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THE   WORKS 


OF 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


THE   WORKS 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  XVHI. 


HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

VOL.  I.     1542-1800. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1884. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  1884,  by 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Eights  Reserved. 


PREFACE. 


THE  past  of  California,  as  a  whole  and  in  each 
successive  phase,  furnishes  a  record  not  excelled 
either  in  variety  or  interest  by  that  of  any  New  World 
province.  From  the  time  when  it  was  a  mere  field 
of  cosmographic  conjecture,  its  position,  somewhere  on 
the  way  from  Mexico  to  India,  being  vaguely  fixed  by 
such  bounds  as  Asia,  the  north  pole,  Newfoundland, 
and  Florida,  it  has  drawn  upon  itself  a  liberal  share 
of  the  world's  notice.  The  period  of  Spanish  occupa- 
tion, of  spiritual  conquest  and  mission  development 
growing  out  of  Franciscan  effort,  of  quiet  pastoral 
life  with  its  lively  social  monotony,  is  a  fascinating 
subject  that  in  no  part  of  America  can  be  studied 
more  advantageously  than  here.  Even  the  minia- 
ture struggles  between  church  and  state,  the  polit- 
ical controversies  of  the  Mexican  regime,  the  play  at 
war  and  state-craft,  are  full  of  interest  to  the  reader 
who  can  forget  the  meagre  outcome.  On  the  ocean, 
as  on  a  great  maritime  highway,  California  was  visited 
by  explorers  and  traders  from  all  parts  of  the  world, 
thus  escaping  much  of  the  tedious  isolation  of  inland 
provinces,  to  the  manifest  enlivenment  of  her  annals. 
Over  the  mountains  presently  came  adventurous  path- 
finders, followed  by  swarms  of  Anglo-Saxon  im- 
migrants to  seek  homes  by  the  Pacific;  and  their 

Ciii) 


iv  PEEFACE. 

experiences  on  the  overland  way,  with  the  dissensions 
and  filibusterings  that  followed  their  coming,  from 
the  '  Graham  affair'  to  the  'Bear  Flag 'revolt,  furnish 
matter  for  a  narrative  not  wanting  in  dramatic  in- 
terest. Then  came  the  conquest,  the  change  of  flag, 
and  the  interregnum  of  military  rule  under  the 
United  States;  closely  followed  by  the  crowning 
excitement  of  all,  the  discovery  of  gold,  an  event  that 
not  only  made  California  famous  among  the  nations, 
but  imparted  a  new  interest  to  the  country's  past. 
The  gold-mines  with  their  immense  yield,  the  anoma- 
lous social  conditions  and  developments  of  the  '  flush 
times,'  the  committees  of  vigilance  and  other  strange 
phenomena,  for  years  permitted  no  relaxation  of  the 
world's  interest.  And  then  dawned  the  latest  epoch 
of  industrial  progress,  of  agricultural  wealth,  of  trans- 
continental railways,  of  great  towns  on  the  Pacific; 
an  epoch  that  in  a  measure  places  California  side  by 
side  with  older  states  in  a  career  of  progressional 
prosperity. 

My  resources  for  writing  a  history  of  California  are 
shown,  in  the  accompanying  list  of  authorities,  and  in 
Chapter  II.  of  the  present  volume,  where  a  classifica- 
tion of  the  authorities  is  given.  Existing  printed 
material  for  such  a  history  is  in  the  aggregate  exten- 
sive and  valuable.  The  famous  collectors  and  editors 
of  old,  such  as  Hakluyt  and  Purchas,  the  standard 
historians  of  the  Spanish  Indies,  Torquemada  and 
Herrera,  with  Mercator,  Ortelius,  and  all  the  school 
of  cosmographers,  aided  by  such  specialists  as  Vene- 
gas  and  Cabrera  Bueno,  published  what  was  known 
and  imagined  of  California  in  the  earliest  period  of 
its  annals.  Then  the  early  navigators  from  the  time 


PREFACE.  v 

of  La  Perouse  and  Vancouver  gave  much  atten- 
tion to  the  history  of  the  country  they  visited;  and 
while  few  of  them  made  the  best  use  of  their  oppor- 
tunities, yet  their  narratives  may  be  regarded  as 
the  most  valuable  material  in  print,  unless  we  except 
Palou's  missionary  annals.  Meanwhile  Fleurieu  and 
Navarrete,  like  Forster  .and  Burney,  turned  their 
attention  to  the  summarizing  of  early  voyages;  and 
others,  like  Forbes  and  Mofras,  gave  a  more  practical 
scope  to  their  researches.  Documentary  records  were 
printed  from  time  to  time  in  Mexico,  and  even  in 
California;  articles  more  or  less  historical  found 
their  way  into  the  world's  periodicals,  and  mention  of 
the  far-off  province  appeared  in  general  works  on 
Spanish  America.  Foreign  pioneers,  following  the 
lead  of  Robinson,  described  in  print  the  condition  and 
prospects  of  their  new  home;  overland  immigrants  and 
explorers,  like  Bidwell  and  Hastings  and  Fremont, 
pictured  the  western  coast  for  the  benefit  of  others  to 
follow.  The  conquest  was  voluminously  recorded  in 
documents  printed  by  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  as  well  as  in  such  books  as  those  of  Colton  and 
Cutts,  also  making  California  a  prominent  topic  of 
newspaper  mention.  From  the  finding  of  gold  there 
has  been  no  lack  of  books  and  pamphlets  published 
in  or  about  the  country;  while  national,  state,  and 
municipal  records  in  type,  with  the  addition  of  news- 
papers, have  forever  abolished  the  necessity  of  search- 
ing the  unprinted  state  and  county  archives. 

Of  late  there  has  been  manifest  commendable 
diligence  on  the  part  of  early  Californians  in  his- 
toric research.  Many  pioneer  reminiscences  have 
been  printed  in  one  form  or  another,  one  journal 


vi  PREFACE. 

having  been  devoted  for  years  almost  exclusively  to 
that  labor.  A  few  documents  of  the  older  time  have 
seen  the  light,  with  comments  by  such  men  as  Taylor 
and  Evans,  who,  like  Stillman,  have  studied  the  old 
voyages.  John  T.  Doyle,  besides  publishing  several 
historical  pamphlets,  has  edited  a  reprint  of  Palou's 
works.  Several  men,  like  Hopkins  of  San  Francisco 
and  Wilson  of  Santa  Cruz,  have  brought  out  small 
collections  of  California  documents.  Other  memorials 
of  the  Mexican  time  have  been  translated,  printed, 
and  to  some  extent  utilized  in  periodicals  and  legal 
records.  Some  members  of  the  legal  profession,  such 
as  Dwinelle,  have  expanded  their  briefs  into  formal 
history.  Several  old  narratives  or  diaries  of  early 
events,  as  for  instance  those  of  Ide  and  Sutter,  have 
been  recently  published.  Benjamin  Hayes  has  been 
an  indefatigable  collector  of  printed  items  on  southern 
California.  Lancey  has  presented  in  crude  form  a 
valuable  mass  of  information  about  the  conquest. 
Specialists,  like  McGlashan  on  the  Donner  party, 
have  done  some  faithful  work.  Particularly  active 
have  been  the  local  annalists,  headed  by  Hittell, 
Soule,  Hall,  and  Gilbert,  whose  efforts  have  in  sev- 
eral instances  gone  far  beyond  mere  local  and  personal 
records,  and  who  have  obtained  some  original  data 
from  old  residents  and  a  partial  study  of  documentary 
evidence.  And  finally  there  are  a  few  writers,  like 
Tuthill  and  Gleeson,  who  have  given  the  wrorld  popular 
and  creditable  versions  of  the  country's  general  annals. 
The  services  of  the  lawyers  and  legal  tribunals  in 
years  past  merit  hearty  recognition.  My  corps  of 
involuntary  legal  assistants  has  been  more  numerous 
than  that  of  the  twenty  skilled  collaborateurs  employed 


PREFACE,  vii 

directly  by  me  as  elsewhere  explained;  and  though 
they  examined  but  a  small  part  of  the  archives,  yet 
they  employed  the  finest  talent  in  the  profession, 
labored  for  more  than  twenty  years,  submitted  their 
work  to  the  courts,  and  collected,  I  suspect,  larger 
fees  than  I  should  have  been  able  to  pay.  The  notes 
of  these  workmen  were  scattered  broadcast,  and  were 
practically  inaccessible  in  legal  briefs,  printed  argu- 
ments, court  reports,  and  bulky  tomes  of  testimony 
in  land  and  other  cases;  but  I  have  collected,  classi- 
fied, and  used  them  to  test,  corroborate,  or  supple- ' 
ment  notes  from  other  sources.  This  duplication  of 
data,  and  the  comments  of  the  profession  on  the  thou- 
sands of  documents  submitted  alternately  to  partisan 
heat  and  judicial  coolness  in  the  crucible  of  litigi.ti  jn, 
have  not  only  doubled  the  value  of  those  papers/1  at 
have  greatly  aided  me  in  making  proper  use  of  o:  or 
tens  of  thousands  never  submitted  to  such  a  test.  And 
to  documentary  evidence  of  this  class  should  be  added 
the  testiYiiOijy  ot  pioneers  elicited  by :  iuterT°gato^ 
who,  through  personal  interests  or  the  subpcenc,  had 
a  power  over  reticent  witnesses  which  I  never  r>os- 
sessed. 

But  while  much  credit  is  due  to  investigators  of 
the  several  classes  who  have  preceded  me,  the  path, 
so,  far  as  original  research  on  an  extended  scale  ir 
concerned,  has  to  this  time  remained  untrodden.    X  o 
writer  Las  even  approximately  utilized  the  informa- 
•on  extant  in  print.     It  has  now  been  collected  tod 
studied  for  the  first  time  in  its  entirety.    Yet  so  nmcl'i 
further  has  the  investigation  been  carried,  and  so  v.  %m  - 
paratively  unimportant  is  this  class  of  data,  that 


viii  PREFACE,    v 

a  largo  part  of  the  period  covered — namely,  from  1769 
to  1846 — the  completeness  of  my  record  would  not 
be  very  seriously  affected  by  the  destruction  of  every 
page  that  has  ever  been  printed.  Never  has  it  been 
the  fortune  of  any  writer,  aspiring  to  record  the 
annals  of  his  country,  to  have  at  the  same  time  so 
new  a  field  and  so  complete,  a  collection  of  original 
a,nd  unused  material.  I  may  claim  without  exaggera- 
tion to  have  accumulated  practical!  yjll^  that  exists  on 
the  subject,  not  only  in  print  but  m  manuscript.  I 
have  copied  the  public  archives,  hitherto  but  very 
superficially  consulted;  and  I  have  ransacked  the 
country  for  additional  hundreds  of  thousands  of  orig- 
inal documents  whose  very  existence  was  unknown. 
I  have  also  taken  statements,  varying  in  size  from 
six  to  two  thousand  pages  each,  from  many  hun- 
dreds of  the  early  inhabitants.  For  details  respecting 
these  new  sources  of  information  I  refer  the  reader 
to  the  list  and  chapter  already  cited.  It  is  true  that 
doomed  is  will  be  found  aslhe  years  pass  by  to 
throw  a  clearer  light  on  many  minor  points;  but  now 
material — whatever  new  talent  and  new  theories  may 
do — will  necessitate  the  reconstruction  of  few  if  any  of 
cse  chapters.  It  is  to  me  a  matter  of  pride  that,  using 
^  term  in  the  limited  and  only  sense  in  which  it  can 
c,,  r  be  properly  applied  to  an  extended  historical 
work,  I  have  thus  been  able,  to  exhaust  the  subject. 
Possibly  I  have  at  the  same  time  exhausted  the 
patience  of  my  readers ;  for  it  is  in  the  HISTORY  OF 
CALIFORNIA  that  I  have  entered  more  fully  into  de- 
tails than  in  any  other  part  of  the  general  work.  The 
plan  originally  announced  carries  inc  from  national 
history  into  local  annals  as  I  leave  the  south  for  the 


PREFACE.  ix 

north ;  and  among  the  northern  countries  of  the  Pacific 
States  California  claims  the  largest  space.  That  this 
treatment  is  justified  by  the  extent  and  variety  of 
the  country's  annals,  by  its  past,  present,  and  pro- 
spective importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  world,  will  not 
probably  be  questioned.  Yet  while  the  comparative 
prominence  of  the  topic  will  doubtless  be  approved,  it 
may  be  that  the  aggregate  space  devoted  to  it  will 
seem  to  some  excessive.  But  such  would  be  the  case 
if  the  space  were  reduced  by  one  half  or  two  thirds; 
and  such  a  reduction  could  only  be  made  by  a  radical 
change  in  the  plan  of  the  work,  and  a  total  sacrifice  of 
its  exhaustive  character.  A  history  of  California  is  a 
record  of  events  from  year  to  year,  each  being  given  a 
space,  from  a  short  paragraph  to  a  long  chapter,  in 
proportion  to  its  importance.  Any  considerable  re- 
duction in  space  would  make  of  the  work  a  mere 
chronological  table  of  events  that  would  be  intolerably 
tedious,  or  a  record  of  selected  illustrative  events 
which  would  not  be  history.  That  the  happenings  to 
be  chronicled  are  not  so  startling  as  some  of  the  des- 
tiny-deciding events  of  the  world's  history,  is  a  state 
of  things  for  which  the  writer  is  not  responsible;  and 
while  from  a  certain  point  of  view  it  might  justify  him 
in  not  writing  of  California  at  all,  it  can  by  no  means- 
excuse  him,  having  once  undertaken  the  task,  from 
telling  the  whole  story.  The  custom  has  been  in 
writing  the  annals  of  this  and  other  countries  to  dwell 
at  length  on  one  event  or  epoch  recorded  in  a  book  or 
document  the  writer  happens  to  have  seen,  and  to 
omit — for  want  of  space! — twenty  others  equally  im- 
portant which  have  escaped  his  research,  a  happy 
means  of  condensation  not  at  my  command. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    2  J 


x  PREFACE. 

There  will  be  found  in  these  volumes  no  long-drawn 
narratives  or  descriptions.  In  no  part  of  this  series 
has  my  system  of  condensation  been  more  strictly 
applied.  I  am  firm  in  the  belief  that  the  record  is 
worth  preserving,  and  for  its  completeness  I  expect 
i  time  the  appreciation  and  approbation  of  all  true 
( /alifornians.  Unless  I  am  greatly  in  error  respect- 
;  ig  what  I  have  written,  no  intelligent  reader  desiring 
formation  on  any  particular  event  of  early  Cali- 
fornian  history — information  on  the  founding  or  early 
annals  of  any  mission  or  town;  on  the  development 
of  any  political,  social,  industrial,  or  religious  institu- 
tion; on  the  occurrences  of  any  year  or  period;  on  the 
life  and  character  of  any  official  or  friar  or  prominent 
citizen  or  early  pioneer';  on  the  visit  and  narrative  of 
any  voyager;  on  the  adventures  and  composition 
of  any  immigrant  party;  on  any  book  or  class  of  books 
about  California;  or  on  any  one  or  any  group  of  the 
incidents  that  make  up  this  work — will  accuse  me  of 
having  written  at  too  great  length  on  that  particular 
topic.  And  I  trust  the  system  of  classification  will 
enable  the  reader  to  select  without  inconvenience  or 
confusion  such  portions  as  may  suit  his  taste. 

To  government  officials  of  nation,  state,  and  coun- 
ties, who  have  afforded  me  and  my  agents  free  access 
to  the  public  archives,  often  going  beyond  their  official 
obligations  to  facilitate  my  investigations,  most  hearty 
acknowledgments  are  due.  I  am  no  less  indebted  to 
Archbishop  Alemany  of  San  Francisco  and  Bishop 
Mora  of  Los 'Angeles  and  Monterey,  by  whose  au- 
thority the  parochial  archives  have  been  placed  at  my 
disposal;  and  to  the  curates,  who  with  few  exceptions 
have  done  much  more  in  appreciation  of  my  work 


TREFACE.  xi 

than  simply  to  comply  with  the  requests  of  their  su- 
periors. Acknowledgments  are  also  due  to  Father 
Homo  and  his  Franciscan  associates  at  Santa  Ba>- 
bara  for  permitting  me  to  copy  their  unrivalled  col- 
lection of  documents,  the  real  archive  de  misiones. 
Nor  must  I  forget  the  representatives  of  native  Cali- 
fornian  and  early  pioneer  families,  duly  mentioned  by 
name  elsewhere  in  this  history,  who  have  generously 
and  patriotically  given  me  not  only  their  personal 
reminiscences,  but  the  priceless  treasures  of  their 
family  archives,  without  which  documents  the  early 
annals  of  their  country  could  never  have  been  written. 
Lastly  there  are  the  strong,  intelligent,  and  energetic 
men  of  Anglo-Saxon  origin,  conspicuous  among  the 
world's  latter-day  builders  of  empire,  who  have  laid 
the  foundations  of  the  fullest  and  fairest  civilization 
in  this  last  of  temperate  climes — to  these  for  informa- 
tion furnished,  with  a  heart  full  of  admiration  and 
trust,  I  tender  my  grateful  thanks. 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 

CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY     RESUME. 

PAGE 

History  of  the  North  Mexican  States,  1520  to  1769— Corte"s  on  the  Pacific 
Coast — His  Plans — Obstacles — Nuilo  de  Guzman  in  Sinaloa — Hur- 
tado,  Becerra,  and  Jimenez — Cortes  in  California — Diego  de  Guz- 
man— Cabeza  de  Vaca — Niza — Ulloa — Coronado — Diaz — Alarcon — 
Alvarado — Mixton  War — Nueva  Galicia — Nueva  Vizcaya — Mission 
Work  to  1000 — Conquest  of  New  Mexico — Coast  Voyages — Seven- 
teenth Century  Annals — Mission  Districts  of  Nueva  Vizcaya — Tepe- 
huanes  and  Tarahumares — Jesuits  and  Franciscans — Revolt  in  New 
Mexico — Sinaloa  and  Sonora — Kino  in  Pimeria — Vizcaino — Gulf 
Expeditions — Occupation  of  Baja  California — Eighteenth  Century 
Annals  of  New  Mexico,  Chihuahua,  Sonora,  and  Baja  California,  to 
the  Expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  in  1767 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF   CALIFORNIAN   HISTORY. 

List  of  Authorities— A  Catalogue  of  California  Books — Taylor's  List — 
Proposed  Classification — Periods  of  History — Sixteen  Hundred  Titles 
before  1848— Printed  Material — Epoch  of  Discovery  to  1769— Cos- 
mographies and  Voyage  Collections— Spanish  Epoch  1769-1824 — 
Books  of  Visitors— Books,  Periodicals,  and  Documents— The  Mexican 
Period,  1824-1846— Voyages — Overland  Narratives— First  Prints  of 
California — Works  of  Mexican  Authors — Government  Documents — 
Histories — Local  Annals — One  Thousand  Titles  of  Manuscripts- 
Archives,  Public,  Mission,  and  Private — Vallejo  and  Larkin — Docu- 
mentary Titles— Scattered  Correspondence — Dictations  of  Natives 
and  Pioneers — Value  of  Reminiscences — After  the  Gold  Discovery — 

Manuscripts — Books  Printed  in  and  abput  California 34 

( xiii ) 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

THE    DISCOVERY    OF    CALIFORNIA. 

1542-1768. 

PAGE 

Origin  of  the  Name— Conjectures — Sergas  of  Esplandian— Mr  Hale's 
Discovery — Later  Variations  of  the  Name — Who  First  Saw  Alta 
California? — Ulloa,  Alarcon,  Diaz — Five  Expeditions — Voyage  of 
Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo,  1542-3 — Exploration  from  San  Diego  to 
Point  Concepcion — Ferrelo  in  the  North — Voyage  of  Sir  Francis 
Drake,  1579 — New  Albion — Drake  did  not  Discover  San  Francisco 
Bay— Maps-^The  Philippine  Ships— Galli's  Voyage,  1584— Cape 
Mendocino — Voyage  of  Sebastian  Rodriguez  de  Cermenon,  1595 — 
The  Old  San  Francisco — Explorations  of  Sebastian  Vizcaino,  1602-3 
— Map — Discovery  of  Monterey — Aguilar's  Northern  Limit — Cabrera 
Bueno's  Work,  1734— Spanish  Chart,  1742— The  Northern  Mystery 
and  Early  Maps 64 

CHAPTER  IV. 

MOTIVES  AND  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

1767-1770. 

State  of  the  Spanish  Colonies — Accidental  Awakening  from  Apathy — 
Revival  of  Old  Motives — Fear  of  the  Russians — Visitador  Jose  de 
Galvez  on  the  Peninsula — Character  and  Authority  of  the  Man — 
Condition  of  Affairs  in  Lower  California — Instructions  and  Plans  of 
Galvez  for  the  Occupation  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey — A  Fourfold 
Expedition  by  Sea  and  Land — Vessels,  Troops,  and  Supplies — Por- 
tola,  Rivera,  and  Serra — Plans  for  the  Conquista  Espiritual — Galvez 
Consults  the  Padre  Presidente — Sacred  Forced  Loans — Active  Prep- 
arations— Sailing  of  the  Fleet  from  La  Paz  and  Cape  San  Liicas — 
March  of  the  Army  from  the  Northern  Frontier — Loss  of  the  '  San 
Jose ' — Tidings  of  Success , 110 

CHAPTER  V. 

OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO — EXPEDITIONS   BY  SEA  AND   LAND. 
1769. 

Voyage  of  Perez  in  the  'San  Antonio' — Arrival  in  San  Diego  Bay — A 
Miracle — Discovery  of  Santa  Cruz  Island — Waiting  for  the  Capi- 
tana — Voyage  of  Vila  in  the  'San  Carlos' — Fages  and  his  Catalan 
Volunteers — Instructions  by  Galvez — A  Scurvy-stricken  Crew — A 
Pest-house  at  San  Diego — Arrival  of  Rivera  y  Moncada — Crespi's 
Diary— Camp  and  Hospital  Moved  to  North  San  Diego— Coming  of 
Portold  and  Junipero  Serra — Reunion  of  the  Four  Expeditions — 
Thanksgiving  to  Saint  Joseph — The  'San  Antonio'  Sent  to  San 
Bias — Portold  Sets  out  for  Monterey — Founding  of  San  Diego  Mis- 
sion— A  Battle  with  the  Natives— A  Mission  without  Converts . .  .  126 


CONTENTS.  xv 

CHAPTEE  VI. 

FIRST  EXPEDITION  FROM   SAN   DIEGO   TO   MONTEREY  AND   SAN   FRANCISCO. 

1769. 

PAGB 

Portold,  Marches  from  San  Diego— His  Company — Crespi's  Journal— Note 
on  Geography  and  Nomenclature — Table  of  Names  and  Distances — 
First  Baptism  in  California — Earthquakes  in  the  Los  Angeles  Region 
— ATI  Hospitable  People  and  Large  Villages  on  the  Santa  Barbara 
Channel — Across  the  Sierra  and  down  the  Salinas  River — Unsuc- 
cessful Search  for  Monterey — Causes  of  the  Error — Northward. 
along  the  Coast — In  Sight  of  Port  San  Francisco  under  Point  Reyes 
— Confusion  in  Names — Mystery  Cleared — Exploration  of  the  Penin- 
sula— Discovery  of  a  New  and  Nameless  Bay — Return  of  the  Expe- 
dition to  Monterey  and  San  Diego 140 

CHAPTER  VII. 

OCCUPATION    OF    MONTEREY — FOUNDING    OF    SAN    ciRLOS,    SA1T    ANTONIO, 
AND    SAN    GABRIEL. 

1770-1771. 

Affairs  at  San  Diego — A  Disheartened  Governor — California  to  be  Aban- 
doned— Rivera's  Trip  to  the  South — Prayer  Answered — Arrival  of 
the  'San  Antonio' — Discovery  of  Monterey — In  Camp  on  Ca,rmelo 
Bay — Founding  of  the  Presidio  and  Mission  of  San  Cdrlos — Despatches 
Sent  South  by  Land  and  Sea — Portold  Leaves  Fages  in  Command — 
Reception  of  the  News  in  Mexico — Ten  Padres  Sent  to  California — 
Palou's  Memorial — Mission  Work  in  the  North — Arrival  of  the  New 
Padres — Stations  Assigned — Founding  of  San  Antonio — Transfer  of 
San  Carlos  to  Carmelo  Bay — Events  at  San  Diego — Desertions — Re- 
tirement of  Parron  and  Gomez — Establishing  of  San  Gabriel" — Out- 
rages by  Soldiers , 164 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW   ESTABLISHMENTS. 

1772-1773. 

Events  of  1772— Search  for  the  Port  of  San  Francisco — Crespi's  Diary — 
First  Exploration  of  Santa  Clara,  Alameda,  and  Contra  Costa  Coun- 
ties— Fages  Discovers  San  Pablo  Bay,  Carquines  Strait,  and  San 
Joaquin  River — Relief  Sent  South — Hard  Times  at  Monterey — 
Living  on  Bear-meat — Fages  and  Serra  Go  South — Founding  of  San 
Luis  Obispo — Events  at  San  Diego — A  Quarrel  between  Command- 
ant and  President — Serra  Goes  to  Mexico — Cession  of  Lower  Cali- 
fornian  Missions  to  Dominicans — New  Padres  for  the  Northern 
Establishments — Palou's  Journey  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey  in 
1773...  .  183 


xvi  CONTENTS; 

CHAPTEE  IX. 

FIRST  ANNUAL  REPORT;   SERRA'S  LABORS  IN   MEXICO. 

1773. 

Palou's  Report  of  December,  and  Serra's  in  May — Condition  of  Cali- 
fornia at  Close  of  the  First  Historical  Period — Names  Applied — 
Presidio  and  Five  Missions — Baptisms,  Marriages,  and  Deaths — 
Gentiles  Friendly — Pre-pastoral  Calif ornian  Architecture— Palisade 
Enclosures — Agriculture  and  Stock-raising — New  Presidio  Regula- 
tions of  September  1772 — Father  Junipero  in  Mexico — Memorial  of 
March — Memorial  of  April — San  Bias  Establishment  Saved — Action 
of  the  Junta — Aids  and  Reforms — Reglamento — Eighty  Soldiers  for 
California — Ways  and  Means — Serra's  Report — Provisional  Instruc- 
tions to  Fages — Fiscal's  Report — Condition  of  Pious  Fund — Final 
Action  of  the  Junta — Rivera  Appointed  to  Succeed  Fages — Instruc- 
tions— Preparations  of  Rivera  and  Anza — Serra  Homeward  Bound. .  193 

CHAPTEE  X. 

BECOKD     OF     EVENTS. 
1774. 

Want  in  the  Missions — Anza's  First  Expedition — The  Overland  Route 
from  Sonora — Return  of  Padre  Junipero — Rivera  Assumes  the  Com- 
mand— Departure  of  Fages — Exploring  Voyage  of  Perez  to  the 
Northern  Coast — San  Diego  Mission  Moved  from  Cosoy  to  Nipa- 
guay — Coming  of  Soldiers  and  their  Families — Third  Exploration  of 
San  Francisco  Bay — A  Mission  Site  Selected — First  Drive  on  the 
Beach  to  the  Cliff  and  Seal  Rocks — Troubles  between  the  Francis- 
cans and  Governor  Barri  in  the  Peninsula — Much  Ado  about  Noth- 
ing— Felipe  de  Neve  Appointed  Governor  to  Succeed  Barri — Second 
Annual  Report  on  Mission  Progress 220 

i 

CHAPTEE  XI. 

NORTHERN  EXPLORATION  AND  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

1775. 

A  California-bound  Fleet — Franciscan  Chaplains — Voyage  of  Quiros  in 
the  'San  Antonio' — Voyage  of  Ayala  in  the  'San  Carlos' — Voyage 
of  Heceta  and  Bodega  y  Cuadra  to  the  Northern  Coasts — Discovery 
of  Trinidad  Bay — Discovery  of  Bodega  Bay — Death  of  Juan  Perez  — 
Exploration  of  San  Francisco  Bay  by  Ayala — Trip  of  Heceta  and 
Palou  to  San  Francisco  by  Land — Preparations  for  New  Missions — 
Attempted  Founding  of  San  Juan  Capistrano — Midnight  Destruction 
of  San  Diego  Mission — Martyrdom  of  Padre  Jaume — A  Night  of 
Terror — Alarm  at  San  Antonio 240 


CONTENTS.  xvii 

CHAPTER  XII. 

EXPEDITIONS    OF    ANZA,    FONT,    AND    GAUGES. 

1775-1776.  PAGE 

Anza  and  his  Colony — Preparations  in  Mexico  and  Sonora — Two  Hundred 
Immigrants — Original  Authorities — March  to  the  Bio  Colorado — • 
Missionaries  Left — Itinerary — Map — A  Tedious  March  to  San  Ga- 
briel— Anza  Goes  to  the  Relief  of  San  Diego — Rivera  Excommuni- 
cated— Anza  Brings  his  Force  to  Monterey — His  Illness — Rivera 
Comes  North  and  Anza  Goes  South — A  Quarrel — Rivera  versus  Anza 
and  the  Friars — Strange  Actions  of  the  Commandant — His  March 
Southward — Insanity  or  Jealousy — Anza's  Return  to  the  Colorado 
and  to  Sonora — Explorations  by  Garcds — Up  the  Colorado — Across 
the  Mojave  Desert— '-Into  Tulare  Valley — A  Remarkable  Journey — 
.  Pominguez  and  Escalante 257 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

FOUNDING-  OF  THE  PRESIDIO  AND  MISSION   OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

1776-1777. 

Anza's  Exploration  of  the  Peninsula  of  San  Francisco — Itinerary — The 
Camp  on  Mountain  Lake — Survey"  of  the  Peninsula — Arroyo  de  los 
Dolores — Trip  to  the  Great  River — Blunders  of  Font  in  Correcting 
Crespi — Return  to  Monterey — Orders  for  the  Foundation — A  Hit  at 
the  Padres — Arrival  of  the  Transport  Vessels — Moraga  Leads  the 
Colony  to  the  Peninsula — Camp  on  Lake  Dolores — Coming  of  the 
'San  Carlos' — The  Presidio  Founded — New  Exploration  of  Round 
Bay  and  Rio  de  San  Francisco — Flight  of  the  Natives — Formal  Dedi- 
cation of  the  Mission — Discussion  of  Date,  Location,  and  Name — 
Early  Progress — Annals  of  1777 — Visits  of  Governor  and  President 
and  Commandant , 279 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

MISSION   PROGRESS   AND   PUEBLO   BEGINNINGS. 

1776-1777. 

Indian  Affright  at  Monterey— Fire  at  San  Luis  Obispo— Affairs  at  San 
Diego— Rivera  and  Serra — Eeestablishment  of .  the  Mission — The 
Lost  Registers — Founding  of  San  Juan  Capistrano — Father  Serra 
Attacked— Founding  of  Santa  Clara — Change  of  Capital  of  the  Cali- 
fornias — Governor  Neve  Comes  to  Monterey — Rivera  as  Lieutenant- 
governor  at  Loreto — Provincias  Internas — Governor's  Reports — 
Precautions  against  Captain  Cook — Movements  of  Vessels — Neve's 
Plans  for  Channel  Establishments — Plans  for  Grain  Supply — Experi- 
mental Pueblo— Founding  of  -San  Jose"—  Indian  Troubles  in  the 
South— A  Soldier  Killed— Four  Chieftains  $hot— The  First  Public 
Execution  in  California .  293 


xviii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTEE  XV. 

A  DECADE  COMPLETED — PRESIDENT   SERRA  VERSUS  GOVERNOR  NEVE. 

1778-1780. 

A  Period  of  Preparation — Schemes  for  the  Future — Government  Re- 
forms— Pueblos — Channel  Establishments — Neve  Wants  to  Resign 
and  is  Made  Colonel — Sacrament  of  Confirmation — Episcopal  Powers 
Conferred  on  Padre  Serra— Tour  of  the  Missions— Quarrel  with 
Neve — Ecclesiastic  Prerogative  and  Secular  Authority — A  Friar's 
Sharp  Practice — Serious  Charges  by  the  Governor — Movements  of 
Vessels — Arrival  of  Arteaga  and  Bodega  from  a  Northern  Voyage — 
The  First  Manila  Galleon  at  Monterey — Local-  Events  and  Progress 
— Presidio  Buildings 317 

CHAPTEE  XVI. 

A  NITW  REGLAMENTO— COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS — LOS  ANGELES  POUNDED. 

1781. 

Neve's  Reglamento  in  Force — Inspectors  of  Presidios — Supply  System — 
Habilitado — The  Santa  Barbara  Channel  to  be  Occupied — Coloniza- 
tion System — Mission  Extension — Preparations  for  New  Establish- 
ments— Rivera's  Recruiting  in  Sonora  and  Sinaloa — Plans  for  the 
March — Coming  of  Rivera  via  the  Colorado,  and  of  Ziiiiiga  via  Lo- 
reto — Arrival  at  San  Gabriel — Founding  of  Los  Angeles — Neve's 
Instructions — Names  of  the  Original  Settlers — Early  Progress — 
Final  Distribution  of  Lands  in  1786 — Map  of  Survey — San  Jose" 
Distribution  in  1783 — Map — Local  Items — Laying  the  Corner-stone 
of  the  Church  at  Santa  Clara — Movements  of  Vessels  and  Mission- 
aries   333 

CHAPTEE  XVII. 

PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

1780-1782. 

Preliminary  Re'sume' — Reports  of  Garce"s  and  Anza — Palma  in  Mexico — 
Arricivita's  Chronicle — Yumas  Clamorous  for  Missionaries — Orders 
of  General  Croix — Padres  Garce's  and  Diaz  on  the  Colorado — No 
Gifts  for  the  Indians — Disgust  of  the  Yumas — Mission-pueblos 
Founded — A  New  System — Powers  of  Friars  Curtailed — Franciscan 
Criticism — A  Dangerous  Experiment — Founding  of  Concepcion  and 
San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo — Names  of  the  Colonists — Spanish  Oppres- 
sion—Forebodings of  Disaster — Massacre  of  July  17,  1781— Four 
Martyrs — Fifty  Victims — Death  of  Rivera — Fruitless  Efforts  to 
Punish  the  Yumas — Captives  Ransomed — Expeditions  of  Fages, 
Fueros,  Romeu,  and  Neve 353 


CONTENTS.  xix 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

FOUNDING  OF  SAN  BUENAVENTURA  AND  SANTA  BARBARA  PRESIDIO — 
PAGES  GOVERNOR. 

"82. 

Ready  to  Begin — Missionaries  Expected — Neve's  Instructions  to  Ortega — 
Precautions  against  Disaster — Indian  Policy — Radical  Changes  in 
Mission  System — San  Buenaventura  Established — Presidio  of  Santa 
Barbara — Visit  of  Fages — Arrival  of  the  Transports — News  from 
Mexico — No  Mission  Supplies — No  Priests — Viceroy  and  Guardian — • 
Six  Friars  Refuse  to  Serve — Control  of  Temporalities — False  Charges 
against  Neve — Changes  in  Missionaries — Fages  Appointed  Gov- 
ernor— Neve  Inspector  General — Instructions — Fugitive  Neophytes 
— Local  Events  —  Death  of  Mariano  Carrillo  —  Death  of  Juan 
Crespi 372 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

RULE    OF    FAGES — GENERAL    RECORD. 

1783-1790. 

An  Uneventful  Decade — Statistics  of  Progress — Missions,  Presidios,  and 
Pueblos — Population,  Padres,  and  Neophytes — Pedro  Fages  Brings 
his  Family  to  California — DonaEulalia — A  Jealous  Catalan — A  Mon- 
terey Court  Scandal — Fages  and  Soler — Inspection  of  Presidios — 
Soler's  Proposed  Reforms — Troubles  with  Habilitados — Governor 
and  Franciscans — A  Never  Ending  Controversy — General  Reports  of 
Palou  and  Lasuen — Charges  and  Counter  Charges — Franking  Privi- 
lege— Cruelty  to  Natives — Chaplain  Service— Patronato — Prices  for 
Mission  Products — Inventories — License  to  Retire — Natives  on 
Horseback — Mission  Escorts — Native  Convicts  and  Laborers 387 


CHAPTER   XX. 

RULE    OF    FAGES,   DEATH    OF    SERRA,  AND  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

1783-1790. 

President  Serra's  Last  Tours— Illness  and  Death — Burial  and  Funeral 
Honors — His  Life  and  Character— Succession  of  Palou  and  Lasuen — 
Mugartegui  as  Vice-president— Confirmation— Notice  of  Palou 's  His- 
torical Works — Vicla  de  Junfpero — Noticias  de  California — Map — 
Proposed  Erection  of  the  Missions  into  a  Custodia — New  Missions — 
Founding  of  Santa  Barbara — Innovations  Defeated — Five  Years' 
Progress — Mission  of  La  Purisima  Concepcion  Founded — Early 
Annals  . .  409 


xx  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

RULE  OF  PAGES;  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 
1783-1790. 

PAGE 

No  Fears  of  Foreigners — Isolation  of  California — War  Contributions 
against  England— Visit  of  the  French  Voyager  La  Pdrouse — His 
Instructions — An  Hospitable  Reception — The  Strangers  at  San  Car- 
los— Fate  of  the  Expedition — Observations  on  the  Country  and  the 
Mission  System — Commerce — The  Salt-trade — The  Fur-trade — Va- 
sadre's  Project — A  Failure — The  Manila  Galleon — Current  Prices — 
Arrival  of  Transport  Vessels — Northern  Voyages  of  Martinez  and 
Elisa — General  Washington's  Ship  the  'Columbia' — The  Chigoes — 
Ex-governor  Neve  and  the  Proviiicias  Internas 426 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

RULE  OF  FAGESJ  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

1783-1790. 

Plan  of  Local  Annals— San  Diego  Presidial  District— Presidio  Officials — 
Alfe"rez  Jose"  Velasquez — Force  and  Population — Buildings — Garrison 
Life — Indian  Affairs — Explorations — San  Diego  Mission — Juan  Fi- 
gueroa — Rioboo — Material  and  Spiritual  Progress — San  Juan  Capis- 
trano — Gregorio  Amurrio — Pablo  Mugartegui — San  Gabriel — Pueblo 
of  Los  Angeles — Settlers — Felix  as  Comisionado — Presidio  of  Santa 
Barbara— Plan  of  Buildings — A  Volcano — Soldiers  Killed  While 
Prospecting  for  Mines — San  Buenaventura — Presidio  of  Monterey — 
Official  Changes — Surgeon  Davila — San  Carlos — Noriega — San  An- 
tonio— San  Luis  Obispo — Jose"  Cavalier — Presidio  of  San  Francisco — 
Lieutenants  Moraga  and  Gonzalez — Lasso  de  la  Vega — Presidio 
Chapel— The  Mission— Francisco  Palou — Map  of  the  Bay— Santa 
Clara — New  Church — Murguia — Pueblo  de  San  Jose"— Vallejo  as 
Comisionado 450 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

RULE   OF  ROMEU. 

1791-1792. 

Resignation  of  Pedro  Fages — Transfer  of  the  Office  at  Loreto — Instructions 
to  the  New  Governor — Last  Acts  of  Fages — Life  and  Character — 
Arrival  of  Romeu — Failing  Health — Journey  to  Monterey — Policy 
with  the  Friars — Romeu's  Death — Visit  of  Malaspina  in  the  '  Descu- 
bierta'  and  'Atrevida' — The  First  American  in  California — Prepara- 
tions for  New  Missions — Lasuen's  Efforts — Establishing  of  Santa 
Cruz — Annals  of  First  Decade — Indian  Troubles — Statistics — Church 


CONTENTS.  xxi 

PAGE 

Dedicated  —  Flouring  Mill  —  Misfortune  —  Q uarrelsome  Padres  — 
Alonso  Isidro  Salazar — Baldoraero  Lopez — Manuel  Fernandez — 
Founding  and  Early  Annals  of  Soledad  Mission — Immoral  Friars — • 
Mariano  Rubi — Statistics 481 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA — VANCOUVER'S  VISITS. 

1792-1794. 

Council  at  Monterey  to  Appoint  a  Temporary  Governor — Arrillaga's 
Accession — Arrival  at  Monterey — California  Separated  from  Provin- 
cias  Internas — Arrillaga's  Policy  and  Acts — The  Jordan  Colony — 
Maritime  Affairs  and  Foreign  Relations — Northern  Explorations — 
Spanish  Policy — The  Nootka  Question — Voyage  of  the  'SutiP  and 
'Mexicana3 — Boundary  Commission — Vancouver's  First  Visit — Re- 
ception at  San  Francisco,  Santa  Clara,  and  Monterey — English 
Deserters — The  Governor  in  a  Dilemma — Precautions  against  Foreign 
Vessels— Revilla  Gigedo's  Report— Attempted  Occupation  of  Bo- 
dega— Vancouver's  Second  Visit — A  Disgusted  Englishman — Sus- 
picions of  Arrillaga — Hospitalities  in  the  South — End  of  the  Nootka 
Settlement — Vancouver's  Last  Visit — His  Observations  on  Cali- 
fornia   ' 501 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

RULE  OP  BORICA,  FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

1794-1800. 

Diego  de  Borica — Arrival  at  Loreto — Branciforte  Viceroy — Borica's  Jour- 
ney to  Monterey — Arrillaga's  Instructions — Charms  of  California — 
Re'sume'  of  Events  in  Borica's  Term  of  Office — Coast  Defences — 
Promised  Reinforcements — French  War  Contribution — Foreign  Ves- 
sels— Precautions — The  'Phoenix' — Broughton's  Visit — The  'Otter' 
of  Boston — A  Yankee  Trick— Arrival  of  Alberni  and  the  Catalan 
Volunteers — Engineer  Cordoba's  Surveys — War  with  England — 
Coasting  Vessels — War  Contribution — Distribution  of  Forces — Map 
of  California— The  'Eliza'— The  'Betsy'— War  with  Russia— Indian 
Afiairs — Minor  Hostilities — Campaigns  of  Amador,  Castro,  and  Mo- 
raga 530 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

RULE   OF  BORICA — EXPLORATIONS  AND   NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

1794-1800. 

Search  for  Mission  Sites— Exploration  of  the  Alameda— San  Benito — Las 
Pozas — Encino — Pale" — Lasuen's  Report — Foundation  of  Mission  San 
Jose  at  the  Alameda — Local  Annals  to  1800 — Mission  San  Juan 


zxii  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Bautista  at  Popeloutchom — Earthquake — Mission  San  Miguel  at 
Vahid — Paclre  Antonio  de  la  Concepcion  Horra — Mission  San  Fer- 
nando on  Reyes'  Rancho,  or  Achois  Comiliavit — Mission  San  Luis 
Key  at  Tacayme — A  New  Pueblo — Preliminary  Correspondence — 
Search  for  a  Site — Reports  of  Alberni  and  Cordoba — San  Francisco 
and  Alameda  Rejected  in  Favor  of  Santa  Cruz — Arrival  of  Colo- 
nists— Founding  of  the  Villa  de  Branciforte — Protest  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans— Plan  to  Open  Communication  with  New  Mexico — Colorado 
Route  to  Sonora 550 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

MISSION   PROGRESS. 

1791-1800. 

Arrival  and  Departure  of  Padres — General  Statistical  View — The  Presi- 
dent— Episcopal  Powers — The  Inquisition — Revilla  Gigedo's  Report 
— Views  of  Salazar — Carmelite  Monastery — Pious  Fund  Hacienda — 
Controversies — The  Old  Questions  Discussed  Anew — Reduction  in 
Number  of  Friars — Retirement  —  Travelling  Expenses — Chaplain 
Duty — Guards — Runaway  Neophytes — Mission  Alcaldes — Indians 
on  Horseback — Local  Quarrels — Charges  of  Concepcion  de  Horra — 
Investigation— Borica's  Fifteen  Questions — Replies  of  Comandantes 
and  Friars — President  Lasueu's  Report — The  Missionaries  Acquitted 
—Ecclesiastical  Miscellany 575 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PUEBLOS,    COLONIZATION,   AND  LANDS— INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 
1791-1800. 

Pueblo  Progress — Statistics — Jordan's  Proposed  Colony — Reports  of  Gov- 
ernment— Marriage  Encouraged — Inns — Views  of  Salazar,  Seuan, 
and  Costans6 — Women  Wanted — Convicts — Foundlings — Tenure  of 
Lands — Pueblo  and  Mission  Sites — Chronological  Statement,  1773- 
90 — Presidial  Pueblos — Provisional  Grants — Land-titles  at  End  of 
Century — Labor — Indian  Laborers — Sailors — Artisan  Instructors — 
Manufacturers — Mining — Agriculture — Flax  and  Hemp — Stock- 
raising 600 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 

INDUSTRIES    AND    INSTITUTIONS. 

1791-1800. 

Commerce— Trade  of  the  Transports — Otter-skins — Projects  of  Marquez, 
Mamancli,  Inciarte,  Ponce,  Mendez,  and  Ovineta — Provincial  Fi- 
nances—Habilitados — Factor  and  Commissary — Complicated  Ac- 
counts—Supplies and  Revenues— Taxes— Tobacco  Monopoly — Tithes 


CONTENTS.  xxiii 

PAGE 

— Military  Force  and  Distribution — Civil  Government — Proposed 
Separation  of  the  Californias — Administration  of  Justice — A  Cause 
Celebre — Execution  of  Rosas — Official  Care  of  Morals — Use  of  Li- 
quors— Gambling — Education — Borica's  Efforts — The  First  Schools 
and  School-masters 624 

CHAPTER  XXX. 

LOCAL    EVENTS    AND    PROGRESS — SOUTHERN    DISTRICT. 

1791-1800. 

San  Diego  Presidio — Lieutenants  Zu.fi  iga  and  Grajera — Military  Force — 
Population — Rancho  del  Rey — Finances — Presidio  Buildings — Van- 
couver's Description — Fort  at  Point  Guijarros — Indian  Affairs — Pre- 
cautions against  Foreigners — Arrivals  of  Vessels — Mission  San  Diego 
— Torrens  and  Mariner — Statistics — San1  Luis  Rey — San  Juan  Capis- 
trano — Fuster — Buildings — Pueblo  de  Los  Angeles — Private  Ranches 
—San  Gabriel — Oramas— San  Fernando— Presidio  of  Santa  Barbara — 
Officers,  Forces,  and  Population — Buildings  and  Industries — Local 
Events — First  Execution  in  California — The  'Phoenix' — A  Quick- 
silver Mine — Warlike  Preparations — Death  of  Ortega — Mission  of 
Santa  Barbara — Paterna — Rancherias  of  the  Channel — New  Church 
— San  Buenaventura — La  Purisima  Concepcion — Arroita 645 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

1791-1800. 

Montery  Presidio — Military  Force  and  Inhabitants — Officers — Leon  Par- 
rilla — Hermeiiegildo  Sal — Perez  Fernandez — Presidio  Buildings — 
Battery — Rancho  del  Rey — Private  Ranches — Industries — Company 
Accounts — Indian  Affairs — San  Carlos  Mission — Missionary  Changes 
— Pascual  Martinez  de  Arenaza — Statistics  of  Agriculture,  Live- 
stock, and  Population — Vancouver's  Description — A  New  Stone 
Church — A  Wife-murder — San  Antonio  de  Padua  de  Los  Robles — 
Miguel  Pieras— Benito  Catalan— San  Luis  Obispo — Miguel  Giribet — 
Bartolome"  Gili — Indian  Troubles 677 

CHAPTER  XXXII. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— SAN  FRANCISCO  JURISDICTION. 

1791-1800. 

San  Francisco  Officials — Military  Force — Population — Finance — Presidio 
Buildings — Plan — Castillo  de  San  Joaquin  at  Fort  Point — Cordoba's 
Report — Ravages  of  Elements — Repairs — Battery  of  Yerba  Buena 
at  Black  Point — Vancouver's  Visits — Captain  Brown — Mines  Dis- 
covered—Alberni's  Company— Wreck  of  the  'San  Carlos' — The 


xxiv  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

'Eliza' — Rancho  del  Rey — Mission  versus  Presidio — Indian  Affairs — 
Runaway  Neophytes — Amador's  Campaigns — Padre's  Cruelty — San 
Francisco  Mission — Fathers  Cambon,  Espi,  Danti,  Garcia,  and  Fer- 
nandez— Buildings,  Statistics,  Industries — Pueblo  of  San  Jose" — 
Inhabitants  and  Officials— Statistics— Hemp  Culture — Local  Events 
— Proposed  Removal — Boundary  Dispute — Santa  Clara— Pefia  and 
Noboa— Population,  Agriculture,  Buildings,  and  Manufactures 692 

CHAPTEE  XXXIII. 

CLOSE   OF   BORICA'S   RULE. 
1800. 

End  of  a  Decade  and  Century — Borica's  Policy  and  Character — Indus- 
trial Revival — Fruitless  Efforts — Governor's  Relations  with  Friars, 
Soldiers,  Neophytes,  and  Settlers — Efforts  for  Promotion — A  Knight 
of  Santiago — Family  Relations — Leave  of  Absence,  Departure,  and 
Death — Arrillaga  and  Alberni  in  Command — List  of  Secondary  Au- 
thorities on  Early  California  History — List  of  Inhabitants  of  Cali- 
fornia from  17G9  to  1800 . .  .  726 


AUTHOEITIES    QUOTED 

IN    THE 

HISTOEY  OF   CALIFORNIA. 


[There  are  more  than  one  thousand  titles  of  works  actually  consulted  in  these  volumes,  and  many 
of  them  named  in  foot-notes,  which  do  not  appear  in  this  list.  The  catalogue  is,  however,  complete  doivn 
to  the  discovert/  of  gold  in  1848,  and  practically  so  down  to  185G.  The  omissions  of  later  date  are 
general  works  of  reference,  cyclopedias,  etc.;  speeches,  addresses,  orations,  not  directbj  historical  in  their 
nature;  publications  emanating  from  or  relating  to  various  California  institutions,  associations,  com- 
panies, orders,  churches,  banks,  courts,  schools,  etc.;  legal  briefs,  county  and  municipal  regulations,  law 
text-books,  briefs,  and  miscellaneous  public  documents ;  works  of  fiction  and  science ;  newspapers,  and 
other  similar  clauses.  These  works  in  the  aggregate  have  afforded  me  much  information;  indeed  there  is 
hardly  a  Calif omian  book,  pamphlet,  or  paper  in  my  Library  which  is  not  in  a  certain  seme  historical; 
but  space  docs  not  permit  a  full  catalogue,  and  lam  obliged  to  restrict  the  list  with  few  exceptions  to 
material  that  bears  directly  on  histori/.  See  chapter  it.  of  this  volume  for  a  classification  of  the  works 
here  named.] 

Aa  (Pieter  van  der),  Naaukeurige  Versameling.     Ley  den,  1707.  SO  vols. 

Abbey  (James),  A  Trip  across  the  Plains  in  1850.     New  Albany,  1850. 

Abbott  (John  S.  C.),  Christopher  Carson.     New  York,  1876. 

Abell  (Alexander),  Copy  of  agreement  on  behalf  of  U.  S.  in  relation  to  island 
of  Santa  Cruz  [32d  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  87].     Washington, 
1852. 
*  Abella  (Ramon),  Correspondencia  del  Misionero.     MSS.  in  various  archives. 

Abella  (Ramon),  Diario  de  un  Registro  de  los  Bios  Graiides,  1811.     MS. 

Abella  (Ramon),  Noticia  de  una  Batalla  entre  Cristianos  y  Gentiles,  1807.  MS. 

Abrego  (Jos6),  Asuntos  de  la  Tesoreria.     MSS.  in  various  archives.    • 

Abrego  (Joso),  Cai-tas  sobre  la  Colonia  de  1834.     MS. 

Abrego  (Jose),  Relation.     MS. 

Acosta  (Josef  de),  Historia  Natural  y  Moral  de  las  Indias.     Sevilla,   1590. 

Act  of  Congress  Creating  the  Office  of  Shipping  Commissioner.     S.  F.   1873. 

Actas  de  Eiecciones.     MS.  In  Archivo  de  California. 

Adam  (George),  Dreadful  Sufferings  and  Thrilling  Adventures  of  an  Over- 
land Party  of  Emigrants  to  California.     St  Louis,  1850. 

Addresses.     See  Speeches. 

Adventures  (The)  of  a  Captain's  Wife. .  .to  California  in  1850.     New  York, 
etc.,  1877. 

Aimard  (Gustavo),  The  Gold  Seekers.     Philadelphia,  n.d. 

Alaman  (Lucas),  Ceriso  de  California-,  1832.  MS. 

Alaman  (Ericas),  Historia  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1849-52.  5  vols. 

Alaman  (Liicaa),  Sucesos  de  California  en  1831.    MS. 

Alamcda,  Abstract  of  Title,  lots  17-20,  survey  of  Jones.     San  Francisco,  1873. 

Alameda,  Argus,  Encinal,  Messenger,  Post,  etc. 

Alameda  County,  Historical  Atlas.     San  Francisco,  1878.  atlas  folio. 
'     HIST.  CAL.,  Vox,.  I.    3  (xxv) 


xxvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Albany  (Or.)  Register. 

Albatross  (The  ship),  Log  of  a  Voyage  to  the  N.  W.  Coast,  1809-12.  MS. 

Albatross  and  Lydia,  Comunicaciones  relativas.     1816.  MS, 

Alberni  (Pedro),  Comunicaciones  del  Teniente  Coronel,  1796-1800.     MSS. 

[In  different  archives.] 

Alberni  (Pedro),  Parecer  sobre  el  sitio  de  Branciforte,  1796.     MS. 
Album  Mexicano.     Mexico,  1849  et  seq. 
Alcedo  (Antonio  de),  Diccionario  Geografico  Historico  de  las  Indias  Occiden- 

tales.     Madrid,  1786-9.  5  vols. 
Alexander  (B.  S.),  GK  H.  Mendell,  and  G.  Davidson,  Report  on  Irrigation  of 

San  Joaquin.     Washington,  1874. 
Alexander  (J.  H.),  Memoir  on  the  Routes  of  Communication  between  Atlantic 

and  Pacific.     Washington,  1849. 
Alger  (Horatio,  Jr.),  The  Young  Adventurer.     Boston,  1878;  The  Young 

Miner.     Boston,  1879. 

Allsopp  (J.  P.  C.),  Leaves  from  my  Log-book.     MS. 
Allsopp  (Robert),  California  and  its  Gold  Mines.     London,  1853. 
All  the  Way  Round.     London,  etc.  (1875). 
Almanacs.     A  great  number,  only  a  few  of  which  are  named  in  this  list  as 

follows:  Alta  California.   S.  F.,  1868  et  seq.;  California  Merchants  find 

Miners.     S.  F.,  1857  et  seq.;  California  Miners.  S.  F.,  1834;  California 

Pictorial.     S.  F.,  1858  et  seq.;  California  State.     S.  F.,  1854;  Califor- 

nischer  Volkskalender.     S.  F.,   1858;   Carrie  and  Damon's  California. 

S.  F.,  1856;  Jacoby  (Philo),   Almanack  fiir  Cal.     S.   F.,    1865  et  seq.; 

Knight  (Wm.  H.,),  Handbook  for  Pacific  States.  S.  F. ,  1862  et  seq. ;  Langley 

(Henry  G. ),  Pacific  Coast.    S.  F. ,  1868  et  seq. ;  Id. ,  State.  S.  F. ,  1 8«3;  Id. , 

State  Register.     S.  F.,  1857  et  seq.;  San  Francisco.     S.  F.,  1850,  etc. 
Alric  (Henry  J.  A.),  Dix  Ans  de  Residence  d'un  Missionnaire  dans  les  deux 

Californies.     Mexico,  186Q. 

Altimira  (Jose'),  Diario  de  la  Expedicion,  1823.     MS. 

Altimira  (Jose"),  Journal  of  a  Mission-founding  Expedition,  1823.    In  Hutch- 
ings'  Cal.  Mag.,  v.  58,  115. 
Alturas,  Modoc  Independent. 

Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Campana  de  Las  Flores,  1838.     MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Carta  Confidencial,  7  de  Nov.  1836.     MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Carta  en  que  relata  la  Campafia  de  S.  Fernando, 

Enero  1837.     MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Carta  en  que  relata  los  sucesos  de  Los  Angeles, 

Feb.  1837.     MS. 

Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Cartas  Relaciones,  Revolucion  de  1844-5.     MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Cornunicaciones  al  Ayuntamiento  de  Los  Angeles, 

Enero  1837.     MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  El  C ...  Coronel  de  la  Milicia  Givica,  etc.    [Despacho 

de  Capitan  a.  favor  de  J.  J.  Vallejo.]    Monterey,  12  Die.  1836. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  El  C. . .  Gobernador  Interino  del  Estado  Libre  de 

Alta  Cal.  d  sus  Habitantes,  Monterey,  Mayo  10,  1837. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Gobernador  Constitucional,  etc.    [Suprimiendo  los 

Empleos  de  Administradores  de  Misiones.]    Monterey,  1  Mayo,  1840. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Historia  de  California.     MS.  1876.  5  vols. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Instrucciones  al  Prefecto  Castro.     1840.     MS. 
Alvarado   (Juan  Bautista),  Instrucciones  que   debe  observar  el  Visitador. 

1840.     MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Instrueciones  que  deberd  observar  el  Visitador 

Hartnell.     1839.     MS. 

Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Manifiesto  del  Gob?-,  10  Mayo,  1837. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Oficios  Varies  y  Cartas  Particiiiares.    MSS.    Very 

numerous  in  different  public  and  private  archives. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  [Proclama  del]  Gefe  Politico  21  Nov.  1838, 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),    [Proclama  del]  Gobernador  Intermo,  9  Julio, 

1837.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxvii 

Alvarado  ( Juan  Bantista),  [Proclama  del]  Gobernador  sobre  Destierro  de  Ex- 

trangeros.    1840. 

Alvarado  (Juan  Bantista),  Primitivo  Descubrimiento  de  Oro  en  Cal. ,  1841 .  MS. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Reglamento  de  ex-misiones.     Monterey,  1843. 
Alvarado  (Juan  Bautista),  Reglamento  Provisional  para  Admiiiistradores  de 

Misiones,  1839.     MS. 

Alvarado  and  Castro,  Esposicion  contra  Micheltorena,  1845.     MS. 
Alviso  (Jose*  Antonio),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS., 

1817-50. 

Alviso  (Jos6  Antonio),  Campafia  de  Natividad,  184G.     MS. 
Amador  (Jose"  Maria),  Memorias  sobre  la  Hist,  de  Cal.     MS. 
Amador  (Pedro),  Diario  de  la  Expedicion  para  fundar  la  Mision  de  S.  Jose", 

1797.     MS. 

Amador  (Pedro),  Expedicion  contra  los  gentiles  Sacalanes,  1796.     MS. 
Amador  (Pedro),  Expediente  de  Servicios,  1765-91.     MS. 
Amador  (Pedro),  Papeles  del  Sargento.     MSS.  In  various  archives. 
Amador  (Pedro),  Prevenciones  al  Cabo  de  la  Escolta  de  S.  Jose",  1797.     MS. 
Amador  (Pedro),  Reconocimiento  desde  Sta  Cruz  liasta  S.  Francisco,  1795.  MS. 
Amador  (Pedro),  Salida  contra  Indies  Gentiles,  1800.     MS. 
Amador  County,  History.     Oakland,  1881.  folio. 
Amelia  Sherwood.     Richmond,  1850. 
America,  Descripcion,  1710.     MS. 

America,  or  an  Exact  Description  of  the  West  Indies.     London,  1655. 
American  Antiquarian  Society,  Proceedings.     Worcester,  1820  et  seq. 
American  Educational  Monthly.     New  York,  1864  et  seq. 
American  and  Foreign  Christian  Union.     New  York,  1851  et  seq. 
American  Geographical  and  Statistical  Society.     New  York,  1850  et  seq. 
American  Quarterly  Register  and  Magazine.     Philadelphia,  1848  et  seq. 
American  Quarterly  Review.     Philadelphia,  1827  et  seq. 
American  Review.     Philadelphia,  1811  et  seq. 
American  State  Papers.     Boston,  1817-19.     12  vols.;   Washington,  1832-4; 

1858-61.  folio.  39  vols. 

Americans  at  Sea.     In  Niles'  Register,  xviii.  417. 

Ames  (John  G.),  Report  on  Mission  Indians  of  California.    Washington,  1873. 
Amesti   (Jose"),   Cartas  de  un    Comerciante    Espanol.     MSS.     In  different 

archives. 

Amigo  del  Pueblo.     Mexico,  1827  et  seq. 
Amulet  (The),  A  tale  of  Spanish  California.     London,  1865. 
Anaheim,  Gazette,  Review,  etc. 

Anaheim,  Its  People  and  its  Products.     New  York,  1869. 
Anderson  (Alexander  C.),  Northwest  Coast  History.     MS. 
Anderson  (Alexander  D.),  The  Silver  and  Gold  of  the  Southwest,  etc.     Sfc 

Louis,  1877;  The  Silver  Country,  etc.     New  York,  1877. 
Anderson  (David  C.),  Statement  of  Theatrical  Events.     MS. 
Anderson  (Mary  E.),  Scenes  in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and  California.   Boston 

[1865]. 

Annals  of  Congress.    [1st  to  18th  Congress.]   Washington,  1834-56.    42  vols. 
Annual  of  Scientific  Discovery.     Boston,  1850-67.   1870-1.  19  vols. 
Anquetil,  Universal  History.     London,  1800.  9  vois. 
Ansted  (David  T.),  The  Gold-seeker's  Manual.     New  York,  1849. 
Anthony  (E.  M.),  Siskiyou  County  Reminiscences.     MS. 
Antioch,  Ledger.    ' 

Auza  (Juan.  Bautista),  Descubrimiento  de  Sonora  a  California,  1774.     MS. 
Anza  (Juan  Bautista),  Diario  de  una  expedicion  desde  Sonora  a  S.  Francisco, 

Cal.,  1775-6.     MS. 
Apalategui  y  Torres,  Averiguacion  en  Sonora  del  Tumulto  de  Los  Angeles, 

1835.     MS. 

Apalategui  y  Torres,  Causa  seguida  contra  los  conspiradores,  1835.     MS. 
Apodaca  (Virey),  Cartas.     MSS.  In  the  archives. 
Apostolicos  Af unes  de  la  Compaiiia  de  Jesus.     Barcelona,  1754. 


xxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Apponyi  (Flora  Haines),  Libraries  of  California.     San  Francisco,  1878. 

Arab,  Log-book,  1821-5.     MS. 

Arancel  de  Precios,  1782.     MS. 

Arancel  de  Precios,  1788.     MS. 

Arce  (Francisco),  Documented  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS. 

Arce  (Francisco),  Memorias  Hist6ricas  y  Documentos  Origiuales.     MS. 

Archbald  (John),  Why  'California.'    In  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  43f. 

Archer  (L.),  Speech  on  Assembly  Bill  No.  182.     n.pl.,  n.d. 

Archivo  del  Arzobispado  de  San  Francisco.     MS.  5  vols. 

Archivo  de  California.  MS.  273  vols.  and  a  great  mass  of  loose  papers. 
Documents  preserved  in  the  U.  S.  Surveyor-general's  office  at  San  Fran- 
cisco. Copies  in  my  Collection.  Divided  as  follows:  Prov.  St.  Pap.; 
•  Prov.  Rec.;  Dept.  St.  Pap.;  Dept.  Rec.;  Leg.  Rec.;  State  Pap.;  Sup. 
Govt.  St.  Pap.;  Actas  de  Elecciones;  Brands  and  Marks;  and  Unbound 
Doc.,  q.  v.  for  full  sub-titles  and  further  subdivisions. 

Archivo  de  las  Misiones.     MS.  2  vols. 

Archivo  del  Obispado  de  Monterey  y  Los  Angeles.     MS. 

Archivo  de  Santa  Barbara.     MS.  11  vols. 

Archuleta  (Florentino),  Comunicaciones  Pedagogicas.     MS.    In  the  archives, 

Arco  Iris.     Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq.  folio. 

Areche,  Parecer  14  de  Jun.  1773.  MS.;  also  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  572. 

Areche,  Respuesta  30  de  Jun.,  1773.  MS. 

Argelo,  Calaveras  Mountaineer. 

Argiiell®  (Gervasio),  Escritos  de  un  Habilitado  General  y  Diputado.  MSS.  In 
public  and  private  archives. 

Argii ello  (Gervasio),  Observacicnes,  1816.     MS. 

Argiiello(Jose"),  Relacion  de  lo  que  declararon  los  gentiles  Sacalanes,  1797.  MS. 

Argiiello  (Jose"),  Relacion  que  form6  sobre  Indios  huidos  de  S.  Francisco, 

1797.  MS. 

Argiiello  (Jos6),  Cartas  de  un  Gobenaador  de  las  Californias.    MSS.    In  the 

different  archives. 

Argiiello  (Jose"),  Informe  sobre  Rancho  del  Rey  en  S.  Francisco,  1798.     MS. 
Argiiello  (Jose"),  Instruccion  que  ha  de  observar  el  teniente  Luis  Argiiello  en 

S.  Francisco,  1806.     MS. 
Argiiello  ( Jose"),  Respuesta  a  las  quince  Preguntas  sobre  at>usos  de  Misioneros, 

1798.  MS. 

Argiiello  (Luis  Antonio),   Cartas  del  Comandante  y  Gobernador.   MSS.   In 

the  different  archives. 

Argiiello  (Luis  Antonio),  Hoja  de  Servicios  hasta  1828.    MS. 
Argiiello    (Santiago),  Correspondencia    del  Comandante  y  Prefecto.   MSS, 

Archives,  passim. 

Argiiello  (Santiago),  Correspondencia  Particular.    MS. 
Annan  (H.  M.  Van),  The  Public  Lands  of  California.    San  Francisco,  1876. 
Annona  (Matias),  Carta  do  1770.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.  serie  iv.,  tom.ii.  p.  156. 
Armstrong  (William),  '4$  Experiences.     MS. 
Arnaz  (Jose"),  Recuerdos  de  Un  Comerciante.     MS. 
Arrangoiz  (Francisco  de  Paula),  M6jico  desde  1808  hasta  1867.     Madrid, 

1871-2.  4  vols.     - 

Arricivita  (J.  D.),  Cr6niea»Serafica  y  Apostolica.     Mexico,  1792.  folio. 
Arrillaga  (Basilio  Jose"),  Recopilacion  de  Leyes,  etc.    Mexico,  1838-50.  16  vols. 
ArrHaga  (Jose*  Joaquin),  Borrador  de  Carta  a  Vancouver,  1793.     MS. 
Arrillaga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Correspondencia  del  Gobernador.     MS.    Archives, 


Arrillaga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Hojas  de  Servicio,  1791-8.     MS. 

Arrilln.ga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Informe  sobre  el  estado  de  Indios,  Misiones,  etc., 

1804.     MS. 

Arrillaga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Informe  al  Virey  sobre  Defensas,  1793.     MS. 
Arrillaga  (J'ose"  Joaquin),  Papel  de  Puntps  para  conocimiento  del  Gobernador, 

1794.     MS. 
Arrillaga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Preceptos  Generales  para  Comandantes,  1806.    MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxix 

Arrillaga  (Jos6  Joaquin),  Relacion  del  estado  que  guardan  los  Presidios  y 
Pueblos,  1806.  MS. 

Arrillaga  (Jose1  Joaquin),  Testamento,  1814.     MS. 

Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  (Felipe),  Cartas  del  Misionero.  MS.  In  mission  and 
secular  archives.  ( 

Arrojro  de  la  Cuesta  (Felipe),  Grammar  of  the  Mutsun  Language.  "New  York, 
1861;  also  original  MS. 

Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta  (Felipe),  A  Vocabulary  or  Phrase  Book  of  the  Mutsun 
Language.  New  York,  1861;  also  original  MS. 

Arteaga  (Ignacio),  Tercera  Exploracion,  1779.  MS. 

Ascension  (Antonio  de  la),  Descubrimiento  de  California,  12  Oct.  1620.  In 
Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  viii. 

Ashburner  (William),  Report  upon  the  "App."  Gold  Quartz  Mine.  San 
Francisco,  1866. 

Ashland  (Or.),  Tidings. 

Ashley  (D.  R.),  Documents  for  the  History  of  California.     MS. 

Ashley  (D.  R.),  Records  kept  during  journey  made  by  members  of  California 
Association  from  Monroe,  Mich.,  to  Cal.,  1849.  MS. 

Asia  y  Constante,  Tratado  de  Capitulacion  de  los  Navies,  1825.     MS. 

Assembly,  Sessions  of  1846.  In  U.  S.  vs.  Bolton,  App.  Brief  U.  S.  Sup. 
Court. 

Associations.     See  Institutions. 

Astoria,  Astorian. 

Atanasio,  Causa  Criminal  contra  el  Indio.  Abril  26,  1831.  'MS. 

Atlantic  Monthly.     Boston,  1858  et  seq. 

Atlantic  and  Pacific  R.  R.  Co.  Act  granting  lands.  New  York,  1866;  Cir- 
cular. New  York,  1855;  and  other  documents. 

Atleta  (El).     Mexico,  1829  et  seq. 

Auburn,  Placer  Herald,  Stars  and  Stripes,  Union  Advocate,  etc. 

Auger  (Edouard),  Voyage  en  Californie,  1852-3.     Paris,  1854. 

Austin  (Nev.),  Reese  River  Reveille. 

Australian  Newspapers  in  Mechanics'  Library  of  San  Francisco  and  elsewhere. 

Autobiografia  Autogrdfica  de  los  Padres  Misioneros,  1817.     MS. 

Averett  (T.  H.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.  March  27,  1850^ to  admit  Cali- 
fornia. Washington,  1850. 

Averill  (Charles  E. ),  Life  in  California.     Boston,  n.d. 

Avery  (Benjamin  Parke),  Californian  Pictures.     New  York,  1878. 

Avila  (Antonio),  y  otros,  Papeles  tocantes  d  su  sedicion,  1832.     MS. 

Avila  (Juan),  Notas  Californianas.     MS. 

Avila  (Maria  Inocenta),  Cosas  de  California.     MS. 

Avila  (Miguel),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 

Avila  de  Rios  (Catarina),  Recuerdos.     MS. 

Ayala  (Tadeo  Ortiz),  Resiimen  de  la  Estadistica  del  Imp.  Mex.    Mexico,  1822. 

Ayers  (F.  H.),  Personal  Adventures.     MS. 

Ayuntamientos,  Decreto  de  las  Cortes,  23  de  Mayo,  1812.  In  Mexico,  Leyea 
Vigentes,  1829. 

Azanza  (Virey),  Ordenes.    MS.     In  the  archives. 

Azanza  (Virey),  Ynstruccion,  1800.     MS. 

Bacon  (L.  H.),  Memoir  of  Early  Times.     MS. 

Baird  (Spencer  F.),  Fish  and  Fisheries  [45th  Cong.,  2d.  Sess,,  Sen.  Mis.  Doc. 
49].  Washington,  1377. 

Baker  (E.  D.),  Speech  before  California  Senate  Feb.  1st  and  2d.  1854.  San 
Francisco,  1854;  also  other  speeches. 

Baker  City  (Or.),  Herald. 

Bakersfield,  Kern  County  Californian,  Kern  County  Courier,  Kern  County 
Gazette,  Southern  Californian,  etc. 

Baldridge  (William),  The  Days  of  '46.     MS. 

Baldwin  (R.  S.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.  March  27,  1850,  Admission  of  Califor- 
nia, etc.  Washington,  1850. 


xxx  AUTHORITISE  QUOTED. 

Ball  (N.  B. ),  Sketch  by  a  Pioneer.     MS. 

Ballenstedt  (C.  W.  T.),  Bescln-eibung  meiner  Reise  nach  den  Goldminen. 
Californiens.  Schoningen,  1851. 

Ballon  (John),  The  Lady  of  the  West.     Cincinnati,  1855. 

Ballon  (William  T.),  Adventures.     MS. 

Baltimore  (Md. ),  Patriot,  Sun. 

Bancroft  (A.  ft.),  Diary  of  a  Journey  to  Oregon.     MS. 

Bancroft  (Hubert  Howe),  History  of  the  Pacific  States  of  North  America. 
San  Francisco,  1882  et  seq.  28  vols.;  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States. 
New  York,  1875.  5  vols.;  Popular  Tribunals.  San  Francisco.  2  vols.,  etc.; 

Bancroft  (Hubert  Howe),  Personal  Observations  in  California,  1874.     MS. 

Bancroft  Library,  MS.  Scrap-books,  containing  classified  notes  used  in  writing 
Bancroft's  works. 

Bancroft  Library,  Newspaper  scraps  classified  under  the  following  headings: 
Academy  of  Sciences;  Amusements  and  Celebrations;  Art;  Authors; 
Banks  and  Banking;  Bibliography;  Biography;  Births,  Deaths,  etc.; 
Charitable  Institutions;  Chinese;  Climate;  Constitutional  Convention; 
Counties;  Crimes  and  Society;  Earthquakes;  Education  and  Schools; 
Fares  and  Freights;  Fisheries;  Floods;  Fruit-raising;  Indians;  Journalism; 
Kearney  ism  and  the  Workingmen's  Party;  Lands;  Legal;  Libraries;  Lum- 
ber Question;  Manufactures;  Military  Affairs;  Mineral  Springs;  Mining 
Stocks;  Miscellaneous;  Modoc  WTar;  New  Charter;  Oil  and  Petroleum; 
•  Pioneer  Celebrations;  Politics;  Population  and  Colonization;  Railroads; 
Religion;  Resources;  Revenue  and  Taxation;  Roads  and  Routes;  Ship- 
ping and  Navigation;  Silver  Remonetization;  State  Fairs;  Stock-raising; 
Stories  and  Legends;  Telegraphs;  Trade  and  Commerce;  Trips  across  the 
Continent  and  Voyages  by  Sea;  United  States  Mails;  Water  Supply. 
68  vols.  4to. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Acusaciones  contra  Angel  Ramirez,  1834-7.     MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Apuntes  Politicos,  1832.     MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Carta  Hist6rica  y  Descriptiva  de  California,  1828.     MS. 

Baudini  (Juan),  Carta  Particular  6.  Vallejo  sobre  cosas  politicas.  12  Die., 
1836.  MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Carta  d  Vallejo  sobre  Revoluciones.    3  Die.,  1836.  MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Contestacion  a  la  Alocucion  de  Victoria,  1831.     MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Correspondencia  Particular  y  Oficial.  MSS.  A  large  num- 
ber of  documents  in  private  and  public  archives,  in  addition  to  those 
specially  named  in  this  list. 

Bandini  (Juan),  El  Diputado  de  la  Alta  California  a  sus  Comitentes.  6  Agosto, 
1833.  Mexico,  1833. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Discurso  ante  el  Ayunt.  de  Los  Angeles.    27  Mayo,  1837.  MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.    MS. 

Baudini  (Juan),  Historia  de  Alta  California.     MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Informacion  del  Visitador  de  Aduana,  1835.     MS. 

Baudini  (Juan),  Manifiesto  a  la  Diputacion  sobre  ramos  de  Hacienda  Terri- 
torial, 1832.  MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Proyecto  de  Misiones,  1846.     MS. 

Bandini  (Juan),  Sucesos  del  Sur,  Mayo-Agosto,  1837.     MS. 

Banfield  (J.  A.),  Historical  Sketch  of  Yolo  County.  In  Woodland  Yolo 
Democrat,  July  6,  1876. 

Banker's  Magazine  and  Statistical  Register.     Baltimore,  etc.,  1846  et  seq. 

Banks.     See  Institutions. 

Baranof  (Alexander),  Shizneopissanie.     St  Petersburg,  1835. 

Barber  (John  W.),  and  Henry  Howe.  History  of  Western  States  and  Terri- 
tories. Cincinnati,  1867. 

Barnard  (Helen  M.),  The  Chorpenning  Claim,     n.pl.,  n.d. 

1  '.i.i-iifs  (Dernas),  From  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  Overland.     New  York,  1866. 

Barnes  (G.  A.),  Oregon  and  California.     MS. 

Felipe),  Oficios  del  Gob*-  de  la  Baja  California,     MS.     In  Prov.  St. 
Pap.  passim. 


The  1885  edition  of  Bancroft's  History 
of  California,  volume  2,  states  on  page  709 
that  Jose  Bandini  is  author  of  Cart a  Historic a 
y  Descriptiva  de  California. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxxi 

Barrow  (Jolin),  The  Life,  Voyages,  and  Exploits  of  Admiral  Sir  Francis  Drake. 
London,  1843. 

Barrow  (William),  The  General;  or  Twelve  Nights  in  a  Hunter ""s  Camp.  Bos- 
ton, 1869. 

Barry  (W.  J.),  Up  and  Down.     London,  1879. 

Barry  (T.  A. ),  and  B.  A.  Patten,  Men  and  Memories  of  San  Francisco.  San 
Francisco,  1873. 

Barstow  (Alfred),  Statement  of  a  Pioneer  of  1849.     MS. 

Barstow  (D.  P.),  Recollections  of  1849-51.     MS. 

Barstow  (George),  Introductory  Address.  San  Francisco,  1859;  other  ad- 
dresses. 

Bartlett  (John  Russell),  Personal  Narrative  of  Explorations  and  Incidents  in 
Texas,  New  Mexico,  California,  etc.  New  York,  1854.  2  vols. 

Bartlett,  (John  Russell),  Report  on  the  Boundary  Line  between  the  U.  S.  and 
Mexico.  [32d  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  .Doc.  41.]  Washington,  1851. 

Bartlett  (Washington),  Statement  of  a  Pioneer  of  1849.     MS. 

Barton  (James  R.),  Statement  of  an  Early  Settler.     MS. 

Barton  (Stephen),  Early  History  of  Visalia.     Scrap-book. 

Basellandschaftlichen  Zeitung,  1868. 

Bates  (D.  B.),  Four  Years  on  the  Pacific  Coast.     Boston,  1858;  Boston,  1860. 

Bates  (H.  W.),  Illustrated  Travels.     London,  n.d. 

Bates  (J.  C.),  Report  of  the  Proceedings ...  Will  and  Testament  of  Horace 
Hawes.  San  Francisco,  1872. 

Battle  Mountain  (Nev.),  Messenger. 

Bauer  (John  A. ),  Statement  of  a  Pioneer  of  1849.     MS. 

Bausman  (William),  Early  California.     San  Francisco,  1872. 

Baxley  (H.  Willis),  What  I  saw  on  the  Western  Coast.     New  York,  1865. 

Beadle  ( J.  H. ),  The  Undeveloped  West.  Philadelphia  [1873];  Western  Wilds. 
Cincinnati,  1879. 

Beadle's  Monthly.     New  York,  1865  et  seq. 

Beale  (E.  F.),  Wagon  Road  from  Fort  Defiance  to  the  Colorado  River.  [35th 
Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  124.] 

Bean  (Edwin  F.),  see  Directories,  Nevada  County,  Cal.,  1867. 

Bear  Flag  Papers,  1846.     MS. 

Beard  (Henry),  Argument.  John  Roland. .  .Land  Claim,  "La  Puente." 
Washington,  1866. 

Beckwith  (E.  G.),  Report  of  Exploration  of  a  Route  for  the  Pacific  Rail- 
road near  the  38th  and  39th  Parallels  [33d  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc. 
129].  Washington  [1854]. 

Bee  (F.  A.);  Opening  Argument. .  .Chinese  Immigration.     S.  F.,  1876. 

Bee  (Henry  J.),  Recollections  of  California  from  1830.     MS. 

Beechey  (F.  W.),  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  to  the  Pacific,  etc.,  in  1825-8; 
London,  1831,  2  vols.;  Philadelphia,  1832. 

Beechey  (F.  W.),  Zoology  of  Voyage.  See  Richardson  (J.)  et  al. 

Beers  (George  A.),  Vasquez.     New  York,  1875. 

Belcher  (Edward),  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  round  the  World  in  1836-42. 
London,  1843.  2  vols. 

Beldcn  (David),  Speech  in  Sen.  of  Cal.  Feb.  9,  1866,  against  the  Repeal  of 
the  Specific  Contract  Act.  Sacramento,  1866. 

Belden  (Josiah),  Historical  Statement.  MS. 

Belden  (Josiah),  Letters  of  a  Pioneer  of  1841.  MS. 

Belfast  (Me.),  Republican  Journal. 

Bell  (A.  D.),  Arguments  in  favor  of  Immigration.     San  Francisco,  1870. 

Bell  (Horace),  Reminiscences  of  a  Ranger.   L.  Angeles,  1881;  also  scrap  book. 

Bell  (J.  C.),  Obituary  Address  on  Death  of.     Sacramento,  1860. 
.Bell  (W.  A.),  New  Tracks  in  North  America.     London,  1870. 

Belleville  (111.),  Advocate. 

Bellows  (Henry  W.),  In  Memory  of  Thos.  StaiT  King.  Discourse,  May  1, 
1864.  San  Francisco,  1864. 

Belniont  (Nev.),  Courier. 


xxxii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Benham  (Calhoun),  Testimony  in  behalf  of  the  U.   S.  vs.   Gutter.     "New 

Helvetia."     San  Francisco,  1861. 

Benicia,  Chronicle,  New  Era,  Pacific  Churchman,  Tribune,  etc. 
Benicia,  Official  Documents  in  Relation  to  Land  Titles.     Suisun,  1867. 
Bennett  (H.  C.),  Chinese  Labor.     A  Lecture.     San  Francisco,  1870.    * 
Bennett  (Henry),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  May  27,  1850,  on  Admission  of 

California.     Washington,  1850. 
Bennett  (Nathaniel),  The  Queue  Case,  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Bentley  (William  R. ),  Pleasant  Paths  of  the  Pacific  Northwest.     San  Fran- 

cisco,  1882. 

Benton  (J.  A.),  The  California  Pilgrim.     Sacramento,  1853. 
Benton  (Thomas  H.),  Abridgment  of  Debates  in  Congress,  1759-1856.     New 

York,  1857-63.  16  vols. ;  Defence  of  Fremont.     In  Niles'  Register,  Ixxi. 

173;  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  July,  1848.    In  Cong.  Globe,  1847-8,  Arp. 

977;  Speech  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Jan.  15,  1849,  on  Adjudication  of  Land 

Titles,  etc.,  in  New  Mexico  and  California.     Washington,  1849;  Thirty 

Years'  View.     New  York,  1854.  2  vols. 
Berenger  ( J.  P. ),  Collection  de  Tous  les  Voyages  faits  autour  du  Monde. 

Paris,  1788-9.  9  vols. 
Berkeley,  Advocate,  Berkeleyan. 
Berkeley  Quarterly.     San  Francisco,  1880-1.  2  vols. 
Bermudez  (J.  M.),  Verdadera  Causa  de  la  Revolucion.     Toluca,  1831. 
Bernal  (Juan),  Memoria  de  un  Californio.     MS. 
Berreyesa  (Antonio), -Relacion  de  sus  Recuerdos.     MS. 
Berreyesa  and  Carrillo,  Quarrel  at  Sonoma,  1846.     MS. 
Berry  (George),  The  Gold  of  California.     London,  1849. 
Bestard  (Buenaventura),  Pastoral  del  Comisario  General  de  Indias.    28  de 

Agosto,  1816.     MS. 

Bestard  (Buenaventura),  Pastoral.     6  de  Mayo,  1816.     MS. 
Betagh  (William),  A  Voyage  round  the  World.     London.   1728;  London, 

1757;  also  in  Pinkerton's  Voyages,  vol.  xvi.;  Harris'  Col.,  vol.  i. 
Beyer  (Moritz),  Das  Auswanderungsbuch.     Leipzig,  1846. 
Biart  (Lucien),  My  Rambles  in  the  New  World.     London,  1877. 
Bidleman  (H.  J.),  see  Directories,  Sacramento,  1861-2. 
Bidwell  (John),  California  in  1841-8.    MS. 
Bidwell  (John),  Journey  to  California,  n.  pi.  [1842]. 
Bigelow  (John),  Les  Etats-Unis  D'Ame"rique.     Paris,  18G3;  Memoir  of  the 

Life  and  Public  Services  of  John  C.  Fremont.     New  York,  185(5. 
Biggs,  Butte  County  Register,  Silver  Bend  Reporter. 
Bigler  (Henry  W.),  Diary  of  a  Mormon  in  California.     MS. 
Bigler  (John),  Address  at  a  Meeting  of  Citizens  of  Santa  Clara  County,  n.pl. 

[1855];  Scrap  Book,  1850-2;  Speech  at  Sacramento  July  9,  1867.  .Sacra- 
mento, 1867;  and  other  speeches. 
Bigly  (Cantell  A.),  Aurifodina.     New  York,  1849. 
Billings  (Frederick),  Address,  Sept.  23,  1854.     San  Francisco,  1854. 
Bilson  (B. ),  The  Hunters  of  Kentucky,  etc.     New  York",  1847. 
Biographical  Sketches  in  S.  Jose"  Pioneer,  1878-83. 

Bird  (Isabella  L. ),  Lady's  Life  in  the  Rocky  Mountains.     New  York,  1879-81. 
Birnie  (Robert),  Personal  Adventures.     MS. 

Black  (George),  Report  on  the  Middle  Yuba  Canal.     San  Francisco,  1864. 
Black  (J.  S:),  Reports  of  Cases  argued  and  determined  in  the  Supreme  Court 

of  the  United  States.     Washington,  1863, 

Blaeu  (or  Jansz),  America.  (Atlas  Maior).  Amstelaedaml,  1662. 
Blagdon  (Francis  William).     The  Modern  Geographer.     London,  n.d.  5  vols. 
Blake  (William  P.),  Geological  Reconnaissance  in  California.     New  York, 

1858.  4to;  The  Production  of  the  Precious  Metals.     New  York,  etc. 

1869. 
Blanchet  (F.  N.),  Historical  Sketches  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  Oregon. 

Portland,  1878. 
Biedsoe  (A.  J.),  History  of  Del  Norte  County.     Eureka,  1881. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxxiii 

Bliss  (William  E.),  Paradise  in  the  Pacific.     New  York,  1873. 

Bluxome -(Isaac),  Vigilance  Committee,  by  '33  Secretary.'  MS. 

B'nai  B'rith.     Various  pamphlets  of  different  lodges  of  the  Society. 

Bodega  y  Cuadra  (Juan  Francisco),  Comento  de  la  Navegacion,  1775.    MS.. 

Bodega  y  Cuadra  (Juan  Francisco),  Navegacion  y  Descubrimiento,  1779.    MS-. 

Bodega  y  Cuadra  (Juan.  Francisco),  Segunda  Salida,  1779.    MS. 

Bodega  y  Cuadra  (Juan  Francisco),  Viage  de  1775.    MS. 

Bodie,  Chronicle,  Free  Press,  Morning  News,  Standard,  etc.          • 

Boggs  (William  M.),  Reminiscences  from  1846.     MS. 

Boggs  (William  M.),  Trip  across  the  Plains  in  1846.    In  Calistoga  Tribune, 

1871;  Napa  Register,  1872. 

Bojorges  (Juan),  Recuerdos  sobre  la  Historia  de  California.  MS. 
Bolcof  ( Jose"),  Cartas  de  tin  Ruso.     MS. 

Bonilla  (Jose"  Mariano),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Bonilla  (Mariano),  Varias:  Cartas,  1834-47.     MS.  Archives,  passim. 
Bonner  (T.  D.),  Life  and  Adventures  of  James  P.  Beckwourth.     N.  Y.,  1858. 
Bonnycastle  (R.  H.),  Spanish  America.     London,  1818.  2  vols. 
Boiiwick  (James),  The  Mormons  and  the  Silver  Mines.     London,  1872, 
Booth  (Newton),  Address,  Aug.  8,  1868.     San  Francisco,  1868;  also  various 

addresses  and  letters. 
Borbon,  Parecer  del  Fiscal  sobre  el  Proyecto  de  abrir  Comunicacion  entre 

California  y  N.  Mexico,  1801.    MS. 

Borica  (Diego),  Castigos  que  lian  de  sufrir  los  Indios,  1797.    MS. 
Borica  (Diego),  Correspondencia  del  Sr  Gobernador,  1794-1800.     MS. 
Borica  (Diego),  Infornie  sobre  comunicacion  con  N,  Mexico,  1796.     MS. 
Borica  (Diego),  Informe  de  Nuevas  Misiones,  1796.     MS. 
Borica  (Diego),  Instruccion  de  dirigir  la  fundacion  de  Branciforte,  I797r    MS. 
Borica  (Diego),  Instruceion  para  la  escolta  de  S.  Juan  Bautista,  1797.     MS. 
Boiica  (Diego),  Proyecto  sobre  Division  de  Californias,  1796.     MS. 
Boronda  (Jose  Canuto),  Notas  de  California.     MS. 
Boronda  (Jos6  E.),  Apuntes  Hist6ricos.     MS. 
Borthwick  (J.  D.),  Three  Years  in  California.     London,  1857. 
Boscana  (Geronimo),  Chinigchinich.     New  York,  1846.    With  Robinson  ( Alf . } 

Life  in  Cal. 

Boscana  (Geronimo),  Escritos  Sueltos  del  Padre.     MSS. 
Boston  (Mass.),  Advertiser,  Commercial  Bulletin,  Journal,  Post,  Traveller,  etc. 
Boston  in  the  Northwest,  Solid  Men  of.     MS. 
Botello  (Narciso),  Anales  del  Sur.     MS. 

Botello  (Narciso),  Comunicaciones  Sueltas  de  un  Angelino.  MS. 
Botica  General  de  los  Remedies  Esperimentados.  Sonoma,  1838. 
Botta  (P.  E.),  Observations  sur  les  Habitans  de  la  Californie.  In  Nouv.  An. 

Voy.,  lii.  156. 
Bottn,  (P.  E.),  Osservazioni  sugli  Abitanti  della  California.     In  Duhaut  Cilly, 

Viag. 

Botts  (C.  T.),  Address,  Speech,  etc. 

Bouchacourt  (Ch.),  Notice  Industrielle  sur  la  Californie.     Lyon,  184<X 
Bouchard  Affair,  Testimonio  de  Prisioneros  acerca  de'InSurgeivtes,  1818.    MS. 
Bound  Home,  or  the  Gold  Hunter's  Manual.     New  York,  1852. 
Bowcn  (Asa  M.),  Statement  on  San  Pascual,  1846.     MS. 
Bowers  (Stephen),  Santa  Rosa  Island.     In  Smithsonian  Report,  1877. 
Bowie  (Aiig.  J.).  Hydraulic  Mining  in  California.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
Bowie  (Richard  I.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  June  6,  1850,  on  the  Califor- 

nian  Question.     Washington,  1850. 
Bowles  (Samuel),  Across  the  Continent.     Springfield,  1866;  Our  New  West. 

Hartford,  etc.,  1869;  The  Pacific  Railroad.     Boston,  1869. 
Boyer  (Lanson),  From  the  Orient  to  the  Occident.     New  York,  1878. 
Boynton  (J.  S.),  Statement  of  a  Pioneer.     MS. 
Brace  (Charles  Loring),  The  New  West.     New  York,  1869. 
Brackett  (Albert  G.),  History  of  the  U.  S.  Cavalry.     New  York,  1865. 
Brackctt  (Albert  G.),  Indian  War  in  California  and  Nevada,  18o6-7.    MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Bracket*  (Albert  G.),  List  of  Officers  of  California  Battalion,  1846-7.     MS. 

Brackett  (Albert  G.),  Sketch  of  1st  Regiment  New  York  Volunteers.     MS. 

Brackett  (Albert  G.),  Sketch  of  the  Mormon  Battalion.     MS. 

Branciforte  (villa  de-),  Dictamen  del  fiscal  sobre  fundacion,  1797.     MS 

Branciforte  (villa  de),  El  Discretorio  de  S.  Fernando  al  Virey,  1797.     MS. 

Branciforte  (villa  de),  Informe  del  Real  Tribunal  sobre  la  fundacion,  1795.  MS. 

Branciforte  (Virey),  Autorizacion  para  la  fundacion  de  Nuevas  Misiones, 
1796.  •  MS. 

Branciforte  (Virey),  &  Borica  sobre  Baterias  de  S.  Francisco,  1795.     MS. 

Branciforte  (Virey),  Instruccion,  1794-7.     MS. 

Branciforte  (Virey),  Varies  Oficios,  1794-8.     MS. 

Brands  and  Marks.     MS.  1  vol.     In  Archive  de  California. 

Bray  (Edmund),  Memoir  of  a  Trip  to  California,  1844.     MS. 

Breck,  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  March  25,  1850,  on  the  Message  of  the 
President  relating  to  California.  Washington,  1850. 

Breen  (John),  Pioneer  Memoirs.     MS. 

Breen  (Patrick),  Diary  of  one  of  the  Donner  Party,  1846.     MS. 

Brereton  (R.  M.),  Report  on  Messrs  Bensley  and  Co. 's  Canal  Project,  etc. 
San  Francisco,  1872;  other  reports. 

Brewerton  (George  D.),  A  Ride  from  Los  Angeles  to  New  Mexico.  In  Har- 
per's Magazine.  1853.  vol.  vii.  T 

Bribery,  or  the  California  Senatorial  Election.     San  Francisco,  1868. 

Brief e  aus  den  Vereinigten  Staaten.     Leipzig,  1853.  2  vols. 

Briefs  of  California  Supreme  Court  and  other  courts,  more  than  5,000  in  num- 
ber, about  1,000  of  which  contain  items  of  historical  evidence,  and  over 
100  of  which  are  cited  in  my  notes  by  the  names  of  the  cases.  Not 
named  in  this  list. 

Briggs  (C.  P.),  Narrative  of  1846.     In  Napa  Reporter,  Aug.  31,  1872. 

Bristow  (E.  L.),  Rencounters  with  Indians,  etc.     MS. 

Brock  (Joseph  M.),  Recollections  of  '49.     MS. 

Brockett  (L.  P.),  Our  Western  Empire.     Philadelphia,  etc.,  1881. 

Brodie  (S.  H.),  Statement  of  Legal  Matters.     MS. 

Brooklyn,  Vidette. 

Brooklyn  (The)  Mormons  in  California.     From  a  newspaper. 

Brooks  (B.  S. ),  Alcalde  Grants  in  the  City  of  San  Francisco.  In  Pioneer, 
vol.  i.  129. 

Brooks  (Charles  Wolcott),  Chinese  in  California.  S.  F.,  1877;  Early  Migra- 
tions of  Ancient  Western  Nations.  S.  F.,  1876;  Early  Migrations,  Origin 
of  Chinese  Race.  S.  F.,  1876;  Japanese  Wrecks.  S.  F.  1876.  News- 
paper  Reports  of  Papers  on  Origin  of  the  Japanese  Race.  Scraps. 

Brooks  (H.  S.),  The  California  Mountaineer.     San  Francisco,  1861. 

Brooks  (J.  Tyrwhitt),  Four  Months  among  the  Gold-finders.  London,  1849; 
New  York,  1849;  Paris,  1849;  Vier  maanden  onder  de  Goudzoekers  in 
Opper-Californie.  Amsterdam,  1849;  Vier  Monate  unter  Goldnndeni  ia 
Ober  Kalifornien.  Leipzig,  1849;  Zurich,  1849. 

Brooks  (James),  A  Seven  Months'  Run.     New  York,  1872. 

Brooks  (N.  C.),  A  Complete  History  of  the  Mexican  War.     Phrl.,  1849. 

Brooks  (R.  S.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  June  14,  1854,  on  Pacific  Railroad. 
Washington,  1854. 

Bross  (William),  Address  on  Resources  of  Far  West.  Jan.  25,  1866.  New 
York,  1866. 

Brown  (Charles),  Early  Events  in  California.     MS. 

Brown  (Elam),  An  old  Pioneer.    In  San  Jose"  Pioneer,  Jan.  26,  1878. 

Brown  (H.  S.),  Early  Days  of  California.     MS. 

Browne  (J.  Ross),  Address  to  the  Territorial  Pioneers  of  California.  In  S.  F. 
News  Letter,  Sept.  11, 1875;  Hubert  H.  Bancroft  and  his  Literary  Under- 
takings. In  Overland  Monthly;  Lower  Cal.  See  Taylor;  Relacion  de  los 
Debates  tie  la  Convencion  de  California,  Set.  y  Oct.,  1849,  Nueva  York, 
1851;  Report  of  Debates  in  Convention  of  California.  Sept.  and  Oct., 
1849,  Washington,  1850;  Report  upon  the  Mineral  Resources  of  the  States 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxxv 

find  Territories  "West  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  Washington,  1867;  Wash- 
ington 1868;  San  Francisco,  1868;  Reports  upon  the  Mineral  Resources 
of  the  United  States.  Washington,  1867;  Resources  of  the  Paciiic 
Slope,  etc.,  San  Francisco,  1869. 

Bryant  (Edwin),  Voyage  en  Californie,  etc.  Paris,  n.d.;  What  I  saw  in 
California.  New  York,  1848;  New  York,  1849. 

Bryant  (William  Cullen),  History  of  the  United  States.  New  York,  1876-81. 
4  vols. 

Bucareli  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Com.  Gen.  y  Gobr-  de  Cal.,  1772-9.    MS. 

Bucareli  (Virey),  Instruccion  al  Comandante  de  Cal8-,  1773.    MS. 

Bucareli  (Virey),  Instruccion  del  Virey.     17  Agosto,  1773.     MS. 

Bucareli  (Virey),  Instruccion  del  Virey.     30  Set.,  1774.     MS. 

Bucareli  (Virey),  Providencias  del  Virey.     26  Mayo,  1773.     MS. 

Buchanan  (James),  Instructions  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Thos.  0.  Larkin 
as  Confidential  Agent  of  the  U.  S.,  1845.  MS. 

Buchanan  (James),  Instructions  to  Vorhies,  Oct.  7.  1848.  In  Cal.  and  N. 
Mex.,  Mess,  and  Doc.  1850.  p.  6. 

Buelna  (Antonio),  Cartas  de  un  Vecino  de  S.  Jose.     MS. 

Buelna  (Felix),  Narracion  sobre  Tiempos  Pasados.     MS. 

Buffalo  (N.  Y.),  Courier. 

Buffum  (E.  Gould),  Six  Months  in  the  Gold  Mines.  Philadelphia,  1850; 
London,  1850. 

Burnett  (Peter  H. ),  Recollections  and  Opinions  of  an  Old  Pioneer.   N.  Y. ,  1880. 

Burnett  (Peter  H.),  Recollections  of  the  Past.     MS.  2  vols._ 

Burney  (James),  Chronological  History  of  the  Discoveries  in  the  South  Sea, 
or  Pacific  Ocean.  London,  1803-17.  4to.  5  vols. 

Burns'(Aaron),  Statement  of  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

Burr  (H.  T.),  Chart  showing  Age,  etc.,  of  Officers  of  State  and  Members  of 
Legislature,  1865-6.  Sacramento,  1866. 

Burris  (Davis),  Narrative.     MS. 

Burton  (John),  Official  and  Private  Letters.     MS. 

Burton  (Mrs  M.  A.),  Biographical  Sketch.     MS. 

Burton  (Richard  F.),  City  of  the  Saints,  etc.     London,  1861;  N.  Y.,  1862. 

Burton  (Robert),  The  English  Hero.     London,  1687;  London,  1710. 

Bushnell  (Horace),  Characteristics  and  Prospects  of  California.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1858;  Movement  for  a  University  in  California,  etc.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1857. 

Bustamante  (Anastasio),  Escritos  del  Sr  Presidente  tocante  a  California, 
1830-2.  MS. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  del  Gobierno  del  General 
Santa  Anna.  Mexico,  1841-3.  MS.  3  vols. ;  also  print.  Mexico,  1845. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Cuadro  Hist6rico  de  la  Revolucion  Mexicana. 
Mexico,  1823-7.  5  vols.;  Mexico,  1832-46.  6  vols. 

Bustamante  (Cdrlos  Maria),  Diario  de  lo  especialmente  ocurrido  en  Mexico, 
Sept.  de  1841  a  Junio  de  1843.  Mexico,  1841-3.  MS.  4to.  4  vols. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Gabinete  Mexicano.  Mexico,  1839-41.  MS.  4 
vols.;  also  print.  Mexico,  1842.  2  vols. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Invasion  de  Mexico  de  los  Anglo- Americanos.  MS. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Medidas  para  la  Pacificacion  de  la  America  Mex- 
icana. MS.  1820. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  El  Nuevo  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo  6  sea  Historia  de 
la  Invasion  de  los  Anglo- Americanos  en  Mexico.  Mexico,  1847.  2  vols. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Suplemento  d  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Cavo.  Jalapa, 
1870. 

Bustamante  (Carlos  Maria),  Voz  de  la  Patria,  Continuacion.  Mexico,  1837-9. 
MS.  9  vols. 

Butler  (A.  W.),  Resources  of  Monterey  County.     San  Francisco,  1875,. 

C  (S.),  Descripcion  Topografica  de  Misiones,  1845.    In  Revista  Cientif,  i.  327. 
Caballero  (Jose"  de),  Estadistica  del  Estado  Libre  de  Sonora  y  Sinaloa.     MS. 


xxxvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Cabot  (Juan),  Expedition  al  Valle  de  los  Tulares,  1814.     MS. 
Cabot  (Juan  and  Pedro),  Cartas  de  dos  Frailes.     MS. 

Cabrera  Bueno  (Joseph  Gonzalez),  Navegacion  Especvlativa.     Manila,  1734. 
folio. 

Cabrillo  (Juan  Rodriguez),  Relation  6  Diario.    In  Florida,  Col.  Doc.,  173;  also 
in  Pacheco  and  Cclrdenas,  Col.  Doc.,  xiv.  165.    (Probably  by  Juan  Paez.) 

Cahuenga,  Capitulacion  de  13  de  Enero,  1847.     MS. 

Caldwell  (George  Alfred),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.  June  7,  1850,  on  the 
California  and  Territorial  Questions.     Washington,  1850. 

California,  1799,  in  Viagero  Universal,  xxvi. 

Calif ornia  Academy  of  Sciences,  Proceedings  of  the.     S.  F.,  1858  et  seq. 

California  Agriculturist.     San  Jose",  1871  et  seq.  4to. 

California,  All  about  California.     San  Francisco,  1870;  Id,,  1873  and  Supple- 
ment; Id.,  1875  and  Supplement. 

California,  Amount  collected  from  customs.     [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex, 
Doc.  72.]    Washington,  1849. 

California  Anthro'pographic  Chart,  1861  et  seq. 

California,  Appeal  in  Behalf  of  the  Church,  Sept.  1849.    New  York,  1849. 

California,  Arrival  of  the  Steamer.     Festival  in  Celebration  of  the  25th 
Anniversary,  Feb.  28,  1874.     San  Francisco,  1874. 

California  as  it  is.     San  Francisco,  1882. 

California  Associated  Pioneers  of  the  Territorial  Days  of  Cal.  in  New  York. 
Reunion  1875.     New  York,  1875. 

California  Bible  Society,  Annual  Reports.     San  Francisco,  1850,  et  seq. 

California,  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Delegates  to  Convention  to  frame 
New  Constitution.  1878.     San  Francisco,  1878. 

California  Characters  and  Mining  Scenes  and  Sketches.     San  Francisco,  n.d. 

California  Claims.     See  Fremont. 

California  Colored  Citizens,  Proceedings  of  Annual  Conventions.     San  Fran- 
cisco, 1856  et  seq. 

California,   Compiled   Laws  by  S.   Garfielde  and  F.   A.    Snyder,    1850-3. 
Benicia,  1853. 

California,  Constitution,  San  Francisco,  1849;  also  in  Spanish. 

California,  Correspondence  relative  to  the  Indian  disturbances.    [34th  Cong., 
1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  26.]    Washington,  1855. 

California,  Correspondence  and  Reports  of  the  Mexican  Government,  1843-4. 
n.pl.,  n.d. 

California  Culturist.     San  Francisco,  1858-60.  3  vols. 

California  se  declara  Independiente  de  Mexico.    Nov.  7,  1836.     (Monterey, 
1836.) 

California,  Emigrants'  Guide  to.     London,  1849, 

California,  Establecimiento  y  Progresos  de  las  Misiones  de  la  Antigua  Cal- 
ifornia.    In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  ser.  iv.,  torn.  iv. 

California,  Establishment  of  Mint  and  Light-houses.     [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess., 
H.  Ex.  Doc.  47.]    Washington,  1850. 

California,  Fresh  Water  Tide  Lands.     San  Francisco,  1869. 

Calif  ornia  Geological  Survey.     Philadelphia,  etc.,  1864;  San  Francisco,  etc., 
1867. 

California,  Gids  naar.     Amsterdam,  1849. 

California  Gold  Regions,  With  a  full  account  of  the  Mineral  Resources, 
etc.,  New  York  (1849). 

California  Grape  Culture.     Report  of  Commissioners,  San  Francisco,  1862. 

California,  Hardy  Impeachment.     Sacramento,  1862. 

California  Homographic  Chart,  1861  et  seq. 

California,  Illustrated  Hand-Book.     London,  1870. 

California  Indians.     Report  relative  to  the  Colonization  of.     [33d  Cong.,  2d 
Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  41.] 

California,  Industrial  Interests  of.    San  Francisco,  1862. 

California  Insurance  Commissioners.    Annual  Reports.     S.  F.,  1868  et  seq. 

California,  Irrigation  in  San  Joaquin  and  Tulare  Plains.     Sacramento,  1873. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Xxxvii 

California,  Its  Gold  and  its  Inhabitants.     London,  1856.     2  vols. 

California,  Its  Past  History;  Its  Present  Position,  etc.     London,  1850, 

California,  Journals  of  Assembly  and  Senate,  1st  to  24th  sessions,  1850-81; 
with  Appendices — 103  volumes  in  all — containing  all  public  documents 
printed  by  the  state,  which  arc  cited  in  my  notes  by  their  titles  aixl  dates, 
the  title  consisting  of  'California'  followed  by  one  of  the  following  head- 
ings: Act;  Adjutant-general's  Report;  Agricultural,  Mining,  and  Mechan- 
ical Arts  College,  Reports;  Assembly,  Rules;  Attorney-general,  Reports; 
Bank  Commissioners,  Reports;  Bribery  Investigating  Committee;  Citizen's 
Hand  Book;  Common  Schools,  Acts,  etc.;  Corporations;  Deaf,  Dumb,  and 
Blind  Institute;  Educational  Directory;  Electors;  Fees  and  Salaries; 
Fisheries;  Inaugural  Addresses  of  Governors;  Insane  Asylum  Reports; 
Insurance  Commissioners;  Land  Acts;  Laws;  Memorials;  Messages  of 
Govejnors;  Militia;  Mines  and  Mining;  Pioneer  Silk  Growers ;  Political 
Code  Amendments;  Public  Lands;  Revenue  Laws;  Sacramento  River 
Drrinage  District;  Sacramento  Valley  Irrigation  and  Navigation  Canal; 
School  Law;  Secretary  of  State,  Reports;  Senate  and  Assembly  Bills; 
Senate  Standing  and  Joint  Rules;  Special  Messages  of  Governors;  State 
Agricultural  Society,  Transactions;  State  Board  of  Agriculture;  State 
Board  of  Health ;  State  Board  of  Equalization ;  State  Capital  Commis- 
sioners; State  Controller,  Annual  Reports;  State  Documents;  State  Geo- 
logist, Reports;  State  Harbor  Commissioners;  State  Library,  Reports; 
State  Mineralogist,  Annual  Reports;  State  Prison,  Reports;  State  Reform 
School,  Reports;  State  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  Reports; 
State  Teachers'  Association;  State  Teachers'  Institute;  State  Treasurer, 
Reports;  Surveyor-general,  Reports;  Swamp  and  Overflowed  Lands;  Tide 
Lands;  Transportation;  Woman's  Suffrage. 

California,  Journal  of  Education.     San  Jos6,  1876  et  se*q. 

California  Labor  Exchange.  [Various  publications.] 

California  Land  Commission.  Correspondence  [32d  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex. 
Doc.  131];  copy  of  Instructions  [Id.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.,  26];  list  of  cases  in 
Hoffman's  Reports. 

California  Land  Titles,  Copies  of  in  U.  S.  Surveyor-general's  Office,  1833-5. 

California  Land  Titles.  Remarks  of  Messrs.  Phelps  and  Sargent  in  U.  S.  H. 
of  Rep.,  June  10,  1862.  Washington,  1862. 

California,  Last  Night  of  the  Session  of  the  Legislature.     Sacramento,  1854. 

California  Law  Journal  and  Literary  Review.    San  Francisco,  1862  et  sect. 

California,  Legislative  Sketches.     Scraps,  1857. 

California  Legislature.     Directory;  Sketch  Book,  etc. 

California,  Leyes  [statutes  in  Spanish].     Sacramento,  1859-68.  17  vols. 

California  Magazine  and  Mountaineer.     San  Francisco,  1864. 

California  Mail  Bag.     San  Francisco,  1871  et  seq. 

California  Medical  Gazette.     San  Francisco,  18G8  et  seq. 

California  Medical  Society,  Transactions.     Sacramento,  1857  et  seq. 

California,  Memorial  of  Legislature  to  Congress  on  Dangers  of  Chinese  Immi- 
gration. San  Francisco,  1862. 

California  Mercantile  Journal,  1800.     San  Francisco,  1860. 

California,  Message  transmitting  constitution.  [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex., 
Doc.  39.]  Washington,  1849. 

California  Nautical  Magazine.     San  Francisco,  1862  et  seq. 

California,  New  Constitution.     San  Francisco,  1879. 

California,  Northern  California,  Scott  and  Klamath  Rivers.     Yreka,  1856. 

California  Northern  Railroad,  Engineers'  Report  of  Surveys,  1859.  Sacra- 
mento, 1859;  other  reports. 

California,  Notes  on.     New  York,  1850, 

California,  Noticias.     See  Sales. 

California  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  Articles  and  By-laws.  Vallejo,  1868; 
various  reports. 

California  Pioneers  (Society  of),  Anniversaries;  Constitution  and  By-laws; 
Grand  Excursion;  Inaugural  Ceremonies;  Oration  and  Poem;  Reports,  etc. 


xxxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

California  Pioneers,  Copy  of  Archives.     MS.;   Portraits  in  Library  of  the 

Society;  Scrap-book. 

California  Pioneers,  Sketches  of  Fifty.     MS. 

California  Prison  Commission,  Annual  Reports.     San  Francisco,  1866  et  seq. 
California,  Project  for  Middle  Class  Colonies,     n.pl.,  u.d. 
California,  Public  Lands  of.     San  Francisco,  1876. 

California,  Relief  of  Settlers  in.     [40th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Mis.  Doc.  23.] 
California,  Reports  of  Cases  in  Supreme  Court.     San  Francisco,  etc.,  1851- 

81.  58  vols.  . 
California,  Round  Valley  Indian  Reservation.    [43d  Cong.,  1st.  Sess.,  H.  Ex. 

Doc.  118.] 

California  Statistical  Chart.     Sacramento,  Jan.  1.  1855. 
California  Statutes,  1st  to  24th  Sess.     Sacramento,  etc.,  1850-81.  24  vols. 
California  Supreme  Court  Briefs.     San  Francisco,  etc.,  1852  et  seq.     See  also 

Briefs. 

California,  Tarif  de  Douanes  de  la  Californie,  1851.     Paris,  1851.  4to. 
California  Teacher.     San  Francisco,  1863  et  seq. 
California  Text  Book.     San  Francisco,  1852. 
California  Volunteers,  Correspondence  Relative  to  the  Discharge.      [30th 

Cong.,  1st.  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  138.]    Washington,  1865  et  seq. 
California  Wine,  Wool,  and  Stock  Journal.     San  Francisco,  18Q3  et  seq. 
California  Workingmen's  Party,  An  Epitome  of  its  Rise  and  Progress.     San 

Francisco,  1878. 
California  and  New  Mexico,  Message  and  Documents,  1848.    [30th  Cong.,  2d 

Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1.]    Washington,  1848. 
California  and  New  Mexico,  Message  and  Documents,  1850.    [31st  Cong.,  1st 

Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  17.]    Washington,  1849. 
Californian  (The).     San  Francisco,  1880  et  seq. 
Californian.     See  Monterey  Californian. 
Calif ornias,  Reglamento  Provisional.     1773.  MS. 
Calif ornias,  'Junta  de  Fomento,'  q.  v. 
Californie,  Histoire  Chre"tienne.     Plancy,  1851. 
Californie,  Ses  Ressources  Gene'rales,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1869. 
','alif  ornien,  Ausfuhrliche  Mittheilungeu  liber.     San  Francisco,  1870. 
Calif ornien,  Authentische  Nachrichten  liber.     Bremen,  1849. 
Calif ornien,  Rathgeber  fur  Auswanclerer  nach.     Bremen,  1849. 
Californien  und  Seine  Goldminen  Mittheilungen  aus  der  Geographic.    Kreuz- 

nach,  1849. 

Californien  sein  Minen-Bergbau,  etc.     Cassel,  1867. 
Calistoga,  Calistogan,  Free  Press,  Independent  Calistogan,  Tribune. 
Calleja  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gob*,  de  Cal.,  1813-16.     MS. 
Calleja  (Virey),  Respuesta  del  Guardian  al  Virey  sobre  Proyectos  de  Cal., 

1797.     MS. 
Calvary  Presbyterian  Church,   Historical  Sketch.      San  Francisco,    1869; 

Manual,  etc. 
Calvo  (Charles),  Recueil  Complet  des  Trace's  de  PAm<§rique  Latine.     Paris, 

18G2-9.  16  vols. 
Camdcn  (William),  Annales  Rervm  Anglicarvm  et  Hibernicarvm,  etc.     Lon- 

dini,  1615-27.  2  vols. 

Campaign  of  Los  Angeles,  1847.     In  Monterey,  Californian.     Jan,  28,  1847. 
Campbell,  A  Concise  History  of  Spanish  America.     London,  1741. 
Campbell  (J.  P.),  My  Circular  Notes.     London,  1876.  2  vols. 
Campbell  (J.  H.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  Apr.  8,  1862,  on  Railroad  to  the 

Pacific.     April,  1862.  -  Washington,  1862. 

Caricelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Ruina  de  la  Nueva  Espana.     Cadiz,  1811. 
Caiicelada  (Juan  Lopez),  El  Telegrafo  Mexicano.     Cadiz,  1813,  et  seq. 
Caiicelada  (Juan  Lopez),  Verdad  Sabida.     Cadiz,  1811. 
Cauizares  (Jose"),  Diario  de  1769.     MS. 
Capron  (E.  S.),  History  of  California.     Boston,  1854. 
Carcaba  (Manuel),  Informe  del  Habilitado  General,  1797.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xxxix 

Cdrcaba  (Manuel),  Oficios  del  Habilitado  General.     MS. 

Cardona  (Nicolas),  Memorial  sobre  sus  descubrimientos,  etc.,  en  la  California. 

In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc.,  torn.  ix.  42;  Relacion  del  descubri- 

miento  de  California.     In  Id.,  torn.  ix.  30. 

Carmany  (John  H.),  A  Review  of  the  Year  1866.     San  Francisco,  1867. 
Carr  (Ezra  S.),  The  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1875. 
Carr  (John  F.)     See  Anaheim,  its  People  and  its  Products. 
Carriger  (Nicholas),  Autobiography.     MS. 

Carrillo  (Anastasio)  Muchas  Cartas  del  Comandante  de  Sta  Barbara,  etc.   MS. 
Carrillo  (Carlos  Antonio),  Cartas  del  Diputndo  de  Alta  Cal.,  1831-2.    MS. 
Carrillo  (Carlos  Antonio),  Cartas  al  General  Vallejo.     Die.  1836.     MS, 
Carrillo  (Carlos  Antonio),  Correspondencia  Miscelanea.     MS. 
Carrillo  (Carlos  Antonio),  Discurso  al  tomar  el  maudo  politico  en  Los  Angeles, 

6  Die.  1837.     MS. 

Carrillo  (Carlos  Antonio),  Exposicion  sobre  el  Fondo  Piadoso.    Mexico,  1831. 
Carrillo  (Cdrlos  Antonio),  Pedimento  de  Reos,  1814.  MS. 
Carrillo  (Domingo),  Cartas  Sueltas.     MS. 

Carrillo  (Domingo),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Carrillo  (Joaquin),  Escritos  en  varies  Archives.     MS. 
Carrillo  (Jose),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Carrillo  ( Jos6  Antonio),  Accion  de  S.  Pedro  contra  los  Americanos,  1846.  MS. 
Carrillo  (Jose"  Antonio),  Comuuicaciones  Varias  del  Diputado  y  Mayor  Gene- 
ral.    MS. 

Carrillo  (Julio),  Narrative.     MS. 

Carrillo  (Mariano),  Testamento  6  Inventario.     1782.  MS. 
Carrillo  (Pedro  C.),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS. 
Carrillo  (Raimundo),  Los  EdificioS  de  Monterey,  1800.    MS. 
Carrillo  (Raimundo),  Instruccion  que  observara  el  Comandante  de  Escolta  de 

Sta  Ines.     MS. 

Carrillo  (Raimundo),  Papeles  del  Capitan,  1795  et  seq.     MS. 
Carroll  (Anna  Ella),  The  Star  of  the  West.     New  York,  1857. 
Carroll  (W),  Dr  Scott,  The  Vigilance  Committee  and  The  Church.     San 

Francisco,  1856. 

Carson  (J.  H.),  Early  Recollections  of  the  Mines,  etc.     Stockton,  1852. 
Carson  City  (Nev.),  Appeal,  State  Register. 

Carvalho  (S.  N.),  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Adventure  in  the  FarWest.     New- 
York,  1858. 
Cary  (Thomas  G.),  Gold  from  California,  Lecture,  March  25,  1856;  The  San 

Francisco  Vigilance  Committee.     In  Atlantic  Monthly,  vol.  xl.     Dec. 

1877,  702. 

Cassell's  Emigrant  Handy -Guide  to  California.     London,  n.d. 
Casserly  (Eugene),  The  Issue  in  California.     Letter,  Aug.   27,   1861.     San 

Francisco,  1861;  Remarks,  etc.,  for  the  cession  to  the  C.  P.  R.  R.  of  Cal. 

of  one  half  of  Goat  Island.     Wash.,  1873;  Speech  on  the  Chinese  Evil. 

Wash.,  1870;  and  other  speeches,  etc. 
Cassin  (Francis),  A  Few  Facts  about  California.     MS, 
Castanares  (Jos6  Maria),  Causa  criminal  contra... y  Ildefonsa  Gonzalez  ,por 

adulterio,  1836.     MS. 
Castanares  ( Jose"  Maria),  Causa  seguida  Contra  Ana  Gonzalez.    Adulterio  de  J. 

M.  Castanares  y  Alfonsa  Gonzalez,  1836.     MS. 
Castanares  (Manuel),  California  y  sus  Males,  Exposicion  1844.     In.  Id.,  Col. 

Doc.,  21. 

Castaiiares  Qlanuel),  Cartas  del  Administrador  de  la  Aduana.     MS. 
Castailares  (Manuel),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  relatives  al  departamento  de 

Californias.     Mexico,  1845. 

Castillero  ( Andrds),  Varias  Cartas  del  Capitan  y  Comisionado.     MS. 
Castillo  (Antonio  del),  Memoria  sobre  las  Minas  de  Azogue  de  America, 

Mexico,  1871. 

Castillo  (Felipe),  Itinerario  desde  Sonora  hasta  Cal.,  1845.     MS. 
Castillo  Negrete  (Luis),  Consejos  al  Ccmandante  de  Sta  Barbara,  1836.    MS. 


xl  AUTHOEITIES  QUOTED. 

Castillo  Negrete  (Luis),  Escritos  del  Juez  de  Distrito.     MS. 

Castillo  Negrete  (Luis),  Exposicion  que  dirige  el  Juez  de  Distrito  al  Aytint. 

de  Los  Argeles  sobre  el  Plan  Revoluciouario  de  Monterey,  1836.     MS. 
Castro  (Jose),  Correspoudencia  oficial  y  Particular  del  General,  182G-46.  MS. 
Castro  (Jos6),  Decretos  de  la  Diputacion  erigida  en  Congreso  Constituyente, 

Nos.  1-10.     Monterey,  1836. 
Castro  (Josd),  El  C- ,  Presidente  de  Congreso  Constituyente.     (Despacho 

de  Coronel  Expedido  d  D.  Juan  B.  Alvarado.)  Monterey,  11  Die.,  1836. 
Castro  (Jose'),  6rden  del  Com.  Gen.  acerca  de  Emigrados  de  los  E.  U.,  G  Nov. 

1845.     MS. 

Castro  (Jose"),  Proclama  de  13  de  Nov.,  1836.     Monterey. 
Castro  (Macario),  Cartas  del  Sargento.     MS. 

Castro  (Macario),  Diario  de  su  Expedicion  a  las  Rancherias,  1799.     MS. 
Castro  (Manuel),  Carta  d  D.  Pio  Pico.     Revolution  de  Flores,  1847.     MS. 
Castro  (Manuel),  Cartas  de  un  Prefecto.    MS. 

Castro  (Manuel),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS.  2  vols. 
Castro  (Manuel),  Informe  en  Sonora,  7  Junio,  1847.     MS. 
Castro  (Manuel),  Relation  de  la  Alta  California.     MS, 
Castro  (Manuel),  Sus  Servicios  Piiblicos.     MS. 
Castro  (Tiburcio),  Papeles  de  un  Juez  y  Prefecto.     MS. 
Castroville,  Argus. 

Catald  (Magin),  Carta  sobre  Nootka,  1784.    MS. 
Catala  (Magin j,  Correspondencia  del  Misionero  de  Sta  Clara,     MS. 
Catecismo  politico  arreglado  d  la  Constituciou  de  la  Monarquia  Espanola. 

1812.     MS. 

Catholic  World.     New  York,  1865  et  seq. 

Quivrct  (Pierre)  and  Ch.  Duquesnay.    Lettres  Californiennes.    S.  F.,  1870. 
Cavo  (Andres),  Los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico.    Mexico,  1836-8.  3  vols.;  Mexico, 

1852. 

Ceballos  (Ramon),  XXIV.  Capltulos  en  Vindicacion  de  Mexico.     Mad.  1856. 
Cedulario,  A  Collection  mostly  MSS.  folio.  3  vols. 
Central  Pacific  Railroad  Company,   Annual   Reports,   By-laws,  numerous 

pamphlets. 

Cerruti  (Enrique),  Historical  Note-books,  1821-46.     MS.  5  vols. 
Cerruti  (Enrique),  Ramblings  in  California.     MS. 
Cevallos.    De  el  Senor  Cevallos,  de  la  situacion  actual,  del  Plan  de  Jalisco,  y 

del  Gen.  Uraga.     Mexico,  1853. 
Chambe-Xain  (Charles  H.),  Statement.     MS. 
Chamberlain  (John),  Memoirs  of  California  since  1840.     MS. 
Chamberlain  ( W.  H),  and  Harry  L.  Wells.     See  Yuba  County  History. 
Chamisso  (Louis  Charles  A.  von),  Adelbert  von  Chamisso's  Werke.     Vierte 

Auflage.     Berlin,  1856.  6  vols.;  Reise,  included  in  preceding ;  Remarks 

and  Opinions.     In  Kotzebue's  Voy.,  ii.,  iii. 

Champagnac  (Jean  B.  Joseph),  Le  jeuiie  Voyageur  en  Californie.    Paris,  1852. 
Chandless  (William),  A  Visit  to  Salt  Lake.     London,  1857. 
Chapin  (E.  R. ),  Reminiscences  of  a  Surgeon.     MS. 
Charton  (Edouard),  Le  Tour  du  Monde.     Paris,  etc.,  1861.  4to.  2  vols. 
Chevalier  (Michel),  On  the  Probable  Fall  in  the  Value  of  Gold.    New  York, 

1859. 

Chicago  (111.),  Post,  Times,  Tribune,  etc. 
Chico,   Butte    County  Press,    Butte  County  Record,    Caucasian,    Evening 

Record,  Index,  Northern  Enterprise,  Review,  etc. 

Chico  (Mariano),  Alocucion  del  Gob?-  a  la  Junta  Dept.  1  Junio  1836.     MS. 
Chico  (Mariano),  El  C Comandante  General  y  Gefe  Politico  de  Alta  Cal. 

d  sus  Habitantes.     Monterey,  Julio  24,  1836. 

Chico  (Mariano),  El  C. .  .Gefe  Superior  Politico  etc.  d  sus  Habitantes.    Mon- 
terey, 11  Mayo  1836. 

Chico  (Mariano),  Discurso  pronunciado  20  de  Mayo.  Monterey,  1836. 
Chico  (Mariano),  Discurso  pronunciado  27  de  Mayo.  Monterey,  1836. 
Chico  (Mariano),  Escritos  del  Gobernador,  1836.  MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xli 

Chico  (Mariano),  Dos  Palabras  sobre  Memoria  del  Ex.  Gobemador  Doblado. 

Guanajuato,  1847. 

Chiles  (Joseph  B. ),  Visit  to  California  in  1841.     MS. 
Chinese  in  California:  Coolie  Trade;  Immigration;  Question;  Testimony;  etc. 

Many  pamphlets. 

Choate  (D. )  and  E.  W.  Moore.     See  San  Diego  and  Southern  California. 
Choris  (Louis),  Voyage  Pittoresque  autour  du  Monde.     Paris,  1822.  folio. 
Chronicle  Annual.     San  Francisco,  1882. 
Churches.     See  Institutions. 

Cincinnati  (0.),  Commercial,  Enquirer,  Times,  etc. 
Civil  Service  Reform  Association  of  California,  Purposes  of.     San  Francisco, 

1881;  other  pamphlets. 
Clark  (Francis  D.),  A  Pioneer  of  1847.     In  S.  Jose"  Pioneer,  July  5,  1879;  Roll 

of  Survivors  of  the  1st  Regiment  of  New  York  Volunteers.    1ST.  Y.  1874. 
Clark  (Galen),  Reminiscences  of  the  Old  Times.     MS. 
Clark  (Hiram  C.),  Statement  of  Facts  from  1851.     MS. 
Clark  (Mrs),  Antipodes  and  Around  the  World.     London,  1870. 
Clark  (Samuel),  Life  and  Death  of  Sir  Francis  Drake.     London,  1761.  4to. 
Clarke  (Asia  Booth),  The  Elder  and  the  Younger  Booth.     Boston,  1882. 
Clarke  (Charles  E.),  Speech  on  Admission  of  California  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep., 

May  13,  1850.    Wash.  1850;  Speech  on  California  Claims  in  U.  S.  Sen., 

Apr.  25,  1848.     Wash.  1848. 
Claudet  (F.  G.),  Gold.     New  Westminster,  1871. 

Clavigero  (Francisco  Saverio),  Storia  della  California.  Venezia,  1789.  2  vols. 
Clemens  (J.),  California  Territorial  Governments.  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen., 

May  16  and  20,  1850.     Washington,  .1850. 

Cleveland  (Chauncey  F.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rejp.,  Apr.  19,  1850. .  .Consti- 
tution of  California.    Washington,  1850. 
Cleveland  (Richard  J.),  Narrative  of  Voyages.     Cambridge,  1842.    2  vols.; 

Boston,  1850. 
Clippings  from  the  California  Press  in  regard  to  Steam  across  the  Pacific.  San 

Francisco,  1860. 
Cloverdale,  News,  Reveille. 
Clubs.     See  Institutions. 

Clyman  (James),  Diary  of  Overland  Journey,  1844-6.     MS. 
Clyman  (James),  Note  Book,  1844-6.     MS. 
Coast  Review.     San  Francisco,  1871-80.     15  vols. 
'Codrnan  (John),  The  Round  Trip.     New  York,  1879. 
Coffey  (Titian  J.),  Argument  against  McGarrahan's  Claim,  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Coignet  (M.),  Rapport  sur  les  Mines  de  New  Almaden.     Paris,  1806. 
Coke  (Henry  J.),  A  Ride  over  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  Oregon  and  Calif  ornia. 

London,  1S52. 
Cole  (Cornelius),  Australian  Mail  Line.     Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.  July  9,  1870. 

Washington,     n.d.;  and  various  Speeches. 

Cole  (R.  Beverly),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee  in  San  Francisco.  MS. 
Cole  (William  L.j,  California — Its  Scenery,  Climate,  etc.  New  York,  1871. 
Coleccion  de  Documentcs  Ine"ditos  para  la  Historia  de  Espaila.  Madrid, 

1842-80.     71  vols.     [S.  F.  Law  Library.] 
Colegio  Seminario  de  Maria  Santisima  de  Guadalupe  de  Sta  Ine"s.     Constitu- 

ciones.     MS. 

Coleman  (William  T.),  Vigilance  Committee  of  '56.     MS. 
Colfax  (Nev.),  Enterprise. 

College  of  California.     Oration  and  Poem;  and  various  pamphlets. 
Colonial  Magazine.     London,  1840etseq. 
Colonizacion,  Ce\lula  Real  confirmando  el  Reglamento  del  Gobr-  Neve  1781. 

MS. 

Colton,  Advocate,  Semi-tropic. 
Colton  (Walter),  Correspondence,  1876-7.     MS. 
Colton  (Walter),  Deck  and  Port.  New  York,  1850;  New  York,  1860;  The  Land 

of 'Gold.    New  York,  1860;  Three  Years  in  California.    New  York,  1850. 
HIST.  CAL.,.VOL.  I.    4 


xlii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Columbia,  Citizen,    Clipper,    1854,    Gazette,    1854,     Herald,    Mining  Dist. 

Gazette,  Muggins,  1854,  News,  Star,  Times,  Indept.  Republic,  etc. 
Colusa,  Independent,  Sun. 
Colusa  County  Annual.     Colusa,  1878. 
Colusa  County,  History.     San  Francisco,  1880.  folio. 
Colvin  (Thomas  W.),  Life  of  a  Pioneer.     MS. 
Combier  (U.),  Voyage  au  Golfe  de  Calif ornie.     Paris,  n.d. 
Commercial,  Financial,  and  Mining  Interests  of  Calif  ornia.    Review  for  1876. 

San  Francisco,  1877. 
Compania  Asiatico-Mexicana,  Plan  y  Reglamento,  1825.     In  Junta  de  Fo- 

men  to  de  Cal. 

Compania  Extrangera  de  Monterey,  Cuaderno  de  6rdenes,  1832.     MS. 
Companies,  Mining,  Agricultural,  Commercial,  etc.     See  Institutions. 
Comstock  (A.  M.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 
Cone  (Mary),  Two  Years  in  California.     Chicago,  1876. 
Conferencia  celcbrada  en  el  Presidio  de  S.  Francisco  eutre  Sola,  Kotzebue,  y 

Coscof,  1816.     MS. 

Congressional  Debates  [18th  to  25th  Congress].     Wash.  1824  et  seq    14  vols. 
Congressional  Globe.     Washington,  1836  et  seq.  4to. 
Congressional  Speeches.     A  Collection. 
Conklin  (E.),  Picturesque  Arizona.     New  York,  1878. 
Connor  (John),  Early  California  Recollections.     MS. 


Consejo  General  de  Pueblos  Unidos  de  Cal.,  Bando  de  Mayo  13,  1846.     MS. 
Constitucion  Espanola  de  1812,  Bandos  del  Virey  sobre  su  jura,  1820.    MS. 
Constitutional  Convention;  Declaration  of  Rights.     Autograph  of  Members, 

1849. 
Contemporary  Biography  of  California's  Representative  Men.    San  Francisco, 

1881.  4to.  2  vols. 
Conversation,  Practical  and  Philosophical,  on  the  Subject  of  Currency.     San 

Francisco,  1865. 

Con  way  (John),  Early  Days  in  California.     MS. 
Cooke  (Philip  St  Geo.),  Conquest  of  New  Mexico  and  California.    Nevr  York, 

1878;  Journal  from  Santa  Fe  to  San  Diego.    [30th  Cong.,  Spec.  Sess., 

Sen.  Doc.  2.]     Washington,  1849;  Scenes  and  Adventures  in  the  Army. 

Philadelphia,  1857. 

Coon  (H.  P.),  Annals  of  San  Francisco.     MS. 

Cooper  (De  Guy),  Resources  of  San  Luis  Obispo  County.    San  Francisco,  1875. 
Cooper  (Ellwood),  Forest  Culture,  etc.     San  Francisco,  18V6. 
Cooper  (John  B.  R.),  Accounts,  1827.     MS. 

Cooper  (John  B.  R.),  Cartas  Miscelaneas  de  un  Navegante,  1824  et  seq.     MS. 
Cooper  (John  B.  R.),  Log  of  the  California,  1839-42.     MS. 
Copper  City,  Pioneer. 
Copperopolis,  Courier. 

Cordoba  (Alberto),  Cartas  del  Ingeniero,  1796-8.     MS. 
Cordoba  (Alberto),  Informe  acerca  del  Sitio  de  Branciforte,  1796.     MS. 
Cordoba  (Alberto),  Informe  al  Virey  sobre  Defensas  de  Cal.,  179G.     MS. 
Cornwallis  (Kinahan),  The  New  El  Dorado.     London,  1858. 
Coronel  (Antonio  F.),  Cosas  de  California.     MS. 

Coronel  (Antonio  F.),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Coronel  (Ignacio),  Cartas  de  un  Maestro  de  Escuela,  1834  et  seq.     MS. 
Correo  Atiantieo  (El).     Mexico,  1835  et  seq. 
•Correo  de  la  Federacion.     Mexico,  1826  et  seq.  folio. 
Correspondencia  de  Misiones.     MS. 

Cortambert  (Richard),  Peuples  et  Voyageurs  contemporains.     Paris,  1864. 
^Cortes  (Henian),  Auto  de  Posesion.     In   Col.  Doc.   In£d.,  torn.  iv. ;  Cartas; 

Historia  de  N.  Espaiia;  Memorial.    In  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  iv. ;  and  Different 

works,  as  cited  in  my  Hist.  Mex. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xljU 

Corwin  (Closes  B.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  Apr.  9,  1850,  to  Admit  Cali- 
fornia. Washington,  1850. 

Cosmopolitan  Monthly.     San  Francisco,  1874  et  seq. 

Costans6  (Miguel),  Diario  Hist6rico  de  los  Viages  de  mar  y  tierra  hechos  al 
norte  de  California.  Mexico,  1776. 

Costanso  (Miguel),  Historical  Journal  of  the  Expeditions  by  Sea  and  Land 
to  the  North  of  California.  London,  1790. 

Costanso  (Miguel),  Informe  sobre  el  Proyecto  defortificar  los  Presidios  de  Cal. 
1794.  MS.  In  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mexico. 

Cota  (Pablo),  Diario  de  Exploracion,  1798.     MS. 

Cota  (Guillermo,  Leonardo,  Manuel,  Pablo,  and  Valentin),  Varias  cartas.  MS. 

Cota  (Valentin),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 

Coulter  (John),  Adventures  on  the  Western  Coast.     London,  1847.  2  vols. 

Coulter  (Thomas),  Notes  on  Upper  California,  1835.  In  Lond.  Geog.  Soc., 
Jour.,  v.  59. 

County  registers,  poll-lists,  laws  and  regulations,  and  other  official  publica- 
tions, cited  by  name  of  county  but  not  named  in  this  list. 

Courts.     See  Institutions. 

Coutts  (Cave  J.),  Diary  of  a  March  to  California  in  1848.     MS. 

Covarrubias  (Jos6  Maria),  Correspondencia  del  Secretario.     MS. 

Cox  (Isaac),  Annals  of  Trinity  County.     San  Francisco,  1858. 

Coxe  (Daniel),  Description  of  Carolana.     London,  17*22;  other  editions. 

Coyncr  (David  H.),  The  Lost  Trappers.     Cincinnati,  1859. 

Cram  (Thomas  J.),  Report  on  the  Oceanic  routes  to  Cal.,  Nov.  1856.  [34th 
Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  51.]  Washington,  1856;  Topographical 
Memoir  on  the  Department  of  the  Pacific.  [35th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex. 
Doc.  114.]  Washington,  1859. 

Crane  (James  M.),  The  Past,  Present,  and  Future  of  the  Pacific.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1856. 

Crary  (Oliver  B.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee  in  San  Francisco.    MS. 

Crescent  City,  Courier,  Herald,  1854,  Del  Norte  Record. 

Crespi  (Juan),  Diario  de  la  Expedicion  de  Mar.,  1774.     In  Palou,  Not.,  i.  624. 

Crespi  (Juan),  Diario  del  registro  de  San  Francisco,  1772.    In  Palou,  Not. ,  i.  481 . 

Crespi  ( Jiian),  Primera  Espcdicion  de  Tierra  al  Descubrimiento  del  Puerto  de 
San  Diego,  1769.  In  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  93. 

Crespi  (Juan),  Viage  de  la  espedicion  de  tierra  de  San  Diego  a  Monterey, 
1769.  In  Palou,  Not.,  i.  285. 

Croix  (Tcodoro),  Comunicaciones  del  Com.  Gen.  de  Provincias  Internas  al 
Gobr.  de  Cal.,  1777  et  seq.  MS.  In  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  i.-iv.  and  other 
archives. 

Croix  (Tcodoro),  Disposiciones  para  la  Guerra  a  los  Yumas,  1782.     MS. 

Croix  (Tcodoro),  Instruccion  sobre  Donativos  en  California  para  la  Guerra  con 
Iiiglaterra,  1781.  MS. 

Croix  (Tcodoro),  Instrucciones  al  Capitan  Rivera,  1779.     MS. 

Croniso  (Tituo  Fey),  Natural  Wealth  of  California.  San  Francisco,  1868;  Id. 
with  illustrations  and  corrections. 

Crosby  (E.  0.),  Events  in  California.     MS. 

Crowell  (J.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  II.  of  Rep.  June  3,  1850,  on  Admission  of  Cali- 
fornia. Washington,  1850. 

Cuesta.     See  'Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta.' 

Currey  (John),  Incidents  in  California.     MS. 

Cutter  (D.  S.)     See  Directories.     Sacramento,  1860. 

Cutts  (James  Madison),  Conquest  of  California  and  N.  Mexico.    Phfla.,  1847. 

Dall  (Caroline  H.),  My  First  Holiday.     Boston,  1881. 

Dall  (W.  H.),  Lords  of  the  Isles.     In  Overland  Monthly,  xii.  522. 

Dalles  (Or.),  Mountaineer,  Oregon  Republican. 

Dally  (Henry  J.),  Narrative  from  1840.     MS. 

Dameron  (James  P.),  Autobiography  and  Writings.     San  Francisco,  1877. 

Dampier  (Wm.),  New  Voyage  round  the  World.     London,  1699-1709.  4  vols. 


xliv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Dana  (C.  W.),  The  Great  West.  Boston,  1861. 
Dana  (David  D.),  The  Fireman.  Boston,  1858. 
Dana  (Richard  H.,  Jr.).  Two  Years  before  the  Mast.  New  York,  1840;  New 

York,  1857;  Boston,  1873;  Boston,  1880. 
Dana  (William  G. ),  Letters  of  a  Trader.     MS. 

Dana  (Guillermo  G.),  and  Vicente  Moraga,  Lista  de  Extrangeros  en  Sta  Bar- 
bara, 1836.     MS. 

Danti  (Antonio),  Diario  de  itn  Reconocimiento  de  la  Alameda,  1795.     MS. 
Dartin  (V.),  Reflecciones  a  los  Californios  6  Hispano- Americanos.     San  Fran- 
cisco.    [1864.] 
Daubenbiss  (John),  Biographical  Sketches.     In  S.  Josd  Pioneer,   Mar.  23, 

1878. 

Davidson  (George),  Biography  and  Essay  on  Irrigation.     MS. 
Davidson  (George),  Coast  Pilot  of  California,  etc.     Washington,  18G9. 
Davidson  (George),  Directory  for  the  Pacific  Coast.     Washington,  1868. 
Davis  (Horace),  An  open  Letter  to.    San  Francisco,  1880;  and  various  speeches. 
Davis  (John),  World's  Hydrographical  Description.     London,  1595. 
Davis  (William  H.),  Business  Correspondence.     MS. 
Davis  (William  H.),  Glimpses  of  the  Past  in  California.     MS.  2  vole. 
Davisville,  Advertiser. 
D'Avity  (Pierre),  Le  Monde  ou  la  Description  Generale,  etc.     Paris,  1637. 

folio.  5  vols. 

Dean  (Peter),  Occurrences  in  California.     MS. 
De  Bow  (J.  D.  B.),  De  Bow's  Review  and  Industrial  Resources.    New  Orleans, 

etc.,  1854-7.  7  vols.;  Encyclopedia  of  Trade  and  Commerce  of  the  U.  S. 

London,  1854.  2  vols. 

Decreto  del  Congreso  Mejicano  sobre  Colonizacion,  18  Agosto  1824.     MS. 
Decrcto  del  Congreso  Mejicano,  secularizando  las  Misiones.     17  Agosto  1833. 

In  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1833,  p.  19. 
Decreto  de  las  Cortes,  4  Enero  1813,  Secularizacion.     MS.;  also  in  Mexico, 

Leyes  Vigentes  1879,  p.  56;  Dwinelle's  Col.  Hist.  Add.  20. 
Deer  Lodge  (Mont.),  Independent. 

Degroot  (Henry),  The  Donner  Party.     In  Overland  Monthly,  v.  38. 
Del  Mar  (Alexander),  A  History  of  the  Precious  Metals.     London,  1880. 
Delano  ( Amasa),  The  Central  Pacific  Railroad,  or  '49  and  '69.     San  Francisco, 

1868;  Life  on  the  Plains,  etc.     New  York,  1861;  Old  Block's  Sketch 

Book.     Sacramento,  1856;  Penknife  Sketches.     Sacramento,  1853. 
Delessert,  Les  Mines.     In  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes.     Feb.  1,  1849. 
Del  Norte  County,  History  of.     See  Bledsoe,  A.  J. 
Demarcacion  y  Division  de  las  Indias.     In  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc., 

xv.  409. 
Democratic  Members  of  Legislature  of  California.     Address  of  the  Majority 

Feb.  1854.     San  Francisco,  1854. 

Democratic  State  Convention,  Proceedings  Feb.  1852.     Sacramento,  1852. 
Dempster  (C.  J.),  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 
Den  (Nicolas  A.),  Letters  of  a  Pioneer  Doctor.     MS. 
Dent,  Vantine,  and  Co.-,  Claim  for  Supplies  to  Indians  in  California,  1851-2. 

Washington,  n.d. 

Departmental  Records.     MS.   14  vols.     In  Archive  de  Cal. 
Departmental  State  Papers.    MS.  20  vols.    In  Archive  de  Cal. ;  Id. ,  Angeles. 

12  vols.;  Id.,  Benicia.   5  vols. ;  Id.,  Benicia  Custom-house.  8  vols.;  Id., 

Benicia  Com.  and  Treas.  5  vols. ;  Id.,  Benicia  Prefecturas  y  Juzgados. 

6  vols. ;  Id.,  Benicia  Military,  vols.  53  to  87;  Id.,  Monterey.  8  vols.;  Id., 

San  Jose.  7  vols. 

Derby  (E.  H.),  The  Overland  Route  to  the  Pacific.     Boston,  1869. 
Derby  (G.  II.),  and  R.  S.  Williamson.     Reports  on  Geology  and  Topography 

of  California.     [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  47.]     Wash.,  1850. 
De  Rupert  (A.  E.  D.),  Californians  and  Mormons.     New  York,  1881. 
Diaz  del  Castillo  (Bernal),  Historia  Verdadera  de  la  Conquista  do  la  Nueva 

Espaiia.     Madrid,  1632.  4to. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xlv 

Diccionario  Universal  de  Historia  y  de  Geografia.  Mexico,  1853.  4to.  10  vols. ; 
Madrid,  1840-50.  4to.  8  vols. 

Dickinson  (John  R.),  Speeches,  Correspondence,  etc.  New  York,  1867.  2 
vols. 

Dictamen  sobre  Instrucciones  al  Gobr-  de  Californias  1825.  In  Junta  de 
Fomento  de  Cal. 

Diggers  Handbook  (The),  and  Truth  about  California.     Sydney,  1849. 

Dilkc  (Charles  Wentworth),  Greater  Britain.     Philadelphia,  1869.  2  vols. 

Diputacion  de  la  Alta  California  (La  Ecsma.),  a  sus  Habitantes.  Monterey, 
6  Nov.,  1836. 

Directories,  Los  Angeles;  Marysville,  Amy;  Nevada  Co.,  Bean;  Nevada  and 
Grass  Valley,  Thompson;  Oakland,  Still  well;  Pacific  Coast  Business, 
Laiigley;  Placer  County,  Steele;  Placerville,  Fitch;  Sacramento,  Col- 
ville;  San  Francisco,  Bishop,  Colville,  Gazlay,  Harris,  Bogardus  and 
Labatt,  Judicial,  Kimball,  Langley,  Larkin  and  Belden,  Le  Count  and 
Strong,  Morgan,  Parker,  Potter;  San  Francisco,  California,  and  Nevada; 
San  Josd,  Bishop,  Colahaii  and  Pomeroy;  San  Joaquiii  County,  Berdine; 
Santa  Clara;  Solano;  Stockton,  Bogardus;  Tuolumne  County,  Hecken- 
dom  and  Wilson;  Vallejo,  Kelley  and  Prescott;  Watsonvilie. 

Disturnell  (J.),  Influence  of  Climate.     Ne\vr  York,  1867. 

Dittmann  (Carl),  Narrative  of  a  Seafaring  Life  from  1844.     MS. 

Dix  (John  A.),  Speeches  and  Occasional  Addresses.    New  York,  1864.  2  vols. 

Dixon,  Tribune. 

Dixon  (William  Hepworth),  The  White  Conquest.     London,  1876.  2  vols. 

Doctrina  para  los  Padres  de  Familia.  Carta  de  una  Novia  de  Moda  a  su 
future.  [En  verso.]  Sonoma  [1838]. 

Documeiis  sur  1'Histoire  de  Calif omie.     In  Petit-Thouars,  Voy.,  iv. 

Documentos  para  la  Historia.     1846-8.    In  Loa  Angeles,  Southern  California. 

Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS.  4  vols. 

Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Mexico.  Mexico,  1853-7.  20  vols.  4  series, 
serie  iii.,  in  folio  and  in  four  parts. 

Domenech  (Emmanuel),  Seven  Years'  Residence  in  the  Great  Deserts  of  North 
America.  London,  I860'.  2  vols. 

Dominguez  (Manuel),  Escritos  de  un  Ranchero  y  Prefecto.     MS. 

Dominguez  (Francisco  A.),  and  Silvestre  V.  Escalante,  Diario  y  derrotero  para 
descubrir  el  camino  de  Santa  Fe,  etc.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  i.  377. 

Donnat  (L<§on),  L'Etatde  Californie  en  1877-8.     Paris,  1878.. 

Doolittle  (William  G.),  Journey  to  San  Francisco.     MS. 

D'Orbigny  (Alcide),  Voyage  Pittoresque  dans  les  deux  Ameriques.  Paris, 
1836. 

Douglas,  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.  June  26,  28,  1850,  Public  Lands  in  California. 
^Washington,  1850. 

Douglas  (David),  Letter  to  Hartnell,  1833.     MS. 

Douglas  (Sir  James),  Private  Papers.  1st  and  2d  series.  MS.  2  vols.;  Voy- 
age from  the  Columbia  to  Cal.,  1841.  MS.  In  Id.  Journal. 

Douglas  City,  Trinity  Gazette. 

Dowell  (B.  F.),  Journal  and  Letters.     MS. 

Downey  City,  Courier,  Los  Nietos  Valley  Courier. 

Dovvnieville,  Democrat,  Mountain  Messenger,  Sierra  Advocate,  Sierra  Age, 
Sierra  County  News,  Sierra  Democrat,  Standard,  etc. 

Dows  (James),  Statement  of  Vigilance  Committee  in  San  Francisco.  .  MS. 

Doyle  (John  T.),  Address  at  Inauguration  of  New  Hall  of  Santa  Clara  Col- 
lege, Aug.  9,  1870.  S.  F.,  1870;  Address  on  the  Railroad  Policy  of  Cali- 
fornia. S.  F.,  1873;  Brief  History  of  the  Pious  Fund  of  California,  ii.pl. , 
n.d. ;  Memorandum  as  to  the  Discovery  of  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco. 
Worcester.  1874. 

Drake  (Francis),  Drie  Voornaamc  Zee-Togten.  In  Aa,  Naauk.  Vers.  xviii. ; 
The  Famous  Voyage.  In  Hakluyt's  Vcy.,  iii. ;  —Francis  Drake  Revived, 
n.pl.  [1030  J;  The  World  Encompassed.  London1,  1023.  4to;  The  World 
Encompassed  [Hakluyt  Soc.  ed.]  London,  1854. 


xlvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Drama,  Copy  of  a  Spanish  Drama  of  1789.     MS. 

Druids,  Proceedings  at  Annual  Sessions;  other  pamphlets. 

Duarte  (Mariano),  Causa  Criminal  contra  cl  Alcalde  tie  S.  Jose",  1831.    MS. 

Du  Hailly  (Edouard),  Les  Ame'ricains  sur  le  Pacifique.    In  Revue  des  Deux 

Mondes,  Feb.  1859. 
Duhaut-Cilly  (A.),  Viaggio  intorno  al  Globo.     Torino,  1841.  2  vols.;  Voyage 

autour  du  Monde.     Paris,  1835. 

Dumetz  (Francisco),  Cartas  del  Padre  Misionero,  1771-1811.     MS. 
Dunbar  (Edward  E.),  Romance  of  the  Age.     New  York,  18G7. 
Duncan,  (L.  J.  C.),  Settlement  in  Southern  Oregon.     MS. 
Dunne's  Notes  on  San  Pascual,  1846.     MS. 
Dunraven  (Earl  of),  The  Great  Divide.     New  York,  1876. 
Duran  (Narciso),  Carta  al  Gobr.  Chico,  15  Junio,  1830.  MS. 
Duran  (Narciso),  Correspondencia  de  tin  Misionero  y  Presidents.     MS. 
Duran  (Narciso),  Critica  sobre  las  Prevenciones  de  Emancipacion,  1833.    MS. 
Puran  (Narciso),  Informe  del  Actual  Estado  de  las  Misiones,  1844.     MS. 
Duran  (Narciso),  Notas  a  una  Circular  6  Bando  de  Echeandia,  1G33.    -MS. 
Duran  (Nai^ciso),  Notas  y  Comentarios  al  Bando  de  Echec,ndia  sobre  Misiones, 

1831.  MS. 

Duran  (Narciso),  Proyectos  de  Secularizacion,  1833.     MS. 
Durkee  (John  L.),  Statement  pn  Vigilance  Committees  in  San  Francisco.  MS. 
Dutch  Flat,  Enquirer,  Forum. 
Dutch  Flat  Swindle  (The  Great).     S.  F.  n.  d. 
Dwindle  ( John  W.),  Address  before  the  Pioneers.  1866.  S.  F.  1SGG;  Colonial 

History  of  San  Francisco.    S.  F.   1863;   S.  F.  1867;  [Drake's  Voyr.ge,  a 

Review  of  Bryant's  Hist.  U.  S.]    In  S.  F.  Bulletin,  Oct.  5,  1878;  Oration. 

Oct.  8,  1876.     In  San  Francisco,  Cent.  Mem.,  81. 
Dye  (Job  F.),  Pioneer  Recollections.     In  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel,  1869;  Pioneer 

Scrap-book ;  Recollections  of  California.     MS. 

Eardley-Wilmot  (S.),  Our  Journal  in  the  Pacific.     London,  1873. 

Earll  (John  O.),  Statement  of  1849.     MS. 

Earliest  Printing  in  California.  ACollectionof  all  documents  printed  before  1848. 

Earthquake.     The  Great  Earthquake  in  San  Francisco    S.  F.  1868. 

Eaton  (Henry),  Pioneer  of  1838.  MS. 

Echeandia  (Jos<§  Maria),  Bando  sobre  Elecciones,  1828.     MS. 

Echeandia  ( Jose"  Maria),  Carta  que  dirige  d  D.  Jos6  Figueroa  en  defensa  de  lo 

quo  ha  hecho  para  secularizar  las  Misiones,  1833.     MS. 
Echeandia  (Jose"  Maria),  Decreto  de  Emancipacion  a  favor  de  los  Ne6fitos, 

1826.   MS. 

Echeandia  (Jose"  Maria),  Decreto  de  Secularizacion,  6  Enero,  1831.   MS. 
Echeandia  (Jose  Maria),  Escritos  Sueltos  del  Com.  General,  lSL'5-33.    MS. 
Echeandia  (Jose"  Maria),  Plan  para  Convertir  en  Pueblos  las  Misiones,  1829-30. 

MS. 
Echeandia  (Jose  Maria),  Reglamento  para  los  Encargados  de  Justicia  en  las 

Misiones,  1833.     MS. 

Echeandia  (Jose"  Maria),  Reglamento  de  Secularizacion,  18  Nov.  1832.     MS. 
Echcveste  (Juan  Jos6),  'Reglamento,'  q.v. 
Eco  de  Espana.     Mexico,  1853-4. 
Eco  Nacional.     Mexico,  1857-8. 
Eco  de  Occidente.     Guaymas,  1878  et  seq. 

Edelman  (George  W.),  Guide  to  the  Value  of  California  Gold.    Phil.,  1850. 
Edinburgh  Review.     Edinburgh,  1802  ct  seq. 
Edwards  (Philip  L.),  Diary  of  a  Visit  to  Gal.,  1837.     MS. 
Eliot  de  Castro  (Juan),  Papeles  Tocantes  &  su  arrestacion,  1815.     MS. 
Elliot  (George  H. ),  The  Presidio  of  San  Francisco.     In  Overland,  iv.  336. 
Ellis  (George  E.),  The  Red  Man  and  the  White  Man.     Boston,  1882. 
Emory  (W.  H. ),  Notes  of  a  Military  Reconnaissance.    [30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess., 

Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  7.]    Washington,  1848. 
Escalante  (Sylvestre  Velez),  Carta  de  28  de  Octubre,  1775.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xlvii 

Escandon  (Manuel),  and  Jose"   D.   Rascon,  Observaciones,  Fondo  Piadoso. 

Mexico,  1845. 

Escobar  (Agustin),  Campana  de  1846.     MS. 
Escobar  (Marcclino),  Cartas  de  un  Alcalde.     MS. 

Escudcro  ( Jose"  Agustin),  Memorias  del  Diputado  de  Chihuahua.  Mexico,  1848. 
Escudero  (Jos6  Agustin),  jSToticiaa  Estadisticas  de  Chihuahua.  Mexico,  1837. 
Espaiia,  Constitucion  de  1812.  MS. 

Espauoles,  Lista  de  los — quo  han  prestado  Juramento,  1828.     MS. 
Espinosa  (Clemen te),  Apuutes  Breves  y  Notas  Historicas.     MS. 
Espinosa  (Rafael),  Estudios  Hist6ricos.     In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  BoL,  v.  429. 
Esplandian,  Sergas  of.     1510,  and  later  editions. 
Establecimientos  Rusos  en  California,  1812-41.     MS. 
Estell  (James  M.),  Speech  in  Hall  of  Rep.  Sacto  in  connection  with  Vigilance 

Committee,     n.pl.     1857. 

Estenega  (Tomas),  Cartas  del  Padre  Misionero.     MS. 
Estrada  (Jose"  Mariano),  Correspondencia  desde  1783.     MS. 
Estrada  (Jose"  Ramon),  Comunicaciones  Varias.     MS. 
Estrada  (Jose  Ramon),  Lista  de  Extrangeros  en  Monterey,  1829.     MS. 
Estudillo  (Jose"  Maria),  Datos  Historicos.     MS. 

Estudillo  (Jos6  Joaquin),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS.  2  vols. 
Estudillo  (Jos6  Maria),  Hojas  de  Servicio.     MS, 
Estudillo  (Josd  Maria),  Informe  sobre  los  Frailes,  1820.     MS. 
Estudillo  '(Jose"  Maria),  Informe  sobre  Oficios  de  Capellan,  1820.     MS. 
Estudillo  (Jose"  Maria  and  Jose  Antonio),  Cartas  del  Padre  6  Hijo.     MS. 
Etholin,  Letter  on  Ross,  1841.     MS. 
Eureka,  Democratic  Standard,    Evening  Herald,    Evening  Star,  Humboldt 

Bay  Journal,  Humboldt  Times,  National  Index,  Northern  Independent, 

Signal,  West  Coast  Signal. 
Evangelist  (The),  San  Francisco,  1872  et  seq. 
Evans  (Albert  S.j,  A  la  California.     San  Francisco,  1873. 
Evans  (George  M.),  A  History  of  the  Discovery  of  Gold  in  California.     In 

Hunt's  Merchants'  Mag.,  xxxi.  385. 
Evans  (Richard  S.)  and  H.  W.  Henshaw,  Translation,  Voyage  of  Cabrillo. 

In  U.  S.  Geog.  Surv.,  Wheeler,  vii.,  Arch.,  293. 
Expedieute  sobre  el  modo  de  dividirse  las  misiones,  1770.     MS. 
Expediente  sobre  las  Enfermedades  de  la  Tierra,  1805.     MS. 
Expediente  sobre  Reciprocas  Quejas  del  Gobernador  y  Religiosos,  1787.     MS. 
Expulsion  of  Citizens  of  the  U.  S.  from  Upper  Cal.    President's  Mess.  [28th 

Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  300.]    Wash.,  1843. 
Ezquer  (Ignacio),  Memorias  de  Cosas  Pasadas.     MS. 

Fabian  (Bentham,),  Agricultural  Lands  of  California.     San  Francisco,  18G9. 

•Fac-L-imiles  de  Firmas  Californianas.     MS. 

Facultad  de  Confirmar,  1781.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Comentario  sobre  el  Informe  del  Capitan  Soler,  1787.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Correspondencia  del  Comandante  y  Gobr->  1781  et  seq.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Informe  sobre  Comercio  con  Buques  de  China,  1787.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Informe  General  de  Misiones,  1787.    MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Informes  Particulares  al  Gobr-  Romeu,  1791.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Instruccion  para  el  Cabo  de  Escolta  de  Angeles,  1787.    MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Instruccion  para  la  Escolta  de  Purisima,  1788.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Instruccion  para  la  Escolta  de  S.  Miguel,  1787.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Instruccion  para  su  Viage  a  California,  1769.    MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Instruccionesal  Comandante  Interino  de  Monterey,  1783.    MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Papel  de  Varies  Puntos.'1791.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Representacion  Contra  los  Frailes,  1785.     MS. 

Fages  (Pedro),  Voyage  en  California,  1709.     In  Nouv.  An.  Voy.,  ci. 

Fair  (Laura  D.),  Official  Report  of  the  Trial.     San  Francisco,  1871. 

Fairchild  (John  A. ),  Sketch  of  Life.    'MS. 

Family  Defender  Magazine.     Oakland,  1881  et  seq. 


xlviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Farnham  (Eliza  W.),  California,     In-Doors  and  Out.  .  New  York,  185G. 
Famliam  (J.  T.  or  Thos.  J.),  Early  Days  of  California.  .  Phil.,  18GO;  Life, 

Adventures  and  Travels  in  Cal.     Pictorial  ed.     N.  Y.,  1857;  Life,  Ad- 
ventures, and  Travels  in  Cal.     N.  Y.,  1846;  N.  Y.,  1819;  N.  Y.,  1850; 

N.  Y.,  1853;  Travels  in  the  Californias.     N.  Y.,  1844. 
Farwell  (James  D.),  Statement  of  Vigilance  Committees  in  S.  F.     MS. 
'Far  West,'  Letters  from  California.     In  Honolulu  Friend,  Nov.-Dec.,  1846. 
Fay  (Caleb  T.),  Historical  Facts  on  California.     MS. 
Fedix  (P.  A.),  L 'Oregon  et  les  cotes  de  l'0ce"an  Pacifique.     Paris,  1846. 
Fernandez  (Jose*),  Cosas  de  California.  MS. 

Fernandez  (Jose"),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Fernandez  (Jose"  Zenon),  Cartas  Sueltas.     MS. 

Fernandez  (Manuel),  Carta  del  Padre  Ministro  de  Sta  Cruz,  1798.     MS. 
Fernandez  de  San  Vicente  ( Agustin),  Comunicaciones  del  Canonigo,  1822.    MS. 
Ferry  (Hypolite),  Description  de  la  Nouvelle  Califomie.     Paris,  1850. 
Fidalgo  (Salvador),  Tabla  de  Descubrimieutos  de  1790.  MS. 
Fidalgo  (Salvador),  Viage  de  1790.     MS. 
Field  (Stephen  J.),  Personal  Reminiscences  of  Early  Days,    n.pl.,  n.  d. ;  Some 

Account  of  the  Work  of.     n.pl.,  1881. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Anuncia  a",  los  Californios  su  llegada,  16  Enero,  1833.     [The 

first  specimen  of  California  printing.] 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Bando  contra  Hijar,  1834.  MS. 
Figueroa  (Jos6),  Bando  en  que  publica  la  Resolucion  de  la  Diplitacion  contra 

Hijar,  1834. 

Figueroa  (Jose"),  Correspondencia  del  Gefe  Politico,  1832-5.     MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose1),  Cosas  Financieras  de  California,   1834.     MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Discurso  de  Apertura  de  la  Diputacion,  1834.     MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  El  Comandante.  General,  etc.,  d  los  Habitantes  del  Territorio. 

Monterrey,  16  Marzo,  1835. 
Figueroa  (Jose'),  El  Comandante  General  y  Gefe  Politico  de  Alta  Cal.  a  su^ 

Habitantes.     Monterey,  1835. 
Figueroa  (Jose),  Informe  al  Ministro  de  Guerra  sobre  Acontecimientoa  de 

1831-2.     MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Informe  en  que  se  opone  al  Proyecto  de  Secularizacion,  1833. 

MS. 

Figueroa  (Jose"),  Instrucciones  Generales  para  el  Gobiernode  Cal.,  1832.    MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Manifiesto  a  la  Republica  Mejicana.     Monterey,  1835. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  The  Manifesto  of.     S.  Francisco,  1855. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Observaciones  de  un  Ciudadano.     MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Plan  de  Propios  y  Arbitrios.     Monterrey,  G  Agosto,  1834. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Prevenciones  Provisionales  para  la  Emancipacion  de  Indies, 

1833.     MS. 
Figueroa  (Jose"),  Reglamento  Provisional  para  la  Secularization.     Monterrey, 

9  Agosto,  1834. 

Findla  (James),  Statement  of  Events  in  Early  Days.     MS. 
Findlay  (Alexander  G.)>  Directory  for  the  Navigation  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

London,  1851;  Light  Houses  in  the  World.     London,  1867. 
Fire  Underwriters.     Annual  Reports.     San  Francisco,  1865  et  seq. 
First  Steamship  Pioneers.     [San  Francisco,  1874.]  4to. 
Fisher  (Walter  M.),  The  Californians.     San  Francisco,  1876. 
Fitch  (Guillermo),  Narrativa.     MS. 

Fitch  (Henry  D.),  Causa  Criminal  por  Matrimonio  Nulo.  1830.     MS. 
Fitch  (Henry  D.),  Letters  of  a  Merchant,  1826  et  seq.     MS. 
Fitch  (Henry  D.  and  Josefa  C. ),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.  MS. 
Fitch  (Josefa  C. ),  Narracion  de  una  California.     MS. 
Fitzgerald  (0.  P.),  California  Sketches.     Nashville,  1879. 

ornld  (0.  P.),  Education  in  California.     MS. 

Flugg,  Report.    [34th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  107.]   Washington,  1855. 
rieuvieu  (Charles  Pierre),  Introduction.     In  Marchand,  Voy.,  i. 
Flint.     See  Pattie's  Narrative. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  xlix 

Flores  (Josd  Maria),  Cartas  varias.     IMS. 

Flores  (Jose  Maria),  Informe  al  Gobr-  de  Sonora,  5  Feb.  1877.     In  Sonorense, 

Mar.  5,  1847. 
Flores  (Jose  Maria),  Informe  de  5  Feb.   1847,   y  Correspondencia  con  las 

Autoridades  de  Sonora.     MS. 

Flores  (Jose"  Maria),  Oficios  del  Comandante  General,  1846.     MS 
Flores  (Miguel),  Recucrdos  Hist6ricos  de  California.     MS. 
Flores  (Virey),  Ir.straccion,  1789.     MS. 
Fliigge  (Charles  W.),  Various  Letters,  1841  et  seq.     MS. 
Folsom  (J.  L.),  Correspondence  of  the  Quartermaster,  1846-8.     In  Cal.  and 

N.  Mex.,  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1850. 
Fondo  Piadoso  de  Californias,  1773.     MS. 
Fondo  Piadoso  de  Calif  ornias,  Decreto  24  Oct.  1842.     MS. 
Fondo  Piadoso  de  Californias,  Demostracion  de  los  sinodos  que  adeuda  d  los 

Religiosos,  1811-34.     MS. 

Fondo  Piadoso  de  Californias,  Ley  y  Reglamento.     Mexico,  1833. 
Fonseca  (Fabian)  and  Carlos  Urrutia,  Historia  General  de  Heal  Hacienda. 

Mexico,  1845,  1849-53.  6  vols. 

Font  (Jose),  Varies  Escritos  del  Teniente,  1796  et  seq.     MS. 
Font  (Pedro),  Journal  of  a  Journey  from  Sonora  to  Monterey,  1775.     MS. 
Foote  (H.  S.),  Speech  on  Admission  of  California  in  U.  S.  Senate,  Aug.  1,  1850. 

Washington,  1850. 

Forbes  (Alexander),  California,  A  History  of.     London,  1839. 
Forbes  (James  A.),  Letters,  1833-48.     MS. 
Ford  (Henry  L. ),  The  Bear  Flag  Revolution.     MS. 
Forest  Hill,  Placer  Courier. 

Forsee  (Peter  A.),  Five  Years  of  Crime  in  California.     Ukiah,  1867. 
Forster  (John),  Pioneer  Data  from  1832.     MS. 
Forster  (John  Reinhold),  History  of  Voyages  and  Discoveries  in  the  North. 

London,  1786.  4to. 
Fort  Point  and  Alcatrazas  Island,  Information   in  regard  to  fortifications 

being  erected.     [33d  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  82.1     Washington, 

1853. 

Foster  (G.  G.),  The  Gold  Regions  of  California.    New  York,  1848;  N.  Y.,  1849. 
Foster  (Stephen  C. ),  Angeles  from  '47  to  '49.     MS. 

Foster  (Stephen  C. ),  First  American  in  Los  Angeles.    In  Los  Angeles  Express. 
Foster  (Stephen  C. ),  Various  Writings.     MS. 

Fourgcaud,  The  Prospects  of  California.     In  California  Star,  April,  1848. 
Fowler  (John),  Bear  Flag  Revolt.     MS. 
Fowler  (Orin),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  March  11,  1850,  on  Constitution 

of  California.     Washington,  1850. 

Franklin  (Benjamin),  Corners,  1849.     In  S.  F.  Alta,  March  8,  1877. 
Eraser  (J.  D.),  Report  on  the  Immense  Resources  and  Natural  Wealth  of 

California.     New  York,  1868. 

Frazee  (W.  D.),  San  Bernardino  County.     San  Bernardino,  1876. 
Free  American.     Vcra  Cruz,  1847  et  seq. 

Freelon  (W.  T.),  Oration  before  Pioneers.  Sept.  9,  1857.    San  Francisco,  1857. 
Fremery  ( James  de),  Mortgages  in  California.     San  Francisco,  1860. 
Fremont  (Jessie  Benton),  A  Year  of  American  Travel,     n.  p.,  1878. 
Fremont  (John  C.),  California  Claims  in  Congress.     In  30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess., 

H.  Rept.  817;  Sen.  Rept.  75;  Houston's  Reports;— 33d  Cong.,  1st  Sess. 

H.  Ex.  Doc.  17;  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  49;— 2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  13;  Sen.  Ex. 

8;— 34th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  1C9;  Sen  Ex.  Doc.  63;  Sen.  Misccl. 

74;— 36fh  Cong.  1st  Sess.  H.  Rept.  7;  Id.  Court  Claims  204,  229;  Sen.  Rept. 

198.     Also  Cong.  Globe  1847-8,  1852-3;  and  many  scattered  documents 

in  the  various  archives;  Correspondence  1844-7.     MS.;  Correspondence 

1847-8  in  Stockton's  Life,  App. ;  Court  Martial.  Extract  in  Stockton's 

Life,  App.;   Court  Martial   1847.     In  30th  Cong.,    1st  Scss.   Sen.   Ex. 

Doc.   33;    Discussions  in  Congress   on   his   trial  and   services,    1847-8. 

Cong.  Globe,  1847-8.   Index,  'Fremont';  Geographical  Memoir  upon  Up- 


1  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

per  California.  Washington,  1848;  Philadelphia,  1849.  [30th  Cong.,  1st 
Sess.  Sen.  Mis.  148];  Is  he  honest?  Is  he  capable?  n.pl.,  n.d.;  Life  of. 
New  York,  1S5G;  Narrative  of  Exploring  Expedition.  JNew  York,  1849; 
Not  a  Roman  Catholic.  ii.pl.,  n.d.;  Orders  and  Correspondence,  1847. 
In  Cutt's  Conquest;  Private  and  Public  Character  Vindicated,  by  James 
Buchanan.  New  York,  n.d.;  Report  of  Exploring  Expedition.  Wash- 
ington. 1845;  Pamphlets.  A  Collection;  Fremont  Songster.  New  York, 
1856;  Boston,  1856. 

Frdmont  (John  C.)  and  W.  H.  Emory,  California  Guide  Book.  New  York, 
1849. 

Frere  (Alice  M.),  The  Antipodes  and  Round  the  World.     London,  1870. 

Fresno,  Expositor,  Republican,  Scott  Valley  News. 

Frignet  (Ernest),  La  Calif ornie.     Paris,  1865;  Paris,  1867. 

Frink  (George  W.)>  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

Froebel  (Julius),  Central  America,  Northern  Mexico,  and  Western  United 
States,  Seven  Years  Travel  in.  London,  1859. 

From  England  to  California.     Life  among  the  Mormons.     Sacramento,  1868. 

Frost  (John),  History  of  California.  Auburn,  1853;  New  York,  1859;  Pic- 
torial History  of  Mexico.  Phil.  1862. 

Frost  (Thomas),  Half- Hours  with  the  Early  Explorers.     London,  etc.  [1876.] 

Furber  (George  C.),  The  Twelve  Months'  Volunteer.     Cincinnati,  1850. 

Fuster  (Vicente),  Registro  de  Defunciones,  1775.     MS. 

Gaceta  del  Gobierno  de  Mexico,  1728-1821,  1823  et  seq. 

Gaceta  Imperial  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1821-3.  3  vols. 

Galindo  (Jos<§  Eusebio),  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  do  California.     MS. 

Galitzin  (Emmanuel),  Notice  Biographique  sur  Baranof.    In  Nouv.  An.  Voy.<, 

ex  xv.  243. 

Galvez  (Jos6  de),  Correspondencia  con  el  Padre  Lasuen,  1768.     MS. 
Galvez  (Jos6  de),  Escritos  sueltos  del  Visitador  General,  1768-70.     MS. 
Galvez  (Jose  de),  Instruccion  que  ha  de  Observar  D.  Vicente  Vila,  capitan  del 

S.  Carlos,  1769.    MS. 
Galvez  (Jose"  de),  Instruccion  que  ha  de  Observar  el  teniente  D.  Pedro  Fages, 

1769.  MS. 

Galvez  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gob1'-  de  California,  1783-5.     MS. 
Galvez  (Virey),  Instruccion  formada  en  virtud  de  real  orden.     Mexico,  1786. 
Galvez  (Virey),  Instrucciones  al  Gobr-  Fages,  1786.     MS. 
Garce"s  (Francisco),  Diario  y  Dcrrotcro.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  ser.  ii.,  i.  225. 
Garcia  (Inocente),  Hechos  Historicos.     MS. 
Garcia  (Jose*  E.),  Episodios  Historicos.     MS. 
Garcia  (Marcelino),  Apunte  sobre  el  General  Micheltorena.     MS. 
Garcia  Diego  (Francisco),  Carta  Pastoral.     Mexico,  1840. 
Garcia  Diego  (Francisco),  Carta  Pastoral  contra  la  costumbre  de  azotar  d  Io3 

Indios,  Junio  30,  1833.     MS. 

Garcia  Diego  (Francisco),  Correspondencia  de  un  Misionero  y  Obispo.     MS. 
Garcia  Diego  (Francisco),  Parecer  del  P.  Fiscal  sobre  el  Proyccto  de  Secular- 

izacion,  1833.     MS. 
Garcia  Diego  (Francisco),  Reglas  que  propone  el  P.  Prefecto  para  Gobierno 

interior  de  las  ex-misiones,  1835.     MS. 
Garden  of  the  World.     Boston,  1856. 
Gardiner  (Me.),  Home  Journal. 

Garibay  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobernador  de  Cal.     MS. 
Garijo  (Agustin),  Carta  del  P.  Guardian  en  que  da  Noticia  de  la  Revolucion, 

1811.     MS. 

Garner  (William  R.),  Letters  of  a  Pioneer  of  1824.     MS. 
G arnica  del  Castillo  (Nicanor),  Recuerdos  sobre  California.     MS. 

,iss  (James  R. ),  Early  Days  of  San  Francisco.     MS. 
(  ;ny  (George),  The  Roaming  Badgers.     MS. 

Gasol  (Jos6),  Expediente  sobre  Capellanes  de  Presidios,  1802.     MS. 
Gasol  (Jos6),  Letras  Pateutes  del  P.  Guardian,  1806.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  li 

Gay  (Frederick  A.),  Sketches  of  California,     n.pl.,  n.d. 

General  Association  of  California,  Minutes  of  Annual  Meetings.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1857  et  seq. 

German  (Josd  and  Luis),  Sucesos  en  California.     MS. 

Genius  of  Liberty,  Vera  Cruz,  1847  etseq. 

Gerstacker  (Freidrich),  Aventures  d'une  Colonie  d'dmigrants  en  Amdrique. 
Paris,  1855;  Califoruische  Skizzen.  Leipzig,  1850;  Gold!  Ein  Califor- 
nisches  Lebensbild  aus  deni  yahre  1849.  Leipzig,  1858;  Kaliforniens 
Gold  11  Quecksilber-District.  Leipzig,  1849;  Der  Kleine  Goldgraber  in 
Calif ornien.  Leipzig,  n.d. ;  Kreuz  und Quer.  Leipzig,  1 809.  3  vols.;  Nar- 
rative of  a  Journey  round  the  World.  Lond.  1853;  New  York,  1054; 
Reisen.  Stuttgart,  etc.,  1853-4.  5  vols.;  Scenes  de  la  Vie  Californiennc. 
Geneve,  18GO;  Travels.  London,  1854;  Western  Lands  and  Western 
Waters.  London,  18G4. 

Gibbons  (Francis  A.),  and  Francis  X.  Kelly,  Letter  relative  to  appropriation 
for  erection  of  light-house  on  Pacific  Coast.  [33d  Cong.,  1st  id  ess.,  II.  Ex. 
Doc.  113.]  Washington,  1853;  Resolution  calling  for  Correspondence 
relative  to  claim  [33d  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  53].  Washington, 
1853. 

Gibson  (H.  G.),  Address  at  the  Fourth  Annual  Banquet  of  New  York  Cali- 
fornia Pioneers.  In  San  Jose"  Pioneer,  Feb.  15,  1879. 

Gibson  (Otis),  Chinaman  or  White  Man,  Which?  San  Francisco,  1873;  The 
Chinese  in  America.  Cincinnati,  1877;  other  articles  on  Chinese. 

Giddings  (George  H.),  The  case  of — Contractor  on  the  Overland  Mail  Route. 
.Washington,  1800. 

Gift '(George  W.),  The  Settler's  Guide.    Stockton,  1857. 

Gift  (George  W. ),  Something  about  California.    Mariii  County,  S.  Rafael,  1875. 

Gilbert  (Frank  T.),  See  Histories  of  San  Joaquin  and  Yolo  Counties. 

Gillespie  (Archibald  PL),  Correspondence  of  a  Government  Agent.  MS. 

Gillespie  (Charles  V.),  Vigilance  Committee.  MS. 

Gilman  (Daniel  C.),  Building  of  the  University.  Inaugural  Address  Nov.  7, 
1872.  San  Francisco,  1872. 

Gilroy,  Advocate,  California  Leader.  Independent,  Telegram,  Union. 

Gleeson  (William),  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  California.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1872.  2  vols. 

Glisan  (R.),  Journal  of  Army  Life.     San  Francisco,  1874. 

Goat  Island,  Appeal  to  the  California  Delegation  in  Congress,  1872;  Proceed- 
ings of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce.  S.  F.  1872,  etc. 

Goddard  (Frederick  B.),  Where  to  Emigrate  and  Why.    New  York,  1869. 

Godfrey  (John  F.),  Argument  In  re  City  of  Los  Angeles  vs.  L.  McL.  Baldwin 
et  al.  San  Francisco,  1878. 

Gold  Fields.     Notes  on  the  Distribution  of  Gold.    London,  1853. 

Gold-Finder,  Adventures  of.    London,  1850.  3  vols. 

Golovnin  (V.  M.),  Voyage  of  the  KamcJiatka,  1815-19.    In  Materialui,  pt.  iv. 

Gomez  (Jose"),  Diario  Curioso,  1770-90.    In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  serie  ii.,  torn.  vii. 

Gomez  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Cartas,  1831  et  seq.     MS. 

Gomez  (Juan),  Diario  de  Cosas  Notables,  1830.     MS. 

Gomez  (Juan),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California,  1785-1850.     MS. 

Gomez  (Rafael),  Escritos  Varios  del  Licenciado.     MS. 

Gomez  (Vicente  P.),  Lo  que  Sabe  do  California.     MS. 

Gonzalez  (Diego),  Cartas  del  Teniente,  1781  ct  seq.     MS. 

Gonzalez  (Jose"  Maria  de  Jesus),  Cartas  del  Padre  Zacatecano.     MS. 

Gonzalez  (Mauricio),  Memorias  Californianas.     MS. 

Gonzalez  (Mauricio),  Papeles  Originates  Historicos.  MS. 

Gonzalez  (Rafael),  Correspondencia.    MS. 

Gonzalez  (Rafael),  Diario  de  Mexico  a  California.  MS. 

Gonzalez  (Rafael),  Experiencias  deun  Soldado.   MS. 

Gonzalez  (Teocloro)  Las  Revoluciones  en  California.  MS. 

Good  Templars,  Constitution,  Proceedings,  etc. ,  of  various  lodges. 
Goodrich  (Frank  B.),  The  Tribute  Book.     San  Francisco,  1867    4to. 


lii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Goodrich  (Samuel  G.),  History  of  tho  Indians  of  North  and  South  America. 
Boston,  1844;  Boston,  1855;  Boston,  18G4. 

Goodyear  (W.  A.),  Coal  Mines  of  the  Western  Coast.     San  Frattcisco,  1877. 

Gottfricdt  (Johann  Ludwig),  Neuc  Welt.     Franckfurt,  1G55.  folio. 

Gougenheim  (Adelaide  and  Joey),  Histrionic  Memoirs,  etc.    S.  F.  1856. 

Goycoechea  (Felipe),  Diario  de  Exploracion,  1708.  MS. 

Goycoechea  (Felipe),  Escritos  del  Comandante  de  Sta  Barbara,  1785-1806.  MS. 

Goycoechea  (Felipe),  Medios  para  el  Fornento  de  Calif ornias,  1805.  MS. 

Goycoechea  (Felipe),  Oficio  Instructive  para  el  Ten*^.  R.  Carrillo,  1802.  MS. 

Goycoechea  (Felipe),  Respuesta  a  las   Quince  Preguntas  sobre  Abusos   de 
Misioneros,  1798.  MS. 

Graham  (J.  D.),  Report  on  Boundary  Line  between  U.  S.  and  Mexico  [32d 
Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen, Ex.  Doc.  121.]    Washington,  1851. 

Graham  (Mary),  Historical  Reminiscences.     San  Francisco,  1876. 

Graham  (Isaac)  and  John  A.  Sutter  in  New  Mexico,  Some  Facts.  MS. 

Grajera  (Antonio),  Escritos  del  Comandante  de  S.  Diego,  1794-9. 

Gi\"j era  (Antonio),  Respuesta  a  las  Quince  Preguntas,  1799.  MS. 

Grantsville,  Weekly  Sun. 

Grass  Valley,  Foot  Hill  Tidings,  National,  Union. 

Gray  (A.  B.),  Resolution  communicating  report  and  map  relative  to  Mex. 
Boundary.     [33d  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  55.]    Wash.  1853. 

Gray  (W.  H.),  History  of  Oregon,  1792-1849.     Portland,  1870. 

Great  Registers,  cited  by  name  of  county.     Not  in  this  list. 

Greeley  (Horace),  Overland  Journey.     New  York,'lSGO. 

Green  (Alfred  A.)  Life  and  Adventures  of  a  '47 er.     MS. 

Green  (Talbot  H.),  Letters,  1841-8.     MS. 

Greenhow  (Robert),  History  of  Oregon  and  California.     Boston,  1844;  Lon- 
don, 1844;  New  York,  1845;  Boston,  1845;  Boston,  1847. 

Greenhow  (Robert),  Memoir,  Historical  and  Political,  of  the  Northwest  Coast 
of  North  America.    [2Gth  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doe.  174.]    Wash.,  1840. 

Greenwood  (Grace),  New  Life  in  New  Lands.     New  York,  1873. 

Gregory  (Joseph  W.),  Guide  for  California  Travellers.     New  York,  1850. 

Gregson  (James),  Statement,  1845-9.     MS. 

Grey  (William),  A  Picture  of  Pioneer  Times  in  California.     S.  F.  1881. 

Griffin  (John  S.),  Documents  for  the  History  of  California;  San  Pascual.   MS. 

Griffin  (John  S.),  Journal  of  184G.     MS. 

Grigsby  (John),  Papers  of  1S4G-S.     MS. 

Grijalva,  (Juan  Pablo),  Cartas  del  Teniente,  1794-1806.  MS. 

Grijalva  (Juan  Pablo)  Explicacion  del  Registro  desde  S.  Diego.     MS. 

Grijalva  (Juan  Pablo),  Informe  sobre  les  Rancherks  exploradas  por  P.  Mari- 
ner, 1795.  MS. 

Grimm  (Henry),  The  Chinese  Must  Go.     San  Francisco,  1879. 

Grimshaw  (William  R.),  Narrative  of  Events,  1848-50.     MS. 

Guadalajara,  Gaceta  de  Gobierno.     Guadalajara,  1821  et  seq. 

Guerra  ( Francisco),  et  al.    Investigations  of  a  charge  against  as  Revolutionists, 
.    1848.     MS. 

Guerra  (Jos6  Antonio),  Cartas.     MS. 

Guerra  (Pablo),  Comunicaciones.     MS. 

Guerra  y  Noriega  (Jose),  Correspondencia  del  Capitan.     MS. 

Guerra  y  Noriega  (Jose"),  Determinacion  sobre  su  Ida  a  Mexico,  6  Instruccion. 
1819.     MS? 

Guerra  y  Noriega  (Jos<§),  Documentos  para  la  Hist,  de  Cal.     MS.  6  vols. 

Guerra  y  Noriega  (Jose"),  Ocurrencias  Curiosas  de  1830-1.     MS. 
Guerra  cntre  Mexico  y  los  Estados-Unittos,  Apuntes.     Mexico,  1848. 
Guerrero  (Francisco),  Cartas,  1839-46.     MS. 
Guerrero  (Vicente),  Soberano  Estado  de  Oajaca.     Oajaca,  1833. 
( !uia  cle  Forasteros.     Mexico,  1797  et  seq. 

Gutierrez  (Nicolas),  Carta  Oficial  del  Gcfe  Politico,  4  Nov.  1S36.     MS. 
Gutierrez   (Nicolas),    [Publica   el    Decreto   reuniendo   los   Maudes,    y  toma 
posesion  del  Gobieruo  Politico.]    Monterrey,  2  Encro,  183G. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  liii 

Gutierrez  (Nicolas),  Varias  Cartas  del  Capitan  y  Gefe  Politico,  1832-6.     MS. 

Gwin  (William  M.),  Argument  on  the  Subject  of  a  Pacific  Railroad.  Wash., 
18GO;  Congress  Record,  n.pl.,  n.d. ;  Land  Titles  in  California.  Speech 
in  reply  to  Mr  Benton  in  U.  S.  Sen.,  Jan.  2,  1831.  Wash.,  1851;  Navy- 
yard  and  Dry-dock  in  California.  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.,  March  23,  1852. 
Wash.,  1852;  Remarks  in  U.  S.  Sen.  Apr.  19  and  20,  1852,  on  Deficiency 
Appropriation  Bill.  Wash.,  1832;  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.  Jan.  13,  1853,  on 
Bill  to  Establish  a  Railway  to  the  Pacific.  Wash.,  1853;  Speech  in  U.  ' 
S.  Sen.  March  2,  1853,  on  transportation  of  U.  S.  Mails.  Wash.,  1853; 
Speeches  in  the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.  on  Private  Land  Titles  in  Cal. 
Wash.,  1851;  other  speeches. 

Gwin  (William  M.),  Memoirs  on  History.     MS. 

Habersham  (A.  W.),  North  Pacific  Surveying  and  Expl.  Ex.     Phila.,  1858. 

Hacke  (William),  Collection  of  Original  Voyages.     London,  1699. 

Hakluyt  (Richard),  The  Principal  Navigations.     Lond.,  1599-1600.  folio.  3 

vols. ;  cited  as  Hakluyt's  Voy. 
Hale  (Edward  Everett),  Early  Maps  of  America.     Worcester,  1874;  His  Level 

Best,  etc.    Boston,  1873;  The  Name  of  California.    In  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc., 

Proc.,  Apr.  1862,  45;  Queen  of  California.     In  Atlantic  Monthly,  xiii. 

265. 

Hall  (Charles  Victor),  California.     The  Ideal  Italy.     Philadelphia,  1875. 
Hall  (Edward  H.),  The  Great  West,     N.  Y.,  1865;  N.  Y.,  1866. 
Hall  (Frederic),  History  of  San  Jose".    San  Francisco,  1871;  San  Jos6  History. 

Scrap-book.     From  S.  Jose"  Pioneer,  Jan.  1877. 
Hall  (John),  Remarks  on  the  harbours  of  Cal.  [Being  extracts  from  the  log  of 

the  Lady  JBlackwood,  1822.]    In  Forbes'  Hist.  Cal.,  App. 
Hall  (William  M.),  Speech  in  favor  of  a  National  Railroad  to  the  Pacific. 

July  7,  1847;  New  York,  1853. 
Halleck  (Henry  W.),  Correspondence  of  the  Secretary  of  State.     1846-8.    In 

Cal.  and  N.  Mex.,  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1850;   Mexican  Land  Laws.    MS.; 

Report  on  Land  Titles  in  California.     [31st  Cong.,  1st.  Sess.,  H.  EK. 

Doc.  17.]    Wash.,  1850. 

Halley  (William),  Centennial  Year-book  of  Alameda  County.    Oakland,  1876. 
Hamilton  (Nev.),  Inland  Empire. 

Hancock  (Samuel),  Thirteen  Years'  Residence  on  the  Northwest  Coast.   MS. 
Hanford,  Public  Good. 
Hansard  (T.  C.),  Parliamentary  Debates  from  1803.    London,  1812-77.    [S.  F. 

Law  Library.] 
Hardenbergh  (J.  R.),  Ansv/er  to  charges  filed  with  the  Commissioner  of  the 

General  Land  Office.     San  Francisco,  1873. 

Hardiiige  (Emma),  Funeral  Oration  on  Thomas  Starr  King.     S.  F.,  1864. 
Hardy  (Lady  Duffus),  Through  Cities  and  Prairie  Lands.     London,  1881. 
Hargrave  (William),  California  in  1846.  MS. 
Haro  (Francisco),  Cartas  Sueltas.   MS. 

Haro  y  Peralta  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobierno  de  California.  MS. 
Harper's  New  Monthly  Magazine.     New  York,  1856  et  seq. 
Harris  (John),  Navigantium . .  .  Bibliotheca.     London,  1705.  folio.  2  vols. 
Harrison  (Henry  W.),  Battle-Fields  and  Naval  Exploits.    Phila.,  1858. 
Hart  (Albert),  Mining  Statutes  of  the  U.  S.,  Cal.,  and  Nev.     S.  F.,  1877. 
Hartman  (Isaac),  Brief  in  Mission  Cases. 
Hartmann  (Carl),  Geographisch  -  Statistische  Beschreibung  von  Californieii. 

Weimar,  1849.  2  vols. 
Hartmarm  (Joh.  Adolph),  Dissertatio  Geographies  de  vero  Calif ornia3  situ  et 

Conditions.     Marburg,  1739.  4to. 

Hartnell  (Teresa  de  la  G.),  Narrativa  de  una  Matrona  de  Cal.     MS. 
Hartnell  (William  E.  P.),  Convention  of  '49.     Original  Records.     MS. 
Hartnell  (William  E.  P.),  Diario  del  Visitador  Gen.  de  Misiones,  1839-40.  MS. 
Hartnell  (William  E.  P.),  English  Colonization  in  California,  1844.     MS. 
Hartnell  (William  E.  P. ),  Miscellaneous  Correspondence  from  1822.     MS. 


liv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Harvey  (Mrs  Daniel),  Life  of  John  McLoughlin.     MS. 

Hastings  (Lansford  W.),  Emigrants'  Guide  to  Oregon  and  California.  Cin- 
cinnati, 1845;  Letters.  1843-8.  MS.;  New  History  of  Oregon  and  Cali- 
fornia. Cincinnati,  1849. 

Haswell  (Robert),  Voyage  of  the  Columbia  Rediviva,  1787,  1791-2.     MS. 
Havilah,  Courier,  Miner. 

Hawes  (Horace),  Missions  in  California.     San  Francisco,  1856. 
Hawley  (A.  T.),  Humboldt  County.     Eureka,  1879. 

Hawley  (A.  T.),  The  Present  Condition,  etc.,  of  L.  Angeles.    L.  Angeles,  1876. 
Hawley  (David  N.),  Observations  of  Men  and  Things.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Criminal  Trials  at  Los  Angeles.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Diary  of  a  Journey  Overland,  1849-50.     MS. 
•   Hayes  (Benjamin),  Documents  for  the  History  of  California.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Emigrant  Notes.     MS.  and  Scraps. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Land  Matters  in  California.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  List  of  Vessels.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Mexican  Laws,  Notes.     MS. 

Hayes  (Benjamin),  Mission  Book  of  Alta  Cal.     MS.  and  Scraps.  2  vols. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Notes  on  California  Affairs.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Papeles  Varies  Originales.     MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  San  Diego,  Legal  History.     Scraps  and  MS. 
Hayes  (Benjamin),  Scrap  Books,  1850-74.   129  vols.;  under  the  following  sub- 
titles:  Agriculture;   Arizona.    6  vols.;    California   Notes.    5   vols.    MS. 
and  Print;  California  Poets;  California  Politic?.   10  vols.;  Constitutional 
Law;  Cuyamaca  Case.  MS.  and  Print;  Early  California  Decisions;  Ind- 
ians. 5  vols.;  Los  Angeles  County.   10  vols.;  Memorabilia;  Mining.   13 
vols.;  Monterey,  Santa  Barbara,  etc.;  Natural  Phenomena.  3  vols.;  Pa- 
cific Interests;  Railroads.  6  vols.;  San  Bernardino  County.  4  vols. ;  San 
Diego,  Five  Years  in.  4  vols. ;  San  Diego  County,  Local  History.  3  vols. ; 
Southern  California,  Historical  Items.  2  vols. ;  Southern  California  Pol- 
itics. 2  vols. ;  Southern  California,  Wilmington,  etc. ;  Studies  in  Politics. 
7  vols.;  Supreme  Court,  1868-74. 
Haywards,  Journal,  Alameda  Advocate,  Plaindealer. 
Eaditt  (Win.  Carew),  Great  Gold  Fields  of  Cariboo.     London,  1862. 
Healdsburg,  Advertiser,  Democratic  Standard,  Enterprise,  Review,  Russian 

River  Flag. 

Heap  (Gwinn  Harris),  Central  Route  to  the  Pacific.    Philadelphia,  1854. 
Hearn  (F.  G.),  California  Sketches.     MS. 

Hebard,  Speech,  March  14,  1850,  on  Constitution  of 'Cal.     Wash.,  1850. 
Heceta  (Bruno)-,  Diario  del  Viage  de  1775.     MS. 
Heceta  (Bruno),  Espedicion  Maritima.     In  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  229. 
Heceta  (Bruno),  Segunda  Exploracion,  1775.  MS. 
Heceta  (Bruno),  Viage  cle  1775.     MS. 

Hecox  (Adna  A.),  Biographical  Sketch.     In  S.  Josd  Pioneer,  Aug.  1878. 
Hecox  (Adna  A.),  A  Brief  History  of  the  Introduction  of  Methodism.    In  S. 

F.  Christian  Advocate,  1863. 

Helper  (Hinton  R.),  The  Land  of  Gold.     Baltimore,  1855. 
licnshaw  (Josiah  S.),  Historical  Events.     MS. 

Hernandez  (Jos6  Maria  P.),  Compendio  de  la  Geografia.    Mexico,  1872. 
Herrera  (Antonio  de),  Historia  General  de  los  Hechos  de  los  Castellanos  en 
las  Islas  i  Tierra  Firme  del  Mar  Oce"ano.     Madrid,  1601.  4to.  4  vols; 
Madrid,  1720-30.  folio. 

Herrera  (Josd  Maria),  Causa  contra  el  Comisario  de  California,  1827.     MS. 
Herrera  (Jos6  Maria),  Escritos  del  Comisario.     MS. 
Herrick  (William  F.),  Current  Events  from  1853.     MS. 
Hesperian  (The).     San  Francisco,  1858-G4.   11  vols. 
Heylyn  (Peter),  Cosmography.     London,  1701.  folio. 
Hijar  (Carlos  N. ),  California  in  1834.     MS. 

Hijar  (Jos6  Maria),  Instrucciones  del  Gefe  Politico  y  Director  de  Colonizacion, 
1834.     In  Figueroa,  Man.  11. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Iv 

Hijar  (Jos6  Maria),  Instniccioaes  del  Gobierno  al  Comisionado,  1845.     MS. 

Hijar  (Jose  Maria),  Varias  Cartas.     MS. 

Hinckley  (William  C. ),  Life  of  a  Pioneer  of  1847.     MS. 

Hinckley  (William  S.),  Letters  of  a  Sea  Captain.     MS. 

Hinds  (Richard  B.),  Botany  of  Voyage  of  the  Sulphur.  London,  1844; 
Regions  of  Vegetation,  California  Region.  In  Belcher's  Nar.,  ii.;  Zoology 
of  the  Voyage  of  the  Sulphur.  London,  1844. 

Hines  (Gustavus).  Voyage  round  the  World.     Buffalo,  1850. 

Hinton  (Richard  J. ),  Handbook  of  Arizona.     San  Francisco,  1878. 

Historical  Magazine  and  Notes  and  Queries.     Boston,  etc.,  1857-69.  15  vols. 

History  of  the  Bear  Flag  Revolt.     In  Niles'  Register,  Ixxiii.  110. 

Hitchcock  (George  B.),  Statement  of  Rarnbiings.     MS. 

Hittell  (John  S.),  The  Commerce  and  Industries  of  the  Pacific  Coast.  San 
Francisco,  1882.  4to;  The  History  of  the  Cottomvood  Prospecting  Ex- 
pedition. In  Alta  California;  History  of  San  Francisco.  S.  F.  1878; 
Limantour.  In  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  154;  The  Limantour  Claim.  S.  F. 
1857;  Mining  Life  at  Shasta  in  1849.  In  Dietz,  Our  Boys.  101;  Notes 
of  Californian  Pioneers.  In  Hatchings'  Cal.  Mag.  v.  209;  Oration  at  the 
Nineteenth  Anniversary  of  California  Pioneers.  S.  F.  18GD;  Papelea 
Hist6ricosdel84G.  MS.;  Resources  of  California.  S.  F.  18GG;  S.  F.  1037; 
S.  F.  1874;  The  Resources  of  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  18G9;  Spoliation  of  Mex- 
ican Grant  Holders  in  California  by  U.  S.  In  Hesperian,  iv.  147. 

Hittell  (Theodore  II.),  Adventures  of  James  Capen  Adains.    S.  F.  1SGO. 

Hobbs  (James),  Wild  Life  in  the  Far  West.     Hartford,  1875. 

Hoffmann  (Hcmmann),  Californien,  Nevada  und  Mexico.     Basel,  1871. 

Hoffman  (Ogden),  Opinions  in  Mission  Cases.  S.  Francisco,  1859;  Opinions 
in  various  other  cases;  Reports  of  Land  Cases.  San  Francisco,  '1832. 

Hoit  (C.  W.)i  Fraudulent  Mexican  Land  Claims  in  California.     Sac.  18G9. 

IL.linski  (Alex. ),  La  Californie  ct  les  Routes  Interocoaniques.    Bruxelles,  1853. 

Holland  (Charles),  Mines  and  Mining.     In  Coast  Review.     1873.  p.  73. 

Hollistcr,  Advance,  Central  Californian,  Enterprise,  Telegraph. 

Homo  Missionary  (The).     New  York,  184G  et  seq. 

Homer  (Charles),  Memorial  for  construction  of  San  Francisco  Marine  Hospital 
[33d  Cong.,  1st.  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  54].  Washington,  1853. 

Homes  (Henry  A.),  Our  Knowledge  of  Cal.  and'  the  N.  W.  Coast.  Albany, 
1870. 

Homestead  Associations.  A  large  number  of  publications  cited  by  name  of 
the  Association. 

Honolulu,  Friend,  1843  et  seq.;  Hawaiian  Spectator;  Polynesian,  1857  et 
•  seq.;  Sandwich  Island  Gazette,  183G  et  seq.;  Sandwich  Island  News, 
184G  ct  seq. 

Hooker  (Wm.  J.)  and  G.  A.W.  Arnott,  Botany  of  Captain  Beechey's  Voyage. 
London,  1801.  4to. 

Hopkins,  Translations  of  California  Documents,    n.p.,  n.d. 

Hopkins  (C.  T.),  Common  Sense  applied  to  the  Immigrant  Question.  San 
Francisco,  1870;  Taxation  in  California.  S.F.  1881;  and  other  pamphlets. 

Hoppe  (J.),  Californiens  Gegenwart  und  Zukunft.     Berlin,  1849. 

Hopper  (Charles),  Narrative  of  a  Pioneer  of  1841.     MS. 

Horn  (Hosca  B.),  Horn's  Overland  Guide.     New  York,  1852. 

Horra  (Antonio  de  la  Concepcion),  Representacion  al  Virey  contra  los  Misi- 
onerosdeCal.,  1798.  MS. 

Howard  (Volney  E.),  Speech  in  U.  S..H.  of  Rep.  against  Admission  of  Cali- 
fornia, June  11,  1850.  Washington,  1850. 

Howard  (W.  D.  M.),  Commercial  Correspondence  from  1838.     MS. 

Howe  (J.  W.),  Speech,  June  5,  1850,  on  California  Question.    Wash.  1850. 

Hubncr  (Le  Baron  de),  A  Ramble  round  the  World,  1871.     New  York,  1874. 

Hudson  (David),  Autobiography.     MS. 

Hughes  (Elizabeth),  The  California  of  the  Padres.     San  Francisco,  1875. — 

Hughes  (John  T.),  California.  Its  History,  etc.,  Cincinnati,  1848;  Cincinnati, 
1849;  Cincinnati,  1850;  Doniphan's  Expedition.  Cincinnati,  1849. 


Ivi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Huish  (Robert),  Narratives  of  Voyages.     London,  1836. 

Humason  (W.  L.),  From  the  Atlantic  Surf  to  the  Golden  Gate.     Hartford, 

18G9. 
Humboldt  (Alex,  de),  Essai  Politique  sur  le  Royaume  de  la  Nouvelle  Espagns. 

Paris,  1811.  folio.  2  vols.  and  atlas. 
Humboldt  (Alex,  de),  Tablas  Estadisticas  del  Reyno  de  Nueva  Espaiia  en  el 

aflo  de  1803.  MS. 

.   Huniboldt  County.    Its  Resources,  etc.     See  Hawley,  A.  T. 
Hunt's  Merchants'  Magazine.     New  York,  1839  et  seq. 
Huse  (Charles  E.),  Sketch  of  the  History  and  Resources  of  Santa  Barbara  City 

and  County.    Santa  Barbara,  1876. 

Hutchings'  Illustrated  California  Magazine.    San  Francisco,  1857-61.  5  vols. 
Hyde  (George),  Historical  Facts  on  California.  MS. 

Ibarra  (Juan  Maria),  Cartas  Varias  del  Teniente.  MS. 
Idaho  City,  (Id.)  World.       . 
'    Ide  (William  B.),  Bear  Flag  Revolt.  MS. 
Ide  (William  B.),  Biographical  Sketch.    [Claremont]  1880;  Who  Conquered 

California?     [Clarernont]  1880. 
[lustracion  Mexicana  (La).    Mexico,  1851-3.  4  vols. 
Independence  (Cal.),  Inyo  Independent. 
Independence  (Mo.),  Mission  Expositor. 
Indios,  Contestacion  al  Interrogatorio  de  1812  por  el  Presidents  y  los  Padrea 

sobre  costumbres,  1815.     MS. 

Indios,  Interrogatorio  del  Supremo  Gobierno  sobre  Costumbres,  1812.     MS. 
Industrial  Magazine.     San  Francisco,  18G7  et  seq. 
Informe  de  lo  mas  Peculiar  de  la  Nueva  California,  1789.  MS. 
Informe  sobre  los  Ajustes  de  Pobladores  de  la  Reina  de  Los  Angeles  y  demas 

de  las  Provincias  de  Calif  ornias.     Dec.  30,  1789.  MS. 
Ingersoll  (Ernest),  In  a  Redwood  Logging  Camp.     In  Harper's  Mag.,  Ixvi. 


Iniciativa  de  Ley,  1827.     In  Junta  de  Fomento  de  California. 

Iniestra,  Expedicion  de  Cal.,  1845.     In  Amigo  del  Pueblo,  Sept.-Oct.  1845. 

Institutions,  associations,  societies,  companies,  orders,  churches,  banks,  clubs, 

courts,  etc.     Publications  cited  in  notes  by  name  of  the  institution,  etc.  ; 

but  most  of  them,  not  historical  in  their  nature,  are  omitted  in  this  list. 
Instrucciones  d  que  debe  sujetarse  la  Comision  nombrada  por  este  Ayunta- 

miento  de  Angeles,  30  Mayo,  1837.  MS. 
Instrucciones  para  Tribunales  de  la  Instancia.     [1824]  MS. 
Iiistrucciones  que  los  Vireyes  de  Nueva  Espana.     Mexico,  1867. 
Iiivestigacion  sobre  la  Muerte  de  los  Religiosos  enviados  d  la  reduccion  de  los 

gentiles  del  Rio  Colorado,  1781.  MS. 

lone,  Amador  Times,  Chronicle,  City  News,  Riverside  Independence. 
Iriarte  (Francisco),  Contestacion  a  la  Expresion  de  Agravios.     Mexico,  1832. 
Irving  (Washington),  Adventures  of  Bonneville.     New  York,  1860. 
Iturbide  (Agustin),  Cartas  de  los  Sefiores  Generales.     Mexico,  1821. 
Iturrigaray  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobr-  de  California.  MS. 

Jackson,  Amador  Dispatch,  Amador  Ledger,  Sentinel,  Press. 

Janssens  (Agustin),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 

Janssens  (Agustin),  Vida  y  Aventuras.     MS. 

Jay  (William),  Review,  etc.,  Mexican  War.     Boston,  1849. 

Jenkins  (John  S.  ),  History  of  the  War  between  U.  S.  and  Mex.    Auburn,  1851  ; 

United  States  Exploring  Expeditions.    Auburn,  1850. 
Jimeno  (Joso  Joaquin  and  Antonio),  Cartas  de  los  dos  Frailes.     MS. 
Jimeno  Casarin  (Manuel),  Escritos  del  Secretario  de  Estado.     MS. 
John  Bull.     [London  newspaper.] 
Johnson    (Daniel  H.),  and  Cornelius  Vanderbilt,   Correspondence,  etc.,  for 

Transporting  Mails  via  the  Isthmus.     [36th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex. 

Doc.  45.]     Washington,  1859. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ivii 

Johnson  (Theodore  T.),  California  and  Oregon,  or  Sights  in  the  Gold  Region. 
Phil.,  1851;  Phil.,  1857;  Phil.,  1865;  Sights  in  the  Gold  Regions.  N.  Y., 
1849;  N.  Y.,  1850. 

Johnston  (A.  R...),  Journal  of  a  Trip  with  the  First  U.  S.  Dragoons.  1846. 
.  [30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  41.]  Washington,  ICiS;  In  Emory's 
•  Notes. 

Jones  (John  C.),  Cartas  Comerciales,  1831  et  seq.  MS. 

Jones  (Thomas  Ap.  C.),  Agresion  en  Californias.  1842.  In  Mexico,  Mem. 
Relac.,  1844,  An.  87-97;  At  Monterey. in  1842.  [27th  Cong.,  3d  Sess., 
H.  Ex.  Doc.  166.]  Washington,  1842;  Miscellaneous  Proclamations, 
1849;  Unpublished  Narrative,  1842.  From  Los  Angeles  Southern  Vine- 
yard, May  22,  1858. 

Jones  (William  Carey),  Report  on  Land  Titles  in  California.  Washington, 
1850;  The  Pueblo  Question  Solved.  San  Francisco,  1860. 

Jonesborough  (Tenn.),  Sentinel. 

Juarez  (Cayetano),  Notas  sobre  Asuntos  de  Cal.     MS. 

Julio  Cesar,  Cosas  de  Indios.     MS. 

Junta  de  5  de  Abril  de  1791  en  Monterey.     MS. 

Junta  Consultativa  y  Economica  en  Monterey,    1843.  MS. 

Junta  de  Fomento  de  Californias,  Coleccion  de  los  Trabajos.     Mex.  1827. 

Junta  de  Guerra  y  Rendicion  de  Monterey,  4  Nov.  1836.     MS. 

Junta  Primera  de  Guerra  en  Monterey,  4  Oct.  1769.     MS. 

Kalama,  Beacon. 

Kearny  (Stephen  W. ),  Orders  and  Correspondence,  1847.  In  Cal.  and  N.  Mex., 
Mess.  &  Doc.  1850;  Proclamation,  March  1,  1847.  Original  MS.;  also 
in  print;.  Report  to  Adjutant -General  Jones,  March  15,  1847.  [31st 
Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex^Doc.  17,  p.  283.]  Washington,  1848;  Reports 
of  San  Pascual.  [30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  513-16.] 
Washington,  1848. 

Kelley  (Hall  J.),  A  History  of  the  Settlement  of  Oregon.  Springfield,  1868; 
Memoir  on  Oregon,  1839.  [25th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  H.  Rept.  101.]  Wash- 
ington, 1838;  A  Narrative  of  Events  and  Difficulties.  Boston,  1852. 

Kelly  (George  Fox),  Land  Frauds  of  California.     Santa  Rosa,  1864. 

Kelly  (William),  An  Excursion  to  California.     London,  1851.  2  vols. 

Kendrick  (John),  Correspondencia  sobre  Cosas  de  Nootka,  1794.     MS. 

Kern  (Edward  M.),  Journal  of  Exploration,  1845.    In  Simpson's  Rept.,  477. 

Kerr  (J.  G.),  The  Chinese  Question  Analyzed.     San  Francisco,  1877. 

Kerr  (Robert),  General  History  and  Collection  of  Voyages,  Edinburgh  and 
London,  1824.  18  vols. 

Keyser  (Sebastian),  Memoir  of  a  Pioneer.     MS. 

Khlebnikof  (K.),  Zapiski  o  America.     St  Petersburg,  1861. 

King  (Clarence),  Mountaineering  in  the  Sierra  Nevada.     Boston,  1874;  1882. 

King  (Thomas  Butler),  California;  The  Wonder  of  the  Age.  New  York,  1850; 
Report  on  California.  Washington,  1850  [message  of  President,  March 
26,  1851.  31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  59.] 

King  of  William  (James),  Assassination  of,  etc.  San  Francisco,  1856;  Family 
Scrap-book. 

King's  Orphan,  Visit  to  California,  1842-3,  Scrap-book;  also  in  Upham's  Notes. 

Kinley  (Joseph  M.),  Remarks  on  Chinese  Immigration.    San  Francisco,  1877. 

Kip  (Leonard),  California  Sketches.     Albany,  1850. 

Kip  (Win.  Ingraham),  Historical  Scenes  from  the  Old  Jesuit  Missions.  New 
Yopk,  1875;  Last  of  the  Leatherstockings.  In  Overland  Monthly,  ii. 
407;  and  other  works. 

Kirchhofi  (Theodor),  Reisebilder  und  skizzen.     N.  Y.,  1875-6.  2  vois. 

Kirkpatrick  (Charles  A.),  Journal  of  1849.     MS. 

Knight  (Thomas),  Early  Events  in  California,  of  a  Pioneer  of  '45.     MS. 

Knight  (Thomas),  Recollections.     MS* 

Knight  (Wm.  H.),  Scrap-books.  40  volumes. 

Knight's  Ferry,  Stanislaus  Index. 
HIST.  CAL.,  YOL.  I.    5 


Iviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Knight's  Landing,  News. 

Knox  (Thomas  W.),  The  Underground  World.     Hartford,  1878. 

Kohlcr  (Charles),  Wine  Production  in  California.     MS. 

Kotzebuo  (Otto  von),  New  Voyage  round  the  World.    London,  1830.   2  vols.; 

Voyage  of  Discovery.  London,  1831.  3  vols. 
Kraszewski  (Michael),  Acts  of  the  Manilas.  MS. 
Kiinzel  (Heinrich),  Obercalifornien.  Darmstadt,  1848. 

Labor  Agitators;  or  the  Battle  for  Bread.     San  Francisco,  1879. 
Laet  (Joanne  de),  Novvs  Orbis.     Batav.,  1633.  folio. 
La  Fayette,  Democratic  Sentinel, 
afond  (Gabriel),  Voyages  autour  du  Monde.     Paris,  1843.  2  vols.;  Paris, 

1844.  8  vols.  4to. 
La  Harpe  (Jean  Francois),  Abrdge"  de  1'Histoire  Gcndrale  des  Voyages.  Paris, 

1S1G.  24  vols.  and  atlas. 
Lakeport,  Avalanche,  Clear  Lake  Courier,  Clear  Lake  Journal,  Clear  Lake 

Times,  Lake  County  Bee,  Lake  County  Democrat. 
Lakeside  Monthly  (The).     Chicago,  1872. 

Lambertie  (Charles  de),  Voyage  pittoresque  en  Californie,  etc.     Paris,  1854. 
Lamotte  (H.  D.),  .Statement.     MS. 

Lancey  (Thomas  C.),  Cruise  of  the  Dale.     Scrap-book,  from  S.  Josd  Pioneer. 
Lander  (Frederick  W.),  Remarks  on  a  double-track  Railway  to  the  Pacific. 

Washington,  1854. 

Lane  (Joseph),  Autobiography.     MS. 
Langlcy  (Henry  G.),  Trade  of  the  Pacific.     San  Francisco,  1870.     See  also 

Directories. 

Langsdorff  (G.  H.  von),  Voyages  and  Travels,  1803-7.    Lond.,  1813-14.  2  vols. 
La  Perouse  (J.  G.  F.  de),  Voyage  autour  du  Moade.     Paris,   17C3.  4  vols. 

atlas,  folio;  Voyage  round  the  World,  1785-8.     London,  1703.  3  vols.; 

Boston,  1801. 
Laplaco  (Cyrille  P.  T.),  Campagne  de  Circumnavigation.     Paris,   1841-54.  6 

vols. 

La  Porte,  Mountain  Messenger,  Union. 
Lardner  (Dionysins),  History  of  Maritime  and  Inland  Discovery.     London, 

1830.  3voh. 

Larios  (Estolano),  Vida  de  su  Padre,  Manuel  Larios.     MS. 
Larios  (Justo),  Convulsiones  en  California^    MS. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Accounts  1827-42.     MS.  4  vols. 
Larkin  (Thomas  O.),  Accounts  1840-57.     MS.  17  vols. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Correspondence  Official  and  Private.     MS. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Description  of  California,  1845.     MS. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Documents  for  the  History  of  California,  1839-56.     MS. 

9  vols. 

Larkin  (Thomas  O.),  Journal.     In  Monterey  Californian,  Feb.  27,  '47. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Letter  to  Mason  from  San  Jose",  May  23,  1848. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),   Letters  to  Sec.  of  State,  June  1  and  23,  1848.     In 

Foster's  Gold  Regions. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Notes  on  the  Personal  Character  of  Californians,  1845. 

MS. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Official  Correspondence  as  U.  S.  Consul  and  Navy  Agent. 

1844-9.     MS.  2  vols. 

Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Papers  Unbound.     MS. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0.),  Private  Record  of  Lots  sold,  1840-51.     MS. 
Larkin  (Thomas  0. ),  U.  S.  Naval  Agency  Accounts.     MS.  2  vols. 
Lasso  de  la  Vega  (Jos6  Ramon),  Escritos  del  Alferez,  1784  et  seq.     MS. 
.Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  Carta  cle  1784.  MS. 

Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  Carta  sobre  Fundacion  de  Misiones,  1791.     MS. 
Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  Cartns  alVisitador  General  Galvcz,  17G8.     MS. 
Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  Corrcspondencia  del  Padre  y  Presidente.     MS. 
(Fermin  Francisco),  Fuudacion  dc  Misiones,  1797.     Cartas.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  lix 

Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  Informe  de  1783.  MS. 

Lasuen  (Fermin  Fran. ),  Informe  sobre  Sitios  para  Nuevas  Misiones,  1798.    MS. 

Lasuen  (Fermin  Fran.),  Informes  Bienales  de  las  Misiones,  1793-1802.    MS. 

Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  Represeiitacion  sobre  los  Puntos  representados  al 
Gobierno  por  el  P.  Antonio  de  la  Concepcion  [HorraJ,  1800.  MS. 

Latham  (Milton  S.),  Remarks  on  Overland  Mails  in  U.  S.  Sen.,  May  30,  1860. 
Washington,  1860;  Speech  on  Pacific  Railroad  in  U.  S.  Sen.  June  12,  1862. 
Baltimore,  1862;  Speech  on  Steamships  between  San  Francisco  and  China. 
Washington,  1855;  and  other  Speeches. 

Lam*  (P.),  De  la  Production  des  Metaux  Pre"cieux  en  Californie.    Paris,  1862. 

Lauts  (Gr.)>  Kalifornia.     Amsterdam,  1849. 

Lawson  (James  S. ),  Autobiogi*aphy.  MS. 

Lee  (John  D.),  Mormonism  Unveiled.    St  Louis,  1877. 

Lee  (Daniel)  and  J.  H.  Frost.     Ten  Years  in  Oregon.     New  York,  1844. 

Leese  (Jacob  P.),  Bear  Flag  Revolt.     MS. 

Leese  (Jacob  P.),  Claim  for  Construction  of  Monterey  Wharf.  1846.  [36th 
Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Rep.  274.]  Wash.  1846. 

Leese  (Jacob  P.),  Letters  from  1836.     MS. 

Leese   (Rosalia  Valle jo),  History  of  the  'Osos.'  MS. 

Legal  publications,  law  text-books,  comity  and  municipal  regulations,  re- 
ports, etc.  See  California,  San  Francisco,  Briefs,  etc.  Many  such  works 
are  not  named  in  this  list. 

Legislative  Records.  MS.  4  vols.    In  Archivo  de  Cal. 

Leidesdorff  (William  A.),  Letters  of  the  U.  S.  Vice  Consul.  MS. 

Leland  (Charles  Godfrey),  The  Union  Pacific  Railway.  Philadelphia,  1867. 
Nctrel  (Edmond),  Voyage  autour  du  Monde.  1826-9.  In  Nouv.  An.  Voy., 
xlv.  129. 

Leslie  (Mrs  Frank),  California.     New  York,  1877. 

Lester  (John  Erastus),  The  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  Boston,  1873;  The 
Yosemite,  its  History,  etc.  Providence,  1873. 

Letts  ( J.  M. ),  California  Illustrated.  New  York,  1852;  Pictorial  View  of  Cal. 
New  York,  1853. 

Levett'a  Scrap  Book. 

Libro  de  Bitdcora,  archivo  de  la  Familia  Estudillo.     MS. 

Ionian  tour  ( Jos6  Y. ),  Apuntes  sobre  la  Causa  contra  Augusto  Jouan.  Mexico, 
1835;  Opinion  delivered  by  Ogden  Hoffman  in  the  Cases  of.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1858;  Pamphlet  relating  to  the  Claim  of.  San  Francisco,  1853; 
Limantour  Case.  MS.  volume  of  documents  in  S.  F.  Law  Library;  and 
various  documents. 

Linares  (Virey),  Intendencias.     MS. 

Lin  sch  oten  (J.  H.  van),  Rcys-Gheschrift  Van  de  Navigation  de  Portugaloysers 
in  Orienten.  Amstrelredam,  1604.  folio. 

Lippincott  (Sarah  J.  C.),  New  Life  in  New  Lands.     New  York,  1873, 

Lippincott's  Magazine.     Philadelphia,  1868  et  seq. 

Lisaldc  (Pedro),  Reconocimiento  de  Tierras,  1797.     MS. 

Little  (John  T.j,  First  Years  of  Cal.  under  U.  S.     MS. 

Livermore,  Enterprise,  Herald. 

Livermore  (Robert),  Occasional  Letters  from  1829.     MS. 

Lloyd  (B.  E.),  Lights  and  Shades  in  San  Francisco.     San  Francisco,  1876. 

Loa  a  la  Virgen.     Papel  de  Mision.     MS. 

Lobscheid  (W.),  The  Chinese;  What  They  Are,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1873. 

Local  histories,  see  name  of  county,  town,  or  author. 

Lockwood  (R.  A.),  Vigilance  Committee  Speeches.     San  Francisco,  1852. 

Lodi,  Valley  Review. 

Log-books,  Fragments  from  the  Larkin  Collection.  3  vols.  MS. 

Lompoc,  Record. 

London,  Echo,  Engineer,  Grocer,  Mechanic's  Magazine,  Morning  Post,  Spec- 
tator, Times,  etc. 

Lopez  (Baldomero),  El  Guardian  a  los  Padres,  prohibiendo  el  uso  de  Carrua- 
jes,  1820.  MS. 


Ix  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.    ' 

Lopez  (Baldomero),   El  Guardian  al  P.  Presidente  sobre  cesion  de  Misiones, 

1820.  MS. 

Lopez  (Baldomero),  Quejas  del  P.  Guardian  al  Virey,  1819.  MS. 
Lopez  (Baldomero),  and  Isidro  Alonso  Salazar,  Carta  de  los  Padres  de  Sta 

Cruz,  1791.  MS. 

Lord  (John  Keast),  The  Naturalist  in  Vancouver  Island.    Lond.,  I860.  2  vols. 
Lorenzana  (Apolinaria),  Memorias  de  la  Beata.  MS. 
Loreto,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS.     [In  possession  of  0.  Livermore.] 
Los  Angeles,  Archive,  Copies  and  Extracts.  MS.  5  vols. 
Los  Angeles,  Ayuntamiento  Records.     MS. 
Los  Angeles,  Cronica,  Express,  Herald,  Meridional,  Mirror,  Morning  Journal, 

News,  Republican,  Star,  Sud.  Cal.  Post. 
Los  Angeles,  Historical  Sketch  of  (by  Hayes,  Warner,  and  Widney).     Los 

Angeles,  1876. 

Los  Angeles,  Homes  in.     See  McPherson,  William. 

Los  Angeles,  Instancia  de  Regidores  y  Vecinos  sobre  Tierras,  1819.    MS. 
Los  Angeles,  Lista  de  los  Pobladores,  Iiivalidos,  y  Vecinos,  1816.     MS. 
Los  Angeles,  Ordenanzas  de  la  Ciudad.     Los  Angeles,  1860. 
Los  Angeles,  Padron,  1781.     MS. 
Los  Angeles,  Reglamento  de  Policia,  1827,  MS. 
Los  Angeles,  Reparticion  de  Solares  y  Suertes,  1786,  MS. 
Los  Angeles,  Revised  Ordinance  of  the  City  of  Los  Angeles,  1855.    Los  Ange- 
les, 1860.  2  vols. 
Los  Angeles  County,    Historical   Sketch  of  (L.  Lewin  and  Co.)     Los  An- 

geles,  1876. 
Los  Angeles  County,  History  of  (Thompson  and  West).     Oakland,    1880. 

Atlas  folio. 

Louisville  (Ky.),  Courier-Journal. 

Low  (Conrad),  Meer  oder  Seehanen  Bucfe.     Colin,  1598. 
Low  (Frederick  F.),  Observations  in  Early  Cal..     MS. 
Lower  Lake,  Bulletin,  Observer,  Sentinel. 

Ludlow  (Fitz  Hugh),  The  Heart  of  the  Continent.     New  York,  1870. 
Lugo  (Felipe),  Cartas  Varias.     MS. 
Lugo  (Jose"  del  Carmen),-  Vida  de  un  Ranchero.     MS. 
Lull  (Miguel),  Exposicion  del  Padre  Guardian  sobre  Reduccion  de  Misioneros 

en  Cal.,  1709.     MS. 
Luyt  (Joannis),  Introductio  ad  Geographiam  Novam  et  Veterem.     Trajecti 

ad  Rhenum,  1692. 

McAllister  (Hall),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

McChristian  (Patrick),  Narrative  on  Bear  Flag.     MS. 

McClellan  (R.  Guy),  The  Golden  State.     Phil.,  etc.,  1872;  Republicanism  in 

America.     San  Francisco,  1869. 
McCloskey  ( J.  J. ),  The  Early  Drama  in  California.     In  San  Jose"  Pioneer,  Dec. 

13  and  14,  1877. 
McClure  (A.  K.),  Three  Thousand  Miles  through  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Philadelphia,  1869. 

McCollum  (William  S.),  California  as  I  Saw  it.     Buffalo,  1850. 
McCue  (Jim),  Twenty-one  Years  in  California.     San  Francisco,  n.d. 
McDaniels  (W.  D.),  Early  Days  of  California.     MS. 
McDonald  (D.  G.  Forbes),  British  Columbia.     London,  1863. 
McDougal  (F.  H.),  The  Donner  Tragedy.     In  Pacific  Rural  Press,  Jan.  21, 

1871. 
McDougall  (James  A.),  Speech  on  Pacific  Railroad  in  U.  S.  H.  Rep.  Jan.  16, 

1855.     Washington,  1855. 

McFarlane  (James),  The  Coal-regions  of  America.     New  York,  1873.     , 
McFie  (Matthew),  Vancouver  Island  and  British  Columbia.     London,  1865. 
McGarrahan  (William),  The  Quicksilver  Mines  of  Panoche  Grande.     Wash 

ington,  1860;  Memorial.     A  Collection  of  Documents.     San  Francisco, 

1870. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixi 

McGlashan  (C.  F.),  History  of  the  Donner  Party.     Truckee,  1879;  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1880. 
McGowan  ( Edward) ,  Facts  concernin g  the  Organization  known  as  the  '  Hound  s ' 

in  S.  F.  Post,  Nov.  1,  1878;  Narrative  of  Adventure  while  pursued  by 

Vigilance  Committee.     San  Francisco,  1S57. 
Mcllvaine  (William),  Sketches  of  Scenery  and  Notes  of  Personal  Adventure 

in  California,  etc.     Philadelphia,  1850. 
McKay  (Joseph  TV.),  Recollections  of  a  Chief  Trader  in  the  Hudson's  Bay 

Company.     MS. 

McKinstry  (George),  Papers  on  the  History  of  California.     MS. 
McLean  (Finis  E. ),  Speech,  June  5,  1850,  on  Constitution  of  Cal.    Wa^h.  1850. 
McPherson,  Letters  of  Juanita.     [In  various  newspapers.]. 
McPherson  (W.),  Homes  in  Los  Angeles.     Los  Angeles,  1873. 
McQueen  (John),  Speech,  June  3,  1850,  on  Admission  of  Cal.   Wash.,  1850. 
McWillie  (W.),  Speech,  March  4,  1850,  on  the  Admission  of  Cal.  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Machado  (Antonio),  Escritos  de  un  Sindico.     MS. 
Machado  (Juana),  Tiempos  Pasados  de  California.     MS. 
Madelene  (Henri  de  la),  Le  Comte  Gaston  de  Raousset-Boullfon.    Paris,  1876. 
Maglianos,  St  Francis  and  Franciscans. 

Maguire  (John  Francis),  The  Irish  in  America.     New  York,  1S6& 
Maitorena  (Jos6  Joaquin),  Cartas  Sueltas.     MS. 
Malarin  (Juan),  Correspondencia.     MS. 
Malaspina  (Alejandro),  Nota  de  Oficiales.     MS. 
Malaspina  (Alejandro)  and  Jos6  de  Bustamante,  Carta  al  P.  Lasuen,  y  Res- 

puesta,  1794.     MS. 

Malte-BruD,  La  Sonora  et  ses  Mines.     Paris,  1864. 
Mammoth  City,  Herald,  Homer  Mining  Index,  Lake  Mining  Review. 
Mangino  (Fernando  J.),  Respuesta  de  19  de  Junio  1773.     In  Palou,  Not.,  i. 

580. 

Manrow  (John  P.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committees  in  S.  F.    MS. 
Mans  (Matthew),  Travels  in  Mining  Districts.     MS. 
Mansfield  (Edward  D.),  Mexican  War.     New  York,  1S4& 
March  y  Laborea  ( Jose"),  Historia  de  la  Marina  Espauola.     Madrid,  1854.  4to. 

2  vols.  and  atlas. 

Marchand  (Etienne),  Voyage  autour  du  Monde,  1790-2.  Paris,  n.d.  5  yols. 
Marcou  (Jules),  Notes  upon  the  First  Discoveries  of  California.  Wash.,  1878. 
Marcy  (W.  L.),  Communications  of  the  Secretary  of  War.  1846-8.  In  Cal. 

andN.  Mex.,  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1848;  Id.,  1850. 
Marin  County  History  (Alley  Bowen  &  Co.)     San  Francisco,  1880. 
Mariposa.  Free  Press,  Gazette,  Mail. 

Mariposa  Estate,  Its  Past,  Present,  and  Future.     New  York,  1868. 
Markleville,  Alpine  Courier,  Alpine  Signal. 

-Markof  (Alexey),  Ruskie  na  Vostotchnom.     St  Petersburg,  1856. 
Marquina  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobr-  de  Cal.,  1800  et  seq.     MS. 
Marquinez  (Marcelino),  Cartas  del  Padre  al  Gobr-  Sola,  1821.     MS. 
Marron  (Felipa  Osuna),  Papeles  Originates.     MS. 
Marron  (Felipa  Osuna),  Recuerdos  del  Pasado.     MS. 

Marryat  (Frank),  Mountains  and  Mole  Hills.  New  York,  1855;  London,  1855. 
Marryat  (Frederick),  Narrative  of  the  Travels,  etc.  of  Monsieur  Violet.  New 

York,  1843. 

Marsh  (John),  Letter  to  Commodore  Jones,  1842.     MS. 
Marsh  (John),  Letter  to  Lewis  Cass,  1846.    In  Pacheco  Contra  Costa  Gazette, 

Dec.  21,  1867. 

Marsh  (John),  Letters  of  a  Pioneer  Doctor.     MS. 
Marshall  (H.),  Speech,  Apr.  3,  1850,  on  Cal.  Message.     Wash.,  1850. 
Marshall  (Henry),  Statement,  1843.     MS. 

Marshall  (T.  W.  M.),  Christian  Missions.     New  York,  1864.  2  vols. 
Marshall  (W.  G.),  Through  America.     London,  1881. 
Martin  (Juan),  Visita  &  los  Gentiles  Tulareiios,  1804.     MS. 
Martin  (Thomas  S.),  Narrative  of  Fremont's  Expedition,  1845-7.     MS. 


Ixii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Martinez,  £arquinez  Enterprise,  Express. 

Martinez  (Ignacio),  Defensa  Dirigida  al  Comandante  General,  1830.     MS. 

Martinez  (Ignacio),  Entrada  a  las  Rancherias  del  Tular,  1816.     MS. 

Martinez  (Ignacio),  Escritos  Varies.     MS. 

Martinez  (Luis  Antonio),  Correspondencia  del  Padre.     MS. 

Martinez  (Este"van  Jose)  and  Gonzalo  Lopez  de  Haro,  Cuarta  Exploracion, 

1788.     MS. 

Marvin  (John  G.),  The  L&w  Establishing , Common  Schools.    S.  F.,  1853. 
Marysville,  Appeal,  California  Express,  Herald,  North  Californian,  Northern 

Statesman,  Standard,  Telegraph. 
Marysville  and  Benicia  National  Railroad.     Report  of  Engineers  on  Survey. 

Marysville,  1853. 
Maseres  (Bartholome"),  Relacion  clara  del  Nayarith,  1785.    MS.     In  Pinart, 

Col.  Doc.  Mexico.     Misiones. 
Mason  (John  Y.),  Letters  of  U.  S.  Sec.  Nav.  to  Commanders  in  Cal.    1846-7. 

In  Cutts'  Conquest;  Speech,  May  27,  1850,  on  Admission  of  California. 

Wash.,  1850. 

Mason's  Handbook  to  California.     London,  1850. 
Mason  (Richard  B.),  California  and  her  Gold.     Report  to  the  secretary  of 

war.     Wash.,  1850. 

Mason  (Richard  B.),  Miscellaneous  Proclamations,  1849. 
Mason  (Richard  B.),  Orders  and  Correspondence  of  the  Military  Governor, 

1847-8.     In  Cal.   and  N«  Mex.,  Mess,  and  Doc.,   1850;  also,  MS.  [In 

archives.] 
Mason  (Richard  B.),  Proclamation,  Nov.  29,  1847.     In  English  and  Spanish. 

Monterey,  1847. 
Massett  (Stephen  C.),  Drifting  About.     New  York,  1863;  Experiences  of  a 

'49er.     MS. 

Materialui  dhlia  Istoriy  Russkikh  Zasselenig.     St.  Petersburg,  1861. 
Matthewson  (T.  D.),  California  _Aff airs.     MS. 

Maurelle  (Francisco  Antonio)  Diario  del  Viage  de  la  Sonora,  1775.     MS. 
Maurelle  (Francisco  Antonio),  Compendio  de  Noticias,  Viage  de,  1774.     MS. 
Maurelle  (Francisco  Antonio),  Journal  of  a  Voyage  in  1775.     London,  1780. 
Maurelle  (Francisco  Antonio),  ,Navegacion,  1779.     MS. 
Maxwell  (R.  T.),  Visit  to  Monterey  in  1842.     MS. 
Mayer  (Brantz),  Mexico,  Aztec,  Spanish,  etc.     Hartford,  1852.  2  vols. 
Mayer  Manuscripts.     A  collection  of  30  copies  from  Mex.  archives. 
May  field,  Enterprise,  Pastor. 

Mayne  (R.  C.),  Four  Years  in  British  Columbia.     London,  1862. 
Mazatlan,  Times. 

Meade  (Edwin  R.),  The  Chinese  Question.     New  York,  1877. 
Meadow  Lake,  Sun. 

Meadows  (James),  The  Graham  Affair,  1840.     MS. 
Mechanics'  Institute  of  San  Francisco.     Report  of  Industrial  Exhibitions. 

San  Francisco,  1857  et  seq. 
Mellus  (Francis),  Diary,  1838-40.     MS. 
Mellus  (Francis  and  Henry),  Letters.     MS. 
Mcndocino,  Independent  Dispatch,  West  Coast  Star. 

Mendocino  War,  Majority  and  Minority  Reports  of  the  Joint  Special  Com- 
mittee.    San  Francisco,  n.d. 

Mendocino  County  History.     San  Francisco,  1880. 
Menefee  (C.  A.),  Historical  and  Descriptive  Sketch-book  of  Napa,  Sonoma, 

etc.     Napa,  1873. 
Morcado  (Jesus  Maria  Vazquez),  Expediente  de  Papeles  tocantcs  a  la  Matanza 

de  Indios  hecha  por  6rden  del  P.  Ministro  de  S.  Rafael,  1833.     MS. 
Mercantile  Library  Association.     Annual  Reports  of  President,  etc.     San 

Francisco,  1855  et  seq. 
Mercator's  Atlas.     1569  et  seq. 

Merced,  People,  San  Joaquin  Valley  Argus,  Tribune. 
Merced  Counfcy  History.     San  Francisco,  1881.  4to. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixiii 

• 

Merchants'  Exchange  Prices  Current  and   Shipping  List.     San  Francisco, 
1850-2.  4to.  3  vols. 

Mercury,  Expeuiente  de  Investigacion  sobre  la  captura,  1813.     MS. 

Meredith  (W.  M.),  Miscellaneous  Proclamations  by  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, 1849. 
%Ierewether  (Henry  Alworth),  By  Sea  and  By  Land.     London,  1874. 

Merrill  (Annis),  Recollections  of  San  Francisco.     MS. 

Mexican  Border  Troubles  [45th  Cong. ,  1st  Sess. ,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  13].  Wash.,  1877. 

Mexican  Boundary,  Resolution  respecting  adjustment  and  payment  of  the 
$3,000,000  [34th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  57].  Washington,  1855. 

Mexican  Ocean  Mail  and  Inland  Company,  Reports.     New  York,  1853  ct  seq. 

Mexican  War.  A  Collection  of  U.  S.  Government  Documents,  Scraps, 
Pamphlets,  etc.  12  vols. 

Mexican  War.  Messages  of  the  President  [30th  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex. 
Doc.  CO;  Sen.  Ex.  1].  Washington,  1847-8.  2  vols. 

Mexican  War  (The).     Its  Heroes.     Phil.,  1850;  Phil.,  I860.  _ 

Mexico,  Acta  Constitutiva  de  la  Federacion  Mexicana.  Mexico,  1824;  Actas 
de  la  Junta  de  Mineria,  184G-7.  MS. ;  Acuerdo  de  la  Junta  de  Guerra 
y  Real  Hacienda  (MisionesK  1772.  MS.;  Arancel  General  de  Aduanas 
Maritimas  y  Fronterizas.  Mexico,  1842  et  seq.;  Arreglo  Provisional 
de  la  Administration  de  Justicia  23  Mayo  1837.  In  Arrillaga,  Recop. 
1837,  p.  309;  Bases  y  Icyes  Constitucipnales  de  la  Repiiblica  Mexicana. 
Mexico,  1837;  Coleccion  de  Decretos  y  Ordenes  de  Interes  Comun.  Mexico 
1850;  Coleccion  de  Leyes  y  Decretos,  1839-41,  1844-8,  1850.  Mexico, 
1851-2,  G  vols.;  Coleccion  de  Ordenes  y  Decretos  de  la  Soberana  Junta 
Provis.  Gubern.  Mexico,  1829.  4  vols.;  Constitucion  Federal.  Mexico, 
1824  et  seq.;  Decreto  sobre  Pasaportes,  etc.,  1828.  In  Schmidt's  Civil 
Law,  Spain,  34G;  Diario  del  Gobierno  de  la  Repiiblica  Mexicana.  Mexico, 
1C-1D  et  seq.;  Estado  Mayor  General  del  Ejercito,  Escalafon.  Mexico, 
1854;  Exposicion  del  Ministro  de  Hacienda  1848.  Mexico,  1848;  Instruc- 
cion  Provisional  Die.  22,  1824,  Mexico,  1824;  Leyes  Constitutionals. 
24  Die.  1829.  In  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1830,  317;  Leyes  Vigentes  en  1829; 
Memorias  de  Guerra,  Hacienda,  Justicia,  Relaciones,  etc.  Mexico, 
1822  et  seq.  [Annual  Reports  of  the  Mexican  government  in  its  differ- 
ent departments,  cited  by  name  and  date.  Nearly  all  contain  more  or 
less  on  California.  About  200  vols.];  Providencia  de  la  Suprema  Corte, 
11  Nov.  1837.  In  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1838,  p.  572;  Reglamento  para  la 
Colonization,  1828.  MS.;  Reglamento  de  la  Direction  de  Colonization. 
Mexico,  1846;  Reglamento  de  Elecciones  19  Juiiio  1843.  MS.;  Regla- 
mento Provisional,  Departmentos,  20  Marzo.  In  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1837, 
p.  202;  Roglameiito  para  el  ramo  de  Pasaportes,  1828.  MS.;  Reglamento 
para  la  Tcsoreria  general.  Mexico,  1831.  4to;  Reglas  para  Elecciones  de 
Diputados  y  Ayuutamiento.  1830.  In  Arrillaga,  Recop.  1830,  p.  253. 

Meyer  (Carl),  Nach  dern  Sacramento.     Aaran,  1855. 

Meyrick  (Henry),  Santa  Cruz  and  Monterey.     San  Francisco,  1880. 

Micheltorena  (.Manuel),  Administration  in  Upper  California,     n.pl.,  n.d. 

Micheltorena  (Manuel),  Bando  Econ6mico,  19  Jimio  1843.     MS. 

Micheltorena  (Manuel),  ConciudaJanos,  etc.     Monterey,  Die.  10,  1844. 

Micheltorena  (Manuel),  Correspondencia  Miscelaiiea  del  Sr  Gobernador.    MS. 

Miclicltorcna  (Manuel),  Decreto  por  el  cual  devueive  las  Misiones  alos  Frailes, 
1843.  MS. 

Micheltorena  (Manuel),  Decreto  Prohibieiido  la  Iiitroduccion  de  Efectos 
Ertningcroa.  Monterey,  Julio  30,  1844. 

Micheltorena  (Manuel),  Digest  of  Correspondence,  1843.     n.pl.,  n.d. 

Micheltorena,  (flannel),  El  C [Anuncia  la  Apertura  de  las  Sesiones  de  la 

Diputacion.]    Monterey,  28  Agosto,  1844. 

Micheltorena  (^Manuel),  El  C. .  .[Decreto  de  la  Asamblea,  Recursos  para  la 

Guerra  Probable.]    Monterey,  3  Sept.  1844. 
•   Micheltorena  planuel),  Instruccioues,  1842.    MS. 

Micheltorena  (Manuel),  Medidas  de  Defensa  contra  los  E.  U.,  1844.   MS. 


Ixiv  AUTHORITIES  QtlOTED. 

Miclicltorena  (Manuel),  Reglamento  de  Escuelas  Amigas,  1S44.     MS. 
Micheltorena  (Manuel),  Reglamento  de  Milicia  Auxiliar.     Monterey,  16  de 

Julio,  1844. 

Millennial  Star.     Manchester,  Liverpool,  etc.,  1841-79.  41  vols. 
Miller  (Joaquin),  The  Danitesdn  the  Sierras.     Chicago,  1881;  Life  among  the 

Modocs.     London,  1873;  First  Fam'lies  of  the  Sierras.     Chicago,  1876; 

Shadows  of  Shasta.     Chicago,  1881;  A  Sierra  Wedding.     In  San  Jose" 

Pioneer,  Nov.  17,  1877. 
Millville,  Shasta  County  Record. 
Miner  (The).     San  Francisco,  1866. 
Miners'  Own  Book  (The).     San  Francisco,  1858. 
Mining  Companies,  Reports,  etc.     Cited  by  name  of  company.     Not  given 

in  this  list. 

Mining  Magazine.     New  York,  1853  et  seq. 
Miscellaneous  Historical  Papers.     A  Collection.     MS. 
Miscellaneous  Statements  on  California  History.     MS. 
Miscellany.     A  Collection.  9  vols. 
Misiones,  Cuaderno  de  Estados,  en  satisfaction  de  los  puntos  que  el  Sr  Comi- 

sionado  pide  a  la  Prefectura,  1822.     MS. 
Misiones,  Informes  Anuales  y  Bienales,  Indice  y  Notas.     MS.     In  Arch.  Sta 

Barbara,  v.  passim;  x.  495-526;  xii.  51-129. 
Mission  Books.     See  name  of  the  Mission. 

Mission  Land  Grants,  Opinions,  etc.     In  Hayes'  Mission  Book,  ii.  35. 
Mission  Music,  An  immense  parchment  folio  with  introduction  by  P.  Duran, 

1813.     MS. 
Mission  Reports,  different  dates  and  establishments  scattered  in  the  archives. 

Many  cited  by  name  of  author  or  mission. 
Mission  Statistics.     MS. 

Modesto,  Herald,  San  Joaquin  Valley  Mirror,  Stanislaus  County  Weekly  News; 
Mofras  (Eugene  Duflot  de),  Cartas  de  un  Viagero.     MS. 
Mofras  (Eugene  Duflot  de),  Exploration  de  1'Or^gon,  des  Californies,  etc. 

Paris,  1844.  2  vols.  and  atlas. 

Mohan  (H.)  et  al.,  Pen  Pictures  of  our  Representative  Men.     Sac.,  1880. 
Mokelumne,  Calaveras  County  Chronicle. 

Mollhausen  (Baldwin),  Diary  of  a  Journey.     London,  1858.  2  vols. 
Mollhausen  (Baldwin),  Tagebuch  einer  Reise  vom  Mississippi,  etc.     Leipzig, 

1858.  4to. 

Mone  (Alexander),  A  Pioneer  of  1847.     MS. 
Monitor,  Alpine  Miner. 
Montanus  (Arnoldus),  Die  Nieuwe  en  Onbekande  Weereld.     Amsterdam. 

1671.  folio. 
Montanus  (Arnoldus),  Die  Unbekannte  Neue  Welt.  [Translated  by  Dapper.] 

Amsterdam,  1673. 
Monterey,  Accounts  of  the  Presidial  Company,  Rosters,  etc.   MS.    Chidfly 

in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.;  and  St.  Pap.,  Sac. 
Monterey,  Actos  del  Ayuntamiento,  1831-5.     MS. 

Monterey,  Acuerdo  del  Ayunt.  y  de  la  Diputacion  contra  el  Cambio  de  Capi- 
tal, 1835.     MS. 

Monterey,  Archive  de.  MS.  16  vols. 

Monterey,  Californian,  1846-8.  Also  a  vol.  of  MS.  extracts. 
Monterey,  Cuentas  de  la  Compauia  Presidial,  1828.    MS. 
Monterey,  Democrat,  Gazette,  Herald,  Recorder. 
Monterey,  Diario  de  Sucesos,  1800-2.     MS. 
Monterey,  Extracto  de  Noticias.    Mexico,  1770, 
Monterey,  Official  Account  of  the  Taking  of.     Pittsburg,  1848. 
Monterey,  Ordenanzas  Municipales,  1828.     MS. 
Monterey,  Padron  General,  1836.     MS. 
Mqnterey,  Parroquia,  Archive.     MS. 
Mi  ojterey,  Peticion  del  Ayuntamiento  en  favor  de  Frailcs  Espanoles,  1829. 

MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixv 

Monterey,   President's  Mess.,   Information  on  taking  of,  by  Com.  Jones. 

[27th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  If.  Ex.  Doc.  No.  166.] 
Monterey,  Ranches  existentes,  1795.     MS. 
Monterey,  U.  S.  Consulate  Record.     MS.  2  vols. 
Monterey  County,  History  of.     San  Francisco,  1881.   4to. 
Montesdeoca  Document.     Nov.  14,  1845.    MS. 

Montgomery  (Richard  Z.),  Recollections  Mining  Camps  1853^4.     MS. 
Montgomery   (Zachary),   Speech   in  Assembly  of  Cal.,   April  10,    1861,   on 

Common  Schools.    Sacramento,  1861 ;  Various  other  Speeches  on  same 

Subject. 

Moore  (Augustin),  Pioneer  Experiences.  MS. 
Moore  and  De  Pues.     See  San  Mateo  County  History. 
Mora  (Jos6  Maria  Luis),  Obras  Sueltas.     Paris,  1837.  2  vols. 
Moraga  (Gabriel),  Cartas.  MS. 

Moraga  (Gabriel),  Diario  de  su  Expedicion  al  Puerto  de  Bodega,  1810.    MS. 
Moraga  (Jose'  Joaquin),  Escritos  Sueltos.  MS. 

Moraga  (Jose"  Joaquin),  Informe  de  1777  sobre  cosas  de  San  Francisco.  MS. 
Moraga  (Jos6  Joaquin),  Instruccion  y  6rden  que  debe  observar  el  cabo  de 

Escolta  de  S.  Jose",  1782.    MS. 

Morehead  (C.  S.),  Speech,  Apr.  23,  1850,  on  Admission  of  Cal.   Wash.,  1850. 
Morelli  (Ciriacus),  Fasti  Novi  Orbis  et  Ordinationum.     Venetiis,  1776.  4to. 
•SMorenhaut,  Correspondence  of  the  French  Consul.  MS. 
Moreno  (Jose  Matias),  Docuinentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.  MS. 
^loreno  (Juan  B.),  Vida  Militar.  MS. 

^Morgan  (Martha  M.),  A  Trip  across  the  Plains.     San  Francisco,  1864. 
I'lorineau  (P.  de),  Notice  sur  la  Nouville  Calif ornie.  1834.     In  Soc.  Ge"og,, 

Bulletin,  xv.;  Nouv.  An.  Voy.,  Ixi.  137. 
Mormon  Battalion,  List  of  Officers  and  Men.     MS. 
Morrell  (Benjamin  W.),  Narrative  of  Four  Voyages.     New  York,  1832. 
Morris  (Albert  F.),  Diary  of  a  Crazy  Man.     MS. 
Morris  (George  B.),  The  Chinaman  as  hois.     MS. 

Morse  (J.  F.),  Illustrated  History  of  California,  etc.     Sacramento,  1854. 
Morskoi  Svornik,  1858. 

Moulder  (A.  J.),  Commentaries  on  the  School  Law.     Sacramento,  1858. 
Mountaineering  on  the  Pacific.     In  Harper's  Mag. ,  xxxix. ,  793. 
Mowry  (Sylvester),  The  Mines  of  the  West.     New  York,  1864. 
Mugartegui  (Pablo),  Carta  al  P.  Lasuen,  1794.     MS. 
Mugartegui  (Pablo)  and  Tomas  de  la  Peaa,  Parecer  sobre  el  establecimiento 

de  un  Convento  en  S.  Francisco,  1797.     MS. 
Muhlenpfordt  (Eduard),  Versuch  einer  getreuen  Schilderung  der  Republik 

Mexico.     Hanover,  1844.  3  vols. 
Municipal  laws,  regulations,  reports,  and  other  public  documents,  cited  by 

name  of  town,  but  for  the  most  part  not  in  this  list. 
Mufioz  (Juan  Antonio),  Cartas  del  Capitan.     MS. 
Mufioz  (Pedro),  Diario  de  la  Expedicion  hecha  por  D.  Gabriel  Moraga  al  Tu- 

'  lar,  1806.     MS. 
Murguia  (Jose"  Antonio),  and  Tomas  de  la  Pena,  Informe  de  Sta  Clara,  1777. 

MS. 

Murphy  (Timothy),  Letters  from  1824.     ^IS. 

Murray  (Charles  Aug.),  Travels  in  North  America.     New  York,  1839. 
Murray  (E.  F.),  Miscellaneous  Documents.     MS. 
Murray  (Walter),  Narrative  of  a  California  Volunteer,  1847.     MS. 
Musica  de  Misiones.     MS. 

Nacion  (La).     Mexico,  1856  et  seq. 
Nanaimo  (B.  C.),  Free  Press. 

Napa  City,  Classic,  Napa  County  Reporter,  Pacific  Echo,  Register. 
Napa  and  Lake  Counties,  History  of  (Slocum,  Bowen,  and  Co.)     San  Fran- 
cisco, 1881.  4to. 
National  Democratic  Quarterly  Review.     Washington,  1859  et  seq. 


Ixvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Nava  (Pedro),  Comunicaciones  del  Comandante  Gen.  de  Provincias  Intcrnas, 

1791  et  seq.     MS. 
Nava  (Pedro),  Informe  sobre  Proyecto  de  Abrir  Carainos  entre  CaL  y  N,  Mexico, 

1801.     MS. 
Navarrete  (Martin  Fernandez),  Introduccion.     In  Sutil  y  Mexicana,  Viage; 

Viages  Apocrifos.     In  Col.  Doc.  In6d. ,  xv. 
Nayarit,  Informe  de  la  And.  de  Guadalajara,  1784.     MS. 
Neal  (Samuel),  Notice  of  a  Pioneer  of  '45.     MS. 
Neall  (James),  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

Nevada  (Cal.)  Democrat,  Gazette,  Herald,  Journal,  National  Gazette,  Tran- 
script. 

Nevada  County,  History  of.     Oakland,  1881.     Atlas  folio. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Correspondcncia  Misceldnea  del  Cob1'-,  1775  et  seq.     MS. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Informe  de  25  de  Abril  1777.     MS. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Informe  sobre  Reglamento,  1778.     MS. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Instruccion  al  Ayudante  Inspector  Soler,  1782.     MS, 
Neve  (Felipe),  Instruccion  a  Fages  sobre  Gobierno  Interino,  1782.     MS. 
Neve  (Felipe),  Instruccion  para  laFundacion  de  Los  Angeles,  1701.     MS» 
Neve  (Felipe),  Instruccion  que  hadegobernar  al  Comte  de  Sta  Barbara,  1782. 

MS. 

Neve  (Felipe),  Reglamento  6  Instruccion,  1779.  MS. 

New  Almadeii — a  great  number  of  briefs,  arguments,  opinions,  documents, 
etc.,  in  the  cases  of  Castillero,  Fossat,  and  others  against  the  U.  S.; 
also  the  following  pamphlets  on  the  eaine  subject :  Correspondence.  San 
Francisco,  1858;  The  Discussion  Reviewed,  S.  F.  1850;  i  f  the 

Attorney-General  in  California.  New  York,  I860;  Further  Correspond- 
ence in  relation  to.  San  Francisco,  1859;  (Letter  to  Hon.  J.  G.  LJLick, 
from  'a  Cal.  Pioneer').  New  York,  18GO;  Letter  to  the  President  of  the 
U.  S.  (by  John  T.  Doyle),  New  York,  I860;  Letters  fro  icisco 

Herald,  Dec.  1858;  Report  of  Attorney-General  to  the  President,  Resolu- 
tions of  Cal.  Leg.,  I860;  Smart  and  Cornered,  n.  pi.,  n.d. 
Newark  (N.'J.),  Advertiser. 
New  Haven  (Conn.),  Journal  and  Courier. 
New  Helvetia,  Diary  of  Events  in  1845-8.     MS. 
New  Orleans  (La.),  Advertiser,  Bee,  Commercial  Times,  Courier,  Picayune, 

Tropic. 

Newspapers  of  California  and  other  states  of  the  Pacific  U.  S.     The  most 
important  are  cited  under  the  name  of  the  town  where  published,  and 
many  of  them  named  in  this  list. 
New  Tacoma  (Wash.),  Ledger. 
New  Westminster  (B.  C.),  Mainland  Guardian. 

New  York,  Bulletin,  Commercial  Advertiser,  Commercial  Journal  and  Regis- 
ter, Courier,    Graphic,   Evangelist,    Evening  Post,    Herald,  Journal  of 
Commerce,  Mail,  Post,  Sun,  Sunday  Times,  Times,  Tribune,  World. 
Nicolay  (C.  G.),  Oregon  Territory.     London,  1846. 
Nidever  (George),  Life  and  Adventures  of  an  Old  Trapper.     MS. 
Niel  (Juan  Amando),  Apuntaciones  a  las  memorias  de  Ger6nimo  de  Zarate 

Salmeron.     In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  ser.  iii.,  torn.  iv.  78. 
Niles' Register.     Baltimore,  etc.,  1^11-19.  70  vols. 

Nordhoff  (Charles),  California:  for  Health,  Pleasure,  etc.  New  York, 
1873  ;  Northern  California,  Oregon,  etc.  New  York,  1874  ;  New  York, 
1877. 

Norman  (Lucia),  A  Youth's  History  of  California.     San  Francisco,  1867. 
North  American  Review.     Boston,  1819  et  seq. 
North  San  Juan,  Press,  War  Club. 
North  Pacific  Review.     San  Francisco,  1862  et  seq. 
Noticioso  General.     Mexico,  1815-21.  6  vols. 
Nouvellcs  Annales  des  Voyages.     Paris,  1819-60.  168  vols. 
Nucva  Espafia,  Acuerdos  de  la  Junta  Sup.  dc  Real  Hacienda,  1794.     MS. 
Nuevo  Mexico,  Expediente  de  Abigeato,  1833.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixvii 

Nuez  (Joaquin  Pascual),  Diario  del  Capellan  de  la  Expedicion  para  los  Ama- 

javas,  1819.     MS. 
Nugent  (John),  Scraps  of  Early  History.    In  S.  F.  Argonaut,  April  13,  1878. 

Oajaca,  Esposicion,  1828. 

Oakland,  Alamcda  Democrat,  Argus,  California  Cadet,  College  Echo,  Dem- 
ocrat, Diamoni  Press,  Dominion  Press,  Herald,  Home  Journal  and 
Alameda  County  Advertiser,  Homestead,  Independent  Itemizer,  Journal, 
Mirror,  Monthly  Review,  Ncvloeaii  Review,  News,  Notes  of  Wording, 
Our  Paper,  People's  Champion,  Press,  Radiator,  Semitropical  Press, 
Signs  of  the  Times,  Termini,  Times,  Torchlight,  Transcript,  Tribune, 
University  Echo. 

Oakland  Public  Schools,  Annual  Reports.  Oakland,  1870  et  seq.;  many 
oilier  municipal  documents. 

Observador  Judicial  y  de  Legislacion.     Mexico,  1842  et  seq. 

Occident  and  Orient.     Melbourne,  etc. 

Odd  Fellows.  A  large  number  of  publications  of  different  lodges  of  the 
order,  cited  under  the  above  title. 

Ogilby  (John),  America.     London,  1071.  folio. 

Olbes  (Ramon),  Cartas  sobre  el  Tumulto  de  Sta  Cruz,  1818.     MS. 

Olds  (Edsoa  B.),  Speech,  July  24,  1850,  on  California  Question.  Wash.,  1850. 

Olney  (James  N.),  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

Olvera  (AgnsLin),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS. 

Olvcra  (Agustin),  Varias  Cartas.     MS. 

Olynrpia,  Commercial  Age,   Echo,  Pacific  Tribune,   Puget  Sound  Courier. 

O'Mcara  (James),  Brodcrick  and  Gwin.     San  Francisco,  1881. 

Ope.racion  Ccsarea.     MS.     [A  relic  of  the  missions.] 

Orations.     See  Speeches. 

Ord  (Aagustias  do  la  Guerra),  Ocurrencias  en  California.     MS. 

Ord  (J.  L.),  Reminiscences  of  '47.     MS. 

Grdaz  (Lias),  Cartas  del  Padre.     MS. 

Orclaz  (Bias),  Diario  de  la  Expedicion  de  Luis  Argiiello  al  Norte,  1821.     MS. 

Ordenanzas  Manicipalcs,  [1824.]    MS. 

Orders,  secret,  benevolent,  etc.     See  Institutions. 

Oregon,  Spectator.     184G  et  seq. 

Oregon  City,  Argus. 

'Orlcar.3  (Cal),  Klamath  News,  Northern  Record. 

Oro  Moliclo,  cu  lengua  de  Indies  por  Padre  Arroyo.     MS. 

Oroville,  Lutte  County  Press,  Butte  County,  Butte  Record,  Mercury. 

Orr  (:•[.  M.),  The  City  of  Stockton;  Its  Position,  etc.     Stockton,  1874. 

Ortega  (Felipe  Maria),  Diario  qtte  forma.    Iveeonociiniento  de  Sitios,  1 705.    MS. 

Ortega  (Joso  Francisco),  Comunicaciones  del  Comandante  de  S.  Diego  d  Rivera 
y  Moncada,  1774-6.  MS. 

Ortega  (Jos6  Francisco),  Correspondencia.     MS. 

Ortega  (Jose"  Francisco),  Fragmento  de  1709.     MS. 

Ortega  (Jose*  Francisco),  Informe  de  30  Nov.  1775.    MS. 

Ortega  (Jos6  Francisco),  Memorial  sobre  sus  Meritos  y  Servicios  Militares, 
1786. 

Orteliva  (Abrahamva),  Theatrvm  Orbis  Tcrrarum.    Antverpia3,  1573.   folio. 

Osborn  (W.  B.),  Narrative  of  a  Visit  to  S.  Francisco,  1844.    MS. 

Osio  (Antonio  Maria),  Carta  sobre  Combinaciones  Politicas,  183G.     MS. 

Oslo  (Antonio  Maria),  Carta  a-  Vallejo.     20  Nov.  1830.  MS. 

Osio  (Antonio  Maria),  Escritos  Sucltos.     MS. 

Osio  (  "aria),  Ilistoria  de  California.     MS. 

Osufca  (Jv.r.n  Z.Iaria),  Cartas.     MS. 

1  (il.  Fr.),  Californien  und  Seine  Verhaltnisse.     Leipzig,  1849. 

Overland  ?.I;:il  Service  to  California,     n.pl.  [1857]. 

Overland  Monthly.     San  Francisco,  1808-75.     15  vols. 

Owen  (J.  J.),  Santa  Clara  Valley.     San  Jose,  1873. 

Owl  (The),  San  Francisco,  1809  et  seq. 


Ixviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

P.  (D.  P.  E.)     See  California,  m  Viagero  Universal. 

Pabellon  Nacional  (El),  Mexico,  18-14  et  seq. 

Pacheco,  Contra  Costa  Gazette,  Contra  Costa  News 

Pachecb  (Dolores),  Cartas.     MS. 

Pacheco  (Romualdo),  Cartas,  1825-31.     MS. 

Pacheco  (Salvio),  Escritos  de  uii  vecino  de  S.  Josd.     MS. 

Pacific  Coast  Educational  Journal.     San  Francisco,  1874. 

Pacific  Coast  Mines.     San  Francisco,  1876. 

Pacific  Expositor,  San  Francisco,  1860-2.     3  vols. 

Pacific  Mail  Steamship  Company,  Annual  Reports.     New  York,  1854  et  seq.; 

and  various  pamphlets. 

Pacific  Medical  and  Surgical  Journal.     San  Francisco,  1858  et  seq. 
Pacific  Railroad.     A  Collection ;  also  a  large  number  of  publications  cited  by 

this  title. 

Pacific  Railroad  Reports.  Washington,  1855-00.  4to.  13  vols. 
Pacific  School  and  Home  Journal.  San  Francisco,  1877  et  seq. 
Pacific  Wagon  Roads,  Reports  upon  [35th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  108; 

Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  3G.]     Wash.,  1858. 

Paddock  (A.  G.),  The  Fate  of  Madame  La  Tour.     New  York,  1881. 
Padre's  (Josd  Maria)  Correspondencia  de  un  Republicano.     MS. 
Padre's  (Jose"  Maria),  Protesta  que  dirige  al  Gefe  Politico,  1835.     MS. 
Paez  (Juan).     See  Cabrillo,  Relacion. 
Pajaro,  Monterey  Union. 

Palmer  (J.  W.),  The  New  and  the  Old.     New  York,  1859. 
Palmer  (Joel),  Early  Intercourse.    MS.     Journal  of  Travels  over  the  Rocky 

Mountains,  1845-6.     Cincinnati,  1852;  Wagon  Trains.     MS. 
Palmer  (Lyman  L.),  see  Napa  and  Lake  County  History. 
Palmer   (William  J. ),  Report  of  Surveys  across  the  Continent  in  1867-8. 

Philadelphia,  1869. 

Palomares  (Josd  Francisco),  Memoria.     MS. 

Palou  (Francisco),  Circular  sobre  Informes  de  Misiones,  etc. ,  9  Oct.  1773.     MS. 
.Palou  (Francisco),  Comunicacion  al  Presidents  sobre  Haciones,  1781.     MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Correspondencia  del  Misionero.     MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Defuncion  del  Padre  Junipero  Serra,  1784.     MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Espedicion  y  Registrode  S.  Francisco.  In  Id.,  Not,  ii.  43. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Fondo  Piadoso  de  Misiones  de  California,  etc.,  1772.     MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Informe  de  10  Die.  1773.  In  Id.,  Not.,  ii.  11. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Informe  que  por  el  mes  de  Diciembre  de  1773  hizo  alVirey 

Bucareli.    MS. 

Palou  (Francisco),  Informe  sobre  Quejas  del  Gobernador,  1785.     MS. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Letter  of  Aug.  15,  1783.     In  Hist.  Mag.,  iv.  67. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Noticias  de  la  California.     Mexico,  1857.    In  Doc.  Hist. 

Mex.,  ser.  iv.,  torn,  vi.-vii. ;  San  Francisco,  1874.  4  vols. 
Palou  (Francisco),  Relacion  Hist6rica  de  la  Vida  etc.  de  Junipero   Serra. 

Mexico,  1787. 

Pamphlets.     A  collection.  5  vols. 
Panamd,  Star  and  Herald.     Panama,  1849  et  seq. 
Panamint,  News. 
Pangua  (Tomas  de),  Carta  al  Virey  sobre  Peligros  que  amenazan  la  California, 

1804.     MS. 

Papeles  Varios.     A  collection  of  Spanish  and  Mexican  pamphlets.  218  vols. 
Parker  (Richard),  Speech,  Feb.  28, 1850,  on  President's  Mess,  on  Cal.    Wash. 

1850. 

Parkinson  (R.  R.),  Pen  Portraits.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
Parkman  (Francis  J.),  The  California  and  Oregon  Trail.     New  York,  1849. 
Parrish  (J.  L.),  Anecdotes  of  Oregon.     MS. 
Parrott  (John),  Business  Letters.     MS. 

Parsons  (George  F.),  Life  and  Adventures  of  James  W.  Marshall.     Sacra- 
mento, 1870. 
Paschal  (George  W.),  Speech,  in  the  Case  of  Win.  McGarrahan.    Wash.,  1869. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixix 

Paterna  (Antonio)  Iiiformes  de  la  Mision  de  Sta  Barbara,  1787-92.  MS. 

Patterson  (George),  Adventures  of  a  Pioneer  of  1840.     MS. 

Patterson  (George  W.),  Across  Mexico  to  California.     MS. 

Patterson  (Lawson  B.),  Twelve  Years  in  the  Mines  of  California.  Cambridge, 
18G2. 

Pattie  (James  0.),  Personal  Narratives.     Cincinnati,  1833. 

Paty  (John),  Letters  of  a  Sea  Captain.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Circular  a  los  Padres,  1818.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Circular  a  los  Padres,  1819.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Circular  del  Presidente,  1817.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Circular  en  que  prohibe  el  uso  de  Carruajes,  1821.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Comunicacion  sobre  laMisionde  la  Purisima,  1S10.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Cordillera  sobre  suministracion  de  Viveres,  1821.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Correspondencia  del  Misionero  Prefecto.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Dos  Circulares  sobre  Contrata  con  McCullocli,  Hartnell  y 
Cia,  1822.  MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Informe  por  el  Comisario  Prefecto  del  Actual  Estado  do 
los  19'Misiones,  1820.  MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Informes  Bienales  de  Misiones,  1815-20.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Iiistruccion  del  Vicario  Foraneo,  1817.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Memorial  d,  los  Padres,  1821.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Memorial  d  los  Padres,  sobre  la  Cesion  de  las  Nueve  Misio- 
nes del  Sur,  1820.  MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Memorial  de  2  de  Junio,  1820.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Memorial  sobre  Isueva  Iglesia  en  Los  Angeles,  1821.  MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Noticia  de  un  Viage  a  S.  Rafael,  1818.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Noticias  sobre  Ross.  Diario  de  suCaminata  con  el  Comi- 
sario del  Imperio,  1822.  MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Peticion  al  Gobernador,  1819.     MS. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  Representacion  sobre  Innovaciones  del  Sr  Gobernador, 
1821.  MS. 

Payson  (G.),  Romance  of  California.     New  York,  1851. 

Peabody  (Alfred),  Early  Days  and  Rapid  Growth  of  Cal.     Salem,  1874. 

Pearce  (J.  A.),  Speech,  Apr.  29,  1852,  Affairs  in  California.  Washington, 
1852. 

Pearson  (Gustavus  C.),  Recollections  of  a  California  '49er.     MS. 

Peckham  (R.  F.),  Biographical  Sketches.  S.  Jose"  Pioneer,  June  9  et  seq., 
1877. 

Peckham  (R.  F.),  An  Eventful  Life.     MS. 

Peirce  (Henry  A.),  Biography.     San  Francisco,  1880. 

Peirce  (Henry  A.),  Journals  of  Voyages,  1839-42.     MS. 

Peirce  (Henry  A.),  Letter  of  1842.     In  Mies'  Register. 

Peirce  (Henry  A.),  Memoranda  of  a  Xavigator.     MS. 

Peirce  (Henry  A.),  Rough  Sketch.     MS. 

Pefia  (Cosme),  Escritos  de  un  Abogado.     MS. 

Peiia  (Tomas),  Cargo  de  Homicidio  contra  el  Padre,  1783-95.     MS. 

Peiia  (Tomasj,  Diario  del  Viage  de  Perez,  1774.     MS. 

Peiia  (Tomas),  Peticion  del  Guardian  sobre  limites  de  Sta  Clara,  1798.    MS. 

Pensamiento  Nacional  (El).     Mexico,  1855  et  seq. 

Peralta  (Luis),  Cartas  del  Sargento.     MS. 

Peralta  (Luis),  Diario  de  una  Expedicion  contra  Gentiles;  1805.     MS. 

Perez  (Cornelio),  Memoria  Historica.     MS. 

Perez  (Eulalia),  Una  Vieja  y  Sus  Recuerdos.     MS. 

Perez  (Juan),  Formulario,  Escripturas  de  Posesion,  1773.     MS. 

Perez  (Juan),  Iiistruccion  que  el  Virey  diu  d  los  Comaudaiites  de  Buques  de 
Exploration,  24  Dec.  1773.  MS.  In  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Mex. 

Perez  (Juan),  Recuerdos  Hist6ricos.     MS. 

Perez  (Juan),  Relacion  del  Viage,  1774.     MS. 

Perez  (Juan),  Tabla  Diaria,  1774.     MS. 

Perez  Fernandez  (Jose),  Cartas  del  Alferez  de  Artilleria.     MS. 


Ixx  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Perez  Fernandez  (Jose"),  Cuenta  General  de  la  Habilitacionde  Mont,  1796.    MS. 

Perkins  (Joseph  J. ),  A  Business  Man's  Estimate  of  Santa  Barbara  County. 
Santa  Barbara,  1881. 

Perry  (J.  E.),  Travels,  Scenes,  and  Sufferings  in  Cuba,  etc.     Boston,  1853. 

Petaluma,  Argus,  Courier,  Crescent,  Journal  and  Argus,  Land  Journal,  Sonoma 
County  Journal,  Standard. 

Peters  (Do  Witt  C.),  Life  arid  Adventures  of  Kit  Carsqn.     New  York,  1859. 

Petit-Tbouars  (Abel  de),  Voyage  autour  du  Monde,  1836-9.  Paris,  1840-4. 
5  vols. 

Peto  (SirS.  Morton),  The  Resources  of  America.     London,  etc.,  1866. 

Peyri  (Antonio),  Cartas  del  Fraile.     MS. 

Peyster  (JohnW.),  Personal  and  Military  History  of  P.  Kearny.    N.  Y.,  1869. 

PfeifFer  (Ida),  A  Lady's  Second  Voyage  round  the  World.  New  York, 
1853. 

Pbelps  (John  S.),  Speech,  June  8,  1850,  on  Admission  of  Cal.    Wash.  [1850]. 

Phelps  (W.  D.),  Fore  and  Aft.     Boston,  1871. 

Philadelphia,  American  Gazette,  Evening  Star,  Inquirer,  Ledger,  Press, 
Record,  Times. 

Phillips  (C.H.),  Southern  California.     San  Francisco,  1879. 

Phillips  (J.  Arthur),  The  Mining  and  Metallurgy  of  Gold  and  Silver.  Lon- 
don, 1837. 

Photographic  Album  of  California  Pioneers.  2  vols. 

Pickett  (Charles  E.),  Address  to  the  Veterans  of  the  Mexican  War.  San 
Francisco,  1880;  Land  Gambling  versus  Mining  Gambling.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1879,  1880;  Paris  Exposition.  San  Francisco,  1877;  and  other 
pamphlets. 

Pico  (Andr<5s),  Papeles  de  Misiones.  MS.     1828-46. 

Pico  ( Jose*  de  Jesus),  Acoutecimientos  en  California.     MS. 

Pico  ( Jos6  de  Jesus),  Mofras  at  S.  Antonio,  1842.     MS. 

Pico  (Jose  Maria,  Dolores,  Andre's,  Antonio  Maria,  Jose*  Antonio,  Jose"  de 
Jesus,  Pio,  etc.)  Cartas.  MS. 

Pico  (Jos6  Ramon),  Documentos  para  la  Historiade  Cal.     MS.  3  vols. 

Pico  (Pio),  Correspondencia  con  Vocales  Recalcitrantes  del  Norte,  1845,  MS. 

Pico  (Pio),  Decreto  de  Abril  4,  1846.     Venta  de  Misiones.     MS. 

Pico  (Pio),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS.  2  vols. 

Pico  (Pio),  Narracion  Hist6rica.     MS. 

Pico  (Pio),  Protesta  al  Manifiesto  de  D.  Manuel  Victoria,  1831.  MS. 

Pico  (Pio),  Reglameiito  del  Gobr-  para  la  Enagenacion  y  arriendo  de  Misiones, 
1845.  MS. 

Pifia  (Joaquin),  Diario  de  la  Espedicion  al  Valle  de  S.  Jose,  1829.     MS. 

Piuart  (Alphonse),  Coleccion  de  Documentos  Originales  para  la  Historia  de 
Mexico.  MS. 

Pinart  (Alphonse),  Documents  on  Russian  America.     MS. 

Pinart  (Alphonse),  Documents  for  the  History  of  Chihuahua,  1786-1855.  MS. 
and  print.  2  vols. 

Pinart  (Alphonse),  Documents  for  the  History  of  Sonora,  1784-1863.  MS. 
and  print,  folio.  5  vols. 

Pine  (George  W.),  Beyond  the  West.     Utica,  1871. 

Pinkerton  (John),  General  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels.  London, 
1808-14.  4to.  17  vols. 

Pinto  (Rafael),  Apuntaciones  para  la  Historia.     MS. 

Pinto  (Rafael),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS. 

Pio  VI.,  Breve  Apost61ico  en  que  se  les  concede  varias  gracias  &  los  Misione- 
ros,  1797.  MS. 

Pioneer  (The).     San  Francisco,  1854-5.  4  vols. 

Pioneer  Journalism  in  California.  In  Upham's  Notes;  Rowell's  Newspaper 
Reporter  and  Advertiser's  Guide. 

Pioneer  Panama  Passengers.  Re-union  on  the  4th  of  June,  1874.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1874. 

Pioneer  Perils,  Donner  Party.     In  S.  F.  Call,  Oct.  3,  1880,  and  other  papers. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxi 

Pioneer  Sketches,  A  Collection.     MS. 

Pitic,  Instruction  que  se  form6  para  el  establecimiento  de  la  Nueva  Villa, 
17S9.  MS.;  also  print. 

Placerville,  Courier,  El  Dorado  County  Republican,  Mirror,  Mountain  Demo- 
crat, News. 

Plan  para  Arreglo  de  Misiones,  1825.     In  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Cal. 

Plan  de  Colonizacion  Estrangera,  1825.     In  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Cal.. 

Plan  de  Colonizacion  de  Nacionales,  1825.     In  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Cal. 

Plan  de  Gobierno  adoptado  por  la  Diputacion  en  Sta  Barbara,  1837.     MS. 

Plan  de  Gobierno  Provincial.     Monterey,  1824.  MS. 

Plan  de  Independencia  adoptada  por  la  Diputacion,  7  Nov.  1833.     Monterey. 

Plan  de  Independencia  Calif orniana,  1836.     Monterey,  1830. 

Plan  Politico  Mercantil,  1825.     In  Junta  de  Fomento  de  Cal. 

Plan  de  Propios  y  Arbitrios  para  Fondos  Muiiicipales,  1834.  Monterey, 
1834. 

Plan  de  S.  Diego  que  proclamaron  Zamorano,  Bandini,  y  Otros,  1837.    MS. 

Player-Frowd  (J.  G.),  Six  Months  in  California.     London,  1872. 

Plumbe  (John),  Memorial  against  Asa  Whitney's  Railroad  Scheme.  Wash- 
ington, 1851. 

Point  Arena,  News,  Recorder. 

Poll-lists,  cited  by  name  of  county  or  town.     Not  in  this  list. 

Portilla  (Pablo),  Diario  de  una  Expedicion  al  Tular,  1824.     MS. 

Portilla  (Pablo),  Escritos  del  Capitan.     MS. 

Portland  (Or.),  Bulletin,  Catholic  Sentinel,  Oregonian,  Standard,  Telegram, 
West  Shore. 

Portold,  (Gaspar),  Diario  del  Viage  a  la  California,  1769.     MS. 

Potechin,  Selenie  Ross,  1859.   MS.  translation. 

Powers  (Stephen),  Autobiographical  Sketch.     MS. 

Praslow  (J.),  Der  Staat  Californien.     Gottingen,  1857. 

Pratt  (Parley  Parker),  The  Autobiography  of.     New  York,  1874. 

Presidial  Company  Accounts,  Rosters,  etc.  San  Francisco,  Monterey,  Santa 
Barbara,  and  San  Diego.  [Scattered  in  the  archives.] 

Presidios,  Reglamento  6  Instruccion,  1772.     Madrid,  1772;  Mexico,  1773. 

Preston  (William  B.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.  Feb.  7,  1849.  On  Forma- 
tion of  a  New  State.  Washington,  1849. 

Prieto  (Guillermo),  Indicaciones  sobre  el  origen,  etc.,  de  las  Rentas  Generales 
do  la  Federacion  Mcxicana.  Mexicp,  1850;  Viaje  a  los  Estados  Unidos. 
Mexico,  1878-9.  3  vols. 

Privileges  Concedidos  &  Indies,  1803.     MS. 

Pronunciamiento  de  Apalategui  en  Los  Angeles,  1835.     In  Figueroa,  Man. 

Pronunciamiento  de  Monterey  contra  el  Plan  de  San  Diego,  1832.     MS. 

Pronunciamiento  de  San  Diego  contra  Viatoria,  1831.     MS. 

Pronunciumiento  de  Varela  y  otros  contra,  los  Americanos,  1846.     MS. 

Protesta  de  los  Padres  contra  Gabelas,  1817.     MS. 

Providence  (R.  I.)  Journal. 

Provincial  Records.     MS.  12  vols.     In  Archivo  de  Cal. 

Provincial  State  Papers.  MS.  22  vols.  In  Archivo  de  Cal. ;  Id.,  Presidios. 
2  vcb. ;  Id. ,  Benicia  Military.  52  vols. ;  Id. ,  Benicia  Miscel.  2  vols. 

Prudon  (Victor),  Correspondence  d'un  Francais  en  Californie.     MS. 

Prudon  (Victor),  Vigilantes  de  Los  Angeles,  1836.     MS. 

Purchas,  His  Pilgrimage.     London,  1014.  9  books -in  1  vol.  folio. 

Purchas,  His  Pilgrimes.     London,  1625-0.  folio.  5  vols. 

Purisima,  Cuaderno  de  Tratados  Medicos.     MS. 

Purisima,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

Purisima,  Peticion  de  los  Padres  sobre  traslado  de  la  Mision,  1813.    MS. 

Purkitt  (J.  H.),  Letter  on  the  Water  Front  Improvement.  San  Francisco, 
1850. 

Putnam  (Harvey),  Speech,  July  30,  1850,  on  Admission  of  California.  Wash. 
1850. 

Putnam's  Magazine.     New  York,  1863  et  seq. 


Ixxii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Quarterly  Review.     London,  1809  et  seq. 

Queue  Ordinance,  The  Invalidity  of  the.     San  Francisco,  1879. 
Quicksilver:  Facts  concerning  Mines  in  Santa  Clara  Co. ,  Cal.     N.  Y.,  1859. 
Quigley  (Hugh),  The  Irish  Race  in  California,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
Quijas  (Jose  Lorenzo  de  la  Concepcion),  Cartas  del  Padre.     MS. 
Quimper  (Manuel),  Segundo  Reconocimiento,  1790.     MS. 

Rabbison  (Antonio  B.),  Growth  of  Towns.     MS. 

Rae  (W.  F.),  Westward  by  Rail.     London,  1870, 

Rae  (William  V.),  Investigacion  judicial  sobre  su  suicidio>  1845.     MS. 

Railroad  Companies,  Reports,  etc.  See  name  of  company.  Many  consulted 
are  not  named  in  this  list. 

Railroads  and  Steamships.     A  collection. 

Ralston  (William  C.),  Affectionate  Tribute  to.  San  Francisco,  1875;  Memo- 
rial of.  San  Francisco,  1875. 

Ramirez  (Angel),  Cartas  del  Ex-Fraile.     MS. 

Ramsey  (Albert  C.),  The  Other  Side.     New  York,  1850. 

Randolph  (Edmund),  Oration  before  Society  of  Cal.  Pioneers,  Sept.  1860. 
In  Hutchings'  Mag.,  v.  263;  Outline  of  the  History  of  Cal.  S.  F.,  1868. 

Randolph  (W.  C.),  Statement  of  a  Pioneer  of  1849.     MS. 

Raymond  (Rossiter  W.),  Mining  Industry  of  the  States  and  Territories  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains.  N.  Y.,  1874;  Silver  and  Gold.  N.  Y.,  1873;  Sta- 
tistics of  Mines  and  Mining.  Wash.,  1873. 

Raynal  (G.  T.),  Histoire  Philosophique.     Paris,  1820-1.   12  vols.  and  at  .as. 

Razonador  (El),  Mexico,  1847  et  seq. 

Reading,  Independent. 

Recopilacion  de  Leyes  de  Los  Reynos  de  las  Indias  mandadas  Imprimir  y 
Publicar  por  Carlos  II.  Madrid,  1791.  folio,  4  vols. 

Redding  (Benjamin  B.),  In  Memoriam.     San  Francisco,  1882. 

Rednitz  (L. ),  Getreuester  und  Zuverlassigster  Wegweiser  und  Rathgeber  zur 
Reise  nach  und  in  Amerika  und  Calif ornien.  Berlin,  1852. 

Redwood  City,  San  Mateo  Journal,  San  Mateo  Times  and  Gazette. 

Reed  (James  F.),  The  Donner  Tragedy.  In  Pacific  Rural  Press,  and  San  Jose* 
Pioneer,  1877. 

Registro  de  Licencias  Militares,  1839.     MS. 

Reglamento  de  24  de  Mayo,  1773.     In  Palou,  Not.,  i.  556. 

Reglamento  de  Contribuciones  sobre  Licores,  1824.     MS. 

Reglamento  de  Defensores  de  la  Independencia,  1845.     MS. 

Reglamento,  Determinacion  de  8  de  Julio,  1773.     In  Palou,  Not.,  i.  589. 

Reglamento  sobre  Ganados,  1827.     MS. 

Reglamento  para  el  Gobierno  Interior  de  la  Junta  Departmental,  1840.     MS. 

Reglamento  de  Misiones  Secularizadas,  1834.     MS. 

Reglamento  Provisional  para  el  gobierno  interior  de  la  Diputacion.  Monte- 
rey, 1834.  [The  first  book  printed  in  California.] 

Reid  (Perfecto  Hugo),  Cartas.     MS. 

Keid  (Perfecto  Hugo),  Los  Angeles  County  Indians.  In  Hayes  Mission  Book, 
i.,  from  Los  Angeles  Star. 

Rejon  (Manuel  C.),  Observaciones  del  Diputado  saliente  contra  los  Tratados 
de  Paz.  Quere-taro,  1848. 

Relacion  de  las  Embarcaciones  que  han  conducido  los  Situados,  1781-96.  MS. 

Rengel  (Jos6  Antonio),  Comunicaciones  de  Provincias  Interims,  1784—6.    MS. 

Requena  (Manuel),  Documentos  para  la'Historia  de  California.     MS. 

Requena  (Manuel),  Escritos  de  uii  Ciudadano  de  Angeles.     MS. 

Restaurador  (El),  Mexico,  1846  et  seq. 

Retes  (Manuel),  Portentosas  Riquezas.     In  Estrella  de  Occid.    Oct.  19,  1860. 

Revere  (Joseph  Warren),  Keel  and  Saddle.  Boston,  1871;  A  Tour  of  Duty 
iu  California.  N.  Y.  etc.,  1849. 

'Revilla  Gigedo  (Virey),  Carta  de  27  Die.,  1793.     MS. 

Revilla  Gigedo  (Virey),  Carta  sobre  Misiones,  1793.     In  Dice.  Univ.,  v.  426. 

Revilla  Gigedo  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobr.  de  Cal.,  1790-4.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxiii 

Revilla  Gigedo  (Virey),  Informe  de  12  Abril,  1793.     lu  Bustamante,  Suple- 

mento,  iii.  112. 

Revilla  Gigedo  (Virey),  Instruccion  que  dej6  escrita,  1789-94.     MS.  2  vols. 
Revista  Cientifica  y  Literaria  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1845  et  seq. 
Revue  des  Deux  Mondes.     Paris,  1839  et  seq. 
Reynolds  (J.  N.),  Pacific  Ocean  and  South  Sea.  [23d  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex. 

Doc.  105.]    Wash.,  1834. 
Reynolds  (Stephen),  Register  of  Vessels  at  Honolulu,  1824-42.     In  Honolulu 

Friend,  ii.,  1849. 

Rezanof  (Nikolai),  Zapiski,  1805-6.     In  Tikhmdnef,  Istor.  Obos.,  Appen. 
Rhoads  (Daniel),  Relief  of  Donner  Party,  184G.     MS. 
Richardson  (Albert  D.),  Beyond  the  Mississippi.     Hartford,  1867. 
Richardson  (Benjamin),  Mining  Experiences.     MS. 
Richardson  (H.  D.),  History  of  the  Foundation  of  Vallejo.     MS. 
Richardson  (William  A.),  Letters  of  a  Pioneer  Sailor.     MS. 
Richardson  (William  A.),  Salidas  de  Buques  del  Puerto  de  San  Francisco, 

1837-8.     MS. 

Richardson  (William  A.),  Tarifa  de  Fletes  y  Pasages,  S.  Francisco,  1848.  MS. 
Richardson  (J.)  et  al.,  Zoology  of  Beechey's  Voyage.     Lond.,  1839-40. 
Rico  (Francisco),  Memorias  Hist6ricas.     MS. 
Riesgo  and  Value's,  Memoria  Estadistica.     Guadalajara,  1828; 
Riley  (Bennett),  Military  Correspondence  [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  52]. 

Wash.,  1849;  Miscellaneous  proclamations  of  the  Military  Governor,  1849; 

Proclaim  a  los  Habitantes  de  California,  3  Junio,  1848.    Monterey,  1848; 

Tour  of  the  Gold  Regions  [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  17]. 
Ringgold  (Cadwalader),  Correspondence  to  Accompany  Maps  and  Charts  of  Cal. 

Wash.,  1851;  A  Series  of  Charts  with  Sailing  Directions.  Wash.,  1852. 
Rio  Vista,  Enterprise,  Gleaner. 

Ripalda,  Catecismo  de  la  Doctrina  Cristiana.     Monterey,  1842. 
Ripley  (R.  S.),  The  War  with  Mexico.     New  York,  1849.  2  vols. 
Ripoll  (Antonio),  Levaiitamiento  de  Indios  en  Santa  Barbara,  1824.     MS. 
Rivera,  Nueva  Coleccion  de  Leyes.     [Mexico.]     1835. 
Rivera  (Manuel),  Los  Gobernantes  de  Mexico.     Mexico,  1872.  2  vols. 
Rivera  y  Moncada  (Fernando),  Carta  al  Padre  Serra,  1775.    MS. 
Rivera  y  Moncada  (Fernando),  Diligencias  en  la  Toma  de  posesion  del  Mando, 

1774.  MS. 

Rivera  y  Moncada  (Fernando),  Escritos  Sueltos  del  Comandante  General.   MS. 
-  Rivera  y  Moncada  (Fernando),  Merced  de  Tierras  al  Soldado  Manuel  Butron, 

1775.  MS. 

Roach  (Philip  A.),  Historical  Facts  from  1849.     MS. 
Rabbins  (Thomas  M.),  Diary,  1843-6.     MS. 
Roberts  (George  B. ),  Recollections  of  Hudson's  Bay  Co.     MS. 
Robinson  (Alfred),  Life  in  California.     New  York,  1846. 
Robinson  (Alfred),  Statement  of  Recollections  from  1829.     MS. 
Robinson  (Fayette),  California  and  its  Gold  Regions.     New  York,  1849. 
Robinson  (Marshall),  A  Trip  in  Southern  California.     Carson,  1879. 
Robles  (Sccundino),  Relacion  de  un  Californio.     MS. 
Rodenbough  (Theo.  F.),  From  Eyerglade  to  Canon.     New  York,  1875. 
Roder  (Henry),  Bellingham  Bay.     MS. 

Rodriguez  (Jacinto),  Narracion  sobre  Tiempos  Pasados.     MS. 
Rodriguez  (Jos6  B.),  Recuerdos  Hist6ricos.     MS. 

Rodriguez  (Manuel),  Lo  Acaecido  con  Tripulantes  de  la  Byrd,  1803.     MS. 
Rodriguez  (Manuel),  Correspondencia  de  un  Militar.     MS. 
Rodriguez  (Manuel),  Respuesta  a  las  Quince  Preguntas,  1798.     MS. 
Rogers  (J.  Henry),  The  California  Hundred.     San  Francisco,  1805. 
Rogers  (William  H.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 
Rogers  (Woodes),  A  Cruising  Voyage  round  the  World.     London,  1718. 
Rollm  (M.),  M<5inoire  Physiologique,  1786.     In  La  Perouse,  Voy.,  iv.  50. 
Romero  (Jose"),  Documentos  relatives  a  su  Expediciou  para  abrir  Camino  entre 
Sonora  y  California,  1823-6.     MS. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    6 


Ixxiv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Romero  (Jose*  Maria),  Memorias  de  un  Anciano.     MS. 

Romero  ( Jose1  Mariano)  Catecismo  de  Ortologia  dedicado  d  los  Alumnos  de  la 
Escuela  Normal  de  Monterrey.  Monterrey,  1836. 

Romero  (Vicente),  Notes  of  the  Past.     MS. 

Romeu  (Jose"  Antonio),  Cartas  al  P.  Presidente  Lasuen,  1791.     MS. 

Romeu  (Josd  Antonio),  Correspondencia  del  Sr  Gobenmclor.     MS. 

Roquefeuil  (Camille  de),  Journal  d'un  Voyage  autour  du  Monde,  1816-^19. 
Paris,  1823.  2vols.;  Voyage  round  the  World.  Lond.,  1823. 

Rosa  (Luis  de  la),  Ensayo  sobre  la  Administracion  Publica  de  Mexico.  Mex- 
ico, 1853.  4to. 

Rosas  (Jose"  Antonio),  Causa  Criminal,  1800-1.     MS. 

Rosignon  (Julio),  Porvenir  de  Vera  Paz.     Guatemala,  1861. 

Ross,  Contrat  de  Vente,  1841.     MS. 

Ross,  Propuesta  de  Venta  6  Inventario,  1841.     MS. 

Ross  (Charles  L.),  Experiences  in  '47.     MS. 

Ross  (John  E.),  Narrative  of  an  Indian  Fighter.     MS. 

Ross  (Joseph),  Sketch  of  Experiences.     MS. 

Ross  (James)  and  George  Gary.  From  Wise,  to  Cal.  and  Return.  Madison,  1869. 

Rossi  (L'Abbo),  Souvenirs  d'un  Voyage  en  Oregon  et  en  Calif ornie.   Paris,  1864. 

Roswas:  (C. ),  Les  M6taux  Precieux  considered  au  point  de  vue  economique. 
Paris,  1865. 

Rotschef  (Alex.),  Deed  of  Ross  to  Slitter,  1841.     MS. 

Rouhaud  (Hippolyte),  Les  Regions  Nouvelles.    Paris,  1868. 

Rouset  de  Jesus,  Comunicaciones  y  Ordenes  del  Obispo  de  Sonora.     MS. 

Rovings  in  the  Pacific  from  1837-49.    London,  1831.  2  vols. 

Rowland  (John),  Lista  de  los  quo  le  acompaiiaron  en  su  llcgada,  1C41.     MS. 

Rubio  (Francisco),  Causa  Criminal  por  Asesinato  y  Estupro,  1828-31.     MS. 

Ruiz  (Francisco  Maria),  Cartas  del  Comandante  dc  San  Diego.     MS. 

Ruschenberger  (W.  S.  W.),  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  round  the  World  in 
1835-7.  London,  1838.  2  vols. 

Rush  (John  R.),  Biographical  Sketch.     MS. 

Rusling  (James  F.),  Across  America.     New  York,  1874. 

Russ,  Remembrances  of  a  Pioneer  of  1847.     MS. 

Russ  (Adolph  G.),  Biography  of  a  Pioneer  of  1847.     MS. 

Russell  (William  H.),  General  John  A.  Sutter.    n.pl.  n.d. 

Russell  (William  Howard),  Hesperothen.     New  York,  1882. 

Russian  American  Fur  Company,  Accounts,  1847-50.  MS. 

Ryan  (R,  F.),  Judges  and  Criminals.  In  Golden  Era  [1853];  Personal  Ad- 
ventures  in  Upper  and  Lower  California  in  1848-9.  London,  1850.  2  vols. 

Ryckman  (Gerritt  W.),  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

Saavedra  (Ramon),  Cartas  alGobr.  de  California,  1794.  MS. 

Sacramento,  Bee,  California  Express,  California  Free  Press,  California  Re- 
publican, Enterprise,  Herald,  Journal,  Leader,  News,  Phoenix,  Placer 
Times,  Record,  Record  Union,  Reporter,  Rescue,  Star,  State  Capital  Re- 
porter, State  Fair  Gazette,  Sun,  Transcript,  Travellers'  Guide,  Twice  a 
Week,  Ubiquitous,  Union,  Valley  Agriculturist,  Valley  World. 

Sacramento  Medical  Society,  Constitution,  etc.     Sacramento,  1S55. 

Sacramento,  Record  of  Criminal  Court  in  County  Clerk's  OiHcs,  1849.    MS. 

Sacramento,  Spanish  Archives  in  Oince  of  Sec.  State.     MS. 

Sacramento  County,  History.     Oakland,  1880.  folio. 

Sacramento  Valley  Railroad  Company,  Reports.     S.  F.,  1855  et  seq. 

Safford  (A.  K.  P.),  Narrative  of  Political  Events.     MS. 

Saint  Amant  (M.  de),  Voyages  en  Californie  et  dans  l'0r<5gon.    Paris,  1854. 

Saint  Helena,  Star,  Yosemite  Assembly. 

Saint  Louis  (Mo.),  Globe,  Reveille,  Union.      / 

Sal  (Heftnenegildo),  Cartas  Miscelaneas,  1777-1800.     MS. 

Sal  (Hermenegildo).  Informe.     31  de  Enero  1796.  MS. 

•Sal(Hcrmenegildo),  Informe  de  los  Parages  quo  sc  ban  reconocido  en  la  Ala 
meda,  1795.  MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  .    Ixxv 

Sal  (Hermenegildo),  Informes  sobre  los  Edificios  de  San  Francisco,  1792.    MS. 

Sal  (Hermenegildo),  Instruccion  al  Cabo  de  la  Escolta  de  Sta  Cruz,  1791.    MS. 

Sal  (Hermenegildo),  Reconocimiento  de  la  Mision  de  Sta  Cruz,  1791.  MS. 

Sal  (Hermenegildo),  Respuesta  a  las  Quince  Preguntas,  1798.     MS. 

Sala  (George  A.),  America  Revisited.     London,  1882.  2  vols. 

Salazar  (Alonso  Isidro),  Condicion  Actual  de  California,  1796.     MS. 

Salem,  Oregon  Statesman,  Willamette  Farmer. 

Sales  (Luis),  Noticias  de  Californias.     Valencia,  1794. 

Salidas  de  Buques  del  Puerto  de  S.  Francisco,  1837-8.     MS. 

Salinas  City,  Index,  Standard,  Town  Talk. 

Salmeron  (Ger6nimo  de  Zarate),  Relaciones  de  todas  las  cosas  que  en  el 
Nuevo  Mexico.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. ,  serie  iii.  torn.  iv. 

Salt  Lake  City  (Utah),  Deseret  News,  Herald,  Telegraph,  Tribune. 

Sammlung  aller  Reisebeschreibungen.     Leipzig,  1747-74.  4 to.  21  vols. 

San  Andreas,  Advertiser,  Calaveras  Times,  Citizen,  Foothill  Democrat,  Moun- 
tain News,  Register. 

San  Antonio,  Documentos  Sueltos,  1779  et  seq.     MS. 

San  Antonio,  Extracto  del  Libro  de  Difuntos.     Muerte  de  Sarria,  1835.     MS. 

San  Antonio,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Bernardino,  Argus,  Guardian,  Independent,  Times. 

San  Buenaventura,  Free  Press,  Ventura  Signal. 

San  Buenaventura,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Buenaventura,  Memorias  de  Efectos,  1790-1810.     MS. 

San  Buenaventura,  Sale  and  Transfer,  1846.     MS. 

San  Buenaventura,  Suministraciones  al  Presidio,  1810-20.     MS. 

San  .Carlos,  Maniiiesto  de  su  cargamento  para  California,  1769.     MS. 

San  Carlos,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

Sanchez  (Jose"  Antonio),  Campana  contra  Estanislao,  1829.     MS. 

Sanchez  (Jos6  Antonio),  Correspondencia  del  Alfe"rez.     MS. 

Sanchez  (Jose"  Antonio),  Diario  de  la  Caminata  que  hizo  el  P.  Prefecto  Pa- 
yeras,  San  Diego  a  San  Gabriel,  1822.  MS. 

Sanchez  ( Jos5  Antonio),  Diario  de  la  Expedicion,  Nueva  Planta  de  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1823.  MS. 

Sanchez  (Jos<3  Antonio),  Journal  of  the  enterprise  against  the  Cosemenes,  1826. 
In  Beechey's  Voy.,  ii.  27. 

Sanchez  (Jose"  Antonio),  Notas  al  Reglamento  de  Secularizacion,  1832.     MS. 

Sanchez  (Jose"  Ramon),  Notas  Dictadas  por  el  Ciudadano.     MS. 

Sanchez  (Vicente),  Cartas  de  un  Angelino.     MS. 

Sanchez,  Fidalgo,  and  Costans6,  Inforaie  sobre  auxilios  que  se  propone  enviar 
aCal.,  1795.  MS. 

Sancho  (Juan),  Informe  del  Guardian  al  Virey,  1785.     MS. 

Sancho  (Juan),  Informe  del  P.  Guardian  al  Virey.  20  Agosto,  1785.     MS. 

Saudels.     See  '  King's  Orphan. '  *• 

San  Diego,  Archive,  1820-50.     MS. 

San  Diego,  Bautismos,  1778-82.     MS. 

San  Diego,  Index  of  Archives,  by  Hayes.     MS. 

San  Diego,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Diego  Presidial  Company,  accounts  scattered  in  archives.     MS. 

San  Diego,  Pueblo  Lands  of,  Exceptions  to  Survey  made  by  John  C.  Hays, 
July,  1858..  San  Francisco,  1869. 

San  Diego,  Bulletin,  Union,  World. 

San  Diego  City,  Descriptive,  Historical,  Commercial,  Agricultural,  and  other 
Important  Information.  San  Diego,  1874. 

San  Diego  and  Southern  California,  The  Climate,  etc.     San  Diego,  n.d. 

San  Diego  the  California  Terminus  of  the  Texas  Pacific  R.  R.    San  Diego,  1872. 

San  Fernando,  Lista  Alfabe"tica  de  Ne6fitos.     MS. 

San  Francisco,  Act  to  Charter  the  City.     S.  F.,  1850;  many  other  acts. 

San  Francisco  Baptist  Association,  Minutes.     San  Francisco,  1850  et  seq. 

Sail  Francisco  Bulkhead,  Address  to  Members  of  State  Senate.  S.  F.,  1860; 
and  various  other  pamphlets  on  same  subject. 


Ixxvi  .  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

San  Francisco,  Chamber  of  Commerce,  Annual  Reports.     S.  F.,  1865  et  seq. 

San  Francisco  Chronicle  and  its  History.     San  Francisco,  1879. 

San  Francisco,  Cuentas  de  la  Compaiiia  Presidial,  1813-33.  MS.  25  vols. 
[Presented  by  Gen.  Vallejo.] 

San  Francisco  Custom  House,  Certified  List  of  Vessels,  etc.  S.  F.,  1873,  1875; 
Custom  House  Correspondence  on  subject  of  Appraisements.  Wash., 
1852;  and  other  documents. 

San  Francisco  Fire  Department,  Anniversary  of  Organization.  San  Francisco, 
1852  et  seq.;  Reports,  etc. 

San  Francisco,  Great  Earthquake  in.     San  Francisco,  n.d. 

San  Francisco,  History,  Incidents,  etc.    A  Collection. 

San  Francisco,  History  of  the  Vigilance  Committee.     San  Francisco,  1858. 

San  Francisco,  Land  Titles.     A  Collection. 

San  Francisco,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Francisco,  Memorial  of  Holders  and  Owners  of  the  Floating  Debt.  San 
Francisco,  1857. 

San  Francisco,  Municipal  Reports.  San  Francisco,  1859-82.  21  vols.;  also 
many  separate  pamphlets  on  city  affairs  and  institutions. 

San  Francisco  Newspapers.  Advocate,  Alta  California,  American  Flag, 
American  Union,  Argonaut,  Banner  of  Progress,  California  Chronicle, 
Cal.  Courier,  Cal.  Farmer,  Gal.  Leader,  Cal.  Rural  Home  Journal,  Cal. 
Spirit  of  the  Times,  Cal.  Star,  Calif ornian,  Call,  Catholic  Guardian, 
Chronicle,  Christian  Advocate,  Coast  Review,  Commercial  Advocate, 
Herald  and  Record,  Daily  Balance,  Herald  and  Placer  Times,  Demo- 
cratic Press,  Despatch;  Eco  de  la  Raza  Latina,  Elevator,  Evangel,  Even- 
ing Bulletin,  Examiner,  Figaro,  Globe,  Golden  Era,  Hebrew,  Hebrew 
Observer,  Illustrated  Wasp,  Journal,  Journal  of  Commerce,  Law  Gazette, 
Medical  Press,  Mercantile  Gazette,  Mining  and  Scientific  Press,  Monitor, 
National,  New  Age,  News  Letter,  Occident,  Pacific,  Pacific  Churchman, 
Pacific  Methodist,  Pacific  News,  Picayune,  Pioneer,  Post,  Scientific 
Press,  Resources  of  California,  Spectator,  Star  and  Californian,  Sun,  Sun- 
day Despatch,  Times,  Tribune,  True  Californian,  Wide  West,  etc. 

San  -Francisco,  New  City  Charter.     San  Francisco,  1883. 

San  Francisco,  Ordinances  and  Joint  Resolutions  of  the  City.  San  Francisco, 
1854;  and  other  ordinances  and  regulations. 

San  Francisco,  Our  Centennial  Memoir.     Sail  Francisco,  187?. 

San  Francisco  Presidial  Company,  Accounts,  rosters,  etc.,  scattered  in  the 
archives.  MS. 

San  Francisco,  Proceedings  of  the  Town  Council,  1849.     S.  F.,  1850. 

San  Francisco  Public  Schools,  Annual  Reports.  San  Francisco,  1850  et  seq. ; 
and  many  other  Documents  on  the  schools. 

San  Francisco,  Reglamento  del  Puerto,  1846.     MS. 

San  Francisco,  Remonstrance  of  the  City  to  the  Legislature  against  the  Ex- 
tension of  the  City.  San  Francisco.  1G54. 

San  Francisco,  Report  of  Board  of  Engineers  upon  City  Grades.  San  Fran- 
cisco, 1854. 

San  Francisco,  Reports  of  City  Surveyor.  San  Francisco,  1S56  et  seq.;  also 
reports  of  other  city  officers  and  boards. 

San  Francisco,  Report  in  relation  to  the  defence  of  the  harbor  [32d  Cong. , 
2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  43].  Washington,  1852. 

San  Francisco,  Report  for  the  transportation  of  mails  from  New  York,  New 
Orleans,  and  Vera  Cruz  [32d'Cong.,  Special  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  1], 
Washington,  1853. 

San  Francisco,  Resolution  in  relation  to  the  proceedings  of  the  Vigilance 
Committee  [34th  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  43].  Washington,  1856. 

San  Francisco,  Supervisors,  General  Orders.     San  Francisco,  1809  ct  seq. 

San  Francisco,  Town  Council,  Proceedings  of.    San  Francisco,  1849  et  seq. 

San  Francisco  del  Ati,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Francisco  Solano,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Francisco  Solano,  Padron  de  Neoutos.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxvii 

San  Gabriel,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Joaquin  County,  History  of.     Oakland,  1879.   atlas  folio. 

San  Joaquin,  Tulare,  and  Sacramento  Valleys,  Report  of  Commissioners  on 

Irrigation  [43d  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  290].     Wash.,  1873. 
San  Joaquin  Valley,  Brief  Description  of,  etc.     San  Francisco,  18G8. 
San  Joso,  Archive.     MS.  6  vols. 
San  Josd,  Advertiser,  Argus,    California   Agriculturist,  California  Granger, 

County  Fair  Advertiser,  Courier,  Herald,  Independent,  Mercury,  Morn- 
ing Guide,  Patriot,  Pioneer,  Santa  Clara  Argus. 
San  Jose",  Cuestion  de  Limitcs,  1707-1801.     MS. 
San  Josd,  Decree  confirming  Pueblo  of.     n.pl.,  n.d. 
San  Jose,  Libro  de  Patentes,  1800-24.     MS. 
San  Jose",  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

San  Josd,  Peticion  del  Ayunt.  en  favor  de  los  Frailes  Espanoles,  1829.     MS, 
San  Juan,  Central  California!!,  Echo,  Monterey  County  Journal. 
San  Juan  Bautista,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 
San  Juan  Capistrano,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 
San  Leandro,  Alameda  County  Gazette,  Alameda  Democrat,  Plaindealer, 

Record. 

San  Luis  Obispo,  Archive.     MS. 
San  Luis  Obispo,  Democratic  Standard,  Pioneer,  South  Coast,  South  Coast 

Advocate,  Tribune. 

San  Luis  Obispo,  History,  Laws,  and  Ordinances.     San  Luis  Obispo,  1870. 
San  Luis  Obispo,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 
San  Mateo,  Times. 

San  Mateo  County,  Illustrated  History.     San  Francisco,  1878.  atlas  folio. 
San  Miguel,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 
San  Miguel  (Juan  Rodriguez  de),  Documentos  relatives  al  Piadoso  Fondo  de 

Misiones  de  California.     Mcx.,  18-15;  Rectification  de  Graves  Equivoca- 

ciones  del  Fondo  Piadoso.    Mex.',  1845;  La  Republica  Meidcanacn  1840. 

Mcx.,  1845;  Segundo  Cuadcrno  de  Interesantes  Documentos  relatives  al 

Fondo  Piadoso.     Mcx.,  1845. 
San  Rafael,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 
San  Rafael,  Herald,  Marin  County  Journal,  Marin  County  News,  Marin  County 

Tocsin. 

San  Rafael  and  Coast  Range  Mines,  Report.     San  Francisco,  1879. 
Santa  Barbara,  Archive,  1839-49.     MS. 
Santa  Barbara,  Correspondencia  cntre  Virey,  Guardian  y  otros,  sobre  Padres 

para  las  Nucvas  Misiones  del  Canal,  1781.     MS. 
Santa  Barbara,  Democrat,  Gazette,  1855-7,  Independent,  Index,  News,  Post, 

Prc^s,  Republican,  Times. 

Santa  Barbara,  Libro  dc  Acuerdos  del  Ayuntamiento,  1849-50.     MS. 
Santa  Barbara,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

Santa  Barbara,  Memories  de  Efectos  Remitidos  &  la  Mision,  1780-1810.    MS. 
Santa  Barbara  Presidial  Company,  Accounts,  Rosters,  etc.,  scattered  in  the 

Archives.     MS. 

Santa  Clara,  Archivo  de  la  Parroquia.  MS. 
Santa  Clara,  Index,  Journal,  News,  Union. 
Santa  Clara,  Libros  dc  Mision.  MS. 

Santa  Clara  College,  Catalogues.     San  Francisco,  etc.,  1855  et  seq. 
Santa  Clara  County  Pioneers,  Constitution.     San  Josd,  1875. 
Santa  Clara  County,  Historical  Atlas  [Thompson  and  West].  S.F.,  1876.  atlas  fol. 
Santa  Cruz,  Archivo.     [Records  in  Clerk's  Office.]  MS. 
Santa  Cruz,  County  Times,  Courier,  Enterprise,  Journal,  Local  Item,  Pdjaro 

.Times,  Sentinel,  Times. 
Santa  Cruz,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 

Santa  Cruz,  A  Peep  into  the  Par;t.    Scrap-book.     From  Sta  Cruz  Local  Item. 
Santa  Cruz,  Records  in  Parish  Church.    MS. 
Santa  Cruz,  Tcstimonio  sobre  el  Tumulto  de  1818.     MS. 
Santa  Cruz  County,  History  of  [W.  Wallace  Elliott].    S.  F.,  1879.  atlas  folio. 


Ixxviii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Santa  Lie's,  Examen  de  Conciencia  en  lengua  de  Indies.     MS. 

Santa  Lie's,  Libros  de  Mision.     IMS. 

Santa  Maria  (Vicente),  Registro  de  Parages  entre  S.  Gabriel  y  S.  Buenaven- 
tura, 1795.    MS. 

Santa  Monica,  The  Coming  City.     San  Francisco,  1875;  Outlook. 

Santa  Rosa,  Collegian,  Democrat,  Herald,  News,  Press,  Republican,  Sonoma 
Democrat,  Sonoma  Index,  Times. 

Sargent  (Aaron  A.),  Sketch  of  Nevada  County,     n.pl.,  n.d. 

Sargent  (Aaron  A.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  April  9,  1862,  on  Pacific  Rail- 
road.    How  it  may  be  Built.     Wash.,  1862;  and  other  Speeches. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Argumento  Contra  el  Traslado  de  S.  Francisco, 
1823.  MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Carta  Pastoral,  1817.     MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Defensa  del  P.  Luis  Martinez,  1830.     MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Escritos  Sueltos  del  Comisario  Prefecto.    MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Exhortacion  Pastoral,  1813.     MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Informe  del  Comisario  Prefecto  sobre  los  Frailes 
de  California,  1817.     MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Informe  de  Misiones,  1819.     MS. 

Sarria  (Vicente  Francisco),  Sermones  en  Lengua  Vasciiense.     MS. 

Saunders  (William),  Through  the  Light  Continent.     London,  etc.,  1879. 

Savage  (Thomas),  Documejitos  para  la  Historia  de  California.    MS.  4  vols. 

Sawtelle(C.  M.),  Pioneer  Sketches.  MS. 

Sawyer  (A.  F.),  Mortuary  Tables  of  San  Francisco.     San  Francisco,  18G2. 

Sawyer  (Charles  H.),  Documents  on  the  Conquest  of  California,  1846.     MS. 

Sawyer  (Eugene  T.),  The  Life  and  Career  of  Tiburcio  Vazquez.     San  Jose", 
1875. 

Sawyer  (L.  S.  B.),,  Reports  of  Cases  Decided  in  the  Circuit  and  District 
Courts,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1873-80.  5  vols. 

Saxon  (Isabelle),  Five  Years  within  the  Golden  Gate.     Philadelphia,  1868. 

Sayward  (W.  T.),  All  about  Southern  California.     San  Francisco,  1875. 

Sayward  (W.  T. ),  Pioneer  Reminiscences.     MS. 

Scala  (Comte  de),  Influence  de  1'Ancien  Comptoir  Russe  en  Californie.     In 
Nouv.  An.  Voy.,  cxliv.  375. 

Schenck  (George  E.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 

Schlagintweit  (Robert  von),  Californien  Land  und  Leute.     Coin,  etc.,  1871. 

Schmidt  (Gustavus),  Civil  Law  of  Spain  and  Mexico.     New  Orleans,  1851. 

Schmiedell  (Henry),  Statement  of  California  Matters  from  1849.     IMS. 

Schmolder  (Capt.   B.),   Neuer  Praktischer  Wegweiser  fur  Nord-Amerika. 
Mainz,  1849. 

School  Scandal  of  San  Francisco.     Proceedings  before  the  Investigating  Com- 
mittee.    San  Francisco,  1878. 

Schools,  Colleges,  Academies,  etc.     Catalogues,  reports,  etc. ,  cited  by  name 
of  the  institution.     Not  in  this  list. 

Schwarz  (J.  L.),  Briefe  eines  Deutschen  aus  Kalifornien.     Berlin,  1849. 

Scribner's  Monthly  Magazine  (later  the  Century).     New  York,  1871  et  seq. 

Seattle,  Intelligencer,  Pacific  Tribune,  Pnget  Sound  Despatch. 

Secularizacion,  Decreto  de  las  Cortes,  1813.     MS. 

Seddon  (J.  A.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep,,  Jan.  23,  1850,  on  the  Action  of 
Executive  in  Relation  to  California.     Washington,  1850. 

Sedgley,  Overland  to  California  in  1849. 

Semblanzas  de  los  Miembros  del  Congreso  de  1827  y  1828.    Nueva  York,  1828. 

Semple  (Robert),  Letters  of  1846-9.     MS. 

Seiian  (Jose  Francisco  de  Paula),  Cartas  Varias;'    MS. 

