Mex.,  63;  San  Salvador,  El  Sentimiento,  1-39; 
Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  ii.  173-85;  iii.  7-92;  Granados,  Tardea  Am.,  439-85. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

1500—1800. 

Peculiar  Features  of  Spanish  Colonies — The  Supreme  Authority— 
Division  of  the  Indies — Provincial  Government — Municipalities 
— Local  Administration — Indian  Communities — Office-holding,  Re- 
strictions and  Requisites — Salable  Positions — Vanity  and  Prece- 
dence— New  Spain,  Extent  and  Divisions — Offices  and  Duties  of 
the  Viceroy — Pomp,  Privileges,  and  Pay — Vicissitudes  and  Juris- 
diction OF  THE  AUDIENCIA — OlDOEES'  TASKS  AND   HONORS — DIFFERENT 

Instance  Courts — Costly  Litigation — Causes  of  Crime — Peculiar 
and  Severe  Punishments — At  the  Scaffold. 

The  Spanish  possessions  in  America  partook  of  the 
Roman  colony  features  in  being  acquired  by  conquest, 
held  as  integral  parts  of  the  state,  and  used  greatly 
for  the  benefit  of  certain  classes;  yet  they  presented 
many  peculiarities.  The  conquest  was  performed 
chiefly  by  private  venture  impelled  by  immediate  gain; 
the  sovereign  stimulated  by  similar  allurements  step- 
ping in  to  reap  the  more  solid  acquisitions,  without 
fostering  them  by  any  special  encouragement  to  im- 
migration. The  title  to  the  Indias  Occidentales, 
under  which  term  were  embraced  the  transoceanic 
domains  of  Spain,  including  the  Philippines,1  rested 
nominally  on  the  grant  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.  to  the 
Catholic  sovereign ;  and  by  virtue  of  this,  Charles  V. 
formally  declared  them  incorporated  in  the  crown  of 
Castile  inalienably.2     All  right  to  lands,  all  control 

1  'Comencados  a  contar  por . .  .  treinta  y  nneve,  6  por  quarenta  Grados  de  lon- 
gitud  Occidental  del  Meridiano  de  Toledo,  que  es  por  la  Boca  del  Rio  Maraiion; 
i  por  la  Oriental,  por  la  Ciudad  de  Malaca. '  Herrera,  Descrip.  Ind.,  2.  The 
question  is  more  fully  discussed  in  Mordli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  281-3,  yet  with 
the  conclusion,  '  linea  demarcations,  nondum  definitum  est.' 

2  Text  of  decree  in  Eecop.  Ind. ,  i.  523. 

(517) 


518  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

over  natives,  all  political  power,  remained  with  the 
king,  who  kept  jealous  guard  over  his  prerogatives, 
resolved  to  exact  for  himself  and  his  favorite  subjects 
every  benefit,  and  went  to  the  extreme  of  placing  on 
colonial  thought  and  enterprise  restrictions  which  have 
generally  been  condemned  as  tyrannical. 

But  Spaniards  felt  not  the  yoke.  While  loving  to 
rule,  they  preferred  also  to  be  ruled.  The  nobles  had 
trained  them  in  loyalty,  so  much  so  that  they  readily 
responded  to  the  appeals  of  the  sovereign  to  aid  in 
humbling  the  nobility  who  interfered  too  much  with 
the  free  sway  of  the  sceptre.  For  this  they  received 
among  other  privileges  a  right  to  popular  representa- 
tion, but  it  was  not  long  ere  the  astute  Charles,  with 
the  aid  of  the  church,  managed  to  wrest  from  the 
communities  all  power  to  interfere  in  state  govern- 
ment, and  to  assume  for  himself  supreme  control, 
which  extended  also  over  the  church.  Still  the 
sovereigns  were  ever  devoted  to  the  faith,  and  so  were 
ready  to  be  guided  by  philanthropic  prelates  and  sage 
counsellors.  No  country  indeed  can  point  to  a  code 
superior  for  general  benevolence  and  wisdom.  Its 
chief  defects  must  be  attributed  to  the  mania  at  Mad- 
rid for  excessive  governing,  and  to  the  sway  allowed 
to  feeling  over  staid  judgment  and  determination  in 
dictating  and  enforcing  it,  no  less  than  to  the  constant 
pressure  for  money  at  court,  for  which  so  much  was 
sacrificed.  While  selfish  in  its  restrictions  against 
foreign  elements,  like  the  church  the  supreme  author- 
ity was  sympathetic  and  lenient  within  limits,  and  it 
looked  with  paternal  care  to  the  interests  of  all  con- 
cerned, whether  Spaniards,  Indians,  or  mixed  breeds, 
although  the  first  were  naturally  regarded  with 
special  favor.  If  greedy  officials  circumvented  the 
laws  and  used  their  power  for  oppression,  the  lower 
(Kisses  who  suffered  were  ready  enough  to  recognize 
the  good,  intentions  of  the  government.  Thus  for  cen- 
turies its  control  remained  unquestioned,  even  by  the 
parlies  which  at  times  presumed  to  rise  against  the 


DIVISION  OF  AUTHORITY.  519 

viceroy;  and  thus  it  was  able  to  carry  out  as  late  as 
1767  such  extraordinary  measures  as  the  expulsion  of 
the  Jesuits  without  serious  trouble. 

The  administration  of  the  different  dominions  of 
Spain  resided  in  different  councils,  which  possessed 
also  legislative  power  and  were  wholly  independent  of 
each  other,  subject  only  to  the  sovereign  who  conferred 
with  his  ministers  and  his  royal  and  supreme  council 
of  Castile.  Thus  the  transoceanic  possessions  were 
intrusted  to  the  supreme  council  of  the  Indies,  holding 
permanent  sessions  at  Madrid.  Its  jurisdiction  ex- 
tended to  every  department,  civil,  military,  ecclesias- 
tic, and  commercial,  with  particular  attention  to  the 
welfare  of  the  Indians,  and  with  the  existing  laws  in 
Spain  for  guidance  in  framing  cedulas,  which  together 
with  royal  decrees  formed  the  laws  for  America.  Its 
power  corresponded  to  the  vast  extent  of  territory  con- 
trolled; for  by  it  viceroys  and  governors  were  made 
and  unmade,  also  patriarchs  and  bishops,  even  the  pope 
having  here  to  submit  for  approval  his  bulls  and  briefs 
concerning  the  Indies.3 

For  purpose  of  government  the  possessions  were 
divided  into  viceroyalties,  provinces  of  audiencias,  of 
chancillerias  reales,  and  of  royal  officials,  adelantami- 
entos,  gobernaciones,  alcaldias  mayores,  corregimi- 
entos.  alcaldias  ordinarias  and  of  hermanclad,  town 
consejos  of  Spaniards  and  Indians;  and  for  spiritual 
administration  into  sees,  parishes,  religious  provinces, 
and  other  divisions,  which  were  intended  to  conform 
to  the  temporal  boundaries.4  With  the  discovery  of 
new  abuses  among  the  ever  transgressing  officials,  new 
officers  were  created,  thus  forming  wheels  within 
wheels  for  watching  watchers  and  carrying  out  the 
king's  will.  This  division  was  the  growth  of  centuries, 
and  embraced  toward  the  end  of  Spanish  domination 
the    four   viceroyalties    of  Peru,    New   Spain,   New 

3  For  the  histcryand  rules  of  this  body  see  Hist.  Cent.  Amer.,  i.  280-2,  this 
series. 

4  As  declared  by  supreme  order  of  1571.  Sees  were  to  correspond  to  gub- 
ernatorial provinces,  and  so  forth.  Remesal,  Hist.  Chycqja,  532. 


520  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

Granada,  and  Buenos  Ayres,  a  number  of  more  or 
less  independent  captain-gcneralcies,  and  twelve  au- 
diencias,  including  those  at  Santo  Domingo  and 
Manila.5 

The  provinces  of  royal  officials  were  merely  revenue 
districts,  whose  heads  received  their  appointment  from 
the  king,  and  administered  their  office  under  a  certain 
supervision  from  the  viceroy  and  governors  attending 
their  councils;  yet  they  were  responsible  only  to  the 
finance  tribunal  of  the  viceregal  capital,  and  this  again 
reported  direct  to  Spain.6  Adelantamicntos  was  an 
early  term  for  gubernatorial  districts,  generally  of  un- 
defined limits,  to  be  extended  by  further  conquest. 
Gobernaciones  were  the  provinces  of  governors  who 
usually  held  also  the  office  of  captain-general,  and  at 
the  audiencia  capitals  acted  as  presidents  of  this  body. 
Over  them  the  audiencias  had  a  passive  supervision 
with  active  interference  only  in  judicial  matters,7  and 
the  viceroy  could  control  them  only  in  a  limited  de- 
gree as  royal  representative.  In  1786  the  guberna- 
torial districts  were  replaced  by  intendencias,  under 
intendentes,  who  combined  in  themselves  the  political, 
judicial,  financial,  and  military  control,  assisted  by 
an  asesor.8  Their  subdelegados  exercised  in  county 
capitals  similar  jurisdiction  in  subordinate  degree, 
replacing  gradually  alcaldes  mayores  and  corregidores 
who  had  for  nearly  three  centuries  been  ruling  as  dis- 
trict or  county  magistrates,  with  political  and  eco- 
nomic supervision,  sometimes  indeed  as  governors.9 
These  minor  rulers  also  were  appointed  chiefly  b}r  the 

5 The  creation,  jurisdiction,  and  composition  of  each  maybe  found  in 
Iiccop.  de  Ind.,  i.  323  ct  seq.;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  i.  and  passim. 

6  As  will  be  explained  in  the  chapter  on  finance. 

7  Florida  was  subject  to  no  audiencia,  owing  to  its  distance. 

8  As  explained  in  another  chapter. 

9  The  alcaldes  mayores  of  New  Spain  under  Cortds  were  merely  intrusted 
with  judicial  matters,  as  we  have  seen;  later  those  of  San  Luis  Potosi  and 
other  places  acted  also  as  lieutenants  for  captain-generals,  and  exercised  in 
other  respects  the  duties  and  ceremonies  of  governors.  The  term  therefore 
does  not  always  convey  a  clear  idea  of  what  the  dignity  consisted.  Corregi- 
dores were  intended  to  replace  eneomenderos  when  the  Indians  fell  to  tho 
crown,  as  explained  in  Hid.  Mcx.,  ii.  329-30,  but  alcaldes  mayores  undertook 
similar  duties. 


INSTRUMENTS  FOR  CONTROL.  521 

king,  and  enjoyed  therefore  a  certain  independence, 
acting  in  a  degree  as  spies  on  one  another  and  on  their 
superiors.  This  policy  of  subdivision  of  authority 
and  mutual  watch,  which  could  not  fail  to  strengthen 
the  control  of  the  supreme  government,  was  prompted 
partly  by  the  distance  of  the  colonies,  and  precipitated 
by  the  ambition  and  quarrelsome  disposition  of  the 
early  governors.  Whenever  unsatisfactory  reports 
came  in  concerning  any  governor  or  magistrate,  the 
India  Council,  or  its  higher  representatives,  at  once 
despatched  a  visitador  to  hold  investigation  and  sub- 
mit the  result,  although  at  times  he  had  power  to 
carry  out  reforms  and  penalties  on  the  spot.  Usually, 
however,  the  only  investigation  needed  was  the  resi- 
dencia  demanded  at  the  end  of  his  term  from  every 
official  with  any  jurisdiction. 


10 


Municipal  government  was  vested  chiefly  in  alcaldes 
and  regidores,  of  whom  large  cities  had*  two  and  twelve 
respectively,  and  ordinary  towns  two  and  six.  In 
minor  places  many  of  these  offices  remained  vacant, 
partly  owing  to  the  interference  of  governors  and 
their  lieutenants  who  wished  to  retain  sole  control.11 
In  other  places  the  alcaldes  were  mere  figure-heads. 
At  the  founding  of  a  town  the  municipality  was 
elected  for  one  year; 12  after  that  the  regidor  positions 
in  most  places  were  sold,  always  with  preference  for 
meritorious  persons  and  descendants  of  conquerors. 
The  duties  of  the  alcalde,  who  could  appoint  asesores 
to  aid  him,  was  to  take  cognizance  in  first  instance  of 
criminal  and  civil  cases,  appeals  being  made  to  city 
council,  alcalde  mayor,  governor,  or  audiencia.     He 

10 As  fully  explained  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  250-1,  this  series.  See  also 
Eecop.  hid.,  i.  344,  368,  512,  ii.  163  et  seq. 

11  Revilla  Gigedo  states  that  only  28  towns  in  New  Spain  had  two  alcaldes 
toward  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Instrnc,  18.  Some  places  had 
increased  the  number  to  three,  but  this  was  checked. 

12  None  to  be  reelected  within  two  years.  In  one  place  the  fiecop.  Incl., 
ii.  31,  129,  has  it  three  years.  The  district  governor  or  his  superior  confirmed 
the  election.  In  the  Provincias  Interims  the  militia  captains  were  in  later 
times  made  perpetual  alcaldes,  the  lieutenants  regidores,  and  sergeant  pro- 
curador. 


522  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

also,  assisted  by  a  regidor,  gave  tariffs  to  shops  and 
taverns  in  towns  where  no  governor  resided,  and  in 
such  towns  also  he  presided  over  the  council,  a  privi- 
lege otherwise  belonging  to  the  governor,  or  alcalde 
mayor,  or  their  lieutenant.  None  of  these  presidents 
had  a  vote  in  the  assembly,  or  could  interfere  in  muni- 
cipal administration.  Honorary  regidores  and  com- 
munal deputies  were,  toward  the  end  of  the  last 
century,  given  a  place  in  councils,  as  in  Spain,  after  a 
stubborn  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  perpetual  muni- 
cipality. They  could  be  elected,  every  second  year, 
from  the  trading  class.33  Other  prominent  officials, 
partly  chosen  from  the  regidores,  partly  elected  from 
citizens,  although  not  fully  represented  in  every  town, 
Avere  the  alferez  real,  who  carried  the  banner,  the 
procuradores  and  sindicos,  usually  lawyers,  who  rep- 
resented the  council  in  legal  matters,  and  made  collec- 
tions, the  treasury  officers,  and  the  alguacil  mayor,  or 
sheriff,  who  could  appoint  lieutenants  and  prison-keep- 
ers, and  had  to  carry  out  the  orders  of  governors  and 
alcaldes  without  meddling  with  the  alguaciles,  or 
police.14 

At  the  election  of  alcaldes  the  municipality  chose 
two  alcaldes  de  mesta,  whose  duty  it  was  to  preside 
over  the  semi-annual  council  of  live-stock  holders,  and 
to  attend  to  regulations  concerning  domestic  animals.15 
Municipal  funds  were  derived  primarily  from  lands 
set  aside  for  each  town  when  founded,36  sometimes 
certain  fines  could  be  appropriated;  and  for  urgent 
public  works,  suits  at  law,  appointment  of  agents,  and 
the  like,  contributions  might  be  levied  by  the  magis- 

13  Iievilla  Gigedo,  Instruc. ,  35-6.  The  other  regidores  could  not  engage  in 
trade.  Their  duty  was  to  supervise  markets,  shops,  streets,  movements  of 
j)opulation,  and  the  like.  In  case  of  death  the  alcalde  was  succeeded  by  a 
regidor. 

14  These  were  appointed  by  governors,  alcaldes  mayores,  or  alcaldes, 
and  existed  also  in  Indian  villages,  where  alguaciles  mayores  did  not  figure. 

15  The  councils  were  held  on  January  10th  and  August  31st,  in  convenient 
places,  and  must  be  attended  by  at  least  five  hermanos  de  la  mesta,  a  dignity 
to  which  every  owner  of  300  head  of  small  stock  and  20  mares  or  cows  was 
entitled.  Recop.  lad.,  ii.   135-8. 

10  For  this  and  other  features  connected  with  formation  of  towns  see  Hist. 
Cent.  Am.,  i.  490-3,  this  series. 


MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT.  523 

trate  for  amounts  not  exceeding  fifteen  thousand 
maravedis.  Audiencias  could  extend  the  levy  to  two 
hundred  pesos,  but  anything  above  this  amount  re- 
quired royal  sanction.  Lands  and  certain  other  prop- 
erty were  leased  at  auction,  and  the  rents  intrusted 
to  depositaries,  whose  books  were  usually  inspected 
by  an  oiclor.17  Drafts  for  ordinary  expenses  were 
issued  by  magistrates  and  council.13  The  city  had 
ei«fht  cuartel  districts,  five  of  which  were  adminis- 
tered  judicially  by  the  five  alcaldes  del  crimen  of  the 
aucliencia,  and  the  remaining  three  by  the  alcaldes 
ordinarios  and  the  corregidor,  subject  to  whom  were 
four  petty  ward  alcaldes  in  each  district,  created  in 
later  times.  There  existed  also  a  special  patrol,  and 
lighted  streets,  although  the  latter  feature  was  se- 
cured only  until  a  comparatively  recent  date,  and 
after  many  efforts.19 

About  the  same  time,  1790,  fire-engines  were  made 
for  the  public  offices,  and  regulations  issued  for  the  guid- 
ance of  the  people  called  to  assist  at  fires,  with  premiums 
for  the  first  leaders  of  gangs  who  obeyed  the  bell  sig- 
nals of  the  watchmen  in  the  church  towers.  Before  this 
the  neighbors  hurried  pell-mell  to  the  scene,  and  friars 
and  clergy  came  with  images  and  relics,  some  of  which 
were  even  cast  into  the  fire  with  a  view  to  awe  the 
flames  into  submission.20  Among  this  crowd  of  psalm- 
singers  and  frantic  helpers,  thieves  found  good  oppor- 
tunities while  pretending  to  render  aid. 

17  Fieles  executores  shared  in  certain  trusts  and  supervised  the  honesty  of 
dealers,  particularly  in  provisions. 

18 Drafts  on  these  funds  must  not  exceed  3,000  maravedis,  and  salaries 
could  not  be  assigned  thereon  without  superior  permit ;  yet  they  could  be 
drawn  upon  for  royal  celebrations — not  for  the  reception  of  prelates  and  other 
dignitaries.     Yet  much  money  was  spent  on  suits  and  display. 

19  Under  Revilla  Gigedo's  energetic  rule.  Since  1776  repeated  orders  had 
come  to  enforce  street  lighting,  first  on  the  part  of  well-to-do  citizens  and 
shopkeepers,  later  by  systematic  levies  on  the  part  of  the  ward  alcaldes.  All 
this  failing,  the  city  council  was  given  the  control,  and  lamps  were  erected  at 
a  cost  of  35,429  pesos,  the  annual  expense  for  oil  and  labor  being  about 
24,000  pesos,  covered  by  a  tax  of  three  reals  on  each  cargo  of  flour,  which 
yielded  36,000.  Eight  corporals  supervised  the  lighting.  Revilla  Girjedo, 
Inst  rue. ,  71-3.  The  ordinary  revenue  of  the  city  came  to  nearly  half  a  million. 
Id.,  38.    Villa-Seiior  specifies  different  sources  and  amounts.  Teatro,  i.  53-6. 

20  Id.,  73-4;  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.  torn.  i.  412-13. 


524  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

Regulations  for  Indians,  as  we  have  repeatedly  seen, 
were  full  of  liberal,  benevolent,  and  as  a  rule  wise  meas- 
ures, though  misapplied  by  rapacious  or  negligent  offi- 
cials. More  consideration  was  shown  for  the  faults  of 
the  natives;  special  exemptions  were  granted  from 
taxes,  and  many  privileges  extended,  as  if  in  regard 
for  their  primary  right  to  the  soil,  and  their  poverty, 
and  as  if  they  were  less  responsible  beings.  The 
quality  of  this  consideration  has  no  parallel  in  the  his- 
tory of  colonization;  there  is  a  pure  charity,  a  tender 
humanity  about  it,  which  we  look  for  in  vain  among  the 
other  nations  of  Christendom.  The  encomienda  system 
had  been  gradually  abolished,  and  liberty  granted  to 
the  Indians  freely  to  dispose  of  their  labor;  yet  ad- 
vantage continued  to  be  taken  of  their  poverty  and 
ignorance,  to  abuse  them,  and  practically  to  maintain 
them  in  slavery,  notwithstanding  the  many  strict  laws 
against  advancing  money  or  effects,  or  otherwise  to 
place  them  under  binding  obligation.  The  alcaldes 
mayores  and  corregidores  placed  to  protect  them  were 
only  too  often  their  chief  oppressors,  who  relentlessly 
exacted  the  tribute  from  which  they  obtained  a  per- 
centage, and  who  sold  to  them  by  compulsion  useless 
goods  at  exorbitant  rates.  The  establishment  of  inten- 
dencias  had  for  its  object  the  reform  of  these  abuses, 
and  improvement  certainly  took  place.  The  effort  to 
congregate  them  into  villages,  particularly  near  mines 
and  settlements,  was  still  carried  on,  partly  to  promote 
their  culture  by  means  of  priests  and  example,  partly  for 
advancement  of  colonization  and  increase  of  state  rev- 
enue, the  frequent  practice  of  introducing  laborers  from 
a  distant  province  being  objectionable  in  many  ways. 

In  the  villages  so  formed  no  strangers  must  be 
allowed,  even  of  their  own  race,21  and  those  enrolled 
as  settlers  must  not  live  away  from  the  place.  Large 
villages  had  two  alcaldes  and  four  regidores,22  elected 

21  Though  they  may  own  land  there.  Travellers  could  stay  two  days, 
traders  not  over  three. 

23  A  medium-size  village  had  two  regidores,  and  one  of  40  to  80  Indiana 
only  one  alcalde  and  one  regidor. 


MANAGEMENT  OF  INDIANS.  525 

annually  from  among  the  people  in  presence  of  the 
curate,  who  was  the  adviser  and  guide  in  all  matters. 
The  election  was  as  a  rule  nominal,  for  the  offices, 
particularly  the  former,  fell  to  the  Indian  nobles,  and 
in  some  villages  the  cacique  wras  perpetual  alcalde. 
This  officer  could  inflict  punishment  to  the  extent  of 
a  day's  imprisonment  or  eight  lashes  on  drunkards, 
absentees  from  mass,  and  similar  offenders.  Greater 
culprits,  including  half-breeds,  must  be  merely  arrested 
and  taken  to  the  nearest  Spanish  town.  The  caciques 
or  chiefs  retained  a  certain  power  independent  of  any 
official  rank,  with  ris?ht  to  establish  their  claims  to 
succession,  to  wield  authority  over  the  Indians  with- 
in their  district,  and  to  exact  tribute,  although  this 
was  moderated  if  regarded  as  excessive.  They  must 
pay  the  men  employed  and  inflict  only  light  punish- 
ments.'23 The  privileges  granted  them  as  nobles  were 
generally  abused  in  tyrannizing  over  their  semi-sub- 
jects, partly  as  a  relief  to  their  feelings,  which  suf- 
fered so  much  from  Spanish  insolence.  The  curates 
and  political  agents  were  generally  prepared  to  support 
them  for  economic  reasons.  Special  care  was  taken 
to  dispose  of  Indian  civil  and  criminal  cases  promptly 
and  with  the  least  expense.  Indeed,  processes  were 
not  permitted  except  in  grave  instances.  In  audiencia 
cities,  a  lawyer  and  procurador  attended  exclusively 
to  them,  without  charging  fees,  their  pay  coming 
from  fines  or  community  effects.24  Cases  of  first  in- 
stance pertained  to  governors,  and  at  Mexico  an 
Indian  tribunal  under  an  oidor  or  alcalde  de  crimen, 
who  acted  as  asesor  to  the  viceroy,  attended  to  this 
duty.25 

23  No  ordinary  judge  could  seize  a  cacique,  except  for  grave  offence.  No 
mestizo  could  hold  this  dignity.  Becop.  2nd.,  ii.  245-9;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg. 
UlL,  i.  152  etseq. ;  Icazba'ceta,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  1-24. 

24  In  suits  before  the  audiencia  the  fiscal  defended  one  party,  the  protector 
the  other.  Becop.  Ind.,  ii.  243.  The  protector  and  defensor  offices  were  sup- 
pressed in  1582,  but  revived  a  few  years  later. 

23  por  ^s  support  a  tax  of  half  a  real  was  levied  on  each  Indian.  Id.,  200. 
A  clerk  and  relator  assisted.  Azanza,  Instruc,  MS.,  11.  The  oidor  received 
400  pesos  a  year  for  this  extra  duty.  Indians  could  freely  give  powers  of 
attorney  so  as  to  avoid  appearance  in  person. 


52G  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

Among  the  sources  for  village  revenue  was  the  yield 
of  community  land,  each  Indian  being  obliged  to  culti- 
vate a  certain  amount,  or  to  pay  a  tax.  The  funds 
were  generally  invested  in  mortgages,  with  advice  of 
an  oidor  and  in  charge  of  royal  treasury  officials,  under 
bond,  who  disbursed  for  crown  taxes,  school  and  mis- 
sion expenses,  and  other  purposes.  The  capital  could 
not  be  encroached  upon,  save  in  extreme  cases  and 
with  approval  of  the  Indians;20  indeed  this  as  well  as 
a  part  of  the  inflowing  money  came  to  be  held  almost 
as  crown  property,  and  the  real  owners  met  with  such 
difficulty  when  making  demands  thereon  that  they 
seldom  renewed  the  effort. 

Office-holding  in  America  possessed  special  features 
not  alone  in  its  allurements,  but  in  its  effect  on  the 
destinies  of  Spanish  colonies.  Almost  every  person 
above  the  artisan  class  who  migrated  to  the  Indies 
came  to  engage  in  commerce  or  to  obtain  office.  In 
fact  nearly  all  the  higher  posts  were  occupied  by 
them,27  partly  on  the  long  established  principle,  as 
instanced  by  the  restrictions  on  oidores,  to  let  no 
official  exercise  jurisdiction  in  a  province  or  district 
where  he  was  bound  by  ties  of  kinship.  This  seemed 
the  more  necessary  in  countries  so  distant  from  the 
seat  of  government,  and  whose  population  had  by 
personal  conquest  and  colonization  acquired  more 
immediate  rights  and  greater  freedom  of  discussing 
them.  To  the  children  born  within  the  bounds  of 
loyal  Spain,  and  influenced  by  no  foreign  ties,  must, 
therefore,  be  intrusted  the  supervision  and  manage- 
ment for  their  king  of  these  less  secure  possessions. 
They  also  had  readier  access  to  plead  for  positions. 
Creoles  could .  not  be  wholly  excluded,  and  a  share 

2,3  The  audiencia  appointed  the  needed  clerk  and  collector.  Recop.  Intl., 
ii.  214  et  seq. 

27  Of  70  viceroys  in  America  only  three  were  Creoles,  accidentally  so  in 
being  born  of  officials;  and  of  COO  captain-generals  only  14.  In  1808  only  one 
bishopric  and  a  few  canonries  were  held  by  Creoles  in  Mexico.  Alaman,  Mrj., 
i.  12-13. 


OFFICE-HOLDING.  527 

had  to  be  given  them;  but  it  was  small,  very  small 
considering  the  superior  claims  of  their  ancestry, 
who  had  won  and  loyally  transmitted  domains  so 
rich.2S  In  addition  to  the  discontent  created  by 
the  partiality  for  Spanish-born  subjects,  the  position 
and  favor  enjoyed  by  the  latter  made  them  arrogant, 
and  tended  to  render  more  marked  the  caste  distinc- 
tion, all  of  which  must  in  due  time  bear  fruit. 

Nearly  all  high  offices,  especially  those  with  juris- 
diction, were  reserved  by  the  king  for  his  own  ap- 
pointment, and  the  viceroy  or  president  of  audiencia 
could  fill  the  post  only  temporarily;  yet  his  recom- 
mendation had  weight.29  It  had  frequently  been 
declared  that  descendants  of  conquerors  should  be 
given  preference  for  most  offices;  then  settlers  and 
those  born  in  the  country,  with  special  attention  to 
meritorious  and  married  men;  but  ceaseless  intrigues 
and  the  pressure  of  personal  interest  assisted  to  nullify 
this.  In  the  magistracy,  ability  should  receive  superior 
weight;  traders  could  not  be  given  treasury  offices; 
those  who  had  been  artisans  could  not  hold  alcal- 
dias  may  ores,  corregimientos,  and  similar  positions; 
planters,  mulattoes,  mestizos,  and  natives  were  also 
debarred  from  the  higher  offices.  Adherents  and  rela- 
tives within  four  degrees  of  the  high  dignitaries  were 
declared  ineligible  for  many  offices  within  the  same 
state,  but  supplementary  laws  practically  annulled 
this,  as  well  as  many  other  rules,30  as  we  have  seen. 

While  meritorious  service  formed  a  main  feature  in 
the  application  for  office,31  it  was  above  all  necessary 

28  The  liberal  Carlos  III.  sought  to  remedy  this  injustice  in  a  measure,  but 
the  effort  did  not  prove  lasting. 

29  Even  the  temporary  appointment  of  governors  was  in  certain  cases  with- 
held from  him,  but  he  had  a  number  of  alcaldias  mayores  and  other  grades 
at  his  entire  disposal.  The  governor  of  a  province  could  appoint  temporary 
treasure  officials,  but  his  selection  might  be  set  aside  by  the  president  of  an 
audiencia,  and  his  by  the  viceroy,  who  again  had  to  yield  to  the  sovereign. 
Becop.  Ind.,  i.  525-6. 

30  It  was  declared  that  persons  of  merit  should  not  suffer  from  the  rule, 
and  this  sufficed  to  open  the  gate  for  evasion.  A  papal  decree  of  1739  con- 
demns the  restrictions  against  breeds  as  excessive.  Morclll,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis, 
564-5. 

31  Form  of  application  may  be  found  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mtx.y  MS.,  iv.  pt.  6. 


52S  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

that  the  candidate  should  owe  nothing  to  the.  treas- 
ury. He  must  tender  oath  for  faithful  and  loyal 
performance  of  duty,  give  bonds  in  many  cases,  and 
in  certain  instances  inventory  of  estate.  In  term 
offices  a  certain  period  must  elapse  ere  the  same  person 
could  be  reappointed.32  While  lieutenants  could  be 
chosen  by  governors  and  others  in  different  towns, 
office  could  not  be  held  by  substitutes  without  special 
permission,  nor  could  they  be  resigned  in  favor  of 
another.  The  pay  varied  greatly  even  for  similar 
offices  according  to  location  and  wealth  of  districts.33 
Temporary  holders,  till  removed  or  confirmed,  received 
merely  half  pay  when  it  fell  below  a  fair  amount.34 
It  was  clearly  specified  to  whom  salaries  should  come 
from  the  royal  treasury,  and  who  should  receive  their 
pay  from  fines,  fees,  and  other  sources.35  Payments 
were  made  three  times  a  year,  in  silver — gold  being 
reserved  for  Spain30 — the  time  counting  from  date  of 
taking  possession,  although  several  obtained  pay  from 
the  day  of  leaving  Spain.37  To  some  advances  were 
made  for  travelling  expenses.  Certain  deductions 
served  to  form  a  pension  fund  for  widows  and  orphans 
of  those  who  died  in  office,  and  others  in  form  of 
media  anata33  went  to  the  king.     The  civil  pension  sys- 

32 Three  years  by  decree  of  1687.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  88.  Calle 
gives  the  form  for  despatching  confirmations  and  titles.   Mem.  y  Not.,  173-5. 

33  During  the  seventeenth  century  the  Recop.  Ind.,  ii.  114-16,  instances 
the  following:  corregidor  of  Mexico,  500,000  maravedis;  governor  and  cap- 
tain-general of  Yucatan,  1,000  pesos  de  minas;  corregidor  of  Vera  Cruz,  1,000 
pesos;  alcalde  mayor  and  captain  of  war  at  Acapulco,  1,000  ducados;  alcalde 
mayor  of  Tabasco,  300  ducados;  Guadalajara  governor  and  president,  3,500  du- 
cados; governor  and  captain-general  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  2,000  pesos  de  minas, 
and  corregidor  of  Zacatecas,  1,000. 

31  By  decree  of  1700  those  with  less  than  400  pesos  were  exempt,  and  this 
limit  being  shown  to  be  too  low  for  decently  supporting  the  official,  a  decree 
of  1792  raised  it  to  1,000,  with  a  partial  reduction  on  amounts  less  than  2,000. 
IlevUla  G'icjedo,  Bandos,  no.  72. 

y°  The  Mexican  treasury  had  to  supply  funds  for  the  Philippines  and  other 
quarters  when  their  treasuries  were  empty. 

3(3  Recop.  I nd.,  ii.  581  etseq. 

37  Yet  a  decree  of  1046  decided  that  pay  must  be  allowed  only  from  date 
of  taking  possession.  Id. ,  255.  Salaries  stopped  with  death.  No  deduction 
was  made  during  sickness  or  justified  absence. 

88  The  sources  were  a  half  month's  pay,  a  small  regular  percentage,  also 
salaries  accruing  during  vaeancies,  termed  vacaciones;  also  deduetions  from 
tcertain  offices,  called  quitas,  and  other  sources.    From  the  latter  came  special 


SALABLE  POSITIONS.  529 

tem  was  created  only  during  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  and  did  not  apply  to  the  holders, 
some  of  whom  received  a  proportion  of  pay  from 
other  funds  after  a  certain  term  of  service,  or  when 
incapacitated.39  In  protection  of  the  pension  funds  it 
was  required  that  officials  should  not  marry  wives 
without  sufficient  dowries,40  nor  without  permission. 
Before  the  discovery  of  America  a  few  offices  with- 
out jurisdiction,  or  with  minor  participation  therein, 
were  sold  to  bidders.  The  practice  soon  extended,  as 
the  mania  for  office-holding  increased  and  the  royal 
treasury  became  greedier,  and  law  after  law  was  added 
to  the  list  which  embraced  in  particular  the  positions  of 
clerks,  notaries,  sheriffs,  regidores,  persons  connected 
with  the  collecting  and  management  of  funds  of  tribu- 
nals, municipalities,  mints,  and  others.41  These  sales 
were  first  authorized  in  the  Indies  by  decree  of  June 
17,  1559,  subsequently  amplified  in  extent  and  rules,42 
so  as  to  embrace  also  in  a  measure  pensions  and  en- 
comiendas.43  Public  notice  had  to  be  given  of  vacan- 
cies, and  a  certain  time  allowed  for  bidders  to  prepare 
themselves  to  present  qualifications,  for  restrictions 
as  to  class  and  talent  applied  also  here.  The  sale  was 
held  in  the  presence  of  an  oidor,  or  other  high  official, 
the  highest  bidder  being  entitled  to  the  position,  with 
certain  exceptions  in  favor  of  able  or  meritorious  per- 
sons.44 Different  causes  tended  to  affect  prices,  such 
as  hard  times,  which  naturally  diminished  fees,  and 
consequently  the  valuation.  Thus  the  office  of  high 
sheriff'  to  the  audiencia  at  Mexico  sold  at  different 


pensions  for  meritorious  persons.     For  particulars  see  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac.y^ 
vi.  97  et  seq. ;  Mex.  Legis.,  April  1853,  31  etseq. 

89Certain  treasury  officials  had  to  deposit  one  fifth  of  their  pay  as  addU 
tional  bond. 

40  Brides  even  of  subalterns  had  to  bring  3,000  pesos  fuertes.  Revilla  Gigedo^ 
Bandos,  no.  5. 

41  For  details  see  JRecop.  Ind.,  ii.  548-59;  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hoc.,  iii.  62  et  seq.  ? 
Calk,  Mem.  y  Not.,  178-9. 

42 /t/.,  7. 

43  Recop.  Ind.,  ii.  555-6. 

41  It  was  specially  decreed,  for  instance,  that  the  positions  of  regidores 
should  be  given  at  lower  rates  to  deserving  men. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    34 


530  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

times  during  the  period  1G05-1G21  at  28,750,  122,740, 
and  50,000  pesos;  that  of  clerk  to  the  civil  court  varied 
within  a  dozen  years  between  65,000  and  30,000  pesos. 
The  twenty-four  receivers'  offices  of  the  same  tribunal 
ranged  between  3,200  and  2,400  pesos.  Regidores  of 
Mexico  paid  between  10,000  and  6,000  pesos.45  The 
sale  conferred  different  privileges,  some  holders  being 
allowed  to  appoint  lieutenants,  others  to  buy  for 
minors  and  administer  ad  interim,  or  to  renounce  in 
favor  of  another,  which  was  equivalent  to  private  sale. 
Many  bought  positions  merely  as  a  speculation,  and 
tendered  other  offices  in  payment.46 

Yet  the  latter  performances  were  somewhat  ham- 
pered by  the  rule  that  one  half  of  the  value  must  be 
paid  to  the  treasury  on  resigning  or  disposing  of  any 
office  for  the  first  time,  and  one  third  for  subsequent 
transfers.  In  cases  of  private  transfers  the  value  was 
estimated  by  treasury  officials  for  payment  of  the  de- 
duction.47 Such  transfers  were  valid  only  if  the  seller 
lived  twenty  days  after  the  sale;48  otherwise  the  office 
fell  to  the  crown,  to  be  sold  anew  at  auction.49 

The  policy  of  salable  offices  is  no  doubt  open  to  ob- 
jections, although  it  does  not  appear  to  have  been 
attended  with  so  many  evils  as  might  be  supposed. 
Many  men  invested  money  in  this  wTay  to  obtain  po- 
sition, or  to  secure  a  safe  income  for  themselves  or 
their  children,  and  paid  so  liberally  that  the  salaries 
amounted  to  merely  a  fair  percentage  on  the  invest- 
ment. This  served  also  as  a  bond  for  good  conduct. 
The  competition  was  generally  too  great  to  allow  of 
an  adequate  return  in  the  form  of  both  salary  and 

45  Further  instances  in  Calle,  Mem.  yNot.,  49-51. 

46  Credit  was  not  extended  over  long  terms. 

47  Communities  had  in  some  cases  obtained  the  right  to  salable  offices, 
and  in  case  of  a  new  incumbent  they  also  must  pay  the  deduction. 

48  The  transfer  must  be  laid  before  the  governor  or  other  superior  authority 
within  70  days;  within  30  days  after  landing  if  resignation  was  made  at  sea. 
Royal  confirmation  of  office  must  be  presented  within  four  years,  or  it  would 
be  sold.   Ccdula,  in  Pacheco  und  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xvii.  369-74. 

19  Without  return  of  any  part  of  its  value  to  the  late  holder.     In  case  of 
resignation  to  the  crown  the  \ deduction  is  made  on  the  estimated  value;  and 
the  treasury  reaped  the  benefit  Mom  any  higher  sale  price.     The  office  could 
vbe  attached  for  debt. 


PRECEDENCE.  531 

interest  on  purchase  money.     It  led  also  to  much  cor- 
ruption and  to  a  low  standard  of  ability.50 

It  was  worth  while  to  pay  large  sums  for  a  position 
which  entailed  privileges,  at  least  honorary  and  social, 
such  as  are  eagerly  sought  for  even  in  countries  less 
subject  to  class  distinction  and  caste  strife  than  Mex- 
ico. The  well  known  punctiliousness  of  the  Spaniard 
was  not  a  whit  relaxed  in  these  far-off  regions,  and  it 
is  amusing  to  observe  the  trivialities  on  which  the 
staid  government  would  waste  its  attention  and  de- 
crees. The  question  of  precedence  was  minutely  fixed, 
even  for  inferior  officials,  in  processions,  at  audiences, 
in  church,  and  elsewhere.  In  certain  cases  the  clergy 
should  precede  all ;  on  other  occasions  a  governor  had 
the  precedence.  This  dignitary  could  use  a  cushion, 
but  not  so  an  alcalde  mayor/1  and  certain  officials  could 
enter  a  tribunal  with  sword  or  stick,  while  others 
must  doff  and  bow.  Many  distinctive  forms  of  dress, 
still  reserved  on  the  peninsula  for  certain  classes,  had 
here  been  usurped  by  inferior  persons,  and  the  judicial 
cape  and  collar  could  be  seen  on  every  notary  and 
physician,  ay,  even  on  the  barber.  The  lawyers  felt 
particularly  indignant  at  being  confounded  with  their 
social  inferiors,  and  after  a  hard  struggle  obtained  per- 
mission to  wear  gauze  on  their  cuffs,  and  were  recon 
ciled.  Form  of  address  was  also  jealously  guarded," 
and  the  manner  of  kissing  the  pax  had  to  be  prescribed 
lest  the  arrogant  worshipper  should  place  himself  on 
too  close  equality  with  royal  devotees. 

New  Spain,  which  for  so  long  a  time  formed  one 
of  the  two  great  territorial  departments  of  the  India 

50  Revilla  Gigedo  recommends  fixed  salaries  for  notaries  and  others,  and 
measures  for  introducing  better  men.  Instruc,  28. 

51  Yet  he  of  San  Luis  Potosi  had  this  and  other  honors  granted.  Arlegul, 
Ckron.  Zac,  57-8. 

52  Viceroy  and  audiencia  were  addressed  as  vos  by  the  king,  but  they  must 
use  an  impersonal  form  with  governors;  yet  the  audiencia  called  a  juez  de 
provincia  vos.  The  viceroy  used  merced,  worship,  in  addressing  the  munici- 
pality of  Mexico.  Hecop.  Ltd.,  i.  638  et  seq.;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  114-17; 
Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  142,. 


:-2 


532  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

Council,  the  other  being  Peru,  embraced  five  of  the 
twelve  audiencias,  namely,  Santo  Domingo,  Mexico, 
Guatemala,  Guadalajara,  and  Manila,  besides  the  cap- 
tain-generalcy  of  Florida,  extending  from  the  southern 
border  of  Costa  Rica53  into  the  undefined  north,  till 
treaties  of  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries  gave 
boundaries  along  Louisiana  and  beyond  California. 
The  viceroy  of  Mexico  had  however  a  merely  nomi- 
nal authority  over  any  but  the  audiencia  districts  of 
Mexico  and  Guadalajara,  which  extended  from  Gua- 
temala, Chiapas,  and  the  bay  of  Honduras  to  the 
south  line  of  the  Florida  department,  and  beyond  Cali- 
fornia, a  region  forming  New  Spain  proper.54  In  1786 
this  state  embraced  ten  gubernatorial  divisions  which 
were  now  converted  into  twelve  intendencias  and 
three  provincias,  with  two  hundred  and  forty-two  al- 
caldias  mayores  or  partidos.55  Two  military  divisions 
also  existed,  those  subject  to  the  viceroy  as  captain- 
general,  and  those  under  the  comandante  general  of 
the  Provincias  Internas. 

Originally  New  Spain  was  under  control  of  a  gov- 
ernor, as  we  have  seen,  who  held  also  the  offices 
of  chief  justice  and  captain-general,  with  power  to 
appoint  lieutenants  and  other  high  officers,  to  grant 
repartimientos,  to  exile  obnoxious  persons,  and  to  con- 

53  'Cabo  de  Tiburdn  y  rio  de  Congos,  por  donde  confina  con  las  Provincias 
de  Tierra  Firme.'  Alcedo,  ii.  78.  Most  of  the  early  geographers  apply  the 
name  of  New  Spain  loosely  even  to  Panama.  Descrip.  Amer.,  103-4.  Thesau- 
rus Gcog.,  ii.  253;  Sanson,  UAmer.,  17;  Luyts,  Geog.,  708;  Apiano,  Cosmog., 
6-7,  75;  Mendoza,  Hist.  China,  304;  Ortcl/iits,  Teatrvm,  1-3.  The  church 
historian  Gonzalez  Davila  follows  the  council  division  in  saying  'Arzobispo  de 
Sto  Domingo  en  Nueva  Espafia.'  Teatro,  ii.  101.  Manccra  in  1664  applies  it 
as  a  captain-generalcy  to  a  rather  limited  space.  Doc.  Inid.,  xxi.  490-3;  Me- 
dina, Chr6n.  S.  Diego,  227.  The  subordination  of  the  different  audiencias  to 
the  viceroyalties  of  Peru  and  Mexico  is  explained  in  Uecop.  de  Ind.,  i.  339,  ii. 
114-16  etc.;  Laet,  Novus  Orbis,  220.  During  the  temporary  transfer  of  the 
Guatemala  audiencia  to  Panama  in  1563  a  line  from  bay  of  Fonseca  to  Ulua 
Paver  formed  the  south  border,  Gracias  a  Dios  town  belonging  to  New  Spain. 
Heales  Odd. ,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xvii.  532. 

51  As  explained  in  Hist.  Mex. ,  ii.  279.  The  boundary  question  is  discussed 
in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  ii.  713-15  (note  39),  this  series. 

55  Alcedo,  ii.  79,  implies  that  the  whole  region  from  Costa  Pica  northward 
contained  only  128  alcaldias  mayores  and  corregimientos,  but  Villa-Senor, 
Teatro,  i.  26,  writing  in  1746,  40  years  earlier,  mentions  149  alone  in  four  out 
of  the  six  sees  of  New  Spain  proper.  The  provinces  underwent  changes  in 
number  and  limits. 


POWER  OF  VICEROY.  033 

clemn  to  death.  Under  pressure  from  envious  aspi- 
rants to  power,  the  sovereign  took  the  wise  precaution 
of  creating  an  audiencia,  like  that  at  Santo  Domingo, 
to  administer  justice,  and  watch  over  the  observance 
of  laws,  and  over  the  royal  interest.  Its  president 
acted  also  as  governor  till  the  arrival  of  the  first 
viceroy  in  the  person  of  Mendoza. 

While  representing  the  king  this  high  official  was 
greatly  restricted  in  his  powers,  especially  in  later 
times.  His  office  embraced  those  of  president  of 
audiencia,  governor,  and  captain-general,  terms  which 
to  a  certain  extent  indicate  the  authority  wielded. 
As  president,  however,  he  possessed  no  vote  in  judicial 
matters,  though  he  watched  the  proceedings  of  the 
oidores,  signed  their  decisions,  and  directed  to  some  ex- 
tent their  movements.56  As  governor,  he  was  the  head 
of  the  departments  of  state  generally,  watching  also 
over  religious  observance,  supervising  the  treasury,57 
and  looking  in  particular  to  the  welfare  of  the  Indians. 
He  could  promote  discovery  expeditions,  but  the  privi- 
lege to  distribute  encomiendas  and  lands  was  greatly 
absorbed  by  minor  governors  of  provinces.  Yet  with 
him  lay  the  provisional  appointment  of  governors,  cap- 
tain-generals, and  intendentes  whenever  vacancies  oc- 
curred, and  a  number  of  alcaldias  may  ores  and  other 
offices  were  assigned  to  him  for  free  disposal.58  This 
privilege  extended  also  to  ecclesiastical  offices,  where 
he  exercised  the  royal  patronage  in  selecting  one  of 

56  He  took  cognizance  in  first  instance  of  Indian  cases,  and  indirect 
cognizance  in  the  sessions  of  the  civil,  fiscal,  and  others,  as  Azanza  explains 
in  his  Instrucciones,  MS.,  11.  The  pardoning  power  was  greatly  restricted  by 
a  decree  of  1654.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  160.    See  also  Ilecop.  de  Intl.,  i.  373. 

57Eveiy  Thursday  he  presided  over  the  treasury  council,  and  directed  the 
cteps  for  increasing  revenues.  Yet  he  could  not  grant  exemption  from  tribute, 
or  dispose  of  funds  save  in  extraordinary  cases.  He  might  send  officials  to 
investigate  the  management  of  collectors'  departments.  His  power  in  this 
respect  was  similar  to  that  of  the  superintendente  general  de  real  hacienda 
in  Spain.  Beleiia,  i.  353. 

08Calle  gives  a  list  of  them  with  their  values.  Mem.  y  Not.,  100,  165-8. 
Their  number  varied  at  the  pleasure  of  the  king,  and  to  some  viceroys  special 
permission  was  issued  to  confer  a  certain  number  on  'servants  and  adherents,' 
which  otherwise  could  not  be  allowed.  ReaJes  Ccdulas,  MS. ,  ii.  237.  The  power 
to  appoint  governors  ad  interim  of  the  Philippines  was  at  times  withdrawn. 
Doc.  Incd.,  xxi.  462-3. 


534  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

the  three  nominees  proposed  by  the  bishop.59  As  royal 
representative  the  viceroy  had  much  additional  control 
over  the  church,  which  tended  greatly  to  exalt  his 
dignity,  however  galling  this  subordination  must  have 
been  to  the  clergy. 

A  still  greater  influence  was  derived  from  the  office 
of  captain -general  by  land  and  sea,  with  power  to 
appoint  lieutenants,  to  call  out  the  colonists  as  a 
militia  body,  to  levy  troops  for  expeditions,  and  even  to 
dip  into  the  royal  treasury.  A  council  of  war  served 
both  to  guide  and  control  his  action  however.  The 
duty  of  attending  to  the  defence  of  the  country 
enabled  him  to  interpose  his  authority  in  a  number  of 
ways,  and  from  his  decision  in  military  matters  there 
was  no  appeal  except  to  Spain.60  The  audiencia  had 
in  all  important  affairs  of  government  to  be  consulted, 
in  which  attitude  it  was  known  as  the  acuerdo;  yet 
in  most  cases  the  viceroy  could  carry  out  his  own  de- 
cision even  if  this  body  objected.  The  oidores  would 
then  have  to  report  to  the  king,  without  his  knowl- 
edge if  they  chose.  In  cases  of  appeal  to  them  from 
him  they  could  always  demand  the  documents  and 
determine  to  whom  cognizance  pertained.61 

With  the  creation  of  captain-generalcies  in  Yucatan, 
and  along  the  northern  frontier  of  regencias  and  in- 
tendencias,  the  power  of  the  viceroy  became  more  and 
more  restricted,62  although  his  duties  were  by  no 
means  reduced,  including  as  they  did  at  least  a  nom- 
inal supervision  of  affairs  even  within  districts  that 
appeared  independent  of  him.  The  commercial  in- 
terests  of  New  Spain  in  the  Philippines  called  his 

59 Or  rejecting  all.  This  privilege  had  much  to  do  with  the  frequent  and 
Litter  quarrels  between  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  chiefs. 

60  The  military  system  will  be  considered  in  connection  with  the  forming 
of  the  standing  army.  Revilla  Gigedo  comments  on  the  captain-generalcy  as 
the  most  important  of  the  offices.  Instruc,  129. 

01  The  power  to  so  determine  was  granted  only  in  later  times.  The  privi- 
lege to  follow  his  own  decision  in  most  cases  served  greatly  to  exalt  the  vice- 
regal authority,  as  intended. 

G2  A  source  of  regret,  says  Revilla  Gigedo,  since  communication  with  Spain 
had  become  so  easy  as  to  allow  the  sovereign  to  interfere  in  case  of  mistakes 
on  the  part  of  his  representative.  Instruc,  4. 


VICEREGAL  CEREMONIES.  535 

attention  to  the  Orient;  he  had  frequently  to  send 
arms  and  other  aid  to  the  Antilles;  and  while  the 
government  of  Florida  was  subject  to  no  audiencia, 
the  authority  of  the  viceroy  could  be  exercised  there, 
and  so  with  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Nueva  Galicia,  and 
Yucatan. 

In  the  despatch  of  government  affairs  he  was 
assisted  by  a  secretarial  department  of  royal  appoint- 
ment,63 and  his  dignity  was  sustained  by  prescribed 
court  pomp  and  ceremonies,  many  of  them  being 
otherwise  of  exclusively  regal  character,  such  as  the 
formal  reception  by  the  chapter  and  bishop  on  his 
first  visit  to  the  cathedral  church.64  On  certain  feast 
days  the  audiencia  had  to  accompany  him  to  mass,  but 
not  even  an  oidor  could  take  a  seat  beside  him  within 
the  coach.65  Indeed  the  viceregal  court  was  modelled 
on  that  of  Spain,  and  the  king  in  many  ways  en- 
couraged the  manifestation  of  respect  toward  his  rep- 
resentatives. 

The  formalities  connected  with  his  arrival  in  the 
country  were  particularly  impressive.66  Processions 
of  brilliantly  attired  citizens  with  banners  and  other 
regalia,  headed  by  official  bodies,  came  forth  to  receive 
him  at  every  town  along  the  route,  which  usually 
passed  from  Vera  Cruz  through  Jalapa,  Tlascala,  and 

63  By  cddula  of  1778  the  assistants  of  the  department  were  increased  to 
eight,  called  officiales,  with  a  porter.  The  pay  of  the  youngest  was  450  pesos. 
Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  151;  Disposiciones  Varias,  i.  33.  The  audiencia 
secretaries  could  also  be  called  upon.  In  secret  affairs  a  private  secretary 
might  be  employed.  The  annual  appropriation  for  stationery  was  in  1758 
fixed  at  400  pesos.  Certif.  Mercedes,  MS. ,  92.  In  less  important  matters  the 
viceroy  could  abbreviate  his  signature  to  media  firma. 

64  The  details  of  observances  are  given  in  Recop.  de  Ind. ,  i.  632-4.  Prelates 
could  use  train-bearers,  but  not  on  appearing  before  the  viceroy.  At  Mexico 
he  must  dine  only  with  his  family,  and  observe  other  exclusiveness;  but  out 
of  the  capital  greater  freedom  was  enjoyed.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  802. 

65  Rules  are  laid  down  for  the  deference  to  be  observed  by  different  offi- 
cials, an  alcalde  for  instance  being  allowed  to  sit  only  on  the  carriage  step. 
Montemayor,  Svmarios,  117-18  et  seq.  The  coach  was  drawn  by  six  mules, 
and  other  coaches  stopped  as  it  passed,  their  male  occupants  rising  to  salute. 
Estalla,  xxv.  295. 

66  In  order  to  swell  his  importance  he  was  made  general  of  the  fleet  con- 
veying him  to  New  Spain,  free  passage  being  provided  for  all  his  retinue 
within  reasonable  limits.  Only  his  unmarried  daughters  or  very  young  sons 
could  accompany  him,  lest  he  should  be  induced  to  provide  near  relatives 
with  positions. 


53G  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

Puebla67  to  Otumba,  the  scene  of  Cortes'  brilliant  vic- 
tory, where  the  outgoing  viceroy  with  the  dignitaries 
from  Mexico  usually  met  him,03  although  a  number  of 
officials  and  citizens  had  hastened  to  tender  homage 
long  before  this.  Here  took  place  the  informal  sur- 
render of  government  and  of  the  staff  of  captain-general 
amidst  pomp  and  festivities;  and  thereupon  the  new 
ruler  was  escorted  with  great  ceremony  to  the  capital, 
occasionally  under  the  pall,  till  strict  orders  forbade 
this  encroachment  on  royal  privileges.  Bells  rang, 
troops  paraded,  fireworks,  bull-fights,  and  other  en- 
tertainments followed,  and  for  three  days  the  viceroy 
dined  in  public  with  the  representatives  of  different 
civil  and  military  bodies.  The  cathedral  formed  the 
objective  point  of  the  entrance  march,  and  here  the 
archbishop  received  him  and  chanted  the  te  deuin.09 
Some  time  after  the  formal  assumption  of  power,  by 
swearing  the  oath  of  office,  a  second  pompous  entry 
took  place  into  Mexico,  for  which  costly  preparations 
were  made  on  all  sides,  by  private  citizens  as  well 
as  by  guilds  and  political  bodies,  the  municipality 
alone  expending  as  much  as  twenty-six  thousand  pesos. 
This  extravagance  being  complained  of,  the  king  for- 
bade a  second  entry,  which  had  absorbed  most  of 
the  ceremonies  and  festivities,  and  limited  the  drain 
on  public  funds  for  such  occasions  to  eight  thousand 
pesos.70 

Many  restrictive  cedulas  were  directed  against 
viceregal  pomp  and  abuse,  such  as  using  family  arms 

67  Occasionally  Tlascala  was  omitted,  and  on  one  or  two  occasions  Panuco 
served  as  landing-place.  Special  receptions  were  tendered  by  the  clergy  at 
the  principal  church. 

C8  Chapultepec  or  Guadalupe  was  also  selected,  but  toward  the  end  of  the 
last  century  San  Cristobal  came  to  be  the  meeting-place.  Bdeaa,  i.  360. 

69  A  chaplain  having  first  removed  the  silver  spurs  of  the  great  man. 
Estallu,  xx vi.  293-5. 

10Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  9  et  seq.  Calle  shows  that  the  pall  was 
allowed  to  certain  viceroys.  Mem.  y  Not.,  57.  In  Peru  the  expenditure  was 
extended  to  12,000  pesos.  For  additional  features  connected  wth  the  entry 
and  assumption  of  government  see  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  379,  this  series.  Panes 
describes  the  ceremonies  at  towns  on  the  way  to  Mexico.  Vireyes,  M.S., 
125-8.  In  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  1G1,  is  given  the  form  for  taking  the  oath 
of  office. 


EMOLUMENTS  OF  VICEROY.  537 

during  certain  public  celebrations,  accepting  a  higher 
form  of  address  than  sefwria — excellency  being  per- 
mitted only  in  late  years — obliging  the  oidores  to 
escort  the  viceroy  to  their  hall  whenever  he  chose  to 
preside,71  and  expecting  them  as  well  as  other  digni- 
taries to  make  ceremonious  calls  on  his  birthday,  or 
during  his  sickness.  In  other  directions  his  privi- 
leges were  extended  with  a  view  to  preserve  the 
dignity  of  the  royal  representative.  A  guard  of 
honor  numbering  twenty-five  was  provided  to  attend 
him,  and  later  a  special  posse  for  the  palace.72  His 
pay  was  gradually  increased  from  the  six  thousand 
ducats  enjoyed  by  Mendoza,  to  twenty  thousand,  and 
later  to  forty  and  sixty  thousand  pesos.  Certain  legal 
fees  were  added  for  superintending  the  drainage  work 
and  other  duties,  exceptional  grants  being  made  to 
favorites,  with  permission  to  introduce  a  certain 
amount  of  jewelry  and  merchandise  free  of  duty.73 
A  goodly  portion  of  the  government  house  or  palace, 
and  of  the  buildings  at  Chapultepec,  were  set  aside 
for  his  use,  and  the  service  was  covered  to  a  great 
extent  from  public  funds.74  Liberality  in  this  direc- 
tion appeared  the  more  necessary,  as  only  too  many 
viceroys  had  used  their  position  to  enrich  themselves, 
either  by  direct  or  indirect  sale  of  places,  or  accept- 

71  The  viceregal  chair  or  throne  in  the  audiencia  chamber  could  not  be 
occupied  by  the  oidor  who  took  his  place  as  president. 

720f  30  men  with  captain  and  lieutenants,  created  in  1792.  The  guard  of 
honor  consisted  of  a  captain,  a  lieutenant,  3  non-commissioned  officers,  and 
20  halberdiers,  with  a  monthly  pay  of  16  pesos  or  more,  the  captain  alone 
receiving  double  pay,  and  later  that  of  infantry  captain.  The  men  paid  for 
their  uniform  and  arms.  Their  allowance  came  from  vacated  encomiendas 
and  other  sources.  The  viceroy  of  Peru  had  a  guard  of  50  with  three  hun- 
dred pesos  a  year. 

73  The  amount  varied.  Calle  mentions  16,000  ducats'  worth  of  effects,  be- 
sides 8,000  in  plate,  and  an  annual  importation  for  the  household  to  the  value 
of  4,000  ducats.  Mem.  y  Not.,  56-7.  A  year's  pay  was  allowed  till  1766  for 
going  and  returning  to  the  post.  Boletin,  i.  360.  See  also  Hist.  Mex. ,  ii.  376,  this 
series.  One  fifth  of  the  60,000  was  allowed  for  the  office  of  captain-general, 
and  exempt  from  the  anata  deduction.  The  ruler  at  Lima  had  larger  pay  and 
more  privileges. 

74  The  preference  in  selecting  servants  should  be  given  to  descendants  of 
conquerors.  The  yearly  expenditure  for  palace  repairs  must  not  exceed 
10,000  pesos.  Reales  Cedillas,  MS.,  ii.  115.  An  account  of  the  rooms  occu- 
pied by  the  viceregal  suite  in  1771  is  given  in  Vireyes  Instruc,  MS.,  pt. 
vii.  1-3. 


538  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

ance  of  presents  from  favor-seekers,  or  engaging  in 
different  undertakings,  contrary  to  law.75 

One  means  intended  to  check  corruption  was  the 
limitation  of  the  office  to  three  years.76  This  rule, 
however,  was  seldom  adhered  to,  nearly  all  holding 
the  power  for  a  longer  period,  sometimes  from  twelve 
to  fifteen  years,  several  being  twice  appointed.77  As  an 
encouragement  for  good  conduct,  promotion  was  held 
forth  to  the  higher  paid  viceroy alty  of  Peru,  to  the 
India  Council,  and  other  positions  in  Spain.  Before 
leaving  the  country,  this  dignitary,  like  other  high 
officials,  had  to  submit  to  a  residencia  to  be  completed 
within  six  months ;  yet  bonds  were  generally  accepted.78 
He  had  also  to  leave  a  report  on  the  condition  of 
affairs  with  suggestions  for  the  guidance  of  his  suc- 
cessor.79 

In  case  of  death  no  regal  ceremonies  were  per- 
mitted.80 Usually  a  pliego  de  providencia,  or  mortaja,81 
existed  wherein  a  successor  was  designated;  otherwise, 
till  the  arrival  of  a  new  appointee,  and  also  when  the 
viceroy  fell  sick,  the  audiencia  assumed  the  government 
with  the  president  or  regente  for  captain-general.82 


75  They  could  give  preference  in  the  sale  of  quicksilver,  or  favor  traders  for 
places  and  goods.  Gage  assumes  that  some  of  them  made  a  million  a  year,  and 
bribed  courtiers  in  Spain  to  procure  an  extension  of  time.  Voy.,  i.  224.  On 
birthdays  of  the  viceroy's  consort,  carriages,  gold  chains,  and  other  costly 
presents  flowed  in  from  all  directions,  an  incentive  being  given  to  donors  by 
inviting  them  to  comedy  representations  at  the  palace.  Guijo,  in  Doc.  Hist. 
3Iex.,  s6viei.  torn.  i.  482-3. 

76Cedulas  of  1555,  1663,  etc.  Recop.  de  Inch,  i.  56. 

77  Among  others  Velasco  the  younger.  Mendoza  ruled  nearly  15  years; 
and  three  others  from  12  to  14  years. 

78  Equivalent  to  about  a  year's  salary. 

79  Under  penalty  of  a  year's  pay.  Yet  many  failed  to  comply,  says  Man- 
cera,  Instruc,  in  Doc.  Incd.,  xxi.  439;  perhaps  verbal  communications  with 
the  successor  were  deemed  sufficient. 

80 'Los  Oydores . .  .  no  entren  con  luto  en  los  estrados  de  la  Audiencia.' 
31 on  tenia} /or,  Svmarios,  115. 

81  A  document  kept  under  seal,  wherein  the  king  named  a  successor  in 
case  of  accident  to  the  incumbent  of  this  office. 

82 During  later  years  the  military  sub-inspector  assumed  control  of  his  de- 
partment. Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  158.  Ccdulario,  MS.,  iii.  57  et  seq. 
The  archbishop  had  more  than  once  been  called  to  the  office;  but  bycedula  of 
1739  the  succession  was  declared  inadvisable.  The  oidores  during  their  rule 
had  to  furnish  monthly  reports  of  proceedings  and  were  restricted  in  appoint- 
ing officials  and  other  privileges,  liealet  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  33-4. 


AUDIENCIAS.  539 

While  the  audiencias  were  really  sovereign  tri- 
bunals to  which  appeals  might  be  made  even  from  the 
decisions  of  governors,  they  also  possessed  a  certain 
supervision  over  affairs  and  had  to  report  to  the  India 
Council,  giving  suggestions  on  all  points  that  might 
promote  the  interests  of  the  crown  and  the  welfare  of 
colonists  and  natives.  They  were  given  jurisdiction 
in  the  residencias  of  the  inferior  judiciary,  and  could 
send  forth  members  or  special  agents  to  investigate 
their  administration.  They  had  cognizance  in  matters 
of  tithes,  royal  patronage,  and  treasury,  and  could  fix 
not  only  notarial  and  court  fees,  but  those  of  ecclesi- 
astic tribunals,  watch  over  the  friars  and  clergy,  inter- 
fere in  their  estates  and  revenues,  and  take  cognizance 
even  in  cases  decided  by  their  visit  adores.  These 
powers  were  not  enjoyed  by  similar  bodies  in  Spain, 
chiefly  because  the  supreme  councils  and  government 
were  nearer  at  hand.83 

The  first  audiencia  in  America,  that  at  Santo  Do- 
mingo, enjoyed  for  a  time  special  supervision  over  all 
the  new  world,  and  its  president  attended  to  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  island,  without  vote  injudicial  matters. 
On  a  similar  basis  were  formed  the  subsequent  bodies, 
with  certain  limitations,  such  as  vesting  the  presidency 
in  the  viceroy  where  one  existed,  with  greater  indepen- 
dence of  action,  and  in  subordinating  certain  audiencias 
to  those  of  older  standing. 

At  first  only  four  oidores  had  been  appointed  for 
Mexico,  but  it  soon  became  apparent  that  this  number 
was  too  small  to  attend  even  to  the  increasing  civil 
suits  and  government  cases,  while  the  criminal  de- 
partment was  greatly  neglected.84  This  led  to  an 
increase  of  their  number  and  the  appointment  of  ad- 
ditional officers  till  the  body  in  the  middle  of  the  eight- 
eenth century  consisted  of  twelve  oidores,  six  alcaldes 
del  crimen,  two  fiscales  or  prosecutors,  one  alguacil 

83They  could  report  also  on  the  conduct  of  the  viceroy,  assembling  for  such 
purpose  without  his  intervention.  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  101. 

84 '  Se  olvidan,  o  se  mueren  los  presos  en  la  carcel  antes  que  Llegue  la  ex« 
secucion.'   Velasco,  Carta,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  266. 


540  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

mayor  or  high  sheriff,  one  canciller  who  kept  the 
royal  seal,  with  a  number  of  minor  attaches,85  divided 
into  three  courts,  two  for  civil  and  one  for  criminal 
cases.  Changes  continued  to  take  place,  and  by  law 
of  1776  a  regente  was  appointed  for  each  audiencia, 
who  constituted  a  kind  of  chief  justice,  with  power  to 
regulate  the  duties  of  theoidores,  to  form  special  courts, 
to  sit  as  judge  in  any  court,  and  to  preside  in  absence 
of  the  viceroy  or  president.  Indeed,  he  absorbed  a 
certain  degree  of  authority  from  the  latter,86  and  was 
entitled  to  special  respect.  About  the  same  time  the 
number  of  oidores  was  reduced  to  ten,  with  five  al- 
caldes del  crimen  and  two  fiscales,  forming  only  two 
courts.87  A  special  fiscal  attended  to  treasury  matters. 
The  inferior  audiencias  had  only  five  oidores,  with 
president,  regente,  and  two  fiscals,  in  two  courts,  to- 
gether with  alguacil  mayor,  canciller,  and  minor 
attaches,  but  without  alcaldes.88  The  alcaldes  del 
crimen  had  cognizance,  in  first  instance,  in  civil  and 
criminal  cases  within  five  leagues  of  the  capital,  and 
in  second  instance  of  criminal  cases  for  all  the  audien- 
cia district,  with  appeal  only  to  themselves.  In  death 
penalties  the  affirmative  votes  of  three  alcaldes  were 
required,  and  in  cases  of  doubt  oidores  could  be  as- 
signed to  assist  in  obtaining  a  decision.89 

The  audiencia  courts  had  hours  and  days  for  certain 

85  Such  as  the  relatores,  who  made  the  brief;  the  escribanos,  or  clerks  of  the 
court  with  his  aids;  receptores,  receivers  or  treasurers,  with  as  many  as  24 
deputies,  whose  positions  were  salable;  repartidores,  assessors  and  distribu- 
tors; tasadores,  appraisers;  procuradores,  proctors,  as  many  as  12,  salable 
positions;  interpreters,  and  messengers.  Reeop.  de  Ind.,  i.  443  et  seq.  Villa- 
Senor,  Theatro,  i.  37,  et  seq.  The  fund  for  paying  the  minor  court  attaches 
came  from  the  half  grano  tax  on  pulque,  which  was  too  small.  Revilla  Gigedo, 
Instruc,  30. 

80  Yet  the  viceroy  could  still  decide  on  the  formation  of  certain  courts,  and 
the  assignment  of  oidores  to  certain  duties.  Regulations  concerning  this  office 
are  given  in  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  v.  297,  et  seq.;  Helena,  Recoj>.,  ii.  300. 

87  A  sort  of  third  court  was  formed  for  intestate  cases. 

88  Revilla  Gigedo  objected  to  this  reduced  number  of  oidores  as  excessive, 
and  considered  the  regente  superfluous.  Instruc.,  15-17;  Zamora,  i.  453. 

89For  date  of  creation  and  duties,  see  Recop.  de  Ind.;  Zamora,\.  172;  Bclefia, 
etc.  The  regulations  for  audiencias  in  general  have  been  fully  considered  in 
Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  270-3.  Special  and  minute  rules  for  conscience  and  con- 
duct are  given  in  Moreno,  Reglas,  59  pp.,  Mexico,  1G37.  Annotations  etc.  in 
Leyes  Varias,  Auot.,  31  etc.;  Providencias  Realea,  MS.,  29  et  seq. 


THE  HALL  OF  JUSTICE.  541 

subjects,  such  as  finance,  Indians,  the  poor,  and  these 
last  had  to  be  given  as  much  preference  as  possible. 
They  had  also  special  duties  which  brought  additional 
revenue,  and  these  were  the  most  acceptable;  for  con- 
sidering the  dignity  to  be  sustained,  their  pay  of  four 
thousand  five  hundred  pesos  was  small.90  They  took 
in  turn  the  posts  of  judges  of  appeal  from  different  sub- 
courts,  and  could  also  accept  missions  to  investigate 
and  supervise  departments  in  county  and  town.91  These 
missions  were  independent  of  the  tours  of  inspection 
which  an  oidor  had  to  perform  every  three  years,  or 
oftener  if  decreed  expedient,  accompanied  by  the  clerk 
of  the  court  and  other  officials,  for  holding  investiga- 
tion into  civil,  criminal,  and  ecclesiastical  matters.  A 
liberal  sum  was  allowed  him  for  expenses,  since  no 
gifts  even  of  provisions  could  be  accepted.92 

A  number  of  laws  prescribed  the  ceremonies  with 
which  the  dignity  of  this  high  tribunal  should  be  up- 
held. Their  court  chamber  itself  had  an  imposing 
appearance.  At  the  further  end  rose  a  dais  covered 
with  rich  carpets  under  a  canopy  of  damask  garnished 
with  gold  lace.  Here  stood  the  velvet-covered  chair 
with  footstool  for  the  viceroy.  On  either  side  sat 
the  oidores,  the  regente  and  eldest  member  nearest. 
A  little  lower  were  seats  on  both  sides  for  the  attor- 
ney-general, high  sheriff,  counsel  for  the  poor,  pro- 
tector and  defender  of  Indians,  and  lawyers  having 
cases  before  the  court.     The  nobility  and  city  coun- 

90 For  oidores,  alcaldes,  and  fiscales;  the  regente  had  9,000,  the  relatores 
700,  and  fiscales' aids  800.  Ilex.,  Circular  Nomb.,  MS.,  pt.  7.  In  1558  the 
oidores'  pay  had  been  increased  from  650,000  maravedfs  to  800,000.  Pvga, 
Cedulario,  203.  The  criminal  fiscal  was  generally  promoted  to  the  civil  de- 
partment. The  civil  relatores  had  in  Calle's  time  500  pesos  de  oro  pay,  and 
250  in  fees,  but  the  criminal  relatores  had  only  500.  The  porteros  had  400 
ducats.  The  last  two  classes  were  appointed  by  the  president  of  the  India 
Council.  Mem.  y  Not.,  47. 

91  An  allowance  of  12  pesos  a  day  was  granted  for  visiting  duty.  Ordenes 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  57-8,  164.  Oidores  should  properly  go  only  in  graver 
cases,  and  resident  judges  must  be  employed  whenever  possible.  Recop.  Ind., 
346-7.  The  appointment  was  frequently  made  by  the  viceroy.  One  super- 
vised the  theatre;  another  the  lottery,  the  cruzada,  the  drainage,  or  other  de- 
partment. 

92 It  was  200,000  maravedis  in  Calle's  time.  Mem.  y  Not.,  132.  City  notaries 
had  to  be  visited  every  vear. 


v.i 


542  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

oilmen  received  seats  according  to  precedence,  when 
called  by  business.  Still  lower  were  places  for  nota- 
ries and  solicitors.  Opposite  to  the  oidores  sat  the 
clerk  of  the  court  and  relator,  and  behind  them  was 
the  wooden  railing  which  separated  the  assembly  from 
the  common  people.  For  the  latter  no  seats  were 
provided,  and  they  were  required  to  uncover  their 
heads  and  speak  only  in  lowest  whisper.  Lawyers 
and  others  also  bared  their  heads  on  addressing  the 
court;  and  when  the  counsel  was  supposed  to  have 
sufficiently  discussed  a  point  his  harangue  was  cut 
short. 

As  a  body  the  audiencia  used  to  receive  the  senoria 
title,  and  the  oidores  that  of  su  merced,  your  wor 
ship.  Later  the  seiloria  was  extended  to  them  also. 
Military  honors  were  accorded  by  the  guard,  and  at 
church  the  prebendaries  escorted  them  from  the  door 
and  tendered  holy  water.  This  treatment  was  granted 
to  them  only  as  a  body;94  nor  could  they  enjoy  it  very 
often,  for  their  visits  to  church,  officially,  were  re- 
stricted to  certain  feast-days.  Private  parties  and 
entertainments,  even  attendance  at  funerals,  were  for- 
bidden to  them;  in  fact  any  social  intercourse  whereby 
friendships  might  be  formed  to  influence  their  minds 
as  judges.  As  for  securing  a  good  marriage  within 
their  districts  for  a  son  or  daughter,  this  was  out  of 
the  question.  No  near  relative  of  an  oidor  could  be 
appointed  to  the  magistracy  within  his  district,  or 
plead  before  him  as  an  advocate;  so  said  the  law, 
though  it  was  frequently  overruled.  Certain  of  these 
strictures  and  honors  applied  also  to  lawyers.  At  first 
forbidden  to  enter  the  country,  they  had  at  last  to  be 
endured,  and  now  rejoiced  in  the  possession  of  a  royal 
college  for  drilling  recruits.    Besides  sporting  gauze 

93  Ejldos  de  Ilex.,  MS.,  70,  etc.  The  viceroy  on  giving  them  audience 
was  not  expected  to  listen  to  them  seated.  Cedidario,  MS.,  iii.  10. 

M  They  and  the  royal  officials  sat  on  the  right,  or  evangel  side,  the  muni- 
cipality on  the  left,  or  epistola  side;  the  viceroy  between  them  in  special 
chair  with  cushion,  a  piece  of  furniture  not  allowed  in  official  or  public  capacity 
to  any  one  else,  unless  to  the  oidor  ruling  ad  interim.  The  oidores  could  use 
only  carpet  and  chair. 


OTHER  TRIBUNALS.  543 

on  their  cuffs  to  distinguish  them  from  folk  of  lower 
order,  they  could  boast  of  oath-bound  reputation,  for 
they  were  sworn  under  penalty  never  to  aid  a  bad 
cause.95  Such  strictness  indicates  the  noble  efforts  of 
the  crown  for  the  right  administration  of  justice,  but 
also  its  recognition  of  human  weakness;  and  in  truth 
abuses  were  only  too  frequent  in  all  departments, 
notably  during  visits  of  inspection.  Nevertheless  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  decisions  of  the  audiencia 
courts  were  as  a  rule  creditable,  and  won  for  them  just 
respect. 

While  the  Guatemala  tribunal  was  independent  of 
Mexico,  that  of  Guadalajara,  after  several  attempts  at 
freedom,  was  obliged  to  take  a  subordinate  place  in 
certain  cases  of  appeal,  and  to  leave  to  the  viceroy 
the  superintendency  of  war  and  finance  matters.93 
Later,  when  an  intendente  with  military  power  as- 
sumed the  presidency,  the  subordination  decreased. 
Its  jurisdiction  varied  at  different  times,  Nueva  Viz- 
caya  being  at  one  time  the  easternmost  province,  but 
of  late  it  extended  from  sea  to  sea,  the  line  running 
from  a  point  ten  leagues  north  of  Rio  Panuco,  through 
San  Luis  Potosi,  along  the  south  border  of  Zacatecas, 
and  between  Ayotitlan  and  Purificacion  to  the  Pa- 
cific.97 

Both  audiencias  had  their  archives,  in  charge  of 
the  canciller,  for  the  preservation  of  decrees  received 
and  issued,  of  reports  and  petitions,  the  latter  having 
to  pass  through  this  channel  for  endorsement,  and  for 
elimination  of  trivial  or  unsupported  statements  that 
might  otherwise  trouble  or  perplex  the  home  govern- 
ment. The  form  of  despatches  to  Spain  required  half 
of  every  page  to  be  left  as  margin  for  subsequent  an- 

95  All  had  to  pass  an  examination.  Becop.  Ind.,  i.  443  et  seq. 

96Puga,  Cedulario,  134,  161,  180.  Yet  neither  should  interfere  too  much. 
Excesses  on  the  part  of  military  officers  could  be  punished  by  this  audiencia, 
and  when  visitadores  were  needed  in  Nueva  Vizcaya  the  viceroy  should 
merely  nominate  them,  leaving  the  appointment  to  the  superior  experience  of 
the  tribunal  nearer  the  province.  Recop.  Ind. ,  i.  367. 

5,7 Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  9-10;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  146.  See  also  Hist. 
North  Mex.  States,  i.,  this  series. 


544  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

notations,  and  with  division  of  the  subject  into  distinct 
paragraphs,  in  the  order  of  ecclesiastical,  political, 
financial,  and  military  matters,  each  with  references 
to  the  attached  documents  arranged  in  similar  order.93 
The  chief  depository  for  documents  was  of  course  at 
Mexico,  and  a  large  proportion  of  cedulas  were  di- 
rected to  the  viceroy  for  transmission,  with  the  privi- 
lege of  putting  his  own  construction  on  them,  or  even 
of  withholding  them  should  they  prove  inexpedient. 
Although  the  alcaldes  del  crimen,  and  even  oidores 
in  certain  cases  and  circuits  took  cognizance  in  first 
instance,  yet  this  was  as  a  rule  left  to  the  alcal- 
des ordinarios,  of  whom  every  town  of  any  size  had 
two."  To  viceroys  and  governors  pertained  first  in- 
stance in  Indian  cases.  First  cognizance  was  also  ex- 
ercised  by  a  number  of  industrial  corporations,  such 
as  the  consulado  in  disputes  between  traders,  and  the 
protomedicato  in  affairs  among  the  medical  profesions. 
Among  miners,  territorial  deputies  acted  in  first  in- 
stance with  appeal  to  intendentes  assisted  by  two 
miners.  The  jurisdiction  of  these  bodies  was  lessened 
toward  the  close  of  the  last  century;  yet  Revilla  Gi- 
gedo  suggested  a  greater  curtailment,  for  officials  con- 
nected with  such  courts  went  so  far  in  their  eagerness 
to  obtain  suits  as  to  stir  up  discord,  cast  discredit  on 
the  legal  tribunals,  and  assume  too  much  indepen- 
dence.100 The  church  retained  a  wide  jurisdiction, 
although  secular  tribunals  were  assuming  more  inter- 
ference.     The  provisorato  de  Indias  attended  to  ques- 

98 Id.,  372.  Yrolo,  Opera,  Mex.  1G05,  4to,  is  a  curious  old  book  devoted 
wholly  to  forms  for  legal  and  public  documents.  It  is  full  of  marginal  notes, 
illustrated  with  floriated  capitals. 

9a  At  Mexico  the  five  audiencia  alcaldes  attended  to  cases  of  first  instance, 
and  Revilla  Gigedo  objects  to  her  two  alcaldes  ordinarios  as  useless,  yet  each 
of  her  eight  cuarUies  had  four  alcaldes  de  barrio  who  possessed  a  certain  cog- 
nizance and  supervision. 

100  This  right  of  exemption  from  ordinary  jurisdiction  was  known  asfuero. 
He  also  objected  to  the  privilege  of  CorteV  heirs  to  appoint  on  their  estate 
alcaldes  mayores  and  corrcgidores  who  took  cognizance,  with  appeal  to  the 
juez  de  privado  del  cstado,  an  oidor,  and  finally  to  the  audiencia.  Itistruc, 
24-8.  The  dukedom  of  Atlixco  had  similar  privileges.  Sailors  fell  partly 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  governor  of  Vera  Cruz  and  the  comisario  de 
marina  at  San  Ulas. 


COSTLY  LITIGATION.  545 

turns  of  faith  exclusively  among  the  aborigines.  The 
edicts  of  the  inquisition  had  of  late  to  be  submitted  to 
the  viceroy.  The  military  jurisdiction  was  controlled 
by  the  royal  representative  as  captain-general,  assisted 
by  an  oidor  acting  as  auditor  de  guerra.  In  the  sec- 
ond instance  this  auditor  was  Qfiven  a  colleague.  The 
captain-generals  of  Yucatan  and  Provincias  Internas 
acted  independently  with  their  auditors.101 

Appeals  from  alcaldes  orclinarios  were  to  alcaldes 
mayores,  except  at  Mexico  and  Lima,  where  the 
audiencia  received  them.  Municipal  bodies  decided 
in  certain  appeals  concerning  values  not  exceeding 
sixty  thousand  maravedis.102  Two  oidores  could  de- 
cide in  suits  of  menor  cuantia,  which  were  fixed  at 
300,000  maravedis,  and  even  in  larger  cases,  except 
at  Mexico  and  Lima,  where  three  votes  were  required. 
The  council  of  the  Indies  formed  the  tribunal  of  ulti- 
mate resort  for  America.  In  values  of  six  thousand 
pesos  and  over,  a  second  appeal  was  allowed  to  this 
body,  when  five  members  assisted.  If  the  decision 
proved  adverse  to  the  petitioner  a  fine  of  one  thou- 
sand ducats  was  imposed.103 

Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  crown  to  smooth 
the  paths  of  law,  as  instanced  by  the  decree  forbid- 
ding processes  to  be  formed  for  cases  of  less  value 
than  twenty  pesos,104  litigation  was  costly,  for  the 
fees  were  numerous  and  considerably  higher  than  in 
Spain,  those  of  the  canciller,  for  example,  being 
triple  the  amounts  charged  in  the  Peninsula.  Law- 
yers were  strictly  forbidden  to  accept  percentages  on 
value  involved,  or  share  in  the  results  of  a  suit,  their 

101  The  auditor  of  Vera  Cruz  acted  merely  as  asesor.  Id. ,  22. 

102  Appeals  from  fieles  executoi'es  in  cases  not  exceeding  30  ducats  went  to 
the  municipal  council ;  if  over  that  amount,  to  the  audiencia.  No  reconsid- 
eration was  allowed  in  values  of  6,000  maravedis  appealed  to  the  audiencia. 

103  Divided  between  the  defendants,  the  judges,  and  the  royal  treasury. 
In  appeals  from  the  casa  de  contratacion  to  the  India  Council,  the  civil  suit 
must  be  for  not  less  than  600,000  maravedis.  Eecop.  Intl.,  ii.  161  et  seq.  A 
law  of  1545  changed  the  lowest  value  for  appeal  from  audiencias  from  10,000 
to  6,000  pesos.  Puga,  Cedulario,  101-2. 

10i  The  clerk  of  the  court  receiving  in  such  cases  only  half  a  peso  from 
each  party. 

Hisx.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    35 


546  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

foes  like  those  of  every  person  connected  with  the 
law  being  fixed,  and  so  they  conspired  with  the  rest 
to  prolong  the  litigation.  The  sheriff  received  two 
and  a  half  per  cent  for  levying,  and  if  the  amount 
was  not  paid  within  three  clays  ten  per  cent  was  to 
be  added.105  Small  fines  could,  in  certain  cases,  be 
collected  even  if  notice  of  appeal  had  been  given. 

Aside  from  the  usual  causes  for  crime,  there  were 
in  New  Spain  a  number  of  special  incentives,  such  as 
race  antipathy,  growing  antagonism  between  castes 
and  classes,  slavery,  subjection  of  Indians,  isolation  of 
colonists  favored  partly  by  mining  allurements,  and  the 
existence  of  unsubdued  tribes  in  the  mountain  regions. 
The  latter  features  served  to  maintain  the  adventur- 
ous spirit  instilled  by  conquerors,  who  still  battled  on 
the  frontier  to  extend  dominion  and  settlements;  and 
among  a  large  number  lurked  the  roaming  disposition 
inherited  from  less  settled  aborigines.  This  inclina- 
tion turned  naturally  toward  highway  robbery  among 
the  vicious,  and  the  extreme  pre  valency  hereof  is  gen- 
erally known.  The  reader  has  already  become  aware 
how  wide-spread  was  crime  in  the  country,106  and  how 
more  than  one  viceroy  earned  the  gratitude  of  the 
country  by  energetic  measures  against  it,  although 
these  suppressions  of  evil  had  but  a  temporary  effect. 
Decrees  against  indiscriminate  carrying  of  weapons, 
and  other  measures  produced  little  good,  and  during 
more  than  one  period  extraordinary  powers  were  con- 
ferred on  inferior  judges  for  dealing  with  malefactors. 

A  beneficial  step  was  the  introduction,  in  1G31,  of 
the  santa  hermandad,  which  like  its  long-established 
prototype  in  Spain  acted  chiefly  as  thief-catcher,  aided 
by  troops  whenever  necessary.  Even  this  proved  in- 
sufficient, however,  and  so  the  dreaded  acordada  was 

105  Certain  implements,  horses,  and  what  not  were  exempt  in  instances. 
Tn  Mexico,  Aranzales  de  los  Tnbunales,  Goblerno,  etc.,  Mex.  17o9,  15S  folios, 
are  given  the  fees  for  all  public  departments. 

luli  Statistics  of  crime  are  very  imperfect,  yet  valuable  deductions  may  be 
drawn  from  those  in  Gazetas  de  Mex.,  1790-2,  v.  8  et  seq.,  and  Diarios,  Mex., 
xii.-xiii.  passim,  and  other  volumes  such  as  the  earlier  Gomez,  D'tario,  winch 
gives  almost  daily  accounts  of  executions. 


THE  DREADED  AC0RDADA.  547 

installed  in  the  begin  nine:  of  the  eighteenth  century. 
This  with  its  vigilant-like  features  of  rapid  move- 
ment, inflexible  sternness,  and  swift  meting  of  jus- 
tice, spread  a  wholesome  terror  that  proved  lasting, 
and  did  more  to  check  crime  than  anything  else.  The 
power  over  liberty  and  life  accorded  to  this  body,  and 
at  times  to  local  magistrates,  led  naturally  to  many 
abuses,  and  consequently  to  certain  restrictions,  yet 
the  remedy  could  not  have  been  worse  than  the 
disease.  Justice  was  too  often  defeated  by  its  own 
officers;  for  few  rose  above  the  temptation  of  bribery, 
and  many  succumbed  through  insufficiency  of  pay. 
And  who  could  severely  blame  them,  when  the  king- 
placed  himself  above  the  law  and  issued  regular  tariffs 
of  prices,  for  which  exemption  could  be  granted  from 
laws  concerning  offices  and  trade,  birth  and  race 
stigma,107  and  a  host  of  other  matters,  often  with  ut- 
ter disregard  for  common  justice  or  public  welfare?108 
This  tampering  was  promoted  by  supporting  from 
prison  fees  the  staff  connected  with  this  establishment. 
The  rich  could  here  surround  themselves  with  com- 
forts, people  of  standing  enjoyed  privileges,  and  those 
less  favored  could  often  be  made  to  languish  in  jail  for 
unpaid  charges.109  A  regidor  must  visit  the  prison 
every  Saturday;  in  audiencia  towns  two  oidores  did 
so,110  attended  by  fiscal  and  alcalde,  to  investigate  cases 
of  wrongful  detention  or  maletreatment. 

Imprisonment  for  debt  obtained  here  as  elsewhere. 
Indians  were  surrendered  to  private  creditors  to  work 
off  their  indebtedness,  the  pay  being  regulated  accord- 

107  Special  orders  were  issued  at  intervals  to  regulate  the  assistance  by 
military.  Fernando,  vii.,  Doc,  314-27. 

108  A  mere  glance  at  the  lengthy  tariff  published  by  the  government  in  the 
beginning  of  this  century,  in  the  Gazeta,  xi.  67-72,  reveals  the  pitiful  extent 
of  such  mercenary  abuse. 

109  Yet  it  was  ordered  that  the  poor  should  not  be  detained  for  costs,  taxes, 
or  prison  fees.  Indians  were  exempt  from  fees.  Each  town  or  village  must 
have  a  prison  built  by  the  community,  or  from  penalty  funds,  with  chapel  and 
separate  place  for  women.  The  alcayde  or  keeper  must  reside  at  the  jail,  and 
with  his  turnkey  visit  the  prisoners  every  night.  No  Indians  must  be  em- 
ployed. Recop.  hid. ,  ii.  370  et  seq.  A  charity  fund  existed  for  the  maintenance 
of  prisoners.  Revilla  Gvjedo,  Instruc,  30. 

110 Also  on  great  holidays,  and  often er  if  required. 


548  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

ing  to  their  efficiency.  They,  as  well  as  other  castes, 
could  also  be  sent  to  convents  or  public  works,111  or 
even  sold  for  a  term  to  contractors;  and  in  view  of  the 
prevailing  official  corruption  it  is  easy  to  imagine  the 
extreme  oppression  to  which  this  law  gave  rise. 

Punishments  in  America  were  more  severe  than 
in  Spain,  fines  being  double.112  The  greater  number 
of  criminals  were  sent  to  the  frontier,  the  worst  to 
hard  work  under  the  garrisons,  others  to  form  settle- 
ments there,  or  even  to  enlist,  particularly  for  the 
Philippines,  greatly  dreaded  on  account  of  their  cli- 
mate, the  distance  and  intervening  sea  lending  addi- 
tional  terror.  The  galleys  in  Spain  and  Tierra  Fir  me 
received  a  certain  number ;  halters  were  long  in  use,113 
and  the  lash  was  freely  administered,  even  feathering 
being  legally  applied.  Death  penalties  were  often 
cruel  and  preceded  by  torture,  both  during  the  exam- 
ination and  as  part  of  the  punishment.  The  most 
common  form  of  execution  was  by  garrote,  but  high- 
way robbery  usually  entailed  hanging  and  quartering, 
the  head  of  the  criminal  being  fixed  on  a  stake.  The 
acordada  also  used  the  more  prolonged  method  of 
dragging  with  horses,  and  giving  the  coup  de  grace 
with  lances  before  quartering.114  Burning  at  the  stake 
was  not  restricted  to  the  inquisition,  for  counter- 
feiters and  persons  guilty  of  bestiality  received  this 
sentence.115  A  not  uncommon  mode  of  dealing  with 
wife-murderers  and  the  like  was  to  cast  them  into  a 
water-butt,  with  a  cock,  a  monkey,  and  a  viper.     In 

111 A  man  and  woman  were  sold  to  obraje  labor  for  six  years  for  concealing 
stolen  goods.  Bobles,  Diario,  370-7.  At  least  one  third  of  the  pay  must  be 
given  for  sustenance,  but  no  new  loans  could  be  contracted  whereby  the  ser- 
vitude was  prolonged.  Four  months  formed  the  limit  in  ordinary  cases.  For 
drunkenness  no  servitude  should  be  imposed.   Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  205-11. 

lr2liecop.  Ind.,  ii.  379. 

113 For  restrictions,  see  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  187-92;  criminals 
who  enlisted  for  the  Moluccas  received  both  pardon  and  high  pay,  125  pesos. 
Bobles,  Diario,  ii.  230-2. 

UiGazetas  Mex.  {1790),  iv.  62. 

115  'Quemado  con  una  yegua,  complice  de  su  bestial  crimen.'  Id.,  1787-9, 
ii.  411,  iii.  410.  Sodomites  were  also  burned.  Rabies,  Diario,  99,  110-11, 
135-6,  157,  222,  271;  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.  torn.  i.  38-9, 
307,  371-2. 


AT  THE  GALLOWS.  549 

many  cases  the  adjuncts  were  merely  figurative. 
Conformance  to  the  letter  rather  than  the  spirit  of 
the  law  seemed  to  be  uppermost  with  its  servant,  and 
thus  we  find  instances  of  dead  men  being  hanged  in 
fulfilment  of  sentence,116  and  little  regard  paid  to  age. 
On  one  occasion  a  man  eighty-five  years  of  age  and  a 
boy  of  fourteen  were  hanged  for  robbery,  the  former 
being  first  tortured  till  his  arms  snapped.117 

In  sentencing  to  death  the  courts  proceeded  with 
great  formality.  The  condemned  was  expected  to  kiss 
the  paper  of  sentence  after  hearing  it  read.  The 
priests  then  took  charge  of  him,  and  brothers  of 
mercy  brought  in  the  special  crucifix,  el  Santo  Cristo 
de  la  misericordia,  with  which  to  direct  his  devotion. 
Arrayed  in  a  white  cloak,118  with  eyes  bandaged,  he 
was  thereupon  placed  on  a  hide  dragged  by  a  horse — 
a  nominal  form  of  drawing  to  death — and  conducted 
forth.  First  marched  the  piper  and  crier,  proclaiming 
the  crime,  followed  by  four  to  six  of  the  police,  sev- 
eral members  of  the  benevolent  archicofradia  society, 
and  brothers  with  torches  and  candles.  Then  came 
the  victim  on  the  hide,  partly  lifted  by  charitable  per- 
sons on  either  side,  attendant  priests,  and  infantry, 
closing  with  two  court  officials  on  horseback.  On 
reaching  the  scaffold  in  the  square  of  the  town,  sur- 
rounded by  troops,  the  condemned  was  supported  by 
a  priest  and  the  executioner,  and  fortified  with  prayer 
till  the  time  for  hanging.  A  sermon  impressed  the 
warning  on  the  multitude,  and  the  corpse  was  there- 
upon taken  to  the  nearest  water,  placed  in  a  cask  con- 
taining the  painted  figures  of  a  cock,  a  serpent,  and  a 
monkey,  and  rolled  awhile  on  the  surface,119  after 
which  it  was  conducted  by  the  court  and  police  offi- 

11G  Guijo,  Diario,  38-9. 

117 Id.,  376-7.  In  execution  of  what  they  considered  duty,  the  alcaldes  in 
many  instances  braved  the  episcopal  anathema  by  taking  fugitives  from  the 
sanctuary. 

us  por  plebeians.  Nobles  had  a  black  robe,  the  scaffold  being  also  draped, 
and  they  were  exempt  from  the  ignominious  noose. 

119  A  figurative  fulfilment  of  the  sentence  that  the  body  be  cast  to  the 
waters  so  as  to  leave  no  memory  of  the  deed.  Diario,  JItx.,  1806,  ii.  337-9. 


550  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

cials  to  the  jail  and  surrendered  to  brothers  of  mercy, 
who  attended  to  the  funeral. 

The  material  of  the  present  chapter  rests  mainly  on  Recopilacion  de  Leyes 
de  los  Reynos  de  Indicts,  the  official  embodiment  of  the  laws  for  America  issued 
by  the  king  and  India  Council  during  the  three  centuries  of  Spanish  rule.  A 
history  of  this  valuable  work  together  with  an  analysis  of  its  contents  ha8 
been  given  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  285-8,  this  series.  It  does  not,  however, 
contain  all  the  laws  issued,  nor  does  it  indicate  more  than  a  small  part  of  the 
variations  they  have  undergone,  and  the  student  is  accordingly  obliged  to 
consult  a  number  of  other  collections  made  before  its  first  publication,  in 
1681,  or  between  the  dates  of  its  later  editions,  some  bearing  on  special  sub- 
jects or  districts,  others  covering  a  limited  period.  Foremost  among  these  as 
the  first  collection  printed  in  America  is  the  Proviciones,  Cedulas,  etc.,  pre- 
pared by  Oidor  Puga  of  the  Mexico  audiencia,  and  published  at  this  city  in 
1563.  It  is  generally  known  by  his  name  and  embraces  merely  the  laws  con- 
cerning New  Spain  up  to  this  date.  The  method  of  Puga  is  faulty,  and  this 
is  the  more  to  be  regretted  as  the  work  is  invaluable  for  the  early  history  of  the 
country.  Montemayor,  oidor  of  the  same  audiencia,  who  by  supreme  order 
reissued  in  1671  the  Sumarios  of  laws  for  all  the  Indies  printed  in  1628  under 
the  care  of  Aguiar  and  Acuua,  added  to  it  the  decrees  directed  to  New  Spain 
during  this  interval.  It  was  published  at  Mexico  as  Svmarios  de  las  Cedvlas, 
in  a  bulky  folio.  Two  distinct  supplements  contain  the  important  decrees  of 
the  audiencia  and  viceroys  and  governors  respectively,  since  the  formation  of 
the  government.  Occasional  laws  are  given  in  full,  the  rest  cover  in  extract 
form  half  of  each  page,  the  other  half  being  reserved  for  very  imperfect 
marginal  notes.  Before  he  came  to  Mexico  Montemayor  had  been  governor 
and  captain -general  of  Espanola,  and  consequently  president  of  its  audiencia. 
The  growing  rarity  of  this  work  induced  Oidor  Beleha  in  1787  to  publish  at 
Mexico  by  subscription  a  collection  supplementary  to  that  of  the  16S1  edition 
of  the  Recopilacion  de  Indias,  under  the  title  of  Recopilacion  Sumaria,  in  two 
folio  volumes.  To  this  he  prefixed  a  reprint  of  the  two  appendices  of  Monte- 
mayor, and  two  collections  of  the  audiencia  and  criminal  court  decrees  which 
had  appeared  since  his  time.  Although  the  division  of  the  subject  into  five 
parts  is  inconvenient,  yet  the  work  is  far  superior  to  its  predecessors,  with  more 
useful  marginals.  The  second  volume  is  reserved  for  the  decrees  and  regula- 
tions requiring  full  text.  The  pretentious  Biblioteca  de  Legislacion  Ultra- 
marina,  issued  at  Madrid  1844-46  by  Zamora  y  Coronado,  contains  all  the 
latest  important  laws  for  the  reduced  possessions  of  Spain  beyond  the  ocean, 
but  it  is  very  faulty  for  the  eighteenth  and  the  opening  of  the  present  cen- 
tury, the  important  changes  made  during  this  stirring  period  being  reserved 
either  for  hasty  summaries  or  occasional  imperfect  notes. 

In  addition  to  these  collections  and  those  mentioned  in  other  volumes,  I  have 
consulted  for  this  chapter  Ordenanzas  del  Consejo  Real,  Madrid,  1681 ;  Provi- 
dencias  Reales,  MS.,  Mexico,  1784;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  2  vols.;  Cedulario, 
MS.,  3  vols.,  containing  a  selection  of  the  more  important  decrees,  in  full 
text,  touching  New  Spain,  and  serving  therefore  as  valuable  auxiliaries  to  the 


INSTRUCCIONES  DE  LOS  VIREYES.  551 

standard  publications.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  7  vols.,  partly  in  printed  form 
but  chiefly  manuscript,  possesses  the  additional  interest  of  containing  numer- 
ous originals  with  the  signatures  of  the  kings,  from  Philip  II.  to  Carlos  III., 
of  ministers,  prelates,  and  judges.  The  last  volume  of  Disposiciones  Varios, 
6  vols.,  is  peculiar  as  being  reserved  chiefly  for  edicts  of  the  inquisition  on 
books,  morals,  and  articles  of  faith.  Fernando  VII.,  Decretos,  Mex.  183G, 
contains  the  c^dulas  issued  by  this  monarch  during  the  stirring  times  which 
preceded  the  independence  of  the  mainland  colonies. 

Hardly  less  important  than  the  laws,  for  a  subject  like  the  preceding,  are 
the  instructions  left  by  different  viceroys  to  their  successors.  Not  all  of 
these  have  been  preserved,  and  many  of  these  dignitaries  neglected  to  do 
their  duty  in  this  respect;  nevertheless  the  more  important  have  been  issued 
in  manuscript  and  print,  and  stand  on  my  shelves  as  Vireyes,  Instrucciones,  in 
two  series,  partly  MS. ,  and  relating  also  to  residencias,  with  several  original 
documents.  The  value  of  this  class  of  papers  for  history,  induced  the  Mexi- 
can government  to  publish  a  number  of  them,  together  with  pertinent  letters, 
under  the  title  of  Instrucciones  que  los  Vireyes. .  .dejaron,  Mexico,  1867.  The 
most  valuable  of  the  instructions  are  undoubtedly  those  of  Revilla  Gigedo  the 
younger,  the  ablest  ruler  of  New  Spain,  whose  name  has  found  an  imperish- 
able monument  in  the  many  reforms  effected  by  him,  in  the  embellishments 
of  his  capital,  and  in  political  writings,  notably  the  Instruction,  1794,  which 
has  been  reprinted  more  than  once  in  quite  voluminous  form,  and  widely  dis- 
tributed also  in  manuscript.  The  careful  arrangement  of  subjects  and  para- 
graphs accords  with  the  clear  and  pointed  style,  and  enables  one  readily  to 
grasp  the  exhaustive  review  presented  of  every  department  of  government, 
with  its  accompanying  criticisms  and  suggestions.  Several  of  his  letters  are 
preserved,  and  I  possess  a  collection  of  his  decrees  forming  a  folio  volume. 
The  importance  of  the  period  following  Revilla  Gigedo's  rule  has  led  me  to  ob- 
tain manucript  copies  also  of  their  instructions,  including  Branciforte's  and 
Azanza's,  which  are  modelled  on  the  preceding,  though  less  bulky. 

A  useful  adjunct  to  this  material  is  presented  in  the  Memorial  y  Noiicias 
Sacras  y  Reales,  1646,  of  Calle,  which  forms  semi-official  statistics  of  districts 
and  towns,  sees  and  offices  in  the  five  audiencia  districts  of  the  New  Spain 
royalty,  together  with  some  account  of  official  routine.  Pinelo  refers  in  de- 
tail to  his  several  manuscripts  on  similar  subjects.  Epitome,  ii.  798-9.  More 
particularly  devoted  to  routine  and  form  are  Moreno,  Reglas,  Mexico,  1637, 
for  judicial  officers;  Martinez,  Libreria  de  Jueces,  Madrid,  1791,  for  guidance 
of  unprofessional  magistrates;  Mexico,  Aranceles  de  las  Tribunates,  etc., •Mex- 
ico, 1759,  giving  duties  and  fees  of  courts  and  court  officials;  Mexico,  Circular 
Nombramientos,  MS.,  Certif.  de,  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  and  Yrolo,  Opera,  Mexico, 
1605,  provide  forms  for  official  proceedings;  Leyes,  Varias  Anotaciones,  MS., 
in  eight  books,  concerns  chiefly  officials  and  their  duties,  but  the  notes  are  of 
little  value;  Ejidos  de  Mexico,  Aidos,  MS.,  gives  valuable  information  about 
town  lands  in  connection  with  legal  proceedings  by  the  Mexico  municipality 
for  protecting  its  grants.  Official  statistics  are  given  in  Zuiliga  y  Ontiveros, 
Calend.  Man.  y  Guia  For  aster  os,  Mex.  1789,  and  in  Guia  Forast.  of  later  years, 
while  the  colonial  system  finds  reviewers  in  such  books  as  Villarroel,  Enfer- 
medades  Polit.,  and  Campillo,  Nuevo  Sistema,  Madrid,  1789.    Campillo  wrote 


552  ADMINISTRATIVE  AND  JUDICIAL  SYSTEMS. 

the  book  as  early  as  1743,  and  before  this  a  number  of  papers  appeared  from 
his  pen  on  similar  topics  which  did  not  a  little  to  promote  reforms  in  admin- 
istration. 

I  give  herewith  in  compact  form,  for  further  review,  the  authorities  con- 
sulted for  the  preceding  chapter:  Paget,  Cedulario,  80-1,  101-2,  127,  134, 
150-1,  161,  180-207;  Peaks  CMulas,  MS.,  i.  10-13,  30-4,  G5-80,  203-8; 
ii.  22,  74,  86,  109-63,  237;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  passim;  ii.  16; 
iii.  64  et  seq.;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  34-46,  160-76;  iii.  39-58,  164-6,  192-7, 
235-11;  iv.  i. ;  Providencias  Beetles,  MS.,  passim;  Vireyes  de  Mexico,  MS., 
1-4;  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.-ii.,  passim;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  1  et  seq.;  Mex- 
ico, Ordenanzas  Ciudad,  MS.,  1-34;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  125-8; 
Linares,  Inst.,  MS.,  12-44;  Beleua,  Recop.,  i.,  passim;  Ordenanzas  del 
Consejo  Peal,  1-206;  Rcvilla  Gigedo,  Bandos,  nos.  2-72;  Id.,  Instruction, 
MS.,  i.  43-99,  199;  ii.  121-5;  Id.,  Pesidencia,  MS.,  438-9;  Azanza,  Ynstr., 
MS.,  4-49,  77,  102-3;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  7,  43-100,  132,  105-83;  Gonzalez 
Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  ii.  101;  Col.  Doc.  Ine'd.,  xxi.  439,  462-93;  Medina, 
Cr6n.  S.  Diego,  227-34,  246;  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  i.  17-19,  37-50,  61-89, 
120-82;  Paclieco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xvii.  178;  Cartas  de  hid.,  266; 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.  torn.  i.  38-9,  139-164,  315-76,  412-26,  457,  474-83, 
504,  545;  ii.  72-4,  99,  111,  124  et  seq.;  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  404;  Papeles  de 
Jesuitas,  MS.,  39-41;  Ejidos  de  Mex.,  MS.,  70  etseq.;  America,  Descrip;, 
MS.,  103^4;  Certificacion  de  /as  Mercedes,  MS.,  92;  PockweWs  Span,  and 
Mex.  Law,  405-6;  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis,  281-3;  San  Miguel,  Segunda 
Guia,  142-60;  Villarroel,  Enfermedades,  68-127;  Fernando  VI I.,  Documentos, 
314-27;  Lerda  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  no.  5,  388-92;  Campillo,  Nucvo  Sis- 
tema,  passim;  Guerra,  Rev.  N.  Esp.,  617-18;  Martinez,  Libreria,  iii.  69-122, 
373;  Cavo,  Trcs  SigJos,  i.  158;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv. 
5-46;  v.  290,  579,  600,  625-80;  x.  1319-25;  Pap.  Var.,  v.  39-57;  cxlii.  10-12; 
cliii.  14-55;  Zavala,  Pev.  Mex.,  19;  Viagero  Univ.,  xxvi.  205-70,  283-4;  xxvii. 
48;  Rivera,  Gobernantes  de  Mex.,  i.  110,  156,  186,  225,  240-2,  263;  Bejamar, 
Discurso  Export.,  1-32;  Spanish  Empire  in  Am.,  103-34;  Torrente,  Hist.  Rev., 
i.  7;  Mayer's  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  260-1;  Alvarez,  Estudios  Hist.,  iii.  194,  380-1, 
433-4;  Ogilby's  Am.,  263-4;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  25,  44-57,  113-14;  iii. 
25;  Calvo,  Annates  Hist.,  i.  1-10;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.,  iv.  214-26,  523-37; 
Moreno,  Regius  Ciertas,  passim;  Green/tow's  Or.  and  Cat.,  104-5;  Id.,  Memoir, 
34;  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  735-6;  x.  442-3;  Emigrado  Observador,  5-24;  Zuniga 
y  O.,  Calend.,  37-46;  Young's  Hist,  of  Mex.,  61;  Guia  de  Forasteros,  1797, 
47-78,  107-35;  Gutierrez,  Leyes  de  Re/.,  528-36;  Ribadeneira,  Compendio, 
1-631;  Diario  Mex.,  i.,  passim;  ii.  195,  337-9;  iii.  491-2;  iv.  10-36,  389-90, 
407;  v.  4,  525-30;  vi.  29-31;  vii.  418;  viii.  108,  214-15,  408-60;  ix.  699-70; 
x.  127,  528;  xii.  396,  644;  xiii.  27,  152,  267,  416,  700;  Gazeta  Mex.,  i.  8-127; 
ii.  235,  411;  iii.  130,  153,  410;  iv.  16-92;  v.  3-8,  276;  x.  106-17;  xii.  4;  xiv. 
160-6. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

MINES  AND  MINING. 

1500-1800. 

Traffic  with  the  Natives  of  Central  America — Doings  of  the  Con- 
querors in  that  Quarter — Mineral  Deposits— Something  of 
South  America — Earliest  Discoveries  in  Mexico — Aztec  Min- 
ing— Protective  Policy  of  the  Crown — A  Great  Discovery — 
Distribution  and  Consumption  of  Quicksilver — Fruitless  Efforts 
to  Obtain  It  in  Mexico — Geological  View — Silver  Ores — Gold 
and  Other  Metals — Quarries  and  Salines — Location  of  Rich 
Mines — Attractive  Eegions — Guanajuato,  San  Luis  Potosi,  and 
Zacatecas — Their  Advantage  over  the  North — Mines  near  the 
Capital — The  Cuerpo  de  Mineria — A  Great  Mining  Tribunal — 
New  Laws — Mining  System — The  Total  Yield  of  Mexico — The 
Share  of  the  Crown — Bibliographical. 

Silver  and  gold !  Silver  and  gold!  The  image  and 
measure  of  wealth;  the  shadow,  superior  to  substance, 
before  which  throughout  the  ages  all  men  bow;  what 
magic  spells  these  metals  cast  upon  the  destinies  of 
mankind!  Without  referring  to  the  earlier  mining 
fields  of  history,  the  Ophir  of  the  Jews,  the  Pactolian 
placers  of  the  Greeks,  and  the  gold-producing  colonies 
of  the  Romans,  there  is  enough  to  command  pres- 
ent attention  in  our  Pacific  States  territory,  through- 
out the  length  and  breadth  of  which  nature  strewed 
liberally  the  precious  metals.  In  the  present  volume 
I  shall  speak  only  of  the  deposits  of  Central  America 
and  Mexico;  accounts  of  those  of  the  northern  regions 
will  appear  in  the  subsequent  divisions  of  this  histori- 
cal series.1  As  there  is  pleasing  fiction  in  their  value, 
so  there  is  fascinating  romance  in  their  story. 

1  On  the  beautiful  chromo-lithograph  maps  of  the  Munich  collection,  exe- 
cuted under  the  direction  of  Prof.  Kunstmann,  gold-bearing  regions  are  desig- 

(553) 


554  MINES  AND  MINING. 

Gold  and  godliness  were  the  two  great  engines 
which  drove  on  the  Spaniards  to  overran  and  occupy 
the  lands  discovered  by  Columbus.  The  dissolute  in- 
dulgence of  these  passions,  so  opposite,  and  yet  in 
them  so  strangely  blended,  resulted  not  alone  in  the 
extermination  of  the  Americans,  but  reacting  upon 
themselves,  dimmed  the  ancient  glory  of  Spain,  and 
sent  rottenness  to  the  bones  of  the  then  most  power- 
ful nation  of  Europe.  ''In  that  climate,"  says  Go- 
mara,  "  as  in  Peru  the  people  turn  yellow.  It  may  be 
that  the  desire  for  gold  which  fills  their  hearts  shines 
forth  in  their  faces."  Some  claim  to  have  computed 
that  during  the  first  century  after  the  conquest  of 
Peru  there  went  from  the  New  World  to  Spain  silver 
enough  to  make  a  bridge  across  the  Atlantic,  a  yard 
and  a  half  wide,  and  two  inches  thick,  or  that  brought 
together  in  a  heap  it  would  overtop  the  mountains 
of  Potosi ! 

In  Espanola,  immediately  after  the  discovery  of 
America,  one  piece  of  gold  was  found  weighing  3,200 
castellanos.  Miners  obtained  from  six  to  250  caste- 
llanos  a  day.  In  the  ships  which  perished  with  Boba- 
dilla,  gold  to  the  value  of  200,000  castellanos  was  lost. 
In  the  year  1501  Rodrigo  de  Bastidas  and  Juan  de 
la  Cosa  exchanged  with  the  natives  of  Darien  hawks- 
bells  and  glass  beads  for  pearls  and  the  golden  orna- 
ments of  the  naked  savages.  In  1502  Columbus  had 
no  sooner  landed  upon  the  coast  of  Honduras  than 

nated  by  gold-colored  or  gilt  spots.  On  map  no.  iv. ,  supposed  to  have  been 
drawn  by  Salvat  de  Pilestrina  about  1515,  gold  is  indicated  in  our  territory 
only  on  the  Pearl  Islands.  Map  of  Fernando  Colon,  1527,  represents  gold  in 
Castilla  del  Oro,  Costa  Rica,  Honduras,  Guatemala,  Yucatan,  and  none  on 
the  islands.  Map  no.  vi.,  the  maker  not  known,  but  supposed  to  have  been 
drawn  between  the  years  1532  and  1540,  has  gold  indicated  on  the  Pearl 
Islands,  the  island  of  teguante  paque  in  the  vicinity  of  Tehuantepec,  island 
of  eandvn  tomes  (Santo  Tomas),  off  cape  St  Lucas,  two  islands  off  the  coast  of 
Lower  California  called  madalena  and  Ins  cazones.  Map  no.  vii.,  by  Baptista 
Agnese,  1540-50,  Pearl  Islands,  Iucatan,  Yucatan  which  is  represented  as 
an  island,  two  small  islands  off  the  southern  coast  of  Central  America,  called 
y  de  guerra  and  y  de  gatos.  Further  north  off  Tehuantepec  the  island  teguante 
paquc  Off  Sinaloa  one  small  island  sorata.  Maps  nos.  x.,  xi.,  xii.,  by  Vaz 
Dourado,  1571,  a  multitude  of  islands  on  both  shores  of  Central  America  and 
Mexico  are  represented  as  gold-bearing.     None  of  the  interior  is  so  colored. 


A  RICH  COAST.  555 

his  mind  was  excited  by  reports  of  distant  realms, 
where  gold  was  found  in  such  abundance  that  the 
commonest  utensils  of  the  inhabitants  were  made  of 
that  metal.  What  may  have  been  vague  rumors  of 
the  civilized  kingdoms  of  Mexico  and  Peru  was  con- 
strued by  the  heated  imagination  of  the  great  admiral 
to  mean  no  other  than  the  gorgeous  cities  of  the 
Genghis  Kahn.  Along  the  coast  of  Honduras  the 
natives  wore  ornaments  which  they  called  guanin,  an 
inferior  quality  of  gold.  No  pure  gold  was  found 
until  the  discoverers  had  arrived  at  a  bay  of  Costa 
Rica,  called  by  the  natives  Caribaro,  a  place  well 
known  to  the  inhabitants  of  Honduras  as  rich  in 
gold.2  Here  pure  gold  was  worn  by  the  natives  in 
plates  suspended  from  the  neck  by  cotton  cords. 
They  also  exhibited  rude  imitations  of  eagles  and 
other  objects  in  guanin.  Perceiving  with  what  cu- 
pidity the  strangers  regarded  their  golden  ornaments, 
the  Indians  of  Caribaro  informed  the  Spaniards  that 
two  days'  journey  easterly  along  the  coast  would 
bring  them  to  a  province  called  Yeragua,  where  that 
metal  was  found  in  abundance,  and  where  all  their 
ornaments  were  fabricated.  This  Indian  province  of 
Veraofua  was  situated  on  what  is  now  known  as  the 
river  Yeragua  running  through  the  north-western 
corner  of  what  was  later  the  state  of  Panama.  The 
earnest  desire  of  the  admiral  to  find  a  passage  to  India 
prevented  his  landing  at  that  point  on  his  downward 
passage;  but  failing  to  find  a  strait,  and  the  supply 
of  gold  growing  less  as  he  departed  from  this  point, 
he  returned  to  Yeragua,  anchored  his  ships,  and  pre- 
pared to  examine  the  mines  of  that  country.  The 
adelantado,  Bartholomew  Columbus,  on  the  6th  of 
February  1503  set  out  with  sixty-eight  armed  men, 

2 '  Of  the  two  Cariaians  whiche  he  brought  with  him  from  Cariai,  he  was 
enfonrmed  that  the  regions  of  Cerabaro  and  Abnrema  were  rich  in  gold,  and 
that  the  people  of  Cariai  have  al  their  gold  from  thence  for  exchange  of  other 
of  their  thinges.  They  tolde  him  also,  that  in  the  same  regions  there  are  five 
villages,  not  farre  from  the  sea  side,  whose  inhabitantes  applie  themselves 
onely  to  the  gathering  of  gold.  The  names  of  these  villages  are  these,  Chi- 
rara,  Puren,  Chitaya,  Cureche,  Atamea.'  Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iii.  cap.  4. 


556  MINES  AND  MINING. 

on  a  visit  to  the  mines.3  He  ascended  the  river  a  few 
leagues  when  he  encountered  the  quibian,  or  king  of 
Veragua,  who  warily  welcomed  him,  and  provided 
him  guides  to  conduct  him  to  the  base  of  the  moun- 
tains around  and  away  from  his  own  richer  and  near 
mines,  to  those  of  a  neighboring  chieftain  with  whom 
he  was  at  war.  But  the  Spaniards  were  not  disap- 
pointed. The  soil  over  which  they  journeyed  seemed 
to  be  impregnated  for  miles  with  fine  particles  of  the 
precious  metal.  The  adelantado  and  his  companions 
were  enabled  to  wash  out  small  quantities  of  gold  from 
earth  taken  from  about  the  roots  of  great  trees.  As- 
cending a  hill  they  gazed  with  rapture  upon  the  sur- 
rounding country,  which  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach 
was  filled  with  riches  beyond  the  wildest  dreams  of 
avarice.  On  another  occasion  the  adelantado  made 
an  excursion  along  the  coast  westward,  everywhere 
meeting  with  evidence  of  gold  in  abundance.  Such 
were  the  riches  of  this  country,  that  the  admiral  de- 
termined to  plant  a  colony  at  this  point,  the  first 
colony  attempted  upon  the  firm  land  of  North  Amer- 
ica; but  the  jealousy  of  the  quibian  becoming  aroused 
by  the  manifest  intention  of  the  permanent  residence 
of  the  strangers  within  his  dominions,  they  were 
obliged  to  abandon  the  project.4 

The  returns  from  the  mines  of  the  new  dominions 
of  Spain  prior  to  the  death  of  Isabella  in  1504  were 
comparatively  insignificant,  owing  partly  to  the  rapa- 
cious spirit  of  the  adventurers,  who  preferred  traffic 
with  the  natives  to  the  drudgery  of  digging,  and 
partly  to  the  humanity  of  the  queen,  who  forbade  the 
compulsory  imposition  of  native  labor.     Soon  after 

3  The  natives  of  Veragua  believed  that  in  order  to  be  successful  it  was 
necessary  to  practice  temperance  and  chastity  for  some  time  before  seeking 
for  gold;  and  Columbus,  desirous  of  inculcating  in  the  minds  of  the  Spaniards 
so  wholesome  a  superstition,  encouraged  in  them  the  practice  of  abstaining 
from  women,  of  fasting  and  praying,  before  setting  out  upon  a  mining  expedi- 
tion. Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iii.  cap.  4;  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  vi.  cap.  i. ;  Carta  de 
Colon,  in  Navarrcte,  i.  296;  Las  Casas,  J  fist.  Intl.,  lib.  ii.  cap.  25;  Fernando 
Colon,  Hist,  del  Almiranle,  108,  in  Barcia,  i. 

4  Diego  de  Porras,  in  Navarrete,  i.  277;  Pedro  de  Ledesma,  in  Id.,  iii.  550. 


AUREA  CHERSONESUS.  557 

her  death,  however,  the  revival  of  the  inhuman  system 
of  repartimientos,  or  apportionment  of  Indians  among 
settlers,  which  was  inaugurated  during  the  administra- 
tion of  Bobadilla,  led  to  an  immense  yield,  Espanola 
alone  sending  to  Spain  half  a  million  ounces  of  gold 
annually;  and  according  to  Herrera  450,000  ounces  of 
gold  passed  through  the  four  foundries  of  that  isle 
during  the  year  1506.  All  minerals  were  reserved 
by  the  crown,  and  were,  in  common  with  other  royal 
perquisites,  jealously  guarded.  Private  individuals 
were  permitted  to  work  the  mines,  but  were  obliged 
to  pay  into  the  royal  treasury  at  first  two  thirds,  and 
afterward  one  fifth  of  the  proceeds.  Later  it  was 
ordered  that  in  every  audiencia  district  there  should 
be  a  melting-house.  In  1508  Ferdinand  created  a 
province  of  that  part  of  the  coast  of  tierra  firme  ex- 
tending from  the  gulf  of  Darien  to  Cape  Gracias  a 
Dios,  and  called  it  Castilla  del  Oro,  or  Golden  Cas- 
tile, from  the  great  riches  it  had  already  yielded,  and 
the  golden  visions  of  Columbus,  who  believed  it  to  be 
the  veritable  Aurea  Chersonesus,  whence  was  derived 
the  gold  used  in  building  Solomon's  temple.  Diego  de 
Nicuesa  was  appointed  governor  of  the  province  for 
ten  years,  with  the  right  to  enjoy  the  products  of  all 
mines  by  paying  to  the  crown  one  tenth  of  the  pro- 
ceeds of  the  first  year,  one  ninth  the  second,  one  eighth 
the  third,  one  seventh  the  fourth,  one  sixth  the  fifth, 
and  one  fifth  of  the  products  of  each  of  the  succeeding 
five  years. 

In  1510  the  bachiller  Martin  Fernandez  de  Enciso, 

while  on  his  way  to  San  Sebastian,  on  the  gulf  of 

Darien,  where  was  planted  the  colony  of  Alonso  de 

Ojeda,    touched    at   Cartagena,  and    there   was   told 

i  of  the  fabulous  wealth  of  the  province  of  Zenu,  east  of 

;  the  gulf  of  Darien,  the  mountains  of  which  were  so 

impregnated  with  gold  that  during  the  season  of  rains, 

;  when  the  swollen  streams  rushed  in  torrents  through 

j  the  mountains,  the  natives  spread  nets  in  which  they 

■  caught  the  coarsest  pieces,  some  of  them  being  as  large 


558  MINES  AND  MINING. 

as  eggs.  Enciso  was  also  informed  that  Zenu  was  the 
burial-place  for  all  the  surrounding  tribes,  and  that 
their  sepulchres  contained  many  of  the  most  precious 
ornaments  which  had  been  buried  with  their  dead. 
The  hostilities  of  the  natives  prevented  their  pene- 
trating the  country,  but  the  reputed  wealth  of  the 
province,  the  ornamented  bones  of  the  sepulchres,  and 
the  fishing  for  gold  with  nets,  long  afterward  excited 
the  cupidity  of  the  Spaniards,  and  led  to  subsequent 
disastrous  expeditions.  And  when  the  same  astute 
bachiller  drove  the  cacique  Cemano  from  his  village  on 
the  western  shore  of  the  gulf  of  Darien,  he  found  se- 
creted in  the  houses  and  deposited  in  caverns  along 
the  banks  of  the  River  Atrato  golden  ornaments, 
bracelets,  breastplates  and  anklets,  to  the  value  of  ten 
thousand  pesos.5 

Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa  in  1511  sacked  the  vil- 
lages of  Ponca,  and  found  "certaine  poundes  weight  of 
gold,  graven  and  wrought  into  sundry  ouches."  The 
Pacific  Ocean,  as  we  well  know,  was  first  called  by 
the  Spaniards  the  South  Sea,  The  circumstances 
which  led  to  this  appellation  are  these:  In  the  year 
1512  Balboa,  then  governor  of  Antigua,  a  Spanish 
settlement  on  the  gulf  of  Darien,  with  eighty  men, 
visited  an  Indian  province  some  thirty  leagues  to  the 
westward.  The  province  was  governed  by  a  cacique 
named  Comagre,  whose  eldest  son,  called  Panciaco, 
was  remarkable  for  his  intelligence  and  lofty  bearing. 
In  order  to  appease  their  avarice,  Panciaco  presented 
the  Spaniards  with  a  large  sum  of  gold,  in  the  division 
of  which  they  fell  to  quarrelling.  Panciaco,  overcome 
by  disgust,  stepped  forward,  and  struck  the  scales  a  blow 
which  sent  the  glittering  gold  flying  in  every  direction. 
He  then  told  them  that  it  was  unnecessary  to  fall  out 
for  such  a  trifle,  for  if  they  would  cross  those  moun- 
tains, pointing  toward  the  south,  they  would  discover 
a  mighty  sea,  where  was  gold  in  abundance.    A  sea 

5  OviedOf  torn.  i.  lib.  xxviii.  cap.  2;  Peter  Martyr ,  dec.  ii.  cap.  2;  Herrera, 
dec.  i.  lib.  viii.  cap.  G. 


THE  PEARL  ISLANDS.  559 

to  the  southward  then  became  a  subject  of  deep  inter- 
est to  all,  and  the  year  following  Vasco  Nunez  crossed 
the  mountains  and  discovered  this  South  Sea. 

While  on  the  march,  Ponca,  his  old  enemy,  now 
reconciled,  presented  him  with  some  finely  wrought 
ornaments  from  beyond  the  mountains,  besides  120 
pounds  of  gold  from  his  own  dominions.  As  he 
was  laboring  under  a  sense  of  great  indebtedness  to 
the  Spaniards  for  their  beads,  hatchets,  and  hawks- 
bells,  he  apologized  for  the  smallness  of  the  gift  by 
saying  that  he  had  been  robbed  the  year  before 
by  his  enemies.  The  next  village  at  which  Vasco 
Nunez  arrived  belonged  to  a  cacique  named  Quase- 
qua,  where  after  putting  the  inhabitants  to  flight  the 
Spaniards  found  a  considerable  quantity  of  gold,  one 
fifth  of  which  was  set  apart  for  the  crown,  and  the 
remainder  divided  among  the  adventurers.  After 
making  the  grand  discovery  of  the  Pacific  from  the 
summit  of  the  mountain  near  the  gulf  of  San  Miguel, 
Balboa  descended  to  the  sea-shore  where  he  encoun- 
tered a  cacique  whose  name  was  Chiapes.  A  volley 
of  musketry  and  the  charge  of  the  bloodhounds  soon 
pacified  this  province,  and  Chiapes  being  informed 
of  the  love  which  his  strange  visitors  entertained  for 
gold,  tremblingly  presented  him  with  his  entire  store, 
some  400  pesos.  For  although  this  country  abounded 
in  the  precious  metal,  these  natives  having  no  use  for 
it  took  no  pains  to  gather  it. 

When,  on  the  29th  of  October  1513,  Balboa  had 
consummated  the  ceremonial  acts  of  taking  possession 
of  the  Southern  Sea  for  the  crowns  of  Castile  and 
Leon,  the  natives  directed  his  attention  to  a  group 
of  low  islands  which  they  represented  as  being  exceed- 
ingly rich  in  pearls.  He  was  then  standing  upon  the 
shores  of  the  main  ocean  at  the  entrance  to  the  gulf 
of  San  Miguel,  and  the  islands  were  some  seven 
leagues  distant.  One  distinguished  as  being  the  largest 
of  the  group  was  said  to  abound  in  pearls  of  an  im- 
mense size,  "as  large  as  that,"  said  the  Indians,  placing 


5G0  MINES  AND  MINING. 

the  thumb  and  first  finger  together,  "and  taken  from 
sli ell-fish  as  large  as  that,"  pointing  to  a  buckler 
which  hung  from  the  arm  of  a  Spaniard.  Vasco  Nu- 
nez thereupon  called  the  largest  island  Isla  Rica,  and 
to  the  archipelago  he  gave  the  name  of  the  Pearl  Isl- 
ands. Isla  Rica  later  became  known  as  the  island  of 
San  Miguel. 

From  the  town  of  Chiapes  Balboa  crossed  a  great 
river  and  entered  the  province  of  Cocura,  where  he 
obtained  gold  to  the  value  of  six  hundred  and  fifty 
pesos.  He  then  crossed  the  water  to  an  arm  of  the 
gulf  of  San  Miguel,  later  known  as  the  Rio  Savana, 
and  entered  a  province  belonging  to  a  cacique  named 
Tumaco,  who,  besides  gold  valued  at  G14  pesos, 
brought  him  a  bowl  filled  with  magnificent  pearls, 
240  of  which  were  of  extraordinary  size  and  beauty. 

Vasco  Nunez  and  his  companions  were  by  this 
time  fully  aware  of  the  immense  riches  of  that  coun- 
try in  gold,  for,  although  the  natives  placed  but  little 
value  upon  it,  merely  gathering  what  they  could 
easily  pick  up  from  the  surface  of  the  ground,  yet 
everywhere  they  found  it  among  the  Indians,  in 
larger  or  smaller  quantities,  usually  wrought  into 
various  shapes.  But  here  was  proof  given  them,  that 
this  southern  sea  contained  pearls  in  no  less  profusion 
than  its  shores  yielded  gold,  and  a  knowledge  of  this 
fact  greatly  enhanced  the  value  of  their  discovery. 
"Our  men  marvelled  greatly,"  says  Peter  Martyr,  "at 
the  size  and  beauty  of  these  pearls,  although  they 
were  not  perfectly  white,  because  they  can  not  take 
them  out  of  the  sea  mussels,  except  they  first  roast 
them,  that  they  may  the  easier  open  themselves;  and 
also  that  the  fish  may  have  the  better  taste.  For  they 
esteem  it  a  delicate  and  princely  dish,  which  they 
prize  more  highly  than  the  pearls  themselves." 

When  the  chief  Tumaco  beheld  the  eagerness  with 
which  the  Spaniards  regarded  his  pearls,  to  show  them 
the  small  value  which  he  placed  upon  these  baubles, 
and  how  easily  they  could  be  obtained,  he  sent  some 


A  NEW  SOURCE  OF  WEALTH.  561 

of  his  men  to  fish  for  them,  and  after  an  absence  of 
four  clays  they  returned  with  a  most  beautiful  collec- 
tion, amounting  to  twelve  marks  weight,  or  ninety-six 
ounces.  The  Spaniards  taught  them  how  to  open 
the  oyster  without  damaging  the  pearl,  and  the  Indians 
very  soon  learned  to  prize  the  jewel  more  than  the 
fish.  Afterward,  when  the  pearls  became  an  important 
article  of  commerce,  these  Indians  trained  certain  of 
their  youths  as  divers.  By  practice  they  accustomed 
themselves  to  remain  beneath  the  water  for  a  long 
time.  They  could  fish  for  large  pearls  only  in  calm 
weather  as  they  were  found  in  deep  water ;  the  smaller 
oysters  were  nearer  the  beach,  and  were  frequently 
deposited  upon  it  by  the  winds  and  tide. 

On  his  return  journey,  Vasco  Nunez  entered  and 
ascended  a  large  river  flowing  into  the  gulf,  probably 
the  Savana,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  San  Lucar, 
and  landed  at  a  province  called  Teaochan,  the  name 
of  whose  chief  was  Fesca,  where  he  was  presented 
with  160  ounces  in  gold  and  200  pearls  large  and  fine, 
except  that  they  had  been  somewhat  discolored  from 
the  action  of  the  fire. 

The  next  province  belonged  to  a  cacique  named 
Poncra,  who  was  hideously  deformed,  and  who  aban- 
doned his  village  on  the  approach  of  the  Spaniards. 
Gold  to  the  value  of  3,000  pesos  was  picked  up  in 
the  village,  and  the  Indians  who  accompanied  Vasco 
Nunez  informed  him  that  this  was  one  of  the  richest 
provinces  in  all  those  parts.  Balboa  Darned  the  place 
Toclos  Santos.  Part  of  his  company  who  had  re- 
mained at  the  town  of  Chiapes  joined  him  at  this 
place.  As  they  journeyed  northward  from  Chiapes 
they  entered  the  dominions  of  a  cacique  called  Bono- 
niama.  Their  fame  having  preceded  them,  this  chief- 
tain received  them  with  every  demonstration  of  joy, 
and  immediately  presented  them  with  gold  valued  at 
2,000  pesos.  They  then  accompanied  this  band  of 
Spaniards  to  Todos  Santos,  in  order  to  pay  their  re- 
spects to  Vasco  Nuflez. 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  III.    36 


5G2  MINES  AND  MINING. 

Continuing  their  journey  toward  the  north,  they 
were  one  day  overtaken  by  a  band  of  Indians  who 
came  from  a  province  which  lay  some  distance  out  of 
their  course,  and,  presenting  the  Spaniards  with 
thirty  large  gold  plates,  weighing  14,000  pesos,  they 
invited  them  to  visit  their  chief,  who  would  give 
them  a  much  larger  amount.  They  also  begged  Vasco 
Nunez  to  assist  them  in  subjugating  a  powerful  neigh- 
bor, whose  riches  were  very  great.  During  their 
homeward  march,  gold  had  accumulated  so  rapidly, 
that  they  were  unable  to  carry  both  their  treasure 
and  a  sufficient  quantity  of  provisions.  Although 
they  had  Indians  in  abundance  to  act  as  beasts  of 
burden,  yet  each  man  was  not  able  to  carry  more 
than  two  days'  supply  in  addition  to  his  load  of  metal. 
They  endured,  therefore,  intense  suffering. 

Descending  the  northern  declivities  of  the  moun- 
tains, they  rested  at  a  village,  the  cacique  of  which 
was  called  Pocorosa,  who  gave  them  gold  valued  at 
1,500  pesos,  at  the  same  time  informing  them  of  a 
neighbor  named  Tumanama,  whom  Vasco  Nunez  with 
seventy  men  surprised  by  night  and  took  prisoner  with 
his  eighty  wives  and  gold  to  the  value  of  9,000  pesos. 
Not  long  after  he  was  released,  when  he  collected 
within  a  few  days  ninety  marks  of  gold  and  gave  it 
to  Balboa.  Being  asked  where  this  gold  was  found, 
Tumanama  refused  to  answer,  fearful  that  if  the 
locality  was  made  known  to  the  Spaniards  they  would 
never  leave  his  dominions.  It  was  ascertained  by 
trial,  however,  that  the  soil  in  the  vicinity  was  richly 
impregnated, and  Vasco  Nunez  determined  to  establish 
there  a  fort  for  the  protection  of  mining  and  commerce 
between  the  two  seas.  Continuing  their  way  toward 
the  north,  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  the  village  of  Co- 
mairre.  The  old  chief  was  dead,  and  Panciaco  sue- 
ceeded  to  the  honors  and  dignities  of  his  father.  He 
received  Vasco  Nunez  with  great  joy,  presented  him 
with  gold  to  the  value  of  2,000  pesos,  and  received  in 
return  a  linen  shirt  and  some  trinkets,  with  which  he 


GOLDEX  TEMPLE  OF  DAB  ALB  A.  5C3 

was  highly  delighted.  The  Spaniards  then  returned 
to  Antigua,  carrying  with  them  40,000  pesos  in  gold, 
which  on  account  of  the  immense  yield  from  Peru  is 
worth  at  this  time,  A.  d.  1600,  says  Herrera,  more 
than  300,000.6 

It  appears  from  the  narratives  of  Vasco  Ximez  and 
others,  that  upon  the  Isthmus  at  this  time  gold  was 
held  by  the  natives  in  about  the  same  estimation  that 
copper,  iron,  or  any  base  metal  is  regarded  by  primi- 
tive nations.  It  was  usually  found  wrought  into 
ornaments,  such  as  breastplates,  anklets,  wristlets,  as 
well  as  vessels  for  domestic  purposes.  In  fact,  when 
the  use  of  iron  became  known  to  the  natives,  they 
valued  that  metal  above  anything  on  earth,  and 
thought  themselves  extremely  fortunate  if  they  could 
obtain  a  hatchet,  a  knife,  or  even  a  piece  of  old  hoop 
iron,  for  an  equal  weight  of  gold. 

Mining  for  o^old  on  the  continent  of  America  was 
first  attempted  by  Europeans  in  the  year  1514. 
Three  leacmes  from  the  settlement  of  Santa  Maria 
de  la  Antigua  del  Darien  was  found  a  spot  where  the 
hill-sides,  plains,  and  river-banks  were  so  richly  im- 
pregnated as  to  attract  the  attention  of  the  colonists. 
It  was  their  custom  to  first  elect  a  mining  superin- 
tendent, or  surveyor,  under  whose  direction  plots  of 
ground  were  measured  off  twelve  paces  square,  the 
location  of  which  was  at  the  option  of  the  claimant, 
only  avoiding  preoccupied  ground.  Indian  slaves 
were  then  set  to  work,  and  if  the  spot  chosen  proved 
barren,  it  mi^ht  be  abandoned  and  another  selected. 

About  this  time  were  started  among  the  colonists 
of  Darien  stories  of  the  golden  temple  of  Dabaiba, 
inland  from  them  a  little  south  of  west  sixty  or  eighty 
leagues.     The  colonists  sought  to  find  the  place  and 

6  'Acordo  de  partirse  para  el  Darien,  con  mas  de  quarenta  mil  pesos  de  oro, 
que  valian  entonces  mas  que  aora  trecientos  mil,  lo  qual  ha  sido  causa  la 
inSnidad  que  dello  ha  dado  el  Pini.'  Herrera,  dec.  i.  lib.  x.  cap.  5.  See  also 
Peter  Martyr,  dec.  iii.  cap.  3;  Oviedo,  lib.  xxix.  cap.  5;  Gomara  lllit. 
I nd.,  80. 


5G4  MINES  AND  MINING. 

failed.  Two  subsequent  attempts,  both  equally  un- 
successful were  made  to  capture  the  golden  temple, 
one  by  Vasco  Nunez  and  Luis  Carrillo  conjointly,  and 
the  other  by  the  factor  of  Pedrarias,  Juan  de  Tabira. 
A  priest  of  the  priory  of  Darien  named  Jacobo  Al- 
varez Osorio  spent  many  years  searching  for  the 
golden  temple,  during  which  time  he  endured  great 
hardships  and  experienced  many  dangers. 

Tello  de  Guzman  with  one  hundred  men  penetrated 
to  the  South  Sea  in  1515.  He  discovered  the  site 
of  ancient  Panama,  a  country  famous  for  its  richness, 
but  where  he  found  only  some  fishermen's  huts.  From 
the  province  of  Chagre  he  obtained  gold  to  the  value 
of  12,000  castellanos,  and  from  Chepo  12,000.  He 
returned  to  Antigua  loaded  with  gold,  but  almost 
famished  from  hunger  and  thirst.  Gonzalo  de  Badajoz, 
another  captain  of  Pedrarias,  crossed  the  Isthmus  in 
1515  from  Nombre  de  Dios  to  the  bay  of  Panama*  with 
one  hundred  and  thirty  men.  Upon  the  summit  of 
the  cordilleras  Badajoz  surprised  a  chief  named  Toto- 
nagua,  from  whom  he  obtained  gold  valued  in  all  at 
12,000  castellanos.  From  a  neighboring  cacique  he 
received  in  return  for  his  friendship  8,000.  They 
found  this  mountain  region  exceedingly  rich  in  gold. 
"Wherever  they  digged,  "says  Peter  Martyr, "  whether 
on  the  dry  land  or  in  the  wet  channels  of  the  rivers, 
they  found  the  sand  which  they  cast  forth  mixed  with 
gold."  At  the  village  of  Nata,  on  the  western  border 
of  the  gulf  of  Panama^  the  Spaniards  found  gold  to 
the  value  of  10,000  castellanos;  south-west  of  Natd 
from  a  cacique  named  Escolia  they  obtained  9,000, 
and  at  other  provinces  from  two  to  ten  thousand  cas- 
tellanos. Thus  far  Badajoz  had  secured  gold  to  the 
value  of  80,000  castellanos,  "which  was  worth  more 
in  those  days,"  says  Herrera,  "500,000  after  the  dis- 
covery of  Peru." 

The  whole  country  in  the  vicinity  of  the  bay  of 
Panama",  and  for  two  hundred  leagues  above  and 
below  Darien,  according  to  the  last  mentioned  chron- 


HEAVY  PLUNDER.  565 

icier,  was  found  to  be  exceedingly  rich  in  gold.  That 
in  the  possession  of  the  natives,  however,  was  usually 
found  wrought  into  breastplates,  and  utensils  of  vari- 
ous sorts.  Such  as  was  found  in  a  native  state  must 
have  been  quite  fine,  as  Herrera  mentions  several 
pieces  of  extraordinary  size  found  by  Badajoz,  which 
weighed  two  castellanos.  While  in  this  vicinity  Ba- 
dajoz entered  the  province  of  a  cacique  named  Cutard, 
but  whom  the  Spaniards  called  Paris.  The  chieftain 
fled  at  their  approach,  but  upon  being  threatened 
with  the  bloodhounds,  he  sent  them,  in  four  baskets, 
gold  to  the  value  of  50,000  pesos.  The  ungrateful 
Spaniards,  flushed  with  their  success,  entered  his 
village  by  night  and  secured  nearly  as  much  more. 
This  base  treachery  so  exasperated  the  savages  that 
they  attacked  Badajoz  with  an  army  of  4,000  war- 
riors, killed  seventy  of  his  men,  and  captured  all  the 
gold  which  he  had  taken,  amounting  to  over  160,000 
castellanos,  equivalent  to  at  least  one  million  of  dollars 
at  the  present  time.  Subsequently  he  visited  the 
island  of  Tabogd,  where  he  obtained  a  small  quantity 
of  gold.     He  then  returned  to  Antigua. 

"  When  I  was  superintendent  of  the  mint  in  Cas- 
tilla  del  Oro,"  says  Oviedo,  "I  have  often  melted 
gold  from  Veragua,  and  am  well  convinced  of  the 
existence  of  rich  mines  in  that  province."  The  colo- 
nists at  Nata  established  a  considerable  traffic  with 
the  natives  of  Veragua,  sending  thither  their  Indian 
servants  with  cotton  cloth  and  hammocks  to  exchange 
for  gold. 

The  Pearl  Islands  were  first  visited  by  Gaspar  de 
Morales  and  Francisco  Pizarro.  After  the  cacique 
was  pacified  by  the  arms  of  the  Spaniards,  he  took 
Morales  up  into  a  tower  which  stood  upon  the  roof 
of  his  house,  whence  an  unbroken  view  was  presented, 
and  pointing  to  the  islands  on  either  side  said,  "Be- 
hold the  infinite  sea,  extending  even  beyond  the  sun- 
beams; behold  the  islands,  all  are  subject  to  my  sway. 
They  contain  but  little  gold;  but  the  deep  places  in 


5G6  MIKES  AND  MINING. 

all  these  seas  and  about  all  these  islands  are  full  of 
pearls,  of  which  you  shall  have  as  many  as  you  will, 
so  that  you  continue  your  friendship  to  me."  He 
brought  a  basket  of  pearls  of  one  hundred  marks 
weight,  and  agreed  to  pay  annually  to  the  king  of 
Spain  one  hundred  pounds  of  pearls,  as  though  it  was 
a  very  light  matter. 

In  1516  the  licentiate  Gaspar  cle  Espinosa  trav- 
ersed the  Isthmus,  and  recaptured  the  greater  part 
of  the  gold  which  had  been  taken  from  Badajoz;  but 
the  natives  fled  to  the  mountains  at  his  approach,  and 
although  he  found  the  country  at  large  well  drained 
by  former  raids,  the  large  amount  which  he  recov- 
ered was  sufficient  to  enrich  every  man  of  his  com- 
pany. 

In  1522  Gil  Gonzales  and  Andre's  Nino  discovered 
the  north-western  coast  from  Panamri,  to  the  bay  of 
Fonseca,  taking  possession  of  the  province  of  Nicara- 
gua. During  the  seventeen  months  of  their  absence 
they  journeyed  640  leagues,  and  with  100  men  went 
inland  244  leagues,  begging  bread  and  gold.  Of  the 
latter  they  obtained  the  value  of  112,500  pesos,  a 
portion  of  which  was  of  inferior  quality,  and  worth 
twelve  or  thirteen  dollars  an  ounce.  They  also  ob- 
tained pearls  to  the  value  of  145  pesos.  This  inferior 
gold  they  found  wrought  into  hatchets  and  other  use- 
ful implements,  and  bells  the  purity  and  value  of 
which  were  tested  by  the  sound,  as  the  purer  the  gold 
the  more  dull  and  flat  would  be  the  sound.  Of  the 
112,500  pesos  thus  obtained,  40,000  were  found  be- 
tween the  bay  of  David  and  the  bay  of  San  Vicente; 
14,000,  thirteen  carats  fine,  were  donated  by  the  ca- 
cique Nicoya  in  return  for  the  baptism  of  6,000  of  his 
subjects.  The  cacique  Nicaragua  cheerfully  gave  the 
Spaniards  25,000  pesos. 

Hernando  de  Soto,  one  of  the  captains  of  Francisco 
Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  who  was  sent  to  Nicaragua 
by  Pedrarias  after  the  return  of  Gil  Gonzales,  col- 
lected  an   inferior  quality  of  gold   to   the  value   of 


WEALTH  OF  HONDURAS.  567 

130,000  pesos,  which  was  taken  from  him  by  Gil 
Gonzales  in  an  affray  between  the  Spaniards  for  su- 
premacy in  that  country. 

Diego  Lopez  de  Salcedo,  governor  of  Honduras, 
journeyed  from  Trujillo  near  Cape  Honduras,  to  the 
city  of  Leon  in  Nicaragua.  He  reported  that  in  the 
valley  of  Olancho,  about  twenty-five  leagues  south  of 
Trujillo,  were  mines  so  rich  that  with  proper  tools 
gold  twenty-two  carats  fine  to  the  value  of  200,000 
castellanos  might  be  taken  out  in  two  months. 

In  the  year  1528  Martin  Estete  and  Gabriel  de 
Rojas  were  sent  from  New  Leon  by  Pedrarias  to  the 
River  San  Juan  in  order  to  ascertain  the  character  of 
the  stream  which  drains  the  lake  of  Nicaragua  and 
Managua.  Taking  a  circuitous  route  for  the  purpose 
of  examining  the  country  they  reached  the  ocean  at 
Cape  Gracias  a  Dios,  and  such  was  the  richness  of 
the  country  in  that  vicinity  that  they  founded  a  col- 
ony at  that  point,  and  Gabriel  de  Rojas  remained  to 
work  the  mines.  About  this  time  a  large  quantity 
of  gold  was  taken  from  the  River  Guayape  in  the 
valley  of  Olancho.  The  first  silver  mines  of  which  I 
find  mention,  were  opened  in  a  beautiful  valley  of 
Honduras,  at  a  place  called  New  Valla dolid,  about 
thirty  leagues  from  Trujillo.7 

The  colonists  at  Trujillo  up  to  June  1533,  took 
from  the  mines  in  their  vicinity  3,532  pesos.  They 
reported  many  mines  rich  in  gold  and  other  metals  in 
the  neighborhood,  but  such  was  the  continued  hos- 
tility of  the  natives  that  they  were  obliged  to  abandon 
not  only  their  mining  camps  but  the  larger  settle- 
ments. But  after  the  pacification  of  the  country  by 
Pedro  de  Alvarado  the  yield  of  the  mines  during 
six  months  of  1535  was  60,000  pesos,  and  as  early  as 
1538  the  reputation  of  Honduras  as  a  rich  mining 
country  was  established.8 

7  'Esta  assimismo  en  esta  provincia  la  nueva  Valladolid,  con  un  valle,  con 
gentil  disposicion,  y  vista,  y  de  ayre  sano;  en  la  compana  ay  multitud  de 
ganados,  y  buenas  minas  de  plata.'  Herrera,  Hist.  Ind.,  dec.  i\\  lib.  viii.  cap.  3. 

8  They  begged  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  governor  of  Guatemala,  to  grant  them 


568  MINES  AND  MINING. 

Francisco  de  Montejo,  governor  of  Yucatan,  about 
the  year  1535  petitioned  the  crown  to  add  to  his  gov- 
ernment the  province  of  Honduras,  stating  as  a  reason 
for  so  doing,  that  in  Honduras  were  rich  mines  of 
gold,  while  in  Yucatan  there  were  none,  and  without 
that  attraction  the  land  of  Yucatan  never  would  be 
pacified. 

Felipe  Gutierrez,  governor  of  Veragua  in  1537,  was 
guided  by  a  native  to  some  rich  gold  mines  situated 
within  three  or  four  leagues  of  the  sea-shore  be- 
tween the  rivers  Veragua  and  Concepcion ;  but  being 
pressed  by  disease  and  famine,  he,  as  all  others  before 
him  had  done,  was  obliged  to  withdraw  from  that 
country.  In  1540,  five  or  six  men,  formerly  occupied 
in  the  mines  of  Honduras,  crossed  over  to  Espahola, 
and  reported  that  land  rich  in  minerals,  with  an 
abundance  of  game,  fruit,  grain,  and  honey.9 

Diego  Gutierrez  in  1540  was  appointed  by  the 
emperor  govenor  of  Nueva  Cartago,  or  Costa  Rica, 
and  five  years  later  ascended  for  a  few  leagues  the 
river  Surre,  which  is  supposed  to  be  the  same  that  is 
now  called  Revenrayon  which  flows  into  the  Carib- 
bean Sea  in  latitude  about  10°  20'.  Taking  posses- 
sion of  a  deserted  Indian  village  within  the  province 
which  gave  name  to  the  river,  the  caciques  occupy- 
ing adjacent  provinces  brought  in  an  inferior  or 
alloyed  gold  to  the  value  of  700  ducats.  On  being 
questioned  whence  it  was  obtained,  they  replied  that 
it  came  from  certain  rivers  flowing  down  the  sides  of 
steep  mountains  in  countries  very  distant.  On  the 
southern  slope  of  the  mountains  Gutierrez  found  the 
gold  more  plentiful  and  the  quality  finer.  It  was 
fabricated  into  necklaces  and  bracelets.     The  natives 

aid  '  c  dar  6rden  c6mo  no  se  acabassen  de  perder  los  espauolcs  que  alii  esta- 
ban,  despoblandose  una  provincia  tan  rica  de  minas  de  oro  6  otros  metales.' 
Oviedo,  J  J  1st.  Gen.,  lib.  xxxi.,  cap.  7. 

9  'Las  minas  de  Honduras  son  en  la  villa  que  llaman  Comayagua,  hacia  el 
valle  de  Vlancho,  treynta  y  cinco  leguas  desta  mar  del  Norte,  y  especial mento 
digo  las  minas  de  plata;  e"  de  un  quintal  de  la  vena  se  sacan  seys  marcos  de 
plata  6  dos  pessos  de  oro,  y  esto  se  ha  visto  ser  assi  por  el  ensayo.'  Oviedo, 
Hist.  Gen.,  lib.  xxxi.,  cap.  11. 


SCOOPING  IN  A  VOLCANO.  5G9 

carried  also  golden  trumpets  three  palms  in  length. 
Gutierrez  was  attacked  on  one  of  the  affluents  of  the 
river  Grande,  or  Virillo,  which  flows  into  the  gulf  of 
Nicoya,  in  July,  1545,  by  about  3,000  natives,  and 
himself  and  nearly  all  of  his  men  were  massacred. 
This  battle  resulted  in  the  recovery,  by  the  Indians, 
of  100,000  castellanos  in  gold,  which  had  been  taken 
from  them  by  Gutierrez.10 

Three  leagues  from  the  city  of  Granada,  in  the  lake 
of  Nicaragua,  is  the  volcano  Massaya,  in  the  bowels 
of  which  a  fiery  liquid  eternally  boiled.  The  fact  that 
the  ebullition  was  perpetual,  never  discharging  any- 
thing save  smoke  and  flame,  and  never  becoming  re- 
duced by  evaporation,  led  a  Dominican  friar,  named 
Bias  del  Castillo,  to  believe  the  molten  mass  to  be  a 
precious  metal.  "What  a  grand  idea,"  thought  he, 
"to  draw  melted  gold  from  the  bowels  of  the  earth  in 
buckets."  At  length,  taking  into  his  confidence  other 
Spaniards  he  agreed  to  descend  to  the  floor  of  the 
crater  and  endeavor  if  possible  to  obtain  some  of  the 
precious  liquid.  For  this  purpose  he  carried  with  him 
a  bucket-shaped  piece  of  thick  sheet  iron  attached  to 
a  long  chain.  Arrived  at  the  floor  of  the  crater  he 
began  paying  out  the  chain.  Although  the  situation 
was  none  of  the  coolest,  and  the  good  father  imagined 
himself  nearer  the  infernal  regions  than  he  ever  ex- 
pected to  be  before  death,  all  went  well.  One  hun- 
dred and  fifty  fathoms  of  the  chain  were  paid  out, 
but  as  soon  as  it  reached  the  regions  of  fire  below 
the  bucket  shrivelled,  the  chain  melted  for  some  dis- 
tance, and  the  dream  of  the  gold-drawers  was  over. 
The  Spaniards  passed  the  night,  without  needing  the 
light  of  the  sun,  meditating  upon  the  uncertainty 
of  volcanic  mining  operations.11 

io<p0i  venirono  certi  Signori  a  visitarlo,  e  gli  presentorono  da  settecento 
ducati  d'oro  di  bassa  lega. '  '  Poi  gli  dimando  done  pigliauano  l'oro,  e  gli 
risposero,  che  lo  conduceuano  da  paesi  assai  lontani,  trouati  in  certi  fiumi, 
clie  discendeuano  da  certe  asprissime  montagne.'  Benzoni,  Hist.  Hondo  Nuovo, 
lib.  ii.,  fol.  84. 

11 '  Afio  de  Mil  y  quinientos  y  cinquenta  y  vno  se  dio  licencia  al  licenciado, 


570  MINES  AND  MINING. 

The  old  Milanese  traveller  and  historian,  Girolamo 
Benzoni,  affirms  that  when  in  Nicaragua,  about  the 
year  1546,  there  were  no  mines  of  any  description,  al- 
though the  natives  had  in  their  possession  an  abun- 
dance of  gold,  much  alloyed,  however,  which  had 
been  brought  from  other  provinces.12 

The  shore  of  Venezuela  was  called  by  the  early 
Spanish  settlers  the  Pearl  Coast,  from  the  immense 
yield  of  that  gem  in  those  parts.  The  licentiate,  Don 
Pedro  Ordonez  de  Zevallos,  who  visited  that  country 
in  1660,  asserts  that  he  saw  at  the  fishery  huge  piles 
of  pearls  which  could  be  measured  by  the  bushel. 
On  the  coast  of  Uraba  he  discovered  a  temple  which 
contained  large  idols  of  solid  gold  adorned  with 
crowns,  sun  or  wheel-like,  the  smallest  of  which  had 
rays  or  spokes  of  pure  gold  weighing  twenty-eight 
pounds. 

In  Peru  we  shall  find  equally  great  gold-gathering 
stories;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  yield  from 
this  quarter  assisted  greatly  in  revolutionizing  the 
commerce  and  finances  of  the  world. 

During  his  first  voyage  along  the  coast  of  Peru, 
Pizarro  found  gold  in  large  quantities  only  at  Tum- 
bez,  a  town  situated  at  the  entrance  to  the  gulf  of 
Guayaquil,  although  it  was  discovered  to  be  in  the 
hands  of  all  the  natives  to  a  greater  or  less  extent. 
Having  with  him  but  a  few  men,  he  gave  orders  that 
gold  should  be  treated  with  indifference,  so  that  the 
apprehensions  of  the  natives  might  not  be  excited, 
and  that  the  subsequent  harvest  might  be  the  richer.13 
,  The  Indian  province  of  Coaque  lying  directly  under 
the  equinoctial  line  originally  abounded  in  emeralds, 

y  Dean  Juan  Aluarez,  para  abrir  este  Volcan  de  Masaya,  y  sacar  el  metal.' 
Gomara,  Hist.  Intl.,  2G2. 

12  'Non  hanno  minere  di  metallo  di  forte  alcuna,  a  bene  che  cuando  gli  Spag- 
nuoli  vi  andarono,  haueuano  vna  gran  quantity  d'oro  di  bassa  lega,  condotto 
d'altre  prouincie.'  Benzoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nuovo,  lib.  ii.  102. 

13  'Et  volendoli  dare  il  Gouernatore  alquante  gioie  d'oro  non  le  volse  accet- 
tare,  dissimulando,  che  non  andaua  cercando  tal  cosa,  e  tornato  alle  naue  e 
dato  notitia  del  tutto.'  Benzoni,  Hist.  Mondo  Nuovo,  lib.  iii.  fol.  119. 


TESTING  EMERALDS.  571 

found  in  no  other  region  upon  that  coast.  When  the 
Spaniards  under  Pizarro  invaded  that  province  in 
1531,  besides  an  abundance  of  gold  and  silver,  they 
collected  large  quantities  of  this  gem,  some  of  them 
as  large  as  pigeons'  eggs.  It  is  said  that  the  rude 
soldiers,  not  knowing  the  value  of  this  beautiful  stone, 
broke  them  in  pieces  in  order  to  test  their  value,  as 
they  had  been  informed  by  one  of  the  missionary 
friars  that  the  emerald  was  harder  than  steel  and 
could  not  be  broken,  and  by  this  means  alone  could 
their  genuineness  be  proved.14 

Proceeding  southward  and  penetrating  the  interior, 
the  Spaniards  seized  the  ruler  of  the  realm.  Not 
long  after  his  capture  the  inca  offered  such  a  ransom 
as  never  prince  or  potentate  dared  promise  before. 
"  I  will  cover  this  floor  with  gold,"  said  he  to  Pizarro, 
"  if  you  will  let  me  go."  Then  perceiving  looks  of  in- 
credulity, which  seemed  to  treat  his  offer  as  the  insane 
boast  of  an  exasperated  captive,  "  Nay,"  said  he,  "  I 
will  fill  the  room  with  gold  as  high  as  you  can  reach," 
and  stepping  to  the  wall  he  made  a  mark  nine  feet 
from  the  floor.  "And  if  that  is  not  enough,  yonder 
room,"  he  exclaimed,  pointing  to  a  smaller  apartment 
adjoining,  "  that  room  shall  be  twice  filled  with  silver 
if  you  will  grant  me  my  liberty."  The  gold  was  not 
to  be  melted  down,  but  was  to  retain  its  fabricated 
form,  and  two  months  were  allowed  for  the  fulfilment 
of  the  agreement.  Francisco  Pizarro  readily  accepted 
the  offer,  gave  a  promise  of  release  before  a  notary, 

14  'Arriuammo  a  vno  terra  chiamataCoaque,  qual  e  sotto  la  linea  equinottiale, 
doue  trouammo,  qualche  poco  d'oro,  e  qualche  pietra  dl  Smeraldo.'  Relations 
(Tvn  capitano  Spagnvolo,  in  Ramusio,  iii.  371.  'Precianse  de  traer  inuchas 
joias  de  oro  en  las  orejas,  i  en  las  narices,  maiormente  Esmeraldas,  que  se 
liallan  solamente  en  aquel  parage;  aunque  los  Indios  no  han  querido  mostrar 
los  veneros  de  ellas;  creese  que  nascen  alii,  porque  se  han  hallado  algunas 
mezcladas,  i  pegadas  con  guijarros,  que  es  senalde  quaxarse  de  ellos.'  Zarate, 
Hist,  del  Peru,  lib.  i.  cap.  iv.  '  Caminaron  hasta  llegar  a  vn  gran  Pueblo,  que 
se  dice  Coaque,  al  qual  saltearon,  porque  no  se  alcase  como  los  otros  Pueblos, 
i  alii  tomaron  quince  mil  Pesos  de  Oro;  i  mil  i  quinientos  Marcos  de  Plata,  i 
inuchas  Piedras  de  Esmeraldas,  que  por  el  presente  no  fueron  conoscidas,  ni 
tenidas  por  Piedras  de  valor;  por  esta  causa  los  Espauoles  las  daban,  i  rescata- 
ban  con  los  Indios  por  Ropa,  i  otras  cosas  que  los  Indios  les  daban  por  ellas.' 
Xeres,  Conq.  del  Peru,  in  Barcia,  iii.  182. 


572  MIXES  AXD  MIXIXG. 

and  kept  it  by  finally  killing  his  captive.  Atahualpa 
was  garroted  in  prison,  by  order  of  Pizarro,  just  be- 
fore the  glittering  pile  had  reached  the  stipulated 
mark.  The  rapidity  with  which  this  vast  treasure 
came  in  showed  the  wealth  of  the  empire.  The 
gold  and  silver  of  the  Peruvians  was  lodged  for  the 
most  part  in  the  temples  of  the  sun,  and  the  palaces 
of  the  inca.  The  chief  places  of  deposit  were  Quito 
and  Cuzco,  five  hundred  leagues  apart,  and  the  metal 
was  transported  from  every  quarter  of  the  realm  on 
the  backs  of  native  porters.  Sometimes  treasure  to 
the  value  of  40,000  or  G0,000  castellanos  would  arrive 
in  a  single  day.15 

The  articles  gathered  consisted  of  plates  and  other 
decorations  for  the  temples  and  royal  edifices,  domestic 
ornaments  and  utensils,  vases,  salvers,  and  goblets, 
besides  curiously  wrought  representations  of  animals 
and  plants.  The  golden  ear  of  maize  encased  in  silver 
husk  and  tassel;  singing  birds  with  gold  and  silver 
plumage;  golden  fountains  with  golden  fishes  swim- 
ming in  their  waters  were  among  the  articles  which 
composed  this  motley  mass.  All  this  except  such  of 
the  finest  specimens  as  were  set  aside  for  a  royal  pres- 
ent, was  melted  clown  into  ingots  of  a  uniform  size 
and  standard. 

Three  Spaniards  who  were  sent  to  Cuzco  to  super- 
intend the  collecting,  stripped  from  the  sacred  edifices 
700  plates,  each  about  fifteen  inches  in  length  by  ten 
inches  in  width.  One  of  the  temples  was  adorned  by 
a  cornice  of  solid  gold,  which  however  was  so  firmly 

15  'Atabaliba  q  se  temia  cayo  enello,  y  clixo  a  Picarro  que  no  tenian  razo 
cle  andar  descontentos  ni  de  acusarle,  Pues  el  Quito,  Pachacama  y  Cuzco,  de 
donde,  principalmete  se  auia  de  traer  el  oro  de  su  rescate,  estauan  lexos.' 
Gomara,  Hist.  Ind.,  152.  '  Zarate,  libro  segundo  capitulo  siete,  sacada  a  la 
letra  dice.  A  su  magestad  le  pertenecid  de  su  real  quinto,  treinta  mil  marcos 
do  plata  blanca,  1'uia  y  cendrada;  y  del  oro  cupo  a  su  magestad  de  quinto, 
ciento  y  veinte  cuentos  de  marcos,  Gomara,  capitulo  ciento  y  diez  y  ocho  dice; 
Francesco  Pizarro  lrico  pesar  el  Oro,  y  la  plata  despues  de  quelatado. '  Gar- 
cilas80  de  la  Vega  Com.  lleales,  parte  ii.  lib.  i.  cap.  28.  'Les  tremors  que  Ton 
avait  livres  pour  sa  rancon  furtages  entre  les  Espagnols;  ils  formaient  une 
somme  d'un  million  vingt-cinq  mille  cinq  cent  castillans  d'or,  et  ciiiquante- 
deux  mille  marcs  d'argent.'  Balboa,  J  J  id.  da  Perou,  Temaux-C<.mpans,  327. 


TREASURES  OF  THE  INCAS.  573 

set  as  to  resist  their  efforts.  Two  hundred  cargas  of 
gold  and  twenty-five  of  silver  were  thus  added  to  the 
heap  with  which  the  captive  monarch  hoped  to  pro- 
cure his  liberty. 

Native  goldsmiths  were  employed  by  the  royal  in- 
spectors to  perform  this  work  of  reduction,  and  such 
was  its  magnitude  that  more  than  one  month  was  con- 
sumed before  it  was  finished.  When  melted  down 
and  weighed,  the  whole  amount  which  the  inca  had 
thus  collected  for  his  ransom  was  found  to  be  1,326,- 
539  castellanos  of  gold,  and  51,610  marks  of  silver, 
equivalent  at  the  present  time  to  at  least  twenty  mill- 
ions of  dollars.16 

The  distribution  of  this  magnificent  prize  among  a 
comparatively  small  band  of  adventurers  took  place 
under  the  superintendence  of  Pizarro  on  the  25th 
of  July  1533,  in  the  great  square  of  Caxamalca. 
After  invoking  divine  assistance  in  the  performance 
of  what  he  affirmed  to  be  a  work  of  the  most  solemn 
responsibility,  he  awarded  to  himself  57,222  castella- 
nos of  gold  and  2,350  marks  of  silver.  He  also  ap- 
propriated to  his  own  use  the  chair  or  throne  of  the 
inca,  which  was  of  solid  gold  and  valued  at  25,000 
castellanos.  He  awarded  to  his  brother  Fernando 
Pizarro  31,080  castellanos  of  gold  and  2,350  marks  of 
silver.  To  Hernando  de  Soto  he  gave  17,740  caste- 
llanos of  gold  and  724  marks  of  silver.  The  cavalry, 
about  fifty-five  in  number,  were  allowed  each   8,880 

16Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  compares  at  length  the  principal  authors  on  the 
subject,  and  produces  the  following  enormous  results.  The  inca's  ransom  he 
places  at  4,005,670  ducats,  and  the  spoils  afterward  taken  from  Cuzco 
amounted  to  still  more.  Father  Bias  Valera  says  that  the  inca's  ransom  was 
valued  at  4,800,000  ducats.  'De  manera,  que  sum6,  y  monto  todo  este  Rescate 
de  Atahuallpa  4,605,670  ducados.  De  los  quales,  los  tres  cuentos  y  novecientos 
y  treinta  y  tres  mil  ducados,  son  del  valor  del  Oro;  y  los  seiscientos  y  setenta 
y  dos  mil  y  seiscientos  y  setenta  ducados  son  del  valor  de  la  plata,  con  las 
crecas  de  la  cendrada,  y  ambos  numeros  hacen  la  suma  de  los  quatro  millones 
y  seiscientos  y  cinco  mil  y  seiscientos  y  setenta  ducados.  Esta  suma  de  du- 
cados huvieron  los  Espafioles  en  Cassamarca;  mucho  maior  fue,  la  que 
huvieron  en  el  Cozco,  quando  entraron  en  aquella  ciudad,  como  lo  dicen  los 
mismos  autores  Gomara,  y  Zarate,  que  adelante  en  su  lugar  citaremos.  El  P. 
Bias  Valera  dice  que  valio  el  rescate  de  Atahuallpa  quatro  millones  y  ocho 
cientos  mil  ducados.'  Com.  Beetles,  parte  ii.  lib.  i.  cap.  38. 


574  MINES  AND  MINING. 

castcllanos  of  gold  and  3G2  marks  of  silver,  and  of  the 
infantry  eighty  received  each  4,440  castellanos  of 
gold  and  180  marks  of  silver,  and  the  remainder, 
twenty-five  in  number,  most  of  them  3,330  castellanos 
of  gold  and  135  marks  of  silver  each.  Servants  and 
underlings  received  a  smaller  amount.  The  church 
of  San  Francisco,  which  had  been  erected  as  a  testi- 
monial of  gratitude  to  that  divine  providence  which 
had  so  highly  favored  their  unrighteous  cause,  was 
endowed  with  22,220  castellanos.  Fifteen  thousand 
castellanos  were  sent  to  the  colonists  of  San  Miguel, 
and  120,000  were  assigned  to  Alrnagro  and  his  com- 
pany. 

Departing  from  Caxamalca  the  Spaniards  entered 
Cuzco,  the  imperial  city  of  the  incas,  on  the  15th  of 
November.  Although  rifled  in  a  measure  of  its 
precious  ornaments  for  the  ransom  of  Atahualpa, 
there  remained  much  which  yet  lay  exposed  to  the 
cupidity  of  the  soldiers.  The  palaces  and  sacred 
edifices  were  again  plundered;  the  royal  mummies 
deposited  in  the  great  temple  of  Coricancha,  which 
had  hitherto  been  respected  by  the  Spaniards,  were 
stripped  as  were  also  the  sepulchres.  Valuables  which 
had  been  removed  to  a  place  of  fancied  security  were 
unearthed.  Not  far  from  the  city  was  found  a  cavern 
from  which  were  brought  forth  golden  vases  and  finely 
wrought  imitations  of  insects,  reptiles,  and  animals. 
Among  the  articles  collected  in  the  city  were  several 
female  statues,  life-size,  of  pure  though  thin  gold,  also 
golden  llamas,  slippers  and  sandals  of  gold,  and  fe- 
male dresses  made  wholly  of  beads  of  gold. 

On  their  way  thither  the  conquerors  had  added 
greatly  to  their  store  of  wealth.  Ten  solid  silver 
planks,  each  twenty  feet  in  length,  one  foot  in  width, 
and  from  two  to  three  inches  in  thickness,  were  found 
in  one  place.  It  is  supposed  that  these  huge  bars 
were  intended  to  be  used  in  the  construction  of  a 
dwelling  for  some  Peruvian  prince. 

After  completing  their  work  of  plunder  in  the  capi- 


STAKING  THE  SUN.  575 

tal,  the  division  was  made  as  at  Caxamalca.  Speci- 
mens of  the  finest  workmanship  were  set  aside  for 
the  emperor;  the  whole  mass  was  melted  down  by 
native  goldsmiths,  the  king's  fifth  deducted,  and  the 
remainder  divided  in  like  proportion  as  before.  The 
total  amount  is  said  by  some  to  have  exceeded  the 
inca's  ransom.  Others  place  the  amount  as  low  as 
580,200  castelknos  of  gold,  and  215  marks  of  silver. 

The  immediate  effect  of  such  vast  wealth  distrib- 
uted so  suddenly  among  a  band  of  coarse,  lawless  men, 
unaccustomed  to  the  use  of  money  and  incapable  of 
self-restraint,  was  to  excite  the  soldiers  to  every  species 
of  debauchery  and  gaming,  and  to  raise  exorbitantly 
the  prices  of  all  such  commodities  or  articles  as  would 
minister  to  their  pride  or  lust.  The  vice  of  gambling 
invariably  stands  prominent  in  such  cases.  Immense 
sums  were  ventured  on  the  turn  of  a  card,  or  on  a 
single  throw  of  the  dice.  Some  lost  their  entire  por- 
tion in  a  single  day.  A  story  is  told  of  a  horseman 
named  Leguizarro  to  whom  had  fallen,  in  the  distri- 
bution at  Cuzco,  an  image  of  the  sun.  The  figure  was 
finely  embossed  on  a  burnished  plate  of  solid  gold.  It 
had  been  taken  from  the  wall  of  the  great  temple  of 
the  sun,  and  for  some  reason  had  not  been  recast. 
One  night  this  cavalier  continued  his  play  until  a  late 
hour.  His  sun  was  the  bank  from  which  he  drew  his 
stakes;  in  the  attempt  to  retrieve  his  losses,  and  just 
before  morning,  his  sun  was  gone.  Hence  the  proverb, 
"  Juega  el  sol  antes  que  amanezca."  Gamble  away  the 
sun  before  daybreak.  An  ordinary  horse  at  that  time 
in  Cuzco  brought  2,500  castellanos,  equivalent  at  the 
present  time  to  about  forty  thousand  dollars.  A  pair 
of  shoes  sold  for  thirty  castellanos;  a  quire  of  paper 
for  ten;  a  bottle  of  wine  for  sixty;  a  sword  for  fifty, 
and  a  cloak  for  one  hundred.  The  cavaliers  shod 
their  horses  with  silver. 

While  Pizarro  was  thus  reaping  his  magnificent 
harvest  at  Caxamalca  and  Cuzco,  the  attention  of  en- 
vious cavaliers  was  turned  towards  Quito,  where  like 


576  MINES  AND  MINING. 

unbounded  wealth  according  to  report  awaited  the 
conqueror.  No  less  than  three  adventurous  captains, 
Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  famous  hero  of  Mexico,  now 
governor  of  Guatemala,  Diego  de  Almagro,  and  Se- 
bastian Benalc&zar  who  had  been  left  in  command  of 
the  fortress  of  San  Miguel,  met  in  that  city  about  the 
middle  of  1534.  About  seven  hundred  Spaniards 
besides  larger  bodies  of  Indians  were  thus  congregated 
in  and  about  Quito,  ready  to  vindicate  their  right  to 
the  supposed  riches  of  the  city  by  force  of  arms.  It 
was  soon  discovered,  however,  that  the  fancied  gold 
and  silver  stores  of  Quito  were  an  illusion.  Either  no 
treasure  to  speak  of  had  ever  existed,  or  it  had  been 
hidden  by  the  natives.  Thus  the  object  of  their  con- 
tention being  removed,  the  Spaniards  became  brothers. 
The  chivalrous  Alvarado  even  visited  Pizarro  at  Pa- 
chacamac,  where  the  two  bold  and  successful  adven- 
turers embraced  and  held  high  revel  for  several  days. 
"  From  one  single  hill  in  Peru,"  says  Garcilaso  de 
la  Vega,  "  200,000,000  pesos  were  taken  as  appears 
by  the  register,  and  one  hundred  more  unregistered. 
One  single  fleet  brought  in  my  time  25,000,000  in 
gold  and  silver."  Soon  after  the  execution  of  his  old 
associate,  which  took  place  in  July  1538,  Francisco 
Pizarro  partitioned  among  his  own  followers  the  lands 
which  had  been  granted  by  the  crown  to  Diego  de 
Almagro.  In  this  partition,  greatly  to  the  discon- 
tent of  other  meritorious  cavaliers,  the  rich  silver  hills 
of  Potosi  fell  to  Hernando  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro. 
These  mines  were  situated  in  the  province  of  Charcas, 
toward  the  southern  extremity  of  Almagro's  domin- 
ions. They  are  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  an 
Indian  who  on  pulling  a  shrub  out  of  the  ground 
found  hanging  to  the  roots  small  pieces  of  silver. 
They  had  been  worked  for  a  considerable  period  un- 
der the  incas.  But  even  the  Pizarros,  who  conducted 
their  operations  on  a  scale  much  more  extensive  than 
any  hitherto  known  in  Peru,  made  no  attempt  to 
penetrate  any  considerable  distance  below  the  surface. 


YIELD  OF  PERU.  577 

Subsequently,  in  1546,  when  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  in  op- 
position to  the  crown,  was  master  of  Peru,  large 
quantities  of  metal  were  extracted  by  his  general 
Francisco  cle  Carbajal.  So  rich  were  the  veins  opened 
at  Potosi  that  almost  all  other  mines  were  abandoned 
as  unprofitable,  and  so  common  became  this  metal 
that  iron  at  Potosi  was  worth  nearly  its  weight  in 
silver. 

According  to  Zarate  the  ore  was  melted  in  small 
round  furnaces  fed  by  charcoal  and  sheep's  excrements, 
without  the  aid  of  bellows.  The  best  ore  was  nearly 
pure  silver,  and  the  poorest  eighty  marks  per  one  hun- 
dred pounds.  The  Pizarros  worked  these  mines  with 
Indians,  who  were  obliged  to  pay  to  their  proprietors 
two  marks  or  one  pound  of  silver  each  per  day.  All 
over  this  sum  was  their  own.  Over  seven  thousand 
Indians  were  thus  employed.  Some  of  them  made 
much  more  for  themselves  than  for  their  masters,  and 
many  were  worth  from  three  to  four  thousand  cas- 
tellanos.17 

The  Indian  method  in  Peru  was  to  dig  a  ditch 
along  the  side  of  a  river,  into  which  they  threw  the 
gold-bearing  earth.  Then  turning  in  the  water  the 
dirt  was  carried  away  and  the  gold  remained.  "  This," 
says  the  Spanish  captain,  "  I  have  often  seen  done."18 

By  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
product  of  the  precious  metals  in  Peru  was  $11,000,- 
000  per  annum.  The  immense  treasure  secured  by 
the  conquerors  had  directed  thither  the  attention  of 

17  According  to  Pizarro  y  Orellana,  these  were  the  first  mines  worked  in 
Peru.  '  Traxo  consigo  muchos  capitanes  y  caciques  que  descubrieron  secretos 
de  minas  de  oro,  y  de  plata  iinissima,  que  faeron  las  primeras  que  por  indus- 
triadeste  valeroso  capitan  se  abrieron  en  aquellos  ricos  Imperlo.  Y  pareciendo 
a,  Hernando  Pizarro,  que  convenia  al  servicio  de  dios,  y  de  su  Magestad  fun- 
dar  alii  un  pueblo,  dexo  la  gente,  repartiendo  las  minas,  las  mejores  para  su 
Magestad,  y  entre  el,  y  los  demas  capitanes  y  soldados  las  demas.'  Varoncs 
Ilvstns,  335. 

18  'Disse  di  piu  il  cacique,  che  l'oro  che  si  caua  di  quel  firme,  non  lo  ricog- 
liono  con  bateas,  che  sono  a  modo  d'vno  bacil  da  barbiere,  conli  manichi  doue 
lauano  l'oro  nell  'acqua,  anzi  fanno  in  questo  modo,  che  met  tono  la  terra 
cauata  della  minera,  in  vn  luogo  a  modo  d'una  fossa  appresso  l'acqua,  e  con 
vna  ruota  cauano  l'acqua  del  fiume,  e  la  fanno  andar  in  quella  fossi,  e  cosi 
lauano  la  terra.'  Relatione  d'un  Capitano  Spagnuolo,  Ramusio,  iii.  378. 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  III.    37 


57S  MINES  AND  MINING. 

gold-seekers,  and  the  Peruvian  mines  for  a  time  over- 
shadowed those  of  Mexico,  and  all  others  of  the 
world.  This  being  almost  the  only  industry  of  the 
times,  the  conquerors  used  to  drive  the  natives  at 
the  point  of  the  sword  upon  the  rich  silver-hills, 
so  to  secure  an  abundant  return.  "All  the  Indians 
between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  fifty  were  enrolled 
in  seven  lists,  the  individuals  on  each  list  being 
obliged  to  work  for  six  months  in  the  mines,  so  that 
this  forced  labor  came  on  the  unfortunate  Indians  at 
intervals  of  three  and  a  half  years;  four  out  of  every 
five  were  supposed  to  perish  annually  in  these  deadly 
labors." 

Having  thus  briefly  reviewed  the  first  gold-gather- 
ings of  Central  and  South  America,  let  us  turn  to 
Mexico. 

It  is  unnecessary  again  to  recite  the  efforts  of  Mon- 
tezuma to  procure  his  ransom,  details  of  which  I  have 
fully  given  in  the  first  volume  of  my  History  of  Mex- 
ico. Among  the  earliest  gold-seeking  expeditions  in 
this  quarter,  after  the  fall  of  the  empire,  was  one 
under  Gonzalo  de  Umbria,  to  Zacatula,  and  another 
under  Pizarro  toward  Tochtepec  and  Malinaltepec. 
Both  returned  with  gold  washed  from  the  sands  of  the 
rivers.19 

The  early  expeditions  to  extend  conquest  gave 
opportunity  to  make  further  researches,  and  within  a 
few  years  a  number  of  Spaniards  were  busily  engaged 
in  the  examination  of  what  were  afterward  the  sev- 
eral mining  districts.  Anions:  the  first  regions  thus 
examined  were  those  of  Guazpaltepec  and  Xaltepec, 
which  the  Spaniards  reached  on  the  expedition  to 
Tochtepec  under  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval.  Several  years 
later  they  extended  their  labors  to  Michoacan,  at- 
tracted by  the  fabulous  yield  of  the  Morcillo  mine, 
which  for  a  short  time  was  worked  with  great  success, 

19  For  details  of  these  expeditions  see  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  320-2,  this  series. 


AZTEC  EXPLOITATION.  579 

but  later,  as  was  said,  disappeared  in  a  mysterious 
manner/ 

The  conquerors,  more  skilled  in  arms  than  in  arts, 
were  not  able  to  invent  or  introduce  a  new  mining 
system,  but  adhered  to  that  adopted  by  the  Aztecs. 
Expert  as  were  the  latter  in  working  the  different 
metals,  the  exploitation  of  the  mines  was  still  in  a 
primitive  condition,  which  was  not  much  to  boast  of, 
being  little  more  than  skimming  the  surface  of  the 
ground,21  or  washing  the  sands  of  the  rivers.  Their 
smelting  apparatus  was  likewise  deficient,  and  the  only 
means  at  their  disposition  to  increase  the  heat  of  the 
small  furnaces  was  the  use  of  blow-pipes  of  bamboo. 
This  explains  why  golden  jewelry  was  more  common 
than  that  made  of  silver;  it  was  not  by  reason  of  the 
greater  scarcity  of  the  latter,  but  on  account  of  the 
increased  difficulty  in  extracting  it  from  the  ores.  In 
the  course  of  time  intelligent  miners  came  from  Spain, 
and  introduced  improvements,  such  as  smelting  by  aid 
of  bellows.  Due  to  the  stimulation  thus  given,  new 
reales22  sprang  up  everywhere,  especially  in  the  north- 
ern region,  which  proved  to  be  richer  in  minerals 
than  the  southern  districts.  The  discovery,  about 
1539,23  of  several  mines  toward  the  south,  among 
which  were  those  of  Taxco,  Sul tepee,  Tzumpanco, 
and  Temazcaltepec,  was  soon  followed  by  finding  the 

20  Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xv. ,  gives  the  matter  a  miraculous  turn, 
because  of  an  order  of  1528,  Puga,  Cedulario,  24,  to  take  possession  of  it  for 
the  crown.  Another  supposition,  that  the  Indians  buried  the  mine,  is  more 
credible,  and  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  difficulties  had  arisen  between 
the  Tarascan  ruler,  Tangaxoan,  and  the  grasping  Spanish  miners.  See  also 
Mist.  Mex. ,  ii.  53,  54,  this  series. 

21  Humboldt,  E-ssai  Pol. ,  ii.  482,  asserts,  however,  that  the  Aztecs  were 
versed  in  the  building  of  subterranean  shafts  and  galleries.  Duport,  Met. 
Prec,  2-6,  gives  several  reasons  why  he  supposes  the  Aztecs  to  have  been  un- 
acquainted with  subterraneous  mining. 

22  Peal  de  minas  was  the  name  given  to  the  small  fortress  of  any  settle- 
ment, established  around  a  newly  discovered  mine,  meaning  only  that  it  was 
an  encampment,  not  that  it  belonged  to  the  king. 

23  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  498,  supposes  that  the  mines  of  Taxco,  Sulte- 
pec,  Tlalpujagua,  and  Pachuca  were  the  first  ever  worked  by  Spaniards;  but 
there  is  no  doubt  that  those  in  the  Tochtepec  district  and  the  Morcillo  mine 
of  Michoacan  were  of  older  date.  Albornoz,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc.,  xiii.  72,  speaks  in  December,  1525,  of  mining  developments  in 
Michoacan. 


5S0  MINES  AND  MINING. 

rich  lodes  of  San  Luis  Potosi,  and  of  Zacatecas,  in 
1548.24 

From  the  first,  the  development  of  mines  had  met 
with  the  favor  of  the  crown;  and  franchises  and  priv- 
ileges contributed  to  swell  the  number  of  adventur- 
ers, who  strove  to  acquire  immediate  wealth.  The 
great  conqueror,  Cortes  himself,  had  set  the  example, 
by  separating  for  his  own  share  valuable  tracts  of 
metalliferous  land,  and  many  were  eager  to  secure  a 
similar  chance  of  prosperity.  Contrary  to  the  usual 
policy,  the  government  generously  refrained  from 
appropriating  to  itself  the  exploitation.25  Nominally 
the  mines  belonged  to  the  crown,  but  since  1526  they 
were  practically  made  common  property,  in  so  far  as 
with  certain  formalities  all  free  inhabitants,  indis- 
criminately, whether  Spaniards  or  natives,  were  en- 
titled to  work  them.26  Only  certain  officials  were  ex- 
cluded to  prevent  abuses,  and  friars  and  priests  were 
not  allowed  to  be  interested  in  mining  schemes.  In 
later  years,  rewards  were  fixed  for  the  discovery  of 
new  mines,  and  orders  issued  to  the  viceroys  to  foster 
exploitations  in  every  possible  way.27  Mining  imple- 
ments, supplies,  and  slaves  of  the  proprietors  of  mines 
could  not  be  attached  unless  for  debts  to  the  crown, 
and  executions  could  be  levied  only  against  the  prod- 

24  The  latter  date  is  given  in  Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iv.  580,  582;  v.  98; 
Berijhes,  JDcscrip.  Zacatecas,  3;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  499,  534.  Alaman, 
however,  followed  by  Prescott,  Mex.,  iii.  332,  asserts  that  documents  in  the 
archives  of  the  family  of  Cortes  prove  that  the  latter  worked  mines  in  Zaca- 
tecas during  his  lifetime,  and  consequently  before  1548.  Esposlcion,  25,  61. 
The  site  of  Zacatecas  had  not  been  discovered  till  1546.  See  Hint.  Max.,  ii. 
761,  this  series.  In  his  Hist.  Mcj.,  i.  100,  Alaman  intimates  that  the  mines  of 
Zacatecas  were  not  worked  until  1550.  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  105,  followed  by 
Zamacois,  Hist.  M<:j.,  iv.  560,  gives  the  date  as  1531. 

25 In  the  early  time,  however,  it  seems  that  the  government  began  the  ex- 
ploitation of  certain  mines,  for  a  law  of  1573,  later  reiterated,  authorizes  the 
viceroys  to  alienate  crown  mines,  except  those  of  sulphur,  if  such  an  opera- 
tion be  of  benefit  to  the  royal  treasury.  Iiccop.  de  Lid.,  ii.  493-4. 

2G  The  law,  dated  November  9,  1526,  is  given  in  full  in  Puga,  Cedulario, 
12,  21.  It  was  repeated  and  reformed  in  1551,  1563,  1568,  and  1575.  Recop. 
Iud.,  ii.  68,  71;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  203. 

-'  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  391-2,  censures  the  policy  of  Spain  in  favoring 
the  development  of  mines,  as  against  agriculture  and  industries.  But  it  was 
too  much  to  expect  of  royalty  in  those  days,  that  it  should  study  the  perma- 
nent interest  of  the  colony  instead  of  its  own  immediate  desires. 


PROTECTIVE  MEASURES.  581 

uct,  and  not  against  the  property.  Miners  could  not 
be  imprisoned  for  debt  except  in  their  own  district, 
and  even  then  they  were  entitled  to  certain  hours  to 
look  after  their  affairs.28  One  of  the  first  laws  issued 
for  New  Spain  had  temporarily  reduced  the  duty  on 
gold  obtained  by  mining  from  one  fifth  to  one  tenth; 
subsequently  efforts  were  made  to  collect  the  origi- 
nal rate;  but  owing  to  the  continuous  petitions29  the 
crown  several  times  extended  the  exemption,  always 
for  a  limited  period,  until  in  1716  it  was  made  per- 
petual. Evidence  of  the  royal  wish  was  in  the  laws 
which  required  the  audiencias  and  corregidores  to 
compel  vagrants,  Spaniards  as  well  as  mixed  breeds, 
to  work  in  mines.30  Criminals  sentenced  to  hard  labor 
could  also  be  thus  employed,  their  wages  being  turned 
into  the  royal  treasury. 

Soon  after  the  working  of  the  mines  was  begun  steps 
were  taken  to  secure  the  natives  against  the  oppres- 
sion of  the  Spaniards,  but  this  tended,  among  other 
results,  to  keep  the  Indians  from  disclosing  the  exist- 
ence of  veins.  It  was  ordered  that  the  rewards  as- 
signed in  such  cases  should  be  religiously  paid,  with 
exemption  from  tribute  of  discoverers  and  their  de- 
scendants. Their  territorial  rights  should  also  be  duly 
respected,  so  as  to  leave  them  the  ownership  of  mines 
situated  within  the  limits  of  their  property.  Under 
certain  conditions  Indians  could  be  employed  to  work 
in  the  mines,  but  strict  regulations  existed  to  ensure 
them  a  fair  compensation,  and  the  abuses  from  which 
they  suffered  in  the  sixteenth  century31  gradually  dis- 

28  Laws  of  1540,  157*2,  1590,  1602,  1G19,  1620.  Puga,  Cedulario,  11, 
Recoji.  Ind.,  ii.  72;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  204,  pt.  iii.  44. 

29  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  170.  In  1525  the  crown  revoked  this  exemption, 
and  the  city  council  resolved  to  petition  for  a  prolongation,  owing  to  the  small 
profits.     See  also  llerrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii. 

•>°  'De  no  permitlr  gente  ociosa  en  la  tierra.' 

31  Viceroy  Mendoza's  letter  of  1537  to  the  king  in  Pachero  and  Gdrdenas, 
Col.  Doc,  ii.  209;  Henriquez,  Iiistrucc,  in  Id.,  iii.  487-8.  The  latter  recom- 
mends the  introduction  of  negroes  to  relieve  the  native  race,  a  suggestion  re- 
peated by  his  successor,  Conde  de  la  Coruna,  who  estimated  at  2000  or  3000 
the  number  required  to  work  the  mines  properly.  Carta  al  Rey,  in  Cartas  de 
Indias,  340.  The  prices  of  such  negro  slaves  are  given  in  Concilics  Pror., 
MS.,  no.  4,  227.     A  number  of  laws,  the  first  dated  as  early  as  1528,  were 


5S2  MINES  AND  MINING. 

appeared.  The  payment  by  shares,  'partldo,  which 
soon  predominated  over  the  daily  wages  given  to 
tanda  gangs,82  could  not  fail  to  promote  the  interests 
of  both  employers  and  laborers,  although  the  gam- 
bling table  received  only  too  much  of  the  increased 
earnings.33 

For  the  first  decades  the  method  of  extracting  met- 
als was  so  backward  that  only  rich  ores  could  be 
worked,  especially  in  regions  where  fuel  was  scarce. 
In  1557,  however,  Bartolome  de  Medina,  a  miner  of 
the  district  of  Pachuca,  discovered  the  amalgamation 
process,  and  bestowed  on  the  world  a  boon  of  which 
New  Spain  may  be  proud.  His  plan  of  extracting  the 
fine  metals  from  ores  with  the  aid  of  quicksilver  ren- 
dered results  so  satisfactory  that  but  few  improve- 
ments have  since  been  introduced.  Little  is  known 
of  the  discoverer,34  a  fact  which  almost  implies  that 
he  derived  little  benefit  from  a  discovery  which  was  of 
vast  importance  to  the  mining  industry.  Ores  which 
formerly  had  been  considered  worthless,  were  now 
regarded  with  more  interest;  veins  held  to  be  unpro- 
ductive were  worked  anew,  and  so  rapid  was  the  adop- 
tion of  the  process  that  within  five  years  Zacatecas 
alone  had  thirty-five  reduction  works,  and  yet  they  by 
no  means  displaced  existing  methods  in  every  place.35 

issued,  referring  to  the  position  of  Indians  in  mining  matters;  they  are  given 
in  the  Pecop.  de  Ind. ,  ii.  308  et  seq. ;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  203-4,  pt.  iii. 
44-5. 

32  Tanda  was  the  name  given  to  the  gang  of  native  workmen  drawn  from 
Indian  villages  and  relieved  once  a  month.  Ward  asserts  that  this  system 
was  chiefly  used  in  Peru,  Mex.,  ii.  145,  and  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  177-8,  shows 
that  the  name  has  survived  in  that  of  the  monthly  markets  or  fairs  in  Gua- 
najuato. 

33  Arlegui,  Chrdn.  Zac,  137,  says  Indian  miners  were  entitled  to  one  bag 
of  ore  per  day,  which  sometimes  would  sell  for  §100. 

34Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  49,  and  Garces,  Nueva  Tedrica,  76-7,  merely  allude 
to  him  as  a  native  of  Spain,  and  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  559,  mentions  the 
names  of  two  others  to  whom  certain  authors  have  attributed  the  discovery. 

35  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  55,  7"2,  gives  interesting  details  concerning  both 
the  old  and  new  methods.  A  statistical  table  on  page  556,  comprising  the 
produce  of  all  the  mining  districts  from  1785  till  1789,  shows  that  about  two 
sevenths  of  the  entire  yield  were  submitted  to  extraction  by  smelting.  In 
1805,  however,  this  fraction  was  reduced  to  about  one  fifth.  Ward,  Mex.,  ii. 
434-9,  gives  also  a  full  description  of  the  mode  of  extraction,  with  several 
illustrations  of  the  implements  used. 


QUICKSILVER  SUPPLY.  583 

The  quicksilver  necessary  for  the  amalgamation  was 
sent  from  Spain  by  the  regular  fleets  and  under  con- 
trol of  the  government,  which  reserved  for  itself  the 
monopoly,  partly  on  account  of  the  revenue  derived 
from  it,  partly  because  of  the  supervision  thus  obtained 
over  the  yield  of  metal ;.  for  miners  had  to  make  re- 
turns in  proportion  to  the  quantity  of  quicksilver  dis- 
tributed. It  was  given  out  only  at  the  capital,36  by 
royal  officials,  who  with  the  superior  connivance  of  the 
viceroy  formed  a  body  called  the  tribunal  de  azogues.27 
Whenever  the  quicksilver  mines  of  Almaden  in  Spain 
failed  to  yield  the  required  quantity,  which  in  New 
Spain  alone  amounted  to  fifteen  or  sixteen  thousand 
quintals,33  the  deficit  was  supplied  from  Austria  at  a 
dearer  rate,  rarely  from  Peru.39  The  commodity  was 
supposed  to  be  sold  at  actual  cost,  in  order  to  en- 
courage mining,40  the  price  ranging  from  one  hundred 
and  eighty-seven  pesos  a  quintal  in  1590  to  forty-one 
pesos  for  Spanish  and  sixty-three  pesos  for  German 
quicksilver  in  1777.41    Occasionally  also  special  reduc- 

36  Vera  Cruz  was  for  a  short  time  made  the  place  of  distribution. 

37  Consisting  of  an  administrador,  a  contador,  a  fiscal,  a  notary,  and  three 
subaltern  officials.  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  i.  38,  39.  See  also  Eonseca  and 
Urrutia,  Real  Hac.,  i.  297-387;  Galrez,  In  forme,  74-77.  For  other  laws  rela- 
tive to  this  department  see  Reeop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  5G9  et  seq. ;  Providencias  sobre 
Azogues,  MS.,  1-44,  passim;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  205-7.  A  royal  c^dula 
of  1709  made  the  office  of  the  administrador  independent  of  the  viceroy.  Beaks 
Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  32.  The  revenue  of  the  tribunal  is  considered  in  the  chapter 
on  finance. 

38  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  i.  38-9,  speaks  only  of  about  5,000  quintals  for 
the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  century,  but  he  is  evidently  mistaken.  In  some 
years  it  was  only  about  10,000  quintals.  The  total  yearly  consumption  of  the 
Spanish  colonies  in  America  amounted  to  25,000  quintals,  while  the  total  pro- 
duction of  the  European  quicksilver  mines  averaged  36,000  quintals.  Hum- 
boldt, Essai  Pol,  ii.  572-5. 

39  Only  in  urgent  cases  the  second  Count  Revilla  Gigedo  made  importations 
from  China,  and  suggested  to  his  successor  the  convenience  of  promoting  this 
trade.  Inst  rue,  250-1.  Although  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  575,  asserts  that 
the  project  was  dropped,  the  later  viceroy  Azanza  resumed  it.  During  a  pre- 
vailing scarcity  he  made  contracts  with  private  persons  and  took  steps  to  bring 
the  commodity  from  China,  Habana,  Jamaica,  and  Peru.  Azanza,  Instruc., 
MS.,  122-6.  See  also  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.,  torn.  i.  244, 
427;  Eobles,  Diario,  i.  1  et  seq. 

i0Eecop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  308-9;  Monlemayor,  Svmarios,  205-7.  Miners  were 
entitled  to  six  months'  credit,  Bdena,  Becop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  107,  but  could  not  ob- 
tain a  second  supply  until  the  first  had  been  paid  for. 

41  In  1750  the  price  was  fixed  at  882,  in  1767  at  862.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol, 
ii.  573-4.     Montemayor,  Svmarios,  20G,  says  that  as  early  as  1617  the  price 


5S4  MINES  AND  MINING. 

tions  were  made  to  foster  the  development  of  certain 
mines.  This  liberality  of  the  crown  was  somewhat 
counteracted  by  limiting  the  distribution  in  Mexico, 
and  also  by  the  tribunal  officials  in  granting  prefer- 
ences and  more  substantial  favors  to  those  who  paid 
for  them. 

The  government  monopoly  extended  over  the  quick- 
silver mines  of  New  Spain.  In  1G09  a  law  was  issued, 
promising  rewards  to  discoverers  of  such  deposits,  but 
when  found  they  were  not  allowed  to  be  worked42  lest 
they  should  affect  the  interests  of  the  crown.  This 
fostered  a  belief  that  no  cinnabar  existed  in  New 
Spain,  while  in  reality  it  was  most  abundant,  especially 
between  latitudes  19°  and  22°. 43  In  the  beginning  of 
the  eighteenth  century  fresh  discoveries  in  Zacatecas 
and  near  Cuernavaca44  roused  such  clamor  against  the 
existing  restrictions  that  finally  a  commission  was  sent 
from  Spain  in  1778  to  investigate  the  prospects  for 
working  the  vein.  The  result  proved  a  failure.  After 
expending  about  100,000  pesos  it  was  declared  to  be 
unprofitable  to  the  crown;  yet  certain  private  persons 
duly  authorized  continued  to  work  mines  with  vary- 
ing success.45 

It  is  not  my  purpose  in  the  present  chapter  to 
enter  fully  into  the  geological  features  of  New  Spain, 
but  merely  to  present  a  brief  outline  for  the  better 
understanding  of  the  subject.     It  is  astonishing  how 

was  reduced  to  60  ducats  a  quintal.  In  the  I?ecop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  577,  the  same 
fact  is  recorded  for  1G79.  See  also  Revilla  Ghjedo,  Instruc,  248-9;  Bclena, 
Rtcop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  107;  Fabri,  Segunda  Demostraciun,  MS.,  I  et  seq. 

4-2  The  first  discovery  in  Michoacan  occurred  under  the  rule  of  viceroy  Sal- 
vatierra,  who  granted  the  right  of  their  exploitation  for  the  term  of  10  years 
to  Alcalde  Luis  de  Berrio.  When  assayed  the  ores  yielded  10  ounces  per 
quintal.   On /jo,  Uhirio,  84-5,  499. 

43  And  in  the  intendencias  of  Guanajuato  and  Mexico,  at  San  Juan  de  la 
Chica,  San  Felipe,  Rincon  del  Centeno,  Durasno,  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los 
Dolores.  Humboldt,  Essai  P<>1.,  ii.  583-5. 

"The  exploitation  was  suspended  by  cedulas  of  July  5,  1718,  and  Nov. 
24,  1730.  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  35-9;  Fomeca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Heal  Ha- 
cienda, i.  324-5. 

40  In  the  beginning  of  this  century,  during  the  war  between  Spain  and 
France,  a  temporary  activity  set  in. 


GEOLOGIC  FEATURES.  585 

little  attention  has  been  given  to  this  science  in  a 
country  whose  interests  are  intimately  connected  with 
it.  The  more  progressive  spirit  of  the  republicans  has 
been  so  shackled  by  the  unsettled  condition  of  affairs, 
as  greatly  to  retard  exploration,  and  while  certain 
districts  have  been  the  object  of  diligent  investigations 
only  too  many  remained  unnoticed. 

Proceeding  from  the  sandy  coast  at  Vera  Cruz  into 
the  interior,  it  is  not  till  one  ascends  the  tierra  tem- 
plada  that  porphyries  and  limestone  are  encountered. 
Above  these,  volcanic  rocks  and  lava  extend  over  many 
parts  of  the  plateau,  intermingled  with  porphyries  and 
pebbles  under  a  layer  of  hardened  clay.  On  the 
Pacific  coast  from  Tehuantepec  to  Acapulco  granitic 
rock  prevails,  but  from  the  latter  place  toward  Mexico 
porphyries  again  take  their  place,  mixed  with  heavy 
formations  of  limestone  similar  to  those  on  the  eastern 
slope.  In  the  volcanic  region,  almost  in  a  direct  line 
from  east  to  west  along  the  nineteenth  parallel,  lava 
and  porous  amygclaloids  are  most  frequent,  but  beyond 
Queretaro  they  give  way  to  porphyries.  The  latter 
indeed  abound  in  the  whole  country,  especially  in  the 
northern  regions,  yet  south  of  Durango  numerous 
veins  of  trachytic  rock  are  found  crossed  in  an  east- 
erly direction  by  beds  of  lava..  On.  the  eastern  slope 
of  the  Sierra  Madre,  in  Durango,  the  porphyries 
sometimes  overlap  extensive  beds  of  veryfine  gritstone, 
and  exhibit  greater  softness  than  those  south  of  the 
capital,  with  a  large  admixture  of  mica.  Quartz  is 
the  most  common  of  gangues,  and  its  outcrops  in  the 
plateau   serve  frequently  as   a  guide   to  prospectors. 

The  general  direction  of  metallic  veins  is  from  the 
north-west  to  the  south-east,  and  this  being  especially 
the  case  with  the  richer  kind  it  is  always  taken  into 
consideration  on  filing  a  claim.  The  average  breadth 
of  the  vein  is  six  feet,  except  on  the  Veta  Grande  of 
Zacatecas,  where  it  is  from  thirty  to  thirty-five  feet, 
the  maximum  being  even  seventy-five  feet.  In  some 
districts,  as  in  Sonora  and   Chihuahua,  the   ore   lies 


586  MINES  AND  MINING. 

near  the  surface,  but  generally  this  is  not  the  case,  a 
circumstance  which  in  colonial  times,  with  the  pre- 
vailing backwardness  of  drainage  and  other  operations, 
impeded  the  search  for  deeper-lying  zones  in  the  veins. 
There  are  essentially  two  forms  under  which  argen- 
tiferous ores  occur.  Near  the  surface,  where  exposed 
to  external  influence,  the  metallic  substances  are  gen- 
erally in  the  form  of  oxides,  or  combined  with  iron, 
chlorine,  or  bromine,  and  receive  from  their  reddish 
color  the  name  colorados.  Those  at  greater  depth 
have  usually  retained  the  condition  of  all  primitive 
sulphuric  bases,  and  are  found  in  connection  with 
pyrites,  galena,  or  blende.  The  latter  two  predomi- 
nate, and  a  dark  color  results  which  has  given  rise 
to  their  designation  of  black  ores,  or  negros.  They 
give  the  greatest  part  of  all  the  silver  produced  in  the 
country.  The  average  richness  of  the  ores  has  been 
frequently  overrated,  and  the  occurrence  of  enormous 
blocks  of  native  silver  considered  as  frequent,40  while 
in  reality  they  are  very  rare,  and  never  larger  than 
those  found  in  European  mines.  The  average  yield 
is  from  three  to  four  ounces  of  silver  to  the  quintal 
of  ore,  and  the  enormous  returns  of  New  Spain  are 
due  rather  to  the  great  abundance  of  the  ore.47  Gold 
is  obtained  chiefly  from  places  in  Sonora  and  the 
northern  regions.  In  Oajaca  it  also  occurs  in  rocks, 
but  the  exploitation  has  not  proved  very  profitable. 
Elsewhere  it  is  rarely  found  except  in  connection  with 
argentiferous  ores,  in  some  instances  in  the  proportion 
of  about  two  ounces  to  the  quintal. 

Although  mining  was  chiefly  confined  to  silver, 
gold,  and  cinnabar  ores,  the  country  by  no  means 
lacked  other  metals.     Iron  existed  at  Colima,  in  Oa- 

*60ch,  Reise,  in  Murr's  Nachrichten,  2,36-7,  makes  the  assertion  that  in 
Mexico  the  ore  nearly  always  gives  one  half  or  one  third  of  its  weight  in  pure 
silver,  and  that  near  his  mission  in  Arizona  blocks  of  native  silver,  from  200 
to  900  lbs.  in  weight,  were  found  on  the  surface  after  lying  neglected  for 
centuries. 

47  Humboldt,  Essal  Pol.,  ii.  514-15,  gives  some  interesting  comparisons 
with  European  ores. 


QUARRIES  AND  SALINES.  587 

jaca,  Zacatecas,  Jalisco,  and  other  districts,  and  was 
worked  for  some  time,  but  only  to  a  limited  extent.48 
Still  worse  fared  it  with  copper  which  abounded  in 
Michoacan.  Mines  were  leased  at  a  low  price  in  1657 
and  attempts  were  made  by  several  viceroys  to  work 
them,  but  they  were  invariably  abandoned  after  a  brief 
trial.49  The  great  abundance  of  precious  metals  seems 
to  have  excluded  the  others;50  all  mining  except  for 
the  precious  metals  was  as  a  rule  limited  to  local  de- 
mand, and  only  in  the  nineteenth  century  has  more 
attention  been  given  to  others,  as  will  be  shown  in  a 
later  volume. 

More  prominent  were  the  quarries  of  tetzontli,  the 
porous  amygdaloid  found  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mex- 
ico and  so  frequently  used  for  its  buildings.  Salines 
were  extensively  worked  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  chiefly  in  Jalisco,  Penon  Blanco  in  San  Luis 
Potosi,  Colima,  and  Oajaca.  As  the  produce  was  re- 
quired not  only  for  domestic  purposes  but  for  the 
amalgamation  process,  minute  regulations  appeared 
as  early  as  August  23,  1580,51  concerning  their  man- 
agement, and  in  later  years  they  were  temporarily 
reserved  for  the  crown.  The  process  of  extraction 
consisted  merely  in  distributing  the  salt  water  into 
shallow  pools  to  be  evaporated.  Rock  salt  was  not 
known. 

From  the  frequent  allusions  of  the  early  chroniclers 
an  abundance  of  precious  stones  might  be  supposed 
to  exist  in  New  Spain,  and  in  1541  petitions  were  in 
fact  directed  to  the  king,  soliciting  permission  to  work 
deposits  of  sapphires,  rubies,  and  turquoises  in  Oajaca. 
Nothing  came  of  it,  however,  evidently  because  the 

48  Chiefly  because  Biscayaniron  could  be  introduced  at  a  lower  price.  Vet- 
ancvrt,  Teatro,  '21. 

49  The  crown  had  forbidden  their  alienation  and  included  the  produce  in 
the  list  of  monopolies.  Revilla  Ghjedo,  Instruc,  321. 

50  Lead  was  found  in  Nuevo  Leon  and  Nuevo  Santander,  tin  as  wood-tin  in 
Guanajuato,  Zacatecas,  and  Taxco,  the  last  two  districts  yielding  also  some 
zinc.  About  the  use  made  of  these  metals  before  the  conquest  see  my  Native 
Races. 

51  Jfontemayor,  Svmarios,  pt.  iii.  55-8. 


5S8  MINES  AND  MINING. 

beds  proved  to  be  fictitious.  A  number  of  simple 
stones,  considered  as  precious  by  the  Aztecs,  enjoyed 
the  same  estimation  among  the  conquerors  until  the 
fallacy  became  known,  and  since  then  nothing  more 
has  been  heard  of  the  supposed  emeralds,  rubies,  and 
sapphires. 

The  mining  region  of  New  Spain  covered  in  1800 
about  12,225  square  leagues,  including  the  northern 
provinces,  and  was  divided  into  thirty-seven  depart- 
ments or  diputaciones  de  mineria,  with  about  five 
hundred  subdivisions  or  reales  de  minas,  comprising 
approximately  three  thousand  mines/'2 

Taking  as  a  guide  the  product  of  the  different 
mines,  those  of  Guanajuato,  Catorce,  in  San  Luis  Po- 
tosi,  and  Zacatecas,  rank  as  the  most  prominent,53  all 
of  them  situated  between  latitude  21°  and  24°.  The 
first  had  been  discovered  in  the  middle  of  the  six- 
teenth century  by  muleteers  trafficking  between  Zaca- 
tecas and  Mexico,  and  the  principal  vein  was  struck 
in  the  shafts  of  Mellado  and  Ray  as  in  1558/;4  The 
latter  mine  and  the  Valenciana  take  the  lead  in  the 
district  of  Guanajato,  where  the  yield,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  century,  formed  about  one  seventh  of  the 
total  for  all  America.  Official  returns  place  the  ag- 
gregate product  from  1701  till  1809  at  37,290,617 
marks  of  silver,  and  88,184  marks  of  gold,  estimated  at 

52  This  is  from  official  sources.  Ward,  Mex.,  ii.  53,  estimates  the  number 
of  mines  at  from  three  to  five  thousand.  Humboldt,  Ettsou  Pol.,  ii.  487-92, 
gives  the  names  of  the  diputaciones  and  reales,  classified  according  to  the  in- 
tendencias.  A  list  of  all  the  mines  of  New  Spain  and  the  minerals  they  pro- 
duced, together  with  a  mineralogical  description,  is  also  given  in  Kartien, 
Tobias  Mineralogicas,  1  et  seq.,  a  Spanish  translation  by  the  learned  miner- 
alogist Antonio  del  Bio,  with  notes  by  Humboldt.  Another  list  of  reales  do 
minas  arranged  according  to  bishoprics  is  given  in  Pane*,  Vireyes,  MS.,  112; 
Gaz.  2 lex.,  1728,  93-G. 