Seiian  (Jose"  F.  de  P.),  Circular  del  Vicario  Foraneo,  1815.     MS. 

Seiian  (Josd  F.  de  P.),  Informes  Bienrles  de  Misiones,  1811-14,  1820-2.     MS. 

Seiian  (Jose"  F.  de  P.),  Respuesta  al  Virey  sobre  condicion  de  Cosas  en  Cal., 
1796.     MS. 

Sepulveda  (Ignacio),  Historical  Memoranda.     MS. 

Sermones  de  no  se  sabe  cuales  predicadores  de  California,  1790  etc.     MS. 


-i 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxix 

Sermones  Varios  de  Misioneros.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Cartas  al  P.  Lasuen,  1778-81.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Correspondencia,  1777-82.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Escritos  Autografos.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Informe  de  1774.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Informe  de  5  de  Feb.  1775.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Memorial  de  22  de  Abril,  1773,  sobre  suministraciones  a  los 

Establecimientos  de  California,  etc.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Notas  de  1776.     MS.  In  San  Diego,  Lib.  Mision. 
Serra  (Junipero),  Representacion  21  Mayo,  1773.     MS. 

Serra  (Junipero),  Representacion  13  Mayo,  1773.    In  Palou,  Not.  i.,  514;  MS. 
Serrano  (Florencio),  Apuntes  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Serrano  (Florencio),  Cartas  Varias.     MS. 
Serrano  (Florencio),  Recuerdos  Hist6ricos.     MS. 
Seward  (George  F.),  Chinese  Emigration  in  its  Social  and  Economical  Aspects. 

New  York,  1881. 
Seward  (William  II.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  Sen.  March  11,  1850,  on  Admission  ol 

California.    Washington,  1850;  and  other  Speeches. 
Seyd  (Ernest),  California  and  Its  Resources.     London,  1858. 

tymour  (E.  Sanford),  Emigrant's  Guide  to  the  Gold  Mines.     Chicago,  1849. 
aler  (William),  Journal  of  a  Voyage,  1804.    In  American  Register,  iii.  137. 
Shasta,  Courier. 

Shastas  and  Their  Neighbors.    MS. 

Shaw  (William),  Golden  Dreams  and  Waking  Realities.     London,  1851. 
Shaw  (William),  Pioneer  Life  in  Columbia  River  Valley.     MS. 
Shaw  (William  J.),  Speech  in  Sen.  of  Cal.  Feb.  7,  1856,  on  Constitutional 

Reform.     Sacramento,  1856;  arid  other  Speeches.. 

Shea  (John  Gilmary),  History  of  the  Catholic  Missions.     New  York,  1855. 
Shearer,  Journal  of  a  Trip  to  California,  1849.     MS. 
Shelvocke  (George),  Voyage  round  the  World,  1719-22.     London,  1726. 
Sherman  (William  T.),  Correspondence  of    Lieut.,   1847-8.     In  Cal.    &  N. 

Mex.,  Mess.  &  Doc.,  1850;  Memoirs.     N.  Y.,  1875.  2  vols. 
Sherwood  (J.  Ely),  California.     New  York,  1848;  The  Pocket  Guide  to  Cal 

ifornia.     N.  Y.,  1849. 
Shubrick  (W.  Branford),  Correspondence,  1847.     In  War  with  Mex.,  Reports, 

etc.;  Report  to  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Feb.  15,  1847.     In  30th  Cong., 

2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  i.  pt.  ii.  p.  65;  and  Stephen  W.  Kearny,  Circulai 

of  the  Naval  Commander  and  Governor,  March  1,  1847.     English  and 

Spanish. 
Shuck  (Oscar  T.),  California  Scrap-book,  San  Francisco,  1869;  Representative 

and  Leading  Men  of  the  Pacific.     S.  F.,  1870,  1875.  2  vols. 
Sierra,  Plumas,  and  Lassen  Counties,  Illustrated  History  of.     San  Francisco, 

1882.  4to. 
Silliman  (Benjamin),  American  Journal  of  Science  and  Art.     New  Haven, 

1819  et  seq.  107  vols. 

Silver  Mountain,  Alpine  Chronicle,  Bulletin, 
bimonin  (L.),  Le  Grand-Ouest  des  Etats-Unis.    Paris,  1869;  Les  Mines  d'Oret 

d 'Argent  aux  Etats-Unis.    In  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes.    Nov.  1875.  285; 

Le  Mineur  de  Californie.    Paris,  1800;  La  Vie  Souterraine.    Paris,  1867, 
Simpson  (Sir  George),  Narrative  of  a  Journey  round  the  World.     London, 

1847.  2  vols. 
Simpson' (Henry  I.),  The  Emigrant's  Guide  to  the  Gold  Mines.     New  York, 

1S48;  Three  Weeks  in  the  Gold  Mines.     N.  Y.,  1848. 
Simpson  (James  H.),  Report  of  Explorations  across  the  Great  Basin,  etc. 

Wash.,  1876;  The  Shortest  Route  to  California.     Phil.,  1809. 
Sinaloa,   Proposiciones  de  los  Representantes  sobre   clausura  de  Mazatlau, 

Mexico,  1837. 

Siskiyou  County  Affairs.     MS. 
Sitjar  (Antonio),  Reconocimiento  de  Sitio  para  la  Nueva  Mision  deS.  Miguel, 

1795.     MS. 


Ixxx  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Slacum  (William  A.),  Report  on  Oregon,  March  26,  1837.     [25th  Cong.,  3d 

Sess.,  H.  Kept.  101.]    Washington,  1838. 
Sloat  (John  D.),  Despatches  on  the  Conquest  of  Cal.     [29th  Cong.,  2d  Sess., 

H.  Ex.  Doc.  4,  p.  640;  31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  1,  pt.  ii.,  p.  2J;  also 

correspondence  1846.     MS. 
Smiley  (Thomas  J.  L.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee  and  Early  Times 

in  San  Francisco.     MS. 
Smith  (Jedediah),  Excursion  a  1'ouest  des  Monts  Rocky,  1820.     In  Nouv. 

An.  Voy.,  xxxvii.  208. 

Smith  (Napoleon  B.),  Biographical  Sketch  of  a  Pioneer  of  1845.     MS. 
Smith  (Persifer  F.),  Military  Correspondence.     [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen. 

Doc.  52.]    Washington,  1849. 

Smith  (Persifer  F.),  Bennett  Riley  et  als.     Reports  in  Relation  to  the  Geol- 
ogy and  Topography  of  California  and  Oregon.     [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess., 

Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  47.]     Washington,  1849. 
Smith  (Truman),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  March  2,  1848,  on  Physical 

Character  of  Northern  States  of  Mexico,  etc.  Washington,  1848. 
Smithsonian  Institution,  Annual  Reports.  Washington,  1833  ct  seq. 
Smucker  (Samuel  H.),  Life  of  Col.  J.  C.  Fremont.  .New  York,  1856. 
Snelling,  Merced  Banner,  Merced  Herald. 

Soberanes  (Clodomiro),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California.     MS. 
Sobrantes,  Survey  of  Rancho.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
Sociedad  Mexicana  de  Geografia  y  Estadistica,  Boletin.    Mexico,  1801  et  seq. 

[Includes  Institute)  Nacional.] 
Societies.     See  Institutions. 

Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Correspondencia  del  Gobernador,  1805-22.     IMS. 
Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Defensa  del  P.  Quintana  y  otros,  1816.     MS. 
Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Informe  al  General  Cruz  sobre  los  Insurgentcs,  1818.  MS. 
Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Informe  General  al  Virey  sobre  Dei'ens;'  ,   !  : :  7.     MS. 
Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Informe  suplementario  sobre  los  Insurgentes,  1818.  MS. 
Sola  (Pablo),  Instruccion  General  a  los  Comandantes,  contra  los  Insumentes, 

1818.     MS. 

Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Instracciones  al  Comisionado  de  Branciforte,  1816.  MS. 
Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Noticia  de  lo  acaecido  en  este  Puerto  de  Monterey, 

Rcbeldes  de  Buenos  Aires,  1818.  In  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  xxxix.  23. 
Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Observacioues  en  la  Visita  desde  S.  Francisco  hasta  S. 

Diego,  1818.    MS. 

Sola  (Pablo  Vicente),  Prevenciones  s4obre  Eleccion  de  Diputado,  1822.     MS. 
Solano  County,  Historical  Atlas.     San  Francisco,  1877.  atlas  folio. 
Solano  County,  History  of.     [Wood,  Alley  and  Co.]    San  Francisco,  1879. 
Soledad,  Libros  de  Mision.     MS. 
Soler  (NicoMs),  Cartas  del  Capitan  Inspector.     MS. 
Soler  (Nicolas),  Informe  sobre  Policia  y  Gobierno,  1787.     MS. 
Soler  (Nicolds),  Parecer  sobre  Comercio  con  cl  Buque  de  China,  1787.     MS. 
J3olignac  (Armand  de),  Les  Mines  de  la  Californie.     Limoges,  n.d. 
Soils  (Joaquin),  Manifesto  al  Publico,  6  sea  Plan  de  Revolucion,  1829.     MS. 
Solis  (Joaquin),  Proceso  Instruido  contra— y  otros  Revolucionaiios,  1G29-SO. 

MS. 

Sonoma,  Compania  de  Infanteria,  Cuaderno  de  Distribucion,  1839.     MS. 
Sonoma.  Documentos  Tocantes  a  la  fundacion  de  la  Nueva,  Mision,  1 8~3.  MS. 
Sonoma  County,  History  [Alley  Bowen  and  Co.]     San  Francis 
Sonora  (Cal.),  American  Eagle,  American  Flag,  Herald,  Tuolumue  Courier, 

Tuolumne  Independent,  Union  Democrat. 
Sonora,  Estrclla  de  Occidente.     1859  et  seq. 
Sonora,  Sonorense  (El).     1847  et  seq. 
Soto  (Francisco),  Expedicion  Militar,  1813.     MS. 
Soule  (Frank),  J.  H.  Gihon,  and  J.  Nisbet,  Annals  of  San  Francisco.     New 

York,  etc.,  1855. 
Southern  Pacific  Railroad  Company,  Annual  Reports.     San  Francisco,  1877 

et  seq. ;  and  other  documents. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxxf 

Southern  Quarterly  Review.     New  Orleans,  etc.,  1842  et  seq. 

Spaulding  (E.  G.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  April  4,  1850,  in  favor  of  Gen. 

Taylor's  Plan  of  Admitting  Cal.     Washington,  1C50. 

Speeches,  orations,  addresses,  etc.,  on  various  occasions,  not  named  in  this 
list  unless  peculiarly  historical  in  their  nature.     See  names  of  speakers. 
Speeches  in  Congress.     A  Collection. 
Spear  (Nathan),  Loose  Papers  of  an  Early  Trader.     MS. 
Speer  (William),  China  and  California,  Lecture,  June  23,  1853.     S.  F.,  1853. 
Spence  (David),  Historical  Notes,  1824-49.     MS. 
Spence  (David),  Letters  of  a  Scotchman  in  California.     MS 
Spence  (David),  List  of  Vessels  in  California  Ports.     MS. 
Springfield  (Mass.),  Republican. 

Spurr  (George  G.),  The  Land  of  Gold.     Boston,  1881. 

Squier  (E.  G.),  New  Mexico  and  California.     In  Amer.  Review,  Nov.  1848. 
Stanford  (Leland),  Speech  on  Pacific  Railroad,  July  13, 1334.    San  Francisco, 

1885;  also  other  speeches,  etc. 

Stanislaus  County,  History.     San  Francisco,  1881.  atlas  folio. 
Stanley  (E.),  Speech,  July  G,  1850,  on  Galpin  Claim.     Washington,  1850. 
Staples  (David  J.),  Incidents  and  Information.     MS. 
State  Papers,  Sacramento,  MS.,  19  vols.  in  Archive  de  Cal.;  Id.,  Missions,  11 

vols.;  Id.,  Missions  raid  Colonization,  2  vols.;  Id.,  Bcnicia,  1  vol. 
Statistician.     San  Francisco,  1875  et  seq. 
Stearns  (Abel),  Correspondence  of  a  Merchant.     MS. 
Stearns  (Abel),  Expediente  de  Contraband©,  1835.     MS. 
Steilaeoom  (W.  T.),  Puget  Sound  Express. 
Stevenson  (Jonathan  D.),  Correspondence,  1847-8.     In  Cal.  and  N.  Mex., 

Mess,  and  Doc.,  1850. 

Stevenson  (Jonathan  D.),  Letters  in  the  Archives.     MS. 
Stevenson's  Regiment  in  Lower  California,  1847.     In  S.  Jose  Pioneer,  Sept. 

14,  21,  1878. 
Steward  (William  M.),  Lecture  on  the  Mineral  Resources  of  the  Pacific 

States.     New  York,  1805. 
-Stillmaii  (J.  D.  B.),  Did  Drake  Discover  San  Francisco  Bay?    In  Overland 

Monthly,  i.  332;  Footprints  in  California  of  Early  :,     In  Id., 

Seeking  the  Golden  Fleece,  2C5;  Id.     In  Overlan  ly,  ii.   257; 

Observations  on  the  Medical  Topography  an cl  Diseases  oT  .:icnto 

Valley.    N.  Y.,  1851;  Seeking  the  Golden  Fleece.     Saa  Francisco,  etc., 

1877;  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 
St  Louis  (Mo.),  Globe,  Reveille,  Union. 

Stimson  (A.  L.),  History  of  the  Express  Companies.     New  York,  1853. 
Stirling  (Patrick  James),  The  Australian  and  Calif ornian  Gold  Discoveries. 

Edinburgh,  1C33;  Do  la  Decouverte  des  Mines  d'Or  en  Australie  et  en 

Calif  ornie.     Paris,  1853. 
Stockton,  Beacon,  California  Agriculturist,  Gazette,   Herald,  Independent, 

Pacific  Observer,  San  Joaquiu  Herald,  San  Joaquin  Republican. 
Stockton,  History  of.    (See  Tinkham  George  H.) 
Stockton  (Robert  F.),  Despatches  [29th  Cong.,  2cl  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  4,  p.  668]; 

Despatches  and  Orders,  1847.    In  Ctitts'  Conquest;  Id.,  Life,  Appen. 

[,30th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  31];  also  in  diuerent  Archives.  MS.; 

Military  and  Naval  Operations  [30th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  31]; 

Miscellaneous  Orders  and  Correspondence.    In  Id.,  Life,  Arrpcii.;  Report 

Feb.  13,  1C13.     In  Id.,  24;  Report  Feb.  18,  184-3.     In  War  with  Mex., 

Rcpts.  33-50;  Scattered  Communications.  MS. ;  A  Sketch  of  the  Life  of. 

New  York,  1S56. 
Stockton  and  Copperopolis  Railroad,  Engineers' Report,  Oct.  18G2.    Stockton, 

18G2;  other  reports. 

Stone  (R.  C.),  Gold  and  Silver  Mines  of  America.     New  York,  n.d. 
Stout  (Arthur  B.),  Chinese  Immigration.     San  Francisco,  1CG2. 
Strahorn  (Robert  E.)  To  the  Rockies  and  Beyond.     Chicago,  1G01. 
Strceter  (William  A.),  Recollections  of  Historical  Events,  1813-78.     MS. 


Ixxxii  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Stuart  (Charles  V.),  Trip  to  California  in  1849.     MS. 

Stuart  (James  F. ),  Argument  on  Survey  of  the  Rancho  Rio  de  Santa  Clara. 
Washington,  1872;  List  showing  whereabouts  of  the  governor  at  differ- 
ent dates.     MS. 
..}         Studnitz  (Arthur  von),  Gold.     Legal  Regulations.     London,  1877. 

Suisun,  Solano  County  Democrat,  Solano  Herald,  Solano  Press,  Solano  Re- 
publican, Solano  Sentinel. 

Sumner  (Cal. ),  Kern  County  Gazette. 

Sumner  (Charles  A.),  The  Overland  Trip.     San  Francisco,  1875. 

Sun  of  Anahuac.     Vera  Cruz,  1847  et  seq. 

Sufiol  (Antonio),  Cartas  de  un  Catalan.     MS. 

Superior  Government  State  Papers.     MS.  21  vols.     In  Archivo  de  Cal. 

Susanville,  Farmer,  Lassen  Advocate,  Lassen  County  Journal,  Lassen  Sa'ge 
Brush. 

Sutil  y  Mexicana,  Relacion  del  Viage  hecho  por  las  Goletas.  Madrid,  1802 ; 
atlas.  4to. 

Sutro  (Adolph),  The  Mineral  Resources  of  the  U.  S.     Baltimore,  18G8. 

Sutter  (John  A.),  Correspondence,  1839-48.  MS. 

Sutter  (John  A.),  Correspondence  of  the  Sub-Indian  Agent,  1847-8.  In  Cal. 
and  N.  Mex.,  Mess,  and  Doc.  1850. 

Sutter  (John  A. ),  Diary,  1839-48.     Scrap-book  from  the  Argonaut,  1878. 

Sutter  (John  A.),  Examination  of  the  Russian  Grant.     Sacramento,  18GO. 

Sutter  (John  A.),  Memorial  to  the  Senate  and  House.     Wash.,  1876. 
~~7       Sutter  (John  A.),  Personal  Recollections.     MS. 

Sutter  (John  A. ),  Petition  to  Congress  [39th  Cong. ,  1st  Sess. ,  Sen.  Mis.  Doc.  38]. 

Sutter  (John  A.),  Statistical  Report  on  Indian  Tribes.     MS.     • 

Sutter  County,  History  of.  [Chamberlain  and  Wells.]  Oakland,  1879.     folio. 

Sutter-Sunol  Correspondence,  1840-6.     MS. 

Sutton  (0.  P.),  Early  Experiences.     MS. 

Swan  (John  A.),  Historical  Sketches,  1844,  etc.     MS. 

Swan  (John  A.),  Monterey  in  1842.     In  S.  Jose"  Pioneer,  Mar.  30,  1878. 

Swan  (John  A.),  Trip  to  the  Gold  Mines,  1848.     MS. 

Swan  (John  A.),  Writings  of  a  Pioneer.  In  S.  Jose"  Pioneer,  1878-9,  and 
other  newspapers. 

Swasey  (William  F.),  California  in  1845-6.     MS. 

Swascy  (William  F.),  Remarks  on  Snyder.     MS. 

Swett  (John),  History  of  the  Public  School  System  of  California.    S.  F.,  1876. 

Tapia  (Tiburcio),  Cartas  de  un  Vecino  de  Angeles.     MS. 

Tapis  (Est6van),  Cartas  del  Fraile.     MS. 

Tapis  (Este"van),  Expedicion  a  Calahuasa,  1798.     MS. 

Tapis  (Sste"van),  Informes  Bienales  de  Misiones,  1SC3-10.     MS. 

Tapis  (EsteYan),  Noticias  Presentadas  al  Gobr-  Arrillaga,  1808.     MS. 

Tapis  (Este"van),  Parecer  sobre  Repartimientos  dc  Indios,  1810.     MS. 

Tapis  (Este"van),  and  Juan  Corte"s,  Replica  de  loo  Ministros  de  Sta  Barbara, 
1800.  MS. 

Tarayre  (E.  Guillemin),  Exploration  Mineralogique  des  Regions  Mexicaines. 
Paris,  18CO. 

Tarbell  (Frank),  Victoria  Life  and  Travels.     MS. 

Taylor  (Alexander  S.),  Articles  in  California  Farmer;  Bibliografa  California. 
Scrap-book  from  Sac.  Union ;  Byron,  Xelson,  and  Napoleon  in  California. 
In  Pacific  Monthly,  xi.  C49;  Discoverers  and  Founders  cf  California.  MS. 
and  Scraps;  The  First  Voyage  to  California,  by  Cabrillo.  S.  F.,  1853; 
List  of  Pioneers.  MS. ;  Hist.  Summary  of  Lower  California.  In  Browne's 
Min.  Res.;  Odds  and  Ends.  MS.  and  Scraps;  Sketches  connected  with 
California  History,  n.pl.  [1855];  Specimens  cf  the  Press  [In  S.  F.  Mer- 
cantile Library];  The  Storehouse  of  California,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Taylor  (Bayard),  At  Home  and  Abroad.  New  York,  18(i7;  El  Dorado.  N.  Y., 
1850;  N.  Y.,  18C1. 

Taylor  (Benjamin  F.),  Between  the  Gates.     Chicago,  1878;  Chicago,  1880. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxxiii 

Taylor  (Christopher),  Oregonians  in  the  California  Mines,  1848.     MS. 

Taylor  (Mart),  The  Gold  Digger's  Song  Book.     Marysville,  185G. 

Taylor  (William),  California  JLife  Illustrated.     New  York,  1858. 

Taylor  (William),  Seven  Years'  Street  Preaching.     New  York,  1857. 

Tehama,  Independent,  Tocsin.  \ 

Temple  (Francis  P.  F.),  Recollections,  1841-7.     MS. 

Temple  (John),  Letters  of  a  Los  Angeles  Merchant.     MS. 

Territorial  Pioneers,  Annual  Meetings.  S.  F.,  1874etseq.;  Constitution  and 
By-La ws.  San  Francisco,  1874;  First  Annual.  S.  F.,  1877. 

Terry  (David  S.),  Trial  of,  by  the  Committee  of  Vigilance.     S.  F.,  1856. 

Tevis  (A.  H.),  Beyond  the  Sierras.     Philadelphia,  1877. 

Tevis  (Lloyd),  Address  before  the  American  Bankers'  Association,  Aug.  10, 
1881.  n.pl.,  u.d. 

Thomes  (R.  H.),  Life  of  an  Immigrant  of  1841.     MS. 

Thompson  (A.  B.),  Business  Correspondence.     MS. 

Thompson  (Ambrose  W.),  Memorial  [to  Congress],  Steamers  between  Cali- 
fornia, China,  and  Japan,  n.pl.  [1853]. 

Thompson  (Jacob).  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  June  5,  1850,  on  the  Califor- 
nia Question,  n.pl.,  n.d. 

Thompson  (John  R.),  Speech  on  the  Conquest  of  California  in  U.  S.  H.  of 
Rep.  June  5,  1850.  Washington,  1850. 

Thompson  (Robert  A.),  Historical  and  Descriptive  Sketch  of  Sonoma  County. 
Philadelphia,  1877. 

Thompson  (Waddy),  Recollections  of  Mexico.     New  York,  etc.,  1847. 

Thompson  and  West,  Publishers  of  Several  County  Histories.  See  names  of 
counties. 

Thomson  (Monroe),  The  Golden  Resources  of  California.     N.  Y.,  185G. 

Thornton  (Harry  J.),  Opinions  on  California  Private  Land  Claims.    San  Fran- 
cisco, 1853;  Speech  in  Cal.  'Sen.,  Feb.  8,  1SG1.     Sacramento,  1801. 
•Thornton  (J.  Quinn),  Oregon  and  California  in  1848.     N.  Y.,  1849.  2  vols. 

Thurman  (J.  11.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.  June  8,  1850,  on  the  California 
Question.  Washington.  1850. 

Thurston  (S.  R,),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  Mar.  25,  1850,  on  the  admis- 
sion of  Calif  ornia.  Washington,  1850. 

Tikhmenef  (P.),  Istoritcheskoe  Obosranie.    St  Petersburg,  1861.  2  vols. 

Tilford  (Frank),  Argument  on  San  Francisco  Outside  Lands.     Sac.,  1808. 

Tinkham  (George  H.),  History  of  Stockton.     San  Francisco,  1880. 

Todd  (John),  The  Sunset  Land.     Boston,  1870. 

Toombs  (Albert  G.),  The  Pioneer  Overlanders  of  1841.  In  S.  F.  Bulletin, 
July  27,  1868. 

Toombs  (R.),  Speech  in  U.  S.  H.  of  Rep.,  Feb.  27,  1850,  on  President's  Mes- 
sage Communicating  the  Constitution  of  California.  Washington,  1850. 

Torquemada  (Juan  de),  Monarquia  Indiana.     Madrid,  1723.  3  vols.  folio. 

Torre  (Estdvan  dc  la),  Reminiscencias,  1815-48.  MS. 

Torre  (Josa  Joaquin),  Varios  Escritos.     MS. 

Torres  (Manuel),  Peripecias  de  Vida  Calif orniana.     MS. 

Trait  d'Union  (Lc).     Mexico,  1SG1  ct  seq. 

Trask  (John  B. ),  Earthquakes  in  California  from  18CO  to  1804.  In  Cal.  Acacl. 
Science,  Proc.  vol.  iii.  pt.  ii.  130;  A  Register  of  Earthquakes  in  Califor- 
nia. San  Francisco,  1&G4. 

Tratado  de  las  Flores  entre  Alvarado  y  Carrillo,  1888.     MS. 

Tratado  de  Paz,  Amistad,  Lim.tes  y  arrcglo  definitive  entre  la  Republica 
Mexicana  y  los  Estados-Unidos.  Mexico,  1848. 

Treasure  City  (Nev.),  White  Pine  News. 

Treasury  of  Travel  and  Adventure.     New  York,  1865. 

Truckee,  Republican,  Tribune. 

Truett  (Miers  F. ),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee  in  San  Francisco.     MS. 

Truman  (Benjamin  C.),  Life,  Adventures,  etc.,  of  Tiburcio  Vasquez.  Los 
Angeles,  1874;  Occidental  Sketches.  S.  F.,  1881;  Semi-Tropical  Califor- 
nia. S.  F.,  1874. 


Ixxxiv  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Tulliclge  (Eilwarcl  W.),  Life  of  Brigham  'Young.  New  York,  1876;  The 
Women  of  Mormondon.  New  York,  1877. 

Tuolumne,  Citizen,  Courier,  News. 

Turner  (William  R.),  Documents  in  Relation  to  Charges  preferred  by  S.  J. 
Field,  etc.  San  Francisco,  1853;  Proceedings  of  the  Assembly  of  Cal., 
1831,  for  the  Impeachment  of.  Sac.,  1878. 

Turrill  (Charles  B.),  California  Notes.     San  Francisco,  1876. 

Tustin  (W.  J.),  Recollections  of  an  Immigrant  of  1845.     MS. 

Tuthill  (Franklin),  History  of  California.     San  Francisco,  18G5. 

Twining  (Win.  J.),  Report  of  Survey  on  the  Union  and  Central  Pacific  Rail- 
ways [44th  Cong.,  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  38].  Washington,  1875. 

Twiss  (Travers),  The  Oregon  Question.     London,  1846. 

Tyler  (Daniel),  A  Concise  History  of  the  Mormon  Battalion,     n.pl.,  1881. 

Tyson  (James  L.),  Diary  of  a  Physician  in  California.     New  York,  1850. 

Tyson  (Philip  T.),  Geology  and  Industrial  Resources  of  California.  Balti- 
more, 1851;  Memoir  on  Geology  and  Topography  of  California.  Report 
March  24,  1850  [31st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.  47].  Wash.,  1850. 

Tytler  (Patrick  Eraser),  Historical  View  of  the  Progress  of  Discovery.  Edin- 
burgh, 1833;  New  York,  1855. 

Ugarte  y  Loyola  (Jacobo),  Cartas  del  Comandante  General  de  Provincias  In- 
ternas.  MS. 

Ukiah,  City  Press,  Constitutional  Democrat,  Democratic  Despatch,  Mendo- 
cino  County  Press,  Mendocino  Democrat,  Mendocino  Herald. 

Ulloa  (Francisco),  Relatione  dello  Scoprimento,  1539.  In  Ramusio,  Viaggi, 
iii.  330. 

Ulloa  (Gonzalo),  Instrucciones  relativas  d  la  Comision.de  Estado  a  ambas 
Californias,  1822.  In  Ilustracion  Mej.  ii.  164. 

Unbound  Documents.     MS.  1  vol.     In  Archive  de  Cal. 

United  States  Exploring  Expedition  [Wilkes].  Philadelphia,  1844-58.  4to. 
17  vols.,  folio  8  vols. 

United  States  Geological  Surveys  West  of  the  100th  Meridian.  George  W. 
Wheeler.  Bulletins,  Reports,  and  Various  Publications.  Washington, 
1874  et  seq.  4to.  atlas  sheets,  maps. 

United  States  Government  Documents.  Accounts;  Agriculture;  Army  Reg- 
ister; Army  Meteorological  Register;  Banks;  Bureau  of  Statistics;  Cen- 
sus; Coast  Survey;  Commerce,  Foreign  and  Domestic;  Commerce  and 
Navigation;  Commercial  Relations;  Congressional  Directory;  Education; 
Engineers;  Finance;  Indian  Affairs;  Interior;  Land  Office;  Life-Saving  • 
Service;  Light-Houses;  Meteorological  Reports;  Mint;  Navy  Register; 
Navy  Report  of  Secretary;  Ordnance;  Pacific  Railroad;  Patent  Office; 
Postmaster-General;  Post-Offices;  Quartermaster-General;  Revenue;  U. 
S.  Official  Register.  Cited  by  their  dates. 

United  States  Government  Documents.  House  Exec.  Doc.;  House  Journal; 
House  Miscel.  Doc.;  House  Reports  of  Com.;  Message  and  Documents; 
Senate  Exec.  Doc.;  Journal;  Miscel.  Doc.;  Repts.  Com.  Cited  by  con- 
gress and  session.  Many  of  these  documents  have,  however,  separate 
titles,  for  which  see  author  or  topic. 

United  States  Supreme  Court,  Reports. 

United  States  and  Mexican  Boundary  Survey  by  Emory.  Wash.,  1857-9.  3  vols. 

Universal  (El).     Mexico,  1849  et  seq. 

University  of  California,  Act  to  Create  and  Organize,  n.pl.  n.d.;  also  many 
other  pamphlets,  Reports,  Addresses,  etc. 

Unzueta  (Juan  Antonio),  Informe  Presentado  al  Presidente  de  los  Estados 
Unidos  Mexicanos  por  cl  Contador  Mayor.  Mexico,  1833. 

Upham  (Charles  W.),  Life,  Explorations,  etc.,  of  J.  C.  Fremont.    Boston,  1856. 

Upham  (Samuel  C. ),  Ye  Ancient  Yuba  Miner  of  the  Days  of  '40.  ,  Pl-.i^VjIphia, 
1878;  Notes  of  a  Voyage  to  California.  Philadelphia,  1878;  Songs  of  tho 
Argonauts.  Philadelphia,  1876. 

Urrea  (Miguel),  Noticias  Estadisticas.    In  Soc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Bolctin,  torn.  ii.  42. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  lxxxv> 

Valdds  (Dorotea),  Reminiscences.     MS. 

Valdes  (Jos6  Ramon  Antonio),  Memorias.     MS. 

Valle  (Antonio  del),  Correspond encia  del  Teuiente.     MS. 

Valle  (Ignacio  del),  Cartas.     MS. 

Valle  (Ignacio  del),  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  Cal.     MS. 

Valle  (Ignacio  del),  Lo  Pasado  de  California.     MS. 

Valle  jo,  Advertiser,  Chronicle,  Independent,  Independent  Advocate,  People's 

Independent,  Recorder,  Solano  County  Democrat,  Solano  Times. 
Vallejo,  The  Future  of.     Valle  jo,  1868;  The  Prospects  of.     Vallejo,  1871. 
Valle  jo,  Resources  of.     [Rep.  from  Solano  Advertiser,  1868-9.]  n.pl.,  n.d. 
Vallejo  (Igna'cio),  Cartas  del  Sargento  Distinguido.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Jos6  de  Jesus),  Libro  de  Cuentas.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Jos6  de  Jesus),  Reminiscencias  Historicas.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  Guadnlupe),  Campana  contra  Estanislao,  1829.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Carta  Impresa  al  Gob*-  20  de  Jalio.     [Sonoma]  1837. 
Valle  jo  (Mariano  G.),  Circular  Impresa  en  que  anuncia  su  nombramiento  de 

Comandante  General,  Nov.  21,  1838.     [Sonoma,  1838.] 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Correspondence  of  Sub-Indian  Agent,  1847.    In  Cal.  and 

N.  Mcx.,  Mess,  and  Doc.,  1850. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.,),  Correspondencia  Hist6rica.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Discourse,  8  Oct.  1876.     In  S.  F.,  Centen.  Mem.,  97. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Discurso  Hist6rico,  8  de  Oct.  1876.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Documentos  para  la  Hist,  de  California.     176Q-1850. 

MS.  37  vols. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Ecspocision  que  hace  el  Comandante  General  de  la  Alta 

California  al  Gobernador  de  la  Misma.     Sonoma,  17  Agosto  1837. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Escritos  Oficiales  y  Particulares.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Historia  do  California.     MS.  5  vols. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Informe  sobre  Nombres  dc  Condados.     San  Jose",  1850. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Informo  Rcservado  sobre  Ross,  1833.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Informes  al  Ministrode  Guerra  sobre  la  Sublcvacion  de 

Graham,  1840.     MS. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Males  de  California  y  sus  Remedios,  1841.     MS. 
Vallojo  (Mariano  G.),  Oiicio  Impreso,  en  que  quiere  rcnunciar  el  Mando.     1 

Sept.  1838.     [Sonoma,  1838.] 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Oration,  1876.    In  S.  F.  Bulletin,  July  10,  1876;  and  in 

many  other  papers  more  or  less  fully. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Ordenes  de  la  Comandancia  General,  1837-9.    [Sonoma, 
'        1837-9]. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Proclama.     Monterey,  24Febrero  1837. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Proclama  en  el  acto  de  Prestar  el  Juramento,  1836. 

Monterey,  1836. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Proclama  del  Comandante  Gen.,  1837.     Sonoma,  1837. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.)   [Proclama  la  Conspiracion  de  Francisco  Solano.]    Sono- 
ma, 6  Octubre  1838. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Report  on  County  names,  1850.     In  Cal.  Jour.  Sen. 

1850,  p.  530. 

Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),.Sequias  en  California.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Tres  Cartas  Rcservadas.     Agosto  1837.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.),  Vida  de  Wm.  B.  Ide.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano 'G.)  and  Santiago  Argiiello,  Expediente  sobre  las  Arbitrarie- 

dades  de  Victoria,  1832.     MS. 
Vallejo  (Mariano  G.)  and  Juan  R.  Cooper,  Varies  Libros  de  Cuentas,  1805-51. 

MS. 
Vallejo  (Salvador),  Aviso  al  Publico.     Los  Rancheros  Principales  de  la  Fron- 

tcrn  de  S.  Francisco.     Sonoma,  15  Agosto,  1839. 
Vallejo  (Salvador),  Notas  Historicas.     MS. 
Vancouver  (George),  Voyage  of  Discovery  to  the  Pacific  Ocean.    Loncl.,  1798. 

3  vols.  4to.    Atlas  in  folio;  Lond.,  1801.  6  vols.;  Voyage  de  Ddcouvertes 
""V^a  1'Ocean  Pacifique,  etc.     Paris,  An.,  viii.    3  vols.  4to.  Atlas  iu  folio. 


Ixxxvi  AUTHORITIES  QUOTED. 

Van  Dyke  (Theodore  S.),  Flirtation  Camp.     New  York,  1881. 

Van  Dyke  (Walter),  Statement  of  Recollections.     MS. 

Van  Voorhies  (William),  Oration  before  the  Society  of  California  Pioneers. 
San  Francisco,  1853. 

Variedades  de  Jurisprudencia.     Mexico,  1850-5.  9  vols. 

Vega  (Placido),  Documentos  para  la  Hist,  de  Mexico,  1802-8.    MS.    15  vols. 

Vega  (Victoriano),  Vida  Calif  orniana,  1834-47.     MS. 

Vcjar  (Pablo),  Recuerdos  de  un  Viejo.     MS. 

Velarde  (Luis)  Descripcion  Historica.   In  Doc.  Hist.  Mex. ,  serie  iv.  torn.  i.  344. 

Velasco  (Francisco),  Sonora,  its  extent,  etc.     San  Francisco,  1861. 

Velasco  (Josd  Francisco),  Noticias  estadisticas  de  Sonora.    Mexico,  1850. 

Velasquez  (Jose"),  Diarlo  y  Mapa  de  un  Reconocimiento,  1783.     MS. 

Velasquez  (Jose")  Relacion  del  Viage  quo  hizo  el  Gobr-  Fages,  1785.     MS. 

Venadito  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobr.  de  Cal.,  1819.     MS. 

Venegas  (Miguel),  Noticia  de  la  California  y  de  su  Conquista  Temporal,  etc* 
Madrid,  1757.   3  vols. 

Venegas  (Virey),  Comunicaciones  al  Gobr.  de  Cal.,  1810-12.  MS. 

'Vcritas,' Examination  of  the  Russian  Grant,  n.p.,  n.d. 

Ver  Mehr  (J.  L.),  Checkered  Life:  In  the  Old  and  New  World.     S.  F.,  1877. 

Verne  (Jules),  The  Mutineers.    In  Id.,  Michael  Strogoff.    New  York,  1877. 

Vetromile  (Eugene),  A  Tour  in  Both  Hemispheres.    New  York,  etc.,  1880. 

Viader  (Jose),  Cartas  del  Padre.     MS. 

Viader  (Jose),  Diario  6  Noticia  del  Viage,  1810.     MS. 

Viader  (Jose),  Diario  de  Una  Entrada  al  Rio  de  S.  Joaquin,  1810.     MS. 

Viagero  Universal  (El).     Madrid,  1790-1801.  43  vols. 

Viages  en  la  Costa  al  Norte  de  Californias.     Copy  from  Spanish  Archives. 
MS.     [From  Prof.  Gfeo.  Davidson.] 

Victor  (Frances  F. ),  Studies  of  California  Missions.    In  Californian,  May  1881 

Victor  (Frances  F. ),  River  of  the  West.     Hartford,  1 870. 

Victoria  (Manuel),  Escritos  Sueltos  del  Gobernador,  1831.     MS. 

Victoria  (Manuel),  Informe  General,  1831.     MS. 

Victoria  (Manuel),  Manifestacion  del  Gefe  Politico,  1831.     MS. 

Victoria  (Manuel),  Manifiesto  a  los  Habitantes  de  Cal.,  1831.     MS. 

Vigilance  Committees  in  San  Francisco,  Miscellany.     MS. 

Vigilantes  do  Los  Angeles,  1833.     MS. 

Vigneaux  (Ernest),  Souvenirs  d'un  Prisonnier  de  Guerre  au  Mexique,  1854-5. 

Paris,  1803. 
"¥igne3  (Louis  J.),  Letters  of  Don  Luis  del  Aliso.     MS. 

Vila  (Vicente),  Instrucciones  para  el  Viage  de  1709  d  California.     MS. 

Villa  Seiior  y  Sanchez  (Jose  Antonio),  Theatro  Americano.  Mex.,  1740.  2  vols. 

Villa vicencio  (Jose"  Maria),  Cartas.     MS. 
^"iogct  ( J.  J. ),  Letters  of  an  Early  Trader.     MS. 

Virginia  (Nov.),  Evening  Chronicle,  Territorial  Enterprise,  Union. 

Visalia,  Delta,  Equal  Rights  Expositor,  Iron  Age,  Tulare  Index,  Tulare  Times. 

Vischer  (Eduard),  Brief e  eines  Deutschen  aus  Calif ornien,  1842.     San  Fran- 
cisco, 1873;  Missions  of  Upper  California.     San  Francisco,  1872. 

Vowell  (A.  W.),  British  Columbia  Mines.     MS. 

Voyages,  A  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels  [Churchill's].     London,  1752 
folio.  8  vols.;  Curious  Collection  of  Travels.     London,   1701.  8  vols. 
[Harleian],  Collection  of  Voyages  and  Travels.    Lond.,  1745.  2  vols. 
Historical  Account  by  English  Navigators.     London,  1773-4.  4  vols.. 
Historical  Account  of,  round  the  WTorld.     Lond.,  1774-81.  G  vols.;  New 
Collection.    London,  1707.  7  vols.;  New  Universal  Collection.  London, 
.         1755.  3  vols.;  World  Displayed.    London,  1760.  20  vols. 

\oyages  au  Nord,  Recueil.     Amsterdam,  1715-27.  8  vols. 

Wadsworth  (James  C.),  Statement  on  Vigilance  Committee.     MS. 
Wads  worth  (William),  National  Wagon  Road  Guide  to  Cal.     S.  F. ,  1858. 
Wakeman  (Edgar),  The  Log  of  an  Ancient  Mariner.     San  Francisco,  1878. 
Walker  (Joel  R.),  Narrative  of  a  Pioneer  of  1841.     MS. 


AUTHORITIES  QUOTED.  Ixxxvii 

Walla  Walla  (W.  T.),  Statesman. 

Walpolc  (Frederick),  Four  Years  in  the  Pacific,  1844-8;    Lond.,  1849.  2  vols. 

Walton  (Daniel),  Facts  from  the  Gold  Regions.     Boston,  1C40. 

War  with  Mexico,  Reports  and  Despatches.  Operations  of  U.  S.  Naval 
Forces,  1840-7.  [30th  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  1,  pt.  ii.] 

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HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


CHAPTER  I. 

INTRODUCTORY    RESUME. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  NORTH  MEXICAN  STATES,  1520  TO  1769 — CORTES  ON  THE 
PACIFIC  COAST— His  PLANS — OBSTACLES— Nu NO  DE  GUZMAN  IN  SINA- 
LOA — HURTADO,  BECERRA,  AND  JlMENEZ —  CORTES  IN  CALIFORNIA — DlEGO 
DE  GUZMAN — CABEZA  DE  VACA — NIZA — ULLOA — CORONADO — DIAZ — 
ALARCON — ALVARADO — MIXTON  WAR — NUEVA  GALICIA — NUEVA  Viz- 
CAYA — MISSION  WORK  TO  1600— CONQUEST  OF  NEW  MEXICO — COAST  VOY- 

f  AGES — SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY  ANNALS — MISSION  DISTRICTS  OF  NUEVA 
VIZCAYA — TEPEHUANES  ANDTARAHUMARES-^JESUITS  AND  FRANCISCANS — 
REVOLT  IN  NEW  MEXICO— SINALOA  AND  SONORA— KINO  IN  PIMERIA — 
VIZCAINO — GULF  EXPEDITIONS — OCCUPATION  OF  BAJA  CALIFORNIA — 
EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY  ANNALS  OF  NEW  MEXICO^  CHIHUAHUA,  SONORA, 
AND  BAJA  CALIFORNIA,  TO  THE  EXPULSION  OF  THE  JESUITS  IN  1767. 

As  in  the  history  of  Mexico  we  are  referred  to 
Spain  for  the  origin  of  affairs,  so  in  the  history  of 
California  it  is  necessary  to  glance  at  Mexico  in  order 
properly  to  understand  the  course  of  early  events. 

Hernan  Cortes  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  in  April  1519, 
and  by  August  1521  was  in  permanent  possession  of 
the  Aztec  capital.  Within  ten  years  Spanish  occu- 
pation had  been  pushed  south  across  the  isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec,  west  to  the  Pacific,  and  north  to  Panuco, 
Queretaro,  and  Colima;  and  exploration  to  the  Huas- 
tec  region  of  Tamaulipas,  the  Chichimec  territory  of 
Aguas  Calientes,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Guanajuato,  and 
that  part  of  Jalisco  below  the  Rio  Grande.  Let  us 
give  attention  exclusively  to  the  west  and  north- 
west, as  Cortes  himself  was  disposed  to  do  whenever 

VOL.  I.    1 


INTRODUCTORY  RESUME. 


he  could  -avoid  the  vexatious  complications  that  called 
him  to  Mexico,  or  Central  America,  or  Spain. 

Before  the  middle  of  May  1522  Cortes  had  founded 
a  town  at  Zacatula,  and  begun  to  build  there  an  explor- 
ing fleet.  By  this  time  it  had  become  apparent  that 
the  old  geographical  theories  must  be  somewhat  modi- 
fied. This  was  shown  by  discoveries  in  the  Pacific 
farther  south  than  the  conqueror's  ship-yard.  .Evi- 
dently the  Mexican  region  was  distinct,  though  not 
necessarily  distant,  from  Asia,  being  separated  from 
that  continent  by  a  strait  in  the  north;  or  else  it  was 
a  south-eastern  projection  of  Asia  from  a  point  farther 
north  than  the  knowledge  of  the  old  travellers  had 
extended.  Cortes  proposed  to  solve  the  mystery  by 
simply  following  the  coast,  first  northward,  then  west- 
ward, and  finally  southward,  round  to  India.  If  a 
strait  existed  he  was  sure  to  find  its  mouth;  and  if 
not,  he  would  at  least  reach  India  by  a  new  route, 
and  would  at  the  same  time  add  many  rich  islands 
and  coasts  to  the  Spanish  domain.  That  such  islands 
existed  no  one -ventured  to  doubt;  and  one  romancer 
of  the  time  went  so  far  as  to  invent  a  name  for  one 
of  them,  and  people  it  with  the  offspring  of  his  imagi- 
nation. 

The  work  of  building  ships  made  slow  progress. 
Material  had  to  be  transported  overland  from  Vera 
Cruz;  and  the  tedious  operation  had  to  be  repeated 
after  a  fire  which  destroyed  the  Zacatula  warehouse. 
In  1524  it  was  hoped  to  have  the  fleet  ready  to  sail 
in  July  of  the  next  year;  but  Cortes  was  called  away 
by  his  Honduras  campaign,  and  exploration  must 
wait.  Meanwhile  Michoacan  had  submitted  peace- 
ably in  1522;  Colima  had  been  conquered  after  seyeral 
reverses  in  1523;  while  in  1524  Jalisco,  from  Lake1 
Chapala  to  Tepic,  was  explored  by  Avalos  and  Fran- 
cisco Cortes,  the  native  chieftains  becoming  vassals  of 
Spain,  though  no  Spaniards  were  left  in  the  country. 
Banderas  Valley  and  a  good  port,  Manzariillo  or  San- 
tiago, were  discovered  during  this  expedition. 


GUZMAN  A  RIVAL  OF  CORTES.  3 

The  vessels  were  made  ready  after  the  return  of 
Cortes  to  sail  in  1526,  and  three  more  were  on  the 
stocks  at  Tehuantepec.  Then  came  Guevara  from 
Magellan  Strait  to  Zacatula;  but  while  Cortes  was 
preparing  to  send  him  with  Ordaz  to  India  by  the 
northern  coast  route,  a  royal  order  required  the 
vessels  to  be  despatched  under  Saavedra  by  a  more 
direct  way  to  the  Spice  Islands  and  Loaisa's  relief. 
Yet  before  starting,  the  fleet  made  a  beginning  of 
northern  exploration  by  a  trial  trip  up  to  Santiago  in 
Colima.  Work  on  the  other  ships  was  stopped  by  the 
captain-general's  foes  when  he  went  to  Spain  in  1528; 
and  though  building  operations  were  resumed  later  at 
Tehuantepec  and  Acapulco,  new  impediments  were 
thrown  in  the  explorer's  way,  and  at  the  end  of  1531 
he  was  disheartened  at  the  gloomy  prospect. 

Meanwhile  a  rival  and  foe  to  the  conquistador  had 
appeared  on  the  scene  in  the  person  of  Nuxio  de  Guz- 
man, president  of  the  royal  audiencia.  He  foresaw  that 
the  return  of  Cortes  from  Spain  would  result  in  his 
own  downfall ;  and  he  resolved  to  wrest  triumph  from 
the  jaws  of  disgrace.  Having  presided  at  the  trial  of 
his  enemy,  he  was  familiar  with  the  scheme  of  north- 
ern conquest.  As  governor  of  Panuco  he  had  heard 
from  the  natives  rumors  of  great  cities  in  the  north. 
Instead  of  tamely  submitting  to  trial  in  Mexico,  he 
would  make  the  northern  scheme  his  own,  and  by  this 
bold  stroke  not  only  turn  the  tables  on  his  foe,  but 
win  for  himself  lasting  power,  fame,  and  riches.  At 
the  end  of  1529  Guzman  marched  from  Mexico  with 
five  hundred  soldiers  and  ten  thousand  Indian  allies. 
The  route  was  down  the  Rio  Grande  de  Lerma  to  the 
region  of  the  modern  Guadalajara.  A  part  of  the 
army  under  Onate  and  Chirinos  by  a  northern  detour 
penetrated  to  the  sites  of  the  later  Lagos,  Aguas 
Calientes,  Zacatecas,  and  Jerez;  and  in  May  1530 
the  divisions  were  reunited  at  Tepic.  The  advance 
was  everywhere  marked  by  devastation ;  and  lew 
native  towns  escaped  burning.  No  heed  was  given 


4  INTRODUCTORY 

to  the  rights  of  the  former  conquerors,  Avalos  and 
Cortes,  but  Guzman's  policy  was  to  make  it  appear 
that  the  country  had  never  been  conquered  at  all. 
Such  Indians  as  were  not  hostile  at  first  were  there- 
fore provoked  to  hostility,  that  there  might  be  an 
excuse  for  plunder,  destruction,  carnage,  and  espe- 
cially for  the  seizure  and  branding  of  slaves.  This 
chapter  of  horrors,  one  of  the  bloodiest  in  the  annals 
of  Spanish  conquest,  continued  to  the  end;  yet  out- 
rages were  considerably  less  frequent  and  terrible  in 
the  far  north  than  in  Jalisco. 

A  garrison  was  left  at  Tepic,  and  Guzman  crossed 
the  great  river  Tololotlan  into  unexplored  territory, 
taking  possession  under  the  pompous  title  of  Greater 
Spain,  designed  to  eclipse  that  of  New  Spain.  In  July 
the  army  went  into  winter-quarters  at  Aztatlan  on 
the  Rio  Acaponeta,  remaining  until  December.  They 
suffered  severely  from  flood  and  pestilence,  being 
obliged  to  send  back  to  Michoacan  for  supplies,  and 
for  Indians  to  take  the  place  of  thousands  that  had 
perished.  After  a  month  at  Chametla  the  march  was 
continued  through  Quezala,  Piastla,  and  Ciguatan  to 
Culiacan  in  March  1531.  No  great  cities  or  golden 
treasures  being  found,  the  zeal  for  coast  exploration 
was  at  an  end  after  Captain  Samaniego  had  reached 
the  Rio  Petatlanj  or  Sinaloa,  finding  a  barren  coun- 
try and  a  rude  people.  The  president  now  bethought 
him  of  the  inland  towns  of  which  he  had  heard  at 
Panuco.  From  May  to  July  he  made  a  tedious  arid 
futile  trip  across  the  sierra  to  the  confines  of  Chihua- 
hua. Oriate  and  Angulo  crossed  the  mountains  by 
different  routes,  perhaps  to  the  plains  of  Guadiana,  or 
Durango,  and  other  minor  expeditions  were  made. 
None  but  savage  tribes  were  found.  The  Spanish 
villa  of  San  Miguel  de  Culiacan  was  founded  with 
one  hundred  soldier  settlers  under  Proano,  and  then 
Guzman  started  in  October  with  the  rest  of  his  army 
back  to  Jalisco. 

Guzman  was  made  governor  of  the  new  province, 


VOYAGES  OF  MENDOZA  AND  JIMENEZ.  5 

the  name  of  which  was  made  Nueva  Galicia,  instead 
of  Mayor  Espafia.  Compostela  was  made  the  capi- 
tal; and  there  were  also  founded  within  a  few  years 
Espiritu  Santo,  or  Guadalajara,  near  Nochistlan  and 
far  north  of  its  modern  site,  and  Chametla  in  Sinaloa, 
a  mere  military  camp,  sometimes  entirely  deserted. 
The  new  province  had  no  definite  boundaries,  being 
intended  to  include  the  new  conquests.  Neglecting 
the  northern  regions,  to  which,  as  discoverer,  he  had 
some  claim,  the  governor  devoted  himself  chiefly  to 
encroachments  in  the  south.  He  became  involved  in 
difficulties  that  finally  overwhelmed  him,  though  he 
did  not  lack  opportunity  to  vent  his  old  spite  against 
Cortes  on  one  or  two  occasions.  Guzman  was  sum- 
moned to  Mexico,  and  put  in  prison,  and  in  1538  was 
sent  to  Spain,  where  he  died  six  years  later  in  pov- 
erty and  distress. 

Encouraged  by  the  new  audiencia  Cortes  took  cour- 
age, and  in  1532  was  able  to  despatch 'two  vessels 
under  his  cousin  Hurtado  de  Mendoza  and  Mazuela. 
They  touched  at  Santiago;  by  Guzman's  orders  were 
refused  water  at  Matanchel,  or  San  Bias ;  discovered 
the  Tres  Marias;  and  after  a  long  storm  landed  at  an 
unknown  point  on  the  coast.  Provisions  were  nearly 
exhausted,  and  the  men  became  mutinous.  Hurtado 
kept  on  northward,  and  with  all  his  men  was  killed 
at  the  Rio  Tamotchala,  or  Fuerte;  the  malcontents, 
returning  southward,  were  driven  ashore  in  Banderas 
Bay  and  killed  by  the  natives,  all  save  two  or  three 
who  escaped  to  Colima,  while  Guzman  seized  all  that 
could  be  saved  from  the  wreck.  To  him  Cortes  attrib- 
uted the  misfortunes  of  the  expedition. 

There  were  still  left  two  vessels  at  Tehuantepec, 
which  were  despatched  late  in  1533  under  Becerra  and 
Grijalva.  The  latter,  after  discovering  the  Revilla 
Gigedo  Islands,  returned  to  Acapulco.  Grijalva's 
men  mutinied,  killed  Becerra,  put  his  partisans  ashore 
on  the  Colima  coast,  and  continued  the  voyage  under 
Jimenez.  They  soon  discovered  a  bay,  on  an  island 


6  INTRODUCTORY  RESUM& 

coast  as  they  supposed,  but  really  in  the  peninsula, 
and  probably  identical  with  La  Paz;  and  there  Jime- 
nez was  killed  with  twenty  of  his  men.  The  few  sur- 
vivors brought  the  ship  to  Chametla,  where  they  were 
imprisoned  by  Guzman,  but  escaped  with  the  news  to 
Cortes,  carrying  also  reports  of  pearls  in  the  northern 
waters. 

The  captain-general  now  resolved  to  take  command 
in  person;  and,  having  sent  three  vessels  from  Te- 
huantepec  early  in  1535,  he  set  out  with  a  force  over- 
land. Guzman  wisely  kept  out  of  the  way,  contenting 
himself  with  complaints  and  protests.  The  sea  and 
land  expeditions  were  reunited  at  Chametla,  and  Cor- 
tes sailed  in  April  with  over  one  hundred  men,  about 
one  third  of  his  whole  force.  Jimenez'  bay  was  reached 
May  3d,  and  named  Santa  Cruz.  After  a  year  of  mis- 
fortunes, during  which  a  part  of  the  remaining  colo- 
nists were  brought  over  with  their  families,  Cortes 
went  back  to  Mexico.  He  intended  to  return  with  a 
new  fleet  and  succor  for  the  colony;  but  he  sent  instead 
a  vessel  in  1536  to  bring  away  the  whole  party.  He 
had  had  quite  enough  of  north-western  colonization. 

On  the  main  there  was  occasional  communication 
between  San  Miguel  and  the  south ;  indeed,  one  party 
of  Cortes'  colonists  went  from  Chametla  to  Culiacan 
by  land.  In  1533  Diego  de  Guzman  reached  the  Rio 
Yaqui ;  and  it  was  he  that  learned  the  fate  of  Hurt  ado. 
There  was  no  prosperity  at  the  villa.  The  garrison 
lived  at  first  by  trading  their  beads  and  trinkets  for 
food;  then  on  tribute  of  the  native  towns;  and  at  last, 
when  the  towns  had  been  stripped,  they  had  to  depend 
on  raids  for  plunder  and  slaves. 

On  one  of  these  excursions  to  the  Rio  Fuerte  in 
1536  a  party  under  Alcaraz  were  surprised  to  meet 
three  Spaniards  and  a  negro,  who  were  brought  to 
San  Miguel  to  tell  their  strange  tale  of  adventure. 
They  were  Alvar  Nunez  and  his  companions,  the  only 
survivors  of  three  hundred  men  who,  under  Narvaez, 
had  landed  in  Florida  in  1528.  Escaping  in  1535  from 


CABEZA  DE  VACA  AND  ULLOA.  7 

slavery  on  the  Texan  coast,  these  four  had  found 
their  way  across  Texas,  Chihuahua,  and  Sonora  to 
the  Pacific  coast.  Their  salvation  was  due  mainly  to 
the  reputation  acquired  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  as  a  med- 
icine man  among  the  natives.  Alvar  Nunez  went  to 
Mexico  in  1536,  and  next  year  to  Spain.  He  had 
jxot,  as  has  sometimes  been  claimed,  reached  the  Pue- 
blo towns  of  New  Mexico;  but  he  had  heard  of  them, 
and  he  brought  to  Mexico  some  vaguereports  of  their 
grandeur. 

These  reports  revived  the  old  zeal  for  northern 
conquest.  Guzman  was  out  of  the  field,  but  Viceroy 
Mendoza  caught  the  infection.  Having  questioned 
Cabeza  cle  Vaca,  and  having  bought  his  negro,  he  re- 
solved to  send  an  army  to  the  north.  The  command 
was  given  to  Vasquez  de  Coronado,  governor  of  Nueva 
Galicia.  To  prepare  the  way  a  Franciscan  friar,  Mar- 
cos de  Niza,  was  sent  out  from  Culiacan  early  in  1539. 
With  the  negro  Estevanico,  Niza  went,  "as  the  holy 
ghost  did  lead  him,"  through  Sonora  and  Arizona, 
perhaps  to  Zufii,  or  Cibola,  where  the  negro  was 
killed.  The  friar  hastened  back  with  grossly  exagger- 
ated reports  of  the  marvels  he  had  seen. 

Cortes  also  heard  the  reports  of  Nunez  and  Niza, 
and  was  moved  by  them  to  new  efforts,  disputing  the 
right  of  Mendoza  to  act  in  the  matter  at  all.  He  de- 
spatched Ulloa  with  three  vessels,  one  of  which  was 
lost  on  the  Culiacan  coast,  in  July  1539.  This  naviga- 
tor reached  the  head  of  the  gulf;  then  coasted  the 
peninsula  southward,  touching  at  Santa  Cruz;  and 
rounded  the  point,  sailing  up  the  outer  coast  to  Cedros 
Island.  One  of  the  vessels  returned  in  1540;  of  Ulloa 
in  the  other  nothing  is  positively  known.  It"  seems 
to  have  been  in  the  diary  of  this  voyage  that  the  name 
California,  taken,  from  an  old  novel,  the  Sergas  of 
Esplandian,  as  elsewhere  explained,  was  applied  to  a 
portion  of  the  peninsula. 

Governor  Coronado,  with  a  force  of  three  hundred 
Spaniards  and  eight  hundred  natives  from  Mexico, 


8  INTRODUCTORY  RESUME. 

departed  from  Culiacan  in  April  1540.  He  left  a 
garrison  in  Sonora;  followed  Niza's  route,  cursing 
the  friar's  exaggerations,  and  reached  Zuni  in  July. 
Tobar  was  sent  to  Tusayan,  or  the  Moqui  towns; 
Cardenas  to  the  great  canon  of  the  Colorado;  and 
Alvarado  far  eastward  to  Cicuye,  or  Pecos.  Then 
the  army  marched  east  to  spend  the  winter  in  the 


NORTHERN  NEW  SPAIN. 

valley  of  the  Rio  Grande,  the  province  of  Tiguex, 
later  New  Mexico.  In  May  1541,  after  a  winter  of 
constant  warfare  caused  by  oppression,  Coronado 
started  out  into  the  great  plains  north-eastward  in 
search  of  great  towns  and  precious  metals  never 
found.  He  returned  in  September,  having  penetrated 
as  he  believed  to  latitude  40°,  and  found  only  wigwam 


VASQUEZ  DE  CORONADO  AND  ALARCON.         9 

towns  in  the  province  of  Quivira,  possibly  in  the 
Kansas  of  to-day.  Expeditions  were  also  sent  far  up 
and  down  the  Rio  del  Norte;  and  in  the  spring  of 
1542,  when  nearly  ready  for  a  new  campaign,  the 
governor  was  seriously  injured  in  a  tournament,  and 
resolved  to  abandon  the  enterprise.  Some  friars  were 
left  behind,  who  were  soon  killed;  and  in  April  the 
return  march  began.  Mendoza  was  bitterly  disap- 
pointed, but  acquitted  the  governor  of  blame. 

The  force  left  in  Sonora,  while  Coronado  was  in  the 
north,  founded  the  settlement  of  San  Geronimo  de  los 
Corazones,  in  the  region  between  the  modern  Arizpe 
and  Hermosillo;  and  from  here  at  the  end  of  1540 
Melchor  Diaz  made  a  trip  up  the  coast  to  the  Rio 
Colorado,  called  Rio  del  Tizon,  and  across  that  river 
below  the  Gila.  He  was  killed  accidentally  and  his 
men  returned.  San  Geronimo,  after  its  site  had  been 
several  times  changed  and  most  of  its  settlers  had 
.deserted  or  had  been  massacred,  was  abandoned  before 
the  arrival  of  Coronado  on  his  return  in  1542. 

Also  in  Coronado's  absence  and  to  cooperate  with 
him  Mendoza  sent  two  vessels  under  Alarcon  from 
Acapulco  in  May  1540.  He  reached  the  head  of  the 
gulf  and  went  up  the  Rio  Colorado,  or  Buena  Guia, 
in  boats,  possibly  beyond  the  Gila  junction.  Leaving 
a  message  found  later  by  Diaz,  Alarcon  returned  to 
Colima  in  November.  Another  voyage  was  planned, 
but  prevented  by  revolt. 

After  a  hard  struggle  to  maintain  his  prestige,  and 
prevent  what  he  regarded  as  Mendoza's  illegal  inter- 
ference with  his  plans,  Cortes  went  to  Spain  in  1540 
to  engage  in  an  equally  fruitless  struggle  before  the 
throne.  Another  explorer  however  appeared,  in  the 
person  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  governor  of  Guatemala, 
who  came  up  to  Colima  in  1540  with  a  fleet,  eight 
hundred  men,  and  a  license  for  discovery.  But  Men- 
doza, instead  of  quarrelling  with  Alvarado,  formed  a 
partnership  with  him. 

A  revolt  of  eastern  Jalisco  tribes,  known  as  the 


10  INTRODUCTORY  RESUM& 

Mixton  War,  interrupted  all  plans  of  exploration. 
Many  reforms  had  been  introduced  since  Guzman's 
time,  but  too  late.  Incited  by  sorcerers  on  the  north- 
ern frontiers  to  avenge  past  wrongs  and  regain  their 
independence,  the  natives  killed  their  encomenderos, 
abandoned  their  towns,  and  took  refuge  on  fortified 
pefioles,  believed  to  be  impregnable,  the  strongest 
being  those  of  Mixton  and  Nochistlan.  At  the  end 
of  1540  Guadalajara,  already  moved  to  Tacotlan  Val- 
ley, was  the  only  place  held  by  the  Spaniards,  and 
that  was  in  the  greatest  danger.  Alvarado  carne  to 
the  rescue  from  the  coast,  but  rashly  attacking  No- 
chistlan,  he  was  defeated  and  killed  in  July  1541. 
Soon  Guadalajara  was  attacked,  but  after  a  great 
battle,  in  which  fifteen  thousand  natives  were  slain, 
the  town  was  saved  to  be  transferred  at  once  to  its 
modern  site.  Mendoza  was  troubled  for  the  safety 
not  only  of  Nueva  Galicia,  but  of  all  New  Spain ;  and 
he  marched  north  with  a  large  army.  In  a  short  but 
vigorous  campaign  he  captured  the  penoles,  one  after 
another,  even  to  that  of  Mixton,  by  siege,  by  assault, 
by  stratagem,  or  by  the  treachery  of  the  defenders, 
returning  to  Mexico  in  1542.  Thousands  of  natives 
were  killed  in  battle;  thousands  cast  themselves  from 
the  cliffs  and  perished;  thousands  were  enslaved.  Many 
escaped  to  the  sierras  of  Nayarit  and  Zacatecas ;  but 
the  spirit  of  rebellion  was  broken  forever. 

There  is  little  more  that  need  be  said  of  Nueva  Ga- 
licia here.  It  was  explored  and  conquered.  The  audi- 
encia  was  established  at  Compostela  in  1548, and  moved 
with  the  capital  to  Guadalajara  in  1561.  A  bishopric 
was  erected  in  1544.  The  religious  orders  founded 
missions.  Agriculture  and  stock-raising  made  some 
progress.  New  towns  were  built.  Rich  mines  were 
worked,  especially  in  Zacatecas,  where  the  town  of 
that  name  was  founded  in  1548.  These  mines  caused 
the  rest  of  Nueva  Galicia  to  be  well  nigh  depopulated 
at  first,  and  were  themselves  almost  abandoned  before 
1600  in  consequence  of  a  rush  to  new  mines  in  the 


IB  AURA  IN  NUEVA  VIZCAYA.  11 

region  of  Nombre  cle  Dios.     Some  exploring  parties 
reached  Durango,  Chihuahua,  and  Sinaloa. 

Ibarra,  the  leader  in  inland  explorations  northward, 
was  made  governor  of  Nueva  Vizcaya,  a  new  province 
formed  about  1560  of  all  territory  above  the  modern 
Jalisco  and  Zacatecas  line.  Nonibre  de  Dios  was 
founded  in  1558;  Durango,  or  Guadiana,  as  capital,  in 
1563.  Before  1565  there  were  flourishing  settlements 
in  San  Bartolome  Valley  of  southern  Chihuahua, 
Ibarra  also  crossed  the  sierra  to  Sinaloa  and  Sonora, 
founding  San  Juan  Bautista  on  the  Suaqui  or  Fuerte, 
about  1564;  and  refounding  San  Sebastian  cle  Cha- 
metla,  where  rich  mines  were  found.  San  Juan  was 
soon  abandoned;  but  five  settlers  remained  on  the 
Rio  de  Sinaloa  as  a  nucleus  of  San  Felipe,  the  modern 
Sinaloa.  Indian  caippaigns  of  1584-9  left  a  few  new 
settlers  for  San  Felipe. 

Before  1590  the  Franciscans  had  eight  or  nine  mis- 
sions in  Durango  and  Chihuahua.  When  the  Jesuits 
undertook  northern  conversion  in  1590,  fathers  Tapia 
and  Perez,  and  soon  six  more,  came  to  San  Felipe  de 
Sinaloa  and  began  work  on  the  rivers  Peiatlan  and 
Mocorito.  They  had  twenty  pueblos  and  four  thou- 
sand converts  before  1600.  Father  Tapia  reached 
the  Rio  Fuerte  and  the  mountains  of  Topia,  but  was 
martyred  in  1594;  yet  missions  were  founded  in  Topia 
in  1600,  where  the  mining  towns  of  San  Andres  and 
San  Hipolito  already  existed.  San  Felipe  had  become 
a  kind  of  presidio  in  1596,  under  Captain  Diaz.  East 
of  the  mountains  the  Jesuits  also  began  work  among 
the  Tepehuanes  at  Zape  and  Santa  Catalina,  and  at 
Santa  Maria  de  Parras  in  the  lake  region  of  Coahuila. 
Saltillo  was  founded  in  1586;  and  about  1598  the  town 
of  Parras  was  built  in  connection  with  the  Jesuit 
mission  there. 

New  Mexico  was  revisited  and  finally  occupied 
before  1600.  In  1581  Rodriguez  with  two  other 
Franciscans  and  a  few  soldiers  went  from  San  Bar- 


12  INTRODUCTORY  RESUM& 

tolome  down  the  Conchos  and  up  the  Rio  del  Norte 
to  the  land  of  the  Tiguas,  Coronado's  Tiguex.  The 
soldiers  soon  returned,  but  the  friars  remained  to  be 
killed.  In  1582-3  Espejo  with  a  strong  force  went 
in  search  of  Rodriguez,  learning  at  Puara,  near 
Sandia,  of  the  friars'  fate  and  of  Coronado's  former 
ravages  in  that  region.  Espejo  explored  eastward  to 
the  buffalo  plains,  northward  to  Cia  and  Galisteo,  and 
westward  to  Zuni  and  the  region  of  the  modern  Pres- 
cott,  returning  by  way  of  the  Rio  Pecos.  In  1590-1 
Castaiio  de  Sosa  went  up  the  Pecos  and  across  to  the 
Pueblo  towns  of  the  Rio  Grande  with  a  colony  of 
one  hundred  and  seventy  men,  women,  and  children. 
After  receiving  the  submission  of  thirty-three  towns, 
he  was  carried  back  to  Mexico  in  chains  by  Captain 
Morlete,  on  the  charge  of  having  made  an  illegal 
entrada,  or  expedition.  About  1595  Bonilla  and 
Humana,  sent  out  against  rebellious  Indians,  marched 
without  license  to  New  Mexico  and  sought  Quivira 
in  the  north-eastern  plains.  Humana  murdered  his 
chief  and  was  himself  killed  with  most  of  his  party  by 
the  natives.  In  1595  the  viceroy  made  a  contract 
for  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico  with  Oiiate,  who  as 
governor  and  captain-general  left  Mexico  with  a  large 
force  of  soldiers  and  colonists  in  1596.  Vexatious 
complications  hindered  Onate's  progress  and  exhausted . 
his  funds,  so  that  it  was  not  until  1598  that  he  entered 
the  promised  land.  San  Juan  was  made  the  capital; 
all  the  towns  submitted;  the  Franciscans  were  sta- 
tioned in  six  nations;  Onate  visited  Zuni;  and  the 
rebellious  warriors  of  the  Acoma  penol  were  conquered 
in  a  series  of  hard-fought  battles,  all  before  the  sum- 
mer of  1599. 

Let  us  return  to  the  coast  and  to  an  earlier  date, 
since  the  connection  between  maritime  exploration 
and  inland  progress  is  very  slight.  Mendoza  at  the 
close  of  the  Mixton  war  in  1542,  though  not  encour- 
aged by  the  results  of  past  efforts,  had  a  fleet  on  his 
hands,  and  one  route  of  exploration  yet  open  and 


DRAKE,  CAVENDISH,  AND  VIZCAINO.  13 

promising,  that  up  the  outer  coast  of  the  peninsula. 
Therefore  Cabrillo  sailed  from  Natividad  with  two 
vessels,  made  a  careful  survey,  applied  names  that  for 
the  most  part  have  not  been  retained,  passed  the  limit 
of  Ulloa's  discoveries,  and  anchored  at  San  Miguel, 
now  San  Diego,  in  September.  Explorations  farther 
north  under  Cabrillo  and  his  successor  Ferrelo  will  be 
fully  given  in  a  later  chapter.  They  described  the 
coast  somewhat  accurately  up  to  the  region  of  Mon- 
terey, and  Ferrelo  believed  himself  to  have  reached 
the  latitude  of  44°. 

Mendoza's  efforts  on  the  coast  ended  with  Cabrillo's 
voyage;  but  fleets  crossed  the  ocean  to  the  Philip- 
pines, and  in  1565  Urdaneta  for  the  first  time  re- 
crossed  the  Pacific,  discovering  the  northern  route 
followed  for  two  centuries  by  the  Manila  galleons.  Of 
discoveries  by  these  vessels  little  is  known;  but  they 
gave  a  good  idea  of  the  coast  trend  up  to  Cape  Men- 
docino.  They  also  attracted  foreign  freebooters.  Drake 
ravaged  the  southern  coasts  in  1579,  also  reaching 
latitude  43°,  and  anchoring  in  a  California  port.  Gali, 
coming  by  the  northern  route  in  1584,  left  on  record 
some  slight  observations  on  the  coasts  up  to  37°. 
Cavendish  in  1586  made  a  plundering  cruise  up  as 
far  as  Mazatlan;  then  crossing  over  to  Cape  San 
Lucas  he  captured  the  treasure-ship,  and  bore  off 
across  the  Pacific.  Maldonado's  fictitious  trip  through 
the  Strait  of  Anian  and  back  in  1588,  and  the  similar 
imaginary  exploits  of  Fuca  in  the  north  Pacific,  have 
no  importance  for  us  in  this  connection.  One  Spanish 
commander  of  the  many  who  came  down  the  coast 
had  orders  to  make  investigations — Germ  en  on  in 
1595;  but  of  the  result  we  know  only  that  his  vessel 
was  wrecked  under  Point  Reyes. 

In  1597  Vizcaino  was  sent  to  explore  anew  and 
occupy  for  Spain  the  Californian  Isles.  He  sailed 
from  Acapulco  with  a  large  force  in  three  vessels, 
accompanied  by  four  Franciscan  friars.  His  explora- 
tions in  the  gulf  added  but  little  to  geographical 


14  INTRODUCTORY  BJ&SUM& 

knowledge;  and  the  settlement  which  he  attempted 
to  found  at  Santa  Cruz,  by  him  called  La  Paz,  was 
abandoned  after  a  few  months  from  the  inability  of 
the  country  to  furnish  food,  the  departure  being 
hastened  by  a  storm  and  fire  that  destroyed  buildings 
and  stores.  Thus  close  the  annals  of  the  sixteenth 
century. 

After  1600  Nueva  Galicia  has  no  history  that  can 
or  need  be  presented  in  a  resume  like  this.  Except 
one  district,  Nayarit,  the  whole-  province  was  in  per- 
manent subjection  to  Spanish  authority,  hostilities 
being  confined  mainly  to  robberies  on  the  line  of  travel 
from  Mexico  to  Nueva  Vizcaya.  The  president  of  the 
audiencia  at  Guadalajara  was  governor,  and  his  judi- 
cial authority  covered  all  the  north.  So  did  the  eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of  Guadalajara 
until  1621,  when  Nueva  Vizcaya  was  separated;  but 
the  north-east  to  Texas  and  the  north-west  to  Cali- 
fornia were  retained.  The  Franciscans  alone  had  mis- 
sionary authority,  and  that  only  in  the  north,  all 
establishments  depending  after  1604  on  the  Zacatecan 
provincia.  Mining  was  profitably  carried  on  notwith- 
standing an  oppressive  quicksilver  monopoly  and 
frequent  migrations  to  new  discoveries.  Agriculture 
and  stock-raising  were  the  leading  industries,  of  the 
limited  population.  The  country's  only  commerce 
was  the  exchange  by  overland  routes  of  grain  and 
cattle  for  supplies  needed  at  the  mines.  And  finally 
there  were  petty  local  happenings,  wholly  insufficient 
to  break  up  the  deadly  monotony  of  a  Spanish  prov- 
ince when  once  it  becomes  a  tierra  de  paz,  or  a  land 
at  peace. 

Nueva  Vizcaya  during  the  seventeenth  century 
comprised  in  a  sense  northern  Durango.  Chihuahua, 
Sinaloa,  and  Sonora,  besides  a  part  of  Coahuila;  yet 
the  connection  between  coast  and  inland  provinces 
was  practically  very  slight,  and  common  usage  located 
Nueva  Vizcaya  east  of  the  Sierra  Madre.  A  gover- 


MISSIONS  OF  NUEVA  VIZCAYA.  15 

nor,  and  bishop  of  Guadiana  after  1621,  resided  at 
Durango;  but  save  in  the  larger  towns  and  mining- 
camps,  the  country  was  for  the  most  part  a  tierra  de 
yuerra,  or  a  land  at  war;  the  epoch  not  one  of  civil  and 
ecclesiastic  but  rather  of  military  and  missionary  rule. 
In  general  the  whole  country  may  be  said  to  have 
been  divided  into  eight  mission  districts. 

The  Tepehuane  missions  of  Durango  prospered  from 
their  beginning  in  1594  until  the  great  revolt  of  1616 
in  which  eight  Jesuit  priests  and  two  hundred  other 
Spaniards  lost  their  lives.  All  missions  and  mining- 
camps  were  destroyed,  and  the  capital  was  seriously 
threatened.  The  massacre  was  cruelly  avenged,  and 
the  natives  that  survived  were  driven  to  the  moun- 
tains only  to  be  slowly  drawn  back  by  missionary. zeal. 
In  1640  lost  ground  had  been  regained,  and  more, 
except  in  the  number  of  neophytes,  of  whom  there 
were  eight  hundred  in  1678,  under  four  Jesuits  in  nine 
towns,  with  a  Spanish  population  of  about  three  hun- 
dred. The  Tepehuanes  were  conquered,  except  as 
individuals  or  small  parties  occasionally  revolted  in 
resistance  to  enforced  labor  in  the  mines.  In  the 
south-eastern  or  Parras  district  all  was  peace  and. 
prosperity  with  the  gentle  Laguneros,  if  we  except  an 
occasional  pestilence  or  inundation.  Over  five  thou- 
sand natives  had  been  baptized  by  1603;  the  missions 
were  secularized  in  1645;  large  accessions  of  Spanish 
and  Tlascaltec  population  were  received,  and  early  in 
the  next  century  under  Toboso  raids  and  Spanish 
oppression  all  traces  of  the  missions  had  disappeared. 

In  Topia,  or  western  Durango,  and  south-eastern 
Sinaloa,  the  Jesuits  were  at  work  with  good  success 
at  first;  but  the  miners  were  oppressive,  and  in  1601 
five  thousand  Acaxees  took  up  arms  to  free  their 
country,  destroying  the  mining-camps  and  towns  with 
forty  churches.  Brought  once  more  into  submission 
after  a  few  months,  they  never  revolted  again,  and 
the  adjoining  tribes  were  reduced  one  by  one  until  by 
the  middle  of  the  century  the  whole  district  had  passed 


16  INTRODUCTORY  Bfe3UM& 

permanently  under  Spanish  and  Jesuit  control.  As 
elsewhere  subsequent  annals  are  reduced  to  statistics 
and  petty  items  of  local  record.  Fifty  thousand  natives 
had  been  converted  before  1644,  when  eight  mission- 
aries were  serving  in  16  churches.  In  1678  there  were 
1400  neophytes  in  38  towns  under  the  care  of  ten  mis- 
sionaries, with  a  Spanish  population,  in  mining-camps 
chiefly,  which  may  be  estimated  at  500. 

The  Tarahumara  district  adjoined  that  of  the  Tepe- 
huanes  on  the  north,  in  northern  Durango  and  the 
mountains  of  southern  and  western  Chihuahua.  At 
Parral  a  Spanish  settlement  was  founded  in  1631; 
and  about  the  same  time  the  Jesuits  in  their  northern 
tours  obtained  four  or  five  hundred  Tarahumares, 
and  with  them  founded  two  towns,  San  Miguel  de  las 
Bocas  and  San  Gabriel,  just  south  of  the  modern  line 
of  Durango;  but  there  were  no  regular  missions  in 
Tarahumara  until  1639-40,  when  fathers  Figueroa 
and  Pascual  came  and  founded  San  Felipe  and  San 
Geronimo  Huexotitlan  on  or  near  the  Rio  Conchos 
below  Balleza.  In  1648  there  were  eight  pueblos  and 
four  missionaries,  when  war  broke  out,  mainly  in  con- 
sequence of  oppressions  by  Spaniards  who  wished  to 
use  the  natives  as  laborers  in  their  mines,  looking 
with  no  favor  on  the  mission  work.  The  Tarahumares 
were  always,  as  the  Jesuits  maintained,  a  brave  and 
honorable  people,  fighting  only  in  defence  of  their 
rights  or  to  avenge  wrongs.  In  this  first  instance  the 
assailants  were  gentiles,  the  plot  being  discovered  in 
time  to  keep  the  converts  loyal,  after  five  Spaniards 
and  forty  neophytes  had  been  killed.  Governor  Fa- 
jardo,  defeating  the  foe,  founded  a  town  of  Aguilar 
and  a  mission  at  the  site  of  the  modern  Concepcion. 
In  1650  the  mission  was  destroyed,  a  padre  killed, 
and  a  Spanish  force  several  times  defeated;  but 
peace  was  made  in  1651,  and  the  martyr's  place 
was  filled.  In  the  outbreak  of  1652  mission  and 
town  were  burned,  and  not  a  Spaniard  escaped.  It 
required  the  whole  military  force  of  Nueva  Vizcaya 


MISSIONS  IN  DUKANGO  AND  CHIHUAHUA.  17 

to  restore  submission,  the  Spaniards  being  often 
repulsed,  and  many  mission  towns  and  mining-camps 
being  repeatedly  destroyed.  For  twenty  years  from 
1652  upper  Tarahumara  was  abandoned,  but  was 
reoccupied  in  1673—8  as  far  north  as  the  Yepomera 
region,  the  limit  of  Jesuit  work  east  of  the  sierra. 
There  were  then  about  eight  thousand  Tarahumara 
converts  in  the  upper  and  lower  districts,  living  in 
forty-five  towns,  and  ministered  to  by  twelve  Jesuit 
missionaries.  The  Spanish  population,  for  the  most 
part  engaged  in  mining,  did  not  exceed  five  hundred. 
For  the  missions  the  last  quarter  of  the  century  was 
a  period  of  constant  but  not  very  rapid  decadence. 
They  were  exposed  on  the  north  and  east  to  raids 
fronvthe  fierce  Tobosos  and  Apaches,  and  there  were 
several  attempts  at  revolt,  the  most  serious  being  in 
1690,  when  two  Jesuits  lost  their  lives. 

North-eastern  Durango  and  eastern  Chihuahua 
formed  a  mission  district  under  the  Franciscans.  They 
had  a  much  less  favorable  field  of  labor  than  the 
Jesuits;  their  neophytes  were  inferior  in  intelligence 
to  the  Tepehuanes  and  Tarahumares,  and  their  estab- 
lishments had  to  bear  the  brunt  of  savage  raids  from 
the  north-eastern  sierras  or  Bolson  de  Mapimi.  For 
over  forty  years  the  old  convents  at  Cuencarne,  Ma- 
pimi, and  San  Bartolome  were  barely  kept  in  exist- 
ence; and  near  the  latter  in  the  Conchos  region  four 
new  missions  were  founded  before  1645.  Then  the 
Toboso  raids  became  so  serious  as  to  imperil  all 
Spanish  interests.  It  was  the  typical  Apache  war- 
fare of  later  times.  Not  a  camp,  mission,  hacienda, 
or  rancho  escaped  attack;  only  Parral  and  one  or 
two  mining-camps  escaped  destruction.  The  soldiers 
were  victorious  in  every  engagement,  but  they  could 
rarely  overtake  the  marauders.  The  Conchos  re- 
volted and  destroyed  their  five  missions,  killing  two 
friars.  At  this  time  the  presidio  of  Cerro  Gordo 
was  established,  and  the  fires  of  war  having  burned 
out  chiefly  for  want  of  fuel,  this  post  served  to  keep 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    2 


18  INTRODUCTORY  RESUME. 

the  southern  part  of  the  district  in  a  kind  of  order 
during  the  rest  of  the  century;  the  ruined  establish- 
ments being  gradually  reoccupied.  In  the  north  the 
Franciscans  extended  their  operations  over  a  broad 
field.  Between  1660  and  1670  three  or  four  missions, 
with  probably  a  small  garrison,  were  founded  in  the 
region  of  Casas  Grandes;  but  two  of  them  were  de- 
stroyed by  Apaches  before  1700.  In  1681-2,  an  estab- 
lishment having  been  formed  at  El  Paso,  several 
missions  sprang  up  in  that  region.  One  was  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Conchos  and  Rio  del  Norte,  but 
was  soon  destroyed.  In  1697  a  mission  of  Nombre 
de  Dios  was  founded  near  the  site  of  the  modern  city 
of  Chihuahua.  All  these  northern  establishments 
maintained  but  a  precarious  existence;  and  but  for  a 
line  of  presidios  erected  early  in  the  next  century  the 
whole  country  would  have  been  abandoned. 

Before  turning  to  the  coast  a  glance  must  be  given 
at  New  Mexico  beyond  the  limits  of  Nueva  Yizcaya. 
Here  prosperity  ceased  for  a  time  on  account  of  con- 
troversies between  Onate,  the  colonists,  and  the  Fran- 
ciscan friars.  The  latter  abandoned  the  province  in 
1601,  but  were  sent  back  to  reoccupy  the  missions. 
Onate  made  some  explorations;  Santa_Fe.3vas  founded  J^p  4 
and  became  the  capital;  and  irTTHSOS  eight  paclr 
were  at  work,  having  baptized  eight  thousand  natives. 
Thirty  new  friars  came  in  1629,  and  the  next  year 
fifty  missionaries  were  serving  sixty  thousand  con- 
verts in  ninety  pueblos.  This  was  the  date  of  New 
Mexico's  highest  prosperity,  though  the  decline  was 
very  slight  for  fifty  years,  a  period  whose  history  offers 
nothing  but  petty  local  happenings.  But  in  1680  a 
general  revolt  occurred,  in  which  four  hundred  Span- 
iards, including  twenty-one  friars,  were  killed,  and  the 
survivors  driven  out  of  the  country.  While  the  refu- 
gees founded  El  Paso  and  did  some  missionary  work 
in  that  region,  the  New  Mexicans  fought  among  them- 
selves and  threw  away  their  chances  for  continued 
independence.  After  several  unsuccessful  efforts  by 


THE  JESUITS  IN  SINALOA.  19 

different  leaders,  Governor  Vargas  reconquered  the 
province  after  many  a  hard-fought  battle  in  1693-4; 
but  two  years  later  a  new  revolt  occurred,  in  which 
five  missionaries  and  twenty  other  Spaniards  were 
killed,  and  the  year  1696  may  be  regarded  as  the  date 
of  New  Mexico's  permanent  submission  to  Spanish 
authority.  The  western  towns  were  still  independent; 
but  except  the  Moquis  all  renewed  their  allegiance 
before  the  end  of  the  century. 

The  coast  districts  were  Sinaloa,  extending  as  far 
north  as  the  Yaqui  River;  Sonora,  embracing  the 
region  of  Arizpe  and  Tepoca;  and  Pimeria,  stretch- 
ing to  the  Gila.  During  most  of  the  century  all 
this  territory  was  under  a  military  commandant  at 
San  Felipe  de  Sinaloa;  and  this  office  was  held  for 
nearly  thirty  years  by  Captain  Hurdaide,  who  was 
popular  with  the  missionaries,  and  a  terror  to  the 
natives.  His  term  of  office  was  a  continuous  cam- 
paign for  the  conquest  of  new  tribes  or  the  suppres- 
sion of  local  revolts.  In  1600  five  Jesuits  had  founded 
eight  missions,  with  thirteen  towns,  on  and  near  the 
rivers  Sinaloa  and  Mocorito.  Very  rapidly  was  the 
conquest,  spiritual  and  military,  pushed  northward  by 
the  priests  and  soldiers  working  in  perfect  accord.  The 
fierce  Suaquis,  Tehuecos,  and  Sinaloas  of  the  Rio  Tam- 
otchala,  or  Fuerte,  having  been  properly  chastised  by 
Hurdaide,  became  Christian  in  1604-7.  Fort  Montes- 
claros  was  founded  in  1610  on  the  river,  therefore  still 
called  Fuerte.  The  Mayos,  friendly  from  the  first,  re- 
ceived padres  in  1613,  and  never  revolted.  The  Yaquis, 
who  after  defeating  the  Spaniards  in  three  campaigns 
had  voluntarily  submitted  about  1610,  received  Father 
Ribas  in  1617,  and  were  soon  converted.  In  1621 
missions  were  founded  among  the  Chinipas  on  the 
Tarahumara  frontier;  and  the  work  was  extended 
up  the  Yaqui  to  the  Sahuaripa  region.  There  were 
now  thirty-four  Jesuits  at  work  in  this  field;  and  the 
northern  missions,  in  what  is  now  Sonora,  were  formed 
into  a  new  district  of  San  Ignacio.  Captain  Hur- 


20  INTRODUCTORY  RESUME. 

daide  died  about  1626;  and  during  the  rule  of  his 
successor  the  only  event  to  be  noted  was  the  revolt 
in  the  Chinipas  district  in  1631-2,  when  two  Jesuits 
were  killed,  and  the  missions  had  to  be  abandoned. 

Father  Pascual  had  labored  in  this  field  with  great 
success  for  years,  forming  three  towns  of  Chinipas, 
Varohios,  and  Guaz&pares.  A  chief  of  the  latter  was 
at  the  head  of  the  revolt,  gaining  adherents  from  the 
Varohios,  while  the  Chinipas  remained  faithful  and 
tried  to  protect  their  missionary.  Father  Martinez 
came  to  join  Pascual  in  1632,  and  the  two  were  killed 
a  week  later  after  their  house  and  church  had  been 
burned,  brutal  indignities  being  offered  to  their  bodies. 
Fifteen  neophytes  perished  with  their  martyred  mas- 
ters. Making  a  raid  into  the  mountains  Captain 
Perea  killed  many  rebels,  and  new  missionaries  were 
sent  to  the  country;  but  it  was  finally  decided  to 
abandon  this  field;  and  the  faithful  converts  were 
removed  to  the  towns  of  the  Sinaloas. 

During  the  last  half  of  the  century  the  Sinaloa 
missions  have  no  annals  save  such  as  are  statistical 
and  purely  local.  The  submission  of  the  natives  was 
complete  and  permanent,  and  affairs  fell  into  the 
inevitable  routine.  In  1678  there  were  in  the  dis- 
trict of  San  Felipe  y  Santiago,  corresponding  nearly 
to  the  modern  Sinaloa  above  Culiacan,  nine  missions, 
with  23  pueblos,  10,000  neophytes,  and  nine  mission- 
aries. The  northern  district  of  San  Ignacio  de  Yaqui, 
under  the  same  jurisdiction  but  in  modern  times  a 
part  of  Sonora,  had  10  missions,  23  pueblos,  10  padres, 
and  24,000  converts.  There  had  already  been  a  large 
decrease  in  the  neophyte  population.  The  military 
force  was  a  garrison  of  40  soldiers  at  San  Felipe,  and 
one  of  60  men  at  Fort  Montesclaros.  The  Spanish 
population,  exclusive  of  soldiers  and  military  officers, 
was  less  than  500. 

The  modern  Sonora  includes  the  three  ancient  prov- 
inces of  Sonora,  Ostimuri,  and  Pimeria;  but  in  the 
seventeenth  century  the  name  Sonora  was  properly 


SONORA  MISSION.  21 

that  of  the  valley  in  which  Arizpe,  Ures,  and  Her- 
mosillo  now  stand.  The  name  was  sometimes  extended 
for  a  long  distance  over  adjoining  regions,  especially 
northward;  but  never  covered  the  Yaqui  missions  or 
Ostimuri  in  the  south.  Missionary  work  was  begun 
in  the  Sonora  Valley  by  Father  Castano  in  1G38, 
near  the  site  of  the  old  and  ill-fated  San  Ger6nimo. 
The  Opatas  never  gave  any  trouble;  and  in  1639  the 
new  district  of  San  Francisco  Javier  de  Sonora  was 
formed  with  five  mission  partidos.  In  1641  Governor 
Perea  obtained  a  division  of  the  government,  was 
made  ruler  of  all  the  country  north  of  the  Yaqui 
towns,  styling  his  new  province  Nueva  Andalucia 
and  his  capital  San  Juan  Bautista.  In  consequence 
of  a  quarrel  with  the  Jesuits,  he  tried  to  put  the 
Franciscans  in  charge;  but  this  was  a  failure,  and  the 
new  government  came  to  an  end  in  four  years;  though 
a  garrison  remained  at  San  Juan.  In  1753  seven 
Jesuits  were  serving  twenty-five  thousand  converts  in 
twenty-three  towns.  In  1678  the  new  district  of  San 
Francisco  de  Borja  was  formed  of  the  missions  south 
and  west  of  Opozura;  and  the  two  consisted  of  eigh- 
teen missions  with  forty-nine  pueblos  and  about  twenty 
thousand  neophytes.  Ten  years  later  there  were 
three  districts,  the  new  one  of  Santos  Mdrtires  de 
Japon  extending  northward  from  Batuco  and  Nacori. 
The  Chinipas  missions,  which  had  been  reoccupied  in 
1676,  were  now  part  of  the  Sonora  district,  and  before 
the  end  of  the  century  were  in  a  most  flourishing  con- 
dition, under  Padre  Salvatierra  and  his  associates, 
though  to  some  extent  involved  in  the  troubles  with 
eastern  tribes. 

Father  Kino  in  1687  founded  the  mission  of  Dolores 
on  the  head-waters  of  the  Rio  de  San  Miguel,  and 
thus  began  the  conquest  of  Pimeria,  through  which 
Kino  hoped  to  reach  northern  California.  By  1690 
he  had  missions  at  San  Ignacio,  Imuris,  and  Remedies. 
The  Pimas  were  docile,  intelligent,  and  eager  for  con- 
version; but  Kino  could  neither  obtain  the  needed 


22  INTRODUCTORY  RESUM& 

priests,  nor  convince  the  military  authorities  that  the 
Pimas  were  not  concerned  in  the  constant  raids  of  the 
savages.  In  1691  with  Salvatierra  he  reached  the 
modern  Arizona  line;  and  later,  either  alone  or  with 
such  priests  as  he  could  induce  to  go  with  him,  he 
explored  the  country  repeatedly  to  the  Gila  and  gulf 
coast,  first  reaching  the  latter  in  1693  and  the  former 
in  1694.  Three  missionaries  having  been  obtained, 
Tubutama  and  Caborca  were  founded;  but  all  were 
destroyed  in  the  great  revolt  of  1695,  one  of  the  friars 
being  killed.  Two  years  later  they  had  been  rebuilt 
and  Suamca  added.  By  1700  Kino,  sometimes  with 
a  military  escort,  had  made  six  entradas,  or  excursions, 
to  the  Gila,  some  of  them  by  the  eastern  route  via 
Bac,  and  others  by  the  coast  or  Sonoita.  In  1700  he 
first  reached  the  Colorado  junction.  But  he  was  dis- 
appointed in  all  his  schemes  for  establishing  missions 
in  the  north.  The  Rio  San  Ignacio  was  the  northern 
frontier,  not  only  of  missionary  establishments  but  of 
all  Spanish  occupation  at  the  end  of  the  century. 

In.  1693  Sonora  and  all  the  north  had  been  sepa- 
rated practically,  perhaps  formally,  from  Sinaloa;  and 
Jironza  as  capitan-gobernador  came  with  his  'flying 
company'  of  fifty  men  to  protect  the  frontier,  his  cap- 
ital being  still  at  San  Juan.  The  next  seven  years 
were  spent  in  almost  constant  warfare  against  raiding 
Apaches  and  other  savage  bands  of  the  north-east.  A 
garrison  was  stationed  at  Fronteras,  or  Corodeguachi, 
which  in  campaigns  often  acted  in  union  with  the 
presidial  force  at  Janos  in  Chihuahua,  and  was  often 
aided  besides  by  the  Pimas,  whose  mission  towns  were 
a  favorite  object  of  the  raids  for  plunder. 

Finally  the  maritime  annals  and  coast  exploration 
of  the  century,  terminating  in  the  occupation  of  Baja 
California,  demand  our  notice.  In  1602  Sebastian 
Vizcaino  sailed  from  Acapulco  on  a  voyage  of  explora- 
tion which  will  be  fully  described  later  in  this  volume. 
For  more  than  a  century  and  a  half  Father  Ascension's 
diary  of  this  voyage  was  the  source  of  all  information 


EXPEDITIONS  TO  THE  GULF.  23 

extant  respecting  the  ^western  coast  up  to  latitude  40°. 
Vizcaino's  voyage  was  the  end  of  outer-coast  naviga- 
tion, subsequent  efforts  being  directed  exclusively  to 
the  gulf  and  peninsula,  though  Monterey  figured  on 
paper  in  many  of  the  schemes  proposed.  The  Spanish 
crown  was  chary  of  incurring  expense ;  without  money 
the  enthusiasm  of  neither  navigators  nor  friars  could 
be  utilized;  and  the  pearls  of  the  gulf  furnished  the 
only  incentive  to  action.  A  mere  catalogue  of  suc- 
cessive enterprises  must  suffice  here. 

Schemes  to  occupy  Monterey  in  1607—8  resulted  in 
nothing.  In  1615  Cardona  and  Iturbe  went  up  the 
gulf  to  latitude  34°  as  they  reckoned  it,  saw  the  strait 
that  made  California  an  island,  and  landed  at  several 
points  on  that  supposed  island  and  the  main.  Re- 
turning, they  were  captured  by  the  Dutch  pichilingues. 
These  were  Spilberg's  freebooters,  who  vainly  sought 
to  intercept  the  galleon,  and  had  a  fight  with  Spaniards 
on  the  Colima  coast.  Lezama  began  to  build  a  vessel 
near  San  Bias,  in  1627,  for  the  gulf;  and  Ortega, com- 
pleting it,  made  a  pearl  voyage  in  1632.  He  repeated 
the  trip  in  1633-4,  founding  a  colony  at  La  Paz. 
Many  natives  were  baptized;  some  inland  explora- 
tions were  made,  and  all  went  well  for  several  months, 
until  food  was  exhausted.  Then  this  third  attempt  at 
settlement  was  added  to  the  failures  of  Corte's  and 
Vizcaino.  There  were,  doubtless,  unrecorded  and  un- 
authorized pearl-seeking  voyages  in  those  times.  Car- 
bonel's  expedition  made  by  Ortega's  pilot  in  1636  was 
an  utter  failure.  It  was  in  1640  that  Fonte  sailed 
through  the  net-work  of  straits,  lakes,  and  rivers  in 
the  northern  continent  until  he  met  a  Boston  ship 
from  the  Atlantic!  Canas  by  the  viceroy's  orders 
crossed  over  from  Sinaloa  and  explored  the  California 
coast  for  some  forty  leagues  in  1642,  accompanied  by 
the  Jesuit  priest,  Cortes.  Casanate's  operations  were 
in  1643—8;  but  after  great  expense  and  much  ill-luck 
the  only  results  were  a  cruise  about  San  Lucas  by 
xBarriga  in  the  former  year,  and  in  the  latter  a  vain 


24  INTRODUCTORY 

search  for  a  colony  site.     For  twenty  years  nothing 
was  attempted,  and  then  Pinadero  obtained  a  com- 
mission to  reduce  California  as  a  pretext  for  one  or 
two  profitable  pearl-seeking  trips  in  1667.    Lucenilla's 
expedition    in    1668   was   not  unlike  the  preceding, 
though  he  had   two  Franciscans  on  his  ship,  who 
attempted  conversion  at  La  Paz  and  at  the  cape. 
After  fruitless  negotiations  with  other  persons  the 
viceroy  made  a  contract  for  the  settlement  of  Cali- 
fornia with  Otondo,  who  was  accompanied  by  Father 
Kino  and  two  other  Jesuits,  sailing  from  Chacala  with 
a  hundred  persons  in  1683.    The  province  was  now 
formally  called  Californias  and  the   locality  of  the 
colony  La  Paz.     Some  progress  was  made  at  first; 
but  presently  the  men,  panic-stricken  by  reason  of 
Indian  troubles,  insisted  on  abandoning  the  settle- 
ment.    Otondo  came  back  before  tjie  end  of  the  year, 
reestablishing  the  colony  at  San  Bruno,  above  La  Paz. 
Here  it  was  maintained  with  difficulty  until  the  end 
of  1685,  when  the  enterprise  was  given  up  in  disgust. 
The  Jesuits  foreseeing  the  result  had  baptized  none 
but  dying  Indians.    The  barren  peninsula  was  wholly 
unsuited  for  colonization.  ,    In  1685  the  British  free- 
booter Swan  made  an  unfortunate  cruise  along  the 
coast,  failing  to  capture  the  galleon,  and  losing  fifty 
men  who  were  killed  by  Spaniards  on  the  Rio  Tololot- 
lan.     Only  one  other  expedition,  that  of  Itaraarra  in 
1694,  is  recorded,  but  very  vaguely,  before  the  final 
occupation  of  the  peninsula. 

The  country  offered  absolutely  no  inducements  to 
settlers;  and  a  military  occupation,  entailing  constant 
expense  without  corresponding  advantages,  did  not 
accord  with  the  Spanish  system  of  conquest.  Only 
by  a  band  of  zealous  missionaries,  protected  by  a 
small  military  guard,  with  supplies  assured  from 
abroad  for  years,  could  this  reduction  be  effected. 
The  Jesuits  understood  this,  and  when  the  govern- 
ment had  been  taught  by  repeated  failures  to  un- 
derstand it  also,  the  necessary  arrangements  were 


NUEVA  GAIJCIA  IN  THE  EIGHTEENTH  CENTURY.          25 

concluded  by  Salvatierra  and  Kino;  and  in  1697  a 
mission  was  founded  at  Lpreto,  just  below  the  San 
Bruno  of  Ortega.  Difficulties  were  formidable  at 
first  and  for  a  long  time;  the  savages  were  stupid 
and  often  hostile;  the  guard  was  small;  vessels  came 
irregularly  with  supplies,  and  authorities  in  Mexico 
generally  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  appeals  for  aid.  Sal- 
vatierra and  Piccolo,  however,  never  lost  courage  in 
the  darkest  days,  and  before  1700  they  had  two  mis- 
sions and  a  guard  of  thirty  men. 

Eighteenth  century  annals  of  Nueva  Yiscaya  and 
the  adjoining  regions,  so  far  as  they  precede  the  occu- 
pation of  Alta  California  in  1769,  may  be  presented 
with  enough  of  detail  for  the  present  purpose  very 
briefly;  for  throughout  those  broad  territories  affairs 
had  fallen  into  the  monotonous  routine  of  peace  in 
the  south,  of  war  in  the  north,  that  was  to  character- 
ize them  as  long  as  Spanish  domination  should  last, 
and  in  many  respects  longer.  To  Nueva  Galicia  as  a 
tierra  de  paz  may  be  added  in  these  times  Sinaloa 
and  Durango  to  the  north.  The  era  of  conquest,  as 
in  a  great  measure  of  missionary  labor,  was  past. 
The  authority  of  the  audiencia  and  civil  governors 
was  everywhere  respected.  Curates  under  the  bish- 
ops were  in  control  of  spiritual  affairs  in  all  the  larger 
settlements.  Mining  was  the  leading  industry,  feebly 
supplemented  by  stock-raising  and  agriculture.  Minor 
political  and  ecclesiastical  controversies,  the  succes- 
sion of  provincial  and  subordinate  officials,  fragmen- 
tary statistics  of  mining  and  other  industries,  and 
petty  local  happenings  of  non-progressive  localities 
furnish  but  slight  basis  for  an  instructive  resume, 
even  if  such  general  review  were  called  for  here. 

There  was,  however,  one  exception  to  the  unevent- 
ful monotony  of  Nueva  Galicia  affairs  during  this 
period,  which  should  be  noticed  here — the  conquest 
of  Nayarit.  This  mountainous  and  almost  inaccessi- 
ble region  of  northern  Jalisco,  near  the  frontiers  of 


26  INTRODUCTORY 

Sinaloa,  Durango,  and  Zacatecas  had  been  the  last 
refuge  of  aboriginal  paganism.  Here  the  bold  moun- 
taineers, Nayarits,  Coras,  and  Tecualmes,  maintained 
their  independence  of  all  Spanish  or  Christian  control 
till  1721.  It  was  these  tribes  or  adjoining  ones  directly 
or  indirectly  supported  by  them,  that  caused  all  Ind- 
ian troubles  of  the  century  in  Nueva  Galicia.  No 
white  man,  whether  soldier  or  friar,  was  permitted  to 
enter  the  narrow  pass  that  led  to  the  stronghold  of 
the  Gran  Nayar.  A  long  series  of  attempts  at  peace- 
ful conquest  resulted  in  failure;  and  the  difficulties 
of  forcible  entry  were  greatly  exaggerated  at  the  time, 
and  still  more  at  a  later  period  by  Jesuit  chroniclers 
who  sought  to  magnify  the  obstacles  overcome  by 
their  order.  The  Nayarits  made  a  brave  but  fruitless 
resistance,  and  their  stronghold  fell  before  the  first 
determined  and  protracted  campaign  of  the  invaders 
in  1721-2.  In  1725  the  visitador  or  inspector  found 
about  four  thousand  natives  living  submissively  in  ten 
villages;  and  in  1767  seven  Jesuits  were  serving  in  as 
many  Nayarit  missions. 

North  of  Nueva  Galicia,  as  I  have  remarked,  Du- 
rango  and  Sinaloa  require  no  special  notice  here.  The 
provinces  at  whose  annals  a  glance  must  be  given,  are 
New  Mexico;  Chihuahua,  or  the  northern  portion  of 
Nueva  Viscaya  proper;  Sonora,  including  the  lower 
and  upper  Pimeria;  and  the  peninsula  of  Baja  Cali- 
fornia. All  this  region,  though  in  its  industries  and 
some  other  phases  of  its  annals  very  similar  to  the 
southern  provinces,  was  for  the  most  part  still  a  tierra 
de  guerra,  or  land  of  war,  always  exposed  to  the  raids 
of  savage  gentiles,  and  often  to  the  revolts  of  Chris- 
tian converts.  The  rule  was  military  rather  than 
civil,  missionary  rather  than  ecclesiastic,  save  in  a  few 
of  the  larger  towns. 

New  Mexico  from  1700  to  1769  was  an  isolated 
community  of  neophytes,  Franciscan  missionaries, 
Spanish  soldiers,  and  settlers,  struggling,  not  very 
.zealously,  for  a  bare  existence.  Each  of  these  classes. 


ANNALS  OF  NEW  MEXICO.  27 

was  slightly  reenforced  during  the  period;  and  aid, 
chiefly  in  the  form  of  agricultural  implements,  came 
from  time  to  time  for  the  settlers,  as  did  a  salary  for 
the  friars,  from  Mexico.  A  few  mines  were  opened  in 
different  parts  of  the  country;  but  about  them,  as  about 
the  agricultural  and  stock-raising  industries  which  fur- 
nished the  means  of  provincial  subsistence,  very  little  is 
known.  Trade  between  the  different  towns,  as  with 
outside  gentile  tribes  and  with  merchants  who  brought 
in  caravans  from  the  far  south  needed  articles  of  foreign 
manufacture,  was  generally  flourishing  in  a  small  way. 
The  Pueblo  Indians  were  for  the  most  part  faithful 
converts,  though  retaining  a  fondness  for  the  rites  and 
sorceries  of  their  old  faith,  which  gave  the  mission- 
aries no  little  trouble.  All  Spanish  inhabitants,  with 
the  events  of  1680  ever  in  their  minds,  were  peculiarly 
sensitive  to  rumors  of  impending  revolt,  which,  from 
one  direction  or  another,  were  very  frequent,  but  rarely 
well  founded.  There  were  occasional  local  troubles  in 
frontier  towns;  Zuni  was  long  in  re  volt;  and  the  Moquis, 
though  declaring  themselves  subjects  of  Spain,  stead- 
fastly refused  to  become  Christians.  The  Apaches 
were  often  troublesome  on  the  south  and  west;  as 
were  the  Yutas,  Navajos,  and  Comanches  on  the  north 
and  east — each  nation  ready  to  make  a  treaty  of  peace 
whenever  prospects  for  plunder  seemed  unfavorable. 
Harely  did  a  year  pass  without  a  campaign  against 
one  of  these  nations,  or  an  expedition  to  the  Moqui 
towns.  Such  time  as  the  governor  could  spare  from 
Indian  campaigns  was  largely  devoted  to  political  con- 
troversies and  defence  against  charges  of  corruption 
or  incompetency.  The  governor  was  directly  respon- 
sible to  the  viceroy,  and  a  Franciscan  custodian  was 
in  charge  of  the  friars.  In  the  later  years  of  the 
period  now  under  consideration,  the  population  of 
native  Christians  was  about  ten  thousand,  in  twenty- 
five  towns  under  fifteen  friars.  Of  Spanish  and  mixed 
blood,  settlers  and  soldiers  with  their  families,  there 
were  perhaps  twenty- five  hundred  souls,  chiefly  at 


28  INTRODUCTORY 

Santa  Fe  and  Alburquerque,  but  also  scattered  to 
some  extent  on  haciendas.  Two  or  three  curates  under 
the  bishop  of  Durango  attended  to  their  spiritual 
needs. 

Chihuahua  during  this  period,  as  before  and  later, 
was  exposed  to  never  ending  raids  from  the  murder- 
ous Apaches,  which  for  the  most  part  prevented  all 
permanent  progress.  Though  the  savages  from  the 
Bolson  de  Mapimi  were  again  troublesome  at  first,  yet 
the  mining  settlements  of  San  Bartolome  Valley  in  the 
south  counted  a  Spanish  population  of  over  four  thou- 
sand in  1766.  Near  Nombre  de  Dios,  the  rich  mines 
of  Santa  Eulalia  were  discovered,  and  here  in  the  early 
years  of  the  century  the  Real  de  San  Felipe,  or  Chi- 
huahua, sprang  into  existence.  The  new  town  grew 
rapidly  for  a  time,  but  in  1766  the  population  had  de- 
creased to  four  hundred  families.  A  line  of  half  a  dozen 
presidios,  or  military  posts,  was  established  before  1720 
in  the  north  as  far  as  Janos  and  Paso  del  Norte ;  and 
these  posts,  some  of  them  being  moved  from  time  to 
time  according  to  need,  kept  the  province  from  utter 
ruin,  though  there  was  hardly  a  mission,  hacienda,  or 
real  de  minas  that  was  not  at  one  time  or  another 
abandoned.  The  Franciscans  continued  their  struggle 
against  paganism,  and  in  1714  founded  six  new  mis- 
sions at  the  jnnction  of  the  Rio  Conchos  and  Rio 
Grande,  which,  however,  had  to  be  abandoned  within 
ten  years.  In  the  Spanish  settlements  curates  relieved 
the  friars,  and  the  missions  of  the  region  about  Paso 
del  Norte  were  secularized  in  1756  only  to  be  restored 
to  the  missionaries  for  a  time  in  later  years.  Also  in 
1756  the  Jesuit  missions  of  the  Tepehuane  and  Baja 
Tarahumara  districts  were  secularized.  These  missions 
and  those  of  Alta  Tarahumara  had  been  constantly 
declining.  Their  troubles  and  those  of  their  Jesuit 
directors  at  the  hands  of  savage  invaders,  revolting 
neophytes,  Spanish  settlers  and  miners,  and  secular 
officials,  were  in  every  essential  respect  similar  to  those 
of  the  Sonora  establishments  to  be  noticed  presently. 


EVENTS  IN  PIMERIA  ALTA.  29 

The  Jesuits  were  succeeded  in  1767  by  eighteen  Fran- 
ciscans from  Zacatecas. 

Sinaloa  and  southern  Sonora  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury present  little  or  nothing  of  importance  to  our 
purpose.  In  the  extreme  north,  Kino  continues  to 
labor  as  before  with  like  discouraging  results  till  his 
death  in  1711.  No  missionaries  can  be  obtained  for 
the  north;  his  only  permanent  associates  in  Pimeria- 
Alta  are  Campos  and  Velarde.  Military  authorities 
still  distrust  the  Pimas,  or  pretend  to  distrust  them; 
but  the  Jesuits  believe  these  officials  are  really  in 
league  with  the  miners  and  settlers  to  oppose  the 
mission  work,  desiring  the  hostility  of  the  natives 
that  they  may  be  enslaved  and  plundered ;  at  any  rate 
a  never  ending  controversy  ensues.  After  Kino's  death 
there  is  no  change  for  the  better;  and  no  increase  of 
missionaries  until  1730.  Father  Campos  makes  several 
tours  to  the  gulf  coast,  but  communication  with  the 
north  becomes  less  and  less  frequent;  and  Apache 
raids  are  of  constant  occurrence.  The  Spanish  popu- 
lation of  Pimeria  in  1730  is  about  three  hundred. 
The  soldiers  are  said  to  give  more  attention  to  mining 
than  to  their  proper  duty  of  protecting  the  province; 
and  an  injudicious  policy  of  non-interference  with  the 
Apaches  is  at  one  time  adopted  by  orders  from  Mexico. 
In  1731  three  new  priests  come,  and  are  assigned  to 
the  northern  missions  of  Suamca,  Guevavi,  and  San 
Javier  del  Bac  founded  at  this  time,  though  the  natives 
of  each  had  been  often  before  visited  by  the  Jesuits. 
They  are  supplied  irregularly  with  missionaries  from 
this  time.  The  names  of  Campos  and  Velarde  pres- 
ently disappear  from  the  records  to  be  replaced  by 
those  of  Sedelmair  and  Keler.  In  1736-50  these 
Jesuits  make  several  tours  to  the  Gila  region,  in  con- 
nection with  vain  projects  for  the  conversion  of  the 
Moquis  and  the  occupation  of  Northern  California. 
It  is  in  these  years,  1737-41,  that  occurs  the  famous 
mining  excitement  of  the  Bolas  de  Plata,  at  a  place 
between  Saric  and  Guevavi  called  Arizonac,  whence 


30  INTRODUCTORY  RESUME. 

the  name  Arizona.  The  presidio  of  Terrenate  is 
founded  about  1741.  The  Pimas  become  perhaps  as 
bad  as  they  had  been  accused  of  beinof  from  the  first. 

*J  O 

They  revolt  in  1751-2,  killing  two  priests  and  a  hun- 
dred other  Spaniards;  and  for  five  or  six  years  there 
is  a  bitter  controversy  between  the  missionaries  and 
the  government  touching  the  causes  of  the  revolt. 
But  the  presidio  of  Tubac  having  been  established, 
and  a  small  garrison  stationed  at  Altar,  the  missions 
are  reoccupied,  and  maintain  a  precarious  existence 
during  the  rest  of  the  Jesuit  period.  Six  priests  are 
serving  in  1767.  Near  San  Javier  del  Bac  there  is  a 
native  rancheria,  called  Tucson,  where  after  1752  a 
few  Spaniards  have  settled;  but  the  place  is  tem- 
porarily abandoned  in  1763. 

The  Apaches  of  the  north  are  not  Sonora's  only 
savage  scourge;  but  from  1724  the  Seris,  Tepocas,  Sal- 
ineros,  Tiburon  Islanders,  and  other  bands  of  the 
gulf  coast  above  Guaymas,  keep  the  province  in  almost 
constant  terror  by  their  ravages.  There  has  been 
some  mission  work  done  at  intervals,  by  the  Califor- 
nian  padres  chiefly,  in  the  Guaymas  region,  but  no 
permanent  missions  are  established.  The  Cerro  Prieto 
is  the  rendezvous  and  stronghold  not  only  of  the  tribes 
named,  but  at  intervals  of  the  Pimas  Bajos  and  other 
bands  of  revolting  neophytes.  The  danger  from  this 
direction  is  generally  deemed  greater  than  from  the 
Apaches,  who  are  somewhat  restrained  by  the  hos- 
tility of  the  Pimas  Altos.  Campaigns  to  the  Cerro 
Prieto  are  frequent,  and  generally  unsuccessful.  In 
one  of  them  in  1755  Governor  Mendoza  is  killed. 

In  1734  the  province  of  Sinaloa  y  Sonora  is  sepa- 
rated from  Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  put  under  a  governor 
and  commandant  general,  whose  capital  is  nominally 
still  San  Felipe  de  Sinaloa,  but  really  San  Juan  or 
Pitic  in  Sonora.  Under  him  are  the  presidio  captains. 
Civil  affairs  are  administered  as  before  by  alcaldes 
mayores.  The  governor's  time,  or  the  little  that  is 
left  from  the  almost  continuous  campaigns  against 


JESUIT  MISFORTUNES.  31 

northern  or  western  savages,  is  devoted  to  the  defence 
of  his  own  policy,  to  controversies  with  the  mission- 
aries, and  to  the  recommendation  of  divers  measures 
for  the  salvation  of  the  country,  few  of  which  are 
adopted  and  none  effectual.  In  1740-1  there  is  a  seri- 
ous revolt  of  the  Yaquis  and  hitherto  submissive 
Mayos.  The  presidio  of  Pitic  at  Hermosillo  is  now 
founded,  afterwards  being  transferred  for  a  time  to 
Horcasitas.  In  1745  there  are  estimated  to  be  six- 
teen hundred  Spanish  inhabitants,  possibly  men,  in 
Sinaloa,  Ostimuri,  and  Sonora,  besides  about  two 
hundred  soldiers  in  the  different  presidios.  Yisitador 
General  Gallardo  in  1749  reported  the  province  to  be 
in  a  most  unprosperous  and  critical  condition.  The 
population  is  ever  shifting  with  the  finding  of  new 
mines,  not  a  single  settlement  having  over  ten  perma- 
nent Spanish  families,  though  a  regular  town  has  been 
begun  at  Horcasitas.  No  remedy  is  found  for  existing 
evils  before  1767,  but  affairs  go  on  from  bad  to  worse. 
The  missions  share  in  the  general  misfortunes. 
Before  1730  they  had  declined  about  one  half  in 
neophyte  population  from  1678;  and  the  decline  con- 
tinues'to  the  end.  The  Jesuits  gradually  lose  much 
of  their  influence  except  over  women,  children,  and 
infirm  old  men.  Indeed  there  grows  up  against  them 
a  very  bitter  popular  feeling,  and  they  become  in- 
volved in  vexatious  controversies  with  the  author- 
ities and  gente  de  razon,  or  civilized  people,  generally. 
New-comers  are  largely  German  members  of  the  com- 
pany with  less  patience  and  less  interest  in  the  mis- 
sions than  the  old  Spanish  workers;  and  all  become 
more  or  less  petulant  in  their  discouragement  under 
ever  increasing  troubles.  They  are  for  the  most  part 
good  men,  and  in  the  right  generally  so  far  as  the 
details  of  particular  quarrels  are  concerned;  but  they 
cannot  obtain  the  sine  qua  non  of  continued  mission 
prosperity,  protection  in  trouble,  non-interference  in 
success;  and  like  missionaries  every  where  they  cannot 
submit  gracefully  to  the  inevitable  overthrow  of  their 


32  INTRODUCTORY 

peculiar  system.  Settlers  and  miners,  desiring  their 
lands  and  the  labor  of  their  neophytes,  preach  liberty 
to  the  natives,  foment  hatred  to  the  priests,  advocate 
secularization,  and  as  the  Jesuits  believe  even  stir 
up  revolt. 

Before  secularization  or  utter  ruin  befalls  the  Sonora 
missions,  all  of  the  Jesuit  order  are  expelled  from 
Spanish  dominions.  The  priests  had  been  waiting  for 
a  change,  and  it  comes  in  a  most  unexpected  form. 
After  months  of  confinement  at  Guaymas  they  are 
banished,  thirty-seven  in  number,  at  the  beginning  of 
1768.  Soon  the  missions  are  given  to  Franciscan 
friars,  who  like  the  Jesuits  are  faithful;  but  the 
change  leaves  the  several  establishments  in  no  better 
condition  than  before.  At  the  same  period  comes 
the  grand  military  expedition  of  Elizondo  under  the 
auspices  of  Galvez,  which  is  to  reduce  the  savage  foes 
of  Sonora  to  permanent  submission,  but  which  is  not 
brilliantly  successful.  Notwithstanding  the  radical 
changes  of  this  period  Sonora  affairs  proceed  much  as 
before ;  but  from  the  exhibition  of  energy  accompa- 
nying these  changes,  as  we  shall  see,  results  the  occu- 
pation of  Alta  California. 

Maritime  annals  of  the  period  have  no  importance 
in  this  connection,  consisting  almost  entirely  of  the 
predatory  efforts  of  Dampier,  Rogers,  Shelvocke,  and 
Anson,  who  lie  in  wait  at  different  times  for.  the 
Manila  ship.  On  the  peninsula  of  Baja  California 
Salvatierra  and  his  associates  labor  with  zeal  and  suc- 
cess. Gifts  from  rich  patrons,  forming  the  'pious 
fund,'  enable  them  to  purchase  supplies  and  thus 
counteract  the  disadvantages  of  their  barren  country. 
At  the  same  time  its  barrenness  and  isolation  relieve 
them  from  much  of  the  interference  suffered  in  Sonora. 
Yet  there  are  Spaniards  who  desire  to  fish  for  pearls; 
and  there  are  others  who  believe  the  Jesuits  to  be 
engaged  secretly  in  pearl-fishing  and  thus  amassing 
great  wealth.  Indeed  there  are  yew  persecutions  suf- 
fered by  their  brethren  across  the  gulf,  which  in  a 


MISSIONS  OF  THE  PENINSULA.  33 

modified  form  do  not  affect  them;  while  they  endure 
many  hardships  and  privations  elsewhere  unknown. 
Missions  are  founded  till  the  chain  extends  nearly  the 
whole  length  of  the  peninsula.  Salvatierra  dies  in 
1717.  In  171 8—2 1  Ugarte  builds  a  vessel  and  explores 
the  gulf  to  its  head.  The  Manila  ship  touches  occa- 
sionally after  1734;  and  this  same  year  marks  the 
beginning  of  long-continued  revolts  in  the  south,  dur- 
ing which  two  priests  are  killed.  Governor  Huidrobo 
comes  over  from  Sonora  for  a  campaign,  and  a  presidio 
is  founded  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo.  In  1742-8  an  epi- 
demic destroys  several  missions.  Father  Consag  in 
1746  and  1751  explores  both  the  gulf  and  ocean 
coasts.  About  1750  there  is  a  general  revival  in  com- 
mercial, mining,  and  pearl-fishing  industries;  but  it  is 
not  of  long  duration,  bringing  blame  also  upon  the 
Jesuits.  Save  the  praiseworthy  desire  to  improve  the 
spiritual  condition  of  its  inhabitants,  there  is  no 
encouragement  for  the  Spanish  occupation  of  this 
country.  Sixteen  Jesuits  died  in  the  country;  sixteen 
were  banished  in  1768.  Bitter  feelings  against  the 
company  in  the  North  Mexican  provinces,  or  indeed 
in  America,  had  but  slight  influence  in  causing  the 
expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  from  the  Spanish  dominions. 


HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    3 


CHAPTER  II. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

LIST  or  AUTHORITIES — A  CATALOGUE  or  CALIFORNIA  BOOKS — TAYLOR'S  LIST — 
PROPOSED  CLASSIFICATION — PERIODS  OF  HISTORY— SIXTEEN  HUNDRED 
TITLES  BEFORE  1848 — PRINTED  MATERIAL — EPOCH  OF  DISCOVERY  TO 
1769 — COSMOGRAPHIES  AND  VOYAGE  COLLECTIONS — SPANISH  EPOCH 
1769-1824 — BOOKS  OF  VISITORS — BOOKS,  PERIODICALS,  AND  DOCU- 
MENTS— THE  MEXICAN  PERIOD,  1824-1846 — VOYAGES — OVERLAND  NAR- 
RATIVES— FIRST  PRINTS  OF  CALIFORNIA — WORKS  OF  MEXICAN  AUTHORS — 
GOVERNMENT  DOCUMENTS — HISTORIES — LOCAL  ANNALS— ONE  THOUSAND 
TITLES  OF  MANUSCRIPTS — ARCHIVES,  PUBLIC,  MISSION,  AND  PRIVATE— 
VALLEJO  AND  LARKIN— DOCUMENTARY  TITLES— SCATTERED  CORRE- 
SPONDENCE— DICTATIONS  OF  NATIVES  AND  PIONEERS — VALUE  OF  REMIN- 
ISCENCES— AFTER  THE  GOLD  DISCOVERY — MANUSCRIPTS— BOOKS  PRINTED 
IN  AND  ABOUT  CALIFORNIA. 

I  HAVE  prefixed  to  this  volume  a  list  of  authorities 
cited  in  the  History  of  California,  which  includes  about 
four  thousand1  titles  of  books,  pamphlets,  newspapers, 
printed  documents,  articles,  and  manuscripts.  It  is 
something  more  than  a  mere  list  of  the  works  con- 
sulted and  epitomized  in  this  part  of  my  history, 
being  practically  a  complete  catalogue  of  all  existing 
material  pertaining  to  California,  down  to  the  epoch 
of  the  discovery  of  gold,  and  of  all  historical  ma- 
terial to  a  later  period.  I  am  of  course  aware  that 
a  perfectly  complete  bibliographical  list  of  authorities 
on  any  topic  of  magnitude  does  not  exist;  and  I  do  not 
pretend  that  mine  is  such  a  list;  hence  the  limitation,  a 

1  Throughout  this  chapter  I  employ  round  numbers,  and  in  most  instances 
the  word  'about'  should  be  understood  with  each  number.  The  necessity  of 
printing  this  summary  before  the  list  is  put  in  type  prevents  absolute  accu- 
racy; yet  the  numerical  statements  are  by  no  means  mere  estimates,  but  may 
be  regarded  as  practically  accurate,  the  variation  never  exceeding  two  or 
tjiree  per  cent. 

(34) 


CLASSIFICATION  OF  WORKS.  35 

'practically'  complete  catalogue.  Additional  research 
will  add  a  few  items  to  each,  or  most,  of  my  sub- 
divisions; and  even  now,  did  space  permit,  several 
of  them  might  be  greatly  extended,  as  will  be  pres- 
ently explained,  without  really  adding  much  to  the 
value  of  the  catalogue.  As  it  stands  the  list  is  more 
complete  than  any  other  within  my  knowledge  relating 
to  any  state  or  territory  of  our  union,  or  indeed  to 
any  other  country  in  the  world.2 

Respecting  each  of  the  titles  given  there  will  be 
found  somewhere  in  this  history  a  bibliographic  note 
affording  all  desirable  information  about  the  work  and 
its  author ;  so  that  if  these  notes  were  brought  together 
and  attached  in  alphabetic  order  to  the  items  of  the 
list,  the  result  would  be  a  Bibliography  of  Californian 
History,  to  which  work  the  present  chapter  might  serve 
as  an  introduction.  In  it  I  propose  to  a  certain  extent 
to  classify  the  works  which  have  furnished  data  for 
this  and  the  following  volumes,  and  briefly  to  describe 
and  criticise  such  of  the  various  classes  and  subdi- 
visions as  may  seem  to  require  remark.  A  few  individ- 
ual works  of  a  general  or  representative  nature  may 
appropriately  be  noticed  in  this  connection;  but  as  a 
rule  the  reader  must  look  elsewhere  for  such  special 
notices.  To  the  general  reader,  as  must  be  confessed, 
bibliography  is  a  topic  not  of  the  most  fascinating; 

2  So  far  as  works  on  California  are  concerned,  the  only  previous  attempt  at 
anything  approaching  a  complete  list  is  Alex.  S.  Taylor's  Bibliocjrafa  Cali- 
fornica  published  in  the  Sacramento  Union  of  June  25,  1863,  with  additions 
in  the  same  paper  of  March  13,  1866.  In  a  copy  preserved  in  the  Library  of 
the  California  Pioneers  in  San  Francisco,  there  are  manuscript  additions  of 
still  later  date.  This  work  contained  over  a  thousand  titles,  but  its  field  was 
the  whole  territory  from  Baja  California  to  the  Arctic  Ocean,  west  of  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  only  about  one  half  of  the  works  relating  to  Alta  Califor- 
nia proper.  Dr  Taylor's  zeal  in  this  direction  was  most  commendable,  and  his 
success,  considering  his  extremely  limited  facilities,  was  wonderful;  yet  his 
catalogue  is  useless.  He  never  saw  one  in  five  of  the  works  he  names ;  blun- 
ders average  more  than  one  to  each  title;  he  names  many  books  that  never 
existed,  others  so  inaccurately  that  they  cannot  be  traced,  and  yet  others 
several  times  over  under  different  titles.  His  insufferable  pedantry  and  af- 
fectation of  bibliographic  patois  unite  with  the  typographic  errors  of  the 
newspaper  press  to  destroy  for  the  most  part  any  merit  that  the  list  might 
otherwise  have.  I  have  no  doubt  there  may  be  a  few  of  Taylor's  items  repre- 
senting books  or  documents  that  actually  exist  and  are  not  in  my  list;  but  to 
select  them  would  be  a  well  nigh  hopeless  task. 


36  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

but  its  novelty  in  Calif omian  aspects  and  the  brevity 
and  comprehensiveness  of  its  treatment  in  this  instance 
may  perhaps  be  offered  as  circumstances  tending  to 
counteract  inherent  monotony. 

In  point  of  time  bibliography,  like  the  history,  of 
California  is  divided  into  two  great  periods  by  the 
discovery  of  gold  in  1848.  I  have  some  sixteen  hun- 
dred titles  for  the  earlier  period  and  over  two  thousand 
for  the  later;  though  the  division  would  be  numerically 
much  less  equal  were  printed  material  alone  considered. 
And  if  books  and  pamphlets  only  were  taken  into 
account,  disregarding  newspapers  and  articles  and  doc- 
uments in  print,  the  numbers  would  stand  two  hundred 
and  seventy  for  the  primitive,  and  more  than  a  thou- 
sand for  the  modern  epoch.  Yet  there  could  be  no 
good  reason  for  restricting  my  list  of  authorities  to 
books ;  and  its  extension  to  manuscript,  documentary, 
and  periodical  material  is  entirely  legitimate,  as  will 
be  at  once  apparent  to  scholars.  Where  to  stop  in 
this  extension,  however,  and  in  the  consequent  sub- 
division of  documentary  data  is  obviously  a  point  re- 
specting which  no  two  critics  would  be  likely  to  agree. 
The  abundance  of  my  material  has  put  me  beyond  the 
temptation  to  exaggerate;  and  while  some  will  doubt- 
less regret  that  in  certain  directions,  notably  that  of 
original  manuscripts,  I  have  not  multiplied  titles,  the 
ever  present  necessity  of  rigid  condensation  has  con- 
trolled my  course  in  this  matter.3 

For  the  years  preceding  1848  manuscript  author- 
ities greatly  outnumber  those  in  print,  being  1,030  out 
of  a  total  of  1,650 ;  but  in  later  times,  the  era  of  news- 
papers and  printed  government  records,  manuscripts 
number  less  than  200,  in  a  total  of  over  2,000.  I  be- 
gin naturally  with  the  earlier  period,  and  first  give 
attention  to  printed  material. 

3  The  reader  is  reminded  also  that  in  foot-notes  of  the  following  pages  are 
references  to  thousands  of  documents  in  manuscript  and  print  that  are  not 
given  titles  or  mentioned  separately  in  the  list. 


PRINTED  WORKS  BEFORE  1769.  37 

Titles  of  printed  authorities  on  this  first  of  the  two 
great  periods  number,  as  I  have  said,  something  over 
600,  of  which  270  are  books  or  pamphlets,  250  docu- 
ments or  articles,  and  90  periodicals  or  collections  that 
may  be  so  classed.  It  is  well,  however,  to  subdivide 
the  period  chronologically,  and  to  glance  at  the  earliest 
epoch  of  discovery,  namely,  that  preceding  1769.  Up 
to  this  date  California  had  riot  been  the  exclusive,  or 
indeed  the  chief,  topic  of  any  book ;  yet  my  list  con- 
tains 56  at  least,  which  treat  of  the  distant  province 
and  the  voyages  thereto.  The  number  might  be  con- 
siderably augmented  by  including  all  general  works, 
in  which  California  was  barely  named  at  second  hand; 
or  in  like  manner  lessened  by  omitting  repetitions  of 
Sir  Francis  Drake's  voyage;  and  indeed  eight4  would 
suffice  to  impart  all  the  actual  knowledge  extant  at 
the  time  in  print,  the  rest  being  of  interest  mainly  by 
reason  of  their  quaint  cosniographical  conceits  or  con- 
jectures on  the  name  California.  Five  of  these  are 
general  Spanish  works  alluding  to  California  Only  as  a 
part  of  Spanish  America,  one  being  a  romance  naming 
the  province  before  its  discovery.5  Sixteen  are  de- 
scriptive cosniographical  works  of  the  old  type,  to 
which  may  be  added  four  English  records  of  a  slightly 
different  class.6  Then  we  have  sixteen  of  the  once 
popular  collections  of  voyages  and  travels,  to  which  as 
to  the  preceding  class  additions  might  be  made  with- 
out going  out  of  my  library.7  And  finally  we  may 
notice  eight  works  which  treat  of  special  voyages — none 
of  them  actually  to  California — -"or  the  lives  of  special 

4  See  in  the  list  the  following  headings :  Cabrera  Bueno,  Drake,  Haklny t, 
Herrera,   Linschoten,  Purchas,  Torquemada,  and  Venegas.     It  is  probable 
tha^t  these  list  notes  will  not  be  deemed  of  any  importance  to  the  general 
reader;  but  he  can  easily  pass  them  by;  and  it  is  believed  that  their  value  to 
a  certain  class  of  students  will  more  than  pay  for  the  comparatively  little 
space  they  fill. 

5  See  Acosta,  Apost61icos  Afanes,  Diaz  del  Castillo,  Esplandian,  arid  Villa 
Sefior. 

6  See  America,  Blaeu,   D'Avity,  Gottfriedt,   Heylyn,  Laet,  Low,  Luyt, 
Mercator,  Montanus,  Morelli,  Ogilby,  Ortelius,  West  Indische  Spieghel,  and 
Wytfliet;  also  Camden,  Campbell,  Coxe,  and  Davis. 

7  See  Aa,  Hacke,  Harris,  Sammlung,  Ramusio,  and  Voyages. 


38  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIAN  HISTORY. 

navigators,8  and  a  like  number  of  important  documents 
relating  to  this  primitive  epoch,  which  were  not  known 
in  print  until  modern  times.9  As  I  have  said,  Califor- 
nia was  but  incidentally  mentioned  in  the  books  of 
this  early  time;  a  few  contained  all  that  visitors  had 
revealed  of  the  coast;  while  the  rest  were  content  with 
a  most  inaccurate  and  superficial  repetition  eked  out 
with  imagination  to  form  the  wonders  of  the  Northern 
Mystery. 

The  next  sub-period  was  that  of  inland  exploration, 
of  settlement,  of  mission-founding,  of  Spanish  domina- 
tion in  California,  lasting  from  1769  to  1824.  I  have 
about  four  hundred  titles  for  this  time;  but  the  show- 
ing of  printed  matter  is  meagre,  numbering  not  above 
sixty.  Yet  the  number  includes  three  works  devoted 
exclusively  to  the  province,  two  of  them,  Costanso's 
Diario  and  the  Monterey,  Extraeto  de  Noticias,  being 
brief  but  important  records  of  the  first  expeditions 
to  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  while  the  third,  Palou's 
Vida  de  Junipero  Serra,  was  destined  to  be  the 
standard  history  of  the  country  down  to  1784,  a 
most  valuable  record.  Next  in  importance  were  ten 
works  in  which  navigators  described  their  visits  to 
California  and  to  other  parts  of  the  western  coast.10 
One  of  these  early  visitors  wrote  in  English;  two  in 
Spanish;  three  in  German;  and  four  in  French. 
Several  of  them,  notably  La  Perouse  and  Vancouver, 
went  far  beyond  their  own  personal  observations, 
gleaning  material  by  which  the  earliest  history  of  the. 
country  became  for  the  first  time  known  to  the  world. 
To  two  of  the  voyage-narratives,  unimportant  in  them- 
selves, were  prefixed  by  competent  and  wrell  known 
editors,11  extensive  summaries  of  earlier  explorations. 

8  See  Burton,  Clark,  Dampier,  Rogers,  Shelvocke,  and  Ulloa. 
'9See  Ascension,  Cabrillo,  Cardona,  Demarcation,  Evans,  Niel,  and  Sal-' 
meron.     There  are  many  more  minor  documents  of  this  class  relating  vaguely 
to  California  in  connection  with  the  Northern  Mystery. 

10  See  Chamisso,  Choris,  Kotzebue,  Langsdorlf,  La  Pe'rouse,  Marchand, 
Maurelle,  RoquefeuiUT^,  Sutil  y  Mexicana,  and  Vancouver. 

11  See  Fleurieu  and  Navarrete. 


PERIOD  OF  SPANISH  OCCUPATION.  39 

For  the  rest  we  have  half  a  dozen  general  works  on 
America;12  a  like  number  of  Mexican  works  with 
matter  on  California;13  and  as  many  collections  of 
voyages  and  travels.14 

Of  Mexican  newspapers  containing  Californian  news 
during  this  period,  only  the  official  journal,  the  Gaceta 
de  Mexico,  requires  mention  here.  And  printed  docu- 
ments or  articles  are  only  seven  in  number;  though 
there  might  be  cited  very  many  documents  of  the 
Spanish  government  relating  to  or  naming  California 
simply  as  a  province  of  Mexico.  Two  essays  by  vis- 
itors, are  printed  with  the  books  of  voyagers  that 
have  been  named.15  Captain  Shaler  had  the  honor 
of  being  the  first  American  visitor  whose  narrative  was 
printed  in  the  United  States;  Governor  Sola  sent  a 
report  which  was  printed  in  Mexico;  two  instructions 
for  Californians  were  put  in  type;16  and  in  one  of  the 
Spanish  voyage-collections  appeared  an  account  of  the 
country's  history  and  condition  in  connection  with 
Peninsular  affairs.17  Documents  of  this  period  not 
printed  until  much  later  are  some  of  them  important, 
especially  those  published  in  Palou,  Noticias,  and  the 
Doc.  Hist.  Mex.  There  are  nineteen  titles  of  this 
class.18 

The  final  sub-period  extending  from  1824  to  1848 
may  be  divided  historically  into  that  of  Mexican  rule 
to  1846,  and  that  of  the  conquest  and  American  mili- 
tary rule  to  the  gold  discovery;  but  bibliographically 
no  such  subdivision  is  convenient,  and  I  treat  all  as 
one  epoch.  It  claims  700  titles  in  my  list,  475  of 
which  represent  printed  matter,  and  180  books  proper. 

12  See  Alcedo,  Anquetil,  Bonnycastle,  Burney,  Forster,  Humboldt,  and 
Raynal. 

13Arricivita,  Clavigero,  Cortes,  Guia,  Presidios,  and  Rosignon. 

14  Berenger,  Kerr,  Laharpe,  Pinkerton,  Viagero  Universal,  and  Voyages. 

15  Chamisso  and  Rollin. 

16  Galvez  and  U lloa. 

17  California  en  1799. 

18Altf£mira,  Armona,  Crespf,  Dominguez,  Game's,  Hall,  Heceta,  Mangino, 
Palou,  Reglamento,  Revilla  Gigedo,  Serra,  and  Velarde. 


40  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

First  in  importance,  with  Petit-Thouars  at  the 
head  of  the  list  so  far  as  history  is  concerned  and 
Coulter  at  the  foot,  are  fourteen  narratives  of  voy- 
agers, who  visited  the,  coast  and  in  many  instances 
made  good  use  of  their  opportunities.  The  works  of 
Mofras  and  Wilkes  are  the  most  pretentious  of  "the 
number,  but  not  the  most  valuable.19  To  these  should 
be  added  four  scientific  works  resulting  from  some  of 
these  voyages;20  and  three  official  accounts  of  explor- 
ing marches  across  the  continent  in  book  form;21  with 
which  we  may  appropriately  class  a  dozen  accounts  of 
California  by  foreign  visitors  or  residents,  generally  in- 
cluding a  narrative  of  the  trip  by  land  or  sea.22  Four 
foreigners  who  had  never  visited  the  country  com- 
piled historical  accounts,23  one  of  which,  by  Forbes, 
has  always  enjoyed  a  merited  reputation  as  a  standard 
book.  Then  there  were  half  a  dozen  or  more  works 
on  Oregon  with  brief  mention  of  California,24  and 
half  a  dozen  speeches  in  congress  or  elsewhere  printed 
in  pamphlet  form,  a  number  that  might  be  very 
greatly  increased  if  made  to  include  all  that  men- 
tioned California  in  connection  with  the  Mexican  war 
and  the  Oregon  Question.25  To  all  of  which  titles 
from  foreign  sources  may  be  added  those  of  ten  gen- 
eral works'26  containing  allusions  to  our  province. 

Chief  among  works  in  Spanish  for  this  period  should 
stand  six  which,  though  with  one  exception  not  very 
important  for  history,  were  the  first  books  printed  in 
California,  most  of  them  being  entirely  unknown  until 
now.27  And  with  these  may  be  named  eight  other 

39Beechey,  Belcher,  Cleveland,  Coulter,  Dana,  Duhaut-Cilly,  Huish  (not 
a  visitor),  Kotzebue,  Laplace,  Mofras,  Morrell,  Petit-Thouars,  Ruschenber- 
ger,  Simpson,  and  Wilkes. 

20  Hinds,  Richardson,  and  U.  S.  Ex.  Ex. — the  later  including  many  works 
by  different  authors. 

21  Emory  and  Fremont.  . 

22  Bid  well,  Bilson,  Boscaiia,  Bryant,  Farnhanx,  Hastings,  Kelley,  Pattie, 
and  Robinson. 

23  Cutts,  Forbes,  Greenhow,  and  Hughes. 

24  Fe"dix,  Lee,  Nicolay,  Twiss,  etc. 

25  Clark,  Hall,  Thompson,  Webster,  etc. 

26  Beyer,  Blagdon,  Barrow,  Combier,  D?0rbigny,  Irving,  Lafond,  Lardner, 
Murray,  and  Tytler. 

2;Botica,  Figueroa,  Reglamento,  Ripalda,  Romero.,  and  Vallejo. 


EARLY  CALIFORNIA  PRINTING.  41 

pamphlets,  printed  in  Mexico  on  California*!  topics.28 
Then  there  are  sixteen  Mexican  government  docu- 
ments containing  valuable  allusions  to  California,29 
and  many  more  if  mere  mentions  be  counted;  and 
finally,  we  have  thirty-five  general  works  on  Mexico, 
with  like  information  often  of  some  value,  about  a 
dozen  of  which  are  the  writings  of  Carlos  Maria  Bus- 
tamante,  found  also  more  complete  in  nay  library  in 
the  original  autograph  manuscript.80 

Passing  from  books  to  documents,  the  productions 
of  the  Californian  press  merit  first  mention.  They 
are  fifty-five  in  number,  each  separately  printed.81 
Three  or  four  are  proclamations  of  United  States  offi-  " 
cials,  one  is  a  commercial  paper,  one  an  advertisement, 
and  one  took  a  poetical  form;  but  most  were  official 
documents  emanating  from  the  Hispano-Californian 
government.  Then  I  note  sixteen  Mexican  govern- 
ment documents  in  collections  or  newspapers;  and 
seven  others  of  a  semi-official,  nature;32  while  there 
are  twenty-two  topic-collections  or  separate  reports, 
from  United  States  officers,  for  the  most  part  printed 
by  the  government  and  relating  to  the  conquest.33 
Three  titles  belong  to  matter  inserted  in  the  books  of 
navigators  already  named;34  six  to  articles  or  documents 
in  the  Nouvelles  Annales  des  Voyages-**  and  twelve 
are  English  and  American  articles  in  periodicals.36 

28  Carillo,  Castanares,  Fondo  Piadoso,  Garcia  Diego,  Junta  de  Fomento, 
and  San'Miguel. 

29  Under  the  heading  'Mexico.' 

3(1  Alaman,  Ayala,  Bermudez,  Bustamante,  Cancelada,  Escndero,  Fonseca, 
Guerrero,  Iriarte,  Muhlenpfordt,  Oajaca,  Rejon,  Riesgo,  Sales,  San  Miguel, 
Semblanzas,  Thompson,  Unzueta,  and  Willie. 

31Alvarado,  California,  Castro,  Chico,  Diputacion,  Doctrina,  Figueroa, 
Gutierrez,  Hi  jar,  Mason,  Micheltorena,  Plan,  Pronunciamiento,  Riley,  Shu- 
brick,  Vail e jo,  and  Zamorano. 

;r2  Ayuntamiento,  Compania,  Decreto,  Dictamen,  Iniciativa,  Jones,  Mexico, 
Plan.  Also  Bandini,  'C.,'  Castanares,  Chico,  Flores,  Iniestra,  and  Sinaloa. 

33  Cal.  and  N.  Mex..  Conquest,  Cooke,  Expulsion,  Fremont,  Johnston, 
Jones,  Kearny,  Kelley,  Marcy,  Mason,  Monterey,  Shubrick,  Slacum,  Sloat, 
Stockton,  War  with  Mexico.  Some  of  these  are  the  president's  messages 
and  documents,  containing  a  very  large  number  of  important  papers. 

34Botta,  Documens,  tind  Sanchez. 

35  F-ages,  Galitzin,  Le  Netrel,  Morineau,  Scala,  and  Smith. 

10  Americans,  Campaign,  Coulter,  Evans,  Far  West,  Fourgeaud,  Hist. 
Bear  Flag,  Larkin,  Peirce,  Reynolds,  Squier,  and  Warner. 


42  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIAN  HISTORY. 

There  were  some  twenty  periodicals,  or  publications 
that  may  conveniently  be  classed  as  such,  some  being 
collections  or  serial  records,  that  contained  material 
about  this  province  before  1^848;  at  least  that  is  the 
number  that  my  list  furnishes.37  Of  newspapers  about 
seventy  titles — forty  of  them  Mexican — appear  in  my 
catalogue;  but  as  doubtless  many  more  in  different 
parts  of  the  world  contained  at  least  a  mention  of  this 
country  at  one  time  or  another,  I  name  only  ten  pub- 
lished in  California,  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  Ore- 
gon,38 all  valuable  sources  of  information.  Niles 
Register  is  the  eastern  journal  that  I  have  found  most 
useful  in  my  task. 

Finally  I  have  about  150  titles  of  books,  documents, 
and  articles,  which,  though  printed  later,  relate  to 
Californian  history  before  1848,  so  far  as  they  relate 
to  that  subject  at  all.  Seventy-five  of  the  number  are 
in  book  form,  including  some  valuable  monographs  on 
early  affairs  in  California ;  several  collections  of  docu- 
ments ;  some  reprints  and  translations  of  early  works ; 
some  treatises  on  Mexican  law  as  affecting  California ; 
several  important  griefs  in  land  cases,  the  number  of 
which  might  easily  be  multiplied;  United  States  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  conquest  and  military  rule,  but 
printed  after  1848;  Russian  works  containing  infor- 
mation on  the  Ross  colony;  one  or  two  narratives  of 
visitors ;  and  a  number  of  works  on  the  Mexican  war. 
Those  appearing  under  the  names  of  Dwinelle,  Ido, 
Lancey,  McGlashan,  and  Palou  are  the  most  impor- 
tant.39 Documents  and  articles  of  this  class  are  about 

37  American  Quarterly  Register,  American  Quarterly  Review,  American 
Review,  American  State  Papers,  Annals  of  Congress,  Arrillaga,   Colonial 
Magazine,  Congressional  Debates,  Congressional  Globe,  Edinburgh  Review, 
Hansard's  Parl.  Debates,  Home  Missionary,  Hunt's  Merch.  Magazine,  Lon- 
don Mechanics'  Magazine,  North  American  Review,  Nouvelles  Annales  des 
Voyages,  Quarterly  Review,  Revista  Cientifica,  and  Southern  Quarterly  Re- 
view. 

38  In  California  were  four,  or  rather  combinations  of  two;  Monterey  Cal- 
ifornian, San  Francisco  Californian,  San  Francisco  Star,  and  San  Francisco 
Star  and  Californian.     At  Honolulu,  five;  the  Friend,  Hawaiian  Spectator, 
Sandwich  Island  Gazette,  Sandwich  Island  News,  and  Polynesian.     In  Ore- 

•  gon^was  the  Spectator. 

39  Abbott,  Bigelow,  California,  California  Land  Titles,  California  and  North 


TUTHILL  AND  GLEESON.  43 

the  same  in  number,  and  very  similar  in  their  nature 
and  variety  to  the  books,  including  also  some  titles  of 
pioneer  reminiscences  in  the  newspapers,  titles  that 
might  be  multiplied  almost  without  limit.40 

Of  works  printed  after  1848,  relating  chiefly  to 
events  subsequent  to  the  discovery  of  gold,  and  there- 
fore belonging  to  a  later  bibliographic  period,  but 
yet  containing  information  on  earlier  annals,  I  have 
occasion  to  cite  about  three  hundred  titles  in  these 
volumes.  Most  of  them  are  unimportant  in  this  con- 
nection; but  some  are  formal  attempts  at  historical 
research  embracing  both  chronologic  periods.  The 
works  of  Tuthill  and  Gleeson,  entitled,  the  one  a 
History  of  California,  and  the  other  a  History  of  the 
Catholic  Church  in  California,  are  the  only  ones  of  a 
general  nature  requiring  notice  here.  Tuthill's  his- 
tory merits  much  higher  praise  than  has  generally 
been  accorded  to  it,  being  the  work  of  a  brilliant  and 
conscientious  writer.  It  is  a  satisfactory  popular  his- 
tory, making  no  claims  to  exhaustive  research,  but 
intelligently  prepared  from  the  best  accessible  author- 
ities. Gleeson  is  not  so  able  a  writer,  is  somewhat 
more  of  a  partisan,  wrote  more  hastily,  and  fell  into 
more  errors;  yet  as  a  Catholic  priest  he  had  some 
superior  facilities.  He  read  more  of  the  old  authori- 
ties, went  more  fully  into  details,  and  was  quite  as 
conscientious;  and  he  has  given  us  a  pleasing  and 
tolerably  accurate  picture  of  mission  life  and  annals. 
Neither  of  these  authors  had,  or  pretended  to  have, 
any  facilities  for  writing  history  or  annals  proper,  and 

Mexico,  Calvo,-  Cavo,  Colton,  Cooke,  Diccionario,  Documentos,  Doyle,  Drake, 
Dunbar,  Dwinelle,  Figueroa,  Flagg,  Frt-mont,  Furber,  Gomez,  Guerra,  Hale, 
Halleck,  Hartmann,  Hawes,  Hoffman,  Homes,  Ide,  Jay,  Jenkins,  Jones, 
Lancey,  Marcou,  McGlashan,  Mansfield,  Mexican  War,  Palou,  Phelps,  Ram- 
say, Randolph,  Revere,  Ripley,  Rivera,  Stockton,  Taylor,  Upham,  Vallejo, 
Velasco,  Vischer,  Tikhmenef,  Materialui,  Rezanof,  Markof,  and  Khle"bnikof. 
40  Archbald,  Arroyo,  Assembly,  Biographical  Sketches,  Boggs,  Bowers, 
Brooklyn,  Brown,  Buchanan,  Clark,  Dall,  Daubenbiss,  Degroot,  Dwinelle, 
Dye,  Elliot,  Espinosa,  Folsom,  Foster,  Fremont,  Hale,  Halleck,  Hecox,  Hit- 
tell,  Hopkins,  Jones,  Kern,  Kearny,  King's  Orphan,  Kip,  Leese,  McDougall, 
McPherson,  Marcou,  Marsh,  Mason,  Mexico,  Micheltorena,  Peckham,  Reed, 
Sherman,  Stevenson,  Stillman,  Stockton,  Sutter,  Taylor,  Toombs,  Trask, 
Vallejo,  Veritas,  Victor,  Warren,  Wiggins,  and  Wolfskill. 


44  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

to  criticise  their  failure  to  accomplish  such  a  result 
would  be  affectation.41  Historical  sketches  published 
before  1848,  either  separately  or  in  connection  with 
narratives  of  travel,  many  of  them  of  real  value,  will 
be  noticed  individually  in  their  chronological  place. 
Similar  sketches,  but  for  the  most  part  of  much  less 
importance,  published  during  the  'flush  times'  or 
later,  often  in  connection  with  descriptive  works, 
such  sketches  as  those  found  under  the  headings 
Capron,  Cronise,  Frost,  and  Hastings,  require  no 
special  notice.  They  contained  no  original  material, 
and  made  but  inadequate  and  partial  use  of  such  as 
was  easily  accessible. 

There  is,  however,  another  class  of  these  recent 
publications  that  assumes  considerable  importance, 
that  of  local  histories,  of  which  my  list  contains  over 
sixty  titles.  Each  in  connection  with  descriptive 
matter  gives  something  of  local  annals  for  both  early 
and  modern  times.  Some  of  them  are  the  Centennial 
Sketches  prepared  at  the  suggestion  of  the  United 
States  government,  like  that  of  Los  Angeles  by 
Warner  and  Hayes,  and  of  San  Francisco  by  John 
S.  Hittell.  This  latter  work  was  made  also  'inci- 
dentally a  history  of  California/  and,  like  the  earlier 
Annals  of  San  Francisco  by  Soule  and  others,  it  is  a 
work  of  much  merit.  The  authors  were  able  men, 
though  they  had  neither  time,  space,  nor  material  to 
make  anything  like  a  complete  record  of  local  events 
in  the  earlier  times.  Hall's  History  of  San  Jose 
should  also  be  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  An- 
nals as  a  work  of  merit.  And  "finally  there  are  many 
county  histories,  often  in  atlas  form  and  copiously  il- 
lustrated with  portraits,  maps,  and  views.  Each  con- 
tains a  preliminary  sketch  of  California  history,  with 

41  The  History  of  California,  by  Franklin  Tuthill,  San  Francisco,  1866, 
8vo,  xvi.  657  pages.  About  one  third  of  the  book  is  occupied  with  the 
period  preceding  the  discovery  of  gold.  Dr  Tuthill  was  connected  with  the 
San  Francisco  press,  and  died  soon  after  the  appearance  of  his  work. 

History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  California,  by  W.  Gleeson,  M.  A.,  Pro- 
fessor, St  Mary's  College,  San  Francisco,  Cal.,  in  two  volumes,  illustrated. 
San  Francisco.  Printed  for  the  author.  1872.  8vo,  2  vols,  xv.  446,  351  pages. 


THE  PUBLIC  ARCHIVES.  45 

more  detailed  reference  to  the  county  which  gives 
title  to  the  work.  Three  or  four  firms  have  in  late 
years  been  engaged  in  producing  these  peculiar  pub- 
lications, with  a  dozen  or  more  different  editors.  The 
books  were  made  of  course  mainly  to  sell;  yet  not- 
withstanding this  and  other  unfavorable  conditions, 
some  of  the  editors  have  done  valuable  work.  As 
might  be  expected  they  are  uneven  in  quality,  abound- 
ing in  blunders,  especially  in  those  parts  that  depend 
on  Spanish  records;  yet  in  the  matter  of  local  annals 
after  1840,  and  of  personal  details,  they  have  afforded 
me  in  the  aggregate  considerable  assistance.  Their 
chief  defect  is — I  speak  only  of  those  parts  relating 
to  early  times — that  in  their  pages  valuable  informa- 
tion and  glaring  inaccuracies  are  so  intermingled  that 
the  ordinary  reader  cannot  separate  them.  They  are 
not  history;  but  they  supply  some  useful  materials 
for  history.  In  the  results  of  their  interviews  with 
old  residents  the  editors  have  furnished  some  matter 
similar  and  supplemental  to  the  pioneer  dictations 
which  I  shall  presently  mention. 

I  now  come  to  the  thousand  and  more  titles  of 
manuscript  authorities  in  my  list,  far  exceeding  those 
in  print  for  this  early  period,  not  only  numerically,  but 
in  historical  value;  since  the  country's  annals  down 
to  1846,  at  least,  could  be  much  more  completely 
written  from  the  manuscripts  alone  than  from  the 
print  alone.  Naturally  these  authorities  lose  nothing 
of  their  value  in  my.  estimation  from  the  facts  that  in 
most  instances  no  other  writer  has  consulted  them, 
and  that  essentially  all  of  them  exist  only  in  my  col- 
lection. 

Of  the  public  archives  of  the  Spanish  and  Mexican 
government  in, California,  transferred  by  copyists  to 
my  library,  there  are  thirteen  collections  represented 
in  the  catalogue  by  as  many  titles,  the  originals  making 
about  35.0  bound  volumes  of  from  300  to  1,000  docu- 
ments each,  besides  an  immense  mass  of  unbound 


46  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^'  HISTORY. 

papers.42  With  a  view  to  the  convenience  of  the  pub- 
lic, rather  than  my  own,  I  have  made  the  numbers  of 
my  volumes  of  copies  and  extracts  correspond  in  most 
cases  to  the  originals.  For  historical  purposes  these 
copies  are  better  than  the  originals  on  account  of  their 
legibility,  and  the  condensation  effected  by  the  omis- 
sion of  duplicates  and  suppression  of  verbiage  in  minor 
routine  papers.  The  originals  are  the  official  papers 
turned  over  by  the  Mexican  government  to  that  of  the 
United  States  in  1846-7,  now  preserved  chiefly  in  the 
United  States  surveyor-general's  office  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, where  there  are  nearly  three  hundred  bulky 
tomes  besides  loose  papers,  but  also  in  less  extensive 
collections  at  other  places,  notably  at  Los  Angeles, 
Salinas  City,  and  San  Jose.  The  main  Archive  is 
divided  into  twenty-four  sub-collections  ;43  but  beyond 
a  slight  attempt  at  chronology  and  the  segregation  of 
papers  on  a  few  topics  involving  land  titles,  the  classi- 
fication is  arbitrary  and  of  no  value ;  nor  is  there  any 
real  distinction  between  the  papers  preserved  in  the 
different  archives.  Of  the  nature  of  these  documents  it 
must  suffice  to  say  that  they  are  the  originals,  blotters, 
or  certified  copies  of  the  orders,  instructions,  reports, 
correspondence,  and  act-records  of  the  authorities,  po- 
litical, military,  judicial,  and  ecclesiastical;  national, 
provincial,  departmental,  territorial,  and  municipal, 
during  the  successive  rule,  monarchical,  imperial,  and 
republican,  of  Spain,  Mexico,  and  the  United  States, 
from  1768  to  1850.  The  value  of  archive  records  as  a 
foundation  for  history  is  universally  understood.  Span- 
ish archives  are  not  less  accurate  than  those  of  other 
nations;  and,  since  few  happenings  were  so  petty  as 
not  to  fall  under  the  cognizance  of  some  official,  they 
furnish  a  much  more  complete  record  of  provincial 

M 

42  Archive  de  California,  Los  Angeles,  Monterey,  Sacramento,  San  Diego, 
San  Jose",  San  Luis  Obispo,  Santa  Barbara,  and  Santa  Cruz. 

43  Actas,  Brands,  Dept.  Records,  Dept.  State  Papers,  Legislative  Records, 
Provincial  Records,  Provincial  State  Papers,  State  Papers,  Superior  Govt 
St.  Papers,  and  Unbound  Documents.    For  further  subdivisions  of  these  titles 
see  list. 


MISSION  RECORDS.  47 

annals  than  would  be  afforded,  for  instance,  by  the 
public  archives  of  an  English  province.  Of  the 
quarter  of  a  million  documents  consulted  in  these  col- 
lections I  shall  mention  later  about  two  hundred 
under  distinct  titles.  The  early  archives  of  California, 
as  preserved  by  the  government,  are  not  entirely  com- 
plete, though  more  nearly  so  I  think  than  those  of 
any  other  state  of  our  union;  but  I  have  taken  some 
effective  steps  to  supply  the  defects,  as  will  presently 
appear.44 

Also  in  the  nature  of  public  archives  are  the  mis- 
sionary records.  As  the  missions  by  the  process  of 
secularization  passed  into  the  control  of  the  church, 
the  old  leather-bound  registers  of  baptisms,  mar- 
riages, burials,  and  confirmations  at  each  establish- 
ment remained,  and  for  the  most  part  still  remain,  in 
the  possession  of  the  curate  of  the  parish.  Other 
mission  papers  were  gradually  brought  together  by 
the  Franciscan  authorities  at  Santa  Bdrbara,  where 
they  now  constitute  the  largest  collection  extant. 
From  such  documents  as  were  not  thus  preserved, 
remaining  in  the  missions  or  scattered  in  private 
hands,  Taylor  subsequently  made  a  collection  of  five 
large  volumes,  now  in  the  archbishop's  library  in  San 
Francisco.  A  third  collection,  chiefly  of  libros  de 
patentes,  is  that  of  the  bishop  of  Monterey  and  Los 
Angeles.  These  have  furnished  me,  under  four  titles, 
eighteen  volumes  of  copies,  or  not  less  than  10,000 
documents,45  and  my  own  efforts  have  resulted  in  four 
volumes  of  very  valuable  original  documents,  about 
2,000  in  number,  under  three  titles.46  Then  the 
twenty-two  collections  of  mission  registers  already 
mentioned  as  in  custody  of  the  curates,  the  libros  de 

44  There  are  at  least  seven  collections  in  my  list,  which  are  public  archives 
similar  to  those  before  named,  except  that  instead  of  being  copies  they  are 
the  originals  obtained  by  me  from  private  sources.     See  headings,  Larkin, 
Monterey,  San  Francisco,  Registro,  and  Sonoma. 

45  Archive  del  Arzobispado,  Archive  del  Obispado,  Arch,  de  Sta  Barbara, 
and  Correspondencia  de  Misiones. 

46  Archive  de  Misiones,  Pico  (Andre's),  and  San  Antonio,  Documentos 
Sueltos. 


48  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORXLAN  HISTORY. 

mision  proper  with  such  scattering  papers  as  have 
remained  at  some  establishments,  have  been  searched 
for  my  purposes,  each  yielding  a  volume  of  extracts 
and  statistics;47  while  from  private  sources  I  have 
obtained  fifteen  originals  of  similar  nature.48  I  give 
separate  titles  to  about  120  documents  from  the  mis- 
sion archives ;  and  it  should  be  noted  that  they  con- 
tain not  a  few  secular  records;  while  the  public,  or 
secular,  archives  contain  many  important  mission 
papers. 

As  I  have  said,  neither  the  public  nor  mission 
archives  are  complete.  Documents  wrere  not  all^ 
turned  over  as  they  should  have  been  to  the  United 
States  and  to  the  church;  nearly  every  Mexican  of- 
ficial retained  more  or  less  records  which  remained 
in  his  family  archives  together  with  his  correspond- 
ence and  that  of  his  ancestors  and  relations.  I  have 
made  an  earnest  effort  to  collect  these  scattered 
papers,  and  with  flattering  success,  as  is  shown  by 
about  fifty  collections  of  Documentos  para  la  Ilistoria 
de  California,  in  110  volumes,  containing  not  less 
than  40,000  documents,  thousands  being  of  the  ut- 
most importance  as  containing  records  nowhere  else 
extant,  and  116  of  them  receiving  special  titles  jn  my 
list.  About  half  of  all  these  documents  are  similar 
in  their  nature  and  historic  value — in  all  save  that 
they  are  originals  instead  of  copies  on  my  shelves — • 
to  those  in  the  public  and  mission  archives ;  and  the 
rest  are  in  some  respects  even  more  valuable  for  my 
purpose,  being  largely  composed  of  the  private  corre- 
spondence of  prominent  citizens  and  officials  on  cur- 
rent public  affairs,  of  which  they  afford  almost .  an 
unbroken  record.  Twenty-nine  of  these  collections 
of  private  or  family  archives  bear  the  names  of  the 

47  Monterey  Parroquia  (S.  Cdrlos),  Purisima,  S.  Antonio,  S.  Buena\7en- 
tura,  S.  Diego,  S.  Fernando,  S.  Francisco,  S.  Gabriel,  S.  Josd,  S.  Juan  Bau- 
tista,  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  S.  Luis  Obispo,  S.  Miguel,  S.  Rafael,  Sta  Barbara, 
Sta  Cruz,  Sta  Clara,  Sta  Lie's,  and  Soledad.     Only  the  mission  books  of  S. 
Luis  Rey  have  eluded  my  search. 

48  Arroyo,  Loa,  Mission,  Miisica,  Oro  Molido,   Privilegios,  Purisima,  S. 
Jose",  Sta  Lie's,  S.,  Francisco  Solano,  Sarria,  Sermones. 


PRIVATE  ARCHIVES.  49 

Califbrnian  families  by  the  representatives  of  which 
they  were  given  to  me.49  Of  these  by  far  the  largest 
and  most  valuable  collection  is  that  which  bears  the 
name  of  Mariano  Guadalupe  Vallejo,  in  thirty-seven 
immense  folio  volumes  of  not  less  than  20,000  original 
papers.  General  Vallejo,  one  of  the  most  prominent 
and  enlightened  of  Californians,  was  always  a  col- 
lector of  such  documents  as  might  aid  in  recording 
the  history  of  his  country;  and  when  he  became  in- 
terested in  my  work  he  not  only  most  generously  and 
patriotically  gave  up  all  his  accumulated  treasures  of 
the  past,  but  doubled  their  bulk  and  value  by  using 
his  influence  with  such  of  his  countrymen  as  turned  a 
deaf  ear  to  my  persuasions.  As  a  contributor  to  the 
stock  of  original  information  respecting  his  country's 
annals,  General  Vallejo  must  ever  stand  without  a 
rival.  The  second  collection  in  extent,  and  the  largest 
from  the  south,  is  that  of  the.  Guerra  y  Noriega 
family  in  Santa  Barbara.  But  bulk  is  by  no  means 
the  only  test  of  value ;  and  many  of  my  smaller  col- 
lections, from  men  who  gave  all  they  had,  contain 
records  quite  as  important  as  the  larger  ones  named. 
Twenty  other  collections  bear  foreign  names,  in 
some  cases  that  of  the  pioneer  family  whose  archives 
they  were,  and  in  others  that  of  the  collector  or  donor.50 
Except  that  a  larger  proportion  of  the  documents  are 
in  English,  they  are  generally  of  the  same  class  as 
those  just  referred  to.  At  the  head  of  this  class  in 
merit  stand  Thomas  O.  Larkin's  nine  volumes  of 
Documents  for  the  History  of  California,  presented  by 
Mr  Larkin's  family  through  his  son-in-law,  Sampson 
Tarns.  This  collection  is  beyond  all  comparison  the 
best  source  of  information  on  the  history  of  1845—6, 
which  in  fact  could  not  be  correctly  written  without 

49  See  the  following  headings,  each  followed  by  '  Documentos '  or  'Papeles;' 
Alviso,  Arce,  Avila,  Bandini,  Bonilla,  Carillo,  Castro,  Coronel,  Cota,  Estu- 
dillo,  Fernandez;  Gomez,  Gonzalez,  Guerra  y  Noriega,  Marron,  Moreno,  01- 
vera,  Pico,  Pinto,  Requena,  Soberanes,  Valle,  and  Vallejo. 

50  Ashley,  Documentos,   Fitch,  Griffin,  Grigsby,  Hayes,  Hittell,  Larkin, 
Janssens,  McKinstry,  Monterey,  Murray,  Pinart,  Savage,  Sawyer,  and  Spear. 

HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  I.    4 


50  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

these  papers.  Larkin  besides  being  United  States 
consul,  and  at  one  time  a  confidential  agent  of  the 
national  administration  in  California,  was  also  a  lead- 
ing merchant  who  had  an  extensive  commercial  corre- 
spondence with  prominent  residents  both  foreign  and 
native  in  all  parts  of  the  country,  as  also  with  traders 
and  other  visitors  at  the  provincial  capital.  Business 
letters  between  him  and  such  men  as  Stearns  at  Los 
Angeles,  Fitch  at  San  Diego,  and  Leidesdorff  at 
San  Francisco,  from  week  to  week  furnish  a  running 
record  of  political,  industrial,  social,  and  commercial 
annals.  The  most  influential  natives  in  different  sec- 
tions corresponded  frequently  with  the  merchant 
consul;  he  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  masters 
of  vessels,  and  with  leading  men  in  Mexico  and  at 
the  islands.  The  collection  contains  numerous  and 
important  letters  from  Fremont,  Sutter,  Sloat,  and 
Montgomery.  Autograph  communications  from  James 
Buchanan,  secretary  of  State  at  Washington,  exhibit 
the  national  policy  respecting  California  in  an  entirely 
new  light.  Indeed  it  is  difficult  to  overestimate  the 
historical  value  of  these  precious  papers,  or  the  service 
rendered  to  their  country  by  the  family  representa- 
tives who  have  made  this  material  available  to;  the 
historian.  Besides  the  nine  bulky  volumes  mentioned 
I  have  from  the  same  source  a  large  quantity  of  un- 
bound commercial  documents;  the  merchant's  account 
books  for  many  years,  of  great  value  in  supplying 
pioneer  names  and  dates;  and,  still  more  important, 
his  consulate  records,  containing  copies  of  all  his  com- 
munications to  the  United  States  government,  only  a 
few  of  which  have  ever  been  made  known  to  the 
public.  Larkin  and  Yallejo  must  ever  stand  unri- 
valled among  the  names  of  pioneer  and  native  contrib- 
utors to  the  store  of  original  material  for  Californian 
history. 

My  list  contains  about  550  titles  of  separate  man- 
uscript documents,  the  number  being  pretty  equally 


MANUSCRIPT  DIARIES.  51 

divided  between  those  forming  each  a  volume  on  my 
shelves  and  those  to  be  found  in  the  different  pri- 
vate, public,  and  mission  archives.  So  far  as  the 
archive  papers  are  concerned,  I  might  legitimately 
carry  the  multiplication  of  titles  much  further,  since 
there  are  thousands  of  documents,  which  to  a  writer 
with  a  less  abundant  store  of  such  material  than  mine 
would  seem  to  amply  merit  separate  titles;  but  here 
as  elsewhere  I  have  preferred  to  err,  if  at  all,  on  the 
side  of  excessive  condensation.  Of  the  whole  num- 
ber three  fifths  relate  to  the  period  preceding,  and  two 
fifths  to  that  following,  1824.  They  may  be  roughly 
divided  into  four  general  classes. 

First  there  are  eighty  diaries  or  journals  or  log- 
books, of  those  who  explored  the  coast  in  ships,  or 
traversed  the  interior  in  quest  of  mission  sites,  or 
marched  to  attack  hostile  gentiles,  or  sought  converts 
in  distant  rancherias,  or  came  by  sea  to  trade  or 
smuggle,  or  made  official  tours  of  inspection.51  The 
second  class  is  that  composed  of  what  may  be  called 
government  documents,  one  hundred  and  sixty-three 
in  number.  Twenty-seven  of  these  were  orders,  in- 
structions, reports,  and  other  papers  emanating  from 
the  viceroy,  or  other  Spanish  or  Mexican  officials.52 
Seventy-five  are  like  official  papers  written  by  the 
governor,  comandante  general,  prefect,  or  other  high 
officials  in  California.53  Thirty-four  are  similar  docu- 
ments from  military  commandants  and  other  subordi- 
nate California  officers;54  and  twenty-seven  are  Mex- 

51Abella,  Albatross,  Altimira,  Amador,  Anza,  Arab,  Arteaga,  Bodega, 
Breen,  Cabot,  Cafiizares,  Castillo,  Clyman,  Cooper,  Cota,  Coutts,  Danti,  Dong- 
las,  Edwards,  Font,  Gonzalez,  Goycoechea,  Griffin,  Grijalva,  Hartnell,  Has- 
well,  Heceta,  Libro  de  Bitacora,  Lisalde,  Log-books,  Maiaspina,  Martin,  Mar- 
tinez, Maurelle,  Mellus,  Moraga,  Mtirioz,  Nuez,  Ordaz,  Ortega,  Pay  eras, 
Peirce,  Pena,  Peralta,  Perez,  Piiia,  Portilla,  Portolti,  Robbins,  Sal,  Sanchez, 
Santa  Maria,  Sitjar,  Soto,  Tapis,  Vallejo,  Velazquez,  Viader,  Yates,  and  Zal- 
videa.  In  many  cases  more  than  one  diary  is  found  under  a  single  name. 

52  Alaman,  Areche,  Azanza,  Borbon,  Brai  ciforte,  Bucareli,  Carcaba,  Cos- 
tans6,  Croix,  Flo  res,  Galvez,  Hi  jar,  Montesdeoca,  Nava,  Re  villa  Gigedo,  and 
Sanchez. 

MAlvarado,  Argiiello,  Arrillaga, 'Borica,  Castro,  Chico,  Echeandia,  Fages, 
Figtieroa,  Flores,  Gutierrez,  Micheltorena,  Neve,  Pico,  Rivera  y  Moncada, 
Romeu,  Sola,  Vallejo,  and  Victoria. 

54  Alberni,  Amador,  Argiiello,  Bandini,  Carrillo,  Cordoba,  Estudillo,  Gra« 


52  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

ican  and  Califbrnian  reglamentos  provincial  and  muni- 
cipal, emanating  from  different  authorities.55  The 
third  class  consists  of  one  hundred  and  four  mission 
documents,  of  which  fifteen  are  orders,  regulations, 
arid  reports>from  guardians  of  the  college  of  San  Fer- 
nando, and  other  high  missionary  and  ecclesiastic 
authorities  in  Mexico  or  Spain.56  Fifty-two  are  in- 
structions or  reports  of  the  mission  presidents  and  pre- 
fects, or  from  the  bishop;57  while  the  rest,  forty-seven 
in  number,  are  reports,  letters,  and  miscellaneous 
writings  of  the  missionary  padres.58  The  fifth  and 
last  class  is  that  to  which  may  be  applied  the  con- 
venient term  '  miscellaneous,'  consisting  of  nearly  two 
hundred  titles,  and  which  may  be  subdivided  as  fol- 
lows: Twenty-six  items  of  political  correspondence, 
speeches,  and  narratives;59  a  dozen  or  more  docu- 
ments of  local  record  and  regulation;60  twenty -two 
collections  from  private  sources,  equivalent  to  public 
or  mission  archives;61  twenty -two  other  collections 
of  material;62  thirty  expedientes,  or  topic  collections  of 
documents,  including  many  legal  and  criminal  cases  ;63 

jera,  Grijalva,  Goycoechea,  Guerra,  Moraga,  Ortega,  Padres,  Perez  Fernan- 
dez, Rqdriguez,  Sal,  Soler,  and  Vallejo. 

55  Alvarado,  Arancel,  Calif orni  as,  Colonizacion,  Constitucion,  Decreto, 
Echeandia,  Galvez,  Indies,  Instrucciones,  Mexico,  Micheltorena,  Ordenanzas, 
Pico,  Pitic,  Plan,  Reglamento,  and  Secularizacioh. 

56Bestard,  Branciforte,  Calleja,  Gasol,  Garijo,  Lopez,  Lull,  Pio  VI.,  Pan- 
gua,  and  Sancho. 

57Duran,  Garcia  Diego,  Indies,  Lasuen,  Misiones,  Payeras,  Sanchez, 
Sarrfa,  Senan,  Serra,  and  Tapis. 

58  Abella,  Autobiograf ia,  Catala,  Catecismo,  Colegio,  Escandon,  Expe- 
diente,  Facultad,  Fermndez,  Fondo  Piadoso,  Faster,  Hayes,  Horra,  Inform?, 
Lasuen,  Lopez,  Marquinez,  Mission,  Monterey,  Mugartegui,  Munguia,  Gibe's, 
Palou,  Paterna,  Pena,  Protesta,  Purisima,  Ripoll,  Salazar,  San  Buenaven- 
tura, San  Jose",  Santa  Barbara,  Serra,  Tapis,  and  Zalvidea. 

69  Alvarado,  Argiiello,  Bandini,  Carriiio,  Castillo  Negrete,  Castro,  Gomez, 
Guerra,  Osio,  and  Vallejo. 

60  Estab.  Rusos,  Los  Angeles,  Monterey,  Ross,  Rotschef,  and  San  Fran- 
cisco. 

01  See  notes  44  and  48  of  this  chapter. 

62  Bear  Flag  Papers,  Boston,  California  Pioneers,  Cerruti,  Hayes,  Linares, 
Miscel.   Hist.    Papers,   Nueva  Espaiia,    Pinart,    Pioneer   Sketches, .  Douglas 
Papers,  Mayer  MSS.,  Russian  America,  Sutter-Sufiol,  Taylor,  Viages  al  Norte. 

63  Abrego,  Albatross,  Apalategui,  Asia  and  Con-nante,  Atanasio,  Berreyesa, 
Bouchard,  Carriiio,  Castafiares,  Duarte,  Elliot  de  Castro,  Expediente,  Fitch, 
Graham,  Guerra,  Herrera,  Mercado,  Mercury,  Pena,  Rae,  Rodriguez,  Romero, 
Rubio,  San  Jose",  Santa  Barbara,  Santa  Cruz,  Solis,  Sonoma,  and  Stearns. 


MISCELLANEOUS  MANUSCRIPTS.  53 

half  a  dozen  old  sets  of  commercial  and  other  account 
books,  some  of  them  of  great  historical  value;64  fifteen 
lists  of  inhabitants,  vessels,  pioneers,  soldiers,  etc.;65 
and  a  like  number  of  old  narratives,  some  being  sim- 
ilar to  my  dictations  to  be  mentioned  presently,  except 
that  they  were  not  written  expressly  for  my  use,  and 
others  being  old  diaries  and  records;66  also  eight  per- 
sonal records,  hojas  de  servicio,  and  wills;67  fifteen 
battles,  treaties,  juntas,  or  plans;68  three  very  impor- 
tant documents  on  relations  with  the  United  States;69 
four  on  the  Ross  Colony;70  five  items  of  correspond- 
ence of  visitors  or  Nootka  men;71  and  a  dozen,  too 
hopelessly  miscellaneous  to  be  classified,  that  need  not 
be  named  here. 

Thousands  of  times  in  my  foot-notes  I  have  occa- 
sion to  accredit  certain  information  in  this  manner: 
'Padre  Lasuen's  letter  of  -  — ,  in  Arch.  Sta  Bar., 
torn.  — ,  p.  --';  '  Bandini's  Speech,  in  Carrillo,  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal.,  torn.  — ,  p.  --';  '  Gov.  Fages  to  P.  Serra 
(date),  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.';  '  Larkin  to  Leidesdorff, 
June  — ,  1826,  in  Id.,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  iv.,'  etc.,  etc. 
Now  one  of  these  communications  is  not  worth  a 
separate  place  in  my  list;  but  a  hundred  from  one 
man  form  a  collection  which  richly  merits  a  title. 
That  the  items  are  scattered  in  different  manuscript 
volumes  on  my  shelves,  when  they  might  by  a  mere 
mechanical  operation  have  been  bound  in  a  separate 
volume,  makes  no  difference  that  I  can  appreciate. 
Therefore  from  this  scattered  correspondence  of  some 
two  hundred  of  the  most  prominent  men  whose 
writings  as  used  by  me  are  most  voluminous,  I  have 

64  Cooper,  Larkin,  Russian  American  Company,  and  Vallejo. 

65  Dana,  Espanoles,  Estrada,  Hayes,  Los  Angeles,  Monterey,  Padron,  Mor- 
mon Battalion,  Relacion,  Richardson,  Rowland,  Salidas,  Speiice,  Stuart,  and 
Taylor. 

60  Compaiiia  Extrangera,  Ford,  Hartnell,  Ide,  Leese,  Marsh,  Morris,  Mur- 
ray, New  Helvetia,  Ortega,  Prudon,  and  Vigilantes. 

67  Am  ad  or,  Argiicllo,  Arrillaga,  Carrillo,  Castro,  and  Ortega. 

08Cahuenga,  Carrillo,  Conferencia,  Consejo,  Instrucciones,  Junta,  Plan, 
Pronunciamiento,  Soils,  Tratado,  and  Zamorano. 

69 Buchanan  and  Larkin. 

70  Baranof,  Etholin,  Potechin,  and  Zavalischin. 

71  Douglas,  Kendrick,  Malaspina,  Saavedra,  Wilcox. 


54  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA!*  HISTORY. 

made  a  like  number  of  titles.  The  author's  name  is 
followed  in  each  title  by  cartas,  correspondencia,  escri- 
tos,  or  some  similar  general  term.  Seventy  belong 
to  men  who  wrote  chiefly  before  1824;  one  hundred 
and  thirty  to  those  who  flourished  later.  Of  the 
whole  number,  twenty  were  Spanish  or  Mexican  offi- 
cials who  wrote  beyond  the  limits  of  California; 
twenty  were  Franciscan  friars  of  the  California  mis- 
sions; forty-eight  were  foreign  pioneer  residents  in 
California;  and  one  hundred  and  eleven  were  native, 
Mexican,  or  Spanish  citizens  and  officials  of  Califor- 
nia. Several  of  these  collections  in  each  class  would 
form  singly  a  large  volume.' 


72 


One  more  class  of  manuscripts  remains  to  be  no- 
ticed. The  memory  of  men  as  a  source  of  historical 
information,  while  not  to  be  compared  with  original 
documentary  records,  is  yet  of  very  great  importance. 
The  memory  of  men  yet  living  when  I  began  my  re- 
searches, as  aided  by  that  of  their  fathers,  covers  in  a 
sense  the  whole  history  of  California  since  its  settle- 

72  Spanish  and  Mexican  officials,  all  before  1824:  Apodaca,  Azanza,  Barry, 
Branciforte,  Bucareli,  Calleja,  Cdrcaba,  Croix,  Galvez,  Garibay,  Haro  y 
Peralta,  Iturigaray,  Marquina,  Nava,  Rengel,  Revilla  Gigedo,  Ugarte  y 
Loyola,  Venadito,  and  Venegas. 

Padres  or  ecclesiastics,  8  before  and  12  after  1824:  Abella,  Arroyo,  Boscana, 
Cabot,  Catala,  Dumetz,  Duran,  Este"nega,  Garcia  Diego,  Jimeno,  Lasuen, 
Martin,  Martinez,  Ordaz,.  Palou,  Payeras,  Peyri,  Quijas,  Rouset,  Sefian, 
Tapis,  and  Viader. 

Foreign  residents  and  visitors:  Belden,  Bolcof,  Burton,  Colton,  Cooper, 
Dana,  Davis,  Den,  Douglas,  Fitch,  Fliigge,  Forbes,  Foster,  Fremont,  Garner, 
Gillespie,  Green,  Hartnell,  Hastings,  Hinckley,  Howard,  Jones,  Larkin, 
Leese,  Leidesdorff,  Livermore,  Marsh,  Mason,  Mellus,  Mofras,  Morenhaut, 
Murphy,  Parrott,  Paty,  Prndon,  Reid,  Richardson,  Semple,  Spence,  Stearns, 
Stevenson,  Stockton,  Sloat,  Sutter,  Temple,  Thompson,  Vignes,  and  Vioget. 

Calif ornian  officials  and  citizens,  36  before  and  75  after  1824:  Abrego, 
Alberni,  Alvarado,  Amador,  Amesti,  Archuleta,  Argiiello,  Arrillaga,  Ban- 
dim,  Bonilla,  Borica,  Botello,  Buelna,  Carrillo,  Castauares,  Castillero,  Cas- 
tillo Negrete,  Castro,  Chico,  Cordoba,  Coronel,  Cota,  Covarrubias,  Echeandia, 
Escobar,  Estrada,  Estudillo,  Fages,  Fernandez,  Figueroa,  Flores,  Font, 
Gomez,  Gonzalez,  Goycoechea,  Grajera,  Grijalva,  Guerra,  Gutierrez,  Haro, 
Herrera,  Hi  jar,  Ibarra,  Lasso,  Lugo,  Machado,  Malarin,  Maitorena,  Marti- 
nez, Micheltorena,.  Moraga,  Munoz,  Neve,  Olvera,  Ortega,  Osio,  Osuna, 
Pacheco,  Padre's,  Pena,  Peralta,  Perez  Fernandez,  Pico,  Portilla,  Ramirez, 
Requena,  Rivera  y  Moncada,  Rodriguez,  Romeu,  Ruiz,  Sal,  Sanchez,  Ser- 
rano, Sola,  Soler,  Suiiol,  Tapia,  Torre,  Valle,  Vallejo,  Victoria,  Villavicencio, 
Zamorano,  and  Zuiiiga. 


PERSONAL  REMINISCENCES.  55 

ment.  I  have  therefore  taken  dictations  of  personal 
reminiscences  from  160  old  residents.  Half  of  them 
were  natives,  or  of  Spanish  blood;  the  other  half 
foreign  pioneers  who  came  to  the  country  before  1848. 
Of  the  former  class  twenty-four  were  men  who  occu- 
pied prominent  public  positions,  equally  divided  be- 
tween the  north  and  the  south.73 

The  time  spent  with  each  by  my  reporters  was 
from  a  few  days  to  twelve  months,  according  to  the 
prominence,  memory,  and  readiness  to  talk  of  the 
person  interviewed;  and  the  result  varied  in  bulk 
from  a  few  pages  to  five  volumes  of  manuscript.  A 
few  spoke  of  special  events;  most  gave  their  general 
recollections  of  the  past;  and  several  supplemented 
their  reminiscences  by  documentary  or  verbal  testi- 
mony obtained  from  others.  They  include  men  of  all 
classes  and  in  the  aggregate  fairly  represent  the  Cali- 
fornian  people.  Eleven  of  the  number  were  women, 
and  the  dictation  of  one  of  these,  Mrs  Ord — Dona 
Angustias  de  la  Guerra — compares  favorably  in  accu- 
racy, interest,  and  completeness,  with  the  best  in  my 
collection.  General  Vallejo's  narrative,  expanded  into 
a  formal  Historia  de  California,  is  the  most  extensive 
and  in  some  respects  the  most  valuable  of  all ;  that  of 
Governor  Alvarado  is  second  in  size,  and  in  many 
parts  of  inferior  quality.  The  works  of  Bandini  and 
Osio  differ  from  the  others  in  not  having  been  written 
expressly  for  my  use.  The  authors  were  intelligent 
and  prominent  men,  and  though  their  narratives  are 
much  less  extensive  and  complete  than  those  of  Va- 
llejo  and  Alvarado,  they  are  of  great  importance. 
Those  of  such  men  as  Botello,  Coronel,  Pio  a'nd  Jesus 
Pico,  Arce,  Amador,  and  Castro  merit  special  inen- 

73  Abrego,  Alvarado,  Alviso,  Amador,  Arce,  Arnaz,  Avila,  Bandini,  Bernal, 
Berreyesa,  Bojorges,  Boronda,  Botello,  Buelna,  Burton,  Carrillo,  Castro,  Coro- 
nel, Escobar,  Espinosa,  Estudillo,  Ezquer,  Fitch,  Fernandez,  Flores,  Galindo, 
Garcia,  Garnica,  German,  Gomez,  Gonzalez,  Hartnell,  Hijar,  Julio  Ce"sar, 
Juarez,  Larios,  Leese,  Lorenzana,  Lugo,  Machado,  Marron,  Moreno,  Ord, 
Osio,  Palomares,  Perez,  Pico,  Pinto,  Rico,  Robles,  Rodriguez,  Roinerq,  San- 
chez, Sepulveda,  Serrano,  Torre,  Torres,  Valle,  Valdes,  Vallejo,  Vega,  anxl 
Ve>r. 


56  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

tion,  and  there  are  many  of  the  briefer  dictations 
which  in  comparison  with  the  longer  ones  cited  have 
a  value  far  beyond  their  bulk. 

Of  the  pioneers  whose  testimony  was  taken,74  twelve 
wrote  on  special  topics,  such  as  the  Bear  Flag,  Don- 
ner  Party,  or  Graham  Affair.  Twenty  of  them  came 
to  California  before  1840.  Thirty-five  came  over- 
land, twenty  in  immigrant  parties,  three  or  four  as 
hunters,  and  the  rest  as  soldiers  or  explorers  in 
1845-8;  while  twenty  came  by  sea,  chiefly  as  traders 
or  seamen  who  left  their  vessels  secretly.  William 
H.  Davis  has  furnished  one  of  the  most  detailed 
and  accurate  records  of  early  events  and  men;  and 
others  meriting  particular  mention  are  Baldridge, 
Belden,  Bidwell,  Bigler,  Chiles,  Forster,  Murray, 
Nidever,  Sutter,  Warner,  and  Wilson.  As  a  whole 
the  testimony  of  the  pioneers  is  hardly  equal  in  value 
to  that  of  the  native  Californians,  partly  because  they 
have  in  many  cases  taken  less  interest  and  devoted 
less  time  to  the  matter;  also  because  the  testimony 
of  some  of  the  most  competent  has  been  given  more 
or  less  fully  in  print. 

While  the  personal  reminiscences  of  both  natives 
and  pioneers,  as  used  in  connection  with  and  tested 
by  contemporaneous  documentary  evidence,  have  been 
in  the  aggregate  of  great  value  to  me  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  work,  yet  I  cannot  give  them  unlimited 
praise  as  authorities.  A  writer,  however  intelligent 
and  competent,  attempting  to  base  the  annals  of  Cali- 
fornia wholly  or  mainly  on  this  kind  of  evidence, 
would  produce  a  very  peculiar  and  inaccurate  work. 
Hardly  one  of  these  narratives  if  put  in  print  could 

74  Anthony,  Baldridge,  Barton,  Bee,  Belden,  Bell,  Bidwell,  Bigler,  Bfrnie, 
Boggs,  Boweu,  Brackett,  Bray,  Breen,  Brown,  Burton,  Carriger,  Chamber- 
lain, Chiles,  Crosby,  Dally,  Davis,  Dittman,  Dunne,  Dye,  Eaton,  Findla, 
Forster,  Foster,  Fowler,  Gary,  Greyson,  Gillespie,  Grimshaw,  Hargrave, 
Hopper,  Hyde,  Janssens,  Knight,  Marshall,  Martin,  Maxwell,  McChristian, 
McDaniels,  McKay,  Meadows,  Mone,  Nidever,  Ord,  Osborn,  Parrish,  Peirce, 
Rhodes,  Richardson,  Roberts,  Robinson,  Ross,  Russ,  Smith,  Spence,  Streeter, 
Sutter,  Swan,  Swasey,  Taylor,  Temple,  Tustin,  Walker,  Warner,  Weeks, 
Wheeler,  White,  Wiggins,  Wilson,  and  Wise. 


VALUE  OF  PIONEER  TESTIMONY.  57 

escape  severe  and  merited  criticism.  It  is  no  part  of 
my  duty  to  point  out  defects  in  individual  narratives 
written  for  my  use,  but  rather  to  extract  from  each 
all  that  it  contains  of  value,  passing  the  rest  in  si- 
lence. And  in  criticising  this  material  in  bulk,  I  do 

O  ' 

not  allude  to  the  few  clumsy  attempts  in  certain 
dictations  and  parts  of  others  to  deceive  me,  or  to  the 
falsehoods  told  with  a  view  to  exaggerate  the  im- 
portance or  otherwise  promote  the  interests  of  the 
narrator,  but  to  the  general  mass  of  statements  from 
honest  and  intelligent  men.  In  the  statements  of 
past  events  made  by  the  best  of  men  from  memory — • 
and  I  do  not  find  witnesses  of  Anglo-Saxon  blood  in 
any  degree  superior  in  this  respect  to  those  of  Span- 
ish race — will  be  found  a  strange  and  often  inexplicable 
mixture  of  truth  and  falsehood.  Side  by  side  in  the  best 
narratives  I  find  accounts  of  one  event  which  are  models 
of  faithful  accuracy  and  accounts  of  another  event 
not  even  remotely  founded  in  fact.  There  are  nota- 
ble instances  where  prominent  witnesses  have  in  their 
statements  done  gross  injustice  to  their  own  reputa- 
tion or  that  of  their  friends.  There  seems  to  exist  a 
general  inability  to  distinguish  between  the  memory 
of  real  occurrences  that  have  been  seen  and  known, 
and  that  of  idle  tales  that  have  been  heard  in  years 
long  past.  If  in  my  work  I  have  been  somewhat 
over  cautious  in  the  use  of  such  testimony,  it  is  a 
fault  on  which  the  reader  will,  I  hope,  look  leniently. 

The  history,  and  with  it  the  bibliography,  of  Califor- 
nia after  the  discovery  of  gold  may  be  conveniently 
divided  into  two  periods,  the  first  extending  from 
1848  to  1856  over  the  'flush  times/ and  the  second 
from  1857  to  date.  For  the  first  period  a  larger  part 
of  the  authorities  are  in  manuscript  than  would  at  first 
glance  appear,  though  with  the  advent  of  newspapers 
and  printed  government  records  the  necessity  of 
searching  the  archives  for  the  most  part  disappears; 
for  it  is  to  be  noted  that  most  of  the  documentary 


58  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

collections,  public  and  private,  already  noticed,  contain 
papers  of  value  of  later  date  than  1849;  and,  still 
more  important,  the  reminiscences  of  natives  and  the 
earliest  pioneers  cited  in  preceding  pages,  extend  in 
most  instances  past  the  gold  discovery.  For  this 
period  I  have  also  collected  in  manuscript  form  the 
testimony  of  about  one  hundred  pioneers  who  came 
after  1848,75  the  number  including  a  few  narratives 
relating  in  part  to  Oregon,  and  a  few  miscellaneous 
manuscripts  not  quite  properly  classified  with  pioneer 
recollections;  there  are  besides  some  twenty-five  men, 
'  forty-niners '  for  the  most  part,  who  have  devoted 
their  testimony  chiefly  to  the  vigilance  committees  of 
San  Francisco,  most  being  prominent  members  of 
those  organizations.76  What  has  been  said  of  similar 
narratives  on  earlier  events  as  authorities  for  history 
may  be  applied  to  these.  In  the  aggregate  they  are 
of  immense  value,  being  the  statements  of  men  who 
had  been  actors  in  the  scenes  described.  For  impor- 
tant additions  to  this  class  of  material,  received  too 
late  for  special  mention  here,  the  reader  is  referred  to 
the  supplementary  list  of  authorities. 

Material  printed  in  California  during  this  period, 
including  a  few  items  of  1848  and  of  1857-8,  is  repre- 
sented by  about  one  hundred  titles  in  my  list;  to 
which  should  be  added  the  legislative  journals  and  the 
numerous  state  documents  printed  from  year  to  year, 

75  See  Allsop,  Anderson,  Armstrong,  Ashley,  Ayers,  Bacon,  Ball,  Ballon, 
Barnes,  Barstow,  Bartlett,  Bauer,  Bigler,  Boynton,  Brackett,  Bristow,  Brock, 
Brodie,  Brown,  Burnett,  Burris,  Cassin,  Cerruti,  Chamberlain,  Chapin,  Qlark, 
Colvin,  Connor,  Con  way,  Coon,  Crosby,  Davidson,  Dean,  Doolittle,  Dowell, 
Duncan,  Earll,  Fairchild,  Fay,  Fitzgerald,  Garniss,  Gwin,  Hancock,  Hart- 
nell,  Havvley,  Hayes,  Hearn,  Henshaw,  Herrick,  Hinckley,  Hitchcock,  Hud- 
son, Keyser,  Kirkpatrick,  Kohler,  Kraszewski,  Lamotte,  Lane,  Lawson, 
'Limantour,  Little,  Low,  Mans,  Massett,  Matthewson,  Merrill,  Montgomery, 
Moore,  Morris,  Palmer,  Patterson,  Peckham,  Powers,  Rabbison,  Randolph, 
Richardson,  Roder,  Ross,  Rush,  Ryckman,  Safford,  Sawtelle,  Say  ward, 
Schmiedell,  Shaw,  Shearer,  Stuart,  Sutton,  Tarbell,  Taylor,  Thomes,  Van 
Dyke,  Vowell,  Watson,  Wheaton,  Widber,  Willey,  Williams,  and  Winans. 

76Bluxome,  Burns,  Cole,  Coleman,  Comstock,  Crary,  Dempster,  Dows, 
Durkee,  Farwell,  Frink,  Gillespie,  McAllister,  Manrow,  Neall,  Olney,  Rogers, 
Schenck,  Smiley,  Staples,  Stillman,  Truett,  Wadsworth,  Watkins,  and 
Woodbridge. 


AFTER  THE  GOLD  DISCOVERY.  .         59 

and  preserved  as  appendices  to  those  journals,  as  also 
the  series  of  California  Reports  and  California  Statutes. 
There  are  twenty-one  books  and  pamphlets  descrip- 
tive of  the  country,  with  life  and  events  therein  during 
the  flush  times,  most  of  them  having  also  an  admix- 
ture of  past  annals  and  future  prospects.77  Fifteen 
pamphlets  are  records  of  Californian  societies,  com- 
panies, or  associations,  the  annual  publication  extend- 
ing often  beyond  this  period.78  A  like  number  are 
municipal  records  of  different  towns,  besides  a  dozen  di- 
rectories;79 and  as  many  more  legal,  judicial,  and  other 
official  publications,  not  including  a  very  large  number 
of  briefs  and  court  records  which  are  not  named  in 
the  list;80  besides  nine  speeches  delivered  in  Califor- 
nia and  published  in  pamphlet  form;81  and  as  many 
miscellaneous  publications,  including  one  periodical.82 
Many  newspapers  might  be  enumerated  besides  the 
Alta,  Herald,  Bulletin,  and  Evening  News  of  San 
Francisco,  the  Placer  Times  and  Union  of  Sacramento, 
and  the  Gazette  of  Santa  Barbara;  there  are  some  fif- 
teen articles  on  early  Californian  subjects;83  and  a  like 
number  of  scrap-books  in  my  collection,  notably  those 
made  by  Judge  Hayes,  contain  more  or  less  material 
on  the  times  under  consideration.84 

77Benton,  California,  Carrol,  Carson,  Crane,  Delano,  King  of  Wm., 
McGowan,  Miners,  Morse,  San  Francisco,  Taylor,  Terry,  Wadsworth, 
Werth,  and  Wierzbicki. 

78Cal.  Bible  Soc.,  Cal.  Dry  Dock  Co.,  First  Cal.  Guard,  Marysville  & 
Ben.  R.  R.,  Mechanics'  Inst.,  Mercantile  Lib.,  Mex.  Ocean  Mail,  Overland 
Mail,  Sac.  Valley  R.  R.,  Sta  Clara  Col.,  Univ.  Cal.,  Univ.  Pacific,  Young 
Men's  Christ.  Ass. 

79  Los  Angeles,  Parkitt,  San  Diego,  San  Francisco  Act,  S.  F.  Fire  Dept., 
S.  F.  Memorial,  S.  F.  Minutes,  S.  F.  City  Charter,  S.  F.  Ordinances, .  S.  F. 
Proceedings,  S.  F.  Pub.  Schools,  S.  F.  Remonstrance,   S.  F.  Rept.,  S.  F. 
Town  Council,  and  Wheeler.    Directories — Marysville,  Sacramento,  San  Fran- 
cisco, Stockton,  and  Tuolumne. 

80  California  (Circuit   Court,    Comp.   Laws,  Constit.,  Dist.    Court,    Sup. 
Court),  Constit.  Convention,  Crocker,  Hartman,  Limantour,  Marvin,  Mason, 
Riley,  Thornton,  Turner. 

81  Baker,  Bates,  Bigler,  Billings,  Bryan,  Freelon,  Lockwood,  Shaw,  Speer. 

82  Cal.    Text   Book,    Gougenheim,  Democratic,  Limantour,    Taylor  (song 
book),  Willey,  Pioneer,  and  Almanacs. 

83  Franklin,  Hittell,  McCloskey,  McDougal,  McGowan,  Nugent,  Peckham, 
Randolph,  Reid,  Ryan,  Victor,  Trask,  Weed,  Willey,  Vallejo. 

84  Bancroft  Library,  Barton,  Bigler,  Brooks,  California,  Dye,  Hall,  Hayes, 
Knight,  Lancey,  Levitt,  Pac.  Mail,  Sta  Cruz. 


60  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORl^AN  HISTORY. 

Works  about  California  printed  elsewhere  were 
three  times  as  numerous  as  those  of  home  manufacture, 
and  in  most  respects  much  more  important.  First 
there  were  over  eighty  books,  similar  except  in  place 
of  publication  to  those  of  a  class  already  mentioned, 
which  described  California,  its  mines  and  towns,  its 
people  and  their  customs,  the  journey  by  land  or  sea 
to  the  country  with  personal  adventures  of  the  writers 
or  others,  books  in  different  languages  owing  their 
existence  directly  to  the  discovery  of  gold.85  Many 
of  these  were  to  a  considerable  extent  fictitious,  but 
there  were  others  containing  little  or  nothing  but 
fiction.86  Next  among  works  of  real  value  should  be 
noticed  fifty  reports  on  Californian  topics,  published 
by  the  United  States  government;87  and  in  this  con- 
nection may  receive  attention  the  regular  sets  of  U. 
S.  government  documents  recording  the  acts  of  con- 
gress from  session  to  session,  and  containing  hundreds  of 
valuable  papers,  bearing  on  affairs  in  the  far  west,  with 
several  other  collections  of  somewrhat  similar  nature.88 
There  were  a  dozen  or  more  pamphlets  on  various 
Californian  topics  not  directly  connected  with  the 
gold  discovery  and  its  attendant  phenomena.89  Then 

85  Abbey,  Adam,  Allsop,  Auger,  Berry,  Ballenstedt,  Borthwick,  Boucha- 
court,  Bound  Home,  Brooks,  Bryant,  Buffum,  Cal.  (Emig.  Guide,  Gold  Reg., 
Gids  Naar,  Its  Gold,  Its  Past,  Notes),  California,  Californien  (Ant.  Nach.,  • 
Rathgeber,  Und  sein  Golt,  sein   Min.),  Cassell,  Colton,  Diggers,  Edelmari, 
Farnham,    Ferry,    Foster,    Gerstacker,    Gold -finders,    Gregory,    Hartmaiin,    / 
Helper,  Holinski,  Hoppe,  Johnson,  Kelly,  King,  Kip,  Kunzel,  Lambertie, 
Letts,    McCollum,    Mcllvaine,    Marryat,    Mason,    Meyer,   Oswald,    Palmer, 
Parkman,    Praslow,    Robinson,   Ryan,   Schwartz,   Sedgley,  Seyd,  Seymour, 
Shaw,  Sherwood,  Simpson,  Solignac,  St  Amant,  Stirling,  Taylor,  Thompson, 
Tyson,  Walton,  WejK,  Weston,  Williamson,  Wilson,  and  Woods. 

86  Such  as  Aimard,  Amelia,  Ballou,  Bigly,  Champagnac,  Gerstacker,  Pay- 
son,  and  many  more. 

87  Abell,  Alexander,  Bartlett,  Beale,  Beckwith,  California  (Amount,  Com- 
mission, Copy,  Dent,  Establishment,  Indians,  Land  Com.,  Message,  Volun- 
teers), Cooke,  Cram,  Dei*by,  Flagg,  Fort  Point,  Frdmont,  Gibbons,  Graham, 
Gray,  Halleck,  Homer,  Jones,  King,  Mason,  Meredith,  Mex.  Boundary,  Pac. 
Wagon  Roads,  Reynolds,  Riley,  San  Francisco,  Sherman,  Smith,  Sutter,  Ty- 
son, U.  S.  and  Mex.,  Warren,  Whipple,  and  Wool. 

88  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.  (two  series),  U.  S.  Supreme  Court  Reports,  Annals  of 
Congress,  Congressional  Debates,  Cong.  Globe,  Benton's  Abridgment,  Smith- 
sonian Reports,  and  Pac.  R.  R.  Reports. 

89  Atlan.  &  Pac.  R.  R.,  Browne,  Cal.  Appeal,  California,  Fremont,  Liman- 
tour,  Logan,  Ringgold,  Pac.  M.  S.  S.  Co.,  S.  F.  Custom  House,  S.  F.  Land 
Assoc.,  Stillman,  and  Thompson. 


MODERN  TIMES.  61 

we  have  more  than  fifty  speeches  chiefly  delivered 
in  Congress  and  circulated  in  pamphlet  form,  many 
of  them  pertaining  to  the  admission  of  California  as 
a  state.90  Besides  the  books  relating  wholly  or  mainly 
to  California  there  were  some  thirty  others  on  west- 
ern regions  with  allusions  more  or  less  extended  to 
the  gold  regions;91  and  half  as  many  general  works 
with  mention  of  California.92  Both  of  these  classes, 
and  especially  the  latter,  might  be  greatly  extended 
in  numbers ;  and  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  period- 
icals and  collections  that  contained  articles  on  our 
subject,  there  being  few  such  publications  in,  the 
world  that  gave  no  attention  to  the  western  El  Do- 
rado.93 

Of  works  published  in  and  about  California  since 
1856,  I  attempt  no  classification.  Within  my  present 
limits  it  would  be  impossible  satisfactorily  to  classify 
so  bulky  and  diversified  a  mass  of  material,  of  which, 
indeed,  I  have  not  been  able  even  to  present  the  titles 
of  more  than  half  in  the  alphabetical  list  of  authori- 
ties. The  efforts  of  modern  •writers  to  record  the  his- 
tory of  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  periods  have  already 
been  noticed  in  this  chapter;  but  I  may  acid  that 
these  efforts  have  been  much  more  successful  in  their 
application  to  events  subsequent  to  the  discovery  of 

9°Averett,  Baldwin,  Bennett,  Benton,  Bowie,  Breck,  Brooks,  Caldwell, 
Gary,  Clark,  Cleveland,  Corwin,  Cro\vell,  Douglas,  Estell,  Foote,  Fowler, 
,Gwin,  Hall,  Hebard,  Howard,  Howe,  Lander,  Latham,  McDougaL  McLean, 
~^HVIcQueen,  McWillie,  Marshall,  Mason,  Morehea^l,  Olds,  Parker,  Pftirce,  Pres- 
ton, Putnam,  Phelps,  Seddon,  Seward,  Smith,  Spaulding,  Stanley,  Thomp- 
$on,  Thnrman,  Thurston,  Toombs,  Van  Voorhie,.  Weller,  Wiley,  Wiuthrop, 
and  Worcester. 

91Ansted,  Briefe,  Coke,  Combier,  Findlay,  Gerstacker,  Gold-fields,  Heap, 
Hines,  Horn,  Lauts,  Perry,  Pfeifer,  Plumb,  Rednitz,  Rovings,  Schmidt, 
Schmolder,  Smucker,  Stockton,  Thornton,  Uphani!  Wells,  Western  Scenes, 
Whiting,  Wilkes,  Wise,  Wood. 

92  Benton,  Cevallos,  De  Bow,  Diccionario,  Dunlop,  Garden,  March  y  La- 
bores,  Mayer,  Shea,  Weichardt,  Wilson,  Young,  Zamacois. 

93 Album  Mex.,  Amer.  and  For.  Christ.  Union,  Annual  of  Scientific  Dis- 
cov.,  Bankers' Mag.,  De  Bow's  Review,  Edinburgh"  Review7,  Hansard,  Harper, 
Home  Missionary,  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  Ilustracion  Mex.,  Mining  Mag., 
Millennial  Star,  Niles'  Register,  North  Amer.  Review,  Nouvelles  Annales, 
Panamd  Star,  Quarterly  Rev.,  Revue  Deux  Mondes,  Silliman's  Amer.  Jour., 
etc.,  etc. 


62  BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  CALIFORNIA^  HISTORY. 

gold,  because  material  has  been  much  more  abundant 
and  accessible.  This  applies  particularly  to  the  many 
works  on  local  and  county  annals  printed  in  late 
years,  several  of  which  have  a  standard  value.94 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  pioneer  reminiscences  of 
my  collection  contain,  and  are  supplemented  by,  the 
statements  of  prominent  men  on  various  practical 
topics  connected  with  the  industrial  development  of 
California  in  recent  times;  that  several  classes  of 
printed  matter  already  mentioned,  such  as  municipal, 
state,  and  national  documents,  continue  to  throw  light 
on  events  of  the  last  thirty  years ;  that  travellers  have 
never  ceased  to  print  their  experiences  in,  and  their 
views  respecting,  this  western  land;  that  resident  and 
even  native  writers  have  contributed  largely  to  our 
store  of  books  on  industrial,  literary,  educational,  re- 
ligious, legal,  political,  and  historical  subjects;  that 
numerous  associations  and  institutions  have  helped  to 
.swell  the  mass  of  current  pamphlets;  and  that  news- 
papers— an  invaluable  source  of  material  for  local  and 
personal  history — have  greatly  multiplied.  Indeed, 
California  has  not  only  by  reason  of  her  peculiar  past 
received  more  attention  at  the  hands  of  writers  from 
abroad  than  any  other  part  of  our  nation,  but  in  re- 
spect of  internal  literary  development  she  is  not 
behind  other  provinces  of  like  tender  years.  In  con- 
clusion, I  append  a  short  list  of  works  published  since 
1856,  which  have  somewhat  exceptional  historic  value 
in  comparison  with  others  of  the  mass.96  Most  of 

94  See  in  the  list,  besides  the  names  of  counties  and  towns:  Banfield,  Bar- 
ton, Bledsoe,  Butler,  Cooper,  Cox,  Dwinelle,  Frazee,  Gift,  Hall,  Halley,  Hare, 
Hawley,  Hittell,  Huse,  Lloyd,  McPherson,  Menefee,  Meyrick,  Orr,  Owen, 
Perkins,  Sargent,  Soule",  Thompson,  Tinkham,  Western  Shore,  and  Willey. 

95  See  Alric,  Ames,  Barry,  Bartlett,  Bates,  Beers,  Bell,   Blake,   Bonner, 
Brooks,    Browne,    Bryant,    Burnett,    Buslmell,    California    (Arrival,    Biog., 
Hardy,   Leyes,   Med.    Soc.),   Carvalho,   Chandless,    Clark,   Contemp.  Biog., 
Cooke,  Cornwallis,  Cronise,  Coyner,  Dixon,  Gleeson,  Fields,  First  Steamship, 
Fisher,  King,  Gray,  Grey.  Hittell,  Hoffman,  Hughes,  Labatt,  McCue,  McGar- 
rahan,  McGlashan,  Mollhausen,  Morgan,  Moulder,  New  Almaden,  Norman, 
O'Meara,    Palmer,    Parsons,    Patterson,   Peabody,    Peirce,    Peters,    Phelps, 
Player-Frowd,  Randolph,  Raymond,  Redding,  Rossi,  Saxon,  Schlagintweit, 
Sherman,'  Shuck,  Simpson,  Stillman,  Tuthill,  Tyler,  Upham,  Vallejo,  Vis- 
cher,  Wetmore,  Willey,  and  Williams. 


ALPHABETICAL  INDEX.  63 

them  but  for  the  date  of  their  publication  might  be 
added  to  the  different  classes  before  named,  as  per- 
taining to  the  period  of  1848-56.  For  further  biblio- 
graphic information,  including  full  or  slightly  abridged 
title,  summary  of  contents,  circumstances  attending 
the  production,  criticism  of  historic  value,  and  bio- 
graphic notes  on  the  writer  of  each  work  mentioned 
in  the  different  classes  and  subdivisions  of  this  chapter, 
I  refer  the  reader  not  only  to  the  list  at  the  beginning 
of  this  volume  but  to  the  foot-notes  of  all  the  seven 
volumes,  which  may  be  traced  through  the  alpha- 
betical index  at  the  end  of  the  work. 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 
1542-1768. 

ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAME — CONJECTURES— SERGAS  OF  ESPLANDIAN— MR  HALE'S 
DISCOVERY — LATER  VARIATIONS  OF  THE  NAME — WHO  FIRST  SAW  ALTA 
CALIFORNIA? — ULLOA,  AL ARGON,  DIAZ — FIVE  EXPEDITIONS — VOYAGE  OF 
JUAN  RODRIGUEZ  CABRILLO,  1542-3 — EXPLORATION  FROM  SAN  DIEGO  TO 
POINT  CONCEPCION — FERRELO  IN  THE  NORTH — VOYAGE  OF  SIR  FRANCIS 
DRAKE,  1579 — NEW  ALBION — DRAKE  DID  NOT  DISCOVER  SAN  FRANCISCO 
BAY — MAPS — THE  PHILIPPINE  SHIPS — GALI'S  VOYAGE,  1584 — CAPE  MEN- 
DOCINO — VOYAGE  OF  SEBASTIAN  RODRIGUEZ  BE  CERMENON,  1595 — THE 
OLD  SAN  FRANCISCO — EXPLORATIONS  OF  SEBASTIAN  VIZCAINO,  1602-3 — • 
MAP — DISCOVERY  OF  MONTEREY — AGUILAR'S  NORTHERN  LIMIT — CA- 
BRERA BUENO'S  WORK,  1734— SPANISH  CHART,  1742 — THE  NORTHERN 
MYSTERY  AND  EARLY  MAPS. 

THOUGH  the  California  which  is  the  subject  of  this 
work  inherited  its  name  from  an  older  country  whose 
annals  have  been  already  recorded  by  me,  yet  a  state- 
ment respecting  the  origin  and  application  of  the  name 
seems  appropriate  here.  When  Jimenez  discovered 
the  peninsula,  supposed  to  be  an  island,  in  1533,  he 
applied  no  name  so  far  as  can  be  known.  Cortes, 
landing  at  the  same  place  with  a  colony  on  the  3d  of 
May  1535,  named  the  port  and  the  country  adjoining 
Santa  Cruz,  from  the  day.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
he  ever  gave,  or  even  used,  any  other  name,  the  name 
California  not  occurring  in  any  of  his  writings.1  Ulloa 

1  At  least  I  have  not  found  it.  The  '  puerto  y  bahia  de  Santa  Cruz '  is  named 
in  the  original  document  of  1535.  Cortts,  Auto  da  Posesion,  in  Col.  Doc.  Ined., 
iv.  192.  After  his  return  to  Spain  in  1540  in  a  memorial  to  the  king  he  testi- 
fied 'I  arrived  at  the  land  of  Santa  Cruz  and  was  in  it. .  .and  being  in  the  said 
land  of  Santa  Cruz  I  had  complete  knowledge  of  the  said  land.'  Cortes,  Memo- 
rial, in  Col.  Doc.  Ined.y  iv.  211.  Other  witnesses  who  had  accompanied  Cortds 
testified  in  Spain  about  the  same  time;  one,  that  the  country  was  called  Tar- 
sis;  another,  that  the  country  had  no  name,  but  that  the  bay  was  called  Santa 
Cruz;  several,  that  they  remembered  no  name.  Probanza,  in  Padieco  and  Car- 
denas, Col.  Doc.,  xvi.  12,  22,  27. 

(Mi 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAME.  65 

sailed  down  the  coast  in  1539,  and  the  name  Cali- 
fornia first  appears  in  Preciado's  diary  of  that  voyage. 
It  was  applied,  not  to  the  whole  country,  but  to  a 
locality — probably  but  not  certainly  identical  with 
Santa  Cruz,  or  La  Paz.2 

Bernal  Diaz,  writing  before  1568,  speaks  of  the 
island  of  Santa  Cruz,  and  says  that  Cortes  after  many 
troubles  there  "went  to  discover  other  lands,  and  came 
to  California,  which  is  a  bay."3  This  testimony  is  not 
of  great  weight,  but  it  increases  the  uncertainty.  The 
difference  is  not,  however,  essential.  The  name  was 
applied  between  1535  and  1539  to  a  locality.  It  was 
soon  extended  to  the  whole  adjoining  region;  and  as 
the  region  was  supposed  to  be  a  group  of  islands,  the 
name  was  often  given  a  plural  form,  Las  Californias. 

Whence  came  the  name  thus  applied,  or  applied  by 
Cortes  as  has  been  erroneously  believed,  was  a  ques- 
tion that  gave  rise  to  much  conjecture  before  the 
truth  was  known.  The  Jesuit  missionaries  as  repre- 
sented by  Venegas  and  Clavigero  suggested  that  it 
might  have  been  deliberately  made  up  from  Latin  or 
Greek  roots;  but  favored  the  much  more  reasonable 
theory  that  the  discoverers  had  founded  the  name  on 
some  misunderstood  words  of  the  natives.4  These 

2  Printed  in  1565,  in  Ramusio,  Viagrji,  iii.  343.    Having  left  Santa  Cruz  Oct. 
29th,  on  10th  of  Nov.  '  we  found  ourselves  54  leagues  distant  from  California, 
a  little  more  or  less,  always  in  the  south-west  seeing  in  the  night  three  or  four 
fires. '    (Sempre  dalla parte  di  Garbino vedendo  la notte,  etc. )    Hakluyt's  trans- 
lation of  1600,  Voyages,  iii.  406-7,  is  'always  toward  the  south-west,  seeing  in 
the  night,' etc.     From  the  9th  to  the  15th  they  made  10  leagues;  from  the 
16th  to  the  24th,  12  or  15  leagues;  and  were  then,  having  sighted  the  Isle  of 
Pearls,  70  leagues  from  Santa  Cruz.    The  author  only  uses  the  name  California 
once;    Hakluyt's    'point   of   California'   is  an   interpolation.      The   definite 
distance  of  54  leagues  indicates  that  California  was  a  place  they  had  passed; 
it  could  not  be  54  leagues  either  south-west  or  north-east  of  their  position, 
and  I  suppose  the  direction  refers  to  the  coast  generally  or  the  fires.    The  dis- 
tances are  not  out  of  the  way  if  we  allow  6  or  9  leagues  for  the  progress  made 
on  Nov.  9th.    There  is  some  obscurity  of  meaning;  but  apparently  California 
was  at  or  near  Santa  Cruz.     Throughout  his  voyage  up  and  down  the  gulf 
Preciado  uses  the  name  Santa  Cruz  frequently  to  locate  the  lands  in  the  west. 

3  Bernal  Diaz  del  Castillo,  Hist.  Verdadera,  233,  printed  in  1632.     This 
has  often  been  called  the  first  mention  of  the  name.     Some  have  blunderingly 
talked  of  Diaz  as  the  discoverer  and  namer  of  California. 

*  Venegas,  Not.  CaL,  i.  2-5;  Clavigero,  Storia  della  CaL,  29-30.  The  Latin 
calida  fornax,  or  'hot  furnace,'  is  the  most  common  of  the  conjectural  deriva- 
tions, the  reference  being  supposably  either  to  the  hot  climate,  though  it  was 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    5 


66  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

theories  have  been  often  repeated  by  later  writers, 
with  additions  rivalling  each  other  in  absurdity.  At 
last  in  1862  Edward  E.  Hale  was  so  fortunate 
as  to  discover  the  source  whence  the  discoverers 
obtained  the  name.  An  old  romance,  the  Sergas 
of  Esplandian,  by  Ordonez  de  Montalvo,  translator  of 
Amadis  of  Gaul,  printed  perhaps  in  1510,  and  cer- 
tainly in  editions  of  1519,  1521,  1525,  and  1526  in 
Spanish,  mentioned  an  island  of  California  "on  the 
right  hand  of  the  Indies,  very  near  the  Terrestrial 
Paradise,"  peopled  with  black  women,  griffins,  and 
other  creatures  of  the  author's  imagination.5  There 
is  no  direct  historical  evidence  of  the  application  of 
this  name;  nor  is  any  needed.  No  intelligent  man 
will  ever  question  the  accuracy  of  Hale's  theory. 
The  number  of  Spanish  editions  would  indicate  that 
the  book  was  popular  at  the  time  of  the  discovery;' 
indeed  Bernal  Diaz  often  mentions  the  Amadis  of 
Gaul,  to  which  the  Esplandian  was  attached. 

Cortes,  as  we  know,  was  bent  on  following  the 
coast  round  to  India,  and  confident  of  finding  rich  and 
wonderful  isles  on  the  way.  It  would  have  been  most 
natural  for  him  to  apply  the  old  fabulous  name,  if  it 
had  met  his  eye,  to  the  supposed  island  when  first 
discovered;  but  it  appears  he  did  not  do  it;  and  I 

not  hot  compared  with  others  to  which  the  discoverers  were  accustomed,  or 
to  the  hot  baths,  or  temescales,  of  the  natives.  Calidus  fornus,  Caliente  for- 
nalia,  Calfforno,  and  Caliente  homo  are  other  expressions  of  the  same  root, 
Archibald  noting  of  the  last  that  it  would  be  rather  homo  caliente.,  making 
the  name  'Fornicalia'  instead  of  California.  Another  derivation  is  from  cala 
yfornix,  Spanish  and  Latin  for  *  cove  and  vault '  or  'vaulted  cove,'  from  a  peculiar 
natural  formation  near  Cape  San  Lucas.  From  the  Greek  we  have  kala  phor 
nea,  kala  phora  nea,  kala  phor  neia,  kala  phorneia,  kala  chora  nea,  or  kalos 
phornia — variously  rendered  'beautiful  woman,'  'moonshine,' or 'adultery;' ' 
'fertile  land;'  or  'new  country.'  Colofon  or  colofonia,  the  Spanish  for  resin, 
has  also  been  suggested.  In  Upper  California  the  idea  was  a  favorite  one 
that  the  name  was  of  Indian  origin;  but  there  was  little  agreement  respect- 
ing details.  According  to  the  Vallejos,  Alvarado,  and  others,  all  agreed  that 
it  came  from  kali  for  no,  the  information  coming  from  Baja  California  natives; 
but  there  were  two  factions,  one  interpreting  the  words  'high  hill'  or  'moun- 
tain' and  the  other  'native  land.'  E. D. Guilbert,  resident  of  Copala,  Sinaloa, 
told  me  in  1878  that  an  old  Indian  of  his  locality  called  the  peninsula  Tchali- 
falui-al,  'the  sandy  land  beyond  the  water.' 

5  Hale's  discovery  was  first  published  in  the  Amer.  Antiq.  Soc.,  Proceed., 
Apr.  30,  18G2,  45-53;  also  in  Atlantic  Monthly,  xiii.  265;  Hale's  His  Level 
.Uest,  etc.,  234. 


APPLICATION  OF  THE  NAME.  67 

strongly  suspect  the  name  was  applied  in  derision  by 
his  disgusted  colonists  on  their  return  in  1536.  At 
any  rate  there  can  be  no  doubt  the  name  was  adopted 
from  the  novel  between  1535  and  1539.  The  etymol- 
ogy of  the  name  and  the  source  whence  Montalvo  ob- 
tained it  still  remain  a  field  for  ingenious  guesswork. 
Indeed  most  of  the  old  conjectures  may  still  be  applied 
to  the  subject  in  its  new  phase.  But  this  is  not  an 
historical  subject,  nor  one  of  the  slightest  importance. 
In  such  matters  the  probable  is  but  rarely  the  true. 
What  brilliant  etymological  theories  might  be  drawn 
out  by  the  name  Calistoga,  if  it  were  not  known  how 
Samuel  Brannan  built  the  word  from  California  and 
Saratoga.6 

The  name  California,  once  applied  to  the  island  or 
peninsula,  was  also  naturally  used  to  designate  the 
country  extending  indefinitely  northward  to  the  strait 
of  Anian,  or  to  Asia,  except  as  interrupted  in  the 
view,  of  some  foreign  geographers  by  Drake's  New 
Albion.  Kino  at  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  in  1700 
spoke  of  Alta  California;  but  he  meant  simply  the 
'upper'  part  of  the  peninsula.  After  1769  the  north- 
ern country  was  for  a  time  known  as  the  New  Estab- 
lishments, or  Los  Establecimientos  de  San  Diego  y 
Monterey,  or  the  Northern  Missions.  In  a  few 

6  In  Webster's  Dictionary,  the  Spanish  calif  a,  Arabic  Khalifa,  'successor,' 
'caliph,'  is  adopted,  as  indeed  suggested  by  Hale,  as  the  possible  root  of  the 
name.  Archbald,  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  440,  suggests  Calphurnia,  Caesar's 
wife.  Perhaps  the  coolest  exhibition  of  assurance  which  this  matter  has  drawn 
out  in  modern  times  is  Prof.  Jules  Marcou's  essay  on  the  'true  origin'  of  the 
name.  The  whole  pamphlet,  although  printed  by  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, with  the  degree  of  intelligence  too  often  employed  in  such  cases,  perhaps 
because,  of  an  old  map  attached  to  it,  has  about  as  many  blunders  as  the  pages 
can  accommodate.  I  have  no  space  to  point  them  out;  but  this  is  what  he 
says  of  the  name:  'Cortes  and  his  companions,  struck  with  the  difference  be- 
tween the  dry  and  burning  heat  they  experienced,  compared  with  the  moist 
and  much  less  oppressive  heat  of  the  Mexican  tierra  caliente,  first  gave  to  a  bay, 
and  afterwards  extended  to  the  entire  country  the  name  of  tierra  California, 
derived  from  calida  fornax,  which  signifies  fiery  furnace,  or  hot  as  an  oven. 
Hernan  Cortes,  who  was  moreover  a  man  of  learning,  was  at  once  strongly 
impressed  with  the  singular  and  striking  climatic  differences ...  to  whom  is 
due  the  appropriate  classification  of  the  Mexican  regions  into  tierra  fria,  tierra 
tcmplada,  tierra  caliente,  and  tierra  California  '!  Marcou's  Notes  upon  tie  fir *t 
Discoveries  of  California  and  the  origin  of  its  name,  Washington,  1878.  See  also 
U:  S.  Geog.  Survey,  Wheeler,  Kept.,  1878,  p.  228. 


68  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

years,  however,  without  any  uniformity  of  usage  the 
upper  country  began  to  be  known  as  California  Sep- 
tentrional, California  del  Norte,  Nueva  California,  or 
California  Superior.  But  gradually  Alta  California 
became  more  common  than  the  others,  both  in  private 
and  official  communications,  though  from  the  date  of 
the  separation  of  the  provinces  in  1804  Nueva  Cali- 
fornia became  the  legal  nam,e,  as  did  Alta  California 
after  1824.  In  these  later  times  Las  Californias  meant 
not  as  at  first  Las  Islas  Californias,  but  the  two 
provinces,  old  and  new,  lower  and  upper.  Down  to 
1846,  however,  the  whole  country  was  often  called  by 
Mexicans  and  Californians  even  in  official  documents 
a  peninsula. 

It  is  not  impossible  that  Francisco  de  Ulloa,  at  the 
head  of  the  gulf  in  1539,  had  a  distant  glimpse  of 
mountains  within  the  territory  now  called  California; 
it  is  very  probable  that  Hernando  de  Alarcon,  as- 
cending the  Colorado'  in  boats  nearly  to  the  Gila 
and  possibly  beyond  it,  saw  Californian  soil  in  Sep- 
tember 1540;  and  perhaps  Melchor  Diaz,  who  crossed 
the  Colorado  later  in  the  same  year,  had  a  similar 
view. 

Thus  strictly  speaking  the  honor  of  the  first  dis- 
covery may  with  much  plausibility  be  attributed  to 
one  of  these  explorers,  though  none  of  them  mentioned 
the  discovery,  or  could  do  so,  boundary  lines  being 
as  yet  not  dreamed  of.  Subsequently  Juan  de  Onate 
and  his  companions,  coming  down  the  Colorado  in 
1604,  certainly  gazed  across  the  river  on  California, 
and  even  learned  from  the  natives  that  the  sea  was  not 
far  distant.  After  1699  Kino  and  his  Jesuit  asso- 
ciates not  unfrequently  looked  upon  what  was  to  be 
California  from  the  Gila  junction.  No  European, 
however,  from  this  direction  is  known  to  have  trod 
the  soil  of  the  promised  land;  therefore  this  phase 
of  the  subject  may  be  dismissed  without  further 
remark. 


CABRILLO'S  VOYAGE.  69 

All  that  was  known  of  California  before  1769  was 
founded  on  the  reports  of  five  expeditions;  that  of 
Juan  Rodriguez  Cabrillo  in  1542-3,  that  of  Francis 
Drake  in  1579,  that  of  Francisco  de  Gali  in  1584, 
that  of  Sebastian  Rodriguez  de  Cermeiion  in  1595,  and 
that  of  Sebastian  Vizcaino  in  1602-3.  To  describe 
the^e  expeditions — so  far  only  as  they  relate  to  the 
coast  of  Alta  California,  for  in  a  general  way  each  has 
been  presented  in  the  annals  of  regions  farther  south — 
with  a  glance  also  at  a  few  other  voyages  bearing  in- 
directly upon  the  subject,  is  my  purpose  in  the  present 
chapter. 

On  the  28th  of  September  1542,  Juan  Rodriguez 
Cabrillo,  coming  from  the  south  in  command  of  two 
Spanish  exploring  vessels,7  discovered  a  "  landlocked 
and  very  good  harbor,"  which  he  named  San  Miguel 
and  located  in  34°  20'.  The  next  day  he  sent  a  boat 
" farther  into  the  port  which  was  large;"  and  while 
anchored  here  "  a  very  great  gale  blew  from  the  west- 
south-west,  and  south-south-west;  but  the  port  being 
good  they  felt  nothing."8 

7  On  the  fitting-out  of  the  expedition  and  its  achievements  south  of  Cali- 
fornia, see  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  this  series. 

8  Cabrillo,  Relation  6  diario,  de  la  navegacion  que  hizo  Juan  Rodriguez  Ca- 
brillo con  dos  navios,  al  descubrimiento  del  paso  del  Mar  del  Sur  al  norte,  etc. 
Original  in  Spanish  archives  of  Seville  from  Simancas,  certified  by  Navarrete, 
copy  in  Munoz  Collection,  printed  in  Florida,  Col.. Doc.,  173-89.     'De  Juan 
Paez'  is  marked  on  the  Munoz  copy.    Another  printed  original  from  'Archivo 
delndias  Patronato,  est.  1,  caj.  i.,'is  found  in  Pacheco  and  Cardenas,  Col.  Doc., 
xiv.  165-91,  under  the  title  Relation  del  descubrimiento  que  hizo  Juan  Rodri- 
guez, navegando  por  la  contra  costa  del  mar  del  Sur  al  norte  hecha  por  Juan 
Paez.     Thus  it  is  probable  that  Juan  Paez  was  the  author.     Herrera,  ILht. 
Gen.,  dec.  vii.  lib.  v.  cap.  iii.-iv.,  gave  in  1600  a  condensed  account  probably 
from  the  above  original,  but  with  many  omissions,  and  a  few  additions,  which 
became  the  foundation  of  most  that  was  subsequently  written  on  the  subject, 
being  followed  by  Burney  and  others.    In  1802  Navarre te  in  his  introduction 
to  the  Sutil  y  Mexicana,  Viaqe,  xxix.-xxxvi.,  gave  a  narrative  from  the  orig- 
inal, with  notes  in  which  he  located,  for  the  most  part  accurately,  the  points 
named  by  Cabrillo.   Taylor's  First  Voyage  to  the  Coast  of  California. .  .by  Ca- 
brillo, San  Francisco,  1853,  was  a  kind  of  translation  from  Navarrete,  whose 
notes  the  translator  attempted  to  correct  without  any  very  brilliant  success. 
Finally  in  1879  we  have  Evans  and  Henshaw's  Translation  from  the  Spanish  of 
the  account  by  the  pilot  Ferrel  of  the  Voyage  of  Cabrillo  along  the  west  coast 
of  North  America  in  1543,  printed  in  U.  S.  Geog.  Surv.,  Wheeler,  vii.  Archce- 
ology,  293-314.    Richard  S.  Evans  was  the  translator;  H.  W.  Henshaw,  who 
made  antiquarian  researches  on  the  coast,  was  the  author  of  the  notes;  and  H. 
C.  Taylor,  U.  S.  N.,  of  the  Coast  Survey,  aided  the  gentlemen  Jiamed  with 
the  results  of  his  acquaintance  with  the  coast. 


70  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

There  is  no  further  description ;  the  latitude  is  wrong; 
and  the  port  must  be  identified  if  at  all  by  its  relation 
to  other  points  visited  by  Cabrillo.  It  has  usually 
been  identified  by  those  who  have  followed  Navarrete, 
the  earliest  investigator,  with  San  Diego ;  but  recently 
by  Henshaw  and  Taylor  with  San  Pedro  further  north, 
San  Diego  being  in  that  case  Cabrillo's  San  Mateo.9 
Here,  as  in  most  parts  of  this  narrative,  there  is  little 
room  for  positive  assertion;  but  I  prefer  to  regard 
San  Miguel  as  San  Diego.  Difficulties  arise  at  every 
step  which  no  theory  can  remove.  It  is  the  fault  of 
the  narrative,  respecting  the  genuineness  of  which, 
however,  there  is  no  room  for  doubt.  Without  attempt- 
ing to  get  over  obstacles  by  ignoring  them  I  shall 
treat  them  mainly  in  notes.10 

At  any  rate  Cabrillo  entered  Upper  California!! 
waters,  never  before  disturbed  by  other  craft  than 
Indian  canoes,  and  anchored  in  San  Diego  Bay  in 
September  1542.  If  we  suppose  this  port  to  have  been 
his  San  Miguel,  he  remained  six  days.  The  natives 

9  San  Mateo  was  also  described  as  a  good  and  landlocked  (cerrado)  port, 
with  a  little  lake  of  fresh  water,  and  with  groves  of  trees  like  ceibas,  except 
that  the  wood  was  hard.     There  were  also  many  drift-logs  washed  here  by  the 
sea,  broad  grassy  plains,  high  and  rolling  land,  and  animals  in  droves  of  100 
or  more  resembling  Peruvian  sheep  with  long  wool,  small  horns,  and  broad 
round  tails.     Latitude  given  33°  20'. 

10  San  Augustin  Island,  the  last  point  on  which  Navarrete  and  Henshaw 
agree,  is  identified  with  San  Martin  in  about  30°  30'  on  the  Baja  California 
coast.     Three  days  with  little  wind  brought  the  ships,  no  distance  given,  to 
Cape  San  Martin,  north  of  San  Augustin,  where  the  coast  turns  from  north  to 
north-west.     This  trend,  and  also  the  time,  if  we  disregard  the  calm,  favors 
Henshaw's  location  of  Todos  Santos  rather  than  Navarrete's  of  San  Quintin. 
Next  they  sailed  four  leagues  N.  E.,  or  N.  N.  E. ;  but  this  is  not  possible  from 
Todos  Santos  either  by  the  best  maps  or  the  trend  just  noted.    Next  21  leagues 
N.  w.,  and  x.  N.  w.  to  San  Mateo;   the  distance  25  leagues  corresponding 
better  with  that  from  San  Quintin  to  Todos  Santos,  than  with  that  from  the 
latter  to  San  Diego.     On  the  other  hand,  the  next  stage,  32  leagues  to  San 
Miguel,  better  fits  that  from  San  Diego  to  San  Pedro  than  from  Todos  Santos 
to  the  former.     But  they  passed  a  little  island  close  to  the  shore  on  arriving 
at  San  Mateo,  there  being  none  at  Todos  Santos  so  far  as  the  maps  show ;  and 
on  the  other  hand,  on  sailing  to  San  Miguel,  they  passed  three  islas  desiertas 
three  leagues  from  the  main,  the  largest  being  two  leagues  long,  or  possibly 
in  circumference,  which  agrees  better  with  the  Corouados  just  below  San 
Diego  than  with  San  Glemente  and  Santa  Catalina.   Moreover  the  description 
of  San  Mateo  with  its  lake,  and  especially  its  groves  of  trees,  does  not  corre- 
spond at  all  to  San  Diego.    The  strongest  reason  why  San  Miguel  must  be  San 
Diego  and  not  San  Pedro  will  be  noticed  presently.  The  investigator's  troubles 
are  not  lessened  by  the  non-existence  of  a  perfect  chart  of  the  Baja  California 
coast. 


JUAN  RODRIGUEZ  AT  SAN  PEDRO.          71 

were  timid  in  their  intercourse  with  the  strangers, 
whom  they  called  Guacamal ;  but  they  wounded  with 
their  arrows  three  of  a  party  that  landed  at  night  to 
fish.  Interviews,  voluntary  and  enforced,  were  held 
with  a  few  individuals  both  on  shore  and  on  the  ships ; 
and  the  Spaniards  understood  by  their  signs  that  the 
natives  had  seen  or  heard  of  men  like  themselves, 
bearded,  mounted,  and  armed,  somewhere  in  the  in- 
terior. u 

Leaving  San  Miguel  October  3d,  they  sail  three 
days  or  about  eighteen  leagues,  along  a  coast  of  val- 
leys and  plains  and  smokes,  with  high  mountains  in 
the  interior,  to  the  islands  some  seven  leagues  from 
the  main,  which  they  name  from  their  vessels  San  Sal- 
vador and  Vitoria.  They  land  on  one  of  the  islands, 
after  the  inhabitants,  timid  and  even  hostile  at  first, 
have  been  appeased  by  signs  and  have  come  off  in  a 
canoe  to  receive  gifts.  They  too  tell  of  white  men  on 
the  main.  On  Sunday  the  Spaniards  go  over  to  ti&rra 
Jlrme  to  a  large  bay  which  they  call  Bahia  de  los 
Fumos,  or  Fuegos,  from  the  smoke  of  fires  seen  there. 
It  is  described  as  a  good  port  with  good  lands,  valleys, 
plains,  and  groves,  lying  in  35°.  I  suppose  the  island 
visited  to  have  been  Santa  Catalina,  and  the  port  to 
have  been  San  Pedro.12 

Sailing  six  leagues  farther  on  October  9th,  Cabrillo 
anchors  in  a  large  ensenada,  or  bight,  which  is  doubt- 
less Santa  Monica.13  Thence  they  go  on  the  next  day 

11  It  is  not  impossible,  though  not  probable,  that  the  natives  had  heard  of 
Diaz,  Alarcon,  and  Ulloa,  at  the  head  of  the  gulf.    The  Indians  of  San  Diego 
are  described  as  well  formed,  of  large  size,  clothed  in  skins. 

12  Henshaw,  as  we  have  seen,  makes  this  Bahia  de  Fumos  Bahia  Ona  (or 
Santa  Monica),  identifying  San  Pedro  with  San  Miguel,  and  the  island  with 
Santa  Cruz.     The  name  San  Salvador  as  mentioned  later  seems  his  strongest 
reason,  though  he  does  not  say  so.     He  admits  the  difficulty  of  identifying 
Santa  Catalina  with  the  Islas  Desiertas,  hinting  that  other  smaller  islands 
may  have  disappeared;  but  a  more  serious  objection  still — conclusive  to  me — 
is  the  fact  that  San  Pedro  would  never  have  been  called  a  puerto  cerrado,  or 
landlocked  port;  nor  would  it  have  afforded  protection  from  a  south-west  gale. 

13  Certainly  not  the  lacjuna  near  Pt  Mugu  as  Henshaw  says.  Santa  Monica 
was  exactly  what  the  Spaniards  would  have  called  an  ensenada;  indeed,  they 
did  often  so  call  it  in  later  years  as  they  did  also  Monterey  Bay,  and  San 
Francisco  outside  the  heads  from  Pt  Reyes  to  Pigeon  Point,  always  the  En- 
senada de  los  l^arallones.     Like  the  navigators  of  other  nations,  they  were 


72  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

some  eight  leagues  to  an  Indian  town,  anchoring 
opposite  a  great  valley.  The  town,  called  Pueblo  de 
las  Canoas  and  located  in  35°  20',  is  doubtless  in  the 
vicinity  of  San  Buenaventura,  the  valley  being  that 
of  the  Santa  Clara.14  The  Spaniards  take  formal 
possession  and  remain  here  four  days.  The  natives 
come  to  the  ships  in  fine  canoes,  each  carrying  twelve 
or  thirteen  men,  and  they  report  other  Christians  seven 
days'  journey  distant,  for  whom  they  take  a  letter, 
also  indicating  the  existence  of  a  great  river.  They 
say  there  is  maize  in  the  valley,  which  assertion  is 
confirmed  later  by  natives  who  talk  also  of  cae  which 
the  voyagers  understand  to  be  cows,  calling  the 
maize  oep.  The  natives  are  fishermen ;  they  dress  in 
skins,  and  live  on  raw  fish  and  maguey.  Their  name 
for  the  town  is  Xucu,  and  they  call  the  Christians 
Taquimine. 

Six  or  seven  leagues  bring  them  on  the  13th  past 
two  islands  each  four  leagues  long  and  four  leagues 
from  the  coast,  uninhabited  for  lack  of  water,  but 
with  good'  ports.15  The  next  anchorage  is  two  leagues 
farther,  opposite  a  fine  valley,  perhaps  Santa  Bar- 
bara, where  the  natives  are  friendly  and  bring  fish  in 
canoes  for  barter.  The  ten  leagues  of  October  15th 
carry  them  past  an  island  fifteen  leagues  in  length, 
which  they  name  San  Lucas,  apparently  Santa  Rosa.16 

not  very  strict  in  their  use  of  geographical  terms;  but  to  suppose  that  the 
little  laguna  would  have  been  called  by  them  an  'ensenada  grande'  is  too 
absurd  for  even  refutation;  'inlet'  is  not  a  correct  rendering  of  ensenada. 
Taylor  identifies  the  ensenada  with  the  cove  or  roadstead  of  Santa  Barbara. 
First  Voyage  to  the  Coast  of  California.  He  points  out  the  glaring  deficiencies 
in  all  that  had  been  written  on  the  subject,  and  flatters  himself  that  by  the 
aid  of  men  familiar  with  the  coast  he  has  followed  the  route  of  the  navigators 
very  closely;  and  so  he  has,  just  as  far  as  he  copies  Navarrete,  blundering 
fearfully  in  most  besides. 

w  Navarrete  says  in  the  ensenada  of  San  Juan  Capistrano,  which  is  unin- 
telligible. 

15  Anacapa  and  the  eastern  part  of  Santa  Cruz  as  seen  from  a  distance  and 
as  explained  by  the  natives'  signs,  which  were  not  understood. 

]6Six  leagues  from  the  main,  and  eighteen  leagues  from  Pueblo  de  Canoas. 
It  was  said  to  have  the  following  pueblos:  Niquipos,  Maxul,  Xugua,  Nitel, 
Macamo,  Nimitopal.  Later  it  is  stated  that  San  Lucas  was  the  middle  island, 
having  three  pueblos  whose  names  do  not  agree  with  those  here  given.  There 
is  a  hopeless  confusion  in  the  accounts  of  these  islands,  but  no  doubt  that  this 
was  the  group  visited. 


CABRILLO  IN  THE  SANTA  BARBARA  CHANNEL.  73 

Monday  the  16th  they  sail  four  leagues  to  two  towns, 
in  a  region  where  there  is  a  place  still  called  Dos 
Pueblos;  and  three  leagues  more  on  Tuesday.  The 
natives  wear  their  hair  long,  and  intertwined  with 
strings  of  flint,  bone,  and  wooden  daggers.  Next  day 
they  come  to  a  point  in  latitude  36°,  which  they  name 
Cape  Galera,  now  Point  Concepcion  in  latitude  34° 
26'.  The  distance  from  Pueblo  de  Canoas  is  thirty 
leagues,  Xexu  being  the  general  name  of  the  province, 
which  has  more  than  forty  towns.17 

The  narrative  of  what  Cabrillo  saw  on  the  shores 
and  islands  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  except  a 
uniform  exaggeration  in  the  size  of  the  islands,  confu- 
sion in  locating  them,  and  perhaps  the  casas  grandes 
of  Canoas  town,  agrees  very  well  with  the  truth  as 
revealed  by  later  mission  annals  and  by  the  relics 
exhumed  in  late  years  by  antiquarians.  The  region 
was  certainly  inhabited  in  early  times  by  people  who 
used  canoes,  lived  mainly  by  fishing,  and  were  much 
superior  in  many  respects  to  most  other  natives  of 
California.  There  was  a  tendency  at  first,  as  is  usual 
in  such  cases,  to  ascribe  the  Channel  relics  to  a  pre- 
historic race;18  but  nothing  indicating  such  an  origin 

17  The  pueblos,  beginning  with  Canoas,  were,  Xucu,  Bis,  Sopono,  Alloc, 
Xabaagua,  Xocotoc,  Potoltuc,  Nacbuc,  Quelqueme,  Misinagua,  Misesopano, 
Elquis,  Coloc,  Mugu,  Xagua,  Anacbuc,  Partocac,  Susuquey,  Quanmu,  Gua 
(or  Quanmugua),  Asimu,  Aguin,  Casalic,  Tucumu,  Incpupu,  Cicacut  (Sardi- 
nas),  Ciucut,  Anacot,  Maquinanoa,  Paltatre,  Anacoat  (or  Anacoac),  Olesino, 
Caacat  (or  Caacac),  Paltocac,  Tocane,  Opia,  Opistopia,  Nocos,  Yutum,  Qui- 
man,  Nicoma,   Garomisopona,  and  Xexo;  and  on  the  islands.     On  Ziqui- 
muymu,  or  Juan  Rodriguez,  or  Posesion  (San  Miguel),  Xaco  (or  Caco)  and 
Nimollollo.     On  Nicalque,  or  San  Lucas  (Santa  Rosa),  Nichochi,  Coycoy, 
and  Estocoloco  (or  Coloco).    On  the  other  San  Lucas.    See  note  16.    On  Limu 
(or  Limun)  or  San  Salvador  (Santa  Cruz),  Niquesesquelua,  Pocle,  Pisqueno, 
Pualnacatup,   Patiquin,   Patiquilid,   Ninumu,   Muoc,   Pilidquay,  Lilebeque. 
These  names  were  those  which  the  Indian  natives  were  understood  to  apply 
to  towns  not  visited,  and  very  little  accuracy  is  to  be  expected.    Taylor,  Dis- 
coverers and  Founders,  i.  No.  1,  claims  to  have  identified  Cabrillo's  names  in 
several  instances  with  those  found  in  the  mission  registers.    This  is  not  un- 
likely, though  the  authority  is  not  a  safe  one.    He  also  says  that  the  Indiana 
in  1863  recognized  the  native  names  of  San  Miguel  and  its  towns  as  given  by 
Cabrillo.    None  of  the  many  rancheria  names  which  I  have  met  and  which 
will  be  given  in  later  mission  annals  show  any  marked  resemblance  to  the  old 
names. 

18  On  the  Indians  of  this  region  see  Native  Races,  if  402-22;  iv.  687-97.  See 
also  on  archaeological  researches  U.  S.  Geoff.  Survey,  Wheeler,  vol.  vii.  Archae- 
ology, Washington,  1879,  passim. 


74  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

has  ever  been  found  there.    Rumors,  like  those  of  the 
cows  and  maize,  were  far  from  accurate. 

From  Cape  Galera  they  go  October  18th  to  dis- 
cover two  islands  ten  leagues  from  the  main,  and  they 
spend  a  week  of  stormy  weather  in  a  good  harbor  in 
the  smaller  one  which  they  name  La  Posesion,  prob- 
ably Cuyler's  Harbor  in  San  Miguel.  The  two  are 
called  San  Lucas.19  Leaving  the  port  Wednesday 
the  25th  the  ships  are  beaten  about  by  adverse  winds 
for  another  week,  making  little  progress,  barely  reach- 
ing a  point  ten  leagues  beyond  Cape  Galera  in  36°  SO'. 
They  do  not  anchor,  nor  can  they  find  a  great  river 
said  to  be  there,  though  there  are  signs  of  rivers,  but 
on  the  1st  of  November  they  return  to  the  anchorage 
under  Cape  Galera,  by  them  named  Todos  Santos, 
now  Coxo,  where  is  the  town  of  Xexo.  They  have 
probably  gone  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the  Santa  Maria 
in  latitude  35°.20  Next  day  they  proceed  down  the 
coast  to  the  town  of  Cicacut,  or  Sardinas,  in  35°  45', 
where  wood  and  water  are  more  accessible  than  at  the 
cape.  This  seems  a  head  town  of  the  province,  ruled 
by  an  old  woman  who  passes  two  nights  on  one  of  the 
vessels.21  Starting  the  6th,  it  takes  them  till  the  10th 
to  get  back  to  the  cape  anchorage  of  Todos  Santos. 

Perhaps  they  pass  the  cape  on  the  10th.  At  all 
events  on  the  morning  of  the  llth  they  are  near  the 
place  reached  before,  twelve  leagues  beyond  the  cape; 
and  that  day  wdth  a  fair  wind  they  sail  twenty  leagues 
north-west,  along  a  wild  coast  without  shelter,  and 
with  a  lofty  sierra  rising  abruptly  from  the  shore. 
The  mountains  in  37°  30'  are  named  Sierra  de  San 
Martin,  forming  a  cape  at  their  end  in  38°,  or  as  is 

19  The  islands  are  said  to  be  8  and  4  leagues  respectively  from  east  to  west, 
twice  their  real  size.     Navarrete  calls  the  island  San  Bernardo,  a  name  that 
seems  to  have  been  applied  to  San  Miguel  in  later  years. 

20  Perhaps  not  so  far,  as  the  point  named  is  nearer  15  than  10  leagues 
from  Point  Concepcion.     I  find  no  good  reason  to  suppose  it  was  off  San  Luis 
Obispo,  as  Henshaw  thinks,  which  is  over  24  leagues. 

21  Sardinas  is  identified  by  Henshaw  with  the  present  Goleta,  which  is  not 
unlikely.     Taylor  loses  his  head  completely,  making  Todos  Santos  the  mod- 
ern San  Luis  Obispo,  and  identifying  Sardinas  with  San  Simeon. 


DISCOVERY  OF  POINT  PINOS.  75 

stated  later  in  .37°  30'.  The  sierra  is  that  now  called 
Santa  Lucia,  and  I  suppose  the  cape  to  have  been 
that  still  called  San  Martin,  or  Punta  Gorda  in  35° 
54',  though  this  is  not  quite  certain.22  In  the  night 
being  six  leagues  off  the  coast  they  are  struck  by  a 
storm  which  separates  the  ships  and  lasts  all  day  Sun- 
day and  until  Monday  noon.  Under  a  small  fore- 
staysail  Cabrillo's  ships  drift  slowly  and  laboriously 
north-westward  with  the  wind.  Monday  evening,  the 
weather  clearing  somewhat  and  the  wind  shifting  to 
the  westward,  the  flag-ship  turns  toward  the  land,23  in 
search  of  the  consort.  At  dawn  she  sights  land,  and 
all  day  in  a  high  sea  labors  slowly  to  the  north-west 
along  a  rough  coast  without  harbors,  where  are  many 
trees  and  lofty  mountains  covered  with  snow.  They 
sight  a  point  covered  with  trees  in  40°;  and  at  night 
heave  to. 

Of  their  course  and  progress  next  day,  the  15th, 
nothing  is  said,  but  probably  advancing  somewhat 
farther  north-westward  they  see  the  consort  and  join 
her  at  nightfall,  when  they  take  in  sail  and  heave  to. 
At  dawn  next  morning  they  have  drifted  back  to  a 
large  ensenada  in  39°  or  a  little  more,  the  shores  of 
which  are  covered  with  pines,  and  which  is  therefore 
named  Bahia  de  los  Pinos,  and  one  of  its  points  Cabo 
de  Pinos.  They  hope  to  find  a  port  and  river,  but 
after  working  against  the  wind  for  two  days  and 
a  night,  they  are  unable  to  discover  either.  They 

22  Henshaw  makes  it  Pt  Sur  in  36°  20';  and  it  is  true  that  the  coast  of  the 
day's  sailing  corresponds  better  in  some  respects  with  that  up  to  Pt  Sur  than 
to  Pt  Gorda.     However,  the  latitude  37°  3(X  with  allowance  for  Cabrillo's 
average  excess,  applies  better  to  Pt  Gorda;  that  point  also,  according  to  the 
U.  S.  Coast  Survey  charts,  corresponds  much  better,  from  a  southern  stand- 
point, to  the  remote,  of  the  sierra  as  described;  the  distance  from  Pt  Concep- 
cion,  32  leagues,  has  to  be  considerably  exaggerated  even  to  reach  Pt  Gorda; 
on  the  return  it  is  noted  that  about  15  leagues  south  of  the  cape  the  character 
of  the  coast  changed  and  settlements  began,  which  agrees  better  with  Gorda 
than  Sur,  and  does  not  agree  with  the  statement  that  all  of  the  voyage  of  the 
11  th  was  along  a  coast  where  the  mountains  rise  abruptly  from  the  water.    I 
think  the  coast  from  San  Luis  to  Pt  Gorda  agrees  well  enough  with  the 
description ;  and  this  supposition  throws  some  light  on  proceedings  farther 
north.  f 

23  'A  la  vuelta  de  la  tierra.'   Not  'at  the  turn  of  the  land'  as  Evans  trans- 
lates it. 


76  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

anchor  in  forty-five  fathoms  to  take  possession,  but 
dare  not  land  on  account  of  the  high  sea.  Lying  to 
for  the  night,  on  the  18th  they  descend  the  coast, 
under  lofty  snow-capped  mountains  so  near  that  they 
seem  about  to  fall  on  them.  The  Sierras  Nevadas, 
they  are  called,  and  a  point  passed  in  38°  45'  Cabo  de 
Nieve.  Then  they  proceed  to  Cape  San  Martin,  and 
on  the  23d  arrive  at  the  old  harbor  on  Posesion,  or 
San  Miguel  Island. 

Cabrillo  had  run  along  the  coast,  point  by  point, 
from  Cape  Pinos  to  the  island;  from  Pinos  to  San 
Martin  the  coast  was  wild,  rough,  without  shelter, 
and  with  no  signs  of  inhabitants;  but  below  San  Mar- 
tin fifteen  leagues — possibly  for  a  distance  of  fifteen 
leagues — the  country  became  better  and  inhabited. 
Many  difficulties  present  themselves  in  connection 
with  this  northern  navigation;  but  I  am  convinced 
that  the  Bahia  de  Pinos  was  Monterey  Bay;  Cabo 
de  Pinos  the  cape  still  so  called  at  the  southern  end 
of  that  bay;  Cabo  de  Nieve,  or  Snowy  Cape,  the 
present  Point  Sur;  and  the  point  in  40°,  Point  Aiio 
Nuevo,  Pigeon  Point,  Pillar  Point,  or  at  most  not 
above  Point  Reyes  in  38°.24 

24  Navarrete  agrees  with  this  view,  except  that  he  does  not  identify  the 
cape  in  40°,  and  makes  Cape  Nieve  the  same  as  Ano  Nuevo,  which  last  of 
course  is  a  blunder.  Taylor  also  identifies  Monterey  Bay,  makes  Point  Reyes 
the  cape  in  40°,  but  falls  into  great  confusion,  especially  in  locating  Point 
Martin  above  Monterey.  Herrera  makes  Point  Pinos  the  cape  in  40°.  Hum- 
boldt,  Essai  Pol. ,  329,  thinks  the  cape  was  Ano  Nuevo.  Venegas,  Lorenzana, 
and  Cavo  imply  that  the  cape  was  Mendocino ;  and  it  is  probable  indeed  that 
that  name  was  given  later  to  a  cape  supposed  to  be  this  one,  as  we  shall  see. 
Finally  Evans  and  Henshaw  identify  the  cape  in  40°  with  Point  Arenas  (33° 
57') ,  the  Bay  of  Pinos  with  Bodega  Bay,  Point  Pinos  presumably  the  south- 
ern point  of  that  bay,  and  Cape  Nieve  they  pronounce  iinidentifiable.  I  find 
very  little,  except  the  latitudes  cited,  to  justify  the  conclusions  last  given,  and 
I  find  much  against  them.  Point  Arenas  is  not  a  wooded  point  in  any  sense 
not  quite  as  applicable  to  any  of  the  points  further  south.  Bodega  Bay  might 
possibly  be  called  an  enscnada,  incorrectly  translated  inlet,  but  not  a  large 
one;  if  entered  its  peculiar  ramifications  would  have  called  for  other  remark 
than  that  no  port  or  river  could  be  found ;  its  shores  were  never  covered  with 
pines;  and  Point  Tomales  in  no  way  corresponds  to  Cabrillo's  Point  Pinos. 
In  coasting  southward  from  Bodega,  Point  Reyes  would  certainly  have  been 
noted ;  and  assuredly  that  coast  has  no  mountains  overhanging  the  water. 
Evans  and  Henshaw  have  to  avoid  this  difficulty  by  mistranslating  costa  deste 
dia  the  '  coast  they  passed  from  this  day ; '  but  even  that  does  not  suffice,  for 
there  is  no  such  coast  for  a  long  distance.  Again,  Cabrillo  claims  to  have 
followed  the  coast  'point  by  point,'  from  Pinos  to  the  islands,  finding  no 


DEATH  OF  CABRILLO.  77 

At  La  Posesion  the  voyagers  remained  for  nearly 
two  months,  and  they  renamed  the  island  Juan  Rodri- 
guez from  their  brave  commander  Cabrillo,  who  died 
there  January  3,  1543.  He  had  had  a  fall  on  the 
island  in  October,  had  made  the  northern  trip  suffer- 
ing from  a  broken  arm,  and  from  exposure  the  injury 
became  fatal.  His  dying  orders  were  to  push  the 
exploration  northward  at  every  hazard.  He  was  a 
Portuguese  navigator  in  the  Spanish  service,  of  whom 
nothing  is  known  beyond  the  skill  and  bravery  dis- 
played on  this  expedition,  and  the  fact  that  his  repu- 
tation was  believed  to  justify  his  appointment  as 
commander.  No  traces  of  his  last  resting-place,  almost 
certainly  on  San  Miguel  near  Cuyler's  harbor,  have 
been  found;  and  the  drifting  sands  have  perhaps  made 
such  a  discovery  doubtful.  To  this  bold  mariner,  the 
first  to  discover  her  coasts,  if  to  any  one,  California 
may  with  propriety  erect  a  monument.25 

On  Cabrillo's  death  Bartolome  Ferrelo,  the  Levan- 
tine piloto  mayor,  assumes  command;  but  the  weather 
does  not  permit  departure  till  the  19th.  Even  then 
when  they  start  for  the  main  they  are  driven  to  the 
island  of  San  Salvador,  or  Santa  Cruz,26  and  finding 
no  harbor  are  forced  to  beat  about  the  islands  in 
veering  winds  for  eight  days,  until  on  the  27th  they 

anchorage  and  no  good  inhabited  country  until  past  San  Martin.  This  is  very 
absurd  when  applied  to  Bodega,  but  true  enough  from  Monterey.  The  trans- 
lators are  indeed  struck  with  this  absurdity,  which  they  very  weakly  explain 
by  supposing  that  Cabrillo  trusted  to  his  observations  in  the  storm  and  fog  of 
the  trip  northward.  There  seems  never  to  have  been  much  doubt  among  the 
Spaniards  about  the  identity  of  Cabrillo's  Pinos;  and  I  deem  it  very  unwise 
to  plunge  into  such  difficulties  as  those  just  mentioned  for  the  purpose  of  con- 
firming Cabrillo's  observations  of  latitude,  which  are  known  to  have  been  very 
faulty  at  best. 

25  Taylor,  Discov.  and  Founders,  i.  No.  1,  mentions  unsuccessful  researches 
by  himself,  Admiral  Alden,  and  Nidever.  In  1875,  however,  he  found  two  pits 
on  a  level  near  Cuyler's  Harbor,  about  10  feet  in  diameter,  which  he  doubts 
not  will  prove  to  be  the  grave  of  Cabrillo  and  his  men.  At  any  rate  they  '  had 
a  very  peculiar  look  ! '  And  an  old  sailor  of  Santa  Barbara  told  this  author 
that  in  1872  he  opened  a  Spanish  grave  on  Santa  Cruz  Island,  which  had  a 
wooden  head-board  on  which  could  be  deciphered  the  date  of  about  1660 ! 

>2li  I  suppose  this  was  not  the  San  Salvador  first  named,  which  was  probably 
San  Clemente.  That  there  was  confusion  in  the  statements  respecting  these 
islands  is  certain ;  but  in  my  opinion  it  is  not  lessened  by  Henshaw's  theory 
that  San  Clemente  and  Santa  Catalina  were  the  islas  desiertas,  or  by  Navar- 
rete's  that  Ferrelo  at  this  time  went  to  San  Clemente. 


78  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

return  to  the  old  harbor.  Two  days  later  they  start 
again,  first  for  San  Lucas,  the  middle  isle,  to  recover 
anchors  left  there  and  obtain  water,  then  to  Port  Sar- 
dinas  for  other  supplies,  and  back  to  San  Salvador, 
whence  they  finally  sail  the  18th  of  February.  With 
a  north-east  wind  they  follow  a  south-west  course  in 
quest  of  certain  islands,  which  they  see  at  nightfall, 
six  in  number,27  having  sailed  about  twelve  leagues. 
At  dawn  they  are  ten  leagues  to  windward  of  these 
islands.  With  a  wind  from  the  w.  N.  w.,  they  stand 
off  south-westward  for  five  days,2*  making  a  distance  of 
about  one  hundred  leagues.  Then  they  turn  their 
course  landward  on  the  22d  with  a  south-west  wind 
which  blows  with  increasing  violence  for  three  days 
until  at  dawn  on  Sunday,  the  25th,  they  sight  Cape 
Pinos,  and  anchor  at  night  on  a  bleak  coast  twenty 
leagues  to  windward  near  a  point  where  the  coast 
turns  from  N.  w.  to  N.  N.  w.29 — that  is  at  Pigeon  Point, 
or  thereabout  in  37°  12'.  Herrera  names  it  Cabo  de 
Fortunas,  or  Cape  Adventure.30 

From  this  point  the  narrative  furnishes  but  little 
ground  for  anything  but  conjecture.  There  are  no 
longer  recognizable  landmarks  but  only  courses  and 
winds  with  one  solar  observation.  The  latitude  on 
Wednesday  the  28th  is  43°.  If  we  go  by  this  alone, 
deducting  the  two  degrees  of  excess  that  pertain  to 
all  of  this  navigator's  more  northern  latitudes,  we  have 
41°,  or  the  region  between  Humboldt  and  Trinidad 
bays,  as  Ferrelo's  position;  but  if.  we  judge  by  his 
starting-point,  and  probable  progress  as  compared 
with  other  parts  of  the  voyage,  it  is  more  probable 

27  Of  course  the  islands  could  have  been  no  others  than  San  Clemente, 
Santa  Catalina,  Santa  Barbara,  San  Nicolas,  and  Beggs  Hock,  with  Cataliua 
appearing  as  two  to  make  six ;  though  these  are  not  south-west  of  the  northern 
group. 

i8  By  the  dates  it  could  not  have  been  quite  4  days. 

29  Evans  incorrectly  says  to  the  N.W.;  and  though  the  point  is  not  identi- 
fied, it  must  be  the  Pt  Cabrillo  of  modern  maps  just  above  Pt  Arenas  accord- 
ing to  Henshaw. 

so  Herrera,  dec.  vii.  lib.  V.  cap.  iv.  He  puts  it  in  41°,  that  is  1°  beyond 
C.  Pinos,  which  he  identifies  with  the  cape  in  40°.  He  gives  the  date  as  Feb. 
26th.  In  other  respects  Herrera's  account  contains  nothing  that  might  not 
have  been  taken  from  the  original  narative. 


FERRELO  IN  THE  NORTH.  79 

that  he  is  still  far  below  Cape  Mendocino,  a  conclusion 
that  has  slight  confirmation  in  the  fact  that  the  nar- 
rative indicates  no  change  in  the  general  north-west 
trend  of  the  coast.  I  append  an  abridged  statement.31 
During  the  night  of  February  28th,  and  most  of  the 
next  day,  they  are  driven  by  a  south-west  gale  towards 
the  land,  and  as  they  estimate  to  latitude  44°. 32  They 
recognize  their  imminent  peril,  and  appeal  to  our  Lady 
of  Guadalupe.  In  answer  to  their  cries,  a  norther 
comes  which  sends  them  far  southward  and  saves  their 
lives.  They  imagine  they  see  signs  of  the  inevitable 
1  great  river'  between  41°  and  43°;  they  see  Cape  Pinos 
March  3d;  and  on  the  5th  are  off  the  island  of  Juan 
Rodriguez,  their  northern  wanderings  being  at  an  end. 
Of  course  there  is  no  possibility  of  determining 
definitely  Ferrelo's  northern  limit.  He  thought  that 
he  reached  44°,  being  driven  by  the  gale  sixty  miles 
beyond  the  highest  observation  in  43°;  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  suspect  any  intentional  misrepresentation  in 
the  narrative,  written  either  by  Ferrelo  or  by  one  of  his 
associates.33  But  in  southern  California  the  latitudes 
of  this  voyage  are  about  1°  30'  too  high,  increasing 
apparently  to  about  2°  farther  north;  thus  Ferrelo's 
northern  limit  was  at  most  42°  or  42°  3 0',  just  beyond 
the  present  boundary  of  California.  This  is  substan- 
tially the  conclusion  of  both  Navarrete  and  Henshaw.34 

31  Feb.  25th,  midnight  to  dawn,  course  w.  N.  w.,  wind  s.  s.  w;  Feb.  26th, 
course  N.  w.,  wind  \v.  s.  \v.  very  strong;  Feb.  27th,  course  w.  N.  w.,  with 
lowered  foresail,  wind  s.  S.  w.    All  night  ran  s.  with  w.  wind  and  rough  sea; 
Feb.  28th,  wind  s.  w.  and  moderate;  latitude  43°.    In  the  right  course  N.  w. 
with  much  labor.     March  1,  a  furious  gale  from  the  s.  s.  w.,  with  a  high  sea 
breaking  over  the  ship;  course  N.  E.  towards  the  land.     The  fog  thick,  but 
signs  of  land  in  the  shape  of  birds,  floating  wood,  etc.,  also  indication  of 
rivers.     At  3  p.  M.  a  N.  wind  came  to  save  them,  and  carried  them  s.  all 
night.    March  2d,  course  s.  with  rough  sea;  in  the  night  a  N.  w.  and  N.  N.  w. 
gale,  course  s.  E.  and  E.  s.  E.     March  3,  cleared  up  at  noon;  wind  N.  w.; 
sighted  C.  Pinos. 

32  Herrera  says  they  took  an  observation  in  44°  on  March  1st.     Venegas 
follows  him,  but  makes  the  date  March  10th. 

33  Perhaps  Juan  Paez  as  already  explained.     Herrera  calls  Ferrelo  Ferrer. 
The  original  uses  both  the  forms  Ferrelo  and  Ferrer. 

34  Navarrete  puts  it  '  43°  con  corta  diferencia  segun  el  error  de  exceso  que 
generalmente  se  not6  en  sus  latitudes;'  but  he  himself  makes  the  average 
excess  1°  30',  so  that  the  limit  was  41°  30'.     Henshaw  was  not,  as  he  implies, 
the  first  to  note  the  uniform  excess.     He  thinks  the  southern  boundary  of 
Oregon  '  not  far  out  of  the  way. ' 


80  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

But  if  we  disregard  Ferrelo's  solar  observations  all 
other  evidence  to  be  drawn  from  the  original  nar- 
rative points  to  a  latitude  much  lower  even  than 
42°,  particularly  if,  as  I  think  I  have  shown  beyond 
much  doubt  in  the  preceding  pa^es,  the  bay  and  point 
of  Pinos  are  to  be  identified  with  Monterey.  It  is 
my  opinion  that  the  Spaniards  in  this  voyage  did  not 
pass  far,  if  at  all,  beyond  Cape  Mendocino  in  40°  26'; 
and  there  is  nothing  to  support  the  belief  of  later 
years  that  Ferrelo  discovered  that  cape.  It  may 
however  have  been  named  indirectly  from  Cabrilloa 
supposed  discovery;  that  is,  the  name  may  have  been 

fiven  after  the  return  to  the  cape  in  40°  which  Ca- 
rillo  discovered  and  did  not  name,  though  Torque- 
mada  says  the  discovery  was  made  by  vessels  coming 
from  Manila.  Nor  is  it  unlikely  that  Manila  vessels 
noting  the  cape  in  later  years  may  have  identified  it 
with  Cabrillo's  cape  and  given  the  name  accordingly 
in  honor  of  the  viceroy  Mendoza.8a 

Unable  by  reason  of  rough  weather  to  enter  the 
old  port  in  the  island  of  Juan  Rodriguez,  on  March 
5th  Ferrelo  runs  over  to  San  Salvador  where  he  loses 
sight  of  the  consort.  On  the  8th  he  proceeds  to  the 
Pueblo  de  Canoas,  obtaining  four  natives  and  return- 
ing next  day.  Two  days  later  he  goes  down  to  San 
Miguel,  or  San  Diego,  where  he  waits  six  days  for  the 
missing  vessel,  taking  two  boys  to  be  carried  to  Mex- 
ico as  interpreters.  On  the  17th  they  are  at  San 
Mateo,  or  Todos  Santos;  and  on  the  26th  join  the 
Vitoria  at  Cedros  Island.  They  have  been  in  great 
peril  on  some  shoals  at  Cabrillo's  island;  but  by 

35  Torquemada,  i.  693.  Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  i.  181-3,  seems  to  have  been 
the  first  to  state  that  Cabrillo  discovered  and  named  the  cape.  Lorenzana,  in 
Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Espafia,  325-6,  and  Cavo,  Tres  Siylos,  i.  135,  make  the  same 
statement;  and  it  is  followed  by  most  later  writers.  The  early  writers,  how- 
ever, all  imply  that  the  cape  was  discovered  before  Cabrillo's  death  and  not 
by  Ferrelo,  doubtless  identifying  it  with  the  nameless  cape  in  40°,  really  Aiio 
Nuevo  or  Pigeon  Point.  Laet,  Novus  Orbis,  306-7,  makes  C.  Fortunas  the 
northern  limit  of  the  voyage;  and  Burney,  Chron.  Hist.,  i.  220-5,  identifies 
Fortunas  with  Mendocino,  and  is  followed  by  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Cat.,  62-3. 
A  very  absurd  theory  has  been  more  or  less  current  that  Ferrelo  gave  his 
name  to  the  Faralloues  of  San  Francisco. 


SIR  FRANCIS  DRAKE,  81 

prayers  and  promises  they  are  saved.  They  arrive 
at  Navidad  April  14th,  and  the  first  voyage  to  Alta 
California  is  at  an  end.36 

Francis  Drake,  made  Sir  Francis  later,  entered  the 
Pacific  by  way  of  Cape  Horn  in  1578,  having  in  view 
not  only  a  raid  on  Spanish  treasure,  but  a  return  by 
the  long-sought  strait  of  Anian,  or,  if  that  could  not 
be  found,  at  least  a  voyage .  round  the  world.  His 
plundering  cruise  having  been  most  successful,  he 
sailed  in  April  1579  from  Guatulco  on  the  Oajaca 
coast  to  find  the  strait  that  was  to  afford  him  a  passage 
through  the  continent.  He  kept  well  out  to  sea;  but 
in  June  he  became  discouraged  on  account  of  the 
extreme  cold,  resolved  to  abandon  the  northern  enter- 
prise, and  having  anchored  in  a  bad  bay,  perhaps  in 
latitude  43°,  he  came  down  the  coast  in  the  Golden 
Hind  to  refit,  when  a  suitable  place  could  be  found, 
for  a  voyage  round  Cape  Good  Hope  and  home.  The 
particulars  of  his  operations  both  in  the  north  and 
south  are  fully  treated  elsewhere ;  it  is  only  with  what 
he  did  and  saw  in  California  that  we  are  now  con- 
cerned.37 

36  On  Cabrillo's  voyage,  in. addition  to  the  works  to  which  I  have  had  occa- 
sion to  refer,  see  the  following,  none  of  which,  however,  throws  any  addi- 
tional light  on  the  subject,  many  being  but  brief  allusions  to  the  voyage: 
Forster's  Hist.  Voy. ,  443-9;  Fleurieu,  in  Marchand,  Voy. ,  i.  viii.-ix. ;  Montanus, 
Nieuwe  Viecre'd,  210-11,  101;  Id.,  Ncue  Welt,  237-8;  Clavifjero,  Stor.  CaL* 
154-5;  Hist.  Magazine,  ix.  148;  Hutching  May.,  i.  Ill;  iii.  146;  iv.  116,  547; 
v.  2G5,  '277;  CaL  Farmer,  May  4,  1860,  April  18,  1862,  Aug.  14,  21,  1863;  Over- 
land Monthly  *  April  1871,  297;  Forbes'  Hist.  CaL,  9;  Findlay's  Directory, 
i.  314;  Browne's  L.  CaL,   18-19;    Capron's  Hist.  CaL,   121-2;    Domenech'a 
Deserts,  i.  220;    Frir/net,   L.   Cat.,  9,  26;  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  i.  70-2; 
Iiincs'   Voy.,  352;   Muhlenpfordt,  Versuch;   Murray'.*  N.  Amer.,  ii.   79-80; 
Rouhaud,  Key.,  nourel'es,   26;    St  Amant,  Voy.,   393;   Fcdix,   I'Oregon,  55; 
Tytlrr'8  Hist.  View,  78-9;   Twiss'  Oregon  Quest.,  22;  Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth,  5; 
Marina  'Espanola,  ii.  274-7;   Barber's  Hist.,  459;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  96-7, 
328;  Pat/no,  in  Soc.  Hex.  Geog.,  BoletinSdEp.,  ii.  199;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.,  ii. 
112;  and  a  large  number  of  modern  mentions  in  books  and  newspapers. 

37  See  Hist.  North  Mex.  States,  and  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.,  this  series, 
not  only  for  details  of  Drake's  performances,  but  for  bibliographical  informa- 
tion touching  the  original  authorities.    Of  the  latter  there  are  only  three  that 
narrate  the  doings  in  California;  Drake's  Famous  Voyaye,  in  Hakluyt's  Voy., 
iii.  440-2;  Drake's  World  Encompassed,  London,  1628;  and  Discourse  of  frir 
Francis  Drake's  lorney  and  Exploijtes,  MS.     These  are  all  republished  in  the 
Hakluyt  Society  edition  of  the  World  Encompassed,   which   is  the  edition 
referred  to  in  my  notes.    Hardly  a  collection  of  voyages  or  any  kind  of  work 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    6 


82  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

On  the  17th  of  June  Drake  found  a  "conuenient 
and  fit  harborough"  for  his  purpose  in  latitude  38°  30/38 
where  he  cast  anchor  and  remained  over  a  month, 
until  July  23d.  Down  to  this  point  the  coast  was 
"but  low  and  reasonable  plaine,"  every  hill  being  cov- 
ered with  snow;  and  during  all  their  stay,  though  in 
the  height  of  summer,  the  cold  was  nipping  as  farther 
north,  the  air  for  fourteen  days  being  not  clear  enough 
by  reason  of  '  stinking  fogges'  for  an  observation  of 
the  sun  or  stars,  and  the  fur-clad  natives  shivering 
under  a  lee  bank.89  After  a  few  days  the  ship  was 
brought  near  the  shore  and  lightened  of  her  cargo  for 
the  purpose  of  repairs,  tents  being  erected  on  shore 

relating  to  the  early  history  of  California  has  ever  been  published  that  has 
not  contained  a  narrative  or  a  mention  of  Drake's  voyage;  but,  particularly 
so  far  as  California  is  concerned,  they  have  contained  nothing  not  drawn  from 
the  sources  named.  To  point  out  the  many  errors  resulting  from  carelessness 
and  other  causes  would  require  much  space  and  serve  no  good  purpose.  I 
shall  have  occasion  to  name  a  few  woi^ks  in  later  notes  of  this  chapter;  I  refer 
the  reader  to  the  list  of  authorities  on  Cabrillo's  voyage  given  in  note  36,  which 
with  few  exceptions  also  describe  Drake's  visit;  and  I  also  name  the  following 
in  addition!  Aa,  xviii.  11;  Berenger,  Col.  Voy.,  i.  63,  117;  Harris,  Nav.,  i. 
19;  Circumnavigations  of  Globe,  85;  Kerr's  Col.  Voy.,  x.  27;  Laharpe,  Altrege, 
xv.  15;  P'mkerton's  Voy.,  xii.  1G9;  Sammlung,  xii.  5;  Voyages,  Col.  Voy.  and 
Trail.;  Voyages,  Col.  (Churchill's),  viii.  459;  Voyages, ^Curious  Col.,  v.  153; 
Voyages,  Harlejan  Col.,  ii.  434;  Voyages,  New  Col. ,  iii.  15;  Voyages,  New 
Mlscel.  Col.,  i.  3/;  Voyages,  New  Univ.  CoL,  i.  28;  Voyages,  Hist.  Voy.  round 
World,  i.  1,  4"5;  Voyages,  World  Displayed,  v.  150;  Harrow's  Life.  Drake, 
75;  Clarke's  Life  Drake,  30;  Purchas  his  Pllgrlmes,  ii.  52;  Gotffriedt,  Neice 
WeU.34£;  Boss,  Leben,3&l;  Ens,  West  and  Oxt.  Ind.  Lustgart,  113;  Humboldt, 
Essai  Pol.,  317,  330;  Low,  Meer  oder  Seehanen  Buch,  44;  AloreUi,  Fasti  N^ov. 
Orb.,  27;  Laet,  Nov.  Orbis,  307:  Navarrete,  Introd.,  xcviii. ;  Id.,  ViagesApdc., 
38;  Barney's  Citron.' Hi^t.,  i.  350;  Le  Maire,  Spleghel,  77;  Pauw,  Recherches, 
i.  172;  Edin.  Review,  No.  clxii.  1879;  Nile*'  Register,  Ixv.  174;  Jlunt's  Merch. 
Mag.,  xii.  523;  Hayes'  Scraps,  Cat.  Notes,  iii.  10;  Quigley'a  Irish  Race, 
146;  N.  Amer.  Review,  June  1839,  132;  Greenhow's  Or.  and  CaL,  70;  Id. 
Memoir,  36;  Nicola//'s  Or.  Ter.,  24;  Cavo,  Tres  Siglos,  i.  214;  Gleeson's  Hist. 
Oath.  Ch.,  i.  73,  ii.  35;  Belcher's  Voy.,  i.  316;  Jladltt's  Great  Gold  Fields,  4; 
California,  Past,  Present,  53;  Frost's  Ha'f  hours,  161;  McCle.Han's  Gulden  Slate, 
43;  TuthiU's  Hist.  CaL.  17;  Holmes'  An.  Amer.,  i.  90;  Mayer's  Mex.  Aztec, 
168;  Meyer,  Nach  dem  Sac.,  197;  Norman's  Youth's  Hist.,  29;  Page's  Nouv. 
Voy.,  ii/410;  Poutsin,  Quest,  de  VOreg.,  23;  Id.  U.  .V.,  237;  Taylor,  in  CaL 
Farmer,  March  29,  1861;  April  25,  Aug.  15,  22,  29,  1862;  W'dlard's  Ln*t 
Leaves,  113;  Douglass'  Summary,  i.  35;  Urlng's  llist.,  376;  Farnham's  Hist. 
Oregon,  11,  21;  Goodrich's  Man  iipon  the  Sea,  241;  Delaporte,  Reisen,  457; 
Evans'  Puget  Sd.,  3;-  Falconer's  Oreg.  Quest.,  12,  39;  Forbes'  Hist.  CaL  10,  79; 
Gazlay's  Pac.  Monthly,  227;  Soule's  An.  S.  F.,  32;  also  most  of  the  recently 
published  county  histories  of  California. 

38  }Yorld  Encompassed,  115.    'A  faire  and  good  bay 'in  38°.   Famous  Voy. 
'A  harborow  for  his  ship'  in  44°.  Discourse,  184. 

39  The  excessive  cold  here  is  mentioned  only  in  the  World  Encompassed. 
The  author's  absurd  statements  and  explanations  are  not  worth  reproducing 
in  detail. 


DRAKE  ON  THE  COAST.  83 

for  the  men,  with,  a  kind  of  fort  for  protection.  Of 
the  repairs  the  two  chief  authorities  say  nothing;  but 
the  third  tells  us  that  Drake's  men  " grounded  his- 
ship  to  trim  her,"  and  that  they  set  sail  after  having 
" graved  and  watred  theire  ship."40 

When  the  ship  first  anchored  a  native  ambassador 
approached  in  a  canoe  to  make  a  long  speech,  bringing 
also  a  tuft  of  feathers  and  a  basket  of  the  herb  called 
tabdh.*1  When  the  Englishmen  landed  the  Indians 
came  to  the  shore  in  great  numbers,  but  showed  no 
hostility,  freely  receiving  and  giving  presents,  and 
soon  came  to  regard  the  strangers,  so  the  latter  be- 
lieved, as  gods.  The  narratives  are  chiefly  filled  with 
details  of  the  ceremonies  and  sacrifices  by  which  they 
signified  their  submission,  even  crowning  Drake  as 
their  hioh,  or  king.  The  men  went  for  the  most  part 
•naked,  the  women  wearing  a  loose  garment  of  bul- 
rushes with  a  deerskin  over  the  shoulders.  Their 
houses,  some  of  them  close  to  the  water,  were  partly 
subterranean,  the  upper  parts  being  conical,  of  wood, 
and  covered  with  earth.  In  details  respecting  the 
people  and  their  habits  and  ceremonies  there  is  much 
exaggeration  and  inaccuracy;  but  the  descriptions  in 
a  general  way  are  applicable  enough  to  the  Central 
Californians.42 

Before  his  departure  Drake  made  a  journey  up  into 
the  land,  "to  be  the  better  acquainted  with  the  nature 
and  commodities  of  the  country,"  visiting  several  vil- 
lages. "  The  inland  we  found  to  be  farre  different 
from  the  shoare,  a  goodly  country,  and  fruitfull  soyle, 
stored  with  many  blessings  fit  for  the  vse  of  man: 
infinite  was  the  company  of  very  large  andYat  Deere 
which  there  we  sawe  by  thousands,  as  we  supposed, 
in  a  heard ;  besides  a  multitude  of  a  strange  kinde  of 
Conies,  by  farre  exceeding  them  in  number:  their 
heads  and  bodies,  in  which  they  resemble  other  Conies, 

40  Discourse,  184. 

41  Or  t<Mh,  called  by  the  Famous  Voyarfe,  tabacco.     They  had  also  a  root 
called  petdh  of  which  they  made  meal  and  bread. 

.  42  See  Native  Races,  i.  361  et  seq. 


84  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

are  but  small;  his  tayle,  like  the  tayle  of  a  Rat,  ex- 
ceeding long;  and  his  feet  like  the  pawes  of  a  Want 
or  moale;  under  his  chinne,  on  either  side,  he  hath  a 
bagge,  into  which  he  gathereth  his  meate,  when  he 
hath  filled  his  belly  abroade.  .  .the  people  eate  their 
bodies,  and  make  great  account  of  their  skinnes,  for 
their  kings  holidaies  coate  was  made  of  them."43 

"  This  country  our  Generall  named  Albion"  or  Nona 
Albion  according  to  the  Famous  Voyage,  "and  that  for 
two  causes ;  the  one  in  respect  of  the  white  bancks  and 
cliifes,  which  lie  toward  the  sea;  the  other,  that  it 
might  haue  some  affinity,  euen  in  name  also,  with  our 
own  country,  which  was  sometime  so  called."  "There 
is  no  part  of  earth  here  to  bee  taken  up,  wherein  there 
is  not  some  speciall  likelihood  of  gold  or  silver."44 
"  Before  we  went  from  thence,  our  Generall  caused  to 
be  set  vp  a  monument  of  our  being  there,  as  also  of  her 
maiesties  and  successors  right  and  title  to  that  king- 
dome;  namely,  a  plate'  of  brasse,  fast  nailed  to  a  great 
and  firme  post;  whereon  is  engrauen  her  graces  name, 
and  the  day  and  yeare  of  our  arriual  there,  and  of 
the  free  giuing  vp  of  the  prouince  and  kingdome,  both 
by  the  king  and  people,  into  her  maiesties  hands: 
together  with  her  highnesse  picture  and  armes,  in  a 
piece  of  sixpence  currant  English  monie,  shewing 
itselfe  by  a  hole  made  of  purpose  through  the  plate; 
vnderneath  was  likewise  engrauen  the  name  of  our 
Generall,  etc.45  The  Spaniards  neuer  had  any  dealing, 
or  so  much  as  set  a  foote  in  this  country,  the  utmost 
of  their  discoveries  reaching  onely  to  many  degrees 
Southward  of  this  place."  They  finally  sailed  on  the 
23d  of  July,46  on  a  south-south-west  course  accord- 

43  World  Encompassed,  131-2.    'We  found  the  whole  country  to  bee  a  war- 
ren of  a  strange  kinde  of  Conies,  their  bodyes  in  bignes  as  be  the  Barbary 
Conies,  their  heads  as  the  heads  of  ours,  the  feet  of  a  Want,  and  the  taile  of 
a  rat  being  of  great  length:  under  her  chinne  on  either  side  a  bagge,' etc. 
famous  Voyage. 

44  Famous  Voyage,  the  rest  being  from  World  Encompassed. 

45  In  this  place  Drake  set  up  '  a  greate  post  and  nayled  thereon  a  vjd  ,wch 
the  countrey  people  woorshipped  as  if  it  had  bin  God;  also  hee  nayled  vppon 
this  post  a  plate  of  lead,  and  scratched  therein  the  Queenes  name. '  Discourse. 

4<r'In  the  latter  ende  of  August.'  Discourse,  184. 


IDENTITY  OF  DRAKE'S  ANCHORAGE.  85 

ing  to  the  Discourse,  and  "not  farre  without  this  har- 
borough  did  lye  certain  Hands  (we  called  them  the 
Hands  of  Saint  James]  hauing  on  them  plentifull  and 
great  store  of  Seales  and  birds,  with  one  of  which  we 
fell  July  24,  whereon  we  found  such  prouision  as  might 
competently  serue  our  turne  for  a  while.  We  departed 
againe  the  day  next  following,  viz.,  July  25."  No 
more  land  was  seen  till  they  had  crossed  the  Pacific. 

It  should  be  noted  that  no  regular  diary  or  log  of 
this  voyage  is  extant  or  is  known  to  have  ever  been 
extant.  Of  the  three  narratives  which  I  have  cited 
one  was  perhaps  written  from  memory  by  a  companion 
of  Drake.  The  others  are  compilations  from  notes  of 
the  chaplain,  Fletcher,  written  under  circumstances 
of  which  we  know  but  little,  by  a  man  not  noted  for 
his  veracity,  arid  from  the  reminiscences  probably  of 
others.  Naturally  they  abound  in  discrepancies  and 
inaccuracies,  as  is  shown  still  more  clearly  in  parts  not 
relating  to  California.  They  are  sufficiently  accurate 
to  leave  no  room  for  reasonable  doubt  that  Drake 
really  anchored  on  the  coast  in  the  region  indicated, 
touching  at  one  of  the  Farallones  on  his  departure; 
but  in  respect  of  further  details  they  inspire  no  confi- 
dence. 

Yet  the  identity  of  Drake's  anchorage  is  a  most 
interesting  point,  and  one  that  has  caused  much  dis- 
cussion. There  are  three  bays  not  far  apart  on  the 
coast,  those  of  Bodega,  Drake,  and  San  Francisco, 
any  one  of  which  to  a  certain  extent  may  answer  the 
requirements,  and  each  of  which  has  had  its  advocates. 
Their  positions  are  shown  on  the  annexed  map.  The 
central  bay  under  Point  Reyes,  the  old  San  Francisco, 
is.  almost  exactly  in  latitude  38°,  and  it  agrees  better 
than  the  others  with  the  south-south-west  course  to 
the  Farallones  as  given  by  one  of  the  narratives; 
Bodega  agrees  well  enough  with  the  38°  30'  of  the 
Famous  Voyage,  and  more  properly  than  the  other 
may  be  termed  a  'faire  and  good  bay;'  while  San 
Francisco,  though  some  twenty  minutes  south  of  the 


86 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


lowest  latitude  mentioned,  is  a  very  much  more  'con- 
uenient  harborough'  than  either  of  the  others. 

For  nearly  two  centuries  after  the  voyage  there 
was  but  slight  occasion  to  identify  Drake's  anchorage  ; 
yet  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  was  to  a  certain 
extent  confounded  with  the  old  San  Francisco  men- 


WHERE  DID  DRAKE  LAND? 

tioned  by  Torquemada,  and  that  the  confusion  was 
shown,  or  increased,  by  the  occasional  occurrence  of 
the  name  S.  Francisco  Drak  for  Sir  Francis  Drake 
on  old  maps.  And  later  when  the  new  San  Francisco 
was  found,  few  if  any  but  Spaniards  understood  the. 
difference  between  the  two;47  and  therefore,  as  well 

47  Cabrera  Bueno,  Navegacion  Especulativa,  Manila,  1734,  makes  the  dis- 
tinction perfectly  clear;  but  of  this  work  nothing  was  known  to  the  world 
beyond  its  mei-e  existence  till  1874,  when  one  of  my  assistants  in  the  Over- 
land Monthly  gave  a  translation  of  its  contents  so  far  as  relating  to  this  sub- 
ject. Doyle  in  his  reprint  of  Ptdou,  Noticias,  i.  ix.-x.,  gave  the  same  iu 
substance  later,  after  consulting  my  copy. 


IDEAS  OF  THE  SPANIARDS. 


87 


as  on  account  of  the  excellence  of  the  new  harbor, 
Drake's  anchorage  was  very  naturally  identified  by 
most  with  the  bay  of  San  Francisco.  The  Spaniards, 
however,  never  accepted  this  theory,  but  were  dis- 
posed from  the  first  to  claim  for  Portold's  expedi- 
tion the  honor  of  discovering  the  new  San  Francisco, 
and  to  restrict  Drake's  discoveries  to  Bodega.48  It 
cannot  be  claimed,  however,  that  the  Spaniards  had 
any  special  facilities  for  learning  the  truth  of  the 
matter;  and  indeed  some  of  them  seem  to  have  de- 
clared in  favor  of  the  bay  under  Point  Reyes,49  which 
has  for  many  years  borne  Drake's  name  on  the  maps, 
though  advocates  of  .both  the  other  bays  have  not 
been  wanting.  The  general  opinion  in  modern  times 


MAP  FROM  ARCANO  DEL  MARE,  1647. 

*8In  Bodega  y  Cuadra,  Viage  de  1775,  MS.,  it  is  clearly  stated  that  Bodega 
was  Drake's  bay  and  that  it  was  distinct  from  either  San  Francisco.  Fleurieu, 
Introd.  Marchand,  Voy.,  i.  Ixxvi.  etseq.,  by  a  blundering  reference  to  Mau- 
re/le's  Journal,  45  et  seq.,  identified  Bodega  and  San  Francisco,  making  some 
absurd  charges  against  the  Spaniards  of  having  changed  the  name,  which 
charges  Navarrete,  Introd.  Sutil  y  Mex.  Viaye,  xcviii.-ix.,  refutes,  at  the  same 
time  implying  his  approval  of  the  identity  of  Drake's  bay  and  Bodega.  Hum- 
boldt,  E**ai  PoL,  327,  takes  the  same  view  of  the  subject. 

49  Vancouver,  Voyages,  i.  430,  in  1792  understood  the  Spaniards  to  be  of 
.this  opinion.  Yet  I  iind  no  evidence  that  this  opinion  was  ever  the  pi^evail- 
ing  one.  The  'Spanish  tradition'  in  California  was  very  strong  against  new 
San  Francisco;  but  was  not  very  pronounced  as  between  old  San  Francisco 
and  Bodega,  favoring,  however,  the  latter.  Padre  Niel,  Apuntaciones,  78, 
writing  in  about  1718  declared  his  opinion  that  Drake's  bay  was  at  the  mouth 
of  Carmelo  River! 


88 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


has  been  that  the  great  freebooter  did  not  enter  San 
Francisco  Bay,  and  that  he  probably  did  anchor  at 
Drake  Bay. 

Early  maps,  it  would  seem,  should  throw  some  light 
on  this  question,  but  they  fail  to  do  so.  With  the 
exception  of  Vizcaino's  map,  to  be  reproduced  presently 
and  having  no  bearing  on  Drake's  voyage,  I  have  not 
found  a  single  map  of  the  California  coast  of  earlier 
date  than  1769  bearing  the  slightest  indication  of 
having  been  founded  on  anything  but  the  narratives 
still  extant  and  the  imagination  of  the  map-maker.  I 
reproduce  two  sections  of  maps  from  the  Arcano  del 
Mare  to  which  Hale  attaches  some  importance  in 
this  connection,  with  another  by  Hondius  and  sup- 
posed to  represent  Drake's  port  in  New  Albion.60 


Po.di  Don  Gosper 


2i,Salaio 

\\Po.dellnuovo 
Y  ^Albion  scoperto 
^?X  del  Dragu  Inglese 


AECANO  DEL  MARE. 


HONDIUS'  MAP. 


50 11 ale's  Early  Maps  of  America,  and  a  note  on  Robert  Dudley  and  the 
Arcano  del  Mare,  Worcester,  1874,  a  paper  read  before  the  American  Antiq. 
Soc.  in  1873.  The  author  is  inclined  to  think  that  Dudley  had  some  special 
authority  unknown  to  us  for  his  maps  of  this  coast.  •  '  Our  California  friends 
must  permit  me  to  say  that  Porto  bonissimo  (an  inscription  for  Drake's  port) 
is  a  very  strong  phrase  for  the  open  road-stead  of  "Sir  Francis  Drake's  Bay" 
as  it  is  now  understood.'  Of  the  peculiar  '  bottle-shaped  loop '  of  the  bay,  it 
is  said,  '  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  after  numerous  reductions  and  copyings 
would  assume  much  this  shape.'  And  the  difficulty  arising  from  the  other 
bay  of  like  shape  just  above  San  Francisco  on  both  maps  is  thus  ingeniously, 
if  not  very  satisfactorily,  explained  away.  '  I  confess  that  it  seems  to  me  that 
more,  than  one  navigator  of  those  times  probably  entered  the  Golden  Gate  into 
the  bay  of  San  Francisco.  Each  one  recorded  his  own  latitude— and  these 
two  bays,  almost  identical  in  appearance,  are  due  to  an  effort  of  the  map- 
maker  to  include  two  incorrect  latitudes  in  one  map'!  Hale  reproduces  one 
of  the  Arcano  maps  and  adds  the  Hondius  map  in  Bryant's  Hist.  U.  8.,  ii. 
570-7.  Here  he  is  non-committal  about  the  identity  of  the  bays,  admitting 
that  the  maker  of  the  Hondius  map  had  no  knowledge  of  San  Francisco  Bay, 
or  indeed  of  any  other  bay  on  the  coast.  In  one  of  the  arguments  against 
San  Francisco  that  seems  to  have  most  weight  with  him  he  i::  however  in  error. 
'  It  is  quite  certain  that  the  Spaniards,  who  eagerly  tried  to  rediscover  the 
port,  with  this  map  in  their  possession,  did  not  succeed  until  near  two  hun- 
dred years  after.  Long  before  they  did  discover  it  they  were  seeking  for  it, 


THE  EVIDENCE  OF  MAPS.  89 

With  due  respect  for  Hale's  views,  as  those  of  an  able 
and  conscientious  investigator,  I  find  in  them  nothing 
to  change  my  own  as  just  expressed.  These  maps 
like  all  others  represent  Drake's  port  from  the  current 
narratives  as  a  good  bay  in  about  38°  of  latitude;  all 
the  rest  is  purely  imaginary.  For  like  reasons  I  can- 
not agree  with  another  able  student  of  California 
history  who  finds  proof  in  the  maps  given  by  Hale 
that  Drake  anchored  in  Bodega  Bay.  I  do  not  object 
very  strongly  to  the  conclusion,  but  I  find  no  proof,  or 
even  evidence  in  the  maps.51 

calling  it  the  bay  of  San  Francisco,  that  name  probably  having  been  taken 
from  no  less  a  saint  than  the  heretic,  Sir  Francis  Drake. '  This  is  the  old 
confusion  already  alluded  to.  Hale  knew  nothing  of  the  distinction  between 
the  old  and  new  San  Francisco.  The  Spaniards  were  familiar  with  the 
position  of  the  former  after  its  discovery  and  naming  by  Cermenon  in  1595; 
Vizcaino  entered  it  without  difficulty  in  1G03;  Portola  was  approaching  it  as 
a  perfectly  well  known  landmark  when  he  stumbled  on  the  new  San  Francisco 
in  1 709.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  Spaniards  ever  sought  San  Francisco 
on  any  other  occasion. 

51 1  allude  to  the  writer  of  a  review  of  Bryant's  Hist.  U.  S.  in  the  S.  F. 
Bulletin,  Oct.  5,  1878,  whom  I  suppose  to  have  been  John  W.  Dwindle,  and 
whose  argument  is  worth  quoting  at  some  length.  After  some  remarks  on 
Hondius'  facilities  for  knowing  the  truth,  Dwindle  writes:  'This  map  does 
not  accurately  describe  Bodega  Bay.  There  is  now  a  long  spit  of  sand 
running  from  the  east  at  the  foot  of  the  bay  and  nearly  shutting  it  up.  But 
that  sand  spit  did  not  exist  when  Captain  Bodega  discovered  the  bay  in  1775, 
although  he  reported  his  opinion  that  a  bar  was  forming  there.  The  long, 
narrow  island  represented  on  Hondius'  map  of  the  bay  as  lying  on  the  outside 
of  the  coast  and  parallel  to  the  bay,  really  lies  at  the  foot  of  the  bay,  below 
the  peninsula;  but,  viewed  from  the  point  where  Drake's  ship  is  represented 
as  lying,  the  island  appears  to  lie  outside  of  the  peninsula.  Drake's  ship 
passed  this  island  only  twice,  namely,  when  he  sailed  in  and  when  he  sailed 
out.  But  it  was  in  sight  every  day  from  the  place  where  his  ship  lay  during 
the  five  weeks  that  he  was  there,  and  from  that  point,  we  repeat,  this  island 
appears  to  be  outside.  The  bay  itself,  there  at  its  head,  appears  to  be  twice 
as  wide  as  it  is  at  its  mouth  some  miles  below,  although  the  reverse  is  the 
fact.  But  it  is  just  such  a  map  as  a  good  penman  ignorant  of  linear  and  aerial 
perspective  would  have  made  on  the  spot,  if  he  had  a  taste  for  pen  and  ink 
maps,  such  as  Fletcher,  Drake's  chaplain,  is  known  to  have  had.  We  have 
visited  Bodega  Bay  with  a  photographic  copy  of  Hondius'  map  of  Drake's 
Bay,  taken  from  that  in  the  British  museum,  but  enlarged  to  the  dimension  of 
5  by  G  inches.  All  the  indications  called  for  by  Drake's  narrative  exist  there. 
Those  wo  have  mentioned;  also  the  Indian  villages;  the  shell-fish;  the  seals; 
the  deciduous  trees,  the  "conies"  which  honey-combed  the  soil;  the  eleva- 
'tion  of  the  coast,  which  commenced  at  about  that  latitude;  the  white  sand- 
hills, which  suggested  the  name  of  Albion.  Also  another  indication  which 
does  not  appear  m  the  map  as  copied  in  the  history,  a  line  of  rocks  below  the 
beach  at  the  lower  right-hand  water-line,  thus  forming  a  double  coast  line. 
\Vc  have  no  doubt  that  Bodega  Bay  is  Drake's  Bay,  and  that  Hondius'  map 
was  furnished  to  him  by  Fletcher,  who  made  it  on  the  spot.  Drake's  ship 
could  go  in  there  now  and  anchor  at  its  head  in  15  feet  water*  100  feet  from 
the  shore,  where  there  is  a  good  sandy  beach  on  which  to  careen  and  repair 


90  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

The  main  question  is,  did  Drake  enter  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay?  It  would  serve  no  good  purpose  to  cata- 
logue the  modern  writers  who  have  espoused  one 
theory  or  the  other.  Able  men  like  Burney,  David- 
son, Tuthill,  and  Stillman  have  maintained  that  Drake 
anchored  within  the  Golden  Gate,  against  the  con- 
trary opinions  of  other  able  men  like  Humboldt, 
Soule,  Doyle,  Dwinelle,  and  Hittell.  Some  have  been 
very  positive,  others  cautious  and  doubtful.  Most 

vessels,  and  where  there  was  an  Indian  village  "on  the  hill  above,"  as 
demanded  by  Drake's  narrative.  The  map  from  Arcano  del  Mar,  edition  of 
1647,  given  at  page  571  in  the  history,  in  our  opinion  greatly  strengthens  this 
view.  Directly  opposite  the  mouth  of  Bodega  Bay  to  the  south  is  the  mouth 
of  Tomales  Bay.  Between  the  two  the  Rio  Estero  Americano  of  the  Spanish 
Californians  debouches  into  the  ocean ;  a  stream  whose  bed  is  almost  bare  in 
the  dry  season,  but  which,  during  the  rainy  season  and  for  some  time  after- 
wards, poured  into  the  sea  a  shallow  volume  of  turbulent  waters,  several 
hundred  feet  in  width.  When  Drake  was  on  this  coast,  the  winter  or  rainy 
season  was  unusually  protracted,  so  far  that  the  deciduous  trees,  which  usually 
resume  their  foliage  in  March  and  April,  had  not  done  so  as  late  as  July,  and 
it  still  snowed  on  the  coast.  Snow  on  the  coast  means  rain  in  the  interior  at 
a  short  distance  from  the  sea.  It  may  be  safely  assumed  that  the  Rio  Estero 
Americano  was  swelling  full  to  its  margin — probably  unusually  full.  The 
"bottle- shaped"  bay  on  the  reduced  scale  of  the  map  from  Arcauo  del  Mar 
might  well  represent  the  two  bays,  the  neck  standing  for  the  river.  The 
latitude  is  precisely  that  required  for  Bodega  Bay.  Following  down  the  map, 


G.  (golfo)  di  San  Pietro,  corresponds  exactly  to  Jack:s,  or  Drake's  Bay,  as  it 
appears  from  the  sea,  and  also  exactly  to  its  latitude.  We  are  of  opinion 
that  this  map  must  be  regarded  as  authentic,  anTl  also  the  vignettes  engraved 
upon  the  same  sheet.  Two  of  these  represent  Drake's  ship,  the  Pelican,  the 
fir'st  as  she  lay  stranded  on  the  rocks  at  the  Windward  Islands,  and  the  other 
as  lying  at  anchor.  They  both  correspond  in  all  their  details.  Probably  the 
drawings  from  which  the  engraving  was  executed  were  made  from  the  ship 
itself.  Drake  returned  to  England  in  1580.  He  never  sailed  again.  The 
engravings  were  made  between  1590  and  1600.  Hondius  was  in  England  all 
this  time.  If  not  made  from  the  ship,  the  engraving  may  be  safely  assumed 
to  represent  the  style  of  naval  architecture  of  the  period.  The  ship  is  repre- 
sented as  broad  in  the  beam  and  round  in  the  bow.  Her  burden,  Drake's, 
narrative  informs  us,  was  100  tons.  She  was  therefore  shallow  and  drew  but 
little  water.  The  ship-builders  whom  we  have  consulted  inform  us  that  with 
all  her  armament  she  could  not  have  drawn  more  than  from  5  to  C  feet  of 
water.  She  could  therefore  have  entered  Bolinas  Bay,  Jack's,  or  Drake's 
(interior)  Bay,  Tomales  Bay,  Bodega  Bay,  Humboldt  Bay,  and  any  or  all  of 
the  rivers  which  Drake  encountered.  Modern  navigators  and  hydrographers. 
who  argue  that  Drake  must  have  entered  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco  because 
no  other  bay  was  deep  enough  for  the  entry  and  repairing  of  a  man-of-war, 
must  have  certainly  had  in  their  minds  a  modern  74-gun  ship,  and  not  a  little 
caravel  of  100  tons  carrying  six  feet  of  draft.'  It-will  be  noticed  that  the 
writer  attempts  no  explanation  of  the  two  bottle-shaped  bays.  It  is  moreover 
remarkable  thtit  he  should  accept  Fletcher's  statements  about  the  climate  and 
season  as  even  remotely  founded  on  truth. 


DID  DRAKE  ENTER  SAN  FRANCISCO?  91 

have  written  without  a  full  understanding  of  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  two  San  Franciscos.  Few  have 
been  sufficiently  impressed  with  the  fundamental  truth 
that  Chaplain  Fletcher  was  a  liar.  Besides  certain 
special  pleadings  often  more  ingenious  than  weighty, 
the  convincing  arguments  have  been  on  the  one  side 
that  Drake  after  a  stay  of  five  weeks  would  not  have 
called  any  other  bay  but  that  of  San  Francisco  a  good 
harbor,  or  have  thanked  God  for  a  fair  wind  to  enter 
the  same;  and  on  the  other,  that,  having  entered  San 
Francisco,  he  would  never  have  dismissed  it  with  mere 
mention  as  a  good  bay.  The  former  argument  is  less 
applicable  to  Bodega  than  to  the  bay  under  Point 
Reyes.. 

The  latter  appears  to  me  unanswerable.  It  is  one 
that  has  naturally  occurred  to  all,  but  I  doubt  if 
any  have  comprehended  its  full  force.  It  grows  on 
the  student  as  he  becomes  acquainted  with  the  spirit 
of  the  past  centuries  in  relation  to  maritime  affairs 
and  particularly  to  the  north-west  coast  of  America. 
I  treat  this  subject  fully  elsewhere.52  That  Drake 
and  his  men  should  have  spent  a  month  in  so  large 
and  so  peculiar  a  bay  without  an  exploration  extend- 
ing thirty  or  forty  miles  into  the  interior  by  water; 
that  notes  should  be  written  on  the  visit  without  a 
mention  of  any  exploration,  or  of  the  great  rivers 
flowing  into  the  bay,  or  of  its  great  arms;  that  Drake's 
companions  should  have  evaded  the  questions  of  such 
men  as  Richard  Hakluyt,  and  have  died  without  im- 
parting a  word  of  the  information  so  eagerly  sought 
by  so  many  men,  is  indeed  incredible.  For  sailors  in 
those  days  to  talk  of  inlets  they  had  never  seen  was 
common;  to  suppress  their  knowledge  of  real  inlets 
would  indeed  have  been  a  marvel.53  Drake's  business 

52  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  1.  chap,  ii.-iv.,  this  series. 

53  Stillmaii  says,  Seekiny  the  Golden  Fleece,  %300:  '  He  was  not  on  a  voyage 
of  discovery;  his  was  a  business  enterprise,  and  he  had  an  eye  to  that  alone. 
What  was  not  gold  and  silver  was  of  small  consequence  to  him. '    Whence 
perhaps  his  minute  details  of  Indian  ceremonies!     'Nor  does  it  seem  proba- 
ble tliat  he  knew  the  extent  of  the  bay  of  San  Francisco.     He  had  already 
concluded . .  .  that  there  could  be  no  northwest  passage . . .  and  he  had  aban- 


92  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

in  the  North  Pacific  was  to  find  an  interoceanic  pas- 
sage; if  he  abandoned  the  hope  in  the  far  north,  one 
glance  at  the  Golden  Gate  would  have  rekindled  it; 
a  sight  of  the  far-reaching  arms  within  would  have  con- 
vinced him  that  the  strait  was  found ;  San  Pablo  Bay 
would  have  removed  the  last  doubt  from  the  mind  of 
every  incredulous  companion ;  in  Suisun  Bay  the  Golden 
Hind  would  have  been  well  on  her  way  through  the 
continent;  and  a  little  farther  the  only  question  wpuld 
have  been  whether  to  proceed  directly  to  Newfound- 
land by  the  Sacramento  or  to  Florida  by  the  San 
Joaquin.  That  a  man  like  Fletcher,  who  found  sceptres 
and  crowns  and  kings  among  the  Central  Californians, 
who  found  a  special  likelihood  of  gold  and  silver  where 
nothing  of  the  kind  ever  existed,  who  was  so  nearly 
frozen  among  the  snow-covered  Californian  hills  in 
summer,  should  have  called  the  anchorage  under  Point 
.  Reyes,  to  say  nothing  of  Bodega,  a  fine  harbor  would 
have  been  wonderful  accuracy  and  moderation  on  his 
part.  But  supposing  San  Francisco  Bay  to  have  been 
the  subject  of  his  description,  let  the  reader  imagine 
the  result.  The  continent  is  not  broad  enough  to 
contain  the  complication  of  channels  he  would  have 
described. 

Proof  of  the  most  positive  nature,  more  definite  than 
the  vague  narratives  in  question  could  'be  expected 
reasonably  to  yield,  is  required  to  overthrow  the  pre- 
sumption that  Drake  did  not  enter  San  Francisco 
Bay.  This  proof  Stillman,  who  has  made  himself  in 
these  later  years  champion  of  the  cause,54  believes 
himself  to  have  found.  First,  he  declares,  and  forti- 
fies his  position  with  the  testimony  of  a  coast-survey 
official  and  other  navigators,  that  Drake  could  not 

cloned  the  hope. '  And  Tuthill,  Hist.  Cal,  24:  '  They  did  not  go  into  ecstasies 
about  the  harbor.  They  were  not  hunting  harbors,  but  fortunes  in  compact 
form.  Harbors,  so  precious  to  the  Spaniards,  who  'had  a  commerce  in  the 
Pacific  to  be  protected,  were  of  small  account  to  roving  Englishmen.'  These 
are  evasions  of  the  issue,  or  the  statements  of  men  not  acquainted  with  the 
maritime  spirit  of  the  time. 

MStillman>8  Footprints  in  California  of  Early  Navigators,  in  Id.;  Seeking 
the  Golden  lleece,  285  et  seq.;  Id.,  in  Overland  Monthly,  i.  332. 


STILLMAN'S  THEORIES.  93 

have  graved  his  vessel  in  the  bay  that  bears  his  name 
without  the  certainty  of  destruction.  Navigators  with 
whom  I  have  conversde  are  somewhat  less  positive 
on  the  subject,  simply  stating  that  the  beaching  of 
a  vessel  there  would  be  venturesome,  and.  a  wise 
captain  would  if  possible  avoid  it.  It  is  not  at  all 
uncommon  at  many  places  on  the  coast  for  vessels  to 
be  beached  in  a  storm,  and  safely  released  by  the  high 
tide.  Stillman  and  his  witnesses  imply  that  Drake's 
ship  was  grounded  to  be  repaired  and  graved,  but 
only  one  of  the  narratives,  and  that  the  least  reliable, 
contains  such  a  statement;  the  others  simply  mention 
a  leak  to  be  stopped,  perhaps  not  far  below  the  water- 
line,  and  I  am  sure  that  small  vessels  upon  this  coast 
have  been  often  careened  and  graved  without  being 
beached  at  all.  The  coast  survey  charts  declare  the 
harbor  to  be  a  secure  one  except  in  south-east  gales. 
There  is  an  interior  bay,  communicating  with  the 
outer  by  a  passage  now  somewhat  obstructed  by  a 
bar,  which  possibly  now,  and  very  probably  in  1579, 
would  afford  Drake's  small  ship  a  safe  anchorage. 
And  finally  this  objection  would  lose  its  force  if  ap- 
plied to  Bodega  instead  of  Drake  Bay.  Thus  we  find 
in  this  argument  nothing  of  the  positive  character 
which  alone  could  make  it  valid. 