68  Next  in  order  follow  those  of  Keal  del  Monte  in  Mexico,  Bolanos  in 
Guadalajara,  El  Kosario  in  Sonora,  Sombrcrete  in  Zacatecas,  Taxco  in  Mexico, 
Batopilas  in  Durango,  Zimapan  in  Mexico,  Fresnillo  in  Zacatecas,  Ramos  in 
San  Luis  Potosi,  and  last,  1'arral  in  Durango.    Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  498. 

0i  Jacob,  Hist.  Enquiry,  ii.  123,  places  erroneously  the  opening  of  the  Guana- 
juato mines  in  ](5.'>0.  For  a  geological  description  of  the  districts,  see  Hum* 
holdt,  E88ai  Pol.,  ii.  f)20-G,  where  also  are  given  comparisons  with  mines  of 
Europe.  Burkart,  lieisen,  i.  S2G  et  scq. 


RICH  DISTRICTS.  580 

$318, 935, 554. 55  One  single  mine,  the  Valenciana, 
yielded  in  less  than  five  years  about  $14,000,000,  and 
in  1791  as  much  silver  as  all  the  mines  of  Peru. 
Although  open  since  the  sixteenth  century  the  work 
had  been  unprofitable  till  1768,  when  the  owners, 
Obregon,  later  conde  de  Valenciana,  and  Otero,  struck 
a  rich  vein,  which  after  1771  gave  at  times  as  much 
as  $2,500,000  per  annum.56  During  twenty  years  the 
ores  averaged  five  ounces  of  silver  to  the  quintal. 

In  San  Luis  Potosi,  the  veins  in  the  district  of 
Catorce,57  discovered  in  1773,  and  worked  with  suc- 
cess since  1778,  eclipsed  all  others,  which  in  that 
region  had  acquired  fame  during  the  preceding  two 
centuries.  One  mine  alone,  belonging  to  a  priest 
named  Flores,  yielded,  during  the  first  year,  1,600,- 
000  pesos.  The  product  of  the  whole  district,  from 
1778  till  1810,  was  estimated  at  4,000,000  pesos 
yearly;  and  that  of  the  entire  intendencia  San  Luis 
de  Potosi,  from  1556  till  1789,  at  92,736,294  marks  of 
silver,  representing  788,258,212  pesos.  Next  in  im- 
portance to  the  mines  of  Catorce,  were  those  in  the 
districts  of  Bolafios  and  Ramos,58  which  in  some 
years  also  yielded  enormously,  and  gave  weight  to  the 
general  belief  that  they  were  inexhaustible. 

A  similar  view  prevailed  concerning  the  third 
prominent  mining  region,  that  of  Zaeatecas,  which, 

55  Yield  from  March  4,  1671,  to  August  9,  1673,  142,952  marks  of  silver. 
Mancera,  Instruc.  Vireyes,  292-3.  From  1766  till  1803,  43,030  marks  of  gold 
and  18,723,537  of  silver,  worth  $165,002,145.  Humboldt,  JSssaiPoL,  ii.  505, 
519.  From  1766  till  1808,  gold  53,881  marks,  and  silver  22,631,980  marks. 
Burkart,  Reisen,  i.  360.  Ward  gives  the  yield  from  1796  till  1810  at  8,852,- 
272  marks  silver  and  27,810  marks  gold,  which  he  chooses  to  value  at  $79,- 
02S,017. 

56  Total  yield  from  1788  till  1808,  $29,558,807,  netting  $11,986,312.  Ward, 
Ilex.,  ii.  140.  This  differs  somewhat  from  the  figures  of  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej., 
i.  app.  23-4,  which  give  the  total  net  profit  from  1788  till  1797  at  $7,949,923. 
Humboldt,  lib.  cit.  528-533,  makes  some  interesting  observations  on  the  pro- 
duce and  working  expenses  of  the  Valenciana  and  rich  European  mines. 

57  For  geologic  and  general  description,  see  Burkart,  Reisen,  ii.  107  et  seq. ; 
Ward,  Alex.,  ii.  464-518.  Concerning  the  origin  of  the  name  Catorce,  there 
are  two  versions,  one  by  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  22,  who  applies  it  as  the  place 
of  refuge  for  14 outlaws;  the  other,  by  Iturribarria,  in Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin, 
viii.  307,  who  attributes  it  to  the  murder  of  14  soldiers. 

58 Ward,  Mex.,  ii.  139,  gives  statistics  which  show  the  product  of  the 
Bolanos  mines,  from  1752  till  1780,  to  have  been  3,702,269  marks  silver, 


590  MINES  AND  MINING. 

.since  its  discovery  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, had  always  offered  a  vast  field  to  enterprising 
persons.59  That  it  was  not  unfounded  becomes  evi- 
dent from  the  estimated  production  for  one  hundred 
and  eighty  years,  till  1732,  which  is  placed  at  $832,- 
232,880.  After  this  period  the  yield  increased,  and  in 
1808  Zacatecas  furnished  nearly  as  much  silver  as  Gua- 
najuato.00 The  principal  vein,  the  Veta  Grande,  gave 
in  eighteen  years,  from  1790  till  1808,  1,293,403  marks 
of  silver,  valued  at  $11,317,792.G1  The  exploitation  of 
mines  in  the  district  of  Sombrerete  was  for  a  time 
equally  successful,  the  celebrated  Veta  Negra  there 
having  produced  within  six  months  more  than  700,000 
marks  of  silver,  and  about  four  million  pesos  of  net 
profits.  To  this  period  probably  belongs  the  story 
that  a  rich  miner  of  Zacatecas  on  the  occasion  of  his 
daughter's  wedding  had  the  streets  paved  with  bricks 
of  silver,  from  his  house  to  the  church.62 

In  the  northern  provinces  of  Durango,  Sonora, 
Sinaloa,  and  Chihuahua,  though  most  of  them  were 
supposed  to  be  equal  if  not  superior  in  mineral  wealth 
to  the  other  districts,  mining  wTas  conducted  on  a 
smaller  scale.63     The  reasons  must  be  attributed  to 

worth  $30,543,720.  During  the  preceding  period,  from  1G4G  to  1752,  the  an- 
nual yield  has  been  estimated  at  from  three  and  a  half  to  four  million  pesos. 
The  ores  of  the  Ramos  mines  gave  after  1798  frequently  14  ounces  silver  to 
the  quintal.  Burharl,  Reisen,  ii.  121. 

59  The  geological  feature  of  Zacatecas  is  described  in  full  by  Berghes, 
Description  de  la  Serrania  de  Zacatecas,  1-39.  See  also  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol., 
ii.  534-6,  where  some  peculiarities  of  that  region,  as  compared  with  others, 
are  minutely  given;  Laet,  Novvs  Orbis,  288;  Ward,  Mex.,  ii.  519-48,  012-18. 

60  In  1728  the  aggregate  product  amounted  to  $1,800,000,  or  one  fifth  of 
all  the  silver  then  coined.  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  100-1.  Humboldt  esti- 
mated in  1803  the  average  yield  at  402,000  marks  silver.  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  535. 
Arlegui,  Hist.  Chron.  Zac,  74,  makes  the  startling  assertion  that  the  Pabellon 
mine  gave  during  five  years,  $20,000  daily. 

61  The  product  from  1795  till  1808  is  given  by  Burkhart,  Iieisen,  ii.  74,  at 
1,072,056  marks  silver.  Ward,  Mex.,  ii.  44,  for  the  same  period,  makes  it 
1,140,393  marks. 

^Santos  Chronologin,  ii.  464.  The  same  author  adds  that  some  time  after 
the  miner  died  in  poverty. 

03  In  the  mines  of  Batopilas  in  Durango  pieces  of  pure  silver  400  pounds 
in  weight  were  found  on  several  occasions.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  509. 
The  mines  of  Sinaloa  were  not  discovered  till  1753.  Castro,  Diario,  in  Doc. 
J  list.  Mex.,  s6rie  i.  torn.  iv.  101-2.  In  the  beginning  of  this  century  the 
entiie  yield  of  gold  in  Sonora  was  estimated  by  Humboldt  at  7,000  marks. 
The  same  author  refutes  the  supposition  that  platina  existed  in  that  province; 


RESCATADORES.  591 

the  small  population,  the  frequent  raids  of  wild  tribes, 
and  the  difficulty  of  exchanging  the  bullion  for  coined 
silver.  The  latter  could  be  effected  only  at  the  mint 
of  Mexico,  a  circumstance  which  proved  to  be  a  se- 
rious encumbrance  on  mining  operations  even  in  the 
less  remote  intendencias  of  San  Luis  Potosi  and  Zaca- 
tecas,  particularly  to  miners  with  small  capital. 

This  difficulty  gave  rise  to  the  business  of  middle- 
men, or  of  rescatadores,  as  they  were  called.64  They 
or  their  agents  would  purchase  the  ore,  extract  the 
metal  at  their  own  expense,  and  exchange  it  in  Mex- 
ico for  coin.  The  miner,  receiving  immediate  cash 
returns  for  his  ores,  was  enabled  to  continue  the  out- 
put; and  although  the  accommodation  was  obtained 
at  considerable  sacrifice,  a  great  difficulty  was  removed. 
In  the  southern  regions  rescatadores  were  less  numer- 
ous, for  the  miners  there  enjoyed  greater  facilities  in 
being  nearer  to  the  capital. 

The  principal  districts  in  the  neighborhood  of  Mex- 
ico were  Taxco  and  Pachuca,  and  Tlalpujagua  in 
Michoacan.  Since  the  days  of  the  conquest  Spaniards 
had  worked  the  veins  of  Taxco,  and  Cortes  constructed 
there  a  gallery,  El  Socabon  del  Key,  of  sufficient  di- 
mensions to  be  entered  on  horseback  for  a  distance  of 
about  three  hundred  feet.  This  district  reached  the 
height  of  its  prosperity  between  1752  and  1762,  after 
which  it  declined  so  rapidly  that  at  the  end  of  the 
century  the  yield,  together  with  that  of  the  mines  of 
Tehuilotepec  and  others,  barely  amounted  to  60,000 
marks  of  silver.  A  similar  fate  was  encountered  by 
the  mines  of  Pachuca,  including  Real  del  Monte,  Ato- 
tonilco,  and  Moran,  as  the  most  important.  The  first, 
also  called  from  the  richest  vein  the  Vizcaina,  was 
worked  with  fair  success  from  the  sixteenth  till  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century,  when  the  diffi- 
culties of  drainage  led  to  its  abandonment.    Work  was 


load,  however,  is  found  with  argentiferous  ores  in  the  veins  of  Cosala.  Essai 
Pol,  ii.  503-8.    The  subject  will  be  treated  in  my  Hist.  North  Mex.  States. 
64  Meaning  literally  traders. 


592  MINES  AND  MINING. 

however  resumed  near  Moran  by  Bustamante  and  Ter- 
feros,  and  with  many  difficulties  concluded  in  1762  by 
the  latter.  The  result  was  a  great  success,  one  vein 
alone  covering  all  the  expenses,  whilst  others  were  so 
productive  that  within  fourteen  years  a  net  profit  of 
about  five  million  pesos  had  been  derived  by  Terreros 
who  afterward  figured  as  Conde  de  Begla.65  Work 
w7as  conducted  with  alternating  success  till  180 1,66 
when  it  declined  under  the  increasing  expenditure, 
and  never  resumed  its  former  dimensions. 

It  has  been  stated  that  soon  after  the  fall  of  Mex- 
ico Spaniards  engaged  in  mining  speculations  in  Mi- 
choacan.  The  attraction  centred  after  1562  at  Tlal- 
pujagua,  and  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century  the  result  proved  satisfactory.  Work  wTas 
then  suspended  till  1743,  when  again  a  brief  period 
of  successful  development  began,  yielding,  within  eight 
years,  about  ten  million  pesos.  The  excessive  cost  of 
drainage  then  caused  the  mines  to  be  abandoned.67 

Thus  we  see  that  the  greatest  development  of  min- 
ing took  place  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  when  certain  important  discoveries  gave  fresh 
impulse  to  this  industry,  fostered  at  the  same  time  by 
a  beneficial  policy.  Miners  then  awoke  to  the  neces- 
sity of  organizing  for  mutual  aid,  notably  by  framing 
a  new  code  of  laws  with  which  to  replace  the  cumbrous 
and  faulty  regulations  in  force.  Consequently,  in  Feb- 
ruary 1774,  a  petition  was  directed  to  the  king,  for 
constituting  as  the  Cuerpo  de  la  Mineria  de  Nueva 
Espana,  a  corporation  which  was  to  embrace  all  own- 

65  He  presented  king  Carlos  III.  with  two  war  vessels,  one  of  them  carry- 
ing 112  guns,  and  made  also  a  loan  to  the  crown  of  1,000,000  pesos,  which  it 
seems  was  never  repaid.  He  acquired  immense  territorities,  and  left  at  his 
death  to  descendants  a  fortune  equalled  only  by  that  of  Conde  de  Valenciana. 
Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  540-1,  514,  538-43.  For  details  about  the  Vizcaina 
mine  the  reader  is  referred  to  Castelazo,  Manifestation  de. .  .la  Veta  Vizcaina, 
1-G3;  La8sdga,  Representation,  lOetseq. ;  Burkart,  Reisen,  i.  127-32. 

66  From  1794  till  1801  the  yield  still  amounted  to  $0,000,000.  Ward's  Max., 
ii.  21;  Burkart,  Reisen,  i.  130-1;  but  Humboldt  asserts  that  this  was  not 
sufficient  to  cover  the  expenses.  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  541. 

67  Full  particulars  about  this  district  are  given  in  Burkart,  Reisen,  i.  73-97. 


CUEEPO  DE  LA  MINERIA.  593 

ers  of  mines  in  New  Spain.63  Similar  plans  having 
already  been  entertained  by  the  government,  the  re- 
quest was  granted  by  royal  cedula  of  July  1,  1776. 
In  the  following  year,  the  4th  of  May,60  the  formal 
installation  took  place  under  the  above  given  name, 
and  steps  were  taken  for  the  establishment  of  the 
tribunal  de  mineria  simultaneously  created,  which  had 
also  legal  jurisdiction  in  mining  cases.70  To  defray 
expenses  one  real  was  levied  for  every  mark  of  silver 
coined,  an  impost  formerly  collected  under  the  name 
of  derecho  de  senoreage,  and  now  donated  by  the  king. 
It  served  to  defray  the  salaries  of  the  officials,71  and 
the  expenses  of  the  mining  college,  any  surplus  being 
employed  to  pay  the  interest  of  capital  taken  up  by  the 
tribunals  for  subventions,  or  avios,12  to  needy  miners. 
The  labors  of  the  tribunal  in  the  latter  respect 
proved  of  great  benefit,  and  gave  a  new  impulse  to 

6sThe  petition  was  made  on  the  25th  of  February  by  Juan  Lucas  de  Las- 
saga  and  Joaquin  Velasquez  de  Leon,  as  attorneys  for  the  miners.  The  full 
text  is  given  in  Lassdga,  Representation,  Mexico,  1774,  1-98,  with  notes  by 
the  two  representatives,  and  an  appendix  containing  the  letter  to  the  king,  and 
one  to  Viceroy  Bucareli,  requesting  his  protection  for  the  petition.  The  lat- 
ter gives  a  brief  account  of  the  mining  history  of  New  Spain  since  the  con- 
quest, attributing  as  reasons  why  development  had  not  been  greater,  a  lack 
of  knowledge  and  insufficient  financial  encouragement.  Hence  the  necessity 
of  organizing  a  corporation  with  a  tribunal,  competent  to  control  the  mining 
interests  and  protect  them  if  necessary.  In  order  to  obtain  the  necessary 
funds  for  supporting  the  tribunal  and  a  college,  and  to  pay  the  interest  of 
money,  loaned  to  foster  the  development  of  mines,  a  remission  of  taxes  was 
suggested. 

ba Beleua,  JRecop.,  ii.  213;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iv.  314.  Alaman  says 
erroneously,  May  4,  1774.  Hist.  Mcj.,  i.  CO-1. 

70It  consisted  of  an  administrator  general,  who  was  president  of  the  board, 
a  director  general,  and  two  or  three  general  deputies  elected  by  miners.  Orde- 
nanzas  de  Mineria,  7.  Changes  took  place  by  the  time  of  Humboldt's  visit, 
and  he  speaks  of  a  staff  of  one  director,  two  deputies,  one  assessor,  two  con- 
sultores,  and  one  judge,  the  chief  of  the  juzgado  de  alzadas  de  mineria.  Essai 
Pol.,  ii.  596.  The  first  administrator  and  director-general  wei'e  appointed 
for  life,  but  their  successors  were  to  be  elected  every  three  years  by  deputies 
from  the  various  reales  de  minas.  Of  the  latter  only  those  forming  a  regular 
settlement  with  church  and  a  curate  had  a  vote,  but  to  prominent  districts 
more  were  given.  Thus  Guanajuato  had  six  votes,  Zacatecas  four,  San  Luis 
Potosi,  Pachuca,  and  Real  del  Monte  three  each;  in,  general,  reales  with  the 
title  of  city  had  three,  and  villas  two  votes.  For  more  details  about  organ- 
ization of  the  tribunal  see  the  Ordenanzas. 

71Revilla  Gigedo  says  the  salaries  of  the  tribunal  were  about  $39,000,  In- 
struc,  119,  while  they  really  amounted  to  $25,000. 

72  The  system  had  been  introduced  years  before;  it  was  a  contract  between 
the  owner  of  a  mine  and  one  or  several  wealthy  persons,  who  furnished  the 
avio,  or  funds  nccessa^  for  exploitation,  and  received  in  compensation  a 
Hiar.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    38 


594  MINES  AND  MINING. 

exploration  of  mineral  districts.  In  later  years  this 
1  (ranch,  which  might  be  called  a  mining  bank,  met 
with  reverses,73  and  the  college,  which  depended  upon 
it,  could  be  maintained  only  with  great  sacrifices,  the 
expenses  amounting  annually  to  about  thirty  thou- 
sand pesos.  The  Real  Seminario  dc  Mineria,  as  it 
was  proudly  called,  indeed  never  fulfilled  its  object, 
although  for  some  time  it  was  under  the  management  of 
able  directors  and  teachers,74  for  it  had  been  founded 
on  a  plan  too  vast  and  elaborate  to  be  practicable.75 

The  greatest  achievement  of  the  tribunal  was  the 
compilation  of  the  celebrated  Ordenanzas  de  Mineria, 
which,  translated  into  several  languages  and  widely 
commented  upon,,  have  formed  the  first  complete  code 
of  colonial  mining  laws.  For  two  hundred  and  fifty 
years,  since  Cortes  planted  the  banner  of  Castile  on 
the  ruins  of  Tenochtitlan  till  about  1770,  the  legisla- 
tion of  the  mining  industry  had  been  ruled  by  a  mix- 
ture of  decrees  and  ordinances76which  had  gradually  be- 
come inapplicable.  Therefore  when  the  mining  tribunal 
was  created,  orders  came  that  it  should  frame  a  new 
code,  a  work  completed  in  1779.     In  August  of  that 

share  of  the  yield.  This  was  called  to  habilitar  a  mine.  Lassaga,  i?epres.,  18 
et  seq. ,  gives  the  basis  on  which  the  avios  were  made. 

73  The  crown  obliged  the  tribunal  on  one  occasion  to  make  a  donation  of 
about  $500,000,  and  soon  afterward  a  loan  of  about  £4,000,000,  the  repayment 
of  which  met  with  great  difficulties.  Alaman  speaks  also  of  bad  manage- 
ment of  the  funds  and  the  consequent  failure,  with  liabilities  amounting  to 
$4,000,000.  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  63.  Ward,  Mcx.,  ii.  50,  says  the  forced  loan  to 
the  king  was  $3,000,000.  Revilla  Gigedo  mentions  two  loans  of  $1,000,000 
each.  Instrucc,  119-20.  The  revenue  of  the  tribunal  in  about  1792  was  esti- 
mated at  $100,000. 

71  Alaman  mentions  among  them  Fausto  de  Elhuyar  and  Andrds  de  Rio, 
both  men  whose  names  have  acquired  a  well  founded  reputation  as  able  min- 
eralogists. II int.  Mej.,  i.  03.  The  creation  of  the  college  had  been  ratified  by 
royal  cedula  of  May  22,  1783.   Iklena,  liccojx,  ii.  284,  292. 

75  Its  imperfection  is  well  illustrated  by  the  statement  of  two  prominent 
travellers,  that  the  collection  of  ores  though  comprising  numerous  and  valua- 
ble specimens  from  Europe,  was  extremely  deficient  in  Mexican  minerals. 
Instruction  was  given  gratuitously  to  twenty-five  pupils,  either  of  Spanish 
blood  or  noble  Indians;  descendants  of  miners  being  preferred.  There  were 
also  a  number  of  paying  pupils.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  50G;  Bufhirt, 
J!<  teen,  i.  265-6. 

7GThe  original  base  was  the  laws  in  force  in  Espaiiola  enlarged  by  a  num- 
ber of  decrees,  usually  bearing  on  some  special  subject,  and  occasionally 
reformed  by  local  regulations.  Of  the  latter  the  iirst  issued  were  those  of 
Mexico  City,  of  July  31,  1527.  Libro  de  Cabildo,  MS.,  197-9. 


THE  MINING  TRIBUNAL.  595 

vear  it  was  sent  to  the  court,  and  approved  by  royal 
cedulaof  May  22,  1783.77 

A  prominent  new  feature  therein  was  the  change 
of  jurisdiction  in  mining  cases.  Hitherto  with  few 
exceptions  miners  had  been  tried  in  the  usual  way,  by 
the  ordinary  courts;  now  the  mining  tribunal  was 
given  an  authority  which  finally  became  exclusive, 
and  which  it  exercised  in  the  districts  through  dipu- 
taciones.  Great  stress  was  laid  upon  the  require- 
ment for  the  judges  to  be  expert  miners/8  and  for 
conducting  the  trials  in  a  summary  way.79  Suits  for 
small  sums  could  only  be  carried  on  verbally,  and  in 
all  cases  the  respective  judges  had  to  attempt  the 
reconciliation  of  the  contending  parties.80 

The  former  regulations  for  taking  up  new  as  well 
as  abandoned  mines81  were  reformed,  and  the  rights 
of  previous  owners  received  greater  respect.  The 
discovery  of  new  veins  was  rewarded  by  a  greater  al- 
lotment of  ground.82  Foreigners  could  not  hold  pos- 
session of  mines  or  work  the  same,  unless  with  special 
permission  from  the  crown,  nor  were  the  clergy  and 

77  The  text  is  given  in  Belefio,  Becop.,  ii.  214-292;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult., 
iv.  314-344. 

78  The  administrador,  director,  and  deputies  of  the  tribunal  at  Mexico  were 
obliged  to  have  more  than  ten  years'  experience  as  practical  miners.  Orde- 
nanzas  de  Mineria,  6-7. 

79  A  similar  order  had  been  given  on  November  26,  1602,  'porque  no  se 
distraygan  (the  miners)  con  pleytos,  ni  hagan  largas  ausencias.'  Becop.  Ind., 
ii.  73. 

80  Appeals  only  aiming  at  delay  were  to  be  rejected.  Courts  of  appeal 
could  be  formed  in  the  mining  districts  of  the  highest  judicial  officer  assisted 
by  substitutes  for  deputies.  That  for  Mexico  was  composed  of  the  director- 
general  of  the  tribunal,  one  ex-member  of  that  body,  and  an  oidor.  Belena, 
Becop. ,  ii.  226-9.  A  few  years  later  the  tribunal  de  mineria  was  made  the 
court  of  appeal  for  all  new  Spain.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  96-8;  Be- 
tida  Gigedo,  Instrac,  120-1.  Other  instructions  for  the  proceeding  of  the 
tribunal  and  the  different  diputaciones  are  given  in  Ordenanzas  de  Mineria, 
31-61. 

81 A  law  of  June  18,  1629,  provided  that  the  abandonment  of  a  mine  for  a 
term  of  four  years  gave  any  one  a  right  to  claim  it  as  a  new  discovery.  The 
Spanish  term  for  filing  claims  to  a  mine  was  denunciar.  Montemayor,  Svma- 
rios,  204;  Becop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  69. 

82  Three  claims  were  to  be  granted,  but  none  could  exceed  200  varas  square. 
The  dimensions  varied  according  to  the  inclination  of  the  vein.  The  first 
labor,  to  sink  a  shaft  of  4  feet  in  diameter  and  30  in  depth,  had  to  be  done 
within  90  days  after  filing  the  claim.  The  details  of  the  ordinance  are  givea 
in  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iv.  324-9. 


59C  MINES  AND  MINING. 

religious  corporations  entitled  to  do  so.  In  view  of 
the  greater  efficiency  of  mining  corporations  as  com- 
pared with  individuals,  their  formation  was  fostered 
by  the  grant  of  exceptional  privileges,  but  withal  the 
interests  of  the  laborers  were  not  overlooked.  A 
number  of  regulations  set  forth  their  duties  and  their 
rights;  they  should  receive  equitable  pay  in  coin,  or 
in  goods  at  the  lowest  prices.  The  diputaciones  were 
instructed  to  protect  them  against  usury  or  imposi- 
tion and  see  to  it  that  their  food  be  of  good  quality. 
When  imprisoned  for  debt  the  laborer  could  demand 
permission  to  pay  off  his  obligation  by  working  under 
guard,  and  to  receive  a  share  of  his  wages  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  family.  The  prevailing  idea  in  the  new 
ordinances  was,  in  fact,  to  encourage  mining  opera- 
tions by  liberal  protection.  The  sharp  practice  of 
financial  agents  was  checked  by  limiting  the  rate  of 
interest  on  advances  to  five  per  cent.83  As  the  bank 
connected  with  the  tribunal  had  been  created  to  abol- 
ish abuses,  minute  instructions  were  issued  for  the 
management  of  its  funds.  The  establishment  of  the 
mining  college  not  being:  regarded  as  sufficient  to 
awaken  interest,  the  study  of  mineralogy  was  further 
stimulated  by  granting  its  students  honors  of  nobility, 
and  to  practical  miners  certain  other  privileges.84 

The  paternal  policy  so  characteristic  of  Spanish 
colonial  legislation  was  displayed  in  these  ordinances. 
Diputaciones  were  to  admonish  extravagant  miners, 
and  the  tribunal  at  Mexico  had  the  power  to  appoint 
guardians  for  them.  In  a  similar  manner  the  safety 
of  laborers  was  provided  for  by  instructions  how  to 
effect  the  ventilation  and  drainage  of  mines,  and  the 

83  Contracts  were  not  valid  unless  drawn  np  before  witnesses,  and  advances 
affected  only  the  mine  for  which  they  had  been  made,  not  any  other  property 
of  the  owner.   Ordenanzas  de  Mineria,  15G-1G8. 

**  Owners  of  mines  and  their  assistants  could  not  be  imprisoned  for  debt, 
but  the  latter,  when  indebted,  were  forbidden  to  leave  the  district  until  their 
master  had  paid  the  obligations  from  their  salary.  An  execution  on  private 
property  could  not  include  a  saddle-horse,  one  mule,  arms,  and  other  neces- 
sary effects.  To  old  or  poor  miners  and  their  descendants,  offices  should  be 
given  in  preference  to  other  persons.    Ordenanzas  de  Mineria,  20J-9. 


CRUDE  METHODS.  597 

labor  in  general.  Thus  for  the  first  time  a  check 
was  placed  on  the  random  system  of  working  mines 
hitherto  so  customary,  although  no  very  important 
innovations  appeared.  During  the  two  hundred  and 
fifty  years  since  the  first  mines  were  worked,  so  little 
progress  had  been  made  in  working  methods  that 
Europeans  expressed  surprise.  The  hoisting  appara- 
tus was  greatly  neglected,  and  instead  of  ladders  for 
the  shafts  a  series  of  beams  were  used  about  five  yards 
in  length,  placed  in  pairs  in  an  inclined  position  and 
provided  with  wedge-shaped  notches  to  serve  for  steps, 
ten  or  eleven  inches  apart.  On  this  primitive  contriv- 
ance the  carriers  would  climb  for  hourSj  loaded  with 
ore,  sometimes  three  hundred  pounds  in  weight.  But 
the  greatest  defect  was  the  manner  of  constructing  the 
pits  and  galleries,  which  seldom  or  never  connected, 
greatly  increased  the  cost  of  transportation,85  and  pre- 
vented ventilation.  Equally  deficient  w^ere  the  con- 
trivances for  draining  the  mines;  pumps  were  seldom 
or  never  used,86  the  water  beino:  brought  to  the  surface 
in  large  bags  of  hides  attached  to  the  ropes  of  a  wind- 
lass moved  by  horse-power.  Toward  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  several  German  miners  were  sent 
from  Spain  and  distributed  over  different  districts  to 
effect  improvements.  They  attempted  several  inno- 
vations, and  although  successful  in  some  parts  they 
failed  in  others,  chiefly  owing  to  the  prejudice  against 
them.  The  reports  concerning  their  utility  were  con- 
tradictory,87 and  after  a  few  years  they  returned  home. 
Besides  the  organization  of  the  cuerpo  de  mineria, 
the  reduction  in  the  prices  of  quicksilver,  the  greater 
liberty  granted  to    commerce,  and   the   discovery  of 

85  Humboldt  compares  them  with  ill-constructed  buildings,  wherein  an 
adjoining  room  could  be  reached  only  by  passing  round  the  whole  house. 
Essai  Pol. ,  ii.  550. 

86  Yet  in  the  time  of  Cortes  pumps  appear  to  have  been  used  at  Taxco. 
Alaman,  Exposition,  24. 

87  The  intendentes  of  Guanajuato,  Zacatecas,  and  Oajaca,  the  diputacion 
of  Taxco,  and  other  persons,  admitted  that  some  progress  had  been  made,  but 
the  diputaciones  of  Guanajuato,  Sombrerete,  and  several  other  places,  re- 
ported adversely.  Eevilla  Ghjedo,  Imtruc,  122-6.  The  expenses  attributed 
to  them  by  the  middle  of  June,  1793,  amounted  to  $403,209. 


59S 


MINES  AND  MINING. 


new  rich  mines,  gave  a  fresh  impulse  to  the  mining 
industry,  so  much  so  that  the  increase  in  production 
after  1778  amounted  to  more  than  twenty-five  per 
cent.S3  The  total  annual  yield  of  Mexico  in  gold  and 
silver  has  been  estimated  at  $1,500,000  for  the  epoch 
1521-48,  at  $2,000,000  from  1548  till  1G00,  and  at 
$3,000,000  for  the  following  nine  decades,  aggregating 
$414,500,000.  Since  that  time  the  statistics  of  the 
mint  of  Mexico  show  a  considerable  increase  of  the 
amount  yearly  coined ;  from  $5,285,581  produced  in 
1690,  it  advanced  with  slight  fluctuation  till  in  1805 
it  reached  the  maximum  of  $27,165,888.  In  the  fol- 
lowing years  it  declined  to  $21,886,500  for  1808,  the 
total  amount  till  then,  from  1690,  being  $1,496,832,- 
112.89  To  this  must  be  added  the  value  of  all  metal 
wrought  into  jewelry,  and  of  that  which  was  illegally 
exported  without  being  coined  or  taxed.  The  amount, 
frequently  overrated,  in  all  probability  did  not  exceed 
one  million  pesos  yearly;  and  adding  this,  the  average 


88  The  total  value  of  gold  and  silver  coined  in  Mexico  during  the  years 
1766  till  1778  amounted  to  $191,589,179,  against  $252,525,412  for  the  period 
1779-91.    Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  577. 

89  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  UlL,  i.  25-8,  followed  by  Alaman,  Hist.  Mrj.,  i. 
app.  13-17.  Their  statements  for  the  period  of  1690  to  1803  give  the  total 
coinage  of  gold  and  silver  at  $1,373,939,000,  whilst  Humboldt  places  it  at 
$1,353,452,020.  Essai  Pol,  ii.  578.  The  aggregate  yield  of  silver  from  1090 
till  1800,  was  of  149,350,721  marks,  whereas  the  annual  average  at  the  close 
of  the  eighteenth  century  was  7,000  marks  gold  and  2,500,000  marks  silver, 
worth  about  $22,000,000.  Id.,  576-9.  The  following  table  shows  the  produc- 
tion from  1690  till  1808,  by  decades: 


Amount  in  Pesos. 

Amount  in  Pesos. 

1690-99 

43,971,340 

1750-59 

130,219,836 

1700-09 

51,933,145 

1760-69 

119,556,109 

1710-19 

65,828,482 

1770-79 

174,772,560 

1720-29 

84,151,727 

1780-89 

193,403,561 

1730-39 

93,677,484 

1790-99 

231,080,280 

1740-49 

108,124,854 

1800-08 

200,112,734 

Total  yield $1,496,832,112 

The  statistics  given  by  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  i.  25-8,  which  have  served 
as  a  base,  contain  evidently  information  from  official  sources,  some  of  which 
have  not  been  seen  by  Humboldt. 


CROWN  REVENUE.  599 


annual  produce  in  the  beginning  of  the  century  may 
be  placed  at  23,000,000  pesos.90 

The  revenue  derived  by  the  crown  from  this  flood 
of  wealth  amounted  to  about  sixteen  per  cent  on  silver, 
and  nineteen  on  gold  admixtures.91  During  a  term  of 
twenty-five  years,  comprising  part  of  the  most  flour- 
ishing mining  period,  from  1765  to  1789,  the  total 
revenue,  according  to  official  statements,  amounted  to 
$43,641, 469. 92  The  district  of  Guanajuato  alone  paid 
from  1760  till  1780,  more  than  $13,000,000,  and  dur- 
ing the  whole  eighteenth  century  about  $41,000,000. 
There  is  no  doubt,  however,  that  a  wiser  policy  on  the 
part  of  the  crown,  especially  if  initiated  at  an  earlier 
period,  would  have  produced  a  still  better  result. 
Before  reformations  were  firmly  established,  polit- 
ical convulsions  came  to  neutralize  their  influence, 
and  reluctant  admission  liad  to  be  given  to  foreign 
capital  to  effect  that  for  which  Mexico  felt  herself 
unequal,  as  I  shall  have  occasion  to  explain  in  a  later 
volume. 

90  Revilla  Gigedo  asserts  that  but  a  small  amount  of  metal  failed  to  pass 
through  the  mint,  but  he  would  hardly  have  cared  to  disclose  a  high  figure 
had  it  been  known  to  him.    Instruc,  118. 

91  Besides  the  tenth,  one  per  cent  was  charged,  and  the  derecho  de  mone- 
dar/e  y  seiioreage,  of  3  2-5  reales  for  every  mark  of  silver.  The  duty  on  pure 
goid  was  reduced  to  3  per  cent  by  royal  c^dula  of  March  1,  1777.  Fonseca 
and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Reed  Hac,  i.  39. 

92  In  1777  alone  it  was  $1,636,577.    Vireyes,  Instruc,  MS.,  serie  i.  pt.  iv. 

Numerous  as  are  the  authorities  consulted  by  me  for  this  chapter,  not  one 
among  them  affords  a  complete  view  of  the  development  of  the  mining  in- 
dustry, although  the  voluminous  matter  in  Humboldt  and  other  writers  might 
lead  one  to  expect  a  more  thorough  result.  Here,  as  in  many  other  places,  I 
have  had  literally  to  grope  my  way  in  search  of  long-hidden  material  ere 
I  could  apply  the  refining  process.  One  of  the  most  valuable  aids  for  the 
task  which  covers  not  only  a  special  subject,  but  between  lines  gives 
many  items  of  mining  history,  is  the  compilation  of  laws,  published  in  1783, 
and  repeatedly  quoted,  the  Reales  Ordenanzas. .  .de  la  Mineria,  Madrid, 
1783,  pp.  214,  of  which  I  possess  an  official  copy  with  the  riibrica  of  the  min- 
ister Josef  de  Galvez,  besides  such  modern  editions  as  that  of  Paris,  1870, 
pp.  335,  xlviii.  It  is  indeed  remarkable  not  only  for  contents,  but  for  style, 
differing  as  it  does  from  the  verboseness  so  common  to  Spanish  writings.  The 
language  in  the  petition  of  the  mining  body  has  a  clear  business  ring,  and 
conveys  the  impression  of  men  animated  by  stanch  energy,  patriotism,  and 


600  MINES  AND  MINING. 

far-seeing  prudence;  and  the  same  spirit  seems  to  pervade  the  laws  annexed, 
which  savor  of  mature  deliberation.  It  is  to  be  regretted  that  this  impor- 
tant collection  has  met  with  so  little  attention  from  Humboldt.  In  his  Essai 
Politique,  nearly  200  pages  are  devoted  to  the  description  of  the  mines  in  New 
Spain,  chiefly  of  sections,  and  to  statistical  material,  while  the  history  of  min- 
ing receives  comparatively  little  attention.  The  view  taken  by  this  scien- 
tist refers  rather  to  its  condition  at  the  time  of  his  visit,  and  even  the  recently 
established  code  of  laws  did  not  elicit  from  him  any  special  comments.  This 
leaves  another  void  in  the  mass  of  information  furnished  by  him,  yet  its  value 
is  undoubted.  Subsequent  writers  have  nearly  all  followed  his  steps,  and  it 
would  be  impossible  to  write  the  mining  history  of  New  Spain  without  con- 
sulting the  statistics  which  form  the  chief  fruit  of  his  researches. 

The  want  of  a  commentary  on  the  mining  ordinances  was  early  recognized 
by  the  able  Mexican  mineralogist,  Joaquin  Velazquez  de  Leon,  and  supplied  by 
him  in  the  Comenlarios  de  las  Ordenanzas  de  Mineria,  MS.,  pp.  G2.  They  by 
no  means  exhaust  the  subject,  and  cover  only  special  points,  but  they  have 
an  additional  interest  in  coming  from  the  pen  of  a  man  who  took  active  part 
in  the  compilation  of  the  code,  and  whose  ability  gave  him  a  right  to  inter- 
pret not  only  the  letter  but  the  spirit  thereof.  Among  other  authors  who 
have  thrown  some  light  on  the  mining  industry  of  New  Spain  are  Fonseca 
and  Urrutia,  who  in  their  Historia  General  de  Real  Hacienda,  i.  5-44,  297- 
387,  iii.  6-140,  iv.  521-636,  v.  43-57,  give  much  information,  together  with 
copies  of  official  documents  which  in  many  cases  are  unattainable  to  foreign- 
ers. The  value  of  the  work  is,  however,  much  impaired  by  a  deficient 
arrangement  and  their  method  of  handling  the  bulky  material  at  their  dis- 
posal. Of  modern  writers,  Alaman  ranks  prominent,  less  on  account  of  the 
extent  of  his  information,  than  for  the  reliable  statements  which  he  presents 
in  different  parts  of  his  Disertaciones  and  Historia  de  Mejico.  His  ability  has 
been  acknowledged  by  Ward,  who,  in  his  Mexico  in  1827,  several  times  con- 
fesses his  indebtedness  to  Alaman  in  no  stinted  terms.  Ward  admits  also  to  have 
largely  drawn  from  Humboldt,  but  his  work  dwells  chiefly  on  the  condition  of 
Mexican  mines  after  the  Independence,  and  belongs  therefore  more  properly 
to  that  period.  This  applies  also  to  Burkart,  Aufenthalt  und  Eeisen  in  Mex- 
ico, Stuttgart,  1836,  2  vols,  pp.  392,  286,  with  maps  and  cuts.  This  author  was 
at  different  times  manager  of  the  mines  of  Tlalpujagua  and  Bolanos,  and  the 
ample  opportunity  thus  offered  him  to  make  investigations,  united  with  his 
professional  knowledge,  has  been  freely  exercised  with  good  result.  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  speak  of  him  again  as  well  as  of  Duport,  whose  Aletuax 
Precicv.c,  Paris,  1843,  pp.  xiii.  429,  with  cuts  and  maps,  corresponds  with 
about  the  same  period. 

In  addition  to  these  a  number  of  treatises  exist,  bearing  on  special  sub- 
jects, one  of  the  oldest  being  the  Providencias  sobre  Azogues,  44  folios,  a  man- 
uscript coetaneous  copy  on  stamped  paper  of  the  regulations  and  orders  issued 
from  1670  till  1673  by  Viceroy  Maneera,  for  the  distribution  of  quicksilver  to 
the  miners.  The  influence  of  that  metal  on  the  mining  industry  of  New 
Spain  and  the  opportunies  for  raising  or  lowering  its  price  gave  repeatedly 
occasion  for  troublesome  questions.  Instances  of  these  disputes  are  found  in 
Co/npauliosa  Demoslracion,  Mexico,  1743,  pp.  178,  and  Segunda  Uemo4ra- 


FABRY,  GARCES,  AND  BERGHES.  C01 

cion,  MS.,  the  same  place  and  year,  pp.  GIG,  by  Joseph  Antonio  Fabry,  gen- 
eral mining  attorney.  Both  works  aim  at  a  reduction  of  the  prices  for  quick- 
silver, and  give  a  description  of  the  methods  employed  for  the  extraction  of 
ores,  and  are  essentially  directed  against  the  Respuesta  of  Joseph  Antonio  de 
Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez,  Mexico,  1742,  pp.  13G.  The  latter  writer,  so  well 
known  through  his  voluminous  Theatro  of  New  Spain,  opposes  as  one  of  the 
chief  officials  of  the  quicksilver  department  any  reduction  in  the  price,  and 
adduces  in  support  the  judgments  rendered  by  several  of  the  district  tri- 
bunals. Of  a  later  date  is  Joseph  Garces  y  Eguia's  Nueva  Tedrica  y  Prdc- 
tica,  Mexico,  1802,  pp.  168^  a  work  written  by  order  of  the  crown  to  diffuse 
a  knowledge  of  amalgamation  and  smelting  processes.  A  specimen  of  another 
class  of  material  is  the  Description  de  la  Serrania  de  Zacatecas,  Mexico,  1834, 
pp.  39,  by  C.  de  Berghes,  which  gives  a  detailed  description  of  the  mining 
region  of  Zacatecas,  containing  many  historical  and  statistical  items,  part  of 
which  belongs  to  the  period  after  the  Independence. 

Authorities  of  more  or  less  value,  consulted  in  the  preceding  chapter: 
Puga,  Cedulario,  11-12,  21,  43,  79;  Ordenes  de  la  Cordna,  MS.,  iii.  9G-8;  iv. 
163;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  32,  38-9;  ii.  51;  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  Gl-2;  iv. 
42;  Azanza,  Ynstruction,  MS.,  70-1,  82-7,  122-6;  Leyes  Farias  Anot.,  MS., 
123-7;  Providential  sobre  Azogues,  MS.,  passim;  Pecop.  de  Ind.,  i.  218;  ii. 
68-87,  94,  446-8,  493-4,  577;  iii.  131-2;  RevUla  Gigedo,  Banco,  passim;  Ban- 
dos,  nos  45,  51;  Instruction,  MS.,  i.  365-552;  ii.  1-391;  Lassaga,  Representa- 
tion, passim;  Ordenanzas  de  Mineria  (ed.  Madrid,  1783),  passim;  Id.  (ed. 
Paris,  1870),  passim;  Velazquez,  Comentarios,  MS.,  passim;  Cuevas,  Informe, 
passim;  Gamboa's  Commentaries,  i.  ii.,  passim;  Fabry,  Compend.,  passim; 
Id.,  Segunda  Demostracion,  MS.,  i.  et  seq.;  Garces  y  Eguia,  Nueva  Tedrica, 
passim;  Berghes,  Decrip.,  i.  et  seq.;  Lombardt,  Informe,  passim;  Humboldt 
Essai  Pol,  i.  73-4,  127,  202,  237,  288;  ii.  488  et  seq.;  Id.,  Life  and  Travels, 
275-88;  Id.,  New  Spain,  iii.  104-454;  iv.  279-81,  356-72;  Id.,  Tabla  Estad., 
MS.,  54-G5;  Id.,  Ver*ueh,  iv.,  passim;  Alaman,  Disert.,  i.  177-8;  ii.  73-8; 
II.,  flist.  Mcj.,  i.  23-4,  43-4,  60-4,  99-102,  144;  iii.  39-48;  v.  32-4;  Burhart, 
Reisen,  i.  ii.,  passim;  Monumentos  Domin.  Efip.,  MS.,  112;  Vireyes  de  Mex., 
MS.,  2;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  55-8,  205-7;  Torquemaia,  i.  336-7;  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Teatro  Mex.,  8-24;  Villa  Senor  y  Sanchez,  Respuesta,  passim;  Id.,  i. 
23-6,  38-41;  ii.  267-8;  Dispositions  V arias,  28-31;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip. 
Oajaca,  ii.  226;  Medina  Chrdn.  S.  Diego,  250-3;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  49;  Pa- 
checo and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  209;  iii.  487-8,  530-3;  vi.  487-8;  xiii.  218-19, 
259;  Contilios  Prov.,  MS.,  227;  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  502-3;  Col.  Doc 
Incd.,  xxi.  532-4;  Morfi,  Col.  Doc,  MS.,  1-7;  Cartas  de  Indias,  340,  876; 
Beaumont,  Crdn.  Mich.,  iii.  299,  544-6;  iv.  475-82;  v.  71-98;  Bcleila,  Recop., 
i.  106-9,  311-12;  ii.  212-96;  Pinart,  Doc.  Sonora,  MS.,  16-22;  Fonseca  arid 
Urrutia,  Real  Hac,  i.  5-44,  297-387;  iii.  6-140,  521-636;  v.  433-57;  Doc 
Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.  torn.  i.  34-5,  427,  499;  Id.,  serie  ii.  torn.  iv.  i96,  210-12, 
272-4,  301-3,  343-5;  Galvez,  Informe,  63-77;  Arlegui,  Hist.  Chron.  Zac,  132 
et  seq.;  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  12-58,  145-8,  160-2,  320-9,  373-97,  404-548,  612-18; 
Arevalo,  Compend.,  71-9,  95-6,  110,  119-20;  Castelazo,  Manifesto,  1-63;  Guijo, 
Diario,  34-5,  427,  499;  Ternaux-Compans,  Voy.f  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  178-9,  223, 
327;  Luet,  Am.  Descript.,  288;  Galvan,  Grdenanzas,  43-7;  Michoacan,  Prov. 
S.  Nicolas,  95,  107;  Peralta,  Not.  Hint.,  177-8;  Gonzales,  Col.  N.  Leon,  72-8; 
Rivera,  Diario,  4;  Mina  de  S.  Nicolas,  27-35;  Soc  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii. 
18-22,  32-3,  40-1;  vii.  307,  313;  ix.  89,  94,  101;  xi.  207;  Id.,  2da  ep.  iii.  25; 
iv.  389;  Romero,  Mich.,  158,  165;  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  68,  105;  ii.  138-9,  145, 
164,  171;  iii.  22-3;  PrescoWs  Mex.,  iii.  332;  Arroniz,  Bio<i.  Mex.,  309-11; 
Id.,  Hist,  y  Cron.,  139-40,  153;  Estalla,  xxvii.  15,  212-14,  221-4,  232-3; 
Berlandier,  Diar.    Viuj.,  45-50;    Castillo,  Mem.   Azogue,  29,  78-84;  Busta- 


G02  MINES  AND  MINING. 

mante<  Cuadro  Hist.,  iv.  C8-76;  Id.,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  v.  6G-8;  Pap. 
Var.,  xx.\ vi.  75-0;  ci.  C3,  passim;  cxiv.  27-35;  Alzate,  Diario,  18-21,  53-6, 
118-23,  107-208;  Id.,  Garctas.  i.  206-8;  ii.  67-8,  177-0,  380-2;  iii.  7-21,  311- 
16,  310-21,  433-5;  Beltrami,  Max.,  i.  260;  Cortes,  Diar.  Ofic,  x.  278;  Gac. 
Mex.,  i.  0  ct  seq.;  ii.  11,  passim;  iii.  125,  200,  245,  310,  383;  iv.  0,  65,  218, 
210,  345-6j  v.  6,  57,  217-18,  271;  vi.  317,  442-3,  534;  viii.  51  et  seq.;  ix. 
461;  x.  76,  211-15;  xi.  102;  xii.  73-5;  xv.  331-2,  543-5;  Diario  Mex.,  ii.  56, 
84;  iv.  175,  passim;  v.  117-18;  vi.  60-71;  vii.  226  et  seq.;  ix.  452,486;  x.  16; 
Campillo,  Nuevo  Sistema,  155-71;  Rivera,  Gobernantes,  234,  246,240;  Mayer's 
Mex.  Aztec,  i.  235,  238,  240;  ii.  05-6;  Willie,  Not.  Hac.,  2-3,  10-23;  Com- 
2>auia  de  Minos,  passim;  Alegre,  Poblana,  75-6;  Wapp,  Mex.,  68-76;  Album 
Mex.,  i.  354,451;  Calvo,  Annates  Hist.,  i.  pp.  xxix.-xxx. ;  Gallo,  Homines 
Ilustres,  ii.  227-36;  Alvarez,  Estudios  Hint.,  374-83,  424-5,  447-86;  Zamacois, 
Hist.  Mr}.,  iv.  560;  v.  21-2,  245-6;  457,  470-83,  550  et  seq.;  vii.  20;  viii. 
504-7,  755-6;  x.  1317-18;  xi.  3-6;  Almanac.  Calend.  Galvan,  1841,  3-10; 
Fossey's  Mex.,  301-2;  Lafond,  Voy.,  i.  163-4;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.,  iv.  313- 
48;  v.  318-10;  Dice.  Univ.,  ii.  370-4;  iii.  177-8;  v.  343-60,  400-10;  vi.  820- 
34;  ix.  342,  303-4;  x.  36,  105,  326-7,  781-4,  708-804,  1032-4;  Campbell's 
Span.  Amer.,  114;  Anderson's  Commerce,  ii.  130;  Id.,  Silver  Country,  20-78; 
Jacob's  Hist.  Enquiry,  ii.  123-4,  145-54;  Id.,  Precious  Metals,  ii.  48-0,  50, 
152-3;  Conder's  Mex.  and  Guat.,  32-3;  165;  Andrew's  Plus,  of  W.  Lid.,  63; 
Carey  and  Lea's  Hist.  Am.,  33S;  Rockwell's  Span,  and  Mex.  Law,  1-110; 
653-63;  Blomfield's  View,  ii.  632-3;  Arrillaga,  Informe,  0;  Strieker,  Biblio- 
thek,  85-7;   Winterbotham's  Hist.  U.  S.,  iv.  84-5. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

1521-1803. 

Aztec  Land  System — Spanish  Policy  and  Influence — Cortes  as  a 
Farmer — Maize — Maguey  and  its  Manifold  Use — Cacao  and  Van- 
illa— Introduction  of  Sugar-cane  and  Wheat — Fertility  of  the 
Southern  Provinces — Plantains — Culture  of  Silk,  Vine,  and 
Olives — Tobacco  and  its  Monopoly — Stock-raising — Woollen,  Cot- 
ton, and  Linen  Manufactures — Production  of  Spirituous  Liquors- 
Minor  Products — Fisheries  and  Pearls — Aztecs  as  Artisans — 
Feather- work  and  Jewelry — Oppressive  Colonial  Policy — Indus- 
tries at  the  Close  of  the  Century — Bibliographical. 

Of  all  the  native  American  nations  the  Aztecs  had 
for  centuries  held  the  most  prominent  position,  and 
their  advancement  was  surprising  to  the  Spaniards, 
who,  instead  of  encountering  a  nation  of  barbarians, 
were  faced  by  a  people  to  whom  they  could  not  deny 
a  great  degree  of  culture.  Their  large  cities,  their 
skill  as  artisans,  their  well  tilled  fields,  all  gave  evi- 
dence of  a  civilization  quite  unexpected  by  the  Cas- 
tilians.  When  Cortes  and  his  followers  advanced 
from  the  coast  regions  to  the  capital,  the  country  that 
they  traversed  was  a  fair  specimen  of  what  human 
energy  could  accomplish  on  a  soil  bountifully  gifted 
by  nature.  Still  it  was  in  southern  regions  where  the 
inhabitants  displayed  most  inclination  for  husbandry, 
those  of  Jalisco  and  the  northern  territory  being 
more  employed  in  the  chase,  and  in  some  places  in 
manufactures  and  other  industries.  This  favorable 
condition  of  affairs  was  due  to  just  and  wise  laws,  and 
to  the  fact  that  the  greater  share  of  the  land  belonged 
to    the    crown   and    to  the  nobility,  a  circumstance 

{60  J) 


004  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

which  stamped  farming  as  an  occupation  not  unworthy 
of  men  of  the  highest  rank.  The  remainder  of  the 
ground  belonged  to  the  temples  and  the  different 
tribes,  and  was  worked  in  accordance  with  strict 
regulations.  These  not  only  set  forth  the  inaliena- 
bility-of  the  land  given  to  communities  for  the  benefit 
of  their  members,  but  provided  that  every  one  of  the 
latter  should  receive  a  lot  of  such  extent  and  quality 
as  his  necessities  and  rank  entitled  him  to.  Posses- 
sion was  subject  to  liberal  conditions,  and  although 
given  only  temporarily,  it  could,  through  prudent 
conduct  on  part  of  the  holder,  be  transmitted  to  his 
heirs.  Thus  a  peculiar  system  was  created,  which  for 
wisdom  challenges  comparison  with  the  best  among 
old-world  institutions.  And  while  land  belonging: 
exclusively  to  communities  could  not  pass  into  other 
hands,  full  scope  was  given  to  the  industrious  mem- 
ber to  improve  his  share,  and  draw  the  greatest  possi- 
ble advantage  from  his  labor.1 

It  would  have  been  prudent  and  beneficial  for  the 
Spaniards  to  maintain  in  force  so  admirable  a  system, 
and  it  would  certainly  have  been  just  to  do  so.  Cor- 
tes did  indeed  allow  certain  forms  of  native  govern- 
ment to  remain,  but  this  policy  was  not  observed  in 
the  distribution  of  land.  The  greater  number  of  con- 
querors disliked  the  humble  sphere  and  toil  of  a  farmer, 
and  preferred  the  possession  of  an  encomienda,  where 
they  might  play  sovereignty  and  king-craft  a  little  on 
their  own  account.  Fertile  as  the  soil  might  be,  it 
had  little  attraction  if  they  were  to  till  it  by  their  own 
labor,  and  thus  agriculture  in  the  early  times  after 
the  conquest  was  carried  on  only  where  the  work  could 
be  done  by  slave  labor.  But  Cortes  on  his  first  stay 
in  Mexico,  when  a  guest  of  Montezuma,  had  sent  ex- 
ploring expeditions  in  a  southerly  direction,  with  or- 
ders to  establish  plantations  of  maize  and  cacao,  and 
was  not  inclined  to  leave  undeveloped  the  resources 

1  For  details  concerning  the  various  systems  in  force  before  the  conquest, 
I  refer  to  my  Native  Ilaces,  i.  023,  052-3;  ii.  223-30,  342-50,  415;  iv.  420-31. 


TENURE  OF  LAND.  605 

of  a  territory  which,  situated  between  the  fifteenth 
and  thirty-third  degrees  of  latitude,  possessed  such 
variety  of  climate  that  nearly  all  the  food  plants  known 
in  Europe  could  be  raised  there.  Something  was 
also  gained  when  he  issued  his  celebrated  ordinances 
of  1524,  and  caused  the  introduction  of  foreign  grains, 
plants,  and  live-stock.2 

Although  the  southern  provinces  were  far  more 
fertile  than  the  northern,  agriculture  gradually  pro- 
gressed in  the  latter,  stimulated  by  the  mineral  wealth, 
which  gave  new  impulse  to  population.  The  hold 
once  gained  by  the  settler  wTas  in  most  cases  main- 
tained, although  the  mines  which  created  it  were 
abandoned.  A  certain  influence  was  exercised  by  the 
clergy,  from  whose  orchards  and  gardens  new  plants 
were  distributed  over  other  parts  of  the  country. 

The  crown  also  displayed  some  interest;  old  laws 
were  remodelled;  new  ones  framed  in  quick  succession; 
and  the  representatives  of  the  government  in  the  col- 
onies urged  to  encourage  the  cultivation  of  the  soil. 
Settlers  in  new  districts  were  entitled  to  land  accord- 
ing to  rank,  being  obliged  to  build  houses,  plant  their 
ground  within  a  certain  time,  and  possess  a  certain 
quantity  of  stock.3  The  right  of  property  was  not 
acquired  till  after  a  residence  of  four  years,  when  the 
owner  might  sell  it,  though  not  to  a  church  or  convent. 
Nor  was  he  allowed  to  hold  within  the  same  term  two 
grants  in  different  settlements.  The  distribution  was 
made  by  the  viceroy  or  the  governor,  with  assistance 
of  the  city  council/  the  regidores  being  entitled  to 

2  See  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  132-4,  this  series. 

3  '  Haciendo  distincion  entre  escuderos  y  peones  y  los  que  fueren  de  menos 
grado  y  merecimiento. '  The  dimensions  to  be  granted  were  either  peonias  or 
caballerias.  The  former  comprised  a  ground-plot  50  feet  wide  by  100  in 
length,  sufficient  land  to  sow  100  fanegas  of  wheat  or  barley,  and  ten  of 
maize,  two  patches  of  terrain  for  orchards,  eight  for  other  trees  requiring  dry 
ground,  and  pasture  land  for  ten  breeding  sows,  20  cows,  five  mares,  100  sheep, 
and  20  goats.  A  caballerfa  included  a  building  lot  of  100  by  200  feet,  and 
the  other  grants  were  five  times  the  size  of  that  of  a  peonia.  Good  and  infe- 
rior land  was  to  be  distributed  in  just  proportion.     Recop.  Ind.,  ii.  39. 

iRecop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  40-1;  where  detailed  ordinances  may  be  found  as  to 
the  manner  of  making  applications. 


COG  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

preference,  but  in  all  cases  the  rights  of  the  Indians 
were  to  be  respected. 

These  regulations  were  gradually  disregarded,  and 
fifty  years  after  the  first  grants  had  been  made,  quite 
a  number  of  persons  had  appropriated  extensive  tracts 
belonging  to  the  crown.  To  put  a  stop  to  such  abuses 
a  law  of  Novernber  20,  1578,5  ordered  all  holders  of 
land  to  exhibit  their  titles,  and  all  taken  in  excess 
to  revert  to  the  king.  In  later  years,  however,  the 
temporary  owners  were  permitted  to  obtain  posses- 
sion by  paying  a  small  amount  into  the  royal  treasury, 
and  the  restitution  of  land  became  obligatory  only 
when  it  had  been  the  property  of  Indians.6  Land 
occupied  or  improved  by  them  could  not  be  sold  to 
another  person;  nor  were  cattle  allowed  to  stray  there; 
and  one  square  league  of  common  was  assigned  to 
each  village  so  that  there  might  be  sufficient  space 
for  the  grazing  of  stock. 

In  addition  to  the  laws  defining  the  rights  of  the 
native  population,  there  existed  minute  regulations 
for  the  organization  of  all  new  settlements.  Besides 
the  tracts  appropriated  to  the  first  settlers,  others 
were  given  as  propios,  or  property  of  the  community, 
while  still  others  were  assigned  as  ejidos,  or  common 
lands  for  the  benefit  of  the  inhabitants.7  In  1536 
orders  were  issued  providing  for  irrigation,  and  soon 
afterward  encomenderos  were  directed  to  plant  trees, 
so  as  to  prevent  scarcity  of  fuel.  But  unfortunately 
this  latter  measure  was  rendered  inoperative  by  an 
order  issued  in  1541  that  the  forests  should  be  free 
to  all  for  common  use ;  and  still  later  the  native  pop- 
ulation was  allowed  to  cut  wood,  almost  without 
restriction.  This  gave  rise  to  such  a  wholesale  de- 
struction of  the  forests  that  toward  the  close  of  the 

5 It  was  repeated  in  1589  and  1591.  Id.,  42. 

6  In  1G81  even  the  compensation  in  money  was  dispensed  with,  and  hold- 
ers allowed  undisturbed  possession.   Id.,  43. 

7  The  ejidos  were  to  be  situated  at  sufficient  distance  so  as  not  to  impede 
the  growth  of  the  settlement.  Recop.  de  Ind. ,  ii.  22.  For  other  laws  regu- 
lating new  settlements,  see  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  49G  et  seq.,  this  series. 


MAIZE  AND  MAGUEY.  607 

eighteenth  century  Viceroy  Re  villa  Gigedo  considered 
it  necessary  to  dictate  measures  to  remedy  the  evil. 

The  most  important  agricultural  product  of  New 
Spain  was  maize,  which  both  to  the  Aztecs  and  the 
Spaniards  was  the  principal  article  of  food,  as  some 
time  elapsed  before  the  cultivation  of  European  cereals 
became  general.  A  failure  of  this  crop  was  generally 
equivalent  to  a  famine,  as  the  inhabitants  seldom  ac- 
cumulated sufficient  supplies  in  granaries.8  In  the 
southern  provinces  the  average  yield  was  a  hundred 
and  fifty  fold,  and,  under  very  favorable  conditions,  as 
much  as  eight  hundred  fold.9  The  plant  was  used  for 
a  great  variety  of  purposes,  and  furnished  food  for 
animals  as  well  as  men.  From  it  was  manufactured 
the  liquor  called  chicha;  the  stalks  were  extensively 
used  to  make  sugar,  while  the  leaves  served  as  wrap- 
pers for  cigarettes.  Although  an  important  factor  in 
the  internal  trade  of  New  Spain,  no  early  statistics 
have  appeared  as.  to  the  total  yield  of  the  county. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  present  century  it  was  esti- 
mated at  17,000,000  fanegas. 

Nearly  as  indispensable  to  the  Mexicans  as  Indian 
corn  was  the  maguey,  or  agave  Americana.10  Its 
cultivation  dated  from  \erj  ancient  times,  and  the 
esteem  in  which  the  plant  was  held  is  not  to  be  won- 
dered at  when  we  consider  the  variety  of  purposes 
for  which  it  was  used,  and  that  it  could  be  raised 
with  so  little  labor  and  on  so  small  an  area  of  fertile 
ground.  To  the  Indian  it  not  only  gave  food,  but 
its  leaves  covered  his  hut,  and  cloth  was  woven  from 
its  fibres;  its  medicinal  qualities  were  highly  valued, 
and  its  juice  was  his  favorite  beverage,  being  known 

8  The  Aztecs,  however,  possessed  granaries.  See  Native  Races,  ii.  347- 
50,  where  also  many  details  about  the  cultivation  of  maize  in  aboriginal 
times  may  be  found. 

9  Humboldt  says  that  at  New  Valladolid  a  yield  varying  from  130  to  150 
fold  was  considered  as  a  bad  crop.  Essai  Pol. ,  ii.  374. 

10  The  Aztec  name  of  the  plant,  metl,  was  after  the  conquest  changed  to 
that  of  ma</uey,  which,  according  to  Motolinia,  the  Spaniards  brought  from 
the  Antilles.   Hist.  Ind.,  243. 


G03  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

to  the  Aztecs  by  the  name  of  octli,  but  under  the 
rule  of  the  Spaniards  the  name  was  replaced  by  that 
of  pulque,11  which  to  this  day  forms  the  favorite  drink 
of  the  lower  classes.  Only  some  of  the  many  kinds 
of  maguey  in  New  Spain  were  used  for  the  manu- 
facture of  pulque,  which  was  made  from  the  plant 
when  about  ten  years  old.  On  approaching  the  time 
of  blossoming  the  heart  of  the  plant  was  cut  out, 
after  which  the  cavity  gradually  began  to  fill  with 
the  juice.  This  was  removed  two  or  three  times 
every  day  as  long  as  sap  continued  to  flow — generally 
for  four  months12 — and  the  average  yield  amounted 
to  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  gallons  for  every 
plant.  In  an  earthen  vessel,  or  more  often  in  a  skin, 
it  was  then  exposed  to  fermentation,  which  begins 
after  thirty-two  to  thirty-six  hours,  though  this  pro- 
cess is  often  effected  within  several  hours  by  adding 
some  well  fermented  pulque.  According  to  the  care 
and  skill  used  in  its  manufacture  there  are  different 
qualities  of  this  liquor,  but  nearly  always  it  is  repulsive 
to  the  unaccustomed  palate/3  though  it  possesses,  when 
pure,  good  wholesome  properties.  Adulteration,  how- 
ever, wras  practised  even  before  the  conquest,  and  was 
continued  under  the  Spanish  rule,  although  prohibited, 
especially  if  its  intoxicating  qualities  were  increased 
thereby. n 

Occasionally  the  sale  of  pulque  was  entirely  forbid- 
den,15 as  after  the  riot  in  Mexico  in  1G92 ;  but  later  the 
prohibition  was  removed,  as  before  narrated,  owing 
perhaps  in  part  to  the  decrease  of  revenue  which  it 

11  Pulque,  or  pulcu,  is  a  word  of  Chilian  origin,  according  to  Clavigero, 
who  adds  that  it  is  difficult  to  explain  how  it  was  transmitted  to  Mexico. 
Storm  Mess.,  ii.  221. 

12  The  flow  of  sap  sometimes  lasts  only  a  few  weeks;  occasionally,  how- 
ever, as  long  as  six  months.   Payno,  Memoria  sobrc  el  Maguey,  50. 

1:i  Especially  on  account  of  its  smell,  which,  as  some  presume,  may  be 
caused  by  the  skin  vessels  used  in  fermentation  and  transport. 

"  By  cedula  of  August  24,  1529,  Puf/a,  Codtilario,  70,  and  repeated  subse- 
quently in  other  laws,  llccop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  197  et  seq. 

13  The  viceroy  on  that  occasion  asked  the  opinion  of  the  professors  of  the 
university  whether  its  use  should  be  abolished.     The  faculty  recommen 
such  ;i  measure.  Ivforme  que  la  Real  Universidad  hasp,  1-17,  Mexico,  L692, 
a  curious  document  full  of  Latin  quotations  and  written  in  a  confused  style. 


PULQUE  AND  MESCAL.  609 

entailed.  In  accordance  with  the  usual  policy,  the 
sale  of  an  article  of  such  extensive  consumption  had 
been  monopolized,  the  government  granting  to  one  in- 
dividual the  exclusive  right  to  sell  pulque  to  the  thirty- 
six  establishments  allowed  in  the  city  of  Mexico  for 
that  purpose.  The  amount  paid  for  it  almost  doubled 
between  1669  and  1763,16  but  this  by  no  means  indi- 
cates the  real  extent  of  the  consumption,  for  during 
the  eighteenth  century  the  fraudulent  manufacture 
of  pulque  and  other  beverages,  chiefly  adulterated  with 
unwholesome  roots,  assumed  great  dimensions.  A 
number  of  cedulas  and  orders  were  issued  both  in 
Spain  and  Mexico  to  suppress  the  abuses,17  but  with 
so  little  result  that,  in  1763,  the  contract  was  not 
renewed,  the  government  taking  charge  of  its  sale, 
and  ten  years  later,  the  net  profits  derived  therefrom 
exceeded  930,000  pesos  annually.18 

Of  Aztec  origin,  like  the  pulque,  is  the  sugar  made 
of  the  sap  of  the  maguey  by  condensation;19  but  its 
manufacture  decreased  after  the  introduction  of  the 
sugar-cane.  In  the  second  half  of. the  eighteenth 
century  the  juice  was  also  more  freely  employed  in  the 
distillation  of  a  brandy  called  mescal.™  This  branch, 
however,  was  little  developed,  owing  to  the  efforts  of 
the  Spanish  government  to  protect  the  industry  of  the 
mother  country.  Medicinal  properties  have  also  been 
attributed  to  the  plant,21  but  it  does  not  appear  to 
have  come  into  general  use  for  this  purpose.     In  their 

16 In  1669  it  was  $66,000  against  $128,500  in  1763.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia, 
Hist.  Real.  Hac.,  iii.  344,422.  Mancera,  in  Inslrucc.  Vireyes,  298,  indicates 
that  the  amount  in  1671  and  1672  was  $92,850  annually. 

17  In  1755  a  special  justice  was  appointed  for  that  purpose,  drdenes  de  la 
Cordna,  MS.,  i.  50-9,  and  in  1760  it  was  even  under  consideration  to  place 
the  matter  in  charge  of  the  acordada.  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i:  76-7.  See 
also  drdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  64-5,  67-8;  Rev  ilia  Gigedo,  Real  Cedula  of 
1753,  1-32,  1-39. 

18  Tables  with  details  are  given  in  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Hac., 
iii.  423-4;  they  differ  essentially  from  those  given  by  Payno.  Memoria  sobre 
el  Maguey,  94-7. 

19  '  Sacan  de  este  licor  unos  panes  pequeiios  deazucar,'  though  not  as  white 
nor  sweet  as  that  of  sugar-cane.  Motolinia,  Hist.  Ind.,  244. 

20  In  1792  the  duties  derived  from  mezcal  amounted  to  over  $24,000. 
Queipo,  109-10. 

21  See  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  422;  Payno,  Memoria  sobre  el  Maguey,  40-7. 

Hist.  Mkx.,  Vol.  III.    39 


610  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

natural  state  the  leaves  served  for  roofing,  while  the 
fibres  were  manufactured  into  cloth,  cords,  slings,  san- 
dals, and  paper. 

Other  products,  unknown  to  the  Spaniards  on  their 
arrival,  were  the  cacao  and  the  vanilla,  the  first  of 
of  them  being  made  into  a  favorite  beverage22  of  the 
Aztecs  under  the  name  of  chocolatl,  the  modern  choco-' 
late.  It  was  chiefly  grown  in  the  regions  south  and 
south-east  of  Mexico,  but  its  cultivation  decreased 
gradually,  and  the  want  was  mainly  supplied,  as  at 
present,  by  importation  from  other  countries.  The 
vanilla,  however,  was  for  a  number  of  years  almost 
exclusively  obtained  from  New  Spain,  where  its  cul- 
tivation was  confined  to  the  intendencias  of  Vera 
Cruz  and  Oajaca.23 

Itwas  only  natural  that  the  Spaniards  after  establish- 
ing their  dominion  in  New  Spain  should  make  efforts  to 
raise  also  those  plants  to  which  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed in  the  old  world  and  in  the  Antilles.  Among 
such  new  introductions  was  the  sugar-cane,  of  which 
Cortes  himself  established  two  plantations  at  Izcal- 
pan.24  Others  arose  simultaneously  or  in  quick  suc- 
cession, and  in  1553  sugar  formed  an  article  of  expor- 
tation to  Spain  and  Peru.  The  cultivation  centred 
in  the  intendencias  of  Guanajuato,  Guadalajara,  Va- 
Uadolid,  Puebla,  Mexico,  and  Vera  Cruz,  but  on  the 
coast  this  industry  was  of  little  importance.  Encour- 
aged by  the  crown  on  different  occasions,25  and  espe- 
cially by  a  reduction  of  the  tithes  to  four  per  cent,  a 
more  effectual  impulse  was  given  toward  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century  by  the  failure  of  the  crops  in 
other  countries,  and  the  uprising  of  the  negroes  at 
Santo  Domingo.  Nevertheless  the  production  in- 
creased less  than  might  have  been  expected,  and  after 

22  See  Native  Races,  ii.  359-60,  this  series. 

23  For  details  abcmt  the  production  of  cacao  and  vanilla,  see  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol.,  ii.  433-43;  Alzate,  Diario,  2G-9. 

21  Memorial  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  279.  See  also, 
Termivx-Compans,  Voy.,  serie  i.  torn.  x.  320,  333;  Cortes,  Eseritos  Sueltos,  378. 

26 Among  others  by  a  law  of  February  27,  17fH>,  allowing  the  free  establish- 
ment of  sugar  refineries.  Dispositions  Varias,  i.  100. 


WHEAT  CULTURE.  611 

supplying  the  home  consumption  there  remained  in 
1803  only  125,000  quintals  for  export.  The  restric- 
tion on  the  sale  of  liquors  made  from  maguey  was 
applied  also  to  those  manufactured  from  sugar,  the 
most  common  of  which  was  generally  known  as  aguar- 
diente. The  prohibitions  could  not,  however,  be  effect- 
ually carried  out,  and  when  investigation  had  revealed 
the  comparatively  limited  consumption  of  the  article 
introduced  from  Spain,  its  free  manufacture  was 
allowed  in  1796  under  certain  regulations.'26 

Of  European  cereals  only  wheat  was  raised  to  any 
extent,27  and  although  in  different  parts  of  the  Cordi- 
llera the  climate  was  extremely  propitious,  the  want  of 
moisture,  which  could  be  supplied  only  by  irrigation, 
would  frequently  check  its  cultivation.  This  defect 
was  at  an  early  time  recognized  by  the  crown,  and  in 
1612  an  order  was  issued  that  no  cattle  should  be 
allowed  on  irrigated  land  suitable  for  raising  wheat.28 
Notwithstanding  this  drawback  the  yield  exceeded 
the  average  returns  obtained  in  Europe,  being  in  some 
instances  as  high  as  seventy  or  eighty  fold.29 

One  of  the  different  kinds,  cultivated  chiefly  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Puebla  and  called  trigo  blanquillo,30 
was  remarkable  for  its  abundant  yield.  For  some  un- 
known reason  the  medical  board  declared  it  to  be  in- 
jurious to  the  health,  and  a  decree  of  the  viceroy  and 
audiencia,  of  May  4,  1677,  ordered  the  consumption  of 
the  stock  on  hand  within  a  limited  time,  and  forbade 
its  cultivation  under  severe  penalties.31  During  sev- 
eral years  the  order  was  in  force,  but  when  a  famine 

26  The  viceroy's  edict  was  of  December  9,  1796,  Disposiriones  Varias,  i. 
102,  iii.  84-96;  Cedalario,  MS.,  iii.  169-76.  Cddulas  bearing  on  the  prohibi- 
tion had  been  issued  August  6,  1747,  July  15,  1749,  and  March  24,  1753. 
Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  45-50;  Reales  Cedidas,  MS.,  ii.  223-4. 

27  For  an  account  of  its  introduction,  see  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  132-3,  this  series. 

28  In  1624  the  law  was  repealed.  Iiecop.  de  Ltd.,  ii.  42.  Other  laws  also 
fostering  the  cultivation  of  wheat  are  given  in  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  63;  Inten- 
denies,  Real  Ordenanza,  73-4. 

29  The  average  yield  in  New  Spain  was  25  to  30  fold.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.f 
ii.  385-6. 

30  Literally  meaning  white  wheat. 

31  Montemayor,  Autos,  60-1;  Siguenza  y  Gdngora,  Carta,  MS.,  38. 


612  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

threatened  Mexico,  Viceroy  Galve  revoked  it  in  1G92, 
and  after  that  time  it  was  again  cultivated.  It  is  im- 
possible to  form  reliable  estimates  of  the  total  amount 
of  wheat  or  flour  produced  and  consumed,  both  on  ac- 
count of  the  lack  of  statistics  and  the  mixed  charac- 
ter of  the  population,  a  great  part  of  which  lived  ex- 
clusively upon  maize. 

During  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  one 
of  the  chief  articles  of  food  was  the  plantain,  though 
there  is  no  evidence  in  support  of  Humboldt's  con- 
jecture that  certain  species  of  the  Musa  Paradisaica 
are  indigenous  to  America.32  After  its  introduction 
from  the  East  Indies,  its  rapid  growth  and  the  variety 
of  purposes  for  which  it  could  be  used  brought  it  into 
general  favor  throughout  New  Spain.  To  this  day  it 
forms  a  staple  article  of  food  throughout  tropical 
America,  while  its  juice,  when  fermented,  affords  a 
palatable  drink.  The  dried  and  powdered  fruit  re- 
sembles the  arrow  root;  the  leaves  of  young  plants 
were  used  for  medicinal  purposes,  while  the  fibres 
were  made  into  textile  fabrics,  those  of  the  outer  stem 
in  certain  varieties  being  strong  enough  for  the  man- 
ufacture of  cordage,  while  from  the  inner  fibres  a  gar- 
ment can  be  made  light  enough  to  be  contained  in  the 
hollow  of  the  hand. 

In  addition  to  these  products  early  experiments 
were  made  in  the  cultivation  of  silk,  olives,  and  the 
grape,  all  of  which  were  encouraged  by  Cortes,  who 
had  himself  plantations  of  mulberry-trees  at  Yauhte- 
pec,  Tetecla,  and  other  places.33  At  first  sericulture 
made  fair  progress,84  but  subsequently  the  competition 
arising  from  the  Manila  trade,  and  the  partiality  in 
favor  of  the  product  of  Spanish  looms,  caused  the 
plantations  and  factories,  which  were  chiefly  in  Puebla 

^EssaiPol,,  ii.  359-C2. 

33  Some  authors,  following  Herrera,  attribute  the  introduction  of  the  silk- 
worm to  the  oidor  Delgadillo,  but  it  was  more  probably  due  to  Cortes.  See 
Alaman,  Divert.,  i.  263-4,  1st  app.  28;  ii.  C7-8. 

31 A  law  of  1548  allowed  all  the  inhabitants  in  the  district  of  Puebla  to 
apply  themselves  to  this  industry  without  any  restriction,  liecop.  de  Iud.,  ii. 
108. 


OLIVES,  VINE,  AND  TOBACCO.  613 

and  Oajaca,35  to  be  neglected.  In  1790,  under  the 
rule  of  the  second  Revilla  Gigedo,  great  interest  was 
taken  in  this  branch  of  industry,  and  printed  instruc- 
tions were  sent  to  persons  engaged  in  silk  culture, 
but  the  result  was  insignificant  and  of  little  practical 
value,  as  were  the  later  efforts  made  by  Hidalgo  in 
the  beginning  of  this  century. 

The  cultivation  of  olives  and  the  vine  labored  un- 
der severe  restrictions.  Admirably  adapted  as  both 
soil  and  climate  were  for  both  purposes,  the  few  plan- 
tations of  olives  were  merely  allowed  to  exist  because 
they  belonged  to  pious  or  charitable  establishments,33 
while  as  to  the  vine,  the  viceroys  were  repeatedly  in- 
structed not  to  permit  the  planting  of  new  cuttings,  nor 
even  the  replacing  of  vines  in  decay.37  Wine  could 
only  be  made  on  condition  of  paying  taxes  to  the  crown, 
and  it  was  not  till  1796  that  a  more  liberal  policy  in 
this  respect  was  adopted. 

The  cultivation  and  manufacture  of  tobacco,  the 
yetl  of  the  Aztecs,38  the  use  of  which  soon  became 
common  among  the  Spaniards,  was  not  seriously 
restricted  for  nearly  two  centuries  and  a  half  after  the 
conquest,  though  as  early  as  1642  a  suggestion  had 
been  made  to  include  this  article  in  the  list  of  mo- 
nopolies.39 In  1764,  however,  the  crown  appropriated 
the  right  to  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  the  different 
preparations  of  tobacco.  At  the  same  time,  to  prevent 
contrabands  and  frauds,  its  cultivation  was  confined 
to  the  districts  of  Orizaba,  Cordoba,  Huatusco,  and 
Zongolica,  being  forbidden  in  all  other  places40  under 

35  From  Mizteca  in  Oajaca  there  came  also  an  inferior  class  of  silk,  which 
was  already  known  to  the  Aztecs  before  the  Spaniards  introduced  the  genuine 
silk- worm. 

36  Most  of  them  were  the  property  of  convents  or  churches;  the  best  of  all 
belonged  to  the  archbishop  of  Mexico  and  was  at  Tacubaya.  Alaman,  Mej., 
iii.  31,  and  yielded  yearly  200  arrobas  of  oil.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  416. 

37  This  was  forbidden  as  early  as  1595.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  60-1. 

38  For  mention  of  the  use  of  tobacco  among  the  Aztecs  see  Native  Races, 
ii.  287-8,  this  series. 

39  By  Palaf ox  in  his  instructions  to  Viceroy  Salvatierra.  Morfi,  Col.  Doc. , 
MS.,  19. 

i0  In  the  northern  states  the  monopoly  created  apparently  no  particular 
discontent.     See  Doc.  IKst.  Mex..  ser.  iv.  torn  i.  195-200. 


G14  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

severe  penalties,  and  special  officers  were  selected 
to  enforce  these  regulations.  The  product  was  pur- 
chased by  the  government  at  a  stipulated  price,41  as 
a  rule  low  enough  to  make  its  growth  almost  un- 
profitable, and  then  resold,  either  raw  or  manufac- 
tured, chiefly  as  cigars  and  cigarettes.  This  soon 
became  a  considerable  source  of  revenue  to  the  gov- 
ernment, giving  in  1801  and  1802  net  profits  of  about 
$4,000,000 42  for  each  year.  An  attempt  made  by  the 
crown  to  establish  plantations  failed,  and  the  old  sys- 
tem of  purchasing  was  continued.  Regular  importa- 
tions were  also  made  from  Cuba  and  Louisiana,  to 
supply  certain  kinds  which  could  not  be  raised  in 
New  Spain.43 

Tobacco  and  cigar  factories  were  established  in 
many  cities  and  towns,  but  the  most  prominent  were 
those  at  Mexico  and  Queretaro,  each  of  which  em- 
ployed about  7,000  persons  of  both  sexes,  whose  pay 
aggregated  more  than  $700,000  a  year.44  The  annual 
product  of  all  the  establishments  represented  about 
$7,500,000,  of  which  nearly  one  half  fell  to  the  share 
of  the  crown.45 

Among  the  chief  sources  of  wealth  to  the  Span- 
iards during  the  eighteenth  century,  and  the  one  least 
restricted  by  the  government,  was  the  raising  of  live- 
stock.    New  Spain  with   its   sparse  fauna  and  rich 

41  The  average  price  at  which  leaf  tobacco  was  purchased  by  the  govern- 
ment was  three  reales  a  pound,  and  it  was  resold  for  ten,  at  a  profit  of  233 
per  cent.  Rev'dla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  282.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  445,  is 
evidently  mistaken  when  he  gives  the  price  at  two  and  a  half  reales  per  kilo- 
gram. 

42  In  1801  they  amounted  to  $3,993,834,  in  1802  to  $4,092,629.  The  total 
since  the  establishment  of  the  monopoly  till  1S09  exceeded  $123,000,000. 
Mexico,  Aualisis,  44.  For  partial  statistics  of  tiie  period  mentioned,  see 
Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Reed  Jlac,  ii.  437. 

43  The  produce  of  the  districts  of  Vera  Cruz  and  Orizaba  amounted  annu- 
ally to  about  20,000  quintals.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  445. 

44  From  $777,051  paid  in  1783,  it  declined  to  8084,109  in  1792,  but  again 
rose  in  1794  to  $773,442.  Gazetct  Alex.,  i.  12;  ii.  270-7;  iii.  10-11,  223;  iv. 
11-12,  248;  v.  265;  vii.  33. 

45  Details  concerning  this  monopoly  may  be  found  in  Pevilla  Gigedo,  In- 
sfene.,  281-99;  Galvez,  Instruc.,  18-54;  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist,  lieal  Jlac, 
ii.  353-480. 


STOCK-RAISING.  615 

pasture  lands  afforded  a  splendid  field  for  this  branch 
of  industry ;  and  soon  after  the  conquest,  Cortes  made 
importations  from  the  Antilles,  of  such  domestic  ani- 
mals as  did  not  exist  in  Mexico.  They  increased 
rapidly,  and  before  long  vast  herds  of  cattle  and 
horses,  almost  in  a  wild  state,  formed,  as  they  do  at  the 
present  day,  an  important  feature  in  the  wealth  of  the 
country.  Fostered  by  special  legislation46  and  placed 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  alcaldes  de  la  mesta,  first 
appointed  by  Viceroy  Mendoza,47  the  raising  of  stock, 
and  especially  of  cattle,  soon  became  a  favorite  occu- 
pation. In  earlier  times  cattle  were  of  little  value 
except  for  their  hides,  which  formed  an  important  ar- 
ticle of  export.  Later,  however,  they  were  turned 
to  better  advantage,  the  hides  being  manufactured 
into  leather,  while  the  tallow  was  used  for  making 
soap.  These  industries  flourished  chiefly  in  Guana- 
juato, Guadalajara,  Puebla,43  and  Mexico,  and  being 
undisturbed  by  the  government,  competed  successfully 
with  those  of  Spain. 

No  comment  is  needed  as  to  the  well  known  qual- 

46  In  addition  to  laws  already  mentioned,  one  of  1533  ordered  all  pasture- 
ground  to  be  free  for  common  use  both  to  Spaniards  and  Indians.  Reccp.  de 
Ind.,  ii.  58.  This  gave  rise  to  disputes;  but  the  audiencia  ordered  the  spirit 
of  the  law  to  be  carried  out.  Provid.  Reales,  MS.,  143-4.  When  cattle  be- 
came so  abundant  that  they  were  killed  only  for  their  hides,  little  care  was 
taken  to  exempt  the  cows,  until  a  law  forbade  the  slaughtering  of  all  female 
stock  without  permission  of  the  viceroy,  thus  insuring  further  increase.  Man- 
cera,  Instruc,  in  Doc.  hied.,  xxi.  4G4-5.  This  law  was  enacted  in  1619  and 
repeated  later.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  138.  Provid.  Diocesanas,  MS.,  i.  The 
prices  of  horses,  mules,  and  other  domestic  animals  about  the  year  1550  are 
given  by  Mendoza  in  Ternaux-Compans,  ser.  i.  torn.  x.  351. 

47  The  mecta,  established  after  that  of  Spain,  was  a  league  of  stock-raisers 
for  the  promotion  of  their  interests  and  held  ordinary  jurisdiction  for  the  pun- 
ishment of  petty  offences,  as  thefts  of  cattle,  encroachments,  and  damage  to 
property  and  the  like.  Every  year  the  city  council  appointed  two  as  alcaldes 
de  la  mesta  from  among  the  owners  of  cattle.  These  together  with  five 
other  members  of  the  league  met  in  session  twice  a  year,  on  January  lGthand 
August  31st.  On  these  occasions  all  disputes  about  the  right  of  property  and 
other  questions  were  decided.  Regulations  might  then  also  be  issued  for  the 
guidance  cf  stock-raisers,  but  required  the  viceroy's  or  governor's  approval  to 
become  valid.  Owners  of  three  hundred  head  of  small  stock  and  20  mares  or 
cows  were  ipso  facto  hermanos  de  la  mesta,  that  is  members  of  the  league.  Re- 
cop,  de  hid.,  ii.  135-8. 

48  Puebla  produced  in  the  beginning  of  this  century  every  year  about 
200,000  arrobas  of  soap;  Guadalajara  $268,400  worth,  and  prepared  hides  to 
the  value  of  $418,900.  Humboldt,  Esmi  Pol.,  ii.  449,  666-9. 


616  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

itics  of  the  different  breeds  of  horses  in  use  through- 
out  New  Spain.  More  than  three  centuries  ago  those 
of  Arabian  stock  were  usually  possessed  by  the  wealthy, 
while  the  more  common  breeds  differed  but  little  from 
those  in  existence  to  this  day.  Mules  were  largely 
raised  in  many  districts,  and  were  of  course  preferred 
for  the  transportation  of  goods  and  for  work  in  the 
mining  regions.  At  one  time  it  was  intended  to  in- 
troduce camels  as  beasts  of  burden,  but  beyond  an 
experiment  which  is  said  to  have  been  successful 
nothing  was  done  in  the  matter.49 

During  the  eighteenth  century  sheep-raising  was 
of  some  importance  in  the  northern  and  central  prov- 
inces,50 owing  in  part  to  the  increased  manufacture  of 
woollen  goods.  Originally,  when  introduced  by  Vice- 
roy Mendoza,  this  branch  was  exclusively  in  the 
hands  of  the  Spaniards,  though  the  labor,  of  course, 
was  performed  by  Indians  and  mestizos,  into  whose 
hands  the  industry  passed  in  after  years.51  The  con- 
duct of  the  crown  in  this  case  differed  somewhat  from 
its  usual  policy.  No  open  prohibitions  were  issued, 
but  under  the  pretext  of  protecting  the  Indians  a 
number  of  laws  were  made,  amounting  virtually  to 
restrictions.52  Nevertheless  this  industry  made  good 
progress,  having  met  with  more  favor  on  the  part  of 
the  crown  during  the  eighteenth  century,53  and  a  con- 

49 Romero,  Not,  Mich.,  245,  says  the  attempt  was  made  in  the  beginning 
of  this  century,  bnt  that  the  animals  were  killed  during  the  war  of  inde- 
pendence. A  glowing  report  of  the  immense  benefit  their  introduction  would 
cause  is  given  in  Alzate,  Gaceta,  ii.  241-7. 

50  Arlegui  states  that  in  1736  there  were  over  1,000,000  sheep  raised,  and 
more  than  1,500,000  pasturing  in  Nuevo  Leon.  Ckrdn.  Zac,  82,  13S.  Hum- 
boldt, however,  says  that  the  breeding  of  sheep  was  very  much  neglected  in 
New  Spain.  Essen  Pol.,  ii.  450. 

51  In  1590  Viceroy  Luis  Velasco  the  younger  took  active  interest  in  fur- 
thering the  manufacture  of  woollen  goods,  and  established  a  factory  at  -Tez- 
cuco. 

52  Licenses  for  factories  could  only  be  granted  by  the  king  through  the 
mediation  of  viceroy  and  audiencia.  Indians  were  to  be  dissuaded  from 
working  in  the  factories,  although  without  their  labor  they  would  have  to 
be  closed;  all  laws  on  the  good  treatment  of  the  Indians  should  be  most 
rigidly  enforced  in  manufacturing  establishments.  Recop.  de  Ltd.,  ii.  106  et 
seq.;  Reales  CMulas,  MS.,  ii.  81,  84.  To  favor  the  industries  of  Spain  raw 
wool  from  Mexico  was  exempted  from  duties.  Intendentes,  Real  Ord.,  73. 

o:j  The  second  Revilla  Gigcdo  took  great  interest  in  these  matters,  and  at- 


WOOL  AND  COTTON.  617 

siderable  number  of  persons  were  engaged  in  it.  The 
principal  factories  were  in  Queretaro,  Puebla,  and  Va- 
lladolid,  and  in  the  beginning  of  this  century  the  an- 
nual consumption  of  raw  wool  was  estimated  at  about 
16,000  quintals.54  The  result  was  somewhat  remark- 
able considering  that  the  native  artisan  generally  used 
only  the  most  primitive  machinery.55  He  could,  how- 
ever, produce  articles  which,  though  inferior  to  Euro- 
pean fabrics,  would  nearly  always  successfully  compete 
with  them. 

Of  an  earlier  date  was  the  manufacture  of  cotton, 
a  process  long  known  to  the  Aztecs,  who  had  formed 
plantations,  chiefly  in  the  regions  bordering  on  the 
South  Sea.  Imperfect  as  was  their  machinery,  they 
produced  a  variety  of  fabrics,  the  greater  part  of 
which  were  used  for  the  dresses  of  the  wealthier 
classes.56  After  the  conquest  the  production  of  cot- 
ton goods  decreased  in  consequence  of  the  competition 
with  European  commodities,  although  the  latter  could 
never  entirely  supplant  those  of  the  natives.  There 
were  few  large  factories  in  later  years,  but  looms  were 
distributed  over  Cholula,  Puebla,  Tlascala,  Queretaro, 
and  Guadalajara.  The  total  produced  was  consid- 
erable; in  the  intendencia  of  Puebla  the  product 
amounted  to  $1,500,000  a  year.57  In  1792,  Pevilla 
Gigedo  supplied  a  long-felt  want  by  founding  the 
weaving-school  of  Tixtla.  Whenever  Spain  was  at 
war  with  a  European  power,  and  the  importation  of 
fabrics  interrupted,  the  native  industry  flourished,  but 

tempted  to  form  a  collection  of  specimens  of  all  articles  manufactured  in  the 
different  intendencias. 

5i  Queretaro  alone  produced  woollen  fabrics  worth  about  $000,000  every 
year,  and  employed  in  1793  more  than  1,700  persons.  In  1803  there  were 
320  establishments  of  different  sizes.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  667. 

53  '  Estos  naturales  no  necesitan  de  todos  las  oficinas  y  utensilios,  que  re- 
gularmente  se  emplean  en  Espaiia. .  .Siendo  tan  to  mas  admirable  el  que  con 
tan  malas  disposiciones  salgan  algunas  obras  dignas  de  atencion.'  Revilla 
Gigedo,  Instruc,  92. 

56  For  details  as  to  the  manufacture  of  cotton  among  the  Aztecs,  see  Na- 
tive Races,  ii.,  passim,  this  series. 

57  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol. ,  ii.  666,  gives  several  details  about  the  consump- 
tion of  cotton  in  the  different  factories.  Other  statistics  relating  to  the  same 
subject  are  given  in  Cancelada,  Ruina,  16-22. 


58 


CIS  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

only  again  to  relapse  into  its  former  state,  as  soon  as 
peace  was  concluded.  The  export  of  raw  cotton, 
though  favored  by  exemption  from  duties  and  cus 
toms,  never  acquired  any  commercial  importance, 
and  was  inconsiderable  compared  with  that  of  the 
United  States. 

Though  at  an  early  date  the  raising  of  flax  and 
hemp  was  encouraged,59  little  progress  was  made  for 
more  than  two  centuries.  In  1777  and  later,  numer- 
ous orders  were  issued  to  the  viceroys,  urging  their 
cultivation  and  manufacture,69  and  in  the  same  year 
twelve  experts  were  sent  from  Spain  to  give  practical 
instruction.  Privileges  were  also  granted  to  persons 
willing  to  engage  in  this  industry;61  but  all  efforts 
were  fruitless,  despite  the  large  amounts  of  money 
spent  in  experiments,  and  finally  the  effort  was 
abandoned.62 

In  addition  to  the  products  already  mentioned, 
others  were  raised  in  New  Spain  of  less  importance, 
though  still  of  value  for  domestic  or  commercial  pur- 
poses. To  the  former  class  belong  the  manioc,  yam, 
potato,  the  different  kinds  of  pepper,  or  chile,  a  neces- 
sary ingredient  in  the  national  dish,  tortillas  de  maiz, 
and  manifold  varieties  of  fruit.  Of  the  latter,  men- 
tion will  be  made  later. 

After  the  Spanish  dominion  was  established,  and 
strange  plants  and  animals  introduced,  aboriginal  occu- 
pations were  placed  more  and  more  in  the  back- 
ground. This  was  apparently  the  case  with  the 
fisheries,  a  well  developed  industry  among  the  Az- 
tecs,63 but  little  encouraged  since  the  conquest. 

53  Amounting  only  to  about  6,000  quintals  at  the  beginning  of  the  present 
century. 

5'J  Since  1545.  Recop.  de  Ind. ,  ii.  67. 

C0From  January  12,  1777,  till  May  9,  1795,  ten  decrees  were  issued,  all  for 
this  purpose.  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iv.  189;  Helena,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii. 
219-20. 

01  Z'tmora,  Tntmdentes,  Real  Ord.,  71-2. 

C2  More  than  8100,000  had  been  spent  by  the  crown.  See  also  on  this  sub- 
ject, llecilla  Gigedo,  Instrac,  98-100;  Id.,  Bandos,  no.  39;  Cancelada,  Ruina, 
33-4. 

t3  See  Native  Races,  ii.  352-3,  this  series. 


NATIVE  INGENUITY.  619 

The  pearl  fisheries,  however,  were  an  exception,  and 
from  an  early  date  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
crown  and  its  vassals.  A  number  of  laws  were  issued 
for  their  regulation,64  and  for  sometime  they  attracted 
many  explorers  to  the  gulf  of  California;  but  as  this 
belongs  to  another  division  of  my  work,  I  shall  speak 
of  it  elsewhere.65 

The  skill  of  the  natives  in  certain  branches  of  man- 
ufactures created  astonishment  even  among  the  Span- 
iards, though  they  were  little  inclined  to  recognize 
any  such  ability.  No  less  surprise  was  caused  among 
the  Aztecs  by  the  first  examples  of  European  skill  in 
manufactures,  not  so  much  on  account  of  their  work- 
manship, as  the  facility  with  which  they  were  pro- 
duced. They  immediately  discerned  the  advantages 
which  they  could  derive  from  their  European  mas- 
ters, and  seized  eagerly  the  opportunity,  whenever  it 
offered.  Instances  have  already  been  related,  among 
which  may  be  mentioned  the  manner  in  which  they 
contrived  to  learn  the  weaving  of  a  certain  kind  of 
cloth  and  the  making  of  saddles.66  Soon  after  the 
conquest  such  occupations  as  those  of  carpenter, 
bricklayer,  shoemaker,  and  tailor,  fell  into  their  hands, 
and  they  not  only  imitated  the  Spanish  artisans, 
but  exhibited  some  ingenuity  as  inventors.  Occa- 
sionally, however,  their  enterprising  spirit  would  lead 
them  astray.  Of  this  a  rather  humorous  instance  has 
been  recorded  by  an  early  chronicler,  who  relates 
that  an  Indian  tailor  on  observing  in  a  procession  a 
man  dressed  in  the  sambenito,  the  badge  worn  by 
those  sentenced  by  the  inquisition,  supposed  it  to  be 
a  new  kind  of  garment  to  be  used  in  church  festivals. 
A  few  days  later  he  surprised  the  Spaniards  by  offer- 
ing a  number  for  sale,  until  the  laughter  which  he 
excited  made  him  aware  of  his  mistake. 

6ifiecop.  de  hid.,  ii.  96-106. 

65  In  Hist.  North.  Mex.  States,  vol.  ii.,  this  series. 

66  See  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  172,  this  series. 


G20  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

Long  before  the  conquest  the  Indians  had  been 
experts  in  the  manufacture  of  earthenware  and  pot- 
tery, numerous  specimens  of  which  are  found  through- 
out the  country.  Under  Spanish  rule  the  variety  of 
design  was  greatly  increased  and  a  larger  field  was 
opened  to  them.  They  also  learned  the  fabrication 
of  glass,  and  as  this  industry  gradually  developed,  sev- 
eral factories  arose,  chiefly  at  Puebla,  where  forty-six 
establishments  for  the  making  of  glass  and  pottery 
were  in  a  flourishing  condition  in  1793.  Subsequently 
a  decline  took  place,  and  in  the  beginning  of  this  cen- 
tury the  number  was  reduced  to  eighteen. 

The  fabrications  of  iron  never  made  any  notable 
progress  in  New  Spain,  and  the  iron  implements  in 
use  came  almost  exclusively  from  the  mother  country. 
It  was  only  when  communication  with  the  old  world 
was  interrupted  or  difficult  that  an  impulse  was  given 
to  this  branch  of  industry.67 

There  w^ere,  howTever,  other  branches  in  which  the 
natives  excelled  the  most  skilful  European  artisans, 
and  chief  among  them  was  the  manufacture  of  coch- 
ineal and  indigo.  Both  were  produced  mainly  in 
Oajaca;  but  owing  to  failures  of  the  crop  and  the  op- 
pressive policy  of  the  government,63  the  indigo  trade 
declined  considerably,  and  toward  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century  the  yield  was  not  enough  for  home 
consumption,69  and  the  want  was  supplied  by  impor- 
tations from  Guatemala. 

Cochineal  long  maintained  its  place  as  one  of  the 
leading  exports  of  new  Spain,  its  production  being  en- 
couraged by  the  crown  from  the  earliest  days.70     It 

67  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  92,  attributes  the  small  progress  of  the  iron  in- 
dustry to  the  unwillingness  of  the  merchants  to  introduce  the  instruments 
and  mstchinery  required  for  the  production  of  that  metal.  Estalla,  xxvii. 
4G,  speaks  of  some  excellent  work  in  steel,  manufactured  at  Puebla,  but  this 
is  rather  doubtful. 

68  A  law  of  15G3  prohibited  the  employment  of  Indians  in  the  cultivation  on 
the  ground  that  it  was  injurious  to  their  health.     liecop.  de  Intl.,  ii.  307-8. 

19 The  second  Revilla  Gigedo  estimated  the  yearly  production  in  1/94,  at 
1500  arrobas.  Instruc,  100.  For  details  as  to  its  cultivation  see  Alzate, 
Dl  trio  Lit.,  50-2. 

70 Cochineal  was  exempted  from  tithes.     Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii. 


ARTISTIC  WORK.  621 

was  procured  entirely  by  the  natives,  and  efforts  were 
made  to  protect  them  from  the  usual  extortions  of 
the  Spaniards,  though  apparently  with  little  avail,  as 
the  yield  decreased  and  finally  was  almost  confined  to 
the  districts  of  Oajaca.71  Nevertheless  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  present  century  the  exports  from  Vera 
Cruz  represented  about  $2,000, 000.72  A  few  years 
previously  this  industry  had  occupied  from  twenty- 
five  to  thirty  thousand  persons,  but  the  profits  were 
apparently  moderate.73 

But  the  skill  of  the  Aztecs  in  producing  feather- 
work  excited  the  most  remark.  Marvellous  stories 
were  related  by  the  first  Europeans  who  saw  speci- 
mens of  this  art,  and  the  choicest  patterns  were 
deemed  worthy  to  be  offered  to  the  sovereign.  The 
novelty  soon  lost  its  charm,  however,  and  an  industry 
which  in  aboriginal  times  had  been  fostered  and  de- 
veloped with  the  utmost  care,  was  neglected  by  the 
representatives  of  civilized  Europe,74  until  it  lost  all 
its  importance  for  practical  purposes,  and  merely  served 
to  satisfy  occasional  curiosity.  A  worse  fate  befell 
the  manufacture  of  jewelry,  which  had  attained  the 
highest  perfection  among  the  Aztecs,  whose  skill  was 
considered  as  unrivalled  by  Europeans.75  Though  it 
was  well  known  that  they  possessed  the  knowledge  of 
working  the  metal  in  certain  forms  absolutely  unknown 
in  Europe,  when  in  1507    some  mining   regulations 

185-7;  Alaman,  Mej.,  i.  103.  A  decree  of  1597,  later  repeated,  directed 
the  viceroy  to  stimulate  its  production,  and  if  necessary  to  compel  the  Indians 
to  labor  at  this  industry.  Becop.  de  Ind. ,  ii.  CO.  See  also  for  other  instructions 
bearing  on  the  subject,  Id.,  ii.  67,  179,  350-1,  573;  iii.  40G,  513. 

71  Formerly  cochineal  was  produced  also  in  Guadalajara,  Puebla,  and 
Yucutan. 

72  Authorities  differ  essentially  about  the  value.  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc- 
tion, 102,  gives  in  1793  the  annual  yield  at  23,600  arrobas,  representing  at 
the  price  computed  by  Humboldt,  $1,770,000.  The  latter  authority  gives 
the  figures  of  $3,368,557  and  $2,238,673  for  1802  and  1803  respectively. 
Essai  Pol.,  ii.  457.  Alaman,  Mej.,  i.  103,  estimates  the  annual  yield  for  that 
time  at  $1,200,000,  and  says  that  formerly  its  value  amounted  to  $3,000,000. 

73  According  to  Revilla  Gigedo  only  nine  per  cent  on  the  capital  in- 
vested. 

74  See  Native  Races,  ii.  488-90,  for  a  description  of  this  art  in  Aztec  times; 
also  Denis,  Arte  Plumaria,  1  et  seq. 

75  See  also  Native  Paces,  ii.  475-82. 


G22  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

were  issued  in  Mexico,  severe  penalties70  forbade 
all  persons  interested  in  or  connected  with  mining 
to  employ  native  jewellers  for  making  ornaments 
either  of  gold  or  silver.  Thus  European  designs  and 
methods  prevailed,  and  although  the  manufacture  of 
jewelry  was  extensively  pursued,  the  style  led  in 
another  direction,  and  processes  which  had  only  been 
known  to  the  native  workmen  were  irretrievably  lost. 

All  jewellers  were  obliged  to  have  their  establish- 
ments in  a  certain  street,  and  were  forbidden  to  work 
any  metal  unless  the  payment  of  the  king's  fifth  had 
been  proved;  nor  were  they  allowed  to  employ  coined 
gold  or  silver.  Since  early  times  they  had  been  in- 
corporated as  a  guild,  with  a  patron-saint  of  their 
own,  and  subject  to  certain  regulations  or  statutes.77 
Nevertheless  there  is  no  doubt  that  contraband  trad- 
ing was  carried  on  in  this  branch  as  in  most  others, 
and  therefore  some  addition  must  be  made  to  the  offi- 
cial returns,  which  indicate  for  the  beginning  of  this 
century  an  average  value  of  $270,000  for  the  gold  and 
silver  manufactured  every  year.78 

The  question  has  often  been  brought  forward 
whether  the  agricultural  and  industrial  resources  of 
New  Spain  were  sufficient  to  place  her  on  an  inde- 
pendent footing,  and  the  answer  has  frequently  been 
based  on  the  condition  of  the  country  at  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century.  The  propriety  of  selecting 
that  epoch  is  at  least  doubtful,  considering  the  char- 
acter and  influence  of  the  Spanish  dominion  during 
the  preceding  three  hundred  years.  Allusion  has 
often  been  made  to  the  policy  of  the  government  to- 
ward New  Spain  in  all  affairs  where  the  interest  of 

76  Loss  of  all  property  and  perpetual  banishment  from  New  Spain.  Libro 
de  Cabildo,  MS.,  198. 

77  Compiled  by  Viceroy  Cadereita  in  1C38,  and  enlarged  in  1701  by  the 
Count  of  Moctesuma.  They  are  given  in  the  Ordenanzas  del  Nobilissimo  Arte 
de  la  Plalcria,  Mexico,  1715,  10  folios,  and  contain  in  35  articles  the  regula- 
tions for  the  government  of  the  guild,  together  with  instructions  for  certain 
technicalities.  In  1733  and  1748  additional  rules  were  issued  in  Spain. 
BeaUs  Ccdula*,  MS.,  ii.  99-104. 

78  The  total  consumption  from  1798  till  1802  was  1,926  marks  of  gold  and 
134,024  of  silver. 


BACKWARD  CONDITION.  623 

the  mother  country  was  supposed  to  be  endangered. 
Branches  of  agriculture  and  industry,  which  might 
have  insured  progress,  labored  for  centuries  under 
difficulties,  and  not  only  were  the  markets  of  foreign 
countries  closed  to  them,  but  the  colonies  were  obliged 
to  receive  the  products  of  the  old  world.  It  is  true 
this  policy  was  chiefly  directed  against  the  mining 
and  manufacturing  industries,79  but  it  affected  none  the 
less  the  agricultural  interest,  which  was  intimately 
connected  with  it.  This  explains  the  little  advance 
in  the  different  methods  of  husbandry;  the  sharpened 
stick,  the  wooden  shovel,  the  copper  hoe  and  sickle  of 
the  Aztec  being  comparatively  less  primitive  than 
the  rude  plow  introduced  by  the  Spaniard  in  early 
times  and  still  in  use  in  the  eighteenth  century. 

About  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  elapsed  before 
a  more  liberal  spirit  pervaded  the  colonial  policy. 
One  of  the  first  steps  was  to  settle  the  right  to  prop- 
erty in  farm  lands  in  an  equitable  manner,  Try  grant- 
ing for  a  small  compensation  the  possession  of  such 
as  had  been  held  for  years  without  legal  title.  The 
encouragement  which  these  laws  afforded,80  was  in- 
creased by  giving  the  native  laborer  the  much  needed 
protection  against  Spanish  oppression.81  After  that 
time  the  total  value  of  agricultural  products  increased 
considerably,  and  amounted  at  the  beginning  of  this 
century  to  more  than  $30,000,000  a  year  in  those  ar- 
ticles alone  which  were  subject  to  the  payment  of 
tithes.82    The  injurious  policy  of  several  hundred  years 

79  One  of  the  ablest  and  best  viceroys,  the  second  Revilla  Gigedo,  was  not 
entirely  free  from  prejudice  in  this  respect.  He  says  in  one  place:  'It  must 
not  be  overlooked  that  this  (New  Spain)  is  a  colony  which  must  depend  upon 
its  mother,  Spain,  and  is  obliged  to  make  returns  for  the  benefits  which  her 
protection  affords.'  And  further:  'El  unico  medio  de  destruir  las  fabricas 
del  reino,  es  el  que  vengan  a  precios  mas  comodos  de  Europa  los  mismos 
efectos.'  Instruc.,  90-1,  93. 

80  They  were  of  October  15,  1754,  and  March  13,  1750,  and  granted  power 
to  settle  any  difficulties  to  the  viceroy  and  audiencia.  Ordenes  de  la  Corona, 
MS.,  i.  90-5;  vi.  1-6;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  2S-33;  Providenclas  Reales,  MS., 
160-G,  189-95. 

81  The  text  of  the  law,  dated  March  23,  1773,  is  given  mid.,  188-9. 

82  The  total  of  tithes  in  the  bishoprics  of  Mexico,  Puebla,  Valladolid, 
Oajaca,  Guadalajara,  and  Durango  during  the  years  1760  till  1779  was  &13,- 


624  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

had  however  wrought  evils  too  serious  to  be  quicldy 
remedied,  and  whilst  some  industries  had  been  aban- 
doned, of  others  the  knowledge  had  been  entirely 
lost.83  The  statutes  and  ordinances  of  most  of  the 
different  guilds  were  antiquated  and  inappropriate; 
the  instruction  of  apprentices  was  generally  very 
poor.  Of  the  total  yearly  product  of  manufactures, 
valued  at  about  $7,000,000,  the  greater  part  consisted 
of  articles  of  prime  necessity.84  It  was  only,  as  we 
have  seen,  when  war  in  Europe  hindered  communica- 
tion with  Spain,  that  some  activity  prevailed,  but  it 
always  subsided,  and  the  ground  thus  gained  was  soon 
lost. 

The  mining  interest  was,  of  course,  a  very  promi- 
nent one,  though  its  importance  has  been  so  greatly 
exaggerated  as  to  cause  the  assertion  that  New 
Spain  was  of  little  value  except  as  a  mining  territory. 
What  the  country  under  another  form  of  govern- 
ment did  accomplish,  is  a  subject  which  I  shall  treat 

later.85 

i 

357,157  against  $18,353,821  for  the  following  decade.  Rewlla  Gigedo,  Instruc, 
101-2. 

83 '  Habiendo  entonces  varios  oficios . . .  de  los  cuales  aim  apenas  queda  otra 
noticia.'  Id.,  84. 

81  Such  as  soap,  leather,  ordinary  textures  of  cotton,  of  wool,  and  others. 
The  industrial  products  of  Quer6taro  in  1793  have  been  estimated  at  $1,000,- 
000.  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  iii.  199.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  715,  gives  a 
glowing  description  of  the  industrial  achievements  of  New  Spain  in  1799; 
according  to  him  they  were  not  to  be  surpassed  by  European  products. 

85  My  observations  made  in  a  preceding  part  about  the  scarcity  of  authori- 
ties on  the  mining  history  of  New  Spain  find  still  more  application  to  this 
chapter.  This  want  of  information  has  obliged  me  to  gather  my  material  in 
the  form  of  numerous  items,  scattered  through  a  vast  range  of  books;  in  addi- 
tion, however,  I  have  been  aided  by  a  variety  of  treatises,  dwelling  only  on 
special  subjects.  Among  writers  of  the  latter  class,  a  prominent  place  be- 
longs to  the  scientist  Alzate,  who  has  endeavored  to  diffuse  useful  knowl- 
edge through  essays  in  the  different  series  of  his  Gacetus  de  Literatura, 
Mexico,  1788-95.  A  separate  edition  has  appeared  of  his  memoir  on  the  cul- 
tivation of  the  cochineal,  the  Memoria . ,  .del  Insecto  Grana  6  Cochlnilla, 
Madrid,  1795,  pp.  226,  of  which  I  have  before  me  a  manuscript  copy  in  280 
folios,  with  the  writer's  autograph.  Of  similar  color,  only  embracing  one 
subject,  is  Payno's  Memoria  sobre  el  Maguey  Mexicano,  Mexico,  1864,  pp. 
132,  and  another  work  of  the  same  title,  Mexico,  1865,  pp.  32,  by  Pedro  and 
Ignacio  Blasquez.  Both,  as  their  title  implies,  dwell  exclusively  on  the  ma- 
guey plant  and  its  use,  and  the  first  contains  much  curious  information,  part 
of  which,  however,  is  of  little  or  merely  of  local  interest.  Different  in  form 
and  arrangement  is  a  treatise  on  sericulture,  written  by  order  of  Viceroy  Re- 
villa  Gigedo,  under  the  title  of  Compendio.  .delas  Moreras  y  Morales,  Mexico, 


RE  VILLA  GIGEDO,  FONSECA,  AND  ALAMAK  625 

1703,  pp.  34,  taking  as  a  base  his  instructions  on  the  subject.  More  general 
information  is  furnished  in  his  Instruction,  valuable  especially  because  it 
throws  some  light  on  the  spirit  of  the  age  and  of  the  government,  which  then 
had  recently  adopted  a  more  liberal  policy.  Fonseca  and  Urrutfa  in  their 
Historia  de  la  Real  Hacienda  chiefly  view  matters  from  a  financial  stand- 
point, and,  though  containing  some  details  about  maguey,  tobacco,  and  other 
products,  refer  essentially  to  their  relation  to  the  royal  revenue.  Alaman,  in 
his  Historia  de  Mejico,  has,  strange  to  say,  paid  little  attention  to  the  period 
under  consideration;  still  he  furnishes  some  items  of  interest  not  found  else- 
where. Of  foreign  writers  Humboldt  claims  an  important  place,  but  his  in- 
formation is  merely  confined  to  a  few  historical  data  of  specific  character  and 
a  scientific  description  of  the  different  plants  which  he  found  in  the  country 
when  there.  The  remainder  of  the  space  allotted  to  the  subject  in  his  Essni 
Politique  is  principally  absorbed  by  statistics  of  modern  date,  but  the  whole 
does  not  give  the  complete  view  which,  one  would  presume,  he  might  have 
been  able  to  form.  He  has  been  followed  by  Ward,  Mexico  in  1827,  Miihl- 
enpfordt,  Republlk  Mejico,  and  Mayer,  Mexico,  who  in  the  respective  parts  of 
their  writings  have  drawn  largely  from  him,  adding  such  information  as  it  was 
in  their  power  to  obtain.  The  latter  refer  chiefly  to  a  recent  period,  for  which 
reason  I  shall  consider  them  in  another  part  of  this  work. 


Authorities  cited  in  preceding  chapter:  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  27, 
45-50,  90-103;  iii.  166,  185-7;  vi.  1-6;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  ii.  81,  99-104, 
194-7;  Providenclas  Reales,  MS.,  91-5,  143-4,  154-5,  160-6,  185-95,  225-6; 
Azanza,  Ynstruc,  MS.,  69-70,  143-4,  180-1;  Revllla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  MS., 
i.  278-328;  Id.,  Residencia,  MS.,  406-19;  Id.,  Bandos,  39,  83;  Cedulario, 
MS.,  i.  28-33;  iii.  63,  169-76;  Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  Carta  al  Alrnirante,  MS., 
38;  Grambila,  Tumultos,  MS.,  12-13;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.  Oaj.,  i.  5;  ii. 
208-9,  228-9;  Torquemada,  i.  336;  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  i.  22-3;  Reales 
Ordenes,  i.  451-5;  Cancelada,  Ruinct  de  let  N.  Esp.,  16-20,  33-4,  82-3;  Pa- 
checoand  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  506;  Carriedo,  Estudios  Hist.,  ii.  96,  passim; 
Puga,  Cedulario,  141-2;  Recop.  de  Indlas,  i.  4;  ii.  40  etseq. ;  Col.  Hoc.  Ined., 
xxi.  464-5;  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  473;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  60-1;  Dispo- 
sitions Varias,  i.  100,  102,  128;  iii.  84-96;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  passim; 
Id.,  New  Spain,  ii.  365-483;  iii.  1-103,  455-93;  iv.  278-91;  Id.,  TablasEstad., 
MS.,  40-5;  Id.,  Versuch,  1-180;  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Real  Ilac,  ii.  353- 
4S6;  iii.  338-428;  Gaceta  Mex.,  i.  12  et  seq.;  ii.  21  passim;  iii.  10-11,  223; 
iv.  11-12,  248;  v.  265;  vii.  33;  viii.  45,  263;  ix.  188;  xii.  112,  445-S;  xvi. 
972-8;  Alzate  Gacetas,  i.  30-1,  194-6;  ii.  55  et  seq.;  iii.,  passim;  iv.  104-11, 
140-76.  299,  390;  Diario  Mex.,  i.  37,  341,  378;  ii.  79;  iii.  139;  v.  244,  279-80, 
538;  vii.  462;  ix.  220;  xii.  140,  152;  Correo  Merc.  Esp.,  iii.  34,  90-128;  iv. 
603-14;  Belena,  Recop.,  i.  219-20;  ii.  1-5;  Payno,  Rentas  Generates,  vii., 
passim;  Alzate  y  Ramirez,  Memoria,  MS.,  1-280;  Soc.  Mex.  Geoq.,  Boletin, 
ii.  8,  16-23;  iii.  198-206,  285,  308-24;  vi.  147-57,  273;  ix.  181;  Id.,  2da  ep. 
ii.  182-4;  iii.  25;  iv.  410-20,  525-9;  Id.,  3ra  ep.  i.  253-4;  Estalla,  xxvi.  345-7; 
xxvii.  9-10,  46-7,  73-7,  199-206,  251-3;  Yucatan,  Estad.,  284-308;  Busta- 
mante,  Cuadro  Hist.,  iv.  67-76;  Id.,  Gablnete  Mex.,  ii.  90-5;  Id.,  Voz  de  la 
Patria,  v.  127-63;  Morfi,  Doc.  Mex.,  iv.  479;  Fabian,  Col.  de  Providencia, 
166-77;  Breve  Noticlas  Magueyes,  MS.,  1-16;  Mex.,  Rel.  Estad.,  1-2;  Noti- 
closo  Gen.,  1817,  2;  Sammlung,  alter  Reisebesch,  xiii.  630-59,  694-5;  Galvan, 
Ord.  Tierras,  23-8;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  102-8,  115-16,  353-9;  iii.  30-1; 
v.  99;  Cavo,  Tres  Slglos,  iii.  14,  57-9;  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  163-4;  La 
Cruz,  ii.  222-3;  Arrillaga,  Informe,  11,  47-8;  Mayer's  Mex.  Azt.,  i.  255;  ii. 
96;  Campillo,  Nuevo  Sistema,  114-39,  142-55;  Quelpo,  Col.  de  Doc,  72-98, 
164,  335;  Instituto  Geog.  Estad.,  1-22;  Zuillga  y  Ontlveros,  Bomba,  1-12;  Pap. 
Var.,  ii.  1-54;  lx.  1-12;  cl.  1-22;  clxiv.,  passim;  Chevalier,  Expedition,  14; 
Nouv.  Annales  des  Voy.,  xxiii.  71;  Noticloso  Gen.,  1817,  3;  Rivera,  Hist.  Ja- 
lapa,  i.  143-8,  175-6;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  457;  iii.  211-38;  Sosa,  Episcop. 
Mex.,  202;  Rivera,  Mex.  In  1842,  241-3;  Museo  Mex.,  iii.  153  et  seq.;  Za- 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    40 


C26  AGRICULTURE  AND  MANUFACTURES. 

mora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iv.  180;  Alvarez,  Estudlos  Hist.,  iii.  301,  435,  442-3; 
Walton's  Spanish  Am.,  ii.  305-7,  318-20;  Macgillevray's  llumboldt,  315,  320; 
Morse's  Am.  Geo<t.,  4S0;  Burke's  Evrop.  Settle,  i.  223-8;  Winterbotham's 
J  list.  U.  S.,  iv.  111-12;  Morderi*  Geo;/.,  579-82;  Zavala,  Rev.  Mex.,  23-31; 
Pinkerton'a  Modern  Geog.,  iii.  234;  Taylor's  Selections,  50-3;  Dice.  Univ.,  i. 
214-17,  39G;  ix.  448-75;' x.  44,  731-2,  994;  Mex.,  Mem.  Justicia,  1844,  7-58; 
Album  Mex.,  i.  183;  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  150-1;  Abispa  de  CMlpancingo, 
391;  Niles  Register,  xxii.  246;  Midler,  Reisen  in  Mex.,  iii.  206;  Rivera,  Gober- 
nantes,  i.  246,  250;  Ogilbifs  America,  240-2;  Carranza's  Dc  script.,  37;  Flint's 
Geog.,  ii.  146-7;  Torrents,  Revol.  llisp.,  i.  19;  Ward's  Mex.,  ii.  58;  S ema- 
il a  rio  Econdmico,  1-65;  Ortiz,  Mex.  Indep.  Libre,  280-316;  Willie,  Noticias 
11  ac,  4;  Sanchez,  Pueb.  Sagrad.  Prof.,  112-13. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

COMMERCE. 

1500-1800. 

The  Selfish  Policy  of  Spain—Commercial  and  Moral  Effect  in  New 
Spain — Casa  de  Contratacion  and  Consulados — Depredations  by 
Hostile  Nations  and  Corsairs — Early  Trade  with  Santo  Do- 
mingo— Intercolonial  Trade  with  the  Philippines — Decadence — ■ 
Commerce  with  Peru — Niggardly  Regulations — Mexican  High- 
ways— The  Road  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Capital  and  Acapulco — ■ 
Stage  Lines — Internal  Navigation — The  Postal  Service — Abuses — ■ 
The  Crown  Assumes  the  Management — Internal  Trade — Fairs 
and  Markets — Relaxation  of  Restrictions — Insurance  Companies — ■ 
A  Bubble  Bank  and  Gulled  Shareholders — Expansion  of  Com- 
merce under  Free  Trade. 

The  jealous  and  exclusive  system  adopted  by  Spain 
in  her  colonization  of  the  New  World  has  no  parallel 
in  the  history  of  mankind.  For  three  centuries  the 
political  and  commercial  dependence  of  the  colonies 
upon  the  mother  country  was  as  complete  and  absolute 
as  selfish  policy,  rigorous  laws,  and  oppressive  gov- 
ernment could  make  it.  To  drain  the  Indies  of  their 
wealth  and  draw  it  to  Spain  was  the  sole  aim  which 
influenced  the  Spanish  monarchs  in  legislating  for 
their  colonial  possessions,  and  the  prohibitive  system 
of  commerce  pursued  by  them  makes  glaringly  con- 
spicuous their  indifference  to  the  welfare  of  the  trans- 
atlantic settlements.  The  principles  of  the  commercial 
code  promulgated  were  despotic,  and  in  order  to 
secure  a  monopoly  of  trade,  certain  manufactures  and 
the  cultivation  of  the  vine  and  olive  were  forbidden. 
Every  European  article  of  necessity  or  luxury  called 
for  by  the  colonists  of  New  Spain  had  to  be  imported 

(627) 


C2S  COMMERCE. 

from  the  Peninsula,  and  trade  with  foreigners  was 
punishable  by  death.  Even  the  carrying  trade  be- 
tween old  and  new  Spain  was  forbidden  to  the  set- 
tlers, while  intercolonial  traffic  languished  under 
crippling  restrictions,  or  was  absolutely  prohibited. 
Foreign  articles  were  imported  in  such  quantities  that 
the  demand  generally  exceeded  the  supply,  thus  se- 
curing to  the  shippers  enormous  prices.  Vessels  pro- 
ceeding to  and  from  New  Spain  were  permitted  to 
leave  or  enter  only  the  port  of  Seville,1  and  those 
clearing  for  a  certain  port  in  the  Indies  were  not 
allowed  to  touch  at  any  other.  In  order  further  to 
secure  the  carrying  trade  and  monopoly  of  commerce 
the  registry  of  ships  was  made  imperative,2  and  only 
those  thus  licensed  could  convey  merchandise  to  and 
from  the  colonies.  At  first  commercial  communica- 
tion with  Spain  was  irregular,  a  fleet  being  despatched 
occasionally  to  Vera  Cruz  under  the  protection  of 
convoys,  and  distinguished  by  the  term  jlota.3 

So  closely  did  the  government  guard  against  possi- 
ble independence  of  the  colonists  in  trade  that  ships' 
companies  were  prohibited  from  purchasing  goods  of 
the  country,  and  factors  and  traders  on  the  fleets  were 
not  allowed  to  remain  longer  than  three  years  in 
America.4  No  foreigner  could  trade  with  the  colonies, 
nor  was  one  permitted  to  enter  a  port  without  special 
license.5  In  fact  both  the  prices  of  imports  and  ex- 
ports of  New  Spain,  with  the  exception  of  the  precious 
metals,  were  under  the  arbitrary  control  of  the  mer- 
chants of  Seville,  and  later  of  Cadiz.  What  further 
increased  the  drainage  of  wealth  from  America  was 

1  In  1720  Cadiz,  as  being  more  convenient,  was  made  the  exclusive  port 
for  trade  with  America. 

2  In  1G75  a  vessel  from  the  West  Indies,  freighted  with  wine,  cocao,  and 
Spanish  goods,  but  with  no  register  from  the  Ilabana,  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz. 
The  captain  was  arrested  for  want  of  formality,   liobles,  Diario,  ii.  184. 

3  During  the  period  from  15G5  to  1777  I  find  that  the  fleets  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz  at  intervals  varying  from  one  to  five  years.  In  the  18th  century,  how- 
ever, a  number  of  vessels  annually  entered  that  port  independent  of  the  flota. 
Lerdode  Tejada,  Comer.  Ester.,  hoc,  nos.  1,  12. 

iReales  Cedtdae,  MS.,  i.  100,  171. 
5  Recop.  de  Lid.,  iii.  32G-8. 


CONTRABAND  AND  CORRUPTION.  629 

the  decadence  of  manufacturing  industries  in  Spain, 
owing  to  the  immense  influx  into  the  Peninsula 
of  the  precious  metals.  The  riches  poured  into  the 
mother  country  made  labor  almost  unnecessary;  hence 
a  general  decline  in  all  kinds  of  industry,  and  Spain 
had  to  resort  to  foreign  markets,  not  only  to  supply 
home  consumption  but  also  the  demands  of  her  col- 
onies. Merchandise  thus  procured  could  only  be  ex- 
ported to  the  American  settlements  at  rates  increased 
by  additional  duties  and  merchants'  profits.6  The 
moral  effect  of  such  a  system  upon  the  community  is 
obvious.  Contraband  trade — and  the  consequent  cor- 
ruption of  officials — was  carried  on  in  the  Spanish 
colonies  to  a  degree  unequalled  in  any  age  or  country, 
and  organized  troops  of  bandits  in  time  infested  the 
internal  lines  of  traffic.7 

In  order  to  ensure  the  carrying-out  of  the  restric- 
tions imposed  upon  transatlantic  commerce  the  casa 
de  contratacion  was  established  at  Seville,  with  su- 
preme power  in  all  commercial  matters,  subordinate 
only  to  the  council  of  Indies.8  Commercial  courts 
called  consulados  were  also  established  in  the  colonies, 
the  duties  of  which  were  to  decide  all  questions  and 
disputes  relating  to  mercantile  affairs,  to  supervise 
and  administer  in  all  matters  affecting  trade,  such  as 
the  repair  of  ports  and  highways,  and  promote  and 
protect  commerce.9 

6  English  goods  shipped  through  Cadiz  to  the  Spanish  colonies  have  been 
estimated  at  one  hundred  per  cent  higher  in  price  than  if  they  had  been 
shipped  direct  from  an  English  port.  North  Amer.  Rev.,  xix.  178. 

7 '  Profanando  los  templos,  y  robando  los  vasos  con  las  formas  consagra- 
das;  habiendo  llegado  el  caso  de  no  poderse  transitar  los  caminos,  ni  continuar 
el  comercio.'  Diar.,  Mex.,  iv.  275,  286-7.  This  occurred  during  the  adminis- 
tration of  Viceroy  Valero  from  1716  to  1722.  Very  active  measures  were 
taken  by  him  to  suppress  brigandage,  and  numbers  of  bandits  were  executed. 

8  A  description  of  the  composition  of  this  board  of  trade,  its  powers  and 
duties,  can  be  found  in  Hist.  Central  Amer.,  i.  282-3,  this  series. 

9  The  first  tribunal  del  consulado  in  New  Spain  was  established  in  the  capi- 
tal by  order  of  Philip  II.  who  confirmed  the  action  of  Viceroy  Velasco  in  the 
matter  by  cCdula  of  December  9,  1593.  In  1795  similar  tribunals  were  estab- 
lished in  Vera  Cruz  and  Guadalajara*  and  the  extent  of  their  jurisdictions 
defined.  Those  courts  were  composed  of  a  prior,  two  consuls,  an  assessor — ■ 
or  counsellor — a  syndic,  and  nine  voting  members,  called  consiliarios.  Attached 
to  each  court  were  also  a  secretary,  auditor,  and  treasurer.     The  court  in  the 


030  COMMERCE. 

But  apart  from  the  commercial  restrictions  imposed 
upon  the  colonists  by  the  home  government,  there 
were  other  causes,  internal  and  external,  which  oper- 
ated disastrously  upon  trade,  and  kept  it  in  an  almost 
continual  state  of  depression.  Forced  loans  and  de- 
mands of  the  king  for  money,10  flooding  the  market 
with  copper  coinage,  the  interference  of  the  church,11 
the  arbitrary  action  of  civil  authorities,  and  contra- 
band trade,  each  in  greater  or  less  degree  had  an  un- 
favorable influence  on  legitimate  commerce. 

But  the  blows  which  were  most  destructive  to  com- 
mercial prosperity  were  the  losses  inflicted  by  the 
English,  French,  and  Dutch  navies  in  time  of  hostil- 
ities, and  the  depredations  committed  by  corsairs  alike 
during  war  and  peace.  In  time  of  war  commerce  with 
the  mother  country  was  reduced  to  the  lowest  ebb; 
European  goods  were  poured  into  the  Spanish  colonies 
by  neutrals,  and  the  contraband  trade  was  almost 
openly  carried  on.  In  the  general  necessity  during 
such  periods  the  authorities  and  custom-house  officers 
relaxed  their  strictness;  the  prohibitive  system  was 
widely  ignored,  and  illicit  trade  carried  on  in  spite  of 
all  the  measures  employed  by  kings  and  viceroys  to 

city  of  Mexico  occasionally  felt  the  power  of  the  viceroy.  In  1653  the  mem- 
bers were  imprisoned  and  their  property  confiscated  '  hasta  que  exhibiesen  un 
grueso  alcance  que  al  consulado  hizo  el  visitador.'  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist, 
J\Iex.,  serie  i.,  i.  266.  In  1663  the  viceroy  called  upon  the  consulado  for 
200,000  pesos  in  two  days'  time  to  be  collected  from  the  merchants,  and  in 
spite  of  the  prior's  claim  that  such  a  proceeding  was  not  within  the  court's 
prerogatives,  the  viceroy  insisted  upon  the  demand  being  carried  out:  'Pro- 
sigue  el  virey  en  que  losentere.'  Id.,  507-8.  On  February  4,  1757,  a  decree 
was  passed  forbidding  the  usurpation  of  this  tribunal's  powers  by  the  viceroy. 
Prowdenciaa  Reales,  MS.,  46-9.  Consult  Recop.  de  Ind.,  iii.  540-62;  Reales 
Ccdulas,  MS.,  i.  83,  88;  V.  Cruz,  Esposic,  in  Pap.  Var.,  15,  17;  Cedulario, 
MS.,  iii.  176;  Guadalajara,  Real  Ced.  Erec.  Consulado;  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
Apunt.  Hist.,  no.  v.  326-37,  300;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  708-9. 

luThe  king  made  a  forced  loan  of  one  eighth  of  the  gold  and  silver  shipped 
on  the  fleet  which  arrived  at  Seville  in  1620.  Reales  Ccdulas,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xvii.  215-16.  In  1662  the  crown  demanded  200,000 
pesos,  and  the  merchandise  embargoed  till  the  owners  paid  the  sum.  Guijo, 
Diario,  495.     Like  demands  were  repeatedly  made. 

11  Felipe  IV.  in  March  and  April  1660  issued  edicts  requiring  the  arch- 
bishop and  bishops  to  avoid  the  use  of  anathemas  on  the  subject  of  privileged 
merchandise,  pulque,  and  miscarried  letters,  as  the  management  of  such 
matters  pertained  to  the  viceroy,  audiencia,  and  secular  authorities.  Monte- 
mayor,  Svmarios,  35. 


CURRENCY  AND  BARTER.  631 

arrest  it.  With  the  impetus  given  to  it  by  hostilities 
with  foreign  nations  and  the  fostering  influence  of  a 
blind  policy,  smuggling  was  too  firmly  grafted  to  be 
destroyed.12  A  few  intervals  of  animation  in  commerce 
during  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  it 
is  true,  are  perceptible,  but  they  were  but  spasmodic 
revivals  of  the  magnificent  trade  which  Spain  had  car- 
ried on  with  her  colonies  in  the  days  when  her  own 
industries  were  flourishing. 

During  the  period  immediately  succeeding  the  con- 
quest, the  trade  of  New  Spain  was  carried  on  almost 
exclusively  with  Santo  Domingo;  but  this  commer- 
cial intercourse  soon  ceased,  by  reason  of  the  arbitrary 
proceedings  of  Cortes,  and  the  ill-treatment  of  mer- 
chants.13 At  this  time,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  coin, 
internal  trade  was  reduced  to  barter,  mantas  being  the 
standard  of  value;  but  much  inconvenience  arose 
from  the  different  prices  demanded  by  the  Indians14 
for  the  commodities  they  brought  to  market.  To  ob- 
viate the  want  of  a  convenient  currency,  the  council 
of  the  Indies  suggested  in  1533  that  gold  and  silver 
be  weighed  by  ounces  and  traded  in  that  form.15 

Nor  were  the  regulations  which  governed  interco- 
lonial traffic  better  devised.  The  selfish  spirit  which 
induced  their  promulgation  led  to  evils  similar  to  those 
in  regard  to  commerce  with  foreign  countries.  Laws 
were  incessantly  violated,  and  the  amount  of  smug- 

12  Humboldt  considered  that  in  time  of  peace  this  fraudulent  traffic  ab- 
sorbed probably  from  4^000,000  to  5,000,000  pesos  annually;  and  in  time  of 
war  from  6,000,000  to  7,000,000  pesos  without  doubt.  Essai  PoliL,  ii.  730-1. 
Consult  Belena,  Becop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  129-34;  Provldencias  Reales,  MS.,  102-5; 
Disposic.  Var.,  i.  26-7,  44,  77;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  vi.  79-80. 

13  On  one  occasion  Corte's  seized  the  tackle  of  some  carabelas  from  Santo 
Domingo  to  fit  out  the  fleet  which  he  despatched  against  Olid.  The  gold 
also  which  was  paid  to  the  merchants  proved  to  be  only  of  twelve  carats, 
though  set  down  at  twenty.  Hond.,  Belac,  in  Doc.  Ined.3  i.  524-5;  Pacheco 
and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xiv.  43. 

H8almeron,  in  Id.,  xiii.  200-1.  On  the  25th  of  June  1530  the  king  issued 
a  cCdula  ordering  the  authorities  in  New  Spain  to  allow  merchants  to  sell 
their  goods  where  they  wished,  and  to  regulate  treir  own  prices.  Puga,  Cedu- 
lario,  10. 

lt>Mex.  Parecer,  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  141. 


G32  COMMERCE. 

gling  on  tlie  Pacific  coast  bore  a  fair  proportion  to 
that  carried  on  at  Atlantic  ports. 

Communication  between  New  Spain  and  the  Phil- 
ippines existed  at  an  early  date,  and  during  the  latter 
part  of  the  sixteenth  century  a  vessel  yearly  left  Aca- 
pulco  with  supplies  for  those  islands.16  This  opened 
a  way  for  trade;  Chinese  silks  and  goods  were  brought 
to  New  Spain  by  the  returning  ships,  and  an  exceed- 
ingly thriving  commerce  might  have  been  developed.17 
But  Spain  soon  became  alarmed  at  the  prospects; 
traffic  with  the  Philippines  rapidly  increased  and 
affected  Spanish  commerce;  so  a  law  was  passed  in 
1591  allowing  the  colonists  of  the  islands  to  import 
goods  into  New  Spain,  but  excluding  merchants  of 
the  latter  country  from  return  traffic  with  the  Philip- 
pines.18 Moreover,  only  a  limited  amount  of  Asiatic 
merchandise  was  permitted  to  be  shipped  to  Aca- 
pulco.19  But  even  this  restriction  did  not  satisfy  the 
merchants  of  Seville,  and  in  1G10  the  consulado  of 
that  city  petitioned  the  king  to  close  all  direct  trade 
between  New  Spain  and  the  Philippines.  Their  pe- 
tition, however,  was  not  granted.20 

For  more  than  a  century  these  regulations  remained 
in  force,  but  were  as  little  acceptable  to  the  merchants 
of  the  Philippines  as  to  those  of  New  Spain.  Dis- 
putes as  to  the  valuation  of  cargoes  for  the  collection 
of  the  customs,  evasion  of  the  duties,  and  violation  of 
the  law  in  respect  to  the  quantity  of  merchandise  in- 
troduced were  the  consequence.21     Owing  to  the  rep- 

16  Mancera,  Instruc. ,  in  Doc.  Ined. ,  xxi.  488-9. 

17  The  colonists  of  the  Philippine  Islands  were  allowed  to  trade-with  China 
and  Japan. 

l*li'ecop.  de  hid.,  iii.  522-3. 

19  The  Manila  merchants  were  allowed  to  send  annually  only  two  ships,  of 
400  tons  each.  The  value  of  the  merchandise  with  which  they  were  freighted 
was  limited  to  250,000  pesos,  the  returns  of  which,  principal  and  profit,  were 
not  to  exceed  500,000  pesos  in  specie.  Id.,  524,  520;  Descrip.  de  Avier.,  MS., 
106.  The  arrival  of  these  vessels  was  attended  witli  great  activity.  At  Aca- 
pulco  a  great  fair  was  held,  to  which  flocked  merchants  and  traders  from  all 
parts  of  New  Spain.     All  this  has  before  been  noticed  in  another  connection. 

20  The  king  consulted  the  conde  de  Montesclaros,  viceroy  of  Peru,  who 
advised  his  Majesty  against  the  measure.  Montesclaros,  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  vi.  298-314. 

21  PhUipinas,  Hist.  Com.,  28-9.     The  law  was  repeated  in  1697.     In  1635 


PHILIPPINE  TRADE.  633 

reservations  of  the  Manila  merchants  a  modification 
of  the  law  was  finally  effected,  and  in  1702  merchan- 
dise to  the  value  of  300,000  pesos,  conveyed  in  two 
ships  of  500  tons  burden,  was  permitted  to  enter  the 
port  of  Acapulco  annually.22 

The  abuses  which  followed  the  establishment  of 
these  new  regulations  were  extravagant.  Residents 
of  both  Manila  and  Mexico  contravened  the  law,  and 
Asiatic  goods  were  landed  at  Acapulco  in  such  quan- 
tities that  the  return  freight  amounted  to  2,000,000 
pesos  annually,  instead  of  600,000.  Even  the  mer- 
chants of  New  Spain  were  discomfited,  and  addressed 
a  memorial  to  the  king  petitioning  for  a  discontinu- 
ance of  the  annual  Manila  fleet — for  instead  of  two 
vessels  as  permitted  by  law  many  were  now  engaged 
in  this  trade.  To  remedy  the  evil  the  king,  on  the 
8th  of  January  1718,  prohibited  the  importation  of 
silk  goods  from  the  Philippines,  and  issued  a  final 
decree  on  the  20th  of  June  of  the  same  year,  ex- 
tending the  prohibition  to  all  Asiatic  manufactures,23 
limiting  the  imports  to  raw  materials. 

A  new  franchise  with  increased  privileges  having 
been  granted  in  1734,  the  Philippine  trade  flourished 
till  near  the  close  of  the  century,24  the  imports  into 

the  merchants  of  the  Philippines  petitioned  the  king  to  remit  certain  duties 
on  the  imported  goods.   Grau  y  3fonfalcon,  in  Id.,  345-64. 

22  The  value  taken  back  to  Manila  was  600,000  pesos  in  specie,  less  duties 
and  expenses.  The  duties  amounted  to  17  percent  ad  valorem.  PhilipinoQ, 
Hist.  Com.,  29-33.  The  specie  which  was  sent  from  Manila  to  China  for  tho 
purchase  of  goods  never  returned  from  that  country.  Description  de  Amer., 
MS.,  196.  The  Philippine  galleon  usually  arrived  at  Acapulco  in  the  months 
of  December  and  January,  and  left  during  the  month  of  March;  delay  after 
the  1st  of  April  would  make  it  liable  to  miss  the  favorable  breezes  on  leaving 
port,  and  expose  it  to  contrary  winds  on  reaching  the  Mariana  Islands.  Jail- 
Handier,  Extrait  dhine  Lettre,  1711,  MS.,  10-11. 

23 Linares,  Instruc,  MS.,  63;  Phzlipinas,  Hist.  Com.,  31-7.  The  importa- 
tion of  silk  fabrics  was,  however,  conditionally  permitted  again  by  royal  de- 
cree of  April  8,  1734.  Providencias  Reales,  MS.,  30-41.  On  the  same  date 
permission  was  granted  to  import  into  New  Spain  merchandise  to  the 
amount  of  500,000  pesos,  and  return  with  1,000,000  pesos.  Reales  Cedulas, 
MS.,  ii.  127. 

24  In  1785  Carlos  III.  established  a  trading  company  in  Spain  under  the 
title  of  Real  Compania  de  Filipinas  with  a  capital  of  8,000,000  pesos  sencillos 
divided  into  32,000  shares,  open  to  purchase  by  any  subject  of  whatever  class 
in  the  Indies  and  Philippine  Islands,  except  ecclesiastics.  Extensive  priv- 
ileges were  granted  the  company,  which  was  to  carry  on  trade  between  Spain 


034  COMMERCE. 

New  Spain  consisting  chiefly  of  raw  silli,  colored 
cotton  fabrics,  wax,  and  Chinese  earthern  ware.  By 
!  7(.)4,  however,  the  trade  had  so  greatly  decreased  that 
in  1792  and  1793  no  fair  had  been  held  at  Acapulco 
owing  to  lack  of  attendance,  and  in  the  following  year 
the  fleet  did  not  arrive.25  The  trade  afterward  revived 
considerably,  since  Humboldt  states  that  the  amount 
of  bullion  annually  shipped  averaged  1,000,000  pesos, 
and  often  reached  1,300,000.2G 

Besides  the  Philippine  trade  at  Acapulco  some 
commerce  was  also  carried  on  between  New  Spain 
and  Peru  at  the  same  port,  but  the  restrictions  put 
upon  it  reduced  it  to  a  very  limited  scale.  Only  two 
vessels  of  two  hundred  tons  burden  each  were  per- 
mitted annually  to  visit  Acapulco,  and  the  goods  they 
took  away  paid  an  export  duty  of  two  and  a  half  per 
cent.  But  even  these  niggardly  conditions  were  re- 
garded as  too  liberal,  and  the  conde  de  Montesclaros, 
viceroy  of  Peru,  expressed  his  opinion  to  the  king 
that  only  one  ship  a  year  should  be  allowed  to  sail  to 
Acapulco,  and  that  the  export  duty  at  that  port  and 
the  import  duty  at  Callao  should  be  made  excessive.27 
Thus  the  clamp  was  tightened  for  the  benefit  of  the 
Seville  merchants,  and  both  Peru  and  New  Spain 
protested  against  restrictions  which  virtually  pre- 
cluded all  trade  between  them.      Even  the  sorry  con- 

and  the  Philippine  Islands.  It  was,  however,  prohibited  from  interfering 
with  the  internal  commerce  of  the  islands,  and  that  with  China  and  Aca- 
pulco. Recdes  Ordenes,  vi.  88-116;  ix.  137-40. 

25  'Se  noticia  que  iba  a  salir,  y  no  se  puede  atribuir  su  falta,  sino  a  una 
desgracia.'  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  104.  Viceroy  Linares  attributed  the  de- 
cadence to  the  depreciation  of  prices  caused  by  the  progress  made  in  the 
manufacture  of  fabrics  in  Europe,  and  also  to  the  extensive  operations  of  the 
Compania  de  las  Filipinas,  which  introduced  into  New  Spain  great  quan- 
tities of  Asiatic  goods  via  Vera  Cruz.  Id.,  104-5. 

2g  Numerous  passengers,  among  whom  were  many  monks,  always  sailed 
with  the  fleet.  In  1804  75  monks  left  Acapulco  on  the  galleon  which  the 
Mexicans  humorously  described  as  being  freighted  with  'plata  y  frayles.' 
ExsaiPolit.,  ii.  718-20. 

27 '  Cargando  mucho  los  derechos  de  la  salida  de  Acapulco  y  de  la  entrada 
del  Callao.'  Montesclaros  complains  in  1612,  that  in  spite  of  prohibitions 
four  or  five  ships  had  arrived  that  year  from  Acapulco  under  various  pretexts, 
such  as  stress  of  weather,  conveyance  of  despatches  from  the  government  of 
New  Spain,  and  like  excuses.  Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  342-4 
and  304. 


COLONIAL  INTERCOURSE.  635 

cession  that  one  vessel  annually  from  each  port  might 
trade  between  the  two  colonies  was  shackled  with  re- 
strictions, and  in  1634  finally  withdrawn.28  Yet  this 
ungenerous  legislation  wras  not  wholly  effective,  since 
we  learn  that  Peruvian  vessels  directed  their  course 
from  time  to  time  to  the  port  of  Acapulco,  and  that 
even  viceroys  were  apt  to  ignore  the  stringent  stat- 
utes, whereupon  the  crown  ordered  that  the  penalty  of 
death  and  confiscation  of  property  should  be  imposed 
upon  all  Peruvian  merchants  trading  with  Acapulco.29 
Happy  colonies !  Nevertheless  during  the  eighteenth 
century  trade  to  some  extent  was  reestablished,30 
though  it  was  not  until  1794  that  the  eyes  of  Spain 
were  opened  and  the  monarch  decreed  free  trade  be- 
tween the  two  colonies.31 

The  internal  commerce  of  New  Spain  was  conducted 
for  a  long  time  along  the  routes  of  the  Indian  trails; 
but  these  narrow  lines  of  communication  were  soon 
widened  and  made  practicable  for  pack  trains  and 
wagons,32  while  additional  roads  were  opened  later 
between  important  places.  The  principal  routes  were 
those  from  the  capital  to  Vera  Cruz  through  Puebla 
and  Jalapa;  that  through  Chilpancingo  to  Acapulco; 
the  one  to  Guatemala  through  Oajaca;  and  that 
leading  northward  to  Durango  and  called  "el  caniino 
de  tierra  dentro."  From  these  main  arteries  branches 
and  ramifications  extended  to  all  the  principal  towns.33 

28  The  vessel  which  left  Callao  "was  permitted  to  take  200,000  ducados  to 
invest  in  produce  or  manufactures  of  New  Spain,  but  nothing  else,  not  even 
goods  from  Spain.  Heavy  penalties  were  enforced  in  cases  of  violation  of 
these  rules.   Grau  y  Monfalcon,  in  Id.,  447-8. 

29I?obles,  Diario,  i.  212,  241;  Descrip.  de  Amer.,  MS.,  196-8.  Viceroy 
Linares  with  more  liberal  views  suggested  to  the  king  the  advisability  of  re- 
opening trade  with  Peru,  but  his  majesty  disregarded  this  advice,  and  by 
ce^lula  of  July  3,  1712,  peremptorily  forbade  all  traffic  between  the  ports  of 
Kew  Spain  and  that  colony.  Beetles  Cedillas,  MS.,  i.  74. 

30  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc.,  105-6. 

3iGaz.  Mex.  (1800-1),  x.  125. 

32  Salmeron  stated  in  1531  that  work  had  been  begun  on  these  native  roads. 
Ternaux-Compans,  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  191-2. 

33  Humboldt,  Essai  Pollt.,  ii.  682-8.  The  different  halting  -  places  were 
provided  with  mesones  and  posadas,  and  the  justices  were  ordered  by  the 
king  to  see  that  travellers  were  supplied  with  provisions  and  other  neces- 
saries for  the  road  at  fair  prices,  '  y  que  no  se  les  hagan  extorsiones. '  Recop. 
de  Ind. ,  ii.  56. 


C3G  COMMERCE. 

Many  of  these  roads  were  dangerous  in  places,  even 
the  best  of  them,  owing  to  the  physical  features  of 
the  country,  presenting  difficulties  which  taxed 
severely  the  traveller's  nerves  and  endurance.  Their 
condition,  moreover,  down  to  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  was  rarely  satisfactory;  and  though 
the  viceroys  repeatedly  exerted  themselves  to  effect 
improvements,  merchandise  was  more  generally  trans- 
ported by  beasts  of  burden  than  wagons. 

Of  the  important  highways  which  led  from  the 
capital  to  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco,  especial  notice 
must  be  taken.  Along  the  first  of  these  lines  of 
traffic  all  European  merchandise  was  introduced  into 
the  country,  while  by  the  latter  Mexican  trade  with 
the  Philippines  Islands  and  Peru  was  carried  on.  In 
1708  the  Jesuit,  Pere  Jaillandier,  travelled  across  the 
continent  from  the  first  named  port  to  Acapulco,  and 
has  furnished  us  with  a  detailed  account  of  his  journey. 
It  being  the  dry  season  the  priest  and  his  party  were 
enabled  to  follow  a  route  not  taken  during  the  rainy 
season.  Having  passed  through  Buena  Vista  and 
crossed  the  river  Jamaica  eight  leagues  from  the  port, 
thev  travelled  ten  leagues  farther  over  uncultivated 
land,  arriving  at  the  river  and  village  of  Cotasta. 
Their  road  thence  led  through  fertile  valleys  covered 
with  trees  and  cornfields  to  San  Lorenzo,34  Cordoba, 
and  Orizaba.  On  the  sixth  day  of  their  journey 
Puebla  was  reached,35  after  passing  through  a  charm- 
ing country  abounding  in  fruit  and  grain.  Proceeding 
to  Cholula,  and  leaving  Tlascala  four  leagues  to  their 
left,  the  party  arrived  safely  at  Mexico  on  the  eighth 
day,  having  seen  snow-capped  mountains,  and  a  vol- 
cano in  a  state  of  eruption.    The  distance  travelled  as 

31  Inhabited  by  negroes.  Extrait  cVune  Lcttre,WS.,  1-4. 

35  Padre  Navarre te  made  the  journey  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  capital  in 
1G46  and  says:  'We  pass'd  through  places  infested  with  mosquito's  or 
gnats. .  .but  met  not  with  those  uncouth  roads,  or  mighty  cold,  which  others 
who  travelled  the  same  M'ay  the  next  year  so  mightily  magnified. '  ChurchilVs 
Col.   Voy.,i.  208. 


TRANS-CONTINENTAL  HIGHWAY.  637 

given  by  Jaillandier  was  eighty  leagues  from  Vera 
Cruz.36 

The  descent  from  the  capital  to  the  Pacific  coast 
was  more  gradual  than  that  to  Vera  Cruz,  but  at 
certain  seasons  presented  difficulties  which  caused 
more  delay  and  danger.  Jaillandier  represents  the 
descent  from  the  heights  as  perilous;  and  the  ac- 
counts of  both  Navarrete  and  Humboldt  prove  that 
for  more  than  a  century  and  a  half  but  little  improved 
facilities  for  travelling  had  been  effected  on  this  high- 
way. The  former  thus  describes  the  route:  "  This 
road  is  indeed  bad  and  troublesome;  there  are  moun- 
tains that  reach  up  to  the  clouds,  and  as  uncouth  as 
may  be;  mighty  rivers,  and  the  summer  then  begin- 
ning, high  swoln.  Bridges  there  are  none,  but  abun- 
dance of  musqueto's,  or  gnats,  that  sting  cruelly."37 
Passing  through  Cuernavaca  and  crossing  the  Rio  de 
las  Balsas  in  the  primitive  method  employed  before 
the  conquest,38  the  party  arrived  at  Chilpancingo,  at 
that  time  a  town  of  four  hundred  families.  Thence 
they  travelled  over  a  mountain  range,  continually 
ascending  and  descending,  and  reached  Acapulco  after 
ten  days  of  fatiguing  journey. 

Since  these  travellers  crossed  Mexico  from  ocean  to 

30  In  Humboldt's  time  the  road  led  from  the  capital  to  Perote  2,500  feet 
above  sea-level;  the  descent  thence  to  the  ravine  of  Plan  del  Rio  was  very 
rapid.  The  latter  roads  leading  to  the  coast  were  generally  very  difficult,  and 
Humboldt  called  the  attention  of  the  government  to  the  necessity  of  improve- 
ment. He  includes  among  these  routes  'que  j'appelle  transversales '  those 
leading  from  Zacatecas  to  Nuevo  Santander;  from  Guadalajara  to  San  Bias; 
from  Valladolid  to  Port  Colima,  and  from  Durango  to  Mazatlan.  Essai 
Polit.,  ii.  G83-4. 

vChurcMVs  Col.  Voy.,  i.  209. 

38  Navarrete  crossed  this  river  in  a  similar  manner  60  years  before  Jaillan- 
dier: '  people  pass  over  it  on  canes,  which  are  supported  by  only  four  cala- 
bashes they  are  fastened  to;  at  first  it  is  frightful  to  see  so  ridiculous  and 
weak  an  invention;  an  Indian  lays  hold  of  one  end  of  it,  and  the  passenger 
being  upon  it  with  his  mules  and  furniture,  he  swims,  and  draws  it  over  after 
him.'  Ibid.  This  river  is  the  same  as  the  Mescala,  so  called  by  Humboldt, 
who  crossed  it  in  the  same  manner.  He  describes  it  as  being  nearly  as  danger- 
ous as  the  Papagayo,  which  frequently  increased  from  a  width  of  65  feet  to 
that  of  300,  cargo-trains  being  compelled  to  wait  seven  or  eight  days  before 
being  able  to  cross.  An  attempt  had  been  made  to  erect  a  bridge  across  it, 
but  the  massive  piers  were  washed  away  before  its  completion.  In  1803  the 
government  appropriated  100,000  pesos  to  construct  a  second.  Humboldt, 
Essai  Polit.,  ii.  G84-5. 


G3S  COMMERCE. 

ocean,  great  improvements  of  the  highways  have  been 
effected.  Under  the  administrations  of  the  viceroys 
Bucarcli,  Re  villa  Gigedo,  and  Iturrigaray,the  most  im- 
portant lines  of  traffic  were  placed  in  tolerable  condition 
and  stagfe  lines  established.39  The  exertions  of  the  latter 
ruler  were  particularly  successful,  and  to  him  are  the 
Mexicans  indebted  for  the  splendid  Jalapa  highway 
to  Vera  Cruz,  the  construction  of  which  had  cost 
nearly  3,000,000  pesos  in  1812.40 

Although  the  physical  formation  generally  is  un- 
favorable to  river  and  canal  navigation,  such  is  not 
the  case  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  and  thousands  of 
canoes  yearly  conveyed  grain  into  the  capital  by  the 
lakes  Tezcuco  and  San  Cristobal,  which  were  con- 
nected by  a  narrow  canal,  or  rather  dike.  Commu- 
nication with  Lake  Chalco,  and  throughout  the  extent 
of  the  valley,  might  have  been  easily  effected  at  an 
early  date,  and  freight  charges  greatly  reduced,  but 
the  government  opposed  all  such  projects  until  the 
time  of  Iturrigaray,  who  ordered  the  opening  of  the 
Tezcuco  canal.41 

39  A  stage  ran  in  1791  from  the  capital  to  Puebla,  thence  tr  San  Andres, 
the  limit  of  the  line,  towards  Oajaca,  'por  no  poder  seguir  carruage.'  Gaz. 
Ilex.,  iv.  347.  In  1793  six  coaches  called  the  'coches  de  Providcncia,'  plied 
the  streets  of  Mexico,  the  drivers  dressed  in  livery.  Id.,  v.  419-23,  472.  To 
the  proprietors  of  these  latter  vehicles  the  concession  was  granted  in  1794  to 
open  a  passenger  line  between  the  city  of  Mexico  and  Guadalajara,  through 
Queretero,  and  also  to  Perote.  The  stages  were  to  run  weekly  or  monthly, 
and  carry  only  four  passengers.  Should  there  be  only  one  passenger  to 
Guadalajara  his  fare  was  $200;  two  passengers  paid  $105  each;  three  $75,  and 
four  $02.50.  The  return  fares  were  at  half  price.  To  Perote  the  prices  paid 
were,  for  one  person,  $70;  for  two  $76;  for  three,  $82;  and  for  four  passengers, 
$90.  An  amount  of  freight  in  decreasing  proportion  to  the  greater  number 
of  passengers  was  allowed  to  be  carried.  Id.,  vi.  51-6. 

40  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comerc.  Exterior,  43.  This  work  was  commenced  in 
1803,  and  the  expenses  were  defrayed  by  the  consulado  of  Vera  Cruz.  Id.,  22. 
A  traveller  in  1805  describes  the  principal  roads  as  excellent,  and  expresses 
the  hope  that  others  will  be  made  equally  good,  adding,  'pues  he  visto  mu- 
chos  que  han  muerto  desbarrancados,  asi  eclesiasticos . .  . ,  como  arrieros.' 
Diar.  Mex.,  i.  348.  Consult  also  Azanza,  Instrvc,  71-5;  Panes,  Extension^ 
V.  Cruz,  MS.,  211-61;  V.  Cruz,  Esposic,  15-17;  Eevilla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  MS., 
i.  119-44.  Opposing  interests  for  many  years  delayed  the  construction  of  the 
Jalapa  road,  the  merchants  of  the  capital  desiring  that  the  proposed  new  road 
should  pass  Orizaba,  while  those  of  Vera  Cruz  were  in  favor  of  it  being  con- 
ducted through  Jalapa.  The  old  route  led  through  the  plain  of  Apa  without 
touching  Puebla.  Humboldt,  Esmi  Polit.,  ii.  685-6. 

41  Humboldt,  Essai  Polit.,  i.  231.  In  1715  a  memorial  was  addressed  to  the 
viceroy  petitioning  for  the  formation  of  a  canal  from  the  Goazoealco  River 


MAIL  SERVICE.  639 

For  many  years  after  the  conquest,  postal  commu- 
nication with  Spain  was  infrequent  and  irregular; 
nor  was  the  system  by  which  the  mail  service  was 
conducted  such  as  to  secure  secrecy  or  even  safe  de- 
livery. At  first  all  correspondence,  including  royal 
despatches,  was  ordered  to  be  conveyed  to  its  des- 
tination free  of  charge,  and  be  punctually  delivered; 
but  during  the  last  half  of  the  sixteenth  century  a 
postal  service  was  established  by  the  crown,  which 
being  made  salable  to  the  highest  bidder 42  was  not 
only  ill  conducted,  but  opened  a  way  to  dishonesty 
and  treachery.  Correspondents  whether  political  or 
commercial  could  seldom  feel  confident  that  their  let- 
ters would  reach  their  destination,  or  escape  being 
tampered  with  by  ecclesiastics  or  inimical  secular 
authorities.43  Nor  did  the  Indian  mail-carriers  escape 
abuses,  and  from  time  to  time  laws  were  passed  for 
the  purpose  of  insuring  to  them  payment  for  their 
hard  services  and  relief  from  ill-treatment.44  Even 
the  natives  trafficking  on  the  mail  routes  suffered,  their 
beasts  of  burden  being  taken  from  them  and  their 
cargoes  cast  down  on  the  road  side.45 

During  the  seventeenth  century  the  postal  com- 
munication both  internal  and  trans-oceanic  was 
greatly  increased,  and  in  1659  Viceroy  Alburquerque 

to  Oajaca  via  Sarabia.  The  memorial  was  filed  among  the  secret  archives  of 
Madrid,  and  an  order  was  sent  from  the  court  to  the  memorialists  forbidding 
them  ever  to  refer  to  the  subject  again.  Nouv.  Annates,  Voy.,  cliii.  8. 

*2The  right  to  transmit  mails  was  made  'vendible  y  renunciable'  that  is 
transferable  by  the  purchaser  of  the  contract  to  another.  When  the  manage- 
ment of  the  service  was  assumed  by  the  crown  in  1765,  the  sum  of  $61,770 
was  paid  to  Antor.io  Mendez  Prieto  to  extinguish  his  right.  Galvez,  Informe, 
Marques  de  Sonora,  55. 

43  In  1592  a  royal  order  was  issued  prohibiting  ecclesiastics  and  secular 
persons  from  opening  or  detaining  correspondence  either  official  or  private. 
Hecop.  de  Inch,  i.  655.  From  a  cCdula  promulgated  in  1662  it  is  known  that 
letters  were  frequently  opened  and  detained.  Id.,  656.  Postmasters  were  or- 
dered to  give  receipts  for  the  correspondence  intrusted  to  them  by  tribunals. 
Id.,  659. 

yd.,   660,  658. 

45The  contractor,  called  the  correo  mayor,  failed  to  place  post  horses  at  the 
proper  places,  and  those  of  the  Indians  were  pressed  into  the  service  without 
their  owners  being  remunerated :  '  veianse  obligados  los  indios  a  ir  a  pie  tras  el 
correo  para  volver  con  sus  caballos,  que  lcs  eran  quitados  por  fuerza  en  los 
caminos  tirandoles  la  carga  que  dejaban  abandonada.'  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex., 
i.  231. 


640  COMMERCE. 

ordered  a  mail  vessel  to  be  despatched  every  four 
months  to  Spain,  touching  at  Habana  to  take  on 
board  Cuban  correspondence.46  From  this  time  knav- 
ish mismanagement  kept  pace  with  the  increase  of 
public  requirement  and  yielded  corresponding  profits. 
The  eyes  of  viceroys,  both  good  and  bad,  were  not 
closed  to  this  state  of  affairs,  and  in  1765  the  crown 
assumed  the  administration  of  the  mail  service,47  and 
greatly  increased  its  facilities.48 

Having  presented  a  general  sketch  of  the  external 
commerce  of  New  Spain,  it  remains  to  give  some 
account  of  the  methods  of  conducting  internal  traffic. 
Trade  in  the  interior  was  facilitated  by  the  establish- 
ment of  fairs  held  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year  at 
various  trading  centres.  Notable  among  these  assem- 
blages for  the  purposes  of  traffic  were  the  fairs  held 
at  Acapulco,  Jalapa,  and  San  Juan  de  los  Lagos.49 
Activity  in  trade  was  and  still  is  greatly  stimulated 

46  These  despatch  boats  were  small  vessels  which  had  no  connection  with 
the  annual  fleets,  and  were  called  'avisos.'  Such  barks  sailed  to  and  from 
the  Peninsula  before  the  system  of  fleets  was  established  and  were  allowed  to 
carry  a  small  quantity  of  merchandise.  At  first  they  were  only  despatched 
biennally,  but  ultimately  every  month,  'debiendo  arrojarla' — i.  e.  the  corre- 
spondence— sal  agualuego  que  apareciera  un  peligro.'  Id.,  99,  203-4;  Lerdo 
de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hint.,  no.  v.  301-2. 

47  Decrees  were  issued  on  the  27th  of  November  and  the  21st  of  Decem- 
ber, and  put  in  force  on  the  1st  of  July  1766.  3fex.,  Vandos,  in  Cedidario,  i. 
no.  i.  155-6.  In  the  year  1765  the  receipts  of  the  post-office  were  121,179^ 
reales  de  plata,  the  expenses  being  64,460  reales,  leaving  net  proceeds  56,719^ 
realesor  7,090  pesos.  Soc.  Max.  Geog.,  2a  ep.  iii.  45.  A  list  of  postal  towns 
and  their  distances  will  be  found  in  Id.,  i.«788-94.  Times  of  departure  and 
arrival  in  Zuniga  y  O.  Ccdend.,  143-6. 

48  Till  late  in  the  eighteenth  century  the  arrival  of  the  mail  from  Spain  was 
the  occasion  of  rejoicing  and  celebration.  The  church  bells  were  rung,  'cuyo 
estruendo  es  tan  grande  y  inolesto,  que  es  menester  hablar  a  voces  para  en- 
tenderse.'  On  the  following  day  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  attended  mass 
and  offered  thanksgiving  in  the  cathedral.  Not  even  the  news  of  a  Spanish 
monarch's  death  interrupted  the  ringing  of  the  bells:  'y  concluido  este,  se 
empieza  &  tocar  &  muerto.'  Estalla.,  xxvi.  297.  Mailcarriers  were  infected 
with  the  prevailing  weakness,  and  among  other  fraudulent  practices  were 
addicted  to  smuggling.  They  were  prohibited  from  carrying  packages  or 
freight.  RevUla  Gigedo,  Bandos,  nos.  Ixi.  and  lxxi. 

49  The  latter  fair  had  a  religious  origin.  Multitudes  of  pilgrims  from  the 
year  1023  annually  visited  the  town  in  order  to  venerate  an  image  of  the  vir- 
gin. This  attracted  merchants  and  traders.  -In  1797  Carlos  IV.  appointed 
the  fair  to  be  held  during  the  first  15  days  of  December.  It  is  estimated  that 
100,000  persons  collected  from  all  parts  of  Mexico  at  this  time.  Soc.  Ilex. 
Geoj.,  vi.  310-11;  Disposk.  Var.,  i.  40,  52;  Gaz.  Mex.,  x.  230. 


FAIRS  AND  MARKETS.  G41 

by  the  irregularity  of  the  maize  crops,  and  consequent 
exchange  of  productions  in  different  provinces,  the 
prices  of  maize  often  varying  in  neighboring  districts 
in  the  proportion  of  nine  to  twenty-two.50  In  certain 
parts  the  consumption  of  commodities  at  the  mines 
was  the  main  support  of  commerce.51  In  every  town 
a  daily  market  was  held  in  the  public  square ;  and  in 
the  capital  itself,  besides  the  general  one  in  the  plaza 
del  Volador,  there  were  various  others  assigned  for  the 
sale  of  special  articles,  such  as  that  in  the  plaza  de 
Jesus,  where  building  materials  only  were  sold,  the 
plaza  de  la  Paja  or  hay-market,  and  the  alhondiga 
where  grain  and  flour  were  sold.52  Notable  also  was 
the  baratillo,  a  place  where  second-hand  goods  were 
bought  and  sold,  and  which  was  the  thieves'  empo- 
rium, since  stolen  articles  could  always  be  disposed 
of  in  that  mart. 

The  great  commercial  gatherings  at  the  fairs  were, 
however,  the  events  which  marked  the  activity  de- 
veloped at  the  different  centers  of  periodical  trading. 
Wherever  a  fair  was  held,  thither  thronged  the  mer- 
chant with  silks  and  foreign  staples,  the  petty  dealer 
and  huckster,  the  gambler,  and  the  thief.  The  day 
was  passed  in  close  dealing  and  cheating,  and  the 
night  in  gambling,  fandangos,  and  carousal,  the  assas- 

50  Humboldt,  Essal  Polit.,  ii.  689. 

51  Humboldt  mentions  a  curious  system  of  traffic  with  the  wild  Indians  in 
the  north.  The  natives  were  accustomed  to  place  small  crosses  on  the  road 
from  Chihuahua  to  Santa  Fe\  A  piece  of  deer-meat  in  a  leathern  bag  was 
hung  on  a  cross,  and  a  buffalo  hide  spread  at  its  foot.  This  indicated  that 
the  Indians  wished  to  trade  with  the  worshippers  of  the  cross,  and  offered 
skins  for  provisions.  The  soldiers  of  the  presidios  took  the  hides  and  left 
salt  meat  in  payment.  This  barter  was  carried  on  without  the  parties  seeing 
each  other:  'un  systeme  de  commerce  qui  indique  un  melange  extraordinaire 
de  bonne  foi  et  de  m^fiance.'   Essal  Polit.,  i.  304-5. 

52  The  regulations  by  which  these  markets  in  the  capital  were  conducted 
were  strict.  Producers  could  sell  their  articles  only  in  the  respective 
places  of  sale.  Wholesale  business  was  carried  on  by  auction,  under  the 
direction  of  a  corregidor.  All  cereals  had  to  be  delivered  and  sold  at  the 
alhondiga,  or  corn-market.  Retail  shopkeepers  could  sell  provisions  of  every 
kind.  Prices  in  some  instances  were  regulated  by  law,  as  those  of  poultry. 
Montemayor,  Svmario,  iii.  3-8,  43-4,  56-9;  fiecop.  de  hid.,  ii.  48-53.  Over 
the  markets  a  juez  de  plaza  presided,  who  daily  attended  office  in  the  plaza 
del  Volador  and  verbally  decided  disputes.  In  cases  of  rascality  the  culprits 
were  sent  by  him  to  prison  to  be  tried.    Revilla  Giyedo,  Bandos,  ii.  no.  xv.  30. 

Hist.  Hex.,  Vol.  III.    41 


042  COMMERCE. 

sin's  knife  being  thrust  ever  and  anon  between  a  vic- 
tim's shoulder-blades.  At  these  fairs  a  great  pro- 
portion of  the  commerce  of  the  country  was  carried 
on.  Cacao,  cochineal,  indigo,  sugar,  flour,  sarsaparilla, 
vanilla,  tanned  hides,  jalap,  soap,  dye-woods,  and  pep- 
pers brought  thither  were  purchased  by  exporting 
merchants,  and  conveyed  by  long  trains  of  pack-mules 
to  Vera  Cruz  for  shipment  to  Spain.  In  turn  these 
traders  sold  their  own  commodities  at  a  profit  that 
would  stagger  the  merchants  of  modern  days.  Gaudy 
linen  and  cotton  goods,  wines  and  oil,  cheap  trinkets, 
and  trumpery  were  disposed  of  at  enormous  prices. 
The  Indian  and  the  country  Spaniard  alike  paid  exor- 
bitant rates,  whether  the  purchase  consisted  of  a  string 
of  glass  beads,  or  of  an  expensive  costume. 

It  was  late  before  Spain  recognized  that  restrictions 
on  commerce  did  not  conduce  to  either  her  own  pros- 
perity or  to  that  of  her  colonies.  In  1765  the  crown 
relaxed  somewhat  the  prohibitions,  and  opened  a 
number  of  ports  in  Spain  to  trade  with  certain 
colonies,53  and  in  1778  extended  the  privilege  to  all 
the  Indies.54  These  liberal  measures  of  Carlos  III. 
gave  a  great  impulse  to  commerce;  the  port  of  Cam- 
peche  and  others  were  opened  to  trade,55  the  system 
of  the  fleets  was  forever  abolished,56  and  in  1799, 
owing  to  the  war  between  Spain  and  England,  neutral 
vessels  wTere  allowed  to  trade  directly  between  the 
Peninsula  and  the  colonies.57     Meanwhile  the  system 

53  Trade  with  the  principal  islands  of  the  West  Indies  was  opened  at  the 
ports  of  Cadiz,  Seville,  Alicante,  Cartagena,  Malaga,  Barcelona,  Santander, 
Coruna,  and  Guijon,  'aboliendo  los  derechos  de  palmco,  toneladcs,  extran- 
geria,  seminario  de  S.  Telmo,  visitas,  habilitaciones,  y  licencias.'  Antunez, 
Mem.  Hist.  Com.,  3G-7. 

54  The  additional  ports  of  Almeria,  Alfaques  de  Tortosa,  Palma  in  Majorca, 
and  Santa  Cruz  in  the  island  of  Tenerife  were  opened.  Id.,  37;  Lerdo  de 
Tijada,  Comer.  Ester.,  19-20.  This  famous  act  of  Carlos  III.  was  issued  on 
the  12th  of  October,  1778,  and  was  styled  the  '  Ordenanza  6  pragmdtica  del 
comerch  libre.'  Ibid. 

05  Corr.  Merc.  Esp.  Ind.,  ii.  6. 

5GThe  last  fleet  sailed  from  Spain  in  the  year  1776,  and  left  Vera  Cruz  on 

the  lGth  of  January,  1778.   Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Comer.  Ester.,  docs.  nos.  10,  11. 

57  This  permission  was  soon  afterward  abrogated,  Disposic.  Varices,  iii.  45, 


INSURANCE  AND  BANKING.  643 

of  insurance  developed  and  several  companies  were 
formed.  Mercantile  adventures  were  covered  by  in- 
surance policies  at  an  early  date,  and  Philip  II.  in 
the  years  1556,  1587,  and  1588  issued  a  number 
of  laws  regulating  such  transactions  and  the  action 
of  underwriters.  This  business,  however,  was  con- 
fined to  Spanish  shippers  and  insurers,  the  policies 
issued  by  the  latter  being  subject  to  the  approval  of 
the  consulado  in  Seville.58  But  the  stimulus  given 
to  commerce  by  the  removal  of  restrictions  in  1778 
induced  the  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz  to  establish  a 
marine  insurance  company  in  1789,59  which  was  to 
last  for  five  years,  and  again  in  1802  a  second  one  was 
formed  on  a  larger  scale,  thus  indicating  the  increase 
in  commercial  operations.60 

In  1781  the  conde  de  Cabarrus,  who  enjoyed  a  high 
reputation  in  matters  of  finance,  addressed  a  memorial 
to  the  king  of  Spain  advocating  the  establishment  of 
a  national  bank.  The  proposal  being  supported  by 
the  minister  Jovellanos,  the  king  by  cedula  of  the 
26th  of  June  1782  authorized  the  creation  of  a  joint 
stock  banking  company  with  the  title  of  Banco  de  San 
Carlos.  The  number  of  shares  was  fixed  at  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  thousand,  open  to  all  purchasers,  and 
the  capital  at  fifteen  million  pesos  fuertes.61 

On  the  18th  of  June  1783  subscriptions  were  opened 

and  again  granted  from  1805  to  1809,  when  it  was  withdrawn  by  cedulas  of 
the  17th  of  May  and  27th  of  July.  Concessions  were,  however,  granted  to  cer- 
tain merchants  allowing  them  to  introduce  into  colonial  ports  goods  proceeding 
directly  from  foreign  ports.  The  mercantile  monopoly  of  Vera  Cruz  received 
its  final  blow  in  1820,  when  a  number  of  ports  on  both  the  Atlantic  and 
Pacific  shores  of  New  Spain  were  opened  to  foreign  trade.  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
Comer.  Ester.,  20-1.  Consult,  also,  Reglamento  y  Aranccles  Reales,  Comer. 
Libre,  1-262;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  45-8,  and  vi.  82-5;  Azanza, 
Instruc.,  MS.,  141-57. 

58  Reeop.  de  Ind.,  iii.  474-90.  In  1773  a  royal  cddula  was  issued  correct- 
ing various  abuses  prevailing  in  the  insurance  business.  Rescriptos  Reales 
Ecles.,  MS.,  23-6. 

59  With  a  capital  of  $230,000  divided  into  46  shares  at  S5,0Q0  each.  Lerdo 
de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  v.  311. 

60  The  capital  of  the  second  company  was  400,000  pesos  fuertes  divided  into 
80  shares,  58  of  which  were  immediately  taken  up  by  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz. 
A  list  of  the  shareholders  and  a  copy  of  the  by-laws  will  be  found  in  Gaz. 
Mex.  (1802-3),  xi.  97-101. 

61  Reales  Ordenes,  iv.  1-56. 


614  COMMERCE. 

in  Mexico  by  decree  of  the  viceroy,  and  not  only  were 
private  individuals  solicited  to  purchase  shares,  but 
even  the  municipalities  of  Indian  towns  and  vil- 
lages.02 The  consequence  was  that  a  large  number 
of  shares  was  sold,  the  people  and  municipalities  in 
different  parts  of  New  Spain  alone  purchasing  nearly 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  pesos'  worth  of  the 
scrip.63  It  turned  out  to  be  only  a  commercial  bubble, 
however,  which  floated  for  a,  time,  when  finally  there 
came  a  crash  which  brought  ruin  to  thousands. 

Nevertheless,  in  spite  of  occasional  disastrous  spec- 
ulations the  commerce  of  New  Spain  expanded  ac- 
tively and  surely  under  the  more  liberal  system. 
Statistics  of  the  earlier  trading  operations  are  want- 
ing, but  a  fair  estimate  of  the  impulse  given  to  com- 
merce by  the  so-called  free  trading  laws  may  be 
gathered  from  documents  which  supply  us  with  the 
tonnage  of  the  fleets  which  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  dur- 
ing the  eighteenth  century.  During  the  period  from 
1706  to  1776  this  varied  from  1,202  to  8,492  tons,64 
and  the  value  of  return  cargoes  from  ten  million  pesos 
to  more  than  twenty-seven  million  in  bullion  and  pro- 
ductions. Again  between  1728  and  1739  not  more 
than  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  vessels,  besides  fifty- 
eight  which  composed  the  three  fleets  that  visited 
New  Spain  during  those  twelve  years,  entered  the 
port  of  Vera  Cruz,  whereas  during  the  period  from 
1784  to  1795  no  less  than  1,142  ships  arrived  from 
the  different  ports  opened  in  the  Peninsula  and  the 
colonies.65  According  to  the  calculations  of  Hum- 
boldt, the  total  amount  of  bullion  exported  during  the 

02  'Queriendo  S.  M.  que  cste  beneficio  comprehenda  no  solo  a  los  Particu- 
lars, sino  tambien  a  los  Cuerpos  de  Ciudades,  Villas  y  Pueblos,  ha  cxpedido 
su  Ileal  permiso  para  que  estos  se  interesen  con  sus  haberes  propios  y  commies.' 
Disposic.  Varices,  iii.  f.  97. 

wGaz.  Mex.,  ii.  233-Get  seq. 

MThe  fleet  corresponding  with  the  latter  figures  sailed  in  1700  commanded 
by  Carlos  lleggio.  It  took  back  a  return  cargo  in  precious  metals  and  pro- 
ductions of  the  country  to  the  amount  of  $9,811,245,  of  which  87,459,803 
belonged  to  private  individuals,  and  the  balance  to  the  king.  Lerdo  de  Te- 
gada,  Comer.  Ester.,  doc.  nos.  2,  3. 

05 Id.,  doc.  nos.  12,  13. 


LINAGE'S  NORTE.  645 

thirteen  years  from  1779  to  1791  amounted  to  $224,- 
052,025,  while  in  the  preceding  thirteen  years  it  was 
only  8155,160,564.C6 

But  a  trying  period  of  intestine  strife  awaited  the 
colony  of  New  Spain,  and  during  the  death  struggle 
for  release  from  the  fetters  with  which  she  had  been 
shackled  for  three  centuries  by  the  mother  country, 
commerce  again  declined,  until  independence  gave 
to  Mexico  free  action  and  insured  corresponding 
progress. 

^EssaiPoL,  ii.  734-7. 

During  the  earlier  period  of  the  commercial  history  of  New  Spain,  statis- 
tics showing  the  actual  amount  of  trade  carried  on  are  meagre;  of  its  limita- 
tions, however,  a  correct  idea  can  be  obtained  from  multitudinous  royal 
cddulas  and  ordinances  which  exhibit  thoroughly  Sjiiain's  policy.  The  cor- 
respondence of  viceroys  also  affords  considerable  information  as  to  the  fluctu- 
ating condition  of  trade  and  the  prosperity  of  the  country.  Still  more 
valuable  in  this  respect  are  the  reports  of  such  rulers  to  their  successors, 
among  which  especial  mention  may  be  made  of  Mancera,  Instruction,  in  Doc. 
InccL,  xxi. ;  Linares,  Instruction,  MS.,  and  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruction  Reser- 
vada.  This  last  work  exhibits  not  only  close  observation  on  the  author's 
part,  but  a  more  liberal  tendency  than  might  be  expected  in  a  viceroy  of  New 
Spain;  for  though  he  was  somewhat  biassed  by  the  spirit  of  the  government 
at  that  time,  his  views  were  singularly  correct,  and  his  administration  just. 
The  Instruction  Reservada  was  not  published  in  Mexico  before  1831.  It  sup- 
plies in  353  pages  a  complete  account  of  every  branch  of  the  government,  and 
was  deemed  so  important  that  in  the  following  year  the  supreme  government 
ordered  the  publication  of  an  index  to  it,  which,  however,  not  being  alpha- 
betically arranged,  is  of  little  service.  Probably  the  most  valuable  contribu- 
tion to  information  on  commerce  is  Linage's  Norte  de  la  contratacion,  in  two 
books  of  299  and  264  pages  respectively,  published  in  Seville  in  1G72,  a  work 
which  describes  fully  the  laws,  customs,  and  practices  which  pertained  to 
trade  between  Spain  and  her  American  colonies.  Joseph  de  Veitia  Linage 
was  a  knight  of  the  order  of  Santiago,  a  member  of  the  king's  council,  and 
treasurer  and  juez  oficial  of  the  casa  de  contratacion.  He  was  thus  fully 
competent  to  compile  a  work  which  for  completeness  can  challenge  any  pre- 
ceding publication  of  the  kind.  Not  only  does  it  include  information  upon 
commerce,  but  much  relating  to  the  revenue  and  assaying  departments. 
The  author  in  his  preface  informs  his  readers  of  the  sources  from  which  he 
made  his  compilation  and  drew  his  results.  Naturally  they  were  principally 
official  documents,  including  royal  cedulas  and  instructions,  the  correspond- 
ence of  officers  of  the  crown,  the  members  of  the  council  of  the  Indies  and  of 
the  casa  de  contratacion.  But  besides  these  authorities  he  did  not  omit  to 
consult  the  historians  of  his  time. 


C4G  COMMERCE. 

With  regard  to  the  title  of  the  book  he  alleges  reasons  for  his  selection  of 
it.  As  mariners  direct  their  course  across  the  ocean  by  observing  the  polar 
star,  so  may  his  readers,  he  hopes,  be  guided  through  the  intricacies  of  com- 
merce by  the  perusal  of  his  work;  and  as  the  needle  by  pointing  to  the  same 
quarter  instructs  the  mariner,  so  may  his  book  instruct  the  readers  of  it.  The 
edition  contains  a  curious  wood-cut  frontispiece  representing  in  the  upper  por- 
tion 'D.  Ferdinandus  &  Elisabet'  enthroned  on  the  left,  and  'D.  Carolus  II. 
&  Pegina  Mater'  on  the  right,  supported  by  two  columns  on  either  side.  In 
niches  between  the  pairs  of  columns  are  full-length  figures  of  'Colon'  and 
'Cortes.'  A  representation  of  the  ocean  with  galleons  sailing  on  it  occupies 
the  center.  Numerous  scrolls  with  Latin  inscriptions  are  scattered  on  the 
wood-cut.  In  1702  this  work  was  'Made  English  by  Capt.  John  Stevens,' 
Mho  added  'Two  Compleat  Lists:  One  of  the  Goods  Transported  out  of  Europe 
to  the  Spanish  West-Indies,  the  other  of  commodities  brought  from  those 
Parts  into  Europe.'  A  comprehensive  history  of  the  Philippine  trade  is  to  be 
found  in  Extracto  Historial  Del  Expediente  Que  Pende  En  El  Cousejo  Heal,  Y 
Supremo  De  Las  lndias,  A  Instancia  De  La  Ciudad  De  Manila,  Y  Demds  De 
Las  Islas  Philipinas,  published  in  Madrid  by  order  of  the  king  in  173G,  and 
containing  324  folios.  This  work  comprises  a  large  number  of  royal  and  other 
official  documents,  from  early  times,  bearing  upon  commerce  between  the  Phil- 
ippine Islands  and  China  and  New  Spain.  The  injury  done  to  Spanish  com- 
merce by  the  introduction  of  Chinese  silk  fabrics  into  Aeapulco,  is  especially 
entered  into,  and  the  restrictions  which  were  imposed  upon  such  articles  in- 
duced the  king,  on  the  representations  of  Manila  merchants,  to  cause  a  com- 
plete investigation  to  be  made.  Among  modern  authorities  on  the  commerce 
of  New  Spain,  Lerdo  de  Tejada  may  be  mentioned  as  one  conspicuous  for  re- 
search and  with  a  correct  judgment  of  causes  and  effects.  His  Ajiuntes  His- 
toricos  De  La  Herdica  Ciudad  de  V era-Cruz  was  published  in  Mexico  in  1830, 
and  besides  furnishing  a  general  review  of  commerce  from  the  conquest  until 
after  the  independence,  contains  a  historical  sketch  of  events  from  the  history 
of  Columbus,  and  a  description  of  Vera  Cruz  and  the  port  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulna.  In  1853  Lerdo  de  Tejada  published  another  work  on  Mexico,  entitled 
Commercio  Esterior  de  Mexico,  which  contains  tabular  forms  exhibiting  the 
number  of  vessels  entering  Mexican  ports  during  the  period  from  1728  to 
1795,  besides  other  information.  The  writings  of  this  author  are  an  import- 
ant addition  to  the  literature  of  Mexico. 

The  researches  of  Humboldt  which  embrace  commercial  matters  may  be 
considered  defective  and  occasionally  inaccurate.  Embracing  in  his  calcula- 
tions the  commerce  of  all  the  Spanish  American  colonies,  and  basing  them 
more  particularly  upon  the  exports  of  the  precious  metals,  his  deductions  are 
too  general  to  afford  information  in  detail  relative  to  the  earlier  trade  of  New 
Spain.  From  the  commencement  of  free  trade,  however,  he  has  made  valua- 
ble calculations  and  supplied  figures  setting  forth  the  values  of  exports  and 
imports,  with  comparative  tables  exhibiting  the  increase  of  commerce  since 
the  removal  of  the  restrictions.  Essai  Polit.,  ii.  733-8.  In  his  description  of 
the  highways  and  roads  of  Mexico  he  shows  excellent  observation  and  sup- 
plies good  suggestions  for  improvement. 

Correo   Mercantil  de  Espana  y  sus  lndias,  Madrid,  1792-4,  in  4  vols. 


RICHARD,  ANDERSON,  AND  MACPHERSON.  647 

This  work  is  a  commercial  monthly  periodical,  and  contains  information 
upon  the  commerce  of  Spain  and  her  western  colonies,  together  with  the  con- 
dition of  her  trade  with  the  principal  cities  of  Europe.  Prices-current,  rates 
of  exchange,  and  shipping  business  appear  regularly  in  the  volumes.  The 
most  important  information  which  it  affords  with  regard  to  Mexico  is  that 
relating  to  the  freedom  of  the  ports,  and  the  shipping  business  at  Vera  Cruz. 
Mention  is  also  made  of  the  agricultural  condition  of  various  parts  of  the 
country,  and  of  the  culture  of  certain  valuable  productions.  The  rapid 
development  of  commerce  had  opened  a  new  literary  field  which  demanded 
a  special  treatment  not  unworthy  of  the  highest  order  of  ability.  Bishop 
Huet  had  in  common  with  other  learned  investigators  given  a  dissertation 
on  the  trade  of  the  ancients,  in  which  the  middle  ages  found  an  exponent 
in  loannis  Angelii  a  Werdenhagen  de  Rebuspublicis  Hanseaticis  Tractatus ; 
but  these  failed  to  meet  the  wants  of  the  practical  merchant.  The  well 
arranged  maritime  history  of  Morisot  was  more  to  his  taste,  but  it  was 
insufficient,  and  had  to  yield  to  Richard,  Traite  General  du  Commerce.  A 
still  more  practical  work,  and  the  most  valuable  so  far  issued,  is  An  His- 
torical and  Chronological  Deduction  of  the  Origin  of  Commerce,  London,  1764, 
2  vols,  4to,  by  Adam  Anderson,  a  clerk  of  the  South  Sea  Company  for  above 
forty  years.  Its  success  caused  the  issue  of  a  new  edition  in  1787,  enlarged 
to  four  volumes  quarto,  republished  in  1801.  Beginning  with  the  earliest 
records  of  the  Jews  and  Greeks,  the  development  of  industrial  arts  and 
sciences  is  reviewed  in  connection  with  trade,  migration,  and  colonization, 
at  first  by  centuries,  but  soon  year  by  year.  Legislative  measures,  finance, 
treaties,  naval  operations,  and  other  projects  affecting  trade  are  also  in- 
cluded. The  first  volume  closes  with  the  fifteenth  century;  the  second  with 
the  seventeenth;  the  third  with  1762;  the  latter  containing  to  a  great  extent 
the  personal  observations  of  the  author  while  connected  with  mercantile 
affairs.  The  fourth  volume  is  a  continuation  by  the  publishers  for  the  period 
1762-88,  bristling  with  details  and  statistics.  The  work  is  evidently  the 
result  of  years  of  labor,  and  research  into  obscure  as  well  as  standard 
authorities.  The  earlier  period  indicates  less  judgment  and  completeness, 
but  afterward  it  improves  greatly,  and  shows  more  originality.  The  want  of 
critical  skill  is  a  serious  fault,  and  objections  may  be  made  to  the  abundance 
of  statistical  and  unessential  details  in  the  text,  and  to  the  compilatory  form, 
combined  with  a  stilted,  prosy  style.  England  is  of  course  the  main  object 
of  the  work,  particularly  in  the  later  portions,  wherein  the  spirit  of  national 
prejudice  becomes  rather  glaring. 

The  success  of  Anderson's  work,  perhaps,  rather  than  its  faults,  induced 
David  Macpherson  in  1805  to  issue  the  Annals  of  Commerce,  Manufactures, 
Fisheries,  and  Navigation,  4  vols,  4to,  wherein  he  claims  to  present  a  complete 
revision  of  the  former.  He  recognizes  the  care  bestowed  by  Anderson  upon 
the  period  after  the  discovery  of  America,  and  presumes  only  to  prune  it  of 
cumbrous  details  and  odd  words,  adding  his  own  comments  in  notes;  but  the 
earlier  period  he  found  it  necessary  to  rewrite.  Somewhat  over  two  volumes 
are  devoted  to  the  revision,  and  the  remainder  to  a  history  of  the  last  forty 
years,  formed  entirely  by  himself  from  official  papers  and  public  reports,  and 
ignoring  altogether  the  continuation  by  the  publishers  of  the  original  work. 


648  COMMERCE. 

If  Macphcrson's  endeavor  to  build  up  a  reputation  upon  an  esteemed  standard 
work  does  not  exactly  inspire  confidence,  yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  ma- 
terial he  offers  is  not  without  value,  and  that  his  pruning  has  been  of  use  ; 
but  other  expected  improvements  of  method  and  of  style  are  by  no  means 
apparent.  Altogether  it  remains  a  question  whether  the  result  warranted  so 
bulky  an  issue. 

The  number  of  books  on  trade  and  industries  increased  rapidly  in  various 
forms,  including  not  only  works  on  special  branches,  but  cyclopedias,  as 
Mel  'ulloch's,  and  the  Dktionnaire  du  Commercant ;  periodical  reviews,  as 
Annuairede  Commerce  Maritime;  and  general  statistical  reviews,  as  Dieterici, 
Statistics  of  the  Zollverein.  One  of  the  most  thorough  books  of  the  latter 
class,  comprising  the  varied  phases  of  industries  and  resources  of  every 
country  is,  John  Macgregor's  Commercial  Statistics.  London,  1844-50,  5  vols, 
4to.  As  secretary  to  the  English  board  of  trade,  of  extensive  travel,  and 
intimate  with  the  leading  men  and  institutions  of  more  than  one  country,  he 
had  every  facility  for  obtaining  the  necessary  material  and  aid  for  his  work, 
and  he  has  certainly  shown  his  ability  to  make  good  use  thereof.  A  sketch 
of  physical  geography  precedes  the  review  of  resources  and  industries  for 
each  country,  and  a  series  of  commercial  treatises  is  appended. 

The  importance  of  the  New  World,  and  the  want  perceptible  in  even  its 
most  complete  histories  of  a  statistical  report  on  the  growth  of  the  various 
states,  induced  Macgregor  to  publish  a  special,  ponderous  set  on  The  Prog- 
ress of  America.  London,  1847,  2  vols,  4to.  In  order  to  present  a  thorough 
and  satisfactory  work  he  added  historic  and  geographic  material  to  the 
industrial  reviews  which  form  the  main  object.  The  United  States,  as  the 
most  important  section,  occupies  the  whole  of  volume  II,  forming  one  third 
of  the  whole  text,  while  the  ten  books  of  volume  I  are  pretty  evenly  dis- 
tributed. The  first  book  gives  a  review  of  the  discovery,  conquest,  and 
settlement  of  America  in  general;  IV-VI  cover  Mexico  and  Central  America; 
and  the  remainder,  South  America,  the  Antilles,  and  the  British  possessions, 
including  a  review  of  English  trade  generally  with  the  new  world.  Macgregor 
published  several  other  works  on  this  subject,  chiefly  relating  to  America. 

In  contrast  to  the  practical  English  treatises  on  commerce  we  now  turn  to 
a  work  which  in  devoting  itself  to  the  development  of  trade  with  distant 
regions,  ventured  upon  the  innovation  of  allying  philosophy  and  speculative 
thought  to  so  material  a  subject.  But  it  was  the  era  of  revolution,  and 
before  the  author  lay  the  flattering  hope  of  becoming  another  Thucy- 
dides,  the  leader  in  a  new  literary  field.  Its  fulfilment  lies  before  us  in  the 
Histoire  Philosophique  et  Politique  des  Etablissemens  et  du  Commerce  des  Euro- 
peens  dans  les  deux  hides;  par  Guillaume  Thomas  Raynal;  first  issued  at  Ge- 
neve, 1780,  in  5  vols,  4to,  and  10  vols,  8vo.  The  revised  edition,  Paris,  1820-1, 
was  increased  to  12  vols,  8vo,  from  the  author's  manuscripts,  and  from  the 
review  by  Penchet  on  the  progress  of  the  colonies  since  Raynal's  time.  It 
opens  with  the  Portuguese  discovery  of  the  sea  route  to  the  East  Indies, 
and  proceeds  with  the  operations  of  other  nations  and  the  growth  of  trade  in 
this  region,  including  Africa  and  China.  In  livre  VI  is  related  the  discovery 
of  America,  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  and  the  trade  resources  of  New  Spain, 
and  in  the  following  parts  the  progress  of  conquest  and  commerce  in  other 


RAYNAL.  649 

portions  of  America,  particularly  in  the  West  Indies  and  the  United  States. 
In  the  nineteenth  livre,  forming  volume  X,  Raynal  concludes  his  own  writing 
with  a  review  of  the  development  of  institutions,  moral  and  social,  political 
and  industrial,  in  both  hemispheres,  and  their  influence  upon  culture. 

The  departure  implied  in  this  work  had  more  than  a  literary  significance; 
it  meant  a  warfare  against  social  intolerance;  and  this  required  courage,  par- 
ticularly in  a  man  moving  in  the  supercilious,  frivolous  circles  open  to  Ray- 
nal.  It  required  also  ability  to  face  the  learned  hosts  before  him;  and  it 
demanded  both  qualities  to  undertake  researches  for  so  varied  a  field.  The 
result  was  manifested  alike  by  the  applause  of  philosophers  and  practical  men, 
and  by  the  condemnation  of  the  church  and  the  government,  which  forced  him 
into  exile.  An  acknowledgment  of  its  beauties  was  conveyed  in  the  very 
charge  that  Diderot's  hand  was  manifest  therein;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that, 
whatever  the  work  may  owe  to  his  advice,  the  elaboration  is  entirely  by 
Raynal.  It  exhibits  a  not  uneven  form,  and  a  sustained  nobility  of  thought 
and  style,  which  is  never  obscure,  and  always  attractive.  When  principles, 
when  human  rights  are  the  theme,  then  alone  he  breaks  somewhat  the  bounds 
of  calm  review,  and  rising  into  the  dramatic  he  discloses  the  Voltairian  influ- 
ence which  has  encompassed  him,  and  shows  himself  the  champion  also  of  the 
negro  slave. 

Trained  a  Jesuit  and  later  made  an  abbd,  Raynal  had  amid  his  multifarious 
studies  imbibed  the  teachings  of  Montaigne  and  Bayle.  Becoming  a  writer 
from  choice  as  much  as  from  necessity,  he  at  once  attracted  the  attention 
of  critics  by  the  Histoire  du  Siathouderat,  wherein  he  rose  as  one  of  the 
first  to  combat  the  prejudice  of  the  age  against  trade  as  a  profession,  to 
point  out  its  glories  in  the  Queen  of  the  Adriatic,  in  the  Medici  family, 
and  to  demonstrate  its  influence  and  power  in  Holland,  in  raising  a  down- 
trodden people  to  a  leading  nation,  while  for  England  it  was  about  to 
create  empires.  The  researches  for  this  subject,  and  the  duties  in  editing  for 
Le  Mercure,  chained  him  more  and  more  to  commercial  interests,  while  the 
companionship  of  Rousseau  and  kindred  spirits  raised  him  above  the  rank  of 
mere  narrator,  and  instilled  a  philosophic  spirit  which  soon  evolved  the 
Histoire  Philosophique.  Before  fleeing  from  Paris  to  Genoa  he  had  three 
copies  of  it  printed,  to  be  submitted  to  friends  and  critics  for  suggestions  and 
improvements.  The  perfecting  process  occupied  him  after  its  publication  till 
his  death  in  1796,  at  the  age  of  about  83.  England  showed  her  appreciation 
of  the  work  by  a  translation,  in  1783,  which  was  several  times  republished. 
Raynal  left  among  other  notes  a  Histoire  Philosophique,  etc. ,  ties  ctablis-sements 
dans  VAfrique  Septentrionale,  which  Penchet  enlarged  and  issued  in  1826,  in 
2  vols.  8vo;  and  which  should  form  a  part  of  the  greater  work. 

A  fuller  list  of  authorities  consulted  are  the  following:  Ordenes  de  la 
Corona,  MS.,  iii.  45-8;  vi.  34,  64-5,  79-85;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  155-6, 
246-8;  iii.  62-3,  176;  Coqollvdo,  Hi«t.  Yuc.  548-51;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not., 
36-8,  160-1,  183;  Azanza,  Ynstruccion,  MS.,  71-5.  112-14,  141-57;  Villa-Sencr, 
Theatro,  i.  49-50;  Revilla  Gujedo,  Instruc.,  MS.,  i.  119-44,  321-64;  ii.  354-60, 
486-7;  Id.,  Bandos,  nos.  xv.  xix.  xli.-lxxi. ;  Puga,  Cedulario,  10,  113-14, 
175-6,  195-6;  Vireyes  de  Mex.,  Instruc,  MS.,  5;  Monumentos  Domin.  Esp., 
MS.,  92,  107-8;  Concilio  Prov.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  108-17,  341-60;  Providencias 


c:>o  commerce. 

Reales,  MS.,  30-49,  89,  102-5,  212-14,  244-7,  288-90;  Pacheco  and  Cdrdmas, 
Col.  Doc,  v.  421;  vi.  298-314,343;  xii.  142-51;  xiii.  200-1;  Beaks  Orders, 
iii.  73-432;  iv.  1-5G,  377-9;  vi.  88-110;  viii.  190-1,  295-328;  x.  315-10; 
Panes,  Extension  V.  Cruz,  MS.,  211-01;  Ejidoa  de  Mexico,  MS.,  78;  Col.  Doc. 
J  no!.,  xxi.  407-9,  488-9,  502-4;  Branciforte,  List  rue,  MS.,  9-10;  Linares, 
Instruc,  MS.,  8-12;  PhUipmtu,  Exto.  Hist.  Comer.,  15-29,  123-328;  Payno, 
Bait  as  Generates,  pp.  vii.-x.  200-311;  Bccop.  de  Indias,  i.  ii.  iii.,  passim; 
Reales,  C4dulas,MB.,  i.  83-8,  100,  172;  ii.  44-50,  123-30;  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen., 
iii.  550;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  35,  125-49;  Villarroel,  Junta  Repulsa,  MS., 
1-216;  Certification  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  90-1;  Cancelada,  Bulna  de  JV. 
Esp.,  14,  passim;  Bobles,  Diario,  i.  ii.,  passim;  America,  Descrip.,  MS.,  141- 
205,  102-3;  Ternaux-Compans,  s6rie  i.  torn.  x.  451-70;  sdrie  ii.  torn.  v.  191-2, 
237-44,  329;  Guijo,  i.,  passim;  Soc.  Mex.  Grog.,  Boletin,  ii.  17,  23-31;  iii. 
325-38;  iv.  18;  ix.  89;  Id.,  3ra  cp.  i.  254-5,  788-94;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i. 
144,  184-0;  Id.,  Gobernantes  de  Mex.,  i.  99,  137,  140,  passim;  Gaz.  Mex.,  i. 
ii.  iii.,  passim;  iv.  410,  428-9;  v.  10  et  seq. ;  vi.,  passim;  ix.,  10-42,  101-300; 
x.  125,  354-78;  xi.  39,  97  et  seq.;  xii.-xiv.,  passim;  Disposiciones  Varias, 
MS.,  i.  18-40,  77;  ii.  1-4;  iii.  42-5,  97;  Antunez,  Mem.  Comercio,  21-27,  30- 
330;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  230,  249-50,  200-74;  ii.  98;  Correo  Merc.  Esp.,  i. 
50-1;  ii.  0,  15,  90-7,  143-4;  iii.  5,  11-12,  35-7;  iv.  332-3,  445,  598,  G21-2; 
Beleua,  Becop.,  i.  Ill  etseq.;  ii.  04,  71-SG,  153-G2;  Noticioso  Gen.,  17  Nov. 
1817,  2-3;  Lcrdo  de  Tejada,  Comercio  Est.,  12-15,  passim;  Sanchez,  Pad). 
Sagrad.  Prof.,  41-G3;  Barbachano,  Mem.  Camp.,  12-13;  Ward's  Mex.,  i.  03, 
130-32;  ii.  10,  15,  49;  Arrillaga,  Becop.  1829,  378-428,  534-92;  hi.,  In  forme, 
12;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Vet.,  ii.  432,  528-33;  v.  21-35,  300-13,  394;  Cairo, 
Annates  Hist.,i.  131;  ii.  205-9;  Orczco  y  Berra,  Cartog.  Mex.,  180-1;  Viagero 
Universal,  xxvii.  5,  G7,  20G-12,  243-0;  Salmon's  Modem  Hist.,  iii.  210-19; 
Wapp,  Mex.  and  Cent.  Am.,  95-110;  West  Indies,  Geog.  and  II ist.,  130-7; 
Pike's  Exploratory  Trav.,  375-G;  Ortez,  Yrades  Mex.,  376-7;  Id.,  Resumen 
JSstad.,  79-80;  Walton's  Spanish  Colonies,  ii.  174;  Id.,  Expose',  428;  Diario 
Mex.,  i.  19-20,  40,  250-1,  348;  ii.  99-100;  iv.  130,  219,  275-87;  v.  1-2,  214, 
274-80;  vi.  344;  vii.  87-94,  202;  viii.  40,  1 30,  531-3;  x.  G24;  xi.  047-50;  xii. 
4S3;  Mex.  Legist.  Mej.,  1851,  231-4;  Spanish  Empire  in  Am.,  118-20,  279- 
300;  Ataman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  28  etseq.;  iii.  32-38;  Willie,  Noticia  Hoc.,  2, 
9-19;  Cortez,  Diario  Exp.  1820,  i.  340;  iii.  0,  11-12;  iv.  291;  MHodo  para 
desparhar  Galeon  Felipinas,  i.  259;  Pap.  Var.,  xxxi.  3;  li.  3;  clxiv.  97-104, 
134;  clxxxvi.  15-17;  cexv.  3;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  413  et  seq.;  vi.  130, 
180;  vii.  149;  x.  1290;  Mora,  Revue  Mex.,  182-4,  214-41,  387;  Id.,  Obras 
Sueltos,  i.  90-2;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  15,  120,  231,  243;  ii.  425,  449,  003- 
778,  826,  849-GG;  Id.,  Tobias  Estad.,  MS.,  42-G;  Id.,  Versuch,  iv.  250-430; 
v.  11G-20;  Id.,  New  Spain,  iv.  138,  281,  3G3-9;  Dice.  Univ.,  i.  53;  v.  20G-14; 
viii.  624-8,  GOG-7;  x.  731-2,  812-14,  1014-25;  Bustamante,  Cuad.  Hist.,  iv. 
67-7G;  Pinkerton's  Modem  Geog.,  iii.  211-12,  224-9;  Id.,  Coll.  Voy.,  v.  470-81, 
490-4;  xiii.  858-9;  Young's  Hist.  Mex.,  02;  Carranza,  Geog.  Descrip.,  12-17, 
23;  Barney's  Discov.  South  Sea,  ii.  340-9;  Dillon's  Hist.  Mex.,  109-10;  Bare- 
naudiere,  Mex.  et  Guat.  259-G4;  Dublan  y  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  3G,  07; 
Ogilby's  America,  283;  Democratic  Beview,  i.  208;  De  Bercy,  L'Europe,  i. 
141-3;  Langsdorff,  Voy.,  ii.  208;  El  Tiempo,  199;  Palafox y  Mendoza,  Venerab. 
Seiior,  4,  5;  Fonseca  y  Urrutia,  Beat  Hoc.,  i.  313  et  seq.;  Frisch,  Staaten  von 
MI  ex.,  5;  Gcdvan,  Tierras,  47-8;  Lacunza,  Discursos  Hist.,  xxxvi?  529;  Ocios 
Espan.  Emigrad.,  vi.  340;  Bourbourg,  B  Isthme  Teh.,  8;  Conder's  Mex.  and 
Guat.,  51,  138;  Nueva  Espania,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  200-1;  Gazrta,  Gob.  Mex., 
122  etseq.;  Guthrie's  Univ.  Geog.,\.  395;  Alvaren,  Estwlios,  iii.  437;  Burke's 
Europ.  Settle.,  i.  232-8;  Guia  *de  Hac,  ii.  09-108;  Wilson's  Mex.,  19-20; 
Winberbotham's  Hist,  of  U.  S.,  iv.  112-13;  Guerra,  Bev.  iV".  Esp.,  i.  177-8; 
ii.  G25-9;  Macpherson's  Annals  of  Com.,  i.  G74-7;  iii.  402;  Diario  Mercantil 
(/'  Vera  Cruz,  503-G20;  Midler,  Beisen  in  Mex.,  iii.  437-44,  720-37;  Squier's 
MSS.,  xxii.  84;  Zavala,  Bev.  Mex.,  27-07;  Linage's  Spanish  Bute  of  Trade, 
227,  2GG-7;  Bidwell's  Panama,  G8,  72. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

REVENUE    AND    FINANCE. 

1500-1809. 

Treasury  Department  Established — Royal  Officers — The  Depart- 
ment as  Fully  Organized — Regulations  and  Restrictions — Col- 
lection of  Revenue — The  King's  Fifth — Smelting— Tribute — 
Quicksilver — Customs  Duties — Imports  and  Exports — The  Ma- 
nilla Trade — Royal  Monopolies  and  Sale  of  Offices — Gam- 
bling License — Liquor  Traffic — Taxation — Sale  of  Indulgences — 
Tithes — Cacao  as  Currency — Establishment  of  a  Mint — Coinage — 
Income. 

The  treasury  department  of  New  Spain  may  be 
said  to  have  been  organized  early  in  1524,  with  Cortes 
as  governor  and  captain-general,  when  Rodrigo  de 
Albornoz  was  appointed  as  contador,  Gonzalo  de 
Salazar  as  factor,  Alonso  de  Estrada  as  treasurer,  and 
Pedro  Almindez  Chirinos  as  inspector  of  smelting 
works.  The  interference  of  these  officials  in  guberna- 
torial affairs,  and  their  assumption  of  prerogatives  not 
rightly  appertaining  to  the  treasury,  led  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  more  thoroughly  organized  department 
which,  as  occupation  progressed  and  the  sources  of 
revenue  increased,  became  enlarged  by  the  creation, 
from  time  to  time,  of  different  branch  departments  at 
the  ports,  and  in  all  important  districts.  From  1528 
to  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century,  laws  in  great 
number  were  passed  describing  the  duties  and  cur- 
tailing the  independent  action  of  the  royal  officers  of 
the  treasury,  providing  against  fraudulent  practices, 
and  protecting  in  every  way  the  interests  of  the  crown. 
If  a  cedula  was  issued  which  became  inoperative,  it 

(651j 


652  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

was  repeated ;  if  an  order  proved  ineffectual,  it  was 
revised. 