The  other  argument  urged  is  that  Fletcher's  'conies* 
were  ground-squirrels  and  that  these  animals  never 
existed  in  the  region  of  Drake  Bay.  It  must  be 
admitted  that  the  description  in  several  respects  fits 
the  ground-squirrel  better  than  the  gopher  or  any 
other  animal  of  this  region;  but  a  very  accurate  descrip- 
tion of  anything  would  be  out  of  place,  -and  certainly 
is  not  found,  in  these  narratives;  the  'conies' — liter- 
ally rabbits — were  seen  on  a  trip  up  into  the  country, 
how  far  we  do  not  know ;  and  no  very  satisfying  proof 
is  presented  that  ground-squirrels  never  frequented 
the  region  of  either  Drake  Bay  or  Bodega.  There- 
fore whatever  weight  might  be  given  to  Stillman's 
arguments  as  against  similar  arguments  on  the  other 


94  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

side  drawn  from  the  faulty  descriptions  available, 
they  are  in  my  opinion  entitled  to  very  little  consider- 
ation as  against  the  overwhelming  and  irresistible  pre- 
sumption noted  that  Drake  could  not  have  entered 
San  Francisco  Bay.55 

Between  Drake  Bay  and  Bodega  I  have  no  decided 
opinion  to  express.  I  find  no  foundation  for  such  an 
opinion.  It  is  not  probable  that  there  will  ever  be 
any  means  of  ascertaining  the  truth.  Drake's  post 
and  plate  were  doubtless  moved  from  their  original 
site  at  an  early  date.  If  my  supposition  that-  Ca- 
brillo  did  not  pass  Cape  Mendocino  is  correct,  then  the 
English  navigator  may  perhaps  be  entitled  to  the 
honor  of  having  discovered  a  portion  of  the  California 
coast  above  that  point;  yet  it  is  by  no  means  certain 
that  he  crossed  the  parallel  of  42°.56 

The  Philippine  ships  from  1565  followed  a  northern 
route  in  returning  across  the  Pacific  to  Acapulco ;  but 
of  these  trips  we  have  for  the  most  part  no  records. 
Their  instructions  were  to  keep  as  near  to  the  line 
of  30°^Tts  possible,  and  to  go  no  farfher^nortli  than 
was  necessary  to  get  a  wind.  It  is  probable  that, 
while  they  often  reached  latitude  37°,  or  higher,  they 
rarely  sighted  the  coast  of  Upper  California,  on  ac- 
count of  turning  to  the  south  as  soon  as  they  found 
sea-weeds  or  other  indications  that  land  was  near. 
The  lower  end  of  the  peninsula  was  generally  the  first 
land  seen  in  these  early  years. 

In  1584,  however,  Francisco  Gali,  commanding  one 
of  these  ships  returning  from  Macao  by  way  of  Japan, 
sailed  from  that  island  east  and  east  by  north  about 
three  hundred  leagues  until  he  struck  the  great  oce- 

65  Stillman's  reference  to  the  Spanish  map  published  by  Anson,  which  I 
reproduce  later,  should  be  noticed.  It  certainly  gives  a  peculiar  form  to  the 
bay  under  Point  Reyes;  but  it  has  no  bearing  on  Drake's  voyage.  It  simply 
shows  that  the  draughtsman  failed  to  get  a  correct  idea  of  the  port  from  the 
text  of  Vizcaino  and  Cabrera  Bueno. 

56  On  the  report  of  one  of  Drake's  men  having  been  landed  in  California, 
and  having  gone  to  Mexico  overland,  a  report  not  founded  on  fact.  See  Hist. 
Northwest  Coast,  i.  CO-1,  this  series. 


VOYAGE  OF  FRANCISCO  DE  GALL  95 

anic  current,  which  carried  him  some  seven  hundred 
leagues  to  within  two  hundred  leagues  of  the  Ameri- 
can coast.  Then,  "being  by  the  same  course  upon  the 
coast  of  New  Spain,  under  37°  30',  we  passed  by  a 
very  high  and  fair  land  with  many  trees,  wholly  with- 
out snow,  and  four  leagues  from  the  land  you  find 
thereabout  many  drifts  of  roots,  leaves  of  trees,  reeds, 
and  other  leaves  like  fig-leaves,  the  like  whereof  we 
found  in  great  abundance  in  the  country  of  Japan, 
which  they  eat;  and  some  of  those  that  we  found,  I 
caused  to  be  sodden  with  flesh,  and  being  sodden,  they 
eat  like  coleworts;  there  likewise  we  found  great  store 
of  seals;  whereby  it  is  to  be  presumed  and  certainly 
to  be  believed,  that  there  are  many  rivers,  bays,  and 
havens  along  by  those  coasts  to  the  haven  of  Aca- 
pulco.  From  thence  we  ran  south-east,  south-east 
and  by  south,  and  south-east  and  by  east,  as  we  found 
the  wind,  to  the  point  called  Cabo  de  San  Lucas,  which 
is  the  beginning  of  the  land  of  California,  on  the 
north-west  side,  lying  under  22°,  being  five  hundred 
leagues  distant  from  Cape  Mendocino."  This  is  all. 
that  Gali's  narrative  contains  respecting  the  California 
coast.57 

Gali's  seems  to  be  the  first  mention  of  'Cape  Men- 
docino, though  it  is  not  implied  that  the  name  was 
given  by  him,  as  nevertheless  it  may  have  been.  We 
have  seen  that  the  name  was  not,  as  has  been  generally 
believed,  applied  by  Cabrillo  or  Ferrelo  in  1542-3; 
and  Torque mada's  statement  has  b^en  noted  to  the 
effect  that  the  cape  was  discovered  by  the  Manila 
ships.  It  is  possible  that  it  had  been  thus  discovered 
in  an  unrecorded  voyage  preceding  that  of  Gali;  but 
it  is  quite  as  likely  that  the  name  was  given  in  Mexico, 

57  This  narrative  was  translated  into  Dutch  and  published  by  Linschoten  in 

his  famous  and  oft-reprinted  Itinerario  of  1596.    From  this  source  an  English 

translation  is  given  in  Ilakluyfs  Voy.,  iii.  442-7.  A  blunder  in  a  French  trans- 

"  lation  by  which  57°  30'  was  substituted  for  37°  30' has  caused  a  fictitious  im- 


many  of  the  works  cited  on  the  voyages  of  Cabrillo,  Drake",  and  Vizcaino. 


96  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

of  course  in  honor  of  the  viceroy  Mendoza,  to  a  point 
discovered  but  not  named  by  Cabrillo. 

The  fourth  voyage  of  Californian  annals  was  like 
the  third  one  from  the  far  west.  The  piloto  Sebastian 
Rodriguez  de  Cermenon  in  charge  of  the  San  Agustin 
coming  from  the  Philippines  in  1595,  was  ordered  by 
Governor  Gomez  Perez  das  Marinas,  in  accordance 
with  royal  instructions  through  Viceroy  Velaseo,  to 
make  some  explorations  on  the  coast,  doubtless  with 
a  view  to  find  a  suitable  station  for  the  Manila  ships. 
Of  Cermenon's  adventures  we  know  only  that  his 
vessel  ran  aground  on  a  lee  shore58  behind  what  was 
later  called  Point  Reyes,  leaving  on  the  land  a  large 
quantity  of  wax  and  silk  in  boxes.  It  is  possible  that 
the  San  Agustin  was  accompanied  by  another  vessel 
on  which  the  officers  and  men  escaped ;  but  much  more 
probable  I  think  that  the  expression  'was  lost'  in  the 
record  is  an  error,  and  that  the  ship  escaped  with  a 
loss  of  her  cargo.  One  of  the  men,  Francisco  Bolanos, 
was  piloto  mayor,  or  sailing-master,  under  Vizcaino  in 
1603,  when  he  anchored  in  the  same  port  to  see  if 
any  trace  of  the  cargo  remained,  but  without  landing. 
Tlie  statement  of  Bolanos  as  reported  incidentally  in 
the  narrative  of  Vizcaino's  voyage  by  Ascension  and 
Torquemada  is,  so  far  as  I  can  learn,  the  only  record 
extant  of  this  voyage.59 

58  *  Se  perdi6,  y  dio  a  la  costa  con  vn  viento  travesia. '    '  Que  en  aquel  puerto 
avia  dado  a  la  Costa  el  ano  de  1595.' 

59  Torquemada,  Monnrq.  Incl.,  i.  717-18.   'En  la  costa  reconocimos  el  puerto 
de  San  Francisco,  adonde  en  tienipos  pasados  se  perdi6  ima  nao  de  China  quo 
venia  con  orden  de  descubrir  esta  costa,  y  creo  que  hoy  dia  hay  mucha  cera  y 
losaza  [loza?]  qne  el  navio  traia.'  Ascension,  Relation,  558.    'Here  was  where 
the  ship  S.  Agustin  was  lost  in  the  year  1595,  coining  to  make  discoveries, 
and  the  cause  of  her  being  lost  was  rather  the  fault  of  him  who  steered  than 
stress  of  weather.'   Cabrera  JBneno,  Navigation,  303.     Venegas,  Noticia,  i. 
183,  says  'the  viceroy  Velasco,  desirous  of  making  a  station  for  the  Philippine 
ships  on  the  outer  coast,  sent  a  ship  called  San  Ayusiin,  which  soon  returned 
without  any  resiilts. '  And  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.  N.  Esp. ,  326.    Also,  i'rom 
Torquemada,  Salmeron,  Relac.,  20;  Niel,  Apunt,  74;  and  Navarrete,  It/trod., 
Ivi.-vii.    It  "does  not  clearly  appear  that  any  of  these  writers  saw  anything  in 
addition  to  the  statement  in  Torquemada.    In  Bodega  y  Cuadra,   Vittye  de 
1775,  MS.,  it  is  said  that  Cermefion  was  wrecked  in  a  south-east  wind,  as  he 
could  not  have  been  at  Bodega  or  the  new  San  Francisco.     Where  this  infor- 
mation was  obtained  does  not  appear. 


CERMEftON'S  SHIPWRECK.  97 

It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  no  additional  light 
has  ever  been  thrown  on  this  voyage;  but,  slight  as 
is  the  record,  there  is  no  good  reason  to  question  its 
accuracy,  especially  as_jio  grand  and  impossible  discov- 
eries of  interoceanic  channels  are  involved.  There 
can  be  very  little  doubt  that  Cermenon  named  the 
port  of  t  his  disaster  San  Francisco,  perhaps  from  the 
day  of  his  arrival.  There  is  nothing  to  support  the 
view  sometimes  expressed  that  he  came  in  search  of 
a  San  Francisco  Bay,  or  of  the  port  discovered  by 
Drake;  though  it  is  not  unlikely  that  rumors  of 
Drake's  fine  -bay  had  an  influence  with  other  motives 
in  promoting  this  exploration.  That  the  Spaniards, 
now  or  at  any  other  time,  founded  the  name  of  San 
Francisco  on  that  of  Sir  Francis,  the  English  free- 
booter, is  so  improbable  as  to  merit  no  consideration; 
but  it  is  certain  that  subsequently  foreign  writers  and 
map-makers  confounded  the  names  to  some  extent,  as 
was  natural  enough.  That  Vizcaino,  Cabrera  Bueno, 
and  other  Spaniards  of  the  early  times  mistook  the 
identity  of  Cermeiion's  bay  is  hardly  possible.  The 
timely  circulation  of  a  paragraph  from  Cabrera 
Bueno's  work  of  1732  and  another  from  Crespfs 
diary  of  1769  would  have  well  nigh  removed  all  diffi- 
culties in  this  matter,  which  has  proved  so  puzzling 
to  the  annalists. 

Sebastian  Vizcaino,  commanding  a  Spanish  explor- 
ing fleet  of  three  vessels,  anchored  in  San  Diego  Bay 
on  November  10,  1G03.  He  had  sailed  from  Acapulco 
in  May  of  the  preceding  year,  with  a  force  of  nearly 
two  hundred  men  including  three  Carmelite  friars. 
His  special  mission,  in  addition  to  that  of  general  ex- 
ploration and  the  ever  potent  purpose  of  finding  an 
interoceanic  strait,  was  to  find  a  suitable  port  for  the 
Philippine  ships.  Details  of  his  expedition  to  the 
date  mentioned  and  of  his  explorations  along  the  outer 
coast  of  the  peninsula  have  been  presented  in  another 
part  of  this  work.  It  is  only  with  his  experience  on 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    7 


98  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

the  coast  of  Upper  California  that  we  are  now  con- 
cerned.60 

It  had  been  sixty  years  since  Cabrillo  had  visited 
this  bay  and  named  it  San  Miguel;  but  here  as  else- 
where on  the  Californian  coast  Vizcaino  pays  no  heed 
/  to  the  discoveries  of  his  predecessor;  giving  indeed  no 
indication  that  they  were  known  to  him.  The  name 
was  now  given  doubtless  with  reference  to  that  of  the 
flag-ship,  and  also  to  the  day  of  San  Diego  de  Alcala 
occurring  on  the  1 2th  of  November.  A  party  landed 
to  explore,  climbed  to  the  summit  of  the  hills  on  the 
northern  peninsula,  had  a  view  of  the  grand  harbor 
and  a  glimpse  of  the  False  Bay,  found  plenty  of  wood, 
and  came  back  to  report.  The  general  decided  to  clean 
and  pay  his  ship,  and  to  obtain  a  supply  of  wood  and 
water.  A  tent  church  for  the  friars  was  pitched 
somewhere  on  the  western  shore  between  what  are 
now  La  Playa  and  Point  Loma.  Wells  were  dug  on 
the  opposite  sand  island,  or  peninsula,  and  the  work  of 

m  Hist.  North  Hex.  States,  this  series.  The  vessels  were  the  flag- ship,  or 
capitana,  San  Diego,  on  which  sailed  Vizcaino  as  captain-general;  the  Santo 
Tomc'cs,  tinder  Toribio  Gomez  de  Corvan  as  admiral;  and  the  Tres  Reyes  under 
Alfe"rez  Martin  Aguilar  and  the  piloto  Antonio  Flores.  Other  officers  were 
Captain  Alonso  Este~van  Peguero,  Captain  Gaspar  Alarcon,  Captain  Ger6- 
nimo  Martin  Palacios,  cosmographer ;  Alfe'reces  Juan  Francisco  Suriano, 
Sebastian  Melendez,  and  Juan  de  Acevedo  Tejeda;  pilotos  Francisco  Bolafios, 
Baltasar  de  Armas,  and  Juan  Pascual;  sergeants  Miguel  Legar  and  Juan 
Castillo  Bueno;  and  corporals  Estevan  Lopez  and  Francisco  Vidal.  The 
friars  were  Andre's  de  la  Asuncion,  Tomas  de  Aquino,  and  Antonio  de 
la  Ascension,  the  first  serving  as  comisario  and  the  latter  as  chronicler 
and  assistant  cosmographer  and  map-maker.  The  standard  and  original 
authorities  are  Padre  Ascension's  account,  perhaps  but  little  changed  from 
the  original  diary,  in  Torqnemada,  i.  694-726;  the  same  author's  JRelacion 
Breve,  539-74,  written  in  1 620,  and  adding  not  much  of  importance  to  the 
other;  JSalmeron,  Relaciones,  14-21,  the  author  of  which  was  personally 
acquainted  with  Ascension  and  other  companions  of  Vizcaino;  Cabrera  Bueno, 
Navigation,  302-13,  which  contains  a  derrotero  of  the  coast  from  Cape  Men- 
docino  south,  drawn  from  Vizcaino's  log  and  charts;  Vencyas,  Not.,  i.  193- 
201;  iii.  22-139  and  Navarrete,  SutilyMex.  ix.-xviii.,  the  author  of  which 
saw  in  the  Spanish  archives  certified  copies  of  all  the  papers  relating  to  the 
expedition,  including  32  maps,  a  small  reduction  from  which  combined  in  one 
he  published  in  his  atlas.  This  map,  which  I  reproduce,  was  also  published 
in  Burners  Chron.  Hist.,  ii.  236-59.  It  is  very  much  to  be  regretted  that  the 
narratives  and  maps  of  this  voyage  have  never  been  published,  and  that  Nav- 
arrete has  made  so  inadequate  a  use  of  them.  For  accounts  of  the  voyage 
adding  nothing  to  information  derived  from  those  mentioned  I  refer  the 
reader  to  the  account  in  an  earlier  volume  of  my  work;  it  may  be  added  that 
very  many  of  the  works  cited  in  this  chapter  on  the  voyages  of  Cabrillo  and 
Drake  contain  also  a  mention  of  Vizcaino. 


VIZCAINO'S   EXPEDITION.  ,  99 

refitting  went  on,  though  many  were  sick  with  the 
scurvy  of  which  some  had  already  died.  Indians 
armed  with  bows  and  arrows  soon  appeared  on  the 
beach  but  were  neither  hostile  nor  very  timid,  gladly 
consenting  to  an  interchange  of  gifts.  They  were 
understood  to  say  by  signs  that  other  bearded  men 
like  the  Spaniards  were  in  the  interior.  All  were  de- 
lighted with  the  port  and  its  surroundings.  Vizcaino 
with  Fray  Antonio  and  an  escort  made  an  expedition 
on  land,  how  extensive  or  in  what  direction  we  may 
not  know,  but  probably  including  the  eastern  shores. 
After  a  stay  of  ten  days,  they  set  sail  on  the  20th  of 
November.61  The  islands  known  as  Los  Coronados 
were  noted  and  named  by  Vizcaino;  and  Cabrera 
Bueno,  giving  a  full  description  of  the  port  which  he 
puts  in  latitude  34°,  names  also  the  Punta  de  Guijar- 
ros,  that  is  the  point  of  cobble-stones,  or  ballast.62 

A  voyage  of  eight  days  against  a  north-west  wind, 
the  Tres  Reyes  hugging  the  coast  and  the  others  keep- 
ing farther  out,  brought  them  to  an  anchorage  at  the 
island  which  from  the  day  they  named  Santa  Cata- 
lina,  sighting  another  large  island  in  the  south-west 
named  San  Clemente.63  Before  arriving  here  they 
had  gone  to  a  bight  on  the  main,  where  smoke  and 
green  vegetation  were  seen,  but  there  seemed  to  be 
no  protection  from  the  winds.  This  was  probably 
the  bay  they  called  San  Pedro,64  a  name  still  retained, 

61  The  narratives  enter  somewhat  into  descriptive  details  for  which  I  have 
no  space.    Says  Ascension:   '  In  the  sands  of  the  beach  there  was  a  great  quan- 
tity of  marcasite,  golden  (dorada)  and  spongy,  which  is  a  clear  sign  that  in 
the  mountains  round  the  port  there  are  gold-mines,  because  the  waters  when 
it  rains  bring  it  from  the  mountains. '    They  also  found  in  the  sand  masses  of 
a  gray  light  substance  like  dried  ox-dung,  which  it  was  thought  might  be  am- 
ber.    Some  very  heavy  blue  stones  with  which  powdered  and  mixed  in  water 
the  natives  made  shining  streaks  on  their  faces  were  thought  to  'be  rich  in 
silver.     The  fertility  of  the  soil,  abundance  of  game  and  fish,  and  indeed  all 
the  natural  qualities  of  the  place  are  highly  praised.     San  Diego  was  deemed 
a  fine  site  for  a  Spanish  settlement. 

62  Cabrera  Bueno,  Naregacion,  305. 

63  Name  only  in  Cabrera  Bueno,  Nav.,  305.    The  island  is  not  on  the  map. 
61  On  the  map  it  is  Ensenada  de  S.  Andres.    Cabrera  Bueno  names  San 

Pedro  in  34°  30',  and  mentions  the  little  island  there.  Nov.  26th  is  the  day 
of  St  Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Cabrillo  had 
called  this  bay  Bahia  de  los  Humos. 


100 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


like  those  of  the  islands.  Santa  Catalina  had  a  large 
population  of  fishermen  and  traders,  who  had  large 
well  built  canoes  and  houses,  as  well  as  a  temple 
where  they  sacrificed  birds  to  an  idol.  They  had  no 
fear  and  were  friendly,  though  skillful  thieves.  One 
or  two  days  were  spent  here,65  and  then  they  went  on 
through  the  waters  which  they  named  the  Canal  de 
Santa  Barbara,66  between  the  main  and  a  chain  of 
islands  which  commanders  of  the  Philippine  ships 
are  said  to  have  regarded  before  as  tierra  jfirme.  The 


VIZCAINO'S  MAP. 

country  was  very  attractive  on  both  sides  of  the 
channel,  but  Vizcaino  did  not  anchor,  deeming  it 
important  to  take  advantage  of  favorable  winds  to 
reach  northern  latitudes.  A  chief  came  off  in  a  canoe, 
however,  and  used  all  his  eloquence  to  induce  the 
strangers  to  visit  his  home,  offering  ten  women  for 
each  man  to  supply  a  need  that  he  noted  on  board 
the  ships.  I  give  here  a  copy  of  Vizcaino's  map  of 
the  coast  up  to  Monterey.  Between  the  narrative, 

65  Torquemada,  i.  713,  says  they  departed  on  December  25th,  but  this  must 
be  an  error. 

66  The  day  of  Santa  Barbara  is  December  4th. 


VIZCAINO  AT  MONTEREY.  101 

the  map,  and  Cabrera's  description  there  is  no  little 
confusion  in  details.67 

There  were  other  friendly  visits  from  the  natives 
as  the  Spaniards  advanced  northward;  but  after 
emerging  from  the  channel  and  passing  Point  Concep- 
cion  the  coast  was  so  hidden  from  view  by  fogs  as  to 
greatly  interfere  with  the  search  for  a  harbor.63  On 
the  14th  of  December  the  fog  lifted  and  revealed  to 
the  voyagers  the  lofty  coast  range  which  from  the 
preceding  day  was  named  Sierra  de  Santa  Lucia,  and 
which  as  the  chronicler  states  had  been  the  landmark 
usually  sighted  by  the  China  ships.  Four  leagues 
beyond,  a  river  flowing  from  lofty  hills  enters  the  ocean 
with  fertile  and  well  wooded  banks  between  the  shore 
cliffs.  It  was  named  the  Rio  de  Carmelo  in  honor  of 
the  Carmelite  friars  who  accompanied  the  expedition.69 
Then  Vizcaino's  fleet  rounded  and  named  Punta  de 
*VPinos,  and  on  the  16th  of  December  anchored  in  a 
i  jamoso,  or  excellent,  harbor  which  in  honor  of  the 
viceroy  who' had  despatched  the  expedition  was  named 
Monterey.70 

Next  day  the  church  tent  was  pitched  under  the 
shade  of  an  oak  whose  branches  touched  the  tide- 
water, twenty  paces  from  springs  of  good  water  in  a 
ravine, .  which  barranca,  with  similar  trees  not  quite 
so  near  the  shore,  is  still  a  prominent  landmark  at 
Monterey.  There  were  now  but  few  men  on  the  ships 

67  Map  from  Svtil  y  Mexicana,   Viage,  Atlas  No.  4.     Torquemada  gives 
no  names  except  Santa  Catalina  Island  and  Santa  Barbara  Canal.    Cabrera 
Bueno,  304,  gives  a  page  of  not  very  clear  description.     He  names  Punta  de 
Concepcion  in  35°  30',  Farallon  de  Lobos,  Canal  de  Sta  Barbara,  Punta  de  la 
Conversion  (perhaps  identical  with  the  Punta  de  Rio  Dulce  of  the  map,  and 
with  the  modern  Pt  Hueneme)  Isla  de  Sta  Barbara,  Isla  de  Sta  Catalina  in 
34°  30',  Isla  de  San  Clemente  in  43°  (a  little  less). 

68  On   the  map  is  named  Ensenada  de  Roque,  which  is  either  San  Luis 
Obispo  or  Estero  Bay;  and  'point  which  looks  like  a,n  island,'  evidently  Pt 
Sur.     Cabrera  gives  no  names  except  Tierra  de  Santa  Lucia,  mentioning  how- 
ever the  '  morro '  corresponding  to  Pt  Sur. 

69  Not  shown  on  the  map.    Called  by  Cabrera  Bueno  a  'famoso  puerto  que 
tiene  abrigo  de  todos  vientos,  y  tiene  un  rio  de  muy  buena  agua,  y  de  poco 
fondo,  el  qual  por  las  orillas  esta  muy  poblado  de  muchos  Alamos  negros;'  also 
'  alamos  blancos'  as  the  others  say. 

70  Often  written  in  early  times  in  two  words  Monte  Rey  or  Monte-Rei, 
also  Monterei  and  very  commonly  Monterrey.    Of  course  the  European  origin 
of  the  name  in  very  remote  times  was  monte  del  rey  or  '  king's  mountain.' 


102  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

not  affected  by  the  scurvy.  Many  were  seriously  ill, 
and  sixteen  had  died.  In  a  council  held  immediately 
after  religious  services  it  was  decided  to  send  back  one 
of  the  vessels  to  carry  the  sick  and  report  progress. 
Accordingly  after  such  rest  and  relief  as  could  be 
obtained  from  a  short  stay  on  shore,  the  Santo  Tomds 
was  despatched  on  the  29th  of  December  for  Acapulco, 
carrying  Father  Aquino  among  the  disabled.  The 
voyage  was  one  of  great  suffering;  twenty-five  men 
died  either  on  the  way  or  soon  after  arrival ;  and  only 
nine  survived,  among  whom  were  the  admiral,  Corvan, 
and  Fray  Tomds.  Five  days  after  Corvan's  depart- 
ure the  San  Diego  and  Tres  Reyes  having  obtained  a 
supply  of  wood  and  water  sailed  from  Monterey  for 
the  north  on  January  3,  1603. 

The  qualities  of  Monterey  as  a  harbor  protected 
from  all  winds  were  somewhat  exaggerated,  though 
no  minute  description  was  given  in  the  diary;  and 
the  explorers  were  very  enthusiastic  in  their  praises 
of  its  surroundings,  its  abundance  and  variety  of  ani- 
mals and  fishes,  its  fertile  soil,  and  plentiful  wood  and 
water.  It  was  deemed  especially  well  fitted  for  a  re- 
fitting station  for  the  Philippine  ships,  being  in  the 
latitude  where  they  often  sighted  the  coast.  The 
natives,  respecting  whom  less  information  is  given 
than  about  the  fauna  and  flora  of  the  region,  were 
friendly.71 

For  three  days  from  Monterey  no  discoveries  are 
recorded;  and  on  the  7th  of  January  the  vessels  are 
separated,  not  to  meet  again,  by  some  misunderstand- 
ing of  signals.  Vizcaino  on  the  San  Diego  turns  back 
by  a  point  passed  on  the  sixth,  and  named  from  the 
day  Punta  de  los  Reyes,  to  enter  the  port  of  San 
Francisco  under  that  point  in  search  of  traces  of 
>/  Cermenon's  visit  in  1595.  He  anchors,  but  does  not 

71  Both  Torquemada  and  Ascension  give  some  details  of  animals,  plants 
trees,  and  fishes.  The  latter  mentions  the  fact  that  a  dead  whale  was  lying 
on  the  beach,  which  bears  came  down  to  eat  at  night.  Cabrera  Bueno  puts 
the  port  in  37°,  gives  a  very  accurate  description  of  it,  and  states  that  the 
anchorage  is  well  protected  except  against  north-west  winds. 


VIZCAINO  AT  CAPE  MENDOCINO.  103 

land,  and  next  day  sails  on  in  quest  of  the  consort, 
making  inconsiderable  progress  till  the  12th,  when 
they  sight  what  they  believe  to  be  Cape  Mendocino, 
in  latitude  41°  30'.  Next  day  the  ship  is  hove  to  in 
a  south-east  gale;  and  as  only  six  men  are  fit  for  work, 
it  is  decided  to  return  to  La  Paz  in  the  gulf,  but  the 


Cnsta  yueguia  al  Co.  bianco 
TIERRAS  DEL  CO.   BLANQUISCAS  Y  SIERRAS  NEVADAS 


Cta.  Aspera 

<tt  • 
/£^ 


><»  <)><*  esto  rio  corra  algunas  leyuas  do  3*.  S.  como  dlcen  nopuede  tener 
slt  nacimto  al  .y.  pory.  tcndria  breve  tennino  2>a,  scr  tan  Caudaloso 


I  B.  Grande  cerca  del  Cabo 
Costa  de  barrancas  asperat 


Costa  Seguida  entre  el  rio  grande  de  S.  Sebastian 
y  la  bahiagrande  del  Ce.  Mendocino 


A 


'Ko.  Salado 
_  Pto.  de  los  Reyes 
Pa.  de  barrancas  blancaff 
Costa  de  arboleda 
Costa  de  barrancas  taxadas 

\Ens.  Grande 
^i  Costa  segura 

\  Costa  de  barrancas  y  arbota. 


^P. 


P.  de  Ano  Nuevo 


VIZCAINO'S  MAP. 


gale  causes  them  to  drift  northward.  On  the  14th 
they  are  close  to  Cape  Mendocino,  but  on  the  1.9th 
the  weather  clears  and  they  find  themselves  in  latitude 
42,°  in  sight  of  a  white  point  near  high  snowy  moun- 
tains. They  name  the  point  Cabo  Blanco  de  San 


104  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

Sebastian,  and,  with  a  favorable  wind,  turn  south- 
ward on  St  Sebastian's  day.  They  keep  near  the 
shore,  but  without  discoveries  that  have  left  any 
traces  in  the  narrative,  and  without  anchoring  until 
they  come  to  Cedros  Island  on  the  7th  of  January. 
The  suffering  and  loss  of  life  from  scurvy  have  been 
terrible,  but  relief  is  found  at  Mazatlan. 

Meanwhile  Aguilar  in  the  Tres  Reyes  advances  to 
latitude  41°  and  is  then  driven  by  the  gale  to  an 
anchorage  behind  a  great  cliff  near  Cape  Mendocino. 
Continuing  his  voyage  after  the  storm,  he  finds  his 
latitude  on  the  19th  to  be  43°,  near  a  point  named 
Cape  Blanco,  beyond  which  the  coast  turns  to  the 
north-west,72  and  also  near  a  large  river.  On  account 
of  sickness  and  because  he  has  already  reached  the 
limit  of  the  viceroy's  instructions,  Aguilar  resolves  to 
return.  Both  he  and  Flores  die  on  the  voyage,  only 
five  men  surviving.  I  give  a  copy  of  the  map  repre- 
senting discoveries  above  Monterey,  not  agreeing  in 
all  respects  with  the  narrative,  and  showing  nothing 
above  Cape  Mendocino.  The  great  river,  supposed  by 
Padre  Ascension  to  be  the  entrance  to  Anian  Strait, 
must  have  been  either  imaginary  or  a  small  stream. 
It  is  not  possible  to  determine  accurately  the  northern 
limit  of  this  exploration;  but  the  indications  are  that 
-it  was  not  beyond  the  present  Oregon  line  of  42°  and 
that  Vizcaino's  Cape  San  Sebastian  and  Aguilar's  Cape 
Blanco  were  identical  with  the  modern  Trinidad  and 
St  George.73 

72  Ascension  says  north-east  and  names  the  river  Santa  Lie's. 

73  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  147-8.    Cabrera  Bueno's  description  of  the 
northern  coast  is  as  follows:   '  In  latitude  42°  is  a  high  cape,  apparently  cut 
down  perpendicularly  to  the  sea,  and  from  it  runs  a  lower  coast  some  eight 
leagues  southward,  where  the  land  forms  another  high  point,  bare,  with  some 
white  cliffs  which  rise  from  the  water's  edge;  this  point  is  in  41°  30'  and  is 
called  Cape  Mendocino.     From  here  the  coast  trends  s.  E.  to  lat.  39°  30',  the 
land  being  of  medium  elevation  and  thickly  wooded,  with  some  small  hills  bare 
along  the  shore.     In  the  said  latitude  it  forms  a  low  point  of  white  cliffs  cut 
down  to  the  sea;  and  from  here  the  coast  trends  s.  E.  one  quarter  s.  to  38°  30', 
where  the  land  forms  a  point  of  medium  height,  separated  from  the  coast  so 
as  to  appear  from  a  distance  to  be  an  island,   which  is  called  Punta  do  loa 
Ileyes.     It  forms  a  steep  cliff  (niorro),  and  on  its  north  side  affords  a  good 
shelter  from  all  winds,  in  lat.  38°  30',  and  is  called  San  Francisco.    In  a  south 
or  south-east  wind  the  anchorage  is  at  the  end  of  the  beach  where  it  forms  an 


RESULTS  OF  AGUILAR'S  EXPLORATION.  105 

Except  the  discovery  of  Monterey  Bay  Vizcaino 
had  accomplished  no  more,  and  indeed  in  several 
respects  less,  than  had  Cabrillo  sixty  years  before ;  but 
the  results  of  his  voyage  were  clearly  recorded,  while 
the  expedition  of  his  predecessor  had  left  practically  no 
trace  in  the  world's  knowledge.  From  1603  the  trend 
and  general  character  of  the  California  coast,  together 
with  its  chief  harbors,  always  excepting  the  undiscov- 
ered San  Francisco,  were  well  known  to  the  Spaniards 
by  these  records;  but  for  more  than  a  century  and  a 
half  there  was  no  addition  to  this  knowledge.  No 
ship  is  known  to  have  entered  the  northern  waters 
from  the  south,  while  the  Manila  ships  from  the  far 
west  neither  touched  at  the  new  ports  nor  left  any 
record  of  what  they  saw  as  they  passed.  Vizcaino 
made  strong  efforts  to  be  intrusted  with  a  new  expe- 
dition for  the  occupation  of  Monterey;  and  in  1606 
there  was  a  prospect  of  his  success;  but  attention  was 
diverted  to  the  far  west;  and  though  this  navigator, 
returning  as  a  passenger  from  Japan,  on  the  San  Fran- 
cisco, again  sighted  Cape  Mendocino  on  December  26, 
1613,  no  more  attempts  were  made  on  the  outer  coast.74 
There  is  a  perfect  blank  of  one  hundred  and  sixty-six 
years  in  the  annals  of  what  we  call  California. 

Herrera's  history  containing  an  account  of  Ca- 
brillo's  discoveries  had  been  published  in  1601-15,  and 
new  Spanish  editions  appeared  in  1728  and  1730. 
Torquemada's  great  work  with  a  record  of  Vizcaino's 

angle  on  the  N.  w. ;  while  on  the  N.  E.  are  three  white  rocks  very  near  the 
sea,  and  opposite  the  middle  one  an  estero  makes  in  from  the  sea  with  a  good 
entrance  and  no  breakers.  Inside  are  found  friendly  Indians,  and  fresh  water 
may  be  easily  obtained.  S.  s.  w.  from  this  port  are  six  or  seven  small  white  fara- 
llones  some  larger  than  others,  occupying  over  a  league  in  circuit. .  .About  14 
leagues  s.  E.  £  s.  from  Pt  Reyes,  the  land  makes  a  point,  before  reaching  which 
the  land  is  of  medium  elevation,  bare  along  the  shore,  with  some  steep  cliffs, 
though  inland  it  is  high  and  wooded,  until  a  low  point  is  reached  in  37°  30' 
called  Pt  Ano  Nuevo.'  Navegacion,  302-3.  This  author's  latitudes  are  from 
30'  to  a  degree  too  high.  He  evidently  saw  a  more  minute  account  of  Viz- 
caino's voyage  than  the  one  published,  or  what  is  not  unlikely,  had  access  to 
Cermeiion's  report. 

74  Vcner/ax,  Not.  Cal.,  i.  191,  201 ;  Clavigero,  Storia  della  Cal.,  159-60;  Cali- 
fornia, Estab.  y  Proy.,  9,  10;  Doc.  Hist.  Hex.,  ser.  ii.  torn.  iii.  443;  Cardona, 
Memorial,  46;  Vizcaino,  Relation,  1611-13,  p.  199;  see  Hist.  North  Hex.  St., 
i.  chap.  viii.  this  series. 


106 


THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


voyage  and  Cermefion's  mishaps  appeared  in  1613 
and  was  republished  in  1723.  Drake's  adventures 
were  related  in  scores  of  popular  voyage  collections 
besides  the  original  printed  accounts.  In  1734  Ca- 
brera Bueno's  sailing  directions  were  printed  across 
the  Pacific,  but  the  work  was  not  widely  circulated.75 
In  1742  Anson,  the  English  privateer,  found  on  a 
captured  galleon  the  Spanish  chart  of  which  I  re- 
produce that  part  showing  the  coast  of  California. 
There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that  the  maker  had 
access  to  any  information  not  given  by  Vizcaino  and 


Ano  Nuevo 


i.de  Piiias 


Pta.de  Sn.Diego 
Ensenada  de  los  "Vlrgines 

ILA  DE,SN.MARTIN 


SPANISH  CHART,  1742. 

75  Naveyacion  Especidativa,  y  Prdctica,  con  la  Explication  de  alyvnos  instru- 
mentos,  qve  e.stan  mas  en  vso  en  los  naveyantes,  con  las  reylas  necesarias  para  su 
verdadero  vso,  etc. ;  Tabla  de  las  declinationes  del  sol,  computadas  al  meridiano  de 
San  Bernardino;  el  modo  de  navegar  por  la  yeometria;  por  las  tablas  de  rumbos; 
por  la  arithmetica;  por  la  triyonometria;  por  el  quadrante  de  reduction ;  por 
los  senos  loyarithmos;  y  comunes;  con  los  estampas,  yfiguras  perteneciente*  d  lo 
dicho,  y  otros  tratados  curiosos.  Compvesta  por  el  almirantc  D.  Joseph  Gon- 
zalez Cabrera  Bueno,  piloto  mayor  de  la  Carrera  de  Philipinas,  y  natural  de  la 
islet  de  Tenerife  una  de  los  Canarias,  qvien  la  dedica  al  M.  Iil.tre  Sen  D.  Fer- 
nando de  Valdes  y  Tamon. .  .Governador  y  Capitan  General  de  las  Islas  Phili- 
pinas, etc.  Manila,  1792,  fol.  11  f.  392  pages.  2  f.  The  bulk  of  the  work  is  a 
treatise  ou  navigation;  but  Part  V.,  292-364,  is  devoted  to  derrotas,  containing 
sailing  directions  for  the  various  Philippine  and  Pacific  routes;  and  chap,  v., 
302-22,  relates  to  the  coast  from  C.  Mendocino  to  Panama.  Portold  and 
Crespi  in  1769  had  a  copy  of  this  work,  or  at  least  were  familiar  with  its  con- 
tents; but  from  that  time  to  1874,  when  it  was  described  and  quoted  in  the 
Overland  Monthly  by  my  assistant,  I  have  found  no  indication  of  its  having 
been  consulted  by  any  writer. 


THE  NORTHERN  MYSTERY.  107 

Cabrera  Bueno.76  In  1757  appeared  Venegas'  work 
on  Baja  California,  from  which,  more  than  from  any 
other,  a  popular  knowledge  of  the  northern  expedi- 
tions was  derived.77 

The  topic  that  I  designate  the  Northern  Mystery — 
that  is  what  was  thought  and  written  and  pictured  in 
maps  respecting  the  coast  region  above  the  Californian 
gulf  from  1530  to  1769,  the  voyages  which  I  have 
described  in  this  chapter  furnishing  a  slight  founda- 
tion of  actual  knowledge  on  which  an  imposing  struct- 
ure was  reared  by  imagination,  theory,  and  falsehood — 
might  very  plausibly  be  regarded  as  a  part  of  the  his- 
tory of  California  as  a  country  stretching  indefinitely 
from  the  peninsula  to  the  mythic  strait  of  Anian. 
Yet  much  more  essential  is  this  subject  to  the  annals 
of  the  regions  above  latitude  42°,  and  therefore, 
especially  as  a  general  view  of  the  theories  involved 
has  already  been  presented/8  to  avoid  undesirable 
repetition  I  treat  the  subject  very  fully,  with  a  repro- 
duction of  many  quaint  old  maps,  in  another  volume 
relating)1  to  the  northern  countries,79  confining  my  re- 
marks here  to  a  very  brief  statement. 

The  chief  element  of  the  Northern  Mystery  was 
the  belief  in  and  search  for  an  interoceanic  strait  sepa- 
rating the  Mexican  regions  from  Asia.  This  strait 
at  first  was  between  South  America  and  the  Asiatic 
main;  but  was  pushed  constantly  northward  by  ex- 
ploration, and  was  to  be  found  always  just  beyond  the 
highest  latitude  visited.  Each  inlet  was  the  entrance 
to  the  strait  until  the  contrary  was  proved;  inlets 
were  discovered  or  written  about  that  existed  only  in 
imagination,  and  navigators  even  went  so  far  as  to 
claim  boldly  that  they  had  sailed  through  the  strait. 

™Anson's  Voyage,  ed.  1776,  384.  Also  in  Venegas,  Not.  Cal,  iii.  235-6. 
The  dotted  line  shows  the  route  of  the  galleons. 

77  Here  may  be  mentioned  a  report  given  by  the  natives  of   San  Luis 
Obispo  to  Father  Figuer  and  recorded  in  Anza,  jDiario,  MS.,  192-3,  in  1776, 
that  '23  years  before,  in  1753,  twelve  white  men  dressed  like  the  Spaniards 
landed  from  a  boat  and  were  subsequently  cast  away  on  the  coast  and  perished. 

78  See  Hist.  North  Mexican  States,  i.,  this  series. 

79  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i,  chap,  ii.-iv.,  this  series. 


108  THE  DISCOVERY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

At  first  the  belief  in  rich  islands,  on  the  way  to  India 
had  been  strong,  and  with  reports  of  the  strait,  rumors 
of  great  kingdoms,  cities,  amazon  isles,  gold,  and  pre- 
cious stones  naturally  multiplied. 

Next  by  some  strange  blunder,  apparently  of  the 
historian  Gomara,  the  wanderings  of  Coronado  in 
Arizona,  New  Mexico,  and  the  far  north-east,  were 
transferred  to  the  Pacific  coast,  and  for  many  years 
Tiguex,  Cicuic,  Quivira,  and  the  rest  appeared  dis- 
tributed along  the  shore  with  names  from  Cabrillo 
and  Drake.  For  no  other  reason  apparently  than  to 
provide  room  for  all  these  names,  it  was  customary  to 
make  the  coast  trend  but  little  north  of  west  between 
25°  and  40°,  thence  extending  north  to  the  strait. 
One  map,  however,  placed  California  far  north  of  the 
strait  of  Anian,  and  very  near  the  north  pole. 

In  the  third  great  development  of  the  imaginary 
geography,  California  played  a  more  definitely  im- 
portant part  than  in  those  mentioned.  The  New 
Mexican  names  were  removed  from  the  coast,  but 
California  from  Cape  San  Lucas  to  latitude  44°  be- 
came a  great  island.  At  first  the  gulf  and  peninsula 
were  mapped  with  remarkable  accuracy.  But  Lok  in 
1582  turned  the  coast  abruptly  eastward  above  44°. 
Ascension  in  1603  argued  that  Aguilar's  river  in  43° 
was  the  entrance  of  Anian,  and  probably  connected 
with  the  gulf.  Onate  at  the  Colorado  mouth  in  1604 
convinced  himself  that  the  gulf  extended  north  and 
east  to  the  Atlantic.  Cardona  in  1617,  having  as  he 
believed  seen  deep  water  extending  far  beyond  34°, 
openly  declared  the  whole  country  an  island.  And 
finally  a  party  of  adventurers  about  1620  had  no  dif- 
ficulty in  circumnavigating  California.  For  many 
years  the  country  was  so  mapped  and  described,  Nova 
Albion  forming  the  north  end  of  the  island.  From 
1700  to  1746  the  Jesuits  labored  to  restore  the  belief 
in  a  peninsula,  and  were  successful.  The  last  phases 
of  the  mystery  were  those  of  1751  and  1774  that  the 
Colorado  River  sent  off*  a  branch  to  Monterey  or  San 


ANCIENT  MAPS.  109 

Francisco,  and  then  the  search  for  northern  wonders 
was  transferred  to  the  far  north,  beyond  the  farthest 
limits  of  our  California. 

Of  the  many  maps  of  the  early  times  which  I  re- 
produce elsewhere,  and  of  the  many  more  similar  ones 
which  I  have  studied,  not  one  except  those  presented 
in  this  chapter  contains  any  real  information  about 
the  coast  of  Upper  California.  On  them  the  reader 
will  find  a  coast  line  varying  in  its  trend  from  north 
to  west,  marked  with  capes,  bays,  rivers,  and  towns, 
which,  except  so  far  as  founded  on  the  narratives  and 
maps  which  I  have  noted  in  this  chapter,  are  purely 
imaginary,  the  names  being  traceable  to  the  same  nar- 
ratives and  maps,  except  such  as  come  from  Coronado's 
inland  explorations.  These  maps  afford  an  interesting 
study,  but  have  no  bearing  on  real  discovery.  It  is 
not  unlikely,  however,  that  useful  original  maps  of 
Cabrillo's,  Cermenon's,  or  Vizcaino's  explorations  may 
yet  come  to  light,  or  that  in  the  mean  time  men  will 
continue  to  build  grave  theories  of  local  discovery  on 
the  vagaries  of  the  old  cosmographers. 


CHAPTEE  IV. 

MOTIVES  AND  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 
1767-1770. 

STATE  OF  THE  SPANISH  COLONIES — ACCIDENTAL  AWAKENING  FROM  APATHY — 
REVIVAL  OF  OLD  MOTIVES — FEAR  OF  THE  RUSSIANS — VISITADOR  JOSE  DB 
GALVEZ  ON  THE  PENINSULA — CHARACTER  AND  AUTHORITY  OF  THE  MAN — 
CONDITION  OF  AFFAIRS  IN  LOWER  CALIFORNIA — INSTRUCTIONS  AND  PLANS 
OF  GALVEZ  FOR  THE  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO  AND  MONTEREY — A  FOUR- 
FOLD EXPEDITION  us  SEA  AND  LAND — VESSELS,  TROOPS,  AND  SUPPLIES — 
PORTOLA,  RIVERA,  AND  SERRA — PLANS  FOR  THE  CONQUISTA  ESPIRITUAL 
— GALVEZ  CONSULTS  THE  PADRE  PRESIDENTS— SACRED  FORCED  LOANS — 
ACTIVE  PREPARATIONS — SAILING  OF  THE  FLEET  FROM  LA  PAZ  AND  CAPE 
SAN  LUCAS — MARCH  OF  THE  ARMY  FROM  THE  NORTHERN  FRONTIER — 
Loss  OF  THE  'SAN  JOSE' — TIDINGS  OF  SUCCESS. 

IN  all  the  historical  phases  briefly  alluded  to  in  the 
introductory  chapters  of  this  volume,  and  fully  pre- 
sented in  early  volumes  of  this  work,  I  have  shown  an 
epoch  of  decadence,  of  varying  length  in  different 
provinces,  but  nowhere  much  less  than  half  a  century 
in  duration.  The  adventurous  spirit  of  the  conquerors 
had  for  the  most  part  faded  away.  Poorly  equipped 
soldiers  performed  their  routine  of  garrison  duty,  and 
of  entradas  against  frontier  savages,  in  a  listless  me- 
chanical way  that  but  feebly  reflected  old-time  glories. 
Presidios  were  a  kind  of  public  works  for  the  support 
of  officials,  and  the  drawing  of  money  from  the  royal 
coffers.  Missionary  zeal  had  not  perhaps  materially 
abated ;  but  one  of  the  great  religious  orders  had  been 
driven  from  the  country.  The  friars  were  impeded 
in  their  efforts  by  discouraging  difficulties :  and  the 
mission  establishments,  reduced  in  number  by  secular- 
ization in  the  south,  by  destruction  and  consolidation 

(110) 


AWAKENING  FROM  LETHARGY.        .  Ill 

in  the  north,  decimated  in  population  by  pestilence, 
desertion,  and  diminished  fecundity,  ever  coveted  and 
disturbed  by  vicious  pobladores,  or  settlers,  had  passed 
the  era  of  their  greatest  prosperity.  The  most  famous 
mineral  districts  had  yielded  their  richest  superficial 
treasures  and  were  now,  by  reason  of  savage  raids, 
inefficient  working,  and  the  quicksilver  monopoly, 
comparatively  abandoned.  Commercial,  agricultural, 
and  manufacturing  industries  were  now  as  ever  at  a 
low  ebb.  The  native  population  had  lost  more  than 
nine  tenths  of  its  original  numbers,  the  survivors  liv- 
ing quietly  in  the  missions  as  neophytes,  toiling  in  the 
mines  or  on  the  haciendas  practically  as  slaves,  or 
ranging  the  mountains  as  apostates  more  dreaded 
than  the  savages  of  the  frontier.  The  fables  of  the 
Northern  Mystery  had  lost  something  of  their  charm, 
and  were  no  longer  potent  to  inspire  at  court  the  fit- 
ting-out of  armies  or  fleets.  For  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  no  exploring  vessel  had  sailed  up  the  north- 
ern coasts.  Province  after  province  had  settled  into 
that  stagnation  which  sooner  or  later  became  the  lot 
of  every  Spanish  colony. 

We  come  now  to  the  partial  awakening  from  this 
lethargy  which  caused,  or  permitted,  the  occupation 
of  Alta  California  by  Spain  in  1769.  This  occupa- 
tion was  in  a  certain  sense  accidental;  that  is,  all  the 
motives  leading  to  it  had  long  existed  and  had  with 
one  exception  no  new  force  at  this  time.  For  over 
one  hundred  and  sixty  years,  or  since  the  voyage  of 
Sebastian  Vizcaino  in  1602,  as  much  had  been  known 
of  the  country  as  was  now  known.  This  knowledge  em- 
braced the  general  trend  and  appearance  of  the  coast, 
the  comparative  fertility  of  the  country  and  intelli- 
gent docility  of  its  people,  the  existence,  location,  and 
general  description  of  ports  San  Diego,  Monterey,  and 
that  under  Point  Reyes  called  San  Francisco,  with  a 
tolerably  accurate  account  of  the  Santa  Barbara  chan- 
nel and  islands.  Thus  it  was  no  new  information  about 
the  country  that  prompted  the  Californian  conquest. 


112  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

During  all  those  years  the  Spanish  Court  had  fully 
realized  the  importance  of  extending  its  dominion 
over  the  north  and  especially  over  the  coast  region; 
but  various  troubles  at  home  and  abroad  had  encour- 
aged procrastination.  Year  after  year  the  Manila 
galleon,  coming  from  the  west  by  the  northern  route 
sadly  in  need  of  a  refitting  and  relief  station,  had 
borne  her  strained  timbers  and  oriental  treasure  and 
scurvy-stricken  crew  down  past  the  California  ports; 
yet  no  practical  effort  was  made  to  possess  and  utilize 
those  ports,  though  it  was  always  intended  to  do  so 
at  some  future  convenient  season,  and  scores  of  un- 
heeded communications  on  the  subject  passed  between 
Mexico  and  Spain.  Tales  of  the  Northern  Mystery, 
of  great  empires  and  rich  cities,  of  golden  mountains, 
pearl  islands,  and  giant  queens,  so  effective  in  the 
earlier  days,  had  lost,  as  we  have  seen,  much  of  their 
power  at  court,  if  not  elsewhere;  yet  little  doubt  was 
ever  felt  that  the  strait  of  Anian  afforded  a  northern 
passage  by  which  a  fleet  of  English ,  cruisers  might 
any  day  appear  from  the  north-east  to  seize  upon 
Anian  and  Quivira,  and  to  ravage  more  southern 
coasts.  The  fear  was  real  enough  to  the  Spaniards, 
but  it  was  by  no  means  sufficient  to  rouse  them  from 
their  apathy,  which  also  successfully  withstood  the 
better-founded  fear  of  Russian  encroachments  from 
the  north-west  across  rather  than  through  the  famous 
strait;  a  fear  that  furnished  the  only  motive  for  north- 
ern conquest  which  had  any  new  or  unusual  weight  at 
this  time.  Finally  among  operative  incentives  must 
be  mentioned  the  missionary  ambition  to  convert 
northern  gentiles.  Many  times  was  the  king  re- 
minded of  the  rich  spiritual  harvest  to  be  gathered 
in  California,  by  friars  who  never  allowed  hini  to  for- 
get the  secular  advantages  to  be  gained  by  complying 
with  their  wishes;  but  of  late  the  petitions  of  Jesuits 
and  Franciscans,  even  for  aid  and  protection  in  the 
old  frontier  districts,  had  received  but  little  attention. 
Indeed,  it  does  not  appear  that  the  Franciscans  were 


GALVEZ  IN  THE  PENINSULA.  113 

especially  urgent  at  this  juncture  in  their  claims  to 
be  sent  up  the  coast. 

The  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits  in  1767  fixed  the 
attention  of  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  authorities  on 
the  north-west,  where  were  situated  the  principal 
missions  of  the  expelled  order.  California,  by  reason 
of  the  old  mysterious  charm  hanging  about  the  name 
and  country,  the  strangely  exalted  value  and  impor- 
tance which  the  Jesuits  had  always  attached  to  the 
barren  peninsula,  and  the  current  tales  of  immense 
treasure  hidden  there  by  the  society,  attracted  a  very 
large  share  of  this  attention.  Moreover  the  explora- 
tions of  the  Russians  on  the  Alaska  coasts  from  1741 
to  1765  were  tolerably  well  known  to  the  Spanish 
authorities;  the  danger  of  Russian  encroachment 
seemed  more  threatening  than  in  past  years;  and 
finally  the  fitting-out  of  a  military  expedition  for  the 
relief  of  Sonora  suggested  the  expediency  of  taking 
steps  at  this  time  for  the  protection  of  the  peninsula. 
Accordingly  Jose  de  Galvez  decided  to  visit  in  person 
the  western  coast,  and  not  only  to  superintend  prep- 
arations for  'the  Sonora  campaign,  but  to  cross  the 
gulf,  investigate  the  state  of  affairs  in  Baja  California, 
and  to  adopt  such  measures  as  might  be  found  neces- 
sary for  its  safety. 

Galvez  set  out  from  Mexico  for  San  Bias  April  9, 
1768.  Shortly  after  his  departure  Viceroy  Croix  re- 
ceived from  King  Carlos  III.  orders  to  the  effect  that 
in  connection  with  other  precautions  against  the  Rus- 
sians on  the  north-west  coast,  San  Diego  and  Mon- 
terey should  be  occupied  and  fortified.  It  had  occurred 
to  the  monarch,  or  his  advisers,  that  this  would  be  an 
opportune  time  to  carry  into  effect  an  old  scheme, 
give  to  the  galleons  their  long-desired  harbor,  and 
secure  an  important  coast  line  from  foreign  aggression. 
How  the  order  was  worded,  whether  peremptory  in  its 
terms  or  in  the  form  of  a  recommendation,  does  not 
appear.  But  that  under  ordinary  circumstances  it 
would  have  been  obeyed  with  any  degree  of  prompti- 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    8 


114  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

tude  may  well  be  doubted.  The  governor  instructed 
to  investigate  and  report;  zealous  friars  called  upon 
for  their  views;  the  Franciscan  authorities  consulted 
as  to  the  supply  of  missionaries;  treasury  officials 
questioned  about  ways  and  means;  preliminary  explor- 
ations, conflicting  reports,  petty  quarrels — all  these 
with  the  interminable  complication  of  red-tape  com- 
munications therewith  connected,  resulting  in  vexa- 
tious delay,  if  not  in  absolute  failure,  may  be  readily 
pictured  by  the  reader  of  preceding  volumes,  familiar 
with  the  ways  of  the  period. 

Fortunately  none  of  these  obstacles  was  in  this  case 
interposed.  The  royal  order  was  clear  that  San  Diego 
and  Monterey  should  be  occupied ;  the  movement  was 
not  a  complicated  or  apparently  difficult  one;  it  was 
promptly  and  effectually  executed.  The  cause  of  this 
unusual  promptness  was  in  the  man  who  undertook  to 
carry  out  the  order.  The  whole  matter  was  by  the 
viceroy  turned  over  to  Jose  de  Galvez,  who  was,  as  we 
have  seen,  on  his  way  to  the  Jalisco  coast  to  embark 
for  the  peninsula.  Galvez  had  come  to  Mexico  in  1765 
as  visitador  general  of  New  Spain.  'He  was  a  member 
of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  subsequently  minis- 
ter of  state,  holding  the  latter  position  at  the  time 
of  his  death  in  1789.  He  was  invested  by  Carlos  III. 
with  well  nigh  absolute  powers  to  investigate  and 
reform  the  administration  of  the  government  in  its 
different  branches,  particularly  in  matters  pertaining 
to  the  royal  finances.  Independent  of  the  viceroy  in 
many  respects  by  virtue  of  his  position,  only  nominally 
subordinate  in  others,  assuming  probably  some  prerog- 
atives that  did  not  belong  to  him,  he  was  to  all  intents 
the  highest  authority  in  New  Spain.  The  viceroy 
Cruillas  was  removed  from  office  largely  because  of 
his  opposition  to  the  visitador,  and  was  replaced  by 
the  more  complaisant  Marques  de  Croix.  If  there 
were  any  viceregal  attributes  not  originally  possessed 
by  Galvez,  or  arbitrarily  assumed  by  him,  they  were 
especially  delegated  to  him  by  Croix  when  he  started 


PON  JOS2  DE  GALVEZ.  115 

for  the  west.  Thus  powerful  and  independent,  Galvez 
was  also  remarkable  for  his  practical  good  sense,  busi- 
ness ability,  untiring  energy,  and  disregard  of  all 
routine  formalities  that  stood  in  his  way.  He  is 
entitled  to  the  first  place  among  the  pioneers  of  Cal- 
ifornia though  he  never  set  foot  in  the  country.1 

Galvez  sailed  from  San  Bias  in  May,  but  was  driven 
to  the  Tres  Marias  and  back  to  Mazatlan,  not  reach- 
ing the  peninsula  till  the  first  week  in  July.  At  this 
time  Captain  Gaspar  de  PortoM,  an  easy-going,  pop- 
ular man,  but  brave  and  honest  withal,  was  ruling  the 
country  as  civil  and  military  governor,  while  Captain 
Fernando  Javier  Rivera  y  Moncada  commanded  the 
garrison  of  about  forty  soldiers  at  Loreto.  PortoM 
was  a  new-comer  of  the  preceding  year;  Rivera  had 
been  long  in  the  country.2  The  missions  were  in  the 

1  Galvez  was  'alcalde  de  casa  y  corte,  ministro  del  consejo  de  Indias,  mar- 
que's de  Sonora,  ministro  de  estado  y  del  despacho  universal  de  Indias.'  Rivera, 
Gobernantes  de  ]\fcx.,  402-10.  This  is  the  only  authority  I  have  seen  for  the 
exact  date  of  the  departure  from  Mexico.  In  an  edict  dated  Nov.  2,  17G8, 
in  Lower  California,  Galvez  signs  himself  'del  consejo  y  camara  de  Su  Mages- 
tad  en  cl  real  y  supremo  de  las  Indias,  yntendeiite  de  exe"rcito,  visitador  gen- 
eral de  todos  los  tribunales  de  justicia,  caxas,  y  demas  ramos  de  real  hacienda 
de  estos  reynos,  y  comisionado  con  las  amplisimas  facultades  del  Ex.  Sr.  Mar- 
que's de  Croix.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  C.  In  his  report  to  the  viceroy  dated 
June  10,  1709,  he  gives  as  the  chief  object  of  the  northern  expedition  the 
establishment  of  a  presidio  to  protect  the  peninsula  from  the  danger  always 
threatened  by  foreign  nations  'y  con  especialidad  las  (tentativas)  que  ultima- 
mente  ban  hecho  los  rusos  pretendiendo  familiarizarso  con  la  navegacion  del 
mar  do  Tartaria. '  Pal  oil,  Not.,  i.  183.  See  also  for  notices  concerning  Galvez' 
coming  to  lower  California.  Id.,  i.  248-50.  Fear  of  the  Russians  as  the  leading 
motive  for  the  northern  establishment  is  mentioned  in  Armona,  Carta,  1770, 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Uex.,  4th  ser.,  torn.  ii.  15G-7;  Revilla-Gigedo,  Informe  de  1793, 
according  to  Cavo,  Tres  81-jlos,  iii.  117;  by  Navarrete,  in  trod,  to  Sutll  y  Mex. 
Viagc,  xci.-ii. ;  and  by  other  writers.  Greenhow,  Or.  and  C'aL,  105,  tells  us 
that  Galvez  was  a  man  of  the  most  violent  and  tyrannical  disposition.  If  this 
be  true  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  violence  and  tyranny  were  not  more  common 
qualities  in  Spanish  officials.  Hughes,  California,  119,  learns  from  Harper's 
Biofj.  Cyclopedia,  that  Galvez  visited  California  in  search  of  gold-mines  dis- 
covered by  the  Jesuits ;  that  his  companion,  Miguel  Jos6  de  Arenza,  became 
discouraged  after  a  few  weeks,  recommending  the  abandonment  of  the  search 
and  accusing  Galvez  of  insanity  for  continuing  it,  for  which  he  Was  cast 
into  prison !  Galvez  was  ill  in  Sonora  after  leaving  California,  and  is  said 
to  have  imprisoned  his  secretary  Azanza,  afterward  viceroy,  for  saying 
that  his  malady  was  mental.  Such  was  the  origin  doubtless  of  the  story. 
Venegas,  Not.  Col.,  ii.  200,  543-4,  iii.  4-14,  has  something  to  say  on  the 
proposals  to  settle  Alta  California  and  how  the  matter  stood  in  the  middle 
of  the  century. 

2  Biographical  sketches  of  these  officers  will  be  given  later.  As  authority 
for  the  fonn  of  Portola's  name  I  cite  his  signature  in  an  original  letter  of  1779 


116  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

hands  of  sixteen  Franciscan  friars  from  the  college  of 
San  Fernando  in  Mexico,  who  had  been  in  possession 
only  about  three  months,  and  were  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Father  Junlpero  Serra  as  president.3  There  is 
nothing  to  show  that  either  governor,  or  commandant, 
or  president  had  come  to  the  peninsula  with  any  ex- 
pectation that  their  authority  was  to  be  soon  extended 
'to  the  northern  coast.  Yet  all  doubtless  shared  the 
prevalent  impression,  amounting  to  a  hope  in  the 
minds  of  the  padres,  that  sooner  or  later  Monterey 
and  San  Diego  were  to  be  occupied  and  missionary 
work  begun.  Galvez  set  himself  to  work  most  zeal- 
ously to  investigate  the  condition  and  supply  the  needs 
of  the  peninsula  establishments.  His  policy  and  acts 
in  this  direction  are  fully  set  forth  in  connection  with 
the  annals  of  Lower  California.4 

But  the  visitador  kept  always  in  mind  his  project 
of  northern  conquest.  Rapidly  his  busy  brain  ma- 
tured a  plan  of  action,  which  had  probably  been  con- 
ceived before  he  left  San  Bias,  and  which  a  few  months 
after  his  arrival  he  was  ready  to  carry  into  execution. 
Means  and  methods  were  fortunately  under  his  exclu- 
sive control,  and  -he  had  resolved  on  an  expedition  in 
four  divisions,  two_by  sea  and  two  by  land,  to  start 
separately,  but  all  to  meet  at  San  Diego,  and  thence 
press  on  to  Monterey.  Thus  a  practical  knowledge  of 
both  routes  would  be  gained,  transportation  econo- 
mized, and  risks  of  failure  lessened.  Available  for  the 
sea-going  divisions  were  two  small  vessels, iliepaq  uebotes, 
or  snows,  San  Carlos  and  San  Antonio,  under  the  com- 
mand of  captains  Vicente  Vila  and  Juan  Perez,  expe- 
rienced pilotos  of  the  royal  navy.  They  had  been  built 

among- the  MSS.  of  Molera;  Portold,  Dlario  del  Viacje,  17C9,  MS.,  a  contem- 
porary copy;  Ortega  in  Santa  Clara,  Arch.  Parr.,  MS.,  48;  Palou,  Vida;  and 
Monterey,  Estracto  de  Noticias;  though  Serra  wrote  it  Portala  in  San  Dieijo, 
Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  63;  and  in  Palou,  Noticias,  it  is  printed  Portola. 

3  Father  Serra  was  a  native  of  Mallorca,  55  years  of  age,  who  had  come 
to  America  in  1749,  had  served  as  a  missionary  in  the  Sierra  Gorda  district 
for  nine  years,  and  about  the  same  time  in  the  college,  or  travelling  as  comi- 
sario  of  the  inquisition.  Palou,  Vida,  1-13,  43-G.     See  preceding  note. 

4  See  Hist.  North  Mexican  States,  vol.  i.,  this  series. 


VISITADOR  ATO  PRESIDENT.  117 

for  the  transportation  of  troops  to  Sonora,  and  the  co- 
mandante  at  San  Bias  had  orders  to  fit  them  out  and 
send  them  over  to  La  Paz  with  the  least  possible  delay. 
The  land  expeditions  under  Portola  and  Rivera  were  to 
march  from  Santa  Maria  on  the  northern  frontier.  An 
additional  military  force  would  be  required,  to  supply 
which  Colonel  Elizondo  was  instructed  to  send  over 
twenty -five  Catalan  volunteers5  under  Lieutenant 
Pedro  Fages.  The  peninsular  missions  must  assist  at 
the  birth  of  the  new  ones,  by  furnishing  church  orna- 
ments, live-stock,  and  other  supplies  to  the  full  extent 
of  their  ability. 

From  his  head-quarters  at  Santa  Ana  Galvez  super- 
intended the  collection  at  La  Paz  and  Cape  San  Lucas 
of  everything  that  was  to  be  forwarded  by  sea.  He 
sent  north  supplies  for  the  land  expedition,  and  ap- 
pointed Captain  Rivera,  a  man  practically  acquainted 
with  the  country,  as  comisario  with  instructions  to 
proceed  northward  from  mission  to  mission,  and  take 
from  each  all  the  live-stock,  provisions,  and  imple- 
ments that  could  be  spared.  Likewise  he  was  to  re- 
cruit some  people  for  the  new  settlements,  and  bring 
everything  to  Santa  Maria  with  all  possible  despatch. 
Rivera  set  out  upon  this  work  in  August  or  Septem- 
ber 1768.6 

The  proposed  occupation  of  the  northern  country, 
however,  was  to  be  spiritual  as  well  as  military.  The 
natives  were  to  be  converted  after  their  subjection, 
and  not  only  presidios  but  missions  were  to  be 
founded.  Preparations  having  been  effectually  set  on 
foot  en  lo  secular,  it  was  now  time  for  the  spiritual 
aspect  of  the  scheme  to  receive  attention.  Accord- 
ingly the  padre  president  was  invited  to  come  down 
to  Santa  Ana  for  a  personal  interview  with  the  visita- 
dor,  as  he  did,  arriving  at  the  end  of  October.  Serra 
doubtless  had  before  this  time  made  himself  pretty 
well  acquainted  with  what  Galvez  was  doing  and  pro- 

5 The  Catalonia  company,  1st  battalion,  2cl  regiment,  light  infantry,  had 
left  Cadiz  May  27,  1767.  Prov.  Stat.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  2. 

6  Palou,  Not.  i.  252,  says  August ;  but  in  Vida,  65,  September. 


118  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

posed  to  do;  but  he  listened  patiently  to  the  visita- 
dor's  explanations,  and  then  not  only  expressed  his 
approval  of  the  scheme,  but  announced  his  intention 
to  join  the  land  expedition  in  person.  It  was  thought 
best  to  found,  besides  the  missions  at  San  Diego  and 
Monterey,  another  at  some  intermediate  point,7  and 
still  another  on  the  frontier  of  Lower  California  in 
order  to  facilitate  communication  between  the  old 
establishments  and  the  new.  Three  priests  were  to  go 
north  by  sea  and  three  by  land;  and  in  order  that  so 
many  might  be  spared  three  were  drawn  from  the 
college  of  San  Fernando.  Serra  agreed  with  Galvez 
that  church  furniture,  ornaments,  and  vestments, 
must  be  supplied  by  the  old  missions.  Surplus  grain 
and  other  articles  of  food  were  to  be  taken  as  gifts, 
while  live-stock  and  implements  must  be  regarded  as 
loans,  and  as  such  repaid  in  kind.  This  burden,  al- 
though in  accord  with  the  past  policy  of  both  Jesuits 
and  Franciscans  that  old  missions  must  support  the 
new,  might  have  met  with  opposition  had  there  been 
any  to  oppose. 

The  king's  and  viceroy's  representative,  the  civil 
and  military  governor,  and  the  president  of  the 
missions  were  in  accord  on  the  subject.  The  natives 
were  not  consulted,  and  the  priests  were  new-comers, 
not  very  deeply  interested  in  the  country  or  in  their 
respective  missions.8  Galvez  and  Serra  had  only 
themselves  to  convince  that  the  measure  was  right, 
and  the  task  was  not  a  hard  one.  The  Francis- 
cans were  bound  by  their  vows,  said  the  visitador, 
the  president  echoing  approval,  to  spread  the  faith, 
not  to  accumulate  wealth  or  build  up  grand  establish- 
ments— a  doctrine  that  subsequently  lost  something 
of  its  force  in  the  land  whither  they  were  going.  Serra 
took  a  list  of  the  church  property  that  Galvez  had 
already  collected,  and  promised  to  continue  this  sacred 

7  According  to  Palou,  Vida,  57,  this  intermediate. mission  was  to  be  called 
San  Buenaventura. 

8 Palou,  Not.,  1.  43-56,  claims  also  that*Galvez,  the  viceroy,  and  the  king 
fully  repaid  the  missions  later  for  all  that  was  taken. 


A  PATRON  SAINT.  110 

though  enforced  loan  in  the  north,  as  he  did  some 
months  later.9 

During  the  month  of  November,  Father  Junipero 
made  a  tour  of  the  southern  missions,  completing 
arrangements  for  secularization  which  should  release 
two  more  priests  for  duty  in  the  north.  A  slaughter 
of  wild  cattle  in  the  south  furnished  meat  for  the  first 
sea  expedition.  Stores  of  all  kinds  were  collected 
at  La  Paz.  Galvez  issued  a  proclamation  naming  St 
Joseph  the  patron  saint  of  the  adventure,10  and  shortly 
after  Lieutenant  Fages  arrived  from  Guaymas  with 
twenty -five  Catalan  volunteers  of  the  compania  franca, 
who  were  to  go  by  sea  as  a  first  detachment  of  the 
invading  army  to  overcome  gentile  battalions  that 
might  oppose  the  landing  and  progress  of  the  Spaniards. 

9  Palou  gives  long  lists  of  all  the  church  property  taken  from  each  mission, 
which  I  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  combine  into  the  following,  which  is 
as  nearly  accurate  as  the  author's  occasional  use  of  the  terms  '  several '  and  '  a 
fe\v'  will  permit:  7  church  bells,  11  small  altar  bells,  23  altar  cloths,  5  choir 
copes,  3  surplices,  4  carpets,  2  coverlets,  3  roquetes,  3  veils,  19  full  sets  sacred 
raiments,  different  colors,  6  old  single  vestments,  17  albas,  albs,  or  white 
tunics,  10  pallos,  palliums,  or  short  cloaks,  10  amitos,  amices,  or  pieces  of  linen, 

-ubles,  12  girdles,  6  hopas,  or  cassocks,  18  altar-linens,  or  corporales,  21 
j.'T/jiradores,  purificatories,  or  chalice  cloths,  1  pall  cloth,  11  pictures  of  the 
virgin,  12  silver  or  gilded  chalices,  1  cibary,  or  silver  goblet,  7  crismeras,  or 
silver  phials  for  chrism,  or  sacred  oil,  1  custodia,  or  silver  casket  for  holy 
wafers,  5  concha*,  or  silver  conchs  for  baptism,  6  incensarios,  or  silver  censers 
With  incense  dish  and  spoon,  12  pairs  of  viiiageras,  silver  and  glass  cruets  for 
Wine  and  water,  1  silver  cross  with  pedestal,  1  box  containing  Jesus,  Mary, 
told  Joseph,  1  copper  platter  for  baptismal  font,  2  copper  baptismal  fonts,  29 
brass,  copper,  and  silver  candlesticks,  1  copper  dipper  for  holy  water,  1  silver 
jar,  1  tin  wafer  box,  3  statues,  2  silver  suns  or  dazzlers,  4  irons  for  making 
wafers,  coins  and  rings  for  arras  at  marriages,  5  aras,  or  consecrated  stones, 
4  missals  and  a  missal-stand,  1  Betaiicurt's  Manual;  also  quantities  of  hand- 
kerchiefs, curtains,  and  tinsels ;  with  laces,  silks,  and  other  stuffs  to  be  made 
into  altar  upholstery,  taken  from  the  royal  almacen  at  Loreto.  This  church 
property  was  for  the  most  part  sent  by  water  to  the  new  establishments. 
Many  of  the  old  vestments  and  church  ornaments,  some  dating  back  perhaps 
to  this  first  invoice,  are  yet  preserved  in  the  missions.  See  Visit  to  Southern 
California,  MS. 

10  In  his  proclamation,  dated  Nov.  21st,  and  preserved  in  Arch.  Santa  Bdr- 

iS.,  i.  15,  16,  Galvez  refers  to  the  driving  away  of  the  locusts  in  1767,  at 
S;  u  Jos6  del  Cabo  by  aid  of  St  Joseph's  image,  as  a  reason  why  the  Monterey 
expedition  is  to  be  under  him  as  patron.  He  charges  the  priests  to  say  mass 
or.  the  19th  of  every  month,  and  the  rogative  litany  while  the  expeditions  con- 
tinue, imploring  through  the  intercession  of  the  saint  divine  protection,  and 
tl.  is  in  addition  to  the  regular  salve  to  Maria,  patron  of  all  the  Calif  ornian  con- 
versions, and  also  in  addition  to  the  regulajj^esto  of  San  Jose*.  On  the  same 
dc.y  he  calls  the  attention  of  Padre  Lasuen  to  this  matter.  Letter  in  Id.,  xi. 
36D-70,  with  another  letter  of  Nov.  23d,  relating  to  supplies  from  the  Loreto 
w  irehouse. 


120  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

Early  in  December  the  San  Carlos  arrived  at  La  Paz 
from  San  Bias.  She  had  been  hastily  and,  like  all 
Pacific  coast  craft  of  the  time,  imperfectly  constructed, 
had  encountered  stormy  weather,  and  was  in  a  leaky 
condition.  She  was  already  partially  laden  with  effects 
for  the  north  from  the  San  Bias  warehouses;  but  had 
to  be  unloaded,  careened,  and  loaded  again,  all  of  which 
labor  Galvez  personally  superintended,  often  lending 
a  hand  in  the  stowing  of  an  unwieldy  package,  greatly 
to  the  encouragement  of  his  men  and  to  the  admira- 
tion of  the  chroniclers.11  The  9th  of  January  ,1769 
the  San  Carlos  was  ready.  All  who  were  going  in 
her  confessed,  heard  mass,  partook  of  the  communion, 
and  then  listened  to  a  parting  address  from  Galvez. 
The  visitador  reminded  his  hearers  that  theirs  was  a 
glorious  mission,  that  they  were  going  to  plant  the 
cross  among  the  heathen,  and  charged  them  in  the 
name  of  God,  the  king,  and  the  viceroy  to  respect 
their  priests  and  maintain  peace  and  union  among 
themselves.  Finally  Junipero  Serra  pronounced  a 
formal  blessing  on  the  pilgrims,  their  vessel,  the  flag, 
the  crew,  and  on  Father  Parron,  to  whom  was  in- 
trusted the  spiritual  care  of  the  company.  The  cere- 
mony over,  the  San  Carlos  put  to  sea.  Galvez  in  the 
Conception  accompanied  her  clown  the  gulf  from  La  Paz 
to  Cape  San  Lucas,  watching  her  until  she  doubled  the 
point  and  struck  bravely  northward  before  a  fair  wind.12 
While  the  president  returned  to  Loreto  Galvez 
gave  his  attention  to  the  San  Antonio,  which  was  to 
follow  the  San  Carlos.  Touching  at  La  Paz  the  15th 
of  January,  she  arrived  at  Cape  San  Lucas  the  25th.13 

11  Palou,  Vida,  60,  notes  that  Galvez  was  particularly  zealous  in  packing 
.for  San  Buenaventura  which  he  called  his  mission,  and  was  delighted  at  having 
done  his  work  quicker  than  Padre  Junipero  who  packed  for  his  mission  of 
San  Carlos. 

1-Crespi,  in  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  149,  says  the  San  Cdrlos  sailed  January  10th. 
Leaving  La  Paz  on  the  9th,  she  may  have  been  last  seen  by  Galvez  on  the  10th, 
though  Palou,  Not.,  i.  216,  says  it  was  the  llth.  For  further  details  respecting 
the  officers,  men,  cargo,  instructions,  and  plans,  see  description  of  the  voyage 
in  the  next  chapter. 

13 Galvez'  letter  in  Prow.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  44.  Palou,  Vida,  61,  tells  us 
that  the  8. in  Antonio  had  gone  to  San  Lucas  because  prevented  by  the  wind 
fro;u  rca'jliinsc  La  Paz. 


PEREZ  SAILS  ON  THE  SAN  ANTONIO.  121 

Her  condition  being  no  better  than  that  of  the 
capitana,  or  flag-ship,  she  was  unloaded  and  careened, 
and  so  was  not  ready  for  sea  till  the  15th  of  Feb- 
ruary. Then,  after  an  exhortation  by  Galvez  and  the 
usual  religious  ceremonies,  Perez  shook  out  his  sails 
and  with  a  fair  wind  struck  northward  from  San 
Jose  del  Cabo.  ."God  seems  to  reward  my  only 
virtue,  my  faith,"  writes  Galvez  to  Fages,  "for  all 
goes  well."14 

Meanwhile  active  preparations  for  the  land  expe- 
dition were  being  made  in  the  north.  Rivera  had 
left  Santa  Ana  in  September,  as  we  have  seen.  On 
his  way  northward  he  had  visited  each  mission  and 
had  taken  such  live-stock  and  other  needed  supplies 
as  he  and  the  different  friars  thought  could  be  spared. 
The  200  cattle,  140  horses,  46  mules,  and  two  asses, 
with  various  implements  and  articles  of  food  thus 
acquired,15  were  collected  at  first  at  the  frontier  mis- 
sion of  Santa  Maria,  but  the  pasturage  there  being 
insufficient  for  his  animals,  Rivera  soon  transferred  his 
camp  to  Yelicatd  eight  or  ten  leagues  farther  north.16 
From  this  point  he  sent  word  to  Galvez  at  Santa  Ana 
and  to  Serra  at  Loretd  that  he  would  be  ready  to 
start  for  San  Diego  in  March.  The  president  had 
returned  to  Loreto  at  the  end  of  January,  and  had 
since  been  busily  engaged  in  his  preparations,  forward- 
ing such  articles  as  he  could  get  to  La  Paz  or  to  Santa 
Maria  according  as  they  were  to  go  by  water  or  by 
land.  On  receipt  of  Rivera's  message  he  at  once  noti- 
fied Fray  Juan  Crespi,  who  was  to  accompany  the  first 
land  expedition,  to  join  the  force  at  Velicata  without 
delay.  Crespi,  an  intimate  personal  friend  as  well  as 

14  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.M.  46. 

lu  Tho  articles,  not  including  the  Loreto  contribution,  were  54  aparejos,  or 
pack-saddles,  28  leather  bags,  1  case  of  bottles,  13  sides  of  leather,  28  arrobas 
of  figs,  1  bale  and  4  arrobas  of  sugar,  340  arrobas  tasajo,  or  dried  meat,  28 
arrobas  flour,  35  almudes  pinole,  21  fanegas  wheat,  23  arrobas  raisins,  4 
cargas  biscuits,  10  arrobas  lard,  2  jugs  and  12  bottles  wine.  Eatables  were 
gifts.  Palou,  Not.,  i.  43-5.  Galvez  sent  some  implements  and  seeds.  Id. 
Vida,  60. 

16  He  reached  Velicatii  before  Dec.  20th  on  which  date  he  \vrote  to  Galvez. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  45. 


122  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

obedient  subordinate  of  Serra,17  accordingly  left  his 
mission  of  Purisirna  the  26th  of  February  and  reached 
Rivera's  camp  on  the  22d  of  March,  having  been 
joined  at  Santa  Maria  by  Padre  Lasuen  who  had 
journeyed  from  San  Francisco  de  Borja  in  order  to 
bestow  the  customary  blessing  on  the  departing  pil- 
grims. Everything  was  in  readiness,  and  two  days 
after  the  coming  of  the  friars  Rivera's  little  army 
began  its  march  into  the  land  of  gentiles. 

Portola  with  the  second  division  of  the  land,  expe- 
dition was  already  on  his  way  to  the  northern  frontier, 
having  left  Loreto  on  the  ninth  of  March;18  but  he 
was  obliged  to  await  at  Santa  Maria  the  transporta- 
tion from  'San  Luis  Bay  of  supplies  which  had  been 
sent  up  by  water.19  Serra  was  unable  to  accompany 
the  governor  because  his  work  of  collecting  church 
utensils  and  ornaments  was  not  yet  completed,  and 
he  was  besides  suffering  from  a  sore  foot,  obtained 
long  before  on  a  walk  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico, 
which  made  it  doubtful  to  every  one  but  himself 
whether  he  would  be  able  to  go  with  the  expedition 
at  all.  However,  he  promised  to  follow  as  soon  as 
possible,  and  meanwhile  sent  Campa  from  San  Ignacio 
in-  his  place.  At  the  end  of  March,  though  still  very 
lame,  he  was  ready  to  start,  and  after  spending  several 
days  at  San  Javier  with  Francisco  Palou,20  whom  he 
appointed  president  of  the  old  missions  during  his 
absence,  he  journeyed  slowly  and  painfully  northward, 
stopping  at  each  mission  except  Mulege,  and  finally 

17  Crespi  was  like  Serra  a  native  of  Mallorca,  had  come  to  America  in  the 
same  vessel,  and  had  served   16  years  in  the  Sierra  Gorda  missions.     He 
was  at  this  time  48  years  of  age.     Many  old  Californians  say  they  were 
accustomed  to  hear  his  name  pronounced  by  their  fathers  Crespi,  and  it  is  so 
written  in  Portola,  Diarlo  and  other  MSS. 

18  Sergeant  Jose  F.  Ortega,  who  was  with  Portold  on  this  march,  says  that 
he  left  Loreto  March  14.    Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  171.    According  to  a  frag- 
ment in  Ortega's  handwriting  in  Sta.  Clara,  Arch.  Parroquia,  MS.,  48,  the 
date  was  March  14th  or  16th.     Palou  makes  it  the  9th. 

19  They  had  been  sent  by  the  canoas  San  lynacio  and  San  Borja,  which 
returned  to  San  Lucas  before  Feb.  14th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  45. 

20  Palou  was  now  47  years  of  age.     He  had  been  a  pupil  of  Serra  in  Spain, 
•was  perhaps  also  a  native  of  Mallorca,  had  come  with  him  to  America,  and 
had  served  with  him  in  the  Sierra  Gorda. 


ALL  EN  EOUTE.  123 

joining  the  governor's  party  at  Santa  Maria  the  5th 
of  May.  The  whole  company  left  Santa  Maria  on  the 
llth,  and  arrived  at  Velicata  the  14th.21  The  same 
day  a  mission  was  founded  there  under  the  name  of 
San  Fernando,  Cam  pa  being  left  in  charge;  then  on 
the  15th  of  May  Portola  with  the  second  land  expe- 
dition set  out  and  followed  the  track  of  Rivera. 

Thus  within  a  period  of  four  months  Galvez  had 
despatched  the  four  divisions,  and  only  an  extraordi- 
nary series  of  misfortunes  could  prevent  the  successful 
occupation  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey.  He  had  not, 
however,  quite  reached  the  limit  of  his  efforts  in  that 
direction,  since  he  had  caused  to  be  built  at  San  Bias 
a  new  vessel,  especially  intended  for  northern  coast 
service,  and  named  for  the  patron  saint  of  the  expedi- 
tion the  San  Jose.  She  arrived  at  Cape  San  Lucas  on 
the  13th  of  February,  two  days  before  the  departure 
of  the  San  Antonio,2*  but  it  was  found  necessary  to 
overhaul  her  for  repairs  at  the  cape  harbor,  whence 
she  was  convoyed  by  Galvez  in  a  sloop  to  Loreto  in 
April.  In  May  she  bore  the  visitador  across  the  gulf 
to  the  Rio  Mayo,  and  brought  back  part  of  a  cargo  of 
supplies  to  Loreto,  where  she  completed  her  lading 
and  sailed  for  San  Diego  on  the  16th  of  June.23  She 
was  to  have  touched  at  San  Jose  del  Cabo  to  take  on 
board  Father  Murguia  and  some  church  ornaments; 
but  nothing  was  seen  of  her  there  or  elsewhere,  until 
three  months  later  she  appeared  at  Loreto  with  a 
broken  mast  and  otherwise  disabled.  Word  was  sent 
to  Galvez  in  Sonora,  and  he  ordered  her  to  San  Bias 
for  repairs.  The  cargo  was  taken  out  and  sent  in 
boats  to  Cape  San  Lucas,  except  a  quantity  of  corn 
left  on  board.  A  trunk  of  vestments  was  sent  to 
Velicata  by  land,  and  the  vessel  sailed  for  San  Bias 

21  Port old,  Diario,  MS.,  1,  2.  The  leader  and  friars  went  in  advance  and 
reached  Velicata  on  the  13th. 

22 Galvez,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  45. 

23  Palou,  Fir/a,  03,  says  the  vessel  was  never  heard  of  again,  and  it  is  only 
in  his  other  work,  Noticias,  i.  54,  276-9,  in  which,  however,  he  says  nothing 
of  her  trip  to  Sonora,  that  he  describes  her  subsequent  movements. 


124  PREPARATIONS  FOR  SPANISH  OCCUPATION. 

in  October.  The  unfortunate  paquebot  came  back 
next  year,  and  sailed  from  San  Jose  del  Cabo  in  May 
with  a  cargo  of  supplies  and  a  double  crew  to  ree'n- 
force  the  other  vessels,  but  without  Murguia,  who 
was  detained  by  illness.  Nothing  was  ever  heard 
subsequently  of  either  vessel  or  crew.  The  captain's 
name  was  Callegan. 

The  proceedings  of  Galvez  and  other  events  in  the 
peninsula  after  the  departure  of  the  northern  expedi- 
tions have  been  fully  narrated  elsewhere;24  and  there 
is  but  little  in  connection  with  those  annals  for  several 
years  that  has  any  bearing  on  the  new  establishments 
of  San  Diego  and  Monterey.  As  early  as  July  1769, 
the  San  Antonio  returned  to  San  Bias,  and  on  the  7th 
of  September  a  schooner  brought  up  to  Loreto  news 
that  all  the  expeditions  had  reached  San  Diego.25  The 
25th  of  February  1770  Rivera  returned  to  Velicatd, 
for  cattle  and  other  supplies  left  there,  with  San  Diego 
news  to  the  llth  of  February,  and  with  reports  for 
Galvez  and  the  viceroy  on  the  failure  of  the  first 
attempt  to  find  Monterey.  A  month  later  two  natives 
arrived  from  San  Diego  with  April  letters  to  Palou 
and  the  viceroy  which  reached  Loreto  late  in  May.26 
The  2d  of  August  messengers  arrived  from  Monterey 
at  Todos  Santos,  bringing  to  Governor  Armona  and 
Father  Palou  news  of  the  founding  of  San  Cdrlos 
mission.  The  event  was  celebrated  by  a  mass  of 
thanksgiving  and  by  a  discharge  of  fire-arms  at  Santa 
Ana.  From  Portola  who  returned  by  sea  the  good 
news  was  received  in  Mexico  about  the  same  time.27 
I  have  already  noticed  the  despatching  of  the  ill-fated 
San  Jose  in  May  1770.  Palou,  the  acting  president, 

24 See  Hist.  North  Mexican  States,  vol.  i.,  this  series. 

25  Aug.  20,  1769,  Juan  B.  Anza  writes  from  Tubac,  Sonora,  toGov.  Pineda 
that  an  Indian  from  the  Gila  has  reported  that  a  nation  beyond  the  Cocomari- 
copas  met  four  Spaniards  with  guns,  whom  the  writer  thinks  may  be  part  of 
the  Monterey  expedition.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.t  ser.  iv.  torn.  ii.  117-18. 

2GGov.  Armona  of  Baja  California  writes  from  Santa  Ana  July  19,  1770, 
that  he  arrived  June  13th,  and  found  good  news  of  the  northern  expeditions, 
including  the  discovery  of  the  '  prodigiosisimo  puerto'  called  San  Francisco 
.and  which  may  be  Monterey.  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  ser.  iv.  torn.  ii.  156-7. 

27  Dept.  St:Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxvii.  10. 


PALOU  IN  THE  PENINSULA.  125 

kept  himself  in  constant  communication  with  Serra, 
and  in  the  midst  of  all  his  cares  and  vexations  respect- 
ing peninsular  affairs,  never  lost  sight  of  the  new 
northern  establishments.88 

28  On  preparations  in  the  peninsula  for  the  northern  expeditions  the  standard 
authority  is  Pafou,  Noticias,  i.  29-56,  247-79,  and  Id.,  Vida  de  Junipero  Serra, 
57-75,  besides  the  original  sources  of  information  to  which  I  have  referred  on 
special  points  in  past  notes.  So  large  and  complete  is  my  collection  of  original, 
and  especially  manuscript,  authorities  on  California  history  that  I  shall  not 
attempt  any  systematically  complete  reference  to  all  the  printed  works  which 
touch  upon  each  point  or  each  brief  epoch,  but  which  give  information  at 
second  hand  only.  I  shall  refer  to  such  works  to  point  out  errors  worth  notic- 
ing, or  for  other  special  purposes;  and  I  shall  also  for  bibliographical  purposes 
give  occasional  lists  of  these  secondary  authorities  bearing  on  definite  historic 
periods.  For  such  a  list  on  the  occupation  and  early  mission  history  of  Cal- 
ifornia see  end  of  this  volume. 


CHAPTEE  V. 

OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO— EXPEDITIONS  BY  SEA  AND  LAND. 

1739. 

VOYAGE  OF  PEREZ  IN  THE  '  SAN  ANTONIO  ' — ARRIVAL  IN  SAN  DIEGO  BAY — 
A  MIRACLE — DISCOVERY  OF  SANTA  CRUZ  ISLAND — WAITING  FOR  THE 
CAPITANA — VOYAGE  OF  VILA  IN  THE  'SAN  CARLOS' — FACES  AND  HIS 
CATALAN  VOLUNTEERS — INSTRUCTIONS  BY  GALVEZ — A  SCURVY-STRICKEN 
CREW — A  PEST-HOUSE  AT  SAN  DIEGO — ARRIVAL  OF  RIVERA  Y  MON- 
CADA— CRESPI'S  DIARY — CAMP  AND  HOSPITAL  MOVED  TO  NORTH  SAN 
DIEGO — COMING  OF  PORTOLA  AND  JUNIPERO  SERRA — REUNION  OF  THE 
FOUR  EXPEDITIONS — THANKSGIVING  TO  SAINT  JOSEPH — THE  'SAN  AN- 
TONIO' SENT  TO  SAN  BLAS — PORTOLA  SETS  OUT  FOR  MONTEREY — FOUND- 
ING OF  SAN  DIEGO  MISSION — A  BATTLE  WITH  THE  NATIVES — A  MISSION 
WITHOUT  CONVERTS. 

TURN  now  to  the  northern  coasts,  to  the  bay  of  San 
Diego,  whose  waters  had  lain  for  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  undisturbed  by  European  keel,  whose 
shores  had  known  no  tread  of  iron  heel  since  Sebas- 
tian Vizcaino  was  there.  The  native  inhabitants  yet 
preserved  a  traditional  remembrance  of  white  and 
bearded  visitors,  kept  alive  perhaps  by  an  occasional 
rumor  wafted  overland  from  the  south-east,  and  by 
distant  glimpses  of  the  white-winged  galleon  which 
year  after  year  bore  its  oriental  treasure  down  past 
this  port,  which,  so  far  as  can  be  known,  was  never 
entered.  And  now  the  aboriginal  solitude  is  destined 
to  be  forever  broken. 

The  llth  of  April  17G91  a  Spanish  vessel  appears 
and  anchors  in  the  bay.  It  is  the  San  Antonio  some- 
times called  El  Principe,  and  is  commanded  by  Juan 

1Crespi,  in  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  149,  gives  the  date  as  April  14th.  Humboldt, 
Esuai.  Pol.,  318,  says  it  was  in  April  1703. 

(126) 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  FIRST  EXPEDITION.  127 

Perez,  an  experienced  Mallorcaii  who  has  seen  service 
in  the  Pacific  as  piloto,  or  master,  of  the  Manila  gal- 
leon. She  had  been  despatched  from  Cape  San  Lucas 
in  February,  after  religious  services  and  a  parting 
address  from  the  visitador  general  Jose  de  Galvez,  the 
highest  official  who  had  visited  the  north-western 

O 

coast  since  the  days  of  Hernan  Cortes.  On  board  are 
the  friars  Juan  Vizcaino  and  Francisco  Gomez,  a  few 
carpenters  and  blacksmiths,  then  there  is  the  crew, 
whose  number  is  not  known,  and  a  miscellaneous 
cargo  of  supplies  for  two  settlements  which  it  is 
designed  to  found  on  the  upper  coast.  Under  the 
protecting  care  of  Saint  Anthony  of  Padua,  patron, 
indeed,  of  the  day  of  sailing  as  well  as  of  the  vessel 
herself,  the  voyage  of  twenty-four  days  has  been  a 
prosperous  one,  the  only  misfortune  recorded  being 
the  illness  of  a  few  seamen  who  suffered  from  scurvy, 
a  scourge  rarely  escaped  by  voyagers  of  the  period. 

The  first  land  made  was  an  island  in  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara Channel,  which  was  named  Santa  Cruz  from  the 
honesty  of  the  natives  in  restoring  an  iron  cross,  left 
on  shore.  Here  they  received  the  best  of  treatment 
and  obtained  plenty  of  fish  and  water  in  exchange  for* 
beads;  but  their  observations  showed  that  they  were 
above  the  supposed  latitude  of  San  Diego,2  and  Perez 
accordingly  returned  southward  along  the  coast  until 
he  passed  Point  Guijarros  and  entered  the  desired 
port,  as  we  have  seen,  on  the  llth  of  April.  Here 
also  the  natives  are  kind  to  the  strangers,3  but  Perez 
finds  no  sign  of  Vila,  his  superior  in  command  of  the 

2  According  to  observations  the  vessel  was  in  34°  40',  but  really  in  about 
34°;  while  San  Diego,  supposed  to  be  in  34°,  Cabrera  Butno,  Naveyacion,  305, 
was  nearly  a  degree  and  a  half  further  south. 

y  The  natives  at  first  took  the  vessel  for  a  great  whale,  but  soon  discovered 
their  error,  and  regarded  it  as  the  forerunner  of  wonderful  things,  especially 
as  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  and  an  earthquake  occurred  simultaneously  with  the 
arrival  of  the  vessel.  '  This  story  was  told  by  them  later,  and  is  recorded  by 
Serra,  Representadon  sobre  Mis  tones,  21  de  Mayo  1773,  MS.,  who  says  the 
Spaniards  noticed  neither  eclipse  nor  temblor,  and  regards  it  as  a  miracle  by 
which,  though  the  padres  could  not  yet  begin  their  teachings,  '  comenzaron 
a  predicar  prodigiosamente  a  aquellos  miseros  gentiles  las  criaturas  insensibles 
del  Cielo  y  do  la  tierra.'  These  phenomena  are  also  noticed,  from  the  same 
source,  in  the  8.  F.  Bulletin,  Oct.  12,  1865.. 


128  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 

flag-ship,  which  had  sailed  from  the  peninsula  more 
than  a  month  before  the  San  Antonio,  and  which  he 
had  hoped  to  find  at  San  Diego.  Neither  are  there 
any  tidings  to  be  obtained  of  the  overland  party  to 
the  same  port.  Under  these  circumstances  the  cap- 
tain's orders  call  for  a  stay  of  twenty  days  before  pro- 
ceeding to  Monterey.  As  there  are  no  soldiers,  and 
as  the  instructions  of  Galvez  had  been  to  run  no  risks, 
the  friars  do  not  land,  nor  is  any  attempt  made  to  ex- 
plore the  country.  Two  days  before  the  twenty  days 
elapse,  that  is  on  the  29th  of  April,  the  tardy  capi- 
tana  comes  in  si^ht. 

O 

The  San  Carlos,  otherwise  called  the  Golden  Fleece, 
is  commanded  by  Vicente  Vila,  a  native  of  Andalucla, 
and  sailing-master  of  the  first  class  in  the  royal  Spanish 
navy.4  She  had  sailed  from  La  Paz  having  on  board 
Vila,  a  mate  not  named,  Alferez  Miguel  Costanso5 
acting  as  cosmographer,  and  a  crew  of  twenty-three 
sailors  and  two  boys.  Also  on  board  were  Lieutenant 
Pedro  Fages,  with  twenty-five  Catalan  volunteers, 
including  a  sergeant  and  corporal ;  Hernando  Parron, 
a  Franciscan  friar;  Pedro  Prat,  a  Frenchman  and 
surgeon  of  the  royal  army ;  four  cooks  and  two  black- 
smiths— sixty-two  persons  in  all;  with  supplies  for 
eight  months  or  a  year,  implements  of  various  kinds, 
and  a  quantity  of  .church  furniture  and  other  mission 
property.6  All  the  proper  religious  ceremonies  had 

4  Vila's  appointment  by  Galvez,  dated  La  Paz,  Dec.  27,  1768,  names  as 
'Capitan,  Piloto  Mayor,  y  comandante  del  San  Carlos,  a  D.  Vicente  Vila, 
piloto  de  los  primerds  de  la  Real  Armada,  por  las  apreciables  circunstancias 
que  en  el  concurren,  con  la  jurisdiccion  y  prerogativas  que  le  corresponden  por 
la  Real  Ordenanza  de  Marina,'  with  $120  per  month  and  $30  additional  if  the 
voyage  is  successful.  Officers  and  crews  of  both  vessels  are  ordered  under 
severe  penalties  to  obey  Vila  as  commander  of  the  capitana.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  i.  66-8. 

5_  Printed  Costans6  in  Monterey,  Estracto  de  Noticias,  and  so  signed  by  him- 
self in  several  autographs  now  before  me.  Often  printed  Costanzo  or  Constanzo. 

6  The  manifest  of  the  San  Carlos  signed  by  Vila  on  Jan.  5th  is  preserved  in 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  13-21.  The  list  of  supplies  includes:  4,676  Ibs.  meat, 
1,783  Ibs.  fish,  230  bush,  maize,  500  Ibs.  lard,  7  jars  vinegar,  5  tons  wood,  l,27e 
Ibs.  brown  sugar,  5  jars  brandy,  6  tanatcs  figs,  3  tanates  raisins,  2  tanates  dates 
300  Ibs.  red  pepper,  125  Ibs.  garlic,  6,678  Ibs.  bread,  common,  690  Ibs.  bread, 
white,  945  Ibs.  rice,  945  Ibs.  chickpeas,  17  bushels  salt,  3,800  gallons  water, 
450  Ibs.  cheese,  6  jars  Cal.  wine,  125  Ibs.  sugar,  275  Ibs.  chocolate,  10  hams, 


VOYAGE  OF  THE  SAN  CARLOS.  129 

been  attended  to  at  the  start;  Junipero  Serra,  presi- 
dent of  the  California  missions,  had  invoked  the 
blessing  of  heaven  upon  this  first  detachment  of  pa- 
cificators; Miguel  de  Azanza,  subsequently  viceroy  of 
New  Spain,  had  acted  as  shipping-clerk  at  the  em- 
barkation of  the  supplies;  and  Jose  de  Galvez,  the 
foremost  man  in  America,  had  not  only  aided  in  the 
lading  and  delivered  a  parting  address,  but  had  ac- 
companied the  vessel  to  the  cape,  seeing  her  safely 
headed  for  San  Diego. 

Yet  despite  such  favorable  auspices  the  San  Carlos 
was  unfortunate.  The  water-casks  leaked  and  noth- 
ing but  water  of  a  bad  quality  could  be  obtained  at 
Cedros  Island.  This  greatly  aggravated  the  scurvy, 
always  prevalent  on  the  coast,  and  soon  no  sailors 
were  left  with  sufficient  strength  to  work  the  vessel 
or  to  launch  the  boats  for  fresh  water.  Vila,  in  accord- 
ance with  his  instructions,7  was  obliged  to  go  up  the 
coast  to  34°  as  had  Perez  before  him,  the  increased 
distance  and  cold  adding  greatly  to  his  troubles.  At 

11  bottles  oil,  2  Ibs.  spice,  25  smoked  beef- tongues,  6  live  cattle,  575  Ibs.  len- 
tils, 112  Ibs.  candles,  1,300  Ibs.  flour,  15  sacks  bran,  495  Ibs.  beans,  16  sacks 
coal,  hens  for  the  sick  and  for  breeding,  $1,000  in  money,  etc.  The  brandy  and 
cheese  were  for  stormy  weather  only,  the  former  being  considered  conducive 
to  scilrvy  if  used  habitually  on  this  coast.  The  wine  was  for  cabin  use,  or  for 
the  missions.  Many  of  the  articles  named,  or  specified  portions  thereof,  were 
intended  for  the  missions,  or  for  the  land  expedition;  and  part  of  the  panocha 
was  to  lie  used  ia  sweetening  the  temper  of  the  natives. 

7  Galvez'  instructions  to  Capt.  Vila,  dated  Jan.  5th,  are  preserved  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  22-31,  under  the  title,  'Instruction  to  be  observed  by  D. 
Vicente  Vila,  first-class  master  in  the  royal  navy  and  Captain  Comandante 
of  the  paquebot  of  his  majesty  called  the  San  Carlos  alias  Tolson  de  Oro  in 
the  voyage  which  by  divine  aid  this  vessel  is  to  make  to  the  ports  of  San 
Diego  and  Monterey,  situated  on  the  northern  coast  of  this  peninsula  of  Cali- 
fornias  in  33°  and  37°  of  latitude.'  The  different  articles  of  this  document  are 
in  substance  as  follows:  1st.  The  object  is  to  establish  the  Catholic  faith,  to 
extend  Spanish  domain,  to  check  the  ambitious  schemes  of  a  foreign  nation, 
and  to  carry  out  a  plan  formed  by  Felipe  III.  as  early  as  1606.  Therefore  no 
pains  can  be  spared  without  offense  to  God,  the  king,  and  the  country.  2d. 
The  vessel  being  new,  strong,  and  well  supplied  for  over  a  year,  to  be  followed 
by  the  San  A  ntonio  with  additional  supplies,  having  only  300  leagues  to  make, 
having  a  strong  military  force,  and  going  to  a  land  whose  natives  are  docile, 
have  no  arms  but  bows  and  arrows,  and  are  without  boats,  there  can  be  no 
excuse  en  lo  huma/io  for  failure.  3d.  Vila  is  to  sail  Jan.  7th,  weather  per- 
mitting, keep  out  to  sea  according  to  his  judgment  in  search  of  favorable 
winds,  to  take  careful  observations,  and  to  stand  in  shore  at  34°,  San  Diego 

ft  in  33°  according  to  the  cdclula  of  Felipe  III. ,  and  being  easy  to  find  by 
/izcaino's  narrative  enclosed  with  this  document  in  print  in  the  third  volume. 
Hisr.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.  9 


130  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 

last,  however,  a  tedious  navigation  of  a  hundred  and    .| 
ten  days  was  ended  by  the  San  Carlos,  almost  mi- 
raculously it  would  seem,  by  turning  into  San  Diego 
Bay  the  29th  of  April.8 

Perez  has  already  deposited  a  letter  at  the  foot  of 
a  cross  on  shore,  and  has  completed  his  preparations 
to  sail  on  the  1st  of  May,  when  the  San  Carlos  ap- 
pears and  drops  anchor,  but  without  lowering  a  boat. 
A  visit  to  the  vessel  soon  reveals  the  fact  that  all 
hands  are  down  with  scurvy.  The  sick  are  at  once 
removed  by  the  crew  of  the  San  Antonio  to  the  shore, 
where  they  are  sheltered  by  sail  tents  and  receive 
from  Dr  Prat  and  the  three  friars  such  care  as  cir- 
cumstances allow.  It  does  not  clearly  appear  that 
more  than  two  had  succumbed  at  sea;  but  now  death 
begins  its  ravages  in  the  canvas  pest-house  on  the 
beach.9  Perez*  men  are  attacked  by  the  scourge; 

of  the  Notlcia  de  Calif ornias  (that  is  in  Venegas,  Not.  Cal.,  iii.  85-0).  4th.  If 
Capt.  Rivera  be  found  at  San  Diego,  the  mission  effects  are  to  be  landed,  and 
such  other  supplies  as  Rivera  may  need,  the  rest  to  be  taken  by  sea  to  Mon- 
terey. 5th.  if  Rivera  and  the  land  force  have  not  arrived  Vila  is  to  wait  15 
or  20  days  at  most,  obtaining  wood  and  water,  while  Fages  and  Costans6 
explore  the  country.  6th.  After  the  20  days,  or  on  Rivera, 's  arrival,  the  tian 
Carlos  is  to  sail  for  Monterey,  with  the  San  Antonio  if  she  be  there.  7th. 
The  strictest  discipline  is  to  be  kept,  every  precaution  taken  for  safety,  and 
any  outrage  on  the  natives  to  be  severely  punished.  '  8th.  The  sailors  are  to 
aid  the  soldiers  in  building  a  temporary  fort  at  Monterey.  9th.  The  natives 
are  to  be  conciliated  with  panocha  and  triUcs,  but  to  be  very  closely  watched, 
and  to  be  induced  to  look  on  weapons  as  a  kind  of  adornment.  lOLh.  Panocha, 
cloths,  etc.,  are  to  be  given  to  Pages  and  Rivera, on  their  demand,  a  receipt 
being  taken,  llth.  A  report  is  to  be  sent  to  Galvez  from  San  Diego  by  land, 
and  from  Monterey  one  of  the  vessels  is  to  return  to  San  Diego  with  de- 
spatches to  go  overland,  or  if  only  one  vessel  is  there  she  is  to  come  as  soon 
as  safety  will  permit  and  return  immediately.  12th.  Vila  to  remain  in  the 
best  fitted  of  the  two  vessels  at  Monterey  until  the  San  Jose  shall  arrive. 
13th.  The  other  vessel  is  to  remain  at  San  Diego  long  enough  to  deliver 
despatches,  etc.,  and  is  then  to  continue  her  voyage  to  C.  San  Lucas  and  San 
Bias  with  duplicate  despatches.  14th.  Coasts  about  Monterey  are  to  be 
explored,  especially  port  and  river  Carmclo,  and  if  possible  the  port  of  San 
Francisco  said  to  be  in  38°  SO'.  To  this  end  Vila  will  give  all  possible  aid  to 
Costanso  and  Fagcs.  15th.  On  the  arrival  of  the  Sctn  Jose,  Vila  in  his  vessel 
will  return  to  San  Bias,  exploring  the  coast  in  order  to  confirm  or  correct 
Cabrera  Bueno's  derrotero,  the  best  extant.  Naveyacion  Especulativa  y  prdc- 
tica,  Manila,  1734. 

8 According  to  Palou,  Not.,  i.  262,  she  anchored  on  the  30th. 

9  Judge  Hayes,  Emifj.  Notes,  MS.,  474,  thinks  that  the  vessels  were 
anchored  off  what  is  now  New  Town,  between  the  two  wharves,  and  that 
Punta  de  los  Muertes,  or  Dead  Men's  Point,  derived  its  name  from  the  burial 


RAVAGES  OF  THE  SCURVY.  131 

and  of  about  ninety  sailors,  soldiers,  and  mechanics 
considerably  less  than  one  third  survive,  though  none 
of  the  officers  or  friars  die  or  are  even  attacked  so 
far  as  the  records  show.10  Of  course  the  continua- 
tion of  the  voyage  to  Monterey  is  not  possible  under 
the  circumstances.  Neither  can  Fages  and  Costanso 
do  otherwise  than  disregard  their  instructions11  call- 
ing for  a  preliminary  exploration  of  the  surrounding 

of  the  scurvy-stricken  sailors.  And  such  is  probably  the  fact,  for  the  name 
appears  on  Pantoja's  chart  of  1784  in  Sutll  y  Mexicana,  Viages,  Atlas,  No.  5. 
See  also  Bancroft's  Pers.  06s.,  MS.,  14. 

10  There  is  some  confusion  respecting  numbers,  increased  by  our  ignorance 
of  the  exact  force  on  the  San  Antonio.  Palou  says,  Not.,  i.  262,  that  from 
the  San  Carlos  5  of  the  crew  and  12  soldiers  survived;  while  of  the  other 
crew  all  but  7  died.  Again,  ii.  151,  he  says  that  before  May  14th  9  of  the 
Sun  Carlos  had  died.  Again,  i.  282,  that  the  San  Antonio,  sailing  July  6th 
(or  9th),  lost  9  men  on  the  voyage,  arriving  at  San  Bias  sin  gente  para  marear. 
And  finally,  that  5  sailors  and  2  boys  remained  on  the  San  Carlos  after  July 
14th,  at  which  time  29  sailors  and  soldiers  had  been  buried  on  the  beach. 
In  a  letter  dated  July  3d,  Serra  states  that  all  the  crew  of  the  San  Carlos 
died  except  one  man  and  a  cook,  and  8  died  from  the  San  Antonio.  Palou, 
Vida,  76.  He  writes  in  the  San  Diego  death  register,  San  Die<jo,  Lib.  Mision, 
MS.,  63-5,  that  half  of  Fages'  soldiers  died;  that  Parron  at  first  and  himself 
later  kept  a  record  of  deaths  which  was  destroyed  with  the  mission  a  few 
years  later,  and  that  the  deaths  within  a  few  months  amounted  to  over  60, 
inclining  some  Indians.  The  good  friar  hopes  the  names  are  inscribed  in  the 
'book  of  life.'  In  Loreto,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  129,  the  Indian  Juan  Alvarez 
is  mentioned  as  having  been  one  of  the  San  Antonio's  men,  who  died  at  San 
Diego  on  June  25th. 

11  Galvez'  instructions  to  Fages,  dated  like  those  to  Vila  January  5th,  and 
found  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  31-43,  are  substantially  as  follows:  1st.  Fages, 
military  chief  of  the  sea  expedition,  is  to  exercise  the  same  authority  on  land 
until  Gov.  Portola  arrives;  that  is  he  is  to  be  Rivera's  superior,  and  is  to 
superintend  the  economical  distribution  of  rations.  2d.  The  soldiers  are  to 
aid  the  sailors,  and  Fages  must  see  that  harmony  and  discipline  are  preserved. 
3d.  Three  fires  on  the  hill  north-west  of  San  Diego  will  be  a  signal  to  the 
vessel  that  Rivera  has  already  arrived.  4th.  If  Rivera  has  not  arrived  at 
San  Diego,  Fages  is  to  use  every  possible  means  by  exploration  and  inquiry 
to  learn  his  whereabouts  and  aid  his  march.  5th.  Before  Rivera's  arrival  the 
natives,  and  especially  chiefs,  are  to  be  prepared  so  far  as  possible  by  Fages 
and  Parron  for  the  founding  of  a  mission.  6th.  The  natives  being  friendly, 
and  Costanso  having  selected  a  proper  site,  Fages  may  erect  some  buildings, 
and  thus  prepare  for  Rivera's  coming  with  soldiers  for  a  mission  guard;  but 
if  Rivera  has  already  attended  to  this,  Fages  is  to  render  any  needed  aid 
with  the  least  possible  delay  to  the  vessel.  7th.  If  Rivera  has  not  come,  and 
the  San  Antonio  arrives,  the  latter  vessel  is  to  be  left  at  San  Diego,  with  half 
the  soldiers,  to  attend  to  the  preceding  instructions,  while  the  San  Carlos, 
with  Fages,  goes  on  to  Monterey.  Galvez  also  wrote  to  Fages  on  February 
14th,  Id.,  46-7,  directing  him  to  put  half  his  men  on  board  the  San  Antonio, 
8th.  At  Monterey  the  Indians  are  to  be  pacified,  a  landing  effected  with  all 
caution,  and  a  camp  fortified  with  ditch,  estacada,  and  cannons  on  a  site 
chosen  by  the  engineer,  and  under  the  guns  of  the  vessel.  9th.  The  natives 
are  to  be  impressed  with  the  advantages  of  peace  and  salvation  and  protection 
from  foreign  insult  offered  by  the  Spaniards.  10th.  The  natives,  if  friendly, 
to  be  told  of  Rivera's  approach  and  induced  to  send  guides,  llth.  Fages  and 


132  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 

country.  For  two  weeks  the  .well  have  more  than 
enough  to  do  in  caring  for  the  sick  and  in  burying 
the  dead,  and  then  on  the  14th  of  May  other  Span- 
iards come  to  their  relief. 

These  are  Rivera  y  Moncada  with  his  twenty-five 
soldados  de  cuera,12  or  cuirassiers,  from  the  presidio  of 
Loreto;  also  the  priest  Juan  Crespi,  ihe  pilotin13  Jose 
Canizares,  three  muleteers,  and  a  band  of  christianized 
natives  from  the  northern  missions  of  Baja  California. 
Of  these  last  there  were  forty-two  in  number  at  the 
outset,  whose  duty  it  was  to  make  roads,  assist  the 
muleteers,  and  perform  the  drudgery.  This  first 
division  of  the  land  expedition  had  started  from 
Velicata"  in  March,  and  had  been  fifty-one  days  on 
the  way,  the  distance  being  given  at  the  time  as  one 
hundred  and  twenty-one  leagues.  Two  diaries  were 
kept  and  are  extant,  one  by  Crespi  and  the  other  by 
Canizares.14  Both  are  very  complete,  but  neither 
affords  matter  of  much  interest  to  the  historical  stu- 
dent, since  it  could  serve  no  good  purpose  to  repeat 
the  details  of  that  monotonous  march. 

Many  localities  were   named   and   their   latitudes 

Costans6  may,  if  deemed  best,  send  soldiers  with  the  natives  to  meet  Rivera. 
12th.  Fages  may  use  force  to  overcome  resistance  if  necessary.  13th.  The 
natives  are  never  to  be  fully  trusted,  but  always  watched,  for  the  'common 
enemy'  will  surely  incite  them  to  mischief.  14th.  Both  soldiers  and  sailors  to 
work  on  the  fort.  15th.  Constant  precautions  against  clanger,  notwithstand- 
ing peaceful  appearances.  16th.  Trade  with  the  natives  is  allowed,  but  no 
knives  or  other  weapons  must  be  given  them.  17th.  Fages  is  to  send  full  re- 
ports to  Galvez  down  to  the  time  of  Portola's  taking  the  command.  Great 
reliance  is  placed  in  the  'activity,  honor,  and  prudence'  of  Fages  and  Cos- 
tans6.  Galvez  adds  a  note  to  the  effect  that  the  presidio  and  mission  at  Mon- 
terey are  to  be  called  by  the  glorious  name  of  San  Carlos. 

12  These  soldiers  derived  their  name  from  the  cuera,  or  cuirass,  which  in 
California  was  a  sleeveless  jacket  made  of  7  or  8  thicknesses  of  deer  or  sheep 
skin  quilted.  From  the  Latin  cor  mm.  The  metallic  cuirass  was  called  in 
Spanish  coraza. 

^Apitotin  was  the  master's  mate  on  a  vessel.  Caiiizares  accompanied  the 
land  force  to  take  observations  and  write  a  diary. 

14  Canizares,  Diario  ejecutado  por  Tierra  desde  el  parage  de  Villacata  d  f.ste 
puerto  de  San  Dieyo,  1769,  MS.  This  diary  is  dated  July  3d,  and  was  proba- 
bly sent  south  by  the  San  Antonio  a  few  clays  later.  Crespi,  Primera  Expcd. 
de  Tierra  al  Descubrimiento  del  Puerto  de  San  Diego,  in  Palou,  Not.,  ij.  93- 
149.  This  diary  extends  to  July  2d,  and  probably  was  completed  like  the  other 
on  July  3d.  The  writer  had  before  him  the  diaries  of  the  second  expedition 
under  Portola.  from  which  he  takes  some  material  respecting  changes  in  names 
of  places  along  the  route. 


THE  FIRST  LAND  EXPEDITION.  133 

fixed,  but  these  geographical  details  belong  to  the 
eninsula  rather  than  to  Alta  California.  The  route 
ay  west  of  the  main  sierra  and  for  the  most  part  near 
the  coast.15  The  country  was  barren  and  unattractive ; 
water  had  to  be  carried  for  the  animals  and  men  for 
days  at  a  time;  and  at  times  their  progress  was  hin- 
dered by  showers  of  rain.  At  Santa  Cruz  on  Todos 
Santos  Bay  the  savages  made  some  threatening  demon- 
strations, and  once  again  there  was  almost  a  fight,  but 
the  foe  was  frightened  away  by  the  noise  of  gun- 
powder. The  Indians  of  the  company  soon  began  to 
sicken  and  die16  or  to  desert,  and  one  or  more  of  the 
men  had  usually  to  be  carried  on  tepestles,  or  litters. 
As  the  party  approached  San  Diego  the  gentiles 
became  more  numerous,  less  timid,  more  disposed  to 
curiosity  and  theft,  and  eager  to  explain  by  their  sign- 
language  the  recent  passing  of  the  Spanish  ships.  On 
the  morning  of  the  14th  of  May  the  little  army  rose 
so  completely  wet  through  by  the  rain  that  had  fallen 
during  the  night  that  mass  had  to  be  omitted,  much 
to  the  sorrow  of  Father  Crespi  because  it  was  the  first 
day  of  pentecost.  The  march  began  at  ten  o'clock. 
Soon  they  caught  a  distant  view  of  the  anchored  ves- 
sels ;  Crespi  says  they  had  seen  the  mast-tops  the  day 
before;  and  at  four  in  the  afternoon,  having  travelled 
six  leagues  during  the  day,  they  reached  the  camp  on 
the  beach  and  were  welcomed,  by  a  salute  from  all  the 
fire-arms  that  could  be  manned.17 

The  first  thing  to  be  done,  now  that  the  coming  of 
Rivera's  men  renders  it  possible,  is  to  prepare  for  per- 
manent settlement.  The  old  camp,  or  pest-house,  on 

15  At  the  outset  they  followed  the  route  of  Link  in  1766,  but  the  latter  soon 
turned  to  the  right  to  cross  the  mountains. 

16Serra,  in  San  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  64,  says  that  5  died.  Nine  de- 
serted at  one  time  according  to  Palou. 

17  Ortega,  in  Santa  Clara,  Arch.  Parroquia,  MS.,  48-54,  gives  an  account 
of  this  expedition  in  which  he  represents  the  sufferings  of  the  soldiers  to  have 
been  very  great,  three  tortillas  per  day  being  the  rations.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Ca'., 
MS.,  i.  83,  obtained  the  same  idea  from  his  father's  narrative,  stating  that 
the  soldiers  were  glad  to  barter  their  jewelry  and  clothing  for  the  rations  of 
their  Indian  companions,  while  the  latter  lived  on  roots,  wild  fruits,  etc. 


134  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 

the  bay  shore,  is  probably  within  the  limits  of  what 
is  now  the  city  of  San  Diego,  locally  known  as  New 
Town;  but  the  day  after  his  arrival  Rivera— so  say 
the  chroniclers,  although  according  to  the  instructions 
of  Galvez,  Fages  was  chief  in  command — selects  a 
new  site  some  miles  north,  at  what  is  now  Old,  or 
North,  San  Diego,  at  the  foot  of  a  hill  on  which  are 
still  to  be  seen  the  remains  of  the  old  presidio.  Here 
camp  is  pitched  and  fortified,  a  corral  for  the  animals 
and  a  few  rude  huts  are  built,  and  hither  on  the  sev- 
enteenth are  transported  the  sick  and  their  tents. 
The  immediate  purpose  is  that  the  camp  may  be  near 
the  river  which  at  this  point  flows  into  the  north  end 
of  the  bay.  For  six  weeks  officers,  priests,  and  sol- 
diers are  occupied  in  attending  to  the  wants  of  the 
sick  and  in  unloading  the  San  Antonio.  Then  they 
await  the  arrival  of  PortoM. 

In  the  last  days  of  June  Sergeant  Ortega  with  a 
soldier  makes  his  appearance  in  camp,  announcing  that 
his  companions  under  Portola  are  only  a  few  days' 
march  from  the  port.  Ten  soldiers  are  sent  back  with 
Ortega  to  meet  the  approaching  party.  On  the  29th 
the  governor  arrives  in  advance  of  his  men;  and  on 
the  first  of  July,  a  little  before  noon,  Father  Serra 
and  all  the  rest  are  welcomed  in  camp.  This  second 
division  of  the  land  expedition,  consisting  of  the  three 
officials  just  named,  of  nine  or  ten  soldiers  de  cuera, 
four  muleteers,  two  servants  of  the  governor  and 
president,  and  forty-four  natives  of  Lower  California, 
had  left  Yelicata  the  15th  of  May,  and  had  followed 
the  route  of  Rivera's  party.  The  journey  had  been 
an  uneventful  and  comparatively  easy  one.  The  gen- 
tiles were  occasionally  threatening,  but  did  no  harm. 
As  in  the  case  of  the  first  division  most  of  the  neo- 
phytes deserted,  only  twelve  reaching  San  Diego; 
but  there  were  no  deaths.18  The  second  day  Father 

18  Portola,  Diario  del  Viage  que.  haze  por  tierra  Dn  Gaspar  de  Portold,  Cap- 
itan  de  Dragones  del  refjimiento  de  Espana,  Governador  de  Calif ornias,  d  los 
puertos  de  San  Diego  y.  Monterey  situadoven  33  y  37  (/rados,  haviendo  sidonom- 
brado  comandante  en  gefe  de  esta  expedition  por  el  III™0  Senior  Dn  Joseph  de 


THE  SECOND  LAND  EXPEDITION.  135 

Junipero's  foot  became  so  painful  that  it  seemed  im- 
possible for  him  to  continue.  Portolii  wished  to  send 
him  back,  but  the  president  would  not  think  of  it.  A 
litter  was  thereupon  ordered  to  be  made,  but  Serra 
was  much  troubled  at  the  extra  work  this  imposed  on 
the  poor  Indians.  Calling  an  arriero  he  induced  him 
to  prepare  an  ointment  of  tallow  and  herbs  which, 
combined  with  the  friar's  faith  and  prayers,  so  far 
healed  the  affected  limb  in  a  single  night  that  it  gave 
no  more  trouble.  Listen  to  the  record:  "  That  even- 
ing he  called  the  arriero  Juan  Antonio  Coronel,  and 
said,  'Son,  canst  thou  not  make  me  a  remedy  for  the 
ulcer  on  my  foot  and  leg?'  But  he  answered,  '  Padre, 
what  remedy  can  I  know?  Am  I  a  surgeon?  I  am  an 
arriero,  and  have  healed  only  the  sores  of  beasts/ 
'  Then,  son,  suppose  me  a  beast  and  this  ulcer  a  saddle- 
gall  from  which  have  resulted  the  swelling  of  the  leg 
and  the  pains  that  I  feel  and  that  give  me  no  rest;  and 
make  for  me  the  same  medicament  that  thou  wouldst 
apply  to  a  beast/  "19 

Galvez  en  virtud  de  las  facultades  vice-regiasque  le  ha  concedido  su  Excela-  Dlcha 
expedition  se  componia  de  37  soldados  de  cuera  con  su  capitan  Dn  Fernando  de 
Rivera  deviendo  este  adelantarxe  con  27  soldados,  y  el  governador  con  10  y  un 
sargento.  MS.,  folio,  35  pages.  This  diary  is  a  copy  from  the  original  made 
in  early  times.  It  includes  not  only  the  trip  to  San  Diego  but  the  later  one 
to  Monterey  to  be  noticed  in  the  next  chapter.  The  entries  for  each  day's 
march  are  very  brief,  containing  the  number  of  hours  marched,  generally  4  or 
5  per  day,  the  character  of  the  road  and  camping-place,  and  some  notes  of 
interviews  with  gentiles.  For  example,  May  27,  'anduvimos  como  cinco 
horas,  buen  camino,  paramos  en  la  cieneguilla,  cuio  nombre  puso  el  padre 
jesuita  Line,  desde  aqui  se  tomo  otro  rumbo,  y  paramos  en  un  arroyuelo 
aunque  seco,'  etc.  June  21,  they  were  at  Todos  Santos,  and  heard  of  other 
Spaniards  beyond.  For  the  last  3  or  4  days  they  travelled  on  or  near  the  shore. 
Other  diaries  of  this  journey,  several  of  which  were  written,  arc  not  extant; 
but  Crespi's  journal  already  referred  to  was  intended  to  embody  all  the  infor- 
mation worth  preserving.  Sergt.  Ortega,  in  Santa  Clara,  Arch.  Parroquia, 
MS.,  48-54,  represents  the  hardships  of  the  soldiers  as  very  great;  but  he 
was  evidently  writing  for  an  object  that  required  this  view  of  the  matter. 
The  same  writer  gives  a  brief  and  rather  confused  account  of  the  journey  in 
a  narrative  of  his  own  services  dated  1786.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  171-2. 
Serra,  in  his  letter  of  July  3d,  to  Palou,  says  there  was  no  suffering  whatever. 
Palou,  Vida,  78;  Greenhow,  Or.  and  Cal.,  100,  erroneously  implies  that  both 
land  expeditions  started  together  and  that  Portola  arrived  last  on  account  of 
having  followed  a  more  difficult  route. 

19 From  San  Diego  Serra  himself  writes,  Palou,  Vida,  73-8:  'Now  the  foot 
is  all  sound  like  the  other,  while  from  the  ankle  half  way  up  the  leg  it  is  as 
the  foot  was  before,  an  ulcer;  but  without  swelling  or  pain  except  the  occa- 
sional itching.  In  fact  it  is  nothing  serious.' 


136  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 

Thus  are  the  four  branches  of  the  visitador  gen- 
eral's grand  expedition  finally  reunited  at  San  Diego, 
one  year  after  Galvez  had  begun  his  preparations  on 
the  peninsula.  Next  day  is  Sunday,  fiesta  de  la  visi- 
tation, and  the  California  pilgrims,  one  hundred  and 
twenty-six  in  number — out  of  two  hundred  and  nine- 
teen who  had  started;20  or,  omitting  natives  and 
sailors,  seventy-eight  of  Spanish  blood  out  of  ninety 
who  had  come  to  remain — celebrate  their  safe  reunion 
by  a  solemn  thanksgiving  mass  to  the  patron  San 
Jose  chanted  with  "la  solernnidad  posible,"  and  to  the 
accompaniment  of  exploding  gunpowder.  The  cere- 
monies over,  the  two  comandantes  PortoM  and  Vila 
meet  to  consult  respecting  future  movements,  the 
want  of  sailors  necessitating  changes  in  the  original 
plans.  The  decision  is  to  send  the  San  Antonio  back 
to  San  Bias  for  supplies,  and  especially  a  crewr  for 
herself  and  the  San  Carlos,  which  is  to  await  her 
return.  The  friars  for  missionary  and  hospital  work 
are  to  be  left  at  San  Diego  under  the  protection  of  a 
guard  of  soldiers,  while  the  main  force  presses  on  to 
Monterey  by  land.  Great  dependence  is  placed  on 
the  San  Jose  which  on  arrival  is  to  be  sent  up  the 
coast  to  aid  the  land  expedition.  Accordingly  the 
9th  of  July  Perez  sails  with  a  small  crew  of  convales- 
cent sailors  for  the  south,21  bearing  reports  from  the 
commandants  and  president.  Five  days  later  Portola 
starts  on  his  overland  march  northward,  which  will 
be  described  in  the  following  chapter. 

There  are  left  at  San  Diego  Captain  Vila,  Surgeon 
Prat,  the  mate  Canizares,  three  friars,  a  guard  of  eight 

20  The  numbers  are  not  exact,  statements  of  deaths  being  conflicting.  These 
pioneers  included  captains  Portola  and  Rivera,  Lieut.  Images,  captains  Vila 
and  Perez  of  the  vessels,  padres  Serra,  Crespi,  Vizcaino,  Gomez,  and  Parron; 
Surgeon  Prat;  Costans6,  engineer;  Cailizares,  piloto;  and  sergeants  Ortega 
and  Puig.  For  names  of  all  the  band  see  list  at  end  of  this  volume. 

21  Palou,  Not.,  i.  282,  says  that  July  6th  was  the  day  set  for  sailing;  but  this 
may  be  a  misprint.  Nine  of  the  sailors  died  of  scurvy  on  the  voyage.  It  is 
probable  that  these  last  victims  were  included  in  Palou's  statement  of  12  sur- 
vivors, 5  of  whom  were  left  on  the  San  Cdrlos,  2  or  3  reached  San  Bias,  and 
4  or  5  remained  ill  at  San  Diego.  The  San  Antonio  made  the  voyage  in  20 
days. 


A  MISSION  FOUNDED.  137 

cuera  soldiers,  five  convalescent  Catalan  volunteers, 
a .  few  sick  sailors,  five  able  seamen,  a  carpenter  and 
a  blacksmith,  three  boy  servants,  and  eight  Lower 
California  Indians — about  forty  persons  in  all.  As  yet 
no  mission  has  been  formally  founded;  but  this  duty 
is  at  once  attended  to  by  Father  Serra,  who  raises 
and  blesses  the  cross  on  Sunday,  the  16th  of  July.22 
This  first  of  the  Californian  missions  is  dedicated,  as 
the  port  had  been  by  Vizcaino  long  before,  to  San 
Diego  de  AlcaM,  being  founded  on  a  spot  called  by 
the  natives  Cosoy,23  now  Old  Town.  The  ceremonies 
are  not  minutely  recorded,  but  are  the  usual  blessing 
of  the  cross,  mass,  and  sermon  by  which  it  was  hoped 
"to  put  to  flight  all  the  hosts  of  Hell  and  subject  to 
the  mild  yoke  of  our  holy  faith  the  barbarity  of  the 
gentile  Dieguirios."  Then  more  huts  are  built,  and 
one  is  dedicated  as  a  church. 

The  new  establishment,  however,  in  which  Father 
Parron  is  associate  minister,  still  lacks  one  essential 
element  of  a  prosperous  mission,  namely,  converts, 
who  in  this  case  are  difficult  to  find.  The  natives  are 
by  no  means  timid,  but  they  come  to  the  mission  for 
gifts  material  rather  than  spiritual;  and  being  adroit 
thieves  as  well  as  importunate  beggars,  their  presence 
in  large  numbers  becomes  a  nuisance,  rendering  it 
impossible  for  the  small  force  to  watch  them  and  give 
proper  attention  to  the  sick.  Fortunately  the  savages 
will  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  food  of  the  Spaniards, 
attributing  to  it  some  agency  in  the  late  ravages  of 
the  scurvy;  but  other  things,  particularly  cloth,  they 
deign  to  steal  at  any  hour  of  day  or  night.  They  even 

22  It  is  noticeable  that  in  all  the  general  reports  after  1823  this  date  is  given 
as  June  16th;  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  is  an  error.  Arch.  Santa  Bdrbara, 
MS.,  xii.  125.    Serra  thinks,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  125,  that  April  llth  has 
some  claim   to   be  considered  the  beginning  of  the   mission,  since  on  that 
day  when  the  San  Antonio  arrived  began  the  spiritual  manifestations  to  the 
natives,  causing  them  to  see  an  eclipse  and  feel  an  earthquake,  not  perceptible 
to  the  Christians. 

23  San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.     St  James  of  Alcala  was  an  Andalucian 
Franciscan  who  lived  from  1400  to  1463,  and  was  canonized  in  1588  rather  for 
his  pious  life  and  the  miracles  wrought  through  him  before  and  after  death 
than  for  any  high  position  held  by  him.    Alcala  was  rarely  attached  to  the 
(nanie  of  the  mission  in  popular  usage. 


138  OCCUPATION  OF  SAN  DIEGO. 

attempt  in  their  tule  rafts  to  pillage  the  San  Carlos, 
so  that  two  of  the  eight  soldiers  are  obliged  to  be  on 
board.  Persuasions,  threats,  and  even  the  noise  of 
fire-arms  are  met  by  ridicule. 

Naturally  matters  come  to  a  crisis.  The  guard  is 
obliged  to  use  force  in  repelling  the  intruders,  who  in 
their  turn  determine  upon  a  raid  for  plunder.  The 
loth  of  August,  while  Parron  with  a  guard  of  two 
soldiers  is  saying  mass  on  the  ship,  as  he  is  wont  to 
do  on  feast-days,  the  savages  enter  the  mission  and 
begin  to  strip  the  clothing  from  the  beds  of  the  sick. 
Two  soldiers  are  on  guard  and  two  more  hasten  to 
their  aid;  but  when  they  attempt  to  drive  away  the 
pillagers  they  receive  a  volley  of  arrows  which  kills  a 
boy  and  wounds  Padre  Vizcaino,  the  blacksmith,  a 
soldier,  and  a  California24  Indian.  The  Spaniards  in 
return  fire  a  volley  of  musket-balls  which  kills  three 
of  the  foe,  wounds  several  more,  and  puts  the  whole 
crowd  to  flight.  Serra  and  Vizcaino  have  just  finished 
mass  and  are  sitting  together  in  a  hut  at  the  time  of 
the  attack,  and  the  latter,  rising  to  close  the  door, 
receives  an  arrow  in  the  hand  just  as  the  boy  servant 
staggers  in  and  falls  dead.  The  smith  greatly  dis- 
tinguishes himself  by  his  bravery,  fighting  without 
the  protection  of  a  cuera?5 

It  is  not  long  before  the  gentiles  come  back  to 
seek  medical  treatment  for  their  wounded,  imbued 
with  a  degree  of  faith  in  the  destructive  power  of 
gunpowder,  and  correspondingly  improved  in  manners, 
but  by  no  means  desirous  of  conversion.  A  stockade 
is  thrown  round  the  mission  and  the  natives  are  no 
longer  permitted  to  bring  weapons  within  musket- 
shot.  Thus  safety  is  assured,  but  in  missionary  work 

24  For  a  long  time  at  San  Diego  and  Monterey  the  peninsula  only  was 
spoken  of  as  '  California. '    Either  local  names  or  Nuevos  Establecimientos  were 
applied  to  the  north,  although  Serra  in  his  first  letter  from  San  Diego  used 
the  term  '  California  Septentrional. ' 

25  In  his  Vlda  de  Junip.  Serra,  84,  Falou  speaks  of  previous  assaults  with 
intent  to  kill  the  Spaniards  on  Aug.  12th  to  13th,  which  were  repulsed.    Tut- 
hill,  Hist.  CnL,  79,  erroneously  states  that  a  priest  was  killed.     Serra,-  San 
Dieyo,  Lib.  J/z's.,  MS.,  Co,  says  the  man  killed  was  a  Spanish  arriero  20  years 
old  named  Jose"  Maria  Vegerano. 


NO  PROGRESS  IN  CONVERSION.  139 

no  progress  is  made.  One  gentile,  indeed,  is  induced 
by  gifts  to  live  with  the  Spaniards  and  becomes  a  skil- 
ful interpreter,  but  even  with  his  aid  no  converts  can 
be  gained.  Once  the  savages  offer  a  child  for  baptism, 
but  when  the  service  begins  they  seize  the  child  and 
flee  in  terror.  Yet  we  are  told  that  when  a  painting 
of  the  virgin  and  child  is  displayed,  the  native  women 
come  and  offer  their  breasts  to  feed  "  that  pretty 
babe."  Prior  to  April  1770,  a  full  year  from  the  first 
coming  of  the  Spaniards,  and  perhaps  to  a  still  later 
period,  for  the  register  was  subsequently  destroyed, 
and  thee  arliest  date  is  not  known,  not  a  single  neo- 
phyte was  enrolled  at  the  mission.  In  all  the  mis- 
sionary annals  of  the  north-west  there  is  no  other 
instance  where  paganism  remained  so  long  so  stub- 
born. 

Meanwhile  new  cases  of  sickness  occur  and  death 
continues  its  ravages,  taking  from  the  little  band 
before  the  return  of  PortoU  in  January,  eight  sol- 
diers, four  sailors,  one  servant,  and  six  Indians,  and 
leaving  but  about  twenty  persons.  Little  wonder 
that  small  progress  is  made  in  missionary  work/ 


20 


26  On  the  general  subject  of  this  chapter,  in  addition  to  the  special  docu- 
ments already  referred  to,  see  for  a  connected  narrative  Palou,  Not.,  i.  254-84, 
427-32;  ii.  93-153;  Id.,  Vida,  GO-86.  The  notes  of  Serra  in  San,  Diego,  Lib. 
AJision,  MS.,  are  also  a  valuable  source  of  information.  These  notes  were 
\vritten  to  supply  as  far  as  possible  from  memory  the  loss  of  the  original  mis- 
Sion  books  destroyed  with  the  mission  in  1775.  Copies  are  also  found  in 
Hayes*  Miss.  Book,  MS.,  i.  99-106,  and  in  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS. 
Miguel  Costanso  published  in  Mexico,  1770,  an  account  of  these  expeditions  as 
Dlario  Historico  de  losviagesde  mar  y  tierra,  hechos alNorte  de  la  California,  fol. 
£G.  It  was  translated  by  Wm.  Revely  and  published  in  1700  by  A.  Dal- 
rymple  as  An  Historical  Journal,  etc.,  2  maps,  4to,  70  p. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

FIRST  EXPEDITION  FROM  SAN  DIEGO  TO  MONTEREY  AND 
SAN  FRANCISCO. 

17G9. 

PORTOLA  MARCHES  FROM  SAN  DIEGO — His  COMPANY — CRESPI'S  JOURNAL — 
NOTE  ON  GEOGRAPHY  AND  NOMENCLATURE — TABLE  OF  NAMES  AND  DIS- 
TANCES—FIRST BAPTISM  IN  CALIFORNIA  —  EARTHQUAKES  IN  THE  Los 
ANGELES  REGION — A  HOSPITABLE  PEOPLE  AND  LARGE  VILLAGES  ON  THE 
SANTA  BARBARA  CHANNEL— ACROSS  THE  SIERRA  AND  DOWN  THE  SALINAS 
RIVER — UNSUCCESSFUL  SEARCH  FOR  MONTEREY — CAUSES  OF  THE  ERROR- 
NORTHWARD  ALONG  THE  COAST — IN  SlGHT  OF  PORT  SAN  FRANCISCO 

UNDER  POINT  REYES — CONFUSION  IN  NAMES — MYSTERY  CLEARED — 
EXPLORATION  OF  THE  PENINSULA — DISCOVERY  OF  A  NEW  AND  NAMELESS 
BAY— RETURN  OF  THE  EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  DIEGO. 

I  HAVE  stated  that  two  weeks  after  his  arrival  from 
the  south  Portola  left  San  Diego1  July  14,  1769,  and 
marched  with  nearly  all  his  force  northward.  His 
intention  was  to  reach  Monterey  Bay  by  following 
the  coast,  and  either  at  his  destination  or  on  the  way 
he  hoped  to  be  overtaken  by  the  San  Josg,  and  with 
the  aid  brought  by  her  to  found  a  presidio  and  the 
mission  of  San  Carlos.  The  company  consisted  of 
himself,  Rivera  y  Moncada  in  command  of  twenty- 
seven  cuera  soldiers,  including  Sergeant  Joseph  Fran- 
cisco Ortega,  Lieutenant  Pedro  Fages,  with  six  or 
seven  of  his  twenty-five  Catalan  volunteers,  all  that 
the  scurvy  had  left  alive  and  strong  enough  to  under- 
take the  march,  Engineer  Miguel  Costanso,2  fathers 
Juan  Crespi  and  Francisco  Gomez,  seven  muleteers, 

1Mofras,  ExpJor.,  i.  106,  says  the  expedition  had  come  across  Sonora. 
2Costans6,  Fages,  and  others,  according  to  the  Porlold,  Diario,  MS.,  10, 
were  ill,  but  advised  by  Prat  to  undertake  the  journey  as  a  remedy. 

(HO) 


CRESPI'S  DIARY.  141 

fifteen  christianized  Lower  Californians,  and  two  ser- 
vants of  Portola  and  Rivera — sixty-four  persons  in  all. 
The  expedition  is  fully  described  in  a  diary  kept  by 
Crespi3  and  still  extant,  as  are  original  statements, 
less  complete  than  Crespfs,  of  no  less  than  five  par- 
ticipants, Portola*,  Fages,  Costanso,  Ortega,  and  Ri- 
vera. As  the  first  exploration  by  land  of  a  broad 
extent  of  most  important  country  it  is  not  without 
importance  and  interest ;  yet  as  recorded  it  is  in  itself 
singularly  unattractive.  Crespfs  diary,  like  that  of 
Portola",  is  a  long  and,  except  in  certain  parts,  monoto- 
nous description  of  petty  happenings  notworth  remem- 
bering. It  is  an  almost  nedless  catalogue  of  nearly 
two  hundred  jornadas,  or  marches,  tediously  like  one 
another,  over  hills  and  vales  distinguished  as  being 
con  zacate  or  sin  zacate,  grassy  or  barren,  with  the 
Sierra  ever  towering  on  the  right,  and  the  broad 
Pacific  ever  stretching  to  the  left.  The  distance  and 
bearing  of  each  day's  march  are  given,  and  observa- 
tions for  latitudes  were  frequent;  but  the  Mexican 
league  was  practically  a  vague  measurement,  the  ob- 
servations of  Crespi  and  Costanso  often  differed,  and 

3  Crespi,  Viage  de  la  Espedicion  de  tierra  de  San  Dierjo  d  Monterey,  Copia  del 
diario  •})  camiitata  que  h'zo  la  espediclon  desde  elpuerto  de  San  Diego  de  Alcald 
hasta  cl  de  Monterey,  saHendo  el  14  de  Julio  de  1760,  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  285-4'23. 
Portola,  Diario  del  Viage,  MS.,  11,  cb  seq.,  covers  the  same  ground  but  muck 
more  briefly,  adding  nothing  to  Crespfs  narrative  except  on  a  few  points  to 
be  noticed  in  thefr  place.  'El  27  lianduvimos  tres  horas,  bucn  camino, 
macho  pasto  y  agua '  is  a  fair  sample  of  most  entries.  Very  few  names  of 
localities  are  given.  In  his  Vida  de  Junipe.ro  Serra,  80-2,  88-9,  Palou  gives 
but  a  brief  account,  referring  for  particulars  to  Crespi's  diary.  Lieut.  Pages, 
a  member  of  the  expedition,  in  his  Voyage  en  Cal. ,  inNouv.  Amialesdes  Voy., 
ei.  147-9,  155-9,  1G5-71,  170-82,321-4/328,  gives  a  very  full  narrative  of  it, 
except  from  Monterey  to  San  Francisco,  including  names  of  places,  distances, 
bearings,  latitudes,  and  description  of  the  country,  but  omitting  names  of 
persons  and  dates.  I  shall  note  variations  from  Crespi's  diary,  with  whicli 
Pages'  narrative  for  the  most  part  agrees.  Costanso,  in  his  Diario  Histdrico  de 
los  viage$  de  mar  y  tierra,  gives  an  abridged  version  differing  in  no  essential 
respect  from  Crespi.  Costans6's  narrative  is  abridged  and  quoted  in  an  article 
signed  <M.  P.,'  in  Album  Hex.,  ii.  37-40.  Ortega,  Fraymento,  in  Santa  Clara, 
Arch.  Parroqitia,  MS.,.  48—54,  gives  an  original  but  not  very  complete  or  accu- i 
rate  narrative.  Capt.  Rivera  also  in  a  certificate  relating  the  services  of  Pedro 
Amador,  gives  some  information  respecting  this  entrada.  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and 
Colon.,  MS.,  i.  52-3.  John  T.  Doyle  in  his  pamphlets  entitled  Address  and 
Memorandum  in  1S70  and  1873  gave  brief  resumes  of  parts  from  Crespi;  and 
the  newspapers  since  the  reprint  of  Palou's  work  have  had  something  to  say 
more  or  less  superficially  on  the  subject  of  the  discovery  of  San  Francisco  Bay. 


142        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

worse  than  all,  typographical  errors  in  the  printed 
diary  make  the  figures  unreliable.  In  a  monograph 
on  the  trip  I  could,  I  think,  trace  with  much  accuracy 
each  day's  course,  and  such  minute  treatment  would 
not  be  devoid  of  local  interest  as  showing  the  original 
names  applied  by  the  Spaniards,  very  few  of  which 
have  been  preserved;  but  for  this  of  course  I  have  no 
space  here,  and  must  content  myself  with  a  general 
narrative  and  a  note  on  geographical  details.* 


*List  of  places  between  San  Diego  and  San  Francisco  as  named  in 
Crespi's  diary  of  the  first  exploration  of  the  California  coast  by  land,  with 
distances,  bearings,  and  latitudes.  Notes  from  the  return  trip  in  brackets 
"[...]";  notes  from  Pages'  Voyage  in  parentheses  "(...)";  additional  and 
self-explanatory  notes  in  italics.  The  Portold,  Diario  has  no  distances,  or 
names,  only  hours  and  descriptions. 


July  14. 
15. 

16. 
17. 
18. 

20. 

21, 
22, 

23, 
24, 


26. 

27. 

28. 


San  Diego,  32°  30'.     Really  32°  44' 

Rinconada.     On  False  Bay 

Pocitos  de  la  Canada  de  San  Diego 

Sta  Isabel  Valley.    1  league  by  400  varas. 

S.  Jacome  de  la  Marca  Val.  1  1.  by  5  1., 
from  JST.  to  s.  (Posa  de  Osuna),  [7  1. 
from  S.  Juan.] ,  ... 

Encinos  Canada 

S.  Alejo.     33° > 

S.  Simon  Lipnica  Val.,  near  sea-shore  .  . . 

Sta  Sinforosa 

S.  Juan  Capistrano  Val.  2  1.,  N.E.  to 
s.w.,  ending  at  shore,  33°  6'..  Really 
S.  Luis  Key,  lot,  accurate. 

Sta  Margarita  Val.  The  sierra  draws 
near  shore  and  threatens  to  stop  ad- 
vance. Name  retained 

Sta  Pragedis  de  los  RosalesCafiada,  33°  10' 

Los  Cristianos,  S.  Apolinario,  Bautismos 
[arroyo],  (Canada  del  Bautismo) 

Sta  Maria  Magdalena  Canada  [Quemada], 
33°  14' 

S.  Francisco  Solano,  33°  18'.  A  mesa  at 
foot  of  sierra  with  fine  stream,  oppo- 
site Sta  Catalina  Island,  said  by  the 
explorers  to  be  5 1.  from  S.  Pedro  Bay. 
At  or  near  8.  Juan  Capistrano 

S.  Pantaleon  (Aguada  del  P.  Gomez),  on 
the  edge  of  a  large  plain 

Santiago  Arroyo,  33°  6'.     Misprint  ? 

Sta  Ana  Riv.,  or  Jesus  de  los  Temblores, 
thought  to  flow  into  S.  Pedro  Bay  [9 1. 
from  Rio  Porciiincula] 

Sta  Marta  Spring  (Los  Ojitos  and  S.  Mi- 
guel)   

(No  name),  lat.  33°  34' 

(No  name),  lat.  34°  10'.  Los  Angeles  re- 
gion  


Leagues. 
2.5  (3) 

3.5  (4) 

4 

2 


1,5 
2 


(3) 


3     [2] 

2.5  [3] 
3 


1.5  [1] 

2 
6 


Course. 
N.W. 


N.N.W. 


N. 


N. 

N.E. 


N.W. 
N.N.W. 


N.W. 


N.W. 

N.E. 


N.W. 


N.W. 
N.W. 


N.W. 


GEOGRAPHICAL  TABLE. 


143 


Four  days  after  setting  out  from  San  Diego  the 
explorers  reached  the  pleasant  valley  in  which  the 
mission  of  San  Luis  Hey  was  later  built.  Their 
progress  had  been  at  the  rate  of  from  two -to  four 
leagues  each  day,  and  nothing  along  the  way  attracted 
more  attention  than  the  abundance  of  flowers,  especially 


Aug.     2, 

3. 

4, 
5. 


12. 
13. 

14. 

15. 

16. 

17. 

18. 

20. 


Porciiincula  Riv.,  a  large  stream,  with 
much  good  land.  North  branch  of  the 
S.  Gabriel 

Alisos  de  S.  Este"van  Spring,  near  an  as- 
phaltum  marsh 

S.  Rogerio  Spring,  or  Berrendo  (Fontaine 
du  daini  mouchet^) 

Sta  Catalina  de  Bononia  de  los  Encinos 
Val.,  34°  37',  really  34°  10'.  San  Fer- 
nando Valley,  in  which  a  station  still 
called  Eiiclno 

(No  name. ) 

Sta  Rosa  de  Viterbo,  or  Corral  rancheria, 
3  1.  across  the  plain,  and  4 1.  over  mts., 
34°  47'.  Near  Hart's 

Sta  Clara  stream  and  cafiada 

Sta  Clara,  down  same  stream,  34°  30',  a 
good  site  for  a  mission.  6  1.  from  Sta 
Rosa  and  10  1.  from  Sta  Catalina. 
T/iifi  must  be  an  error 

S.  Pedro  Amoliano  rancheria,  down  the 
stream 

Stos  Murtires  Ipolito  y  Cuciano  rancheria 
ami  river,  down  same  stream,  which 
widens  out  into  a  river.  Still  called 
lilo  Sta  Clara 

Asuncion  (Asunta)  rancheria,  on  sea-shore. 
Fine  site  for  a  mission,  34°  3G'.  Co- 
stansd  made  it  34°  13'.  Doubtless  S. 
Buenaventura 

Sta  Conefundis  (RaucheriaVolante),  along 
beach 

Sta  Clara  de  Monte  Talco,  or  Bilarin,  a 
largo  pueblo  in  34°  40',  on  an  arroyo, 
along  beach 

S.  Roque,  or  Carpinteria,  a  large  pueblo 
in  a  plain,  4  1.  by  1  1.,  much  asphal- 
tum.  Sta  Barbara  region 

Concepcion  Laguna  (Pueblo  de  la  Lagu- 
na),  a  very  large  rancheria,  on  a  point 
across  an  cst<ro.  Sta  Barbara  ivus  af- 
terwards founded  at  S.  Joaquin  de  la 
•  Layuna.  Coast  turns  from  W.N.W. 
tow 

Sta  Margarita  de  Cortona,  or  Isla,  or  Mes- 
caltitlan  pueblos,  34°  43'.  In  a  marshy 
region,  where  the  sloughs  form  an 
island,  with  four  or  five  scattered  ran- 
cherias . . 


Leagues. 

3(2) 

3 

2 


2.5 
2 

2 

1 


[(3)] 


3.5  [2.5] 


Course. 
N.W. 

W. 
N.W. 


N.N.W. 
N. 


N. 
W.N.W, 


S.W. 

E.N.E. 
W.(  W.N.W.) 

W.(  W.N.W.) 

w.  (W.N.W.) 

W.(  W.N.W.) 
W.(  W.N.W.) 


144        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 


of  roses  similar  to  those  of  old  Castile,  and  for  that 
reason  delightful  to  the  Spaniards.  Crespi  notes  the 
plucking  of  one  branch  bearing  six  roses  and  twelve 
buds.  Thus  far  all  was  literally  couleur  de  rose.  The 
route  followed  was  very  nearly  that  of  the  subsequent 
stage  road  between  San  Diego  and  Los  Angeles.  It 
was  noticed  that  much  of  the  grass  had  been  burned 


Aug.  21. 
23. 

24. 


25. 
26. 

27. 

28. 

29. 
30. 


31. 

Sept.    1. 

2. 
4. 


S.  Luis  Obispo,  34°  45',  still  along  shore . 

S.  Giiido  de  Cortona,  along  shore,  four 
islands  in  sight 

S.  Luis  Rey,  or  La  Gaviota,  along  shore, 
on  a  slough,  34°  47'.  Perhaps  origin  of 
Gaviota  Pass.  Three  islands  in  sight: 
S.  Bernardo,  S.  Miguel,  farthest  west; 
Sta  Cruz,  8taRo8atTa!Kf.i-t  and  Sta Bar- 
bara, Sta  Ortiz,  farthest  east 

S.  Seferino,  34°  30'  (14"),  an  Indian  pueblo, 
Sta  Ana  rancheria 

Sta  Teresa,  or  Cojo,  rancheria,  34°  30',  or 
34°  51' 

Pt  Concepcion,  34°  30' 

Concepcion,  rancheria  (Ransho  cle  la  Es- 
pada),  34°  51' 30" 

S.  Juan  Bautista,  or  Pedernales  (34°  33'), 
in  sight  of  another  point  near  by  [from 
which  Pt  Concepcion  bears  S.E.,  8° 
E.]  This  point  mast  be  PtAryiiello, 
though  there  are  some  difficulties 

Sta  Rosalia,  or  Canada  Seca,  on  a  bay  be- 
tween last  point  and  another 

S.  Bernardo  Riv.,  or  Sta  Rosa,  mouth 
filled  with  sand,  the  largest  river  yet 
passed,  34°  55'.  The  Rio  Sta  Incs, 
though  distance  and  hearing  are  -not  cor- 
rect; just  possibly  the  Sta  Maria,  in 
which  case  Pt  Concepcion  ivas  Arguello, 
Arguello  Purisima,  the  2d  point  Pu- 
risima, and  S'a  Rosalia  at  the  mouth 
of  Rio  Sta  Incs 

S.  Ramon  Nonato,  La  Graciosa,  or  Baile 
de  las  Indias  laguna 

S.  'Daniel,  laguna  grande,  in  a  fine  valley, 
3  1.  by  7  1. ,  having  in  the  middle  a  la- 
guna 500  varas  wide  ?  34°  13'?  Mouth 
of  the  Rio  Sta  Maria. 

S.  Juan  Perucia  y  S.  Pedro  de  Sacro  Ter- 
rato,  or  Real  de  las  Viboras,  or  Oso 
Flaco  (Laguna  Redonda) 

S.  Ladislao,  or  El  Buchon.  By  varying 
courses,  and  finally  N.  into  mts.,  35° 
28'.  Not  clear 

Sta  Elena,  or  Angosta  Cafiada,  35°  3'  ?.  . . 

Natividad,  or  Canada  de  los  Osos,  down 
which  they  went  to  the  sea.  -S'.  Luis 
Qluspoicas  founded  later  on  tliis  Canada, 


Leagues. 
2  [2.5] 


2.5  (3)  [2] 
2 

2.5 

1 

/1. 5  or 

1.5(1) 


2 

2.5  (2) 


.5(1) 
2.5  (2) 

L5(3) 
3 


3(4) 


Course. 
W. 


w. 


W. 

w. 

w. 

w. 

N.W. 


N.W. 
N.W. 


N.W. 
K. 


N. 


N.W.  (N.N.W.) 


N.W. 


PROGRESS  UP  THE  COAST. 


145 


by  the  natives  to  facilitate  the  capture  of  rabbits.  Few 
of  the  inhabitants  were  met  in  the  south,  but  when 
seen  they  were  always  friendly,  and  the  22d  of  J  uly 
they  permitted  t©  be  baptized  two  dying  children,  who 
were  named  Maria  Magdalena  and  Margarita.  About 
the  same  time  two  mineral  deposits,  of  red  ochre  and 
white  earth,  were  discovered.  On  the  24th  the  islands 


Sept.    8, 


20. 

21. 

26. 


28. 

29. 

Oct.      1. 


7. 
8. 

10. 
15. 
16. 

17. 


S.  Adriano,  near  the  shore  at  mouth  of 
Canada  de  los  Osos.  The  diary  clearly 
mentions  the  Estero  Bay  and  Morro 
Rock  of  modern  maps 

Sta  Serafiua  Estero,  36°,  or  35°  27',  after 
crossing  eight  arroyos 

S.  Benvenuto,  or  Osito,  36°  2',  or  (35°  33') 

S.  Nicolas,  or  Cantil,  arroyo  35°  35',  along 
beach 

S.  Vicente  arroyo  (Arroyada  Honda),  36° 
10' 

Sta  Umiliana  arroyo  [35°  45'],  at  foot  of 
Sierra  de  Sta  Lucia.  In  region  between 
S.  Simeon  and  Cape  S.  Martin 

Pie"  de  la  Sierra  de  Sta  Lucia,  up  a  caiiada 
into  the  mts.,  probably  N.E 

Hoy  a  do  la  Sierra  de  Sta  Lucia,  or  San 
Francisco,  36°  18'  30",  up  into  the  mts. 
on  N.  side  of  a  canon  [slightly  differ- 
ent route  on  return].  In  region  of  the 
lytcr  S.  Antonio  mission.  Probably 

N.E 

Real  de  Piiiones,  by  a  mt.  way  over  the 
summit,  N.E 

S.  Francisco  (Rio  de  Truchas) 

S.  Elizario  [Elcearo]  Rio,  or  Real  del 
Chocolate,  down  a  caiiada  to  a  river 
believed  to  be  the  Carmelo,  but  really 
the  Rio  Salinas 

Real  del  Alamo,  36°  38',  down  the  river. . 

Real  Blanco,  down  river. 

Real  de  Cazadores,  down  river 

Sta  Delfina  [Riv.],  36°  44',  or  36°  53',  down 
river  to  within  1 A  1.  of  beach.  From 
this  point  Monterey  and  Carmelo  bays 
were  explored.  Pt  Pinos,  36°  36';  Pt 
Aiio  Nuevo,  36°  4';  Carmelo  Bay,  36° 
30' 

Sta  Brigida,  or  La  Grulla,  passing  several 
lagoons 

Pajaro,  or  Sta  Ana  Riv.  Name  still  re- 
tained  

Nr  Sra  del  Pilar  lagunas  [corral],  34°  35'  ? 

Sta  Teresa 

Rosario  del  Serafin  de  Asculi  arroyo,  near 
Sequel 

S.  Lorenzo  River — still  retains  the  name. 
The  camp  was  near  Sta  Cruz 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    10 


Leagues. 


(1) 


4 
4 
4 

3.5  (3) 


5.25 
2 

4 
1 
1.5 


Course. 

W. 

N.W. 
N.N.W. 

N.W. 

N.W.  and  N. N.E. 

N.W. 


N.E. 
N.W. 


N.W. 

N.N.W. 

N. 

N.W. 
N.W. 

N.W. 
W.N.W, 


146        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 


of  San  Clemente  and  Santa  Catalina  were  sighted. 
Next  day  the  natives  seemed  to  say  that  inland  were 
other  white  men  with  horses,  mules,  swords,  and  hats. 
On  the  28th,  when  the  governor  and  his  followers 
were  on  the  Santa  Ana  River,  four  violent  shocks  of 
earthquake  frightened  the  Indians  into  a  kind  of 
prayer  to  the  four  winds,  and  caused  the  stream  to  be 
also  named  Jesus  de  los  Temblores.  Many  more 
shocks  were  felt  during  the  following  week;  yet  the 
foreigners  were  delighted  with  the  region,  noting  the 
agricultural  possibilities  which  they  and  their  succes- 
sors later  realized.  The  1st  of  August  they  began  to 
kill  and  eat  berrendos,  or  antelopes,  and-  next  day 
forded  the  Rio  de  Porciuncula  on  which  the  city  of 
Los  Angeles  now  stands. 

From  the  Angeles  region  the  route  lay  through  the 
valley  of  Santa  Catalina  de  los  Encinos,  now  San  Fer- 
nando, and  thence  northward  through'  the  mountain 
pass  to  the  head  streams  of  the  Rio  de  Santa  Clara, 
so  called  then  and  now,  down  whose  banks  the 
Spaniards  followed  to  the  sea  again.  Immediately  on 
leaving  the  Porciuncula  more  earthquakes  were'  felt, 
causing  the  friars  to  think  there  were  volcanoes  in  the 
sierra;  springs  of  pez  brea,  cliapopote,  or  asphaltum, 


Oct.    18. 


19. 

20. 


23. 


24. 
27. 

28. 


30. 


Sta  Cruz  arroyo,  and  four  other  streams, 
the  last  being  S.  Lucas,  or  Puentes 
arroyo 

La  Olla  (Hoya)  barranca 

S.  Pedro  de  Alcantara,  or  Jumin  [Jamon] . 

S.  Luis  Beltran,  or  Salud,  arroyo,  about 
1  1.  from  Pt  Aiio  Nuevo,  37°  22',  or 
37°3'[Ptin  36°  4'] 

S.  Juan  Nepomuceno,  or  Casa  Grande, 
rancheria,  across  a  level  niesa  along 
shore 

San  Pedro  Regalado 

Sto  Domingo,  37°  30' 

S.  Ibon,  or  Pulgas,  rancheria 

S.  Simon  y  S.  Judas  arroyo,  or  Llano  de 
los  Ansares,  in  sight  of  a  point  x.x.w. 
with  farallones — just  above  Half -Moon 
Bay,  and  in  sight  of  Pt  S.  Pedro 

Pt  Angel  Custodio,  or  Almejas,  37°  24', 
30',  49' [37°  31'] 

To  2wints  subsequently  visited,  no  names 
were  applied. 


Leagues. 

2 

2.5 


4  or  2 
2 


Course. 

W.N.W. 

N.W. 

N.W. 

N.N.W. 

S. 

N. 


N.W. 


THE  SANTA  BARBARA  CHANNEL.          147 

were  also  regarded  as  signs  of  volcanic  action.  The 
natives  now  spoke  not  only  of  bearded  men  who  came 
from  the  east  in  earlier  times,  but  said  they  had 
lately  observed  vessels  in  the  channel — itwill  be  remem- 
bered that  the  San  Antonio  and  San  Carlos  had  reached 
this  latitude  on  their  way  from  Cape  San  Lucas  to 
San  Diego — and  one  man  even  claimed  to  recognize 
Gomez,  Fages,  and  Costans6  whom  he  had  seen  on  the 
vessel.  Everywhere  the  men  went  naked,  but  from 
this  region  the  women  dressed  more  according  to  Euro- 
pean ideas,  covering  much  of  their  person  with  skins 
of  deer  and  rabbits.  August  14th  Portola  crossed 
from  a  point  near  the  mouth  of  the  Santa  Clara  to 
the  shore  farther  north,  where  he  found  the  largest 
Indian  village  yet  seen  in  California.  The  houses  were 
of  spherical  form  thatched  with  straw,  and  the  natives 
used  boats  twenty-four  feet  long  made  of  pine  boards 
tied  together  with  cords  and  covered  with  asphaltum, 
capable  of  carrying  each  ten  fishermen.  A  few  old 
blades  of  knives  and  swords  were  seen.  Some  in- 
habitants of  the  channel  islands  came  across  to  gazo 
at  the  strangers.  Previously  the  inhabitants  had 
bartered  seeds,  grass  baskets,  and  shells  for  the  cov- 
eted glass  beads,  but  now  fish  and  carved  bits  of  wood 
were  added  to  the  limited  list  of  commercial  products. 
Thus  more  food  was  offered  than  could  be  eaten.  This 
fine  pueblo,  the  first  of  a  long  line  of  similar  ones 
along  the  channel  coast,  was  called  Asuncion  and  was 
identical  in  site  with  the  modern  San  Buenaventura.5 
From  the  middle  of  August  to  the  7th  of  Septem- 
ber the  Spaniards  followed  the  coast  of  the  Santa 
Barbara  Channel  westward,  always  in  sight  of  the 
islands,  meeting  a  dense  native  population  settled  in 
many  large  towns  and  uniformly  hospitable.  Passing 
Point  Concepcion,  they  turned  northward  to  the  site 
on  which  San  Luis  Obispo  now  stands.  On  the  18th 
of  August  they  passed  a  village  called  Laguria  de  la 
Concepcion  in  the  vicinity  of  what  is  now  Santa  Ba/r- 

5  See  founding  of  San  Buenaventura  in  a  later  chapter. 


148        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

bara,  perhaps  on  the  exact  site,  since  the  presidio  was 
founded  later  at  a  place  said  to  have  been  called  San 
Joaquin  de  la  Laguna  by  these  first  explorers.6  A 
few  leagues  farther,  and  in  several  other  places,  there 
were  noticed  large  cemeteries,  those  of  the  men  and 
women  being  distinct  as  the  gentle  savages  explained. 
Over  each  grave  a  painted  pole  was  set  up  bearing 
the  hair  of  the  men,  and  those  of  the  women  being 
adorned  with  coras,  or  grass  baskets.  Large  whale- 
bones were  also  a  distinguishing  feature  of  the  burial- 
grounds.  Many  of  these  graves  have  been  opened 
within  the  past  few  years,  and  the  relics  thus  brought 
to  light  have  created  in  local  circles  quite  a  flutter  of 
archaeological  enthusiasm,  being  popularly  attributed, 
as  is  the  custom  in  such  cases,  to  ' prehistoric'  times 
and  to  races  long  since  extinct.  On  the  24th  a  sea- 
gull was  killed  and  the  place  called  San  Luis  by  the 
padres  was  christened  La  Gaviota  by  the  soldiers — 
very  many  localities  along  the  route  being  thus  doubly 
named,  whence  perhaps  the  name  Gaviota  Pass  of 
modern  maps.  Near  Point  Concepcion  the  natives 
displayed  beads  of  European  make,  said  to  have  been 
obtained  from  the  north.  Here  a  lean  and  worn- 
out  mule  was  left  to  recuperate  under  Indian  care. 
Crespi's  latitudes  for  the  channel  coasts  were  too  high, 
varying  from  34°  30'  to  34°  51'.  Costanso's  observa- 
tions placed  Point  Concepcion  in  34°  30',  about  5'  too 
far  north.  After  turning  the  point  the  natives  were 
poorer  and  less  numerous,  but  were  still  friendly. 
On  the  30th  a  large  stream  was  crossed  on  a  sand-bar 
at  its  mouth  which  "served  as  a  bridge."  This  was 
the  Rio  Santa  Ines,7  called  at  its  discovery  Santa  Rosa, 
and  on  September  1st  the  camp  was  pitched  at  the 
Laguna  de  San  Daniel,  probably  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Rio  Santa  Maria.  Next  day  Sergeant  Ortega  was 

6Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  61-2. 

7  There  is  some  confusion  in  the  description  of  this  part  of  the  coast,  and 
this  stream  might  as  well  be  the  Santa  Maria,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that 
Purisima  Mission  was  afterward  bnilt  on  Rio  de  Santa  Rosa.  Purisima,  Lib. 
Muion,  MS.,  1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  112-13. 


OVER  THE  SIERRA  DE  SANTA  LUCf  A.  149 

taken  ill,  and  ten  of  the  men  began  to  complain  of 
sore  feet.  Turning  inland  not  far  from  what  is  now 
Point  San  Luis,  they  crossed  the  hills  by  a  some- 
what winding  course  and  on  the  7th  encamped  in 
the  Canada  de  los  Osos  in  the  vicinity  of  the  later 
San  Luis  Obispo.  Here  the  soldiers  engaged  in  a 
grand  bear-hunt,  in  which  one  of  these  fierce  brutes, 
seen  here  in  groups  of  fourteen  or  sixteen,  according 
to  Portola's  diary,  was  killed  after  receiving  nine  bul- 
lets, one  of  the  soldiers  barely  escaping  with  his  life. 
The  names  Los  Osos  and  El  Buchon  applied  at  this 
time  are  still  preserved  in  this  region. 

From  San  Luis,  instead  of  proceeding  north  and 
inland,  which  would  have  been  the  easier  route,  the 
explorers  follow  the  Bear  Canada  down  to  the  sea, 
where  they  note  Estero  Bay  and  Morro  Rock,  and 
whence  they  follow  the- coast  some  ten  leagues  to  a 
point  located  by  Costanso  in  latitude  35°  45',  and 
apparently  not  far  below  Cape  San  Martin.  The 
sierra  of  Santa  Lucia,  so  named  long  before,  now 
impedes  further  progress,  and  on  September  16th  the 
travellers  turn  to  the  right  and  begin  to  climb  the 
mountain  range,  "con  el  credo  en  la  boca,"  one  league 
per  day  being  counted  good  progress  in  such  a  rough 
country.  .  From  the  1 7th  to  the  1 9th  they  are  on  the 
Hoya,  or  ravine,  cle  la  Sierra  de  Santa  Lucia,  on  the 
head-waters  of  the  Rio  de  San  Antonio  near  where 
the  mission  of  the  same  name  is  afterward  founded. 
On  the  20th  the  lofty  range  northward  is  ascended, 
and  from  the  highest  ridge,  probably  Santa  Lucia 
Peak,  the  Spaniards  gaze  upon  a  boundless  sea  of 
mountains,  "  a  sad  spectacle  for  poor  travellers  worn 
out  by  the  fatigues  of  so  long  a  journey,"  sighs  Crespi. 
The  cold  begins  to  be  severe,  and  some  of  the  men 
are  disabled  by  scurvy;  yet  for  the  glory  of  God  and 
with  unfailing  confidence  in  their  great  patron  St 
Joseph,  they  press  bravely  on,  after  remaining  four 
days  in  a  little  mountain  canon  dedicated  by  the  friars 
to  the  Llagas  de  San  Francisco,  the  name  San  Fran- 


150        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

cisco  proper  being  reserved  forthat  saint's  'famous  port.' 
Wending  their  way  down  the  northern  slope,  perhaps 
by  way  of  the  Arroyo  Seco,  on  the  26th  they  reach 
a  river  which  they  name  San  Elizario,  or  Santa  Del- 
fina,  believed  by  the  Spaniards  to  be  the  Rio  del  Car- 
melo.  It  is  the  stream,  however,  since  known  as 
Salinas,  and  down  it  Portola's  company  march  to  the 
sea,  arriving  on  the  30th  at  a  point  near  the  mouth. 
The  natives  are  less  hospitable  in  the  Salinas  Valley 
than  south  of  there. 

As  the  expedition  draws  near  the  sea-shore,  a  point 
of  land  becomes  visible  in  the  south,  which  is  correctly 
judged  to  be  Point  Pinos,  one  of  the  prominent  land- 
marks by  which  Monterey  was  to  be  identified.  It  is 
therefore  determined  to  stop  here  for  exploration. 
October  1st  the  governor,  engineer,  and  Crespi,  with 
five  soldiers  climb  a  hill,  "from  the  top  of  which," 
writes  the  friar,  "we  saw  the  great  entrance,  and  con- 
jectured that  it  was  the  one  which  Cabrera  Bueno 
puts  between  Point  Aflo  Nuevo  and  Point  Pinos  of 
Monterey."  That  is  to  say,  believing  yet  doubting 
they  look  out  over  the  bay  and  harbor  of  Monterey 
in  search  of  which  they  had  come  so  far,  then  pass  on 
wondering  where  is  Monterey.  Rivera  with  eight  men 
explores  southward,  marching  along  the  very  shore  of 
the  port  they  are  seeking;  then  toward  Point  Pinos 
and  over  to  "a  small  bight  formed  between  the  said 
point  and  another  south  of  it,  with  an  arroyo  flowing 
down  from  the  mountains,  well  wooded,  and  a  slough, 
into  which  the  said  stream  discharges,  and  some  little 
lagoons  of  slight  extent;"  but  the  mountains  prevent 
further  progress  southward  along  the  shore.  The 
places  thus  explored  are  Carmelo  bay,  river,  and  point  ;8 
nevertheless  Rivera  returns  to  camp  saying  that  no 
port  is  to  be  found. 

The  4th  of  October  after  solemn  mass  in  a  brush- 

8  Cypress  Point  is  not  noticed  in  this  exploration;  but  it  is  certain  that  if 
tho  bighiTnow  visited,  were  not  Carmelo  Bay,  that  bay  would  have  been  found 
raid  mentioned  later  when  the  attempt  was  made  again  to  find  a  shore  route 
southward. 


MONTEREY  NOT  FOUND.  151 

wood  tent  at  the  mouth  of  the  Salinas  River,  a  meet- 
ing of  all  the  officers  and  friars  is  held  to  deliberate 
on  what  shall  be  done.  At  this  meeting  the  com- 
mandant briefly  calls  attention  to  the  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions, to  the  seventeen  men  on  the  sick-list  unfit  for 
duty,  to  the  excessive  burden  of  labor  imposed  on 
those  who  are  well  in  sentinel  duty  and  continual 
reconnoissances,  and  to  the  lateness  of  the  season.  In 
view  of  these  circumstances  and  of  the  fact  that  the 
port  of  Monterey  could  not  be  found  where  it  had 
been  supposed  to  lie,9  each  person  present  is  called 
upon  to  express  freely  his  opinion.  The  decision  of 
officers  and  priests  is  unanimous  "that  the  journey  be 
continued  as  the  only  expedient  remaining,  in  the  hope 
of  finding  by  the  favor  of  God  the  desired  port  of 
Monterey  and  in  it  the  San  Jose  'to  supply  our  needs, 
and  that  if  God  should  permit  that  in  the  search  for 
Monterey  we  all  perish,  we  shall  still  have  fulfilled 
our  duty  to  God  and  men  by  working  together  to  the 
death  in  the  accomplishment  of  the  enterprise  on 
which  we  have  been  sent."  Their  hope  rests  mainly  in 
the  fact  that  they  had  not  yet  reached  the  latitude  in 
which  Vizcaino  and  Cabrera  Bueno  had  placed  the  port. 

*  '  En  visto  de  lo  dicho  y  de  no  hallar  el  puerto  de  Monterey  en  la  altura 
que  se  presumia. '  Crespi,  Viatje,  355.  This  use  of  the  word  altura  is  an  error 
of  the  writer,  since  Cabrera  Bueno,  the  authority  on  which  dependence  was 
placed,  gives  the  latitude  of  Monterey  as  37°,  while  Costanso  now  made  it 
36°  30';  but  the  explanation  is  that  this  was  \vritten  after  subsequent  explor- 
ations further  north  which  had  an  influence  on  Crespi 's  words.  The  Junta 
lrn  de  ffuerra  de  la  crped'ic/on  de  tic-rra  qne  pascdta  en  sollcitud  del  puerto  te 
Monterey  en  4  de  Octiibre  de  17G9  is  attached  to  the  Portold,  Diarro,  MS.  In 
his  opening  address  Portohi  says  'what  should  be  the  Rio  Carmelo  is  only  an 
arroyo;  what  should  be  a  port  is  only  a  little  ensc-nada;  what  were  great  lakes 
are  lagumllas; '  and  yet  to  go  on  and  find  another  Sierra  de  Sta  Lucia  would 
take  time;  11  men  were  sick,  and  only  50  costalcs  of  flour  remained.  Cos- 
tanso gave  his  opinion  first:  that  they  were  in  only  30°  42',  while  Monterey 
was  in  37°  or  perhaps  more;  they  should  not  fail  to  explore  up  to  37°  30'  so  as 
either  to  find  the  port  or  to  be  sure  of  its  non-existence.  Fages  followed  and 
also  favored  going  on  to  37°  or  a  little  more,  as  the  port  had  certainly  not 
been  passed,  and  they  had  not  yet  reached  its  latitude.  Then  Rivera,  who 
did  not  seem  to  think  Monterey  would  be  found,  since  it  was  not  where  it 
ought  to  be,  but  thought  they  should  establish  themselves  somewhere,  but 
not  where  they  then  were.  Then  Portold  decided  to  rest  6  days,  go  on  as 
far  as  possible,  and  then  select  the  most  eligible  place  for  a.  settlement  if 
Monterey  did  not  appear.  All  agreed  in  writing  to  this  plan,  including, 
padres  Gomez  and  Crespi. 


152        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

It  is  and  must  ever  remain  more  or  less  inexpli- 
cable that  the  Spaniards  should  have  failed  at  this 
time  to  identify  Monterey.  All  that  was  known  of 
that  port  had  resulted  from  Vizcaino's  visit,  and 
this  knowledge  was  in  the  hands  of  the  explorers  in 
the  works  of  Venegas  and  Cabrera  Bueno.  The  de- 
scription of  landmarks  was  tolerably  clear,10  and  in 
fact  these  landmarks  had  been  readily  recognized  by 
Portola's  party  at  their  first  arrival  on  the  bay  shore. 
Moreover,  the  advantages  of  the  harbor  had  not  been 
very  greatly  exaggerated,  both  Torquemada,  as  quoted 
by  Venegas,  and  Cabrera  Bueno  having  called  Monte- 
rey simply  afamoso  puerto,  the  former  stating  that  it 
was  protected  from  all  winds,  and  the  latter,  from  all 
except  north-west  winds.  Yet  with  the  harbor  lying 
at  their  feet,  and  with  several  landmarks  so  clearly 
defined  that  Vila  and  Serra  recognized  them  at  once 
from  the  reports  at  San  Diego,  and  penetrated  the 
truth  of  the  matter  in  spite  of  their  companions' 
mystification,  the  Spanish  officers  could  find  nothing 
resembling  the  object  of  their  search,  and  even  were 
tempted  to  account  for  the  port's  disappearance  by 
the  theory  that  since  Vizcaino's  time  it  had  perhaps 
been  filled  up  with  sand!11 

10  See  chapter  iii.,  this  volume. 

11  Crespi's  remarks,  in  addition  to  what  has  been  given  in  the  preceding 
narrative,  are  as  follows:  'In  view  of  what  has  been  said. .  .and  of  our  not 
finding  in  these  regions  the  port  of  Monterey  so  celebrated  and  so  praised  in 
their  time  by  men  of  character,  skilful,  intelligent,  and  practical  navigators 
who  came  expressly  to  explore  these  coasts  by  order  of  the  king. .  .we  have 
to  say  that  it  is  not  found  after  the  most  careful  efforts  made  at  cost  of  much 
sweat  and  fatigue;  or  it  must  be  said  that  it  has  been  filled  up  and  destro}"ed 
with  time,  though  we  see  no  indications  to  support  this  opinion;  and  therefore 
I  suspend  my  opinion  on  this  point,  but  what  I  can  say  with  assurance  is  that 
with  all  diligence  on  the  part  of  comandante,  officers,  and  soldiers  no  such 
port  has  been  found. .  .At  Pt  Pinos  there  is  no  port,  nor  have  we  seen  in 
all  our  journey  a  country  more  desolate  than  this,  or  people  more  rude,  Se- 
bastian Vizcaino  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. .  .although  this  was  easier 
to  be  misrepresented  than  a  port  so  famous  as  was  Monterey  in  former  cen- 
turies. '  Viage,  395-6.     In  a  letter  buried  before  the  final  return  it  is  stated 
that  the  expedition  '  sighted  Pt  Pinos  and  the  ensenadas  north  and  south  of 
it  without  seeing  any  signs  of  the  port  of  Monterey,  and  resolved  to  go  on  in 
search  of  it,'  and  again  on  the  return  'made  an  effort  to  search  for  the  port 
of  Monterey  within  the  mountain  range  following  along  the  sea,  in  spite  of 

•its  roughness,  but  in  vain.'  Palou,  Not.,  i.  399-400.     According  to  Palou, 
Vida.,  88,  P.  Crespi  wrote  him  that  he  feared  the  port  had  been  filled  up;  and 


HOW  THE  ERROR  OCCURRED.  153 

There  are,  however,  several  circumstances  which 
tend  to  lessen  our  difficulty  in  accounting  for  the 
error  committed,  and  which  are  almost  sufficient  to 
remove  the  difficulty  altogether,  especially  so  far  as 
this  first  visit  on  the  northward  march  is  concerned. 
First,  the  Rio  Carmelo,  seen  but  once  when  swollen 
by  winter  rains,  was  on  the  record  as  a  "  river  of  good 
water  though  of  little  depth,"  and  in  geographical 
discussions  of  the  past  had  gradually  acquired  great 
importance.  Portola's  party  reaching  the  Salinas,  the 
largest  river  in  this  region,  naturally  supposed  they 
were  on  the  Carmelo.  If  it  were  the  Carmelo,  Pt 
Pinos  should  bear  north  rather  than  south;  if  it  were 
not,  then  not  only  was  this  large  river  not  mentioned 
in  the  old  authorities,  but  there  was  no  river  in  the 
region  to  be  identified  with  the  Carmelo,  for  it  never 
occurred  to  the  travellers  to  apply  that  name  to  the 
creek,  now  nearly  dry,  which  flowed  into  the  en- 
senada  to  the  south  of  the  point.  Second,  Cabrera 
Bueno's  description  of  the  bays  north  arid  south  of 
Point  Pinos  as  fine  ports,  the  latter  protected  from  all 
winds  and  the  former  from  all  but  those  from  the 
north-west,  was  exaggerated,  perhaps  very  much  so;  yet 
it  was  not  Cabrera's  or  Vizcaino's  exaggerations  that 

Serra  mentioned  in  one  of  his  letters  the  same  opinion  founded  on  the  great 
sand  dunes  foimd  where  the  port  ought  to  be.  Id.,  92.  Fages  says:  'We 
knewiiou  if  the  place  where  we  were  was  that  of  our  destination;  still  after 
having  carefully  examined  it  and  compared  it  with  the  relations  of  the  ancient 
voyagers,  wo  resolved  to  continue  our  march ;  for  after  having  taken  the  lati- 
tude, we  found  that  we  were  only  in  3G°  44',  while,  according  to  the  reports 
of  the  pilot,  Cabrera  Bueno,  Monterey  should  be  in  37°,  and  so  serious  an 
error  was  not  supposable  on  the  part  of  a  man  of  well  known  skill.  The  con- 
figuration of  the  coast  did  not  agree  either  with  the  relations  which  served  us 
as  a  guide.'  Voy.  en  CaL,  328-9.  Rivera  simply  says:  'We  went  in  the  ex- 
pedition by  land  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  and  having  failed  to  recognize 
the  latter  we  proceeded  in  search  of  it  till  we  came  to  San  Francisco,  whence 
for  want  of  provisions  we  returned  and  the  whole  expedition  slept  two  nights 
in  Monterey  itself  and  encamped  several  days  on  the  Rio  Carmelo. '  St.  Pap. , 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  52-3.  According  to  Ortega,  'On  October  5th  or 
Gth  \ve  reached  Pt  Pinos,  and  according  to  the  indications  of  Capt,  Vizcaino 
and  the  piloto  Cabrera  Bueno — and  our  latitude  as  well-^we  should  have 
thought  ourselves  already  at  Monterey;  but  not  finding  the  shelter  and  pro- 
tection ascribed  by  them  to  the  port  caused  us  to  doubt,  since  we  saw  a  bight 
over  twelve  leagues  across  with  no  shelter  except  for  small  craft  at  the  point, 
although  the  said  bight  is  large  enough  to  hold  thousands  of  vessels,  but  with 
little  projection  from  some  winds.'  Fragmento,  MS.,  52. 


154        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

misled  Portola.  Monterey  had  been  much  talked  and 
written  about  during  the  past  century  and  a  half  in 
connection  with  the  fables  of  Northern  Mystery,  and 
while  its  waters  lay  undisturbed  by  foreign  keel  its 
importance  as  a  harbor  had  been  constantly  growing 
in  the  minds  of  Spanish  officials  and  missionaries.  It 
was  not  the  piloto's  comparatively  modest  description 
so  much  as  the  grand  popular  ideal  which  supported 
the  expectations  of  the  governor  and  his  companions, 
and  of  which  the  reality  fell^so  far  short.  Third,  the 
very  different  impressions  of  storm-tossed  mariners 
anchoring  in  the  bay  when  its  shores  were  brightened 
and  refreshed  by  winter  rains,  and  of  travellers  arriv- 
ing at  the  end  of  the  dry  season  from  the  sunny  clime, 
large  villages,  and  hospitable  population  of  the  Santa 
Barbara  Channel  must  be  taken  into  consideration. 
Fourth,  the  Spaniards  had  no  boats  in  which  to  make 
soundings  and  test  the  anchorage  capacities  of  the 
harbor.  Fifth,  Cabrera's  latitude  was  thirty  minutes 
higher  than  that  resulting  from  Costanso's  observa- 
tions. 

To  these  considerations  should  be  added  two  other 
theories  respecting  the  failure  to  find  Monterey.  One 
is  that  favored  by  Palou,12  who  like  some  of  his  com- 
panions was  disposed  to  regard  the  concealment  of 
the  port  as  a  miraculous  interposition  of  God  at  the 
intercession  and  in  the  interests  of  St  Francis;  for 
on  starting  from  the  peninsula  after  completing  ar- 
rangements for  the  new  establishments,  Father  Juni- 
pero  had  asked  Galvez  —  "  and  for  Our  Father  San 
Francisco  is  there  to  be  no  mission?"  to  which  the 
visitador  had  replied  —  "if  San  Francisco  wants  a 
mission  let  him  cause  his  port  to  be  found  and  it  will 
be  put  there;"  and  the  saint  did  show  his  port  and  left 
St  Charles  to  do  as  much  at  Monterey  later.  The 

12  '  Luego  que  lei  esta  noticia  atribui  ;i  disposicion  divina  el  quo  no  hallando 
la  expedition  el  puerto  de  Monterey  en  el  parade  <|iie  lo  sefialaba  el  antiguo 
hasta  Ik-gar  ;;1  Puerto  dc  N.    1'.  S.    lYanei;  •;<•<>.'    \'kla  dt 


•fit,  88,     Gleeson,  JJixt.  <  '<{?//.  Ch.,  ii.  35-8,  accepts  the  view  that 
it  was  a  miracle. 


SANTA  CRUZ  REGION.  155 

other  theory  is  one  that  was  somewhat  prevalent 
among  the  descendants  of  the  first  Spanish  soldiers 
and  settlers  in  later  years,  namely,  that  the  explorers 
had  secret  orders  from  Galvez  not  to  find  Monterey, 
but  to  go  on  to  San  Francisco.13  Neither  this  view 
of  the  matter  nor  that  involving  supernatural  agencies 
seems  to  demand  much  comment.  It  would  be  very 
difficult  to  prove  the  inaccuracy  of  either. 

It  having  been  determined  to  proceed,  Ortega  and 
a  few  men  advance  October  Gth  to  .make  a  rconnois- 
sance  which  seems  to  favor  former  conclusions,  since 
lie  saw  another  river  and  thought  he  saw  another 
wooded  point,  which  might  be  the  veritable  Rio  Car- 
rnelo  and  Point  Pinos.  Next  day  the  whole  company 
set  out  and  in  twenty-three  days  march  up  the  coast 
to  Point  Angel  Custoclio,  since  called  Point  San 
Pedro.  Eleven  men  have  to  be  carried  in  litters,14 
and  progress  is  slow.  On  the  8th  the  Pajaro  River 
is  crossed  and  named  by  the  soldiers  from  a  stuffed 
bird  found  among  the  natives.  A  week  later  in  the 
vicinity  of  Soquel  the  palo  Colorado,  or  redwood, 
begins  to  be  seen.  On  the  17th  they  cross  and  name 
the  Rio  de  Sari  Lorenzo,  at  the  site  of  the  present 
Santa  Cruz;  and  on  the  23d  Point  Ano  Nuevo  is 
passed.  Vegetables  soon  gi\7e  out  as  had  meat  long 
ago,  and  rations  are  reduced  to  five  tortillas  of  bran 
and  flour  a  clay.  Portold  and  Rivera  are  added  to  the 
sick  list.  On  the  28th  the  rains  begin,  and  the  men 
are  attacked  by  diarrhoea,  which  seems  to  relieve  the 
scurvy.  The  30th  they  reach  a  point  with  detached 
rocks,  or  farallones,  located  by  Costanso  in  37°  31', 

13  Vail  f jo,  IIht.  Cat,  MS.,  i.  39-42;  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  19-20; 
Vril.'"jrj  (J.  «/".),  liemin.,  MS.,  66-7.     All  have  heard  from  Ignacio  Vallejo  and 
others  of  his  time  that  Portola  was  supposed  to  have  passed  Monterey  inten- 
tionally. 

14  Ortega  describes  the  labors  and  sufferings  of  the  men  more   fully  than 
others.      He  says  10   lost  the  use  of  their  limbs.     Each    night  they  were 
rubbed  with  oil  and  each  morning  were  fastened  to  the  tijeras,  a  kind  of 
wooden  frame,  and  raised  to  the  1  jacks  of   the  mules.      The  rain  however 
brought  some  relief.  Fragmento,  MS. 


150        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

where  the  hills  bar  the  passage  along  the  shore.  It  i& 
named  Point  Angel  Custodio  and  Point  Almejas, 
being  that  now  known  as  San  Pedro.15 

It  is  the  last  day  of  October.  After  some  prelimi- 
nary examination  by  an  advance  party,  the  whole  com- 
pany climb  the  hill  and  gaze  about  them.  On  their 
left  is  the  ever  present  sea,  rolling  oiF  to  the  west  in 
a  dim  eternity  of  waters.  Before  them  is  a  bay,  or 
bight,  lying  between  the  point  on  which  they  stand 
and  one  beyond  extending  into  the  sea  far  to  the  north- 
west. Rising  abruptly  full  before  them,  high  above 
the  ocean,  the  bold  shore  presents  a  dismal  front  in 
its  summer-soiled  robes,  as  yet  undyed  by  the  delicious 
winter  rains,  the  clouded  sun  meanwhile  refusing  its  fre- 
quent exhibitions  of  exquisite  colorings  between  the 
deep  blue  waters  and  the  dark,  purple  bluff.  Farther  to 
the  left,  about  west-north-west  from  their  position  and 
apparently  south-west  from  the  distant  point,  is  seen 
a  group  of  six  or  seven  whitish  farallones;  and  finally 
looking  along  the  shore  northward  they  discover  white 
cliffs  and  what  appears  to  be  the  mouth  of  an  inlet 
making  toward  the  north-east.  There  is  no  mistaking 
these  landmarks  so  clearly- laid  down  by  Cabrera  Bu- 
eno.16  The  travellers  recognize  them  immediately; 
the  distant  point  of  land  must  be  Point  Reyes,  and 
under  it  lies  the  port  of  San  Francisco.  The  saint 
has  indeed  and  unexpectedly  brought  the  missionaries 
within  sight  of  his  port.  Strong  in  this  well  founded 
conviction,  the  pilgrims  descend  the  hill  northward 
and  encamp  near  the  beach  at  the  southern  extremity 

15  Mr  Doyle,  Address  7,  makes  it  Corral  de  Tierra,  or  Pillar  Point,  at  the 
northern  extremity  of  Half  Moon  Bay.  I  do  not  know  if  this  was  a  deliber- 
ately formed  opinion;  but  my  reasons  for  identifying  Mussel  Point  with  San 
Pedro  are:  1st,  the  detached  rocks  or  farallones  not  found  in  connection  with 
the  other  points,  see  Gal.  State  GeoL  frurv.  Map  of  region  adjacent  to  8.  F. ,  1367; 
2d,  the  hills  cutting  off  the  shore  passage  as  they  do  not  at  Pillar  Point,  see  Id. ; 
3d,  the  clear  view  of  Drake  Bay  and  the  Farallones,  etc.;  and  4th,  the  fact 
that  in  order  to  put  in  the  number  of  leagues  they  did  going  south  along  the 
Canada  they  must  have  crossed  at  San  Pedro  rather  than  at  Pillar,  especially, 
if  as  Doyle  suggests,  their  last  camp  was  no  farther  south-  than  Searsville. 
There  are,  however,  some  clifficiilties. 

10  For  this  author's  full  description  of  this  region  see  chap.  iii.  this  volume. 


THE  OLD  SAN  FRANCISCO.  157 

of  the  sheet  of  water  known  to  the  Spaniards  from 
that  time  as  the  Ensenada  de  los  Farallones. 

There  has  been  much  perplexity  in  the  minds  of 
modern  writers  respecting  this  port  of  San  Francisco, 
resulting  from  want  of  familiarity  with  the  original 
records,  and  from  the  later  transfer  of  the  name  to 
another  bay.  These  writers  have  failed  to  clear  away 
the  difficulties  that  seemed  to  surround  the  subject.17 
I  have  no  space  to  catalogue  all  the  erroneous  ideas 
that  have  been  entertained;  but  most  authors  seem 
to  have  supposed  that  the  matter  was  as  dark  in  the 
minds  of  the  Spaniards  as  in  their  own,  and  it  has 
been  customary  to  interpret  the  reply  of  Galvez  to 
Serra  already  quoted  somewhat  like  this:  "If  San 
Francisco  wants  a  mission  let  him  reveal  the  where- 
abouts of  this  port  of  his  of  which  we  have  heard  so 
much  and  which  we  have  never  been  able  to  find,"  or 
in  other  instances  more  simply,  "let  him  show  a  good 
port  if  he  wants  a  mission."18 

17  Certain  exceptions  should  be  noted.     My  assistant,  in  the   Overland 
Monthly,  made  known  for  the  first  time  to  the  English-reading  public  the 
statements  of  Cabrera  Bueno  and  Crespi,  and  in  a  few  brief  notes  put  the  sub- 
ject in  its  true  light.     Doyle  in  notes  to  his  reprint  of  Palou  subsequently 
gave  a  correct  version;  and  several  writers  since  have  partially  utilized  the 
information  thus  presented. 

18  The  following  from  Dwindle 's  Colon,  flist.  8.  F.,  xi.  24,  is  a  sample  of 
the  errors  current  in  the  best  class  of  works:  'There  was  a  report  in  Mexico 
that  such  a  port  existed,  yet  navigators  sent  to  explore  it  had  not  succeeded 
in  finding  it,  and  even  at  Monterey  nobody  believed  in  it.    But  in  1772  Father 
Junipcro,  taking  the  viceroy  at  his  word,  caused  an  overland  expedition  to  set 
out  for  Monterey  under  the  command  of  Juan  B.  Ainsa  to  search  for  the  apoc- 
ryphal port.    They  were  so  successful  as  to  discover  the  present  bay  of  San 
Francisco.'   Dwindle 's  idea  seems  to  be  that  there  was  a  tradition  of  such  a 
bay  before  Drake's  time;  that  Drake  and  others  after  him  missed  the  bay  on 
account  of  fogs,  etc.;  and  that  the  real  bay  had  thus  come  to  be  regarded  as 
apochryphal.  Randolph  in  his  famous  oration,  Hutching*  Mag.,  v.  269,  regards 
it  'as  one  of  the  most  remarkable  facts  in  history  that  others  had  passed- it, 
anchored  near  it,  and  actually  given  its  name  to  adjacent  roadsteads,  and  so 
described  its  position  that  it  was  immediately  known;  and  yet  that  the  cloud 
had  never  been  lifted  which  concealed  the  entrance  of  the  bay  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  that  it  was  at  last  discovered  by  land.'    Randolph's  error  was  in 
supposing  that  it  was  the  inside  bay  that  'was  immediately  known,'  rather 
than  the  'adjacent  roadstead.'   Tuthill,  Hist.  CaL,  77-9,  says  that  Portola 
went  on  to  San  Francisco  and  recognized  it  as  having  been  before  described. 
Possibly  some  Spaniards  had  visited  the  port  and  their  oral  descriptions  mixed 
with  that  of -Drake  gave  rise  to  the  name  and  to  glowing  accounts  which  were 
accredited  to  Monterey !    Thus  all  became  confusion  between  the  two  bays. 
Some  authors,  correctly  stating  that  Portola  discovered  the  bay  of  San  Fran- 


158        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

There  was,  however,  nothing  mysterious  in  the 
matter,  save  as  all  things  in  the  north  were  at  one 
time  or  another  tinged  with  mystery.  The  truth  is 
that  before  1769  San  Francisco  Port  under  Point 
Reyes  had  been  twice  visited  by  Spaniards,  to  say 
nothing  of  a  probable  visit  by  an  Englishman,  while 
Monterey  had  received  only  one  visit;  both  were 
located  and  described  with  equal  clearness  in  Cabrera 
Bueno's  coast-pilot;  and  consequently,  if  less  talked 
about  San  Francisco  was  quite  as  well  known  to  Gal- 
vez,  PortoM,  Crespi,  and  the  rest,  as  wras  Monterey. 
The  visitador's  remark  to  Serra  meant  simply,  "if  San 
Francisco  wants  a  mission  •  let  him  favor  our  enter- 
prise so  that  our  exploration  and  occupation  may  be 
extended  northward  to  include  his  port."  The  ex- 
plorers passed  up  the  coast,  came  within  sight  of  San 
Francisco  Port,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  recognizing 
the  landmarks  at  first  glance.  The  miracle  in  the 
padre's  eyes  was  not  in  the  showing  of  San  Francisco, 
but  in  the  concealment  of  Monterey.  And  all  this, 
be  it  remembered,  without  the  slightest  suspicion  or 
tradition  of  the  existence  of  any  other  San  Fran- 
cisco, or  of  the  grand  inland  bay  so  near  which  has 
since  made  the  name  famous.  St  Francis  had  indeed 
brought  the  Spaniards  within  sight  of  his  port,  but 
his  mission  was  not  to  be  there ;  and  some  years  later, 
when  the  Spaniards  found  they  could  not  go  to  San 
Francisco,  they  decided  that  San  Francisco  must  come 
to  them,  and  accordingly  transferred  the  name  south- 
ward to  the  peninsula  and  bay.  Hence  the  confu- 

cisQO  in  1709,  also  tell  us  that  he  named  it.  See  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  ii. 
38;  Capron's  Hist.  Cal.,  122;  Soule's  Annals  of  S.  F.,  40,  etc.;  but  the  inner 
bay  was  not  named  for  some  years,  and  the  outer  bay  had  been  named  long 
before.  That  confusion  still  reigns  in  the  minds  of  the  best  writers  is  shown 
by  the  following  from HittelCs  Hist.  S.  Francisco,  41:  'The  Spanish  explorers, 
Portold  and  Crespi,  did  not  imagine  that  they  had  made  a  discovery.  T':;  y 
saw  that  the  harbor  was  different  from  that  of  Monterey,  described  by  Viz- 


harbor  of  San  Francisco,  and  he  gave  to  them  the  name  which  they  now  bear. ' 


DISCOVERY  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY.  159 

sion  alluded  to.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
inner  bay  was  not  named  during  this  trip,  nor  for 
some  years  later;  while  the  outer  bay  had  been  named 
for  more  than  a  half  century. 

A  few  of  the  company  still  venture  to  assert  that 
Monterey  has  not  been  passed,  and  to  remove  all 
doubt  it  is  decided  to  send  the  explorers  forward  to 
Point  Reyes.  Ortega  sets  out  with  a  small  party  on 
the  day  following,  taking  provisions  for  a  three  days' 
trip.  Meanwhile  the  rest  remain  in  camp  just  north 
of  Mussel  Point.  But  during  Ortega's  absence,  the 
2d  of  November,  some  6F  the  soldiers,  in  hunting  for 
deer,  climb  the  north-eastern  hills,  and  return  with 
tidings  of  a  new  discovery.  From  the  summit  they 
had  beheld  a  great  inland  sea  stretching  northward 
and  south-eastward  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach.  The 
country  is  well  wooded  they  say,  and  exceedingly 
beautiful.  Thus  European  eyes  first  rest  on  the  waters 
of  San  Francisco  Bay;  but  the  names  of  these  deer- 
hunters  can  never  be  known.  At  camp  they  make 
one  error  on  hearing  the  news,  by  attempting  to  iden- 
tify this  new  "brazo  de  mar  6  estero"  with  the  "es- 
tero"  mentioned  by  Cabrera  Bueno  as  entering  the 
land  from  the  port  of  San  Francisco  under  Point 
Reyes;13  that  is,  at  first  thought  it  did  not  seem  pos- 
sible for  an  inlet  of  so  great  extent  to  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  the  early  voyagers;  but  this  erroneous 
idea  does  not  last  long,  or  lead  to  any  results.  It  is 
at  once  foreseen  that  Ortega's  party  will  not  be  able 
to  reach  Point  Reyes,  because  he  has  no  boats  in 
which  to  cross,  and  no  time  to  go  round  the  inlet. 
And  indeed  next  day  Ortega  returns.  As  had  been 
anticipated,  he  had  not  been  able  to  cross  the  inlet 
and  reach  San  Francisco.  To  Ortega,  whose  descend- 
ants still  live  in  California,  belongs  the  honor  of  having 

19  It  must  be  remembered  that,  to  casual  observers  like  the  hunters  at 
least,  standing  on  the  San  Bruno  hills,  the  connection  of  the  bay  with  the 
ocean  would  seem  to  be  very  much  farther  north  than  the  Golden  Gate,  and 
possibly  far  enough  north  to  reach  the  bay  under  Pt  Reyes. 


160        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FKANCISCO. 

first  explored  the  peninsula  on  which  stands  the  com- 
mercial metropolis  of  the  west  coast  of  North  Amer- 
ica; probably  also  that  of  having  discovered  what  is 
now  known  as  the  Golden  Gate,  and  possibly  that  of 
being  the  discoverer  of  the  bay,  for  he  .may  have 
climbed  the  hills  on  his  way  north  and  have  looked 
down  on  the  'brazo  de  mar/  before  the  deer-hunters 
saw  it.20  Yet  we  have  no  details  of  Ortega's  ex- 
ploration, because  he  comes  back  with  one  idea 
which  has  driven  all  others  from  his  mind,  and  which 
indeed  turns  the  thoughts  of  the  whole  company  into 
a  new  channel.  He  has  understood  the  natives,  of 
whom  he  found  some  on  the  peninsula,  to  say  that 
at  the  head  of  the  'brazo  de  mar'  is  a  harbor,  and  in 
it  a  vessel  at  anchor. 

Visions  of  the  San  Jose  and  of  the  food  and  other 
necessaries  they  can  now  obtain  float  before  them 
sleeping  and  waking.  Some  think  that  after  all  they 
are  indeed  at  Monterey.  Obviously  the  next  thing 
to  be  done  is  to  seek  that  harbor  and  vessel.  Henc 
on  the  4th  of  November  they  break  camp  and  set 
out,  at  first  keeping  along  the  shore,  but  soon  turning 
inland  and  crossing  the  hills  north-eastward,  the 
whole  company  looking  down  from  the  summit  upon 
the  inland  sea,  and  then  descending  into  a  Canada, 
down  which  they  follow  southward  for  a  time  and 
then  encamp;  the  day's  march  being  only  about  five 
or  six  miles  in  all.  They  have  crossed  the  San  Bruno 
hills  from  just  above  Point  San  Pedro  to  the  head 
of  the  Canada  in  a  course  due  west  from  Milbrae. 
Next  day  they  march  down  the  same  Canada,  called 
by  them  San  Francisco,  now  San  Andres  and  San 
Kaimundo,  for  three  leagues  and  a  half,  having  the 
main  range  on  the  right,  and  on  the  left  a  line  ^  of 
low  hills  which  obstruct  their  view  of  the  bay.  They 
encamp  on  a  large  lagoon,  now  Laguna  Grande,  on  San 
Mateo  Creek.  On  the  Gth  they  continue  their  march 

20  It  must  also  be  noted  that  among  Fages'  volunteers  there  was  a  Sergeant 
Puig  who  may  possibly  be  entitled  to  all  this  honor,  but  probably  not. 


ON  THE  PENINSULA. 


161 


for  other  three  leagues  and  a  half  to  the  end  of  the 
Canada,  pitching  their  camp  on  a  stream  flowing  into 
the  bay — doubtless  the  San  Francisquito  Creek  in 
the  vicinity  of  Searsville. 

Here  the  main  force  remain  four  days,  suffering 
considerably  from  hunger,  and  many  making  them- 
selves ill  by  eating  acorns,  while  the  sergeant  and 


MOVEMENTS  or  THE  DISCOVERERS. 

eight  of  the  party  are  absent  examining  the  country 
and  searching  for  the  port  and  vessel.  On  the  10th 
of  November  the  men  return  and  report  the  country 
sterile  and  the  natives  hostile.  There  is  another  large 
'estero'  communicating  with  the  one  in  sight,  but  no 
sign  of  any  port  at  its  end,  which  is  far  away  and 
difficult  to  reach.  There  is  nothing  to  show  how  far 

HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  I.    11 


162        EXPEDITION  TO  MONTEREY  AND  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

this  reconnoissance  extended  along  the  bay  shore; 
but  the  new  estero  is  evidently  but  the  south-eastern 
extension  of  the  main  bay ;  and  reports  of  the  country 
are  doubtless  colored  by  disappointment  respecting 
the  San  Jose.  A  council  of  officers  and  friars  is 
called  on  the  llth,  and  after  the  solemnities  of  holy 
mass  each  member  gives  his  written  opinion  on  what 
should  be  done.  The  decision  is  unanimous  that  it  is 
useless  to  seek  Monterey  farther  north,  and  that  it  is 
best  to  return  to  Point  Pinos.  Portola  makes  some 
objection,  probably  as  a  matter  of  form,  but  yields  to 
the  views  of  the  others. 

The  same  afternoon  they  set  out  on  their  return, 
and  in  a  march  of  twenty-six  days,  over  the  same 
route  by  which  they  came,  and  without  incidents  that 
require  notice,  they  reach  what  is  really  Carmelo 
Bay.  Here  they  remain  from  November  28th  to 
December  10th,  making  some  additional  explorations, 
but  finding  no  port,  and  in  fact  learning  nothing  new 
save  that  the  mountains  in  the  south  belong  to  the 
Sierra  de  Santa  Lucia  and  that  no  passage  along  the 
shore  is  practicable.  Grass  is  now  abundant  for  the 
animals,  but  the  men  can  get  no  game,  fish,  or  even 
clams.  Some  gulls  are  eaten,  and  a  mule  is  killed 
which  only  the  Catalan  volunteers  and  Lower  Cali- 
fornians  will  eat.  Finally,  after  religious  exercises  on 
the  preceding  day  a  council  is  held  on  the  7th.21  Three 
plans  are  proposed.  Some,  and  among  them  the  gov- 
ernor, favor  dividing  the  force,  part  remaining  at  Point 
Pinos  to  wait  for  a  vessel,  the  rest  returning  to  San 
Diego;  others  think  it  best  for  all  to  remain  till  pro- 
visions are  exhausted,  and  then  depend  on  mule-meat 
for  the  return ;  but  the  prevailing  sentiment  and  the 
decision  are  in  favor  of  immediate  return,  since  sup- 
plies are  reduced  to  fourteen  small  sacks  of  flour,  while 
the  cold  is  excessive  and  snow  begins  to  cover  the 
hills.  Meanwhile  two  mulatto  arrieros  desert,  and  on 

21  The  record  of  this  junta  and  of  the  former  one  of  Nov.  llth  were  in- 
cluded in  the  original  Porlold,  Diario,  MS.,  but  are  not  in  the  copy. 


BACK  TO  SAN  DIEGO.  163 

the  9th  an  iron  band  supposed  to  have  come  from  the 
mast  of  some  vessel  is  found  on  the  beach,  by  the  natives. 
Before  leaving  Carmelo  Bay  a  large  cross  is  set  up 
on  a  knoll  near  the  beach,  bearing  the  carved  inscrip- 
tion "Dig  at  the  foot  and  thou  wilt  find  a  writing." 
The  buried  document  is  a  brief  narrative  of  the  expe- 
dition with  a  request  that  the  commander  of  any  ves- 
sel arriving  soon  will  sail  down  the  coast  and  try  to 
communicate  with  the  land  party.22  Recrossing  the 
peninsula  they  set  up,  on  the  shore  of  the  very  harbor 
they  could  not  find,  another  cross  with  an  inscription 
announcing  their  departure.  Setting  out  on  their 
return  the  llth  they  ascend  the  Salinas  and  retrace, 
with  a  few  exceptions,  their  former  route.  It  is  an 
uneventful  journey,  but  I  catalogue  a  few  details  in  a 
note.23  Below  the  San  Luis  Obispo  region  the  natives 
begin  to  bring  in  an  abundance  of  fish  and  other  food, 
so  that  there  is  no  further  suffering,  and  on  January 
24,  1770,  with  many  curious  conjectures  as  to  the 
condition  in  which  their  friends  will  be  found,  they 
approach  the  palisade  enclosure  at  San  Diego,  and 
announce  their  arrival  by  a  discharge  of  musketry. 
Warm  welcome  follows  and  then  comparison  of  notes. 
Neither  party  can  report  much  progress  toward  the 
conquest  of  California. 

22  The  letter  is  dated  Dec.  9th,  and  is  translated  in  Doyle's  Address. 

23  December  16th,  a  lean  mule  left  in  the  Sierra  de  Sta  Lucia  was  recovered 
fat  and  well  cared  for  by  the  natives.      20th,  to  prevent  theft  provisions 
were  distributed,  40  tortillas  to  each  man  and  a  little  biscuit,    ham,   and 
chocolate  for  each  officer  and  padre.    21st,  a  man  who  had  deserted  at  Point 
Pinos  was  found  among  the  natives  and  excused  himself  by  saying  that  he  had 
gone  in  search  of  Monterey  in  the  hope  of  honor  and  reward.      Another 
deserter  returned  later  to  San  Diego.     24th  and  25th,  the  natives  began  to 
bring  in  food.     28th,  stuck  fast  in  a  mud-hole  near  San  Luis  Obispo,  and 
unable  to  say  mass  though  it  was  a  day  of  fiesta.      January  1st,  a  bear  and 
cubs  killed  furnishing  material  for  a  feast.     January  3d,  passed  Point  Con- 
cepcion.    4th,  another  fat  mule  restored  by  the  natives.    Food  now  abundant, 
llth,  at  Asmnpta,  or  Santa  Barbara.     January  12th  to  loth,  instead  of  going 
up  the  Santa  Clara  River,  they  took  a  more  southern  route.     They  could  not 
get  through  by  the  first  route  tried,  on  which  they  named  the  Triunfo  ran- 
cheria,  a  name  that  seems  to  have  survived;  but  they  finally  crossed  by  the 
modern  stage  route  via  Simi.     January  16th  to  18th,  their  route  through  the 
Los  Angeles  region  was  also  different  but  not  very  clear.     On  the  17th  they 
crossed  the  Rio  Porciuncula  and  went  to  a  valley  which  they  called  Sau 
Miguel,  where  San  Gabriel  mission  afterwards  stood;   and  next  day  they 
crossed  the  Rio  Santa  Ana  6  long  leagues  distant. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY— FOUNDING  OF  SAN  CARLOS,  SAN 
ANTONIO,  AND  SAN  GABRIEL. 

1770-1771. 

AFFAIRS  AT  SAN  DIEGO — A  DISHEARTENED  GOVERNOR— CALIFORNIA  TO  BE 
ABANDONED — RIVERA'S  TRIP  TO  THE  SOUTH — PRAYER  ANSWERED — 
ARRIVAL  OF  THE  '&AN  ANTONIO' — DISCOVERY  OF  MONTEREY — IN  CAMP 
ON  CARMELO  BAY — FOUNDING  OF  THE  PRESIDIO  AND  MISSION  oy  SAN 
CARLOS — DESPATCHES  SENT  SOUTH  BY  LAND  AND  $EA — PORTOL!  LEAVES 
FAGES  IN  COMMAND — RECEPTION  OF  THE  NEWS  IN  MEXICO — TEN  PADRES 
SENT  TO  CALIFORNIA — PALOU'S  MEMORIAL — MISSION  WORK  IN  THE 
NORTH— ARRIVAL  OF  THE  NEW  PADRES — STATIONS  ASSIGNED— FOUND- 
ING OF  SAN  ANTONIO — TRANSFER  OF  SAN  CARLOS  TO  CARMELO  BAY — 
EVENTS  AT  SAN  DIEGO — DESERTIONS — RETIREMENT  OF  PARRON  AND 
GOMEZ — ESTABLISHING  OF  SAN  GABRIEL — OUTRAGES  BY  SOLDIERS. 

AT  San  Diego  during  PortoM's  absence  no  progress 
had  been  made  in  mission  work,  save  perhaps  the  ad- 
dition of  a  palisade  and  a  few  tule  .huts  to  the  build- 
ings. The  governor's  return  in  January  1770,  from 
his  unsuccessful  trip  to  Monterey,  had  no  effect  to 
brighten  the  aspect  of  affairs,  since  he  was  much  dis- 
heartened, and  not  disposed  to  afford  aid  to  the  presi- 
dent in  advancing  the  interests  of  a  mission  that  would 
very  likely  have  to  be  abandoned.  So  nothing  w^as 
done  beyond  making  a  new  corral  for  the  horses. 
Serra  and  Parron  were  just  recovering  from  the 
scurvy,  and  Vizcaino  was  still  suffering  from  the 
arrow  wound  in  his  hand.1  Portola's  plan  was  to 
make  a  careful  inventory  of  supplies,  reserve  enough 
for  the  march  to  Velicata,  and  abandon  San  Diego 
when  the  remainder  should  be  exhausted,  which  would 

1  Eight  of  the  volunteers  had  died.  Portold,  Diario,  MS.,  34. 

(164) 


MUST  CALIFORNIA  BE  ABANDONED  ?  105 

be  a  little  after  the  middle  of  April,  the  20th  being 
fixed  as  the  date  of  departure. 

The  friars,  especially  Serra  and  Crespi,  were  greatly 
disappointed  at  the  governor's  resolution.  They  were 
opposed  to  the  idea  of  abandoning  an  enterprise  so 
auspiciously  begun,  though  how  they  expected  the 
soldiers  to  live  does  not  clearly  appear.  PortoU  was 
probably  somewhat  too  much  inclined  to  look  at  the 
dark  side;  while  the  president  perhaps  allowed  his 
missionary  zeal  to  impair  his  judgment.  So  far  as 
they  were  concerned,  personally,  Serra  and  Crespi 
resolved  to  stay  in  the  country  at  all  hazards;  and  for 
the  result  they  could  only  trust  in  providence  to  send 
supplies  before  the  day  set  for  departure.  They  re- 
ceived some  encouragement,  however,  from  Captain 
Vila,  who,  judging  from  the  description,  agreed  with 
Serra  that  the  northern  port  where  a  cross  had  been 
left  was  really  Monterey.  Furthermore  it  is  said 
that  Vila  made  a  secret  promise  to  take  the  priests  on 
board  the  San  Carlos,  wait  at  San  Diego  for  another 

*•  O 

vessel,  and  renew  the  northern  coast  enterprise.2 

On  the  11  tli  of  February  Rivera  was  despatched 
southward,  with  nineteen  or  twenty  soldiers,  two 
muleteers,  two  natives,  eighty  mules,  and  ten  horses. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Padre  Vizcaino  whose  lame 
hand  procured  him  leave  of  absence;  and  his  destina- 
tion was  Velicata",  where  he  was  to  get  the  cattle 
that  had  been  left  there,  and  such  other  supplies  as 
might  be  procurable.  He  carried  full  reports  to  secu- 
lar and  Franciscan  authorities  of  all  that  had  thus 
far  befallen  the  expedition,  bearing  also  a  letter  from 
Serra  to  Palou,  in  which  the  writer  bewailed  the 
prospect  of  failure  and  announced  his  intention  to 
remain  to  the  last.  After  some  skirmishes  with  the 
savages,  two  of  whom  had  to  be .  killed  to  frighten 
away  the  rest,  Rivera  reached  Velicata  February 
25th,  at  once  setting  about  his  task  of  gathering  sup- 
plies, in  which  he  was  zealously  seconded  by  Palou; 

2  Palou,  Vida,  95-6. 


166  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

but  some  months  passed  before  he  could  be  ready  to 
march  northward— indeed,  before  he  was  ready  the 
urgent  necessity  had  ceased. 

Meanwhile  at  San  Diego  men  and  officers  were 
waiting,  preparations  were  being  made  for  departure, 
friars  were  praying,  and  days  were  passing  one  by 
one,  but  yet  no  vessel  came.  The  only  conversation 
was  of  abandoning  the  northern  country,  and  every 
word  was  an  arrow  to  the  soul  of  the  pious  Junipero; 
but  he  could  only  pray  unceasingly,  and  trust  to  the 
intercession  of  Saint  Joseph  the  great  patron  of  the 
expedition.  In  his  honor  a  novena — nine  days'  public 
prayer — was  instituted,  to  culminate  in  a  grand  cere- 
monial entreaty  on  the  saint's  own  day,  March  the 
19th,  the  day  before  the  one  of  final  abandonment. 

Gently  smiled  the  morning  sun  on  that  momentous 
morrow  as  it  rose  above  the  hills  and  warmed  to  hap- 
piness the  myriads  of  creatures  beneath  its  benignant 
rays.  Surpassingly  lovely  the  scene;  the  beautiful 
bay  in  its  fresh  spring  border  hiding  behind  the  hills 
like  a  sportive  girl  from  briny  mother  ocean.  At  an 
early  hour  the  fathers  were  abroad  on  the  heights, 
for  they  could  neither  eat  nor  rest.  The  fulfilment  or 
failure  of  their  hopes  was  now  to  be  determined.  The 
clay  wore  slowly  away;  noon  came,  and  the  hours  of 
the  afternoon,  and  yet  no  sail  appeared.  The  suspense 
was  painful,  for  it  was  more  than  life  to  these  holy 
men,  the  redemption  of  the  bright,  fresh  paradise; 
and  so  all  the  day  they  watched  and  prayed,  watched 
with  strained  eyes,  and  prayed,  not  with  lips  only  but 
with  all  those  soul-longings  which  omniscience  alone 
can  translate.  Finally,  as  the  sun  dropped  below  the 
horizon  and  all  hope  was  gone,  a  sail  appeared  in  the 
distance  like  a-  winged  messenger  from  heaven,  and 
before  twilight  deepened  into  darkness  the  so  ardently 
longed-for  vessel  was  in  the  offing.  California  was 
saved, •  blessed  be  God!  and  they  might  yet  consum- 
mate their  dearly  cherished  schemes. 


COMING  OF  RELIEF.  167 

The  fourth  day  thereafter  the  San  Antonio  anchored 
in  the  bay,  whence  she  had  sailed  the  previous  July. 
She  had  reached  San  Bias  in  twenty  days,  and  both 
Galvez  and  the  viceroy  gave  immediate  orders  to  pro- 
vide the  needed  supplies.  After  certain  vexatious  but 
unavoidable  delays,  she  had  again  turned  her  prow 
northward  in  December.  Perez  had  orders  to  sail 
for  Monterey  direct,  where  it  was  supposed  Portold, 
would  be  found;  but  fortunately  he  was  obliged  to 
enter  the  Santa  Barbara  channel  for  water,  and  the 
natives  explained  that  the  land  expedition  had  re- 
turned southward.  Even  then  Perez  in  his  perplexity 
would  have  gone  to  Monterey  had  not  the  loss  of  an 
anchor  forced  him  to  turn  about  just  in  time  to  pre- 
vent the  abandonment  of  San  Diego.  The  San  An- 
tonio brought  abundant  supplies,  and  she  also  brought 
instructions  from  Galvez  and  Viceroy  Croix,  one  or 
both  of  which  facts  drove  from  Portola's  mind  all 
thought  of  abandoning  the  conquest.  He  made  haste 
in  his  preparations  for  a  return  to  Monterey  with 
Serra  and  Crespi,  setting  out  overland  April  17th, 
after  despatching  the  San  Antonio  northward  the  day 
before. 

There  were  left  at  San  Diego,  Vila  with  a  mate  and 
five  sailors  on  the  San  Carlos,  Sergeant  Ortega  and 
eight  soldiers  de  cuera  as  a  guard,  Parron  and  Gomez 
as  regular  ministers  in  charge  of  the  mission,  and  ten 
Lower  Galifornians  as  laborers.  The  San  Carlos  had 
orders  to  receive  a  crew  from  the  San  Jose  when  that 
most  uncertain  craft  should  arrive,  and  then  proceed 
to  Monterey.  Simultaneously  with  the  departure  of 
the  northern  expedition  t\vo  natives  had-  been  sent 
south  with  letters  which  reached  Velicata  in  nine 
days,  and  Loreto  late  in  May.  All  went  quietly  with 
the  little  company  left  to  struggle  spiritually  with  the 
southern  gentilidad.  Let  it  be  hoped  that  before  the 
end  of  1770  the  missionaries  succeeded  in  making  a 
few  converts,  as  they  probably  did,  but  there  is  no 
positive  record  of  a  single  baptism.  Rivera  with  his 


168  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

nineteen  or  twenty  soldiers,  over  eighty  mules  laden 
with  supplies,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  head  of 
cattle,  having  left  Velicata  in  May,3  arrived  in  July. 
About  the  same  time  messengers  came  down  by  land 
announcing  the  successful  occupation  of  Monterey,  and 
the  intention  of  Portola  to  come  down  by  sea  and  take 
the  San  Carlos  for  San  Bias.  Vila,  accordingly,  made 
ready  for  departure,  obtaining  a  soldier  and  two  mule- 
teers to  reenforce  his  crew;  but  as  the  -San  Antonio 
did  not  appear,  and  his  own  vessel  was  being  injured 
by  her  long  stay,  in  August  the  worthy  captain  shook 
out  his  idle  sails  and  made  for  San  Bias.  He  died  a 
little  later,  and  his  pioneer  paquebot  had  to  return  to 
California  under  a  new  commander.4 

Let  us  turn  again  toward  the  north  with  the  expe- 
ditions sent  out  by  land  and  sea  to  renew  the  search 
for  Monterey.  The  San  Antonio  sailed  from  San  Diego 
April  16th,  having  on  board  besides  Perez  and  crew- 
Miguel  del  Pino  being  second  officer — Junipero  Serra, 
Miguel  Costanso,  Pedro  Prat,5  and  a  cargo  of  stores 
for  a  new  mission.  Next  day  Portola  set  out  by  land, 
his  company  consisting  of  Fages  with  twelve  Cata- 
lan volunteers  and  seven  soldados  de  cuera,  Padre 
Crespi,  two  muleteers,  and  five  natives.  They  followed 
the  same  route  as  before,  recovered  in  the  Sierra  de 
Santa  Lucia  an  Indian  who  had  deserted  on  the  former 
trip,  and  finally  encamped  on  the  24th  of  May  near 
the  spot  where  they  had  left  the  second  cross  the 
winter  before  on  the  bay  shore.  They  found  the  cross 
still  standing,  but  curiously  surrounded  and  adorned 
with  arrows,  sticks,  feathers,  fish,  meat,  and  clams 
evidently  deposited  there  by  the  savages  as  offerings 
to  the  strangers'  fetich.  And  later  when  the  natives 

3  April  14th,  according  to  Monterey,  Estracto  de  Noticias. 

4  On  San  Diego  events  of  1770  see  Palou,  Not.,  i.  423-6,  432-9,  460-1;  Id., 
Vida,  88-104. 

5  By  computation  there  should  also  have  been  on  board  2  mechanics,  5 
servants,  3  muleteers,  and  6  Lower  Calif ornians;  but  it  is  doubtful  if  these 
figures  are  correct,  especially  in  the  items  of  Indians  and  muleteers,  not  a 
very  useful  class  of  persons  on  board  a  ship. 


OFFERINGS  TO  THE  CROSS.  169 

had  learned  to  make  themselves  understood,  to  speak 
as  best  should  please  their  teachers,  some  strange  tales 
they  told,  how  the  cross  had  been  illuminated  at  night 
and  had  grown  in  stature  till  it  seemed  to  reach  the 
heavens,  moving  the  gentiles  to  propitiate  by  their 
offerings  this  Christian  symbol  that  it  might  do  them 
•no  harm.  As  Portola,  Crespi,  and  Fages  walked  along 
the  beach  that  afternoon  returning  from  a  visit  to  the 
cross,  they  looked  out  over  the  placid  bay,  ruffled  only 
by  the  movements  of  seals  and  whales,  and  they  said, 
all  being  of  one  accord,  "  This  is  the  port  of  Monterey 
which  we  seek,  just  as  Vizcaino  and  Cabrera  Bueno 
describe  it"  —  and  so  it  was,  the  only  wronder  being  that 
they  had  not  known  it  before.  Soon  for  lack  of  fresh 
water  camp  was  moved  across  to  Carmelo  .Bay. 

A  week  later,  on  the  last  day  of  May,  the  San  t 
Antonio  hove  in  sight  off  Point  Pinos;  fires  were 
lighted  on  shore  for  her  guidance;  and  she  entered  the 
harbor  by  Cabrera's  sailing  directions.  She  had  at 
first  been  driven  south  to  latitude  30°,  and  then  north 
to  the  Ensenada  de  los  Farallones,  where  she  might 
have  explored  the  port  of  San  Francisco  and  the 
newly  discovered  inland  bay  had  not  Perez'  orders 
required  him  to  steer  direct  for  Monterey.  June  1st 
the  governor,  friar,  and  lieutenant  crossed  over  from 
Carmelo  to  welcome  the  new  arrival,  and  the  order 
was  given  to  transfer  the  camp  back  to  the  port  of 
Monterey,  about  whose  identity  there  was  no  longer 
any  doubt;  for  close  search  along  the  shore  revealed 
the  little  ravine  with  its  pools  of  fresh  water,  the  trees, 
and  even  the  wide-spreading  oak  whose  branches 
touched  the  water  at  high  tide  and  under  which  mass 
had  been  said  by  Ascension  in  1602,6  all  as  in  olden 
time  except  the  crowds  of  friendly  natives. 

6  'Hizose  la  Iglesia  a  la  sombra  de  tina  grande  Encina.  qtie  con  algunas  de 
sus  ramas  llegaba  a  la.  Mar,  y  cerca  de  ella,  en  una  Barranquilla,  a  veinte  pas- 
sos,  ha  via  unos  pozos  en  que  havia  agua  muy  buena.'  Venef/a^,  Not.  CaL,  iii. 


101-2,  quoted  from  Torquemada.  According  to  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i. 
54,  the  tree  under  which  Ascension  said  mass  in  1602,  and  Serra  in  1770.  is 
still  standing,  being  that  under  \vhich  a  new  cross  was  set  up  on  the  100th 
anniversary  June  3,  1870;  but  as  the  latter  tree  is  at  some  distance  from  the 


170  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

On  the  3d  of  June  all  were  assembled  on  the  beach, 
where  an  enramada,  or  shelter  of  branches,  had  been 
erected  and  a  cross  made  ready  near  the  old  oak. 
Water  was  blessed,  the  bells  were  hung,  and  ihejiesta 
began  by  loud  and  oft-repeated  peals.  Then  Father 
Junipero  donned  his  alb  and  stole,  and  all  on  bended 
knee  chanted  the  venite  creator  spiritus,  after  which 
the  cross  was  planted  and  blessed,  and  the  good  friar 
sprinkled  beach  and  fields  with  holy  water,  thus  "  put- 
ting to  rout  all  infernal  foes."  An  image  of  the  holy 
virgin  presented  by  Archbishop  Lorenzana  of  Mexico 
having  been  set  up  on  the  altar,  mass  was  said  by 
Serra  amidst  the  thunder  of  cannon  and  the  crack  of 
musketry,  followed  by  a  salve  to  the  image  and  a 
te  deum  laudamus.  The  church  ceremonies  ended, 
Portola  proceeded  to  take  formal  possession  in  the 
name  of  Carlos  III.  by  hoisting  and  saluting  the  royal 
flag  of  Spain,  and  going  through  the  usual  forms  of 
pulling  grass,  throwing  stones,  and  recording  all  in 
the  prescribed  acta.  Finally  the  officers  and  friars 
ate  together  under  the  shade  of  trees  near  the  shore, 
while  the  soldiers  and  others  enjoyed  their  feast  a. little 
apart. 

Thus  were  formally  founded  on  June  3y  1770,  the 
mission  and  presidio  of  San  Carlos  Borromeo  de 
Monterey.7  The  mission  was  founded  in  the  name  of 

tide -water  the  identity  niay  be  questioned.  David  Spence,  an  old  and  well 
known  citizen  of  Monterey,  said  that  Junlpero's  tree  was  shown  him  in  1824 
by  Mariano  Estrada,  and  that  it  fell  in  1837  or  1838,  the  water  having  washed 
away  the  earth  from  its  roots.  Spence  thought  there  was  no  doubt  of  its 
identity.  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.,  No.  24,  5. 

7  St  Charles  Borromeo  was  born  at  Arona  near  Milan,  Italy,  in  1538.  He 
was  son  of  the  Count  of  Arona,  nephew  of  Pope  Pius  IV.,  archbishop  of 
Milan,  and  cardinal.  Dying  in  1584,  he  was  canonized  in  1010.  A  word  is 
necessary  to  remove  certain. difficulties  into  which  modern  writers  and  modern 
usage  have  fallen  respecting  the  name  of  this  mission.  This  name  was 
always  San  Carlos;  San  Carlos  de  Monterey  was  simply  San  Carlos  at  Mon- 
terey, that  port  having  been  named  long  before.  When  the  mission  was 
moved  to  Carmelo  bay  and  river  it  was  naturally  spoken  of  as  San  Carlos  del 
Carmelo,  or  San  Carlos  at  Carmelo,  a  port  also  named  long  before.  But  Mon- 
terey being  a  prominent  place  the  mission  continued  to  be  often  called  San 
Carlos  at  Monterey,  or  San  Carlos  at  Carmelo  near  Monterey,  as  the  Spanish 
preposition  de  may  best  be  translated.  But  again  the  full  name  of  the  bay 
and  river  Carmelo  was  Nucstra  Senora  del  Monte  Carmelo,  or  Nra.  Sra.  del 
Carmen,  and  hence  a  new  source  of  confusion  arose,  all  of  which,  however, 


MISSION  OF  SAN  CARLOS.  171 

the  college  of  San  Fernando;  Saint  Joseph  was  named 
as  patron ;  and  Crespi  was  appointed  as  associate  min- 
ister with  Serra.  A  few  humble  huts  were  at  once 
erected  on  a  site  surveyed  by  Costanso,  a  gunshot 
from  the  beach  and  three  times  as  far  from  the  port, 
on  an  inlet  which  communicated  with  the  bay  at  high 
water.  These  buildings  constituted  both  presidio  and 
mission,  as  at  San  Diego,  being  enclosed  by  a  palisade. 
One  of  the  huts  was  completed  arid  blessed  as  a  tem- 
porary church  on  the  14th  of  June,  when  a  grand  pro- 
cession took  place;  bells  were  rung,  and  guns  were 
fired;  but  thus  far  no  natives  appeared,  being  fright- 
ened it  is  said  by  the  noise  of  cannon  and  musketry. 

A  soldier  and  a  young  sailor  volunteered  to  carry 
despatches  with  news  of  success  to  San  Diego  and  to 
the  peninsula.  They  started  June  14th,  met  Rivera 
just  below  San  Diego,  were  reenforced  by  five  of  his 
men,  and  finally  carried  their  glad  tidings  to  Gov- 
ernor Armoria,  who  had  just  succeeded  Portola",  and 
to  Padre  Palou  at  Todos  Santos,  on  the  2d  of  August. 
Salutes  and  thanksgiving  masses  celebrated  the  occa- 
sion at  Loreto,  Todos  Santos,  and  Santa  Ana,  while 
Armona  despatched  a  vessel  to  carry  the  news  to  the 
main. 

In  accordance  with  previous  orders  from  Galvez, 
Portold,  as  soon  as  a  beginning  was  fairly  made,  at 
Monterey,  turned  the  government  of  the  new  estab- 
lishments over  to  Fages  as  military  commandant,  and 
sailed  away  in  the  San  Antonio  on  the  9th  of  July.- 
He  took  with  him  the  engineer  Costanso;  and  Perez 


ay  be  removed  by  bearing  in  mind  that  the  mission  was  always  San  Carlos, 
id  that  other  words  were  used  solely  to  express  its  locality.  Taylor,  in  Cal. 


mai 

anc 

Farmer,  April  20,  1860,  gives  the  following  native  names  of  localities  at  Mon- 
terey; site  of  modern  town  Achiesta  or  Achasta;  beach,  Sitkilta;  Fort  hill, 
Hunnukul;  site  of  post-office,  Slilrlsta.  About  the  date  of  foundation  on  June 
3d,  there  is  no  possible  error.  Palou,  Serra,  the  mission  books  of  San  Carlos, 
and  scores  of  official  reports  in  later  years  confirm  this.  Vallejo,  Htst.  Caf., 
MS.,  i.  66-8,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  23-4,  are  very  positive  that 
the  mission  was  not  founded  till  later;  but  these  writers  confound  the  found- 
ing with  the  subsequent  transfer.  See  S.  Cdrlos,  Lib.  Minion,  MS.,  Prdu. 
tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  109-10.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  33. 


172  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

intended  to  touch  at  San  Diego  to  divide  his  crew 
with  the  'San  Carlos  if  the  San  Jose  had  not  yet  ap- 
peared, but,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  able  to  do  so, 
and  arrived  at  San  Bias  the  1st  of  August.  Costanso 
and  Perez  went  to  Mexico  as  bearers  of  the  news, 
arriving  on  the  10th,  at  which  date  the  name  of  the 
former  disappears  from  the  annals  of  California  for 
twenty  years  or  more,  at  the  end  of  which  time  we 
shall  find  him  giving  some  sensible  advice  on  Califor- 
nian  affairs;  while  of  Portola  nothing  is  known  after 
his  landing  at  San  Bias,  except  that  he  was  governor 
of  Puebla  in  1779.  He  was  first  in  the  list  of  Cali- 
fornia rulers.  His  term  of  office  may  be  regarded  as 
having  extended  from  April  1769  to  July  9,  1770, 
and  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  record  both-  as  governor 
and  comandante ;  but,  though  there  is  some  confusion 
respecting  his  exact  title,  it  appears  that  that  of 
military  commandant  is  used  with  more  propriety 
than  the  other.8 

Leaving  the  four  friars  under  the  protection  of 
Fages  and  his  nineteen  men  in  the  north  and  of  Rivera 
with  his  twenty-two  men  in  the  south,9  busy  in  ear- 

8Portold  came  to  Lower  California  in  1768  as  governor,  the  first  the  penin- 
sula had  ever  had;  but  when  he  volunteered  to  take  command  in  person  of 
the  northern  expedition,  it  seems  that  Armona  was  appointed  to  succeed  him 
in  the  governorship.  I  do  not  know  the  exact  date  of  Armona's  appointment, 
but  he  arrived  at  Loreto  in  June  1769,  and  went  back  to  the  mainland  tv/o 
weeks  later  without  having  taken  possession  of  his  office.  In  the  mean  time 
Gonzalez  ruled  as  a  kind  of  lieutenant-governor  or  military  commandant  until 
relieved  in  October  1769  by  Toledo,  who  governed  in  the  same  capacity  until 
Armona,  who  had  failed  to  get  his  resignation  accepted,  returned  in  June 
1770  to  rule  until  November,  Moreno  ruling,  in  much  the  same  capacity 
apparently  as  Gonzalez  and  Toledo,  until  the  arrival  of  Gov.  Barri  in  March 
1771.  Now  while  Gonzalez,  Toledo,  and  Moreno  cannot  be  properly  credited 
with  any  authority  in  Upper  California,  their  terms  as  interinos  render  it 
difficult  to  define  those  of  the  proprietary  governors.  Thus,  though  Portola 
was  in  a  sense  governor  of  the  Californias  down  to  June  1770,  since  no  regu- 
lar successor  had  taken  possession  of  the  office,  I  have  named  him  in  my  list 
of  rulers  of  Alta  California  as  commandant  from  the  first  settlement  down 
to  July  9,  1770.  In  Monterey,  Estracto  de  Noticias,  he  is  called  comandante 
en  gefe. 

9  Rivera  and  his  men  were  expected  to  march  to  Monterey  on  their  return 
from  the  peninsula,  but  for  some  unexplained  reason,  possibly  dissatisfaction 
at  Fages'  appointment  to  the  chief  command.  Rivera  remained  at  San  Diego. 
According  to  Monterey,  Estracto  de  Notlcias,  Fages  had  a  force  of  over  30 
men  besides  Rivera's  force,  which  is  an  error. 


THE  NEWS  IN  MEXICO.  173 

nest  if  not  very  successful  efforts  to  attract  and  convert 
the  gentiles  of  Monterey  and  San  Diego,  let  us  glance 
briefly  at  what  was  being  done  in  Mexico  to  advance 
Spanish  interests  in  the  far  north.  We  have  seen 
that  the  news  of  success  at  Monterey  had  arrived  by 
land  at  Loreto  and  by  sea  at  San  Bias  early  in  August. 
Therefore,  the  despatches  sent  by  Portola  from  San 
B]as  reached  Mexico  in  advance  of  the  others  on  the 
10th.  The  news  was  received  with  great  manifesta- 
tio'ns  of  joy;  the  cathedral  bells  rang  out  their  glad 
peals,  %those  of  the  churches  responding.  A  solemn 
thanksgiving  mass  was  said  at  which  all  government 
dignitaries  were  present;  and  there  followed  a  grand 
reception  at  which  Galvez  and  Croix  received  con- 
gratulations in  the  royal  name  for  this  last  extension 
of  the  Spanish  domain.  Immediate  and  liberal  pro- 
vision was  made  for  the  new  establishments.  So 
favorable  were  the  reports  on  both  country  and  inhab- 
itants that  it  was  resolved  at  once  to  forward  all 
needed  aid  and  to  found  five  new  missions  above  San 
Diego.  The  guardian  of  San  Fernando  was  asked  to 
furnish  ten  friars  for  these  missions,  besides  twenty 
more  for  old  and  new  missions  in  the  peninsula.  For- 
tunately a  large  number  of  Franciscans  had  lately 
arrived  from  Spain,  and  after  some  deliberation  and 
discussion  resulting  in  a  determination  to  secularize 
the  Sierra  Gorda  missions,  the  required  missionaries 
were  furnished.10 

These  arrangements  were  all  made  within  six  days 
after  the  news  arrived,  and  under  the  date  of  August 
16th  the  viceroy  caused  to  be  printed  in  the  govern- 
ment printing-office  for  general  circulation  a  re'sume 
in  pamphlet  form  of  all  that  had  been  accomplished 
by  the  northern  expeditions,  the  present  condition 
of  the  new  presidios  and  missions,  and  of  what  had 

10  The  10  were  Antonio  Paterna,  president  en  route,  Antonio  Cruzado, 
Buenaventura  Sitjar,  Domingo  Juncosa,  Francisco  Dumetz,  Jose"  Caballer, 
Angel  Somera,  Luis  Jaume,  Miguel  Pieras,  and  Pedro  Benito  Cambon.  They 
were  to  receive  each  a  stipend  of  $275  a  year,  and  $400  travelling  expenses. 
Each  new  mission  received  §1.000  and  the  necessary  vestments,  including  a 
specially  fine  ornamento,  or  set  of  vestments,  for  Monterey. 


174  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

been  decided  upon  respecting  aid  for  further  exten- 
sion.11 The  San  Antonio  was  to  sail  from  San  Bias 
in  October  with  the  ten  friars  and  a  full  cargo  of 
supplies.  The  priests  set  out  from  the  college  in 
that  month,  but  were  obliged  to  wait  at  Tepic  until 
January  20,  1771,  before  the  vessel  could  be  made 
ready  for  sea.12  The  viceroy  in  his  letter  to  Fages 
states  that  Rivera  is  ordered  to  put  his  men  at 
the  commandant's  disposal,  and  the  captain  of  the 
company  at  Guaymas  has  orders  to  send  twelve  men 
to  supply  the  places  of  those  who  had  died  on  the 
voyage.13  In  1771  the  only  thing  to  be  noticed  is 
the  memorial  presented  in  December  to  the  viceroy 
by  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando,  at  the  suggestion 
of  Palou.  Twelve  of  the  eighteen  articles  of  this 

O 

document  were  suggestions  for  the  welfare  of  the  new 
establishments,14  some  of  them  founded  on  minor  dis- 
agreements which  already  began  to  manifest  them- 
selves between  the  military  and  missionary  authorities. 

At  Monterey  after  Portola's  departure  little  was 
accomplished  during  the  year  1770.  For  want  of 

11  Monterey,  Estracto  de  Notldas  del  Puerto  de  Monterey,  de  la  Mision,  y 
Presido  que  se  han  establecldo  en  el  con  la  denomination  de  San  Cdrfos,  y  del 
sucesso  de  las  dos  Expedldones  de  Mar,  y  Tlerra  que  a,  este  Jin  se  despachar^n 
en  el  ano  proximo  anterior  de  1769.     Mexico  16  de  Agosto  de  1770.     Con 
licencia  y  orden.  del  Exm°  Senor  Virrey.     En  la  Iinprenta  del  Superior  Govi- 
erno.    Fol.,  3  unnumbered  leaves.    This  rare  tract  is  in  my  collection,  and  it 
is  reprinted  also  in  Palou's  Noticias.     When  this  notice  was  printed   the 
despatches  from  Loreto  had  not  yet  arrived. 

12  Palou,  Vida,  113-10,  says  she  sailed  Jan.  2d. 

13 Letter  dated  Nov.  12th,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  69-71. 

14 1st.  That  the  commandants  at  San  Diego  and  Monterey  be  made  to  obey 
more  closely  the  instructions  of  Galvez.  (There  had  been  some  disagreement 
with  the  friars  in  connection  with  the  desertion  of  an  arriero. )  2d.  That  some 
families  of  Christian  natives  be  sent  up  from  Baja  California  to  serve  as 
laborers.  3d.  That  a  guard  or  presidio  be  established  at  San  Buenaventura. 
4th.  That  these  natives  be  kindly  treated.  5th.  That  the  train  of  mules  be 
increased  for  service  from  Sonora  and  the  peninsula.  6th.  That  presidios  and 
missions  be  supplied  for  18  months  by  the  service  of  two  snows.  7th.  That 
San  Francisco  be  explored,  Monterey  being  as  some  say  no  harbor.  9th.  That 
mission  temporalities  should  be  wholly  under  control  of  the  friars,  with  the 
power  of  removing  servants  and  officials.  14th.  Vessels  for  Monterey  should 
sail  in  February  or  April.  15th.  A  proper  llmosna,  or  allowance,  should  be 
granted  to  friars  going  or  coming.  16th.  San  Diego,  Monterey,  and  San 
Buenaventura  should  have  the  $1,000  allowed  to  new  missions.  18th.  Sol- 
diers should  be  supplied  with  rations  so  as  to  be  able  to  do  escort  duty.  Palou, 
Not.,  L  120-3. 


CONVERSIONS  AT  SAN  CAELOS.  175 

priests  and  of  soldiers15  nothing  was  done  towards 
the  founding  of  San  Buenaventura,  although  the 
necessary  supplies  were  lying  in  readiness  at  San 
Carlos.  Meanwhile  Serra  and  Crespi  worked  among 
the  Eslenes,  who  under  the  influence  of  gifts  and 
kindness  were  fast  losing  their  timidity.  A  Baja 
Californian  neophyte  who  had  learned  the  native 
dialect  rendered  great  assistance;  preaching  soon 
began;  and  on  December  26th  the  first  baptism  was 
administered.16 

The  San  Antonio  anchored  at  Monterey  May  21, 
1771,  having  on  board  the  ten  priests  already  named, 
except  that  Gomez  from  San  Diego  was  in  place  of 
Dumetz,  with  all  the  necessary  appurtenances  for  the 
establishing  of  five  new  missions.  The  father  presi- 
dent's heart  was  filled  with  joy,  and  he  was  enabled 
to  celebrate  the  festival  of  corpus  Christi  on  the  30th 
with  a  community  of  twelve  friars.  The  five  new 
missions  proposed,  in  addition,  to  San  Buenaventura, 
were  San  Gabriel,  San  Luis  Obispo,  San  Antonio, 

15Palou,  Vida,  104-6,  says  it  was  for  want  of  soldiers,  because  Rivera  did 
not  come  up  as  expected;  but  he  says  nothing  of  the  fact  that  there  were  no 
padres  available. 

1GAlvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  22,  mentions  some  writings  of  the  soldier 
J.  B.  Valde"s  to  the  effect  that  the  Baja  California-US  conversed  readily  with 
the  Eslenes,  and  he  is  disposed  to  believe  after  much  inquiry  that  the  language 
was  to  some  extent  understood.  Vallejo,  Ilirt.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  55-6,  names  the 
interpreter  Maximiano,  and  states  that  the  Eslen  chief  lived  near  the  spring 
called  Agua  Zarca  on  what  was  later  the  rancho  of  Guadalupe  Avila.  Un- 
fortunately the  first  book  of  baptisms  for  San  Carlos  has  been  lost,  and  the 
exact  number  of  converts  for  the  early  years  is  not  known.  The  first  burial 
was  on  the  day  of  founding  June  3d,  when  AlejoNino  one  of  the  San  Antonio's 
crew  was  buried  at  the  foot  of  the  cross.  According  to  Palou,  Not.,  i.  451, 
he  was  a  calker;  the  mission  record  makes  himacadete.  The  first  interment 
in  the  cemetery  was  that  of  Ignacio  Ramirez,  a  mulatto  slave  from  the  San 
Antonio,  who  had  money  ready  to  purchase  his  freedom.  There  were  four 
more  deaths  during  the  year,  three  of  sailors  and  one  of  a  Baja  Californian. 
The  first  marriage  did  not  take  place  till  Nov.  16,  1772.  San  Cdrlos,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  84;  Taylor's  Odds  and  Ends,  4.  A  writer  in  the  Revista  Cientifica, 
i.  328,  tells  us  that  the  mission  of  Carmen  or  Monte  Carmelo  was  founded 
June  3d  on  the  gulf  of  Carmelo,  but  never  progressed  much.  A  newspaper 
item  extensively  circulated  speaks  of  an  Indian  woman  still  living  in  1869 
who  was  the  mother  of  two  children  when  the  mission  church  was  built. 
Shea,  Cath.  Mis*.,  94,  calls  the  mission  Monte  Carmel.  Tuthill,  Hist.  CaL, 
80-1 ,  says  that  Portold  retired  by  water  and  Rivera  by  land,  leaving  Junipero 
with  5  friars  and  Pages  with  30  soldiers. 


176  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

Santa  Clara,  and  San  Francisco.  There  were  sent 
only  missionaries  sufficient  for  five  of  the  six,  and  as 
Parron  and  Gomez,  unfitted  for  duty  by  the  scurvy, 
had  to  be  granted  leave  of  absence,  still  another  mis- 
sion must  wait,  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara  being 
selected  for  that  purpose.  The  president  immediately 
announced  the  distribution  of  priests  to  their  respec- 
tive missions,17  and  on  the  7th  of  June  the  six  intended 
for  the  south  sailed  in  the  San  Antonio  for  San  Diego,  • 
Fages  accompanying  them. 

Only  one  of  the  northern  missions  could  be  founded 
until  Fages  should  bring  or  send  north  some  of  Rive- 
ra's soldiers,  but  Serra  set  out  early  in  July  with  ar 
escort  of  eight  soldiers,  three  sailors,  and  a  few  Indian 
workmen  for  the  Hoya  de  la  Sierra  de  Santa  Lucia, 
named  by  the  first  land  expedition,  where  he  proposed 
to  establish  the  first  mission  under  Pieras  and  Sitjar 
who  accompanied  him.  His  route  was  probably  up 
the  Salinas  River  and  the  Arroyo  Seco,  and  the  site 
selected  was  an  oak-studded  glen  named  Canada  de  los 
Robles18  on  a  fine  stream.  Here  the  bells  were  hung 
on  a  tree  and  loudly  tolled,  while  Fray  Junipt;ro 
shoutejUike  a  madman:  "Come  gentiles,  come  to  the 
holy  church,  come  and  receive  the  faith  of  Jesus 
Christ!"  until  Father  Pieras  reminded  the  enthusiast, 
that  there  was  not  a  gentile  within  hearing  and  that 
it  would  be  well  to  stop  the  noise  and  go  to  work  ^ 
Then  a  cross  was  erected,  the  president  said  mass" 
under  a  shelter  of  branches,  and  thus  was  founded  on 
July  14,  1771,  the  mission"^  San  Antonio  de  Pddua.' 


20 


"The  distribution  was  as  follows:  San  Diego,  Luis  Jaume  and  Francisco 
Dumetz;  San  Buenaventura,  Antonio  Paterna  and  Antonio  Cruzado;  San  Luis 
Obispo,  Domingo  Juncosa  and  Jos<§  Cavalier;  San  Gabriel,  Angel  Somcrti  and 
Pedro  Benito  Cambon;  San  Antonio,  Miguel  Pieras  and  Buenaventura  Sitjar; 
San  Carlos,  Junipero  Serra  and  Juan  Crespi. 

18  The  native  name  of  the  site  was  Texhaya  according  to  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxi.  49,  or  Sextapay  according  to  Taylor,  note  on  the  fly- 
leaf of  Cuesta,  Vocabulario,  MS. 

}9Palou,  Villa,  122. 

20 A*?.  Antonio,  Lib.  de  Mision.  MS.,  1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  112-15;  Palou, 
Not. ,  ii.  24-5,  tells  us  of  an  old  woman  who  applied  for  baptism,  and  who  when 
a  girl  had  heard  her  father  speak  of  a  padre  dressed  like  these,  who  came  tl 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  ANTONIO.  177 

Only  one  native  witnessed  the  ceremonies,  but  lie  soon 
brought  in  his  companions  in  large  numbers,  who 
brought  pine-nuts  and  seeds,  all  they  had  to  give,  and 
aided  in  the  work  of  building  a  church,  barracks,  and 
house  for  the  missionaries,  all  of  which  were  on  a 
'  humble  scale  and  protected  as  usual  by  a  palisade. 
The  natives  seemed  more  tractable  than  at  either  San 
Diego  or  Monterey,  and  the  ministers  had  hopes  of  a 
great  spiritual  conquest,  the  first  baptism  taking  place 
the  14th  of  August.21  Leaving  the  harvest  to  the 
reapers  and  their  guard  of  six  soldiers,  I  return  with 
Serra  to  Monterey  at  the  end  of  July. 

Soon  after  the  establishing  of  San  Cdrlos  Padre 
Junipero  had  determined  to  transfer  the  mission  to 
Carmelo  Valley.  His  avowed  reason  was  lack  of 
water  and  fertile  soil  at  Monterey;  but  it  is'  likely 
that  he  also  desired  to  remove  his  little  band  of  neo- 
phytes, and  the  larger  flock  he  hoped  to  gather,  from 
immediate  contact  with  the  presidio  soldiers,  always 
regarded  by  missionaries  with  more  or  less  dread  as 
necessary  evils  tending  to  corrupt  native  innocence. 
The  necessary  permission  for  the  transfer  came  up  by 
the  San  Antonio  on  her  third  trip,22  and  two  days  after 
her  departure,  before  going  to  found  San  Antonio, 
the  president  crossed  over  to  select  the  new  site. 
There  he  left 'three  sailors  and  four  Indians  from  the 
peninsula  at  work  cutting  timber,  and  making  prepa- 
rations under  the  watchful  eyes  of  five  soldiers  who 
were  charitably  supposed  to  lend  occasional  assist- 

the  country  flying  through  the  air  and  preaching  Christian  doctrines.  Gomez, 
Lo  que .  mbe,  MS.,  53-4,  records  the  tradition  that  the  ringing  of  the  bells 
frightened  away  the  natives;  and  that  subsequently  they  refused  to  eat  cheese 
believing  it  to  be  the  brains  of  dead  men.  San  Antonio  de  Padua  was  born 
in  Lisbon  in  1195,  died  at  Padua  in  1231,  and  was  canonized  in  1232.  He  was. 
a  famous  preacher,  his  sermons  affecting  even  the  fishes,  and  a  zealous  propa- 
gator of  the  Franciscan  order.  His  day,  as  celebrated  by  the  church,  is  June 
13th. 

21  P.  Serra  in  his  Representation,  MS.,  of  May  21,  1773,  says  the  work  of 
building  was  hurried  to  get  ready  for  farming,  and  that  it  was  hindered  by 
Fages  taking  away  the  best  soldiers.     Eight  mules  were  left  at  the  mission. 

22  Nov.  12,  1770,  Viceroy  Croix  writes  to  Fages  that  San  Carlos  mission  is 
to  be  established  on  the  Rio  Carmelo  with  a  sufficient  guard  of  soldiers.  Prov. 
St.  Pop.,  MS.,  i.  70. 

HIST.  GAL.  VOL.  I.    12 


178  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

ance.  Back  from  San  Antonio  in  August  he  again 
went  over  to  Carmelo  to  hasten  the  movements  of 
the  workmen,  who  were  proceeding  very  leisurely; 
but  it  was  several  months  before  the  palisade  square 
enclosing  wooden  chapel,  dwelling,  storehouse,  guard- 
house, and  corrals  could  be  completed;  and  it  was  the 
end  of  December  when  the  formal  transfer  took  place, 
the  exact  date  being  unknown.  The  two  ministers 
took  up  their  permanent  residence  in  their  new  home, 
Juncosa  and  Cavalier  assisting  temporarily  both  at 
mission  and  presidio/ 


23 


Events  at  San  Diego  during  the  year  1771  were  by 
no  means  exciting  or  important.  Beyond  the  baptism 
of  a  very  few  natives,  the  exact  number  being  un- 
known, no  progress  in  mission  work  is  recorded ;  but 
Rivera  with  his  force  of  fourteen  men,  in  addition  to 
Ortega's  regular  mission  guard  of  eight,  wrould  seem 
to  have  passed  the  time  comfortably  so  far  as  work  is 
concerned.  In  April,  when  the  San  Antonio  touched 
at  this  port  with  her  load  of  friars,  the  two  ministers 
were  both  disabled  by  scurvy,  and  Gomez  went  up  to 
Monterey,  while  Dumetz  took  his  place.  On  July 
14th  the  vessel  returned  with  six? padres  besides 
Gomez,  wrho  had  leave  of  absence  and  was  on  his  way 
to  Mexico.  Parron  retired  at  about  the  same  time^ 
overland,  to  the  missions  of  the  peninsula.  Captain, 
Perez  sailed  the  21st.24  Fages  came  down  with  the 
priests,  and  the  intention  was  to  establish  San  Gabriel 
at  once;  but  local  troubles  caused  delay.  The  day 
after  the  vessel's  departure  nine  soldiers  and  a  mule- 
teer deserted.  Padre  Paterna  was  induced  by  Fages 
to  go  with  a  few  soldiers  and  a  pardon  signed  in  blank 
to  bring  them  back.  His  mission  was  successful,  and 

23  Vallejo  and  Alvarado,  as  I  have  already  noted,  insist. on  regarding  this 
as  the  veritable  founding  of  the  mission.  Taylor,  in  Cal.  Farmer,  Apr.  20, 
1860,  says  the  transfer  was  in  1772  and  that  the  mission  became  known  as 
San  Carlos  Borromeo  del  Carmelo  do  Monterey. 

21Serra,  San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  7,  says  however  that  Parron 
went,  apparently  by  land,  to  Baja  California;  and  Palou,  Vida,  129,  says  he 
went  with  a  party  by  land,  of  which  party  nothing  further  is  known. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  GABRIEL.  179 

after  having  availed  themselves  of  the  '  church  asylum' 
the  deserters  returned  to  duty.  Again,  the  Gth  of 
August,  a  corporal  and  five  soldiers  deserted,  return- 
ing on  the  24th  to  steal  cattle  from  the  mission.  This 
time  Fages  went  out  to  bring  them  in  by  force,  but 
found  them  strongly  fortified  and  resolved  to  die 
rather  than  yield,  and  again,  to  save  life,  persuasion 
was  employed,  and  Dumetz  brought  back  the  fugi- 
tives.25 Respecting  the  real  or  pretended  grievances 
of  the  soldiers  we  know  nothing,  but  it  is  evident 
that  some  misunderstanding  already  existed  between 
Fages  and  the  friars,  and  that  Palou's  record  is  intended 
to  show  the  agency  of  the  latter  in  its  best  light. 
Early  in  the  autumn  there  arrived  from  Guaymas 
twelve  Catalan  volunteers. 

Meanwhile  on  August  Gth  Somera  and  Cambori 
with  a  guard  of  ten  soldiers  and  a  supply-train  of 
mules  under  four  muleteers  and  four  soldiers,  who 
were  to  return,  left  San  Diego  to  establish  their  new 
mission,  following  the  old  route  northward.  It  had 
been  the  intention  to  place  the  mission  on  the  Kiver 
Santa  Ana,  or  Jesus  de  los  Temblores,  but  as  no  suit- 
able site  was  found  there  the  party  went  farther  and 
chose  a  fertile,  well  wooded  and  watered  spot  near  the 
Hiver  San  Miguel,  so  named  on  the  return  trip  of  the 
first  expedition  three  years  before,26  and  since  known 
as  the  River  San  Gabriel.  At  first  a  large  force  of 
natives  presented  themselves  under  two  chieftains  and 
attempted  by  hostile  demonstrations  to  prevent  the 
purpose  of  the  Spaniards;  but  when  one  of  the  padres 
held  up  a  painting  of  the  virgin,  the  savages  instantly 
threw  down  their  arms  and  their  two  captains  ran  up 
to  lay  their  necklaces  at  the  feet  of  the  beautiful 
queen,  thus  signifying  their  desire  for  peace.27 

25  In  a  letter  of  Gov.  Barri  to  Fages,  dated  Oct.  2,  1771,  he  advises  the 
commandant  not  to  grieve  over  the  desertion  of  two  soldiers.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  i.  72. 

™Palou,  Not.,  i.  477.  The  same  author  in  his  Vida,  129-30,  implies  that 
the  site  selected  was  on  the  Rio  de  los  Temblores. 

27  It  is  only  in  his  Vida,  129-30,  that  Palou  tells  this  story. 


180  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

The  raising  of  the  cross  and  regular  ceremonial 
routine  which  constituted  the  formal  founding  of  San 
Gabriel  Arcangel28  took  place  on  September  8th, 
and  the  natives  cheerfully  assisted  in  the  work;  of 
bringing  timber  and  constructing  the  stockade  enclos- 
ure with  its  tule-roofed  buildings  of  wood,  continuing 
in  the  mean  time  their  offerings  of  pine-nuts  and  acorns 
to  the  image  of  Our  Lady.29  Though  friendly  as 
yet,  the  natives  crowded  into  the  camp  in  such  num- 
bers that  ten  soldiers  were  not  deemed  a  sufficient 
guard;  and  Padre  Somera  went  down  to  San  Diego 
the  1st  of  October,  returning  on  the  9th  with  a  reen- 
forcement  of  two  men.  Next  day  a  crowd  of  natives 
attacked  two  soldiers  who  were  guarding  the  horses. 
The  chief  discharged  an  arrow  at  one  of  the  soldiers, 
who  stopped  it  with  his  shield,  and  killed  the  chief- 
tain with  a  musket-ball.  Terrified  by  the  destructive 
effects  of  the  gun  the  savages  fled,  and  the  soldiers, 
cutting  off  the  fallen  warrior's  head,  set  it  on  a  pole 

28  The  Archangel  Gabriel  has  a  place  in  several  religions.  To  the  Israel- 
ites he  was  the  angel  of  death;  according  to  the  Talmud  he  was  the  prince  of 
lire  and  ruled  the  thunder.  He  set  fire  to  the  temple  of  Jerusalem;  appeared 
to  Daniel  and  Zacharias;  announced  to  Mary  the  birth  of  Christ;  and  dictated 
the  Koran  to  Mahomet.  The  last-named  prophet  describes  him  very  fully, 
mentioning  among  other  things  500  pairs  of  wings,  the  distance  from  one  wing 
to  another  being  500  years'  journey.  His  day  in  the  church  calendar  is 
March  18th.  The  mission  was  often  called  San  Gabriel  de  los  Temblores,  the 
latter  word  like  Carmelo  with  San  Cdrlos  indicating  simply  locality.  It  had 
been  intended  to  mean  San  Gabriel  on  the  River  Temblores,  but  when  another 
site  was  selected  the  name  was  retained  meaning  'San  Gabriel  iu  the  region  of 
Earthquakes, '  as  '  San  Gabi-iel  de  San  Miguel '  would  have  been  awkward.  See 
Serra,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  118;  S.  Gabriel  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.  The 
author  of  Los  Anf/eles  JJixt.,  5,  is  in  error  when  he  says  that  the  San  Gabriel 
River  was  called  Temblores.  The  mission  was  not  moved  to  its  present  site 
until  several  years  later.  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  i.  131;  Reid,  Lou  Angeles 
Co.,  Ind.,  No.  17.  San  Gabriel  was  the  only  mission  at  the  founding  of  which 
Serra  had  not  assisted,  and  this  was  because  Fages  failed  to  notify  him,  as  he 
had  promised.  Serra,  Rupres.,  21  deMayo,  MS.,  118. 

29 According  to  Hugo  Reid,  Los  Angeles  Co.  Ind.,  No.  16,  who  derived  his 
information  from  traditions,  the  natives  were  greatly  terrified  at  the  first  sight 
of  the  Spaniards;  women  hid;  men  put  out  the  fires.  They  thought  the  stran- 
gers gods  when  they  saw  them  strike  fire  from  a  flint,  but  seeing  them  kill  a 
bird,  they  put  them  down  as  human  beings  'of  a  nasty  white  color  with  ugly 
blue  eyes;'  and  later,  as  no  violence  was  done,  they  called  them  chichinabros, 
or  'reasonable  beings.'  Women  used  by  the  soldiers  were  obliged  to  undergo 
a  long  purification,  and  for  a  long  time  every  child  with  white  blood  in  its 
veins  was  strangled.  Food  given  by  the  white  men  was  buried  in  the  woods. 
Drown  sugar  was  long  regarded  as  the  excrement  of  the  new-comers. 


TROUBLE  AT  SAN  GABRIEL.  181 

before  the  presidio  gates.  The  fugitive  assailants 
came  back  after  a  few  clays  to  beg  for  their  leader's 
head;  but  it  was  only  very  gradually  that  they  were 
induced  to  resume  friendly  relations  with  the  friars, 
and  frequent  the  mission  as  before.  There  is  little 
doubt  that  their  sudden  hostility  arose  from  outrages 
by  the  soldiers  on  the  native  women.30 

A  few  days  after  this  affair  Fages  arrived  from  San 
Diego  with  two  friars,  sixteen  soldiers,81  and  four 
muleteers  in  charge  of  a  mule  train,  the  force  intended 
for  the  establishing  of  San  Buenaventura.  In  conse- 
quence of  the  recent  hostilities  Fages  decided  to  add 
six  men  to  the  guard  of  San  Gabriel,  and  to  postpone 
for  the  present  the  founding  of  a  new  mission.  Pa- 
terria  and  Cruzado  also  remained  at  San  Gabriel  where 
they  became  the  following  year  the  regular  ministers 
on  the  retirement  of  Somera  and  Cambon  by  reason 
of  ill-health.  Mission  progress  was  extremely  slow, 
the  first  baptism  having  been  that  of  a  child  on 
November  27th,  and  the  whole  number  during  the 
first  two  years  only  seventy-three.  This  want  of 
prosperity  is  attributed  by  Serra  largely  to  the  con- 
duct of  the  soldiers,  who  refused  to  work,  paid  no 
attention  to  the  orders  of  their  worthless  corporal, 
drove  away  the  natives  by  their  insolence,  and  even 
pursued  them  to  their  rancherias,  where  they  lassoed 

30  Palou,  Not. ,  i.  478-9,  says  a  soldier  had  outraged  a  woman  in  one  of  the 
rancherias.  The  same  author  in  Vida,  130-2,  tells  us  that  the  woman  was  the 
wife  of  the  slain  chieftain  and  the  guilty  soldier  the  one  attacked.  Serra  in 
his  Representation,  MS.,  of  May  21,  1773,  says  that  the  first  grievance  of  the 
natives  was  an  order  from  Pages  that  only  5  or  6  of  them  should  be  admitted 
within  the  stockade  at  a  time,  followed  by  a  secret  order  not  to  allow  any 
gentiles  at  all  to  enter.  Serra  says  decidedly  that  if  he  had  been  there  he 
would  have  ordered  the  padres  to  abandon  the  mission;  for  if  they  could  have 
no  intercourse  with  gentiles  for  what  were  they  in  the  country  at  all  ?  One 
day  the  soldiers  went  out  to  look  for  cattle,  or  more  likely  for  women,  and  the 
chief  captain  was  killed,  his  head  being  brought  to  the  mission.  In  Serra's 
eyes  all  misfortunes  were  chargeable  to  Fages. 

51  Palou,  Not.,  i.  479,  says  distinctly  that  he  had  26  soldiers,  12  volunteers 
who  had  lately  arrived  from  Baja  California  and  14  soldiers  de  cuera;  but  I 
think  the  last  item  should  be  4  instead  of  14,  which  agrees  exactly  with  the 
available  force  at  San  Diego.  Otherwise  10  cuera  soldiers  must  have  arrive.:! 
from  the  south  of  which  there  is  no  record,  or  Fages  must  have  brought  10 
with  him  from  Monterey,  which  seems  unlikely.  A  total  of  16  also  allows 
San  Buenaventura  10  men,  the  same  guard  as  that  sent  originally  to  S.  Gabriel. 


182  OCCUPATION  OF  MONTEREY. 

women  for  their  lust  and  killed  such  males  as  dared  to 
interfere.32  Fages,  probably  with  ten  Catalan  volun- 
teers, continued  his  march  to  Monterey  at  the  end  of 
1771.  Rivera  y  Moncada  does  not  appear  at  all  in 
the  annals  of  this  period.  He  probably  remained  but 
a  short  time  at  San  Diego  before  retiring  to  the  penin- 
sula. It  is  not  unlikely  that  he  was  already  preparing 
the  way  by  correspondence  for  the  removal  of  Fages 
in  his  own  favor.33 

82  Representation  de  21  de  Mayo  1773,  MS.  Reform  seems  to  have  dated 
from  a  change  of  corporals,  which  probably  took  place  late  in  1772. 

33  In  May  1771  he  was  at  Santa  Gertrudis.  St.  Pap.  Mis.  and  Col.,  MS.,  i. 
52.  On  the  period  covered  by  this  chapter  see  Palou,  Not.,  i.  98-107,  120-3, 
424-80;  Id.,  Vida,  88-134. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 
1772-1773. 

EVENTS  OF  1 772— SEARCH  FOR  THE  PORT  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO— CRESPI'S  DIARY — 
FIRST  EXPLORATION  or  SANTA  CLARA,  ALAMEDA,  AND  CONTRA  COSTA 
COUNTIES — FAGES  DISCOVERS  SAN  PABLO  BAY,  CARQUINES  STRAIT,  AND 
SAN  JOAQTJIN  RIVER — RELIEF  SENT  SOUTH — HARD  TIMES  AT  MONTEREY — 
LIVING  ON  BEAR-MEAT — FACES  AND  SERRA  Go  SOUTH — FOUNDING  OF  SAN 
Luis  OBISPO — EVENTS  AT  SAN  DIEGO — A  QUARREL  BETWEEN  COMMANDANT 
AND  PRESIDENT — SERRA  GOES  TO  MEXICO — CESSION  OF  LOWER  CALIFOR- 
NIAN  MISSIONS  TO  DOMINICANS — NEW  PADRES  FOR  THE  NORTHERN  ESTAB- 
LISHMENTS— PALOU'S  JOURNEY  TO  SAN  DIEGO  AND  MONTEREY  IN  1773. 

THE  year  1772  was  marked  by  an  important  explo- 
ration of  new  territory  in  the  north.  It  added  a  mis- 
sion to  the  four  already  founded,  brought  three  friars 
to  reenforce  Serra's  band  of  workers,  and  saw  .arrange- 
ments completed  for  a  larger  reinforcement  through 
the  yielding-up  of  the  peninsular  missions  to  the  exclu- 
sive control  of  the  Dominican  order.  Yet  it  was  a 
year  of  little  progress  and  of  much  hardship ;  it  was  a 
year  of  tardy  supply-vessels,  of  unfortunate  disagree- 
ments between  the  Franciscans  and  the  military  chief — 
disagreements  which  carried  the  president  in  person  to 
Mexico  to  plead  for  reforms  before  Viceroy  Bucareli, 
who  had  succeeded  Croix  in  the  preceding  autumn. 

The  San  Antonio  on  her  last  trip  had  brought 
orders  from  the  viceroy  to  Fages,  requiring  him  to 
explore  by  sea  or  land  the  port  of  San  Francisco,  and, 
acting  in  accord  with  Serra,  to  establish  a  mission 
there,  with  a  view  to  secure  the  harbor  from  foreign 
aggression.1 

1  Dated  Nov.  12,  1770,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  70.  It  was  received  by 
Fages  at  Monterey  in  May  1771. 

(183) 


184  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

After  the  spring  rains  had  ceased,  the  commandant 
for  the  first  time  was  able  to  obey  the  order  as  to 
exploration,  but  there  were  neither  friars  nor  soldiers 
for  a  mission,  though  the  supplies  were  lying  at  San 
Carlos.2  Accordingly  with  Crespi,  twelve  soldiers,  a 
muleteer,  and  an  Indian,  Fages  started  from  Monterey 
on  the  20th  of  March  and  crossed  over  to  the  river 
Santa  Delfina,  now  the  Salinas.  As  the  first  explo- 
ration by  Europeans  of  a  since  important  portion  of 
California,  the  counties  of  Santa  Clara,  Alameda,  and 
Contra  Costa,  this  trip,  fully  described  by  Crespi,3 
deserves  to  be  followed  somewhat  closely. 

The  second  day's  march  brings  the  party  to  the 
San  Benito  stream,  still  so  called,  near  what  is  now 
Hollister;  and  on  the  22d  they  cross  San  Pascual 
plain  into  San  Bernardino  Valley  and  encamp  a  little 
north  of  the  present  Gilroy.  Thence  they  proceed 
north-westward  and  enter  the  great  plain  of  the 
"  Robles  del  Puerto  de  San  Francisco,"  in  which 
they  have  been  before,  in  November  1769,  that  is, 
the  Santa  Clara  Valley.  Their  camp  the  24th  is 
near  the  south-eastern  point  of  the  great  "  brazo  de 
mar,"  near  the  mouth  of  what  they  call  Enearnacion 
Arroyo,  now  Penitencia  Creek,  on  the  boundary  line 
between  Santa  Clara  and  Alameda  counties.  The 
peninsula  to  their  left  having  been  previously  ex- 
plored, and  the  object  being  to  pass  round  the  great 
inlet  and  reach  San  Francisco  under  Point  Reyes, 
Fages  continues  to  the  right  along  the  foot-hills  be- 
tween the  shore  and  Coast  Range. 

His  camp  on  Wednesday  the  25th  is  beside  a  large 
stream,  called  by  him  San  Salvador  de  Horta,  now 

2Palou,  Vida,  134-5,  says  that  Serra  proposed  the  exploration  and  Fages 
consented.  This  is  probably  accurate  enough  in  a  certain  sense;  but  the  friars 
had  a  noticeable  habit  of  claiming  for  themselves  all  the  credit  for  each  move- 
ment, and  omitting  any  mention  of  secular  orders  ajjcl  agencies — an  omission 
that  evidently  did  not  always  result  from  forgetfulness. 

3  Crespi,  Diario  que  se  form6  en  el  registro  que  se  hizo  del  puerlo  de  Ntro. 
P.  San  Francisco,  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  481-501.  A  brief  resume1  of  the  same 
exploration  is  given  in  Id.,  ii.  46.  Among  modern  writers,  Ilittell,  Jlixt. 
San  Francisco,  has  given  a  brief  and  inaccurate  account  from  Crespi's  diary. 


DISCOVERY  OF  ALAMEDA.  135 

Alameda  Creek,  at  a  point  near  Vallejo's  Mill.  Next 
day  deer  and  bears  are  plentiful,  and  traces  are  seen 
of  animals  which  the  friar  imagines  to  be  buffaloes, 
but  which  the  soldiers  pronounce  burros,  or  " jackass 
deer,"  such  as  they  had  seen  in  New  Mexico.  Cross- 
ing five  streams,  two  large  ones,  now  San  Lorenzo 
and  San  Leandro  creeks,  and  two  small  ones,  they 
reach  the  Arroyo  del  Bosque,  on  a  branch  of  the  bay 
which  with  another  similar  branch  forms  a  peninsula, 
bearing  a  grove  of  oaks — the  site  of  the  modern  town 
of  Alameda.  They  are  near  the  shore  of  San  Lean- 
dro Bay,  and  probably  on  Brickyard  Slough.  On 
Friday's  march  they  have  to  climb  a  series  of  low 
hills,  Brooklyn,  or  East  Oakland,  in  order  to  get 
round  "  an  estuary  which,  skirting  the  grove,  extends 
some  four  or  five  leagues  inland  until  it  heads  in  the 
sierra"-  -  San  Antonio  Creek  and  Merritt  Lake. 
Thence  coming  out  into  a  great  plain,  they  halt 
about  three  leagues  from  the  starting-point,  opposite 
the  "mouth  by  which  the  two  great  estuaries  com- 
municate with  the  Ensenada  de  los  Farallones" — 
that  is,  they  stop  at  Berkeley  and  look  out  through 
the  Golden  Gate,  noting  three  islands  in  the  bay.4 
Continuing  a  league  the  Spaniards  encamp  on  what  is 
now  Cerrito  Creek,  the  boundary  between  Alameda 
and  Contra  Costa  counties. 

For  the  next  two  days  they  follow  the  general 
course  of  the  bay  coast,  note  "a  round  bay  like  a 
great  lake" — San  Pablo  Bay — large  enough  for  "all 
the  armadas  of  Spain,"  where  they  see  whales  spout- 
ing. They  are  kindly  received  in  what  is  now  Pinole 
Valley,  by  a  ranch eria  of  gentiles,  "  bearded  and  of 
very  light  complexion."  They  attempt  to  pass  round 
the  bahia  redonda,  but  are  prevented  by  a  narrow 
estuary,  the  Strait  of  Carquines.  Journeying  along 
the  treeless  hills 'that  form  its'  shores,  they  are  hos- 
pitably treated  at  five  large  native  villages,  some  even 

*  *  One  of  them,  Angel,  was  probably  not  known  to  be  an  island  until  the 
party  saw  it  from  a  point  farther  north. 


186  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

coming  across  from  the  other  shore  in  rafts,  and 
finally  they  encamp  on  a  stream  near  the  shore,  prob- 
ably the  Arroyo  del  Hambre  near  Martinez.5  March 
30th  they  advance  two  leagues  to  a  large  stream — 
Arroyo  de  las  Nueces,  near  Pacheco;  cross  the  fine 
valley  of  Santa  Angela  de  Fulgino —  Mt  Diablo 
Creek;  pass  two  rancherias  of  friendly  natives;  and 
enter  a  range  of  low  hills — in  the  vicinity  of  Willow 
Pass.  From  the  summit  they  look  down  on  the  two 
broad  rivers  and  valleys,  since  so  well  known,  with 
the  various  channels,  sloughs,  and  islands  about 
their  junction — all  very  accurately  described  in  the 
diary.  Leaving  the  hills  they  pass  on  four  or  five 
leagues  across  the  plain  to  a  small  stream  on  which 
they  pitch  their  camp  half  a  mile  from  the  bank  of 
the  great  river,  "the  largest  that  has  been  discovered 
in  New  Spain,"  which  is  named  Rio  de  San  Fran- 
cisco. They  are  on  the  San  Joaquin,  at  or  near  An- 
tioch.6 

To  carry  out  the  original  purpose  of  "passing  on  to 
Point  Reyes  to  examine  the  port  of  San  Francisco"  it  is 
now  necessary  to  cross  the  great  rivers,  for  which  they 
have  no  boats,  or  to  "go  round  them"  for  which  they 
lack  men  and  supplies.7  It  is,  accordingly,  determined 
to  return  to  Monterey,  but  by  a  shorter  route  than 
that  along  the  bay  shore.  Recrossing  on  the  last  day 
of  the  month  the  range  of  hills  and  the  Santa  Angela 
plain,  they  turn  south-eastward  by  a  pleasant  Canada— 
San  Ramon  Creek.  During  the  first  and  second  of 
'April  they  pass  through  what  are  now  known  as  San 
Ramon  and  Amador  valleys  into  Sunol  Valley,  which 
they  call  Santa  Coleta;  thence  through  a  pass  to  the 


5Crespi  makes  the  journey  of  the  two  days  15  leagues,  and  leaves  his 
courses  vague,  implying  that  he  was  travelling  always  north-west. 

6Hittell,  in  his  History  of  San  Francisco  and  incidentally  of  California, 
p.  45,  tells  us  that  the  Spaniards  on  this  trip  crossed  the  strait  and  tra- 
versed the  broad  Mils  and  valleys  intervening  until  they  reached  Russian 
River! 

7  Palou,  Vida,  134—5,  says  the  exploration  was  not  concluded  on  account  of 
bad  news  from  San  Diego;  but  he  means  that  this  news  prevented  subsequent 
trips. 


TO  THE  MOUTH  OF  THE  GREAT  KIVERS.  187 

vicinity  of  Mission  San  Jose,  and  to  their  former 
route,  encamping  one  league  beyond  the  Encarnacion 
Arroyo  where  they  had  been  March  24th,  on  a  stream 
called  San  Francisco  de  Paula,  in  the  vicinity  of  Mil- 
pitas.  From  the  third  to  the  fourth  they  return  by 
the  former  route  to  Monterey,  whence  Crespi  goes 
over  to  San  Cdrlos  and  delivers  his  diary  to  the  presi- 
dent. 

Then  Padre  Junipero,  "seeing  that  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  found  at  once  the  mission  of  our  seraphic 
father  San  Francisco  in  his  own  port,  since,  as  that 
port  according  to  Cabrera  Bueno  was  near  Point 
Reyes,  it  was  necessary  to  go  to  it  by  water,  passing 
from  Point  Almejas  to  Point  Reyes  across  the  Ense- 
nada  de  los  Farallones;  or  if  by  land,  it  was  necessary 
to  make  a  new  exploration  by  ascending  the  great 
rivers  in  search  of  a  ford ;  and  since  as  it  is  not  known 
if  they  extend  far  inland,  or  where  they  rise,  a  new 
expedition  was  necessary;  therefore,  his  reverence 
determined  in  view  of  what  had  been  discovered  in 
this  exploration  to  report  to  the  viceroy"  and  await 
his  instructions. 

During  the  commander's  absence  Serraliad  received 
letters  from  San  Diego  and  San  Gabriel  announcing 
great  want  of  supplies,  the  departure  of  Cambon  and 
Dumetz,  and  the  illness  of  Sornera.  He  therefore 
despatched  Crespi  south,  and  with  him  Fages  sent  an 
escort  and  some  flour;  but  food  was  soon  exhausted 
at  Monterey  and  San  Antonio,  and,  except  for  a  very 
small  quantity  of  vegetables  and  milk,  the  Spaniards 
were  almost  wholly  dependent  for  sustenance  on  the 
natives.8  Late  in  May,  when  the  last  extremity  was 
reached,  and  there  was  yet  no  news  of  the  vessels, 
Fages  with  thirteen  men  spent  some  three  months 
hunting  bears  in  the  Canada  de  los  Osos,  thus  supply- 
ing presidio  and  mission  with  meat  until  succor  came. 

8  Oct.  14,  1772,  the  viceroy  acknowledges  receipt  of  Fages'  letter  of  June 
26th,  complaining  of  scarcity  of  food.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  75. 


188  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

At  last  the  two  transports  arrived  on  the  coast;  but 
by  reason  of  adverse  winds  they  could  not  reach  Mon- 
terey and  therefore  returned  to  San  Diego.9  Fages 
and  Serra  now  started  for  the  south  late  in  August  to 
make  arrangements  for  the  transportation  of  supplies 
to  San  Carlos  and  San  Antonio.  Padre  Cavalier 
went  also,  Juncosa  and  Pieras  being  left  on  duty  at 
Monterey,  until  October  or  November,  when  Crespi 
and  Dumetz  returned  overland.  The  San  Antonio 
also  came  up  wjth  supplies,  but  there  is  no  record  of 
subsequent  events  in  the  north  for  nearly  a  year. 

Vessels  arriving  promising  relief  from  pressing 
needs,  the  president  resolves  on  his  way  south  to 
establish  one  of  the  new  missions  in  the  Canada  cle 
los  Osos.  He  therefore  takes  with  him  Padre  Ca- 
valier, the  mission  guard,  and  the  required  vestments 
and  utensils.  A  site,  called  by  the  natives  Tixlini, 
being  selected,  half  a  league  from  the  famous  Canada 
but  within  sight  of  it,  on  the  1st  of  September  Juni- 
pero  raises  the  Christian  symbol,  says  mass,  and  thus 
ushers  in  the  mission  of  San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa.10 
Cavalier  is  left  to  labor  alone  at  first,  with  five  sol- 
diers, and  two  Indians  to  work  on  the  buildings.  The 
natives  are,  however,  well  disposed,  retaining  as  they 
do  a  grateful  remembrance  of  Fages'  recent  services 
in  ridding  their  country  of  troublesome  bears.  They 
are  willing  to  work,  offer  their  children  for  baptism, 
and  even  help  with  their  seeds  to  eke  out  the  friar's 

9  Letter  of  Serra  toPalou  from  Monterey,  Aug.  18th,  in  Palou,  Vida,  13G-9. 

10  Saint  Louis,  bishop  of  Toulouse,  son  of  Cbarles  II.  of  Naples,  was  .born  in 
1275,  became  a  Franciscan  in  1294,  died  in  1298,  and  was  canonized  in  1317. 
His  day  is  August  19th.  San  Luis  Obispo,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.     Fages  calls 
the  mission  San  Luis  Obispo  de  los  Tichos.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  86.    Ac- 
cording to  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  83,  the  mission  had  at  first  only  50  Ibs.  of 
flour  and  3  almudes  of  wheat,  so  that  life  had  to  be  sustained  by  seeds  ob- 
tained from  the  natives.    Dec.  2,  1772,  the  viceroy  writes  to  Fages  approving 
the  founding  of  the  mission  in  a  spot  where  there  is  much  good  land  and 
plenty  of  game.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.  i.  76.     Serra,  in  San  Diego,  Lib.  de 
Mi*ion,  MS.,  strangely  calls  the  mission  which  he  founded  at  this  time  San 
Luis  Rey.    The  traditional  old  Indian  woman  who  aided  in  building  the  mis- 
sion church  is  not  wanting  at  San  Luis.    According  to  newspaper  items  she 
was  named  Lilila  and  died  Aug.  1,  1874. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  LUIS  OBISPO.  189 

scanty  supply  of  food.  Additional  soldiers  and  pro- 
visions are  to  be  left  on  the  return  of  the  train  from 
San  Diego,  and  the  associate  minister  Juncosa  is  to 
come  down  at  the  end  of  the  year.  The  day  after 
founding  the  mission  Serra  and  Fages  continue  their 
journey.11  It  is  the  president's  first  trip  overland  and 
he  is  delighted  with  all  he  beholds,  with  the  pros- 
pects at  San  Luis,  with  the  natives  of  the  channel 
coast,12  and  with  progress  at  San  Gabriel,  where  he 
spends  September  llth  and  12th,  and  whence  Father 
Paterna  goes  down  to  .San  Diego  to  return  with  the 
supply- train. 

Of  events  at  San  Diego  and  San  Gabriel,  prior  to 
the  arrival  of  Fages  and  Serra  the  16th  of  Septem- 
ber, we  know  nothing  save  the  illness  of  Somera, 
Cambon,  and  Dumetz,  the  departure  of  the  last  two 
for  the  peninsula,  the  coming  of  Crespi  from  the  north 
in  May,  the  return  of  Dumetz  accompanied  by  Tomds 
de  la  Pena  sent  up  by  Palou  to  take  Cambon's  place, 
and  the  arrival  of  the  San  Carlos  and  San  Antonio  in 
August. 

As  soon  as  the  San  Carlos  can  be  unloaded  the 
mule  train  is  made  ready  and  despatched  for  the  north 
September  27th,  in  charge  of  Crespi  and  Dumetz,  who 
go  to  relieve  Pieras  and  Juncosa  at  San  Carlos.  The 
San  Antonio  is  to  take  her  cargo  to  Monterey,  and 
probably  does  so,  though  we  have  no  further  notice 
of  her  movements  during  this  trip.13 

Serra  now  wishes  to  proceed  with  the  founding  of 

11  Serra  had  great  hopes,  but  says  he,  '  let  us  leave  time  to  tell  the  story  in 
the  progress  which  I  hope  Christianity  will  make  among  them  in  spite  of  the 
Enemy  who  already  began  to  lash  his  tail  (meter  la  cola)  by  means  of  a  bad 
soldier,  who  soon  after  arrival  they  caiight  in  actual  sin  with  an  Indian 
woman,  a  thing  which  greatly  grieved  the  poor  padre.'  /Serra,  Repres.  ~1  de 
Mayo,  MS.,  117. 

12  Yet  in  his  report  to  the  viceroy  of  April  22,  1773,  he  refers  to  a  disturb- 
ance here  between  the  soldiers  and  Indians,  in  which  one  of  the  latter  was 
killed  and  another  severely  wounded.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  101. 

13  Dec.  2,  177'2,  the  viceroy  writes  to  Fages  reprimanding  him  for  allowing 
the  vessel  to  continue  her  voyage  up  to  Monterey  at  this  season.    He  should 
have  unloaded  her  and  forwarded  her  cargo  by  land.  Prov.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  i. 
77-8. 


100  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

San  Buenaventura  on  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel,  as 
originally  planned  by  Jose  de  Galvez  five  years  before. 
He  had  visited  its  proposed  site  at  Asuncion  on  his 
late  trip,  and  has  formed  some  sanguine  expectations 
as  to  its  future.  His  enthusiasm  on  this  occasion,  as 
on  several  others,  seems  to  impair  his  judgment  and 
causes  him  to  forget  that,  with  the  present  military 
force,  it  is  impossible  to  furnish  a  suitable  guard  for  a 
new  mission,  especially  for  one  so  far  from  the  others 
and  in  so  populous  a  region.  I  suppose  that  Fages 
very  properly  refused  to  furnish  a  guard  until  more 
soldiers  should  be  sent  to  California.14  At  any  rate  a 
bitter  quarrel  ensued  between  the  two,  respecting  the 
merits  of  which  few  details  are  known,  but  in  the 
course  of  which  the  hot-headed  Fages,  in  the  right  at 
first,  may  very  likely  have  exceeded  the  bounds  of 
moderation  and  good  taste;  while  the  president, 
though  manifestly  unjust  in  his  prejudice  against  the 
commandant,  was  perhaps  more  politic  and  self-con- 
tained in  his  words  and  acts  at  the  time,  and  has, 
moreover,  the  advantage  of  having  left  his  side  of  the 
question  more  fully  recorded  than  that  of  his  antago- 
nist.15 

nPalon,  Vida,  146,  says  that  Serra  '  consulted  with  comandante  Fages 
about  an  escort  and  other  assistance  necessary  for  the  founding,  but  he  found 
the  door  closed,  and  that  he  (Fages)  went  oil  giving  such  directions  that  if 
they  should  be  carried  into  effect,  far  from  being  able  to  found  (the  mission) 
they  threatened  the  risk  of  losing  what  it  had  cost  so  much  work  to  accom- 
plish. To  prevent  such  a  result,  from  which  serious  misfortunes  might  issue, 
the  venerable  padre  used  all  the  means  suggested  by  his  great  prudence  and 
well  known  skill;  but  in  no  way  was  he  able  to  accomplish  his  purpose. '  The 
same  author  in  Noticias,  i.  509-10,  says:  'They  spoke  of  the  number  of  soldiers 
who  were  to  remain,  and  of  the  manner  in  which  the  mission  was  to  be  man- 
aged, because  he  (Fages)  had  already  meddled  in  the  government  of  the  mis- 
sions, already  pretending  that  all  belonged  to  him  and  not  to  the  padres;  so 
that  the  missions,  instead  of  progressing,  retrograded,  and  if  the  thing  went 
on  the  reduction  might  be  rendered  impossible.' 

15Palou  had  alluded,  in  his  Memorial  of  December  1772,  to  misunderstand- 
ings between  the  military  and  missionary  authorities.  March  18,  1772,  the 
viceroy  in  a  letter  to  Fages,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  74-5,  urges  him  to  main- 
tain harmony,  to  listen  to  all  complaints,  to  aid  the  padres  with  guards  and 
supplies,  to  treat  converts  well,  and  to  promote  the  mission  work  in  every 
possible  way.  October  2d,  Serra  says  to  Fages  that  the  padres  arc  unwilling 
to  take  charge  of  the  troops'  provisions,  fearing  quarrels,  but  will  do  it  tem- 
porarily if  military  supplies  be  delivered  in  separate  packages.  Arch.  Arzo- 
bispado,  MS.,  i.  3.  October  8th,  Fages  transcribes  to  Serra  a  communication 
from  the  viceroy,  dated  November  3,  1771,  on  the  duty  of  president  and 


SERRA  QUARRELS  WITH  FACES.  191 

The  charges  of  the  president  against  Fages  were 
embodied  in  his  Representation  of  the  following  year. 
According  to  this  document  his  offences  were  as  fol- 
lows :  Bad  treatment  of  and  haughty  manners  toward 
his  men,  causing  them  to  hate  him,  as  Serra  had 
learned  by  long  experience;  incompetence  to  com- 
mand the  cuera  soldiers,  since  he  belonged  himself  to 
another  branch  of  the  service;  refusal  to  transfer  sol- 
diers for  bad  conduct  at  the  padres'  request;  meddling 
with  mission  management  and  the  punishment  of  neo- 
phytes as  he  had  no  right  to  do  except  for  delitos  de 
sangre,  or  grave  offences;  refusal  to  allow  the  padre 
a  soldier  to  serve  as  majordomo,  the  soldier  being 
transferred  as  soon  as  he  became  attached  to  a  padre, 
on  the  plea  that  such  attachment  was  subversive  of 
the  military  authority;  irregular  and  delayed  delivery 
of  letters  and  property  directed  to  the  padres,  accord- 
ing to  his  whim,  thus  preventing  the  distribution  of 
small  gifts  to  the  Indians;  insolence  and  constant 
efforts  to  annoy  the  friars,  who  were  at  his  mercy; 
delaying  mission  work  by  retaining  at  the  presidio 
the  only  blacksmith;  opening  the  friars'  letters,  and 
neglect  to  inform  them  in  time  when  mails  were  to 
start;  taking  away  the  mission  mules  for  the  use  of 
the  soldiers;  and  the  retention  under  charge  of  the 
presidio  of  cattle  intended  for  new  missions.16  Some 
of  these  charges  were  doubtless  unfounded,  or  at  least 
exaggerated. 

It  was  partly  on  account  of  this  difficulty  with 
Fages  that  Serra  determined  to  go  in  person  to  Mex- 
ico, but  there  were  other  motives  that  made  such  a 
trip  desirable.  The  mission  work  in  California  had 
now  been  fairly  begun,  and  from  the  actual  working 
of  the  system  the  need  of  some  changes  had  become 

padres  to  set  a  good  example  by  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  commandant. 
Id.  October  12th,  Serra  assures  Fages  that  neither  he  nor  his  subordinates 
ever  have  failed  or  ever  will  fail  in  respect  to  the  commandant's  orders.  Id. ,  4. 
™ Serra,  Representation  de  13  de  Marzo  1773,  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  518-34, 
passim.  He  hints  that  he  could  say  much  worse  things  about  his  foe  if  it 
were  necessary.  There  is  also  much  against  Fages  in  Serra,  liepres.,  de  21 
de  Mayo  1773,  MS. 


192  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

apparent,  changes  which  the  president  could  advocate 
more  effectually  in  person  than  by  correspondence; 
and  what  made  a  visit  to  Mexico  the  more  imperative 
in  the  padre's  opinion  was  the  news  that  a  new  vice- 
roy, presumably  ignorant  of  northern  affairs,  had  come 
to  New  Spain  the  preceding  autumn  to  succeed  Croix, 
and  that  Galvez,  California's  best  friend,  had  also 
gone  to  Spain.  Only  the  most  active  efforts  could 
keep  up  the  old  enthusiasm;  and  at  least  it  w^as  well 
to  learn  of  what  stuff  Bucareli  was  made. 

Serra  accordingly  sailed  on  the  San  Carlos  the  19th 
or  20th  of  October,  taking  with  him  a  neophyte  from 
Monterey  who  afterward  received  the  rite  of  confir- 
mation at  the  hand  of  Archbishop  Lorenzana.  Of  the 
president's  doings  in  Mexico  I  shall  have  something 
to  say  in  the  next  chapter.17  Shortly  before  the  ves- 
sel sailed,  Padre  Somera  had  started  for  the  penin- 
sula;18 a.  little  later  Fages  set  out  overland  for  Mon- 
terey; and  in  November  the  friars  Juan  Figuer  and 
Kamon  Usson  arrived  from  the  south,  sent  up  by 
Palou  at  Serra's  request  for  the  proposed  mission  of 
San  Buenaventura. 

At  a  consultation  between  the  Dominican  vicar 
general  and  Rafael  Yerger  the  guardian  of  San  Fer- 
nando College,  an  agreement  was  formed  April  7, 
1772,  by  which  all  the  missions  of  the  peninsula  were 
given  up  by  the  Franciscan  to  the  Dominican  order. 
The  long  series  of  negotiations  and  intrigues  which 
led  to  this  result  has  been  presented  elsewhere  in  con- 
nection with  the  annals  of  the  peninsula,19  and  need 
not  be  repeated  here.  The  Dominicans  had  worked 
hard  for  a  division  of  the  missions,  which  the  Fran- 

17  He  arrived  at  San  Bias  Nov.  4th,  was  at  Tepic  Nov.  10th,  had  very 
severe  and  dangerous  attacks  of  illness  at  Guadalajara  and  Quere^aro,  and 
fmally  arrived  in  Mexico  in  February  1773.    Serra,  in  Dandinl,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal. , 
MS..  1,  says  he  went  to  Mexico  to  plead  for  the  extension  of  missions,  etc. 
Fages  in  letter  of  Dec.  22,  1772,  affirms  that  the  padre  left  for  Mexico  k  on 
mission  business.'  Pron.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  80-7. 

18  Possibly  several  months  before,  since  he  sailed  from  Loreto  for  San  Bias 
on  Oct.  19th. 

19  See  Hist.  North  Mexican  States,  this  series. 


FRANCISCANS  AND  DOMINICANS.  103 

ciscans  had  strenuously  resisted.  At  first  the  new 
establishments  of  the  north  were  hardly  taken  into 
the  account  by  either  party;  but  as  the  struggle  con- 
tinued, additional  knowledge  of  the  new  country  was 
constantly  accumulating;  and  finally,  when  it  was  no 
longer  possible  to  prevent  a  division,  so  flattering  were 
the  reports  from  Alta  California  that  the  peninsula 
was  regarded  as  hardly  worth  the  keeping,  and  was 
gladly  relinquished  by  the  guardian  of  the  mother  col- 
lege. The  followers  of  Saint  Dominic  were  pleased, 
for  they  obtained  more  than  they  had  ever  asked  for. 
So  far  as  is  shown  by  the  records  Palou  and  Serra 
knew  nothing  of  the  cession  until  it  was  consummated, 
the  latter  first  learning  of  it  from  retiring  Franciscans 
whom  he  met  at  Tepic ;  yet  it  is  difficult  of  belief  that 
the  guardian  did  not  act  on  the  direct  advice  of  the 
two  presidents,  or  that  Padre  Junipero  did  not  know 
what  was  brewing  when  he  left  San  Diego.  However 
that  may  have  been,  all  three  were  satisfied  with  their 
bargain,  as  they  had  every  reason  to  be.  Later  the 
division  would  have  been  on  a  very  different  basis. 

In  August  Palou  received  information  of  the  agree- 
ment at  Loreto.  His  acts  in  the  final  delivery  of  the 
missions  have  been  noticed  elsewhere.  The  guardian's 
instructions  required  four  friars  to  be  assigned  to  duty 
in  the  north,  while  the  rest  were  to  return  to  their 
college.  But  in  the  mean  time  two,  Carnbon  and 
Somera,  had  returned  ill,  two  others  had  asked  leave 
of  absence,  one  was  needed  for  the  Monterey  presidio, 
and  one  or  two  extra  helpers  would  be  convenient  for 
emergencies.  Besides,  it  seemed  much  better  to  send 
the  friars  up  to  San  Diego,  whence,  if  not  needed,  they 
could  return  by  sea  to  San  Bias,  than  to  send  them 
back  to  the  college  to  undertake,  if  needed  in  the 
north,  a  long  and  dangerous  voyage.  He  wrote  forth- 
with to  Guardian  Verger  on  the  subject,  and  also  to 
Serra,  sending  two  of  the  padres,  Usson  and  Figuer, 
up  to  San  Diego  with  the  letter,  in  September. 

Paterna,  acting  president  in  Serra' s  absence,  wrote 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    13 


194  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

back  that  ten  friars  would  not  be  too  many;  Serra 
wrote  from  Tepic,  November  10th,  that  at  least  eight 
or  ten  should  be  sent  to  California  if  it  could  be  done 
without  disobeying  very  positive  orders  of  the  guar- 
dian, and  that  he  hoped  to  see  Palou  himself  among 
the  number;  and  finally  Verger  wrote  approving  the 
idea  of  sending  eight  or  ten  friars,  but  expressing 
doubts  as  to  his  ability  to  obtain  a  stipend  for  the 
one  destined  to  presidio  service,  and  hoping  that  Palou 
would  decide  to  come  back  to  the  college.  The  latter 
of  course  fixed  upon  the  outside  number,  and  imme- 
diately selected  eight  in  addition  to  the  two  already 
sent  north;  neither  could  he  resist  the  temptation  to 
include  his  own  name  in  the  list.20  It  was  his  plan 
to  leave  behind  temporarily  Father  Campa,  who  was 
to  act  in  his  own  absence  as  president,  and  to  come 
north  later  with  a  drove  of  cattle,  which  by  authority 
of  the  viceroy  were  to  be  taken  from  the  missions  of 
the  peninsula. 

Palou  was  also  authorized  to  take  twenty-five  na- 
tive families  from  the  frontier  missions  for  the  northern 
establishments,  arid  during  the  autumn  of  1772  and 
the  spring  of  1773,  while  occupied  with  the  final  de- 
tails of  the  transfer,  he  made  a  beginning  of  the  work, 
meeting  many  obstacles  through  the  lukewarmness 
of  the  Dominicans  and  the  open  hostility  of  Governor 
Barri.21  In  July  while  at  Yelicatd,  with  six  of  his 
friars,  he .  received  information  from  Campa  that  the 
San  Carlos  had  arrived  at  Loreto  laden  with  supplies 
for  San  Diego,  which  it  was  proposed  to  unload  at 
Loreto  while  the  vessel  returned  to  'San  Bias  for  re- 
pairs. Foreseeing  that  this  delay  was  likely  to  cause 
great  want  in  the  new  missions,  the  president  resolved 
to  suspend  his  recruiting  and  press  on  to  San  Diego 
immediately  with  all  the  maize  his  mules  could  carry. 

20  The  eight  were:  Francisco  Palou,  Pedro  Benito  Cambon,  Gregorio  Anrar- 
rio,  Fermin  Francisco  Lasuen,  Juan  Prestamero,  Vicente  Fuster,  Jos6  Antq- 
moMnrgiiia,  Miguel  de  la  Campa  y  Cos. 

21  Yet  Barri  writes  to  Fages  Jan.  7, 1773,  that  he  has  sent  up  30  horses  and 
40  mules,  all  he  could  collect  in  the  peninsula.  Prov.  Stab.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  138. 


PALOU'S  JOURNEY  TO  THE  NORTH.  195 

Canibon  was  left  in  charge  of  Indian  families,  cattle, 
and  a  considerable  amount  of  church  property,  re- 
specting which  there  was  much  subsequent  difficulty, 
as  we  shall  see.  He  wrote  to  Governor  Barri  urging 
him  to  forward  to  San  Luis  Bay  as  much  maize  as 
possible,  for  which  he  would  send  back  mules  from 
San  Diego,  and  with  tlje  six  padres  and  a  guard  of 
fourteen  men  he  set  otft  for  the  north  the  21st  of  July. 

As  the  Californian  annals  of  1772,  beginning  in  the 
extreme  north,  were  made  to  follow,  so  to  speak,  the 
progress  of  President  Serra  southward,  so  may  the 
little  that  .is  recorded  of  1773  be  most  conveniently 
attached  to  the  march  of  President  Palou  northward 
from  Yelicata  to  Monterey.  On  the  26th  three  sol- 
diers were  sent  out  in  advance  to  announce  their 
coming,  and  Paterna  and  Pena  came  down  far  on  the 
way  to  meet  the  travellers,  with  all  the  mules  that 
could  be  spared.  The  only  event  in  the  journey  re- 
quiring notice  was  the  raising  of  a  cross,  with  appro- 
priate ceremonies,  to  mark  the  boundary  between 
Franciscan  and  Dominican  territory,  on  the  19th  of 
August.  The  cross  was  placed  on  a  high  rock  five 
leagues  above  the  Arroyo  of  San  Juan  Bautista  and 
about  fifteen  leagues  below  San  Diego.22  Arriving  at 
the  latter  port  on  the  morning  of  the  30th,  the  new- 
comers were  welcomed  with  a  discharge  of  fire-arms 
and  with  every  demonstration  of  joy. 

Palou's  advance  messengers  had  gone  on  to  Monte- 
rey to  obtain  from  Fages  mules  to  bring  up  the  sup- 
plies from  Velicata.  While  awaiting  a  reply  the  presi- 
dent busied  himself  in  studying  the  condition  of  af- 
fairs and  in  making  a  temporary  distribution  of  the 
new  friars,  since  nothing  could  be  done  in  the  new 
establishments  until  the  vessels  came  with  supplies 
and  soldiers.23  The  native  families  expected  from  the 

22  The  cross  bore  the  inscription,  Division  de  las  misiones  de  Nuestro  Padre 
Santo  Domingo  y  de  Niiestro  Padre  San  Francisco;  ano  de  1773. 

23  The  missionary  force  after  this  distribution  was  as  follows:  San  Diego — • 
Luis  Jaume,  Vicente  Fuster,  and  Gregorio  Anmrrio  as  supernumerary'.    San.. 


196  PROGRESS  OF  THE  NEW  ESTABLISHMENTS. 

south  were  also  apportioned  in  advance  among  the 
missions  according  to  their  apparent  need.24  Paterna, 
Lasuen,  and  Prestamero  started  for  their  stations  on 
the  5th  of  September.  On  the  19th  came  a  letter 
from  Fages  with  all  the  mules  that  could  be  obtained, 
eighty-two  in  number,  which  were  sent  forward  three 
days  later  under  Ortega  and  a  guard  for  Velicatd.23 
On  the  26th  Palou,  Murguia,  and  Pena  started  for 
the  north,  after  having  baptized  fifteen  new  converts 
from  El  Bincon,  a  league  and  a  half  north  of  the 
mission. 

The  journey  northward  presents  nothing  of  inter- 
est, Palou  simply  stationing  his  companions  at  their 
respective  missions  according  to  the  plan  already 
given,  and  making  close  observations  to  be  utilized  in 
his  forthcoming  report.  At  San  Luis  the  party  was 
met  by  Fages^nd  a  league  from  Monterey  Crespi 
came  out  to  greet  his  old  friend  and  school-mate.  At 
the  presidio  on  November  14th  they  were  welcomed 
with  the  customary  salute  and  ringing  of  bells,  to 
which  Palou  replied  with  a  pldtica,  expressing  to  the 
soldiers  his  joy  at  seeing  that  they  had  come  to  serve 
God  in  so  distant  a  land,  where  he  hoped  they  would 
set  a  good  example  to  the  natives.  Then  they  went 
over  to  San  Carlos  and  were  greeted  by  the  ministers 
and  Indians.  Palou  was  very  enthusiastic  over  his 
arrival  at  Monterey,  a  place  which  he  had  desired  to 
visit  ever  since  he  read  Torquemada's  description  of 
Vizcaino's  voyage  over  twenty  years  ago,  and  a  place 
where  he  was  willing  to  devote  his  life  to  the  saving 
of  precious  souls,  his  own  included. 

Gabriel — Antonio  Paterna,  Antonio  Cruzado  (both  of  whom  had  asked  leave 
to  retire),  Juan  Figuer,  and  Fermin  Francisco  Lasuen.  San  Luis.Obispo — • 
Jose"  Cavalier,  Domingo  Juncosa  (anxious  to  retire),  later  Jose"  Antonio  Mur- 
guia, with  Juan  Prestamero  and  Tomas  de  la  Pena  as  supernumeraries.  San 
Antonio— Miguel  Pieras,  Buenaventura  Sitjar,  and  Ramon  Usson  as  super- 
numerary. San  Carlos — Juan  Crespi,  Francisco  Dumetz,  and  Francisco  Palou. 

24  San  Diego  was  to  have  one  family ;  San  Gabriel  6  families,  and  most  of 
the  unmarried;  and  San  Luis  Obispo  3  families  and  some  solteros.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  these  Indians  came  up  with  Palou. 

25 1  suppose  that  the  14  soldiers  who  had  come  up  with  Palou  also  returned, 
though  there  is  no  record  of  it.  It  is  a  point,  moreover,  of  some  importance 
in  tracing  the  names  of  the  earliest  settlers  in  California. 


VISIT  TO  THE  TULARES.  197 

It  is  recorded  that  some  time  during  1773  Co- 
mandante  Fages,  while  out  in  search  of  deserters, 
crossed  the  sierra  eastward  and  saw  an  immense  plain 
covered  with  tulares  and  a  great  lake,  whence  came  as 
he  supposed  the  great  river  that  had  prevented  him 
from  going  to  Point  Reyes.  This  may  be  regarded 
as  the  discovery  of  the  Tulare  Valley.  Thus  close 
the  somewhat  meagre  annals  of  an  uneventful  year, 
so  far  as  internal  affairs  in  California  are  concerned, 
but  there  were  measures  of  much  moment  being 
fomented  without,  to  which  and  to  a  general  report 
on  the  condition  of  the  country  the  following  chapter 
will  be  devoted.26 

'60n  the  events  of  this  chapter  see  Palou.  Not.,  i.  180-245,  481-513;  Id. 
Vida,  134-51. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

FIRST  ANNUAL  REPORT;  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

1773. 

PALOU'S  REPORT  OF  DECEMBER,  AND  SERRA'S  IN  MAY — CONDITION  or  CALI- 
FORNIA AT  CLOSE  OF  THE  FIRST  HISTORICAL  PERIOD — NAMES  APPLIED — 
PRESIDIO  AND  FIVE  MISSIONS — BAPTISMS,  MARRIAGES,  AND  DEATHS — 
GENTILES  FRIENDLY  —  PRE-PASTORAL  CALIFORNIAN  ARCHITECTURE  — 
PALISADE  ENCLOSURES  —  AGRICULTURE  AND  STOCK-RAISING  —  NEW 
PRESIDIO  REGULATIONS  OF  SEPTEMBER  1772 — FATHER  JUNIPERO  IN 
MEXICO  —  MEMORIAL  OF  MARCH  —  MEMORIAL  OF  APRIL — SAN  BLAS 
ESTABLISHMENT  SAVED — ACTION  OF  THE  JUNTA — AIDS  AND  REFORMS— 
REGLAMENTO — EIGHTY  SOLDIERS  FOR  CALIFORNIA — WAYS  AND  MEANS — 
SERRA'S  REPORT  —  PROVISIONAL  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  FAGES  —  FISCAL'S 
REPORT — CONDITION  OF  Pious  FUND — FINAL  ACTION  OF  THE  JUNTA — 
RIVERA  APPOINTED  TO  SUCCEED  FAGES — INSTRUCTIONS — PREPARATIONS 
OF  RIVERA  AND  ANZA — SERRA  HOMEWARD  BOUND. 

THE  resolution  of  the  junta  de  guerra  y  real  hacienda, 
dated  April  30,  1772,  giving  the  missions  of  the 
peninsula  to  the  Dominicans,  required  the  Francis- 
cans to  render  an  annual  report  on  the  condition  of 
their  new  establishments;  and  on  May  12th  the 
viceroy  had  ordered  such  report  from  the  president.1 
Therefore  Palou,  president  in  Serra's  absence,  gave 
his  attention  to  the  matter  during  his  stay  at  San 
Diego  and  his  trip  northward,  devoting  himself,  on 
arrival  at  Monterey  in  November,  to  the  task  of 
forming  from  the  results  of  his  observations  a  com- 
plete statement  for  the  viceroy.  The  document  was 
completed  the  10th  of  December  1773,  and  was  for- 
warded to  Mexico  overland  with  a  letter  to  the 

JThe  first  document  is  given  in  full  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  190-5;  and  the 
second  is  referred  to  in  Id.,  ii.  9. 

(198) 


FIRST  ANNUAL  REPORTS.  199 

guardian  of  San  Fernando^^Under  date  of  May 
21st  of  the  same  year  Seijj^r  Mexico  had  included 
in  his  report  to  the  viceroy  a  detailed  statement 
of  the  actual  condition  of  the  missions  at  the  time  of 
his  departure  the  preceding  September,  supplemented 
by  information  derived  from  later  correspondence. 
This  report3  covers  substantially  the  same  ground  as 
that  of  Palou  and  the  two  combined  may  be  regarded 
as  one  document.  Later  annual  and  biennial  reports 
of  the  missions,  preserved  in  my  Library,  will  be 
utilized  for  the  most  part  in  local  chapters  and  statis- 
tical appendices,  being  noticed  in  my  text  only  in  a 
general  manner  or  for  special  reasons.  But  this  first 
report  being  a  very  complete  statement  of  California's 
condition  at  the  end  of  what  may  be  regarded  as  the 
first  period  of  her  mission  history,  deserves  fuller 
notice  here.  Historical  items  proper  respecting  the 
founding  of  each  mission  gathered  from  this  source 
as  from  others  having  been  given  in  the  preceding 
chapters,  I  now  invite  the  reader's  attention  to  the 
new  establishments  as  they  were  at  the  end  of  1773, 
the  fifth  year  of  Spanish  occupation. 

The  'New  Establishments/  ' Establishments  of  San 
Diego  and  Monterey/  the  '  Missions  of  Monterey/ 
'New  California/  'Northern  California/  'California 
•Superior,'  'Alta,  California/  and  the  ' Peninsula '- 
for  all  these  names  had  been  or  were  a  little  later  ap- 
plied, and  continued  in  use  for  many  years — include  at 
this  time  five  missions  and  a  presidio.4  These  are  San 

2  Palou,  In  forme  queporel  mes  de  diciemlre  de  1773  se  hizo  al  Ex™o  Senor 
Virey  del  estado  de  las  cinco  misiones  de  Monterey,  in  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  11-42. 

Fages,  in  his  Voyage  en  Cal. ,  a  report  addressed  to  the  Viceroy  on  Nov.  30, 
1775,  used  this  first  report  of  Palou,  to  which  he,  however,  gives  the  date  of 
Nov.  24th,  instead  of  Dec.  10th. 

3  Scrra,  Representation  del  P.  Fr.  Junipero  Serra  sobrc  las  Misiones  de  la 
Nueva  California,  21  de  Mayo  de  1773,  MS.     This  report  is  in  two  parts,  one 
respecting  the  needs  of  the  country  from  a  military  point  of  view,  and  the 
other  on  the  actual  condition  of  the  missions. 

4  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Palou  in  his  report  does  not  name  San  Diego  as  a 
presidio,  and  there  is  no  evidence  that  it  was  in  these  earliest  years  considered 
as  such  except  in  the  sense  that  every  post  guarded  by  soldiers,  like  any  of 
the  missions,  is  spoken  of  as  a  presidio.    San  Diego  had  no  larger  regular  force 
than  some  other  missions.  It  became,  however,  a  regular  presidio  in  1774  when 
the  new  reglamento  went  into  effect. 