The  treasury  department  as  fully  organized  was 
composed  of  three  principal  officers,  the  factor,  auditor, 
and  treasurer.  Each  of  these  chiefs,  together  with 
an  escribano,  had  under  him  three  officials  who  may 
be  denominated  the  first,  second,  and  third  book- 
keepers, and  attached  to  the  department  was  a  num- 
ber of  employes,  such  as  scriveners,  who  were  occupied 
in  despatching  the  business  of  the  tribunal  of  royal 
officers,1  and  that  of  the  various  outside  branches 
responsible  to  it.2 

All  the  important  affairs  of  each  department  were 
conducted  by  a  tribunal  of  the  royal  officers  who  held 
their  sessions  weekly  in  the  presence  of  the  audiencia, 
or,  where  there  was  no  audiencia,  before  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  district.  Their  duty  was  to  direct  the 
management  of  the  royal  treasury ;  and  in  the  collec- 
tion of  the  revenue  these  courts  had  absolute  jurisdic- 
tion, each  tribunal  being  confined  to  its  own  district. 
During  the  sixteenth  century  the  power  of  the  royal 
officers  was  great.  They  opened  in  session  the  king's 
despatches  to  governors;  could  address  the  king  con- 
jointly or  severally;  viceroys  and  audiencias  were  or- 
dered to  put  no  impediment  in  their  way;  justices  and 
alguaciles  mayores  were  instructed  to  carry  out  their 
orders  in  all  matters  concerning  the  treasury,  and  in 
their  court  sessions  their  vote  was  final.  But  later 
the  power  of  these  courts  was  greatly  curtailed,3  and 
controlled  by  the  audiencia  and  the  higher  Tribunal  y 
Audiencia  de  Cuentas.4 

1  The  tribunal  de  los  oficiales  reales  of  the  city  of  Mexico  was  composed  of 
five  members,  namely,  the  three  chiefs  of  the  treasury  mentioned  in  the  text 
and  the  contador  de  tributos  y  alcabalas.    Villa-Sefior,  Theatro,  i.  30. 

2  Early  in  the  17th  century  there  was  a  royal  coffer  and  branch  department 
at  each  of  the  following  places,  namely:  the  city  of  Mexico,  Vera  Cruz,  Aca- 
pulco,  San  Luis  de  Potosi,  Guanajuato,  Pachuca,  Guadalajara,  Durango,  and 
Merida  in  Yucatan.  Rex-op.  de.  Intl.,  ii.  451.  The  first  two  treasury  depart- 
ments were  those  of  the  city  of  Mexico  and  Vera  Cruz. 

3  Recop.  de  Ivd.,  ii.  419-25. 

1  This  court  was  established  by  Felipe  III.  in  1005,  as  a  further  check  upon 
the  officials  of  the  treasury  department,  Recop.  de  hid.,  ii.  385.     At  first  it 


TREASURY  RESTRICTIONS.  653 

That  the  reader  may  form  some  idea  of  the  jeal- 
ousy with  which  the  crown  attempted  to  guard 
against  fraud  or  peculation,  and  of  the  methods  by 
which  dishonest  officials  might  appropriate  funds  of 
the  treasury,  I  shall  mention  a  few  of  the  multitudi- 
nous laws  issued  for  the  protection  of  the  revenue. 

Treasury  officials  were  strictly  prohibited  from  en- 
gaging in  commercial  or  business  enterprises  of  any 
kind.5  They  could  not  work  mines,  nor  were  their 
sons,  brothers,  or  near  relatives  allowed  to  do  so. 
All  public  appointments,  such  as  those  of  corregidor 
and  alcalde  mayor,  were  closed  against  them  and  all 
near  relatives,  nor  could  they  hold  Indians  in  encomi- 
enda.  The  royal  safe  had  three  separate  locks  with 
different  keys,  one  of  which  was  in  the  keeping  of 
each  of  the  three  chiefs  of  the  department,  while  the 
door  of  the  office  in  which  the  coffer  was  deposited 
was  similarly  fastened,  so  that  all  three  officials  were 
compelled  to  be  present  at  the  opening  and  closing  of 
both  the  room  and  the  strong-box.6  Restrictions  fol- 
lowed restrictions;  royal  officers  were  even  forbidden 
to  marry  the  daughters  or  sisters  of  contadores  de 
cuentas,7  nor  were  their  own  sons  and  daughters  al- 
lowed  to  intermarry  during  the  lifetime  of  their  par- 
ents; and  lastly,  nepotism  was  so  strictly  guarded 
against  that  no  relative  of  a  treasury  officer  within 

was  composed  of  three  auditors  of  accounts,  two  auditors  of  balance-sheets — 
contadores  de  resultas — and  two  royal  officers  '  para  que  ordenen  las  cuentas, 
que  se  hubieren  de  tomar.'  Ibid.  At  a  later  date  this  court  was  enlarged 
and  comprised  the  three  contadores,  an  alguacil  mayor,  six  contadores  de 
resultas,  four  ordenadores,  twelve  contadores  supernumerarios,  and  an  escri- 
bano  real.  The  accounts  of  all  the  branches  of  the  treasury  department  were 
passed  through  this  tribunal.  Vetancurt  informs  us  that  at  its  sessions  the 
three  contadores  were  seated  with  the  royal  audiencia  '  y  en  su  Tribunal  gozan 
de  Senoria.'  Trat.  Chid.  Mex.,  30.  In  Villa-Seilor's  time  further  changes  had 
been  made.    Theatro  Amer. ,  i.  38. 

5  Montemayor,  Svmario,  248.  This  prohibition  was  frequently  ignored. 
The  officials  of  the  royal  treasury  at  San  Luis  Potosi  committed  so  many  irreg- 
ularities by  employing  the  king's  money  in  mercantile  transactions  that  his 
Majesty  in  1650  ordered  it  to  be  closed  for  a  time.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  i. 
181-2. 

6  No  one  of  the  officials  could  surrender  his  key  to  either  of  his  colleagues 
unless  illness  or  other  justifiable  cause  prevented  him  acting  in  person.  Recop. 
de  Ind.,  ii.  431,  452.     See  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  vol.  i.  this  series. 

7  Members  of  the  tribunal  y  audiencia  de  cuentas. 


C54  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

the  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity  and  second  degree 
of  affinity  could  hold  a  position  in  the  same  depart- 
ment with  himself.8 

Moreover  the  laws  which  regulated  the  duties  of 
the  royal  officers  were  equally  stringent.  All  bonds 
and  securities  had  to  be  received  by  the  officials  con- 
jointly. They  had  to  attend,  in  company  with  an 
oidor,  the  public  auctions  of  all  goods  pertaining  to 
the  crown;  if  their  accounts  were  not  rendered  in  time 
their  salaries  were  withheld;  drafts  on  the  treasury 
drawn  even  by  the  viceroy,  or  president  and  oidores, 
could  not  be  honored  unless  they  were  supported  by 
a  special  order  from  his  Majesty;9  the  officers  could 
not  absent  themselves  from  their  posts  without  per- 
mission of  the  viceroy,  nor  return  to  Spain  without 
that  of  the  king.  Any  dereliction  of  duty  was  in  most 
cases  punishable  by  loss  of  position. 

Nevertheless  legislation  availed  not  to  prevent 
abuses;  a  study  of  the  laws  passed  during  a  long 
period  of  time  reveals  the  fact  that  fraudulent  and 
irregular  practices  continually  prevailed,  and  event- 
ually the  royal  treasury  in  New  Spain  was  placed 
under  the  absolute  control  of  the  viceroy  as  superin- 
tendent, no  appeal  being  allowed  against  his  decision 
except  directly  to  the  crown.10  But  it  is  time  to  con- 
sider the  various  sources  from  which  the  kings  of 
Spain  derived  their  revenue  in  the  Mexican  provinces. 

The  earliest  recorded  collection  of  revenue  in  New 
Spain  was  made  during  the  captivity  of  Montezuma, 
and  several  remittances  were  sent  to  the  mother  coun- 
try during  the  first  years  of  occupation  except  in  1523 ; 
but  in  1524  the  sum  transmitted  amounted  to  nearly 
one  hundred  thousand  pesos.  From  this  time  remit- 
tances to  Spain  declined  somewmat  for  several  decades, 

87?rcdes  Chlulas,  MS.,  ii.  133,  134;  Ordenea  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  133. 

9  By  c6dula  of  1539  the  viceroy's  drafts  on  the  treasury  were  ordered  to  be 
paid,  the  officers  advising  the  king  of  the  same.  But  in  15G9  this  was  coun- 
termanded.  Montemayor,  Svmario,  249,  230. 

10Iieales  Ccdulas,  MS.,  ii.  221-2;  Dixposkiones  Varias,  i.  f.  53. 


COLLECTING  TAXES.  655 

until  about  the  middle  of  the  century  when  they  grad- 
ually increased.11  During  the  first  few  years  of  the 
colonial  period  the  principal  source  of  royal  revenue 
was  tribute  money,  and  as  this  was  partly  paid  by  per- 
sonal services  no  very  correct  estimate  of  the  treasury 
receipts  at  that  time  can  be  formed.12  But  at  an  early 
date  measures  were  adopted  by  the  crown  to  ensure 
a  better  administration  of  this  department,  and  an 
increase  of  revenue.  Branches  were  established  in 
the  principal  towns13  to  facilitate  collection,  and  in- 
structions issued  for  the  guidance  of  officials.14  As  the 
revenue  increased  in  value  and  importance,  and  the 
sources  from  which  it  was  derived  multiplied,  fresh 
laws  were  repeatedly  promulgated,  more  departments 
created,  and  a  vast  financial  policy  developed.  No 
possible  opportunity  of  drawing  wealth  into  the  royal 
exchequer  was  thrown  away ;  and  luxuries,  industries, 
and  vices  were  alike  made  to  contribute  their  quota 
to  fill  the  royal  coffers.  So  numerous  were  the  means 
employed  that  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century 
the  various  sources  from  which  the  rental  was  derived 
numbered  more  than  sixty,  and  during  the  period 
from  1522  to  1804  yielded  $1,940,000,000,  or  an  an- 
nual average  of  $6, 8 30,9 8 6. 15  The  proceeds  fluctuated 
considerably  during  the  above  named  years. 

The  earliest  impost  which  was  paid  in  New  Spain 
was  the  royal  fifth  of  the  net  value  of  all  gold,  silver, 
tin,  quicksilver,  or  other  metals  obtained  from  mines. 

llAlbornoz,  Carta,  in  Icazbalceta,  Col.  Doc,  i.  501-2;  Pacheco  an&Cdrde- 
nas,  Col.  Doc,  xii.  352-62;  Ternaux-Compans,  serie  i.  torn.  x.  451. 
12 Chaves,  Bespuesta,  MS.,  in  Squier's  MSS.,  xviii.  3-6. 

13  In  April  1528  the  king  established  the  following  towns  as  cabeceras:  the 
city  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  Zamaclmla,  Zacatula,  Zempoalla,  Tehuantepec, 
Tututepec,  Tlascala,  Vibtzilan  in  Michoacan,  Acapulco,  and  Cuilapan.  Puya, 
Cedidario,  27. 

14  A  decree  was  issued  May  16,  1527,  enjoining  officials  not  to  compel  any 
person  to  pay  twice  an  indebtedness  to  the  treasury.  The  duties  of  the  con- 
tador  and  treasurer  were  then  defined.  Another  decree  of  June  5,  1528, 
prescribed  that  payments  made  into  the  royal  treasury  should  neither  be  to 
the  prejudice  of  the  person  paying  nor  to  that  of  the  king.  liecop.  delnd.,  ii. 
465-9.  Nor  were  the  royal  oiiicers  permitted  to  farm  land  or  engage  in  any 
business  contract  under  penalty  of  a  fine  of  10,000  maravedis.  Montemayor, 
Svmarios,  248. 

15Notic  de  Esp.,  in  Soc  Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  30. 


05G  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

This  duty  was  established  in  the  Indies  by  royal 
cedula  of  the  5th  of  February,  1504,  and  was  paya- 
ble by  all  vassals  and  residents  in  the  domains  of  the 
crown.16  In  order  to  secure  the  collection  of  this  tax 
an  inspector  of  mines  was  appointed  at  an  early  date, 
and  in  1528  royal  officers  were  required  to  be  present 
at  the  smelting  of  gold.  This  fifth  on  gold  was 
found  in  some  instances  to  be  discouraging  to  mining 
enterprises,  and  the  king  caused  it  temporarily  to  be 
reduced  to  one  tenth,  which  concession  was  extended 
from  time  to  time.17  After  a  variety  of  changes  the 
tax  wTas  reduced  in  the  last  half  of  the  eighteenth 
century  to  three  per  cent  on  gold,  and  eleven  per 
cent  on  silver.  This  caused  a  considerable  increase 
to  the  revenue,  and  in  the  twenty-five  years  from 
1765  to  1789  inclusive,  the  amount  collected  was 
$43,G41,468.18 

Almost  contemporaneous  with  the  establishment 
of  the  royal  fifth  impost  was  that  of  the  Indian 
tribute.  The  surrender  of  Montezuma  to  the  crown 
of  Castile  made  both  him  and  his  former  subjects 
vassals  of  the  king  of  Spain,  and  indeed  that  unfor- 
tunate monarch  sent  valuable  presents  to  Carlos  V.  in 
token  of  his  recognition  of  him  as  his  sovereign.    Ac- 

16  The  royal  fifth  was  also  paid  on  all  treasures  and  treasure  trove.  On 
June  19,  1540,  a  royal  c6dula  was  issued,  enjoining  the  strict  collection  of  it 
on  all  treasure  captured  in  war,  discovered  in  graves  or  elsewhere,  or  received 
as  ransom.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xix.  59-G3.  Cortes  in  1552 
appointed  officers  to  collect  this  revenue.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Heal  JIac., 
i.  1-5. 

17  In  1572  the  duty  on  silver  was  reduced  to  one  tenth  for  six  years.  Id., 
i.  16.  During  the  next  two  centuries  a  great  number  of  c^dulas  were  issued 
relative  to  this  duty,  and  for  the  encouragement  of  mining. 

18Id.,  i.  43.  In  the  single  year  of  1798  the  yield  amounted  to  $2,230,945. 
Notic.  N.  Fsjy.,  in  Soc.  Mcx.  Geog.,  ii.  25.  Connected  with  this  branch  of  the 
revenue  were  the  assay  offices,  which  were  established  in  the  Indies  by  royal 
cedula  of  September  14,  1519,  liecop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  75-7,  and  in  1522  were  made 
vendible.  The  proceeds  of  these  offices  thus  depended  on  the  conditions  of 
sale,  and  regulations  enacted.  For  melting,  assaying,  and  stamping,  one  and 
a  half  per  cent  was  ordered  to  be  charged  by  royal  cedula  of  June  5,  1552, 
winch  was  renewed  in  1G19.  Id.,  79.  The  system  of  selling  this  source  of 
revenue  proved  unprofitable  owing  to  fraud,  and  in  1783  it  was  incorporated 
with  the  crown  administration;  during  the  following  seven  years  it  yielded  tho 
small  net  amount  of  $27,375.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Heal.  Ilac,  i.  45-51. 
In  the  year  1798,  however,  the  net  proceeds  amounted  to  47,944  pesos.  Soc, 
Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  25. 


INDIAN  TRIBUTE.  657 

cordingly  orders  were  issued  on  the  25th  of  October, 
1522,  requiring  payment  of  tribute  to  be  made  to 
the  royal  treasury  officer.  This  tax  was  discharged 
either  by  the  payment  of  a  sum  of  money  and  contri- 
butions in  kind,  or  by  labor  which  was  employed  on 
public  works  and  buildings,  and  in  the  cultivation  of 
plantations.  The  amount  paid  was  regulated  by  the 
quality  of  the  soil  cultivated  by  the  Indians,  and  con- 
sequently varied  in  different  districts,  the  land  being 
appraised  by  the  corregidores  or  sworn  commissioners. 
Those  towns  which  did  not  pertain  directly  to  the 
crown  paid  the  tribute  to  the  respective  encomenderos,19 
who  in  turn  paid  to  the  officers  of  the  crown  the 
royal  fifth.20 

At  first  the  impost  levied  upon  the  Indians  was 
probably  the  same  as  that  paid  to  Montezuma,  namely, 
one  third  of  all  produce,  or  an  equivalent  wholly  or 
in  part  in  the  precious  metals;  but  it  soon  became  evi- 
dent that  so  oppressive  a  tribute  could  not  be  borne, 
and  reductions  and  exemptions  were  repeatedly  made21 
during  the  period  from  1550  to  the  close  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  when  the  tax  which  generally  pre- 
vailed was  about  two  pesos  and  a  quarter  per  annum.22 

Meanwhile  the  importance  of  this  source  of  revenue 
was  such,  and  the  increase  of  business  in  the  treasury 
department  became  so  great,  that  in  1597  a  general 

]9The  encomenderos,  however,  were  in  the  habit  of  exacting  a  higher  trib- 
ute than  that  at  which  the  land  was  assessed,  and  on  the  30th  of  May,  1535, 
the  king  ordered  the  viceroy  not  to  permit  such  exactions.  Torquemada,  iii. 
260-1.     This  cedula  was  confirmed  in  1549  and  1551. 

20  The  viceroy  in  1537  writing  to  the  king  says  that  there  had  been  much 
neglect  in  compelling  the  encomenderos  to  pay  the  king's  fifth  on  tribute  paid 
in  gold,  and  that  it  was  his  intention  to  enforce  the  payment.  Pacheco  and 
Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  207-8.  In  15G9  there  were  in  New  Spain  155  alcal- 
dias  may  ores,  the  tribute  of  which  to  the  crown  alone  amounted  in  1570  to 
326,403  pesos;  and  in  the  following  year  that  of  the  crown  pueblos  produced 
83,553  pesos,  besides  37,776  fanegas  of  maize  and  a  large  number  of  loads 
of  cochineal,  cacao,  wheat,  fish,  honey,  clothing,  and  poultry.  Fonseca  and 
Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Hac,  i.  416.  This  produce  was  sold  at  auction  in  the 
respective  towns  before  an  oidor  and  the  fiscal  of  the  audiencia.  In  1536 
orders  were  issued  forbidding  these  officers  to  send  deputies  to  represent  them. 
Puga,  Cedulario,  102,  111. 

21  Consult  Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  i.  153-4,  this  series. 

22  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol. ,  i.  104-5.  This  tribute  as  regards  Indians,  negroes, 
mulattoes,  and  others  was  abolished  in  1810.  Disposic.  Var.,  ii.  f.  6. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    12 


658  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

auditors'  office  for  the  united  management  of  Indian 
tributes  and  the  quicksilver  branch  was  established 
by  Viceroy  Monterey.  In  1G51,  however,  the  two 
brandies  were  disconnected,  and  the  contadoria  de 
tributos  became  a  distinct  department,  with  an  admin- 
istrator general  at  the  head  whose  jurisdiction  ex- 
tended over  all  New  Spain.23 

The  next  productive  impost  introduced  into  New 
Spain  was  the  alcabala,24  or  excise,  collected  upon  all 
salable  commodities.  This  duty  had  its  origin  in 
Spain,  at  what  date  is  uncertain;  but  in  1342,  and  for 
a  long  period  afterward,  the  right  of  collecting  it  was 
periodically  conceded  by  the  cortes  to  different  Spanish 
monarchs  to  defray  expenses  of  war,  till  finally  it  be- 
came a  fixed  source  of  revenue.  In  1558  Philip  II. 
after  consultation  with  his  councillors  decided  to  intro- 
duce the  alcabala  into  the  Indies,  and  in  1568  issued 
a  royal  ceclula  to  the  viceroys  ordering  it  to  be  estab- 
lished in  Peru  and  New  Spain.25  Some  delay,  however, 
occurred  in  the  formation  of  a  tariff,  and  the  organ- 
ization of  the  department;  nor  was  it  before  October 
1574  that  the  viceroy  Martin  Enriquez  issued  his 
proclamation,  specifying  in  detail  the  articles  to  be 
taxed.26  On  the  27th  of  November  following  he  ap- 
pointed Gordian  Casasano,  secretary  of  the  audiencia, 

23  Villa-Senor,  Teatro  Amer.,  i.  45;  Fonseca  and  Urrutla,  Hist.  Real. 
Amer.,  i.  419,  424.  The  proceeds  of  this  tribute  in  all  New  Spain  paid  into 
the  royal  treasury  during  the  years  1765  to  1778  inclusive  amounted  to 
#11,345,224,  and  for  the  years  1779-1789,  88,438,704.  Id.,  451.  In  1798  the 
net  amount  was  $1,214,217.    Notic.  de  N.  Exjp.  in  Hoc.  31  ex.  Geog.,  25. 

21  Different  opinions  exist  concerning  the  origin  of  the  word  alcabala. 
The  Arabian  al-cabdla,  much  used  among  the  Arabs,  meaning  adjudication 
of  certain  land,  or  any  other  object,  through  a  tax  or  tribute  which  it  was 
obligatory  to  pay  to  the  royal  treasury;  later  it  became  the  name  of  the  tax 
itself.  Glosario,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  873-4.  From  the  Arabic  cabala  or  cabele, 
signifying  to  receive,  to  collect,  to  deliver.  31oreri  and  3Iiracel  y  Gasadevante, 
i.  292.  From  the  Hebrew  verb  caved,  to  receive,  or  perhaps  from  the  Latin 
gabella,  by  which  the  Romans  understood  duties  on  sales.  Escriche,  Dice. 
Legis.  Juris.,  118.  In  our  own  language  gabel,  tax,  custom,  duty,  from  the 
Anglo-Saxon  (jafel,  and  Gothic  giban,  to  give;  the  German  Abgabe.  A  prev- 
alent Spanish  notion  is  that  the  word  is  derived  by  corruption  from  al  que 
raid.;  that  is,  algo  que  valga,  something  of  import;  the  expression  being  used 
when  the  cortes  were  requested  to  provide  necessary  funds  for  the  royal 
treasury. 

Consult  Recop.  delnd.,  ii.  498. 

26  '  Desde  luego  quedaron  por  entonces  exentos  los  indios,  las  iglesias  y  las 


ALCABALA.  C:9 

to  the  office  of  auditor  and  superintendent-general  of 
the  new  department,27  instructing  him  at  the  same 
time  to  appoint  receivers  in  each  district,  and  com- 
mence the  collection  of  the  duties  on  the  1st  of  Jan- 
uary 1575.28 

Henceforward  this  impost  under  the  ever  watchful 
eyes  of  the  grasping  kings  of  Spain  increased  in  pro- 
ductiveness to  the  crown  and  added  greatly  to  the 
burdens  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  Spain.  The  small- 
est articles  of  merchandise  and  the  commonest  neces- 
saries of  life,  as  they  passed  from  one  ownor  to  another, 
were  taxed  over  and  over  again.  Foreign  goods,  home 
productions,  the  fruits  of  the  soil,  native  produce  of  all 
kinds,29  landed  property,  sold  or  even  leased,  in  time 
all  came  within  the  reach  of  the  elastic  alcabala. 
The  two  per  cent  first  exacted  was  doubled  and 
trebled.  In  the  decade  1601  to  1610  the  yield  in  the 
Mexican  department  alone  was  2,671,190  pesos;  that 
of  the  decade  1781  to  1790,  13,575,528  pesos.  The 
total  amount  which  this  tax  yielded  in  the  whole 
kingdom  during  1780  to  1789  was  34,022,552  pesos, 
giving  a  net  profit  of  31,302,941  pesos.  In  the  single 
year  1798  the  total  amount  of  this  impost  was  2,765,- 
217  pesos,  with  net  proceeds  of  2,352,235  pesos,  or 
nearly  ten  times  the  mean  annual  receipts  during  the 
first  named  decade.30 

Nor  was  the  alcabala  the  only  impost  to  which 
internal  trade  was  subject;  the  peage,  or  transit  dues 
which  were  levied  upon  goods  on  their  transportation 
from  certain  places  to  others,  still  further  increased 
the  price  of  commodities.    The  effect  of  this  grievous 

personas  eclesiasticas,  en  lo  que  no  vendiesen  ni  cambiasen  por  via  de  negoci- 
acion.'  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real.  Hac.,  ii.  7. 

27  Casasano  gave  bonds  in  the  sum  of  30,000  ducados  de  Castilla,  equivalent 
to  41,250  pesos.     His  salary  was  fixed  at  1,875  pesos  per  annum.  Id.,  8. 

28  The  duty  first  imposed  was  two  per  cent  on  all  articles  bought  and  sold, 
until  the  king  ordered  otherwise.  Montemayor,  Svmarios  de  Cedillas,  237. 

29  By  a  ce"dula  of  September  23,  1588,  the  tax  was  imposed  upon  the  Ind- 
ians who  were  made  to  pay  alcabala  on  fruits,  produce,  and  merchandise  of 
the  country.  Fonseca and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Beat.  Hac,  iii.  176. 

30 Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Heal.  Hoc.,  ii.  93-4;  Notic.  de  N.  E*p.,  in 
fSoc.  Jlex.  Geog.,  ii.  25. 


CCO  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

system  is  obvious.  Internal  trade  was  cramped,  manu- 
facturing and  agricultural  industries  were  fettered,  and 
inclination  to  undertake  local  enterprises  was  choked.31 
But  the  purchasers  of  imported  goods  paid  still 
more  highly  for  the  satisfaction  of  their  wants  or 
luxuries.  The  almojarifazgo?2  or  custom  duty,  was 
charged  on  all  merchandise  entering  or  leaving  the 

31  Rules  and  regulations  affecting  the  management  of    the  excise    de- 

fartment  were  incessantly  issued.  From  among  the  numerous  laws  passed 
select  a  few.  Colored  people,  though  paying  tribute,  were  not  exempt 
from  alcabala.  This  order  was  passed  in  1653.  Montemayor,  Ordenanzas,  f. 
1,  with  Montemayor,  Svmarios  de  Cedidas.  The  tax  was  not  to  be  collected 
on  sales,  the  proceeds  of  which  were  to  be  devoted  to  religious  purposes, 
a.  D.  1722;  nor  upon  property  sold  for  division  among  heirs.  A.  D.  1735.  Pro- 
videncias  Reales,  MS.,  144-5,  223-5.  In  some  districts  the  alcabala  used  to 
be  farmed  out;  in  1776  this  system  was  discontinued  and  the  collection  made 
on  the  king's  account.  Disposic.  Varias,  i.  f.  53.  In  1777  an  order  was  passed 
prohibiting  leases  of  10  years  or  upward,  unless  the  same  alcabala  was  paid 
as  if  the  property  were  sold.  Town  lots  sold  for  building  purposes  were 
subject  to  half  the  alcabala  duty.  Peal  Cedula,  Aug.  21,  1777,  pp.  1-3. 
Tax  suits  could  only  be  admitted  on  appeal  when  they  related  to  money 
returnable.  Royal  cedula  of  May  22,  1760.  Providencias  Peaks,  MS.,  27-34. 
Indians  to  be  exempted  when  suffering  from  epidemics.  PL,  197-9.  Royal 
magnanimity  was  also  extended  to  paupers  and  travelling  poor  who  sold 
'maiz,  granos,  y  semillas . . . para  provision  de  los  Pueblos.'  Pecop  de  Ind., 
ii.  502.  Churches,  monasteries,  prelates,  and  ecclesiastics  were  also  exempt 
from  alcabala  'de  las  ventas  que  hicieren  de  sus  bienes;'  but  if  any  other 
article  was  sold  the  tax  had  to  be  paid.  lb.  In  1796  a  tax  of  15  per  cent 
was  ordered  to  be  paid  on  all  property  transferred.  Cedidario,  MS.,  iii.  f. 
129-32.  San  Ildefonso,  Aug.  21,  1777.  The  king  this  day  forbids  in  his 
dominions  leases  of  10  years  or  upward  unless  they  pay  the  alcabala  the  same 
as  if  the  property  were  sold.  Town  lots  sold  for  building  dwelling-houses  or 
other  edifices  adorning  towns  to  pay  half  the  alcabala  duty.  Peal  Cedida, 
Aug.  1-21,  1777,  pp.  1-3. 

32  Almojarife,  or  almoxarife,  was  the  name  anciently  applied  to  the  col- 
lector of  the  king's  revenue.  It  is  derived  from  the  Arabic  word  al-mochrif, 
meaning  inspector,  an  officer  who  collected  the  duties  levied  by  the  Moors  at 
the  ports  of  Andalusia.  In  New  Spain  this  custom  duty  was  ordered  to  be 
collected  as  early  as  1522,  under  the  name  of  almojarifazgo.  The  duty  first 
charged  npon  imported  articles  of  commerce  was  seven  and  a  half  per  cent. 
At  a  later  date  it  was  fixed  at  two  and  a  half,  three,  five,  seven,  and  fifteen 
per  cent,  according  to  the  quality  of  goods  and  the  place  whence  they  were 
shipped.  Glosario,  in  Cartas  de  Indias,  874.  In  1566,  Philip  II.  confirmed 
former  royal  c£dulas,  and  made  the  impost  on  merchandise  imported  from 
Spain  ten  per  cent  on  the  market  value  in  New  Spain.  Two  and  a  half  per 
cent  was  ordered  to  be  paid  on  exports,  ad  valorem,  at  place  of  shipment. 
On  reshipments  of  Spanish  goods  to  other  parts  of  America,  no  duty  was 
charged,  but  if  they  were  again  similarly  reshipped,  five  per  cent  had  to  be 
paid  upon  the  difference  between  their  market  value  in  Spain  and  at  the 
place  of  destination.  All  such  duties  were  only  payable  in  specie.  This 
cedula  was  reiterated  in  November  1591,  and  in  August  1613.  Montemayor, 
Svmarioa  de  las  Cedidas,  ff.  251-4.  At  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
the  rate  of  duties  levied  at  Vera  Cruz  on  different  classes  of  merchandise 
varied  from  two  and  a  half  per  cent  to  twenty  per  cent.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia, 
J  list.  Peal  Hue,  v.  59. 


CUSTOM-HOUSE  RECEIPTS.  GG1 

ports  of  the  colony.  During  the  seven  years  from 
1785  to  1791  the  receipts  at  the  custom-house  of  Vera 
Cruz  amounted  to  $3,185,192;  those  at  Acapulco,  for 
the  five  years  178G  to  1790  inclusive,  to  $660,532; 
while  the  total  receipts  in  all  the  ports  for  the  single 
year  1798  were  $242,968.  In  the  early  period  of  the 
colonial  history  the  principal  exports  at  the  port  of 
Vera  Cruz  were  aguardiente,  dyes,  and  gold  and  silver 
bullion.  A  letter  of  instructions  to  the  royal  offi- 
cers stationed  there  was  issued  on  the  12th  of  July, 
1530.  It  was  also  provided  that  one  of  the  crown 
officers  at  Mexico,  under  whose  superintendence  cus- 
tom-house affairs  were  placed,  should  reside  at  Vera 
Cruz,  in  order  to  appraise  merchandise.33  Particular 
directions  were  issued  to  prevent  fraud  and  smug- 
gling, and  the  penalty  of  death  and  forfeiture  of  goods 
was  proclaimed  against  all  persons  illegally  exporting 
gold  or  silver.34 

From  old  documents  of  the  port  of  Acapulco  there 
appears  to  have  been  stationed  there  a  paymaster  who 
kept  the  accounts  in  connection  with  the  building  of 
vessels  and  the  payment  of  workmen's  wages,  as  also 
those  of  seamen  employed  in  voyages  of  discovery. 
The  almojarifazgo,  however,  was  not  collected  until 
1574.  In  1597  royal  orders  were  issued  relative  to 
the  management  of  this  port,  the  viceroy  Velasco, 
however,  having  already  in  1593  given  instructions 
to  the  factor.  The  substance  of  these  lengthy  orders 
was  to  the  effect  that  the  factor  should  reside  at 
Acapulco,  and  make  a  summary  of  the  arrival  of  all 
vessels  and  merchandise  from  the  Philippines;  pay 
into  his  Majesty's  treasury  all  moneys  received;35  at- 

33  The  queen  regent  in  April  1533  ordered  the  audiencia  to  investigate 
the  practice  of  royal  officials  taking  merchandise  from  importers  at  appraise- 
ment rates.  This  was  defrauding  the  royal  treasury,  and  the  oidores  were 
instructed  to  report  on  the  matter.  Puga,  Cedulario,  87.  In  1536  the  treas- 
ury officials  were  ordered  to  provide  a  strong  box  with  three  keys,  at  Vera 
Cruz,  for  the  money  derived  from  the  custom  duties,  as  we  have  elsewhere 
seen.  Id.,  111. 

3i  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real.  Hac,  iv.  547. 

33  The  duty  on  gold  was  at  the  rate  of  one  and  a  half  per  cent,  at  this 
time,  a  mark  of  18  carat  gold  being  equal  to  70  pesos  de  oro,  and  one  of  23 


662  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

tend  to  the  proper  equipment  of  all  government 
vessels,  and  collect  all  duties. 

Apart  from  these  great  sources  of  revenue,  enor- 
mous profits  accrued  to  the  crown  from  the  royal 
monopolies  and  the  sale  of  offices.  Salt,  gunpowder, 
tobacco,  and  quicksilver  were  the  most  important  of 
the  monopolies.  The  first  of  these  established  in  New 
Spain  was  that  of  quicksilver.  For  some  years  after 
the  conquest,  gold  and  silver  were  obtained  without 
the  necessity  of  quicksilver,  or  even  a  knowledge  of  its 
amalgamating  properties,  until,  as  we  have  seen,  in 
1557  Bartolome  de  Medina,  a  miner  of  Pachuca,  dis- 
covered the  process  of  quicksilver  amalgamation.  The 
consequent  demand  was  at  once  turned  by  the  crown 
to  an  additional  means  of  profit,  and  on  the  4th  of 
March  1559  a  royal  cedula  was  issued  prohibiting  the 
importation  of  quicksilver  from  the  Peninsula  and 
Peru  into  New  Spain,  even  in  the  smallest  quan- 
tity, except  through  the  treasury  department.36  The 
net  proceeds  of  this  branch  for  the  years  1779  to  1789 
inclusive  amounted  to  $4,745,318. 

Then  followed  the  prohibitions  on  the  manufacture 
of  gunpowder37  and  salt,   stringent  regulations  with 

carats  to  80  pesos  de  oro.  The  same  rules  were  applicable  to  vessels  arriving 
from  Guatemalan,  Nicar*aguan,  and  other  ports.  Neither  money  nor  horses 
could  be  shipped  to  the  Philippines  without  royal  permission;  nor  could  any 
ecclesiastical  or  secular  person  proceed  thither  without  leave.  The  purveyor 
and  auditor  at  Acapulco  was  to  obey  all  mandates  of  the  viceroy,  provision 
the  fleets,  and  collect  duty  on  merchandise  sent  to  Mexico,  which  had  hither- 
to been  collected  at  the  capital.  But  the  most  important  item  in  the  royal 
order  of  1597  was  to  the  effect  that  the  valuation  of  the  average  duties  was  to 
be  made  by  the  viceroy  and  the  treasury  officials  at  Mexico.  Id.,  iv.  451-68. 

36At  this  time  the  value  of  the  commodity  ranged  from  55  to  58  ducados 
the  quintal.  At  the  end  of  the  18th  century  the  price  varied  at  different 
mines  according  to  the  expense  of  transportation.  For  instance  at  San  Luis 
de  Potosi  the  charge  per  quintal  was  80  marcos  de  plata;  at  the  mines  in  Mi- 
choacan  and  Oajaca,  90  ditto;  at  those  of  Guanajuato,  125  ditto.  Id.,  i. 
298-9,  383. 

37  The  first  notice  of  the  restrictions  placed  on  gunpowder  in  New  Spain 
occurs  in  1571.  liecop.  delnd.,  i.  573.  In  1 800  the  factory  of  Chapultepec  was 
completed  by  the  crown  and  concessions  granted  to  private  individuals  to  man- 
ufacture powder.  The  privilege  was  purchased  by  the  Ortega  family  during 
the  period  from  1606  to  1687,  the  periodical  prices  paid  gradually  increasing, 
being  based  upon  p61vora  de  gracia,  which  was  a  quantity  of  powder  annually 
presented  to  the  government  by  the  contractors.  In  1700  the  cost  to  the  con- 
tractor was  24,000  pesos  yearly,  and  in  1771  it  amounted  to  112,800  pesos. 
Thus  the  value  of  the  monopoly  became  so  great  that  the  government  in  1776  re- 


TOBACCO  AND  STAMPED  PAPER.  663 

regard  to  the  production  and  sale  of  which  articles 
were  enacted.38  The  most  productive  of  all  the  monop- 
olies, however,  was  that  of  tobacco,  which  was  estab- 
lished in  1765  by  Yisitador  Galvez,  and  yielded  to  the 
treasury  during  the  forty-five  following  years  $123,- 
808, 685.39 

There  were  moreover  other  monopolies  of  greater 
or  less  values,  from  that  of  stamped  paper  to  that  of 
ice  brought  from  the  mountains.  The  regulations 
with  regard  to  stamped  paper  were  especially  vexa- 
tious, as  no  civil  business  transaction,  whether  public 
or  private,  was  legal  unless  written  on  this  paper.40 
The  stamps  were  of  four  different  values  varying  from 
three  dollars  to  one  sixteenth  of  a  dollar,  and  every 
instrument,  deed,  judicial  record,  will,  or  contract  had 
to  be  legalized  by  one  or  another  according  to  the 
importance  of  the  document. 

Charles  V.  by  cedula  of  August  27,  1529,  abso- 
lutely prohibited  gambling;  but  Philip  II.  considered 
that  the  vice  could  be  turned  to  profit,  and  in  1552 
ordered  a  royal  monopoly  on  playing-cards  to  be 
established  throughout  his  western  dominions.41    The 

tained  the  management  of  it,  established  a  separate  department  with  a  full  staff 
of  officers  and  agents,  and  in  1798  the  net  proceeds  of  this  branch  amounted  to 
490,226  pesos.  Notic.  de  N.  Esp.  in  Soc.  Ilex.  Geog.,  ii.  25.  Fonseca  and 
Urritia,  Hist.  Real  Hac,  ii.  190-5.  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  MS.,  ii.  212-28, 
483-5. 

38  The  monopoly  on  salt  was  established  in  1580.  The  principal  salt- 
works were  at  Santa  Maria  de  Penol  Blanco.  They  were  like  most  other  mo- 
nopolies at  first  rented  out.  In  1778  the  administration  of  this  branch  was 
assumed  by  the  crown,  and  in  1798  the  net  proceeds  were  123,350  pesos.  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  25.  The  salt  works  in  Jalisco  during  the  four  years  1792-95 
produced  gross  proceeds  amounting  to  $49,517.  In  1828  they  were  farmed 
out  for  six  years  at  $7,000  a  year,  and  in  1834  for  $14,000  a  year.  Id.,  2da 
ep.  iii.  201-2. 

B9Mex.  Diet,  in  Pap.  Var.,  xii.  27;  Mex.  Anal..,  in  Id.,  clxv.  no.  7.  Tab- 
ular statement.  Miguel  Urrea's  estimates  differ  considerably  from  those 
given  in  the  text.  He  states  that  the  net  yield  to  the  treasury  down  to 
the  year  1802  was  $144,693,581,  or  a  mean  annual  gain  of  $3,018,251.  Soc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  iii  29.  The  tobacco  estanco  prohibited  the  cultivation  of  the 
plant,  except  under  contract  with  the  government.  Seed  was  imported  from 
Habana.  Fonseca  and  UrruUa,  Hist.  Real  Hac,  ii.  353-438.  Large  sums  of 
money  from  the  proceeds  of  this  rent  were  sent  to  Cuba  and  Louisiana  an- 
nually for  the  purchase  of  tobacco  for  the  Peninsula.   Ibid. 

40  This  duty  was  established  in  1638.  Recop.  de  hid.,  ii.  573-7.  See  also 
Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  135-43;  ii.  247-53. 

41  All  cards  were  to  be  stamped  with  the  royal  arms.    The  monopoly  of  the 


0G4  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

success  of  this  device  to  wring  money  from  the  sub- 
jects of  Spain  led  to  others  of  a  similar  kind;  and  as 
cock-fighting  was  a  most  attractive  sport,  in  1727  the 
exclusive  privilege  to  open  a  public  cockpit  was  sold 
to  Isidro  Rodriguez;42  then  followed  that  curse  of  a 
community,  the  establishment  of  a  government  lot- 
tery,43 the  profits  accruing  from  which  to  the  royal 
treasury  amounted  in  1798  to  $109,255. 

I  may  mention  here  the  taxes  imposed  upon  the 
sale  of  the  native  liquors,  pulque  and  aguardiente,  the 
first  of  which  in  the  above  named  year  produced  a 
net  profit  of  $779,166,  and  the  latter  $217,723.44  To 
enumerate  all  the  complicated  exactions,  duties,  and 
contributions  imposed  from  time  to  time  by  the  crown 
of  Spain  would  be  profitless;  suffice  it  to  say  that 
every  conceivable  plan  was  adopted  to  increase  the 
revenue.  The  salaries  of  royal  and  civil  officials  were 
taxed,45  as  were  later  even  the  stipends  of  ecclesi- 
astics.46 

There  were  three  more  sources  from  which  a  large 

manufacture  and  sale  of  them  was  sold  in  1578  to  Hermando  de  Caseres  who 
paid  a  royalty  of  one  real  for  each  pack.  The  value  of  the  privilege  gradually 
increased  as  well  as  the  price  of  cards  paid  by  the  public.  In  1(335  the  mo- 
nopoly sold  for  $150,000  per  annum,  and  the  price  of  a  pack  was  raised  to 
'nn  peso  de  plata,'  which  caused  a  corresponding  increase  to  the  royal  coffer3 
of  $45,000,  making  the  annual  value  $105,000.  Owing  to  failures  of  con- 
tractors, the  administration  of  the  branch  was  assumed  by  the  crown  several 
times  from  1073  to  1800,  and  the  net  proceeds  gradually  declined.  Those  for 
the  quinquennium  1785  to  1789  amounted  annually  to  $07,835,  but  in  1708 
they  reached  the  sum  of  $100,781.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Ileal  Ilac,  ii. 
295-318,  passim;  Guatemala,  Autos  de  Parte,  MS.,  1-41;  Villa-Senor  y  Sanchez, 
Teatro,  i.  40;  Provldencias  Beaks,  MS.,  23G-8. 

42  In  1730  the  right  was  sold  at  auction  for  the  first  time,  and  brought  in 
$1,600  a  year  for  a  period  of  nine  years.  The  total  proceeds  from  1727  to 
1701  amounted  to  $1,473,928.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Peal  llac,  iii.  1-23. 

43 By  decree  of  December  20,  1709.  Id.,  ii.  120. 

4iSoc  Mex.  Geo g.,  ii.  25-0. 

45  The  media  anata  tax  had  its  origin  in  the  retention  of  one  month's  salary 
of  all  appointees  of  the  crown.  It  was  first  established  in  1G25,  but  was  soon 
modified,  and  amounted  virtually  to  payment  of  the  tax  in  advance,  the 
amount  collected  varying  according  to  the  value  and  term  of  office.  'Que  de 
los  oficios  annates . .  .  se  cobrase  tambien  la  dCcima  parte  de  lo  que  tuvieran  de 
salario  y  emolumcntos,  de  los  bienales  la  octava,  de  los  trienales  la  cuarta 
parte. '  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist:  Feed.  Ilac. ,  ii.  489.  The  salaries  of  gov- 
ernors were  subject  to  it,  but  not  the  pay  of  other  officers  and  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  garrisons.  Realcs  Cedillas,  MS.  r  iii.  f.  43.  Copy  of  different  laws  can  be 
found  in  Recop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  542-8. 

'•Under  the  name  of  mesadasy  medias  anatas  eclesiasticas.  The  exaction 
was  established  in  iC3C. 


SANTA  CRUZADA.  665 

portion  of  the  revenue  was  derived,  namely  the  bulas 
de  la  santa  cruzada,  the  tithes  of  the  church,  and 
the  mint.  No  more  iniquitous  system  of  taxation 
could  be  designed  than  that  which  was  carried  out 
through  the  instrumentality  of  the  bulas  de  la  santa 
cruzada,  inasmuch  as  it  worked  upon  the  supersti- 
tion of  the  people,  perverted  public  morals,  and  fos- 
tered crime.  These  bulls  had  their  origin  in  the 
times  of  the  crusades,  and  were  granted  hy  the  pope 
allowing  dispensations  to  Spaniards  who  made  them- 
selves eminent  by  their  christian  zeal  in  those  wars. 
In  time  they  were  extended  only  in  favor  of  the  kings 
of  Spain  to  aid  them  in  their  wars  against  the  Moors,47 
and  were  ever  afterward  continued  in  recognition  of 
their  services  to  the  church. 

In  1532  or  1533  the  bula  de  la  santa  cruzada  was 
first  published  in  New  Spain,48  and  in  1578  the  virtue 
of  the  bulls  was  extended  to  a  period  of  two  years  by 
sanction  of  Gregory  XIII.49  The  bulls  may  be 
divided  into  two  general  classes,  the  bulas  de  vivos,  or 
those  which  conferred  dispensations  and  indulgences 
upon  the  living,  and  the  bulas  de  difuntos  which 
friends  and  relatives  of  deceased  persons  purchased  in 
order  to  rescue  their  souls  from  purgatory.  By  virtue 
of  the  first  class  persons  could  be  absolved  from  all 
crimes,  special  bulls  of  composition  being  issued  for 
the  benefit  of  thieves  and  robbers,  by  virtue  of  which 
they  became  the  owners  of  the  goods  they  stole.  Bulls 
also  were  provided  for  the  clergy,  granting  certain  gas- 
tronomic indulgences  during  lent.     The  price  varied 

47  In  1457  Calisto  III.  in  the  time  of  Henry  IV.  of  Castile  who  was  at  war 
with  the  Moors  sent  Alonso  de  Espina  to  proclaim  the  bula  cruzada  for  four 
years,  and  dispensations  were  sold  during  that  period  to  the  amount  of  400,000 
ducados.  Later  Sextus  IV.  ordered  the  church  to  pay  Fernando  the  Catholic 
'una  vez  para  siempre'  100,000  ducados,  and  also  granted  him  the  privilege  of 
proclaiming  for  three  years  this  bull  as  a  further  aid  in  the  war  with  Granada. 
After  that  time  the  popes  renewed  the  bull  every  three  years  in  favor  of  the 
kings  of  Spain.  Moreri  and  Miravel  y  Casadevante,  Gran  Dice,  iii.  554. 

48 Beaumont,  Cron.  Mich.,  iii.  455- 

49In  Spain  these  bulls  were  efficacious  as  dispensations  for  only  one  year, 
and  according  to  Solorzano  their  efficacy  was  extended  to  two  years  in  Jsew 
Spain  'por  la  gran  distancia  de  los  lugares,'  which  would  cause  their  virtue 
to  be  destroyed  before  they  were  received  by  the  people.  Polit.  Ind. ,  ii.  220. 


GGG  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

according  to  the  rank  and  wealth  of  the  purchaser; 
but  few  persons,  from  the  viceroy  to  the  Indian  laborer, 
neglected  to  avail  themselves  of  the  privilege  they 
conferred.50 

In  order  that  the  reader  may  rightly  understand 
how  the  royal  exchequer  was  enriched  by  the  tithes 
of  the  church  a  few  explanatory  remarks  are  neces- 
sary. The  construction  of  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy 
in  Spanish  America  was  peculiar.  The  celebrated 
bull  of  Alexander  VI.,  which  divided  the  world  in 
twain  by  a  line  drawn  from  pole  to  pole  and  bestowing 
on  the  Spanish  sovereigns  forever  the  dominion  of  the 
western  hemisphere,  was  interpreted  in  its  fullest  lati- 
tude. By  virtue  of  its  infallibility  the  future  kings 
of  Spain  claimed  and  maintained  the  right  of  juris- 
diction in  civil,  political,  and  ecclesiastical  affairs.  In 
the  earlier  years  of  the  conquest  it  was  owing  to  the 
religious  fervor  of  the  sovereign  that  the  first  churches 
were  erected  and  bishoprics  established ;  and  in  recog- 
nition of  work  already  performed,  and  in  view  of 
future  expenses  to  be  incurred  by  the  monarch  in  the 
erection  and  endowment  of  cathedrals  and  other  sacred 
edifices,  the  same  pontiff,  in  1501,  granted  to  the 
kings  of  Spain  the  right  to  collect  the  church  tithes 
in  the  Indies.51  At  first  these  tithes  were  wholly  de- 
voted to  such  purposes,  but  during  the  extension  of 
the  church  throughout  New  Spain  the  crown  per- 
ceived that  no  little  addition  to  the  revenue  could  bo 
obtained  from  so  liberal  a  grant. 

In  1537  Viceroy  Mendoza  was  directed  to  impose 
tithes  upon  the  natives;  and  should  there  be  any  sur- 

50  The  price  was  fixed  by  the  commissary  of  the  department.  The  amount 
received  into  the  treasury  during  the  25  years  from  1765  to  1789  was 
$5,272,433.  Fonseca  and  Urrut'/a,  Hist.  Real  Hoc.,  iii.  336.  In  1798  the  pro- 
ceeds amounted  to  $340,897.  Sor.  Max.  Grog.,  ii.  26.  Consult  also  llecop.  de 
lad.,  i.  179-81,  and  Soldrzano,  PolU.  lad.,  ii.  218-25. 

51  A  copy  of  the  translation  of  this  concession  written  in  Latin  is  given  in 
Soldrzano,  Pollt.  Ind.,  ii.  2-3.  The  bula  also  conferred  the  right  and  imposed 
the  responsibility  'de  predicar,  y  propagar  la  Fd,  f undar  Iglesias,  y  poner  en 
ellas  JMinistros  Eclesiasticos,  dotarlas,  y  sustentarlos  competentemente. '  Ibid. 


TITHES  AND  THEIR  DISTRIBUTION.  667 

plus  after  the  payment  of  expenses  for  public  worship 
and  for  the  support  of  the  prelates,  it  was  ordered  to 
be  paid  into  the  royal  treasury,  since  according  to 
papal  concession  such  tithes  belonged  to  the  crown.52 
The  collection  of  these  ecclesiastical  rents  was  not 
seldom  a  cause  of  dispute  between  the  church  and  the 
state,53  as  well  as  between  prelates.5*  Yet  it  cannot 
be  denied  that  the  king  frequently  devoted  to  relig- 
ious purposes  that  portion  of  the  tithes  which  accrued 
to  himself.55 

In  June  1539  a  royal  ceclula  was  passed,  assigning 
to  the  bishops  of  Tlascala,  Oajaca,  and  Michoacan  one 
fourth  of  the  tithes  collected  in  their  respective  dio- 
ceses, and  ordering  that  if  their  stipends  could  not  be 
paid  from  that  source  the  deficiency  should  be  made 
good  from  other  funds  of  the  royal  treasury;  but  in 
October  of  the  same  year  a  more  permanent  division 
was  made.  The  crown  ordered  that  one  half  of  the 
tithes  accruing  to  each  cathedral  should  be  devoted 
to  the  use  of  the  prelate;  and  the  other  half  divided 
into  nine  equal  parts,  called  novenos,  two  of  which 
were  set  apart  for  the  crown,  three  for  the  building  of 
the  cathedral  and  hospital,  and  the  remaining  four 
ninths  appropriated  to  the  payment  of  the  salaries  of 
the  curas.56  Various  modifications  were  made  from 
time  to  time  according  to  the  requirements  of  circum- 
stances, but  the  kings  of  Spain  ever  maintained  their 
right  to  the  two  ninths.     These  novenos  were  not 

52 Pacheco  and  Cdrdenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  203.  In  1539  a  cddula  provided 
that  the  comendadores  of  the  order  of  Santiago  should  not  be  exempt  from 
paying  ecclesiastical  tithes,  and  furthermore  made  the  payment  retrospective. 
Puga,  Cedulario,  1G7-8. 

53  The  bishop  of  Tlascala  in  1537  claimed  the  tithes  on  wool,  saffron,  and 
silk.  The  viceroy,  however,  refused  to  let  him  have  them,  as  the  yield  would 
be  large  and  ought  to  go  into  the  king's  treasury.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col. 
Doc,  ii.  202-3. 

54  In  1539  the  bishops  of  Mexico  and  Michoacan  disagreed  on  this  subject, 
and  the  king  ordered  the  latter  prelate  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the  vice- 
roy and  oidores  without  appeal.  Puga,  Cedulario,  118. 

55  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Ilac,  iii.  175-6.  For  a  number  of  laws 
relating  to  tithes  see  Zamora,  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  35-63;  H err  era,  iii.  v.  ii.  and  iii. ; 
Recop.  deFitd.,  i.  andii.  passim. 

b6Pnga,  Cedulario,  118-19;  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real.  Hex.,  iii. 
146-70. 


G6S  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

unfrequently  farmed  out,  but  at  the  auctions  at  which 
they  were  sold  frauds  were  as  repeatedly  committed 
as  at  the  sales  of  other  royalties.57 

In  conclusion,  with  respect  to  tithes  I  may  add  that 
almost  every  article  of  produce  or  consumption  from 
silk  and  cacao  to  lentils  and  pot-herbs  was  thus  taxed, 
and  that  the  Spanish  colonists  frequently  endeavored 
to  avoid  the  payment  on  certain  productions,  but, 
under  the  pressure  of  the  united  interests  of  church 
and  state,  their  attempts  were  generally  defeated.53 
Nor  did  the  religious  orders  escape.  In  1655  and 
1657  the  society  of  Jesus  were  condemned  to  pay 
tithes  on  all  crops  and  productions  of  their  estates.59 

No  sooner  had  the  conquest  of  Mexico  been  accom- 
plished than  the  necessity  of  a  numismatic  system  of 
exchange  became  apparent.  Previous  to  the  arrival 
of  the  Spaniards  trade  had  been  mostly  carried  on  by 
barter,  and  cacao  beans  and  other  articles  were  used  as 

57  Instructions  were  issued  directing  the  audiencia  to  investigate  the  nature 
of  these  transactions.  Pnga,  Cedulario,  75,  79.  The  disorders  in  the  admin- 
istration of  this  and  other  revenues  continued  for  many  years.  In  1G70  Vice- 
roy Mancera  caused  so  strict  an  investigation  to  be  made  that  a  repetition 
of  them  was  in  a  great  measure  prevented.  Instruc.  Vireyes,  298-9;  BevUfa 
Gigedo,  Bandos,  ii.  no.  xix.  1-3.  In  March  1728  the  royal  novenos  were 
leased  out  for  nine  years  at  $19,000  annually.  When  the  lease  expired  they 
were  again  let  for  a  similar  period  at  $20,000  a  year.  Pattronatto,  etc.,  f. 
129-30,  135,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  no.  1. 

58  In  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Hac.,  iii.  139^45,  will  be  found  copy 
of  a  decree  specifying  the  articles  on  which  tithes  and  first-fruits  were  paid. 
There  are  some  few  exceptions,  noticeable  among  which  are  pine-nuts  and 
acorns  '  de  que  no  se  ha  de  pagar  diezmo,  'p.  141 .  On  a  few  articles  a  lower  per- 
centage than  one  tenth  was  exacted.  The  total  amount  of  tithes  paid  into 
the  treasury  collected  in  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico  during  the  decennary 
1780  to  1789  was  $6,972,923,  one  ninth  of  which  sum  would  pertain  to  the 
crown.  Id.,  260,  tabular  form. 

59  Diseurso  Legal,  in  Diezmos  de.  Indias,  no.  vii.  The  tenacity  with  which 
the  crown  asserted  its  rights  to  the  tithes  of  the  church  is  frequently  dis- 
played. Although  a  papal  bull  granted  to  Cortes  immunity  from  tithes, 
the  king  ignored  the  pontiff's  authority  in  the  matter,  and  ordered  Cortes 
to  pay.  Puga,  Cedulario,  84;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  49.  Were  the  tithes 
insufficient  to  pay  church  stipends,  it  was  ordered  that  they  should  be  paid 
into  the  treasury  under  a  separate  account,  and  the  clergy  sustained  from 
other  funds  of  the  exchequer.  Diseurso  Legal,  in  Diezmos  de  Indias,  viii.  12-13. 
About  the  middle  of  the  17th  century  the  bishops  in  New  Spain  claimed  ex- 
clusive right  to  the  tithes,  grounded  on  the  fact  that  Fernando  and  his 
daughter  Juana  had  made  a  grant  in  1512  to  the  prelates  and  clergy  of  Santo 
Domingo  and  Puerto  Rico  of  the  tithes  in  those  islands;  but  it  was  maintained 
that  such  grant  in  no  way  indicated  that  they  had  abandoned  their  claim  to 
them  in  other  parts  of  the  Indies.  Id.}  7. 


MINT  AND  COINAGE.  669 

currency,  specie  being  unknown.60  The  comparatively 
small  amount  of  coined  money  introduced  by  the  con- 
querors was  principally  of  the  higher  denominations, 
and  the  scarcity  of  small  coin  even  for  domestic  pur- 
poses caused  great  inconvenience.  To  obviate  this, 
the  cabildo  of  the  city  of  Mexico  passed  a  resolution 
on  the  6th  of  April  1526  to  the  effect  that  the  citizens 
might  have  their  tepuzque  gold  converted  at  the  smelt- 
ing works  into  pieces  of  one,  two,  and  four  tomines, 
and  of  one,  two,  and  four  pesos  de  oro.61 

As  trade  and  commerce  increased,  however,  the 
necessity  of  a  mint  became  urgent,  and  in  January 
1531  the  oidor  Salmeron  in  his  letter  to  the  council 
of  the  Indies  strongly  advised  the  establishment  of 
one  in  the  city  of  Mexico,62  but  it  was  not  till  May 
1535  that  a  royal  cedula  was  issued  to  that  effect.63 
A  portion  of  the  house  of  Cortes  was  assigned  by  the 
viceroy  for  the  new  establishment;  and  in  order  to  de- 
fray first  expenses  the  crown  granted  one  thousand 
marks  of  silver  to  be  taken  from  the  king's  fifth, 
tribute,  and  other  sources,  to  be  coined.64  It  was  fur- 
thermore ordered  that  to  meet  future  current  expenses 
one  real  out  of  every  mark  of  silver  should  be  retained 
for  that  purpose.65 


60  For  the  nearest  approach  to  coined  money  and  the  different  kinds  of 
currency  used  in  Mexico,  see  Native  Races,  ii.  381-2,  this  series. 

61  Libro  del  Cabildo,  MS.,  114.  The  tomin  was  the  eighth  of  a  peso  de  oro. 
On  the  17th  of  August  of  the  same  year  an  order  was  given  by  the  cabildo  for 
the  payment  of  157  pesos  de  oro  to  two  silversmiths  for  coining  2,951  pesos  de 
oro.  Id.,  152-3.  For  two  years  oro  tepuzque  was  exclusively  used,  and  the 
intrinsic  value  fluctuated  so  much  that  a  standard  was  demanded.  In  Sep- 
tember 1528  the  cabildo  adopted  the  resolution  that  all  such  money  should  be 
examined  and  stamped.  The  silversmith,  Pedro  Espinosa,  was  intrusted  with 
the  work.  Id.,  237. 

62  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xiii.  193-4.  The  president  Fuenleal  re- 
iterated this  recommendation  in  April  1532.  Id.,  217-18.  As  early  as  1525 
Luis  Ponce  de  Leon,  commissioned  to  go  to  New  Spain  as  juez  de  residencia, 
had  been  instructed  to  investigate  the  convenience  of  establishing  a  mint. 
Herrera,  dec.  iii.  lib.  viii.  cap.  xv. 

63  Recop.  de.  Ind.,  ii.  88.  The  cedula  ordered  it  be  governed  by  the  laws 
regarding  mints  in  Spain.  By  ce'dula  of  May  31,  1535,  it  was  ordered  that 
Spanish  money  circulated  in  the  Indies  should  have  the  value  of  34  marave- 
dis  per  real,  and  no  more.  Pvga,  Cedulario,  107. 

GiFonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Hac,  i.  Ill,  120.  This  was  the  first 
money  coined  at  the  mint. 

65  This  amount  was  found  to  be  insufficient,  and  later  in  the  same  year  a 


CTO  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

Laws  were  also  passed  to  the  effect  that  the  officials 
of  the  mint  should  be  appointed  every  two  years,  and 
by  the  viceroy  only;66  that  civil  suits  against  employes 
in  the  mint  be  adjudged  by  the  alcaldes  of  the  mint, 
and  by  no  other  judicial  authority;67  and  that  no  silver 
should  be  received  unless  it  bore  the  stamp  which 
certified  that  the  royal  fifth  had  been  satisfied.  Per- 
sons who  contravened  this  law  were  to  suffer  death 
and  confiscation  of  property.  The  silver  thus  pre- 
sented was  to  be  seized.63  No  official  could  buy  or  sell 
bullion. 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  the  appointment  of 
the  mint  officials  by  the  king  or  viceroy  constituted 
them  royal  officers.  From  its  first  establishment  the 
mint  was  leased  to  private  individuals,69  and  the  offi- 
cials were  as  yet  in  the  service  of  the  lessees  and  not 
of  the  crown,  which,  however,  retained  the  right  of 
their  appointment.  The  work  of  improving  the  specie 
system  of  exchange  was  at  once  begun.  In  1536  the 
tepuzque  coinage,  the  value  of  which  had  been  arbi- 
trary, fluctuating,  and  above  par,  was  ordered  to  be 
called  in  and  recoined  into  pieces  of  oro  de  minas.70 
A  large  quantity  of  silver  coin 71  was  struck  off  the 

c^dula  was  passed  which  provided  that  three  reales  should  be  deducted;  two 
of  which  were  to  be  devoted  to  the  payment  of  expenses,  and  one  paid  to  the 
king  as  royalty.  JRecop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  89. 

06  Viceroy  Mendoza  in  his  letter  to  the  king  of  December  10,  1537,  com- 
plains that  though  he  had  been  authorized  to  make  these  appointments, 
assayers,  engravers,  and  other  employe's  holding  royal  appointments  had 
arrived  from  Spain.  This  had  been  the  cause  of  ill-feeling.  Carta  al  Hey,  in 
Florida,  Col.  Doc,  126-8. 

67  This  did  not  apply,  however,  to  matters  touching  the  king's  fifth  or 
other  tributes.  Such  cases  were  to  be  tried  by  the  justicias  ordinarias.  Id.> 
ii.  92.  The  alcaldes  of  the  mint  were  officers  who  attended  daily  to  adjudi- 
cate on  business  connected  therewith.  Pvya,  Ccdulario,  131.  The  viceroy  was 
instructed  to  appoint  jueces  de  residencia  of  the  alcaldes  and  mint  officials 
every  two  years.  Becop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  90. 

68  Viceroy  Mendoza  in  his  letter  to  the  king  of  December  10,  1537,  urges 
the  abrogation  of  this  severe  law,  and  suggests  that  all  bullion  should  be  sent 
to  the  mint  before  being  quinlada,  and  that  it  should  be  taxed  the  royal  fifth 
at  the  establishment.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  ii.  191.  Yet  this  law 
was  restricted  in  1565,  1620,  and  1646.  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Heal 
JIac.,  i.  113. 

69  Mex.  Guia  de  Hac.,  ii.  59;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  675-6. 

70  The  further  coinage  of  gold,  however,  was  prohibited. 

71  These  coins  were  not  circular,  but  of  irregular  polygonal  form,  and  called 
macuquina.     They  were  called  in  to  be  reduced  to  bullion  in  1774.  Disjnsk. 


COPPER  AND  CACAO  CURRENCY.  671 

same  year,  and  copper  money  introduced.  This  latter 
innovation  was  almost  ludicrous  in  its  operation. 
The  new  pieces  of  despised  copper  were  held  in  con- 
tempt by  the  natives,72  and  they  refused  to  receive 
them.  They  would  sell  their  small  articles  of  manu- 
facture or  a  measure  of  maize  for  a  few  cacao  beans, 
but  not  for  an  ill-shaped  bit  of  copper  with  a  mark  on 
it.  The  circulation  of  the  coin  was,  however,  enforced 
by  the  viceroy.  But  though  by  stringent  measures  the 
Indian  could  be  compelled  to  take  in  trade  the  objec- 
tionable medium,  he  could  not  be  made  to  keep  such 
a  symbol  of  poverty,73  and  he  cast  it  from  him.  He 
threw  it  into  the  gutters  and  hurled  it  into  the  lake 
that  it  might  never  more  be  seen,  and  in  a  year  or  two 
the  natives  succeeded  in  getting  rid  of  more  than  one 
hundred  thousand  pesos'  worth  of  the  offensive  trash.74 
During  the  decade  1541  to  1550,  more  suitable  de- 
nominations were  put  into  circulation,  but  the  amount 
coined  does  not  appear  to  have  been  sufficient  to  meet 
the  requirements  of  the  increase  in  trade  and  com- 
merce, and  both  Spaniards  and  Indians  purchased 
goods  with  unstamped  bullion  and  gold  dust.  This 
practice  was  prohibited  by  royal  cedula  of  the  16th  of 

Varias,  i.  39.  A  royal  order  of  November  1537  provided  that  silver  pieces  of 
eight,  four,  two,  one,  and  one  half  reales  should  be  coined  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  in  Spain.  Recop.  de  hid.,  ii.  88.  In  1538  the  value  of  the  real  de  plata 
was  fixed  at  34  maravedis,  the  standard  of  the  Spanish  coin,  Recop.  de  hid.,  ii. 
94,  and  in  1544  it  was  ordered  that  all  silver  pieces  should  contain  the  same 
alloy,  have  the  same  value,  weight,  size,  and  impression  as  those  coined  in 
Spain.  Id.,  ii.  89.  Money  coined  in  any  part  of  the  Indies  was  made  current 
in  other  parts  of  Spain.  Id.,  94. 

72  '  Hacian  burla  de  tan  baxa  cosa.'  Torquemada,  i.  614. 

73  'Diciendo  que  hera  muestra  de  mucha  pobresa.'  Panes,  Vireyes,  in  Mon. 
Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  81. 

'liIbid.  Torquemada  says,  *  y  se  perdieron,  segun  se  dixo,  mas  de  doci- 
entos  mil  Pesos  de  valor. .  .en  esta  Laguna  de  Mexico,  porque  jamas  pareciese.' 
i.  614.  Fuenleal  had  foreseen  that  the  introduction  of  copper  coin  would 
meet  with  opposition,  and  in  his  letter  of  April,  1532,  to  the  king,  offered  the 
advice  that  no  moneda  de  vellon  should  be  coined.  Pacheco  and  Cardenas, 
Col.  Doc,  xiii.  217-18.  About  the  year  1540  or  1541,  the  circulation  of  cop- 
per coinage  had  entirely  ceased,  Cavo,  Tres  Sighs,  i.  131,  and  an  attempt  was 
made  to  supply  its  place  by  that  of  the  silver  cuartillo,  or  fourth  part  of  a 
real.  The  insignificant  size  of  these  coins  made  them  as  objectionable  as 
their  more  bulky  predecessors.  But  instead  of  being  all  thrown  away,  quan- 
tities of  them  were  collected,  melted,  and  cast  into  bars.  Torquemada,  i.  614. 
They  were  again  coined  in  1794.  Disposic.  Varias,  i.  86. 


C72  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

April,  1550;  in  1591  Philip  II.  repeated  the  prohi- 
bition and  adopted  measures  for  the  purpose  of 
making  the  supply  of  coin  adequate  to  the  demands 
of  trade.75 

By  an  act  of  1552  the  chief  smelter  and  the  assay 
master  were  made  royal  officials.  This  step  appears 
to  have  been  the  first  instance  of  the  crown  withdraw- 
ing any  part  of  the  management  from  the  control  of 
the  lessees.  The  principal  officials  were  the  treasurer, 
smelter,  marker,  weigher,  blancher,  engraver,  and  sec- 
retary. By  cedula  of  August  21,  1565,  these  posi- 
tions were  declared  vendible  and  instructions  were 
issued  ordering  the  sale  of  them  to  the  highest  bid- 
ders, provided  that  they  were  duly  qualified  to  fill 
them.76 

From  this  time  until  the  year  1731  no  affair  of 
great  importance,  with  one  exception,  occurred  in  con- 
nection with  the  mint.  A  few  events  caused  tempo- 
rary excitement,  it  is  true,  and  occasionally  disturbed 
its  management.  About  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century  three  hundred  thousand  pesos  of  Peru- 
vian money  were  imported  into  the  country,  and  were 
so  violently  objected  to  that  it  required  a  special 
order  from  the  king  to  enforce  its  circulation.77  In 
1663  the  viceroy  imprisoned  Juan  Vazquez  Medina, 
the  treasurer,  and  confiscated  his  property  for  refusing 
to  pay  into  the  royal  treasury  two  hundred  thousand 
pesos  which  he  had  demanded  of  him — a  demand  in 
contravention  of  the  contract  by  which  the  office  had 
been  sold  to  Medina.78    Permission  was  granted  by 

75  In  some  districts  there  was  a  deficiency  of  the  circulating  medium,  in 
the  larger  cities  a  superabundance.  The  viceroy  and  governors  of  provinces 
were  instructed  to  purchase  the  bullion  and  gold  dust  of  the  former  with  the 
surplus  coin  of  the  latter.  Recop.  de  fnd. ,  ii.  93-4. 

76 Recop.  de  Fnd.,  ii.  90.  The  minor  offices  also  were  made  salable  in  1625. 
Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  J  Jar.,  i.  122. 

77 Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex.,  i.  189;  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Hac,  i. 
125. 

78  Guijo,  Diario,  in  Doe.  Hist.  Mex.,  1st  ser.  i.  508.  In  1CG4  restitution  was 
made  by  the  king  ordering  that  whatever  sums  had  been  paid  by  Medina 
into  the  royal  treasury  should  be  restored  to  his  son.  Id.,  538-9.  From 
this  it  may  be  inferred  that  Medina  had  died  in  the  mean  time. 


GOLD  COINS.  673 

cedula  of  February  1675  to  issue  gold  coins  similar 
in  all  respects  to  those  coined  in  Spain.  Accord- 
ingly in  1676  by  order  of  the  viceroy  the  standard 
was  declared  to  be  twenty-two  carats,  and  the  mark 
of  pure  gold  ordered  to  be  coined  into  sixt}T-eight 
escudos  after  the  deduction  of  two  and  a  half  tomines 
for  brassage.79  On  the  23d  of  May  this  privilege 
was  publicly  proclaimed,  and  received  with  much  re- 
joicing. Bands  of  music  played  in  different  parts  of 
the  city,  and  all  the  officers  of  state  issued  from  the 
mint  on  horseback,  and  marched  in  procession  under 
arches  of  flowers  which  spanned  the  crowded  streets. 
There  is  no  mention,  however,  of  any  gold  having 
been  coined  before  the  23d  of  December  1679,  on 
which  day  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  visited  the  mint 
to  witness  the  coinage  of  doubloons.80 

The  original  building  in  which  the  operations  of  the 
mint  were  conducted  was  soon  found  to  be  inadequate 
to  requirements,  and  to  the  safe  keeping  of  the  large 
sums  that  were  accumulated  in  it.  Indeed  the  king 
had  issued  orders  for  a  mint  to  be  erected  at  his  own 
expense;  but  these  instructions  were  not  carried  out 
until,  owing  to  the  representations  of  the  treasurer, 
Gabriel  Diaz,  he  again  in  January  1569  ordered  the 
erection  of  a  proper  building  on  a  site  selected  and 
assigned  for  that  purpose.81  With  the  progressive 
increase  in  coinage  this  building  became  too  small, 
and  in  1731  Viceroy  Casafuerte  began  the  erection  of 
the  one  which,  enlarged  and  embellished,  has  devel- 
oped into  the  fine  mint  which  exists  to-day  in  the 
city  of  Mexico.82 

During  this  same  year  the  king  by  cedula  of  the 
26th  of  January  ordered  the  establishment  of  a  tribu- 

79  The  escuclo  was  the  eighth  part  of  a  doubloon,  and  the  tomin  was 
equal  to  twelve  grains. 

B0I?obles,  Diario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  lstser.  ii.  217,  294;  Elhuyar,  Indagac. 
Amoned.,  3. 

BlFon$eca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real  Hac,  i.  120. 

82  The  original  structure  was  completed  in  December  1734,  and  cost  with 
only  a  small  portion  of  the  machinery  $449,893.  Panes,  in  Mon.  Doc.  Esp., 
MS.,  165;  Alaman,  Disert,  iii.  ap.  102. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  HI.    43 


074  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

rial  whose  particular  office  was  the  suppression  of 
counterfeiting.  From  the  first  introduction  of  a  coined 
medium  into  the  country  false  money  began  to  be  fabri- 
cated, at  which  illegal  craft  the  natives  showed  them- 
selves no  less  skilful  than  the  Spaniards.83 

This  court  was  composed  of  six  ministers,  including 
the  president,  one  fiscal,  and  a  secretary.84  There 
was  besides  a  number  of  subaltern  officers  of  different 
grades.  The  office  of  president  was  vested  perpetually 
in  the  secretary  of  state  for  the  treasury,  who  was 
made  judge  and  superintendent-general  of  all  mints. 
Two  at  least  of  the  ministers,  as  well  as  the  fiscal, 
were  required  to  be  graduates  of  law.  His  Majesty 
conferred  upon  this  court  absolute  jurisdiction  in  all 
matters  pertaining  to  it,  without  appeal,  and  free  from 
all  interference  of  the  audiencia,  other  tribunals,  or 
councils.85 

From  the  year  when  the  smelter  and  assayer  were 
made  royal  officials,  other  officers  from  time  to  time 
were  removed  from  the  service  of  the  lessees  to  that 
of  the  crown,  till  eventually,  in  1732,  the  mint  was 
incorporated,  by  royal  cedula  of  the  14th  of  July, 
with  the  royal  treasury,  under  the  direction  of  a 
superintendent.86 

When  Humboldt  was  in  Mexico  this  establishment 
gave  employment  to  between  three  hundred  and  sixty 
and  four  hundred  employes,  and  its  machinery  was 
such  that   without  any  extraordinary  activity  $30,- 

83  Viceroy  Mendoza  in  1537  stated  to  the  king  that  the  Indians  displayed 
extraordinary  skill  in  counterfeiting  money.  Even  the  cacao  beans  which 
were  used  as  currency  were  counterfeited  by  them.  Honda,  Col.  Die,  128. 

84 'Con  ejercicio  y  refrendata.'  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Real.  II ac,  i. 
131. 

85  Previously  counterfeiters  were  tried  by  the  audiencia,  or  any  competent 
court  of  justice.  Id.,  i.  114.  The  members  of  this  court  were  instructed  to 
inform  themselves  thoroughly  about  all  business  connected  with  coining,  and 
the  operations  of  all  silversmiths  and  workers  in  gold  and  silver.    Id.,  i.  131-2. 

86  Belcua,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  123.  The  superintendent  was  made  subordi- 
nate to  the  viceroy  in  1735.  Reales  CMulas,  MS.,  ii.  f.  70.  The  viceroy  had 
supreme  jurisdiction  over  all  the  ministers  and  officers  connected  with  the 
department,  'bien  que  el  conocimiento  en  primera  Instancia  de  las  causas 
civiles  y  criminales  corresponde  al  Superintendente,  y  de  sus  sentencias  se 
apela  al  Superior  Govierno.'  Galvez,  Informe  del  Marquez,  15. 


VICISSITUDES  OF  THE  EXCHEQUER.  673 

000,000  could  be  struck  off  yearly.87  With  regard  to 
the  amount  coined  previous  to  1690  nothing  can  be 
stated  with  any  degree  of  accuracy,  but  since  that 
time  the  annual  coinage  is  known.  Its  progressive 
increase,  and  the  enormous  sums  eventually  struck 
off,  are  shown  by  the  following  figures:  In  1690  the 
amount  of  silver  coined  was  $5,285,581  ;  one  century 
later  it  reached  $17,435,644.  In  the  year  1796  $24,- 
346,833,  and  in  1797  $24,041,182  were  coined.  In 
1733  gold  was  coined  to  the  amount  of  $151,702;  in 
1796  the  coinage  of  the  same  metal  reached  $1,297,794, 
and  in  1797  $1,038,856.  From  1690  to  1803  inclusive 
the  total  amount  of  silver  coined  was  $1,329,119,173, 
and  of  gold  $44,819,830;  in  all  $1,373,939,003.8S  The 
net  profit  which  accrued  to  the  crown  in  the  year  1798, 
after  the  payment  of  over  $388,000  for  expenses,  was 
$1,280,746.89 

Despite  the  numerous  and  lucrative  sources  from 
which  the  revenue  was  derived,  the  treasury  depart- 
ment in  New  Spain  cannot  be  regarded  as  an  ex- 
hibition of  successful  financiering  and  organization. 
What  with  the  dema,ncls  of  the  king  upon  it,  the  pec- 
ulation of  officials,  and  the  fraudulent  practices  of  the 
public,  the  royal  treasury  could  rarely  show  a  credit- 
able balance-sheet.  Previous  to  1644  statistics  are  so 
meagre  that  only  a  vague  idea  of  the  income  and  its 
gradual  increase  can  be  arrived  at.90  According  to 
certificates  of  the  royal  treasury  the  average  receipts 
during  the  period  from  1644  to  1673  was  $1,266,519, 
and  the  payments  $1,363,677,  leaving  an  annual  deficit 
of  $97,158.  Viceroy  Mancera  who  found  the  exchequer 
bankrupt  on  his  arrival  devoted  himself  assiduously 

87  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  676. 

ssZamora,  Legis.  Ult.,  i.  25-8.  The  figures  are  somewhat  in  excess  of 
those  of  Humboldt,  who  gives  the  sum  total  of  both  gold  and  silver  coined 
during  the  same  period  as  $1,353,452.  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  578,  676-7. 

S9Notic,  N.  Esp.  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  ii.  25. 

90  According  to  a  statement  of  the  Franciscan  comisario-general  Fray 
Buenaventura  de  Salinas  the  crown  spent  more  than  $10,000,000  on  churches 
and  hospitals  from  the  conquest  until  1647.    Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  101. 


076  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

to  the  correction  of  abuses,  and  succeeded  in  bringing 
about  a  more  healthy  condition  of  the  royal  treasury, 
which  in  1G73  was  free  from  debt.  Mancera  during 
his  rule  increased  the  revenue  $213,000  a  year.91  But 
this  improved  state  of  affairs  did  not  last  long.  Vice- 
roy Linares  in  1716  thus  describes  the  condition  of 
the  exchequer  and  his  own  position:  "The  royal 
treasury  is  administered  like  a  bankrupt  merchant's 
estate,  and  the  viceroys,  playing  the  part  correspond- 
ing to  that  of  the  assignees,  only  liquidate  the  most 
urgent  debts."92 

In  17G5  the  revenue  amounted  to  $6,130,314,  and 
in  1790  to  $19,400,213;  yet  with  this  ever  increas- 
ing income  proportionately  increasing  demands  were 
made,  and  Mexico  had  to  bear  the  burden  of  wars  and 
the  support  of  sister  colonies.93  But  it  was  during  the 
wars  with  the  English  and  French  that  the  greatest 
strain  was  put  upon  her.  Not  only  had  the  colonists 
to  pay  increased  taxes,  but  their  patriotism  was  ap- 
pealed to,  loans  were  raised,  and  voluntary  contribu- 
tions solicited.94 

When  Viceroy  Branciforte  entered  upon  his  ad- 
ministration in  1794  he  found  the  treasury  exhausted 
and  the  sources  of  supply  apparently  stopped.  But 
he  immediately  effected  a  loan  from  the  commercial 

91  He  moreover  remitted  to  the  king  during  his  term  $4,376,312.  Mancera, 
J  us?  rue,  in  Doc.  Lied.,  xxi.  523-52. 

9-  Linares,  Instruc,  MS.,  54.  The  king  required  the  viceroy  to  remit  him 
annually  $1,000,000,  and  Linares  explains  to  his  successor  how  impossible  it 
had  been  for  him  to  do  so.  Id. ,  52-6. 

93  The  appropriations — situados — disbursed  by  the  treasury  for  the  pay- 
ment of  military  and  civil  salaries  and  the  maintenance  of  garrisons,  etc., 
abroad,  during  the  period  1770  tolSll,  amounted  to  $3,837,700  annually.  Soc. 
Mex.  O'eog.,  2da  ep.  i.  421-2.  Remittances  to  Habana,  Pensacola,  and  Carta- 
gena during  the  five  years  1755  to  1759  amounted  to  $7,884,176.  Certif. 
Merced,  MS.,  124-31.  According  to  Humboldt,  during  the  years  1788  to 
1792  $1,826,000  was  sent  to  the  island  of  Cuba.  Essai  Pol,  ii.  803. 

91Loans  were  effected  in  1748  at  three  per  cent  interest.  In  1738  the  in- 
terest was  fixed  at  five  per  cent.  Providencia8 Beetles,  MS.,  11-12,  153-5.  The 
merchants  with  great  willingness  loaned  the  government  $2,800,000  in  1771 
sin  premio.  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  15.  Conspicuous  among  those  ready  to 
lend  their  aid  was  Antonio  Bassoco,  who  in  1778  loaned  the  government  the 
sums  of  $100,000  and  $200,000  without  interest.  At  the  same  time  he  made 
presents  to  the  amount  of  $115,000  in  different  sums.  Zamacofc,  Hist.  M<J.> 
vi.  561. 


LOANS  AND  LEVIES.  677 

and  mining  tribunals  of  $2,000,000,  and  others  from 
the  merchants  and  public,  not  bearing  interest,  so 
that  in  less  than  three  years  he  despatched  $32,000,- 
000  to  different  parts  for  the  king's  account.95  His 
successor  Azanza  almost  despaired  of  raising  another 
loan  on  similar  terms  though  instructed  by  the  king 
to  do  so.96  By  judicious  financiering  and  squeezing, 
however,  he  managed  to  send  to  Spain  and  different 
colonies,  during  his  short  administration  of  less  than 
two  years,  $26,600,000,  besides  paying  government 
debts  to  the  amount  of  nearly  half  a  million,  and  leav- 
ing more  than  $6,100,000  in  the  treasury.  But  as  the 
clouds  gathered  round  the  Spanish  throne  the  needs 
of  the  monarch  became  greater  and  more  pressing. 
In  1801  a  war  tax  was  imposed  upon  bequeathed 
property,97  and  in  1805  Carlos  IV.  levied  an  annual 
income  upon  the  revenues  of  the  church,  which  be- 
tween 1805  and  1809  amounted  to  $12,080,291.98 

Meanwhile  loans  and  more  loans  were  asked  for, 
and  responded  to  with  patriotic  readiness  and  liberal- 
ity; but  when  at  last  in  1809  one  of  $20,000,000  was 
called  for  immediately  after  a  contribution  of  over 
$3,000,000,"  the  people  murmured,  and  the  money 
could  not  be  raised.100 

The  receipts  of  the  treasury  from  ordinary  sources 
in  1809  amounted  to  $20,462,307;  after  payment  of 

93 Braneiforte,  in  Linares,  Instruc,  8-9. 

96 'Me  dcsalentaba  el  recuerdo  de  las  repetidas  contribuciones  de  la  misma 
clase  que  habian  hecho  en  los  ultimos  tiempos. '  Azanza,  Instruc,  110-11. 

97  The  tax  varied  from  two  per  cent  on  the  amount  left  to  one  half  of  one 
year's  income,  according  to  the  amount  and  kind  of  property  bequeathed. 
Disposic  Varias,  i.  116-19. 

»*Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.  i.  488-95. 

99  In  1809,  Andrew  Cochrane  was  sent  by  the  English  government  '  con  una 
letra  de  la  junta  Central  de  3  millones  de  duros'  to  negotiate  a  loan  for  that 
amount.  The  call  was  responded  to  with  great  readiness,  and  in  a  short  time 
the  sum  of  $3,210,435  was  raised.  Cancelada,  Tel.  Mex.,  32-6.  A  list  of  the 
subscribers  is  given.  Consult  Alaman,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  304-5.  In  the  previous 
year  $2,100,000  had  been  raised,  and  shortly  afterward  the  resident  Euro- 
peans contributed  $2,700,000.   Cancelada,  Ruina  de  la  N.  Esp.,  80-1. 

100  Alaman,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  306-7.  A  second  attempt  was  again  made  in 
1810.  Disposic.  Varias,  ii.  3,  4,  15;  Gaz.  Gob.  Mex.,  1810,  i.  797-801.  The 
national  constituent  congress  recognized  by  decree  '  debts  contracted  by  the 
government  of  the  viceroys  till  September  17,  1810.'  Mex.  Mem.  Minist.  Bel., 
iii.  doc.  vii.  no.  4,  p.  6. 


GTS  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

the  government  expenses  in  New  Spain,  and  remis- 
sions to  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country,  there 
barely  remained  $2,000,000  in  the  treasury,  while  the 
public  debt  amounted  to  $29,929,G95.101  With  re- 
gard to  the  shipments  of  treasure  from  New  Spain  to 
the  royal  treasury  and  the  colonies  on  account  of  the 
king,  the  drain  upon  the  country  is  prominently  set 
forth  by  the  fact  that,  during  the  period  from  1G90 
to  1807  inclusive,  $1,052,579^,000  of  coined  gold  and 
silver  were  shipped,  $767,000,000  of  which  found  its 
way  into  the  royal  treasury  of  Spain.102 

™lCancclada,  Tel.  Mex.,  285-92. 

102  Cancelada,  Ruina  de  la  N.  Esp. ,  37-8. 

The  bases  which  have  been  used  in  the  preceding  chapter  have  naturally 
been  derived  from  volumes  which  contain  royal  ordinances  and  official  docu- 
ments on  a  great  variety  of  subjects.  Among  such  works  are  included  the 
Recop.  de  Tnd.;  Recdes  Ordenes;  Reales  Ce'dulas;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona;  Mon- 
temayor,  Svmario,  and  a  number  of  others  containing  laws  and  regulations  for 
the  administration  of  the  treasury;  laws  which  occasionally  remitted  some 
impost  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians  or  even  the  colonists  generally,  but 
yet  continually  imposed  fresh  taxes  and  duties  as  time  passed  on.  But  in 
addition  to  such  authorities  a  large  number  of  others  have  been  consulted. 
Prominent  among  these  is  the  Bihlioteca  de  Legislation  Ultramarina,  of  Jose" 
Maria  Zamora  y  Coronada,  published  in  1844-6.  This  work  contains,  besides 
royal  ce"dulas  and  regulations  bearing  upon  every  branch  of  the  government, 
a  large  collection  of  acts  of  the  audiencia,  proclamations,  and  orders  issued 
from  the  year  1680.  A  clear  conception  of  the  wide  difference  between  the 
old  and  new  commercial  systems  is  obtained  from  a  comparison  of  the  differ- 
ent tariffs  of  the  custom-house  which  prevailed  during  the  two  epochs. 
Vetancurt  in  his  Tratado  de  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico  treats  casually  and  briefly 
of  several  branches  of  the  revenue,  such  as  the  introduction  of  the  alcabala, 
p.  10;  demand  upon  the  Indians  for  a  loan,  p.  11;  the  constitution  of  the  tri- 
bunals of  the  exchequer,  p.  28;  the  founding  of  the  mint,  and  other  matters 
connected  with  finance  in  early  days.  Villa  Senor  gives  a  more  extended  ac- 
count of  these  matters  in  Theatro  Americano,  i.  38-50,  yet  it  is  but  a  sketch 
of  the  numerous  ramifications  of  the  revenue  office.  Alaman,  in  his  Disert., 
and  Hist.  Mex.,  gives  some  reliable  and  valuable  information  relative  to  both 
the  revenue  and  the  mint,  but  it  is  neither  copious  nor  connected. 

An  extremely  valuable  work  on  this  subject  is  the  Historia  General  de 
Real  Hacienda,  compiled  by  Fabian  de  Fonseca  and  Carlos  de  Urrutia,  by 
order  of  the  viceroy  Conde  de  Revilla  Gigedo.  The  six  printed  volumes 
which  compose  the  work  cost  great  research,  and  the  authors,  having  had 
access  to  all  necessary  public  documents,  have  produced  as  complete  and  ac- 
curate a  history  of  the  real  hacienda  and  statistics  connected  with  the  gov- 


FONSECA,  URRUTIA,  AND  ELHUYAR.  679 

ernment  of  Mexico  under  Spanish  rule,  as  can  well  be  found.  The  manuscript 
was  not  originally  intended  for  publication,  but  upon  its  being  found  in  the 
archives  after  the  declaration  of  independence,  it  was  printed  by  permission 
of  the  Mexican  government.  To  the  financier  of  the  time  when  it  was  written 
it  was  an  invaluable  work;  to  the  modern  historian  it  is  equally  useful,  as  ex- 
posing the  incessant  drain  made  by  the  Spanish  government,  generation  after 
generation,  upon  the  American  colonies.  The  volumes  contain  copies  of  nu- 
merous royal  cddulas  relative  to  every  branch  of  the  revenue,  as  well  as  the 
history  of  each  one's  origin  and  development.  Statistical  tables  abound;  and 
it  rarely  occurs  that  a  fair  estimate  of  the  proceeds  of  every  department  can- 
not be  formed  from  them.  Nevertheless  the  work  is  not  without  its  faults. 
The  bad  chronological  arrangement  of  c^dulas  is  confusing,  and  typographical 
errors  in  dates  have  been  allowed  to  creep  into  the  text.  The  oppressive 
burdens  imposed  upon  the  Mexicans  were  taxing  their  endurance  beyond 
limit;  of  this  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  however,  saw  nothing,  and  every  new 
exaction  imposed  upon  colonist  or  Indian  was  regarded  as  affectionate  zeal 
on  the  part  of  the  king  to  legislate  for  the  welfare  and  prosperity  of  his  sub- 
jects. 

With  regard  to  the  mint  and  coinage  I  find  the  work  of  Fausto  de  Elhu- 
yar,  entitled  Indagaclones  sobre  La  Amonedacion  en  Nueva  Esjxtfia,  Madrid, 
1818,  to  be  extremely  useful.  His  researches  were  conducted  with  great  care, 
and  supply  a  concise  and  correct  history  of  the  mint  from  its  establishment 
down  to  the  10th  of  August  1814,  when  he  laid  before  the  mining  tribunal  of 
Mexico,  of  which  he  was  director,  the  result  of  his  labors.  In  this  book, 
which  consists  of  142  pages,  he  gives  an  account  of  the  different  coins  struck 
off  and  the  modifications  which  they  experienced  at  various  periods,  also  of 
the  new  system  when  the  administration  was  assumed  by  the  government. 
He  moreover  considers  with  attention  the  causes  by  which  the  interests  of  the 
mining  industry  suffered  and  suggests  remedies.  Being  a  highly  scientific 
man  he  did  not  fail  to  gain  the  appi^eciation  of  Humboldt,  who  describes  him 
as  'le  savant  d'Elhuyar,'  and  'Le  savant  directeur  du  tribunal  de  Mineria  de 
Mexico.'  EssaiPolit.,  i.  118,  293. 


The  authorities  consulted  for  this  chapter  are:  Peaks  Cedidas,  MS.,  i. 
8-9,  92-7;  ii.  1-3,  10-11,  43,  70,  104-5,  209-24,  238;  Providencias  Peaks, 
MS.,  13  etseq.;  Ordenes  de  laCorona,  MS.,  i.  133,  211-12;  iii.  75-6,  111-12, 
140-1;  Azanza,  Ynstruc,  MS.,  passim;  Cedtdario.  MS.,  i.  99,  135-43;  iii.  64, 
78-80,  129-32,  230-2,  247-53;  iv.  82-99,  202-24;  Linares,  Instruc,  MS.,  3-28; 
Vireyes  de  Mex.,  Ynstruc.,  MS.,  1-5;  Peaks  Ordenes,  i.  111-231,  314,  340-461; 
iv.  367-72,  405-6,  436-59;  v.  173-8,  291-324;  Pevilla  Gigedo,  Instruc.,  MS., 
ii.  passim;  Id.,  Bandos,  17  et  seq.;  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  i.  33-61;  Torque- 
mada,  i.  614;  iii.  260-1;  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc.,  101,  541,  617;  Vetancvrt, 
Trat.  Mex.,  30-2;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  42-50,  60,  92,  112,  118,  183;  Ptiga, 
Cedtdario,  27  et  seq.;  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  126-8;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  v. 
1-2;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  ii.  191;  iii.  534;  vi.  166-74;  447-8, 
499,  512-13;  vii.  208-9;  xiii.  193-5,  200,  217-18;  Cartas  de  Indicts,  659-60; 
Certijicacion  de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  96-209;  Nueva  Espana,  Acuerdos,  MS., 
4-6,  12,  73-4;  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  i.  torn.  i.  4,  121-8,  297,  328,  470-8,  50S- 
22,  536-9;  torn.  ii.  74-8,  207,  217,  294;  torn.  iv.  62,  91,  168-9,  175,  190-8; 
Col.  Doc  Ined.,  xxi.  523-52;  Durango,  Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  110;  Montemayor, 
Svmarios,  49-50,  112-13,  152-63,  237-76;  Disjioslciones  Varias,  i.  59  etseq.; 


GSO  REVENUE  AND  FINANCE. 

ii.  3-15;  iii.  IS,  25-39,  56-63;  Recop.  de  Indicts,  i.  ii.,  passim;  Monumentos 
Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  30-2,  81,  123,  1C5-G;  Id.,  Hist,  y  Pol.,  MS..  373-46, 
501  89j  Guijo,  Diario,  passim;  Guatemala,  Autos  de  Parte,  MS.,  1-41; 
Samaniego,  Relation,  passim;  America,  Descrip.,  MS.,  122-3;  Zurita,  Rela- 
tion, MS.,  is  21,  44-75;  Alaman,  Disert,  ii.  102-5,  310-1G;  Id.,  Hist.  Mej., 
i.  4  et  seq.;  Leyes  Variaa  A  not.,  MS.,  53-5,  353-7;  Robles,  Diario,  74-8,  207, 
217,  204;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  A  punt.  Hist.,  301-9,  388;  Id.,  Comerc.  Estad., 
21-3;  Diezmos  de  India*,  passim;  Monte  Pio  de  Oficinas,  Prontuari®,  1-50; 
Belefia,  Recop.,  i.  -38-78,  123-5,  1G6-7;  Mayorga,  Derechos,  passim;  Arce  y 
Echeagaray,  Instruc,  1-9G;  Mexico,  Contestation  a  los  Observ.,  71,  100-102; 
Id.,  Derechos,  1-14;  /(/.,  Estado  de  Reed  Ilac,  94;  Id. ,  Exposition  al  Sob. 
<'on</.,  30;  /</.,  Memoria  Agric.  1843,  2-4;  Id.,  Memoria  llac.  1844,  3-7;  Id., 
1849,  4-18,  5G;  7eZ.,  /570,  38,  Gl-5;  /c/.,  Memoria  Presentada,  1-60;  Ttf.,  J/<- 
woWa  7.W.  285$,  G;  J&,  Not.  Ciud.  Mex.,  132-3,  298-9,  307-28,  337-00;  Id., 
Reales  Aranzeles,  1-112;  Iel.,  Pel.  Estado,  4-5;  Id.,  Reglamento,  passim; 
Sefuier's  MSS.,  ii.  18-21,  44-75;  Guerra,  Modo,  1-80;  Willie,  Not.  Hoc., 
1-6,  20-2;  Estalla,  xxvi.  284,  344;  xxvii.  11-15,  217-4G;  Intendentes  Peed 
Ord.,  202-62;  Orozco  y  Berra,  Mem.  duel.  Mex.,  1GS-71;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos, 
pp.  xiii.-xxiii.  121,  131;  ii.  16-17,  147-60,  182-4;  iii.  15,  265-71;  Manifesto 
de  su  Justicia,  1-58;  Fomecay  Urrutia,  Reed  Hac,,i.-vi.,  passim;  Soc.  Mex. 
Oeog.,  Boletin,  ii.  7,  17-40;  v.  336;  viii.  556-7;  x.  505-11;  xi.  320-1;  Id., 
2da  ep.  i.  297,  330,  348,  376,  404-22;  iii.  93-4,  179-81,  201-2;  Zetmora,  Bib. 
Leg.  Ult.,  i.  25-8,  31;  ii.  533-40;  iii.  35-63,  209-12,  432-59;  vi.  81-96;  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  Voy.,  sdrie  i.  torn.  x.  243-56,  451-3;  serie  ii.  torn.  v.  85, 
124-5,  170-2,  191,' 246-74;  Zuniga  y  0.,  Cedend.,  72-5,  88-98,  119,  146-8; 
Rivera,  Gobemantes  Mex.,  i.  30,  99-100,  132  et  seq.;  Museo  Mex.,  i.  353-8, 
393-402;  iii.  407-8;  iv.  94,  259-60;  Elhvyar,  Indagationes,  passim;  Laharpe, 
Abrege",  x.  251-3;  Ordenanzas  para  el  Gobierno,  1-59;  Id.,  Reed Renta  Polcora, 
1-73;  fd.,  Real  Rente  Naypes,  1-35;  Id.,  Labor  Monedas,  1-59;  Mayer's  Mex. 
Azt.,  i.  141,  248,  274-5;  ii.  92,  96,  107-8;  Cancelada,  Tel  Mex.,  32-6,  47-51, 
166-9,  285-97;  Id.,  Ruina  de  la  N.  Esp.,  37-8;  Denis,  Arte  Plumaria,  8; 
Tributes,  Reglamento,  1-14;  Id.,  Reglamento  y  Ordenanzas,  1-66;  Araneel 
derechos,  1-39;  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mej.,  133;  Nouv.  Annates  <les  Von.,  iv. 
254-5;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,,  i.  279;  ii.  578-82,  675-81,  734,  803;  Id".,  New 
Spain,  iv.  205-81;  Id.,  Tobias  Estad.,  MS.,  46-54;  Id.,  Versuch,  1-29,  55, 
120-21;  Gaceta  Mex.,  i.-x.,  passim;  Alzate,  Gacetas,  i.  82,  106-7;  Guia  de 
Hoc.,  i.  72-3;  ii.  59-68,  116-28,  141-4;  San  Milian,  Juez  Oficial,  1-19;  Cortes, 
Diario,  iv.  106-8;  v.  220;  Ward's  Mex.,  i.  55;  ii.  12,  15,  31-2,  49,  58;  Cheva- 
lier, Le  Mexique,  533-43;  Fabrica  y  Estampa  de  Naypes,  1-16;  Domenech, 
Hist,  Mex.,  i.  250-51,  278;  Tributos,  Reglamento  de,  1-14;  Guerra,  P<v.  de 
N.  Esp.,  i.  175-6,  299-301;  ii.  630-31;  Arnllaga,  Recop.,  1830,  453-523;  Id., 
In  forme  que  dleron,  12;  Gedvez,  In  forme  Marqius  Son,,  passim;  Diario  Mex., 
ii.  151-2;  iii.  8,  36,  410-11;  v.  194,  222,  285;  vii.  120;  ix.  158;  xi.,  passim; 
xii.  56  et  seq.;  xiii.,  passim;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  iv.  599-631;  v.  408-9, 
420-4,  408,  476-9,  546-58.  571-91,  612  et  seq.;  vi.  19,  23,  40-96,  128-36,  182, 
338-9,  561;  vii.  149,  178,  380-1;  x.  1318-19,  1334-5,  1390-2;  El  Tiernpo, 
1834,  199;  1849,  92;  Pap.Var.,  v.  52-4;  xvi.  132-48,  164;  xxxv.  1-26;  liv. 
27,  67;  lxxx.  1-27;  cxlii.  39-40;  cl.  23;  clxi.  3;  exxxix.  39-40;  eexv.  37-8; 
Zareda,  Rev.  Mex.,  ii.  23-6;  Coneliciones  del  Real  Assiento,  1-25;  Yucatan, 
Estad.,  7-12;  Salmon's  Modem  Hist.,  iii.  215;  Nile*,  Register,  xxiii.  133,  155; 
xxvii.  245;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  39-86;  Arroniz,  Hist,  y  Cron.,  153;  Juicio  de 
un  Americano,  5;  Alvarez,  Estuelios  Hist.,  iii.  262,  424;  Instruction  de  los  Co- 
misionados,  1-30;  Reglamento  para  el  Gobierno,  1-63;  Pradt,  Hist.  Per.  Esp., 
39-40;  Instituto  Geog.  Estad.,  23;  Aguardiente,  Reglamento,  1-26;  Breves 
Reflex.  Pulque,  6;  Modo  Aument.  Doncro,  3;  Queipo,  Col.  Doc,  132-64;  Bras- 
seur  de  Bourbourq,  Nat.  Civ.,  iv.  775;  Abeja  Poblana,  1-76;  Dice.  Univ.,  i. 
52-3;  ix.  265-7;  x.  917;  Torrente,  Revol.  Il'tspan,  i.  13-18,  23;  Media  Ana/a, 
Pad  Ced.,  1-3;  Thompson's  Recollections,  191-6;  Querctaro,  Not,  Est.,  73-4; 
Pelaez,  Mem.  Hist.  Gued.,  i.  251-56;  ii.  184-200;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jedapa,  i.  59, 
112,  144,  164,  19S-9. 


CHAPTER    XXXII. 

THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

1600-1800. 

Vicious  Ecclesiastics — Struggle  between  the  Regular  Orders  and 
the  Secular  Clergy — Influence  of  the  Religious  on  the  Masses— 
The  Royal  Prerogative — Privileges  of  the  Ecclesiastics — Right 
of  Sanctuary — The  Bishoprics  of  New  Spain — Religious  Frater- 
nities— Church  Property — Its  Confiscation  Ordered — Church 
Revenues — The  Inquisition. 

During  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries 
the  secular  clergy  included  many  who  had  come  to 
New  Spain  in  search  of  fortune,  having  little  prospect 
of  success  in  their  native  country.  These  were  for 
the  most  part  mere  adventurers,  vicious,  and  a  cancer 
in  the  body  ecclesiastic.  The  natives  among  the  secu- 
lars, with  a  few  exceptions,  had  also  become  contami- 
nated. Of  this  we  have  abundant  evidence  in  papal 
bulls  and  royal  orders,  in  the  reports  of  several  vice- 
roys, of  whom  one  was  a  distinguished  prelate,  and 
in  the  edicts  of  the  inquisition.  Violations  of  the 
vows  of  chastity,  impeding  the  administration  of 
justice,  trading  against  express  prohibitions,  manufac- 
turing prohibited  liquors,  collecting  excessive  fees, 
and  defrauding  the  crown,  were  common  practices, 
and  indeed  some  of  their  deeds  were  so  scandalous 
that  decency  forbids  their  relation.1 

1  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov.  Orb.,  429-31;  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  90-1;  Palafox,  In- 
strut:,  in  Morfi.  Col.  Docs,  MS.,  27-9;  Mancera  Instruc,  469-71;  Lina- 
res, Instruc,  MS.,  469-71;  Defensor  de  la  Verd.,  1;  6rd.  de  la  Corona,  MS., 
vii.  77;  Crespo,  Mem.  Ajust.,  7,  8;  Disposic.  Var.,  v.  5,  13,  29;  Reales  Cedil- 
las, MS.,  i.  34-5;  Cam/nllo,  N.  Sistema,  45-6;  Villarroel,  Enferm.  Polit., 
6-25,  in  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  v.  One  viceroy,  the  marques  de 
Branciforte,  gives  all  the  clergy,  high  and  low,  a  good  character,  but  as  he 
left  rather  a  bad  one  of  his  own  in  the  country  I  hesitate  to  accept  his  uncor- 
roborated testimony.  Branciforte,  Instruc,  in  Linares,  Instruc,  MS.,  44-6. 

I  681) 


082  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

Among  the  orders  of  monks  were  always  to  be 
found  from  the  earliest  days  men  who  had  come  to 
America  to  render  good  service  to  God  and  their  king, 
at  the  same  time  ridding  themselves  of  the  monotony 
of  conventual  life,  and  winning  renown  for  their  re- 
spective orders  and  distinction  for  themselves.  Many 
of  them  earned  the  coveted  crown  of  martyrdom,  fear- 
lessly carrying  the  gospel  and  the  arts  of  peace  among 
savages,  and  a  much  larger  number  won  fame  either 
by  their  charity  and  missionary  labors,  or  by  their 
learning  and  writings  upon  various  topics,  especially  on 
the  countries  where  they  dwelt  or  journeyed.  Not  a 
few  attained  to  high  position,  and  thus  secured  a  larger 
field  for  usefulness.  But  it  must  be  confessed  that  the 
regular  orders  also  contained  unworthy  members,  men 
who  shrank  from  poverty  and  discipline,  some  of  whom 
were  vain,  covetous,  and  profligate,  and  looked  upon 
their  mission  in  the  New  World  only  as  an  opportunity 
to  gratify  their  desire  for  a  life  of  ease  and  pleasure. 