230  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

Diego  de  Alcald,  at  Cosoy  on  the  port  of  San  Diego 
in  32°  43',  built  on  a  hill  two  gunshots  from  the  shore, 
and  facing  the  entrance  to  the  port  at  Point  Guijarros; 
San  Gabriel  Arcangel,  forty-four  leagues  north-west 
of  San  Diego,  in  the  country  of  Los  Temblores  in  34° 
10',  on  the  slope  of  a  hill  half  a  league  from  the  source 
of  the  Rio  de  San  Miguel,  six  leagues  west  of  the 
River  Jesus  de  los  Temblores,  and  a  league  and  a  half 
east  of  the  River  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Los  Angeles5  de 

O 

Porciuncula;  San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa,  about  seventy 
leagues  from  San  Gabriel  in  35°  38',  on  an  eminence 
half  a  league  from  the  Canada  de  los  Osos  and  three 
leagues  from  the  Ensenada  de  Buchon,  in  the  country 
of  the  Tichos;  San  Antonio  de  Padua,  twenty-three 
leagues  above  San  Luis,  in  36°  30',  in  the  Canada  de 
los  Robles  of  the  Sierra  de  Santa  Lucia,  at  first  on 
the  River  San  Antonio,  but  moved  a  league  and  a 
half  up  the  canada  to  the  Arroyo  de  San  Miguel; 
San  Carlos  Borromeo,  on  the  River  Carmelo,  one 
league  from  Monterey  and  twenty-five  leagues  from 
San  Antonio;  and,  finally,  the  presidio  of  San  Carlos 
de  Monterey  on  the  bay  and  port  of  the  same  name. 
The  five  missions  are  under  the  care  of  nineteen 
Franciscan  friars  of  the  college  de  propaganda  fide  of 
San  Fernando  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  whose  names 
and  distribution,  have  been  given,6  and  who  are  sub- 
ject locally  to  the  authority  of  a  president  residing 
at  San  Carlos,  the  cabecera,  or  head  mission  of  the 
five.7  The  military  force  to  which  is  intrusted  the 
protection  of  the  missions  is  sixty  men,  thirty-five 
soldados  de  cuera  and  twenty-five  Catalan  volunteers, 
under  a  commandant  residing  at  the  presidio  of  Mon- 
terey, each  mission  having  a  guard  of  from  six  to  six- 
teen under  a  corporal  or  sergeant,  while  about  twenty 

5  This  is  the  first  application  of  the  name  Los  Angeles  to  this  region,  and  ia 
doubtless  the  origin  of  the  name  as  afterward  applied  to  the  pueblo  and  city. 

c  See  note  23,  chap.  viii.  of  this  volume. 

7  A  full  description  of  the  mission  system  in  all  its  parts  and  workings  will 
be  given  elsewhere;  also  of  the  presidio  or  military  system,  and  of  civil  gov- 
ernment. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  201 

men  garrison  the  presidio  under  the  commandant's 
direct  orders.  The  civil  and  political  authority  is 
blended  theoretically,  for  there  is  no  record  of  the 
practical  exercise  of  any  such  power  in  these  earliest 
days,  with  the  military,  and  vested  in  the  commandant, 
who  is  in  civil  matters  responsible  and  subordinate  to 
the  governor  of  the  Californias,  residing  at  Loreto. 
The  population  consists  of  military  officials  and  soldiers, 
friars  and  their  neophytes,  a  few  mechanics  under  gov- 
ernment pay,  servants  and  slaves- — all  these  of  Spanish, 
negro,  Indian,  and  mixed  blood — some  natives  of  Baja 
California  serving  as  laborers  without  other  wages 
than  their  sustenance,  and,  finally,  thousands  of  gen- 
tile natives.  There  are  as  yet  no  colonists  or  settlers 
proper.8 

Glancing  first  at  the  mission  work  par  excellence, 
the  conversion  of  the  heathen  to  Christianity,  we  find 
a  total  of  491  baptisms  for  the  first  five  years,  29  of 
them  having  died,  and  62  couples,  representing  doubt- 
less nearly  all  the  adult  converts,  have  been  united  in 
marriage  by  Christian  rites.9  The  two  northern  mis- 
sions with  165  and  158  baptisms  are  far  above  the 
southern  establishments,  which  are  83  and  73  respect- 
ively, while  the  newly  founded  San  Luis  has  only 
twelve  converts.10  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that 
the  friars  have  not  in  several  of  the  missions  baptized 
so  many  as  they  might  have  done,  preferring  that  the 
candidates  should  be  well  instructed,  and  often  re- 
strained by  an  actual  or  prospective  lack  of  supplies, 
since  they  are  unwilling  to  receive  formal  neophytes 
whom  they  may  not  be  able  to  supply  with  food. 
Again,  more  than  half  the  whole  number  have  been 
baptized  during  the  year  and  a  half  since  Serra's 
departure.  The  gentiles  are  now  everywhere  friendly 

8  The  matter  of  the  preceding  paragraph  has  not  been  drawn  from  the 
reports  of  Palou  and  Serra. 

"Complete  statistics  of  baptisms,  marriages,  deaths,  and  population  for 
every  mission  and  every  decade  from  the  beginning  will  be  given  in  uieir  proper 
place. 

10  So  say  the  general  reports;  yet  the  mission  baptismal  register  shows  a 
total  of  34  baptisms  in  1772  and  4  in  1773. 


202  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

as  a  rule,  and  have  for  the  most  part  overcome  their 
original  timidity,  and  to  some  extent  also  the  distrust 
caused  by  outrages  of  the  soldiers.11  Only  at  San 
Diego  have  there  been  unprovoked  hostilities.  Near 
each  mission,  except  San  Luis,  is  a  rancheria  of  gen- 
tiles living  in  rude  little  huts  of  boughs,  tules,  grass, 
or  of  whatever  material  is  at  hand.  Many  of  these  sav- 
ages come  regularly  as  catechumens  to  doctrina,  and 
often  those  of  more  distant  rancherias  are  induced  to 
come  in  and  listen  to  the  music  and  receive  trifling 
gifts  of  food  and  beads.  The  neophytes  are  generally 
willing  to  work  when  the  friars  can  feed  them,  which 
is  not  always  the  case;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  at 
this  early  period  they  live  regularly  in  the  mission 
buildings  as  in  later  times.  At  San  Diego  there  are 
eleven  rancherias  within  a  radius  of  ten  leagues,  living 
on  grass,  seeds,  fish,  and  rabbits.  A  canoe  and  net 
are  needed  that  the  christianized  natives  may  be  taught 
improved  methods  of  fishing.12  At  San  Gabriel  the 
native  population  is  larger  than  elsewhere,  so  large  in 
fact  that  more  than  one  mission  will  be  needed  in  that 
region.  The  different  rancherias  are  unfortunately  at 
war  with  each  other,  and  that  near  the  mission  being 
prevented  from  going  to  the  sea  for  fish  is  often  in 
great  distress  for  food.  Here  the  conduct  of  the  sol- 
diers causes  most  trouble,  but  the  natives  are  rapidly 
being  conciliated.  At  San  Luis  the  population  is  also 
very  large  and  the  natives  are  from  the  first  firm 
friends  of  the  Spaniards;  but  as  they  have  plenty  of 
deer,  rabbits,  fish,  and  seeds,  being  indeed  far  better 
supplied  with  food  than  the  Spaniards,  it  is  difficult  to 

11  That  the  irregular  conduct  of  the  soldiers  was  one  of  the  chief  obstacles 
to  missionary  success  there  can  be  little  doubt;  yet  it  is  not  likely  that  the 
comandante  was  so  much  to  blame  as  Serra  says.     His  dislike  for  Fages  colors 
his  report.     Have  misfortunes  of  any  kind  occurred  at  a  mission,  they  were 
entirely  due  to  the  mismanagement  of  '  a  certain  official;'  has  another  mission 
been  prosperous,  it  was  in  spite  of  that  mismanagement. 

12  According  to  Serra  nearly  all  in  the  rancheria  that  had  formerly  attacked 
the  mission  had  been  converted.     The  '  oficial '  was  displeased  that  so  many 
had  been  baptized,  and  he  had  wished  to  remove  the  natives  to  a  distance  on 
pretence  of  danger  to  the  presidio,  but  Serra  had  objected  strenuously  and 
every  one  else  ridiculed  the  proposal ! 


PRE-PASTORAL  ARCHITECTURE.  203 

render  mission  life  fascinating  to  them,  articles  of  cloth- 
ing being  the  chief  attraction.  They  come  often  to 
the  mission  but  do  not  stay,  having  no  rancheria  in 
the  vicinity.  At  San  Antonio  the  natives  are  ready 
to  live  at  the  mission  when  the  priests  are  ready  for 
them,  and  far  from  depending  on  the  missionaries  for 
food  they  bring  in  large  stores  of  pine-nuts,  acorns, 
rabbits,  and  squirrels.13  At  San  Carlos  converts  are 
most  numerous,  but  for  want  of  food  they  cannot  be 
kept  at  the  mission.  Here  and  also  at  San  Antonio 
three  soldiers  have  already  married  native  women. 

It  is  a  rude  architecture,  that  of  pre-pastoral  Cali- 
fornia, being  stockade  or  palisade  structures,  which 
were  abandoned  later  in  favor  of  adobe  walls.  At 
every  mission  a  line  of  high  strong  posts,  set  in  the 
ground  close  together,  encloses  the  rectangular  space 
which  contains  the  simple  wooden  buildings  serving 
as  church  and  dwellings,  the  walls  of  which  also  in 
most  instances  take  the  stockade  form.  The  buildings 
at  San  Carlos  are  somewhat  fully  described  by  Serra. 
The  rectangle  here  is  seventy  yards  long  and  forty- 
three  wide,  with  ravelins  at  the  corners.  For  want  of 
nails  the  upright  palisades  are  not  secured  at  the  top, 
and  the  ease  with  which  they  can  be  moved  renders 
the  strong  gate  locked  at  night  an  object  of  ridicule. 
Within,  the  chief  building,  also  of  palisade  walls  plas- 
tered inside  and  out  with  mud  or  clay,  is  seven  by  fifty 
yards  and  divided  into  six  rooms.  One  room  serves 
as  a  church,  another  as  the  minister's  dwelling,  and 
another  as  a  storehouse,  the  best  rooms  being  white- 
washed with  lime.  This  building  is  roofed  with  mud 
supported  by  horizontal  timbers.  A  slighter  structure 
used  as  a  kitchen  is  roofed  with  grass.  The  quarters 

13  They  had  revealed,  as  Serra  says,  the  locality  of  the  cave  where  their 
idols  were  kept,  so  that  those  idols  could  be  destroyed  at  any  time.  The 
assessor  of  Monterey  County  in  his  report  to  the  surveyor-general,  according 
to  an  item  going  the  rounds  of  local  newspapers,  mentions  a  large  cave  in  this 
region  covered  on  the  inside  with  hieroglyphics  and  having  a  cross  cut  in  its 
walls  traditionally  by  the  hands  of  Serra  himself.  Near  the  cave  is  a  hot  sul- 
phur spring.  It  would  be  difficult  to  prove  the  non-identity  of  the  two  caves. 


204  SERRA'S  LABORS  IX  MEXICO. 

of  the  soldiers  are  distinct  from  the  mission  and  are 
enclosed  by  a  separate  palisade,  while  outside  of  both 
enclosures  are  the  simple  huts  of  the  rancheria. 
Between  the  dates  of  the  two  reports  it  is  found  that 
the  mud  roofs  do  not  prove  effective  against  the  winter 
rains ;  and  a  new  church  partly  of  rough  and  partly  of 
worked  timber  is  built  and  roofed  with  tules.  The 
timber  used  is  the  pine  and  cypress  still  so  abundant 
in  that  region.  At  San  Luis  and  San  Gabriel  the 
buildings  are  of  the  same  nature,  if  somewhat  less 
extensive  and  complete,  there  being  also  a  small  house 
within  the  stockade  for  each  of  the  Baja  Californian 
families.  At  San  Diego,  where  the  stockade  is  in  a 
certain  sense  a  presidio,  two  bronze  cannons  are 
mounted,  one  pointing  toward  the  harbor,  and  the 
other  toward  the  rancheria.  Here,  in  addition  to  wood 
and  tules,  or  rushes,  adobes  have  also  been  used  in  con- 
structing the  friars'  house.14  Four  thousand  adobes 
have  been  made,  some  stone  have  been  collected,  and 
the  foundation  laid  of  a  church  ninety  feet  long ;  but 
work  has  been  suspended  on  account  of  the  non-arrival 
of  the  supply-vessels  in  1773.  At  San  Antonio  the 
church  and  padres'  dwelling  are  built  of  adobes,  and 
the  three  soldiers  married  to  native  women  have  each 
a  separate  house.  The  presidio  at  Monterey  is  also  a 
stockade  enclosure  with  a  cannon  mounted  in  each  of 
its  four  ravelins  at  the  corners.  The  soldiers'  quarters 
and  other  rooms  within  are  of  wood  with  mud  roofs, 
except  a  chapel  and  room  for  the  visiting  friar,  which 
are  of  adobe,  as  in  the  commandant's  house  and  the  jail. 

But  slight  progress  has  been  made  in  agriculture; 
though  by  repeated  failures  the  padres  are  gaining 
experience  for  future  success,  and  a  small  vegetable 
garden  at  each  mission,  carefully  tended  and  irrigated 
by  hand,  has  been  more  or  less  productive.  At  San 
Diego,  at  first,  grain  was  sown  in  the  river-bottom  and 
the  crop  entirely  destroyed  by  a  rising  of  the  stream. 

14  Serra  says  that  a  large  part  of  the  buildings  were  of  adobes. 


PRIMITIVE  AGRICULTURE.  205 

Next  year,  it  was  sown  so  far  away  from  the  water 
that  it  died  from  drought  all  but  five  or  eight  fanegas 
saved  for  seed.  The  river  now  dried  up,  affording  no 
running  water  as  we  are  assured  even  in  the  rainy 
season,  though  plenty  of  water  for  the  cattle  and  for 
other  uses  could  always  be  found  in'  pools  or  by  slight 
digging  in  the  bed  of  the  stream.  Irrigation  being 
thus  impossible  the  rain  must  be  depended  on,  and 
while  Palou  was  here  a  spot  was  selected  for  the  next 
experiment  in  the  river- bottom,  about  two  leagues 
from  the  mission,  at  a  spot  called  Nuestra  Senora  del 
Pilar,  where  rain  was  thought  to  be  more  abundant 
and  the  risk  of  flood  and  drought  somewhat  less.15 
San  Gabriel  is  in  a  large,  fertile,  well  watered  plain, 
with  every  facility  for  irrigation.  Though  the  first 
year's  crop,  according  to  Serra,  had  been  drowned  out 
and  entirely  lost,  the  second,  as  Palou  tells  us,  pro- 
duced one  hundred  and  thirty  fanegas  of  maize  and 
seven  fanegas  of  beans,  the  first  yielding  one  hundred 
and  ninety-five  fold  and  the  latter  twenty-one  fold. 
Planting  the  next  year  was  to  be  on  a  much  larger 
scale  with  every  prospect  of  success.  San  Luis  has 
also  plenty  of  fertile,  \vell  watered,  and  well  wooded 
land  which  has  yielded  a  little  maize  and  beans  the 
first  year,  and  promised  well  for  the  future.  At  San 
Antonio  two  fanegas  of  wheat  are  to  be  sown  on  irri- 
gated land.  San  Carlos  has  some  good  land,  and  though 
there  are  no  advantages  for  irrigation,  it  is  thought 
maize  and  wheat  can  be  raised.  By  reason  of  late  sow- 
ing only  five  fanegas  of  wheat  were  harvested  in  1772. 
Pasturage  is  everywhere  excellent,  and  the  little 
live-stock  distributed  among  the  missions  has  flourished 
from  the  beginning.  Each  mission  has  received  18 
head  of  horned  cattle  and  has  now  from  38  to  47  head, 
or  204  in  the  aggregate,  with  63  horses,  79  mules,  102 
swine,  and  161  sheep  and  goats  at  San  Diego  and 

15  Palou,  Not.,  i.  240-1.  The  place  must  have  been  near  the  site  of  the 
later  mission.  Serra  says  it  was  the  crop  of  1772  that  was  destroyed  by  flood, 
only  8  fanegas  being  saved. 


206  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

San  Gabriel  alone.  Some  memoranda  of  farmers'  and 
mechanics'  tools  are  given  in  connection  with  each 
mission;  but  there  are  no  mechanics  save  at  the  pre- 
sidio. Palou  has  something  to  say  of  the  missions  to 
be  founded  in  the  future,  but  nothing  that  requires 
attention  here,  except  perhaps  that  the  proposed  Santa 
Clara  is  not  identical  with  the  mission  that  is  later 
founded  under  that  name,  but  is  to  be  on  the  Santa 
Clara  River  in  the  southern  part  of  the  province.16 

Having  thus  laid  before  the  reader  the  condition  of 
California  in  1773,  the  end  of  the  first  period  of  her 
history,  I  have  now  to  consider  the  important  meas- 
ures for  her  welfare,  urged  and  adopted  at  the  capital 
of  New  Spain  during  the  same  year.  First,  however, 
a  royal  order  of  September  10,  1772,  must  be  briefly 
noticed  in  which  the  king  issued  a  series  of  regula- 
tions and  instructions  for  the  new  line  of  royal  pre- 
sidios, to  be  formed  along  the  northern  frontier  of  his 
American  possessions.17  These  regulations,  the  mili- 
tary law  in  California  as  in  all  the  north-west  for 
many  years,  will  require  to  be  studied  somewhat  in 
detail  when  I  come  to  describe  the  presidio  system; 
but  as  an  historical  document  under  its  own  date  it  did 
not  affect  California  as  it  did  other  provinces,  where,  it 
abolished  or  transferred  old  presidios,  established  new 
ones,  and  effected  radical  changes  in  their  manage- 
ment. Its  last  section  is  as  follows :  "  I  declare  that 

16  The  receipt  of  Palou 's  report  was  acknowledged  by  the  viceroy  in  a  letter 
of  May  25,  1774,  received  July  6th,  and  answered  July  28th;  but  there  is 
nothing  of  importance  in  this  correspondence.  A  resume"  with  extracts  of 
Palou's  report  was  published  in  the  8.  F.  Bulletin,  Oct.  12,  1865.  In  San 
Gabriel,  Lib.  cle  Mision,  MS.,  6-8,  is  a  circular  letter  addressed  to  the  padres 
of  California  by  Palou,  requiring  each  of  them,  or  each  pair  of  them,  at  the 
end  of  every  December  to  send  in  full  reports  of  their  respective  missions  to 
the  president,  from  which  he  might  form  his  general  report  to  the  viceroy, 
since  it  would  be  impossible  for  him  to  visit  each  mission  annually.  This  let- 
ter was  dated  San  Gabriel,  Oct.  9,  1773,  while  the  writer  was  at  work  on  his 
first  report. 

i;  Presidios,  Recjlamento  e  Instruction  para  los  Presidios  que  se  lian  deformar 
en  la  linea  defrontera.de  la  Nueva  Espana.  Resuelto  por  el  Rey  N.  S.  en  cedula 
de  10  de  Septiembre  de  1772,  Madrid,  1772.  Sm.  4to,  122  pages.  My  copy  was 
presented  by  Viceroy  Bucareli  to  Melchor  de  Peramas.  I  have  also  the  edition 
of  Mexico,  1773.  Svo,  132  pages. 


REGLAMENTO  DE  PRESIDIOS.  207 

the  presidios  of  California  are  to  continue  for  the  pres- 
ent on  their  actual  footing  according  to  the  provisions 
made  by  my  viceroy  after  the  conquest  and  reduction 
had  been  extended  to  the  port  of  Monterey;  and  on 
the  supposition  that  he  has  provisionally  assigned  the 
annual  sum  of  thirty-three  thousand  dollars  for  the 
needs  and  protection  of  that  peninsula,  I  order  and 
command  that  this  sum  be  still  paid ,  at  the  end  of 
each  year  from  the  royal  treasury  of  Guadalajara,  as 
has  been  done  of  late;  and  that  my  viceroy  sustain 
and  aid  by  all  possible  means  the  old  and  new  estab- 
lishments of  said  province,  and  inform  me  of  all  that 
he  may  deem  conducive  and  useful  to  tlleir  progress, 
and  to  the  extension  of  the  new  reductions  of  gentile 
Indians."18 

President  Serra,  having  left  California  in  the  pre- 
ceding September,  arrived  at  the  city  of  Mexico  in 
February  1773.  The  objects  of  his  visit  were  to  see 
to  it  that  California  was  not  neglected  through  igno- 
rance or  indifference  on  the  part  of  the  new  viceroy, 
to  urge  certain  general  measures  for  the  good  of  his 
province  suggested  by  his  experience  of  the  past  five 
years,  to  get  rid  of  the  commandant,  Fages,  his  bitter 
foe  and  the  cause,  from  the  friar's  point  of  view,  of  all 
that  was  not  pure  prosperity  in  the  missions,  and  to 
procure  such  regulations  as  would  prevent  similar 
troubles  with  future  commandants  by  putting  all  the 
power  into  the  friars'  hands  and  reducing  the  military 
element  to  a  minimum.19  He  found  Bucareli  not 
less  favorably  disposed  than  had  been  his  predecessor 
Croix,  and  was  by  him  instructed  to  prepare  a  memo- 
rial, in  which  were  to  be  embodied  his  views  on  the 
questions  at  issue.  Being  authorized  to  do  so  by  his 
superior,  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando,  and  having 

18  Presidios,  Reglamento,  120-1. 

19  Serra  had  received  from  California  a  certificate  from  Fages  dated  Mon- 
terey, Dec.  22,  1772,  to  the  effect  that  the  missions  were  all  supplied  with 
padres  and  that  Serra  had  left  on  business  connected  with  his  work.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  86.     It  seems  strange  that  Serra  did  not  get  this  certificate 
at  his  departure  if  necessary,  and  that  Fages  should  have  sent  it  voluntarily, 
for  there  was  no  time  to  send  back  for  it. 


208  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

hastened  the  sailing  of  the  San  Carlos  with  supplies, 
Padre  Junipero  set  himself  diligently  to  work,  com- 
pleted the  required  document  on  March  13th,  and 
presented  it  two  days  later  to  the  viceroy.20 

His  suggestions  or  claims  were  thirty-two  in  num- 
ber, formed  without  any  attempt  at  classification  into 
as  many  articles  of  the  memorial.  I  shall  avoid  much 
confusion  and  repetition  by  referring  to  the  several 
points  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  acted  upon 
rather  than  as  they  were  presented.  His  first  and 
second  claims  were  for  a  master  and  mate  to  aid 
Perez  on  the  transports,  since  Pino  had  leave  of  ab- 
sence, and  Canizares  was  too  young  to  have  full  charge 
of  a  vessel ;  and  that  the  new  vessel  be  made  ready  as 
soon  as  possible.  He  soon  found,  however,  that  in 
order  to  cut  down  expenses  to  agree  with  the  royal 
order  of  September  10,  1772,  already  alluded  to,  it  had 
been  >  determined  in  Mexico  to  give  up  the  San  Bias 
establishment  and  to  depend  on  mule  trains  for  the 
forwarding  of  supplies  to  San  Diego  and  Monterey. 

Against  this  policy  the  California  champion  sent  in 
a:  new  memorial  dated  the  22d  of  April.21  In  this 
document  he  argued  that  the  conveyance  of  supplies 
By  land  would  be  very  difficult  if  not  impossible,  that 
it  would  cost  the  royal  treasury  much  more  than  the 
present  system,  and  that  it  would  seriously  interfere 
with  the  spiritual  conquest.  Besides  at  least  a  hun- 
dred men  and  horses,  there  would  be  required  eleven 
hundred,  and  probably  fifteen  hundred,  mules  for  the 
service,  which  it  would  be  impossible  to  obtain  in 
time  to  prevent  much  suffering  in  California  if  not  its 
total  abandonment,  to  say  nothing  of  the  excessive 
cost.  The  great  expense  of  the  San  Bias  establish- 
ment had  been  largely  due  to  the  building  of  new 
vessels  and  warehouses,  not  necessary  in  the  future. 
There  had  possibly  been  some  mismanagement  that 

20 S 'err u,  Representation  de  13  de.  Marzo  1773,  MS.;  also  in  Palou,  Not.,  i. 
514-38;  and  elsewhere  in  fragments  and  abridgments. 

21Serra,  Memorial  de  22  de  Abril,  solre  suministradones  a  los  Establecimien- 
tos  de  California  y  conduction 


MEASURES  ADVOCATED.  209 

might  be  avoided;  in  any  case  some  kind  of  a  marine 
establishment  must  be  kept  up  for  the  transport  of 
supplies  to  Loreto,  and  the  muleteers  would  be  quite 
as  numerous  and  expensive  as  the  sailors.  Moreover, 
.the  oft-repeated  passage  of  large  caravans  of  careless, 
rough,  and  immoral  men  across  the  long  stretch  of 
country  between  Velicatd,  and  Monterey  could  not 
fail  to  have  a  bad  effect  on  the  natives  along  the 
route.  These  arguments  proved  unanswerable,  and 
the  viceroy  ordered  that  for  the  present,  until  the 
king's  pleasure  could  be  known,  the  San  Bias  trans- 
ports should  continue  their  service,  with  the  slight 
changes  suggested  by  Father  Junipero,  who  thus 
gained  the  first  two  points  of  his  original  demand. 

The  thirty  remaining  points  of  the  representation 
were  by  the  viceroy  submitted  to  the  junta  de  guerra 
y  real  hacienda™ — board  of  war  and  royal  exchequer 
—which  august  body  on  May  6th  granted  eighteen 
of  them  and  part  of  another,  denying  only  a  part  of 
article  32,  in  which  Serra  asked  to  have  paid  the  ex- 
penses of  his  journey  to  Mexico.  Thus  twenty-one 
of  the  original  points  were  disposed  of  almost  entirely 
in  Serra's  favor.23  Four  of  these  bore  upon  the  past 
troubles  between  the  Franciscan  and  military  author- 
ities, and  were  designed  to  curtail  the  powers  which, 
as  the  former  claimed,  had  been  assumed  by  the  latter. 
By  the  decision  the  commandant  was  required  to 
transfer  from  the  mission  guard  to  the  presidio,  at  the 
minister's  request,  any  soldier  of  irregular  conduct  and 
bad  example,  and  this  without  the  padre  being  obliged 
to  name  or  prove  the  soldier's  offence;  the  missiona- 
ries were  to  have  the  right  to  manage  the  mission 
Indians  as  a  father  would  manage  his  family,  and  the 

22  The  document  had,  however,  previously,  March  16th  to  April  5th,  been 
in  the  hands  of  the  fiscal  Areche,  whose  report  was  favorable;  and  had  then  been 
passed  to  the  proper  bureau  to  be  prepared  for  presentation  to  the  junta. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  88-9. 

23  Those  were  1-4,  8,  9,  12,  15-25,  27,  28,  and  32,  leaving  11  points  yet 
undecided.     The  junta  was  composed  of  Viceroy  Bucareli,  Valcarcel,  Toro, 
Areche,  Barroeta,  Abad,  Toral,  Valdes,  Gutierrez,  Mangino,  Arce,  and  Jose" 
Gorraez. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    11 


210  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

military  commandant  should  be  instructed  to  pre- 
serve perfect  harmony  with  the  padres;24  property 
arid  letters  for  the  friars  or  missions  were  to  be  for- 
warded separately  instead  of  being  enclosed  to  the 
presidio  commander;  and  the  friars'  correspondence 
was  not  to  be  meddled  with,  passing  free  of  mail 
charges  like  that  of  the  soldiers.  By  the  terms  of 
the  decision  on  the  other  points  Serra  was  to  receive 
his  regular  pay  as  a  missionary,  during  his  whole 
absence  from  California.  Contributions  of  food  from 
the  Tepic  region  were  to  be  forwarded  expressly  for 
the  missions,  and  Governor  Barri  was  not  to  hinder 
the  removal  of  the  church  property  at  Velicata*.  Sail- 
ors might  be  enlisted  at  San  Bias  and  employed  as 
laborers  at  the  missions,  receiving  rations  for  one 
year  as  if  on  board  vessels,  but  they  could  not  be 
forced  to  remain  after  the  year  had  passed,  and  the 
regular  crews  of  the  transports  must  not  be  inter- 
fered with.  Two  blacksmiths,  two  carpenters,  with 
some  tools  and  material  were  to  be  sent  from  Guada- 
lajara for  the  exclusive  use  of  the  missions.  Seven 
additional  bells  were  to  be  furnished,  four  of  them 
having  already  been  sent  to  Monterey.  Additional 
vestments  were  to  be  sent  to  take  the  place  of  soiled, 
worn,  and  'indecent'  articles  contained  in  some  of  the 
cases  from  Baja  California.  San  Bias  measures  were\ 
to  be  adjusted  on  a  proper  basis  and  a  full  set  of 
standards  sent  to  each  mission.  Greater  care  was  to 
be  taken  in  packing  food  for  California,  where  it  often 
arrived  in  bad  condition.  Cattle  for  the  proposed 
missions  were  to  be  under  the  temporary  care  of  the 
missionaries,  who  might  use  their  milk.  A  new  sur- 
geon was  to  be  sent  in  the  place  of  Prat,  deceased, 
and  finally  a  copy  of  the  junta's  decision  was  to  be 

24  This  was  hardly  what  had  been  asked  for  by  Serra,  who  wished  officers 
and  soldiers  notified  that  the  entire  management  of  the  Indians  belonged 
exclusively  to  the  padres,  and  that  the  military  had  no  right  to  interfere  in 
matters  of  discipline  or  punishment  except  in  the  case  of  delltos  de  sangre. 
The  junta  was  very  careful  not  to  commit  itself  very  decidedly  in  the  quarrel 
between  Serra  and  Pages.  The  viceroy,  however,  in  subsequent  instructions 
came  nearer  to  Serra's  views. 


ECHEVESTE'S  EEGULATIONS.  211 

given  to  Sefra,  that  the  missionaries  might  hereafter 
act  understandingly. 

The  president  was  charged  to  return  as  soon  as 
possible  to  his  post,  after  having  made  a  complete 
report  on  the  condition  of  each  mission.25 

Several  points  of  Serra's  petition  connected  with 
the  military  and  financial  aspects  of  the  subject  under 
consideration  had  been  left  by  the  junta  to  be  pro- 
vided for  in  a  new  regulation  for  the  Californias. 
This  document  was  drawn  up  on  May  19th  by  Juan 
Jose  Echeveste,  deemed  an  expert  in  the  matter,  since 
he  had  superintended  for  some  years  the  forwarding 
of  supplies.26  This  plan  provided  for  California  a  cap- 
tain, a  lieutenant,  eighty  soldiers,  eight  mechanics, 
two  store-keepers,  and  four  muleteers,  with  salaries 
amounting  to  $38,985  per  year;  for  Baja  California  a 
commissary,  a  lieutenant,  and  thirty-four  soldiers, 
with  a  governor  of  both  Californias,  all  at  an  annual 
cost  of  $16,450;  a  commissary  and  dock-yard  depart- 
ment at  San  Bias  to  cost,  including  rations  for  soldiers 
and  employes  in  both  Californias,  $29,869;  and  a 
transport  fleet  of  &fragata  and  two  paquebotes  serving 
both  Californias  at  an  annual  cost  for  wages  and 
rations  of  $34,038,  forming  a  grand  total  of  $119,342. 
Payment  was  to  be  made,  however,  to  officers  and 
men  in  the  Californias,  save  to  the  governor  and  com- 
missary, in  goods  at  an  advance  on  the  original  cost 
of  one  hundred  per  cent  for  the  peninsula,  and  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  per  cent  for  New  California;  a 
regulation  which  reduced  the  total  cost  to  $90,476. 
To  meet  this  expense27  there  were  the  $33,000  prom- 

25  May  12th,  the  viceroy  decreed  the  execution  of  the  junta's  resolutions, 
the  issuance  of  the  necessary  orders,  and  the  preparation  of  records  in 
duplicate.  May  13th,  the  secretary  Gorraez  certifies  the  delivery  of  a  copy 
to  Serra.  May  14th,  a  certified  copy  was  made  for  the  king.  Copin  de  lo 
dtterminado  por  la  Heal  Junta  de  Guerra  y  Real  Hacienda,  in  Palou,  S~ot.  i., 
540-53;  also  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  89. 

20  Reglamento  e  instruction  provisional  para  el  auxilio  y  conservation  de  Io8 
nuevos  y  antiguas  establecimientos  de  las  Californias  con  el  departamento  de  San 

s,  etc.,  MS.  ;  also  in  Palou,  Not^i.,  556-71.     The  printed  copy  is,  however, 


full  of  errors  in  figures.     Also  in  Arch.  Col.,  St.  Pap.  Ben.,  MS.,  1-24. 
21  This  part  of  the  reglamento  is  omitted  in  Palou's  printed  copy. 


212  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

ised  by  the  king  in  his  order  of  September  10,  1772; 
§25,000,  estimated  yield  of  the  salt-works  near  San 
Bias,  which  had,  it  seems,  been  assigned  to  the  Cali- 
fornias;  and  a  probable  net  revenue  of  $10,000  from 
the  pious  fund,  still  leaving  a  balance  of  $22,476  to 
be  paid  from  the  royal  treasury. 

Echeveste  added  to  his  plan  seventeen  puntos  in- 
structivos,  suggestive  and  explanatory,  from  which  it 
appears  that  in  the  author's  judgment,  the  state  of 
the  treasury  and  pious  fund  did  not  warrant  the  grant- 
ing of  other  aid  than  that  provided,  which  must  there- 
fore suffice  for  new  missions  if  any  were  to  be  founded ; 
that  the  sailors  enlisted  a's  mission  laborers,  according 
to  the  recommendation  of  the  junta,  should  be  paid 
sailor's  wages  for  two  years  and  receive  rations  for  five 
years;  that  instead  of  the  previous  system  by  which 
each  mission  received  a  stipend  of  §700  and  certain 
supplies  it  would  be  better  to  give  a  stipend  of  $800, 
being  $400  for  each  minister,  and  double  rations  for 
five  years  to  all  the  friars,  including  those  waiting  for 
the  foundation  of  new  missions,  the  double  rations 
amounting  to  $1,779  being  charged  to  the  pious  fund 
as  an  addition  to  the  stipend ;  that  the  commissary  at 
San  Bias  should  buy  maize  and  meat  instead  of  raising 
it,  selling  the  rancho  and  sending  the  mule  train  to 
Loreto  or  San  Diego;  and  finally,  in  addition  to  some 
suggestions  about  minor  details  of  business  manage- 
ment, that  Echeveste's  successor28  should  be  allowed  a 
salary  of  $2,000,  thus  raising  the  amount  to  come  out 
of  the  treasruy  to  $24,476. 

On  the  21st  of  May  Serra  presented,  as  required, 
a  full  report  on  the  California  missions,  giving  the 
history  of  each  from  its  foundation  and  its  condition 
in  September  1772,  the  date  of  the  writer's  depart- 
ure. The  substance  of  this  statement  has  been 
already  presented  to  the  reader.  The  writer  included, 
however,  an  argument  respecting  the  number  of 
soldiers  needed  in  California.  In  article  10  of  his 

28  Exactly  what  Echeveste's  office  was  does  not  appear. 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  FORCES.  213 

original  petition  he  had  demanded  one  hundred  men; 
but  that  number  had  seemed  too  great  to  the  junta, 
which  had  reserved  its  decision  and  called  for  more 
information.  Echeveste,  as  we  have  seen,  reduced  the 
number  to  eighty,  and  now  Serra,  by  giving  up  the 
proposed  mission  of  Santa  Clara29  and  reducing  the 
guard  of  San  Buenaventura,  assented  to  the  reduction 
in  the  aggregate;  but  objected  to  the  distribution. 
Echeveste  had  assigned  twenty -five  men  to  each  of 
the  two  presidios  and  a  guard  of  six  men  to  each  of 
the  five  missions,  or  of  five  to  each  of  six  missions  ;30 
but  Serra  would  assign  to  Monterey  fifteen  men,  to 
San  Buenaventura  fifteen,  to  San  Diego  thirteen,  to 
San  Ca>los  seven,  and  to  each  of  the  other  missions 
ten.  He  argued  that  in  a  country  of  so  many  inhabi- 
tants with  missions  so  far  apart,  a  guard  of  five  men 
was  not  sufficient  for  adequate  protection.  The  wily 
friar's  policy — or  rather,  perhaps,  the  enthusiastic 
missionary's  hope — was  by  securing  a  double  guard 
to  be  enabled  to  double  the  number  of  his  missions 
without  being  obliged  to  ask  the  presidio  commanders 
for  soldiers  allowed  them  by  the  regulation.31 

On  May  2Gth  the  viceroy  addressed  to  Fages  a 
series  of  instructions,  provisional  in  their  nature,  pend- 
ing the  final  approval  of  the  regulations.  These 
instructions  covered  the  same  ground  as  the  decision 
of  the  junta  on  May  6th,  but  also  granted  two  addi- 
tional requests  of  Serra  by  authorizing  Fages  to  issue 
a  pardon  to  all  deserters  in  California;  and  to  replace 
with  new  men  such  soldiers  as  had  families  far  away, 
from  whom  they  had  been  long  separated/' 


32 


29  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  no  mention  is  made  of  San  Francisco  in  any  of 
these  calculations. 

30  The  idea  of  moving  San  Diego  mission  was  doubtless  already  entertained, 
though  nothing  is  said  of  it  here. 

Zl  Serra,  Itepres.  de  21  de  Mayo,  MS.  Also  translated  by  Taylor,  and 
printed  in  Cal.  Farmer,  Sept.,  Oct.  1865,  and  pasted  in  Taylor's  Disc-on,  and 
Found. ,  ii.  49.  This  Representation  with  that  of  April  22d  was  referred  to  the 
fiscal  on  June  10th. 

™Bucareli,  Providendas  de  26  de  Mayo  1773,  MS.  Serra  had  asked  for 
leave  of  absence  in  behalf  of  eight  soldiers  either  on  account  of  long  separa- 
tion from  their  wives,  or  unfitness  for  duty.  From  several  of  these  he  brought 


214  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

Bucareli  referred  Echeveste's  regulation  on  May 
24th  to  his  legal  adviser,  Areche,  who  in  his  opinion 
of  June  14th  repeats  all  the  articles  of  the  document 
with  a  general  approval.  He  calls  attention,  however, 
to  the  fact  that  no  provision  is  made  for  the  expense 
of  ammunition,  nor  for  the  surgeon  promised  by  the 
junta.  He  also  suggests  a  doubt  as  to  the  ability  of 
the  pious  fund  to  pay  the  $11,779  required  of  it  in 
addition  to  the  large  sum  expended  in  the  mission- 
aries' stipends;  and  he  recommends  a  reference  of  the 
matter  to  the  director  of  the  fund  before  its  final  con- 
sideration by  the  junta.83 

In  accordance  with  Areche's  suggestion,  Fernando 
J.  Mangino,  director  of  the  pious  fund,  was  called 
upon  for  a  report,  which  he  made  on  June  19th,  show- 
ing that  the  available  product  of  the  fund  was  $20,687, 
though  a  large  part  of  that  amount  being  the  yield  of 
sheep  ranches,  was  subject  to  some  variation;  that  the 
present  liability  for  missionary  stipends  was  $14,879; 
and  that  there  would  remain  but  $5,808  with  which 
to  pay  the  $11,779  called  for;  though  the  amount 
might  be  increased  by  $2,662  if  the  colleges  were 
obliged  to  pay  five  per  cent  on  loans.34 

On  the  8th  of  July  the  board  met  to  finally  decide 
on  the  whole  matter.  The  decision  was  to  put  Eche- 
veste's plan  in  force  from  January  1,  1774,  the  only 
changes  being  an  order  that  the  San  Bias  mule  train 
be  sold  and  not  transferred  to  California;  a  recom- 
mendation that  the  four  extra  vessels  at  San  Bias  be 
sold  and  not  used  in  the  gulf;  and  some  suggestions 

petitions  which  are  given  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  87.  These  instructions 
probably  went  up  on  the  San  Carlos  to  Loreto  and  were  carried  to  San  Diego 
by  Palou,  reaching  Fages  in  September  1773. 

83  Areche,  Parecer  sobre  Reylam.  de  Cal.  14  de  Junio  1773,  MS.;  also  in 
Palou,  Not.,  i.  572-80.     Areche  made  a  supplementary  report  June  30th  on 
Serra's  representaciones  of  April  22d  and  May  21st;  but  adds  nothing  to  the 
subjects  treated,  beyond  expressing  regret  that  the  mission  work  in  America 
does  not  prosper  as  in  days  of  old,  and  suggesting  that  it  would  be  better  if 
the  California  missions  were  not  so  far  apart.  Areche,  Respuesta  Fiscal  de  30 
de  Junio  1773,  MS. 

84  Mangino,  Respuesta  sobre  Fondo  Piadoso,  19  de  Junio  1773,  MS.;  and  also 
less  accurately  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  580-6.    The  report  contains  much  additional 
information  about  the  pious  fund  which  will  be  utilized  elsewhere. 


FIXAL  RESULTS.  215 

respecting  minor  details  of  business  management.  As 
to  the  ways  and  means,  however,  in  view  of  Man- 
gino's  report,  the  pious  fund  was  to  furnish  from 
moneys  on  hand  $10,000  for  the  first  year  only,  and 
the  remaining  expense,  $59,476,  would  be  borne  by 
the  treasury,  aided  by  the  San  Bias  salt-works.35  The 
surgeon's  salary  was  also  to  be  paid;  but  nothing  was 
said  about  the  expense  of  ammunition.  On  July  23d 
the  viceroy  decreed  the  execution  of  the  decision, 
ordered  nine  certified  copies  made,  thanked  Echeveste 
for  his  services,  and  directed  him  to  hunt  up  a  sur- 
geon. 

Three  points  of  Serra's  original  memorial,  on  which 
a  decision  had  been  reserved,  were  settled  by  the 
board's  last  action.  These  were  a  petition  that  routes 
be  explored  to  California  from  Sonora  and  New  Mex- 
ico, not  acted  on  by  the  junta  but  granted  by  the 
viceroy;  a  demand  for  one  hundred  soldiers,  eighty  of 
whom  were  granted  by  the  regulation;  and  a  request 
for  Spanish  or  Indian  families  from  California  denied 
by  non-action.  Four  other  points  had  been  left  to 
be  settled  by  the  reglamento;  the  establishment  of  a 
storehouse  at  Monterey,  the  right  of  each  mission  to 
a  soldier  acting  as  a  kind  of  inajordomo,  a  demand 
for  mules,  and  a  reward  in  live-stock  to  persons  mar- 
rying native  women.  The  first  was  practically  granted 
by  the  appointment  of  store-keepers  at  Monterey  and 
San  Diego,  while  the  third  was  practically  denied  by 
the  order  to  sell  the  mule  train  at  San  Bias.36  The 
others  do  not  seem  to  have  been  acted  upon. 

One  important  matter  was  still  in  abeyance,  and 
this  was  now  settled  by  Bucareli  in  accordance  with 
Serra's  wishes,  by  the  removal  of  Fages  and  the 
appointment  of  another  officer  to  succeed  him.  In 
selecting  a  new  commander,  however,  the  president's 

35  Reglamento,  Determination  de8  de  Julio  1773,  in  Palou,  Not.,  i.  589-94. 

36  Yet  the  viceroy  soon  ordered  100  mules  to  be  distributed  among  the 
missions,  and  ordered  Captain  Anza  to  open  communication  by  land  between 
Tubac  and  Monterey. 


216  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

choice  was  not  followed,  since  Ortega,  his  favorite  for 
the  place,  was  not  deemed  of  sufficiently  high  military 
rank,  and  Captain  Rivera  y  Moncada  was  named  as 
California's  new  ruler.37  Ortega  was  bre vetted  lieuten- 
ant and  put  in  command  of  San  Diego,  which  was  now 
to  be  a  regular  presidio. 

The  exact  date  of  Rivera's  appointment  I  do  not 
know,  but  it  probably  preceded  by  only  a  few  days 
that  of  his  instructions,  which  were  issued  on  the  17th 
of  August.  These  instructions  in  forty-two  articles 
are  long  and  complete,38  and  some  portions  will  be 
given  more  fully  elsewhere  when  I  come  to  treat  of 
the  institutions  to  which  they  refer.  The  purport  of 
the  document  is  as  follows : 

Copies  of  the  regulations  and  action  of  the  board 
are  enclosed.  Great  confidence  is  felt  in  Rivera's 
ability,  and  knowledge  gained  by  long  experience, 
which  experience  must  have  taught  him  how  impor- 
tant it  is  to  preserve  perfect  harmony,  so  that  both 
commander  and  friars  may  devote  themselves  exclu- 
sively to  their  respective  duties.  The  first  object  is 
of  course  the  conversion  of  the  natives;  but  next  in 
importance  is  their  gathering  in  mission  towns  for 
purposes  of  civilization.  These  little  towns  may  be- 
come great  cities;  hence  the  necessity  of  avoiding 
defects  in  the  beginning,  of  care  in  the  selection  of 
sites,  in  the  assignment  of  lands,  laying  out  of  streets, 
etc. 

The  commander  is  authorized  to  assign  lands  to 
communities,  and  also  to  such  individuals  as  are  dis- 
posed to  work;  but  all  must  dwell  in  the  pueblo  or 
mission,  and  all  grants  must  be  made  with  due  regard 
to  the  formalities  of  law.  Missions  may  be  converted 

37  In  a  letter  to  Serra  dated  Nov.  8,  1774,  the  guardian  warns  him  not  to 
quarrel  with  the  new  governor,  who  doubtless  had  secret  instructions  and 
would  cause  any  contrarieties  to  react  upon  the  padres.     Serra 's  weakness  was 
not  unknown  to  his  superiors.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  191-2. 

38  Bucardi,  Instruction  que  debe  observar  el  Comandante  nombrado  para  lo& 
JUxfablecimientos  de  San  Diego  y  Monterey,   1773,  MS.,  also  copy  from  the 
original  in  Mayer,  MS.,  No.  18.     Translated  extracts  chiefly  on  pueblos  and 
colonization  in  llalleck's  Report,  133;  Dwindles  Colon.  Hist.  Add.,  2. 


INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  NEW  RULER.  217 

into  pueblos  when  sufficiently  advanced,  retaining  the 
name  of  the  patron  saint.  New  missions  may  be 
founded  by  the  commander,  acting  in  accord  with  the 
president,  whenever  it  can  be  done  without  risk  to 
the  old  ones.  Rivera  is  to  report  to  the  viceroy  on 
needs  of  the  royal  service  in  his  province. 

The  captain  is  charged  with  recruiting  soldiers  to 
complete  the  full  number.  Married  recruits  must 
take  their  families,  and  unmarried  ones  the  papers  to 
prove  that  they  are  single.  The  Catalan  volunteers 
are  to  return  with  their  lieutenant  by  the  first  vessel. 
Strict  discipline  and  good  conduct  must  be  enforced 
among  soldiers,  employes,  and  civilians,  vicious  and 
incorrigible  persons  being  sent  back  to  San  Bias.  The 
commandant  must  be  subordinate  to  the  governor  at 

O 

Loreto  only  to  the  extent  of  reporting  to  him  and 
maintaining  harmonious  relations.  Communication 
with  the  peninsula  by  land  should  be  frequent.  Good 
faith  must  be  kept  with  the  Indians,  and  the  control, 
education,  and  correction  of  neophytes  are  to  be  left 
exclusively  to  the  friars,  acting  in  the  capacity  of 
fathers  toward  children. 

No  vessels  are  to  be  admitted  to  Californian  ports 
except  the  San  Bias  transports  and  the  Philippine 
vessels,  and  no  trade  with  either  foreign  or  Spanish 
vessels  is  to  be  permitted.  The  captains  of  the  trans- 
ports are  not  to  be  interfered  with  in  the  management 
of  their  vessels,  but  they  cannot  admit  on  board  or 
take  away  any  person  without  a  written  request  from 
the  commandant,  who  is  to  grant  such  requests  only 
for  urgent  reasons.  San  Francisco  should  be  explored 
as  soon  as  practicable,  and  the  mission  of  San  Diego 
may  be  moved  if  it  be  deemed  best.  A  complete 
diary  of  all  events  and  measures  must  be  kept  in  a 
book,  and  literal  copies  forwarded  to  the  superior 
government  as  often  as  opportunity  occurs.  Three 
complete  inventories  are  to  be  made  on  taking  pos- 
session of  government  property,  one  for  the  viceroy, 
one  for  Fages,  and  one  to  be  kept  by  Rivera.  All 


218  SERRA'S  LABORS  IN  MEXICO. 

records  and  archives  to  be  carefully  cared  for,  and 
finally  these  instructions  to  be  kept  profoundly  secret. 
These  instructions,  with  the  regulations  that  precede 
and  similar  instructions  of  the  next  year  to  the  gov- 
ernor, constituted  the  law  of  California  for  many  years. 
Rivera  was  in  Guadalajara  when  appointed,  though  it 
does  not  appear  from  the  record  when  he  had  come  down 
from  San  Diego.  He  went  to  Mexico  to  receive  his 
instructions  in  person  and  then  hastened  to  Sinaloa  to 
recruit  soldiers  and  families  for  his  command,  finishing 
his  task  and  arriving  with  fifty- one  persons,  great 
and  small,  in  March  1774  at  Loreto,  whence  he  soon 
started  northward  overland.39  At  about  the  same 
time  that  Rivera  received  his  orders/  that  is  in 
August,  Bucareli  also  authorized  Captain  Juan  Bau- 
tista  de  Anza  to  attempt  the  overland  route  from 
Sonora  to  Monterey,  and  that  officer  after  some  delays 
began  his  march  from  Tubac  in  the  following  January. 
Early  in  September,  after  Rivera  and  Anza  had  re- 
ceived their  instructions,  the  viceroy  wrote  to  Fages, 
announcing  the  appointment  of  Rivera,  and  ordering 
him  to  give  up  the  command,  and  to  return  by  the 
first  vessel  with  his  company  of  Catalan  volunteers  to 
join  his  regiment  at  the  Real  de  Pachuca.40 

And  now  Father  Serra,  having  successfully  com- 
pleted his  task  in  Mexico,  is  ready  to  return  home- 
ward to  utilize  the  aid  and  put  in  practice  the  reforms 
for  which  he  has  toiled.  Kissing  the  feet  of  every 
friar  at  the  college,  begging  their  pardon  for  any  bad 
example  he  has  set,  and  bidding  them  farewell  for- 
ever, the  good  friar,  with  Padre  Pablo  Mugartegui, 
sets  out  in  September  for  the  west  coast.  At  Tepic 
he  waits  until  the  new  vessel,  the  Santiago  or  Nueva, 
Galicia,  is  ready  for  sea,  which  is  not  until  January  24, 
1774.  In  addition  to  the  articles  granted  by  the  gov- 

39  Letter  of  Rivera  to  viceroy,  dated  Loreto,  March  25th,  in  Arch.  Sta  Ear- 
bara,  MS.,  xi.  378-9;  Palou,  Not.,  i.  G09-10. 

40  Bucareli  to  Pages,  Sept.  7,  1773,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  140. 


FATHER  JUNfPERO  HOMEWARD  BOUND.  219 

ernment  Padre  Junipero  has  obtained  from  the  vice- 
roy a  liberal  limosna,  or  alms,  of  supplies  for  the 
exclusive  use  of  the  missions,41  invoiced  separately  to 

f^atify  the  friar's  pride  and  avoid  complications  with 
ages  who  is  still  in  command.  The  regular  supplies 
for  the  northern  missions,  with  a  part  of  the  pittance, 
are  taken  by  the  Santiago,  Captain  Perez,  who  has 
orders  to  undertake  explorations  to  the  north  of  Mon- 
terey. Supplies  for  San  Diego  and  the  southern 
missions  are  left  for  the  San  Antonio,  to  sail  later.42 

41  The  articles  officially  granted  were:  3  cases  of  vestments  for  San  Gabriel, 
San  Antonio,  and  San  Luis,  5  nests,  or  sets,  of  measures,  6  in  each,  one  forge 
with  appurtenances,  and  5  quintals,  3  arrobas  of  iron.     The  limosna  to  suffice 
for  5  years  was  5  packages  of  cloths  for  Indians  as  follows:  107  blankets,  29 
pieces  mania  poblana,  488  yds  striped  sackcloth,  389  yds  blue  baize,  10  Ibs 
blue  maguey  cloth  for  little  girls;  also  4  reams  fine  paper,  5  bales  red  pepper, 
100  arrobas  tasajo,  16  boxes  panocha,  4  boxes  beads,  10  boxes  hams,  6  boxes 
chocolate,  3  bbls  lard,  9  bales  lentils,  1  bale  and  9  jugs  olive-oil,  4  bbls  Caa«- 
tilian  wine,  3  bbls  brandy,  9  bales  chickpeas,  6  bales  rice,  160  bales  flour, 
900  fanegas  maize,  250  fanegas  beans.  Palou,  Not.,  i.  603-5. 

42  Respecting  Serra's  work  in  Mexico  in  addition  to  the  authorities  cited, 
see  Palou,  Vida,  150-9.     It  is  related  that  when  Serra  arrived  in  San  Bias 
from  California  and  saw  the  Santiago  in  the  dock-yard,  he  remarked  that  ho 
would  return  in  her,  a  remark  that  excited  some  ridicule,  because  everybody 
thought  the  San  Bias  establishment  on  the  point  of  being  abandoned. 


CHAPTEK  X. 

RECORD    OF    EVENTS. 
1774. 

WANT  IN  THE  MISSIONS — ANZA'S  FIRST  EXPEDITION — THE  OVERLAND  ROUTE 
3j$OM  SONORA — RETURN  or  PADRE  JUNIPERO — RIVERA  ASSUMES  THE 
COMMAND— DEPARTURE  OF  FAGES— EXPLORING  VOYAGE  OF  PEREZ  TO 
THE  NORTHERN  COAST— SAN  DIEGO  MISSION  MOVED  FROM  COSOY  TO 
NIPAGUAY — COMING  OF  SOLDIERS  AND  THEIR  FAMILIES — THIRD  EXPLO- 
RATION OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY — A  MISSION  SITE  SELECTED — FIRST  DRIVE 
ON  THE  BEACH  TO  THE  CLIFF  AND  SEAL  ROCKS — TROUBLES  BETWEEN  THE 
FRANCISCANS  AND  GOVERNOR  BARRI  IN  THE  PENINSULA — MUCH  ADO 
ABOUT  NOTHING — FELIPE  DE  NEVE  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR  TO  SUCCEED 
BARRI — SECOND  ANNUAL  REPORT  ON  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

WE  have  seen  that  Anza  from  Sonora,  Serra  from 
Mexico  via.  Jalisco,  and  Rivera  from  Sinaloa  via  the 
peninsula  were  all  en  route  for  Monterey  under  vice- 
regal orders  in  the  spring  of  1774.  California  annals 
for  that  year  may  be  most  clearly  presented  by  fol- 
lowing those  expeditions,  in  the  order  named,  as  a 
thread  to  which  may  be  attached  all  recorded  events. 
Previous  to  their  arrival  there  is  nothing  known  of 
matters  in  the  north,  save  that  great  want  was  ex- 
perienced through  the  non-appearance  of  the  vessels 
due  the  year  before.1 

When  Galvez  was  preparing  the  first  expeditions 
to  the  north  in  1769,  Captain  Juan  Bautista  de  Anza, 
commander  of  the  Tubac  presidio  in  Sonora,  a  brave 
officer  like  his  father,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  annals 

1  A  ' cruelisima  hambre,'  Palou  calls  it,  Vida,  153, 159-60,  the  greatest  ever 
experienced.  No  bread,  no  chocolate,  only  miHoand  herbs  '  salted  by  tears.' 
Milk  had  to  be  eaten  by  all  from  the  commandant  down.  They  had  some 
very  strange  ideas  of  what  constituted  a  famine.  Soup  of  peas  or  beans  took 
the  place  of  tortillas,  and  coffee  had  to  do  instead  of  chocolate.  The  natives 
all  left  the  mission  to  seek  for  food.  Id.,  JNot.t  i.  COS. 

(220) 


ANZA'S  FIRST  EXPEDITION.  221 

of  Pimeria,  became  interested  in  the  scheme,  and 
offered  to  make  the  trip  by  land  at  his  own  expense 
to  meet  the  sea  expedition.  The  route  up  to  the 
Colorado  and  Gila  junction  had  often  been  traversed, 
and  it  had  long  been  a  favorite  plan,  especially  among 
the  old  Jesuit  pioneers,  to  reach  the  northern  coasts 
from  this  direction ;  but  for  some  reason  not  explained 
the  visitador  declined  the  offer.  Anza,  however,  re- 
newed his  proposition  later,  when  San  Diego  and 
Monterey  had  been  occupied,  and  finally  Bucareli, 
authorized  by  the  king  to  pay  the  expense  from  the 
royal  coffers,2  and  urged  by  Father  Junipero  in  his 
memorial  of  March  1773 — in  which  he  also  urged  the 
exploration  of  a  route  from  New  Mexico — gave  the 
required  license,  probably  in  September  1773. 

Anza  obtained  twenty  soldiers  and  had  nearly 
completed  his  preparations  for  departure,  when  the 
Apaches  made  one  of  their  characteristic  raids,  steal- 
ing his  horses  and  killing  some  of  his  men.  This 
caused  delay  and  obliged  the  captain  to  start  with 
less  force  than  he  had  intended;  but  as  a  compensa- 
tion he  unexpectedly  obtained  a  guide.  This  was  a 
Baja  California  neophyte,  Sebastian  by  name,  who 
had  deserted  from  San  Gabriel  in  August,  and,  keep- 
ing far  to  the  east  to  avoid  meeting  soldiers,  had 
reached  the  Colorado  River  rancherias  and  had  been 
brought  by  the  natives  to  Altar,  thus  entitling  him- 
self to  the  honor  of  having  been  the  first  Christian  to 
make  the  overland  trip.3  Under  his  guidance  Anza 
set  out  from  Tubac  January  8,  1774,  with  Francisco 
Garces  and  Juan  Diaz,  Franciscan  friars  from  the 
Queretaro  college.  There  were  in  all  34  men  with 
140  horses  and  65  cattle. 

In  a  month  they  had  reached  the  Gila,  by  way  of 
Sonoita  through  Papagueria.  Palma,  a  famous  Yuma 

2  Ortega  in  a  letter  to  Rivera,  dated  San  Diego,  May  5,  1775,  says  that 
Anza's  expedition  cost  from  25,000  to  30,000  pesos.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i. 
162-3. 

3  According  to  one  of  the  two  chief  authorities  Sebastian  had  started  from 
San  Gabriel  with  his  parents  and  wife,  all  of  whom  had  perished. 


222  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

chief,  entertained  the  Spaniards  at  his  rancheria  at 
San  Dionisio,  Isla  de  Trinidad,  a  kind  of  island  formed 
by  a  double  channel  of  the  Gila  at  its  junction  with 
the  Colorado,4  and  received  from  Anza  a  badge  of 
office  under  Spain.  He  accompanied  the  explorers 
across  the  Colorado  and  some  eight  or  nine  leagues 
south-westward  to  the  lagoon  of  Santa  Olaya.  To 
this  lagoon  the  whole  party  was  obliged  to  return  on 
the  19th  of  February,  after  having  wandered  for  six 
days  through  a  country  destitute  of  grass  and  water.5 
But  they  started  again  on  the  2d  of  March,  leaving 
with  Palma  a  large  part  of  the  animals  in  charge  of 
three  soldiers,  three  muleteers,  and  three  Indian  ser- 
vants. The  route  through  the  country  of  the  Cojat, 
Cajuenches,  and  Danzarines,  cannot  be  traced  exactly ; 
but  as  this  was  the  first  exploration  of  this  region  and 
of  the  great  route  into  California,  I  append  the  de- 
tails, confusing  as  they  are,  in  a  note.6  Anza  would 

4  One  of  the  channels  no  longer  carries  water,  and  perhaps  did  so  then  only 
at  high  water.     In  Kino's  map  of  1701  San  Dionisio  is  not  represented  as  an> 
island.     Emory,  Notes,  95-6,  in  1846  noted  that  the  Gila  once  flowed  to  the 
south  of  its  present  channel,  and  says:  'During  freshets  it  is  probable  the 
rivers  now  discharge  their  surplus  waters  through  these  old  channels.'    An- 
other discovery  of  Anza  is  less  intelligible.     In  a  letter  of  Feb.  9th  from  San 
Dionisio  to  the  viceroy,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  190-1,  he  says  he  had  crossed 
the  Colorado  and  Gila,  and  had  found  a  branch  of  the  former  extending  north 
and  west,  and  entering  probably  the  South  Sea — perhaps  at  San  Francisco 
Bay. 

5  Padre  Garce~s  claimed  to  have  been  in  this  region,  the  north-east  section 
of  Baja  California,  in  1771;  but  the  narrative  of  his  trip  in  that  year,  in 
Arridmta,  Cron.  Serdf.,  420  et  seq.,  does  not  show  clearly  that  he  crossed  the 
Colorado  at  all. 

G  The  most  complete,  and  indeed  the  only,  authority  in  print  is  Arricivita, 
Crdnica  Serdfica,  450  et  seq. ;  but  it  is  very  unsatisfactory.  The  best  account 
of  the  expedition  seems  to  be  Anza,  Descubrimiento  de  Sonora  a  Californias 
aiio  de  1774,  MS.  This  appears  to  be  an  abridged  copy  of  the  original  diary 
made  soon  after  the  date  of  the  expedition  by  some  one  who  did  not  accom- 
pany it.  The  route  was  as  follows,  items  from  the  return  march  being  in 
brackets:  Feb.  9th.  At  junction  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado,  near  the  site  ofthe 
later  Concepcion.  Feb.  10th  to  12th.  5  1.  W.  N.  (s.)  w.  and  4.5  1.  s.  w.  and 
s.  to  Laguna  de  Sta  Olaya,  formed  by  the  Colorado  in  time  of  flood.  Lat. 
32°  34'.  [According  to  the  return  trip  Sta  Olaya  was  4  1.  w.  of  the  river  and 
8  1.  w.  s.  w.  of  S.  Dionisio,  or  Isla  de  Trinidad.]  Feb.  13th  to  19th.  Off  into 
the  desert  and  back  to  Sta  Olaya.  March  2d.  41.  w.  S.  w.  to  Laguna  del 
Predicador.  Mar.  3d  to  5th.  3  1.  w.  s.  w.;  6.5  1.  w.  N.  w.;  61.  w.  N.W.  with 
low  sierra  on  left;  3  1.  N.  w.  across  the  hills;  2 1.  w. ;  1.5  1.  N.  and  N.  w. ,  in  sight 
of  an  estero,  to  Pozos  de  San  Eusebio.  Mar.  6th.  4  1.  w.  to  Sto  Tomas,  in 
middle  of  sierra.  Mar.  7th  and  8th.  41.  N.  w.  and  1  1.  N.  E.  to  Pozos  de  Sta 
Kosa  de  las  Lajas  (18  1.  in  a  direct  line  from  Sta  OlayaV  Mar.  9tk  and  10th. 


ANZA  FROM  SONORA.  223 

seem  at  first  to  have  kept  far  to  the  south  of  the 
modern  railroad  route,  but  to  have  returned  to  it  be- 
fore reaching  the  San  Gorgonio  Pass,  which  he  named 
San  Carlos.  He  crossed  the  Santa  Ana  River  on  a 
bridge  of  boughs  the  20th  of  March,  and  on  the  22d 
arrived  at  San  Gabriel. 

The  travellers  had  exhausted  their  supply  of  food; 
and  they  found  equal  destitution  at  San  Gabriel;  but 
the  friars  Pater na  and  Cruzado  entertained  them  as 
best  they  could  after  a  mass,  te  deum,  and  sermon  of 
welcome.  A  cow  was  killed,  and  in  ten  days  four  of 
Anza's  men  returned  from  San  Diego  with  supplies 
that  had  come  on  the  Santiago.1  In  a  few  days  all 
but  six  of  the  men  were  sent  with  Father  Garces 
back  to  the  Colorado,  having  some  slight  trouble  with 
the  savages  on  the  way,  and,  according  to  Arricivita, 
finding  that  the  men  left  with  the  animals  had  become 
frightened  and  retired  to  Caborca.  Anza  with  his 
six  men  made  a  trip  up  to  Monterey  and  back  from 
the  10th  of  April  to  the  1st  of  May;  and  two  days 
later  he  started  with  Diaz  for  the  Colorado,  which  he 
reached  in  eight  days.  Palou  tells  us  that  some  of 
Pages'  men  went  with  him  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  route,  arid  returning  reported  that  they  had 
been  attacked  by  the  natives  as  had  been  the  men 
left  at  the  Colorado.  The  explorers  reached  Tubac 
on  the  26th  of  May,  and  in  July  Anza  went  to  Mexico 
to  report. 

His  expedition  had  accomplished  all  that  it  had 

11  1.  N.  to  S.  Sebastian  Peregrine,  a  large  cUnefla  in  the  Cajuenche  nation 
[22  1.  w.  and  w.  N.  w.  from  StaOlaya].  Mar.  llth.  1.5  1.  w.  on  same  cie"nega. 
Mar.  12th.  6  1.  w.  N.  w.  to  S.  Gregorio.  Mar.  14th.  6 1.  N.  [N.  w.]  to  Sta  Cata- 
rina  [10  1.  from  S.  Sebastian].  6  1.  N.  N.  w.  to  Puerto  cle  S.  Carlos,  following 
the  Canada  [33°  42'].  Mar.  IGth  and  17th.  3  1.  N.  w.  and  N.  N.  w.  to  Laguna 
and  Valley  of  Principe  [or  S.  Patricio,  81.  w.  s.  w.  from  Sta  Catarina].  Mar. 
18th.  [4]  1.  N.  and  N.  N.  w.  to  Valle  de  S.  Jose"  [33°  46']  on  a  fine  stream.  Mar. 
19th.  6  [5]  1.  N.  w.  to  Laguna  de  S.  Antonio  de  Bucareli.  Mar.  20th.  5  1.  N,  w. 
and  2.  5  1.  w.  N.  w.  to  Rio  Sta  Ana.  Mar.  21st.  7  1.  w.  N.  w.  to  Arroyo  de 
Osos  [or  Alisos].  Mar.  22d.  To  S.  Gabriel  [10  1.  w.  and  5  1.  w.  N.  w.  from 
S.  Antonio].  See  also,  in  chap.  xii.  of  this  volume,  the  account  of  Anza's 
second  trip. 

7  On  March  24th  Anza  was  godfather  to  a  child  baptized  by  P.  Diaz.  S. 
Gabriel  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  7. 


224  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

been  intended  to  do,  in  showing  the  practicability  of 
the  new  route.8 

President  Serra  sailed  from  San  Bias  January  24th 
in  the  new  transport9  Santiago  or  Nueva  Galicia,  built 
expressly  for  the  California  service,  commanded  by 
Juan  Perez,  and  laden  with  supplies  for  San  Carlos, 
San  Antonio,  and  San  Luis.  Serra  was  accompanied 
by  Pablo  Mugartegui,  a  new  missionary;  and  the  San- 
tiago also  brought  to  California  Juan  Soler,  the  store- 
keeper for  Monterey,  a  surgeon  Jose  Davila  with  his 
family,  three  blacksmiths  and  families,  and  three  car- 
penters. After  a  comparatively  prosperous  voyage 
the  vessel  anchored  in  San  Diego  Bay  the  13th  of 
March.10  It  had  been  the  intention  to  go  direct  to 
Monterey,  but  an  accident  caused  a  change  of  plan, 
and  fortunately,  for  Serra  by  landing  a  small  portion 
of  the  cargo  was  enabled  to  relieve  the  pressing  need 
of  the  southern  missions.  He  had  quite  enough  of 
the  sea,  and  besides  was  anxious  to  visit  the  friars; 
therefore  he  went  up  by  land,  starting  on  April  6th, 
having  an  interview  with  Captain  Anza  on  the  way, 
and  reaching  Monterey  on  the  llth  of  May  after  an 
absence  of  nearly  two  years.  On  account  of  ill-health 
Mugartegui  also  landed  and  remained  at  San  Diego, 
Amurrio  taking  his  place  on  the  Santiago,  which 
sailed  on  the  same  day  that  Serra  started,  and 
anchored  at  Monterey  two  days  before  the  president's 
arrival  the  9th  of  May.11 


8  Mofras,  Explor. ,  i.  282,  mentions  this  expedition,  giving  the  date  of 
starting  incorrectly  as  Sept.  1773.  See  also  brief  account  in  Velasco,  Sonora, 
150;  M,  inSoc.  Mex.  Geog.,  Boletin,  x.  704. 

u  She  is  called  both  fragata  and  corveta. 

10  According  to  Perez,  lldacion,  they  reached  the  Santa  Bdrbara  Islands  on 
March  Gth.     The  northern  group  are  named  from  west  to  east  Santa  Rosa 
(San  Miguel),  Santa  Margarita  (Santa  Rosa),  Santa  Cruz  (still  so  called),  and 
San.to  Tomas  ( Anacapa).    Thence  they  sailed  southward  between  the  coast  and 
San  Clemente,  reaching  San  Diego  March  10th  (another  copy  makes -it  March 
llth),  sailing  April  5th,  and  arriving  at  Monterey  May  8th.  Palou,  Vida,  153- 
G'2,  gives  the  latter  date  as  May  9th. 

11  Palou,  Not.,  i.  G06-S;  Id.,    Vida,  156-61;  Serra,  in  Bandini  Doc.  Hist. 
CaL,  MS.,  1. 


RIVERA.  SUCCEEDS  PAGES.  225 

We  left  Rivera  y  Moncada  at  Loreto  in  March 
with  fifty-one  persons,  soldiers  and  their  families,  re- 
cruited in  Sinaloa  for  his  new  command.12  Lieutenant 
Ortega  was  in  the  south  at  Santa  Ana,  with  other 
families,  whom  he  was  ordered  to  bring  up  to  Velicatd, 
to  join  the  rest,  and  was  to  remain  in  command  of 
the  camp  until  supplies  and  animals  for  the  northern 
journey  could  be  sent  back.  Rivera  then  started 
northward  by  land  and  reached  Monterey  on  the  23d 
of  May.  Respecting  the  details  of  his  march  and  the 
number  of  men  he  took  with  him  nothing  is  known; 

c^ 

but  he  left  all  the  families  and  some  of  the  new  sol- 
diers at  Velicata.  On  the  25th  he  assumed  the  duties 
of  his  new  office  in  place  of  Pedro  Fages,13  who  pre- 
pared, as  ordered  by  the  viceroy,  to  go  south  with  his 
company  of  Catalan  volunteers.14  The  first  oppor- 
tunity to  sail  was  by  the  San  Antonio,  which,  leaving 
San  Bias  in  March  under  Canizares  as  master,  had 
arrived  on  June  8th,  this  being  the  first  trip  ever 
made  direct  to  Monterey  without  touching  at  San 
Diego. 

The  feeling  between  Rivera  and  Fages  was  by  no 
means  friendly,  the  former  having  considered  himself 
aggrieved  by  Galvez'  act  in  preferring  the  latter  at 
the  beginning  notwithstanding  the  disparity  of  rank, 
and  a  second  time  by  Portold's  choice  of  a  commander 
in  1770.  Triumphant  at  last,  he  was  not  disposed 
to  adopt  a  conciliatory  policy  toward  his  vanquished 
rival,  whom,  without  any  unnecessary  expenditure  of 
courteous  phrases,  he  ordered  to  prepare  his  accounts 

12  March  20th,  Rivera  writes  to  the  viceroy  from  Loreto  that  he  has  arrived 
from  Sinaloa  and  will  proceed  by  land  to  San  Diego  and  join  Anza.  Arch. 
Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  378-9;  but  as  we  have  seen  he  was  too  late  to  meet 
Anza. 

13  The  viceroy,  on  Jan.  2,  1775,  acknowledges  receipt  of  Rivera's  letter  of 
June  14th,  stating  that  he  had  taken  possession  of  the  command  on  May  25th. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS,,  i.   1G8.     Palou,  Not.,  i.  609-13,  makes  the  date  May 
24th.     May  4,  1771,  Fages  was  made  a  captain.  Id.,  i.  74. 

u  In  addition  to  the  general  instructions  to  Rivera  and  Fages  already 
noticed,  there  was  a  special  order  of  the  viceroy  dated  Sept.  30,  1774,  for 
Fages  with  his  volunteers  and  all  of  the  cuera  company  not  expressly  ordered 
to  remain  to  be  sent  to  San  Bias  by  the  first  vessel.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  i.  313. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    15 


226  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

and  get  ready"  to  sail  on  the  San  Antonio,  taking  with 
him  all  his  men  except  ten  who  were  to  be  retained 
until  the  new  force  arrived  from  the  peninsula.  Fages, 
though  of  course  obliged  to  obey  the  viceroy's  orders, 
was  not  the  man  to  quit  the  country  without  making 
a  show  of  independence  and  an  effort  for  the  last 
word.  A  caustic  correspondence  followed,  little  of 
which  is  extant,  but  in  which  Rivera  with  the  vantage- 
ground  of  his  superior  authority  by  no  means  carried 
off  all  the  honors.  Fages  claimed  the  right  to  embark 
from  San  Diego,  wishing  to  obtain  certain  receipts 
from  padres  and  corporals  at  the  several  missions. 
Rivera  replies,  "The  viceroy  does  not  order  me  to 
allow  the  volunteers  and  you  to  embark  at  San  Diego, 
but  simply  by  the  first  vessel.  His  excellency  knows 
very  well  that  this  presidio  is  the  capital  where  you 
reside;  therefore,  this  is  the  place  he  speaks  of,  and 
from  this  place  you  must  sail."  Whereupon  Don 
Pedro,  as  he  might  have  done  before,  showed  a  per- 
mit from  the  viceroy  to  sail  from  San  Diego,  of  later 
date  than  the  commander's  instructions;  and  Rivera 
was  forced  to  yield. 

Again  Fages  announced  that  he  had  some  animals 
set  apart  for  his  own  use  which  he  proposed  to  take 
away  with  him  to  San  Diego,  and,  after  Rivera's 
prompt  refusal  to  allow  any  such  outrageous  use  of 
the  king's  property,  proceeded  to  prove  that  the  mules 
were  his  own.  Then  he  pleaded  for  more  time  to 
arrange  his  accounts,  which  could  not  be  completed 
before  the  sailing  of  the  San  Antonio;  but  after  getting 
an  insolent  permission  to  wait  for  the  Santiago,  he 
decided  to  start  at  once  and  leave  the  accounts  to  a 
clerk.  Having  gathered  thus  much  from  Rivera's 
own  letters,  it  is  hard  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  if 
Fages'  letters  were  extant  they  would  show  the  writer, 
with  perfect  sang  froid,  if  not  always  with  dignity, 
engaged  in  a  deliberate  epistolary  effort  to  annoy  his 
exultant  and  pompous  rival.  If  this  was  not  the  case, 
all  the  more  discreditable  to  himself  was  the  tone 


NORTH-COAST  EXPLORATIONS.  227 

adopted  in  Rivera's  communications.15  The  San 
Antonio  sailed  from  Monterey  on  July  7th,  with 
thirteen  of  the  volunteers,  and  with  Rafael  Pedro  y 
Gil  the  new  store-keeper  for  San  Diego.  Fages 
started  by  land  with  two  soldiers  on  the  19th  and 
sailed  on  the  4th  of  August  from  San  Diego.  We 
shall  hear  again  from  this  gallant  officer.  Fathers 
Prestarnero  and  Usson  also  sailed  for  San  Bias  on 
the  San  Antonio,  being  forced  to  retire  by  ill-health. 

Perez  in  the  Santiago  was  meanwhile  engaged  in 
another  important  service,  that  of  exploring  in  the 
far  north.  There  still  existed  among  Spanish  author- 
ities a  fear  of  Russian  encroachments  on  the  Pacific 
coast,  or  at  least  a  spirit  of  curiosity  to  know  what 
the  Russians  were  doing.  Bucareli  had  orders  from 
the  king  to  give  this  matter  his  attention  as  soon  as 
it  might  be  convenient.16  It  is  said  to  have  been 
Serra  who  first  suggested  that  the  California  trans- 

OO 

port  might  be  advantageously  used  for  purposes  of 
geographical  discovery,  and  opening  up  a  new  field 
for  spiritual  conquest.  He  also  urged  that  no  man 
was  better  fitted  to  take  charge  of  the  enterprise  than 
his  friend  and  compatriot  Juan  Perez,  who  had  been 
the  first  in  these  later  times  to  reach  both  San  Diego 
and  Monterey.  Perez  was  accordingly  instructed, 
after  landing  the  supplies  at  Monterey,  to  explore  the 
northern  coast  up  to  60°,  with  a  view  to  discover 
harbors  and  to  make  such  observations  respecting  the 
country  and  its  inhabitants  as  might  be  practicable. 
The  expense  was  borne  by  the  king. 

It  was  the  intention  that  Mugdrtegui  should  go  as 
chaplain,  but  in  case  of.  his  illness  Serra  had  been 
requested17  to  name  a  substitute,  and  appointed? Crespi 
and  Pena  to  act  as  chaplains  and  to  keep  diaries  of 

15  Rivera  y  Moncada,  Testimonio  de  diligencias  en  la  toma  de  posesion  del 
mando,  1774,  MS.,  consisting  of  two  letters  dated  June  21st  and  22d. 

16  Rcvilla-Gi'iedo,  Informe  de  12  de  Abril  1703,  117-19. 

17  Bucareli's' letter  of  Dec.  24,  1773,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  137-8. 


228  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

the  voyage,  as  they  did,  both  journals  being  still 
extant.  The  surgeon  Ddvila  went  along,  the  vessel's 
surgeon,  Costan,  remaining  temporarily  at  Monterey. 
June  6th  everything  being  ready  at  Monterey  the 
padres  went  on  board,  and  next  day  the  Santiago 
attempted  to  sail,  but  was  prevented  by  contrary 
winds.  On  the  8th  the  arrival  of  the  San  Antonio 
from  San  Bias,  already  noted,  caused  a  new  delay. 
Two  days  later  solemn  mass  for  the  success  of  the 
expedition  was  said  under  the  old  oak  that  had  wit- 
nessed the  rite  in  1602  and  1770,  and  on  the  llth, 
just  before  noon,  the  vessel  sailed  from  the  bay. 
Adverse  winds  still  baffled  the  navigators,  driving 

O  '  O 

them  southward,  so  that  for  seventeen  days  they  did 
not  get  above  the  latitude  of  Monterey,  being  driven 
back  and  forward  along  the  coast  between  that  lati- 
tude and  that  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Islands.  On  the 
9th  July,  when  they  were  again  able  to  make  obser- 
vations, they  were  in  latitude  45°,  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  modern  California  of  which  I  now  write.  The 
details  of  the  voyage  in  northern  waters,  during  which 
the  Spaniards  reached  a  latitude  of  55°,  making  some 
observations  and  naming  some  points  along  the  coast, 
dealing  with  the  natives,  who  came  off  in  canoes,  but 
not  landing,  belong  to  another  volume  of  this  series, 
in  which  I  shall  narrate  the  annals  of  more  northern 
lands.18 

Reentering  California  waters  on  the  return  trip 
the  17th  of  August,  they  sighted  on  the  22d  what 
was  supposed  to  be  Cape  Mendocino  in  latitude  40°, 
on  the  26th  they  saw  the  Farallones,  and  next  day  at 
4  p.  M.  anchored  at  Monterey.  The  prevalence  of 
fogs  had  prevented  exploration  of  the  Californian 
coast,  beyond  a  mere  glimpse  of  Mendocino  and  the 
Farallones.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that  in  speaking  of 
the  latter  islands  as  a  landmark  for  San  Francisco 
the  diarists  clearly  locate  that  port  under  Point 

18  For  a  full  account  of  this  voyage,  with  references  to  the  original  diaries, 
see  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  150-8. 


MOVING  OF  SAN  DIEGO.  229 

Reyes,  and  speak  of  the  other  bay  discovered  five 
years  before  as  the  grande  ester  o,  not  yet  named.19 

Two  important  events  in  California  must  be  added 
to  the  record  of  1774  before  I  call  attention  to  certain 
other  events  on  the  peninsula  and  in  Mexico  nearly 
affecting  the  interests  of  the  New  Establishments. 
One  was  the  moving  of  San  Diego  Mission  in  the 
extreme  south  in  August;  the  other  an  exploration 
of  San  Francisco  Bay  in  the  extreme  north  at  the 
close  of  the  year.  The  site  on  which  the  mission  at 
San  Diego  had  been  originally  founded,  and  the  pre- 
sidio a  little  later,  had  not  proved  a  desirable  one  for 
agricultural  purposes  since  the  drying-up  of  the  river ; 
and  in  fact  for  several  years  seed  had  been  sown  for 
the  most  part  at  an  inconvenient  distance.  The  first 
proposition  toward  a  change  of  site  came  early  in  1773 
from  Fages,  who  favored  a  removal  of  the  rancheria 
containing  all  the  neophytes  as  well  as  many  gentiles 
from  the  vicinity  of  the  stockade,  for  the  reason  that 
the  huts  would  give  the  natives  an  advantage  in  hos- 
tile operations.  This  was  not  exactly  a  removal  of  the 
mission,  since  it  does  not  appear  that  the  friars  were 
to  accompany  their  neophytes ;  the  fear  of  danger  was 
deemed  unfounded  and  even  absurd;  and,  moreover, 
the  measure  was  recommended  by  a  man  whose 
approval  was  enough  to  condemn  any  measure  in 
Serra's  eyes.  Consequently  he  opposed  the  change 
most  strenuously  in  his  report  to  the  viceroy.20 

Jaume,  the  minister,  however,  addressed  a  letter  in 
April  1773  to  the  president,  in  which  he  favored  a 
removal  of  the  mission.  Experience  had  clearly 
shown,  he  thought,  that  want  of  water  would  always 
prove  a  drawback  to  prosperity  at  the  original  site;  it 

19  Crespi  in  his  Diario  makes  a  long  and  confusing  argument  to  prove  that 
ihefitraliones  seen  at  this  time  were  not  those  seen  in  1769,  the  former  being 
50  leagues  from  Pt  Reyes,  and  the  latter  much  nearer.  The  reason  of  the 
friar's  confusion  is  not  clear.  The  authorities  on  this  voyage  are:  Crrxpi,. 
Diurio;  Pefta,  Diario,  MS.;  Perez,  Relation,  MS.;  and  Perez,  Tabla  Diario, 
MS. 

0  Serra,  fiepres.  21  de  Mayo,  1773,  MS. 


2BO  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

was  always  better  for  a  mission  to  be  a  little  re- 
moved from  presidio  influences;  and  he  had  a  report 
from  the  natives  confirmed  by  a  soldier,  of  a  very 
favorable  site  some  six  or  seven  leagues  distant  across 
the  sierra.21  The  matter  having  been  referred  to  the 
viceroy  he  authorized  Rivera  to  make  a  change  if  it 
should  seem  expedient  to  himself  and  to  Serra.22  Of 
the  subsequent  consultations  and  explorations  which 
doubtless  took  place  we  have  no  record;  but  the 
change  was  decided  upon  and  effected  in  August 
1774.  The  new  site  was  not  the  one  which  Jaunie 
had  in  mind,  but  a  nearer  one  called  by  the  natives 
'Nipaguay,23  about  two  leagues  up  the  valley  north- 
eastward from  Cosoy,  and  probably  identical  or  nearly 
so  with  that  of  the  later  buildings  whose  ruins  are 
still  visible  some  six  miles  from  the  city  and  port. 
We  have  no  account  of  the  ceremonies  by  which  the 
transfer  was  celebrated,  nor  do  we  know  its  exact 
date;  but  both  friars  and  neophytes  were  pleased  with 
the  change,  and  worked  with  a  will,  so  that  by  the 
end  of  the  year  the  mission  buildings  were  better  than 
at  Cosoy,  including  a  dwelling,  storehouse,  and  smithy 
of  adobes,  and  a  wooden  church  with  roof  of  tules, 
measuring  eighteen  by  fifty-seven  feet.  At  the  old 
site  all  the  buildings  were  given  up  to  the  presidio, 
except  two  rooms,  one  for  the  use  of  visiting  friars 
and  the  other  for  the  reception  and  temporary  storage 
of  mission  supplies  coming  by  sea.24  Nothing  further 
is  known  of  San  Diego  events  during  the  year,  except 
that  Ortega  came  up  from  below  with  the  remaining 

21  Jaume's  letter  of  April  3d  (or  30th),  in  Mayer  MSS.,  No.  18,  pp.  4,  5. 

22  Bucareli,  Instruction  de  17  de  Agoxto  1773,  MS. 

23  San  Diego  de  Nipaguay— that  is,  San  Diego  at  Nipaguay — was  a  com- 
mon name  for  the  mission  afterwards.    Serra  called  it  so  in  his  second  annual 
report. 

2t  Serra,  Informe  de  5  Feb.  1775,  MS.,  124-7.  An  unfinished  church  built 
four  or  five  feet  above  the  foundations,  with  adobes  all  made  ready  to  finish 
it,  was  also  delivered.  In  a  letter  of  October  3d  the  commandant  of  the  pre- 
sidio says  he  was  uncertain  whether  to  accept  the  building,  for  how  was  it  to 
be  finished?  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  15G-7.  Lasuen  in  his  report  of  1783 
says  the  new  site  was  but  little  better  than  the  old  so  far  as  fertility  was  con- 
cerned. Lasuen,  Informe  de  1783,  MS.;  see  also  Serra,  in  San  Dieyo,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  3,  4. 


EXPLORATIONS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO.  231 

force  and  families  recruited  by  Rivera  in  Sinaloa, 
arriving  at  San  Diego  on  September  26th,  and  de- 
spatching a  part  of  the  company  to  Monterey  on  the 
3d  of  October.  The  new  troops  gave  Ortega  some 
trouble  by  their  tumultuous  conduct,  complaining  of 
the  quantity  and  quality  of  the  food.25 

The  occupation  of  the  port  of  San  Francisco  and 
the  founding  of  a  mission  there,  though  a  matter  still 

O  '  O 

kept  in  abeyance,  was  one  by  no  means  forgotten, 
'and  one  often  mentioned  in  communications  passing 
between  Mexico  and  Monterey.  Portola  and  Crespi 
when  they  had  almost  reached  the  port  in  1 769 , had, 
as  we  have  seen,  discovered  a  large  bay  before  entirely 
unknown,  and  had  explored  to  some  extent  its  western 
shore.  Galvez  and  the  viceroy  on  hearing  of  Portola's 
near  approach  to  San  Francisco  had  ordered  the  cap- 
tain of  the  San  Antonio,  when  she  brought  ten  new 
friars  to  California  in  1771,  in  case  she  should  reach 
San  Francisco  first,  to  leave  there  two  of  the  padres 
and  all  that  was  required  for  an  immediate  foundation, 
under  »a  temporary  guard  of  sailors;26  but  the  vessel 
touched  first  at  Monterey  and  Saint  Francis  was 
obliged  to  wait.  In  1772  Fages  and  Crespi  had  again 
attempted  to  reach  San  Francisco  by  passing  round 
the  newly  discovered  bay,  thus  exploring  the  eastern 
shore,  although  prevented  from  accomplishing  their 
main  object  by  a  great  river  which  they  could  not 
cross.27 

In  his  instructions  of  August  17,  1773,  Bucareli 
had  ordered  Rivera  to  make  additional  explorations 
of  San  Francisco,  and  with  the  approval  of  Serra  to 
found  a  mission  there.28  •  Before  either  Rivera  or  his 
instructions  reached  California,  however,  Palou  in 
his  first  annual  report  spoke  of  the  proposed  mission 
of  San  Francisco  "in  his  own  port  supposed  to  be  in 

.a3 Ortega  to  Rivera,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  154-G. 
20  Palou,  Vida,  88-9. 
*^r'  See  Chap.  viii.  of  this  volume. 

28 St.  Pap.,  M'iss.  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  333. 


232  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

the  Ensenada  of  the  Farallones  toward  Point  Reyes," 
of  the  attempt  recently  made  to  arrive  there,  of  the 
obstacles  in  the  way,  and  of  the  determination  that 
had  been  formed.  This  determination  was  to  explore 
the  country  northward  from  Monterey,  and  to  estab- 
lish the  proposed  mission  wherever  a  suitable  place 
could  be  found,  since  it  could  not  be  exactly  known 
where  the  port  was  until  explorations  were  made  by 
sea;  and  later,  if  the  port  were  found  on  the  other 
side  of  the  new  bay,  another  mission  might  be  estab- 
lished there.29  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  name 
of  San  Francisco  had  not  yet  been  applied  to  the 
newly  found  body  of  water,  although  the  latter  was 
by  some  vaguely  supposed  to  be  connected  with  the 
port  so  long  known;  neither  had  the  bay  been  explored 
as  yet  with  boats  so  that  it  might  be  known  whether 
it  contained  a  'port'  at  all;  or  if  so,  in  what  part  of 
the  broad  expanse  the  harbor  was  to  be  fo^ind. 

In  obedience  to  the  viceroy's  orders,30  and  with  a 
view,  perhaps,  \o  test  the  necessity  or  expediency  of 
Palou's  plan,  a  new  exploration  was  undertaken  by 
Rivera  as  soon  as  his  new  recruits  arrived  at  Monte- 
rey, which  was  early  in  November.  He  took  with 
him  sixteen  soldiers,  two  servants,  and  a  mule  train 
laden  with  supplies  for  a  journey  of  forty  days.  Palou 
accompanied  him,  by  order  of  the  president,  to  perform 
a  chaplain's  duty  and  keep  a  diary.31  Setting  out  on 
November  23d  the  party  followed  Fages'  route  of 
1772,  via  what  are  now  Hollister  and  Gilroy,  until, 
on  entering  the  grand  valley  about  the  bay,  they  bore 
to  the  left  instead  of  to  the  right  as  Fages  had  done, 
and  on  the  28th  encamped  at  the  very  spot  where 
Rivera  had  spent  four  days  in  1769,  that  is,  on  what 
is  now  San  Francisquito  Creek  below  Sears ville.32  The 

29  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  32. 

30  These  orders  had,  it  seems,  been  repeated  in  a  letter  dated  May  25,  1774, 
and  directed  to  Palou. 

31  Palou,  Espediciony  Regifstroquese hizodelas  cercanias  del puerto  de  Nues- 
tro  Scrctfico  Padre  San  Francisco,  in  Id.,  Not.,  ii.  43-92. 

32  As  distances  are  not  given  in  this  diary  it  is  of  little  or  no  help  in  fixing 
exact  locations.     The  party  was  now  about  one  league  from  the  shore,  about  a 


UP  THE  BEACH  TO  THE  CLIFF.  233 

natives  were  hospitable  and  not  so  shy  as  they  had 
been  along  the  way.  This  seemed  a  fitting  place  for 
a  mission,  and  a  cross  was  erected  as  a  sign  of  the 
Spaniards'  purpose  to  locate  San  Francisco  here.  I 
suppose  that  from  this  circumstance  originated  the 
name  San  Francisquito  later  applied  to  the  stream. 

Next  day  the  explorers  started  on  north-westward, 
soon  crossing  the  low  hills  into  the  Canada  that  had 
been  followed  in  1769,  to  which,  or  to  a  locality  in 
which,  they  now  gave  the  name  Canada  de  San  Andres 
which  it  still  bears.  Rancherias  were  numerous,  and 
the  natives  uniformly  well  disposed.  On  the  30th 
they  left  the  glen,  climbed  some  high  land,  and  en- 
camped on  a  lagoon  in  the  hills,  not  improbably  that 
now  known  as  Laguna  de  San  Bruno.  From  a  lofty 
hill  Rivera  and  Palou  obtained  a  view  of  the  bay  and 
valley  to  the  south-eastward,  but  could  not  see  the 
outlet,  on  account  of  another  hill  intervening.  Decem- 
ber 1st  Rivera  with  four  soldiers  climbed  that  hill  and 
on  his  return  said  he  had  been  very  near  the  outlet, 
which  could  be  conveniently  reached  from  the  camp 
by  following  the  ocean  beach.  Delayed  for  a  few 
days  by  cold,  rainy  weather,  they  started  again  on 
the  fourth,  proceeded  north  over  low  hills  and  across 
canadas,  in  three  of  which  was  running  water,  and 
encamped  before  noon  on  a  stream  which  flowed  into 
a  large  lake  stretching  toward  the  beach,  known  later 
as  Laguna  de  la  Merced. 

Taking  with  him  four  soldiers  and  accompanied 
also  by  Palou,  Rivera  continued  north-westward  over 
hill  arid  vale  into  the  sand  dunes  and  down  to  the 
beach,  at  a  point  near  where  the  Ocean  Side  House 
later  stood.  Thence  he  followed  the  beach,  as  so 
many  thousands  have  done  since  in  conveyances 
somewhat  more  modern  and  elegant  than  those  of 
the  gallant  captain  and  friar,  until  stopped  by  the 


norl 


day's  journey  from  the  end  of  the  peninsula,  and  in  37°  4G'  by  their  own  reck- 
oning. That  they  were  below  Searsville  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  on  starting 
north-west  they  at  first  crossed  a  plain. 


234  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

steep  slope  of  a  lofty  hill,  in  sight  of  some  pointed 
rocks  near  the  shore,  this  being  the  first  visit  to  the 
Seal  Rocks  since  famous,  and  to  the  site  of  the  mod- 
ern 'Cliff.'  They  climbed  the  hill  and  gazed  around 
on  what  was  and  is  still  to  be  seen,  and  described  by 
Palou  as  it  might  be  described  now,  except  in  the 
matter  of  artificial  changes.  A  cross  wa,s  set  up  on 
the  summit,  and  the  explorers  returned  by  the  way 
they  had  come  to  their  camp-on  Lake  Merced  after 
an  absence  of  only  four  hours. 

It  was  now  resolved  to  postpone  the  exploration  of 
the  Rio  de  San  Francisco,  the  San  Joaquin,  until 
after  the  rainy  season,  and  to  return  to  Monterey  by 
the  shore  route  of  1769.  Three  hours'  journey  south- 
ward, over  grassy  hills,  brought  them  on  the  5th  into 
the  old  trail,  by  which,  having  crossed  the  San  Lo- 
renzo and  Pajaro  rivers  on  the  llth,  they  arrived  at 
the  presidio  the  13th  of  December.33  On  the  trip 
Palou  had  found  six  sites  which  he  deemed  suitable 
for  missions.  These  were,  in  the  valley  of  San  Pas- 
cual  near  the  modern  Hollister,  in  the  '  plain  of  the 
great  estuary'  where  the  cross  was  left  on  San  Fran- 
cisquito  Creek,  in  the  vale  of  San  Pedro  Regalado 
and  that  of  San  Pedro  Alcantara  between  Spanish 
Town  and  Pescadero,  on  the  River  San  Lorenzo  at 
Santa  Cruz,  and  on  the  River  Pajaro  at  Watsonville. 
"  God  grant  that  in  my  day  I  may  see  them  occupied 
by  missions,  and  in  them  assembled  all  the  gentiles 
who  inhabit  their  vicinities,  and  that  none  of  the  lat- 
ter die  without  holy  baptism,  to  the  end  that  the 
number  of  the  children  of  God  and  of  his  holy 
church  be  increased,  and  also  of  the  vassals  of  our 

33  The  lack  of  distances  in  this  diary  renders  it  of  little  use  in  fixing  exact 
localities,  although  the  route  is  somewhat  more  fully  described  in  several 
respects  than  in  the  diary  of  the  former  expedition.  The  fact  that  three 
hours'  journey  southward  from  the  head  of  Lake  Merced  brought  Rivera  into 
the  old  trail  confirms  my  former  conclusion — see  chap.  vi. — that  the  first  ex- 
pedition crossed  from  Pt  San  Pedro  rather  than  from  Half  Moon  Bay.  Now 
the  travellers  visited  a  lagoon  in  the  hills  near  the  shore,  about  a  league  above 
Pt  Angel — probably  Laguna  Alta. 


TROUBLE  IN  LOWER  CALIFORNIA.  235 

catholic  monarch,"  adds  the  good  padre  in  closing  his 
journal.34 

When  Palou  left  the  peninsula  in  the  summer  of 
1773,  he  left  Campa  and  Sanchez  at  Loreto  to  attend 
to  the  forwarding  of  certain  cattle  from  the  old  mis- 
sions, which  had  been  assigned  to  the  new  ones,  but 
which  he  had  been  unable  to  obtain  on  account  of  the 
never  ending  excuses  of  Governor  Barri  and  President 
Mora,  who,  however,  had  agreed  to  settle  the  matter 
definitely  in  October  of  the  same  year.  Nothing  being 
done,  excuses  following  excuses,  and  there  being  some 
evidence  that  the  recalcitrant  governor  was  causing 
delay  in  the  hope  of  breaking  up  the  whole  arrange- 
ment by  communications  with  the  viceroy,  Campa 
wrote  Palou  how  he  was  situated,  and  sailed  on  April  5, 
17  74,  for  Mexico  to  consult  the  guardian,  Sanches  start- 
ing about  the  same  time  to  join  Cambon  at  Velicata". 
In  Mexico  Campa  made  but  little  progress.  Some 
cattle  and  horses  purchased  for  the  missions  the 
viceroy  had  already  ordered  to  be  sent  up,  as  they 
were  early  in  1775 ;  but  the  Dominicans  had  convinced 
him,  as  was  probably  true,  that  their  missions  had  no 
cattle  to  spare,  and,  therefore,  stock  for  California 
must  be  sought  elsewhere.35 

At  Velicata"  Cambon  had  been  left  by  Palou  in 
charge  of  vestments  and  other  church  property  col- 
lected from  the  southern  missions  by  the  order  of 
Galvez.  The  quarrel  between  the  Franciscans  and 
Barri,  for  which  the  removal  of  this  property  served 
largely  as  a  motive,  or  at  least  a  pretence,  was  now  at 
its  height.  The  governor  had  taken  advantage  of  the 
fact  that  the  agreement  by  which  the  Franciscans 
had  voluntarily  ceded  the  Lower  California  missions 
was  not  popularly  known,  to  circulate  a  report  that 
his  own  influence  had  forced  the  friars  to  quit  the 

3lHivera  sent  a  diary  of  the  trip  to  the  viceroy  on  Jan.  5,  1775,  as  ap- 
pears from  Bucareli's  acknowledgment  on  May  24th,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
i.  172. 

45 Palou,  Not.,  ii.  156-7,  207-8. 


236  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

country.  He  labored  hard  to  win  over  the  Domini- 
cans to  his  side,  and  was  practically  successful  so  far 
at  least  as  the  president  was  concerned,  and  he  insisted 
that  the  property  in  question  had  been  stolen.  The 
details  and  merits  of  the  general  controversy  need  not 
be  repeated  here.  It  is  evident  enough  that  Barri 
allowed  his  bitterness  toward  the  Franciscans  to  get 
the  better  of  his  judgment,  and  that  he  neglected  no 
opportunity  to  annoy  his  foes. 

From  San  Diego  Palou  sent  back  mules  to  bring  up 
supplies  and  part  of  the  church  property,  but  Barri 
sent  an  order  to  the  officer  in  command  at  Velicatl  to 
load  the  animals  with  corn,  but  by  no  means  to  allow 
the  vestments  to  be  taken,  pretending  that  a  new 
examination  of  the  boxes  was  necessary.  Governor 
and  president  were  now  acting  in  full  accord  and  caus- 
ing delay  by  throwing  the  responsibility  of  every  new 
hinderance  each  upon  the  other.  Mora  claimed  to  have 
full  faith  in  Franciscan  honor,  but  had  consented  to 
the  proposed  search  merely  to  convince  Barri  of  his 
error !  Cambon  was  instructed  to  submit  to  the  search 
if  required,  but  to  insist  on  exact  inventories  and  cer- 
tificates. Thus  things  remained  until  Serra  returned 

O 

from  Mexico  with  a  positive  order  from  the  viceroy 
for  the  removal  of  the  goods,  an  order  which  was  sent 
south  and  reached  Yelicata  July  16,  1774. 

A  correspondence  ensued  between  Cambon  and  the 
military  officer  in  charge,  in  which  the  latter  professed 
to  be  utterly  ignorant  of  any  embargo  on  the  removal 
of  the  property,  and  to  have  received  no  orders  what- 
ever from  Barri  on  the  subject,  although  the  contrary 
was  well  enough  known  to  be  true.  Preparations 
were  made  for  Padre  Sanchez  to  take  the  property 
with  Ortega's  force,  but  a  new  difficulty  arose;  for 
Hidalgo,  the  Dominican  in  charge  of  Velicatd,  had 
positive  orders  from  President  Mora  to  stop  the  goods. 
He  was  in  much  perplexity,  and  begged  for  delay. 
Finally,  however,  after  obtaining  a  certificate  from  the 
commandant  that  he  would  furnish  no  troops  to  pre- 


APPOINTMENT  OF  GOVERNOR  NEVE.  237 

vent  the  removal,  Hidalgo  gave  his  permission,  and  it 
was  found  that  after  all  there  were  only  three  mules 
to  carry  the  vestments,  most  of  which  had  therefore  to 
be  left  behind.  They  were  carried  up,  however,  early 
in  the  next  year  by  Father  Dumetz,  who  came  down 
from  Monterey  with  a  mule  train  for  the  purpose.36 

There  was  now  but  small  opportunity  left  for  quar- 
rels between  Barri  and  the  Franciscans,  but  it  seems 
there  were  also  dissensions  with  the  Dominicans.  It 
was  evident  to  the  viceroy,  that  only  harmonious 
relations  between  the  political  and  missionary  author- 
ities could  ensure  the  prosperity  of  the  peninsula,  and 
that  under  Barri's  rule  such  relations  could  not  be 
maintained.  Bucareli,  therefore,  decided,  as  he  had 
done  before  in  the  case  of  Fages,  without  committing 
himself  decidedly  respecting  the  points  at  issue,  to 
appoint  a  new  governor,  as  in  fact  Barri  had  several 
times  asked  him  to  do.  His  choice  of  "a  person 
endowed  with  wisdom  and  love  for  the  service  to 
establish,  maintain,  arid  firmly  implant  good  order," 
fell  upon  Felipe  de  Neve,  major  of  the  Queretaro 
regiment  of  provincial  cavalry.3'  He  was  summoned 
to  Mexico  and  received  his  instructions  September 

56Palou,  Net.,  ii.  158-205.  With  the  first  collection  of  vestments  there 
went  up  to  Rivera  a  letter  from  Gov.  Barri,  simply  stating  that  application 
for  the  property,  in  order  to  prevent  delays,  should  have  been  made  to  Presi- 
dent Mora  rather  than  himself,  and  the  same  mail  carried  a  letter  from  Mora 
with  the  assurance  that  all  the  blame  for  delays  belonged  exclusively  to  Barri ! 
Palou  adds  a  short  'reflexion'  making  excuses,  as  was  his  duty,  for  all  con- 
cerned. Mora  probably  was  accused  of  complicity  in  robbing  the  missions, 
and  favored  a  search  in  order  to  vindicate  his  own  honor  and  that  of  the 
Franciscans.  The  viceroy  consented  from  the  same  motives  and  to  avoid 
litigation,  and  Gov.  Barri's  charges  and  actions  were,  perhaps,  from  '  excess 
of  zeal'  to  protect  the  missions  of  Baja  California.  It  would  seem  that  there 
was  also  a  quarrel  between  Barri  and  Rivera  arising  in  some  way  from  the 
opening  by  the  commandant  of  a  despatch  addressed  to  the  governor.  Ortega 
in  letters  of  July  18th  and  Oct.  3d—Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.  i.  148-9,  155— advises 
Rivei-a  that  the  governor  is  hostile  and  disposed  to  wrangle  about  superiority; 
that  he  had  been  taking  testimony;  and  that  it  was  only  President  Mora's 
efforts  which  had  prevented  Rivera's  arrest  on  arrival  at  Loreto. 

37  The  only  item  of  information  that  I  have  found  respecting  Neve  before 
he  came  to  California,  is  the  fact  that  when  his  regiment  was  formed  in  17G6 
he  was  sent  to  raise  a  squadron  in  Michoacan;  but  both  at  Valladolid  and 
Patzcuaro  the  people  resisted  the  draft,  liberated  several  recruits  by  force, 
wounded  a  sergeant,  and  forced  Neve  to  return.  Rivera,  Gob.  de  Alex  ,  i 
407-S. 


238  RECORD  OF  EVENTS. 

30th  from  the  viceroy.  These  instructions  were  similar 
in  their  general  purport  to  those  before  issued  to  Rivera 
and  already  noticed.  The  only  points  relating  to  Upper 
California  were  those  defining  the  official  relations 
between  Neve  and  Rivera,  requiring  special  attention 
to  the  forwarding  of  despatches  from  the  north  and 
keeping  open  the  routes  of  communication,  and  the 
forwarding  of  the  church  property  at  Yelicatd.  The 
commander  of  Monterey  was  only  nominally  subordi- 
nate to  the  governor,  being  required  to  maintain  har- 
monious relations  with  that  official,  and  to  report  in 
full  to  him  as  he  did  to  the  viceroy,  but  not  in  any 
sense  to  obey  his  orders.  Bucareli  was  careful  to  avoid 
future  dissensions  by  causing  Neve  to  understand 
Rivera's  practical  independence.28  Neve's  appointment 
may  be  said  to  have  begun  with  the  date  of  his 
instructions  on  September  30th;  but  his  final  orders 
were  received  October  28th89  and  he  started  from  Mex- 
ico the  next  day,  although  he  did  not  reach  Loreto 
and  assume  command  until  March  4th  of  the  follow- 
ing year.40  Of  Barri  after  he  left  Loreto  March  26, 
1 775,  nothing  is  recorded.  His  term  of  office  had  been 
from  March  1771  to  March  1775,  but  he  had  exerted, 
as  we  have  seen,  no  practical  authority  over  Alta 
California. 

Serra's  second  annual  report  for  the  year  1774, 
completed  in  February  of  the  following  year,  is  almost 
entirely  statistical  in  its  nature,  containing  in  addition 
to  figures  of  agriculture,  stock-raising,  mission  build- 
ings, baptisms,  marriages,  and  deaths,  long  lists  of 
church  ornaments,  agricultural  implements,  and  other 
property.  The  year  would  seem  to  have  been  fairly 
prosperous,  with  no  disasters.  At  San  Diego  the  mis- 
sion had  been  moved  to  a  new  site  and  new  buildings 
had  been  erected  at  least  equal  to  the  old  ones.  It  was 
proposed  to  move  San. Gabriel  also  for  a  short  distance, 

*slJucareli,  Instrucciones  al  Gobernador  de  Calif ornias,  30  de  Septiembre 
1774,  MS. 

39 Pro?;.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  191;  Id.  xxii.  2. 
*Prov.  lice.,  MS.,  i.  1. 


STATISTICS.  239 

and  for  that  reason  but  very  slight  additions  had 
been  made  to  the  buildings.  At  the  other  missions 
many  small  structures  had  been  put  up  for  various 
uses.  At  San  Luis  Obispo  a  new  church  of  adobes, 
eight  by  twenty  varas,  but  as  yet  without  a  roof,  was 
the  most  prominent  improvement.  At  San  Antonio 
an  adobe  storehouse  had  been  built,  a  bookcase  made 
for  a  library,  and  an  irrigating  ditch  dug  for  about  a 
league.  San  Carlos  had  seven  or  ei^ht  new  houses 

o  c? 

of  adobe  and  palisades,  besides  an  oven. 

Agricultural  operations  had  been  successful,  and 
the  grain  product  had  exceeded  a  thousand  fanegas, 
the  seed  having  yielded  forty  fold.  San  Gabriel  took 
the  lead,  close  followed  by  San  Cdrlos.  Sari  Luis 
raised  the  most  wheat,  while  sterile  San  Diego  showed 
a  total  return  of  only  thirty  fanegas  of  wheat.  No- 
where was  there  a  total  failure  of  any  crop.  In  the 
matter  of  live-stock,  horned  cattle  had  increased  from 
205  to  304;  horses  from  G7  to  100;  mules  from  77 
to  85;  sheep  from  94  to  170;  goats  from  67  to  95; 
swine  from  102  to  131;  while  asses  remained  only  4. 
The  mission  records  showed  a  total  of  833  baptisms, 
124  marriages,  74  deaths,  and  an  existing  neophyte 
population  of  7£9;  or  for  the  year  a  gain  of  342  bap- 
tisms, G2  marriages,  45  deaths,  and  297  in  population. 
San  Carlos  was  yet  at  the  head  with  244  neophytes, 
and  San  Diego  came  in  last  with  97.41 

o 

41  Serra,  Informs  de  los  Auymcntos  qua  han  tenido  con  tcdo  el  ano  de  1774  fas 
cine?)  mixtoiics  del  Coler/lo  A/;ostdlico  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  San  Fernando  de 
Mexico  de  dfdcn  de  N.  P.  S.  Francisco  y  del  estado  actual  en  que  se  liaUan 
a  ultimo*  de  Diciembre  del  ano  de  1774,  MS.  The  report  was  dated  San 
Carlos,  Feb.  5,  1775. 


CHAPTER  XL 

NORTHERN  EXPLORATION  AND  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

1775. 

A  CALIFORNIA-BOUND  FLEET — FRANCISCAN  CHAPLAINS — VOYAGE  OF  QUIROS 
IN  THE  *SAN  ANTONIO' — VOYAGE  OF  AYALA  IN  THE  *SAN  CARLOS' — 
VOYAGE  OF  HECETA  AND  BODEGA  Y  CITADRA  TO  THE  NORTHERN 
COASTS — DISCOVERY  OF  TRINIDAD  BAY — DISCOVERY  OF  BODEGA  BAY — 
DEATH  OF  JUAN  PEREZ — EXPLORATION  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY  BY 
AYALA — TRIP  OF  HECETA  'AND  PALOU  TO  SAN  FRANCISCO  BY  LAND — 
PREPARATIONS  FOR  NEW  MISSIONS — ATTEMPTED  FOUNDING  OF  SAN 
JUAN  CAPISTRANO — MIDNIGHT  DESTRUCTION  OF  SAN  DIEGO  MISSION  - 
MARTYRDOM  OF  PADRE  JAUME — A  NIGHT  OF  TERROR — ALARM  AT  SAN 
ANTONIO. 

A  FLEET  of  four  vessels  was  despatched  from  San 
Bias  in  the  spring  of  1775,  all  bound  for  Californian 
or  yet  more  northern  waters.  The  king  had  sent  out 
recently  from  Spain  six  regular  naval  officers,  one  of 
whom  was  to  remain  at  San  Bias  as  commandant, 
while  the  rest  were  to  assume  charge  of  the  vessels. 
The  viceroy  was  to  supply  chaplains,  and,  no  clergy- 
men being  immediately  accessible,  he  called  upon  the 
college  of  San  Fernando  to  furnish  friars  for  the  duty, 
on  the  plea  that  all  was  intended  to  advance  the  work 
of  converting  heathen,  a  plea  which  the  guardian 
could  not  disregard,  and  he  detailed  four  Franciscans 
for  the  new  service  temporarily,  though  it  was  foreign 
to  the  work  of  the  order.1 

1  The  friar  chaplains  were  Campa,  Usson,  Santa  Maria,  and  Sierra.  Life 
on  the  ocean  wave  had  no  charms  for  them,  and  on  return  from  the  first 
voyage  they  asked  permission  to  quit  the  service  and  to  resume  their  legiti- 
mate work  as  missionaries.  The  first  two  were  successful,  but  the  others  had 
to  ' sacrifice  themselves '  again,  and  Jose"  Nocedal  was  sent  also  as  a  companion. 
The  only  consolation  of  each  was  the  hope  of  being  able  to  take  the  place  of 
some  retiring  friar  in  California.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  21G-17,  257-8. 

(240) 


A  NORTHERN  FLEET.  241 

All  sailed  from  San  Bias  on  the  same  day,  the  1 6th 
of  March.2  The  San  Antonio  was  under  Lieutenant 
Fernando  Quiros,  and  her  chaplain  was  Ramon  Usson. 
She  was  laden  with  supplies  for  San  Diego  and  San 
Gabriel.  Quiros'  voyage  was  a  prosperous  one,  and 
having  landed  the  cargo  at  San  Diego  he  was  back  at 
San  Bias  by  the  middle  of  June.  The  other  trans- 
port, the  San  Carlos,  bearing  the  supplies  for  Monte- 
rey and  the  northern  missions,  set  sail  under  the 
command  of  Miguel  Manrique,  but  was  hardly  out  of 
sight  of  land  when  he  went  mad  and  Lieutenant  Juan 
Bautista  de  Ayala  took  his  place,  Vicente  Santa  Maria 
serving  as  chaplain.  Her  trip,  though  longer  from 
adverse  winds,  was  not  less  uneventful  and  prosperous 
than  that  of  the  San  Antonio.  Anchoring  at  Monte- 
rey June  27th,  she  discharged  her  cargo,  and  after 
having  made  an  exploration  of  San  Francisco  Bay, 
for  which  Ayala  had  orders,  and  of  which  I  shall 
have  more  to  say  presently,  the  Golden  Fleece  set  out 
on  her  return  the  llih  of  October.3 

The  other  vessels  were  the  ship  Santiago,  under 
Captain  Bruno  Heceta,  with  Juan  Perez  and  Chris- 
tobal  Revilla  as  master  and  mate,  and  with  Miguel 
de  la  Campa  and  Benito  Sierra  as  chaplains;  and  the 
schooner  Sonora  alias  Felicidad,  commanded  after 
Ayala's  removal  by  Lieutenant  Juan  Francisco  de 
Bodega  y  Cuadra,  with  Antonio  Maurelle  as  sailing- 
master.4  The  full  crew  was  one  hundred  and  six 
men,  and  the  supply  of  provisions  was  deemed  suffi- 

2  Some  authorities  say  the  15th,  and  Palou,  probably  by  a  misprint,  has  it 
the  2Gth. 

3  I\Iay  5th,  Ortega  writes  from  San  "Diego  to  Rivera  that  the  San  Cdrlos 
was  stranded  in  leaving  San  Bias,  and  that  the  cargo  will  probably  be  trans- 
ferred to  the  tiantiayo.     This  idea  probably  came  from  some  rumor  brought 
by  the  San  Antonio}  respecting  the  delay  occasioned  by  Manrique's  madness. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  162. 

4  Heceta,  Quir6s,  and  Manrique  were  tenientes  de  navio,  or  lieutenants  in 
the  royal  navy,  the  former   being   acting  captain   and    comandante  of  the 
expedition.     Ayala  and  Bodega  were  tenientes  defrayata,  a  rank  lower  than 
the  preceding  and  obsolete  in  modern  times  save  as  an  honorary  title  in  the 
merchant  marine.     Perez  and  Maurelle  held  the  rank  of  alfcrcz  de  fragata, 
still  lower  than  the  preceding,  besides  being,  as  was  Revilla,  pilotoa,  or  sail- 
ing-masters. 

HIST   CAL.,  VOL.  I    16 


242        NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

cient  for  a  year's  cruise.  Sailing  from  San  Bias 
March  16th,  the  schooner  being  towed  by  the  ship, 
they  lost  sight  of  the  San  Carlos  in  a  week,  and  were 
kept  back  by  contrary  winds  at  first,  only  beginning 
to  make  progress  northward  early  in  April.  May 
21st  they  were  in  nearly  the  latitude  of  Monterey, 
but  it  was  decided  in  council  not  to  enter  that  port, 
since  the  chief  aim  of  the  expedition  was  exploration, 
and  it  was  hoped  to  get  water  at  the  river  supposed 
to  have  been  discovered  by  Aguilar,  in  latitude  42°  or 
43°. 

On  the  7th  of  June,  in  latitude  42°  as  their  ob- 
servations made  it,  the  vessels  drew  near  the  shore, 
which  they  followed  southward  to  41°  6',5  and  found 
on  the  9th  a  good  anchorage  protected  by  a  lofty 
headland  from  the  prevalent  north-west  winds.  Two 
days  later  they  landed  and  took  formal  possession  of 
the  country  with  all  the  prescribed  ceremonial,  includ- 
ing the  unfurling  of  the  Spanish  flag,  a  military  salute, 
raising  the  cross,  and  a  mass  by  Father  Campa. 
From  the  day  the  name  of  Trinidad  was  given  to  the 
port,  which  still  retains  it,  and  the  stream  since  known 
as  Little  River  was  named  Principio.  The  natives 
were  numerc  us  and  friendly,  and  by  no  means  timid. 
They  were  ruite  ready  to  embrace  the  padres;  they 
did  not  hesitate  to  put  their  hands  in  the  dishes;  and 
they  were  e\  irious  to  know  if  the  strangers  were  men 
like  themselves,  having  noted  an  apparent  indifference 
to  the  charms  of  the  native  women.  More  than  a 
week  was  spent  here,  during  which  some  explorations 
were  made,  water  and  wood  were  obtained,  and  the 
disposition  and  habits  of  the  natives  studied.  One 
'  sailor  was  lost  by  desertion,  and  a  new  top-mast  was 
made  for  the  Santiago.  Finally,  on  the  19th,  the 
navigators  embarked  and  left  the  port  of  Trinidad 
with  its  pine-clad  hills,  and,  much  to  the  sorrow  of 
the  savages,  bore  away  northward,  in  which  direction 

6  41°  8',  41°  18',  41°  7',  and  41°  9'  are  given  by  different  authorities.     The 
true  latitude  is  about  41°  4'. 


EXPEDITION  OF  HECETA  AND  CUADRA.  243 

no  more  landings  or  observations  were  made  on  Cali- 
fornian  territory. 

The  explorations  of  Heceta  and  Bodega  in  northern 
waters  receive  due  attention  in  another  volume  of  this 
series.  The  ship  and  schooner,  the  latter  no  longer 
in  tow,  kept  together  till  the  end  of  July,  when  they 
parted  in  rough  weather.  Heceta  in  the  Santiago 
kept  on  to  latitude  49°,  whence  on  August  llth  he 
decided  to  return,  many  of  his  crew  being  down  with 
the  scurvy.  He  kept  near  the  shore  and  made  close 
observations  down  to  42°  30';  but  on  reentering  Cali- 
fornia waters  on  the  21st,  the  weather  being  cloudy, 
little  was  learned  of  the  coast.  Passing  Cape  Mendo- 
cino  during  the  night  of  the  25th,  the  commander 
wished  to  enter  San  Francisco, but  a  dense  fog  rendered 
it  unsafe  to  make  the  attempt,  though  he  sighted  the 
Farallones,  and  the  29th  anchor  was  cast  in  the 
port  of  Monterey.  Now  were  landed  some  mission 
and  presidio  supplies  which  had  come  to  California  by 
a  roundabout  way. 

The  schooner  Sonora,  after  parting  from  her  capi- 
tana,  kept  on  up  to  about  58°,  and  then  turning  fol- 
lowed the  coast  down  to  Bodega  Bay,  so  named  at  this 
time  in  honor  of  Bodega  y  Cuadra,6  though  there  was 
much  doubt  among  the  officials  at  first  whether  it 
were  not  really  San  Francisco.  They  anchored  Octo- 
ber 3d,  and  without  landing  held  friendly  intercourse 
with  the  natives,  who  came  out  to  them  on  rafts. 
The  harbor  seemed  at  first  glance  a  good  one,  and 
as  in  the  part  since  called  Tomales  Bay  it  extended 
far  inland,  apparently  receiving  a  large  river  at  its 
head,  it  seemed  likely  to  have  some  connection  with 
the  great  bahia  redonda,  San  Pablo  Bay,  which  had 
been  discovered  to  the  south.  Next  day,  however,  a 
sudden  gale  proved  the  harbor  unsafe,  breaking  a  boat, 
which  prevented  proposed  soundings.  Narrowly  escap- 

6  Many  suppose  the  name  to  have  come  from  the  fact  that  the  Russians  in 
later  times  had  their  cellars — in  Spanish,  bodegas — here.  Strangely  enough 
ex-governor  Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  8,  10,  takes  this  view  of  it,  and  also 
derives  the  name  Farallones  from  Cabrillo's  pilot  Ferrelo ! 


244       NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

ing  wreck  in  leaving  the  bay,  the  Sonora  headed 
southward;  the  Farallones  were  sighted  on  the  5th, 
and  on  the  7th  Cuadra  anchored  at  Monterey,  to  the 
great  joy  of  his  former  companions  who  had  given 
the  schooner  up  for  lost.  Nearly  all  were  down  with 
the  scurvy,  but  they  rapidly  recovered  under  the 
kindly  care  of  the  missionaries  and  the  good-will  of 
Our  Lady  of  Bethlehem,  to  whose  image  in  the  mis- 
sion church  of  San  Cdrlos  the  whole  crew  tendered  a 
solemn  mass  of  intercession  a  week  after  their  arrival. 
The  return  voyage  from  Monterey  to  San  Bias  lasted 
from  the  1st  to  the  20th  of  November.7  Juan  Perez, 
who  had  been  the  first  in  these  later  expeditions  to 
entei;  both  Monterey  and  San  Diego  from  the  sea, 
died  the  second  day  out  from  port,  and  funeral  honors 
were  paid  to  his  memory  a  year  later  when  the  news 
came  back  to  San  Cdrlos. 

At  the  $nd  of  1774  the  viceroy  writes  both  Rivera 
and  Serra,  of  his  intention  to  establish  a  new  presidio 
of  twenty- eight  men  at  San  Francisco,  under  a  lieu- 
tenant and  a  sergeant.  This  establishment  will  serve 
as  a  base  of  operations  for  a  further  extension  of 
Spanish  and  Christian  power,  and  under  its  protection 
two  new  missions  are  to  be  founded  at  once,  for  which 
Serra  is  requested  to  name  ministers.  It  is  announced 
that  Anza  will  recruit  the  soldiers  in  Sonora  and  Sin- 
aloa  and  bring  them  with  their  families,  to  the  number 
of  one  hundred  persons  or  so,  by  the  overland  route 
explored  by  himself  the  same  year,  coming  in  person 
to  superintend  the  ceremonies.  The  comisario  at  San 

7  The  authorities  for  these  voyages,  for  particulars  of  which  in  the  north 
see  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  158  et  seq.,  are  Heceta,  Viaje  de  1775 ;  Diario  de  la 
Santiago,  MS. ;  Bodega  y  Cuadra,  Viage  de  1775;  Diario  de  la  Sonora,  MS. ; 
Maurelle,  Diario  del  Viage  de  la  Sonora  1775,  MS.  (with  Keftexiones,  tablas, 
etc.);  Bodega  y  Cuadra,  Comentodela Navegnciony  Descubrimientol775,  MS.; 
Heceta,  Seyunda  Exploration  de  la  costa  Septentrional  de  California  1775, 
MS. ;  Heccta,  Expedition  maritima  ha*ta  el  grado  cincuenta  y  ochode  las  costas 
del  Mar  Padfico,  in  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  219-57 ;  Maurelle,  Journal  of  a  Voyage  in 
1775 ;  Palou,  Vida,  162-5;  Navarrete,  in  Sutil  y  Mex.,  Viage,  xciii.-ix.; 
Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  107-9;  Greenhow'a  Or.  and  Gal.,  117-20;  Forster's  Hist. 
Voy.,  455-8. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  BAY.  ;  245 

Bias  has  orders  to  send  by  the  next  year's  transports 
supplies  sufficient  for  the  new  colony,  and  the  com- 
mander of  the  vessel  which  brought  these  letters  is 
instructed  to  make  a  preliminary  survey  of  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay.8  Details  are  left  to  the  well  known  dis- 
cretion and  zeal  of  the  commandant  and  president, 
who  are  directed  to  report  minutely  and  promptly  on 
all  that  is  done.  The  substance  of  these  communica- 
tions is  duplicated  in  others  written  at  the  beginning 
of  1775  ;9  one  set  and  perhaps  both  reaching  Monterey 
the  27th  of  June  by  the  San  Carlos. 

Jjieutenant  Ayala,  as  I  have  said,  has  orders  to  ex- 
plore San  Francisco  by  water.  His  instructions  refer 
more  directly  to  the  new  bay  than  to  the  original  San 
Francisco.  As  is  natural  in  the  case  of  two  bodies  of 
water  so  near  together  and  probably  connected,  there 
is  no  further  effort  in  Mexico  to  distinguish  one  from 
the  other,  the  lately  discovered  grandeur  of  the  new 
absorbing  the  traditional  glories  of  the  old.  For  a 
time  the  friars  and  others  in  California  show  a  feeble 
tendency  to  keep  up  the  old  distinction,  but  it  is  prac- 
tically at  an  end.  From  1775  the  newly  found  and 
grand  bay  bears  the  name  San  Francisco  which  has 
before  belonged  to  the  little  harbor  under  Point 
Reyes.  Ayala's  mission  is  to  ascertain  if  the  mouth 
seen  by  Fages  three  years  before  from  the  opposite 
shore  is  indeed  a  navigable  entrance,  and  also  to  learn 
by  examination  if  the  bay  is  a  'port,'  or  if  it  contains 
a  port.  He  is  also  to  search  for  a  strait  connecting 
the  bay  with  the  San  Francisco  of  old.  Rivera  is  to 
cooperate  by  means  of  a  land  expedition,  and  the  two 
are  to  make  all  possible  preparations  for  the  recep- 
tion of  Anza's  force  soon  to  be  on  its  way.  Rivera 
cannot  send  his  party  till  his  men  return  from  the 

8  Letters  dated  December  15,  1774.    Of  that  to  Serra  I  have  the  original, 
partly  in  the  handwriting  of  Bucareli  himself.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  49-56; 
Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  i.  119-22;  Prov.  St.  Pap.  Ben.  Miscd.,  MS.,  ii. 
20-5. 

9  Letters  dated  January  2,  1775.     Original  addressed  to  P.  Serra,  in  Doc. 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  25-7.     See  also  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  166-7;  Id.,  xxii.  3. 


246        NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

south,  whither  they  have  gone  to  escort  Dumetz  to 
Velicata"  and  back  in  quest  of  church  property. 
Father  Junipero  names  Cambon  and  Palou  for  the 
proposed  mission,  and  Ayala  busies  himself  in  con- 
structing a  cayuco,  or  'dugout/  from  the  trunk  of  a 
redwood  on  the  River  Carmelo,  a  beginning  in  a  small 
way  of  ship-building  on  the  Californian  coast. 

Ayala,  with  his  two  pilotos,  Jose  Canizares  and 
Juan  Bautista  Aguirre,  and  his  chaplain  Santa  Maria, 
sail  from  Monterey,  probably  on  the  2££h  of  July,10  be- 
ginning with  the  voyage  a  novena  to  Saint  Francis,  at 
the  termination  of  which  on  the  1st  of  Augusy  just  at 
night  the  San  Carlos  is  off  the  entrance  to  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay.  The  boat  is  sent  in  first,  and  as  she  does 
not  immediately  return,  the  paquebot  follows  in  the 
darkness,  and  anchors  without  difficulty  in  the  vicinity 
of  what  is  now  North  Beach.  Next  morning  she 
joins  the  boat  and  both  cross  over  to  the  Isla  de 
Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Angeles,  so  named  as  I  sup- 
pose from  the  day,  August  2d,  and  still  known  as 
Angel  Island.11  There  they  find  good  anchorage, 
with  plenty  of  wood  and  water.  Ayala  remains  at 
anchor  in  the  bay  for  over  forty  days,  making  careful 
surveys  and  waiting  for  the  land  expedition,  which 
does  not  make  its  appearance.  It  is  unfortunate  that 
neither  the  map  nor  diary  of  this  earliest  survey  is 
extant.  Canizares  is  sent  in  the  boat  to  explore  the 
northern  branch,  the  '  round  bay,'  now  called  San 
Pablo,  going  up  to  fresh-water  rivers,12  and  bartering 
beads  for  fish  with  many  friendly  natives.  Aguirre 
makes  a  similar  reconnoissance  in  the  southern  branch 

10 Palou,  Not.,  ii.  218,  248-9;  Vida,  201-3,  the  only  authority  extant,  says 
July  27th,  but  this  I  think  is  a  misprint,  since  it  would  not  allow  the  anchor- 
age at  Angel  Island  August  2d. 

11  The  fact  that  it  is  called  'la  isla  que  estd,  en  frente  de  la  boca'  would, 
agree  better  with  Alcatraz,  but  Font,  Journal,  MS.,  a  little  later  mentions 
another  island  agreeing  with  Alcatraz,  removing  all  doubt. 

12  As  nothing  is  said  of  the  bodies  of  water  corresponding  to  Suisun  Bay  and 
Carq  nines  S trait,  it  would  seem  likely  that  the  rivers  were  Petaluma,  Sonoma, 
or  Napa  creeks,  and  not  the  San  Joaquin  and  Sacramento;  but  in  his  Vida, 
203,  Palou  says  they  noted  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  San  Francisco  formed 
by  five  other  big  rivers. 


AY  ALA  AND  AGUTRRE  IN  THE  BAY.  247 

of  the  bay,  noting  several  indentations  with  good 
anchorage ;  but  he  encounters  only  three  natives,  who 
are  weeping  on  the  shore  of  what  is  now  Mission 
Bay,  called  from  that  circumstance  Ensenada  de  los 
Llorones.  Santa  Maria  and  the  officers  land  several 
times  on  the  northern  shore  toward  Point  Reyes, 
visiting  there  a  hospitable  rancheria.  The  conclusion 
reached  is  that  San  Francisco  is  indeed  a  port,  and 
one  of  the  best  possessed  by  Spain,  "  not  merely  one 
port,  but  many  with  a  single  entrance."  There  is  an 
aboriginal  tradition  that  the  bay  was  once  an  oak 
grove  with  a  river  flowing  through  it,  and  the  Span- 
iards think  they  find  some  support  for  the  theory  in 
the  shape  of  oak  roots  there  found.13  On  the  22d  of 
September  the  San  Carlos  is  back  at  Monterey. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Santiago  has  arrived  from  the 
north,  and  Heceta,  who  had  been  unable  by  reason  of 
fogs  to  enter  San  Francisco  by  water,  resolves  to  make 
the  attempt  by  land.  He  obtains  nine  soldiers,  three 
sailors,  and  a  carpenter,  places  on  a  mule  a  canoe  pur- 
chased from  the  northern  Indians,  and  with  Palou  and 
Cam  pa  sets  out  the  14th  of  September.  Following 
Rivera's  route  of  the  preceding  year  the  party  arrive 
on  the  22d  at  the  sea-shore,  and  find  on  the  beach 
below  the  cliff  Ayala's  canoe  wrecked.  This  first  prod- 
uct of  home  ship-building,  after  fulfilling  its  destiny 
in  the  first  survey  of  California's  chief  harbor,  had 
broken  loose  from  its  moorings  and  floated  out  with 
the  tide  to  meet  its  fate  where  more  pretentious  craft 
have  since  stranded. 

On  the  hill-top,  at  the  foot  of  the  old  cross,  are  found 
letters  from  Santa  Maria  directing  the  land  party  to 
go  about  a  league  inland,  and  light  a  fire  on  the  beach 
to  attract  the  notice  of  the  San  Carlos  anchored  at 
Angel  Island.  Heceta  does  so,  but  finds  no  vessel, 
and  returns  to  encamp  on  Lake  Merced,  so  named 
from  the  day,  September  24th,  on  which  he  left  it. 
Next  day  he  returns  to  North  Beach,  but  finds  no 

™Arch.  Santa  Bdrbara,  MS.,  iv.  153. 


248        NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

ship;  and,  supposing  correctly  that  she  has  left  the 
bay,  departs  on  the  24th  for  Monterey,  where  he 
arrives  the  1st  of  October.14  Thus  no  buildings  are 
yet  erected  for  Anza's  expected  force. 

Before  receiving  the  viceroy's  instructions  regarding 
San  Francisco,  Serra  had  desired  to  found  some  new 
missions  under  the  regulations  of  1773;  that  is,  by 
diminishing  the  old  guards  and  taking  a  few  soldiers 
from  the  presidio.  But  Rivera  declared  that  no  sol- 
diers could  be  spared,  and  the  president  had  to  content 
himself  with  writing  to  the  guardian  and  asking  that 
officer  to  intercede  with  the  viceroy  for  twenty  men. 
Had  he  known  of  the  force  already  assigned  to  the 
new  presidio,  it  is  doubtful  if  even  he  would  have  had 
the  effrontery  to  ask  so  soon  for  a  reenforcemcnt. 
The  guardian,  unable  to  get  the  soldiers,  asked  per- 
mission to  retire  the  supernumerary  padres,  which  was 
granted  at  first  but  immediately  countermanded;  and 
Bucareli  wrote  to  both  Serra  and  Rivera,  authorizing 
the  former  and  instructing  the  latter,  in  view  of 
Anza's  expected  arrival,  to  establish  two  or  three  new 
missions  on  the  old  plan,  depending  on  future  arrange- 
ments for  additional  guards.15 

The  viceroy's  letter  just  alluded  to  reached  Mon- 
terey on  the  10th  of  August.  At  a  consultation  held 
two  clays  later  it  was  resolved  to  establish  at  once  a 
mission  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  between  San  Diego 
and  San  Gabriel,  under  Fermin  Francisco  de  Lasuen 
and  Gregorio-  Amurrio,  with  a  guard  of  six  men,  four 
from  the  presidial  force  and  two  from  the  missions  of 
San  Carlos  and  San  Diego.16  The  friars  from  Mon- 
terey and  San  Luis,  where  they  had  been  waiting, 
went  down  to  San  Gabriel  in  August,  Lasuen  con- 
tinuing his  journey  to  San  Diego,  whence  he  accom- 

uPalou,  Not.,  ii.  243-8. 

15Pa/ow,  Not.,  ii.  259-61;  Bucareli  to  Rivera,  May  24,  1775,  in  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  174-5. 

16  Rivera  announced  this  to  the  viceroy  in  a  letter  of  Aug.  22d.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  191-2.  Gov.  Neve  notified  the  viceroy  of  the  padre's  appoint- 
ment, on  Dec.  10th.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  15G-7. 


TROUBLE  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  249 

panied  Ortega  to  explore  a  site  for  the  new  mission. 
This  done,  Lasuen  returned  from  San  Diego  with 
Ortega,  a  sergeant,  and  twelve  soldiers,  sending  word 
to  Amurrio  to  come  down  from  San  Gabriel  with  the 
cattle  and  other  church  property.  Lasuen  formally 
began  the  mission  on  the  30th  of  October.17  The 
natives  were  well  disposed,  work  on  the  buildings  was 
progressing.  Father  Amurrio  soon  arrived,  and  pros- 
pects were  deemed  favorable,  when  on  the  7th  of 
November  the  lieutenant  was  suddenly  called  away 
by  tidings  of  a  disaster  at  San  Diego.  By  his  ad- 
vice the  new  mission  was  abandoned,  the  bells  were 
buried,  and  the  whole  company  set  out  for  the  pre- 
sidio.13 

Of  affairs  at  San  Diego,  before  the  event  that 
called  the  company  back  from  San  Juan,  we  have  no 
record,  save  a  few  letters  of  Ortega  to  the  command- 
ant, relating  for  the  most  part  to  trivial  details  of 
official  routine.  There  is  some  complaint  of  lack 
of  arms  and  servants  in  the  presidio.  Several  mule 
trains  arrive  and  depart ;  there  are  hostile  savages  on 
the  frontier;  the  lieutenant  is  sorry  because  Rivera 
wishes  to  leave,  doubts  if  he  can  obtain  permission  to 
resign,  which  is  the  first  we  know  of  any  such  inten- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  commandant.19 

At  the  new  mission,  six  miles  up  the  valley,  pros- 
pects are  bright.  New  buildings  have  been  erected,  a 
well  dug,  and  more  land  made  ready  for  sowing.  On 
the  3d  of  October  sixty  new  converts  are  baptized. 
Then  comes  a  change.  On  the  night  of  November 
4th  the  mission  company,  eleven  persons  of  Spanish 

17  So  says  Palou  ;  but  Ortega,  in  a  letter  to  Anza  dated  Nov.  30th,  says  it 
was  Oct.  19th.  Arch.  Gal  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  i.  2,  3. 

18  Thus  Anza  on  his  arrival  Jan.  8,  1776,  found  the  site  and  unfinished 
buildings  unoccupied.  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  90. 

19  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  142-7,  163-G;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  144-5.    In  one 
of  his  letters  Ortega  speaks  of  the  landing-place  of  goods  for  the  presidio  as 
being  at  least  two  leagues  distant.     It  would  be  interesting  to  know  just 
where  this  landing  was  and  what  was  the  necessity  of  landing  goods  so  far 
off.     In  fact  without  crossing  to  the  peninsula  it  would  seem  impossible  to 
find  a  spot  so  far  away. 


250        NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

blood,  retire  to  rest  in  fancied  security.  A  little  after 
midnight  they  awake  to  find  the  buildings  in  flames 
and  invested  by  a  horde  of  yelling  savages.  The  two 
ministers,  Luis  Jaume  and  Vicente  Fuster,  with  two 
boys,  a  son  and  a  nephew  of  Ortega,20  rush  out  at  the 
first  alarm.  Jaume  turns  toward  the  savages  with  his 
usual  salutation  Amad  d  Dios,  hijos,  '  Love  God,  my 
children/  Thereupon  he  is  lost  sight  of  by  Fuster, 
who  with  the  young  Ortegas  succeeds  in  joining  the 
soldiers  at  their  barracks. 

Two  blacksmiths,  Jose  Manuel  Arroyo  and  Felipe 
Romero,  the  former  being  on  a  visit  from  the  presidio,21 
were  sleeping  in  the  smithy.  Arroyo  is  the  first  to  be 
roused,  and  though  ill  he  seizes  a  sword  and  rushes 
forth.  Receiving  two  arrows  in  his  body  he  staggers 
back  into  the  shop  to  rouse  his  companion,  and  falls 
dead.  Romero,  awakened  by  the  cry,  "  Companero, 
they  have  killed  me!"  springs  from  his  bed,  seizes  a 
musket,  and  from  behind  his  bellows  as  a  barricade 
kills  one  of  the  assailants  at  the  first  shot.  Then, 
taking  advantage  of  the  confusion  which  follows,  he 
escapes  and  joins  the  soldiers.  The  carpenter,  Jose 
Urselino,  was  in  the  barracks  and  at  once  joins  the 
soldiers;  but  in  doing  this,  or  immediately  after,  he 
receives  two  arrow  wounds  which  some  days  later 
prove  fatal. 

The  mission  guard  consisting  of  three  soldiers, 
Alejo  Antonio  Gonzalez,  Juan  Alvarez,  and  Joaquin 
Armenta,22 under  Corporal  Juan  Estevan  Rocha,  in  the 
absence  of  a  sentinel  are  aroused  from  their  slumber 
by  the  flames,  and  by  the  yells  of  the  assailants. 

20  These  were  not  the  Juan  and  Jose"  Maria  of  the  list  given  at  the  end  of 
this  volume.     Their  age  at  this  time  is  not  stated.    The  records  are  strangely 
silent  about  these  boys  during  the  rest  of  this  eventful  night. 

21  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  264-71,  and  Vida,  176-87,  one  of  the  leading  authorities 
on  this  affair,  erroneously  speaks  of  the  three  mechanics  as  two  carpenters 
and  one  smith,  one  of  the  two  room-mates  being  the  carpenter  Urselino. 

22  Francisco  Peua,  the  fourth  man,  was  ill  at  the  presidio.    The  names  of 
the  guard  with  many  other  interesting  particulars  are  given  in  Ortega,  Ivfcrme 
da  Nov.  30,  1775,  MS. ,  this  document  being  a  communication  addressed  to 

'Lieut. -Col.  Anza,  and  one  of  the  most  valuable  sources  of  original  information 
respecting  the  disaster,  embodying  as  it  does  all  the  results  of  Lieut.  Ortega's 
investigations  down  to  date. 


A  NIGHT  OF  TERROR.  251 

Reenforced  by  the  blacksmith,  the  wounded  carpenter, 
and  the  surviving  friar,  the  Spaniards  defend  them- 
selves for  a  time ;  but  the  fire  soon  forces  them  to  seek 
other  shelter.23  They  first  repair  to  a  room  of  the 
friars'  dwelling,  where  Father  Fuster  makes  a  haz- 
ardous but  ineffectual  attempt  to  find  Jaume. 

The  fire  soon  renders  the  house  untenable.  In 
their  dire  extremity  they  bethink  themselves  of  a 
small  enclosure  of  adobes  in  which  they  take  refuge, 
'there  to  fight  to  the  death.  In  one  wall  is  an  open- 
ing through  which  arrows  are  shot;  but  the  soldiers 
erect  a  barricade  with  two  bales  or  boxes  and  a  copper 
kettle  brought  from  the  burning  house  at  great  risk. 
But  by  the  time  the  opening  is  closed,  all  are  wounded, 
and  two  soldiers  besides  the  carpenter  disabled.  A 
fast  of  nine  Saturdays,  a  mass  for  each  of  the  soldiers 
and  mechanics,  and  a  novena  for  the  priest  are  prom- 
ised heaven  for  escape;  and  thereafter  not  an  arrow 
touches  them,  though  sticks  and  stones  and  burning 
brands  are  still  showered  on  their  heads.24  Urselino 
and  the  disabled  soldiers  strain  their  feeble  strength 
to  ward  off  the  missiles,  Fuster  covers  with  his  body, 
his  cloak,  and  his  prayers  the  sack  containing  fifty 
pounds  of  gunpowder,  while  the  blacksmith  and  one 
soldier  load  and  reload  the  muskets  which  Corporal 
Rocha  discharges  with  deadly  effect  into  the  ranks  of 
the  foe,  at  the  same  time  shouting  commands  in  a 

23  It  may  be  noted  that  according  to  the  last  annual  report — Serra,  Informs 
de  1774,  MS. — the  mission  buildings  on  the  new  site  had  not  been  enclosed 
in  the  usual  stockade  defences.    The  barracks  are  not  described  in  that  report, 
but  were  of  wood;  the  church  was  not  of  adobe;  and  all  the  adobe  buildings 
except  the  granary  had  tule  roofs.    The  padres'  house,  or  the  smithy,  or  the 
granary  with  their  adobe  walls  would  seem  to  have  afforded  better  protection 
than  the  building  chosen;  but  the  progress  of  the  flames  or  some  other  unre- 
corded circumstance  doubtless  determined  their  action. 

24  For  this  night's  struggle  I  have  followed  for  the  most  part  Fuster,  Recjis- 
tro  de  Defunciones,  MS.,  in  San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  67-74,  an  original  record 
by  a  survivor  of  the  fiery  ordeal  left  by  Fuster  in  the  mission  register  of  deaths. 
This  author  calls  the  structure  which  afforded  shelter  a  '  cercadito  de  adobes, 
como  de  tres  varas,'  and  does  not  imply  that  it  had  a  roof.    Palou  says  it  was 
a  kind  of  kitchen  with  walls  but  little  over  three  feet  high  and  roofed  with 
branches  and  leaves,  the  burning  of  which  added  to  the  peril.     This  author 
also  gives  some  indications  of  the  padre's  bravery  which  modesty  prompted 
the  other  to  conceal. 


252       NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

stentorian  voice  as  if  at  the  head  of  a  regiment.  What 
a  subject  for  a  painting  I  Thus  the  hours  slowly  pass 
until  at  dawn  the  savages  withdraw.  The  survivors, 
or  such  of  them  as  can  move,  crawl  from  behind  the 
adobe  battlements,  and  the  Baja  Californians  and 
neophytes  make  their  appearance. 

The  latter  come  fully  armed  with  bows  and  arrows, 
and  claim  to  have  been  largely  instrumental  in  put- 
ting the  foe  to  flight.  The  first  solicitude  of  the  sur- 
vivors is  to  learn  the  fate  of  Father  Jaume,  of  whom 
the  neophytes  say  they  know  nothing.  His  body  is 
soon  discovered  in  the  dry  bed  of  the  creek  at  some 
distance,  naked,  bruised  from  head  to  foot  with  blows 
of  stones  and  clubs,  his  face  disfigured  beyond  recog- 
nition, and  with  eighteen  arrow  wounds.25  It  is  sub- 
sequently ascertained  from  the  natives  that  the  friar 
fell  calling  on  Jesus  to  receive  his  spirit. 

Two  Indians  were  now  sent  to  the  presidio,  though 
not  without  serious  misgivings,  since  it  was  under- 
stood that  one  party  of  savages  had  gone  to  attack 
the  garrison.  The  force  at  the  time,  during  the 
absence  of  Ortega  and  Sergeant  Mariano  Carrillo  at 
San  Juan,  consisted  of  Corporal  Mariano  Verdugo 
and  ten  soldiers,  four  of  whom  wvere  on  the  sick-list 
and  two  in  the  stocks.  They  were  found  safe  and 
entirely  ignorant  of  what  had  happened  up  the  river. 
On  receipt  of  the  news  Verdugo  hastened  with  his 
four  men  to  the  mission,  where  he  arrived  about  eight 
o'clock  in  the  morning;  and  a  few  hours  later  the 
whole  company  started  in  sorrowful  procession  back 
to  the  presidio,  carrying  the  disabled  with  the  body 
of  Jaume  and  the  charred  remains  of  the  blacksmith, 
Arroyo,  and  driving  the  few  animals  that  were  left 
of  the  mission  herds.  A  small  band  of  neophytes,  all 
that  had  shown  themselves  since  the  attack,  was  left 
behind  to  battle  with  the  flames  and  save,  if  possible, 
something  from  the  general  wreck. 

25Palou  says  his  consecrated  hands  alone  were  uninjured,  preserved  doubt- 
less by  God  to  show  his  innocence;  but  Fuster  says  nothing  of  this. 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SAN  DIEGO.  253 

On  the  sixth,  after  letters  from  Verdugo  and  the 
store-keeper,  Pedro  y  Gil,  had  been  sent  by  a  courier 
to  recall  the  commandant,  Fuster  performed  funeral 
rites  to  the  memory  of  his  martyred  associate,  and 
buried  the  body  in  the  presidio  chapel.  He  had  died 
without  the  last  sacrament,  but  he  had  said  mass 
the  day  before  his  death,  had  confessed  only  a  few 
days  before,  and  it  could  hardly  be  doubted  that  all 
was  well  with  him.  The  same  day  Arroyo's  body 
was  buried.26  In  the  forenoon  of  the  8th  Ortega 
arrived,  soon  followed  by  Carrillo  with  the  remainder 
of  the  San  Juan  party.  On  the  10th  the  carpenter, 
Urselino,  was  buried  by  Fuster,  having  died  from  the 
effects  of  his  wounds  the  day  before,  after  receiving 
the  sacrament,  and  having  left  all  the  pay  due  him  to 
be  used  for  the  benefit  of  his  murderers. 

From  investigations  set  on  foot  as  soon  as  the  presi- 
dio had  been  put  in  a  state  of  defence,  some  informa- 
tion was  brought  to  light  repecting  the  revolt  and  its 
attendant  circumstances.  Just  after  the  baptism  of 
October  3d  two  brothers  Francisco  arid  Carlos,  both 
old  neophytes,27  and  the  latter  chieftain  of  the  San 
Diego  rancheria,  had  run  away  and  had  not  returned 
when  Ortega  went  north  to  found  San  Juan.  It  was 
learned  that  they  had  visited  all  the  gentiles  for  leagues 
around,  inciting  them  to  rise  and  kill  the  Spaniards. 
No  other  cause  is  known  than  that  a  complaint  of  hav- 
ing stolen  fish  from  an  old  woman  was  pending  against 
them,  and  so  far  as  could  be  learned  they  made  no 
charges  against  the  friars  except  that  they  were  going 
to  convert  all  the  rancherias,  pointing  to  the  late 
baptism  of  sixty  persons  as  an  indication  of  that  pur- 
pose. Some  rancherias  refused  to  participate  in  the 
plot;  but  most  of  them  promised  their  aid,23  and  the 

26  San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS. ,  74-5.     Arroyo's  widowed  mother  had 
been  buried  here  before.     Her  name  was  Petrona  Garcia. 

27  So  Palou  calls  them,  but  I  think  thero  may  bo  some  doubt  about  this. 

28  Ortega  in  his  In  forme,,  MS.,  5,  names  the  Christian  rancherias  of  San 
Luis,  Matamo,  Xamacha,  Meti,  Xana  or  Xanat,  Abascal,  Abuscal  or  Aguscal, 
and  Magtate  or  San  Miguel;  and  the  gentile  rancherias  of  La  Punta,  Melejo, 


254       NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

assailants  were  estimated  at  from  eight  hundred  to  a 
thousand.  They  were  divided  into  two  bodies  and  were 
to  attack  mission  and  presidio  simultaneously;  but  the 
mission  party  began  operations  prematurely,  and  the 
others,  seeing  the  light  of  the  burning  buildings, 
which  they  supposed  or  feared  would  rouse  the  garri- 
son, abandoned  their  part  of  the  scheme. 

At  the  mission  the  savages  first  went  to  the  neo- 
phyte's huts  and  by  threats  and  force,  as  the  latter 
claimed,  or  by  a  previous  understanding,  as  many 
Spaniards  believed,  insured  their  silence  while  they 
proceeded  first  to  plunder  and  then  to  burn.  About 
the  part  taken  by  the  neophytes  in  this  revolt  there 
is  some  disagreement  among  the  authorities.  All  the 
evidence  goes  to  show  that  some  renegade  converts 
were  concerned  in  it;  but  Palou,  reflecting  doubtless 
the  opinions  of  the  other  friars,29  accepts  the  plea  of 
those  in  the  huts  that  they  were  kept  quiet  by  force, 
and  that  the  mass  of  the  Christians  were  faithful. 
Others,  however,  and  notably  Anza,  an  intelligent  and 
unprejudiced  man  well  acquainted  with  the  facts,  be- 
lieved, as  there  was  much  testimony  to  prove,  that  it 
was  the  neophytes  who  planned  the  rising,  convoked 
the  gentiles,  and  acted  treacherously  throughout  the 
whole  affair.30 

Otai,  Pocol,  Cojuat,  and  El  Corral,  as  among  those  involved  in  the  movement. 
Chilcacop,  or  Chocalcop,  of  the  Xamacha  rancheria,  a  Christian,  is  said  to 
have  aided  in  the  killing  of  Jaume,  in  connection  with  the  pagans,  Tuerto  and 
the  chief  of  the  Maramoydos,  both  of  Tapanque  rancheria.  St.  Pap.  Sac., 
MS.,  ix.  72.  Those  who  led  the  attack  were  Oroche,  chief  of  Magtate  or 
Mactati,  Miguel,  Bernardino  of  Matam6,  and  two  others.  Zegotay,  chief  of 
Matamo,  testified  that  9  rancherias  were  invited,  and  that  among  the  leaders 
were  Francisco  of  Cuyamac,  himself,  and  another.  The  southern  rancherias 
assembled  at  La  Punta,  the  mountaineers  at  Meti.  Chief  Francisco  plotted 
the  revolt,  and  he,  Zegotay,  had  invited  10  rancherias.  Arch.  CaL,  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  228-32.  Very  little  satisfactory  information  can  be  gathered 
from  the  reports  of  these  investigations.  Rafael  of  Xanat  and  the  chief  of 
Aguscal  were  also  leaders,  according  to  Ortega. 

29Lasuen,  however,  in  his  Informe  de  1783,  MS.,  says  that  most  of  the 
neophytes  took  part  in  the  revolt. 

'M  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  90-6.  Anza,  as  we  shall  see,  arrived  early  in  the 
next  year.  He  calls  attention  to  the  cool  lying  of  the  neophytes  with  a  view 
to  exonerate  themselves,  they  even  claiming  that  when  liberated  from  their 
confinement  they  had  turned  upon  the  gentile  foes,  driving  them  to  the  moun- 
tains. There  was  evidence  of  some  understanding  between  the  natives  of 
San  Diego  and  those  of  the  Colorado  River.  Garces  on  the  Colorado  iu  177(5 


DEFENSIVE  MEASURES.  255 

To  insure  safety  at  the  presidio  a  roof  of  earth  was 
rapidly  added  to  the  old  friars'  dwelling,  to  which 
families  and  stores  were  removed.  The  tule  huts 
were  then  destroyed  and  other  precautions  taken 
against  fire.  Letters  asking  for  aid  were  despatched 
to  Rivera  at  Monterey,  and  to  Anza  approaching  from 
the  Colorado  region,  and  both,  as  we  shall  see,  arrived 
early  the  next  year.  Then  parties  of  soldiers  were 
sent  out  in  different  directions  to  learn  something  of 
the  enemy's  plans,  and  several  leaders  were  captured 
and  made  to  testify.  Thus,  in  suspense  and  fear  of 
massacre,  the  little  garrison  of  San  Diego  passed  the 
rest  of  the  year.31 

Serra  at  San  Carlos  received  a  letter  announc- 
ing the  disaster  the  13th  of  December.  "God  be 
thanked,"  exclaimed  the  writer,  "now  the  soil  is 
watered;  now  will  the  reduction  of  the  Dieguinos  be 
complete!"  Next  day.  the  six  friars  paid  funeral 
honors  to  the  memory  of  Jaume,  whose  lot,  we  are 
told,  all  envied.  They  doubted  not  he  had  gone  to 
wear  a  crown  of  martyrdom;  but  to  make  the  matter 
sure,  "si  acaso  su  alma  necesitase  de  nuestros  sufra- 
gios,"  each  promised  to  say  twenty  masses.  Serra 
wrote  to  the  guardian  that  the  missionaries  were  not 
disheartened,  but  did  not  fail  to  present  the  late  dis- 
aster as  an  argument  in  favor  of  increased  mission 
guards.32 

heard  of  the  disaster,  and  from  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the  tribes  of 
that  region  he  believes  that  they  would  have  joined  the  San  Diego  rancherias 
in  a  war  against  the  Spaniards  later,  had  it  not  been  for  the  favorable  impres- 
sion left  by  Anza.  Garces,  Diario,  264-285. 

31  See  also  on  the  San  Diego  revolt  Serra,  Notas,  in  San  Diego,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  4;  Lasuen,  Informe  de  1783,  MS.;  Id.,  in  Arch.  Santa  Barbara, 
MS.,  ii.  197;  St.  Pap.,  Miss*  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  16,  127;  and  investigations 
of  Ortega  and  Rivera  in  April  to  June  1776,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  i. 
22-3.  Ortega  credits  privates  Ignacio  Vallejo,  Anastasio  Camacho,  and  Juan 
de  Ortega  with  great  gallantry  in  these  trying  times,  Informe,  MS.,  3;  and 
Alvarado,  Ui«t.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  83,  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  Vallejo  was  the 
chief  cause  of  the  Spanish  triumph,  thus  becoming  a  great  favorite  among  the 
padres.  Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  ii.  68-76,  is  somewhat  confused  in  his 
account  of  this  affair,  making  the  natives  destroy  San  Carlos  and  attack  the 
presidio  in  1779. 

**Palou,  Not.,  ii.  272-5;  Id.,  Vida,  184-7.  Dumetz  now  went  to  San 
Antonio  and  Cambon  and  Pieras  returned  to  San  Carlos  Dec.  23d. 


256        NORTHERN  EXPLORATION;  SOUTHERN  DISASTER. 

Rivera  set  out  for  the  south  on  the  16th  of  Decem- 
ber, with  thirteen  men,  one  of  whom  was  to  be  left  at 
San  Antonio  while  two  were  to  remain  at  San  Luis. 

In  August  there  had  been  an  alarm  at  San  Antonio. 
A  messenger  came  to  the  presidio  on  the  29th  with 
the  news  that  the  natives  had  attacked  the  mission, 
and  shot  a  catechumen  about  to  be  baptized.  Rivera 
sent  a  squad  of  men  who  found  the  wounded  native 
out  of  danger.  They  captured  the  culprits  and  held 
them  after  a  flogging,  until  the  commandant  ordered 
them  flogged  again,  when  after  a  few  days  in  the 
stocks  they  were  released/ 

KPalou,  Not.,  ii.  244-5. 


33 


CHAPTER  XII. 

EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,   FONT,  AND  GAUGES. 
1775-1776. 

ANZA  AND  HIS  COLONY — PREPARATIONS  IN  MEXICO  AND  ,SONORA — Two  HUN- 
DRED IMMIGRANTS — ORIGINAL  AUTHORITIES — MARCH  TO  THE  Rio  COLO- 
RADO— MISSIONARIES  LEFT — ITINERARY — MAP — A  TEDIOUS  MARCH  TO 
SAN  GABRIEL — ANZA  GOES  TO  THE  RELIEF  OF  SAN  DIEGO — RIVERA  EX- 
COMMUNICATED— ANZA  BRINGS  HIS  FORCE  TO  MONTEREY — His  ILLNESS — 
RIVERA  COMES  NORTH  AND  ANZA  GOES  SOUTH — A  QUARREL — RIVERA 
VERSUS  ANZA  AND  THE  FRIARS — STRANGE  ACTIONS  OF  THE  COMMANDANT — 
His  MARCH  SOUTHWARD — INSANITY  OR  JEALOUSY — ANZA'S  RETURN  TO 
THE  COLORADO  AND  TO  SONORA — EXPLORATIONS  BY  GAUGES — UP  THE 
COLORADO — ACROSS  THE  MOJAVE  DESERT — INTO  TULARE  VALLEY — A 
REMARKABLE  JOURNEY — DOMINGUEZ  AND  ESCALANTE. 

CAPTAIN  ANZA,  returning  from  his  first  exploration 
of  an  overland  route  to  California,  went  to  Mexico  to 
lay  before  the  viceroy  the  results  of  his  trip.  •  Very 
soon,  by  royal  recommendation,  the  projects  of  estab- 
lishing missions  in  the  Colorado  region  and  a  new 
presidio  at  San  Francisco  were  taken  into  considera- 
tion. In  November  1774  the  board  of  war  and  finance 
determined  to  carry  out  or  advance  both  projects  by  a 
single  expedition  to  California,  by  way  of  the  Colo- 
rado, under  the  command  of  Anza.1  This  determina- 
tion, as  we  have  seen,  w^as  announced  to  Rivera  and 
Serra  at  Monterey  by  Bucareli  in  December  and  Jan- 
uary. Anza  was  advanced  to  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel  and  hastened  homeward  to  raise  the  required 

1  Anza  states  that  the  decree  of  the  viceroy,  under  which  he  acted,  was 
dated  Nov.  24th.  Garce"s  says  the  expedition,  or  his  part  of  it,  was  determined 
on  by  the  junta  on  Nov.  28th,  was  ordered  by  the  viceroy  by  letter  of  Jan. 
2d,  and  by  the  letters  of  the  guardian  of  Santa  Cruz  College  Jan.  20th  and 
Feb.  17th. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    17  (257) 


258  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GARCES. 

force  of  thirty  soldiers  with  their  families  for  Cali- 
fornia. 

Bucareli  was  very  liberal  with  the  king's  money 
on  this  occasion;  giving  four  mule  trains  and  many 
horses  and  cattle  for  the  new  establishment,  and  also 
providing  that  families  of  settlers,  like  those  of  the 
soldiers,  were  fco  be  transported  at  government  ex- 
pense, receiving  pay  for  two  years  and  rations  for 
five.  The  expense  of  each  family  was  about  eight 
hundred  dollars.  Anza  took  with  him  from  Mexico 
animals,  arms,  and  clothing,  and  began  his  work  im- 
mediately by  recruiting  on  the  way.  He  clothed  his 
recruits,  men,  women,  and  children,  from  head  to  foot, 
and  allowed  their  pay  and  rations  to  begin  with  the 
date  of  enlistment.  At  San  Felipe  de  Sinaloa  a  regu- 
lar recruiting- office  was  opened,  Anza's  popularity, 
with  his  liberal  display  of  food  and  clothing,  insuring 
success  both  here  and  in  the  north,  until  in  Septem- 
ber 1775  most  of  the  company  were  assembled  at  the 
appointed  rendezvous,  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas. 
They  were  ready  the  29th  of  September,  all  being 
united  in  time  to  start  from  the  presidio  of  Tubac  the 
23d  of  October.2 

•  The  force  that  set  out  from  Tubac  consisted,  first, 
of  Anza,  commander,  Pedro  Font  of  the  Queretaro 
Franciscans  as  chaplain,  ten  soldiers  of  the  Horcasi- 
tas presidio,  eight  muleteers,  four  servants,  and  Ma- 
riano Vidal,  purveyor — twenty-five  persons  in  all  who 
were  to  return  to  Sonora;  second,  Francisco  Garces 
and  Tomds  Eixarch,3  destined  to  remain  on  the  Rio 
Colorado  with  three  servants  and  three  interpreters; 
and  third,  Alferez  Jose  Joaquin  Moraga,  and  Ser- 
geant Juan  Pablo  Grijalva,  twenty-eight  soldiers, 
eight  from,  the  presidio  force  and  twenty  new  recruits; 
twenty-nine  women  who  were  wives  of  soldiers;  136 

2  Arricivita,  Cr6n.  Serdf.,  461,  says  they  left  Horcasitas  on  April  20th,  and 
Tubac  Oct.  21st.    The  rendezvous  of  the  friars  connected  with  the  expedition 
was  at  the  mission  of  Tumacacori  near  Tubac. 

3  So  Font  calls  him.    Garces  writes  the  name  Fjixarth ;  Arricivita,  Eyzarch ; 
and  Anza,  Esiare. 


IMMIGRANTS  FROM  SONORA.  259 

persons  of  both  sexes  belonging  to  the  soldiers'  families 
and  to  four  extra  families  of  colonists;4  seven  mule- 
teers, two  interpreters,  and  three  vaqueros — alto- 
gether 207  destined  to  remain  in  California,5  making 
a  grand  total  of  235,  to  say  nothing  of  eight  infants 
born  on  the  way.  The  live-stock  of  the  expedition 
consisted  of  165  mules,  34Q/liorses,  and  320  head  of 
cattle.6 

Our  Lady  of  Guadahu/e,  Saint  Michael,  and  Saint 
Francis  of  Assisi  were  selected  as  patrons  of  the  ex- 
pedition, and  after  the  celebration  of  mass  on  Sun- 

4  Palou  says  there  were  12  of  these  families  and  that  the  whole  force  for 
California  was  200  souls. 

5  There  may  be  some  slight  inaccuracy  respecting  the  vaqueros,  muleteers, 
and  interpreters,  the  numbers  given  being  those  not  otherwise  disposed  of 
definitely  in  the  diaries.     The  names  are  included  in  the  list  at  end  of  this 
volume.     There  are  no  means  of  separating  most  of  them  from  other  parties. 

6Anza,  Diario  del  Teniente  Coronet  Don  Juan  Bautista  deAnza,  Capitandel 
Presidio  de  Tubac,  Sonora,  de  su  expedition  confamilias  desde  dicho  presidio,  al 
reconocimiento  del  puerto  de  San  Francisco  de  Alta  California;  y  de  su  vuelia, 
desde  este  puerto  al  Presidio  de  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas,  MS. ,  232.  Com- 
pleted at  Horcasitas  on  June  1st.  This  official  journal  kept  by  the  comandanto 
from  day  to  day  throughout  the  whole  expedition  is  of  course  the  chief 
authority  on  the  subject.  There  is  an  occasional  ambiguity  of  expression 
which  causes  confusion,  notably  so  at  the  beginning  where  the  company  is 
described ;  but  otherwise  the  diary  leaves  nothing  to  be  desired.  The  author 
was  a  man  of  great  ability  and  force  of  character,  besides  being  very  popular 
with  his  men.  Another  original  authority  is  Font,  Journal  made  by  Padre 
Pedro  Font,  Apostolic  Preacher  of  the  College  of  Santa  Cmiz  de  Queretaro, 
taken  from  the  minutes  written  by  him  on  the  road,  during  a  journey  that  he 
performed  to  Monterey  and  the  Part  of  San  Francisco,  in  company  with  Don, 
Juan  Bautista  de  Anza,  etc.,  MS.,  52.  Completed  at  Ures,  Sonora,  June  23d. 
This  translation  was  made  from  the  original  in  the  parochial  archives  of  Guad- 
alajara, or,  more  probably,  from  a  copy  of  the  same,  apparently  about  1850, 
under  circumstances  of  which  I  know  nothing,  but  evidently  with  considerable 
care.  The  original,  which  I  have  not  seen,  is  cited  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xiii.  206,  among  other  documents  as  Diario  que  firma  el  P.  Font . . .  con  dos 
mapas.  A  copy  of  the  translation  was  obtained  in  California  by  Bartletfc, 
and  is  cited  in  that  author's  Personal  Narrative,  ii.  78,  278-80.  Another 
c°Py>  probably  made  from  that  in  my  possession,  is  preserved  in  the  library 
of  the  Territorial  Pioneers  in  San  Francisco,  and  an  abridgment  was  pub- 
lished by  that  society.  Territorial  Pioneers  of  CaL,  First  Annual,  81-107. 
The  maps  are  not  copied  in  the  translation,  though  there  are  a  few  rude  pen 
drawings,  and  though  the  numbers  on  one  of  the  maps,  representing  days' 
journeys,  are  given  in  the  diary.  Fortunately  this  map,  a  very  interesting 
and  important  one,  has  been  found,  and  a  lithographic  copy  of  it — though 
with  many  blunders  in  lettering — published  in  Hinton's  Hand-Book  of  Arizona, 
of  which  book,  recently  printed,  it  is  the  sole  meritorious  feature  so  far  as 
history  is  concerned.  I  reproduce  the  map,  or  that  part  of  it  representing 
California,  in  this  chapter.  Font's  diary,  though  less  complete  and  extensive 
than  that  of  Anza,  is  still  of  very  great  value  .as  an  authority  on  this  expedi- 
tion. Still  another  original  authority  is  Garces,  Diario  y  Derrotero  que  sigu.'d 
el  M.  It.  P.  Fr.  Francisco  Garces  en  su  viaje  hecho  desde  Octubre  de  1775  hastalJ 


'260      EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GARCES. 

day,  they  began  their  march  on  Tuesday,  the  23d  of 
October.  Details  of  the  route  and  march,  through 
Pimeria  and  the  country  since  known  as  Arizona, 
belong  rather  to  the  annals  of  those  territories  than 
to  those  of  California,  but  there  is  little  to  record 
anywhere.  The  route  was  by  San  Javier  del  Bac 
and  Tucson  to  the  river  Gila,  and  down  that  river 
generally  along  the  southern  bank  to  the  Colorado 
junction,  a  route  often  travelled  in  the  old  Jesuit  era. 
The  march  was  not  a  difficult  one.  The  natives  were 
uniformly  hospitable,  and  ready  both  to  receive  trifling 
gifts  and  to  have  the  authority  of  their  chieftains 
confirmed  by  Spanish  appointments.  The  only  mis- 
fortunes were  the  death  of  a  woman  in  childbirth, 
the  desertion  of  one  or  two  muleteers  brought  back 
by  natives,  and  the  loss  of  a  few  horses  from  bad 
water  and  excessive  cold.  The  only  delays  were 
caused  by  an  examination  of  the  famous  Casa  Grande, 
by  an  occasional  halt  for  rest,  and  by  other  detentions 
of  a  day  or  two  by  the  birth  of  young  immigrants. 
They  reached  the  Gila  the  last  day  of  October  and 
were  about  a  month  on  the  march  down  to  the  Colo- 
rado junction. 

Crossing  the  Gila  to  the  northern  bank  near  its 
mouth  November  28th,  Anza  and  his  company  were 
given  a  hospitable  and  even  enthusiastic  welcome  by 
the  Yuma  chief,  Palma,  whose  domain  lay,  it  seems, 
on  both  sides  of  the  Colorado,  and  who  had  built  a 
large  house  of  branches  especially  for  the  use  of  the 
travellers.7  Four  soldiers  were  met  here,  who  had 
been  sent  in  advance,  and  had  been  searching  during 
the  past  six  days,  on  the  California  side  of  the  Colo- 

dc  Septiembre  de  1776,  alRio  Colorado  para  reconocer  las  Nctcioncs  qve  habit  an 
ana  marye.nes,  y  d  los  pueblos  del  Aloqui  del  Nuevo- Mexico,  in  Doc.  Hint.  J/r  <•., 
serie  ii.  torn.  i.  225-348.  This  diary  is  nearly  as  complete  as  Anza's,  and  more 
so  than  Font's,  down  to  the  time  when  Anza's  expedition  left  the  Colorado 
for  the  north-west.  Other  authorities  are  Paloit,  Jfot.,  ii.  213-15,  277-82; 
Id.,  Vida,  204-5,  186-7;  Arrkh-itn,  Cron.  *SYm/'.,  461-90,  the  last  being  a 
very  full  account  but  with  some  errors  respecting  minor  details. 

*  P.  Font's  map  is  incorrect  in  representing  the  ford  of  the  Colorado  as 
below  the  Gila,  while  all  three  diaries  say  that  it  was  a  little  way  above. 


PN  THE  COLORADO.  261 

rado,  for  a  more  direct  route  than  that  followed  the 
year  previous;  but  without  success,  as  neither  water 
nor  grass  could  be  found.  The  first  task,  and  by  no 
means  an  easy  one,  was  to  get  the  large  company 
with  cattle  and  stores  safely  across  the  river.  The 
Yumas  said  the  Colorado  was  not  fordable,  and  must 
be  crossed  by  means  of  rafts,  a  slow  and  tedious  proc- 
ess, but  one  which  Anza  was  inclined  to  think  neces- 
sary for  the  families  and  supplies  at  least.  At  seven 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  29th  he  went  down 
to  the  bank  to  reconnoitre.  He  ordered  the  neces- 
sary timber  for  rafts,  and  then  with  a  soldier  and  a 
Yuma  determined  to  make  one  final  search  for  a  ford, 
which  he  found  about  half  a  mile  up  the  river,  where 
the  water  was  diverted  by  islands  into  three  channels. 
The  afternoon  was  spent  in  opening  a  road  through 
the  thickly  wooded  belt  along  the  bank;  and  on  the 
30th  before  night  all  the  families  and  most  of  the 
supplies  were  landed  on  the  western  side,  without 
the  use  of  rafts. 

The  travellers  remained  in  camp  on  the  right  bank 
for  three  days,  partly  on  account  of  the  dangerous 
illness  of  two  men,  and  also  to  make  certain  needful 
preparations  for  the  comfort  and  safety  of  the  two 
friars  who  were  to  remain  here  until  Anza's  return. 
Father  Garces  was  requested  to  select  the  place  where 
he  would  reside,  and  chose  Palma's  rancherfa  about  a 
league  below  the  camp  and  about  opposite  the  mouth 
of  the  Gila.  So  earnest  were  Palma's  assurances  of 
friendship  and  protection  that  it  was  deemed  safe  to 
leave  the  missionaries  with  their  three  servants  and 
three  interpreters.  Before  starting  Anza  built  a  house, 
and  left  provisions  for  over  four  months,  and  horses 
for  the  use  of  the  remaining  party,  whose  purpose  was 
to  explore  the  country,  become  acquainted  with  the 
natives,  and  thus  open  the  way  for  the  establishing  of 
regular  missions  at  an  early  date.  I  shall  presently 
have  more  to  say  of  their  travels  in  California.  Set- 
ting out  December  4th  from  Palma's  rancheria,  Anza 


262  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GAUGES. 

marched  slowly  clown  the  river,  the  way  made  difficult 
by  the  dense  growth  of  trees  and  shrubs,  by  cold,  and 
by  illness  in  the  company.  The  first  halt  was  at  the 
rancherias  of  San  Pablo,  or  of  Captain  Pablo  as  Font 
says;  the  second  was  at  the  lagoon  of  Coxas,  or  Cojat, 
the  southern  limit  of  Yuma  possessions  and  of  Palma's 
jurisdiction;  and  the  third,  on  the  6th  of  December, 
was  at  the  lagoon  of  Santa  Olaya,  the  beginning  of 
Cajuenche  territory,  about  twelve  leagues  below  the 
mouth  of  the  Gila.8 

During  the  stay  at  Santa  Olaya  Garces  overtook 
the  party,  having  already  set  out  to  explore  the  coun- 
try toward  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado.  Anza  divided 
his  force  into  three  parties  under  the  command  of 
himself,  Grijalva,  and  Moraga,  who  started  on  the 
9th,  10th,  and  llth,  respectively,  and  were  reunited 
December  17th  at  San  Sebastian.  I  give  some  de- 
tails of  names  and  distances  in  a  note.9  I  also  append 
a  copy  of  Font's  map,  substituting  names  for  numbers 
in  the  case  of  important  places  and  where  space  per- 
mits. The  route  followed  was  nearly  the  same  as 
in  Anza's  former  trip,  and  substantially  that  of  the 
modern  railroad  through  Coahuila  Valley  and  San. 
Gorgonio  Pass.  The  journey,  every  petty  detail  of 

8  Font,  Journal,  MS.,  16,  17,  makes  the  distance  14  leagues  with  some 
winding,  and  the  latitude  32°  33'  which  by  the  distances  is  very  nearly  accurate. 
Garces,  Diario,  244,  calls  the  lagoon  Santa  Eulalia.    By  Anza  and  Font  the 
name  is  written  Olalla.     See  chap.  x.  for  Anza's  trip  of  1774. 

9  Route  from  Palma's  rancheria  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Colorado  near 
mouth  of  the  Gila  to  San  Gabriel.     The  courses  are  from  Font's  Journal, 
Anza's  agreeing  with  them  generally  but  being  less  definitely  expressed.  The 
distances  in  parentheses,  differing  widely  from  Anza's,  are  from  Font,  whose 
leagues  were  about  2  miles.     The  numbers  refer  to  Font's  map:    42.  Laguna 
of  San  Pablo,  or  Capt.  Pablo,  4i  1.  (5)  w.  £  s.  w. ;   43.  Laguna  of  Coxas,  or 
Cojat,  3  1.  (4)  s.  w.,  Laguna  of  Santa  Olalla,  32°  33',  41.  (5)  s.  vs.;  45.  Pozo 
del  Carrizal,  or  Alegria,  5  1.  (7)  w.  N.  w.;  46.  Dry  Gulch,  5  1.  (7)  w.  N.W.;  47. 
Pozos  de  SantaRosa  de  las  Lajas,  10 1.  ( 14)  w.  N.  w. ,  w. ,  w.  s.  w. ;  48.  Dry  Creek, 
41.  (3)  N.;  San  Sebastian,  33° 8',  5^1.  (7)  N.  N.  w.;  51.  Pozo  de  San  Gregorio, 
7i  1.  (9)  w.  |  N.  w. ;  52.  Arroyo  of  Santa  Catalina  del  Vado,  Sink,  4 1.  N.  w.  £  w. ; 
53.  Id.,  source,  1 J 1.  (1)  N.  w.  |  w. ;  54.  Danzantes  rancheria  in  same  cafiada,  3 1. 
(4)  w.  N.  w.;  San  Carlos  Pass  (San  Gorgonio?)  2-|  1.  (3)  N.  N.  w.;  [123.  Porte- 
zuelo  on  return;]  56.  San  Patricio  Canada,  source  of  stream,  33°  37';  57.  San 
Jose"  Arroyo,  6 1.  (7)  N.  w.  J  w. ;  58.  Laguna  of  San  Antonio  Bucareli,  down 
San  Jose  Valley,  4 1.  (5)  w.  N.  w. ;  Santa  Ana  River,  9 1.  (8)  w.  N.  w. ;  60.  Arroyo 
de  los  Alisos,  6  1.  w.  N.  w.;  61.  River  San  Gabriel,  branch,  5  1.  (6)  w.  N.  w., 
San  Gabriel,  34°  35',  2  1.  w.  s.  w. 


FONT'S  MAP 

1776 


264  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GAUGES. 

which  is  fully  described  in  the  commandant's  diary, 
was  a  slow,  tedious,  and  difficult  one,  requiring  a 
full  month  for  its  accomplishment;  and  the  fact  that 
it  was  accomplished  at  all  under  the  circumstances 
speaks  highly  for  Anza's  energy  and  ability.  Long 
stretches  of  country  without  water  must  be  crossed, 
and  at  first  the  company  must  be  divided  that  all 
should  not  arrive  the  same  day  at  the  same  watering- 
place.  It  was  midwinter,  the  cold  was  intense,  and 
most  of  the  company  were  not  accustomed  to  a  cold 
climate.  Storm  followed  storm  of  snow  and  hail  and 
rain,  and  an  earthquake  came  to  increase  the  terrors 
of  San  Gorgonio  pass.  They  were  obliged  to  dig 
wells,  and  then  obtained  only  a  small  supply  of  water, 
and  the  cattle  were  continually  breaking  away  in 
search  of  the  last  aguage.  There  was  much  sickness; 
and  yet,  beyond  the  loss  of  some  hundred  head  of 
live-stock,  there  was  no  serious  disaster,  owing  to  the 
skill  and  patience  of  Anza  and  his  aids.  On  the 
first  day  of  1776  the  new  pioneers  of  California  and 
San  Francisco  forded  the  River  Santa  Ana,  and  on 
January  4th  the  expedition  reached  the  mission  of 
San  Gabriel. 

Rivera  had  arrived  from  the  north  the  day  before, 
on  his  way  with  ten  or  twelve  men  to  afford  protec- 
tion to  the  threatened  presidio  of  San  Diego,  and  to 
punish  the  Indians  who  had  destroyed  the  mission. 
The  disaster  and  danger  at  San  Diego  seemed  to 
justify  Anza  in  suspending  his  own  expedition  for 
a  time,  especially  as  the  season  was  not  favorable 
for  the  immediate  exploration  of  San  Francisco.  At 
the  request  of  Rivera,,  therefore,  he  determined  to 
proceed  with  a  part  of  his  force  to  punish  the  south- 
ern foe. 

The  company  of  immigrants  was  left  to  rest  at  San 
Gabriel  under  the  command  of  Moraga,  and,  after 
religious  ceremonies  of  gratitude  for  safe  arrival  cele- 
brated on  the  6th,  Anza  set  out  at  noon  on  the  7th, 
accompanied  by  Font  and  seventeen  of  his  soldiers  in 


ANZA  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  265 

addition  to  Rivera's  force,  for  San  Diego,  where  he 
arrived  the  llth.10 

Naturally,  the  coming  of  reinforcements  caused 
great  relief  to  Ortega  and  his  little  garrison,  who 
were  in  constant  fear  of  an  attack  from  the  gentiles. 
There  seems  to  have  been  some  foundation  for  these 
fears  besides  the  exaggerated  rumors  always  preva- 
lent on  such  occasions  ;  but,  whatever  may  have  been 
the  plans  of  the  savages,  their  hostile  purposes  did 
not  long  survive  the  arrival  of  new  forces.  One  of 
Rivera's  first  acts  was  to  send  six  soldiers  to  the 
peninsula  with  communications  for  the  viceroy  and  a 
demand  for  reinforcements,  in  view  of  the  recently 
developed  dangers  threatening  the  permanency  of  the 
Spanish  establishments  in  California.  Then  followed 
investigations  respecting  the  late  outbreak,  lasting 
the  remainder  of  the  year ;  they  were  imperfectly  re- 
corded, and  of  slight  importance.  Raids  were  made 
to  different  rancherias;  gentile  chiefs  were  brought 
in,  made  to  testify,  flogged,  liberated,  or  imprisoned, 
but  nothing  was  learned  in  addition  to  what  has  been 
already  stated.11 

It  was  not  long  before  a  difference  of  opinion  arose 
between  the  two  commanders  which  later  developed 
into  a  quarrel.  As  we  have  seen  Anza  had  consented 
to  postpone  temporarily  the  special  business  the  vice- 
roy had  intrusted  to  him,  in  view  of  the  danger  threat- 
ening San  Diego.  He  found  the  danger  somewhat 
less  than  had  been  represented.  He  had  come  to  San 
Diego  for  a  brief,  vigorous,  and  decisive  campaign 
against  the  savages,  but  he  found  Rivera  disposed  to 
a  policy  of  delay  and  inaction.  Anza's  chief  concern 

10  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  89-90,  says  he  took  17  men  ;  Font,  Journal,  MS.,  22, 
says  20  men  ;  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  275-6,  makes  it  18  men  ;  and  the  same  author, 
Vida,  186-7,  implies  that  there  were  40  men.     The  route  from  San  Gabriel 
was:  63.  River  Santa  Ana  61.  (10  according  to  Font);  Arroyo  de  Santa  Maria 
Magdalena,  or  La  Quema,  11  1.  (14) ;  River  San  Juan  Capistrano,  111.  (14) ;  La 
Soled  ad  rancheria,  via  San  Dieguillo  and  68  Agua  Hedionda,  9  1.  (12) ;  San 
Diego,  3  1.  (4). 

11  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  97-100,  104, 106;  Prcv.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS*,  i. 
22-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  215-32. 


206  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GAUGES. 

was  naturally  the  founding  of  San  Francisco,  while  in 
Rivera's  mind  the  protection  of  San  Diego  was  the 
only  subject  at  present  to  be  thought  of.  Anza  at 
first  yielded  to  the  captain's  views,  realizing  that  as 
ruler  of  the  province  he  naturally  felt  for  its  safety, 
but  at  last  tidings  came  from  San  Gabriel  which  turned 
Anza's  attention  again  to  his  own  affairs.  Five  men 
arrived  February  3d  with  a  despatch  from  Moraga  and 
the  purveyor  Vidal,  to  the  effect  that  the  mission 
could  no  longer  furnish  food  for  the  immigrants  ex- 
cept to  the  injury  of  its  own  neophytes,  Father  Paterna 
having  distributed  rations  for  eight  days  and  given 
notice  that  these  would  be  the  last. 

On  receipt  of  this  intelligence  Anza  resolved  to  take 
his  military  colony  without  delay  up  to  Monterey. 
He  agreed,  however,  with  Rivera,  to  leave  ten  of  his 
soldiers  at  San  Gabriel,  thus  relieving  a  portion  of 
the  old  guard  at  that  mission  for  service  at  San  Diego 
if  needed,12  and  with  the  other  seven,  having  sent  in 
advance  a  mule  train  laden  with  maize  and  beans,  he 
set  out  on  the  9th,  still  accompanied  by  Font,  and 
arrived  at  San  Gabriel  on  the  12th.  Only  one  event 
occurring  at  San  Diego  after  Anza's  departure  re- 
quires notice  in  this  connection.  Carlos,  an  old  neo- 
phyte but  a  ringleader  in  the  late  revolt,  returned  in 
real  or  assumed  penitence,  and,  prompted  doubtless  by 
the  missionaries,  took  refuge  in  the  church.  Rivera 

'  O 

sent  a  summons  to  Fuster  to  deliver  the  culprit  on  the 
plea  that  the  right  of  church  asylum  did  not  protect 
such  a  criminal,  and  moreover  that  the  edifice  was  not 
a  church  but  a  warehouse  used  temporarily  for  wor- 
ship. Fuster  by  the  advice  of  his  comrades  of  the 
cloth  refused,  and  warned  the  commandant  to  use  no 
force.  Rivera  then  entered  the  church  sword  in  hand 
with  a  squad  of  soldiers  and  took  the  Indian  out,  pay- 
ing no  heed  to  the  expostulations  of  the  three  padres, 

12  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  108.  He  did  leave  12  instead  of  10.  Palou,  Not.,  ii. 
275-6;  Vida,  18&-7,  implies  that  the  12  men  were  left  at  San  Diego  instead 
of  San  Gabriel. 


SAN  GABRIEL  TO  MONTEREY.  267 

Faster,  Lasuen,  and  Amurrio.  The  priests  proceeded 
to  excommunicate  the  commander  and  the  soldiers 
who  had  aided  him,  and  ordered  them  to  leave  the 
church  before  beginning  service  on  the  next  day  of 
mass.  The  friars  reported  to  Serra,  sending  the  report 
up  to  Monterey  by  Rivera  himself.13 

Arriving  at  San  Gabriel  on  February  12th  Anza 
found  that  the  night  before  three  of  his  muleteers  and 
a  servant  with  a  mission  soldier  had  deserted,  taking 
twenty-five  horses  and  other  property,  part  of  which 
belonged  to  the  mission  and  part  to  the  expedition. 
The  colonists  proper,  however,  seemed  content  and 
showed  no  disposition  to  desert.  Moraga  was  sent 
with  ten  men  to  capture  the  fugitives,  and  before  his 
return  Anza  resolved  to  set  out  for  the  north.  Leav- 
ing twelve  men  and  their  families  under  Grijalva  to 
reenforce  the  mission  guard,  and  ordering  Moraga  on 
his  arrival  to  follow  with  eight  men,  the  commandant 
started  on  the  21st  with  seventeen  men,  the  same 
number  of  families,14  the  mule  train,  and  the  live-stock. 
Heavy  rains  had  swollen  the  streams  and  rendered 
many  parts  of  the  route  well  nigh  impassable.  Ob- 
servations respecting  the  natives  of  Channel  rancherias 
are  omitted  by  Anza  as  having  been  given  in  the  diary 
of  his  former  trip,  a  diary  which  unfortunately  is  no 
longer  in  its  entirety  extant.  Font  gives  merely  ari 
outline  of  distances  and  directions.15  With  no  other 

l3Palou,  Not.,  ii.  292-5. 

14 The  full  division  of  the  forces  was  as  follows  on  Anza 's  departure:  At 
San  Gabriel,  8  California  soldiers,  12  families,  Sergeant  Grijalva,  and  4  soldiers 
of  Anza's  guard  waiting  for  Moraga;  with  Moraga,  8  California  soldiers  (2  of  the 
10  having  returned  before  Anza  started);  with  Anza,  11  California  soldiers,  17 
families,  and  6  of  Anza's  men — total  29  out  of  the  30  soldiers  who  were  to 
remain  in  California,  one  not  being  accounted  for.  This  explanation  is  neces- 
sary on  account  of  the  confused  statements  of  Anza,  who  had  no  head,  or  pen 
at  least,  for  figures. 

15  The  route  was  as  follows ;  the  earlier  part  to  the  sea-shore  being  appar- 
ently further  south  than  that  followed  by  the  first  Spanish  explorers  in  1769, 
and  Anza's  distances  being  as  before  considerably  less  than  Font's.  The  num- 
bers refer  to  Font's  map,  q.  v. :  San  Gabriel;  119.  Rio  Porciuncula,  21.;  72. 
Portezuelo,  61.;  73.  Agua  Escondida,  71.  (10);  74.  Rio  Santa  Clara,  91.  (15); 
75.  Rincon  or  Rinconado  rancheria,  past  Carpinteria,  61.  (9);  [117.]  Assumpta 
River];  76.  Mescaltitlan  rancheria,  71.  (9);  Rancheria  Nueva,  81.  (9);  78.  Cojo 
rancheria,  71.  (10);  79.  River  Santa  Rosa,  past  Pt  Concepcion,  rancherias  of 


268  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GAUGES. 

notable  occurrence  than  an  occasional  miring  of  the 
train,  in  the  midst  of  which  it  became  necessary  to 
unload  the  animals,  the  women  meanwhile  being  com- 
pelled to  walk,16  the  immigrants  were  welcomed 
March  2d  at  San  Luis  Obispo,  where  next  day,  as 
shown  by  the  mission  records,  Anza  stood  as  god- 
father to  several  native  children  baptized  by  Font.17 
From  this  place  they  passed  directly  north  by  the 
modern  stage  route  to  the  Salinas  River,  or  Rio  de 
Monterey  as  they  called  it,  reaching  San  Antonio  on 
the  6th,  and  feasting  on  two  fat  hogs  magnanimously 
killed  for  their  use  by  order  of  the  friars.  Moreover, 
they  were  delighted  to  receive  intelligence  from  the 
south,  having  been  in  great  anxiety  since  they  heard 
of  the  late  disaster.  Here  Moraga  came  up,  having 
captured  the  deserters  near  the  Colorado  River,  and 
having  left  them  tied  at  San  Gabriel.  On  the  10th 
all  arrived  safely  at  Monterey.18 

Next  morning  Padre  Junipero  came  over  from  San 
Carlos  to  congratulate  Anza  on  the  safe  termination 
of  his  march,  and  to  assist  with  his  three  companions 
at  the  religious  ceremonial  of  thanksgiving,  on  which 
occasion  Father  Font  delivered  an  address  of  encour- 
agement with  advice  to  the  newly  arrived  company. 
Anza  and  Font  went  over  to  the  mission  by  invita- 
tion of  the  president,  where  the  commandant  was  con- 
fined to  his  bed  for  more  than  a  week  by  a  painful 
illness.  On  the  18th  eight  of  the  presidio  soldiers 
were  sent  south  to  reenforce  Rivera  at  San  Diego, 
with  a  request  to  that  officer  to  take  immediate  steps 

Pedernales  and  Espada,  9J1.  (12);  81.  Buchon  rancherfa,  91.  (13);  San  Luis 
Obispo,  35°  17^',  31.  (4);  over  mountains  and  down  Rio  Santa  Margarita  to 
(83)  Ascencion  on  Rio  de  Monterey  (Salinas),  7 1.  (10);  84.  First  ford  of  Rio  San 
Antonio,  81.  (10);  [111.  Canada  deRobles];  San  Antonio,  36°  2£',  81.  (10);  86. 
Los  Ositos,  on  Rio  de  Monterey,  past  Roble  Caido  (in  Canada  de  S.  Bernab<5) 
71.  (9);  87.  Los  Correos,  on  the  river,  8 1.  (10);  [109.  S.  Bernab6  Canada;  108. 
Buena  Vista;]  Monterey,  7  1.  (10). 

16  Hundreds  of  travellers  over  the  coast  stage  route  in  winter,  myself  among 
the  number,  have  no  difficulty  in  identifying  this  place  near  San  Luis. 

17 San  Luis  Obispo,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  31. 

18 On  the  journey  to  Monterey  see  AnzcCs  Diario,  MS.,  112-34;  Font's 
Journal,  MS.,  25-9. 


RIVERA'S  STRANGE  ACTIONS.  269 

for  the  founding  of  San  Francisco.  On  the  23d, 
against  the  surgeon's  advice,  Anza  insisted  on  mount- 
ing his  horse  and  setting  out  to  explore  San  Francisco 
Bay,  returning  April  8th  from  this  exploration,  which 
may  be  most  conveniently  described  in  connection 
with  other  San  Francisco  matters  in  the  next  chapter. 

Back  at  Monterey  the  commandant  was  disap- 
pointed in  finding  neither  Rivera  in  person  nor  any 
message  from  him.  He  accordingly  sent  Sergeant 
Gongora  with  four  men19  south  with  letters  requesting 
Rivera  to  meet  him  at  San  Gabriel  on  the  25th  or 
26th  for  consultation  respecting  important  matters. 
Two  days  later,  on  the  14th  of  April,  having  turned 
over  his  company  and  all  connected  with  the  San 
Francisco  establishment  to  Moraga,  he  began  his  re- 
turn march  with  Font,  Vidal,  seven  soldiers  of  his 
escort,  six  muleteers,  two  vaqueros,  and  four  servants. 
The  parting  with  the  soldiers  and  their  families,  whom 
he  had  recruited  in  Sonora  and  brought  to  their  new 
home,  is  described  by  Anza  as  the  saddest  event  of 
the  expedition.  All  came  out  as  their  leader  mounted 
to  leave  the  presidio,  and  with  tearful  embraces  bade 
him  god-speed.  Font  affirms  that  according  to  the 
list,  which  he  consulted  just  before  starting,  there  were 
one  hundred  and  ninety-three  souls  of  the  new  colony 
left  at  Monterey. 

Next  day  between  Buena  Vista  and  San  Bernabe, 
less  than  twenty  miles  from  Monterey,  they  met 
Gongora,  who  announced  that  Rivera  was  close  behind 
him,  and  revealed  certain  strange  actions  of  this 
officer.  He  had  met  Rivera  between  San  Antonio  and 
San  Luis,  and  in  reply  to  questions  had  told  his  busi- 
ness and  presented  Anza's  and  Moraga's  letters,  which 
the  captain  refused  to  take,  simply  saying  "Well, 
well;  retire!"  Gongora  followed  his  superior  officer 
north,  keeping  at  a  little  distance,  and  a  day  or  two 
later  Rivera  suddenly  called  for  the  letters,  received 

19  Two  of  the  men  were  of  Anza's  guard,  and  the  others  of  the  Calif ornian 
troops.  Palou,  Not.,  288-90,  says  that  G6ngora  had  but  two  men. 


270  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GAUGES. 

them  without  breaking  the  seals,  and  gave  in  return 
two  letters  for  Anza  which  the  sergeant  was  to  deliver 
in  all  haste.  As  Gtfngora  called  Anza  aside  and 

O 

delivered  the  letters  he  stated  his  belief  that  Rivera 
was  mad.  The  letters  contained  a  simple  refusal  to 
effect  or  permit  the  establishing  of  San  Francisco. 
Gongora  was  ordered  to  go  on  to  Monterey,  and  after 
proceeding  another  league  Anza  met  Rivera  on  the 
road,  saluted  him,  and  asked  about  his  health.  Rivera 
said  his  leg  troubled  him,  heard  Anza's  expressions  of 
regret,  and  started  on,  as  if  it  were  a  casual  meeting, 
with  a  simple  adios.  "Your  reply  to  my  letter  may 
be  sent  to  Mexico  or  wherever  you  like,"  called  out 
Anza,  and  Rivera  answered,  "It  is  well."  Calling  on 
the  friars  who  accompanied  him,20  to  witness  what  had 
occurred,  Anza,  considerably  offended  by  actions  which 
seemed  to  him  'attributable  to  impoliteness  and  a 
"great  reserve"  rather  than  madness,  went  on  his  way, 
arriving  at  San  Luis  Obispo  the  1 9th  of  April. 

In  the  mean  time  Rivera  went  on  to  Monterey, 
arriving  on  the  15th,  and  sending  word  to  Serra  to 
come  over  from  the  mission  for  his  letters,  which  he 
wished  to  deliver  in  person  and  was  too  unwell  to  visit 
him.  Serra  came,  and  thought  Rivera's  illness,  which 
was  a  slight  pain  in  the  leg,  greatly  exaggerated. 
He  found  his  letters  likewise  broken  open,  though 
Rivera  assured  him  it  was  accidental  and  they  had 
not  been  read.  He  then  told  the  president  of  his 
excommunication  at  San  Diego,  and  Serra,  after  con- 
sultation with  the  San  Carlos  friars,  approved  what 
Fuster  had  done,  refusing  to  grant  the  captain's  re- 
quest for  absolution,  until  he  should  give  satisfaction 

20  Pieras  was  returning  in  his  company  to  San  Antonio.  Anza,  Diario, 
MS.,  185,  says  he  took  a  written  certificate  from  the  padres.  Font,  Journal, 
MS.,  43,  says:  'We  supposed  that  he  had  returned  to  speak  with  Capt.  Anza 
before  his  departure  and  treat  about  the  affairs  of  the  expedition,  and  that 
we  should  probably  have  to  return  to  Monterey  or  at  least  stay  where  we 
were;  but  we  soon  found  that  his  arrival  did  not  cause  us  any  detention  what- 
ever, for  when  we  fell  in  with  Capt.  Ilivera,  a  short  time  afterward,  the  two 
captains  saluted  each  other  on  passing,  and  without  stopping  to  speak  about 
anything  Capt.  Ilivera  immediately  went  on  to  Monterey,  and  we  continued 
our  journey  toward  Sonora.' 


ANZA  AND  RIVERA.  271 

to  the  church  by  returning  the  Indian  Carlos  to  the 
sanctuary,  on  which  condition  the  San  Diego  minis- 
ters could  grant  absolution  without  necessity  of  Ser- 
ra's  interference.  He  also  wrote  the  guardian  about 
the  matter,  and  after  much  difficulty  in  getting  an 
escort  from  Rivera,  who  put  him  off  with  frivolous 
pretexts,  he  sent  Cambon  with  the  letter  to  overtake 
Anza.  The  next  day,  April  19th,  Rivera  himself 
started  south  again,  refusing  Serra's  request  to  go 
with  him  on  the  plea  of  very  great  haste.21 

Cambon  overtook  Anza  at  San  Luis  on  the  19th, 
bringing  besides  the  president's  letters  for  Mexico 
one  in  which  he  announced  his  purpose  to  come  down 
with  Rivera  if  possible,  and  asked  Anza  to  wait  a 
little;  another  from  Moraga  telling  of  Rivera's  arrival 
at  Monterey,  and  volunteering  the  opinion  that  the 
commandant  was  insane;  and  still  another  from  Rivera 
himself  announcing  his  immediate  departure,  asking 
for  a  delay  and  consultation,  and  apologizing  for  past 
discourtesy  on  the  plea  of  ill-health.22  On  the  after- 
noon of  the  21st  some  soldiers  came  in  saying  that 
Rivera  had  encamped  for  the  night  but  a  little  way 
off.  Anza  at  once  sent  a  message  that  he  would  con- 
sult with  him  on  matters  affecting  the  service,  but 
that  all  communication  must  be  in  writing.  Next  day 
came  back  a  letter  naming  San.  Gabriel  as  the  place 
of  consultation.  Anza  was  there  on  the  29th,23  and 

21  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  291-7.  Another  serious  cause  of  trouble  between  Rivera 
and  Serra  was  the  action  of  the  former  respecting  the  mules  which  were 
sent  for  mission  use.  One  hundred  mules  were  sent  via  Baja  California, 
and  89  were  sent  up  by  Gov.  Barri  to  Rivera,  who,  knowing  that  they 
belonged  exclusively  to  the  missions,  distributed  them  all  the  same  among 
his  soldiers,  except  40  which  he  brought  to  Monterey,  admitting  when  ques- 
tioned that  the  mules  were  not  his,  but  pleading  military  service.  Subse- 
quently, a  letter  came  to  Serra  for  Rivera  ordering  the  distribution  of  the 
mules.  The  letter  was  open,  and  was  sealed  and  delivered  after  being  read, 
but  Rivera  never  mentioned  the  matter  again.  Id.,  209-11. 

>22  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  297-300,  says  that  Anza  was  induced  by  the  padres  to 
read  the  letter,  but  would  not  answer  it.  According  to  this  author  Rivera's 
apology  was  in  the  subsequent  letter. 

•23This  is  Anza's  own  version,  Diario,  MS.,  189-97.  Font,  Journal,  MS., 
44,  tells  us  that  Rivera  came  to  San  Luis  on  the  22d,  and  after  staying  a 
while  without  seeing  Anza  started  for  San  Gabriel.  Palou  also  says  that 
Rivera  came  to  San  Luis,  got  angry  because  Anza  refused  to  communicate 


272  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GAKCES. 

found  that  Rivera  had  arrived  two  days  before  him. 
Here  the  two  commandants  had  no  personal  interview", 
but  exchanged  several  letters,  Anza  sending  to  Rivera 
a  description  and  map  showing  his  survey  of  San 
Francisco,  and  giving  him  three  days  in  which  to 
prepare  such  reports  or  other  communications  as  he 
might  wish  to  forward  to  the  viceroy.  When  the 
time  had  passed  Rivera  was  offered  more  time,  but 
replied  that  no  more  was  needed  and  that  his  de- 
spatches would  soon  overtake  Anza.24  The  latter 
finally  set  out  for  Sonora  May  2d,  with  the  same 
company  he  had  brought  from  Monterey  and  the  re- 
mainder of  his  ten  soldiers. 

Next  day  there  came  from  Rivera,  not  his  report 
to  the  viceroy  on  matters  connected  with  his  com- 
mand, but  a  private  letter  to  Anza  in  which  he  said 
that  he  "lacked  a  paper  bearing  upon  a  criminal  who 
took  refuge  in  the  place  where  mass  is  said  at  San 
Diego,"  and  asked  Anza  to  present  his  excuses  to  the 
viceroy.  He  also  enclosed  a  letter  to  the  guardian  of 
San  Fernando.  Anza  sent  back  both  letters  to  the 
writer,  and  went  on  to  the  Colorado;  while  Rivera 
went  immediately  down  to  San  Diego.  The  quarrel 
is  certainly  a  curious  item  in  the  annals  of  California, 
being  a  subject  which  it  is  difficult  fully  to  compre- 
hend. Rivera  was  evidently  a  weak  man.  Whether 
he  was  insane,  or  influenced  solely  by  a  spirit  of  child- 
ish jealousy,  of  which  we  have  seen  manifestations  in 
a  previous  quarrel  with  Fages,  is  a  question.  Both 
officers  were  subsequently  reprimanded  by  Bucareli 

except  in  writing,  and  went  on  to  San  Gabriel  followed  by  Anza.  Here  may 
be  mentioned  a  tradition  of  the  natives  recorded  by  Anza  as  having  been 
told  to  P.  Figuer,  of  the  arrival  and  wreck,  23  years  before,  of  a  vessel  bear- 
ing 12  white  men  like  the  Spaniards,  who  before  their  death  in  the  wreck  had 
landed  and  gave  the  Indians  beads  and  other  articles,  including  the  knives 
found  by  the  Spaniards  in  1769.  '  Qu6  gente  seria  esta  queda  al  discurso  de 
quien  estd  mas  instruido  que  yo,'  writes  Anza,  and  I  can  do  no  better  than 
follow  his  discreet  example. 

24Palou  says  that  Anza  did  not  stop  at  the  mission  but  encamped  at  a  little 
distance,  fearing  a  controversy  with  Rivera;  and  that  he  subsequently  sent 
back  Rivera's  letters  with  the  message  that  '  he  was  not  the  mail. '  The  cor- 
respondence "between  the  two  was  sent  by  Anza  to  the  viceroy  but  has  not,  so 
far  as  I  know,  been  preserved. 


WANDERINGS  OF  GAECES.  273 

for  allowing  a  quarrel  in  matters  of  etiquette  to  inter- 
fere with  the  public  service;  but  Rivera's  early  re- 
moval to  Lower  California  put  an  end  to  the  matter, 
as  it  did  to  his  quarrel  with  the  friars. 

The  return  march  of  Anza's  party  to  the  Colorado 
presents  nothing  of  importance.  They  followed  the 
same  route  as  before,  except  between  San  Sebastian 
and  Santa  Olaya,  where  they  kept  more  to  the  north, 
and  arrived  May  llth  at  the  Portezuelo  de  la  Con- 
cepcion,  just  below  Palma's  rancheria,  and  nearly  if 
not  exactly  identical  with  the  site  of  the  modern  Fort 
Yuma.  Here  they  found  Padre  Eixarch  in  safety  and 
added  him  to  the  company;  but  of  Garces  nothing 
could  be  learned  except  that  he  had  gone  up  the  river 
to  the  country  of  the  Jalchedunes,  whither  a  letter 
was  sent  ordering  him  to  return.  Palma  with  three 
other  natives  also  joined  the  party,  being  allowed  at 
the  earnest  solicitation  of  himself  and  nation  to  go 
with  Anza  to  Mexico  to  present  his  petition  for  mis- 
sionaries. They  crossed  the  swollen  river  on  rafts 
just  below  the  Gila,  followed  the  banks  of  the  latter 
stream  for  two  days,  and  then,  turning  to  the  right, 
returned  to  Horcasitas  by  way  of  Sonoita,  Caborca, 
and  Altar,  arriving  the  1st  of  June.' 


'25 


I  have  now  to  narrate  briefly  the  Californian  wan- 
derings of  Father  Francisco  Garces,  whom  Colonel 
Anza  had  left  on  the  4th  of  December  1775  at 
Palma's  rancheria  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Gila, 
and  whom  he  had  subsequently  seen  at  Santa  Olaya 
on  the  9th,  the  friar  being  already  on  his  way  to  ex- 
plore the  country  and  learn  the  disposition  of  the 
natives  toward  the  Christians.  This  first  trip  lasted 
till  January  3d,  and  in  it  the  friar  wandered  with 

2bAnza,  Diario,  MS.,  198-232;  Font's  Journal,  MS.,  45-52;  Arrkiv'tta, 
Cr6n.  Serctf. ,  464-8,  490.  The  last  author  affirms  that  Palma  was  well  received 
at  Mexico,  but  there  was  some  hesitation  about  sending  missionaries,  as  he 
was  chief  of  one  rancheria  only.  I  should  add  that  one  of  the  deserting  mule- 
teers condemned  by  Anza  to  remain  in  California  escaped  from  San  Diego  and 
crossed  the  country  eastward  alone  and  unmolested,  joining  Anza  on  the 
Colorado.  The  name  of  this  first  explorer  on  this  route  is  not  recorded. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.  18 


£74  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GARCES. 

three  Indian  interpreters  in  all  directions  over  the 
country  between  Santa  Olaya  and  the  mouth  of  the 
Colorado,26  everywhere  kindly  received,  everywhere 
showing  his  banner  with  a  picture  of  the  virgin  on 
one  side  and  of  a  lost  soul  on  the  other.  The  natives 
invariably  looked  with  pleasure  on  the  former  paint- 
ing, pronouncing  it  muy  buena,  but  turned  with  horror 
from  the  latter  as  something  very  bad,  to  the  un- 
ceasing delight  of  Garces,  who  regarded  their  prefer- 
ance  as  a  token  of  predestination  to  salvation.  The 
diary  contains  much  useful  information  respecting  the 
aboriginal  tribes. 

On  the  return  of  Garces  early  in  January  the  two 
padres  moved  their  residence  from  Palma's  rancheria 
to  what  they  called  the  Puerto,  or  Portezuelo,  de 
Concepcion,  the  site,  as  already  stated,  of  the  modern 
Fort  Yuma.  They  also  examined  the  rancheria,  or 
puerto,  of  San  Pablo  below  on  the  river,  and  pro- 
nounced it  a  suitable  site  for  a  mission.  Visitors 
came  in  from  different  nations,  and  among  others 
from  those  dwelling  in  the  mountains  toward  San 
Diego.  The  people  called  Quemeyabs  announced  that 
those  on  the  coast  had  already  killed  a  priest  and 
burned  his  house,  that  war  was  expected,  and  that  in 
case  it  came  all  the  nations  would  combine  against 
the  Spaniards,  asking  the  Colorado  tribes  to  remain 
neutral.  Garces  paid,  however,  very  little  attention 
to  this  story,  knowing  of  course  nothing  about  the 
massacre  at  San  Diego;  yet  he  lost  no  opportunity 
to  insist  on  the  necessity  of  maintaining  the  most 
friendly  relations  with  these  tribes,  in  order  to  insure 
the  safety  of  the  coast  establishments  and  communi- 
cation with  them. 

On  February  14th  Garces  started  up  the  river, 
..always  to  the  west  of  it,  with  two  or  three  interpret- 
ers to  visit  the  Yamajabs,  as  the  Mojaves  were  orig- 

26  The  general  route  is  indicated  by  dotted  lines  on  Font's  map,  but  must 
have  been  added  after  the  diary  was  finished,  for  then  Font  had  heard  noth- 
"ing  of  Garces.  This  part  of  the  padre's  wanderings  might,  indeed,  have  been 
reported  by  Eixarch,  but  not  his  northern  travels,  also  shown  011  the  map. 


FROM  MOJAVE  TO  SAN  GABRIEL.  275 

inally  called,  arriving  on  the  28th  in  their  country,  or 
rather  opposite,  for  they  lived  on  the  east  of  the  river, 
between  what  are  now  the  Needles  and  Fort  Mojave.27 
During  his  short  stay  two  thousand  natives  came 
across  the  Colorado  to  visit  the  first  white  man  who 
had  ever  been  in  that  region.  Here  the  adventurous 
friar  conceived  the  idea  of  crossing  the  country  west- 
ward to  visit  the  friars  who  lived  near  the  sea,  and 
was  encouraged  by  the  natives,  who  had  traded  with 
the  coast  tribes  and  said  they  knew  the  way.  Leav- 
ing some  of  his  not  very  bulky  effects  and  one  of  his 
interpreters,  he  started  with  the  rest  and  a  few  Yarn- 
ajabs  March  1st  and  arrived  on  the  24th  at  San 
Gabriel.28  The  route  was  substantially  that  of  the 
modern  road  from  Los  Angeles  to  Mojave,  up  the 
Mojave  River  and  through  the  Cajon  Pass;  and  the 
journey  was  without  incident  requiring  special  mention. 
Garces  was  warmly  welcomed  by  the  priests  at  San 
Gabriel,  where  it  will  be  remembered  he  had  been  with 
Anza  in  1774,  finding  that  establishment  "muy  adel- 
antada  en  lo  espiritual  y  temporal,"  and  remaining  for 

27  This  being  the  first  exploration  of  most  of  this  region,  or  of  all  west  of 

the  river,  I  give  the  route  in  Ml.    See  also  Font's  map  route  marked . 

Puerto  de  la  Concepcion,  Gvj  1.  N.  w. ;  2  1.  w.  N.  w.  through  pass  in  Sierra  de 
San  Pablo  to  San  Marcelo' watering-place;  5  1.  N.  w.  in  sight  of  Cabeza  del 
Gigante  in  the  east,  Grande  Medanal,  and  vicinity  of  San  Sebastian,  passing 
near  Peiion  de  la  Campana;  8 1.  N.  and  N.  N.  w.  through  pass  in  the  sierra  on 
north  of  the  Medanal  to  San  Jose"  watering-place  33°  28';  3^  1.  N.  N.  w.  and  E.  N. 
E.,  across  sierra  to  a  valley;  61.  N.  N.  w.  and  E.  N.  E.;  6L  E.  N.  E.  and  N.  into 
Sierra  of  Santa  Margarita  to  banks  of  Colorado,  across  valley  to  watering-place 
in  33°25'(?);  1J1.  w.;  Gor  11 1.  N.W.  and  w.  N.W.  to  Tinajas  delTezquien,  one 
day's  journey  from  river;  8  1.  (or  G  1.)  N.  N.  w.  and  N.  across  a  sierra,  to  Santo 
Angel  springs  34° 31'  (in  Chemehneves  country);  61.  N.  E.  and  N.  w.;  71.  N.  N. 
E.  across  a  sierra  to  Yamajab  nation,  whose  rancherias,  LaPasion,  were  across 
the  river.    (35°  on  Font's  map. } 

28  The  full  route  over  a  country  which  Garcds  was  the  first,  as  also  for  many 
years  the  last,  to  traverse  is  worth  recording  as  follows.    (See  also  map):  3  1. 
N.  w.  to  rancherias  of  Santa  Isabel;  31.  N.  w.  and  E.  N.  w.  (sic)  to  San  Pedro 
de  los  Yamajabs  in  35°  1',  still  near  the  river;  2^1.  s.  w.  to  San  Casimiro  wells; 
81.  w.  £  w.  s.  w.  to  wells;  5 1.  w.,  31.  w.  s.  w.  to  Sierra  de  Santa  Coleta;  41. 
w.  N.  w.  across  sierra  (Providence  Mts.)  to  Canada  de  Santo  Tomas;  61.  w. 
s.  w.  to  wells  of  San  Juan  de  Dios,  where  the  country  of  the  Beiiemes  begins; 
51.  to  Pinta  Pass  and  Arroyo  de  los  Martires  (Rio  Mojave);  12-JL  w.  s.  w.  on 
same  stream;   2  1.  w.  N.  w.,  and  2  1.  s.  w.  and  s.  34°  37';  5  1.  s.  w.  up  the 
stream;  8-J1.  up  the  stream;  31.  s.  w.  and  s.  to  San  Benito  rancheria;  31.  s.  s. 
W.  across  sierra  (Cajon  Pass?)  in  sight  of  sea,  and  31.  E.  s.  E.  to  Arroyo  de  loa 
Alisos;  211.  w.  s.  w.  into  Anza's  trail,  and  81.  w.  N.  w.;  21.  \v.  N.  w.  to  San 
Gabriel. 


276  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND  GARCES. 

over  two  weeks.29  It  had  been  his  intention  to  reach 
San  Luis  instead  of  San  Gabriel,  but  the  natives  had 
refused  to  guide  him  in  that  direction.  He  now  de- 
termined to  go  up  to  San  Luis  by  the  highway,  and 
thence  to  return  eastward  to  the  Colorado  across  the 
tulares.  He  applied  to  the  corporal  of  the  mission 
guard  for  an  escort  and  supplies  for  the  trip,  and  was 
refused,  being  subsequently  refused  also  by  Rivera  to 
whom  he  wrote  at  San  Diego.  The  commandant  soon 

O 

arrived,  however,  on  his  way  to  Monterey,  and  a  dis- 
cussion ensued  on  the  matter,  which  finally  elicited 
from  Rivera,  after  various  excuses,  the  declaration 
that  he  was  not  in  favor  of  any  communication  between 
the  natives  of  the  Colorado  and  those  of  the  missions, 
having  already  taken  some  measures  to  prevent  it  by 
ordering  the  arrest  of  eastern  Indians  coming  to  the 
missions  to  trade.  Garces  deemed  Rivera's  views 
erroneous,  but  he  was  obliged  to  submit,  receiving, 
however,  from  the  missionaries  supplies  which  enabled 
him  to  partially  carry  out  his  plans,  though  he  did  not 
venture  along  the  Channel  shores. 

Setting  out  on  the  9th  of  April,  the  padre  crossed 
the  San  Fernando  Valley  —  I  use  here  for  convenience 
modern  names,  referring  to  a  note  for  those  applied 
at  the  time30  —  and  the  Santa  Clara  River;  entered 

29  It  appears  by  the  mission  record  that  Garcds  on  April  6th  baptized  an 
Indian  of  20  years  named  Miguel  Garce"s,  Sergeant  Grijalva  being  godfather. 
San  Gabriel,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  10.    It  is  very  strange  that  neither  Anza 
nor  Font  in  their  diaries  mention  GarceV  visit  to  San  Gabriel,  though  the 
route  is  indicated  on  the  latter's  map,  which,  as  I  have  said,  must  have  been 
made  after  the  completion  of  the  diary. 

30  See  also  Font's  map.    San  Gabriel;  1|  1.  N.  w.  and  w.  N.  w.;  5£1.  N.  w. 
at  foot  of  sierra;  2^1.  N.  w.  to  rancheria  in  34°  13'  (vicinity  of  San  Fernando 
mission);  21.  N.  to  Santa  Clara  Valley  and  1£1.  w.  N.  w.  to  a  cieneya;  9  1.  w. 
and  N.  across  (?)  the  Sierra  Grande;  |l.  N.  E.  to  a  lake  where  Fages  had  been 
(Elizabeth  Lake?);  51.  across  valley  to  Sierra  de  San  Marcos;  21.  N.  and  3^L 


w.  across  the  Sierra  to  San  Pascual  rancheria  of  the  Cuabajay  nation  (in 
edge  of  Tulare  Valley,  but  this  nation  farther  west  on  map);  1^1.  w.  N.  w.  to 
rancheria  in  35°  9';  8  1.  N.  to  Arroyo  de  Santa  Catarina  in  country  of  the 
Noches  ;  1  1.  N.  w.  to  a  great  river  San  Felipe  flowing  with  rapid  current  from 
eastern  mountains  (Kern  River  above  Bakersfield  ?)  and  31.  N.  w.  and  N.  to 
smaller  stream  Santiago  (Posa  Creek?);  4J  1.  N.  ;  2J  1.  N.  to  River  Santa  Cruz 
(White  River?);  1  1.  E.  to  rancheria.  Back  to  San  Miguel  at  junction  of  two 
branches  of  River  San  Felipe;  back  to  San  Pascual  rancheria;  2  1.  E.  and  N.  E. 
in  sierra  to  lagoon  of  San  Venancio;  3£  1.  N.  w.  and  s.  E.;  1^1.  s.  E.  to  Arroyo 


EXPLORATION  OF  THE  TULARES.  277 

the  great  Tulare  Valley  by  way  of  Turner's  and  Tejon 
passes;  crossed  Kern  River,  which  he  called  San 
Felipe,  near  Bakersfield;  went  up  nearly  to  the  lati- 
tude of  Tulare  Lake,  which  he  did  not  see,  being  too 
far  to  the  east;  left  the  valley,  probably  by  the  Teha- 
chepi  Pass  but  possibly  by  Kelso  Valley;  and  thence 
went  across  to  the  Mojave,  and  back  by  nearly  his 
original  route  to  the  starting-point  on  the  Colorado. 
Thus  he  had  been  the  first  to  explore  this  broad 
region,  the  first  to  pass  over  the  southern  Pacific 
railway  route  of  the  thirty-fifth  parallel.  His  petty 
adventures  with  the  ever  friendly  natives  in  the  Tulare 
Valley  are  interesting,  but  cannot  be  sufficiently  con- 
densed for  insertion  here.  Seven  days'  journey  north 
of  the  limit  of  his  trip  he  heard  of  another  great 
river  which  joined  the  San  Felipe,  and  which  Gar- 
ces  thought  might  be  that  flowing  into  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay,  the  San  Joaquin,  as  it  doubtless  was.  At 
one  place  the-  priest  was  greeted  by  a  native  who 
asked  him  in  Spanish  for  paper  to  make  dgarritos,  who 
said  he  came  from  the  west,  and  who  was,  doubtless, 
a  runaway  neophyte  from  San  Carlos  or  San  Antonio. 
Everywhere  the  natives  were  careful  to  inquire  of 
the  guides  whether  the  friar  was  a  Spaniard  of  the 
west  or  of  the  east,  the  latter  bearing  a  much  better 
reputation  than  the  former. 

On  the  Colorado  Garces  received  Anza's  letter 
requiring  his  return  if  he  wished  to  accompany  the 
party  to  Sonora.  But  it  was  already  too  late;  there 
was  much  to  be  done  in  his  favorite  work  of  making 
peace  between  hostile  tribes,  the  Indians  desired  him 
to  stay,  and  there  were  other  regions  to  explore. 
Consequently,  although  he  had  once  started  down  the 
river,  he  suddenly  changed  his  mind  and  decided  to 
visit  the  Moqui  towns.  Parting  from  his  last  inter- 

de  la  Asuncion ;  6^  1.  s.  s.  w.  out  of  mountains  and  over  plains ;  7  1.  s.  s.  w. 
to  Rio  Martires  at  old  station  in  34°  37';  back  to  San  Juan  de  Dios  by  old 
route;  21.  E.  N.  E.  to  Medano;  4^-1.  E.  s.  E.  across  Sierra  of  Santa  Coleta;  31. 
E.  N.  E.  to  well  of  San  Felipe  Nerf;  5  1.  N.  E.  ;  1£  1.  N.  E.  to  Trinidad;  1  \  1.  N.  E. ; 
9 1.  E.  and  s.  E.  to  San  Casimiro ;  2 1.  E.  s.  w.  (sic)  to  starting-point. 


278  EXPEDITIONS  OF  ANZA,  FONT,  AND 

preter  he  crossed  the  river  and  started  June  4th  with 
a  party  of  Hualapais  for  the  north-east,  reaching  the 
Moqui  towns  the  2d  of  July.  Here  his  good-fortune 
deserted  him.  The  Moquis  did  not  harm  him,  but 
would  not  receive  him  in  their  houses,  would  not  re- 
ceive his  gifts,  looked  with  indifference  on  his  paint- 
ings of  hell  and  heaven,  and  refused  to  kiss  the 
Christ.  Having  passed  two  nights  in  a  corner  of  the 
court-yard,  and  having  written  a  letter  to  the  min- 
ister at  Zuni,  Garces  turned  sorrowfully  back  and 
retraced  his  steps  to  the  country  of  the  Yamajabs, 
where  he  arrived  on  the  25th.  He  was  a  month  in 
going  down  the  river  to  the  Yuma  country,  and  reach- 
ing San  Javier  del  Bac,  on  the  17th  of  September.31 

The  expedition  of  Doininguez  and  Escalante  may 
be  alluded  to  here  as  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  reach 
California.  They  went  in  1776  from  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexico,  to  Utah  Lake.  But  winter  was  near,  food 
became  scarce,  reports  of  the  natives  were  not  en- 
couraging, and  they  soon  gave  up  their  plan  of  reach- 
ing Monterey,  returning  to  Santa  Fe  by  way  of  the 
Moqui  towns.32 

31  Garcts,  Diario,  246-348.    Signed  at  Inbutama  Jan.  30,  1777.    Forbes, 
Hist.  CaL,  157-62,  saw  this  diary  in  MS.,  at  Guadalajara.     Journey  men- 
tioned in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  47-8;  vi.  59.     Palou,  Not.,  ii.  281-2,  mentions 
rumors  that  Garce"s  had  been  killed  by  savages. 

32  Dominguez  and  Escalante,  Diario  y  Derrotero,  1776.    In  his  Carta  de  28 
de  Octubre  1775,  MS.,  Escalante  favors  a  route  from  Monterey  to  the  Moquis 

,.  and  to  Santa  Fe\     He  has  heard  of  some  light-colored  natives  somewhere  on 
the  route,  who  had  probably  reached  the  interior  from  Monterey,  by  the  great 


CHAPTEK  XIII. 

FOUNDING   OF    THE   PRESIDIO  AND    MISSION   OF   SAN 
FRANCISCO. 

1776-1777. 

ANZA'S  EXPLORATION  OF  THE  PENINSULA  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO — ITINERARY — 
THE  CAMP  ON  MOUNTAIN  LAKE — SURVEY  OF  THE  PENINSULA — ARROYO 
DE  LOS  DOLORES — TRIP  TO  THE  GREAT  RIVER — BLUNDERS  OF  FONT  IN 
CORRECTING  CRESPI — RETURN  TO  MONTEREY — ORDERS  FOR  THE  FOUNDA- 
TION— A  HIT  AT  THE  PADRES — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  TRANSPORT  VESSELS — 
MORAGA  LEADS  THE  COLONY  TO  THE  PENINSULA — CAMP  ON  LAKE 
DOLORES — COMING  OF  THE  'SAN  CARLOS' — THE  PRESIDIO  FOUNDED — 
NEW  EXPLORATION  OF  ROUND  BAY  AND  Rio  DE  SAN  FRANCISCO— FLIGHT 
OF  THE  NATIVES — FORMAL  DEDICATION  OF  THE  MISSION — DISCUSSION  OF 
DATE,  LOCATION,  AND  NAME — EARLY  PROGRESS — ANNALS  OF  1777 — 
VISITS  OF  GOVERNOR  AND  PRESIDENT  AND  COMMANDANT. 

THE  expedition  of  Anza,  described  in  the  preceding 
chapter,  was  planned  and  executed  with  almost  exclu- 
sive reference  to  the  establishment  of  a  presidio  at 
San  Francisco,  and  of  one  or  two  missions  in  the  same 
region  under  its  protection.  Though  I  have  not  found 
the  text  of  Bucareli's  instructions  to  Anza,  it  was 
probably  the  intention  that  the  foundation  should  be 
accomplished  during  that  officer's  stay  in  California, 
and  to  a  certain  extent  under  his  supervision.  The 
expedition,  however,  for  various  reasons,  did  not  reach 
California  so  early  as  had  been  intended.  The  matter 
was  delayed  by  the  critical  state  of  things  at  San 
Diego,  and  still  farther  delayed  by  Rivera's  idiosyn- 
crasies; and  Anza  was  obliged  to  leave  the  country 
before  his  colonists  had  been  settled  in  their  new 
home.  Yet  he  did  not  go  until  he  had  made  every 
possible  effort  to  forward  the  scheme  by  repeatedly 

(2791 


280  FOTINDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

urging  its  importance  upon  the  dilatory  and  obstinate 
commandant,  and  by  making  in  person  a  new  exam- 
ination of  the  San  Francisco  region.  This  examina- 
tion, minutely  described  in  the  original  records,1  was 
omitted  from  its  chronological  place  as  a  part  of 
Anza's  expedition,  and  must  now  receive  attention. 

With  Moraga,  Font,  a  corporal,  and  two  soldiers 
from  the  presidio,  eight  of  his  own  men,  and  provisions 
for  twenty  days,  Anza  left  Monterey  for  San  Fran- 
cisco the  23d  of  March  1776,  having  been  but  two 
days  from  his  sick-bed  at  San  Carlos.2  The  party 
followed  the  route  of  Rivera  and  Palou  in  tfreir  jour- 
ney of  December  1774,3  to  the  Arroyo  de  San  Fran- 
cisco, now  known  as  San  Francisquito  Creek,  at 
a  spot  where  the  Spaniards  had  first  encamped  in 
December  1769,  and  which  Palou  had  selected  two 
years  previously  as  a  desirable  site  for  the  mission  of 
San  Francisco.  The  cross  set  up  in  token  of  this 
selection  was  still  standing,  but  intermediate  explora- 
tion, as  Anza  tells  us,  referring  presumably  to  Heceta's 
trip  of  the  year  before,  had  shown  a  lack  of  water  in 
the  dry  season,  very  unfortunately,  as  in  respect  of 
soil,  timber,  and  gentilidad  the  place  was  well  adapted 
for  a  mission. 

Instead  of  entering  the  Canada  of  San  Andres  Anza 
seems  to  have  kept  nearer  the  bay  shore — though 
neither  he  nor  Font  states  that  the  bay  was  kept  in 
sight;  but  after  crossing  the  Arroyo  de  San  Mateo, 
so  called  at  the  time  and  since,  there  are  but  slight 

*  O 

data,  save  the  general  course,  between   north-west 

lAnza,  Diario,  MS.,  139-78;  Font's  Journal,  MS.,  30-43. 

2  Palon,  Not.,  285-7,  says  the  start  was  March  22d,  and  the  total  number  of 
soldiers  10.     Anza  wished  Palou  to  go  with  him,  but  Serra  objected.    Two  of 
the  soldiers,  however,  had  been  over  the  route  before. 

3  See  chap.  x.  of  this  volume.     The  itinerary,  with  Font's  distances  in 
parentheses,  was  as  follows:  From  Monterey,  7^  1.  (7)  to  Asuncion  or  Nativi- 
dad  across  the  River  Monterey  or  Santa  Delfina:  81.   (12)  to  Valley  of  San 
Bernardino  or  Arroyo  de  las  Llagas  (still  called  Llagas  Creek)  across  Arroyo 
de  San  Benito  and  Pajaro  River  (?);  8 1.  (12)  to  Arroyo  de  San  Jose"  Cupertino 
(93  on  Font's  map)  in  sight  of  bay;  4 1.  (6  ?)  to  Arroyo  de  San  Francisco.    At 
one  place  on  the  way  the  poles  used  to  support  the  altar  on  a  previous  visit 
of  the  Spaniards  were  found  decorated  with  offerings  of  arrows,  feathers,  food, 
etc.,  recalling  the  similar  occurrence  at  Monterey  in  1770. 


MAP  OF  EXPLORATIONS. 


281 


PENINSULA  OF  SAN  FBANCISCO. 


282  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

and  north,  from  which  to  determine  the  exact  route/ 
until,  on  March  27th,  he  encamped  at  about  11  A.  M. 
on  a  lake  near  the  "mouth  of  the  port,"  out  of  which 
was  flowing  water  enough,  as  the  writer  says,  for  a 
mill.  This  was  what  is  now  Mountain  Lake,  to  which 
the  Spaniards  at  this  time  gave  no  name,5  though 
they  called  the  outlet  Arroyo  del  Puerto,  now  known 
as  Lobos  Creek.  As  soon  as  the  camp  was  pitched 
Anza  set  out  exploring  toward  the  west  and  south, 
spending  the  afternoon,  and  finding  water,  pasturage, 
and  wood,  in  fact  all  that  was  required  for  his  pro- 
posed fort  except  timber. 

Next  morning  he  went  with  the  priests  to  what  is 
now  Fort  Point,  "  where  nobody  had  been,"  and  there 
erected  a  cross,  at  the  foot  of  which  he  buried  an  ac- 
count of  his  explorations.6  Here  upon  the  table-land 
terminating  in  this  point  Anza  determined  to  estab- 
lish the  presidio.  Font  presently  returned  to  camp,7 
while  Anza  and  Moraga  continued  their  explorations 
toward  the  east  and  south-east,  where  they  found,  iii 
addition  to  previous  discoveries,  a  plentiful  supply  of 
oak  timber  which,  though  much  bent  by  the  north- 
west winds,  would  serve  to  some  extent  for  building 
purposes.  About  half  a  league  east  of  the  camp  they 

4  From  the  topography  of  the  region,  and  from  the  fact  that  no  mention  is 
made  of  seeing  or  being  near  either  the  bay  or  Lake  Merced,  it  is  most  likely 
that  Anza  followed  the  route  of  the  present  county  road  and  railroad  from 
San  Bruno  to  the  vicinity  of  Islais  Creek,  thence  turning  to  the  left  past  the 
present  Almshouse  tract. 

5  The  lake  is  called  Laguna  del  Presidio  on  La  Pe"rouse's  map  of  1786. 
That  the  lake  on  which  this  party  encamped  was  Mountain  Lake,  an  identity 
that  no  previous  writer  has  noticed,  is  proved  not  only  by  Anza's  subsequent 
movements,  but  by  the  following  in  Font's  Journal,  MS.,  31:  'The  coast  of 
the  mouth  (of  San  Francisco  Bay)  on  this  side  runs  from  N.  E.  to  s.  w.,  not 
straight,  but  forming  a  bend,  on  the  beach  of  which  a  stream,  fwhich  flows 
from  the  lagoon  where  we  halted,  empties  itself,  and  we  called  it  the  Arroyo 
del  Puerto. '    No  other  part  of  the  shore  corresponds  at  all  to  this  statement. 

6  Misled,  perhaps,  by  this  mention  of  the  cross,  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  286,  says 
that  Anza  followed  his,  Palou's,  route  of  1774  until  he  reached  the  cross 
planted  at  that  time. 

7  Font  in  his  diary  gives  a  long  and  accurate  description  of  San  Francisco 
Bay.     He  clearly  mentions  Alcatraz  Island,  though  without  applying  any 
name.     It  is  to  be  noted  that  he  mentions  Punta  de  Almejas,  or  Mussel  Point, 
still  so  called;  but  this  was  not  the  original  Mussel  Point  of  1769,  though 
Font  very  likely  thought  so. 


ANZA'S  VISIT.  283 

found  another  large  lagoon,  from  which  was  flowing 
considerable  water,  and  which,  with  some  artificial  im- 
provements, they  thought  would  furnish  a  permanent 
supply  for  garden  irrigation.  This  was  the  present 
Washerwoman's  Bay,  corner  of  Greenwich  and  Octa- 
via  streets.  About  a  league  and  a  half  south-east  of 
the  camp  there  was  a  tract  of  irrigable  land,  and  a 
flowing  spring,  or  ojo  de  agua,  which  would  easily 
supply  the  required  water.  Anza  found  some  well 
disposed  natives  also,  and  he  carne  back  at  5  p.  M.  very 
much  pleased,  as  Font  tells  us,  with  the  result  of  his 
day's  search. 

Next  morning,  the  29th,  they  broke  camp,  half  the 
men  with  the  pack  animals  returning  by  the  way  they 
had  come,  to  San  Mateo  Creek,  and  the  commander 
with  Font  and  five  men  taking  a  circuitous  route  by 
the  bay  shore.  Arriving  at  the  spring  and  rivulet  dis- 
covered the  day  before,  they  named  it  from  the  day, 
the  last  Friday  in  lent,  Arroyo  de  los  Dolores.8 
Thence  passing  round  the  hills  they  reached  and 
crossed  the  former  trail,  and  went  over  westward  into 
the  Canada  de  San  Andres  in  search  of  timber,  of 
which  they  found  an  abundance.  They  followed  the 
glen  some  distance  beyond  where  the  San  Mateo 
creek  flows  out  into  the  plain,  killed  a  large  bear, 
crossed  the  low  hills,  and  returned  northward  to  join 
their  companions  on  the  San  Mateo. 

The  next  objective  point  was  the  great  River  San 
Francisco,  which  had  in  1772  prevented  Fages  from 

8  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Anza  calls  it  simply  an  '  ojo  de  agua  6  fuente  '  and 
Font  an  'arroyo,' but  neither  mentions  any  lagoon.  Palou,  however,  says, 
'  on  reaching  the  beach  of  the  bay  which  the  sailors  called  De  los  Llorones 
(that  is  Mission  Bay,  called  Llorones  by  Ayala's  men  on  account  of  two  weep- 
ing natives,  see  chap.  xi. ),  he  crossed  an  arroyo  by  which  empties  a  great 
lagoon  which  he  named  Dolores,  and  it  seemed  to  him  a  good  site  for  the  mis- 
sion,' etc.  This  may  be  punctuated  so  as  to  apply  the  name  to  the  stream 
rather  than  the  lagoon  ;  but  I  suspect  that  the  lagoon — subsequently  known 
as  The  Willows — with  its  stream  was  entirely  distinct  from  Anza's  stream  of 
Dolores.  Of  this  more  in  note  26  of  this  chapter.  Font  from  an  eminence 
noted  the  bearing  of  the  head  of  the  bay  E.  s.  E.,  and  of  an  immense  spruce, 
or  redwood,  afterwards  found  it  to  be  150  feet  high  and  10  feet  in  circumfer- 
ence, on  the  Arroyo  cle  San  Francisco,  s.  E. 


284  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

reaching  Point  Reyes.9  Save  that  in  going  round 
the  head  of  the  bay  they  named  Guadalupe  and 
Coyote  streams,  and  further  on  the  Arroyo  de  San 
Salvador,  or  Harina,  there  is  nothing  of  value  or 
interest  in  the  diaries  until  April  2d  when  the  ex- 
plorers reached  the  mouth  of  "the  fresh  water  port 
held  hitherto  to  be  a  great  river,"  that  is,  to  the 
strait  of  Carquines  and  Suisun  Bay.  The  water  was 
somewhat  salt ;  there  was  no  current ;  this  great 
River  San  Francisco  was  apparently  no  river  at  all, 
but  an  extension  of  the  bay.  The  matter  seems  to 
have  troubled  them  greatly,  and  their  observations 
were  chiefly  directed  to  learning  the  true  status  of 
this  body  of  water.  There  was  no  reason  for  it, 
but  tbey  were  confused.  Crespi's  diary  of  the  for- 
mer trip  had  described  the  body  of  water  accu- 
rately enough,  and  had  not  at  all  confounded  the 
strait  and  bay  with  the  River  San  Francisco,  or  San 
Joaquin ;  but,  possibly,  Fages  had  also  written  a 
diary  in  which  he  expressed  the  matter  less  clearly.10 
The  camp  on  the  2d  was  on  a  stream  supposed  to 
be  identical  with  the  Santa  Angela  de  Fulgino11  of 
Fages.  On  the  3d  they  continued  eastward  past  the 
low  range  of  hills,  from  the  summit  of  which,  near 
Willow  Pass,  like  Fages  and  Crespi  before  them,  they 
had  a  fine  view  of  a  broad  country,  which  they  describe 
more  fully,  but  not  more  accurately,  than  their  prede- 
cessors.12 The  long  descriptions  are  interesting,  but 
they  form  no  part  of  history  and  are  omitted,  strange 
as  it  may  seem,  on  account  of  their  very  accuracy,  as 
is  also  true  regarding  Font's  description  of  San  Fran- 
cisco :Bay.  They  described  the  country  as  it  was  and 

9  It  is  noticeable  that  Anza  several  times  implies  that  more  than  one  ex- 
ploration had  been  made  in  this  direction,  but  only  one,  that  of  Fages,  is 
recorded. 

10  See  account  of  Fages'  trip  in  chapter  viii.     According  to  Arricivita, 
Croii.  Serdf. ,  465-7,  Font  named  the  body  of  water  Puerto  Dulce. 

11  No.  100  of  Font's  map. 

12  See  also  Font's  map  in  preceding  chapter,  on  which  'a'  is  'the  hill  to 
which  Fages  arrived;'  'b'  a  '  rancheria  at  edge  of  the  water;'  '  c,'  a  '  hill  from 
which  we  saw  the  tulares;'  *d'  the  '  summit  of  the  sierra;'  and  V  some  'min- 
eral hills.' 


MOUTH  OF  THE  SAN  JOAQUIN.  285 

is;  it  is  only  with  the  annals  of  their  trip  and  such 
errors  in  their  observations  as  had  or  might  have 
had  an  effect  on  subsequent  explorations  that  I  have 
to  deal.  There  are,  however,  errors  and  confusion  to 
be  noted.  It  is  evident  that  for  some  reason  they  had 
an  imperfect  idea  of  Fages'  trip.  On  the  strait  they 
had  labored  hard  to  prove  it  not  a  river,  as  it  certainly 
was  not,  and  as  it  had  never  been  supposed  to  be,  so 
far  as  can  be  known.  Now  that  they  had  reached  the 
river  and  were  looking  out  over  the  broad  valleys  of 
the  San  Joaquin  and  Sacramento  from  the  hills  back 
of  Antioch,  they  still  flattered  themselves  that  they 
were  correcting  errors  of  Crespi  and  Fages,  and  they 
still  labored  to  prove  that  the  broad  rivers  were  not 
rivers,  but  'fresh  water  ports'  extending  far  to  the 
north  and  south,  possibly  connecting  by  tulares  in  the 
former  direction  with  Bodega  Bay.  In  all  this,  how- 
ever, Anza  was  not  so  positive ;  but  in  correcting  an 
error  Crespi  never  made  respecting  the  Strait  of  Car- 
quines,  Font  was  singularly  enough  led  into  real  error 
left  on  record  for  others  to  correct. 

Like  Fages,  Anza  descended  the  hills  and  advanced 
some  leagues  over  the  plain  to  the  -water's  edge,13 
but  instead  of  turning  back  and  entering  the  hills  by 
the  San  Ramon  Canada,  as  Fages  had  done,  after 
some  rather  ineffectual  attempts  to  follow  the  miry 
river-banks,  he  kept  on  over  the  foot-hills,  noting  vast 
herds  of  elk,  or  jackass  deer,  passed  to  the  left  of 
what  is  now  Mount  Diablo,  and  crossed  the  moun- 

13  Font  in  one  place  calls  the  hill  the  terminus  of  Fages'  exploration,  and 
says:  '  From  said  hill  which  may  be  about  a  league  from  the  water,  Captain 
Fages  and  P.  Crespi  saw  its  extent  and  that  it  was  divided  into  arms  which 
formed  islands  of  low  land;  and  as  they  had  previously  tasted  the  water 
on  the  road  further  back  and  found  it  to  be  fresh,  they  supposed  without 
doubt  that  it  must  be  some  great  river  which  divided  itself  here  into  three 
branches . .  .  without  noticing  whether  it  had  any  current  or  not,  which  was 
not  easy  for  them  to  do  from  said  hill  at  such  a  distance. '  Font  counted 
seven  islands.  Anza,  Diario,  MS.,  168,  says  of  the  body  of  water  'nos  pareci6 
ser  mas  uiia  gran  laguna  que  rio,'  and  172,  'Me  hizo  esta  noticia  (the  state- 
ment of  two  soldiers  that  the  tulares  were  impassable  even  in  the  dry  season) 
y  lo  que  yo  observaba  acabanne  de  conceptuar  que  lo  que  se  ha  tenido  por  rio 
es  puramente  una  gran  laguna.'  San  Ricardo  was  the  name  given  to  the 
rancheria  in  the  Antioch  region. 


286  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

tains  by  a  difficult  route  not  easy  to  locate,  on  which 
he  named  the  Canada  de  San  Vicente  and  the  Sierra 
del  Chasco,  finding  also  indications  of  silver  ore. 
April  6th  the  party  encamped  on  Arroyo  del  Coy- 
ote,14 and  on  the  8th  arrived  at  Monterey.  As  before 
related,  Anza  started  south  on  the  14th,  and  his  final 
exhortation  to  Rivera  on  the  importance  of  prompt 
action  in  the  San  Francisco  matter  was  accompanied 
by  a  diary  and  map  of  the  exploration  just  described.15 

With  the  arrival  of  the  colony  at  Monterey  from 
the  south,  there  had  come  instructions  from  Rivera 
to  build  houses  for  the  people,  since  there  w7ould  be 
at  least  a  year's  delay  before  the  presidio  could  be 
founded.16  And  such  were  the  orders  in  force,  not- 
withstanding Anza's  protest,  when  that  officer  turned 
over  the  command  to  Moraga,17  and  left  the  country. 
But  Rivera,  coming  to  his  senses  perhaps  after  a  little 
reflection,  or  fearing  the  results  of  Anza's  reports  in 
Mexico,  or  really  taking  some  interest  in  the  new 
foundation  now  that  the  object  of  his  jealousy  had 
departed,  changed  his  policy,  and  the  day  after  his 
arrival  in  San  Diego,  on  May  8th,  despatched  an  order 
to  Moraga  to  proceed  and  establish  the  fort  on  the 
site  selected  by  Anza.  He  could  not,  however,  neg- 
lect the  opportunity  to  annoy  the  priests  by  saying 
that  the  founding  of  the  missions  was  for  the  present 
suspended,  as  Moraga  was  instructed  to  inform  the 
president.  Truly  the  latter  had  not  gained  much  in 
the  change  from  Fages  to  his  rival.  At  the  same 
time  Rivera  sent  an  order  to  Grijalva  at  San  Gabriel 
to  rejoin  the  rest  of  the  colony  at  Monterey  with  the 

14  No.  104  of  the  map. 

15  The  route  of  Anza's  trip  is  shown,  but  of  course  in  a  general  way,  on 
Font's  map.  See  chapter  xii.    The  natives  had  been  as  usual  friendly  in  every 
rancheria  visited. 

10  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  283.  From  the  viceroy  Rivera  had  permission  dated 
Jan.  20th,  to  delay  the  exploration  only  until  Anza's  arrival.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  i.  193-4.  But  of  course  the  viceroy  knew  nothing  yet  of  the  San  Diego 
affair. 

17  Feb.  4th,  Rivera  orders  Moraga  to  take  command  of  the  expedition 
after  Auza's  departure.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  19. 


PREPARATIONS.  287 

twelve  soldiers  and  their  families.  Anza's  departure 
had,  it  seems,  greatly  lessened  the  danger  at  San 
Diego. 

Gongora  brought  the  order  to  San  Gabriel,  and 
Grijalva,  setting  out  at  once  with  his  company,  carried 
it  to  Moraga  at  Monterey.  It  was  resolved  to  start 
north  in  the  middle  of  June,  and  though  the  mission 
must  wait,  Serra  thought  it  best  that  Palou  and 
Cambon,  the  friars  destined  for  San  Francisco,  should 
accompany  the  soldiers  to  attend  to  their  spiritual 
interests  and  be  ready  on  the  spot  for  further  orders. 
Meanwhile  the  transport  vessels  arrived  on  their 
yearly  voyage,  having  sailed  from  San  Bias  together 
on  the  9th  of  March.  The  San  Antonio,  Captain 
Diego  Choquet,  with  Francisco  Castro  and  Juan  B. 
Aguirre,  as  master  and  mate,  and  Friar  Benito  Sierra 
as  chaplain,  arrived  May  21st,  unloading  supplies  for 
Monterey  and  waiting  for  some  pine  lumber  for  San 
Diego.  The  San  Carlos,  a  slower  vessel,  arrived  the 
3d  of  June,18  under  Captain  Quiros,  Canizares  and 
Re  villa  as  master  and  mate,  with  Santa  Maria  and 
Nocedal  as  chaplains.  She  brought  supplies  for  Mon- 
terey and  also  for  San  Francisco,  and  many  articles 
were  put  on  board  to  go  up  by  water  and  save  mule 
transportation ;  but  as  two  cannons  were  to  be  taken 
from  the  presidio  an  order  from  Rivera  was  necessary, 
and  the  vessel  was  obliged  to  wait  until  this  order 
could  be  obtained. 

On  June  17th  Moraga  with  his  x  company  of  sol- 
diers, settlers,  families,  and  servants19  set  out  in  com- 
pany with  the  two  friars  by  the  old  route,  moving 
very  slowly,  halting  for  a  day  on  San  Francisco 

18  June  5th,  Moraga  to  Rivera,  announcing  arrival  of  the  transports.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  232-3. 

19  About  the  number  of  soldiers  there  is  much  confusion.    Rivera's  orders, 
Palou,  Not.,  ii.  300,  had  been  to  take  20  of  them,  but  the  same  author  says, 

?age  307,  that  Moraga  had  13;  and  elsewhere,  Vida,  205-7,  that  there  were 
7.     He  still  claims  that  12  of  AiEa's  force  were  at  San  Diego,  but  there  is 
no  doubt  that  all  the  29  were  at  Monterey  and  that  about  20  of  them  started. 
There  were  7  settlers  with  their  families,  5  vaqueros  and  muleteers,  2  Lower 
Californians,  1  San  Carlos  neophyte,  a  mule  train,  and  200  head  of  cattle. 


288  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

Arroyo,  noting  the  abundance  of  deer  and  antelope, 
and  finally  encamping,  June  27th,  on  the  Laguna  de 
los  Dolores  in  sight  of  the  Ensenada  de  los  Llorones 
and  of  the  south-eastern  branch  of  the  bay.  An  altar 
was  set  up  and  mass  was  said  on  the  29th,  as  on  every 
succeeding  day.  Here  Moraga  awaited  the  coming 
of  the  San  Carlos,  because  the  exact  location  of  the 
presidio  site  was  to  depend  to  some  extent  on  her 
survey  for  anchorage.  A  month  was  passed  in  ex- 
plorations of  the  peninsula,  in  cutting  timber,  and  in 
other  preparations  of  which  no  detailed  record  was 
kept,  and  still  no  vessel  came.  The  lieutenant  finally 
determined  to  go  over  to  the  site'  selected  by  Anza, 
and  make  a  beginning  by  erecting  barracks  of  tules 
and  other  light  material.  Thus  far  all  had  lived  in 
the  field  tents,  and  the  camp  was  transferred  on  the 
26th  of  July.  The  first  building  completed  was  in- 
tended for  a  temporary  chapel,  and  in  it  the  first  mass 
was  said  on  July  28th  by  Palou.20  The  priests,  how- 
ever, did  not  change  their  quarters.  They  as  well  as 
Anza  thought  the  first  camp  in  a  locality  better  fitted 
for  a  mission  than  any  other  part  of  the  peninsula; 
and  though  by  Rivera's  orders  the  mission  was  not 
yet  to  be  founded,  the  spot  was  so  near  the  presidio, 
and  the  natives  were  so  friendly,  that  it  was  deemed 
safe  and  best  for  the  two  friars  to  remain  with  the 
cattle  and  other  mission  property,  guarded  by  six  sol- 
diers and  a  settler,  who  might  without  disobedience 
of  superior  orders  make  preparations  for  their  future 
dwellings.  Things  continued  in  this  state  for  nearly 
another  month. 

To  their  great  relief  on  the  1 8th  of  August  the  San 
Carlos  arrived  and  anchored  near  the  new  camp. 
After  leaving  Monterey  she  had  experienced  con- 
trary winds  and  had  been  driven  first  down  to  the 
latitude  of  San  Diego,  then  up  to  42,°  anchoring  on 
the  night  of  the  17th  outside  the  heads  and  north  of 


20  The  camp  was  pitched  July  26th,  and  building  begun  July  21 
Sal  to  Governor  in  1792.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  52,  54. 


of  Sal  «-  "      '  .r  —    . „__*„.„ 


THE  PRESIDIO  BEGUN.  289 

the  entrance.  Quiros  and  the  rest  having  approved 
the  choice  of  sites,  work  was  immediately  begun  on 
permanent  buildings  for  the  presidio,  all  located  within 
a  square  of  ninety-two  yards,  according  to  a  plan  made 
by  Canizares.  Quiros  sent  ashore  his  two  carpenters 
and  a  squad  of  sailors  to  work  on  the  storehouse,  com- 
mandant's dwelling,  and  chapel,  while  the  soldiers 
erected  houses  for  themselves  and  families.  All  the 
buildings  were  of  palisade  walls,  and  roofed  with 
earth.  They  were  all  ready  by  the  middle  of  Septem- 
ber, and  the  1 7th  was  named  as  the  day  of  ceremonial 
founding,  being  the  day  of  the  '  Sores  of  our  seraphic 
father  Saint  Francis.'21  Over  a  hundred  and  fifty 
persons  witnessed  the  solemn  ceremony.  The  San 
Carlos  landed  all  her  force  save  enough  to  man  the 
swivel-guns.  Four  friars  assisted  at  mass,  for  Pefia 
had  come  up  from  Monterey,  and  the  prescribed  rites 
of  taking  possession,  and  the  te  deum  laudamus, 
were  accompanied  and  followed  by  ringing  of  bells 
and  discharge  of  fire-arms,  including  the  swivel-guns 
of  the  transport.  The  cannon  so  terrified  the  natives 
that  not  one  made  his  appearance  for  some  days.22 
Thus  was  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  founded,  and 
after  the  ceremonies  its  commandant,  Moraga,  enter- 
tained the  company  with  all  the  splendor  circum- 
stances would  allow.23 

While  the  presidio  supplies  were  being  transferred 
to  the  warehouse,  a  new  exploration  of  the  head  of 
the  bay  and  of  the  great  rivers  was  made  by  Quiros, 
Canizares,  and  Cambon  in  the  ship's  boat,  and  by 

21  'On  that  same  17th  of  September  on  the  other  side  of  the  continent  Lord 
Howe's  Hessian  and  British  troops  were  revelling  in  the  city  of  New  York.' 
Elliot,  in  Overland  Monthly,  iv.  33G-7. 

22  So  says  Palou,  and  it  reads  well.     It  must  be  added,  however,  that 
according  to  the  same  author  all  had  left  the  peninsula  a  month  before. 

25  In  connection  with  the  founding  of  the  presidio  it  may  be  noted  that 
Moraga  in  his  preliminary  search  found  one  or  two  fine  springs  which  Anza 
had  not  mentioned.  Gen.  Vallejo,  in  his  Dixcurso  Historico,  pronounced  at 
the  centennial  celebration  of  the  founding  of  the  mission,  notes  that  some 
remarkable  qualities  were  popularly  attributed  to  the  spring  called  El  Polin. 
Women  drinking  the  water  were,  it  seems,  made  more  than  usually  prolific, 
giving  birth  to  twins  in  many  instances.  Several  other  Califomians  men- 
tion this  old  popular  belief. 

HISI.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    19 


290  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

Moraga  with  a  party  of  soldiers  by  land.  The  two 
expeditions  were  to  meet  beyond  the  '  round  bay/  or 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  on  a  certain  day,  apparently 
September  26th,  whence  by  water  and  land  they  were 
to  go  up  the  river  as  far  as  possible.  They  started  on 
the  23d,  the  land  party  carrying  most  of  the  supplies, 
while  the  boat  took  only  enough  for  eight  days.  On 
the  29th  Quiros  returned.  He  had  reached  the  ren- 
dezvous at  the  appointed  time,  but  not  meeting 
Moraga,  he  had  been  obliged  after  waiting  one  day  to 
turn  back  for  want  of  provisions.  Although  prevented 
from  exploring  the  great  river,  he  was  able  to  settle 
another  disputed  question  and  prove  that  the  '  round 
bay'  had  no  connection  with  Bodega.  For  sailing  in 
that  direction  he  had  discovered  a  new  estuary  and 
followed  it  to  its  head,  finding  no  passage  to  the  sea, 
and  beholding  a  lofty  sierra  which  stretched  toward 
the  west  and  ended,  as  Quiros  thought,  at  Cape 
Mendocino.  This  was,  probably,  the  first  voyage 
of  Europeans  up  the  windings  of  Petaluma  Creek.24 
Respecting  the  region  at  the  mouth  of  the  great 
rivers  he  had  done  no  more  than  verify  the  accuracy 
of  previous  observations  by  Fages  and  Anza. 

Meanwhile  Moraga,  on  arriving  at  the  south-eastern 
head  of  the  bay,  had  changed  his  plans,  and  instead  of 
following  the  shore  had  conceived  the  idea  that  he 
could  save  time  and  distance  by  crossing  the  sierra 
eastward.  This  he  accomplished  without  difficulty  by 
a  route  not  recorded,  but  apparently  at  an  unexpected 
cost  of  time ;  for  on  reaching  the  river  he  concluded  it 
would  be  impossible  to  reach  the  mouth  at  the  time 

24  Palou,  Noticias,  states  that  Quir6s  sailed  two  days  on  the  new  estero, 
and  he  might  with  unfavorable  winds  have  spent  that  time  on  Petaluma 
Creek;  but  if  he  waited  a  day  for  Moraga  the  two  days  rmist  include  the  whole 
return  voyage.  He  had  not,  however,  disproved  Font's  theory  that  the  bay 
communicated  with  Bodega  by  way  of  the  great  '  fresh  water  port, '  or  lagoon, 
now  called  the  Sacramento  River.  In  his  Vida,  210-14,  Palou  gives  rather 
vaguely  additional  details.  At  the  mouth  of  the  great  river  was  a  fine  har- 
bor, as  good  as  San  Diego,  named  Asuncion  (Suisun  Bay?).  The  lofty  sierra 
stretching  to  Cape  Mendocino  was  called  San  Francisco.  The  estuary  on  the 
west  of  Round  Bay,  up  which  they  sailed  one  day  and  night,  was  named 
Merced. 


THE  MISSION  AT  DOLORES.  291 

agreed  on,  and  resolved  to  direct  his  exploration  in  the 
other  direction.  Marching  for  three  days  rapidly  up 
the  river  he  reached  a  point  where  the  plain  in  all  di- 
rections le  liizo  horizonte,tlia,t  is,  presented  an  unbroken 
horizon  as  if  he  were  at  sea !  The  natives  pointed  out 
a  ford,  and  Moraga  travelled  for  a  day  in  the  plain 
beyond  the  river,  seeing  in  the  far  north  lines  of  trees 
indicating  the  existence  of  rivers.  But  he  had  no 
compass,  and  fearing  that  he  might  lose  himself  on 
these  broad  plains  he  returned  by  the  way  he  had 
come,  arriving  at  the  presidio  the  7th  of  October. 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  other  camp  at  the  Laguna 
de  los  Dolores,  where  since  the  end  of  July  Palou  and 
Cambon,  reenforced  after  a  time  by  Pena  appointed  to 
Santa  Clara,  had  been  making  preparations  for  a  mis- 
sion. Six  soldiers  and  a  settler  had  built  houses  for 
their  families,  and  the  establishment  lacked  only  cer- 
tain dedicatory  formalities  to  be  a  regular  mission. 
True,  there  were  no  converts,  even  candidates,  but 
the  natives  would  doubtless  come  forward  in  due  time. 
Their  temporary  absence  from  the  peninsula  dated  from 
the  12th  of  August,  before  which  time  they  had  been 
friendly  though  apparently  unable  for  want  of  an  inter- 
preter to  comprehend  the  aims  of  the  missionaries.  On 
the  date  specified  the  southern  rancherias  of  San  Mateo 
came  up  and  defeated  them  in  a  great  fight,  burning 
their  huts  and  so  filling  them  with  terror  that  they 
fled  in  their  tule  rafts  to  the  islands  and  contra  costa, 
notwithstanding  the  offers  of  the  soldiers  to  protect 
them.  For  several  months  nothing  was  seen  of  them, 
except  that  a  small  party  ventured  occasionally  to  the 
lagoon  to  kill  ducks,  accepting  also  at  such  visits  gifts 
of  beads  and  food  from  the  Spaniards.  Two  children 
of  presidio  soldiers  were  baptized  before  the  founding 
of  the  mission.25  As* soon,  as  Quiros  arrived  he  had 

23  San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  3.  These  are  the  first  entries  in  the 
mission  books;  the  first  on  August  ICth  was  the  baptism  of  Francisco  Jos<§  de 
los  Dolores  Soto,  infant  son  of  Ignacio  Soto;  the  second  that  of  Juana  Maria 
Lorenza  Sanchez  15  days  of  age,  on  Aug.  25th.  Both  were  baptized  ad  instantem 
mortem  without  ceremony,  the  latter  by  a  common  soldier. 


292  POUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

given  his  attention  to  the  mission  as  well  as  the  pre- 
sidio, and  immediately  set  six  sailors  at  work  to  aid 
the  priests  in  constructing  a  church  and  dwelling,  so 
that  the  work  advanced  rapidly. 

No  orders  came  from  Rivera  authorizing  the  estab- 
lishing of  a  mission,  but  Moraga  saw  no  reason  for 
delay  and  took  upon  himself  the  responsibility.  A 
church  fifty-four  feet  long  and  a  house  of  thirty  by 
fifteen  feet,  all  of  wood,  plastered  with  clay,  and  roofed 
with  tules,  were  finished  and  the  day  of  Saint  Francis, 
October  4th,  was  the  time  set  for  the  rites  of  founda- 
tion. On  the  3d  the  church,  decorated  with  bunting 
from  the  vessel,  was  blessed;  but  next  day  only  a  mass 
was  said,  the  ceremony  being  postponed  on  account  of 
the  absence  of  Moraga.  He  arrived,  as  we  have  seen, 
on  the  7th,  and  on  October  9th  the  solemne  funcion 
was  celebrated  in  presence  of  all  who  had  assisted  at 
the  presidio  a  month  before,  save  only  the  few  soldiers 
left  in  charge  of  the  fort.  Palou  said  mass,  aided  by 
Cambon,  Nocedal,  and  Pena;  the  image  of  Saint 
Francis,  patron  of  port,  presidio,  and  mission,  was 
carried  about  in  procession.  Volleys  of  musketry  rent 
the  air,  aided  by  swivel-guns  and  rockets  brought  from 
the  San  Carlos,  and  finally  two  cattle  were  killed  to 
feast  the  guests  before  they  departed.  Thus  was  for- 
mally established  the  sixth  of  the  California  missions, 
dedicated  to  San  Francisco  de  Asis  on  the  Laguna 
de  los  Dolores.26 

26  The  patron  of  this  mission,  it  is  needless  to  say,  was  the  founder  of  the 
Franciscan  order  of  friars.  He  was  born  in  the  city  of  Assisi,  Italy,  in  1182, 
in  a  stable,  and  on  the  shoulder  was  a  birth-mark  resembling  a  cross.  AYith 
a  slight  education  and  somewhat  dissolute  habits  he  was  employed  in  trade 
by  his  father  until  25  years  of  age.  Taken  prisoner  in  a  petty  local  war,  his 
captivity  caused  or  was  followed  by  an  illness  during  which  his  future  vocation 
was  revealed  to  him  in  dreams.  Useless  thereafter  for  business  and  regarded 
as  insane  by  his  father,  he  renounced  his  patrimony,  vowed  to  live  on  alms 
alone,  and  retired  to  the  convent  of  Porciuncula  near  Assisi,  where  he  laid  the 
foundations  of  his  great  order.  This  organization  was  approved  by  the  pope 
in  1209,  and  at  the  first  chapter,  or  assembly,  in  1219  had  over  5,000  members 
in  its  different  classes.  The  founder  gave  up  the  generalship  as  an  example 
of  humility,  and  went  to  Egypt  in  1219  in  search  of  martyrdom;  but  the  Sul- 
tan, admiring  his  courage,  would  not  allow  him  to  be  killed.  Among  the 
many  miracles  wrought  by  or  through  him,  the  most  famous  is  that  of  the 
stigmata,  or  llagas  de  Jems,  the  wounds  of  the  nails  and  spear  inflicted  on  the 


EARLIEST  ANNALS.  293 

The  annals  of  San  Francisco  for  the  first  months, 
or  even  years,  of  its  existence  are  meagre.  The 
record  is  indeed  complete  enough,  but  there  was 
really  very  little  to  be  recorded.  On  October  21st 

body  of  Christ  imprinted  by  an  angel  on  Saint  Francis  as  he  slept.  Though 
in  feeble  health  he  continued  preaching  until  his  death  on  Oct.  4,  1226.  He 
was  canonized  in  1228,  and  his  festival  is  celebrated  on  the  day  of  his  death, 
October  4th. 

As  to  the  exact  date  of  the  foundation  there  is  a  degree  of  uncertainty,  it 
lying  between  the  8th  and  the  9th.  True,  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  320,  in  a  statement 
which  from  its  connection  with  the  date  of  Moraga's  return  (p.  318)  cannot 
be  a  slip  of  the  pen  or  typographical  error,  is  the  only  authority  for  the 
former  elate,  while  Palou  himself,  Vida,  214,  and  all  other  authorities  (except- 
ing of  course  a  few  very  recent  writers  who  follow  the  Noticias),  including  the 
annual  and  biennial  reports  of  missionaries  so  far  as  they  have  been  pre- 
served, agree  on  Oct.  9th.  Yet  this  evidence  is  not  so  overwhelming  in  favor 
of  the  latter  date  as  it  seems,  since  all  printed  works  have  doubtless  followed 
Palou's  Vida,  and  it  is  not  certain  that  the  regular  reports  alluded  to  did  not 
follow  the  same  authority.  I  have  seen  no  report  preceding  1787,  the  date 
when  Palou's  work  was  published,  which  gives  the  date  at  all.  Ordinarily 
the  writers  of  official  reports  obtained  such  dates  from  the  mission  books,  on 
the  title-pages  of  which  the  date  of  founding  is  in  every  other  mission  cor- 
rectly given ;  but  strangely  enough  in  this  instance  San  Francisco,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  2,  the  date  is  given  in  Palou's  own  handwriting  as  August  1st, 
which  is  not  only  incorrect  but  wholly  unintelligible.  Lacking  this  source 
of  information  I  suppose  the  friars  may  have  used  Palou's  work,  which  was 
in  most  if  not  all  the  mission  libraries.  To  name  the  writers  who  have  given 
one  elate  or  the  other  would  not  aid  in  settling  the  question,  and  it  must  be 
left  in  doubt.  Since  it  is  only  conjecture  that  the  source  of  information  for 
official  reports  was  Palou's  printed  book,  the  balance  of  evidence  is  of  course 
in  favor  of  Oct.  9th.  Vallejo,  in  hisDiscurso  Historico,  MS.,  states  that  the 
founding  was  011  Oct.  4th,  but  in  a  note  appended  to  the  translation  of  his 
discourse,  San  Francisco,  Centennial  Mem.,  105-6,  as  in  conversation,  he  ex- 
plains his  meaning  to  be  that  as  Oct.  4th  was  the  day  appointed  for  the  cer- 
emony, as  it  was  the  day  of  San  Francisco,  and  as  it  was  the  day  annually 
celebrated  by  the  Californians,  it  ought  still  to  be  the  day  celebrated  as  an 
anniversary.  Whatever  may  be  said  of  the  theory,  it  has  no  bearing  on  the 
actual  date  as  an  historical  fact.  Vallejo's  suggestion  that  both  Oct.  8th  and 
Oct.  9th  in  Palou  may  be  typographical  errors  is  scarcely  sound. 

Respecting  the  locality  of  the  mission  there  was  a  theory  long  current 
that  it  was  first  founded  on  Washerwoman's  Bay,  the  lagoon  back  of  Russian 
Hill,  and  subsequently  moved  to  its  present  site.  Soule's  Annals  of  S.  F., 
46-7;  Tuthill's  Hist.  Cal.,  85-6;  and  many  other  modern  writings  in  books, 
magazines,  and  newspapers.  This  supposition  was  unfounded,  except  in  the 
statements  of  Palou,  Vida,  209-10,  the  only  authority  extant  until  quite 
recently,  that  Moraga's  expedition  encamped  June  27th  'on  the  bank  of  a 
great  lagoon  which  emptied  into  the  arm  of  the  sea  of  the  port  which  extends 
inland  15  leagues  toward  the  south-east,'  and  that  a  mission  site  was  selected 
'in  this  same  place  at  the  lagoon  on  the  plain  which  it  has  on  the  west.'  To 
John  W.  Dwinelle,  Colon.  Hist.  S.  F.,  p.  xiii.,  belongs,  I  believe,  the  credit 
of  having  been  the  first  to  show  the  inaccuracy  of  the  prevalent  opinion  as 
early  as  18G7,  and  without  the  aid  of  Palou's  Noticias  which  he  had  never 
seen.  By  the  aid  of  the  Vida,  of  La  Pe"rouse's  map  (which  I  reproduce  in 
chap,  xxii.)  and  the  testimony  of  Dofia  Carmen  Cibrian  de  Bernal,  an  old 
lady  at  the  mission,  he  identified  the  Laguna  de  los  Dolores  with  '  The  Wil- 
lows,' a  lagoon,  filled  up  in  modern  times,  which  lay  in  the  tract  bounded  by 
17th,  19th,  Howard,  and  Valencia  streets,  discharging  its  waters  into  Mission 


294  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

the  San  Carlos  sailed  for  San  Bias,  leaving  four  sail- 
ors as  laborers  at  the  new  mission,  who  completed 
the  buildings  and  brought  water  in  a  ditch  from  the 
stream.  Meanwhile  Rivera,  having  received  at  San 

Bay.  Gov.  Neve  in  his  report  to  the  viceroy  of  Feb.  25,  1777,  in  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  i.  141,  says  the  mission  was  1|  leagues  from  the  fort  and  near  Lake 
Dolores.  Vallejo,  in  his  Discurso  Hist6rico.  advanced  the  theory  that  Laguna 
de  los  Dolores  was  a  small  lake  situated  between  two  hills  to  the  right  of  the 
old  road  from  the  presidio  to  the  mission.  In  the  translation  and  accompany- 
ing notes,  San  Francisco,  Centennial  Mem.,  25,  107,  the  lake  is  located,  osten- 
sibly on  Vallejo's  authority,  '  in  Sans  Souci  Valley,  north  of  the  Mission. . . 
and  immediately  behind  the  hill  on  which  the  Protestant  Orphan  Asylum 
now  stands.'  Dwinelle  in  his  oration  delivered  on  the  same  day  and  printed 
in  the  same  book  (p.  86)  declared  in  favor  of  '  The  Willows  '  and  maintains  his 
position  in  a  supplementary  argument  (pp,  187-91).  There  can  be  no  doubt,  I 
think,  that  the  Laguna  .de  Dolores  of  Palou  was  identical  with  the  pond  of 
the  Willows,  formerly  the  head  of  an  estuary,  according  to  the  testimony  of 
Sra  Bernal  and  other  old  residents,  though  fed  by  springs,  and  not  with  the 
pond  to  which  Vallejo  alludes.  The  statement  of  Palou  that  the  mission  was 
on  the  plain  westward  of  the  laguna,  together  with  La  Pe"rouse's  map  which 
gives  the  same  relative  position,  seems  conclusive.  But  while  Dwinelle's 
argument  against  Vallejo  is  conclusive,  it  contains  some  curious  errors. 
Palou,  Not.,  ii.  309,  says  the  Spaniards  encamped  on  June  27th  '  dla  orilla 
de  una  laguna  que  Ilam6  el  Seiior  Anza  de  Nuestra  Seiiora  de  los  Dolores  que 
estd  a  la  vista  de  la  ensenada  de  los  Llorones  y  playa  del  estero  6  brazo  de 
mar  que  corre  al  Sudeste, '  that  is,  '  on  the  bank  of  the  lake  which  Anza 
named  Dolores,  which  is  in  sight  of  the  Ensenada  de  los  Llorones  and  of  the 
beach  of  the  estuary,  or  arm  of  the  sea,  which  runs  to  the  south-east.'  Now 
the  '  Ensenada  de  los  Llorones, '  as  we  have  seen,  was  Mission  Bay,  the  name 
having  been  given  by  Aguirre  in  1775  (see  p.  247  of  chap,  xi.)  from  three 
'  weeping  Indians '  standing  on  the  shore.  Dwinelle,  however,  translated 
Llorones  as  'weeping  willows,'  which  but  for  the  circumstance  alluded  to 
would  be  correct ;  and  having  the  willows  on  his  hands,  must  have  fresh 
water  for  their  roots,  which  he  obtains  by  translating  ensenada  as  '  creek,'  and 
thus  identifying  Ensenada  de  los  Llorones  with  a  stream  of  fresh  water  flow- 
ing from  a  ravine  north-west  of  the  mission  and  into  the  bay  at  what  was 
in  later  years  City  Gardens,  a  stream  which  supplied  the  mission  with  water 
for  all  purposes,  being  '  in  sight  of  '  the  mission,  and  moreover  lined  in  Dwi- 
nelle's own  time  with  willows.  Then  having  fitted  the  name  of  one  of  the 
objects  seen  from  the  mission  site  to  the  fresh-water  stream,  it  remained  to 
identify  the  other,  the  '  playa  del  estero  6  brazo  de  mar  que  corre  al 
Sudeste  '  with  Mission  Bay,  which  he  does  by  a  peculiar  system  of  (unwrit- 
ten) punctuation  and  by  changing  de  to  del,  making  it  read  '  shore  of  the  in- 
let, or  arm,  of  that  sea  which  trends  to  the  south-east' !  The  meaning  of  the 
original  was  '  in  sight  of  Mission  Bay  and  of  the  south-eastern  branch  of  San 
Francisco  Bay.'  Dwinelle's  reasoning  is  a  very  ingenious  escape  from  diffi- 
culties that  never  existed. 

After  all  I  have  an  idea  that  Palou  made  the  first  blunder  in  this  matter 
himself.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Anza  applied  the  name  Dolores  to  an 
ojo  de  agua,  a  spring  or  stream,  which  he  thought  capable  of  irrigating  the 
mission  lands,  making  no  mention  of  any  laguna.  I  suppose  that  this  was 
the  fresh -water  stream  alluded  to  by  Dwinelle  which  did,  as  Anza  had 
thought  it  might,  supply  the  mission  with  water.  Later  when  Palou  came 
up,  for  some  unexplained  cause  he  transferred  the  name  of  Dolores  to  the  pond 
at  the  Willows,  too  low  to  be  used  for  irrigation  and  probably  at  that  time 
connected  with  tide-water. 

Respecting  the  name  of  this  mission  it  should  be  clearly  understood  that 


RIVERA  AT  THE  NEW  PRESIDIO.  295 

Diego  communications  from  the  viceroy  in  which  that 
official  spoke  of  the  new  missions  in  the  north  as 
having  been  already  founded,  concluded  that  it  was 
time  to  proceed  north  and  attend  to  their  founding. 
On  the  way  at  San  Luis  Obispo  he  learned  that  his 
orders  had  been  disobeyed  at  San  Francisco,  and  said 
he  was  glad  of  it  and  would  soon  go  in  person  to 
found  the  other  mission.  From  Monterey  accom- 
panied by  Pena,  who  had  in  the  mean  while  returned, 
he  went  up  to  San  Francisco,  arriving  November 
26th  and  cordially  approving  the  choice  of  sites  and 
all  that  had  been  done.  Three  days  later  he  set  out 
with  Moraga  to  make  a  new  exploration  of  the  great 
river  and  plain,  leaving  Pena  at  the  mission,  and 
promising  on  arrival  at  Monterey  to  send  up  soldiers 
for  the  founding  of  Santa  Clara.  Rivera's  expedition 
accomplished  nothing,  for  after  fording  the  river  he 
did  not  go  so  far  as  Moraga  had  done,  fearing  that  a 
rise  in  the  stream  might  prevent  his  return.  On  his 
way  back  he  was  met  by  a  courier  with  news  of 
trouble  at  San  Luis,  which  claimed  his  attention, 
whereupon  Moraga  returned  to  his  presidio,  and  Pena 
was  obliged  to  wait. 

O 

In  December  the  self-exiled  natives  began  to  come 
back  to  the  peninsula;  but  they  came  in  hostile  atti- 
tude and  by  no  means  disposed  to  be  converted.  They 
began  to  steal  all  that  came  within  reach.  One  party 
discharged  arrows  at  the  corporal  of  the  guard; 
another  insulted  a  soldier's  wife;  and  there  was  an 
attempt  to  shoot  the  San  Cdrlos  neophyte  who  was 
still  living  here.  One  of  those  concerned  in  this 

it  was  simply  San  Francisco  de  Asis  and  never  properly  anything  else.  Asis 
was  dropped  in  common  usage  even  by  the  friars,  as  was  Borromeo  at  San 
Carlos  and  Alcala  at  San  Diego.  Then  Dolores  was  added,  not  as  part  of  the 
name  but  simply  as  the  locality,  like  Carmelo  at  San  Carlos,  and,  more  rarely, 
Nipaguay  at  San  Diego.  Gradually,  as  San  Francisco  was  also  the  name  of 
the  presidio,  and  there  was  another  mission  of  San  Francisco  Solano,  it  became 
customary  among  settlers,  soldiers,  and  to  some  extent  friars  also,  speak  of 
the  Mision  delos  Dolores,  meaning  simply  'the  mission  at  Dolores.'  No  other 
name  than  San  Francisco  was  employed  in  official  reports.  Dolores  was  in 
full  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  los  Dolores,  one  of  the  virgin's  most  common  appella- 
tions, and  a  very  common  name  for  places  in  all  Spanish  countries. 


296  FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 

attempt  was  shut  up  and  flogged  by  Grijalva,  where- 
upon the  savages  rushed  up  and  discharged  a  volley 
of  arrows  at  the  mission  buildings,  attempting  a 
rescue,  though  they  were  frightened  away  by  a  dis- 
charge of  musketry  in  the  air.  Next  day  the  sergeant 
went  out  to  make  arrests,  when  a  new  fight  occurred, 
in  which  a  settler  and  a  horse  were  wounded,  while 
of  the  natives  one  was  killed,  another  wounded,  and 
all  begged  for  peace,  which  was  granted  after  sundry 
floggings  had  been  administered.  It  was  some  three 
months  before  the  savages  showed  themselves  again 
at  the  mission. 

Events  of  1777  may  be  very  briefly  disposed  of, 
and  as  well  here  as  elsewhere.  The  natives  resumed 
their  visits  in  March,  gradually  lost  their  fears,  and 
on  June  24th  three  adults  were  baptized,  the  whole 
number  of  converts  at  the  end  of  the  year  being 
thirty-one.27  Some  slight  improvements  were  made 
in  buildings  at  both  establishments ;  but  of  agricult- 
ural progress  we  have  no  record.  Jose  Ramon  Bo- 
jorges  was  the  corporal  jn  command  of  the  mission 
guard.  In  April  San  Francisco  was  honored  by  a 
visit  from  the  governor  of  the  Californias,  who  had 
come  to  live  at  Monterey,  and  wished  to  ma,ke  a  per- 
sonal inspection  of  the  famous  port.28  May  12th  the 
Santiago,  under  Ignacio  Arteaga,  with  Francisco  Castro 
as  master,  and  Nocedal  as  chaplain,  entered  the  harbor 
with  supplies  for  the  northern  establishments  and  San 
Bias  news  down  to  the  1st  of  March.  This  was  the 
first  voyage  to  the  port  of  San  Francisco  direct  with- 
out touching  at  intermediate  stations.  Arteaga  set 
sail  for  Monterey  on  the  27th.  In  October  the  good 

27  San  Francisco,  Lib.  deMision,  MS.     The  first  convert  was  named  Fran- 
cisco Moraga,  the  commandant  of  the  presidio  standing  as  godfather.     The 
first  burial  of  a  neophyte  was  on  October  20th.    There  had  already  been  eight 
deaths  of  Spaniards,  but  there  were  no  more  for  two  years.    The  first  marriage 
was  that  of  Mariano  A.  Cordero,  a  soldier,  and  Jtiana  F.  Pinto  on  November 
28,  1776;  the  first  burial  that  of  Maria  de  la  Luz  Mufioz,  wife  of  J.  M.  Valen- 
cia, a  soldier. 

28  His  report  to  the  viceroy  dated  February  25,  1777,  isinProv.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  140-2. 


FATHER  JUNIPERO  AT  THE  GOLDEN  GATE.      297 

padre  presidente  oi\  his  first  visit  to  San  Francisco 
arrived  in  time  to  say  mass  in  the  mission  church  on 
the  day  of  Saint  Francis  in  the  presence  of  all  the 
'old  residents'  and  of  seventeen  adult  native  converts. 
Passing  over  to  the  presidio  October  10th,  and  gazing 
for  the  first  time  on  the  blue  waters  under  the  purple 
pillars  of  the  Golden  Gate,  Father  Junipero  exclaimed: 
"Thanks  be  to  God  that  now  our  father  St  Francis 
with  the  holy  cross  of  the  procession  of  missions  has 
reached  the  last  limit  of  the  Californian  continent. 
Togo  farther  he  must  have  boats."29 

29  Comprehensive  references  on  the  general  subject  of  this  chapter  are 
PaloiifNot.,  ii.  285-347;  Id.,  Vida,  201-24.  A  few  additional  notes  on  minor 
topics  of  San  Francisco  history  are  as  follows:  February  25,  1777,  the  governor 
reports  that  Moraga  has  been  ordered  to  enclose  the  presidio,  and  has  begun 
the  work.  The  commandant's  house  and  the  warehouse  are  of  adobe,  though 
very  unsubstantial;  all  the  other  structures  are  mere  huts.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  142.  On  June  4th  the  governor  notes  the  arrival  of  a  picture  of  St  Francis 
for  the  presidio  chapel,  Id.,  69,  which  it  s<eems  was  sent  at  Moraga's  request. 
Arch.  Santa  Bdrbara,  MS.,  vi.  139.  The  value  of  effects  received  in  the 
warehouse  in  1776  was  $14,627.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  60.  The  expense  of 
building  the  presidio  down  to  1782  had  been  in  goods  as  per  Mexican  invoice 
$1,200.  Id.,  iii.  230.  Eight  servants  at  the  mission  at  end  of  1777,  names 
given.  Id.,  Ben.,  i.  11.  The  force  of  the  San  Francisco  district,  including 
San  Jose",  at  the  end  of  1777,  was  as  follows:  Lieutenant  Moraga;  Sergeant 
Juan  Pablo  Grijalva;  corporals  Domingo  Alviso,  Valerio  Mesa,  Pablo  Pinto, 
Gabriel  Peralta,  and  Ramon  Bojorges;  33  soldiers,  including  mission  guards 
at  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara;  settlers  Manuel  Gonzalez,  Nicolas  Berrey- 
esa,  Casimiro  Varela,  Pedro  Perez,  Manuel  Amezquita,  Tiburcio  Vasquez, 
Francisco  Alviso,  Ignacio  Archuleta,  and  Feliciano  Alballo;  sirvientes  of  the 
presidio,  including  mechanics,  etc. ,  Salvador  Espinosa,  Juan  Espinosa,  Pedro 
Lopez,  Pedro  Fontes,  Juan  Sanchez,  Melchor  Cardenas,  Tomds  de  la  Cruz, 
Miguel  Velez,  Felipe  Otondo;  sirvientes  of  the  mission,  Diego  Olvera,  Alejo 
liciano,  Victoriano  Flores,  Joaquin  Molina,  Angel  Segundo,  Jose1  Rodri- 
ez,  Jos6  Castro,  Jos£  Gios;  sirvientes  of  Santa  Clara,  9  (see  chapter  xiv.); 
dres,  Francisco  Palou,  Pedro  Benito  Cambon,  Jos6  Antonio  Murguia,  and 
'omas  de  la  Pciia;  store-keeper,  Hermenegildo  Sal.  Total  80  men,  Moraga's 
report  in  MS.  Moraga,  Informe  de  1777,  MS. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 
1776-1777. 

INDIAN  AFFRIGHT  AT  MONTEREY — FIRE  AT  SAN  Luis  OBISPO — AFFAIRS  AT 
SAN  DIEGO — RIVERA  AND  SERRA — REESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  MISSION — 
THE  LOST  REGISTERS — FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO— FATHER 
SERRA  ATTACKED— FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  CLARA— CHANGE  OF  CAPITAL 
OF  THE  CALIFORNIA  s— GOVERNOR  NEVE  COMES  TO  MONTEREY — RIVERA 
AS  LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR  AT  LORETO — PROVINCIAS  INTERN  AS — GOV- 
ERNOR'S REPORTS— PRECAUTIONS  AGAINST  CAPTAIN  COOK — MOVEMENTS 
OF  VESSELS — NEVE'S  PLANS  FOR  CHANNEL  ESTABLISHMENTS — PLANS  FOR 
GRAIN  SUPPLY — EXPERIMENTAL  PUEBLO — FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JOSE — IND- 
IAN TROUBLES  IN  THE  SOUTH — A  SOLDIER  KILLED— FOUR  CHIEFTAINS 
SHOT — THE  FIRST  PUBLIC  EXECUTION  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

ALL  that  is  known  of  Monterey  affairs  during  the 
year  1776  has  been  told  in  connection  with  the  found- 
ing of  San  Francisco,  except  a  rumor  of  impending 
attack  by  gentiles  on  San  Carlos  in  the  spring,  which 
filled  Father  Junipero's  heart  with  joy  at  the  thought 
of  possible  martyrdom — a  joy  which,  nevertheless,  the 
good  friar  restrained  sufficiently  to  summon  troops 
from  Monterey;  but  the  rumor  proved  unfounded.1 

Of  San  Antonio  nothing  is  recorded  save  that  the 
mission  was  quietly  prosperous  under  the  ministrations 
of  Pieras  and  Sitjar.  At  San  Luis  Obispo  there  was 
a  fire  on  November  29th  which  destroyed  the  build- 
ings, except  the  church  and  granary,  together  with 
implements  and  some  other  property.  The  fire  was 
the  work  of  gentiles  who  discharged  burning  arrows 
at  the  tule  roofs,  not  so  much  to  injure  the  Spaniards 

lPalou,  Vida,  318-20.  Anza  in  his  report,  Diario,  MS.,  133,  represented 
San  Carlos  as  in  a  very  prosperous  condition,  with  over  300  neqphy  tes. 

I  298  ) 


FRANCISCAN  POLICY.  299 

as  to  revenge  themselves  on  a  hostile  tribe  who  were 
the  Spaniards'  friends.  Rivera  hastened  to  the  spot, 
captured  two  of  the  ringleaders,  and  sent  them  to 
the  presidio.2  Cavalier  and  Figuer  were  in  charge, 
assisted  much  of  the  time  by  Murguia  and  Mugartegui; 
while  at  San  Gabriel,  of  which  mission  something  has 
been  said  in  connection  with  Anza's  expedition,  Pa- 
terna,  Cruzado,  and  Sanchez  were  serving. 

In  the  extreme  south  as  in  the  extreme  north  the 
year  was  not  uneventful,  since  it  saw  the  mission  of 
San  Diego  rebuilt  and  that  of  San  Juan  Capistrano 
successfully  founded.  Rivera  returned  to  San  Diego 
in  May,  to  resume  his  investigations  in  connection 
with  the  disaster  of  the  year  before;  but  he  seems  to 
have  had  no  thought  of  immediate  steps  toward  re- 
building the  destroyed  mission.  His  policy  involved 
long  investigations,  military  campaigns,  and  severe 
penalties,  to  be  followed  naturally  in  the  distant 
future  by  a  resumption  of  missionary  work.  Such, 
however,  was  by  no  means  the  policy  of  Serra  or  of 
the  missionaries  generally.  Throughout  the  north- 
west both  Jesuits  and  Franciscans  had  from  the  first, 
on  the  occurrence  of  hostile  acts  by  the  natives, 
favored  prompt  and  decisive  action,  with  a  view  to 
inspire  terror  of  Spanish  power;  but  long-continued 
retaliatory  measures  they  never  approved.  Condemna- 
tion and  imprisonment  were  sometimes  useful,  but 
mainly  as  a  means  of  increasing  missionary  influence 
through  pardon  and  release.  This  policy,  though 
sometimes  carried  too  far  for  safety,  was  a  wise  one, 

2Palou,  Not.,  ii.  339-40.  Neve's  Report  of  Sept.  19,  1777,  in  Prov.  fiec., 
MS.,  i.  19.  The  mission  register  of  marriages  was  destroyed.  Note  of  Serra 
in  S.  Luis  Obixpo,  Lib.  de  Elision,  MS.,  57.  The  mission  was  twice  again  on 
fire  within  ten  years,  which  caused  the  use  of  tiles  for  roofs  to  be  universally 
adopted.  Palou,  Vida,  142-3.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  83,  says  that 
Ignacio  Vallejo,  the  author's  grandfather,  was  at  the  intercession  of  the 
padres  allowed  to  quit  the  service  temporarily  to  superintend  the  rebuilding 

^J?      J-K  •  1       j   1  i    •  P     '  '  J*'  1  1      •  P  i      TT      11        •        1 


! 


of  the  mission  and  the  construction  of  irrigation  works;  and  in  fact  Vallejo's 
name  appears  as  witness  in  a  marriage  which  took  place  the  day  after  the  fire, 
as  'carpenter  and  em  ploy  6  of  the  mission.'  San  Luis  Obispo,  Lib.  de  Mision, 
MS.,  57. 


300  MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

and  indeed  the  only  one  by  which  the  friars  could 
have  achieved  their  purpose.3 

The  viceroy  on  hearing  of  the  massacre  at  San 
Diego  had  given  orders  for  protective  measures,  in- 
cluding a  reenforcement  of  twenty-five  men;  but  a 
little  later  he  expressed  his  opinion,  agreeing  with 
that  of  the  missionaries,  that  it  would  be  better  to 
conciliate  than  to  punish  the  offending  gentiles,  and 
that  the  reenforcement  ordered  should  be  employed 
rather  to  protect  the  old  and  new  establishments  than 
to  chastise  the  foe.4  Bucareli's  communications, 
though  dated  in  the  spring  of  1776,  seem  to  have 
been  delayed;  at  any  rate  Rivera  was  doing  nothing 
towards  reestablishment,  and  the  southern  friars  were 
becoming  discouraged.  Serra  therefore  determined 
to  go  down  in  person.  As  we  have  seen,  he  had 
wished  to  accompany  Rivera,  but  that  officer  had 
pleaded  necessity  for  a  more  rapid  march  than  was 
suited  to  his  advanced  age  and  feeble  health.  Now 
he  sailed  on  the  San  Antonio  which  left  Monterey  the 
last  day  of  June,  and  arrived  at  San  Diego  the  llth 
of  July.  Father  Nocedal  was  left  at  San  Carlos; 
Serra  took  the  latter's  place  as  chaplain;  and  Santa 
Maria  accompanied  the  president,  who  intended  to 
substitute  him  for  some  southern  missionary  whose 
discontent  might  not  impair  his  usefulness,  for  three 
had  already  applied  for  leave  to  retire.5 

Serra  found  the  natives  peaceable  enough;  in  fact 
Rivera  had  reported  them  to  the  viceroy  as  ' pacified;' 
but  though  the  military  force  was  idle  in  the  presidio, 
the  friars  for  want  of  a  guard  could  not  resume  their 

3  In  a  communication  to  Rivera  Serra  urges  a  suspension  of  hostilities, 
which  would  do  more  harm  than  good,  and  a  light  punishment  to  captives. 
Let  the  living  padres  be  protected  '  as  the  apple  of  God's  eye, '  but  let  the  dead 
one  be  left  to  enjoy  God,  and  thus  good  be  returned  for  evil.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xv.  14,  15. 

4Bucareli's  letters  to  Serra  of  March  26th  and  April  3d,  in  Arch.  Santa 
Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  1-3,  and  Palou,  Vida,  187-90.  It  is  stated  in  the  letters 
that  instructions  of  similar  purport  were  sent  to  Rivera. 

5  These  were  probably  Fuster,  the  survivor  of  San  Diego,  and  Lasuen  and 
Amurrio  destined  for  San  Juan.  Their  petition  to  retire  was  simply  a  protest 
against  Rivera's  inaction,  and  not  improbably  had  been  suggested  by  Serra 
himself. 


WORK  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  301 

work.  The  president  at  once  made  an  arrangement 
with  Captain  Choquet  of  the  San  Antonio,  who  of- 
fered to  furnish  sailors  to  work  on  the  mission,  and 
go  in  person  to  direct  their  labors.  Then  Rivera, 
asked  in  writing  for  a  guard,  could  not  refuse,  and 
detailed  six  men  for  the  service.  On  August  22d° 

O 

the  three  friars,  Choquet  with  his  mate  and  boat- 
swain and  twenty  sailors,  a  company  of  neophytes, 
and  the  six  soldiers  went  up  the  river  to  the  old  site 
and  began  work  in  earnest,  digging  foundations,  col- 
lecting stones,  and  making  adobes.  The  plan  was  to 
erect  first  an  adobe  wall  for  defence  and  then  build 
a  church  and  other  structures  within  the  enclosure. 
Good  progress  was  made  for  fifteen  days,  so  that  it 
was  expected  to  complete  the  wall  in  two  weeks  and 
the  buildings  before  the  sailing  of  the  transport,  with 
time  enough  left  to  put  in  a  crop.  But  an  Indian 
went  to  Rivera  with  a  report  that  the  savages  were 
preparing  arrows  for  a  new  attack,  and  though  a  ser- 
geant sent  to  investigate  reported,  as  the  friars  claim, 
that  the  report  had  no  foundation7  the  commandant 
was  frightened,  and  on  September  8th  withdrew  the 
guard,  advising  the  withdrawal  of  the  sailors.  Cho- 
quet, though  protesting,  was  obliged  to  yield  to  save 
his  own  responsibility,  and  the  work  had  to  be  aban- 
doned, to  the  sorrow  and  indignation  of  the  mission- 
aries. 

About  this  time  a  native  reported  that  Corporal 
Carrillo  was  at  Velicata  with  soldiers  en  route  for 
San  Diego.  Serra  was  sure  they  were  the  soldiers 
promised  him  for  mission  guards,  and  Rivera  equally 
positive  that  they  were  destined  to  reenforce  tho  pre- 
sidio; but  he  refused  to  send  a  courier  to  learn  the 
truth  until  a  letter  came  from  Carrillo  on  the  25th. 


6Lasuen  in  his  report  of  1783,  in  Bandlni,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  2,  states 
that  the  mission  was  reestablished  in  June  1776.  There  may,  however,  be 
an  error  of  the  copyist. 

7  The  governor  in  a  later  report  says  that  investigations  had  proved  a 
second  convocation  of  21  rancherias  for  hostile  operations.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  60-1.  It  is  not  certain  however  that  the  allusion  is  to  this  occasion. 


302          MISSION  PEOGEESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

Three  days  later  the  viceroy's  despatches  arrived  and 
proved  favorable  to  Serra's  claims,  directing  the 
troops,  which  arrived  on  the  29th,  to  be  used  for  the 
restoration  of  the  missions.  The  president  celebrated 
his  triumph  by  a  mass  and  the  ringing  of  bells.  Rive- 
ra was  obliged  to  modify  his  plans,  assigning  twelve 
of  the  twenty-five  men  to  the  mission,  ten  to  San 
Juan,  two  to  San  Gabriel,  and  the  remainder  to  the 
presidio.  He  also  released  the  Indian  captives  whom 
he  had  intended  to  exile  to  San  Bias.8  On  the  llth 
he  started  north  to  establish  the  missions  near  San 
Francisco,  learning  on  the  way,  as  we  have  seen,  that 
one  of  them  had  already  been  founded  in  spite  of  his 
orders  to  the  contrary.9 

Work  was  at  once  resumed  at  the  mission,  and  the 
buildings  were  soon  ready  for  occupation.  Three  friars, 
Fuster,  Lasuen,  and  probably  Santa  Maria,  moved 
into  their  new  quarters  and  under  the  protection  of 
an  increased  escort  renewed  their  labors,  the  date  being 
apparently  the  17th  of  October.10  Already  the  lost 
mission  registers  of  baptism,  marriages,  and  deaths 
had  been  replaced  with  new  ones  in  which  the  miss- 
ing entries  were  restored,  so  far  as  possible,  from 
the  memory  of  priests,  neophytes,  and  soldiers,  by 
Sefra  himself,  who  added  some  valuable  notes  on  the 
past  history  of  the  mission,  at  various  dates  from 
August  14th  to  October  25th;  Fuster  also  added  an 
interesting  narrative  of  the  tragedy  of  November  5, 
1775.  These  records,  which  I  have  had  occasion  to 

8  But  this  release  would  seem  not  to  have  been  immediate,  for  the  gov- 
ernor in  a  letter  of  Feb.  27,  1777,  says  that  there  were  still  13  prisoners  at 
San  Diego  implicated  in  the  revolt.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  143.  In  a  letter  of 
June  3d  lie  states  that  on  receipt  of  the  viceroy's  orders  of  Feb.  2d,  the  troops 
were  drawn  up,  the  prisoners  called  out  and  harangued  on  the  enormity  of 
their  offence  meriting  death,  warned  that  if  they  abused  the  present  clem- 
ency they  must  expect  the  severest  penalty,  and  then  they  were  dismissed 
with  an  exhortation  by  the  priests,  both  soldiers  and  criminals  uniting  in  a 
cheer,  and  a  salute  from  two  cannons  celebrating  this  termination  of  a  pain- 
ful matter.  Id.,  60-1.  One  of  the  prisoners  had  strangled  himself  on  Aug. 
15th,  the  anniversary  of  the  clay  when  six  years  before  he  had  attempted  to 
kill  Father  Serra  in  the  first  attack  on  the  mission.  Palou,  Vida,  87. 

»Palou,Not.  ii,  325-37;  Id.,  Vida,  191-3,  196-7. 

10  Ortega  to  Rivera,  Dec.  3d,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  151. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  303 

use  freely  in  the  preceding  chapters,  are  among  the 
most  valuable  original  authorities  on  the  early  history 
of  California.11  Palou  asserts  that  progress  in  the 
work  of  conversion  was  rapid  from  the  first,  whole 
rancherias  coming  in  from  far  away  to  ask  for  baptism. 
The  only  additional  record  for  the  year  at  San  Diego 
is  in  letters  of  Ortega  to  Rivera  complaining  of  some 
minor  matters  of  the  presidio  routine,  among  others 
of  want  of  clothing  and  tortillas.12 

In  the  last  days  of  October,  leaving  San  Diego 
affairs  in  a  satisfactory  condition,  Serra  started  north- 
ward with  Gregorio  Amurrio;and  the  escort  of  ten 
soldiers13  to  establish  the  new  mission  of  San  Juan 
Capistrano,14  on  the  site  abandoned  the  year  previous. 
The  buried  bells  were  dug  up  to  be  hung  and  chimed ; 
mass  was  said  by  the  president,  and  thus  the  seventh 
mission  was  founded  the  1st  of  November15  on  or  near 
the  site  where  stood  the  ruins  of  a  later  structure 
a  century  after,16  near  a  small  bay  which  offered  good 
anchorage  and  protection  from  all  but  south  winds,  and 
which  long  served  as  the  port  for  mission  cargoes.  La- 
suen,  originally  assigned  to  this  mission,  had  remained 

11  Serra,  Notas,M.S.;  Fuster,  Registro  de  Defunciones,  MS. 

12  Ortega  to  Rivera,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  152-3. 

13  The   mission  guard   under   Corporal  Nicolas   Carabanas   included   the 
soldiers  Jacinto   Gloria,    Jose"    Antonio   Pena,   Francisco  Pena,  Pio  Quinto 
Zufiiga,  Nicolas  Gomez,  Matias  Vega,  Jose1  Dolores  Dominguez.  Julian  Ace- 
bedo,  and  Jose"  Joaquin  Armenta.    It  is  to  be  noted  that  many  early  Cali- 
fornians  wrote  their  names  'Joseph  '  rather  than  Jose". 

14  The  patron  saint  of  this  mission  was  born  at  Capistrano  in  the  kingdom 
of  Naples  in   1385,  was  educated  as  a  lawyer,  became  a  judge,  and  in  1415 
took  the  habit  of  St  Francis.    He  was  noted  thereafter  for  his  austere  life  and 
his  zeal  against  heretics,  occupying  high  positions  in  the  Inquisition.    He  also 
travelled  extensively  in  Europe  on  diplomatic  business  for  the  pope.    He  took 
part  in  the  crusades,  and  hated  Jews  and  Turks  no  less  than  heretics.    He  was 
prominent  in  the  siege  and  Christian  victory  of  Belgrade  in  1456,  and  died  in 
October  of  that  year,  to  be  canonized  in  1690.     He  was  the  author  of  many 
ecclesiastical  works,  and  his  festival  is  celebrated  by  the  church  the  31st  of 
October. 

]5£.  Juan  Capistrano,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  title-page;  Ortega,  in  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  151.  *  r 

10  According  to  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  5,  the  first  mission  was  located  some 
miles  north-easterly  from  the  present  location,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain, 
the  place  being  still  known  as  Mision  Vieja;  but  this  can  hardly  agree  with 
Palou's  statement,  Vida,  197-200,  that  the  mission  stood  half  a  league  frcnn 
the  bay,  on  a  stream  running  into  it,  and  in  sight  of  it  as  at  present. 


304          MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

in  Jaume's  place  at  San  Diego,  and  Pablo  Mugdrtegui, 
appointed  in  his  place,  soon  came  down  from  San  Luis. 
A  few  clays  after  the  founding  Serra  made  a  trip  to 
San  Gabriel.  While  returning  in  company  with  a 
pack-train  and  a  drove  of  cattle  he  went  a  little  in 
advance  with  a  soldier  and  a  neophyte,  and  was  met 
on  the  Trabuco  stream  by  a  horde  of  painted  and 
armed  savages  who  approached  with  shouts  and 
hostile  gestures,  but  were  induced  to  desist  by  a  few 
judicious  falsehoods  applied  by  the  San  Gabriel  neo- 
phyte, who  affirmed  that  there  was  a  large  body  of 
soldiers  close  behind  who  would  take  terrible  vengeance 
for  any  harm  done  to  the  friar.17  There  were  no  further 
demonstrations  of  the  kind.  The  natives  near  the 
mission  were  not  averse  to  Christianity,  and  Amurrio 
administered  baptism  December  15th,  and  Mugartegui 
again  on  Christmas,  the  whole  number  during  the  year 
being  four,  and  during  the  next  year  forty.  The 
native  name  of  the  mission  site  was  Sajirit.1^ 

As  soon  as  Rivera  arrived  from  the  south  in  the 
autumn  of  1776,  he  gave  his  attention  to  the  two 
new  missions  which  the  viceroy  in  his  late  communi- 
cations had  spoken  of  as  already  founded,  and  which 
the  commandant  now  realized  to  have  been  too  long 
neglected.  One  of  them  had  indeed  been  established; 
Tomas  de  la  Pena  and  Jose  Murguia  had  long  since 
been  assigned  to  the  other;  mission  guard,  church  para- 
phernalia, and  all  needed  supplies  were  ready;  and 
JPena  had  already  been  over  the  northern  country  and 

17  Nov.  12th  Corporal  Beltran  reports  the  hostile  demonstrations  against 
Serra  and  the  soldier  Pena,  and  adds  that  the  natives  are  at  the  mission  ready  to 
fight.  Nov.  loth  Ortega  reports  having  sent  Mariano  Carrillo  to  investigate. 
He  adds  that  two  soldiers  and  a  servant  have  deserted  from  the  new  mission. 
Nov.  23d  Carrillo  reports  that  all  is  quiet  since  the  original  demonstration ;  all 

:i    xi         _      •        •  i  *  it  t    •     f»      t         t  i      __ 


5-13. 

18  San  Juan  Capistrano,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.    In  several  of  the  missic 
registers  the  aboriginal  name  was  written  Quanis-Savit,  which  was,  in  all " 
one,  erased  and  Sajirit  substituted. 


FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  CLARA.  305 

made  up  his  mind  about  the  most  desirable  site.  Set- 
ting out  in  November  to  inspect  the  establishments 
at  San  Francisco,  and  accompanied  by  Peiia,  Rivera 
visited  on  the  way  the  proposed  site  near  the  banks  of 
the  Guadalupe  River  in  the  broad  San  Bernardino 
plain,  since  known  as  Santa  Clara  Valley.19  Subse- 
quently Friar  Toma"s  was  left  at  San  Francisco  with 
the  understanding  that  Rivera  on  his  return  to  Mon- 
terey should  send  up  the  men  and  supplies,  with  the 
other  priest,  and  orders  to  proceed  at  once  to  the 
founding.  On  account  of  the  alarm  at  San  Luis 
Obispo  already  noticed,  these  orders  were  delayed,  but 
they  came  late  in  December,  and  on  the  6th  of  Janu- 
ary 1777,  Moraga  with  Peria  and  a  company  of  sol- 
diers20 started  southward. 

A  cross  having  been  erected  and  an  enramada  pre- 
pared, Father  Tomas  said  the  first  mass  on  January 
12th,  dedicating  the  new  mission  to  Santa  Clara,21 
virgin,  on  the  site  called  aboriginally  Thamien,  among 
the  natives  known  as  Tares,  who  had  four  rancherias 
in  the  vicinity.22  In  respect  of  agricultural  advantages 
this  valley  was  thought  to  be  hardly  inferior  to  the 
country  of  San  Gabriel,  but  it  was  feared,  and  with 
reason  as  it  proved,  that  the  mission  site  might  be 
liable  to  occasional  inundations.23  The  work  of  build- 

19Palou,  Not.,  ii.  341-3,  implies  that  the  site  was  formally  selected  by 
Moraga  later;  but  this  is  not  probable;  at  any  rate  the  site  had  doubtless  been 
long  before  fixed  upon  more  or  less  definitely  by  the  priests. 

20  The  soldiers  destined  for  the  new  mission  were  the  remaining  ten  of 
Anza's  company  who  had  been  all  this  time  at  Monterey.     Palou,  Vida,  218- 
20,  implies  that  these  soldiers  with  their  families  came  up  to  San  Francisco; 
which  may  be  true,  but  it  seems  more  likely  that  they  met  Moraga  at  the  head 
of  the  bay,  the  latter  taking  with  him  a  few  men  from  his  own  presidio. 

21  Santa  Clara  was  the  daughter  of  a  rich  and  noble  family  of  Assisi,  Italy, 
born  in  1193,  and  wholly  devoted  to  the  fashionable  frivolities  of  her  class, 
until  at  the  age  of  17  she  was  converted  by  the  preaching  of  Saint  Francis, 
retired  to  the  convent  of  Porciuncula,  and  became  as  famous  for  the  austerity 
and  piety  of  her  life  as  she  had  been  for  her  wit  and  beauty.     She  founded  an 
order  of  religiosas  named  for  herself,  died  in  1253,  and  was  canonized  in  1255. 
Her  day  is  celebrated  on  the  12th  of  August. 

22Pena's  Report  of  Dec.  30th,  in  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  505-9. 
Tares  was  the  native  word  for  men.  A  newspaper  scrap  says  the  place  was 
called  SocoisuJca  from  the  abundance  of  laurels.  The  governor  on  Feb.  25th 
writes  that  the  mission  was  located  on  Jan.  4th.  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  i.  141. 

23  In  January  and  February  1779  the  mission  was  twi<je  flooded.  Several. 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  I.  20 


306  MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS 

ing  was  at  once  begun  within  a  square  of  seventy 
yards.  Father  Murguia  arrived  with  cattle  and  other 
mission  property  on  the  21st,  and  Moraga  went  back 
to  San  Francisco.  The  latter  however  was  soon 
recalled,  for  the  natives,  though  friendly  at  first,  soon 
developed  a  taste  for  beef,  which  flogging  and  even 
the  killing  of  three  of  their  number  did  not  entirely 
eradicate.24  In  May  an  epidemic  carried  off  many 
children,  most  of  whom  were  baptized,  and  missionary 
work  proper  was  thus  begun.25 

According  to  the  minister's  report  at  the  end  of  the 
year  there  had  been  sixty-seven  baptisms,  including 
eight  adults,  and  twenty-five  deaths.  Thirteen  Chris- 
tians and  ten  catechumens  were  living  at  the  mission, 
and  the  rest  at  the  rancherias  with  their  parents.  In 
the  way  of  material  improvements  the  new  estab- 
lishment could  show  a  church  of  six  by  twenty 
varas,  two  dwellings  of  six  by  twenty-two  and  five  by 
thirty-one  varas  respectively,  divided  into  the  neces- 
sary apartments,  all  of  timber  plastered  with  clay  and 
roofed  with  earth.  There  were  likewise  two  corrals 
and  a  bridge  across  the  stream.26 

Since  March  1775  Felipe  de  Neve  had  been  ruling 
at  Loreto  as  governor  of  the  Californias,  though  his 
authority  over  Upper  California  had  been  merely 
nominal,  the  commandant  of  the  new  establishments 

houses  fell  and  all  had  to  be  moved  to  higher  ground.  Governor's  report  of 
April  4th,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  125-6. 

24Gov.  Neve  in  a  report  of  Sept.  19,  1777,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  19-20. 

25 Santa  Clara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.  The  first  baptism  of  a  child  de  razon 
on  July  31st  was  that  of  an  illegitimate  son  of  Jose"  Antonio  Gonzalez  and 
of  a  woman  whose  marriage  with  another  man  the  next  year  is  the  first 
recorded.  The  first  death  was  that  of  Jose"  Antonio  Garcia  in  Jan.  1778. 
Both  Ramon  Bojorges  and  Gabriel  Peralta  are  named  as  corporals  of  the 
mission  guard  during  the  first  year.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  i.  11. 

26  Murguia  and  Pena,  In  forme  de  Santa  Clara,  1777,  MS.  The  sirvtentes 
of  the  mission — not  all  'servants '  as  we  use  the  word,  but  including  mechanics, 
vaqueros,  etc. — were  Francisco  Ibarra,  Crist6bal  Armenta,  Agustin  Soberanes, 
Antonio  Romero  (1st  and  2d),  Joaquin  Sanchez,  Manuel  Antonio,  Joaquin 
Puga,  Girilo  Gonzalez.  Moraga,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.  Den.,  MS.,  i.  9,  and  Gleeson, 
Hist.  Cath.  Ch. ,  ii.  80-2,  say  the  founders  reached  Santa  Clara  Jan.  1st.  Shea, 
Cath.  Miss.,  100,  tells  us  the  mission  was  founded  Jan.  6th.  For  account  of 
founding  from  Palou,  see  Hall's  Hist.  San  Jose,  416-18;  The  Owl,  Jan.  1871. 


THE  GOVERNOR  TO  LIVE  AT  MONTEREY.  307 

being  directly  responsible  to  the  viceroy  and  subordi- 
nate to  the  governor  only  in  being  required  to  report 
fully  to  that  official.  Soon  however  a  change  was 
ordered,  due  largely  it  is  believed  to  the  influence  of 
Jose  de  Galvez,  now  in  Spain  and  filling  the  high  posi- 
tion of  minister  of  state  for  the  Indies.  The  16th  of 
August  1775  the  king  issues  a  royal  order  that  Gov- 
ernor Neve  is  to  reside  at  Monterey  as  capital  p-f  the 
province,  while  Rivera  is  to  go  to  Loreto  and  rule 
Baja  California  as  lieutenant-governor.  At  the  same 
time,  perhaps,  Neve's  commission  as  governor  is  for- 
warded, for  his  office  down  to  this  time  had  been 
merely  provisional  under  appointment  of  the  viceroy 
requiring  the  king's  approval.  A  second  royal  order 
of  April  19,  1776,  directed  the  change  to  be  made 
immediately.27  It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  in  the  absence 
of  original  instructions  of  king  and  viceroy  exactly 
what  effect  the  change  of  residence  had  on  the  respec- 
tive powers  of  Neve  and  Rivera,  especially  those  of 
the  latter.  But  it  is  evident  that  while  Rivera's  au- 
thority as  lieutenant-governor  on  the  peninsula  was 
less  absolute  and  his  subordination  to  the  governor 
greater  than  in  Upper  California  as  commandant, 
Neve's  authority  in  the  north  was  practically  the 
same  as  Rivera's  had  been;  that  is,  in  California  the 
only  change  in  government  was  in  the  title  of  the 
ruler.  The  new  establishments  were  recognized  by 
Carlos  III.  as  more  important  than  the  old.  In  six 
years  the  child  had  outgrown  its  parent.  Monterey 
was  to  be  capital  of  the  Californias  as  it  had  always 
n  of  California  Setentrional.23 


b. 


27  The  order  of  Aug.  16th  is  merely  referred  to  in  a  list  of  documents  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  3,  and  may  possibly  be  an  error.    The  order  of  April  19th 
is  referred  to  in  a  letter  of  the  viceroy  in  Id.,  i.  203.     Neve's  commission  as 
governor  was  forwarded  to  him  by  the  viceroy  on  Dec.  20,  1775.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  i.  39. 

28  The  formation  of  the  Provincias  Internas  de  Occidents  under  Teodoro  de 
Croix  as  commandant  general  with  viceregal  powers  was  nearly  simultaneous 
with  the  change  in  California;  and  to  this  new  official  Gov.  Neve  became 
responsible  instead  of  to  the  viceroy  as  Rivera  had  been.     March  8,  1777, 
Croix  writes  to  Neve  that  Art.  20  of  royal  instructions  requires  the  governor 
and  officials  of  California  to  render  individual  reports  of  acts  and  events  to 


308  MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

For  the  first  time  so  far  as  the  record  shows,  Vice- 
roy Bucareli  transmitted  the  king's  orders  to  Neve 
at'Loreto  the  20th  of  July  1776.  During  this  month 
and  the  next  a  correspondence  took  place  between  the 
two  official?,29  which,  from  its  fragmentary  nature  as 
preserved,  is  unsatisfactory,  but  from  which  it  appears 
that  Bucareli  was  desirous  that  Neve  should  start  as 
soon  as  possible,  that  orders  to  Rivera  were  enclosed 
to  the  governor,  that  a  herd  of  live-stock  was  to  be 
taken  from  the  peninsula,  and  that  twenty-five  sol- 
diers were  sent  by  the  Concepcion  to  Loreto  to  accom- 
pany Neve  northward.  Though  Bucareli  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  change  in  rulers  and  capitals,  he  could 
not  fail  to  be  well  pleased  with  the  order  received  from 
Spain,  since  it  came  just  in  time  to  relieve  him  from 
the  undesirable  task  of  deciding  several  quarrels. 
Rivera's  troubles  with  the  Franciscans  and  with  Anza 
are  fresh  in  the  reader's  mind,  and  Neve's  relations 
with  the  Dominicans  were  but  little  less  uncomfortable. 
Complaints  to  the  viceroy  were  frequent,  and  it  was 
an  easy  reply  to  say  that  the  impending  change  would 
probably  remove  ail  reason  for  dissatisfaction  and  pre- 
vent the  necessity  for  any.  specific  measures.80  Had 
Rivera's  peculiar  conduct  been  known  in  Spain  it  is 
not  likely  that  he  would  have  been  retained  in  office ; 
but  the  viceroy  hoped  that  in  a  new  field  he  might 
succeed  better. 

The  troops  referred  to  in  the  viceroy's  communica- 
tions were  probably  those  whose  arrival  at  San  Diego 
in  September  1777  has  been  already  noticed,  since  there 

him.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  245.  Dec.  25,  1776,  the  viceroy  notified  Neve  of 
the  appointment  of  Croix,  to  whom  he  is  to  report  directly  on  occurrences  in 
California;  but  for  supplies,  etc. ,  he  is  still  to  communicate  with  the  viceroy. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  66-7.  Neve  had  written  to  the  viceroy  for  certain  instruc- 
tions, which  were  transmitted  to  Croix.  The  latter  writes  to  Neve  Aug.  15, 
1777,  that  his  duties  in  other  provinces  will  prevent  his  attention  to  California, 
and  he  has  therefore  turned  the  whole  matter  over  to  £he  viceroy  for  the 
present.  He,  however,  asks  for  Neve's  suggestions  respecting  reforms,  etc., 
for  a  new  reglamento  for  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  252-3. 