After  the  spiritual  conquest  of  Mexico,  it  was  an 
easy  matter  for  these  ecclesiastics  to  have  themselves 
assigned  to  parishes  or  doctrinas,  which,  though  an 
outward  show  of  religion  was  maintained,  became  hot- 
beds of  vice;  even  the  sacred  act  of  confession  being 
profaned.  This  scandalous  immorality  was,  in  the 
second  half  of  the  eighteenth  and  early  years  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  most  noticeable  at  the  seats  of 
some  of  the  dioceses  and  in  small  towns ;  in  the  capital 
the  clergy  were  somewhat  restrained  from  open  exhi- 
bitions of  vice  by  the  presence  of  the  superior  author- 
ities of  New  Spain. 

The  day  came  when  the  supreme  government  de- 
cided that  the  friars  should  be  restricted  to  their 
own  proper  functions,  and  not  be  allowed  any  longer 
to  encroach  on  those  of  the  secular  clergy,  and  the  au- 
thorities encouraged  the  latter  to  assert  their  rights.2 
A  long  contest  ensued,  in  which  the  religious  orders 
struggled  for  every  point,  but  they  were  defeated ;  and 

2  Rtales  Ctdulas,  MS.,  90-2. 


EXCLUSION  OF  CREOLES.  083 

injunctions  came  from  the  crown  against  any  but  sec- 
ular clergymen  being  nominated  for  vacant  benefices.3 
The  result  was  a  better  state  of  affairs;  the  ranks  of 
the  seculars  were  reenforced  by  worthy  and  able  men, 
and  they  soon  gained  the  ascendency  among  the  people. 
During  the  first  two  centuries  after  the  conquest 
the  church  offered  preferment  to  natives  of  America, 
many  of  whom  held  bishoprics,4  and  other  high  posi- 
tions ;  but  in  the  latter  part  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
all  royal  orders  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding,  the 
number  of  native-born  priests  thus  promoted  had 
become  very  small.5  A  cedula  of  May  2,  1792,  ordered 
that  one  half  the  prebendaries  of  the  cathedral  should 
be  conferred  on  natives  of  America ;  but  a  suggestion, 
said  to  have  emanated  from  Archbishop  Haro,  to  the 
effect  that  Americans  should  have  only  inferior  offices 
in  order  to  keep  them  ever  humble  and  submissive, 
seems  to  have  been  adopted.  The  result  of  this  policy 
was  that  in  1808  all  the  bishoprics  of  New  Spain 
with  one  exception,6  the  greater  portion  of  the  canon 
stalls,  and  a  large  number  of  the  rich  curacies  were  in 
the  hands  of  Spaniards  from  Europe. 

3  The  secularization  of  the  curacies  was  carried  on  without  trouble  as  early 
as  1760.  Marfil,  Instruc,  20-1,  in  Linares,  Instruc,  MS. 

4Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  x.  1375-8,  tries  to  prove  that  the  government  dis- 
tributed her  favors  equally  among  Creoles  and  natives  of  Old  Spain;  but 
Alaman,  who  cannot  be  accused  of  enmity  toward  the  mother  country,  says 
that  out  of  706  bishops  appointed  in  Spanish  America  before  the  revolution, 
105  were  native  Americans,  and  but  few  of  them  were  appointed  to  the  most 
important  sees.  Hist.  Mtj. ,  i.  14.  In  the  last  century  there  was  discrimina- 
tion against  the  Creoles.  No  native  of  Yucatan  was  ever  bishop  of  that  dio- 
cese. Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  333-4. 

5  The  high  offices  of  the  church  were  reserved  for  natives  of  Spain. 
Zavala,  Ensayo  Hist.,  i.  66.  Archbishop  Lorenzana  recommended  that  the 
natives  should  be  forced  to  learn  the  Spanish  language,  and  as  this  could  not 
be  readily  accomplished,  the  Creole  priests,  who  for  good  reasons  opposed  that 
measure,  were  accused  of  selfish  motives,  for  as  they  knew  the  Indian  languages 
the  curacies  of  Indian  towns  would  all  fall  to  their  lot.  This  was  denied  by 
a  Creole  Franciscan,  Father  Francisco  de  la  Rosa  Figueroa,  wko  asserted  that 
the  secular  priests  from  Old  Spain  never  desired  curatos  de  Indios,  preferring 
the  parishes  of  Spaniards  in  Mexico,  or  higher  preferment,  'con  la  sombra  de 
las  sagradas  mitras,  mayormente  los  que  vn  Sr  Arzobispo  6  Obispo  trae  en 
su  familia,  que  luego  van  subiendo  y  exaltando  hasta  ocupar  los  Juzgados 
eclesiasticos,  6  los  choros  de  las  Cathedrales  en  las  Prebendas. '  Vindicias  de  la 
Verdad,  MS.,  30-31.  The  same  writer  gives  51  names  of  native  Mexicans, 
and  27  of  Peruvians,  who  became  bishops  and  archbishops.  Id.,  70-5. 

6  That  of  Puebla,  held  by  Manuel  Gonzalez  del  Campillo. 


C84  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

The  prestige  of  the  church  was  jealously  upheld  by 
law,7  and  the  Indians  continued  to  pay  the  regular 
clergy  the  reverence  which  the  early  missionaries  had 
won  from  them,  a  reverence  bordering  on  veneration. 
This  wrought  no  mischief  so  long  as  it  was  shown  to 
men  worthy  of  it,  for  the  old  friars  were  firm  sup- 
porters of  the  government,  but  when  bestowed  on  a 
corrupt  and  presumptuous  clergy  it  became  a  source 
of  great  danger,8  especially  as  the  lower  offices  of  the 
church  were  in  the  hands  of  discontented  natives, 
who,  being  in  contact  with  the  masses,  must  have 
influenced  them  in  political  affairs.  This  element 
became  a  powerful  agent,  and  the  time  came  when  it 
worked  upon  the  hearts  of  a  large  majority  of  the 
inhabitants  against  the  Spanish  domination. 

The  church  of  Mexico,  like  that  of  the  rest  of 
Spanish  America,  was  under  the  immediate  control 
of  the  crown,  through  its  representatives,  the  viceroy 
and  governors,  by  virtue  of  the  real  patronato.  This, 
was  a  right  held  as  the  most  valuable  of  the  crown's 
attributes;9  it  was   claimed  on  the  ground  of  prior 

7  In  1790  a  mulatto,  for  striking  a  priest,  was  awarded  400  lashes  well  laid 
on.  An  alcalde  de  corte,  for  a  similar  offence,  was  excommunicated.  A 
royal  order  of  the  same  year  prescribed  the  penalty  of  death  for  robberies 
committed  in  churches.  Robles,  Diario,  3G-7;  Ortega,  A.,  Yoto  Fund.,  10. 
The  worship  of  the  masses,  who  had  little  instruction  in  religion,  consisted 
mainly  of  external  show.  The  duque  de  Linares  said:  'En  cste  reyno  tcdo 
es  exterioridad,  y  viviendo  poseidos  de  los  vicios. .  .les  parece  a  lo  mas,  f|ue 
trayendo  el  rosario  al  cuello  y  besando  la  mano  a  un  sacerdote  son  Catolicos, 
que  los  diez  mandamientos  no  se  si  los  conmutan  en  ceremonias.'  Linares, 
Instntc,  MS.,  37.  An  able  writer  in  1785  severely  criticised  the  religious 
practices  in  the  capital,  denouncing  them  as  barbarous,  because  they  con- 
verted the  most  solemn  mysteries  of  the  Catholic  church  into  acts  of  supersti- 
tion and  fanaticism  in  the  most  ridiculous  form;  he  uses  these  words:  'En 
ninguna  parte  del  reino  cristiano  se  presume  de  mas  cristiandad  y  devocion, 
y  en  ninguna  esta  menos  radicada  que  en  esta  capital. '  Villarrod,  Enf.  PoliL, 
75-81,  in  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  v. 

8  The  duque  de  Linares,  in  view  of  the  prevailing  corruption,  and  remem- 
bering the  riots  agaimt  the  marques  de  Gelves  in  1G24,  made  it  a  point  to 
avoid  all  bickering  with  churchmen.  He  gave  his  reasons  as  follows:  '  Porque 
son  capaces  de  atropela"  el  rcspeto  de  la  persona,  e  inquietar  los  animos  de 
los  scculare3,  porque.  .  .la  cantidal  de  eclesiasticos  ignorantes  no  es  poca, .  .y 
el  todo  del  pueblo  de  la  voz  de  catolicos  en  apariencia  es  cornun.'  Linares, 
Instruc,  MS.,  37,  41-2. 

9  '  La  piedra   mas  rica,  la  mas  preciosa  Margarita  de  su  Real  Diadema. 


REAL  PATRONATO.  €35 

discovery  and  possession,  and  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity, followed  by  the  building  and  endowment  of 
churches,  convents,  and  monasteries.  To  this  were 
added  the  privileges  conferred  by  popes  Alexander 
"VI.  and  Julius  II.,  confirmed  by  later  briefs  of  the 
holy  see.10  The  decision  of  the  first  ecclesiastical 
council  of  Mexico  reserving  patronage  to  the  king 
was  advanced  as  an  additional  reason.  The  preroga- 
tive was  claimed  as  one  to  be  forever  held  inalienable. 
No  person  or  persons,  ecclesiastical  or  secular,  no 
church  or  monastery,  was  to  use  the  patronage,  ex- 
cept under  the  crown's  authority,  and  severe  penalties 
were  provided  against  infringements  of  the  royal  priv- 
ilege. 

The  nomination  of  archbishops  and  bishops  and  the 
bestowal  of  benefices  in  the  Indies  belonged  exclu- 
sively to  the  crown,  and  were  consequently  confirmed 
without  demur.  The  king  became  ipso  facto  the 
head  of  the  church  in  America,  and  no  bull,  brief,  or 
other  order  emanating  from  the  holy  see  or  its  apos- 
tolic nuncios  could  be  published  or  carried  out  with- 
out being  first  submitted  to  and  passed  by  the  council 
of  the  Indies.11  Repeated  cedulas  issued  from  1644 
to  1G72  inclusive  reiterated  those  orders,  and  enjoined 
viceroys,  audiencias,  governors,  and  other  rulers  to 
send  back  to  the  council  of  the  Indies  all  documents 

Ribadeneyra,  Manual  Comp.,  in  address  to  the  king,  3-4;  Palafox,  Instrac., 
in  Morji,  Col.  de  Doc,  MS.,  26. 

10  Ribadeneyra,  Id.,  51-68.  Antonio  Joachin  de  Ribadeneyra,  Manual  Com- 
pendio  de  el  Regio  Patronato  Indiano  (Madrid,  1755).  The  author  filled  high 
judicial  offices  in  Nueva  Galicia  and  Mexico,  and  was  a  member  of  the  king's 
council,  a  man  fully  competent  for  the  work  he  undertook.  He  furnished  a 
complete  and  exhaustive  dissertation  in  clear  and  laconic  style,  on  the  royal 
patronage,  both  canonical  and  civil,  in  the  Indies,  with  the  view  of  rendering 
the  matter  comprehensive  and  practical.  The  work  contains  all  the  papal 
bulls,  royal  orders,  and  opinions  of  reliable  authorities  bearing  on  the  subject 
and  going  to  sustain  the  comjjiler's  statements. 

11  Cedula  of  Felipe  IV.,  April  25,  1643,  reiterating  others  of  his  predeces- 
sors and  his  own  issued  between  1564  and  1633.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  36,  49,  50, 
70,  76,  78,  115,  118-19;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  27-8;  6rd.  de  la  Corona,  MS., 
i.  1;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  v.  43;  Ley  en,  Var.  Anot.,  MS.,  23.  The  same 
rule  was  applicable  to  patentee  of  the  generals  or  superiors  of  the  religious 
orders.  The  only  ones  excepted  were  such  as  were  for  the  internal  domestic 
government  of  the  religious  within  their  cloisters.  Montemayor,  Svmarios, 
36-38. 


GSG  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

of  this  nature  which  had  not  been  duly  passed  by 
that  body. 

Nevertheless  occasional  violations  of  the  royal 
privilege  occurred,  two  of  them  as  late  as  1746,  when 
the  archbishop  of  Mexico  published  two  papal  briefs 
without  the  royal  exequatur,  whereupon  both  he  and 
the  audiencia  were  reprimanded,  and  ordered  to  re- 
scind them.  Later,  in  1777,  it  was  ordered  that 
popes'  bulls,  briefs,  and  kindred  instruments,  even  if 
provided  with  the  council's  exequatur,  were  never  to 
be  circulated  without  the  permission  of  the  viceroy,  or 
local  governor,  as  vice-patrono.12 

The  royal  prerogative  never  failed  to  assert  itself. 
Even  in  God's  temple  special  honors  were  paid  the 
viceroy,  because  of  his  being  the  viceregal  patron. 
The  appointment  of  provisores  and  vicarios  generates 
had  to  be  submitted  to  the  crown  for  approval.  Com- 
petitions for  vacant  stalls  in  cathedral  chapters  must 
be  in  presence  of  an  asistente  real,  appointed  by  the 
vice-patron.  In  the  selection  of  parish  priests  or 
curates,  a  ternary  of  names  was  to  be  laid  by  the 
ordinary  before  the  vice-patron,13  who  usually  chose 
the  first  on  the  list,  to  avoid  giving  offence,  and  be- 
cause he  seldom  knew  who  was  the  worthiest. 

The  secular  clergy  held  a  privileged  jurisdiction, 
known  as  fuero  eclesidstico,  with  special  courts,  and 
until  near  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  personal 
exemption  from  the  control  of  other  tribunals.34  Ec- 
clesiastical courts  were,  however,  not  only  forbidden 

12Provid.  Beaks,  MS.,  80-1;  6rd.  de.  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  201-2.  The 
king's  prerogative  was  so  jealously  guarded  that  even  alms  could  not  be  asked 
for  in  the  Indies,  if  to  be  sent  to  Spain,  without  the  express  leave  of  his  India 
Council.  Archbishops  and  bishops  before  assuming  the  government  of  their 
dioceses  had  to  lay  before  the  vice-patrono  the  evidence  of  having  taken  the 
regular  oaths  of  fealty  and  obedience  to  the  crown.  A  viceroy  in  the  17th 
century  reported  one  of  those  violations  by  Bishop  Osorio  of  Puebla,  who  was 
of  course  compelled  to  fulfil  the  law.  Mancera,  Instruc,  in  Doc.  Ined.,  xxi. 
512-15. 

13 Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  62-3;  Bevilla  G'tgedo,  Instruc.,  7;  Pinart,  Doc.  Son., 
MS.,  G-14;  Palafox,  Instruc,  in  Morfi,  Col.  Doc,  MS.,  27;  Patronatto,  1-83, 
in  Mex.  Doc  Eclcs.,  MS.,  no.  1. 

14  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov.  Orb.,  192-5;  Bctancurt,  Dcrccho  de  las  Ig.,  1-51. 


ECCLESIASTICAL  COURTS.  687 

to  encroach  on  the  royal  jurisdiction,  but  expected  to 
afford  every  possible  aid  to  the  common  courts.  The 
laws  of  Castile  on  this  subject  had  full  force  in  Mex- 
ico.15 They  had  no  cognizance  in  cases  either  civil  or 
criminal  over  persons  not  catholics,  nor  criminal  juris- 
diction in  cases  of  adultery;  they  could  not  sentence 
Indians  to  hard  labor  for  this  crime,  nor  impose  fines 
on  them  for  any  offence;  neither  could  they  inflict 
capital  or  corporal  punishment  on  any  one.  In  the  ad- 
ministration of  clergymen's  or  intestates'  wills  the  ec- 
clesiastical courts  had  no  jurisdiction,  such  cases  being 
of  the  cognizance  of  the  royal  courts,  except  where  a 
clergyman  appointed  his  own  soul  as  the  heir — that 
is,  ordered  that  his  estate  be  used  in  payment  for 
masses  and  other  religious  rites  for  the  benefit  of  his 
soul.  The  council  of  the  Indies  could,  however,  re- 
voke all  ecclesiastical  decisions.16 

By  bull  of  Gregory  XIII.  dated  February  28, 
1578,  and  royal  orders  of  1606,  1722,  and  1731,  all 
suits  of  whatever  nature  commenced  in  the  ecclesias- 
tical courts  of  the  Indies  were  to  be  terminated  in 
them  and  not  carried  elsewhere.  This  had  reference 
to  cases  in  which  the  ecclesiastical  judge  acted  in  his 
capacity  as  the  ordinary;  but  not  when  he  proceeded 
as  the  delegate  of  the  pope,17  in  which  event  any 
appeal  would  have  to  be  to  the  pope  himself. 

Thus  for  more  than  two  centuries  the  secular  clergy 
enjoyed  great  privileges,  but  these  were  in  later  times 
gradually  abolished.  By  a  royal  decree  of  October 
25,  1795,  the  common  courts  were  allowed  to  take 
cognizance  of  grave  crimes  committed  by  the  eccle- 
siastics. The  sola  del  crimen,  or  criminal  court,  now 
sure  of  its  right,  acted  with  rigor  against  priests, 
especially  curates,  confining  a  number  of  them  in  the 

^Recop.  de  hid.,  i.  79-80. 

16  Recop.  de  Ltd.,  i.  80-2,  230-2;  Montemayor,  Svmarios,  39;  Ortega,  Voto 
Fundado,  19;  Ord.  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  104,  106;  v.  1-2;  Beaks  Ord.,  i. 
447-9;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  64-5;  Provid.  Reales,  MS.,  107-9,  134-42,  146-50, 
182-3,  281-5;  Rescrip.  Reales,  MS.,  36-7. 

17  Morelli,  Fad.  Nov.  Orb.,  272;  Leyes,  Var.  Anot.,  32-3. 


OSS  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

same  prisons  as  the  lowest  classes  of  the  people.  In 
this  matter  the  royal  audieneia  favored  the  cause  of 
the  clergy.  The  royal  order  above  named  prompted 
the  bishop  and  chapter  of  Michoacan  to  make,  in 
December  1799,  a  representation  to  his  Majesty,ls 
which  contains  many  wise  and  liberal  suggestions. 

The  courts  connected  with  the  archbishopric  of 
Mexico  and  other  sees  were:  The  provisorato  for 
Spaniards,  presided  over  by  the  juez  provisor,  having 
I;; 'sides  a  prosecuting  attorney,  sheriff,  relator,  two 
notaries  or  clerks,  a  translator  of  apostolic  letters, 
keeper  of  records,  and  messenger;  and  the  provisorato 
for  Indians,  with  a  provisor,  notary,  clerk,  and  re- 
ceiver; the  juzgado  de  testamentos,  capellanias  y  obras 
pias,  with  judge,  counsellor,  relator,  chief  and  second 
clerks,  and  a  notary  for  the- military  chaplaincy  in 
chief.19  We  have  already  seen  how  the  powers  of 
this  last  named  court  were  curtailed  in  the  probate  of 
wills  of  clergymen.  Later  a  further  curtailment  took 
place,  reducing  still  more  the  ecclesiastical  fuero,  with 
the  sovereign's  declaration  of  March  22,  1789,  making 
cases  of  capellanias  and  obras  pias  cognizable  in  the 
secular  courts.20  Questions  of  jurisdiction  between  the 
ecclesiastical  and  civil  courts,  which  were  of  frequent 
occurrence,  were  adjudicated  by  the  viceroy.21  This 
power,  while  it  upheld  the  crown's  prerogative,  greatly 
exalted  the  prestige  and  authority  of  its  representa- 
tive in  Mexico. 

Offenders  against  the  laws  who  took  refuse  in  a 
church  or  other  sacred  place  were,  as  we  have  seen, 
allowed  benefit  of  asylum,  in  certain  cases  not  excluded 
under  papal  briefs  and  royal  orders.     For  a  longtime 

18 '  Informe  del  Obispo  y  cabildo  eclesiastico  de  Valladolid  de  Michoacan 
al  Rey  sobre  jurisdiction  y  Imunidades  del  Clero  Americano. '  The  whole 
document,  under  a  somewhat  different  heading,  may  be  found  in  Mora,  Obras 
Sudtas,  i.  1-G8;  Queijio,  Col.  deDocs,  1-65.  Humboldt  gives  the  above  title. 
Jj.ssai  Pol.,  i.  105. 

19  Ziiriiga,  Calendario,  52-4,  gives  the  names  and  residences  of  the  officers. 

™mx.Provid.  Diocesanas,  MS.,  203,  273-81. 

21  Jievilla  Gvjedo,  Instruc,  21;  Alaman,  Hist.  M6j.,  i.  08-9. 


SANCTUARY   PRIVILEGE.  089 

there  had  been  no  limitation,  either  as  to  offences,  or 
the  number  of  privileged  places.  The  facility  for 
escaping  the  penalties  provided  by  law  for  the  gravest 
crimes  had  augmented  the  number  of  these  asylums 
in  countries  where  churches,  shrines,  cemeteries,  and 
other  places  under  ecclesiastical  control  abounded. 
From  time  to  time  modifications  were  obtained  by 
the  king  of  Spain  from  the  Roman  pontiffs.  Popes 
Gregor}'  XIV.,  Benedict  XIII.,  Clement  XII.,  and 
Benedict  XIV.  excluded  from  that  privilege  mur- 
der, robbery  in  public  places  and  highways,  muti- 
lations of  limb,  forgery,  heresy,  high  treason,  and 
other  grave  offences;  and  Clement  XIV.  by  his  brief 
of  September  12,  1772,  which  was  ordered  to  be 
enforced  by  royal  decree  of  November  2,  1773,22  very 
considerably  diminished  the  number  of  churches  that 
were  available  as  asylums  for  offenders  against  the 
law.23 

The  cathedral  church,  described  elsewhere,  pos- 
sessed large  wealth  in  silver,  gold,  and  precious  stones. 
The  sagrario,  an  appendage  of  the  cathedral,  was  also 
a  fine  edifice.  The  descendants  of  Cortes  furnished 
elegant  carriages  and  costly  teams  of  mules  for  con- 

22  Rescriptos Beetles,  MS.,  62-74;  Reales  drdenes,  v.  244-59;  Cedulario,  iii. 
226-33;  C&hda  Reed,  1815,  1-21. 

23  In  1787  the  king  decreed  that  criminals  of  whatever  condition  in  life, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  churches,  should  be  at  once  taken  thence  with  the 
permission  of  the  priests  in  charge,  or  the  nearest  ecclesiastical  authority,  or 
without  it  if  the  request  were  not  promptly  complied  with,  by  the  proper  offi- 
cial, under  a  bond  (written  or  verbal,  at  the  prisoner's  option),  that  life  and 
limb  would  be  respected  until  the  immunity  plea  had  been  decided.  The 
prisoners  would  be  confined  in  the  public  prisons,  and  supported  at  their  own 
cost,  if  they  had  means;  otherwise  at  the  expense  of  the  public,  or  the  royal 
treasury.  In  no  instance  was  sentence  to  exceed  10  years'  labor  in  chain 
gangs  or  navy  yards,  service  in  the  army  or  navy,  or  exile.  If  the  offence  were 
debarred  of  privilege,  then  the  ecclesiastical  court  must  surrender  the  prisoner 
to  be  dealt  with  by  the  proper  authorities.  Differences  arising  as  to  the  nature 
of  the  crime  were  to  be  decided  by  the  audiencia.  All  authorities  were  re- 
quired to  aid  one  another  to  secure  the  punishment  of  crime,  and  to  avoid  all 
abuse  of  the  ecclesiastical  immunity.  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  77-8,  iii.  221-6;  Mix. 
Provid.  Dioces.,  MS.,  46-50,  252-60,  351-62;  Rescriptos  Reales,  MS.,  1-8, 
147-8;  Provid.  Reedes,  MS.,  89,  280-1;  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  212-13;  6rd. 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  82-7;  Colon.,  Juze/aelos  Milit.,  i.  238,  327-8;  Recop.  Lid. 
i>  35;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  589-93. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    44 


COO  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

veying  thence  the  host  through  the  streets  during  the 
visitation  of  the  sick.24 

The  metropolitan  of  Mexico  on  certain  occasions 
had  the  supervision  over,  and  on  others  the  adminis- 
tration of  vacant  suffragan  sees.  Amon^  his  duties 
was  that  of  casting  his  vote  at  the  election  of  profes- 
sors of  the  university  of  Mexico.25 

It  was  provided  by  law  that  in  nominations  for  the 
chapter  of  the  archdiocese  of  Mexico  and  its  suffragan 
sees,  preference  should  be  given  to  graduates  of  the 
universities  of  Spain,  Mexico,  and  Lima,  or  to  clergy- 
men who  had  served  in  cathedrals;  or  to  those  pro- 
posed by  the  king  himself  or  his  representatives  in 
the  Indies  by  virtue  of  the  royal  patronage.  Where 
possible  two  of  the  canons  were  to  be  jurists,  and  two 
theologians.  The  four  stalls,  called  respectively  doc- 
toral, magistral,  lectoral,  and  penitenciario,  were  given 
to  those  who  excelled  in  learning  and  general  effi- 
ciency. All  the  members  were  to  be  permanent  resi- 
dents, and  faithful  attendants  at  the  chapter's  sessions 
and  other  service,  and  could  not  absent  themselves 
from  their  posts  without  leave  from  the  crown.26 

The  annals  of  the  church  in  Mexico,  after  the 
period  of  spiritual  conquest  and  missionary  labor, 
contain  little  worthy  of  note.  I  might  present  an 
outline  of  its  progress,  record  the  names  of  promi- 

2iEstalla,  xxvi.  282-3. 

25  In  describing  the  inauguration  of  the  early  bishops  and  archbishops 
mention  was  made  of  their  reception  under  the  pallium.  This  practice  was 
discontinued  by  royal  command  in  1008,  setting  adde  the  Roman  ritual  in 
that  respect.  The  honor  was  reserved  for  the  king;  and  the  pope  acquiesced. 
The  order  was  reiterated  in  1735.  Provid.  fteales,  MS.,  89;  Beetles  Ccdidas, 
MS.,  ii.  134;  Montemayor,  Svinarios,  34. 

iG  The  chapter  of  the  archdiocese  of  Mexico  consisted  of  dean,  archdeacon, 
precentor,  chancellor,  and  treasurer;  the  doctoral,  magistral,  lectoral,  and 
penitenciario;  live  other  canons  called  de  merced;  twelve  prebendaries,  of 
whom  six  were  racioneros,  and  the  others  medios  racioneros;  and  a  secretary. 
At  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  dean  received  Si 0,000  a  year;  the 
other  dignidades  a  little  less;  canons,  from  $7,000  to  S9, 000;  the  first  class 
prebendaries,  $4,000  each;  the  second  class,  $2,000.  Estalla,  xxvi.  282.  The 
insigne  y  real  colegiata  de  Guadalupe,  so  often  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this 
history,  had  episcopal  honors,  being  presided  over  by  an  abbot,  and  endowed 
with  ten  canons,  six  prebendaries,  and  a  secretary.  Villa-Senor,  Theatro,  51; 
ZuuKja,  Calend.,  49-51,  54-5. 


SEES  OF  PUEBLA  AND  OAJACA.  601 

nent  priests,  glance  at  conspicuous  peculiarities  of 
Jife  or  opinion  among  the  clergy,  smile  here  and  there 
at  a  so-called  miracle,  but  such  details  would  not  in- 
terest the  general  reader. 

The  number  of  suffragan  sees  in  existence  at  the 
opening  of  the  nineteenth  century  was  the  same  as  at 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth.  That  of  Puebla  had 
the  same  number  of  dignitaries,  canons,  and  preb- 
endaries as  the  metropolitan,  and  all  its  affairs  were 
conducted  with  the  utmost  regularity.  Its  cathedral 
is  one  of  the  most  magnificent  buildings  in  Mexico.27 

The  chapter  of  the  see  of  Oajaca  consisted  of  a  dean, 
four  dignitaries,  and  eight  canons.  The  rebuilding  of 
the  cathedral,  founded  in  1535,  Was  begun  by  the 
fifteenth  bishop,  Father  Angel  Maldonado,  in  1702,28 
and  completed  by  Bishop  Santiago  y  Calderon,  who 
took  charge  in  1730.  The  building  has  three  naves 
besides  the  chapel,  and  is  said  to  hold  an  arm  of 
Saint  Chrysostom,  the  skull  of  Saint  Leontius,  mar- 
tyr, and  a  portion  of  the  famous  cross  of  Huatulco,  to 
which  countless  miracles  have  been  ascribed.29 

27  Between  1608  and  1802  it  was  controlled  by  14  prelates.  The  most 
prominent  of  them  were:  Alonso  de  la  Mota  y  Escobar,  who  gave  the  cathe- 
dral $30,000  in  ornaments  and  jewelry;  Juan  de  Palafox,  and  Diego  Osorio  de 
Escobar,  who  have  been  spoken  of  elsewhere;  Manuel  Fernandez  de  Santa 
Cruz,  a  native  of  Mexico,  who  had  been  bishop  of  Durango  and  Michoacan; 
Juan  Antonio  de  Lardizabal,  who  declined  the  archbishopric  of  Mexico;  and 
Francisco  Javier  Fabian  y  Fuero,  afterward  archbishop  of  Valencia  in  Spain. 

28  A  bequest  of  $40,000  was  left  for  the  purpose  of  reconstruction.  In 
1721  there  was  much  dissension  between  bishop  and  chapter  about  needed  re- 
pairs. Oax.,  Asuutos,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  no.  2;  Id.,  Repcw.  de  La  Cat., 
in  Id.,  MS.,  iv.  no.  2. 

2<J  Between  1605  and  1799  there  were  18  bishops  of  this  diocese,  the  last  of 
whom  was  Jose"  Gregorio  de  Omafia  y  Sotomayor.  Others  worthy  of  mention 
were:  Friar  Baltasar  de  Covarrubias,  Juan  de  Cervantes,  Friar  Juan  Bar- 
tolonie  Catano  de  Bohorques,  Alonso  de  Cuevas  Davalos,  who  became  arch- 
bishop of  Mexico,  Nicolas  del  Puerto,  Isidro  Sarafiana,  and  Thomas  Montafio. 
All  of  them  were  natives  of  Mexico,  and  men  of  learning  and  character. 
Friar  Angel  de  Maldonado,  of  the  order  of  Saint  Bernard,  who  was  in  charge 
of  the  see  from  1702  to  1728,  was  noted  for  his  humility  and  charity.  He 
declined  the  mitres  of  Michoacan  and  Orihuela.  The  diocese  of  Michoacan 
had  a  chapter  consisting  of  five  dignitaries,  ten  canons,  and  12  prebendaries. 
In  early  days,  when  the  revenue  was  smaller,  it  had  only  nine  prebends.  The 
cathedral  was  begun  in  1640  by  Bishop  Prado,  with  aid  from  the  crown  and 
people.  It  was  rebuilt  in  1680,  and  dedicated  in  1706.  The  building  is  of 
mixed  style,  and  of  majestic  appearance.  Iglesias,  Rel.,  269-72,  233-6.  From 
1602  till  1809  there  were  22  bishops,  the  last  of  whom  was  Marcos  Moriana  y 
Zafriila.     Soon  after  his  death  Doctor  Manuel  Abaci  y  Queipo,  the  vicar- 


692  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

As  late  as  1770  the  diocese  of  Guadalajara  included 
Jalisco,  Zacatecas,  Chiametla,  Culiacan,  Sonora,  and 
Sinaloa,  to  which  was  added  afterward  Lower  Cali- 
fornia. All  the  Spanish  settlements  and  many  of 
the  Indian  towns  were  under  curates  before  17G7, 
the  only  missions  established  being  those  of  Nayarit.30 
The  cathedral  is  of  plain  exterior,  but  handsomely 
decorated  internally.  The  first  stone  was  laid  by 
Ayala,  the  fourth  bishop,  on  the  31st  of  July, 
1571,  and  the  building  was  completed  on  the  19th  of 
February,  1618,  and  consecrated  by  Bishop  Mimbela.31 

The  bishopric  of  Durango  was  founded  by  bull  of 
Paulus  V.  dated  October  11,  1620.32  The  first  bishop, 
Friar  Gonzalo  de  Hermosilla,  an  Augustinian,  was  in 
charge  of  the  see  from  October  1621  until  his  decease 
in  January  1631.  At  the  time  of  the  foundation  the 
diocese  embraced  Nueva  Vizcaya,  Sonora,  Sinaloa, 
and  New  Mexico.  The  cathedral  of  this  diocese  is  of 
the  Tuscan  order.  Its  construction  was  begun  about 
1695  by  the  ninth  bishop,  Garcia  de  Legaspi,  who 
labored  under  great  difficulties  for  want  of  architects. 

general,  was  nominated  for  bishop;  but  the  pope  never  confirmed  the  nomi- 
nation. Others  were:  Friars  Francisco  de  Rivera  and  Marcos  Ramirez  del 
Prado,  the  latter  of  whom  spent  over  $1,000,000  in  alms  and  pious  endow- 
ments; Friar  Payo  Enriquez  de  Rivera,  who  became  archbishop  and  viceroy; 
Juan  Ortega  Montafiez,  who  also  became  archbishop  of  Mexico;  and  Friar 
Antonio  de  San  Miguel,  who  greatly  befriended  the  Indian  portion  of  his 
flock  during  the  famine  of  1786,  and  the  subsequent  epidemic  of  small-pox. 

30The  chapter  of  this  see  in  the  middle  part  of  the  eighteenth  century  con- 
sisted of  the  dean,  archdeacon  and  precentor,  the  doctoral  and  magistral,  and 
two  other  canons.  Villa-Seuor,  Theatro  Am.,  ii.  205.  It  seems  to  have  had 
also  since  very  early  days  four  racioneros.  Gonzales  Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecles. ,  i.  179. 

31  Iylesias  y  Conv.,  302.  Among  the  most  distinguished  prelates  were 
Alonso  de  la  Mota,  a  native  of  Mexico,  who  was  an  efficient  protector  of  the 
Indians  against  Spanish  usurpations,  and  Friar  Antonio  Alcalde,  who  had  been 
bishop  of  Yucatan.  The  donations  of  the  latter  for  the  founding  of  a  univer- 
sity and  other  educational  purposes,  for  hospitals,  churches,  and  convents,  for 
relief  of  the  poor  in  times  of  famine  and  epidemic,  aggregated  $1,000,000;  his 
clothes,  food,  and  furniture  were  of  the  meanest;  at  his  death  the  furniture  of 
his  house  was  valued  at  $267.  Juan  de  Santiago  de  Leon  Garavito,  another 
bishop,  was  so  poor  that  at  his  death  he  was  buried  by  charity.  The  last  of 
the  nineteen  prelates  of  Guadalajara,  Juan  Cruz  Ruiz  de  Cabanas  y  Crespo, 
was  distinguished  for  his  generosity,  and  at  his  death  bequeathed  his  own  pat- 
rimony, about  $25,000,  to  the  poor.  He  was  in  charge  of  the  diocese  from 
1796  to  1824. 

31Concilios  Prov.,  1?  y  2<>  368.  Cortes,  Diario,  1812,  xii.  348.  Escudero, 
Not.  Est.  Son.,  has  it  in  1626.     Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  gives  1631. 


NORTHERN  DIOCESES.  G93 

In  1699  ten  arches  of  the  crypts  and  a  portion  of  the 
portals  had  been  built.  It  was  completed  during  the 
administration  of  Bishop  Zubiria  and  consecrated  in 

1844.33 

In  1777,3*  the  pope  issued  a  bull  for  the  erection  of 
the  see  of  Nuevo  Leon.  In  February,  1779,  Oidor 
Belena  defined  its  territory,  which  was  detached  from 
other  dioceses.35  The  first  bishop  of  this  diocese  was 
Juan  Antonio  Sanchez  de  Alozen,  who  on  becoming 
a  Franciscan  had  taken  the  name  of  Antonio  de  Jesus 
Sacedon.36 

The  first  cathedral  in  Monterey  was  begun  by 
Bishop  Ambrosio  Llanos  y  Valdes,37  who  appears  to 
have  lacked  the  physical  strength  needed  for  visiting 
his  vast  diocese  and  making  himself  acquainted  with 
its  condition  and  needs,  for  the  Franciscan  commissary 
of  missions,  referring  to  his  decease  in  1789,  speaks 
of  the  necessity  of  having  a  young  and  robust  man 
for  prelate.38 

In  1779  Pope  Pius  VL  ordered  Sonora,  Sinaloa, 
and  the  two  Californias  to  form  a  bishopric  with  its 
cathedral  in  Arizpe.  This  was  carried  out  in  1781, 
under  a  royal  cedula,  and  the  first  prelate  was  the 

33  Herraosilla's  successor  was  Alonso  Franco  y  Luna.  The  list  of  bishops 
contains  twenty  prelates  up  to  the  year  1812.  The  last,  Gabriel  de  Olivares 
y  Benito,  ruled  from  May  29,  1796',  to  February  26,  1812. 

34 N.  Mex.  Cedulas,  MS.,  301-2;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve,  272. 

35  From  that  of  Guadalajara,  the  towns  in  Nuevo  Santander,  Nuevo  Leon, 
Coahuila,  and  Texas,  and  the  villa  del  Saltillo;  from  that  of  Michoacan,  the 
towns  of  Jaumave,  Palmillas,  Real  de  los  Infantes,  and  Tula;  from  that  of 
Mexico,  the  town  of  Santa  Barbara.  This  arrangement  was  proclaimed  in  an 
edict  of  September  2,  1779.  Belefia,  Recop.,  i.  291.  The  erection  was  com- 
pleted in  1781.   Cortes,  Dlario,  1812,  xii.  348. 

36  Belefia  in  his  certificate  mentions  him  as  the  first  bishop.  The  same  is 
said  by  Gomez,  Diario,  23,  57,  61;  Bustamante,  Suplem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siylos, 
iii.  29-30.  Another  authority  gives  Rafael  Jose"  Berger  as  the  first.  Igleslas 
y  Conv.,  341. 

37  Upon  its  walls  was  erected  a  citadel,  in  1846,  to  defend  the  city  against 
the  American  army.  Igleslas  y  Conv. ,  342. 

38 Bishop  Sacedon's  successors  to  the  end  of  the  18th  century  were:  Friar 
Rafael  Jose  Verger,  1783-90;  Doctor  Andre's  Ambrosio  de  Llanos  y  Valdes, 
1792-9.  Gonzalez,  Col.  N.  Leon,  98-107,  122,  373-7;  6rd.  dela Corona,  MS.,  v. 
31;  Plnart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  153-5;  Gaz.  Mex.  (1790-1),  iv.  143;  (1800-1), 
x.  121. 


694  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

Franciscan  friar  Antonio  de  los  Reyes/9  who  took 
possession  in  1783.40 

The  cathedral  of  Merida  in  the  diocese  of  Yucatan 
was  finished  in  1598  though  not  consecrated  until  the 
12th  of  December,  1763.41  The  revenue  of  the  see 
was  small,  yet  the  cathedral  was  well  provided  with 
everything  required  for  decorous  public  worship,  many 
of  the  ornaments  and  regalia  being  very  rich ;  some  of 
its  paintings  were  also  fine  works  of  art,  the  king,  the 
bishops,  and  the  canons  liberally  contributing  toward 
that  end.  According  to  the  bull  of  erection,  its  chap- 
ter was  to  be  composed  of  the  same  number  of  members 
as  that  of  Mexico;  but  on  account  of  the  small  rev- 
enue from  tithes,  w.as  afterward  diminished.42 

59Belena,  Recop.,  i.  291;  Cdrtes,  Diario,  1812,  xii.  348.  He  was  the  poorest 
of  the  bishops,  his  annual  stipend  being  only  $0,000,  and  he  received  no  share 
from  tithes.  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  40. 

40  His  successor  was  Jose"  Granados  yGalvez,  who  was  in  charge  from  1787 
to  1794,  and  was  transferred  to  the  see  of  Durango,  but  died  before  taking 
possession.  The  third  prelate  was  Friar  Damian  Martinez  de  Galinzoga,  a 
Franciscan,  and  the  fourth  and  last  of  the  18th  century  was  also  a  Francis- 
can; he  was  named  Francisco  de  Jesus  Rouset,  and  was  appointed  in  ]796, 
though  not  consecrated  till  1799.  His  death  occurred  in  1814.  Hint.  North 
Mex.  States,  ii.  this  series.  Iglesiasy  Conventos,  342,  wrongly  asserts  that  the 
time  of  the  erection  of  this  see  is  unknown,  and  gives  Bishop  Granados  as  its 
first  preLate,  and  Bishop  Rouset  as  the  second. 

41  By  Bishop  Alcalde.     Its  cost  was  $300,000. 

42  Instead  of  twenty-seven  members  as  at  first,  the  chapter  included  only  the 
dean,  archdeacon,  precentor,  and  chancellor,  two  canons  who  acted  as  magis- 
tral and  penitenciario,  and  two  racioneros.  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc,  207;  Iglesias 
y  Conv.y  327-34.  Between  1G04  and  1802  there  were  twenty-one  prelates. 
Among  them  some  had  opportunities  for  displaying  greater  qualities  of  heart 
and  mind  than  others.  Several  obtained  higher  preferments.  Diego  Vazquez 
Mercado  became  archbishop  of  Manila.  Juan  Alonso  Ocon  in  1G43,  Juan 
Gomez  de  Parada  in  1728,  Francisco  Pablo  Matos  Coronado  in  1741,  and 
Antonio  Alcalde  in  1771 ,  were  transferred  respectively  to  the  sees  of  Cuzco, 
Guatemala,  Michoacan,  and  Guadalajara. 

The  following  list  contains  some  additional  authorities  which  have  been 
consulted  for  the  preparation  of  the  matter  connected  with  the  several  sees 
and  their  bishops:  Gonzalez Ddvila,  Teatro  Ecl<js.,  i.  71-301,  passim  ;  ii.  33-4; 
Fernandez,  Hist.  Ecles.,  135-0;  Iglesia  Catedral,  Region  y  Orden.,  1-G2;  Con- 
dliosProv.y  1st  and  2d,  248-375;  Concilios  Mex.,  iii.  and  iv.  63,  202;  Fljueroa, 
Yindicias,  MS.,  70-90;  6rd.  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  213;  iii.  85,  134; 'iv.  01; 
v.  5,  7,  09;  Recdes  Cedidas,  MS.,  i.  100;  Provid.  Reales,  MS.,  172-5;  Veitia 
Linage,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  i.  no.  5,  37;  Patronatto,  in  Id.,  i.  no.  1;  Ddvilla 
Padilla,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  124-30,  182-5,  231;  ii.  64;  Cogollvdo,  Hist.  Yuc, 
404,  407,  617,  659-61;  Aleejre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  ii.  68,  138-9,  158-9,  471; 
Florencia,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  232-3,  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii.  86;  ViUa-Senor  y 
Sanchez,  Theatro,  i.  241-8;  Burgoa,  Geog.  Descrip.,  ii.  410;  Pap.  Franciscanos, 
MS.,  i.  1st  ser.  414;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  704,  718;  N.  Esp.,  Breve  Resu- 
men,  i.  245-0,  273-4;  Medina,  Citron.  S.  Diego,  239-41,  24G;  Gaz.  Mex.,  1st 


TRAINING  FOR  THE  MINISTRY.  695 

It  is  not  an  easy  matter  to  arrive  even  approxi- 
mately at  the  number  of  the  secular  clergy  in  New 
Spain.  Very  early  in  the  present  century,  however,  it 
was  computed  at  about  five  thousand.43  Most  of  the 
sees  had  special  seminaries  for  the  education  of  young 
men  desiring  to  enter  the  priesthood.  They  were 
under  the  real  patronato,  and  had  a  number  of  schol- 
arships in  the  patronage  of  the  king's  representative, 
who  made  the  choice  upon  the  report  or  recommenda- 
tion of  their  respective  rectors.  There  were  other 
scholarships  endowed  by  private  individuals  and  open 
to  competition.  There  was  also  a  number  of  profes- 
sorships whose  incumbents  were  appointed  by  the 
vice-patron.44 

ser.,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.  iv.  18-19;  Id.,  2d  ser.,  in  Id.;  Id.,  iv.  75- 
504,  passim;  Gaz.  Mex.  (1784-5),  i.  pref.  3,  p.  114;  (1786-7),  ii.  21,  257; 
(1788-9),  iii.  145-9;  (1790-1),  iv.  165-356,  passim;  (1794-5),  vi.  645;  (1800), 
x.  12-14,  73,  89;  (1804-5),  xii.  117-20;  Gaz.  Mex.,  1728  and  1729,  in  Are- 
valo,  Comp.,  29-30,  184;  Gaz.  Gob.  Mex.  (1810),  i.  802;  Calle,  Mem.  y 
Not.,  62,  72,  83,  90-1,  99,  122;  Ddvila,  Continuation,  MS.,  193,  285;  Vetan- 
cvrt,  Trat.  Mex.,  26,  27,  52,  53,  71,  72,  77;  Vetancvrt,  Menol.,  137;  Robles, 
Diario,  223-495,  passim;  Gomez,  Diario,  15-312,  passim;  Guijo,  Diario,  218, 
277-8,  371;  Castro,  13,  14,  18,  19,  39,  43,  47-8,  56-7;  Juarros,  Gnat.,  i.  291; 
Juarros,  Comp.,  284-90,  297-8,  359-60;  Santos,  Chrdn.  Hosp.,  ii.  480;  Ddvila, 
Mem.  Hist.,  pt.  i.  117-57;  Disturbios  de Frailes,  MS.,  i.  571;  ii.  no.  2;  Rivera, 
Diario  Curiosa,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2d  ser.  iv.  88;  vi.  12,  18-19,  26;  Oax., 
Asuntos,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  no.  2,  2,  74;  Diario  Mex.,  viii.  285;  ix. 
177;  xi.  207-9,  565;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  209;  iii.  140;  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin, 
viii.  547;  Iglesias,  Rel.,  287-300;  La  Casas y  la Mota,  Memorial,  102;  Arevalo, 
Comp.,  30;  Gaz.  Mex.,  Aug.  1728,  in  Arevalo  Comp.,  69;  Perez,  Orac.  Funebre, 
1-42;  Alcedo,  Dice,  i.  108;  ii.  246;  iii.  141;  Alcalde,  Elog.  Filneb.,  34-41; 
i.-xxviii.  1-49;  Sermon  Panegirico,  1-23;  Oratio  Funeb.,  i.-xxxix. ;  Sermon 
Predic,  1-30;  Rel%  Senc.  del  funeral,  1-13;  Mora,  Revol.  Mex.,  iii.  358;  iv. 
58;  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  passim;  Descrip.  y  Prosp.,  1-13;  Subsidio 
Ecles.,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  iii.  no.  1,  59,  276;  Jal.  Mem.  Hist.,  205-7; 
Rcgistro,  Yucateco,  i.  228-30;  ii.  331-43;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.,  9-314,  passim; 
Guadal.,  in  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  no.  6,  9;  Castilla,  Espejo  de  Exemp.  Ob., 
passim;  Escudero,  Estad.  Dur.,  23;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  40;  Romero,  Not. 
Mich.,  14-21,  25,  151;  Linares,  Cuadro  Sindp.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog:,  Boletin, 
2da  ep.  iv.  639-40;  Montana,  El  Corazon  de  las  rosas,  passim;  Carriedo, 
Estudios,  67-8,  114-17;  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  iii.  381;  Iglesias  y  Conv.,  175-7, 
231-3,  316-20;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  80,  99,  126,  145,  151,  160,  175-7,  231-3, 
316-20;  Arroniz,  Biog.  Mex.,  152-5;  Ldzaro,  Sermon  Funebre,  nos.  6  and  7, 
in  Arteaga  Josias  Domenech,  Hist,  du  Mex.,  i.  282;  Alfaro  y  Pina,  Cat.  de 
Guad.,  5-14;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  201-518,  passim. 

43 Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  i.  127;  Real  Consulado  de  N.  Esp.,  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  6;  31  ex.  Diario,  vi.  94.  Calle,  3Iem.  y  Not.,  45,  gives  the 
number  of  clergymen  at  6,000  in  1046;  he  probably  meant  both  secular  and 
regular  priests,  otherwise  his  figures  appear  excessive. 

uEstalla,  xxvii.  192-3;  Iglesias  y  Conv.,  16,  24,  147-52,  190-1,  236,  275, 
304-5,  334;  Fabian,  Col.  de  Provid.,  307-11,  522-656,  passim;  Haro  y  Pv- 
alla,  Carta  Pastoral,  1-266,  passim. 


COG  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

During  the  seventeenth  and  eighteenth  centuries  a 
number  of  religious  cofradias  or  fraternities  were  estab- 
lished in  Mexico  and  other  towns  for  the  purpose 
mainly  of  rendering  special  worship  to  God,  or  the 
virgin,  in  some  of  their  attributes,  or  to  saints  in 
whose  influence  and  intercession  in  heaven  they  placed 
their  trust.  Among  them  are  many  that  deserve 
mention  for  their  exertions  in  succoring  the  needy  and 
sick,  and  in  the  spread  of  education  as  well  as  of 
religion.  I  am  unable  for  want  of  space  to  furnish  a 
history  of  these  associations  and  their  work,  but  as 
a  mark  of  respect  to  their  good  intentions  will  name  a 
few  of  them.  The  colegiata  de  Nuestra  Seflora  de 
Guadalupe,  of  which  much  has  been  said  in  other 
parts  of  this  work;  an  institution  of  a  similar  charac- 
ter in  Queretaro;  the  archicofradias  of  La  Cruz  and 
the  Santisimo  Cristo  de  San  Marcelo,  the  first  named 
of  the  two  being  founded  by  the  conqueror  Cortes; 
the  archicofradias  del  arcangel  San  Miguel  and  of 
La  Inmaculada  Concepcion;  cofradias  de  San  Anton, 
Nuestra  Sehora  del  Socorro,  and  Santiago;  and  that 
of  the  Santisimo  Sacramento  in  Vera  Cruz.  The 
country  teemed  with  sanctuaries,  and  to  some  of  the 
images  kept  therein  were  attributed  miraculous  mani- 
festations.45 

The  church  of  Mexico  owned  real  estate,  probably 
to  the  value  of  between  two  and  three  million  pesos. 
After  the  suppression  of  the  Jesuits  few  lands  went 
into  the  possession  of  the  church.  Its  real  wealth 
consisted  of  the  tithes  and  vast  amounts  secured  by 
mortgage,  d  censo  redimible  on  the  lands  of  private 
parties. 

45  The  following  authorities  treat  of  this  subject:  Ord.  de  la  Corona,  MS., 
iii.  169-70;  Kecop.  de  Lid.,  i.  33-4,  1S9;  Navarrete,  Rescriptos  Hectics,  MS., 
50-62;  Bel.  Peregrina,  ii.  95-248,  passim;  Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  Glorias  de 
Quer.,  5  1.,  235,  4  1.;  Archicof.  del  Arcdngel  8.  Miguel,  1-48;  Cabrera,  Escudo 
de  Armas,  97-100;  Cedula,  Feb.  0,  1768,  1-27;  La  Casa  Peregrina,  passim; 
Covadonga,  Constituc.,  1-83;  Ltdulgencias  Perpetuus,  1-20;  Flormcia,  Origen 
d</  Cilebre  Santuario,  1-234,  passim;  Estalla,  xxvi.  326-8;  Velasco  y  Texada, 
Hist.  Milagro8.  Imdgen,  passim;  Zavala,  LaVen.  Congreg.  S.  Felipe  NeH,  16- 
137,  passim. 


WEALTH  OF  THE  CHURCH.  697 

The  aggregate  value  of  the  church  property,  both 
secular  arid  regular,  in  estates  and  mortgages,  must 
have  been,  in  the  early  part  of  the  present  century, 
not  less  than  one  half  the  total  value  of  real  estate  in 
the  country.  As  early  as  1G44  the  ayuntamient'o  of 
Mexico  petitioned  King  Felipe  IV.  to  check  the  in- 
crease of  convents  and  of  investments  for  religious 
purposes.46  The  possessions  of  the  church  were  con- 
siderably reduced  in  1767  by  the  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits,  whose  estates  reverted  to  the  royal  treasury, 
though  the  rights  of  the  benevolent  establishments 
of  which  the  Jesuits  had  been  in  charge  were  duly 
respected.  Nevertheless,  at  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  the  aggregate  must  have  been  as  above 
stated,  and  represented  a  money  value  of  about  $44,- 
500,000.47 

In  1809,  at  which  date  it  will  be  remembered  war 
broke  out  with  France,  the  Spanish  government  see- 
ing no  escape  from  impending  bankruptcy,  in  conse- 
quence of  an  over-issue  of  royal  vales,  or  treasury 
notes,  attempted  a  very  dangerous  financial  measure, 
by  ordering  on  the  26th  of  December,  not  only  the 

46  The  greater  portion  of  the  landed  property  being  in  one  shape  or  other 
in  the  hands  of  the  church,  it  was  feared  that  if  left  unchecked  it  would  soon 
own  all  the  land  in  the  country.  No  more  convents  were  needed;  there  were 
too  many  nuns  and  servants  there  already,  and  too  little  with  which  to  sup- 
port them.  The  number  of  friars  and  clergymen  was  also  represented  in  the 
same  memorial  as  excessive,  and  so  was  that  of  holidays,  with  which  'se  acre- 
cienta  el  caudal  de  la  ociosidad,  y  dafios  que  causa  esta. '  Gonzalez Ddvila,  Teatro 
Ecles.,  i.  16-17. 

47  Their  investments  bore  the  title  of  capitales  de  capellanias  y  obras  de  la 
jurisdiction  ordinaria.  They  were  situated  as  follows:  Archbishopric  of 
Mexico,  $9,000,000;  bishropic  of  Puebla,  $8,500,000;  bishopric  of  Valladolid 
(very  exact),  $4,500,000;  bishropic  of  Guadalajara  $3,000,000;  bishropics  of 
Durango,  Nuevo  Leon,  and  Sonora,  $1,000,000;  bishoprics  of  Oajaca  and  Yu- 
catan, $2,000,000;  Obras  pias,  of  the  regular  clergy,  $2,500,000;  Fondo  dotal 
of  churches  and  of  male  and  female  religious  communities,  $10,000,000.  These 
figures  were  taken  from  a  memorial  of  the  citizens  of  Valladolid  in  Michoa- 
can  to  Viceroy  Iturrigaray,  on  the  24th  of  October,  1805.  Humboldt,  Essai 
Pol.,  ii.  475-7-  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  G6-8,  claims  that  the  aggregate  must 
have  been  much  larger,  grounding  his  judgment  both  on  the  results  of  the 
assessments  to  collect  the  direct  tax  in  later  years,  and  on  the  fact  that 
scarcely  one  single  estate  was  not  thus  encumbered.  Many  of  the  estates 
were  mortgaged  for  their  full  value,  and  some  for  even  more,  thus  rendering 
it  necessary  in  the  course  of  time  to  require  the  proprietors  to  produce  evi- 
dence that  their  lands  were  not  mortgaged  for  moie  than  two  thirds  of  their 
value. 


G93  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

sale  of  the  real  estate  of  the  church,  but  that  all  its 
invested  funds,  of  every  kind,  should  be  forwarded  to 
Spain  and  deposited  in  a  caja  de  consolidacion  de  vales 
reales.4*  The  resistance  of  the  proprietors  was  so 
strong,  however,  that  between  May  1805  and  June 
180G,  the  caja  de  consolidacion  had  received  from  the 
sequestrated  estates  .only  1,200,000  pesos. 

Aside  from  the  income  obtained  from  real  estate  and 
investments,  the  revenues  of  the  church  were  derived 
from  various  sources,  as  the  primicias  or  first  fruits, 
payable  to  the  parish  priests,  a  tax  claimed  to  have 
existed  from  the  earliest  days;49  fees  for  masses,  mar- 
riages, and  burials,  which  yielded  largely  in  most  of 
the  dioceses;50  and  last,  though  by  no  means  least, 
the  tithes.  The  king  of  Spain  possessed  under  the 
bull  of  Pope  Alexander  VI.  issued  in  1501,  the  exclu- 
sive right  of  collecting  the  tithes  in  America,  subject 
to  the  sole  condition  of  providing  for  the  religious  in- 
struction of  the  natives.51 

^Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  47G;  Soc.  Mex.  Geocj.,  Boletin,  2da  ep.  i.  486- 
95;  Suarez,  In  forme,  7;  Diario  Ilex.,  vi.  366-8;  Mora,  Obras  fineltos,  i.  TO- 
UT; Lacunza,  Disc.  Hist.,  no.  xxxvi.  533-4.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mej.,  v.  G22, 
tells  us  that  the  archbishop  and  chapter  of  Mexico  had  donated  to  the  crown, 
in  1TTT,  880,000. 

49  If  the  crop  of  grain  reached  six  fanegas,  the  tax  was  a  half  fanega,  and  so 
in  proportion.  On  live-stock  the  tax  was  one  head  for  every  twelve;  on  milk,  the 
quantity  obtained  in  the  milking  of  the  first  night  of  each  year.  EcUcto,  MS., 
in Maltrat.de  Ind. ,  no.7s  1-2;  Mex.  Represent, MS.,  in Maltrat.  de  hid.,  no.  1, 
1-39. 

5JIn  September  1619,  the  real  audiencia  required  of  the  archbishop  of 
Mexico  compliance  with  the  lxryal  order  of  May  12th  of  the  same  year,  to 
keep  and  observe  the  'sinodo  y  aranzel  de  Sevilla'  of  burial  fees.  The  pope 
also  issued  stringent  orders.  Changes  were  made  from  time  to  time  in  the  fee 
bill  with  the  view  of  reducing  it,  but  it  never  ceased  to  be  a  heavy  burden. 
Montemayor,  Autos  Acord.,  1,  in  Montemcujor,  Svmarios,  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov. 
Orb.,  3T3-9T,  415,  <i54;Rubioy  Salinas,  Aranz.,  1-19;  Lorcnzana,Aranz.,  1-10; 
Inform,  sobre  Aranceles,  in  Maltrat.  de  Ind.,  MS.,  no.  23,  1-40;  Mex.  Aranreles 
Parroq.,  in  Id.,  MS.,  no.  24,  1-16. 

51  The  gross  amount  of  tithes  was  first  divided  into  four  equal  parts,  two 
of  which  went  to  the  bishop  and  chapter;  the  other  two  were  divided  into 
nine  equal  parts;  two  for  the  crown,  three  for  building  churches  and  hos- 
pitals, two  for  salaries  of  curates,  and  where  the  amount  was  insufficient  the 
king  allowed  them  salaries  of  $100  or  $120  a  year  from  his  own  share;  the 
remaining  two  parts  went  to  pay  the  dignitaries  and  employes  of  the  diocese. 
Est  a!  la,  xxvii.  233-5;  Mota-Padilla,  Conq.  N.  Gal.,  178.  The  collection  and 
distribution  were  provided  for  in  royal  orders  of  1627,  1031,  1777,  1786.  Rccop. 
d  Ind.,  ii.  578;  Belena,  Rccop.,  ii.  145-51;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  40,  42- 
55.  The  collection  of  primicias  and  tithes  and  the  adjudication  of  disputed 
questions  were  in  charge  of  the  haceduria  ovjuzgado  de  dlezmos,  consisting  in 


DIOCESAN  REVENUE.  699 

The  gross  amount  of  tithes  collected  in  all  the  dio- 
ceses was  in  the  decade  ending  in  1779,  13,357,157 
pesos;  in  that  ending  in  1789,  18,353,821  pesos.52  The 
total  revenue  of  the  nine  dioceses  for  1803  was 
539,000  pesos  according  to  official  records.53  These 
figures  have  been  disputed,  however,  and  it  has  even 
been  positively  asserted  that  the  actual  revenue  of 
these  bishoprics  and  that  of  Chiapas  amounted  in 
1805  to  twelve  or  thirteen  million  pesos,  out  of  which 
sum  four  millions  fell  to  the  share  of  the  archbishop.54 

Property  left  by  bishops  and  archbishops  at  their 
death,  resulting  from  the  revenue  of  their  sees,  re- 
verted to  the  crown,  under  royal  cedula  of  March  28, 
1620,  and  was  known  under  the  name  of  espolios."5 
All  the  chief  offices  of  the  church  were  filled  by  royal 
appointment,  and  the  incumbents  were  required  to  pay 
the  crown  the  media  anata,  or  one  half  of  the  first 
year's  income.  The  offices  of  minor  importance  yield- 
ing less  than  §413  paid  the  crown  only  one  month's 
income,  known  as  the  mesacla.56 

Toward  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century  the  in- 

the  city  of  Mexico  of  two  judges  and  a  notary  or  clerk.  The  contaduria  or 
auditor's  office  had  a  first  and  second  auditor  with  a  first  and  second  clerk. 
Zuniga,  Cedulario,  51. 

52  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  473-8;  Id.,  Tablets  Estad.,  MS.,  41;  his  figures 
being  taken  from  an  official  statement  by  Joaquin  Maniau.  Koticias  de  X. 
Esp.,  in  Soc.  Ilex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  8-23;  JV.  Esp.,  Breve  Resum.,  i.  139,  245, 
ii.  301-2.  According  to  Estalla's  account,  xxvii.  9-10,  the  tithes  of  Mexico, 
Puebla,  Oajaca,  Guadalajara,  and  Durango  were  in  1769-79,  $10,676,947;  in 
1779-89,  $14,844,987;  he  omits  those  of  Michoacan;  his  figures  differ  some- 
what from  Maniau 's.  Pinkerton'a  Modern  Geog.,  iii.  234. 

53 Mexico.  8130,000;  Puebla,  $110,000;  Michoacan,  §100,000;  Nueva  Galicia, 
890,000;  Durango,  835,000;  Nuevo  Leon,  830,000;  Oajaca,  818,000;  Sonora, 
86,000;  Yucatan,  820,000.  It  was  painful  to  see  a  diocese  like  that  of  Mexico 
paying  curates  of  Indian  towns  only  8100  or  8120  a  year.  Humboldt,  Essai 
Pol.,  i.  127-9;  Id.,  Versuch,  i.  181;  Queipo,  Col.  Hoc,  14,  ha  Pap.  Yar., 
164,  no.   1. 

54  The  rental  of  the  archbishopric  proper  was  acknowledged  at  82,944,970; 
add  to  the  regular  revenue  the  alms,  etc.,  of  the  clergy,  secular  and  regular, 
which  amount  is  concealed,  and  the  whole  will  swell  to  the  sums  given  above. 
Notie.  de  N.  E*p.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  8. 

55  A  law  of  1052  prescribed  the  mode  in  which  bishops  should  make  inven- 
tories of  the  property  they  owned  before  their  appointment.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i. 
65-6;  Estalla,  xxvii.  236;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  130. 

'MEstalla,  xxvii.  235;  Morelli,  East.  Nov.  Orb.,  382;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg. 
Ult.,  iv.  268-73;  Providencias  Reales,  MS.,  69-71;  Eonseca  y  Urrutia,  Real 
Hacienda,  iii.  89-135;  Panes,  Vir.  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  141;  Rivera, 
Id.,  i.  226. 


700  THE  SECULAR  CLERGY. 

quisition  had  attained  great  predominance,  causing 
even  the  viceroy  and  audiencia  to  lose  much  of  their 
power  and  prestige.57  In  1747  the  inquisidor  general 
had  issued  an  ordinance  in  thirty-four  sections  intended 
to  avert  all  disputes  on  jurisdiction,  and  to  maintain 
intact  the  prerogatives  of  each  department  of  govern- 
ment. That  ordinance  was,  however,  often  disregarded 
by  the  inquisitors  of  Mexico.58 

Between  the  year  1600  and  the  end  of  the  eigh- 
teenth century  occurred  many  autos  de  fe,  both  par- 
ticular and  general,  the  records  of  which  have  not 
been  completely  published.59  In  the  latter  part  of  the 
eighteenth  and  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  con- 
tury,  the  inquisition,  which  till  then  had  been  mainly 
engaged  in  persecuting  Portuguese  Jews,  sorcerers, 
witches,  apostate  priests,  bigamists,  and  other  offend- 
ers, found  a  new  and  fruitful  field  among  the  readers 
of  modern  philosophical  works,  most  of  which  were 

57  In  1727  the  king  ordered  the  viceroy  to  protect  the  royal  jurisdiction 
against  encroachments  of  the  inquisition  under  pretext  of  privilege.  At  the 
same  time  he  wished  the  court  to  be  aided  in  every  way,  and  its  officers  and 
attache's  respected  in  their  rights  and  functions.  Helena,  Becop.,  i.  212-17; 
Provid.  Beaks,  MS.,  2G1-6. 

08This  body  wras  seriously  rebuked  for  it  in  1785  by  the  crown.  Bescrip. 
Beaks  Eclcs.,  MS.,  8-19,  27,  113-16;  Beaks  C6dulas,  MS.,  208-10;  Beaks 
Ord.,  vi.  05-8. 

59  A  notable  one  wras  the  case  of  William  Lampart,  an  Irishman,  or  of  Irish 
descent,  who  came  to  Mexico  in  1040,  and  was  known  as  Guillen  Lombardo, 
alias  Guzman,  arrested  in  1G42  as  an  'astrologo  judiciario  con  mala  aplica- 
cion  dc  sus  estudios,'  and  put  into  a  dungeon.  Dec.  24,  1050,  he  with  another 
man  broke  jail,  and  sent  to  the  viceroy  several  documents,  and  scattered 
others,  against  the  archbishop  and  inquisitors,  accusing  the  latter  of  treason- 
able views,  ignorance,  and  theft.  Much  trouble  might  have  been  occasioned 
had  not  Lampart  and  his  companion  been  recaptured.  His  fate  remains  un- 
known, though  there  is  some  reason  to  surmise  that  he  perished  as  a  heretic 
in  November,  1G59.  Torquemada,  iii.  380-1;  Guijo,  Diario,  4,  5,  32,  42-53, 
105-6,  12G-7,  1G2-3,  220,  427,  492,  525,  5G1;  Puigblanch,  La  Inquisition,  84, 
and  notes.  38;  Panes,  Vir.,  in  Monum.  Dom.  Esp.,  MS.,  100-1,  13G;  Diario 
Mdx.,  v.  380-4;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  i.  159-G1,  172-6,185;  Som,  Episcop.  Mcx., 
99-102;  Babies,  Diario,  56-7,  86,  98,  214,  232,  242-3,  292,  315;  Gaz.  Mix. 
(1784-5),  i.  308-9,  326.  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mij.,  x.  513,  alleges  that  in  the  249 
years  the  inquisition  existed  in  Mexico,  there  were  altogether  30  autos  de  fe, 
and  405  prisoners  tried,  of  whom  nine  were  burned  alive,  12  burnt  after  exe- 
cution, one,  the  patriot  chief  Morelos,  shot,  not  for  religious  but  political 
reasons,  and  69  burnt  in  effigy.  Keports  of  cruelty  to  prisoners  in  dungeons 
he  declares  false  and  calumnious,  and  incited  by  party  spirit.  It  will  be  for 
the  reader  a  question  of  veracity  between  the  numerous  accusers  of  the  inqui- 
sition, and  of  the  government  sustaining  it,  on  the  one  part,  and  Zamacois' 
bigotry,  and  exaggerated  '  espanolismo, '  on  the  other. 


THE  HOLY  IXQUISITIOK  701 

under  the  ban,  and  in  the  list  of  forbidden  publica- 
tions. The  labors  of  the  inquisitors  rapidly  increased, 
and  we  are  told  that  at  one  time  they  had  upward 
of  a  thousand  cases  pending.60  Many  edicts  were 
issued,  threatening  with  excommunication  those  who 
dared  to  ignore  this  prohibition  and  to  read  such 
works.61 

The  progress  of  science,  the  enlightenment  of  the 
people,  and  the  defence  of  popular  rights  against  king- 
craft were  thus  hindered  by  that  tool  of  bigotry,  igno- 
rance, and  refined  despotism.  It  was  even  worse;  for 
by  recognizing  the  existence  of  sorcerers,  witches,  and 
others  supposed  to  be  possessed  with  the  evil  spirit  the 
venerables  inquisidores  del  santo  tribunal,  as  the  king 
called  them,  stupidly  propagated  pernicious  errors. 
The  extinction  of  this  tribunal  was  first  decreed  by 
the  archbishop  of  Mexico,  on  September  27,  1813,  by 
order  of  the  Spanish  cortes  of  February  2 2d  of  the 
same  year,  but  this  became  a  dead  letter  the  next  year. 
On  the  16th  of  June,  1820,62  the  king  ordered  the  en- 
forcement of  this  decree,  and  soon  afterward  it  was 
carried  into  execution. 

eo  Ataman,  Hist.  Mcj.,  i.  121. 

G1I)isposic.  Var.,  orig.  vi.  2,  15-27,  34-60;  Ord.  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  vi. 
117-30;  Gaz.  Mex.,  v.  346,  355-9;  viii.  182-7,  317-22;  ix.  55-62,  553-8;  x. 
317-28;  xi.  407-9;  xii.  120-4;  xiii.  119-36;  xiv.  111-13;  Diario  Mex.,  v. 
367-78;  vi.  187-95;  ix.  271-5;  x.  330;  xi.  351-4.  361-7,  373-85. 

62 Mex.  Provid.  Diocesanas,  MS.,  496-7. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

RELIGIOUS    ORDERS. 

1G01-1803. 

Royal   Consideration  for    Friars — Their   Privileges — Abuses— Col- 
lision between-  the  Church  and  the  Orders — Causes — Dissensions 

AMONO  THE  ORDERS — GaCHUPIN  AND  CREOLE  FRIARS — THEIR  UNSEEMLY 

Quarrels — Vice  and  Immorality — Great  Increase  in  Number  of 
Regulars — Nunneries  and  Nuns — Missions — Church  Seculariza- 
tion— Routine  of  Duties— Progress  of  the  Franciscans — Efforts  in 
Sierra  Gorda — The  Augustinians — Division  of  their  Provincia — 
Internal  Dissension — El  Trienio  Feliz — Disturbance  in  the  Con- 
vent at  Mexico — Arrival  of  Barefooted  Augustinians — Dominican 
Labors — Minor  Orders — Orders  of  Charity. 

During  the  sixteenth  century,  when  the  spiritual 
conquest  of  the  country  was  as  yet  unaccomplished, 
friars  were  so  much  needed  that  they  were  sent  to 
the  Indies  by  the  king  free  of  expense;  they  were 
conveyed  thither  by  governors,  viceroys,  and  bishops 
upon  the  same  terms,  and  assisted  and  provided  for 
on  their  arrival  in  New  Spain  until  the  members  of 
different  orders  were  enabled,  by  their  sufficient  num- 
bers and  increased  prosperity,  to  establish  themselves 
in  communities.1  Nor  was  the  encouragement  which 
they  received  limited  to  personal  convenience  and 
requirements;  both  king  and  pope  extended  privileges 
and  protection  to  them  in  order  to  facilitate  the  labors 
of  their  calling.  Viceroys  and  prelates  were  instructed 
to  aid  them ;  civil  authorities  were  commanded  not  to 
molest  them  or  interfere  with  their  administration;  aid 

1  Laws  prescribing  the  mode  of  rendering  aid  to  friars,  and  regulations  to 
be  observed  by  them  on  going  to  the  Indies,  will  be  found  in  Recop.  de  1 /id., 
i.  104-G,  128-9. 

(702) 


ECCLESIASTICAL  CONCESSIONS.  703 

in  founding  convents  was  afforded  them,  the  poorer  of 
such  establishments  receiving  presents  from  the  king 
of  chalice  and  paten,  wine  and  oil,2  while  the  sick 
among  them  were  supplied  with  medicines. 

Papal  concessions  to  members  of  the  regular  orders 
in  New  Spain  were  on  a  scale  still  more  liberal.  The 
peculiar  position  of  these  missionaries  required  that 
they  should  be  endowed  with  prerogatives  which  had 
hitherto  belonged  solely  to  the  church.  Hence  the 
pope  conceded  to  them  rights  and  powers  which  the 
regulars  in  Europe  could  never  obtain.  The  secular 
clergy  were  too  few  in  number  to  perform  the  rites  of 
the  church  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the 
land,  and  bulls  were  issued  granting  to  friars  the  priv- 
ilege of  exercising,  in  the  towns  where  they  estab- 
lished themselves,  all  the  duties  of  a  parish  priest. 
They  could  hear  confessions,  and  give  absolution  and 
dispensations;  could  administer  the  sacraments  and 
celebrate  marriages;  could  preach,  teach,  and  con- 
firm.3 

Such  concessions  appeared  desirable  at  first,  but 
when  the  church  became  more  fully  established,  and 
bishoprics  were  erected  in  widely  distant  provinces,  a 
collision  was  the  inevitable  result.  To  the  humble 
isolated  convents  of  the  first  missionaries  year  by  year 
others  of  costly  structure  were  added,  and  custodias 
created.  These  in  turn  had  developed  extensive  pro- 
vincial, and  broad  lands  and  much  treasure  had  been 
acquired  by  the  orders.4  Monastic  simplicity  gave 
way  to  luxury,  assumption  of  authority,  and  abuses. 

2  Recop.  de  Tnd.,  i.  17-21.  Monasteries  established  on  royal  encomiendas 
were  built  at  the  king's  expense.  Id.,  i.  18.  Consult  also  Id.,  i.  114,  122-3. 
In  1674  the  queen  regent  ordered  that  the  amount  to  be  expended  for  pur- 
chase of  wine  and  oil  should  not  exceed  40,000  pesos  a  year.  Montemayor, 
Svmarios,  4.  It  was  ordered  in  1561  that  convents  should  be  at  least  six 
leagues  apart;  nor  could  they  be  founded  where  there  was  a  parish  priest. 
This  law  was  passed  in  1559,  fiecop.  delnd.,  i.  95,  when  a  considerable  number 
was  already  established.  In  1595  friars  were  protected  by  papal  bull  against 
interference  by  the  ordinarios,  or  judges  of  ecclesiatical  causes.  Morelli,  Fad. 
Nov.  Orb.,  312. 

3 Id.,  184-92,  218-22;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  473-4. 

4  Convents,  in  many  of  which  an  inadequate  number  of  friars  resided,  so 
multiplied   during  the   sixteenth  century   that  in    1611    Paul  V.    issued  a 


701  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

At  an  early  period  the  friars  of  New  Spain  appear 
to  have  displayed  much  of  the  indifference  to  laws 
and  independence  of  action  which  was  assumed  by  the 
colonists.  Quickly  amassing  wealth,  many  of  them 
returned  to  Spain  without  permission,  while  others, 
attracted  by  the  comforts  and  ease  offered  by  a  resi- 
dence in  the  larger  cities  of  the  New  World,  took  up 
their  abode  in  them,  and  failed  to  proceed  to  their 
destination.5  Nor  did  they  refrain  from  intruding 
upon  the  occupations  of  classes  outside  their  own  pro- 
fession. They  bought  and  sold  and  opened  shops; 
they  dealt  in  cattle,6  and  made  the  natives  toil  for 
them  without  payment;  private  individuals  acquired 
property,7  and  monastic  communities,  in  common  with 
the  secular  clergy,  possessed  themselves  of  estates 
bequeathed  to  them  by  persons  whose  unbiassed  action 
was  interfered  with  to  the  detriment  of  their  own 
heirs.8  Moreover, in  their  zeal  for  self-aggrandizement, 
they  encroached  upon  the  prerogatives  of  the  govern- 

bull  suppressing  all  that  were  not  occupied  by  eight  resident  friars.  Guat., 
Col.  de  Cedidas  Reales;  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov.  Orb.,  355.  According  to  Tor- 
quemada,  iii.  3S1-2,  in  1G12  the  Franciscans  possessed  about  172  mon- 
asteries and  religious  houses,  divided  into  the  live  provincias  of  Mexico, 
Michoacan,  Zacatecas,  Nueva  Galicia,  and  Yucatan;  the  Augustinians  had 
about  90  monasteries  in  two  provinces,  that  of  Mexico  and  that  comprising 
Michoacan  and  Jalisco;  and  the  Dominicans  69  monasteries  in  the  provincias 
of  Mexico  and  Oajaca. 

5  Laws  were  passed  in  1558  and  1566  prohibiting  friars  returning  to  Spain 
from  bringing  with  them  more  gold  or  silver  than  was  sufficient  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  their  passage.  Gonzalez  Duvila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  33;  Morelli, 
Nov.  Orb. ,  200.  Great  restrictions  were  laid  upon  their  returning  to  Spain. 
Recop.  de  hid.,  i.  93,  107-8,  127-8.  The  rules  on  this  matter  were  frequently 
broken,  as  is  evident  from  the  repeated  repetition  of  them. 

6 Id.,  i.  125,  129. 

7  In  1568  a  law  was  passed  ordering  that  the  papal  brief  forbidding  indi- 
vidual friars  to  hold  private  property  should  be  observed.  Id.,  i.  117;  Morelli, 
F<tst.  Nov.  Orb.,  229.  The  practice  of  making  Indians  work  without  paying 
them  was  forbidden  in  1594,  Recop.  de  hid.,  i.  125,  but  in  1716  the  same 
practice  prevailed,  the  friars  going  so  far  as  to  impress  upon  the  natives,  who 
worked  for  them,  that  they  were  exempt  from  paying  the  royal  tribute.  In 
November  of  the  above  named  year  a  cedula  was  issued  ordering  such  abuses 
to  cease.  Gnat.,  Col.  Reales  Odd. 

8In  1754  the  king  expressly  forbade  any  member  of  a  religious  order 
to  interfere  in  the  dra wing-up  of  last  wills  and  testaments,  Castro,  Diario,  55, 
and  in  1775  a  cedula  was  passed  prohibiting  confessors  or  their  convents  from 
being  heirs  or  legatees.  Reales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  194-6.  In  1796,  however,  a 
decree  was  passed  allowing  friars  to  inherit  estates.  Rescriptos  Reales,  Ecles., 
MS.,  28-56,  99-151,  177. 


WITHDRAWAL  OF  PRIVILEGES.  705 

merit  by  meddling  in  secular  affairs,9  and  were  fre- 
quently engaged  in  disputes  with  the  state  and  civil 
authorities. 

But  it  was  with  the  church  that  the  regular  orders 
were  most  hotly  engaged,  and  the  struggle  between 
them  and  the  secular  clergy,  of  which  mention  has 
already  been  made,  lasted  with  more  or  less  bitter- 
ness on  both  sides  down  to  the  time  of  the  independ- 
ence. As  the  Catholic  church  in  New  Spain  extended 
her  operations,  and  was  able  to  appoint  parish  priests 
in  towns  more  and  more  remote,  she  felt  herself  com- 
petent to  administer  her  holy  rites  in  those  places 
without  further  aid  of  the  friars,  and  was  unwilling 
longer  to  divide  alike  authority  and  spoils  with  allies 
whose  usefulness  had  become  limited.  But  though 
she  wished  to  reassume  absolutely  her  own  preroga- 
tives, and  removed  friars  from  doctrinas,  she  met  with 
firm  opposition  from  the  orders,  who  were  extremely 
jealous  in  maintaining  the  privileges  which  had  been 
conferred  upon  them.  The  regulars,  therefore*  refused 
submission  to  the  bishops  whenever  they  considered 
their  rights  invaded,  and  disputes  with  parish  priests 
expanded  into  a  contest  with  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tion.10 

But  the  church  was  powerful;  many  privileges 
were  annulled,  orders  were  issued  enjoining  the  obe- 

9 Medina,  Chron.  de  S.  Diego  Mex.,  189;  Recop.  delnd.,i.  121,  130. 

10  A  prominent  cause  of  dispute  was  the  jurisdiction  exercised  by  the 
bishops  over  the  doctrinas.  In  1643  the  bishop  of  Yucatan  excommunicated 
certain  Franciscan  doctrineros  for  disobeying  his  orders  relative  to  the  pay- 
ments made  to  them  by  Indians.  Coyolludo,  Hist.  Yuc,  662-73.  In  1669 
a  quarrel  between  Archbishop  Rivera  and  the  orders  gave  rise  to  '  un  dis- 
turbio  que  se  temio  fatalidad,'  the  former  having  appointed  canonical  minis- 
ters to  16  doctrinas,  the  presentations  to  which  were  claimed  by  the  provincial 
of  the  Augustinians.  Robles,  Diario,  ii.  83-4.  I  have  in  my  collection  the 
original  of  a  report  made  by  Fray  Antonio  Ayetta,  the  representative  at 
Madrid  of  the  provincia  de  Santo  Evangelio.  The  document  bears  date  of 
March  9,  1688,  and  sets  forth  the  difficulties  Ayetta  had  encountered,  arising 
from  the  hostility  of  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara.  Informe,  in  Prov.  de  Sta 
Evang.,  MS.,  273-91.  The  same  father  in  a  memorial  to  the  king  argues 
against  the  claim  of  said  bishop  that  the  causes  for  changes  in  ministros  doc- 
trineros should  be  laid  before  him,  the  king  having  decreed  that  this  should 
be  done  only  to  the  viceroy  as  vice-patrono.  Ayetta,  Represent,  por  los  Fran- 
ciscanos,  15. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    45 


7C6  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

dience  of  the  regulars  to  the  bishops,  and  laws  passed 
affecting  their  jurisdiction  and  internal  administration, 
and  regulating  the  appointment  to  doctrinas  of  those 
duly  qualified.11  The  outcry  was  loud  and  long,  and 
much  scandal  ensued,  but  the  king  and  pope  conjointly 
had  raised  up  a  great  power  in  the  land,  and  the  objec- 
tions of  the  frairs  to  royal  cedulas  and  the  commands 
of  the  bishops  were  so  persistently  urged,  and  their 
own  claim  to  privileges  so  ably  argued,  that  modifica- 
tions of  the  restrictions  were  obtained. 

While  the  regular  orders  were  thus  united  in  their 
opposition  to  church  and  state,  it  was  otherwise  among 
themselves.  Dissensions  between  different  orders  and 
discord  among  the  members  of  individual  institutions 
were  incessant.  In  the  internal  government  of  the 
orders  the  two  prominent  causes  of  disagreement 
were  the  election  of  provincials  and  other  officers, 
and  the  interminable  quarrels  between  Spanish  and 
Creole  members.12  Spanish  friars  who  had  taken  the 
habit  in  Europe  displayed  an  ungenerous  rivalry 
toward  members  of  orders  who,  though  of  their  own 
race,  had  been  born  in  America,  and  would  have  ex- 
cluded them  from  the  right  to  hold  office.  Such 
views  were  indignantly  opposed  by  the  Creoles,  who 
denied  that  they  were  in  any  way  inferior  to  the  Eu- 
ropeans, while  the  latter  refused  to  admit  them  on 
terms  of  equality.13  In  order  to  adjust  differences 
which  led  to  actual  animosity  between  the  two  classes, 
the  system  of  alternation  in  office  was  established  by 

11  The  restrictions  were  principally  confined  to  the  administration  of  the 
sacraments,  hearing  confession,  and  preaching.  Recop.  de  IncL,  i.  66-7, 
84,  117,  124-5,  487;  Medina,  Chron.  de  S.  Diego,  Mex.,  194;  Morelli,  Fast. 
Nov.  Orb.,  383-4,  386-7,  394-5;  Montemayor,  Svmario,  24-6,  37-48;  Ordenes 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  157-8.  For  a  number  of  laws  bearing  upon  friars  as  doc- 
trineros  see  Iiecop.  de  Ind.,  i.  131,  133-6,  138-40.  With  respect  to  irregular- 
ities prevailing  in  the  doctrinas  and  the  action  of  Bishop  Palafox  see  this  vol. 
pp.  100-1.  A  principal  cause  of  grievance,  was  the  transferring  the  doc- 
trinas from  the  orders  to  the  secular  clergy  by  the  bishops. 

12  These  quarrels  in  the  Dominican  order  became  so  violent  that  in  1627  the 
visitador  of  the  society  ordered  that  no  more  habits  should  be  given  to  Creoles. 
The  king  disapproved  of  such  injustice.  Disturbios  de  Frailes,  i.  no.  4;  Cedida- 

■  rio  Nuevo,  i.  390. 

13  Mancera,   Instruc.,  in  Doc.  InM.,  xxi.  479-85. 


DISCRIMINATION  AGAINST  CREOLES.  707 

papal  bulls  and  royal  decrees.  Some  of  the  orders  at 
once  complied  with  this  regulation.  The  arrangement 
had,  however,  its  exact  counterpart  in  many  cases,  en- 
tire communities  being  composed  wholly  of  Creoles 
and  others  wholly  of  Spaniards.14 

Although  the  alternation  system,  repeatedly  in- 
sisted upon  by  the  crown,  secured  to  Creoles  the  right 
to  official  appointments,  it  was  not  faithfully  carried 
out,  and  frequent  were  their  complaints  of  partiality 
to  Spaniards  and  injustice  to  themselves.15  It  utterly 
failed  to  produce  harmony.  Criminations  and  recrim- 
inations prevailed  down  to  the  nineteenth  century, 
and  instances  are  not  wanting  of  these  teachers  of 
peace  and  humility  proceeding  to  acts  of  personal 
violence  among  themselves.16 

In  the  zealous  assertion  of  their  privileges  the 
action  of  friars  was  not  unfrequently  marked  by  tur- 
bulency  and  opposition  to  the  civil  authorities,17  and 

11  The  decrees  sent  from  Rome  and  Spain  ordered  alternation  every  three 
or  four  years.  For  the  reason  that  for  some  time  no  natives  of  Old  Spain  ap- 
plied for  admission  into  the  order  of  the  Hermitanos  de  San  Agustin  of  Mex- 
ico, the  prelates  of  that  society  finally  admitted  only  Creoles.  A  royal  cedula 
dated  November  28,  1667,  ordered  the  viceroy  to  investigate  and  reform  the 
irregularity.  Id.  The  convent  of  the  Carmelites  and  the  apostolic  colleges 
of  San  Fernando,  Cruz  de  Queretaro,  and  others  were  composed  entirely  of 
Spaniards;  the  communities  of  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas,  and  those  of  San 
Juan  de  Dios  and  San  Hipolito  of  the  hospitallers,  were  Creole.  Alccmctn,  Hist, 
Mcj.,  i.  13,  70.  Pope  Urbano  VII.  defined,  by  brief  of  November  12,  1625, 
the  observances  to  be  used  by  the  Franciscans  in  the  distribution  of  offices 
among  the  three  different  classes  of  which  their  order  was  composed,  namely, 
the  'criollos,' the  'hijos  de  provincia,'  and  the  ' capuchines, '  who  are  thus 
respectively  defined.  The  first  were  those  who  were  born  in  the  country  of 
Spanish  parents  and  had  taken  the  habit;  the  second  were  Spaniards  who 
took  the  habit  in  New  Spain,  and  the  third  were  Spaniards  who  entered  the 
order  in  Europe.    Vrbano  VIII.,  in  Disturbios  de  Frailes,  i.  146  et  seq. 

15  The  three  classes  mentioned  in  the  preceding  note  were  distinguished 
by  different  habits.  Sierra,  Dictamen,  in  Id. ,  i.  347-63.  A  royal  order  dated 
September  11,  1766,  confirming  previous  ones  issued  in  1691,  1697,  and  1725, 
directed  the  admission  of  Indians  into  the  religious  orders.  Providencias  liecdes, 
in  Mex.  Ordinanzas  de  esta  .¥.  C,  MS.,  178-82. 

16  A  notable  case  occurred  in  the  city  of  Mexico  on  the  9th  of  July  1780 
when  a  serious  riot  occurred  in  the  convent  of  San  Francisco,  occasioned  by 
the  seizure  of  the  'guardian  Fray  Mateo  Jimenez,  a  gachupin.'  The  two 
parties  came  to  blows,  25  friars  fled,  and  it  required  the  employment  of  a 
military  force  to  effect  the  release  of  Jimenez,  his  captors  having  twice  re- 
fused to  obey  the  summons  sent  by  the  viceroy  to  surrender  him.  Gomez, 
Dlario,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  2da  s£rie,  vii.  89,  91-2. 

17  A  tumult  was  occasioned  in  1664  by  the  rescue  of  a  negress  who  was 
being  led  to  execution  for  the  attempted  murder  of  her  mistress.     The  friars 


703  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

orders  were  repeatedly  issued  from  the  throne  that 
such  characters  as  well  as  vagabond  friars  who  had 
been  unfrocked  or  expelled  from  their  convents  should 
be  sent  to  Spain.18 

With  regard  to  the  private  life  of  the  friars  it  can- 
not truthfully  be  said  that  it  was  in  keeping  witli  the 
simplicity  and  abstinence  which  their  vows  required. 
The  contrast  between  them  and  the  earlier  mission- 
aries is  striking.  Many  indulged  not  only  in  the  pleas- 
ures and  luxuries  of  the  laity,  but  also  in  their  vices. 
Instead  of  abstemiousness,  feasting  and  carousal  pre- 
vailed among  them,  as  among  the  secular  clergy;  in- 
stead of  humble  garb  and  bearing,  pompous  display  in 
embroidered  doublets  and  silken  hose  of  bright  color; 
instead  of  study  and  devotional  exercises,  dice-throw- 
ing and  card-playing,  over  which  the  pious  gamblers 
cursed  and  swore  and  drank.19  Immorality  too  often 
usurped  the  place  of  celibacy,20  and  murder  that  of 
martyrdom.21    It  must   not,   however,   be   concluded 

who  attended  her  raised  the  cry  of  'To  the  church,'  whereupon  a  crowd  of 
negroes,  mulattoes,  and  others,  in  spite  of  the  resistance  of  the  guard  carried 
her  into  the  cathedral.  Attempts  of  the  authorities  to  release  her  failed. 
She  was  afterward  conveyed  to  the  convent  of  La  Concepcion  and  escaped 
punishment.   Gu/jo,  Dlario,  551. 

18  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  iv.  84-5;  vii.  11,  84-5. 

19  ( rage,  i.  82,  tells  a  story  of  a  priest  who,  having  won  a  large  sum,  held 
open  one  of  the  sleeves  of  his  habit  and  swept  his  gains  into  it  with  the  other, 
jocularly  explaining  that  he  had  taken  a  vow  neither  to  touch  nor  keep 
money,  but  that  his  sleeve  had  permission  to  do  so.  Ddaporte,  x.  19S-208, 
307. 

20  The  inquisition  in  1742  instituted  proceedings  against  Fray  Lazaro  Jime- 
nez del  Guante,  a  Franciscan  of  QuerCtaro,  for  soliciting  women — some  of 
whom  denounced  him — and  other  immoral  practices.  Being  found  guilty  he 
Mas  deprived  for  life  of  the  right  of  hearing  confessions  and  otherwise  pun- 
ished. Ximenez,  Fray  Lazaro,  I nquisidor  fiscal  contra,  MS.,  fol.  pp.  281. 

21  In  1789  Fray  Jacinto  Miranda,  of  the  order  of  la  Merced,  stabbed  and 
killed  the  comendador  Padre  Gregorio  Corte.  Miranda  had  been  placed  under 
severe  discipline  by  the  comendador;  he  was  tried  before  the  archbishop  for 
his  crime.  The  order  made  strenuous  efforts  to  save  him  from  capital  punish- 
ment, and  he  was  probably  sent  to  Spain.  Miranda,  Causa  de  Uomicidio,  in 
Disturbi08  d>-  Frailes,  MS.,  ii.  no.  i.  pp.  .37-128;  no.  8,  pp.  331-40;  Bn-nal  y 
Malo-  Waldo,  Indalecio,  Alegato,  1-80.  The  kings  of  Spain  were  unwilling 
that  the  excesses  committed  by  friars  should  become>  public  if  it  could  be 
avoided,  and  left  their  punishment,  as  far  as  possible,  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
Beveral  orders.  But  it  being  discovered  that  such  license  led  to  abuses,  in- 
structions were  issued  to  the  archbishop  and  bishops,  enjoining  them,  in  case 
merited  punishment  was  not  meted  out  to  delinquents  by  the  superiors  of  the 
orders,  to  assume  the  jurisdiction  with  which  they  were  invested  by  the  council 
of  Trent.  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  123. 


NUMBER  OF  FKIAES.  709 

that  there  were  no  righteous  men  among  the  friars. 
The  records  of  the  chroniclers  show  that  many  excel- 
lent and  worthy  members,  of  high  principle  and  noble 
intent,  labored  in  New  Spain  during  this  period  of 
backsliding.  But  their  numbers  were  comparatively 
few,  and  they  were  unable,  by  the  exemplary  lives 
which  they  led,  to  leaven  the  heavy  mass  of  ungodli- 
ness into  which  they  had  been  cast.22 

So  rapidly  did  the  number  of  the  regulars  in- 
crease,23 and  so  tempting  were  the  inducements  to  the 
idle  and  vicious  to  join  societies  which  offered  to  them 
opportunities  of  indulgence  in  indolence,  lust,  and 
pleasure,  that  the  king  in  1754  decreed,  in  accord 
with  the  holy  see,  that  for  the  ten  succeeding  years 
no  person  should  be  admitted  into  any  of  the  religious 
orders  in  New  Spain  under  any  pretext.24  Of  the 
actual  number  of  friars  resident  in  the  country  pre- 
vious to  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  little 
information  can  be  obtained.  According  to  Alzate,25 
in  1787,  there  were  in  the  city  of  Mexico  alone  1,033 
regulars,  and  Humboldt  states  that  in  1803  in  the 
twenty-three  convents  of  friars  then  existing  in  the 
capital,  there  were  about  1,200  members,  580  of  whom 
were  priests  and  choristers.  The  same  author  esti- 
mates the  number  of  friars  throughout  the  country, 
including  lay  brothers  and  servants,  at  between  7,000 
and  8,000.26 

While  convents  and  friars  thus  multiplied,  religious 

22  A  modern  author  thus  describes  the  moral  condition  of  friars  during  the 
seventeenth  century:  '  Generalmente  vivian  entregados  a  los  vicios,  hallan- 
dose  sin  embargo  muchos  sacerdotes  dignos  en  las  congregaciones  de  S.  Pedro, 
S.  Francisco  Javier  y  S.  Felipe  Neri;  pero  la  mayor  parte  del  clero  era  igno- 
rante,  relajado  en  sus  costumbres  y  se  cuidaba  poco  de  la  conveniencia  en  el 
trage  y  los  alimentos,  notandose  desde  entonces  propensiones  en  esa  clase  a 
las  rebeliones  y  motines. '  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Mex. ,  i.  239. 

23  According  to  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not. ,  45,  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth 
century  there  were  more  than  400  convents  of  all  orders  in  New  Spain.  The 
bull  of  1611  ordering  that  each  convent  should  have  at  least  eight  inmates, 
was  constantly  disregarded.  The  pope  issued  briefs  to  the  same  effect  in 
1693  and  1698,  and  in  1703  the  king  commanded  viceroys  to  enforce  the  order. 
Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  vii.  8-10. 

21  Castro,  Diario,  53-5. 
25  Gazetas,  i.  34. 
2&EssaiPol,  i.  127,  129. 


10 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 


sisterhoods  increased  in  a  corresponding  degree.  The 
several  orders  established  during  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury founded  additional  nunneries  in  various  parts, 
and  the  number  of  such  institutions  was  further 
swelled  by  the  arrival  at  intervals  of  sisters  of  other 
orders.  In  1615  a  convent  of  the  barefooted  Car- 
melite nuns  was  founded  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  and 
in  1666  that  of  the  Capuchinas.27  During  the  period 
between  1588  and  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury the  number  of  such  religious  houses  increased 
from  seven  to  twenty,  of  different  denominations.23 

Nunneries  were  also  founded  in  Puebla,  Queretaro, 
Guanajuato,  Michoacan,  and  Jalisco,  the  most  notable 
of  which  were  those  of  La  Merced  and  the  Capuchinas 
in  Michoacan,  the  first  being  established  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  seventeenth  century,  and  the  second  in 
1737.29 

It  would  be  supposed  that  these  religious  estab- 
lishments, designed  as  peaceful  retreats  for  females, 
would  be  free  from  strife;  but  truth  compels  me  to 
say  that  the  nuns  were  as  contentious  as  the  friars. 
All  the  orders,  in  fact,  incessantly  endeavored  to  shake 
off  the  control  exercised  over  them  by  the  provincial 
prelates,  and  free  themselves  from  their  supervision.30 
Conspicuous  among  these  restive  female  communities 
was  the  nunnery  of  Santa  Clara.  The  governing 
members  of  that  organization  claimed  exemption  from 


27  Sifjiienza  y  Gdngora,  Parayso  OccicL,  39-47.  In  1678  a  daughter  of  the 
alcalde  de  corte,  Saenz  Moreno,  only  live  years  of  age,  entered  the  order  of 
the  Capuchin  nuns.  Robks,  Diario,  ii.  272.  Felipe  IV.  gave  permission  for 
the  founding  of  this  nunnery  in  1664.  Montcmayor,  Svmarios,  10. 

28  San  Vicente,  Exacta  Descrip.,  27;  Hist.  Meat.,  ii.  737,  this  series.  In 
17S7  there  were  1,055  nuns  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  Alzate,  Gazetas,  i.  34. 
Humboldt  gives  923  as  the  number  in  1790,  while  in  1803  there  were  in  the 
15  nunneries  then  existing  in  the  capital  about  2,100,  of  whom  900  were  pro- 
fessed nuns.  JSssai  Pol.,  i.  195. 

niglesfots,  Eel,  239,  241-2;  Romero,  Not.  Mich.,  27,  45.  In  1754  the 
convent  of  la  Purisima  Concepcion  was  founded  in  Guanajuato.  Gomara, 
Exemp.  Relig.,  11-18. 

: "  Viceroy  Mancera  informs  the  king  that  the  nuns  caused  constant  trouble 
to  the  government  in  such  attempts.  His  Majesty  instructed  him  not  to 
allow  himself  or  the  civil  authorities  to  intervene  in  cases  of  the  kind.  This 
relieved  the  government  of  much  annoyance.  Instruc.,  in  Doc.  Lncd.,  xxi. 
479-S5. 


FEMALE  COMMUNITIES.  711 

the  payment  of  tithes;31  they  quarrelled  with  the 
Franciscan  vice-comisario  so  that  the  civil  authorities32 
had  to  interfere,  and  they  bore  themselves  haughtily 
toward  prelates  and  authorities. 

While  female  superiors  and  their  chapters  thus 
contended  for  jurisdiction,  the  nuns  and  novices  under 
their  charge  were  rigidly  protected  against  the  con- 
tamination of  the  world,  encouraged  in  the  suppression 
of  worldly  inclinations  by  uncompromising  codes,  and 
relentlessly  punished  in  case  of  transgression.  Having 
renounced  the  devil  and  all  his  works,  and  the  pleas- 
ures and  innocent  pastimes  of  life,33  they  fasted,  and 
prayed,  and  worked,  having  all  things  in  common, 
even  to  their  clothing,  and  laboring  for  their  reward 
in  heaven. 

Although  the  friars  as  a  body  were  not  men  of 
such  sanctity  as  their  calling  required,  it  was  by 
their  labors  that  the  gospel  was  carried  into  remote 
and  ever  more  remote  regions.  Whenever  it  was  re- 
quired to  bring  a  savage  tribe  into  the  fold,  it  was  the 
regular  and  not  the  secular  orders  that  braved  the 
dangers,  endured  the  hardships,  and  performed  the 
preliminary  work.  The  missions  undertaken  by  them 
extended  to  Texas,  New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and  far- 
distant  California;  and  from  the  banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi to  the  Pacific  Ocean.34  But  before  they  reached 
those  regions  the  spiritual  conquest  of  a  vast  territory 
had  to  be  undertaken,  and  during  the  seventeenth 
century  numerous  missions  were  established  in  various 
outlying  localities.     The  importance  of  these  forerun- 

31  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  15. 

32  Providencias  Beales,  MS.,  134-42.  This  occurred  in  1717.  The  king, 
by  royal  cedula  of  November  3,  1722,  decided  adversely  to  the  nuns.  Ordenes 
de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  140-5. 

33  It  was  ordered  by  royal  cedula  that  nunneries  were  not  to  be  disturbed 
by  visits  or  amusements.  Beales  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  83,  111.  Even  the  wives  of 
members  of  the  audiencia  were  prohibited  from  entering  such  establishments. 
Providencias  Beales,  MS.,  52-3;  Convento  de  S.  Lorenzo,  Peg.  y  Constituc,  1- 
146. 

34  An  account  of  the  establishment  of  missions  in  these  states  will  be  found 
in  Hist.  North  Mex.,  i.,  this  series;  Hist.  Gal.;  and  Hist.  Neio  Mex.  and 
Arizona. 


712  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

ners  of  the  church  was  fully  recognized  by  the  crown, 
and  in  1709  a  royal  cedula  was  issued  enjoining  vice- 
roys, governors,  bishops,  and  prelates  of  the  regular 
orders  zealously  to  aid  in  increasing  the  number  of 
missions.35  The  impulse  thus  given  was  not  without 
effect,  many  missions  being  established  from  the  At- 
lantic to  the  Pacific  by  different  orders. 

Though  few  in  number  in  proportion  to  their  zeal, 
the  Jesuits  had  previously  to  their  expulsion  already 
penetrated  into  Sonora  and  California,  and  during  the 
two  decades  from  1723  to  1742  they  established  no 
less  than  eight  missions  in  the  wild  district  of  Naya- 
rit.36  The  Franciscans,  however,  may  lay  claim  to 
having  founded  more  institutions  of  this  kind  than 
any  other  order.  In  1789  they  occupied  no  less  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  missions  scattered  over 
the  territory  lying  to  the  north  of  Mexico,  while 
others  in  great  number  had  been  secularized  by  the 
church.37 

The  system  of  church  secularization  of  missions, 
however  successful  and  profitable  when  applied  to  the 
more  civilized  pueblos  of  New  Spain,  was  attended 
with  failure  when  extended  to  the  remoter  regions. 
But  the  Catholic  hierarchy  was  blinded  by  the  desire 

35  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  vii.  14. 

36  Villa-Sefior  narrates  that  in  1718  aNayarit  chief  visited  the  city  of  Mex- 
ico and  tendered  his  submission  to  his  Catholic  Majesty,  requesting  that  mis- 
sionaries accompanied  by  a  sufficient  force  might  be  sent  with  him  on  his 
return.  This  was  done;  but  preparations  were  hardly  commenced  for  found- 
ing the  mission  under  the  superintendence  of  Jesuit  fathers,  when  the  worthy 
chief  and  his  people  abandoned  their  new  friends,  carrying  off  with  them  most 
of  the  Spaniards'  baggage.  The  soldiers  pursued  them  into  the  mountains, 
where  they  found  that  human  sacrifices  had  been  recently  offered.  Here,  too, 
they  discovered  seated  on  a  throne  the  skeleton  of  an  ancestor  of  the  existing 
chief,  'el  qual  estaba  ricamente  adornada  de  pedrer...con  tahali,  brazale- 
tes,  collares,  y  apretadores  de  plata,' with  a  crown  of  many-colored  feachers  and 
all  the  insignia  of  royalty.  Having  captured  some  of  the  Indians  they  re- 
turned to  the  capital,  where  the  prisoners  were  tried  for  sacrilege.  In  1 723 
they  were  '  penitenciados'  at  an  auto  de  £6,  and  on  the  following  day  the 
skeleton,  an  object  of  their  former  worship,  was  burnt  in  the  plazuela  de  San 
Diego.  A  presidio  company  was  then  formed,  and  missions  established  by 
the  Jesuits.  Teatro  Airier.,  ii.  268-71.  On  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  their 
missions  were  placed  under  the  charge  of  the  Franciscans  in  Jalisco.  Bazon 
de  Misiones,  1708  a  1789,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  2da  ep.,  i.  572.  The  author  of 
the  Bazon  mentions  only  seven  missions. 