29/Vou.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  203-7. 

30  Bucareli  wrote  on  Dec.  25,  1776,  to  Serra,  announcing  the  change  ordered. 
Palou,  Vida,  194-5. 


NEVE  IN  CALIFORNIA.  309 

is  no  record  of  any  soldiers  having  come  up  with  Neve 
except  an  escort  of  six  who  returned  with  Rivera.31 
Indeed,  respecting  Neve's  journey  to  California  noth- 
ing is  known  beyond  the  facts  that  it  was  made  by 
land  via  San  Diego ;  that  he  made  close^  observations, 
as  ^  shown  by  his  later  reports,  of  the  condition  and 
needs  of  each  establishment  on  the  way;  and  that  he 
arrived  at  Monterey  February  3,  1777.32  His  first  act 
after  a  review  of  the  troops  and  a  consultation  with 
Serra,  was  to  6end  to  Mexico  a  report  on  February 
25th  that  the  new  presidio  and  the  four  new  missions, 
including  San  Diego,  had  been  successfully  founded 
and  were  in  a  condition  more  or  less  satisfactory.33 
In  March  Rivera  started  for  Baja  California.  Then 
in  April  Neve  made  a  tour  in  the  north,  visiting  San 
Francisco  and  Santa  Clara.  It  had  been  proposed  by 
Rivera  to  move  the  presidio  of  Monterey  to  the  river 
since  called  Salinas,  chiefly  because  of  the  insufficient 
supply  of  water  at  the  original  site.  The  viceroy 
approved  the  measure;34  but  the  royal  orders  to  Neve 
expressly  forbade  the  removal,  declaring  that  the  pre- 
sidio must  be  maintained  where  it  was  at  any  cost,  for 
the  protection  of  the  port.  Still  another  matter  had 
been  intrusted  to  the  patriotic  zeal  of  the  new  ruler, 
though  one  that  did  not  prove  a  very  severe  tax  on 
either  ability  or  time.  He  had  an  order  from  the  king 
to  be  on  the  watch  for  Captain  Cook's  two  vessels 
that  had  been  despatched  from  England  on  a  voyage 
of  discovery  in  the  South  Sea,  and  by  no  means  to 

81  According  to  a  communication  of  some  official  on  Feb.  10,  1776,  in  Prov. 
JRec.,  MS.,  i.  139,  the  cattle  from  the  old  missions  amounted  to  1,209,  and 
were  to  be  sent  up  to  the  frontier,  with  80  mules  and  36  horses  for  the  25  San 
Diego  recruits. 

32  Letter  of  Neve  to  viceroy,  Feb.  26th,  in  Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  i.  139-40,  in 
which  he  notes  the  bad  condition  in  which  he  found  the  San  Diego  force  in 
respect  of  clothing,  arms,  and  horses.    March  2d  he  writes,  Id.,  i.  59,  that  he 
has  given  .Rivera  full  instructions,  and  the  latter  will  depart  to-morrow.  Rivera 
writes  Feb.  6th,  that  Neve  has  arrived,  and  that  he  is  about  to  retire  to  Loreto. 
Pro?-.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  20.     See  also  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  344-5. 

33  Neve,  Informe  de  25  de  Feb.  1777,  MS.,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  i.  140-2.    There 
are  several  other  minor  communications  of  the  governor  written  about  this 
time. 

34 Letter  of  Jan.  2,  1775,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  169. 


310          MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

permit  that  navigator  to  enter  any  Calif  or  nian  port.35 
The  transports  of  1777  were  the  San  Antonio  and 
the  Santiago.  The  former  under  Francisco  Villaroel, 
with  Serra  as  chaplain,  arrived  at  San  Diego  in  May 
with  supplies  for  the  south,  and  having  unloaded  sailed 
at  once  for  San  Bias.  The  latter,  whose  arrival  at 
San  Francisco  has  already  been  noted,  came  down  to 
Monterey  and  sailed  for  San  Bias  the  8th  of  June. 
By  her  Neve  sent  a  report  on  the  Santa  Barbara 
Channel  and  its  tribes,  giving  his  views  of  what  was 
necessary  to  be  done  in  that  region  to  control  and 
convert  a  large  native  population,  that  might  in  the 
future  become  troublesome  by  cutting  off  land  com- 
munication between  the  north  and  south,  which  from 
the  peculiar  nature  and  situation  of  their  country  they 
could  easily  do.  His  plan  included  a  mission  of  San 
Buenaventura  at  Asuncion  at  the  southern  extremity 
of  the  channel,  another  of  Purisima  near  Point  Con- 
cepcion  at  the  northern  extremity,  and  a  third  of 
Santa  Barbara  with  also  a  presidio  in  the  central 
region  near  Mescaltitlan.  The  military  force  required 
for  the  three  establishments  would  be  a  lieutenant 
and  sixty-seven  soldiers.  This  report  was  dated  June 
3d,  and  next  day  the  governor  wrote  asking  permis- 
sion to  resign  and  join  his  family  in  Seville  whom  he 
had  not  seen  since  1764,  being  also  in  ill-health  grow- 
ing out  of  seven  years'  service  in  administering  the 
colleges  of  Zacatecas.36 

The  shipment  of  grain  from  San  Bias  for  the  mili- 
tary establishments  of  the  Californias  was  a  very 
expensive  and  uncertain  method  of  supply,  and  offi- 
cials had  been  instructed  from  the  first  to  suggest 
some  practicable  means  of  home  production  to  be 


35  Royal  order,  July  14,  1776;  sent  by  viceroy  Oct.  23d.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
13;  Prov.  St,  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  213.  The  governor  acknowledges  receipt  of  the 
order  on  June  6th.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  76. 

SG  There  are  22  communications  of  Neve  to  Bucareli,  written  during  the 
first  half  of  1777,  preserved  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  59-79.  His  correspondence 
for  the  last  six  months  has  for  the  most  part  been  lost. 


the 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JOSE.  311 

introduced  as  soon  as  possible.  In  June  1776,  before 
leaving  Loreto,  Neve  in  a  communication  to  the 
viceroy  proposed  an  experimental  sowing  for  account 
of  government  on  some  fertile  lands  of  the  northern 
frontier,  both  to  supply  the  usual  deficiency  on  the 
peninsula,  and  especially  to  furnish  grain  at  reduced 
cost  for  the  new  establishments.  Bucareli  in  August 
approved  the  proposition  in  a  general  way,  but  stated 
that  in  view  of  the  proposed  change  in  the  governor's 
residence  it  would  be  impossible  for  Neve  to  attend 
personally  to  the  matter,  and  suggested  that  the 
scheme  might  be  carried  out  with  even  better  chances 
of  success  in  the  fertile  lands  of  New  California, 
referring  also  to  Anza's  favorable  report  on  the  Colo- 
rado River  region  as  a  source  of  grain  supply  in  case 
of  special  need.37 

Accordingly  Neve  kept  the  matter  in  view  during 
his  trip  northward,  closely  examining  the  different 
regions  traversed  to  find  land  suited  to  his  purpose. 
The  result  of  his  observations  was  that  there  were 
two  spots  eminently  fitted  for  agricultural  operations, 
one  being  on  the  Rio  de  Porciuncula  in  the  south, 
and  the  other  on  the  Rio  de  Guadalupe  in  the  north; 
and  he  also  made  up  his  mind  that  the  only  way  to 
utilize  the  advantages  offered  was  to  found  two  pueblos 
on  the  rivers.  To  this  end  he  asked  for  four  laborers 
and  some  other  necessary  assistance.38  Without  wait- 
ing, however,  for  a  reply  to  this  communication,  and 
possibly  having  received  additional  instructions  from 
Mexico,  the  governor  resolved  to  go  on  and  make  a 

87  Neve's  letter  of  June  21st  is  not  extant,  but  is  referred  to  with  a  re'sume' 
of  its  contents  in  the  viceroy's  letter  of  August,  in  Prov,  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  i. 
205-6. 

38  Neve's  letter  is  missing  as  before,  but  is  alluded  to  in  a  subsequent  letter 
of  April  1778,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  7-9.  In  another  letter  of  June  4th,  the 
day  after  the  first,  Neve  says  that  he  has  made  no  formal  distribution  of 
lands  to  either  settlers  or  soldiers,  except  to  one  soldier  (Butron?)  to  whom 
Rivera  in  past  years  had  given  a  title  to  a  lot  of  land  near  San  Carlos  mission. 
Also  that  as  there  are  no  suitable  lands  near  the  presidio  he  cannot  for  the 
present  carry  out  the  sowing  order.  Id.,  i.  68.  From  this  it  would  seem 
likely  that  he  had  received  some  more  direct  order  from  Bucareli  to  sow  near 

presidio. 


312          MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

beginning  of  the  northernmost  of  the  two  pueblos. 
He  selected  for  this  purpose  nine  of  the  presidio 
soldiers  of  Monterey  and  San  Francisco,  who  knew 
something  of  farming,  and  five  settlers,  who  had  come 
to  California  with  Anza,39  and  the  fourteen  with  their 
families,  sixty-six  persons  in  all,  started  on  November 
7th  from  San  Francisco  under  Moraga  for  their  new 
home.  A  site  was  chosen  near  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  river,  three  quarters  of  a  league  south-east  of 
Santa  Clara,  and  here  the  new  pueblo,  the  first  in 
California,  was  founded  on  the  29th  under  the  name 
of  San  Jose  de  Guadalupe,  that  is  San  Jose  on  the 
River  Guadalupe.  The  name  was  apparently  selected 
by  Neve  as  an  honor  to  the  original  patron  of  the 
California  establishments,  as  named  by  Galvez  in 
1768.40 

The  first  earth-roofed  structures  of  plastered  pali- 
sades were  erected  a  little  more  than  a  mile  north  of 
the  centre  of  the  modern  city.41  The  settlers  received 

39Palou,  Not.,  ii.  348-50,  says  that  all  were  of  Anza's  company,  lying  idle 
at  San  Francisco.  Neve,  letter  of  April  15,  1778,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  8, 
says  lie  took  3  of  those  who  had  come  as  pobladores  and  '  recruited '  2  more, 
from  what  source  it  does  not  appear.  We  have  no  list  of  the  San  Jose"  settlers 
until  the  more  formal  distribution  of  lands  in  1781,  when  the  number  was  9 
instead  of  14.  The  names  of  all  the  first  settlers  of  1777  cannot  therefore  be 
given;  but  from  Moraga's  list  of  all  the  pobladores  in  the  San  Francisco  dis- 
trict in  December  1777,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  8,  9,  and  from  an  examina- 
tion of  the  Santa  Clara  records,  Santa  Clara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  I  conclude 
that  4  of  the  5  original  pobladores  of  San  Jos6  were  Jos6  Ignacio  Archuleta, 
Manuel  Francisco  Ame"zquita,  Jose"  Manuel  Gonzalez,  and  Jose1  Tiburcio  Vasquez, 
while  the  fifth  was  not  improbably  a  lady,  Gertrudis  Peralta.  Of  9  soldier  settlers 
I  can  give  the  names  of  only  4;  Valeric  Mesa,  corporal  in  command,  Seferino 
Lugo,  Juan  Manuel  Marcos  Villela,  and  Jose"  Antonio  Romero.  Gabriel  Peralta 
was  the  corporal  in  1779.  Romero  was  the  only  soldier  who  remained,  and  the  4 
pobladores  mentioned  make  up  5  of  the  9  names  on  the  list  and  map  of  April 
1781.  See  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  243.  Of  the  other  4,  Claudio  Al- 
vires  was  a  servant  before  1780,  while  Bernardo  Rosales,  Sebastian  Alvitre,  a 
soldier  in  1769-74,  and  Francisco  Avila  were  new  names. 

40  See  chapter  iv.  of   this  volume.     In  the  heading  of  one  document  in 
the  archives  I  find  the  pueblo  called  San  Jose"  de  Galvez.    This  name — though 
perhaps  a  copyist's  error — would  have  been  a  most  appropriate  one.    In  later 
times  an  effort  was  made  to  christen  the  town  San  Jos6  de  Alvarado,  in  honor 
of  the  governor;  but  it  was  unsuccessful  so  far  as  common  usage  was  con- 
cerned. 

41  Near  the  little  stream  crossed  by  the  first  bridge  on  the  road  leading 
from  the  city  to  Alviso.   nail's  Hist.  San  Jost,  14-19,  46.     This  modern  work 
contains  a  tolerably  accurate  and  complete  history  of  San  Jose".     Documents 
on  the  early  years  are  not  numerous,  and  the  author  seems  to  have  consulted 
most  of  them.    There  are  a  few  errors  in  names  and  translation,  but  the  book 


EARLY  ANNALS  OF  SAN  JOS&  313 

each  a  tract  of  land  that  could  be  irrigated  sufficient 
for  planting  about  three  bushels*  of  maize,  with  a 
house-lot,  ten  dollars  a  month,  and  a  soldier's  rations. 
Each  also  received  a  yoke  of  oxen,  two  horses,  two 
cows,  a  mule,  two  sheep,  and  two  goats,  together  with 
necessary  implements  and  seed,  all  of  which  were  to 
be  repaid  in  products  of  the  soil  delivered  at  the  royal 
warehouse.  The  mission  of  Santa  Clara  being  near, 
the  ministers  consented  to  attend  for  the  present  to 
the  settlers'  spiritual  interests,  and  accordingly  the 
names  of  the  latter  are  frequently  found  in  the  mis- 
sion-book entries.  In  April  of  the  next  year  Neve 
reported  to  the  viceroy  what  he  had  done.42 

The  first  work  in  the  new  pueblo  after  building  houses 
to  shelter  the  families  was  to  dam  the  river  above, 
bring  down  water  in  a  ditch,  and  prepare  the  fields  for 
sowing;  but  the  attempt  was  not  successful,  and  the 
sowing  of  over  fifty  bushels  of  corn  was  a  total  loss, 
since  it  was  necessary  to  change  the  site  of  the  dam, 
and  the  new  one  was  not  completed  and  water  brought 
to  the  fields  till  July.  The  second  sowing  yielded 
between  six  and  eight  hundred  bushels.  A  second 
dam  was  built  above  the  first  to  protect  it  in  time  of 
freshet,  and  the  irrigation  system  thus  completed  was 
planned  to  supply  thirty-six  suertes,  or  sowing-lots,  of 
two  hundred  varas  each.  As  early  as  1778  the  gov- 
ernor complained  that  the  lands  were  nearer  -^hose  of 
the  mission  than  he  had  intended,  and  badly  dis- 
tributed. In  1779  much  damage  was  done  by  high 
water  both  at  San  Jose  and  Santa  Clara,  among  other 

is  far  above  the  average  of  what  has  been  given  to  the  California  public  as 
history.  Hall's  San  Jos6,  from  the  San  Jos6  Pioneer,  Jan.  1877,  being  an 
address  by  the  author  on  July  4th,  is  full  of  errors,  many  of  which  are  doubt- 
less due  to  the  newspaper  and  not  the  writer. 

4:2 April  15th,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  7-8.  A  duplicate  was  sent  to  General 
Croix.  Id. ,  9,  10.  See  an  English  translation  of  this  report  in  Dwindles  Colon. 
Hist.  S.  F.,  addenda,  8.  The  viceroy's  acknowledgment  of  this  report  and 
approval  of  Neve's  actswas  dated  July  22,  1778.  St.  Pap.  Miss.  andColon.,~MS., 
i.  28-9.  He  mentions  a  servant  besides  the  5  settlers,  and  makes  the  whole 
population  G8  instead  of  66.  He  also  speaks  of  a  dam  not  alluded  to  by  Neve. 
Croix's  acknowledgment  and  approval  was  dated  July  19,  1779,  and  included 
that  of  the  king  dated  March  6th.  Hall's  Hist.  San  Jose,  14-19. 


314  MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

things  the  new  dam  at  the  pueblo  being  washed  away. 
At  this  early  date  also  the  governor  notes  the  in- 
fluence of  the  friars  as  adverse  to  pueblo  progress. 
Before  founding  San  Jose  he  had  considered  the 
prospects  of  obtaining  supplies  from  the  missions,  and 
had  concluded  that  for  some  years,  at  least,  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  missions  would  not  increase  faster  than 
the  mouths  of  neophytes  to  be  fed.  The  missionaries 
well  knew  that  suchw^as  the  prospect;  but  on  general 
principles  they  were  opposed  to  all  establishments  in 
the  country  save  their  own.  The  presidios  were  a 
necessary  evil,  and  the  soldiers  must  be  fed,  therefore 
the  government  should  feed  them  until  the  missions 
could  do  so.  As  soon  as  Serra  realized  that  Neve 
was  in  earnest  about  founding  pueblos,  he  began  to  be 
very  certain  that  his  missions  could  have  supplied  the 
presidios;  "but  he  forgets,"  says  Neve,  "that  this 
would  not  people  the  land  with  Spanish  subjects." 
There  is  nothing  more  to  be  recorded  concerning  San 
Jose  for  several  years,  and  down  to  1781  the  estab- 
lishment may  be  regarded  as  to  a  great  extent  provi- 
sional or  experimental.43 

Certain  troubles  with  the  southern  savages,  during 
this  year  and  in  the  spring  of  the  following,  remain 
to  be  noticed  in  this  chapter.  They  seem  to  have 
begun  in  June  1777  when  the  Alocuachomi  rancheria 
threatened  the  neophytes  of  San  Juan  Capistrano, 
and  Corporal  Guillermo  Carrillo  was  sent  with  five 
men  to  chastise  the  offenders,  which  he  did  by  killing 
three  and  wounding  several.  Sergeant  Aguiar  was 
sent  by  Ortega  to  investigate,  and  his  report  showed 
the  existence  of  disorders  among  the  soldiers,  in  their 
relation  to  the  natives,  by  no  means  creditable  to 
Spanish  discipline  in  California,  A  native  chieftain 
who  was  in  league  with  the  offenders  and  who  fur- 
nished women  to  the  guard,  was  deemed  to  merit 


43  Neve's  communications  in  Prov.  Rec.<  MS.,  i.  90-2,  125-6,  ii.  21-2; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  iii.  145. 


INDIAN  HOSTILITIES.  315 

fifteen  lashes  and  an  admonition  from  the  minister; 
and  two  culprit  soldiers  were  taken  south  to  San 
Diego.  It  was,  perhaps,  in  connection  with  these 
disturbances  that  the  Indians  of  San  Gabriel  came  in 
arms  to  the  mission  to  avenge  some  outrage ;  but  they 
were  subdued,  as  by  a  miracle,  when  the  friars  held 
up  a  shining  image  of  our  lady,  kneeling,  weeping,  and 
embracing  the  missionaries.44  Hardly  had  the  excite- 
ment of  the  disturbances  alluded  to  died  out,  whon 
on  August  13th  four  soldiers  bearing  despatches  from 
General  Croix  to  Neve  were  surprised  at  midnight, 
at  a  place  called  San  Juan  just  above  San  Diego,  by 
a  party  of  savages  who  killed  the  corporal  in  command, 
Antonio  Briones.  The  rest  escaped  with  their  horses, 
after  having  repulsed  the  foe  in  an  hour's  fight.  Ser- 
geant Carrillo  was  ordered  to  make  a  retaliatory  cam- 
paign, but  the  result  is  not  recorded  beyond  the 
statement  that  a  chief  was  arrested.  In  February 
of  1778  Carrillo  was  obliged  to  make  a  new  expedi- 
tion to  San  Juan  Capistrano,  where  several  rancherias, 
Amangens,  Chacapamas,  and  Toban  Juguas  were 
assembled  and  threatening.  A  chieftain's  wife  had 
eloped  with  a  Lower  Californian,  and  the  outraged 
husband  made  his  grievance  a  public  one  by  appealing 
to  the  natives  to  avenge  the  death  of  their  comrades 
jslain  the  year  before ;  also  charging  that  the  Spaniards 
were  really  devils  come  to  destroy  the  crops  by 
drought. 

In  March  it  was  reported  that  the  people  of  Pamo, 
one  of  the  San  Diego  rancherias,  were  making  arrows 
to  be  used  against  the  Spaniards,  counting  on  the  aid 
of  three  neighboring  bands  and  of  one  across  the 
sierra,  and  having  already  murdered  a  San  Juan 
Indian.  Ortega  sent  a  message  of  warning  and 
Aaaran  sent  back  a  challenge  to  the  soldiers  to  come 
and  be  slain.  Carrillo's  services  were  again  called 
into  requisition  and  he  was  sent  with  eight  soldiers  to 

44  This  story  is  told  by  Hugo  Reid  and  Benjamin  Hayes,  and  it  is  also  the 
subject  of  a  poem  by  Miss  M.  A.  Fitzgerald.  Hayes1  Mission  Book,  i.  197. 


316  MISSION  PROGRESS  AND  PUEBLO  BEGINNINGS. 

chastise  this  insolence,  capture  the  chiefs,  and  to  give 
thirty  or  forty  lashes  each  to  such  warriors  as  might 
seem  to  need  them.  In  carrying  out  his  orders  the 
sergeant  surprised  the  foe  at  Pamo,  killed  two  of  the 
number,  and  burned  a  few  who  refused  to  come  out  of 
the  hut  in  which  they  had  taken  refuge.  The  rest 
surrendered  and  took  their  flogging,  while  the  four 
chieftains  were  bound  and  carried  to  San  Diego. 
Captured  in  this  battle  were  eighty  bows,  fifteen  hun- 
dred arrows,  and  a  large  number  of  clubs.  The  four 
chiefs,  Aachil,  Aalcuirin,  Aaaran,  and  Taguagui  were 
tried  on  April  6th,  convicted  of  having  plotted  to  kill 
Christians  in  spite  of  the  mercy  shown  them  in  the 
king's  name  for  past  offences,  and  condemned  to  death 
by  Ortega,  though  that  officer  had  no  right  to  inflict 
the  death  penalty,  even  on  an  Indian,  without  the 
governor's  approval.  The  sentence  was:  " Deeming  it 
useful  to  the  service  of  God,  the  king,  and  the  public 
weal,  I  sentence  them  to  a  violent  death  by  two 
musket-shots  on  the  llth  at  9  A.  M.,  the  troops  to  be 
present  at  the  execution  under  arms,  also  all  the 
Christian  rancherias  subject  to  the  San  Diego  mission, 
that  they  may  be  warned  to  act  righteously."  Fa- 
thers Lasuen  and  Figuer  were  summoned  to  prepare 
the  condemned  for  their  end.  "  You  will  cooperate," 
writes  Ortega  to  the  padres,  "  for  the  good  of  their 
souls  in  the  understanding  that  if  they  do  not  accept 
the  salutary  waters  of  holy  baptism  they  die  on  Sat- 
urday morning;  and  if  they  do — they  die  all  the 
same!"  This  was  the  first  public  execution  in  Cali- 
fornia.45 

45  On  these  Indian  troubles  see  reports  of  Neve  and  Ortega  in  St.  Pap.  Sac., 
MS.,  vii.  61-3,  viii.  31-52;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  19,  96-7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
ii.  1-6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  i.  41-4. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

A   DECADE    COMPLETED— PRESIDENT    SERRA  VERSUS 

GOVERNOR   NEVE. 

1778—1780. 

A  PERIOD  OF  PREPARATION — SCHEMES  FOR  THE  FUTURE — GOVERNMENT  RE- 
FORMS— PUEBLOS — CHANNEL  ESTABLISHMENTS — NEVE  WANTS  TO  RESIGN 
AND  IS  MADE  COLONEL — SACRAMENT  OF  CONFIRMATION — EPISCOPAL 
POWERS  CONFERRED  ON  PADRE  SERRA — TOUR  OF  THE  MISSIONS— QUAR- 
REL WITH  NEVE— ECCLESIASTIC  PREROGATIVE  AND  SECULAR  AUTHORITY 
— A  FRIAR'S  SHARP  PRACTICE — SERIOUS  CHARGES  BY  THE  GOVERNOR — 
MOVEMENTS  OF  VESSELS— ARRIVAL  OF  ARTEAGA  AND  BODEGA  FROM  A 
NORTHERN  VOYAGE — THE  FIRST  MANILA  GALLEON  AT  MONTEREY — 
LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS — PRESIDIO  BUILDINGS. 

THE  years  1778  and  1779,  completing  the  first  de- 
cade in  the  annals  of  Alta  California  as  a  Spanish 
province,  together  with  1780,  formed  a  period  rather 
of  preparation  than  of  accomplishment,  of  theories 
rather  than  practice,  in  matters  affecting  the  general 
interests  of  the  country ;  though  there  was  a  satisfac- 
tory showing  of  local  progress  at  the  several  missions. 
One  of  the  most  important  general  subjects  which 
claimed  Governor  Neve's  attention,  was  the  prepara- 
tion of  a  new  reglamento,  or  system  of  military  gov- 
ernment for  the  Californias;  the  new  establishments 
having  in  a  general  sense  outgrown  Echeveste's  regu- 
lation of  1773,  and  some  articles  of  that  document 
having  in  practice  proved  unsatisfactory.  The  king's 
order  of  March  21,  1775,  for  the  reform  of  the  sys- 
tem was,  on  August  15,  1777,  forwarded  by  Gen- 
eral Croix  to  Neve  with  a  letter  in  which  he  says : 
"Lacking  knowledge  on  the  subject,  I  need  that  you 
report  to  me  at  length  and  in  detail  what  are  the 

(317) 


318  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

faults  that  impair  the  usefulness  of  the  old  regulation, 
and  what  you  deem  necessary  for  its  reform,  so  that 
I  may  be  enabled  to  decide  when  consulted  about  the 
country."  This  request  came  by  the  Santiago  in 
June,  and  on  December  28,  1778,  Neve  dated  the 
required  report.1  We  hear  no  more  of  this  subject 
till  the  appearance  of  the  regulation  itself,  full  fledged, 
and  with  all  its  reforms,  accredited  to  Neve,  as 
author,  under  date  of  June  1,  1779.2 

That  the  preparation  of  so  extensive  and  important 
a  state  paper,  and  especially  of  those  portions  relating 
to  colonization  which  was  a  new  and  difficult  subject, 
should  have  been  intrusted  in  toto  to  the  governor, 
seems  strange,  and  equally  so  the  fact  that  no  corre- 
spondence on  the  subject  has  been  preserved;  but  both 
Croix  and  Galvez  in  signifying  the  king's  approval 
accredit  Neve  with  the  authorship.  It  was  certainly 
a  mark  of  great  confidence  in  his  ability,  and  a  still 
greater  compliment  was  the  adoption  of  his  plan  with- 
out, so  far  as  appears,  a  single  modification.  Septem- 
ber 21,  1780,  General  Croix  writes  to  the  governor 
from  Arizpe  that  the  plan  has  been  forwarded  by  the 
viceroy  to  the  king,  and  that  provisionally,  pending 
the  royal  approval,  it  is  to  go  into  effect  in  California 
from  the  beginning  of  178 1.3  The  subject-matter  of 
the  reglamento,  and  the  new  system  of  government 
resting  on  it,  may  be  properly  deferred  until  the  be- 
ginning of  the  next  period,  when  the  changes  went 
into  practical  effect. 

An  important  and  new  feature  of  Neve's  plan  was 
that  relating  to  pueblos  and  colonization,  enforced  in 
connection  with  the  redistribution  of  lands  in  the 
hitherto  informal  pueblo  of  San  Jose,  and  the  found- 
ing of  a  new  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  on  the  Rio  Por- 
ciiincula.  It  is  therefore  in  connection  with  these 

1  Neve,  Informe  sobre  Reglamento,  28  de  Die.  1778,  MS. 

2  Neve,  Reglamento  e  Instruction  para  los  Presidios  de  la  Peninsula  de  Cal- 
ifornia, Erection  de  Nuevos  Misiones  y  fomento  del  pueblo  y  estension  de  los 
Establecimientos  de  Monterey,  MS. 

3  Croix  to  Neve,  Sept.  21,  1780,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  114. 


NEVE'S  PROJECTS.  319 

events,  which  took  place  in  1781,  that  the  general 
subject  may  be  best  considered.  Another  matter 
pending  was  the  occupation  by  Spain  of  the  rich  and 
densely  populated  central  region  along  the  Santa  Ba"r- 
bara  channel.  From  observations  made  during  his 
first  trip  northward  Neve  had  sent  in  a  report  in  June 
1777,  urging  the  importance  of  such  occupation  and 
the  dangers  of  its  postponement;  also  giving  his  views 
as  to  the  best  methods  of  its  accomplishment.  He 
favored  the  establishing  of  three  missions  and  of 
a  central  presidio,  requiring  a  force  of  sixty-two  men. 
Croix  approved  his  views4  and  they  were  embodied  in 
the  plan  of  June.  A  correspondence  respecting  de- 
tails followed  during  1779-80.  Meanwhile,  Rivera 
was  sent  to  recruit  settlers  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora,  as 
well  for  the  Channel  establishments  as  for  the  pueblos 
of  Los  Angeles  and  San  Jose;  but  of  these  special 
preparations  I  shall  speak  as  before  stated  in  the 
chapters  devoted  to  results.  At  first,  as  we  have  seen, 
Neve  was  wearied  with  long  service  or  dissatisfied  with 
his  position,  and  had  asked  leave  to  retire  and  go  to 
Spain.  On  January  14,  1778,  the  viceroy  writes  that 
the  request  has  been  forwarded  to  the  king  and  will 
probably  be  entertained  with  favor.  At  the  end  of 
May  Neve  sent  in  his  formal  resignation,  and  in 
August  thanked  Bucareli  for  a  favorable  report 
thereon;  but  in  October  he  requests  the  viceroy  to 
keep  back  his  memorials  and  petitions  respecting  res- 
ignation. The  reason  of  his  change  of  purpose  is 
perhaps  to  be  found  in  another  letter  of  the  same 
date,  in  which  he  thanks  the  king  for  promotion  to  the 
rank  of  colonel  in  the  Spanish  army,  he  having  been 
only  major  before.5 

The  right  to  administer  the  rite  of  confirmation  be- 
longed exclusively  to  bishops,  and  could  be  exercised 
even  by  the  highest  officials  of  the  religious  orders 


4 Sept.  1778,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  6,  7. 

6  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  85-96;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  8,  9. 


320  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

only  with  special  authorization  from  the  pope.  It 
was  of  course  desirable  that  mission  neophytes  should 
not  be  deprived  of  any  privileges  and  consolations 
pertaining  to  the  new  faith  they  'had  embraced;  but 
in  isolated  provinces  like  the  Californias,  episcopal 
visits  must  of  necessity  be  rare,  so  that  most  neo- 
phytes, to  say  nothing  of  gente  de  razon,  must  live 
and  die  unconfirmed  but  for  some  special  exercise  of 
the  papal  power.  In  fact  Alta  California,  though 
included  successively  in  the  bishoprics  of  Durango 
and  Sonora,  never  was  visited  by  a  bishop  until  it 
had  one  of  its  own  in  1835.  When  Father  Juniper o 
first  came  to  Lower  California  he  found  in  the  Jesuit 
archives  a  bull  of  Pope  Benedict  XIV.  conceding  the 
power  of  confirmation  to  missionary  officials  of  the 
company.  Anxious  that  the  neophytes  should  lose 
nothing  of  their  privileges  under  Franciscan  manage- 
ment, he  soon  forwarded  the  old  bull  to  the  guardian 
of  San  Fernando,  with  a  request  that  a  similar  favor 
be  obtained  from  the  pope  in  behalf  of  himself  and 
his  flock.6  The  Franciscan  authorities -exerted  them- 
selves in  bringing  this  matter  before  the  pope,  and 
obtained  under  date  of  July  16,  1774,  a  papal  de- 
cree, approving  that  rendered  by  the  sacred  congre- 
gation of  propaganda  fide  on  July  8th,  which  au- 
thorized the  comisarip  prefecto  of  the  colleges  for  a 
period  of  ten  years  to  administer  confirmation  and  to 
delegate  his  power  in  this  respect  to  one  friar  con- 
nected with  each  of  the  four  colleges  in  America. 
Both  church  and  crown  in  Spain  were  zealous  de- 
fenders of  their  respective  prerogatives;  and  as  not 
even  a  bishop  could  exercise  the  functions  of  his  of- 
fice until  his  appointment  had  received  the  royal  ap- 
proval, of  course  this  special  concession  of  episcopal 

6Palou,  Vida,  226-8,  is  careful  to  explain  that  Serra  was  too  humble  to 
have  sought  the  episcopal  power  for  the  dignity  involved ;  in  fact  hearing 
that  a  great  honor  was  in  store  for  him  he  had  made  a  vow  to  accept  no 
honor  that  would  separate  him  from  his  mission  work,  and  had  directed  the 
influence  of  his  friends  in  Spain  toward  the  obtaining  of  the  episcopal  power 
in  behalf  of  his  neophytes. 


RITE  OF  CONFIRMATION.  321 

powers  must  be  submitted  to  the  king's  royal  council 
of  the  Indies.  It  was  so  submitted,  and  received  the 
sanction  of  that  body  December  2,  1774,  being  also 
approved  by  the  audiencia  of  New  Spain  September 
27th,  and  by  Viceroy  Bucareli  October  8,  1776.7 

On  October  17,  1777,  the  commissary  and  prefect  of 
the  American  colleges,  Father  Juan  Domingo  de 
Arricivita,  well  known  to  my  readers  as  the  chroni- 
cler of  his  college,8  issued  from  Queretaro  in  ponder- 
ous latin  the  desired  'faculty  to  confirm'  to  President 
Junipero  Serra.  The  patent  with  instructions  came 
up  on  the  Santiago  and  reached  Serra's  hands  in  the 
middle  of  June  1778.  No  time  was  lost  in  exercising 
the  newly  acquired  power,  and  at  different  dates  from 
the  29th  of  June  to  the  23d  of  August,  the  president 
confirmed  one  hundred  and  eighty-one  persons  at  San 
Carlos.  Then,  notwithstanding  his  infirmities,  he  em- 
barked for  San  Diego,  and  from  the  21st  of  September 
to  the  l«3th  of  December  administered  confirmation, 
with  all  its  attendant  solemnities  and  ceremonies,  to 
the  neophytes  at  each  of  the  five  missions  on  his  way 
back  to  Monterey,  resuming  the  work  in  the  north  at 
the  beginning  of  1779  and  extending  his  tour  to  Santa 
Clara  and  San  Francisco.  Two  thousand  four  hun- 
dred and  thirty-two  persons  in  all  received  the  rite 
in  1778-9,  about  one  hundred  of  the  number  being 
gente  de  razon.g 

But  now  the  president  encountered  obstacles  in  his 
way.  As  we  have  seen,  the  apostolic  brief  conceding 

7 Facultad  de  Confirmar,  1774-7,  MS.,  containing  the  Decretum  Sacrce 
Conyreyationis  Generalls  de  Propaganda  Fide  hablte  die  8  Julij,  etc.,  with 
the  other  documents  referred  to  and  much  additional  correspondence  on  the 
same  subject. 

8 Arricivita,  Cr6nica  Serdfica  del  Colegio  de  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro. 

9  Register  of  confirmations  in  San  Carlos,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  56-64,  with 
an  explanation  of  the  authority  to  confirm  and  citation  of  documents  recorded 
by  Serra  himself,  and  in  the  books  of  the  other  missions.  It  will  be  remem- 
bered that  one  neophyte,  Juan  Evangelista,  was  carried  to  Mexico  by  Serra 
in  1773  and  received  the  rite  of  confirmation  from  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico 
on  August  4th.  Serra  entered  this  fact  in  the  book  of  confirmations  at  San 
Carlos  when  such  a  book  was  opened  in  1778.  In  a  letter  of  March  23,  1781, 
focultad  de  Confirmar,  MS.,  270,  Serra  says  he  had  confirmed  2,455  before 
the  power  was  suspended,  and  the  mission  books  make  the  number  2,457. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.  21 


322  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

the  right  to  confirm  had  required  sanction  of  the 
royal  council,  a  requirement  which  the  Franciscan 
authorities  understood  perfectly,  and  to  which  as  an 
unfortunate  necessity  they  had  submitted.  Whether 
this  approval  of  the  secular  authorities  was  certified 
in  due  form  in  the  document  forwarded  to  Serra  in 
1778,  and  from  which  he  derived  his  powers,  there 
are  no  means  of  knowing;  but  Neve,  as  representative 
of  the  crown  in  California,  had  a  right  to  know  whether 
the  required  formalities  had  been  observed,  and  it  was 
clearly  the  duty  of  Serra  to  satisfy  him  on  this  point 
before  exercising  his  new  power.  Serra,  however,  had 
no  idea  of  humbling  his  pride  of  ecclesiastical  preroga- 
tive before  any  Californian  representative  of  royalty; 
in  fact  to  him  secular  authority  in  the  province  was 
something  to  be  used  rather  than  obeyed.  Exactly 
when  or  how  the  inevitable  quarrel  broke  out  the 
records  very  strangely  do  not  show;  but  it  would 
seem  that  in  the  middle  of  1779,  soon  after  Serra's 
return  from  his  first  tour  of  confirmation  in  the  south, 
the  governor  summoned  him  to  show  the  authority 
under  which  he  was  acting. 

Whether  Serra  from  pride,  or  knowledge  of  their 
defective  nature,  refused  to  show  his  papers,  or  whether, 
being  shown,  they  were  pronounced  insufficient  by 
Neve,  I  am  not  sure;  neither  is  it  certain  that  the 
governor  ordered  an  absolute  suspension  of  confirma- 
tions;10 but  the  indications  are  that  Serra  refused  to 
show  his  papers,  and  that  Neve  to  save  his  responsi- 
bility ordered  confirmations  to  cease,  and  refused  to 

10  In  an  opinion  on  the  matter  dated  April  17,  1780—  Facultad  de  Con- 
firmar,  MS. ,  259 — it  is  stated  that  Serra  confirmed  in  all  the  missions  except 
San  'Francisco  and  Santa  Clara,  in  which  places  he  did  not,  because  Neve 
refused  him  an  escort  and  required  him  to  suspend  confirmation  until  he  could 
show  the  papal  bull  approved  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  which  Serra  could 
not  do,  since  he  had  no  document  to  prove  it.  The  same  statement  is  made  in 
a  communication  from  Bonilla  to  Croix  on  Apr.  20,  1780.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS., 
viii.  53.  This  is  however  partially  erroneous,  for  Serra  did  go  to  Sta  Clara 
and  San  Francisco  with  or  without  an  escort.  The  guardian  simply  says,  Id. , 
253,  that  Neve  had  raised  a  doubt  whether  the  apostolic  brief  has  the  proper 
sanctions.  Had  Serra's  papers  been  defective  he  would  have  known  it  find 
would  have  hesitated  to  administer  a  sacrament  which  might  prove  illegal. 


NEVE  VERSUS  SERRA.  323 

authorize  a  continuance  even  by  supplying  the  escort 
demanded,  but  did  not  of  course  attempt  to  enforce 
his  order,  referring  the  whole  matter  to  General  Croix 
in  Sonora.  At  all  events  Serra  paid  no  heed  to  Neve's 
orders  or  protests,  but  went  on  confirming  through 
the  year,  even  administering  the  sacrament  to  twenty- 
four  or  twenty-five  persons  in  1780.  In  October  1779, 
however,  he  reported  from  San  Francisco  to  the  com- 
mandant general,  and  also  to  the  guardian  of  San  Fer- 
nando, taking  the  precaution  to  forward  to  the  latter 
all  the  documents  he  had  bearing  on  the  matter  in  dis- 
pute, having  doubtless  a  shrewd  and  well  founded 
suspicion  that  an  order  might  come  to  deliver  the 
papers  to  the  governor. 

Croix  on  receipt  of  despatches  from  California, 
which  had  been  forwarded  by  Arteaga's  exploring 
fleet  to  be  noticed  later  in  this  chapter,  referred  the 
subject  in  dispute  to  his  asesor,  or  legal  adviser, 
Pedro  Galindo  Navarro,  in  accordance  with  whose 
counsel  he  sent  April  20,  1780,  an  order  to  Neve  to 
take  possession  of  the  original  patent  and  instructions 
which  had  been  sent  by  the  guardian  to  Serra  and 
must  still  be  in  possession  of  the  latter;  and,  further- 
more, under  no  pretext  whatever  to  permit  the  presi- 
dent to  go  on  administering  the  sacrament  till  new 
orders  should  be  given.  The  papers  were  to  be  sent 
at  once  to  Croix,  who  would  communicate  with  the 
viceroy  respecting  the  original  concession  by  the  pope, 
and  would  settle  the  matter  as  soon  as  possible.  To 
Serra  Croix  communicated  the  purport  of  the  order  to 
Neve,  "charging  and  entreating"  him  to  obey  the 
order  punctually  by  giving  up  the  papers.11 

The  details  of  what  took  place  between  Neve  and 
Serra  on  receipt  of  these  orders  must  be  left  to  the 
imagination  of  the  reader.  The  president  could  not 
give  up  the  papers  because  he  had  taken  the  precau- 


" 


11  The  order  to  Neve  is  not  extant,  but  its  purport  is  given  in  the  communi- 
cation to  Serra  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  28;  and  Facultad  de  Confirmar, 
.,  258-60. 


324  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

tion  to  get  rid  of  them;  and  he  suspended  confirma- 
tions, as  he  flattered  himself,  at  the  'entreaty'  of 
Croix  and  not  the  'command'  of  Neve.  The  20th  of 
July  Serra  replied  to  the  letter  of  Croix  " about  a  con- 
tinuation of  administering  the  sacrament  of  confirma- 
tion which  I  solicited."  He  has  the  day  before 
s  received  Neve's  letter  containing  the  general's  order 
to  suspend  confirmation,  which  of  course  he  will  cheer- 
fully obey;  though  he  regrets  that  the  legal  adviser  has 
not  given  more  weight  to  his  argument  on  the  gossip 
and  wonder  that  a  suspension  of  the  power  to  confirm 
will  cause  among  ignorant  people.  In  order,  however, 
to  prevent  this  gossip  as  far  as  possible,  he  will  absent 
himself  on  some  pretext  or  other,  when  he  hears  that 
the  vessel  is  coming;  though  that  will  be  just  the  time 
when  his  presence  will  be  most  needed.  As  to  the 
papers,  he  has  sent  them  nine  months  ago  to  his  col- 
lege, and  as  a  tribulation  sent  upon  him  by  an  all-wise 
God,  the  vessels  are  late  this  year  and  the  documents 
have  not  come;  but  they  will  soon  be  here  and  will 
be  delivered  to  the  governor  for  the  purposes  indi- 
cated, though  with  a  little  delay  they  might  be  deliv- 
ered in  a  more  complete  and  satisfactory  state.1'2 

l2Facultad  de  Conjirmar,  MS.,  260-6.  There  are  two  copies  of  the  letter, 
both  in  Serra's  handwriting,  but  differing  somewhat  in  the  closing  portions. 
The  variations  are  not  however  in  substance  essential.  It  is  but  fair  to  the 
padre  to  say  that  in  speaking  about  the  documents  his  language  is  not  clear, 
and  might  possibly  bear  a  different  construction  from  that  I  have  given  in  the 
text;  that  is,  he  may  mean  to  say  in  substance,  'I  have  sent  copies  of  my 
papers '  (though  it  reads  '  remitiendo  alld  todos  mis  papeles  que  hacian  al 
caso ' )  to  Mexico  for  completion  by  the  addition  of  missing  ones,  and  by  a 
little  delay  I  could  send  them  in  a  completed  state;  but  as  it  is  I  give  up  the 
originals  as  they  are  to  the  governor.  Or  he  might  mean  that  he  had  sent 
the  most  important  papers  to  Mexico  and  would  give  up  what  were  left.  There 
is  however  no  evidence  outside  of  this  letter  that  he  ever  gave  up  any  papers, 
but  it  appears  rather  that  he  gave  up  none.  It  is  not  impossible  that  his 
language  was  intentionally  made  vague.  Governor  Neve  in  a  subsequent 
letter  to  Croix,  March  26,  1781,  in  Pror.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  81,  speaks  very  plainly 
on  the  subject,  saying  that  Serra  claimed  to  have  sent  his  patent  to  Mexico, 
and  he  does  not  deem  it  wise  to  take  possession  of  and  search  his  papers,  be- 
cause if  he  has  not  sent  the  document  away  he  will  have  hid  it  '  with  his 
unspeakable  artifice  and  shrewdness; '  and  the  only  result  will  be  trouble 
with  the  padres  and  delay  in  the  Channel  foundations,  for  which  they  will 
refuse  to  contribute  supplies.  Being  exasperated  there  is  nothing  these  friars 
'  with  their  immeasurable  and  incredible  pride '  will  not  attempt,  since  011 
more  than  four  occasions  it  has  required  all  Neve's  policy  and  moderation  to 


' 


ECCLESIASTICAL  PREROGATIVE.  S25 

The  commandant  general,  on  receipt  of  Serra's  let- 
ter, simply  repeated  on  November  29th  his  previous 
order  that  the  papers  were  to  be  given  up  at  once. 
This  brought  out  from  the  venerable  friar  under  date 
of  March  23,  1781,  a  letter  in  which  he  protests  that 
his  patent  is  not  in  his  possession  nor  indeed  in  Cali- 
fornia, but  was  sent  to  Croix  by  way  of  Mexico,  since 
Neve  was  absent  in  Baja  California  and  the  date  of ' 
his  return  uncertain.  He  swears  in  verbo  sacerdotis 
and  tacti  pectori  sacerdotali  that  he  tells  the  truth, 
and  wonders  greatly  that  Croix  has  not  received  from 
Mexico  all  needed  papers  and  proofs  to  settle  the 
whole  matter  permanently.13  For  an  explanation  of 
this  extraordinary  reply  it  is  necessary  to  turn  back  a 
little.  The  guardian,  Rafael  Verger,  on  receipt  of 
Serra's  first  letter  of  October  1779, 'had  written  to 
Viceroy  Mayorga — Bucareli  having  died  in  April  of 
the  same  year — stating  the  case  and  instituting  pro- 
ceedings to  obtain  certified  copies  of  all  documents 
bearing  on  the  subject  of  confirmation.14  This  was  on 
December  17th;  the  required  certificates  were  ob- 
tained without  difficulty,  and  on  February  16,  1780, 
the  guardian  sent  them  in  due  form  to  Serra  to  be 
shown  to  Neve,  at  the  same  time  facilitating  a  settle- 
ment of  the  matter  in  dispute  by  forwarding  a  copy 
to  General  Croix.  The  president  received  the  papers 
by  the  vessel  which  arrived  at  Monterey  October  6th, 
and,  in  the  confident  expectation  of  an  order  from 
Croix  to  resume  confirmations,  felt  very  independent, 
so  much  so  that  he  deemed  it  safe  to  disregard  the 
orders  both  of  Croix  and  of  the  guardian  requiring 
the  delivery  of  the  documents  to  Neve.  Circum- 

turn  them  from  surreptitious  conspiring  against  the  government.  At  a  more 
fitting  time  it  will  be  well  to  carry  out  certain  measures  which  he  has  deemed 
it  best  for  the  present  to  defer  as  the  only  means  of  bringing  '  this  president 
to  a  proper  acknowledgment  of  the  authority  which  he  eludes  while  pretend- 
ing to  obey. '  This  is  very  strong  language  from  a  man  who  was  not  prone  to 
excitement  or  exaggeration. 

13  Facultad  de  Confirmar,  MS.,  269-71.  This  is  the  first  use,  by  the  way, 
of  the  name  Baja  California  that  I  have  noticed. 

11  The  guardian  says  nothing  of  having  received  any  papers  from  Serra; 
t  of  course  this  is  not  very  strong  evidence  that  he  did  not  get  them. 


326  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

stances  favored  his  plans,  for  Neve  was  at  the  time 
absent  from  the  capital  on  a  visit  to  the  frontier  mis- 
sions of  the  peninsula.  Accordingly,  apprehending 
the  receipt  of  more  positive  orders  from  the  general, 
and  resolved  to  take  no  risk  of  eventual  discomfiture, 
the  venerable  friar  despatched  his  patent  forthwith  to 
Croix,  via  Mexico,  probably  by  the  very  vessel  that 
had  brought  it. 

Soon  the  governor  returned  to  Monterey  and  on 
December  30th  demanded  the  documents  in  order 
that  he  might  forward  them  as  ordered  to  Croix. 
Serra  did  not  deign  to  say  whether  he  had  the  papers 
or  not,  but  coolly  replied  on  the  same  date  by  saying 
in  substance:  'The  whole  matter  has  been  settled  by 
higher  authorities ;  the  papers  proved  to  be  all  right ; 
I  have  written  to  General  Croix,  and  he  will  doubt- 
less be  satsified  with  what  I  have  said.  You  and  I 
have  only  to  wait  for  orders."  Neve  for  reasons 
already  mentioned  did  not  enforce  his  demand,  and 
Serra  was  happy  in  the  thought  that  he  had  snubbed 
his  enemy.  Then,  as  the  president  had  anticipated, 
came  the  order  of  Croix  dated  November  29th,  and 
written  before  he  had  received  despatches  from  Mex- 
ico. Serra's  reply  was  an  easy  one  and  has  been 
already  given.  Meanwhile,  Croix  on  receipt  of  the 
Mexican  despatches,  sent  as  a  matter  of  course  the 
corresponding  instructions  dated  the  23d  of  Decem- 
ber. They  were  received  by  Neve  at  San  Gabriel, 
whence  in  a  letter  dated  May  19,  1781,  he  informed 
Serra  that  as  the  apostolic  brief  had  been  shown  to 
have  the  requisite  approval  of  the  council,  there  was 
no  longer  any  obstacle  to  his  administering  the  sacra- 
ment.15 

During  the  continuance  of  this  quarrel  the  presi- 
dent took  advantage  of  another  opportunity  to  show 
his  independence  of  the  government.  The  governor 
had  been  ordered  to  send  in  connection  with  his  an- 


15  All  the  communications  referred  to  are  found  in  the  Facultad  de  Con 
jirmar,  MS. 


FATHER  JUNfPERO'S  MOTIVES.  327 

••• 

nual  reports  inventories  of  the  missions;  but  Serra 
refused  to  render  any  account  of  the  missions,  claim- 
ing that  he  was  acting  according  to  orders  from  the 
guardian,  and  would  send  the  inventories  direct  to 
Mexico.16 

This  episode  of  California  history,  now  for  the  first 
time  made  public,  exhibits  the  character  of  Junipero 
Serra  in  a  new  and,  considering  the  previous  char- 
acter of  the  man,  in  a  startling  light.  And  though 
from  this  distance  nothing  can  be  seen  in  the  contro- 
versy which  might  affect  the  interests  of  Christianity, 
of  the  Franciscan  order,  or  of  the  California  missions, 
we  must  conclude  that  Serra  was  conscientious  in  his 
belief  that  principles  of  the  gravest  character  were 
involved  or  he  never  would  have  manifested  the  firm- 
ness and  the  stubborn  pertinacity  he  did  from  the 
beginning  to  the  end  of  this  dispute  with  the  gov- 
ernor. The  great  battles  between  the  royal  prerogative 
and  ihefuero  eclesidstico  had  been  fought  in  Spain;  it 
certainly  could  have  been  no  trifling  matter  that  would 
induce  this  man  of  peace  to  renew  them  in  California. 
On  the  other  hand  Neve  claimed  what  he  regarded 
as  a  well  known  right,  nothing  in  the  slightest  degree 
humiliating  to  the  president,  and  so  far  as  can  be 
known  he  urged  his  claims  in  a  courteous  and  re- 
spectful manner;  and  when  obedience  to  his  demands 
was  refused  nothing  but  his  moderation  and  cool- 
minded  patriotism  prevented  a  scandal  which  would 
have  been  unfortunate  to  the  country,  and  perhaps 
disastrous  to  the  missions.  No  ardent  churchman 
entertains  a  more  exalted  opinion  of  the  virtues  of 
Junipero  Serra,  his  pure-mindedness,  his  self-sacrificing 
devotion,  his  industry  and  zeal  than  myself.  Nor  would 
I  willingly  detract  from  the  reputation  of  a  man  who 
has  been  justly  regarded  as  an  ideal  missionary,  the 
father  of  the  church  in  California;  but  I  am  writing 


| 


16  Neve  to  Croix  June  4,  1779,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  127-8.  The  governor 
says  that  the  natives  are  taiight  that  the  padres  are  supreme  and  the  secular 
officials  are  to  be  regarded  with  indifference. 


328  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

* 

history,  and  I  must  record  the  facts  as  I  find  them 
and  leave  rny  readers  to  form  their  own  conclusions.17 
The  license  to  confirm  for  ten  years  expired  with  the 
life  of  Serra  in  1784,  before  which  time  he  had  con- 
firmed 5,309  persons.  The  privilege  was  again  given 
at  Home  in  1785  and  forwarded  by  the  bishop  of 
Sonora  in  1790  to  President  Lasuen,  who  confirmed 
within  five  years  about  9,000  persons.  The  license 
was  never  again  renewed. 

The  transport  vessels  of  1778  were  the  San  Carlos, 
which  arrived  at  San  Diego  in  May,  returning  at 
once  to  San  Bias;  and  the  Santiago,  under  Captain 
Juan  Manuel  de  Ayala,  pilotos  Castro  and  Aguirre, 
and  chaplain  Nocedal,  which  anchored  at  San  Fran- 
cisco June  17th,  one  hundred  and  five  days  out  from 
San  Bias.  Besides  more  material  supplies  she  brought 
an  unusual  budget  of  news.  An  exploring  fleet  for 
the  northern  coast  was  fitting  out  at  San  Bias;  Teo- 
doro  de  Croix  had  been  appointed  commandant  gen- 
eral of  the  Interior  Provinces;  a  change  was  proposed 
in  mission  government,  making  California  a  custodia, 
though  this  was  never  carried  out;  and  the  right  to 
confirm  had  been  granted  to  President  Serra.  The 
Santiago  on  her  return  touched  at  Monterey  at  the 
end  of  July  and  at  San  Diego. 

The  Santiago  returned  to  San  Francisco  in  1779, 
but  we  have  no  further,  information  about  her  trip 
than  that  several  of  her  officers  served  as  godfathers 
at  the  baptism  of  natives  on  the  6th  of  July.  The 
officers  included  Captain  EsteVan  Jose  Martinez, 
Piloto  Jose  Tobar,  and  Chaplain  Nicolas  de  Ibera.18 

17  Palou,  Vida,  235-6,  alludes  to  the  quarrel  very  briefly,  admitting  that 
Neve  was  not  actuated  by  malice.  In  his  Noticlas  he  does  not  mention  the 
subject  at  all.  Shea,  Cath.  Miss.,  100,  says  that  Serra  was  for  a  time  pre- 
vented by  the  government  from  exercising  his  right.  Taylor,  Ditcov.  and 
Founders,  ii.  No.  28,  affirms  that  P.  Junipero  had  a  serious  fright  soon  after 
beginning  to  confirm  on  account  of  a  rumor  from  Mexico  that  there  was  some- 
thing i  rregular  in  his  papers;  but  on  assurance  from  all  the  prominent  men  acces- 
sible that  there  was  nothing  wrong  he  was  comforted !  Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Ch. , 
ii.  84-6,  attributes  the  hindrance  to  the  Chevalier  de  Croix  who  was  opposed 
to  the  missions,  and  would  not  allow  Serra  to  confirm  until  the  viceroy  was 
appealed  to  and  told  him  to  let  the  padres  alone. 

l%San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  10.    She  came  back  next  year  with 


BODEGA  Y  CUADRA  AND  AETEAGA.  329 

Entered  San  Francisco  Bay  the  Favorita  September 
14th,  followed  next  day  by  the  Princesa.  They  were 
exploring  vessels  commanded  by  lieutenants  Bodega 
y  Cuadra  and  Ignacio  Arteaga  respectively,  the  latter 
being  chief  in  command.19  They  had  left  San  Bias  in 
February,  and  had  been  up  the  coast  to  latitude  60°, 
and  on  the  return  had  explored  the  old  bay  of  San 
Francisco  under  Point  Reyes  where  the  San  Augustin 
was  cast  away,  this  being  the  first  visit  since  the  time 
of  Vizcaino.  The  men  were  many  of  them  sick  with 
scurvy  and  the  ships  remained  for  six  weeks  in  port 
for  their  benefit.  In  Cuadra's  possession  was  an 
image  in  bronze  of  Nuestra  Senora  de  los  Remedies, 
copied  from  the  original  in  Mexico,  which  he  presented 
to  the  mission  and  which  was  placed  on  the  altar  with 
proper  ceremonies  the  3d  of  October.  Next  day  the 
festival  of  the  patron  saint  was  celebrated,  and  in 
connection  with  the  ceremony  three  natives  brought 
from  the  northern  coasts  were  baptized.  Serra  could 
not  come  up  in  time  for  the  festival  on  account  of 
etiquetas  with  Neve;  but  a  little  later  he  was  met  by 
the  naval  officers  at  Santa  Clara  and  came  to  San 
Francisco  to  administer  confirmation  as  we  have  seen, 
insisting  on  walking  all  the  way  and  refusing  to  have 
his  ulcerated  leg  treated  after  arrival.  A  courier  now 
arrived  overland  with  tidings  of  Viceroy  Bucareli's 
death  and  of  the  war  with  England.  This  hurried  the 
vessels  away,  and  after  hasty  preparations  in  view  of 
possible  hostilities  on  the  high  seas,  they  sailed  Octo- 
ber 30th,  bearing  important  despatches  from  Serra, 
and  leaving  Matias  Noriega  in  place  of  Father  Cam- 
bon,  who  retired  on  account  of  ill-health.20 

the  same  officers,  except  that  Miguel  Ddvalos  was  chaplain,  entering  Mon- 
terey in  October  and  unloading  there,  to  the  great  inconvenience  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, whither  the  cargo  had  to  be  carried  by  land.  Pdlou,  Not.,  ii.  368-9; 
Prov.  Etc.,  MS.,  ii.  32-3. 

19  According  to  S.  Francisco,  Lib  de  Mision,  MS.,  11-12;  Pdlou,  Vida, 
231-3.  Lieut.  Quiros  y  Miranda  was  one  of  the  officers.  Cauizares  and 
Maurelle  were  also  on  the  vessels. 

20 San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  11 ;  Boderja  y  Cuadra,  Navegacion, 
etc.,  1779,  MS.;  Arteaga,  Tercera  Exploration,  1779,  MS.;  Maurelle,  Nave- 


330  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

There  is  yet  another  maritime  event  to  be  included 
in  the  annals  of  1779,  namely:  the  arrival  of  the,first 
Manila  galleon.  Off  Monterey  harbor  the  llth  '.of 
October  arrived  the  San  Jose,  and  the  commander, 
Jose  Imparan,  sent  a  boat  ashore  asking  for  a  pilot 
and  that  buoys  be  placed  to  mark  deep  water,  alluding 
to  the  royal  orders  for  the  galleons  to  get  water  and 
food  here.21  Neve's  reply  the  records  fail  to  show. 
Palou  states  that  the  ship's  boat  took  off  a  sheep  and 
basket  of  vegetables  from  Carmelo  Bay,  while  the  offi- 
cer went  across  to  the  presidio.  There  a  bull  was 
given  and  the  key  of  the  storehouse,  also  the  required 
pilot,  or  a  soldier"  who  knew  the  harbor;  but  the  boat 
was  upset  just  as  the  men  boarded  the  ship  and  a  sud- 
den wind  forced  her  to  depart  without  anchoring, 
taking  the  soldier  with  her  to  Cape  San  Lucas.22  Im- 
paran was  however  blamed  subsequently  for  his  action 
in  this  affair;  for  General  Croix  writes  to  Neve  on 
July  17,  1782,  that  the  king  has  been  notified  of  Im- 
paran's  refusal  to  anchor  at  Monterey;23  and  indeed 
Minister  of  State  Galvez  writes  in  February  of  the 
same  year  that  though  signal  fires  were  lit  at  Monte- 
rey the  galleon  paid  no  attention,  sailing  for  Cape  San 
Lucas  in  defiance  of  royal  orders;  that  the  king  is 
much  displeased ;  and  that  in  future  galleons  must  call 
at  Monterey  under  a  penalty  of  four  thousand  dollars^ 
unless  prevented  by  contrary  winds. 

Besides  the  arrival  and  departure  of  vessels,  and 
Father  Junipero's  visits  to  the  different  missions  for  the 

gacion,  MS.;  Bodega  y  Citadra,  Serjunda  Salida,  MS.;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
132-4;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  49-50;  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  356-64;  Id,  }"«I(t, 
165-71;  Bustamante,  Suplemento,  34—5.  There  are  some  differences  about 
the  date  of  departure.  The  rumor  of  war  with  England  caused  the  two  Cali- 
fornia transports  San  Curios  and  San  Antonio  to  be  sent  in  the  autumn  of 
1779  over  to  Manila  to  give  notice  of  danger  and  carry  $300,000  in  money. 
Padre  Font  went  as  chaplain  on  the  San  Cdrlos.  Cambon  recovered  his 
health,  resolved  to  return,  and  bought  maize  and  sugar  with  his  earnings  as 
chaplain.  The  supplies  he  sent  up  on  the  Santiago,  but  he  was  obliged  him- 
self to  make  a  trip  to  Acapulco  and  perhaps  to  Manila  under  Heceta  on  the 
frincesa.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  365-7. 

"Imparan's  letter  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  38. 

22 Palou,  Not.,  ii.  363-4. 

23  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  228. 


i; 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  331 

iurpose  of  administering  confirmation,  there  is  but 
ttle  to  be  noted  in  the  way  of  local  events.  Neophyte 
alcaldes  and  regidores  were  chosen  in  1779  for  the 
older  missions;  two  of  each  for  San  Cdrlos  and  San 
Diego,  and  one  for  San  Antonio,  San  Luis,  and  San 
Gabriel.  Neve  at  his  coming  had  found  the  so-called 
presidios  to  be  mere  collections  of  huts,  enclosed  in 
slight  fences  of  sticks  called  palisades,  altogether 
inadequate  to  purposes  of  defence,  even  against  the 
poorly  armed  Californians.  He  gave  special  attention 
to  this  matter  and  with  such  success  that  on  the  3d 
of  July  1778  there  was  completed  at  Monterey  a  wall 
of  stone  537  yards  in  circumference,  12  feet  high  and 
four  feet  thick,  enclosing  ten  adobe  houses  each  2 1  by 
24  feet,  with  barracks  136  by  18  feet  not  quite  fin- 
ished. At  San  Francisco  walls  were  also  being  built, 
but  of  adobe,  which  the  rains  of  January  and  February 
of  1779  undermined  and  destroyed,  showing  that  here 
also  stone  must  be  used.  At  San  Diego  stones  were 
being  collected  for  foundations  in  1778,  but  we  hear 
nothing  definite  of  progress  for  several  years.  At 
San  Francisco  presidio  a  new  chapel  was  in  course  of 
erection  at  the  beginning  of  1780;24  while  at  San 
Diego  mission  a  new  adobe  church,  strengthened  and 
roofed  with  pine  timbers,  was  this  year  completed.  It 
was  ninety  feet  long  by  seventeen  feet  wide  and  high. 
The  farmers  of  San  Jose  were  prospering  in  a  quiet 
way,  raising  over  700  bushels  of  grain  in  1780,  and 
having  at  that  date  nearly  600  head  of  live-stock,  large 
and  small.  San  Gabriel  and  San  Luis  had  some 
2,000  bushels  of  surplus  maize.25 

At  the  end  of  this  first  decade  of  its  history  the 
Spanish  settlements  in  California  consisted  of  three 

I  presidios,  one  pueblo,  and  eight  missions.    There  were 
at  these  establishments  besides  the  governor,  two  lieu- 
24  A  house  was  bunied  at  the  presidio  Oct.  11,  1779,  and  with  it  the  hos- 
pital tent  of  the  two  vessels  Princes' i  and  Favorita. 
25  On  local  matters  1778-80  see  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  495-513;  Prov. 
7?ec.,  MS.,  i.  18,  51,  83;  89,  104,  117,  120,  122-5,  127-8;  ii.  21-2;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  36-7. 


332  •  A  DECADE  COMPLETED. 

tenants,  three  sergeants,  14  corporals,  about  140  sol- 
diers, '30  sirvientes,  20  settlers,  five  master-mechanics, 
one  surgeon,  and  three  store-keepers,  16  Franciscan 
missionaries,  and  about  3,000  neophytes.  The  total 
population  of  Spanish  and  mixed  blood  was  not  far 
from  500.  The  annual  expense  to  the  royal  treasury 
of  keeping  up  these  establishments  was  nearly  $50,000, 
or  some  $10,000  more  *than  was  provided  for  by  the 
regulation  of  1773.26 

26  For  a  lisj  of  male  inhabitants  of  California  from  1775  to  1800,  see  end  of 
this  volume. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

A  NEW  REGLAMENTO— COLONISTS  AND   RECRUITS— LOS 
ANGELES  FOUNDED. 

1781. 

NEVE'S  REGLAMENTO  IN  FORCE — INSPECTORS  OF  PRESIDIOS— SCJPPLY  SYSTEM— 
HABILITADO— THE  SANTA  BARBARA  CHANNEL  TO  BE  OCCUPIED — COLONI- 
ZATION SYSTEM— MISSION  EXTENSION— PREPARATIONS  FOR  NEW  ESTAB- 
LISHMENTS— RIVERA'S  RECRUITING  IN  SONORA  AND  SINALOA— PLANS  rVR 
.-HE  MARCH — COMING  OF  RIVERA  VIA  THE  COLORADO,  AND  OF  ZUNIGA 
VIA  LORETO — ARRIVAL  1:2  SAN  GABRIEL— FOUNDING  OF  Los  ANGELES — 
NEVE'S  INSTRUCTIONS — NAMES  OF  THE  ORIGINAL  SETTLERS — EARLY 
PROGRESS — FINAL  DISTRIBUTION  OF  LANDS  IN  1786 — MAP  OF  SURVEY — 
SAN  JOSE  DISTRIBUTION  IN  1783 — MAP — LOCAL  ITEMS — LAYING  THE 
CORNER-STONE  OF  THE  CHURCH  AT  SANTA  CLARA — MOVEMENTS  OF  VES- 
SELS AND  MISSIONARIES. 

AT  the  beginning  of  1781  the  new  regulation  for 
the  government  of  California  went  into  effect  pro- 
visionally by  order  of  Comanclante  General  Croix  of 
the  Provincias  Internas  de  Occidente,  receiving  the 
formal  approval  of  King  Carlos  III.,  October  24th 
of  the  same  year,1  but  dating  back  to  the  1st  of  June 
1779,  in  its  original  drawing-up  by  Neve.  Echeveste's 
regulation  of  1773,2  resulting  chiefly  from  the  labors 
of  President  Serra  in  behalf  of  California  during  his 
visit  to  Mexico,  had  been  designed  as  a  temporary 
expedient  rather  than  a  permanent  system;  and  the 
aim  in  preparing  the  document  to  supersede  it  was  to 
bring  the  California!!  establishments,  so  far  as  possible, 

1  Neve,  Reglamento  4  Instruction,  MS.     For  the  Reglamento  in  print  see 
Arrlllarja,  RecopUadon,  1828,  121-75.     Orders  of  Croix  of  Sept.  21,  1780,  in 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  114.    Neve  acknowledged  receipt  of  preceding  order 
Jan.  20,  1781.  Id.,  ii.  38-0.    See  first  pages  of  chapter  xv.  of  this  volume. 

2  Reglamento  de.%4  de  Mayo  1773,  and  Id.,  Determination  de  8  de  Julio,  MS., 
5;  Palou,  Not.,  i.  556-71,  589-94.    See  chapter  ix.  of  this  volume. 

1 1-33 ) 


334:  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

under  the  general  system  prevalent  in  the  other 
interior  provinces,  and  embodied  in  the  royal  regu- 
lation for  frontier  presidios,3  with  such  modifications 
as  were  rendered  necessary  by  the  distance  and  peculiar 
circumstances  of  California  as  shown  by  experience 
under  the  old  system.  Elsewhere  in  this  series  I 
devote  some  space  to  a  careful  study  of  the  presidio 
system  in  all  its  workings  and  details.  Hence  to  enter 
here  into  the  minutiaa  of  the  new  regulation  would 

O 

serve  no  useful  purpose.  I  therefore  notice  the  docu- 
ment briefly  in  its  main  features  as  the  beginning  of 
a  new  epoch;  its  practical  workings  will  in  a  general 
way  be  apparent  in  the  course  of  events  from  year  to 
year.  The  reader  will  thus  be  led  to  peruse  with 
interest,  qualified  to  study  with  profit,  or  enabled  to 
omit  altogether  the  later  analysis  necessary  in  a  work 
of  this  character  for  purposes  of  reference,  but  not 
interesting  to  a  large  class  of  general  readers. 

The  distance  and  isolation  of  California  preventing 
regular  visits  of  the  royal  inspector  of  frontier  pre- 
sidios, the  governor  was  made  provincial  inspector, 
responsible  by  virtue  of  this  new  commission  for  the 
enforcement  of  the  regulations.  But  that  the  duties 
of  the  new  position  might  not  interfere  with  other 
official  duties,  the  actual  work  of  inspecting  the  pre- 
sidios was  given  to  an  adjutant  inspector  acting  under 
the  inspector's  orders.4  Supplies  of  all  kinds  were  as 
before  to  be  shipped  from  San  Bias,  being  purchased  in 
accordance  with  annual  memorias  of  articles  required, 
forwarded  through  governor  to  viceroy,  and  delivered 
to  soldiers  and  servants  in  payment  of  their  wages. 
There  was,  however,  an  important  change  in  one  re- 
spect; for  the  former  profit  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  per 
cent  was  relinquished  by  the  government,  and  sup- 
plies were  furnished  to  the  men  at  their  cost  in  San 
Bias,  no  addition  being  made  for  transportation  by 

3  Presidios,  Reylamento  t  Ii<«/n/<-<'/on  tic  10  tie  Sept.  1772. 
*  Nicolas  Soler  first  held  this  position  from  November  1781  under  Inspect- 
or Neve. 


0( 

i 


NEW  REGLAMENTO.  335 

sea,  As  an  offset  to  this  reduction  the  pay  of  soldiers 
was  reduced  about  forty  per  cent,5  they  were  obliged 
to  submit  to  losses  and  damage  incurred  on  the  voy- 
age, and  they  were  obliged  to  pay  two  per  cent  to  an 
hdbilitado.  This  last  named  official  took  the  place 
of  the  old  guarda-almacen,  or  store-keeper,  and  had 
charge,  subject  to  the  inspection  of  his  commandant, 
of  the  reception  and  distribution  of  pay  and  rations 
and  the  keeping  of  company  accounts.  The  habi- 
litado  was  chosen  from  among  the  subaltern  officers 
by  each  presidial  company,  and  the  company  was  re- 
sponsible for  any  deficit  in  his  accounts.0  While  sup- 
plies were  yet  to  be  imported  from  abroad  as  a  mat- 
ter of  necessity,  the  habilitado  was  authorized  to  pur- 
chase California  productions  whenever  offered,  and  it 
was  expected  that  all  grain  consumed  would  soon  be 
grown  in  the  country,  or  in  'the  peninsula,'  as  even 
tipper  California  was  still  called. 

The  new  regulation  provided  for  the  occupation  of 
the  Santa  Barbara  Channel  region,  in  accordance 
with  Neve's  original  idea,  by  the  founding  of  a 

O  '  \J  O 

new  presidio  and  mission  of  Santa  Barbara  in  the 
centre,  and  two  missions,  San  Buenaventura  and  Pu- 
risima,  at  the  extremities  of  the  Channel  coast.  It 
also  made  provision  for  two  pueblos,  the  one  al- 
ready founded  at  San  Jose,  and  another  to  be  estab- 
lished on  the  Bio  Porciiincula  and  called  Nuestra 
Senora  de  los  Angeles.  For  the  four  presidios,  and 

he  eleven  missions  and  two  pueblos  under  their  pro- 
ction,  a  force  of  four  lieutenants,  four  sub-lieutenants, 

r  alfereces,  six  sergeants,  sixteen  corporals,  one  hun- 
dred and  seventy-two  soldiers,  one  surgeon,  and  five 
master-mechanics  was  allowed  at  an  annual  expense 
for  salaries  of  $53,453.  From  this  force  a  sergeant 


,  5  A  sergeant's  pay  was  reduced  from  $400  to  $262  ;  corporal,  $400  to  $225; 
soldier,  $360  to  $217.50;  mechanic,  $300  to  $180.  A  lieutenant  was  to  get 
$.3.30  instead  of  $500  ;  an  alferez  $400;  and  a  surgeon  $450. 

6  The  first  habilitados,  in  1781,  were  Mariano  Carrillo  at  Monterey,  Her- 
menegildo  Sal  at  San  Francisco,  Jose  de  Zuniga  at  San  Diego,  and  Jose"  F. 
Ortega  at  Santa  Barbara. 


336  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

and  fourteen  men  were  to  be  stationed  temporarily 
at  San  Buenaventura  and  Purisima;  a  corporal  and 
five  men  at  each  of  the  other  missions;  four  soldiers 
at  each  of  the  pueblos  for  two  years;  and  the  rest  to 
be  retained  for  presidio  service  proper.7 

Section  xiv.  of  the  regulation  deals  with  the  new 
and  important  subject  of  pueblos  and  colonization.  As 
the  foundation  of  pueblo  land-titles  this  section  has 
played  an  important  part  in  the  subsequent  litigations 
of  Californian  courts,  and  has  often  been  republished 
and  translated.8  The  system  of  distributing  pueblo 
lands,  left  somewhat  vague  at  first,  not  reduced  to  an 
exact  science  in  the  practical  application  of  later 
years,  and  almost  inextricably  confused  by  the  volu- 
minous explanations  of  lawyers  since  1849,  need  not 
be  closely  analyzed  here.  It  was  only  in  its  strictly 
legal  aspects  that  the  pueblo  system  was  vague  or 
complicated.  Historically  all  was  Hear  enough.  Ac- 
cording to  the  new  regulations  settlers  were  to  be 
"^obtained  from  the  older  provinces  and  established  in 
California;  to  be  granted  each  a  house-lot  and  a  tract 
of  land  for  cultivation;  to  be  supplied  at  the  beginning 
with  the  necessary  live-stock,  implements,  and  seed, 
which  advance  was  to  be  gradually  repaid  within  five 
years  from  the  produce  of  the  land;  to  be  paid  each  an 
annual  sum  $116.50  for  two  years,  and  of  $60  for  the 
next  three  years,  the  payment  to  be  in  clothing  and 
other  necessary  articles  at  cost  prices;  to  have  as 
communities  the  use  of  government  lands  for  pastur- 
age and  the  obtaining  of  wood  and  water;  and,  finally, 
to  be  free  for  five  years  from  all  tithes  or  other  taxes. 
Government  aid  in  the  way  of  money  and  cattle  was  to 
be  given  only  to  colonists  who  left  their  own  country  to 
come  to  California;  but  in  respect  of, lands  other  colo- 


7  This  left  27  men  to  San  Diego,  23  to  Santa  Barbara,  27  to  Monterey, 
and  19  to  San  Francisco. 

8  For  translation  see  HallecVs  Report,  21st  Cong.,  1st  Sess.,  H.  Ex.  Ddc. 
17,  p.  134;   Jones'  Report,  No.  4;    U.  8.  Sup.  Court  llcpts.,  i.,  Rockwell,  445; 
Dwindle'*  Colon.  Hist.  S.  l'\,  addenda,  3;    HalVs  Hist.  San  Jos6,  460-73; 
besides  references  more  or  less  complete  in  many  legal  briefs. 


po 

pe 


PUEBLO  REGULATIONS.  337 

nists,  such  as  discharged  soldiers,  were  entitled  to  equal 
privileges. 

In  return  for  aid  thus  received  the  colonists  were 
simply  required  to  sell  to  the  presidios  exclusively 
the  surplus  products  of  their  lands,  at  fair  prices  to 
be  fixed  from  time  to  time  by  the  government,  in 
accordance  with  market  rates  in  the  southern  provinces. 
In  the  total  absence  of  other  purchasers  this  require- 
ment would  for  many  years  at  least  prove  a  decided 
benefit  rather  than  a  burden.  Each  settler  must  keep 
himself  and  horses  and  musket  in  readiness  for  military 
service  in  an  emergency.  Other  conditions  were  im- 
posed, but  all  more  directly  advantageous  to  the  set- 
tler than  to  the  government.  Thus  the  pobladores 
must  take  their  farms  together  within  pueblo  limits 
of  four  square  leagues  according  to  the  Spanish  law 
and  custom;  they  could  not  alienate  their  land,  nor 
in  any  way  encumber  it  with  mortgages  or  otherwise ; 
they  must  build  houses,  dig  irrigating  ditches,  culti- 
vate, own,  and  keep  in  repair  certain  implements,  and 
maintain  a  certain  number  of  animals;  they  could  not 
kill  or  otherwise  dispose  of  their  live-stock  except 
under  certain  regulations  to  insure  its  increase;  neither 
could  one  person  own  more  than  fifty  animals  of  a  kind 
and  thus  monopolize  the  pueblo  wealth;  and  finally, 
each  pueblo  must  perform  certain  community  work  in 
the  construction  of  dams  and  irrigating  canals,  on 
roads  and  streets,  in  a  church  and  the  necessary  town 
buildings,  in  tilling  the  propios,  or  pueblo  lands,  from 
the  product  of  which  municipal  expenses  were  to  be 
paid.  Municipal  officers  were  at  the  beginning  ap- 
pointed by  the  governor  but  afterwards  chosen  by  the 

ople.  This  system  of  colonization  was  in  every 
respect  a  wise  one  and  well  adapted  to  the  needs  of 
the  country.  If  it  was  not  successful,  it  is  to  the 
character  of  the  colonists,  the  mildness  of  the  climate, 
and  the  opposition  of  the  missionaries  that  we  must 
look  for  the  causes  of  failure. 

The  regulation  provided  in  its  last  section  for  the 

HIST.  CAL.  VOL.  I.    22 


338  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

establishment  in  the  future  of  new  missions,  in  addi- 
tion to  the  three  to  be  immediately  founded.  By  the 
line  of  eleven  missions  located  along  the  coast  at  in- 
tervals of  from  fourteen  to  twenty-five  leagues,  with 
four  protecting  presidios  at  greater  intervals,  commu- 
nication would,  it  was  thought,  be  sufficiently  secured; 
and  new  missions  should  be  located  on  a  second  line 
farther  inland,  each  new  establishment  being  as  far 
as  possible  equidistant  from  two  of  the  old  ones,  and 
from  fourteen  to  twenty  leagues  east.  Two  ministers  as 
before  were  to  be  left  in  each  of  the  old  and  of  the 
three  Channel  missions,  but  the  places  of  those  who 
died  or  retired  were  not  to  be  filled  so  long  as  one 
padre  was  left  at  each  mission,  except  that  at  presidio 
missions  there  were  to  be  two  friars  until  some  other 
provision  should  be  made  for  chaplains.  New  mis- 
sions were  to  have  but  a  single  minister  with  an 
annual  stipend  of  four  hundred  dollars ;  and  this  sum, 
with  the  $1,000  allowed  each  new  foundation,  must 
suffice  for  all  needs  both  religious  and  temporal.  The 
old  establishments  were,  however,  to  contribute  ani- 
mals and  seed,  and  they  might  also  supply  a  compan- 
ion minister  for  a  year.  No  necessity  for  an  increased 
military  force  was  anticipated,  since  the  temporary 
pueblo  guards  and  the  extra  force  at  San  Buenaven- 
tura and  Purisima  would  provide  for  at  least  four 
new  guards  without  diminishing  the  presidial  garri- 
sons. It  will  be  noted  that  this  section  of  the  regu- 
lation shows  less  indications  of  missionary  influence 
in  its  shaping  than  did  Echeveste's  which  was  in- 
spired by  Serra;  but  we  shall  also  see  that  most  of 
the  present  provisions  were  of  no  practical  effect  until 
modified  by  Franciscan  influences. 

Meanwhile  preparations  for  the  proposed  new  estab- 
lishments were  going  on  slowly,  preparations  that  had 
begun  with  Neve's  arrival  in  the  country,  his  report 
of  June  1777  on  the  means  and  importance  of  con- 
trolling the  eight  or  ten  thousand  natives  of  the  twenty- 


PREPARATIONS  AND  INSTRUCTIONS.  339 

one  Channel  rancherias,9  and  his  provisional  founding 
of  San  Jose.  General  Croix  approved  the  governor's 
schemes  for  new  establishments  in  September  1778, 
and  some  correspondence  on  minor  details  followed.10 
Neve  as  we  have  seen  included  his  plans  in  the  regu- 
lation of  June  1779,  which  Croix  approved  in  Sep- 
tember. Actual  operations  toward  a  carrying-out  of 
the  plans  were  begun  at  the  end  of  the  year  by  Rivera 
y  Moncada,  lieutenant  governor  of  Lower  California,11" 
who  at  Neve's  order  crossed  the  gulf  and  went  to 
Arizpe  to  receive  from  Croix  certain  instructions  which 
bore  date  of  December  27,  1779,  and  by  which  Rivera 
was  intrusted  with  the  recruiting  in  Sinaloa  and  Sonora 
of  soldiers  and  settlers  for  California;12  the  former  for 
the  Santa  Barbara  presidio  and  missions,  the  latter 
for  the  new  pueblo  on  the  Rio  Porciuncula  to  be  called 
Queen  of  the  Angels. 

In  a  preliminary  letter  Rivera's  attention  is  called 
to  the  importance  of  his  mission  and  he  was  flattered, 
as  was  the  custom  in  such  documents,  with  expres- 
sions of  confidence  in  his  ability  and  with  prospective 
approval  by  the  king.  He  is  also  reminded  of  a  pop- 
ular idea  that  Californian  wages,  while  looking  well  on 
paper,  are  liable  to  a  woful  shrinkage  in  actual  prac- 
tice; an  idea  that  of  course  will  seriously  interfere 
with  recruiting,  and  must  be  dispelled  by  a  careful 
explanation  of  the  exact  terms  offered,  without  ex- 
aggeration. The  settler  must  understand  that  he  is 
to  receive  ten  dollars  a  month  and  regular  rations  for 

9  Prov.  Piec.,  MS.,  i.  70-3. 

10  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  6,  7;  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  i.  122-3.    Neve  on  Sept. 
23,  1778,  announced  to  the  king  what  he  had  done,  and  the  king's  approval  was 
forwarded  by  Croix  July  19,  1779.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  47. 

11  'Rivera  y  Marcado,  Comandante  of  the  presidio  of  Monterey,'  is  what 
Hall  calls  him.  Hist.  San  Jose,  19-24.    This  is  a  fair  sample  of  the  way  in 
which  Californian  affairs  are  treated  by  modern  writers,  Hall  as  I  have  said 
being  above  the  average  of  his  class. 

l*Cro  -don  que  debe  observar  c I  Capitan  D.  Fernando  Rivera  y  Mon- 

><ta  y  habilitaclon  de  familias,  pobladores  y  tropa,  acopia  de 
••'e  de  todas  y  dcmas  auxillos  que  ha  sollcitado  y  se  conceden  al 
''orom  I  L>.  FcKj><-  de  Neve,  Oobernador  de  Ccdifornias,  para  el  restjuardo,  bcne- 
n  de  los  nuevos  y  antiguos  establecimientos  deaquella  Peninsula. 


340  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

three  years,13  beginning  with  the  date  of  enlistment, 
and  subject  to  no  discount;  but  the  advance  of  cloth- 
ing, live-stock,  seed,  and  implements  must  be  gradu- 
ally repaid,  not  by  a  discount  on  wages,  but  from  the 
surplus  products  of  the  land.  Soldiers  on  the  con- 
trary, having  a  permanent  and  larger  salary,  must 
repay  by  ' prudent  discounts'  the  sums  advanced  in 
aid  of  themselves  and  families. 

Coming  now  to  the  body  of  the  instruction,  we 
learn  that  the  subaltern  officers  required  for  the  in- 
creased force  of  California,  with  one  exception,  had 
been  selected  and  commissioned,14  and  that  twenty- 
five  soldiers  had  been  selected  from  the  volunteers  of 
the  presidial  companies  of  Sonora  to  serve  out  their 
time  in  California,  their  service  beginning  February 
1st  when  they  were  to  assemble  at  Horcasitas.  There 
were  to  be  recruited  twenty-four  settlers  and  fifty- 
nine  soldiers,  and  to  obtain  them  Rivera  was  allowed 
to  go  beyond  the  limits  of  the  Provincias  Internas, 
as  far  as  Guadalajara  if  necessary.  Twenty -five  of 
the  new  recruits  were  to  fill  the  places  of  those  taken 
from  the  presidios,  so  that  only  thirty-four  soldiers 
were  to  go  to  California.  These  and  the  twenty-four 
settlers  must  be  married  men,  accompanied  by  their 
families,  healthy  and  robust,  likely  to  lead  regular 
lives,  and  to  set  a  good  example  to  the  natives.  The 
settlers  must  include  a  mason,  a  carpenter,  and  a 
blacksmith.  All  must  bind  themselves  to  ten  years' 
service.  Female  relatives  of  the  pobladores,  if  un- 
married, should  be  encouraged  to  accompany  the  fam- 
ilies with  a  view  to  marriage  with  bachelor  soldiers 

18  This,  strangely  enough,  does  not  agree  exactly  with  the  regulation, 
which  offers  $116  per  year  for  two  years  and  $60  for  the  next  three,  these 
sums  including  rations ;  neither  was  the  pay  to  begin  according  to  the  regla- 
mento,  until  the  grant  of  a  lot  in  one  of  the  pueblos. 

11  These  were  lieutenants  Alonso  Villaverde  and  Diego  Gonzalez,  and 
alfe"r3ces  Mariano  Carrillo,  Manuel  Garcia  Ruiz,  and  Ramon  Lasso  de  la 
Vega,  one  alferez  remaining  to  be  appointed  after  consultation  with  Gov. 
Neve.  Lieut.  Jose"  Zuniga  was  a  little  later  substituted  for  Villaverde,  who 
never  came  to  California;  Alferez  Jose  Dario  Argiiello  was  also  sent  in  place 
of  Ruiz ;  and  Jos£  Velasquez  was  appointed  to  fill  the  vacant  place  of  the 
fourth  alferez. 


ENLISTMENT  IN  SINALOA.  341 

already  in  California.  The  rendezvous  for  the  whole 
company  was  to  be  at  Alamos,  except  such  as  might 
be  obtained  in  Guadalajara,  who  were  to  go  by  sea 
from  San  Bias.  From  Alamos  the  recruits  and  their 
families  were  to  be  forwarded  by  sea  or  land  as  might 
be  decided  later.  Nine  hundred  and  sixty-one  horses 
and  mules  were  to  be  purchased  and  were  to  go  by 
way  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado.15 

On  February  10,  1780,  General  Croix  sent  to  Neve 
a  copy  of  his  instructions  to  Rivera,  with  the  informa- 
tion that  the  latter  had  already  begun  his  work,  that 
the  recruits  would  probably  come  in  three  divisions, 
and  that  the  land  expedition  would  start,  if  nothing 
happened,  in  September  or  October.16  The  general 
also  enclosed  copies  of  his  communications  to  the 
viceroy  on  the  same  subject,  from,  one  of  which  it 
appears  that  the  plan  of  obtaining  volunteer  soldiers 
from  the  Sonora  presidios  had  been  a  failure,  so  that 
all  the  new  recruits  must  go  to  California.  In  another 
communication  Croix  called  on  the  viceroy  for  various 
measures  in  behalf  of  the  new  establishments,  includ- 
ing a  resurvey  of  the  channel  with  a  view  to  find  a 
suitable  landing-place  for  supplies.  He  also  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  for  the  three  new  missions 
six  friars  would  be  needed,  four  of  whom  should  sail 
from  San  Bias  and  accompany  the  land  expedition. 
San  Buenaventura  had  already  an  allowance  of  $1,000, 
and  the  same  sum  should  be  allowed  the  others,  being 
expended  in  sacred  vestments,  vessels,  and  utensils  to 
be  shipped  from  San  Bias.  Six  peons  with  pay  and 
rations  for  three  years  should  also  be  furnished  to 
each  of  the  new  missions. 

By  the  1st  of  August  Rivera  had  recruited  forty- 
five  soldiers  and  seven  settlers,  and  thought  he  would 
have  to  go  to  Guadalajara;  but  by  the  25th  he  had  so 
nearly  completed  his  full  number  at  Rosario,in  Sinaloa, 

15  At  the  end  of  the  Instruction  (pp.  80-4)  are  given  full  lists  of  the  arti- 
cles, chiefly  of  clothing,  to  be  furnished  each  recruit,  soldier  or  poblador, 
man  or  woman,  boy  or  girl. 

16 Croix  to  Neve,  Feb.  10,  1780,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  89-99. 


342  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

that  he  thought  it  best  to  abandon  the  southern  trip, 
and  returned  to  the  north.17  He  obtained,  however, 
but  little  more  than  half  the  fall  number  of  settlers. 
In  a  letter  of  December  18th  Croix  explains  that  one 
party  under  Gonzalez  and  Lasso  will  cross  over  to 
Loreto,  proceed  to  San  Luis  Bay  by  water,  and  thence 
by  land  to  San  Diego;  while  the  rest,  forty-two  sol- 
diers with  their  families,  will  march  by  way  of  the 
Colorado  under  Rivera  in  person,  escorted  above 
Tucson  by  sixty-five  men  from  the  Sonora  presidios 
under  Lieutenant  Andres  Arias  Caballero.  This  escort 
was  to  be  sent  back  from  the  Colorado  except  such  a 
detachment  as  Rivera  might  deem  necessary  to  go 
farther,  under  Alferez  Cayetano  Limon.18  The  date 
when  Rivera  and  his  land  expedition  left  Alamos  in 
Sonora  is  not  exactly  known,  but  was  probably  in 
April  1781.  With  it  went  also  Lieutenant  Gonzalez 
who  had  been  transferred  from  the  other  party,  and 
Alferez  Jose  Dario  Argiiello.  Thirty  of  the  soldiers 
were  accompanied  by  their  families,  but  there  were 
no  settlers  proper  with  this  expedition.  Of  events 
along  the  way  there  is  no  record.  Progress  was  very 
slow,  in  accordance  with  the  orders  of  Croix,  to  avoid 
needless  fatigue  and  hardship  to  families,  and  also  to 
keep  the  live-stock  in  good  condition.  Neve,  hearing 
of  Rivera's  approach,  sent  Sergeant  Juan  Jose  Robles 
with  five  or  six  soldiers  from  San  Diego  and  Monterey 
to  meet  him  on  the  Colorado.  Joined  by  this  guard 
Rivera  sent  back  most  of  the  Sonora  troops;  de- 
spatched the  California-bound  company — except  five 
or  six  men  whom  he  retained — to  their  destination 
under  Gonzalez  escorted  by  Limon  and  nine  soldiers; 

17  Croix  to  Neve  September  21st,  mentioning  letters  from  Rivera,  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  89-99.  Nov.  15th,  Governor  Neve  asks  the  viceroy  for 
$3,000  with  which  to  purchase  grain  from  San  Gabriel  and  San  Luis.  The 
memorias  asked  for  Santa  Barbara  amount  to  $12,952,  much  of  the  amount 
being  in  implements,  etc.,  to  be  charged  to  settlers.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  33. 

18 Croix  to  Neve,  December  18,  1780,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  ii.  117-25.  Proba- 
bly 42  soldiers — possibly  one  or  two  less — did  start  by  this  route  as  intended, 
and  17  by  the  other  route,  completing  the  full  number  of  59.  The  settlers  all 
seem  to  have  come  via  Loreto,  and  so  far  as  the  records  show  there  were 
only  14  of  them,  two  of  whom  ran  away  before  reaching  California. 


ARRIVAL  OF  SETTLERS.  343 

while  he  with  Robles  and  nine  or  ten  men  encamped 
near  the  river,  on  the  eastern  or  Arizona  bank,  with 
a  view  to  afford  needed  rest  to  a  part  of  the  live-stock 
and  then  resume  his  journey  westward.  Gonzalez, 
Limon,  Argiiello,  thirty-five  soldiers,  thirty  families, 
and  the  Sonora  escort  arrived  at  San  Gabriel  the  14th 
of  July.  As  it  was  deemed  impossible  to  transport  sup- 
plies and  complete  other  preparations  before  the  rainy 
season,  Neve  decided  to  postpone  the  Channel  founda- 
tions until  the  next  year.19  Limon  with  his  nine  men 
soon  started  back  for  Sonora  by  way  of  the  Colorado. 

Meanwhile  the  rest  of  the  recruits  crossed  the  gulf 
from  Guaymas  to  Loreto,  under  command  of  Lieuten- 
ant Jose  Zuniga  substituted  for  Gonzalez.  Seventeen 
men,  probably  soldiers,  with  their  families,  left  Loreto 
March  12th  under  Alferez  Lasso  and  reached  San 
Luis  Bay  by  water  April  24th,  soon  followed  by  the 
rest  under  Zuniga,  this  last  division  including  appar- 
ently eleven  settlers  and  their  families,  two  of  the 
original  number  having  deserted  and  one  remaining 
for  a  time  at  Loreto.  All  were  en  route  for  the  north 
on  May  16th,  when  Neve  communicated  the  preced- 
ing facts  to  General  Croix,20  and  all  arrived  August 
18th  at  San  Gabriel,  where  they  were  obliged  to 
encamp  in  quarantine  for  a  time,  at  a  distance  of  a 
league  from  the  mission,  some  of  the  children  having 
recently  recovered  from  the  small-pox.21 

That  section  of  the  regulation  relating  to  pueblos 
and  colonization  had  already  been  made  public  in  Cal- 
ifornia in  a  special  bando  dated  March  8,  178 1.22 

19  Neve  to  Croix,  July  14,  1781,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  87-8.  Some  other 
unimportant  correspondence  on  the  general  subject  of  the  new  foundations  is 
found  in  Id.,  ii.  14,  40-1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  ii.  41;  Prov.  St. 
Pop.,  MS.,  iii.  265. 

™  Neve  to  Croix,  May  16,  1781,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  82.  In  this  letter 
Neve  announces  his  intention  to  send  Robles  with  12  men  to  meet  Rivera.  I 
have  already  stated  that  he  sent  only  5  or  6  men.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  381,  says 
the  number  was  5.  Rivera  certainly  had  11  or  12  men  and  all  may  have  been 
those  sent  with  Robles;  but  if  lie  started  with  42  and  only  35  arrived,  Palou 's 
version  accounts  for  the  discrepancy. 

21  Neve  to  Croix,  Oct.  29,  1781,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  89-90. 

T2St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  105-19.  This  document  is  literally 
identical  with  section  xiv.  of  the  reglameiito  already  referred  to  and  found  in 


344  COLONISTS  AND  EECRUITS. 

Though  for  reasons  already  given  the  foundation  of 
the  Channel  missions  and  the  Santa  Barbara  presidio 
was  postponed,  there  was  no  reason  for  delay  in  estab- 
lishing the  pueblo,  since  the  site  was  near  at  hand  and 
the  settlers  had  arrived.  Even  when  Limon  arrived 
unexpectedly  at  San  Gabriel  late  in  August  with  seven 
survivors  of  his  nine  men,  himself  wounded,  bringing 
news  of  the  terrible  massacre  on  the  River  Colorado 
in  which  Rivera  had  been  killed,  as  will  be  related  in 
the  following  chapter,  the  resulting  excitement  fur- 
nished no  motive  for  delay  at  Los  Angeles. 

Governor  Neve  issued  his  instructions  for  founding 
the  pueblo  of  La  Reina  de  los  Angeles  from  San 
Gabriel  on  the  26th  of  August.  While  agreeing 
with,  or  literally  copying  the  clauses  of  the  regulation 
which  I  have  translated  in  the  preceding  note,  this 
document  contains  many  additional  particulars  re- 

Id. ,  209-24,  and  elsewhere.  The  clauses  relating  to  the  distribution  of  lands 
are  as  follows:  'The  solares  (house-lots)  granted  to  the  new  settlers  must  be 
designated  by  the  government  in  respect  of  location  and  extent  according  to 
the  ground  on  which  the  new  pueblos  are  established,  so  that  plaza  and  streets 
be  formed  as  prescribed  by  the  laws  of  the  kingdom,  conformably  to  which 
there  shall  also  be  designated  for  the  pueblo  a  suitable  eyido  (commons  or 
vacant  suburbs,  to  be  divided  into  additional  house -lots  and  given  to  new 
settlers  if  required)  and  dehesas  (outside  pasture -grounds  used  in  common  by 
the  settlers)  with  the  sowing-lands  needed  for  propios  (lands  rented  for  a 
revenue  to  pay  municipal  expenses).  Each  suerte  (planting-lot)  of  land, 
whether  irrigable  or  depending  on  rainfall,  must  be  200  varas  long  and  wide, 
this  being  the  area  generally  occupied  by  a  fanega,  a  bushel  and  a  half,  of 
maize  in  sowing.  The  distribution  of  said  suertes,  which  like  that  of  the  solares 
must  be  made  in  the  king's  name,  will  be  made  by  the  government  with 
equality  and  with  proportion  to  the  irrigable  land,  so  that,  after  making  the 
corresponding  demarcation  and  after  reserving  as  baldios,  or  vacant,  one  fourth 
of  the  number  which  results  from  reckoning  the  number  of  settlers,  they 
(suertes)  shall  be  distributed,  if  there  are  enough  of  them,  at  the  rate  of  two 
suertes  of  irrigable  land  to  each  settler  and  two  more  of  dry;  and  of  the  real- 
engas  (royal  lands  including  the  lots  left  vacant  as  above)  there  shall  be  set 
apart  such  as  may  be  deemed  necessary  for  the  pueblo's  propios  (municipal 
lands  as  above),  and  from  the  rest  grants  shall  be  made  by  the  governor  in 
the  name  of  his  majesty  to  such  as  may  come  to  settle  later,'  especially  to  dis- 
charged soldiers,  etc.  The  original  is  somewhat  vaguely  worded  and  badly 
punctuated,  hardly  two  of  the  copies  in  manuscript  and  print,  or  of  the  many 
translations  extant,  being  punctuated  alike.  The  above  is  the  meaning  of  the 
clauses  as  clear  as  I  can  make  it.  I  see  no  good  reason  for  reproducing  the 
original  vagueness  of  expression  where  the  meaning  is  clear,  and  in  my  opinion 
the  semicolon  objected  to  by  Mr  Dwindle,  Colon.  Hist.  S.  F.,  addenda,  No. 
4,  brings  out  the  signification  better  than  a  comma.  In  learning  the  mean- 
ing of  a  sentence  even  so  frail  a  thing  as  Mexican  punctuation  may  be  studied; 
having  discovered  the  meaning,  there  is  no  further  use  for  the  stops. 


FOUNDING  OF  LOS  ANGELES.  345 

specting  the  survey  and  distribution  of  lots.23  Of 
subsequent  proceedings  for  a  time  we  only  know  that 
the  pueblo  was  founded  September  4th,  with  twelve 
settlers  and  their  families,  forty-six  persons  in  all, 
whose  names  are  given  and  whose  blood  was  a  strange 
mixture  of  Indian  and  negro  with  here  and  there  a 
trace  of  Spanish.24  Two  of  the  original  recruits,  Miguel 
Villa  and  Rafael  Mesa,  had  deserted  before  reaching 
the  country,  one  was  still  absent  in  the  peninsula,  and 

23  Neve,  Instruction  para  la  Fundacion  de  Los  Angeles,  26  de  Agosto  1782, 
MS.  After  selecting  a  spot  for  a  dam  and  ditch  with  a  view  of  irrigating  the 
largest  possible  area  of  land,  a  site  for  the  pueblo  was  to  be  selected  on  high 
ground,  in  sight  of  the  sowing-lands,  but  at  least  200  varas  distant,  near  the 
river  or  the  main  ditch,  with  sufficient  exposure  to  the  north  and  south  winds. 
Here  a  plaza  of  200  x  300  feet  was  to  be  laid  out  with  its  corners  facing  the 
cardinal  points,  and  with  three  streets  running  perpendicularly  from  each  of 
its  four  sides;  thus  no  street  would  be  swept  by  the  wind,  always  supposing 
that  the  winds  would  confine  their  action  to  the  cardinal  points,  but  I  think 
the  Angeles  winds  have  not  always  been  well  behaved  in  this  respect.  The 
house-lots  are  to  be  each  20  x  40  varas,  and  their  number  is  to  be  equal  to  that 
of  the  available  suertes  of  irrigable  ground,  that  is,  more  than  double  that  of 
the  present  inhabitants.  The  eastern  side  of  the  plaza  is  to  be  reserved  for 
public  buildings.  After  the  survey  and  reservation  of  realengas  as  prescribed, 
the  settlers  are  to  draw  lots  for  the  suertes,  beginning  with  those  nearest  the 
pueblo. 

™Los  Angeles,  Padron  dell 81,  MS. ;  Ortega,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
i.  104-5.  The  settlers  were  as  follows:  Jose  de  Lara,  Spaniard,  50  years 
of  age,  wife  Indian,  3  children;  Jose"  Antonio  Navarro,  mestizo,  42  years, 
wife  mulattress,  3  children;  Basilio  Rosas,  Indian,  68  years,  wife  mulattress, 
6  children;  Antonio  Mesa,  negro,  38  years,  wife  mulattress,  2  children;  An- 
tonio (Felix)  Villavicencio,  Spaniard,  30  years,  wife  Indian,  1  child;  Jose" 
Vanegas,  Indian,  28  years,  wife  Indian,  1  child;  Alejandro  Rosas,  Indian,  19 
years,  wife  coyote  (Indian);  Pablo  Rodriguez,  Indian,  25  years,  wife  Indian, 
1  child;  Manuel  Camero,  mulatto,  30  years,  wife  mulattress;  Luis  Quintero, 
negro,  55  years,  wife  mulattress,  5  children;  Josd  Moreno,  mulatto,  22  years, 
wife  mulattress ;  Antonio  Miranda,  chino,  50  years,  1  child.  The  last-named 
was  at  first  absent  at  Loreto.  He  was  not  a  Chinaman,  nor  even  born  in 
China,  as  has  been  stated  by  some  writers,  but  was  the  offspring  probably  of 
an  Indian  mother  by  a  father  of  mixed  Spanish  and  negro  blood.  From  a 
later  padron  of  1785,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  29,  it  appears  that  Navarro 
was  a  tailor,  and  the  age  of  several  is  given  differently.  From  Los  Angeles, 
Hist.,  11,  12,  we  learn  that  two  were  born  in  Spain,  one  in  China,  and  the 
rest  in  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  or  Baja  California,  a  very  mild  way  of  putting  it, 
though  true  enough  except  in  the  case  of  the  chino ;  but  the  same  work  erro- 
neously states  that  the  12  settlers  had  previously  been  soldiers  at  San  Gabriel. 
In  the  same  work  the  plaza  is  located  between  Upper  Main,  Marchessault, 
and  New  High  streets  of  the  modern  city,  the  N.  E.  bound  not  being  named. 
The  goods  delivered  to  settlers  on  government  account  to  the  end  of  1781, 
amounted  to  $4,191.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  265-7.  According  to  accounts 
in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  ii.  4-7,  21-2,  the  contracts  of  11  had  been 
made  in  1780,  and  of  one  in  February  1781.  They  were  engaged  at  $10  per 
month  for  3  years,  and  rations  of  one  real  per  day  for  10  years,  though  this 
does  not  agree  with  the  reglamento;  $2,546  was  furnished  them  in  Sonora  and 
$500  in  California,  and  there  was  due  to  them  December  31,  1781,  $2,303. 
See  also  Id.,  iii.  13;  Prov.  Hec.,  MS.,  ii.  65. 


346  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

three  were  described  as  useless.  But  the  rest  went 
to  work,  and  soon  the  governor  reported  satisfactory 
progress  in  their  irrigating  ditch  and  mud-roofed  huts 
of  palisades,  the  latter  before  the  end  of  1784  being 
replaced  by  adobe  houses,  the  needed  public  buildings 
having  also  been  erected,  and  a  church  begun  of  the 
same  material.25  Some  changes  also  took  place  among 
the  settlers  during  these  few  years.26 

I  have  recorded  the  preceding  items  of  local  Angeles 
annals  beyond  the  chronological  limits  of  this  chapter 
because  they  may  as  well  be  recorded  here  as  elsewhere, 
and  because  a  still  later  event  of  1786  seems  to  belong 
here  properly.  I  allude  to  the  formal  distribution  of 
lands  to  the  settlers.  Some  kind  of  a  grant  in  the 
king's  name  must  have  been  made  at  the  beginning,27 
and  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  the  survey  and  dis- 
tribution made  at  that  time  were  not  permanent. 
The  fact  that  formal  possession,  or  renewal  of  pos- 
session, was  given  in  1786,  just  five  years  after  the 
founding,  when  according  to  the  regulations  govern- 
ment aid  to  settlers  was  to  cease  and  advances  were 
to  be  repaid,  has  probably  some  significance,  though 
there  is  nothing  in  the  regulation  to  show  that  full  titles 
were  to  be  given  only  at  the  expiration  of  five  years.23 

25 For  scattered  references  to  buildings,  see  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  1T5-G,  184; 
iii.  23;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  91. 

26  Early  in  1782  Lara,  Mesa,  and  Quintero,  a  Spaniard,  and  two  negroes, 
were  sent  away  as  useless  to  the  pueblo  and  themselves,  and  their  property 
was  taken  away  by  order  of  the  governor.     The  record  does  not  show  that 
Miranda,  the  'chino,'  ever  came  to  Los  Angeles  at  all,  unless  lie  be  identical 
with  another  'useless'  settler  said  to  have  been  sent  away  in  1783.     Jose" 
Francisco  Sinova,  who  had  lived  a  long  time  as  a  laborer  in  California,  applied 
for  admission  as  a  settler  in  1785,  and  was  admitted,  receiving  the  same  aid 
as  the  original  colonists  in  the  way  of  implements  and  live-stock,  save  in 
respect  of  sheep  and  goats,  which  the  government  had  not  on  hand.     One  of 
the  deserters,  Rafael  Mesa,  seems  to  have  been  caught  and  brought  to  Cali- 
fornia, but  there  is  no  evidence  that  he  settled  at  Los  Angeles.    Two  grown-up 
sons  of  Basilio  Rosas  appear  on  the  list  of  1785,  as  does  also  Juan  Joso  Domin- 
guez,  a  Spaniard;   but  all  three  disappear  from  the  next  year's  list.  Pror. 
Rec.,  ii.  79;  iii.   185;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  144-5;   xxii.  29-30;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  iii.  1. 

27  In  fact  the  titles  given  to  settlers  seem  to  have  been  approved  by  the 
commandant  general  on  Feb.  6,  1784.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  152. 

28  Art.  17,  sect,  xiv.,  simply  provides  that  the  governor  or  his  comisiona- 
dos  shall  give  titles  and  cause  the  same,  with  register  of  brands,  to  be  re- 
corded and  kept  in  the  archives — impliedly  at  the  beginning. 


DISTRIBUTION  OF  LANDS.  347 

However  this  may  have  been,  Governor  Fages,  of 
whose  accession  to  the  rule  more  hereafter,  on  August 
14,  1786,  without  any  preliminary  correspondence  so 
far  as  the  records  show,  as  if  this  was  unquestionably 
the  natural  and  proper  thing  to  be  done  at  this  par- 
ticular time,  commissioned  Alferez  Jose  Argiiello  to 
go  to  Angeles  and  put  the  settlers  in  possession  of 
their  lands  in  accordance  with  section  xiv.  of  the 
regulation.29 

Argiiello  accepted  the  commission  September  4th 
and  on  the  same  day  appointed  Corporal  Vicente 
Felix  and  private  Roque  de  Cota  as  legal  witnesses. 
On  the  18th  he  reports  his  task  completed  and 
duly  recorded  in  the  archives.  This  was  perhaps 
the  first  important  public  service  rendered  by  a  man 
who  was  later  governor  and  father  of  a  governor.  In 
the  performance  of  his  duty  Argtiello  with  his  wit- 
nesses summoned  each  of  the  nine  settlers  in  succes- 
sion and  in  presence  of  all  granted  first  the  house-lot, 
then  the  four  fields,  and  finally  the  branding-iron  by 
which  his  live-stock  was  to  be  distinguished  from 
that  of  his  neighbors.  In  both  house-lots  and  fields 
the  pretence  of  a  measurement  was  made.  In  each 
case  the  nature  of  the  grant  was  fully  explained,  the 
grantee  assented  to  the  conditions  involved,  and  for 
each  of  the  twenty-seven  grants  a  separate  document 
was  drawn  up,  each  bearing,  besides  the  signatures  of 
Argtiello  and  his  witnesses,  a  cross,  for  not  one  of  the 
nine  could  sign  his  name.  I  give  herewith  a  map 
showing  the  distribution  of  lands.30  Argiiello's  sur- 
vey of  the  various  classes  of  reserved  lands  is  not 
very  clearly  expressed;  the  propios,  however,  are 
said  to  extend  2,200  varas  from  the  dam  to  the  limit 

29  Los  Angeles,  Repartition  de  Solares  y  Suerte*,  178G,  MS.  The  document 
contains  Argiiello's  appointment,  his  acceptance,  the  appointment  of  two 
witnesses,  three  autos  de  diligencias,  or  records  of  granting  house-lot,  field, 
and  branding-iron  respectively  to  each  of  9  settlers,  one  auto  of  survey  of 
municipal  and  royal  lands,  and  a  final  certificate  of  having  completed  his  task 
and  deposited  the  records  in  the  archives. 

*°Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  55;  Id.,  Ben.,  ii.  2;  signed  by  Argiiello  Dec. 
21,  1793.  The  map  of  the  pueblo  is  on  a  scale  five  times  larger  than  that 


348 


COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 


of  distributed  lands,  and  the  royal  lands  were  on  the 
river's  opposite  bank. 

At  San  Jose  de  Guadalupe,  notwithstanding  the 
informality  of  its  original  foundation,  nothing  was 
done  under  the  new  regulation  until  1783,  or  five  years 
after  the  beginning,  as  in  the  south.  Some  of  the 
settlers,  not  having  been  among  the  original  founders 
in  November  1777,  were  still  receiving  rations  from 


L 

F 

G 

J 

K 

M 

H 

D 

E 

Los  ANGELES  IN  1786. 

of  the  fields.  The  distribution  is  shown  by  the  letters  as  follows :  A,  guard- 
house; B,  town-houses;  C,  trozo  del  posito;  D,  Pablo  Rodriguez;  E,  Jos6 
Vanegas;  F,  Jose  Moreno;  G,  Felix  Villavicencio;  H,  Francisco  Sinova;  Y, 
vacant;  J,  Basilio  Rosas;  K,  Alejandro  Rosas;  L,  Antonio  Navarro;  M, 


PUEBLO  MAPS. 


349 


the  government.31  In  December  1782  Governor  Fages 
commissioned  Moraga  of  San  Francisco  to  put  the 
settlers  in  formal  possession  of  their  lands.32  After 


PUEBLO  OF 
LOS  ANGELES 


Manuel  Camero;  N,  0,  streets;  P,  Plaza.  Two  other  maps  are  given — St. 
Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col,  MS.,  i.  103,  307— one  of  which  I  reproduce.  For  the 
third  transfer  1  to  2;  add  a  lot  at  3;  and  move  4,  5,  6,  7  one  tier  to  the  east. 
I  suppose  these  maps  to  have  been  of  earlier  date  than  1786. 

31  According  to  documents  in  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  iii.  23,  the  pay 
or  rations  of  G  of  the  9  settlers  ceased  Nov.  1,  1782;  one  had  rations  to  Nov.  3d; 
and  "2  had  rations  all  the  year.    According  to  other  records  in  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS. ,  v.  25-G,  28,  4  had  rations  during  1783,  and  3  at  beginning  of  1784.  In  Id. , 
iii.  244-7,  Moraga  says  that  from  June  to  Dec.  1781  three  settlers  had  pay 
and  rations,  while  2  had  rations  only. 

32  In  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.   154-6,  this  document  is  given  under  date  of 
Dec.  2cl,  and  is  preceded,  Id.,  153-4,  by  a  letter  of  instructions  dated  Dec. 
12th,  and  ordering  that  the  mandamiento  (the  document  of  Dec.  2d)  be  placed 
at  the  head  of  each  title.     On  Jan.  4,  1783,  Moraga  writes  that  he  cannot 
attend  to  the  distribution  at  once  as  ordered  by  the  governor  in  letter  of 
Dec.  6th,  but  will  do  so  at  an  early  date.  Stat.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
i.  30.  In  the  regular  record,  however,  Id.,  244-71,  Moraga's  appointment  as 
comisionado,  differing  very  slightly  from  the  doc.  of  Dec.  2d,  is  dated  Dec. 
24th,  being  followed  by  Moraga's  auto  de  obedecimiento  dated  May  13th  and 
containing  most  of  the  land  clauses  of  the  reglamento,  and  this  by  the  27 
diligencias  de  posesion  by  which  the  9  settlers  were  granted  their  lots,  fields, 
and  branding-irons;  then  comes  the  measurement  of  public  lands,  and  finally 
Moraga's  final  certificate  of  Sept.  1st  at  San  Francisco. 


350 


COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS 


some  delay  Moraga  appointed  Felipe  Tapia  and  Juan 
Jose  Peralta  as  witnesses  and  began  his  task  at  San 
Jose  May  13,  1783,  completing  it  on  the  19th.  The 
proceedings  and  the  resulting  records  were  like  those 
already  noted  at  Los  Angeles,  save  in  the  settlers' 
names  and  in  the  fact  that  the  location  of  each  man's 
land  is  given.  In  the  matter  of  education  San  Jose 
was  in  advance  of  its  southern  rival,  since  one  of  its 
citizens,  Jose  Tiburcio  Vasquez,  ancestor  of  the  fa- 
mous bandit,  could  write,  though  the  alcalde,  Archu- 
leta,  could  not.  Here  as  at  Angeles  all  four  of  the 
fields  granted  to  each  settler  were  on  soil  that  could 
be  irrigated,  and  here  also  a  map  is  given  in  connection 
with  the  records  which  I  reproduce.33 


Yz  Way  to  Mission 


o 
V 

« 

17 

14 

15 

. 

re 

13 

12 

n 

8 

9 

10 

6 

7 

3 

4 

5 

« 

1 

2 

« 

FUEBLO 


MAP  OF  SAN  Jos£. 


33 St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i. 
243.  On  the  original  the  names  are  writ- 
ten on  their  respective  lots.  I  refer  to 
them  as  follows :  a,  a,  a,  Realengas ; 
1,  2,  Manuel  Amezquita ;  3,  4,  Claudio 
Alvires ;  5,  G,  Sebastian  Alvitre ;  7,  8, 
Manuel  Gonzalez;  9,  10,  Bernardo  Ro- 
sales;  11,  12,  Francisco  Avila;  13,  14, 
Jos6  Tiburcio  Vasquez ;  15,  16,  Antonio 
Romero;  17, 18,  Ignacio  Archmeta,  As 
I  have  before  noted,  four  of  these  names 
differ  from  those  of  the  original  founders. 
Alvitre  was  a  pioneer  soldierof  thecarlier 
years ;  Alvires  had  been  a  laborer  or  serv- 
ant before  1780;  Avila  and  Resales  ap- 
pear here  for  the  first  time.  This  map 
in  the  archives  is  dated  at  San  Francisco 
June  1,  1782,  and  contains  a  statement 
by  Moraga  that  he  distributed  the  lot 
on  April  23,  1782,  all  of  which  is  alto- 
gether unintelligible.  Evidently  how- 
ever the  map  was  made  before  1783  since 
it  shows  only  two  fields  for  each  man. 
Here  as  at  Los  Angeles  there  is  nothing 
to  showthat  at  this  final  distribution  any 
change  was  made.  The  map  so  far  as  it 
goes  agrees  with  Moraga's  location  of 
lots,  and  the  new  lots  seem  to  have  ex- 
tended in  different  directions  from  the 
original.  Hall,  Hist.  San  Jos6,  26-31, 
gives  a  pretty  full  account  of  Moraga's 
proceedings,  and  alludes  to  the  map  as 
being  dated  April  23,  1783,  and  as  show- 
ing 1 9 suertes.  After  granting  the  private 
lands,  Moraga  went,  apparently,  to  the 
west  bank  of  the  river,  where  he  meas- 
ured 1,958  varas  from  the  dam  down  tp 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  351 

Beyond  what  has  been  recorded  in  connection  with 
the  new  establishments,  there  is  very  little  to  be  said 
of  the  year  1781.  The  natives  were  troublesome  on 
the  frontier  below  San  Diego,  and  Neve  had  planned 
to  inarch  against  them  with  forty  men,  but  other 
duties  prevented  the  campaign.31  Father  Mugartegui 
also  wrote  from  San  Juan  Capistrano  that  there  were 
reasons  to  fear  a  rising  of  the  gentiles  reenforced  from 
the  Colorado,  and  that  two  of  the  six  soldiers  on 
guard  were  unfit  for  duty.35  At  Santa  Clara  August 
12th  the  festival  of  the  patroness  was  celebrated  with 
the  aid  of  Dumetz  from  San  Carlos  and  Noriega  from 
San  Francisco.  The  latter,  after  accompanying  Serra 
to  San  Antonio,  took  temporarily  the  place  of  Crespi 
at  San  Carlos  while  Crespi  went  with  Serra  to  San 
Francisco  on  his  tour  of  confirmation,  this  being  the 
venerable  friar's  first  visit  to  the  northern  missions, 
and  his  last  journey  on  earth.  Returning  by  way  of 
Santa  Clara,  they  officiated  with  Murguia  and  Pena 
on  November  19th  in  laying  the  corner-stone  of  a 
new  church  dedicated  to  "  Santa  Clara  de  Asis, 
virgin,  abbess,  and  matriarch  of  her  most  famous  re- 
ligion." The  soldiers  of  the  guard  were  present,  and 
Alferez  Lasso  de  la  Vega  from  San  Francisco  acted 
as  secular  godfather.  Under  the  stone  were  placed  a 
cross  with  holy  images  and  pieces  of  money.80  The 
building  was  completed  in  1784. 

The  supply-ship  did  not  arrive  this  year,  because  on 
account  of  troubles  with  England37  the  Santiago  was 
obliged  to  make  a  trip  to  Lima  for  quicksilver.  A 
small  transport  was  laden  at  San  Bias,  but  proved  to 

the  Santa  Clara  boundary,  designating  half  the  space  (no  width  is  given)  as 
propio*  and  the  rest  as  realengas.  Then  the  cnidos  1,500  x  700  varas  were 
located  on  the  eminence  where  the  pueblo  stood. 

31  Prow.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  130-1. 

25 Letters  of  Sept.  25th  and  28th  in  Monterey  Co.  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  3,  4. 

*&ki<nita  Clara,  Lib.  de  Ilision,  MS.,  10,  11;  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  369-70; 
Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  131 ;  Palou,  Vida,  23G-7.  A  scrap  in  Levett's 
Scrap-book  says  the  site  was  called  by  the  natives  Gerguensen,  or  '  valley  of 
the  oaks.' 

37  Orders  for  a  war  tax  circulated  by  C4en.  .Croix  and  sent  to  California. 
Misiones,  MS.,  i.  59-70. 


352  COLONISTS  AND  RECRUITS. 

be  so  worm-eaten  that  she  could  not  safely  be  trusted 
to  sail.  In  December  the  San  Carlos  de  Filipinos 
from  Manila  touched  at  San  Diego.  The  old  San 
Carlos  had  remained  at  the  Philippines  and  the  new 
vessel  had  been  built  to  take  her  place.  Father  Cam- 
bon  was  on  board  as  chaplain,  and  being  unwell  was 
allowed  to  remain  at  San  Diego.  He  had  some  vest- 
ments and  other  articles  for  San  Francisco  which  he 
had  bought  with  his  wages,  but  they  were  invoiced 
for  San  Bias  and  could  not  be  unloaded.38  Cambon 
brought  by  a  roundabout  course  the  tidings  that  six 
friars  had  been  appointed  for  the  three  Channel  mis- 
sions, at  which  Serra  rejoiced  greatly,  but  about  which 
there  is  more  to  be  said  hereafter. 

**Palou,Not.,ii.  369-73. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

1780-1782. 

PRELIMINARY  RESUME— REPORTS  OF  GARCES  AND  ANZA — PALMA  IN  MEXICO— 
ARRICIVITA'S  CHRONICLE — YUMAS  CLAMOROUS  FOR  MISSIONARIES — 
ORDERS  OF  GENERAL  CROIX — PADRES  GARCES  AND  DIAZ  ON  THE  COLO- 
RADO— No  GIFTS  FOR  THE  INDIANS — DISGUST  OF  THE  YUMAS — MISSION- 
PUEBLOS  FOUNDED — A  NEW  SYSTEM — POWERS  OF  FRIARS  CURTAILED — 
FRANCISCAN  CRITICISM— A  DANGEROUS  EXPERIMENT — FOUNDING  OF  CON- 
CEPCION  AND  SAN  PEDRO  Y  SAN  PABLO — NAMES  OF  THE  COLONISTS — 
SPANISH  OPPRESSION — FOREBODINGS  OF  DISASTER — MASSACRE  OF  JULY 
17, 1781 — FOUR  MARTYRS — FIFTY  VICTIMS — DEATH  OF  RIVERA — FRUIT- 
LESS EFFORTS  TO  PUNISH  THE  YUMAS — CAPTIVES  RANSOMED — EXPEDITIONS 
OF  FAGES,  FUEROS,  ROMEU,  AND  NEVE. 

THE  reader  of  Sonora  history  will  remember  the 
expeditions  of  Father  Kino  and  his  companions  to 
northern  Pimeria  during  the  Jesuit  period,  their 
flattering  reports  of  prospects  both  spiritual  and 
temporal,  and  their  efforts  oft  repeated  but  always 
unsuccessful  to  establish  missions  in  the  Gila  and 
Colorado  region.  The  natives  were  always  clamorous 
for  friars;  but  the  necessary  combination  of  circum- 
stances could  never  be  effected.  The  requisites  were 
a  favorable  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  government, 
a  favorable  condition  of  European  and  Mexican  affairs, 
money  to  spare  in  the  royal  treasury,  and  quiet  among 
the  Sonora  tribes.  What  Kino's  zeal  in  time  of  peace 
could  not  do,  was  impossible  to  the  comparative  luke- 
warmness  of  his  successors  in  times  of  constant  rebel- 
lion and  warfare  with  the  Apaches.  The  Franciscans, 
if  somewhat  less  enthusiastic  than  the  earlier  Jesuits, 
and  notwithstanding  their  greater  difficulties,  never 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    23  (353) 


354  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

allowed  the  matter  to  drop.  The  record  of  their  efforts, 
as  of  earlier  attempts,  belongs  in  detail  to  another 
part  of  this  work;  but  there  was  little  or  no  actual 
progress  down  to  the  time  of  Anza's  expeditions,  made 
with  a  view  to  open  communication  by  land  with  Cal- 
ifornia.1 

With  the  second  of  these  expeditions  in  1775-6 
Francisco  Garces  and  Thomas  Eixarch  had  gone  to 
the  Colorado  and  had  been  left  on  the  western  bank 
of  the  river  with  a  few  Indian  attendants  and  under 
the  protection  of  Palma,  a  prominent  Yuma  chieftain 
noted  for  his  friendship  for  the  white  men.  Both  friars 
were  Franciscans  from  the  Queretaro  college.  During 
Anza's  absence  in  the  west,  Eixarch  remained  on  the 
river,  at  or  near  the  site  of  the  modern  Fort  Yuma ; 
wrhile  Garces  travelled  extensively  down  and  up  the 
Colorado,  west  and  east  to  San  Gabriel  and  the  Moqui 
towns,  well  received  by  all  natives  except  the  Moquis. 
So  well  were  the  Colorado  Indians  pleased  with  Anza's 
treatment  that,  as  Garces  was  led  to  believe,  they 
refused  aid  to  the  hostile  San  Diego  tribes.  The 
only  source  of  possible  danger  was  believed  to  be  in 
Rivera's  tendency  to  ill  treat  those  who  for  one  pur- 
pose or  another  visited  the  coast  establishments.  In 
their  explorations  the  two  friars  fixed  upon  the  Puerto, 
or  Portezuelo,  de  la  Concepcion  and  the  Puerto,  or 
Rancheria,  de  San  Pablo  as  the  most  desirable  sites 
for  future  missions.  The  former,  Concepcion,  was,  as 
I  have  said,  identical  in  site  with  Fort  Yuma,  while 
the  latter,  San  Pablo,  was  eight  or  ten  miles  down 
the  river  on  the  same  side  in  what  is  now  Baja-Cali- 
fornian  territory.2  Eixarch  went  back  to  Sonora  with 

1  See  chapters  x.  and  xii.  of  this  volume. 

2 1  suppose  that  San  Pablo  was  identical  with  the  Rancheria  or  Laguna  of 
San  Pablo,  or  Capt.  Pablo,  4-^-  or  5  leagues  below  Concepcion,  visited  by  Anza 
and  mentioned  in  his  diary  and  in  that  of  P.  Font.  Arricivita  gives  the  dis- 
tance between  the  two  as  three  leagues.  Taylor,  in  Browne's  L.  Col.,  51,  71, 
doubtless  following  Arricivita,  says  the  two  were  9  miles  apart.  P.  Sales,  in 
his  Notlcias  de  CaL,  carta  iii.  65-7,  says  that  the  Franciscan  missions  were 
on  territory  conceded  to  the  Dominicans,  so  that  they  were  even  then  in  a 
sense  considered  to  be  in  Lower  California.  The  author  would  seem  almost 


PLAXS  OF  GAUGES  AND  ANZA.  355 

Anza,  and  Garces  followed  a  little  later.  Palma  also 
accompanied  Anza  to  Mexico  to  present  in  person  the 
petition  of  his  people  for  missionaries.  All  the  re- 
turning travellers  were  impressed  with  the  feasibility 
and  great  importance  of  founding  on  the  Colorado 
one  or  more  missions  under  the  protection  of  a  strong 
presidio.3 

The  viceroy  favored  the  views  of  Garces  and  Anza. 
He  promised  early  in  1777  to  transfer  northward  the 
presidios  of  Horcasitas  and  Buenavista  as  a  protec- 
tion to  the  proposed  missions,  and  recommended  the 
whole  matter  to  the  favorable  consideration  of  Gen- 
eral Croix.4  Palma  in  the  mean  time  was  kindly  en- 
tertained; and  after  being  baptized  as  Don  Salvador, 
he  was  sent  home  with  promises  of  friars  and  other 
favors  to  his  country  and  people.5 

Croix  it  is  said  entertained  an  idea  of  going  in 
person  to  the  Colorado  and  to  Monterey,  but  he  was 
detained  by  illness  in  Chihuahua  and  had,  besides^-gt 
broad  territory  to  attend  to.  Colonel  Anza  was  abdtti 
this  time  sent  to  New  Mexico  as  governor,  and  thus 
the  northern  enterprise  lost  one  of  its  most  effective 
supporters.  In  March  1778  Palma,  seeing  no  sign 
that  the  promises  made  him  were  to  be  fulfilled,  came 
down  to  Altar  to  ascertain  the  reason.  He  was  more 
or  less  satisfied  with  the  excuses  offered  by  the  pre- 

to  entertain  the  idea  that  the  Franciscans,  in  their  zeal  to  get  the  rewards 
offered,  brought  upon  themselves  the  resulting  misfortunes  by  intruding  on 
Dominican  ground. 

3  Garce"s  suggested  a  route  by  water  by  way  of  the  gulf  and  river,  or  by 
the  ocean  to  San  Diego.     He  also  recommended  that  San  Diego  be  subject  to 
the  Colorado  presidio  instead  of  Monterey,  so  as  to  protect  communication 
and  prevent  conflicts  with  the  California  authorities.     Thus  his  views  in  be- 
half of  his  college  were  somewhat  ambitious.     Whether  they  resulted  in  some 
degree  from  his  own  treatment  by  Rivera,  or  whether  Rivera's  policy  was  in- 
fluenced by  the  views  of  Garce's,  there  is  no  means  of  knowing. 

4  In  1778  Croix  writes  to  Galvez  on  the  importance  of  conciliating  the  Col- 
orado and  Gila  tribes,  and  of  founding  settlements  on  the  route  to  California. 
Uyalde,  JDocumentos,  MS.,  5. 

5  Arricii-ita,  Crdnica  Serdfica  y  Apostdlica  del  Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide 
de  la  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro,  491-514.     This  important  work*  the  official 
chronicle  of  the  Queretaro  College,  is  the  leading  authority  for  the  contents 
of  this  chapter,  in  fact  the  only  continuous  narrative  of  the  whole  subject, 
though  as  will  be  seen  there  are  other  authorities  that  throw  much  light  on 
certain  parts  of  it. 


356  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

sidio  captain  and  went  back  to  wait.  Still  no  Span- 
iards came,  and  Palma's  people  began  to  taunt  him, 
and  to  more  than  hint  that  all  the  stories  he  had 
brought  from  Mexico  were  lies.  Palma  endured  it 
for  a  while  and  then  went  again  to  Altar  and  then  to 
Horcasitas  to  explain  his  difficulties. 

General  Croix,  still  at  Chihuahua,  hearing  of  Palma' s 
visit  and  knowing  that  his  complaints  were  just,  wrote 
in  February  1779  to  the  president  asking  him  to  send 
Garces  and  another  friar  to  the  Colorado  to  begin  the 
work  of  conversion,  at  the  same  time  ordering  the 
authorities  of  Sonora  to  furnish  supplies  and  soldiers. 
Juan  Diaz  was  selected  to  accompany  Garces.  The 
governor  gave  an  order  for  supplies,  but  the  com- 
mandant could  not  furnish  a  proper  guard,  for  his 
force  was  small  and  the  natives  were  unusually  bitter. 
In  obedience  to  orders,  however,  he  told  Garces  to 
select  the  smallest  number  of  soldiers  that  would  meet 
immediate  necessities.  The  friars  realized  that  in 
establishing  a  distant  mission  under  these  circum- 
stances there  was  danger.  But  delay  was  also  for 
many  reasons  undesirable,  and  the  early  establish- 
ment of  a  presidio  was  confidently  hoped  for.  There- 
fore after  much  discussion,  including  a  reference  to  the 
viceroy  and  college,  the  two  friars  chose  seventeen 
soldiers  from  Tucson  and  Altar,  though  when  they 
started  in  August  for  their  destination  they  had  but 
thirteen.  After  passing  Sonoita  in  the  Papago  coun- 
try, they  were  forced  to  turn  back  for  want  of  water; 
but  Garces  with  two  soldiers  soon  continued  and 
reached  the  Colorado  at  the  end  of  August.  He 
found  Palma  and  those  of  his  ranch  eria  very  friendly, 
but  other  Yumas  considerably  disaffected,  the  Jalche- 
dunes  and  other  tribes  being  also  somewhat  hostile  to 
the  Yumas. 

On  September  3d  the  two  soldiers  were  sent  back 
with  letters  for  Diaz  and  for  Croix,  leaving  Garces  alone 
with  the  Yumas.  Rumors  were  rife  of  hostilities  on 
the  part  of  the  Pdpagos,  and  the  soldiers  at  Sonoita 


A  NEW  SYSTEM.  357 

were  disposed  to  abscond.  Father  Diaz  sent  to  Altar 
for  aid,  and  received  from  a  new  commandant  a  letter 
advising  the  friars  to  abandon  the  enterprise  for  the 
present.  Diaz  declined  the  advice.  He  succeeded  in 
removing  the  soldiers'  fears,  and  joined  Garces  on  the 
2d  of  October.  The  two  friars  with  their  guard  of 
twelve  men  and  a  sergeant  now  found  themselves  in 
an  embarrassing  position.  Promises  had  been  lavishly 
bestowed  on  Palma  by  the  viceroy  and  by  Croix  in 
Mexico,  promises  which  had  not  lost  color  in  transmis- 
sion, and  which  had  roused  expectations  of  lavish  gifts. 
Long  delay  had  lessened  somewhat  the  native  faith  in 
Palma's  tales;  but  even  now  the  contrast  between 
expectation  and  reality  was  great,  and  at  sight  of  two 
friars  bearing  trinkets  hardly  sufficient  to  buy  their 
daily  food,  the  natives  regarded  themselves  as  victims 
of  a  swindle.  Nor  did  they  take  pains  to  conceal  their 
disgust.  The  two  padres  could  barely  maintain  them- 
selves in  Palma's  rancheria,  that  chieftain's  authority 
proving  to  be  limited,  and  his  position  being  hardly 
more  agreeable  than  their  own.  Entreaties  for  aid 
were  sent  south,  but  the  soldiers  so  sent  were  usually 
retained  in  the  Sonora  presidios  on  some  excuse,  thus 
lessening  the  escort  and  increasing  the  danger. 

In  November  Croix  arrived  at  Arizpe,  whither 
Diaz  proceeded  to  report  in  person,  and  Juan  Antonio 
Barreneche  was  sent  as  companion  <to  Garces.  The 
general  listened  to  the  padre's  report,  and  resolved  on 
the  establishment  of  two  mission-pueblos  on  the  Colo- 
rado, in  accordance  with  a  new  system  devised  for  this 
occasion,  the  formal  instructions  for  which  were  issued 
March  20,  1780.  There  was  to  be  no  presidio,  mission, 
or  pueblo  proper,  but  the  attributes  of  all  three  were 
to  be  in  a  manner  united.  The  soldiers,  under  a  sub- 
lieutenant as  commandant,  were  to  protect  the  settlers, 
who  were  to  be  granted  house-lots  and  fields,  while 
the  friars  were  to  act  as  pastors  to  attend  to  the 
spiritual  interests  of*  the  colonists,  but  at  the  same 
time  to  be  missionaries.  The  priests  were  to  have 


358  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON"  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

nothing  to  do  with  temporal  management,  and  native 
converts  were  not  to  be  required  to  live  in  regular 
mission  communities,  but  might  receive  lands  and  live 
in  the  pueblos  with  the  Spaniards.  Each  pueblo  was 
to  have  ten  soldiers,  ten  settlers,  and  six  laborers. 

This  was  certainly  a  change  in  the  mission  system. 
Palou  italicizes  it  as  a  nuevo  modo  de  conquistar,  and 
passes  on  without  further  comment  to  relate  results.6 
Arricivita  denounces  both  the  system  and  its  author, 
charging  Croix  with  having  been  influenced  bypoliticos 
arbitristas  who  knew  nothing  of  the  subject,  and  by 
false  notions  of  economy.  And  further  with  having 
paid  no  heed  to  the  advice  of  the  only  men  who  were 
qualified  to  give  it;  with  giving  instructions  to  the 
friars  in  matters  entirely  beyond  his  jurisdiction;  with 
direct  opposition  to  the  laws  of  Spain,  especially  in 
uniting  Spaniards  and  Indians  in  the  same  pueblo, 
and  with  having  in  his  stupid  pride  and  ignorance 
exposed  over  fifty  families  to  sure  destruction.  A 
large  part  of  the  bitter  feeling  exhibited  by  Fran- 
ciscans on  the  subject  may  be  fairly  attributed  to  the 
tragedy  that  followed  and  to  the  removal  of  the  tem- 
poral management  from  their  hands,  a  matter  on  which 
they  were  very  sensitive;  yet  it  must  .be  admitted 
that  Croix  acted  unwisely.  The  time  and  place  were 
riot  well  chosen  for  such  an  experiment.  Anza,  a 
warm  advocate  of  the  Colorado  establishments,  a  man 
of  great  ability  and  experience,  and  one  moreover 
who  had  seen  the  Yumas  and  their  neighbors  at  their 
best,  had  expressed  his  opinion  that  missions  could 
not  safely  be  founded  in  this  region  except  under  the 
protection  of  a  strong  presidio.  At  the  time  of  Anza's 
return  it  would  have  been  hazardous  to  try  the  experi- 
ment, but  in  the  light  of  the  friars'  reports  it  was 
a  criminally  stupid  blunder. 

As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  plan  Garces  sent  in 
repeated  protests  and  warnings  that  the  aspect  of 
affairs  was  worse  then  ever,  but  all  in  vain.  The 

6 Palou,  Not.,  ii.  374-88. 


PURfSIMA  AND  SAN  PEDRO. 


359 


colonists  reached  their  new  homes  in  the  autumn 
of  1780  under  the  command  of  Alferez  Santiago  de 
Islas.  The  pueblo  of  La  Purisima  Concepcion  was 
at  once  founded,  and  the  adjoining  lands  were  dis- 
tributed, Garces  and  Barreneche  being  its  ministers. 
Very  soon  the  second  pueblo,  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo 
de  Bicuner,  was  established  under  the  care  of  Diaz 


S.Pablo° 


oSto-Tomaa 


Sonoita,0 


THE  COLORADO  MISSIONS. 

and  Matias  Moreno.    The  names  of  the  twenty  sol- 
diers and  of  fourteen  settlers  have  been  preserved.7 

7  They  are  as  follows,  those  of  persons  who  escaped  from  the  subsequent 
massacre  being  italicized:  P.  Francisco  Garce"s,  P.  Juan  Diaz,  Alfdrez  San- 
tiago Islas,  Corporal  Pascual  Rivera,  P.  Juan  Barreneche,  P.  Matias  Moreno, 
Sergt.  Jose"  (or  Juan)  de  la  Vega,  Corporal  Juan  Miguel  Palomino. 

Soldiers:  Cayetano  Mesa,  Gabriel  (or  Javier)  Diaz,  Matias  de  la  Vega,  Jose" 
Ignacio  Martinez,  Juan  Gallardo,  Gabriel  (or  Javier)  Romero,  Pedro  Burques, 
«7o.sd  Reyes  Pacheco,  Juan  Martinez,  Gabriel  (or  Javier)  Luque,  Manuel  Duarte, 
Bernardo  Morales,  Ignacio  Zamora,  Faustino  Sallalla,  Pedro  Solares,  Miguel 
Antonio  Romero. 

Settlers:  Manuel  Barragan,  Jose"  Antonio  Romero,  Juan  Ignacio  Romero, 
Jos6  Olgin,  Antonio  Mendoza,  Ignacio  Martinez,  Matias  de  Castro,  Carlos 
Gallego,  Juan  Romero,  Jose"  Est6van,  Justo  Grijalva,  Gabriel  Tebaca,  Nico- 
las Villalba,  Juan  Jose  Miranda,  Jose  Ignacio  Bengachea,  servant,  Jos6  Urrea, 
interpreter.  These  names  come  chiefly  from  the  subsequent  examination  of 
survivors  recorded  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  319-32.  So  far  as  soldiers  and 
settlers  are  concerned  the  list  is  probably  complete.  All,  or  nearly  all,  had 
families. 


360  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

The  coming  of  the  colonists  naturally  afforded  tempo- 
rary relief  to  the  friars,  for  a  small  stock  of  articles 
suitable  for  gifts  brought  a  brief  renewal  of  Spanish 
popularity;  but  even  at  the  beginning  Garces  and  his 
companions  seem  to  have  foreseen  disaster,  though  it 
is  hard  to  tell  how  much  was  foresight  and  how  much 
may  be  attributed  to  the  despondency  of  the  friars 
when  their  privileges  were  curtailed.  In  addition  to 
the  old  causes  of  disaffection  among  the  natives,  new 
and  more  serious  ones  began  to  work.  In  the  dis- 
tribution of  lands  along  the  river  but  little  attention 
was  paid  to  the  rights  of  the  aborigines,  whose  little 
milpas,  if  spared  in  the  formal  distribution,  were 
rendered  useless  by  the  live-stock  of  the  Spaniards. 
This  great  wrong,  added  to  the  ordinary  indifference 
of  soldiers  and  settlers  to  native  rights,  and  their 
petty  acts  of  injustice,  soon  destroyed  any  slight  feel- 
ing of  friendship  previously  existing.  The  friars  with 
difficulty  and  by  patient  kindness  retained  for  a  time 
a  degree  of  influence  even  in  the  midst  of  adverse  in- 
fluences. They  established  a  kind  of  missionary  sta- 
tion at  some  distance  from  the  pueblo,  where  the 
natives  were  occasionally  assembled  for  religious  in- 
struction. Some  of  them  were  faithful  notwithstand- 
ing the  unpopularity  brought  upon  themselves  by 
friendship  for  the  friars ;  but  their  influence  amounted 
to  nothing  against  the  growing  hatred  among  the 
thousands  of  Yumas  and  neighboring  tribes. 

After  the  provisions  brought  from  Sonora  had 
been  exhausted  there  was  much  suffering  among  the 
families,  the  natives  refusing  to  part  with  the  little 
corn  in  their  possession  and  asking  exorbitant  prices 
for  the  wild  products  gathered.  In  their  great 
need  they  sent  over  to  San  Gabriel  for  succor  and 
were  given  such  articles  of  food  as  the  mission  could 
spare.8  We  have  no  chronological  record  of  events 

8Pakm,  Not.,  ii.  375,  says  that  in  asking  for  this  aid  they  declared  that  if 
it  were  not  sent  they  would  have  to  abandon  the  Colorado  establishments. 
.Neve  reports  on  June  23,  1781,  having  sent  the  succor  asked  for  by  Alferez 
Islas.  Prov.  Etc.,  MS.,  ii.  85. 


PREMOMTIOXS  OF  DISASTER.  3G1 

during-  the  winter  and  spring  of  1780-1.  The  settlers 
lived  along  in  the  lazy  improvident  way  peculiar  to 
Spaniards  of  that  class,  attending  chiefly  to  their  live- 
stock. Neither  they  nor  the  soldiers  had  any  fears 
of  impending  danger,  and  rarely  had  either  of  the 
pueblos  more  than  two  or  three  soldiers  on  duty. 
They  found  time,  however,  to  administer  an  occa- 
sional flogging  or  confinement  in  the  stocks  to  offend- 
ing natives.  The  friars  went  on  with  their  duties, 
aware  that  trouble  was  brewing,  and  perhaps  deriving 
a  certain  grim  satisfaction  from  their  prospect  of  be- 
ing able  to  prove  by  their  own  death  that  Croix  was 
wrong  in  interfering  with  missionary  prerogative.9 
Meanwhile  a  few  leading  spirits  among  the  Yumas 
were  inciting  their  people  to  active  hostilities,  with  a 
view  to  exterminate  the  intruders.  Palma  himself 
was  among  the  number,  as  were  one  or  two  of  his 
brothers  and  several  chieftains  who  had  accompanied 
him  to  Mexico.  Francisco  Javier,  an  interpreter,  is 
also  named  as  having  taken  a  prominent  part.  Ig- 
nacio  Palma,  Pablo,  and  Javier  were  the  leaders. 
With  a  view  to  conciliate  the  disaffected  Alferez  Islas 
made  Ignacio  Palma  governor  of  the  lower  Yumas 
about  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo,  and  a  little  later  ar- 
rested him  and  put  him  in  the  stocks,  thus  adding 
fuel  to  the  flame  of  the  revolt. 

Late  in  June  Rivera  y  Moncada  arrived  from 
Sonora  with  his  company  of  about  forty  recruits  and 
their  families  bound  for  Los  Angeles  and  the  Santa 
Barbara  channel.  From  the  Colorado  he  sent  back 
most  of  his  Sonoran  escort,  and  after  a  short  delay 
for  rest,  despatched  the  main  company  to  San  Gabriel 
under  the  escort  of  Alferez  Limon  and  nine  men. 
Having  seen  the  company  started  on  its  way,  Rivera 
recrossed  the  Colorado  and  with  eleven  or  twelve  men, 

9  According  to  Arricivita  the  priests  for  many  days  devoted  almost  their 
whole  attention  to  labor  among  the  Spanish  population,  striving  to  reawaken 
interest  in  religious  exercises  and  thus  to  prepare  the  souls  of  the  unsuspecting 
men,  women,  and  children  for  death.  In  these  efforts  they  were  also  said  to 
have  been  remarkably  successful. 


362  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  OX  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

including  Sergeant  Robles  and  five  or  six  men  sent  to 
meet  him  from  the  California  presidios,  encamped 
near  the  eastern  bank  opposite  Concepcion,  where  he 
proposed  to  remain  for  some  weeks  to  restore  his 
horses  and  cattle  to  a  proper  condition  for  the  trip  to 
San  Gabriel.  Rivera's  corning  contributed  nothing 
to  the  pacification  of  the  natives,  but  had  rather  the 
contrary  effect,  for  his  large  herd  of  live-stock  de- 
stroyed the  mesquite  plants,  and  he  was  by  no  means 
liberal  in  the  distribution  of  gifts.10  From  his  choice 
of  a  location  for  his  camp  it  is  clear  that  he  attached 
no  importance  to  the  friars'  apprehensions. 

Early  in  July  the  natives  became  somewhat  more 
insolent  in  their  actions,  often  visiting  the  towns  in 
a  quarrelsome  mood.  On  Tuesday,  July  17th,  the 
storm  burst.11  Early  in  the  morning  the  lower  vil- 
lage of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  was  attacked  by  the 
savages,  who,  meeting  no  resistance,  killed  the  two 
priests,  Diaz  and  Moreno,  besides  Sergeant  Vega,  and 
most  of  the  soldiers  and  settlers.  Only  five  men, 
including  two  Indians  more  or  less  in  sympathy  with 
the  savages,  are  known  to  have  survived.  These 
were  made  captive  as  were  all  the  women.  After  the 
Indians  had  taken  everything  they  desired  they  burned 
the  buildings  and  destroyed  all  other  property.  The 
bodies  of  the  victims  were  left  to  lie  where  they  fell, 
except  those  of  the  friars,  which,  as  there  is  some 
reason  to  believe,  were  buried.12 

10  Neve  in  a  letter  to  Croix  of  Nov.  18,  1781,  says  that  the  Jalchedunea 
sent  word  to  Rivera  that  as  no  gifts  were  made,  they  did  not  wish  to  retain 
the  badges  of  office  formerly  given  their  chiefs  by  Spaniards.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ii.  09. 

11  Arricivita,  followed  by  other  writers,  erroneously  states  that  it  was  on 
Sunday.     The  surviving  witnesses  testified  that  it  was  Tuesday,  and  the  17th 
was  certainly  Tuesday. 

12  Arricivita,  529-54,  gives  some  details  respecting  the  lives  of  the  mis- 
sionaries.    Juan  Marcelo  was  born  in  1736  in  the  city  of  Alajar,  Spain,  taking 
the  name  of  Diaz  when  he  became  a  Franciscan.    He  came  to  Mexico  in  1763; 
in  1768  became  minister  of  Caborca  mission  in  Pimeria  Alta;  and  accompa- 
nied Anza  as  we  have  seen  on  his  first  expedition  to  California.     Jos£  Matias 
Moreno  was  born  in  1744  at  Almarza,  Spain;  became  a  Franciscan  in  1762; 
and  came  to  Mexico  in  1769.     His  first  missionary  service,  save  as  supernu- 
merary, was  at  the   place  of  his   death.     Francisco   Tomas   Hermenegildo 
Garc6s  v/as  born  in  1738  in  Morata  del  Conde,  Aragon;  came  to  the  Quere"taro 


MASSACRE  OF  RIVERA'S  MEN".  363 

On  the  same  day  and  at  about  the  same  hour  when 
Father  Garces  was  saying  mass,13  the  town  of  Concep- 
cion  was  invaded  and  the  commandant,  Islas,  and  a 
corporal,  the  only  soldiers  there  at  the  time,  were 
killed,  as  were  indeed  most  of  the  unarmed  men  scat- 
tered in  the  adjoining  fields.  Some  of  the  houses 
were  sacked,  but  the  friars  were  spared,  and  a  part  of 
the  men  were  not  found,  the  ravages  being  suspended 
about  noon.  Next  morning  the  savages  attacked  the 
camp  across  the  river.  Rivera  had  hastily  thrown  up 
some  slight  intrenchments  and  his  men  made  a  gallant 
defence,  but  the  numbers  against  them  were  too  great. 
One  by  one  the  soldiers  fell  under  the  arrows  and 
clubs  of  the  foe  until  not  one  was  left.14  Thus  died 
Captain  Fernando  Javier  de  Rivera  y  Moncada,  one 
of  the  most  prominent  characters  in  early  Californian 
annals,  who  had  come  in  the  first  land  expedition  of 
1769,  had  been  military  commandant  of  the  Monterey 
establishments,  and  who  at  the  time  of  his  death  was 
lieutenant-governor  of  Baja  California.  All  that  is 
known  of  his  life  and  character  has  been  recorded  in 
tlie  preceding  chapters.  He  was  not  the  equal,  in 
ability  and  force,  of  such  men  as  Fages  and  Neve,  but 
he  was  popular  and  left  among  the  old  Californian 
soldiers  a  better  reputation  probably  than  any  of  his 
contemporaries.15 

College  in  1763;  and  became  minister  of  San  Javier  del  Bac  in  1768.  He 
travelled  extensively  among  the  gentile  tribes,  from  his  first  coming  to  Sonora 
down  to  the  time  of  his  death.  Juan  Antonio  Barreneche  was  born  in  Laca- 
zor,  Navarre,  in  1749,  and  came  when  a  child  to  Habana.  He  became  a 
Franciscan  in  1768;  joined  the  Quere'taro  College  in  1773.  His  first  mission- 
ary work  was  in  the  Colorado  pueblos  where  he  died  at  the  early  age  of  32 
years.  The  author  in  connection  with  these  facts  repeats  much  of  the  history 
told  in  this  chapter,  and  adds  many  details  of  the  lives  and  Christian  virtues 
of  these  four  martyrs  for  which  I  have  no  space. 

13  It  is  not  impossible  that  Arricivita  draws  on  his  imagination  for  details 
about  the  religious  services,  supposing  the  day  to  have  been  Sunday. 

HInProv.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  iii.  19,  22,  are revistas of  1782  showing 
the  following  soldiers  of  the  San  Diego  and  Monterey  company  who  had  died 
besides  Sergt.  Robles :  Manuel  Cafiedo,  Tomas  Maria  Camacho,  Rafael  Mar- 
quez,  Joaquin  Guerrero,  Jose"  M.  Guerrero,  Nicolas  Beltran,  Juan  Angel 
Amarillas,  Francisco  Peila,  Joaquin  Lopez,  Joaquin  Espinosa,  Antonio  Espi- 
nosa,  and  Pablo  Victoriano  Cervantes.  These  12  names  doubtless  include  the 
Colorado  victims. 

15  Father  Consag—Zevallos,  Vida  de  Konsay,  14— writing  in  1753  of  his 
third  expedition  says  of  Rivera :  '  No  perdono  ningun  trabajo  personal  de 


364  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

The  natives  returned  to  Concepcion  the  same  after- 
noon. The  priests  on  their  approach  escaped  with 
the  families  and  took  refuge  with  some  of  their  con- 
vert friends.  The  buildings  were  sacked  and  burned 
as  at  the  lower  village,  and  next  day  the  two  priests 
were  killed  notwithstanding  the  efforts  made  by  certain 
Indians  in  their  behalf.  Only  two  men  are  known  to 
have  saved  their  lives  at  Concepcion,  and  the  whole 
number  of  the  slain  at  the  two  pueblos  and  Rivera's 
camp  was  at  least  forty-six,  probably  more.  We  hear 
of  no  killing  of  women  and  children.  The  captives 
were  made  to  work,  but  no  further  outrage  is  re- 
corded.16 

Alferez  Limon  after  escorting  the  California  colony 
to  San  Gabriel  started  back  for  Sonora  by  the  old 
route  with  his  nine  men.  Drawing  near  the  Colorado 
he  was  informed  by  the  natives  that  there  had  been  a 

modo  que  al  Padre  ya  le  faltaban  palabras  y  trazas  paraque  se  ciilese  &  traba- 
jos  proporcionados  d  su  cardcter. '  His  wife  was  Teresa  de  Davalos.  A  son, 
Juan  Bautista  Francisco  Maria,  was  baptized  Oct.  5,  1750,  by  Father  Bischoff 
at  Loreto;  another  son,  Jos<§  Nicolas  Maria,  May  8,  1758,  by  Father  Ven- 
tura; and  still  another  March  9,  1767.  Loreto,  Libro  de  Mision,  MS.,  174, 
177,  195.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  ii.  106-7,  says  that  his  memory  was 
long  honored  by  anniversary  funeral  masses  at  San  Diego,  and  that  Gov. 
Echeandia  in  1825  proposed  a  monument  in  his  honor. 

16  The  information  that  the  hostilities  lasted  three  days  comes  from  Arri- 
civita.  Most  other  authorites  state  or  imply  that  the  bloody  work  was  begun 
and  ended  on  July  17th;  butCroix  in  a  note  dated  July  17,  1782,  and  in  cor- 
rection of  a  report  from  Neve  that  Rivera  died  on  July  1st,  states  that  it  was 
on  July  18th,  thus  sustaining  Arrici vita.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  iii. 
10.  Neve  in  a  letter  to  Croix  of  March  10,  1782,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  76-8, 
says  that  the  savages  attacked  the  two  villages  and  Rivera's  camp  simul- 
taneously and  by  8  o'clock  had  completed  their  work  at  the  former;  that  they 
found  Rivera's  men  scattered  and  at  first  entered  the  encampment  as  friends, 
attacking  before  the  soldiers  could  be  gathered,  and  killing  the  last  man  at 
night  after  fighting  all  day.  In  another  letter  of  Sept.  1st,  Id.,  88-9,  Neve 
mentions  a  report  brought  by  Limon  that  Corporal  Pascual  Bailon  (this 
Bailon  is  mentioned  by  others,  but  I  suspect  that  he  and  Pascual  Rivera  are 
the  same  person),  with  9  soldiers,  one  settler,  and  a  muleteer,  was  killed  while 
bringing  supplies  from  Sonora.  Sales,  Noticias,  Carta  iii.  65-7,  tells  us  the 
assailants  were  20,000  in  number.  Velasco,  Son.,  151;  Soc.  Mex.  Geoff. ,  Boletin, 
x.  704,  gives  the  number  of  killed  as  53.  Taylor  in  Browne's  L.  Gal.,  71,  says 
the  massacre  took  place  in  the  fall  of  1782.  Bartlett,  Pers.  Nar.,  ii.  183-4, 
tells  us  that  a  mission  established  by  P.  Kino  at  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  was  in 
existence  as  late  as  1776!  also  that  Garce"s  established  a  mission  among  the 
Moquis  which  was  soon  destroyed !  See  further  for  brief  mention  of  the  sub- 
ject, Mofras,  Explor,  i.  284-6;  Revilla-Gigedo,  Liforme  de  12  de  Abril  1793, 
122;  Escudero,  Not.,  Ghih.,  229;  Gkeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Gh.,  ii.  87-93;  Taylor,  in 
Gal  Farmer,  March  7,  1862;  Shea's  Cath.  Miss.,  101-2. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  VENGEANCE.          365 

massacre;  but,  doubting  the  report,  he  left  two  men 
in  charge  of  his  animals  and  went  forward  to  recon- 
noitre. The  blackened  ruins  at  Concepcion  and  the 
dead  bodies  lying  in  the  plaza  told  all.  His  own  party 
was  attacked  the  21st  of  August  and  driven  back  by 
the  Yumas,  one  of  whom  wore  the  uniform  of  the 
dead  Rivera.  Limon  and  his  son  were  wounded,  the 
two  men  left  behind  had  been  killed,  and  the  surviv- 
ors hastened  back  to  San  Gabriel  with  news  of  the 
disaster.  Governor  Neve  sent  Limon  and  his  party 
to  Sonora  by  way  of  Loreto  with  a  report  to  General 
Croix  dated  September  1st.17 

Meanwhile  the  news  was  carried  by  the  Pimas  of 
the  Gila  to  Tucson,  and  by  one  of  the  captives  who 
managed  to  escape  to  Altar,  and  thus  reached  the  ears 
of  Croix  in  August.18  On  the  26th  of  that  month 
Croix  wrote  to  Neve  of  the  reports  that  had  reached 
him,  warning  him  to  take  precautions.  The  9th  of 
September  a  council  of  war  was  held  at  Arizpe,  and 
decided  that  as  the  Yumas  after  urging  the  estab- 
lishment of  missions  had  risen  without  cause,  they 
must  according  to  the  laws  be  proceeded  against  as 
apostates  and  rebels.  A  sufficient  force  must  be  sent 
to  the  Colorado  to  investigate,  ransom,  and  punish, 
and  peace  be  made  on  condition  that  the  natives  vol- 
untarily submit,  and  deliver  the  captives  and  their 
property;  the  ringleaders  should  then  be  put  to  death 
on  the  spot.  If  they  would  do  this,  well ;  if  not,  war 
should  follow,  and  the  neighboring  tribes  might  be 
employed  against  the  foe.  The  commander  of  the 
expedition  must  report  to  Neve  on  arrival  at  the 
Colorado.19  In  accordance  with  this  resolution  the 

llProv.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.,  88-9;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  ii.  23;  Palou, 
Vida,  242.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  377,  says  that  Limon  wanted  to  take  20  men  and 
go^to  chastise  the  Yumas,  but  Neve  did  not  approve  the  plan.  The  author 
is  inclined,  apparently  unjustly,  to  blame  the  governor  for  his  inaction.  This 
Limon  was  a  soldier  at  Altar"  in  1760,  when  his  daughter  was  baptized  by 
Padre  Pfefferkorn.  S.  Francisco  dd  Ati,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. 

18  Arricivita,  page  509,  says  that  at  first  the  report  was  not  believed  and 
that  a  soldier  sent  up  to  the  Colorado  to  learn  the  truth  was  killed. 

19  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  123-33. 


366  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  KIO  COLORADO. 

general  despatched  a .  force  to  the  Colorado  under 
the  command  of  our  old  friend  Pedro  Fages,  about 
whose  life  since  he  sailed  from  San  Diego  in  1774  we 
know  little  beyond  the  fact  that  he  left  California  a 
captain  and  now  returns  a  lieutenant-colonel.  He 
was  accompanied  by  Captain  Fueros  of  the  Altar 
presidio.20 

Fages  and  Fueros  marched  with  a  hundred  soldiers 
of  their  respective'  companies  and  many  friendly  na- 
tives to  the  Colorado,  and  forded  the  river  to  the 
ruined  villages.  They  buried  the  bodies  of  the  vic- 
tims which  were  found  lying  as  they  fell  in  the  plaza 
and  in  the  fields.  The  Yumas  had  abandoned  the 
vicinity,  but  were  found  some  eight  leagues  down 
the  river  in  a  densely  wooded  tract  where  it  was 
deemed  unadvisable  to  attack  them.  All  or  nearly 
all  of  the  captives,  however,  were  ransomed,21  and 
both  they  and  the  natives  stated  that  the  latter  had 
been  frightened  away  by  a  procession  of  white-robed 
figures  that  with  crosses  and  lighted  candles  had 
marched  through  the  ruins  chanting  strange  dirges 
each  night  after  the  massacre.  With  the  rescued 
captives  Fages  retraced  his  steps  to  Sonoita,  where 
he  arrived  late  in  October. 

Here  were  found  orders  from  the  general,  given  at 
the  petition  of  the  father  president,  to  recover  and 
bring  back  the  bodies  of  the  slain  friars.  These 
orders  had  been  intended  to  reacn  Fages  earlier  and 
not  to  necessitate  another  journey;  but  as  he  had 
made  no  special  search  for  the  bodies,  he  deemed  it 
best  to  return.22  Before  setting  out  he  held  an  exam- 

20  In  a  record  of  certain  California  documents  existing  in  Mexico  in  171 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  205-G,  is  mentioned  the  original  account  of 
expedition.     Diario  del  viaje  de  tierra  hecho  al  Rio  Colorado  de  6rden 
Comandante  General,  El  Caballero  de  Croix,  al  mando  del  Tenicnte  Corond 
Pedro  Fayes,  etc.,  dated  at  Altar  Sept.  16,  1781  (it  should  probably  be  Sonoit 
Dec.  20th),  a  document  I  have  been  unable  to  find. 

21  Palou,  Vida,  247-54,  who  saw  the  original  narrative,  seems  to  be  • 
authority  for  the  finding  of  the  Yumas  down  the  river.     He  is  quoted 
Arricivita,  who,  however,  implies  erroneously  that  the  captives  were  rj 
somod  on  a  subsequent  visit. 

22  Arricivita  is  the  only  authority  who  directly  mentions  this  second  exj 


REMAIN'S  OF  THE  MARTYRS.  367 

ination  at  Sonoita  October  31st  and  took  the  testi- 
mony of  six  men  who  had  survived  the  massacre, 
material  which  I  have  already  utilized  in  describing 
that  event.23  At  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  on  Decem- 
ber 7th  the  bodies  of  Diaz  and  Moreno  were  discov- 
ered in  a  good  state  of  preservation,  though  the  head 
of  Moreno  had  been  cut  off.  At  Concepcion  the 
remains  of  Garcds  and  Barreneche  could  not  be  found 
at  first  and  some  hope  was  felt  that  they  had  not  been 
killed;  but  in  continuing  their  search  at  a  distance  the 
soldiers  finally  saw  a  bright  green  spot  in  the  desert, 
and  there,  marked  by  a  cross,  under  a  bed  of  verdure 
and  flowers,  they  found  the  grave  where  the  two 
martyrs  had  been  buried  by  some  of  their  converts. 
Respecting  this  miraculous  verdure,  the  supernatural 
procession  at  the  ruined  pueblos,  and  the  utter  blarne- 
lessness  of  the  friars  before  and  during  the  disaster, 
properly  attested  certificates  were  drawn  up  and  for- 
warded to  the  Santa  Cruz  College  in  Queretaro  by 
Croix  at  the  request  of  the  Franciscans.  The  remains 
of  the  four  martyrs  were  carried  south  and  buried  in 
one  coffin  in  the  church  at  Tubutama. 

On  September  10th  Croix  had  forwarded  to  Neve 
the  resolutions  of  the  council  of  the  day  before,  to  the 
end  that  he,  as  the  proper  official  to  direct  all  mili- 
tary operations  in  California,  might  on  hearing  of 
Pages'  arrival  at  the  Colorado  send  orders  or  go  in 
person  to  take  command.  Neve  did  prepare  a  force, 
composed  chiefly  of  the  men  waiting  to  found  Santa 
Barbara,  which  he  held  in  readiness;  and  he  seems 
also  to  have  sent  Alferez  Velasquez  with  a  small 
party  to  make  inquiries  about  Pages'  coming.  But 
Velasquez  brought  back  nothing  but  an  unintelligible 
rumor  from  the  natives  about  some  white  and  black 

dition;  but  his  statement  is  partially  corroborated  by  certain  circumstantial 
evidence  in  official  communications  in  the  archives. 

2:i  Investigation  sobre  la  muerte  de  los  religiosos,  etc.,  enviados  d  la  reduction 
de  los  gcntieles  del  Colorado,  1781,  MS.  One  of  the  witnesses  was  an  Indian 
interpreter  named  Urrea,  whom  Arricivita  names  as  a  traitor  to  whom  the 
murder  of  the  padres  was  largely  due. 


'368  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

• 

horsemen  who  had  come  four  moons  ago  to  burn 
and  kill.24  Fages'  diary  of  his  expedition  was  dated 
Sonoita,  the  20th  of  December. 

Another  council  had  been  held  at  Arizpe  the  15th 
of  November,  on  receipt  of  news  respecting  the  first 
return  of  the  expedition  to  Sonoita.  Fages'  report  of 
October  31st  was  read,  announcing  his  intention  to 
return  to  the  Colorado  on  the  arrival  of  certain  pack- 
niules  with  supplies.  His  action  in  ransoming  the 
captives  and  sending  them  to  Altar  was  approved,  and 
he  was  instructed  to  march  without  delay  to  attack 
the  Yumas.  He  was  to  announce  his  arrival  to  Neve, 
and  if  his  first  attack  on  the  foe  were  not  decisively 
successful  in  securing  the  death  of  the  Yuma  leaders 
and  establishing  a  permanent  peace,  the  command  was 
to  be  transferred  to  Neve,  and  military  operations 
were  to  be  continued.  After  the  enemy  was  fully 
conquered  the  governor  must  select  a  proper  site  for 
a  presidio  on  the  Colorado,  which  would  afford  ade- 
quate protection  to  future  settlements,  and  report 
in  full  as  to  the  number  of  men  and  other  help  re- 
quired. Government  aid  was  to  be  furnished  to  the 
families  who  had  survived  the  massacre.25 

These  resolutions  of  the  council  not  having  been 
received  by  Fages  until  he  had  returned  from  his 
second  trip,  or  at  least  until  it  was  too  late  to  carry 
them  into  execution,  the  same  body  met  again  Jan- 
uary 2,  1782,  and  modified  somewhat  its  past  action. 
Fages  was  to  press  on  as  rapidly  as  possible  with 
forty  men  to  San  Gabriel,  where  he  would  receive 
instructions  and  aid  from  Neve.  Meanwhile  Fueros 
with  a  sufficient  force  was  to  arrive  on  the  Colorado 
by  April  1st  at  the  latest  and  there  to  await  orders 
from  Neve,  holding  himself  meanwhile  strictly  on  tl 
defensive  unless  some  particularly  good  opportunil 

24Croix  to  Neve,  Sept.  10,  1781,  in  St. Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  120-2;  Ne\ 
Croix,  Nov.  18,  1781,  and  Mar.  10,  1782,  in  Prov.  l!ec.,  MS.,  ii.  G8,  77-8. 

25 Pro?;.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  21-8;  duplicate  in  Id.,  xv.  5-10.  Ne 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  documents  of  Nov.  15th,  on  March  2,  17* 
also  that  of  the  subsequent  orders  of  Jan.  2d.  Prov.  2lec.y  MS.,  ii.  50. 


FINAL  CAMPAIGN.  369 

should  offer  of  striking  a  decisive  blow.  The  gov- 
ernor was  instructed  to  take  all  the  available  troops  in 
California,  suspending  the  Channel  foundations  tem- 
porarily for  the  purpose,  and  to  begin  the  campaign 
by  the  1st  of  April.26 

Fages  seems  to  have  arrived  at  San  Gabriel  late  in 
March  and  a  messenger  soon  brought  Neve  back  from 

O  O 

the  Channel,  wThere  he  had  gone  to  superintend  the 
new  foundations.27  Receiving  the  despatches  brought 
by  Fages  the  governor  decided  that  it  was  too  early 
in  the  season  for  effective  operations  on  the  Colorado, 
by  reason  of  high  water,  and  postponed  the  campaign 
until  September,  when  the  river  would  be  fordable, 
and  when  the  Yuma  harvest  would  be  desirable  spoils 
for  native  allies.  Fages  was  sent  to  the  Colorado  to 
give  the  corresponding  instructions  to  Fueros,  who 
was  to  proceed  to  Sonora  and  wait,  while  Fages  re- 
turned to  wait  in  California.  Croix  seems  to  have 
approved  the  change  of  plan,  and  on  May  16th  the 
council  met  once  more  at  Arizpe  to  issue  thirteen 
resolutions  respecting  the  fall  campaign,  the  substance 
of  which  was  that  about  one  hundred  and  sixty  men 
were  to  be  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Colorado  on  the 
morning  of  September  15th  to  meet  the  California!! 
troops  and  show  the  rebellious  Yumas  the  power  of 
Spanish  arms.28 

The  resolutions  were  to  a  certain  extent  carried  into 
effect,  but  about  the  result  there  is  little  to  be  said. 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  236-9.  Croix  communicated  tlie  plan  to  Neve 
Jan.  3d  and  Jan.  6th.  Id.,  236,  182-3.  Neve  acknowledged  receipt  March  2d. 
Prov.  Iiec.,  MS.,  ii.  57.  March  18th  Croix  announces  that  Fages  is  on  the 
march.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  185.  April  30th  Neve  wrote  to  Croix  that 
Fages  had  arrived  at  San  Gabriel  and  that  the  Yumas  had  left  their  own 
country  and  retired  to  that  of  the  Yamajabs.  Id.,  233.  And  still  earlier  on 
March  29th  lie  had  written  in  answer  to  Croix's  letters  of  January,  announc- 
ing a  postponement  of  the  campaign  until  September.  Id.,  198;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ii.  53. 

27  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  383,  says  that  the  messenger  overtook  Neve  March  26th, 
the  sanio  day  he  had  left  San  Gabriel  to  found  San  Buenaventura. 

28  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  198-207,  including  a  letter  of  Croix  of  May 
18th,  communicating  to  Neve   the  junta's  action,  and  another  letter  an- 
nouncing the   sending  of  200  horses  and  40  mules  to  mount  the  California!! 
troop3. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL,  I.    24 


370  PUEBLO-MISSIONS  ON  THE  RIO  COLORADO. 

Captain  Jose  Antonio  Romeu29  with  a  force  of  one 
hundred  and  eight  men  reached  the  seat  of  proposed 
war  at  the  specified  time.  Neve,  having  intrusted  his 
adjutant  inspector,  Nicolas  Soler,  with  the  temporary 
government  of  California,  departed  from  San  Gabriel 
August  21st,30  with  Fages  and  sixty  men.  Some 
three  days'  journey  before  reaching  Concepcion  a  mes- 
senger met  the  party  with  despatches  for  Fages  which 
caused  him  to  return  and  assume  the  governorship  of 
California,31  while  Neve  proceeded  and.  joined  Romeu 
on  the  16th,  not  returning  to  San  Gabriel,  but  going 
to  Sonora  after  the  campaign  to  assume  his  new 
office  of  inspector  general  of  the  Provincias  Internas. 
About  the  campaign  we  know  little  save  that  it  was 
a  failure,  since  the  Yumas  were  not  subdued,  peace 
was  not  made,  and  the  rebel  chiefs  Palma  and  the 
rest  were  not  captured.  Yet  there  was  some  fight- 
ing in  which  a  few  Yumas  were  killed.32  The  nation 
remained  independent  of  all  Spanish  control,  and  was 
always  more  or  less  hostile.  Neither  presidio,  mission, 

29  Romeu,  afterwards  governor  of  California,  had  been  with  Fueros  on  the 
Colorado  earlier  in  the  year,  and  had  written  a  diary  of  that  expedition,  which 
by  resolution  of  the  junta  was  sent  to  Neve  for  his  instruction. 

30Neve's  instructions  to  Soler,  July  12,  1782.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  120. 
Neve  to  Croix,  Aug.  3,  1782,  receipt  of  letter  announcing  approval  by  the 
junta  of  the  suspension  of  Yuma  campaign.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  G5-6.  Neve 
to  Croix,  Aug.  12,  1782,  announcing  march  of  troops  on  Aug.  21st,  and  his 
own  departure  on  Aug.  25th  or  26th.  Id.,  47. 

31  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  390-2.  More  of  this  change  of  governors  in  a  later 
chapter. 

32 In  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  205-6,  there  is  mentioned  as  existing  in 
Mexico  in  1795  a  Diario  tie  las  marchas  y  ocurrencias. .  .descle  21  de  Agosto 
1182,  which  my  search  of  the  archives  has  not  brought  to  light.  A  short  let- 
ter of  Neve  to  Croix  dated  Sonoita  Oct.  16th— Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  53— is  the 
only  original  account  extant.  He  says  he  sent  an  alfe"rez  with  8  men  to  recon- 
noitre, heard  firing,  and  hurried  up  to  support  the  alfcrez,  but  the  enemy  iled. 
Then  Romeu  attacked  a  Yuma  rancheria  and  inflicted  some  loss,  having  4  sol- 
diers wounded.  He  vaguely  states  that  he  should  have  subdued  the  Yiimas 
and  left  communication  by  that  route  secure,  had  it  not  been  for  distrust 
caused  partly  by  the  imprudent  actions  of  precediDg  expeditions.  Arricivita, 
Cr6n.  Seraf,  514,  says  108  natives  were  killed,  85  taken  prisoners,  10  Christians 
freed  from  captivity,  and  1,048  horses  recovered,  but  all  without  pacifying 
the  foe.  Palou  states  that  after  receiving  his  appointment  as  inspector,  Neve 
did  not  care  to  march  against  the  Yumas.  The  enemy,  however,  came  out 
boldly  to  taunt  and  challenge  the  Spaniards  until  one  of  the  Sonora  captains 
(Romeu)  could  endure  it  no  longer,  and  obtained  Neve's  permission  to  punish 
the  Yuma  insolence,  which  he  did  in  three  days'  fighting  in  which  many 
natives  fell. 


THE  FIELD  ABANDONED.  371 

nor  pueblo  was  ever. again  established  on  the  Colo- 
rado; and  communication  by  this  route  never  ceased 
to  be  attended  with  danger.  Truly,  as  the  Franciscan 
chroniclers  do  not  fail  to  point  out,  the  old  way  was 
best;  the  innovations  of  Croix  had  led  to  nothing  but 
disaster;  the  nuevo  modo  de  conquistar  was  a  failure. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

FOUNDING    OF  SAN   BUENAVENTURA  AND  SANTA   BARBARA 
PRESIDIO— FAGES  GOVERNOR. 

1782. 

%READY  TO  BEGIN — MISSIONARIES  EXPECTED — NEVE'S  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  OR- 
TEGA—  PRECAUTIONS  AGAINST  DISASTER — INDIAN  POLICY — RADICAL 
CHANGES  IN  MISSION  SYSTEM — SAN  BUENAVENTURA  ESTABLISHED— PRE- 
SIDIO or  SANTA  BARBARA — VISIT  OF  FAGES— ARRIVAL  OF  THE  TRANS- 
PORTS— NEWS  FROM  MEXICO— No  MISSION  SUPPLIES— No  PRIESTS — 
VICEROY  AND  GUARDIAN — Six  FRIARS  REFUSE  TO  SERVE — CONTROL  OF 
TEMPORALITIES— FALSE  CHARGES  AGAINST  NEVE — CHANGES  IN  MISSION- 
ARIES— FAGES  APPOINTED  GOVERNOR — NEVE  INSPECTOR  GENERAL — IN- 
STRUCTIONS— FUGITIVE  NEOPHYTES — LOCAL  EVENTS — DEATH  OF  MARI- 
ANO CARRILLO — DEATH  OF  JUAN  CRESPI. 

THE  new  establishments  of  the  Channel,  of  which 
so  much  has  been  said,  were  not  yet  founded.  The 
required  force  had  arrived  late  in  the  summer  of  1781, 
but  it  was  deemed  best  to  delay  until  the  rainy  season 
had  passed,  and  moreover  the  disaster  on  the  Colorado 
had  resulted  in  orders  to  suspend  all  operations  and 
settlements  that  might  interfere  with  measures  against 
the  Yumas.  The  forces  had  therefore  remained  in 
camp  at  San  Gabriel,  where,  some  slight  barracks  had 
been  erected  for  their  accommodation,1  under  Ortega 
who  had  been  chosen  to  command  the  new  presidio, 
Lieutenant  Ziiniga  taking  his  old  command  at  San 
Diego. 

1  Oct.  29,  1781,  Neve  writes  to  Croix  that  he  has  taken  a  corporal  and  7 
men  from  Monterey  and  the  same  number  from  San  Diego  to  form  a  basis  for 
the  Santa  Barbara  company,  and  also  that  he  has  built  40  small  huts  to  shelter 
the  men  and  their  families  during  the  rainy  season.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii. 
91.  Reviews  during  the  winter  show  a  lieutenant,  Ortega,  an  alf^rez,  Ai 
ello,  3  sergeants,  2  corporals,  and  49  or  50  soldiers.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
201,  264;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  104. 

(372  ) 


PRESIDIO  INSTRUCTIONS.  373 

In  the  spring  of  1782  it  seemed  to  the  governor 
that  he  might  proceed  in  the  matter  without  prejudice 
to  other  interests,  and  accordingly  in  February  he 
wrote  to  President  Serra,  announcing  his  intention 
and  asking  for  two  friars,  for  San  Buenaventura  and 
Santa  Barbara  respectively.  Serra  had  but  two  super- 
numerary friars  in  all  California,  one  of  whom  was 
needed  at  San  Carlos  during  his  own  occasional 
absence.  But  he  was  extremely  desirous  that  the 
new  missions  should  be  established,  and  he  expected 
six  new  friars  by  this  year's  transport;  so  he  went 
south  himself,  administering  confirmation  en  route  at 
San  Antonio  and  San  Luis,  reaching  Angeles  on 
March  18th,  and  San  Gabriel  the  next  day.  Here  J*e 
he  met  Father  Cambon,  who  at  his  order  had  come  up 
from  San  Diego,  and  the  two  agreed  to  attend  to  the 
spiritual  needs  of  the  two  new  establishments  till  the 
coming  of  the  six  missionary  recruits.2 

Meanwhile  on  March  6th  Governor  Neve  had  issued 
his  instructions  to  Ortega,  indicating  the  line  of  policy 
to  be  followed  at  the  new  presidio  and  the  missions 
under  its  protection  and  jurisdiction.3  Like  all  the 
productions  of  Neve's  mind  these  instructions  were 
models  of  good  sense  in  substance,  though  diffuse  as 
usual.  The  first  duty  urged  was  that  of  vigilance 
and  precaution.  Late  events  on  the  Colorado  would 
have  suggested  extraordinary  vigilance  anywhere; 
but  the  comparatively  dense  native  population  in  the 
Channel  country  rendered  it  especially  necessary  there. 
The  erection  of  defensive  works  must  be  the  com- 
mandant's first  care,  and  beyond  a  few  temporary 
shelters  of  brushwood  for  the  families,  and  a  ware- 
house for  the  supplies,  no  structures  could  be  built 

*Palou,  Not.,  ii.  380-9;  Id.,  Vida,  243-7.  February  8,  1782,  Minister 
Galvez  communicated  to  Croix,  who  forwarded  it  on  July  24th,  the  royal 
order  approving  Neve's  acts  and  propositions  respecting  the  three  new  founda- 
tions as  made  known  to  him  in  letter  and  documents  of  February  23, 1780.  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  30-1. 

3  Neve,  Instruction  que  ha  de  gobernar  al  Comandante  del  presidio  de  Santa 
Barbara,  1782,  MS.  This  document  was  examined  by  Fages  at  Santa  Barbara 
on  October  1st,  and  Ortega  was  ordered  anew  by  him  to  obey  its  requirements. 


374         FOUNDATIONS  j  PAGES  GOVERNOR. 

until  the  square  was  safely  enclosed  by  a  line  of 
earthworks  and  palisades.  The  natives  were  not  to 
be  allowed  within  the  lines  except  in  small  numbers 
and  unarmed.  The  utmost  efforts  were  to  be  made 
to  win  and  retain  the  respect  and  friendship  of  the 
native  chiefs,  and  to  this  end  a  policy  of  kindness  and 
strict  justice  must  be  observed.  Soldiers  must  be 
restrained  by  the  strictest  discipline  from  all  outrage, 
oppression,  or  even  intermeddling.  They  were  not 
to  visit  the  rancherias  under  severe  penalties,  such 
as  fifteen  consecutive  days  of  guard  duty  wearing  four 
cueras,  unless  sent  with  definite  orders  ft  escort  a 
friar  or  on  other  necessary  duty. 

The  natives  were  to  be  interfered  with  in  their 
rancheria  life  and  government  as  little  as  was  possi- 
ble. They  were  to  be  civilized  by  example  and  pre- 
cept and  thus  gradually  led  to  become  vassals  of  the 
king;  but  they  were  not  to  be  christianized  by  force. 
Any  outrages  they  might  commit  must  be  punished 
firmly  by  imprisonment  and  flogging  with  full  ex- 
planation to  the  chiefs;  but  to  remove  the  strongest 
temptation  to  Indian  nature,  the  soldiers  could  at 
the  beginning  own  no  cattle.  Trade  with  the  na- 
tives was  to  be  encouraged  by  fair  treatment  and  fair 
prices.  In  a  word  they  were  to  be  treated  as  human 
beings  having  rights  to  be  respected.  In  that  part 
of  Neve's  instructions  relating  to  the  friars  and  the 
missions,  however,  there  appeared  a  palpable  trace  of 
the  policy  inaugurated  by  Croix  on  the  Colorado, 
with  the  most  dangerous  features  omitted.  In  fact 
I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the  Colorado  experiment, 
so  far  as  it  affected  the  relations  between  padres  and 
the  temporalities,  was  largely  inspired  by  Neve,  an 
intimate  friend,  whose  advice  had  great  weight  with 
the  general.  In  the  Channel  missions  the  priests 
were  to  be  virtually  deprived  of  the  temporal  man- 
agement, because  there  were  to  be  no  temporal  inter- 
ests to  manage.  They  were  to  attend  exclusively  to 
the  instruction  and  conversion  of  the  natives,  and  to 


NEW  MISSION  REGULATIONS.  375 

this  end  were  to  be  afforded  every  facility  by  the  mil- 
itary; but  the  natives  must  not  be  taken  from  their 
rancherias  or  required  to  live  in  mission  communities, 
except  a  few  at  a  time,  who  might  be  persuaded  to 
live  temporarily  with  the  missionaries  for  instruction. 

The  reasons  given  for  these  regulations  were  the 
small  area  of  tillable  land  in  proportion  to  the  num- 
ber of  inhabitants,  rendering  agricultural  mission 
communities  impracticable,  and  the  great  danger  that 
would  be  incurred  by  any  attempt  to  break  up  or  re- 
arrange the  numerous  and  densely  populated  native 
towns  or  rancherias  along  the  Channel.  Without 
doubt  also  another  motive,  quite  as  powerful,  was  a 
desire  on  the  part  of  the  governor  to  put  a  curb  on 
missionary  authority.  The  new  system  which  it  was 
now  proposed  to  introduce  was  a  good  one  in  many 
respects,  and  was  at  least  worth  a  trial;  but  it  was 
nevertheless  a  complete  overthrow  of  the  old  mission 
system  in  one  of  its  most  important  features,  and  the 
wonder  is  that  it  did  not  provoke  a  general  and  im- 
mediate outburst  of  Franciscan  indignation  through- 
out the  whole  province.  No  such  demonstration, 
however,  is  recorded,  though  much  was  written  on 
the  subject  later.  It  is  probable  that  the  friars,  at- 
tributing the  proposed  innovations  to  the  local  au- 
thorities, strong  in  the  result  of  recent  experiments 
on  the  Colorado,  and  believing  they  could  interpose 
such  obstacles  as  would  prevent  any  very  brilliant 
success  of  the  new  experiment,  determined  that  quiet 
and  prolonged  effort  would  be  more  effective  than 
open  denunciation,  trusting  to  their  influence  in  Mex- 
ico and  Spain  to  restore  the  old  state  of  affairs.  Their 
practical  success  was  rapid  and  not  very  difficult,  as 
we  shall  see.4 

All  being  ready  the  company5  set   out  from   San 

4  There  are  three  copies  of  these  instructions,  in  one  of  which  they  are 
preceded  by  some  preliminary  remarks  of  a  general  nature  respecting  past 
intercourse  with  the  Channel  tribes,  their  intertribal   quarrels  which   will 
favor  the  Spanish  settlement,  and  the  general  policy  to  be  followed. 

5  Palou,   Vida,  245,  says  it  was  the  .largest  expedition  ever  seen  in  Call- 


376          FOUNDATIONS;  PAGES  GOVERNOR. 

Gabriel  the  26th  of  March.  At  the  first  encampment 
Fages'  courier  arrived  with  orders  for  Neve,  who  was 
obliged  to  return  with  his  escort;  but  the  company 
continued  and  arrived  on  the  29th  at  the  first  ran- 
cheria  of  the  channel,  named  Asuncion,  or  Asumpta, 
by  Portold's  party  in  1769.  This  had  long  ago  been 
selected  as  a  suitable  locality  for  one  of  the  three  mis- 
sions. A  site  was  chosen  near  the  beach  and  adjoin- 
ing the  native  town  with  its  neat  conical  huts  of  tule 
and  straw,  and  here  next  day  a  cross  was  raised  with 
the  required  shelter  of  boughs  for  the  altar.  With 
the  usual  ceremonies,  including  a  sermon  from  Serra, 
on  the  31st  of  March  the  mission  was  founded  and 
dedicated  to  the  'seraphic  doctor'  San  Buenaventura/ 
in  the  presence  of  a  large  attendance  both  of  Spaniards 
and  of  natives,  the  latter  expressing  much  pleasure  at 
what  had  been  done,  and  cheerfully  aiding  in  the  work 
of  building. 

About  the  middle  of  April  Neve  came  up  from 
San  Gabriel  and  expressed  his  satisfaction  with  the 
progress  made.7  Canibon  remained  in  charge  of  the 
new  mission  until  the  coming  of  Dumetz  and  Santa 
Maria,  assigned  to  San  Buenaventura  as  regular 

f  ornia,  including  besides  officers  70  soldiers  with  their  families,  to  say  nothing 
of  Neve's  escort  of  10  men  from  Monterey.  The  70  should  however  include 
the  10. 

6  San  Buenaventura,  Lib.  de  Mislon,  MS.     On  the  day  of  foundation  Serra 
writes  to  Lasuen  expressing  his  joy  at  witnessing  the  foundation.  Arch.  Sta. 
Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  288.     Gen.  Croix  congratulates  Serra  in  letter  of  July  22, 
1782.  Id.,  i.  261-2.     April  24th,  Neve  writes  to  Croix  that  by  April  12th  the 
enclosure  of  40  by  50  varas,  of  palisades  4  varas  high  with  two  ravelins,  a 
gate,  and  a  small  warehouse  had  been  completed.     Facilities  were  good  for 
irrigation   and  for  obtaining   building   material.   Prov.    JRec.,   MS.,    ii.    Gl. 
Giovanni  di  Fidanza  was  born  at  Bagnarea  in  Tuscany  in  1221.     St  Francis 
of  Assisi,  meeting  him  one  day  and  foreseeing  his  future  greatness,  exclaimed 
'  0  buona  ventura ! '  and  the  name,  Buenaventura  in  Spanish,  clung  to  him. 
He  became  bishop,  minister-general  of  the  Franciscan  order,  and  cardinal. 
His  title  of  seraphic  doctor  was  founded  on  his  skill  in  mystic  theology,  to 
which  a  large  part  of  his  numerous  writings  was  devoted.     He  died  in  1274. 
His  day  is  July  14th. 

7  Palou,  Vida,  254-5,  says  that  the  mission  had  been  established  on  the  old 
footing  though  Neve  had  entertained  the  idea  and  had  been  instructed,  as 
it  afterward  proved,  to  found  it  on  the  Colorado  plan;  but  late  events  bad 
changed  his  mind  and  he  made  no  objection.     This  sounds  somewhat  strange, 
in  connection  with  the  instructions  already  noted.    Possibly  the  nature  of  the 
instructions  was  not  made  public  at  first,  and  this  accounts  for  the  quiet  of 
the  priests. 


FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  BARBARA.  377 

ministers  in  May.  Only  two  adults  received  the 
rite  of  baptism  in  1782.8 

About  the  middle  of  April  the  governor,  president, 
commandant,  and  the  whole  company  of  soldiers, 
except  a  sergeant  and  fourteen  men  left  as  a  guard 
for  the  mission  just  founded,  started  up  the  coast  to 
establish  the -presidio  of  Santa  Barbara.  The  site 
chosen  was  on  the  shore  of  a  small  bay  affording  toler- 
ably secure  anchorage,  at  a  place  said  to  have  been 
called  San  Joaquin  de  la  Laguna  in  the  first  expedi- 
tion of  1769,9  and  near  a  large  native  town,  which, 
like  its  temi,  or  chief,  was  called  Yanonalit.  Near 
the  lagoon  were  found  springs  of  a  peculiar  water, 
and  an  eminence  suitable  for  the  fort.  The  formal 
establishing  was  on  April  21st,  when  Serra  said  mass 
and  chanted  an  alabado.  The  natives  were  more 
friendly  than  had  been  anticipated,  and  Yanonalit  was 
willing  to  exchange  presents.  Work  was  at  once 
begun  and  oak  timber  felled  for  the  requisite  shelters, 
and  particularly  for  the  palisade  enclosure,  sixty  varas 
square,  which  was  later  to  be  replaced  by  a  solid  wall 
enclosing  an  area  of  eighty  yards  square.10  The  natives 
were  hired  to  work  and  were  paid  in  articles  of  food 
and  clothing.  Yanonalit  had  authority  over  some 
thirteen  rancherias,  and  his  friendship  proved  a  great 
advantage. 

Affairs  progressed  favorably,  and  Ortega  even 
found  time  to  construct  irrigation  works  and  pre- 
pare for  farming  on  a  small  scale.  Serra,  on  ascer- 
taining that  there  was  no  immediate  prospect  of 
founding  another  mission,  wrote  to  Fuster  at  San 
Juan  Capistrano  to  come  up  for  temporary  service  at 

8  In  December  1782  a  Frenchman,  Pierre  Roy,  was  a  sirviente  at  the  mis- 
sion. S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  2. 

9  The  original  diary  gave  no  such  name.     See  chap.  vi.  of  this  volume. 
But  the  place  was  called  Pueblo  de  la  Laguna  and  Concepcion  Laguna. 

10  On  foundation  of  Santa  Barbara  presidio  see  letter  of  Neve  to  Croix 
April  24,   1782,  in  Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  ii.  61-2,  64;  Serra,  April  29,  1782,  in 
Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  293-4;  baptismal  book  of  presidio  in  Id., 
vii.  32-3;  Croix  to  Neve,  July  22,  1782,  approving  foundation,  in  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  232-3;  Id.,  iii.  128-9;  iv.  38;  vi.  172-3;  Neve  to  Fages  August 
25,  1783,  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  18. 


378  FOUNDATIONS;  FAGES  GOVERNOR, 

Santa  Barbara/1  and  himself  returned  to  Monterey. 
During  the  months  of  May  and  June  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Fages  made  a  tour  of  unofficial  inspection 
from  San  Diego  to  San  Francisco,  including  in  his 
route  the  new  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara.12 

Just  before  Serra  reached  Monterey  from  the  south, 
May  13th,  the  transports  Favorita  and  Princesa,  under 
captains  Echeverria  and  Martinez,13  brought  full  car- 
goes of  supplies  for  the  three  presidios  and  also  for 
the  old  missions,  together  with  Cambon's  gift  for  San 
Francisco,  purchased  in  China,  as  already  related, 
with  his  earnings  as  chaplain  on  the  San  Carlos. 
There  also  came  by  these  vessels  many  items  interest- 
ing to  the  friars,  with  other  unrecorded  news  doubt- 
less of  equal  interest  to  other  Californians.  There 
came  the  report  that  Antonio  Reyes  of  the  Queretaro 
college  had  been  made  bishop  of  Sonora  and  Cali- 
fornia; that  Rafael  Verger,  the  ex-guardian  of  San 
Fernando,  had  been  also  made  a  bishop  in  Spain;14  and 
that  it  was  again  proposed  to  divide  the  Franciscan 
missions  into  four  independent  custodias,  a  measure 
that  was  never  carried  out.15 

What  the  transports  of  1782  did  not  bring,  greatly 

11  Palou,  Vida, 255-6.  The  same  author  says,  Not.,  ii.  388-9,  that  Cambon 
was  to  come  to  the  presidio  while  Fuster  was  to  take  his  place  at  San  Buena- 
ventura. It  is  not  certain  that  Fuster  ever  came. 

l'2Palout  Noticias,  ii.  390-1. 

13  The  officers  of  the  FavorUawere  Agustin  de  Echeverria,  captain;  Jose" 
Tobar,  second;  and  Jos6  Villaverde,  a  clergyman,  as  chaplain.  Those  of  the 
Princesa  were  Est6van  Martinez,  captain;  Juan  Pantoja,  second;  and  Miguel 
Davalos,  also  a  clerigo,  as  chaplain.  Both  vessels  had  left  San  Bias  the  same 
day,  and,  though  they  anchored  the  same  day  at  Monterey,  had  not  seen 
each  other  after  the  first  few  days  of  the  trip.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  3SG-9.  The 
two  vessels  were  at  Sta.  Barbara  Aug.  4.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  iii .  1 7. 

11  Verger  was  bishop  of  Nuevo  Leon  in  1785-7.  Letters  in  Pinart,  Col. 
Doc.^Mex.,  MS.,  153-5. 

15  Bishop  Reyes  was  consecrated  at  Tacubaya  on  Sept.  15,  1782.  He  re- 
mained for  some  time  at  the  two  colleges,  where  there  was  much  discussion 
about  his  future  plans  and  considerable  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  colleges 
to  giving  up  the  missions  to  custodios.  The  bishop  finally  proceeded  north  to 
establish  the  custodia  of  San  Carlos  de  Sonora,  and  proposed  later  to  go  over 
and  establish  that  of  San  Gabriel  de  California.  In  connection  with  this 
movement  the  Dominicans  were  to  give  up  Lower  California.  Such  was  the 
news  that  came  to  California  in  June  1783.  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  394-5.  Bishop 
Reyes  was  vicar  general  of  the  Calif ornian  troops.  Prov.  Rec.}  MS.,  iii.  183; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  121. 


CONTROVERSY  IN  MEXICO.  379 

to  the  surprise  of  all,  was  the  six  expected  friars,  and 
supplies  for  the  missions  of  Santa  Barbara  and  Puris- 
ima.  The  reason  of  their  non-arrival  came,  however, 
and  that  carries  us  back  to  an  interesting  dispute  and 
correspondence  in  Mexico.  Viceroy  Mayorga  at  the 
request  of  General  Croix,  December  7,  1780,  called 
on  the  college  of  San  Fernando  for  six  friars  to  serve 
in  the  three  Channel  missions  about  to  be  established. 
Four  of  the  number  should  be  sent  to  San  Bias  to  go 
by  sea,  while  two  should  proceed  to  Sonora  to  accom- 
pany Rivera  by  the  Colorado  River  route.  The  vice- 
roy announced  his  readiness  to  furnish  such  aid  as 
might  be  required. 

The  guardian,  Francisco  Pangua,  replied  December 
18th  by  stating  that  the  aid  required  for  the  new 
missions  was  the  same  as  that  furnished  the  old  ones, 
that  is,  a  full  complement  of  church  vestments  and 
utensils  including  bells ;  a  proper  supply  of  live-stock 
and  seed  grain;  an  outfit  of  implements  for  house, 
shop,  and  field;  and  one  thousand  dollars  to  be  ex- 
pended in  clothes  and  various  articles  useful  in  attract- 
ing the  good-will  of  the  natives.  A  full  list  of  the 
articles  needed  was  annexed.  A  year's  stipend  must 
be  paid  in  advance.  The  friars  could  not  walk  eight 
hundred  leagues,  nor  were  they  accustomed  to  ride 
on  horseback,  and  the  viceroy  was  entreated  to  per- 
mit that  all  might  go  by  sea.  It  was  also  suggested 
that  if  there  was  any  doubt  about  the  transports  of 
1782  being  able  to  carry  supplies  for  all  the  new 
establishments,  it  would  be  better  to  attend  to  the 
wants  of  the  old  missions  and  let  the  establishing  of 
new  ones  be  postponed.  After  these  preliminaries 
the  guardian  named  six  friars  selected  for  duty  in 
California,16  who  would  be  ready  to  sail  from  San  Bias 
with  the  supplies  asked  for  and  expected. 

Mayorga's  reply  was  dated  April  5th,  and  in  it  he 

10  The  friars  were  Antonio  Aznar,  Diego  Noboa,  Juan  Rioboo,  Manuel 
Are'valo,  Mateo  Beavide,  and  Jos6  Esteves.  Only  the  second  and  third  ever 
came  to  California. 


380  FOUNDATIONS;  FAGES  GOVERNOR. 

declines  to  furnish  either  church  paraphernalia  or  the 
implements  of  house  and  field  as  requested ;  the  former 
because  they  had  already  been  ordered  as  a  matter  of 
course  for  the  new  missions  by  General  Croix,  who  alone 
had  control  of  the  matter;  the  latter  because  neither 
general  nor  governor,  though  well  acquainted  with 
the  country,  had  indicated  that  any  such  implements 
were  needed.  If  after  the  friars  have  begun  work 
they  find  that  the  necessity  exists,  they  can  report, 
and  the  subject  will  receive  due  attention.  The  vice- 
roy not  only  consents  to  an  advance  of  stipends,  but 
authorizes  the  payment  of  two  hundred  dollars  to  each 
friar  for  travelling  expenses.  He  urges  the  guardian 
to  act  with  the  least  possible  delay.  The  Franciscan 
authorities  now  saw  clearly  what  they  had  previously 
more  than  suspected,  that  an  attempt  was  to  be  made 
in  California  to  overthrow  the  old  mission  system. 
No  implements  of  house  and  field  signified  no  agricult- 
ural and  mechanical  industries,  no  communities  of 
laboring  neophytes,  no  temporalities  for  the  friars  to 
control.  Pangua  notified  the  viceroy  on  April  7th 
that,  while  the  right  to  the  implements  in  question 
was  not  relinquished  but  would  be  pressed  at  a  future 
time,  he  would  despatch  the  missionaries  on  the  terms 
proposed.  This  signified  nothing,  however,  for  the 
guardian  was  not  inclined  to  take  ventures;  and  two 
days  later  he  sent  to  Mayorga  a  communication  from 
the  six  friars,  in  which  they  flatly  refused  to  serve  in 
California  on  the  proposed  basis,  Pangua  expressing 
his  opinion  that  no  others  could  be  induced  to  go  in 
their  place,  but  promising  to  write  more  fully  after 
easier. 

The  promised  communication  was  dated  the  19th 
of  April.  In  it  the  writer,  after  calling  attention  to 
the  fact  that  under  the  laws  no  friar  could  be  com- 
pelled to  serve  as  a  missionary  against  his  will,  pro- 
ceeds to  justify  the  refusal  of  the  six.  The  argument 
is  that  only  by  gifts  can  the  missionaries  gain  the 
good-will  of  the  savages  as  shown  by  experience;  that 


COMPLAINTS  OF  THE  GUARDIAN.  381 

the  only  way  to  the  native  heart  is  through  the  na- 
tive stomach  and  pride  of  personal  adornment;  that 
not  only  are  laborious  habits  essential  to  civilization, 
but  such  habits  can  be  formed  only  under  the  friar's 
influence  based  on  their  having  the  exclusive  right  to 
distribute  the  fruits  of  neophyte  labor;  and  that  while 
at  best  the  work  of  conversion  is  difficult  and  dis- 
couraging, without  the  old  advantages  of  material 
rewards  to  native  faithfulness  coming  exclusively  from 
the  padres,  permanent  progress  will  be  impossible, 
friars'  efforts  will  amount  to  nothing,  and  their  sup- 
port will  be  a  useless  expense  to  church  and  crown. 
The  soldiers  are  not  only  fed  and  clothed  but  armed 
and  equipped  for  their  work  of  conquest  and  defence; 
why  should  the  militia  of  Christ  be  denied  arms  and 
ammunition  for  spiritual  warfare? 

Yet  another  point  de  no  menor  consideration  is 
brought  forward  in  this  document,  which  is  signed 
not  only  by  Pangua  but  by  the  other  five  members  of 
the  college  discretorio.  This  is  the  "  irregular-  manner 
in  which  missionaries  are  regarded  and  treated  in 
those  establishments"  of  California.  So  pronounced 
is  Neve's  aversion  to  the  friars  that  the  soldiers  are 
warned  not  to  become  fraileros,  not  to  perform  any 
service  for  the  missionaries,  and  not  to  aid  in  bringing 
back  fugitive  neophytes.  The  natives  lose  their  re- 
spect for  the  priest  when  they  find  he  is  not  supported 
by  the  civil  and  military  authority,  and  the  result  is 
of  course  disastrous.  Again,  subaltern  officers  and  the 
soldiers  under  them,  encouraged  to  disregard  alike 

'  O  O 

the  teachings  and  chidings  of  the  ministers,  form  scan- 
dalous connections  with  native  and  other  women,  and 
thus,  with  the  tacit  approval  of  the  governor,  they 
entirely  neutralize  all  missionary  effort  and  teach  the 
natives  to  despise  Christianity.17  It  is  impossible  to 
arrive  at  any  other  conclusion  than  that  these  charges 

17  The  priests  go  so  far  as  to  charge  that  on  one  occasion  the  governor  and 
his  escort  on  the  march  from  one  mission  to  another  deliberately  stopped  and 
waited  while  one  of  the  number  se  scpard  para  ir  d  sus  liviandades. 


382  FOUNDATIONS;  PAGES  GOVERNOR. 

against  Governor  Neve,  resting  on  the  bare  assertion 
of  the  authors,  were  in  part  exaggerated,  and  in  part 
false.  There  is  nothing  in  Neve's  preserved  writings 
or  in  the  annals  of  his  time  to  show  dislike  to  the 
friars,  disinclination  to  aid  them  in  their  work  of  con- 
version, or  a  tendency  to  overlook  immorality  on  the 
part  of  his  subordinates.  He  favored  a  change  in  the 
mission  system  because  he  believed  the  missionaries 
were  inclined  to  abuse  the  powers  given  them  under 
the  old  regime,  and  this  to  the  prejudice  of  the  royal 
authority  which  he  represented  in  California.18 

The  viceroy  allowed  the  matter  to  rest  here  but 
reported  to  the  king  for  instructions.  Such  were  the 
facts  that  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Junipero  Serra 
at  Monterey  in  May  1782.  Clearly  the  proposed 
foundations  must  be  postponed ;  in  fact,  instructions 
soon  came  from  the  college  that  neither  Santa  Barbara 
nor  any  other  mission  must  be  established  except 
in  accordance  with  the  laws,  that  is,  under  the  old 
system.19  San  Buenaventura,  however,  need  not  be 
disturbed,  for  it  had  been  provided  for  long  ago,  and 
the  supplies  of  different  kinds  had  been  in  readiness. 
Neither  Neve  nor  Fages  seems  to  have  made  any 
special  effort  to  enforce  the  new  regulations  here. 
Like  the  viceroy,  they  were  content  to  await  the 
decision  of  the  king.  Fathers  Dumetz  and  t  Santa 
Maria  were  appointed  to  the  new  mission;  Cambon 
returned  to  San  Francisco;  Fuster  went  back  to  San 
Juan,  or  possibly  had  never  left  that  mission;  there 
were  now  just  eighteen  padres  for  the  nine  missions; 
and  Santa  Barbara  presidio  had  no  chaplain.5" 


20 


18 The  preceding  correspondence  is  found  in  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  i. 
231-46;  vi.  266-71.  It  is  a  fact  worthy  of  notice  that  Palou,  Not.,  it  388, 
does  not  argue  the  case,  and  that  while  opposed  to  Neve's  policy  he  makes 
no  charge  against  him  either  of  immorality  or  of  bitter  feeling  against  the 
friars.  Gleespn,  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  ii.  93-4,  tells  us  that  Governor  Croix  of 
California  wanted  to  found  missions  on  the  Colorado  plan,  but  the  priests 
refused  to  serve. 

19 Guardian  to  Serra,  Jan.  8,  1783,  in  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  158-9. 

20  July  22,  1782,  General  Croix  refers  to  Serra 's  request  for  live-stock, 
servants,  and  other  aid  for  the  San  Buenaventura  padres,  and  seems  to  favor 
granting  the  request,  although  contrary  to  the  reglamento.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 


END  OF  NEVE'S  RULE.  383 

On  leaving  San  Gabriel  for  the  Yuma  campaign, 
Neve  left  Captain  Soler,  his  adjutant -inspector,  in 
command.  His  instructions  to  Soler  as  temporary 
ruler  were  attached  to  others  of  July  12th  relating  to 
his  duties  in  connection  with  the  presidial  inspections, 
and  they  contained  but  little  beyond  the  technicalities 
of  routine  duty.  They  enjoined  care  and  kindness 
in  dealing  with  gentiles,  but  discouraged  the  use  of 
force  in  bringing  back  runaway  neophytes.21  Neve  and 
Fages,  as  we  have  seen,  marched  together  from  San 
Gabriel  on  or  about  August  21st  for  the  Colorado. 
Whether  either  of  them  anticipated  an  early  change 
in  his  official  position  I  have  no  means  of  knowing; 
but  shortly  before  their  arrival  at  the  river  in  the  first 
days  of  September  they  were  met  by  a  courier,  who 
among  his  despatches  bore  a  promotion  for  both,  from 
Croix,  who  had  appointed  Neve  inspector  general 
of  the  Provincias  Internas,  and  Fages  governor  of 
California.22  At  the  camp  of  Saucito  September  10th 
the  office  was  formally  turned  over  to  Fages,  whose 
governorship  dates  from  that  day.23  Neve's  instruc- 

MS.,  iii.  231.  December  30th  he  writes  to  Serra  that  beyond  the  six  sailor 
sirvientes  allowed  by  him  to  the  Channel  missions  and  the  $1,000  allowed  by 
tho  junta  for  live-stock  and  implements,  no  further  aid  can  be  granted — not 
even  rations  to  the  padres.  The  stipend  is  sufficient  and  older  missions  can 
help  the  new.  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  i.  277-8. 

21  Neve,  Instruction  al  Ayudante  Inspector  Nicolas  Soler,  12  da  Julio  1782, 
MS.    At  the  beginning  of  the  year  Soler  had  been  in  Lower  California  as  shown 
by  letters  of  Neve  in  Id.,  2-20.    Aug.  7,  1782,  Neve  announces  to  Croix  that 
Soler  will  come  to  San  Gabriel  and  take  his  place.  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  ii.  50-1. 

22  The  appointments,  both  provisional  or  requiring  confirmation  from  the 
king,  were  dated  July  12,  1782.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  179;  ii.  48.     Neve  an- 
nounces the  news  of  the  appointments  Sept.  4th,  which  was  perhaps  the  date 
they  were  received.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,.xxii.  20-1.     Also  in  Sept.  Croix 
announced  that  by  a  royal  order  Neve  had  been  rewarded  with  the  cross  of  the 
order  of  San  Carlos.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  48-9;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  224. 

2:1  Neve  to  Gonzalez  Sept.  10,  1782,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  24-6.  Fages 
to  P.  Hidalgo  Dec.  9,  1782,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  G9,  72,  announcing  his 
taking  possession,  and  his  salary  of  $2,500,  which  he  thinks  will  be  £4,000 
when  it  is  confirmed.  See  also  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  92,  and  Id.,  iii.  227,  in  the 
latter  of  which  Fages  seems  to  say  that  he  took  possession  on  Sept.  12th. 
Feb.  2Sth  Fages  thanks  Neve  for  his  influence  in  getting  his  pay  increased  to 
$4,000,  and  also  thanks  Gov.  Corbalan  of  Sonora  for  his  influencc'in  his  favor. 
Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iii.  85.  The  royal  confirmation  of  Fages'  appointment  was 
dated  July  6,  1783.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  247.  Aug.  19,  1783,  Fages  is 

rnted  by  royal  order  the  subdelcgation  of  the  vice  rcgis  patronato.  Id.,  xxii. 
Feb.  10,  1783,  Fages  orders  Neve  to  be  proclaimed  as  inspector-general  of 
all  troops  in  California.  Id.,  iv.  39. 


384         FOUNDATIONS;  FAGES  GOVERNOR. 

tions,  or  memoranda,  for  the  guidance  of  his  successor 
had  been  dated  at  Saucito  three  days  earlier;  but 
there  is  very  little  in  the  document  that  requires  notice, 
save  that  he  repeats  the  advice  already  given  to  Soler 
respecting  the  necessity  of  taking  every  precaution  to 
maintain  friendly  relations  with  the  gentiles,  and  dis- 
approves the  use  of  soldiers  to  bring  back  fugitive 
converts,  who  should  rather  be  persuaded  to  return  by 
the  friars  and  by  Christian  Indians.  In  this  last  of 
his  official  papers  Neve  shows  more  opposition  to  the 
friars  than  ever  before,  for  he  implies  that  they  are 
wont  to  ask  for  escorts  on  frivolous  pretexts.  He 
thinks  that  a  priest  actually  going  to  administer  sac- 
raments should  have  a  guard  of  two  soldiers,  who 
should,  however,  never  pass  the  night  away  from  the 
mission,  and  no  friar  should  be  allowed  to  accompany 
the  soldiers  on  their  expeditions  to  the  rancherias. 
Moreover,  care  should  be  taken  to  enforce  the  laws 
forbidding  missionaries  to  board  the  galleon,  showing 
that  even  at  this  early  day  they  were  suspected  of  a 
willingness  to  indulge  in  clandestine  trade.  If  the 
governor  was  somewhat  severe  at  the  last,  it  must  be 
admitted  that  his  patience  had  been  sorely  tried.  All 
the  varied  interests  of  presidio,  mission,  and  pueblo 
are  commended  to  the  watchful  care  of  his  successor.24 
Governor  Fages  returned  westward  to  San  Diego, 
and  during  the  month  of  October  made  another  tour 
from  south  to  north,  visiting  and  studying  the  inter- 
ests and  needs  of  each  mission,  personally  exhorting 
the  neophytes  to  good  behavior,  promising  pardon  to 
such  runaways  as  would  voluntarily  return  to  duty, 
but  threatening  severe  punishment  to  those  who 
might  refuse.  His  efforts  in  this  direction,  as  Palou 
asserts,  were  successful,  most  of  the  fugitives  return- 
ing. At  the  end  of  October  the  governor  reached 
San  Francisco,  whence  he  turned  back  to  Monterey, 

24  Neve,  Instruction  que  da  sobre  goblerno  interino  de  la  peninsula,  7  de  Set. 
1782,  MS.  Neve  speaks  of  the  instructions  as  secret  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii. 
48.  Soler  was  still  to  be  ayudante  inspector  and  comandante  de  armas.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  20. 


CHURCH  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  385 

the  capital.  It  must  have  been  a  severe  blow  to  Serra 
to  see  his  old  enemy,  whom  he  had  worked  so  hard  to 
remove  from  the  command  when  he  was  but  a  simple 
lieutenant,  returning  as  lieutenant-colonel  to  assume 
the  governorship  of  the  province.  Much  as  the  friars 
hated  Neve,  a  change  in  favor  of  Fages  can  hardly 
have  been  welcome;  but  their  feelings  on  the  subject 
at  this  time  are  not  on  record.  So  far  as  Fages  was 
concerned  his  policy  respecting  runaway  neophytes 
showed  a  disposition  on  his  part  to  let  the  old  quarrels 
drop. 

On  the  25th  of  April  there  was  laid  at  San  Fran- 
cisco mission  the  corner-stone  of  a  new  church,  with 
all  the  ceremonies  prescribed  for  such  occasions  by  the 
Roman  ritual.  Murguia  officiated  as  prester,  assisted 
by  Palou  and  Santa  Maria  and  in  the  presence  of 
Lieutenant  Moraga,  his  son  Gabriel,  Alferez  Lasso  de 
la  Vega,  Surgeon  Ddvila,  the  mission  guard,  and  a 
body  of  troops  from  the  presidio.  "There  was  enclosed 
in  the  cavity  of  said  corner-stone  the  image  of  our 
holy  father  St  Francis,  some  relics  in  the  form  of 
bones  of  St  Pius  and  other  holy  martyrs,  five  medals 
of  various  saints,  and  a  goodly  portion  of  silver  coin." 25 

In  May  of  this  year  the  old  presidio  church  at  San 
Diego  was  burned ;  and  in  November  fire  destroyed  a 
large  part  of  the  mission  buildings  at  San  Luis  Obispo 
with  some  six  hundred  bushels  of  maize.26  At  Mon- 
terey in  January  there  occurred  the  death  of  two 
prominent  men.  One  was  Mariano  Carrillo,  a  pioneer 
soldier  of  1769,  who  from  the  first  had  been  Ortega's 
most  efficient  aid  as  corporal  and  sergeant,  in  the  mili- 
tary service  required  for  the  protection  of  Spanish 
interests  in  the  south,  and  who  had  lately  been  trans- 
ferred to  the  north  and  had  been  given  the  commis- 
sion of  alferez.27  The  other  death  was  that  of  the 

25 S.  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  16,  17.  There  is  no  evidence  that  this 
corner-stone  has  ever  been  disturbed. 

26 Monterey  Co.  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  11;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  158-9;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,iv.  90-1. 

27  Carrillo  was  a  native  of  Loreto  and  entered  the  service  as  a  private  in 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  I.  25 


386  FOUNDATIONS;  PAGES  GOVERNOR. 

venerable  missionary  Father  Juan  Crespi,  whose  pen 
has  left  original  records  of  the  first  explorations  by 
land  of  California  from  the  peninsular  frontier  to  the 
Strait  of  Carquines.  It  is  as  the  chronicler  of  those 
first  expeditions  that  his  memory  will  live;  of  his  sub- 
sequent life  as  a  missionary,  chiefly  at  Monterey,  we 
know  but  little  save  that  he  was  a  faithful  worker, 
beloved  by  his  neophyte  flock  and  by  his  companion 
friars.  In  the  disputes  between  secular  and  missionary 
authorities  his  name  never  appears.  He  died  at  San 
Carlos  January  1st  at  the  age  of  not  quite  sixty-one 
years.23 

the  presidio  company  on  July  26,  1756.  He  came  to  San  Diego  in  1769  as  a 
corporal;  was  made  sergeant  in  April  1771;  and  alfe"rcz  in  Feb.  1780.  He 
was  also  habilitado  of  the  Monterey  company  at  the  time  of  his  death,  which 
occurred  on  Jan.  27th,  being  buried  by  P.  S»rra  on  Jan.  28th.  His  hoja  de 
servicio,  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  108-9,  represents  him  as  of  'medium' valor, 
application,  and  capacity,  of  good  conduct,  and  unmarried. 

28  Juan  Crespi — there  is  a  shadow  of  doubt  whether  it  should  be  so  written 
and  pronounced,  or  without  the  accent — was  born  in  1721  on  the  island  of 
Mallorca,  where  he  was  also  educated,  being  a  school-mato  of  Francisco  Palou. 
He  was  distinguished  from  the  first  for  humility  and  piety,  if  such  expressions 
from  a  priestly  biographer  and  eulogist  mean  anything,  and  was  sometimes 
called  by  fellow -students  El  Beato  or  El  Mistico.  He  came  to  San  Fernando 
do  Mexico  in  1749  and  was  sent  two  years  later  to  the  Fame  missions  of  the 
Sierra  Gorda,  wThere  he  served  over  sixteen  years,  particularly  distinguishing 
himself  by  the  erection  of  a  large  stone  church  in  the  Valle  del  Tilaco.  the 
mural  decorations  of  which  he  paid  for  out  of  his  own  scanty  salary.  He 
.arrived  in  Baja  California  in  April  1768,  and  served  on  the  peninsula  at  La 
Purisima.  He  accompanied  the  first  land  expedition  which  reached  San  Diego 
in  May  1769,  and  a  little  later  was  one  of  the  party  that  searched  for  Monterey 
.and  discovered  San  Francisco  Bay.  His  diaries  of  both  these  trips  are  extant 
and  have  been  utilized  in  my  narrative.  Returning  from  San  Diego  to  Mon- 
terey in  17  70  he  assisted  infounding  the  missionof  San  Carlos  in  June,  and  served 
ihere  as  minister  until  March  1772.  Then  he  went  with  Lieutenant  Fages  to 
the  San  Joaquin  River,  of  which  exploration  his  diary  is  the  only  record.  He 
was  now  sent  south  to  serve  with  Jaume  at  San  Diego  from  May  to  September, 
.and  returning  resumed  his  duties  at  San  Carlos,  where  with  the  exception  of 
two  short  periods  of  absence,  he  toiled  until  his  death.  From  June  to  August 
1774  he  served  as  chaplain  on  board  the  Santiago  in  northern  waters,  writing 
a  diary  of  the  voyage;  and  in  the  autumn  of  1781  he  accompanied  Serra  to 
San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara.  On  his  return  from  this  last  journey  he  was 
attacked  by  a  fatal  illness.  It  was  from  his  old  friend,  companion,  and 
superior  Father  Junipero,  that  Crespi  received  the  last  consolatory  rites  of 
his  religion,  and  his  body  was  interred  in  the  mission  church  within  the 
presbytery  on  the  gospel  side,  with  the  assistance  of  commandant  and  garri- 
son, and  amid  tears  from  his  flock  of  neophytes,  who  lost  a  true  friend  in 
Padre  Juan. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD, 
1783-1790. 

AN  UNEVENTFUL  DECADE — STATISTICS  OF  PROGRESS — MISSIONS,  PRESIDIOS, 
AND  PUEBLOS — POPULATION,  PADRES,  AND  NEOPHYTES — PEDRO  FAGES 
BRINGS  HIS  FAMILY  TO  CALIFORNIA — DONA  EULALIA — A  JEALOUS  CATA- 
LAN— A  MONTEREY  COURT  SCANDAL — FAGES  AND  SOLER — INSPECTION 
OF  PRESIDIOS — SOLER'S  PROPOSED  REFORMS — TROUBLES  WITH  HABILI- 
TADOS — GOVERNOR  AND  FRANCISCANS — A  NEVER  ENDING  CONTROVERSY — 
GENERAL  REPORTS  OF  PALOU  AND  LASUEN — CHARGES  AND  COUNTER- 
CHARGES—FRANKING PRIVILEGE —CRUELTY  TO  NATIVES — CHAPLAIN 
SERVICE — PATRONATO— PRICES  FOR  MISSION  PRODUCTS — INVENTORIES — 
LICENSE  TO  RETIRE-;- NATIVES  ON  HORSEBACK — MISSION  ESCORTS — 
NATIVE  CONVICTS  AND  LABORERS. 

THE  rule  of  Pedro  Fages  as  governor  of  California 
extended  from  1782  to  1790.  It  was  an  uneventful 
period,  the  annals  of  which  include  little  beyond  petty 
local  happenings ;  yet  it  was  a  period  not  of  stagnation 
but  rather  of  silent  unfolding,  as  may  be  seen  from  the 
following  statistical  view.  The  nine  missions1  were 
increased  to  eleven  before  the  close  of  Fages'  rule  by 
the  founding  of  Santa  Barbara  and  Purisima.  In 
round  numbers  the  neophyte  population  under  mis- 
sionary care  and  living  in  mission  communities  grew 
from  4,000  in  1783  to  7,500  in  1790,  this  being  an 
average  gain  per  year  of  500.  In  the  mean  time 
2,800  had  died,  6,700  had  been  baptized;  while  about 
400  had  apostatized  and  fled  to  the  old  delights  of 
savagism.  In  temporal  matters  progress  had  been 
ret  more  pronounced.  The  mission  herds  of  horses, 

1  These  were  in  their  order  from  south  to  north:  San  Diego,  San  Juan,  San 
~>riel,  San  Buenaventura,  San  Luis,  San  Antonio,  San  Carlos,  Santa  Clara, 
Francisco. 

(387) 


3S3  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

# 

mules,  and  horned  cattle  multiplied  in  the  seven 
years  from  4,900  to  22,000  head,  while  sheep,  goats, 
and  swine  increased  from  7, 000  to  26,000.  Agri- 
cultural products,  chiefly  wheat,  maize,  and  barley, 
amounted  in  1783  to  22,500  bushels;  in  1790  there 
were  37,500  bushels,  though  these  figures  give  no 
accurate  idea  of  progress,  since  the  harvest  of  several 
intermediate  years  had  been  larger  than  in  1790. 
Improvement  in  buildings,  corrals,  fences,  and  irrigat- 
ing works  was  constant,  though  not  to  be  so  briefly 
indicated  in  figures.  Several  new  churches  were 
erected,  few  of  which,  however,  were  the  permanent 
structures  still  to  be  seen  in  different  stages  of  ruin. 
In  1782  there  were  nineteen  friars  in  charge  of  the 
nine  missions — the  full  complement  of  two  to  each 
establishment,  besides  the  president.  Before  1790 
sixteen  new  padres  came,  five  retired,  and  four  died  at 
their  posts,  leaving  twenty-six  still  on  duty.2 

No  new  pueblos  were  founded,  nor  did  any  new 
immigration  of  settlers  take  place.  A  few  pobladores 
left  the  country;  a  few  soldiers  became  pobladores, 
and  a  few  boys  growing  up  adopted  an  agricultural 
in  preference  to  a  military  life.  Hence  the  united 
population  of  San  Jose  and  Angeles  varied  from  185 
to  220,  men,  women,  and  children  of  so-called  gente 
de  razon.  The  pueblo  herds  increased  from  750  to 
4,000  head  of  cattle  and  horses,  while  the  small  stock 
remained  at  about  1,000  head.  Agricultural  products 
were  3,750  bushels  in  1783,  and  over  6,750  in  1790, 

2  The  19  serving  in  1783  were:  Cambon,  Cavalier,  Crespi,  Cruzado,  Dumetz, 
Figuer,  Fuster,  Lasuen,  Mugartegui,  Murguia,  Noriega,  Palou,  Paterna, 
Peiia,  Pieras,  Sanchez,  Santa  Maria,  Serra,  and  Sitjar.  The  16  new-comers 
were:  Arroita,  Arenaza,  Calzada,  Danti,  Garcia,  Giribet,  Mariner,  Noboa, 
Oramas,  Rioboo,  Rubi,  Santiago,  Sefian,  Sola,  Tapis,  and  Torrente.  Left 
California:  Mugartegui,  Palou,  Noriega,  Sola,  and  Rioboo.  Died:  Cavalier, 
Figuer,  Murguia,  Serra,  and  Crespi.  In  1785,  Aug.  20th,  Father  Sancho,  the 
guardian,  made  a  full  report  to  the  viceroy  on  the  Californian  missions.  Sancho, 
In  forme,  1785,  MS.  It  was  largely  devoted  to  a  description  of  the  system 
and  routine  to  be  utilized  elsewhere;  it  predicts  that  'many  years'  will  elapse 
before  the  Indians  will  be  fit  for  any  other  system;  enters  somewhat  into 
the  controversies  to  be  noted  presently;  and  states  that  up  to  date  there  had 
been  5,808  baptisms,  5,307  confirmations,  and  1,199  marriages.  There  were 
12,982  head  of  live-stock,  and  12,119  fanegas  of  grain  at  the  last  harvest. 


STATISTICAL  VIEW.  389 

more  than  the  average  at  the  missions;  while  in  1790 
Angeles  produced  more  grain  than  any  mission  except 
San  Gabriel.  But  the  pueblos  were  not  yet  on  the 
whole  a  success.  They  were  far  from  fulfilling  the 
high  expectations  with  which  they  had  been  founded; 
they  had  by  no  means  repaid  the  government  for 
their  cost.  At  the  four  presidios  there  was  no  change 
that  can  be  statistically  expressed.  The  regulation 
allowed  a  military  force  of  205  men  for  garrisons  and 
mission  guards,  and  the  ranks  were  generally  full, 
never  lacking  more  than  ten  men.  The  places  of  such 
as  died  or  served  out  their  term,  were  filled  for  the 
most  part  from  boys  who  became  of  age  in  California, 
and  though  individuals  were  doubtless  recruited  from 
other  provinces  and  from  the  transport  vessels,  there 
is  no  record  that  any  body  of  recruits  was  ever  sent 
to  replenish  the  ranks.  Most  of  the  soldiers  were 
married  men,  and  their  families,  added  to  the  pueblo 
inhabitants,  the  priests,  and  the  sirvientes  from  other 
provinces,  made  the  total  population  of  gente  de  razon 
in  round  numbers  one  thousand  souls.3 

Having  thus  presented  a  statistical  view  of  the 
period  under  consideration,  I  pass  on  to  a  study  of 
certain  events  connected  with  the  provincial  govern- 
ment and  its  officials,  which  have  something  more 
than  a  strictly  local  signification. 

Fages  came  to  Monterey  as  we  have  seen  late  in  the 
autumn  of  1782;  but  in  the  spring  of  1783  he  went 
south  again  to  Loreto  to  meet  his  wife  Dona  Eulalia 
de  Callis  and  his  little  son  Pedrito  whom  he  had 
left  behind  in  Sonora.  The  lady  had  consented  at  the 
solicitation  of  General  Neve  and  Captain  Romeu,  and 
on  their  assurance  that  California  was  not  altogether 

land  of  barbarism,  to  live  at  Monterey.4     Leaving 

3  According  to  a  Resumen  de  Foliation  for  1790,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS., 
i.  72,  the  neophytes  were  7,353,  and  the  gente  de  razon  970. 

4  Dec.  9,   1782,  Fages  writes  to  his  mother-in-law  Dona  Rosa  Callis,  that 
Neve  has  undertaken  to  attend  to  his  wife's  departure;  and  on  Dec.  21st  he 
asks  Ilomeu  to  use  his  influence  to  induce  Dona  Eulalia  to  come.  Prov.  Rec.t 


390  RULE  OF  PAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

Monterey  in  March  the  Governor  reached  Loreto  in 
May.  He  set  out  on  his  return  in  July,  and  on  Novem- 
ber 13th  was  congratulated  by  Palou  on  his  safe  ar- 
rival with  wife  and  son  at  San  Diego/  and  by  the 
middle  of  January  was  back  at  Monterey.  The  jour- 
ney was  delightful.  Everywhere  along  the  route, 
writes  the  governor  to  his  wife's  mother  Rosa,  padres, 
Dominicos  and  Fernandinos,  troops,  settlers,  and  even 
Indians  vied  with  each  other  in  showering  attentions 
upon  the  travellers.  "The  Senora  Gobernadora  is 
the  Benjamin  of  all  who  know  her;  she  is  getting 
on  famously,  and  Pedrito  is  like  an  angel;  so  rest  as- 
sured, for  we  live  here  like  princes."6  Dona  Eulalia, 
a  native  of  Catalonia,  like  her  husband,7  belonged 
apparently  to  a  family  of  considerable  position  and 
influence,  a  fact  which  I  suspect  had  something  to  do 
with  Don  Pedro's  rapid  promotion  and  invariable 
good-fortune  at  court.  She  was  perhaps  the  first 
woman  of  her  quality  who  ever  honored  California 
with  a  visit.  It  is  related  that  on  arrival  she  was 
shocked,  and  at  the  same  time  touched  with  pity,  at 
the  sight  of  so  many  naked  Indians,  and  forthwith 
began  to  distribute  with  free  hand  her  own  garments 
and  those  of  her  husband.  She  was  induced  to  sus- 
pend temporarily  her  benevolence  in  this  direction  by 
a  warning  that  she  might  have  to  go  naked  herself 
since  ladies'  clothing  could  not  be  obtained  in  the 
country.  Nevertheless  after  a  long  residence  at  Mon- 
terey she  left  a  reputation  for  her  charities  and  kind- 
ness to  the  poor  and  sick.8 

MS.,  iii.  72.  For  further  correspondence  on  this  subject  see  Id.,  86-9,  96,  105. 
It  seems  that  Captain  Cafiete  was  sent  over  from  Loreto  to  escort  the  lady, 
who,  as  the  fond  husband  affirmed,  was  to  have  in  California  a  reception  belit- 
ting  a  queen. 

5  Palou  writes  from  San  Francisco  Nov.  13.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  i.  7.  There 
are  however  some  documents  to  show  that  Fages  was  at  San  Fernando  de 
Velicatd  in  December,  the  lady  being  delayed  by  a  miscarriage  at  Mulege. 
See  also  Fages'  trip.  Prov.  liec.,  MS.,  iii.  101,  108,  111,  122,  138,  200-25,  249; 
Prov.  St.  Pap,  MS.,  iv.  94;  Palou,  Not.,  ii.  392. 

6 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  127. 

7  San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS. ,  20. 

8  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  90-1. 


A  JEALOUS  CATALAN.  391 

It  would  be  pleasing  to  record  a  continuance  of 
tranquillity  in  domestic  life  at  the  gubernatorial  man- 
sion; but  the  archives  contain  records  revealing  irhe 
presence  of  a  skeleton  in  the  household,  a  court  scan- 
dal at  Monterey  which  cannot  be  passed  over  without 
notice.  At  the  end  of  a  year's  life  in  California  the 
'senora  gobernadora/  having  in  the  mean  time  borne  to 
her  husband  a  daughter,  whose  birth  is  recorded  in  the 
mission  register  of  San  Francisco  under  date  of  Aug. 
3,  1784,  expressed  herself  satiated  with  California, 
and  wished  to  leave  the  country.  Don  Pedro  was  by 
no  means  disposed  to  give  up  his  lucrative  and  hon- 
orable position  for  a  woman's  whim,  and  a  quarrel 
ensued,  during  which  for  three  months  the  governor 
was  exiled  by  his  spouse  to  a  separate  bed.  Finding 
this  treatment,  however,  less  effective  than  she  had 
anticipated  in  overcoming  the  executive  obstinacy, 
Dona  Eulalia  set  herself  to  work  to  learn  the  cause 
of  his  lonely  contentment,  and  found  it  as  she  sus- 
pected in  the  person  of  an  Indian  servant-girl  whom 
her  husband  had  rescued  from  barbarism  on  the  Colo- 
rado and  brought  to  the  capital.  On  the  morning  of 
February  3,  1785,  the  irate  gobernadora  folio  wed  Don 
Pedro  when  he  went  to  call  the  servant,  accused  him 
of  sinful  intent,  heaped  on  his  head  all  the  abusive 
epithets  in  the  vocabulary  of  an  angry  and  jealous 
Catalan,  and  left  the  house  vowing  divorce,  and  ring- 
ing out  upon  the  wind  her  wrongs. 

The  governor  went  over  to  San  Carlos  and  en- 
listed the  services  of  the  friars  to  bring  his  wife  to 
reason,  but  she  was  not  to  be  moved.  All  the  more 
she  scandalized  their  reverences  by  flatly  declaring 
that  the  devil  might  carry  her  off  before  she  would 
live  again  with  her  husband.  The  padres  examined 
witnesses  and  decided,  so  says  Fages,  that  there  was 
no  ground  for  divorce ;  but  sent  the  case  to  the  bishop 
and  ordered  the  lady  to  remain  meanwhile  in  the  re- 
tirement of  her  own  apartments,  separated  from  the 
gubernatorial  bed  and  board,  and  not  at  liberty  to 


392  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

repeat  her  charges  throughout  the  capital.  Things 
remained  in  this  state  for  a  week,  when  the  governor, 
obliged  to  go  south  on  business  and  unwilling  to  leave 
his  wife  alone  in  the  casas  reales,  wrote  to  Father 
Noriega,  who  had  acted  as  ecclesiastical  judge  in  the 
past  investigations,  asking  him  to  remove  the  lady  to 
the  mission  where  she  might  be  kept  in  the  seclusion 
customary  in  such  cases.  Noriega  sent  an  alferez  on 
the  12th  of  February  with  the  proper  documents  to 
effect  the  removal;  but  this  caused  a  new  outbreak, 
for  Dona  Eulalia  not  only  refused  to  go,  but  shut 
herself  up  with  Pedrito  in  her  private  apartments. 
The  door  was  forced  open  by  the  husband,  who  after 
threats  to  have  the  lady  tied,  carried  her  to  San 
CaVlos.  At  the  end  of  the  month  he  set  out  for 
the  south  taking  his  son  with  him  to  be  left  at  San 
Antonio.9 

During  the  governor's  absence  Captain  Soler  was 
applied  to  by  both  parties,  by  the  wife  to  defend  her 
hono*r  and  innocence  from  outrage;  by  the  husband 
to  effect  a  reconciliation.  Soler's  letters  are  not  alto- 
gether intelligible,  but  they  show  that  the  priests  had 
found  the  lady  by  no  means  an  easy  subject  to  man- 
age. There  had  been  new  outbursts  of  fury  and  food 
for  scandal,  occurring  apparently  in  church,  and  the 
prisoner  was  threatened  with  flogging  and  chains.  He 
warns  Dona  Eulalia  that  she  must  moderate  her 
actions  and  restrain  her  wrath;  while  he  urges  Don 
Pedro  to  return  as  soon  as  possible,  and  claims  that 
the  lady  whether  guilty  or  not  should  not,  in  consid- 
eration of  her  position  and  breeding,  be  subjected  to 
such  indignities.  Fages  writes  from  San  Gabriel  in 
May  that,  while  he  admits  the  superior  station  and 
birth  of  his  wife,  he  cannot  forget  the  outrage  an<~ 
contumely  she  has  publicly  heaped  upon  him.  Sub- 
sequent links  in  this  chain  of  family  discord  are  miss- 

9  Fages  to  Rosa  Callis,  Feb.  8,  1785;  to  Gov.  Corbalan  of  Sonora,  same 
date;  to  P.  Noriega,  Feb.  llth;  to  P.  Palou,  Feb.  21st,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii. 
105-0. 


GOVERNOR  AND  INSPECTOR.  303 

ing;  but  on  September  1st  Fages  writes  to  Bishop 
Reyes  that  his  wife  has  returned  to  him,  satisfied  that 
the  charges  against  him  were  unfounded.  It  must 
not  be  supposed,  however,  that  Dona  Eulalia  gave 
up  her  original  scheme  of  quitting  California  and 
taking  the  governor  with  her,  for  in  October  he  writes 
that  she  has  sent  to  the  audiencia  a  petition  asking 
his  removal  on  the  plea  that  the  climate  was  injurious 
to  his  health.  He  begs  a  friend  to  interfere  and  pre- 
vent the  document  from  being  forwarded  to  Spain.10 
We  know  nothing  further  of  Don  Pedro's  domestic 
affairs;  let  us  hope  that  all  quarrels  ended  with  the 
year  1785. 

There  were,  however,  other  difficulties  in  the  ruler's 
path,  though  none  of  them  assumed  serious  propor- 
tions. Among  these  minor  troubles  were  the  actions 
of  Soler,  the  inspector  of  presidios.  When  Neve  de- 
parted from  San  Gabriel  for  the  Colorado  he  left  Soler 
as  temporary  governor  and  inspector,  and  a  little  ^iter, 
on  Fages  taking  the  governorship,  Neve  wrote  to  Soler 
that  he  was  still  to  retain  the  military  command.  Why 
it  was  that  Fages,  especially  when  his  appointment  had 
received  the  royal  confirmation,  did  not  become,  as  pre- 
scribed by  the  regulation,  commandant  inspector,  I 
am  unable  to  explain;  yet  he  frequently  admits  that 
he  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  military  command,11 
only  claiming  a  kind  of  civil  jurisdiction  over  Soler  as 
a  citizen  of  the  province  which  he  ruled.  The  two 
were  personal  friends  and  compadres;  and,  so  long  as 
their  jurisdictions  were  separate,  seem  to  have  made 
an  earnest  effort  to  avoid  an  open  quarrel ;  yet  all  the 

10  Soler  to  Fages  April  14,  1785 ;  to  Sra.  Fages  April  9th,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS. ,  v.  254-5;  Fages  to  Garrido,  May  2d;  to  Sra.  Fages  May  3d,  in  Prov.  Rec.y 
ii.  107-8;  Fages  to  bishop,  Id.,  iii.  144;  to  Garrido,  Oct.  25th;  Id.,  ii.  111. 

11  In  a  communication  to  Romeu  dated  Dec.  21,  1782,  Fages  says  'the 
reglamento  keeps  me  in  a  chaos  of  confusion  since  it  supposes  the  government 
and  inspection  united,  and  as  the  latter  has  been  separated  I  find  myself  very 
much  embarrassed  in  my  projects  and  measures,  in  order  not  to  make  them 
impertinent  and  cause  discord  with  the  ayudante.'    Then  he  goes  on  to  ask 
some  information  about  the  respective  duties  of  the  two  offices.   Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  iii.  72-3.    Additional  correspondence  on  this  subject  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
"    170;  ii.  99,  106,  112-15,  131;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  45,  186,  251,  253. 


" 


394  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

same  neither  was  ever  entirely  satisfied  that  the  other 
was  not  encroaching  on  his  prerogatives.  No  one  of 
the  petty  disagreements  is  of  sufficient  importance  to 
be  noticed  here. 

At  last  the  respective  powers  of  the  two  dignita- 
ries were  fixed  by  an  order  of  the  commandant  gen- 
eral, dated  February  12,  1786,  which  arrived  August 
8th,  making  Fages  commandant  inspector  as  pre- 
scribed by  the  reglamento.  Late  in  the  year  Soler 
accordingly  turned  over  the  office  to  his  chief  and  re- 
sumed his  old  position  as  ayudante  inspector,  in  which 
subordinate  capacity  he  still  ventured  to  disagree 
with  his  compadre  to  such  an  extent  that  on  one  oc- 
casion he  was  put  under  arrest  at  Monterey  with 
orders  to  go  on  with  his  duties,  but  to  enter  the 
presidio  always  by  the  little  door,  and  to  pass  back 
of  the  church  to  his  office!12 

In  November  1787  Soler  made  a  long  report  to  the 
general  in  reply  to  a  request  of  that  officer  for  his 

o  i    «y  i 

views  on  needed  reforms  in  the  administration  of  Cali- 
fornian  affairs.13  The  author  was  not  a  man  overbur- 
dened with  ideas,  and  such  as  he  had  were  pretty 
effectually  suffocated  in  a  mass  of  unintelligible  verbi- 
age, but  the  leading  points  in  his  proposed  reform 
were  as  follows :  The  presidio  of  San  Francisco  should 
be  abandoned  and  its  company  transferred  to  Santa 
Barbara,  which,  as  well  as  San  Diego,  should  be  under 
a  captain  instead  of  a  lieutenant.  The  missions  should 
furnish  supplies  to  the  presidios  at  fixed  prices,  and 
thus  the  expense  of  the  San  Bias  transports  be  avoided, 
since  articles  necessarily  imported  could  be  furnished 
at  prices  to  include  freight,  the  missions  and  presidios 
being  equally  benefited  by  the  change.  Garrison 
soldiers  should  be  relieved  of  the  care  of  live-stock, 

12  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  21-2, 136,  138, 154, 189-93;  xxii.  31;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,i.  30-1,  200-2,  ii.  137. 

13  Soler,  Liforme  al  Comandante  General  sobre  Policia  y  Gobierno,  3  de  Nov. 
1787,  MS.    At  the  beginning  the  author  says,   'I  confess,  Sefior,  that  I  have 
had  no  head  to  present  any  project  or  circumstantial  plan,'  which  may  be 
taken  as  a  resume"  of  the  whole  document  with  its  35  articles. 


CAPTAIN  SOLER'S  PLAN.  395 

and  thus  be  left  free  to  master  the  duties  of  their 
proper  service;  and  to  this  end  the  presidio  stock 
should  be  greatly  reduced  in  numbers,  and  the  practice 
of  supplying  cattle  to  the  southern  frontier  should  be 
stopped.  Some  adequate  provision  must  be  made  for 
the  descendants  of  the  present  population.  The  gov- 
ernment can  furnish  no  increase  of  military  force,  and 
it  is  useless  to  found  new  missions  which  cannot  be 
protected.  The  prohibition  of  killing  cattle  by  private 
individuals,  established  by  church  influence  in  the 
interest  of  the  tithe  revenue,  ought  not  to  be  enforced. 
It  would  also  be  better  to  grant  grazing-lands,  requir- 
ing the  grantee,  if  necessary,  to  pay  the  natives  for 
damage  to  their  food  supply;  since  under  the  present 
system  soldiers  who  have  served  out  their  term  leave 
the  country  for  want  of  facilities  to  establish  them- 
selves in  California.  The  natives  have  been  neophytes 
long  enough ;  they  are  fitted  for  civilized  life,  and  the 
government  has  spent  all  the  money  on  them  that 
can  be  afforded.  The  pobladores  have  more  land  than 
they  can  cultivate;  the  pueblo  realengas  should  be 
ganted  to  native  families ;  Spaniards  should  be  granted 
lands  at  the  missions,  and  the  military  escorts  should 
be  withdrawn  from  both  missions  and  pueblos.  Then 
the  gentiles  will  be  attracted  by  the  good  fortune  of 
the  old  converts  to  follow  their  example,  the  work 
of  the  priests  being  thus  simplified  and  promoted. 

To  Soler  therefore  must  be  accorded  the  authorship 
of  the  first  direct  proposition  to  secularize  the  Cali- 
fornia missions,  although  some  of  Neve's  propositions 
had  tended  more  or  less  in  the  same  direction.  Soler 's 
plan  involved  a  complete  overthrow  of  the  old  mission 
system,  putting  Spaniards  and  natives  on  the  same 
footing  as  citizens,  dependence  on  persuasion  and  good 
example  for  future  conversions,  dependence  for  sup- 
'plies  on  home  products,  and  restriction  of  the  soldiers 
to  garrison  duty  proper  and  the  keeping  in  check  such 
gentiles  as  might  fail  to  appreciate  the  advantages  of 
civilized  life.  Whether  under  his  plan  the  new 


396  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

verts  were  to  undergo  a  preliminary  training  as  neo- 
phytes under  the  friars'  care,  or  were  to  pass  directly 
to  the '  state  of  citizens  and  land-owners,  does  not 
clearly  appear. 

This  series  of  recommendations  was  sent  to  the 
general  through  the  governor,  who  with  them  for- 
warded also  his  own  comments.  I  have  no  need  to 
say  that  Fages  opposed  any  plan  suggested  by  his 
compadre.14  There  is  no  record  respecting  the  fate 
of  the  propositions  as  annotated  after  they  left  Cali- 
fornia; but  they  at  any  rate  were  not  adopted  as  the 
law  of  the  province. 

Soler  had  other  troubles  besides  those  with  the 
governor,  especially  with  the  habilitados,  few  of  whom 
escaped  his  criticism  and  few  deserved  to  escape  it. 
It  was  very  hard  to  find  officers  with  sufficient  quali- 
fications for  keeping  the  not  very  complicated  presidial 
accounts,  and  it  took  time  and  patience  to  distribute 
the  abler  ones,  Zuniga,  Sal,  Goycoechea,  and  Argliello 
in  the  four  presidios,  especially  as  Arguello  was  the 
only  one  in  whose  ability  Soler  had  confidence,  and  as 
it  was  well  nigh  impossible  for  him  and  Fages  to 
agree  respecting  the  merits  of  any  one.  Though  by 
the  regulation  the  soldiers  had  a  vote  in  choosing  the 
habilitado,  for  whose  deficits  they  were  responsible, 
yet  practically  the  governor  and  inspector  gave  the 

14  Fages,  Comentcirios  sobre  Informe  del  Capitan  Soler,  8  de  Nov.  1787,  MS. 
While  approving  Soler's  views  respecting  the  existence  of  certain  minor  evils 
in  the  present  sj'stem,  and  claiming  to  have  already  suggested  measures  for 
the  removal  of  those  evils — for  instance,  annual  slaughters  and  exportation  of 
meats  to  San  Bias  to  reduce  the  excessive  number  of  presidio  cattle — he  de- 
clares that  it  would  be  folly  to  abandon  San  Francisco  and  leave  the  northern 
missions  unprotected;  that  there  is  no  reason  for  transferring  the  Loreto  cap- 
tain to  San  Diego  in  order  to  get  rid  of  Ziiniga,  who  cannot  be  spared;  that 
the  soldiers'  work  in  caring  for  cattle,  though  considerable,  is  exaggerated  by 
the  adjutant,  and  the  existence  of  wild  cattle  would  be  a  great  evil  to  the 
country;  that  the  cattle  of  settlers  as  yet  do  no  harm  to  the  natives;  that 
inducements  to  remain  in  the  country  are  good,  and  more  discharged  soldiers 
remain  than  go  away;  that  the  natives  are  kept  in  order  as  neophytes  only  by 
the  unremitting  efforts  of  the  friars,  and  are  as  yet  wholly  unfit  to  become 
citizens;  that  the  pobladores  can  and  do  cultivate  all  the  lands  given  them  and 
often  more;  and  finally  that  the  introduction  of  Spanish  settlers  into  the 
missions  would  interfere  with  the  laws  of  the  Indies  providing  that  the  mis- 
sion lands  are  to  belong  to  the  natives  eventually  when  they  shall  be  fitted  to 
profit  by  their  possession. 


FINANCIAL  ^K,JUBLES.  397 

appointment  to  either  the  lieutenant  or  alferez  of  the 
company  according  to  tjie  relative  fitness  of  those 
officers.  They  divided  all  the  officers  into  two  classes, 
the  intelligent  and  stupid,  according  to  ability  as 
accountants,  for  as  a  rule  there  was  no  question  of  in- 
tegrity, and  were  careful  not  to  assign  to  any  presidio 
two  from  the  same  class.  With  all  possible  precau- 
tions deficits  occurred  frequently,  as  we  shall  see  in 
local  annals,  and  Soler  was  always  ready  to  suspect  and 
charge  irregularities,  sometimes  where  none  existed. 
At  last  the  inspector  and  his  aid  could  no  longer  get 
along  together;  Fages  asked  for  Soler's  removal,  and 
Soler  demanded  a  court-martial  and  a  full  investiga- 
tion, being  unable  to  discharge  properly  his  duties 
under  the  governor's  orders.  The  result  was  that  the 
office  was  abolished,  Soler  was  summoned  to  Arizpe 
in  1788,  and  was  made  commandant  of  Tucson,  dying 
about  1790.  Strangely  enough  after  all  his  fault- 
finding and  his  constant  search  for  defalcations  on  the 
part  of  others,  he  left  California  with  a  deficit  of 
about  §7,000  in  his  own  accounts;  that  is,  he  owed 
that  amount15  to  the  presidios,  and  it  is  difficult  to 

15  On  troubles  with  habilitados'  accounts  see  chapter  xxi.  of  this  volume ; 
also  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  114-16.  Fages  writes  to  Soler  that  he  wants 
no  discussion  to  embitter  friendly  intercourse,  but  prefers  to  leave  all  ques- 
tions to  superior  authorities.  Id.,  vii.  143-5.  July  14,  1787,  Soler,  who  has 
been  accused  by  Pages  of  carelessness,  defends  himself  with  unintelligible 
verbiage  made  worse  by  Latin.  Id.,  vii.  121.  Before  coming  to  California 
Soler  had  served  as  lieutenant-governor  at  El  Paso,  Chihuahua.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ii.  75.  He  was  only  brevet  captain,  for  the  general  recommends  June 
24, 1787,  that  he  take  command  of  a  presidio  in  case  of  a  vacancy  if  he  ranks  the 
other  lieutenants.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  56.  Being  sick  in  1786  he  induced 
the  captain  of  the  Prince sa  to  leave  his  surgeon,  Carbajal,  for  his  convenience, 
at  which  the  Mexican  authorities  find  fault  and  order  the  surgeon  back  to 
San  Bias.  Id.,  vii.  2,  108.  His  private  troubles  with  Sal  arose  from  the 
jealousy  of  the  latter  who  suspected  him  of  an  intrigue  with  his  wife,  and 
threatened  to  kill  him.  Soler  was  arrested  by  Fages  to  protect  him  from  Sal's 
wrath.  Id.,  vii.  124-5.  About  his  relations  with  the  padres  we  have  only 
his  own  remark,  *  suelen  (los  padres)  criar  muy  mal  humor  y  mi  naturaleza 
es  muy  propensa  alcontagio.'  Id.,  vii.  135.  April  17,  1788,  he  writes  to  the 
general  demanding  a  court-martial.  May  20th  he  acknowledges  receipt  of 
order  to  proceed  to  Arizpe.  August  30th  he  writes  to  Fages  announcing  his 
departure  and  the  end  of  the  inspectorship,  and  referring  to  slurs  cast  upon 
his  character.  Id.,  viii.  50,  56-61.  June  18,  1790,  Gen.  Ugarte  writes  to 
Fages  that  the  king  has  approved  the  suspension  of  the  inspectorship ;  that 
Soler  is  to  be  captain  of  Tucson ;  and  that  the  governor  is  hereafter  to  inspect 
the  troops,  going  down  to  Loreto  once  in  two  years  for  that  purpose.  Id.,  ix. 


398  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

account  for  such  a  debt  except  on  the  theory  that  he 
took  improper  advantage  of  his  official  position.  The 
debt  had  to  be  paid  out  of  his  half-pay  after  his  death. 

The  controversies  between  church  and  state  were 
never  ending,  and  though  not  particularly  bitter  dur- 
ing this  period,  ever  require  attention  as  a  leading 
feature  in  early  Californian  history.  The  regulation 
of  1781,  it  will  be  remembered,  provided  for  founding 
the  Channel  missions  on  a  new  basis  very  unfavorable 
to  the  friars'  plans;  but  by  refusing  to  serve  in  Cali- 
fornia the  Franciscans  carried  their  point  and  the  new 
missions  were  put  on  the  same  footing  as  the  others. 
The  number  of  priests  was  to  be  gradually  reduced 
to  one  for  each  mission  with  certain  exceptions;  but 
after  several  emphatic  protests  this  regulation  was 
also  rendered  of  no  effect.16 

Thus  the  features  most  objectionable  to  the  priests 
were  eliminated  practically  from  the  law,  but  there 

351-3.  Fages  alludes  to  Soler's  death  in  letter  of  Feb.  26,  and  Gen.  Nava  on 
June  25th.  Id.,  x.  115,  1G4-5.  His  debt  caused  some  trouble  before  he  left 
California,  and  the  matter  was  not  settled  until  long  after  his  death.  Three 
thousand  five  hundred  dcllajs  of  his  pay  was  by  order  of  the  viceroy  on  Juno 
8,  1787,  secured  for  the  benefit  of  his  wife  Dofia  Josef  a  Rodriguez  de  Vargas. 
Id.,  vii.  9,  10.  A  large  part  of  his  debt  was  owing  to  the  presidios  and  mis- 
sions. Prov.  fit.  Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  ii.  51-3.  March  4,  1797,  the  governor 
received  $3,000  on  .the  debt.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  209.  Nov.  7,  1797,  the 
habilitado  general  pronounces  the  decision  in  favor  of  Soler's  widow  unjust, 
but  says  an  appeal  to  the  king  would  be  very  costly.  Id.,  iv.  1G3.  Finally  in 
1806  Capt.  Zuiiiga  of  Tucson  is  ordered  to  pay  $1,062  of  Soler's  debt  to  "the 
San  Diego  company.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  150,  153. 

10  Jan.  8,  1783,  the  guardian  writes  to  Serra  complaining  that  the  govern- 
ment in  the  new  reglamento  seems  to  aim  at  the  destruction  rather  than  sup- 
port of  the  missions.  No  more  missions  will  be  founded  till  the  regulation  is 
modified.  It  is  better  to  abandon  a  mission  than  leave  it  in  charge  of  one 
priest,  and  any  priest  left  alone  may  refuse  to  serve  without  fear  of  conse- 
quences. Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  155-8.  I  have  an  original  letter  of 
Lasuen  to  the  guardian,  apparently  written  in  1784,  in  which  he  protests  most 
earnestly  against  the  reduction,  explaining  the  difficulties  involved,  and 
declaring  his  intention  to  resign  his  position,  quit  California,  and  if  necessary 
sever  his  connection  with  the  college  rather  than  serve  alone;  for  nothing  save 
the  commission  of  sin  could  be  so  terrible.  The  author  of  the  project  must 
have  misunderstood  the  king's  intentions.  Lasuen,  Carta  de  1784,  MS.  In 
his  report  of  Oct.  1787  he  says  'no  one  can  convince  me  that  I  am  bound  to 
remain  solitary  in  the  ministry.'  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.  viii.  61.  Aug. 
16,  1786,  the  guardian  writes  to  the  president  that  he  has  reliable  information 
that  the  objectionable  clause  in  the  reglamento  is  abolished.  Id.,  xii.  37-40. 
Palou,  in  Id.,  viii.  40,  says  the  clause  was  annulled  by  the  king's  order  of  May 
20,  1782,  providing  that  each  mission  must  have  two  priests. 


CHURCH  VERSUS  STATE.  399 

were  left  still  some  grounds  on  which  to  base  a  quar- 
rel. Fages  on  assuming  command  and  during  his 
whole  term  of  office  seems  to  have  made  an  earnest 
effort  to  conciliate  the  priests  and  prevent  a  reopening 
of  the  old  troubles.  Considering  his  rather  irritable 
nature  and  the  bitterness  of  the  old  feud  with  Serra, 
he  was  not  altogether  unsuccessful;  still  he  was  the 
successor  of  the  hated  Neve,  the  originator  of  the 
reglamento,  largely  committed  to  Neve's  policy,  and 
responsible  to  the  king  for  the  execution  of  the  laws. 
Perfect  accord  was  impossible,  and  causes  of  complaint 
on  one  side  or  the  other  were  not  infrequent.17 

Postal  charges  and  especially  the  franking  privilege 
of  the  friars  furnished  occasional  matter  for  dispute. 

17  'Es  ya  declarada  la  oposicion  del  P.  Serra  a  toda  providencia  guberna- 
tiva,  signiiicdda  no  solo  en  palabras  sino  con  obras  y  por  cscrito,'  says  Fages  to 
the  inspector  general  on  March  1,  1783.  He  charges  the  president  with  too 
great  severity  not  only  toward  Indians  but  the  padres.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii., 
87.  On  Sept.  15,  Id.  124-5,  he  says  that  Serra  'tramples  upon  the  measures 
of  the  government  and  bears  himself  with  much  despot iquez  and  total  indif- 
ference.' The  padres  commit  many  abuses  in  opposition  to  the  government. 
Id.,  ii.  128.  Sept.  20,  1785,  Fages  \vrites  to  the  bishop  on  the  padres'  neglect 
of  chaplain  service,  and  avers  that  they  cannot  be  spoken  to  on  the  most 
trivial  matters  without  showing  disdain.  Id.,  ii.  109.  On  the  same  day  to 
the  viceroy  he  protests  against  the  fatal  consequences  of  the  missionary  policy, 
which  is  diametrically  opposed  to  the  reglamento.  Id.,  ii.  95.  Dec.  7,  1785, 
Fages  complains  to  Cambon  of  Palou's  sullen  and  cold  behavior,  and  of  the 
padres  at  San  Carlos  who  have  twice  received  him  (the  governor)  with  dis- 
respectful cries  and  stamping  of  feet.  Yet  he  has  been  so  devoted  to  the 
padres  as  to  have  drawn  upon  himself  the  name  of /ra^ero.  Several  friars 
have  told  him  to  his  face  that  they  doubted  his  word,  forgetting  the  respect 
due  him  as  governor.  Letters  are  written  him  without  proper  politeness. 
He  will  no  longer  endure  this,  even  if  he  be  termed  a  persecutor  of  friars ; 
yet  he  will  never  cease  to  venerate  them.  Id.,  iii.  60-3.  July  9th  and  10th,  Fages 
gives  orders  forbidding  public  murmurs  against  the  padres  and  orders  the  ar- 
rest of  soldiers  who  make  public  comments  on  their  conduct.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  1GO;  xxii.  24.  Aug.  10,  1786,  the  guardian  informs  the  president 
that  projects  for  the  weal  of  California  have  been  presented  to  the  viceroy, 
and  the  opinion  of  the  fiscal  and  his  agent  is  that  the  proposals  should  be 
carried  out  and  the  governor  restrained.  Fages  is  warned  that  he  must  have 
a  care  and  that  on  the  least  complaint  of  the  padres  he  will  lose  his  position 
and  honors.  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  37-40,  Aug.  23,  1787.  Fages  to 
Lasuen,  regrets  that  he  can  make  no  provision  without  being  suspected,  'que 
no  se  haga  misteriosa.'  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  C4-5.  Nov.  19,  1700,  Lasuen 
to  the  padres,  a  secret  letter  referring  vaguely  to  a  bando  which  the  padres 
must  obey  because  they  can't  help  themselves,  though  he  has  rcprcsentodo  on 
the  subject.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  15,  16.  May  28,  1791,  Fages  recounts 
the  troubles  to  his  successor.  He  says  quarrels  with  the  "Fernandinos  have 
been  frequent,  since  they  are  very  much  opposed — opuestisimos — to  the  max- 
ims of  the  reglamento,  wishing  to  be  wholly  independent,  f  At  San  Buena- 
ventura it  even  came  to  blows  with  Padre  Santa  Maria.  Prpv.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
x.  149-50.  / 


400  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

One  of  the  privileges  obtained  by  Serra  for  the-  mis- 
sionaries in  1773  was  that  of  sending  letters  to  the 
college  free  of  cost,  and  certain  other  letters  to  and 
from  the  president  were  also  exempt  from  postage  as 
official  communications.  The  friars  were  inclined  to 
include  much  private  correspondence  in  the  privileged 
mail  matter,  and  not  much  attention  was  given  to  the 
subject  ordinarily.  In  these  later  years,  however, 
officials  by  the  governor's  orders  became  more  strict, 
imposing  on  the  missionaries  what  was  deemed  by 
them  a  heavy  and  unjust  burden.  Hence  much  dis- 
cussion without  practical  result,  since  the  law  was 
clear  enough,  and  was  not  changed,  the  strictness  of 
its  enforcement  depending  on  the  disposition  of  the 
local  officials.  As  a  rule  the  friars  gained  nothing  by 
agitating  the  subject,  though  in  some  instances  they 
obtained  a  decision  in  their  favor  from  Mexico  or 
Arizpe.18  In  real  or  affected  pity  for  the  natives,  the 
governor  complained  of  excessive  severity  on  the  part 
of  the  missionaries  toward  their  neophytes.  Doubt- 
less there  were  instances  of  cruelty,  but  not  many 
could  be  cited  in  these  early  years.19 

18  January  12,  1783,  Pages  writes  to  Sal  that  Serra 's  claim  for  free  sending 
of  his  letters  to  college  and  to  the  padres  cannot  be  granted,  referring  to  royal 
ce"dula  of  October  25,  1777,  and  viceroy's  instructions  of  April  26,   1780. 
Serra  pleaded  poverty  and  told  Sal  to  keep  his  letters  if  he  would  not  forward 
them  free.     Subsequently,  however,  Fages  consented  to  have  the  letters  for- 
warded, and  an  account  kept  of  them  until  superior  instructions  could  be 
received.     The  expense  seems  to  have  been  finally  charged  to  the  government. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  80-1,  88,  103;  bt.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  128-9,  134;  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  32,  122-3.     August  16,  1786,  the  guardian  says  the  junta 
real  has  allowed  letters  between  padres  and  the  college  to  pass  free.     They 
must  be  in  a  separate  package  and  directed  'Contador  General  de  Correos.' 
Arch.  Santa  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii.  37.     July  22,  1791,  President  Lasuen  issues 
a  circular  stating  that  last  year  the  formalities  were  not  observed,  and  the 
result  was  a  cost  of  $18  for  postage.  Id.,  ix.  314.     October  22,  1795,  he  issues 
another  circular  to  the  effect  that  private  letters  had  been  sent  in  the  padres' 
package,  and  this  must  be  stopped,  for  there  is  a  danger  of  losing  the  franking 
privilege.  Id.,  ix.  325-6.     See  also  Id.,  xi.  194;   xii.  19-24;  Palou,  Not.,  i. 
532. 

19  Putting  neophytes  in  irons  and  forced  labor  very  frequent  in  all  the 
missions,  and  particularly  at  San  Carlos.  Fages,  1783,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
iii.  87.     June  11,  1785,  Fages  writes  to  Noriega  that  the  natives  accuse  him 
of  beating  them  with  chains  for  trifling  faults,  charges  which  he  has  investi- 
gated and  found  to  be  true.     Implores  him  in  the  name  of  humanity  and  of 
the  king  to  change  his  course.  Id.,  iii.  51.     Lieutenant  Ziiniga  complained  in 
1788  that  the  natives  of  San  Diego  were  overworked  and  too  severely  pun- 


CONTROVERSY  WITH  THE  FRIARS.  401 

Fages  sent  a  document  to  the  viceroy  the  26th  of 
September  1785,  in  which  he  made  a  formal  complaint 
against  the  priests  for  their  opposition  to  the  law,  an 
opposition  which  was  injurious  to  the  royal  service 
and  to  the  spiritual  good  of  the  troops.  He  enumer- 
ated five  grounds  of  complaint  which  I  shall  notice 
presently.20  By  the  government  the  matter  was  re- 
ferred to  the  college  of  San  Fernando,  and  a  report 
was  made  by  Guardian  Palou,  who  denied  all  the 
allegations  and  presented  counter-charges  in  behalf 
of  the  missionaries.21  The  audiencia  was  puzzled  by 
contradictory  evidence.  A  few  recommendations  were 
made  on  different  points,  and  on  January  12,  1787, 
the  eocpediente  was  sent  to  Commandant  General 
Ugarte  y  Loyola  with  instructions  to  make  further 
investigations  and  pacify  the  contending  parties  as 
best  he  could.22  General  Ugarte  wrote  on  April  22d 
to  President  Lasuen,  ordering  compliance  with  the 
suggestions  of  the  audiencia  and  calling  for  a  full  re- 
port on  the  disputed  points,  which  was  rendered  on 
the  25th  of  October.23 

From  the  documents  just  mentioned  we  learn  the 
foundation  of  the  controversy.  Fages'  first  charge 
was  that  the  presidio  of  San  Francisco  had  been  de- 
prived of  mass  for  three  years  notwithstanding  the 
obligation  of  the  friars  to  serve  as  chaplains.  Palou's 
reply  was  a  denial  that  the  friars  were  required  to 
serve  gratuitously  as  chaplains;  a  claim  that  such 
service  if  rendered  was  to  be  voluntary;  and  that  the 
article  treating  this  point,  also  reducing  the  number 

ished.  Id.,  iii.  67.     Fages  has  seen  P.  Pena  draw  blood  by  pulling  a  boy's 
ear,  and  the  natives  accuse  him  of  having  killed  one  of  their  number.  Prov. 
7.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  107.     An  unsigned  scrap  of  1785  speaks  of  irregular  con- 
ict  of  a  padre  and  objects  to  mode  of  chastisement.  Id.,  v.  256. 

20 Faijes,  Hepr  escalation  contra  los  Frailes,  20  de  Set.  1785,  MS.;  alluded  to 
rith  general  statement  of  its  purport  in  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  ii.  95. 

21  Palou,  Informe  sobrc  Quejas  del  Gobernador,  1786,  MS. 

22  Expedience  sobre  reciprocal  quejas  del  Gobernador  de  Californias  y  Relig- 
0,9  misioneros,  1787,  MS.     Addressed  to  Gen.  Ugarte  on  Jan.  12,  1787,  by 

Fos6  Antonio  de  Urizar  and  other  oidores. 

23  Lamm,  Informe  y  satisfaction  al  Sr.  Comandante  General  sobre  quejas  del 
'    -nador,  25  de  Oct.  1787,  MS. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    26 


402         RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

of  priests,  had  been  annulled  by  royal  order.  Lasuen 
states  that  the  padres  have  never  refused  or  hesitated 
to  attend  to  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  soldiers ;  that 
he  personally  served  the  presidio  of  San  Diego  when 
a  minister  of  that  mission,  though  six  miles  distant; 
that  at  Santa  Barbara  the  missionaries  of  San  Buena- 
ventura served  though  eight  leagues  distant ;  and  that 
the  lack  of  service  at  San  Francisco  was  because 
there  was  until  recently  no  decent  place  for  it,  and  the 
mission  was  so  near  that  the  soldiers  could  easily  go 
there  for  spiritual  care.  The  friars,  however,  were 
offended  because  the  soldiers  insolently  claimed  their 
service  as  regular  chaplains,  when  it  was  really  a  mat- 
ter of  voluntary  charity.  The  viceroy's  order  on  this 
subject  was  that  a  proper  allowance  be  made  to  the 
friars  for  their  services  at  presidios.24 

The  governor's  second  charge  was  that  the  padres 
refused  to  recognize  the  government  in  matters  per- 
taining to  property  and  the  patronato.  Lasuen  states 
that  the  friars  manage  the  mission  temporalities  by 
order  of  the  king,  though  the  management  was  at 
first  reluctantly  assumed ;  that  the  vice  regio  patronato 
has  little  or  no  application  in  a  country  like  California, 
but  that  they  will  gladly  observe  any  rules  that  may 
be  prescribed.  Palou  charged  the  governor  with  a 
disposition  to  interfere  illegally  and  despotically  in 
the  management  of  temporalities,  and  declared  that 

24  In  a  correspondence  between  Gen.  Ugarte  and  Lasuen  in  March  1786, 
the  latter  makes  the  same  reply  on  the  San  Francisco  matter  as  in  his 
inforrne.  Arch.  Santa  Barbara,  MS.,  i.  285-7.  March  5,  1783,  the  padres  of 
San  Francisco  to  Fages  excuse  themselves  for  failure  to  say  mass  on  the  plea 
that  the  place  is  unhealthy,  there  are  no  proper  implements,  the  soldiers  have 
no  regard  for  the  missionaries,  and  stigmatize  their  friends  asfraiferos.  The 
corporal  had  even  ordered  that  no  soldier  must  approach  the  padres'  house. 
Fages  directs  the  commandant  to  be  indifferent  until  orders  come  from  the 
general.  Prov.  Jf?ec.,  MS.,  iii.  91-2.  Several  communications  respecting  fail- 
ure to  say  mass  at  San  Francisco  in  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  i.  192;  iii.  24,  1(36,  209, 
all  written  by  Fages.  Orders  from  commandant  that  the  reglamento  must  be 
enforced.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  115;  Arch.  tita.  Barbara,  MS.,  viii.  132; 
xi.  375-6.  In  these  orders  it  is  charged  that  fees  are  being  collected  by  the 
friars;  and  Fages  makes  the  same  statement.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  87.  The 
governor  also  complains  on  several  occasions  that  the  other  presidios  are 
neglected,  and  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose",  where  P.  Peiia  has  refused  confession. 
Id.,  ii.  109;  iii.  171;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  83-4. 


CHARGES  AND  COUNTERCHARGES.  403 

he  had  no  proper  understanding  of  the  patronato, 
claiming  the  right  to  require  or  permit  work  on  days 
of  festival. 

Thirdly  the  padres  were  accused  of  refusing  to  sell 
mission  produce  at  the  prices  fixed  by  the  govern- 
ment. Palou  claims  that  there  is  no  proof  that  the 
tariif  rates  have  ever  been  approved  by  the  king ; 
that  those  prices  ought  to  be  regulated  by  scarcity 
or  abundance;  and  that  the  president  should  have  a 
voice  in  the  matter.  Lasuen,  however,  knows  of  no 
instance  where  the  missionaries  have  refused  to  sell 
at  the  prescribed  prices  when  they  had  grain  to  sell 
at  all;  though  during  several  years  of  scarcity  the 
prices  have  been  kept  down  to  a  figure  barely  endur- 
able in  years  ,of  plentiful  harvests.25  The  next  cause 
of  complaint  was  the  refusal  of  the  friars  to  furnish 
inventories  of  property,  }rearly  increase,  and  the  dis- 
position made  of  mission  products.  Lasuen  in  reply 
says  that  the  reports  furnished  to  the  governor  are 
exactly  the  same  as  those  rendered  by  the  padres  to 
the  president,  and  by  the  latter  to  the  college;  that 
until  now  these  reports  have  been  satisfactory  to  all ; 
and  finally  that  there  are  no  laws  requiring  the  mis- 
sionaries, who  are  not  mere  treasury  officials,  to  render 
itemized  accounts  of  what  has  been  done  with  each 
bushel  of  maize.26 

23  Lasuen  admits  that  P.  Pefia  suggested  an  increase  in  price,  for  which  he 
was  duly  reproved;  and  he  says  that  the  governor  himself  inci-eased  the  price  of 
corn,  which  is  shown  to  be  true  by  a  letter  of  Fages  in  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. , 
vi.  1GO-1,  in  which  Sal  is  ordered  to  pay  two  reales  extra  for  maize  from  S. 
Carlos,  Sta.  Clara,  and  San  JOSL'.  Also  Jan.  2,  1787,  Fages  modifies  the  tariff 
prices.  Id.,  vii.  168-9;  and  July  20,  1787,  he  asks  Lasuen  for  harvest  returns 
that  he  may  regulate  prices.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  19.  Fages  com- 
plains of  Pena's  refusal  to  furnish  grain  on  November  8,  1785,  and  March  27, 
1786.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  25-39.  Lasuen's  replies  being  that  he  is 
sorry  and  has  reproved  P.  Pefia  or  will  write  to  him.  Fages  also  says  on  Sept. 
26,  1785,  that  a  mule  train  was  sent  back  from  San  Carlos  without  maize. 
Pror.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  128-9. 

26  May  2,  1786,  Fages  complains  to  the  general  that  the  padres  are  reluc- 
tant to  show  their  inventories,  do  not  make  them  out  according  to  rule,  and 
omit  the  register  of  inhabitants.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  136.  Feb.  7th  he  com- 
plains to  the  president  that  P.  Pefia  refused  his  aid  and  the  mission  books  for 
a  census.  The  president  explains  that  the  commandant  had  not  asked  in  a 
proper  manner.  He  has  requested  all  padres  to  give  the  required  aid.  Arch. 
Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi. 


404  RULE  OF  FACES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

Finally  it  was  alleged  that  in  defiance  of  the  law 
the  Franciscans  insisted  on  retiring  to  their  college 
without  obtaining  permission  from  the  governor. 
Palou  replies  that  by  an  order  of  the  viceroy  dated 
March  29,  1780,  a  friar  had  only  to  show  the  governor 
a  license  from  his  prelate.  Lasuen  goes  more  fully 
into  the  'subject  In 'Neve's  time,  he  says,  a  priest 
retired  with  his  prelate's  license  and  the  viceroy  de- 
cided that  there  was  no  law  to  prevent  it.  Palou 
departed  in  the  presence  of  Fages,  who  is  responsible 
for  any  irregularity  in  the  proceeding.  *  The  next  year 
Fages  on  being  consulted  made  no  objection  to  the 
departure  of  Rioboo;  but  finally  there  came  a  decree 
of  Viceroy  Galvez,  forbidding  the  entry  or  departure 
of  any  friar  without  his  license.  This  order  has  been 
obeyed  in  the  case  of  Noriega,  and  it  will  be  obeyed; 
but  the  president  goes  on  to  argue  earnestly  against 
the  justice  and  policy  of  such  a  requirement,  suo- 
jected  to  which  the  friars  will  serve  only  with  reluc- 
tance.27 

Fages  had  also  found  fault,  though  apparently  not 
in  his  formal  complaint, because  neophytes  were^allo  wed 
to  ride  too  much,  the  policy  of  the  government  beirg 
opposed  to  this,  in  fear  that  like  the  Apaches  the  Cal- 
ifornians  might  become  skilful  warriors.  The  friars 
admitted  the  danger,  declared  that  their  interest  was 
identical  with  that  of  the  government,  but  claimed 

27  The  viceroy's  communications  of  Mar.  29,  1780,  which  are  given  in  A  re 
Ma.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  272-6,  xi.  25-6,  are  not  correctly  cited  by  Palou.  T." 
viceroy,  while  approving  the  claims  of  the  college,  turns  the  matter  over 
the  commandant  general,  who  he  says  may  have  had  good  reasons  for  hi 
orders.  The  decree  requiring  the  viceroy's  permission  for  any  padre  to  com 
or  go  was  dated  Dec.  7,  1786.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  202-3.  In  April  178 
the  fiscal  of  the  royal  treasury  explained  that  as  the  movements  of  the  padre 
were  paid  from  the  missionary  fund,  their  going  to  California  if  not  needed  o 
retiring  for  a  mere  whim  would  cause  useless  expense;  therefore,  the  govern 
ment  had  a  right  to  know  the  reasons.  April  23d  the  audiencia  decreed  i 
conformity  to  the  fiscal's  opinion;  May  21st  the  archbishop  communicated  t.i 
decision  to  Palou ;  and  June  22d  and  23d  Fages  gave  corresponding  orders, 
though  the  president  of  Baja  California  protested  that  this  was  contrary  to 
royal  orders.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  8,  9;  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  53. 
July  9,  1788,  the  viceroy  informs  the  governor  that  the  viceregal  authorities 
and  not  the  general  will  determine  the  sending  and  recalling  of  friars  oven  if 
the  command  becomes  independent  of  Mexico.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  1-3. 


VIEWS  OF  FATHER  LASTJEN.  405 

that  there  were  none  but  natives  to  serve  as  vaqueros, 
and  that  the  work  could  only  be  done  on  horseback. 
Having  replied  to  the  governor's  specific  charges, 
Lasuen  proceeds  to  lay  before  the  government  certain 
complaints  on  the  part  of  the  missionaries,  namely: 
that  the  soldiers,  being  occupied  .largely  with  matters 
outside  of  their  proper  duty— that  of  affording  pro- 
tection to  the  friars  in  their  work  of  christianizing 
the  natives — neglected  thtit  duty;  that  in  consequence 
of,  a  long  peace  they  were  becoming  careless  and  neg- 
lecting precautions  against  disaster;  that  an  insuffi- 
cient guard  was  given  to  the  missions,  the  most  useless 
and  the  worst  equipped  soldiers  being  detailed  for  that 
dujty,  and  only  one  soldier  being  allowed  to  escort  the 
friars  on  long  journeys;28  that  the  soldiers  of  •  the 
guards  kept  nfuch  live-stock  to  the  prejudice  of  mission 
interests;  that  Indians  were  condemned  to  work  as 


vG8Thi§  subject" trf  mission  guards  and  their  duties  was  really  one  of  the 
most  serious  in.  the  whole  controversy.  The  padres  wished  entire  control  of 
the  soldiers  to  use  as  they  deemed  best,  and  particularly  in  pursuing  runaway 
converts.  Neve  had  opposed  the  employment  of  soldiers  to  hunt  fugitives  in 
ordinary  cases,  because  he  deemed  other  means  better  fitted  for  the  purpose, 
and  because  men  enough  could  not  be  spared  for  effective  and  safe  service. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  123-4.  The  French  voyager  La  Perouse  praises 
Ne ye  highly  for  his  position  on  this  point.  La  Perouse,  Voy.,  ii.  297-8.  In  his 
ins  ructions  to  Fages,  Sept.  7,  1782,  Neve  advised  that  not  more  than  two 
soldiers  should  accompany  a  padre  to  confess,  etc.,  at  a  rancheria,  and  that 
thev  should  not  be  absent  overnight.  The  Indians  must  not  learn  to  fight ' 
with  and  kill  soldiers.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  138-9.  Yet  Fages  did  not  rely 
entirely  on  persuasion  to  bring  back  fugitives,  but  favored  a  resort  to  arms 
only  after  all  other  means  had  failed,  such  as  persuasions  by  padres,  sending 
of  neophytes,  appeal  to  chiefs,  offer  of  presents  to  gentiles,  etc.  See  Fages' 
instructions  to  soldiers  sent  after  runaways  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  151-2.  In 
1784  Fages  repeats  the  order  forbidding  an  escort  of  more  than  two  soldiers, 
who  must  not  be  absent  over  night.  The  safety  of  the  mission  demands  the 
presence  of  all,  and  the  king  has  confirmed  orders  to  that  effect.  Prov.  Rec. , 
MS.^jii.  47-8.  The  latest  orders  do  not  permit  him  to  let  the  troops  pursue 
cu»'.trrones  except  in  extreme  cases.  Fages  to  Dumetz,  Jan.  5,  1785,  in  Pror. 
/.V..  MS.,  ii.  103-4.  Oct.  17,  1785,  Fages  to  Sal.  No  escort  to  be  given  to 

Sackes  except  when  they  go  to  say  mass  at  presidios,  or  to  confess  or  baptize. 
''.  7V/?.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  51.  Escoltas  refused,  except  as  above,  at  San  Antonio 
aiic\  Santa  Barbara.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  142,  167.  P.  Dumetz  at  San 
Buenaventura  being  refused  an  escort  to  go  to  San  Gabriel  says,  Feb.  4,  1786, 
tance:  'Very  well,  since  we  are  to  be  thus  restricted  to  our  missions  we 
can  no  longer  visit  the  presidio,  which  is  beyond  our  jurisdiction.'  Prov.  St. 
P(ij'.,  MS.,  vi.  45-6.  March  3,  1786,  however,  Fages  orders  an  escort  to  be 
furnished  when  the  padres  of  Sail  Buenaventura  wish  to  visit  San  Gabriel  and 
Santa  Barbara'.  Id.,  vi.  72.  Aug.  16,  1788,  in  a  long  letter  to  Lasuen  Fages 
explains  the  policy  of  the  government  respecting  escorts,  and  the  forcible  cap- 
ture of  cirnarrones.  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  i.  167-73. 


406  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

peons  at  the  presidios  for  stealing  cattle  and  for  other 
offences,  the  punishment  of  which  should  rest  exclu- 
sively with  the  friars,  the  sole  object  being  to  get  free 
laborers;29  that  the  settlers  of  San  Jose  employed 
pagans  to  do  their  work,  demoralized  them  by  bad 
example,  and  even  persuaded  them  to  avoid  Chris- 
tianity and  its  attendant  slavery;  that  the  disposition 
to  make  mission  alcaldes  independent  of  the  friars  in 
punishing  offences  greatly  impaired  their  usefulness, 
the  law  having  been  intended  only  for  curates  and  not 
for  missionaries;  that  illegal  and  unequal  measures 
were  used  for  mission  produce;  that  the  raising  of 
cattle  by  the  presidios  and  the  preference  given  to  the 
pueblos  in  buying  supplies  would  soon  deprive  the 
missions  of  all  means  to  procure  needed  articles  for 
the  neophytes,  especially  as  the  articles  most  needed 
were  often  refused  by  the  habilitados,  or  prices  made 
too  high  in  proportion  to  those  of  mission  products, 
and  yet  the  padres  would  submit  humbly  to  the  deci- 
sions of  the  commandant  general. 

Palou  in  addition  to  the  preceding  charges,  declares 
that  the  regulation  was  never  proclaimed  in  California 
until  September  1784,  and  was  not  really  in  force, 
that  of  Echeveste  being  much  better  adapted  to  the 
needs  of  the  country.  He  says  that  the  regulation 
was  not  carried  out,  the  articles  on  the  inspection  of 
presidios  and  on  pueblo  management  being  notably 
disregarded,  and  that  not  only  were  the  pueblos  in  a 
sad  state  of  decadence,  but  that  San  Jose,  on  the  rapid 
road  to  ruin,  was  by  its  aggressions  under  the  gov- 
ernor's policy  dragging  the  mission  of  Santa  Clara  to 
ruin  with  it.  Finally,  the  governor,  instead  of  obey- 
ing the  law,  had  not  given  the  missions  the  slightest 

29  The  secular  authorities,  in  the  light  of  past  experience  in  other  province 
seem  to  have  regarded  the  stealing  of  cattle  as  a  much  more  serious  offenc 
and  one  much  more  dangerous  to  Spanish  domination  in  California,  than  di( 
the  padres.  It  was  by  no  means  one  of  the  trivial  faults  in  which  the  fria: 
had  exclusive  jurisdiction.  Fages  hag  something  to  say  on  this  subject  in  il 
letter  last  alluded  to.  Still  there  is  no  doubt  the  military  authorities  di 
abuse  their  power  in  this  direction  with  a  view  to  get  workmen  free  of  cost. 


GENERAL  REPORTS. 


407 


encouragement  or  aid  either  in  spiritual  or  temporal 
affairs. 

The  reader  who  has  followed  this  and  preceding 
quarrels  between  the  political  and  missionary  author- 


PALOU'S  MAP,  1787. 

ities  in  California,  will  have  noted  that  they  were 
often  petty  in  all  their  phases,  and  such  as  might 
easily  have  been  avoided  by  slight  mutual  concessions 
and  efforts  to  promote  harmony.  It  is  not  necessary 
to  decide  on  the  merits  of  the  respective  parties  in 
each  dispute,  even  if  it  were  possible ;  yet  it  is  appar- 
ent that  the  friars  were  determined  not  to  yield  a 
single  point  of  their  claimed  prerogatives  until  forced 
to  do  so,  and  then  to  yield  only  to  the  highest  author- 
ities, to  the  king  if  possible,  or  to  the  viceroy,  but 


408  RULE  OF  FAGES— GENERAL  RECORD. 

never  to  so  insignificant  an  official  as  the  governor, 
whose  presence  they  regarded  as  an  outrage  if  he  had 
a  will  of  his  own,  and  whose  authority  they  practically 
disregarded  in  a  way  very  hard  to  bear.  Yet  in  his 
general  report  on  missions  rendered  in  1787,30  Gov- 
ernor Fages  speaks  in  the  highest  terms  of  the  zeal 
and  efficiency  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  personal  re- 
lations with  them  were  for  the  most  part  pleasant. 
It  was  only  as  governor  and  president,  as  representa- 
tives of  Carlos  III.  and  St  Francis,  that  they  quar- 
relled, save  in  the  case  of  a  few  individuals  or  in  the 
ruler's  irritable  moods.  One  of  the  friars,  however, 
in  an  interesting  report  on  the  missions  in  1789  could 
not  deny  himself  the  satisfaction  of  stating  that  while 
the  king's  provisions  had  been  all  that  they  could 
desire,  there  had  been  great  and  even  culpable  remiss- 
ness  on  the  part  of  the  ro}^al  representatives,  or 
agents,  in  California.31 

30  Fages,  Informe  General  de  Misiones,  1787,  MS.      This  is  an  excellent 
resum6  of  the  past  progress  and  present  condition  of  the  Calif ornian  establish- 
ments, containing  a  separate  notice  of  each  mission  and  some  general  sug- 
gestions of  needs,  but  with  no  reference  to  current  controversies.    A  statistical 
presentation  of  the  subject  seems  to  have  accompanied  the  original,  which 
was  made  in  answer  to  an  order  of  the  general  of  December  1,  1786.     The  date 
in  1787  is  not  given,  and  it  may  have  been  after  the  receipt  of  the  king's  order 
of  March  21,  requiring  governors  to  render  such  reports  every  two  or  three 
years.     Of  this  c6dula  I  have  an  original  in  print  with  autograph  signatures 
in  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  31-3. 

31  Informe  de  lo  mas  peculiar  de  la  Nueva  California,  1789,  MS.     This 
report  was  probably  directed  to  the  bishop  or  archbishop,  but  there  is  noth- 
ing, in  my  copy  at  least,  to  indicate  the  author.     The  document-  contains 
general  information  about  the  Indians  and  the  mission  system,  without  much 
of  chronological  annals. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

RULE  OF  FAGES,  DEATH  OF  SEREA,  AND  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

1783-1790. 

PRESIDENT  SEKRA'S  LAST  TOURS — ILLNESS  AND  DEATH — BURIAL  AND  FUNERAL 
HONORS — His  LIFE  AND  CHARACTER — SUCCESSION  OF  PALOU  AND  LASUEN 
— MUGARTEGUI  AS  ViCE-PRESIDENT — CONFIRMATION — NOTICE  OF  PALOU 'S 
HISTORICAL  WORKS — VIDA  DE  JUNIPERO — NOTICIAS  DE  CALIFORNIA — 
MAP — PROPOSED  ERECTION  OF  THE  MISSIONS  INTO  A  CUSTODIA — NEW 
MISSIONS — FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  BARBARA — INNOVATIONS  DEFEATED — 
FIVE  YEARS'  PROGRESS — MISSION  OF  LA  PURISIMA  CONCEPCION  FOUNDED 
—EARLY  ANNALS. 

IN  1784  the  Californian  missionaries  were  called 
upon  to  lose  their  well  beloved  master.  President 
Junipero  Serra  died  at  San  Carlos  on  the  28th 
of  August.  In  January  he  had  returned  from  his 
last  tour  of  confirmation  in  the  south,  during  which 
he  visited  every  mission  from  San  Diego  to  San 
Antonio.  In  June  he  came  home  from  a  last  visit  to 
the  northern  missions  of  San  Francisco  and  Santa 
Clara.  He  left  Monterey  by  sea  for  the  south  so  ill 

hat  all,  including  himself,  deemed  his  return  doubtful, 
e  was  near  death  at  San  Gabriel,  and  when  he  left 

anta  Clara  it  was  with  the  avowed  intention  to  pre- 
re  for  the  final  change.  He  had  long  been  a  suf- 

erer  from  an  affection  of  the  cliest  and  ulcers  on  the 

egs,  both  aggravated  if  not  caused  by  self-inflicted 
hardship  and  a  pious  neglect  of  his  body.  The  death 
of  his  old  companion  Crespi  had  been  a  heavy  blow; 
his  sorrow  had  been  deep  at  partial  failure  in  his 

E^ffXv^g  to  place  California  exclusively  under  mission- 
control,  and  to  revive  under  better  auspices  the 
it  epoch  of  the  peninsula.     The  return  of  Fages 
(409) 


410  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

to  power  was  not  encouraging  to  his  plans  and  hopes. 
His  license  to  confirm,  under  which  he  had  adminis- 
tered the  sacrament  to  over  five  thousand  persons, 
expired  in  July,  and  discouraging  news  came  at  the 
same  time  from  Mexico  about  the  prospect  of  obtain- 
ing new  friars.  The  death  of  Father  Murguia  broke 
another  link  that  bound  him  to  this  world,  and  the 
venerable  apostle  felt  that  his  work  was  done,  his 
reward  was  near  at  hand.  To  all  the  Franciscans  was 
despatched  a  letter  of  eternal  farewell,  in  every  word 
of  which  seemed  distilled,  drop  by  drop,  the  very  soul 
of  the  dying  man,  while  from  each  of  the  nearer  mis- 
sions a  padre  was  summoned  to  take  leave  in  person. 
Palou  from  San  Francisco,  the  only  one  who  arrived 
before  Father  Junipero's  death,  was  obliged  to  say  on 
August  19th  the  regular  monthly  mass  in  honor  of 
St  Joseph,  California's  great  patron,  but  in  other 
religious  services  the  saintly  sufferer  insisted  on  taking 
his  usual  part.  Irritants  were  applied  to  his  chest  by 
the  presidial  surgeon  on  the  23d  without 'any  bene- 
ficial effect.  On  the  26th  he  made  a  general  confes- 
sion, and  next  day  walked  to  church  to  receive  the  last 
sacrament  in  the  presence  of  friars,  officers,  troops, 
and  natives,  having  ordered  the  carpenter  to  make  his 
coffin.  The  night  was  passed  by  the  dying  man  on  his 
knees,  or  a  part  of  the  time  reclining  in  the  arms  of 
his  neophytes.  Having  been  anointed,  and  recited 
with  the  others  the  litany,  toward  morning  he  re- 
ceived absolution  and  the  plenary  indulgence  of  his 
order.  In  the  morning  of  the  28th  he  was  visited  by 
Captain  Cafiizares  and  other  officers  of  the  vessel  in 
port,  and  he  asked  that  the  bells  might  be  tolled  in 
honor  of  their  visit.  Then  he  conversed  with  his  old 
friend  Palou,  requested  to  be  buried  in  the  church 
near  Crespi,  and  promised  to  pray  for  California  when 
he  should  come  into  the  presence  of  the  trinity.  At 
one  moment  a  fear  seemed  to  oppress  his  mind,  but 
soon  all  was  calm,  and  he  went  out  of  doors  to  gaze 
for  the  last  time  upon  the  face  of  nature.  Returnin 


-. 


! 


BURIAL  OF  FATHER  JUNIP3RO.  411 

at  one  p.  M.  he  lay  down  after  prayers  to  rest,  and  was 
thought  to  be  sleeping,  but  within  an  hour  Palou 
found  that  he  was  dead.  The  bells  announced  the 
mournful  intelligence.  Clad  in  the  friar's  simple  robe 
in  which  he  died  and  which  was  the  only  garment  he 
ever  wore,  save  when  travelling,  the  body  was  placed 
in  the  coffin,  with  six  candles  beside  it,  and  the  weep- 
ing neophytes  came  to  cover  the  remains  of  their 
beloved  master  with  flowers,  and  touch  with  their 
medals  and  rosaries  the  lifeless  form.  Every  article 
of  clothing  save  the  one  that  served  as  a  shroud  was 
distributed  in  small  fragments  as  precious  relics  among 
the  people,  and  notwithstanding  all  vigilance  a  part 
of  the  robe  was  taken  also.  On  Sunday,  the  29th, 
the  body  was  buried  in  the  mission  church  by  Palou  in 
the  presence  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Monterey,  and 
with  all  possible  ceremonial  display,  including  military 
honors  and  the  booming  of  guns  from  the  fort  and 
Canizares'  vessel  at  anchor  in  the  bay.1 

The  life  of  Father  Junipero  Serra  is  so   closely 

1 A  full  account  of  Serra 's  sickness,  death,  and  burial,  much  longer  and 
more  detailed  than  I  have  space  to  reproduce,  is  given  in  Palou,  Vida,  2G1- 
305.  Another  good  authority,  including  a  sketch  of  Serra's  life  is  Palou, 
Definition  del  R.  P.  FT.  Junipero  Serra,  MS.;  translation  in  Arch.  JUisiones,  i. 
73-6.  There  are  some  slight  differences  in  the  two  accounts  not  worth  noticing 
here,  except  perhaps  the  statement  in  the  latter  that  Serra  died  just  before 
4  p.  M.  Gov.  Fages  was  not  present  at  the  funeral,  being  absent  from  Mon- 
terey. Capt.  Soler  was  the  highest  official  who  took  part  in  the  ceremonies. 
Palou  was  aided  by  PP.  Sitjar  and  Noriega,  and  by  Diaz  the  chaplain  of  the 
San  (Jdrlos.  On  Sept.  4th  there  was  a  renewal  of  funeral  honors  with  the 
same  crowded  attendance  as  before,  and  with  the  additional  assistance  of  P. 
Paterna  of  San  Luis.  Now  the  relics  were  blessed.  The  crew  of  the  paquebot 
secured  Serra's  tunic  which  was  made  into  scapularies ;  the  small  clothes  were 
distributed  by  lot  among  the  troops  and  others;  and  the  surgeon  obtained  a 
handkerchief,  which  cured  a  sailor  of  a  headache,  as  did  a  girdle  cure  P. 
Paterna  of  the  colic.  P.  Serra's  body  was  buried  in  the  presbytery  of  the 
church  on  the  epistle  side  before  the  altar  of  our  lady  of  Dolores.  When  the 
new  church  was  built  the  remains  of  both  Serra  and  Crespi  were  probably 
transferred,  but  so  far  as  I  know  there  is  no  record.of  such  transfer  or  of  the 
place  where  they  finally  remained.  Taylor,  in  Hwichings*  Mag.,  May  1800, 
and  in  Cal.  Farmer,  Nov.  28,  1862,  says  that  the  body  lies  near  the  altar 
covered  by  the  debris  of  the  roof,  which  fell  in  1852.  The  parish  priest  made 
an  unsuccessful  search  for  it  in  1855.  Vischer,  Missions  of  CaL,  pp.  i.-ii., 
says  the  remains  are  supposed  to  have  been  taken  to  Spain,  shortly  after  1784; 
and  that  the  priest  in  his  'antiquarian  mania'  found  the  remains  of  another 
friar  which  believers  seized  upon  as  precious  relics.  There  is  no  doubt  the 
bodies  still  rest  at  San  Carlos,  and  in  1882  they  were  identified  to  the  satis- 
faction of  the  parish  curate. 


412  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

blended  with  the  first  fifteen  years  of  California  mis- 
sion history  that  any  attempt  to  present  it  here  would 
result  in  an  unnecessary  resume  of  the  preceding 
chapters.  I  subjoin  however  in  a  note2  for  convenient 

2  Miguel  Jose"  Serra,  son  of  Antonio  Serra  and  Margarita  Ferrer,  was  born 
at  Petra  on  the  island  of  Mallorc.t  Nov.  24,  1713,  took  the  Franciscan  habit 
at  Palma  Sept.  14,  1730,  and  made  his  profession  Sept.  15,  1731,  on  which 
occasion  he  assumed  the  name  Junipero.  In  early  boyhood  lie  served  as 
chorister  and  acolyte  in  the  parish  church  greatly  to  the  delight  of  his  parents, 
a  God-fearing  couple  of  lowly  station.  The  lives  of  the  saints  were  his  favorite 
reading,  and  his  fondest  ambition  was  to  devote  his  life  to  religious  work. 
He  was  an  earnest  and  wonderfully  proficient  student,  and  taught  philosophy 
for  a  year  before  his  ordination  in  the  chief  convent  of  Palma,  then  obtaining 
a  degree  of  S.  T.  D.  from  the  famous  Lullian  University  with  an  appointment 
to  the  John  Scotus  chair  of  philosophy  which  he  held  with  great  success  until 
he  left  Spain.  He  was  also  noted  for  his  doctrinal  learning  and  still  more  so 
as  a  sensational  preacher.  He  was  wont  to  imitate  San  Francisco  Solan  o  and 
often  bared  his  shoulders  and  scourged  himself  with  an  iron  chain,  extin- 
guished lighted  candles  on  his  flesh,  or  pounded  his  breast  with  a  large  stone 
as  he  exhorted  his  hearers  to  penitence.  Thus  he  is  represented  in  the 
engraving  which  Palou  has  attached  to  his  life,  but  which  has  probably  little 
or  no  merit  as  a  portrait. 

March  30,  1749,  after  repeated  applications  he  obtained  his  patente  to  join 
the  college  of  San  Fernando  and  devote  himself  to  missionary  work  in 
America.  With  Palou  he  left  his  convent  April  13th  and  sailed  via  Malaga 
to  Cadiz  where  he  arrived  May  7th.  On  the  way  to  Malaga  he  maintained 
a  continuous  disputation  on  dogmatic  theology  with  the  heretic  master  of  the 
vessel  and  would  not  yield  even  to  the  somewhat  forcible  though  heterodox 
arguments  of  a  dagger  at  his  throat  and  repeated  threats  to  throw  him  over- 
board. Sailing  from  Cadiz  Aug.  28th,  he  touched  at  Puerto  Rico  where  he 
spent  15  days  in  preaching,  anchored  at  Vera  Cruz  Dec.  Cth,  and  walked  to 
Mexico,  reaching  the  college  Jan.  1,  1750.  Assigned  the  same  year  to  the 
Sierra  Gorda  missions  of  Queretaro  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  he  made  the  journey 
on  foot  and  reached  Santiago  de  Jalpan  on  June  IGth.  For  nine  years  he  served 
here,  part  of  the  time  as  president,  devoting  himself  most  earnestly  and  suc- 
cessfully to  the  conversion  and  instruction  of  the  Pames.  In  1759  or  17GO  ho 
was  recalled  and  appointed  to  the  so-called  Apache  missions  of  the  Rio  San 
Sabd  in  Texas ;  but  the  plans  being  changed  he  was  retained  by  the  college 
and  employed  for  seven  years  in  preaching  in  Mexico  and  the  surrounding 
bishoprics,  in  college  service,  and  in  performing  the  duties  of  his  office  of 
comisario  of  the  inquisition  held  since  1 752. 

July  14,  17G7,  Serra  was  named  president  of  the  Baja  Calif ornian  missions, 
arrived  at  Topic  Aug.  21st,  sailed  from  San  Bias  March  12,  17G8,  and  reached 
Lorcto  April  1st.  March  28,  1769,  he  started — always  on  foot — for  the 
north,  founded  San  Fernando  de  Velicatd  on  May  14th,  reached  San  Diego 
July  1st,  and  founded  the  first  California  mission  July  IGth.  April  IG,  1770, 
he  sailed  for  the  north,  reached  Monterey  May  31st,  and  founded  San  Carlos 
June  3d.  July  14,  1771,  he  founded  San  Antonio.  Aug.  20,  1772,  he 
started  south  by  land,  founded  San  Luis  Sept.  1st,  and  reached  San  Diego 
Sept.  IGth.  On  Oct.  20th  he  sailed  from  San  Diego,  reached  San  Bins  Nov.  4, 
and  Mexico  Feb.  6,  1773.  Leaving  Mexico  in  September,  he  sailed  from  San 
Bias  Jan.  24,  1774,  arrived  at  San  Diego  March  13th,  and  went  up  to  Mon- 
terey by  land,  arriving  May  llth.  From  June  30,  1776,  to  Jan.  1,  1777,  he 
was  absent  from  San  Carlos,  going  clown  to  San  Diego  by  water,  returning  by 
land,  and  founding  San  Juan  Capistrano  on  Nov.  1st.  In  September  and 
October  1777  he  visited  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara,  From  Sept.  ].">, 
1778,  to  Jan.  5,  1779,  he  made  another  trip  south,  confirming  at  all  the  mis- 


LIFE  OF  JUNlPERO  SERRA.  413 

reference  an  outline  of  dates  with'  some  items  illus- 
trative of  his  character  and  habits  taken  from  his 

sions  on  his  way  back;  and  in  October  and  November  lie  visited  Santa  Clara 
and  San  Francisco  on  the  same  business.  In  September  and  October  1781  he 
again  visited  San  Antonio,  San  Francisco,  and  Santa  Clara.  In  March  1782 
he  went  to  Los  Angeles  and  San  Gabriel,  founded  San  Buenaventura  March 
3 1st.  was  present,  at  the  founding  of  Santa  Barbara  presidio  in  April,  and 
returned  to  San  Carlos  via  San  Luis  and  San  Antonio  about  the  middle  of 
June.  In  August  1783  he  sailed  for  San  Diego,  arriving  in  September,  return- 
ing by  land,  visiting  all  the  establishments,  and  arriving  at  home  in  January. 
Between  the  end  of  April  and  the  early  part  of  June  1784  he  visited  San 
Francisco  and  Santa  Clara. 

In  the  last  chapter  of  his  biography  Paloti  recapitulates  *  the  virtues  which 
were  especially  brilliant  in  the  servant  of  God,  Fr.  Junipero,'  declaring  that 
'his  laborious  and  exemplary  life  is  nothing  but  a  beautiful  field  decked  with 
every  class  of  flowers  of  excellent  virtues. '  First  in  the  list  was  his  profound 
humility,  as  showrii  by  his  use  of  sandals  and  his  abnegation  of  self.  He  always 
deemed  himself  a  useless  servant;  deemed  other  missionaries  more  successful 
than  himself;  and  rejoiced  in  their  success.  He  avoided  all  honors  not  actually 
forced  upon  him,  shunned  notice  and  praise,  sought  the  lowest  tasks,  kissed 
the  feet  of  all  even  to  the  lowest  novice  on  leaving  Spain  and  Mexico,  ran 
away  from  the  office  of  guardian,  and  was  in  constant  fear  of  honors  from  his 
order  or  from  the  church  or  king.  Then  came  the  cardinal  virtues  of  pru- 
dence, justice,  fortitude,  and  temperance,  resting  like  columns  on  his  humil- 
ity as  a  base,  and  supporting  the  '  sumptuous  fabric  of  Christian  perfection. ' 
His  prudence  was  shown  in  his  management  as  president  of  the  missions, 
though  he  was  always  modest  and  ready  to  consult  with  the  lowest  about 
him;  Ids  jastice  was  shown  by  his  kindness  and  charity  to  all,  his  exact  obedi- 
ence to  the  commands  of  superiors,  and  his  patience  with  enemies  as  exempli- 
fied particularly  in  his  writing  a  letter  in  favor  of  Fages  to  the  viceroy;  and 
only  four  days  before  his  death  he  gave  a  blanket  to  an  old  woman  who  at  the 
founding  of  San  Carlos  had  induced  a  boy  to  kill  the  friar's  only  chickens. 
His  fortitude  appeared  in  his  resistance  to  physical  pain  and  constant  refusal 
of  medical  treatment,  in  his  self-restraint,  in  his  steadfast  adherence  to  his 
purposes,  in  his  resolution  to  remain  at  San  Diego  alone  if  need  be  when  it 
was  proposed  to  abandon  the  conquest,  in  his  conflict  with  the  indifference  or 
opposition  of  the  military  authorities,  and  in  his  courage  in  the  presence  of 
hostile  Indians — for  he  only  feared  death  or  ran  from  danger  because  of  the 
vengeance  that  wxrald  be  taken  on  the  poor  Indians;  and  finally  his  temper- 
ance was  such  that  he  had  no  other  passion  than  that  for  the  propagation  of 
the  faith,  and  constantly  mortified  the  flesh  by  fasting,  vigils,  and  scourging. 
On  these  columns  rested  a  superstructure  of  theological  virtues,  faith,  charity, 
and  religion,  of  which  a  mention  must  suffice.  The  author,  however,  does  not 
claim  for  his  hero  the  gifts  of  contemplation,  of  tongues,  revelation,  prophecy, 
miracles  'and  all  that  apparatus  of  the  gracias  gratis  datas  which  make  admir- 
able and  striking  the  saintliness  of  some  servants  of  God,'  but  which  are  not 
essential  to  holiness. 

During  his  novitiate  Padre  Junipero  was  small  and  sickly,  but  he  says, 

with  the  profession  I  gained   health  and   strength  and  grew  to  medium 
,ture.'     Of  one  of  his  sermons  an  able  critic  said:    'It  is  worthy  of  being 
ted  in  letters  of  gold.'     A  woman  endemoniada  shouted  during  one  of 

is  sermons,  'thou  shalt  not  finish  the  lenten  season,'  and  then  the  padre 
was  exceeding  glad,  for  of  course  the  father  of  lies  could  inspire  no  truth. 
Suffering  from  want  of  water  on  the  voyage  to  Mexico  he  said  to  complainers, 
'the  best  way  to  prevent  thirst  is  to  eat  little  and  talk  less  so  as  not  to  waste 
the  saliva. '  In  a  mutiny  and  a  storm  threatening  death  to  all  he  was  perfectly 
calm,  and  the  storm  ceased  instantly  when  a  saint  chosen  by  lot  had  been  ad- 
dressed in  prayer.  On  the  way  from  Vera  Cruz  to  Mexico  several  miracles 


414  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

biography  by  Padre  Palou,  and  his  letters  in  the 
mission  archives.3 

Serra  doubtless  owes  much  of  his  fame  to  his  posi- 
tion as  first  president  of  the  California  missions  and 
to  the  publication  of  a  biography  by  a  warm  personal 
friend.  But  it  did  not  require  Palou's  eulogistic  pen 

were  wrought  in  his  favor.  Coming  to  a  swollen  stream  by  a  town  in  a  dark 
night  there  was  a  man  on  the  other  bank  to  show  the  ford  and  guide  him  to  a 
lodging.  A  man,  perhaps  the  same,  met  Junipero  and  his  companion  next 
day  and  gave  them  a  pomegranate  which  had  a  refreshing  effect,  and  still 
later  a  man  gave  them  a  bit  of  corn-bread  of  excellent  savor.  It  was  on  this 
journey  that  his  legs  first  became  swollen,  from  the  effects  of  mosquito-bites 
as  was  supposed,  resulting  in  ulcers  that  lasted  all  his  life.  'Oh,  for  a  forest 
of  Junipers!'  exclaimed  a  friar  at  the  college  when  Serra  arrived.  In  one  of 
his  revival  meetings  in  Huasteca  he  was  beating  himself  with  a  chain,  when 
a  man  took  the  chain  from  him  and  with  it  beat  himself  to  death  as  a  miser- 
able sinner  in  presence  of  the  crowd.  Sixty  persons  who  neglected  to  attend 
his  meetings  were  killed  by  an  epidemic  which  did  not  cease  until  religious 
duties  were  generally  attended  to.  On  his  way  back  from  Huasteca  he  was 
well  lodged  and  entertained  in  a  cottage  by  the  way;  but  later  he  learned 
that  there  was  no  such  cottage  on  the  road;  and  of  course  concluded  that  his 
entertainers  were  Joseph,  Mary,  and  Jesus — in  fact  he  had  noticed  an  extra- 
ordinary air  of  neatness  about  the  place.  Poisoned  once  in  taking  the  com- 
munion he  refused  the  antidote  and  was  cured  by  a  simple  dose  of  oil,  perhaps 
miraculously  as  he  thought.  It  was  at  Velicata  in  May  1769  that  he  first 
saw  and  baptized  pagans. 

3  Serra,  Correspon.de  ncia,  1777-82,  MS.,  is  a  collection  of  his  letters  to  dif- 
ferent missionaries  and  officials.  It  is  impossible  by  means  of  extracts  to 
give  any  proper  idea  of  these  long,  rambling,  and  peculiar  epistles.  Palou 
has  selected  the  very  best  of  his  letters  for  publication,  if  indeed  he  has  not 
changed  and  improved  them.  Large  portions  of  some  of  them  are  utterly 
unintelligible  and  were  apparently  intended  to  be  so  for  the  ordinary  reader. 
Sen  todo  por  Dios  and  similar  pious  expressions  are  used  in  great  profusion 
whether  the  subject  be  important  or  trivial.  To  Pieras  he  gives  the  most 
minute  directions  how  to  answer  the  governor's  letter  and  how  to  make  out 
mission  reports  and  inventories,  leaving  nothing  in  manner  or  matter  to  the 
padre's  judgment.  He  wishes  all  made  ready  for  signatures  because  the 
most  serious  part  of  it  is  to  feed  the  governor's  agents  while  doing  the  business. 
He  expresses  deep  pity  for  some  condemned  criminals,  and  directs  a  padre  to 
attend  to  their  spiritual  needs.  '  It  will  be  some  work,  but  very  holy  and 
meritorious.'  To  Lasuen,  announcing  the  governor's  refusal  to  increase  an 
escort,  he  says,  'and  this  the  result  of  all  my  efforts  and  all  a  viceroy's  rec- 
ommendations, and  in  response  to  an  affectionate  and  humble  suggestion  made 
with  all  the  honey  my  mouth  would  hold.  Believe  me,  of  all  the  draughts 
I  have  to  swallow  none  is  so  bitter.'  'I  and  your  Reverences — for  this  once 
I  name  myself  first.'  In  the  matter  of  escoltas,  however,  he  directs  the  padres 
to  'go  on  as  if  they  had  a  legion  of  soldiers;  punish  whoever  merits  chas- 
tisement; and  if  in  the  exact  performance  of  the  holy  ministry  trouble 
arises  not  to  be  repressed  with  the  force  at  hand,  then  retire  to  the  presidio, 
write  me  the  facts  in  detail;  then  dirdn  y  diremos.'  He  writes  a  long  letter 
to  induce  Figuer  to  give  up  his  intention  of  retiring,  reminding  him  that 
'patience  and  suffering  are  the  inheritance  of  the  elect,  the  coin  with  which 
heaven  is  bought.'  He  begins  by  an  anecdote  of  a  friar  at  matins  who 
v.ished  to  retire  to  his  cell  not  feeling  in  a  good -humor,  and  to  whom  the 
prelate  replied  that  if  such  an  excuse  were  admitted  all  would  retire,  'and  I 
among  the  first.'  Then  he  compares  San  Diego  life  with  that  at  other  mi 


. 


SERRA'S  CHARACTER.  415 

to  prove  him  a  great  and  a  remarkable  man.  Few 
who  came  to  California  during  the  missionary  regime 
were  his  equal  in  devotion  to  and  success  in  his  work. 
All  his  energy  and  enthusiasm  were  directed  to  the 
performance  of  his  missionary  duties  as  outlined  in 
the  regulations  of  his  order  and  the  instructions  of  his 
superiors.  Limping  from  mission  to  mission  with  a 
lame  foot  that  must  never  be  cured,  fasting  much  and 
passing  sleepless  nights,  depriving  himself  of  comfort- 
able clothing  and  nutritious  food,  he  felt  that  he  was 
imitating  the  saints  and  martyrs  who  were  the  ideals 
of  his  sickly  boyhood,  and  in  the  recompense  of  absti- 
nence was  happy.  He  was  kind-hearted  and  charitable 
to  all,  but  most  strict  in  his  enforcement  of  religious 
duties.  It  never  occurred  to  him  to  doubt  his  abso- 
lute right  to  flog  his  neophytes  for  any  slight  negligence 
in  matters  of  the  faith.  His  holy  desires  trembled 
within  him  like  earthquake  throbs;  in  his  eyes  there 
was  but  one  object  worth  living  for,  the  performance 
of  religious  duty,  and  but  one  way  of  accomplishing 
that  object,  a  strict  and  literal  compliance  with  Fran- 
ciscan rules;  he  could  never  understand  that  there 
was  anything  beyond  his  narrow  field  of  vision.  In 
an  eminent  degree  he  possessed  the  faculty  of  apply- 
ing spiritual  enthusiasm  to  the  practical  affairs  of  life. 
Because  he  was  so  grand  a  missionary  he  was  none  the 
less  money-maker  and  civilizer,  yet  money-making  and 
civilizing  must  ever  be  subordinate  to  missionary 
work,  and  all  not  for  his  glory,  but  the  glory  of  God. 
A  St  Augustine  in  his  religion,  he  was  a  Juvenal  in  his 
philosophy.  He  managed  wisely  the  mission  interests 
both  spiritual  and  temporal;  and  his  greatest  sorrow 
was  that  the  military  and  political  authorities  were 

sions,  showing  that  each  has  its  advantages  and  disadvantages.  He  suggests 
the  question  which  is  worse  'to  be  hungry  and  have  nothing  to  eat  or  plenty 
to  eat  and  no  appetite. '  When  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara  had  nothing 
to  eat  they  attributed  to  this  want  'el  no  hacer  prodigios  de  conversiones^' 
but  now  that  there  is  food  there  is  nobody  to  eat  it.  'Therefore,  my  brotner, 
let  us  go  On  with  our  matins  to  the  sancto  sanctore.'  'Adonde  ird,  el  buey 
que  no  are?  sino  va  d  Campeche?'  Some  who  have  gone  away  would  perhaps 
nly  take  what  they  left. 


glad 


416  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

not  so  easily  managed  as  padres  and  neophytes.  In 
his  controversies  with  the  governors  he  sometimes 
pushed  diplomacy  to  the  very  verge  of  inconsistency, 
but  all  apparently  without  any  intention  of  injuring 
them,  though  he  knew  he  was  dealing  with  men  who 
cast  obstacles  in  the  way  of  his  great  work.  His  let- 
ters were  long,  verbose,  and  rambling,  but  left  no 
minute  detail  of  the  subject  untouched.  The  loss  of 
a  sheep  from  a  mission  flock  evoked  a  communication 
of  the  same  style  and  length,  with  the  same  expres- 
sions of  trust  in  heaven,  as  the  conversion  or  destruc- 
tion of  a  whole  tribe;  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in 
•writing  to  his  friars,  especially  about  his  political 
quarrels,  he  adopted  a  peculiar  and  mysterious  style 
wholly  unintelligible,  as  it  was  doubtless  intended  to 
be,  to  all  but  the  initiated.  On  the  whole  the  pre- 
ceding remarks  fail  to  do  him  justice;  for  he  was 
a  well  meaning,  industrious,  enthusiastic,  and  kind- 
hearted  old  man;  his  faults  were  those  of  his  cloth, 
and  he  was  not  much  more  fanatical  than  others  of 
his  time,  being  like  most  of  his  California!!  compan- 
ions a  brilliant  exception  in  point  of  morality  to  friars 
of  some  other  lands  and  times.4 

At  the  death  of  Serra  the  presidency  of  the  mis- 
sions naturally  fell  temporarily  to  Palou  as  the  senior 
friar  in  California,  who  had  also  held  the  position 

4  Nearly  all  the  books  that  have  been  written  about  California  have  some- 
thing to  say  of  Junipero  Serra,  and  it  is  not  necessary  to  refer  to  the  long 
list.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable,  however,  that  there  are  very  few  if  any 
official  communications  respecting  his  death  preserved  in  the  archives  either 
secular  or  missionary.  Hittell,  Hist.  >V.  F.,  33-9,  gives  a  very  good  account  of 
the  padre's  life,  concluding  that  'his  cowl  covered  neither  creed,  guile, 
hypocrisy,  nor  pride.  He  luid  no  quarrels  and  made  no  enemies.  He  sought 
to  be  a  simple  friar,  and  he  was  one  in  sincerity.  Probably  few  have  ap- 
proached nearer  to  the  ideal  perfection  of  a  monkish  life  than  he.'  I  have 
his  autograph  signatures  in  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sucltos,  9,  13,  17.  See  a  poem  by 
M.  A.  Fitzgerald  on  his  death  in  Hai/es'  Miss.  Book,  152.  Palou's  Vida  con- 
tains a  portrait  more  likely  to  be  like  the  original  than  any  other  extant. 
Oleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.,  ii.  frontisp.,  has  one  copied  from  a  painting  in  tho 
library  of  the  California  pioneers,  about  the  authenticity  of  which  nothing  is 
known.  Dr  Taylor,  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  41,  claims  to  have  obtained  in 
1853  a  photograph  from  an  original  painting  at  the  college  of  San  Fernando, 
of  which  a  caricature  was  published  in  IJutchinys'  May.  in  I860. 