37  Id.,  570-3. 


MISSION  ROUTINE.  713 

of  aggrandizement,  and  whenever  a  mission  was  deemed 
of  sufficient  importance  thither  was  sent  a  secular  priest, 
and  the  friars  were  relieved  of  their  charge  and  sent 
about  their  business.  Their  successors,  however,  were 
not  men  of  like  spirit  with  themselves.  Their  devo- 
tion was  generally  lukewarm,  and  they  showed  little 
real  solicitude  in  watching  over  the  moral  and  material 
well-being  of  the  Indians.  Thus  many  missions,  which 
under  the  conduct  of  the  friars  had  thrived,  were  soon 
abandoned,  the  buildings  fell  to  ruins,  and  the  natives 
relapsed  into  idolatry.38 

Yet  the  stipends  allowed  by  the  crown  to  even 
successful  friars  was  a  mere  pittance,  and  paid  grudg- 
ingly or  not  at  all.39  Nevertheless  the  routine  of 
duties  was  punctually  performed  at  the  permanently 
established  missions.  Daily  at  sunrise  the  bells  sum- 
moned the  Indians  both  male  and  female  to  church, 
where  the  padre,  after  prayer,  explained  the  chief 
mysteries  of  the  faith.  Then  the  little  children  from 
five  years  old  and  upwards  were  instructed  in  the  first 
rudiments,  while  the  catechumens  and  those  more  ad- 
vanced listened  morning  and  afternoon  to  explanations 
of  the  grace  whereby  they  should  be  saved.40 

38  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo,  in  a  full  report  to  the  court  of  Spain  in  1793  on 
the  subject  of  missions,  disapproved  of  the  secularization  of  missions.  '  No 
estoy  muy  conforme  con  las  misiones  que  se  han  secularizado  ni  tomare"  esta 
providencia  sin  que  precedan  seguridadcs  visibles  «le  su  buen  6xito,  porque  los 
curas  clerigos  no  pueden  hacer  mas  que  los  religiosos.'  He  thus  describes  the 
condition  of  certain  missions  that  had  been  secularized:  '  Es  muy  lastimoso 
el  estado  de  las  que  se  pusieron  a  cargo  de  sacerdotes  clerigos,  pues  las  mas  se 
hallan  sin  ministros,  y  los  existences  en  calidad  de  interinos,  sir  veil  contra 
toda  su  voluntad,  haciendo  repetidas  renuncias. '  Carta  dirigida  a  la  corte,  in 
Die.  Univ.,v.  439,  469. 

39  The  stipend  allowed  each  misionero  was  300  pesos  a  year.  Venegas, 
232-3.  In  1705  the  allowance  for  the  missions  of  the  Jesuits  not  having  been 
paid  for  three  years,  a  council  was  held  by  them  at  which  it  was  determined 
to  abandon  their  missions  and  surrender  them  to  the  secular  clergy.  Alegre, 
Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  141-2.  Revilla  Gigedo  urged  the  necessity  of  not  re- 
garding too  closely  the  expense  of  stipends  for  missions,  not  merely  for  the 
sake  of  justice  but  also  of  safety.  Carta,  in  Dice.  Univ.,  v.  470;  Mayer  MSS., 
no.  xi. 

40  On  feast  days  care  was  taken  that  all  should  attend  mass,  the  Indians 
being  called  up  one  by  one  to  kiss  the  padre's  hand  so  that  the  absent  ones 
could  be  noted.  The  more  intelligent  were  exhorted  to  frequent  communion. 
Pahm,  Yida,  25-6.  These  regulations  were  observed  in  the  mis  ions  of  Cerro 
Gordo,  Queretaro,  and  Zacatecas. 


714  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

The  progress  made  by  the  Franciscans  had  ensured 
to  them  at  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  an  in- 
fluential position  which  was  further  developed  in  the 
following  years.  From  their  first  entry  into  New 
Spain  their  aim  had  been  the  extension  of  their  order 
throughout  the  entire  country;  and  not  confining 
themselves  to  any  special  district,  their  convents  were 
found  in  almost  every  town  or  pueblo  of  importance, 
though  naturally  those  in  the  capital  and  neighbor- 
hood were  most  prominent.41  At  the  beginning  of 
the  seventeenth  century  the  extension  of  the  order 
had  assumed  such  dimensions  that,  in  1604,  the  pro- 
vincia  de  San  Francisco  de  los  Zacatecas  was  estab- 
lished, and  in  1607  that  of  Santiago  of  Jalisco.42  To 
illustrate  how  vast  was  the  influence  of  the  Francis- 
can provincials  at  Mexico,  I  may  mention  that  on 
several  occasions  the  king  requested  them  to  support 
viceroys  in  their  administration.43  Indeed,  such  was 
the  appreciation  of  the  order  by  the  crown,  that  the 
authorities  in  New  Spain  were  instructed  not  to  in- 
terfere in  the  least  with  its  internal  government.44 

While  the  Franciscans  were  thus  steadily  gaining 
ground  in  Mexico  and  its  environs,  their  progress  en- 
countered more  serious  obstacles  in  the  missionary 
field  of  the  central  and  northern  regions.  Effective 
aid  in  this  direction  was  obtained  from  the  Franciscan 
college  for  missionaries  of  Queretaro,  established  in 
1683,  under  the  name  of  Colegio  de  'propaganda  fide, 
by  Fray  Antonio  Linaz  de  Jesus  Maria.45 

41  In  1691,  in  the  province  of  Santo  Evangelio  alone,  they  had  83  convents 
and  monasteries.  Truxillo,  Relation,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  i.  9-10. 
Vetancurt,  Chr6n.%  30,  says  86.  For  description  and  names  see  Id.,  30  et  seq., 
and  Sierra,  in  Disturbios  de  Frailes,  MS. ,  i.  359. 

42  For  details  about  that  region  see  A  rltgui,  Chron.  Zac. ,  393-438. 
43C6dulas  in  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  iv.  132,  166,  190-1. 
44C6dula  of  February  10,  1714.  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  63-4. 

45  He  had  been  sent  to  Spain  to  attend  a  chapter  of  the  order,  and  there 
obtained  on  April  18,  1682,  the  king's  license  for  the  establishment,  the  con- 
vent of  Santa  Cruz  at  Queretaro  being  granted  him  for  that  purpose.  In  the 
following  month  the  pope  issued  a  confirmatory  bull,  and  in  1683  Linaz  left 
with  22  companions  for  New  Spain,  taking  possession  of  the  convent  assigned 
him  on  the  loth  of  August  1683.  Espiuosa,  Cron.  Apost.,  38-50.  For  rules  to 
which  the  members  were  subject,  see  Id.,  52-4. 


EXTENSION  OF  FRANCISCANS.  715 

The  object  of  this  institution  was  the  preaching  of 
the  gospel  to  the  natives,  especially  in  the  district  of 
Sierra  Gorda,  but  during  the  first  years  of  its  exist- 
ence, the  members  confined  their,  labors  to  the  more 
civilized  regions  extending  from  Queretaro  to  Oajaca 
aud  Yucatan.  In  later  years  they  also  established 
houses  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  under  the  name  of  San 
Fernando,  the  Hospicio  de  Nuestra  Seflora  del  Des- 
tierro  at  Puebla,  and  at  Zacatecas,  the  college  of 
Nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe.46 

From  these  establishments  and  the  regular  con- 
vents of  the  order  issued  the  Franciscan  missionaries, 
who  unceasingly  devoted  their  energies  to  the  conver- 
sion of  the  savages  in  the  northern  districts.  Mis- 
sions in  the  district  of  Rio  Verde  were  founded  in 
1612  and  succeeding  years,  and  an  independent  cus- 
todia,  under  the  name  of  Santa  Catarina  Martir  de  Rio 
Verde,  was  temporarily  established,47  but  more  effect- 
ive labors  were  delayed  till  1686.  From  that  time 
the  gospel  was  also  preached  with  alternating  suc- 
cess in  the  more  remote  parts  of  Tamaulipas,  San 
Luis  Potosi,  and  Nuevo  Leon,  the  result  being  fre- 
qently  jeopardized  by  the  extortions  of  the  Spaniards, 
who  ever  followed  the  steps  of  the  advancing  friars.48 

It  was  not  until  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, after  the  conquest  of  the  Sierra  Gorda  by  Es- 
candon,  that  Christianity  became  more  widely  spread 
and  more  firmly  established  there,  the  missionaries, 
after  that  time,  being  only  exposed  to  such  cause  of 
failure  as  emanated  from  the  generally  poor  condi- 
tion of  the  Indians.  These  were  often  unable  to  furnish 
the  means  requisite  for  the  maintenance  of  the  friars, 
and  occasionally  it  was  even  necessary  to  supply  some 

46  This  hospicio  was  closed  in  1772  for  want  of  funds.  Arricivita,  Crdn. 
Sera/.,  431-7. 

47  Erected  as  such  in  1621,  but  later  reunited  with  the  province  of  Michoa- 
can,  owing  to  insufficiency  of  means.  Arias,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  MS., 
319-20.  Re  villa  Gigedo  in  his  report  on  missions  says  the  founding  of  Rio 
Verde  took  place  in  1607,  but  this  indicates  probably  the  first  date  when  mis- 
sionary labors  began  in  that  region. 

48 See  N.  Mexico,  Cedulas,  MS.,  196-9;  also  Revilla  Gigedo,  in  Dice,  Univ., 
v.  458. 


716  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

of  the  missions  established  after  174449  with  provisions 
and  tools  to  prevent  the  Indians  from  deserting  the 
settlements.  Notwithstanding  the  great  interest  dis- 
played in  such  cases  both  by  private  persons  and  friars,50 
in  several  instances  the  padres  either  abandoned  the 
missions  or  delivered  them  to  the  secular  clergy.  But 
the  secularization  system  was  also  applied,  and  eigh- 
teen establishments  of  the  Tampico  jurisdiction,  merely 
because  of  their  advanced  condition,  were  transferred 
to  the  ecclesiastics  of  the  church.51  That  such  changes 
were  not  always  advantageous  is  certain,  for  in  several 
instances  missions  were  subsequently  restored  to  the 
orders,  and  at  the  close  of  the  century  only  a  portion 
of  those  secularized  were  in  charge  of  the  secular 
clergy,  the  remainder  being  intrusted  to  the  friars. 

In  Yucatan  the  Franciscans  were  almost  the  only 
order  represented,  for  though  the  Jesuits  attempted 
to  establish  colleges  in  that  province,  their  influence 
was  only  temporary  and  never  important.  With  the 
field  of  labor  to  themselves  the  Franciscan  friars 
gained  almost  absolute  direction.52  Their  missionary 
zeal  led  them  on  several  occasions  to  undertake  the 
conversion  of  the  wild  tribes  in  the  centre  of  the 
Peninsula,  but  their  labors  were  only  partially  suc- 
cessful, and  several  of  them  gained  only  the  crown 
of  martyrdom. 

Less  prominent  than  the  followers  of  St  Francis  of 
Assisi  were  the  barefooted  friars  of  the  same  name 

49 Friars  of  the  college  of  San  Fernando  at  Mexico  had  established  the 
missions  of  Xalpa,  Purisima  Concepcion,  San  Miguel,  San  Francisco,  and 
Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Luz,  but  they  declined  owing  to  the  death  of  several 
friars  and  the  return  of  others  to  the  college.  In  1750,  however,  others  were 
sent,  among  them  the  famous  California  missionaries  Junipero  Serraand  Fran- 
cisco Palou,  who  resumed  the  work  with  good  success.  Palou,  Vida,  2i-9, 
34-5.     See  also  Arias,  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  MS.,  329-30. 

50 The  settlement  of  Divina  Fastora  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Eio  Verde  Mas 
made  at  the  expense  of  the  count  de  Santa  Maria  Guadalupe  del  Pciiasco  and 
maintained  by  him  for  about  20  years.  Michoacan,  Informe,  in  Id.,  13G-7; 
Arias,  in  Id.,  323. 

51  See  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex.,  MS.,  457.  The  total  number  of  missions  in 
Tamaulipas  in  1787  was  48,,  partly  belonging  to  the  custodia  of  Tampico,  partly 
to  that  of  New  Mexico.  Ylzarbe,  in  Id.,  345-GO. 

52  In  1G87  a  mission  of  20  friars  was  sent  to  Yucatan,  and  the  king  granted 
them  the  usual  alms  of  oil  and  wine.  (Jrdenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  58. 


AUGUSTINIAN  PROGRESS.  717 

belonging  to  the  province  of  San  Diego.  They  also 
spread  toward  the  north,  founding  establishments  in 
Queretaro,  Zacatecas,  and  Guanajuato.  They  more- 
over directed  their  attention  to  the  Sierra  Gorda 
region,53  but  with  less  success,  and  consequently  pros- 
ecuted their  labors  more  generally  in  the  province  of 
Mexico,  where  they  possessed  the  college  of  Pachuca54 
and  the  house  of  Recollects  at  San  Cosme. 

By  the  close  of  the  sixteenth  century  the  Augus- 
tinians  had  founded  so  many  convents  in  localities 
scattered  over  so  wide  a  range  of  country,  that  it  was 
found  necessary  to  divide  the  provincia  into  two  sepa- 
rate jurisdictions.  Accordingly,  permission  having 
been  obtained  from  the  general  of  the  order,  together 
with  the  king's  sanction,  in  1602  the  division  was 
effected,  the  new  provincia  comprising  the  territories 
of  Michoacan  and  Jalisco,  under  the  name  of  the 
provincia  de  San  Nicolas  Tolentino,55  while  that  of 
Mexico  retained  the  former  title  of  Santisimo  Nom- 
bre  de  Jesus.  On  the  22d  of  June,  1602,  the  first 
chapter  was  held  at  Uquareo  attended  by  twenty 
priors,  presided  over  by  Padre  Pedro  de  Vera,  who 
had  been  elected  provincial.56 

It  is  unnecessary  to  pursue  in  detail  the  history  of 
the  provincia  of  San  Nicolas.  The  conditions  and 
mode  of  progress  were  similar  to  those  of  other  orders; 
the  friars  founded  new  convents  and  missions,  strug- 
gled against  the  authority  of  viceroys  and  audiencias, 
opposed  ecclesiastical  encroachments,  and  were  inter- 
nally agitated  by  the  vexed  question  of  equality  of 
Spaniards  and  Creoles.57 

53  In  about  1757  the  order  wished  to  resign  its  settlements  in  that  district, 
but  was  refused  license  to  do  so.  Soriano,  Prd/ogo,  MS.,  5. 

54  Founded  by  virtue  of  a  bull  of  Pope  Benedict  XIII.  of  April  3,  1727, 
and  confirmed  in  July  1733  by  Clement  XII.  Soriano  Prdlogo,  MS.,  4. 

55  Torquemada,  iii.  333;  Grijalua,  Ghron.  cleS.  Augustin,  217—18;  Salguero, 
Vida,  12.  The  king  of  Spain  gave  his  permission  in  1601;  the  act  by  which 
the  division  was  made  was  issued  by  the  '  padre  maestro'  in  Mexico  on  the 
17th  of  March,  1602. 

50  Prov.  Mich.  Agust. ,  1 1 1-13.  The  author  of  this  work  states  that  the  vice- 
roy had  previously  objected  to  the  division. 

57  For  20  years  the  society  of  San  Nicolas  was  ruled  by  the  former,  and 


718  KELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

The  years  between  1G23  and  1626  were  marked  by 
prosperity  and  peace  both  internal  and  external.  This 
period  was  accordingly  signalized  by  the  appellation 
of  'el  fcliz.'  The  debt  with  which  the  provincia  had 
been  encumbered  was  paid  off,  and  money  accumu- 
lated in  the  coffers  of  the  convents;  twenty-five  thou- 
sand pesos  were  expended  on  a  chapel  and  sacristy 
for  the  convent  at  Valladolid;  work  on  nine  different 
churches  was  vigorously  carried  on,  and  the  new  pri- 
ories of  Guacliana  and  Ytuquaro  established.  About 
the  year  1626  the  prosperity  of  the  provincia  of  San 
Nicolas  appears  to  have  reached  its  culmination.58 

In  the  annals  of  the  provincia  of  Santisimo  Nombre 
de  Jesus  the  year  1650  is  memorable  on  account  of  an 
extraordinary  disturbance  occasioned  by  disputes  as 
to  the  successor  of  the  provincial  Fray  Diego  Pacheco 
who  died  during  his  term  of  office.  On  his  demise 
the  friars  Francisco  de  Mendoza  and  Diego  de  los 
Eios  provincial  ad  interim,  together  with  the  defini- 
dores,  elected  Fray  Andres  de  Onate  of  the  provincia 

habits  of  the  order  were  prohibited  from  being  granted  to  the  latter  class. 
Provincia,  in  Disturbios  de  Frailes,MS.,  i.  no.  iv.  1C7.  About  the  year  1630, 
however,  the  Capuchines  were  compelled  to  yield  to  the  pressure  brought  to 
bear  upon  them,  and  the  alternative  system  came  into  force.  Mich.,  Prov.  S. 
Nic.f  189-96.  In  1629  a  violent  dissension  occurred  owing  to  the  appointment 
of  Juan  de  Leivana  as  provincial,  without  any  attention  being  paid  to  the  '  alter- 
nativa.'  Eleven  voters  immediately  proceeded  to  Mexico,  and  by  order  of  the 
viceroy  formed  themselves  into  a  chapter,  admitted  the  alternative  system, 
and  elected  Padre  Vergara  provincial.  Vergara  returned  to  Michoacan 
accompanied  by  an  oidor.  Fray  Leivana  opposed  his  taking  possession  of  the 
office,  and  attempted  to  place  Vergara  in  confinement,  whereupon  a  chapter 
was  held  at  Valladolid,  and  Leivana  was  sentenced  to  be  banished  to  China. 
He  was  afterward  sent  to  Acapulco,  but  the  ships  had  sailed  before  his 
arrival.  Salgucro,  Vida,  87-9;  Prov.  Mich.,  Agust,  192-4.  Veraga  died  in 
the  first  year  of  his  office,  and  was  succeeded  by  P.  Pedro  de  Santa  Maria,  for 
the  concluding  two  years.  In  1632  the  majority  elected  P.  Damian  Nunez 
provincial.  Id.,  194-6.  Nunez  was  a  Creole,  and  appears  to  have  been  the 
first  of  that  class  who  occupied  the  office. 

58 The  increase  of  rental  was  estimated  at  300,000  pesos.  The  income  of 
the  provincial  treasury  during  these  three  years  was  54,378  pesos,  of  which 
27,236  pesos  were  expended  on  the  repair  of  churches  and  the  erection  of  the 
Valladolid  chapel;  of  the  remainder,  3,000  pesos  were  allowed  the  provincial 
for  expenses;  2, 136  pesos  were  spent  in  supplying  assistance  to  sick  and  needy 
friars;  debts  amounting  to  3,323  pesos  brought  forward  from  the  preceding 
triennial  were  liquidated,  and  1,360  pesos  were  transmitted  to  the  general  of 
the  order,  making  the  outcome  amount  to  37,055  pesos,  and  leaving  a  bal- 
ance in  favor  of  the  treasury  of  17,323  pesos.  Scdguero,   Vida,  19-21. 


REFRACTORY  FRIARS.  719 

of  Guatemala  as  vicar-provincial.  Thereupon  Fray 
Juan  Guerrero  presented  a  memorial  to  the  viceroy 
setting  forth  that  he  was  in  possession  of  letters  cre- 
dential from  the  general  of  the  order  appointing  him 
successor  in  case  of  the  death  of  the  provincial;  that 
he  had  hitherto  withheld  them,  as  there  had  been  no 
necessity  to  produce  them,  but  that  Onate  being  blind 
and  incapacitated  for  service,  he  now  claimed  his 
right  to  the  office.  This  memorial  was  sent  by  the 
viceroy  to  the  definitorio,  and  caused  Padre  Bios  and 
three  definidores  to  recognize  Guerrero  as  provincial 
and  formally  declare  him  as  such.  This  gave  offence 
to  Padre  Mendoza,  who  hastened  to  attach  to  his 
party  the  archbishop,  inquisitors,  and  nobility.  He 
moreover  immediately  communicated  with  Onate  ten- 
dering his  obedience  to  him  as  provincial.  Onate 
at  once  proceeded  to  Mexico,  performing  various 
duties  pertaining  to  his  office  during  liis  journey.  On 
his  arrival,  however,  the  letters  of  the  Augustinian 
general  which  had  been  in  the  keeping  of  Bios  were 
produced,  and  Guerrero's  party  refused  to  recognize 
Onate.  Mendoza  now  represented  to  the  viceroy  the 
true  state  of  the  case,  maintaining  that  Guerrero 
ought  to  have  produced  his  credentials  earlier,  and 
thus  have  avoided  all  cause  for  dissension.  This  view 
was  adopted  by  the  viceroy,  who  despatched  an  order 
by  the  officers  of  the  criminal  court,  supported  by  the 
palace  guard,  commanding  the  recognition  of  Onate. 
A  great  commotion  ensued.  Bios  and  the  three  defini- 
dores refused  to  obey  the  order  or  open  the  doors  of 
the  convent.  At  nine  o'clock  at  night  the  alcaldes 
and  guard  again  brought  the  commands  of  the  viceroy 
to  the  refractory  friars,  but  without  any  better  result;59 
nor  did  they  yield  until  a  notification  of  banishment 
to  the  port  of  Acapulco  w^as  served  upon  them.  Onate 
was  then  instated  in  his  office,  and  meeting  with  fur- 
ther opposition  he  banished  the  contentious  members 

59  '  Con  que  se  fueron  los  alcaldes  y  guardia,  y  quedo  el  convento  en  un 
infierno  de  disturbios.'  Guijo,  Diario,  143. 


720  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

to  the  pueblo  of  Oquituco,  within  a  week  of  his  in- 
stallation. Some  degree  of  peace  was  thus  restored 
in  the  convent.00 

In  1G0G  the  order  of  barefooted  Au^ustinians  was 
first  represented  in  New  Spain  by  the  arrival  of 
twelve  members  of  that  society  with  Padre  Juan  de 
San  Geronimo  at  their  head.01  They  first  established 
their  hospital  at  Tlatilulco  and  afterwards  removed  to 
the  capital,  occupying  a  house  which  had  been  left 
to  them  by  the  presbyter  Bartolomd  Lopez.02 

The  Dominican  friars,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  ob- 
tained almost  undisputed  possession  of  Oajaca,  their 
establishment  in  that  region  having  been  formed  into 
a  separate  province  under  the  name  of  San  Hipolito. 
They  were  now  bent  on  extending  their  influence  in 
a  northerly  direction  from  the  capital,  and  with  such  a 
view  established  as  early  as  1604  a  convent  at  Zaca- 
tecas,  and  another  in  1610  at  Guadalajara.  Subse- 
quently they  began  to  work  as  missionaries  in  the 
region  of  Sierra  Gorda,  the  present  Queretaro,  where 
the  Franciscans  had  so  far  been  unable  to  establish 
themselves  to  any  extent.  The  Dominicans  com- 
menced the  conversion  of  the  Chichimecs  blancos  in 
1686,  and  about  fifteen  years  later  they  had  at  least 
so  far  succeeded  as  to  found  six  missions  to  which  was 
gathered  the  greater  part  of  the  population.  Unfor- 
tunately a  revolt  of  the  Indians  at  the  beginning  of 

60 ' Quedo  el  convento algo  sosegado  y sus  parciales  con  algunos  temores. ' Id., 
1-45.  During  the  years  1G52  to  1G54  the  Augustinians  were  engaged  in  dis- 
putes with  the  bishops  owing  to  their  removal  from  doctrinas.  Royal  inter- 
ference was  necessary  and  commands  on  the  matter  were  issued.  Frailes 
Doctrin.,  in  Disturbios  de  Frailes,  MS.,  ii.  no.  ii.  129-88.  In  1G7G  the  Augus- 
tinian  church  in  the  capital  was  burnt  down.  Much  popular  superstition 
prevailed  relative  to  this  disaster  and  its  significance.  Shjuenza  y  Goin/ora, 
( 'arta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  1.").  A  royal  cedula  was  issued  in  1741  ordering  the 
provincial  defmitorio  to  be  held  every  two  years.  No  appeal  from  this  decree 
would  be  admitted.  Heales,  Cedulas,  MS.,  130-2. 

61  Nine  of  these  friars  were  ordained  priests,  the  remaining  three  being  lay 
brothers.    Vetancvrt,  Trat.  de  Mex.,  38-9;  Medina,  Chron.  de  S.  Dieyo,  11. 

02  The  pope  granted  extensive  privileges  to  this  order  in  1704:  '  Ut  Rec- 
tores  Provinciates  Discalceatorum  Ordinis  S.  Augustini  Congregationis.  .  . 
gaudeant  eisdem  privileges  quibus  Provinciales  absoluti. '  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov. 
Orb.,  oil.  In  1744  the  mission  of  Paculawas  transferred  from  the  Augustin- 
ians to  the  barefooted  order.  Soriano,  PrOlogo,  S. 


DOMINICAN  LABORS.  721 

the  eighteenth  century  drove  them  back  from  the 
district  which  they  had  gained  with  so  much  labor, 
but  in  1740  fresh  efforts  were  made  in  unison  with 
other  orders,63  to  reestablish  the  missions.  The  at- 
tempt was  so  successful,  that  in  1756  the  mission  of 
Pugniguia  was  in  a  condition  to  be  delivered  to  the 
secular  clergy,  a  change  apparently  injurious  to  the 
settlement,  which  decreased  in  number  of  inhabitants 
considerably  during  the  following  years.64  This  course 
was  nevertheless  persisted  in,  and,  in  1787,  of  all  the 
Dominican  missions  in  the  Sierra  Gorda  district, 
only  that  of  San  Miguel  de  las  Palmas  remained 
under  the  control  of  the  order.65  Strange  as  it  may 
appear,  this  transfer  of  jurisdiction  seems  not  to  have 
encountered  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  friars, 
though  as  a  rule  the  regulars  were  loath  to  release 
their  hold  when  once  they  had  acquired  control  in  a 
new  region. 

Of  the  minor  orders,  such  as  the  Carmelites  and 
friars  of  Our  Lady  of  Mercy,  there  is  little  to  be  said. 
After  founding  their  convents  in  the  capital,  they 
spread  over  portions  of  the  country,  but  in  no  special 
direction  nor  to  any  considerable  extent.  They  pos- 
sessed establishments  in  the  larger  towns,  as  Puebla, 
Vera  Cruz,  Valladolid,  Colima,  Oajaca,  Guadalajara, 
San  Luis  Potosi,  Zacatecas,66  and  other  places,  but 
their  importance  and  influence  always  remained  infe- 
rior to  those  of  the  Franciscans  or  Jesuits.67 

e3  Friars  of  San  Fernando  from  Mexico  and  others  from  Pachuca.  Orozco 
y  Berra,  Carta  Etiiog.,  200. 

640f  200  families  which  composed  the  settlement  in  1750  only  four  remained 
in  1707. 

6aThe  incorporation  of  a  mission  into  the  jurisdiction  of  the  secular  clergy 
was  generally  effected  when  a  certain  degree  of  political  and  religious  intelli- 
gence had  been  acquired  by  the  Indians;  but  on  account  of  its  isolated  situa- 
tion or  for  some  other  reason — perhaps  the  insignificant  perquisites  to  be 
obtained — San  Miguel  was  not  claimed  by  the  bishop.  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex., 
MS.,  271-3,  457-00. 

6GThe  Mercenarios  founded  in  1028  or  1029  a  convent  at  Guadalajara,  and 
in  the  first  years  of  the  eighteenth  century  another  at  Zacatecas.  In  1017 
they  formed  the  provincia  de  la  Visitacion  de  la  Nueva  Espaila. 

67  Nevertheless  the  Mercenarios  were  able  to  pay  in  1785  $100,000  into  the 
royal  treasury  to  be  used  by  the  government  in  Spain  for  ransoming  captive 
christians.    To  obtain  alms  for  that  purpose  was  an  object  of  their  order. 
Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    46 


722  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

The  charitable  order  of  San  Juan  de  Dios  was 
established  in  Mexico  in  1604  by  Cristobal  Munoz, 
who  together  with  four  other  friars  had  been  sent 
from  Spain  for  that  purpose.68  The  building  originally 
intended  for  them  having  been  given  to  the  Hipolitos, 
after  some  negotiations  they  obtained  the  foundling- 
hospital  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Desamparados,  and 
there  they  established  their  hospital  on  the  25th  of 
February.  The  laudable  object  of  the  order — the  as- 
sistance and  care  of  the  sick — and  the  zeal  displayed 
by  the  members  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  soon 
gained  the  sympathy  of  the  population,  and  in  1G06 
one  of  the  brothers  was  sent  back  to  Spain  to  obtain 
from  the  king  licenses  to  found  new  establishments. 
Almost  simultaneously  requests  for  more  friars  were 
made  and  acceded  to  by  the  prior.  Henceforth  the 
number  of  hospitals  increased  rapidly,  especially  to  ward 
the  north,  and  before  many  years  had  elapsed  the  so- 
ciety possessed  houses  in  most  of  the  principal  towns.69 
All  the  different  hospitals  were  united  as  the  pro- 
vincia  del  Espiritu  Santo,  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a 
commissary-general,  appointed  in  Spain.  In  1G36  an 
attempt  was  made  to  establish  a  government  inde- 
pendent of  the  order  in  the  mother  country,  but  the 
effort  failed,  and  ever  afterward  the  society  in  New 
Spain  remained  subject  to  its  control. 

68  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  11,  followed  by  Vetancurt,  Trat.  Mex.,  37, 
gives  Geronimo  de  Seguera  as  the  founder,  and  says  that  the  original  number 
was  16,  but  that  only  four  arrived  in  Mexico. 

69  In  1605  they  entered  Colhna,  where  the  hospital  de  la  Concepcion  was 
given  them;  three  years  later  they  gained  a  firm  footing  in  Zacatecas  and 
Durango.  During  the  years  from  1G11  to  1G23  they  founded  establishments 
at  San  Luis  Potosi,  Guanajuato,  Leon,  Guadalajara,  and  Celaya,-  while  their 
introduction  into  Puebla  and  Yucatan  was  delayed  till  about  1G30,  and  into 
Oajaca  till  1702.  Santos,  Chronologic/,,  ii.  446-91.  On  the  same  and  following 
pages  are  also  some  details  about  the  establishment  of  hospitals  in  other 
places. 

Among  the  special  monk-chronicles  of  the  sixteenth  century  a  prominent 
place  must  be  given  to  that  of  the  Franciscan  province  of  San  Diego  de  Mex- 
ico. Chronica  de  la  Santa  Provinciade  San  Diego  de  Mexico  de  lieliyiosos  Des- 
calzos  de  N.  S.  P.  S.  Franciscan,  Fray  Balthassar  de  Medina.  Mexico,  1682, 
folio.    In  common  with  writings  of  this  class  it  is  mainly  devoted  to  recording 


MEDINA  AND  PADILLA,  723 

the  saintly  lives  and  virtues  of  prominent  friars,  but  in  connection  therewith, 
and  in  separate  chapters,  a  vast  amount  of  political  and  church  history  is 
given;  in  part  compiled  from  existing  authorities,  and  in  part  from  original 
documents.  Compared  with  most  of  the  religious  chronicles,  however,  it  is 
superior  in  style  and  treatment,  being  more  concise,  and  giving  dates  for 
nearly  all  events  mentioned.  On  page  230  is  found  a  curious  map  representing 
a  topographical  view  of  New  Spain,  with  the  various  Franciscan  convents. 
Some  space  is  devoted  to  a  general  description  of  the  cities  and  towns  where- 
in were  situated  convents  of  the  order.  A  list  of  works  used  by  the  author 
is  given,  and  also  a  list  of  writers  of  the  province  who  had  flourished  during 
the  preceding  century.  Medina,  who  was  a  native  of  Mexico,  occupied  a 
prominent  position  in  the  Franciscan  order.  He  was  lecturer  on  theology  and 
philosophy  for  fifteen  years,  successively  held  the  offices  of  definidor  and 
guardian  of  various  convents,  and  in  1G70  was  appointed  visitador  of  his  order 
in  the  Philippine  Islands.  Returning  to  Mexico,  he  devoted  the  remainder 
of  his  life  to  literary  pursuits  and  died  in  1G97.  Besides  the  work  already 
cited,  which  was  the  most  important,  he  wrote  several  others,  all  of  a  religious 
character,  the  most  complete  list  of  them  being  given  by  Beristain. 

As  early  as  1550  the  history  of  the  Dominican  province  of  Mexico  was 
begun,  and  continued  by  successive  writers,  being  first  written  in  Spanish, 
and  subsequently  translated  into  Latin,  but  it  was  not  until  forty  years  later 
that  it  assumed  its  present  form  and  was  published  under  the  title  of  Historia 
de  la  Fvndacion  y  Discvrso  de  la  Provincia,  de  Santiago  de  Mexico,  de  la  Or  den 
de  Predicadores  Por  las  vidas  de  sits  varones  inrignes  y  casos  Notable*  de  Nueua 
Espana,  por  el  Maestro  Fray  Avgvstin  Davilla  Padilla.  Madrid,  159G,  folio. 
This  author,  born  in  Mexico  City  in  1562,  his  parents,  Pedro  Davila  and 
Isabel  de  Padilla,  being  among  the  first  families  of  conquistadores,  was,  as  a 
child,  remarkable  for  his  precocity.  At  four  years  of  age  he  astonished  all  by 
his  intelligence;  at  twelve  he  had  not  only  studied  grammar  but  rhetoric; 
at  thirteen  he  was  a  philosopher;  and  at  sixteen  had  taken  his  degrees  as 
doctor  in  the  university  of  Mexico.  The  walls  of  his  apartment  falling  in 
on  one  occasion,  he  was  saved  from  being  crushed  to  death  by  taking  refuge 
in  a  window;  and  attributing  this  miraculous  escape  to  Our  Lady  of  the 
Rosary,  who  was  the  object  of  his  special  devotion,  he  resolved  to  devote  his 
life  to  the  service  of  God.  Entering  the  Dominican  order  in  1569,  he  was  ap- 
pointed professor  of  philosophy,  and  distinguished  himself  in  the  pulpit. 
Subsequently  he  held  the  office  of  Qualifier  of  the  Inquisition.  Alcedo,  Bib. 
Am.,  MS.,  i.  321.  In  1589,  by  order  of  the  Dominican  chapter-general  of 
Mexico,  he  began  the  Historia  de  la  Fundacion.  The  history  thus  far  written 
was  in  Latin.  After  its  translation  into  Spanish  it  was  found  so  incomplete 
as  to  require  much  research.  According  to  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  Bib.  Mex. 
Gnat. ,  53,  Davila-Padilla  is  said  to  have  drawn  some  of  his  material  from  the 
then  manuscript  work  of  Duran,  published  in  1867  by  Ramirez.  The  work  was 
finished  in  1592.  The  lack  of  paper,  however,  prevented  its  publication  in 
Mexico,  and  it  was  taken  to  Spain  in  1595,  whence  Davila-Padilla  proceeded 
as  procurator-general,  and  published  the  following  year.  A  second  edition 
with  the  same  title  was  issued  at  Brussels  in  1625,  both  of  which  have  become 
exceedingly  rare,  and  still  a  third  edition,  in  1634,  at  Valladolid,  with  the 


724 


RELIGIOUS  ORDERS 


title  changed  to  Varia  Wistaria  de  la  Nueva  Espahay  Florida,  which  are  cited 
by  Nicolas  Antonio,  Bib.  Hist.  Nova,  iii.  175. 

As  shown  in  the  title  the  work  consists  of  a  scries  of  biographies  of  the 
more  prominent  Dominican  friars  who  flourished  in  Mexico  between  1540  and 
1590,  in  connection  with  whose  lives,  which  consist  largely  of  tedious  and 
prolix  descriptions  of  saintly  virtues  and  miracles,  occasional  historical  facts 
arc  given,  but  often  without  dates.  The  style,  which  was  not  uncommon 
among  the  religious  writers  of  that  period,  is  rather  that  of  a  sermon  than  of 
a  historical  narrative.  While  in  Spain  Felipe  III.  appointed  him  general 
chronicler  of  the  Indies  and  royal  chaplain,  and  he  was  also  named  general 
chronicler  of  his  order.  In  1599  he  was  made  archbishop  of  Santo  Domingo, 
where  he  died  in  1G04.  According  to  Alcedo,  Bib.  Am.,  i.  321,  he  received  the 
appointment  of  bishop  of  Santo  Domingo,  but  Nicolas  Antonio,  Bib.  Hisp. 
Nova,  iii.,  whose  statements  are  to  be  preferred,  says  of  him,  'fervidus  atque 
facundus  ecclesiastes,  insulaB  Sancti  Dominici  tandem  creatus  archiepiscopus.' 
A  manuscript  work  entitled  ffistoria  de  los  Antiyuedades  de  los  Indios  is  also 
attributed  to  Davila-Padilla  by  Alcedo. 

Cyriaci  Morelli,  Fasti  Novi  Orbis  et  Ordinationum  Apostolicarum  ad  Indlas 
■pertineatlum  breviarium  cum  Adnotationabus  Venetiis,  1776,  4to,  pp.  viii.  G42, 
is  the  pseudonyme  of  a  Spanish  Jesuit  named  Domingo  Muriel,  who  was  a 
professor  of  his  order  at  Tucuman.  He  prepared  his  work  in  Italy,  after  the 
expulsion  of  his  order  from  the  Spanish  dominions.  He  died  atFaenza  in  1795, 
and  the  book  was  published  by  A.  Zatta.  The  first  part  of  the  volume  is  a  brief 
compendium  in  chronological  order  of  the  chief  events  connected  with  the  his- 
tory of  the  Spanish  American  colonies  from  the  discovery  of  America  until  1771. 
This  is  valuable  chiefly  because  of  the  author's  correction  of  errors  made  by 
other  writers.  Then  follow  in  chronological  order  the  papal  ordinances  on 
questions  of  ecclesiastical  government  and  the  like,  arising  between  those 
dates.  Most  of  these  ordinances  apply  to  America  in  general,  while  a  few  are 
entirely  local.  Many  of  them  are  accompanied  by  valuable  notes  in  which 
the  author  has  brought  together  all  papal  decrees  and  royal  ordinances  bearing 
upon  the  subject  under  consideration.  He  also  quotes  frequently  and  exten- 
sively from  a  vast  array  of  authors  who  contain  matters  german  to  those 
discussed. 

Disturbios  de  Frailes,  fob,  2  vols,  the  first  with  525  pages,  and  the  second 
with  465  pages,  is  the  title  given  to  a  collection  of  documents,  printed  and  in 
manuscript,  mostly  of  the  latter,  relating  to  the  religious  history  of  America, 
chiefly  New  Spain,  and  embracing  the  period  between  1524  and  1811.  A 
large  portion  of  the  collection  refers  to  the  constant  bickerings  between 
friars  born  in  Spain  and  friars  born  in  America  about  the  distribution  of 
offices  in  their  respective  orders,  and  the  measures  upheld  by  some  and 
objected  to  by  others  to  settle  the  question  and  secure  peace  and  harmony. 
Another  large  portion  treats  of  the  differences  between  the  regular  and  soeu- 
lar  clergy  on  the  subject  of  curacies  of  parishes,  with  a  long  list  of  complaints 
by  Indians  of  Puebla  against  the  bishop  and  his  clergy.  Among  the  most 
important  documents  are  those  relating  to  trials  of  religious  by  the  secular 
judiciary,  and  claims  of  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  in  favor  of  the  accused; 
one  of  the  cases  being  that  of  a>  friar  who  murdered  his  prelate  in  1789,  and 


FRANCISCAN  RECORDS.  725 

the  other  of  three  Augustinian  friars  for  political  offences  in  1811.  General 
information  is  given  on  the  Franciscan  province  of  the  Santo  Evangelio  in 
1702,  and  on  two  parish  churches  in  1789.  The  state  of  society  in  Mexico  is 
described  in  letters  answering  a  pastoral  letter  of  the  archbishop  in  1803. 

Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  fol.,  in  two  volumes,  the  first  with  568  pp., 
and  the  second  with  342,  is  the  general  title  given  to  a  collection  of  letters, 
orders,  and  other  documents  connected  with  the  church  in  general,  and  the 
Franciscan  order  in  particular,  nearly  all  being  original,  and  furnishing  not 
only  most  important  data  upon  ecclesiastical  history  and  affairs  from  the 
earliest  days  of  the  religious  orders  in  Mexico  and  Central  America  down  to  the 
early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century,  but  also  complete  lists  of  the  prelates 
that  ruled  the  Franciscans. 

Providencias  Diocesanas  de  Mexico  y  Otras  Superiores,  MS.,  4to,  521  pp.,  is 
a  collection  of  copies  and  memorandums  of  decrees  issued  by  the  archbishop  of 
Mexico  to  the  clergy  of  bis  archdiocese,  including  other  documents,  among 
them  some  royal  and  viceregal  orders,  for  the  eighteenth  century,  the  first 
few  years  of  the  nineteenth,  and  a  few  papers  dating  back  to  the  seventeenth 
century.  Much  of  the  material  is  important,  throwing  light  not  only  upon 
ecclesiastical  but  also  on  secular  affairs  of  New  Spain. 

Ay  eta,  Defensa  de  'la  Verdad  consagrada  a  la  luz  de  la  Justicia  (about 
1683),  fol.  302  1.  The  king  by  cedulasof  1078  and  1682  having  empowered 
the  bishop  to  enforce  a  surrender  of  certain  curacies  to  the  clergy,  the  Fran- 
ciscans of  the  Jalisco  provincia  became  alarmed  and  indignant.  Their  remon- 
strances took  the  form  of  a  ponderous  printed  tome  of  argument  upon  the 
respective  rights  of  bishops  and  friars,  the  pages  of  which  are  laden  with 
learned  extracts  from  civil  and  ecclesiastical  law,  and  the  margins  bristling 
with  Latin  citations.  The  author,  Fray  Francisco  de  Ayeta,  was  procurador 
general  of  the  order,  and  about  the  same  time  addressed  to  his  Majesty  a 
memorial  Representation  por  los  Franciscanos,  fol.  15  1.,  on  the  subject  of  the 
privileges  of  friars,  at  the  conclusion  of  which  he  implores  the  king  to  re- 
lieve his  order  from  the  oppression  to  which  it  was  subjected,  or  grant  that 
the  question  might  be  carried  to  Rome.  Leon,  Martin  de,  Manval  Breve,  y 
Forma  de  administrar  los  Santos  Sarramentos  a  los  Indios,  Mexico,  1640,  sm. 
4to,  11.  54.  A  rare  book,  which  as  its  name  implies  contains  regulations  as 
to  the  mode  of  administering  the  sacraments  to  the  Indians.  Ribadeneyra, 
Antonio  Joaquin  de,  Manual  Compendio  de  el  Regio  Patronato  Indiano.  Mad- 
rid, 1755,  4to,  11.  22,  pp.  531.  A  prolix  work  on  church  patronage  of  the 
crown,  designed  for  the  assistance  of  governors  and  rulers  in  the  Indies.  It 
contains,  moreover,  some  information  on  the  working  of  the  religious  orders. 
Various  papal  bulls  are  cited,  copies  of  which  in  Latin,  with  Spanish  transla- 
tions, are  supplied  at  the  end  of  the  volume.  Bernal  y  3Ialo,  Waldo  Inda- 
lecio,  Alcgato  presentado  en  el  ano  de  1702  al  Escmo  e  Illmo  Sr  Arzobispo. 
This  is  a  treatise  in  defence  of  ecclesiastical  privilege.  The  occasion  which 
gave  rise  to  its  production  was  the  murder  of  the  comendador  of  the  Merced 
order  in  Mexico  by  Fray  Jacinto  Miranda.  The  manuscript  having  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  A.  V.  y  Moya,  he  had  it  printed  and  published  in  Oajaca 
in  1844. 

Figueroa,  Fr  Fran™  Ant°  de  la  Rosa.     Becerro  Gen\  Menologico  y  crono- 


726  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

lun'ico  de  todos  los  Peligiosos  que...  ha  habido  en  esta  Sta  Prov<*>  del  Santo 
Evangelio,  MS.  (copy),  1764,  fol.  33  pages,  in  Pap\  Franc™*  I.,  1st  ser.  13-51, 
no.  1,  contains  a  great  deal  of  information  on  the  foundation  and  workings  of 
the  Franciscans  in  the  various  provinces  of  Mexico,  Michoacan,  Jalisco,  Zaca- 
tecas,  Yucatan,  Guatemala,  Florida,  and  the  Philippine  Islands  down  to  the 
year  he  wrote.  It  was  evidently  a  much  longer  work,  giving  the  names  of  all 
the  friars  who  served  in  said  provinces,  and  particulars  respecting  them — all 
this  is  missing.  Beaumont,  Friar  Pablo  de  la  Purisima  Conception.  Crdnica 
de  la  Provincia  de  los  Santos  Apdstoles  SanPadro  y  San  Pablo  de  Michoacan .  . . 
Mex.  1873-4,  12mo,  5  vols.  (pp.  582,  544,  5G7,  C30,  C32,  respectively);  fol, 
MS.,  1  vol.,  pp.  1183,  and  8  sheets  of  Indian  paintings. 

The  author  had  been  educated  in  Paris  as  a  physician,  and  afterward  became 
tired  of  the  world  and  joined  the  Franciscan  order.  Having  come  to  Mexico 
he  was  assigned  to  Michoacan,  where  he  served ;  but  his  uncertain  health  not 
allowing  of  his  devoting  himself  to  the  more  active  duties  of  a  missionary, 
he  undertook  the  work  of  recording  the  chronicles  of  his  province.  He  had 
intended  to  bring  them  down  to  1G40,  and  had  prepared  a  vast  plan,  that  he  was 
not  permitted  to  accomplish,  sickness  and  death  putting  an  end  to  his  labors 
when  he  had  recorded  events  only  to  1565-6,  though  in  some  parts  of  his  narra- 
tive are  mentioned  those  of  a  later  date.  The  work  was  probably  written  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  IStli  century — the  last  dates  spoken  of  therein  being  of 
1777 — and  breaks  off  with  only  a  few  pages  in  the  third  book.  He  was  not 
satisfied  with  merely  fulfilling  the  pious  duty  (of  itself  a  laborious  one)  of 
chronicling  the  missionary  life  and  services  of  the  Franciscan  and  other  relig- 
ious orders,  as  well  as  of  the  church  in  general,  within  the  region  comprised  in 
the  Franciscan  'custodia'  (as  first  constituted),  and  'provincia'  (as  it  be- 
came in  1566),  of  Michoacan  and  Jalisco,  but  taking  up  history  from  the 
earliest  time  of  the  western  continent,  gave  an  introduction,  called  by  him 
Aparato,  containing  a  narrative  of  events  from  the  discovery  of  America  to 
the  capture  of  the  Aztec  capital  by  Cort6s. 

For  the  purpose  of  his  work  he  gathered,  as  he  tells  us,  a  large  quantity 
of  MSS.  and  authentic  documents,  from  which  and  from  pertinent  printed 
material  (some  30  standard  writers,  with  whom  he  at  times  disagrees)  he  drew 
his  information,  forming  a  collection  of  historical  facts  relating  to  the  interior 
provinces,  as  far  as  New  Mexico,  and  even  to  general  history.  Of  many  of 
the  documents  he  gives  full  copies.  The  last  part  gives  general  remarks  on 
Michoacan,  physically  and  politically  considered,  from  1525  to  15GG,  and 
quite  full  information  on  agriculture,  food  of  the  natives,  etc.  The  style  of 
the  work,  like  that  of  most  writings  of  churchmen  of  that  period,  is  too 
prolix,  and  confused  at  times;  the  writer's  judgment  is  often  open  to  doubt, 
and  his  Spanish  somewhat  defective,  which  Beaumont  himself  attributes  to 
his  education  in  Paris;  but  such  drawbacks  must  be  overlooked,  and  the  im- 
portance of  the  material  chiefly  considered.  The  Indian  paintings  at  the  end 
of  the  MS.  copy  give  incidents  of  the  first  visits  of  the  Spaniards  to  Michoa- 
can, their  reception  by  the  Tarascans,  labors  of  Franciscan  priests,  establish- 
ment of  the  episcopal  sec,  litigation  anent  the  capital  of  the  province,  and  the 
last  sheet  gives  colored  drawings  of  coats-of-arms  of  the  principal  cities  of 
Michoacan.     My  manuscript  copy  was  taken  from  the  Mexican  archives. 


CHURCH  CHRONICLERS.  727 

Of  the  Aparato  above  alluded  to,  Bustamante  (C.  M.)  published  an  edition, 
Historia  del  Descubrimiento  de  la  America  Septentrional  por  Cristdbal  Colon, 
escrlta  por  R.  P.  Fr.  'Manuel  de  la  Vega,  of  the  Franciscan  province  of  the 
Santo  Evangelio  de  Mexico,  Mex.,  182G,  4to,  an  incomplete,  untrue,  and  use- 
less edition.  Vega,  placed  as  the  author,  was  but  the  owner  of  the  MS.  which 
served  Bustamante  as  original.  Beristain  does  not  know  of  the  Crdnica,  but 
refers  to  the  author  as  a  doctor  and  man  of  the  world  before  he  took  the  habit. 

The  authorities  I  have  consulted  on  church  affairs,  utilizing  facts  perti- 
nent to  the  subject,  have  been:  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  Teatro  Eclesidstico,  and  Tor- 
quemala,  Monorchia  Indiana,  on  the  history  of  the  older  dioceses  and  the 
religious  orders;  Concilios  Provinciates,  1°  y  2°,  and  Concilios  Mexicanos,  iii. 
iv.,  for  the  general  rules  adopted  by  the  several  episcopal  councils  of  Mex- 
ico for  the  government  of  the  church,  and  for  biographies  of  bishops;  Vetan- 
cur,  Tratado  de  la  Ciudad  de  Mexico,  and  Vetancurt,  Menologio;  Crijalua, 
Chrdnica  de  San  Agusiin;  Medina,  Chrdnica  de  San  Diego;  Michoacan,  Pro- 
vincia  de  San  Nicolas,  Basalenque,  Historia  de  San  Nicolas;  Florencia,  His- 
toria de  la  Compania  de  Jesus,  and  Alegre,  Historia  de  la  CompaMa  de  Jesus; 
for  the  chronicles  of  the  religious  orders  to  which  the  authors  respectively  be- 
longed. Humboldt,  Essai  Politique,  has  furnished  much  valuable  matter  on 
general  history  and  statistics.  Another  contributor,  valued  for  his  well  con- 
sidered opinions  upon  religious  policy  and  history,  is  Lucas  Alaman,  His- 
toria de  Mejico,  and  Disertaciones.  Other  writers  of  more  modern  date,  and 
entitled  to  more  or  less  credit  for  arriving  at  the  view  taken  by  them  of  eccle- 
siastical policy  and  conduct  from  both  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  standpoint, 
have  been  duly  considered.  Among  these  the  chief  one  is  Francisco  Sosa,  Epis- 
copado  Mexicano,  who  gives  biographies  of  the  archbishops  of  Mexico  from 
the  earliest  colonial  time  to  the  latest  days;  out  of  this  work  I  have  obtained 
a  great  deal  of  information  on  the  rule  of  each  archbishop,  and  consequently 
on  the  relations  of  church  and  state,  thus  at  the  same  time  furnishing  much 
interesting  matter  of  a  secular  nature.  As  the  reader  will  perceive,  a  very 
long  list  of  writers  has  been  carefully  read,  and  some  important  item  culled 
out  of  each.  But  among  the  sources  that  have  afforded  me  useful  and  incon- 
trovertible data,  and  to  which  I  must  give  a  prominent  place,  have  been  the 
several  collections  of  papal  briefs  or  bulls,  and  royal  cedulas  for  the  govern- 
ment of  the  church,  that  I  possess;  some  of  them  being  in  print,  such  as  Morelli, 
Fasti  Novi  Orbi,  Recopilacion  de  Indias,  Belena,  Recopilacion,  Montemayor, 
Svmarios,  and  Zamora,  Biblioteca  de  Legislacion  Ultramarina,  and  a  large 
number  in  manuscript;  the  reports  of  several  viceroys  to  their  immediate 
successors,  and  edicts  of  the  court  of  the  inquisition  issued  with  the  view 
of  checking  immoral  practices  of  the  clergy,  and  generally  for  the  promo- 
tion of  public  morals.  Some  of  the  original  manuscripts  throw  light  upon 
the  mode  of  procedure  of  that  dread  tribunal.  Other  important  sources  have 
been  also  the  Gacetas  de  Mexico,  from  1784  to  1805,  and  several  preceding  and 
succeeding  numbers.  The  manuscripts  alluded  to  are:  Papeles  Franciscanos, 
Figueroa,  Vindicias  de  la  Verdad,  Providencias  Diocesanas,  and  Disturbios  de 
Frailes,  which  are  fdled  with  ecclesiastical  matter,  particularly  laws  and  de- 
crees; Ordenesde  la  Corona,  Rescriptos  Reales,  Disposiciones  Varias,  Cedulario, 
Reales  Cedulas,  Providencias  Reales,  Varias  Anotaciones  delas  Leyes,  and  other 
collections,  the  names  of  ail  of  which  indicate  their  contents. 


728  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

For  broader  references  the  reader  may  consult  the  following :  Ordenes  de 
la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  31  etseq.;  ii.,  passim;  iii.  81,  134,  169-73;  iv.  21  etseq.; 
v.  1-7,  31-85,  100,  106-9,  121  7;  vi.  05,  117-30,  143-6;  vii.  11,  passim;  Da- 
vila,  Continuation,  MS.,  193  etseq.;  Figueroa,  Vindicias,  MS.,  1-80,  114-25, 
129-38,  148;  Disturbioa  de  Frailes,  MS.,  i.,  passim;  ii.  1-5,  37,  129-227, 
242-5,  331-40;  Papeles  Franciseanos,  MS.,  i.  13,  64,  80,  222-40,  375,  378, 
414,  473,  564;  ii.  67-72,  154,  178-200,  253-67,312-13;  Azanza,Yn8truc.,  MS., 
95-103;  Providential  Reales,  MS.,  52  ct  seq.;  Sierra,  Dictdmen,  MS.,  351- 
501;  Reales  Ce'dulas,  MS.,  i.  27-35,  73-83,  90-2,  192-6,  200-13;  ii.  53-4, 
116-18,  124-58,  239-41;  Provincia  de  S.Diego,  MS.,  148-67;  Papeles  de 
Jesuit  as,  MS.,  1-31;  Pinarl,  Col.  Doc.  Misiones,  passim  ;  Id.,  Doc.  Son.,  MS., 
i.  6-14;  Id.,  Doc.  Chili.,  MS.,  i.  6-7;  Vei/ia  Linage,  Cuatro  Imageries,  MS., 
passim;  Proceso  sob  re  Religiosos,  MS.,  passim;  Enriquez,  Proceso  y  Causa 
Criminal,  MS.,  passim;  Mex.,  Providencias  Diocesanas,  MS.,  passim;  Dur., 
Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  51-9;  Ximenez,  Inquisidor  fiscal  contra,  MS.,  passim; 
Fund.  Prov.  Santiago,  MS.,  7;  Sigilenza  y  G&ngora,  Carta  al  Almirante, 
MS.,  10-15;  Id.,  Glorias  de  Que?:,  11-37;  Id.,  Parayso  Occid.,  39,  passim; 
Nueva  Espana,  Breve  Pes.,  MS.,  i.  141;  Rescriptos  Reales  Ecles.,  MS., 
8,  passim;  Bernal  y  Malo,  Dejensa  Prov.  Merced.,  MS.,  passim;  Morfi, 
Col.  Doc,  MS.,  26-33;  Tamayo,  Al  Regente  Romd,  MS.,  passim;  Lobo,  Rela- 
tion, MS.,  1;  Monument os  Domin.  Esp.,  MS.,  19  et  seq.;  Galvez,  Informe  del 
Viitado7;  MS.,  64-81;  Grambila,  Tumultos,  MS.,  1;  Coloquio  entre  Sophronico 
y  Leonido,  MS.,  passim;  Concilio  Prov.,  MS.,  iv.  206;  Vireyes  de  Mex.,  ln- 
struc,  MS.,  3,  12;  Recop.  de  Indias,  i.,  passim;  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  49-77;  iii. 
63,  passim;  Doc.  Ecles.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  1,5,  8;  ii.  1-3;  iii.  1-3;  iv.  2-5;  v. 
1-3;  Reales  Ordenes,  i.  447-9;  v.  167-72,  244-59;  vi.  65-8;  Branciforte,  In- 
struc,  MS.,  44-6;  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  xxi.  469-85,  512-18;  Gomez,  Diario, 
20,  passim;  Roble*,  Diario,  i.— ii. ,  passim;  Rivera,  Diario,  11  etseq.;  Doc. 
Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.  torn.  i.  7-100;  iv.,  passim;  Colon,  Juzgados  Mil/tares, 
i.  224-43;  Diezmos  de  Indias,  nos.  iv.  vi.  x.-xiv. ;  Constitution  Fiel  y  Lit- 
eral, passim;  Breve  Apostolico,  passim;  Fabian,  Col.  Providencias,  passim; 
Zavaleta,  Carta,  passim;  Revilla  Ghjedo,  Instruc,  MS.,  i.,  passim;  Id., 
Bandos,  2,  4-14,  54,  60,  81-2;  Arevalo,  Actus  Ayunt.  Gnat.,  128-9;  Mon- 
temayor,  Scmarios,  3-56;  Cedulario  Nuevo,  i.  390;  Nuevo  Mex.,  Ccdulas, 
MS.,  301-2;  Guijo,  Diario,  i.  4,  passim;  Disposiciones  Varias,  i.  78;  iii.  152; 
v.  13,  533;  vi.,  passim;  Leyes,  Varias  Anotaciones,  4,  passim;  Gnat.,  Col. 
Ccdulas  Reales,  passim;  63-202;  Belena,  Recop.,  i.  212-17,  291,  336-40;  ii. 
387-8;  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc,  vi.  324;  xvii.  290-1;  Gonzalez  D&- 
vila,  Theatro  Ecles.,  i.,  passim;  ii.  15-16,  33-43,  64;  Arlegui,  Prov.  Zac, 
49,  passim;  Puga,  Cedulario,  27,  78,  112,  210;  Calle,  Mem.  y  Not.,  45,  pas- 
sim; Vetanevrt,  Chron.  Sto.  Evang.,  24-135;  Id.,  Menologio,  11,  passim; 
Id.,  Trat.  Ciudad  Mex.,  26-53;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.,  i.  201-3;  ii.  15,  pas- 
sim; iii.  8,  passim;  Salguero,  Vida,  passim;  Medina,  Chron.  S.  Diego,  11, 
passim;  Id.,  Vida  Rodriguez,  passim;  Castro,  Diario,  6  et  seq.;  Espinosa, 
Chron.  Apost.,  12,  passim;  Morelli,  Fast.  Nov.  Orb.,  151,  passim;  J  Kar- 
ros, Guat.,  i.  324,  360;  Id.,  Compendia,  288-98,  322-6,  359;  Santos,  Chro- 
nologia  Hospitalaria,  433-98;  Mota  Padilla,  Conq.  iV.  Galicia,  178,  184,  346, 
509;  Villaguiierre,  Hist.  Conq.  Itza,  1S6-7;  Remesal,  Hist.  Chyapa,  302-15, 
473-4,  693-9,  704-8;  Torquemada,  i.  337;  iii.  337-82;  Villa'-Seuor  y  San- 
chez, Theatro,  i.  28-53,  241-58;  ii.  28,  205,  passim;  Mendieta,  Hist.  Ecles., 
546;  Robles,  Vida  Cuevas,  122-34,  304-5;  Gage's  Voyage,  ii.  67-50;  Iglesias  y 
Conventas  de  Mex.,  65-8,  245-61,  316-20;  Iglesia  Catedral,  Reglas  y  Orde- 
nanzas,  passim  ;  Iglesias  San  Miguel,  Relation  Sencilla,  passim ;  Gonzalez,  N. 
Laon,  15,  98-107,  122,  152,  373-7;  Tumultos  de  Mex.,  MS.,  2-7;  Fernandez, 
Hist.  Ecles.,  134-6;  Fernando  VII.,  Decretos,  86-90;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  ii. 
112-13;  iii.  1-5,  29-30;  iv.  175-9;  Alcedo,  Dice,  i.  108,  493;  ii.  245-6;  iii.  141; 
Arricirita,  Cr6n.  Serafica,  passim;  Cabrera,  Escudo  Armas,  97-106,  170-1; 
Campillo,  Nuevo  Sistema,  43-51;  Zuniga  y  O.,  Calendar io,  34-79;  Ladron 
de.  Guevara,  Manifiesto,  14,  passim;  Nararrete,  Trat.  Mis/.,  295-6;  Id., 
Rel.  Peregrina,  ii.   14,  passim;  iii.  3,  passim;  Prov.  Mich.,  111-215;  Beau- 


ADDITIONAL  REFERENCES.  729 

mont,  Crdn.  Hick,  866,  911;  Id.,  MS.,  829;  Florencia,  Hist.  Comp.  de 
Jesus,  232-3;  Ddvila,  Mem.  Hist.,  19-182,  228-9;  Garcia,  J  list.  Beth.,  iii. 
20-30,  iv.  1-27;  Palou,  Vida,  24-39;  Burgoa,  Palestra  Hist.,  78-207;  Id., 
Geo(j.  Descrip.  Oaj.,  i.  7,  92-192;  ii.  1-18,  210-27,  285-366,  410;  Cogollvdo, 
Hist.  Yuc,  206,  passim;  Cortes,  Diario,  1812,  xii.  348;  Aim.  Calendario 
1842,  61-4;  Id.,  1862,  35-6;  Id.,  1794,  11-13;  Gaz.  de  Mex.,  i.-xvi.,  passim; 
Arevalo,  Compend.,  30,  passim;  Alzafe,  Gacetas,  i.  34;  ii.  450-7;  iii.  351-3; 
iv.  1-6;  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol,  105,  127-8,  195-6;  ii.  473-8;  Id.,  Tobias 
Estad.,  MS.,  41;  Zavcda,  Rev.  Mex.,  13-16,  33-4,  66;  Zerecero,  Mem.  Rev., 
157-9,  255-7,  457-98,  506-13;  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult.,  v.  43-61;  vi.  65-6; 
Arze  y  Porteria,  Informe,  305;  Ylzarbe,  Informe,  345-51;  Buedo,  Informes 
Misiones,  367-96;  Villuendos,  Estado  de  la  Mission,  7-14;  Martinez,  Estado, 
357;  Mas6res,  Informe,  201-24;  Garcia,  Informe,  Misiones  Bio  Grande,  49; 
Ballido,  Eaxardo,  Informe,  397-407;  Nayarit,  Informe,  61-87;  Bcjarano, 
Informe,  1-4;  Navarro,  Misiones  de  Nayarit,  463-82;  Arias,  Informe,  319- 
43;  Mich.,  Obispo  de,  Informe  Misiones  Rio  Verde,  101-51;  Eonsera  y  Ur- 
rutia,  Real  Hac,  iii.  89-135;  v.  276-8;  vi.  303-20;  Alvarez,  Estudios,  iii. 
385-422;  Mora,  Rev.  Mex.,  i.  269;  iii.  267-72,  358;  iv.  58;  Id.,  Obras 
Sueltos,  i.  1,  et  seq.;  Arrongoiz,  Mex.,  iii.  74;  Laet,  Arner.  Descrip.,  253-69; 
Alaman,  Hist.  Mex.,  i.  13,  68-84,  121;  ii.  96;  iii.  3S1;  Id.,  Disert.,  ii. 
221-2;  iii.  302-36;  Arroniz,  Biog.  Mex.,  152-5,  232-5;  Id.,  Hist,  y  Cron., 
85-8;  Rivera,  Gob.  Mex.,  120-22,  130-5,  159-61,  172-92,  200-63;  Origendel 
Santuario  de  San  Juan,  passim;  Covadonga,  Constituciones,  passim;  LasCasa, 
Peregrina  solar,  passim ;  Conventos  de  la  C'iudad,  passim ;  Defensade  la  Verdad, 
1-6;  Id.,  Juridica,  passim;  Inigo,  Funeral  Gratitud,  passim;  Inquisidores  con- 
tra la  heretica,  passim;  Beaufort,  Hist.  Papas,  v.  320-30;  Beristain,  Elogio, 
MS.,  passim;  Eguiara  y  Eguren,  Vida  de  Arellano  y  Sosso,  passim;  Gaudara, 
Vida  de  Lazcano,  1-130;  Ladron  de  Guevara,  Manifesto,  passim;  Grijalua, 
Chrdn.  de  San  Augustin,  217-18;  Lascano,Vida  P.  Oviedo,  passim;  Ossima, 
Periginacion,  passim;  Quiroga,  Compend.,  passim;  Martinez,  Sermon  Pane- 
girico,  passim;  Orozco,  Carta Etnografia,  260-89;  Leon,  Manual  breve, passim; 
Osor io,  Americano  Serdphico,  passim;  Ponze  de  Leon,  La  Azucena,  passim; 
Scdes,  El  Sacerdote  Instruido,  passim;  Sanchez,  Informe,  passim;  Romero, 
Not.  Mich.,  passim;  Carriedo,  Estudios  Hist.,  67-73,  114-17,  121-2;  Stephen's 
Yuc,  ii.  193-4;  Ancona,  Hist.  Yuc,  ii.  200-67,  321-52,  389-96,  456,  562-4; 
Lacunza,  Discursos,  nos.  xxxv.-vi.;  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  Apunt.  Hist.,  297-8, 
313;  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  i.  92-3,  112,  118;  Sosa,  Episcop.  Mex.,  55-102, 
126,  145,  151,  160,  214;  Zamacois,  Hist.  Mex.,  v.  277-9,  309.  335,  passim; 
vi.  21,  30,  39,  48,  191,  608;  vii.  38,  194;  viii.  27-8;  x.  513;  Palafox,  Vida 
del  Ven.,  27-119;  Gil,  Fund.  Obra  Pia.  passim;  Iglesias  de  Dur.,  1-85; 
Gomez,  Vida  Madre  Antonia,  passim;  Velasco  y  Tejada,  Hist.  Imogen,  pas- 
sim; Velasco,  El  Pretendiente,  passim;  Vallejo,  Vida  dd  Sruor  Jose,  passim; 
Velasco,  Manifesto,  passim;  Verona,  Paramologia,  8-10;  Zavcda,  Venerable 
Congreg.,  passim;  Constituciones  de..San  Hipolyto,  passim;  Ddvila,  Vida  de 
Perez  de  Barcia,  24;  Convento  de  San  Lorenzo  Begins,  1-146,  Beccatini.  Vida 
Carlos  III.,  ii.  49-62,  88-9;  Bernal  y  Malo,  Indalecio,  passim;  Certifcacion 
de  las  Mercedes,  MS.,  23-33,  84-90;  Alccdde,  Elogios  Funebres,  1-49;  Archi- 
cofradia  del  Arcangel  Constituciones,  passim ;  Florencia,  de  Leon,  Hist.  Vida 
Molina,  passim;  Castillo,  Dice.  Hist.,  9,  52-8,  127-54,  178,  183,  296-314; 
Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  40;  Id.,  Not.  Chih.,  32;  Id.,  Not.  Eur.,  23;  A/icho- 
acan,  Prov.  S.  Nic,  2,  passim;  Mexico,  Arancel  Parroquial,  1-16;  Mai- 
tratamiento  de  Indios,  passim;  Ayetta,  Informes,  273-93;  Soriano,  Prdlogo, 
MS.,  4-23;  Vilaplana,  Vida  Portentosa,,  paesim;  Texeda,  Representacion, 
passim;  Sigala,  Discurso,  passim;  Tornel  Mendivil,  Aparicion,  ii.  183-97; 
Torrubia,  Examen  Canonico,  passim;  Castro,  Exaltacion  Magnified,  passim; 
/c/.,  Directorio,  passim;  Hernandez,  Estad.  Mex.,  257-8;  Soc.  Mex.  Geoq., 
Boletin,  ii.  6,  8,  16-23,  42-4;  iii.  23;  viii.  175-7,  493-4,  547-9.  628-40;  ix. 
49,  140,  151,  167;  Id.,  2da  ep.  i.  286,  486-95,  565-73,  649,  830-41,  921-25; 
iii.  21;  iv.  153-69,  639-40;  Id.,  3ra  ep.  i.  257,  650-1;  Album  Mex..  i.  183-4, 
291,  308,  352,  409,  422,  455,  584-8;  Die.  Univ.,  i.-x.,  passim;  Mosaico,  Mex., 


730  RELIGIOUS  ORDERS. 

ii.  385-92;  iii.  G,  21-4;  iv.  10,  203;  vi.  1G1-2;  vii.  228;  Musco  Mex. ,  i.  8,  50, 
133,  337,  passim;  ii. 356-7,  409-14;  iii.  80-2,  101-5;  iv.  93-4,  200,  430-4;  Regis- 
tro,  Yitcafeco,  i.  158-9,  228-30;  ii.  81-108,  331-43;  Pap.  Var.,  i.  G;  v.  14^35; 
ix.  9-37;  xli.  32-3;  cxxi.  45-56;  cxlix.  14-20;  clxiv.  passim;  clxxxiii.,  passim; 
Harper's  Mag.,  xlix.  179-SO;  files'  Reg.,  xxiii.  156;  Ward's  Mex.,  i.  331-5; 
Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec,  i.  202;  Id.,  MSS.,  1-4,  55-61;  Estalla,  xxvi.  2G1-83, 
326-8;  xxvii.  9-10,  47-8,  110-11,  191-5,  233-71;  De  Smet's  Western  Missions, 
240-2;  D'Avify,  Deacrip.  Gen.  Am.,  ii.  23-4,  80-1;  Domenech,  Hist.  Mex., 
i.  2G9-S2;  Doyle's  Jlist.  Pious  Final,  7,  8;  Ahr ens'  Mex.,  33-44;  Abbot's  Mex., 
98-100;  America,  Pivt.  Hist.,  125-8;  Strieker's  Bibliothek,  49-50;  Touron, 
Hist.  Gen.  Am.,  iv.  348-52;  vii.  G0-72,  229,  292-38G;  viii.  240-G9;  America, 
Descrip.,  MS.,  11G-1S;  Oydby's  Amer.,  22G,  245-G;  Pinhcrton's  Mod.  Geog., 
iii.  158;  Ponee  de  Leon,  Abeja  Mich.,  1-147;  La  Cruz,  iii.  303,  passim;  iv. 
184-7;  v.  400,  657-69;  vi.  137-8;  vii.  689-722;  Bnslamante,Voz  de  la  Patria, 
v.  G-25,  75-81;  Id.,  Elogio  Hist.,  passim;  Mexico,  Disturbios,  MS.,  i.  1-15; 
Dlario  Mex.,  i.  48,  269-72;  ii.  142,  passim;  vi.  94,  187-95,  3GG-8;  vii.  233-4; 
viii.  27  etseq.;  ix.  115,  177,  271-5;  x.  330,  571-2;  xi.  C7-8,  207-9,  351-78, 
5G5;  Frejes,  Hist.  Breve  Cong.,  162,  272;  Bernal  Diaz,  Hist.  Verdad.,  1GG-7; 
Queipo,  Col.  de  Doc,  1-65;  Ribas,  Hist,  delos  Triumphos,  447-51;  Clavhjero, 
Storia  della  Cal.,  ii.  1G9-70;  Mexico,  Defensa  Juridica,  passim;  Ytta,  Dia 
Festivo  Projno,  passim  ;  Libro  de  las  Constituciones  de  V.  Orden,  passim;  Mon- 
tana, El  Corazon  de  las  Rosas,  passim;  Sanchez,  Villa  Pueb.  Sayrad.,  150-1. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

SOCIETY. 

1500-1800. 

Evolution  of  a  Race — Typical  Characteristics — Statistics  of  Popula* 
tion — Proportion  and  Distribution  of  Races — Causes  for  Decrease 
of  Aborigines — Creole  versus  Spaniard — Jealousies  and  Impoli- 
tic Measures — Immigration  and  Character  of  Arrivals — Status 
of  Foreigners — Indian  Policy  and  its  Effect — Race  Stigma — 
Negro  Slavery — Condition  of  the  Mixed  Breeds — Beggars  and 
Nobles — Nature  and  Extent  of  Diseases — Matlazahuatl,  Small- 
pox, Vomito  Prieto,  and  Famines — Doctors  and  Treatment — 
Hospitals  and  Asylums — Mourning  and  Cemeteries — Meat  and 
Drink — Sumptuary  Laws— National  Dress— Love  of  Display — 
False  Gloss — Women,  Morals,  and  Marriage — The  Home — Holi- 
day Celebration — Coaches  and  Riders — Barbaric  Sport — Gam- 
bling—The Drama — Social  Reunions. 

Spanish  Americans  present  the  distinct  features  of 
what  may  be  essentially  classed  as  a  new  race,  sprung 
from  the  union  of  the  proudest  of  European  peoples, 
and  the  most  advanced  of  Americans;  the  former  it- 
self an  anomalous  mixture,  wherein  lay  blended  the 
physical  and  mental  characteristics  of  half  a  dozen 
nations,  from  sturdy  Goth  to  lithe  and  fiery  Arab;1 
the  other  possibly  autochthonic,  and  evolved  amidst 
the  rise  and  fall  of  mighty  empires,  whose  records  are 
entombed  in  the  most  imposing  monuments  of  the 
continent.2  While  the  latter  may  be  divided  into  two 
great  branches,  the  Maya  and  Nahua,  originally 
cradled   perhaps   within   the  region  drained  by  the 

1See  introduction  to  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  this  series,  for  the  evolution  and 
characteristics  of  Spaniards. 

2 Humboldt,  who  favors  an  Asiatic  origin  for  the  Americans,  sees  in  this 
meeting  with  the  Spaniard  a  reunion  of  two  branches  that  once  parted  on  the 
plains  of  Asia  in  opposite  directions.  Essai  Pol.,  i.  134-5.  The  different 
theories  on  origin  are  discussed  in  Native  Races,  v.  chapter  i.  this  series. 

(731) 


732  SOCIETY. 

Usumacinta,  yet  they  consist  of  a  large  number  of 
nations,  distinct  in  language,  and  differing  greatly  in 
culture,  such  as  the  Otomis,  Zapotecs,  Tarascos,  and  the 
representative  Aztecs,  forming  a  greater  variety  even 
than  that  which  could  be  distinguished  on  the  Iberian 
peninsula  at  the  opening  of  the  conquest.     There  was, 
therefore,  no  homogeneity  of  race  which  might  pre- 
vent intermingling,  while  the  geographic  features  of 
the  country  with  its  profound  influence  on  race  devel- 
opment presented  similarities  to  the  new-comers  that 
brought  involuntarily  to   their  lips   the   name   New 
Spain,  by  which  term  it  was  thereafter  for  a  time 
known.     Although  the  name   was  first  pronounced 
upon  the  seaboard,  these  resemblances  existed  more 
l^articularly  on  the  high  table  land  where  a  temperate 
clime  had  lured  to  settlement  and  culture  most  of  the 
nations  referred  to.     Here  flourished  the  cereals  and 
fruits  of  Spain,  wheat  and  barley  by  the  side  of  maize 
and  maguey,  while  the  slopes  of  lofty  ranges,  under 
snow-crowned  peaks,  stood   clad  in  rugged  firs.     In 
the  sheltered  valley  grew  the  sugar-cane  and  indigo, 
and  on  either  side  of  the  plateau  a  fringe  of  heated 
coast  line  revelled  in  all  the  luxuriance  of  tropic  nature. 
But  this  line  was  comparatively  narrow,  and  so  scantily 
occupied  as  to  have  little  influence  on  Mexican  devel- 
opment.    A  strange  commingling  truly  of  peoples  and 
of  climates  to  form  a  new  race,  with  characteristics 
now  modified,  now  intensified,  the  inheritor  of  past 
glories,  the  guardian  of  a  transplanted  culture.    Even 
two  of  the  earth's  great  divisions  did  not  suffice  to 
create  it,  for  during  early  stages  already  a  third  ele- 
ment was  infused  by  negroes  from  the  dark  continent, 
with  a  slight  sprinkling  from  the  fourth  part  of  the 
world  by  Chinese  and  Malays.    The  latter  have  never 
been  counted  as  an  element  however,  and  the  recog- 
nized mixed  breeds  are  mestizos,  mulattoes, and  zambos, 
or  Indian  zambos,3  with  their  degrees  of  admixture. 

3  The  term  for  the  offspring  of  negroes  and  Indians  varies  in  different 
countries,  and  even  the  lexicographers  are  at  a  loss.     They  have  been  called 


INDIANS  AND  MESTIZOS.  733 

Of  the  three  original  races  the  Indian,  which  may 
be  regarded  as  the  mother,  presents  a  less  favorable 
appearance  by  the  side  of  the  symmetrical  and  bright- 
eyed  Spaniard  and  the  tall  and  muscular  negro. 
While  different  provinces  exhibit  marked  variations 
in  stature,  build,  and  comeliness,  the  general  verdict 
must  be  that  the  aborigine  is  neither  handsome  nor 
graceful;  nor  has  he  the  strength  and  adaptability  of 
the  others.  The  ]ong  black  hair  is  thick  and  glossy, 
but  the  beard  is  so  scant  as  to  render  more  marked 
the  uniformity  of  type  in  the  black  elongated  eyes  set 
widely  apart,  the  oval  face,  with  its  narrow  forehead, 
the  prominent  cheek-bones,  and  the  large  lips.  The 
complexion  varies  from  olive  to  brown  and  copper 
color,  in  certain  districts  with  a  yellowish  or  bluish 
tinge,  and  inclining  to  black  in  the  torrid  region.4  The 
mestizo  throws  off  many  of  these  attributes,  and  may 
be  classed  as  more  intelligent  and  handsome,  with  fine 
eyes  and  hair,  but  he  is  generally  small  of  stature,  in- 
clined to  corpulency,  and  lacks  energy  and  strength.5 
The  mulattoes  inherit  the  vivacity  of  their  dark  sires, 
and  unite  with  it  greater  industry.  The  zambos  are 
ugly,  fiery,  and  turbulent.  Indeed,  gentleness  and 
beauty  increase  with  the  proportion  of  white  admix- 
ture.6 

Whatever  may  be  the  case  with  mulatto  castes  the 
intermarriage  of  mestizos  certainly  does  not  tend 
toward  sterility.  Under  favorable  skies  like  those  of 
California  their  fecundity  has  been  surprising,7  and  in 

zambos  in  decrees  within  New  Spain,  and  especially  Caracas;  yet  at  Mexico, 
Habana,  and  Lima,  chino  was  a  common  appellation,  and  in  the  latter  place  also 
Chino-cholo.  Zambo  by  itself  more  generally  denotes  three  fourths  of  black  ad- 
mixture, and  zambo  prieto  seven  eighths.  A  deepening  of  color  is  termed 
salto  atras,  '  back-leap, '  and  a  heightening  by  greater  mingling  with  white, 
tente  en  el  aire,  '  holding  one's  self  in  the  air. '  The  Asiatic  mixture  was  brought 
by  the  Philippine  fleets. 

4  The  Indian  type  is  fully  considered  in  Native  Races,  i.-ii.,  and  the 
Spanish  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  introd.,  this  series. 

5  The  hands  and  feet  are  usually  praised  and  the  teeth  condemned. 

6  The  odor  of  the  different  races  can  be  distinguished  also  in  the  castes; 
and  for  the  different  effluvia  the  Peruvians  have  distinct  names.  Humboldt, 
EssaiPol,  i.  136. 

7  Navarro  applies  this  in  general  to  half-castes :  '  la  f ecundidad  notoria  de 


734  SOCIETY. 

oilier  parts  the  birth  rate  varies  according  to  climate 
and  soil.  Deformity  is  very  rare,  particularly  among 
Indians.8  Age  falls  lightly  upon  the  latter,  with  few 
instances  of  grey  hair,  and  quite  a  number  of  centena- 
rians are  claimed,  although  the  proportion  of  persons 
over  fifty  years  of  age  appears  larger  among  the  white 
race,  with  their  later  puberty  and  better  mode  of  liv- 
ing.9 

Orders  were  repeatedly  issued  from  Spain  to  form 
statistics  of  population  and  resources,  and  viceroys 
and  civil  and  ecclesiastic  officials  responded  with  more 
or  less  elaborate  reports,10  but  the  first  worthy  to  be 
called  a  census  was  that  taken  in  1793-4  by  order 
of  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo.  Incomplete  as  even  this 
proved,  one  sixth  of  the  population  being  merely 
estimated,  it  has  nevertheless  been  accepted  in  most 
respects  as  a  base.  The  total  here  presented  is  4,483,- 
000,11  including  the  Californias,  New  Mexico,  and 
Texas;  but  the  pertinent  objection  has  been  raised 
that  this  figure  was  considerably  below  the  actual 
number,  owing  to  the  general  effort  of  the  people  to 
avoid  registration,  from  economic  and  superstitious 
ideas.12    Humboldt  accordingly  added  ten  per  cent  to 

las  castas.'  Mem.,  in  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  83.  Instances  of  fecundity 
are  to  be  found  in  Gaceta  Mex. ,  i.  35  etc. 

8  Certain  afflictions  like  goitre  do  not  affect  Indians  and  rarely  mestizos. 
Giants  and  dwarfs  are  uncommon  although  such  giants  as  Salmeron  and 
more  than  one  dwarf  have  come  from  this  country.  In  Diario,  Mex.,  xi. 
128,  a  pigmy  is  spoken  of  as  less  than  three  fourths  of  a  vara  in  height. 

9  Yet  the  exemption  from  wrinkles  observed  by  Humboldt  docs  not  appear 
to  be  sustained.  Instances  of  longevity  are  given  in  Panes,  Vireycs,  MS.,  13G; 
Gaceta  Mex.,  i.  291,  379-80;  397,  403-4,  x.  etc.;  Diario,  Mex.,  iii.  128,  159, 
vi.  11-12  etc.;  Viagero  Univ.,  xxvi.  343.  One  working-man  of  135  left  400 
descendants;  another  had  sons  varying  from  8  to  120  years  of  age.  The  aver- 
age claimed  for  the  centenarians  is  110-120. 

10  Besides  a  number  of  statements  on  special  departments  or  subjects  a 
record  exists  of  19  formal  reports  made  by  order  of  the  government  between 
1585  and  1787;  for  a  compiled  list  thereof,  with  names  of  the  framers,  seetioc. 
Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  i.  10.  A  specimen  of  the  orders  to  this  effect  and  a 
district  report  may  be  seen  in  Tamaron,  Visita  Dur.,  MS.,  i.  et  seq. 

11  Different  copies  vary  slightly. 

l3In  evidence  of  this  it  was  pointed  out  that  while  Mexico  City  in  1793 
received  112,92(3  inhabitants,  this  figure  rose  to  1G8,84G  in  1811,  although  it 
fell  greatly  during  the  following  twoyears.  This  variation  must  be  attributed 
greatly  to  the  war,  which  at  times  drove  fugitives  in  large  numbers  to  the 
capital.  A  better  test  for  the  deficiency  was  the  birth-rate,  which  raised  the 
estimate  for  the  city  to  more  than  130,000,  instead  of  112,920. 


ESTIMATES  OF  POPULATION.  735 

cover  this  deficiency,  while  expressing  a  belief  that 
the  addition  of  a  sixth  or  seventh  would  not  be  wrong. 
Navarro,  followed  by  several  others,  adds  a  fifth.  The 
former  author  took  special  pains  to  obtain  statistics, 
in  order  to  arrive  at  an  estimate  for  1803.  This  was 
no  easy  task  in  a  country  subject  to  such  extremes  of 
climate  from  the  hot  malarious  coast  to  the  temperate 
plateau  and  the  cold  mountain  region  occupied  by  so 
many  different  races  with  varying  modes  of  life.  He 
came  to  the  conclusion,  however,  that  the  birth-rate 
could  be  placed  at  one  in  seventeen,  and  the  death- 
rate  at  one  in  thirty,  and  that  the  population  would 
double  in  about  thirty-eight  years.  The  average  pro- 
portion of  births  to  deaths  appearing  as  183  to  100, 
he  accepted  this,  within  a  small  fraction,  as  a  rate  for 
calculating  the  increase  during  the  decade  following 
the  census  of  1793,  and  thus  arrived  at  a  total  popu- 
lation for  1803  of  5,837,100.13 

Since  this  time  a  number  of  calculations  have  been 
made  which  take  the  census  of  1793  for  a  base,  but 
reduce  the  increase  to  about  one  and  a  half  per  cent 
yearly  for  the  two  following  decades.  During  the 
revolutionary  period  this  rate  must  be  lowered  still 
more,  and  even  afterward  the  unsettled  condition  of 
affairs  operated  against  large  recuperation.  The 
most  valuable  estimates  appear  to  be  those  made  for 
1810  by  the  auditor-general  of  ways  and  means  for 
New  Spain,  Fernando  Navarro  y  Noriega,  whose 
sources  could  not  have  been  well  surpassed  by  any 
contemporary.  Even  his  calculations,  however,  had 
for  several  provinces  to  rest  on  comparative  estimates, 
but  for  others  he  was  able  to  present  more  reliable 

13  This  was  the  corrected  calculation  of  a  later  date.  He  brings  in  a  num- 
ber of  comparisons  with  the  rates  in  European  countries,  and  finds  that  those 
ruling  in  Prussia  approximate  more  closely.  The  proportion  there  of  births 
to  deaths  stood  as  180  to  100,  while  in  the  United  States  it  rose  to  201  :  100, 
and  in  France  it  fell  to  110  :  100.  Although  the  births  of  males  in  New  Spain 
exceeded  those  of  females — Humboldt  has  it  100 :  95,  others,  more  correctly, 
100:98.0 — yet  it  appeared  that  males  preponderated  among  Indians  and 
castes.  The  studies  of  the  German  savant  are  very  exhaustive  and  interest- 
ing, although  in  several  respects  less  exact  than  could  have  been  desired, 
owing  chiefly  to  unreliable  data.  Essai  Pol.,  i.  54  et  seq. 


736  SOCIETY. 

figures  than  those  of  Revilla  Gigedo.  Where  this 
was  not  possible  he  added  twenty  per  cent  to  the 
returns  of  1793  for  deficiency,  and  twenty-five  more 
for  the  increase  during  the  seventeen  years,  obtaining 
a  total  of  G,122,354.14  The  proportion  of  races  gives 
the  Indians  sixty  hundredths,  the  castes  twenty-two, 
and  the  whites  eighteen.15  Of  the  last  he  assumes 
only  fifteen  thousand  to  have  been  European  Span- 
iards,16 while  raising  the  proportion  of  castes  with 
negro  blood  to  nearly  half  a  million.  Large  as  this 
number  appears,  it  is  certain  that  both  economic  mo- 
tives among  slave-holders,  and  natural  predilection 
amon^  aboriginal  women  favored  the  diffusion  of  Afri- 
can  blood.  Navarro  agrees  with  Humboldt  that  the 
slaves  could  not  exceed  ten  thousand,  the  pure  blacks 
forming:  two  thirds  of  this  number.17 

Even  without  the  impulse  given  by  republican  prin- 
ciples in  modern  times  for  the  amalgamation  of  races,  it 
is  evident  that  the  castes  strictly  speaking  must  gain 
in  number  by  encroaching  on  the  other  classes,  even  if 
these  were  to  show  a  constant  increase — an  increase 
which  becomes  somewhat  fictitious  when  we  consider 

14  While  several  points  in  the  table  on  page  737  are  subject  to  criticism,  the 
area  for  instance  being  in  some  cases  obviously  inexact,  yet  these  defects  affect 
the  value  of  the  paper  so  little  as  not  to  render  changes  and  attempts  at  better 
estimates  advisable  at  this  stage  of  the  history.  Indeed,  the  figures  tend  in 
this  form  to  better  represent  the  official  views  at  the  close  of  the  colonial 
period.  Iu  a  later  volume  the  population  topic  will  demand  and  necessarily 
receive  a  more  critical  treatment. 

15  Humboldt  raised  the  whites  slightly  to  one  fifth  and  lowered  the  Indians 
to  about  two  fifths,  leaving  a  large  remainder  to  castes.  Navarro  has  the 
tribute  lists  to  prove  the  greater  correctness  of  his  Indian  figures,  those  of 
1807  showing  2,1)23,179  aborigines. 

16  Humboldt  estimated  their  number  in  1803  at  about  70,000,  but  this 
appears  to  have  been  based  on  their  proportion  at  the  capital,  where  they 
were  gathered  in  large  force  as  the  leading  holders  of  offices  and  commercial 
positions.  Navarro's  figure  certainly  is  very  low,  but  he  had  access  to 
migration  statistics,  and  such  a  careful  student  as  Alaman  corrects  his  own 
larger  estimates  by  this.  The  government  gave  no  special  encouragement  to 
emigration. 

1?Thc  negroes  and  negro  mixtures  rest  on  rather  vague  estimates,  for  those 
recognized  as  of  this  class  were  included  among  Indians  as  tributaries,  and 
those  not  so  recognized  merged  into  other  classes.  The  estimate  for  white 
people  is  also  somewhat  misleading,  since  amid  the  general  effort  to  approach 
the  superior  race  a  number  of  persons  with  imperceptible  Indian  or  negro  ad- 
mixture declared  themselves  white,  many  indeed  obtaining  legal  permission 
to  do  so. 


CENSUS. 


■37 


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00  O  CO  'M  H  -+  H  -t<  1-  .-   -H 

oo  <m  i-i  oo  -*  -h  co  c:  o  o  oo 
cc_  i- r? -f  >  6  ■*  — ^  i-h_  5  c  oo^ 
u-"  rf  ~f  -j7  •  ~!~  r-  ">  P  r-"  o  F  r-~  ph" 

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Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    47 


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738  SOCIETY. 

the  large  number  of  castes  that  by  intermarriage  seem 
to  return  gradually  to  the  mother  race.  We  find  no 
such  withering  influence  on  the  aboriginal  population 
as  in  the  north,  and  this  must  be  due  partly  to  the 
similarity  between  them  and  the  invaders  in  their 
settled  condition,  which  demanded  no  radical  change 
for  adaptation.  While  making  few  efforts  to  increase 
the  population  with  emigrants,  the  government  cer- 
tainly did  all  to  foster  a  natural  growth  by  promoting 
early  marriages,  by  introducing  seeds  and  live-stock, 
and  by  other  measures.  Following  in  the  wake  of 
Las  Casas  early  foreign  writers  have  indulged  in  lam- 
entations over  the  havoc  inflicted  by  the  conquerors 
and  later  by  encomenderos,  notably  in  working  the 
natives  to  death  in  the  mines.  The  disturbances  ever 
accompanying  war  could  not  have  failed  in  effect,  as 
shown  at  the  fall  of  Mexico,  and  the  mines  entombed 
vast  numbers,  less,  however,  by  overtaxing  strength 
than  by  the  effect  of  climatic  changes  on  persons  sud- 
denly transferred  from  a  warm  district  to  cold  and 
ruowd  mountain  regions.  To  this  was  added  the 
change  from  quiet  plantation  life  to  rough  mining  toil. 
Nevertheless  the  losses  by  these  means  were  compara- 
tively small,  and  the  great  ravages  that  took  place 
must  be  ascribed  almost  wholly  to  the  diseases  follow- 
ing the  new  civilization,  such  as  small-pox,  measles, 
and  probably  syphilis.18 

Endemics  and  famines  also  ruled  periodically,  and 
different  districts  had  their  special  afflictions.  The 
former,  however,  had  less  effect,  since  the  people  either 
became  inured  to  or  avoided  the  pestiferous  regions. 
There  remains  no  doubt  that  their  total  has  fallen 
greatly  from  what  it  was  in  the  time  of  Montezuma, 
when  Tezcuco,  Cholula,  and  a  number  of  other  cities 

18 Las  Casas'  exaggerated  attacks  on  his  countrymen  for  cruelty  have 
already  been  exposed,  and  I  have  also  alluded  to  l)e  Pauw's  views  in  his 
Hechcrches.  Raynal  lowers  the  estimate  of  losses  suffered  by  the  Indians,  but 
places  too  much  stress  on  the  effect  of  mines.  Zamacois  in  seeking  to  prove 
that  they  increased  under  Spanish  rule  finds  no  difficulty  in  dealing  with 
figures  and  readily  accepts  the  vague  statements  of  early  chroniclers  concern- 
ing the  ravages  of  epidemics. 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  SETTLEMENTS.  739 

now  decayed  figured  as  populous  centres,  for  which 
the  Spaniards  erected  but  sparse  equivalents.  Mexico 
appears  from  monumental  and  documentary  evidence 
to  have  been  more  extensive  and  populous,  and  in 
Tlascala  a  census  was  taken  by  Cortes  which  showed 
that  there  were  several  times  more  occupants  than 
toward  the  close  of  the  colonial  period.19  Franciscan 
missionaries  alone  claimed  to  have  baptized  6,000,000 
natives  between  1524  and  1540,  and  Dominicans  and 
Augustinians  worked  hard  to  swell  the  number,  yet 
immense  fields  remained  untrodden.  These  claims 
cannot  of  course  be  relied  upon,  nor  the  estimates  of 
deaths  from  small-pox  and  other  ravages.  In  1576 
about  2,000,000  are  said  to  have  been  swept  away 
in  the  central  provinces  alone,  and  at  other  times 
whole  districts  to  have  been  almost  depopulated.20 

We  find  the  population  distributed  in  a  somewhat 
different  manner  from  that  of  South  America  and  the 
United  States,  not  along  the  coasts,  which  are  here 
low-lying  and  malarious,  but  mainly  on  the  interior 
plateau,  where  culture  and  wealth  had  ever  centred, 
notably  along  a  narrow  strip  embracing  Puebla  and 
Mexico,  and  two  other  towns  of  from  35,000  to 
130,000  inhabitants,  and  only  one  or  two  days' journey 
apart,  while  elsewhere  great  stretches  of  fine  country 
lie  almost  uninhabited.  With  the  influx  of  negroes 
the  coast  line  received  in  time  an  increase  of  occu- 
pants, on  whom  the  fevers  had  little  effect,  and  with 
their  aid  thriving  plantations  of  sugar-cane  and  other 
produce  drew  riches  from  a  hitherto  neglected  soil. 
The  Indians  maintained  their  preponderance  at  the 
rate  of  three  fourths   to   seven  eighths    in    Puebla, 

19  As  indicated  in  Hist.  Mex.,  i.,  this  series.  It  is  true  that  many  Tlascal- 
tecs  were  sent  away  to  colonize  other  provinces,  but  this  could  not  have 
affected  the  total  very  seriously.  An  estimate  for  1729  reduces  the  Indians 
greatly.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  sCrie  ii.  torn.  iv.  341-2. 

20  As  referred  to  in  this  and  the  preceding  volume.  Clavigero  indulges  in 
quite  a  dissertation  on  this  topic,  chiefly  as  a  reply  to  De  Pauw.  Storia,  Mess., 
iv.  271-87.  It  is  widely  claimed  that  excepting  the  ravages  suffered  from 
epidemics,  the  aboriginal  race  has  increased  in  number  during  the  colonial 
rule,  and  this  assertion-  cannot  well  be  disproved  for  want  of  reliable  data  con- 
cerning either  the  pests  or  the  original  population. 


740  SOCIETY. 

Tlascala,  Vera  Cruz,  Yucatan,  Oajaca,  and  Alta  Cali 
fornia,  particularly  in  the  last  two.  In  Mexico  inten 
dencia  they  formed  two  thirds  of  the  population. 
The  castes  were  most  numerous  in  Guadalajara,  Pu- 
ebla,  the  north-east  provinces,  and  the  mining  regions, 
and  the  whites  mustered  in  force  along  the  same 
parallels,  where  mining  and  stock-raising  presented 
opportunity  for  enrichment,  and  predominated  in 
Nuevo  Leon  and  Sonora.  Indeed  the  sparsely  set- 
tled north  was  occupied  chiefly  by  Spaniards  and  half- 
breeds,  although  they  assisted  to  swell  the  central 
group  of  Guanajuato,  Puebla,  and  Mexico,  which 
greatly  exceeded  the  rest  in  population.21 

Class  distinctions  have  ever  been  jealously  guarded 
in  Spain,  and,  proud  of  his  race  and  country,  the  Span- 
iard in  early  days  especially  looked  upon  the  foreigner 
with  pity  and  contempt.  These  ideas  could  not  fail 
to  become  intensified  in  the  New  World  where  he 
trod  the  soil  as  conqueror  and  master  over  a  dusky 
and  half-naked  race  to  whom  the  possession  of  a  soul 
was  at  first  denied.  Under  such  conditions  it  is  not 
strange  that  even  in  framing  the  most  benevolent  of 
laws  the  preeminence  of  the  superior  people  was  sus- 
tained to  the  disadvantage  of  the  others.  Indeed, 
the  education,  wealth,  and  honors  of  the  country  cen- 
tred almost  exclusively  in  the  whites.  They  held  the 
civil,  military,  and  highest  ecclesiastic  offices;  they 
filled  the  professions;  they  controlled  all  the  leading 
branches  of  trade  and  manufacture,  and  owned  the 

21  The  excess  of  females  in  the  large  towns,  as  noticed  by  Humboldt,  is 
attributable  to  the  influx  of  domestic  servants  and  the  exodus  of  men  for  mines 
and  traffic.  The  evident  care  with  which  Navarro  prepared  his  table  on  pop- 
ulation indicates  an  amount  of  research  that  would  have  given  value  to  com- 
ments and  speculations  on  its  different  items,  but  his  remarks  are  confined  to 
a  few  criticisms  on  Humboldt  and  to  indicating  the  sources  for  the  iigures. 
The  treatise  was  prepared  in  1814  for  the  body  of  national  representatives  and 
published  at  Mexico  in  1820  as  Memoria  sobr-e  la  Poblacion  del  lleino  de 
jfueva  Esparto,  12mo,  23  pp.  with  a  table.  It  has  been  reprinted  in  Soc.  Mex. 
Geog.,  Boletin,  ii.  75-83.  The  facts  therein  are  greatly  confirmed  by  the 
calculations  made  two  years  before  by  Cancelada  in  his  Ruina  de  la  Nueva 
Espana,  Cadiz,  1811,  12mo,  84  pp.  But  in  this  the  estimate  for  towns  and 
mining  camps  has  fallen  too  low,  being  placed  merely  at  55  and  97  respectively. 


CASTE  DISTINCTIONS.  741 

Jarge  plantations  and  rich  mines.  Between  them  and 
the  castes  lay  an  immense  gulf.  To  be  of  the  former 
was  to  be  of  the  noble  race;  to  be  of  the  latter  was  to 
be  branded;  and  eager  became  the  strife  among  the 
progeny  of  caste  admixtures  to  enroll  themselves  as 
whites,  the  courts  being  frequently  petitioned  so  to 
declare  them.22  Such  strife  naturally  led  to  many  a 
severe  discrimination  against  alliances  that  might 
imperil  the  color  line,  and  the  regard  for  this  was 
significantly  illustrated  by  the  question  which  fre- 
quently could  be  heard  during  altercations:  "Do  you 
consider  yourself  whiter  than  I?" 

Another  gulf,  less  wide  yet  more  dangerous  to  the 
nation,  was  formed  by  the  government  in  granting 
the  higher  offices  in  state,  army,  and  church  almost 
exclusively  to  Spaniards  born  in  Spain,  a  policy  due 
partly  to  long  established  system,  partly  to  the  better 
opportunity  of  claimants  near  the  throne  for  obtain- 
ing a  hearing,  but  chiefly  to  jealousy  of  the  more  dis- 
tant subjects  whose  occasional  complaints  supported 
by  wealth  and  growing  numbers  often  savored  of  dis- 
loyalty, and  whose  very  right  to  the  country  with  its 
offices,  acquired  by  their  efforts  as  conquerors  and 
colonists,  made  them  appear  dangerous.23 

The  natural  result  of  such  injustice  was  a  bitter- 
ness of  feeling  which  manifested  itself  as  early  as  the 
first  decade  of  the  conquest,  when  Cortes'  soldiers  saw 
the  best  officers  and  the  choicest  grants  bestowed  on 
men  who  had  done  nothing  toward  acquiring  the  rich 
domains,  and  who  showed  themselves  unworthy  and 

22  This  legal  whitewashing  was  conveyed  in  the  rather  ambiguous  term, 
'  que  se  tengan  por  blancos. '    They  may  regard  themselves  as  white. 

23  Frequent  remonstrances  were  made,  notably  in  the  representation  by 
the  city  council  of  Mexico  in  1792,  which  elicited  decrees  favorable  to  the  Cre- 
oles, but  these  were  either  disregarded  or  overruled  by  the  counsel  of  preju- 
diced Spanish  dignitaries,  like  Archbishop  Haro,  who  Suggested  that  American- 
born  subjects  should  be  kept  at  a  distance,  in  humbler  positions,  and  not  fos- 
tered in  arrogance  with  lofty  aspirations.  The  liberation  of  the  United  States 
was  pointed  to  as  a  warning.  According  to  Vetancvrt,  Derecho,  40,  less  than 
four  per  cent  of  the  bishoprics  in  America  had  been  filled  by  Creoles  during 
the  first  century  of  Spanish  rule;  by  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century  their 
proportion  had  increased  to  fifteen  per  cent,  but  chiefly  of  inferior  sees. 


742  SOCIETY. 

dishonest.  Frequent  were  the  quarrels  that  resulted, 
leading  often  to  bloodshed,  and  fostering  a  certain  dis- 
loyalty which  became  manifest  during  such  episodes 
as  the  Cortes- A vila  conspiracy,  the  overthrow  of 
Gelves,  and  the  burning  of  the  palace  in  1G92.  The 
whites  indeed  early  divided  themselves  into  two  na- 
tional parties,  the  Creoles,  or  native-born,24  and  cha- 
petones  or  gachupinesj*  nicknames  applied  to  those 
from  Spain. 

Many  viceroys  took  special  care  to  smooth  the 
ruffled  feelings,26  but  this  availed  little  against  the 
insolence  of  the  favored  party  and  the  measures  of  a 
distrusting  government,  at  times  blinded,  at  times 
clearly  revealing  a  disposition  to  sow  discord  so  as  to 
strengthen  itself  at  the  expense  of  factions.  This  re- 
fined policy  was  brought  into  play  also  among  Indians, 
and  to  keep  apart  the  dangerous  negroes.27  The  party 
spirit  raged  with  actual  bitterness  even  among  the 
religious  orders,  some  provincias  excluding  Creoles, 
others  Europeans,  from  higher  positions,  and  still 
others  alternating  or  quarrelling  when  it  came  to  the 
election  of  prelates. 

While  the  nickname  for  European  Spaniards  could 

24  From  criollo,  nursed,  brought  up,  that  is,  on  the  new  soil. 

25  According  to  the  learned  professor  Chimalpopocatl  Galicia,  this  word  is 
derived  from  cactli,  Aztec  for  shoe,  and  tzopinia,  to  prick;  as  shown  in  Mo- 
lina, Vocabvlarlo.  In  combining  words  the  Aztecs  would  drop  or  modify  the 
last  syllables,  leaving  cactzopin,  he  who  pricks  with  the  shoe,  in  allusion  to 
the  spar.  Gachupin  or  Cachupin  would  be  a  natural  corruption  by  Spaniards. 
This  is  the  general  version  supported  by  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  7,  Guerra, 
Hist.  Rev.,  i.  142,  etc.,  and  others;  but  Ramirez,  J  list.  Dur.,  78-9,  is  rather 
inclined  to  attribute  the  word  to  some  corrupted  term  introduced  by  the 
Creoles.  Guerra  traces  chapeton  from  chapi,  a  Haitian  word  signifying  a  man 
from  far  off  lands,  but  it  is  also  likely  to  have  been  taken  from  the  last  two 
syllables  of  gachupin,  with  addition  of  the  common  ending  ton.  Gage,  Voy., 
i.  201,  states  that  it  was  applied  only  to  the  new-comers,  who  soon  fell  under 
the  more  general  head  of  gachupin.  While  the  names  are  of  early  date,  as 
shown  in  11  err  era,  dec.  v.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  xii.  etc.,  and  Garcilaso  de  la  Ve(ja, 
Content.  Iieales,  i.,  cap.  36,  yet  Indians  in  many  parts  called  Spaniards  for  a 
long  time  Christians,  till  instructed  not  to  apply  a  term  indicating  a  religious 
distinction.  Panes,  Vireyes,  MS.,  81. 

26  Mancera  commended  a  similar  course  to  his  successors.  Instruc.  Vireyes, 
250. 

27  This  is  revealed  in  the  tenor  of  restrictive  laws;  and  Gage,  ubi  sup., 
alludes  to  the  effect;  but  Robertson,  Hist.  Am.,  ii.  308,  is  rather  carried  away 
by  exaggerated  deductions. 


CREOLE  CHARACTERISTICS.  743 

hardly  be  offensive  owing  to  their  superior  position, 
the  term  Creole  did  acquire  a  tinge  of  reproach  from 
their  indolent  habits,  and  lack  of  sustained  energy, 
which  impeded  them  in  competing  with  the  enter- 
prising immigrants  in  trade  or  industries.  The  latter 
were  more  precocious,  but  fell  short  in  reflection  and 
judgment;  eager  to  do,  they  failed  to  execute.  Climate 
had  much  to  do  with  this,  but  the  cause  must  partially 
be  ascribed  to  their  training  as  the  children  of  rich  or 
well-to-do  men,28  with  a  superficial  education  which 
raised  their  pretensions  above  those  of  the  toiler  for 
fortune.  They  were  spoiled  by  home  indulgence.  The 
frugality  of  the  father  disappeared;  forethought  and 
prudence  wTere  thrown  to  the  wmrds;  frivolity  tainted 
even  serious  topics,  and  dissipation  grew  so  fast  that 
the  saying,  "the  father  a  trader,  the  son  a  gentleman, 
the  grandson  a  beggar/'  became  general  in  application. 
Associated  with,  such  characteristics  the  term  Creole 
was  not  courted;  and  latterly  those  to  whom  it  applied 
began  to  affect  the  designation  of  Americans,  u{)hold- 
ing  it  with  great  pride  after  a  succession  of  reverses 
had  lowered  Spanish  prestige  in  Europe.  The  educa- 
tion of  the  daughters  saved  them  from  most  of  the 
vices  which  clung  to  the  sons;  they  became  admirable 
wives  and  kind  mothers,  though  wanting  in  parental 
strictness,  and  they  were  generally  rated  superior  to 
the  men. 