PRESIDENTS  PALOU  AXD  LASUEK  417 

before  in  Serra's  absence.  Palou  at  first  declined  to 
act  as  president,  partly  from  real  or  affected  modesty, 
but  chiefly  because  he  desired  to  leave  the  country,  as 
soon  as  possible.  He  had,  however,  to  yield  to  the 
unanimous  wish  of  his  companions,  who  claimed  that 
a  vacancy  would  prove  injurious  to  mission  interests, 
and  reluctantly  assumed  the  duties  until  a  successor 
could  be  appointed.5  The  choice  of  the  college  fell 
on  Fermin  Francisco  Lasuen  of  San  Diego;  his  pat- 
ent was  forwarded  February  6,  1785;  and  he  took 
possession  of  the  office  probably  in  September.  Fa- 
ther Mugartegui  was  named  to  succeed  Lasuen  in 
case  of  accident,  and  August  16,  1786,  was  appointed 
vice-president  of  the  southern  missions.6  By  a  later 
patent  of  March  13,  1787,  issued  in  accordance  with 
a  decree  of  the  sacred  congregation  at  Rome,  March 
4,  1785,  which  extended  the  power  to  administer  the 
rite  of  confirmation  for  ten  years,  Lasuen  received  the 
same  powers  that  Serra  had  held;  but  he  did  not  ob- 
tain the  document  until  July  13,  1790,  and  had  con- 
sequently less  than  five  years  for  the  exercise  of  his 
privilege.  During  that  time,  however,  he  confirmed 
10,139  persons.7 

In  connection  with  the  departure  of  Palou,  the 
completion  of  his  historical  writings  on  California 
deserves  notice  as  a  prominent  and  important  event 
in  the  country's  annals.  The  notice  however  need 
not  be  long,  because  the  reader  of  the  preceding  chap- 
ters is  already  familiar  by  constant  reference  with  the 

5  The  records  are  very  meagre  on  Palou 's  term  and  I  find  no  official  act  by 
him  as  president.     Payeras,  writing  in  1818,  gives  substantially  the  version 
of  my  text.  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii.  453.     Mugdrtegui  writes  March 
8,  1785,  that  Palou  declined  to  serve.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  29.     May  29, 
1785,  Fages  urges  Palou  to  accept  for  the  good  of  the  country,  regretting 
his  ill-health.  Prov.  Rec.,   MS.,  iii.  50.     See    biography  of  Palou  in  next 
chapter. 

6  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  ix.  306-9;  xii.  35-6,  containing  the  patents  of 
Lasuen  and   Mugartegui.     Lasuen's  first  record  as  president  was  Jan.  27, 
1786:  but  he  seems  to  have  served  from  Palou's  departure,  which  was  prob- 
ably in  September  or  a  little  later.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  180,  ii.  128-9. 

7S.  Carlos,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  66-8;  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  45.  March 
2,  1790,  Gen.  Ugarte  orders  Pages  to  interpose  no  obstacles.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  ix.  350. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    27 


418  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

scope  and  contents  of  this  author's  literary  works. 
There  was  no  man  so  well  qualified  by  opportunities 
and  ability  to  write  the  early  history  of  California  as 
Palou,  and  he  made  excellent  use  of  his  advantages. 
As  early  as  1773,  and  probably  before  that  date,  he 
began  the  accumulation  of  material  by  copying  orig- 
inal documents  and  recording  current  events,  without 

O  * 

any  definite  idea,  as  it  would  seem,  of  publication. 
He  continued  this  labor  of  preparing  careful  historical 
notes  down  to  1783,  devoting  to  it  such  time  as  could 
be  spared  from  his  missionary  duties  at  San  Fran- 
cisco. During  the  years  1784-5,  having  apparently 
suspended  work  on  his  notes,  he  gave  his  attention  to 
the  preparation  of  a  life  of  Serra,  his  prelate,  former 
instructor,  and  life-long  friend.  This  work  he  com- 

E'eted  in  February  1785  and  carried  it  to  Mexico 
ter  in  the  same  year,  where  it  was  published  in 
1787.  It  was  extensively  circulated  for  a  book  of 
that  epoch,  though  since  considered  rare,  and  it  has 
been  practically  the  source  of  all  that  has  ever  been 
written  on  California  mission  history  down  to  1784. 
Very  few  of  modern  writers  have,  however,  consulted 
the  original,  most  contenting  themselves  with  a  weak 
solution  of  its  contents  at  second  hand;  hence  the 
numerous  errors  extant  in  books,  pamphlets,  and  news- 
papers. The  manuscript  of  the  historical  notes  after 
lying  for  some  years  in  the  college  vaults,  was  copied 
into  the  Mexican  archives  and  finally  printed  in  1857, 
though  it  was  utterly  unknown  to  writers  on  Califor- 
nia until  1874,  since  which  date  it  has  been  as  care- 
lessly and  superficially  used  as  was  the  life  of  Padre 
Junipero  before.  The  Noticias  is  far  the  more  exten- 
sive and  complete  work  of  the  two,8  though  both  cover 

8  Palou,  Relation  Histdrica  de  la  Vida  y  Apostdlicas  Tareas  del^  Venerable 
Padre  Fray  Junipero  Serra  y  de  las  Misiones  que  fundd  en  la  California  Sep- 
tentrional, y  nuevos  establecimientos  de  Monterey.  Escrita  por  el  R.  P.  L.  FT. 
Francisco  Palou,  Guardian  actual  del  Colegio  Apostolico  de  8.  Fernando  de 
Mexico,  y  Discipulo  del  Venerable  Fundador:  dirigida  a  su  Santa  Provincia  de 
la  Regular  Ob«ervancia  de  Nro.  S.  P.  S.  Francisco  de  la  Isla  de  Mallorca.  A 
expensas  de  Don  Miguel  Gonzales  Calderon,  Sindico  de  dicho  Apostdlico  Cole- 
gio. Mexico,  1787,  8vo  14 1.  344  pages,  with  map  and  portrait.  The  author's 


PALOU'S  HISTORICAL  WORKS.  419 

substantially  the  same  ground.  While  my  researches 
among  original  manuscript  authorities  have  brought 
to  light  a  large  amount  of  material  not  given  by  Pa- 
lou, yet  his  writings  contain  a  few  diaries  which  I 
have  not  found  elsewhere.  I  have  sometimes  been 

dedicatory  letter  and  protesta  is  dated  San  Francisco,  Feb.  28,  1785.  The 
license  of  the  audiencia  to  print  is  dated  Dec.  7,  178G;  and  the  latest  of  the 
various  approvals  of  Franciscan  authorities  on  March  12,  1787.  In  his  pro- 
logue the  author,  after  explaining  that  the  work,  written  for  the  province  of 
Mallorca,  is  published  at  the  urgent  request  of  certain  friends  of  Serra  who 
bear  the  expense,  goes  on  to  say:  'I  well  know  that  some  who  read  new 
things  expect  the  historian  to  indulge  in  theories  and  to  clear  up  all  diffi- 
culties. This  method  although  tolerated  and  even  applauded  in  profane  his- 
tories, in  those  of  saints  and  servants  of  God  written  for  edification  and  to  ex- 
cite imitation,  is  deemed  by  the  best  historians  a  fault,  the  which  I  have 
aimed  to  avoid.  As  the  soul  of  history  is  simple  truth,  thou  canst  have  the 
assurance  that  almost  all  I  relate  I  have  witnessed,  and  the  rest  has  been  told 
me  by  other  padres  worthy  of  faith.'  On  Aug.  16,  1786,  Palou  writes  to 
Lasucn,  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  41-2,  that  everything  is  going  well  with 
the  book,  which  he  is  told  will  circulate  all  over  Europe,  where  all  are  curious 
to  learn  about  California.  He  thinks  it  has  been  heard  of  at  court,  will  send 
some  copies  to  California,  and  asks  Lasuen  to  pray  for  its  success.  It  was 
sent  to  California,  where  each  mission  library  had  a  copy.  The  work  has  be- 
come less  rare  and  costly  of  late  years  than  formerly.  I  have  three  copies, 
the  most  expensive  of  which  cost  loss  than  $25.  I  have  also  the  edition  of 
Mexico,  1852,  in  which  it  was  published  with  Clavigero's  history  of  Lower 
•  California  in  a  volume  of  the  Biblioteca  National  y  Estrangera.  It  was  also 
reprinted  in  a  newspaper  of  southern  California  and  in  the  form  of  scraps  is 
found  in  Hayes1  Mission  Book,  i. 

Palou,  Notltias  de  la  (Antigua  y}  Nueva  California.  Escritas  por  el  R.  P. 
Fr.  F.  Palou  (torn.  i.  ii.),  in  Doc.  Hid.  Mex.,  serie  iv.  torn,  vi.-vii.  Mexico, 
1857,  8vo,  688,  396  pp.  The  latest  date  mentioned  is  in  July  1783,  about  which 
time  it  was  doubtless  concluded.  A  passage  in  torn.  i.  269,  shows  that  chap. 
v.  of  part  ii.  was  written  as  early  as  1773  at  Monterey.  It  is  evident  that 
the  author  collected  material  from  his  first  arrival,  and  wrote  up  the  record 
to  date  at  intervals  as  allowed  by  his  duties.  The  original  manuscript  in  the 
college  of  San  Fernando  has  disappeared;  but  by  royal  order  of  1790  a  copy 
was  made  under  the  direction  of  P.  Francisco  Garcia  Figueroa,  who  certified 
to  its  accuracy  December  3  and  4,  1792.  This  copy,  a  duplicate  of  which  was 
sent  to  Spain,  has  since  been  preserved  in  Mexico  with  other  documents 
copied  under  the  same  order,  which  form  the  first  32  volumes  of  the  Archivo 
General,  an  invaluable  collection,  all  the  volumes  of  which  (except  torn,  i., 
which  has  been  lost  from  the  archives)  are  in  my  Library,  some  in  print, 
others  copied  for  the  Maximilian  Imperial  Library,  and  the  rest  copied 
expressly  for  my  collection.  Palou's  work  formed  tomes  xxii.-iii.  of  the  col- 
lection. In  1857  (not  1846  as  Doyle  says),  it  was  printed  in  the  form  of  a 
folletin  of  the  Diario  Official,  forming  the  last  two  of  a  set  of  20  volumes  of 
Documents  for  the  History  of  Mexico  printed  in  the  same  way  and  selected 
largely  from  the  same  source.  This  collection,  though  badly  printed,  is  the 
most  important  source  of  information  extant  on  the  history  of  Sonora,  Chi- 
huahua, and  New  Mexico,  as  well  as  California;  but  it  is  very  rarely  to  be 
found  complete,  and  has  been  utterly  unknown  to  modern  writers  on  history. 
Palou's  work  is  divided  into  four  parts.  Part  I.  includes  the  annals  of  Baja 
California,  under  the  Franciscans  from  1768  to  1773,  and  extends  over  245 
pages  of  the  first  volume  in  40  chapters;  Part  II.  describes  the  expeditions  to 
Monterey  and  the  foundation  of  the  first  five  missions,  extending  from  page 


420  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

tempted  to  entertain  a  selfish  regret  that  Palou  wrote, 
or  that  his  writings  were  ever  printed,  yet  all  the 
same  he  must  be  regarded  as  the  best  original  au- 
thority for  the  earliest  period  of  mission  history. 
I  have  copie^i  his  map  of  Upper  California.9 

The  missions  had  a  narrow  escape  from  ruin  or  from 
what  the  friars  believed  would  result  in  ruin,  in  the 
form  of  their  erection  into  a  custody.  Sonora  and  the 
Californias  had  been  formed  into  a  bishopric  in  1779, 
and  Bishop  Reyes  came  in  1783,  with  full  authority 

247  to  688,  in  50  chapters,  and  covering  the  period  from  1769  to  1773;  Part 
III.  is  a  collection  of  original  documents  on  events  of  1773-4,  not  arranged  in 
chapters,  and  filling  211  pages  of  torn,  ii.;  and  Part  IV.  continues  the  narra- 
tive in  41  chapters,  pages  213-396,  from  1775  to  1783.  At  the  beginning  of 
torn.  i.  the  author  gives  the  following  prefatory  notice:  'Jesus,  Mary,  and 
Joseph.  Summary  (of  the  annals)  of  Old  California  during  the  time  that 
those  missions  were  administered  by  the  missionaries  of  the  Regular  Observ- 
ance of  Our  Seraphic  Father  San  Francisco  of  the  Apostolic  College  of  San 
Fernando  in  Mexico — and  of  the  new  missions  which  the  said  missionaries 
founded  in  the  new  establishments  of  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  written  by 
the  least  (the  most  unworthy)  of  said  missionaries,  who  worked  in  Old  Cali- 
fornia from  the  time  it  was  intrusted  to  said  College  down  to  its  delivery  to 
the  reverend  fathers  of  the  sacred  religion  of  Our  "  Cherubic"  Father  Santo 
Domingo,  and  who  later  with  other  missionaries  of  the  same  College  of  San 
Fernando  went  up  to  Monterey,  having  no  other  aim  in  this  material  work 
which  I  undertake  than  that  allowed  me  by  the  apostolic  ministry,  which  is 
to  leave  on  record  all  that  has  happened  and  may  happen  while  God  gives  me 
life  and  health  to  work  in  this  new  vineyard  of  the  Lord,  so  that  when  the 
chronicler  of  our  apostolic  colleges  may  demand  from  that  of  San  Fernando 
notes  of  its  apostolic  labors  I  may  have  them  compiled  in  a  volume,  or  more 
should  there  be  enough  to  note,  leaving  it  to  the  skill  of  the  chronicler  to  put 
them  in  the  style  for  publication,  and  to  his  prudence  and  "religiosity"  to 
leave  to  the  secrecy  of  the  archives  those  which  are  written  only  because  they 
may  be  needed  to  shut  the  mouth  of  those  rivals  in  the  apostolic  ministry  who 
are  never  lacking  in  new  conversions,  so  that  if  they  should  talk  some  day  of 
missionary  achievements  there  may  be  had  in  readiness  all  the  events  as  they 
really  occurred  in  California,  both  old  and  new,  all  of  which  with  all  sincerity 
and  truth  I  will  narrate  in  this  summary,  divided  into  four  parts,'  etc.  This 
gives  an  idea  of  the  author's  purpose,  but  hardly  of  his  style,  which  was  tol- 
erably good.  The  book  has  many  typographical  defects,  but  few  or  none 
which  may  not  be  corrected  in  substance  from  the  archives.  I  have  referred 
constantly  to  this  original  edition,  using  for  convenience  torn.  i.  and  ii. ,  instead 
the  torn,  vi.-vii.  of  the  Collection.  In  1874-5,  Mr  John  T.  Doyle  issued  in 
San  Francisco  a  reprint  of  Palou's  Notldas  in  four  8vo  volumes,  one  volume 
to  each  part,  well  printed  on  good  paper,  and  with  a  few  corrections  of  typo- 
graphical errors.  The  prefatory  notice  just  quoted  is  omitted  in  the  reprint; 
there  is  a  transfer  of  a  diary  from  one  part  to  another;  some  photographs  of 
mission  buildings  and  other  Calif ornian  scenes  are  added;  and  the  whole  is 
prefaced  by  a  long  and  ably  written  note  by  Mr  Doyle  on  Palou's  life,  the  mis- 
sion system,  the  pious  fund,  etc. 

*  Californias.  Antiguay  Nueva . .  .Longitude  reckoned  from  San  Bias.  Diego 
Francisco,  sc.,  Mexico,  1787.  Many  strange  inaccuracies  will  be  noticed, 
especially  in  the  location  of  Santa  Clara,  San  Antonio,  and  the  Colorado 
missions.  For  map  see  p.  408,  this  vol. 


CUSTODIES  PROPOSED.  421 

from  the  king  and  the  Franciscan  commissary  general 
to  make  the  change,  which  though  \t  was  to  leave  the 
friars  in  control  and  give  the  bishop  but  little  if  any 
increased  authority,  was  doubtless  intended  as  a  step 
toward  secularization.  By  it  the  connection  between 
missions  and  the  colleges  was  to  cease;  the  missions 
were  to  become  hospices  and  pueblos  de  visita,  the 
president  would  be  replaced  by  a  custodian,  who  with 
his  council  of  definidores  took  the  place  also,  in  a  cer- 
tain sense,  of  the  college  guardian  and  discretorio;  and 
the  system  was  to  be  supported  largely  by  the  beg- 
ging of  alms.  The  colleges  naturally  protested  against 
the  change,  claiming  that  new  friars  would  have  to  be 
brought  from  Spain  at  great  expense,  since  the  old 
missionaries  would  not  sever  their  connection  with  their 
colleges;  that  the  new  system  made  no  provision  for 
new  conversions ;  that,  in  California  particularly,  there 
were  none  to  give  alms;  and  that  there  were  many 
of  the  custody  regulations  which  it  would  be  absolutely 
impossible  to  enforce  in  these  provinces.  These  pro- 
tests were  of  no  avail  so  far  as  Sonora  was  con- 
cerned, where  the  custody  of  San  Carlos  was  formed 
in  October  1783;  but  the  college  of  San  Fernando 
succeeded  in  postponing  action  in  the  erection  of  San 
Gabriel  de  California  until  the  practical  result  else- 
where could  be  known.  As  the  system  proved  to  work 
very  badly  in  Sonora,  California  escaped  the  experi- 
ment which  would  almost  certainly  have  proved  de- 
structive of  mission  prosperity.  I  hear  nothing  of 
the  scheme  in  California  after  1787.10 

10  For  a  full  account  of  the  experiment  in  Sonora  see  Arricivita,  Cron. 
Seruf. ,  564-75.  The  royal  order  in  favor  of  custodies  was  dated  May  20,  1782. 
Aug.  17,  1792,  after  numerous  petitions,  the  king,  on  advice  of  general,  gov- 
ernor, bishop,  and  audiencia,  issued  an  order  which  restored  the  old  system. 
Jail,  8,  1783,  the  guardian  sends  to  Serra  the  brief  and  laws  for  custodies  with 
the  remark  that  they  contain  many  falsehoods  and  impossibilities,  saying,  'we 
work  here  with  all  our  might  to  overthrow  these  projects  in  the  beginning,  real- 
izing that  merely  to  attempt  them  will  cause  great  mischief.'  The  bishop  will 
try  the  experiment  in  Sonora,  and  we  shall  be  left  in  peace  for  a  while  at  any 
rate.  If  you  get  orders  from  the  bishop  you  must  reply  that  your  superior  is  to 
be  consulted.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  156-8.  Feb.  3,  1783,  the  guardian 
of  San  Fernando  and  agents  of  Santa  Cruz  and  Guadalupe  colleges  unite  in  a 
protest  to  the  viceroy.  Id.,  xii.  212-13.  Jan.  14,  1784,  Galvez  informs  the 


422  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

Not  only  did  the  missions  escape  separation  from 
the  control  of  San  Fernando,  but  their  number  was 
increased  by  the  founding  of  two  new  establishments, 
Santa  Barbara  and  Purisima,  the  long-talked  of  mis- 
sions of  the  Channel.  In  1782  these  establishments 
had  been  suspended  as  will  be  remembered  because  of 
a  plan  of  the  secular  authorities  to  break  up  the  old 
system  and  take  from  the  friars  the  management  of 
temporalities,  and  the  consequent  refusal  of  the  friars 
to  serve.  The  matter  was  referred  to  the  king,  but 
I  find  no  record  of  definite  action  thereon.  The  guar- 
dian instructed  President  Serra  and  his  successor 
Lasuen  not  to  allow  any  new  establishments  except 
on  the  old  basis;11  a  good  excuse  was  accordingly  ready 
whenever  any  suggestion  was  made  by  governor  or 
general;  and  finally  by  the  tacit  agreement  of  their 
opponents  the  friars  were  allowed  to  have  their  own 
way.  In  April  1786  the  guardian  informed  the  pres- 
ident that  friars  will  come  to  California  this  year,  and 
Santa  Barbara  may  be  founded,  if  the  old  system  be 
allowed,  but  not  otherwise.12 

viceroy  that  notwithstanding  the  opposition  it  is  the  king's  will  that  the  cus- 
todies be  promoted.  April  12,  1785,  guardian  informs  Lasuen  that  there  is 
nothing  for  it  but  to  be  silent  and  cautious.  Id.,  214-15.  It  seems  that  gen- 
eral Neve  had  favored  the  custody  in  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii. 
13-14.  March  21, 1787,  the  king  ordered  that  if  there  were  not  enough  friars  of 
San  Fernando  for  the  California  missions,  others  might  be  taken  from  Michoa- 
can.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  287;  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  32: 

11  April  1,  1784,  the  general  wrote  to  Fages  authorizing  the  founding  of  a 
mission  at  Montecito  near  the  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara.  The  governor  notified 
Pres.  Serra  on  July  27th  from  San  Francisco.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi. 
194,  xi.  5.    No  notice  seems  to  have  been  taken  of  this.    March  9,  1785,  Gen. 
Rengel,  presuming  that  the  padres  sent  for  have  arrived,  orders  Fages  to  pr 
ceed  at  once  to  found  a  mission  at  Montecito.    Instructions  have  been  givt 
to  pay  the  $1,000  allowed  each  new  mission.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  34 
Sept.  30th  Fages  notifies  Lasuen  that  in  company  with  P.  Santa  Maria  he 
explored  the  Montecito  site  three  fourths  of  a  league  from  the  presidio  am 
found  it  suitable  for  a  mission.    He  has  informed  the  general  who  orders  ! 
immediate  foundation.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  55.    The  same  day  Fages  al 
writes  to  Lasuen  that  as  the  two  padres  (Noboa  and  Rioboo)  have  arrived, 
hopes  he  will  proceed  at  once  to  found  the  mission.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  Mfc 
xi.  386-7.    Lasuen  replies  that  the  padres  are  destined  elsewhere  and  thei 
can  be  no  foundation  yet.  Id.,  389-90.    PP.  Mariner  and  Giribet  came  in  17£ 
but  still  nothing  was  done. 

^Guardian  to  Lasuen  April  1,  1786,  in  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  viii.  13' 
4;  xi.  214.  On  the  same  date  he  forwarded  instructions,  not  extant,  and  direct 
Lasuen  to  show  them  to  the  governor  if  necessary,  but  on  no  account  to  allc 


" 


FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  BARBARA.  423 

President  Lasuen  went  down  to  the  presidio  at  the 
end  of  October  with  two  of  the  newly  arrived  friars, 
and  superintended  active  preparations  for  the  new 
mission  which  was  to  be  formally  dedicated  the  4th 
of  December.13  On  that  day  the  cross  was  raised  and 
blessed,  and  that  day,  the  festival  of  Santa  Bdrbara 
Virgen  y  Martyr,14  is  regarded  as  the  day  of  the  mis- 
sion's regular  foundation,  though  the  ceremonies  were 
not  completed  on  account  of  the  governor's  absence 
and  his  order  to  suspend  operations  until  his  arrival. 
Possibly  Fages  had  some  thought  of  insisting  on  the 
innovations  which  had  caused  so  much  controversy, 
but  if  so  he  changed  his  mind,  for  after  his  arrival  on 
December  14th  the  friars  were  allowed  to  go  on  in 
their  own  way.  On  the  16th  the  first  mass  was  said 
by  Father  Paterna,  a  sermon  was  preached  by  La- 
suen, and  thus  the  foundation  was  completed.15 

Fathers  Antonio  Paterna  from  San  Luis,  and  Cris- 
tobal Oramas,  one  of  the  new-comers,  were  the  minis- 
tros  fundadores,  the  latter  being  replaced  in  1790  by 
Jose  de  Miguel.16  The  rainy  season  did  not  permit 

any  infringement  on  the  old  system,  or  any  experiments  like  those  on  the 
Colorado  River,  which  he  fears  are  still  intended.  Id.,  xii.  24-5.  April  9th 
he  communicates  the  royal  orders  that  older  missions  are  to  contribute  stock 
and  grain  for  Santa  Bdrbara.  Id. ,  xi.  6.  The  new  padres,  six  in  number,  were 
Arenaza,  Arroita,  Oramas,  Santiago,  Sola,  and  Torrente. 

13  Oct.  27, 1786,  the  commandant  writes  to  Fages  asking  him  to  be  present 
at  the  ceremony,  and  stating  that  the  president  and  padres  are  about  to  arrive. 
Nov.  13th,  he  writes  that  timber  has  been  cut  and  preparations  have  been 
made  for  sowing.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  51,  58. 

14  Santa  Bdrbara,  the  virgin  and  martyr,  is  a  saint  whose  existence  is  tra- 
ditionary and  very  doubtfully  authenticated.     She  was  the  daughter  of  one 
Dioscoro  who  lived  once  upon  a  time  in  Asia  Minor,  a  cruel  idolater  who  gave 
his  daughter  to  be  tortured  for  her  adherence  to  Christianity,  and  cut  off  her 

ead  with  his  own  hand  after  she  had  borne  unflinchingly  the  most  cruel  tor- 
e.nts.  She  was  and  still  is  the  patron  saint  of  artillerymen  in  the  Spanish 
ly,  and  the  powder-magazine  on  men-of-war  often  bears  her  name. 

15  Title-pages  of  mission-books  signed  by  Lasuen  in  Sta.  Bukhara,  Lib.  de 
'ision,  MS.,  43;  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii.  3,  4,  15-17.     In  the  first 

annual  report  of  the  mission  the  date  of  the  first  mass  is  given  as  Dec.  loth, 
and  the  site  is  called  Pedragoso,  one  fourth  of  a  league  from  the  presidio.  Id. , 
v.  3,  4.  Dec.  llth  Lasuen  writes  to  the  general  about  the  governor's  order 
suspending  the  foundation.  Id.,  xi.  7.  April  llth  the  general  acknowledges 
receipt  of  news  of  founding,  and  in  June  of  progress.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
'i.  43,  58-9. 

16  See  lists  of  padres  at  Santa  Barbara  from  the  beginning,  compiled  from 
the  records  by  E.  F.  Murray,  in  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  vii.  8-10,  25-9, 
39-43,  08-70,  75-7. 


424  DEATH  OF  SERRA;  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

the  erection  of  buildings  at  first,  and  the  first  bap- 
tism on  December  31st  was  administered  at  the  pre- 
sidio. On  account  of  the  proximity  of  the  presidio 
only  the  ordinary  guard  of  six  men  was  allowed.17 
By  the  end  of  1787  there  had  been  188  baptisms, 
which  number  was  increased  to  520  in  1790,  with  102 
deaths,  leaving  438  existing  neophytes.  At  this  time 
large  stock  numbered  296  and  small  stock  503  head, 
while  products  of  the  soil  amounted  to  about  1,500 
bushels.  A  church  18  by  90  feet  was  completed  in 
1789,  and  by  the  end  of  1790  other  mission  buildings 
of  adobes  with  tile  roofs  were  sufficiently  numerous 
and  in  good  condition.1 


18 


Respecting  the  founding  of  the  third  Channel  mis- 
sion little  material  is  preserved  in  the  archives.  As 
early  as  1779-80  it  had  been  determined  to  locate  the 
mission  at  the  western  extremity  of  the  Santa  Bar- 
bara channel  in  the  region  of  Point  Concepcion,  and 
that,  not  improbably  with  some  reference  to  the  name 
of  the  cape,  it  should  be  dedicated  to  La  Purisima 
Concepcion,  that  is,  "to  the  singular  and  most  pure 
mystery  of  the  immaculate  conception  of  the  most 
holy  virgin  Mary,  mother  of  God,  queen  of  heaven, 
queen  of  angels,  and  Our  Lady."  The  foundation  was 
suspended  like  that  of  Santa  Barbara,  and  operations 
were  resumed  when  certain  restrictions  obnoxious  to 
the  friars  were  removed.  In  June  1785  Governor 
Fages  recommended  a  site  on  the  Santa  Rosa  River, 
now  called  the  Santa  Lie's;  and  in  March  1786  General 
Rengel  instructed  the  governor  to  proceed  with  the 
establishment.19  At  last  President  Lasuen,  doubtless 

17  Fages,  fnforme  de  Misiones,  MS.,  135-6. 

18  Full  statistics  of  baptisms,  deaths,  etc. ,  with  inventories  of  mission  prop- 
erty, and  lists  of  buildings  as  completed  from  year  to  year  in  Pater na,  In- 
formes  de  la  Mision  de  Santa  Barbara,  1787-92,  MS.    Want  of  water  a  great 
drawback  in  agricultural  operations.  Fayvs,  fnforme  de  Misiones,  136-7.  First 
sowing  of  wheat  did  not  come  up.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  65.     Owing  to 
lack  of  means  to  support  Indians  only  voluntary  converts  were  admitted  at 
first.   Id.,  vii.  59. 

19 Fages  to  Rengel  June  2,  1785,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  192-3.  Rengel  to 
Fages  March  24,  1786,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  112-13.  He  calls  the  site 


FOUNDING  OF  PURISIMA.  425 

accompanied  by  a  military  guard,  went  up  from  the 
presidio  of  Santa  Barbara  to  the  site  selected,  called 
by  the  natives  Algsacupi,  where  on  December  8,  1787, 
he  blessed  the  spot,  raised  the  cross,  celebrated  mass, 
and  preached  a  sermon.  Thus  the  mission  was  nomi- 
nally founded,  and  the  day  was  afterward  given  in 
mission  reports  as  the  anniversary  date;  but  there 
was  in  reality  no  beginning  of  the  mission  work  proper 
at  this  time.  The  day  was  that  of  La  Purisima  Con- 
cepcion  and  was  therefore  selected  for  the  ceremony; 
but  the  spot  was  subsequently  abandoned  for  several 
months,  all  returning  to  the  presidio  on  account  of 
the  rainy  season,  as  had  doubtless  been  the  intention. 
In  the  middle  of  March  1788  the  mission  escort, 
probably  under  Sergeant  Pablo  Antonio  Cota,  with 
a  band  of  laborers  and  servants,  went  up  to  prepare 
the  necessary  buildings,  and  early  in  April  President 
Lasuen  returned  with  the  two  ministros  fundadores, 
Vicente  Fuster  from  San  Juan  arid  Jose  Arroita  a 
new-comer  of  1786. 20  The  former  was  succeeded  late 
in  1789  by  Cristobal  Ordmas  from  Santa  Barbara. 
As  early  as  August  1788  seventy -nine  neophytes 
were  enrolled.  In  September  Corporal  Jose  M.  Or- 
tega took  command  of  the  mission  guard.21  The  site 
as  we  shall  see  was  changed  in  later  years.22 

selected  Santa  Rosa  de  la  Gaviota,  and  says  he  will  apply  for  the  $1,000 
allowed  each  new  mission. 

20  Title-page  of  baptismal  register  signed  by  Lasuen,  in  Purisima,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  1-3.  Fages'  instruction  to  the  sergeant  in  command  are  dated 
at  San  Gabriel  on  April  7th.  They  are  very  complete  and  carefully  prepared, 
enjoining  great  caution,  kind  treatment  to  the  natives,  and  harmonious 
relations  with  the  missionaries,  the  conversion  of  gentiles  being  the  chief  aim 
of  the  conquest.  Fages,  Ordenes  generates  que  dcbe  observar  el  Sargento  encar- 
gado  de  la  Escolta  de  la  Nueva  Mision  de  la  Purisima  Conception,  1788,  MS. 
The  sergeant  is  ordered  to  explore  for  the  shortest  way  and  best  road  to  the 
Laguna  Larga. 

2lProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  87,  110.  By  the  end  of  1790,  301  natives  had 
been  baptized,  23  had  died,  and  the  number  existing  was  234.  Small  stock 
had  increased  to  731  and  large  to  257  head.  The  mission  crops  in  1790  were 
1,700  bushels. 

22  List  of  over  50  rancherias  in  Purisima  district,  in  Purisima,  Lib.  Mision. 
MS.,  10. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

RULE  OF  FAGES;  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 
1783-1790. 

No  FEARS  OF  FOREIGNERS — ISOLATION  OF  CALIFORNIA — WAR  CONTRIBUTIONS 
AGAINST  ENGLAND — VISIT  OF  THE  FRENCH  VOYAGER  LA  PEROUSE— His 
INSTRUCTIONS— AN  HOSPITABLE  RECEPTION — THE  STRANGERS  AT  SAN 
CARLOS— FATE  OF  THE  EXPEDITION — OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  COUNTRY 
AND  THE  MISSION  SYSTEM — COMMERCE— THE  SALT-TRADE — THE  FUR- 
TRADE — VASADRE'S  PROJECT — A  FAILURE — THE  MANILA  GALLEON — 
CURRENT  PRICES — ARRIVAL  OF  TRANSPORT  VESSELS — NORTHERN  VOY- 
AGES OF  MARTINEZ  AND  ELISA — GENERAL  WASHINGTON'S  SHIP  THE 
'  COLUMBIA  ' — THE  CHIGOES — EX-GOVERNOR  NEVE  AND  THE  PROVINCIAS 
INTERNAS. 

ALTHOUGH  fears  of  foreign  encroachments  had  been 
a  principal  motive  for  the  Spanish  occupation  of  Cal- 
ifornia, and  these  fears  were  still  entertained  in  Spain 
and  Mexico  respecting  the  far  north,  there  was  little 
anxiety  on  the  subject  in  California.  True,  orders 
had  been  received  occasionally  from  the  king  requir- 
ing precautions  in  view  of  special  dangers  real  or 
imaginary,1  and  such  orders  had  been  made  public  with 

1  July  26,  1778,  Croix  to  Neve,  strict  neutrality  to  be  observed  in  the 
Anglo-French  war  by  royal  order  of  March  22.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  28. 
Aug.  6,  1779,  Gen.  Croix  forwards  to  Gov.  Neve  royal  orders  for  defence  and 
reprisals  against  the  English  with  whom  Spain  was  at  war.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  ii.  49.  Feb.  llth  and  18th,  Croix  to  Neve  forwarding  orders  for  non- 
intercourse,  reprisals,  etc.,  Id.,  ii.  102,  108.  Aug.  25,  1780,  Croix  to  Neve 
warning  him  of  Admiral  Hughes'  departure  from  England  in  March  1779  with 
a  fleet  to  operate  on  west  coast  of  America.  Id.,  ii.  112-13.  Sept.  22,  1780, 
Croix  expresses  to  Neve  the  remarkable,  not  to  say  idiotic,  opinion  that  to 
stop  the  breeding  of  horses  in  California  and  other  frontier  provinces  would 
keep  foreigners  away  'pues  dificilmente  lo  emprenderan  (internarse)  faltando 
los  ausilios  principales  para  transitar  los  desiertos  que  promedian.'  Prov.  St. 
.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  iv.  14.  March  22,  1781,  Neve  orders  Carrillo  to  drive 
away  the  live-stock  in  case  the  English  fleet  should  appear,  in  order  to  be  free 


WARLIKE  PRECAUTIONS.  427 

all  clue  formality,  but  always  without  producing  the 
slightest  ripple  of  excitement.  There  was  not  even 
the  occasional  appearance  of  a  strange  sail  off  the 
coast  which  produced  such  a  tempest  in  a  teapot  at 
the  south.  No  foreigner  was  seen  in  California  dur- 
ing the  first  sixteen  years  of  her  history.  Knowledge 
of  current  events  was  limited  apparently  to  the  names 
of  ruling  king  in  Spain  and  pope  at  Rome.  If  they 
knew  more  the  records  do  not  show  it,  and  there  is 
no  evidence  that  the  great  conflict  on  the  Atlantic 
side  of  their  own  continent  was  heard  of  until  long 
after  it  was  over. 

Yet.  in  the  war  between  Spain  and  England,  lasting, 
so  far  as  knowledge  of  it  in  this  far  north-west  was 
concerned,  from  1780  to  1784,  the  Californians  were 
called  upon  to  aid  their  sovereign  with  their  money 
and  their  prayers,  and  they  responded  very  freely  to 
the  call.  In  1780  Carlos  III.  called  upon  his  American, 
subjects  for  a  donation,  fixing  the  contribution  of  each 
Spaniard  at  two  dollars  and  of  each  Indian  vassal  at 
one  dollar.  A  year  later  General  Croix  forwarded 
this  order  to  California  with  instructions  for  its.  pub- 
lication and  enforcement.2  Nominally  the  contribution 
was  to  be  voluntary,  but  in  reality  was  so  managed  as 
to  leave  no  convenient  method  of  escape.  All  persons 
under  eighteen  years  of  age  were  exempt.  Neophytes 
might  contribute  produce  which  was  to  be  sold  at 
tariff  prices;  but  it  was  of  course  a  mission  contribu- 
tion made  by  the  friar  in  charge  from  the  community 
property  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  male  neo- 
phytes. Places  that  had  suffered  from  epidemic  or 
other  special  disaster  might  be  declared  exempt;  but 

to  defend  Monterey.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  305.  March  17,  1784,  treaty 
of  peace  between  Spain  and  England  sent  to  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
v.  56.  Nov.  15,  1784,  Fages  to  commandant  general,  has  learned  that  a  for- 
eign power  intends  to  send  disguised  emissaries  to  Mexico;  will  arrest  any 
such  who  may  come  to  California.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  i.  182.  Nov.  15th,  Id.  to 
id.  understands  that  no  foreigners  must  be  allowed  in  the  country,  especially 
at  the  ports.  There  are  none  here  now.  Id.,  i.  181. 

2  Royal  order  of  Aug.  17,  1780.  Forwarded  by  Gen.  Croix  Aug.  12,  1781. 
Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  223-9;  vii.  147-53;  Croix,  Instruction  sobre 
Donativo  en  California  para  la  guerra  con  Liglaterra,  1781,  MS. 


428  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

full  lists  and  records  of  the  contributors  in  each  estab- 
lishment were  to  be  made  and  forwarded  to  Spain. 
It  was  the  opinion  of  General  Croix  that  the  soldiers 
should  not  be  required  to  aid  in  the  donation,  but 
might  do  so  if  they  wished.  The  missions  of  San 
Diego  and  San  Juan  Capistrano  pleaded  poverty  at 
first,3  but  seem  to  have  borne  their  part  of  the  burden 
at  last,  since  for  any  missionary  to  refuse  was  to  put 
his  mission  in  an  unfavorable  light  for  the  future. 
The  whole  amount  raised  was  over  four  thousand 
dollars,  of  which  the  governor  personally  contributed 
two  thousand.4 

The  first  intercourse  of  the  Californians  with  sub- 
jects of  a  foreign  power  was  with  the  French  under 
Jean  Francois  Galaup  de  La  Perouse  in  the  autumn 
of  1786.  This  distinguished  navigator  had  sailed 
from  Brest  in  August  1785  on  the  frigate  Boussole 
with  the  Astrolabe  under  M.  de  Langle,  on  a  scientific 
exploring  expedition  round  the  world,  fitted  out  and 
despatched  by  the  French  government.  A  full  corps 
of  scientific  specialists  accompanied  the  expedition; 
minute  and  carefully  prepared  instructions  were  given, 
accompanied  by  reports  and  charts  of  all  that  had  been 
accomplished  by  the  explorers  of  different  nations;  the 
commanders  were  carefully  selected  for  their  ability 
and  experience;  and  in  fact  every  possible  precaution 
was  taken  to  make  the  trip  a  success.  In  the  king's 
general  instructions  dated  Jane  26,  1785,  occurred 

3  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS. ,  i.  259-60;  xii.  230-2.  President  Serra  approved 
the  plea  of  San  Diego.  According  to  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  iii.  132-3,  several  mis- 
sions sought  exemption. 

*  The  sums  paid  by  each  establishment  were  as  follows :  San  Francisco 
presidio  and  two  missions,  $373;  Monterey,  $833;  San  Carlos,  $106;  San 
Antonio,  $122;  San  Luis,  $107;  Sta.  Barbara  presidio,  $249;  Los  Angeles,  $15; 
San  Gabriel,  $134;  San  Juan  and  San  Diego,  $229;  San  Diego  Pr.,  $515; 
total,  $2,683,  but  there  is  some  variation  in  the  records.  Dec.  7,  1782,  Gen. 
Croix  names  the  total  amount  as  $4,216.  Besides  Gov.  Neve,  Ignacio  Vallejo, 
majordomo  at  San  Carlos,  is  the  only  contributor  named.  He  gave  $10.  San 


foniia  June  13,  1780,  prayers  both  public  and  private  were  ordered  by  the 
padre  presidente  on  June  24th.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  277-80;  x.  273. 


VISIT  OF  LA  PEROUSE.  429 

some  passages  relating  more  or  less  directly  to  Cali- 
fornia.5 

La  Perouse  brought  with  him,  besides  the  historical 
work  of  Venegas,  a  printed  account  of  the  Spanish 
expeditions  of  1769-70,6and  other  narratives  in  manu- 
script or  print  of  subsequent  Spanish  voyages  up  the 
coast,  several  of  which  are  translated  and  published 
with  the  journal  of  this  expedition. 

Having  doubled  Cape  Horn,  visited  Easter  Island 
and  the  Hawaiian  group,  the  Boussole  and  Astrolabe 
crossed  to  the  American  coast,  anchoring  July  4,  1786, 
in  the  Port  des  Frangais  in  58°  37/.7  The  navigator's 
instructions  had  been  to  visit  Monterey  first  and  thence 
to  explore  the  coast  up  to  the  Aleutian  Isles;  but  a 
knowledge  of  the  prevailing  wind  had  led  him  to  a 
higher  latitude;  delays  at  Port  des  Frangais  left  no 
time  for  a  northern  voyage ;  and  it  was  decided  to  run 
down  the  coast  without,  stopping,  obtain  supplies  at 
Monterey,  and  hasten  back  to  the  China  coast,  where 
the  expedition  was  due  in  the  early  spring.  On  the 
voyage  southward  no  observations  were  made  on  the 
California  coast  on  account  of  the  dense  fogs,  save 
that  one  night  there  was  seen  what  seemed  to  be  a 

5 '  If  in  the  survey  which  he  is  to  make  of  the  north-west  coast  of  America 
he  finds  at  any  points  of  that  coast  forts  or  trading-posts  belonging  to  His 
Catholic  Majesty  he  will  scrupulously  avoid  everything  which  might  give 
offence  to  the  commandants  or  chiefs  of  those  establishments ;  but  he  will  use 
with  them  the  ties  of  blood  and  friendship  which  so  closely  unite  the  two 
sovereigns  in  order  to  obtain  by  means  thereof  all  the  aid  and  refreshment 
which  he  may  need  and  which  the  country  may  be  able  to  furnish. .  .So  far 
as  it  is  possible  to  judge  from  the  relations  of  those  countries  which  have 
reached  France,  the  actual  possession  of  Spain  does  not  extend  above  the  ports 
of  San  Diego  and  Monterey,  where  she  has  built  small  forts  garrisoned  by 
detachments  from  California  or  from  New  Mexico.  The  Sieur  de  La  Perouse 
will  try  to  learn  the  condition,  force,  and  aim  of  these  establishments ;  and 
to  inform  himself  if  they  are  the  only  ones  which  Spain  has  founded  on  those 
coasts.  He  will  likewise  ascertain  at  what  latitude  a  beginning  may  be  made 
of  procuring  peltries ;  what  quantity  the  Americans  (Indians)  can  furnish ; 
what  articles  would  be  best  adapted  to  the  fur- trade;'  what  facilities  there 
might  be  for  a  French  establishment,  all  this  relating  of  course  chiefly  to  the 
northern  coast.  La  Perouse,  Voyaye  de  (Jean  frangois  Gala/up)  de  la  Perouse 
autour  du  monde,  publie  conformement  au  decret  du  X2  Avril  1791,  et  rediye  par 
M.  L.  A.  Milet'Mureau. .  .Paris,  1798,  8vo,  4  vol.  with  atlas  in  folio,  torn.  i. 
28-9.  It  does  not  seem  desirable  to  mention  here  the  various  translations 
and  abridgments  of  this  narrative  and  its  accompanying  documents. 

6  Doubtless  the  Monterey,  Estracto  de  Noticias,  or  Costansti,  Diario  Hist. 

7  On  the  northern  explorations  see  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  174-7. 


430  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

volcano  in  active  operation  below  41°,  until  they 
entered  Monterey  Bay  September  14th,  anchoring 
next  day  among  the  whales  which  came  boldly  within 
pistol-shot  to  spout  vile-smelling  water  round  about 
the  vessels. 

The  French  navigators  had  been  expected.  The 
authorities  had  received  orders  to  accord  to  the  foreign 
fleet  the  same  welcome  as  to  vessels  of  their  own  nation, 
so  that  La  Pdrouse  had  little  need  to  show  his  open 
letter  from  the  minister  of  Spain.  The  transports  of 
this  year,  the  Princesa,  Captain  Estevan  Martinez,  and 
the  Favorita,  Captain  Jose  Tobar,  were  now  in  port, 
and  their  boats  were  promptly  taken  out  by  their  cap- 
tains to  pilot  the  visitors  into  the  harbor,  seven  guns 
from  the  fort  saluting  them  as  they  dropped  anchor. 
Don  Pedro  Fages  not  only  carried  out  the  orders  of 
his  superiors,  but  says  La  Perouse  "he  put  into  their 
execution  a  graciousness  and  air  of  interest  which 
merit  from  us  the  liveliest  acknowledgment.  He  did 
not  confine  himself  to  obliging  words;  cattle,  vege- 
tables, and  milk  were  sent  on  board  in  abundance. 
The  desire  to  serve  us  well  nigh  caused  a  disturbance 
of  the  harmony  between  the  commandants  of  fort  and 
corvettes;  for  each  wished  the  exclusive  right  to  sap- 
ply  our  needs;  and  when  it  came  to  settling  the  score, 
we  had  to  insist  on  their  receiving  our  money.  Vege- 
tables, milk,  poultry,  all  the  garrison's  labor  in  helping 
us  to  wood  and  water  were  free;  and  cattle,  sheep, 
and  grain  were  priced. at  so  low  a  figure  that  it  was 
evident  an  account  was  furnished  only  because  we  had 
rigorously  insisted  on  it.  M.  Fages  joined  to  his  gen- 
erosity the  most  gentlemanly  demeanor;  his  house  was 
ours,  and  we  might  dispose  of  all  his  servants." 

"The  padres  of  San  Cdrlos  mission  two  leagues 
from  Monterey  soon  came  to  the  presidio;  as  kind  to 
us  as  the  officers  of  fort  and  frigates  they  insisted  on 
our  going  to  dine  with  them,  and  promised  to  ac- 
quaint us  in  detail  with  the.  management  of  their 
mission,  the  Indian  manner  of  living,  their  arts  arid 


KECEPTION  OF  THE  FRENCHMEN.  431 

customs,  in  fact  all  that  might  interest  travellers.  We 
accepted  with  eagerness .  .  .  M.  Fages  wished  to  ac- 
company us ...  After  having  crossed  a  little  plain  cov- 
ered with  herds  of  cattle .  .  .  we  ascended  the  hills  and 
heard  the  sound  of  bells  announcing  our  coming.  We 
were  received  like  lords  of  a  parish  visiting  their  es- 
tates for  the  first  time.  The  president  of  the  mis- 
sions, clad  in  cope,  his  holy-water  sprinkler  in  hand, 
received  us  at  the  door  of  the  church  illuminated  as 
on  the  grandest  festivals;  led  us  to  the  foot  of  the 
altar;  and  chanted  a  te  deum  of  thanksgiving  for 
the  happy  issue  of  our  voyage.  Before  entering  the 
church  we  had  crossed  a  plaza  where  Indians  of  both 
sexes  were  ranged  in  line;  their  faces  showed  no  sur- 
prise and  left  room  to  doubt  if  we  should  be  the  sub- 
ject of  their  conversation  for  the  rest  of  the  day."8 
After  leaving  the  church  the  visitors  spent  a  short 
time  in  examining  the  mission  and  in  making  a  careful, 
though  necessarily  brief,  study  of  the  Franciscan 
regime  and  its  effects  on  the  natives.  They  probably 
visited  San  Carlos  more  than  once. 

"As  the  soldiers  had  rendered  us  a  thousand  little 
services,  I  asked  leave  to  present  them  a  piece  of  blue 
cloth;  and  I  sent  to  the  mission  some  blankets,  stuffs, 
beads,  tools,  etc.  The  president  announced  to  all  the 
village  that  it  was  a  gift  from  their  faithful  and  an- 
cient allies  who  professed  the  same  faith  as  the  Span- 
iards; which  announcement  so  aroused  their  kind 
feeling  toward  us  that  each  one  brought  us  the  next 
day  a  bundle  of  hay  or  straw  for  the  cattle  and  sheep. 
Our  gardener  gave  to  the  missionaries  some  potatoes 
from  Chili,  perfectly  sound;  I  believe  this  is  not 
one  of  the  least  of  our  gifts  and  that  this  root  will 

cceed  perfectly  around  Monterey."  M.  de  Langle 
also  presented  San  Carlos  with  a  handmill  for  grind- 
ing grain  which  would  enable  four  of  the  neophyte 
women  to  do  the  work  of  a  hundred  in  the  old  way.9 

*La  Peroiise,  Voyage,  ii.  291-4. 
9 Id.,  ii.  315,  299. 


on 

ri 


432  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

During  the  brief  stay  of  ten  days  the  crew  were  busy 
in  obtaining  wood  and  water;  while  the  botanists, 
geologists,  and  other  specialists  pursued  their  studies, 
made  drawings,  and  gathered  specimens.  Three  short 
letters  were  written  by  La  Perouse  and  one  by  M.  de 
Langle,  to  be  sent  to  France  by  way  of  Mexico.10  On 
the  22d  all  was  ready  for  departure,  and  farewell  was 
said  to  governor  and  missionaries.  Next  day  the 
winds  were  contrary,  but  early  on  the  24th  the  navi- 
gators parted  from  Martinez,  who  came  off  in  his  long- 
boat, and  set  sail  for  the  far  west.  Then  California's 
relations  with  the  outside  world  were  for  a  time  sus- 
pended.11 

10  Id.,  iv.  176-86.    In  a  note  of  Sept.  14th  (?)  the  commander  says:   'Noa 
vaisseaux  ont  e"te"  re£us  par  les  Espagnols  comme  ceux  de  leur  propre  nation  ; 
tons  les  secours  possibles  nous  ont  e"t6  prodigue"s;  les  religieux  charge's  des 
missions  nous  ont  envoye"  une  quantite"  tres-conside"rable  de  provisions  de  toute 
espece,  et  je  leur  ai  fait  present,  pour  leurs  Indiens,  d'une  infinite  de  petits 
articles  qui  avaient  e"td  embarque's  a  Brest  pour  cet  objet,  et  qui  leur  seront 
de  la  plus  grande  utilite".'     Again  Sept.  19th:  'Nous  sommes  arrives  a  Mon- 
terey le  15  septembre ;  les  ordres  du  roi  d'Espagne  nous  y  avaient  pre'ce'des, 
et  il  cut  6te  impossible,  dans  nos  propres  colonies,  de  recevoir  un  meilleur 
accueil.'    M.  de  Langle  says  on  Sept.  22d,  of  Capt.  Martinez:    'II  a  preVenu 
nos  besoins  avec  un  zele  infatigable,  et  nous  a  rendu  tous  les  services  qui 
dependaieiit  de  lui.     II  m'a  charge"  de  vous  supplier  de  le  recommander  h  son 
ministre . . .  Je  pars  d'ici  sans  avoir  un  malade. '  Again  from  Macao  Jan  3d,  Id. , 
iv.  235,  La  Perouse  writes :   '  I  send  the  chart  of  Monterey  made  by  ourselves ; 
I  have  met  at  Monterey  officers  of  the  little  San  Bias  establishment  who  cer- 
tainly are  not  without  ability  and  who  seemed  to  me  very  capable  of  making 
charts  with  exactitude. ' 

11  La  Pe"rouse's  visit  left  but  a  slight  record  in  the  Californian  archives,  yet 
it  is  alluded  to  in  several  official  communications.     See  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  viii.  14;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  6,  42,  135;  letter  of  Governor 
Fages  of  September 28th,  in  Gaceta.de  Mex. ,  ii.  286-8.  September  18th,  P.  Lasuen 
writes  to  La  Perouse  sending  him  three  pieces  of  reed  and  a  stone  worked  by 
the  Santa  Barbara  Indians.     Will  send  70  fanegas  of  grain.  Arch.  Sta.  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  xii.  364.     Taylor,  Discov.  and  Found.,  No.  31,  ii.  193,  tells  us  that 
a  picture  of  La  Pe"rouse's  vessels  by  one  of  his  officers  was  preserved  for  many 
years  at  San  Carlos,  but  disappeared  after  1833,  having  been  carried  away  as 
the  old  settlers  say  by  Petit-Thouars.     This  writer  is  very  likely  wrong  about 
the  subject  of  the  picture.    An  anonymous  Spanish  writer  in  1845,  C.  S.,  De- 
scription Topogrdfica  de  las  Mlsiones,  Pueblos,  y  Presidios  del  Norte  y  de  la 
Nueva-California,  in  Revista  Cientlfica  y  Lit.,  i.  327-9,  says  that  one  of  La 
Pe"rouse's  officers  made  a  sketch  of  his  reception  at  San  Carlos  by  Palou  (La- 
suen) and  two  padres,   which  was  kept  in  the  mission  locutorlo.     Captain 
Beechey  wished  to  buy  it,  but  P.  Abella  refused  to  part  with  it.  When  Petit- 
Thouars  came  it  had  disappeared.     The  writer  made  every  effort  to  find  it, 
offering  as  high  as  $1,000,  but  in  vain.     It  was  thought  to  have  been  stolen. 
The  writer  found  at  San  Carlos  (no  date)  two  Indians  who  remembered  all 
about  La  Pe"rouse's  visit.     Finally  Mrs  Ord,  Occurrencias  en  California,  MS., 
57-9,  says  that  P.  Moreno,  soon  after  his  arrival  (1833),  gave  the  painting  to 
her  brother,  Juan  de  la  Guerra,  who  on  his  death-bed  presented  it  to  her.    In 


OBSERVATIONS  ON  THE  COUNTRY.  433 

Crossing  the  Pacific  the  Frenchmen  visited  the 
Philippine  Islands  in  February  1787;  then  they  coasted 
Japan  and  China,  and  reached  Kamchatka  in  Septem- 
ber; at  the  Navigator  Islands  in  December,  M.  de 
Langle,  with  eleven  of  his  men,  was  killed  by  the 
Indians;  and  the  last  that  was  ever  known  of  vessels, 
commander,  or  crew,  they  were  at  Botany  Bay  on  the 
coast  of  New  Zealand,  where  La  Perouse's  journal 
ends  with  January  24,  1788,  a  subsequent  letter  being 
dated  February  8th,  at  the  same  place. 

Though  the  stay  of  the  ill-fated  navigators  at 
Monterey  was  brief  and  uneventful,  I  have  deemed  it 
worthy  of  somewhat  extended  notice,  not  only  as  the 
first  visit  of  a  foreigner  to  California,  but  on  account 
of  the  remarkable  accuracy,  comprehensiveness,  and 
kindly  fairness  of  La  Perouse's  observations  on  the 
province  and  its  institutions.  "His  account  of  the 
natural  resources  of  the  country  and  its  character- 
istics," says  a  modern  writer  of  scientific  attainments,12 
"  was  never  surpassed  in  fidelity  by  his  successors. 
His  observations  on  the  administration  of  the  missions 
especially  arrest  our  attention  as  the  testimony  of  a 
Catholic  concerning  people  of  his  own  faith." 

The  navigator's  observations  can  be  only  «very  briefly 
'alluded  to  here,  since  they  are  -in  part  scientific  and 
beyond  the  province  of  history,  and  because  many  of 
the  institutions  mentioned  have  been  or  will  be  fully 
treated  elsewhere  in  this  work  by  the  aid  of  this  and 
other  original  testimony ;  yet  a  general  glance  at  these 
impressions  of  an  enlightened  traveller  seems  appro- 
priate. La  Perouse's  geographical  explorations  on 
the  Californian  coast  amount  to  nothing.  His  atlas 
contains  the  whqle  coast  laid  down  from  Spanish 
sources  in  his  general  maps,  showing  little  detail  and 

1838  or  1839  it  was  stolen  from  her  trunk,  and  in  spite  of  all  her  efforts  has 
never  been  recovered.     She  describes  the  painting  as  showing  P.  Noriega  and 
'0  other  friars  at  the  door  of  the  church,  nailed  Indians  ringing  the  bells 
.d  looking  on  as  spectators,  and  La  PeYouse,  a  tall,  thin  gentleman,  with 
grajr  hair  in  a  queue,  with  some  officers  of  his  suite. 
2  Stillman,  in  Overland  Monthly,  ii.  257-8. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    28 


434  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

not  requiring  notice,  yet  copied  here  because  of  its 
date,  being  the  first  to  show  certain  parts  of  the  sea- 
board. Additional  charts  are  given  of  San  Diego, 
Monterey,  and  San  Francisco,  that  of  Monterey  only 
partially  from  original  surveys,  the  first  from  Spanish 
sources  and  accurate,  and  the  last  a  rude  sketch  which 
is  reproduced  in  the  following  chapter.  The  features 


Ic.Perpetua. 


o 

'1 2'ort  Triniie 


Pte.  Delgada 

;> 
Pt.St.Fmnqo!s 


;p>  MONTEREY 

fto.-v,  -;      ^ 
Egfeax.      Vv 

^?ij  fte.  Conception 


Pt.  Sn. Diego 

Rio  Colorado 


LA  PEROUSE'S  MAP. 

of  the  country  round  Monterey  with  its  plants  and 
Animals,  are  however  fully  described,  and  a  page  in 
the  atlas  is  devoted  to  an  excellent  engraving  of  a 
pair  of  California  quails. 

Of  the  country  and  its  resources  La  Perouse  speaks 
in  the  most  flattering  terms,  as  also  of  its  ultimate 
prospects,  though  he  believes  that  under  Spanish  con- 
trol its  progress  will  be  slow,  the  fur-trade  being  the 
most  promising  interest  in  the  near  future.13  To  the 

13  '  The  salubrity  of  the  air,  the  fertility  of  the  soil,  the  abundance  of  all 
kinds  of  peltries  give  this  part  of  America  infinite  advantages  over  the  old 
California.'  'No  country  is  more  abundant  in  fish  and  game  of  all  kinds.' 
'  This  land  is  also  of  an  inexpressible  fertility;  vegetables  of  every  kind  sue- 


LA  PEROUSE  ON  THE  MISSIONS.  435 

aboriginal  inhabitants  he  gives  much  attention  arid 
finds  in  them  physically,  mentally,  or  morally  but 
little  to  praise.  The  author  is  in  error  when  he  states 
that  these  Indians  cultivated  a  little  maize  before  the 
Spanish  settlement.  A  vocabulary  of  the  Monterey 
languages  is  included  jn  the  journal.14  A  brief  but 
accurate  account  is  presented  of  the  military  and 
political  government  with  some  items  of  history  and 
general  statistics;  and  in  fact  the  only  element  in  the 
Californian  system  that  this  writer  failed  to  notice 
was  that  of  the  pueblos.  He  evidently  did  not  hear 
of  San  Jose  and  Angeles,  for  he  states  that  there 
were  absolutely  no  Spanish  inhabitants  but  the  sol- 
diers. 

But  what  more  than  all  else  attracted  the  attention 
of  the  Frenchman  was  the  mission  system,  respecting 
which  he  msrcle  a  wonderfully  exhaustive  and  accurate 

ceed  perfectly.  Crops  of  maize,  barley,  wheat,  and  peas  can  be  compared 
only  to  those  of  Chili,  wheat  yielding  on  an  average  70  to  80  fold.  The  climate 
differs  little  from  that  of  our  southern  provinces  in  France,  but  the  heat  of 
summer  is  much  more  moderate  on  account  of  the  constant  fogs  which  will 
give  this  land  a  moisture  very  favorable  to  vegetation. '  California  '  would  be 
in  no  wise  behind  Virginia,  which  is  opposite,  if  it  "were  nearer  Europe,  but 
its  proximity  to  Asia  might  indemnify  it,  and  I  believe  that  good  laws,  and 
especially  free  trade,  would  soon  bring  it  some  inhabitants;  though  the  pos- 
sessions of  SpanTare  so  broad  that  it  is  impossible  to  think  that  for  a  long 
time  population  will  increase  in  any  of  her  colonies.  The  large  number  of 
celibates  of  both  sexes  who  as  a  principle  of  perfection  have  devoted  them- 
selves to  this  condition,  with  the  constant  policy  of  the  government  to  admit 
but  one  religion  and  to  employ  the  most  violent  means  to  maintain  it,  will 
ever  oppose  a  new  obstacle  to  increase.  M.  Monneron,  in  a  note  on  Monterey, 
torn.  iv.  122-3,  says:  'A  century  will  probably  pass,  and  perhaps  two,  before 
the  Spanish  establishments  situated  to  the  north  of  the  Californian  peninsula 
can  attract  the  attention  of  the  great  maritime  powers.  That  which  is  in 
possession  will  not  think  perhaps  for  a  long  time  of  establishing  colonies  sus- 
ceptible of  great  progress.  Yet  its  zeal  for  the  spread  of  the  faith  has  already 
founded  there  several  missions;  but  it  is  to  be  believed  that  not  even  the 
pirates  will  interfere  with  the  friars.' 

14  The  number  of  natives  in  both  Californias  is  estimated  at  50,000. 
'  These  Indians  are  small,  feeble,  and  do  not  show  the  love  of  independence 
which  characterizes  the  northern  nations,  of  which  they  have  neither  the  arts 
nor  the  industry;  their  color  is  very  similar  to  that  of  negroes,  with  straight 
hair.'  The  governor  said  the  Indians  plucked  out  the  hair  on  face  and  body; 
while  the  president  thought  it  was  naturally  lacking.  They  are  very  skilful 
hunters.  M.  de  Lamanon  obtained  the  vocabularies  chiefly  from  two  Indians 
who  spoke  Spanish.  M.  Rollin,  surgeon-in-chief  of  the  expedition,  wrote  a 
Memoire physiologique  et  pathologique,  sur  les  Americains,  joined  to  La  Pe"rouse's 
journal,  torn.  iv.  50-77,  which  relates  largely  to  the  natives  of  California  and 
ia  of  great  importance. 


436  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

study,  considering  the  brief  time  at  his  disposal.  Doubt- 
less the  fact  that  he  represented  a  Catholic  nation  did 
much  to  open  the  hearts  and  mouths  of  the  friars,  who 
seem  to  have  held  nothing  back.  The  author  not  only 
presents  a  general  view  of  the  system,  and  of  the  mis- 
sions in  their  material  aspects  with  statistics  of  the 
condition  of  each  establishment,  but  he  gives  an  excel- 
lent picture  of  the  neophytes  and  their  routine  of 
daily  life.  Of  the  missionaries  personally,  of  their 
character  and  their  zeal  and  their  motives,  he  speaks 
in  terms  of  the  highest  praise;15  but  their  efforts  for 
the  civilization  of  the  natives  did  not  seem  likely  to 
succeed.  The  neophyte  was  too  much  a  child,  too 
much  a  slave,  too  little  a  man.  The  mission  regime 
was  not  fitted  to  dispel  ignorance,  missionary  efforts 
were  directed  exclusively  to  the  recompenses  of  another 
life,  the  present  being  disregarded.  The  community 
system  based  on  the  prejudices  and  ambition  of  the 
Jesuits  was  too  servilely  imitated.  "The  government 
is  a  veritable  theocracy  for  the  Indians;  they  believe 
that  their  superiors  are  in  immediate  and  continual 
communication  with  God."  " The  friars,  more  occupied 
with  heavenly  than  temporal  interests,  have  neglected 
the  introduction  of  the  most  common  arts."  La  Pe- 
rouse  saw  in  the  tout  ensemble  of  the  Franciscan 
establishments  an  unhappy  resemblance  to  the  slave 
plantations  of  Santo  Domingo.  "With  pain  we  say 

15  'La  pie'te'  espagnole  avait  entreterm  jusqu'  au  present,  et  &  grands  frais, 
ces  missions  et  ces  presidios,  dans  1'unique  vue  de  coiivertir  et  de  civiliser  lea 
Indiens  de  ces  contre'es;  systSme  bien  plus  digne  d'eloge  que  celui  de  ces 
hommes  avides  qui  semblaient  n'etre  revetus  de  1'autorite  nationale  que  pour 
commettre  impune'ment  les  plus  cruelles  atrocitds.'  'It  is  with  the  sweetest 
satisfaction  that  I  shall  make  known  the  pious  and  wise  conduct  of  these  friars 
who  fulfil  so  perfectly  the  object  of  their  institution;  I  shall  not  conceal  what 
has  seemed  to  me  reprehensible  in  their  interior  regime;  but  I  shall  announce 
that  individually  good  and  humane,  they  temper  by  their  gentleness  and 
charity  the  harshness  of  the  rules  that  have  been  laid  down  by  their  superiors.' 
4 1  have  already  made  known  freely  my  opinion  on  the  monks  of  Chili,  whose 
irregularity  seemed  to  me  generally  scandalous.  It  is  with  the  same  truth 
that  I  shall  paint  these  men,  truly  apostolic,  who  have  abandoned  the  idle 
life  of  a  cloister  to  give  themselves  up  to  fatigues,  cares,  and  anxieties  of  every 
kind. '  '  They  are  so  strict  toward  themselves  that  they  have  not  a  single  room 
with  fire  though  the  winter  is  sometimes  rigorous;  and  the  greatest  anchorites 
have  never  led  a  more  edifying  life. ' 


THE  MISSION  SYSTEM  CRITICISED.  437 

it,  the  resemblance  is  so. perfect  that  we  have  seen  men 
and  women  in  irons  or  in  the  stocks;  and  even  the 
sound  of  the  lash  might  have  struck  our  ears,  that 
punishment  being  also  admitted,  though  practised  with 
little  severity."  Like  Governor  Neve,  speaking  of  the 
custom  of  hunting  neophytes  with  soldiers,  he' 'thought 
that  the  progress  of  the  faith  would  be  more  rapid, 
and  the  prayers  of  the  Indians  more  agreeable  to  the 
supreme  being  if  they  were  not  under  constraint." 

"  I  confess,"  to  give  a  final  quotation  from  the 
French  navigator,  "  that,  friend  of  the  rights  of  man 
rather  than  theologian,  I  should  have  desired  that  to 
principles  of  Christianity  there  might  be  joined  a  leg- 
islation which  little  by  little  would  have  made  citizens 
of  men  whose  condition  hardly  differs  now  from  that 
of  the  negroes  of  our  most  humanely  governed  colo- 
nies. I  understand  perfectly  the  extreme  difficulty 
of  this  new  plan;  I  know  that  these  men  have  few 
ideas,  and  still  less  constancy,  and  that  if  they  are 
not  regarded  as  children  they  escape  those  who  have 
taken  the  trouble  to  instruct  them.  I  know' also  that 
reasonings  have  almost  no  weight  with  them,  that  it 
is  absolutely  necessary  to  strike  their  senses,  and  that 
corporal  punishment  with  recompense  of  double  ra- 
tions has  been  so  far  the  only  means  adopted  by  their 
legislators;  but  to  ardent  zeal  and  extreme  patience 
would  it  be  impossible  to  make  known  to  a  few  fam- 
ilies the  advantages  of  a  society  based  on  mutual 
rights,  to  establish  among  them  a  right  of  property 
so  attractive  to  all  men;  and  by  this  new  order  of 
things  to  induce  each  one  to  cultivate  his  field  with 
emulation,  or  to  devote  himself  to  some  other  class 
of  work?  I  admit  that  the  progress  of  this  new 
civilization  would  be  very  slow;  the  pains  which  it 
would  be  necessary  to  take,  very  hard  and  tiresome; 
the  theatres  in  which  it  would  be  necessary  to  act 
very  distant,  so  that  applause  would  never  make  itself 
heard  by  him  who  might  consecrate  his  life  to  being 
worthy  of  it;  and  therefore  I  do  riot  hesitate  to  de- 


433  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

clare  that  human  motives  are  insufficient  for  such  a 
ministry,  and  that  only  the  enthusiasm  of  religion 
with  its  promised  rewards  can  compensate  the  sacri- 
fices, the  ennui,  the  risks  of  such  a  life.  I  have  only 
to  desire  a  little  more  philosophy  on  the  part  of  the 
men,  austere,  charitable,  and  religious,  whom  I  have 
met  in  these  missions."  M.  de  La  Perouse  longed 
for  the  existence  of  qualities  and  views  that  have 
rarely  been  possessed  by  missionaries  in  California  or 
elsewhere. 

Previous  to  1786  California,  beyond  furnishing 
occasional  supplies  to  the  Philippine  galleon,  and 
sending  to  San  Bias  by  the  returning  transports  now 
and  then  a  cargo  of  salt,16  exported  nothing;  and  little 
or  no  advantage  was  taken  of  a  royal  order  of  this 
year  by  which  trade  with  San  Bias  was  made  free  for 
eight  years,  and  duties  were  reduced  one  half  for  five 
years  more.17 

The  publication  of  Cook's  voyage  of  1778-9  on  the 
Northwest  Coast  first  opened  the  eyes  of  Spain  to 
the  importance  of  the  fur-trade  and  led  to  some  feeble 
attempts  on  her  part  to  prevent  so  rich  a  treasure 
from  passing  into  the  hands  of  foreign  nations  and  to 
utilize  it  for  herself.  A  scheme  was  projected  by  the 
government  in  1785  for  the  opening  of  a  trade  be- 
tween California  and  China,  the  intention  being  to 
exchange  peltries  for  quicksilver,  and  to  make  the 
fur- trade  a  government  monopoly  as  that  in  quick- 
silver had  always  been.  With  this  view  Vicente  Ba- 

16  The  records  are  meagre  about  this  salt  supply.     There  are  several  orders 
in  the  archives  requiring  that  salt  be  shipped  from  Monterey,  and  some  indi- 
cations that  it  was  so  shipped.     Sept.  1,  1784,  Capt.  Canizares  at  Monterey 
informs Gov.  Fages  that  he  has  orders  to  load  with  salt.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  151.     Order  of  the  commissary  at  San  Bias  to  same  effect.  Id.,  152.  *July 
2,  Gen.  Neve  orders  Fages  to  have  the  salt  ready  so  that  no  detention  may 
occur.  Id.,  v.  62.     Order  given  by  Mexican  government  March  8,  1784,  and 
repeated  Jan.  11,  1787.  Id.,  vii.  11,  12.     Nov.  15,  1784,  governor  understands 
that  salt  must  be  collected  at  Monterey.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.   182.     Sept.  11, 
Fages  tells  Canizares  that  as  sailors  are  refused  to  get  the  salt  none  can  be 
furnished.  Id.,  ii.  112.     As  early  as  1770  the  San  A ntonio  was  ordered  to  load 
witli  salt  in  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  71. 

17  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Gen.,  ii.  84. 


BASADRE'S  PROJECT.  439 

sadre  y  Vega  was  sent  as  a  commissioner  to  California 
to  investigate  the  matter  and  to  make  a  beginning  of 
collecting  otter  and  seal  skins.18 

Don  Vicente  came  up  on  one  of  the  transports  of 
1786  which  left  San  Bias  in  June,  bringing  with  him 
his  credentials  and  instructions  to  Fages  from  Viceroy 
Gal vez,  which  were  made  public  in  the  governor's  proc- 
lamation of  the  29th  of  August.19  The  skins  were  to 
be  collected  from  the  natives  by  the  missionaries,  who 
were  to  deliver  them  to  Basadre  at  the  tariff  prices 
ranging  from  $2. 50  to  $10,  according  to  size  and  color. 
Neophytes  must  relinquish  to  the  friars  all  the  skins 
in  their  possession;  skins  obtained  from  neophytes 
by  soldiers  or  settlers  were  liable  to  confiscation,  the 
informer  receiving  one  third  of  their  value;  those 
legitimately  obtained  from  gentiles  must  be  sent  at 
once  to  the  nearest  authorities;  all  trade  by  private 
persons  was  prohibited;  and  any  skins  reaching  San 
Bias  through  other  than  the  regular  channel  would 
be  confiscated.  The  aim  was  to  make  the  government 
through  the  commissioner  the  sole  purchaser,  though 
peltries  were  to  be  received  and  forwarded  by  com- 
manders of  presidios  after  Basadre's  departure.  The 
friars  favored  the  scheme  since  it  put  into  their  hands 
a  new  branch  of  mission  temporalities.20 

18  A  good  account  of  the  project  and  its  results  is  given  in  Fonseca  andf 
Urrutla,  Hist.  Gen.  Real  Hacienda,  i.  372-81. 

19  The  royal  ce'dulawas  dated  June  (July  ?)  2,  1785;  the  viceroy's  letter  an- 
nouncing Basadre's  coming  to  Fages,  Jan.  23,  1786;  viceroy's  letter  to  Lasuen 
on  same  subject  March  1,  1786;  Fages'  proclamation  Aug.  29,  1786,  including 
regulations  for  the  collection  of  skins.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  38-9,  52,  140- 
5,  204-6;  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  i.  283-4,  x.  8-10.     Curiously  the  earliest 
document  in  the  archives  relating  to  the  otter  is  dated  Oct.  24,  1785,  after 
the  king's  order  was  issued  but  before  it  could  have  reached  California.     It  is 
an  order  from  Fages  to  Ignacio  Vallejo  at  San  Jos6  that  if  any  one  goes  out  to 
trade  with  the  Indians  for  otter-skins  he  is  to  be  punished.  De.pt.  tit.  Pap.  S. 
Jose,  MS.,  i.  6,  7. 

20  March  8,  1787,  the  audiencia  complained  that  the  prices  were  too  high, 
since  skins  could  formerly  be  bought  for  from  one  real  to  $1  each;  besides 
otter,  other  skins  should  be  collected.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,"x.  1,  2.    Sept. 
24th,  Lasuen  replies  that  the  former  cheapness  resulted  from  great  abundance 
and  no  demand;  competition  (!)  reduced  the  otters  and  raised  prices;  if  thu 
missions  were  allowed  to  trade  with  China  the  prices  would  be  still  higher;  hp 
intimates  that  the  missions  should  have  a  monopoly  of  the  catch;  and  states 
that  there  are  no  beavers  or  martens.  Id.,  x.  3-7, 13-16.     Sept.  loth  and  20ih, 


440  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

We  have  seen  that  La  Perouse  had  been  instructed 
by  the  French  government,  prompted  like  the  Spanish 
by  Cook's  narrative,  to  make  a  special  investigation 
of  the  fur-trade  and  its  possibilities.  When  he  ar- 
rived at  Monterey  he  found  Basadre  already  there 
and  the  country  considerably  interested  in  the  subject 
of  his  commission.  Don  Vicente  is  spoken  of  as  "a 
young  man  of  intelligence  and  merit,  who  is  to  depart 
soon  for  China  for  the  purpose  of  making  there  a 
treaty  of  commerce  in  otter-skins."  La  Perouse  be- 
lieved that  the  new  branch  of  trade  might  prove  'to 
the  Spaniards  more  profitable  than  the  richest  gold- 
mine of  Mexico.  Fages  told  him  he  could  furnish 
20,000  skins  each  year,  or  by  means  of  new  establish- 
ments north  of  San  Francisco  many  more.21  Yet 
notwithstanding  the  temporary  enthusiasm  of  all  con- 
cerned, this  attempt  of  Spain  to  build  up  a  profitable 
peltry  trade  in  California  was  a  failure. 

Basadre,  though  complaining  of  obstacles  thrown 
in  his  way  by  Fages,  obtained  1,600  otter-skins,  with 

Fages  issued  a  decree  prohibiting  gente  de  razon  from  acquiring  otter-skins, 
giving  the  right  exclusively  to  the  Indians  and  missions.  Id.,  xii.  3;  Prov. 
liec.,  MS.,  i.  35-6.  July  30,  1788,  Lasuen  complains  to  the  viceroy  that 
prices  are  too  low,  and  on  Sept.  7th  Fages  seems  to  have  issued  a  new  tariff. 
Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  i.  289-92,  ii.  1.  March  18  (or  possibly  May  18), 
1 790,  a  new  price-list  with  regulations  in  detail  was  issued  in  Mexico.  The 

E  rices  were  to  range  from  $2  to  $7;  and  neither  soldiers  nor  settlers  were  pro- 
ibited  from  gathering  skins  provided  they  dispose  of  them  properly;  but  these 
regulations  probably  had  no  effect  in  California.  Id.,  ii.  4-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap. 
S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  31-5. 

21 '  We  cannot  fail  to  be  astonished  that  the  Spaniards,  having  so  close 
and  frequent  intercourse  with  China  through  Manila,  should  have  been  igno- 
rant until  now  of  the  value  of  this  precious  fur.  Before  this  year  an  otter-skin 
was  worth  no  more  than  two  rabbit-skins ;  the  Spaniards  did  not  suspect 
their  value ;  they  had  never  sent  any  to  Europe ;  and  Mexico  was  so  hot  a 
country  it  was  supposed  that  there  could  be  no  market  there.  I  think  there 
will  be  in  a  few  years  a  great  revolution  in  the  Russian  trade  at  Kiatcha  from 
the  difficulty  they  will  have  to  bear  this  competition.  The  skins  in  the  south 
are  a  little  inferior  in  quality,  but  the  difference  is. .  .not  more  than  ten  per 
cent  in  the  sale  price.  It  is  almost  certain  that  the  new  Manila  Company 
will  try  to  get  possession  of  this  trade,  which  will  be  a  lucky  thing  for  the 
Russians,  because  it  is  the  nature  of  exclusive  privileges  to  carry  death  or 
sluggishness  into  all  branches  of  commerce  and  industry.'  La  Perouse,  Voy., 
ii.  309-11.  The  Spaniards  '  do  not  cease  to  keep  their  eyes  open  to  this  im- 
portant branch,  in  which  the  king  has  reserved  to  himself  the  right  of  pur- 
chase in  the  presidios  of  California.  The  most  northern  Spanish  establishment 
furnishes  each  year  10,000  otter-skins (?);  and  if  they  continue  to  be  sold 
advantageously  to  China,  it  will  be  easy  for  Spain  to  obtain  even  50,000,  and 
thus  to  destroy  the  commerce  of  the  Russians  at  Canton.'  Id.,  iv.  177-8. 


THE  SPANISH  FUR-TRADE.  441 

which  he  returned  to  Mexico  at  the  end  of  the  year 
and  proceeded  to  Manila  early  in  1787.  Before  1790 
the  whole  number  of  otter-skins  from  both  Californias 
sent  to  Manila  on  account  of  the  royal  treasury  under 
Basadre's  system  was  .9,729,  the  total  cost  at  Manila, 
including  Basadre's  salary,  being  $87,699.22  In  1786 
the  Philippine  Company  had  applied  through  the 
house  of  Cosio  for  an  exclusive  privilege  of  the  fur- 
trade;  and  the  government  had  been  willing  to  grant 
it  on  condition  of  past  expenditures  being  reimbursed ; 
but  the  company  did  not  accept  the  terms.  Basadre 
returned  to  Spain,  and  the  government  finally  de- 
cided in  1790  to  drop  the  project  and  pay  money  for 
quicksilver,  leaving  the  fur-trade  to  private  enter- 
prise.23 

22  Fonseca  and  Urrutia,  Hist.  Gen.  The  records  of  the  skins  collected  are 
meagre  and  incomplete.  Oct.  7,  1786,  Lieut.  Zufiiga  of  San  Diego  speaks  of 
having  some  time  in  the  past  shipped  $2,000  worth  to  Jose  Maria  Arce.  Prov. 
Stut.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  38.  Sept.  15,  1787,  Josd  Soberanes  charged  $55  for  dress- 
ing 95  otter-skins.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  ix.  6.  Oct.  6,  1787,  there 
were  shipped  on  the  San  Carlos  and  Favorita  267,  of  which  97  belonged  to 
presidio  of  Monterey,  62  to  Lieut.  Ortega,  56  to  San  Carlos,  and  52  to  San 
Antonio.  Id.,  ix.  14.  July  30,  1788,  Lasuen  says  to  viceroy  that  Basadre  col- 
lected from  the  mission  64  otter-skins  worth  $405.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS., 
i.  289.  Nov.  9,  1789,  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara  to  governor.  He  has  col- 
lected and  delivered  to  Canizares  of  theAranzazu  74  otter-skins  from  Purisima, 
79  from  Santa  Barbara,  81  from  San  Buenaventura,  besides  32  fox-skins. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  146.  Aug.  10,  1790,  the  Procurador  Sampelayo  has 
collected  for  otter-skins  remitted  1786-9,  $1,472  on  169  skins  to  king;  $132 
on  18  skins  to  Basadre.  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii.  4,  5. 

1:3 Date  March  29th,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  144.  The  following  notes 
from  the  archives  are  all  I  have  found  for  the  period  of  1790-1800,  and  some 
of  them  indicate  that  notwithstanding  the  royal  order  of  1790  some  skins 
were  still  bought  on  government  account.  Aug.  3,  1791,  Sal  to  Romeu  asking 
for  $823  for  97  skins  in  Mexico.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  21.  1792,  treasury 
paid  $439  for  59  skins  from  Santa  Barbara  Company.  Id.,  xxi.  86.  Dec.  30, 
1793,  viceroy  to  court  of  Spain  says  some  otter  and  seal  skins  are  sold  to 
vessels  visiting  the  ports.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  17.  Feb.  1794, 
by  order  of  viceroy  otter-skins  may  be  exported  free  of  duty.  Prov.  JRec.,  MS., 
viii.  141;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.,  159.  June  8,  1795,  governor  to  comman- 
dant. King  allows  Nicolas  Manzaneli  of  San  Bias  to  take  otter-skins  to 
China  from  California  and  trade  for  goods.  Prov.  Rrc.,  MS.,  iv.  134.  Feb. 
23,  1795,  the  governor  explains  that  the  privilege  of  taking  otter  along  the 
coast  amounts  to  nothing  since  they  cannot  buy  China  goods  at  Canton,  a 
privilege  monopolized  by  the  Philippine  Company ;  yet  that  company  might 
advantageously  take  up  the  fur-trade.  It  is  known  that  the  English  are 
intriguing  for  it.  By  the  treaty  of  Oct.  28,  179JL  between  Spain  and  England, 
the  latter  power  was  prohibited  from  taking  otter  within  ten  leagues  of  any 
part  of  the  coast  occupied  by  the  former — that  is,  all  of  California  below  Sail 
Francisco — and  from  engaging  in  illicit  trade  with  the  Spanish  establish- 
ments. Caloo,  JRecueil  complet  des  Traitcs,  iii.  356-9. 


442  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

The  causes  of  failure,  without  going  into  petty  de- 
tails, were  mainly  as  follows :  the  furs  obtained  in  Cali- 
fornia were  less  numerous  than  had  been  expected,  the 
natives  lacking  both  skill  and  implements  for  otter- 
hunting;  the  quality  was  not  equal  to  that  of  the  furs 
brought  to  China  from  the  Northwest  Coast;  the 
tariff  of  prices  fixed  by  Basadre  at  first  was  thought 
too  high;  the  royal  fur-traders  were  not  content  with 
a  fair  profit ;  the  Spaniards  had  no  experience  or  skill 
in  preparing,  assorting,  and  selling  the  furs;  and  there 
were  some  diplomatic  obstacles  to  be  overcome  in 
China.  No  private  company  ventured  to  engage  in 
the  trade  thus  abandoned  by  the  crown;  but  skins 
in  small  quantities  continued  for  many  years  to  be 
collected  by  natives  for  the  friars,  who  sent  them  by 
the  transports  to  San  Bias,  whence  they  found  their 
way  to  the  Philippines.  Later  the  American  smug- 
glers afforded  the  California  traders  a  better  market. 

In  other  branches  of  commerce  there  wras  no  develop- 
ment whatever.  The  Philippine  galleon  was  required 
to  touch  at  Monterey  on  each  eastward  trip,  and  was 
furnished  with  needed  supplies  on  account  of  the 
royal  treasury;  but  the  commanders  often  did  not 
stop,  preferring  to  pay  the  fine  imposed;24  but  all  trade 
with  this  vessel  by  the  missions  or  by  private  persons 
was  strictly  forbidden  and,  except  in  the  form  of 
occasional  smuggling,  prevented.25  Governor  Neve 
when  he  left  California  had  in  mind  a  project  for 
trade  with  the  galleons,  which  was  further  agitated 
by  his  successors;  but  after  unfavorable  reports  had 

21 '  Dans  la  vue,  sans  doute,  de  favoriser  le  preside  de  Monterey,  on  oblige 
depuis  plusieurs  anne"es,  le  gallon  revenant  de  Manille  a  Acapulco,  de  relacher 
dans  ce  port ;  mais  cette  relache  et  cet  atterrage  ne  sont  pas  ti  ne"cessaires, 
que,  memo  en  temps  de  paix,  ce  vaisseau  ne  pre"fere  quelqueiois  de  continuer 
sa  route,  et  de  payer  une  certaine  somme,  par  forme  de  de'dommagement  du 
bien  qu'il  aurait  fait  en  y  relachant.'  Monneron,  in  La  Perouse,  Voy.,  iv.  122. 

25  For  orders  against  trade  with  the  galleon  in  1777,  1782,  1783,  and  1787, 
see  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  64-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  154-6;  iv.  99-100; 
vii.  38-9.  Nov.  15,  1784,  the  governor  asks  for  information  on  the  charge 
that  a  padre  and  other  persons  went  on  board  the  galleon  and  brought  off 
four  bales  of  goods.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  182.  In  December  1785  P.  Noriega 
denies  that  there  has  been  any  trading  between  missions  and  galleon.  Mon- 
terey, Parroquia,  MS.,  23. 


PRICES  CURRENT.  443 

been  received  from  both  Soler  and  Fages,  the  general 
decided  to  continue  the  prohibition.26  I  annex  in  the 
form  of  a  note  a  list  of  the  prices  current  in  Cali- 
fornia at  this  epoch.27 

26  Soler,  Parecer  sobre  comercio  con  el  Buque  de  China,  14  de  Enero  1787,  MS. 
Fages,  Informe  sobre  Comercio  con  Buques  de  China,  18  de  Febrero  1787,  MS. 
The  reasons  urged  against  free  trade  were,  that  so  far  as  the  soldiers  were 
concerned  better  goods  were  received  with  greater  regularity  and  at  more 
uniform  prices  by  the  present  system;. as  the  galleon  could  not  touch  at 
all  the  presidios,  a  monopoly  and  inequality  would  be  caused;  the  soldiers 
becoming  traders  would  be  distracted  from  their  regular  duties ;  avarice  and 
pride  would  be  engendered  in  California;  China  goods  were  not  fitted  for  the 
California  trade;  and  there  was  no  money  to  pay  for  them.  Yet  Soler 
favored  the  trade  if  the  barter  of  peltries  could  be  included;  and  Fages  was 
disposed  to  favor  taking  no  notice  of  the  barter  of  trifling  articles  by  indi- 
viduals. July  14,  1786,  Gen  Ugarte  asks  Fages  for  his  views  on  the  matter. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  134-5.  June  23,  1787,  having  received  the  reports,  he 
renews  the  old  prohibition.  Id.,  vii.  38-9. 

27 Jan.  1,  1781,  Gov.  Neve  formed  a  new  arancel  in  accordance  with  royal 
order  of  March  21,  1775,  and  decree  of  audiencia  of  Jan.  11,  1776.  Prov.  M. 
Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  14,  15;  announced  to  Gen.  Croix  March  4th.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ii.  41-2;  approved  by  Croix  July  27,  1781,  and  by  king  Feb.  22,  1782,  and 
royal  approval  published  by  Fages  Jan.  12,  1784.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv. 
156-8.  This  arancel  given  in  full  under  date  of  Aug.  12,  1782,  in  Arancel  de 
Precios,  1782,  MS.  January  2,  1788,  Gov.  Fages  issued  a  new  arancel  which, 
however,  only  included  live-stock  and  agricultural  products,  or  articles  likely 
to  be  purchased  by  the  government.  Arancel  de  Precios,  1788,  MS.  Manu- 
script copy  certified  by  Gov.  Borica,  in  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  i.  7;  Savage, 
Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  2;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  36-8.  In  the  following 
list  the  prices  of  1788  are  given  in  parentheses — reales  expressed  in  'cents': 
Horses,  $9  ($3-$9);  asses  ($6-$7);  calves  ($1.50);  bulls  ($4);  sheep  (75c.-$2); 
swine  ($l-$4);  cocks  (12c.-25c.);  quail,  per  doz.  (25c.);  hares  (12c.);  mules, 
$16-$20  ($14-$20);  horses  (unbroken,  colts,  mares,  $3);  cows  ($4);  oxen  ($5); 
goats  (75c.-$l);  hens  (25c.-37c.)';  pigeons,  per  pair  (25c.);  rabbits  (12c.) 
Beef,  jerked,  per  251bs.'(75c.);  beef,  fresh,  per251bs.  (25c.);  eggs,  per  doz.  24c. ; 
hides,  un tanned  (37c.);  hides,  tanned,  $2.75  ($2.25);  wool,  per  25  Ris.  ($1.25- 
$2);  tallow,  per  25  fts.  ($1.25-$2.50);  candles,  per  25  Its.,  $3  ($2.50);  lard, 
per  25  Its.  $3  ($3);  sheep-skin,  50c.;  deer-skin  (25c.);  dog-skin,  75c.;  buck- 
skin, or  antelope,  tanned  ($1.25-$1.50);  cheese,  perlb.,  6|c.  Wheat,  per 
fanega  ($2);  barley,  per  fan.  ($1);  lentils,  per  fan.,  $2.50;  maize,  per  fan., 
$1.50;  beans,  per  fan.  ($2.50);  peas,  per  fan.  ($1.50-$3);  flour,  per  25  tt»s. 
(8l.25-$2);  $2  per  25  tt>s.  to  $6  per  fanega.  Sugar,  R».,  25c. ;  panocha,  It).,  — ; 
brandy,  pt.,  75c. ;  saffron,  oz.,  50c.;  olive-oil,  jar,  $4.37;  figs,  K>.,  12c. ;  gun- 
powder, R>.,$1;  soap,  K).,  18c.;  chocolate,  fi>.,  37c.-56c.;  cloves,  oz.,  62c.; 
cinnamon,  oz.,  62c. ;  cumin,  oz.,  3c. ;  red  pepper,  R>.,  ISc. ;  pepper,  oz.,  6c.; 
tobacco,  ft>.,  $1.25.  Anquera,  $1.50;  awl,  12c.;  shield,  $2;  kettles  (calde- 
reta),  $1 ;  stirrups,  wooden,  $1 ;  gun-case,  $1.50;  saddle-irons,  $1 ;  lance,  87c.; 
penknife,  25c.;  earthen  pot.,  12c.-18c. ;  plates,  4c.-18c. ;  comb,  6c.-50c. ; 
rosary,  3c.;  ear-rings,  pr.,  75c.;  saddle,  $12-$16;  punch,  25c.;  cup,  18c.; 
dagger,  22c.;  anquera  trappings,  $2.50;  earthen  pan,  18c.;  wooden  spoon, 
6c.;  spurs,  pr. ,  $1 ;  sword,  $4.50;  gun,  $4.50-$16;  bridle,  $1 ;  horseshoes,  set, 
$1;  pocket-knife,  50c.;  razor,  62c. ;  copper  pot,  $3.50;  paper,  quire,  45c. ; 
needles,  paper,  $1.28;  needles,  per  24,  12c.;  bridle-lines,  50c.;  Holy  Christ, 
$1.75;  chisel,  12c.;  scissors,  37c.-62c.;  screw  of  gun,  25c.;  jug,  12c.  Baize, 
yd.,  50c. ;  coarse  linen  (Cotense),  yd.,  37c.-75c. ;  gold -lace, *  oz.,  $1.62;  silver- 
lace,  oz.,  $1.62;  ribbon,  yd.,  12c.-75c. ;  cotton  cloth,  yd.,  25c.-37c.;  pita  twist, 
10c.;  linen  (Platilla),  yd.,  62c.;  Britannia  (linen),  yd.,  82c.-$1.25;  Bramant 


444  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

Each  year  two  of  the  four  transports  arrived  from 
San  Bias  with  supplies  for  presidios  and  missions,  one 
usually  visiting  San  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara,  and 
the  other  San  Francisco  and  Monterey.  The  Favor- 
ita  from  1783  to  1790  made  five  trips;  the  Princesa 
and  San  Carlos,  or  Filipino,  each  four  trips;  and  the 
Aranza-zu  three.  The  commanders  were  Martinez, 
Aguirre,  Camacho,  Tobar,  and  Canizares.  These  an- 
nual voyages  present  nothing  requiring  attention, 
save  that  in  1784  after  the  Favorita  had  sailed  from 
San  Francisco  rumors  were  current  of  a  wreck  and 
four  or  five  men  killed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Pajaro 
River,  rumors  which  proved  unfounded.  The  Manila 
galleon  touched  at  Monterey  in  1784  and  1785;  and 
in  1784  the  Princesa  arrived  from  the  Philippines 
under  Capt.  Maurelle.28 

In  1788  Martinez  with  the  Princesa  and  the  San 
Carlos  made  a  voyage  to  the  Alaska  coast  and  on 
his  return  touched  at  Monterey,  where  he  remained 
with  one  vessel  from  September  17th  to  October 
14th,  the  San  Carlos  having  gone  back  to  San 
Bias  without  stopping.29  In  his  northern  voyage  to 
Nootka  the  next  year,  in  which  he  captured  several 
English  vessels  and  very  nearly  provoked  a  Euro- 
pean war,  Martinez  did  not  touch  on  the  California 
coasts;  but  in  1790  the  San  Carlos  and  Princesa, 
under  Fidalgo  and  Quimper,  touched  at  Monterey 
on  their  return  from  Nootka  in  September,  and 
perhaps  brought  the  Californian  memorias  by  this 

(linen),  yd.,  82c.;  Frieze  (jerga),  yd.,  37c.;  silver-thread,  oz.,  $2.25;  linen, 
domestic,  yd.,  C2c.;  linen  (glazed),  yd.,  37c. ;  cloth  (ordinary  woollen),  yd., 
$1.25;  silk  twist,  82c. ;  sackcloth,  yd.,  25c.  Shirt  (crea),  $3.75;  shirt  (linen), 
$6.00;  blankets  (pastoras),  $1 ;  blankets  (cameras),  $2;  medals,  oz.,  12c.;  silk 
shawl,  $6;  hat,  $1.12;  handkerchiefs,  silk,  $1.50;  stockings  (thread),  $1.50; 
stockings  (woollen),  75c.;  stockings  (silk),  $4-$4.50;  shoes,  75c. 

28  For  records  of  arrival  and  departure  of  the  vessels  each  year  see  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  G9,  133-4;  v.  104-5,  161,  166;  vi.  50,  53;  vii.  4,  70;  viii. 
68,  89,  91-100;  ix.  100,  243-4;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  177-8;  ii.  95;  iii.  124, 
200;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  iv.  21;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  52,  ii. 
16,  17  ;  S.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  Minion,  MS.,  4;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  i.  ii.;  Palo  it, 
Mot.,  ii.  393-6. 

2S>See  Hint.  Northwest  Coast,  i.;  and  Hist.  Alaska.  See  also  references  of 
preceding  note. 


WARNING  AGAINST  THE  'COLUMBIA.'  445 

somewhat  roundabout  course.80  The  Nootka  voyages 
will  demand  our  attention  in  a  subsequent  volume 
of  north-western  annals. 

As  a  continuation  of  Californian  maritime  history 
for  this  period  the  following  order  issued  by  Governor 
Fages  to  Commandant  Jose  Argiiello  of  San  Fran- 
cisco May  13,  1789,  explains  itself,  chronicles  Cali- 
fornia's first  knowledge  of  the  United  States,  alludes 
to  what  might  have  been,  but  was  not,  a  conflict  be- 
tween the  Pacific  province  and  the  infant  republic  of 
the  Atlantic,  and  indicates  the  foreign  policy  of  Spain. 
"  Should  there  arrive  at  the  port  of  San  Francisco  a 
ship  named  Columbia,  which  they  say  belongs  to  Gen- 
eral Washington  of  the  American  states,  and  which 
under  the  command  of  John  Kendrick  sailed  from 
Boston  in  September  1787  with  the  design  of  making 
discoveries  and  inspecting  the  establishments  which 
the  Russians  have  on  the  northern  coasts  of  this  pen- 
insula;— you  will  take  measures  to  secure  this  vessel 
and  all  the  people  on  board,  with  discretion,  tact, 
cleverness,  and  caution,  doing  the  same  with  a  small 
craft  which  she  has  with  her  as  a  tender,  and  with 
every  other  suspicious  foreign  vessel,  giving  me 
prompt  notice  in  such  cases  in  order  that  I  may  take 
such  action  as  shall  be  expedient." 31 

But  Kendrick,  in  the  Columbia,  had  sought  a  more 
northern  port  than  San  Francisco,  and  no  narrative  of 
a  naval  conflict  has  place  in.  this  chapter.  Kendrick's 
associate,  Gray,  in  the  Lady  Washington,  however,  had 
sighted  California  in  latitude  41°  28'  in  August  1788, 

30 Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  239,  etc.;  Fidalgo,  Viage,  1790,  MS.;  IcL, 
Tablet,  MS. ;  Quimper,SegundoItecon.,MS.;  Navarrete,  inSutily  Hex.,  Viage, 
In  trod.,  cxii. 

31  Copy  certified  by  Argiiello  July  14,  1789,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  i.  53-^4.  Also  printed  translations  in  Randolph's  Oration;  Hut  citings' 
Mag.,  v.  310;  Elliot,  in  Overland  Monthly,  iv.  337;  8.  F,  Evening  Post,  July 
21,  1877.  A  translation  in  the  Library  of  the  California  pioneers  seems  to 
have  been  followed  by  all  writers,  who  have  copied  the  error  by  which  the 
Columbia's  tender  is  taken  for  the  boat  of  the  presidio  by  the  aid  of  which 
Argiiello  was  to  effect  the  capture!  Several  writers,  including  Randolph, 
Tuthill,  Hist.  Cat.,  117,  and  Frignet,  Californie,  52,  have  also  softened  the 
governor's  stern  decree  into  an  order  merely  to  'examine  delicately'  or  're- 
ceive with  great  reserve '  the  suspicious  craft. 


446  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

and  passing  northward  had  strangely  identified  a  cape 
in  43°  with  Mendocino.32 

Similarly  ineffective  though  well  meant  was  an  or- 
der that  came  all  the  way  from  the  court  of  Spain  in 
1787,  to  be  published  in  all  parts  of  California,  pre- 
scribing an  application  of  cool  olive-oil  as  a  remedy 
for  nigudS)  or  chigoes,  sometimes  less  elegantly  termed 
'jiggers,'  a  troublesome  insect  of  tropical  America; 
but  the  chigoes,  like  the  Yankees,  avoided  California, 
and  the  order  of  Carlos  III.  remained  a  nullity  in  this 
part  of  his  possessions.33 

A  birth,  marriage,  or  death  in  the  royal  family  was 
usually  announced  with  all  due  formality  in  this  re- 
mote corner  of  the  world;  and  on  one  occasion  a  de- 
serter at  Monterey,  whose  descendants  still  live  in 
California,  took  advantage  of  the  general  pardon  ac- 
companying the  news  of  the  happy  delivery  of  the 
princess.34 

The  death  of  Carlos  III.  was  announced  in  Febru- 
ary 1789,  and  orders  were  issued  for  the  salva  fiinebre 
and  other  rites  at  the  presidios,  with  prayers  by  all 
the  padres.35 

Felipe  de  Neve,  ex-governor,  went  to  Sonora  in 
the  autumn  of  1782,  as  we  have  seen,  to  take  the  posi- 
tion of  inspector  general  with  the  rank  of  brigadier. 
Early  in  1783  he  succeeded  Don  Teodoro  de  Croix  as 
commandant  general  of  the  Provincias  Internas,  a 
position  second  only  to  that  of  viceroy  among  Spanish 
officials  in  America,  though  Neve,  like  his  prede- 


Voyage,  1787-9,  MS.;  Hist.  Northivest  Coast,  i.  187. 

8:JA  royal  order  of  Nov.  20,  1786,  forwarded  by  commandant  general, 
Apr.  22,  1787.  St.  Pap.,  Mis*,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  51-2. 

34  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  i.  159.  In  1784  the  Princesa  was  illuminated  at 
news  that  royal  twins  had  been  born  ;  and  the  president  was  ordered  to  an- 
nounce the  birth  and  give  thanks  therefor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  117; 
Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  385.  Aug.  1st,  Pages  notifies  commandants  that 
congratulations  may  be  sent  in.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  105.  Oct.  14, 
1785,  the  king  orders  thanksgiving  everywhere  for  birth  of  Prince  Fernando 
Maria.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  26.  Nov.  4,  1780,  Santa  Barbara  ordered  to 
lire  21  guns  with  23  Ibs.  of  powder  on  San  Cdrlos  day.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
viii.  89.  Oct.  15,  1785,  general  pardon  published  in  California  on  account  of 
birth  of  twins  Don  Carlos  and  Don  Felipe.  St,  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  5. 

8i  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  306. 


i" 


DEATH  OF  EX-GOVERNOR  NEVE.  447 

cessor,  was  independent  of  viceregal  authority.36  The 
choice  was  a  merited  recognition  of  Neve's  abilities,  but 
his  rule  was  cut  short  by  death  at  the  end  of  1 7  8  4.37  All 
that  is  known  of  Neve's  life  has  been  told  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapters,  and  the  reader  is  already  aware  of 
what  manner  of  man  he  was,  able,  patriotic,  and  dig- 
nified. Devoted  to  the  royal  service  and  to  the  true 
interests  of  California,  he  formed  and  followed  a  well 
defined  policy,  rising  above  the  petty  obstacles  thrown 
in  his  way  by  the  friars.  The  dislike  of  the  latter 
was  caused  almost  wholly  by  Neve's  great  influence 
in  Mexico  and  Spain,  and  by  his  opposition  to  their 
far-reaching  schemes  of  unlimited  control.  Personally 
he  was  courteous  and  agreeable,  more  so  than  many 
other  officials;  but  while  others  followed  more  or  less 
faithfully  the  policy  laid  down  in  superior  instruc- 
tions, he  largely  dictated  that  policy.  Finding  that 
the  friars  would  not  submit  to  amicable  recognition  of 
the  secular  authorities  he  proposed  to  restrict  their 
control  of  the  mission  temporalities  and  of  the  natives 
in  the  interests  of  colonization,  of  real  civilization, 
and  the  rights  of  man.  Whether  his  system  or  any 

36  On  appointment  as  inspector  see  chap,  xviii.    Made  commandant  general 
Feb.  15,  1783.    Acknowledges  Fages'  congratulations  Feb.  6,  1784.    April  5, 
1784,  Fages  learns  that  Neve  has  been  granted  §8,000  salary  as  commandant 
inspector.    July  12,  1783,  royal  cddula  confirming  Neve's  appointment  dated 
July  12,  1783.    See  Prov.  Itcc.,  MS.,  i.  1G6,  188;  iii.  182;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
xv.  18;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  62-4;  v.  25,  88. 

37  He  died  probably  on  November  3d,  and  his  death  was  announced  to  Gov. 
Fages  on  Nov.  30th.  Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  v.  63-4.     Fages  speaks  of  his 
death  on  Feb.  1,  and  April  22,  1785.   Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  201,  ii.  93.     Don 
Felipe  de  Neve  was  a  major  of  the  Quere"taro  regiment  of  provincial  cavalry 
from  its  organization  in  1766  until  September  1774,  when  he  was  selected  by 
Viceroy  Bucareli  to  succeed  Gov.  Barri  in  the  CaUfornias.     He  assumed  the 
office  at  Loreto  on  March  4,  1775.     When  the  capital  was  changed  he  came 
to  Monterey,  arriving  on  Feb.  3,  1777.     He  made  a  beginning  of  colonization 
in  1777;  offered  his  resignation,  and  was  made  colonel  in  1778;  prepared  in 
1779  his  new  reglamento;  and  had  his  quarrel  with  Serra  in  1780.     Subse- 
quently he  spent  most  of  his  time  at  San  Gabriel  superintending  the  founda- 
tion of  Los  Angeles  and  making  preparations  for  the  Channel  missions.    On 
Aug.  21,  1782,  he  started  for  the  Colorado  River  on  a  campaign  against  the 
murderers  of  Rivera,  but  (Jn  the  way,  unexpectedly  as  it  would  seem,  he  re- 
ceived notice  of  his  promotion  dated  July  12th  to  be  inspector  general.    In 
September  he  received  the  cross  of  the  order  of  San  Carlos  and  at  the  same 
time  or  a  little  later  the  rank  of  brigadier  general.    He  was  made  command- 
it  general  Feb.  15,  1783,  probably;  was  confirmed  July  12,  1783;  and  died 
ov.  3d  of  the  next  year. 


448  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  COMMERCE. 

possible  system  could  have  been  successful,  considering 
the  class  of  colonists  obtainable,  the  character  of  the 
natives,  the  isolation  of  California,  and  the  general  cur- 
rent of  Hispano- American  affairs,  I  seriously  doubt; 
but  unlike  some  Mexican  governors  who  affected  a  like 
position  in  later  times,  Neve  was  honest  in  his  views 
and  worked  calmly  and  intelligently  for  their  realiza- 
tion. Such  men  would  have  done  all  that  it  was  pos- 
sible to  do  with  half-breed  colonists,  stupid  aborigines, 
and  opposing  priests. 

At  Neve's  death  Jose  Antonio  Rengel  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara  to  the  tem- 
porary command;  and  by  royal  order  of  October  6, 
1785,  General  Jacobo  Ugarte  y  Loyola  was  placed  in 
command,38  where  he  remained  until  1790.  During 
this  period  there  were  several  subdivisions  of  the  in- 
ternal provinces,  but  Ugarte  always  possessed  power 
over  those  of  the  west,  including  California.  During 
the  term  of  Viceroy  Galvez,  1785-7,  he  had  authority 
over  the  commandant  general,  who  had  before  been 
independent;  and  after  his  death  the  dependence  con- 
tinued, though  not  very  clearly  defined,  until  1788. 
In  1790  Ugarte  was  succeeded  by  Pedro  de  Nava 
under  whose  rule  all  subordination  of  the  command 
was  removed,  and  in  1792  or  1793  all  the  provinces 
were  reunited  in  one  independent  command.39 

Viceroy  Flores  in  his  instructions  to  his  successor 

88  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  154-5;  v.  63-4;  vi.  106;  Galvez,  Instruction 
formada  de  real  drden,  1786,  pp.  1-56. 

39  Ugarte  commanded  in  person  in  Sonora  and  California;  had  a  subordi- 
nate in  N.  Vizcaya  and  New  Mexico,  and  another  in  Coalmila  and  Texas ;  was 
subordinate  to  Viceroy  Galvez;  but  became  independent  at  his  death.  Instruc- 
ciones  de  Vireyes,  124-5;  Mayer  MSS.,  No.  8.  February  10,  1787,  Ugarte  in- 
forms Fages  that  by  death  of  Galvez  his  command  again  becomes  independent. 
Prov.St.  Pa/>.,MS.,vii.  43-5.  March  2, 1787,  royal  order  giving  Viceroy  Flo  res 
the  same  authority  that  Galvez  had  held.  Id.,  vii.  31,  viii.  40-1.  December 
3,  1787,  comandancia  divided  into  eastern  and  western  provinces.  St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  58,  61.  May  (or  March)  11,  1788,  king  gave  vice- 
roy increased  and  full  powers  over  Provincias  Internas.  Mayer  JMSS.,  No.  1; 
San  Miguel,  Rep.  Mex.,  13.  July  9,  1788,  Viceroy  Flores  gives  Ugarte  full 
powers.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  5,  6.  March  7,  1790,  Ugarte  succeeded 
by  Nava  and  Ugalde  (in  eastern  provinces)  by  Rengel.  Mayer  MSS. ,  No.  2; 
November  28,  1790,  Nava  announces  his  appointment.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
ix.  348.  1792,  all  provinces  reunited.  Escudero,  Not.  Sonora,  71.  17U3,  In- 
strucclones  de  Vireyes,  201. 


MEASURES  IN  MEXICO  AND  SPAIN.  449 

Revilla  Gigedo  in  1789  devoted  considerable  atten- 
tion to  California  and  to  the  importance  of  its  defence 
and  further  colonization,  recommending  war-vessels 
to  protect  the  coast,  since  an  attack  by  foreigners 
was  possible  and  the  reconquest  would  be  extremely 
difficult.  A  reenforcement  of  soldiers  who  would  later 
become  settlers  was  likewise  proposed  for  considera- 
tion; and  the  viceroy  had  also  asked  the  king  for  a 
few  families  from  the  Canary  Islands  to  take  care  of 
a  large  number  of  foundlings  whom  he  intended  to 
send  to  California.40  During  the  period,  however, 
there  was  practically  nothing  done  in  behalf  of  colo- 
nization, beyond  allowing  discharged  sailors  in  the 
ports  to  be  enlisted  as  settlers  or  soldiers ;  yet  Fages 
reported  strongly  in  favor  of  colonization,  since  the 
missions  with  their  increasing  number  of  neophytes 
could  not  be  depended  on  to  supply  grain  for  the  pre- 
sidios.41 

The  old  desire  for  overland  communication  with 
California  had  pretty  nearly  died  out.  Fages  at  the 
beginning  of  1785  proposed  to  lead  an  expedition  and 
to  open  communication  with  New  Mexico;  but  the 
scheme  met  with  no  favor,  and  was  positively  for- 
bidden by  Viceroy  Galvez  in  his  instructions  to  Gen- 
eral Ugarte  in  1786,  on  the  ground  that  small  parties 
would  be  exposed  to  great  danger  on  the  route,  and 
large  ones  could  not  be  spared.42 

40 Instrucciones  de Vireyes,  139-40;  Flores,  Instruction,  MS.,  22-5. 

*lProv.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  203-4;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  ii.  17;  Prav,  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
v.  164.  Feb.  15,  1785,  Gen.  Rengel  forwards  orders  of  king  for  weather 
reports  every  6  months.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  26.  Dec.  31,  1785,  the  gov- 
ernor renders  the  only  report  extant  for  this  decade,  describing  the  climate 
as  cold  and  humid,  especially  at  San  Francisco,  but  better  for  Spaniards  than 
natives;  yet  the  region  is  fertile  and  attractive  with  ample  resources  for  col- 
onies. The  spring  rains  are  as  in  Spain,  and  this  year  have  been  very  abundant. 
Relation  de  Temperamento  1785,  MS. 

42  Fages  to  Gen.  Rengel,  Jan.  14,  1785.  Prov.  Sec.,  i.  186,  ii.  104-5;  Ben- 

fel  to  Fages,  July  1st.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  23;  Galvez,  Instruction,  1786, 
IS.,  31;  Escudero,  Not.  Son.,  70;  Mayer  MSS.,  No.  8.     In  the  diary  of  an 
expedition  to  the  Tulare  region  in  1806  P.  Mufloz  mentions  a  report  by  the 
chief  of  a  San  Joaquin  rancheria  that  some  twenty  years  before — 1786 — a 
party  of  soldiers  had  arrived  from  the  other  side,  killed  some  of  the  natives 
when  attacked,  and  retired.     The  padre  thinks  this  must  have  been  a  party 
from  New  Mexico.  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrbara,  iv.  25-6. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    29 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

RULE  OF  FAGES ;  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 
1783-1790. 

PLAN  OF  LOCAL  ANNALS— SAN  DIEGO  PRESIDIAL  DISTRICT — PRESIDIO  OFFI- 
CIALS— ALFEREZ  JOSE  VELASQUEZ — FORCE  AND  POPULATION — BUILD- 
INGS— GARRISON  LIFE — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — EXPLORATIONS — SAN  DIEGO 
MISSION — JUAN  FIGUEROA — RIOBOO — MATERIAL  AND  SPIRITUAL  PROG- 
RESS— SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO — GREGORIO  AMURRIO — PABLO  MUGAR- 
TEGUI — SAN  GABRIEL — PUEBLO  OF  Los  ANGELES — SETTLERS — FELIX  AS 
COMISIONADO — PRESIDIO  OF  SANTA  BARBARA — PLAN  OF  BUILDINGS — A 
VOLCANO — SOLDIERS  KILLED  WHILE  PROSPECTING  FOR  MINES — SAN 
BUENAVENTURA — PRESIDIO  OF  MONTEREY— OFFICIAL  CHANGES— SURGEON 
DAVILA— SAN  CARLOS — NORIEGA — SAN  ANTONIO — SAN  Luis  OBISPO — 
JOSE  CAVALLER — PRESIDIO  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO — LIEUTENANTS  MORAGA 
AND  GONZALEZ — LASSO  DE  LA  VEGA — PRESIDIO  CHAPEL — THE  MISSION- 
FRANCISCO  PALOU — MAP  OF  THE  BAY — SANTA  CLARA— NEW  CHURCH — 
MURGUIA — PUEBLO  DE  SAN  JOSE — VALLEJO  AS  COMISIONADO. 

DURING  the  era  of  exploration,  conquest,  and  foun- 
dation, which  was  for  the  most  part  ended  soon  after 
the  beginning  of  the  second  decade,  the  local  history 
of  each  new  establishment  has  been  a  link  in  the 
chain  of  provincial  development  so  closely  united  with 
affairs  of  government  and  the  general  march  of  events 
.as  to  be  susceptible  of  strict  chronological  treatment. 
Local  annals  will  be  to  the  end  an  important  and 
deservedly  prominent  element  in  California!!  history, 
,as  in  any  provincial  history  properly  so  called;  but 
hereafter  it  will  be  best,  that  is,  most  conducive  to  a 
clear  presentment  and  easy  study  of  the  subject,  to 
group  these  annals  in  decades,  or  other  convenient 
periods,  and  to  present  them  side  by  side  with  and  to 
some  extent  independently  of  the  more  formal 

(450) 


AFFAIRS  AT  SAX  DIEGO.  451 

general  narrative  which  they  support  and  illustrate. 
The  present  chapter  I  devote  to  purely  local  annals 
of  the  missions,  presidios,  and  pueblos  during  the  rule 
of  Pedro  Fages,  from  1783  to  1790,  a  period  which 
may,  however,  be  regarded  practically  in  most  respects 
as  beginning  a  year  or  two  earlier,  and  thus  compris- 
ing the  second  decade  of  Spanish  occupation. 

To  begin  in  the  extreme  south ;  the  presidio  of  San 
Diego  from  1781  to  1790  and  for  three  years  more 
was  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  Jose  de  Zuiiiga, 
who,  as  habilitaclo,  was  also  intrusted  with  the  com- 
pany accounts.  So  far  as  the  records  show  no  com- 
plaint was  ever  made  against  him  in  either  capacity, 
and  he  not  only  enjoyed  the  entire  confidence  of  both 
governor  and  commandant  general,  but  was  popular 
with  his  men,  and  efficient  in  keeping  the  savages 
quiet.1  The  second  officer  was  at  first  Alferez  Jose 
"Velasquez,  who  like  Zuniga  was  one  of  the  new  officers 
sent  to  California  under  the  regulation  of  1781,  who 
did  good  service  among  the  southern  and  frontier  sav- 
ages, some  of  whose  explorations  I  shall  have  occasion 
to  mention  later,  but  who  died  at  San  Gabriel  Novem- 
ber 2,  1785.2  During  1786  the  position  was  vacant, 

1  Fages  to  Gen.  Ugarte  Nov.  8,  1787,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  4,  urges 
that  it  would  be  unsafe  to  remove  Zuiiiga  in  view  of  his  success  in  ruling  the 
natives.    Capt.  Soler  wished  to  put  him  in  command  at  Santa  Barbara  so  that 
under  his  supervision  a  stupid  alf6rez  might  be  utilized  as  habilitado.  Id.,  vii. 
114-16.    Lieut.  Ortega,  Ziifriga's  predecessor,  had  practically  commanded  at 
San  Diego  since  its  foundation,  at  first  as  sergeant  in  charge  of  the  escolta,  and 
after  March  1774,  Id.,  i.  149,  as  lieutenant  and  commandant  of  the  presidio. 
Rafael  Pedro  y  Gil,  who  as  guarda-cdmacen  had  charge  of  the  accounts  before 
Zuiii^a's  time,  gave  them  up  on  Oct.  19,  1781,  and  went  to  San  Bias  under 
arrest  to  account  for  a  deficit  of  $7,000.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  118;  ii.  7*0-1. 
Pedro  y  Gil  was  a  native  of  Baroca  in  Aragon,  married  to  Doiia  Josefa  de 
Chavira  y  Lerma,  a  native  of  Jalisco,  by  whom  he  had  several  children,  three 
of  them  born  at  San  Diego.    S.  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  12,  18,  20.    He 
came  as  store-keeper  in  1774,  asked  to  be  relieved  the  same  year,  had  a  deficit 
of  $333  in  1775,  and  asked  again  for  dismissal  before  he  was  ruined.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  234-5,  238.    In  1782  his  deficit  was  $6,300.  Monterey  Co.  Arch., 
MS. ,  vii.  6.    In  1791  he  wras  a  revenue-officer  in  Etzatlan,  Jalisco,  and  again  in 
debt  to  the  government.  Nueva  Espana,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  16. 

2  He  was  buried  Nov.  3d  by  Sanchez  in  the  mission  church.    San  Gabriel, 
Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  vii.  2.    His  death  was 
caused  by  a  sore  hand.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  160.    In  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii. 


432  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

but  early  the  next  year  Sergeant  Pablo  Grijalva  of 
the  San  Francisco  company  was  made  alferez,  or  sub- 
lieutenant, and  sent  down  to  take  the  place,  which  he 
held  for  the  rest  of  the  period.3 

Grijalva,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  come  from 
Sonora  with,  Anza's  San  Francisco  colony  in  1776. 
The  sergeant  of  San  Diego  had  been  Juan  Jose  Robles, 
a  victim  of  the  Colorado  River  massacre,  and  after 
his  death  Guillermo  Carrillo  served  for  a  time,  but 
died  in  December  1782,4  and  after  a  vacancy  of  two 
years  Ignacio  Alvarado  was  promoted  from  among 
the  corporals  to  fill  the  place  from  1784.  The  pre- 
sidial  force  under  these  officers  was  by  the  regulation 
to  be  five  corporals  and  forty-six  soldiers,  and  the 
ranks  never  lacked  more  than  three  of  being  full.  Six 
men  were  constantly  on  duty  at  each  of  the  three 
missions  of  the  district,  San  Diego,  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano,  and  San  Gabriel;  while  four  served  at  the 
pueblo  of  Angeles,  thus  leaving  a  sergeant,  two 
corporals,  and  about  twenty-five  men  to  garrison  the 
fort,  care  for  the  horses  and  a  small  herd  of  cattle, 
and  to  carry  the  mails,  which  latter  duty  was  the 
hardest  connected  with  presidio  service  in  time  of 
peace.  There  were  a  carpenter  and  blacksmith  con- 
stantly employed,  besides  a  few  servants,  mostly 
natives.  The  population  of  the  district  in  1790,  not 
including  Indians,  was  220. 5 

132,  it  is  implied  that  Velasquez  had  been  habilitado,  that  the  office  fell  to 
Zuniga  at  his  death,  and  that  Raimundo  Carrillo  was  to  be  sent  to  aid  Ziiiiiga 
in  his  new  duties;  but  this  is  certainly  an  error. 

3  His  commission  as  alfe"rez  of  the  San  Diego  company  was  sent  by  the  gen- 
eral Feb.  9,  1787.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  45. 

*San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  79. 

5  Company  rosters,  containing  the  names  of  all  officers  and  men,  were 
made  out  monthly  for  each  presidio.  In  the  early  years  only  a  few  of  these 
rosters  for  each  year  have  been  preserved;  but  in  later  times  they  are  nearly 
complete.  The  reglamento  gave  San  Diego  $13,000  per  year;  but  the  aver- 
age annual  expense  as  shown  by  the  company  accounts  was  about  $16,000. 
The  average  pay-rolls  were  $12,000];  Mexico  memorias,  $8,000;  and  .San  Bias, 
£3,500.  In  1786  supplies  to  the  amount  of  $3,653  were  bought  of  the  mis- 
sions. Between  $400  and  $500  were  retained  from  soldiers'  pay  each  year  for 
thefondo  de  retention.  Military  accounts  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
ii.  21;  iii.  14;  vi.  4;  v.  9;  viii.  3-5;  xx.  6,  7;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
i.  169-70;  Monterey  Co.  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  6.  For  lists  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion see  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  26-7,  v.  25;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  17C-9. 


BUILDINGS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  453 

Respecting  the  presidio  buildings  during  this  period 
the  records  are  silent;  but  in  view  of  Governor  Neve's 
efforts  in  this  direction,  of  the  fact  that  the  work  of 
collecting  foundation  stones  was  begun  as  early  as 
1778,  and  especially  because  the  correspondence  of 
the  next  decade  speaks  of  extensive  repairs  rather 
than  original  construction,  I  suppose  that  the  pali- 
sades were  at  least  replaced  by  an  adobe  wall  enclos- 
ing the  necessary  buildings,  public  and  private.  Here 
on  the  hill  lived  about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five 
persons,  men,  women,  and  children.  Each  year  in 
summer  or  early  autumn  one  of  the  transport  vessels 
entered  the  harbor  and  landed  a  year's  supplies  at  the 
einbarcadero  several  miles  down  the  bay,  to  be  brought 
up  by  the  presidio  mules.  Every  week  or  two  small 
parties  of  soldier-couriers  arrived  from  Loreto  in  the 
south  or  Monterey  in  the  north  with  ponderous  de- 
spatches for  officials  here  and  to  the  north,  and  with 
items  of  news  for  all.  Each  day  of  festival  a  friar 
came  over  from  the  mission  to  say  mass  and  otherwise 
care  for  the  spiritual  interests  of  soldiers  and  their 
families;  and  thus  the  time  dragged  on  from  day  to 
day  and  year  to  year,  with  hardly  a  ripple  on  the  sea 
of  monotony. 

There  was  an  occasional  rumor  of  intended  hostili- 
ties by  the  natives,  but  none  resulted  in  anything 
serious,  most  of  the  trouble  occurring  south  of  the 
line  in  Baja  Californian  territory  and  requiring  some 
attention  from  Fages  during  his  southern  trip  in  the 
spring  of  1783.  Here  in  the  south,  as  in  fact  through- 
out the  country,  the  natives  were  remarkably  quiet 
and  peaceful  during  Fages'  rule.  This  is  shown  by 
the  meagre  records  on  the  subject  in  connection  with 
the  well  known  tendency  of  the  Spaniards  to  indulge 
in  long  correspondence  on  any  occurrence  that  can 
possibly  be  made  to  appear  like  an  Indian  campaign.6 

6 June  30,  1783,  Fages  to  Padre  Sales,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  218,  says 
that  he  has  ordered  a  sally  against  the  Colorado  Indians;  and  Oct.  26,  Id., 
201,  he  orders  Sergt.  Arce  with  a  guard  of  4  or  5  men  to  watch  those  Indians, 


454  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

Neve's  instructions  on  leaving  California  had  included 

O 

a  recommendation  to  open  a  new  and  safer  route  from 
San  Diego  to  the  peninsula.  The  exploration  seems 
to  have  been  made,  and  the  result,  saving  ten  or 
twelve  leagues  of  distance  and  avoiding  some  danger- 
ous bands  of  coast  natives,  was  approved  by  General 
Eengel  in  1786.7  At  the  end  of  May  1783  Alferez 
Velasquez  made  a  reconnoissance  eastward  from  San 
Diego  with  a  view  to  examine  a  new  route  .  to  the 
Colorado  River  recommended  by  Lasuen.  He  went 
no  farther  than  the  summit  of  the  mountains,  found 
the  route  impracticable,  and  returned  by  another  way 
after  an  absence  of  four  days.8  In  October  of  the 
same  year  Velasquez  had  instructions  from  Fages  to 
visit  the  Colorado,  to  examine  a  ford  said  by  the 
natives  to  exist  near  the  mouth,  to  recover  as  many 
horses  as  possible  without  using  force,  and  to  keep  a 
full  diary  of  the  trip;9  but  it  seems  that  no  such  ex- 
ploration was  made.  In  1785,  however,  Fages  in 
person  made  a  similar  reconnoissance  accompanied  by 
Velasquez,  whose  diary  has  been  preserved.10  This 
trip  was  made  from  the  frontier  where  Fages  had 
been  searching  for  a  mission  site,  the  outward  march 
being  in  what  is  now  Lower  California,  but  a  portion 

the  guard  to  be  relieved  every  15  days.  Aug.  21st,  Ziifliga  to  Fages  states 
that  the  Serranos  have  killed  a  neophyte  and  threaten  to  attack  the  mission. 
He  has  taken  steps  to  keep  them  in  check.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  77. 
Nov.  15,  1784,  governor  to  general,  that  a  deserter,  Hermenegildo  Flores  (an 
Indian  probably)  has  been  killed  by  the  Indians.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  181-2. 
Oct.  7,  1786,  Zufiiga  to  Fages,  .that  he  has  sent  7  men  to  reconnoitre  Tomga- 
yavit.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  38.  Dec.  21,  1788,  the  soldier  Mateo  Rubio 
seriously  injured  while  loading  a  gun.  Id.,  viii.  68. 

7 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  131-3;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  iv.  18;  vi.  113-14. 
Some  details  respecting  the  new  route  are  given. 

8  Velasquez,  Diarioy  Mapa  de  un  Reconocimiento  desde  S.  Diego,  1783,  MS., 
with  a  rude  sketch  of  the  route,  which  although  the  earliest  map  of  this 
region  extant,  I  do  not  deem  worth  reproducing. 

9 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  188-90. 

10  Velasquez,  Relation  del  Viaje  que  hizo  el  Gobernador  Far/es,  1785,  MS.  A 
continuation  of  the  title  explains  the  document :  '  Diary  made  by  order  of 
Gov.  Fages  of  the  exploration  made  by  him  in  person  from  the  frontier, 
crossing  the  sierra,  wandering  from  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado  River  to  the 
gulf  of  California,  passing  through  the  country  of  the  Camillares,  Cucupaes, 
Guyecamaes,  Cajuenches,  and  Yumas;  and  his  return  across  said  sierra  to 
this  presidio.'  Dated  San  Diego,  April  27,  1785.  The  trip  lasted  from  April 
7th  to  20th. 


SAN  DIEGO  MISSION.  455 

of  the  return  north  of  the  line  across  the  sierra  to 
San  Diego.  There  was  one  fight  in  which  the  natives 
were  punished  for  having  killed  a  horse  as  well  as  for 
previous  offences  with  which  they  were  charged.  The 
narrative  is  long  and  filled  with  petty  details,  without 
value  for  the  most  part,  but  which  might  be  of  some 
geographical  interest  if  presented  in  full  and  studied 
in  connection  with  an  accurate  topographical  map,  did 
such  a  thing  exist.  It  may  be  noted  here  that  Fages 
in  1782  had  crossed  directly  from  the  Colorado  to  San 
Diego,  the  first  recorded  trip  over  that  route.  I  ap- 
pend a  chart  made  by  Juan  Pantoja  in  1782,  which 
was  copied  by  La  Perouse  in  substance.11 

At  the  mission  six  miles  up  the  river  there  was  a 
total  change  in  the  missionary  force  about  the  middle 
of  the  decade,  caused  by  the  death  of  one  of  the 
ministers  and  promotion  of  another.  Juan  Figuer 
after  seven  years  of  service  in  this  field  died  Decem- 
ber 18,  1784,12  and  was  buried  in  the  mission  church 
next  day.  For  about  a  year  Fermin  Francisco  de 
Lasuen  served  alone,  until  in  November  1785  the 
duties  of  his  new  position  as  president  called  him  to 
San  Carlos,  and  his  place  was  taken  by  Juan  Mariner. 
Juan  Antonio  Garcia  Rioboo  was  associate  until  Oc- 
tober 1786,  and  was  then  succeeded  by  Hilario  Tor- 

llSutil  y  Mexicana,  Viage,  Atlas;  La  Perouse,  Voy.,  Atlas.  I  omit  the 
soundings. 

12 San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  80,  containing  his  partida  de  entierro 
signed  by  Lasuen.  Figuer  was  a  native  of  Anento  in  Aragon,  and  became  a 
Franciscan  at  Zaragoza.  Of  his  coming  to  America  and  to  San  Fernando  col- 
lege I  have  found  no  record.  With  29  companion  friars  for  the  Californias 
he  arrived  at  Tepic  from  Mexico  at  the  end  of  1770,  and  with  about  19  of  the 
number  sailed  for  Loreto  in  February  1771.  The  vessel  was  driven  down  to 
Acapulco  and  in  returning  was  grounded  at  Manzanillo.  Most  of  the  padres 
returned  to  Sinaloa  by  land,  but  Figuer  and  Serra  intrusted  themselves  again 
to  the  sea,  when  the  San  Carlos  was  got  off,  and  after  a  tedious  voyage 
reached  Loreto  in  August  1771.  Figuer  was  assigned  to  the  Baja  California!! 
mission  of  San  Francisco  de  Borja.  In  November  1772  he  was  sent  up  to 
San  Diego  by  Palou  in  company  with  Usson,  both  being  intended  for  the 
proposed  mission  of  San  Buenaventura ;  but  that  foundation  being  postponed 
Figuer  became  minister  of  San  Gabriel  in  May  1773.  He  served  at  San 
Gabriel  1773-4;  at  San  Luis  Obispo  Oct.  1774  to  June  1777;  and  at  San  Diego 
until  his  death  in  Dec.  1784.  He  was  buried  in  the  mission  church  on  Dec. 
19th,  by  his  associate  Lasuen.  In  1804  his  remains,  with  those  of  the  martyr 
Jaume  and  of  Mariner,  were  transferred  with  all  due  solemnity  to  a  new  sep- 
ulchre under  an  arch  between  the  altars  of  the  new  church. 


456 


LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 


rens.  The  three  last  named  friars  were  new-comers, 
Rioboo  having  been  sent  up  by  the  guardian  in  the 
vessel  of  1783  at  Serra's  request  for  supernumeraries, 
and  the  other  two  having  arrived  in  1785  and  1786, 


MAP  or  SAX  DIEGO,  1782. 

doing  their  first  work  at  San  Diego.  Rioboo  is  not 
heard  of  after  he  left  this  mission,  and  I  suppose  him 
to  have  retired  to  his  college  at  the  end  of  1786.13 

13  Juan   Antonio   Garcia  Rioboo,  who  should  properly  be  spoken  of  as 
Garcia-Rioboo,  whose  last  name  should  perhaps  be  written  Riobo,  and  of 


LASUEN'S  REPORT.  457 

In  June  1783  Lasuen  sent  to  Serra  a  report  on  the 
mission  of  San  Diego,  which  included  an  outline  of  its 
past  history,  already  utilized  in  the  preceding  chap- 
ters, and  a  statistical  statement  of  agricultural  prog- 
ress, intended  to  show  that  the  place  was  wholly  unfit 
for  a  mission,  although  the  spiritual  interests  of  the 
converts  made  it  necessary  to  keep  up  the  establish- 
ment, there  being  no  better  site  available.  A  de- 
scription of  the  mission  buildings  then  in  existence 
accompanied  the  other  papers.14  There  were  at  this 
time  740  neophytes  under  missionary  care,  and  Lasuen 
estimated  the  gentiles  within  a  radius  of  six  or  eight 
leagues  at  a  somewhat  larger  number.  In  1790  the 
converts  had  increased  to  856,  of  this  number  486 
having  been  baptized  and  278  having  died.  Large 
stock  had  increased  from  654  to  1,729  head,  small 
stock  from  1,391  to  2,116,  and  the  harvest  of  1790 
had  aggregated  about  1,500  bushels.  In  his  general 
report  of  1787  on  the  state  of  the  missions  Fages, 
repeating  the  substance  of  Lasuen 's  earlier  statements 
respecting  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  affirms  that  only 
about  one  half  of  the  neophytes  live  in  the  mission, 
since  they  cannot  be  fed  there,  that  the  gentiles  are 

whose  early  life  I  know  nothing,  came  from  San  Fernando  college  to  Tepic 
probably  in  the  same  company  as  Figuer  (see  note  12),  in  October  1770.  He 
crossed  over  to  the  peninsula  with  Gov.  Barri  in  January  1771,  and  was  put 
in  charge  of  the  two  pueblos  near  Cape  San  Lucas.  In  May  1773  he  sailed 
from  Loreto  on  his  way  to  his  college.  We  hear  nothing  more  of  him  until 
he  was  assigned  to  the  Santa  Barbara  Channel  missions,  but  refused  to  serve 
under  the  new  system  proposed.  Later,  however,  he  was  sent  up  with  Noboa 
as  supernumerary,  arriving  at  San  Francisco  June  2,  1783,  and  spending  his 
time  at  San  Francisco,  San  Juan,  and  San  Gabriel  until  he  came  to  San 
Diego  in  1785.  It  is  probable  that  even  here  he  was  not  regular  minister. 

"  Lasuen,  Informe  de  1783,  MS. ;  Hayes'  Mission  Boole,  89-98.  The  report 
was  first  dated  May  10th,  but  Serra  having  ordered  it  kept  back — probably 
iu  the  fear  that  he  might  have  to  show  it  to  the  secular  authorities — the 
author  made  some  additions  under  date  of  June  21st.  The  buildings  were: 
Church,  30  x  5.5  varas;  granary,  25  x  5.5  varas;  storehouse,  8  varas;  house 
for  sick  women,  6  varas;  house  for  men,  6  varas;  shed  for  wood  and  oven;  2 
padres'  houses,  5.5  varas;  larder,  8  varas;  guest-room;  hato;  kitchen.  These 
were  of  adobe  and  from  3  to  5.5  varas  high.  With  the  soldiers'  barracks 
these  buildings  filled  three  sides  of  a  square  of  55  varas,  and  the  fourth  side 
was  an  adobe  wall  3  varas  high,  with  a  ravelin  a  little  higher.  Outside,  a 
fountain  for  tanning,  2  adobe  corrals  for  sheep,  etc.,  and  one  corral  for  cows. 
Most  of  the  stock  was  kept  in  San  Luis  Valley  2  leagues  away,  protected  by 
palisade  corrals. 


458  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

numerous  and  dangerous,  and  that  it  is  only  by  the 
unremitting  toil  and  sacrifice  of  the  padres  in  connec- 
tion with  the  vigilance  of  governor  and  commandant 
that  this  mission  has  managed  to  maintain  a  preca- 
rious existence.  He  adds,  however,  that  notwith- 
standing all  difficulties  San  Diego  was  the  first  mission 
to  register  a  thousand  baptisms.15 

Of  San  Juan  Capistrano  there  is  little  to  be  said 
beyond  naming  its  ministers  and  presenting  a  few 
statistics  of  conversion  and  of  industrial  progress. 
Lands  were  fertile,  ministers  faithful  and  zealous, 
natives  well  disposed,  and  progress  in  all  respects  sat- 
isfactory. Fages  in  his  report  of  1787  alludes  briefly 
to  this  establishment  as  in  a  thoroughly  prosperous  con- 
dition. The  number  of  converts  was  nearly  doubled 
prior  to  1790,  and  an  occasional  scarcity  of  water  was 
the  only  drawback,  apparently  not  a  serious  one,  to 
agricultural  operations.16  Of  the  original  ministers 
who  served  at  San  Juan  from  the  founding  in  1776, 
Gregorio  Amurrio  had  left  the  mission  and  probably 
the  country  in  the  autumn  of  1779,17  and  had  been  suc- 
ceeded by  Vicente  Fuster,  who  at  the  end  of  1787 
was  transferred  to  Purisima,  his  place  being  filled  by 
Juan  Jose  Norberto  de  Santiago,  who  had  come  from 
Mexico  the  year  before  and  from  Spain  in  1785. 

15  Fages,  Informe  General  sobre  Misiones,  1787,  MS.  Owing  to  peculiar  traits 
of  the  San  Diego  Indians  they  were  left  more  completely  under  missionary 
control  than  at  other  missions,  there  being  no  alcaldes.  Id.,  77-8. 

16  Converts  in  1783,  383;  in  1790,  741;  new  baptisms,  569;  deaths,  140. 
Large  stock  had  increased  from  473  to  2,473;  and  small  stock  from  1,175  to 
5,500.     Agricultural  products  for  1790  were  over  3,000  bushels. 

17  Amurrio  was  one  of  the  party  who  with  Figuer  (see  note  12)  was  wrecked 
at  Manzanillo  in  attempting  to  cross  from  San  Bias  to  Loreto  in  1771.     He 
came  back  to  Sinaloa  by  land,  reached  Loreto  in  November,  and  served  at  Santa, 
Gertrudis  during  the  brief  occupation  of  the  peninsula  by  the  Franciscans. 
At  the  cession  he  came  with  Palou  to  San  Diego  in  August  1773.     Here  he 
remained  until  April  1774,  when  he  sailed  for  Monterey,  subsequently  serving 
most  of  the  time  as  supernumerary  at  San  Luis  Obispo  until  the  attempted 
foundation  of  San  Juan  in  October  1775.     The  next  year  he  spent  chiefly  at 
San  Diego,  was  present  as  minister  at  the  successful  foundation  of  San  Juan  on 
Nov.  1,  1776;  and  his  last  entry  in  the  books  of  that  mission  was  in  September 
of  1779.     I  think  he  sailed  in  the  transport  of  that  year  for  San  Bias,  retiring 
on  account  of  impaired  health. 


ANNALS  OF  SAN  GABRIEL.  459 

Pablo  de  Mugartegui,  the  other  founder,  left  Cali- 
fornia at  the  end  of  1789,18  Faster  having  returned  in 
September  to  serve  with  Santiago  during  the  last  year 
of  the  decade.19 

At  San  Gabriel,  the  third  mission  of  the  San  Diego 
military  jurisdiction,  Antonio  Cruzado  and  Miguel 
Sanchez  served  together  throughout  this  decade  as  in 
the  next  and  a  large  part  of  the  preceding,  the  former 
having  begun  his  service  in  1771  and  the  latter  in 
1775,  while  both  died  at  their  posts  after  1800.  They 
had  Jose  Antonio  Calzada  as  a  supernumerary  asso- 
ciate from  1788  to  1790.  They  baptized  on  an  average 
a  hundred  converts  each  year,  half  of  whom  soon 
died.  In  neophyte  numbers  San  Gabriel  was  second 
only  to  San  Antonio,  while  in  live-stock  and  farm 
products  this  mission  had  in  1790  far  outstripped  all 
the  rest.20  The  governor  alludes  to  it  as  having  often 
relieved  the  necessities  of  other  establishments  in  both 
Californias,  and  as  having  enabled  the  government  to 
carry  out  important  undertakings  that  without  such 
aid  would  have  been  impracticable.  Prosperity  did 
not  hovfever  carry  in  its  train  much  excitement  in  the 
way  of  local  events,  and  the  calm  of  this  mission  of 

18Pablo  de  Mugartegui  came  to  California  with  Serra  on  that  friar's  return 
from  Mexico,  arriving  at  San  Diego  March  13,  1774.  Being  in  poor  health  he 
remained  for  some  time  unattached  to  any  mission,  first  serving  as  super- 
numerary at  San  Antonio  from  January  to  July  1775.  He  was  minister  at 
San  Luis  Obispo  from  August  1775  until  November  1776,  and  at  San  Juan  as 
we  have  seen  from  November  1770  until  November  1789.  He  writes  to  Lasuen 
on  Jan.  30,  1794,  from  the  college,  that  he  had  been  very  ill  but  was  now  out 
of  danger.  From  Aug.  16,  1786,  he  held  the  office  of  vice-president  of  the 
California  missions,  having  charge  of  the  southern  district.  Taylor,  in  Cal. 
Farmer,  July  24,  1863,  says,  erroneously  I  suppose,  that  he  died  on  March  6, 
1805,  at  (San  Buenaventura. 

19  Much  of  the  information  respecting  the  friars  in  charge  I  have  obtained 
from  San  Juan  Capistrano,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.     Among  the  visiting  padres 
who  officiated  here  during  the  period  and  before  were  Serra,  Oct.  1778;  Figuer, 
June  1780;  Miguel  Sanchez,  May  1782;  Lasuen,  Oct.  1783;  Rioboo,  Feb.  1784; 
Mariner,  Oct.  1785;  Jose  Arroita,  Dec.  1786;  Jos6  Antonio  Calzada,  April  1788; 
Torrens,  Cct.  1788;  and  Cristobal  Onimas,  Dec.  1788  to  Jan.  1789.     Thus  we 
see  that  San  Juan  for  some  not  very  clear  reason  was  much  less  isolated  in 
respect  of  visitors  than  San  Diego. 

20  Neophytes  in  1783,  638;  in  1790,  1,040.     Baptisms  during  period,  818; 
deaths,  466.     Increase  of  large  stock,  860  to  4,221;  small  stock,  2,070  to 
6,013.     Harvest  in  1790,  6,150  bushels. 


460  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

the  great  archangel  on  the  river  of  earthquakes  was 
disturbed  only  by  one  or  two  slight  troubles,  or  rumors 
of  trouble,  with  the  natives.  In  October  1785  the 
neophytes  and  gentiles  were  tempted  by  a  woman,  so 
at  least  said  the  men,  into  a  plan  to  attack  the  mis- 
sion and  kill  the  friars.  The  corporal  in  command 
prevented  the  success  of  the  scheme  without  blood- 
shed, and  captured  some  twenty  of  the  conspirators. 
Fages  hurried  south  from  the  capital,  put  the  four 
ringleaders  in  prison  to  await  .the  decision  of  the 
commandant  general,  and  released  the  rest  with  fifteen 
or  twenty  lashes  each.  Two  years  later  came  General 
Ugarte's  order  condemning  one  native,  Nicolas,  to  six 
years  of  work  at  the  presidio  followed  by  exile  to  a 
distant  mission.  The  woman  was  sent  into  perpetual 
exile,  and  the  other  two  were  dismissed  with  the  two 
years'  imprisonment  already  suffered.21  Again  in  July 
1786  a  gentile  chieftain  was  arrested  on  a  charge  pre- 
sented by  the  chief  of  another  rancheria  that  he  had 
threatened  hostilities,  but  the  accusation  proved  to 
have  little  or  no  foundation.22 

The  annals  of  the  adjoining  pueblo,  Our  Lady, 
Queen,  or  Saint  Mary,  of  the  Angels  on  the  Rio  de 
Porciuncula  have  already  been  brought  down  in  a 
general  way  to  the  distribution  of  lands  in  the  autumn 
of  1786.23  By  the  end  of  the  decade  the  number  of 
settlers  had  been  recruited,  chiefly  from  soldiers  who 
had  served  out  their  time,  from  nine  to  twenty-eight, 
who  with  their  families  made  up  a  total  population  of 
one  hundred  and  thirty-nine.24  All  of  the  original 
pobladores  who  received  a  formal  grant  of  their  lands 
in  1786  remained  except  Rosas.25  Sebastian  Alvitre 

21  Fages  to  Gen.  Ugarte  Dec.  5,  30,  1785,  in  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  ii.  131-2; 
Ugarte  to  Fages,  Dec.  14,  1787,  in  Arch.  8ta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  116-17. 
MZuniga  to  Fages,  Aug.  15,  1786,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  35-6. 

23  See  chapter  xvi.,  this  volume. 

24  An  estado  of  August  17,  1790,  maizes  the  total  141.    Males,  75;  females, 
66.     Unmarried,  91;  married,  44;  widowed,  6.     Under  7  years,  47;  7  to  16 
years,  33;  16  to  29  years,  12;  29  to  40  years,  27;   40  to  90  years,   13;  over 
90  years,  9.    Europeans,  1;  Spaniards,  72;  Indians,  7;  mulattoes,  22;   mestizos, 
39.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  152. 

25  The  20  new  settlers  were :  Domingo  Aruz,  Juan  Alvarez,  Joaquin  Ar- 


HAPPENINGS  AT  LOS  ANGELES.  461 

had  proved  unmanageable  at  San  Jose  and  after  four 
or  five  years  of  convict  life  at  the  presidio  had  been 
sent  to  Angeles  for  reform.  The  settlers  were  not  a 
very  orderly  community,  but  they  seem  to  have  given 
some  attention  to  their  fields,,  since  the  pueblo  pro- 
duced in  1790  more  grain  than  any  of  the  missions 
except  San  Gabriel,  its  neighbor.  Their  dwellings, 
twenty-nine  in  number,  were  of  adobes,  like  the  public 
town  hall,  barrack,  guard-house,  and  granaries;  and 
all  were  enclosed  within  an  adobe  wall,  there  being 
also  a  few  buildings  outside  the  wall.26 

Vicente  Felix  was  at  first  corporal  of  the  pueblo 
guard  furnished  by  the  San  Diego  presidio;  but  he 
soon  developed  special  ability  and  interest  in  general 
management  and  was  made  a  kind  of  director  before 
1784.  Though  some  complaints  were  made  against 
him  by  the  settlers,  and  Zufiiga  at  one  time  favored  his 
removal,  the  governor's  confidence  was  not  shaken, 
and  he  finally  made  him  comisionado,  intrusting  to 
him  the  management  not  only  of  the  pueblo  but  of 
its  alcalde  and  regidores,27  he  being  responsible  to  the 
governor  through  the  commandant  of  Santa  Barbara 
for  any  failure  of  those  officials  to  attend  properly  to 
their  duties.  Fages'  instructions  to  Felix  were  dated 
Jan.  13,  1787,  and  required  the  latter  to  see  that  the 

menta,  Juan  Ramirez  Arellano,  Sebastian  Alvitre,  Roque  Cota,  Faustino  Jose* 
Cruz,  Juan  Jose*  Uominguez,  Manuel  Figueroa,  Felipe  Santiago  Garcia, 
Joaquin  Higuera,  Juan  Jose"  Lobo,  Jose"  Ontiveros,  Santiago  de  la  Cruz  Pico, 
Francisco  Reyes,  Martin  Reyes,  Pedro  Jose"  Romero,  Efigenio  Ruiz,  Mariano 
Verdugo,  Jose"  Villa,  besides  Vicente  Felix,  corporal  and  comisionado.  In 
1789  there  had  been  5  additional  names:  Jose"  Silvas,  Rejis  Soto,  Francisco 
Lugo,  Melecio  Valde"s,  and  Rafael  Sepulveda,  or  at  least  lands  were  ordered  to 
be  granted  to  these  men.  Nine  only  drew  pay  and  rations  in  1789.  Prov.  St. 
Pop.,  MS.,  v.  29-36;  ix.  120,  159-63;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  x.  2-6; 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  i.  66-72.  Large  stock  had  increased  from  340  to  2,980  head; 
small  stock  from  210  to  438;  and  the  crops  of  1790  amounted  to  4,500  bushels. 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  68,  71.  Aug.  10,  1785,  35  pounds  powder 
and  800  bullets  sent  to  Angeles  as  reserve  ammunition  for  settlers.  Prov.  Hec., 
MS.,  ii.  7.  Nov.  9,  1786,  Goycoechea  to  Fages,  will  take  steps  to  stop  ex- 
cesses. Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  57.  May  8,  1787,  commandant  general  con- 
gratulates Fages  on  progress  reported.  Id.,  vii.  41.  Pueblo  called  Santa  Maria 
de  los  Angeles.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  125. 

27  Prov.  Rec..,  MS.,  i.  163-4;  Prov.  St.  Pap,,  v.  180;  ix.  105,  119-20,  225-6. 
Jose  Vanegas  was  the  first  alcalde  in  1788;  Jose"  Sinova  the  second  in  1789, 
with  Felipe  Garcia  and  Manuel  Camero  as  regidores;  and  Mariano  Verdugo 
the  third  in  1790. 


402  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

settlers  performed  all  the  duties,  complied  with  all 
the  conditions,  and  enjoyed  all  the  privileges  enjoined 
by  the  regulation;  to  watch  and  instruct  and  cooperate 
with  the  alcalde  in  his  efforts  to  insure  good  order  and 
justice  and  morality;  and  to  attend  to  the  carry  ing- 
out  of  some  very  judicious  regulations  which  are 
included  in  the  document  respecting  the  treatment 
of  the  natives  and  their  employment  as  laborers.28 

At  the  Channel  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara  the  force 
maintained  was  from  fifty  to  fifty-four  privates,  two 
corporals,  two  or  three  sergeants,  an  alferez,  and  a 
lieutenant.  Of  this  force  fifteen  men  at  first  and 
later  ten  were  stationed  at  San  Buenaventura,  fifteen 
at  Purlsima,  and  from  three  to  six  at  Santa  Barbara 
after  those  missions  were  founded,  and  two  generally 
at  Los  Angeles.  The  so-called  white  population  of  this 
presidial  district  was  about  two  hundred  and  twenty, 
or  three  hundred  and  sixty  with  Los  Angeles.29 

Lieutenant  Jose  Francisco  Ortega,  the  original 
commandant,  retained  his  position  together  with  that 
of  habilitado,  until  January  1784,  when  he  was  sent 
to  the  peninsula  frontier  and  Lieutenant  Felipe  de 
Goycoechea  came  up  to  take  his  place,  which  he  held 
until  1804.  Ortega  was  removed  by  the  general  at 
the  request  of  Soler,  who  alone  found  fault  with  the 
lieutenant,  and  who  as  we  know  was  a  chronic  fault- 
finder. Soler  subsequently  complained  of  the  new 
commandant's  lack  of  application,  and  wished  to  put 
in  the  place  Zuniga  with  a  stupid  habilitado  or  Ortega 


28  Pages,  Instruction  para  el  cabo  de  la  Escolta  del  pueblo  de  Los  Angeles  como 
Commonado  por  el  (jobierno  para  dirigir  al  alcalde  y  d  los  rerjidores,  1787,  MS. 

29  The  Santa  Barbara  situado  by  the  reglamento  was  $14,472;  average  pay- 
roll, $13,500;  average  inemorias  of  supplies,  $12,500;  average  total  of  habiii- 
tado's  accounts,  $2(5,000,  of  which  about  $6,000  was  a  balance  of  goods  on 
hand;  fondo  de  gratification,  $2,000,  and  fondo  de  retention,  §1,000  in  1784; 
fondo  de  invdlidos  and  Monteplo,  $427  in  1 782.    Company  accounts  in  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  i.  2,  90;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  ii.  1,  8,  20-2, 
38-9;  iii.  18;  iv.  22;  vi.  3;  viii.  13;  ix.  3,  4;  xiv.  6,  7.     Inventories  of  arma- 
ment in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  96-9;  vii.  86;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  6,  7. 
A  list  of  inhabitants  with  families,  age,  etc.,  showing  67  male  heads  of  fami 
lies,  dated  Dec.  31,  1785,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  4-9. 


SANTA  BARBARA  PRESIDIO.  463 

with  an  able  one,  but  Fages  could  not  spare  Ztiniga 
from  San  Diego.  In  1786,  however,  in  consequence 
of  the  vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  Moraga  at  San 
Francisco,  the  governor  offered  Ortega  his  choice  of 
the  presidios,  and  he  at  first  chose  Santa  Bdrbara,  but 
finally  took  command  of  Monterey.  Jose  Argtiello 
was  company  alferez  from  the  beginning  down  to 
April  1787,  when  he  was  promoted  to  the  command 
of  San  Francisco,  leaving  a  vacancy  not  filled  until 
after  1790.  The  sergeants  were  Pablo  Antonio  Cota 
and  Ignacio  Olivera,  with  Raimundo  Carrillo  after 
178 1,80  perhaps  from  1783. 

Work  on  the  presidio  buildings  was  pushed  for- 
ward, in  the  Hispano-Californian  sense,  throughout 
the  period,  and  the  commandant's  communications  to 
Fages  on  plans  and  progress,  on  delays  and  accidents, 
on  the  making  of  adobes  and  tiles  or  the  receipt  of 
beams,  on  laborers  and  their  wages,  and  on  other 
matters  connected  with  the  structure  were  very  nu- 
merous.31 The  building  material  was  chiefly  adobe, 
though  mortar,  or  cement,  was  used  in  some  build- 
ings, and  the  outer  or  main  wall  stood  on  a  founda- 
tion of  stone.  Roofs  were  for  the  most  part  of  tiles, 
supported  by  timbers  which  were  brought  down  by 
the  transports  from  the  north.  The  laborers  were 

30  Ortega  appointed  commandant  of  Sta.  Barbara  Sept.  8,  1781.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  i.  1,2.     Ortega  removed  for  incompetency,  not  under- 
standing his  own  accounts.  Soler,  June  7,  1787,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii. 
115.    Ortega  and  Goycoechea  ordered  to  change  places.     Soler  to  Pages,  May 
14, 1783,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  120-1,  132.    Goycoechea' s  commission  sent  to 
him  Jan.  17,  1783.  Id.,  iii.  55.     Goycoechea  arrived  at  San  Diego  en  route 
north  Aug.  24,  1783.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  78.    Ortega  gave  up  command 
Jan.  25,  1784.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  102;  ii.  4.     Ortega  thanks  Fages  for  offer 
of  any  presidio,  and  selects  Santa  Barbara  Jan.  3,  1787.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vii.  175.    Soler's  complaints  against  Goycoechea  and  suggestion  of  changes 
March  and  June,  1787.  Id.,  114-15,  135.    Argiiello  left  for  San  Francisco  in 
April,  1787.    There  was  some  correspondence  about  Goycoechea  giving  up  the 
habilitacion.  Id.,  59,  67.     Ugarte  to  Fages  Oct.  25,  1787.     The  viceroy  will 
fill  the  vacant  place  of  alferez.  Id.,  31.     Hermenegildo  Sal  wafe  one  of  the 
sergeants  at  the  foundation  but  left  the  company  very  soon.  Prov.  St.  Pop. , 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.     It  would  serve  no  useful  purpose  to  refer  here  to  the  hun- 
dreds of  company  rosters  and  similar  documents  scattered  through  different 
archives  and  which  have  afforded  me  much  information. 

31  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  143-44;  v.  155,  107;  vi.  48,  50,  55,  59,  02-3,  08, 
72;  vii.  0,  7;  viii.  90,  114;  ix.  108,  168,  173;  xii.  60-1. 


72;  v 


464 


LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 


the  soldiers  themselves,  some  thirty  sailors  obtained 
at  different  times  from  the  San  Bias  vessels,  and  na- 
tives who  were  paid  for  their  work  in  wheat.  The 
soldiers  and  officers  contributed  about  §1,200  for  the 
work  from  1786  to  1790,  an  amount  which  seems 
however  to  have  been  returned  to  them  later  as  a 


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PLAN  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  PRESIDIO,  1788. 

gratuity.  The  best  description  of  the  result  is  the 
annexed  plan  which  was  sent  by  Goycoechea  to  Fages 
in  September  1788.  At  that  time  the  western  line  of 
houses  were  not  roofed  and  the  outer  walls  were  not 
yet  begun;  but  before  the  end  of  1790  at  least  three 
sides  of  the  main  wall  had  been  built.32  The  natives 


32 1,  chief  entrance,  12  ft.;  2,  storehouses,  16  x  61  ft.;  3,  18  family  houses, 
15  x  24  ft.;  4,  false  door,  roofed,  9  ft.;  5,  church  24  x  60  ft.;  6,  sacristy,  12 


EVENTS  AT  SANTA  BARBARA.  4G5 

as  hired  laborers  worked  well,  and  the  grain  raised  at 
the  presidio  to  be  dealt  out  in  wages  was  so  abundant 
that  in  1785  orders  came  from  the  general  not  to  sow 
any  that  year.33 

The  discovery  of  a  so-called  volcano  in  1784  was 
the  source  of  some  local  excitement,  and  was  duly 
reported  to  Mexico  and  Arizpe.  The  volcano  was  a 
league  and  a  half  west  of  the  presidio  at  a  bend  or 
break  in  the  shore  line,  and  about  a  thousand  varas 
in  circumference.  The  ground  was  so  hot  that  the 
centre  could  not  be  approached ;  fire  issued  from  thirty 
different  places  with  a  strong  fume  of  sulphur;  and 
the  heat  of  the  rocks  caused  the  water  to  boil  when 
the  spot  was  covered  at  high  tide.  There  was  no 
crater  proper,  or  rather  it  was  covered  up  with  frag- 
ments of  rock  and  with  ashes.  Fages  went  in  person 
to  examine  the  sulphurous  phenomenon  and  learned 
from  the  natives  that  the  volcano  had  been  long  in 
operation.34 

The  aborigines  in  this  district  gave  the  Spaniards 
very  little  trouble  beyond  the  occasional  theft  of  a 
cow  or  sheep  from  the  mission  herds,  engaging  in 

stilities  among  themselves,   or   rarely   committing 

trages  on  neophytes  which  called  for  Spanish  inter- 
nee. In  August  1790  Sergeant  Olivera  with  eight 

en  went  in  search  of  an  Indian  deserter,  and  wrere 
instructed  also  to  prospect  for  mines.  While  the  force 
was  scattered  somewhat  in  the  search  for  minerals, 
they  were  attacked  by  a  large  number  of  Indians 
of  the  Tenoqui  rancheria  and  driven  away  with 
the  loss  of  two  soldiers  killed,  Espinosa  and  Car- 
Ion.  Goycoechea  was  blamed  by  Fages  for  having 

15  ft.;  7,  alfe"rez'  suite,  3  rooms;  8,  commandant's  suite,  4  rooms;  9,  15  family 
houses,  15  x  27  ft.;  10  chaplain's  2  rooms;  11,  sergeant's  house,  16  x  45  ft.; 
12,  quarters  and  guard-room;  13,  corrals,  kitchen,  and  dispensa  of  alfdrez; 
14,  corrals,  kitchen,  and  dispensa  of  commandant;  15,  chaplain's  corral;  16, 
western  bastion;  17,  eastern  bastion;  18,  corrals. 

33  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  244;  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  i.  171,  185.  In  1787, 
however,  the  wheat  crop  was  destroyed  by  rain  and  snow,  which  caused  the 
seed  to  rot.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  65. 

91  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  181;  ii.  119-20;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  19. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    30 


4G6  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

engaged  in  mining  operations  at  the  risk  of  his  sol- 
diers' lives.35 

At  San  Buenaventura,  the  southernmost  of  the 
Channel  missions,  Dumetz  and  Santa  Maria,  the  first 
regular  ministers,  served  with  much  zeal  and  success 
throughout  the  decade,  increasing  the  list  of  neophytes 
from  22  to  388,  baptizing  498,  and  losing  115  by  death. 
Large  stock  increased  from  103  to  961;  small  stock 
from  44  to  1,503;  and  the  crops  of  1790  were  over 
3,000  bushels.  The  surrounding  gentiles  were  always 
friendly,  but  on  account  of  their  large  numbers  a 
larger  guard  was  stationed  there  than  at  other  mis- 
sions, 15  men  at  first,  and  later  only  10.  Sergeant 
Pablo  Antonio  Cota  commanded  until  the  end  of  1788, 
when  on  complaint  of  the  padres  Sergeant  Raimundo 
Carillo  was  put  in  his  place.33 

The  missions  of  Santa  Barbara  and  Purisima,  be- 
longing to  this  military  district,  as  new  establishments 
have  been  disposed  of  in  the  preceding  chapter. 

The  regulation  called  for  a  presidial  force  at 
Monterey  of  fifty-two  men  under  a  lieutenant  and 

35Goycoechea  to  Fages,  Sept.  2,  1790,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS., 
ix.  6-8;  Fages  to  Eomeu,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  148.  Sept.  17,  1783, 
Attack  on  Conejo  and  Escorpion  rancherias,  who  have  stolen  cattle,  to  be 
deferred.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  130.  Indian  Captain  Chico  killed  by  captain 
of  Najalayegui  rancheria  and  others  May  27,  1785.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v. 
157.  July  1787,  Four  neophytes  fled  and  with  pagans  attacked  a  rancheria, 
killing  5  in  retaliation  for  the  killing  of  13  of  their  kinsmen.  LI. ,  vii.  92. 
July  26th,  Playanos  have  killed  some  cattle  at  Angeles,  but  sickness  in  the 
company  prevents  chastisement  at  present.  Id.,  68.  Oct.  30th,  When  Lieut. 
Gonzalez  passed  through  Espada  rancheria  a  woman  was  cut  in  pieces-  or 
perhaps  in  several  places — for  refusing  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  a  soldier.  Id., 
70-1,  91.  In  August  1787  there  was  an  expedition  to  punish  pagans  for  out- 
rages on  neophytes.  Several  arrests  were  made  and  some  fugitives  brought 
in.  The  Calahuasat  rancheria  was  the  principal  one  involved.  Id.,  76-7. 
Jan.  1788,  Sergt.  Cota  went  to  the  Tachicos  rancheria  in  the  mountains  to 
catch  a  neophyte  thief,  but  was  attacked  and  had  to  kill  3  and  wound  8.  Id., 
viii.  123. 

36  Fages  in  his  report  of  1787  refers  to  San  Buenaventura  as  having 
made  very  satisfactory  progress  in  all  respects  except  that  the  church  is  a  very 
poor  affair.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  133-5.  Seven  houses  for 
families  completed  by  May  12,  1788.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.,  109.  Olivera 
replaced  by  Carillo,  Oct.  1788.  Id.  118,  122.  See  8.  Buenaventura,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  for  names  of  soldiers,  children,  etc. 


ANNALS  OF  MONTEREY.  4G7 

alferez,  and  the  number  during  this  decade  never  fell 
below  fifty,  though,  including  invalids,  it  was  sometimes 
as  high  as  sixty-two;  and  there  were, besides, a  surgeon 
and  two  or  three  mechanics.  A  guard  of  six  men 
was  kept  at  each  of  the  three  missions  of  San  Cdrlos, 
San  Antonio,  and  San  Luis  Obispo;  and  four  men 
were  furnished  for  San  Jose  pueblo  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  district,  which  had  in  1790  a  population  of 
gente  de  razon  numbering  two  hundred.  At  the  same 
time  the  presidio  herds  numbered  four  thousand  head 
of  live-stock  great  and  small.37 

Lieutenant  Diego  Gonzalez,  like  Ztiniga  one  of  the 
new  officers  who  came  under  the  regulation  of  1781, 
was  commandant  until  July  1785,  when  he  was  sent 
to  San  Francisco.  The  commandant  at  Monterey 
played  a  less  prominent  part  in  history,  or  at  least  in 
the  records,  by  reason  of  the  governor's  presence,  and 
little  is  known  of  Gonzalez'  acts  here  save  that  he 
was  arrested  at  the  governor's  orders  for  insubordina- 
tion, gambling,  and  smuggling;  but  we  shall  hear  of 
him  again.  The  alferez  of  the  company,  and  also 
habilitado,  was  Hermenegildo  Sal,  who  had  come  to 
California  as  a  private  with  Anza  in  1776.  Sal  became 
acting  commandant  on  the  departure  of  Gonzalez,  and 
held  that  position  until  1787.  He  would  probably 
have  kept  the  command  had  it  not  been  for  his  quarrels 
already  alluded  to  with  Captain  Soler,  whose  ill-will 
he  incurred  and  who  claimed  to  have  discovered  a 
serious  deficit  in  his  accounts.  It  was  in  August  1787 
that  the  charge  was  made,  and  Sal  was  placed  under 
arrest  by  order  of  the  governor,  his  property  being 
attached  and  two  thirds  of  his  pay  being  kept  back 
at  first,  and  later  all  but  two  reals  per  day.  Corre- 
spondence on  this  matter  was  quite  extensive,88  and 

37  Situado  allowed  by  reglamento,  $17,792;  pay-roll,  about  $13,000;  total 
of  habilitado's  yearly  accounts,  $35,000.     Company  accounts  in  Arch.  CaL, 
passim. 

38  Letters  of  Sal,  Soler,  and  Fages  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  60-1,  120, 
130,  143,  167-8;  viii.  41-2,  54-5;  ix.  140-1;  x.  162-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  x.  10,  11;  iii.  9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  33-4. 


468  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

shows  that  though  Sal  was  personally  somewhat 
involved  in  debt,  the  charge  of  defalcation  in  con- 
nection with  the  company  accounts  was  unfounded. 
Instead  of  owing  the  company  $3,000,  the  company 
owed  him  about  $600.  It  required  three  years  to  set 
Don  Hermenegildo  right,  and  in  the  mean  time  Ortega, 
whom  it  had  been  intended  to  restore  to  his  old  pre- 
sidio of  Santa  Barbara,  came  to  take  the  command 
and  the  office  of  habilitado  at  Monterey  instead,  from 
September  1787.39  The  sergeant  of  the  company  was 
Mariano  Yerdugo  until  1787,  succeeded  by  Manuel 
Vargas.  The  surgeon  was  Jose  Ddvila.40 

Beyond  matters  connected  with  the  government, 
with  the  visit  of  La  Perouse,  and  with  otner  events 
of  general  interest  recorded  in  preceding  chapters 
there  is  nothing  to  be  said  of  this  presidio  except  to 
note  a  conflagration  that  occurred  August  11,  1789. 
In  firing  a  salute  to  the  San  Carlos  on  her  arrival  in 
port  the  wad  of  the  cannon  set  fire  to  the  tule  roofing, 
and  about  one  half  of  the  buildings  within  the  square 
were  destroyed.  Repairs  were  far  advanced  by  the 
end  of  1790.41 

At  the  three  missions  of  this  presidial  district,  San 
Carlos,  San  Antonio,  and  San  Luis  Obispo,  there  is 
nothing  in  the  way  of  local  events  to  be  noted  during 
the  period  covered  by  this  chapter;  but  the  statistics 

39  Ortega  gave  up  his  command  on  the  frontier  to  Gonzalez  May  3d,  left 
San  Miguel  in  May,  was  at  San  Diego  on  June  5th,  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara 
June  27th,  and  started  north  Aug.  21st.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  71,  76,  78, 
81,  105-6.     After  his  accounts  were  settled  Sal  did  not  resume  the  place  of 
habilitado  at  Monterey,  but  was  sent  to  San  Francisco  in  April  1791,  Argiiello 
coming  to  the  capital. 

40  Surgeon  Davila  came  to  San  Diego  in  July  1774  and  to  Monterey  in 
December.    As  early  as  1781  Gov.  Neve  favored  granting  his  petition  for  leave 
to  quit  the  country  as  being  incompetent  and  captious.  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  ii. 
CS.    The  exact  date  of  his  departure  does  not  appear,  but  it  was  before  Decem- 
ber 1783.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  57-8.    Davila's  first  wife,  Josefa  Carbajal, 
died  at  San  Francisco  in  November  1780.  San  Francisco,  Lib.  deMision,  MS., 
12,  64,  and  in  January  1782  he  married  Maria  Encarnacion  Castro,  a  daughter 
of  Isidore  Castro.  Sta.  Clara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS. ,  40. 

41  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  1,  2;  x.  166;  xiii.  191;  xxii.  87;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil, 
i.  9.     The  old  presidio  chapel  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  square,  and  April  14, 
1789,  Fages  had  ordered  adobes  made  for  a  new  one. 


MISSIONS  OF  MONTEREY  DISTRICT.  469 

as  given  in  connection  with  other  missions  are  as 
follows:  At  San  Carlos  Junipero  Serra  and  Matias 
Antonio  de  Santa  Catarina  y  Noriega  served  until 
August  1784,  when  the  former  having  died,  the  latter 
served  till  October  1787,42  and  Jose  Francisco  de 
Paula  Senan  from  that  time  on,  having  Pascual  Mar- 
tinez de  Arenaza  as  associate  from  1789,  and  Lasuen 
as  president  from  1790.  The  friars  named  were  the 
regular  ministers  so  far  as  the  records  show,  but  other 
priests  arriving  by  sea  from  San  Bias  or  coming  in 
from  other  missions  often  spent  some  time  here,  so 
that  there  were  nearly  always  two  and  often  more.43 
At  San  Antonio  de  Pd/dua  the  founders  of  1771, 
Miguel  Pieras  and  Buenaventura  Sitjar,  served 
throughout  this  decade,  having  at  its  close  1,076  neo- 
phytes under  their  charge — the  largest  mission  com- 
munity in  California.44  At  San  Luis  Obispo  Jose 
Cavalier  served  continuously  from  the  foundation  in 
1772  to  his  death  on  December  9,  1789.45  His  asso- 
ciate was  Antonio  Paterna  until  December  1786, 
when  he  went  to  found  Santa  Barbara,  and  Miguel 
Giribet  came  in  December  1787.  Between  the  two 
I  find  that  Faustino  Sola  had  charge  of  the  mission 

42  Matias  Antonio  de  Santa  Catarina  (written  also  Catharina  and  Catalina) 
y  Noriega,  who  was  best  known  by  the  name  Noriega,  came  up  as  chaplain  on 
the  transport  of  1779,  and  took  Cambon's  place  at  San  Francisco.     He  re- 
mained there  until  1781,  and  then  served  at  San  Carlos  until  1787,  when  he 
retired  to  his  college. 

43  Increase  of  converts  1783  to  1790,  614  to  733;  baptisms,  639;  deaths, 
i;  large  stock,  628  to  1,378;  small  stock,  245  to  1,263.  Crops  in  1790,  3,775 

shels.     Fages  in  his  general  report  of  17.87  alludes  to  the  climate  with  its 
.dden  changes  of  heat  and  cold,  as  having  something  to  do  with  the  great 
mortality.     Crops  have  been  good,  though  arrangements  for  irrigation  have 
not  yet  been  completed.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  139-40. 

44  Increase  in  neophytes,  585  to  1,076;  baptisms,  773;  deaths,  333;  large 
stock,  429  to  2,232;  small  stock,  466  to  1,984;  crops  in  1790  only  1,450  bushels. 
Fages  says  the  soil  is  tolerably  good  though  irrigation  is  difficult,  and  the 
mission  has  raised  enough  for  her  own  use  and  a  surplus  for  sale.    San  Antonio 
had  the  best  church  in  California  excepting,  perhaps,  Santa  Clara.  St.  Pap. , 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  i.  MS.,  145-7. 

45  Jose"  Cavalier  was  a  native  of  the  town  of  Falcet  in  Catalonia.     He  left 
the  college  in  Mexico  in  October  1770,  sailed  from  San  Bias  in  January  1771, 
reached  San  Diego  in  March  and  Monterey  in  May,  remaining  there  as  super- 
numerary until  he  went  to  found  San  Luis  in  Sept.  1772.     His  remains  were 
buried  in  the  mission  church,  and  he  left  the  reputation  of  a  zealous  and  suc- 
cessful missionary.  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  38;  autograph  in  S. 
Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  4. 


sud 


470  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

for  a  few  months,  but  am  unable  to  completely  fill  the 
vacancy  even  with  one  padre.46 

Lieutenant  Jose  Moraga  was  commandant  and 
habilitado  of  San  Francisco  until  his  death,  which 
occurred  on  July  13,  1785,47  from  which  date  Gon- 
zalez, transferred  from  Monterey,  became  comman- 
dant for  two  years,  and  Jose  Ramon  Lasso  de  la 
Vega,  the  alferez,  served  as  habilitado.  During  the 
two  years  there  was  trouble  with  both  these  officials. 
Before  leaving  Monterey  Gonzalez  had  once  been  put 
under  arrest  for  insubordination,  gambling,  failing  to 
prevent  gambling,  and  for  trading  with  the  galleon. 
At  San  Francisco  his  irregular  conduct  continued  in 
spite  of  warnings  and  re-arrest;  and  in  1787  the  gov- 
ernor was  obliged  to  send  him  to  the  frontier.  He 
never  returned  to  California.48 

46 Increase  in  neophytes,  492  to  605;  baptisms,  332;  deaths,  130;  large 
stock,  815  to  3,810;  small  stock,  960  to  3,725;  crops  for  1790,  2,340  bushels. 
Want  of  water  was  the  chief  drawback  according  to  Fages'  report. 

47  Of  Jose1  Joaquin  Moraga,   or  as  he  always  signed   his  name,  Josseph 
Moraga,  little  is  known  beyond  what  has  been  told  in  the  text.     He  came 

'  with  Anza  in  1776,  and  was  commandant  of  San  Francisco  from  the  first, 
founding  the  presidio,  the  two  missions,  and  the  pueblo  of  San  Jose".  He 
was  godfather  of  the  first  neophyte  at  San  Francisco,  who  received  his  name; 
and  he  was  secular  sponsor  at  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  the  mission 
church  still  standing,  as  also  at  the  dedication  of  the  Santa  Clara  church. 
His  record  as  an  officer  was  an  honorable  and  stainless  oae.  His  wife  was 
Maria  del  Pilar  de  Leon  y  Barcel6,  who  died  in  October  1808  and  was  interred 
in  the  San  Francisco  cemetery,  her  husband's  remains  resting  in  the  church. 
He  brought  a  son  Gabriel  to  California  who  afterwards  became  a  lieutenant, 
a  famous  Indian  fighter,  and  the  ancestor  of  a  family  still  surviving.  Don 
Josd's  niece,  Maria  Ignacia,  was  the  wife  of  JosiS  Argiiello.  The  commandant 
is  described  as  having  been  5  ft.  2  inches  and  2  lines  in  height;  but  there  is 
reason  to  suppose  that  the  pie  del  rey  used  in  measuring  the  height  of  soldiers 
was  longer  than  the  ordinary  Spanish  foot,  which  was  8  per  cent  shorter  than 
our  foot. 

48  Gonzalez'  arrest  at  Monterey  in  August  1784.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  186;  ii. 
102-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  MS.,  i.  41.    Soler  alludes  to  his  mucha  ridiatlez 
Nov.  14,  1786,  and  proposes  Argiiello  as  a  successor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.  198;  vii.  114-16.     Gonzalez  arrested  at  San  Francisco  by  Lasso  at  Soler's 
order  Feb.  4,  1787,  and  sent  south  to  meet  Fages  March  18th.  Id.,  vii.  98-9; 
Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iii.  39.    Fages  tells  the  story  to  his  successor,  Rpmeu,  Feb. 
26,  1791.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  162-3.    General  approves  measures  against 
Gonzalez.  Id.,  vii.  50.     Gonzalez  was  born  at  Ceste  del  Campo  in  Spain,  and 
enlisted  as  a  private  at  about  the  age  of  26  in  1762.     He  served  3  years  as  a 
private,  2  as  corporal,  10  as  sergeant,  and  a  little  over  one  year  as  alfdrez. 
Having  seen  much  service  in  Indian  campaigns  in  the  Provincias  Internas,  he 
was  promoted  to  be  lieutenant  for  California  service  in  December  1779.   Uoja  de. 
Servidos,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  ii.  12-13;  iv.  15.     Fages  says  of 


SAN  FRANCISCO  OFFICIALS.  471 

Lasso  the  habilitado  was  a  stupid  fellow,  though 
neither  dishonest  nor  dissipated,  always  in  trouble 
with  his  accounts,  and  always  recommended  to  the 
executive  clemency.  During  his  first  brief  term  in 
1781-2  he  managed  to  leave  a  deficit  of  about  $800; 
and  early  in  1787  Captain  Soler  discovered  a  still  more 
serious  and  inexcusable  defalcation.  His  usual  excuses 
of  forgetfulness,  stealing  by  soldiers  and  convicts,  and 
the  melting-away  of  sugar  during  transportation  would 
no  longer  save  him;  he  was  suspended  from  office, 
placed  under  arrest,  and  obliged  to  live  on  twenty-five 
cents  a  day,  the  rest  of  his  pay  as  alferez  being  reserved 
to  make  up  the  deficit  in  his  accounts.  This  state  of 
things  continued  for  over  four  years,  and  then,  the 
amount  having  been  in  great  part  repaid,  he  was  dis- 
missed from  the  service;  but  the  king  subsequently 
granted  him  retirement  and  half-pay.49  Jose  Argiiello 
was  taken  from  Santa  Barbara  and  promoted  to  be 

him  after  he  was  sent  to  the  frontier  'no  tiene  narizes  ni  asiento.'  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  x.  148.  In  Nov.  1791  the  king's  permission  was  sent  to, the  gov- 
ernor to  put  Gonzalez  on  the  retired  list.  Id.,  94.  He  retired  as  invdlido  to 
Rosario  in  Sonora,  and  his  name  was  dropped  from  the  company  rolls  after 
Jan.  1,  1793.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  157. 

49  On  Lasso's  San  Francisco  troubles  see  correspondence  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
ii.  13G-9;  iii.  35-7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  93-4;  vii.  114-17,  121-3,  128, 
141-2;  viii.  7-9;  xi.  179;  xxi.  157;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.  10. 
Sept.  16,  1786,  Fages  speaks  of  the  appointment  of  Sergt.  Jose  Perez  Fernan- 
dez as  alferez  of  San  Francisco;  but  it  was  not  done  before  1 790.  On  same  date 
he  orders  the  deficit  charged  to  the  company.  July  6, 1787,  Fages  blames  Soler 
for  not  having  been  more  strict  in  Lasso's  case.  Soler  went  up  to  straighten 
out  Lasso's  accounts,  but  himself  made  a  blunder,  probably  in  1782.  Aug.  9, 
1788,  the  general  orders  Lasso's  dismissal  when  the  deficit  is  paid.  Dec.  1, 
1791,  Gov.  Romeu  suspends  him  from  rank  and  pay.  Lasso  was  commissioned 
alferez  Feb.  10,  1780.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  iv.  14-15.  In  1790  he 
was  34  years  old  and  single.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  84,  though  he  had  wanted 
to  marry  in  1781,  and  Gov.  Neve  had  been  ordered  to  dismiss  him  from  the 
service  if  he  persisted  in  his  intention.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.,  84.  Again  in 
1787  in  the  midst  of  his  troubles  he  wished  to  take  a  wife,  but  his  petition  for- 
warded by  Lasuen  was  refused.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS. ,  xii.  364-5.  The  royal 
order  of  retirement  was  forwarded  by  the  viceroy,  applied  for  in  1794,  viceroy 
to  Fages  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  179,  April  11,  1795,  and  by  the  governor 
Aug.  24th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  105;  Prov.  Rec..  MS.,  v.  61;  and  Aug. 
27th  the  govern  or  writes  to  Arrillaga '  our  poor  Lasso  has  received  his  retirement 
with  half-pay  as  alferez,  as  petitioned  by  you,  for  which  may  God  reward  you.' 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  320-1.  Though  'quiso  la  naturaleza  negarle  una  precisa 
parte  de  espiritu' — Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  114 — yet  by  birth  he  was  enti- 
tled to  be  called  'Don.'  He  was  of  Spanish  blood  and  a  native  of  Chihuahua. 
He  was  school-master  at  San  Jose"  in  1795-6,  as  late  as  Aug.  19,  1797,  is  urged 
to  pay  a  balance  still  due,  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  266,  and  he  died  Nov.  30,  1821, 
at  the  age  of  64,  being  buried  at  San  Rafael.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  905. 


472  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

lieutenant  from  June  1787,  taking  charge  at  the  same 
time  of  the  accounts.50  Juan  Pablo  Grijalva  was  the 
company's  sergeant  until  1787,  when  he  was  sent  as 
alferez  to  San  Diego,  and  Pedro  Amador  was  promoted 
to  fill  his  place. 

The  presidial  force  was  thirty-four  men  besides  the 
officers,  from  fifteen  to  twenty  of  whom  served  in  the 
garrison  while  the  rest  did  guard  duty  at  the  mission, 
at  Santa  Clara,  arid  at  San  Jose.  With  their  families 
they  amounted  to  a  population  of  about  one  hundred 
and  thirty.  Of  the  presidio  buildings  there  is  noth- 
ing to  be  said  beyond  the  fact  that  from  want  of  tim- 
ber, bad  quality  of  adobes,  and  lack  of  skilful  workmen 
no  permanent  progress  was  made  during  the  decade. 
Some  portion  of  the  walls  was  generally  in  ruins,  and 
the  soldiers  in  some  cases  had  to  erect  the  old-fash- 
ioned palisade  structures  to  shelter  their  families.51 
Local  events  as  recorded  were  neither  numerous  nor 
very  exciting.  The  natives  gave  no  trouble  save  by 
the  rare  theft  of  a  horse  or  cow,  for  which  offence 
they  were  chastised  once  or  twice  in  1783;  and  in 
1786  neophytes  were  arrested  and  flogged  for  ravages 
among  the  soldiers'  cattle.52  These  cattle  became  so 
numerous  as  to  be  troublesome,  and  slaughter  was 
begun  as  early  as  1784  to  reduce  the  number  to  eight 
or  nine  hundred.53  Captain  Soler  complained  much 
of  the  bad  climate  of  the  place,  and  even  advocated, 
as  we  have  seen,  its  abandonment;  but  in  the  eyes  of 
higher  officials  the  importance  of  the  location  on  San 
Francisco  Bay,  arid  the  duty  of  protecting  the  mission, 
outweighed  the  peculiarities  of  the  peninsula  climate.54 

50  Argiiello's  commission  was  forwarded  by  the  general  Feb.  9, 1787.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  45.     He  left  Santa  Barbara  April  12th.  Id.,  67.     Took 
possession  of  office  at  San  Francisco  June  12th. 

51  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  166;  xi.  53.     In  January  1784  the  corner  of  the 
presidio  was  blown  down  in  a  gale.  Id.,  v.  69. 

™Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS/,  iv.  21,  30;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  134. 

53  Sergeant  Grijalva  had  over  50  head,  and  was  ordered  to  remove  the  sur- 
plus where  they  would  not  interfere  with  the  mission  herds.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
i.  173,  181.     January  23,  1788,  Fages  says  that  he  will  send  men  to  build  a 
corral  at  San  Mateo  and  there  to  gather  stock  from  San  Bruno  to  Santa  Clara 
if  pasturage  grows  scarce.  Id.,  iii.  40. 

54  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  117;  v.  4,  5. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  473 

There  was  some  trouble  about  the  performance  of  a 
chaplain's  duties  at  the  presidio,  and  for  over  two 
years  the  soldiers  heard  no  mass  unless  at  the  mis- 
sion; but  in  February  a  chapel  was  completed,  after 
which  time  the  friars  made  occasional  visits.55  San 
Francisco  was  honored  by  several  visits  from  the  gov- 
ernor, and  in  August  1784  was  the  birthplace  of  his 
daughter.56  A  sailor  from  the  Princesa,  who  had 
served  out  his  time,  remained  at  San  Francisco  in 
1784,  intending  to  establish  a  school;  but  it  does  not 
appear  that  he  succeeded.57 

The  mission  of  San  Francisco  in  respect  of  neophytes 
was  the  smallest  of  the  old  establishments,  having 

'  O 

increased  in  the  eight  years  from  215  to  438.  Bap- 
tisms had  been  551,  and  deaths  205.58  The  increase 
of  herds  was,  of  large  stock  from  554  to  2,000,  and  of 
small  from  284  to  1,700.  Notwithstanding  the  small 
area  and  barren  nature  of  the  soil,  which,  as  Fages 
states  in  his  general  report,  had  yielded  but  small 
crops,  we  find  that  the  yield  in  1790  was  3,700  bushels, 
excelled  by  only  four  in  the  list  of  missions.  It  ap- 
pears, however,  that  the  sowing  was  done  mostly 
at  a  spot  ten  or  twelve  miles  distant  down  the  penin- 
sula.59 

In  the  ministry  Pedro  Benito  Cambon,  the  founder, 
served  throughout  the  whole  period;  and  Francisco 
Palou,  also  a  founder,  until  1785,  when  he  retired  to 
his  college  at  a  ripe  old  age.60  Miguel  Giribet  was 

B3Pr<w.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  99;  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  i.  192. 

56 £  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  20-1. 

*~' Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  183. 

58  In  1784  the  governor  reports  it  also  as  having  one  of  the  poorest  churches. 
8t.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Cfolon.,M.S.,  i.  145-7. 

59 St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  143. 

60  Francisco  Palou,  sometimes  written  with  an  accent  Palou,  without  any 
good  reason  so  far  as  I  know,  was  born  at  Palma  in  the  Island  of  Mallorca, 
probably  in  1722.  Mr  Doyle  in  his  introduction  to  the  reprint  of  Palou,  Noti- 
cias,  i.  iii.,  infers  that  the  date  was  about  1719;  but  in  a  letter  dated  1783, 
Hist.  Mar/.,  iv.  67-8,  the  padre  calls  himself  61  years  of  age.  Taking  the 
habit  of  San  Francisco  he  entered  the  principal  convent  of  the  city,  and  in 
1740  became  a  disciple  of  Junipero  Serra,  with  whom  and  with  Juan  Crespi  of 
the  same  convent  he  contracted  a  life-long  friendship.  With  his  master  he 
volunteered  for  the  American  missions  in  1749,  left  Palma  in  April,  Cadiz  in 
August,  and  landed  at  Vera  Cruz  in  December.  Joining  the  college  of  San 


474  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

stationed  here  in  1785-7;  Santiago  in  1786-7;  Sola 
and  Garcia  in  1787-90;  and  Danti  from  1790. 

Before  leaving  San  Francisco  I  present  a  map  which 
belongs  to  the  period  under  consideration,  being  a 
copy  of  a  Spanish  chart  published  in  La  Perouse's 
atlas  and  probably  obtained  by  that  voyager  at  Mon- 
terey in  1786. 

At  Santa  Clara  Mission  the  new  adobe  church  was 
dedicated  on  Sunday,  May  15,  1784,  by  Serra,  Palou, 
and  Peiia,  in  the  presence  of  Fages  and  Moraga,  the 

Fernando,  he  was  assigned  to  the  Sierra  Gorda  missions,  where  he  served  from 
1750  to  1759,  subsequently  living  at  the  college  for  8  years.  Appointed  to 
Baja  California  he  arrived  at  Loreto  in  April  1768,  took  charge  of  San  Francisco 
Javier;  and  in  1769  after  Serra's  departure  for  the  north  became  acting  presi- 
dent. In  May  1773  he  surrendered  the  missions  to  the  Dominicans  and 
soon  started  north,  arriving  at  San  Diego  at  the  end  of  August  and  at  Mon- 
terey in  November  of  the  same  year,  sending  in  the  first  annual  report  on  the 
missions,  and  acting  as  president  until  Serra's  return  at  the  beginning  of 
1774.  '  For  two  years  and  a  half  he  served  at  San  Carlos,  and  in  June  1776 
went  to  found  the  San  Francisco  establishments,  having  previously  visited 
the  peninsula  twice,  in  Nov.  1774  and  Sept.  1776.  His  first  entry  in  the 
mission  registers  bears  date  of  Aug.  10,  1776,  before  the  mission  was  form- 
ally founded,  and  his  last  was  on  July  25,  1785,  and  not  July  20,  1784,  as 
Doyle  says.  See  8.  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  2.  There  is  another 
entry  of  July  13,  1785.  About  1780,  by  reason  of  ill-health,  he  asked  leave 
to  retire,  which  was  granted;  but  which  he  could  not  profit  by  at  first  for 
want  of  transportation,  then  for  want  of  a  substitute,  and  finally  on  account 
of  new  instructions  connected  with  the  foundation  of  a  custody;  but  in  1783, 
fearing  by  longer  delay  to  be  incapacitated  for  so  long  a  voyage,  ho  wrote  to 
Don  Jos6  de  Galvez  to  obtain  from  the  king  new  permission  to  retire.  Letter 
of  Aug.  15,  1783,  in  Hist.  May.,  iv.  67-9.  The  result  was  a  royal  order  of 
Oct.  5,  1784,  and  a  corresponding  decree  of  the  audiencia  of  Feb.  18,  1785, 
that  Palou  return  to  his  college.  Id.,  69.  Meanwhile  Serra  died  in  Aug. 
1784  and  Palou  as  senior  missionary  was  obliged  against  his  own  wishes  to 
serve  as  acting  president,  residing  part  of  the  time  at  San  Carlos,  but  chiefly 
at  San  Francisco  engaged  in  writing  his  Life  of  Serra,  until  Lasuen  received 
the  appointment  in  Sept.  1785.  Palou  was  now  free  to  go,  and  sailed,  I  sup- 
pose, on  the  Favorlta  late  in  September,  which  touched  at  Santa  Barbara 
with  a  load  of  lumber,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  166,  and  arrived  at  San  Bias 
on  Nov.  14.  Gaceta  de  Mex.-,  i.  There  is,  however,  a  difficulty;  for  the  Favo- 
rlta touched  at  Santa  Barbara  Oct.  1st,  and  Fages  in  Monterey  wrote  on  Oct. 
3d,  wishing  the  padre  a  pleasant  voyage.  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  iii.  55.  There  may 
be  an  error  in  one  of  these  dates,  or  else  possibly  Palou  departed  in  the 
Manila  galleon  San  Jo$6  which  touched  at  Monterey  in  November.  Prov.  Eec. , 
MS.,  ii.  95.  In  any  case  he  reached  the  college  on  Feb.  21,  1786.  Arch.  Sta. 
Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  29;  and  on  July  1st  was  elected  guardian.  Id.,  xi.  214-15. 
Sometime  before  Jan.  12,  1787,  he  presented  a  report  to  the  government  on  the 
state  of  affairs  in  California.  Id.,  viii.  39.  Nothing  further  is  known  of  him, 
but  he  seems  to  have  lived  only  a  few  years.  I  think  he  died  before  1790. 
The  guardian  in  1798,  mentioning  the  death  of  Viceroy  Galvez,  which  occurred 
in  Nov.  1786,  says  that  Palou  died  'a  little  later, '  and  implies  that  it  was 
before  Romeu's  rule  which  began  in  1790.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
i.  48.  The  earliest  communication  that  I  have  seen  signed  by  his  successor 
as  guardian  is  dated  November  1792,  though  it  is  of  course  possible  that 


SAN  FRANCISCO  AND  VICINITY, 


475 


LA  PEROUSE'S  MAP  OF  SAN  FEANCISCO. 


476  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

former  serving  as  padrino,  with  all  the  solemnities 
prescribed  by  the  Roman  ritual.61 

This  church  was  the  finest  yet  erected  in  California ; 
yet  its  dedication  was  a  sad  occasion,  since  under  the 
edifice  lay  the  body  of  its  architect  and  builder,  the 
founder  of  the  mission,  Father  Murguia,  who  had  died 
only  four  days  before,  a  missionary  well  beloved  and 
mourned  by  all.62  His  companion  founder,  Tom^s  de 
la  Pefia,  served  until  1794,  although  there  were  com- 
plaints against  him  for  cruelty  to  the  neophytes  under 
his  charge.63  Murguia  was  succeeded  by  Diego  de 
Noboa,  and  President  Lasuen  seems  to  have  resided 

Palou  resigned.  Taylor,  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  No.  28,  171,  says  he  seems 
to  have  died  about  1796.  For  a  sample  of  his  handwriting  with  autograph 
signature  see  S.  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  13. 

It  is  chiefly  through  his  writings,  the  Vida  de  Junipero  Serra  and  the 
Noticias  de  California,  both  of  which  have  been  noticed  fully  in  a  preceding 
chapter,  that  Palou's  fame  will  live;  yet  as  a  missionary  and  as  a  man  he 
deserves  a  very  high  place  among  the  Californian  friars.  I  regard  him  as 
but  little  inferior  to  Serra  in  executive  ability  and  in  devotion  to  his  work, 
while  in  every  other  respect,  save  possibly  in  theological  and  dogmatic  learn- 
ing, he  was  fully  his  equal.  His  views  as  expressed  in  his  writings  are  nota- 
bly broad,  practical,  and  liberal.  Palou,  Serra,  and  Crespi  presented  three 
good  types  of  the  missionary.  Their  friendship  did  not  result  from  similarity 
of  character,  but  rather  from  opposite  qualities;  and  '  their  reciprocal  confi- 
dence and  zeal  fora  common  object, 'as  Doyle  remarks,  'could  not  fail  to 
prove  most  beneficial  to  the  enterprise  in  which  they  all  felt  the  greatest 
interest. ' 

61  Santa  Clara,  Arch.  Parroq. ,  MS. ,  12.  Roof  of  beams  '  labradas  y  curiosa 
lo  posible.'  Fages  to  general,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  172;  HaWs  Hist.  S.  Jose, 
418-20;  Levett's  Scrap  Book.  The  date  has  been  incorrectly  given  as  May  16th. 

02  Joseph  Antonio  de  Jesus  Maria  de  Murguia  was  born  Dec.  10,  1715,  at 
Domayguia,  Alava,  Spain.  He  came  to  America  as  a  layman,  but  became  a 
Franciscan  at  San  Fernando  college  June  29,  1736;  was  ordained  as  a  priest 
in  1744;  and  was  assigned  to  the  Pame  missions  of  the  Sierra  Gorda  in  1748. 
Here  he  toiled  for  19  years  and  built  the  first  masonry  church  in  the  district; 
that  of  San  Miguel.  Transferred  in  1767  to  Baja  California  he  reached  Loreto 
April  1,  1768,  and  was  assigned  to  Santiago  mission,  where  he  served  until 
March  1769.  In  June  he  was  at  San  Jose"  del  Cabo  waiting  to  embark  for  Cal- 
ifornia; but  sickness  saved  his  life  by  preventing  him  from  sailing  on  the  ill- 
fated  San  Jose.'  He  subsequently  served  at  San  Javier,  but  in  July  1773 
joined  Palou  at  Santa  Maria  and  accompanied  him  to  San  Diego,  arriving  Aug. 
30th.  Residing  for  a  while  as  supernumerary  at  San  Antonio,  he  became 
minister  of  San  Luis  Obispo  in  October  1773,  and  in  January  1777  founded 
Santa  Clara  where  he  served  continuously  until  his  death.  He  died  while  pre- 
paring for  dedication  the  church  on  which  he  had  worked  so  hard  as  architect, 
director,  and  even  laborer.  He  was  buried  on  May  12th  in  the  presbytery  of 
the  new  edifice  by  Palou,  Santa  Clara,  Lib.  de  Mis/on,  MS.,  33-4,  by  whom  as 
by  Serra  and  others  he  had  been  regarded  as  a  model  friar.  Palou,  Vida,  265-6. 

63  Fages  in  a  report  to  the  general  in  1786  speaks  of  these  complaints,  stating 
that  one  or  two  Indians  have  died  from  the  effects  of  his  severity,  and  that  he 
will  be  retired  to  his  college.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  136. 


PUEBLO  PROGRESS  AT,  SAN  JOSE.  477 

here  much  of  the  time  from  1786  to  1789.  There 
were  no  serious  troubles  with  the  natives,  though  the 
neophytes  were  sometimes  inclined  to  take  part  in  the 
petty  wars  of  the  gentiles.64  In  agricultural  advan- 
tages Santa  Clara  was  deemed  superior  to  any  other 
mission  except  San  Gabriel,  and  crops  of  grain  and 
fruit  were  usually  large,  although  in  1790  the  harvest 
ef  2,875  bushels  was  less  than  that  of  San  Francisco. 
Large  stock  had  increased  since  1783  from  400  to 
2,817,  and  small  stock  from  554  to  836  head.  Baptisms 
had  been  1,279,  many  more  than  elsewhere,  but  deaths 
had  been  639,  a  proportionally  large  figure;  yet  with 
an  increase  from  338  to  927,  Santa  Clara  stood  third 
in  the  list  in  respect  of  the  number  of  converts. 

Of  the  nine  settlers  of  San  Jose  to  whom  lands 
were  formally  distributed  in  1783,  but  who  had  be- 
come settlers  in  1780  or  earlier,  the  term  of  the  last 
one,  Claudio  Alvires,  expired  in  August  1785,  and  no 
rations  were  subsequently  supplied  by  the  govern- 
ment. Sebastian  Alvitre  had  been  expelled  for  bad 
conduct;  but  in  1786  eight  of  the  original  nine  re- 
mained, and  ten  new  names  had  been  added  as  sol- 
diers or  agregados.  Ten  more  were  added  before 
1790.  This  latter  class  was  composed  of  discharged 
soldiers  who  became  settlers,  differing  from  the  pobla- 
dores  in  receiving  no  pay  or  rations.  The  soldiers  of 
the  guard  were  practically  settlers  from  the  first,  men 
being  selected  for  the  duty  usually  whose  time  of  dis- 
charge was  near,  and  who  intended  to  remain  perma- 
nently at  the  pueblo.65  In  1790  the  total  population 

64  Two  or  three  neophytes  were  chastised  by  the  padres  for  being  present 
at  a  gentile  fight,  and  Sergt.  Amador  was  sent  to  warn  the  pagans  not  to  tempt 
the  converts.  A  pagan  laborer  of  San  Jose"  was  flogged  and  imprisoned  for 
inciting  hostilities.  This  in  1786.  Argiiello  to  Fages,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
viii.  76-7.  Sergt.  Cota  ordered  to  explore  from  Santa  Clara  to  Santa  Rosa  on 
the  other  side  of  the  sierra,  May  2,  1785.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  7. 

65 The  ten  names  of  1786  were:  Manuel  Butron,  Ignacio  Castro,  Manuel 
Hignera,  Ignacio  Linares,  Seferino  Lugo,  Hilario  Mesa,  NasarioSaez,  Ignacio 
Soto,  Felipe  Tapia,  Atanasio  Vazquez.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  24-5,  27-8. 
Four  received  rations  during  the  year,  doubtless  as  invalids.  See  also  St. 
Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  i.  36.  Manuel  Valencia  was  a  settler  who  died  in  1788.  Prov.. 


478  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

was  about  eighty.  Agricultural  products  amounted  to 
about  2,250  bushels;  while  large  stock  had  increased 
from  417  to  980,  and  sheep  had  decreased  from  800 
to  600. 

San  Jose  was  less  prosperous  than  Los  Angeles,  at 
least  during  the  first  half  of  the  decade.  Several 
causes  contributed  to  this  result,  one  of  which  was 
inefficient  management  and  local  government.  The 
regulation  allowed  the  governor  to  appoint  alcaldes 
the  first  three  years,  after  which  time  they  were  to  be 
elected  by  the  people.  Fages,  however,  permitted  an 
election,  Ignacio  Archuleta  was  chosen  for  1783,  and 
Mesa,  corporal  of  the  guard,  was  removed  in  Septem- 
ber of  that  year  for  inharmonious  relations  with  the 
alcalde.  Who  held  the  position  of  alcalde  in  1784  the 
records  fail  to  show;  but  by  reason  of  irregularities 
and  slow  progress  the  governor  was  obliged  to  resume 
the  power  of  appointment,  naming  Manuel  Gonzalez 
as  alcalde  for  1785  with  Romero  and  Al vires  as 
regidores,  and  also  appointing  a  comisionado  to  man- 
age these  officials.  Corporal  Jose  Dominguez,  the 
successor  of  Mesa,  was  at  first  made  comisionado  but 
died  probably  before  the  appointment  reached  him.68 
Ignacio  Vallejo,  who  had  been  sent  to  San  Jose  in 
January  to  make  a  survey  for  a  new  dam  or  reservoir, 
remained  as  corporal  to  succeed  Dominguez,  and  in 
May  was  appointed  comisionado  by  Fages,  with  duties 

St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  71.  Mesa,  Tapia,  Hignera,  and  Lugo  were  soldiers  in 
1784  and  the  question  came  up  whether  they  ought  like  the  original  settlers 
to  be  exempt  from  tithes  since  they  cultivated  lands  like  the  rest.  Prov.  llec., 
MS.,  i.  1G3-4.  July  30,  1788,  Argiiello  reports  having  gone  to  San  Jose1  to 
put  Ignacio  Castro  and  Seferino  Lugo  in  possession  of  lands,  but  did  not  do 
so  because  they  claimed  pay  and  rations,  only  allowed  to  the  original  settlers. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  50-1.  In  the  list  of  1790  the  name  of 
Tapia  disappears  and  there  appear  those  of  Joaquin  Castro,  Antonio  Alcgre, 
Antonio  Aceves,  Ignacio  Higuera,  and  Pedro  Cayuelas,  agrecjados;  Gabriel 
Peralta,  Ramon  Bojorges,  and  Juan  Antonio  Ame'zquita,  invdlidos;  and 
Macario  Castro,  corporal  of  the  guard.  Argiiello's  report  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss., 
MS.,  i.  18,  60-3. 

66 Fages  to  general  Feb.  1,  1785,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  187-8.  He 
announces  the  changes  mentioned  in  my  text,  and  asks  if  he  cannot  reappoint 
Gonzalez  the  next  year.  The  records  do  not  show  if  this  was  permitted,  the 
next  alcalde  mentioned  being  Antonio  Romero  in  1790.  Dominguez  died  on 
Jan.  31st,  the  day  before  the  date  of  Fages'  letter.  Sta.  Clara,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  MS.,  35. 


OFFICIALS  AND  EVENTS  AT  SAN  JOSE.  479 

like  those  of  Vicente  Felix  at  Angeles.67  Vallejo  had 
some  special  fitness  for  directing  agricultural  opera- 
tions, was  allowed  to  cultivate  vacant  lands  on  his  own 
account,  and  held  his  position  for  seven  years  though 
not  without  opposition.  To  him,  or  rather  to  the  wise 
instructions  given  him,  Fages  attributed  the  pueblo's 
later  prosperity.68 

The  pueblo  did  not  make  much  advance  in  the 
matter  of  buildings,  since  nothing  but  palisade  struct- 
ures with  roofs  of  earth  were  erected;  but  there  was 
good  reason  for  this.  The  site  at  first  selected  for 
the  house-lots  proved  to  be  too  low,  and  exposed  to 
inundation  in  wet  seasons.  There  was  a  proposition 
in  1785  to  move  the  town  a  short  distance  to  a  higher 
spot.  In  1787  General  Ugarte  authorized  the  trans- 
fer, and  it  was  made  soon  after,  certainly  before  1791, 
the  slight  nature  of  the  buildings  making  the  opera- 
tion an  easy  one.69 

One  of  Fages'  first  acts  on  taking  command  was  to 
march  in  January  1783  against  the  gentiles  of  the 
San  Jose  region  who  had  stolen  some  horses  from 

67  Vallejo's  appointment  dated  July  18,  1785.  Instructions  in  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ii.  121-5.  Jan.  24th,  Vallejo  named  to  make  explorations  for  the  reser- 
voir. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  8.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  2. 

68 Fages  to  Romeu,  Feb.  26,  1791,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  153.  In 
October  1787  Capt.  Soler  went  to  San  Jose"  to  investigate  certain  charges  of 
the  people  against  the  comisionado.  All  that  the  fault-finding  inspector  could 
find  against  Vallejo,  in  his  official  capacity  at  least,  was  a  mando  insipido, 
whatever  that  may  be.  He  recommended  that  he  be  put  to  personal  labor  in 
the  fields;  but  nothing  was  done  in  the  matter.  Id.,  vii.  132. 

09  Hall,  Hist.  San  Jos6,  40-50,  erroneously  states  that  there  was  a  long  cor- 
respondence on  the  subject  in  1797,  and  that  the  removal  was  effected  in  that 
year;  but  the  quarrel  of  that  year  was  about  boundaries  between  mission  and 
pueblo,  and  in  the  correspondence  the  site  of  the  'old  town' is  mentioned; 
moreover  Fages  in  his  instructions  of  1791  to  Romeu  speaks  of  the  change 
as  already  effected.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  152.  Vallejo  first  urged  the 
removal  on  Feb.  20,  1785,  in  a  communication  to  Moraga.  The  latter  found 
it  difficult  to  decide  because  the  land  on  the  proposed  site  had  already  been 
distributed  to  settlers.  He  accordingly  addressed  Fages  on  April  1st.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  26.  On  March  9th  Fages  writes,  to  Vallejo  approving  the 
scheme.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  S.  Jose,  MS. ,  i.  25 ;  and  on  July  7th  he  assures  the 
people  of  San  Jos6  that  they  shall  be  at  no  expense  in  the  removal,  and  that 
the  pueblo  shall  lose  no  land — for  it  seems  there  was  a  fear  that  to  move  the 
pueblo  would  also  move  the  boundary  between  the  pueblo  and  mission  lands. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  30-1.  Fages  refers  the  matter  to  Ugarte  on  Aug.  5th, 
Id.,  ii.  126;  and  that  official  on  June  21,  1787,  grants  the  petition  of  the 
settlers,  and  orders  that  there  be  no  change  in  the  boundary  lines.  St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colo.i.,  MS.,  i.  274. 


480  LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  STATISTICS. 

the  settlers.  The  warlike  governor  killed  two  of  the 
enemy,  frightened  the  rest  into  complete  submission, 
and  for  years  after  attributed  to  this  campaign  the 
prevailing  quiet  among  gentiles.  But  again  in  1788 
it  was  necessary  to  place  fifteen  natives,  including 
three  chiefs,  at  work  in  the  presidio,  for  horse- 
stealing.70  There  is  little  more  to  be  said  of  local 
happenings  at  San  Jose  for  this  period.  Some  of 
the  settlers  were  imprisoned  and  put  in  irons  for 
refusing  to  work  on  a  house  for  the  town  council, 
Ignacio  Archuleta,  ex-alcalde,  being  ringleader.  The 
river  broke  through  the  old  dam  and  the  governor 
resolved  to  build  a  new  one  of  masonry.  Two  boys 
drowned  an  Indian  to  amuse  themselves,  but  in  con- 
sideration of  their  tender  years  were  dismissed  with 
twenty-five  lashes  administered  in  presence  of  the 
natives.  All  this  in  1784;  the  tithes  for  which  year 
amounted  to  $428.71 

™Palou,  Not.,  ii.  392;  ^Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  98;  Id.,  in.  98,  170.  Thirty- 
five  Ibs.  powder,  800  bullets,  and  100  flints  sent  to  San  Josd  as  reserve  ammu- 
nition in  August  1785.  Id.,  iii.  31. 

nProv.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  168,  172;  iii.  22-3.  A  wooden  granary  had  been 
completed  in  December  1782.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  166-7.  A  settler  put 
in  the  stocks  in  1788  for  assaulting  his  corporal,  and  corporal  reprimanded 
for  his  violence.  Id.,  vii.  134. 


CHAPTEK  XXIII. 

RULE  OF  ROMEU. 
1791-1792. 

RESIGNATION  OF  PEDRO  FACES — TRANSFER  OF  THE  OFFICE  AT  LORETO — 
INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  NEW  GOVERNOR — LAST  ACTS  OF  FAGES — LIFE  AND 
CHARACTER — ARRIVAL  OF  ROMEU — FAILING  HEALTH — JOURNEY  TO  MON- 
TEREY— POLICY  WITH  THE  FRIARS— -ROMEU'S  DEATH — VISIT  OF  MALAS- 
PINA  IN  THE  'DESCUEIERTA'  AND  'ATREVIDA' — THE  FIRST  AMERICAN  IN 
CALIFORNIA— PREPARATIONS  FOR  NEW  MISSIONS — LASUEN'S  EFFORTS- 
ESTABLISHING  OF  SANTA  CRUZ — ANNALS  OF  FIRST  DECADE — INDIAN 
TROUBLES — STATISTICS— CHURCH  DEDICATED — FLOURING  MILL— MIS- 
FORTUNE— QUARRELSOME  PADRES — ALONSO  ISIDRO  SALAZAR — BALDO- 
MERO  LOPEZ— MANUEL  FERNANDEZ— FOUNDING  AND  EARLY  ANNALS  OF 
SOLEDAD  MISSION — IMMORAL  FRIARS — MARIANO  RUBf — STATISTICS. 

PEDRO  PAGES,  worn  down  by  work,  and  more  by 
the  anxieties  imposed  on  a  nervous  temperament 
growing  out  of  the  responsibilities  of  his  position  as 
governor,  asked  to  be  relieved  of  the  office  and  to  be 

f  ranted  leave  of  absence  that  he  might  revisit  Spain, 
n  May  1790  his  resignation  was  accepted  by  Viceroy 
Revilla  Gigedo,  and  he  was  ordered  to  Mexico  to 
receive  twelve  months'  advance  pay  as  colonel  with 
which  to  defray  his  expenses  in  Spain;  Jose  Antonio 
Romeu  was  named  as  his  successor.  This  informa- 
tion reached  Fages  at  Monterey  in  September,  and 
was  all  the  more  agreeable  from  the  fact  that  Romeu 
was  his  personal  friend.  In  February  1791  Fages, 
who  had  awaited  letters  announcing  his  successor's 
coming. to  Monterey,  received  orders  from  the  viceroy 
by  which,  after  setting  the  commandants  and  habili- 
los  at  work  upon  their  respective  presidio  accounts, 
ie  was  to  proceed  to  Loreto  and  there  make  formal 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    31  ( 481 ) 


482  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

delivery  of  his  office  to  Romeu;  or,  if  not  able  to  do 
this,  he  was  to  send  orders  to  Arrillaga,  the  command- 
ant at  Loreto,  to  surrender  the  office  in  the  governor's 
name.  As  the  state  of  Fages'  health  would  not  per- 
mit a  journey  overland  to  the  peninsula,  he  forwarded 
the  necessary  orders  to  Arrillaga,  lieutenant  governor 
of  the  Californias,  who  accordingly  transferred  the 
command  to  Romeu  at  Loreto  on  April  16,  1791, 
which  is  therefore  the  date  when  Fages  ceased  to 
rule.1 

With  his  orders  to  Arrillaga  under  date  of  Febru- 
ary 26th,  Fages  transmitted  the  instructions  which 
it  was  customary  for  a  retiring  governor  to  prepare 
for  the  use  of  his  successor,  outlining  the  country's 
past  history  and  present  condition,  and  embodying  the 
results  of  his  own  experience  in  recommendations  re- 
specting future  policy.  The  historical  portions  of  this 
important  document  have  already  been  utilized  largely 
in  the  preceding  chapters;  but  a  brief  consideration 
of  the  paper  as  a  whole,  will  throw  light  on  the  con- 
dition of  affairs  at  the  time  of  Romeu's  accession. 
The  development  of  the  two  pueblos,  says  the  retir- 
ing governor,  and  the  settlement  in  them  of  retired 
soldiers,  has  received  and  still  merits  the  deepest 
attention.  Their  products  are  purchased  by  the  pre- 
sidios and  paid  for  in  goods  and  drafts.  The  distribu- 

1  The  viceroy's  order  granting  Pages'  request  and  appointing  Romeu,  dated 
r«  May  16,  1790.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben_^  MS.,  i.  8-10.     May  27th  seems  to  have 


been  the  date  of  the  viceroy's  communication  to  king;   but   of  the  king's 

proval  and  confirmation  of 
before  May  18,  1791.    Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.   139.     September  1,  10,  13, 


approval  and  confirmation  of  Romeu  we  only  know  that  it  reached  Mexico 


(f/v*U.  $T*Y&p.   1^90'  tne  viceroy  instructs  Pages  about  the  transfer.    Id.,  ix.  308,  346-7. 
jj  '  September  14,  1790,  Fages  to  Romeu,  expressing  his  pleasure  at  the  latters 
"^•/ft,,  Y)u4tJ**(  appointment,  describing  the  presidio,  saying  something  of  the  condition  of  the 
^  country,  and  saying:  'You  will  find  in  this  casa  real,  which  is  sufficiently 

capacious,  the  necessary  furniture;  a  sufficient  stock  of  goats  and  sheep  which 
*  I  have  raised;  and  near  by  a  garden  which  I  have  made  at  my  own  expense, 
from  which  you  will  have  fine  vegetables  all  the  year,  and  will  enjoy  the  fruits 
of  the  trees  which  I  have  planted. '  He  asks  for  information  as  to  when  and 
by  what  route  Romeu  will  come.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS>,  i.  8-10.  Romeu  takes 
possession  April  16,  1791.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,T.  124;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
v.  86-7;  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  414-15.  r  February  26,  1791,  Fages 
notifies  Romeu  that  he  has  ordered  Arrillaga  to  make  the  transfer,  and  has 
directed  presidial  accounts,  etc.,  to  be  made  ready.  Prov.  St.  Pajj.,  MS.,  x. 
144-5. 


PAGES'  FINAL  INSTRUCTIONS.  483 

tion  of  lands  has  been  made  in  due  form,  and — together 
with  certain  changes  at  San  Jose  rendered  necessary 
by  the  moving  of  the  houses — approved  by  the  superior 
authorities.  It  was  intended  at  first  to  remove  the 
pueblo  guards  after  two  years,  but  they  are  to  be 
maintained  as  long  as  necessary.  In  the  first  years, 
on  account  of  bad  management,  San  Jose  made  little 
progress;  but  the  appointment  of  a  comisionado  as  at 
Angeles  and  the  subjection  of  the  alcalde  to  him,  have 
restored  prosperity;  and  these  measures  were  approved 
in  1785-6. 

In  the  missions  great  care  must  be  taken  to  guard 
against  the  increase  of  veneral  diseases  which  are 
causing  such  ravages  in  the  peninsula.  The  sending 
of  soldiers  for  escaped  neophytes  is  extremely  dan- 
gerous, and  should  be  avoided,  being  resorted  to  only 
after  other  means — the  best  being  for  the  friars  to 
send  other  natives  with  flattery  and  trifling  gifts  to 
enlist  the  services  of  chiefs — have  failed,  and  then 
with  every  possible  precaution.  The  granting  of 
escorts  whenever  asked  for  has  also  proved  dangerous 
and  inconvenient,  since  only  two  men  could  be  spared, 
leaving  the  mission  exposed  and  the  friar  only  slightly 
protected.  It  has  therefore  been  restricted,  and  the 
soldiers  are  not  allowed  to  pass  the  night  away  from 
the  mission.  This  policy,  notwithstanding  protests, 
and  in  consequence  of  Neve's  confidential  reports,  has 
been  approved  by  superiors  and  by  the  king. 

In  the  case  of  mail-carriers  and  escorts  passing  from 
one  presidio  to  another,  careful  orders  have  been  given 
to  prevent  disaster  and  at  the  same  time  to  insure 
humane  treatment  of  the  gentiles.  Each  presidio  has 
in  its  archives  properly  indexed  the  orders  that  have 
been  issued  for  its  government  and  the  prevention  of 
all  disorder.  The  abundance  of  products  in  proportion 
consumers  has  led  to  a  reduction  of  some  of  the 
prices  affixed  by  Neve  to  grain  and  meat.  Cattle 
belonging  to  the  crown  are  kept  from  excessive  in- 
crease and  consequent  running  wild  by  annual  slaugh- 


m 
be 

1  g 

r^v. 


484  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

ters  for  the  supply  of  presidios  and  vessels  with  beef. 
The  breeding  of  horses  and  mules,  just  beginning  to 
prosper,  should  be  encouraged.  The  friars  often  wish 
to  buy  these  animals,  but  have  been  uniformly  refused. 
All  trade  with  the  Manila  ship  is  strictly  prohibited; 
but  trade  with  San  Bias  is  free  for  five  years  from 
October  1786,  and  subject  to  only  half  duties  for  five 
years  more — a  trade  wiiich  is  bad  in  its  effects,  lead- 
ing to  'immoderate  luxury/  for  the  inhabitants  can 
buy  all  they  really  need  at  cost  prices  from  the  memo- 
rias.  To  provide  the  wasting  of  clothing  and  other 
useful  articles  in  barter  with  the  sailors,  Pages  has 
forbidden  the  opening  of  the  bales  until  the  vessel 
leaves  the  port. 

In  articles  21-3  of  his  papel,  Pages  tells  the  tale 
of  three  or  four  incorrigible  rogues,  Alvitre  and  Na- 
varro  of  Angeles,  Avila  of  San  Jose,  and  Pedraza,  a 
deserter  from  the  galleon,  whose  scandalous  conduct 
no  executive  nieasure^has  been  able  to  reform.  Arti- 
cles 24-7  are  devoted  to  past  troubles  between  Cap- 
tain Soler  and  the  habilitados,  with  which  the  reader 
is  already  familiar;  and  finally,  after  devoting  some 
attention  to  the  condition  of  the  different  presidios, 
the  author  closes  by  alluding  to  the  charges  of  cruelty 
pending  against  Father  Pena  of  Santa  Clara,  and  to 
the  orchard  of  six  hundred  fruit-trees,  besides  'shrubs 
and  grape-vines,  to  which  since  1783  he  has  given 
much  of  his  attention,2 

2  Pages,  Papel  de  varlos  puntos  concernientes  al  Gcbierno  de  la  Peninsula  de 
California  e  Inspection  de  Tropas,  que  recopila  el  Coronel  D.  Pedro  Fa  yes  al 
Teniente  Coronel  D.  Jose  Antonio  Romeit,  26  de  Febrero  1701,  MS.  On  May 
28th  Pages  wrote  again  to  Roineu  a  most  interesting  letter  in  which  he  gives 
his  opinion  of  various  persons  with  whom  his  successor  will  come  in  contact. 
He  speaks  very  highly  of  Arrillaga,  Zuiiiga,  and  Arguello,  deems  Goycoechea 
somewhat  prone  to  carelessness,  says  nothing  of  Ortega,  and  pronounces 
Gonzalez  fit  only  for  his  present  position  on  the  frontier.  None  of  the  ser- 
geants arc  suitable  for  habilitados,  though  Vargas  is  faithful  and  can  write. 
With  the  Dominicans  there  has  been  no  serious  trouble,  and  President  Gomez 
is  disposed  to  sustain  harmonious  relations;  but  with  the  Fernandinos  quar- 
rels have  been  frequent,  since  they  are  '  opuestisimos  a  las  mdximas  del  rcgla- 
mento  y  gobierno'  and  insist  on  being  independent  and  absolute  each  in  his 
own  mission.  Fages  doubts  that  Eomeu  will  be  able  to  endure  their  inde- 
pendent way  of  proceeding.  The  priests  at  San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara 
arc  forming  separate  establishments  at  some  distance  from  the  mission,  which 


LIFE  AND  CHARACTER  OF  FAGES.  485 

Don  Pedro  sent  his  wife  and  children  southward  in 
advance  of  his  own  departure,  probably  on  board  the 
San  Carlos,  or  Princesa,  which  left  Monterey  for  Sari 
Bias  in  the  autumn  of  1790.3  He  remained  at  Mon- 
terey, though  he  made  a  visit  to  San  Francisco  in 
May,4  and  still  exercised  by  common  consent  a  kind 
of  superintendence  over  the  actions  of  his  former  sub- 
ordinates, though  now  addressed  as  colonel  instead  of 
governor.  There  are  letters  of  his  in  the  archives 
dated  at  Monterey  July  13th.5  His  intention  was  to 
remain  until  October  or  November,  and  I  suppose  he 
embarked  on  the  San  Carlos  for  San  Bias  November 
9,  1791,  though  possibly  his  departure  was  a  month 
earlier.6  In  1798  he  made  a  report  on  the  California 
presidios,  and  in  October  1794  was  still  residing  in 
Mexico.  Of  Pedro  Fages  before  he  came  to  Califor- 
nia in  1769  and  after  liis  departure  in  1791  we  know 
little;  with  his  career  in  the  province  the  reader  is 
familiar,7  and  will  part  with  the  honest  Catalan,  as  I 
do,  reluctantly. 

matter  needs  looking  after.  Mission  stock  is  increasing  too  much,  and  the 
neophytes  are  becoming  too  skilful  riders  and  acquiring  '  Apache  insolence. ' 
Some  advice  is  given  about  the  journey  north.  A  promise  is  made  of  more 
letters,  and  Fages  closes  by  making  a  present  of  his  famous  orchard,  well 
pleased  that  the  fruits  of  his  labors  and  expenditures  are  to  be  enjoyed  by 
his  friend.  Fages,  Informes  Particulares  al  Gobr.  Romeu  28  de  Mayo  1791, 
MS.  On  May  1st  he  had  written  to  Romeu  that  he  was  permitted  to  take 
av.-ay  with  him  six  mules  and  as  many  horses  if  the  commander  of  the  vessel 
had  no  objections.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  147.  There  are  also  communica- 
tions of  Fages  to  Romeu  on  matters  of  trifling  importance  dated  May  26th, 
30th,  June  1st,  July  4th,  13th.  Id.,  141-70. 

3  In  his  letter  of  May  28,  1791,  Fages  expresses  his  pleasure  that  Romeu  on 
his  journey— probably  at  San  Bias  or  between  there  and  Mexico — had  met  his 
family.  He  states  his  intention  of  staying  at  Monterey  until  October  or 
November.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  148,  150. 

4/d,x.  44. 

5  Id. ,  x.  142-3,  169.    In  one  of  the  letters  he  says  that,  suffering  in  his  foot, 
he  is  unable  to  review  the  troops  at  Santa  Barbara. 

6  Sailing  of  the  San  Carlos  Nov.  19th.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.',  v.  91.  Accord- 
ing to  a  letter  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  134,  however,  the  schooner  Saturnina, 
from  Nootka  was  at  Monterey  on  Oct.  14th  and  ready  to  sail  for  San  Bias,  so 
that  Fages  may  have  sailed  in  her;  yet  if  there  is  no  error  it  is  strange  that 
while  the  arrival  of  the  San  Carlos  was  announced  to  Gen.  Nava  on  Nov.  30th, 
that  of  the  Saturninavfas  not  announced  until  Dec.  22d.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
iv.  3.  i      -* 

7  Pedro  Fages,  a  native  of  Catalonia,  and  first  lieutenant  of  a  company  of 
the  1st  battalion,  2d  regiment,  of  the  Catalan  Volunteer  Light  Infantry,  probably 
left  Spain  with  his  battalion  in.  May  1767,  and  soon  after  his  arrival  in  Mexico 


486  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

He  was  a  peculiar  man ;  industrious,  energetic,  and 
brave,  a  skilful  hunter  and  dashing  horseman,  fond  of 
children,  who  were  wont  to  crowd  round  him  and 
rarely  failed  to»find  his  pockets  stored  with  dulces. 
Of  fair  education  and  executive  abilities,  hot-tempered 

was  sent  with  Col.  Elizondo's  expedition  against  the  Sonora  Indians.  In  the 
autumn  of  1768  by  order  of  the  visitador  general,  Galvez,  he  was  sent  over  from 
Guaymas  to  La  Paz  by  Elizondo  with  25  men  of  his  cornpania  franca  for  the 
California  expedition.  In  January  1769  he  embarked  with  his  men  on  the  San 
Carlos  and  arrived  at  San  Diego  May  1st.  Fages  was  military  chief  of  the  sea 
branch  of  the  expedition,  and  commandant  on  shore  from  May  1st  to  June 
29th,  thus  being  California's  first  ruler.  After  Portola's  arrival  on  June  29th, 
he  was  second  in  command  and  Capt.  Rivera's  superior.  With  seven  of  his 
men,  all  that  the  scurvy  had  not  killed  or  disabled,  he  accompanied  the  first 
land  expedition  from  San  Diego  to  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  from  July  14, 
1769,  to  Jan.  24,  1770.  He  started  north  again  April  17th  with  Portola  and 
reached  Monterey  May  24th.  When  Portola  left  Monterey  July  9th,  Fages 
was  left  as  commandant  of  the  Calif ornian  establishments,  a  position  which 
he  held  until  May  25,  1774.  His  commission  as  captain  was  dated  May  4, 
1771,  and  in  the  same  year  he  went  down  to  San  Diego  by  water,  returning 
by  land.  In  March  and  April  1772  he  led  an  exploring  expedition  up  to  what 
are  now  Oakland,  San  Pablo  Bay,  Carquines  Strait,  and  the  mouth  of  the  San 
Joaquin.  In  May  1772  he  proceeded  to  the  San  Luis  region  and  spent  some 
three  months  hunting  bears  to  supply  the  Monterey  garrison  with  meat. 
Perhaps  it  was  here  that  he  gained  the  sobriquet  of  El  Oso  often  applied  to 
him  in  later  years,  though  there  is  a  tradition  that  the  name  Old  Bear  was 
given  him  for  other  reasons.  He  went  to  San  Diego  in  August,  and  there 
incurred  Padre  Serra's  displeasure  by  refusing  a  guard  for  the  founding  of  a 
new  mission.  The  object  of  Serra's  journey  to  Mexico  was  chiefly  Fages'  re- 
moval. The  friar  represented  him  as  a  man  hated  by  all  the  soldiers,  incom- 
petent to  command,  and  a  deadly  foe  to  all  mission  progress.  The  charges 
were  largely  false,  but  they  served  Serra's  purpose  whether  believed  or  not, 
for  the  government  could  not  afford  at  the  time  a  quarrel  with  the  mission- 
aries; and  Rivera  was  sent  to  supersede  Fages,  taking  command  on  May  25, 
1774.  Subsequently  Serra  wrote  a  letter  to  the  viceroy  in  which  he  expressed 
regret  at  Fages'  removal,  commendation  of  his  services,  and  a  desire  that  he 
be  favored  by  the  government.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  379-80.  The 
friars  regarded  this  as  a  praiseworthy  return  of  good  for  evil;  others  might 
apply  a  different  name. 

Fages  sailed  from  San  Diego  Aug.  4,  1774,  on  the  San  Antonio  with  orders 
to  join  his  regiment  at  Pachuca.  On  the  way  to  Mexico  at  Irapuato,  Guana- 
juato, he  was  rabbed  of  a  box  containing  his  money,  by  his  own  servants  as  it 
seems.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  190.  He  reached  Mexico  before  the  end  of 
1774  in  poor  health.  He  dated  in  Mexico,  Nov.  30,  1775,  a  report  on  Cali- 
fornia, addressed  to  the  viceroy,  and  devoted  chiefly  to  a  description  of  the 
province,  its  natives,  animals,  and  plants;  but  also  giving  a  tolerably  complete 
sketch  of  the  first  expeditions  and  the  condition  of  the  missions  at  the  author's 
departure.  This  document,  of  great  importance  and  interest,  was  translated 
from  the  original  in  the  library  of  M.  Ternaux-Compans  and  published  as 
Faycs,  Voyage  en  Calif  ornie,  in  Nouv.  Ann.  des  Voy.,  ci.  145-82,  311-47.  At 
the  beginning  the  author  says:  '  Ayant  e"t6  charge"  du  commandement  militaire 
clu  poste  de  Monterey,  depuis  le  commencement  de  1'annee  1769,  et  mon  chef 
don  Diego  Portola  qui  s'embarqua  le  9  de  Juillet  a  bord  clu  paquebot  le  Xa/t, 
Antonio,  m'ayant  fortement  recommande"  cle  m'occuper  des  e"tablissements 
situe's  dans  la  partie  septentrionale  de  la  Calif  ornie,  je  m'y  suis  livre  pendant 
plus  de  quatre  ans.  J'ai  rassemble"  le  plus  de  renseignements  qu'il  m'a  e"te" 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  GOVERNOR.  487 

and  inclined  to  storm  over  trifles,  always  ready  to 
quarrel  with  anybody  from  his  wife  to  the  padre  pres- 
idente,  he  was  withal  kind-hearted,  never  feeling  and 
rarely  exciting  deep-seated  animosities.  He  was 
thoroughly  devoted  to  the  royal  service  and  attended 
with  rare  conscientiousness  to  every  petty  detail  of 
his  official  duty;  yet  his  house,  his  horse,  and  above 
all  his  garden  were  hardly  second  in  importance  to  his 
office,  his  province,  and  his  nation.  He  possessed  less 
breadth  of  mind,  less  culture,  and  especially  less  dig- 
nity of  manner  and  character  than  Felipe  de  Neve, 
but  he  was  by  no  means  less  honest  and  patriotic. 
The  early  rulers  of  California  were  by  no  means 
the  characterless  figure-heads  and  pompous  nonenti- 
ties that  modern  writers  have  painted  them,  and 
among  them  all  there  is  no  more  original  and  attrac- 
tive character  than  the  bluff  Catalan  soldier  Pedro 
Fages. 

Jose  Antonio  Romeu,  a  native  of  Valencia,  Spain, 
had  served  in  the  Sonora  Indian  wars  with  Fages  in 
and  before  1782  as  captain.  As  we  have  seen,  he 
took  part  in  the  campaigns  following  the  Colorado 

possible  sur  ces  provinces  eloigne"es,  sur  les  nations  qui  les  habitent,  la  nature 
de  leur  territoire,  ses  productions,  les  moeurs  et  couturaes  de  la  population, 
et  beaucoup  d'autres  sujets  dont  je  traiterai  dans  le  cours  de  cette  relation.' 

Capt.  Fages  was  in  garrison  with  his  company  at  Guadalajara,  when  he 
was  ordered,  perhaps  in  1777,  to  the  Sonora  frontier;  and  there  he  served  in 
the  wars  against  Apaches  and  other  savages  for  five  years,  receiving  in  the 
mean  time  a  lieut.  colonel's  commission.  In  1781-2  he  made  several  expedi- 
tions from  Sonora  to  the  Colorado  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  former  rival, 
Rivera;  and  visited  California  twice  in  1782  before  he  came  as  governor,  mak- 
ing the  first  trip  from  the  Colorado  dire'ct  to  San  Diego.  He  was  in  the  Colo- 
rado region  when  on  Sept.  10th,  by  an  appointment  of  July  12,  1782,  he 
took  possession  of  his  office  as  governor,  and  reached  Monterey  in  November. 
1783  was  spent  chiefly  in  a  journey  to  Loreto  whence  he  brought  his  wife, 
Dofia  Eulalia  de  Callis,  and  son  to  the  capital.  He  had  at  least  two  children 
born  in  California.  In  1785  he  had  trouble  with  his  wife,  which  does  not 
seem  however  to  have-  outlasted  the  year.  From  August  1786,  by  Gen. 
Ugarte's  order  of  Feb.  12th,  Fages  became  inspector  of  presidios.  His  com- 
mission as  colonel  was  dated  Feb.  7,  1789.  His  governorship  ended  April  10, 
1791,  and  he  sailed  from  Monterey  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year.  Taylor, 
Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.  179,  says  he  died  in  Mexico  before  1796,  but  it  is  by 
no  means  certain  that  he  had  any  authority  for  the  statement.  Aug.  12, 
1793,  he  makes  a  report  on  Monterey  Presidio  buildings  at  Mexico.  Prov*  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  191;  and  in  Oct.  1794  he  resided  in  the  city  of  Mexico.  Cos- 
tanstf,  In/orme,  MS. 


488  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

disaster.  In  May  1790,  when  appointed  governor  he 
was  major  of  the  Espana  dragoon  regiment,  also  hold- 
ing the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel.  He  was  probably  in 
Mexico  at  the  time  of  his  appointment  and  proceeded 
to  his  province  by  way  of  San  Bias,  since  he  met  the 
family  of  his  predecessor  and  friend  on  their  way 
from  California.  Accompanied  by  his  wife,  Josefa  de 
Sandoval,  and  daughters  Rorneu  arrived  March  17, 
1791,  at  Loreto  by  the  schooner  Santa  Gertrudis.  On 
April  16,  as  already  stated,  he  took  formal  possession 
of  the  governorship,  Captain  Arrillaga  representing 
Fages  in  the  transfer  of  the  necessary  papers.8  The 
reason  why  the  new  governor  was  ordered  to  assume 
his  office  at  Loreto  instead  of  proceeding  directly  to 
the  capital  was  that  he  might  attend  to  his  duties  as 
inspector  of  presidios  in  the  south,  thus  avoiding  a 
useless  repetition  of  the  journey,  and  that  he  might 
make  certain  investigations  of  presidial  accounts. 
These  Californian  accounts  had  been  in  some  confusion 
since  1769.  Details  it  is  undesirable  as  well  as  im- 
possible to  explain;  but  many  men  had  unsettled  ac- 
counts running  back  to  the  earliest  period  of  Spanish 
occupation.  The  treasury  officials  in  Mexico,  attrib- 
uting the  prevalent  confusion  to  the  incompetence 
of  habilitados,  were  themselves  greatly  puzzled,9  and 
Romeu  seems  to  have  been  selected  with  a  special 
view  to  his  fitness  for  unravelling  past  financial  com- 
plications and  effecting  a  final  adjustment. 

Whatever  may  have  been  his  abilities  in  this  special 
direction,  he  had  very  slight  opportunity  to  show 
them;  for  from  the  moment  of  embarking  on  the 
Santa  Gertrudis  his  health  failed ;  indigestion,  sleep- 
less nights,  and  an  oppressive  pain  in  the  chest  left 

8  See  references  in  note  1  of  this  chapter.  Also  letter  of  Arrillaga  to 
Tages  March  21, 1791, announcing  Romeu's  arrival.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  38. 

a  The  Informe  sobre  los  ajustes  de  Pobladores  de  la  Edna  de  Los  A  nyeles  y 
demas  <le  las  Provincias  de  California*,  MS.,  a  report  of  the  contador  mayor 
dated  Mexico,  Dec.  30,  1789,  and  filling  above  GO  pages,  is  a  specimen  of  the 
many  wordy  communications  on  the  subject  which  are  extant  in  the  archives. 
I  have  made  no  attempt  to  reach  the  bottom  of  this  financial  puzzle.  Vice- 
roy's orders  to  Romeu  on  this  subject  Sept.  1, 1790.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  ix.  313-19. 


DEATH  OF  ROMEU.  489 

him  but  little  opportunity  of  attending  to  public 
duties.10  Yet  he  did  not  lose  courage,  and  late  in 
the  summer,  after  communicating  his  instructions  to 
presidal  officers  and  satisfying  himself  of  Arrillaga's 
entire  competence,  he  proceeded  north,  reached  San 
Diego  in  August,11  and  arrived  at  Monterey  October 
13th,  doubtless  before  the  departure  of  his  prede- 
cessor.12 Through  the  winter  his  ill-health  continued, 
and  he  was  barely  able  to  attend  to  the  routine  duties 
of  his  office.  His  official  communications  in  the 
archives  are  few,  brief,  and  unimportant.  His  cor- 
respondence with  President  Lasuen  both  at  Loreto 
and  Monterey,  though  containing  little  more  than 
the  formal  expressions  required  by  courtesy,  indicate 
a  desire  on  his  part,  such  as  most  rulers  entertained 
when  they  first  came  to  California,  to  preserve  har- 
monious relations  with  the  missionaries.13  In  fact 
either  by  natural  disposition  or  by  reason  of  feeble 
health  he  was  evidently  more  frailero  than  Fages  or 
Neve.  On  December  1st  he  received  the  royal  con- 
firmation of  his  appointment  as  governor.14 

Late  in  March  1792  Romeu's  condition  became 
critical,  and  after  a  series  of  convulsions  it  became 
evident  that  he  had  but  a  few  days  to  live.  The  sur- 
geon, Pablo  Soler,  made  a  written  report  to  this  effect 
on  April  5th,  and  the  last  rites  of  religion  were  ad- 
ministered by  the  friars  in  attendance.  He  died  at 
Monterey  April  9th  and  was  buried  at  San  Carlos 

10  Romeu,Carta  al  Virrey,  21  de  Nov.  1791,  MS.,  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  v.  91-2. 

11  He  was  at  San  Diego  from  Aug.  20th  to  31st  if  not  longer.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  x.  40-3. 

12  Nov.  28,  1791,  the  viceroy  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  his  letter  of  Oct. 
14th,  announcing  his  arrival  on  the  13th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  134. 

13  liomeu,  Cortas  al  Presidente  Lasuen,  1791,  MS.     On  July  16th  from  Ro- 
sario  he  writes:   'Aunque  mi  caudal  de  m6rito  no  es  otro  que  el  tener  unos 
buenos  y  constantes  deseos  de  llenar  el  cumplimiento  de  mi  obligacion,  y  ser 
litil  y  sin  embargo  de  carecer  de  aquellas  apreciables  circunstancias  condu- 


y  de  esos  KK.   rr.  misioneros  a  los  que 
comiendo   correspondiendo  con   iguales  a   las   expresione.s  finas   conque  me 
honran. ' 


uSt.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.  v.  92.     The  confirmation -was  dated  Feb.  15th. 


490  RULE  OP  ROMEU. 

the  day  following.  By  his  will  the  widow  was  made 
executrix  of  his  estate  and  guardian  of  their  daugh- 
ters. Dona  Josefa  embarked  for  San  Bias  in  Octo- 
ber. Alferez  Sal  in  a  letter  says  that  California  was 
not  worthy  of  a  governor  like  Romeu.  At  his  funeral 
all  who  knew  him  displayed  deep  grief.15 

Local  annals  as  well  as  certain  general  topics  of 
commercial,  industrial,  and  mission  development,  I 
shall  treat  collectively  for  the  decade  from  1791  to 
1800,  in  subsequent  chapters.  Besides  such  topics 
the  visit  of  a  scientific  exploring  expedition  and  the 
founding  of  two  new  missions  are  to  be  noted  during 
Romeu's  short  rule.  The  expedition  referred  to  was 
that  of  Alejandro  Malaspina  in  command  of  the  royal 
corvettes  Descubierta  and  Atrevida,16  the  latter  being 
under  the  immediate  command  of  Jose  de  Bustamante 
y  Guerra,  and  the  scientific  corps  including  Bauzd, 
and  Espinosa.17  Malaspina  sailed  from  Cdxliz  in  July 
1789,  for  a  tour  round  the  world,  and  after  making 
explorations  on  both  coasts  of  South  America,  and 
from  Panama"  to  Acapulco,  left  the  latter  port  in  May 
1791  for  the  Northwest  Coast,  which  he  struck  a  little 
above  60°  and  carefully  explored  southward,  sighting 

15Pnw.  8t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  7-9,  14;  x.  139;  xxi.  71,  89;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  vi.,  76;  Pro®.  £ec.,  MS.,ii.  152;  San  Carlos,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.;  Tay- 
'tor's  Dlscov.  and  Founders,  ii.  179;  Vallejo,  Hist,  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  96-7. 

16  The  vessels  had,  like  nearly  all  in  the  Spanish  navy,  each  a  double  name, 
being  called  respectively  Santa  Justa  and  Santa  Rufina.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
v.  96. 

17  A  full  list  of  officers  made  at  Monterey,  is  as  follows:  Captains  Alejan- 
dro Malaspina  and  Jose"  de  Bustamante  y  Guerra;  lieutenants  Dionisio  Gali- 
ano,*  Jose  Espinosa,  Cayetano  Valde"s,  Manuel  No  vales,*  Fernando  Quintano, 
Juan  Bernaci,  Secundino  Salamanca,  Antonio  de  Tova,  Juan  Concha,  Jose' 
Robredo,  Areaco  Zeballos,  Francisco  Viana,  and  Arcadio  Lineda;*   alfe"reces 
Martin  Olavide,*  Felipe  Bauza,  Flavio  Aleponzoni,  and  Jacobo  Murphy;  con- 
tadores  Rafael  Rodriguez  de  Arias  and  Manuel  Esquerra;  chaplains  Jose"  de 
Mesa  and  Francisco  de  Paula  Aiiino;   surgeons  Francisco  Flores  and  Pedro 
Gonzalez;  pilotos  Juan  Diaz  Maqueda,  Jos6  Sanchez,  Geronimo  Delgado,  Juan 
Inciarte  y  Portu,  and  Joaquin  Hurtado;  apothecary  Luis  Nee*  and  Tadeo 
Haenek;  pintor  de  perspectiva  Tomas  Suria;  disecador  y  dibujante  do  plantas 
Jos6  de  Guio.  *     The  names  marked  with  a  star  remained  behind  in  Mexico. 
Malaspina,  Nota  de  Oftciales  de  Guerra  y  Mat/ores,  Naturalistas,  Botdnicos, 
Dibujantes,  y  Disecadores,  gue  tienen  destino  en  las  corbetas  de  S.  M.  nombra- 
das  Descubierta  y  Atrevida,  que  dan  vuefya  al  Globo. .  .que  salieron  de  Cadiz  en 
30  de  Julio  de  1789,  MS. 


MALASPINA'S  EXPEDITION.  491 

Cape  Mendocino  September  6th,  being  off  San  Fran- 
cisco the  10th,18  and  anchoring  the  13th  at  Monterey, 
where  his  vessels  remained  till  the  25th,  thence  con- 
tinuing the  survey  down  to  Cape  San  Lucas,  San 
Bias,  Acapulco,  and  returning  to  Spain  by  the  Phil- 
ippines and  Cape  Good  Hope.19 

Of  the  stay  at  Monterey,  of  scientific  observations 
there,  of  Malaspina's  impressions  of  California  and 
its  people  we  know  little.  The  archives  contain  only 
the  merest  mention  of  the  arrival  and  of  courtesies 
exchanged  between  the  visitors  and  Lasuen,  who 
aided  in  gathering  specimens,20  Malaspina  seems 
entitled  to  the  honor  of  having  brought  to  Cali- 
fornia the  first  American  who  ever  visited  the 
country,  and  he  came  to  remain,  his  burial  being 
recorded  on  the  mission  register  under  date  of  Sep- 
tember 13th,  and  name  of  John  Groem,  probably 
Graham,  son  of  John  and  Catherine  Groem,  Presby- 
terians, of  Boston.  He  had  shipped  as  gunner  at 
Cadiz.21  The  reports  of  this  expedition  were  never 
published.  The  commander  was  imprisoned  for  cer- 
tain crimes  or  irregularities,  and  it  is  only  through 
Navarrete's  brief  resume,  and  an  abridged  narrative 
by  one  of  the  officers,  that  anything  is  known  of 
results.22 

As  early  as  1789  it  was  determined  to  found  two 
new  missions,  in  honor  of  '  our  lady  of  solitude!  and 

18  At  least  4  or  5  shots  were  heard  from  a  fog-hidden  vessel  on  that  date. 
Bustamante,  in  Cavo,  Tree  Siglos,  iii.  106-7,  says  he  left  Nootka  August  25th, 
and  anchored  at  Monterey  September  llth. 

19  For  account  of  Malaspina's  explorations  in  the  north,  see  Hist.  N.  W. 
Coast,  i.  249;  and  Hist.  Alaska,  this  series. 

20  Sept.  21,  1791,  Malaspina  and  Bustamante  to  Lasuen  thanking  him  for 
aid.     Lasuen  in  reply  gives  thanks  for  presents.     The  letters  are  full  of  flat- 
tering expressions,  and  the  voyagers  promise  to  make  the  king  and  the  world 
acquainted  with  their  favorable  impressions  of  California  and  with  the  suc- 
cess and  zeal  of  .the  padres.  Malaspina  and  Bustamante — Carta  al  P.  Lasuen 

rcxpuesta  de  dlcho  Padre,  Sept.  1791,  MS.    March  27,  1792,  Gen.  Nava  has 
rned  of  Malaspina's  visit.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  19. 

21  Taylor,   in  Pacific  Monthly,   xi.    649-50,   from  San  Carlos,   Lib.    de 
ision. 

^Navarrete,  Viages  Apdcrifos,  94-8,  268-70,  313-20;  Id.,  in  Sutil  y  Mexi- 
a,  Via<je,Introd.,'cxzu.-i.u.  Taylor,  in  Pacific  Monthly,  xi.  649,  and  L.  Cai, 


v;ce 

£ 

can 


492  RULE  OF  EOMEU. 

of  the  holy  cross.  The  necessary  preliminaries  were 
arranged  by  correspondence  between  president,  guar- 
dian, and  viceroy,  and  four  new  friars  were  selected 
to  take  charge,  or  enable  others  to  do  so,  of  the  new 
establishments.23  The  information  reached  California 
at  the  end  of  July  1790  together  with  the  friars, 
Danti,  Miguel,  Rubi,  and  Tapis;  and  all  the  necessary 
effects  except  the  church  vestments  and  utensils. 
This  omission  caused  delay,  for  the  priests  were  not 
disposed  to  take  anything  on  trust  in  dealing  with 
the  government,  and  it  was  not  until  July  1791  that 
a  positive  assurance  came  from  the  viceroy  that  the 
sacred  utensils  would  be  sent,  together  with  an  order 
to  proceed  at  once,  borrowing  the  needed  articles  from 
the  other  establishments.24  Subsequent  preliminary 
work  is  best  described  in  the  words  of  Lasuen,  who 
writes  the  29th  of  September:  "In  view  of  the 
superior  order  of  his  excellency  I  at  once  named  the 
missionaries.  I  asked  and  obtained  from  the  com- 
mandant of  this  presidio  the  necessary  aid  for  explor- 
ing anew  the  region  of  Soledad,  and  tliere  was  chosen 
a  site  having  some  advantages  over  the  two  previously 
considered.  I  applied  to  the  missions  for  vestments 
and  sacred  vessels;  and  as  soon  as  the  commander  of 
the  Aranzazu  furnished  the  sirvientes  allowed  for  the 
new  establishments  I  proceeded  to  Santa  Clara  in 
order  to  examine  anew  in  person  the  site  of  Santa 
Cruz.  I  crossed  the  sierra  by  a  long  and  rough  way, 

41,  says  that  Malaspina,  through  the  jealousy  of  Godoy,  was  imprisoned  for 
14  years  and  finally  liberated  when  Marshal  Soult  took  Coruiia  in  1809. 

*6  Guardian  Noriega  to  viceroy,  Sept:  22,  1789;  viceroy  to  guardian,  Oct. 
31;  guardian  to  Lasuen,  Dec.  10,  in  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  280-2. 
Two  thousand  eight  hundred  dollars  was  to  be  paid  to  the  sindico,  $1,000  for 
each  mission,  and  $200  for  travelling  expenses  of  each  friar.  April  1,  1790, 
the  sindico,  Fr.  Geronimo  de  Sampelayo,  sends  provisions  and  tools  for  Santa 
Cruz  to  value  of  $1,021.  Sta.  Cruz,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  3. 

24  Aug.  3,  1790,  Lasuen  to  Fages,  announces  arrival  of  padres;  nothing 
lacking  but  for  the  government  to  deliver  the  sacred  vessels;  he  is  ready. 
Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  10;  Jan.  20,  1791.  Viceroy  to  Lasuen  and  to  gov- 
ernor, ornamc.ntos,  etc.,  will  be  sent;  let  the  old  missions  lend.  July  15th, 
Lasuen  replies:  all  right.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  8-10;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  x.  138.  July  22,  1791,  Lasuen  issues  a  circular  to  the  padres  making 
known  viceroy's  orders;  let  each  padre  mark  on  the  margin  the  articles  that 
he  can  lend.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  316-17. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  MISSIONS.  493 

and  I  found  in  the  site  the  same  excellent  fitness  that 
had  been  reported  to  me.  I  found,  besides,  a  stream 
of  water  very  near,  copious,  and  important.  On  the 
day  of  San  Agustin,  August  28th,  I  said  mass,  and  a  v 
cross  was  raised  in  the  spot  where  the  establishment 
is  to  be.  Many  gentiles  came,  large  and  small,  of 
both  sexes,  and  showed  that  they  would  gladly?enlist  j^ 
under  that  sacred  standard,  thank  God  I  I  returned  ' 
to  Santa  Clara  by  another  way,  rougher  but  shorter 
and  more  direct.  I  had  the  Indians  improve  the  road 
and  was  perfectly  successful,  because  for  this  as  for 
everything  else  the  commandant  of  San  Francisco,  Don 
Hermenegildo  Sal,  has  furnished  with  the  greatest 
activity  and  promptness  all  the  aid  I  have  asked  for. 
I  ordered  some  little  huts  made,  and  I  suppose  that 
by  this  time  the  missionaries  are  there.  I  found  here 
in  Monterey  the  two  corvettes  of  the  Spanish  expedi- 
tion, and  the  commander's  power  of  pleasing  obliged 
me  to  await  their  departure.  I  endeavored  to  induce 
them  to  transport  the  Santa  Cruz  supplies  by  water, 
but  it  could  not  be  accomplished.  Day  before  yester- 
day, however,  some  were  sent  there  by  land,  and  with 
them  a  man  from  the  schooner  which  came  from 
Nootka  under  Don  Juan  Carrasco.25  The  plan  is  to 
see  if  there  is  any  shelter  for  a  vessel  on  the  coast 
near  Santa  Cruz,  and  there  to  transport  what  is  left. 
To-morrow  a  report  is  expected.  This  means  is 
sought  because  we  lack  animals.  To-day  eleven  Ind- 
ians have  departed  from  here  with  tools  to  construct 
a  shelter  at  Soledad  for  the  padres  and  the  supplies. 
I  and  the  other  padres  are  making  preparations,  and 
my  departure  thither  will  be,  by  the  favor  of  God,  the 
day  after  San  Francisco,  October  8th,  at  latest."26 

The  preliminaries  having  been  thus  arranged  Alferez 
Sal  started  from  San  Francisco  September  22d  with 

25  This  schooner  was  the  Horcasitas,  which  under  Narvaez  had  taken  part 
in  Elisa's  northern  explorations.     See  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  244-250.     The 
Aranzam  had  also  made  a  trip  to  the  north,  under  Matute. 

26  Laxuen,  Carta  al  Sr.  Gobernador  Romeu,  sobre  fundacion  de  Misiones, 
29  de  Sept.  1791,  MS. 


WV     W/V      *_>(_ 


494  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

Corporal  Luis  Peralta  and  two  privates,  arriving  at 
Santa  Clara  in  the  afternoon.27  Next  morning  he 
proceeded  to  Santa  Cruz,  his  force  being  increased  by 
fathers  Alonso  Salazar  and  Baldomero  Lopez,  while 
the  rest  of  the  mission  guard  with  six  or  seven  servants 
were  left  to  bring  supplies  and  cattle.  On  the  24th 
some  Christian  Indians  of  Santa  Clara  were  set  at 
work  cutting  timber  and  building  a  hut  for  the  friars, 
who  busied  themselves  seeking  a  spot  for  sowing 
twenty-five  fanegas  of  wheat.  A  fine  plain  was  found 
well  adapted  for  the  purpose,  capable  of  irrigation 
from  a  small  stream  called  by  the  explorers  of  1769 
Arroyo  de  San  Pedro  Regalado.  The  mission  site 
was  about  five  hundred  yards  from  the  Rio  San 
Lorenzo,  also  named  in  1769.  The  chief  Sugert  came 
in  with  a  few  of  his  followers,  and  promised  to  become 
the  first  Christian  of  his  tribe,  Sal  agreeing  to  be 
godfather.  On  Sunday,  September  25th,  as  soon  as 
the  soldiers  and  horses  arrived  from  Santa  Clara, 
Sugert  and  his  people  having  been  fortified  by  assur- 
ances against  the  noise  of  exploding  gunpowder,  and 
the  friars  having  donned  their  robes,  Don  Hermene- 
gildo  took  formal  possession  as  he  says,  "in  such  words 
as  my  moderate  talent  dictated,"  and  at  the  conclusion 
the  guns  were  discharged.  Five  more  salutes  were 
fired  while  the  padres  said  mass  and  chanted  a  te 

27  Sept.  17,  1791,  Sal  to  Romeu,  excusing  himself  for  sending,  without 
having  awaited  Romeu 's  arrival  or  orders,  at  Lasuen's  request,  a  guard  and 
mule  train  for  the  new  mission.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  18-20.  The  corporal 
of  the  mission  guard  was  fully  instructed  respecting  his  duties  under  date  of 
Sept.  17th.  Sal,  Instruction  al  Cabo  Luis  Peralta  al  cargo  de  la  Escolta  de  la 
Mision  de  Santa  Cruz,  1791,  MS.  The  general  purport  was,  constant  pre- 
cautions, kindness  to  gentiles,  harmony  with  padres,  strict  performance  of 
religious  duties,  and  the  details  of  routine.  The  details  were  much  the  same 
in  all  missions.  It  is  to  be  noticed,  however,  that  in  the  matter  of  escorting 
the  priests  the  soldiers  were  strictly  limited,  and  were  not  allowed  to  pass 
the  night  away  from  the  mission.  If  a  priest  desired  to  go  to  a  distant  mis- 
sion, word  must  be  sent  to  San  Francisco  and  a  guard  obtained  from  the 
presidio.  On  the  29th  or  30th  of  each  month  a  report  to  Sal  must  be  sent  by 
two  soldiers  to  Santa  Clara,  where  the  two  must  wait  till  two  Santa  Clara 
men  carried  the  despatch  to  San  Francisco  and  returned.  As  the  rainy  season 
was  drawing  near,  the  gentiles  might  be  induced  to  work  on  the  warehouse 
and  guard-house  by  presents  of  food,  etc.,  even  against  the  wishes  of  "' 
padres. 


FOUNDING  OF  SANTA  CRUZ.  495 

cleum,   and   thus   the    mission   of   Santa   Cruz   was 
founded.28 

Local  annals  of  Santa  Cruz  to  1800  are  best  pre- 
sented here  and  may  be  briefly  recorded.  Often  there 
were  apprehensions  of  trouble  with  the  natives,  but 
the  fears  of  the  friars  rested  for  the  most  part  on 
nothing  more  solid  than  rumor,  the  occasional  flight 
of  a  neophyte,  or  the  loss  of  an  animal.  To  keep  the 
soldiers  of  the  guard  on  the  alert  they  were  once 
ordered  to  hunt  bears  for  target  practice.29  The  neo- 
phytes numbered  84  at  the  end  of  the  year  1791. 
They  had  increased  to  224  in  another  year;  in  1796 
the  number  was  523,  the  highest  ever  reached,  and  in 
1800  they  were  492.  There  had  been  949,  according 
to  the  registers,  baptized,  271  couples  married,  and  477 
buried.  Large  stock  increased  during  the  decade  from 
202  to  2,354  head;  small  stock  from  174  to  2,083. 
Agricultural  products  in  1792  were  about  650  bushels; 

2SSal,  Diario  del  Reconocimiento  de  la  Mision  de  Santa  Cruz,  1791,  MS. 
Certificate  on  foundation  of  the  mission,  dated  Sept.  25th,  and  signed  by  Sal, 
Corp.  Peralta,  and  soldier  Salvador  Higuera.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  137.  Sal 
returned  to  Santa  Clara  Sept.  26th,  and  San  Francisco  Sept.  27th.  Sept.  25th, 
the  padres  announce  the  foundation  to-day  in  a  letter  to  Romcu ;  site  fine  and 
prospects  flattering.  Lopez  and  Salazar,  Carlo,  de  los  Padres  de  Santa  Cruz 
al  Gobernador,  1791,  MS.  Title-pages  of  mission  registers.  Santa  Cruz,  Lib. 
de  Mision,  MS.,  28.  Santa  Clara  furnished  for  Santa  Cruz  64  cattle,  22 
horses,  76  fanegas  of  grain,  and  26  loaves  of  bread;  San  Francisco,  5  yoke  of 
oxen,  70  sheep,  and  2  bushels  of  barley;  San  Carlos,  7  mules  and  8  horses. 
The  guard  furnished  the  padres  $42.50  worth  of  provisions,  to  be  repaid.  A 
list  of  the  church  vestments  and  sacred  vessels  is  also  given.  Copy  from 
mission  records  in  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  102-3.  See  also 
Wittcy's  Centennial  Sketch  of  Santa  Cruz,  11,  12.  Santa  Cruz  Sentinel,  Aug. 
12,  1865.  Another  record  makes  the  contribution  of  Santa  Clara  151  cattle, 
19  horses,  18  fanegas  of  grain;  San  Francisco,  6  yoke  of  oxen,  100  hogs,  12 
mules;  and  other  missions  8  beasts  of  burden.  Salazar ^  Condicion  actual  de 
California,  1796,  MS. 

29 This  was  in  1797.  Prov.  Sec.,  MS.,  v.  106.  Jan.  1794,  Mission  guard 
increased  to  8  men,  but  reduced  to  5  before  May  1795.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xiii.  231;  xii.  77.  April  1798,  90  fugitives  gathered  in  by  Corp.  Mesa.  Id., 
xxii.  101.  Road  from  Monterey  threatened;  a  soldier  nearly  attacked  in  1792, 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.  vi.  70-1.  Feb.  1793,  9  neophytes  brought  in  9  pagans. 
Mountain  Indians  said  to  be  making  arrows.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  152-3. 
Dec.  1793,  the  corporal  and  a  soldier  wounded;  two  parties  sent  from  San 
Francisco  to  punish  the  natives.  Id.,  xxi.  176.  Jan.  1795,  Sergt.  Amador 
sent  to  capture  2  Indians  who  were  making  trouble  on  the  Rio  Pajaro.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  i.  47.  March  7,  1796,  P.  Sanchez  asks  for  aid. 
Indians  threatening.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  3.  Feb.  29th,  Amador  sent  to 
investigate  a  rumor  that  the  Indians  would  rise  and  kill  the  padres.  JProv. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  18. 


496  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

3,400  in  1796,  and  800  in  1799;  in  1800  were  4,300 
bushels;  total  yield  of  the  decade,  17,590  bushels. 

The  church,  whose  corner-stone  had  been  laid  with 
due  ceremony  on  February  27th  of  the  preceding 
year,  was  formally  dedicated  to  its  holy  use  the  10th 
of  Hay  1794,  by  Father  Pena  from  Santa  Clara,  with 
the  aid  of  Gili  and  Sanchez,  besides  the  ministers  of 
the  mission.  Alferez  Sal  was  present  and  as  godfather 
of  the  church  received  its  keys.  All  the  ceremonies 
prescribed  by  the  Roman  ritual  were  solemnly  per- 
formed in  presence  of  neophytes,  servants,  and  troops, 
and  next  day  a  mass  was  celebrated  in  the  new  edi- 
fice. The  church  was  about  thirty  by  one  hundred 
and  twelve  feet  and  twenty- five  feet  high.  The 
foundation  walls  to  the  height  of  three  feet  were 
of  stone,  the  front  was  of  masonry,  and  the  rest  of 
adobes.30  There  is  some  evidence  that  the  site  of  the 
mission  had  been  slightly  changed  in  1792  to  avoid 
danger  from.  inundation.31  About  the  mission  build- 
ings but  little  is  recorded  except  that  the  last  two 

O  J. 

sides  of  the  square  were  completed  in  1795;  and  a 
flouring-mill  was  built  and  began  to  run  in  the  au- 
tumn of  1796,  but  was  badly  damaged  by  the  rains  of 

30  A  full  account  of  the  ceremony  and  of  the  building,  signed  by  the  six 
persons  named  and  by  Francisco  Gomez,  Jose"  Maria  Lopez,  Ignacio  Chuma- 
zero,  and  Jos6  Antonio  Sanchez,  is  given  in  Sta.  Cruz,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS., 
38-40.     Mr  Willey,  Centennial  Sketch  Sta.  Cruz,  12,  gives  the  date  as  March 
10th,  and  this  may  possibly  be  correct,  as  it  is  often  difficult  to  distinguish  in 
old  Spanish  manuscript  Marzo  from  Mayo.    Progress  made  on  church  in  1793, 
and  it  was  finished  in  1794.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  122;  ii.  17.    Being  dam- 
aged by  rains  in  1797.  Id.,  ii.  122.     Account  of  dedication  in  Sta.  Cruz  Sen- 
tinel, Aug.  12,  1865.     According  to  a  scrap  in  Hayes'  Mission  Bool,  i.   130, 
some  coins  and  relics  deposited  in  the  corner-stone  gave  rise  to  rumors  of 
treasure  for  which  search  was  made  when  the  building  fell  in  1856;  but  not 
even  the  stone  was  found. 

31  Sept,  12,  1792.     Letter  of  the  governor  in  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  ii.  139. 
Inhabitants  in  1795:  Corporal  Jose"  Antonio  Sanchez;  soldiers  Joaquin  Bernal, 
Jos<5  Ace"ves  (whose  marriage  with  a  neophyte  woman  was  the  first  recorded 
at  Santa  Cruz  on  March  3,  1794,  Sta.  Cruz,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  29),  Ramon 
Linares,  Joaquin  Mesa,  and  Jose"  Vizcarra;  sailor  sirvientes,  Lopez,  Carrillo, 
Arroyo,  Barajas,  Rodriguez,  and  Soto;  and  the  artisan  Antonio  Henricmez. 
All  but  the  sailors  had  families.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  234.     Nov.  1,  1794, 
the  padres  complain  that  the  sailor  laborers  know  nothing  of  their  work  and 
should  be  transferred  to  the  presidio.  Id.,  xii.  40.     Supplies  to  presidios  in 
1795-6,  about  $2,000.  Id.,  xvi.  203,  20G;  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  v.  76.     Due  from 
presidio  to  mission  in  1800,  $183.  Sta.  Cruz,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  19. 


EARLIEST  ANNALS  OF  SANTA  CRUZ.  497 

December.32  The  annual  election  of  mission  alcaldes, 
which  was  required  by  the  regulation,  but  had  been 
for  a  long  time  neglected  here  as  elsewhere,  began  by 
Borica's  orders  in  1797.33 

In  these  later  years  the  mission  prospects  were  far 
from  encouraging,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  tone  of 
missionary  correspondence.  At  the  beginning  of  1798 
Fernandez  writes  that  everything  is  in  a  bad  way.  A 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  neophytes  have  deserted, 
leaving  only  thirty  or  forty  to  work,  while  the  land  is 
overflowed  and  the  planting  not  half  done.  The 
church  has  been  damaged  by  the  flood;  the  live-stock 
is  dying ;  and  a  dead  whale  on  the  beach  has  attracted 
an  unusual  multitude  of  wolves  and  bears.34  The  es- 
tablishing of  Banciforte  across  the  river,  of  which  I 
shall  speak  in  another  chapter,  had  much  to  do  with 
the  friars'  despondency. 

The  missionary  founders,  Lopez  and  Salazar,  served 
here,  the  latter  till  July  1795  and  the  former  to  July 
179G,  at  or  about  which  dates  they  departed  from  the 
country  to  seek  the  retirement  of  their  college.35 

32  In  March  artisans  were  sent  to  build  the  mill  and  instruct  the  natives. 
In  August  a  smith  and  miller  were  sent  to  start  the  mill.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
224,  232;  v.  50,  58,  65-6,  98,  115;  vi.  68;  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  78;  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  30.  Four  millstones  were  ordered  made  at  Santa  Cruz 
for  San  Carlos.  A  house  for  the  mill  was  also  built;  and  in  1793  a  granary  of 
two  stories  and  a  house  for  looms  had  been  finished.  St.  Pap.,  Hiss.,  MS.,  ii. 
17,  78. 

33 Santa  Cruz,  Parroquia,  MS.,  15,  16. 

34 Fernandez,  Carta  del  Padre  Ministro  sobre  la  condition  de  Santa  Cruz, 
1798,  MS.  Aug.  1,  1798,  Engineer  Cordoba  reports  that  Santa  Cruz  has 
3,435,600  sq.  varas  of  irrigable  lands  of  which  1,120,000  are  sin  dbrir.  Pas- 
tures 1.5x8  or  9  leagues  with  seven  permanent  streams.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
vi.  99. 

35  Of  Alonso  Isidro  Salazar  we  know  nothing  till  he  became  minister  of 
Santa  Cruz  in  Sept.  1791,  having  probably  arrived  from  Mexico  a  little  earlier 
in  the  same  year.  He  and  Lopez  did  not  get  along  amicably  together,  and 
the  archives  contain  an  order  of  the  guardian  to  the  president  to  send  Salazar 
to  some  other  mission  since  he  and  his  confrere  would  not  'listen  to  reason,' 
and  in  order  '  to  reduce  their  pride.'  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  251-2.  He 
never  served  at  any  other  mission,  and  his  license  to  retire,  dated  by  the  vice- 
roy Jan.  23,  1795,  reached  him  before  June  10th  of  the  same  year.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  47.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  50.  No  reason  for  his  retirement  is  given. 
He  doubtless  sailed  in  the  transport  of  that  autumn;  and  on  May  11,  1706, 
he  wrote  at  the  college  of  San  Fernando  a  long  report  on  California,  of  which 
I  shall  have  something  to  say  elsewhere.  Condition  Actual  de  Cat.,  MS. 

Baldomero  Lopez,  like  Salazar,  came  to  California  in  1791,  like  him  served 
HIST.  CAI,.,  VOL.  I.  32 


498  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

They  were  succeeded  by  Manuel  Fernandez  and  Jose 
de  la  Cruz  Espi,  the  latter  being  replaced  in  May 
1797  by  Francisco  Gonzalez,  while  the  former  left  the 
country  in  October  1798  and  was  replaced  by  Domingo 
Carranza.36 


We  come  finally  to  the  other  new  mission  of  1791, 
La  Soledad.  True  to  the  condition  expressed  in  the 
name,  'Our  Lady  of  Solitude'  has  left  but  a  meagre 
record  either  of  foundation  or  subsequent  career.  As 
we  have  seen,  Lasuen  had  personally  selected  a  site. 
The  29th  of  September  a  party  of  natives  departed 
from  San  Cdrlos  to  erect  a  shelter.  The  friar,  delayed 
by  Malaspina's  visit,  intended  to  go  to  Soledad  again 
by  October  9th  at  the  latest.37  He  did  go  on  that 
date  or  perhaps  the  day  before,  for  on  the  9th  with  the 
aid  of  Sitjar  and  Garcia,  and  in  the  presence  of  Lieu- 
tenant Jose  Arguello,  the  guard,  and  various  natives, 
he  sprinkled  holy  water  on  the  site,  blessed  and  raised 
the  cross  which  all  adored,  and  performed  all  the  nec- 
essary rites  by  which  the  mission  of  Nuestra  Senora 
de  la  Soledad  was  ushered  into  existence.  The  site 
was  called  by  the  natives  Chuttusgelis  and  the  region 

only  at  Santa  Cruz,  and  like  him  was  ill-tempered  to  such  an  extent  that  his 
constant  bickerings  with  his  companion  received  the  reproof  of  his  superiors, 
His  temper  was,  however,  largely  the  result  of  ill-health.  He  was  the  vie 
tim  of  hypochondria  which  unfitted  him  for  missionary  duties  and  he  retired 
in  August  1796.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  228,  xi.  56-7;  Prov.  lice.,  MS., 
vi.  163.  In  Mexico  it  seems  his  health  was  restored,  for  on  Aug.  8,  1818,  he 
was  elected  guardian  of  San  Fernando. 

36  P.  Manuel  Fernandez  was  a  native  of  Tuy  in  Galicia,  Spain,  born  in 
1767,  who  became  a  Franciscan  at  Compostela  in  1784,  and  joined  the  college 
of  San  Fernando  in  1793,  being  sent  to  California  in  1794.  Arch.  Sta.  l>, 

MS.,  xi.  248.  He  was  one  of  five  priests  who  came  recommended  by  Mugar- 
tegui  as  of  a  different  kind  from  several  who  had  exhausted  Lasuen's  patience, 
these  being  in  fact  model  missionaries.  Aluydrtcgui,  Carta  al  P.  Lasuen  30  de 
Encro  1794>  MS.  An  original  letter.  He  was  impetuous,  violent,  cruel,  and 
a  bad  manager  of  neophytes.  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  103;  or  at  least  over-zeal- 
ous in  converting  pagans,  and  wTas  admonished  by  the  president  to  moderate 
his  zeal.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  125-32.  This  was  at  Santa  Clara  where  he 
served  in  1794.  He  was  much  at  San  Francisco  in  the  early  part  of  1795. 
During  his  service  at  Santa  Cruz  in  1795-8  we  hear  no  complaint  against  him, 
and  in  October  1798  he  obtained  license  to  retire  on  account  of  sickness.  Arch. 
Arzolnspado,  MS.,  i.  52. 

37  See  p.  493,  tliis  volume. 


FOUNDING  OF  SOLEDAD.  499 

had  been  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  Soledad  since 
the  first  occupation  of  the  country.38 

Beyond  the  names  of  officiating  missionaries  and 
the  usual  statistics  Soledad  has  no  recorded  history 
for  this  first  decade.  One  entry  in  the  mission  books 
however  deserves  mention,  by  which  it  appears  that 
on  May  19,  1793,  there  was  baptized  a  Nootka  Indian, 
twenty  years  of  age,  "Iquina,  son  of  a  gentile  father, 
named  Taguasmiki,  who  in  the  year  1789  was  killed 
by  the  American  Gret  (Gray)  captain  of  the  vessel 
called  Washington  belonging  to  the  Congress  of  Bos- 
ton."39 

Fathers  Diego  Garcia  and  Mariano  Rubi  were  the 
first  ministers  of  Soledad,  the  former  being  present  at 
the  founding  and  the  latter  arriving  shortly  after. 
Rubi  left  the  mission  in  January  and  the  country  in 
February  or  March  1793.  Garcia  left  Soledad  in 
February  1792,  but  he  returned,  serving  there  from 
December  1792  to  March  1796,  when  he  was  trans- 
ferred to  Sari  Francisco.  These  two  were  of  the 
class  alluded  to  by  Mugartegui  as  having  exhausted 
the  president's  patience.  They  were  even  worse  than 
Salazar  and  Lopez  at  Santa  Cruz,  for  Rubi  was  an 
immoral  man,  while  Garcia,  if  not  partially  insane, 
was  unpopular  and  disobedient.40  After  the  terms  of 

38 Soledad,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  1,  2.  Narrative  signed  by  Lasuen.  Romeu 
to  viceroy  Dec.  1,  1791,  in  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  93.  The  first  baptism  of  an 
aboriginal  was  on  Nov.  23d.  The  following  names  from  the  mission  records 
are  those  of  the  soldiers  and  sirvientes  during  the  decade:  Soldiers,  Macario 
Castro,  corporal  in  1792,  Ignacio  Vallejo,  corporal  in  1793,  Josd  Dionisio  Ber- 
nal,  Leocadio  Cibrian,  Teodoro  Gomez,  Jos<§  Ignacio  Mesa,  Antonio  Buelna, 
Marcos  Villela,  Manuel  Mendoza,  Salvador  Espinosa,  Miguel  Espinosa,  Ca- 
yetano  Espinosa,  Marcos  Briones,  Bartolomd  Mateo  Martinez,  Jos6  Maria 
Soberanes,  Juan  Maria  Pinto,  and  Manuel  Rodriguez.  Servants:  Antonio 
Santos,  Leocadio  Martinez,  Matias  Solas,  Pedro  Bautista  Leonardo,  Jos<§ 
Bernardino  Flores. 

"Soledad,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  4. 

40  Mariano  Rubi  was  one  of  the  four  padres  who  arrived  in  California  in 
July  1790  sent  expressly  for  the  new  establishments.  He  served  at  San 
Antonio  1790  to  Sept.  1791,  and  from  Oct.  1791  to  Jan.  1793.  He  retired 
under  a  provisional  license,  being  in  ill-health.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  33; 
Prov.  Ilcc.,  MS.,  ii.  160.  In  Oct.  1793  and  again  in  Feb.  1794  the  guardian 
wrote  to  the  president  asking  for  detailed  reports  on  Rubi's  conduct  and 
excesses,  and  an  official  certificate  on  the  nature  of  his  disease,  which  was 
doubtless  venereal.  He  was  to  be  expelled  for  the  honor  of  the  college.  Arch. 


500  RULE  OF  ROMEU. 

these  first  ministers  the  following  missionaries  served 
for  brief  periods:  Father  Gili,  like  Rubi  more  muge- 
riego  than  was  well  for  his  reputation  and  health,  in 
1793,  Espi  in  1794-5,  Martiarena  in  1795-7,  and  Car- 
nicer  in  1797-8.  At  the  end  of  the  decade  the  min- 
isters were  Antonio  Jaime  and  Mariano  Payeras,  since 
March  1796  and  November  1798  respectively.  In 
neophyte  population  Soledad  counted  eleven  converts 
only  at  the  end  of  1791,  but  493  in  1800,  the  baptisms 
having  aggregated  704,  deaths  224,  and  marriages  164. 
Large  stock  gained  from  194  to  1,383  head;  small 
stock  from  213  to  3,024.  Agriculture  yielded  525 
bushels  in  1792;  350  in  1794;  2,000  in  1797,  and 
2,600  in  1800.  Total  yield  of  decade  14,800  bushels. 
In  1797  this  mission  possessed  an  adobe  church  with 
roof  of  straw.41 

Sta.  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xi.  229-31,  255.  Of  Garcia's  shortcomings  I  shall  have 
more  to  say  hereafter.  At  Soledad  he  once  neglected  to  sow  grain  on  some 
frivolous  pretext,  and  the  neophytes  were  near  starving  in  consequence. 

41  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  120.     Supplies  to  the  presidio  in  1796  $418. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  203. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA— VANCOUVER'S  VISITS. 
1792-1794. 

COUNCIL  AT  MONTEREY  TO  APPOINT  A  TEMPORARY  GOVERNOR — ARRILLAGA'S 
ACCESSION — ARRIVAL  AT  MONTEREY — CALIFORNIA  SEPARATED  FROM 
PROVINCIAS  INTERNAS — ARRILLAGA'S  POLICY  AND  ACTS — THE  JORDAN 
COLONY — MARITIME  AFFAIRS  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS — NORTHERN  EX- 
PLORATIONS— SPANISH  POLICY — THE  NOOTKA  QUESTION — VOYAGE  OF  THE 
*SUTIL'  AND  '  MEXICANA' — BOUNDARY  COMMISSION — VANCOUVER'S  FIRST 
VISIT — RECEPTION  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO,  SANTA  CLARA,  AND  MONTEREY — 
ENGLISH  DESERTERS — THE  GOVERNOR  IN  A  DILEMMA — PRECAUTIONS 
AGAINST  FOREIGN  VESSELS — REVILLA  GIGEDO'S  REPORT — ATTEMPTED 
OCCUPATION  OF  BODEGA — VANCOUVER'S  SECONDVISIT — ADISGUSTED  ENG- 
LISHMAN— SUSPICIONS  OF  ARRILLAGA — HOSPITALITIES  IN  THE  SOUTH — 
END  OF  THE  NOOTKA  SETTLEMENT — VANCOUVER'S  LAST  VISIT — His  OB- 
SERVATIONS ON  CALIFORNIA. 

IN  view  of  the  governor's  illness  a  council  was  held 
at  Monterey  April  5,  1792,  by  call  of  Lieutenant 
Argiiello,1  to  decide  on  whom  the  command  should 
fall  in  the  event  of  Romeu's  death,  which  Surgeon 
Pablo  Soler  pronounced  to  be  near.  The  council  con- 
sisted of  Argiiello,  Ortega,  Goycoechea,  and  Alferez 
Sal.  The  decision  was  that  according  to  the  regula- 
tion the  governorship  ad  interim  would  belong  to 
Captain  Jose  Joaquin  de  Arrillaga,  commandant  at 
Loreto  and  lieutenant-governor  of  the  Californias; 
that  the  provincial  archives  should  be  kept  tempo- 
rarily by  the  council,  and  that  Arrillaga  should  be 
notified  at  once  of  the  state  of  affairs.  Goycoechea 
and  Sal  should  return  to  their  presidios,  and  Ortega 

1  Argiiello  had  succeeded  Ortega  in  the  spring  of  1791,  and  Alferez  Sal  had 
been  put  in  command  at  San  Francisco. 

(501) 


502  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

on  Romeu's  death  should  proceed  directly  to  Loreto.2 
This  decision  was  communicated  on  the  same  day  to 
Arrillaga  and  to  the  commandants  not  present  at  the 
council.  The  date  of  Arrillaga's  accession  may  there- 
fore be  considered  as  identical  with  that  of  Romeu's 
death  the  9th  of  April.  On  May  4th  Arrillaga  an- 
nounced his  succession  to  the  viceroy,  and  on  the  7th 
to  the  officials  in  California,  who  acknowledged  the 
receipt  in  June.3 

Arrillaga  chose  to  take  a  modest  view  of  his  own 
abilities  and  a  rather  exalted  one  of  his  new  duties, 
asking  for  counsel  and  suggestions  from  his  subordi- 
nates. "From  this  moment  I  unload  my  conscience 
upon  each,  and  hold  him  responsible  for  results/'  writes 
the  new  ruler,  "since  an  officer  must  be  directed  in 
his  acts  more  by  his  own  honor  then  by  fear  of 
authority."  Viceregal  authority  for  his  exercise  of 
the  chief  command  bore  date  of  the  8th  of  July.  It 
was  his  intention  to  remain  at  Loreto;  but  on  Sep- 
tember 28th  he  was  ordered  to  Monterey,  where  he 
arrived  early  in  July  1793,  soon  visiting  San  Fran- 
cisco and  returning  to  the  capital  the  17th  of  Sep- 
tember.4 

Arrillaga's  attention  was  given  almost  exclusively, 
during  this  first  term  of  office  and  long  after,  to  the 
inspection  of  the  presidios  and  to  the  adjustment  of  the 
old  presidial  accounts  in  continuation  of  the  task  that 
had  been  intrusted  to  Romeu.  He  worked  diligently 

2  Junta  de  5  de  Abril  de  1791  en  Monterey,  MS.    Argiiello's  letters  to  com- 
mandants Zufiiga  and  Gonzales,  same  date.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  13-15. 

3  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  4,  7,  8.     May  4th,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy.  Id., 
xxi.   71.     May  7th,  Id.,  to  Goycoechea  and  Argiiello.  Id.,  xi.  25;  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  i.  115.     May  7th,  Id.,  to  Lasuen,  and  the  padre's  congratulations 
on  June  25th.  Arch.  Arzobi&pado,  MS.,  i.  27-8.     May  10th  Gen.  Nava  sends 
to  the  governor  a  copy  of  Neve's  previous  instructions  to  Fages ;  but  this 
document  was  probably  intended  for  Romeu  since  Nava  first  announces  knowl- 
edge of  Romeu's  death  on  June  17th.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  72-3;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  59. 

4  June  8,  1792,  Arrillaga  to  commandants  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  7G-8. 
Viceroy  to  governor,  July  8,  1792,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xx.  3. 


I  Sept. 
communication  from  Loreto  is  dated  Dec.  29th. 


A  NEW  GOVERNOR.  503 

at  the  complicated  task  and  with  much  success,  though 
many  years  passed  before  it  was  completed.  Beyond 
the  details  of  this  adjustment,  and  the  ordinary  routine 
of  official  correspondence  with  commandants,  general, 
or  viceroy — for  early  in  1793  California  became  by 
royal  order  separated  from  the  Provincias  Internas 
and  subordinate  directly  to  the  viceroy5 — the  archives 
contain  but  little  on  this  administration,  which  con- 
tinued until  1794. 

Arrillaga  carried  out  conscientiously  the  instruc- 
tions of  general  and  viceroy  on  the  strengthening  of 
coast  defences  and  assistance  to  north-coast  establish- 
ments. He  met  the  English  navigator  Vancouver  on 
his  second  visit  to  Monterey,  leaving  a  not  very  favor- 
able impression  on  the  mind  of  his  visitor,  and  urged 
the  viceroy  to  put  the  presidios  under  captains,  who 
should  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  financial  accounts.6 
He  granted  lands  provisionally  to  three  or  four  men 
in  the  Monterey  region,7  issued  in  the  interests  of 
agriculture  a  proclamation  forbidding  the  natives  to 
kindle  fires  in  the  fields,  and  in  the  direction  of  public 
works  opened  a  new  road  and  ford  at  the  Pajaro  River. 
By  Arrillaga's  advice  the  proposition  of  the  clergy- 
man, Alejandro  Jordan,  to  found  a  colony  in  Califor- 
nia for  the  supply  of  San  Bias  with  products  at  cheaper 
rates,  was  declined  by  the  king  in  1794.8  Besides 

5  The  king  resolved  in  council  of  Sept.  7,  1792,  on  making  the  Provincias 
Internas  independent  of  the  viceroy ;  but  the  Califomias  and  some  eastern 
provinces  -were  excepted  in  military  and  political  matters.   Eevilla  G,'gedo, 
Bandos,  63.     Feb.  12,  1793,  viceroy  gives  corresponding  orders  to  the  gov- 
ernor. Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  106. 

6  July  18, 1792.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  108-9.  In  1791  the  office  of  habili- 
tado  general  of  the  Calif ornian  Presidios  had  been  created  with  Manuel  Car- 
caba  as  first  incumbent.  /(/.,  x.  13G-7. 

7  Arrillaga  says  that  his  predecessors  had  not  granted  any  lands,  he  favors 
it  and  has  granted  ranches  to  several  invalids  on  the  river  3  or  4  leagues  from 
Monterey.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,xu.  45-7,  189;  xxi.  132.     It  was  in  his  rule,  1793, 
that  General  Nava's  order,  allowing  commandants  of  presidios  to  grant  lands 
within  4  leagues,  was  approved  by  the  viceroy.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,i.  320-1,341-2. 

8  Arrillaga  to  viceroy,  November  8.  1792,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  85-6. 
Jordan  is  said  to  have  spent  8  months  in  Alta  California  at  some  previous 
time,  and  to  have  caused  some  dissatisfaction  by  his  intrigues,  though  1  iind 
no  other  record  of  his  presence  than  Arrillaga's  statement.     Jordan  asked  for 


504  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

ordering  the  appropriate  manifestations  of  rejoicing  at 
the  queen's  happy  delivery  in  1793,  the  governor  con- 
tinued the  collection  of  alms  for  the  Capuchin  nuns  of 
Granada  authorized  before  his  accession,  and  in  1794 
had  the  pleasure  of  forwarding  California's  contribu- 
tion of  $154  for  so  pious  an  object.9 

From  what  has  been  said  it  will  be  apparent  to  the 
reader  that  little  occurred  to  distract  Arrillaga's  atten- 
tion from  his  figures.  The  period  was  one  of  quiet 
prosperity  for  the  missions,  and  no  new  establishments 
were  founded.  The  governor  was  liked  by  the  friars, 
with  whose  management  he  made  no  attempt  to  inter- 
fere. He  had  no  quarrels ;  introduced  no  reforms ;  met 
with  no  disasters,  but  regarding  himself  as  merely  an 
accidental  and  temporary  ruler  he  was  content  with 
the  performance  of  routine  duties  until  a  successor 
could  be  selected.  We  shall  hear  more  of  him  later. 
Local  events  during  this  and  the  preceding  and  fol- 
lowing administrations  I  shall  group  into  the  annals 
of  a  decade.  General  topics  of  provincial  progress  I 
shall  group  practically  in  the  same  way  by  attaching 
the  little  that  belongs  to  Romeu  and  Arrillaga  to  the 
much  that  is  to  be  said  of  Borica's  time. 

Maritime  affairs  and  foreign  relations,  or  the  dread 
of  foreign  relations  and  consequent  precautions,  form 
the  only  general  topic  of  Arrillaga's  term  which  de- 
mands extended  notice.  The  subject  is  somewhat 
closely  connected  with  the  annals  of  the  Northwest 
Coast,  fully  recorded  in  another  volume  of  this  work, 

$4,000  salary,  18  men,  and  a  supply  of  implements.  Arrillaga  thought  that 
the  expense  of  a  colony  would  outweigh  its  advantages,  since  the  supply- 
ships  might  take  south  produce  obtained  from  the  settlers.  August  7,  1794, 
the  viceroy  communicates  to  the  governor  the  king's  decision  against  the  pro- 
posal, on  the  ground  that  free  trade  with  San  Bias  would  of  itself  accomplish 
quite  as  satisfactory  results.  Id.,  xi.  192-3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  145.  The 
king's  order  was  dated  March  7,  1794.  Nueva  Espana,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  179. 

9 May  8,  1793,  order  for  te  deum  on  queen's  delivery.  Prov.  RKC.,  MS., 
i.  210;  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  34.  December  1,  1791,  authorization  of 
Capuchin  collection  by  general.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  23.  June  C,  1794, 
viceroy  acknowledges  receipt  of  $154  collected  at  Monterey  and  San  Fran- 
cisco. Id.,  xi.  172-3;  $32  at  San  Francisco.  Id.,  x.  14,  40;  xxi.  116,  132,  164; 
Prov  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  213. 


THE  NORTHWEST  COAST.  505 

and  therefore  briefly  referred  to  here.10  Spain  no 
longer  attached  the  same  importance  as  in  former 
years  to  her  exclusive  claims  in  the  far  north,  now 
that  the  geographical  relations  of  America  and  Asia 
were  approximately  known,  and  the  occupation  of  Cal- 
ifornia had  furnished  suitable  ports  for  the  Philippine 
trade.  After  the  explorations  of  1774-9  to  latitude 
60°  nothing  was  done  for  a  decade.  Had  it  not  been 
for  the  possible  existence  of  an  interoceanic  strait  and 
the  ever  present  fear  of  foreign  encroachment  from 
the  north,  the  Spaniards  would  have  given  no  more 
thought  to  these  far-off  coasts.  New  rumors  came, 
however,  that  the  Russians  were  advancing  south- 
ward, rumors  proved  to  be  of  no  serious  importance 
by  the  expedition  of  1788 ;  but  this  expedition  brought 
the  more  alarming  report  of  a  British  plan  to  occupy 
Nootka.  Therefore  Martinez  was  sent  in  1789  to  pre- 
vent this  step  and  establish  a  Spanish  post  at  that  place. 
In  the  execution  of  his  duty  Martinez  seized  several 
English  vessels  as  prizes.  This  led  to  complications 
between  the  two  nations  which  nearly  plunged  Europe 
in  war,  but  were  settled  by  a  treaty  of  1790.  By  this 
treaty  Spain  virtually  relinquished  all  her  claims  to 
exclusive  sovereignty  on  the  Northwest  Coast,  the 
right  of  navigation,  fishery,  and  settlement  being  made 
common  to  both  nations. 

The  establishment  at  Nootka  was  kept  up,  however, 
from  the  spring  of  1790,  before  the  date  of  the  treaty, 
and  was  regularly  supplied  from  San  Bias  by  the  Cal- 
ifornia transports  which  often  went  direct  to  the 
northern  post  and  touched  at  Monterey  on  the  return. 
Nootka  was  simply  an  extension  of  the  Californian 
establishments.  Spain  had,  as  already  explained,  no 
desire  for  northern  possessions,  but  she  maintained 
the  post  for  five  years  for  two  reasons — first,  because 
if  a  strait  or  an  inlet  leading  to  New  Mexico  could  be 
found  it  would  be  important  to  hold  it,  and  to  that 
end  exploration  was  zealously  prosecuted;  and  second, 

10  See  Hist.  Northwest  Coast,  i.  chap,  v.-ix. 


5G6  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

because  if  there  were  no  strait  the  position  could  be 
used  in  diplomatic  negotiations  to  secure  a  favorable 
boundary  further  south,  such  as  the  strait  of  Fuca, 
the  main  object  being  to  secure  a  broad  frontier  be- 
tween San  Francisco  and  the  first  foreign  post.  It  is 
only  certain  voyages  connected  with  the  explorations 
and  negotiations  referred  to  that  have  a  bearing  on 
California  history.  The  touching  on  the  coast  of 
several  Nootka  vessels  connected  with  the  expedi- 
tions of  Elisa,  Fidalgo,  Quimper,  Saavedra,  Matute, 
and  Malaspina  in  1790—1  has  already  been  noticed. 

In  the  spring  of  1792  three  vessels  sailed  from  San 
Bias  for  Nootka,  one  of  them  bearing  Juan  Francisco 
cle  la  Bodega  y  Cuadra  as-  Spanish  commissioner  to 
settle  certain  questions  still  pending  with  England. 
At  Nootka  he  met  Vancouver,  the  British  commis- 
sioner. By  the  treaty  Spain  had  agreed  to  restore  all 
lands  of  which  England  had  been  dispossessed.  Cuadra 
claimed,  as  was  indeed  the  fact,  that  there  were  no 
such  lands  and  therefore  proposed  to  fix  a  boundary, 
offering  to  give  up  Nootka  and  make  Fuca  Strait  the 
line.  Vancouver  demanded  the  unconditional  surren- 
der of  the  port,  and  declined  to  treat  on  the  boundary 
question  at  all.  The  commissioners  not  being  able  to 
agree,  left  the  matter  to  be  settled  by  their  respective 
governments,  and  soon  all  the  vessels,  Spanish  and 
English,  sailed  for  the  south. 

The  Sutil  and  Mexicana  had  been  sent  from  Aca- 
pulco  in  March  under  captains  Dionisio  Galiano  and 
Cayetano  Valdes  to  explore  the  strait  of  Juan  de 
Fuca  and  the  coast  to  the  south.  After  exploring  the 
sound  in  company  with  Vancouver's  fleet  the  two  ves- 
sels returned  to  Monterey11  where  they  arrived  Sep- 
tember 22d  and  remained  till  the  2Gth  of  October. 

11  For  northern  explorations  see  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  270,  etc.  Previous 
arrivals  of  1792  had  been  the  Conception,  Captain  Elisa,  from  Nootka,  leaving 
supplies  at  Monterey  July  9th,  at  Santa  Barbara,  Sept.  8th,  and  at  San  Diego, 
Oct.  8th;  the  Santa  Gertrudis,  Capt.  Torres,  from  Nootka,  touching  at  Monterey 
Aug.  1 1th  to  Oct.  26th,  en  route  for  San  Bias;  and  the  Satumina,  which  arrived 
from  San  Bias  at  San  Francisco  Sept.  10th  and  at  Monterey  Oct.  17th.  For  arri- 


'SUTIL'  AND  'MEXICANA.'  507 

The  author  of  the  diary  devotes  two  chapters  to  Cal- 
ifornia, which  contain  a  description  of  Monterey  and 
its  surroundings,  a  somewhat  extended  account  of 

O     * 

aboriginal  manners  and  customs,  and  a  superficial  but 
not  inaccurate  view  of  the  provincial  establishments, 
including  a  table  of  mission  statistics.  He  speaks 
highly  of  the  country  and  of  the  missionaries;  but 
there  is  nothing  in  his  observations  on  California,  that 
possesses  any  special  value  as  throwing  new  light  on 
her  condition  or  institutions.  He  presents,  however, 
the  following  not  very  well  founded  complaint :  "  These 
deserving  soldiers,  and  not  less  useful  colonists,  live 
with  the  affliction  that  when  with  failing  strength  they 
can  no  longer  support  the  fatigues  of  their  profession, 
they  are  not  permitted  to  settle  there  and  devote 
themselves  to  agricultural  occupations.  This  prohi- 
bition of  building  houses  and  tilling  lands  near  the 
presidio  seems  directly  opposed  to  all  the  purposes  of 
utility,  security,  and  prosperity  of  those  establish- 
ments, and  contrary  perhaps  to  what  good  policy 
should  dictate.  Were  the  soldiers  permitted  while  in 
the  service  to  employ  their  savings  and  moments  of 
leisure  in  forming  a  hacienda  and  raising  cattle,  both 
for  their  families'  convenience  and  as  a  resource 
against  poverty.  .  .it  is  very  likely  that  within  a  few 
years  there  would  be  planted  a  flourishing  colony  most 
useful  for  its  inhabitants  and  of  great  service  to  Span- 
ish navigators."  After  leaving  Monterey  Galiano  and 
Valdes  sailed  down  the  coast,  making  some  obser- 
vations without  anchoring,  and  communicating  with 
the  transport  Conception  as  they  passed  San  Diego. 
Most  of  their  stay  in  California  had  been  spent  in 
preparing  their  reports  and  charts  of  northern  re- 
gions.12 I  reproduce  the  general  map  of  the  Califor- 
nia coast. 

vals  and  departures  of  vessels  see  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  75-6,  88-9,  159, 
162-3;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.  17;  vi.  68,  72;  ix.  82-3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii. 
141,  157;  Navarrete,  Introd.,  cxxiii.-xxxi.  There  is  some  confusion  respect- 
ing duties. 

12  Sutll  y  Mcxlcana,  Relation  del  Viar/e  kechopor  las  goletasSutll  y  Mexican  a 
en  el  aho  tie  llrJ2  para  recouocer  el  L'strecho  de  Fuca;  con  una  Introduction, 


508 


RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 


MAP  OF  1792. 


ARRIVAL  OF  SPANISH  VESSELS.  509 

The  probable  arrival  of  the  Spanish  and  English 
commissioners  had  been  announced  in  advance,  and 
the  Californian  authorities  were  instructed  to  main- 
tain by  a  cordial  reception  the  Spanish  reputation  for 
hospitality.13  Cuadra  on  the  Activa  from  the  north 
arrived  at  Monterey  the  9th  of  October.  The  Satur- 
nina,  bearing  important  despatches  for  him,  had  been 
lying  at  San  Francisco  for  a  month  .and  came  down 
as  soon  as  his  arrival  was  known.  These  despatches, 
in  accordance  with  a  late  royal  order,  contained  new 
instructions  from  Revilla  Gigedo  by  which  Nootka 
was  not  to  be  surrendered  as  the  viceroy  had  at  first 
proposed.  Since  the  proposal  had  not  been  accepted, 
there  was  no  special  haste  about  the  new  orders; 
yet  they  were  sent  up  to  Fidalgo  at  Nootka  by 
the  IIorcasitas,u  and  Cuadra  remained  in  California 
through  the  winter.  Before  the  end  of  October  the 
Aranzazu,  under  Caamano,  arrived  at  Monterey  from 
the  north. 

etc.  Madrid,  1802,  Svo,  7 1.  clxviii.  185,  20  pages  with  folio  atlas.  Chapters 
on  California,  157—77.  The  atlas  contains  a  general  map  of  the  whole  coast, 
including  California,  and  a  chart  of  Monterey,  made  by  these  explorers ;  a 
chart  of  San  Diego,  made  by  Pantoja  in  1782  (given  in  chap.  xxii.  this  vol.); 
and  a  map  of  the  coast  from  Vizcaino's  survey  of  1602-3  (see  chap.  iii.  this 
vol. )  The  most  valuable  part  of  this  work,  however,  is  Navarrete,  Introduc- 
tion en  que  se  da  noticia  de  las  Expediciones  executadas  anteriormente  por  (os 
Expanoles  en  busca  del  Pctso  del  Noroeste  de  la  America,  i.-clxviii.  This  work, 
which  has  often  been  cited  by  me,  is  probably  the  best  resume  of  Spanish 
voyages  on  the  Pacific  coast.  It  was  written  by  Martin  Fernandez  de  ]S"avar- 
rete,  whose  name  does  not  appear  as  the  author,  but  whose  facilities  \^ere  of 
the  best,  by  reason  of  access  to  Spanish  archives  and  of  ability.  Greenhow's 
charge,  Or.  and  Cal.,  241,  of  'gross  and  palpable  misstatements  of  circum- 
stances, respecting  which  he  undoubtedly  possessed  the  means  of  arriving  at 
the  truth,'  has,  I  believe,  no  just  foundation.  Galiano,  Valde"s,  and  Alava 
who  visited  Monterey  a  little  later,  all  fell  at  the  famous  naval  battle  of 
Trafalgar.  The  viceroy  had  at  first  intended  Lieut.  Maurelle  to  make  this 
exploration.  JRevilla-Gigedo,  In  forme  de  12  deAbrill793,  141;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
"S.,  xi.  40. 

is  Arrillaga,  still  at  Loreto,  communicated  this  order  to  the  presidio  com- 
idants  on  Sept.  16,  1792.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  35;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
i.  42-3.  Orders  had  also  been  given  in  the  spring  of  1792  for  the  friendly 
reception  and  aid  of  the  French  expedition  in  search  of  La  Perouse,  which 
never  arrived.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  73;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  112. 

u  Revilla-Gigedo,  Informe  de.  12  de  Abril  1793,  137.  Oct.  31st,  Sal  writes 
to  Gov.  Arrillaga  that  he  judges  from  Cuadra's  remarks  that  the  English 
want  the  mouth  of  San  Francisco  Bay  for  a  boundary.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i. 
119.  Sept.  9th,  Sal  had  written  to  Arrillaga  that  he  had  seen  a  suspicious 
vessel  off  the  port  on  the  7th,  and  fired  6  shots  at  her.  She  anchored  for  the 
night  about  a  league  from  Mussel  Point.  Id.,  i.  69-71. 


who 
Traf 
expl 
MS. 

man 


510  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

In  April  of  this  year  Captain  George  Vancouver 
in  the  Discovery  with  the  Chatham  under  Lieutenant 
Broughton,  on  a  grand  exploring  voyage  round  the 
world,  had  crossed  over  from  the  Sandwich  Islands 
and  made  observations  on  the  California  coast  as  he 
sailed  northward  from  just  below  Cape  Mendocino.15 
Now  six  months  later,  coming  from  Nootka,  the 
English  navigator  sailed  down  the  coast  without 
anchoring,  and  on  November  14th,  in  the  Discovery, 
entered  San  Francisco  Bay  at  nightfall  and  anchored 
in  front  of  Yerba  Buena  Cove,  having  received  a  salute 

/  o 

of  two  guns  as  he  passed  the  fort.16  Next  day  he  was 
visited  in  the  morning  by  Sergeant  Pedro  Ainaclor 
and  Padre  Landaeta,  and  later  by  Commandant  Sal 
and  Father  Danti;  while  on  the  16th  by  ad  vice  of  the 
Spaniards,  Private  Miranda  serving  as  pilot,  the  Dis- 
covery was  transferred  to  the  usual  anchorage  nearer 
the  presidio.17 

Vancouver's  reception  at  San  Francisco  was  most 
cordial  and  satisfactory.  Every  attention  was  shown 
and  every  possible  aid  furnished  the  visitors  by  Com- 
mandant Sal  and  his  wife  and  the  friars  at  the  mission. 
Couriers  were  despatched  to  Monterey  with  a  message 
for  Cuadra.  Facilities  were  afforded  for  obtaining  wood 
and  water;  feasts  were  given  at  both  presidio  and  mis- 
sion, and  meat  and  vegetables  were  sent  on  board  the 
vessel.  Indeed  everything  the  Spaniards  had  in  this 
the  most  poverty-stricken  of  their  establishments  was 
at  the  disposition  of  the  strangers.  On  the  20th  of 
November  Vancouver  and  seven  of  his  officers  made 
an  excursion  on  horseback  to  Santa  Clara,  being  the 
first  foreigners  who  had  ever  penetrated  so  far  into 

15  Vancouver's  Voi/agc,  i.  196-200.     For  his  northern  explorations 
maps,  see  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  274,  et  seq. 

16  Id.,  i.  432;  Sal  to  Arrillagu  Nov.  14,  1792,  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  11J 
17;  Id.  to  Id.,  Nov.  30th,  in  Id.,  iii.  22.     It  is  strange  that  Sal  makes  the  clay 
of  arrival  Nov.  13th,  while  the  voyager's  diary  has  it  Nov.  14th.     The  same 
discrepancy  exists  respecting  the  date  of  changing  anchorage.     On  the  location 
of  Yerba  Buena,  see  chap.  xxx.  of  this  volume. 

17  The  commander  of  the  Santa  Gertrudls  had  left  a  note  for  Vancouver,  and 
a  horseman  had  therefore  been  stationed  at  the  heads  to  give  notice  of  his 
approach.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  vi.  72. 


I 


VANCOUVER'S  FIRST  VISIT.  511 

the  interior.  They  were  escorted  by  Amador  with 
a  squad  of  five  soldiers,  and  were  delighted  with  much 
of  the  intermediate  country.  After  most  hospitable 
treatment  by  fathers  Pena  and  Sanchez  at  Santa 
Clara,  they  returned  to  San  Francisco  on  the  22d. 
The  Chatham  had  meanwhile  arrived,  and  preparations 
were  hastened  for  departure.  For  supplies  furnished18 
Don  Hermenegildo  would  take  no  pay,  acting  as  he 
said  under  instructions  from  Bodega  y  Cuadra;  but 
he  accepted  from  Vancouver  some  implements  and 
ornaments  besides  a  hogshead  each  of  wine  and  rum, 
all  to  be  distributed  to  the  presidio  and  two  missions. 
The  two  vessels  sailed  away  the  26th  and  anchored 
next  morning  at  Monterey.19 

Vancouver  found  lying  at  anchor  in  the  harbor  of 
Monterey  the  Dcedalus,  his  store-ship  which  had 
joined  the  fleet  at  Nootka,  the  Activa  bearing 
Cuadra's  broad  pennant,  the  Aranzazu,  and  the  HOT- 
casitas.  The  presidio  and  Cuadra's  flag  each  received 
a  salute  of  thirteen  guns  and  each  returned  the  com- 
pliment. From  Cuadra,  Arguello,  Caamano,  and  all 
the  Spanish  officials  the  Englishmen  received  the 
same  courteous  attentions  as  at  San  Francisco,  and  a 
series  of  social  entertainments  followed  on  shore  and 
on  deck  which  were  mutually  agreeable  and  produc- 
tive of  good-feeling.  Orders  recently  received  from 
Spain  not  to  molest  English  vessels  but  to  capture 
all  those  of  other  nations  led  both  commanders  to 
believe  that  the  Nootka  difficulties  had  been  settled 
by  their  respective  governments ;  consequently  Van- 
couver made  arrangements  with  Cuadra  to  send 
~roughton  to  England  via  San  Bias  and  Mexico,  to 


18 These  supplies  were,  according  to  a  list  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.  21-2, 
for  acct.  of  Cuadra — 11  cows,  7  sheep,  10  arrobas  of  lard;  free  from  Sal — 2 
cows,  2  calves,  4  sheep,  190  pumpkins,  10  baskets  vegetables,  a  cart-load  of 
ditto,  95  fowl,  400  eggs. 

19  On  Vancouver's  stay  at  San  Francisco,  visit  to  Santa  Clara,  and  voyage, 
see  Voyage,  ii.  1-30.  Argliello  reports  to  Arrillaga  on  Nov.  30th,  the  arrival 
of  the  Dwdalus  on  the  22d  '  commanded  by  Geo.  Anson,'  and  of  the  Discovery 
and  Chatham  on  the  25th,  one  day  before  Vancouver's  date,  as  at  San  Fran- 
cisco. St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  97.  The  date  is  given  as  Nov.  25th  also  in 
Pro i).  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  (J3. 


512  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

which  end  the  Spanish  commander  offered  every  fa- 
cility. The  Discovery  and  the  Chatham  remained  at 
Monterey  for  about  fifty  days  for  reloading  and 
repairs.  A  tent  and  observatory  for  astronomical 
observations  were  set  up  on  the  beach,  and  the  Dce- 
dalus  sailed  in  December  for  New  South  Wales  with 
a  load  of  cattle  and  other  supplies  generously  fur- 
nished by  the  Spaniards. 

Vancouver  and  party  went  over  to  San  Cdrlos  the 
2d  of  December,  and  were  hospitably  entertained,  as 
La  Perouse  had  been  six  years  before,  by  President 
Lasuen  and  the  other  friars.  The  natives  gave  an 
exhibition  of  their  skill  in  killing  deer  by  stratagem. 
Back  at  the  port  a  dinner  was  given  on  board  the 
Discovery  which  proved  agreeable  until  Senora  Argii- 
ello  and  other  ladies  as  well  as  some  gentlemen  were 
forced  by  sea-sickness  to  retire  to  tierra  firme.  A  pic- 
nic dinner  at  the  presidio  garden  several  miles  away 
was  another  day's  programme.  Subsequently  a  dis- 
play of  fireworks  delighted  the  Spaniards  and  aston- 
ished the  aborigines.  When  this  pleasant  intercourse 
was  over  and  the  day  of  departure  drew  near  Bodega 
y  Cuadra,  who  in  addition  to  constant  kindness  had 
prolonged  his  stay  at  Monterey  for  no  other  purpose 
than  to  carry  Broughton  to  San  Bias,  refused  to  take 
pay  for  cattle  or  other  stores  supplied  to  the  fleet; 
and  Vancouver  was  obliged  to  be  content  with  a  new 
distribution  of  such  useful  utensils  as  his  vessels  could 
supply.20  At  last  January  15,1793,  after  an  ineffectual 
pursuit  of  two  deserters21  and  the  reluctant  acceptance 

20  Revilla-Gigedo,  Informe  de  12  de  Abril,  139,  says  Vancouver's  gifts  were 
worth  about  $2,000.  Salazar,  Condkion  actual  de  CaL,  MS.,  G7,  estimates 
all  of  Vancouver's  presents  in  his  three  visits  at  $10,000,  and  says  that  Santa 
Cruz  received  $1,000  with  which  a  mill  was  built.  By  the  viceroy's  order  of 
Sept.  30,  1794,  any  debts  on  Vancouver's  account  except  expenses  for  secur- 
ing deserters  were  charged  to  the  San  Bias  department  as  expenses  of  the 
boundary  commission.  Prov.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  200. 

21About  these  deserters  there  is  no  lack  of  information  in  the  archives. 
Besides  the  2  from  the  Chatham  there  were  3  from  the  Dcedalus.  Governor 
to  viceroy  March  10,  1793,  says  that  3  are  Catholics  and  deserted  because  not 
allowed  to  attend  mass ;  the  others  desire  to  become  Catholics.  They  were 
prisoners  at  Monterey.  Cuadra  on  Jan.  19th  had  ordered  them  sent,  if 
caught,  to  Nootka  via  Loreto.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  94-7.  Gov.  to  Ar- 


VANCOUVER'S  DEPARTURE.  513 

by  Vancouver  of  the  only  smith  at  the  presidio  in 
place  of  the  lost  armorer,  the  fleet  of  five  sail,  two 
English  and  three  Spanish,  disappeared  in  the  south- 
west behind  Point  Pinos  and  left  to  Monterey  its 
usual  solitude.22 

Governor  Arrillaga  was  not  pleased  when  he  heard 
of  the  excessive  freedom  that  had  been  allowed  Van- 
couver, and  especially  did  he  disapprove  of  the  Eng- 
lishman's visit  to  Santa  Clara.  He  felt  that  a  kind 
reception  to  the  boundary  commission  according  to 
viceregal  instructions  did  not  include  such  extraordi- 

giiello  March  27th,  Deserters  not  to  be  delivered  to  any  English  vessel  except 
Vancouver's  and  then  only  on  his  paying  the  expenses.  The  2  not  to  be 
admitted  to  Catholic  faith  until  further  orders,  except  in  danger  of 
death.  To  be  supplied  at  rate  of  18  cents  per  day  for  rations  and  clothes. 
May  be  employed  at  their  trades.  Arrillaga  disapproves  sending  them 
to  Loreto.  St.  Pap,,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  107,  109-10;  vii.  82;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ii.  161-2.  Aug.  10th,  They  must  be  given  up  to  an  English  vessel 
or  sent  to  San  Bias.  Clothes  furnished  to  be  charged  to  account  of  boundary 
commission.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  95-6.  In  Sept.  1793  the  5  deserters 
were  sent  to  San  Bias  on  the  Princesa.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  117.  Jan. 
9,  1794,  viceroy  tells  gov.  that  they  will  be  sent  back  for  delivery  to  Van- 
couver. Jan.  22d,  Vancouver  is  charged  with  $250  expenses  at  San  Bias. 
He  must  return  the  three  borrowed  sailors.  Id.,  xi.  153,  158,  xxi.  142.  May 
16th,  viceroy  to  gov.,  The  5  have  been  sent  by  the  Conception;  charges  $228 
to  be  paid  by  Vancouver;  else  they  are  to  be  sent  to  Nootka  for  delivery  to 
some  English  vessel.  Id.,  xi.  171-2.  June  9th,  Id.  to  Id.  Another  deserter 
taken  at  San  Diego  is  to  be  given  up.  Id. ,  xi.  173-4.  June  12th,  Gov.  to  viceroy, 
As  Vancouver  had  no  Spanish  money  he  has  presented  the  amount  in  the 
name  of  the  Spanish  nation.  Id.,  xxi.  144.  Sept.  12th,  Arrillaga  to  Argiiello, 
Arrival  of  the  6  in  Conception,  the  $288  and  rations  to  be  collected  from 
Vancouver.  Id.,  xii.  167-9.  Sept.  30th,  Argiiello  to  Arrillaga,  keeps  the  6 
under  surveillance;  will  deliver  them  to  Vancouver,  to  an  English  vessel,  or 
to  a  Spanish  vessel  bound  for  Nootka.  Some  want  to  be  Catholics  and  some 
to  enlist.  Id.,  xii.  148-9.  Nov.  5th,  Argiiello  to  Capt.  Puget  of  Chatham,  sur- 
rendering 2  of  the  G.  Total  bill  $747.  Id.,  xii.  170-1.  Nov.  16th,  Vancouver 
to  gov.,  Finds  that  3  of  the  6  are  not  British  subjects  and  will  not  claim 
them.  Has  no  instructions  to  pay  the  bill  but  will  lay  the  account  before 
the  admiralty.  Id.,  xii.  154-5.  Nov.  16th  (or  17th),  Gov.  to  Vancouver  inter- 
ceding for  the  3  deserters  given  up  and  charging  $325  for  expenses.  The  three 
not  given  up  were  2  Portuguese  and  one  Dane.  Id.,  xii.  172-3.  The  purport 
of  2  preceding  communications  in  Vancouver's  Voyage,  iii.  333-4.  Nov.  20, 
1794,  Fidalgo  takes  the  3  remaining  deserters  on  board  his  vessel  to  work  out 
the  8421  of  charges.  Id.,  xii.  171-2,  174. 