Those  who  in  early  days  under  Cortes  and  sub- 
sequent leaders  assisted  in  subduing  the  country,  and 
thereupon  retired  to  enjoy  the  reward  of  their  toil  on 
some  encomienda,  may  be  regarded  as  the  founders  of 
the  leading  creole  aristocracy — military  adventurers 

28  Robertson  attributes  the  cause  wholly  to  enervating  climate  and  govern- 
ment policy,  which  broke  the  vigor  of  mind  and  led  to  luxurious  indulgence, 
superstition  and  effeminacy;  but  Mexican  writers  will  not  admit  climatic  in- 
fluence. Alaman  dwells  on  bad  training,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  10  et  seq.,  and  Mora 
adds  the  restrictive  laws  on  advancement  and  education.  Yet  Feijoo  wrote 
an  apology  to  prove  that  premature  decrepitude  was  not  general  among 
Americans.  Ulloa,  Voy.  i.,  27,  etc.,  hints  at  wider  causes.  See  also  Consu- 
lado,  Mem.,  in  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  iii.  363;  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  serie  i. 
torn.  i.  pt.  i.  31  etc. 


744  SOCIETY. 

though  they  were,  and  that  of  all  grades,  from  hidalgo 
to  artisan,  sailor,  and  even  criminal,  and  drawn  chiefly 
from  Castile,  Estremadura,  and  Andalusia.  In  later 
times  the  in-wandcrers  came  principally  from  Vizcaya, 
Catalonia,  Galicia,  and  the  Santander  mountains;  they 
were  young,  of  poor  families,  frugal  and  industrious, 
superior  in  character  even  to  the  average  Spaniard, 
and  vastly  surpassing  in  energy  and  steadiness  the 
spoiled  Creoles.  Business  men  recognized  their  value 
and  employed  them;  they  were  prudent  also,  watched 
for  opportunity,  and  soon  embarked  in  enterprises 
on  their  own  account,  often  marrying  daughters  of 
their  principals.  They  became  owners  of  plantations 
and  mines,  and  the  holders  of  municipal  offices,  form- 
ing a  sort  of  confederacy  with  the  other  Spaniards,  the 
higher  officials  and  judges,  who  numbered  a  propor- 
tion of  men  both  educated  and  of  good  families.  Al- 
though the  mass  of  officials  and  traders  were  inferior 
to  the  prosperous  Creoles  in  requirements  and  man- 
ners, and  therefore  objects  of  contempt,  yet  a  ready 
adaptability  soon  enabled  them  to  make  amends;  and 
since  they  were  as  a  rule  sure  to  advance  in  wealth 
and  position,  the  women  of  the  soil  looked  upon  them 
with  favor,  thus  adding  jealousy  to  the  many  enmities 
entertained  by  Creoles  against  the  new-comers.  Aware 
of  their  superior  advantages,  the  latter  returned  the 
feeling  in  the  form  of  contempt,  which  cut  deeper  than 
overt  acts.  The  Spaniard  soon  became  himself  a  Creole, 
however,  for  he  begat  children  against  whom  the  ex- 
asperated father  might  exclaim,  "You  are  a  Creole 
and  that  accounts  for  it!"29 

The  influx  of  energetic  men  from  the  mother  coun- 
trv  could  not  under  such  circumstances  have  been 
otherwise  than  desirable,  except  in  the  case  of  officials, 
whose  positions  ought  to  have  been  shared  more  lib- 
erally with  the  children  of  the  soil,  as  a  matter  of 
justice.    Yet  the  government  gave  no  impulse  to  emi- 

29'Eres  criollo  y  basta.'  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.  10  et  seq.;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol,  i.  114,  13G,  etc. 


POLIZONES  AND  OTHER  INTERLOPERS.  745 

gration,  but  ratlier  hampered  it  with  restrictions.  At 
one  time  none  might  go  to  the  Indies  without  special 
permit  from  the  king  or  the  casa  de  contra  tacion. 
This  relaxed  for  a  while,  and  mere  registration  of 
name  was  demanded,  so  that  a  number  of  persons  with 
Jewish,  Moorish,  Gypsy,  and  heretic  blood  slipped 
out.  Such  leaven  would  not  answer  in  America,  there 
to  threaten  eruption  among  half-converted  natives  and 
reckless  colonists;  and  so  sworn  declarations  were  de- 
manded from  proposed  adventurers;  but  it  was  soon 
found  that  the  allurements  of  the  new  country  fre- 
quently outweighed  the  fear  of  perjury,  and  henceforth 
the  applicant  for  passage  must  bring  certificates  from 
his  native  district  to  vouch  for  his  social  and  religious 
standing.30  The  audiencias  kept  a  record  of  the  im- 
migrants. Nevertheless  a  number  of  unregistered 
persons  managed  to  enter,  and  severe  laws  were  en- 
acted against  them,  involving  confiscation  and  eight 
years'  service  as  soldiers,  or  transportation  to  the  West 
Indies  or  Florida  if  married.31  Such  interlopers  were 
called  polizones,  a  name  applied  as  scurrilous  to  any 
foreigner.  European  was  a  term  synonymous  in  New 
Spain  with  Spaniard,  for  the  restrictions  against  for- 
eigners allowed  but  a  small  number  to  gain  entrance. 
They  had  either  to  be  naturalized  by  a  twenty  years' 
residence  in  Spain,  or  live  under  surveillance  with 
license  till  naturalized.32 

Special  licenses  were  issued  for  traders  to  deal  for  a 
time  at  a  port,  and  through  their  agency  many  not 
authorized  managed  to  slip  into  the  country,  so  that 
decrees  came  every  now  and  then  for  their  expulsion,33 

30 Recojp.  de  hid.,  i.  365  etc.;  Solorzano,  i.  397  etc.;  Antunez,  Mem.  Com., 
307-25. 

31  Vagrants  were  sent  to  the  Philippines.  Beleua,  Recop.,  i.  182,  284. 

32  For  10  out  of  the  20  years  they  must  own  real  estate  to  the  value  of  4,000 
ducats,  and  be  married  to  a  Spanish-born  subject.  Their  children  were  Span- 
iards. They  must  give  an  inventory  of  their  property,  and  infringement  of 
the  law  sent  them  to  the  Philippines.  Id.,  100.  Forms  of  application  for 
migration  and  passport  maybe  found  in  Papeles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  serie  i. 
torn.  i.  2G1,  and  Ordenes  de  Corona,  MS.,  ii.  159. 

33GrambUa,  Tumultos,~MS.,l;  Iiecop.de  Ind.,i.  166;  Montemayor,Svmario$, 
136-9.    Portuguese  were  among  those  regarded  as  foreigners,  and  at  one  time 


740  SOCIETY. 

particularly  in  war  times.  Those  who  were  married 
generally  received  permission  to  remain.  They  did 
not  as  a  rule  enjoy  great  favor,  to  judge  by  decrees  to 
protect  them  from  abuse,34  and  it  was  only  in  later 
times,  with  the  spread  of  French  and  English  litera- 
ture, that  the  better  classes  began  to  form  comparisons 
in  favor  of  hitherto  despised  Europeans. 

If  torn  by  discord  the  white  people  in  New  Spain 
at  the  opening  of  the  present  century  were  neverthe- 
less united  in  oppressing  the  lower  orders,  through 
whom  they  obtained  wealth,  and  to  a  certain  extent 
position,  the  Europeans  being  impelled  to  greater 
recklessness  by  want  of  sympathy  for  a  people  and 
country  strange  to  them,  and  regarded  only  as  a  means 
to  fortune.  Indians,  as  the  most  remote  in  kinship, 
were  oppressed  more  than  others.  We  have  seen 
how  at  first  nearly  all  were  distributed  as  serfs  to 
labor  on  plantations,  in  mines,  on  roads,  and  in  towns; 
how  they  were  often  torn  from  home  and  family,  and 
dragged  to  a  bitter  death;  how  their  complaints  were 
carried  by  kind-hearted  friars  to  the  throne  to  evoke 
reforms — ineffective  though  they  proved  in  only  too 
many  cases — and  how  they  were  gradually  liberated 
from  the  control  of  encomenderos  and  placed  under 
crown  agents,  free  to  sell  their  labor  to  whom  they 
pleased.  Maltreatment  now  became  comparatively 
rare,  but  oppression  hardly  less  cruel  was  practised 
by  greedy  officials,  who  used  their  position  to  extort 
products  and  labor  in  return  for  useless  articles. 
During  their  term  of  five  years,  some  of  these  cor- 
regidores  and  alcaldes  mayores  managed  to  rob  their 

natives  of  other  Spanish  provinces  than  those  of  Castile,  Leon,  Aragon,  Va- 
lencia, Cataluna,  and  Navarre,  were  held  as  such  so  far  as  concerned  the 
Indies.  See  regulations  in  Linage,  Norte,  i.  238  etc.  One  reason  for  official 
objections  to  foreigners  lay  in  the  impulse  they  gave  to  freemasonry,  to  which 
consideration  is  given  in  Farol,  314-28,  and  other  works. 

84  Gaceta  Mex. ,  1808,  xviii.  557.  In  remote  districts  many  could  not  grasp 
the  fact  that  nations  existed  beyond  the  sea  who  were  not  Spanish,  and  where 
they  did  understand  it  such  peoples  were  classed  as  very  low,  on  the  ground 
that  only  low  strata  in  New  Spain  did  not  know  Spanish,  as  Humboldt  ob- 
serves. 


PUPILAGE  OF  INDIANS.  747 

proteges  of  as  much  as  two  hundred  thousand  pesos. 
With  the  creation  of  intendentes  and  subdelegates  the 
infliction  decreased,  so  that  in  general  the  Indian  en- 
joyed greater  protection  under  royal  than  under  re- 
publican rule,  when  the  peonage  system  reduced  large 
numbers  to  practical  serfdom.  During  the  last  period 
of  colonial  sway  this  enslavement  was  counteracted 
by  the  law,  which  annulled  any  indebtedness  exceed- 
ing five  pesos,  and  regulated  the  conduct  of  the  em- 
ployer.35 

While  freed  from  bondage  they  were  kept  in  pupil- 
age. They  were  exempt  from  tithes  and  most  other 
imposts  exacted  from  the  whites,  but  subject  to  trib- 
ute. Fast  days  were  reduced  in  their  favor,  and  mar- 
riage made  more  easy — so  that  they  might  yield  more 
toilers;  the  church  must  lower  its  rates  to  them,  and 
the  inquisition  withhold  its  dreaded  fangs.36  And  all 
because  they  were  held  to  possess  less  capacity  than 
those  with  other  blood  infusion.  The  imputation 
must  have  been  galling  in  the  extreme  to  every  manly 
spirit  among  them.  They  must  not  idle,  however,37 
and  under  cover  of  this  order  the  officials,  aided  by 
native  alcaldes,  managed  ever  to  exercise  a  despotic 
control  for  personal  advantage.  Thus  the  laws  for 
their  protection  were  often  used  as  weapons  against 
them.  They  were  gathered  under  compulsion  into 
village  communities,  and  kept  apart  from  the  other 
races,  an  isolation  which  could  serve  only  to  retard 
advancement.  Here  they  worked  land  held  in  com- 
mon and  granted  to  them  for  life  only,38  permanent 
ownership  of  land  being  rare  among  them,  thus  caus- 
ing a  lack  of  the  chief  inducement  for  economy.    They 

35  Whether  in  free  labor,  or  when  sent  to  forced  labor  for  crime  or  debt. 
Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  45-9;  Reales  Cedillas,  MS.,  i.  183.  In  obrages,  or  freed 
labor,  four  months'  advance  was  allowed.  Belena,  Recojp.,  i.  pt.  ii.  77.  Ne- 
groes and  castes  could  contract  for  any  advance,  and  otherwise  act  freely  as 
'  abites  y  capaces. ' 

36  As  shown  in  the  chapter  on  the  church. 

37 Regulations  to  this  effect  are  to  be  found  in  Rccop.  de  hid.,  ii.  285,  etc., 
and  a  synopsis  of  privileges  is  to  be  found  in  Concillos  Proi\,  1555-65,  391. 
38 See  the  chapter  on  agriculture. 


748  SOCIETY. 

were  ordered  to  be  at  home,  out  of  the  street,  by  eight 
o'clock  in  winter  and  nine  in  summer,  and  attendance 
at  church  was  compulsory  under  penalty  of  the  lash 
and  the  prison.89 

The  secularization  of  missions  served  not  to  pro- 
mote their  welfare,  for  it  gave  a  rather  nominal  free- 
dom under  a  negligent  curate,  in  lieu  of  the  guardian 
care  of  a  comparatively  disinterested  and  unselfish  friar 
who  took  a  paternal  delight  in  watching  over  his  flock. 
Mining  labor  still  fell  chiefly  to  their  share,  even  after 
they  became  free  to  dispose  of  themselves;  and  allured 
by  gain  they  freely  submitted  to  the  destructive  meth- 
ods in  vogue.  The  lack  of  beasts  of  burden,  which 
they  were  as  a  rule  too  poor  to  purchase,  forced  them 
to  toil  as  such.  The  prohibition  against  riding  also 
restricted  the  acquisition  of  horses.  They  were  more- 
over forbidden  to  carry  arms  or  to  dress  like  Spaniards. 
These  degrading  and  repressive  measures  were  added 
to  official  tyranny  to  keep  them  poor,  ignorant,  and 
humble;  a  policy  dictated  partly  by  fear  of  their  num- 
ber, partly  by  caste  jealousy;  and  so  they  remained 
the  feet  of  the  social  body. 

Centuries  of  serfdom  and  humiliation  had  not  failed 
to  leave  its  stamp  on  the  Indian's  character,  already 
moulded  under  the  despotic  rule  of  native  emperors. 
Accustomed  to  servitude,  he  yields  with  hypocritical 
servility  and  deceitful  timidity,  and  is  naturally  sus- 
picious, yet  without  harboring  any  deep  malice  or 
cruel  vindictiveness.  The  bloody  features  of  his  an- 
cestral religion  are  by  no  means  an  index  to  a  cruel 
disposition.  It  indicates  rather  a  stolid  indifference 
to  suffering  and  occurrences;  and  although  the  out- 
ward  apathy  is  somewhat  exaggerated,  it  veils  no 
very  sensitive  feelings.     This  is  shown  by  his  taci- 

39  Gage  relates  some  anecdotes  concerning  the  method  of  Indian  officials  in 
hunting  up  negligent  worshippers.  Voy.,  ii.  67-250;  Monlemayor,  Svmarios, 
15-10.  Of  course  the  rules  for  Indian  conduct  were  occasionally  relaxed  or 
disregarded,  as  in  the  case  of  other  races,  yet  less  frequently,  since  so  many 
persons  existed,  from  alcalde  and  curate  to  subdelcgate  and  intendente,  who 
sought  to  be  officious. 


ABORIGINAL  TRAITS.  749 

turnity,  his  cold  reasoning  devoid  of  mobility  and 
imagination.  His  look  is  gloomy,  and  a  general  air 
of  melancholy  hangs  over  him;  his  very  dance  and 
music  lack  gave ty;  his  song  is  lugubrious;  yet  the 
more  vivacious  woman  can  evoke  a  smile  which  for 
sweetness  belies  the  customary  trait,  and  reveals  a 
deep  vein  of  gentleness  that  favors  the  attribute  of 
patience  under  adversity,  of  fidelity  and  constancy. 
While  rather  chaste  and  frugal,  he  has  not  been  trained 
in  provident  habits,  and  yields  readily  to  the  cup, 
though  not  more  so  than  could  be  expected  from  per- 
sons in  his  condition.  He  shares  in  the  general  indo- 
lence of  his  surroundings;  and  kept  in  ignorance,  he 
yields  readily  to  superstition,  and  incorporates  puerile 
and  ridiculous  fancies  and  practices  in  his  worship,  im- 
pressing the  beholder  with  the  idea  that  he  is  less 
intelligent  than  is  really  the  case.  Indeed,  he  is  docile, 
and  grasps  any  lessons  easily  enough,  though  not  im- 
pulsively; but  he  lacks  creative  power;  his  speech  and 
writing  are  rather  bare,  and  his  art  servile  imitation. 
These  defects  are  due  in  part  to  the  lack  of  opportu- 
tunity  for  development,  and  vary  somewhat  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  country,  where  environment  and 
change  of  condition  have  evolved  characteristics  that 
may  still  be  classed  as  distinctively  tribal.40 

On  the  whole  the  Indian  mind  has  not  the  breadth, 
strength,  or  subtilty  of  the  European;  and  this  was 
early  intimated  by  the  Spaniards  in  withholding  from 

40  Many  writers,  with  the  beggarly  idlers  of  the  capital  ever  before  them, 
have  been  led  to  exaggerate  his  defects,  calling  him  cunning,  false,  and 
vindictive,  or  pusillanimous  and  atrocious,  as  Mancera  writes  in  Doc.  hied., 
xxi.  445,  while  sympathizing  friars  extol  inordinately  his  virtues.  Las  Casas 
dwells  on  his  ingenuity  and  goodness;  Zumarraga  on  his  chastity,  favored 
indeed  by  stolidity  of  nature;  Motolinia  on  his  prudence  and  wide  capa- 
city for  acquiring  anything,  and  herein  Clavigero  agrees  by  declaring  him 
fully  as  able  as  a  Spaniard.  Humboldt  invests  him  with  a  natural  logic, 
with  a  ready  perception ;  Mora  makes  him  persevering  and  temperate ;  and 
Alaman,  Portilla,  and  others  exhibit  a  non-committal  description  of  traits. 
Many  of  the  contradictory  attributes  may  be  explained  by  the  claim  that  In- 
dian children  are  more  precocious  than  whites,  but  the  latter  certainly  attain 
a  higher  degree  of  maturity.  The  Tlascaltecs  held  themselves  rather  high 
on  the  strength  of  the  special  privileges  accorded  them  since  the  conquest;  a 
love  for  litigation  augmented  their  poverty.  The  adjoining  Cholultecs,  with 
few  claims  to  nobility,  were  more  sober  and  prosperous. 


750  SOCIETY. 

them  alone  the  term  gente  de  razon,  rational  people, 
as  unfit  to  hold  office  or  to  govern  themselves.  With 
the  growth  of  education  among  the  better  class  they 
attained  to  the  superior  designation  of  ladinos,41  and 
laws  opened  the  portal  to  civil  and  ecclesiastic  offices, 
and  to  the  orders;  yet  none  but  persons  of  great  influ- 
ence such  as  nobles  managed  to  enter  even  the  latter 
precincts.  Certain  few  of  the  cacique  class  obtained 
military  rank,  but  most  of  them  had  to  rest  content 
with  petty  municipal  positions  in  the  villages,  of  which 
they  made  the  most  by  claiming  exemptions,  or  even 
tribute,  and  joining  the  officials  in  oppressing  the  rest. 
A  large  portion  obtained  only  a  nominal  recognition 
of  their  rank  as  nobles,  and  merged  otherwise  in  the 
mass  with  little  or  no  distinction  in  dress,  mode  of 
life,  or  attainments,  affecting  poverty  even  when  rich. 
More  conscious  than  the  plebeians  of  the  humility 
heaped  upon  them,  rather  than  be  buffeted  by  the 
arrogant  whites  they  preferred  to  hide  among  their 
own  race,  nursing  there  together  with  the  remem- 
brance of  ancestral  glories  a  slumbering  hatred  or 
tenacious  aversion  for  the  invaders  and  their  insti- 
tutions which  contributed  to  check  advancement.42 

The  impression  left  by  most  writers  on  the  Indian 
question  is  that  of  a  race  ground  into  the  dust  by  op- 
pression, but  their  material  condition  wTas  after  all 
much  better  than  that  of  the  lowest  classes  in  Europe, 
favored  as  they  were  by  a  beneficent  nature  which 
called  for  little  of  the  exhaustive  toil  falling  to  the 
lot  of  the  laborer  in  civilized  Germany  or  England. 
In  later  colonial  times  the  despotism  of  official  or  em- 
ployer was  rarely  severe  enough  to  evoke  despair  or 
lamentation,  and  indignation  must  be  confined  rather 
to  the  measures  which  restrained  the  liberty  and  ad- 

41  Anciently  applied  in  Spain  to  a  person  who  knew  a  foreign  tongue,  and 
now  given  to  a  native  who  acquired  Spanish. 

''-Arrangoiz,  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  app.  75,  shows  that  this  feeling  exists  even 
to-day,  and  that  many  an  Indian  is  by  his  village  people  shamed  out  of  any 
attempt  to  adopt  the  habits  of  the  superior  race.  The  learned  Sigiienza  com- 
ments on  this  feeling  in  1G91-2.  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  40-4.  See  also 
Mex.,  Manijksto  al  lley,  22,  etc. 


NEGROES  AND  SLAVERY.  751 

vancement  of  a  race;  and  stamped  it  with  ignominy.43 
Nevertheless  race  stigma  was  not  nearly  so  severe 
as  in  the  United  States/4  or  even  in  British  India,  as 
shown  by  the  constant  intermarriage  of  the  peoples, 
which  formed  a  bond  between  them  of  ever-growing 
strength.  A  proof  of  the  greater  liberality  in  the 
south  is  furnished  by  the  condition  of  the  negroes. 
Originally  imported  as  slaves,  provision  was  made  for 
their  liberation  by  self-purchase,  at  a  rate  fixed  by 
the  courts,  and  without  much  consideration  for  the 
price  paid  by  the  owner,  or  their  value  to  him.  Pos- 
sessed both  of  strength  and  energy,  they  readily 
availed  themselves  of  the  privilege;  so  that  at  the 
beginning  of  this  century  those  in  bondage  could  not 
have  exceeded  ten  thousand,45  congregated  chiefly  in 
the  neighborhood  of  Vera  Cruz  and  Acapulco.  The 
introduction  was  limited  in  New  Spain,46  partly  for 
political  reasons,  owing  to  their  turbulent  disposi- 
tion.47 The  trade  lay  in  the  hands  of  certain  licensed 
firms.48  The  privilege  of  purchasing  their  freedom 
indicates  considerable  liberty  of  action,  so  as  to  ac- 
quire the  necessary  means.  A  number  of  laws  were 
issued  for  their  protection,  giving  orders  that  they 

43  It  is  the  feeling  we  would  entertain  for  a  slave,  happier  though  he  might 
be  in  servitude  than  as  a  free  man.  Only  too  many  writers  on  the  topic  have 
confined  their  studies  to  works  like  Solorzano,  De  hid.  Ivre,  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  without  considering  the  improvements  since  effected  among 
Indians;  but  there  are  also  more  comprehensive  investigators;  and  among 
them  I  notice  with  pleasure  Jose'  Antonio  Saco,  who  in  Revista  de  Cuba,  a 
most  attractive  and  well  edited  review  of  Habana,  contributes  a  series  of 
articles  on  the  encomienda  system,  which  indicate  much  research  and  prom- 
ise to  be  quite  exhaustive. 

44  It  must  be  admitted,  however,  that  the  Indians  of  northern  latitudes 
had  not  attained  to  the  same  high  level  of  culture  as  in  Mexico,  so  that  inter- 
course there  could  not  be  so  readily  entertained. 

45  Some  estimates  reduce  them  to  6,000,  including  mulattoes  and  zambos. 

46  Humboldt  estimates  it  at  less  than  ljm  of  the  export  from  Africa.  Essai 
Pol.,  i.  130. 

47  As  shown  in  Hist.  Mex.,  ii.  384-5,  this  series,  and  at  the  beginning  of 
this  volume. 

48  Between  1664  and  1673  two  Genoese  had  the  sole  contract  and  intro- 
duced only  four  cargoes.  Mancera,  Instruc,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  xxi.  465-7. 
In  1699  the  Compaiiia  Real  de  Guinea  del  Reino  de  Portugal  had  an  agent 
in  New  Spain  for  their  trade.  Beaks  Cedulas,  MS.,  i.  103.  Shortly  after 
Frenchmen  obtained  the  exclusive  right  to  import  slaves  and  established  a 
factory  at  Vera  Cruz  in  1702;  ten  years  later  Englishmen  tried  the  business, 
and  so  the  privilege  changed  hands.    In  1794  a  tax  of  6%  was  placed  on  money 


762  SOCIETY. 

should  be  housed,  fed,  and  clothed  just  as  well  as  free 
laborers,  and  instructed  in  religion;  tasks  could  not 
be  imposed  when  under  seventeen  or  over  the  seven- 
tieth year,  and  the  aged  and  sick  had  to  be  cared  for. 
Branding  was  stopped  in  1784.*9  The  roll  of  free  ne- 
groes was  swelled  by  means  of  a  law  of  1750  which 
conferred  liberty  on  all  slaves  who  escaped  from  the 
Dutch  and  English  colonies,  and  adopted  the  Roman 
Catholic  religion;  but  they  as  well  as  the  free  negro 
admixtures  were  subject  to  tribute  like  the  'irrational' 
Indians. 

The  disadvantages  under  which  Indians  and  negroes 
labored,  applied  also  in  a  measure  to  mixed  breeds, 
though  less  so  to  the  mestizos.  Although  the  latter 
were  recognized  as  citizens  and  gente  de  razon  in  not 
being  subject  to  the  damning  tribute,  to  restriction  in 
ordinary  dress  or  of  movement,  or  to  exemption  from 
tithes,  regular  church  fees,  or  the  inquisition,  yet  they 
were  almost  wholly  excluded  from  civil,  military,  and 
ecclesiastical  offices,  subject  to  forced  labor  in  cases  of 
crime,50  and  to  other  disabilities,  from  which  they 
could  become  free  only  by  intermarriage  with  a  supe- 
rior race.  In  early  days  there  was  no  hesitation  about 
a  union  with  the  colored  classes,  owing  to  the  infor- 
mality of  the  first  ties  and  to  the  almost  entire  lack 
of  white  women;  and  since  the  Indian  maidens  were 
only  too  eager  to  wed  conquerors,  the  latter  could 
choose  from  among  the  most  select.  Comparatively 
few  Spanish  women  came  over;51  and  so  the  mingling 

and  goods  exported  for  the  purchase  of  negroes.  Ordenes  de  Corona,  MS. ,  vi. 
34.  Sales  of  slaves  are  frequently  recorded  in  Gaceta  Mex.,  i.-x.,  and  Diario 
Mex.,  i.  et  seq.  Between  1807  and  1810  we  find  good  servant  girls  of  above 
20  years  sold  as  low  as  100  and  150  pesos.  See  also  Guerra,  Hist,  liev.,  i. 
151-5. 

49  Beleiia,  Becop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  74,  2G5,  etc.  For  those  in  non-productive 
domestic  service,  a  tax  of  $2  a  year  had  to  be  paid.  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii.  98-104. 
FUrther  regulations  are  given  in  Becop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  300-4,  539,  etc. 

50  Spaniards  enjoyed  certain  exemption  wherever  the  dignity  of  the  white 
race  might  be  imperilled.  Ordenes  de  Corona,  MS.,  i.  33,  etc. 

51  Humboldt  shows  that  less  than  ten  per  cent  of  the  European  Spanish 
population  at  Mexico  in  1803  were  females.  In  the  provinces  the  proportion 
must  have  been  still  smaller. 


RESTRICTIONS  AGAINST  COLORED  RACES.  753 

continued,  though  more  and  more  with  mestizos,  par- 
ticularly with  those  who  had  grown  white.  While  the 
intermarriage  with  darker  mestizos  came  to  be  more 
and  more  discountenanced  by  the  higher  classes,  alli- 
ances with  negro  admixtures  actually  received  a  check 
from  the  law  itself.52  This  open  stigma  cast  upon  a 
race  numbering  nearly  half  a  million,  and  that  as  late 
as  1805,  was  hardly  a  judicious  measure.  The  negro 
classes  for  that  matter  had  ever  been  subject  to  limita- 
tions as  degrading  as  those  applying  to  Indians.  Even 
the  sacred  profession  was  wholly  closed  to  them ;  they 
must  reside  with  recognized  employers  under  penalty 
of  being  consigned  to  mines  or  contractors;  and  the 
women  could  not  wear  silks,  gold,  and  similar  articles 
unless  allied  to  whites.  Yet  this  population  ranked 
among  the  most  useful  in  the  country  for  its  strength 
and  energy.  Aware  of  their  superiority,  they  looked 
down  on  the  Indians,  and  were  not  a  little  encouraged 
in  this  respect  by  the  evident  preference  accorded 
them  by  female  aborigines,  who  were  allured  also  by 
their  greater  vivacity.53  Slaveholders  no  doubt  favored 
an  inclination  that  increased  their  chattels  with  such 
vigorous  specimens,  superior  also  in  certain  moral 
traits,  for  the  latter  possessed  greater  boldness,  or 
rather  audacity,  zambos  being  more  vicious  than  mu- 
lattoes. 

The  Creoles  in  particular  were  anxious  to  keep  back 
intruders  from  the  lower  ranks,  and  to  maintain  the 
restrictions  even  against  fairer  mestizos,  on  the  ground 
that  their  vindictiveness  and  arrogance  might  imperil 
the  safety  of  Spaniards  and  the  authority  of  the 
crown;  not  considering  that  as  much  or  more  peril  lay 
in  fostering  the  ignorance,  misery,  and  hatred  of  an 
able  and  powerful  class,  ever  growing  stronger.  The 
government  nevertheless  found  it  necessary  to  make 
certain  concessions  to  the  latter;  yet  these  were  not 

52  Cedulario,  MS.,  i.  92. 

53  It  is  even  said  that  they  preferred  them  to  Europeans.  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol. ,  i.  94. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    48 


754  SOCIETY. 

sufficient  even  to  counteract  the  irritation  created  by 
certain  other  restrictive  laws. 

One  result  of  the  efforts  for  maintaining  caste  dis- 
tinction, together  with  the  prevalence  of  indolent  and 
improvident  habits,  was  the  comparative  absence  of 
a  middle  class,  so  essential  to  the  advancement  of  a 
country;  and  society  could  well  be  divided  into  rich 
and  poor,  noble  and  base,  half-cultured  and  illiterate. 
This  is  readily  understood  from  the  concentration 
among  the  people  of  the  wealth  and  refinement,  and  a 
mere  glance  at  Mexico  wTould  confirm  it  with  the  ex- 
treme presented  of  nudity  and  glitter,  grossness  and 
refinement,  profusion  and  squalor.  This  was  here  the 
more  striking  owing  to  the  congregation  of  vagrants, 
beggars,  and  indigent  sick,  allured  from  all  quarters 
by  the  fame  of  the  capital  for  wealth,  gorgeous  dis- 
plays, and  liberality. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  century  about  one  fifth  of 
its  inhabitants  consisted  of  these  classes  known  as  za- 
ragates,  guachinangos,  and  zaramullos,  the  last  being 
also  termed  Uperos  and  corresponding  to  the  lazzaroni 
of  Naples;  equally  lazy  and  careless,  but  less  vicious. 
Most  of  them  depended  for  a  livelihood  on  labor,  but 
this  was  limited  to  a  day  or  two  in  the  week,  sufficient 
to  procure  them  a  little  food  and  liquor.     The  sky 
was  their  roof,  and  the  bed  their  square  mantle  or 
blanket,  which  served  also  for  almost  sole  raiment. 
Dress  gave  them  indeed  little  concern,  for  as  they  lay 
basking  in  the  sun   the  day  long  the   covering  was 
generally  cast  aside  regardless  of  decency.     Laws  ex- 
isted against  such  classes,  and  a  special  society  had 
been   formed,  as   we  have  seen,  to   discourage   men- 
dicancy and  almsgiving,  and  provide  for  the  deserv- 
ing.54 

64  This  society  was  given  control  of  the  asylum  for  the  poor,  with  power  to 
deal  summarily  with  all  impostors  and  idlers.  Bclena,  Itecop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  203. 
Different  decrees  against  vagabonds  are  also  given  in  Zamora,  Bib.  Leg.  Ult., 
vi.  173-8;  L'ecop.  de  Ind.,  ii.  358-00.  Males  were  to  be  sent  to  mines  and 
plantations,  females  into  families,  children  to  asylums. 


BEGGARS  AND  NOBLES.  755 

The  other  extreme  was  presented  by  the  nobility 
of  local  origin ;  for  that  of  Spain  found  no  inducement 
to  abandon  the  sunshine  of  the  court  for  a  barbarous 
colony,  save  on  temporary  official  duty.  Cortes  was 
the  first  of  this  titled  nobility,  and  'the  marquis'  long 
remained  a  distinctive  attribute  of  him  alone.  In  time, 
with  the  growing  need  of  funds  by  the  king,  the  re- 
ward bestowed  for  distinguished  military  and  diplo- 
matic services  was  extended  to  those  who  chose  to 
promote  such  service  by  the  gift  of  money.  At  first 
this  was  somewhat  cautiously  bestowed,  and  limited 
to  a  cross  of  Santiago  or  Calatrava;55  but  in  the  eigh- 
teenth century  almost  any  rich  miner  or  trader  might 
secure  the  title  of  marquis  or  count,  or  a  military 
title.56  The  ignorance,  vulgarity,  and  want  of  merit 
in  the  holder,  subjected  the  title  to  ridicule,  which, 
however,  decreased  as  it  grew  older.  The  creation 
usually  brought  about  an  entail  for  its  maintenance, 
a  reservation  of  estate  frequent  enough  among  the 
old  creole  families.57  The  testamentary  bond  was  not 
much  respected,  however,  for  the  audiencias  had  power 
to  interfere  with  the  property  and  even  to  authorize 
its  sale,5i  and  only  too  frequently  the  heirs  squandered 
their  fortune  within  two  generations. 

The  two  great  causes  affecting  population,  disease 
and  famine,  obtained  in  New  Spain  with  periodic  fre- 
quency and  great  virulence,  owing  to  peculiar  climatic 
conditions  and  national  improvidence.    The  miasmatic 

55  Viceroy  Mendoza  revived  the  native  order  of  tecuhtli,  not  long  after  the 
conquest,  in  order  to  bind  the  Indian  nobles.  Carta,  in  Pacheco  and  Gdrde- 
nas,  ii.  201-2.     The  order  of  Carlos  III.  was  rather  limited  in  distribution. 

5G  A  list  of  these  from  the  conquest  down  to  1792  is  given  in  Fonseca,  hist. 
Hac,  iv.  249-53.  In  Gonzalez  Davila,  Teatro  Ecles.,  i.  14,  107  etc.;  Morfi, 
Nobleza,  37  etc.;  Vireyes,  Instruc,  serie  i.  pts.  5-6,  18-20  etc.,  maybe  found 
additional  names,  and  in  a  later  volume  will  figure  a  number  of  them.  The 
census  of  1790  mentions  44  persons  at  Mexico  with  nobility  titles  and  38  with 
knighthood.   Gaz.  Mex.,  v.  8. 

57  Several  of  these  mayorazgos  existed  with  a  rental  of  from  10,000  to 
60,000  pesos,  chiefly  held  by  the  descendants  of  traders  and  miners,  but  also 
by  those  of  conquerors  and  officials.  Conde  de  Regla  founded  several;  two 
untitled  sons  were  consoled  with  &709,000  each.  Alaman,  Hist.  M(j.,  i.  17. 

58 Providencias  Iieales,  MS.,  25-6,  152-3;  Col.  de  Diarios,  MS.,  424. 


SOCIETY. 

(  .  lines  formed  an  actual  fever  belt  which  could 
not  fail  to  have  a  certain  effect  even  beyond  its  limits. 
Still,  the  plateau,  which  contained  the  mass  of  the 
people,  enjoyed  as  fine  a  climate  as  could  be  desired; 
and  as  the  Indians  with  their  frugal  and  more  natural 
habits  were  a  rather  healthy  race,  ordinary  maladies 
and  slighter  ills  did  not  greatly  affect  them,  such  as 
indigestion  and  accompanying  troubles.  Colds,  acute 
fevers,  pleurisy,  catarrh,  diarrhoea,  and  consumption 
did  of  course  have  their  victims,  particularly  with  the 
increase  of  artificial  habits  among  the  wealthier  classes. 
Spasms  and  intermittent  fevers  were  frequent  on  the 
coast,  bilious  fevers  on  the  western  slopes,59and  measles, 
introduced  shortly  after  the  conquest,  committed  at 
times  extensive  ravages.60  Leprosy,  known  as  San 
Lazaro's  evil,  existed,  and  had  its  special  hospitals, 
the  use  of  pork  and  chile  being  reckoned  among  in- 
fluencing causes,  and  also  uncleanliness  and  venereal 
diseases,  although  the  latter  Avere  not  very  severe.61 

The  great  scourges  were  matlazahuatl,  small-pox, 
yellow-fever,  and  famine,  of  which  the  first  two  made 
seemingly  periodic  visitations  with  desolating  effects, 
and  almost  exclusively  among  Indians,  especially  the 
matlazahuatl.  Of  this  little  is  known  save  that  it  bore 
a  resemblance  to  yellow  fever  in  its  vomit  symptoms, 
and  raged  with  equal  vehemence  on  the  highland, 
both  before  and  after  the  advent  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  most  severe  years  were  1545  and  1576,  when  from 
800,000  to  2,000,000  persons  perished,  according  to 
Torquemada.  The  years  1736-7  and  1761-2  were 
long   remembered    for  their  inflictions.62     Small-pox 

59 Degenerating  into  adynamic  form.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol.,  ii.  757.  Cer- 
tain marshes  near  Acapulco  gave  rise  to  cholera  morbus.  A  common  affliction 
■was  a  sort  of  frenzy  followed  by  alternate  cold  and  heat,  with  fits  of  laugh- 
ter, weeping,  and  convulsions.  St  Anthony's  fire  was  not  uncommon,  and 
apoplectic  attacks,  called  insidtos.  Estcdla,  xxvi.  299-300.  At  one  time  ap- 
peared a  disease  called  bola,  which  infected  through  the  breath;  and  num- 
bered among  its  victims  the  great  philanthropist,  Conde  de  Valenciana. 

c0As  Alegre  relates,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  233-4,  and  Guijo,  Hiario,  i. 
428-9. 

61  '  Quiza  por  la  benignidad  del  clima. '  Estcdla,  xxvi.  288,  299.  Concerning 
its  origin  see  Native  Race*,  ii.  594. 

62  As  referred  to  in  this  and  the  preceding  volume. 


VtiMITO  PEIETO  AND  OTHER  SCOURGES.  757 

was  introduced  in  1520  by  one  of  Narvaez'  vessels, 
and  committed  such  havoc  that  many  districts  became 
almost  depopulated.  Its  recurrence  may  be  placed  at 
about  every  eighteenth  year;  and  although  later  at- 
tacks did  not  equal  the  first,  yet  they  committed  great 
havoc.  Inoculation  was  introduced  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  eighteenth  century,63  but  not  properly 
made  known,  nor  much  appreciated;  vaccination  on 
the  other  hand  received  immediate  acceptance.  Vice- 
roy Iturrigaray  brought  it  with  him  in  1803,  as  we 
have  seen,  and  in  the  following  year  the  special  com- 
mission from   Spain  secured  its  general  application. 

Vomito  prieto,  the  name  in  New  Spain  for  yellow- 
fever,  had  at  least  this  difference  from  the  matlazahuatl, 
that  it  was  confined  to  the  low-lying  coast,  and  seldom 
attacked  those  born  in  such  regions;  it  gathered 
victims  chiefly  among  visitors  from  cooler  climates, 
sometimes  every  year  during  the  hot  term,  sometimes 
with  an  intermission  of  several  years,  yet  ever  infusing 
terror  among  the  fleets,  so  that  both  vessels  and  cara- 
vans sought  to  avoid  its  dreaded  hot-bed,  the  region 
of  Vera  Cruz,  the  west  coast  so  far  being  free  from 
it.64  Arguments  have  been  adduced  to  show  that  it 
was  not  known  till  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth 
century,65  but  the  records  are  probably  at  fault.  Its 
development  depending  on  certain  condition,  as  shown 
sufficiently  in  the  preceding  brief  remarks,  the  growth 
from  an  ever  present  germ  was  gradual,  the  full  effect 
appearing  only  in  later  times.  Who  can  gainsay  that 
the  sudden  and  extensive  mortality  recorded  among 
arrivals  at  Vera  Cruz  even  during  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury was  not  due  to  a  form  of  this  disease? 

Famine  cannot  be  classed  as  less  destructive  than 

63Alzate  insists  on  attributing  this  to  Doctor  Morell,  in  1779,  Gacetas  Lit., 
i.  365,  but  it  appears  to  have  been  used  here  earlier. 

64  The  deaths  did  not  exceed  2,000  to  3,000  a  year.  From  1766  to  1774  it  did 
not  appear.  Humboldt,  Essai  Pol. ,  i.  69,  ii.  750  et  seq.  The  people  at  Vera  Cruz 
believed  in  a  las  once  luncheon  with  stimulants  to  keep  it  off.  Estalla,  xxvii. 
300. 

G;> '  Mon  era  ivi  conosciata  avanti  l'anno  1725,'  says  that  the  learned  Clavi* 
gero,  Storia  Mess.,  i.  117,  in  which  statement  he  is  widely  followed. 


758  SOCIETY. 

epidemics;  for  while  it  may  not  kill  so  rapidly,  the 
asthenic  effect  on  population  is  even  more  injurious. 
In  New  Spain  the  causes  for  it  existed  in  a  fine  sky 
and  fertile  soil,  which  fostered  both  indolence  and 
improvidence;  in  a  more  than  usual  lack  of  means  for 
communication  by  which  to  open  markets  for  sur- 
plus produce;  and  in  the  simple  tastes  of  the  masses, 
with  little  or  no  inducement  to  extend  the  range  of 
agriculture.  It  need  not  excite  astonishment,  there- 
fore, when  we  learn  that  in  1784  alone  three  hundred 
thousand  persons  are  supposed  to  have  perished  from 
hunger  and  its  attendant  train. 

The  practice  of  medicine  was  neither  extensive  nor 
well  advanced,  and  the  empiric  and  superstitious 
method  of  'wise  people'  and  quacks  had  free  sway; 
notably  the  Indian  medicine-men,  whose  art  was  not 
disdained  even  by  the  superior  class,  despite  the  efforts 
of  Spanish  physicians  to  restrict  it.66  A  protomedico 
was  early  sent  over  from  Spain  with  power  to  super- 
vise67 other  members  of  the  profession,  and  apothe- 
caries to  test  their  drugs,  and  to  communicate  discov- 
eries to  and  from  the  mother  country,  and  later  to 
examine  candidates  and  grant  certificates  to  practise. 
In  1621  a  chair  of  surgery  and  anatomy  was  estab- 
lished at  the  university  of  Mexico,  and  twenty-five 
years  later  the  protomedico  office  was  combined  with 
the  professorship,  forming  the  head  of  a  medical 
board  with  wide  jurisdiction,  including  later  the  func- 
tions of  a  board  of  health.  A  protomedico-general 
came  over  at  times  to  carry  out  reforms,  such  as  to 
exact  a  more  thorough  hospital  course  for  surgeons, 
and   a   more    thorough    training    for    apothecaries. 


68 


C6The  attainments  of  the  native  doctors  will  be  found  described  in  Native 
Race*,  ii.  598  et  seq.,  this  series. 

67  Sec  Hist.  21<.r.,  ii.  251,  this  series. 

C8  Protomedicato,  Vindication,  1-18.  Four  courses  were  required  after 
17  4.  Belefia,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  1*20.  Earlier  regulations  foi  the  profession 
may  be  found  in  Recop.  de  Ind.;  Movtemayor,  Svmarios,  1G7-8;  and  other  col- 
lections. The  Cesarean  operation  was  well  understood.  Cedulario,  MS.,  iii. 
64-5.     In  1790  there  were  in  Mexico  51  doctors,  and  221  surgeons  aad  barbers. 


THE  PRACTICE  OF  MEDICINE.  759 

Treatment  varied  with  the  influence  exercised  by  the 
different  medical  schools  and  sects,  the  asthenic  sys- 
tem being  long  in  vogue,  coupled  with  prophylactic 
measures. 

The  abuse  of  bleeding,  purging,  and  the  like  grew 
altogether  excessive,  with  inordinate  application  even 
to  healthy  persons.  Adynamic  forms  were  treated 
as  inflammatory;  and  in  prostration  the  crisis  was  pas- 
sively awaited.  With  the  propagation  of  the  Bru- 
nonian  theory  toward  the  end  of  the  last  century,  the 
profession  awoke  to  the  faults  of  the  prevailing  sys- 
tem which  had  cost  so  many  lives;  and  now  a  head- 
long reaction  set  in  which  had  at  least  the  effect  of 
directing  to  more  independent  study,  and  to  diminish 
somewhat  the  reliance  on  unaided  prayers,  appeals 
for  saintly  interference,69  and  superstitious  mummery. 
The  aboriginal  vapor  bath  ever  remained  a  favorite 
remedy,70  the  health-giving  qualities  of  mineral  and 
hot  springs  were  recognized,  and  also  the  beneficial 
effects  of  change  of  climate.71 

Hospitals  were  founded  at  Mexico  by  Cortes, 
and  the  early  friars  and  royalty  took  an  interest 
in  their  extension,  a  law  of  1541  ordering  them  to 
be  established  in  all  Spanish  and  Indian  towns,72 
which  was  in  a  measure  carried  out.  By  decree  of 
1540,  an  institution  existing  at  Mexico  was  trans- 
formed into  the  famous  Royal  Hospital,  with  an 
encomienda  for   its    support.73     This   grant   received 

Oaceta  Ilex.,  v.  8.  The  last  two  offices  were  often  combined  at  this  period. 
In  other  parts  medical  men  were  scarce,  and  Yucatan  does  not  appear  to  have 
had  one  till  about  1710. 

c9In  Guijo,  Diario,  i.  428-9,  and  similar  chronicles,  are  given  instances 
of  the  common  recourse  to  the  saints  and  to  religious  rites.  In  fluxion,  the 
women  used  to  tie  a  handkerchief  to  the  hair  on  one  side  of  the  head,  and  in 
certain  cases  round  the  forehead,  the  color  of  the  bandage  being  duly  con- 
sidered. Estalla,  xxvi.  302. 

70 As  described  in  Native  Races,  ii.  595-6. 

71  As  Herrera  already  indicated,  dec.  iii.  lib.  iii.  cap.  ix. 

72 Recop.  de  Intl.,  i.  23.  As  recommended  by  the  royal  council  in  1533. 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc. ,  xii.  1 35. 

73  Copies  of  decrees  in  Ramirez,  Doc,  MS.,  10-221.  The  founding  has 
been  a  mooted  question,  some  like  Fonseca  placing  it  much  later.  This 
Cabrera,  Escudo,  396,  etc.,  seeks  to  disprove  in  an  elaborate  argument,  al- 
though he  himself  merely  hovers  round  the  true  fact. 


760  SOCIETY. 

additions  at  different  times,  notably  from  the  tax  of 
half  a  real  on  every  Indian  tributary,  for  whom  the 
institution  was  intended.74  Furthermore,  several  spe- 
cial and  general  hospitals  were  erected  in  the  capital, 
Cabrera  describing  nine  in  the  middle  of  the  last 
century,  without  counting  private  establishments;75 
three  were  added  by  the  beginning  of  the  present 
cycle.  Of  these,  three  were  cared  for  by  the  three 
charity  orders  of  San  Juan  de  Dios,  San  Hipolito,  and 
the  Bethlehemites,  whose  labors  extended  over  the 
whole  country,  wherever  the  need  for  their  special  aid 
called  them,  and  their  means  permitted  the  founding 
of  hospitals.70  Mexico  preponderated  greatly,  how- 
ever, in  the  number  both  of  hospitals  and  other 
benevolent  institutions;  to  them  the  indigent  sick  and 
needy  congregated  from  afar,  and  also  the  rich,  who 
here  found  the  best  doctors  and  care.77 

Three  of  the  hospitals  were  for  the  insane,  a  Mag- 
dalen asylum  existed  since  the  seventeenth  century,  and 
orphan  asylums  may  be  said  to  date  from  the  time  when 
Cortes  opened  his  palace  to  a  number  of  noble  maidens 
and  the  early  missionaries  began  to  care  for  neglected 
children.  Regular  establishments  to  this  end  soon 
became  numerous  under  royal,  religious,  and  private 
patronage,  with  special  attention  to  foundlings.  The 
consideration  for  these  castaway  waifs  was  singularly 

74  The  history  of  this  tax  is  given  in  Fonseca,  Hist.  Hac.,  vi.  199  et  seq., 
together  with  rules  for  the  hospitals.  The  income  of  the  Royal  Hospital  in 
1808  reached  40,000  pesos.  Zamora,  Bib.  Lea.  Ult.,  iii.  529-30. 

75  One  attended  more  particularly  to  ecclesiastics;  another  to  venereal  dis- 
eases, a  third  to  leprosy,  a  fourth  to  St.  Anthony's  fire,  and  so  forth.  Cabrera, 
EacvdOf  82,  390  et  seq.  The  viceroys  gave  them  special  attention  and  sug- 
gested reforms  as  instanced  in  the  Relation  of  Mendoza,  in  Pacheco  and  Car- 
denas, Col.  Doc,  vi.  497,  and  the  Instruction  of  llevilla  Gigedo,  MS.,  i.  33-7, 
and  Azanza,  VJi.,  67-9;  the  chroniclers  Motolinia,  Mendieta,  Torquemada, 
Vetancurt,  Beaumont,  Villa-Sefior,  and  others  speak  freely  of  them,  the  latter 
especially  alluding  to  them  in  every  town;  and  in  the  series  of  Gaceta  tie 
Mex.,  and  Diario  de  Mex.,  are  constant  reports  of  their  operations. 

76  For  the  history  of  these  orders  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  epoch  when  they 
were  founded  or  introduced.  The  Bethlehemite  hospital  at  Mexico  was  for 
convalescents;  the  Hipolito  for  lunatics. 

''This  feature,  together  with  the  number  of  ecclesiastics  and  idle  people 
without  family  ties,  explains  the  small  number  of  births  as  compared  with 
deaths,  so  misleading  to  the  careless  student. 


BENEVOLENT  INSTITUTIONS.  761 

marked.  The  king  issued  decrees  declaring  that  they 
should  all  be  held  legitimate  before  the  la\v,  and  more- 
over enjoy  the  same  exemption  from  shameful  punish- 
ments as  those  of  gentle  birth  on  the  ground  that  they 
might  be  of  noble  blood,78  a  measure  no  doubt  credita- 
ble  to  the  heart  of  the  prince,  but  questionable  in  its 
bearing  on  morality.  Prominent  among  the  benevo- 
lent institutions  of  the  capital  was  the  asylum  for  the 
poor  opened  in  1774,  a  huge  establishment  with  a  train- 
ing school  for  the  useful  arts,  with  public  and  private 
reformatory,  refuge,  and  lying-in  departments;79  also 
the  Monte  de  Piedad,  or  public  pawnshop,  founded  in 
1775  by  Conde  de  Pegla  with  a  gift  of  three  hundred 
thousand  pesos.80 

It  would  be  difficult  to  find  another  city  so  richly 
endowed  by  benevolence  as  Mexico.  To  this  con- 
tributed no  doubt  the  congregation  there  of  wealthy 
people,  some  the  possessors  of  seemingly  inexhaustible 
mines,  and  with  comparatively  few  means  for  invest- 
ment; but  the  explanation  lies  mainly  in  the  indolence, 
improvidence,  and  impulsiveness  of  the  people,  traits 
closely  allied  to  generosity  and  sympathy;  yet  it  does 
not  require  these  evidences  to  indicate  that  the  Mex- 
icans are  kind-hearted.  The  Roman  Catholic  religion 
also  fosters  a  less  selfish  sentiment  than  the  colder 
reasoning  creeds  of  Protestantism.81 

Reverence  for  the  dead  was  also  more  marked 
among  this  warm-hearted  though  volatile  people,  and 

™Cedidario,  MS.,  i.  55-6;  Ilex.,  Prov.  Dioces.,  MS.,  189-90.  The  regu- 
lations for  the  royal  asylum,  which  in  1803  contained  213  children,  are  given 
in  Nunez,  Constit.  de  la  Real  Casa  del  Senor  8.  Joseph,  Mex.  (1775),  8vo,  60 
pages;  Alegre,  Hist.  Comp.  Jesus,  iii.  239. 

T9Its  different  features  are  fully  explained  in  Dublan,  Leg.  Mex.,  i.  307-13; 
Diario  Mex.,  iii.  261-8;  iv.  45-7;  vi.  294-6.  It  was  founded  by  a  church  dig- 
nitary with  royal  aid. 

80  Under  royal  patronage ;  a  charge  of  three  per  cent  was  made  on  loans. 
Belefia,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  255-6. 

81  Among  the  philanthropists  of  New  Spain  are  the  condes  of  Bassoco, 
Valenciana,  and  Regla,  the  marquises  of  San  Francisco  and  San  Cristobal, 
and  workers  like  Andre's  de  Carbajal,  who  gave  to  the  poor  more  than 
$2,000,000  during  his  life,  besides  founding  colleges  and  other  institutions. 
During  epidemics  the  wealthy  vied  with  a  benevolent  clergy  in  distributing 


762  SOCIETY. 

funerals  were  pompous;  the  mourning  was  deep  and 
of  long  duration.  Indeed,  the  king  found  it  necessary 
to  interfere  in  more  than  one  decree  with  the  reckless 
extravagance  in  this  respect  that  must  prove  a  serious 
burden  to  many.  The  draping  of  the  church  and 
house  was  limited  to  the  coffin  vault  and  the  widow's 
reception  room;  candles  or  torches  were  reduced  to 
about  a  dozen,  coaches  forbidden  for  the  funeral  pro- 
cession, and  the  funeral  dress  was  prescribed  to  nar- 
row forms.  Mourning  should  be  worn  for  not  more 
than  six  months,  and  only  for  nearer  relatives,  not 
by  servants  of  the  family.82  The  fees  of  the  clergy 
for  the  necessary  masses,  tolling  of  bells,  and  other 
ceremonies,  also  suffered  a  reduction.83  These  like 
other  regulations  were  either  overruled  or  fell  into 
disuse,  and  had  to  be  repeated  with  different  modifi- 
cations,84 and  with  indifferent  result.  A  peculiar  feat- 
ure was  the  rejoicing  which  attended  the  funeral  of  a 
child,  with  singing,  drinking,  and  dancing,  in  token  of 
gladness  over  its  incorporation  among  the  angels  while 
yet  uncorrupted.  Cemeteries  beyond  the  limits  of  the 
towns  were  rare  before  the  time  of  Revilla  Gigedo, 
who  urged  their  formation  on  sanitary  grounds,  but 
it  required  special  royal  and  ecclesiastic  orders  to  en- 
force the  measure.85 

It  did  not  require  much  effort  to  sustain  life  in  so 
sunny  a  clime,  where  the  masses  were  content  to  sub- 
food  and  medicine.  An  association  called  the  Junta  de  Caridad  was  latterly- 
active  in  relieving  the  poor  by  a  judicious  system  which  had  for  its  aim  to 
discourage  indiscriminate  charity,  and  the  consequent  dismissal  of  the  pest 
of  beggars  infesting  the  capital.  JJiario,  Mex.,  iv.  308-74.  A  royal  decree 
sought  to  regulate  bequests  by  recommending  that  preference  should  be  given 
to  the  people  or  church  of  the  district  where  the  testator  had  lived  and  ac- 
quired his  means.  Iiecop.  de  Ind.,  i.  155. 

t-  Even  for  royalty  the  servants  in  a  family  were  not  to  wear  the  mourning 
expected  from  the  master.  Ordenesdela  Corona,  MS.,  iii.  65-7;  Belefia,  Ttecop., 
i.  pt.  iii.  221-2;  Gonzalez  Ddvila,  TeatroEcles.,  i.  134. 

t3  And  here  papal  ordinances  came  to  support  the  decree.  Morelli,  Fasti 
Noci  Orbis,  348-9. 

6l  Cedidario,  MS.,  iii.  18S-92.  For  a  description  of  a  pompous  funeral  I 
refer  the  leader  to  the  opening  chapter  of  this  volume. 

86 As  early  as  1554  burying-grounds  distant  from  churches  were  ordered  to 
be  set  apart  for  the  poor,  to  whom  removal  to  the  temple  might  prove  too 


MEALS  AND  DISHES.  7G3 

sist  on  stewed  frijoles  or  brown  beans,  and  tortilla, 
the  plain  hot  maize  cakes,  seasoned  with  a  pepper 
sauce  of  chile,  varying  occasionally  with  a  maize  por- 
ridge called  atolli,  similarly  seasoned.  These  Indian 
dishes86  appeared  also  on  the  tables  of  the  higher 
classes,  as  adjuncts,  for  with  them  both  meals  and 
dishes  were  numerous.  They  began  the  day  with 
chocolate,  thin,  foaming,  and  flavored  with  vanilla  or 
other  ingredients,  and  taken  with  cake  and  fruit,  a 
refreshment  indulged  in  by  the  women  at  frequent 
intervals.87 

The  regular  breakfast  with  meats  and  other  sub- 
stantial dishes  came  a  little  later.  In  some  parts  a  las 
once,  wine  or  liquor  with  cake,  or  other  light  food,  was 
taken  before  the  heavy  noon  meal,  with  its  soup,  sopa, 
cooked  rice  or  roasted  bread  with  melted  fat,  puchero, 
equivalent  to  the  Spanish  olla  podrida,  a  mixture  of 
different  meats  and  vegetables,88  supported  by  plainer 
dishes,  including  the  frijoles  with  fresh  cheese,  and 
followed  by  the  excessively  sweet  preserves  and  con- 
fectionery. Hot  tortillas  were  served  throughout  the 
meal  instead  of  bread,  although  this  lay  on  the  table. 
Wine  or  water  was  seldom  taken  till  after  eating. 
The  siesta  lasted  till  four  o'clock.  Toward  dusk  was 
laid  a  lighter  meal,  and  chocolate  with  sweets  and 
other  drinks,  or  even  tamales,  meat  pies,  served  for 
supper.89 

costly.  Recop.  de  Ind.,i.  155-8.  The  first  remote  cemetery  opened  at  Re  villa 
Gigedo's  instance  was  at  Vera  Cruz  in  1790.  Puebla  followed  the  example 
in  the  following  year,  but  Mexico  delayed  longer.  Eevilla  Gigedo,  Instruc, 
48-52.  Distinguished  persons  were  not  supposed  to  be  consigned  beyond  the 
church  precincts,  but  decrees  of  1813-14  abolished  this  exemption.  Mex.y 
Prov.  Dioces.,  MS.,  490-1. 

8GDescribed  in  Native  Races,  ii.  354  et  seq.,  this  series. 

87  Gage  relates  that  they  used  even  to  take  it  during  mass  at  church, 
pleading  the  need  of  sustenance.  In  Chiapas  a  bishop  attempted  to  stop  the 
custom,  but  only  evoked  hostility  which  resulted  in  his  death  by  poisoning. 
Thenceforth  it  became  a  saying :  Beware  of  the  Chiapas  chocolate.  Voy. ,  ii. 
165-70. 

88  Most  European  vegetables  were  used,  but  veal  and  butter  rarely. 

89  Estalla,  xxvi.  301-2,  rightly  attributes  much  decrepitude  to  this  exces- 
sive indulgence,  and  declares  that  this  together  with  the  climate  made  women 
of  30  appear  as  old  as  those  of  50  in  Spain.  See  also  Pike,  Explor.,  373-4. 
Humboldt  gives  a  list  of  the  staple  food  of  Mexico,  and  shows  that  this  city 


764  SOCIETY. 

This  excess,  in  a  climate  demanding  comparatively 
little  sustenance,  could  hardly  be  said  to  extend  to 
drinking,  although  a  good  deal  of  liquor  was  con- 
sumed, and  although  the  frequent  laws  against  intoxi- 
cation might  lead  to  this  belief.  The  Indians  were 
certainly  addicted  to  the  fermented  liquors  prepared 
from  the  maguey  and  the  sugar-cane,  but  drunkards 
were  not  numerous.90  In  its  pure  state  the  favorite 
pulque,  which  had  to  be  drunk  the  day  after  its  brew- 
ing, was  less  intoxicating  than  grape  wine;  but  the 
desire  to  preserve  it,  and  the  longing  for  something 
stronger,  caused  it  to  be  adulterated  with  different 
preparations,91  and  against  this  abuse  the  laws  were 
more  especially  directed.92  The  higher  classes,  deem- 
ing these  drinks  unfashionable,  patronized  grape  wine 
from  Spain,  the  introduction  of  which  increased  as 
the  Brunonian  medical  theory  came  in  vogue. 

Dress  in  New  Spain  at  the  beginning  of  the  nine- 
teenth century  served  to  mark  the  classes,  not  alone 
by  its  abundance  and  quality,  but  by  its  distinctive 
features  for  different  professions  and  ranks.  Thus  the 
official,  the  judge,  the  doctor,  the  barber,  could  be 
recognized  by  their  hats,  capes,  collars,  cuffs,  sword, 
and  the  like;  and  so  with  the  humble  classes  and 
Indians,  the  latter  being  restricted  to  their  peculiar 
covering,93  which  must  not  be  adopted  by  even  the 
lower  mixed  breeds.     Nevertheless  the  simple  maxtli, 

consumed  more  meat  per  head  than  Paris,  although  the  large  Indian  popula- 
tion hardly  ever  touched  this  article;  the  bread  consumption  was  slightly  less 
than  in  Paris.  His  estimates  show  that  $72  was  expended  on  the  food  and 
clothing  of  a  laborer's  family  in  the  hot  regions,  and  $20  less  on  the  plateau. 
One  third  of  the  colored  classes  expended  $300  a  year.  Essai  Pol.,  i.  110, 
198,  etc.  The  last  observation  may  explain  the  peculiarity  in  the  preceding 
figures. 

90  Three  days  in  the  street-cleaning  gang  was  one  of  the  punishments. 

91  See  Native  Races,  ii.  359,  this  series. 

92  The  wine-shops  were  reduced  in  number,  their  hours  limited,  a  special 
body  was  formed  to  supervise  the  enforcement  of  liquor  laws — Azanza, 
J ust r iic,  MS.,  32-4,  dwells  on  this  measure — and  other  steps  were  taken  at 
different  times,  often  dictated  by  excessive  prudence,  and  of  little  value,  ex- 
cept as  regards  the  adulteration. 

93  For  which  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  Native  Races,  ii.  303  et  seq. 


DRESS  OF  DIFFERENT  CLASSES.  76;> 

or  short  cotton  drawers,  with  the  straw  hat,  and 
square  mantle,  were  widely  encroached  upon,  with  a 
disregard  for  decency  that  was  particularly  striking 
and  objectionable  in  the  large  towns,  and  evoked  sev- 
eral decrees  with  the  usual  ineffectiveness.  Revilla 
Gigedo  took  a  more  energetic  course  in  compelling 
the  numerous  workmen  in  public  factories  and  depart- 
ments to  adopt  a  better  dress,  consisting  of  shirt,  vest, 
and  chwpa,  a  linen  coat  similar  in  form  to  our  dress 
coat;  also  trousers,  shoes,  and  socks.  None  might  join 
in  public  meetings  or  processions  covered  in  mantle 
or  serape.94 

Those  with  means,  whether  white  or  of  mixed 
blood,  were  naturally  impelled  by  the  common  class 
vanity  to  distinguish  themselves  from  the  poor  by  an 
extravagant  display  which  again  provoked  frequent 
repressive  edicts,  as  instanced  already  in  the  time  of 
the  first  aucliencias.95  Whatever  effect  these  may 
have  had  for  the  time,  the  pent-up  love  for  finery 
burst  forth  with  strength  renewed  by  its  momen- 
tary check,  and  Gage  describes  '  how  those  stand- 
ing examples  of  humility,  the  religious  and  curates, 
sallied  forth  in  state  to  reprove  sinners.  He  saw  a 
" Frier  of  the  Cloister  riding  with  his  lac*key-boy  by 
his  side,  upon  a  good  gelding,  with  his  long  habit 
tucked  up  to  his  girdle,  making  shew  of  a  fine  silk 
Orange-colour  Stockin  upon  his  legs,  and  a  neat  Cor- 
dovan shoe  upon  his  foot,  with  a  fine  Holland  pair  of 
Drawers,  with  a  lace  three  inches  broad  at  knee." 
He  speaks  of  other  friars  "under  whose  broad  sleeves 
we  could  perceive  their  Doublets  quilted  with  silk, 
and  at  their  wrists  the  Laces  of  their  Holland  shirts."96 

The  characteristic  dress  of  the  people  can  be  recog- 
nized in  that  of  the  different  provinces  of  Spain,  as 

94  Even  Indians  could  adopt  this  new  regulation,  issued  in  1799,  although 
it  was  not  compulsory  with  them.  Diario,  Mex.,  vi.  262-72;  Zamora,  Bib. 
Leg.  Ult.,  iii.  33-4;  Revilla  Gigedo,  Instruc,  58;  Maltrat.  de  Indios,  MS., 
pt.  xviii.  14;  Belena,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  Ill,  etc. 

95  And  as  spoken  of  by  early  officials  in  Florida,  Col.  Doc,  120-1;  Ter- 
naux-Compans,  Voi/.,  serieii.  torn.  v.  .233-4;  Ilerrera,  dec.  vi.  lib.  vii.  cap.  vi. 

96JVety  Survey,  57. 


7G6  SOCIETY. 

described  in  the  introduction  to  my  History  of  Central 
America,91  the  shielding  capa  and  mantilla,  for  the  re- 
spective sexes,  being  also  here  the  striking  feature. 
Among  men  prevailed  the  broad-brimmed  hat  with 
low  crown,  shirt  with  wide  collar  loosely  bound  by  a 
bright  necktie,  gaudy  vest,  and  short  jacket,  knee- 
breeches  with  leggings,  or  long  trousers  open  on  the 
outer  side  below  the  knee,  and  provided  with  rows 
of  metal  buttons  and  displaying  the  white  drawers. 
Reaching  only  to  the  hips,  the  trousers,  often  with 
flaps  thrown  back,  allowed  a  glimpse  of  the  many- 
colored  sash  which  bound  the  drawers  and  hung  in  a 
knot  behind  from  under  the  jacket.  Each  of  these 
vestments,  from  hat  to  leggings,  was  braided  and 
embroided  with  silk,  according  to  the  wealth  of  the 
wearer  and  the  skill  and  devotion  of  the  wife  or  mis- 
tress. It  was  only  too  common  to  invest  all  surplus 
means  on  these  decorations,  and  to  combine  them  with 
superior  fabrics.  When  travelling  a  sercqie  or  manga 
was  used,  consisting  of  an  oblong  or  square  blanket 
with  a  slit  in  the  center  through  which  the  head  was 
passed.  The  dress  of  women  appeared  less  complex, 
and  included  a  chemise,  with  woollen  or  starched 
muslin  skirt,  and  the  small  rebozo  shawl  which  hung 
from  the  head  over  the  shoulder,  with  one  end  flung 
across  the  bosom  to  the  opposite  shoulder,  and  high 
enough  to  cover  the  lower  half  of  the  face.  Bodices 
and  jackets  more  or  less  gaudy  were  added  according 
to  the  occasion ;  then  there  were  glittering  glass  beads 
for  the  neck,  and  satin  shoes  for  the  bare  feet.  Silk 
and  velvet  were  widely  used,  and  rich  embroidery  and 
braiding  like  those  of  the  men,  a  favorite  gala-covering 
being  a  shawl  called  batas,  so  stiff  with  this  embroi- 
dery as  to  stand  erect.  Variegated  sashes  could  be 
seen  everywhere,  and  bright  colors  prevailed  among 
the  upper  classes;  except  in  the  more  substantial  arti- 

97  i.  39,  ct  seq.,  and  as  given  in  Menonville,  Voy.,  i.  105,  etc. ;  G«ge,  Voy.,  i. 
202-3;  Edalla,  xxvi.  30G;  Pike's  Explor.,  372;  Walton,  ii.  301;  liealea  Ordeiies, 
iv.  407. 


FINERY  AND  GLOSS.  767 

cles  of  dress,  which  were  generally  black,  the  Indians 
adhered  to  the  quieter  blue.  Latterly  the  European 
fashions  received  more  attention  among  the  wealthy, 
but  ever  combined  with  an  excessive  parade  of  jewelry 
and  a  frequent  change  of  attire.  Even  the  men  affected 
jewelry,  and  often  sprinkled  their  apparel  and  belong- 
ings with  diamonds.  Particular  pride  was  taken  in  the 
abundant  black  hair,  which  the  women  wore  exceed- 
ingly long,  even  to  the  feet,  often  loose,  but  generally 
in  broad  plaits,  with  floral  and  other  more  elaborate 
adornments  that  formed  as  a  rule  its  sole  covering 
even  when  they  went  abroad.  Indian  males  allowed 
their  hair  to  reach  the  shoulder,  and  regarded  its  cur- 
tailment as  a  disgrace. 

o 

While  the  bath  was  general  enough,98  the  women 
cannot  be  accused  of  excessive  tidiness;  a  slovenly 
appearance  too  often  prevailed  among  the  better 
classes  during  the  morning  hours,  and  among  the  rest 
during  the  week  days,  manifesting  itself  especially  in 
uncombed  hair  and  stale  oily  cosmetics,  but  covered 
as  well  as  fostered  by  the  all-shielding  mantilla  or 
shawl.  Another  not  exactly  attractive  feature  was 
the  prevalence  of  smoking  among  the  fair  sex,  even 
in  public  assemblies;  and  yet  they  sought  to  dissimu- 
late on  this  point,  especially  before  parents,  in  the 
presence  of  whom  it  was  considered  disrespectful  to 
display  the  cigarette. 

Gloss  seemed  to  cover  almost  everything.  A  legal 
whitening  covered  the  aboriginal  admixture  in  the 
veins;  a  title  the  horny  hand  or  stigma  of  tradesman; 
a  showy  dress  or  shielding  mantle  the  negligence 
beneath;  a  few  shallow  acquirements  the  lack  of  edu- 
cation; a  self-deceptive  egotism  the  absence  of  pro- 
fundity; a  lightsome  smile  and  sympathetic  tone  the 
lurking  love  for  such  barbaric  sports  as  bull  and  cock 

98 'La  sequedad  delclimalos  hace  tambien  precisos  con  mucha  frecuencia. ' 
Revilla  Glgcdo,  Instruc. ,  58.  Owing  to  a  lack  of  change  of  underclothing,  or 
of  drawers  and  shirt,  it  was  common  for  the  family  to  resort  to  the  river  or 
lake  at  intervals,  and  while  the  wife  washed  for  the  husband  and  children 
they  awaited  the  operation  wrapped  in  their  mantles. 


708  SOCIETY. 

fighting;  oppressive  social  ceremonies  the  want  of 
more  elevating  means  for  intercourse.  After  all,  there 
was  nothing  harmful  beneath  this  simulation,  nothing 
more  than  that  covered  by  the  politeness  of  society 
which  hides  the  disagreeable  in  order  to  promote  the 
happiness  of  all  concerned.  In  this  case  the  gloss 
covered  crudities  which  a  really  kind  disposition 
served  greatly  to  excuse.  Relaxing  somewhat  from 
the  proud  dignity  of  the  Spanish  ancestor,  the  Creole 
intensified  his  proverbial  courtesy  and  decorum  till 
they  became  tiresome.  In  sprightliness  of  spirit,  volu- 
bility, and  neatness  of  manner  both  he  and  the  mestizo 
resembled  the  French,  whom  they  began  to  copy, 
without  possessing  their  ability  or  innate  taste. 

While  not  to  be  classed  as  beautiful  the  women  of 
New  Spain  possessed  a  confiding  and  affectionate 
disposition  which  was  most  alluring;  add  to  this  a 
bright  eye,  a  pretty  arm,  and  a  small  foot  indicative 
of  a  fine  figure,  and  they  need  not  complain  of  nature's 
gifts.  Those  of  Puebla  and  Sonora  were  even  famed 
for  beauty.  The  lack  of  education  extended  among 
all  classes,  and  even  the  smattering  of  music,  drawing, 
and  cognate  arts  was  denied  domestic  life  until  of 
late.  The  cultivation  of  the  passions  was  paramount; 
and  thus  taught  they  abandoned  themselves  to  frivoli- 
ties, to  dress  and  blandishments;  but,  while  guarded 
by  formalities  similar  to  those  which  protected  their 
sisters  in  Spain,  these  forms,  like  the  laws  in  general, 
were  less  strictly  enforced.  Social  and  legal  class  and 
caste  restrictions  in  New  Spain,  as  well  as  certain 
habits,  tended  rather  to  foster  a  lax  feeling  and  con- 
duct, and  where  the  curate,  vowed  to  celibacy  and 
chastity,  openly  recognized  his  progeny,  the  flock  could 
hardly  be  blamed  for  following  the  example.09 

The  young  people   knew  little  or   nothing  of  the 

99 1  have  already  commented  on  the  loose  ideas  in  this  respect  prevalent  in 
Spain.  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  54,  etc.,  this  series.  Regulations  existed  for  re- 
stricting illicit  love,  for  the  compulsory  reunion  of  absent  husbands  with  their 
vivos,  and  similar  measures.  Recop.  de  hid.,  ii.  355,  380,  etc.  But  what 
availed  these  against  tacit  permission  and  fostering  causes?   Mora,  Hist.  liev., 


FAMILY  LIFE.  769 

bliss  connected  with  courtship,  for  the  opportunity 
was  withheld,  or  spoiled  by  the  congealing  presence 
of  a  duena;  but  then  marriage  took  place  so  much 
earlier.  According  to  Navarro  the  number  of  persons 
joined  in  matrimony  before  the  age  of  sixteen  was 
16.27  in  1000,  a  proportion  due  chiefly  to  the  climate, 
but  also  to  food,  and  to  interested  encouragement 
from  ecclesiastic  and  civil  officers.100  The  courtesy  of 
the  men  and  the  affectionate  disposition  of  the  women 
tended  toward  a  happy  family  relation,  which  was 
increased  by  the  ever  respectful  obedience  of  the 
children,  manifested  by  such  acts  as  abstaining  from 
smoking  in  the  parental  presence,  and  by  the  require- 
ment of  the  parents'  consent  to  the  marriage  of  a  son 
even  when  past  the  age  of  twenty-five.101 

This  happy  intercourse  depended  wholly  on  char- 
acter; for  no  systematic  or  strict  training  was  brought 
to  bear  upon  the  youthful  mind,  and  few  of  the  cher- 
ished comforts  and  conveniences  of  a  northern  home 
existed  in  this  southern  clime  to  strengthen  the  family 
bond,  unless  we  seek  it  in  such  features  as  the  shaded 
courts  of  the  superior  houses,  cooled  by  playing  foun- 
tains, and  in  the  comparatively  small  number  of  at- 
tractions beyond  their  precincts.  The  apartments 
surrounding  the  court102  were  poorly  and  deficiently 
furnished,  more  attention  evidently  being  paid  to 
carpets,  pictures,  and  fancy  articles  for  show  than  to 
useful  things.  The  comparative  abundance  of  table 
plate  was  due  as  much  to  the  difficulty  of  introducing 

i.  135-8,  seeks  to  palliate  these  defects  by  attributing  them  to  a  faulty  train- 
ing. The  decade  following  the  Independence  brought  about  a  radical  reform 
he  declares. 

100  Marriage  regulations  are  set  forth  in  Nunez  de  JJaro,  Edicto,  Mex.  1779, 
1-30;  Mex.,  Provid.  Diocesanas,  MS.,  passim;  Providencias  Beales,  MS.,  197, 
285,  etc.  The  last  authority  toeats  of  marriage  and  the  separate  property 
of  women.  Navarro,  Mem.,  22-3. 

101  If  withheld,  the  judge  could  interfere,  however.  Belena,  Pecop.,  i.  pt. 
iii.  186.  Tatita  and  nanita  were  the  affectionate  terms  for  father  and  mother ; 
the  latter  often  called  the  daughter  hermanita,  little  sister.  Est  alia,  xxvi. 
341,  379-80. 

102  Not  unlike  the  arrangement  in  the  houses  of  aboriginal  Mexico,  as  de- 
scribed in  Native  Paces,  ii.  570-1. 

Hist.  Mex.,  Vol.  III.    49 


770  SOCIETY. 

china  ware  as  to  ostentation.  The  native  pottery 
was  hardly  deemed  sufficiently  good  for  the  banquet- 
table. 

The  dwelling-houses  on  the  plateau  were  usually 
of  adobes,  or  sun-dried  bricks,  with  a  ilat  cement  roof, 
containing  one  large  room,  sola,  the  general  reception 
i\\u\  living  apartment,  a  bedroom,  and  a  kitchen. 
The  sala  had  seldom  more  than  one  panelcss  window, 
as  a  rule  not  toward  the  street,  and  this  was  gen- 
erally closed  with  a  shutter,  so  that  light  came 
from  the  door,  which  opened  direct  upon  the  street.103 
While  the  walls  shone  with  lustrous  whiteness,  the 
ceiling  disclosed  the  bare  beams,  and  the  floor  con- 
sisted either  of  cement  or  bricks.  At  one  end  of  the 
sala  extended  a  rough  carpet,  bordered  along  the 
walls  with  low  cushioned  benches,  elsewhere  a  few 
chairs.  In  some  of  the  corners  stood  small  gilded 
tables  supporting  candlesticks  and  porcelain  figures, 
and  the  walls  were  relieved  with  a  few  gaudy  pic- 
tures or  images  of  saints,  the  madonna  figure  with 
its  burning  light  in  front  being  accorded  the  place  of 
honor. 

Dwellings  among  the  lower  classes  descended  the 
scale  until  they  reached  the  common  standard  in  the 
hot  region  of  a  cane  hut  thatched  with  palm  leaves 
and  provided  with  a  portico,  but  without  windows, 
for  the  wide  chinks  between  the  canes  of  the  wall  ad- 
mitted both  light  and  air.  Its  one  room  served  for 
the  whole  family,  with  pigs  and  poultry,  and  it  was 
but  occasionally  that  a  partition  appeared  in  one 
corner.  The  bed  consisted  of  a  rush  or  palm-leaf  mat, 
sometimes  raised  on  a  framework  of  canes,  on  which 
the  women  would  sit  cross-legged  during  the  leisuie 
moments  of  the  day.  This  and  the  earthenware,  with 
the  stone  for  grinding  maize,  and  the  saint  images, 
comprised  the  furniture,  for  even  a  bench  was  deemed 

103  j]ven  the  rarer  two-story  buildings  had  f«w  windows  in  the  upper 
story,  the  door  opening  on  the  balcony  serving  chiefly  to  admit  light.  Where 
appropriate  timber  abounded,  shingles  and  other  wood  work  entered  more 
freely  into  the  construction. 


AMUSEMENTS.  771 

unnecessary.104  Yet  in  the  poorest  households  hospi- 
tality was  extended  to  any  one  with  a  profusion  and 
good-will  that  seemed  religious  in  its  universality. 

The  light-hearted  disposition  of  the  people  was  best 
manifested  at  their  numerous  and  spirited  festivities, 
connected  principally  with  the  church,  but  multiplied 
by  holidays  in  honor  of  birthdays  and  other  incidents 
pertaining  to  the  royal  family;  on  the  occasion  of  good 
news,  and  on  the  birthday  of  the  viceroy  there  was 
likewise  rejoicing.105  Nearly  all  these  were  celebrated 
with  processions,  bell-ringing,  bull-fights,  balls,  fire- 
works, and  general  merriment.  On  royal  birthdays 
the  ceremonies  began  with  solemn  mass,  attended  by 
the  official  bodies,  and  were  followed  by  a  public  re- 
ception at  the  viceregal  palace,  where  the  hand  of  the 
ruler  was  kissed  by  the  different  bodies,  in  prescribed 
order  of  precedence.  Meanwhile  artillery  salvos  re- 
sounded, and  in  the  afternoon  a  promenade  in  coaches 
and  on  horseback  was  made  by  the  leading  personages 
in  the  alameda  of  Mexico.106 

This  afternoon  promenade  was  for  that  matter  a 
daily  feature,  which  gave  the  best  opportunity  for 
displays  of  toilets  and  wealth.  Hundreds  of  the 
heavy  springless  coaches  of  the  time,107  covered  and 
embellished  with  profuse  designs,  then  rolled  slowly 

101  Even  rich  Indians  seldom  made  an  effort  to  rise  above  the  poor  neigh- 
bor in  comforts.  Abate,  Gazcta  Lit.,  ii.  99;  Estcdla,  xxvi.  307;  Ward's  Mex., 
ii.  179-80;  Pike's  Explor.,  373.  While  benches  or  chairs  were  provided  in 
the  churches  for  certain  classes  of  men,  the  women  had  to  sit  humbly  on  the 
floor,  with  or  without  mats. 

1115  For  the  tribunals  the  holidays  extended  over  easter,  the  week  precod- 
it,  and  Christmas,  ash-Wednesday,  and  two  carnival  days  preceding,  and 
over  30  other  days,  chiefly  of  saints.  Ordenes  de  Corona,  1747-50,  MS., 
i.  42-3.  In  Guijo,  Diario,  i.,  passim,  and  Robles,  Diario,  are  indicated  a 
number  of  casual  festivals.  Reales  Ordenes,  iv.  375-6. 

106  As  prescribed  in  Ordenes  de  Corona,  MS.,  v.  113-15. 

107  Curtains  were  at  one  time  used  instead  of  doors.  Latterly  English  ve- 
hicles came  into  vogue.  Estalla  alludes  to  the  frequent  sight  of  incomplete 
livery,  a  half-naked  coachman  with  one  boot,  and  so  forth.  More  than  once 
coaches  had  been  forbidden  in  connection  with  other  sumptuary  restrictions, 
but  this  served  only  as  a  momentary  check,  and  in  1785  the  capital  had  G37 
with  an  average  of  4  or  5  servants  attending.  Villarroel,  Enferm.  Pub.,  103. 
Gage  claims  that  in  his  time,  1625,  there  were  about  2,000,  Voy.,  i.  213,  but 
this  is  a  mere  guess. 


772  SOCIETY. 

down  the  avenue,  drawn  hy  two  or  four  horses  or 
mules,  and  attended  by  servants  in  conspieuous  livery, 
generally  negro  slaves,  some  walking,  some  seated. 
Within  sat  the  ladies  in  rich  evening  dress,  without 
veil  or  head-covering,  and  glittering  with  iewels,  ex- 
changing  glances  or  greeting's  with  those  passing  them. 
Litters  could  be  seen  on  the  sides;  and  high  above 
the  throng,  between  the  two  lines  of  carriages,  were 
prancing  steeds  whose  riders  were  seated  in  saddles 
stamped,  gilded,  or  even  embossed  in  massive  gold  or 
silver,  and  forming  one  piece  with  the  leather  or  fur 
covering  that  extended  over  the  hind-quarters  of  the 
horse.  The  covering  was  embellished  like  the  saddle, 
and  fringed  with  dangling  pieces  of  precious  or  com- 
mon metal  which  jingled  at  every  step.  The  bridle 
was  also  heavily  ornamented,  and  the  rider  still  more 
adorned,  in  broad-brimmed  hat  edged  with  gold  or 
silver  lace,  his  fur-trimmed  and  embroidered  jacket, 
breeches  with  silver  buttons,  stamped  leather  leggings, 
immense  silver  spurs,  and  inlaid  whip,  the  whole  rep- 
resenting quite  a  fortune,  and  forming  a  picturesque 
feature,  heightened  by  a  display  of  the  fine  horseman- 
ship for  which  the  people  are  well  known,  especially 
in  the  northern  provinces.  A  humbler  imitation  of 
this  guise  is  still  common  in  the  country.  Women 
ride  chiefly  on  the  right  side  of  the  animal,  sometimes 
astride,  or  seated  before  the  cavalier. 

Church  festivals  were  exceedingly  gorgeous  at  the 
capital  and  attracted  people  from  afar,  stands  being 
frequently  erected  for  spectators  on  such  occasions, 
while  windows  were  rented  at  prices  measured  both 
by  the  length  of  the  procession  and  the  sacredness  of 
the  relics  wherewith  the  clergy  impressed  the  eye 
and  stirred  the  emotion.  The  privilege  to  partici- 
pate and  to  carry  some  banner  was  much  sought,  and 
involved  no  little  expense  for  costume  and  other  ac- 
cessories.108    The  sacred  portion   of  the  programme 

108  Carrying  the  banner  on  August  13th,  the  anniversary  of  the  capture  of 


SPORT  AXD  DRAMA.  773 

over,  the  multitude  turned  with  haste  to  the  profane 
entertainments,  notably  the  bull-fight,  for  which  one 
of  the  city  squares  was  usually  reserved;109  or  to  the 
boisterous  amusements  of  the  fair-ground  with  its 
gambling,  cock-fighting,  and  other  sports,  combined 
of  course  with  drinking  and  other  excesses  glaringly 
in  contrast  to  the  solemnity  of  the  day. 

Cock-fighting  was  a  favorite  sport  among  all  classes, 
and  under  its  alluring  excitement  rich  and  poor,  noble 
and  beggar,  freely  mingled  their  shouts  and  bets.110 
While  hardly  any  restrictions  were  imposed  on  brutal 
pastimes  of  this  nature,  gambling  with  dice,  cards,  and 
other  implements  was  subject  to  a  number  of  prohi- 
bitions, which  embraced  certain  games  of  hazard,  lim- 
ited the  stakes  of  a  person  to  ten  pesos  de  oro  a  day, 
and  excluded  from  any  contact  with  the  vice  judges, 
agents  of  merchants,  and  some  other  classes.111  Safe- 
guards  were  no  doubt  required  among  a  people  with 
whom  the  passion  for  gambling,  so  prevalent  already 
among  the  Spaniards,  was  greatly  intensified  by  a 
frivolous  and  impulsive  nature;  yet  the  government 
fostered  it  in  another  direction  by  extending  royal 
patronage  over  lotteries.  An  official  institution  of  this 
kind  w^as  established  in  1770,  with  fourteen  drawings 
a  year,  and  prizes  ranging  as  high  as  twelve  thousand 
pesos.  Within  fifteen  years  the  government  made  a 
profit  of  over  a  million  pesos.112 

For  a  people  so  addicted  to  the  drama  as  the 
Spanish,  and  boasting  such  names  as  Lope  de  Vega  and 

Mexico,  devolved  on  a  regidor,  and  was  declined  by  many  owing  to  the 
outlay  required. 

10!*  In  addition  to  the  necessary  stands  for  the  occasion  the  windows  of  the 
houses  around  were  controlled  by  the  committee  in  charge.  Beleila,  Recop., 
i.  161;  Villaroel,  Enferm.  Pol.,  86. 

110  At  the  instance  of  the  archbishop  the  sport  was  forbidden  in  16S8,  and 
the  revenue  therefrom  ordered  to  be  drawn  from  other  sources,  with  the  usual 
result,  Robles,  Dlario,  ii.  474,  etc.  Later  the  stakes  were  limited  to  a  small 
amount.  Recop.  de  hid.,  ii.  218.  But  this  served  only  the  better  to  protect 
the  dishonorable.  Museo  Mex.,  i.  2S4-6.  In  the  time  of  Re  villa  Gigedo,  Lt- 
strtic.,  324-5,  it  yielded  a  revenue  to  the  crown  of  850,000. 

111  Recop.  delnd.,  ii.  352-3;  Belena,  Recop.,  i.  pt.  iii.  217;  Estalla,  xxvi.  377; 
Concilios  Prov.,  MS.,  pt.  iii.  120-1;  pt.  iv.  36,  49. 

112  As  more  fully  explained  in  the  chapter  on  finance. 


774  SOCIETY. 

Calderon,  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  efforts  made 
in  behalf  of  the  stage  by  their  American  children 
were  meagre  indeed.  Comedies  had  been  presented 
at  the  palace  of  Mexico,  and  sacred  pieces  at  the  con- 
vents, as  early  as  the  first  decade  after  the  conquest, 
and  a  theatre  appears  to  have  been  erected  in  the  sev- 
enteenth century/13  but  at  the  close  of  the  following 
only  one  worthy  of  the  term  existed,  in  the  Coliseo, 
supplied  by  mediocre  actors  from  Spain.114  Never- 
theless, encouragement  for  a  better  personnel  was 
not  wanting,  for  favorites  frequently  received  liberal 
presents  from  the  impressed  audience,  which  show- 
ered gold  and  silver  on  the  stage,  and  even  pieces  of 
jewelry.115 

Although  the  performance  began  somewhat  earlier 
than  with  us,  yet  it  lasted  at  times  till  midnight,  owing 
partly  to  extended  entr'actes  for  exchanging  visits  in 
the  boxes,  and  indulging  in  chat,  confectionery,  and 
smoking,  the  vivacious  ladies  delighting  in  such  by- 
play as  casting  cigarette  stumps  at  the  public.116  The 
custom  of  bestowing  presents  on  performers  extended 
also  to  private  reunions,  where  any  one  excelling  in  a 
song  or  dance  was  obliged  to  accept  the  contributions 
of  admirers  known  as  la  gala.111 

The  social  party,  tertulia,  lasting  from  about  half 
past  six  till  half  past  nine  in  the  evening,  was  a  merry 
affair  with  its  exuberant  fun  and  its  comparative  free- 
dom. With  volubility  of  tongue  conversation  flowed 
fast,  and  a  trifle  sufficed  to  provoke  merriment.    Par- 

ll8Cavo  certainly  mentions  that  the  'nuevo  coliseo 'was  burned  in  1722, 
Tres  Siglos,  ii.  122,  implying  the  existence  of  an  earlier  building. 

114  Vera  Cruz  opened  one  in  1791,  and  other  towns  were  aspiring  toward  the 
same  end;  even  Merida  possessed  a  theatre  in  1806,  although  a  lire  soon 
destroyed  it.  Ancona,  Hint.  Yuc,  iii.  240. 

mOne  actress  thus  lured  3,000  pesos  in  gold  by  a  recitation.  Estalla,  xxvi. 
284.  The  supervision  of  drama  and  order  devolved  on  a  regidor.  Boxes  were 
frequently  rented  by  the  year.  Villarrod,  Enferm.  Pol'd.,  92-5.  The  person- 
nel and  salaries  at  Mexico  were  quite  numerous  and  high,  as  shown  by  a  table 
of  1800,  in  Diario  Mex.,  ii.  30G-7.  Reviews  of  performances  may  be  read  in 
Vega,  Dwcurso,  1-1G;  Gaceta&Mex.,  iii.  69-72,  83,  xv.  116  etc. 

111 Marionettes  and  masks  and  disguises  were  forbidden  in  1731  and  1749 
owing  to  scandalous  proceedings.   Bde.ua,  Ilecop.,  i.  129,  225. 

117  Hence  Uevarse  la  gala  was  a  term  for  'carrying  off  the  prize.' 


TERTULIAS  AXD  DANCING.  775 

lor  games  were  frequently  indulged  in,  with  forfeits, 
but  singing  and  dancing  prevailed.  Words  were  read- 
ily improvised  to  the  simple  melody,  and  all  joined  in 
the  refrain.  Dancers  also  sang  at  times,  while  the 
spectators  assisted  the  guitar  orchestra  with  occasional 
clapping  of  hands.  The  favorite  dances  were  the  min- 
uet, confined  to  the  higher  class,  the  waltz,  bolero,  and 
fandango,  all  executed  with  a  grace  for  which  Span- 
iards are  well  known,  yet  not  free  from  features  that 
savored  of  the  indelicate.118 

Athletic  sports  were  rare,  except  in  connection 
with  horseback-riding,119  and  even  aboriginal  games 
and  feats  had  fallen  into  neglect.  Equally  lacking  was 
love  for  natural  scenery  and  rustic  life  as  manifested 
in  our  picnics  and  rambles,  yet  the  fondness  for  flow- 
ers remained  as  strong  as  in  aboriginal  times,  when  it 
entered  as  the  chief  decoration  for  festive  occasions, 
apd  as  the  choicest  gift  to  the  guest.  Even  now  the 
market  stalls  appeared  as  bowers,  and  the  fruit  lay 
hidden  in  a  fringe  of  green  and  blossoms,  while  from 
the  dark  tresses  of  the  passing  senoras  gleamed  the 
opening  buds  in  white  and  red. 

Thus  have  passed  two  more  centuries  of  viceregal 
sway  in  New  Spain ;  so  quietly  they  passed  as  to  cause 
not  a  ripple  beyond  its  immediate  vicinity.  It  is  the 
unattractive  period  of  the  growing  child,  who  has  yet 
all  his  mark  to  make. 

We  still  hear  occasionally  the  din  of  battle,  but 
not  for  conquest:  merely  the  skirmish  with  rude 
tribes  of  the  north,  at  bay  against  an  encroaching 
civilization,  upon  which  they  retaliate  in  organized 
descents  from  shielding  mountain  fastnesses,  or  in 
flitting1  like  lowering:  shadows  along:  the  outskirts  of 

&  iD  o 

118Both  in  motion  and  accompanying  words.  Pike  expresses  himself 
strongly  on  this  subject.  Explor.,  373. 

119  As  shown  in  Hist.  Cent.  Am.,  i.  50,  this  series.  In  Diario,  Ilex.,  ii. 
279,  is  described  a  house  for  the  game  of  ball.  Laws  concerning  the  hunt  are 
given  in  Gcrfvan,  Orel.,  89;  Tierras,  33-6.  For  aboriginal  games  see  Native 
llaces,  ii.  283-301. 


77G  SOCIETY. 

settlements.  The  conqueror  disappeared  with  the* 
fading  mirage  of  newer,  richer  lands  which  had  urged 
him  onward  till  repeated  disappointment  shattered  his 
hopes.  He  yielded  to  the  change  of  circumstances 
calling  to  settled  life  and  development  of  resources 
so  far  discovered,  and  to  rearing  a  varied  progeny. 
Military  operations  against  Indians  dwindled  to  a 
cordon  of  outposts,  assisted  by  a  temporizing  and 
even  humiliating  policy  savoring  little  of  the  spirit 
which  impelled  a  handful  to  overthrow  an  empire 
and  disclose  a  southern  sea.  But  it  promoted  peace- 
ful enjoyment,  with  farming  and  stock-raising  in  the 
secure  provinces  of  the  south  and  centre,  while  in  the 
exposed  regions  of  the  north  the  mines  proved  the 
main  incentive  to  face  isolation  and  danger.  The 
latter  branch  ever  received  special  attention  with 
its  prospect  of  immediate  returns,  but  commerce  and 
other  industries  as  a  rule  lacked  the  beneficent  im- 
pulses springing  from  improved  communication,  wider 
range  of  markets,  and  fostering  care. 

As  for  the  Indians,  while  ever  subjected  to  the 
whims  of  greedy  officials  who  were  protected  in  their 
disregard  for  laws  by  interested  colonists,  their  lot, 
since  the  inauguration  of  viceregal  rule,  could  not  at 
any  period  have  been  worse  than  under  the  exactions 
of  Aztec  tyrants  and  their  unscrupulous  tax  collectors 
and  garrisons;  and  it  certainly  became  better  with  the 
progress  of  centuries.  Add  to  this  the  absence  of  wars 
which  in  aboriginal  times  kept  the  country  in  turmoil 
and  under  constant  drain;  add  the  new  beneficent  arts 
and  industries  bestowed  by  Caucasian  civilization  and 
the  products  brought  by  trans-oceanic  trade;  add  the 
gentle  religion  which  replaced  bloody  rites,  and  finally 
the  effort  toward  a  higher  and  more  general  education 
which  for  a  time  placed  the  country  on  a  level  with 
many  a  European  state,  and  the  natives  may  indeed 
congratulate  themselves  on  the  change.  In  vain  do 
we  look  for  similar  results  among  Anglo-Saxon  colo- 
nizers. 


COLONIAL  POLICY  AND  ITS  EFFECT.  777 

The  improvements  should  have  been  greater,  but 
the  policy  of  Spain  was  short-sighted  and  selfish, 
despite  the  benevolent  motives  often  impelling  it. 
That  policy  was  aggravated  by  the  rule  of  appointing  to 
nearly  all  positions  of  control  officials  born  in  the  Penin- 
sula, whose  inclination  leaned  too  strongly  toward  the 
mother  country  and  against  the  colony,  at  least  where 
their  interests  clashed.  They  managed  moreover  to 
set  aside  or  thwart  many  a  humane  and  progressive 
measure,  and  to  subordinate  the  interests  of  the  crown 
and  the  people  to  their  own  dishonest  aims. 

Official  integrity  was  not  a  prominent  virtue,  as 
we  have  seen,  even  among  the  viceroys;  yet  the  lat- 
ter must  on  the  whole  be  classed  as  men  of  fair 
character  and  ability.  Several  shine  brightly  for  their 
wise  and  philanthropic  administration,  and  many  more 
would  no  doubt  have  attained  a  similar  record  but  for 
their  duty  to  carry  out  the  mandates  of  the  home 
government,  swayed  too  frequently  by  an  impover- 
ished treasury.  The  aim  was  to  make  the  American 
j)ossessions  subservient  in  every  respect  to  the  will  of 
Spain,  although  these  efforts  proved  in  the  main  dis- 
astrous, as  I  shall  have  occasion  to  show  in  a  later 
volume.  This  aim  went  so  far  as  to  cause  a  riodd  iso- 
lation  of  the  colonies  from  foreign  intercourse,  at- 
tended by  suppression  of  information  about  them  which 
evoked  wide-spread  comments  among  writers  on  the 
New  World.  Such  policy  could  not  fail  to  meet  ob- 
jections within  the  countries  concerned,  though  it 
might  not  have  created  any  decided  ill-feeling  but  for 
the  jealous  reservation  of  officers  which  touched  a 
weak  spot  among  the  Creoles,  ever  eager  for  position 
and  honor,  and  drove  them  to  sympathize  and  seek 
common  cause  with  the  disturbing  elements  to  be  ex- 
pected among  a  mixture  of  races,  with  antagonistic 
interests  and  feelings,  especially  against  the  dominant 
classes.  It  is  the  maturing  and  coalescing  of  these 
elements,  and  the  mighty  convulsions  which  ensue, 
that  will  form  the  subject  of  my  next  volume. 


778  SOCIETY. 

Like  the  subject  of  industries,  information  regarding  society  is  meagre. 
It  is  chiefly  based  on  scraps  gathered  during  the  researches  called  for  by  the 
general  history,  and  woven  with  the  threads  of  observation  resulting  there- 
from, yet  on  several  points  the  information  has  been  more  massed  or  more 
fully  considered.  Thus,  in  the  different  collections  of  laws,  as  Puga,  Cedu- 
li vrio,  Ordenea  de  la  Corona,  and  other  MS.  sets,  Recop.  de  Ind.,  Helena, 
Soldrzano,  D6  Ind.  Ivre,  I  have  found  decrees  relating  to  different  features 
of  social  life  and  institutions,  supplemented  in  such  books  as  Calle,  Mem.  y 
Not.,  with  statistical  data.  Clavigero  in  his  dissertations,  Storia,  Mess.,  iv., 
gives  some  admirable  reflections  on  the  origin  of  diseases  and  ancient  condi 
tion  of  the  Indians.  Humboldt  speaks  at  length  on  epidemics  and  on  popula- 
lion  statistics,  the  latter  receiving  some  valuable  comments  from  Navarro, 
Mem.  sobre  la  Poblacion.  Pimentel,  Raza  Indigena,  considers  the  treatment 
to  which  the  aborigines  have  been  subjected,  and  shows  a  considerable  study 
of  his  theme,  although  it  does  not  cover  the  whole  field  or  the  whole  period 
in  question.  More  interesting  and  exhaustive  is  the  Hist.  Repartimientos, 
by  Saco.  Portilla  takes  up  the  same  subject  in  Espana  en  Mexico,  but  as  a 
defender  of  Spanish  policy,  and  consequently  with  less  freedom  from  bias; 
yet  offering  thereby  some  useful  arguments  for  one  side  of  the  issue.  The 
policy  of  the  government  in  this  and  other  social  respects  finds  a  commen- 
tator, rare  for  this  period,  in  Villarroel,  Eufermedades  Politicas,  who  suggests 
some  very  useful  reforms.  The  need  for  these  can  be  readily  understood  by 
the  glimpses  of  character  and  life  to  be  found  in  the  New  Survey  of  that  noted 
friar  Thomas  Gage,  who  peeped  behind  the  scenes  and  failed  not  to  relieve  his 
burdened  mind.  Less  committing  are  the  sketches  given  by  Estalla,  Pike,  Ex- 
]>lor.,  in  the  introductories  of  Alaman,  Hist.  Mej.,  i.,  and  Mora,  Mej.  y  sus 
Rev.,  by  Guerra,  Hist.  Rev.,  and  others.  More  varied  are  the  facts  presented 
in  Instrucciones  de  Vireyes,  in  the  biographic  sketches  of  Gallo,  Hombres, 
J  lustres  and  Dice.  Univ.,  in  the  critical  paragraphs  of  the  learned  Alzate, 
Oacetas  Lit.,  and  in  the  news  items  and  articles  of  the  Gaceta  de  Mexico 
and  Diario  de  Mex. 

For  broader  references  on  the  preceding  chapter  the  following  authorities 
maybe  consulted:  Providencias  Reales,  MS.,  7  etseq. ;  Cedidarios,  MS.,  i. 
55-6,  73-4,  92,  199-203,  21G;  iii.  12-13,  45-9,  G4-5,  98-104,  183-213;  iv.  26, 
242;  Ordenes  de  la  Corona,  MS.,  i.  26-64,  139;  ii.  159-69,  181,  190-7;  iii. 
65-7,  143;  iv.  1,  10,  29-35,  67;  v.  55,  110-17,  134-5;  vi.  34;  vii.  2-7;  Puga, 
Cedulario,  10-11,  108,  118;  Recop.  de  Ind.,  i.  22-8,  158,  106,  253;  ii.  140-1, 
190-1,  195-7,  219-22,  240-9,  289-97,  352-5,  359,  362,  364,  539-41;  iii.  332-4; 
Belena,  Recop.,  i.  77,  182,  202-23,  265;  ii.  188-209;  Montemayor,  Svmarios, 
3,  10,  15-16,  24-6,  49,  114,  136-9,  167-8,  228-36;  Reales  Ccdulas,  MS.,  i.  2-3, 
76,  103,  181-3,  216;  ii.  52-3,  58,  153,  167,  170,  188,  197,  208;  Zamora,  Bib. 
Log.  Ult.,  iii.  33-4,  529-30;  vi.  173-8;  Figueroa  Vindicias,  MS.,  9-55;  Leyes, 
Varias  Anotaciones,  MS.,  43;  Ordenanzas,  Reales  del  Consejo,  passim;  Nero 
Mexico, Doc.  Hist.,  MS.,  423-4;  Nueva Espana,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  37;  Tamaron, 
Visita,  Dur.,  MS.,  1-2;  Paveles  Franciscanos,  MS.,  261,  530;  Pinart,  Doc. 
Chih.,MS.,i.  1-6;  Ramirez, Doc,  MS.,  16-132,  220-1;  Rescriptos  Reales,  Ecles.y 
MS.,  148-50;  Monumentos  Hist,  y  Polit.,  MS.,  428;  Revilla  Gu/edo,  Bandos, 
nos.  11-46,  58,  67,  74,  87;  Id.,  Instruc,  MS.,  33-40,  145-81,  100-106,  144-5, 
174-80;  ii.  486-8;  Sigiienza  y  Gdngora,  Carta  al  Almirante,  MS.,  40-4,  54; 
Squier'e  MS.,  xviii.  1-20;  Vireyes  de  Mex.,  Instruc,  MS.,  nos.  4-6,  18,  20; 
I  i/larroel,  Justa  Repidsa,  MS.,   117-22;    Id.,  Enfermedades  Polit.,   167-9; 


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7S0  SOCIETY. 

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passim;  Galvez,  Informe  de  Visitador,  MS.,  48-9. 


£lM5435^- 


£ 

v.  II