22  Vancouver,  A  Voyage  of  Discovery  to  the  North  Pacific  Ocean,  and  round 
the  World. .  .1700-5.  London,  1798,  3  vols.  4to,  and  folio  atlas.  On  .this  visit 
to  Monterey,  see  vol.  ii.  29-49,  99-105.  Other  editions  and  translations  of 
Vancouver's  voyage  with  numerous  abridged  narratives  and  references  all 
drawn  from  this  original  source  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  notice  here. 
Dec.  15,  1792,  Lasuen  writes  to  Vancouver  thanking  him  for  his  gifts  to  the 
missions.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  260-1.  March  13,  1793,  Viceroy  to 
Vancouver,  has  given  Lieut.  Broughton  all  possible  aid,  and  with  the  greatest 
pleasure.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  93-4. 
HIST.  CAL.  Voi,.  I.  33 


514  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA 

nary  license  to  a  foreign  power.  He  was  only  tem- 
porary governor  and  he  entertained  a  nervous  dread 
of  overstepping  the  literal  instructions  of  his  superiors. 
He  feared  that  what  had  taken  place  would  be  disap- 
proved, and  that  he  would  be  held  responsible.  His 
trouble  was  increased  by  an  order  from  the  viceroy 
dated  November  24,  1792,  to  be  on  his  guard  against 
English  ships,  and  especially  to  prevent  the  weakness 
of  the  Spanish  establishments  from  becoming  known 
to  foreigners.2g  No  wonder  he  was  alarmed  and  that 
on  his  way  up  to  Monterey  in  the  spring  of  1793  he 
wrote  to  chide  Sal  for  having  permitted  Vancouver  to 
gain  a  knowledge  of  the  country,  at  the  same  time 
instructing  him  and  other  commandants  to  limit  their 
courtesies  to  foreign  vessels  in  the  future  to  the  mere 
granting  of  needed  supplies  as  demanded  by  the  laws 
of  hospitality.24  The  presence  of  two  English  vessels 
on  the  coast  in  March  did  not  tend  to  allay  the  gov- 
ernor's fears.25  Sal  humbly  confessed  that  in  permitting 
the  visit  to  Santa  Clara  he  had  committed  an  inex- 
cusable fault.  "  I  am  human  and  I  fell  into  an  error 
which  I  cannot  mend/'  says  he.  But  he  claims  that 
with  Father  Landaeta  he  endeavored  to  dissuade  his 
guest  from  his  purpose,  thus  exciting  his  displeasure, 
and  that  there  was  no  other  way  to  prevent  the  intru- 
sion but  to  remove  the  horses.  This  differs  materially 
from  Vancouver's  account,  where  no  trouble  is  hinted 

23  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xix.  1,  2;  xx.  3,  4. 

24Arrillaga  to  Sal,  March  26,  1793.  Only  the  commander  or  his  represent- 
ative must  be  permitted  to  land.  Prov.  lice.,  MS.,  ii.  142-4.  May  2d,  Arri- 
llaga  says  he  has  given  orders  not  to  let  any  English  land.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xxi.  98-9.  April  1st,  meat  and  vegetables  to  be  supplied  sparingly  as  a 
matter  of  policy  only.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  162. 

*5  March  16,  1793,  Sal  to  governor,  announces  the  arrival  of  an  English 
vessel  under  Captain  Brown,  asking  for  water,  wood,  and  meat.  She  had  a 
suspicious  appearance,  said  she  came  from  Monterey  and  was  bound  for 
Nootka,-and  was  said  by  the  natives  to  have  been  hanging  about  the  coast  for 
two  months.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  131-2.  Two  English  vessels,  one  of  them 
the  Princess,  obtained  wood  and  water  at  Monterey  early  in  March.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  162.  March  or  February,  an  English  vessel  at  mouth  of  San 
Francisco,  and  another  at  Bodega  with  guns  landed.  The  presidios  are  unde- 
fended and  the  English  have  noticed  it,  saying  that  pirates  are  numerous  and 
an  invasion  not  unlikely.  So  sa  s  the  governor  to  the  viceroy.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  94. 


COAST  DEFENCES.  515 

at,  and  it  is  only  said  that  in  consequence  of  despatches 
received  by  Sal,  and  the  indisposition  of  one  of  the 
friars,  they  begged  leave  to  decline  the  engagement.26 

Together  with  his  order  requiring  precautions 
against  the  English  and  other  foreigners  with  a  special 
view  of  keeping  Spanish  weakness  from  their  knowl- 
edge, and  subsequently,  the  viceroy  announced  his 
intention  of  remedying  that  weakness  by  strengthen- 
ing the  four  presidios  and  by  the  immediate  occupation 
of  Bodega.  The  IGth  of  July  Arrillaga  sent  in  a 
report  on  the  state  and  needs  of  California!!  defences.27 
Vancouver,  unwisely  permitted  to  investigate,  had 
been  surprised  to  find  California  so  inadequately  pro- 
tected, and  the  Spaniards  seem  to  have  realized  the 
utter  insufficiency  of  their  coast  defences  at  about  the 
same  time;  but  nothing  was  accomplished  in  1793 
beyond  an  unsuccessful  effort  to  occupy  Bodega  Port. 
Their  Bodega  scheme  and  the  whole  project  of 
strengthening  the  Californian  defenses  were  devised 
by  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo,  and  urged  most  ably  in 
his  report  of  April  12,  1793,  a  document  which  covers 
the  whole  northern  question  from  a  Spanish  stand- 
point, and  although  little  consulted  by  modern  writers 
is  really  a  most  important  authority.28  After  giving 

26  April  30, 1793,  Sal  to  Arrillaga  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  6;  Vancouver's 
Voyage,  ii.  16.    I  suspect  that  a  night's  sleep  calmed  the  Spaniards'  enthusiasm 
somewhat,  and  showed  them  that  they  were  going  too  far;   therefore  they 
made  excuses  intended  as  a  hint  which  the  Englishman  did  not  care  to  take. 

27  A rriilaga,  Informe  al  Vlrey  sobre  dfftnsa  tie  la  Costa,  1793,  MS.    Feb. 
16,  1703,  viceroy  to  governor,  approves  fortification  of  the  presidios  and  has 
ordered  artillery  and  other  material  sent.  Id.,  xx.  4.    The  governor  says  that 
Monterey  has  8  guns  and  3  pcdreros;  San  Francisco  2  useless  guns;  Santa 
Bdrbara  2  guns  and  a  pedrero  with  nobody  to  manage  them;  and  San  Diego 
3  guns  dismounted.    The  nominal  force  free  for  action  in  the  4  presidios  is  35, 
but  after  deductions  only  one  or  two  men  to  each  fort.    He  recommends  a 
force  of  2G4  men;  wants  a  vessel  at  Monterey  or  San  Francisco;  and  approves 
the  occupation  of  Bodega. 

™  Revilla  Gigedo,  Informe  de  los  Sucesos  ocurridos  en  la  Peninsula  de  Cali- 
fornia y  departamento  de  San  Bias,  desde  el  ano  de  1768.  Mexico  12  de  Aliril 
da  1703,  in  Bustamante,  Suplemento  a  la  Hist,  de  los  Tres  Siglos  de  Mexico,  iii. 
112-64.  Another  important  work  belonging  to  this  year  and  written  by  the 
same  author  is  licvilla  Gigedo,  Carta  dirigida  a  la  corte  de  Espafia  conte.sto.ndo 
d  la  real  drden  sobre  establecimientoa  de  misiones,  Mexico,  27  de  Dicicmbre  de 
1793,  in  Diccionario  Universal,  v.  426-70.  The  part  relating  to  the  California 


516  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

a  complete  history  of  his  subject  the  distinguished 
author  argues  that  distant  and  costly  outposts  in  the 
north  are  not  desirable  for  Spain;  and  attention 
should  be  given  exclusively  to  the  preservation  and 
utilization  of  the  establishments  now  existing  in  Cali- 
fornia, and  to  the  prevention  of  too  near  approach  by 
any  foreign  power.  To  this  end  Bodega  should  be 
held  and  the  English  plan  of  making  a  boundary  of 
San  Francisco  Bay  be  thus  defeated.  Probably  this 
one  measure  may  suffice  in  the  north;  Nootka  maybe 
given  up,  and  Fuca,  and  also  the  Entrada  de  Heceta, 
or  Columbia  River,  unless  it  should  prove  to  afford  a 
passage  to  the  Atlantic  or  to  New  Mexico.  Mean- 
while the  presidios  should  be  put  in  an  effective  con- 
dition; a  new  one  should  be  founded  on  the  Rio 
Colorado,  and  an  able  successor  to  Romeu  be  selected 
as  governor.  The  department  of  San  Bias  should  be 
transferred  to  Acapulco,  and  certain  reforms  be  intro- 
duced in  the  management  of  the  pious  fund  and  of 
the  salt-works. 

Because  of  its  supposed  excellence  as  a  harbor,  and 
because  of  its  vicinity  to  San  Francisco,  making  its 
occupation  by  England  equivalent  to  an  occupation  of 
that  harbor  for  purposes  of  contraband  trade,  it  was 
decided  to  found  a  Spanish  settlement  at  Bodega. 
Moreover  there  were  rumors  that  foreigners  were 
already  taking  steps  in  that  direction.29  To  this  end 
the  10th  of  February  the  viceroy  announced  the  giving 
of  orders  to  the  commandant  at  San  Bias  to  despatch 
a  schooner  and  long-boat  for  the  service,  and  Am- 
llaga  was  directed  to  go  to  San  Francisco  to  meet  the 
vessels.  He  gave  orders  the  20th  of  March  to  have 

missions  is  found  on  pp.  427-30;  and  this  portion  in  manuscript  is  also  in  St. 
Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  2-28.  See  also  extracts  in  Jones'  Report  on 
Land  Titles,  No.  6;  Hayes1  Mission  Bool',  176.  This  report  is  a  careful  statement 
of  the  mission  condition  and  system  at  the  time,  and  is  used  in  another  chapter. 
29  Oct.  8,  1792,  Sal  informs  the  governor  that  according  to  Indian  reports 
two  -vessels — presumably  English,  for  the  men  wore  red — were  at  Bodega,  got 
wood,  water,  and  deer,  and  asked  the  natives  to  get  cattle  for  them.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  67-8.  Jan.  15,  1793,  two  English  ships  said  to  be  at  Bodega. 
Five  shots  heard  off  San  Francisco  on  16th  and  17th.  Id.,  vi.  98. 


ATTEMPT  TO  OCCUPY  BODEGA.  517 

a  road  opened  from  San  Francisco  across  to  Bodega, 
These  instructions  came  up  on  the  Aranzazu,  which 
arrived  at  San  Francisco  the  24th  of  July.30  Arrillaga 
obtained  boats  from  the  vessels,  set  across  some  thirty 
horses,  and  on  the  5th  of  August  Lieutenant  Goycoe- 
chea  with  a  sergeant  and  ten  men  set  out  to  open  the 
road  and  to  meet  at  Bodega  Matute,  who  with  the 
Sutil  and  Mexicana  had  probably  been  sent  direct  to 
that  port  from  San  Bias.  Unfortunately  I  have  not 
found  Goycoechea's  diary  which  was  sent  to  Mexico, 
and  we  know  absolutely  nothing  of  either  the  explora- 
tion by  sea  or  land,  save  that  Matute  returned  to  San 
Francisco  on  August  12th,  and  five  days  later  Arri- 
llaga informs  the  viceroy  that  the  occupation  of  Bodega 
is  put  off  for  this  year.  The  postponement  proved  to 
be  a  permanent  one,  for  some  unexplained  cause,  and 
the  ten  soldiers  and  five  mechanics  with  some  stores 
intended  for  Bodega  were  retained  by  Sal  at  San 
Francisco.31 

Coming  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands  Vancouver 
touched  again  the  shores  of  California,  or  of  New 
Albion  as  he  is  careful  to  call  it,  in  the  spring  of  1793. 
From  the  2d  to  the  5th  of  May  the  Discovery  was  at 

30  The  Princesa,  Fidalgo,  from  Nootka,  arrived  at  San  Francisco  June  21st, 
San  Diego,  Oct.  24th;  Aranzazu,  Menendez,  from  San  Bias,  San  Francisco, 
July  24th,  Monterey,  Aug.  25th,  San  Diego,  Oct.  24th;  Activa,  Elisa,  from 
San  Bias,  San  Francisco,  Aug.  llth,  San  Diego,  Oct.  24th;  Sutil  and  Mex- 
icana, Matute,  from  San  Bias,  San  Francisco,  Aug.   12th— Oct.   16th;  Van- 
couver's vessels,  Trinity  Bay,  May  2d,  San  Francisco,  Oct.  19th,  Monterey, 
Nov.  1st,  Santa  Barbara,  Nov.  9th,  San  Diego,  Nov.  27th.     On  the  arrivals 
and  departures  of  vessels  for  1793,  there  being  as  usual  some  confusion  in  the 
dates,  see  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  1G3;  xxi.  101,  109,  111,  121-2;  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  i.  61;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  162. 

31  Governor  to  viceroy,  July  16th,  Aug.  17th,  20th,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xxi.  107,  111,  113.     Aug.  3d,  gov.  orders  Sal  to  receive  the  men  and  stores. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  144-5.    Aug.  4th,  gov.  instructs  Goycoechea  to  use  cau- 
tion, treat  the  Indians  well,  etc.  Id.,  i.  206.     Sept.  24th,  gov.  to  viceroy, 
asking  for  a  boat  for  Bodega  to  carry  timber;  so  that  the  project  was  not 
yet  quite  abandoned.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  117.     Feb.  28,  1794,  viceroy 
has  heard  that  the  Sutil  and  Mexicana  have  sailed,  leaving  the  10  soldiers  and 
a  bricklayer  for  Bodega.   Id.,  xi.  160.     As  late  as  July  6,  1793,  the  viceroy 
repeated  the  orders  to  open  a  road.  Id,,  xi.  92;  but  June  9,  1794,  he  answers 
the  request  for  a  boat  by  saying  that  it  will  not  be  needed,  as  the  new  estab- 
lishment is  suspended.  Id.,  xi.  175.     July  25,  1794,  Sal  mentions  the  suspen- 
sion. Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xix.  5. 


518  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

anchor  in  Trindad  Bay,  where  Vancouver  found  the 
cross  set  up  by  Cuadra  in  1775  with  its  inscription 
Carolus  III.  Dei  G.  Eyspaniorum  Rex.  Obtaining 
water,  surveying  and  sketching  the  region,  after  some 
intercourse  with  the  natives  the  voyagers  departed 
with  a  very  unfavorable  idea  of  the  harbor,  and  sailed 
northward.32 

Returning  southward  some  months  later  the  Dis- 
covery anchored  at  San  Francisco  the  19th  of  Octo- 
ber.33 Commandant  Sal  came  on  board,  courteous 
as  before,  with  welcome  European  news;  but  mindful 
of  his  former  indiscretion34  he  sent  letters  asking  a 
formal  statement,  for  the  governor,  of  Vancouver's 
object,  the  length  of  his  stay,  the  supplies  needed; 
also  making  known  the  current  orders  respecting  for- 
eign vessels,  and  politely  informing  the  visitor  that 
only  himself  and  one  officer  could  be  permitted  to 
land  and  visit  the  presidio.  This  restriction  seemed 
to  Vancouver  "  ungracious  and  degrading,  little  short 
of  a  dismission  from  San  Francisco,"  due  as  he  was 
given  to  understand  to  "sentiments  apparently  not 
the  most  favorable  towards  foreign  visitors"  enter- 
tained by  "a  captain  named  Arrillaga,"  who  had  taken 
command  the  preceding  spring,  and  whose  orders  Sal 
seemed  to  obey  with  reluctance.  It  was  a  chilling 
reception  certainly  in  comparison  with  that  of  the 
year  before  and  with  the  Englishman's  glowing  ex- 
pectations. But  he  complied  with  the  formalities, 
and  on  the  24th  as  soon  as  he  had  been  joined  by  the 
Chatham,  which  had  been  exploring  Bodega  and  had 
obtained  a  supply  of  water,  he  sailed  for  Monterey.35 

Having  anchored  at  Monterey  November  1st,  Van- 

32  Vancouver's  Voyayc,  ii.  240-50.  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  291,  for  northern 
voyage. 

83  Strangely  enough  in  this  case  as  in  that  of  the  former  visit  the  Spanish 
records  make  the  arrival  a  day  earlier  than  the  voyager's  narrative. 

31  Oct.  21st,  the  governor  had  ordered  Sal  to  furnish  Vancouver  what  he 
absolutely  needed,  and  to  insist  on  his  sailing  at  once  without  visiting  any 
other  port.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  145-6. 

35  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  432-8.  Puget  in  a  slight  examination  of  Bodega 
had  understood  from  the  natives  that  the  Spaniards  were  then  in  possession 
of  a  part  of  the  bay.  Just  out  of  San  Francisco  the  Daedalus  from  across 


VANCOUVER'S  SECOND  VISIT.  519 

couver  held  a  short  interview  with  Arrillaga,  and  a 
written  correspondence  followed,  in  which  the  gov- 
ernor explained  the  hospitalities  to  which  foreign 
vessels  were  entitled  in  California!)  ports,  asked  for 
a  formal  statement  of  the  voyager's  aims,  and,  while 
desiring  harmony,  insisted  on  the  enforcement  of  orders 
that  only  the  commander  with  one  or  two  officers  could 
land.  Vancouver  replied  explaining  the  scientific  na- 
ture of  his  voyage,  and  the  benefits  to  be  derived 
from  its  results  by  Spain  as  well  as  England,  alluding 
to  his  kind  reception  of  the  year  before,  inclosing  let- 
ters of  the  viceroy  which  approved  the  attentions  pre- 
viously shown  him,  and  stating  his  desire  to  refit  his 
vessels,  transfer  stores,  make  astronomical  observa- 
tions, and  give  his  men  some  exercise  and  recreation 
on  shore.  Arrillaga's  answer  was  that  the  viceroy 
had  sent  no  orders  respecting  a  second  visit,  that  there 
were  no  royal  orders  in  Vancouver's  favor  as  in  the 
case  of  La  Perouse,  and  that  Cuadra  even  had  left 
instructions  that  the  former  attentions  were  for  that 
time  only  and  need  not  be  repeated.36  Yet  as  he 
desired  to  render  all  possible  aid  to  so  worthy  a  cause, 
he  would  permit  the  landing  of  stores,  which  might  be 
deposited  in  the  warehouse  at  the  landing  under  lock 
and  key  or  elsewhere  if  the  warehouse  were  not  deemed 
suitable,  in  care  of  one  or  two  men  from  the  vessels 
and  protected  by  a  Spanish  guard ;  but  on  the  condition 
that  all  the  rest  of  the  Englishmen  retire  to  the  vessels 
at  night.  Astronomical  observations  must  have  been 
well  advanced  during  the  former  long  stay,  yet  an 
observatory,  to  be  used  in  daytime  only,  might  be 

the  ocean  joined  the  fleet.  Mention  of  arrival  and  departure  from  San 
Francisco  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  90-1,  iv.  9;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  160; 
xxi.  121-2.  A  fourth  vessel,  the  Vucas,  is  mentioned.  Supplies  amounting 
to  .$737  were  furnished.  Sal  says  the  vessels  left  on  Oct.  29th. 

30 These  instructions  or  similar  ones  dated  Jan.  12,  1793,  and  addressed  to 
Argiiello  are  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  163.  The  letter  of  the  viceroy  to 
Vancouver  dated  Feb.  18,  1793,  in  answer  to  Vancouver's  letter  of  Jan.  13th 
is  found  in  Id. ,  xi.  112-13.  In  it  the  writer  says :  'I-am  glad  that  as  you  say  in 
your  letter  of  Jan.  13th  of  this  year  all  the  subjects  of  His  Majesty  under  my 
orders  and  residing  in  the  regions  of  New  Orleans  (sic)  of  this  America  where 
you  have  been  have  treated  you  with  the  greatest  hospitality  and  friendship.' 


520  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

erected  near  where  the  cargo  was  deposited.  The 
naturalists  might  make  their  investigations  and  the 
men  might  take  exercise  on  foot  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
presidio.  Water  and  wood  might  be  procured  without 
restriction  save  that  the  men  must  not  pass  the  night 
on  shore  and  the  work  must  be  completed  with  all 
possible  despatch.  In  his  official  capacity  this  was, 
he  said,  as  far  as  he  could  go;  but  to  personal  ser- 
vice he  placed  no  limit,  being  desirous  of  proving  his 
regard.37 

The  governor  thus  courteously  tendered  to  Van- 
couver all  the  hospitalities  that  he  had  a  right  to  offer, 
or  the  navigator  to  expect;  but  the  contrast  was  so 
great  between  them  and  those  previously  tendered 
by  Cuadra  in  the  absence  of  any  responsible  author- 
ity, that  Vancouver  was  offended.  "On  clue  con- 
sideration of  all  these  circumstances,"  he  says,  "I 
declined  any  further  correspondence  with,  or  accept- 
ing the  incommodious  assistance  proffered  by  Seiior 
Arrillaga;  and  determined,  after  finishing  our  investi- 
gation of  these  shores,  to  retire  to  the  Sandwich 
Islands,  where  I  had  little  doubt  that  the  uneducated 
inhabitants  of  Owyhee,  or  its  neighboring  isles,  would 
cheerfully  afford  us  that  accommodation  which  had 
been  unkindly  denied  us  at  San  Francisco  and  Mon- 
terey."33 

He  did,  however,  here  as  at  San  Francisco  accept 
some  live-stock  and  other  supplies,  payment  for  which, 
according  to  the  records,  he  was  obliged  to  defer  until 

37  Arrillaga,  Borrador  dc  Carta  al  Capitan  Vancouver,  Nov.  1793,  M.S. 
I  have  given  the  purport  of  this  letter  somewhat  at  length  because  Vancouver 
misrepresents  it  by  stating  that  there  was  no  choice  offered  of  a  spot  to 
deposit  the  cargo,  the  place  suggested  being  the  slaughter-house  in  the  midst 
of  putrid  offal  and  inconvenient  ou  account  of  high-running  surf;  by  omitting 
to  state  that  an  English  guard  for  the  stores  was  permitted;  and  by  other 
slight  changes  not  favorable  to  the  Spanish  governor.     Blotters  of  Arrillaga's 
and  translations  of  Vancouver's  other  letters  inProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  100-4. 

38  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  442.     In  other  parts  of  his  narrative  the  author 
treats  Arrillaga  very  unjustly,  accusing  him  of  having  misrepresented  the 
viceroy's  orders,  and  making  him  responsible  for  matters  over  which  he  had 
no  control.    In  a  letter  of  Feb.  28,  1794,  the  viceroy  fully  approves  Arrillaga's 
policy  and  orders  a  continuance  of  it,  though  he  desires  harmonious  relations 
with  Vancouver.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  162-3. 


VANCOUVER  AND  THE  GOVERNOR.         521 

some  more  convenient  occasion;39  and  o-n  the  5th  of 
November  he  sailed  southward  to  make  further  ex- 
plorations on  the  coast  of  this  inhospitable  province 
before  he  departed  to  take  advantage  of  barbaric  hos- 


If  Vancouver  was  offended  at  Arrillaga's  actions, 
the  governor  had  his  suspicions  aroused  by  those  of 
his  visitor  in  departing  without  water  and  leaving 
some  supplies  that  had  been  prepared  for  him.  It 
seemed  to  him  that  Vancouver's  displeasure  was  ex- 
aggerated, and  he  feared  that  his  object  was  not  so 
much  to  obtain  necessary  supplies  as  to  make  obser- 
vations respecting  the  Spanish  establishments.  Ac- 
cordingly he  despatched  orders  to  the  commandants 
of  presidios  forbidding  the  furnishing  of  aid  or  facili- 
ties for  investigation.40  Vancouver  continued  his 
observations  along  the  coast  southward,  naming  Point 
Sal  and  Point  Argiiello  in  honor  of  his  friends,  re- 
ceived visits  from  the  Channel  aborigines,  and  anchored 
November  10th  at  Santa  Barbara.  Here  he  found 
Goycoecha  very  friendly,  for  at  first  he  had  not  re- 
ceived Arrillaga's  strict  orders  and  was  inclined  to 
construe  preceding  ones  liberally.  Hence  as  Van- 

89  Nov.  5th,  Vancouver  to  Arrillaga,  regrets  that  he  has  to  depart  without 
paying  for  supplies  obtained  at  Monterey  and  San  Francisco.  He  may  be  able 
to  get  the  money  from  some  English  vessel.  Prov.  &t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  98. 
Arrillaga  to  Vancouver,  urges  him  to  feel  no  anxiety  about  leaving  the  debt 
unpaid ;  returns  the  draft  in  favor  of  Sal ;  and  asks  him  to  accept  some  calves 
as  a  present.  Id.,  xi.  99-100. 

40  While  the  vessels  were  in  port  Arrillaga  sent  to  the  commandants  an 
order  in  which  he  says  :  '  I  have  offered  all  the  aid  they  need  to  undertake 
their  voyage;  therefore  if  they  touch  at  any  of  the  ports  under  the  pretext 
of  getting  food  or  water  their  request  is  to  be  denied,  and  with  politeness 
they  are  to  be  made  acquainted  with  the  orders  that  require  them  to  retire.' 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  97.  Attached  to  this  order  is  a  document  which 
seems  to  be  secret — reservadisimas — 'instructions  to  the  governor  from  the 
viceroy  requiring  him  in  the  most  positive  terms  to  allow  no  intercourse  with 
any  foreign  vessel  except  to  furnish,  in  case  of  urgent  need,  such  relief  as  is 
demanded  by  the  law  of  nations — and  especially  to  prevent  any  knowledge 
of  the  country  being  acquired.  There  is  little  doubt  therefore,  though  this 
paper  is  unsigned  and  undated,  that  Arrillaga  acted  under  direct  orders  from 
his  superiors.  See  also  Id.,  xxi.  121.  Jan.  15,  1794,  Arrillaga  says  to  the 

_     "  _     _  j  1  i     TT  iT  1  •     1  I  i  1-  TJ  1  i  •          I 


and  be  has  warned  the  commandants  accordingly.  Id.,  xxi.  130.  Nov.  14, 
17C3,  Arrillaga  to  Goycocchea  of  Santa  Barbara,  Vancouver  is  to  be  refused 
supplies  since  he  has  declined  them  at  Monterey.  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  i.  207. 


522  RULE  OF  ARKILLAGA. 

couver's  anticipations  were  less  high  than  formerly 
the  Englishman  was  in  good-humor.  True  Goycoe- 
chea  required  the  men  to  retire  to  their  ships  at  night, 
and  Vancouver  himself  ordered  his  men  to  keep  al- 
ways in  sight  of  the  presidio  in  their  recreations ;  and 
though  personal  kindness  from  officials  with  permis- 
sion to  obtain  wood  and  water  and  meat  and  vegetables 
were  the  only  hospitalities  extended,  yet  the  visitor 
was  delighted  with  his  reception,  and  it  never  occurred 
to  him  that  it  was  not  so  very  different  from  that  in 
the  north.  Fathers  Miguel  and  Tapis  were  very  kind, 
though  it  does  not  quite  appear  that  they  entertained 
their  guest  at  the  mission ;  and  Santa  Maria  hastened 
up  from  San  Buenaventura  with  a  flock  of  sheep  and 
as  many  vegetables  as  twenty  mules  could  carry. 
After  spending  a  most  agreeable  week  the  navigators 
set  sail  on  the  18th. 

Santa  Maria  returned  to  San  Buenaventura  in  the 
Discovery,  and  Vancouver  spent  a  day  at  that  mission, 
where  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  intercept  a  courier 
bound  for  Monterey  with  the  latest  European  news. 
Naming  on  the  way  points  Felipe,  Vicente,  Dumetz, 
Fermin,  and  Lasuen,  he  arrived  at  San  Diego  Novem- 
ber 27th  and  was  kindly  welcomed  by  Grajera  and 
Zuniga,  who  had,  however,  received  from  Arrillaga 
"many  severe  and  inhospitable  injunctions"  which 
they  were  obliged  against  their  inclinations  to  obey, 
though  they  received  some  packets  to  be  forwarded  to 
San  Bias  and  Mexico.  Lasuen  arrived  from  San 
Juan  Capistrano  just  before  the  departure  of  the  ves- 
sels, too  late  to  bring  supplies  from  San  Juan  as  he 
wished,  but  in  time  to  receive  a  handsome  barrel- 
organ  as  a  gift  for  his  San  Cdrlos  church.  Vancouver 
left  the  port  of  San  Diego  December  9th  to  cross  the 
Pacific.  During  this  second  visit  to  the  coast  he  had 
learned  nothing  respecting  the  Nootka  question; 
neither  had  he  recovered  his  deserters,  who  had  been 
sent  to  San  Bias  as  already  related.41  In  March  of 

41  On  this  voyage  after  leaving  Monterey,  see  Vancouver's  Voy.,  ii.  443-76. 


MARITIME  AFFAIRS.  523 

this  year  Don  Juan  Francisco  de  la  Bodega  y  Cuadra, 
commander  at  San  Bias,  and  discoverer  of  the  Cali- 
fornian  bay  that  bears  his  name,  died,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  General  Jose  Manuel  cle  Alava. 

Once  more  did  Vancouver  visit  the  coast,  and  be- 
sides his  visit  there  is  not  much  to  be  said  of  mari- 
time affairs  or  foreign  relations  during  the  year  1794. 
The  viceroy  approved  Arrillaga' s  policy  and  acts 
toward  foreign  vessels.42  A  report  was  received  from 
Saavedra,  now  commanding  at  Nootka,  that  a  forty- 
gun  ship  was  coming  from  England  to  relieve  Van- 
couver and  settle  the  northern  question;  but  Arrillaga 
replied  that  a  treaty  had  been  formed  and  no  clanger 
need  be  apprehended.43  The  Conception,  Menendez 
in  command,  brought  up  the  supplies  and  five  padres 
to  San  Francisco  in  June,  and  during  the  year  visited 
all  the  Californian  ports.  Two  Manila  vessels,  the 
Valdes  under  Bertodano,  and  Horcasitas,  under  Mon- 
dojia,  touched  at  Monterey  in  July  and  August.44  The 
Aranzazu  made  two  trips  down  from  Nootka  arriving 
in  July  and  September.  On  the  former  voyage  she 
was  under  an  American  commander,  John  Kendrick. 
He  came  for  supplies  and  also  for  the  men  that  had 
been  destined  for  Bodega;  but  the  latter  had  already 
been  shipped  on  the  Conception.  Father  Magin 
Catald  came  down  with  Kendrick  and  refused  to  re- 
turn to  Nootka,  though  the  president  had  no  author- 
ity to  send  another  chaplain  in  his  place  and  though 
the  pious  captain  vowed  he  would  hold  the  padres 
responsible  before  God  and  the  king  for  the  lack  of 
spiritual  rations  on  board  his  vessel.  The  difficulty 
seems  to  have  been  settled  by  Gili  going  on  board  the 

42  June  11,  1794,  viceroy  to  governor,   approving  the  reception  of  Van- 
couver and  orders  given  to  commandants  to  prevent  an  examination  of  tho 
country  and  the  shipment  of  cattle  to  foreign  establishments.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xi.  177-8;  but  the  day  before  he  had  forwarded  a  royal  order  of  March 
25,  1793,  granting  shelter  to  English  vessels  in  Spanish  ports.  Id.,  170. 

43  Saavedra  to  Arrillaga,  June  15,  1794,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  207. 
Arrillaga  to  Saavedra,  July  15th.  Id.,  208. 

44 On  movements  of  vessels  for  1794  see  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  160,  195- 
6;  xii.  12,  14,  106-7,  121.  150-1,  198,  201-2,  211;  xxi.  146-7;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  28,  30,  43;  viii.  146. 


524  RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 

Concepcion,  whose  regular  chaplain  was  transferred  to 
the  Aranzazu.  Kendrick  was  unable  to  obtain  all 
the  supplies  he  desired,  especially  in  hogs  and  medi- 
cine; neither  were  there  men  enough  that  could  be 
spared  as  substitutes  for  the  sick  he  brought  down, 
though  two  or  three  were  sent.45 

About  the/ Nootka  settlement  in  connection  with 
California  I  Jiave  only  to  say  here  that  the  reasons  for 
its  maintenance  by  Spain  had  ceased  to  exist,  and  by 
the  terms  /of  a  treaty  of  January  11,  1794,  it  was 
abandoned  by  both  powers  in  March,  1795,  California 
obtaining  apparently  a  few  of  the  retiring  soldiers.40 

Vancouver  came  back  across  the  Pacific  and  ar- 
rived at  Nootka  in  September  1794.  He  found  there 
Alava,  the  successor  of  Cuadra.47  Alava's  instructions 
had  not  however  arrived,  and  after  waiting  till  the 
middle  of  October  both  commissioners  went  down  to 
Monterey,  in  the  Princesa,  Discovery,  and  Chatham, 
arriving  on  the  2d,  6th,  and  7th  of  November.48  The 
old  slights  were  still  weighing  on  the  English  com- 

45  Kendrick,  Correspondencia  con  el  Gobernador  Arrlllaga  sobre  cosas  de 
Nootka,  1794,  MS;  Cat-old,  Carlo,  sobre  Nootka,  1794,  MS.     See  also  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  198-9,  209-13;  xxi.  195.     There  had  been  some  minor  corre- 
spondence that  lias  not  been  mentioned  about  supplies,  etc. ,  for  Nootka  in  1791. 
8ta.  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  118;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  1,  2,  45-6,  140. 

46  See  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  i.  300-1,  this  series.    Dec.  10,  1794,  governor  to 
viceroy  asking  that  the  immarried  soldiers  from  Nootka  be  retained  to  fill 
vacancies  in  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  32.     Granted  March  14,  1795. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  122-3.     The  Activa,  Capt.   Bertodano,  arrived  at 
Monterey,  Feb.  13,  1795,  and  sailed  March  12th,  having  on  board  Pierce  and 
Alava,  the  English  and  Spanish  commissioners  for  the  'disoccupation.'     The 
Princesa  under  Fidalgo  left  Monterey  for  San  Bias  April  8th.    The  San  Carlos 
under  Saavedra  arrived  from  Nootka  May  12th, and  sailed  for  San  Bias  in  June. 
Saavedra  brought  down  21  natives  from  Nootka  who  were  baptized  at  San 
Carlos  as  17  others  had  been  in  November  1791.   Gaceta  de  Mex.,  vii.  206; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  80,  89;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  37,  46;   Taylor's  Dis- 
coverers and  Founders,  No.  25,  p.  141,  No.  28,  p.  177;  Id.,  in  Cal.  Farmer,  April 
20,  1860.    Taylor  repeats  a  groundless  story  that  the  Nootka  chief  Maquinria 
came  down  with  a  son  and  daughter;  Gregorio  and  Jos6  Tapia,  living  at  Santa 
Cruz  in  1854,  being  his  grandsons. 

47  May  10,  1794,  viceroy  to  governor,  Alava  to  sail  in  the  Princcsa  and  to 
receive  all  aid  and  attention  in  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  171.   Aug. 
20,  1794,  this  order  communicated  by  governor  to  commandants.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  117. 

48  Nov.  3d,  Argiiello  to  governor,  announcing  the  Chatham ',<?  arrival  on 
Nov.  2d  and  Nov.  7th,  that  of  the  Discovery  on  Nov.  5th;  delivery  of  desert- 
ers; sending  a  courier  to  San  Diego.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  144-7. 


VANCOUVER'S  THIRD  VISIT.  525 

mander's  mind;  but  he  was  comforted  by  learning 
from  Alava  that  the  viceroy's  "very  humane  and 
liberal  intentions  had  no  doubt  been  materially  mis- 
understood by  Sefior  Arrillaga;"  and  still  more  when 
he  knew  that,  "Arrillaga  having  been  ordered  to 
some  inferior  establishment,"  Arguello  was  tempo- 
porarily  in  command  until  the  governor  should  arrive. 
Arglieilo  placed  everything  at  his  visitor's  disposal, 
and  as  the  latter  had  now  learned  not  to  construe 
Spanish  expressions  of  courtesy  too  literally,  all  went 
well.49  No  instructions  for  either  Vancouver  or  Alava 
had  arrived,  and  a  courier  was  sent  to  San  Diego. 
On  November  llth  Governor  Borica  arrived  to  con- 
firm and  continue  the  courtesies  offered  by  the  com- 
mandant. The  same  day  despatches  came  for  Alava, 
who  confided  the  information  that  the  Nootka  ques- 
tion had  been  amicably  adjusted  at  court,  and  that  a 
new  commission  had  been  issued  relieving  Vancouver. 
Borica  received  similar  information  from  the  new 
viceroy,  Branciforte,  with  instructions  to  receive  the 
new  commissioner.60 

Remaining  at  Monterey  till  December  2d  Van- 
couver was  chiefly  engaged  in  preparing  his  reports 
and  charts,  a  copy  of  which  was  sent  to  England 
through  Mexico.  In  the  mean  time  his  deserters  were 
recovered,  the  vessels  were  overhauled,  and  an  excur- 

49  Nov.  12th,  the  governor  writes  to  the  viceroy  that  while  harmony  was 
preserved,  Vancouver  was  given  to  understand  that  his  admission  to  the  fort 
was  a  special  favor,  and  adds  that  on  account  of  Vancouver's  past  curiosity 
precautionary  orders  had  been  given  to  commandants  and  padres.   Prov.  Rec. , 
MS.,  vi.  29.     Dec.  20th,  the  governor  says  Vancouver  was  satisfied  with  his 
treatment,  but  was  not  allowed  to  make  observations  on  those  matters  that 
were  to  be  kept  from  him.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  210-12.    A  circular  order 
dated  Nov.   12th  was  sent  to  the  missions  forbidding  any  intercourse  with 
foreign  vessels,  or  any  furnishing  of  supplies,  except  in  cases  of  urgent  neces- 
sity, when  the  corporal  of  the  guard  may  furnish  what  is  absolutely  necessary 
and  demanded  by  the  laws  of  hospitality.     Vancouver  has  been  supplied  and 
must  receive  nothing  more.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  41,  43;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  141-2.     The  padres  promised  obedience;  at  least  all  but  those  of 
Soledad,  who  said  they  would  be  glad  to  carry  out  the  governor's  instructions 
'  should  it  ever  please  divine  providence  to  favor  their  inland  mission  with  a 
port!' 

50  May  16,   1794,  viceroy  to  governor,  mentions  appointment  of  a  new 
commissioner.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  171-2.     Nov.  12th,  gov.  to  viceroy, 
acknowledges  receipt.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  29. 


526  RULE  OF  ARBILLAGA. 

sion  was  made  into  what  is  now  known  as  Salinas 
Valley.  A  large  amount  of  supplies  was  obtained 
from.  Monterey  and  Santa  Cruz.51  This  done,  and 
having  left  on  the  beach  certain  articles  of  iron- ware 
which  the  governor  had  refused  to '  accept,  the  Eng- 
lish navigator  bade  adieu  to  California  and  sailed  for 
England  by  way  of  Cape  Horn,  giving  the  comman- 
dants of  presidios  no  occasion  to  exercise  the  precau- 
tions still  ordered  in  case  of  trading  at  any  other 
port.52 

Captain  Vancouver  was  an  intelligent  and  honest 
British  sailor,  a  good  representative  of  a  good  class 
of  explorers  and  writers,  plain  of  speech,  and  a  reliable 
witness  on  matters  which  fell  under  his  personal  obser- 
vation, and  in  which  his  national  pride  and  prejudices 
were  not  involved.  His  statements  of  the  condition 
of  the  different  establishments  visited  have  a  special 
value  and  will  be  utilized  in  my  chapters  on  local  prog- 
ress. His  geographical  and  scientific  researches,  much 

51  Vancouver  says  that  Swaine  was  sent  with  three  boats  to  Santa  Cruz 
Nov.  27th  for  garden  stuff,  and  was  tolerably  successful.     The  archives  con- 
tain, however,  several  documents  on  the  subject.     Nov.  25,  1794,  governor 
to  padres,  Vancouver  having  sent  three  boats  instead  of  one  the  padres  must 
not  visit  them  but  send  supplies  by  Indians  and  wagons.  Prov.  /tec.,  MS.,  vi. 
142-3.     Nov.  25th,  gov.  to  corporal  at  Sta.  Cruz,  Three  boats  will  come  for 
supplies;  don't  let  them  land,  for  the  padres  will  send  Indians  with  the  sup- 
plies. Id.,  v.  23.   Nov.  29th,  Corporal  Sanchez  to  gov.,  he  ordered  the  English 
commander  not  to  let  any  sailors  go  to  the  mission  and  obedience  was  prom- 
ised.    The  natives  brought  the  supplies  and  the  English  departed  in  peace. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  43.     Nov.  30th,  Sal  to  gov.,  Nov.  2Gth,  the  cor- 
poral reported  the  English  boats  approaching,  and  Sal  sent  five  men  from  San 
Francisco,  who  returned  saying  that  the  foreigners  had  retired  Nov.  28th 
without  disorder.    The  soldier  who  brought  the  news  was  put  in  irons  for 
reporting  incorrectly.  Id.,  xii.  32-3. 

52  Dec.  3,  1794,  governor  says  that  Vancouver  left  on  the  shore  $505  worth 
of  iron-ware.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  vi.  32.     He  left  well  supplied  and  contented. 
Id.,  vi.  31.     Dec.  1st,  Argiiello  certifies  a  list  of  goods  including  24  blankets 
left  in  spite  of  governor's  excuses.  Prov.  tit.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxi.  5. 
Dec.   1794  and  Feb.  1795,  some  not  very  clear  communications  of  the  com- 
mandant of  Santa  Barbara  about  the  gifts  made.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii. 
87;  xiii.  23.  Dec.  1st,  gov.  to  Sal,  repeats  the  old  orders  forbidding  intercourse 
with  foreign  vessels.  Prov.  flee..,  MS.,  v.  26-7.    Feb.  23,  1795,  viceroy  to  gov., 
approving  the  restrictions  imposed.     Vancouver  should  regard  his  admission 
as  a  special  favor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  11.     April  11,  1795,  viceroy  for- 
wards royal  decree  commending  the  governor's  acts  in  not  allowing  Vancouver 
to  examine  the  country  or  to  take  breeding  cattle  for  English  colonies.     Van- 
couver is  alluded  to  as  having  visited  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Diego  '  under 
pretence'  of  wanting  wood  and  water.  Id.,  xiii.  103  4. 


VANCOUVER'S  OBSERVATIONS.  527 

less  extensive  in  California  than  in  the  far  north,  need 
no  further  attention  here.53  His  persistence  in  ignoring 
the  name  California  and  extending  New  Albion  clown 
beyond  San  Diego  by  virtue  of  Drake's  so-called  'dis- 
covery' is  an  amusing  and  harmless  idiosyncrasy.  His 
ignorance  of  the  Spanish  language  and  the  peculiarly 
delicate  position  in  which  he  was  placed  on  account 
of  international  jealousies  led  him  into  many  errors 
respecting  matters  with  which  he  became  acquainted 
by  conversation  with  the  Spaniards,  his  narrative  in 
this  respect  presenting  a  marked  contrast  with  that  of 
La  Perouse;  yet  his  errors  are  mostly  confined  to 
names  and  dates  and  minor  details,  and  his  general 
statements  are  more  accurate  and  comprehensive  than 
might  have  been  expected.  With  the  natural  advan- 
tages of  the  country  he  was  favorably  impressed,  and 
of  them  he  left  a  fair  record.  Of  the  Spanish  people 
with  whom  he  came  in  contact,  always  excepting 
Arrillaga  with  whom  he  was  unjustly  but  naturally 
offended,  he  speaks  in  kind  and  flattering  terms, 
though  criticising  their  inactivity  and  indisposition 
to  take  advantage  of  the  possibilities  by  which  they 
were  surrounded.  The  natives,  except  some  in  the 
Santa  Barbara  Channel,  seemed  to  be  a  race  of  the 
most  miserable  beings  ever  seen  possessing  the  faculty 
of  human  reason,  and  little  if  any  advantages  had 
attended  their  conversion.  Yet  he  testified  to  their 
affectionate  attachment  to  their  missionary  benefac- 
tors, whose  aims  and  methods,  without  attempting  a 
discussion  of  the  mission  system,  he  approves,  look- 
ing for  gradual  success  in  laying  foundations  for  civil 
society.  For  the  friars  personally  he  had  nothing  but 
enthusiastic  praise. 

What  was  needed  to  stimulate  true  progress  in 
California  was  a  friendly  commercial  intercourse  with 
foreigners,  to  create  new  wants,  introduce  new  com- 

53  Vancouver's  atlas  contains  a  carefully  prepared  map  011  a  large  scale, 
better  than  any  of  earlier  date,  of  the  whole  California  coast,  which  I  repro- 
duce. There  are  charts  of  Trinidad  Bay,  San  Diego,  and  the  entrance  to  San 
Francisco,  and  seven  views  of  points  along  the  coast. 


528 


RULE  OF  ARRILLAGA. 


1:24  1  3  1^'Z  121  120  119  118  117 


S£ 


iSn.  Antonio 


ȣ,  ?Sn 

^ 


:  Buchcn 


VANCOUVER'S  MAP,  1794. 


AN  ENGLISH  VIEW  OF  CALIFORNIA.  520 

forts,  give  an  impetus  to  industries  and  a  value  to 
lands  and  produce ;  this  and  a  proper  degree  of  atten- 
tion from  the  court  of  Madrid.  For  with  California 
considered  as  a  Spanish  possession  the  English  navi- 
gator was  greatly  disappointed.  The  actual  condition 
of  the  people  "ill  accorded  with  the  ideas  we  had  con- 
ceived of  the  sumptuous  manner  in  which  the  Spaniards 
live  on  this  side  of  the  globe."  "Instead  of  finding  a 
country  tolerably  well  inhabited  and  far  advanced  in 
cultivation,  if  we  except  its  natural  pastures,  flocks 
of  sheep,  and  herds  of  cattle,  there  is  not  an  object  to 
indicate  the  most  remote  connection  with  any  Euro- 
pean or  other  civilized  nation."  At  the  weakness  of 
Californian  defenses  Vancouver  was  particularly  sur- 
prised. "The  Spanish  monarchy  retains  this  extent 
of  country  under  its  authority  by  a  force  that,  had  we 
not  been  eye-witnesses  of  its  insignificance  in  many 
instances,  we  should  hardly  have  given  credit  to  the 
possibility  of  so  small  a  body  of  men  keeping  in  awe 
and  under  subjection  the  natives  of  this  country,  with- 
out resorting  to  harsh  or  unjustifiable  measures." 
The  soldiers  "are  totally  incapable  of  making  any 
resistance  against  a  foreign  invasion,  an  event  which 
is  by  no  means  improbable."  "Why  such  an  extent 
of  territory  should  have  been  thus  subjugated,  and 
after  all  the  expense  and  labour  that  has  been  bestowed 
on  its  colonization  turned  to  no  account  whatever,  is 
a  mystery  in  the  science  of  state  policy  not  easily  to 
be  explained." 54  I  shall  chronicle  in  the  succeeding 
chapters  a  series  of  efforts,  not  very  brilliantly,  or  at 
least  permanently,  successful,  to  remedy  the  evils 
complained  of  by  Vancouver. 

54  For  general  remarks,  in  addition  to  those  scattered  through  the  narra- 
tive, see  Voyage,  ii.  486-504. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    34 


CHAPTER    XXV. 

RULE  OF  BORICA,  FOREIGN  RELATIONS,  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

1794-1800. 

DIEGO  DE  BORICA— ARRIVAL  AT  LORETO— BRANCIFORTE  VICEROY — BORICA'S 
JOURNEY  TO  MONTEREY— ARRILLAGA'S  INSTRUCTIONS— CHARMS  or  CALI- 
FORNIA— RESUME  OF  EVENTS  IN  BORICA'S  TERM  OF  OFFICE— COAST 
DEFENCES— PROMISED  REINFORCEMENTS— FRENCH  WAR  CONTRIBUTION 
—  FOREIGN  VESSELS  —  PRECAUTIONS — THE  'PHCENIX' — BROUCHTON'S 
VISIT — THE  'OTTER'  OF  BOSTON — A  YANKEE  TRICK — ARRIVAL  OF 
ALBERNI  AND  THE  CATALAN  VOLUNTEERS — ENGINEER  CORDOBA'S  SUR- 
VEYS—WAR WITH  ENGLAND — COASTING  VESSELS — WAR  CONTRIBUTION — 
DISTRIBUTION  OF  FORCES — MAP  OF  CALIFORNIA — THE  'ELIZA' — THE 
'BETSY' — WAR,  WITH  RUSSIA — INDIAN  AFFAIRS— MINOR  HOSTILITIES — 
CAMPAIGNS  OF  AMADOR,  CASTRO,  AND  MORAGA. 

"  THE  new  governor  whom  his  Majesty  is  to  ap- 
point in  place  of  the  deceased  Lieutenant-colonel  Don 
Jose  Roineu  must  have  the  advantages  of  good  talent, 
military  skill,  and  experience,  robust  health  for  the 
greatest  hardships,  prudent  conduct,  disinterestedness, 
e,nergy,  and  a  true  zeal  for  the  service;  since  all  these 
he  needs  in  order  to  traverse  frequently  the  broad  ter- 
ritories of  the  peninsula,  strengthen  defences,  regulate 
the  presidial  troops,  prevail  by  skill,  or  if  that  suffice 
not  by  force,  over  the  ideas  and  aims  and  prejudicial 
introduction  of  the  English,  and  contribute  to  the 
advancement  of  pueblos  and  missions."  Such  were  the 
views  of  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo;1  such  were  the  qual- 
ities sought  in  Romeu's  successor,  and  believed  with 
much  reason  to  have  been  found  in  Lieutenant-colonel 
Don  Diego  de  Borica,  adjutant-inspector  of  presidios 
in  Chihuahua,  who  early  in  1794  was  appointed  gov- 

1  Revilla  Gigedo,  Informe  de  12  de  Abril  1703,  152-3. 

(530) 


COMING  OF  THE  GOVERNOR.  531 

ernor,  political  and  military,  and  commandant-inspector 
of  the  Californias.  He  took  possession  of  his  office 
at  Loreto  the  14th  of  May,  having  arrived  two  days 

f    '  O  «/ 

before  by  sea  from  San  Bias  accompanied  by  his  wife 
and  daughter.  On  the  same  day  he  communicated  his 
accession  to  officials  in  Alta  California  and  sent  Arri- 
llaga  instructions  to  continue  acting  as  governor  until 
he  should  arrive  at  Monterey.2  Shortly  after  Borica 
assumed  office  his  friend  the  viceroy,  to  whom  proba- 
bly he  owed  the  appointment,  was  replaced  by  the 
Conde  de  Branciforte,  who  on  July  12th  took  posses- 
sion of  the  office.  His  succession  was  announced  in 
California  in  November.3 

Borica  remained  two  months  and  more  at  Loreto, 
attending  as  may  be  supposed  to  affairs  of  state,  but  in 
the  mean  time  by  no  means  neglecting  the  friends  left 
in  Mexico,  to  whom  he  wrote  long  epistles  narrating 
in  a  witty  and  jocose  vein,  for  he  was  "  a  fellow  of 
infinite  jest,"  the  details  of  his  journey  to  California 
with  its  attendant  sea-sickness,  which  had  rendered 
the  mere  mention  of  the  ocean  a  terror  to  the  ladies. 
At  Loreto,  where  the  governor  represented  himself 
as  "  haciendo  en  esta  Barataria  mas  alcaldadas  que 
Sancho  Panza  en  la  suya,"  health  was  regained  and  all 
went  well.  The  1st  of  July  he  sent  to  the  king  a 
petition  for  a  colonel's  commission,  which  he  received  in 
the  autumn  of  1795. 4  It  was  his  intention  as  announced 
in  several  letters  to  complete  the  journey  to  Monterey 
by  land,  but  as  the  ladies  regained  their  health  and 

2 Letters  of  Borica  in  May  1794  to  various  persons  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xxi.  196,  198-205;  xii.  174;  Prov.  Re<:.,  MS.,  iv.  115-16;  vi.»23.  There  seems 
to  be  little  or  no  doubt  about  May  14th  as  the  date  of  taking  possession;  but  the 
day  of  arrival  is  given  by  Borica  himself  in  different  letters  as  May  llth,  12th, 
and  13th.  May  31st,  Lasuen  from  Santa  Barbara  congratulates  the  new  gov- 
ernor. Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  36.  July  31st,  Commandant  of  San  Diego 
has  received  the  announcement  and  proclaimed  it  in  his  district.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  20.  Arrillaga  to  same  effect  Aug.  4th.  Id.,  xxi.  196.  Vice- 
roy has  received  the  news  Aug.  5th.  Id.,  xi.  190-1.  Aug.  2d,  Argiiello  orders 
Borica  proclaimed  as  governor  at  San  Jose".  San  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  23. 

3  July  5,  1794,  Revilla  Gigedo  announces  the  arrival  of  his  successor.  He 
will  be  glad  to  keep  up  a  private  correspondence  with  Borica.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xi.  183.  July  12th,  Branciforte  announces  his  accession.  Id.,  xi.  189. 

4 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  197;  xiii.  55;  xiv.  29;  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  v.  71; 
vi.  26;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.  2. 


532  RULE  OF  BOBICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

courage,  and  were  made  acquainted  with  the  prospec- 
tive difficulties  of  the  peninsula  route  in  time  of 
drought,  the  plan  was  changed.  All  went  on  board 
the  Saturnina  July  20th,  and  four  days  later  set  sail 
for  San  Luis  Bay  far  up  the  gulf.  The  winds  and 
other  circumstances  seem  to  have  been  unfavorable,  for 
on  the  28th  the  governor  decided  to  land  at  Santa 
Ana  and  make  his  way  to  San  Fernando  and  across 
the  frontier  by  land.5  With  the  exception  of  some 
correspondence  about  the  furnishing  of  escorts  and 
animals  by  the  different  commandants  along  the  way 
we  know  nothing  of  the  journey  until  he  reached  San 
Juan  Capistrano  in  the  middle  of  October.6 

Here  he  met  Arrillaga,  who  had  left  Monterey  in 
September,  and  spent  four  days  in  consultation  with 
that  officer,  starting  northward  the  17th  of  October.7 
Here  I  suppose  were  delivered  by  Arrillaga  the 
instructions  left  by  each  retiring  governor  for  the 
guidance  of  his  successor,  though  the  document  as 
preserved  bears  no  date.  It  was  intended  to  acquaint 
the  new  ruler  with  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the 
province;  but  it  is  devoted  almost  entirely  to  local 
and  minor  details,  containing  nothing  of  general  in- 
terest with  which  the  reader  is  not  already  acquainted, 

6  On  embarkation  and  voyage,  see  Pro?;.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  75;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  134.  July  10th,  governor  writes  to  viceroy  on  the  difficulties  of  the 
land  journey.  Id.,  vi.  26.  I  think  the  name  Santa  Ana  may  be  an  error,  or 
that  there  may  have  been  a  locality  of  that  name  north  of  Loreto;  for  it  seems 
hardly  probable  that  the  vessel  was  driven  far  south,  or  that  Borica  visited 
Loreto  again  on  his  way  north.  Vancouver,  Voyage,  iii.  330-1,  tells  us  that 
Borica  had  come  all  the  way  from  Mexico  on  horseback. 

6  July  28th,  Borica  to  P.  Calvo,  asks  for  24  mules  and  24  natives,  for  hia 
journey  to  San  Fernando.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  134.     August  6th,  Grajera  to1 
Borica,  Has  sent  29  mules,  35  horses  with  8  soldiers  under  Corporal  Olivera 
from  San  Diego.  Prov.  St.  Pap,,  MS.,  xii.  19.     Sept.  8th,  'N.'  from  San  Fer- 
nando to  commandant  at  Sta  Bdrbara,  asks  for  10  men  and  54  animals  to  be 
sent  at  once;  similar  demand  enclosed  for  commandant  at  Monterey  for  escort 
to  be  sent  to  San  Luis.   Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.    1.     Sept.  15th,  Goycoechea 
wishes  a  pleasant  journey  and  a  safe  arrival  to  Borica  and  his   wife  and 
daughter.   'C.  P.  B.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  102.     Oct.  1st  and  2d,  Ar- 
giiello  to  Borica  and  to  Arrillaga,  Has  sent  60  animals  with  10  men  to  San 
Luis.  Id.,  xii.  147. 

7  Arrillaga  was  at  Monterey  Sept.  16th,  and  left  before  Sept.  22d.   Prov. 
8t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  152-3.     Oct.  16th,  Borica  to  viceroy  announcing  conference 
with  Arrillaga  and  intention  to  start  next  day.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  28.    Dec. 
17th,  viceroy's  acknowledgment  of  above.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  207. 


A  CONVIVIAL  RULER.  533 

therefore  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  reproduce  it 
here  even  en  resume.8  Arrillaga  proceeded  to  Loreto 
to  resume  his  duties  as  lieutenant-governor;  while 
Borica  continued  his  journey  northward  to  the  capital 
where  he  arrived  the  9th  of  November.9  With  Mon- 
terey the  new  rul'er  was  delighted,  deluging  his 
friends  and  relatives  with  letters  in  praise  of  the 
country  immediately  on  his  arrival.  "Tovivirmucho 
and  without  care  come  to  Monterey/'  he  tells  them. 
"This  is  a  great  country;  climate  healthful,  between 
cold  and  temperate;  good  bread,  excellent  meat, 
tolerable  fish;  and  bon  humeur  which  is  worth  all  the 
rest.  Plenty  to  eat,  but  the  most  astounding  is  the 
general  fecundity,  both  of  rationals  and  irrationals. 
The  climate  is  so  good  that  all  are  getting  to  look 
like  Englishmen.  This  is  the  most  peaceful  and  quiet 
country  in  the  world;  one  lives  better  here  than  in 
the  most  cultured  court  of  Europe."  He  was  busy 
with  routine  duties  at  first,  but  he  found  time  for 
convivial  pleasures  with  Vancouver,  Puget,  Alava,  and 
Fidalgo,  all  jolly  good  fellows,  and  not  one  of  whom 
was  more  than  a  match  for  Borica  "before  a  dozen  of 
Rhine  wine,  port,  or  Madeira."10 

The  Spanish  authorities  were  now  somewhat  aroused 
to  the  importance  of  strengthening  Californian  coast 
defences,  and  this  subject  was  therefore  still  more 
prominent  in  Borica's  term  of  office  than  it  had  been 
during  Arrillaga's  administration.  To  compensate 
the  soldiers  for  labor  begun  on  the  presidio  buildings 
in  Fages'  time  an  appropriation  of  $5,200  had  been 
made  from  the  royal  treasury  to  be  expended  in  sup- 
plies.11 In  the  middle  of  1793  some  guns  and  work- 

8  Arrillaya,  Papel  de  Pantos  para  conocimiento   del  Gobernador  de  la 
Peninsula,  1794.  MS. 

9  In  three  letters  Borica  says  he  arrived  on  Nov.  9th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xxi.  207-8;  but  Vancouver,   Voyage,  iii.  330-1,  affirms  it  was  on  the  llth.    It 
is  difficult  to  understand  how  either  could  mistake. 

11  Borica's  Letters  in  Nov. -Dec.  1794.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  207-12. 

11  Oct.  26,  1791,  viceroy  to  governor,  Has  ordered  the  $5,200  paid  to  the 

habilitado  general;  $1,600  for  Monterey,  and  $1,200  for  each  of  the  other 


534  RULE  OF  BORICA-FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

men  had  been  brought  up  from  San  Bias,  and  at 
Borica's  arrival  in  the  autumn  of  1794  work  had  been 
going  on  for  over  a  year  on  the  San  Francisco  defences, 
besides  some  slight  preparations  at  Monterey  and  San 
Diego.  Details  of  progress  at  the  different  presidios 
may  be  more  appropriately  given  in  connection  with 
local  annals  in  another  chapter,  and  it  is  only  in  a 
general  way  that  I  propose  to  treat  the  subject  here.12 
Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  earnestly  recommended 
the  fortification  of  the  coast  in  his  instructions  of 
1794  to  his  successor  Branciforte,13  who  called  upon 
Colonel  Costanso,  the  same  who  had  visited  Califor- 
nia with  the  first  expedition  of  1769,  for  a  report  on 
the  subject.  Costanso's  report  was  rendered  Octo- 
ber 17th  of  the  same  year,  and  was  to  the  effect  tnat 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  adequate  fortification 
were  insuperable.  The  author  had  no  faith  in  forts 
situated  in  a  distant  province  without  home  resources. 
The  only  way  to  protect  the  country  was  to  encourage 
settlement  and  commerce.14  In  this  report,  however, 

presidios.  Jan.  15,  1792,  V.  R.  to  gov.,  Gen.  Carcaba  says  that  $5,200  is  not 
enough,  since  Fages  had  estimated  $12,000  for  three  presidios.  The  V.  R., 
however,  claims  that  Fages' estimate  was  on  the  basis  of  150  per  cent  advance 
on  goods,  or  $5,200  without  that  advance;  though  Fages  later  raised  the  esti- 
mate to  $12,000,  but  this  had  110  approval  of  general  and  king.  He  therefore 
refuses  to  give  more  than  the  $5,200  with  $400  for  package  and  freight.  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  46-7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  112.  Some  details  about 
the  distribution  of  the  amount  among  the  presidios.  Id.,  xi.  54,  57;  xii.  57-5; 
Prov.  Rec.,  iv.  3,  4. 

12  Beginning  of  work  at  San  Francisco  announced  in  August  1793.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  113.  March  18,  1793,  commandant  of  San  Bias  writes 
that  he  has  ordered  fortification  of  Bodega  and  the  presidios  (except  Sta  Bar- 
bara, supposed  to  be  already  in  good  condition).  The  vessels  will  bring  the 
needed  aid  and  the  work  is  to  begin  at  San  Francisco.  July  8th,  governor  has 
heard  of  the  viceroy's  approval  and  order  for  vessels  to  carry  material.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  100-7  Jan.  22,  1794,  V.  R.  to  gov.,  says  the  Junta 
Superior,  after  consulting  the  fiscal  determined  on  Dec.  28,  1793,  to  conclude 
the  presidio  works,  the  cost  to  be  paid  from  the  tobacco  revenue.  The  gov- 
ernor must  form  estimates  and  finish  the  work  as  solidly  and  economically  as 
possible,  Id.,  xii.  180-1.  The  document  of  Dec.  28th,  in  NuevaEgpafia,  Acn- 
crdos,  MS.,  13,  14.  June  9th,  V.  R.  to  gov.,  has  ordered  supply-vessels  to 
transport  timber  from  Monterey  for  the  southern  defences.  Pro-v.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xi.  175-6.  Arrillaga,  Papelde  Puntos,  MS.,  192,  explained  his  plan  that 
the  workmen  at  San  Francisco  should  come  to  Monterey  to  prepare  timber 
for  that  place  and  for  the  south. 

l*llemlla  Ci(/edo,  Inttrnccion,  MS.  i.  530. 

li  Costantitf,  Injorme  xobre  cl  Prcyecto  defortijicar  los  Presidio*  de  la  Nucva 
.California,  1794,  ^.S.  This  officer  seems  to  have  been  prominent  in  his  pro- 


COAST  DEFENCES.  535 

and  in  another  of  July  1795  made  by  a  committee 
composed  of  Costanso,  Fidalgo,  and  Sanchez,  bat- 
teries of  eight  twelve-pounders  were  recommended 
with  eighty  gunners  for  the  ports,  with  a  view  solely 
to  protection  against  corsairs.  Defence  against  a  hos- 
tile squadron  was  pronounced  impracticable,  and  in  case 
of  attack  nothing  was  to  be  done  but  to  withdraw  the 
people  and  live-stock  to  the  interior.  Vessels  should, 
however,  be  furnished  for  coasting  service,  for  which 
purpose  three  very  small  ones  were  available  at  San 
Bias.15  As  we  shall  see  it  was  decided  to  send  reen- 
forcements. 

During  1795  while  some  slight  progress  was  being 
made  with  the  fortifications,  the  war  in  France  was 
inciting  the  government  in  Spain  and  Mexico  to  still 
further  measures  of  defence.  Borica  had  asked  early  in 
this  year  for  armorers,  guns,  and  munitions  for  the  bat- 
teries being  constructed;  and  on  July  25th  the  viceroy 
replied,  promising  not  only  what  had  been  asked  but 
also  a  strong  reenforcement  of  troops.  He  announced 
that  a  company  of  seventy -two  Catalan  volunteers 
under  Lieutenant-colonel  Pedro  Alberni  would  soon 
embark  from  San  Bias,  picked  men,  robust,  well 
behaved,  and  for  the  most  part  married,  with  the 
best  arms  and  outfit  obtainable.  With  this  compania 
franca  there  were  to  be  sent  seventeen  or  eighteen 

t/  O 

artillerymen  and  three  armorers.  The  commandant 
general  had  orders  to  furnish  needed  aid  from  Sonora 
and  the  commandant  of  San  Bias  to  send  up  the  re- 
quired armament.  Moreover  two  small  vessels  were 
to  run  up  and  down  the  coast  to  bring  news  every  six 
months.  The  viceroy  concluded  by  a  repetition  of  the 
old  orders  respecting  foreign  vessels  visiting  the  coast, 
English  ships  to  be  treated  more  hospitably  than 

fession.  I  have  before  me  several  original  reports  on  government  M'orks  in, 
different  parts  of  Mexico  from  1788  to  1800.  He  is  mentioned  by  Viceroy 
Azanza.  instruction,  MS.,  159.  He  reported  on  the  fortifications  of  Vera 
Cruz  as  late  as  1811.  Mexico,  Mem.  Guerra,  1840,  26. 

15  Sanchez,  Fidalgo,  and  Costans6,  Iiiforme  sobre  auxilios  que  se  propone 
enviar  a  la  California,  13  Julio,  1795,  MS. 


536  EULE  OF  BORICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

others,  but  none  to  be  permitted  a  long  stay  or  any 
inspection  of  the  country.16 

The  news  that  war  had  been  declared  between 
Spain  and  France  came  to  California  in  October  1793, 
with  a  decree  of  the  viceroy  calling  on  faithful  sub- 
jects of  Carlos  IV.  for  a  contribution.  The  decree 
being  duly  published  the  Californians  responded  with 
$740,  as  was  announced  by  Borica  in  March  1794; 
but  the  amount  was  declined  with  thanks  by  the 
viceroy  in  June,  and  thereupon  redistributed  to  the 
donors.17  In  April  1795,  however,  things  in  Europe 
assuming  a  darker  aspect  for  Spain,  Branciforte  again 
changed  his  mind  and  indicated  his  willingness  to 

O  O 

accept  the  California!!  donation,  and  even  urged  in 
June  a  special  effort  on  the  governor's  part  to  increase 
its  amount.  Borica  published  the  appeal,  and  calling 
on  officers,  friars,  soldiers,  and  neophytes  to  assist, 
headed  the  list  himself  with  $1,000.  The  missionaries 
still  professed  their  inability  to  give  any  but  spiritual 
aid ;  but  other  classes  responded  generously,  and  con- 
tributions reached  $3,881.  In  the  early  spring  of 
1797  the  return  of  peace  was  made  known  in  Cali- 
fornia.18 

16  Branciforte  d  Borica  sobre  fortcdecer  las  Baterias  de  San  Francisco,  Monte- 
rey, etc.,  1795,  MS.    On  same  date,  July  25th,  viceroy  to  governor,  of  same  pur- 
port, mentioning  the  sending  of  an  engineer,  and  also  declaring  it  impossible 
to  fortify  and  defend  the  whole  coast  against  superior  forces.    "In  emergen- 
cies aid  must  be  sought  from  Sonora.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  53-4.     The 
actual  force  in  California  was  225  men;  Arrillaga's  plan  called  for  271;  and 
Borica's,  335.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xix.  3,  4.     Sept.  22,  1795,  the 
V.  R.  announces  that  the  company  of  volunteers  was  inspected  at  Mexico  on 
Sept.  llth  by  Col.  Salcedo,  and  found  in  good  condition.    Prov.  St.  Pap., 
xiii.  83;  Nov.  llth,  he  speaks  of  the  artillerymen,  and  says  the  royal  treasury 
at  Vera  Cruz  pays  the  expense  to  the  end  of  1795.  Id.,  xiii.  74;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,vii.  44-5. 

17  June  22,  1793,  viceroy's  decree.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  129.    Oct.  9th, 
Arrillaga  to  commandant  of  Monterey,  mentioning  decree  of  June  19th.  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  113.     Oct.  28th,  Lasuen  says  the  padres  will  contribute 
what  they  can — that  is  their  prayers.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  36.    Dec. 
7th,  decree  has  been  published  in  Loreto.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  149. 
March  4,  1794,  Gov.  to  V.  R.  announces  $740  as  the  amount.  Id.,  xxi.  133; 
xii.  93;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  31;  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  vi.  578.     June  26th,  V.  R. 
declines  with  thanks  in  the  king's  name.  Id.,  xii.  35;  xi.  180,  182;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  144.    Nov.  llth,  Gov.  announces  the  restitution.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,iv.  120. 

18  April  4,  1795,  viceroy  to  governor,  accepting  the  donation.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  114-15.     June  17th,  V.  R.  to  gov.  and  other  later  corre- 


THE  'PHCENIX,'  CAPTAIN  MOORE.  537 

The  orders  respecting  precautions  against  foreign 
vessels  were  duly  promulgated  ;19  but  opportunities  for 
carrying  them  into  execution  were  rare  in  1795.  The 
visit  of  the  English  merchant  vessel  Phcenix,  Cap- 
tain Moore — if  that  may  be  taken  as  a  satisfactory 
average  from  the  Mor,  Mayor,  Moor,  Murr,  and  Morr 
of  the  archives — was  the  only  sensation  of  the  year, 
and  was  indeed  a  mild  one.  She  touched  at  Santa 
Bdrbara  in  August  from  Bengal  for  supplies,  affording 
the  provincial  authorities  an  excellent  opportunity  to 
repeat  the  old  orders,  and  the  local  powers  to  carry 
out  the  hospitable  but  strict  policy  in  such  cases  pre- 
scribed. They  were  fortified  with  the  treaty  of  1790 
and  other  formidable  material  for  a  discussion  on  inter- 
national obligations;  but  the  Phoenix  was  content  to 
receive  a  few  needed  supplies  and  sail  .away.  Moore 
left  with  Goycoechea  a  Boston  lad  who  desired  to  re- 
main in  the  country  and  '  become  a  Christian;'  but  he 
was  sent  to  San  Bias  a  few  months  later.20  Six  letters 

spondence  on  subject.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  99-105.  July  19th,  Oct.  12th, 
IGth,  Gov.  to  commandants  and  padres.  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  iv.  30-1,  135,  137;  vi. 
151.  Oct.  18th,  Lasuen  to  gov.  explaining  the  poverty  of  the  padres,  the  great 
services  they  are  rendering  the  king,  and  their  inability,  with  the  best  wishes, 
to  give  anything  but  their  prayers  for  the  victory  of  Spanish  arms.  Arch.  Sta 
Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii.  234;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  88-93.  March  12,  1796, 
announcement  of  results,  showing  that  San  Francisco  gave  $707 ;  Monterey 
and  San  Jose,  $554;  Santa  Barbara  and  Angeles,  $9SO,  and  San  Diego,  $639. 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  98;  viii.  75;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  153.  Jan.  17,  1797, 
viceroy's  thanks  for  aid,  including  the  prayers.  Arch.  Sta  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xii. 
234;  Prov.  Piec.,  MS.,  vi.  181.  Peace  announced  by  V.  E.  Nov.  29,  1795, 
and  solemn  mass  of  thanksgiving  ordered.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  73. 
Published  by  gov.  Feb.  29,  1796.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  144.  Original  letter 
of  Lasuen  asking  padres  to  say  mass  at  each  mission.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS., 
iv.  55-7.  General  amnesty  and  pardon  on  account  of  peace,  and  of  marriage 
of  princesses.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  82;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  40. 

19  Jan.  6,  1795,  governor  orders  that  even  in  the  case  of  San  Bias  vessels, 
the  first  persons  landing  must  be  closely  examined  to  be  sure  they  are  really 
Spaniards.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.   16-17.     Nov.  2d,  Sal  to  comisionado 
of  S.  Jos6  urging  strict  compliance  with  the  V.  11 's  orders  of  July  25.  N.  Jos£ 
Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  26.    Nov.  14th,  Goycoechea  toBorica.    No  foreigners  will  be 
allowed  to  visit  the  country  on  horseback  or  to  get  breeding  animals.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  29-30. 

20  Portrait  of  Thomas  Murr  sent  to  viceroy  (?).  Prov.  Rec.  MS.,  viii.  166. 
Sept.  5th,  Goycoechea  to  Borica,  Says  the  boy's  name  was  Bostones  and  he 
was  of  good  parentage,  a  pilot  and  carpenter.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  69- 
70.    Capt.  Matute  is  asked  to  carry  the  young  Bostonian  to  San  Bias.  Id. ,  xxi. 
230.    His  name  was  Joseph  O'Cain,  an  Irishman,  and  he  went  in  the  Aranzazu 
(perhaps  in  1 796) .  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  22-3, 30-1 .   '  This  Englishman  is  a  native 
of  Ireland  and  his  parents  live  now  in  Boston.'  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.   Mil., 


538  RULE  OF  BOEICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

with  English  addresses  were  taken  from  the  mail  this 
year  and  forwarded  to  the  viceroy  by  Borica's  order.21 

Throughout  the  year  1796  precautionary  orders 
against  foreign  vessels  continued  to  be  issued,  pre- 
senting no  variation  in  matter  or  manner  from  those 
of  former  years,  yet  it  may  be  well  to  notice  an  order 
of  Borica  to  the  effect  that  large  war-ships,  able  to 
seize  San  Diego,  were  not  to  be  permitted  to  enter 
the  port,  supplies  being  sent  out  in  boats.  Just  how 
they  were  to  be  kept  out  does  not  clearly  appear, 
since  no  such  ship  came  to  that  harbor.22  In  July  a 
report  reached  Monterey,  coming  from  an  American 
captain  at  Nootka,  who  received  it  from  an  English 
captain  at  Botany  Bay,  that  the  Englishmen  had 
orders  to  attack  Spanish  vessels;  but  the  report  did 
not  receive  much  credit,  and  the  viceroy's  orders  dated 
November  30th  to  make  reprisals  on  all  English  craft 
entering  the  ports,  did  not  reach  California  till  the 
next  year.23 

Only  two  foreign  vessels  made  their  appearance  on 
the  coast  this  year.  The  first  was  the  English  man- 
of-war  Providence,  under  Captain  Broughton  who  had 
visited  California  before  with  Vancouver.  She  anch- 

MS.,  xxi.  11.  There  is  a  Jose  Burling  also  mentioned  as  an  Irishman  who 
arrived  in  or  about  this  year.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  8,  9.  See  also  on  the 
visit  of  the  Phoenix.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  17-68;  xiv.  67;  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.  1;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  22-3.  Another  English  vessel,  the 
Resolution,  Capt.  Lochi  (Locke?),  was  reported  by  Grajera  of  San  Diego  as 
having  touched  at  Todos  Santos  Bay  in  August.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii. 
66-70. 

*l  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  175.  The  only  Spanish  vessels  of  the  year 
seem  to  have  been  the  Conception,  Melendez,  and  the  Aranzazu,  Matute, 
with  the  memorias. 

22  Jan.  1796,  viceroy  to  governor,  no  person  from  a  foreign  vessel  to  be 
admitted  into  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  158;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii. 
7.    March  30th,  Sal  to  Borica,  for  supplies  furnished  a  receipt  to  be  taken  and 
sent  to  gov.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  104.     No  goods  to  be  taken  in  return 
for  supplies.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  69.    April  7th,  Borica  to  commandant  of 
San  Diego,  war- vessels  not  to  be  admitted  into  the  ports.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v. 
242.    April  18th,  Indians  to  be  sent  to  Bodega  to  look  out  for  foreign  vessels. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxiv.  11.    Nov.  2d,  Borica  to  V.  11.  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  61.     June  18th,  viceroy  orders  strict  precautions.    Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  151. 

23  July  15,  1796,  governor  to  commandant,  private.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
14!).    Aug.  25th,  Grajera  to  gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  115.     Nov.  30th, 
viceroy  to  gov.  Id.,  xiv.  173.     Oct.  19th,  a  courier  arrived  at  Monterey  from 
San  Diego,  announcing  that  18  sail  had  been  sighted.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  89. 


THE  'OTTER,'  CAPTAIN  DORR.  639 

ored  at  Monterey,  obtained  some  needed  supplies,  left 
some  instruments  which  had  been  intended  for  Bodega 
y  Cuadra,  but  which  Borica  received  and  paid  for,  and 
then  sailed  away.  It  is  recorded  not  very  clearly, 
that  Broughton  after  raising  his  anchor  attempted  in 
boats  some  exploration  of  the  Rio  San  Antonio,  or 
Salinas,  and  that  his  boats  were  fired  at.24  The  other 
vessel,  the  first  from  the  United  States  to  anchor  in  a 
Californian  port,  was  the  Otter  of  Boston,  commanded  / 
by  Ebenezer  Dorr.25  She  carried  six  guns  and  twenty- 
six  men,  arriving  at  Monterey  on  October  29th,  after 
having  cruised  in  the  vicinity  for  nearly  a  week. 
Having  obtained  wood  and  water,  freely  supplied  by 
the  Spaniards  on  sight  of  her  passport  from  General 
Washington  signed  by  the  Spanish  consul  at  Charles- 
ton, she  sailed  on  the  Gth  of  November.  Dorr  asked 
permission  to  land  some  English  sailors  who  had 
secretly  boarded  his  vessel  at  Port  Saxon.26  His  re- 
quest was  refused,  but  he  landed  five  men  on  the 
beach  at  night,  and  the  next  night  five  more  and  a 
woman  on  the  Cafmelo  shore,  forcing  them  from  the 
boat,  they  said,  by  the  use  of  a  pistol.  Dorr's  conduct 
naturally  seemed  to  the  Spaniards  ungrateful;  but 
his  position  was  doubtless  a  difficult  one,  and  the  nec- 
essity of  getting  rid  of  his  convict  passengers  was 
urgent.  Governor  Borica  regarded  it  as  a  dishonor- 
able trick  on  the  part  of  the  Yankee;  but  he  had  to 

24  Sept.  10,  1796,  viceroy  to  Borica,  approves  of  his  having  fired  at  the 
boats,  suspecting  that  the  aim  was  to  explore  the  salinas,  and  he  will  send  a 
vessel  to  prevent  such  attempts.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  74.    The  Providence 
fired  a  salute  of  1 1  guns  on  entering  and  the  battery  responded.    According 
to  Id.,  vi.  85-6,  she  sailed  June  18th;  but  according  to  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil. ,  MS. ,  xxiii.  3,  5,  it  was  July  8th.    The  instruments  left  were  worth  £250. 
According  to  Id.,  kxiv.  6,  the  vessel  appears  to  have  been  at  San  Francisco 
on  June  10th.    Alberni  is  ordered  not  to  let  Broughtcn  land.    Orders  were 
sent  to  other  ports  not  to  permit  a  landing  or  to  furnish  any  more  supplies. 
Prov.  Hec.,  MS.,  iv.  07.   Supplies  furnished  amounted  to  $308,  the  bill  being 
sent  to  Mexico.  Id.,  iv.  206.    The  instruments  were  sent  to  San  Bias.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  212. 

25  She  is  called  by  the  Spaniards  the  Otter  Boston,  El  otro  Boston,  and  Loter 
Boston;  and  their  captain,  Dow,  Dour,  Dor,  Daur,  Door,  and  De-re. 

26  Herbert  C.  Dorr,  son  of  this  captain,  a  well  known  litterateur  residing 
in  San  Francisco,  tells  me  that  these  men  were  convicts  from  Botany  Bay, 
and  that  he  has  often  heard  his  father  tell  the  story  of  this  voyage  and  of  his 


540  RULE  OF  EORICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

provide  for  the  new-comers.  They  were  set  at  work 
as  carpenters  and  blacksmiths  at  nineteen  cents  per 
day,  and  they  proved  so  industrious  and  well  behaved 
that  Borica  would  fain  have  retained  them  in  the 
country;  but  in  obedience  to  royal  orders  he  was 
obliged  to  send  them  the  next  year  to  San  Bias  en 
route  for  Cddiz.27 

,  On  March  23d  and  April  1st  the  Valdes  and  San 
Carlos  arrived  at  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  re- 
spectively with  most  of  the  compania  franca,  and  of 
the  artillerymen,  the  rest  coming  up  the  following 
spring,  and  the  military  force  in  California  being  thus 
increased  by  nearly  one  hundred  men.28  Lieutenant- 
troubles  with  these  reckless  men  who  used  the  Otter  as  a  means  of  escape. 
The  Dorr  family  furnished  several  masters  and  owners  of  vessels  engaged  in 
the  fur- trade  in  northern  waters,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  this 
series. 

27  Nov.  5,  1796,  Borica  to  viceroy,  announcing  arrival  and  stating  that 
no  irregularities  have  been  committed  by  the  Americans.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  IMS., 
iv.  62-3;  vi.  86-8.     Nov.   10th,  Borica  to  V.  R.,  describing  the  subsequent 
'  irregularities.'  /(/.,  iv.  63-4.    Dec.  6th,  Has  received  order  to  send  the  Irish- 
man Burling  and  all  other  foreigners  to  Cadiz,  will  therefore  send  by  first 
vessel  the  men  left  by  Dorr.  Id.,  iv.  68-9.     Dorr  obtained  supplies  to  the 
value  of  $187.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  288.     Five  Englishmen  kept  as  prisoners 
until  the  Aranzazu  arrives.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  244.    Aug.  1796,  V.  R.'s 
order  to  send  Burling  and  foreigners  to  Cadiz.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  165;  iv. 

147.  I  suppose  this  Burling  and  the  Boston  boy,  and  O'Cain  to  have  been 
possibly  the  same  person.    Oct.  6,  1797,  Borica  to  V.  R.,  sends  the  11  to  San 
Bias.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  56.    Oct.  19th,  Borica  asks  Capt.  Caamano  to  take 
them.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  270.     Feb.  3,  1798,  V.  R.  approves.  Id., 
xvii.  17.     Oct.  23d,  a  strange  vessel  anchored  off  Santa  Cruz.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
v.  94.    Doubtless  the  Otter.    The  Spanish  vessels  of  the  year  were  the  Valdes 
and  San  Carlos  which  brought  troops,  etc. ,  from  San  Bias  in  April,  touching 
at  San  Francisco,  Monterey,  and  Santa  Bdrbara;  the  Sutil,  Capt.  Tobar,  from 
a  tour  in  the  north;  the  Concejjcion,  Capt.  Salazar  from  Manila  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara in  April;  and  the  Aranzazu,  Capt.  Cosme  Bertodano,  with  the  memorias 
at  Monterey  and  San  Francisco  in  July,  and  at  Santa  Barbara  in  September. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  60-1,  74,  77,  148;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  24,  86,  133; 
xxi.  236;  8t.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.   6.     According  to  the  Relation,  de  las 
Embarcaciones  que  han  condutido  los  Situados  de  los  4  presidios  de  la  Nueva 
California,  con  espresion  de  los  nombres  de  sus  comandantes,  desde  el  ano  de 
17S1,  hasta  1796,  MS.,  it  appears  that  since  178$  only  one  vessel  each  year 
had  come  especially  with  the  regular  memorias  of  supplies,  though  as  we  have 
seen  several  vessels  arrived  for  one  purpose  or  another. 

28  Arrival  of  the  vessels.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  xvii.  6.     Arrival  of  Concep- 
tion, 1797,  with  Lieutenant  Suarez  and  4  privates.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii. 

148.  The  compania  franca  of  Catalan  volunteers  consisted  of  captain,  2  lieu- 
tenants, 3  sergeants— Joaquin  Tico,  Francisco  Gutierrez,  and  Juan  liligues— 
8  corporals,  2  drummers,  and  59  privates — 75  men  in  all.    Full  list  of  names 
in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxiv.  1-4.    The  artillery  detachment  con- 
sisted of  a  sergeant — Jose"  Roca — 3  corporals,  and  14  privates — 18  men  in  all. 
Total  93.  Id.,  xxiii.  11.      . 


KEENFORCEMENTS  FROM  MEXICO.  541 

colonel  Pedro  Alberni,  captain  of  the  Catalan  volun- 
teers, became  at  once  commandant  at  San  Francisco, 
where  twenty-five  of  his  men  wTere  stationed.  Twen- 
ty-five were  sent  to  San  Diego  under  Lieutenant  Jose 
Font,  and  eight  under  sub-lieutenant  Simon  Suarez 
remained  at  Monterey,  a  sergeant  and  thirteen  men 
being  scattered  in  various  duties.  The  artillery  de- 
tachment under  Sergeant  Jose  Roca  was  also  distrib- 
uted between  the  three  presidios.29  With  the  troops 
came  the  lieutenant  of  engineers,  Alberto  de  Cordoba, 
who  proceeded  to  make  an  inspection  of  the  coast  de- 
fences. In  September  he  reported  to  the  viceroy, 
chiefly  on  the  works  at  San  Francisco,  which  he  found 
exceedingly  defective  and  well-nigh  useless.  The  bat- 
tery at  Monterey  was  also  useless  so  far  as  the  de- 
fence of  the  port  was  concerned,  since  vessels  could 
easily  anchor  and  land  men  out  of  range  of  the  guns. 
Cordoba  believed  that  effective  forts  and  enough  of 
them  could  not  be  erected  except  at  an  enormous 
expense,  and  he  favored  rather  an  increase  of  troops 
and  one  or  more  cruising  vessels  on  the  coast.  He 
subsequently  visited  the  south,  and  found  the  defences 
not  more  effective  than  those  in  the  north,  as  the 
governor  informed  Branciforte  at  the  beginning  of 
1797.  Borica,  however,  found  some  comfort  in  the 
thought  that  the  foes  from  whom  attack  might  be 
feared  were  probably  ignorant  how  weak  the  fortifi- 
cations really  were.80 

29  July  8,  1793,  the  presidios  had  161  muskets,  59  pistols,  177  swords,  223 
lances.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  150-3.    July  10th,  received  from  San  Bias 
158  muskets,  142  swords,   96  lances— value  $2,650.  Id.,  xxi.  194;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxv.  1.     Sept.  15,  1795,  170  cwt.  powder  sent.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  81.     Dec.  1796,  Feb.  1797,  200  muskets,  200  pistols,  200 
cartridges,  200  musket-cases,  16,000  flints.  Prov.  /?ec.,MS.,  viii.  170,  173;  iv. 
157;  vi.  58;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  223;  xvi.  240;  xvii.  146;  xxi.' 253. 

30  Ctfrdoba,  Informe  al  Vlrey  solre  dcfensas  de  California,  1796,  MS.     Dec. 
27,  1796,  viceroy  to  gov.  has  received  Cordoba's  plans  of  San  Francisco,  Mon- 
terey, and  Santa  Cruz,  has  ordered  the  fitting-out  of  two  cruisers,  and  has 
taken  measures  for  the  proper  strengthening  of  San  Francisco.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  vii.  32-5.     Jan.  20,   1797,  Borica  to  V.   R.  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.  vi.  78. 
Cordoba's  first  report  was  sent  to  Mexico  by  Borica  with  his  communication 
of  Sept.  21st,  enclosing  five  plans  and  approving  Cordoba's  suggestions.  St. 
Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  iv.  56-7.  Borica's  instructions  to  Cordoba  for  his  southern  trip, 
Oct.  8,  1796.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  246-7.     He  was  to  gather  material  for 


542  RULE  OF  BORICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

The  transport  San  Carlos,  Captain  Saavedra,  arrived 
at  San  Francisco  March  11,1797,  and  probably  brought 
the  news  of  actual  war  with  England,  though  the 
communication  of  the  viceroy  does  not  appear  in  the 
archives  ;31  for  the  1 3th  of  March  despatches  began  to 
circulate  throughout  the  province,  ordering  the  seiz- 
ing of  English  vessels,  instructing  commandants  to 
redouble  their  precautions,  and  calling  upon  friars  to 
give  not  only  prayers  but  Indians  if  needed.  On  the 
first  alarm  of  invasion  notice  was  to  be  sent  to  Mon- 
terey, the  military  forces  were  to  concentrate  at  the 
threatened  point,  and  live-stock  was  to  be  driven 
inland.  Men  were  drilled  in  the  use  of  arms;  messen- 
gers were  kept  in  constant  motion;  Indians  were 
harangued  on  the  horrors  of  an  English  invasion; 
sentinels  were  posted  wherever  an  anchorage  or  land- 
ing was  deemed  possible;  able-bodied  men  were 
gathered  at  the  presidios,  while  the  disabled  ones 
were  detailed  to  protect  women  and  children ;  and 
strict  economy  was  practised,  since  a  non-arrival  of 
the  supply-ship  was  feared.  This  state  of  things 
lasted  several  months,  but  the  popular  excitement 
was  considerably  allayed  by  the  arrival  of  the  Con- 
cepcion  and  Princesa  in  April  and  May,  and  by  the 
delay  of  the  English  invasion,  nothing  more  alarming 
having  occurred  in  the  mean  time  than  the  rumored 
finding  of  some  bodies  of  white  men  in  the  surf  at 
Point  Reyes.32 

a  general  map  of  California.     Dec.  llth,  C6rdoba  arrived  in  San  Diego.  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  vii.  53. 

31  Arrival  of  San  Carlos,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  249;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  x*d.  62.     There  is  a  letter  of  the  viceroy  to  Borica  dated 
Jan.  25th,  in  which  he  alludes  to  some  vague  rumors  of  trouble  v/ith  England, 
and  recommends  precautions.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  218-19. 

32  March  13th,  Borica  to  Lasuen,'  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  183.  Borica  to  com- 
mandants. Id. ,  iv.  155.    March  13th  to  14th,  Lasuen  to  padres  ordering  prayers, 
litany  on  Saturdays,  mass  once  a  month,  and  exhortations  such  as  Maccabeus 
gave  during  the  campaign  against  Nicanor.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  141-4; 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  83-4.     March  17th,  Borica  to  commandants.  Prov. 
Rcc.,  MS.,  iv.  155-6.     March  19th,  24th,  Sal  to  B.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi. 
220-22.    March  22d,  B.  to  commandant  S.  F.     Cautious  with  strange  vessels, 
war-ships  to  be  menaced.  Prov.  7?ec.,  MS.  v.  82-3.     March  28th,  April  10th, 
2d,  Goycoechea  to  B.y  Santa  Barbara  defences  in  a  very  bad  state  to  resist 
attack.     Is  suspicious  of  the  Indians  to  whom  the  British  have  given  beads. 


ALARMING  RUMORS.  643 

During  the  months  of  July,  August,  and  Septem- 
ber all  seems  to  have  been  quiet,33  but  in  the  middle 
of  October  there  came  a  report  from  the  peninsular 
mission  of  San  Miguel  that  five,  ten,  or  even  sixteen 
vessels  had  been  seen  making  for  the  north.  The 
falsity  of  the  report  was  ascertained  before  a  week 
had  passed,  but  not  before  it  had  been  published  with 
all  the  precautionary  orders  of  old  throughout  the 
province,  and  had  been  sent  to  Mexico.34  This  emer- 
gency elicited  from  Governor  Borica  peremptory  in- 
structions which  went  all  the  rounds,  to  the  effect 
that  in  case  he  were  taken  prisoner  by  the  English 
no  attention  was  to  be  paid  to  any  orders  purporting 
to  come  from  him,  whatever  their  nature;  but  the 
commandants  were  to  go  on  in  defence  of  California 
as  their  duty  and  circumstances  might  dictate.35  A 

Families  to  be  gradually  removed  to  Angeles.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  40, 
43-5,  188-9.  March  31st,  Sal  to  B.,  all  care  taken.  Provisions  to  be 
destroyed  and  not  allowed  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  foe.  Id.,  xvi.  220. 
March  31st,  April  Gth,  May  llth,  Grajera  to  B.,  a  sentinel  on  the  beach  at 
San  Juan  Capistrano,  Invalids  of  Angeles,  San  Gabriel,  and  Nietos  rancho 
ready.  If  the  Presidio  has  to  be  abandoned,  shall  it  be  destroyed  or  not? 
Id.,  xvi.  267-9,  211-12.  April  5th,  Fidalgo  toB.  from  San  Bias.  The  Con- 
ception, Captain  Manrique,  and  the  Princa-a,  Captain  Caamauo,  will  protect 
the  California  coast.  Id.,\vii.  147.  April  24th,  B.  to  Goycoechea,  Target- 
shooting  every  Sunday.  Indians  must  be  imbued  with  anti-English  senti- 
ments, taught  that  the  foe  are  hostile  to  religion,  violators  of  women.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  88.  April  23th,  B.  to  commandants,  economize,  for  the 
supplies  of  1798  cannot  come.  Id.,  iv.  158.  April  30th,  Alberni  to  B., 
Indians  refuse  to  go  to  Bodega  from  fear.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  152. 
May  25th,  Princesa  at  Sta  Barbara  with  supplies.  Will  remain  as  a  coast- 
guard. Id.,  xxi.  261-2.  June  8th,  B.  to  commandants.  If  Presidio  is  aban- 
doned, guns  to  be  spiked  and  powder  burned.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  254-5. 
Finding  of  bodies  at  Pt  Reyes  in  April.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  116. 
Two  years  later  it  was  learned  that  San  Diego  Bay  had  been  surveyed  by  the 
English  in  1797  on  a  moonlight  night.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
xiii.  20. 

33  Oct.  1st,  Vallejo,  writing  from  San  Jose",  mentions  the  arrival  of  an 
English  ship  at  Santa  Cruz,  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  xv.  155,  but  nothing  more 
is  heard  of  the  matter. 

34 Oct.  15th,  Grajera  to  Borica.  Oct.  20th,  contradiction.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  190-1.  Oct.  19th,  B.  to  all,  Spread  the  news  in  all  directions  d 
mata-caballo.  Vigilancia!!  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  160;  v.  259.  Dec.  3d,  4th, 
viceroy  to  B.  He  doubts  the  accuracy  of  the  report,  since  the  Conception 
and  Princesa  came  down  the  coast  without  seeing  any  vessels.  Prov.  St.  £ap., 
MS.,  xv.  273-5. 

a5Oct.  20th,  Borica  to  commandants.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  161.  Oct.  22d, 
Alberni  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose.  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  28.  Nov.  3d, 
Goycoechea  to  B.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  100.  Nov.  9th,  Grajera  to  B. 
Id.,  xvi.  195-6. 


544  RULE  OF  BORICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

large  war-ship  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  on  Dec.  17th, 
but  she  proved  to  be  the  Spanish  Magallanes,  Cap- 
tain Espinosa,  from  Manila,  and  had  come  to  protect 
rather  than  to  invade  the  country.  Finding  no  foes 
in  California  waters,  she  sailed  for  the  south,  as  the 
Conception  and  Princesa  had  done  a  little  earlier.36 

The  only  subsequent  events  of  the  war,  so  far  as 
California  was  concerned,  were  the  contribution  for 
the  relief  of  his  Majesty's  exchequer,  called  for  by 
Viceroy  Azanza  through  bishop  and  governor  in  the 
fall  of  1798  and  paid  in  the  summer  of  1799,37  and  a 
new  fright,  also  in  1799,  resulting  in  the  usual  precau- 
tionary orders,  and  caused  by  the  report  of  from  fifteen 
to  nineteen  English  frigates  in  and  about  the  gulf  of 
California.38 

36  Of  the  San  Carlos  we  know  nothing  beyond  her  arrival  on  March  llth 
at  San  Francisco.     The  Conception  left  San  Bias  in  March  with  §1,088  of 
provisions;  she  brought  also  9  settlers,  2  smiths,  4  soldiers,  and  11  padres, 
having  on  board  Alfdrez  LIT j an  and  Lieut.  Suarez;   arrived  at  San  Francisco 
April  14th;  was  at  Monterey  June  28th;  left  Monterey  Sept.  4th;  left  San 
Diego  Nov.   8th;  arrived  S.  Bias  Nov.  22d.     The  Princesa  arrived  at  Sta 
Barbara  May  27th  witli  1GO  men,  many  sick  with  scurvy;  was  at  San  Diego 
from  June  to  October;  and  sailed  with  the  Conception.     The  Macjal'anes  re- 
mained only  a  few  days  at  Sta  Barbara  and  sailed  for  Acapulco.    The  only 
other  vessel  of  the  year  was  the  Activo,  Captain  Salazar,  from  Manila,  which 
arrived  at  Monterey  Sept.  27th,  and  sailed  Oct.  7th.     The  vessels  of  1798 
were  the  Conception,  Caamafio,  and  the  Activo,  Leon  y  Luna.     The  former 
arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  in  May  with  8  padres  and  24  convicts,  and  left 
Monterey  in  June.     The  latter  arrived  at  San  Francisco  in  June.     On  move- 
ments of  vessels :  Pro-o.  /tec.,  MS.,iv.  90-1,  94,  105,  157,  1G2;  vi.  52,  54,  56, 
76,  87,  92-4,  104,  256;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  76;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv. 
52,  68,  113-14;  xvi.  54,  62,  175,  192,  197;  xvii.  1;  xxi.  249,  253-5,  281. 

37  Oct.  20,  1798,  viceroy  to  gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS;,  xvii.  82.    Nov.  13th, 
bishop  to  padres,  and  Lasuen's  refusal.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  67-72; 
xii.  235-7;  vi.  296-7.     Jan.  31st,  Borica  to  V.  R.,  sends  §1,000  as  a  personal 
contribution.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  118.    Same  date  to  commandants.  Id.,  iv. 
170.     June  26,  account  of  results.     Settlers  and  Indians  of  the  missions  (per- 
haps an  error  for  Monterey  including  Borica's  amount?)  §1,853;  San  Fran- 
cisco, §242;  Angeles,  §175;  Santa  Barbara,  §375;  San  Diego,  §519;  Catalan 
volunteers,  §257;   artillery,  §39;   total,  §3,460.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil, 
MS.,  xxvii.  7.     Another  account  makes  §1,853  the  total.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS., 
vi.  128. 

38  July  4,  1798,  Borica  to  commandants,  19  frigates  in  the  Pacific.  Prov. 
fiec.,  MS.,  iv.    172.     July  12th,  15th,  Sal  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose,  for- 
warding orders  and  1,000  cartridges.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS. ,  vi.  48-9.    July  19th, 
B.  to  commandant  Sta  Barbara,  a  place  to  be  prepai'ed  at  San  Fernando  for 
archives,  reserve  arms,  and  church  vessels.  Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  iv.  112.    Aug. 
3d,  V.  R.  to  B.,  the  Manila  galleons  must  remain  at  Monterey  until  the  way 
is  cleared  of  privateers.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  237.     Governor's  orders 
in  accordance.  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  iv.  176;  vi.  131.     Sex>t.  18th,  two  Spanish 
vessels  reported  as  captured,  not  in  Cal.  Id.,  iv.  173. 


AMERICAN  SAILORS.  545 

From  1797  to  1800  the  military  force  and  distribu- 
tion remained  practically  the  same  as  in  1796  after 
the  arrival  of  the  Catalan  volunteers  and  the  artil- 
lery. In  April  1797  Borica  asked  for  twenty-five 
recruits  per  year  to  fill  vacancies  and  for  an  increase 
of  thirty  infantry  and  fifty  cavalry,  besides  three  war- 
vessels.  At  the  beginning  of  1799  the  total  expense 
of  the  military  establishment  as  given  by  the  gov- 
ernor, was  §73,889  per  year.  In  March  Borica  urged 
an  increase  of  $18,624  in  the  annual' expense,  by  the 
addition  of  three  captains  and  an  adjutant  inspector, 
and  the  substitution  of  one  hundred  and  five  cavalry 
for  the  Catalan  volunteers.  Nothing  was  accomplished, 
however,  in  these  directions  until  after  1800.39  In  the 
mean  time  some  slight  progress  was  made  on  local 
fortifications,  and  the  engineer  Cordoba,  having  com- 
pleted his  surveys  and  made  a  general  map  of  Cali- 
fornia, had  returned  to  Mexico  in  the  autumn  of 
1798.40 

At  the  end  of  1798  four  sailors  who  had  been  left 
in  Baja  California  by  the  American  vessel  Gallant 
were  brought  up  to  San  Diego  and  set  to  work  while 
awaiting  a  vessel  to  take  them  to  San  Bias.41  In  May 
1799  James  Rowan  in  the  Eliza,  an  American  ship, 
anchored  at  San  Francisco  and  obtained  supplies  un- 

r  a  promise  not  to  touch  at  any  other  port  in  the 
vince.42  In  August  1800  the  American  ship  Betsy, 


39  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  86-8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  180,  188-9. 

40  Oct.  17,  1705,  viceroy  to  Borica,  speaks  of  Cordoba's  appointment.    He 
able,  well  behaved,  and  energetic.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  46.     Jan. 

1797,  Cordoba  at  work  on  a  map  of  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  78.  Nov. 
20,  1707,  Borica  forwards  the  map  to  the  viceroy;  received  in  March  (or 
Nov.)  1798.  Id.,  vi.  62;  viii.  189;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  3.  Nov.  27, 

1797,  Cordoba  ordered  by  V.  R.  to  return  to  Mexico.     He  sailed  in  October 

1798.  Id.,  xv.  272-3;  xxi.  286. 

41  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  283,  285;  vi.  Ill;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  197-202. 
They  were  examined  carefully  but  no  information  of  importance  was  elicited. 
Wm.  Katt,  Barnaby  Jan,  and  John  Stephens  were  natives  of  Boston  '  in  the 
American  colonies.'     Gabriel  Boisse  was  a  Frenchman. 

42  May  27,  1799,  Rowan  to  commandant.    Gives  the  promise  required;  will 
pay  cash;  would  sail  to-day  if  it  were  less  foggy.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii. 
206-8.     June  3d,  Borica  to  viceroy.     The  Eliza  had  12  guns;  gave  a  draft  on 
Boston  for  $24.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  125-6.    Aug.  3d,  V.  E,  to  B.,  Approves 
his  course;  names  John  Kendrick  as  supercargo,  and  says  he  wished  to  winter 
at  Monterey. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    35 


546  RULE  OF  BORICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

Captain  Charles  Winship,  obtained  wood  and  water 
at  San  Diego.43  In  October  there  anchored  a  large 
vessel,  of  suspiciously  English  appearance  and  carry- 
ing twenty-six  guns,  off  the  mouth  of  the  Rio  San 
Antonio  in  Monterey  Bay;  but  she  sailed  without 
committing  hostilities.44 

In  the  spring  of  1800  there  had  come  news  of  war 
between  Spain  arid  Russia.  This  brought  out  the 
usual  orders  for  precautionary  measures  and  non-inter- 
course, but  it  failed  to  arouse  even  a  ripple  of  excite- 
ment. An  invasion  from  Kamchatka  seems  to  have 
had  no  terrors  for  the  Californians  after  their  success 
in  escaping  from  the  fleets  of  Great  Britain.45 

Precautions  taken  to  guard  against  invasion  by  a 
foreign  foe  having  thus  been  narrated,  it  is  necessary 
to  give  some  attention  to  the  dangers  that  threatened 
from  within  at  the  hands  of  the  natives.  Although 
this  subject  of  Indian  affairs,  in  this  as  in  most  other 
periods  of  California  history,  is  prominent  in  the 
archives,  I  do  not  deem  it  necessary  to  devote  much 
space  to  it  here.  The  Spaniards,  few  in  number 
and  surrounded  by  savages  of  whose  numbers  and 
disposition  little  was  known,  were  peculiarly  situated. 

*Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  132;  xii.  6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  44;  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  12,  13.  She  arrived  on  the 25th  and  sailed  Sept.  4th;  she  had  19 
men  and  10  guns;  she  asked  aid  later  at  San  Bias,  but  was  frightened  away 
by  the  approach  of  Spanish  vessels,  leaving  her  supplies,  papers,  captain,  su- 
percargo, and  some  sailors. 

44 Nov.  30,  1800,  governor  to  commandant.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  xi.  146-7. 
Gov.  to  viceroy.  Prov.  St.  Pap,,  MS.,  xviii.  67.  Dec.  18th,  V.  R's  orders  to 
look  out  for  returning  whalers.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  50.  The  Conception 
brought  the  memorius  with  nine  padres  to  San  Francisco  in  May  1799,  being 
kept  in  quarantine  13  days,  and  not  leaving  California  until  January  1800. 
Coming  back  she  arrived  at  Monterey  in  August  1800  with  supplies,  padres, 
and  children,  convoyed  by  the  armed  Princesa,  Capt.  Vivero.  They  were 
at  Santa  Barbara  in  September,  and  left  San  Diego  in  November.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  9,  69;  xxi.  30,  43-4,  48,  54;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  12;  xi.  84, 
144;'*%.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.  20;  vii.  76-7. 

45  Dec.  21,  1799,  viceroy  to  Borica.  Newspapers  announce  war.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  54.  Feb.  8,  1800,  B.  to  commandants.  War  not  certain; 
but  the  province  must  be  ready  for  an  invasion  from  Kamchatka.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  23;  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  x.  5.  March  31st,  declaration 
of  war  known  at  Monterey.  Intercourse  with  Russia  forbidden.  Id.,  ix.  2,  7. 
Oct.  9,  1802,  mass  ordered  for  peace.  St.  Pap.}  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  1. 


i 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  547 

They  fully  realized  the  dangers  to  which  they  would 
be  exposed  in  case  of  a  general  uprising  among  the 
natives;  and  the  consequence  was  that  any  unusual 
action  on  the  part  of  the  aborigines,  the  rumor  of 
impending  hostilities,  gave  birth  to  long  investiga- 
tions and  a  mass  of  correspondence  out  of  proportion 
to  the  cause.  Nine  tenths  of  the  rumors  investigated 
proved  to  be  groundless,  and  the  few  that  had  real 
foundation  rested  for  the  most  part  on  petty  events 
of  no  interest  save  in  the  mission  or  pueblo  where 
they  happened.  Therefore  I  shall  have  something  to 
say  of  these  matters  in  connection  with  local  annals, 
but  in  this  chapter  shall  enter  but  slightly  into  the 
details  either  of  events  or  correspondence. 

In  September  1794  fifteen  or  twenty  neophytes  of 
San  Luis  Obispo  and.  Purisima  were  arrested  with 
some  gentiles  for  making  threats  and  inciting  revolt 
at  San  Luis.  Five  of  the  culprits  were  condemned 
to  presidio  work.  Throughout  the  year  there  was 
some  apprehension  of  trouble  at  San  Jose  and  Santa 
Clara,  caused  mainly  by  the  natives  suddenly  leaving 
certain  rancherias.  Lieutenant  Sal  went  in  person  to 
make  investigations,  and  the  natives  disclaimed  any 
idea  of  revolt,  but  Father  Fernandez  was  admonished 
to  be  somewhat  less  zealous,  not  to  say  cruel,  in  his 
treatment  of  the  natives.46 

In  March  1795  a  party  of  neophytes  were  sent 
from  San  Francisco  across  the  bay  northerly  in  search 
of  fugitive  Christians.  After  marching  two  nights 
and  a  day  in  that  direction  they  were  attacked  by 
the  gentiles  and  eight  or  ten  slain.  The  friars  were 
blamed  for  having  sent  out  the  party,  and  the  gov- 
ernor deemed  it  unwise  to  avenge  the  loss  and  make 
enemies  of  these  warlike  and  hitherto  friendly  tribes. 
In  the  south  Alferez  Grijalva  had  some  trouble  with 
the  natives  on  the  frontier  between  San  Diego  and 
San  Miguel.  This  was  in  June  and  one  or  two  sav- 
ages lost  their  lives.  Near  Santa  Barbara  there  was 

*6Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  33,  49-53,  100-4,  124-32,  194. 


548  RULE  OF  BORICA— FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

a  fight  in  October  between  pagans  and  neophytes  in 
which  lives  were  lost  on  both  sides.47 

In  June  1797  thirty  neophytes  were  sent  across  the 
bay  from  San  Francisco,  in  a  direction  not  clearly 
indicated,  in  search  of  fugitives,  and  they  were  rather 
roughly  treated  by  a  tribe  of  Cuchillones  though  none 
were  killed.  This  affair  caused  a  long  correspondence 
and  finally  brought  positive  orders  from  the  viceroy 
forbidding  the  friars  to  send  out  such  parties.  In  July 
after  many  preliminaries  Sergeant  Amador  made  an 
expedition  against  both  the  Cuchillones  and  the  Saca- 
lanes,  who  had  committed  the  outrage  of  1795.  He 
brought  in  nine  of  the  gentile  culprits  and  eighty- 
three  fugitive  Christians.  The  savages  are  said  to 
have  dug  pits  which  prevented  the  use  of  horses,  and 
obliged  Amador  to  fight  on  foot  hand  to  hand,  seven 
or  eight  of  them  being  killed.  At  San  Luis  Obispo 
a  neophyte  was  murdered  by  a  gentile  and  there  was 
a  temporary  excitement  and  fear  that  the  mission 
would  be  attacked.  Depredations  continued  on  the 
southern  frontier  and  San  Diego  as  usual  was  deemed 
in  danger.48 

In  1798  the  savages  are  said  to  have  surrounded 
San  Juan  Bautista  by  night,  but  they  retired  after 
killing  eight  Indians  of  an  adjoining  rancheria.  In 
the  resulting  expedition  to  the  sierra  under  Sergeant 
Macario  Castro,  one  chief  was  killed,  four  captives 
were  taken,  arid  a  soldier  was  badly  wounded.  There 
was  a  false  alarm  of  impending  attack  on  San  Miguel, 
San  Luis,  and  Purisima  by  the  Tulare  and  channel 
Indians.  Around  San  Francisco  Bay  and  especially 
at. San  Jose  Mission  there  were  constant  rumors  of 
preparations  for  hostilities  that  never  occurred.49 

47  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  227-8;  iv.  35-6;  vi.  48-50,  56,  146;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xiii.  82,  177-8,  215-16,  241-2,  275-6;  xvi.  71.  According  to  Ca//<-ja, 
Re&pueyta,  MS.,  12,  the  ranches  of  four  men  in  the  Monterey  district  were 
destroyed  by  Indians  this  year. 

48 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  19-27,  122-5,  173-8,  282-3;  xvi.  70-3,  90,  239, 
249;  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  iv.  88;  v.  206-7,  267. 

49 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  285;  v.  210;  vi.  106-7,  100;  ix.  9;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.  97,  100,  106-7. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  549 

The  only  recorded  event  of  1799  was  an  expedition 
of  Macario  Castro  in  June  to  the  various  rancherias 
of  the  Monterey  district.  His  object  was  to  collect 
fugitives  from  San  Carlos,  Soledad,  and  San  Juan 
Bautista,  and  also  to  warn  the  gentiles  against  har- 
boring runaways.  Fortified  by  long  and  explicit 
instructions  from  Borica,  and  accompanied  by  thirteen 
soldiers  and  as  many  natives,  Castro  was  successful. 
In  May  1800  Pedro  Amador  made  a  raid  from  Santa 
Clara  into  the  hills.  He  killed  a  chief,  broke  many 
weapons,  and  took  a  few  captives  and  runaways.  The 
natives  again  committed  some  depredations  at  San 
Juan  Bautista,  and  in  July  Sergeant  Moraga,  march- 
ing against  them,  captured  fourteen.50  From  the  pre- 
ceding paragraphs  it  appears  that  Borica's  rule  was  a 
period  of  peace  so  far  as  Indian  hostilities  against  the 
Spaniards  are  concerned.  Naturally  there  were  con- 
flicts between  neophytes  and  pagans,  especially  when 
bands  of  the  former  were  sent  out  by  the  friars  to 
scour  the  country  for  fugitives,  and  here  and  there  a 
theft  or  other  petty  depredation  was  committed;  but 
the  natives  were  not  yet  hostile,  though  they  resisted 
the  soldiers  on  several  occasions  in  the  hills,  and 
showed  that  in  case  of  a  general  war  they  might 
prove  formidable. 

50Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  325-30;  xviii.  33;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxviii 
10-12;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  9,  10;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  .MS.,  viii.  70-1. 


CHAPTER    XXVI. 

RULE   OF  BORICA— EXPLORATIONS  AND   NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

1794-1800. 

SEARCH  FOR  MISSION  SITES — EXPLORATION  or  THE  ALAMEDA — SAN  BENITO— 
LAS  POZAS— ENCINO — PALE — LASUEN'S  REPORT— FOUNDATION  or  MIS- 
SION SAN  JOSE  AT  THE  ALAMEDA — LOCAL  ANNALS  TO  1800 — MISSION  SAN 
JUAN  BAUTISTA  AT  POPELOUTCHOM — EARTHQUAKE — MISSION  SAN  MIGUEL 
AT  VAHIA— PADRE  ANTONIO  DE  LA  CONCEPCION  HORRA— MISSION  SAN 
FERNANDO  ON  REYES'  RANCHO,  OR  ACHOIS  COMIHAVIT — MISSION  SAN 
Luis  RE-Y  AT  TACAYME — A  NEW  PUEBLO — PRELIMINARY  CORRESPOND- 
ENCE— SEARCH  FOR  A  SITE— REPORTS  OF  ALBERNI  AND  C6RDOBA— SAN 
FRANCISCO  AND  ALAMEDA  REJECTED  IN  FAVOR  OF  SANTA  CRUZ — AR- 
RIVAL OF  COLONISTS— FOUNDING  OF  THE  VILLA  DE  BRANCIFORTE— PRO- 
TEST OF  THE  FRANCISCANS — PLAN  TO  OPEN  COMMUNICATION  WITH  NEW 
MEXICO — COLORADO  ROUTE  TO  SONORA. 

IT  had  long  been  the  intention  to  found  a  series 
of  new  missions,  each  equidistant  from  two  of  the  old 
ones,  or  as  nearly  so  as  practicable,  and  all  somewhat 
farther  inland  than  the  original  line.  The  friars  of 
course  were  familiar  with  the  general  features  of  the 
country,  and  had  made  up  their  minds  long  ago  about 
the  best  sites.  In  1794—5,  however,  explorations  were 
made  by  the  priests,  assisted  in  each  instance  by  a 
military  officer  and  guard  of  soldiers.  In  some  cases 
this  was  a  real  search  for  new  information ;  in  others  it 
was  a  formality,  that  the  choice  of  sites  might  be  offi- 
cially confirmed.  This  matter  settled,  the  necessary 
correspondence  between  governor,  president,  viceroy, 
and  guardian  took  place  in  1795-6,  and  in  1797-8  the 
new  missions,  five  in  number,  were  put  in  operation. 

In  1794  the  eastern  shores  of  San  Francisco  Bay 
were  almost  a  tierra  incdgnita  to  the  Spaniards.  It 

(550) 


THE  ALAMEDA  SHORE.  551 

would  perhaps  be  too  much  to  say  that  those  shores 
had  not  been  visited  for  nearly  twenty  years,  since 
the  time  of  Ariza;  but  there  is  no  record  of  any  pre- 
vious raid  against  the  gentiles  in  that  region,  much 
less  of  any  exploring  expedition.  In  November  of 
this  year,  four  natives  were  sent  across  to  work  with 
the  pagans,  but  one  of  the  two  tule-rafts  composing 
this  armada  was.  swept  out  and  wrecked  on  the  Fara- 
llones,  where  two  of  the  navigators  were  drowned.  In 
the  same  month  the  friars  wished  to  go  with  a  small 
guard  up  the  eastern  bay-shore  from  Santa  Clara  to 
conquer  the  gentiles,  taking  advantage  of  their  short 
supply  of  food  resulting  from  drought,  but  the  com- 
mandant at  San  Francisco  refused,  because  the  coun- 
try was  "almost  unknown,"  the  natives  perverse,  and 
the  adventure  too  hazardous.1  Before  June  Sergeant 
Pedro  Amador  visited  the  southern  part  of  this  ter- 
ritory, and  in  his  report  used  the  name  of  Alameda, 
still  applied  to  county  and  creek.2  November  15,  1795, 
in  accordance  with  Borica's  orders  of  the  9th,  Al- 
ferez  Sal  and  Father  Danti  set  out  from  Monterey. 
On  the  16th  they  explored  the  San  Benito  region,  on 
the  stream  of  the  same  name,  where  they  found  all 
that  was  required  for  a  mission;  and  next  day  they 
found  another  suitable  location  on  the  edge  of  the 
San  Bernardino  plain  near  Las  Llagas  Creek,  or  what 
is  now  the  vicinity  of  Gilroy.  Having  arrived  at 
Santa  Clara  on  the  21st,  they  were  joined  by  Alferez 
Raimundo  Carrillo,  and  started  next  day  to  examine 
the  Alameda  previously  explored  by  Amador,  whose 
diary  they  had.  The  river  of  the  Alameda  was  also 
called  by  Danti  Rio  de  San  Clemente.  The  explorers 
continued  their  journey  up  to  a  point  which  they  state 
to  have  been  opposite  or  in  sight  of  San  Francisco 


.  30,  1794,  Sal  to  Governor,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  28-9. 
2  Amador  's  report  is  not  extant,  but  the  governor's  acknowledgment  of  its 
receipt  is  dated  June  2,  1795.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  54.  I  suppose  lie  applied 
the  name,  or  it  had  been  applied  before,  to  a  grove  on  the  stream,  since  it  is 
so  applied  a  little  later.  Alameda  was  subsequently  used  for  the  southern 
section  as  was  Contra  Costa  for  the  northern,  though  much  less  commonly. 


552  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

Mission  and  Yerba  Buena  Island,  nearly  or  quite  to 
the  site  of  the  modern  Oakland  perhaps,  and  then 
turned  backward,  discovering  some  important  salt- 
marshes,  and  finally  erected  a  cross  at  a  spot  some- 
what south  of  the  Alameda  and  called  San  Francisco 
Solano,  arriving  at  Santa  Clara,  well  soaked  with  the 
rain,  on  the  25th  of  November.  Both  commandant 
and  friar  kept  a  journal  of  this  expedition.  The  docu- 
ments still  exist  and  contain  many  interesting  local 
details,  but  are  somewhat  vaguely  written.  At  all 
events  I  have  no  space  for  their  reproduction,  and  the 
still  longer  explanation  that  would  be  required.3 

In  August  1795  Father  Sitjar  of  San  Antonio  made 
an  examination  of  the  country  between  his  mission 
and  San  Luis  Obispo,  finding  no  better  place  for  a  mis- 
sion than  Las  Pozas,  where  farming-ground  for  three 
hundred  fanegas  of  seed  might  be  irrigated  from  the 
arroyos  of  Santa  Isabel  and  San  Marcos.  He  was 
accompanied  on  his  trip  by  Macario  Castro  and  Ig- 
nacio  Vallejo.4 

3  Sal,  In  forme  que  hace  de  losParages  que  se  han  reconocidoen  la  Alameda, 
1795,  MS.  Dated  San  Francisco,  Nov.  30th.  Left  San  Francisco,  Oct.  16th. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  60-1.  Danti,  Diario  de  un  Reconotimicnto  de  la  Ala- 
meda, 1795,  MS.  Dated  San  Francisco,  Dec.  2,  1795.  It  may  be  noted 
that  Macario  Castro,  of  San  Jos6,  had  a  herd  of  mares  at  this  time  in  the  Ala- 
meda. Also  that  one  of  the  northern  streams  visited  was  called  San  Juan  de 
la  Cruz.  Sal,  Informe  en  el  cual  manifiexta  lo  que  ha  adquirido  de  varios  sttc/etos 
para  comunicario  al  gobernador,  81  de  Enero  1796,  MS.,  contains  the  follow- 
ing geographical  information  about  the  great  interior  valley— unintelligible  for 
the  most  part:  About  15  leagues  north  from  Santa  Clara  is  the  Rio  del  Pes- 
cadero  where  salmon  are  caught.  A  quarter  of  a  league  further  the  Rip  Sun 
Francisco  Javier  still  larger.  Two  leagues  beyond,  the  Rio  San  Miguel, 
larger  than  either.  These  three  have  no  trees  where  they  cross  the  tulan  s 
valley.  Five  leagues  farther  is  the  Rio  de  la  Pasion.  Letween  the  last  two 
is  an  enclnal  in  that  part  of  the  Sierra  Madre  which  stretches  north  and  is 
called  the  Sierra  Nevada.  Keeping  in  the  encinal  and  leaving  the  titlarks 
to  the  left  there  is  a  region  of  fresh-water  lakes.  The  four  rivers  run  from 
east  to  west  and  empty  into  the  ensenada  of  the  port  of  San  Francisco,  tide- 
water running  far  up.  The  Sierra  Madre  is  about  eight  leagues  from  Rio  de 
la  Pasion.  Before  coming  to  the  rivers,  on  the  right  is  the  Sierra  of  San  Juan, 
a  short  distance  from  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  in  sight  from  the  presidio.  The 
four  rivers  were  named  by  Captain  Rivera  in  December  1776. 

An  Indian  said  his  people  traded  with  a  nation  of  black  Indians  who  had 
padres.  Another  spoke  of  the  Julpones,  Quinenseat,  Taunantoe,  and  Quisitoe 
nations,  the  last  bald  from  bathing  in  boiling  lakes.  An  Indian  woman  said 
that  five  days  beyond  the  rivers  there  were  soldiers  and  padres.  Lovers  of 
mystery  will  find  food  for  reflection  and  theory  in  the  preceding  remarks. 

4 SI' jar,  Iteconocimiento  de Sitiopa ra  la  Nuf-va  Mision  de  San  Miguel,  1 795,  MS. 
DatedAug. 27th, andaddressed toLasuen.  See d&oSt.Pap., J/^s.,MS., ii. 56-7. 


NEW  SITES  IN  THE  SOUTH.  553 

The  region  between  San  Buenaventura  and  San 
Gabriel  was  explored  in  August  1795,  in  accordance 
with  the  governor's  instructions  of  July  23d,  by 
Father  Santa  Maria,  Alferez  Cota,  and  Sergeant 
Ortega  with  four  men.  The  Encino  Valley,  where 
Francisco  Reyes  had  a  rancho,  was  the  spot  best 
suited  for  a  mission  among  the  many  visited,  but  the 
gentiles  being  attached  to  the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles 
or  to  the  private  ranches,  showed  no  desire  for  mis- 
sionaries.5 In  the  preceding  June  Sergeant  Ortega 
had  explored  the  country  northward  from  Santa 
Barbara  and  found  a  fertile  valley  on  the  Rio  Santa 
Rosa,  probably  near  where  Santa  Ines  was  founded 
in  later  years.6  In  the  southern  district  Father 
Mariner  with  Alferez  Grijalva  and  six  men  started 
from  San  Diego  on  August  17th  to  search  for  a  mis- 
sion site  between  San  Diego  and  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano.  His  report  was  in  favor  of  the  valley  of  San 
Jose,  called  by  the  natives  Tacopin,  a  league  and  a 
half  beyond  Pamo  toward  the  sierra.7 

The  results  of  the  various  explorations  were  summed 
up  by  President  Lasuen  in  a  report  of  January  12, 
179G,  which  was  incorporated  by  Governor  Borica  in 
a  report  to  the  viceroy  in  February.8  The  sites  ap- 

5  Santa  Maria,  Renistro  que  hizo  de  los  Parages  entre  San  Gabriel  y  San 
Buenaventura,  1795,  MS.     Dated  Feb.  3,   1796.     The  padre  visited  in  this 
tour  Caycgues  rancheria,  Simi  Valley,  Triunfo,  Calabazas,   Encino  Valley 
with  rancherias  of  Quapa,  Tacuenga,  Tuyunga,  and  Mapipinga,  La  Zaiija, 
head  of  Eio  Santa  Clara,  and   Mufin  rancheria.     The   document  is  badly 
written,  and  also  I  suspect  badly  copied,  and  the  names  may  be  inaccurate. 
In  some  spots  the  pagans  cultivated  the  land  on  their  own  account.    Corporal 
Verdngo  owned  La  Zanja  rancho.    Governor's  order  of  July  23d,  in  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  19.     In  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  55-6,  it  is  stated  that  Santa  Maria 
made  an  unsuccessful  survey. 

6  Ortega,  Diario  que  forma  Felipe  Maria  de  Ortega,  Sargento  de.  la  Com- 
pafiia  de  Santa  Barbara  en  cumplimiento  d  la  comision  que  obtuvo  de  D.  Felipe 
de  Goycoechca  safiendo  con  trr-x  hombrcs  d  reconocer  los  xitios  por  el  rumbo  del 
riorte  en  el  dia  17  d  las  8  de  la  mauana  del  mes  de  Junto,  y  es  eomo  sljne,  1795, 
MS.     The  same  diary  includes  an  examination  of  the  Mojonera  region  on 
June  2Gth  to  28th.    Some  explorations  in  1798  will  be  given  later  in  connection 
with  the  foundation  of  Santa  Lids. 

7 July  23,  1795,  governor's  order.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  229-30.  Aug.  14th 
and  28th,  Sept.  1st  and  9th,  communications  of  Mariner  and  G  raj  era.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  19-20;  St.  Pap.,  Mis*.,  MS.,  53-5. 

8  Lcu> it -.en,  In  ferine  *obre  Sitios  para  Nuevas  Misiones,  1796,  MS.;  Borica, 
Iiiforme  de  Nuevas  Misiones,  26  deFeb.,  1796,  MS. 


554  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

proved  were  San  Francisco  Solano,  seven  or  eight 
leagues  north  of  Santa  Clara;  Las  Pozas,  equidistant 
between  San  Antonio  and  San  Luis  Obispo ;  and  Pale, 
fourteen  leagues  from  San  Diego  and  eighteen  from 
San  Juan.  The  other  two  required  additional  exam- 
ination, since  two  sites  had  been  recommended  be- 
tween San  Cdrlos  and  Santa  Clara,  and  that  between 
San  Buenaventura  and  San  Gabriel  was  not  altogether 
satisfactory.  Borica  hoped  that  by  means  of  the  new 
missions  all  the  gentiles  w^est  of  the  Coast  Hange 
might  be  reduced  and  thus  $15,060,  the  annual  ex- 
pense of  guards,  might  be  saved  to  the  royal  treasury. 
He  did  not  deem  it  safe  to  expose  the  friars  with  a 
small  guard  of  soldiers  east  of  the  mountains.  The 
viceroy  if  he  consents  to  the  foundations  should  send 
friars  and  the  $1,000  allowed  to  each  new  establish- 
ment; but  no  increase  of  military  force  will  be  needed, 
since  the  presence  of  the  volunteers  and  the  artillery- 
men will  release  some  soldiers,  and  the  guards  of  some 
old  missions  may  be  reduced.  The  saving  of  $15,060 
and  the  unusual  circumstance  that?  no  additional  force 
was  needed,  were  strong  arguments  in  Mexico,  and 
on  the  19th  of  August  1796  the  viceroy,  after  con- 
sultation with  the  treasury  officials,  authorized  the 
carrying-out  of  Borica's  plan.9  On  September  29th 
Nogueyra,  the  guardian,  announces  that  he  has  named 
the  ten  friars  required.  He  asks  for  the  usual  allow- 
ances, and  begs  that  a  vessel  may  sail  with  the  mis- 
sionaries as  soon  as  possible,  but  protests  against  any 
reduction  of  the  guards  at  the  old  missions.  Borica 
received  the  viceroy's  orders  before  the  end  of  the 
year,  and  on  May  5,  1797,  Lasuen  announced  that  the 
friars  were  coming  and  all  was  ready.10 

9Brancifortet  Autorizadon  del  Virrey  para  lafundacion  de  cinco  nuevas  mis- 
iones,  1790,  MS.  Sept.  29th,  guardian  consents.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xiv.  128-9. 

10  Dec.  23,  1796,  Borica  to  viceroy,  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  71-2.  May 
5,  1797,  Lasuen  to  B.,  Id.,  vii.  28-31.  Lasuen  says  it  will  be  hard  for  the 
old  missions  to  contribute  for  so  many  new  ones  at  the  same  time;  yet  he  will 
do  his  best.  San  Carlos,  Santa  Clara,  and  San  Francisco  will  be  called  upon 
to  aid  the  two  northern  establishments  and  to  lend  Indians  and  tools.  Live- 
stock must  be  given  outright.  Santa  Cruz  certainly  and  Soledad  probably 
,must  be  excused. 


FOUNDING  OF  MISSION  SAN  JOS&  555 

Preliminaries  being  thus  arranged,  I  come  to  the 
actual  founding  of  the  five  missions,  chronological 
order  in  this  instance  agreeing  with  that  of  localities 
from  north  to  south.  Desiring  to  avoid  any  unneces- 
sary scattering  of  material  I  shall  join  to  the  estab- 
lishing of  each  mission  its  local  annals  to  the  end  of 
the  decade,  as  I  have  done  before  in  the  case  of  new 
establishments. 

Borica  sent  orders  to  the  commandant  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, the  15th  of  May,  to  detail  Corporal  Miranda 
and  five  men  for  the  mission  of  San  Jose  to  be  founded 
at  the  Alameda.  On  June  9th  the  troops  under 
Amador  and  accompanied  by  Lasuen  started  for  the 
spot,  where  next  day  a  temporary  church,  or  enramada, 
was  erected.  The  native  name  of  the  site  was  Oroy- 
som,  and  the  name  of  the  mission,  San  Jose,  in  honor 
of  the  patriarch  husband  of  the  virgin  Mary,  had 
been  included  in  the  orders  from  Mexico.  On  June 
llth,  Trinity  Sunday,  the  regular  ceremonies  of 
foundation — blessing  the  ground,  raising  the  cross, 
litany  of  all  saints,  mass,  sermon,  te  deum,  and  the 
burning  of  one  pound  of  gunpowder — were  performed 
by  or  under  the  superintendence  of  Father  Lasuen, 
the  only  friar  present.  The  same  day  all  returned  to 
Santa  Clara  leaving  the  new  mission  to  solitude  and 
the  gentiles.  Five  days  later  Amador  and  his  men 
came  back  to  cut  timber  and  prepare  the  necessary 
buildings.  By  the  28th  this  work  was  so  far  advanced 
that  the  guard,  as  was  thought,  could  complete  it. 
Water  was  brought  to  the  plaza,  and  the  soldiers,  all 
but  Miranda  and  his  five  men,  retired  to  the  presidio. 
The  same  day  the  ministers,  Isidoro  Barcenilla  and 
Agustin  Merino,  arrived  and  took  charge.11 

11  Amador,  Diario  de  la  Expedition  para  fundar  la  Mision  de  San  Jose, 
1797,  MS.;  Amador,  Preventions  at  Cabode  laescolta  de  San  Jose,  1797,  MS. 
Dated  June  28th,  San  Jose,  Lib.  de  Minion,  MS.,  title-pages.  May  15th, 
governor's  order  to  commandant.  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  v.  107.  June  llth, 
Lasuen  to  gov.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  21-2;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii. 
29-30;  Pro/.'.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  190.  July  2d,  Gov.  to  viceroy.  Id.,  vi.  94.  June 
29th,  Miranda  to  commandant.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  91.  The  Indian 
name  of  the  site  is  also  written  Oroyjon,  Oroyson,  and  Oryson.  Contributions 


556  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

In  July  1797  there  were  rumors  of  impending 
attack  by  the  savages,  and  such  rumors  were  prevalent 
to  the  end  of  the  decade;  but  there  wras  no  disaster, 
and  I  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  speak  further 
of  Indian  troubles  round  San  Francisco  Bay.12  The 
first  baptism  was  administered  September  2d  by  Father 
Catala.  By  the  end  of  1797  there  were  33  converts, 
and  in  1800  the  number  had  increased  to  286,  the 
baptisms  having  been  364  and  the  burials  88.  Mean- 
while the  large  stock  came  to  number  367,  and  there 
were  1,600  sheep  and  goats.  Crops  in  1800  were  about 
1,500  bushels,  chiefly  wheat.  Total  for  the  three  years 
3,900  bushels.  Padre  Barcenilla,  a  man  who,  by  reason 
of  ill-health  as  was  believed,  was  extremely  irascible 
and  always  in  a  quarrel  with  somebody,  particularly 
with  the  corporal/3  remained  at  San  Jose  till  after 
1800.  Merino  was  replaced  in  1799  by  Jose  Antonio 
Uria.  All  three  were  new-comers,  and  none  remained 
long  in  the  country.  A  wooden  structure  with  grass 
roof  served  as  a  church.  Miranda  was  replaced  by 
Luis  Peralta  in  1798. 14 


from  the  three  northern  missions  for  San  Jos6  were  12  mules,  39  horses,  12 
yoke  of  oxen,  242  sheep,  and  60  pigs.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  57. 

12  See  Chapter  xxxi.  of  this  volume.    July  3,  1797,  Corp.  Miranda  to  com- 
mandant, says  that  on  account  of  the  danger,  the  padres  wished  to  abandon 
the  mission,  but  he  has  dissuaded  them.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  90.    Aug. 
17,  1797,  Amador  to  Borica.     Some  gentiles  want  to  come  near  the  mission  to 
live  because  the  Sacalanes  threaten  to  kill  them  for  their  friendship  to  the 
Christians.  Id. ,  xv.  1 73-4.  April  6, 1798,  Argiiello  to  B. ,  Indians  making  arrows 
to  attack  the  mission.  Reinforcements  sent.    The  corporal  has  orders  not  to 
force  Indians  to  come  to  the  mission.  Id.,  xvii.  97.    April  17th,  Amador  says 
20  Indians  consented  to  come  and  be  made  Christians.  Id.,  xvii.  101.    The 
making  of  arrows  seems  to  have  been  for  hunting  purposes.  Id.,  xvii.  100. 
June  6th,  Gov.  to  Corporal  Peralta  ordering  great  caution  and  prudence,  but 
the  Indians  must  be  punished  if  fair  words  have  no  effect.  Id.,  xvii.  1GG-7. 

13  Sept.  27,  1797,  Barcenilla  writes  to  the  commandant  that  the  soldiers 
will  not  lend  a  hand  even  in  cases  where  '  the  most  barbarous  Indian  would  not 
refuse  his  aid.'    Private  Higuera does  nothing  but  wag  his  tongue  against  such 
as  assist  the  padres.    Corp.  Miranda  is  much  changed  and  will  not  work  even 
for  pay.    Miranda  explained  that  the  padres  were  angry  because  the  soldiers 
would  not  act  as  vaqueros.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  47-8.    Details  of  the 
trouble  in  Id.,  xvi.  35-8,  4G-7. 

14 St.  Part.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  122.  Soldiers  of  the  guard  before  1800,  accord- 
ing to  >S'.  Jos-',  Lib.  de  Mlsion,  MS.,  Juan  Jos6  Higuera,  Salvador  Kigcera, 
Juan  Garcia,  Cornelio  Rosales,  Rafael  Galindo,  Juan  Jose  Linares,  Ramon 
Linares,  Francisco  Mores,  Jose  Maria  Castillo,  Miguel  Salazar,  Hilario  Mi- 
randa, and  Hermenegildo  Bojorges. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  JUAN  BAUTISTA.  557 

For  the  second  mission  Borica  instructed  the  com- 
mandant of  Monterey  on  May  18th  to  detail  Cor- 
poral Ballesteros  and  a  guard  of  five  men.15  Next  day 
were  issued  Borica's  instructions  to  the  corporal,  simi- 
lar in  every  respect  to  documents  of  the  same  class 
already  noted  in  past  chapters.  It  is  to  be  noted, 
however,  that  the  matter  of  furnishing  escorts  to  the 
friars  is  left  more  to  the  corporal's  discretion  than 
before,  the  absence  of  soldiers  at  night  being  declared 
inexpedient  but  not  absolutely  prohibited.  Sending 
soldiers  after  fugitive  neophytes  was,  however,  still 
forbidden.  These  instructions,  though  prepared  espe- 
cially for  this  new  mission,  were  ordered  publishedr  at 
all  the  missions.16 

The  site  chosen  was  the  southernmost  of  the  two 
that  had  been  examined,  called  by  the  Spaniards  for 
many  years  past  San  Benito,  but  by  the  natives 
Popeloutchom.17  Here  as  early  as  June  17th,  Corporal 
Ballesteros  had  erected  a  church,  missionary-house, 
granary,  and  guard-house,18  and  on  June  24th,  day  of 
the  titular  saint,  President  Lasuen  with  the  aid  of 
fathers  Ca'tala  and  Martiarena  founded  the  new  mis- 
sion of  San  Juan  Bautista,19  the  name  having  been 

15  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  144-5.     A  list  of  supplies  furnished  the 
escolta  is  given  as  follows:  12  fan.  maize,  4  fan.  beans,  1  butt  of  fat,  1  barrel, 
1  pot,  1  pan,  1  iron  ladle,  1  metate,  1  eartherii  pan,  1  frying-pan,  2  knives,  5 
axes,  3  hoes,  1  iron  bar,  1  machete,  G  knives  for  cutting  grass  and  tules,  10 
hides,  2  muskets,  1,000  cartridges,  No.  14,  1,000  balls,  200  flints,  50  Ibs.  pow- 
der, 1  pair  of  shackles,  2  fetters,  1  floor,  1  padlock,  weights  and  measures. 
List  also  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  51-2.     May  19th,  Borica  gives  some  gen- 
eral orders  about  the  two  new  missions.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  137. 

16  Borica,  Instruction  para  el  Comandante  de  la  Escolta  destinada  d  lafun- 
dacion  de  la  Mision  de  San  Juan  Bautixta,  1797,  MS. 

17  Written  also  Poupeloutehun  and  Popelout.     The  23  rancherias  belong- 
ing to  this  mission  were  Onextaco,  Absayruc,  Motssmn,  Trutca,  Teboaltac, 
Xisca,  or  Xixcaca,  Giguay,  Tipisastac,  Ausaima,  Poytoquix,  Guachurrones, 
Pagosines  or  Paycines,  Calendaruc,  Asystarca,  Pouxouoma,  Suricuama,  Ta- 
marox,  Thithirii,  Unijaima,  Chapana,  Mitaldejama,  Echantac,  and  Yelmus. 

18 Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  190-1. 

19 Lasuen  both  on  the  title-page  of  S.  Juan  Bautista,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS., 
and  in  a  letter  of  June  27th,  to  the  governor,  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi. 
22-3,  commits  the  strange  error  of  making  the  foundation  on  June  21st.  In 
another  letter  dated  June  27th,  he  gives  the  date  correctly.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  xviii.  28-9.  July  2d,  governor  announces  the  foundation  to  viceroy. 
Prov.  L'ec.,  MS.,  vi.  94.  See  also  Id.,  iv.  250;  Arroyo  de  la  Cuesta,  Gram. 
Mutsun,  p.  vii.-viii. 


558  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

indicated  in  the  orders  of  the  viceroy,  and  the  day 
having  been  selected  as  appropriate. 

Jose  Manuel  Martiarena  and  Pedro  Adriano  Marti- 
nez were  the  first  ministers,  both  new  arrivals  of  1794 
and  1797  respectively,  the  latter  serving  at  San  Juan 
until  the  end  of  1800,  the  former  leaving  the  mission 
in  July  1799,  and  Jacinto  Lopez  coming  in  August 
1800.  The  first  baptism  took  place  on  July  llth,  and 
before  the  end  of  the  year  85  had  received  the  rite, 
as  had  641  before  the  end  of  1800,  65  having  died  in 
the  mean  time,  and  516  remaining  as  neophytes.  Live- 
stock increased  to  723  large  animals  and  2,080  small; 
agricultural  products  for  1800 — much  the  largest  crop 
that  had  been  raised — amounted  to  about  2,700  bush- 
els.20 A  mud-roofed  wooden  structure  was  the  mis- 
sion church  before  1800. 

Beyond  the  statistics  given  there  is  nothing  to  be 
noted  in  the  local  annals  of  San  Juan  Bautista  except 
certain  Indian  troubles  and  the  earthquake  of  1800. 
The  Ansaimes,  or  Ansayames,  were  the  natives  who 
caused  most  trouble.  They  lived  in  the  mountains 
some  twenty-five  miles  east  of  San  Juan.  In  1798 
they  are  said  to  have  surrounded  the  mission  by  night, 
but  were  forced  to  retreat  by  certain  prompt  measures 
of  the  governor  not  specified.  In  November  another 
band  known  as  the  Osos  killed  eight  rancheria  Ind- 
ians, and  Sergeant  Castro  was  sent  to  punish  them. 
They  resisted  and  a  fight  occurred,  in  which  the  chief 
Tatillosti  was  killed,  another  chief  and  a  soldier  were 
wounded,  and  two  gentiles  were  brought  in  to  be 
educated  as  interpreters.  In  1799  the  Ansaimes 
again  assumed  a  threatening  attitude  and  killed  five 
Moutsones,  or  Mutsunes,  who  lived  between  them 
and  the  mission.  Acting  under  elaborate  instructions 
from  Borica,  Castro  visited  several  rancherias,  recov- 
ered over  fifty  fugitives,  administered  a  few  floggings 

20  The  soldiers  named  in  the  mission-books  before  1800  were  Corporal  Juan 
Ballesteros,  Antonio  Enriquez,  Jos6  Manuel  Higuera,  Jos6  Guadalupe  Ramirez, 
Matias  Rodriguez,  Manuel  Briones,  Lucas  Altamirano,  Isidro  Flores,  and 
Jos6  Ignacio  Lugo. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  MIGUEL.  v        559 

with  no  end  of  warnings,  found  some  of  the  prevalent 
rumors  of  past  misdeeds  to  be  unfounded,  and  brought 
in  a  few  captives  for  presidio  work.  Again  in  1800 
the  Ansaimes  killed  two  Mutsunes  at  San  Benito 
Creek,  burned  a  house  and  some  wheat-fields,  and 
were  with  difficulty  kept  from,  destroy  ing  the  mission. 
Sergeant  Gabriel  Moraga  marched  with  ten  men  and 
brought  in  eighteen  captives  including  the  chieftains 
of  the  Ansaime  and  the  Carnadero  rancherias.21 

There  were  shocks  of  earthquake  from  the  1 1th  to 
the  31st  of  October,  sometimes  six  in  a  day,  the  most 
severe  on  the  18th.  Friars  were  so  terrified  that 
they  spent  the  nights  out  of  doors  in  the  mission 
carts.  Several  cracks  appeared  in  the  ground,  one  of 
considerable  extent  and  depth  on  the  banks  of  the 
Pajaro,  and  the  adobe  walls  of  all  the  buildings  were 
cracked  from  top  to  bottom,  and  threatened  to  fall. 
The  natives  said  that  such  shocks  were  not  uncom- 
mon in  that  vicinity,  and  spoke  of  subterranean  fis- 
sures, or  caverns,  caused  by  them,  from  which  salt 
water  had  issued.22 

The  site  of  the  third  mission,  between  San  Antonio 
and  San  Luis  Obispo,  was*  called  Las  Pozas  by  the 
Spaniards  and  Yahia  by  the  natives.23  "Here,"  says 

21  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ix.  9-11;  vi.  106-7;  Bor,ica,  Instruction  al  Sarqento 
Castro  sobre  recorrer  las  Rancherias  de  Gentiles,  1799,  MS.,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
xvii.  325-8.  Dated  Monterey,  June  7th.  Castro,  Diario  de  su  Expedition  d 
las  Rancherias,  1799,  MS.  Dated  June  29th.  It  seems  that  the  Spaniards 
were  in  the  habit  of  going  to  the  Ansaime  country  after  tequesquite,  or  salt- 
petre. Besides  those  named  in  the  text  the  Orestaco  and  Guapo  rancheriaa 
are  mentioned.  See  also  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  80-1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  l]3.  In  1800  the  San  Juan  Indians  sent  3  wagons,  9  yoke  of  oxen,  9 
hoi*ses,  and  15  Indians  to  Monterey  when  an  attack  from  foreign  vessels  was 
feared.  For  this  they  were  remunerated  by  order  of  the  viceroy  to  encourage 
zeal  in  like  cases.  Id.,  xix.  7. 

22Comandante  Sal.  to  governor,  Oct.  31,  1800,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon, 
MS.,  i.  40-2.  Nov.  29th,  governor  acknowledges  receipt.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
xi.  147.  Dec.  5th,  governor  to  viceroy.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.,  51.  Feb. 
10th,  V.  R.  to  gov.  Id.,  xviii.  G9.  This  earthquake  has  been  noticed  also  in 
Randolph's  Oration;  Val'ejo,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  107;  TuthilVs  Hist.  Cal,  116; 
Trask,  in  Cal.  Acad.  Nat.  Science,  iii.  134.  On  Nov.  22d  a  shock  was  felt  in 
the  extreme  south.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  54. 

23  There  is  much  doubt  about  this  aboriginal  name.  Different  copyists 
from  Lasuen's  original  letters  and  entries  in  the  mission-books  make  it:  Vatica, 
Savage,  in  title-page  of  S.  Miguel,  Lib.  de  Mision}  MS. ;  Vahca,  another  from 


560  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

Lasuen  on  July  25,  1797,  "with  the  assistance  of  the 
Reverend  Padre  Apostolic  Preacher,  Fr.  Buenaven- 
tura Sitjar,  and  of  the  troop  destined  to  guard  the 
new  establishment,  in  presence  of  a  great  multitude 
of  gentiles  of  both  ,sexes  and  of  all  ages,  whose  pleas- 
ure and  rejoicing  exceeded  even  our  desires,  thanks 
to  God,  I  blessed  water,  the  place,  and  a  great  cross, 
which  we  adored  and  raised.  Immediately  I  intoned 
the  litany  of  the  saints,  and  after  it  chanted  the  mass, 
in  which  I  preached,  and  we  concluded  the  ceremony 
by  solemnly  singing  the  te  deum.  May  it  all  be 
for  the  greater  honor  and  glory  of  God  our  Lord. 
Amen."  Thus  was  Hounded  the  mission  of  San  Miguel, 

o  ' 

in  honor  of  "the  most  glorious  prince  of  the  heavenly 
militia/'  the  archangel  Saint  Michael,  for  which  Sitjar 
and  Antonio  de  la  Concepcion  Horra,  a  new-comer  of 
1796,  were  appointed  ministers.  Jose  Antonio  Ro- 
driguez was  corporal  of  the  guard.24 

A  beginning  of  missionary  work  was  made  by  the 
baptism  of  15  children  on  the  day  of  foundation;  at 
the  end  of  1800  the  number  had  increased  to  385,  of 
whom  53  had  died  and  362  were  on  the  registers  as 
neophytes.25  The  number  of  horses  and  cattle  was 
372,  while  small  animals  numbered  1,582.  The  crop 
of  1800  was  1,900  bushels;  and  the  total  product  of 
the  three  years,  3,700  bushels.26  Sitjar  left  San  Miguel 
and  returned  to  his  old  mission  of  San  Antonio  in 

same  original;  Vahiii,  Murray,  from  Lasuen 's  letters  of  July  25th,  in  Arch. 
Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  23-4;  Vahea,  Piua,  from  Borica,  July  31st,  in  Prov. 
Hec.,  MS.,  vi.  94-6. 

™San  Miff  net,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.;  Rodriguez'  letter  of  July  25th.  St. 
Pap.,  Sa<:.,  MS.,  xviii.  27-8;  Lasuen 's  letter  of  Aug.  5th,  referring  to  the  un- 
usually favorable  disposition  of  the  natives,  but  suggesting  caution.  /(/.,  vi. 
96-7;  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  vi.  193.  See  also  references  of  preceding  note.  Con- 
tributions from  San  Antonio,  San  Luis,  and  Purisima  were  8  mules,  23  horses, 
8  yoke  of  oxen,  128  cattle,  184  sheep.  Arch.  Misionai,  MS.,  i.  201. 

25 1  give  the  figures  as  they  stand  on  the  records.  The  sum  of  the  deaths 
and  existent es  is  rarely  the  same  as  the  baptisms.  When  less,  the  deficiency 
may  be  attributed  to  runaways;  but  when  greater  it  is  inexplicable  save  on 
the  theory  of  an  error  in  the  register. 

26  The  soldiers  of  the  guard  were  Jose"  Antonio  Rodriguez,  corporal,  Man- 
uel Montero,  Jose  Maria  Guadalupe,  and  Juan  Maria  Pinto,  according  to  the 
mission -book.  According  to  the  report  of  1797-8,  the  bell  at  San  Miguel  was 
soon  after  its  hanging  found  to  be  cracked  and  worthless.  Arch.  Stq  Barbara, 
MS.,  xii.  GO. 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  FERNANDO.  561 

August  1798.  Juan  Martin  began  a  very  long  term 
of  ministry  in  September  1797,  and  Baltasar  Car- 
nicer  a  short  one  in  May  1799.  Horra,  better  known 
by  the  name  of  Concepcion,  served  only  about  two 
months,  when,  being  charged  with  insanity,  he  was 
enticed  to  visit  Monterey  on  some  pretended  busi- 
ness of  importance  and  sent  to  his  college  by  order  of 
Lasuen  and  consent  of  the  governor,  sailing  on  the 
Concepcion  or  Princesa,  which  left  Monterey  in  Sep- 
tember.27 He  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  able  and 
worthy  friar  before  he  came  to  California;  and  in 
proof  of  his  insanity  nothing  more  serious  is  recorded 
than  baptizing  natives  without  sufficient  preparation 
and  neglecting  to  keep  a  proper  register.  There  is 
no  special  reason  to  doubt,  however,  that  the  charge 
was  well  founded.  After  his  return  to  the  college, 
on  July  12,  1798,  he  made  a  long  report  in  which  he 
charged  the  California  friars  with  gross  misma^nage- 
ment,  with  cruelty  to  the  natives,  and  with  inhuman 
treatment  of  himself.  This  report  I  shall  have  occasion 
to  notice  more  fully  elsewhere.  In  the  mission-books 
of  San  Miguel  this  padre's  signature  appears  but 
once — on  the  title  of  the  death-register,  where  his 
statement  that  he  was  one  of  the  founders  was  sub- 
sequently struck  out.  The  original  mud-roofed  wood- 
en church  was  not  replaced  by  a  better  structure 
until  after  1800. 

For  the  fourth  mission,  between  San  Buenaventura 
and  San  Gabriel,  additional  exploration  revealed  no 
better  location  than  that  of  Reyes'  rancho  in  Encino 
Valley,  called  by  the  natives  Achois  Comihavit.  A 
quarrel  between  Reyes  and  the  friars  respecting  the 
ownership  of  the  land  would  be  an  appropriate  intro- 
duction to  the  narrative  of  this  foundation;  but  no 

27  Aug.  20th,  Lasuen  to  governor  in  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  vi.  93-4.  Sept.  4th, 
governor  to  viceroy.  Id.,  viii.  4.  Sept.  2d,  Gov.  to  Lasuen.  Prov.  7?.v.,  MS., 
vi.  196.  Horra  seems  to  have  been  transferred  subsequently  to  the  Queretaro 
college,  for  which  the  guardian  thanks  God  in  a  letter  to  Lasuen,  May  14,- 
1799.  Arch.  8ta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  280-1. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.  36 


562  EXPLORATION'S  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

such  controversy  is  recorded,  though  the  ranchero's 
house  was  appropriated  as  a  dwelling  for  the  mission- 
aries. Lasuen  had  gone  down  from  San  Miguel  to 
Santa  Barbara,  whence  he  started  at  the  end  of  August 
with  Sergeant  Olivera  and  an  escort.  With  the  aid  of 
Father  Francisco  Dumetz,  on  the  8th  of  September,  in 
the  presence  of  the  troops  and  a  great  crowd  of  natives, 
he  performed  the  usual  ceremonies,  and  dedicated  the 
new  mission,  as  required  by  instructions  from  Mexico, 
to  San  Fernando,  Key  de  Espana.28  Francisco  Javier 
Uria  was  the  associate  of  Dumetz,  and  both  served 
until  the  end  of  1 800  and  later.  Ten  children  were  bap- 
tized the  first  day,  and  thirteen  adults  had  been  added 
to  the  list  early  in  October.  There  were  55  neophytes 
at  the  end  of  1797,  and  310  at  the  end  of  1800,  bap- 
tisms having  amounted  to  352  and  deaths  to  70.  Five 
hundred  and  twenty-six  was  the  number  of  cattle, 
mules,  and  horses;  and  600  that  of  sheep.  Products 
of  the  soil  in  1800  were  about  1,000  bushels,  though 
they  had  amounted  to  1,200  bushels  the  year  before, 
the  total  yield  for  three  years  being  4,700  bushels. 

The  fifth  and  last  of  the  new  establishments  was  not 
founded  until  the  next  year.  In  October  1797  a  new 
exploration  was  made  between  San  Juan  Capistrano 
and  San  Diego  by  Corporal  Lisalde,  with  seven  sol- 
diers and  five  Indians,  escorting  fathers  Lasuen  and 

28 St  Ferdinand  was  Fernando  III.,  King  of  Spain,  who  reigned  from  1217 
to  1251,  under  whose  rule  the  crowns  of  Castile  and  Leon  were  united.  He 
was  canonized  in  1671  by  Clement  X.  Aug.  28th,  Goycoechea  to  Borica  an- 
nouncing Lasuen's  departure  for  Reyes'  rancho.  Prov.  St.  Pap,,  MS.,  xv. 
82.  Sept.  8th,  Lasuen's  report  of  foundation.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xviii.  26-7; 
Arch,  tita  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  24-5.  Sept.  8th,  certificate  of  Sergt.  Olivera;  he 
calls  the  site  Achoic.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  92;  vi.  191, 196.  Oct.  4th,  Goycoe- 
chea to  Borica,  sends  Olivera's  diary.  Guard-house  and  store-house  finished. 
Two  houses  begun,  church  soon  to  be  begun.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  246-7; 
Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  92.  Contributions  from  Santa  Barbara,  San  Buenaven- 
tura, San  Gabriel,  and  San  Juan  were  18  mules,  46  horses,  16  yoke  of  oxen, 
310  cattle,  508  sheep.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  202.  The  mission-books  of  San 
Fernando  I  examined  at  the  mission  in  1874.  They  consisted  of  baptismal 
register  1  vol.,  1798-1852,  1st  entry  April  28,  1798,  signed  by  Dumetz;  mar- 
riage register,  1  vol.  1797-1847,  first  entry,  Oct.  8,  1797;  and  the  Libro  de 
Patentes  y  de  Inventarios.  In  the  legal  difficulties  that  followed  the  death  of 
Andres  Pico  the  books  disappeared  and  could  not  be  found  by  Mr  Savage  in 


FOUNDING  OF  SAN  LUIS  KEY.  563 

Santiago  from  San  Juan.  The  party  separated  to 
return  north  and  south  at  the  old  Capistrano,  which 
they  doubtless  selected  at  the  time,  October  6th,  as 
the  best  mission  site,  for  we  hear  no  more  of  the  Pale 
of  former  expeditions.29  During  December  there  was 
a  correspondence  between  Borica  and  Lasuen  on  the 
subject,  by  which  it  appears  that  the  large  number 
of  docile  natives  was  the  chief  inducement  to  found  a 
mission  in  this  region,  but  that  agricultural  and  other 
advantages  were  believed  to  be  lacking.  The  gov- 
ernor insisted  on  the  foundation,  and  prophesied  that 
difficulties  in  the  future  would  be  less  serious.30 

The  governor  issued  orders  the  27th  of  February 
1798  to  the  commandant  of  San  Diego,  who  was  to 
furnish  an  escolta  and  to  require  from  the  soldiers 
personal  labor  in  erecting  the  necessary  buildings, 
without  murmuring  at  site  or  work,  and  with  implicit 
obedience  to  Lasuen.31  The  records  show  no  subse- 
quent proceedings  till  the  13th  of  June.  On  that 
date  at  the  spot  called  by  the  natives  Tacayme,  and 
by  the  Spaniards  in  the  first  expedition  of  1769  San 
Juan  Capistrano,  or  later,  Capistrano  el  Viejo,  in  the 
presence  of  Captain  Grajera,  the  soldiers  of  the  guard, 
a  few  neophytes  from  San  Juan,  and  a  multitude  of 
gentiles,  and  with  the  aid  of  fathers  Santiago  and 
Peyri,  President  Lasuen  with  all  due  solemnity,  sup- 
plemented by  the  baptism  of  fifty-four  children, 
ushered  into  existence  the  mission  of  San  Luis,  Hey 
de  Francia,  it  being  necessary  hereafter  to  distinguish 

29  Lisalde,  Reconoclmlento  de  las  tierras  para  sltuar  la  Mision  de  San  Luis, 
1797,  MS.  The  places  named  are  Las  Animas,  Las  Lagunitas,  Tenieca  ran- 
cheria,  Pauma,  Pullala,  and  San  Juan  Capistrano.  In  Grijalva,  Informe 
sobre  las  rancherias  que  se  kalian  en  las  tierras  exploradas  por  el  Padre  Mari- 
ner, 1795,  MS.,  there  are  named  the  following  rancherias:  Mescuanal,  To- 
napa,  Ganal,  Mocoqtiil,  and  Cuami,  in  a  little  valley  called  Escha;  Tagui,  Gante, 
Algualcapa,  Capatay,  Tacupin,  Quguas,  Calagua,  Matagua,  and  Ata,  in 
another  valley  three  leagues  distant;  Curila,  Topame,  Luque,  Cupame, 
Paume,  and  Pale",  three  leagues  from  former  valley,  and  speaking  language 
of  San  Juan;  Palin,  Pamame,  Pamua,  and  Asichiqmes,  lower  down;  Chacape 
and  Pamamelli  in  Santa  Margarita  Valley;  Chumelle  and  Quesinille  in  Las 
Flores. 

30 Lasuen  to  Borica.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  44;  to  Lasuen,  Prov.  Rec.t 
MS.,vi.  201. 

31  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  273-4. 


564  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

between  the  establishment  of  San  Luis,  king,  and 
San  Luis,  bishop.32  All  was  prosperity  at  first.  In 
a  week  Antonio  Peyri,  the  energetic  founder,  had 
seventy -seven  children  baptized  and  twenty-three 
catechumens  under  instruction.  By  the  first  of  July 
he  had  six  thousand  adobes  made  for  the  mission 
buildings.  In  July  he  was  joined  by  Jose  Faura, 
who  was  succeeded  in  the  autumn  of  1800  by  Jose 
Garcia.  Jose  Panella  was  assigned  to  this  mission, 
and  served  for  a  short  time  in  1798,  during  the  ab- 
sence of  one  of  the  ministers,  who  went  to  the  baths 
of  San  Juan  Capistrano  for  his  health.  Panella  made 
himself  unpopular  by  his  harsh  treatment,  and  so 
great  was  the  discontent  of  the  natives  and  the  clamor 
for  a  change,  that  Lasuen  was  obliged  to  send  him 
away  and  promise  the  return  of  the  other  padre, 
probably  Peyri,  who  was  greatly  beloved.33  The  bap- 
tisms in  1798  were  214;  before  the  end  of  1800  there 
were  337  neophytes,  371  having  been  baptized,  and 
5G  being  the  number  of  burials.  There  were  617 
horses,  mules,  and  cattle  in  1800,  besides  1,600  sheep. 
Products  of  the  soil  were  2,000  bushels  of  wheat,  120 
of  barley,  and  six  of  maize,  the  latter  being  just  the 
amount  sown,  while  eight  bushels  of  beans  produced 
nothing.  The  mission-books  of  San  Luis  Key  are 
the  only  ones  in  California  which  I  have  not  exam- 
ined. Their  whereabouts  is  not  known. 

It  had  long  been  deemed  desirable  to  promote 
colonization  in  California,  and  the  prevalent  fears  of 
foreign  aggression  did  much  to  cause  definite  action 

32  Saint  Louis  was  Louis  IX.,  king  of  France,  who  reigned  from  1226  to 
1270,  and  earned  his  repiitation  for  piety  both  at  home  and  in  the  crusades. 
June  13th,  Lasuen  to  Borica  reporting  the  foundation.  Arch.  Ma  L'drbara, 
MS.,  vi.  25-7;  xi.  11;  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  47-9.  July  12th,  B.  to  Lasuen. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  218-19.  Aug.  1st,  B.  to  viceroy.  /(/.,  v.  279;  vi.  98-9. 
Contributions  of  Santa  Barbara,  San  Gabriel,  San  Juan,  San  Diego,  and  San 
Luis  Hey:  G4  horses,  28  yoke  of  oxen,  310  head  of  cattle,  508  sheep.  Arch. 
Mi,*' on f s,  MS.,  i.  202. 

33  The  governor  in  a  communication  to  Lasuen  on  the  subject  calls  the  ab- 
sent missionary  Juan  Martinez,  but  there  was  no  such  padre  in  California. 
Prov.  7iVt'.,  MS.,  vi.  222-3.    Dec.  7,  1798,  Borica  also  writes  a  letter  of  warn- 
ing and  advice  to  the  friar.  Id.,  227-8. 


A  NEW  PUEBLO.  565 

to  be  taken  at  this  epoch.  The  completed  line  of 
missions  as  planned  was  rapidly  to  civilize  the  natives, 
but  a  larger  Spanish  population  was  desirable  and  new 
pueblos  of  gente  de  razon  were  to  be  founded  as  well 
as  new  missions.  This  subject  was  doubtless  included 
in  a  general  sense  in  Borica's  original  instructions;  but 
the  first  definite  action  is  seen  in  a  report  of  the  royal 
tribunal  of  accounts  to  the  viceroy,  dated  November 
18,  1795.  In  this  document  it  is  recommended  as  a 
most  important  measure  for  the  welfare  and  protection 
of  the  Spanish  possessions  in  California  that  the  gov- 
ernor, with  the  aid  of  Engineer  Cordoba  and  other 
officers,  proceed  to  select  a  site  and  to  found  a  pueblo, 
or  villa,  to  be  called  Branciforte  in  honor  of  the  viceroy. 
This  establishment  as  a  coast  defence  should  be  put 
on  a  military  basis,  securely  fortified,  and  settled 
with  soldiers  as  pobladores.  The  site  must  be  selected 
and  the  lands  divided  according  to  existing  pueblo 
regulations  and  the  laws  of  the  Indies.  Each  officer 
and  soldier  is  to  have  a  house-lot,  and  between  those 
of  the  officers  lots  are  to  be  assigned  to  chieftains  of 
rancherias  who  may  be  induced  to  live  with  the  Span- 
iards, thus  Assuring  the  loyalty  of  their  subjects. 
Live-stock  and  implements  may  be  furnished  by  the 
government  as  hitherto.  Instead  of  an  habilitado 
there  is  to  be  a  town-treasurer ;  and  Alberni  may  com- 
mand, acting  as  lieutenant-governor.  As  the  time 
of  the  infantry  soldiers  expires  they  are  not  to  be 
reenlisted,  but  new  recruits  obtained  from  New  Spain 
will  create  an  immigration  without  the  heavy  cost  of 
bringing  in  settlers  as  such.34 

It  is  to  be  supposed  that  the  viceroy  approved  this 
plan  in  its  main  features  at  least,  and  sent  correspond- 
ing orders  to  Borica,  though  no  such  order  appears 
in  the  archives.35  It  had  been  indicated  in  the  plan 

34  Brancijorte,  Informs  del  Real  Tribunal  sobre  fundacion  de  un  pueblo  que 
sc  llainard  Branciforte,  1795,  MS.     This  report  was  prepared  by  Beltran  on 
Nov.  17th,  and  approved  by  the  tribunal  Nov.  18th. 

35  The  order  dated  Dec.  15,  1795,  and  enclosing  the  auditor's  report  given 
above  is  allnded  to  by  Borica  on  June  1C.  1796.    St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.. 
MS.,  i.  364. 


566  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

that  the  new  establishment  should  be  on  or  near  San 
Francisco  Bay,  and  in  the  spring  of  1796,  on  receipt 
of  the  viceroy's  instructions,  whatever  they  may  have 
been,  the  governor  began  to  move  in  the  matter, 
though  in  January  1795  he  had  instructed  the  com- 
mandants to  report  on  suitable  sites  for  new  pueblos, 
and  though  Sergeant  Amador  seems  to  have  explored 
with  the  same  view  as  early  as  July  of  the  same  year 
the  coast  region  from  San  Francisco  to  Santa  Cruz.38 
On  May  21st  Borica  requested  Alberni  and  Cordoba 
with  an  escort  of  six  men  to  meet  him  at  Santa  Cruz 
on  the  28th.  During  the  next -few  weeks,  the  three 
made  some  personal  explorations  not  described  in 
detail,  and  June  16th  the  governor  asked  the  others 
to  report  on  the  best  place  for  the  town,  and  to  give 
their  ideas  generally  in  connection  with  the  plan  of 
foundation.  Private  letters  of  similar  purport  were 
written  on  the  17th  and  18th.37 

Alberni's  report  was  dated  at  San  Francisco  July 
1st,  and  that  of  Cordoba  the  20th,  the  two  being  in 
substance  identical.  Three  sites  were  considered :  the 
Alameda,  San  Francisco,  and  Santa  Cruz.  The  first 
was  pronounced  unsuitable  for  a  pueblo,  not  only  be- 
cause the  bed  of  the  creek  was  so  low  as  to  prevent 
irrigation,  but  because  there  was  no  wood,  timber, 
stone,  or  pasturage,  except  at  a  great  distance.  San 
Francisco  was  declared  to  be  the  very  worst  place  in 

36  Jan.  9,  1795,  Borica  to  commandants.  Prov.  Rec.,  iv.  126-7.  Amador, 
Reconocimiento  de  Terreno  desde  Santa  Cruz  hasta  San  Francisco,  1795,  MS. 
Dated  July  4th,  he  describes  particularly  four  fertile  spots  with  more  or  less 
advantages  for  settlements  at  distances  of  8,  12,  15^,  and  20  leagues  from  San 
Francisco,  the  last  being  5  leagues  from  Santa  Cruz.  July  23d,  has  received 
the  report  of  July  4th,  and  orders  Amador  to  improve  the  road  with  the  aid 
of  commandants  at  Santa  Cruz  and  Santa  Clara  (San Francisco?).  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  v.  57-8.  May  11,  1796,  Salazar  in  his  report  to  the  viceroy  mentioned 
a  spot  suitable  for  a  pueblo  about  midway  between  San  Francisco  and  Santa 
Cruz  where  there  is  an  anchorage.  San  Benito  was  also  a  good  site,  but  there 
were  many  Indians  requiring  a  mission,  as  there  were  not  at  the  former 
spot.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  75-7. 

37 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxiv.  6,  7;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  i.  3G4-5,  374-5;  Translation  in  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  51;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  241.  In  his  letter  to  Cordoba,  Borica  says  that  the  viceroy  cannot 
entertain  the  request  of  the  Catalan  volunteers  to  have  lands  granted  them, 
but  instead  will  found  a  new  town  and  give  them  lands  therein  as  a  recom- 
pense when  their  term  expires. 


A  SITE  FOR  THE  VILLA.  567 

all  California  for  the  purpose  in  view,  since  the  pen- 
insula afforded  neither  lands,  timber,  wood,  nor  water, 
nothing  but  sand  and  brambles  and  raging  winds. 
The  Santa  Cruz  site,  across  the  river  from  the  mis- 
sion, had  all  the  advantages  which  the  others  lacked, 
and  had  besides  proximity  to  the  sea,  affording  facili- 
ties for  export,  plenty  of  fish,  with  an  abundance  of 
stone,  lime,  and  clay  for  building.  The  establishment 
of  a  town  here  could  moreover  do  no  possible  harm  to 
the  mission.  The  settlers  should  be  practical  farmers 
'from  a  cold  or  temperate  climate,  and  should  have 
houses  and  a  granary  built  for  them  at  expense  of  the 
government  in  order  that  they  might  apply  them- 
selves at  once  to  agriculture.  The  soldiers  and  inva- 
lids are  entitled  to  more  assistance  than  other  settlers 
by  reason  of  their  past  services.  The  scheme  of  add- 
ing Indian  chiefs  to  the  town  is  impracticable,  since 
there  are  no  chiefs;  some  mission  Indians,  however, 
might  be  profitably  attached  to  the  settlement  to  work 
and  learn  in  company  with  Spaniards.33 

August  4th  Borica  transmitted  these  reports  to  the 
viceroy  with  his  own  enthusiastic  approval,  pronounc- 
ing the  Santa  Cruz  site  the  best  between  Cape  San 
Lucas  and  San  Francisco,  and  giving  some  additional 
particulars  about  the  anchorage.  He  recommends 
that  an  adobe  house  be  built  for  each  settler  so  that 
the  prevalent  state  of  things  in  San  Josd  and  Los 
Angeles,  where  the  settlers  still  live  in  tule  huts, 
being  unable  to  build  better  dwellings  without  neg- 
lecting their  fields,  may  be  prevented,  the  houses  to 
cost  not  over  two  hundred  dollars  each.89  On  Sep- 
tember 23d  another  communication  of  the  governor 

38  Alberni,  Parecer  sobre  el  sitio  en  que  debe  fundarse  el  nuevo  Pueblo  de 
Branciforte,  1796,  MS.    A  part  is  translated  in  Dwindles  Col.  Hint.  8.  Fran- 
cisco, App.  18.   C6rdoba,  Informe  acerca  del  sitio  de  Branciforte,  1796,  MS. 
Very  inaccurately  translated,  and  dated  July  2d,  in  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  53-5. 
Brief  mention  of  the  decision  against  San  Francisco  in  Randolph's  Oration, 
309;  TuthiWs  Hist.  Gal.,  105;  Elliot,  in  Overland  Monthly,  iv.  337-8. 

39  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  258-60.     The  volunteers  should  have 
a  year's  pay,  and  as  a  reintegro,  2  mares,  2  cows,  2  sheep,  2  goats,  a  yoke  of 
oxen,  plough,  harrow,  hoe,  axe,  knife,  musket,  and  2  horses;  other  vecinos 
besides  the  house,  stock,  tools,  etc.,  and  $10  per  month  for  a  year. 


568  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

to  the  viceroy  contained  suggestions  of  similar  pur- 
port, and  asked  for  four  classes  of  settlers :  first,  robust 
country  people  from  cold  or  temperate  climes;  second, 
carpenters,  smiths,  stone-cutters,  and  masons;  third, 
tailors,  tanners,  shoemakers,  and  tile-makers;  and 
fourth,  shipwrights,  and  a  few  sailors,  to  take  advan- 
tage of  the  abundance  of  whales.40  Having  received 
Borica's  report  and  also  the  opinion  of  the  legal 
adviser  of  the  royal  treasury,  the  viceroy  on  January 
25,  1797,  in  accordance  with  that  opinion,  ordered 
Borica  to  proceed  immediately  with  the  foundation. 
He  had  already  sent  a  list  of  eight  men  who  had 
volunteered  at  Guadalajara  as  settlers.41  The  begin- 
ning was  to  be  made  with  such  settlers  at  San  Jose  or 
Angeles  as  had  no  lands  and  might  be  induced  to 
change  their  residence  to  Branciforte.  New  settlers 
and  artisans  were  to  be  sent  as  soon  as  possible;  in 
fact,  orders  had  already  been  issued  for  the  collection 
of  vagrants  and  minor  criminals  to  be  shipped  to  Cali- 
fornia. The  president  of  the  missions  was  ordered  to 
render  all  possible  assistance;  and  Borica  must  for- 
ward at  once  an  estimate  of  cost  and  a  memorandum 
of  needed  implements  and  other  articles.42 

The  receipt  of  the  viceroy's  orders  was  acknowledged 
by  Borica  on  April  29,  1797,  and  three  days  later  he 
sent  the  necessary  orders  to  the  commandant  of  Santa 
Barbara  and  the  comisionado  of  San  Jose  in  order 
that  recruits  for  the  new  establishment  might  be  ob- 
tained from  the  settlers  and  rancheros  at  and  near  the 
two  old  pueblos.  At  the  same  time  Lasuen  directed 
his  friars  to  afford  the  required  aid,  though  he  had 
received  no  instructions  on  the  subject  from  his  college, 
and  deemed  it  strange  that  the  king  should  have  per- 
mitted the  foundation  of  a  villa  so  near  a  mission 

M8t.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  57-8. 

41  Oct.  24,  1796.  Prow.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.'  169. 

13  Branciforte,  Di<:tdmcn  del  Fiscal  <(e  Heal  Aud'eacia  sobre.  la  fundacion  de 
la  Villa  de  Branciforte,,  Aprobado  por  el  Virrey  en  25  de  Encro  1707,  MS.; 
inaccurate  translation  of  copy  certified  by  Borica  May  9th  in  Sta  Cruz,  Peep, 
57.  Mention  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  i.  76-7. 


FOUNDING  OF  BRANCIFORTE.  569 

established  with  royal  approval.43  The  Conception 
arrived  at  Monterey  May  12th  with  a  party  of  col- 
onists on  board  in  a  pitiable  state  of  destitution  and 
ill-health.44  It  was  necessary  to  provide  some  kind 
of  a  home  for  them;  and  before  the  end  of  May  Ga- 
briel Moraga  was  sent  as  commissioner  to  erect  tem- 
porary shelters  at  Branciforte,  since  Cordoba,  who 
was  to  superintend  the  formal  establishment,  had  other 
duties  which  would  keep  him  busy  for  a  time.  It  is 
impossible  to  give  the  exact  date  when  Moraga  began 
his  work,  when  the  first  settlers  took  possession  of 
their  new  homes,  or  when  the  formal  foundation  oc- 
curred.45 

The  17th  of  July,  possibly  at  or  about  the  time 
that  the  settlers  left  Monterey  for  Branciforte,  Borica 
issued  instructions  to  Comisionado  Moraga  for  the 
internal  management  of  the  villa.  The  townsmen  must 
be  made  to  live  in  peace  and  harmony;  no  concubin- 
age, gambling,  or  drunkenness,  wrhich  offences,  like 

43 April  29th,  Borica  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  vi.  91-2.  May  2d,  B.  to 
commandant.  Id.,  iv.  89-90.  B.  to  comisionado  S.  Jose".  Id.,  iv.  211-12. 
May  5th,  Lasuen  to  B.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  27-8. 

44  They  were  Jose  Antonio  Robles,  Fermin  Cordero,  Jose"  Vicente  Mojica 
(or  Morico),  wife  and  five  children,  Jose"  Maria  Arceo,  Jos£  Barbosa  and  wife, 
Jose"  Silvestre  Machuca  and  wife,  Jose"  Acevedo,  Jose"  Miguel  Uribcs,  Jose" 
Agustiii  Narvaez.     The  different  lists  of  arrival,  departure,  and  settlement 
differ  somewhat.     The  first  lacks  the  last  four  names  and  has  Gallardo  and 
Guzman  which  never  appear  again.     The  nine  colonists  with  their  families, 
17  persons,  were  of  the  vagabond  and  criminal  class,  but  they  differed  from 
the  first  settlers  of  the  other  pueblos  in  being  for  the  most  part  so-called 
Spaniards.     They  included  2  farmers,  2  tailors,  1  carpenter,  1  miner,  1  mer- 
chant, 1  engraver,  and  1  with  no  trade.  St.  Pap.  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  384- 
5;  Prov.  lice.,  vi.  92;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  223-4;  xiii.  277-8;  xvii.  31, 
89-90;  xxi.  256. 

45  May  12,  1797.  Borica  to  commandant.     When  the  settlers  go  to  Branci- 
forte, cattle,  implements,  etc.,  will  be  furnished,  an  account  being  opened  with 
each.     Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  31.  May  15th,  B.  to  C6rdoba.     Directs  him 
after  completing  the  work  at  S.  Francisco,  the  survey  of  the  Sta  Clara  boun- 
dary, and  that  for  a  removal  of  S.  Jose,  to  go  to  Sta  Crnz  and  make  careful 
surveys  and  plans  for  the  town  of  Branciforte  and  its  buildings  public  and 
private,  with  an  estimate  of  expenses.  Id.,  xxi.  2GO-1.  May  26th,  B.  to  Moraga. 
Instructions  to  build 'some  temporary  huts  for  himself  and  the  guard  and  to 
take  his  family  there  to  live;  then  to  build  some  large  huts  to  accommodate 
15  or  20  families  each,   also  temporary.     The  soldiers  must  work  and  the 
colonists  also  if  they  arrive  before  the  work  is  done.     Implements,  stock, 
etc.,  will  be  sent  by  Sal.     Cordoba  is  to  be  obeyed  when  he  comes.    Sta, 
Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  67-8;  Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  iv.  247;  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  3,  5.  May 
27th,  Sal  acting  as  secretary  f6r  Borica  forwards  blank-books,  paper,  and  ma- 
terials for  making  ink.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  69. 


570  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

neglect  of  public  work,  must  be  punished.  Mass  must 
be  attended  on  holidays,  on  penalty  of  three  hours  in 
the  stocks;  prayers  and  the  rosary  must  close  the  day's 
labor;  and  certificates  of  compliance  with  the  annual 
communion  and  confession  must  be  forwarded  regu- 
larly to  the  governor.  All  intercourse  with  the  mis- 
sion Indians  and  gentiles  was  prohibited;  and  the  most 
friendly  relations  must  be  maintained  with  the  friars 
of  Santa  Cruz.  The  greatest  precautions  must  be 
taken  to  insure  proper  care  of  the  colonists'  clothing, 
implements,  and  other  property,  and  to  prevent  sales, 
which  were  to  be  voidv  And  finally  all  labor,  before 
Cordoba's  arrival,  was  to  be  directed  to  the  preparation 
of  the  needed  shelters  for  men  and  animals,  monthly 
reports  of  progress  being  sent  to  the  governor.46  By 
August  12th  Cordoba  was  on  the  spot,  had  surveyed 
the  lands,  done  some  work  on  the  temporary  houses, 
begun  an  irrigating  canal,  and  was  in  search  of  suit- 
able stone  and  timber  for  the  permanent  edifices.  He 
also  furnished  Borica  with  an  estimate  of  cost,  $23,- 
405,  which  early  in  October  was  forwarded  to  the  vice- 
roy, and  a  little  later  by  order  of  October  24th,  the 
work  at  Branciforte  was  suspended  for  want  of  funds, 
Cordoba  retiring  to  the  presidio.47 

Thus  the  proposed  greatness  of  the  Villa  of  Bran- 
ciforte was  indefinitely  postponed;  but  there  remained 
the  temporary  huts,  the  nine  pobladores,  the  comi- 
sionado,  and  the  military  guard.  The  colonists,  though 
not  convicts,  were  of  a  class  deemed  desirable  to  get 
rid  of  in  and  about  Guadalajara  whence  they  came. 
They  had  been  aided  at  the  beginning  to  the  extent 
of  from  $20  to  $25  each;  and  they  were  to  receive 
from  the  government  $116  annually  for  two  years, 

46  Borica,  Instruction  de  diriyir  lafundacion  de  la  Nueva  Villa  de  Branci- 
forte, 1797,  MS. 

47  Aug.  12th,  Cordoba  to  Borica.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  149;  xxi.  265-6. 
The  irrigable  lands  were  1,300  x  1,500  varas;  those  depending  on  rain  2,000 
to  3,000  varas.     Oct.  7th,  Gov.  to  viceroy  with  estimate  of  cost.  Prov.  .Her., 
MS.,  vi.  56.     Oct.  24th,  to  C6rdoba  ordering  suspension  of  woi'ks,  though  he 
is  to  leave  the  mission  mill  in  good  shape.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xxi.  272.    Aug. 
22d,  Borica  orders  a  '  model  fence  '  to  be  erected  at  Branciforte.  Id.,  xxi.  206. 


PROGRESS  AT  BRANCIFORTE.  571 

and  $66  for  the  next  three  years,48  besides  the  live- 
stock and  implements  for  which  they  were  obliged 
gradually  to  pay.  They  were  thus  enabled  to  live  after 
a  fashion,  and  they  never  became  noted  for  devotion 
to  hard  work.  There  was  no  change  in  the  number 
of  regular  pobladores  down  to  1800,  though  half  a 
dozen  invalids  and  discharged  soldiers  were  added  to 
the  settlement,49  perhaps  more,  for  the  records  on  the 
subject  are  meagre.  Corporal  Moraga  remained  in 
charge  until  November  1799,  when  Ignacio  Vallejo 
was  ordered  to  take  his  place  as  comisionado,  arriving 
about  the  20th.50  The  settlers  raised  in  1800  about 
1,100  bushels  of  wheat,  maize,  and  beans;  and  their 
horses  and  cattle  amounted  to  about  500  head.  I 
append  in  a  note  a  few  minor  items  which  make  up 
all  that  Branciforte  has  of  history  down  to  the  end 
of  the  decade  and  century.51 

48  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  31,  41,  89-90. 

49  Feb.  1,  1798,  the  governor  states  to  the  viceroy  that  there  were,  besides 
the  9,  two  invalids  and  one  discharged  soldier.  Prov.  I>ec.,  MS.,  vi.  65.     In 
a  list  of  1799,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xvii.  264,  six  invalids;  Marcelino  Bravo,  Mar- 
cos Briones,  Marcos  Villela,  Jose"  Antonio  Rodriguez,  Juan  Jose  Peralta,  Joa- 
quin.  Castro.     The  population  tables  make  the  number  of  men  in  1800,  17,  or 
66  persons  in  all ;  but  I  suppose  this  may  have  included  besides  those  just 
mentioned  from  3  to  5  soldiers  of  the  guard  with  their  families.     Yet  21  set- 
tlers, one  an  Indian,  are  reported  by  Vallejo  on  Dec.  31,  1799.  St.  Pap.,  Miss., 
MS.,  iii.  6. 

50  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  302;  Santa  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  65. 

51  The  work  called  Sta  Cruz,  A  Peep  into  the  Past,  The  Early  Days  of  the 
Village  of  Branciforte,  should  be  noticed  here.     It  is  a  series  of  articles  pub- 
lished in  the  Sta  Cruz  Local  Item  from  July  1876  to  Aug.  1877,  which  I  have 
collected  in  a  scrap-book.     Each  of  the  42  articles  contains  the  translation  of 
an  original  document  from  the  archives  with  preliminary  remarks  of  consider- 
able interest  by  the  translator,  Mr  Williams,  an  old  resident  of  Santa  Cruz. 
The  plan  of  this  work  is  so  praiseworthy,  and  the  result  so  far  superior  to 
what  newspapers  usually  furnish  in  the  way  of  local  history,  that  the  numer- 
ous inaccuracies  of  detail  may  almost  be  pardoned. 

In  the  following  I  omit  many  items  of  no  importance  or  interest.  Dec.  14, 
1797,  Sal  to  Moraga,  Sends  6  varas  of  jerrja  for  each  settler  for  bedclothes. 
Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  69.  Jan.  28,  1798,  Borica  to  Moraga,  Must  teach  the 
Guadalajarefios  agriculture  and  strive  against  their  natural  laziness;  treat 
them  with  charity  and  love,  but  punish  grave  faults  and  malicious  failure  to 
work.  Id.,  71;  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  7-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  264.  March  3d,  Bo- 
rica says  the  community  must  till  the  field  of  Narvaezif  he  is  ill.  Id.,  iv.  2C6, 
May  30th,  cows  and  sheep  promised.  Each  settler  got  three  cows.  Id. ,  iv.  271 , 
274.  July  27th,  a  settler  to  attend  to  no  other  work  than  tilling  his  own  fields. 
Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  70;  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  11.  Oct.  29th,  Cordero  and  Arceo, 
runaways,  if  caught  must  work  in  irons.  Id. ,  71  and  13.  Oct.  28th,  Borica  orders 
Moraga  to  inspect  the  wardrobe  of  settlers'  wives  and  report  what  is  needed. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  282.  Expense  for  wages  and  rations  to  end  of  1798, 


572  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

Meanwhile  in  Mexico  August  30,  1797,  the  San 
Fernando  college  sent  to  the  viceroy  a  protest  against 
the  choice  of  a  site  so  near  that  of  the  mission.  The 
utility  of  the  new  establishment  was  not  to  be  ques- 
tioned; but  the  villa  site  was  on  the  pasturage-ground 
of  the  natives;  troubles  would  surely  result;  the  laws 
allowed  a  mission  at'  least  one  league  in  every  direction ; 
and,  according  to  a  report  by  Father  Senan,  there 
were  good  lands  nearer  San  Francisco.  The  only 
result  of  this  protest  before  1800  seems  to  have  been 
a  reply  of  the  governor  dated  February  6,  1798,  in 
which  he  gave  statistics  to  show  that  the  mission  had 
more  land  and  raised  more  strain  than  could  be  attended 

O 

to;  that  the  neophytes  were  dying  off  and  there  were 
no  more  pagans  to  convert ;  and  there  was  no  better 
site  between  Santa  Cruz  and  San  Francisco  than  that 
at  Branciforte.52 

$1,720.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  41.  Feb.  4,  1799,  a  close  watch  to  be 
kept  on  the  coast.  Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  13.  Moraga  must  go  on  with  his  duties, 
for  his  chance  of  promotion  depends  on  it.  Better  times  coming  if  the  wheat 
crop  is  cared  for.  The  king  will  send  his  troops  where  they  are  needed,  not 
where  they  wish  to  go.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  G2-3.  March  6th,  Borica  wants 
information  about  a  site  for  a  rancho  for  horses  and  cattle  near  the  villa.  March 
27th,  if  the  settlers  object,  let  nothing  be  done;  the  only  object  was  to  aid  them. 
Id.,  61-2,  GO;  Peep,  15,  19.  April  3d,  Borica  consents  to  dividing  of  sowing- 
lands.  Will  hold  Moraga  responsible  for  remissness  of  any  settler  in  caring 
for  his  land.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  G2.  May  12th,  the  settlers'  two  years  at 
$116  per  year  expire  to-day.  St.  Pap.,  Mian,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  3SO-1,  383. 
Oct.  16th,  two  settlers  may  go  to  San  Jose"  and  return  on  a  fixed  day.  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS..,  C5-6;  Peep,  23.  Nov.  21st,  Sal  notifies  Moraga  that  Vallejo  will 
supersede  him  as  comisionado.  Id.,  25.  Dec.  2Gth,  Sal  to  Vallejo,  guns  of 
the  battery  at  Monterey  to  be  fired.  Don't  be  alarmed.  Id. ,  25,  27.  Dec.  31st, 
Sal  assures  Borica  that  Vallejo  will  perform  his  duties  faithfully.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  2S9.  Settlers  must  not  make  pleasure  trips  to  San  Jose". 
San  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  59;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  18.  Jan.  3,  1800,  set- 
tlers in  need  of  corn  and  beans.  The  comisionado  of  San  Jose"  to  make  a 
contract  with  some  person  to  furnish  these  supplies  at  the  expense  of  the  gov- 
ernment. San  Jos6  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  55.  Feb.  10th,  Sal  to  Vallejo,  at  the  end 
of  1799  the  settlers  owed  the  treasury  $558;  the  appropriation  f^r  loCO  is 
$540,  so  that  receiving  nothing  they  would  still  be  in  debt.  The  delivery  of 
cigarritos  and  other  articles  not  rations  and  tools  has  been  suspended.  Sta 
Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  63.  Oct.  9th,  aid  to  be  furnished  to  the  padres  if  asked  for. 
Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  31.  Dec.  5th,  governor  to  viceroy,  the  Branciforte  settlers 
are  a  scandal  to  the  country  by  their  immorality,  etc.  They  detest  their 
exile,  and  render  no  service.  Daily  complaints  of  disorders.  Prov.  St:  Pap. , 
MS.,  xxi.  50-1.  Dec.  llth,  death  of  Comandante  Sal  announced  at  Branci- 
forte. Sta  Cruz,  Peep,  45.  The  nine  pobladores  received  in  18CO  rations  at 
$60  each.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxvi.  16. 

^Branciforte,  El  Discre.torio  de  Son  Fernando  (d  Virrcy  sobre.  el  sitio  de  la 
Nueva  Villa,  1797,  MS.,  Feb.  6th,  Borica  to  viceroy,  in.  Prov.  lice.,  MS.,  vi.  70. 


COMMUNICATION  WITH  NEW  MEXICO.  573 

Independent  of  the  explorations  made  with  a  view 
to  new  establishments,  Borica  had  a  scheme  of  open- 
ing communication  with  New  Mexico,  where,  as  he 
had  heard  from  Governor  Concha  through  General 
Nava,  there  were  fifteen  hundred  gente  de  razon  with 
neither  lands  nor  occupation.  He  sent  to  Mexico 
early  in  1795  for  copies  of  GarceV  diary  and  map. 
Having  obtained  these  he  instructed  Goycoechea  of 
Santa  Barbara  at  the  end  of  the  year  to  make  inqui- 
ries about  the  eastern  country  and  to  suggest  some 
way  to  send  a  letter  across  to  the  governor  of  New 
Mexico  by  the  natives,  who  could  at  the  same  time 
explore  the  route.  In  January  1796  Goycoechea  sent 
to  the  governor  such  vague  and  unreliable  rumors  as 
he  could  gather  from  the  natives  of  the  channel  re- 
specting the  country  beyond  the  Tulares;  and  in 
February  he  informed  Borica  that  he  had  made 
arrangements  with  the  native  chief,  Juan  Maria,  and 
four  companions  to  carry  the  letter,  but  that  Father 
Tapis  had  forbidden  their  departure,  at  least  until  an 
order  could  be  obtained  from  Lasuen.53 

This  state  of  the  matter  was  reported  to  the  vice- 
roy in  Borica's  communication  of  October  2d,54  and 
the  attorney -general  having  reported  favorably  on  the 
scheme  of  intercommunication  as  useful  to  Califor- 
nia's commerce,  development,  and  defence,  the  viceroy 
requested  Borica  to  send  to  Mexico  the  maps  and 
papers  on  which  his  project  rested;  that  the  project 
be  also  sent  to  the  commandant  general  for  his  in- 
spection; and  that  Lasuen  forward  his  views  about 
the  employment  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Indians.  This 
was  in  January  1797,  and  in  April  Lasuen  answered, 

53  April  29,  1795,  Borica  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Her.,  MS.,  vi.  44.  Dec.  14th, 
Borica  to  Goycoechea.  Id.,  iv.  41.  4G-7.  Jan.  ISth,  Goycoechea  to  Borica. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  16,  17.  Feb.  IGth,  Id.  to  Id.,  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
iv.  74-7.  Sept.  28th,  Borica  orders  the  padres  to  use  gentle  measures  with 
the  Tulare  Indians  so  that  there  may  be  no  difficulty  on  the  proposed  route. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  174.  Sal's  report  of  Jan.  31st,  already  alluded  to,  was 
probably  in  answer  to  similar  inquiries  sent  him  by  the  governor. 

^Borica,  In  forme  sobre  comunicacion  con  Nuevo  Mexico,  1796,  MS.  A 
similar  communication  dated  October  5th  is  given  in  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara, 
MS.,  x.  73-6. 


574  EXPLORATIONS  AND  NEW  FOUNDATIONS. 

arguing  that  it  was  dangerous  to  send  a  party  of 
natives  so  far  among  foreign  and  hostile  tribes,  since 
on  one  side  or  the  other  excesses  would  surely  be 
committed.  Moreover  the  chief  it  was  proposed  to 
send  was  very  useful  to  the  mission  and  any  accident 
to  him  would  lead  to  trouble  with  his  people;  and 
finally  Tapis  had  not  forbidden  the  expedition,  but  had 
simply  refused  to  urge  the  neophytes  to  undertake  it.55 
Here,  so  far  as  the  archives  show,  correspondence  on 
this  matter  ceases.  It  is  probable  that  more  was 
written,  but  not  likely  that  any  actual  expedition  was 
made,  and  certain  that  communication  was  not  opened 
with  New  Mexico.  Neither  was  there  anything 
accomplished  toward  opening  the  Colorado  River 
route  between  California  and  Sonora,  a  subject  slightly 
agitated  during  this  period.56 

55  Jan.   11,  1797,  viceroy  to  Lasuen.  Arch.  Sta.  Bdrlara,  MS.,  x.  76-7. 
April  25th,  Lasuen  to  V.  R,.,  Id.,  77-83.    Feb.  14,  1798,  V.  E.  calls  for  Arri- 
llaga's  ideas  on  the  project  and  the  best  "way  to  execute  it.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.  9. 

56  April  16,  1795,  Borica  to  viceroy,  asks  to  have  Fages  send  his  papers 
relating  to  his  expedition  to  the  Colorado.  Prov.  7?ec.,  MS.,  vi.  44.     Sept.  4, 
1797,  Borica  thinks  no  party  of  less  than  35  can  safely  pass  to  Sonora.  Id., 
vi.  53.     Dec.  22,   1797,  refers  to  Arrillaga's  report  and  schemes  of  Oct.  26, 
1796;  1st,  a  presidio  of  100  men  at  Sta  Olaya  with  20  at  S.  Felipe  and  20  at 
Sonoita;  2d,  a  presidio  on  California  side  at  mouth  of  Colorado,  to  be  crossed 
in  canoes.     Borica  prefers  the  latter,  and  advises  that  all  attention  be  given 
at  present  to  pacification  of  the  Indians  between  Sta  Catalina  and  the  Colo- 
rado. Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  65-6.     April  24,  1798,  Amadorsays  that  the  padre 
of  San  Jose"  went  to  the  Colorado,  and  that  the  Indians  fled,  fearing  enforced 
baptism.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xvii   123.     Reference  to  the  general  topic  in 
Azanza,  Tnstruccion,  MS.,  90. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

MISSION  PROGRESS. 
1791-1800. 

ARRIVAL  AND  DEPARTURE  or  PADRES — GENERAL  STATISTICAL  VIEW — THE 
PRESIDENCY — EPISCOPAL  POWERS — THE  INQUISITION — REVILLA  GIGEDO'S 
REPORT — VIEWS  OF  SALAZAR — CARMELITE  MONASTERY — Pious  FUND 
HACIENDA— CONTROVERSIES — THE  OLD  QUESTIONS  DISCUSSED  ANEW — 
REDUCTION  IN  NUMBER  OF  FRIARS — RETIREMENT — TRAVELLING  EX- 
PENSES— CHAPLAIN  DUTY — GUARDS— RUNAWAY  NEOPHYTES — MISSION 
ALCALDES — INDIANS  ON  HORSEBACK — LOCAL  QUARRELS — CHARGES  OF 
CONCEPCION  DE  HORRA — INVESTIGATION— BORICA'S  FIFTEEN  QUESTIONS — 
REPLIES  OF  COMANDANTES  AND  FRIARS — PRESIDENT  LASUEN'S  REPORT— 
THE  MISSIONARIES  ACQUITTED — ECCLESIASTICAL  MISCELLANY. 

AT  the  beginning  of  this  decade  the  missions  were 
eleven  in  number;  at  its  end  they  had  been  increased 
by  new  establishments,  as  recorded  in  the  preceding 
chapters,  to  eighteen — within  three  of  the  highest 
number  ever  reached.1  In  1790  there  were  twenty- 
six  friars  on  duty.  Before  1800  there  came  up  from 
the  college  thirty-eight  new  missionaries;  twenty-one 
retired — some  on  the  expiration  of  their  regular  term 
of  ten  years,  others  on  account  of  failing  health,  four 
virtually  dismissed  for  bad  conduct,  and  four  sent 
away  more  or  less  afflicted  with  insanity;  while  three 
died  at  their  posts.  This  left  forty  still  in  the  ser- 
vice, or  two  ministers  for  each  of  the  eighteen  missions 
and  four  supernumeraries.  Six  of  the  old  pioneers 
who  had  come  before  1780  were  still  left.2 

1  The  seven  new  missions  in  the  order  of  their  founding  were:  Santa  Cruz, 
Soledad,  San  Jose",  San  Juan  Bautista,  San  Miguel,  San  Fernando,  and  San 
Luis  Rey.  There  were  subsequently  founded  Santa  Lie's,  San  Rafael,  and  San 
Francisco  Solano.  For  a  general  statistical  view  of  the  missions,  in  1790 
see  chapter  xix.  of  this  volume. 

2 The  original  26,  the  names  of  pioneers  being  italicized,  were:  Arroita 
Arenaza,  Calzada,  Cambon,  Cruzado,  Dumetz,  Danti,  Fuster,  Garcia,  Giribet, 

(575) 


576  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

The  average  of  integrity,  zeal,  and  ability  among 
the  new  friars  was  lower  than  in  the  case  of  Junipero 
Serra's  companions,  since  a  dozen  or  more  were  either 
refractory,  immoral,  inefficient,  or  insane;  yet  the  list 
included  such  eminent  names  as  Peyri,  Pay  eras,  Via- 
der,  Martinez,  and  Catala,  together  with  many  faithful 
and  efficient  Christian  missionaries. 

The  eleven  old  missions  in  1790  had  in  round  num- 
bers 7,500  converts;  in  1800  they  had  10,700,  a  gain 
of  3,200  for  the  decade,  320  a  year  on  an  average, 
or  about  30  a  year  for  each  mission.  During  the 
period  the  priests  had  baptized  12,300  natives,  and 
buried  8,300,  leaving  800  to  be  regarded  as  approxi- 
mately the  number  of  deserters  and  apostates.  Mean- 
while  in  the  seven  new  establishments  baptisms  had 
been  3,800  and  deaths  1,000,  leaving  2,800  converts  on 
the  rolls.  Thus  for  old  and  new  missions  together 

Lasuen,  Mariner,  Miguel,  Noboa,  Oramas,  Paterna,  Pena,  Pieras,  Rubi, 
Sanchez,  Santa  Maria,  Santiago,  Senan,  Sltjar,  Tapis,  and  Torrens. 

The  new-comers,  38  in  number,  were:  Abella,  Barcenilla,  Barona,  Car- 
nicer,  Carranza,  Catala,  *  Catalan,  Ciprdg,  Cortds,  Espi,  EsttSvan,  Faura, 
Fernandez  (3),  Garcia,  Gili,  Gonzalez,  Horra,  Iturrate,  Jaime,  Landaeta, 
Lopez  (2),  Martiarena,  Martin,  Martinez,  Merelo,  Merino,  Panella,  Pay  eras, 
Peyri.  Puyol,  Salazar,  Uria  (2),  Viacler,  and  Vifials. 

The  deaths  were  Mariner,  Paterna,  and  fluster.  There  left  California,  21: 
Arroita,  Arcnaza,  Catalan,  Danti,  Onimas,  Espi,  Fernandez  (2),  Garcia, 
Rubi,  Salazar,  Gili,  Giribet,  Horra,  Lopez,  Torrens,  Cambon,  Noboa,  Pena, 
Pieras,  Merino.  Lists  of  friars  in  different  years,  with  general  statements  of 
numbers,  in  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  4,  77-8,  100-2,  107-8;  iii.  3-5;  Arch. 
Sta  Bdrlara,  MS.,  xii.  55-6,  01,  66,  68,  235;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  14-17; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  83-4.  These  lists,  however,  afford  but  a  very 
small  part  of  the  data  from  which  I  have  formed  my  local  tables  and  bio- 
graphies of  padres,  data  which  I  have  had  to  collect  little  by  little  from  a 
thousand,  sources. 

Arrivals  in  1791  were  Gili,  Landaeta,  Baldomero  Lopez,  and  Salazar,  in- 
tended for  Santa  Cruz  and  Soledad,  or  to  replace  others  who  were  to  be  sent 
to  those  new  missions  while  Cambon  retired.  In  1792  came  Espi;  and  in  1793 
Catala,  the  latter  as  chaplain  on  a  Nootka  vessel.  This  same  year  Oramas 
and  Rubi — the  latter  a  black  sheep  of  the  Franciscan  flock — departed,  and 
Paterna,  an  old  pioneer,  died  in  harness.  In  1794  five  new  priests  were  sent 
to  California — men  of  a  different  stamp,  it  was  thought,  from  those  who  had 
given  -the  president  so  much  trouble.  Afugdrteyui,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iv.  39-40.  These  were  Martin,  Martiarena,  Estevan,  Manuel  Fernandez,  and 
Gregorio  Fernandez.  The  departures  were  Noboa,  Pieras,  Peiia,  and  Gili — 
the  latter  another  source  of  scandal — who  sailed  on  the  Conception,  Aug.  llth. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  157,  175,  202;  xxi.  142,  146-7;  Arch.  Arzoi: 


St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  230.     Danti,  Lopez,  Calzada,  and  Arroita  sailed  in  July 


STATISTICS.  577 

we  have  a  total  population  of  13,500,  a  gain  of  6,000 
in  ten  years,  during  which  time  the  baptisms  had  been 
16, 100*  and  the  deaths  9,300.  There  is  no  doubt  that 
the  deaths  were  largely  in  excess  of  the  births,  though 
there  are  no  available  means  of  accurately  estimating 
the  latter.3 

The  mission  herds  and  flocks  multiplied  about  three- 
fold during  the  decade.  Horses,  mules,  and  horned 
cattle  increased  from  22,000  to  67,000;  small  stock, 
almost  exclusively  sheep — goats  having  diminished 
very  rapidly  and  swine  being  comparatively  few — 
from  26,000  to  86,000.  Agricultural  products  had 
been  30,000  bushels  in  1790,  the  smallest  subsequent 
crop  being  also  30,000  in  1795,  and  the  largest  75,000 
in  1800.  About  three  fifths  of  the  whole  crop  in  1800 
wyas  wheat,  which  was  less  proportionately  than  usual, 
one  fifth  corn,  and  one  tenth  barley,  the  remainder 
being  beans,  pease,  and  various  grains.  Wheat  yielded 

or  August  1796.  Other  priests  wished  to  retire,  but  the  guardian  thought,  as 
they  had  been  eager  to  come  to  California,  it  was  best  not  to  permit  them  to 
leave  without  the  most  urgent  reasons.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  56-7, 
274;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.  8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  246;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  163.  The  new-comers  of  1796,  arriving  in  June  by  the  Aranzqzu, 
were:  Payeras,  Jos6  Maria  Fernandez,  Peyri,  Viader,  and  forte's.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  139;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxiv.  7;  also  Catalan 
and  Horra.  In  April  1797  the  Conception  is  said  to  have  brought  11  priests. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  145-6;  xxi.  254;  but  there  were  really  only  7: 
Barccnilla,  Carnicer,  Gonzalez,  Martinez,  Merino,  Uria,  and  Panella.  The 
same  vessel  carried  back  to  .San  Bias  in  September,  Garcia  and  Arenaza,  who 
were  ill  and  had  served  out  their  term;  and  also  the  insane  priests  Jos6  Maria 
Fernandez  and  Concepcion  de  Horra.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  94,  08, 192;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  264;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  57-8;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
vi.  107-8.  On  her  next  trip  the  Concepcion  brought  to  Santa  Barbara  in  May 
1798  SciLm  and  Calzada,  returning  from  a  visit  to  Mexico,  and  also  .the  six 
new  friars:  Barona,  Faura,  Carrr.nza,  Abella,  Martinez,  and  Vinales.  Arch. 
Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  47;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  75-6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xvii.  19;  xxi.  279;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  viii.  13.  Manuel  Fernandez  and 
Torrent  retired  this  year,  as  did  PP.  Lr.ndaeta  and  Miguel  temporarily.  Arch. 
Sta  Barbara,  xi.  60;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  107.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii. 
2,  3.  In  1797  Mcrclo,  Jacinto  Lopez,  and  Josd  Uria  arrived;  while  Espi, 
Giribet,  Merino,  and  Catalan,  the  last  two  afflicted  with  insanity,  obtained 
leave  to  retire,  sailing  in  January  1800.  This  last  year  of  the  decade  Fustcr 
and  Mariner  died;  Landacta  and  Miguel  came  back;  and  Garcia  and  Iturrate 
were  added  to  the  force,  some  of  them  apparently  against  their  wishes.  Prov. 
Rc.c.,  MS.,  vi.  127-9,  243;  ix.  12;  xi.  144;  xii.  1;  Prcv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  30, 
44,  292;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  77;  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  24;  xi. 
Cl-2;  281-2,  284. 

3  The  governor  in  a  report  of  1800  states  that  the  number  of  deaths  is  al- 
most double  that  of  births.  Bandim,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  No.  3. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    37 


578  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

on  an  average  fifteenfold,  barley  eighteenfold,  and  corn 
ninety-threefold  for  the  ten  years. 

Fermin  Francisco  Lasuen  remained  at  the  head  of 
the  Franciscan  community  as  president,  performing 
his  duties  to  the  satisfaction  of  all  classes,  loved  and 
respected  by  friars,  officers,  soldiers,  settlers,  and 
neophytes.  He  received  no  pay  for  his  services,  being 
a  supernumerary  friar,  and  no  stipend  being  allowed 
except  to  the  two  regular  ministers  of  each  mission. 
The  duties  of  the  supernumeraries  were  as  arduous, 
and  those  of  the  president  more  so,  than  those  of  the 
ministers,  yet  though  petitions  were  made  and  the 
viceroy  was  disposed  to  grant  them  in  Lasuen's  favor, 
the  attorney  general  always  interposed  objections. 
Dumetz  and  Pena  held  patents  after  Mugartegui's 
departure  to  assume  the  presidency  in  case  of  acci- 
dent.4 The  power  to  administer  the  sacrament  of 
confirmation,  granted  by  the  pope  in  May  1785, 
expired  May  4,  1795,  although  Lasuen  had  actually 
exercised  it  only  since  1790,  or  half  the  full  period. 
The  privilege  was  never  renewed,  and  there  were  no 
more  confirmations  until  California  possessed  a  bishop 
of  her  own.5  The  ordinary  episcopal  powers  of  ad- 
ministering sacraments  other  than  confirmation  were 
conferred  on  the  president  by  the  bishop  of  Sonora. 
As  vied/no  foraneo  Lasuen  exercised  those  powers 
toward  the  civilians,  and  as  vicario  castrense  toward 
the  military;  that  is  to  say,  as  a  kind  of  chaplain 

*Arch.  Sta  Bdrbara,  MS.,  xi.  220,  260-3.  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  in 
his  report  of  1793,  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  18,  24,  implies  that 
missionaries  are  often  removed  unnecessarily  by  their  prelate;  but  it  does 
not  clearly  appear  that  he  refers  particularly  to  California,  where  he  says 
the  friars  perform  their  duties  in  a  most  commendable  manner.  See  pope's  de- 
crees of  July  8,  1794,  and  Dec.  12,  1797  on  qualifications,  duties,  honors,  etc. ,  of 
friars  of  the  Propaganda  Fide  colleges,  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  109- 
36;  ix.  37-40;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  272-3. 

5  Sept.  9,  1792,  pope's  license  forwarded  from  Mexico.  Arch.  Sta  Bdrbara, 
MS.,  x.  289;  yet  Lasuen  says  he  received  the  power  on  July  13,  1790.  S.  Dic<jo, 
Lib.  dc  Mision,  MS.,  45.  Expires  May  4,  1795.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi. 
233;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  284.  April  3,  1795,  Borica  to  Lasuen,  learns 
that  the  president  is  hurrying  through  the  province  to  use  his  privilege 
while  it  lasts.  Prov.  Sec.,  MS.,  vi.  144-5. 


VICEROY'S  REPORT.  579 

general.  The  new  bishop  renewed  the  concession 
in  1796,  and  Lasuen  subdelegated  the  authority  to 
his  subordinate  missionaries.6  Lasuen  was  also  com- 
issary  of  the  holy  inquisition  for  California  after  1795, 
but  so  far  as  the  records  show  his  only  duties  in  this 
capacity  were  to  receive  and  publish  an  occasional 
edict  on  general  matters.7 

In  an  exhaustive  report  on  the  missions  of  New 
Spain  Viceroy  Revilla  Gigedo  presented  to  the  king 
in  1793  an  historical,  descriptive,  and  statistical  view 
of  the  Californian  establishments,  which  is  an  inter- 
esting and  important  document,  though  expressing 
only  en  resume  what  I  have  presented  in  detail  from 
the  same  original  papers  on  which  this  report  was 
founded.  An  effort  was  made  also  about  this  time 
by  the  Spanish  and  Mexican  authorities  to  insure 
greater  regularity  and  thoroughness  in  reports  of 
missionary  progress.8  Father  Salazar  having  returned 

6  Sept.   30,   1796,  bishop  to   Lasuen,   confirming  faculties.      Dec.   16th, 
Lasuen  to  bishop,  expressing  thanks.     March  20,   1797,  Lasuen  takes  the 
oath  as  yicario  foraneo  before  P.  Arenaza.     June  19th,    bishop  reserves  the 
right  of  granting  divorce  and  some  other  episcopal  faculties.  Arch.  Sta  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  xii.  192-8.     Dec.  18,  1796,  Lasueii's  circular  to  the  padres.  Id., 
xi.   139-41.     March  20,  1797,  Lasuen  notifies  Borica.     Is  only  awaiting  the 
license  and  blessing  of  the  guardian.   Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  45.   March 
22d,  B.  to  Lasuen,  will  proclaim  him  juez  vicario  eclesiastico  in  the  pre- 
sidios.   Prov.  Rec.,   MS.,  vi.   184-5.     June  20th,  B.  says  the  title  of  vicar 
must  be  presented  to  the  government.  Id.,  vi.  192-3.     It  appears  that  cas- 
trcnse  powers  were  conferred  by  Lasuen  on  only  seven  friars.  Arch.  Sta  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  xi.  145-6. 

7  Oct.  15,  1795,  Lasuen 's  patente  de  Comision  del  Santo  Of  do  sent  from 
Mexico.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  56.     Several  edicts  of  1795,  1797,  and 
ISQOinArch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  187-8,228;  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  G7-8. 
In  offences  of  which  the  inquisition  had  cognizance  the  natives  were  not 
directly  subject  to  that  tribunal  but  to  the  pro  visor  de  Indias,  who,  with  the 
knowledge  of  the  inquisition,  acted  as  judge.  Priv'deyios  de  Indies,  MS.,  6. 
Some  additional  items  on  ecclesiastical  matters  are  given  later  in  this  chapter. 

8  Rewlla  Gifledo,  Carta  sobre  misiones  de  27  de  Diciembre  de  1703,  in  Dice. 
Univ.,  v.  427-30;  also  MS.,  i.     See  also  chap.  xxiv.  of  this  volume.     Oct.  22, 
1794,  viceroy  to  governor,  urging  compliance  with  royal  order  of  March  21, 
1787,  which  required  attention  to  mission  welfare  and  reports  every  two  or 
three  years  on  mission  progress.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  203.     July  28,  1795, 
Branciforte  sends  Borica  a  copy  of  his  predecessor's  report  of  1793  to  serve  as 
a  guide  for  new 'reports;  and  also  calls  for  suggestions.  St.  Pap.,  Mis*,  and 
Col.,  MS.,  i.  1.     Jan.  2,  1795,  Lasuen  in  a  circular  says  the  council  of  the 
Indies  have  read  the  mission  reports  and  thank  un  in  king's  name  for  progress 
made,  which  is  great  compared  with  other  missions  with  better  advantages. 
The  guardian  sends  the  thanks  of  the  college.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix. 
320-1. 


580  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

from  California  was  called  upon  by  the  viceroy  for  a 
report  on  the  condition  of  the  country,  which  was 
rendered  May  11,  1796,  but  contained  little  of  value 
respecting  the  missions.  Salazar  estimated  the  wealth 
of  the  Franciscan  establishments  at  $800,000  in  build- 
ings and  chattels ;  but  he  complained  that  progress  was 
impeded  by  the  excessive  labors  imposed  upon  the 
friars;  also  by  the  preference  shown  to  settlers  in  the 
purchase  of  supplies.9 

On  the  subject  of  secularization,  not  referring  par- 
ticularly to  California,  Re  villa  Gigedo  expressed  his 
dissatisfaction  with  the  condition  of  such  missions  as 
had  been  given  up  to  the  clergy.  He  would  take  no 
steps  in  that  direction  without  a  better  prospect  of 
success.  Curates  could  do  no  better  than  friars  in  the 
instruction  and  improvement  of  the  natives.10  In  a 
letter  of  1796  Governor  Borica  says  that  according 
to  the  laws,  the  natives  are  to  be  free  from  tutelage 
at  the  end  of  ten  years,  the  missions  then  becoming 
doctrinas;  "but  those  of  New  California  at  the  rate 
they  are  advancing  will  not  reach  the  goal  in  ten 
centuries;  the  reason,  God  knows,  and  men  know 
something  about  it."11 

Two  special  projects  for  the  advancement  of  Cali- 
fornian  interests  were  devised  in  Mexico  during  the 
decade;  and  both,  being  opposed  by  the  Franciscan 
authorities,  seem  to  have  been  given  up  at  the  end  of 
1797.  The  first  was  to  establish  a  Carmelite  monas- 
tery at  San  Francisco,  which  was  to  consist  of  twelve 
friars,  and  cost  from  $25,000  to  $30,000.  It  was  to 
be  supported  by  an  agricultural  establishment,  become 
the  nucleus  of  a  settlement,  and  thus  promote  both 
the  colonization  of  the  country  and  the  civilization  of 
the  natives,  to  say  nothing  of  the  usefulness  of  the 
monastery  towers  to  navigators  as  landmarks.  This 
matter  was  referred  to  two  friars  who  had  been  in 

9  Salazar,  Condition  Actual  de  Cal..  Informe  General  al  Virey,  11  de  Mayo 
1796,  MS. 

lol!cvilla  Gifjcdo,  Cartadel793,  MS.,  25. 

11  Aug.  3,  1796,  Borica  to  Albcrni.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxiv.  7,  8. 


PROJECTS  DEFEATED.  581 

California  and  who  reported  adversely.  The  second 
project  was  to  establish  a  hacienda  of  the  pious  fund 
in  Jacopin  Valley  near  San  Diego,  but  the  guardian 
of  San  Fernando  pronounced  the  scheme  impractica- 
ble if  not  absurd.  The  general  argument  of  the 
Franciscans  on  these  questions  was,  that  so  far  as 
the  conversion  of  the  natives  was  concerned  the  old 
methods  were  sufficient,  and  any  innovation  would  be 
dangerous;  and  that  for  the  promotion  of  settlement 
by  gente  de  razon  the  new  establishments  would  have 
no  advantages  over  the  old,  which  were  far  from  pros- 
perous.12 

The  regulation  of  1781,  as  we  have  seen,  provided 
for  the  gradual  reduction  of  the  ministers  to  one  at 
each  mission.  Until  this  was  effected  friars  retiring 
or  dying  were  not  to  be  replaced.  This  regulation 
was  disregarded  by  the  friars  and  the  secular  author- 
ities made  no  attempt  to  enforce  it.  The  subject  came 
up  and  was  discussed  during  this  decade,  but  nothing 
was  effected.  The  law  remained  unchanged,  and  was 
practically  disregarded  as  before.13  Respecting  the  re- 

12  Dec.  4,  1795,  viceroy  to  governor,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  34; 
Mugdrtecjui  and  Pena,  Parecer  sobre  el  Establecimiento  de,  un  Convento  en  el 
Puerto  de  San  Francisco,  28  de  Enero  de  1797,  MS.  These  padres  declare  that 
aid  from  the  Carmelites  in  founding  new  missions  would  be  acceptable.  Ca- 
lleja,  fiespuesta  del  Guardian  al  Virey  sobre  Proyectos  de  California,  1797, 
MS.  This  report,  dated  Oct.  23d,  is  chiefly  devoted  to  another  subject,  of 
which  more  anon.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  guardian  speaks  very  ironically 
of  the  'domesticated'  gentiles  whose  services  it  was  proposed  to  utilize  in  the 
new  establishments,  greatly  exaggerating  the  danger  of  the  old  missions  and 
pueblos  from  the  natives,  and  implying  without  intending  to  do  so  that  not 
much  had  been  effected  by  nearly  30  years  of  missionary  work.  Borica  also 
disapproved  of  the  hacienda  because  there  would  be  no  market  for  produce. 
Prov.  Ilee.,  MS.,  vi.  61. 

13Hevilla  Gigedo,  Carta  de  1793,  24,  disapproves  the  reduction,  among 
other  reasons  because  it  would  favor  immorality  on  the  part  of  the  friars. 
April  30,  179G,  the  guardian  writes  to  Lasuen  that  the  fiscal  wants  to  know  the 
reasons  for  non-compliance  with  the  reglamento;  consequently  all  the  docu- 
ments on  the  subject  are  needed,  only  one  or  two  being  in  the  college  archives. 
Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  275-6.  Nov.  16,  1797,  Borica  to  viceroy,  thinks 
the  matter  should  be  settled,  as  there  is  a  deficit  of  $52,142  in  the  mission 
fund.  He  suggests  that  two  padres  be  allowed  to  each  mission,  but  that  only 
one  sinodo  of  §400  be  divided  between  them,  since  they  now  spend  no  more 
than  that  on  themselves.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  vi.  60-1.  Sept.  3, 1699,  Padre  Lull, 
Exposition  del  Guardian  sobre  la  reduction  de  Misioneros  en  California,  1799, 
MS.,  presents  the  usual  arguments  against  reducing  the  number  of  mission- 
aries, and  also  opposes  Borica:s  scheme  of  reducing  the  sinodo,  not  only  because 
it  is  contrary  to  the  king's  intentions,  but  because,  while,  as  Borica  says,  the 


582  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

F 

tirement  of  fri*ars  to  Mexico  there  was  now  no  contro- 
versy between  the  secular  and  Franciscan  authorities, 
because  the  latter  were  considerably  troubled  to  keep 
the  missionaries  at  their  posts,  and  welcomed  even 
secular  interference  to  aid  in  the  task.  In  1795  there 
came  a  royal  order  that  the  governor  and  president 
might  grant  license  to  retire  for  due  and  certified 
cause  without  waiting  for  a  report  from  Mexico;  but 
before  the  end  of  this  decade  this  rule  seems  to  have 
been  modified.14  Since  1787  and  down  to  1794  friars 
coming  to  or  returning  from  California  were  allowed 
two  hundred  dollars  for  travelling  expenses  on  land 
and  ninety-five  cents  per  day  while  on  the  water. 
Subsequently  their  stipends  were  allowed  to  cover  the 
time  consumed  on  the  journey  provided  there  were 
no  unnecessary  delays.15 

two  priests  spend  less  than  $400  on  themselves  they  spend  the  remainder  for 
the  natives,  and  this  is  practically  the  only  way  of  obtaining  necessary  arti- 
cles since  there  is  no  market  for  mission  produce.  In  1800,  or  perhaps  later, 
Lasuen  in  a  letter  to  the  guardian  argues  the  same  side  of  the  case  most 
earnestly,  speaks  rather  bitterly  of  any  scheme  to  economize  on  the  pay  of 
poor  over-worked  friars  when  the  king  is  so  liberal  in  other  expenses,  and  re- 
peats his  old  determination  to  retire  if  the  change  be  insisted  on.  Lasuen,  Cor- 
respondencia,  MS.,  329-33. 

11 1793,  a  priest  retired  on  a  provisional  license  of  the  comandante  at  Mon- 
terey. Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  33.  1794,  the  10  years  of  service  to  count 
from  the  date  of  embarking  from  Spain.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  294- 
5.  Royal  orders  referred  to  in  my  text  dated  Sept.  16,  1794.  Sent  from  Mex- 
ico June  8,  1795.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  124-5.  Just  before  the  receipt 
of  this  order  Borica  refuses  Danti's  petition  to  retire  until  leave  is  obtained 
from  Mexieo.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  149.  Dec.  9,  1797,  viceroy  to  the  guar- 
dian, friars  must  not  go  to  Mexico  to  solicit  license  to  retire  to  Spain.  Arch. 
Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  59.  Sept.  1,  1800,  governor  to  viceroy,  understands 
that  no  leave  to  retire  is  to  be  given,  even  on  expiration  of  term,  until  substi- 
tutes arrive.  The  priests  are  not  pleased  at  this.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS.,  xxi.  42. 

15  On  measures  adopted  1786-8,  see  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  207-70; 
xi.  52-3,  241-2;  xii.  40-1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  202-3;  viii.  1-3.  It 
seems  that  the  $200  was  to  be  paid,  like  the  stipend,  from  the  pious  fund,  which 
in  1787  was  charged  with  $3,944  for  friars'  travelling  expenses  for  the  past  20 
years.  In  December  1793  the  guardian  attempts  to  secure  travelling  expenses 
for  supernumerary  friars  going  to  California,  and  succeeds  after  some  corre- 
spondence in  getting  an  advance  of  their  stipend  to  pay  these  expenses, 
though  their  stipend  would  cease  on  arrival  until  assigned  to  a  mission.  From 
this  correspondence  it  appears  that  by  royal  order  of  April  20,  1793,  the  sti- 
pend began  on  the  date  of  departure  from  Mexico.  Arch.  Sta  Bdrbara,  MS., 
xi.  246-51.  By  order  of  Sept.  16,  1794,  the  stipend  was  extended  to  date  of 
arrival  in  Mexico  on  return  and  all  gratuities  for  travelling  expenses  were 
abolished.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  124-5;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix. 
324-5;  Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  xxviii.  date  July  20,  1795.  The  friars 
subsequently  had  much  trouble  on  account  of  the  naval  authorities  who 
demanded  $2.25  per  day  instead  of  95  cts.  Moreover  the  government  in  some 


MISSIONARY  ESCORTS.  583 

Many  of  the  old  matters  of  dispute  still  remained 
open,  but  as  a  rule  they  gave  rise  to  no  very  bitter 
controversy  during  this  period.  No  regular  chaplains 
were  appointed,  though  Borica  made  an  effort  to 
secure  such  appointments;  neither  does  it  appear  that 
the  friars  got  any  pay  for  attending  to  the  spiritual 
interests  of  soldiers  and  settlers.16  In  the  matter  of 
mission  escorts  and  their  duties  there  were  no  radical 
changes  and  few  disputes.  The  soldiers  were  in- 
structed to  treat  the  padres  always  with  respect  and 
evidently  did  so,  the  chief  complaint  being  that  they 
would  not  always  serve  as  vaqueros  and  servants  of 
all  work,  a  refusal  the  padres  could  never  quite  un- 
derstand. The  guard  furnished  to  a  friar  engaged  in 
his  several  duties  abroad  was  still  regulated  by  the 
governor's  or  commandant's  instructions,  or  in  some 
cases  left  to  the  corporal's  discretion.  The  friars 
desired  discretionary  powers,  but  submitted.  The 
strict  rule  of  Fages  that  no  soldier  on  escort  duty 
should  sleep  away  from  the  mission  was  relaxed  some- 
what in  urgent  cases  by  the  viceroy's  orders;  but  the 
order  that  no  soldier  should  be  sent  after  fugitive 
natives  or  allowed  to  visit  the  rancherias  of  gentiles 
without  superior  command  was  strictly  enforced, 
and  the  friars,  now  that  their  temper  had  cooled  a 
little,  doubtless  recognized  the  necessity  of  such  a 
rule.  The  instructions  of  Borica  to  the  guards  show 
an  earnest  desire  to  maintain  harmonious  relations 
with  the  missionaries,  as  well  as  a  prudent  and  wise 
policy  toward  the  gentiles.  Doubtless  the  patience 
of  the  friars  was  often  sorely  tried  by  the  indolence 

cases  when  the  return  voyage  was  very  long  by  no  fault  of  the  priests  refused 
to  pay  the  full  stipend  as  per  royal  order.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  41-5, 
^o — o. 

10  Sept  26,  1793,  governor  to  viceroy  asking  for  a  friar  for  each  presidio, 
as  the  missionaries  have  too  much  to  attend  to.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  117. 
June  18,  1794,  viceroy  must  have  more  information  before  deciding.  Id.,  xi. 
181-2.  November  28th,  gov.  circulates  nine  questions  on  the  performance  of 
chaplain's  duties  by  padres;  and  April  3,  1795,  explains  more  fully  to  the  V. 
R.  asking  again  for  chaplains  at  a  salary  of  $400.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  122; 
•\i.  41-2.  Nothing  more  is  heard  from  Mexico.  June  17,  1796,  Comandante 
Goycoechea  complains  of  the  padres,  having  declined  to  hear  confessions.  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  73. 


584  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

and  insolence  of  individual  soldiers,  but  of  the  govern- 
ment they  had  no  cause  to  complain.  The  guards 
were  reduced  in  most  of  the  old  missions  on  the  estab- 
lishing of  new  ones,  and  this  brought  out  a  protest 
from  the  Franciscans,  which  was  in  some  instances 
successful.17 

Desertion  of  neophytes  became  prevalent,  especially 
in  the  northern  missions,  the  pretended  motive  of  the 
fugitives,  and  in  some  instances  the  real  one,  being 
ill-treatment,  overwork,  and  hunger;  but  oftener  the 
true  cause  of  apostasy  was  a  longing  for  the  old  free- 
dom and  dread  of  the  terrible  death-rate  in  the  mis- 
sion communities.  As  we  have  seen,  the  soldiers  of 
the  guard  were  not  allowed  to  pursue  runaways; 
neither  was  the  practice  of  sending  neophytes  after 
them,  approved  by  Fages,  allowed  during  Borica's 
rule.  Gentiles  might  be  bribed  to  bring  them  in; 

17  Borica,  Instruction  para  la  Escolta  de  San  Juan  Bautista,  1797,  MS.  This 
document  was  ordered  to  be  posted  in  every  mission  for  the  guidance  of  the 
corporal.  Sal,  Instruction  al  Cabo  de  Sta  Cruz,  1701,  MS.;  Farjes,  Imtruc. 
para  la  Escolta  de  Purisima,  1788,  MS.;  Id.,  Instruc.  para  S.  Miguel,  1787, 
MS.  Prohibition  of  escorts  for  long  distances,  approved  by  king,  Jan.  13, 
1790.  Fages,  Papel  de  Puntos,  MS.,  155.  1794,  soldiers  to  be  alternated  in 
escolta  and  presidio  service.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  8;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
v.  48.  Muskets  to  be  fired  and  reloaded  once  a  week.  Some  complaint  of 
failure  to  keep  watch  at  night.  No  escorts  for  long  distances.  Arrillnga, 
Papel  de  Puntos,  MS.,  196-7.  May  15,  1795,  escorts  of  padres  must  return 
to  mission  same  day.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  133.  June  3d,  Borica  to  viceroy. 
The  padres  still  ask  for  escorts  to  visit  rancherias;  but  I  attribute  present 
tranquillity  to  the  measures  of  my  predecessor  and  refuse.  We  must  not  risk 
our  peace  in  the  hands  of  a  careless  soldier.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  52.  Oct. 
5th,  approval  of  V.  R.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS-,  xiii.  42-3;  but  on  Nov.  7th  the 
V.  R. ,  on  petition  of  the  guardian,  recommends  concessions  in  urgent  cases, 
always  with  due  prudence.  Id.,  xiii.  65-6.  On  this  ground,  Lasuen,  March 
5,  1796,  informs  the  padres  that  the  old  restriction  has  been  removed,  the 
matter  never  having  been  properly  understood  in  Mexico  before.  Doc.  Hint. 
Cal,  MS.,  iv.  56;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  137.  Corporal  at  Soledad 
had  to  give  monthly  reports  on  manufactures,  etc.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  179. 
Must  keep  a  diary  of  events  to  be  sent  in  every  month.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
vi.  1.  Escoltas  to  build  themselves  houses  to  save  paying  rent.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  175.  June  9,  179G,  padres  to  have  escorts  on  journeys,  or 
on  going  to  confess,  etc.,  but  not  to  pursue  fugitives.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
64;  v.  86.  No  aid  to  padres  to  punish  Indians  unless  two  agree;  ijut  to  alle- 
viate suffering  the  request  of  one  to  suffice.  Id.,  v.  89.  April  21),  1707, 
Argiiello  reprimands  a  corporal  for  having  furnished  only  one  soldier  to  escort 
seven  padres.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  57.  Lasuen,  Informe  Blenal,  1707-8, 
MS.,  C7-8,  objects  to  the  reduction  of  the  guard  in  the  old  missions.  Oct. 
11,  1799,  the  guardian  complained  to  the  V.  R.  that  the  escoltas  were  too 
email;  and  the  report  was  sent  to  Borica  on  Dec.  17th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  148-9. 


REGULATIONS.  585 

and  occasionally  an  expedition  of  presidio  soldiers  was 
sent  out  to  make  a  wholesale  collection  of  apostates, 
but  such  raids  were  not  yet  very  frequent.  Kind 
treatment  of  returned  fugitives  was  required  by  the 
governor,  and  was  to  a  large  extent  enforced.  Neo- 
phytes sometimes  stowed  themselves  away  on  the  San 
Bias  vessels,  or  escaped  by  land  to  Sonora.18  " 

The  laws  required  an  alcalde  and  several  regidores 
to  be  elected  annually  in  each  mission,  a  policy  which 
had  in  earlier  times  met  with  considerable  opposition 
from  the  padres,  who  insisted  that  the  natives  were 
by  no  means  fitted  for  self-government  even  to  this 
slight  extent.  After  1792  these  elections  ceased  alto- 
gether until  Borica  brought  up  the  matter  in  1796 
and  insisted  with  the  viceroy's  approval  on  the  en- 
forcement of  the  law.  President  Lasuen  obeyed, 
but  in  his  instructions  to  the  padres  he  clearly  indi- 
cated that  the  election  was  to  be  a  mere  formality 
and  the  authority  of  the  native  officials  merely  nom- 
inal, the  whole  system  being  intended  simply  for  the 
instruction  of  the  neophytes  in  the  forms  of  civil 
government  with  a  view  to  the  time  when  the  missions 
should  be  secularized.  After  1796  the  elections  were 
regularly  reported  to  the  governor  each  year,  and  the 
padres  sometimes  caused  the  choice  to  fall  on  a 
trusty  neophyte  who  could  be  allowed  to  exercise 
slight  authority  as  a  kind  of  overseer.  The  gov- 

18 1701,  Fages'  policy  of  sending  neophytes.  Pages,  Papel  de  Puntos,  MS., 
154-5.  Jan.  15,  1794,  governor  to  viceroy.  Progress  has  been  made  in  the 
reduction  of  gentiles  and  fugitives  by  gentle  measures.  A  chief  has  even 
brought  in  fugitives  voluntarily.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  131.  1795,  Bo- 
rica approves  "sending  pagans  after  fugitives.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  C9.  1796, 
fugitives  to  be  treated  well.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  176.  1797,  viceroy 
forbids  any  Indian  being  taken  to  Mexico.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  195.  1798, 
ninety  fugitives  of  Santa  Cruz  recovered  by  soldiers.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xvii. 
101.  Xov.  8,  1798,  viceroy  to  Lasuen,  disapproves  the  sending  of  neophytes 
after  fugitives,  except  in  extreme  cases  after  consultation  with  the  governor. 
Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  75.  Mar.  4,  1799,  Lasuen  instructs  the  padrea 
accordingly.  Id.,  xi.  146-7;  Lasuen's  original  order  in -Doc.  Hi  t.  CaL,  MS., 
iv.  71-3.  July  22,  1799,  governor  to  padres  of  San  Juan.  They  may  send 
Indians  after  fugitives  to  peaceful  rancherias.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  242. 
Flight  of  Indians  to  San  Bias  and  Sonora.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  209;  xxi. 
185;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  58.  On  fugitives  from  San  Francisco  where  the 
most  trouble  occurred  see  chapter  xxxi.  of  this  volume. 


586  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

ernment  did  not  choose  to  interfere  so  long  as  the 
prescribed  formalities  were  complied  with.19  The  sec- 
ular authorities  still  found  fault  because  the  neophytes 
were  permitted  to  ride  arid  thus  fitted  to  be  formi- 
dable foes  in  the  future;  but  the  friars,  while  appreci- 
ating the  danger  and  admitting  that  one  white  man 
was  equal  to  six  or  eight  Indians  to  care  for  their  herds, 
claimed  that  as  there  were  no  Spaniards  to  be  had 
even  if  the  missions  were  able  to  pay  for  their  services, 
they  must  necessarily  employ  natives  as  vaqueros.20 
In  two  local  controversies  elsewhere  narrated,  that  is 
to  say  at  Santa  Clara  respecting  boundary  lines  be- 
tween mission  and  pueblo  and  at  San  Francisco 
respecting  the  establishment  of  the  rancho  del  rey, 
the  friars  were  victorious  in  the  first  and  defeated  in 
the  second,  receiving  strict  justice  at  the  hands  of 
the  authorities  in  California  as  well  as  in  Mexico. 
Indeed,  throughout  this  decade  there  was  an  evident 
disposition  on  the  part  of  viceroy  and  governor  to 
promote  friendly  relations;  while  guardian  and  presi- 
dent, especially  the  latter,  were  much  more  disposed 
than  formerly  to  conciliatory  methods.' 


21 


19  On  mission  alcaldes  before  1790  see  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  120;  iii.  71,  170; 
Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  94-G.  Sept.  22,  1700,  Borica  to  Lasuen  and  to 
the  padres,  requiring  compliance  with  the  law.  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  vi.  173;  Sta 
Cruz,  Parroquia,  MS.,  16;  Arch.  Arzobitpado,  MS.,  i.  44.  Nov.  2,  1796, 
Lasuen's  circular  to  the  padres.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  138-9;  vi.  118- 
19.  Nov.  19, 1796,  Borica  to  viceroy  stating  his  action  in  the  matter.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  66-7.  Dec.  20,  1797,  viceroy  to  Lasuen.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara, 
MS.,  x.  90-3.  Dec.  2,  1796,  Borica  to  Lasuen,  approving  the  election  of  neo- 
phyte alcaldes  and  regidores  who  are  to  act  generally  under  the  padres'  direc- 
tion, but  in  criminal  matters  under  the  corporal  of  the  escolta.  Prov.  llec. , 
MS.,  vi.  178-9.  Jan.  7,  1797,  Borica  orders  padres  of  San  Diego  to  depose  a 
bad  alcalde  and  elect  a  new  one.  Id.  March  30,  1798,  Borica  tells  padres  of 
Soledad  they  were  wrong  in  changing  alcaldes  without  submitting  the  case  to 
the  government.  Prov.  liec.,  MS.,  vi.  210. 

2U  This  matter  was  pretty  well  settled  before  1796  so  far  as  the  missions 
were  concerned.  Prov.  llec. ,  MS. ,  iii.  64-5, 87 ;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS. ,  xi.  392- 
6;  viii.  63.  May  28,  1791,  the  governor  says  the  Indians  are  getting  too  much 
meat  to  eat,  are  becoming  too  skilful  riders,  and  are  acquiring  the  insolence  of 
Apaches.  Prov.  St.  Pa}?.,  MS.,  x.  150.  Strict  orders  against  any  gentile  or 
any  Indian  servant  of  soldier  or  settler  being  allowed  to  ride  or  to  have  arms. 
S.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  86;  iii.  65. 

21  For  the  controversies  at  Santa  Clara  and  San  Francisco  see  chapter 
xxxi.,  this  volume.  Kevilla  Gigedo,  Cartel  de  1703,  MS.,  24-5,  dwells  on 
the  importance  of  promoting  harmony  with  the  friars.  Jan.  2,  1795,  Lasuen 
in  a  circular  orders  the  padres  to  forward  to  him  all  consultations  of  the  gov- 


KOREA'S  CHARGES.  587 

The  leading  controversy  of  the  decade  in  Franciscan 
circles  resulted  from  certain  charges  made  against  the 
missionaries  by  one  of  their  own  number,  though  in 
subsequent  investigations  the  secular  authorities  be- 
came involved.  The  results  of  these  investigations 
present  the  best  information  extant  respecting  the  de- 
tails of  the  mission  routine  in  certain  of  its  phases, 
and  they  will  be  used  elsewhere  in  a  chapter  devoted 
to  the  subject;  but  here  I  present  the  matter  only  in 
a  general  way  as  a  prominent  historical  event  and  as 
illustrating  the  missionary  policy  of  the  time.  In  1797 
Padre  Antonio  de  la  Concepcion  Horra,  who  had  come 
to  California  the  same  year,  was  sent  back  to  Mexico 
by  President  Lasuen  on  a  charge  of  insanity.  Back 
at  the  college  on  July  12,  1798,  Horra  addressed  a 
memorial  to  the  viceroy  in  which,  besides  complain- 
ing bitterly  of  the  treatment  to  which  he  had  been 
personally  subjected  on  a  false  charge  of  insanity,  he 
made  some  serious  charges  against  the  Californian 
friars  of  cruelty  and  mismanagement.  There  was 
nothing  in  the  document  to  indicate  that  the  writer 
was  of  unsound  mind,  unless  it  was  his  closing  request 
to  be  sent  away  because  his  life  would  be  in  danger  if 
it  were  known  that  he  had  revealed  prevalent  abuses 
to  the  viceroy/ 


22 


ernor.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  xi.  135.  Catala's  reported  hostility  to  settlers 
rebuked.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  1G9-70.  In  case  of  innovations  the  padres  to 
be  cautious  and  consult  the  president.  Lasuen,  Correspondencia,  MS.,  318-19. 
Dec.  14,  1796,  Borica  to  Goycoechea,  he  must  give  the  padres  all  needed 
aid  by  viceroy's  order.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.  iv.  86.  Jan.  1797,  corporals  Mo- 
raga  and  Vallejo  forced  to  apologize  to  Catala  for  their  rudeness.  Id.,  vi. 
179-80;  iv.  204-5.  A  padre  must  settle  his  troubles  with  a  companion  or 
appeal  to  the  prelate;  the  governor  will  not  interfere  in  such  matters.  Id., 
vi.  197. 

22  Horra,  Representation  al  Virey  contra  los  Misioneros  de  California,  1798, 
MS.  Sitjar,  Lasuen,  and  Miguel  were  the  particular  objects  of  Horra's 
wrath.  Sitjar,  offended  at  Padre  Concepcion's  criticisms,  went  to  his  inti- 
mate friend  Lasuen,  who  believed  the  absurd  story  of  insanity,  and  sent 
Miguel  who  treated  him  as  a  maniac,  even  laying  violent  hands  en  him  and 
maltreating  him  all  the  way  from  San  Miguel  to  Monterey  where  he  was 
thrown  into  a  fever,  all  of  which  could  be  proved  by  Peyri,  the  soldiers,  and 
the  surgeon.  He  cites  many  witnesses  including  Gov.  Borica  to  prove  that 
he  is  not  mad,  and  others  to  prove  his  past  services;  but  he  can  get  no  jus- 
tice at  the  college  because  all  there  are  friends  of  Lasuen.  See  also  chapter 
xxvi.,  on  Padre  Horra's  life  and  experience  in  California. 


588  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

On  August  31st  the  viceroy  sent  the  representa- 
tions of  Horra  to  Borica,  who  was  ordered  to  investi- 
gate and  report  on  the  truth  of  the  charges.  Borica 
accordingly  despatched  private  instructions  to  the 
four  commandants  to  send  in  answers  to  fifteen  ques- 
tions propounded  on  the  manner  in  which  the  friars 
were  discharging  their  duties.23  This  was  on  December 
3d,  and  before  the  end  of  the  month  the  required  reports 
were  made  by  Argiiello,  Goycoechea,  Sal,  and  Acting 
Comandante  Rodriguez;  while  Grajera  sent  in  his 
reply  in  March  1799.  These  replies,  especially  those 
of  Goycoechea  and  Sal,  went  far  to  support  some  of 
the  mad  friar's  accusations.24  The  report  which  Borica 
probably  made  to  the  viceroy  on  receipt  of  his  subor- 
dinates' statements  is  unfortunately  not  extant.25  It 
was  not  apparently  until  this  report,  including  those 
of  the  commandants,  reached  Mexico  that  anything 
whatever  was  known  at  the  college  of  Horra's  repre- 
sentation against  the  friars  or  of  the  resulting  investi- 
gations. In  February  1799  the  guardian  sent  Lasuen 
a  statement  of  the  charges,26  and  a  little  later  copies 
of  other  documents  which  were  lost  in  crossing  the 
gulf  of  California,  and  Lasuen  did  not  receive  the 
fifteen  questions  and  the  commandants'  replies  until 
September  1800.  In  October  Tapis  and  Cortes  of 
Santa  Barbara  sent  in  to  the  president  a  long  and 
complete  reply  to  Goycoechea,  whose  statements  had 
been  more  full  than  those  of  the  others  and  slightly 

23  Aug.  31st,  viceroy  to  Borica.  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  49;  Borica, 
Quince  Preguntas  sobre  Abusos  de  Misioneros,  1708,  MS. 

2iArfjiiello,  liexpuesta  a  las  Quince  Precjuntas  sobre  Abusos  de  Misioneros, 
1798,  MS.  Dated  San  Francisco,  Dec.  llth,  and  more  favorable  to  the  padres 
than  the  others.  Goycoechea,  Ifopuesta,  etc.,  MS.,  Sta  Barbara,  Dec.  14th; 
ti«l,  fiespuesta,  etc.,  MS.,  Monterey,  Dec.  15th;  Rodriguez,  J'espuesta,  etc., 
MS.,  San  Diego,  Dec.  19th;  Grajera,  Respuesta,  etc.,  MS.,  San  Diego,  March 
21,  1799. 

25  On  Oct.  30,  1798,  however,  Borica  in  a  letter  to  the  viceroy  expresses 
his  opinion  that  the  best  way  to  insure  the  advancement  of  the  natives  was 
to  form  a  reglamento  for  the  whole  mission  routine,  including  instruction, 
food,  dress,  dwellings,  care  of  sick,  labor,  punishments,  and  amusements, 
and  to  hold  the  j^resident  responsible  for  exact  compliance  with  the  rules ;_  for 
at  present  his  authority  is  sometimes  disregarded.  Prov.  Rvc.,  MS.,vi.  105-6. 

20 Feb.  G,  1800,  guardian  to  president,  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi. 
284-7. 


LASUEN'S  REPORT.  589 

less  favorable  to  the  friars.27  And  finally  president 
Lasuen  devoted  himself  from  November  12,  1800,  to 
June  19,  1801,  to  the  preparation  of  a  comprehensive 
exposition  of  the  whole  subject,  which  is  not  only  the 
leading  production  of  the  venerable  author's  pen,  but 
the  most  eloquent  and  complete  defence  and  present- 
ment of  the  mission  system  in  many  of  its  phases 
which  is  extant.28  It  is  in  a  chapter  on  the  mission 
system  and  routine  that  the  details  of  all  these  docu- 
ments must  be  chiefly  utilized  as  already  intimated; 
but  it  seems  necessary  to  present  here  a  general  view 
of  the  questions  at  issue,  which  difficult  task  I  pro- 
ceed to  perform  as  briefly  as  possible. 

It  was  the  policy  of  the  government  and  the  duty 
of  the  friars  to  introduce  the  Spanish  language  in  place 
of  the  vernacular,  thus  fitting  the  natives  for  future 
citizenship.  Padre  Concepcion  accused  the  friars  of 
an  almost  total  neglect  of  this  duty.  According  to 
the  commandants  religious  services  and  some  teachings 
of  Christian  principles  were  conducted  daily  in  the 
north  in  Spanish ;  in  the  south  the  natives  were  taught 
in  their  own  language,  though  the  doctrina  was  often 
repeated  to  them  in  Spanish.  In  general  intercourse 
the  vernacular  was  used  wherever  the  friars  had  learned 
it,  and  in  some  missions  exclusively.  Nowhere  were 
the  natives  compelled  to  learn  Spanish,  and  every- 
where the  friars  were  more  or  less  indifferent  on  the 
subject.  Padres  Tapis  and  Cortes  affirmed  that  at 
Santa  Barbara  the  doctrina  at  mass  was  taught  in 
Spanish  and  in  the  afternoon  either  in  one  language 
or  another;  but  they  admitted  that  the  natives  were 
not  required,  only  persuaded,  to  use  the  Spanish. 
And  finally  Lasuen,  while  maintaining  that  it  was  use- 

27  Tapis  and  Cortes,  Replica  de  los  Ministros  de  Sta  Barbara  d  la  Respuesta 
que  dl6  el  Comandante  Goycoechea  d  las  quince  prcyuntas  de  Borica  sobreabusos 
de  Misioneros,  1800,  MS.     Dated  Oct.  30th.     Other  padres,  not  unlikely  one 
from  each  mission,  sent  in  similar  reports  on  the  subject,  but  I  have  found 
none  of  the  documents  except  this. 

28  Lasuen,  Representation  sobre  los  Puntos  represent  ados  al Superior  Gobierno 
por  el  P.  Fr.  Antonio  de  la  Conception  (Horra)  contra  los  misioneros  de  esta, 
Nueva  California,  1800,  MS.,  with  autograph  signature. 


590  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

less  to  preach  to  the  natives  in  a  language  they  did 
not  understand,  claimed  that  an  honest  effort  was  made 
to  teach  Spanish,  that  exercises  were  conducted  in 
that  language  once  a  day,  that  the  natives  were  com- 
pelled to  use  it  in  their  petitions,  that  premiums  were 
offered  for  acquiring  it,  and  moreover  that  the  natives 
were  inclined  to  learn  it.29 

Respecting  Horra's  statement  that  natives  were 
baptized  without  sufficient  instruction  in  the  faith,  and 
then  often  allowed  to  return  to  the  forest,  to  be  re- 
baptized  perhaps  at  a  later  date,  the  commandants 
thought  the  preliminary  teaching  of  eight  days  or 
more  and  rarely  less  might  be  sometimes  too  little, 
some  padres  being  more  careful  than  others,  and  that 
rebaptism  might  occur,  though  they  knew  of  no  in- 
stances where  it  had  occurred.  The  padres  claimed 
that  eight  days  was  the  minimum,  that  the  instruction 
was  ample,  and  that  a  second  baptism  could  never 
happen  under  their  system  of  registers.  Lasuen  knew 
of  but  three  cases  of  rebaptism  out  of  27,000  con- 
verts. All  but  Goycoechea  agreed  that  neophytes 
were  never  allowed  to  return  to  the  woods  and  moun- 
tains except  for  definite  periods  and  purposes.  In 
answer  to  the  charge  of  insufficient  food  many  details 
were  given  of  the  rations  actually  served,  which 
though  insipid  and  unvarying  in  quality  seem  to  have 
been  sufficient  in  quantity.  Sal  and  Goycoechea 
deemed  the  amount  of  food  too  small  for  laboring 
men;  but  Lasuen  affirmed  most  earnestly  that  the 
natives  had  all  they  wanted,  not  only  of  the  everlast- 
ing atote  and  pozole,  but  regular  allowances  of  meat 
and  milk,  with  fish  occasionally,  and  always  a  plate 

29  Revilla  Gigedo  understands  that  the  natives  permanently  settled  use 
Spanish;  but  the  friars  learn  the  vernacular  to  advance  their  instruction. 
Carta  de  1793,  MS.,  14,  15.  Feb.  19,  1795,  Borica  to  president,  enclosing 
royal  order  that  natives  be  taught  Spanish.  Prov.  Rec.<  MS.,  vi.  143.  Feb. 
23d,  circular  of  president  requiring  padres  to  promote  learning  Spanish  and 
forbid  the  use  of  vernacular.  Arm.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  120.  Dec.  1798, 
Borica  says  that  Sitjar  of  San  Miguel  teaches  in  the  vernacular.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  115.  March  21,  1799,  Grajera  says  the  natives  at  San  Diego  are 
taught  the  doctrines  in  their  own  language  by  educated  Indians,  no  effort 
being  made  to  teach  Spanish.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  192. 


TREATMENT  OF  INDIANS.  591 

from  the  padres'  table  if  asked  for.  The  mission 
Indians  were  always  fatter  than  the  gentiles,  their 
work  was  easier  than  that  required  to  gain  a  subsist- 
ence in  the  old  way,  and  the  gentiles  greatly  preferred 
the  Spanish  grains  to  their  wild  seeds  and  fruits. 
Still,  as  the  president  admits,  the  neophytes  did  desert 
and  plead  hunger,  and  they  were  always  glad  to  get 
permission  to  go  to  the  monte  for  a  time  to  live  in  the 
old  way.  Such  permissions  were  given  more  freely 
in  times  of  short  supplies;  but  no  Indian  was  ever 
compelled  to  go.  As  to  the  clothing  of  the  neophytes 
there  was  a  substantial  agreement  on  the  one  or  two 
blankets,  breech-clouts  or  petticoats,  and  shirts  given 
to  each  native  every  year  or  two,  and  no  expression 
of  opinion  that  the  supply  was  not  adequate  to  their 
wants,  except  by  Sal. 

The  dwellings  of  the  neophytes  were,  as  Lasuen 
admitted,  in  many  places  like  those  of  the  gentiles, 
but  cleaner,  better  on  the  Channel  than  elsewhere, 
and  in  some  missions  already  replaced  by  adobe  houses 
with  tile  roofs.  These  dwellings  like  the  presidios 
and  other  buildings  went  through  successive  stages, 
and  were  improved  as  fast  as  possible.  Unmarried 
females  it  was  found  necessary  to  lock  up  at  night 
and  to  watch  closely,  but  they  were  given  generally 
the  best  room  in  the  mission,  and  subjected  to  no  hard- 
ships. In  only  a  few  missions  were  bachelors  locked 
up  or  forced  to  sleep  in  the  mission.  On  these  points  < 
Horra  had  made  no  special  charges  except  as  they 
were  included  in  the  general  one  of  ill-treatment. 

On  the  subject  of  labor  there  was  a  radical  differ- 
ence of  opinion.  According  to  the  commandants 
the  working  hours  were  from  six  to  nine  hours  per 
day,  varying  with  the  season,  with  extra  work  on 
special  occasions  as  in  harvest-time.  Task  work  was 
also  common,  but  the  tasks  were  so  heavy  that  the 
time  was  not  materially  reduced.  Women  must  carry 
adobes,  stones,  and  bricks,  and  when  with  child  or 
giving  suck  their  tasks  were  not  sufficiently  dimin- 


592  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

ished.  Children  were  employed  at  driving  away  birds 
or  at  other  lighter  labor;  the  aged  and  sick  were 
exempt.  The  friars  on  the  contrary  affirm  that  work- 
ing hours  were  from  four  to  six  hours;  that  not  more 
than  half  the  natives  worked  at  the  same  time,  the 
rest  escaping  on  some  reason  or  pretext,  for  they  were 
always  excused  even  when  their  plea  was  doubtful; 
that  many  did  little  even  when  pretending  to  work; 
that  tasks  were  assigned  whenever  it  was  possible, 
and  so  light  that  the  workers  were  usually  free  in  the 
afternoon  or  a  day  or  two  in  every  week,  and  finally 
that  all  proper  allowances  were  made  for  women  in 
their  various  conditions.  Lasuen  compares  the  mis- 
sion tasks  with  those  imposed  on  such  natives  as  were 
sent  to  work  at  the  presidios  where  they  were  obliged 
to  toil  from  morning  till  night;  and  he  ventures  to 
doubt  the  sincerity  of  the  commandants'  compassion 
for  the  poor  overworked  neophytes. 

The  commandants  in  answering  Borica's  questions, 
and  indeed  the  governor  in  asking  them,  touched  on 
several  points  not  included  in  Horra's  accusations. 
One  complaint  was  that  too  short  a  time  was  allowed 
to  the  neophytes  for  gathering  wild  fruits.  The 
answer  was  that  at  Santa  Barbara  one  fifth  of  the 
whole  number  were  allowed  every  Sunday  to  go  to  the 
monte  for  a  week  or  two,  and  elsewhere  a  similar  sys- 
tem was  adopted.  If  the  converts  are  to  be  freed 
.  from  every  restraint  like  the  pagans,  says  Lasuen, 
when  are  they  to  become  civilized  ?  Another  charge 
of  Sal  and  Goycoechea  was  that  the  natives  were 
carefully  restricted  from  all  intercourse  with  the  gente 
de  razon,  and  were  not  allowed  to  visit  the  presidios 
or  to  afford  any  aid  to  the  soldiers,  the  missionaries 
being  afraid  of  losing  their  services.  These  state- 
ments the  friars  denied  as  false  and  calumnious. 
There  was  no  effort  to  restrict  intercourse  except  in 
special  cases  with  vicious  persons;  any  neophyte  was 
free  to  visit  the  presidio  on  holidays  or  with  leave  of 
absence,  and  none  had  ever  been  punished  for  helping 


CRUELTY  TO  NEOPHYTES.  593 

the  soldiers,  except  sometimes  for  absconding.  More- 
over the  presidios  had  always  been  supplied  with 
servants  of  all  kinds  for  no  compensation  save  what 
the  employers  chose  to  pay,  and  neither  missions  nor 
natives  had  ever  been  benefited  by  this  intercourse. 
The  aborigines  did  not  like  to  work  at  the  presidios, 
where  they  were  ill-treated  and  often  cheated  out  of 
their  pay;  yet  most  of  the  work  on  the  presidios  had 
been  done  by  laborers  furnished  from  the  missions. 

"  The  treatment  shown  to  the  Indians,"  says  Padre 
Concepcion,  "is  the  most  cruel  I  have  ever  read  in 
history.  For  the  slightest  things  they  receive  heavy 
floggings,  are  shackled,  and  put  in  the  stocks,  and 
treated  with  so  much  cruelty  that  they  are  kept  whole 
days  without  a  drink  of  water."  The  commandants, 
without  expressing  an  opinion  as  to  the  propriety  or 
undue  severity  of  the  punishments  inflicted,  simply 
specify  those  punishments,  administered  by  the  padres 
at  will,  as  flogging,  from  fifteen  to  fifty  lashes,  or 
sometimes  a  novenary  of  twenty-five  lashes  per  day 
for  nine  days,  stocks,  shackles,  the  corma — a  kind  of 
hobble — and  imprisonment  in  some  of  the  mission- 
rooms,  for  neglect  of  work  or  religious  duties,  over- 
staying leave  of  absence,  sexual  offences,  thefts,  and 
quarrelling  among  themselves.  Rarely  or  for  serious 
offences  were  the  natives  turned  over  to  the  military, 
or  assistance  asked  from  the  soldiers.  The  friars  ad- 
mitted all  this,  except  that  they  denied  that  more  than 
twenty-five  lashes  were  ever  given,80  affirming  more- 
over that  only  at  Santa  Barbara  were  women  put  in 
the  stocks,  and  that  they  were  very  rarely  flogged, 
"hey  claimed  that  according  to  the  laws  they  stood 
in  loco  parentis  to  the  natives,  must  necessarily  re- 
strain them  by  punishments,  and  inflicted  none  but 
proper  penalties,  pardoning  first  offences,  and  always 
Inclining  to  mercy  and  kindness.  The  soldiers  were 

30  Sept.  26th,  1796,  Borica  says  to  a  padre  that  only  25  lashes  may  be 
given;  beyond  this  the  matter  belongs  to  royal  jurisdiction.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
vi.  174. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    38 


594  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

not  asked  to  render  aid  because  Governor  Neve  had 
opposed  it;  and  natives  were  not  sent  to  the  presidio 
because  there  they  were  ill-treated,  used  merely  as 
peons,  could  easily  escape,  and  always  came  back 
worse  than  ever.  Lasuen  admits  that  there  may  have 
been  instances  of  undue  severity,  and  that  one  mis- 
sionary had  been  removed;  but  he  denies  the  charges 
of  cruelty  at  San  Francisco,  which  had  had  most 
weight  with  Borica,  and  insists  that  for  every  instance 
of  apparent  severity  there  have  been  many  where  the 
commandants  have  blamed  the  friars  for  excessive 
tolerance  and  yielding.31 

Father  Concepcion  renewed  the  old  complaint  that 
the  padres  in  selling  mission  products  to  the  presidios 
disregarded  the  tariff  of  prices  established  by  the 
government.  Although  the  president  indignantly  de- 
nied any  variation  from  the  legal  rates,  and  although 
the  different  statements  are  somewhat  confusing  in 
detail,  yet  from  the  testimony  of  the  officers  and 
from  the  admissions  of  Tapis  and  Cortes  it  is  evident 
enough  that,  except  in  the  articles  of  wheat  and  corn 
in  ordinary  years,  and  in  the  more  ordinary  qualities 
of  animals,  little  attention  was  paid  to  the  price-lists 
either  by  missionaries  or  any  other  class  in  California. 
It  was  easy  for  the  friars  by  pleading  the  needs  of 
the  neophytes  or  the  choice  quality  of  the  article 
desired,  to  avoid  selling  or  obtain  an  extra  price;  but 
grain  and  ordinary  live-stock  they  were  almost  always 
glad  to  sell,  and  sometimes  at  less  than  the  legal  rates. 
That  wines  and  liquors  were  bought  by  the  friars  at 
high  prices  in  addition  to  the  quantities  obtained  in 
Mexico,  was  unsupported  by  any  evidence.  Finally 
the  missionaries  were  accused  of  having  accumulated 
wealth,  though  they  pleaded  poverty.  To  this  the 
commandants  replied  that  they  knew  nothing  of  the 

31  See  chapter  xxxi.  of  this  volume  for  the  charge  of  cruelty  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, which  Borica  believed  to  be  well  founded;  also  Prov.  lice.,  MS.,  v.  266; 
vi.  97-8,  115,  172,  170;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,.xvi.  88;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxiv. 
8-10.  Instructions  of  the  viceroy  in  1793  and  1797,  in  favor  of  kindness  and 
mercy  to  the  Indians  so  far  as  justice  and  caution  may  allow.  St.  Pap.,  Miss. 
and  Col,  MS.,  i.  23-4. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  CONCLUSIONS.  595 

mission  wealth,* because  the  friars  kept  the  matter 
secret,  and  simply  gave  some  figures  respecting  amounts 
paid  and  due  for  mission  supplies  to  the  presidios, 
during  the  past  year  or  two.  The  padres  made  no 
reply  to  the  main  charge,  though  announcing  their 
readiness  to  reply  when  required  to  do  so  by  their 
superiors;  but  they  indignantly  repelled  the  insinua- 
tion that  there  was  anything  in  their  financial  manage- 
ment or  condition  kept  secret  from  the  government.32 
Such  was  the  controversy  and  such  the  statements 
presented  on  the  leading  points  by  both  parties,  though 
the  resume  does  but  scanty  justice  to  the  subject,  and 
especially  to  Lasuen's  report,  many  of  the  minutire 
being  necessarily  omitted.  The  author  manifests  some 
dissatisfaction  that  the  charges  of  a  man  who  left  Cal- 
ifornia under  such  peculiar  circumstances  should  have 
been  made  the  basis  of  this  investigation  without  a 
preliminary  taking  of  testimony  as  to  the  state  of 
his  mind.  He  is  indignant  at  the  commandants,  not 
only  for  what  he  regards  as  misstatements  on  certain 
details,  but  chiefly  for  what  they  failed  to  say  and  for 
what  their  silence  implied.  They  had  failed  to  refute 

3?  Of  the  supplies  furnished  by  missions  to  presidios  the  accounts  preserved 
are  very  meagre  and  fragmentary,  some  of  them  being  presented  with  local 
annals.  Perhaps  an  average  of  $1,200  per  year  for  each  mission  during  this 
decade  would  be  a  fair  estimate.  This  amount  and  the  stipend  of  $800  for 
each  mission  was  all  the  revenue  of  the  padres  to  support  themselves  and 
keep  their  churches  in  order.  So  far  as  can  be  judged  from  the  partial 
accounts  of  the  procurador  extant,  the  annual  memorlas  of  supplies  ordered 
by  the  friars  were  fully  equal  to  their  credits.  I  think  there  was  little 
foundation  for  the  charge  that  the  padres  were  accumulating  money  either  fit 
the  missions  or  in  Mexico  in  these  early  years.  Balance  against  the  missions 
Sept.  6,  1800,  $11.  Procurador's  accounts  in  Sta  Cruz,  Parroquia,  MS.,  18. 
May  11,  179G,  Salazar  estimates  the  mission  wealth,  in  buildings,  etc.,  at 
$800,000.  Salazar,  Condition  actual  de  CaL,  MS.,  66-7.  Dec.  1798,  Borica 
to  viceroy,  he  never  interferes  in  mission  finances,  and  is  merely  informed 
at  end  of  each  year  of  produce  existing.  Both  he  and  the  commandants 
believe  the  padres  to  have  large  surpluses  at  Mexico  and  in  the  coffers  at 
San  Diego,  San  Juan,  Capistrano,  and  San  Gabriel.  He  advises  investigation 
in  Mexico.  The  president  aids  new  missions  abundantly.  There  are  com- 
plaints of  not  following  the  tariff,  but  Borica  expresses  no  opinion.  Prov. 
Rcc.,  MS.,  vi.  116-17.  Aug.  16,  1795,  Lasuen  to  Borica,  representing  the 
injustice  of  keeping  grain  at  the  same  low  prices  as  in  years  of  plenty.  Arch, 
hta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  97-101.  In  1793,  Pedro  A.  de  Anteparaluceta,  canon 
of  Puebla,  left  a  legacy  of  $500  to  the  California  missions,  $36  apiece  with 
$40  for  Sta  Barbara  and  Soledad,  and  $60  for  Sta  Cruz.  Id. ,  xi.  235.  On 
mission  trade  for  this  period  see  next  chapter.  Lists  of  increase  in  church 
vestments,  etc.,  1794-5.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  15-27,  78-9. 


C9G  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

the  statements  of  ever-complaining  neophytes  whom 
their  own  observations  must  have  shown  to  be  unre- 
liable witnesses;  and  because  of  certain  petty  quarrels 
about  the  services  of  the  natives  as  peons  at  the  forts, 
they  had  given  weight  to  the  charge  of  a  madman 
and  had  done  great  wrong  to  the  missionary  cause. 
Lasuen  claimed  that  he  and  his  band  of  friars  were 
working  honestly  for  the  conversion  of  the  natives 
according  to  the  well  known  rules  of  their  order  and 
the  regulations  of  the  Spanish  government,  by  which 
they  stood  in  the  position  of  parents  to  the  aborigines. 
He  admits  that,  being  but  men,  they  differed  from 
one  another  in  judgment  and  patience,  and  conse- 
quently that  errors  were  committed;  but  he  affirms 
most  earnestly  that  the  natives  were  shown  all  the 
kindness  that  was  consistent  with  the  restraint  implied 
in  the  missionary  and  parental  relation.  The  vener- 
able friar's  words  and  manner  impress  the  reader 
most  forcibly,  and  a  close  study  of  the  subject  has 
convinced  me  that  he  was  right;  that  down  to  1800 
and  considerably  later  the  natives  were  as  a  rule  most 
kindly  treated.  We  are  by  no  means  to  conclude 
that  the  friars  were  now  free  from  all  blame  in  their 
quarrels  with  the  secular  authorities,  or  that  they 
had  lost  the  arbitrary  spirit  that  had  distinguished 
them  in  the  days  of  Serra  and  Fages.  Neither  are 
their  protestations  of  a  scrupulous  regard  for  the  reg- 
ulation in  the  details  of  business  management  to  be 
implicitly  credited;  but  in  the  matter  of  neophyte 
labor  at  presidio,  pueblo,  and  rancho  the  friars  here 
as  elsewhere  were  usually  right  and  the  military 
wrong;  and  so  far  as  they  touched  this  point,  cruelty 
to  natives,  or  accumulation  of  wealth,  Horra's  charges 
must  be  regarded  as  for  the  most  part  unfounded. 
After  reference  to  the  fiscal  and  the  usual  delays,  in 
April  1805  the  viceroy  rendered  his  decision,  com- 
pletely exonerating4  the  missionaries.33 

33  April  19;  1805,  viceroy  to  governor,  the  padres  are  cleared  and  are  to 
continue  in  the  same  course  of  zeal  and  brotherly  love,  etc.     Commandants 


ECCLESIASTICAL  MATTERS.  597 

There  are  a  few  miscellaneous  topics  connected  with 
the  ecclesiastical  administration  of  the  province  that 
may  appropriately  receive  brief  notice  here.  There 
were  as  yet  no  regularly  appointed  chaplains,  and  the 
friars  continued  to  care  for  the  spiritual  interests  of 
soldiers  and  settlers,  apparently  without  any  compen- 
sation. An  income  was,  however,  derived  from  the 
saying  of  masses  for  souls  in  purgatory,  some  soldiers 
leaving  a  large  part  of  their  small  property  to  be  thus 
expended,  or  during  their  own  life  paying  fees  for 
members  of  their  families.54  Mpst  of  the  missions 

are  urged  to  promote  harmony.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xix.  2,  3.  Same  date, 
V.  K.  to  guardian  to  same  effect,  the  good  name  of  the  padres  is  nowise  tar- 
nished by  P.  Concepcion's  charges — the  emanations  of  an  unsound  mind. 
(Original  document  in  my  collection,  reference  lost. )  A  fragment  of  the  fis- 
cal's  opinion  is  also  extant.  Prov.  12ec.,  MS.,  ii.  1-3.  He  advises  that  there 
be  no  sweeping  decision  because  a  few  points  may  be  proved.  There  is  a 
natural  conflict  of  interests  between  padres  and  commandants,  since  the  latter 
have  to  come  to  the  former  for  supplies,  and  the  careful  management  and 
strict  dealings  of  the  friars  are  attributed  to  meanness  or  spite.  Moreover 
there  are  dissensions  between  the  Indians  and  soldiers,  and  on  the  reports  ef 
corporals  punishments  are  inflicted  which  seem  to  the  padres  too  severe.  It 
is  difficult  to  obtain  testimony  from  disinterested  parties  in  California.  It  is 
a  pity  the  poor  Indian  has  to  be  all  his  life  in  the  service  of  others,  never 
owns  anything,  and  is  fed  on  rations,  yet  it  cannot  now  be  helped. 

It  appears  that  early  in  the  decade  there  had  been  an  attempt  to  take  from 
the  padres  the  management  of  the  temporalities,  originated  by  some  of  the 
friars  themselves.  Jan.  30,  1794,  P.  Mugdrtegui,  formerly  of  Calif ornia,  writes 
to  Lasuen  expressing  in  strong  language  his  opposition  to  the  proposition 
advocated  by  some  members  of  the  college  to  give  up  the  temporalities.  It 
would  be  a  pity  'for  the  disconnected  reasonings  of  two  Mallorcan  charlatans 
to  stop  the  work  begun  by  a  holy  Mallorcan.'  Fortunately,  however,  the 
projects  of  the  would-be  reformers  meet  with  but  little  encouragement,  and 
the  same  may  be  said  of  the  complaints  of  two  other  padres,  Gili  and  Hubi, 
who  have  spoken  against  the  California  missionaries.  Mugdrteyui,  Carta  de 
1794,  MS.  April  30,  1791,  the  bishop  of  Sonora  calls  Lasuen 's  attention  to 
the  royal  order  of  March  6,  1790,  granting  an  ecclesiastical  tax  on  all  reve- 
nues, including  those  of  missionaries;  and  asks  him  to  collect  6  per  cent,  for 
four  years  on  the  stipends  of  all  the  friars  and  all  other  revenues.  Lasuen 
replies  that  the  California  padres  have  no  revenue,  except  the  stipend  of  $400 
each,  given  as  alms,  and  even  with  that  they  have  nothing  to  do  except  to 
name  the  articles  needed  for  the  churches.  A  stndico  at  the  college  collected 
the  stipends  and  with  them  paid  for  the  invoices.  If  the  king  wants  to  reduce 
the  stipend  by  a  tax,  let  the  matter  be  arranged  at  the  college;  Franciscan 
friars  have  nothing  to  do  or  say  about  revenue  matters.  He  sends  a  sworn 
statement,  though  regretting  that  his  word  does  not  suffice.  Arch.  Sta  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  x.  61-8.  I  hear  no  more  of  this  matter.  Sept.  19,  17C9,  Borica 
says  that  a  royal  order  decides  that  temporalities  are  to  be  incorporated  in 
the  royal  hacienda.  Prov.  liec.,  MS.,  iv.  174.  1795,  1798,  director-general 
of  temporalities  (for  America)  appointed.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  232, 
289.  1792,  1796,  governor  signs  certificates  for  the  padres  to  get  their 
stipends.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  28;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  168. 

a4  Santa  Barbara  Mission  received  alms  for  757  masses  said  from  1794  to 
1800.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  134.  The  friars  had  also  masses  to  say 


598  MISSION  PROGRESS. 

had  now  a  palisade  or  adobe  enclosure  serving  as  a 
cemetery.  No  pueblo,  and  of  the  presidios  only  San 
Diego,  had  a  cemetery.  It  was  customary  to  bury 
gente  de  razon  in  the  churches  or  chapels,  bat  the 
friars  made  an  effort  to  break  up  the  practice.35  Both 
soldiers  and  natives  often  escaped  a  flogging  by  taking 
advantage  of  their  right  of  church  asylum,  and  occa- 
sionally this  taking  refuge  in  the  sacred  edifice  led  to 
petty  misunderstandings  between  the  officers  and 
friars,  though  there  were  no  notable  instances  during 
this  decade.86 

The  performance  of  religious  duties  by  the  people 
was  rigidly  enforced,  as  is  shown  by  many  orders  in 
the  archives.37  Papal  bulls  or  indulgences  were  sent 
to  California  every  two  years,  and  such  as  were  not 
sold  were  burned  at  the  end  of  a  specified  time.  The 
habilitado  of  Monterey  was  general  administrator  of 
this  branch  after  1797,  and  each  commandant  attended 

for  members  of  their  order  abroad.  Oct.  22,  1795,  Lasuen  says  in  a  circular 
that  the  numerous  deaths  of  friars  at  San  Fernando  and  other  colleges  and 
en  route,  have  burdened  the  community  with  over  7,000  masses.  Each  padre 
is  to  say  how  many  he  can  take.  Id.,  ix.  323-4.  Dec.  7,  1800,  Lasuen  orders 
mass  and  te  deum  on  the  accession  of  Pope  Pius  VII.  Id.,  xi.  148-9. 

35 Dec.  20,  1792,  Lasuen  to  Arrillaga.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  28-9. 
1790,  Senan  refuses  to  bury  Maria  del  Carmen  Alviso  in  the  presidio  chapel. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xx.  5,  6.  Two  soldiers  buried  in  the  chapel 
at  San  Diego.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  i.  53,  60. 

36  July  29,  1794,  governor  orders  an  Indian  culprit  to  be  taken  out  of  the 
church  at  Santa  Clara  by  force  since  his  offence  was  not  subject  to  ecclesias- 
tical immunity.  Prov.  Rec,  MS.,  ii.  150.     Dec.  G,  1798,  Lasuen  certifies  that 
lie  found  a  soldier  in  the  church  claiming  asylum  for  having  struck  a  woman. 
Ho  was  ordered  on  guard,  and  as  there  was  no  one  to  replace  him  Lasuen  gave 
him  a  papel  de  iglesia  to  protect  his  right  of  asylum.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS. , 
i.  53.     Mar.  29,  1800,  commandant  of  Monterey  orders  a  soldier  to  be  given 
up  for  trial  on  bail.  Id.,  ii.  5-6. 

37  March  28,  1793,  Arrillaga  to  commandants.     All  officers  and  men  by  3d 
day  of  Pentecost  are  to  show  certificates  of  having  complied  with  church 
rules.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.   113.     April,  1795,  Padres  of  Sta  Cruz,   Sta 
Clara,  and  S.  Francisco  certify  to  those  who  have  complied  with  the  annual 
precept  of  confession  and  communion.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  234-8,  242-4. 
8ept.  29,  1795,  Sal  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose".     Tobar  is  sent  to  the  pueblo; 
if  he  does  not  confess  within  15  days  he  is  to  be  sent  to  Monterey  in  irons.   He 
must  also  go  to  work.  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  27.    Jan.  14,  1798,  Lasuen  in 
a  circular  regrets  the  carelessness  of  many.     All  must  commune  on  caster 
and  be  examined  in  the  doctrina.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  144-5.     June 
Cth,  Corporal  Peralta  is  to  arrest  any  of  the  San  Jos6  Mission  guard  and  keep 
them  so  until  they  perform  their  duties.   Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,   xvii.  107. 
Itoman,  the  tailor,  must  be  kept  .handcuffed  until  he  complies.   Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  110.     Arreilano  to  be  shackled.  Prov.  St.  Pap.}  MS.,  xxii.  24. 


IMAGE  OF 'THE  VIRGIN.  599 

to  liis  own  district.  Some  statistics  on  the  subject  are 
given  in  connection  with  local  annals.  So  far  as  can 
be  determined  from  the  records  the  annual  revenue 
from  this  source  was  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  dollars.38 
A  sacred  image  of  our  lady  of  Guadalupe  sent  to 
California  in  1795  was  by  license  of  the  highest 
ecclesiastical  authorities  allowed  to  be  touched  by  the 
original  picture.  In  one  instance  the  soldiers  estab- 
lished a  kind  of  rancho  where  was  raised  a  herd 
devoted  to  decorating  the  image  of  the  virgin.,39 

™Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  148,  296;  Prov.  St.  'Pop.,  MS.,  ix.  241;  xv.  42-3, 
48,  77-8;  xvi.  98,  220;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  9;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii. 
65;  S.  Jo(s6,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  42.  The  bulls  sent  sold  from  2  reals,  or  25  cents, 
to  $2  each.  The  different  kinds  were  vivos,  laticinios,  composition,  and 
difuntos. 

89 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  194-5;  xiii.  79. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

PUEBLOS,  COLONIZATION,  AND  LANDS— INDUSTRIES 
AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

1791-1800. 

PUEBLO  PROGRESS — STATISTICS — JORDAN'S  PROPOSED  COLONY — EFFORTS  OF 
GOVERNMENT — MARRIAGE  ENCOURAGED — INNS — VIEWS  OF  SALAZAR, 
SENAN,  AND  CosTANs6 — WOMEN  WANTED — CONVICTS — FOUNDLINGS- 
TENURE  OF  LANDS — PUEBLO  AND  MISSION  SITES — CHRONOLOGICAL  STATE- 
MENT, 1773-90— PRESIDIAL  PUEBLOS— PROVISIONAL  GRANTS — LAND- 
TITLES  AT  END  OF  CENTURY — LABOR— INDIAN  LABORERS — SAILORS- 
ARTISAN  INSTRUCTORS — MANUFACTURERS — MINING  — AGRICULT  u  RE — 
FLAX  AND  HEMP— STOCK-RAISING. 

THE  missions,  as  may  be  seen  from  the  preceding 
sketch,  if  we  regard  only  the  primary  object  for  which 
they  were  founded,  were  successful  arid  prosperous. 
Given  a  band  of  earnest  and  able  missionaries,  a 
friendly  native  population,  and  a  military  force  for 
protection  if  needed,  there  was  nothing  to  prevent 
success  and  prosperity  in  a  land  so  blessed  by  nature. 
The  government  had  nothing  more  to  do  in  the  matter. 
If  the  towns  were  less  successful  in  their  efforts  at 
colonization  and  progress  it  was  not  because  they  were 
deemed  of  less  importance  or  received  less  attention. 
Nor  was  it  because  the  colonization  system  was  less 
judiciously  managed  by  the  crown  than  the  mission- 
ary system  by  the  Franciscans.  It  was  because  this 
problem  was  more  complicated  than  the  other.  It 
would  not  solve  itself,  and  faithful  provincial  officers 
with  wise  regulations  could  not  solve  it.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  claim  that  the  king's  officers  were  as 
devoted  .to  the  welfare  of  the  towns  as  the  friars  to 

I  COO) 


PUEBLOS  NOT  PROSPEROUS.  601 

that  of  'their  missions,  for  they  had  other  duties  and 
lacked  the  incentive  of  holy  zeal;  but  had  their  oppor- 
tunities, their  authority,  and  their  enthusiasm  corre- 
sponded to  and  exceeded  those  of  the  missionaries,  they 
never  could  have  made  the  pueblos  prosper.  Two 
fatal  obstacles  to  success  were  the  worthless  character 
of  the  original  settlers,  most  of  them  half-breeds  of 
the  least  energetic  classes  of  Nueva  Vizcaya  and 
Nueva  Galicia,  and  the  lack  of  provincial  commerce 
to  stimulate  industry;  for  before  1800  the  settlers 
could  not  have  sold  additional  products  of  their  fields. 
I  give  elsewhere  the  local  annals  of  the  three  Cali- 
fornian  pueblos,  San  Jose,  Los  Angeles,  and  Branci- 
forte— the  latter  honored  with  the  title  of  villa — during 
this  decade.1  The  united  population  of  the  three 
towns  in  1800  was  about  550  in  something  over  a 
hundred  families,  including  a  dozen  or  fifteen  men 
who  raised  cattle  on  ranches  in  the  vicinity  and  whose 
families  for  the  most  part  lived  in  the  pueblos.  About 
thirty  families  had  been  brought  from  abroad  as  set- 
tlers and  had  been  paid  wages  and  rations  and  other- 
wise aided  for  a  term  of  years;  while  the  increase 
came  from  children  who  grew  to  manhood  and  from 
soldiers  who  had  served  out  their  term  of  enlistment 
and  retired,  often  with  pensions.  These,  although 
generally  old  men,  were  as  a  rule  the  most  successful 
farmers.  The  only  industries  of  the  settlers  were 
agriculture  and  stock-raising.  They  had  16,500  head 
of  cattle  and  horses,  about  1,000  sheep,  and  they 
raised  about  9,000  bushels  of  grain  each  year,  surplus 
products  being  sold  to  the  presidios.  Each  settler  had 
his  field  which  he  was  required  to  cultivate,  and  he 
had  to  contribute  a  certain  quantity  of  grain  each 
year  to  the  common  fund  from  which  municipal  ex- 
penses were  paid.  Each  pueblo  had  a  small  guard  of 
soldiers,  who  were  practically  settlers  also;  and  each 
in  addition  to  its  alcalde  and  regidores  had  a  comi- 

1  See  chapter  xxix.  of  this  volume  for* Angeles;   chapter  xxxii.  for  San 
Jos6,  and  chapter  xxvi.  for  Branciforte. 


C02  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

sionado,  generally  corporal  of  the  guard,  who  repre- 
sented the  governor  and  reported  directly  to  the 
commandant  of  the  nearest  presidio.  Labor  was 
largely  done  by  hired  gentiles.  Los  Angeles  was  more 
populous  and  prosperous  than  either  of  the  others, 
while  Branciforte  was  as  yet  but  a  burden  to  the 
government. 

A  Spanish  visitor  in  1792  stated  in  his  narrative 
that  soldiers  in  California  when  too  old  for  service 
were  not  allowed  to  settle  as  farmers,  and  he  criticised 
this  state  of  things  very  unfavorably;  but  needlessly, 
for  no  such  conditions  existed.  Many  of  the  invalids 
went  to  live  in  the  pueblos,  a  few  obtained  ranchos, 
and  others  remained  at  the  presidios,  performing  a 
certain  amount  of  military  service.  It  was  even  per- 
mitted them  to  settle  near  the  presidio  but  outside 
the  walls,  though  it  does  not  appear  that  any  did  so 
at  this  early  period.2  Alejandro  Jordan's  project  for 
a  colony  to  be  established  in  the  interests  of  trade 
under  governmental  protection  and  with  somewhat  ex- 
travagant emoluments  for  himself,  was  disapproved 
by  the  king  on  Arrillaga's  advice,  as  already  noted, 
after  negotiations  lasting  from  1792  to  1794. 3  He  villa 
Gigedo  in  1793  favored  the  settlement  of  some  Span- 
ish families  at  the  missions,  though  he  admitted  the 
great  difficulty  of  finding  families  possessing  the  re- 
quired moral  qualifications.*  Costanso  in  his  report 
of  1794  *ays:  "The  first  thing  to  be  thought  of,  in 
my  opinion,  is  to  people  the  country.  Presidios  to 
support  missions  are  well  enough  for  a  time,  but  there 
seems  to  be  no  end  of  them.  Some  missions  have 
been  for  a  hundred  years  in  charge  of  friars  and  pre- 
sidial  guards.  The  remedy  is  to  introduce  gente  de 
razon  among  the  natives  from  the  beginning.  Cali- 

z  Sutily  Mexicana,  Viage,  162-3.  Oct.  24,  1792,  governor  orders  that  no 
quiet  vecino  is  to  be  prevented  from  settling  at  the  presidio  of  Monterey. 
Prov.  Jtec. ,  MS. ,  ii.  156.  Vancouver  gives  a  rather  superficial  and  inaccurate 
account  of  the  pueblos,  which  he  did  not  visit.  Voyage,  ii.  495-6. 

3  See  chapter  xxiv.,  this  volume. 

*  Hevilla  Gigedo,  Carta  de  1793,  23-4. 


SPECIAL  PROJECTS.  603 

fornians  understand  this,  and  clamor  for  industrious 
citizens.  Each  ship  should  carry  a  number  of  families 
with  a  proper  outfit.  The  king  supplies  his  soldiers 
with  tools,  why  not  the  farmer  and  mechanic  as  well  ? 
They  should  be  settled  near  the  missions  and  mingle 
with  the  natives.  Thus  the  missions  will  become 
towns  in  twenty-five  or  thirty  years."5 

In  1795  Borica  made  some  special  efforts  to  pro- 
mote marriage  among  soldiers  and  settlers  by  favorable 
regulations,  and  he  even  discouraged  the  enlistment 
of  the  sons  of  settlers  in  the  presidio  companies; 
but  an  absurd  proposition  from  Mexico  to  establish 
inns  for  the  convenience  of  travellers  at  ten  suitable 
spots  in  California  met  with  no  favor  from  Borica 
and  the  project  died  a  natural  death.6 

In  1796  a  special  agitation  of  this  subject  of  colo- 
nization began  in  Mexico,  with  the  founding  of  Bran- 
ciforte  as  a  result,  as  elsewhere  narrated.  Father 
Salazar,  lately  from  California,  was  called  upon  for 
his  views  on  the  condition  of  the  country.  His  report 
on  the  pueblos  was  not  an  encouraging  one.  The  in- 
habitants were  idlers,  paying  more  attention  to  gam- 
bling and  playing  the  guitar  than  to  tilling  their  lands 
and  educating  their  children.  The  pagans  did  most 

5  Costamd,  Informe,  1794,  MS. 

6April  13,  1795,  Borica  to  commandants,  marriages  to  be  promoted  by 
all  honorable  means.  Soldiers  to  be  aided  with  arrears  of  pay,  with  what 
they  have  in  ihefondos,  or  even  by  an  advance  of  $40.  Parents  of  contract- 
ing parties  to  be  aided  with  such  effects  as  can  be  paid  for  from  their  crops  in 
a  year.  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  11;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  129-30; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  227-8.  Goycoechea's  reply,  May  15th.  Id.,  xiv., 
70.  Nov.  19,  1796,  B.  directs  the  commandant  of  San  Francisco  to  try  and 
prevail  on  Maria  Simona  Ortega,  a  widow,  to  remain  in  the  country;  for  sooner 
or  later  some  soldier  or  civilian  will  ask  her  hand  in  marriage.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxiv.  10,  11.  Feb.  14,  1795,  Grajera  has  received  B.'s  order 
not  to  accept  any  recruit  from  Angeles,  'in  order  that  the  population  may 
not  be  lessened.'  Id.,  xxi.  7.  March  12,  1795,  B.  to  viceroy,  explaining  that 
the  population  of  California,  which  he  gives  as  1,275,  is  much  too  small  for 
the  10  inns  proposed;  also  that  travellers  have  to  sleep  out  of  doors  to  care 
for  their  animals,  etc.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.  3-6.  Oct.  5th,  the  tribunal 
dc  contaduria  advises  the  V.  R.  to  submit  the  scheme,  recommended  by  Bel- 
tran,  to  a  council  before  adopting  it.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  197-9.  Oct. 
15,  1796,  B.  asks  for  a  list  of  settlers  living  on  ranchos  and  for  an  opinion 
whether  they  should  be  allowed  to  do  so.  Dec.  29th,  he  decides  that  unless 
the  rancheros  will  keep  sheep  they  must  live  at  the  pueblo.  Prov.  fiec.,  MS., 
iv.  79,  86. 


604  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

of  the  work,  took  a  large  part  of  the  crop,  and  were 
so  well  supplied  thereby  that  they  did  not  care  to 
be  converted  and  live  at  the  missions.  The  friars 
attended  to  the  spiritual  needs  of  the  settlers  free 
of  charge,  and  their  tithes  did  California  no  good. 
Young  men  grew  up  without  restraint,  and  wandered 
among  the  rancherias,  setting  the  Indians  a  bad 
example  and  indulging  in  excesses  that  were  sure 
sooner  'or  later  to  result  in  disaster.  The  great 
remedy  was  to  build  up  commerce  arid  give  the  colo- 
nists an  incentive  to  industry.  Now  they  could  not 
sell  all  their  produce;  they  obtained  a  small  price  for 
what  they  did  sell,  and  often  they  could  not  get  the 
articles  they  wanted  in  payment,  or  had  to  pay  exces- 
sive rates  for  them. 

Without  the  encouragement  of  trade  the  country 
could  never  prosper;  but  other  reforms  were  also 
needed.  There  should  be  a  settlers'  fund  similar  to 
the  military  funds,  in  which  each  settler  should  de- 
posit annually  a  sum  varying  according  to  the  size 
of  his  family.  In  the  sale  and  purchase  of  supplies 
an  officer  should  stand  between  the  settlers  and  the 
habilitados;  each  pueblo  should  moreover  support  a 
priest  and  a  teacher.7  Father  Jose  Senan  was  tem- 
porarily in  Mexico,  and  a  report  was  also  obtained 
from  him  which  agreed  with  that  of  Salazar  in  most 
respects.  This  writer,  however,  attached  special  im- 
portance to  the  introduction  of  a  better  class  of  set- 
tlers. He  would  appoint  to  each  pueblo  a  director, 
or  comisionado,  of  better  abilities  and  not  related  to 
the  inhabitants,  and  he  would  enforce  residence  of  all 
settlers  in  the  towns,  and  not  on  distant  ranches  out  of 
reach  of  spiritual  care  and  exposed  to  dangers.  Above 
all,  towns  should  not  be  placed  too  near  the  missions.8 

''Salazar,  Condition  Actual  de  Cal  1796,  MS.,  73-82.  The  author  also 
advocates  the  transfer  of  the  San  Bias  na\5al  station  and  ship-yards  to  San 
Francisco  or  Monterey.  This  would  be  for  the  interest  of  the  department, 
since  wages  and  food  would  be  cheaper  than  at  San  Bias,  and  it  would 
develop  the  industries  of  California. 

8  Kenan,  Respuesta  del  Padre  al  Virey  sobre  Condition  de  Cosas  en  Califor- 
nia, 1796,  MS..  Dated  at  college  of  San  Fernando  May  14,  17CG.  March  19, 


CONVICT  SETTLERS.  605 

la  his  correspondence  of  1797,  Borica  still  urges 
colonization,  substantially  approving  the  ideas  of  Sal- 
azar  and  Senan,  and  issuing  orders  which  compelled 
retired  soldiers  .to  live  in  the  pueblos.9  We  have  seen 
that  nine  persons,  though  rather  of  a  worse  than  bet- 
ter class  compared  with  the  rest,  were  obtained  from 
Guadalajara  and  settled  at  Branciforte.  In  1797-8 
an  effort  was  made  to  obtain  a  reenforcement  of  mar- 
riageable women,  in  which  the  governor  was  seconded 
by  the  viceroy,  but  in  which  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  successful.10 

There  was  another  class  of  colonists  much  more 
easily  obtained  and  by  no  means  beneficial  to  the 
country.  Unfortunately  California  was  from  this  time 
to  a  considerable  extent  a  penal  colony  for  Mexico. 
Governor  Fages  was  perhaps  responsible  for  the  be- 
ginning of  the  plague.  In  1787  he  proposed  that 
artisans  imprisoned  in  Mexico  and  Guadalajara  should 
have  their  sentence  commuted  to  exile  to  California 
on  condition  of  working  out  their  term  at  the  presi- 
dios or  missions,  and  subsequently  remaining  as  set- 
tlers. Nothing  was  done  on  this  proposition;  but  in 
1791  three  presidiarios,  or  convicts,  were  sent  up  to 

1797,  Borica  to  viceroy,  refers  to  voluntary  enrolment  of  settlers  at  Guada- 
lajara. Prov.  Rec.,  vi.  83. 

9  Nov.  1C,  1797,  Borica  to  viceroy,  favoring  commerce  and  admitting  that 
the  pueblos  have  a  surplus  of  2,000  fanegas  of  grain  for  which  there  is  no 
market.    Twelve  sailors  from  the  Conception  and  San  Carlos  have  volunteered 
to  remain  at  Monterey.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  Cl-2.     Oct.  15th,  B.  to  com- 
mandant at  Monterey,  invalided  or  discharged  soldiers  must  live  in  the  towns 
and  not  on  ranchos  nor  in  the  presidio,  unless  they  wish  to  continue  military 
service.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  109-10.     May  1799,  Settler  Resales 
petitions  the  viceroy  for  permission  to  leave  California  with  his  family.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  125.    Branciforte  in  his  Instruction,  MS.,  32-8,  speaks  of  Cali- 
fornia's need  of  colonists,  and  of  his  efforts  in  her  behalf. 

10  Sept.  17,  1797,  Borica  to  viceroy,  wants  good  wives,  strong  young  spin- 
sters, especially  for  criminal  settlers,  since  the  padres  objected  to  the  native 
women  marrying  such  husbands.    Besides  good  health  the  girls  must  bring 
good  clothes,  so  that  they  may  go  to  church  and  be  improved.    A  sine  qua 
non  of  a  California  female  colonist  must  be  a  serge  petticoat,  a  rebozo  cor- 
riente,  a*  linen  jacket,  two  woollen  shifts,  a  pair  of  stockings,  and  a  pair  of 
strong  shoes.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  55-6.    Jan.  25,  1798,  viceroy  says  orders 
have  been  given  to  procure  young,  healthy,  single  women  for  the  pobladores, 
but   the  task  presents  some  difficulties.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.   19-20. 
June  1,  1798,  Borica  says  one  hundred  women  are  wanted.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
vi.  75. 


606  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

Monterey  to  labor  with  shackled  feet  for  rations ;  and 
the  same  year  we  hear  of  a  convict  blacksmith  teach- 
ing the  natives  at  San  Francisco.11  In  1798  the  Con- 
cepcion  brought  twenty-two  convicts,  of  various  grades 
of  criminality,  some  of  them  merely  vagrants  like 
those  formerly  destined  for  Branciforte.  They  were 
set  at  work  by  Borica  to  learn  and  teach  trades,  a 
saving  of  nine  thousand  dollars  being  thereby  effected 
as  the  governor  claimed.12  Three  convicts  had  arrived 
the  year  before,  and  subsequently  such  arrivals  were 
of  frequent  occurrence.  Some  artisan  instructors 
sent  to  the  country  by  the  government  will  be  noticed 
a  little  later.  In  1800  nineteen  foundlings  were  sent 
from  Mexico  under  the  care  of  Madre  Maria  de  Jesus, 
nine  boys  under  ten  years  of  age,  and  ten  girls  some 
of  them  already  marriageable,  who  were  distributed 
in  respectable  families  in  the  different  presidios.1 


13 


11  There  was  a  royal  order  forbidding  convicts  from  settling  in  pueblos 
until  their  sentences  were  served  out.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  08.     Fages' 
proposition  in  his  Informe  Gen,  dc,  Misiones,  MS.,  154.  The  three  presidiarics 
of  1791  were  Ignacio  Saenz,  Rafael  Pacheco,  and  Felipe  Alvarez,  sent  up  by 
Romeu  from  Loreto.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxii.  15.     Smith  at  San  Francisco, 
Id.,  x.  41. 

12  The  three  of  1797  were  Rafael   Arriola,  Tomas  Escamilla,   and  Jos6 
Franco.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  134.     Correspondence  on  the  22  sent  in 
1798,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  249-50;  xvii.  7,  88-9,  182;  xxi.  275,  280, 
285;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  91-2,  101-2;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  viii.  Jl-13,  68-9;  ix. 
75-0.     Four  or  five  lists  are  given,  the  following  being  the  names :  Jose  de  los 
Reyes,  Josd  Maria  Perez,  Jose  Vazquez,  Juan  Hernandez,  Josd  Velasquez,  Cor- 
nclio  Rocha,  Josd  Chavez,  Jos6  Salazar,  Antonio  Ortega,  Juan  Lopez,  Josd 
Balderrama,  Pedro  Osorno,  Jose"  Calzado,  Jose"  Avila,  Jos6  Hernandez,  Jose" 
Igadera,  Jos6  Ramos,  Jose1   Rosas,  Jos6  Chavira,  Casimiro   Conejo,    Pablo 
Franco,  Maria  Petra  Aranda,  Jos6  Barcena,  Felipe  Hernandez,  Rafael  Gomez, 
Juan  Blanco,  26  in  all,  though  the  number  is  spoken  of  as  from  17  to  24,  and 
22  are  said  to  have  landed.    They  arrived  in  August.    The  expense  of  sending 
them  was  $405.     There  were  3  hatters,  3  miners,  I  shoemaker,  1  silversmith, 
1  trader",  3  bakers,  1  tailor,  1  blanket-maker,  1  laborer,  1  overseer,  3  without 
trade,  and  1  woman.     There  were  4  Spaniards  only.     There  were  a  saddler 
and  2  carpenters,  not  convicts,  perhaps  included  in  the  list  I  have  given. 
Several  friars  also  came  on  the  same  vessel.     After  the  arrival  of  these  con- 
victs all  persons  not  having  passports  were  ordered  to  be  arrested.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  166.     Feb.  26,  1799,  Borica  publishes  a  series  of  rules  for  the  con- 
duct of  the  convict  workmen.    They  were  subjected  to  strict  surveillance  and 
allowed  few  privileges.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  243-4.    August  1800,  Her- 
nandez allowed  to  earn  wages  by  his  trade  as  saddler.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS.,  ix.  13. 
Nov.  1800,  Jos6  Cris.  Simental  sentenced  to  6  years  as  settler  in  California, 
to  be  accompanied  by  his  wife.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  57-8;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  53-4. 

13  Twenty-one  children  left  Mexico  for  San  Bias  and  one  died  on  the  sea- 
voyage.     The  expense  is  said  to  have  been  $4,763.     There  was  a  plan  to  send 


TENURE  OF  LANDS.  607 

The  tenure  of  lands  is  an  interesting  topic  of  Cal- 
ifornia history,  both  in  itself  and  especially  in  view 
of  the  litigation  of  later  times.  In  its  earliest  phases 
the  subject  falls  more  naturally  into  the  annals  of  this 
decade  than  elsewhere,  though  a  general  statement 
with  but  few  details  is  all  that  is  required  here.  As 
soon  as  the  territory  was  occupied  by  Spain  in  1769 
the  absolute  title  vested  in  the  king.  No  individual 
ownership  of  lands,  but  only  usufructuary  titles  of 
various  grades,  existed  in  California  in  Spanish  times. 
The  king,  however,  was  actually  in  possession  of  only 
the  ground  on  which  the  presidios  stood  and  such 
adjoining  lands  as  were  needed  in  connection  with  the 
royal  service.  The  natives  were  recognized  as  the 
owners,  under  the  king,  of  all  the  territory  needed  for 
their  subsistence;  but  the  civilizing  process  to  which 
they  were  to  be  subjected  would  greatly  reduce  the 
area  from  that  occupied  in  their  savage  state;  and 
thus  there  was  no  prospective  legal  hindrance  to  the 
establishment  of  Spanish  settlements.  The  general 
laws  of  Spain  provided  for  such  establishments,  and 
the  assignment  to  each  of  lands  to  the  extent  of  four 
square  leagues.14  Meanwhile  neither  the  missions, 
nor  the  friars,  nor  the  Franciscan  order,  nor  the  church 
owned  any  lands  whatever.  The  missionaries  had  the 
use  of  such  lands  as  they  needed  for  their  object, 
which  was  to  prepare  the  Indians  to  take  possession  as 
individuals  of  the  lands  they  now  held  as  communities. 
When  this  was  accomplished,  and  the  missions  had 
become  pueblos,  the  houses  of  worship  would  natu- 
rally become  the  property  of  the  church,  and  the  friars 
would  move  on  to  new  spiritual  conquests.  Each 
mission  and  each  presidio  was  at  the  proper  time  to 
become  a  pueblo;  other  pueblos  were  expected  to  be 

GO  boys  and  the  same  number  of  girls.  Two  of  the  girls  were  married  before 
the  end  of  the  year.  St.-  Pup-,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  74;  vii.  74-6;  Prov.  M.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  9,  18,  31;  xxi.  34,  47;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  22;  Prov.  Rcc., 
MS.,  ix.  11,  12;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  307;  Bustamante,  Suplemento, 
181;  Azanza,  Instruction,  MS.,  88-9. 

14  Secopilacion  de  Indias,  lib.  iv.  tit.  v.  ley.  vi.,  x.     I  intentionally  avoid 
conditions  and  details  in  this  chapter. 


608  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

founded  from  time  to  time;  and  four  square  leagues 
of  land  was  the  area  to  be  assigned  under  ordinary 
circumstances  to  each;  but  the  fixing  of  boundaries 
was  tacitly  left  until  the  future  increase  in  the  number 
of  establishments  should  render  it  a  necessity,  noth- 
ing in  the  mean  time  being  allowed  to  interfere  with 
the  area  to  which  each  pueblo  would  be  entitled, 
though  the  missions  in  their  temporary  occupation 
were  not  restricted. 

In  his  instructions  of  1773  Viceroy  Bucareli  author- 
ized Captain  Rivera  to  make  a  beginning  of  the  future 
pueblos  by  distributing  lands  to  such  persons,  either 
natives  or  Spaniards,  as  were  worthy  and  would  dedi- 
cate themselves  to  agriculture  or  the  raising  of  stock.15 
Rivera  did  grant  a  piece  of  land  in  1775  to  Manuel 
Butron,  a  soldier  who  married  a  neophyte  of   San 
Carlos;  but  the  land  was  subsequently  abandoned,  and 
if  any  other  similar  grants  were  made  by  Rivera  there 
is  no  record  of  the  fact.     In  November   1777   the 
pueblo  of  San  Jose  was  founded  and  a  somewhat  in- 
formal distribution  of  lands  to  settlers  was  made  by 
order  of  Governor  Neve.    In  1781  Neve's  regulation 
wen.t  into  effect,  and  one  of  its  sections  regulated  the 
distribution  of  pueblo  lands;  prescribed  the  assign- 
ment to  each  settler  of  four  fields,  each  two  hundred 
varas  square,  besides  a  house-lot;  specified  the  lands  to 
be  devoted  to  various  uses  of  the  community;  and 
made  provision  for  the  gradual  extension  of  the  town 
by  the  granting  of  new  lots  and  fields.     Under  this 
regulation  the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  was  founded  in 
the  same  year  of  1781.     The  formal  distribution  of 
lands,  however,  and  the  giving  of  written  titles  took 
place  for  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles  in  1783  and  1786 
respectively.16    These  titles  were  the  nearest  approach 
to  absolute  ownership  in  California  under  Spain;  but 
the  lands  were  forfeited  by  abandonment,  failure  to 
cultivate,  and  non-compliance  with  certain  conditions. 

^Bucareli,  Instruction  de  17  de  Ayosto  dc  1773,  MS. 

16  On  foundation  of  San  Jos6  and  Angeles  and  the  distribution  of  lauds, 
see  chapters  xiv.  and  xvi.  of  this  volume. 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  609 

They  could  not  be  alienated;  and  one  instance  is 
recorded  of  lands  being  taken  for  hemp  culture  from 
a  settler,  who  was  given  others  in  their  place.  New 
grants  of  pueblo  lands  to  new  settlers  were  of  con- 
stant occurrence  hereafter.  Neither  in  the  regulation 
nor  in  the  proceedings  under  it  was  any  attention  paid 
to  exterior  pueblo  limits,  save  the  vague  establishment 
of  a  boundary,  at  San  Jose  at  least,  with  the  adjoin- 
ing mission.  This  matter  was  practically  and  natu- 
rally left  to  be  agitated  by  the  crown  should  there 
ever  in  the  distant  future  be  danger  of  the  town 
exceeding  its  four  leagues,  or  by  the  pueblo  itself  in 
case  of  encroachments  by  other  towns  or  by  indi- 
viduals. 

In  1784  application  was  made  to  Fages  by  private 
individuals  for  grants  of  ranchos.  He  granted  written 
permits  to  several  men  for  temporary  occupation  of 
the  lands  desired,17  and  wrote  to  the  commandant  gen- 
eral for  instructions.  General  Ugarte  replied  in  1786, 
on  the  recommendation  of  his  legal  adviser,  Galindo 
Navarro,  by  authorizing, the  granting  of  tracts  not  to 
exceed  three  leagues,  always  beyond  the  four-league 
limits  of  existing  pueblos,  without  injury  to  missions 
or  rancherias,  and  on  certain  other  conditions  includ- 
ing the  building  of  a  stone  house  on  each  rancho  and 
the  keeping  of  at  least  two  thousand  head  of  live- 
stock.18 The  instructions  required  the  immediate  as- 
signment by  clear  landmarks  of  the  four  leagues  to 
each  pueblo;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  any  such 
survey  was  made,  that  any  documents  were  given  in 
place  of  the  temporary  permits,  or  that  the  few  pro- 
visional grants  subsequently  made  differed  in  any 
respect  from  those  permits. 

17  The  ranchos  since  known  as  Los  Nietos  and  San  Rafael  were  thus  granted 
to  Manuel  Nieto  and  Jose  Maria  Verdugo  in  1784.     In  the  case  of  Nieto  his 
long  possession  until  1804  and  that  of  his  children  after  him  was  urged  as 
affording  presumption  of  a  complete  title;  but  the  supreme  court  held  that 
Fages'  written  permit  destroyed  this  presumption.    The  land  commission  had 
already  taken  a  similar  view.  Nieto  vs.  Carpenter,  21  Cal.  456. 

18  Fages'  report  to  Ugarte  Nov.  20,  1784.    Navarro 's  opinion,  Oct.  27,  1785. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon. ,  MS.,  i.  325-7-    Ugarte's  order  June  21st.  Id.,  i.  343. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    39 


610  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

In  1789  a  series  of  instructions  was  issued  with 
royal  approval  for  the  establishment  of  the  Villa  of 
Pitic  in  Sonora  since  called  Herrnosillo,  instructions 
which  were  to  be  followed  also  in  the  founding  of 
similar  establishments  throughout  the  northern  prov- 
inces. Omitting  details  unimportant  to  my  present 
purpose,  each  pueblo  was  to  have  assigned  to  it  with 
definite  bounds  four  square  leagues  of  land  in  rectan- 
gular form;  the  land  given  to  each  settler  to  depend 
somewhat  on  his  character  and  needs,  but  might  be 
fifty  per  cent  larger  than  that  already  given  in  Cali- 
fornia; and  after  four  years  the  ownership  might  be- 
come absolute.  I  do  not  find  that  this  regulation  ever 
had  any  effect  at  Los  Angeles  or  San  Jose.19  In  1790 

v  c5 

a  pensioned  corporal,  Cayuelas,  who  had  married  a 
neophyte  of  San  Luis  Obispo,  asked  in  the  name  of 
his  wife  for  lands  at  Santa  Margarita  belonging  to 
that  mission ;  but  the  grant  was  opposed,  probably 
with  success,  by  the  friars,  on  the  ground  that  the  land 
was  needed  for  the  community,  to  which  the  neophyte 
in  question  had  rendered  no  service.20 

A  beginning  of  the  presidial  pueblos  was  made  by 
General  Nava  in  1791,  when  he  authorized  com- 
mandants of  presidios  to  grant  lots  and  fields  to  sol- 
diers and  settlers  desiring  them  wijLhiii  the  prescribed 
four  square  leagues,21  but  there  is  no  clear  evidence 

19  Pitic,  Instruction  aprobada  por  S.  M.  que  se  formd  para  el  establecimiento 
de  la  nueva  Villa,  de  Pitic,  y  mandada  adaptar  d  fas  demas  nuevas  poblaciones 

'  proyectadas,  1789,  MS.     Dated  Chihuahua,  Nov.  14,  1789. 

20  Arch,  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  398-9,  400-2;  Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  ix. 
163-6.     This  instance  and  that  of  Butron  are  the  only  ones  recorded  of  land 
being  asked  for  by  neophytes  before  1800.     In  fact  only  24  neophyte  women 
had  married  gente  de  razon  since  1769.  Lasuen,  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS., 
ii.  192. 

21Nava's  decree,  dated  Oct.  22,  1791,  at  Chihuahua,  and  approved  provi- 
sionally by  the  viceroy  before  Jan.  19,  1793.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
i.  320-2,  341-2;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  27-8.  This  decree  has  been  often 
translated  and  referred  to  in  legal  reports,  sometimes  erroneously  under  the 
date  of  March  22d.  According  to  the  Ordenanza  de  Intendentcs  of  1786,  the 
royal  intendentes  had  been  intrusted  with  the  distribution  of  royal  lands; 
but  this  order  shows  that  the  four  leagues  belonged  to  the  pueblo  and  were 
not  included  in  the  king's  lands.  Dwinelle's  Colon.  Hist.  S.  F.,  34-5.  In  U.  S. 
Sup.  Court  Repts. ,  9  Wallace,  639,  it  is  stated  that  the  words  '  the  extent  of 
4  leagues  measured  from  the  centre  of  the  plaza  of  the  presidios  in  every 
direction,'  found  in  an  order  of  Nava  of  June  21,  1791,  and  in  other  papers, 
caused  Los  Angeles  to  claim  before  the  land  commission  16  square  leagues 


LAN]>  GRANTS.  611 

that  any  such  grants  were  made.  Arrillaga  reported 
to  the  viceroy  in  1793  that  no  grants  had  been  made 
by  his  predecessors  under  the  order  of  1786,  and  that 
on  account  of  this  failure  to  act,  and  because  of  the 
ultimate  right  of  the  natives '  to  the  best  sites — • 
although  he  was  constantly  asked  for  ranches  and 
believed  that  it  would  be  well  for  the  country  to 
grant  them — he  would  not  act  without  further  in- 
structions.22 Yet  early  in  1794  he  reported  that  he 
had  permitted  several  persons  to  settle  on  the  Rio  de 
Monterey  from  three  to  five  leagues  from  the  pre- 
sidio, the  permission  being  only  provisional.23  In 
April  1795  Borica  sent  to  the  viceroy  his  views  on 
the  subject.  He  did  not  know  why  his  predecessors 
had  failed  to  grant  sites  for  cattle-raising,  but  he  did 
not  favor  such  concessions:  It  would  be  difficult  to 
tell  what  lands  the  missions  really  needed,  since  new 
converts  were  constantly  made.  Troubles  between 
the  owners  of  ranchos  and  rancheria  Indians  would 
lead  to  excesses  and  war;  the  animals  of  the  settlers 
would  do  injury  to  the  food-supply  of  the  gentiles; 
the  rancheros  would  be  far  removed  from  spiritual 
care  and  from  judicial  supervision;  and  finally  the 
province  had  already  live-stock  enough,  there  being 
no  export.  Borica  therefore  proposed  that  no  ranchos 
should  be  granted  for  the  present,  but  that  settlers 
of  good  character  be  allowed  to  establish  themselves 
provisionally  on  the  land  asked  for  near  a  mission  or 
pueblo,  to  be  granted  them  later  if  it  should  prove 
best.  In  fact  several  ranchos  already  existed  under 
those  conditions.24 

instead  .of  4.  This  would  literally  be  64  square  leagues;  but  the  original 
'4  1.  measured  from  the  centre  of  the  plaza,  2  in  each  direction,'  might — like 
bhe  corresponding  definition  in  the  Recopilacion  de  Indias — be  interpreted 
naturally  16  square  leagues.  It  is  a  curious  complication;  but  that  an  area 
of  4  square  leagues,  either  in  square  or  rectangular  form,  was  what  was 
intended,  and  in  hundreds  of  cases  actually  surveyed  for  each  Spanish  pueblo, 
khere  can  be,  I  suppose,  no  doubt. 

1J2  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  45-7.  This  report  was  sent  back  to  Borica 
'or  his  opinion  on  Aug.  25,  1794.  Arrillaga  recognizes  the  four-league  limit 
Jven  in  the  case  of  missions. 

23 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  132;  xii.  189. 

."April  3,  1795,  Borica  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  39-41. 


C12  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

There  was  certainly  a  degree  of  force  in  some  of 
Borica's  arguments,  though  most  of  them  were  quite 
as  conclusive  against  his  substitute  for  land-grants. 
Indeed  there  is  something  mysterious  about  the  pref- 
erence of  successive  governors  for  provisional  permits 
of  occupation  over  the  regular  concessions  authorized 
by  superior  authority.  I  suspect  that  the  preference 
may  have  been  largely  on  the  part  of  the  settlers  them- 
selves, who  did  not  like  to  comply  with  the  conditions 
attached  to  a  regular  grant.  There  were  some  sixteen 
ranchos  in  the  regions  of  Los  Angeles  and  Monterey 
thus  provisionally  held  by  some  twenty  men  in  1795. 
Two  and  doubtless  more  similar  permissions  were  given 
before  the  end  of  the  decade.25  In  1796  a  part  of 
the  land  which  Fages  had  allowed  Nieto  to  occupy 
was  taken  from  him,  on  the  claim  of  San  Gabriel  mis- 
^  sion  that  it  was  needed  by  the  natives.  In  1797  the 
7  Encino  Rancho,  held  by  Francisco  Reyes,  was  taken 
from  him,  and  both  land  and  buildings  were  appro- 
priated by  the  new  mission  of  San  Fernando.  This 
same  year  the  Villa  de  Branciforte  was  founded,  pre- 
sumably on  the  plan  of  Pitic,  though  there  is  no  posi- 
tive information  extant  respecting  the  distribution  of 
lands  in  that  famous  town.  In  1798  Borica  gave 
some  kind  of  a  confirmation  to  the  title  of  Yerdugo 
at  San  Rafael,  but  we  know  nothing  of  its  nature. 
The  condition  of  land  matters  in  California  at  the  end 
of  the  decade  and  century  was  then  briefly  as  follows: 
There  were  eighteen  missions  and  four  presidios,  each 
without  settlers,26  but  each  intended  to  become  a 
pueblo,  and  each  entitled  to  four  square  leagues  of 
land  for  distribution  to  settlers  in  house-lots  and  sow- 
ing-lands, or  for  other  pueblo  uses;  three  pueblos  of 
Spaniards  already  established,  entitled  like  the  pros- 

^  25  See  chapters  xxx.  and  xxxi.  for  lists  of  the  rauchos  with  additional  de- 
tails. Borica,  whatever  may  have  been  his  real  motives,  opposed  even  the 
provisional  concessions  in  several  instances. 

26  It  is  noticeable,  however,  that  some  of  the  tracts  occupied  near  Monte- 
rey under  the  provisional  permits  were  probably  within  the  limits  of  the 
prospective  presidio-pueblo,  where  there  was  no  legal  authority  for  granting 
lands  for  stock-raising. 


MANUFACTURES  AND  LABOR.  613 

pective  ones  to  four  leagues  of  land,  though  like  them 
as  yet  without  fixed  boundaries,  inhabited  by  over 
one  hundred  settlers,  each  of  whom  held  about  four 
acres  of  land  still  subject  to  conditions  and  not  to 
be  alienated  or  hypothecated;  and  finally  twenty  or 
thirty  men  raising  cattle  on  ranchos  which  they  occu- 
pied temporarily  by  permission  of  the  authorities, 
without  any  legal  title,  though  some  of  them  or  their 
children  subsequently  became  owners  of  the  land. 

Besides  the  missions  and  pueblos,  conversion  and 
colonization,  there  are  various  institutions  and  indus- 
tries of  the  province  whose  progress  during  this  period 
merit  brief  notice  here;  though  in  most  respects  that 
progress  was  great  only  in  comparison  to  that  of  other 
epochs  of  California  history.  The  order  in  which  the 
several  topics  are  treated  being  a  matter  of  no  mo- 
ment, I  begin  with  that  of  manufactures  and  labor. 
At  the  first  occupation  of  Upper  California  some 
Christian  Indians  from  the  peninsula;  the  only  per- 
sons for  many  years  who  were  honored  with  the  name 
of  Californians,  were  brought  north  as  servants  of  all 
work  in  the  new  missions.  The  presidial  companies 
usually  had  a  few  smiths,  armorers,  and  carpenters 
whose  services  were  available  at  times,  as  well  for  the 
friars  as  for  the  soldiers;  the  soldiers  themselves 
were  obliged  to  render  assistance  in  building  and 
some  other  kinds  of  work.  Gentiles  were  hired  from 
the  first,  especially  on  the  Channel  coast.  After  1773 
men  were  enlisted  and  paid  as  sailors  to  serve  in  Cal- 
ifornia as  laborers,  and  among  the  settlers  at  the 
pueblos  were  persons  of  various  trades,  on  which, 
however'  none  seem  to  have  depended  for  subsist- 
ence. This  was  the  condition  of  mechanical  indus- 
ry  down  to  1790.  Besides  the  repairs  executed  on 
rrns,  implements,  and  articles  of  clothing,  there 
ere  rude  attempts  at  tanning  and  various  other 
simple  and  necessary  processes  suggested  by  the 
needs  of  the  soldiers  and  ingenuity  of  the  friars ;  but 


614  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

progress  in  this  direction  was  slight  and  is  but  vaguely 
recorded. 

During  the  last  decade  of  the  century  all  the  classes 
of  laborers  mentioned  continued  to  be  employed,  except 
that  no  new  natives  were  brought  from  Baja  Cali- 
fornia. Neophytes  were  extensively  hired  from  the 
friars  for  all  kinds  of  presidio,  work,  the  mission  and 
not  the  Indian  receiving  the  pay,  and  there  were  few 
Spanish  families  without  a  native  servant.  This  ques- 
tion of  neophyte  labor  was,  as  we  have  seen,  a  fruit- 
ful source  of  misunderstanding  between  friars  and 
officers.  Gentiles  wTere  also  hired  in  large  numbers  to 
work  both  at  presidios  and  pueblos,  being  paid  chiefly 
in  grain,  but  also  with  blankets  and  other  articles  of 
clothing.  Negotiations  for  laborers  were  made  for 
the  most  part  with  chiefs  who  contracted  to  supply 
the  required  number.  It  is  not  improbable  that  the 
chiefs  were  already  so  far  Advanced  in  civilization  as 
to  make  a  profit  on  the  contracts.  Spanish  regula- 
tions required  kind  treatment  and  fair  compensation 
to  all  Indian  laborers,  and  any  notable  or  habitual 
abuses  in  this  respect  would  in  these  early  times  have 
largely  cut  off  the  supply.  The  friars  complained  that 
the  gentiles  earned  so  much  grain  and  clothing  that 
one  of  their  chief  incentives  to  become  Christians  was 

lost.27     The  sailor  sirvientes,  several  of  whom,  were 

i 

27 Nov.  10,  1791,  Sergt.  Ortega  wanted  men  to  build  a  house,  etc.,  at  San 
Gabriel;  but  the  padres  refused  to  furnish  any  even  for  wages.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  x.  4,  5.  The  gentiles,  though  lazy,  offer  themselves  to  work  for  a  manta 
and  daily  rations  of  meat  and  boiled  maize.  The  best  are  chosen,  who  take 
their  blankets,  lay  down  their  arms,  and  go  to  work  bringing  building-mate- 
rials. f$util  y  Mex.,  Viage,  164-5.  Great  care  taken  in  employing  Indians, 
and  a.  daily  sum  of  money  paid.  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  497.  May  7,  1794, 
governor  to  Sal,  if  padres  want  a  gratuity  for  Indians  above  wages  it  must 
be  refused.  At  Sta  Barbara  they  get  19  cents  per  day,  and  an  almud  of  corn 
per  week.  San  Antonio  Indians  at  the  JRancho  del  Rey  get  a  coton  and  manta 
per  month.  Even  if  content  with  little  they  should  be  given  all  they  deserve. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  147-8,  163.  Dec.  1794,  at  San  Diego  Indians  got  one 
real  and  rations.  Prov.  St..  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  7.  Indians  must  be  treated  well 
and  work  equally.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  15,  16.  April,  1796,  Indian  laborers 
not  to  be  obtained  without  governor's  permission.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv. 
176.  1796,  Sal  sends  30  blankets  to  San  Josd  with  which  to  hire  30  Indians. 
They  will  be  treated  well.  Any  capitanejo  helping  to  get  them  may  be  given 
a  gratification.  Travelling  expenses  paid.  Later  some  inralids  are  sent  to 
look  after  the  30;  who  were  to  be  treated  with  alguna  comiseracion.  S.  Jose, 


ARTISANS  FROM  MEXICO.  615 

furnished  to  each  of  the  new  missions,  did  not  in  many 
instances  give  satisfaction.  There  was  also  some  diffi- 
culty about  their  wages  being  paid  by  the  royal  treas- 
ury, and  they  were  all  sent  back  to  San  Bias  in  1795, 
though  sailors  were  subsequently  allowed  to  remain  in 
California  as  workmen  at  the  presidios  and  as  settlers.28 
In  the  promotion  of  manufactures,  however,  a  de- 
cided effort  was  made  in  this  decade,  and  with  consid- 
erable success.  The  plan  adopted  was  to  send  skilled 
artisans  from  Mexico  under  government  pay  to  teach 
their  trades  to  neophytes  and  to  white  apprentices. 
About  twenty  of  these  artisan  instructors  were  sent 
to  California,  chiefly  in  1792  and  1795,  a  few  of  whom 
remained  permanently  as  settlers,  but  most  retired  on 
the  expiration  of  their  contracts  before  1800.29 

Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  75.  Wages  paid  to  mission,  not  to  Indians.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  158.  1800,  mission  Indians  get  two  reals  per  day,  one  in  extra 
food  and  one  in  cloth,  or  sometimes  money  from  presidios.  Private  persons 
pay  in  corn  or  meat.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  119. 

•28Prov.  St.  Pa2).,  MS.,  xii.  193-4;  xiii.  69,  123-4;  xvi.  2;  Prov.  #ec.,MS., 
iv.  232;  v.  5.  The  sailor  sirvientes  got  $10  per  month  and  19  cents  for  rations. 
One  slave  is  mentioned  during  the  decade.  He  was  owned  by  Col.  Alberni, 
,  and  \vas  tried  for  robbery  in  1798.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  102. 

29 Their  names  were:  Santiago  Ruiz,  Manuel  D.  Ruiz,  Toribio  Ruiz,  Salva- 
dor Rivera,  Joaquin  Rivera,  and  Pedro  Alcantara,  masons;  Mariano  Tapia, 
potter;  Cay etano  Lopez,  mill-maker;  Jose*  A.  Ramirez  and  Salvador  Ye" jar,  car- 
penters; MigUel  Sangrador,  tanner  and  shoemaker;  Joaquin  Avalos,  tanner; 
Mariano  Tapinto  and  Joaquin  Botello,  tailors;  Pedro  Gonzalez  Garcia,  Jose* 
Arroya,  and-Jos^  F.  Arriola,  blacksmiths;  Antonio  Dom.  Henricmez  and  Mari- 
ano Jose"  Mendoza,  weavers;  Manuel  Muuoz,  listonero,  ribbon-maker;  Jose1 
de  Los  Reyes  and  Antonio  Hernandez,  saddlers.  One  or  twb  of  these  names 
may  have  been  those  of  settlers  who  had  trades;  and  one  or  two  of  convicts. 
A  few  of  the  maestros  got  $1,000  per  year,  and  the  journeymen  from  $300  to 
$800.  The  contracts  were  for  four  or  live  years.  Sept.  10, 1790,  Fages  speci- 
fies 51  mechanics  needed,  besides  teachers,  millers,  and  a  surveyor.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  13;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  82.  1790  and  1792,  lists  of  trades 
existing.  Id.,  i.  96,  98,  101-2.  Salvador  Rivera,  the  stone-cutter,  was  at  first 
left  at  Nootka  in  1791.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  95.  Four  mechanics  arrived 
in  Dec.  1791.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.',  MS.,  xv.  6.  Viceroy  says  a  carpenter 
must  teach  his  trade  to  at  least  12  Indians  in  the  four  years.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  x.  137.  In  1791  tailor  at  Monterey  did  $135  worth  of  work  for  private 
parties.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.  3.  June  20,  1792,  opinion  of 
the  fiscal  on  the  project,  including  provision  for  granting  the  artisans  land  and 
making  permanent  settlers  of  them.  The  engineer  Miguel  Costans6  appears  as 
one  of  the  advisers  in  the  matter.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  62-8.  March  1793, 
three  artisans  sent  back  as  useless.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  163.  Jan.  1794,  no 
visible  progress  made  though  the  artisans  work  well.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS.,  xxi. 
178-9.  Of  the  value  of  work  done  by  the  artisans  half  goes  to  the  treasury,  one 
third  to  apprentices,  and  one  sixth  to  artisans.  Id.,  xi.  158;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
viii.  140.  April  29,  1795,  V.  R.  wonders  that  though  wages  have  been  paid, 
$10,000  is  yet  due  the  artisans.  Id.,  iv.  227.  July  19,  1795,  new  opinion  of. 


616  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

At  first  the  artisans  were  distributed  in  the  missions 
and  presidios,  or  in  some  cases  travelled  from  one  place 
to  another  giving  instruction.  The  friars  were  of 
course  pleased,  for  they  thus  received  almost  without 
cost  instructions  for  themselves  and  their  neophytes 
which  in  the  future  must  contribute  largely  to  the 
prosperity  of  their  establishments.  But  they  were 
deeply  grieved  when  they  found  that  the  king's 
mechanics  were  by  no  means  disposed  to  regard  them- 
selves as  mere  mission  servants  to  be  utilized  according 
to  the  orders  of  the  padres,  and  at  the  necessity  of  pay- 
ing something  for  the  work  done  by  the  artisans  in 
the  course  of  their  teaching.  As  usual  they  wanted 
all  the  benefits  of  the  enterprise  and  its  management, 
but  pleaded  poverty  when  payment  was  asked.  The 
government  was  not  willing  to  do  so  much  for  the 
missions,  and  after  1795  the  friars  were  obliged  to  pay 
for  the  work  done,  to  pay  the  artisans'  salaries,  or  to 
send  their  neophytes  to  the  presidios  to  be  taught. 
In  many  cases  they  refused  to  do  either,  and  quite  a 
controversy  ensued.  But  the  difficulty  settled  itself 
as  the  terms  of  contract  expired,  and  before  1800  the 
neophytes  had  acquired  a  stock  of  instruction  which 
it  was  thought  would  suffice  for  the  mission  needs.30 

the  fiscal  on  details.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  56-60.  Aug.  24,  1795,  B.  says 
V.  R.  has  ordered  work  of  artisans  to  cease  at  missions.  Prov.  Rec.,-  MS. ,  v.  61. 
Pay  began  when  artisans  left  Mexico.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  41-3.  Fifty 
dollars  advanced  for  travelling  expenses.  The  married  ones  to  be  given  in 
California  a  male  and  female  Indian  servant  for  each  family,  to  be  fed  and  edu- 
cated. Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  202-4;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  184.  Dec'.  4, 
1795,  fiscal's  report,  with  details  of  contracts.  Id.,  xiii.  34-42.  Jan.  1796,  the 
missions  must  be  asked  to  support  the  new  artisans  expected.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS., 
v.  78.  1796,  effort  to  obtain  white  apprentices.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  53-4, 
72-3;  v.  249;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  16.  July  1796,  lands  ordered  granted 
(in  pueblos)  to  several  artisans.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  164.  1797,  the  basis  of 
pay  was  changed  in  later  years,  one  eighth  of  the  value  of  work  done  going  to 
the  artisan,  and  seven  eighths  to  the  treasury.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  90-1  (and 
many  other  references).  See  also  for  voluminous  correspondence  on  this  sub- 
ject—chiefly on  the  names,  salaries,  engaging,  distribution,  arrival  and  depart- 
ure of  the  artisans— Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  x.  41;  xii.  192-3;  xiii.  40-2,  52-3, 
60,  107,  120-7;  xiv.  6;  xvi.  202,  213;  xvii.  40,  135;  xxi.  36-7,  44,  73-4,  89-90, 


Arzpbispado,  MS.,  i.  33. 

30  Dec.  21,  1792,  Lasuen  to  Arrillaga,  some  of  the  artisans  show  a  ten-. 


WEAVING  AND  TANNING.  617 

Some  white  apprentices  were  obtained  and  taught, 
though  instances  were  not  wanting  where  parents 
deemed  it  degrading  to  put  their  sons  to  a  trade. 

The  results  of  all  these  efforts  were  that  before 
1800  rude  looms  were  set  up  in  many  of  the  missions, 
on  which  by  Indian  labor  the  wool  of  the  country  was 
woven  into  blankets  and  coarse  fabrics  with  which  the 
neophytes  were  clothed;31  hides  were  tanned  and  made 
into  shoes,  some  of  the  coarser  parts, of  saddles  and 
other  leather  goods  being  also  manufactured,  though 

dency to  act  as  officers  rather  thaninstructors.  The  tailorsdon't  amount  to  much, 
in  fact  tailors  are  not  much  needed  in  a  country  where  each  native  is  tailor  for 
himself.  It  is  not  well  to  send«the  natives  to  the  presidios  for  instruction; 
but  it  would  be  a  good  idea  to  let  certain  artisans  travel  from  mission  to  mis- 
sion. Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  30-2.  1793-4,  several  San  Carlos  Indiana 
instructed  in  stone-cutting,  bricklaying,  etc.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  59. 
Dec.  1795,  Borica  orders  missions  to  send  each  four  or  five  Indians  to  presidios. 
They  will  be  supported  and  vtill  have  a  soldier  to  teach  them  religion.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  v.  235-6.  July  28,  1796,  Lasuen  in  a  circular  regrets  the  restric- 
tions, but  orders  the  padres  to  send  the  neophytes  to  the  presidios,  not  how- 
ever expecting  any  good  results.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  138.  Aug.  8, 
1796,  B.  says  to  Lasuen  seven  eighths  of  products  of  work  must  go  to  treas- 
ury and  one  eighth  to  artisan.  An  Indian  boy  and  girl  must  be  supplied,  as 
servants,  or  appeal  will  be  made  to  the  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  166-7, 
163-4.  Dec.  20,  1796,  V.  R.  says  that  the  artisans  are  engaged  to  teach  the 
natives  and  not  to  serve  at  missions.  The  missions  must  pay.  Arch.  Sta 
Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  167-8.  April  26,  1797,  Lasuen  to  V.  R.  protesting  against 
giving  the  artisans  one  eighth  of  the  value  of  their  work  when  the  mission 
furnishes  all  the  material,  and  also  against  sending  Indians  to  the  presidios 
as  being  subversive  of  all  subordination.  Id.,  ix.  169-72;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xv.  281-2.  Nov.  12,  1798,  B.  has  given  a  mission  the  free  use  of  a  smith  and 
carpenter  for  a  year.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  226.  Sept.  21,  1799,  V.  R.  to  gov. 
and  president,  asking  them  to  come  to  some  conclusion  how  best  to  instruct 
neophytes  without  risk  to  Christian  duties.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  173— 
4;  Prov.  Sf.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  339;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,viii.  193.  Jan.  22,  1800, 
Lasuen  to  V.  R. ,  neophytes  ought  not  to  be  sent  to  the  presidios  where  they 
are  used  as  peons  and  often  run  away;  still  something  may  be  effected  by 
sending  docile  youth'  and  requiring  a  strict  watch  over  them.  The  objection 
to  the  artisans  coming  to  the  missions,  is  the  required  payment  for  the  articles 
made  by  them  which  the  mission  cannot  afford,  especially  after  furnishing 
servants  and  material,  and  as  the  objects  made  are  not  sold.  Arch.  Sta  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  ix.  175-80. 

31  For  items  about  weaving  see  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  162-6;  iv.  98-9,  251, 
300;  v.  206.  245-7;  vi.  3,  79,  81,  117,  230;  ix.  5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii. 
24;  xv.  67-8;  xvi.  233,  261-2;  xviii.  18,  19;  xxi.  189;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxv.  14; 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  100;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,.vi.  103-5;  Arch.  Sta  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  ii.  68,  96-7;  ix.  168-9;  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  11-13.  No  blankets 
were  brought  from  Mexico  after  1797.  A  little  cotton  cloth  was  woven  from 
material  brought  from  San  Bias.  The  Indians  had  some  natural  skill  at  dye- 
ing. The  ribbon-maker  was  found  to  be  of  no  use.  There  was  a  proposition 
in  1797  to  make  the  learning  of  a  trade  obligatory.  Weaving  was  a  failure 
-at  Monterey.  Some  hemp  was  used  for  neophytes'  garments.  P.  Espi 
wanted  to  establish  a  fulling-mill,  but  the  governor  disapproved  the  scheme. 
The  pueblos  got  none  of  the  instructors,  but  some  weaving  was  done  there. 


618  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

not  enough  as  yet  to  avoid  importation  from  Mexico.3'2 
Soap  was  made  of  suitable  quality  and  quantity  to 
supply  home  needs  after  1798;33  coarse  pottery  was 
produced  at  San  Francisco  and  several  other  places;34 
and  water-power  flouring-mills  were  built  at  Santa 
Cruz  and  San  Luis  Obispo,  possibly  also  at  San 
Gabriel  and  San  Jose,  which  with  the  tahonas  worked 
by  horse  or  man  power  and  the  metates  of  the  neo- 
phyte women,  supplied  the  province  with  flour.35 
Some  details  of  these  different  branches  of  manufac- 
tures will  be  found  in  local  annals  of  the  different 
towns,  missions,  and  presidios.36 

In  the  way  of  public  improvements,  repairs  were 
several  times  ordered  to  be  made  on  the  roads,  espe- 
cially at  the  crossings  of  streams  where  couriers  were 
liable  to  be  delayed.  There  were  several  supposed 
discoveries  of  rich  mineral  deposits,  including  one  of 
quicksilver  in  the  black  mud  at  Santa  BaYbara  in  1796. 
In  fact  Father  Salazar  reported  that  the  province  was 
supposed  to  be  very  rich  in  metals,  which  were  not 
developed  for  fear  that  foreigners  would  rush  in,  but 
actual  mining  operations  were  confined  to  an  occasional 
trip  after  tequesquite,  or  saltpetre,  and  the  extraction 
of  brea,  or  asphalfcum,  from  the  pitch- wells  of  the 
Channel  coast,  used  to  some  extent  for  roofing.37 

32 St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  46-7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  50,  220;  Arch.  Sta 
Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  72-3,  129.  Some  2,000  hides  were  tanned  at  Santa  Clara  as 
early  as  1792,  but  very  few  of  them  could  be  sold.  At  Sta  Barbara  the  cor- 
poral of  the  guard  was  paid  $150  per  year  to  attend  to  the  tanning. 

33 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  33,  48,  50,  95,  105,  303;  v.  211;  ix.  5;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  110.  About  $1,000  worth  of  soap  was  required  each  year. 
There  was  a  manufactory  of  this  article  at  the  rancho  del  rey  in  Monterey. 

34 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  25;  xviii.  259;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  75;  v.  88; 
Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  313. 

35 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  162-3;  iv.  177,  187-8,  224,  232,  253,  2S3;  v.  50;  vi.  6, 
68;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  59;  Los  Angeles  Hist.,  7.  HalVs  Hist.  8. 
Jose,  114. 

36  See  also  general  communications  on  the  progress  of  the  various  industries 
between  governor  and  viceroy  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  67-8,  89-90,  117;  St. 
Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col,  MS.,  i.  79;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.   Jose,  MS.,  i.   46;  St. 
J '«/>.,  3/,;.s'.s.,  MS.,  ii.  6. 

37  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  107,  175;  xxi.  176-7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  57-8; 
Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  64-5.     The  only  ship-building  industry  recorded 
is  the  building  of  a  large  boat  by  the  sailors  left  by  Capt.  Dorr  in  1796.  Prov. 
Sec.,  MS.,  vir79. 


AGRICULTURE.  619 

Agricultural  statistics  are  given  elsewhere  in  chap- 
ters devoted  to  missions,  pueblos,  and  to  local  prog- 
ress; but  it  is  well  here  to  give  the  grand  total  of 
production,  which  was  on  an  average  56,000  bushels 
of  grain  per  year  during  the  decade.  Of  this  yield 
36,000  bushels  were  wheat;  11,700  bushels,  corn; 
5,400  bushels,  barley;  1,800  bushels,  beans;  and  1,200 
bushels,  miscellaneous  grains  such  as  pease,  lentils,  etc. 
Of  other  crops  no  statistical  records  were  kept,  though 
each  establishment  had  a  vegetable  garden,  a  fruit- 
orchard,  or  a  vineyard,  most  having  all  of  these  in 
a  prosperous  condition  supplying  the  wants  of  the 
country.  There  have  been  some  interesting  discus- 
sions in  modern  times  respecting  the  dates  at  which 
grapes,  oranges,  and  other  fruits  were  introduced  in 
California;  but  there  are  no  records  which  can  throw 
light  on  the  matter.  Many  varieties  of  fruit,  includ- 
ing probably  grapes,  were  introduced  from  the  penin- 
sula by  the  earliest  expeditions  between  1769  and 
1773;  nearly  all  the  varieties  were  in  a  flourishing 
condition  on  a  small  scale  before  Junipero  Serra's 
death  in  1784;  and  very  few  remained  to  be  introduced 
after  1800.38 

Borica  gave  and  required  his  commandants  to  give 
much  personal  attention  to  the  advancement  of  agri- 
cultural interests,  using  various  expedients  of  reward 
and  threat  to  accustom  the  settlers — for  there  was 
rarely  any  occasion  to  interfere  with  the  friars  and 
their  subjects — to  habits  of  industry  and  to  precau- 
tions against  possible  famine  in  years  of  drought. 

38  Information  on  these  matters  is  very  meagre  and  of  a  general  nature. 
Vallejo  has  heard  from  his  father  and  others  of  the  fundadores  that  vines 
were  brought  up  in  1709,  and  planted  at  San  Diego.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat., 
MS.,  xxxvi.  288.  Palou,  Vida  de  Junipero  Serra,  199,  220,  etc.,  mentions 
grapes,  vegetables,  fruits,  etc.,  as  flourishing  in  1784.  Yield  of  Monterey 
garden  sufficient  to  pay  fora  gardner  in  1784.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  54.  La. 
Pe"rouse  left  the  first  potatoes  in  California  in  1786.  There  are  some  tradi- 
tions of  wild  grapes  found  in  the  country  near  Sail  Antonio,  and  improved  by 
cultivation.  Gomez,  Lo  que  sale,  MS.,  105-6.  Pages'  garden  in  1783-91  with 
200  fruit-trees,  vines,  etc.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  167.  Vancouver  names 
many  kinds  of  fruit  raised  in  1792.  Wine  manufactured  in  the  southern 
missions  in  1797-8.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  66,  70,  1798.  The  culture 
of  vines  and  olives  must  be  encouraged.  Prov.  JRec.,  MS.,  iv.  106. 


620  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

Regular  weather  reports  were  insisted  on,  though  very 
few  of  them  have  been  preserved.39  The  hardest  years 
for  the  province  were  1794  and  1795;  but  even  in 
those  years  the  drought  did  not  extend  over  all  the 
territory,  so  that  more  than  half  the  average  crop  was 
produced.  In  1793  the  governor  seconded  by  Presi- 
dent Lasuen  prohibited  the  kindling  of  fires  by  neo- 
phytes and  gentiles  which  had  in  several  instances 
caused  considerable  damage  in  the  grain-fields.40  In 
1795  owners  of  gardens  were  required  to  fence  them, 
or  at  least  to  make  no  complaints  of  ravages  by  cat- 
tle.41 The  chief  enterprise,  however,  of  an  agricult- 
ural nature  in  which  the  government  took  an  inter- 
est was  the  attempt  to  introduce  the  cultivation  of 
flax  and  hemp.  The  establishment  of  this  industry 
in  the  American  colonies  of  Spain  had  been  ordered 
by  the  king  in  1781,  and  the  orders  had  been  promul- 
gated in  California  as  elsewhere,  without  receiving 
any  practical  attention;  but  in  1795  special  orders  and 
a  package  of  seed  having  been  sent  up  to  Monterey, 
the  experiment  was  undertaken  in  earnest  by  Borica's 
directions,  San  Jose  being  selected  as  the  spot  and 
Ignacio  Vallejo  as  the  superintendent,  with  the  aid  of 
a  soldier  who  knew  something  of  flax-culture.  Some 
details  of  the  experiment  will  be  found  in  connection 
with  the  local  history  of  San  Jose  for  this  period. 
There  were  some  failures  of  crops,  and  others  result- 
ing from  inexperience  in  the  various  processes  to 
which  the  product  was  subjected;  but  several  lots  of 
the  staple  sent  to  Mexico  gave  satisfaction,  and  in 
1800  the  prospects  of  the  new  industry  were  consid- 
ered encouraging,  and  preparations  were  made  to  send 
Joaquin  Sanchez  to  superintend  it  in  California.42 
• 

39  Minor  communications  of  the  governor  on  agriculture.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
iv.  52-3,  69-186;  v.  63;  vi.  67,  80;  Dept.  St.  Pap.  3.  Jose.,  MS.,  i.  52.  Borica 
offered  a  premium  of  £25  for  the  largest  crop  in  1796. 

J0  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  187-8;  Id.,  Ben.  MIL,  xx.  5;  Arch.  Arzolis- 
pado,  MS.,  i.  34;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  210-14. 

41  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  16,  17,  29,  33-4,  272,  293;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xiv.  77. 

42  Nov.  13,  1781,  royal  orders  published  by  Neve.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 


STOCK-RAISING.  621 

The  companion  industry  to  agriculture,  and  the 
favorite  occupation  of  Californians  from  the  first,  as 
requiring  less  hard  work  than  tilling  the  soil,  was 
stock-raising.  California  had  in  T800  in  round  num- 
bers 187,000  animals  in  her  herds  and  flocks:  74,000 
cattle,  24,000  horses,  1,000  mules,  and  88,000  sheep, 
not  to  mention  the  comparatively  few  asses,  goats, 
and  swine.  Of  the  total  number  the  missions  had 
153,000;  the  presidios  18,000;  and  the  pueblos  16,000. 
The  increase  had  been  uninterrupted  from  1769  except 
in  the  year  1794—5  when  there  was  a  slight  decrease. 
The  king's  rancho  at  Monterey  with  branches  at  San 
Francisco  and  San  Diego  furnished  to  the  presidial 
companies  a  very  large  part  of  the  meat  consumed 
and  nearly  all  the  cavalry  horses  employed  in  the 
service,  the  proceeds  of  sales  on  royal  account  varying 
from  $1,000  to  $3,000  per  year.  The  missionaries 
always  looked  with  much  hostility  on  these  establish- 
ments as  depriving  the  missions  of  the  best  and  almost 
the  only  market  for  their  produce ;  but  having  founded 

iii.  247-53.  1785,  other  orders  of  the  audiencia  published.  Id.,  v.  250-1. 
Sept.  13,  1785,  Jose"  de  Galvez  to  Fages  on  aiding  the  enterprise.  St.  Pap. 
Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  35.  Sept.  6,  1793,  viceroy  orders  flax-culture  to  be  promoted 
in  all  the  missions.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  263-4.  Sept.  7th,  guardian 
also  recommends  the  matter,  saying  that  a  wild  flax  is  found  on  the  Cali- 
fornia coast.  Id.,  xii.  14,15.  Aug.  13,  1794,  two  fanegas  of  hemp-seed  sent 
to  Lasuen.  Id. ,  xi.  267-8.  Instructions  for  hemp-culture.  Instruments  sent 

1795.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xv.  15-17;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,i.  53-6; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  140.    See  chapter  xxxii.  for  experiments  at  San  Jose\ 
May  21,  1796,  flax  and  hemp  to  be  free  of  duty,  and  implements  free  from 
taxes.  Gaceta  de  Mex.,  viii.  95-8;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  194.     Dec.  19, 

1796,  Borica  to  V.  E,. ,  30  fanegas  of  seed  harvested.    Missions  as  a  rule  will  not 
fee  able  to  raise  hemp.     No  success  yet  in  working  the  material.  St.  Pap. , 
Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  70.     Hemp  exported  in  1796-7  of  no  use.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
272.     1798,  samples  sent  to  Mexico  and  approved.  Id.,  vi.  103;  viii.  189-90. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  272,  287.     May  3,  1798,  hemp  sent  to  P.  Viader 
to  try  experiments  in  spinning.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  213.     1799,  25  arrobaa 
of  hemp  sent  to  Mexico.    Price  $350.  Prospects  favorable.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xviii.  83-4;  xvii.  213.    Culture  must  be  introduced  at  Branciforte.  Id., 
xvii.  314-15.     San  Carlos  using  hemp  for  ordinary  cloth  for  neophytes. 
Prov.  Rec.,  vi.  117.     1800,  crops  not  good.  Id.,  ix.  15;  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS., 
iii.  70.     Arrangements  in  Mexico  to  continue  to  encourage  the  new  industry 
and  to  send  Joaquin  Sanchez  to  Calif ornia.  S.  Jose",  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  20;  St. 
Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col,  MS.,  i.  55-7;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  102-4.     By 
these  arrangements  the  memoria  ships  were  to  take  flax  and  hemp  in  good 
condition  and  pay  for  it  in  cash.    Sanchez  did  not  sail  for  California.   Guerra, 
Doc.  Hist.   Gal.,  MS.,  iii.   176-9.     Vague  indications  that  cotton  was  also 
tried.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  108;  vi.  209;  ix.  6. 


622  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

the  ranches  at  a  time  when  the  missions  had  no  live- 
stock to  sell,  the  government  was  not  disposed  to 
abandon  them  later;  and  indeed  it  was  claimed  that 
only  by  means  of  the  rancho  del  rey  and  of  the  fixed 
tariffs  of  prices  were  the  friars  kept  from  maintaining 
an  oppressive  monopoly.43 

In  1796-7  Borica  made  a  special  effort  to  promote 
the  raising  of  sheep  in  connection  with  the  manufac- 
ture of  cloth.  Statistical  reports  do  not  show  that 
the  increase  in  the  mission  flocks  was  much  greater 
in  those  than  other  years,  though  it  was  uniformly 
rapid;  while  in  the  pueblos,  to  which  Borica  gave  his 
attention  more  particularly,  very  little  was  accom- 
plished.44 The  Californian  cattle  were  very  prolific, 
and,  under  the  early  regulations  forbidding  the 
slaughter  of  cows,  multiplied  with  wonderful  rapid- 
ity. The  pueblos  were  not  allowed  to  let  their  large 
stock  increase  beyond  fifty  head  to  each  settler;  the 
rancheros  had  no  very  large  herds  before  1800;  and 
in  the  missions  during  the  last  decade  efforts  were 
directed  rather  to  restrict  than  encourage  further 
increase;  yet  in  spite  of  all  restrictions,  and  of  the 
ravages  of  bears,  wolves,  and  Indians,  and  of  the 
constantly  increasing  slaughter  for  meat  and  tallow, 
cattle  were  becoming  too  numerous  for  the  needs  of 

43  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.  x.  91;  xii.  30,  97;  xvi.  92;  xvii.  14-16;  Id:,  Ben. 
Mil.,  xiii.  1-7;  xvii.  1;  xviii.  4,  5;  xxv.  2-4;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  208;  iv.  16, 
117,  134,  255-6,  273,  285;  v.  64,  68,  85,  269;  vi.  100,  104,  109;  St.  Pap.,  Mis*., 
MS.,  i.  73-4;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col.,  MS.,  i.  68-78.  See  also  chapters  xxx. 
and  xxxii.  for  local  items  respecting  the  rancho  del  rey.  1795,  cattle  lost  on 
the  road  were  charged  to  the  consumption  of  the  troops.  1790,  4,000  cattle 
belonging  to  the  real  hacienda,  from  which  many  private  persons  were  sup- 
plied. 1795,  each  soldier  might  have  two  milch  cows.  There  seem  to  have 
been  some  sheep  on  the  rancho.  After  1797  an  account  was  made  of  the 
hides,  which  before  had  been  left  to  the  soldiers. 

"Efforts  at  Sta  Barbara.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  66.  Rancheros  must  keep 
sheep  or  live  in  the  pueblos.  Id.,  iv.  86.  Introduced  at  Angeles,  S.  Jos6, 
and  San  Francisco.  Id.,  vi.  79.  Every  settler  should  have  at  least  11  sheep, 
for  which  they  may  pay  in  grain.  Id.,  iv.  147.  Breeding-sheep  to  be  pur- 
chased and  sent  to  Monterey.  •  Id. ,  iv.  62.  Six  hundred  and  fourteen  sheep 
at  7  reals,  wethers  $2,  received  from  San  Diego.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  6. 
Wool  at  S.  Gabriel  20  reals  per  arroba.  Id.,  vi.  G.  Two  hundred  sheep  dis- 
tributed at  Angeles  August  1796.  Id.,  vi.  1.  Every  settler  at  San  Jos6  must 
keep  3  sheep  for  every  larger  animal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose.,  MS.,  i.  73-4. 
The  breed  at  San  Francisco  was  merino,  and  better  than  elsewhere.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  8,9. 


HORSES  AND  MULES.  623 

the  country.  Horses,  not  being  used  for  food,  nor 
as  yet  stolen  extensively  by  Indians,  were  largely  in 
excess  of  all  demands  at  four  or  five  dollars  each. 
Mules  at  fifteen  dollars  were  generally  in  demand, 
comparatively  few  being  yet  raised.  Tithes  of  all 
live-stock  except  in  the  missions  were  branded  each 
year  in  October  or  November  and  added  to  the  rancho 
del  rey.^ 


45 


45 1791,  mission  stock  should  be  reduced  to  prevent  dispersion.  The 
Indians  eat  too  much  meat.  Missions  not  allowed  to  buy  animals  from  the 
troops.  The  raising  of  horses  and  mules  should  be  promoted.  Yearly  slaughter 
for  meat  ordered.  Fages  to  Romeu,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  150, 157, 170. 
1792,  no  more  fat  to  be  shipped  from  San  Bias,  and  200  cows  to  be  killed 
each  year.  It  is  better  to  make  monthly  distributions  of  meat.  Arrillaga,  in 
Id.,  xi.  37-8;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  156.  Vancouver  took  some  cattle  away 
for  Botany  Bay  and  the  Sandwich  Islands.  Vancouver's  Voy.,  ii.  99;  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  122.  1794,  no  market  for  horses.  Mules  promise  better. 
Pueblo  stock  much  exposed  to  Indians.  Soldiers  allowed  only  three  or  four 
cows.  King's  stock  not  much  affected  by  the  removal  of  females.  Adobe 
houses  built  for  soldiers  guarding  stock,  in  place  of  huts  of  hides.  Arrillaga, 
Papel  de  Puntes,  MS.,  189-91.  1795,  rancheros  have  but  little  stock  and  it 
must  not  increase.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  269,  219,  224-5.  1796,  wild 
beasts  troublesome,  preventing  the  increase  of  tithes.  A  lion  attacked  a  cor- 

rral,  soldier,  and  Indian  woman  at  Rancheria  Nueva.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  ix. 
,  iv.  63.  1797,  no  settler  to  have  over  50  head  of  large  stock,  for  each  of 
which  three  head  of  small  stock  must  be  kept.  Id.,  iv.  204,  284;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  S.  «/bsd,.MS.,  i.  73-4.  Two  reals  to  be  paid  on  each  head  of  cattle 
killed.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  31.  Tithe  cattle  to  be  branded  with  royal 
rancho  brand  applied  crosswise  to  prevent  confusion.  Id.,  v.  31.  Over  12,000 
horses  on  the  Monterey  ranchos  in  1800  (evidently  an  error).  Arrillaga,  Estado 
de  1800-1,  MS.,  in  Bandini,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  3,  4. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 
1791-1800. 

COMMERCE — TRADE  OF  THE  TRANSPORTS — OTTER-SKINS — PROJECTS  or  MAR- 
QUEZ,  MAMAXELI,  INCIARTE,  PONCE,  MEXDEZ,  AND  OVINETA — PROVINCIAL 
FINANCES— HABILITADOS — FACTOR  AND  COMMISSARY — COMPLICATED 
ACCOUNTS — SUPPLIES  AND  REVENUES — TAXES — TOBACCO  MONOPOLY — 
TITHES — MILITARY  FORCE  AND  DISTRIBUTION — CIVIL  GOVERXMEXT — 
PPOPOSED  SEPARATION  OF  THE  CALIFORNIAS — ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUS- 
TICE— A  CAUSE  CELEBRE — EXECUTION  OF  ROSAS — OFFICIAL  CARE  OF 
MORALS — USE  OF  LIQUORS— GAMBLING — EDUCATION — BORICA'S  EFFORTS 
— THE  FIRST  SCHOOLS  AND  SCHOOL-MASTERS. 

CALIFORNIA  had  as  yet  no  commerce.  Not  a  trading- 
vessel  proper  touched  on  the  coast  before  1800,  though 
there  had  been  some  little  exchange  of  goods  for  meat 
and  vegetables  on  several  occasions  between  the  Cal- 
ifornians  and  such  vessels  as  arrived  for  purposes  other 
than  commercial.  "  It  is  sad  to  not  see  a  single  ship- 
owner on  the  Pacific  coast,"  wrote  Costanso  in  1794; 
no  trade  in  the  South  Sea,  and  therefore  no  revenue, 
a  lack  of  population,  and  great  expense  to  the  crown. 
The  Ccidiz  merchants  from  mistaken  motives  stifled 
the  coast  trade  in  its  infancy.  A  grand  commerce 
might  be  developed,  affording  California  colonists  a 
market  for  their  products,  including  fish  and  salted 
meats.1  The  Spanish  laws  strictly  forbade  all  trade 
not  only  with  foreign  vessels  and  for  foreign  goods, 
but  with  Spanish  vessels  and  for  Spanish- American 
goods  except  the  regular  transports  and  articles 
brought  by  them.  At  first  the  transports  were  for- 
bidden to  bring  other  goods  than  those  included  in 
the  regular  invoices  to  the  habilitados,  and  great  pre- 

1  Costamo,  Informe  de  1794,  MS, 

(624) 


TRADE  WITH  TH£  TRANSPORTS.  G25 

cautions  were  insisted  on  to  prevent  smuggling  by 
friars,  soldiers,  and  sailors.  After  1785,  however, 
trade  was  free  on  the  transports  except  that  from 
1790- to  1794  one  half  the  regular  rates  of  duties  must 
be  paid,  and  that  at  no  time  could  foreign  goods  be 
introduced.  The  methods  of  conducting  this  traf- 
fic are  not  clearly  indicated,  but  apparently  the  offi- 
cers and  even  sailors  of  the  transports  brought  up 
from  San  Bias  on  private  speculation  such  articles  as 
they  could  barter  with  the  soldiers.  In  the  absence 
of  money  this  trade  could  not  have  assumed  large  pro- 
portions ;  but  the  soldiers  formed  the  habit  of  exchang- 
ing the  regularly  furnished  goods  needed  by  their  fam- 
ilies for  liquors,  bright-colored  cloths,  and  worthless 
trinkets.  To  prevent  this  the  governor  sometimes 
delayed  opening  the  regular  supplies  till  after  the  ves- 
sel had  departed.  The  supply-ships  continued  during 
this  decade  as  before  to  take  an  occasional  small  quan- 
tity of  salt  or  salt  meat  to  San  Bias,  besides  receiving 
the  needed  supplies  for  their  return  trips.  The  im- 
portation of  mission  produce  from  Lower  California 
was  allowed,  but  naturally  little  was  done  in  this 
direction,  though  one  or  two  lots  of  brandy,  figs,  and 
raisins  for  the  friars  were  sent  up  overland.2 

2  Feb.  26,  1791,  Fages  disapproves  the  free  trade  with  San  Bias  because 
the  soldiers  sacrifice  useful  articles  in  barter  for  luxuries  and  liquor.  Papel 
do  Puntos,  MS.,  158-9.  1793,  the  viceroy  thinks  no  branch  of  commerce  is 
likely  to  succeed  unless  it  may  be  the  shipment  of  grain  to  San  Bias.  Revilla 
Giyedo,  Carta  dc  1703,  MS.  1794,  Gov.  allows  importation  from  Baja  Cali- 
fornia, except  of  mescal  and  other  liquors.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  110-11. 
Nov.  1794,  publication  of  the  king's  renewal  of  license  (of  Feb.  18,  1794),  for 
free  trade  with  San  Bias  for  10  years.  Id.,  xi.  186-7;  xii.  9,  10,  177-8.  _  May 
27,  1795,  V.  R.  has  learned  that  the  habilitados  have  paid  the  half  duties  on 
San  Bias  imports  down  to  Nov.  21,  1794.  This  would  indicate  perhaps  that 
this  duty  was  paid  on  the  regular  memoriae,  as  well  as  on  extra  goods.  Id., 
xiii.  91-2;  xii.  135.  June  8,  1795,  all  foreign  goods  except  such  as  are  in- 
cluded in  the  regular  invoices  of  the  habilitado  general  are  to  be  confiscated 
by  V.  R.'s  order.  Id.,  xiii.  208;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  47;  S.  Josd,  Arch., 
MS.,  iv.  31.  July  7,  1795,  Perez  Fernandez  of  San  Francisco  wants  instruc- 
tions how  to  carry  out  this  order.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  21-2.  1796,  royal 
order  not  to  admit  goods  from  foreign  vessels.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  105. 
Aug.  17,  1796,  V.  11.  transmits  royal  order  of  May  5th  approving  certain 
restrictions  imposed  on  the  leaving  of  cloth,  etc.,  in  payment  for  supplies  by 
captains  Moore  and  Locke.  English  cunning  and  pretexts  for  trade  must 
be  watched.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  30-1.  1798-9,  brandy,  figs,  and  raisins 
sent  up  from  Baja  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  216,  238. 
HIST.  CAJ,.,  VOL.  I.  40 


C2<3  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

Within  the  limits  of  California  trade  consisted  in 
the  delivery  of  goods  from  the  presidio  warehouse  to 
the  soldiers  for  their  pay  and  rations  and  to  the  set- 
tlers in  payment  for  grain  and  other  supplies,  the  ha- 
bilitados  being  required  to  purchase  home  productions 
rather  than  to  order  from  Mexico.  Money  was  paid 
but  rarely,  but  goods  were  delivered  at  cost.  For 
the  .benefit  of  the  pueblos  Borica  urged  not  only  the 
exportation  of  grain  that  the  settlers  might  have  a 
market,  but  the  sending  by  the  government  of  special 
invoices  of  goods  to  be  sold  to  them  at  a  small  advance 
on  cost,  in  order  that  they  might  not  be  compelled  to 
purchase  inferior  articles  at  exorbitant  prices  from  the 
San  Bias  vessels.3  The  missions  also  sold  supplies  to 
the  presidios,  and  sometimes  received  goods  in  pay- 
ment; but  they  preferred  as  a  rule  to  keep  an  open 
account  which  was  settled  once  a  year  by  a  draft  of 
the  habilitado  on  Mexico,  with  which  special  invoices 
of  articles  needed  by  the  friars  for  themselves  or  their 
neophytes  or  their  churches  were  purchased  and  sent 
to  California  free  of  all  duties.  The  friars  still  sent 
a  few  otter-skins  to  Mexico,  and  an  occasional  cargo 
>of  tallow  found  a  market  at  San  Bias.4 

3  1794,  orders  to  try  all  possible  home  products,  paying  in  goods  at  cost. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  163-4;  xii.  91,  99;  xiv.  76-7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii. 
127-8;  iv.  118.  1796,  care  must  be  taken  to  prevent  the  settlers  selling  too 
much  of  their  grain,  and  keeping  none  for  seed.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  73-4. 
Correspondence  between  governor,  viceroy,  and  habilitado  general  about  the 
project  of  special  invoices  of  goods  for  the  pueblo  trade.  The  matter  was 
taken  under  consideration.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  18-29;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
vi.  7,  103-4.  The  settlers  were  disposed  to  cheat  the  government  by  selling 
-damp  flour.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  46. 

*  The  only  communication  which  I  find  respecting  the  fur-trade  in  this 
.decade  is  a  somewhat  remarkable  circular  of  President  Lasuen  dated  July  22, 
1791,  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ix.  314-15,  317,  in  which  he  says  that 
.advices  from  Mexico  promise  better  prices  for  otter-skins,  which  may  there- 
fore be  accumulated.  They  can  be  sent  to  the  Mission  sindico  so  packed  and 
mixed  with  other  goods  that  the  contents  of  the  packages  may  not  be  appar- 
ent; but  the  guardian  or  procurador  should  be  notified  as  to  the  details  of 
marks,  etc.!  Lasuen  in  the  same  circular,  Id.,  ix.  315-16,  says  that  too 
much  tallow  has  been  sent  to  San  Bias  and  the  price  is  lower;  therefore  the 
remainder  may  be  disposed  of  to  private  persons.  1794,  the  guardian  gives 
the  bad  quality  of  the  tallow  as  the  reason  why  the  ships  have  refused  it. 
They  will  take  500  or  600  arrobas  yearly  at  $2.50  if  well  prepared.  He  sends 
directions  for  preparing  it.  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  51-2;  Arch.  Sta  Bar  - 
I  'nt,  MS.,  xi.  258,  264-7,  271-3.  Salazar  complains  that  pueblos  have  the 
preference  as  sellers,  and  also  of  the  long  time  that  the  missions  have  to  wait. 


COMMERCIAL  PROJECTS.  627 

In  1793  the  king  granted  to  Roman  Marquez  of 
the  Comercio  de  Indias  license  to  make  an  experi- 
mental trading  voyage  from  Cadiz  to  San  Bias  and 
California,  with  the  privilege  of  introducing  Spanish 
goods  free  of  all  duties,  though  foreign  goods  must 
pay  seven  per  cent.  Californian  products  exchanged 
for  these  goods  might  also  be  exported  free  of  duties. 
Due  notice  was  forwarded  to  the  viceroy,  and  by  him 
to  Borica  and  Lasuen,  who  notified  friars  and  com- 
mandants to  be  ready  for  the  expected  commercial 
visitor.  It  was  announced  in  November  1794  that 
the  vessel,  the  Levante,  had  actually  sailed.  A  year 
later  came  the  notice  that  as  Marquez  had  failed  to 
carry  out  his  enterprise  it  would  be  undertaken  by 
Ignacio  Inciarte.  Here  the  matter  seems  to  have 
dropped  out  of  view.5  Meanwhile  the  king  and  vice- 
roy in  1794—5  approved  the  petition  of  Nicolas  Ma- 
maneli  who  proposed  to  make  a  trading  voyage  from 
California  and  return;  but  nothing  more  is  heard  of 
the  scheme.6  Permission  was  also  granted  to  Antonio 
Ponce  to  build  a  schooner  and  open  a  trade  between 
San  Bias  and  California.7 

I  have  alluded  to  Borica's  recommendation  in  favor 
of  the  sending  of  special  invoices  by  the  government 
for  pueblo  trade.  In  May  1797  the  habilitado  gen- 
eral made  a  long  report  in  favor  of  the  project,  ex- 
plaining that  nothing  but  a  market  for  produce  could 
arouse  Californian  industries  from  stagnation  to  pros- 
perity; enumerating  the  facilities  for  a  profitable 
exportation  of  furs,  hides,  fish,  grain,  flax,  oil,  and 
wine,  and  especially  sardines,  herring,  and  salmon,  and 
insisting  that  the  government  must  take  the  initiative 
in  opening  this  provincial  commerce,  since  the  pros- 

Condicion  Actual  de  Cal.,  MS.,  71-3.  1799,  contracts  not  to  be  made  with 
Mission  majordomos  without  consent  of  padre.  8.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  40. 

5  Viceroy's  communication  of  April  2,  1794,  enclosing  royal  order  of  Oct. 
1,  1793,  and  other  papers.  Prov.  8t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  108,  188-9;  xii.  21-2; 
Prov.  7?ec.,  MS.,  iv.  11G-17,  119,  140;  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  40;  Cedu- 
lario,  MS.,  i.  249. 

6 Feb.  28,  1795,  viceroy  to  governor,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii,  12. 

7  Nueva  Enpaila,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  92-3. 


G23  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

pects  at  the  first  were  not  sufficiently  flattering  to 
attract  private  companies.  He  urged  the  sending  of 
an  experimental  invoice  of  $6,000,  and  gave  many 
details  respecting  the  management  of  the  business. 
Here  so  far  as  the  records  show  the  matter  ended 
without  practical  benefit  to  Los  Angeles  and  San  Jose.8 
Two  other  commercial  schemes  in  behalf  of  California 
were  devised  in  1800  and  were  still  in  abeyance  at 
the  end  of  this  decade.  Juan  Ignacio  Mendez,  who 
had  brought  some  goods  to  California  for  sale  on  the 
supply-ship  in  1798  and  had  worked  in  the  country 
as  a  carpenter,  asked  for  a  license  to  export  California 
productions  on  private  account  by  the  same  vessels. 
Juan  Bautista  Ovineta  asked  for  the  approval  of  a 
contract  which  he  had  made  with  the  settlers  of  San 
Jose  and  Branciforte  for  one  thousand  fanegas  of 
wheat  each  year  at  two  dollars  and  a  half  a  fanega. 
The  viceroy  and  fiscal  were  disposed  to  favor  both 
projects,  but  called  on  the  governor  for  his  opinion.9 

sCdrcaba,  Informe  del  Tlabilitado  General  sobre  la  remislon  de  memorias  de 
Efectos  para  los  Pueblos  de  California,  1797,  M3. 

9  Oct.  3,  1800,  viceroy  to  governor,  on  the  Mendez  proposition.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  104-6.  Dec.  18,  1800,  fiscal  to  V.  R.,  on  Ovineta's  contract. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  72-5.  Viceroy  Azanza  in  his  Ynstruccion,  MS., 
9!  -2,  speaks  of  a  proposal  of  Tepic  merchants  to  supply  California  with  mer- 
chandise. On  prices  I  append  the  following  items  :  Feb.  26,  1791,  Fages  sug- 
gests a  reduction  in  some  of  the  tariff  prices  for  grain  and  meat.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  x.  156-7.  Prices  at  Sta  Barbara  and  S.  Buenaventura,  1794  to 
1821.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vii.  44-66,  80-111;  ix.  485-7.  Sept.  22, 
1  795,  Borica  gives  a  list  of  articles  which  could  be  advantageously  sold  in 

t  in'K-f.n  •»•»-!«.      ^«  «!,,  ^li  __  l  __  .  j  __    ___  i.*  __  tfii,"yr»   ___  i    ___  11  •  ___  _  j.  tftorv  _____  _i  __  _  j  ___  i    • 

)  per 


, 

MIL,  MS.,  xxii.  2.  1796,  cojinillos,  saddle-pads,  50  cents  a  pair.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  160.  Wheat,  $3  per  fanega.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  69. 
Freight  on  grain  from  Angeles  to  Sta  Barbara  7  reals.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
82-3.  1797,  wool  18  reals  per  arroba  (9  cents  per  pound).  Id.,  iv.  91;  $3 
at  Monterey.  Df.pt.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  78;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  214. 
Lambs  offered,  7  reals;  asked  by  padres,  $1.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  86. 
1798,  tiles  820  per  thousand.  Id.,  xvii.  97.  Bulls,  $4.  Id.,  xvii.  103.  Calves, 
84;  cows,  $5.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  102,  105.  1799,  blankets  84.  50;  brandy, 
$1.07  per  cuartillo;  figs,  30  cents  per  pound;  olive-oil,  40  cents  per  pound. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  110;  vi.  233.  Chickens,  50  cents  per  dozen.  8.  Jos-; 
Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  41.  June  26,  1799,  Borica  favors  reduction  in  price  of  horses 
from  89  to  87;  mares,  84  to  83;  and  colts,  85  to  83.50.  Other  tariff  prices  fair 
enough.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  126-7.  Soap,  15  cakes  for  81.  Tithe  wheat 
may  be  sold  for  13  reals  for  cash  or  on  4  months'  time.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi. 
43,  41. 


PROVINCIAL  FINANCE.  620 

The  matters  of  provincial  finance,  presidial  supplies, 
and  habilitado's  accounts  are  closely  allied  to  that  of 
commerce,  since  the  distribution  of  supplies  consti- 
tuted for  the  most  part  the  traffic  of  the  country. 
There  were  no  radical  changes  in  the  system  of  finan- 
cial management  during  this  decade.  Each  year  an 
appropriation  from  the  royal  treasury  was  made  in 
Mexico  to  cover  all  Califorman  expenses,  according  to 
the  pay-roll  of  officers,  soldiers,  artisans,  and  settlers. 
Before  1796  it  was  about  $64,000;  subsequently  by 
reason  of  the  reinforcements  of  Catalan  volunteers 
and  artillerymen,  of  artisan  instructors,  and  of  the 
settlers  of  Branciforte,  the  amount  was  raised  to  about 
$81,000.10  Each  year  in  March  or  April  a  list  was 
sent  from  California  of  all  the  articles  which  would 
be  needed  for  the  following  year  and  which  could  not 
be  purchased  in  the  province.  From  the  appropria- 
tion was  deducted  the  amount  of  drafts  on  Mexico 
with  which  supplies  obtained  in  California  had  been 
paid  for,  and  also  the  amount  of  various  royal  revenues 
retained  in  California  and  represented  by  drafts. 
Then  there  was  added  the  amount  of  supplies  furnished 
in  California  to  vessels  or  by  due  authority  to  native 
laborers,  or  otherwise  properly  disposed  of.  Finally, 
the  memorias  of  needed  articles  were  purchased  at 
Mexico  and  San  Bias  and  shipped  regularly  to  the 
north.  The  accounts  of  each  presidial  company  and 
of  the  volunteers  and  artillery  were  kept  separate,  and 
there  was  usually  a  balance  of  a  few  hundred  or  a  few 
thousand  dollars  for  or  against  each  company,  accord- 
ing as  the  memorias  were  less  or  greater  than  the  net 
appropriation.  The  habilitados  were  not  allowed  to 
include  in  their  lists  articles  of  luxury.  Some  coin 
was  sent  with  each  invoice,  enough  to  pay  the  salaries 

10  For  separate  presidial  accounts  see  chapters  xxx.-xxxii.  The  following 
references  are  somewhat  general  in  their  nature,  embracing  accounts  and  frag- 
ments relating  to  all  the  presidios:  St.  Pap.,  tiac.,  MS.,  i.  47-8;  ii.  35,  38;  vi. 
115;  ix.  48,  58-60,  74-6;  xv.  10-12;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiv.  8; 
xix.  5,  7-9;  xxvi.  5;  xxvii.  5,  6;  xxviii.  21-2;  Prov.  Uec.,  MS.,  ii.  160;  v.  6,  7, 
10;  vi.  120-1;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  35-43;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presidios, 
MS.,  ii.  76-88. 


630  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

of  the  governor  and  one  or  two  other  officers,  with  a 
small  amount  for  the  soldiers.  There  was  at  one  time 
an  order  that  all  balances  due  the  companies  be  sent 
in  coin,  but  I  find  no  evidence  that  anything  of  the 
kind  was  ever  done.11 

Until  1791  the  purchase  of  supplies  and  general 
management  of  California  business  in  Mexico  was  in 
the  hands  of  a  factor,  Pedro  Ignacio  Ariztegui  being 
the  last  to  hold  that  position,  preceded  by  Ramon 
Manuel  de  Goya  from  1776,  and  his  place  taken  by 
Jose  Avila  from  1785  for  several  years.  Francisco 
Hijosa  as  commissary  attended  to  the  business  at 

11  From  the  voluminous  correspondence  on  the  topics  treated  in  this  and 
the  next  paragraph  I  present  the  following  items:  1790,  full  details  on 
forms  of  accounts.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  289-99,  305.  Viceroy's  orders 
for  reports,  etc.,  to  aid  Romeu  in  his  investigation  of  presidial  accounts.  Id., 
ix.  313-19.  Sept.  26,  1790,  Revilla  Gigedo's  letter  to  court  recommending  the 
appointment  of  Carcaba  as  habilitado  general,  and  explaining  the  desirabil- 
ity of  the  new  office.  Estudillo,  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  8,  9.  May  14,  1791, 
royal  order  creating  the  office.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxv.  2.  Oct. 

3,  1791,  viceroy  communicates  royal  approval  of  Carcaba's  appointment  to 
governor.  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  x.   130-7.    Sept.  20th,  habilitado's  deficits 
to  be  charged  to  the  company  pro  rata,  and  he  is  to  live  on  25  cts  per  clay  under 
arrest,  his  property  also  being  sold.  Id. ,  x.  76.     Some  clerical  fees  had  to  be 
paid  from  California  on  statements  of  account.  Id.,  xii.  105.    Damaged  effects 
charged  to  the  factor;  expenses  to  company.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  158,  Jan. 

4,  1793.     Sending  of  supplies  suspended  until  accounts  are  cleared  up.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xx.  4.    Jan.  23, 1794,  habilitado  general,  his  appoint- 
ment, accounts,  etc.  Nueva  Espaila,  Acuerdos,  MS.,  40-3.     May  12th,  gov. 
complains  to  V.  R.  of  lack  of  system  in  the  accounts.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xxi.  138-40.     1794,  Col.  Alberni  was  refused  50  arrobas  of  flour,  because  it 
could  be  bought  in  California.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  41-2.     Articles  of  lux- 
ury not  to  be  included  in  memorias.     Balances  in  coin,  one  fourth  in  'small 
change.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.   124-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  182-3.    Dec. 
1795,  10  per  cent  advance  to  be  charged  on  goods  distributed  to  Indians.  Id. 
The  habilitados  had  to  send  with  their  memorias  an  account  of  the  condition 
of  arms,  dress,  and  other  kinds  of  property.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  91. 
Jan.  1,  1795,  Borica  to  Carcaba,  complaining  of  the  inefficiency  of  his  officers 
especially  as  habilitados.     Grajera  is  named  as  an  exception.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  213-14.     April,  $6,000  in  silver  coin  sent  to  California.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxi.  10.     Report  of  Feb.  19,  1795,  on  the  accounts  of 
the  expedition  of  1769-74.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  5-9.     Habilitado  gen- 
eral considered  as  agent  and  apoderado  of  the  California  Indians.  Prov.  Rec. , 
MS.,  vi.  2.     Company  accounts  must  bear  the  signature  of  commandant  and 
alferez  besides  that  of  the  habilitado.  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  40.    1797, 
precautions  against  counterfeit  money,  with  indications  that  some  of  it  was 
in  circulation  in  California.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  154;  vi.  78;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  245.    March  19,  1797,  Borica  asks  for  a  release  of  habilitados  from 
some  duties,  and  the  appointment  of  administrators.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi. 
83-4.     Gov.  still  at  work  on  the  accounts  of  1781-92.  Id.     Carcaba  succeeded 
by  Columna.  Guerra,  Doc.  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  168-9;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xvii.  209,  322-3;   Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  112;  viii.  224.     Arrears  of  pay  at  San 
Diego.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  34,  60-3. 


HABILITADOS.  631 

San  Bias  until  1795  and  perhaps  throughout  the 
decade.  In  1791  Manuel  Cdrcaba,  at  the  recommen- 
dation of  Re  villa  Gigedo,  was  put  in  possession  of  the 
newly  created  office  of  habilitado  general  with  the 
rank  of  captain  and  the  pay  of  §1,200  a  year.  He 
was  to  devote  his  whole  attention  to  California  busi- 
ness as  the  factor  had  not  done.  The  office  was  to 
be  elective;  and  in  1799,  Carcaba  obtaining  leave  of 
absence,  Eucario  Antonio  Coluinna  was  appointed  to 
succeed  him  ad  interim  in  May,  and  the  choice  was 
duly  ratified  by  the  presidial  companies  in  August 
and  September.  It  is  not  certain  that  Columna  ever 
took  possession  of  the  office,  there  being  some  indica- 
tions that  Carcaba  held  it  again  in  1802.  Through 
want  of  skill  on  the  part  of  the  habilitados  the  ac- 
counts were  always  in  confusion.  Deficits  during  this 
decade  are  noticed  in  local  chapters.  In  1793  the 
forwarding  of  supplies  was  once  suspended  till  the 
accounts  could  be  adjusted.  In  1795  the  final  orders 
were  issued  for  settling  the  old  accounts  of  the  first 
expeditions  of  1769—74.  Many  of  the  soldiers  were  now 
dead  and  their  descendants  scattered.  Whenever  the 
sum  due  was  large,  the  heirs  were  to  be  sought; 
otherwise  the  money  was  to  be  spent  in  masses  for 
the  souls  of  the  dead  pioneers.  In  1797  Borica  in  the 
north  and  Arrillaga  at  Loreto  were  still  at  work  on 
the  accounts  of  the  past  decade.  There  had  been 
$12,000  due  the  presidio  of  Santa  Barbara  in  1792, 
and  in  1801  the  governor  expressed  doubts  whether 
a  settlement  would  ever  be  reached.  Truly  there  was 
little  inducement  to  the  soldiers  to  live  economically 
and  to  leave  large  balances  in  the  hands  of  the  gov- 
ernment. The  procuradores  at  San  Fernando  college, 
charged  with  the  transaction  of  business  for  the  Cali- 
fornia missions,  were  Jose  Murguia  and  Tornds  de  la 
Pena,  whose  duties  were  simply  to  collect  the  friars' 
stipends  and  drafts  sent  from  California,  and  with  the 
proceeds  to  purchase  supplies  for  shipment  accord- 
ing to  the  orders  received.  Of  the  pious  fund,  source 


632  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

of  the  stipends,  nothing  in  particular  is  known  pertain- 
ing directly  to  this  epoch ;  but  Revilla  Gigedo  in  his  re- 
port of  1793  represents  the  fund  as  rapidly  running  to 
decay,  and  predicts  that  the  royal  treasury  will  have 
to  make  new  sacrifices  in  behalf  of  the  missions.12 

The  Californians  were  free  from  alcabalas,  or  excise 
tax,  on  articles  bought  and  sold  for  five  years  from 
1787  to  1792,  arid  again  for  ten  years  from  1794. 
From  1792  to  1794  one  half  the  regular  tax  of  six 
per  cent  was  paid,  but  statistics  are  insufficient  to 
show  the  revenue  from  this  source,  which  was  very 
small.  There  was  also  a  tribute  of  one  fanega  of 
corn  per  year  paid  by  the  settlers,  which  yielded  to 
the  king  something  over  $100.13  From  $100  to  $200 
a  year  resulted  from  the  sale  of  papal  indulgences,  an 
ecclesiastical  revenue,  but  managed  by  the  treasury 
officials.11  Another  ecclesiastical  revenue  belonging 
to  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  but  by  him  sold  to  the  royal 
treasury,  was  that  of  diezmos,  or  tithes.  This  tax  of 
ten  per  cent  on  all  products  must  be  paid  by  settlers 
after  five  years  and  by  the  rancho  del  rey,  only 
the  missions  being  exempt.  The  treasury  gained 
five  per  cent  by  the  purchase  from  the  bishop,  the 
habilitados  received  ten  per  cent  of  gross  receipts  for 
collection,  and  it  was  customary  to  sell  the  tithes  for 
a  year  in  advance  at  auction  whenever  a  purchaser 
could  be  found,  the  price  being  the  probable  proceeds, 
and  the  purchaser  making  his  profit  by  a  more  careful 
collection  than  the  officials  would  enforce.  This  tax 
was  collected  in  kind  for  grain  and  even  for  live-stock 
when  the  animals  could  be  used  at  the  presidios.  The 
net  proceeds,  paid  by  drafts  into  the  branch  treasury 
at  liosario,  or  at  Guadalajara  after  1795,  were  over 
$1,200.15 

12  Revilla  Girjcdo,  Carta  de  1703,  MS.,  18,  19. 

l3Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  178;  xi.  8,  9;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xviii.  6,  7;  xxv. 
C,  7;  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  21.  Tributes  paid  at  Monterey  in  1793,  were 
£12,  and  in  1794,  $22.  In  1797,  24  men  paid  $97.  Alcabalas  at  Monterey  in 
1703-4,  $230. 

li  See  chapter  xxvii. ;  also  local  items  in  chapters  xxx.-xxxii.  this  volume. 

13  1794,  tithes  paid  into  real  caja  de  Rosario.  Prov.  &t.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii. 


REVENUES.  633 

The  largest  item  of  royal  revenue  in  California,  as 
in  all  other  Spanish  provinces  where  no  rich  mines 
were  worked,  was  that  produced  by  the  sale  of  tobac- 
co, always  monopolized  by  the  government.  The  net 
product  of  cigars,  cigaritos,  and  snuff,  little  or  no 
tobacco  being  used  for  chewing  or  smoked  in  pipes, 
was  not  less  than  $6,000  a  year  on  an  average.16 
Postal  revenue  amounted  to  about  $700  a  year,  the 
habilitados  serving  as  post-masters  at  their  respective 
presidios,  and  receiving  eight  per  cent  of  gross  re- 
ceipts as  a  compensation  for  their  services.17 

The  management  of  all  branches  of  the  revenue  was 

135.  Sta  Barbara  tithes  for  1794  were  $328.  The  governor  authorizes  the 
commandant  to  sell  them  for  two  years  at  $400.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  9,  10, 
20.  Capt.  Ortega  bid  $200  (per  year)  on  condition  that  the  presidio  purchase 
grain  and  cattle  at  tariff  prices.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  173-4.  Oct.  1795, 
tithes  and  quicksilver  revenue  of  California  transferred  to  Guadalajara.  Id., 
xiii.  44-5;  xiv.  5;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  143;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.  2. 
1796,  items  showing  that  the  tithes  on  live-stock,  when  paid  in  money  or 
grain,  were  from  10  to  25  cents  per  head,  or  for  mules  50  cents.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  178,  244;  Id.,  Presidios,  i.  8;  S.  Jos6  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  29. 
Habilitados  allowed  10  per  cent.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  178.  No  offers 
to  rent  the  tithes  of  Sta  Barbara  in  1799.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  109.  Jan.  22, 
1800,  Sal  to  comisionado  of  San  Jose",  urging  him  in  no  gentle  terms  to  hasten 
the  branding.  Excommunication  is  the  penalty  for  failure  to  pay  tithes.  S. 
Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  57.  Twenty-five  ewes  claimed  out  of  every  thousand 
killed.  St.  Pap.  Mis.  and  Colon,  MS.,  i.  38.  Tithe  cattle  sold  at  $1.25  each. 
S.  Jos£,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  G6. 

16  Product  in  1789,  $6.019.     Consumption  in  1790,  7,751   pckgs.  cigars, 
71,323  pckgs.  cigaritos,  and  13  Ibs.  of  snuff.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.  3,  5,  7. 
Revenue  in  1793,  $4,018.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  183;  xxi.  136.     In  1796, 
$7,918.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  ii.  89-90.    In  1800,  $7,981.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  8.     The  habilitados  received  5  per  cent  on 

?ross  sales,  and  the  habilitado  of  Monterey  as  administrator  got  $545  a  year. 
d.,  xxvii.  8. 

17  In  the  numerous  communications  in  the  archives  respecting  the  manage- 
ment of  tho  mails  during  this  decade  there  is  very  little  matter  of  interest  or 
value.     1790,  $250  paid  for  a  special  express  from  Nootka.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xix.   10.     1792,  couriers  to  leave  San  Francisco  on  1st  of 
each  month.   Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  152.     1793,  a  courier  sent  from  Monterey 
Nov.  16th,  arrived  at  San  Diego  Nov.  23d,  and  at  Loreto  Dec.  7th.    The  day 
and  hour  of  arrival  and  departure  at  each  mission  are  given.     The  stay  at 
each  station  was  generally  an  hour.  Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  77-80.     In 
1794  a  change  was  made  in  route,  mails  going  via  Chihuahua  and  Buenavista 
instead  of  Alamos  and  Guadalajara.    Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  25;  viii.   145-6; 
Pn.v.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  194.     English  letters  taken  from  the  bags  and  sent 
to  Mexico  in  1704-5.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  9,  121;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii. 
134;  xiii.  175.     1795,  mails  leave  Monterey  on  3d  of  each  month  for  south. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  304.     Net  proceeds  in  1796-7  were  $758.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxv.  14.     New  mail-bags  in  1797.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi. 
193.     Administrators  of  P.   0.   got  8  per  cent.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.   Mil., 
MS.,  xxviii.  14.     Vessel  carrying  the  mail  across  the  gulf  lost  in  18CO.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  86. 


634  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

in  the  hands  of  the  habilitados  for  their  respective 
jurisdictions,  the  accounts  being  sent  to  Monterey 
for  transmission  to  Mexico;  until  in  1799  Hermene- 
gildo  Sal,  as  habilitado  of  Monterey,  was  formally 
appointed  administrator  general  of  royal  exchequer 
revenues  for  New  California.18 

The  military  force  maintained  in  California  during 
this  decade  was  280  men  of  the  presidial  companies, 
besides  governor  and  surgeon,  and  90  Catalan  volun- 
teers and  artillerymen  after  1796.  There  were  12 
commissioned  officers,  35  non-commissioned  officers, 
260  private  soldiers,  60  pensioners,  and  four  or  five 
mechanics.  Grades  and  salaries  I  append  in  a  note.19 
In  1799  an  effort  was  made  by  the  officers,  supported 
by  the  governor,  to  obtain  an  increase  of  pay  to  the 
extent  of  $150  per  year.  It  was  claimed  that  the 
sum  received  was  insufficient  to  supply  food  and  cloth- 
ing to  the  officer's  family,  his  children  going  barefoot 
and  in  rags,  while  his  wife  had  to  take  in  washing  and 
sewing.  No  immediate  result  is  recorded.  With 
their  pay  the  cavalry  soldiers  must  buy  food,  clothing, 
arms,  and  horses;  but  the  latter  were  taken  back  and 

18 Nov.  7,  1799,  Sal  declared  administrator.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  176; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  285,  315.  1795,  tobacco  accounts  sent  to  habili- 
tado of  Monterey,  as  also  cattle  accounts;  tithes  to  Rosario;  mail  accounts  to 
administrator  general  at  Mexico;  bulas  to  the  respective  branch  of  the  treas- 
ury. Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  26;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  133. 

19 Salaries  paid  were  as  follows:  governor  (lieut. -col.),  $4,000;  captain  Cat. 
vol.,  $840;  alfcrezor  sub. -lieut.,  $400; alferez  Cat.  vol.,  $384;  sergeant,  $262.50; 
sergeant  artillery,  $240;  sergeant  Cat.  vol.,  $192;  soldiers,  $217.50;  soldiers 
Cat.  vol.,  $132;  soldiers  artillery,  $180;  invalid  alftfrez,  $200;  invalid  corporal, 
$96;  surgeon,  $840;  lieutenant,  $550;  lieutenant  Cat.  vol.,  $480;  bleeder,  $360; 
corporal,  $225;  corporal  artillery,  $204;  corporal  Cat.  vol.,  $156;  mechanics, 
$180;  drummer  Cat.  vol.,  $144;  armorer,  $217;  invalid  sergeant,  $120;  invalid 
soldier,  $96.  Nov.  5,  1792,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy,  urging  a  provision  for  send- 
ing the  soldiers'  pay  in  advance,  as  was  done  in  some  other  presidios,  though 
contrary  to  the  rcglamento.  The  delays,  especially  in  fitting  out  new  re- 
cruits and  in  paying  off  soldiers  whose  term  had  expired,  caused  great  hard- 
ship. Prov.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  xxi.  80-4.  Oct.  2,  1793,  viceroy  orders  two  pay- 
ments in  advance  to  lieutenants  Grajera  and  Parrilla  for  travelling  expenses. 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  71.  1797,  sailors  employed  in  defensive  duty  get 
25  cents  per  day.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  256.  1799,  correspondence  be- 
tween commandants,  governor,  and  viceroy  respecting  an  increase  of  pay  for 
the  presidial  officers.  St.  Pap.  t  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  123-4;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  113; 
vi.  120-1. 


MILITARY  FORCE.  635 

credited  at  the  expiration  of  the  term.  The  Catalan 
volunteers  received  less  pay,  .and  had  no  horses  to 
buy.  For  them  and  for  the  artillerymen  separate  in- 
voices of  effects  were  sent  from  Mexico,  to  the  amount 
of  about  $15,000  per  year.  This  infantry  company 
was  not  deemed  a  very  useful  addition  to  the  forces 
of  the  country,  and  it  was  hoped  that  most  of  the 
members  at  the  expiration  of  their  term  might  be 
induced  either  to  reenlist  in  the  cuera  companies  or 
remain  in  the  country  as  settlers.20 

I  explain  elsewhere  the  military  and  presidio  sys- 
tem. Here  it  is  my  purpose  to  note  briefly  the  con- 
dition of  military  affairs  and  the  slight  modifications 
that  occurred  during  the  decade.  The  regular  term 
of  enlistment  was  ten  years,21  but  at  least  eighteen 
years'  service  was  required  for  retirement  as  an  in- 
valid on  half-pay  pension,  and  the  pensioners  were 
often  retained  a  long  time  in  the  service  for  want  of 
recruits  to  fill  their  places.  From  the  pay  of  each 

• 

20  The  compaiiia  de  voluntaries  de  Cataluiia  was  also  called  the  compaiiia 
de  fusileros  de  montaiia.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  180.     Dec.  1795,  the  peti- 
tion of  the  volunteers  for  travelling  expenses  denied.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii. 
158;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  303.     June  1797,  volunteers  may 
enlist  in  the  companies  on  expiration  of  their  term,  but  not  before,  and  enjoy 
the  advantages  of  their  previous  services.     They  were  encouraged  to  marry 
christianized  natives  as  a  means  of  retaining  them  in  the  country.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  252-3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  175.     July  1,  1790,  Albcrni 
argues  that  the  volunteers  desiring  to  become  settlers  should  receive  double 
allowances,  oh  account  of  their  15  or  20  years  of  service  and  because  it  is  hard 
for  an  old  soldier  to  bend  his  body  to  the  axe,  hoe,  and  plow.  St.  Pap.,Mi*s. 
and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  308-9,  379.     March  1799,  Borica  favors  an  increase  of 
cavalry  in  place  of  infantry.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  121-2.     Aug.  1799,  B.  says 
the  artillery-men  live  at  the  batteries  and  alternate  with  the  infantrymen  in 
their  duties.     When  free  they  promenade  about  the  presidios.     No  com- 
plaints of  injustice  heard.  Id.,  vi.  128. 

21  There  are  no  records  that  any  recruits  were  obtained  from  abroad  dur- 
ing this  decade — certainly  there  were  but  very  few;  neither  do  the  archives 
show  how  many  recruits  were  obtained  in  California  to  keep  the  companies 
full ;    but  many  of  the  young  men  chose  a  military  career.     There  was  no 
bounty  paid.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  192-3;   Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.  MS., 
xv.  3-GG,  09,  72,  85,  92.     Jan.  15,  1794,  governor  says  he  found  many  useless 
men  at  the  presidios  and  tried  to  promote  recruiting  so  as  to  fill  the  vacancies 
with  good  men.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  132.     March,  1795,  Gov.  orders 
commandant  of  Fronteras  to  enlist  15  or  20  young  men.  Prov.  Rcc. .  MS. ,  v.  310. 
Dec.  1797,  corporal  sent  to  Angeles  to  recruit  0  youths  so  that  as  many  invalids 
may  be  released.  Id.,  v.  201;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  184.     June  1799,  Sal 
wants  a  healthy  robust  man  from  San  Jos6  to  fill  a  vacancy.     Not  a  widow's 
son.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  47. 


636  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

soldier  was  kept  back  a  certain  sum  constituting  the 
fondo  de  retention,  to  be  paid  him  on  his  discharge. 
This  was  fifty  dollars  till  1797,  when  it  was  raised  to 
one  hundred  dollars,  to  be  made  up  in  four  annual 
retentions.22 

In  military  discipline  there  was  nothing  notable  at 
this  time.23  In  1793  the  governor  recommended  that 
San  Francisco,  Santa  Barbara,  and  San  Diego  be 
commanded  by  captains  who  should  have  nothing  to 
do  with  the  presidial  accounts,24  but  the  suggestion 
was  not  followed,  though  several  of  the  lieutenants 
were  brevetted  captains  before  1800.  In  1794  the 
presidios  were  reported  to  have  no  flags  and  no  mate- 
rial with  which  to  make  them;  accordingly  one  flag 
for  each  establishment  was  sent  from  Mexico  the 
next  year.25  In  the  matter  of  uniform  and  equip- 
ments buckskin  chupas,  or  jackets,  and  breeches  were 
allowed  to  be  worn  on  active  duty,  and  anqueras, 
heavy  leather  coverings  for  horses'  haunches,  were 
prohibited  in  1794.26  In  1795  the  royal  tribunal, 

22  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  63,  223;  xv.  50.     The  other  military  'funds' 
were  the  fondo  de  gratification,  an  allowance  of  $10  for  each   man  in  the 
companies  per  year  for  miscellaneous  company  expenses;  the  fondo  de  invd- 
lidos,  a  small  discount  on  soldiers'  wages,  8  maravedis  on  a  dollar,  for  the 
payment  of  pensions;  and  the  fondo  de  montepio,  a  discount  of  officers'  pay 
for  similar   purposes.     Feb.   1795,  the  king  ordered  $5  per  month  as  alms 
paid  to  the  old  carpenter  Lorenzo  Esparza.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  lien.  Mil. ,  MS. ,  xx  v. 
10.    This  sum  was  paid  to  Esparza  until  his  death.    April  1795,  70  persons  in 
the  four  presidios  entitled  to  retirement  but  no  recruits  to  replace  them. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  221-2.     Dec.  6,  1796,  royal  order  regulating  de- 
tails of  pensions.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  151-2.     Oct.  1797,  invalids  declining 
to  live  in  the  pueblos  must  stand  guard  at  the  presidios.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xvi.  86-7,  184;  xv.  99-100;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  159-60.    Oct.  1798,  retired 
officers  who  held  government  positions  get  no  half-pay.  Prov.  Re.c.,  MS.,  vi. 
104. 

23  1795,  Sergt.  Ruiz  reports  that  the  soldiers  at  San  Buenaventura  have  to 
be  treated  with  severity.     Their  insubordination  has  reached  such  a  point 
that  they  have  to  be  threatened  with  kicks.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  45. 
But  Ruiz  was  arrested  for  offensive  language  to  private  Lugo.  Id.,  xiii.  14. 
Albino  Tobar  sent  out  of  the  country  for  bad  conduct.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v. 
62.     Two  soldiers  given  two  hours  of  extra  guard  duty  per  day,  wearing 
their  cueras,  for  eight  days,  having  allowed  some  Indian  prisoners  to  escape. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.  xvi.  173. 

24  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  108-9.     A  captain  also  proposed  for  Santa 
Barbara  in  1799.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  121. 

25  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  200;  xiv.  58;  xxi.  190. 

2fi  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  28,  143;  xvii.  98.  S.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  79; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  8;  v.  24. 


GOVERNMENT.  637 

through  Contador  Beltran,  reported  to  the  viceroy 
that  the  California  soldiers  had  too  many  duties  not 
belonging  to  their  profession,  serving  as  vaqueros, 
farmers,  couriers,  artisans,  and  butchers,  so  that  but 
little  time  was  left  for  rest  or  for  their  proper  duty  of 
protecting  and  advancing  the  spiritual  conquest.27 
The  governor  also  urged  the  necessity  in  1795,  and 
again  in  1799,  of  appointing  an  adjutant-inspector  to 
relieve  him  of  some  of  his  duties.2*  In  connection 
with  the  apprehensions  of  attack  by  foreigners  in 
1797,  a  slight  attempt  was  made  to  organize  the  militia 
of  California,  and  a  distribution  of  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion was  made  among  the  settlers,  the  employment  of 
the  natives  as  auxiliary  forces  being  also  contem- 
plated.23 

Civil  and  political  government  had  but  a  nominal 
existence  at  this  epoch,  consisting  mainly  in  the  facts 
that  the  comandante  de  armas  was  also  political  gov- 
ernor of  the  province  and  that  each  pueblo  had  its 
alcalde.  This  is  not  the  place  to  attempt  an  analysis 
of  the  relations  between  military  and  civil  authority, 
in  which  there  was  substantially  no  change  from  the 
beginning  down  to  the  end  of  Spanish  power  in  Cali- 
fornia. The  only  topic  that  requires  notice  in  the 
annals  of  this  decade  is  the  proposed  separation  of  the 
two  Californias  hitherto  forming  a  single  province 
under  one  governor.  This  separation  was  recom- 
mended in  March  1796,  by  Beltran  of  the  court  of 
exchequer  in  Mexico,  who  based  his  argument  on  the 
great  distance  between  Loreto  and  Monterey,  and 
the  consequent  delays  in  the  transaction  of  all  public 
business.  Arrillaga  at  Loreto  could  take  no  action 
until  he  had  communicated  with  Borica  at  Monterey. 
Orders  from  Mexico  for  Loreto  must  make  the  jour- 

27  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  185-6. 

28  April  3,  1795,  March  18,  1799,  Borica  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi. 
121;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  221.     There  had  been  no  such  officer  since  the 
time  of  Capt.  Nicolas  Soler. 

29  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  iv.  87,  93,  165;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  101-2;  xvi. 
55,  222. 


033  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

ney  to  Monterey  and  back,  and  reports  from  Loreto 
made  the  same  circuit  on  their  way  to  Mexico.  The 
inconvenience  of  all  this  was  apparent,  and  the  separa- 
tion in  military  and  political  rule  was  greatly  facili- 
tated by  that  already  existing  in  mission  affairs. 
Borica  made  a  full  report  in  favor  of  the  change  in 
September,  declaring  that  the  interests  of  both  parts 
of  the  province  could  not  be  properly  attended  to  by 
a  governor  at  Monterey,  favoring  in  connection  with 
the  change  a  transfer  of  the  capital  of  the  peninsula 
from  Loreto  to  the  frontier,  expressing  the  greatest 
confidence  in  Arrillaga's  ability,  and  suggesting  an 
increase  of  his  salary.  No  one  had  anything  to  say 
in  opposition  to  the  separation,  which  we  shall  see 
was  accomplished  during  the  next  decade.30 

On  the  administration  of  justice,  we  learn  that  in 
1794  Ignacio  Rochin  was  shot  for  murder  at  Santa 
Barbara,  on  a  sentence  coming  from  the  audiencia  of 
Guadalajara.31  A  soldier  was  sentenced  to  ten  years 
public  labor  at  San  Bias  for  incest  in  1799,  while  his 
daughter  and  accomplice  was  condemned  to  seclusion 
for  two  years.32  There  were  six  or  seven  cases  of 
murder  among  the  natives,  the  culprits  being  con- 
demned by  the  viceroy  to  terms  of  four  to  eight  years 
of  presidio  work  or  imprisonment  together  with  flog- 
gings.33 

30 March  7,  1796,  Beltran's  proposition.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  140-4. 
March  21st,  viceroy  to  Borica  transmitting  the  proposition.  Id.,  140;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  v.  344;  viii.  159.  July  llth,  Borica  to  Arrillaga  on  the  subject, 
in  which  he  calls  Beltran  'El  Tuerto.'  Id.,  v.  343.  Aug.  18th,  Arrillaga 
favors  the  change.  Id.,  in.  268.  Sept.  llth,  Borica's  report  to  viceroy. 
Borica,  Proyecto  sobre  division  de  fas  Calif ornias  en  dos  provincias,  1796,  MS. 

_ai  See  chapter  xxx.  In  1801  Cristobal  Simental  is  mentioned  as  having 
arrived  at  Monterey  for  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara ;  but  nothing  is  known 
of  his  business.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  11. 

32 St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  122;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  109;  viii.  187. 

33  1796,  four  natives  for  murder  of  another,  four  years  of  prison  with  50  to 
100  lashes.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  43-4, 84.  1797,  Indian  who  undertook  to  punish 
his  wife  and  through  ignorance  'overdid  it,'  four  years  on  public  works.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  277.  .  1799,  wife-murderer  at  Santa  Barbara,  eight  years  of 
hard  labor  in  chains.  I  append  some  minor  cases  of  interest:  1800,  Rafael 
Gomez,  apparently  for  lying,  condemned  by  P.  Catala,  commissioned  by 
Lasuen,  to  sweep  the  church  daily  and  attend  mass,  besides  asking  a  padre's 
pardon,  being  put  in  irons  to  await  the  governor's  approval  of  this  sentence. 
San  Jos&,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  55-7.  1799,  no  cases  pending  which  belong  to  the 


CRIMINAL  RECORD.  639 

The  most  striking  criminal  case  of  the  period,  though 
by  no  means  a  pleasing  one  to  describe,  was  that  of 
Jose  Antonio  Rosas.  He  was  a  native  of  Los  An- 
geles, only  eighteen  years  of  age,  and  a  private  soldier 
in  the  Santa  Barbara  company  in  the  guard  of  San 
Buenaventura.  In  June  1800,  while  in  charge  of  the 
animals  at  La  Mesa,  he  was  seen  to  commit  a  crimen 
ncfando  by  two  Indian  girls,  who  reported  the  mat- 
ter. Criminal  proceedings  were  at  once  instituted  by 
order  of  Comandante  Goycoechea,  Alferez  Pablo  Cota 
being  prosecuting  attorney,  the  cadet  Ignacio  Mar- 
tinez acting  as  clerk,  the  soldier  Jose  Maria  Domin- 
guez  as  interpreter,  and  the  retired  sergeant  Jose 
Maria  Ortega  as  defender  of  the  accused.  Rosas 
made  a  confession,  pleading  only  that  he  was  tempted 
by  El  Demonio.  Cota  demanded  the  death  penalty, 
Ortega  made  an  eloquent  appeal  for  mercy,  and  in 
July  the  case  went  to  the  viceroy.  The  sentence  ren- 
dered in  September,  after  consultation  with  the  audi- 
tor de  guerra,  was  that  Rosas  must  be  hanged  and 
the  body  burned  together  with  that  of  the  mule,  "en 
quien  cometio  tan  horrible  delito."  The  execution 
took  place  on  Feb.  11,  1801,  at  Santa  Barbara  presi- 
dio in  the  presence  of  the  whole  garrison;  but  there 
being  no  hangman  in  California,  the  boy  had  to  be 

audiencia.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  290.  1797,  natives  for  assault  on  neo- 
phytes sentenced  to  work  on  presidio  in  shackles  for  a  month  or  two.  Prov. 
bt.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  77-8.  1796,  carpenter  Martinez  exiled  to  San  Jose  for 
eight  years  for  assault  and  wounding.  Prov.  JRec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  198.  1797,  Cristobal 
Hey  prosecuted  for  assault,  with  some  details  of  proceedings.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  251-2.  Natives  sentenced  by  Borica  to  from  10  to  30  lashes  for  steal- 
ing. Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxvii. 4.  1799,  slave  Maximo  sentenced  to  four  years 
service  on  the  royal  vessels  for  stealing  silver-ware  from  his  master  Alberni ; 
and  the  soldier  Oseguera  to  five  years  for  receiving  the  goods.  Prov.  Eec. ,  MS. , 
vi.  119.  Four  hundred  dollars  stolen  from  the  warehouse  at  Monterey.  Id., 
iv.  171.  1798,  two  soldiers  at  San  Francisco  put  in  irons  for  stealing  a  calf 
and  sheep  from  the  mission.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  111.  1795,  twenty- 
five  lashes  and  three  months'  work  in  shackles  for  stealing  clothes.  A  Sina- 
loa  Indian  at  San  Jose".  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  v.  49.  1800,  two  soldiers  sentenced 
to  a  year's  presidio  work  for  breaking  open  a  trunk.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. , 
MS.,  xxix.  1.  1796,  viceroy  sends  sentence  of  50  lashes  and  4  years'  labor 
against  three  neophytes  and  a  pagan.  St.  Pop.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xiv.  13.  A  settler 
of  San  Jose"  received  25  blows  with  a  stick.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
xxvi.  14.  Cordero,  a  settler  of  Branciforte,  sentenced  to  a  month  of  hard 
work  for  striking  the  commandant,  who  was  reprimanded  for  his  hasty  action. 
Santa  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  69-70. 


640  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

shot  after  receiving  from  Father  Tapia  the  last  com- 
forts of  religion  and  reciting  the  service  in  a  firm 
voice.  On  a  burning  heap  of  wood  near  at  hand  the 
rest  of  the  sentence  was  carried  out,  and  the  charred 
remains  of  the  victim,  fitted  by  the  purification  of 
flame  for  rest  in  consecrated  ground,  was  buried  in 
the  presidio  cemetery.34 

Thus  we  see  that  the  morality  of  the  Californians 
was  somewhat  closely  looked  after  by  the  authorities. 
The  settlers  at  the  pueblos  gave  more  trouble  than 
any  other  class,  being  free  from  military  discipline  and 
enjoying  greater  facilities  for  sinful  dissipations.  f  Se- 
bastian Alvitre  of  Los  Angeles  and  Francisco  Avila 
of  San  Jose  were  usually  in  prison,  in  exile,  or  at 
forced  work  for  their  excesses  with  Indian  women  and 
with  the  wives  of  their  neighbors;  and  there  wrere  other 
settlers  who  were  scarcely  less  incorrigible.  Concu- 
binage and  all  irregular  sexual  relations  were  strictly 
prohibited  and  the  authorities  seem  to  have  worked 
earnestly  in  aid  of  the  friars  to  enforce  the  laws.35 

34  Rosas,  Causa  Criminal,  MS.,  1800-1.  Certificate  of  execution.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxviii.  17.  Goycoechea  begs  the  governor  for  a  postpone- 
ment on  account  of  a  prevailing  illness  which  renders  it  difficult  to  spare 
a  man.  Id.,  xxix.  4.  Burial.  Sta.  Barbara,  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  23.  Aug. 
11,  1804,  governor  says  a  mule  is  to  be  given  to  the  owner  of  the  one 
burned.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  102.  The  author  of  Romero,  Memorias,  ISIS., 
was  present  at  the  execution.  He  says  the  boy's  body  was  merely  passed 
through  the  flames  as  a  formality  of  purification;  while  the  mule  was  entirely 
consumed. 

35 Shortcomings  of  Alvitre  and  Avila.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiv. 
6;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  215-16;  x.  101.  Navarre  exiled  from  Los  Angeles 
to  San  Jos6,  and  relapsing,  to  San  Francisco.  Id.,  x.  1GO-1.  1793,  Higuera 
living  improperly.  Men  in  such  cases  to  be  handcuffed;  women  must  not  go 
to  the  pueblo  when  their  husbands  were  absent;  men  and  women  who  go  to 
the  mission  without  leave  to  sleep  to  be  put  in  the  stock.  St.  Pap.,  Sn.c., 
MS.,  iii.  2.  1795,  Goycoechea  to  Borica,  'Como  solo  se  castiga  a  los  hombres 
amancebados,  que  se  ha  de  hacer  con  las  mugeres  que  hacen  gala  de  ello?' 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  33.  Borica  replies — warnings,  threats,  exposure 
to  husbands,  and  finally  seclusion  in  respectable  houses  with  hard  work. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  38.  1797,  concubinage  strictly  forbidden.  St.  Pap., 
Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  300.  1798,  adulterers  to  be  warned  and  then  pun- 
ished. The  governor  will  decide  about  the  women.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  277. 
1799,  30  lashes  for  a  man  who  abused  Indian  women.  Id.,  v.  114.  Adultery 
case  at  San  Miguel.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  250.  Ruiz  found  in  bed  with 
his  corporal's  wife  at  San  Diego.  Put  in  irons  and  the  woman  sent  to  Los 
Angeles.  Id.,  xvii.  253.  Investigation  of  the  case  of  an  Indian  woman  at 
San  Juan  Capistrano  who  gave  birth  to  a  dog.  Id.,  xvii.  239;  Prov.  Rec.  MS., 
v.  280-7. 


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SPIRITUOUS  LIQUORS.  641 

The  people  were  also  closely  restricted  in  the  use 
of  intoxicating  liquors.  Borica  not  only  exercised  his 
authority  through  his  commandants  to  prevent  and 
punish  excesses  and  drunkenness,  but  restricted  the 
introduction  and  sale  of  liquors  so  far  as  was  possible 
under  national  commercial  regulations.  Wine  and 

o 

brandy  made  in  either  Upper  or  Lower  California  were 
of  free  sale.  There  is  no  positive  proof  that  any 
brandy  was  manufactured  in  Upper  California  before 
1800;  but  Ortega  had  a  still,  and  it  is  probable  that  a 
beginning  was  made  in  this  deadly  industry.  Toward 
the  close  of  the  decade  it  was  decided  that  the  intro- 
duction of  brandy  and  mescal  from  abroad  could  not 
be  prevented,  but  the  governor  could  still  regulate  the 
sale  to  soldiers  and  others  under  government  pay.36 
Gambling  was  another  weakness  prevalent  in  Cali- 
fornia as  elsewhere  in  Spanish  America,  and  requiring 
frequent  attention  from  the  authorities.37 

36 1794,  no  mescal  or  even  permitted  liquors  to  be  introduced  by  traders 
who  barter  at  the  missions.  Prov*  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  111.  1795,  two  barrels 
of  wine  brought  from  Santa  Barbara  to  Monterey.  Prov.  .free.,  MS.,  iv.  13. 
Borica  to  commandants,  drinking  and  gambling  must  be  stopped.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  240;  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  24.  1796,  sergeant  at  Mon- 
terey has  some  Spanish  brandy  for  sale.  Can  only  sell  two  reals  worth  in 
morning  and  one  real  in  evening  to  one  person,  to  be  drunk  in  his  presence. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  333.  1797,  commandants  must  promote  manufacture  of 
brandy  from  sugar-cane.  Id.,  iv.  90.  Free  introduction  since  Nov.  1797  of 
home-made  liquors;  but  no  debt  can  be  collected  for  liquor  furnished  to  troops, 
etc.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  112;  xvi.  180;  Prov.  Sec.,  iv.  163.  Jan.  1797, 
general  pardon  to  all  imprisoned  for  contraband  making  of  chinquirito,  prob- 
ably of  no  effect  in  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  18,  217-18.  April, 
1797,  Brandy  'es  de  venta  licita.'  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  158.  Oct.  1798,  Bo- 
rica solicited  a  provision  forbidding  the  introduction  of  mescal  on  account  of 
the  inconvenientes  y  escdndalos resulting;  but  the  viceroy  in  May  1799  declared 
that  trade  in  mescal  and  aguardiente  (California!!  aguardiente  was  brandy;  but 
the  imported  article  may  have  been — though  it  probably  was  not — rum,  whis- 
key, or  other  alcoholic  liquor,  the  name  being  common  to  all)  was  free,  and 
therefore  other  ways  must  be  devised  to  stop  drunkenness.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xviii.  309;  xvii.  209;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  104.  1799,  some  wine  made  at 
southern  missions,  and  soon  brandy  enough  will  be  produced  for  moderate  con- 
sumption. Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  130.  Padres  receive  from  San  Bias  the  mescal 
they  need.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  78-9,  195.  Sept.  3,  1799,  Borica  prohibits 
ailing  mescal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  San  Jose,,  MS.,  i.  96.  Aug.  29,  Borica  asks  that 
ily  two  barrels  of  mescal  be  imported  for  each  mission.  Eighteen  barrels  of 
goardiente  from  Baja  California  imported  this  year.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  130. 
37  Miscellaneous  communications,  nothing  important.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
;  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  78;iv.  23;  Prov. St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  127;  St.  Pap., 
fiss.  and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.  360.  1798,  Borica  granted  the  petition  of  citizens  of 
L  Jose  to  be  allowed  to  pl&ymcditta  on  Sundays  in  the  guard-house.  Dept.  St.. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.  41 


642  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

There  were  no  schools  in  California  before  Borica 
came  as  governor,  at  a  time  when  many  natives,  of 
Spanish  blood,  had  become  parents  of  children  grow- 
ing up  as  they  had  done  in  ignorance.  Few  of  the 
soldiers  could  read  or  write,  and  in  fact  this  continued 
to  be  the  case  throughout  the  whole  Spanish  period.33 
Officers  taught  their  children,  and  occasionally  a 
woman  acted  as  amiga,  and  instructed  not  only  her 
own  children  but  those  of  her  neighbors,  or  even  an 
ambitious  soldier  who  aspired  to  be  a  corporal.  In 
1793  a  royal  order  was  issued  and  published  in  Cali- 
fornia requiring  the  establishment  of  a  school  in  each 
pueblo,  but  referring  apparently  to  the  education  of 
Indians  only.  Nothing  was  done  under  it,  except  to 
render  a  formal  promise  of  compliance39  at  the  end  of 
1794. 

Borica  began  to  agitate  the  matter  by  making 
inquiries  respecting  available  teachers  and  sources  of 
a  school  fund.  Before  the  end  of  December  the 
retired  sergeant  Manuel  Vargas  had  started  the  first 
school  in  the  public  granary  at  San  Jose.40  The  gov- 
ernor's communications  continued  through  1795;  the 
old  alferez  Ramon  Lasso  de  la  Vega  was  sounded  as 
to  the  terms  on  which  he  would  become  a  teacher; 

Pap. ,  San  Jose,  MS. ,  i.  139.  The  trader  Gallego  forbidden  to  hold  raffles.  Prov. 
Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  108.  1799,  malilla  and  tururu  to  be  played  only  on  feast  days;  no 
player  must  lose  over  $2;  and  no  credit  is  to  be  given.  Id.,  iv.  291.  Gov- 
ernor orders  a  sum  lost  at  albures  to  bo  returned  to  Larios.  Rebukes  Comis- 
ionado  of  San  Jos6  for  habitual  gambling  at  his  house.  Id.,  iv.  293-4.  Por- 
razo,  tururu,  malilla,  and  cientos  may  be  played  Sundays,  if  stakes  are  not 
over  $1,  and  the  sexes  arc  kept  separate.  Id.,  iv.  294.  Children  gambled  for 
buttons,  some  of  them  cutting  off  the  buttons  from  their  clothing.  Promi- 
nent men  often  looked  on  and  made  bets  on  the  children's  game  of  tdnyano. 
Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  227-8. 

38  1781,  alcalde  of  San  Jos6  unable  to  write.  Pico,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i. 
13.  1785,  only  14  out  of  50  of  the  Monterey  company  could  write.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  vii.  1.  1786,  seven  out  of  30  at  San  Francisco.  Id., 
vii.  2.  1791,  two  out  of  28  at  San  Francisco.  Id.,  xv.  3.  1794,  not  a  man 
at  San  Francisco  can  write.  The  commandant  asks  that  one  be  sent  from  Santa 
Barbara.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  41.  1800,  many  soldiers  acting  as  cor- 
porals could  not  be  promoted  because  they  could  not  read.  Amador  Mem., 
MS.,  219. 

39 Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  293-4;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.,  60; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  128. 

™Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i.  45;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  219. 


EDUCATION.  643 

Jose  Manuel  Toca,  apparently  a  grumete,  or  ship-boy, 
from  one  of  the  transports,  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara; 
Vargas  was  offered  §250  a  year  contributed  by  citi- 
zens to  go  to  San  Diego;  compulsory  attendance  and 
a  tax  of  thirty-one  cents  a  month  per  scholar  were 
ordered  at  San  Jose ;  Santa  Bd-rbara  was  required  to 
pay  $125,  each  soldier  paying  one  dollar;  soldiers, 
corporals,  and  sergeants  were  ordered  to  go  over  their 
studies  and  prepare  for  promotion ;  and  primary  teach- 
ers were  asked  for  from  Mexico.41  No  doubt  before 
the  end  of  the  year  Vargas  was  teaching  at  San  Diego, 
Lasso  at  San  Jose,  and  Toca  at  Santa  Barbara.  The 
doctrina  cristiana  was  first  to  receive  attention  by  the 
governor's  orders,  and  afterward  reading  and  writing 
were  to  be  taught.  Paper  was  furnished  by  the 
habilitados,  and  after  being  covered  with  scholarly 
pothooks,  was  collected  to  be  used  in  making  car- 
tridges. In  1796  the  above-named  teachers  continued 
their  labors.  Corporal  Manuel  Boronda,  serving  also 
as  carpenter,  taught  the  children  of  San  Francisco 
gratuitously;  the  soldier  and  carpenter  Jose  Rodri- 
guez did  the  same  at  Monterey,  and  Borica  continued 
to  interest  himself  greatly  in  the  schools,  requiring 
frequent  reports  to  be  sent  him  with  copybooks  for 
examination.42 

In  1797  Toca  was  called  away  from  Santa  Barbara 
to  attend  to  his  duties  on  board  ship,  being  replaced 
by  Jose  Medina,  another  grumete;  and  Boronda  was 

41  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  31-2,  136,  221,  229;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  19, 
34-5;  xiv.  27;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxL 11;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  San  Jos6,  MS., 
i.  50. 

42  Feb.  18,  1796,  27  children  attending  Lasso's  school  at  San  Jose":  four  pay 
nothing,  and  the  rest  two  and  one  half  reals  per  month.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xiv.  101.     Feb.  20th,  Borica  to  Lasso,  urges  great  care.     His  pay  will  be  ad- 
vanced from  the  tobacco  revenue  and  collected  from  the  settlers.    A  house  to 
be  furnished  for  L.  and  family.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  181.    Feb.  25th,  children 
attending  Santa  Barbara  school,  32.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  101.    May  6th, 
Borica  speaks  of  Boronda  and  Rodriguez  teaching  at  San  Francisco  and  Mon- 
terey, Lasso  at  San  Jose",  a  teacher  at  Santa  Barbara  at  $125  per  year,  and 
Vargas  at  San  Diego  at  $100.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  338-9.     Sept.  20th,  San 
Diego  school  has  22  pupils.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presidios,  MS.,  i.  64.     Governor 
orders  reports,  copybooks,  etc.,  to  be  sent  him  every  two,  three,  or  six  months. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  50;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  7. 


644  INDUSTRIES  AND  INSTITUTIONS. 

• 

succeeded  at  San  Francisco  by  the  artilleryman  Jose 
Alvarez,  who  for  his  services  received  an  addition  of 
two  dollars  per  month  to  his  pay.  Evidently  the 
schools  went  on  with  considerable  prosperity  this 
year,43  but  of  their  progress  for  the  rest  of  the  decade 
we  know  little  or  nothing.44  * 

43  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  41,  168-9;  xxi.  262-3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v. 
101,   108.     Randolph,  Oration,  speaks  of  copybooks   sent  from  Santa  Bar- 
bara, Feb.  11,  1797,  still  preserved  in  the  archives,  the  samples  being  scrip- 
ture texts  in  a  fair  round  hand. 

44  Dec.   1798,  Vargas  transferred  to  Sta  Bdrbara.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
109.     Borica  complains  that  few  pupils  attend  at  San  Diego.     Parents  must 
be  stimulated.  Id.,  v.   263.     1801,   complaints  of  children  growing  up  in 
ignorance,  and  of  great  need  of  teachers.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  54-5; 
xxi.  65.     Says  Judge  SepiUveda:  'They  could  learn  very  little  in  those  days; 
schools  were  few,  books  rare,  and  the  pursuits  of  the  people  required  not  a 
very  extensive  book-learning.     When  any  writing  was  needed  they  could 
easily  apply  to  the  few  who  were  the  depositaries  of  legal  form  or  epistolary 
ability.'    Scpulveda,   Hist.  Mem.,  MS.,  3,  4.     Many  mission  libraries  had 
Palou's  Life  of  Serra  and  perhaps  one  or  two  other  historical  works  before 
1800,  besides  a  few  theological  books.     A  few  French  books  were  given  to 
Borica  by  Capt.  Dorr's  French  pilot  in  1797.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  76-7. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS-SOUTHERN  DISTRICT. 
1791-1800. 

SAN  DIEGO  PRESIDIO — LIEUTENANTS  ZUNIGA  AND  GRAJERA— MILITARY  FORCE 
— POPULATION— RANCHO  DEL  REY — FINANCES — PRESIDIO  BUILDINGS — 
VANCOUVER'S  DESCRIPTION — FORT  AT  POINT  GUIJARROS — INDIAN  AF- 
FAIRS—  PRECAUTIONS  AGAINST  FOREIGNERS — ARRIVALS  OF  VESSELS — 
MISSION  SAN  DIEGO — TORRENS  AND  MARINER — STATISTICS — SAN  Luis 
REY — SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO — FUSTER — BUILDINGS — PUEBLO  DE  Los 
ANGELES — PRIVATE  RANCHOS — SAN  GABRIEL — ORAMAS — SAN  FERNANDO 
— PRESIDIO  OF  SANTA  BARBARA — OFFICERS,  FORCES,  AND  POPULATION — 
BUILDINGS  AND  INDUSTRIES — LOCAL  EVENTS — FIRST  EXECUTION  IN  CALI- 
FORNIA— THE  'PHCENIX' — A  QUICKSILVER  MINE — WARLIKE  PREPARA- 
«  TIONS — DEATH  OF  ORTEGA — MISSION  OF  SANTA  BARBARA — PATERNA — 
RANCHERIAS  OF  THE  CHANNEL — NEW  CHURCH — SAN  BUENAVENTURA — 
LA  PURISIMA  CONCEPCION — ARROITA. 

LIEUTENANT  JOSE  DE  ZUNIGA  remained  in  command 
of  the  San  Diego  presidio1  till  October  1793.  In  May 
of  the  preceding  year  he  had  been  promoted  to  cap- 
tain and  appointed  commandant  of  Tucson  in  Sonora; 
but  he  was  obliged  to  wait  the  arrival  of  his  successor, 
who  assumed  the  offices  of  comandante  and  habilitado 
on  the  19th  of  October.  Zuniga  was  preparing  for 
departure  in  November  when  Vancouver  visited  this 
port,  and  but  little  is  known  of  his  subsequent  career. 
He  had  been  a  faithful  and  efficient  officer,  one  of  the 
few  who  in  the  performance  of  military  duties,  and 
especially  in  keeping  presidial  accounts,  had  given  no 
cause  of  complaint.2  His  successor  wras  Lieutenant 

1  For  annals  of  San  Diego  from  1780  to  1790,  which  I  here  continue  to  1800, 
see  chap,  xxii.,  this  volume. 

2  Jose"  de  Zuniga  enlisted  as  a  soldado  distmguido  October  18,  1772;  went 
through  the  grades  from  corporal  to  alferez  in  1778-9;  was  made  lieutenant, 

(64,5) 


C46  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

Antonio  Grajera,  of  the  Espana  dragoon  regiment, 
who  had  arrived  at  San  Francisco  from  San  Bias  in 
July,  and  who  assumed  the  duties  of  his  office  on  the 
day  of  his  arrival  at  San  Diego. 

Though  fifteen  years  a  soldier  Grajera  had  seen  no 
active  service,  but  he  was  an  able  and  faithful  man, 
and  performed  his  official  duties  to  the  satisfaction 
of  all  during  a  term  of  six  years  in  California.  His 
private  and  social  record  is  less  favorable.  He  had 
no  family,  and  it  was  not  long  before  his  liaisons  with 
women  of  the  presidio  gave  rise  to  scandal.  His 
excessive  use  of  intoxicating  liquors  finally  affected 
his  mind,  and  broke  his  constitution.  He  gave  up 
his  office  temporarily  in  August  1799,  and  never 
resumed  it,  having,  however,  been  made  a  brevet  cap- 
tain in  1797.  Obtaining  leave  of  absence  to  visit 
Mexico  he  sailed  on  the  Conception  and  died  two  days 
out  of  port  January  18,  1800.3  From  August  23, 

April  21,  1780;  commandant  of  San  Diego,  Sept.- 8,  1781;  habilitado,  Oct.  19, 
1781.  Before  coming  to  California  he  had  seen  much  service  in  Indian  cam- 
paigns in  Sonora  and  Chihuahua.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiv.  9;  xvi. 
1.  In  1790  he  was  granted  leave  of  absence  on  petition  of  his  mother  to  visit 
Mexico  and  attend  to  a  legacy;  but  seems  not  to  have  left  his  post.  He  showed 
much  attention  to  Vancouver,  who  named  Ft  Zufiiga  on  the  lower  coast  in 
his  honor,  and  who  speaks  of  shoals  in  San  Diego  Bay  called  on  a  Spanish 
chartof  1782  ' Barros  de  Zooniga'  (Bajios  de  Zuniga).  See  Pantoja's  map,  p.  456, 
this  vol. ;  Vancouver's  Voy.,  ii.  470,  473,  482.  Letter  of  viceroy  announcing 
his  appointment  as  captain  of  Tucson  dated  May  29,  1792.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  75.  By  a  letter  of  May  30,  1810,  it  appears  that  he  still  held  the 
same  position,  and  had  been  made  lieutenant- colonel.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  xliv.  1. 

3  Antonio  Grajera  enlisted  as  a  private  Aug.  13,  1772;  served  4  years  as 
private,  4  as  corporal,  7  as  sergeant,  and  1  as  flag-bearer;  was  made  alferez 
April  15,  1789;  and  was  appointed  lieutenant  to  command  San  Diego  July 

14,  1792.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  161,  174;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  18; 
i.  34.     He  arrived  at  San  Francisco  July  25,  1793,  and  at  San  Diego  Oct. 

15.  Charges  of  licentiousness  and  drunkenness  by  an  officer  on  the  Con- 
ception Nov.   1794.  Prov.   St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  11,12;  xvii.  251-2.     1797,  a 
corporal  asks  for  transfer  on  account  of  Graj era's  disgraceful  connection  with 
his  wife.  Id.,  xvi.   193.     Royal  order  of  promotion  to  brevet  captain,  June 
12,  and  viceroy's  despatch  Oct.   28,  1797,  acknowledged  by  Borica  Feb.  26, 

1798.  Id.,  xv.  265;  Prov.  Rec.,  vi.  70-1;  Arch.  Arz.,  MS.,i.  201.     Nov.  11, 

1799,  permission  from   Borica  to  go  to  Mexico.  Prov.  llec.,  MS.,  v.  236-7. 
Departure  Jan.  16th,  and  death  Jan.  18,  1800.  Id.,  v.  xii.   1.;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  30,  35.     Feb.  11,   1800,   decree  of  V.   R.  to  put  Grajera  on  the 
retired  list,  and  naming  Alfe"rez  Manuel  Rodriguez  of  the  San  Francisco  com- 
pany to  replace  him.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxvi.   18;  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  72-3;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  36.     Vancouver  in  November 
1793  was  very  kindly  treated  by  Grajera,  and  applied  his  name  to  a  point 

'.below  San  Diego.    Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  470-1,478. 


SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT.  647 

1799,  by  order  of  Borica,  Alferez  Manuel  Rodriguez 
became  acting  commandant  of  the  company,  while 
Lieutenant  Jose  Font  of  the  Catalan  volunteers,  rank- 
ing Rodriguez,  was  made  temporary  comandante  of 
the  military  post.  Rodriguez  had  been  habilitado 
since  the  middle  of  1798  and  had  really  performed 
the  functions  of  commander;  and  his  regular  appoint- 
ment, dated  in  Mexico  Feb.  11,  1800,  reached  San 
Diego  in  May,  though  his  commission  as  lieutenant 
did  not  leave  Mexico  until  July  180 1.4 

Pablo  Grijalva  was  alferez  of  the  company  until 
December  1796,  when  he  was  retired,  after  thirty- 
three  years  of  service,  on  half-pay  of  alferez  and  with 
rank  of  lieutenant,  spending  the  remaining  twelve 
years  of  his  life  in  California.  His  successor,  who 
served  throughout  the  decade,  was  Alferez  Jose  Lu- 
jan,  a  new-comer  from  Mexico.  Ignacio  Alvarado,5 
the  company  sergeant,  having  become  a  pensioner  of 
the  Santa  Barbara  company,  was  replaced  in  1796  by 
Antonio  Yorba,  one  of  Fages'  original  Catalans  and  a 
son-in-law  of  Grijalva,  who  was  retired  as  an  invalid 
and  succeeded  by  Francisco  Acebedo  in  1798.  The 
corporals  and  privates,  with  generally  an  armorer  and 
carpenter,  varied  but  slightly  in  number  from  fifty- 
seven  during  the  ten  years,  not  including  the  retired 
soldiers,  or  invalids,  who  gradually  increased  from  four 
in  1792  to  fifteen  in  1800.°  From  this  force  from 

4 Rodriguez  habilitado  from  July  31,  1798.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  xvii.  1.  Perhaps  appointed  in  May.  Prov.  Ile.c.,  MS.,  v.  276.  Borica'a 
order  of  Aug.  23,  1709.  Id.,  v.  293-4.  Rodriguez'  appointment  as  coman- 
dante by  viceroy  Feb.  11,  1800.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  15. 
Became  full  comandante  May  24,  1800.  Id.,  xxvi.  18.  Commission  as  lieu- 
tenant sent  from  Mexico  July  17,  1801.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  96. 
Rodriguez  had  never  been  alferez  of  the  San  Diego  company,  belonging  nomi- 
nally to  that  of  San  Francisco. 

5  Ignacio  Rafael  Alvarado,  not  an  ancestor  of  the  later  governor,  enlisted 
in  1773  at  the  age  of  23.  He  came  to  San  Diego  in  1774,  was  made  a  corpo- 
ral in  1781,  and  sergeant  in  1783.  In  1795  the  governor  complained  of  hia 
lack  of  resolution,  and  in  1797  his  c6dula  de  invdddo  was  received.  He  waa 
still  on  the  list  of  pensioners  in  1805. 

0  The  Lower  Californian  mission  of  San  Miguel  belonged  at  this  period  to 
San  Diego,  as  did  Los  Angeles  as  late  as  1796,  at  least  so  far  as  the  military 
guard  was  concerned,  though  in  other  respects  the  pueblo  was  subject  to  San- 
ta Barbara.  San  Gabriel  had  its  guard  from  San  Diego  throughout  the  dec- 


648  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

twenty-seven  to  thirty-three  men  were  constantly 
detached  to  form  the  five  or  six  guards  of  the  juris- 
diction. After  1796  Lieutenant  Font  with  twenty- 
five  Catalan  volunteers  of  the  new  reinforcements 
was  stationed  here,  as  were  six  artillerymen  under 
Sergeant  Jose  Roca,  increasing  the  effective  force  to 
nearly  ninety  men.7  The  white  population  of  this 
southern  district,  consisting  of  the  soldiers  and  their 
families,  was  about  three  hundred  at  the  end  of  the 
decade,  or  two  hundred  and  fifty  exclusive  of  San 
Gabriel  and  Los  Angeles,  more  conveniently  classed 
with  the  Santa  Barbara  district.8  About  one  hun- 
dred and  sixty  lived  at  the  presidio;  and  the  rest 
were  scattered  in  the  missions,  or  lived  as  pensioners 
at  the  pueblo.  Eight  foundling  children  from  Mexico 
were  sent  to  San  Diego  to  live  in  1800.9  The  native 
neophyte  population,  excluding  that  of  San  Gabriel 
and  San  Miguel,  was  not  quite  three  thousand. 

There  is  no  record  of  any  agricultural  operations 
whatever  at  or  near  the  presidio,  nor  were  there  any 
private  ranchos  in  the  whole  region  before  1800.  That 
some  of  the  soldiers  came  down  from  Presidio  Hill 
and  cultivated  small  patches  of  vegetables  would  seem 
not  unlikely,  but  the  archives  contain  nothing  on  the 
subject.  There  were  kept  here,  however,  from  900 
to  1,200  head  of  live-stock,  including  the  company's 
horses,  from  30  to  50  mules,  two  or  three  asses,  pos- 
sibly a  few  milch  cows  by  the  soldiers,  and  from  300 
to  700  horned  cattle  in  a  branch  of  the  rancho  del  rey 

ade.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  192.  Feb.  1,  1/96,  Borica  ordered  escoltas 
to  be  as  follows:  San  Miguel,  8;  San  Diego,  3;  San  Juan  Capistrano,  8;  San 
Gabriel,  4;  Los  Angeles,  4.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  240.  San  Luis  Rey,  founded 
in  1798,  probably  had  6  men  at  first.  According  to  orders,  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xii.  8,  it  was  customary  to  have  soldiers  serve  alternately  in  escoltas  and 
presidio,  though  it  caused  much  inconvenience  on  account  of  their  families. 

7  Company  rosters  and  statements  of  force  and  distribution  scattered  in 
the  archives,  chiefly  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.-xxvii.,  and  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  vi. 

8  In  the  various  reports  on  the  population  of  the  southern  district  in  1799 
and  later,  the  escorts  and  families  are  credited  to  the  missions  instead  of  the 
presidio  as  before  and  as  in  other  parts  of  the  country.     List  of  rank  and  file 
of  the  presidial  company  in  1798,   in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xvii. 
14-16. 

9 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxviii.  22. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SAN*  DIEGO.  649 

maintained  here  during  the  last  half  of  the  decade.10 
Each  year  in  Mexico  an  appropriation  was  made  from 
the  royal  treasury  for  the  presidio  expenses,  varying 
from  $14,000  to  $15,000;  and  invoices  of  goods,  based 
on  the  habilitado's  estimate  of  needs,  were  sent  writh 
a  small  amount  of  coin  by  the  transports  from  San 
Bias,  varying  in  amount  from  $11,000  to  $17,000  per 
year.  San  Diego  usually  had  a  credit  balance  of  from 
$1,000  to  $3,000  in  its  favor.  The  situado,  or  allow- 
ance, for  the  volunteers  and  artillery  was  not  included 
in  the  amounts  above  mentioned.  Supplies  to  the 
amount  of  about  $15,000  per  year  were  sent  to  Cali- 
fornia for  them,  and  San  Diego  received  not  quite  one 
third.11  There  are  no  records  of  the  annual  supplies 
obtained  from  missions,  but  during  the  last  three  years 
of  the  decade  the  presidio  was  indebted  to  the  mis- 
sions about  $10,000. 

"The  Presidio  of  St  Diego,"  says  Vancouver,  who 
visited  it  in  November  1793,  "seemed  to  be  the  least 
of  the  Spanish  establishments.  It  is  irregularly  built, 
on  very  uneven  ground,  which  makes  it  liable  to  some 
inconveniences,  without  the  obvious  appearance  of  any 
object  for  selecting  such  a  spot.  With  little  difficulty 

10  The   records   are   fragmentary  and  contradictory.     Statistical  reports 
sometimes  include  the  king's  cattle  and  sometimes  not.     There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  the  rancho  at  this  period  included  any  horses;  in  fact  it  had  been 
established  to  avoid  driving  cattle  from  the  north.     In  1797  it  contained  681 
cattle;  increase  for  the  year  137;  sales,  30;  killed  by  natives  and  wild  beasts, 
27;  proceeds  of  sales,  $125;  tithes  paid,  $26;  net  profit  to  treasury,  $99.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,xxv.  4.     The  total  amount  of  tithes  in  the  jurisdic- 
tion was  $34.  Prov.  St.  Eag^MS.,  xvi.  178;  and  this  difference  of  $8  is  the  only 
indication  I  find  of  the  possible*  existence  of  a  private  rancho.     Cattle  at  end 
of  1798,  531;  proceeds  of  sales,  $539.  Id.,  xvii.  1.     1800,  cattle,  690;  proceeds, 
$342.  hi.,  xviii.  5. 

11  San.  Diego  Company  accounts  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.-xxxiii.;  St. 
Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  ii.  vi.  ix.     Loss  sustained  on  the  government  forge  and 
carpenter's  shop  for  1797,  $70.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,   xvi.   179.     Fondo  de 
gratification  for  1797:  income  $3,075,  expended  $2,641.  Prov.  St.  Pap.  Prc.sid., 
MS.,  i.  102-3.  Fondo  de  Retenetontor  1800:  $3,750.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil, 
MS.,  xxviii.   18.     Inventory  of  effects  in  warehouse  1798,  $13,992.  Id.,  xvii. 
4.     Papal  bulls  on  hand  Nov.  1795,  $4,339.  Id.,  xiii.  5,  received  from  Zufiiga 
with  the  office   by   Grajera.  Prov.    Rec.,   MS.,    v.    227.     Bulls   needed   for 
1796-7,  100  at  25  cents  for  vivos;  100  at  25  cents  for  difuntos;   50,  lacticinio; 
2  or  3  composition.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.   12.     Net  revenue  of  San 
Diego  post-office  for  1794,  $71;  for  1796,  $95.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
xxi.  2;  xxiii.  8.     Accounts  of  presidio  with  missions  1797-1800.  Id.,  xxxiii. 
13;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  265;  xvii.  195. 


650 


LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 


MAP  OF  SAN  DIEGO  DISTRICT,  1800. 


PRESIDIO  BUILDINGS.  651 

it  might  be  rendered  a  place  of  considerable  strength, 
by  establishing  a  small  force  at  the  entrance  of  the 
port;  where  at  this  time  there  were  neither  works, 
guns,  houses,  or  other  habitations  nearer  than  the 
Presidio,  five  miles  from  the  port,  and  where  they 
have  only  three  small  pieces  of  brass  cannon."12  In 
August  of  the  same  year  Borica  had  informed  the 
viceroy  that  three  sides  of  the  presidio  walls  were  in 
a  ruinous  condition,  owing  to  the  bad  quality  of  the 
timber  used  in  the  roofs,  though  §1,200  had  been 
spent  in  repairs  since  the  establishment.  The  ware- 
house, church,  and  officers'  houses  forming  the  fourtli 
side  of  the  square  were  in  good  condition.  Workmen 
were  at  once  set  at  work  to  cut  timber  at  Monterey 
which  was  shipped  by  the  Princesa  in  October  to  be 
used  in  repairs  and  also  in  the  construction  of  some 
new  defensive  works  in  connection  with  the  old  ones. 
What  progress  was  made  in  these  improvements  on 
Presidio  Hill  we  only  know  by  a  vague  record  that 
esplanade,  powder-magazine,  flag,  and  houses  for  the 
volunteers  were  blessed  by  the  friars  and  dedicated  by 
a  salute  of  artillery  November  8,  1793.13  At  the  end 
of  1794  the  viceroy  expressed  a  desire  to  have  a  fort 
built  similar  to  the  one  just  completed  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, but  without  -cost  to  the  king.  "Perhaps  he 
wishes  me  to  pay  the  expenses"  writes  Borica  to  a 
friend.  Early  the  next  year  Point  Gruijarros,  Cobble- 
stone point,  was  selected  as  the  site  of  the  fort  whose 
absence  Vancouver  had  noticed,  and  preparations  were 
at  once  begun.  Two  or  three  workmen,  and  the  nec- 
essary timber,  were  sent  down  by  the  transports  from 
Monterey.  Santa  Barbara  furnished  the  axle-trees 
and  wheels  for  ten  carts,  while  bricks  and  tiles  were 

12  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  495,  501. 

13  Aug.   20,   1793,  governor  to  viceroy.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  115. 
August  18th,  timber  to  be  cut  at  Monterey  and  taken  south  by  the  Princesa. 
Id.,  xxi.  112;  Prov.  Ifec.,  MS.,  ii.  165.     Oct.  14th,  the  vessel  has  sailed  with 
timber.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  157.     Sept.  16,  1794,  governor  to  Argiiello, 
ordering  him  to  send  timber  in  the  Aranzazu  for  esplanade  and  bastions; 
but  none  were  sent.  Id.,  xii.    150,   152-3.     Nov.  17,   1796,  governor  to  the 
friars,  blessing  of  the  works.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  247b. 


652  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

hauled  from  the  presidio  to  the  beach  and  taken  across 
to  the  point  in  a  flatboat.  In  December  1796  the 
engineer  Cordoba  arrived  to  inspect  the  San  Diego 
defences,  in  which  he  found  no  other  merit  than  that 
an  enemy  would  perhaps  be  ignorant  of  their  weak- 
ness. But  the  fort  had  evidently  not  been  built  yet, 
for  early  in  1797  Borica  approved  Cordoba's  idea  that 
the  form  should  not  be  circular.  Nothing  more  is 
known  of  this  fortification  till  after  1800,  save  that 
it  was  intended  to  mount  ten  guns;  that  on  battery, 
magazine,  barrack,  and  flatboat  $9,020  had  been  ex- 
pended before  March  1797;  and  that  in  1798  there 
was  a  project  under  consideration  to  open  a  road 
round  the  bay  to  connect  Point  Guijarros  with  the 
presidio.14 

The  natives  gave  the  commandant  and  people  of 
San  Diego  but  little  trouble,  the  few  depredations 
committed  being  chiefly  directed  against  the  Domini- 
can establishment  in  La  Frontera.  In  1764  three  na- 
tives were  held  as  prisoners,  one  of  whom,  a  neophyte, 
had  been  leader  in  a  proposed  attack  on  San  Miguel. 
Several  bands  had  approached  the  mission  by  night, 
but  finding  the  guard  mounted  and  ready  had  re- 
treated.15 In  May  or  June  1795  Alferez  Grijalva 
while  returning  from  San  Miguel  with  three  natives 
arrested  on  a  charge  of  murder  was  attacked  by  some 
two  hundred  savages,  one  of  whom  wras  killled  and 
two  were  wounded  in  the  skirmish,  Grijalva  having  a 

liProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  69,  165;  xiv.  168;  xvii.  9,  10;  xxi.  212,  216-17, 
248;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  20-1;  v.  238,  272,  278;  vi.  46,  79.  Water  had  to 
be  carried  from  the  presidio,  where  a  well  long  abandoned  was  reopened. 
One  hundred  and  three  planks,  22  feet  long,  were  among  the  timber  shipped 
from  Monterey.  A  few  industrial  items  are  as  follows:  For  a  time  after 
May  1793  there  was  no  armorer,  the  old  one  having  left  after  a  service  of  20 
years.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  56-8.  In  1795  the  missions  of  this  district 
were  requested  to  send  each  four  or  five  Indians  to  the  presidio  to  learn  stone- 
cutting  and  bricklaying.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  235-6.  Jan.  1796,  a  weaver  was 
to  go  to  San  Diego  to  teach.  Id.,  v.  78.  The  comandante  tried  to  induce 
Spanish  youth  to  learn  trades,  but  without  success,  some  of  them  deeming 
the  request  an  insult.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  16.  The  forge  and  carpenter 
shop  did  $93  worth  of  work  for  soldiers  and  missions  in  1797;  but  as  expenses, 
including  two  apprentices,  were  $163,  the  king's  exchequer  was  not  perceptibly 
benefited.  Id.,  xvi.  179. 

15  Arrillaya,  Papel  de  Puntos,  195,  MS. 


FOREIGN  VISITS.  G53 

horse  killed  under  him.  This  affair  caused  some  fear 
and  precautions  at  San  Diego,  redoubled  a  few  days 
later  on  rumors  of  new  hostilities;  but  Grijalva  went 
south  and  found  all  quiet.  Raids  on  the  cattle  of  San 
Miguel  again  required  the  attention  of  a  sergeant  and 
eight  men  in  April  1797.16 

San  Diego  did  not  come  much  into  contact  with 
the  outside  world.  The  first  foreign  vessels  that  ever 
entered  this  fine  harbor  were  those  of  the  English 
navigator  Vancouver,  which  remained  at  anchor  some 
three  miles  and  a  half  from  the  presidio  from  Novem- 
ber 27th  to  December  9th  1793.  Vancouver  was 
courteously  received  by  Grajera  and  Zuniga,  who, 
however,  on  account  of  Arrillaga's  "severe  and  inhos- 
pitable injunctions"  were  not  able  to  allow  the  for- 
eigners such  privileges  as  were  desired.  The  English- 
man, though  he  visited  the  presidio,  spent  most  of  his 
time  on  board  in  preparing  journals  and  despatches  to 
be  sent  to  England  by  way  of  Mexico,  having  little 
opportunity  for  observations.17  In  the  early  part  of 
1797  an  English  invasion  was  supposed  to  be  immi- 
nent, and  all  possible  preparations  were  made  by  Gra- 
jera. Great  reliance  was  placed  on  the  battery  at 
Point  Guijarros;  but  Grajera  was  also  careful  to 
obtain  instructions  respecting  what  was  to  be  done 
should  the  enemy  succeed  in  entering  the  bay,  or 
should  it  be  necessary  to  abandon  the  presidio.  In 
case  of  such  disasters  it  was  decided  to  spike  the  guns 
and  burn  the  powder  and  provisions,  but  to  leave  the 
buildings  intact.  A  reserve  of  ammunition  was  stored 

O 

at  San  Juan,  whither  the  sacred  vessels,  archives,  and 
other  valuables  were  to  be  carried  if  necessary.  The 
English  did  not  appear;  the  armed  frigate  Princesa  lay 
in  port  from  June  to  October;  and  San  Diego  escaped 
destruction.18  At  the  end  of  1798  the  port  was  a 
second  time  visited  by  foreigners,  this  time  by  four 

18 Prop.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  227-S;  iv.  88;  vi.  50;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii. 
215-10;  xvi.  249. 

17  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  469—76. 

18 Prov.  Kec.,  MS.,  v.  254-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxL  197,  211-12,  267-9. 


654  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

Boston  sailors  who  had  been  left  on  the  lower  coast 
and  were  put  to  work  in  the  presidio  to  earn  their 
living  until  a  vessel  came  to  carry  them  to  San  Bias.19 
Yet  once  more  was  the  port  visited  by  the  Americans 
during  this  decade,  when  in  August  1800  the  Betsy, 
Captain  Charles  Winship,  obtained  wood  and  water 
here,  remaining  ten  days  in  the  bay.  Later,  on  No- 
vember 22d,  there  came  an  earthquake  which  in  six 
minutes  did  more  damage  to  the  adobe  buildings  than 
had  been  done  by  either  the  British  or  Yankees. 


20 


At  San  Diego  mission  Juan  Mariner  and  Hilario 
Torrens  served  as  associate  ministers  until  the  last 
years  of  the  decade.  The  latter  left  California  at  the 
end  of  1798,  dying  early  in  the  next  year;  while 
the  former  died  at  San  Diego  on  January  29,  1800.'21 
Their  sucessors  were  padres  Jose  Panella  and  Jose 
Barona,  both  recent  arrivals  who  had  lived  at  San 
Diego,  the  former  since  June  1797,  and  the  latter 

19  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  283,  285;  vi.  Ill;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  197- 
202.  Their  names  were  Wm.  Katt,  Barnaby  Jan,  John  Stephens,  and  Ga- 
briel Boisse.  The  captors  of  a  Spanish  vessel  in  1709  claimed  that  some  of 
their  men,  being  on  the  coast  in  1797,  as  part  of  the  crew  of  two  (English) 
ships  had  entered  San  Diego  and  made  soundings  by  moonlight.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xiii.  20. 

20 Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  132;  xii.  C;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  44,54; 
xviii.  67;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  12,  13.  The  earthquake  occurred  at  1:30 
p.  M.,  and  the  soldiers'  houses,  warehouse,  and  the  new  dwelling  of  the  vol- 
unteers were  considerably  cracked.  The  drought  of  1795  and  an  epidemic 
diarrhoea  in  1793  are  the  only  other  natural  afflictions  noted.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xiii.  4;  xvii.  69. 

21  Hilario  Torrens — thus  he  signed  his  name,  but  by  his  companions  it  was 
more  frequently  written  Torrente  or  Torrent,  to  say  nothing  of  several  other 
variations — was  a  native  of  Catalonia,  where  he  was  for  a  long  time  predica- 
dor,  for  three  years  guardian,  and  also  vicar.  He  came  to  California  in  1786 
with  the  highest  recommendations  from  his  college  for  talent,  experience,  and 
circunstancias.  Serving  at  San  Diego  from  November  1786  to  November  1798, 
he  had  but  slight  opportunity  to  distinguish  himself  save  by  a  faithful  per- 
formance of  his  missionary  duties.  His  license  to  retire  was  signed  by  the 
viceroy  March  17,  1798.  He  sailed  in  the  Princesa  on  Nov.  8th,  and  May  14, 
1799,  the  guardian  wrote  that  he  had  died  in  a  convulsion.  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara, 
MS.,  xi.  281 ;  xii.  26-7;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xvi.  187.  Of  Juan  Mariner  still  less  is 
known.  He  came  to  California  in  1785,  served  at  San  Diego  from  November 
of  that  year,  made  a  trip  with  Grijalva  in  July  1795  to  explore  for  the  new 
mission  site  of  San  Luis  Rey.  He  died  Jan  29,  1800,  and  was  buried  in  the 
presbytery  by  Padre  Faura  on  Jan.  30th.  Finally  April  26, 1804,  his  remains 
were  removed  and  placed,  together  with  those  of  Jaume  and  Figuer,  in  a  sep- 
ulchre constructed  for  the  purpose  under  the  small  arch  between  the  two 
altars  of  the  new  church.  San  Dkfjot  Lib.  de  Mis-ion,  MS.,  81,  89. 


SAN  DIEGO  MISSION.  655 

since  May  1798.  Another  supernumerary  was  Pedro 
de  San  Jose  Estevan,  from  April  1796  to  July  1797. 
The  only  one  of  the  missionaries  with  whose  conduct 
any  fault  was  found,  so  far  as  the  records  show,  was 
Panella,  who  was  accused  of  cruelty  to  the  neophytes 
and  was  reprimanded  by  President  Lasuen,  who  de- 
clared that  he  would  not  permit  one  of  his  subordi- 
nates to  do  injustice  to  the  natives.22 

During  the  decade  the  neophytes  of  San  Diego 
increased  from  856  to  1,523.  There  had  been  1,320 
baptisms  and  628  deaths.  San  Diego  had  thus  passed 
San  Gabriel  and  San  Luis  Obispo,  and  now  was  the 
most  populous  mission  in  California.  In  the  number 
of  baptisms  for  the  ten  years  it  was  excelled  only  by 
Santa  Clara.  The  baptisms  in  1797  were  554,  the 
largest  spiritual  harvest  ever  gathered  in  one  year  with 
one  exception,  that  of  the  year  1803  at  Santa  Barbara, 
when  831  new  names  were  added  to  the  register. 
The  deaths  moreover  at  San  Diego  were  less  in  pro- 
portion to  baptisms  than  elsewhere  except  at  Purisima 
and  Santa  Barbara,  though  the  rate  was  frightfully 
large,  over  fifty  per  cent,  even  here.  The  greatest 
mortality  was  in  1800  when  96  natives  died."3  This 
comparative  prosperity  was,  however,  more  apparent 
than  real  in  some  respects,  since  the  San  Diego  con- 
verts were  left  more  at  liberty  in  their  rancherias 

2-Sept.  30,  1798,  Lasuen  to  Borica.  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  51.  July 
14,  1799,  Lujan  instructed  to  report  confidentially  on  the  treatment  of  the 
natives.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  247.  July  17,  1797,  Grajera  explains  his 
treatment  of  the  natives.  Does  not  allow  them  to  have  much  intercourse  with 
those  of  other  missions,  to  prevent  illicit  intercourse.  Id.,  xvi.  172.  179G, 
padres  to  depose  misbehaving  alcaldes  and  appoint  others.  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS., 
vi.  178-9.  Jaime  Samop  and  Antonio  Pellau -were  alcaldes  in  1799.  Arch. 
Arzobisbado,  MS.,  i.  220.  Three  neophyte  stowaways  were  found  on  the 
Concejicion  eight  days  out  of  port  in  1794.  They  did  it,  they  said,  in  sport, 
and  were  sent  back  from  San  Bias.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  210-17;  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  v.  226;  xi.  209.  Again  in  1798  a  runaway  neophyte  was  sent 
back  from  Tepic.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  289.  In  the  mission  registers 
appear  the  names  of 'fathers  Cayetano  Pallas,  Mariano  Apolinario,  Jose 
Conanse,  and  liamon  Lopez,  Dominicans  from  the  peninsula  who  officiated 
here  at  different  times;  also  presbyters  Loesa  and  Jimenez,  chaplains  of  San 
Bias  vessels,  and  a  dozen  Franciscans  from  different  missions.  San  Diego,  Lib. 
de  Mislon,  MS. 

23  Lasuen  confirmed  656  persons  between  1790  and  1793.  S.  Diego,  Lib.  de 
Mision,  45. 


656  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

than  in  other  establishments,  Christianity  being 
therefore  somewhat  less  a  burden  to  them.  Mean- 
while the  mission  herds  .multiplied  from  1,730  to  6,960 
head,  and  its  flocks  from  2,100  to  6,000.  The  harvest 
of  agricultural  products  in  1800  was  2,600  bushels, 
the  largest  crops  having  been  9,450  bushels  in  1793 
and  1799,  surpassed  only  by  those  of  San  Gabriel  and 
San  Buenaventura  in  1800,  and  the  smallest  600 
bushels  in  1795,  a  year  of  drought:  average  crops 
1,600  bushels. 

Respecting  material  improvements  in  and  about 
the  mission  we  have  but  fragmentary  data.  In  1793 
a  tile-roofed  granary  of  adobes,  ninety-six  by  twenty- 
four  feet,  was  built.  In  1794,  besides  some  extensive 
repairs,  one  side  of  a  wall  which  was  to  enclose  and 
protect  the  mission  was  constructed,  and  a  vineyard 
was  surrounded  by  five  hundred  yards  of  adobe  wall. 
In  1795  work  was  begun  on  a  newly  discovered  source 
of  water-supply  for  irrigation.24  Whether  this  was 
the  beginning  of  the  extensive  works  whose  ruins  are 
still  to  be  seen,  and  which  Hayes  supposes  with  some 
plausibility  to  have  been  constructed  before  1800,  I 
know  not,  for  there  are  no  further  records  extant.25 
Of  manufacturing  and  other  industries  during  this 
period  nothing  is  known,  nor  are  there  any  means  of 
ascertaining  if  the  teachings  of  the  artisan  instructors 
sent  by  government  to  California  penetrated  to  this 
southern  establishment.  In  respect  to  commerce 
nothing  further  appears  than  that  there  was  due  the 

MSt.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  113;  ii.  26,  29.  The  neophytes'  huts  at  San 
Diego  as  late  as  1798  were  like  those  of  the  gentiles  of  wood  and  grass,  con- 
sidered by  the  comandante  as  sufficient  protection  against  the  weather,  if 
not  against  fire.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  73.  Names  of  rancherias  in  the 
Lib.  Alision,  MS.,  3,  4:  Cosoy,  San  Francisco,  Soledad,  S.  Antonio  or  Las 
Choyas,  Santa  Cruz  or  Coapan  in  San  Luis  Valley,  Purisima,  or  Apuoquele, 
S.  Miguel,  or  Janat,  San  Jocome  de  la  Marca  or  Jamocha,  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano  or  Matamo,  and  San  Jorge  or  Meti. 

25 11 'ayes'  Emigrant  Notes,  153,  477,  603.  Hayes  gives  from  personal  ob- 
servation a  most  interesting  description  of  this  dam  and  aqueduct,  which  I 
shall  notice  in  a  subsequent  chapter,  as  I  am  inclined  to  think  without  having 
any  very  strong  evidence  that  the  works  were  built  or  completed  in  the  next 
decade.  In  a  report  of  March  1799  Grajera  speaks  of  an  attempt  to  bring  in 
water,  at  which  the  Indians  had  been  overworked,  but  which  was  not  a  suc- 
cess. Grajera,  Respuesta,  MS.,  193-4. 


SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO.  657 

mission  at  the  end  of  each  of  the  later  years  about 
$3,500  for  supplies  to  the  presidio.26 

San  Luis  Rey,  a  new  establishment  of  1798,  where 
Padre  Peyri  was  at  work  building  up  one  of  the 
grandest  of  the  Californian  missions,  has  been  disposed 
of  for  this  period  in  a  preceding  chapter.27  At  San 
Juan  Capistrano,  next  northward  Fuster  and  San- 
tiago were  the  associate  ministers  until  1800,  when  the 
former  died,23  and  Jose  Faura  from  San  Luis  Rey 
took  his  place.  These  missionaries  baptized  in  the 
decade  940  converts  and  buried  668,  the  community 
being  increased  from  741  to  1,046.  Horses  and  cattle 
from  2,500  became  8,500,  San  Juan  being  third  in  the 
list,  while  in  sheep  with  17,000  it  was  far  ahead  of  any 
other  mission.  Crops  in  1800  were  6,300  bushels;  the 
average,  5,700;  the  best  crop,  in  1792,  7,400,  and  the 
smallest,  in  1798,  3,700  bushels.  In  1797,  there  was 
due  San  Juan  for  supplies  furnished  to  San  Diego  and 
Santa  Barbara  presidios  over  $6,000.29 

In  1794  there  were  built  at  San  Juan  two  large 
adobe  granaries  roofed  with  tiles,  and  forty  houses  for 
neophytes,  some  with  grass  roofs  and  others  tiled.  In 

26  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  195,  197,  265. 

27  See  chapter  xxvi.  of  this  volume. 

•28  yiceilte  Fuster  was  a  native  of  Aragon,  who  had  originally  left  Mexico 
in  October  1770,  arrived  atLoreto  in  November  1771,  served  at  Velicata,  and 
came  up  from  the  peninsula  with  Palou,  arriving  at  San  Diego  August  30, 
1773,  where  he  served  until  1776.  He  was  with  Jaume  on  the  terrible  night 
of  November  5,  1775,  when  the  mission  was  destroyed  and  his  companion  was 
murdered.  His  pen  has  graphically  described  the  horrors  of  that  night. 
After  living  at  San  Gabriel  and  other  missions  as  supernumerary  he  was 
minister  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  from  November  1779  until  December  1787, 
when  he  founded  Purisima  and  remained  there  till  Aug.  1789.  Then  he 
returned  to  San  Juan  and  served  until  his  death  on  Oct.  21,  18CO.  He  was 
buried  by  Este"van,  Santiago,  and  Faura  in  the  mission  church.  He  had 
received  the  last  sacrament,  writes  Estevan,  'with  the  most  perfect  corformity 
to  the  divine  will,  giving  us  even  to  the  last  moment  of  his  life  the  most  illus- 
trious example  of  the  resignation  and  love  to  God  our  Lord  and  his  holy  law 
which  he  had  preached  in  his  life,  both  by  works  and  words.'  Sept.  9, 
1800,  Math  all  due  solemnity  Fuster's  remains  were  transferred  to  their  final 
resting-place  in  the  presbytery  of  the  new  church  on  the  epistle  side.  San 
Juan  Cctfjidrano,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  28,  39-40. 

29  Due  San  Juan  from  Sta Barbara $1,628.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  80-1. 
From  San  Diego  in  1797,  $4,785;  in  1798,  $4,553.  Id.,  xvi.  195,  205.  Mar. 
15,  1797,  draft  on  Mexico  in  favor  of  the  padres  for  $3,000.  Prov.  Rec.t 
MS.,  vi.  184.  July  1794,  draft  drawn  by  Graiera  for  $2,000.  Prov.  St.  Pap.. 
MS.,  xii.  17. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    42 


658  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

February  1797  work  was  begun  on  a  new  stone  church 
which  wTas  to  be  the  finest  edifice  in  California.  A 
master  mason  was  obtained  from  Culiacan  and  the 
structure  rose  slowly  but  steadily  for  nine  years.30 

Mariano  Mendoza,  a  weaver,  was  sent  from  Mon- 
terey in  the  summer  of  1796  to  teach  the  natives.  If 
he  neglected  his  business,  he  should  be  chained  at 
night,  for  he  was  under  contract  with  the  govern- 

O  '  O 

ment  at  thirty  dollars  a  month.  A  loom  was  set  up 
with  other  necessar}^  apparatus  of  a  rude  nature, 
with  which  by  the  aid  of  natives  coarse  fabrics  and 
blankets  were  woven.  Early  in  1797  the  friars  were 
notified  that  if  they  wished  the  services  of  Mendoza 
for  a  longer  time  they  must  pay  his  wages ;  but  they 
thought  his  instructions  not  worth  the  money,  espe- 
cially now  that  they  had  learned  all  he  knew,  and  the 
weaving  industry  had  been  successfully  established. 
Besides  home  manufactures  San  Juan  supplied  from 
its  large  flocks  quantities  of  wool  for  experiments  at 
other  establishments.31 

Vancouver,  sailing  down  the  coast  in  the  autumn 
of  1793,  noted  San  Juan  as  "erected  close  to  the 
water-side,  in  a  small  sandy  cove;  very  pleasantly 

30  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  26.  A  mason  sent  up  by  Arrillaga,  who  reports 
to  the  viceroy  Jan.  11,  1799.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  15.  Lasuen  in  report  of 
1799-1800  says  the  church  has  been  building  four  years.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara, 
MS.,  xii.  128.  Date  of  beginning,  S.  Jium  Cap.,  Lib.  de  Mlslon,  MS.,  26. 
Dec.  1797,  church  of  masonry  with  arches  being  built  53  x  10  varas.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  110. 

j  31  May  1796,  a  weaver  (tejcdor  de  anr.ho)  sent.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  79, 
245,  247.  April  16,  1797,  Pedro  Poyorena's  report  to  Grajera.  Blankets, 
wide  woollen  cloths,  mangos  for  vaqueros,  30  yards  of  mania,  30  yards  of 
baize  successfully  woven.  Not  so  perfect  as  Mexican  goods,  but  good  enough 
for  this  country.  The  native  women  spin  and  pick  wool  and  cotton,  and  also 
dye  tolerably  well.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  261-2.  April  17th,  report  of 
padres  on  progress.  The  weaver's  attempts  at  dyeing  with  vinegar,  etc. ,  not 
equal  to  what  the  natives  could  do  with  Campeche,  Brazil,  and  Zacatastal 
woods.  St.  Pap.,  Sue.,  MS.,  vi.  103-5.  April  28th,  Grajera  to  Borica.,  the 
carpenter  Gutierrez  the  only  man  who  can  put  up  looms.  Prov.  St.  Pep., 
MS. ,  xvi.  261.  April  29th,  Borica  to  padres.  May  31st,  Fuster  to  Borica.  Men- 
doza's  services  in  the  past  not  worth  much,  but  he  will  pay  what  Lasuen 
deems  just.  June  26th,  Borica  to  commandant  of  Monterey.  Make  an 
arrangement  with  Lasuen  and  pay  one  eighth  to  Mendoza  and  seven  eighths 
to  royal  treasury.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  B?n.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxv.  15;  Prov.  AV., 
MS.,  vi.  185-6,  189.  Wool  purchased  for  Monterey  and  Santa  Barbara.  Id., 
ix.  5;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  2. 


LOS  ANGELES.  659 

situated  in  a  grove  of  trees,  whose  luxuriant  and 
diversified  foliage,  when  contrasted  with  the  adjacent 
shores,  gave  it  a  most  romantic  appearance;  having 
the  ocean  in  front,  and  being  bounded  on  its  other 
sides  by  rugged  dreary  mountains,  where  the  vegeta- 
tion was  not  sufficient  to  hide  the  naked  rocks.  The 
buildings  of  the  mission  were  of  brick  and  stone,  and 
in  their  vicinity  the  soil  seemed  to  be  of  uncommon 
and  striking  fertility.  The  landing  on  the  beach  in 
the  cove  seemed  to  be  good."32  In  the  fear  of  Eng- 
lish invasion  which  agitated  the  whole  country  in 
1797  a  sentinel  was  posted  on  the  beach  at  San  Juan 
to  watch  for  suspicious  vessels,  since  it  was  not  doubted 
that  England  had  her  eyes  upon  the  cove  anchorage. 
Whether  a  four-pounder  was  mounted  here  as  recom- 
mended by  Captain  Grajera  does  not  appear.  The 
arrest  of  a  neophyte  Aurelio  for  the  murder  of  his 
wife  in  1797,  and  the  earthquake  of  November  22, 
1800,  which  slightly  cracked  the  rising  walls  of  the 
new  church,  complete  the  annals  of  the  decade.33 

Respecting  the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles  from  1791 
to  1800,  the  information  extant  is  exceedingly  slight. 
The  number  of  families  residing  here  increased  from 
thirty  to  seventy,  and  the  white  population  from  140 
to  315,  chiefly  by  the  growing-up  of  children  and  the 
ygregation  of  invalids  from  the  different  presidios. 
orses  and  cattle  increased  from  3,000  to  12,500,  a 
larger  number  than  is  accredited  to  any  other  Cali- 
fornian  establishment.  Sheep  numbered  1,700  only, 
though  a  special  effort  had  been  made  since  1795  to 
increase  the  pueblo  flocks  with  a  view  to  the  industry 

32  Wancmtver'a  Voyage,  ii.  467.     This  description  seems  to  locate  the  mis- 
sion much  nearer  the  shore  than  it  really  is,  but  it  could  hardly  have  been 
moved  before  1797  when  the  new  church  was  begun,  and  certainly  not  later. 
See  chapter  xiv.  this  vol. 

33  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  155-6,  170,  249-50;  xxi.  54.     The  Indian 
Aurelio  was  not  severely  punished.     In  a  fit  of  jealousy  he  proceeded  to 
administer  some  conjugal  discipline,  and  in  his  zeal  overdid  the  duty  as  he 
frankly  confessed.     He  had  no  intention  of  killing  her.     The  authorities  de- 
cided it  not  a  matter  for  criminal  process. 


660 


LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 


of  weaving.  Crops  in  1800  were  4,600  bushels,  the 
largest  having  been  7,800  in  1796,  and  the  smallest 
2,700  in  1797.  Seven  eighths  of  the  entire  harvest 
was  usually  maize,  though  the  inhabitants  offered  in 
1800  to  contract  for  the  supply  of  3,400  bushels  of 
wheat  per  year  at  $1.66  a  bushel  for  the  San  Bias 
market.34 


MAP  OF  Los  ANGELES  REGION  IN  1800. 

34  From  9  to  12  pobladores  in  1793.  Expense  of  pay  and  rations  $1,528. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  iii.  16.  List  of  42  names  of  male  settlers  in 
1799.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  9,  10.  Two  hundred  sheep  distributed  in 
August,  1796.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  74;  vi.  79;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  1. 
1796,  Borica  orders  that  land  be  given  to  heads  of  families  who  have  none, 
bub  they  must  cultivate  it.  Prov.  /?«£.,  MS.,  iv.  44-5.  1795,  correspondence 
and  orders  requiring  seeded  lands  to  be  fenced.  In  one  case  a  willow  fence 
is  mentioned.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  iv.  12,  16,  17,  29.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  77. 
The  same  year  especial  effort  was  made  by  the  governor  through  Commandant 
Goycoechea  to  encourage  the  settlers  to  raise  good  crops  in  view  of  the  general 


AFFAIRS  AT  THE  PUEBLO.  GG1 

Vicente  Felix  remained  in  charge  of  the  pueblo  as 
comisionado  throughout  the  decade,  except  perhaps 
for  a  brief  period  in  1795-6  when  Javier  Alvarado 
seems  to  have  held  the  office.  The  successive  alcaldes 
were  Mariano  Verdugo,  elected  in  1790;  Francisco 
Reyes,  1793-5;  Jose  Vanegas,  1796;  Manuel  Arellano, 
1797;  Guillermo  Soto,  1798;  Francisco  Serrano,  1799; 
and  Joaquin  Higuera  for  1800.  The  pueblo  was  in 
the  jurisdiction  of  Santa  Barbara,  the  comisionado 
receiving  his  orders  from  the  commandant  of  that 
presidio,  though  as  we  have  seen  the  small  military 
guard  was  furnished  by  the  San  Diego  company.  Of 
local  events  from  year  to  year  there  is  practically 
nothing  in  the  records.35 

It  is  in  connection  with  the  pueblo  of  Los  Angeles 
that  the  most  interesting  topic  of  early  land-grants 
in  this  southern  central  region  may  most  conveniently 
be  noticed.  In  February  1795  there  were  five  ranches 
in  private  possession,  held  under  provisional  grants 
and  supporting  several  thousand  head  of  live-stock.38 
The  first  was  San  Rafael,  granted  by  Fages  October 
20,  1784,  to  the  retired  corporal  of  the  San  Diego 
company  Jose  Maria  Verdugo.  It  was  also  known  as 

drought.  Id.,  xix.  38-40;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  15.  Proposal  to  furnish  wheat 
for  the  San  Bias  market.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  50.  1787,  grain  sold  to 
Santa  Barbara,  $358.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  ix.  4.  Each  settler 
must  give  annually  two  fanegas  of  maize  or  wheat  for  a  fondo  de  proprias  to 
be  spent  for  the  good  of  the  community.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  98-9. 

35  Arrillaga  reported  that  Los  Angeles  was  in  quiet  in  1792,  but  certain 
unruly  persons  were  ordered  to  leave,  and  though  they  did  not  go,  the  warn- 
ing proved  effective.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  188.  Oct.  11,  1795,  Borica  to 
comandante,  if  the  comisionado  is  not  active  enough  he  must  be  removed. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  29-30.  Alvarado  comisionado  1795-6.  Id.,  iv.  39; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  234;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xv.  7.  1796,  Francisco  Avila 
drowned  in  the  tulares.  Suspicions  of  murder  proved  groundless.  Prov.  Rec, 
MS.,  iv.  66,  71.  Dec.  7,  1797,  the  settlers  Avila  and  Arellano  must  be 
chastised  and  turned  out  if  they  continue  to  disturb  the  pueblo.  Id.,  iv. 
93-4.  179S,  allusions  to  speedy  completion  of  a  jail.  Prov.  Rec.,  iv.  108. 
Padre  Salazar  relates  that  when  he  was  here  in  1795  a  man  who  had  1,000 
mares  and  cattle  in  proportion  came  to  San  Gabriel  to  beg  cloth  for  a  shirt, 
for  none  could  be  had  at  pueblo  or  presidio.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS., 
ii.  77. 

30  Feb.  24,  1795,  Goycoechea's  report  to  Borica  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  xxii.  7,  8.  April,  1795,  Borica  to  viceroy.  Prov.  Rec.,  vi,  40-].  The 
former  important  report  seems  not  to  have  been  seen  by  either  writers  or 
lawyers  in  the  past. 


GG2  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

La  Zanja,  described  as  across  the  river  and  four  leagues 
from  Los  Angeles,  and  was  confirmed  by  Borica 
January  12,  1798. 37  The  second  rancho  was  that  of 
Manuel  Nieto,  held  under  Fages'  permission  of  No- 
vember 1784,  the  largest  and  best  of  all,  supporting 
1,100  head  of  cattle  and  large  enough  for  a  pueblo, 
since  well  known  as  Los  Nietos,  and  formerly  granted 
in  several  tracts  to  Nieto's  heirs  by  Figueroa  in  1834.38 
The  third  was  the  famous  San  Pedro,  or  Dominguez. 

'  O  ' 

rancho,  occupied  by  Juan  Jose  Dominguez  with  about 
a  thousand  head  of  cattle  under  a  permission  given 
very  likely  by  Fages,  but  the  date  of  which  is  not 
known.  It  was  regranted  by  Sola  in  1822,  and  is  one 
of  the  few  Californian  ranches  that  have  remained  in 
the  possession  of  the  original  grantees  and  their  de- 
scendants.39 Fourth  in  the  list  was  the  rancho  at  Por- 
tezuelo,  smaller  but  fertile  and  well  watered  and  stocked 
with  cattle  on  a  small  scale,  situated  about  four  leagues 
from  Los  Angeles  on  the  main  road,  and  occupied  by 
the  old  veteran  Sergeant  Mariano  de  la  Luz  Verdu- 
go.40 The  fifth  and  last  was  the  Encino  rancho,  where 

37  According  to  Reg.  Brands,  MS.,  32-3.     Fages  permitted  Verdugo  on 
Oct.  20th  to  keep  his  cattle  at  Arroyo  Hondo,  one  and  a  half  leagues  from  San 
Gabriel  on  the  road  to  Monterey,  on  condition  that  no  harm  was  done  to  mis- 
sion or  pueblo,  and  care  taken  with  the  natives.     Jan.  12,  1708,  in  answer  to 
petition  of  Nov.  4,  1797,  Borica  permitted  him  to  settle  with  his  family,  rela- 
tives, and  property,  under  like  conditions,  and  the  new  one  of  raising  sheep,  at 
La  Zanja.    This  rancho  was  visited  in  August  1795  by  the  party  seeking  a  mis- 
sion site.  Sta  Maria,  Rcgistro,  MS. 

38  In  1795-6  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel  laid  claim  to  Nieto's  land,  called 
at  the  time  La  Zanjav    After  an  investigation  Borica  allowed  Nieto  to  retain 
what  land  he  had  actually  under  cultivation  and  in  use,  the  rest  to  be  used 
by  the  mission  without  prejudice  to  Nieto's  legal  rights.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
45,  51-2,  61-2.     It  would  seem  that  other  persons  besides  Nieto  were  living 
here  in  1797,  when  the  inhabitants  were  called  on  to  be  ready  to  resist  English 
invasion.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  249-50.    This  grant  came  before  the  U.  S. 
land  comission  in  later  times  in  five  separate  tracts:  Los  Cerritos,  Los  Coyotes, 
Las  Bolsas,  Los  Alamitos,  and  Santa  Gertrudis,  aggregating  33  sq.  leagues. 
Hoffman's  Land  Cases. 

39  Granted  by  Sola  Dec.  31, 1822,  to  Sergt.  Crist6bal  Dominguez  as  nephew 
and  heir  of  Juan  Jose.  Reg.  Brands,  MS.,  35.     The  author  of  Los  A nycles, 
Hist.,  8,  9,  supposes  this  grant  to  have  been  originally  made  before  1800, 
chiefly  on  the  testimony  of  Manuel  Dominguez  and  other  old  settlers.     No  one 
has  until  now  shown  any  documentary  proof. 

40  Verdugo  enlisted  at  Loretoon  Dec.  15, 1766,  serving  as  private,  corporal, 
and  sergeant,  seven  years  in  each  capacity.     He  came  with  Capt.  Rivera  y 
Moncada  in  the  first  expedition  of  1769,  and  served  in  several  Indian  cam- 
paigns.   His  name  appears  among  the  godfathers  at  the  first  baptisms  in  San 


EARLY  LAND-GRANTS.  6G3 

Alcalde  Francisco  Reyes  had  a  house  and  where  he 
kept  his  own  live-stock  as  well  as  that  of  Cornelio 
Avila  and  others.  This  was  where  San  Fernando  was 
established  in  1797,  the  friars  taking  possession  of 
Reyes'  house,  a  fact  that  illustrates  the  slight  tenure 
by  which  these  early  grants  were  held.  Between  1795 
and  1800  there  were  perhaps  granted  two  other  ran- 
chos  within  this  jurisdiction,  San  Jose'  de  Gracia  de 
Simi  to  Javier,  Patricio,  and  Miguel  Pico  in  or  about 
1795;  and  El  Refugio  to  Captain  Jose  Francisco 
Ortega  or  his  sons  a  year  or  two  later.41 

San  Gabriel,  belonging  throughout  the  decade  to 

Diego,  and  he  commanded  the  guard  at  San  Luis  Ohispo  in  1773.  He  was 
temporarily  in  command  at  San  Diego  in  November  1775  at  the  time  of  the 
massacre,  being  the  first  to  reach  the  mission  and  report  the  terrible  event. 
He  accompanied  Gov.  Neve  to  the  Colorado  in  1782.  His  wife,  Doiia  Maria 
Gnadalupe  Lugo,  was  buried  by  Lasuen  at  San  Diego  April  15,  1780,  and  he 
subsequently  married  Gregoria  Espinosa.  From  about  1780  he  was  sergeant 
of  the  Monterey  company  till  1787  when  he  was  probably  retired  as  an  invalid. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  ii.  14;  viii.  8,  9;  xiv.  1,2;  xxii.  7;  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  i.  2,  4,  5;  S.  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  10,  77;  San  Luis  Obispo, 
Lib.  <lc  MMon,  MS.,  29. 

41  The  Simi  Rancho,  according  to.  Peg.  Brands,  MS.,  33,  and  Hoffman's 
Land  Cases,  was  granted  by  Borica  in  1795,  being  regranted,  or  at  least 
petitioned  for,  in  1821,  and  also  by  Alvarado  in  1842.  According  to  Reg. 
Brandt,  MS.,  32,  El  Refugio  was  granted  by  Borica,  therefore  before  1800, 
to  Capt.  Ortega,  therefore  before  1798  when  Ortega  died.  I  think  there  is 
room  for  doubt  about  one  or  both  of  these  grants.  Respecting  both  it  may  be 
said  that  Borica  does  not  seem  to  have  favored  such  grants.  As  to  Simi, 
when  an  exploring  party  visited  the  valley  in  August  1795  they  did  not  men- 
tion any  rancho  as  they  did  Reyes'  and  Verdugo's;  and  not  only  this  but  in 
April  1796  Borica  expressly  refused  to  grant  Pico  (no  given  name)  permission 
to  leave  the  pueblo  and  settle  on  a  rancho.  As  to  El  Refugio,  we  know  that 
Ortega  in  179G  M~as  in  trouble  about  a  deficit  in  his  Loreto  accounts,  Prov. 
Pec.,  MS.,  iv.  G8,  72,  81-2,  86;  his  son  Jos6  Maria  wished  to  take  a  land-grant 
on  which  to  work  and  pay  his  father's  indebtedness,  and  although  Borica 
advised  him  against  the  scheme,  still  a  grant  was  ordered  to  be  made  to  him 
of  the  Zanja  de  Cota  lands  if  unoccupied.  The  author  of  Los  Angiies,  Hist., 
8,  9,  thinks  that  Santiago  de  Santa  Ana  was  one  of  these  early  grants.  His 
reasons  are:  A  popular  belief  that  this  was  one  of  the  oldest  ranches;  testimony 
in  the  district  court  that  the  original  occupant  was  Grijalva;  the  probability 
that  the  grant  to  Yorba  in  1810  was  a  regrant  to  Grijalva's  son-in-law;  and 
finally  a  recognition  by  the  court  of  the  Peraltas'  claims  as  descendants  of  the 
original  occupant.  This  is  an  ingenious  but  probably  erroneous  argument. 
Lieut.  Grijalva  was  a  pensioner  of  the  San  Diego  company  after  1796  as  was 
Sergt.  Yorba,  his  son-in-la.w^  after  1798;  but  Grijalva,  dying  at  San  Diego  in 
1806,  named  no  land  in  his  will  though  he  did  name  cattle;  and  moreover  he 
refused  to  give  his  daughters  anything,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  been  pro- 
vided for  at  their  marriage — one  with  Yorba  in  1782  and  the  other  with 
Peralta  in  1785.  Peralta's  claims  resulted  from  the  fact  that  Arrillaga's  grant 
of  July  1,  1810,  was  to  Yorba  and  Peralta  in  company.  In  his  petition  of 
Nov.  24,  1809,  Yorba  says  nothing  of  any  previous  occupancy  by  himself  or 
others.  Reg.  Brands,  MS.,  34. 


664  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

the  jurisdiction  of  San  Diego,  was  one  of  the  most 
flourishing  of  the  missions,  but  its  annals  may  be  very 
briefly  disposed  of.  Cruzado  and  Sanchez  still  toiled 
together  as  ministers.  Calzada  remained  until  1792. 
Cristobal  Oramas  served  here  in  17 92-3 ;42  Juan  Mar- 
tin in  1794-6;  Juan  Lope  Cortes  in  1796-8;  and 
Pedro  de  San  Jose  Estevan  to  1800  and  later,  so  that 
the  mission  had  always  three  padres.  They  baptized 
1,267  natives,  but  they  buried  1,1 24,* so  that  the  com- 
munity was  increased  only  from  1,040  to  1,140,  stand- 
ing now  third  instead  of  second  in  the  list.  In  large 
stock  San  Gabriel  stood  fourth,  with  a  gain  from  4,220 
to  7,090  head;  while  in  sheep  it  was  second  to  San 
Juan  only,  its  flocks  having  increased  from  6,000  to 
12,360.  In  agricultural  products  San  Gabriel  was  a 
tie  with  San  Buenaventura  in  1800,  with  a  crop  of 
9,400  bushels,  the  smallest  having  been  3,600  in  1793, 
and  the  average  about  6,400. 

Jose  Maria  Verdugo,  owner  of  a  rancho  in  the 
vicinity,  was  corporal  of  the  mission  guard  much  of 
the  time  down  to  1798,  and  his  successor  was  Pedro* 
Poyorena.  Jose  Miguel  Flores,  a  discharged  soldier, 
was  majordomo  down  to  his  death  in  179G.4*  A 
stone  church  was  half  finished  in  1794,  but  in  1800 
it  had  not  yet  been  completed.  There  is  no  record 
of  manufacturing  industries  save  that  a  little  cotton 
obtained  from  San  Bias  was  woven;  but  I  suppose 
that  a  beginning  of  weaving  woollen  stuffs  or  of  some 

42  Of  Cristobal  Ordmas  we  only  know  that  he  had  been  for  five  years 


served  at  Santa  Barbara,  of  which  mission  he  was  a  founder,  from  December 
1786  to  December  1789;  at  Purisima  until  November  1792;  and  at  San  Gabriel 
until  September  1793,  when  broken  down  in  health  he  retired  to  the  college. 

43  This  death-rate  of  90  per  cent  of  baptisms  and  doubtless  500  per  cent 
and  more  of  births  was  not  caused  by  any  great  epidemic  in  one  year,  for  the 
deaths  run  quite  evenly  as  follows:  104,  84,  98,  05,  80,  87,  92,  93,  138,  and 
230. 

41  San  Gabriel,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  passim.  The  mission-books  contain 
but  little  beyond  the  names  of  padres  and  of  persons  baptized,  married,  or 
buried.  The  original  registers  are  also  imperfect,  parts  of  several  books 
having  disappeared. 


SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT.  665 

other  branch  of  primitive  manufactures  must  have 
been  made  at  this  period,  for  San  Gabriel,  so  flourish- 
ing and  so  prominent  in  later  years,  would  naturally 
have  been  among  the  first  to  make  experiments. 
Events  important  or  petty  there  are  none  to  record. 
San  Fernando,  the  new  establishment  in  Encino  Val- 
ley belonging  to  the  jurisdiction  of  Santa  Barbara,  I 
have  already  noticed  in  another  chapter.45 

Santa  BaYbara  presidio  remained  under  the  able 
command  of  Lieutenant  Felipe  de  Goycoechea,  who 
was  also  habilitado,  and  was  in  1798  promoted  to  be 
brevet  captain.  Pablo  Antonio  Cota  was  promoted  to 
fill  the  vacant  post  of  alferez,  and  served  throughout 
the  decade,  dying  at  the  end  of  1800.45  Jose  Maria 
Ortega,  son  of  the  lieutenant,  took  Cota's  place  as  ser- 
geant with  Olivera  and  Carrillo;  and  when  the  latter 
went  to  Monterey  in  1795  he  was  replaced  by  Fran- 
cisco Maria  Ruiz.  The  presidial  force  was  fifty-nine 
men,  from  which  number  guards  were  supplied  to  San 
Buenaventura,  San  Fernando,  Santa  Barbara,  and 
Purisima  missions.  The  number  of  pensioners  in- 
creased from  one  to  seventeen,  and  all,  with  their 
families,  constituted  a  population  de  razon  which  in- 

45 Church-building.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  5,  29, 100,  110.  Cotton-weav- 
ing. Id.,  ii.  6,  100;  Arch.  Arzo'ivpado,  MS.,  i.  30-2.  July,  1706,  200  arrobas 
of  wool  can  be  had  at  20  reals.  St.  Pap.,  S«c.,  MS.,  vi.  6.  Due  mission 
from  presidio  of  San  Diego,  1797,  $2,881.  Prow.  St.  Pep.,  MS.,  xvi.  205.  For 
1798,  £2,597.  M-,  xvi.  195.  Due  from  Santa  Barbara,  1797,  $3,311.  Id., 
xvii.  78-81.  Two  runaway  neophytes  from  San  Gabriel  brought  in  by  the 
Papagos  to  Tucson.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  58. 

4J  Pablo  Antonio  Cota  was  born  in  174-1,  and  enlisted  in  1768,  coming  to 
California  probably  in  17G9,  and  certainly  before  1774.  He  seems  to  have 
commanded  the  guard  at  San  Buenaventura  from  its  foundation  in  1782  until 

1787,  when  he  was  removed  on  complaint  of  the  padres.     He  subsequently 
commanded  at  Purisima  until  replaced  by  Corporal  Ortega  in  September 

1788.  During  this  time  he  was  engaged  in  one  or  two  minor  explorations 
and  Indian  campaigns.    His  commission  as  alfdrez  was  signed  in  Mexico  Jan. 
13,  1788.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  55.    His  wife  was  Dona  Maria  Rosa  de  Lugo, 
who  died  Jan.  10,  1797.  S.  Buenaventura,   Lib.  de  Minion,  MS.,  2,  5,  9;  Sta 
Barbara,  Lib  de  Mision,  MS.,  30.     In  August  1795  he  commanded  the  party 
exploring  for  the  mission  site  of  San  Fernando.    Sta  Maria,  Rajistro,  MS. 
He  died  Dec.  30,  1800,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  87;  xxi.  5G,  of  pleurisy, 
which  during  this  cold  rainy  winter  attacked  many  persons  at  Santa  Barbara. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxix.  3. 


666  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

creased  from  200  to  370.*7  The  total  white  popula- 
tion of  this  district,  including  Los  Angeles  and  the 
ranchos,  was  675,  and  neophytes,  including  San 
Gabriel  and  San  Fernando,  numbered  almost  4,000. 
Having  no  fort,**  Santa  Bdrbara  obtained  no  part  of 
the  reinforcement  of  artillerymen  and  infantry  sent 
to  California  in  1796,  and  was  garrisoned  by  cuera 
cavalrymen  only.  The  annual  appropriation  for  this 
presidio  from  the  royal  treasury  did  not  vary  much 
from  $15,000.49 

It  has  been  seen  that  new  presidio  buildings  had 
been  completed  or  nearly  so  by  1790;  but  some  of  the 
roofs  were  constructed  of  tules;  some  of  the  timbers 
supporting  tile  roofs  were  bad;  the  family  kitchens 
were  inside  the  houses  and  not  detached  as  was  best; 
a  fire  did  considerable  damage  in  August  17 89;  and  it 
seems  that  no  new  chapel  had  been  built.  Fages  in 

47  Company  rosters  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.-xxvi. ;  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.-iii.     List  of  about  100  persons  in  1797  who  have  com- 
plied with  religious  obligations.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  89-93.     List  of  14 
young  men  fit  for  military  service,  but  whose  parents  need  their  care.  Id. , 
xv.  102-4.     Full  list  of  officers  and  men  in  1798.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  xvii.  20-1.    Four  foundlings  came  here  to  live  in  1800.  Id.,  xxviii.    By 
Borica's  order  each  mission  escolta  was  reduced  by  one  man  in  1795.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  25;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  171. 

48  One  brass  6-pounder  and  three  smaller  iron  pieces  at  the  presidio  with 
four  iron  guns  at  the  three  coast  missions  were  the  armament  in  1798.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xvii.  5.     Paper  supplied  to  school  and  collected 
again  for  cartridges.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  32. 

49  Company  accounts  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xv.  xvii.-viii.  xxi. 
xxiii.  xxviii. ;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  iv.    The  memorias  of  supplies  were  from 
$13,000  to  $17,000.     Account  of  1794,  credit,  $39,737;  debit,  $38,634.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Presid.,  MS.,  i.  3.    Id.  for  1797,  cr.,  $42,377;  dr.,  $43,095.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  68.     Id.  for  1798,  cr.,  $40,520;  dr.,  $40,658.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  xvii.  9-11.     Total  receipts  of  supplies  in  1795,  including  $6,830 
from  missions,  $22,057.   Id.,  xxi.    9.     Waste  in  last  memoria  1796,   $690. 
Prov.   Kec.,  MS.,  iv.  80.     Mission  supplies  in  1797,  $4,623;  in  1798,  $756. 
Prov.   St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,   xvii.  10,  11.     Inventory  of  goods  on  hand. 
Dec.  31,  1798,  $9,758.  Id.,  xvii.  9.    Accountof  1799,  cr.,  $45,728;  dr.,  $46,148. 
Prov.  St.   Pap.,   Ben.,   MS.,  ii.   18,19.     Postal  revenue  from  $56  to  $105. 
Prov.   St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxi.  6,  9;  xxiii.  8;  xxv.  14;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  vi.  61.     Tithes  collected  from  $200  to  $800  per  year,  the  expense  of  col- 
lecting being  from  15  to  20  per  cent.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xix.  4; 
xxi.  6;  Prov.  Rtc.,  MS.,  iv.  45-6;  vi.  2;  Dapt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.%3,  4; St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  i.  124.     In  1792-3,  the  papal  bulls  sold  amounted  to  $62.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxi.  6.     From  1790  to  1795,  only  $8  out  of  $1,177 
worth  sent.  Id.,  xiii.  4;  xxi.  9.     In  1797,  $87  worth  sold,  and  those  remain- 
ing ordered  burned.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  87.     It  seems  that  this  sale  was  a 
special  one  of  bulls  of  the  holy  crusade.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  79-80. 


SANTA  BARBARA. 


667 


his  instructions  to  Romeu  of  February  1791  reported 
this  state  of  things  and  hoped  all  would  be  completed 
that  year.  In  August  1793  the  governor  pronounced 
the  presidio  buildings  the  best  in  California  owing  to 
Goycoechea's  activity,  but  still  some  roofs  needed  re- 
pairs. All  would  be  done  that  year  except  the  new 
chapel  and  a  cemetery  outside  the  square.  Van- 
couver in  November  found  here  "the  appearance  of  a 


/X^n^ionO.^  STA   INES      _ 

^f^^a^r^Jo^^.^      -^ 


MAP  OF  SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT,  1800. 

far  more  civilized  place  than  any  other  of  the  Spanish 
establishments  had  exhibited.  The  buildings  appeared 
to  be  regular  and  well  constructed,  the  walls  clean 
and  white,  and  the  roofs  of  the  houses  were  covered 
with  a  bright  red  tile.  The  presidio  excels  all  the 
others  in  neatness,  cleanliness,  and  other  smaller 
though  essential  comforts;  it  is  placed  on  an  elevated 
part  of  the  plain  and  is  raised  some  feet  from  the 


668  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

ground  by  a  basement  story,  which  adds  much  to  its 
pleasantness."  In  October  1794  the  commandant 
certified  that  to  complete  the  buildings  fifteen  laborers 
for  six  months  were  necessary  at  a  cost  of  §561. 
Thereupon  work  was  stopped  except  upon  the  church 
and  the  most  necessary  repairs;  and  at  the  end  of 
1796  the  viceroy  declared  that  the  sailor-workmen 
could  no  longer  be  employed  at  royal  expense;  but 
the  chapel  was  blessed  on  Guadalupe  day  in  1797.50 

Though  Santa  Barbara  seems  to  have  had  as  yet 
no  branch  of  the  rancho  del  rey  like  those  at  the  other 
presidios,  yet  it  is  credited  in  statistical  reports  with 
from  1,000  to  4,000  horses  and  cattle,  and  from  200 
to  600  sheep.  This  live-stock  is  not  to  be  confounded 
with  that  of  the  mission,  but  it  was  probably  identical 
to  some  extent  with  that  of  the  rancheros  within  the 
jurisdiction  already  referred  to.  There  were  also 
agricultural  operations  carried  on  by  the  soldiers  dis- 
tinct from  those  of  the  mission  neophytes.  Kecords 
of  results  are  very  meagre,  but  in  1797  they  reached 
1,650  bushels  of  wheat,  corn,  and  beans.51  Of  mechan- 
ical industries  there  is  nothing  to  record  save  that 
the  attempt  to  obtain  white  apprentices  was  more 

™  Pages,  Papel  de  Puntos,  MS.,  166.  Aug.  20, 1793,  governor  to  viceroy. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  115;  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  451,  495.  Oct.  11, 
1794,  15  men  at  18  cents  per  day  and  34  fanegas  of  maize  at  13  reals,  neces- 
sary to  complete  the  buildings.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  62.  Oct.  24th,  build- 
ing expenses  to  stop.  Id.,  xii.  98.  Dec.  13th,  Borica  says  the  church  is  to  be 
enlarged  at  cost  of  thefondo  de  gratification.  Id.,  xii.  58.  Expenses  from  1784 
to  1794,  $2,256.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxi.  12.  Dec.  16th,  viceroy 
to  governor,  the  8  ship-boys  and  other  workmen  can  no  longer  be  paid  from 
treasury  of  San  Bias.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  57-8.  Chapel  to  be  blessed 
on  Guadalupe  day.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  87.  The  $2,256  charged  tofondode 
gratification  by  order  of  April  26,  1797.  Id.,  iv.  89. 

51  Jan.  15,  1794,  governor  orders  that  each  soldier  be  allowed  only  four 
cows.  These  to  be  branded  and  the  rest  slaughtered.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i. 
208.  1794-5,  commandant  asks  for  and  obtains  from  governor  200  steers  for 
rations.  Id.,  iv.  16;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  97.  Oct.  22,  1795,  Borica 
orders  Goycoechea,  Ortega,  and  other  officers  to  fence  their  gardens;  and 
reads  them  a  lecture  for  complaining  of  the  poor  soldiers'  cattle.  Why  should 
so  many  suffer  for  the  convenience  of  a  few?  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  33-4.  In 
1796  an  effort  was  made  here  as  elsewhere  to  promote  sheep-raising.  Let 
Pofia  have  some  land,  says  the  governor  June  9,  1796,  if  he  will  take^Pico  as 
a  partner  and  raise  twice  as  many  sheep  as  other  stock.  Rancheros  must  go 
to  the  pneblo  to  live  he  says,  Dec.  29th,  unless  they  will  raise  sheep.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  66,  86. 


SANTA  BARBARA.  669 

successful  here  than  at  San  Diego,  since  six  boys 
were  taught  by  the  weaver  Enriquez  during  his  south- 
ern tour  in  1798. 52 

Vancouver's  visit  in  1793  was  first  in  the  slight 
chain  of  local  events  to  be  recorded  in  this  decade. 
He  anchored  here  November  10th  and  sailed  the  18th. 
His  reception  in  comparison  with  that  at  Monterey 
and  San  Francisco  seemed  to  him  agreeable,  though 
the  difference  was  chiefly  imaginary.  Goycoechea 
was  courteous  and  hospitable,  and  Vancouver  had 
learned  not  to  expect  too  much.  Little  was  done 
except  to  obtain  wood  and  water,  purchase  supplies 
from  private  individuals,  and  take  required  exercise 
within  sight  of  the  presidio,  retiring  on  board  at  night. 
An  excellent  spring,  said  to  have  been  unknown  to 
the  Spaniards,  was  found  near  the  old  wells.  Fathers 
Miguel  and  Tapis  were  particularly  affable  and  anxious 
to  entertain  and  aid  the  foreigners,  who  carried  away 
a  flattering  opinion  of  Santa  Barbara  and  its  peo- 
ple.53 January  10,  1794,  there  was  a  public  execution. 
Ignacio  Rochin  was  shot,  there  being  no  hangman  in 

*   O  c"5 

the  country,  for  the  murder  of  one  Alvarez.  The  wife 
of  the  victim,  Rochin's  accomplice,  was  condemned  to 
hard  work  as  a  servant,  the  sentences  coming  finally 
from  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara.54 

In  August  1795  the  English  merchant  ship  Phoenix, 
Captain  Moore,  touched  here  for  supplies  and  left  a 
'  Boston  boy '  who  was  soon  sent  to  San  Bias  as  already 
related.55  The  same  year  the  inhabitants  contributed 
nearly  one  thousand  dollars  toward  paying  the  expenses 
of  the  war  with  France. 

52  Prov.  Pec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  99.    July  21 ,  1796,  Borica  to  Goycoechea.    The  sons 
of  soldiers  and  settlers  must  be  urged  to  learn  weaving,  tailoring,  and  pottery. 
Id. ,  iv.  72-3.     A  bricklayer,  a  carpenter,  and  a  violinista  in  the  company  in 
1798.  Id.,  iv.  95.     Timber  for  oars  sent  to  San  Diego.  Id.,  iv.  88. 

53  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  451—6,  493,  497,  500.    The  English  navigator  was 
surprised  at  the  failure  of  the  Spaniards  to  fortify  so  strong  and  important  a 
position.     He  mentions  two  brass  nine-pounders  before  the  presidio  entrance. 

** Sta Bdrbara,  Lib.  de  Mixion,  MS.,  29;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  5,  7;  Prov. 
St.  Pap..  MS.,  xii.  92;  xiii.  176;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxi.  8;  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS., 
1,2. 

65 See  p.  536,  this  volume.     Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxi.  9. 


670  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

The  year  1796  was  marked  by  the  discovery  of 
what  was  thought  to  be  a  quicksilver  mine  in  the 
black  mire  at  the  Punta  del  Cerro  de  la  Laguna.  A 
load  of  the  metal-bearing  mud  was  taken  to  the  presi- 
dio for  examination  by  Borica's  orders,  but  nothing 
further  is  heard  of  it.56  In  February  1797  a  soldier 
named  Gonzalez  is  said  to  have  been  poisoned  by  the 
natives,  who  thus  revenged  themselves  for  what  they 
regarded  as  cruel  treatment.57  In  March  and  April 
came  the  alarm  of  war  with  England.  Couriers  were 
despatched,  sentinels  posted,  guns  made  ready,  the 
natives  exhorted,  and  abundant  reasons  given  for  not 
doing  more.68  In  May  the  Princesa  arrived  off  the 
mouth  of  the  Rio  Purisima  and  landed  thirty  of  her 
hundred  and  sixty  men,  who  were  suffering  from 
scurvy,  but  who  rapidly  recovered.59  In  December 
there  arrived  the  Magallanes,  a  full-rigged  ship  of  war, 
which  had  come  over  from  Manila  to  make  observa- 
tions and  if  necessary  convoy  the  San  Bias  vessels 
southward.60  On  February  3,  1798,  occurred  the 
death  of  the  old  pioneer  of  1769,  Brevet  Captain  Jose 
Francisco  Ortega,  former  commandant  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara and  for  several  years  living  as  a  retired  pensioner 
in  this  vicinity.  He  left  many  sons  and  daughters,  and 
many  of  his  grandchildren  still  live  in  California.61 

™Prov.  7?ee.,MS.,iv.  57. 

57  The  death  of  Rafael  Gerardo  Gonzalez  on  Feb.  14th  is  recorded  in  Sta 
Barbara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS. ,  30.  The  fact  that  he  was  poisoned  rests  on 
the  statement  of  his  son  Rafael  Gonzalez,  still  living  at  Santa  Barbara,  Gon- 
zalez, Experlencias,  MS.,  1,  2,  who  was  born  a  few  days  after  his  father's 
death.  He  flogged  some  boys  who  allowed  the  crows  to  eat  his  corn,  and  the 
natives  soon  invited  him  to  a  feast  of  poisoned  fish. 

58 Goycoechea  to  Borica,  March  28,  April  10,  1797,  in Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xv.  43-5,  188-9. 

59  Id.,  xv.  52;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  90-1. 

60 Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  113-14;  xvi.  185;  xvii.  1,  6. 

61  Jose"  Francisco  Ortega  was  a  native  of  the  town  of  Zelaya  in  what  is  now 
the  State  of  Guanajuato,  where  in  his  early  youth  he  was  employed  as  a  ware- 
house clerk.  Enlisting  Oct.  1,  1755,  he  served  in  the  cuera  company  of 
Loreto  ten  months  as  private,  two  years  and  a  half  as  corporal,  and  fourteen 
and  a  half  as  sergeant.  Some  time  after  he  was  first  made  sergeant  he  ob- 
tained his  discharge  and  gave  his  attention  to  mining  in  Baja  California,  where 
he  was  for  a  time  a  kind  of  alcalde  of  all  the  mining-camps  of  the  peninsula. 
When  Portola  came  as  governor,  Ortega  was  readmitted  as  sergeant  and  for 
a  year  or  more  attended  to  the  accounts  of  the  royal  warehouse.  He  accom- 
panied the  second  land  expedition  northward  in  1709  under  Portola  and  with 


CAPTAIN  ORTEGA.  671 

At  Santa  Barbara  mission  adjoining  the  presidio, 
Padre   Antonio    Paterna,   the    founder,   and  an    old 

Junipero  Serra.  On  the  way  he  received  a  letter  from  Don  Jose"  de  Galvez 
promising  him  the  place  of  lieutenant  at  Loreto  on  his  return.  On  this  march 
lie  distinguished  himself  by  his  tireless  activity,  always  going  ahead  to  explore 
the  way  and  traversing  the  route  three  times  before  he  reached  San  Diego. 
Then  he  went  on  with  the  first  expedition  to  Monterey,  and  was  perhaps  the 
first  to  discover  San  Francisco  Bay,  probably  the  first  to  visit  the  site  of  the 
present  city,  and  certainly  the  one  who  explored  the  bay  region  most  exten- 
sively on  this  trip.  Back  at  San  Diego  he  was  for  a  time  in  command  of  the 
guard,  but  soon  returned  to  Loreto  where  the  governor  kept. him  busy  incon- 
stant journeys  to  Sinaloa  and  to  San  Diego,  and  in  explorations.  By  his  zeal 
in  these  early  expeditions,  Ortega  made  himself  a  great  favorite  with  the  mis- 
sionaries and  especially  with  Junipero  Serra,  who  in  1773  urged  his  appoint- 
ment as  commandant  in  California  to  succeed  Fages.  Serra,  l^resentacion  de 
13  de  Mayo  177 J,  MS.  It  is  from  this  document  that  we  obtain  many  of  the 
facts  about  his  earlier  life  and  services.  Much  is  also  gathered  from  his  own 
later  narratives.  Ortega,  Memorial  al  Comandunte  General  sobre  meritos  y  ser- 
vicios  mditare*,  8  de  Junio  1786,  MS.,  and  Ortega,  Fragmento,  MS.,  both  of 
which  are  very  important  documents  on  early  history.  Serra's  efforts  could 
not  make  him  commandant,  but  he  was  made  lieutenant  and  commanded  at 
San  Diugo  for  over  eight  years.  His  services  in  the  exciting  times  which  fol- 
lowed the  massacre  of  1*775  have  been  already  recorded.  In  1781  he  founded 
Santa  Barbara,  planning  the  buildings,  fortifications,  and  irrigating  works  in  a 
manner  which  gained  him  great  credit,  and  serving  as  commandant  and  habili- 
tado  until  178-1,  when  he  was  transferred  to  the  frontier.  Here  in  1786  he 
petitioned  for  pecuniary  relief  and  for  retirement,  being  unfitted  for  duty  by 
30  years  of  active  service  and  by  increasing  obesity.  His  petition  was  not 
granted,  but  he  was  transferred  back  to  California  and  was  in  command  at 
Monterey  from  September  1787  to  March  1791.  A  year  later  he  went  down 
to  Loreto  and  was  commandant  there  during  Arrillaga's  absence  until  1795, 
when  he  was  retired  as  brevet  captain  on  half  lieutenant's  pay,  attached  to  the 
Santa  Barbara  company.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxii.  4;  xxiii.  2. 
Like  most  other  officers  who  served  as  habilitados  Ortega  was  in  some  trouble 
with  his  accounts  during  this  last  term  at  Loreto,  and  was  oppressed  by  debt 
in  the  last  years  of  his  life.  The  deficit  was  $2,597.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix. 
73.  Jos6  iuaria  Ortega,  his  son,  asked  to  be  discharged  from  military  service 
or  retired  as  invalid,  and  to  be  granted  lands  that  he  might  pay  off  the  deficit. 
Borica  wrote  July  11,  179G,  approving  the  son's  desire  to  clear  his  father,  but 
disapproving  the  scheme  as  not  likely  to  succeed  because  the  missions  would 
have  the  preference  in  selling  grain.  He  thought  the  captain  would  be 
allowed  to  keep  a  portion  of  his  pay.  Oct.  28th,  he  sent  the  discharge  of 
the  captain's  sons,  and  ordered  their  grain  to  be  bought  to  pay  the  deficit. 
A  strict  watch  was  to  be  kept  on  the1  property  to  prevent  other  creditors  from 
being  favored.  The  sons  finally  paid  up  the  deficit.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
69-72,  81-2,  86.  It  is  possible,  though  not  certain,  that  there  was  provision- 
ally granted  to  the  family  at  this  time  or  before  1800,  the  rancho  dc  Nuestro 
Seiiora  del  Refugio,  which  remained  long  in  the  family  and  was  famous  in 
connection  with  smuggling  operations  during  the  Mexican  rule.  Capt.  Ortega 
died  suddenly  on  Feb.  3,  1798,  at  the  Casil  rancheria  while  on  his  way  to  the 
presidio,  and  was  buried  next  day  in  the  mission  cemetery  by  Tapis.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxvi.  3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  97;  Sta  Barbara,  Lib. 
de  Mision,  MS.,  31.  Ortega's  wife  was  Dona  Maria  Autonia  Victoria  Car- 
rillo,  who  died  very  suddenly  and  was  buried  in  the  presidio  church  on  May 
8,  1803.  /(/.,  33.  In  1802  she  received  a  pension  of  $9,150.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  xxx.  4.  They  had  several  children  when  they  came  to  San  Diego, 
Ignacio,  Joso  Maria,  Vicente,  Francisco,  Juan,  Maria  Luisa,  and  Maria,  ac- 
cording to  Taylor,  and  there  were  born  at  San  Diego,  Jose"  Francisco  Maria, 


672  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

pioneer  of  1771,  died  in  179362  and  was  succeeded 
by  Estevan  Tapis.  Jose  de  Miguel  had  served  since 
1790,  and  was  succeeded  in  1798  by  Juan  Lope  Cortes. 
[By  this  missionary  force  1,237  natives  were  baptized, 
634  were  buried,  and  the  number  of  neophytes  was 
increased  from  438  to  864  in  the  ten  years.63  Mean- 
while horses  and  cattle  had  multiplied  from  296  to 
2,492,  and  sheep  from  503  to  5,615.  Crops  were 
3,000  bushels  in  1800;  5,400  in  1797;  and  only  150 
bushels  of  wheat  in  1795. w 

Juan  Capistrano  Maria  Hermogenes,  Maria  Antonio  de  Jesus,  and  Josd  Maria 
Martin.  San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  12,  14,  17,  19,  27,  50;  Loreto,  Lib. 
Mision,  MS.,  198;  Taylor's  Discoverers  and  Founders,  ii.  No.  27. 

62  Antonio  Paterna  was  a  native  of  Seville,  and  served  20  years  in  the 
Sierra  Gorda  missions  before  coming  to  California.  He  left  his  college  in 
October  1770;  sailed  from  San  Bias  in  the  San  Antonio  Jan.  21,  1771;  arrived 
at  San  Diego  March  12th,  at  Monterey  May  21st,  and  back  at  Sail  Diego 
July  14th.  He  was  supernumerary  at  San  Gabriel  until  May  1772,  and  min- 
ister until  September  1777.  During  this  time  he  was  acting  president  in 
1772-3  until  Palou's  arrival.  He  was  minister  at  San  Luis  Obispo  from  1777 
to  178G;  and  at  Santa  Barbara  from  its  foundation,  Dec.  4,  178G,  until  his 
death  on  Feb.  13,  1793.  Sta  Barbara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  44-5;  Arch.  Sta 
Barbara,  MS.,  vii.  5,  G;  xi.  221.  He  had  been  a  zealous  and  faithful  worker. 
His  body  was  buried  in  the  mission  church  on  Feb.  14th.  Whether  it  was 
subsequently  transferred  to  the  new  church  does  not  appear  from  the  records. 

c3  The  discrepancy  of  about  200  may  result  from  the  baptism  of  certain 
natives  who  were  allowed  to  remain  in  their  rancherias  and  not  included  on 
the  mission  registers.  There  was  some  correspondence  in  1796  about  the  ran- 
cherias of  the  channel,  and  their  willingness  to  become  Christians  if  not  com- 
pelled to  leave  their  lands  and  fisheries  and  live  at  the  missions.  Borica 
favored  allowing  them  to  remain  and  adding  an  extra  friar  to  Sauta  Barbara 
and  Purisima  to  attend  to  their  instruction,  houses  or  stations  being  established 
at  suitable  points.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  92-8;  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  iv.  55-6. 
In  August  1797,  300  natives  near  the  presidio  were  given  over  to  Lasuen  for 
baptism  on  condition  of  not  leaving  their  rancheria.  Id.,  iv.  92;  vi.  54-5. 
According  to  a  report  of  Goycoechea,  March  12,  1796,  the  rancherias  from  San 
Buenaventura  to  Purisima  were  as  follows:  Sisolopoat  San  Buenaventura;  El 
Rincon,  5  leagues;  La  Carpinteria,  11.;  El  Paredon,  1^1.;  Montecito,  1J1.; 
Yuctu,  at  presidio,  1^1.;  Sacpili,  2-^1.;  Alcas;  Gelijec;  Geloo;  Miguigui,  31., 
Casil,  3  1.  ;  Quemada,  1 1.;  Gaviota,  31.;  El  Bulito  Estait.  21.;  Sta  Texas  (?), 
21.;  El  Cojo  Sisilopo,  1£1.;  Espada,  1£1.;  Pedernales,  1^1.  Total  number 
of  gentiles,  1783.  8t.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  94.  Najalayegua,  Matita,  and 
Somes  are  also  named. 

61  Weather  reports  at  Santa  Barbara.  Much  complaint  in  1795,  1797,  and 
1800.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  65;  x.  117;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  62; 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  100-1;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  103-6;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
tie  ii.  Mil.,  MS.,  xvii.  22;  Prov.  l\e,c.,  MS.,  xi.  136.  According  to  accounts  in 
Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  133-9;  ix.  476-83,  494-6,  the  mission  had  in 
1800  a  credit  balance  in  Mexico  of  $528;  a  draft  from  the  habilitado  for 
$1,267;  8309  in  money  at  the  mission;  $1,061  due  from  presidio;  and  §416  due 
from  private  individuals;  total,  $3,581  in  addition  to  buildings,  etc.  Supplies 
furnished  to  presidio  from  1793  to  1800,  $5,179.  Otter-skins  sent  to  Mexico, 
$1,624.  A  full  account  of  mission  supplies  purchased  in  Mexico  is  given  in 
Santa  Barbara,  Memorias  de  los  Efcctos  remitidos  d  la  Minion  para  los  ailos 


SANTA  BARBARA  MISSION.  673 

Much  progress  was  made  in  mission  buildings  dur- 
ing this  decade.  In  1791  a  guard-house  and  three 
tool-houses  were  added;  in  1792  two  large  stone 
corrals.  In  1793-4  a  new  church  of  adobes,  tiled  and 
plastered,  28  x  135  feet,  with  a  sacristy  15x28  feet,  and 
a  brick  portico  in  front,  was  erected;  and  in  1794  the 
improvements  were  a  granary  and  spinnery  on  stone 
foundations,  a  cemetery  enclosure  48  x  135  feet,  and  a 
sheep-corral.  In  1795  a  corridor  with  tile  roof  and 
brick  pillars  was  added  on  the  side  of  the  square  next 
the  presidio,  and  another  to  the  spinnery;  four  new 
rooms  for  the  friars  were  completed;  and  beams  of 
alder  and  poplar  were  replaced  with  pine  wherever 
they  had  been  used.  In  1797  several  rooms  for 
granaries,  store-rooms,  and  offices  were  completed.  In 
1799  there  were  built  nineteen  adobe  houses  for 
natives,  each  12  x  19  feet,  plastered,  whitewashed, 
and  roofed  with  tiles;  and  an  adobe  wall  nine  feet 
high  was  extended  for  1,200  yards  round  the  garden 
and  vineyard.  In  1799  was  added  a  warehouse,  and 
in  1800  thirty-one  more  dwellings  in  a  row,  and  cor- 
ridors on  brick  pillars  round  the  three  remaining  sides 
of  the  square  were  completed;  while  preparations 
were  made  for  the  construction  of  a  reservoir  for 
drinking-water,  to  be  made  of  stone,  brick,  and  mor- 
tar.65 In  1800  sixty  neophytes  were  engaged  in 
weaving  and  other  work  connected  with  that  branch 
of  industry.  The  carpenter  of  the  presidio  was  en- 
gaged at  one  dollar  per  day  to  teach  the  natives  his 
trade;  and  a  corporal  taught  tanning  at  $150  per  year. 
Of  the  two  soldiers  that  constituted  the  guard  one  was 
employed  by  the  friars  as  majordomo.66 

178G  hasta  1S10,  MS.  These  supplies  were  purchased  by  the  padres  with  their 
salaries  and  with  the  products  of  sales  of  produce.  They  consist  of  imple- 
ments, groceries,  church  vestments,  and  vessels,  clothing,  etc.  The  total 
amount  for  this  decade  was  $10,500,  of  which  $8,000  was  paid  by  the  sinoilt)*, 
and  the  rest  by  drafts  from  the  habilitado.  In  1800,  as  I  have  said,  the  mis- 
sion was  $528  ahead;  but  before  it  owed  from  $100  to  $2.000. 

"Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  v.  26-30,  39,  42-5,  49,  53,  58,  61-2;  ii.  99, 
138-40;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  117;  ii.  71,  79. 

00  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  96-7,  129,  137-8.  Before  October,  165 
nafjuas  of  home  manufacture  had  been  distributed,  800  yds.  of  cotton  and 
HIST.  OAL.,  VOL.  I.  ±3 


674  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

San  Buenaventura,  the  southernmost  of  the  channel 
establishments,  remained  under  the  care  of  its  founders, 
Francisco  Dumetz  and  Vicente  de  Santa  Maria,  until 
1797,  when  the  former  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Fran- 
cisco de  Paula  Senan.  Though  its  population  was 
smaller  than  that  of  any  other  mission  except  San 
Francisco  and  the  new  establishments,  it  had  more 
cattle  and  raised  more  grain  in  1800  than  any  other 
place  in  California.67  Vancouver  landed  here  Novem- 
ber 20,  1793,  having  brought  Padre  Santa  Maria  from 
Santa  Barbara,  and  spent  a  few  hours  very  pleasantly 
at  the  mission,  which  he  found  to  be  "in  a  very  supe- 
rior style  to  any  of  the  new  establishments  yet  seen." 
"The  garden  of  Buena  Ventura  far  exceeded  anything 
I  had  before  met  with  in  these  regions,  both  in  respect 
of  the  quantity,  quality,  and  variety  of  its  excellent 
productions,  not  only  indigenous  to  the  country,  but 
appertaining  to  the  temperate  as  well  as  torrid  zone; 
not  one  species  having  yet  been  sown  or  planted 
that  had  not  flourished.  These  have  principally  con- 
sisted of  apples,  pears,  plumbs,  figs,  oranges,  grapes, 
peaches,  and  pomegranates,  together  with  the  plantain, 
banana,  cocoa  nut,  sugar  cane,  indigo,  and  a  great 
variety  of  the  necessary  and  useful  kitchen  herbs, 
plants,  and  roots.  All  these  were  flourishing  in  the 
greatest  health  and  perfection,  though  separated  from 
the  sea-side  only  by  two  or  three  fields  of  corn;  that 
were  cultivated  within  a  few  yards  of  the  surf." 

The  buildings  were  also  of  a  superior  class,  a  pre- 
vious destruction  by  fire,  noted  only  by  Vancouver, 
having  caused  them  to  be  rebuilt.63  The  church  was 

t'iparabo  woven,  700  yds.  of  blanketing.  One  thousand  and  twenty  dollars 
v/orth  of  soap  furnished  to  Monterey,  perhaps  by  the  presidio,  in  1798.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,iv.  105. 

67  Increase  of  neophytes,  385  to  715;  baptisms,  757;  burials,  412;  cattle 
and  horses,  961  to  10,013;  sheep,  1,503  to  4,022;  crops  in  1850,  9, 400  bushels; 
1,500  bushels  in  1797  was  the  smallest  crop;  average  yield,  4,800  bushels; 
wheat  was  not  largely  raised  until  1798,  when  it  became  the  chief  crop,  over 
8,000  bushels  per  year. 

68  Vancouver'*  Voyage,  ii.  457-61,  494,  497.     One  reason  of  Santa  Maria 
for  going  on  board  the  ship  was  to  remove  a  prejudice  among  the  natives 
against  foreigners.     They  begged  him  for  God's  sake  not  to  intrust  himself 


SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  675 

not  yet  built,  but  it  was  begun  about  this  time  and 
half  finished  in  1794,  all  the  rest  of  the  square  being 
complete.  The  new  church  was  of  stone,  and  in  1797 
is  spoken  of  as  nearly  finished.  It  was  not,  however, 
completed  before  1800.69  A  fight  between  the  neo- 
phytes and  pagans  in  1795  seems  to  have  afforded  the 
only  excitement  of  the  period.  The  Christians  were 
victorious,  killing  two  chiefs  and  taking  six  or  seven 
captives,  but  having  several  wounded.  The  leaders 
on  both  sides  were  admonished  or  punished,  the  neo- 
phyte Domingo  being  put  to  work  in  chains.70 

Purisima  is  the  last  mission  of  this  district.  Here 
Father  Arroita  served  until  1796  when  he  was  per- 
mitted to  retire,  having  completed  his  term  of  ten 
years.71  Ordmas  remained  until  1792;  Jose  Antonio 
Calzada  from  October  1792  until  August  1796,  re- 
turning in  Mav  1798:  Juan  Martin  served  in  1796—7: 

O  t/  •* 

and  Gregorio  Fernandez  from  1796.  Baptizing  1,079 
and  burying  397,  the  missionaries  increased  the  neo- 
phyte community  from  234  to  959.  This  was  the 
largest  proportional  gain  and  the  smallest  death-rate 
in  California.  Live-stock,  large  and  small,  increased 
to  1,900  and  4,000  head  respectively;  and  crops  in  1800 

to  the  stranger's  c.ire,  and  were  positive  he  would  never  return.  On  arrival 
the  surf  prevented  landing  at  the  first  attempt,  and  the  padre  was  not  a  little 
frightened  as  he  had  not  his  prayer-book  with  him.  When  the  natives  brought 
the  book  his  courage  returned  and  he  laughed  at  his  former  fears  as  the  sailors 
had  laughed  before.  On  landing  finally,  the  natives  crowded  round  their 
padre  to  welcome  him  home  and  receive  his  blessing.  Vancouver  was  deeper 
impressed  with  the  missionary's  piety  and  the  earnest  devotion  of  his  neo- 
phytes. He  noted  that  the  natives  were  always  addressed  in  their  own  lan- 
guage, and  there  is  other  evidence  of  this.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  71. 

t9 St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  5,  24,  29,  71,  100.  In  1791  there  were  two  bells 
here  belonging  to  Santa  Barbara,  which  the  friars  refused  to  give  up.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  171.  In  San  Buenaventura,  Memorias  de  Efectos  remitidos 
d  la  ATision,  1790-1810,  MS.,  we  have  the  mission  accounts  of  supplies  from 
Mexico,  but  not  so  complete  nor  so  clearly  stated  as  in  the  case  of  Santa 
Barbara.  The  mission  was  from  $200  to  $1,200  in  debt  during  this  decade, 
but  cleared  itself  early  in  the  next.  Due  mission  from  the  presidio  in  1797, 
$1,012.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  78-81. 

70 Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  iv.  35-6. 

71  Francisco  Jose"  de  Arroita  came  from  Spain  to  Mexico  in  1785,  was 
appointed  to  California  in  April  1786,  and  came  to  his  post  with  a  reputation 
from  the  guardian  of  being,  like  his  companions,  a  good  man,  though  some- 
what lively  (vivo)  and  without  much  experience.  He  served  at  San  Luis 
Obispo  from  April  to  December  1787,  and  at  Purisima  from  its  establishment 
till  June  1796,  about  which  time  he  sailed  for  San  Bias. 


676  LOCAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  SOUTH. 

were  2,250  bushels,  4,000  in  1799  being  the  largest, 
and  1,200  in  1795  the  smallest.  Wheat  and  corn  were 
the  chief  productions.  Mission  buildings  were  of  adobes 
and  tiles,  and  the  houses  had  after  1794  corridors  of 
brick.  In  1795  the  old  church  was  in  a  bad  condi- 
tion and  materials  were  being  collected  for  a  new  one, 
there  being  no  record  of  further  progress.72  Bears- 
and  rattlesnakes  were  a  prominent  feature  in  the  re- 
gion of  Purisima.  Two  of  the  latter  bit  a  neophyte 
at  the  same  time,  writes  the  minister  on  June  3, 1799.73 

72 St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  22,  71.  Due  mission  from  the  presidio  1797, 
$405.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  78-81.  List  of  members  of  the  guard,  1797, 
6  married  soldiers  and  3  bachelors.  Id.,  xv.  93.  Antonio  Enriquez,  the 
weaver,  taught  the  natives  at  Purisima  in  1797.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil., 
MS.,  xxv.  14;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  185-6. 

7a  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  59. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 
1791-1800. 

MONTEREY  PRESIDIO— MILITARY  FORCE  AND  INHABITANTS— OFFICERS — LEO>T 
PABRILLA — HERMENEGILDO  SAL — PEREZ  FERNANDEZ — PRESIDIO  BUILD- 
INGS— BATTERY — RANCHO  DEL  REY — PRIVATE  RANCHOS— INDUSTRIES — 
COMPANY  ACCOUNTS — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — SAN  CARLOS  MISSION — MISSION- 
ARY CHANGES — PASCUAL  MARTINEZ  DE  ARENAZA — STATISTICS  OF  AGRI- 
CULTURE, LIVE-STOCK,  AND  POPULATION — VANCOUVER'S  DESCRIPTION — A 
NEW  STONE  CHURCH — A  WIFE-MURDER — SAN  ANTONIO  DE  PADUA  DE 
Los  ROBLES — MIGUEL  PIERAS — BENITO  CATALAN — SAN  Luis  OBISPO — 
MIGUEL  GIRIBET — BARTOLOME  GILI — INDIAN  TROUBLES. 

THE  presidial  cavalry  company  of  Monterey  con- 
tained from  sixty-two  to  eighty-five  men,  including 
two  officers,  six  non-commissioned  officers,  a  surgeon, 
a  phlebotomist,  two  or  three  mechanics,  fifty  privates, 
and  from  two  to  twenty-four  pensioners.  After  1796 
there  were  also  stationed  here  seven  artillerymen  and 
twenty  Catalan  volunteers  of  Alberni's  company,  in- 
creasing the  total  force  to  about  one  hundred  and  ten, 
who  with  their  families  constituted  a  population  de 
razon  in  the  jurisdiction  of  about  four  hundred,  or  four 
hundred  and  ninety  including  Branciforte  and  Santa 
Cruz.  About  thirty  of  the  cavalrymen  were  stationed 
at  the  six  missions  subject  to  Monterey — San  Carlos, 
San  Miguel,  Soledad,  San  Antonio,  San  Luis  Obispo, 
and  San  Juan  Bautista,  in  which  the  total  population 
of  christianized  natives  was  four  thousand.1 

JSee  company  rolls  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.  9;  xiv.  2; 
xvii.  6;  xviii.  1;  xx.  1;  xxi.  2,  11;  xxii.  5;  xxiii.  2;  xxvi.  3,  4,  15;  xxvii.  4; 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  10-13;  iii.  14;  iv.  20.  Missions  included  in  the  juris- 
diction. Sal's  report  of  1798,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  63.  White  popu- 
lation in  1800,  518;  Indian  population,  3,949.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  15. 

1677J 


678  LOCAL  EVENTS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

Diego  Gonzalez  kept  his  place  on  the  rolls  as  nom- 
inal lieutenant  of  the  Monterey  company  until  August 
1792,  although  he  had  long  been  absent;  and  his  suc- 
cessor was  Leon  Parrilla,  who  held  the  place  until 
September  1795,  although  from  incompetency,  ill- 
health,  and  partial  insanity  he  never  exercised  any 
authority.2 

Meanwhile  the  commandants  were  Ortega  of  the 
Loreto  company  until  March  1791,  and  Argilello  of 
the  San  Francisco  company  until  March  179G.3  Then 
Sal,  who  in  September  1795  had  been  promoted  from 
alferez  to  lieutenant,  took  the  command  which  he  held 
until  his  death  in  1800,4  when  he  was  succeeded  by 

Twelve  sailors  from  the  Conception  and  San  Carlos  remained  at  Monterey  as 
laborers  in  1795,  two  of  them  as  soldiers.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  62.  Two 
foundlings  in  1800.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  22.  List  of  16 
workmen  who  came  in  1708  on  the  Conception.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii. 
19-20.  List  of  company  in  1798.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xvii.  17-19.  List  of 
Catalan  volunteers  in  1799.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  iii.  7. 

2  Leon  Parrilla  was  promoted  to  be  lieutenant  of  the  Monterey  company 
on  Aug.  8,  1792.     His  past  service  had  been  three  years  as  cadet,  three  years 
as  guidon-bearer,  and  four  years  as  alfeYez,  first  in  the  dragoons  and  later  in 
the  regiment  of  Espana.    He  had  never  given  proof  of  courage  or  application, 
and  his  natural  abilities  were  deemed  only  medium.  Parrilla,  Iloja  de  Scr~ 
vicios,  MS.,  in  Prov.  St.  Pop.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxi.  4.     He  arrived  in  San  Fran- 
cisco July  25,  1793,  and  soon  proceeded  to  Monterey.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
iv.   18.     Here  he  immediately  became  unfit  to  perform  the  duties  of  com- 
mandant and  habilitado  by  reason  of  fits  of  insanity;  consequently  Argiiello 
continued  to  discharge  those  duties  by  the  governor's  order  and  the  viceroy's 
approval.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  1C5;  viceroy  to  governor,   April  25,  1794,  in 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  109.     August  13,  1794,  Arrillaga,  Papel  de  Puntos, 
MS. ,  19G— 7,  says  to  Borica  that  Parrilla  is  incapable,  apparently  demented,  and 
has  to  be  confined  to  his  house  under  guard.    He  sometimes  escaped  at  night 
and  had  to  be  brought  back  by  force.     Once  he  tried  to  escape  by  sea  in  a 
boat.     Dec.  13,  1794,  Sal  pronounces  him  incapable  of  keeping  books.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  140.     At  the  end  of  1794  Borica  declares  him  useless  for 
any  services,  and  proposes  to  send  him  away  in  the  first  vessel  for  San  Bias. 
This  was  done,  and  approved  by  the  viceroy.    Parrilla  was  put  on  the  retired 
list  with  a  pension  from  July  1,  1795.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  213;  xiii. 
123,  270;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxi.  4. 

3  Ortega  did  not,  however,  leave  Monterey  until  May  1792.     Argiiello  in 
1794  was  administrator  of  tobacco  revenues  and  had  a  kind  of  supervision 
over  all  presidio  accounts.     Sal  in  1799  was  called  administrador  general 
de  real  hacienda  for  New  California.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  136-7;  xvii. 
285,  315;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  176. 

4  Hermenegildo  Sal  seems  to  have  come  to  California  as  a  private  soldier 
with  Anza's  expedition  in  1776.     This  would  be  remarkable  for  a  man  of  his 
ability  were  it  not  for  certain  hints  that  he  came  under  pardon  for  some 
offence  not  specified  which  may  have  reduced  him  to  the  ranks.  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  ii.  74.     He  was  a  native  of  the  Villa  de  Valdemoro,  Castilla  la  Nueva. 
San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Minion,  MS.,  10;  fit..  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.  1,  2.    Ho  was 
wuh  Ciipt.  Rivera,  at  San  Diego  in  1770,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  219,  and  was 


HERMENEGILDO  SAL.  679 

Raiinundo  Carrillo.  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that 
while  Sal  and  Carrillo  were  commanders  of  the  presi- 
dial  company,  Lieutenant-colonel  Alberni  came  down 
from  San  Francisco  early  in  1800  and  by  virtue  of 
his  superior  rank  became  comandante  of  the  post. 

by  that  officer  put  in  charge  of  the  military  warehouse  of  San  Francisco. 
Here  Gov.  Neve  noticed  his  intelligent  management  of  financial  affairs  in 
May  1777,  and  the  next  year  obtained  his  appointment  as  guarda-almacen, 
which  position  he  held  until  February  1782,  when  he  was  called  to  Monterey 
to  settle  the  accounts  of  the  defunct  store-keeper.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  i.  69,  119; 
ii.  75;  San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  6.  May  19,  1782,  he  was  made 
sergeant  of  the  Santa  Barbara  Company,  and  in  August  received  his  commis- 
sion as  alfe"rez  of  Monterey,  dated  May  29th.  His  commission  as  lieutenant 
was  dated  April  27,  1795,  and  was  received  in  August  or  September.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  209;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  65;  iv.  232;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
iii.  1,  2,  55.  He  was  at  Monterey  from  1782  to  1791,  and  from  1794  to  1800, 
being  habilitado  from  1782  to  1787  and  from  1797  to  1800,  and  commandant 
from  1785  to  1787  and  1796  to  1800.  He  was  at  San  Francisco  as  habilitado 
and  acting  commandant  from  1791  to  1794.  In  addition  to  his  other  duties 
Sal  acted  as  governor's  secretary  during  a  large  part  of  Borica's  administra- 
tion. He  was  present  at  the  founding  of  Santa  Cruz  in  1791  and  at  the  con- 
secration of  its  church  in  1794-.  In  1795  he  accompanied  Danti  in  a  search 
for  mission  sites.  Don  Hermencgildo  had  a  good  education  for  his  time, 
wrote  a  fine  hand,  and  was  probably  the  best  accountant  and  the  clearest 
headed  business  man  in  California.  Only  once  was  fault  found  with  his 
accounts,  and  an  investigation  showed  that  instead  of  his  owing  the  company 
$3,000  as  was  charged,  the  company  was  in  debt  to  him.  He  was  a  hasty, 
quick-tempered  man,  prone  as  a  commander  to  order  severe  penalties  for 
offences  against  his  strict  discipline,  and  then  to  countermand  the  order  when 
his  anger  had  passed  away.  Stung  by  the  taunts  of  an  anonymous  letter 
he  once  made  a  personal  attack  upon  Capt.  Nicolas  Soler,  accusing  him  of  an 
intrigue  with  his  wife.  Sal  married  at  San  Francisco  on  May  10,  1777,  Maria 
Jos<5  Ame'zquita,  San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Minion,  MS.,  10,  55,  72,  by  whom  he 
had  several  children,  some  of  whom  died  in  infancy.  Vancouver,  who  speaks 
in  the  highest  terms  of  Sal  and  his  wife,  was  also  delighted  with  the  decorous 
behavior  of  their  two  daughters  and  son,  and  the  attention  that  had  evidently 
been  paid  to  their  education.  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  8.  One  daughter, 
Rafaela,  was  the  first  wife  of  Luis  Antonio  Argiiello  and  died  at  San  Fran- 
cisco Feb.  6,  1814,  as  shown  by  the  mission  records.  Another,  Josefa,  was 
the  wife  of  Sergt.  Roca  who  commanded  the  artillery  at  San  Diego,  and  was 
left  a  widow  in  1814.  S.  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  94.  A  third,  unmarried, 
was  the  guest  of  R.  C.  Hopkins  of  San  Francisco  in  1863,  and  died  before 
18G7.  Dwindle* s  Colon.  Hist.,  xvii.  Jose  Maria  Amador  speaks  of  a  son, 
Domingo,  who  was  a  soldado  distinnuido  in  the  San  Francisco  company  and 
died  young.  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  121.  Another  son,  Meliton,  was  buried  at 
San  Diego,  Aug.  21,  1810.  San  Diego,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  42.  Suffering 
from  phthisis  and  unable  to  discharge  efficiently  his  duties,  on  March  18, 
1800,  Sal  petitioned  the  king  for  retirement  with  rank  of  captain.  The  viceroy 
granted  the  request  provisionally  on  Aug.  1st,  with  encouragement  to  hope 
for  success  at  court.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  32;  ix.  60.  In  September  a 
settler  named  Borbosa  attempted  to  murder  him  with  a  dagger,  but  was. pre- 
vented by  Surgeon  Soler.  Prov.  Rec.,  xi.  145-6.  Finally  he  died  at  Monterey. 
Dec.  8,  1800,  and  his  remains  were  interred  at  San  Carlos  mission  with  military 
honors.  His  executors  were  Lieut.  Argiiello  and  Sergt.  Roca.  Prov.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xviii.  10-17;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxviii.  3;  xxxii.  7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  x. 
9.  His  disease  was  in  those  days  regarded  as  contagious,  and  therefore,  at  the 


680  LOCAL  EVENTS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

The  position  of  habilitado  accompanied  that  of  com- 
mandant, except  that  Jose  Perez  Fernandez  held  it 
from  April  1796  to  June  1797.5  The  company  alferez 
was  Sal  down  to  1795  and  Carrillo  down  to  1800. 
Pablo  Soler  held  the  place  of  surgeon  throughout  the 
decade.  Manuel  Rodriguez  was  connected  with  the 
company  as  cadet  from  1794  to  1797.  Manuel  Var- 
gas was  the  sergeant  until  1794,  when  he  became  an 
invalid,  and  Macario  Castro  took  the  position.6 

The  ravages  caused  by  the  fire  of  1789  had  been 
nearly  repaired  before  Fages  left  the  country,  and, 
with  the  exception  of  the  chapel,  the  buildings  seem 
to  have  been  completed  in  179 1,7  though  another  fire 

recommendation  of  the  surgeon,  all  his  clothing  and  bedding  were  burned  as 
was  the  roof  of  his  house  after  the  plastering  had  been  removed  from  the 
walls.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  29;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  149. 

5  Jose"   Perez  Fernandez  was  in  1791   a  sergeant  attached  to  the  Loreto 
company,  having  come  there  that  year  after  1C  years'  service  in  the  Espuiia 
dragoons.     In  1791  he  was  recommended  by  the  governor  in  a  terna  with 
Carrillo  and  Amador — but  with  a  preference  by  reason  of  his  skill  in  ac- 
counts— for  alfe"rez  of  San  Francisco.     He  was  commissioned  Aug.  17,  1792, 
and  held  the  place  until  1797,  being  habilitado  and  acting  commandant  from 
July  1794  to  April  1796.     Then  he  served  as  habilitado  at  Monterey,  though 
still  belonging  to  the  San  Francisco  company,  until  June   1797,   and  two 
months  later  he  was  transferred  to  Loreto.     He  was  born  in  1749.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  i.  55;  v.  76;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  268;  vi.  78. 

6  It  would  serve  no  good  purpose  to  give  all  the  multitudinous  references 
from  which  I  have  formed  the  preceding  account  of  Monterey  officials.     The 
following  are  a  few  of  the  most  important,  or  at  least  the  most  definite : 
Ortega  gives  up  habilitacion  to  Argiiello  March  31,  1791.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
B<*n.  MIL,  MS.,  xv.  3.     Argiiello  commandant  as  early  as  July  1791.  Arch. 
Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  20,  63.     But  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.  9, 
Ortega  is  called  commandant  until  May  1792.     There  are  indications  that 
Parrilla  may  have  attempted  to  perform  the  functions  of  his  office  in  1794. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  152,  165.     There  is  some  confusion  about  the  habilita- 
cion of  Sal  and  Perez  Fernandez  in  179G-7.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  20;  vii. 
38-9,  47;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  206-7;  v.  77,  268;  vi.  2,  4.     Argiiello  is  spoken 
of  as  commandant  in  April  1797,  in  Prov.   St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  212.     Sal 
called  justicia  mayor  of  the  partido.  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  22. 

7  The  total  cost  of  the  restoration  was  $2, 609,  and  Fages,  in  a  report  dated 
Aug.   12,  1793,   took  great  credit  to  himself  for  having  done  the  work  so 
cheaply  by  means  of  voluntary  labor  of  gentiles,  soldiers,  and  sailors.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.   191.     Elsewhere  the  expense  exclusive  of   the  church 
i3  given  as  $2,362.  Id.,  xxi.   125.     Jan.  23,  1794,  viceroy  approves  account 
of  .$2,609.  Id.,  xi.  159.     Oct.  31,  1795,  Argiiello  to  habilitado  general,  $1,600 
in  effects  received  in  1792  given  to  persons  who  worked  on  presidio  to  end 
of    1792.     These   were   3   sergeants,   9   corporals,   and    103   soldiers,   whose 
gratuity  amounts  to  $1,181.   Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presul.,  MS.,  ii.  2,  3.    Dec.  1795, 
v'3,122  paid  over  for  building  expenses.  St.   Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  41;  Pr<,v. 
Keel,  MS.,  iv.  182.     March  12,  1795,  Borica  to  viceroy,  the  buildings  would 
have  cost  very  heavily  had  it  not  been  for  the  convenient'  supply  of  stone, 
lime,  sand,  and  timber.     The  other  presidios  have  not  such  advantages.  St. 


AFFAIRS  AT  MONTEREY.  681 

did  some  damage  in  October  1792.  Vancouver  de- 
scribes and  gives  a  view  of  the  presidio  as  it  appeared 
in  1792.  It  was  like  that  of  San  Francisco8  except 
that  the  enclosure  was  complete.  There  was  a  circular 
block-house  at  each  corner  raised  a  little  above  the 
top  of  the  wall;  there  were  two  or  three  small  doors 
besides  the  main  gate -way,  and  the  commandant's 
house  had  boarded  floors.  He  is  in  error  when  he 
states  that  the  square  was  300  x  250  yards,  and  that 
the  structure  had  not  undergone  the  slightest  change 
or  improvement  since  the  foundation.9 

According  to  a  report  of  Carrillo  at  the  end  of 
1800  each  side  of  the  square  measured  one  hundred 
and  ten  yards,  the  four  walls  were  built  of  adobes  and 
stone,  and  the  buildings  were  roofed  with  tiles.  On 
the  north  were  the  main  entrance,  the  guard-house, 
and  the  warehouses;  on  the  west  the  houses  of  the 
governor,  commandant,  and  other  officers,  some  fifteen 
apartments  in  all ;  on  the  east  nine  houses  for  the  sol- 
diers, and  a  blacksmith  shop;  and  on  the  south  besides 
nine  similar  houses  was  the  presidio  church  opposite 
the  main  gate- way.10  All  the  structures  were  again 
in  bad  condition;  the  walls  were  cracked,  having  been 
built  on  insufficient  foundations  after  the  fire;  and 

Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvii.  3.  Three  thousand  one  hundred  and  twenty-two  dol- 
lars was  the  total  expense  do\vn  to  Dec.  31,  1795.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii. 
190,  201.  Aug.  20,  1793,  bastions  unfinished,  and  house  of  the  alfe'rez  needs 
repairs  like  some  of  the  soldiers'  dwellings.  Total  cost  of  repairs  to  date, 
$2,000.  Id.,  xxi.  115.  Fire  of  Oct.  15,  1792.  Id.,  xxi.  90. 

8  See  next  chapter  for  plan  and  description  of  San  Francisco  Presidio. 

9  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  43-4:  View  of  presidio,  ii.  440;  view  of  scene  in 
Salinas  Valley,  iii.  334.     Vancouver  deemed  the  site  chosen  by  no  means  the 
best  in  the  vicinity.     There  was  low  marshy  ground  between  the  square 
and  the  beach. 

10  Aug.  6-9,  1791,  instructions  addressed  to  Argiiello  about  building  the 
church.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.   42.     March  1,   1792,  viceroy  orders  work 
suspended  until  further  orders.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  1.     April  4th,  viceroy 
sends  a  plan  for  church,  made  by  the  directors  of  the  academy  of  architecture 
of  San  Carlos,  Mexico.  Id.,  i.  112.     Fages  says  he  followed  such  a  plan,  but 
this  must  have  been  an  earlier  one.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.   191.     Van- 
couver's picture  represents  the  church  as  completed.     The  cost  was  $1,500, 
which  was  refunded  to  the  company  by  the  government.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
206;  St.   Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  58;  Prov.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  xvl.   227.     Had  it 
been  built  by  day-laborers  in  the  usual  way  the  expense  would  have  been  at 
least  $5,000,  as  Borioa  believed.     It  was  done  by  troops,  sailors,  Indians,  and 
convicts.  Id.t  xxi.  267-8. 


682  LOCAL  EVENTS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

further  delay  would  greatly  increase  the  cost  of 
prospective  repairs.11  The  armament  of  Monterey 
at  the  time  of  Vancouver's  first  visit  consisted  of 
seven  small  guns  planted  outside  the  presidio  walls 
without  breastwork  or  protection  from  the  weather. 
At  the  same  time  Bodega  y  Cuadra  left  some  mate- 
rial, and  men  were  set  at  work  on  a  battery  to  be 
erected  on  a  neighboring  eminence.  Accordingly  on 
Vancouver's  return  in  1793  he  found  the  guns  mounted 
on  a  "  sorry  kind  of  barbet  battery,  consisting  chiefly 
of  a  few  logs  of  wood,  irregularly  placed;  behind  which 
those  cannon,  about  eleven  in  number,  are  opposed  to 
the  anchorage,  with  very  little  protection  in  the  front, 
and  on  their  rear  and  flanks  intirely  open  and  exposed." 
This  work  cost  $450,  and,  while  it  might  serve  to  pre- 
vent a  foe  from  cutting  out  vessels  at  anchor,  was 
entirely  useless,  as  Cordoba  reported  in  1796,  for  the 
defence  of  the  port.  It  does  not  appear  that  any- 
thing was  done  for  its  improvement  before  1800.12 

Connected  with  this  presidio  was  the  main  establish- 
ment of  the  rancho  del  rey,  located  where  now  stands 
Salinas  City;  or  at  least  that  \vas  its  location  in  later 
years,  and  I  find  no  record  of  any  transfer.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  decade  there  were  5,000  cattle  and 
2,000  horses  in  this  royal  establishment,  and  during 
the  first  half  of  the  period  the  net  annual  proceeds 
of  sales  were  from  $3,000  to  $2,000;  but  subse- 
quently the  sum  was  diminished  to  but  little  over 
$500,  and  in  1800  the  cattle  had  dwindled  to  1,GOO 

11  Carrillo,  Los  Edtficws  dc  Monterey  y  1800,  MS.  Alberni  on  coming  to  tho 
'  Corte  Californiana '  in  1800  found  things  in  a  deplorable  state,  and  built 
four  houses  for  married  soldiers  at  his  own  expense.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  11. 

]- 1792,  slight  description  of  presidio  buildings  in  Sutil  y  Mcxicana,  Viatje, 
1G2.  Cuadra 's  battery  of  four  guns  on  the  hill.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  89, 
104;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  158;  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  500.  1796,  battery  of 
ten  guns  of  small  calibre.  Vessels  could  easily  anchor  beyond  their  range. 
Cordoba's  report,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  83.  Lists  of  munitions,  1790-7. 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  91;  viii.  76-7;  ix.  34.  Esplanade,  casamata,  and  bar- 
rack cost  $450,  built  very  economically.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  207-8. 
Viceroy  ordered  $444  paid  in  1797.  Prov.  lice.,  MS.,  iv.  205.  Three  hundred 
and  eighty-one  dollars  spent  in  repairs  before  February  1798.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.  11. 


RANCHOS  AND  INDUSTRIES.  683 

while  the  horses  had  increased  to  GjOOO.13  Besides 
the  king's  live-stock  the  company  or  its  members  had 
in  1800  over  1,000  horses,  700  cattle,  250  mules  and 
asses,  and  400  sheep.  The  horses  had  increased  very 
rapidly  and  subsequently  decreased  as  abruptly  so  far 
as  we  may  trust  the  meagre  statistics.  Sheep  had 
decreased  from  700  in  1794,  in  spite  of  special  efforts 
made  in  1796  to  foster  this  branch  of  industry.  These 
last  figures  include,  I  suppose,  the  live-stock  kept  on 
the  half-dozen  private  ranches  in  the  Monterey  region. 
These  ranchos,  like  those  already  referred  to  in  the 
south,  were  provisionally  granted  to  settlers 'and  pen- 
sioners; but  unlike  the  former  none  of  them  seem  to 
have  been  rendered  permanent  by  subsequent  re- 
grants.14 

In  the  early  part  of  the  decade  industrial  opera- 
tions were  confined  for  the  most  part  to  the  labors  of 
carpenters,  bricklayers,  and  masons  on  the  presidio 
buildings;  but  later,  a  tailor,  saddler,  and  one  or  more 

13  In  1798  the  change  was"  still  more  marked,  when  there  are  said  to  have 
been  7,491  horses  and  1,200  cattle.  This  result  was  attributed  to  droughts, 
thefts,  export  of  females  to  Baja  California,  ravages  of  bears  and  wolves,  foun- 
dation of  the  branch  at  San  Francisco,  and  the  lack  of  a  market  for  horses. 
Scrgt.  Macario  Castro  had  charge  of  the  rancho  as  majordomo,  with  six  sol- 
diers. Gov.  to  viceroy,  Dec.  3, 1798.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  104, 109.  Accounts 
of  the  rancho  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.  1,  4;  xviii.  1,  2,  7; 
xxiii.  3;  xxtf.  2,  3;  xxviii.  4.  Two  hundred  fat  cattle  to  be  killed  annually; 
no  tallow  to  come  from  San  Bias;  Sta  Barbara  to  be  supplied — 1792.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  156.  Cattle  very  numerous  in  1794.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii. 
189-91.  Bears  very  numerous  and  troublesome  in  1792,  doing  great  harm 
both  to  live-stock  and  to  gardens.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  159.  Sheep-raising  fos- 
tered, 1790.  Id.,  vi.  79;  iv.  G2.  ,. 

u  The  ranchos  were  six  in  number  in  January  1795:  Buenayista,  5 
leagues  from  Monterey,  held  by  Jose"  Soberanes  and  Joaquin  Castro  /Salina, 
4  leagues,  by  Antonio  Acevcs  and  Antonio  Romero  ^Bajada  a  Hucrta  Vieja, 
£  league,  by  Antonio  Montaiio;  Canada  de  Huerta  Vieja,  f  league,  by  An- 
tonio Buelna;  Mesa  de  la  Polvora,  a  musket-shot,  by  Eugenio  Kosalio;  and 
Chupadero,  1  mile,  by  Bernardo  Heredia  and  Juan  Padiila.  There  were  on 
these  ranchos  277  cattle,  112  horses,  110  sheep,  and  9  mules.  Monterey, 
Ranclios  existentes  en  1795,  MS.  But  this  very  year,  according  to  Cul/eja, 
Respucsla,  MS.,  12,  one  of  these  ranchos,  that  of  Aceves  and  Romero,  was  de- 
stroyed by  Indians;  and  also  another  not  in  the  list  belonging  to  Osuna  and 
Alegre.  Lands  were  granted  provisionally  to  invalids  and  settlers  on  the 
river  (Salinas)  near  Monterey  before  1793.  Id.,  xxi.  132;  xii.  189;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  40-1.  A  small  piece  of  land  had  been  granted  by  Rivera  in  1775  to 
Manuel  Butron;  but  Butron  was  now  an  inhabitant  of  San  Jose",  and  there  is 
no  evidence  of  any  lands  whatever  held  by  the  soldiers,  except  the  six  or 
seven  rauchos  mentioned. 


684  LOCAL  EVENTS-MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

weavers  were  kept  at  work.  The  looms  turned  out 
only  the  coarsest  varieties  of  blankets  and  woollen 
stuffs;  and  so  unsatisfactory  were  the  results,  due 
largely  to  the  poor  quality  of  the  wool,  that  Sal  in 
1800  determined  to  stop  the  work,  employing  the 
workmen  in  sweeping  the  plaza  and  serving  the  offi- 
cers.15 

The  subject  of  presidial  finances  and  supplies  at 
Monterey  as  capital  of  the  province  is  naturally  more 
important  and  also  more  complicated  than  at  the 
other  jurisdictions;  but  unfortunately  the  preserved 
records,  though  bulky,  are  far  less  complete  and  satis- 
factory here  than  elsewhere.  The  pay-rolls  and  ordi- 
nary expenses  of  the  Monterey  company  were  about 
§15,000  per  year;  a  sum  which  was  increased  by  the 
salaries  of  provincial  officers  and  other  government 
expenses  to  a  total  varying  from  $19, 000  to  $25,000; 
and  the  annual  supplies  from  Mexico  and  San  Bias, 
though  varying  considerably,,  do  not  seem  to  have 
fallen  short  of  the  total  appropriation  for  expenses, 
although  supplies  to  the  average  amount  of  $5,000 
were  obtained  from  the  missions,  and  others  from  San 
Jos6.  In  fact  these  supplies  were  purchased  with 
articles  sent  from  Mexico  or  with  drafts  on  Mexico, 
so  that  in  either  case  the  amounts  were  included  in 
the  memorias.  Tithes  and  postage  in  this  district 

15  Aug.  1791,  four  mechanics  came.  Tailors  did  $125  of  work  for  pri- 
vate parties.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  95;  xiii.  3.  1792,  stone-cutters  and 
masons,  Santiago  Ruiz,  Salvador  Rivera,  and  Pedro  Alcantara.  Id.,  ii.  9,  10. 
Six  mechanics  arrived  in  July.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  73-4.  1793,  the 
armorer  Pedro  Gonzalez  Garcia  ordered  to  remain  at  Monterey.  Id. ,  xiii.  56-8. 
1794,  one  bricklayer  and  a  carpenter,  also  three  masons  to  work  on  church. 
Id.,  xii.  192-3;  xxi.  128-9.  1796,  a  tailor  and  a  listonero  to  remain.  Prov. 
I'ec.,  MS.,  v.  78.  Alcantara  left  this  year.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  23G. 
Salvador  Bejar  engaged  as  carpenter  in  April.  Id.,  xxi.  238.  Antonio  Her- 
nandez, a  saddler,  in  August.  Id.,  xxi.  44.  April  28,  1797,  weavers  Mendoza 
and  Enriquez  must  be  sent  to  Monterey;  200  arrobas  of  wool  to  be  bought  in 
the  south.  Prov.  jRec.,  MS.,  iv.  89.  July  20,  1797,  a  manufactory  of  blankets 
renders  importation  unnecessary.  Sal  to  Borica,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xvi. 
233.  In  1797  the  tailoring  account  was  as  follows:  work  done,  $573;  expense 
of  supporting  six  apprentices,  $295;  paid  to  the  tailor  £  of  proceeds,  $34;  net 
proceeds,  $244.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxv.  5,  6.  Proceeds  in  1800, 
$225.  Id.,  xxviii.  3.  The  weaver  and  saddler  earned  in  1800,  down  to  the 
time  of  discharge,  $1,365.  Id.,  xxviii.  6.  Weaving  suspended  by  Sal.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  18,  19. 


MINOR  HAPPENINGS.  685 

yielded  to  the  royal  treasury  about  $400  each  per 
year,  while  the  tobacco  revenue  was  from  $1,000  to 
§2,000,  and  the  sale  of  papal  indulgences  yielded  from 
$75  to  $125.  The  annual  inventory  showed  the  con- 
tents of  the  warehouses  to  be  usually  about  $40,000.16 
In  addition  to  the  foregoing  statistics  Monterey  annals 
from  1791  to  1800  present  nothing  of  interest  which 
has  not  been  recorded  in  preceding  chapters  devoted 
to  gubernatorial  changes,  precautions  against  foreign- 
ers, and  the  movements  of  vessels.  The  only  foreign 
craft  that  touched  at  Monterey  during  the  decade  were 
those  of  Vancouver  in  1792-4;  the  English  Providence 
under  Broughton  in  1796;  the  American  Otter  under 
Dorr  in  the  same  year;  and  an  unknown  vessel  that 
anchored  in  the  bay  in  1800.  The  only  Indian 
troubles  in  this  district  that  require  notice  were  those 
at  San  Juan  and  have  already  been  described.17 

The  mission  of  the  Monterey  jurisdiction,  besides 
the  new  establishments,  San  Miguel,  Soledad,  and  San 
Juan  Bautista,  were  San  Cdrlos,  San  Antonio,  and 
San  Luis  Obispo.  At  San  Cdrlos  Father  Arenaza 
served  as  minister  until  1797,  when  he  left  the  coun- 
try.18 Sefian  was  permitted  to  retire  in  1795  to  the 

16 Monterey  presidial  accounts  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL,  MS.,  xiii.  2, 
20;  xiv.  4,  8;  xvi.  5;  xvii.  8,9;  xviii.  1,5-7,8-11;  xix.  7-9;  xxiii.  7-9,  11; 
xxiv.  17;  xxv.  3-5,  8-9,  11-13;  xxvi.  5-7;  xxvii.  1,  5,6;  xxviii.  6,  8,  9,20; 
xxxiii.  13,  14;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  1-4;  ii.  36,  64;  v.  71;  vi.  118-20;  vii. 
59,  81-8?  ix.  48;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  13;  ii.  17, 18;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.  8,  11,  36-43,  68;  xxi.  120;  and  Perez  Fernandez,  Cuenta  General 
de  la  Habilitacion  de  Monterey,  1796,  MS.,  which  is  a  very  complete  report 
rendered  on  turning  over  the  company  accounts  to  Sal.  In  1793  the  gov- 
ernor pointed  out  an  error  in  the  treasury  accounts  of  about  $30,000.  The 
totals  of  the  habilitado's  accounts  varied  from  §60,000  to  $85,000.  The  bal- 
ance due  the  treasury  or  the  company  was  usually  only  a  few  hundred  dollars. 
The  company  applied  to  its  use  the  proceeds  of  tithes,  postage,  and  tobacco, 
and  paid  the  amounts  by  drafts  in  Mexico,  which  were  charged  on  the  next 
memoria.  The  habilitado's  commission  in  1796  was  $2,780.  Debt  of  com- 
pany in  1796,  $9,788.  In  1799  a  robbery  of  $800  from  the  warehouse  is  noted. 
The/oncZode  retencion  amounted  in  1799  to  $3,037  after  $587  had  been  paid 
out.  This  fund  was  due  to  36  men,  or  not  quite  $100  to  each. 

17  See  chapter  xxvi.,  this  volume. 

18Pascual  Martinez  de  Arenaza  came  to  Mexico  from  his  native  Basque 
province  of  Alava  in  1785.  He  volunteered  and  was  assigned  to  California  in 
1786,  with  a  good  reputation  from  the  guardian,  though  his  experience  was 
limited  and  his  character  somewhat  vivo.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii. 
26-7.  After  a  term  as  supernumerary  he  served  as  minister  at  San  Carlos 


686  LOCAL  EVENTS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

college,,  though  he  subsequently  came  back  to  Cali- 
fornia. Arenaza  was  followed  in  the  ministry  by 
Francisco  Pujol  who  completed  the  decade;  Senan  by 
Antonio  Jaime  in  1795—6,  Mariano  Payerasin  1796—8, 
and  Jose  Vinals  from  1798,  Carnicer  serving  also  for 
a  short  period  in  1798-9.  Throughout  the  decade, 
moreover,  President  Lasuen  made  San  Carlos  his 
home  when  not  absent  on  one  of  his  frequent  tours 
through  the  province.  Although  the  baptisms,  790  in 
number,  exceeded  the  deaths  by  220,  yet  the  neo- 
phyte population  increased  during  this  decade  only 
from  733  to  758.  San  Carlos  had  reached  its  highest, 
figure,  927,  in  1794,  and  was  now  on  the  retrograde. 
Meanwhile  horses  and  cattle  had  increased  from  1,378 
to  2,180,  and  smaller  live-stock  from  1,263  to  4,160. 
The  crop  in  1800  was  about  6,000  bushels;  the  largest 
in  1797,  7,400  bushels;  the  smallest  in  1795,  1,100 
bushels;19  average  3,700  bushels. 

Vancouver  was  at  San  Carlos  on  Sunday,  Decem- 
ber 2,  1792,  and  while  he  gives  no  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  the  establishment,  contenting  himself  with 
the  remark  that  the  buildings,  though  smaller,  were 
similar  in  architecture  and  material  to  those  of  San 
Francisco  and  Santa  Clara  previously  visited,  he  pre- 
sents a  drawing  which  shows  four  buildings  irregularly 
arranged  and  partially  enclosing  a  square.  The  old 

from  1788  to  1797.  On  the  expiration  of  his  10  years  of  service  he  was 
granted  permission  to  retire  on  July  8,  1797.  The  last  trace  of  his  presence  in 
California  is  on  Oct.  3d  of  the  same  year  when  he  officiated  at  Soledad.  Sole- 
clad,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  20.  After  his  arrival  in  Mexico  he  died  of  phthisis 
before  May  14,  1799,  as  we  learn  from  a  letter  of  the  guardian  in  Arch.  Sta 
Bdrbara,  MS.,  xi.  281-2. 

19  Barley  was  usually  produced  in  as  large  quantities  as  wheat,  and  maize 
was  not  far  behind.  In  1795  both  were  a  total  failure.  This  year  supplies 
had  to  be  obtained  from  Santa  Clara.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  22J-3Q. 
1796  was  not  much  better  than  1795,  and  in  1792  the  crops  had  been  very 
light,  and  heavy  rains  after  the  harvest  not  only  injured  much  grain  in  the 
warehouses,  but  prevented  the  hauling  of  supplies  from  abroad.  St.  Pa])., 
Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  G8.  April  2,  1790,  governor  says  the  troops  are  suffering 
want  in  consequence  of  droughts  for  three  successive  years.  Prov.  St.  Pup., 
MS.,  xxi.  235.  Aug.  12,  1797,  he  rejoices  at  a  surplus  of  1, 700 fauegas  of  bar- 
Icy  and  200  of  pease  at  San  Carlos.  Prov.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  vi.  194.  There  was  a  gen- 
eral drought  in  1800,  but  San  Carlos  had  good  crops.  Id.,  ix.  7;  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
.  vii.  09.  Supplies  furnished  to  the  presidio  in  1795-G,  $1,763  and  $1,334. 
Prov.  St.  Pup.,  MS.,  xvi.  203,  206. 


SAN  CARLOS  MISSION.  687 

church,  partly  thatched  and  partly  tiled,  stands  on 
the  left  of  the  picture,  and  probably  on  the  west  side 
of  the  square.  Three  bells  hang  on  a  frame  raised 
on  a  stone  foundation;  a  lofty  cross,  bearing  a  close 
resemblance  to  a  modern  telegraph-pole,  rears  its 
head  near  the  centre  of  the  plaza,  and  just  beyond, 
almost  in  contact  with,  and  apparently  north-east- 
ward from,  the  old  church,  are  the  rising  stone  walls 
of  a  new  one.  Beyond,  on  an  eminence,  may  be  seen 
a  corral  for  cattle,  while  at  the  right  are  the  conical 
huts  of  the  neophytes.  The  new  church  was  being 
built  of  a  soft,  straw-colored  stone,  which,  was  said  to 
harden  on  exposure  to  the  air.  The  lime  used  was 
made  from  sea-shells.  This  church,  the  ruins  of 
which  are  still  to  be  seen  on  the  banks  of  the  Car- 
melo,  was  completed  and  dedicated  in  September 
1797.20  Nothing  occurred  to  vary  the  monotonous 
routine  of  mission  life  at  San  Carlos,  unless  a  rather 
curious  illustration  of  the  method  in  which  justice 
was  administered  be  worth  a  place  in  the  record. 
Estanislao,  a  neophyte,  did  not  live  happily  with  his 

20  There  is  some  confusion  among  the  different  authorities  respecting  this 
church.  Vancouver,  Voyage,  ii.  10,  34-6,  gives  the  views  alluded  to,  and 
says  distinctly  that  the  natives  were  at  work  on  the  new  church  at  the  time 
of  his  visit  in  1792,  the  only  visit  mentioned  in  his  work.  But  President 
Lasuen,  in  two  letters  of  June  7  and  Dec.  10,  1794,  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS., 
vi.  219-20;  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  38,  says  that  the  lirst  stone  was  laid 
on  July  7,  1793,  or  a  year  after  Vancouver's  visit.  He  says  that  the  mason 
Jcluiz  came  to  San  Carlos  in  December  1792,  but  that  no  materials  were  ready, 
and  ho  had  to  wait  until  the  rainy  season  was  past.  It  is  impossible  to 
reconcile  these  two  statements;  the  difficulty  may,  however,  be  partially 
removed  by  supposing  that  Vancouver's  picture  was  made  at  his  third  visit, 
in  1794.  Taylor,  Discov.  and  Founders,  ii.,  No.  28,  1G7,  tells  us  that  the  new 
church  was  dedicated  Feb.  2,  1793;  while  David  Spence,  Id.,  ii.,  No.  24,  3, 
says  it  was  finished  in  1786;  that  it  stood  north  and  south,  forming  the 
\vest  side  of  the  square,  and  coming  up  nearly  to  the  west  end  of  the  present 
cliurch;  that  the  foundations  were  still  visible  in  1851;  and  that  Serra's 
remains  were  removed  on  the  day  of  dedication,  being  buried  at  the  foot 
of  the  altar.  1794,  masonry  church  half  finished;  1797,  '  muy  adelantada.' 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  5,  29,  100.  1797,  finished,  with  tile  roof.  Id.,  120. 
Consecrated  in  September  1797.  Lasuen,  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii. 
66.  In  1798  the  Indians  still  lived  in  miserable  grass  huts.  Sal's  Report,  in 
Prov.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  65.  1793-4,  several  Indians  work  as  carpenters, 
bricklayers,  and  stone-cutters  under  the  instruction  of  the  king's  artisans. 
Arch,  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  59.  1794,  one  master  of  each  of  the  trades 
mentioned  assigned  to  San  Carlos.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  192-3.  1799, 
henip  used  to  some  extent  for  clothing  for  neophytes.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi. 
117. 


688  LOCAL  EVEXTS-MOXTEREY  DISTRICT. 

wife,  and  finally  left  her  in  the  woods,  after  having 
administered  some  severe  blows.  So  he  confessed  to 
his  mistress,  and  so  he  testified  before  Sergeant  Var- 
gas, who  w^as  sent  to  investigate  after  the  dead  body 
of  the  woman  had  been  found.  But  Estanislao's  tes- 
timony was  somewhat  conflicting  as  to  the  force  and 
manner  of  his  blows,  and  he  was  acquitted  on  the 
theory  that  his  spouse  might  have  been  killed  by  a 
bear.21 

At  San  Antonio  de  Padua  de  los  Robles  the  gain 
in  neophyte,  population  was  from  1,076  to  1,118,  with 
767  baptisms  and  656  deaths,  this  mission  thus  reced- 
ing from  the  first  to  the  fourth  place,  behind  Santa 
Clara,  San  Diego,  and  San  Gabriel.  Cattle  and 
horses  had  decreased  from  2,232  to  2,217,  having 
been  as  low  as  1,175  in  1795.  Small  stock  had  in- 
creased only  from  1,984  to  2,075;  but  240  goats  had 
disappeared  altogether.  Crops  were  1,700  bushels  in 
1800,  4,200  bushels  in  1799  and  420  bushels  in  1795 
being  the  extremes,  and  the  average  2,200  bushels.22 
In  1787  the  San  Antonio  church  was  mentioned  as 
one  of  the  best  in  California;  in  1793  a  block  eighty 
varas  long  and  one  vara  thick  was  built  for  friars' 
houses,  church,  and  storehouse;  and  in  1797  the  church 
is  mentioned  as  of  adobes  with  tile  roof.  The  huts 
of  the  neophytes  were  of  a  more  substantial  character 
than  at  San  Carlos.23  The  two  venerable  founders 
Pieras  and  Sitjar  served  together  until  1794,  when 

21  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  20-7.     Estanislao  was  freed  by  an  order  of 
Arrillaga  dated  Loreto,  Sept.  13,  1792. 

22  Wheat  was  the  leading  crop,  barley  and  corn  varying  greatly,  but  the 
latter  generally  in  excess.     1794-6  were  very  hard  years.     In   1795-6  the 
Indians  killed  a  good  deal  of  stock,  and  Lasuen  favored  severe  measures,  to 
dispel  the  Indians'  prevalent  idea  that  Spanish  forbearance  proceeded  from 
weakness.  Arch.   Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii.  04-5.     Supplies  to  the  presidio  in 
1795-6,  §1,490  and  $483.  Pro?-.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,   xvi.  203,  206.     Hard  times 
in  respect  of  church  vestments  in  1795-1800.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xii. 
C2  64 

"'23  Pages,  Informe  Gen.,  MS.,  146;  Si  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  121;  ii.  120-1; 
Sal's  Report  inProv.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  65.  The  exact  meaning  of  the  re- 
port of  1793  is  not  clear.  In  1794  an  adobe  room  14  x  9  varas,  and  a  tile- 
roofed  pozolera,  or  porridge -room,  were  completed. 


SAN  LUIS  OBISPO.  689 

the  former,  worn  out  with  his  long  labors,  retired  to 
his  college,24  and  was  succeeded  by  Jose  de  la  Cruz 
Espi  in  1793-4,  Jose  Manuel  Martiarena  in  1794-5, 
and  Marcelino  Cipres  from  1795.  Sitjar  was  absent 
at  San  Miguel  from  July  1797  to  August  1798,  and 
his  place  was  filled  by  Benito  Catalan,  who  served 
here  from  1796  to  1799.25 

At  San  Luis  Obispo  Miguel  Giribet  continued  as 
senior  missionary  until  1799,  when  he  left  California 
for  his  college;26  and  President  Lasuen  seems  to  have 
acted  as  senior  minister  after  Giribet's  departure  until 
August  1800,  when  Jose  Miguel  came.  The  position 
of  associate  was  held  successfully  by  Estevan  Tapis 
in  1790-3,  Gregorio  Fernandez  in  1794-6,  Antonio 
Peyri  in  1796-8,  and  Luis  Antonio  Martinez,  who 
began  his  long  ministry  in  1798.  Bartolome  Gili 
spent  some  time  here  before  his  departure  in  1794.27 

24  Miguel  Pieras  was  a  native  of  the  island  of  Mallorca;  was  appointed  to 
the  California  missions  in  August  1770;  left  the  college  in  October;  sailed 
from  San  Bias  in  January  1771;  arrived  at  San  Diego  March  12th,  and  at 
Monterey  May  21st.     His  only  service  as  regular  minister  was  at  San  Anto- 
nio where  he  served  from  the  foundation  July  14,  1772,  to  April  or  May  1794. 
His  last  signature  in  the  mission-books  was  April  27th.     His  license  from 
the  viceroy  was  dated  Jan.  10th,  and  that  of  the  governor  on  May  31st.     I 
have  found  nothing  in  the  records  bearing  upon  his  character.     For  his  hand- 
writing and  autograph  see  San  Antonio,  Doc.  Sueltos,  MS.,  18,  22. 

25  Nothing  is  known  of  Padre  Benito  Catalan  beyond  the  fact  that  he 
served  at  San  Antonio,  was  one  of  the  unfortunate  padres  afflicted  with  in- 
sanity, Lasuen,  in  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  56,  and  sailed  from  San  Diego 
on  the  Conception  in  January  1800. 

26  Miguel  Giribet  came  to  California  in  1785  where  he  served  two  years  at 
San  Francisco  and  12  at  San  Luis  Obispo.     It  is  noticeable  that  President 
Lasuen  in  a  letter  of  Aug.  13,  1799,  to  Borica,  credits  Giribet  with  only  12 
years  of  service  in  California.     He  was  zealous  and  successful,  but  as  was  so 
frequently  the  case  his  health  was  unequal  to  his  task.    His  last  signature  on 
the  San  Luis  books  was  on  Oct.  2,  1799.     His  license  from  the  governor  was 
dated  Aug.  22d,  and  he  sailed  from  San  Diego  on  Jan.  16,  1800.     He  died  in 
1804  at  the  college.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  60-1,  283,  294;  Arch.  Arzo- 
bispado, MS.,  i.  56;  S.  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.;  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Lib. 
de  Mision,  MS. 

27  Bartolomd  Gili  came  to  California  in  1791,  and  served  irregularly,  as 
supernumerary  for  the  most  part,  at  San  Antonio,  Soledad,  and  San  Luis, 
from  1791  to  1794.    He  was  one  of  the  few  black  sheep  in  the  missionary  fold. 
He  asked  leave  to  retire  in  1793  on  a  plea  of  ill-health,  but  his  request  was 
denied  until  a  full  report  could  be  rendered  respecting  the  peculiar  nature  of 
his  illness  and  his  immoral  excesses  for  a  period  of  five  years.    The  full  results 
of  the  investigation  are  not  known;  but  Gili  sailed  as  chaplain  of  the  Con- 
ception in  August  1 794. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  I.    4A 


690  LOCAL  EVENTS— MONTEREY  DISTRICT. 

San  Luis  with  675  baptisms  and  523  deaths  had 
gained  in  neophyte  population  from  605  in  1790  to 
726  in  1800;  but  this  mission  had  reached  its  highest 
figure  of  population  in  1794  with  946  souls.  Cattle 
and  horses  had  increased  to  6,500  head;  sheep  to 
6,150;  and  2,700  bushels  of  grain  were  raised  in  1800, 
4,100  bushels  in  1798  being  the  largest  yield,  1,800  in 
1791  the  smallest,  and  3,200  bushels  the  average.  No 
barley  was  raised  at  this  mission.28  A  water-power 
mill  was  finished  early  in  1798;  a  miller,  smith,  and 
carpenter  of  the  king's  artisan  instructors  were  sent 
here  in  1794;  and  a  small  quantity  of  cotton  from 
San  Bias  was  woven  on  the  mission  looms.29  The 
church,  of  adobes  with  tile  roof,  was  built  before 
1793,  in  which  year  a  portico  was  added  to  the  front. 
In  1794  the  ministers'  house,  work-room,  barrack, 
and  guard-house  were  completed.  The  native  huts 
here  were  well  built  and  afforded  sufficient  protection 
against  everything  but  fire.30 

In  1794  a  slight  ripple  of  excitement  was  caused 
by  what  seems  to  have  been  an  attempt  to  incite  an 
Indian  revolt  at  San  Luis.  Four  or  five  gentile  chiefs 
were  the  guilty  parties,  and  they  sent  agents  with 
presents  to  enlist  the  neophytes  of  Purisima.  Indeed 
this  sending  of  agents  was  apparently  the  only  overt 
act  committed;  but  the  neophytes  refused  to  attack 
their  Christian  friends  for  any  such  paltry  presents  as 
were  offered,  and  the  matter  ended  with  the  condem- 
nation of  five  ringleaders  to  hard  work  at  the  presi- 
dios.31 Subsequently  in  the  beginning  of  1797  the 
natives  were  in  an  excited  condition  over  the  murder 
of  a  neophyte  by  two  gentiles,  but  the  presence  of 
Captain  Ortega  served  to  restore  quiet. 

28  Supplies  to  Monterey  presidio  in  1795-6,  $2,504  and  $1,131.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  203,  206;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  222.  The  governor  granted  a 
piece  of  land  at  Santa  Margarita  to  the  invalid  corporal  Cayuelas  in  the  name 
of  his  neophyte  wife,  butLasuen  objected.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  398. 

29 Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  iv.  177;  vi.  08;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  192-3;  St. 
Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  6,  108;  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  30-2/>X 

30  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  119;  ii.  21,  120;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  65. 

31  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  100-3,  194. 


CENTRAL  DISTRICT. 


691 


MAP  or  MONTEREY. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

LOCAL  EVENTS  AND  PROGRESS— SAN  FRANCISCO 
JURISDICTION. 

1791-1800. 

SAN  FRANCISCO  OFFICIALS — MILITARY  FORCE— POPULATION — FINANCE — PRE- 
SIDIO BUILDINGS — PLAN — CASTILLO  DE  SAN  JOAQUIN  AT  FORT  POINT— 
C6RDOBA's  REPORT — RAVAGES  OF  ELEMENTS — REPAIRS — BATTERY  OF 
YERBABUENA  AT  BLACKPOINT — VANCOUVER'S  VISITS— CAPTAIN  BROWN- 
MINES  DISCOVERED — ALBERNI'S  COMPANY — WRECK  OF  THE  '  SAN  CAR- 
LOS ' — THE  '  ELIZA  ' — RANCHO  DEL  REY — MISSION  VERSUS  PRESIDIO — 
INDIAN  AFFAIRS — RUNAWAY  NEOPHYTES — AMADOR'S  CAMPAIGNS — 
PADRE'S  CRUELTY — SAN  FRANCISCO  MISSION — FATHERS  CAMBON,  ESPI, 
DANTI,  GARCIA,  AND  FERNANDEZ — BUILDINGS,  STATISTICS,  INDUSTRIES — 
PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JOSE — INHABITANTS  AND  OFFICIALS— STATISTICS — HEMP 
CULTURE — LOCAL  EVENTS — PROPOSED  REMOVAL — BOUNDARY  DISPUTE — 
SANTA  CLARA — PENA  AND  NOBOA — POPULATION,  AGRICULTURE,  BUILD- 
INGS, AND  MANUFACTURES. 

THE  official  list  of  San  Francisco  for  this  decade  is 
confused,  though  the  minor  complications  are  hardly 
worth  recording.  Jose  Argliello  was  the  lieutenant, 
brevetted  captain  in  179 8,  of  the  company, and  properly 
its  commander  throughout  the  period;  but  he  was 
absent  in  Monterey  from  1791  to  1796,  during  which 
absence  Alferez  Hermenegildo  Sal  of  the  Monterey 
company  was  acting  comandante  until  the  middle  of 
1794,  and  Alferez  Josd  Perez  Fernandez  from  that 
time  till  the  spring  of  1796.  The  same  persons  acted 
as  habilitados,  except  that  Raimundo  Carrillo  served 
in  179  6-7. *  It  must  be  noted,  however,  that  Lieu- 

1  These  brief  statements  are  made  from  a  careful  study  of  the  Go  distinct 
references  to  different  archives  which  are  before  me,  but  which  it  would  serve 
no  good  purpose  to  print.  About  the  date  of  Argiiello's  return  there  is  some 
confusion.  May  2,  1795,  viceroy's  order  tLat  Argiiello  rejoin  his  company. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  85,  91.  Ordered  by  governor  in  January  1790  to 

(692) 


PRESIDIAL  COMPANY.  693 

tenant-colonel  Pedro  de  Alberni,  captain  of  the  Cata- 
lan volunteers,  by  reason  of  his  superior  rank  in  the 
army,  was  commandant  of  the  military  post  from 
April  1796.  The  alferez  of  the  presidial  company 
was  Ramon  Lasso  de  la  Vega  until  the  end  of  1791, 
Jose  Perez  Fernandez  from  1792  until  1797,  and 
Manuel  Rodriguez  from  1797  to  1800,  although  he 
never  served  at  San  Francisco,  and  the  place  was 
practically  vacant.  The  position  of  sergeant  was  held 
throughout  the  decade  by  Pedro  Amador. 

The  company  was  composed  of  thirty-one  privates, 
besides  the  sergeant  and  four  corporals.  After  the 
middle  of  1796  the  military  force  was  augmented  by 
detachments  of  twenty-five  Catalan  volunteers  and 
seven  or  eight  artillerymen.  There  were  also  from 
three  to  eight  pensioners,  making  79  men  in  all,  who 
with  their  families  constituted  a  population,  not  includ- 
ing San  Jose  and  Branciforte,  of  225  within  the  juris- 
diction. With  the  two  pueblos  the  population  was 
460,  and  the  christianized  natives  numbered  2,670. 
Not  less  than  twenty  of  the  soldiers  were  usually 
scattered  in  the  mission  and  pueblo  guards,  so  that 
before  the  infantry  reenforcement  came  the  presidio 
had  but  a  very  small  force,  and  when  parties  had  to 
be  sent  with  despatches,  or  against  the  natives,  or  for 

turn  over  command  at  Monterey  and  go  to  San  Francisco.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  vii.  38-9;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  178.  Took  command  in  April.  Id.,  v. 
85.  But  there  are  indications  that  Argiiello  went  again  to  Monterey  to  com- 
mand for  a  short  time  in  the  spring  of  1 797.  He  returned  to  San  Francisco 
April  18th.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  57,  212.  Sal  gave  up  the  command  to 
Perez  on  June  30,  1794.  Id.,  xvi.  84;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  ii.  149.  Perez  retained 
the  command  until  November  1795,  when  Sal  seems  to  have  resumed  it  for  a 
few  months  until  Argiiello's  arrival.  Id.,  iv.  237;  v.  75.  But  Sal  did  not 


1797.  Id.,  vi.  7.  Carrillo's  accounts  at  the  end  of  August  showed  a  deficit  of 
$1,823.  Figures  given  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Presid.,  MS.,  i.  81-2,  84-7.  Also  stated 
to  have  been  $1,425,  and  $1,946.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  265,  267;  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  80-1.  This  amount  was  charged  to  the  company,  until  it  could  be 
repaid  from  half  of  Carrillo's  pay  as  alferez.  It  was  a  great  hardship  to  the 
soldiers  and  their  families;  and  Argiiello  thought  it  particularly  unjust  that 
the  presidal  company  should  have  to  bear  the  whole  burden  \vhile  the  volun- 
teers and  artillerymen  were  exempt,  and  also  while  Lasso  de  la  Vega  was  re- 
ceiving half -pay  and  was  not  required  to  pay  up  his  old  indebtedness.  Id 
xvi.  40-1. 


694  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

supplies,  the  post  was  left  almost  deserted.2  Prom 
the  fragmentary  company  accounts  that  have  been 
preserved  we  learn  that  the  annual  appropriation  for 
pay-roll  and  contingent  fund  of  San  Francisco  was 
a  little  less  than  $10,000;  supplies  from  Mexico 
amounted  on  an  average  to  about  $7,000;  and  sup- 
plies from  the  missions  about  $3,000.  At  the  end  of 
each  year  an  inventory  showed  from  $11,000  to  $16,- 
000  worth  of  goods  in  the  presidial  warehouse.3 

The  subject  of  presidio  buildings  received  a  large 
share  of  attention  and  correspondence  between  1791 

2  March  4,  1792.    Nov.  1,  1794,  complaints  of  commandant.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xi.  51-2,  56;  xii.  42.     Thirty  soldiers  were  left  at  San  Francisco  in  April 
1797  as  a  temporary  expedient,  Id.,  xxi.  255-6;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  viii.  178; 
and  there  were  also  workmen  left  at  other  times  not  included  in  the  statistics 
of  population.    The  guard  at  Sau  Francisco  mission  was  four  men.    Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  25,  77;  xiii.  231.     List  of  the  cuera  soldiers  and  their  families 
in  1795.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  236-7,  242-4.     List  of  the  artillerymen. 
Id.,  xiii.  75.     List  of  volunteers.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxiv.  1,  2.     List  of  presidial 
company  in  1798.  Id.,  xvi.   16,  17.     Company  rolls  and  statement,  in  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.  xxviii.;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  v. 

3  Company  accounts  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xiii.-xviii.  passim; 
St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  52;  ii.  36;  v.  60,  73-4;  vi.  120.     Argiiello's  account  as 
habilitado  for  1800  is  as  follows:  charges  himself  with  effects  on  hand  Dec. 
31, 1799,  $14,748;  supplies  from  Mexico  and  San  Bias,  1800,  $10,876;  balances 
due   soldiers,  $3,299;   funds  of  montepio,  invdlidos,  and  retencion  (amounts 
held  for  the  soldiers),  $604;  proceeds  of  tobacco,  post-office,  and  tithes,  $1,403; 
debt  to  presidio  of  Monterey,  $881;  supplies  received  from  missions,  $3,417; 
draft  on  habilitado  general,  $680.     Total,  $35,748.     Credits  himself  with: 
pay-roll  of  company  and  pensioners,  $9,504;   amount  paid  company  on  old 
account,  $3,573;   other  sums  paid,  $565;   paid  debt  of  1799  to  Monterey, 
$2,593;  paid  missions  for  supplies  of  1799,  $3,776;  amount  charged  by  habili- 
tado general,  $3,081;  effects  on  Dec.  31,  1800,  $12,885.   Total,  $35,977.  Balance 
in  favor  of  Argiiello,  $229.     The  fondo  de  retencion  (money  held  back  from  a 
soldier's  pay  to  be  given  him  at  discharge)  amounted  in  the  early  years  to 
about  $1.200,  but  later,  when  added  to  the  fondo  de  invdlidos  (percentage  on 
pay  reserved  with  which  to  pay  pensions),  and  the  fondo  de  montepio  (per- 
centage on  officers'  pay  for  their  widows),  it  amounted  to  only  about  $700. 
JSt.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  60,  73-4;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  202-3.     In  1795 
the  habilitado  reports  only  $3,490  to  pay  for  the  next  year's  supplies.  St.  Pap. , 
Sac.,  MS.,  i.  52.     Of  $1,122  in  coin  sent  up  in  1796.  $266 was  paid  to  soldiers, 
$300  to  the  mission,  and  $400  to  Argiiello;  so  that  the  sergeant  applying  for 
money  was  told  to  wait.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  i.     In  1798  the  presidio 
got  $6,404  in  supplies  from  the  missions.    Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xvii.   12,   13.     In 
1797  the  amount  was  $8,973.  Id.,  xxv.  9,  10.     In  1799  it  was  $3,776.  Id., 
xxvi.  7,  8.     In  1800  it  was  $3,417.  Id.,  xxviii.  18,  19.     Accounts  of  tithes  are 
neither  complete  nor  altogether  intelligible.     For  some  years  the  proceeds  are 
given  as  $500  and  in  others  $80,  some  reports  perhaps  including  the  whole 
jurisdiction  and  others  not.     Papal  bulls  yielded  in  1797  only  $2.     The  net 
proceeds  of  the  post-office  averaged  $83  per  year  for  the  decade.    Revenues  from 
tobacco  sales  were  from  $500  to  $1 ,500,  averaging  $1 , 100.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. , 
xxi.   193;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xiii.  7;  xiv.  5;  viii.  14;  ix.  1;  xvii.  12;  xviii.  2,  3; 
xxi.  1;  xxv.  9;  xxvi.  7;  xxvii.  2;  xxviii.  14,  15. 


PRESIDIO  BUILDINGS. 


695 


and  1800,  with  but  meagre  results  so  far  as  the 
presidio  proper  was  concerned.  On  March  4,  1792, 
Comandante  Sal  sent  the  governor  a  description 
accompanied  by  a  plan  which  I  reproduce.4  Three 
sides  of  the  square  of  120  yards  were  occupied  by 
adobe  walls  and  houses,  both  of  adobes  and  of  rough 
stones  laid  in  mud;  and  the  fourth  side  was  protected 
by  a  primitive  palisade  fence.  All  the  structures 
were  roofed  with  straw  and  tules,  exposed  to  fire  and 
at  the  mercy  of  the  winds.  All,  except  the  com- 


PLAN  OP  SAN  FRANCISCO,  1792. 

mandant's  house  lately  completed  and  two  or  three  of 
the  soldiers'  houses,  were,  through  the  poor  quality 
of  materials  and  wTant  of  knowledge  and  care  on  the 
part  of  the  builders,  liable  to  fall  at  any  moment,  the 
church  being  in  a  particularly  precarious  condition. 
None  of  the  structures  were  those  originally  built; 
each  year  some  of  them  had  fallen  and  been  restored 
in  the  same  faulty  manner  with  the  same  perishable 

*Sal,  Informes  sobre  los  Edificios  de  San  Francisco,  1792,  MS.  1.  Com- 
mandant's house,  4  rooms  and  yard,  37  x  6  varas,  of  adobes.  2.  Sergeant's 
house,  of  stone,  without  mortar.  3.  Chapel  19  x  8  varas.  4.  Barracks, 
guard-house,  and  calabooses,  of  adobe  and  stones.  5,  6.  Warehouses  for  food 
and  clothing,  of  stones  and  mud.  The  other  structures  are  the  soldiers' 
dwellings. 


C06  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

material.  Timber  had  to  be  brought  thirty  miles,  and 
tules  nine  miles.  The  garrison  was  so  small  and  its 
duties  so  many  that  Sal  deemed  it  impossible  to  accom- 
plish the  necessary  repairs.  At  the  end  of  the  year 
the  same  condition  of  affairs  existed,  and  Sal  urged 
the  government  to  send  eight  or  ten  sailor-workmen 
and  a  bricklayer;  otherwise  an  appropriation  of  $3,000 
would  be  required  to  hire  Indian  laborers.  Mean- 
while Vancouver  visited  and  described  the  presidio  in 
November,  and  he  describes  it  as  a  "  square  area 
whose  sides  were  about  two  hundred  yards  in  length 
enclosed  by  a  mud  wall,  and  resembling  a  pound  for 
cattle.  Above  this  wall  the  thatched  roofs  of  their 
low  small  houses  just  made  their  appearance."  One 
side  was  "  very  indifferently  fenced  in  by  a  few  bushes 
here  and  there,  fastened  to  stakes  in  the  ground." 
The  wall  was  "  about  fourteen  feet  high,  and  five  feet 
in  breadth,  and  was  first  formed  by  uprights  and  hor- 
izontal rafters  of  large  timber,  between  which  dried 
sods  and  moistened  earth  were  pressed  as  close  and 
hard  as  possible,  after  which  the  whole  wras  cased  with 
the  earth  made  into  a  sort  of  mud  plaster,  which  gave 
it  the  appearance  of  durability."  The  church  had 
been  whitewashed  and  was  neat  in  comparison  to  the 
rest.  The  floor  in  the  commandant's  house  was  the 
native  soil  raised  about  three  feet  above  the  original 
level.  The  windows  were  mere  holes  in  the  thick 
walls,  without  glass.5 

In  1793-4  complaints  and  calls  for  aid  continued, 
but  attention  was  given  almost  exclusively  to  new 
fortifications  on  the  shore  to  the  neglect  of  the  presidio 

5  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.  7-9.  There  is  a  communication  from  Sal  to 
Arrillaga  dated  Nov.  29th,  stating  that  work  on  the  building  was  finished, 
tile  roofs  on  the  church,  warehouses,  and  nine  new  houses  for  soldiers;  but 
this  does  not  agree  with  the  other  records,  and  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  why 
such  a  letter  was  written.  St.  Pap. ,  Sac. ,  MS. ,  i.  118.  August  20,  1 793,  the  gov- 
ernor informs  the  viceroy  of  the  bad  condition  of  the  buildings,  although 
$1,400  have  been  spent  on  repairs  since  the  foundation.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xxi.  114-15.  Dec.  29th,  Sal  to  Borica,  the  $1,200  gratuity  for  the  troops  for 
building  the  presidio  not  yet  received;  nor  are  there  any  lists.  Hints  that 
the  other  presidios  get  $4,000.  Id.,  xi.  54,  57. 


PROGRESS  IN  BUILDINGS.  697 

square.6  Late  in  1794  Sal  proposed  removal  to  a  better 
site  near  Fort  Point.  Borica  would  not  consent  until 
he  had  made  a  personal  examination;  but  in  June 
1795  he  reported  in  favor  of  the  scheme  and  esti- 
mated the  cost  of  the  new  presidio  at  $11,716.  The 
viceroy  disapproved  so  large  an  outlay  for  buildings 
of  doubtful  utility,  the  matter  was  dropped,  and  the 
rains  and  winds  continued  their  ravages,7  the  drifting 
sand  contributing  to  the  devastation  by  covering  the 
powder-magazine,  notwithstanding  the  soldiers'  efforts. 
Quarters  of  some  kind  must  have  been  built  for  the 
volunteers  and  artillerymen,8  but  I  find  no  evidence 
that  there  was  any  material  improvement  within  the 
presidio  square  from  the  date  of  Vancouver's  visit  to 
1800. 

Still  there  was  some  building  done  in  the  way  of 
fortifications.       In    the    general    movement    already 

6  Aug.  8,  1794,- Perez  Fernandez  and  others  state  that  nothing  has  been 
done,  and  the  soldiers  are  overburdened  with  work.     The  buildings  should  be 
solidly  constructed  to  avoid  later  repairs,  and  he  and  the  commandant  will 
guarantee  to  complete  the  work  economically  and  well  if  a  few  mechanics  can 
be  furnished.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  v.  108-10.  Arrillaga  informs  Borica  of  the 
needs  of  San  Francisco  in  1794.  Papel  de  Pantos,  MS.,  192.     Jan.  31,  1794, 
commandant  to  governor;  house  of  2d  officer  in  a  bad  state;  adobes  and  tiles 
melting  away;  will  try  to  save  the  timbers.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  66. 
Feb.  1,  1794,  rain  came  near  spoiling  the  powder,  but  hides  "and  tiles  were 
arranged  to  save  it.  Id.,  xii.  56. 

7  Nov.  1,  1794,  commandant  to  governor.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  35-6. 
Dec.  3,  Borica's  reply.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  28,  54-5.     June  27,  1795,  B.  to 
viceroy,  old  buildings  ready  to  fall;  total  expenses  since  1776,  $8,188;  presi- 
dio, 2,889  varas  from  fort ;  new  one,  481  varas.  Id.,  vi.  51.     Dec.  4,  1795,  V. 
R.  to  B.,  advises  that  the  new  structures  be  not  undertaken,  but  wants  addi- 
tional information.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  32-6.     Jan.  22,  1796,  a  heavy 
gale  did  much  damage  to  church  and  one  house.  Prov.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Mil. , 
MS.,  xxiii.  6,  7;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  81.     June  16,  B.  calls  for  a  report  from 
Alberni.  Prov.  St.  Pep.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxiv.  7.     June  30th,  Alberni  toB., 
he  disapproves  the  removal,  because  the  San  Joaquin  hill  has  no  water  and 
is  less  sheltered;  but  the  coming  rains  will  bring  the  old  buildings  down,  and 
a  new  presidio  should  be  begun.    C6rdoba  agrees  with  Alberni.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  iv.  36-7.     July  20,  1797,  Argiiello  to  B.    The  old  complaints.    Nothing 
done  yet.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  11,  12.     Aug.  8,  Id.  to  Id.     Warehouses 
badly  built  and  in  great  danger  from  fire.  Id.,  xvi.  39.     Aug.  19,  B.  orders 
Argiiello  to  have  warehouses  of  stone  or  adobe  built.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  267. 
In  January  1800  a  huricane  tore  off  several  roofs;  $1.799  were  spent  in  repairs 
during  the  year;  and  complaints  continued.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  24-7; 
xxi.  31. 

8  One  hundred  and  ninety-two  dollars  spent  on  quarters  for  volunteers. 
Expenditure  approved  by  viceroy  Feb.  28,  1798.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviL 
10,  11. 


698  LOCAL  EVENTS-SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

noticed  towards  the  strengthening  of  coast  defences 
San  Francisco  could  not  be  neglected,  since  it  was 
recognized  as  the  strongest  and  most  important  natu- 
ral position  in  California.  Vancouver  as  he  entered 
the  bay  was  saluted  by  a  brass  three-pounder  lashed 
to  a  log  at  Fort  Point,  and  he  found  another  mounted 
on  a  rotten  carriage  before  the  presidio.  There  had 
been  two  guns  here,  but  one  had  burst  shortly  before 
in  firing  a  salute  on  a  saint's  day.  No  wonder  the 
Englishman  was  surprised  at  the  unprotected  condi- 
tion of  so  important  a  point.  When  he  returned  in 
1793,  eleven  brass  nine-pounders  were  lying  on  the 
beach,  and  a  number  of  natives  were  erecting  what 
seemed  to  be  a  platform  or  barbette  battery  at  Fort 
Point;  but  this  was  intended  by  the  Spaniards  to  be 
a  much  more  formidable  work,  the  Castillo  de  San 
Joaquin,  to  command  the  entrance  to  San  Francisco 
Bay.  The  guns  had  been  sent  from  San  Bias  in  the 
Aranzazu,  and  a  gunner's  mate,  master-carpenter,  and 
one  or  two  workmen  had  begun  work  on  the  fort  in 
August.9  Thirty  neophytes  were  hired  from  the 
mission,  and  as  many  more  gentiles  from  San  Jose. 
Choppers  were  sent  to  the  distant  forests  down  the 
peninsula;  twenty-three  yoke  of  oxen  were  employed 
in  hauling  the  timber;  adobes,  bricks,  and  tiles  were 
rapidly  prepared,  and  the  work  was  pushed  forward 
until  interrupted  by  the  rains.  Soon  after  its  resump- 
tion in  the  spring  of  1794  there  came  an  order  from 
the  viceroy  that  the  works  here  and  elsewhere  were 
to  be  constructed  of  fascines,  to  avoid  heavy  expenses ; 
but  so  much  progress  had  been  made  that  it  was 
deemed  best  to  complete  the  fortification  as  begun, 

9  Vancouver**  Voyage,  ii.  9,  500.  Sept.  30,  1792,  Sal  reports  the  bursting 
of  the  gun  into  10  pieces,  nobody  hurt.  tit.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  14;  i.  117. 
Although  Vancouver  says  a  gun  was  fired,  Sal  reports  to  the  governor  that 
the  Chatham  got  no  salute  for  want  of  a  cannon.  Id.,  iii.  23.  Oct.  31st,  Sal  to 
Arrillaga.  Only  one  cannon,  and  that  burst  several  years  ago.  Cuadra  gave 
some  powder  and  promised  four  or  five  guns.  So  it  seems  that  the  presidio 
gun  was  not  so  effective  even  as  Vancouver  supposed.  Id.,  i.  119.  Aug.  20, 
1793,  Arrillaga  to  viceroy,  announcing  that  work  had  been  begun  on  a  fort. 
After  completing  it  the  men  will  go  to  Monterey.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  JNJS.,  xxi. 
113.  Dec.  31,  1793,  statement  of  munitions.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.  v.  61. 


CASTILLO  DE  SAN  JOAQUIN. 


699 


especially  as  earthworks  and  fascines  were  thought  to 
be  useless  here.  The  fort  was  completed  and  blessed 
under  the  name  of  San  Joaquin  on  December  8,  1794, 
the  eight  guns  of  the  battery  being  mounted,  the 
sentry-box,  casemate,  and  other  necessary  buildings 
being  attached,  and  nothing  more  being  required  but 
a  garrison  to  prevent  any  hostile  vessel  from  entering 


the  port — so  at  least  Arrillaga  believed.  We  have 
no  detailed  description  of  this  fort,  but  its  main  walls 
were  of  adobes,  faced  in  the  embrasures  with  bricks. 
The  annexed  plan  is  from  an  original  in  my  possession. 


700  LOCAL  EVENTS-SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

The  castillo  was  of  horseshoe  shape,  about  one  hundred 
by  one  hundred  and  twenty  feet.  Its  cost  was  $6,000, 
which  was  paid  with  some  reluctance  by  the  royal 
treasury.10 

The  elements  had  now  another  object  on  which  to 
exert  their  destructive  power,  and  repairs  kept  pace  as 
nearly  as  possible.  The  San  Carlos  brought  some 
new  guns  in  April  1796,  and  the  Conception  left 
twenty-four  sailors.  Cordoba  examined  the  fort  on 
his  arrival,  and  in  September  reported  unfavorably. 
The  structure  rested  mainly  on  sand;  the  brick-faced 
adobe  walls  crumbled  at  the  shock  whenever  a  salute 
was  fired;  the  guns  were  badly  mounted  and  for  the 
most  part  worn  out,  only  two  of  the  thirteen  twenty- 
four  pounders  being  serviceable  or  capable  of  sending 
a  ball  across  the  entrance  of  the  port.  The  wThole 
work,  protected  by  an  adobe  wall  with  one  gate,  was 
commanded  by  a  hill  in  the  rear,  and  the  garrison  of 

10  Jan.  30,  1794,  Sal  to  governor,  has  begun  to  fell  timber;  guns  on  the 
esplanade.  Prov.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  47-51.  Jan.  31st,  6  guns  in  the  battery 
facing  the  harbor.  Id.,  xii.  C7.  The  padres  endeavored  to  obtain  an  extra 
blanket  and  pair  of  breeches  for  each  neophyte  laborer  per  month  but  failed; 
1,500  adobes  being  made  daily.  April  30th,  a  sergeant  and  four  soldiers  in 
charge  of  the  laborers.  Id.,  xii.  74.  Twenty-two  Indians  ran  away  in  April. 
Id.,  xii.  53.  June  9th,  viceroy  acknowledges  receipt  of  advices  on  measures 
taken  to  complete  the  provisional  esplanade.  Id.,  xi.  174.  Jan.  10th,  vice- 
roy's orders  to  use  fascines  and  reduce  expenses.  June  12th,  governor's 
reply.  Id.,  xxi.  143-4;  xii.  120.  A  condestable,  carpenter,  and  two  sawyers 
sent  from  San  Bias,  and  a  bricklayer  and  tile-maker  were  also  retained.  The 
troops  did  most  of  the  wrork.  Arrillaga,  in  Id.,  xii.  191-2.  Dec.  1st,  com- 
mandant says  the  work  is  almost  finished,  and  he  sends  the  workmen  tc 
Monterey.  Id.,  xii.  31.  Dec.  3d,  governor  refers  to  the  tower,  sentry-box, 
and  other  buildings  as  being  nearly  done.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  29.  Fort 
blessed  on  Dec.  8th.  Id.,  v.  31-2;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  26.  Jan.  1, 1795, 
governor  sends  the  viceroy  a  plan  of  the  work,  and  asks  for  a  garrison  of  a 
captain,  sergeant,  and  11  men.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  35.  I  copy  a  plan  of 
what  I  suppose  to  be  this  fortification  from  Alviso,  Doc.  Hist.  Cat,  156. 
Elliot,  in  Overland  Monthly,  iv.  344,  says  he  has  the  plan  in  his  possession. 
One  of  the  old  guns,  four  of  which  serve  as  fender-posts  of  the  present  fort, 
bears  the  inscription  '  Governando  los  senores  de  (a  Real  Audicncict  de  Lima.1 
Cost  of  building  the  castillo,  $6,491,  which  real  hacienda  is  ordered  to  pay  on 
Oct.  8,  1795,  as  V.  R.  informs  the  gov.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  45,  162; 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  35.  $6,503,  according  to  St.  Pap.,  Rac.,  iv.  52.  Dec.  4, 
1795,  viceroy  to  Borica,  $1,482  have  been  paid  over  to  habilitado  general  in 
favor  of  company  fund.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  32.  May  16,  1795,  Jose" 
Garaycoechea,  condestable  distinguido  de  artilleria  de  marina,  employed  on  the 
fort,  discharged,  his  work  being  done.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  46.  Dec.  4th,  the 
viceroy  complains  that  a  fort,  costly  and  not  needed  (?),  has  been  improperly 
constructed,  without  investigation  or  skill.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  32-6. 


BATTERY  OF  YERBA  BUENA.  701 

a  corporal  and  six  artillerymen  was  altogether  insuf- 
ficient. There  were  several  places  between  Monterey 
and  San  Francisco  where  an  enemy  might  land,  there- 
fore the  cavalry  force  should  be  increased.  To  repair 
Fort  San,  Joaquin  would  be  very  costly;  but  a  new 
fort  should  be  built  on  the  hill  just  back  of  it,  and 
another  across  the  channel  at  San  Carlos.11 

Beyond  the  constant  repairs  by  which  Fort  San 
Joaquin  was  kept  as  nearly  in  its  original  state  as 
possible,  and  some  changes  in  the  disposition  of  the 
guns  under  Cordoba's  instructions,  I  find  no  evidence 
of  further  progress  at  Fort  Point  during  this  decade. 
There  was,  however,  still  another  battery  established 
in  1797.  This  was  to  the  east  on  Point  Medanos, 
later  called  Point  San  Jose  and  Black  Point,  re- 
named Mason,  and  long  occupied  by  a  battery.  It  was 

11  Ctfrdoba,  In  forme  al  Virey,  MS.,  82-3.  The  point  across  the  channel  is 
called  Punto  de  Bonetes  in  1776.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iv.  153.  Feb.  22,  1796, 
damage  to  fort  by  a  storm  from  the  north.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  234. 
Mar.  22d,  reference  to  a  sentry-box  erected.  April,  Borica  orders  mortar  to 
bo  used  in  the  roofing,  and  the  powder-house  to  have  a.  new  adobe  wall  at 
some  distance.  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  v.  83,  85.  Arrival  of  guns  and  sailors.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  86,  175;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil,  xxiv.  12.  July  9th,  Alberni  to 
have  charge  of  the  work,  41  Indians  from  Santa  Clara  at  work.  Prov.  Pec., 
MS.,  v.  87-8.  July  16th,  Cordoba  has  been  at  work  onrepairs.  St.  Pap.,  Sac., 
MS.,  xvii.  8.  Nov.  29th,  6,000  ball-cartridges  being  made.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xiv.  119.  Dec.  6th,  Borica  to  V.  R.,  announces  damages  caused  by 
rains.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  69.  Dec.  27th,  V.  R.  to  B.,  will  send  the 
needed  armament  of  heavy  guns;  meanwhile  let  guns  be  taken  from  other 
places  where  they  are  less  needed.  Id. ,  vii.  32-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi. 
251.  Jan.  30,  1797,  Habilitado  Carrillo  asks  for  reimbursement  of  $468 
spent  on  casemate,  etc.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  69.  March  26th,  C6rdoba 
wants  11  24-pounders;  smaller  guns  of  no  use  here.  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  vi. 
86.  April  4th,  B.  forwards  V.  R. 's  orders  for  repairs,  etc.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xxi.  251-2;  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  v.  103.  April  30th,  work  on  fort  not  yet 
begun.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  148.  June,  fort  repaired,  with  6  guns  in 
front  and  3  on  each  side.  Id.,  xxi.  264.  Oct.  24th,  24  sailors  left  on  the 
San  Carlos  for  Sr.n  Bias.  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  Feb.  1,  1798,  B.  asks  the 
V.  R.  for  a  new  fort  on  the  other  shore,  an  increase  of  armament  to  26  24- 

Cndcrs,  an  increase  of  128  infantry  and  19  gunners  in  the  garrisons,  and  a 
t  with  a  patron  and  10  sailors.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  69.  March  15,  1799, 
another  appeal  for  a  boat.  Id.,  vi.  120.  December  31,  1798,  there  were  3 
iron  24-pounders,  1  iron  12-pouivder,  and  8  brass  8-pounelers.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xvii.  7.  Expenses  of  the  year  for  repairs  $661.  Id.,  xvii.  13. 
March  2,  17C9,  B.  informs  V.  R.  that  a  rainstorm  caused  the  walls  of  the  fort 
to  fall,  also  the  new  casemate  wall,  and  the  barracks  are  threatened.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  119.  July  15th,  V.  R.  will  attend  to  the  matter.  Meanwhile 
let  the  works  be  repaired  with  adobes,  fascines,  and  earth.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.  341.  In  January  1800  a  hurricane  broke  the  flag-staff  which  fell 
on  the  barracks  of  the  garrison  and  smashed  some  tiles.  Id.,  xxiii.  24;  xxi.  31. 


702  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FBANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

known  as  the  Battery  at  Yerba  Buena,  designed  to 
command  the  shore  stretching  -westward  to  Fort 

O 

Point,  and  that  stretching  eastward  to  what  was 
called  later  North  Point,  together  with  the  body  of 
water  between  that  shore  and  Alcatraz  Island,  already 
so  called,  known  as  the  anchorage  of  Yerba  Buena, 
-though  it  does  not  appear  that  any  vessel  except  that 
of  Vancouver  ever  had  anchored  there.  Thus  it  will 
be  seen  that  the  name  Yerba  Buena,  while  it  may 
have-  been  given  in  a  general  way  to  the  whole  eastern 
part  of  the  peninsula  from  Black  Point  to  Rincon 
Point,  was  applied  in  these  early  times  particularly  to 
the  North  Beach  region  and  not,  as  is  commonly  sup- 
posed and  as  was  the  case  after  1830,  to  the  cove 
south  of  Telegraph  Hill.  Of  the  battery  we  know 
but  little  save  that  it  was  a  less  elaborate  work  than 
Fort  San  Joaquin,  being  hastily  constructed  of  brush- 
wood fascines  for  the  most  part,  with  eight  embrasures 
and  five  eight-pound  guns  not  needed  at  the  fort.  No 
permanent  garrison  was  kept  here,  but  at  least  until 
after  1800  the  works  were  visited  daily  by  a  sentinel, 
and  to  a  certain  extent  kept  in  order.12 

I  have  spoken  several  times  of  Vancouver's  voyages 
and  his  observations  in  California;  but  as  his  was  the 
first  visit  of  a  foreigner  to  San  Francisco  Bay,  as  it 

12 The  battery  is  first  mentioned  by  the  governor  in  communications  of 
April  4,  1797.  On  April  19th  Argiiello  received  Borica's  orders  to  furnish 
aid.  April  30th,  Cordoba  objected  on  account  of  small  garrisons  and  distance 
from  the  fort.  But  May  3d  he  was  ordered  by  Borica  to  begin  work,  and  in 
June  it  was  almost  finished.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  55;  xvii.  148-9; 
xviii.  28;  xxi.  251-2,  256,  264;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  103,  107;  vi.  53,  69. 
The  first  use  of  the  name  Yerba  Buena  that  I  have  seen  is  in  Sal's  letter  of 
Nov.  14,  1792,  announcing  Vancouver's  arrival.  He  is  said  to  have  anchored 
'como  a  una  legua  mas  abajo  del  presidio  frente  del  parage  que  11  amain os  la 
Yerba  Buena.'  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  i.  116.  It  is  also  used  in  Sal's  letter  of 
Nov.  30th.  Id.,  iii.  21.  Vancouver's  anchorage  was  about  midway  between 
Black  Point  and  North  Point.  Vancouver's  Voyage,  Atlas.  The  name  is  that 
of  a  species  of  mint.  Whether  it  was  first  applied  to  the  island  and  from 
that  to  the  eastern  part  of  the  peninsula,  or  vice,  versa,  I  am  uncertain.  The 
name  Isla  del  Alcatraz  is  used  by  Borica  in  July  1797.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xxi.  264.  I  mention  this  fact  because  it  has  often  been  stated  that  the  orig- 
inal and  correct  form  was  Alcatraces  in  the  plural.  The  name  is  that  applied 
by  Californians  and  Mexicans  to  the  pelican,  though  more  properly  belonging 
to  the  albatross. 


MAP  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO. 


703 


MAP  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 


704  LOCAL  EVENT      SAN  Fi.'A.V  HOOT, 


here  that    he  |I;K|  the  he  t  oj  ,j  >ortu  hi  ties  to  ma.ko 

observations  respecting  the  institutions  of  the  <  Dmitry, 

;md  as  lii-   vi:  if-  WQ&  one  of  the  r-liid'  interruptions  of 
the  dull    monotony    of  Sa.n    l1Yanci:;co   lif<-  during  thn 

decide,  I  deem  ihesuhjeet  worthy  of  brief  additional 

mention  here  iii  connection  v,  iih  loral  annals. 

As  Vancouver  entered  the  |»<)ri,  ,-i.t,  nJM^U'/jll  N?<.v- 

(•inlx-r    M,   I7!VJ,  h«-    looked    iii    v;.in    for   ih<:    lili 


l,uwn    vvliidi   IK-  supposed    1.0  |,<-   planted    lier-e,  ;md 
l      siu 


iiiofhin^    UK-   only    si^u    of  <-i\  ili/alioii    \v;is   I,  IK; 

li'-rds   se<-n    in   flu-   distance.       Af'l.cr  ;i   »ju;«il  sli<»ol,iii;^ 

dil-ion  on    llx-  hills   where  Uie  cj|,y  now   s(,;ind     he 

<';iine    inlo    contact    \vilh    (  'onini;ind;ml,    S;il    ;ind 

rnli-rl.-iiucd   ;il,   I,  he    presidio,    where    I,  he    wile    of    |)on 

Hermonegildo  rec«ived  him  u  decently  dressed,  seated 

'  Ona  ni;ii,  pl;iced  OH  a  Small  stjunre  wooden 
]>|jiiioj-ni  r.-iised  1,hf-ee  or  Coin-  inehes  from  i,lie  ground, 
nearly  in  Ironl,  of  !,he  door,  \\  il,h  <,\vo  d.-ui^hters  ;ind  a 
SOn,  cle;m  ;ind  decenlly  divssed,  siU.in^  l.y  her;  Ihis 
I'eni'.  Hie  mode  ol,  <  rved  hy  Ihese  Indies  when  they 
receive  \i  ii  rriirn  he  \,.,  invil.ed  (,o  1,  he  mission 

:IIM|    wafl    most    kindly    <re;ii<-d    l.y    falhers     I  jjiii(l;jc<(;i 
JMK!    l);i.n!,]'.  i\v    ;ill    lh;il,   w;is   l,o  Ix;  s<u-n   on    I  he 

peninsula,  mm-h  n)or<-  lh;in  il,  w.-is  prn<leiil,  l,o  l<-1,  him 
see,  ,-md  ihoii^h  .^re;illy  snrpii:cd  ;\i,  Uie  we;i! 
••ind  poverl-y  of  i,h<;  Sp;inish  esl,al>lishmen<>  ;in<l  the 
l;iek  of  "those  ;irtiel<-s  which  ;doiie  e;m  render-  l,lu; 
<  en!,i;ilx  of  life  c,-|p;il>|e  of  heili-  I'-  Ii:  lied,"  yet  for  the 
kindness  ,  -Hid  hospitality  <>f  the  people  IK;  had  nothing 
hui,  words  of  praise.  The  Spaniards  as  is  their  wont 
plaerd  everything  at  his  disposal,  and  he  interpreted 
then-  oilers  somewhat  too  literally,  makiii"  a,  \i.,il,  to 

»/    "  f~*> 

Santa  ('lara  thai  "a\e  Sal  many  forebodm* 
made  no  survey  of  the  hay,  hut  loimd  Yerh;i  IJuen;i 
.'I  IH-J  ler  anehora^e  than  Uie  usual  one  nearer  1  he  pre- 
sidio. Kvery  la<-ili<,y  was  all'orded  him  for  ohiainiii^- 
wood,  water,  and  supplies,  though  the  earls  plaeed  at 
the,  di;  poi.il  ion  of  the  sailors  were  found  to  he  a  more 
clumsy  ;md  useless  rontrix  aiiee  on  land  than  the  rude 


FOILI-:I<;\  vi  705 

!  -s  of  the  natives  as  water  craft.  Vancouver  sailed. 
for  Monterey  on  the  i>->th  of  Novemher.  He  came 
hack  in  October  of  the  next  year,  hut  was  obliged  to 

put  uj)  with   the  ordinary  courtesies  allowed  to  for- 

eigners   in    Spanish    colonial    ports,  and    so   ^n-ai 

the  ronlrast  that  In:   left  in   disgust  after  a   f.-w  days' 

stay  at  ;j.nclior.l:i 

Tlie,   |:;|Ji  of    March    I7(K>  a  str;in^<- 

nounctcd    at    the,   entrance  of   the  port,  ::i.rd   \va.s 

d  a.nd  the   live-stoek  driven  in.      A   hoat  eanie  l,o 

land    in    the    afternoon,   with    six     men    who    said    the 

English  and   the  <-aptain's  na.ni<:   Urown,  in 

need    of  water,  wood,  and    meal,,  for    whieh    h«;  v,  ould 

se-nd  the  next  day.    The  vessel  anchored  heyond  Pojnt 

Almejas,    opposite    Sa,n     I'edro    i  ancho,    fired    a 
and    di   ;  the    Kn;di.:h    lla;^.      On    the    l:>th    ;  -.lie 

i  he    l-'arallones,  a.nd    on    the    I  Gfh    Sal 
reported  fhe.^e  facts  with  his  opinion    that  the.  for 
era,  ft  meant  mischief,  though   j»retendin^   to  he  hound 
for  Noo<,ka.H 


In     I7^:>    f.hrec    mii;es  were   dlHCOVCred    Hoinew! 

within  the    jurisdiction   of  San    |4'r  »,  railed    San 

.net),  a.nd    San    Jose,   with    th<  '-tive 

••ihridora.,   liuei;  ..nd    M   peranxa. 

One  of  them  was  expectx;d  to  y  ie.Jd  'jold,  a  nd  the  others 

silver  or  quicksilver,    Specimens  of  the  01 

/    l-'ernandex    to  the   governor,  hut    Mont 
experts  failed    to   discover  metal    fttcept   in  0 
men.1'      The    eomin;/   of  Alherni   and    his.    company  of 
volunteers  was   the    event  of   I7'JO,  hut  heyond  a,  hare 
mention  and  the  enrolment  of   the-   reenforcomei,  ' 
the    mil;  t    left    no  t.racc    in    local   ai 

loiihlin;/    the    population  of  San    I 

-•'-/•',;   V',y"j<-..  ii  POT  I'ni't.lj":  .   voy- 

Mill''. 

"M;.n:h  Hit.h.  8*1  t"  Borici   '..     /   Pap.,  •'<"•..,  M    :  ii  19 

i  ft..  iiS,  17'  8t.  i'"i>  ,  •'•'" 

(\c,l.    Bept,  30tL    :  -n  UJajforiMMW-y- 

I.    45 


706  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

cisco  it  merits  mention.16  In  1797  there  was  a  propo- 
sition to  establish  a  Carmelite  convent  and  hospice  at 
San  Francisco,  but  it  was  disapproved  by  both  the 
guardian  and  the  fiscal,  and  consequently  w^as  aban- 
doned.17 The  leading  event  of  this  year  was  the 
wreck  of  the  transport  vessel  San  Carlos  in  the  bay 
on  the  night  of  the  23d  of  March.  No  details  are 
known  except  that  little  of  the  cargo  was  lost.18  The 
Concepcion  as  a  coast  guard  spent  a  large  part  of  the 
year  in  this  port.  At  the  end  of  May  1799  the 
American  ship  Eliza  of  136  tons  and  carrying  twelve 
guns,  bound  for  Boston  with  hides,  under  James 
Rowan,  obtained  supplies  under  the  prescribed  re- 
strictions.19 

There  were  two  topics  of  local  interest  at  San  Fran- 
cisco during  the  decade  which  affected  the  mission  not 
less  than  the  presidio.  These  were  the  establishment 
of  the  rancho  del  rey,  and  Indian  affairs.  The  royal 
rancho  had  been  founded  here  in  1777,  with  115  head 
of  cattle,  which  were  pastured  on  the  hills  about  the 
presidio.  The  animals  multiplied  rapidly  notwith- 
standing annual  slaughters  in  the  later  years  and  the 

16  It  is  implied  by  Borica,  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  241,  that  Alberni's 
men  had  lands  granted  them  at  San  Francisco  and  the  Alameda;  but  such  was 
probably  not  the  case.     Alberni  and  his  company  arrived  May  7,  1706,  on 
the  San  Carlos.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxiii.  83. 

17  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  iv.  180-93;  ix.  10-14;  xiii.  84. 

18 Pro?>.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  57-8,  181;  xvii.  242;  xxi.  251,  203;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  vi.  86,  92,  95.  This  was  not  the  original  San  Carlos  of  1769,  but  her 
successor  surnamed  El  Filipino.  The  crew  were  obliged  to  remain  for  some 
time  in  California.  The  only  stores  specially  named  as  lost  arc  4  boxes  of 
cigars  and  15  Ibs.  of  powder.  April  26th,  Oapt.  Saavedra  says  to  Argiiello  that 
most  of  his  men  lost  their  clothes,  tobacco,  and  soap  in  the  wreck.  He  asks 
for  them  the  advance  of  a  month's  pay,  which  was  granted  to  the  amount  of 
Si, 026.  The  troops  with  55  natives  worked  to  save  the  cargo.  April  24th, 
the  padres  answer  the  complaint  that  they  failed  to  render  aid,  by  stating 
that  Fernandez  was  absent,  but  Landaeta  sent  all  his  disposable  Indians,  who 
worked  waist-deep  in  water  for  three  days  and  nights.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
vi.  103-9.  April  14th,  the  finding  of  a  white  man's  body  in  the  surf  at  Pt 
Reyes  is  reported,  and  the  mission  majordomo  had  seen  a  vessel  off  the  Fara- 
llones  shortly  before.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  116.  Alberni  at  the  same  time 
wished  to  send  natives  to  see  if  there  were  any  vessels  at  Bodega;  but  they 
refused  from  fear  of  their  enemies.  Id.,  xvii.  152. 

19  May  27th,  Rowan  to  Argiiello,  will  obey  the  governor's  orders  to  sail 
as  soon  as  possible  and  not  to  enter  any  other  port.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  xvii. 
206-8,  238;  xviii.  26.  June  3d,  Borica  to  viceroy,  Rowan  left  a  draft  for  $24 
on  Boston.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  125-G. 


RANCHO  DEL  BEY.  707 

ravages  of  wild  beasts,20  so  that  in  1791  they  numbered 
over  1,200.  At  the  end  of  March  of  this  year  the 
cattle  were  transferred  to  Monterey,  except  a  few 
milch  cows  which  the  soldiers  were  allowed  to  keep. 
This  change  seems  to  have  been  made  by  order  of  the 
com  andante  general  at  the  petition  of  the  padres 
who  represented  that  injury  was  done  to  the  interests 
of  the  mission.  Subsequently  the  garrison  was  obliged 
to  obtain  meat  from  Monterey.21  In  1796,  at  the 
suggestion  of  Sal,  Borica  determined  to  reestablish  a 
branch  of  the  rancho  del  rey,  and  this  was  accom- 
plished in  September  1797,  two  hundred  and  sixty-five 
cattle  being  purchased  from  the  missions  and  placed 
at  Buriburi  between  San  Bruno  and  San  Mateo.22 

VvHien  the  news  reached  Mexico  it  brought  out  a 
protest  of  the  guardian,  in  which  he  narrated  the 
past  history  of  the  rancho,  claimed  that  Borica  had 
acted  in  opposition  to  the  king's  wishes  that  the 
mission  lands  should  not  be  encroached  upon,  and 
demanded  an  order  to  remove  not  only  the  rancho 
but  the  cattle  owned  by  the  soldiers.  ^The  pasturage 
it  was  claimed  was  all  needed  for  the  mission  herds, 
.which  now  must  be  driven  far  down  the  peninsula; 
and  the  natives  were  suffering  great  injury  in  their 

20  In  the  cattle  account  of  1 782  appears  an  item  of  three  arrobas  of  yerba 
de  Puebla  with  which  to  poison  wolves.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  115.    April  and 
May  1700,  commandant  refers  to  ravages  of  bears  and  savages.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  ix.  213-14.     Bears  numerous  in  1798.  Id.,  xvii.   103. 

21  Cattle  of  the  rancho  in  1790,  1,174  head.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  MIL, 
MS.,  xiii.  6,  7.     Net  proceeds  of  sales,  $91.  Id.     Sales  in  1791,  $81.  Id.,  xv. 
5.     Number  of  cattle  at  transfer  on  March  31,  1791,  1,215  head.  St.  Pap., 
Miss,   and  Colon.,  MS.,  i.   68.     The  rancho  was  moved  by  order  of  Fages, 
Id.,  or  by  order  of  commandant  general  at  request  of  padres.  Prov.  8t.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.   14-16.     Statistical  reports  show  that  the  soldiers  had  from  96  to 
147  cattle  down  to  1797  and  then  the  number  increased  to  500  or  600,  not 
including  the  king's  cattle.     In  1793  the  number  was  115,  and  the  names  of 
14  owners,  23  credited  to  Juan  Bernal  being  the  largest  number,  are  given 
from  an  old  inventory  in  II 'alley's  Centennial  Year  Book  of  Alameda  Count//, 
27.     There  is  quite  a  mass  of  information  from  the  archives  given  in  this 
work,  but  there  are  nearly  as  many  blunders  as  words  in  the  translation, 
copying,  and  printing.     In  1794,  75  cattle  for  food  were  sent  up  from  Monte- 
rey.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  30. 

22  Borica  to  commandants  April  30,  1796,  Aug.  15,  Sept.  1,  1797.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  v,  85,  269;  iv.  255-6.     Argiiello  to  B.  Sept.  29th.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  92. 


708  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

natural  and  legal  rights.23  Borica,  being  called  upon 
for  an  explanation,  asked  Argliello  for  a  report  in 
which  the  governor's  eleven  question  were,  clearly 
answered.  According  to  this  report  the  mission  was 
in  no  respect  injured  by  the  king's  cattle  at  Buriburi, 
feeding  on  the  hills  westward  to  the  Canada  de  San 
Andres  and  south-westward  for  two  leagues,  nor 
would  it  be  injured  even  should  its  cattle  greatly  in- 
crease, for  it  still  had  several  large  sitios:  San  Pedro, 
five  leagues  southward  on  tha  coast,  where  horned 
cattle  were  kept;  another  two  leagues  to  the  south, 
where  were  the  herds  of  mares;  El  Pilar,24  where 
there  was  abundant  pasturage  for  the  oxen;  San 
Mateo,  five  leagues  from  the  mission,  stretching  to 
Santa  Clara  on  the  south-east  and  to  San  Pedro  on 
the  west;  besides  the  smaller  and  nearer  tracts  of  La 
Visitacion,  San  Bruno,  and  Lake  Merced.  Argliello 
also  proved  that  the  mission  had  been  accustomed  to 
sell  to  the  presidio  and  the  vessels  cattle  about  one 
third  smaller  than  those  of  Monterey  at  prices  ex- 
ceeding those  of  the  tariff,  besides  obliging  the  pur- 
chaser to  go  long  distances  after  the  animals.25  His 
arguments  seemed  conclusive  to  the  viceroy,  who  in 
March  1799  ordered  the  rancho  maintained,  notwith- 
standing the  opposition  of  the  friars.26 

The  natives,  Christian  and  gentile,  caused  more 
trouble  in  the  region  of  San  Francisco  than  in  any 
other  part  of  California,  the  troublesome  gentiles 
being  chiefly  those  inhabiting  what  is  now  known  as 

23  Feb.  5,  1798,  guardian  to  viceroy,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.y  MS.,  xvii.  14-16. 
Horses  were  kept  10  leagues  distant;  sheep  under  a  salaried  man  six  leagues 
away;  and  the  oxen  not  actually  at  work  were  also  pastured  at  a  long  dis- 
tance. 

24  But  according  to  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  103,  Argiiello  himself  had  received 
a  provisional  grant  of  El  Pilar  in  1797. 

25 June  14,  1798,  Borica  to  Argiiello.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon,  MS.,  i. 
68-70.  Argiiello,  Informe  sobre  el  Rancho  del  Rey  y  su  wfluencia  y  rclacion  con 
la  Mision  de  San  Francisco,  24  de  Julio  1798,  MS.  Salazar  speaks  of  S.  Pedro 
or  Punta  de  Almejas.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  ii.  75. 

26 March  13,  1799,  Viceroy  Azanza  to  Borica.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii. 
220.  June  5th,  to  commandant.  Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  iv.  298.  Dec.  31st,  num- 
ber of  cattle  in  the  rancho,  879.  Net  yield  from  sales,  $179.  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxviii.  5. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  709 

Alameda  and  Contra  Costa  counties,  acting  in  con- 
junction with  deserters  from  San  Francisco  mission, 
but  threatening  more  seriously  Mission  San  Jose. 
All  was  quiet,  however,  until  1795.27  In  March  of 
that  year  Father  Danti  sent  a  party  of  fourteen  neo- 
phytes to  the  rancherias  of  the  Chaclanes,  or  Sacal- 
anes,  to  bring  in  some  fugitives,  but  they  were  attacked 
by  gentiles  and  Christians  combined,  and  at  least  seven 
of  the  number  were  killed.  The  affair  was  reported 
to  Borica,  who  informed  the  viceroy,  but  ordered  no 
retaliation  as  the  Sacalanes  were  a  brave  people  and 
would  be  troublesome  as  foes,  and  the  friars  were 
directed  to  send  out  no  more  such  parties.28  In  Sep- 
tember of  the  same  year  over  two  hundred  natives 
deserted  from  San  Francisco,  different  parties  in 
different  directions,  the  number  including  many  old 
neophytes  who  had  always  been  faithful  before.  In 
the  correspondence  which  followed,  Borica  indicated 
his  belief  that  the  disaster  was  due  largely  to  cruelty 
on  the  part  of  the  padres.  He  ordered  a  strict  inves- 
tigation ;  instructed  the  soldiers  to  afford  no  aid  in  the 
infliction  of  punishments  unless  at  the  request  of  both 
padres,  for  it  seems  that  Danti  was  much  more  severe 
than  his  associate,  and  finally  protested  to  the  presi- 
dent that  rigorous  steps  must  be  taken  to  insure  better 

27  In  February  1793  a  new  convert  named  Charquin  ran  away  and  waged 
war  on  all  aborigines  who  favored  Christianity,  holding  20  women  and  chil- 
dren captives  in  the  mountains.  Si.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vii.  24-5.     In  February 
1795  the  governor  reported  the  prospects  for  new  converts  excellent  at  San 
Francisco  and  Santa  Clara,  on  account  of  a  scarcity  of  seeds.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
vi.  37. 

28  March  3,  May  3,  May  29,  1795,  commandant  to  Borica.    June  23d,  B.  to 
viceroy.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  241-2,  275-6;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  50,  56; 
vi.  48-50.     I  suppose  the  Sacalanes  lived  in  what  is  now  Alameda  County, 
somewhere  between  Oakland  and  Mission  San  Jose".     The  messengers  are 
said  to  have  travelled  two  nights  and  one  day  before  reaching  the  rancherias. 
Borica  says  the  Chimenes  did  the  killing  and  lived  30  leagues  from  Bodega 
on  the  coast.     Subsequent  expeditions  show,  however,  that  the  Sacalanes, 
the  guilty  parties,  did  not  at  any  rate  live  north  of  the  bay.    The  commandant 
charges  Danti  with  having  at  first  pronounced  the  story  of  the  survivors  a  lie, 
and  with  attempting  later  to  keep  it  from  the  knowledge  of  the  officers. 
July  6th,  Borica  to  friars,  regrets  that  they  continue  sending  Indians  to  the 
other  side  of  the  bay.     It  must  be  stopped.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  146.     Sept. 
18th,  V.  R.  approves  B.'s  policy  of  avoiding  war.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii. 
82. 


710  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

treatment  and  better  food,  to  which  Lasuen  gave  as- 
sent.29 

In  June  1797  a  new  mishap  occurred.  A  large 
part  of  the  fugitives  belonged  to  the  Cuchillones 
across  the  bay.  Notwithstanding  the  governor's 
orders  the  missionaries  sent  one  Raimundo,  a  Califor- 
nian — a  name  still  applied  exclusively  to  the  natives 
'of  Baja  California — with  thirty  natives  to  bring  back 
the  runaways.  They  crossed  in  balsas  and  fell  into  a 
difficulty  with  the  Cuchillones  which  is  not  clearly 
described,  though  it  appears  that  no  life  was  lost  and 
no  fugitive  recovered.  This  affair  gave  rise  to  a  new 
correspondence  and  to  earnest  protests  from  the  friars, 
who  were  inclined  to  think  that  the  quarrel,  if  any 
occurred,  had  been  greatly  exaggerated.80  Now  the 
Sacalanes  assumed  a  threatening  attitude  toward 
Mission  San  Jose,  and  Sergeant  Arnador  was  sent  to 
investigate.  He  found  that  the  gentiles  were  threat- 
ening to  kill  the  Christians  if  they  continued  to  work, 
and  the  soldiers  if  they  dared  to  interfere.  He  ac- 
cordingly recommended  to  Borica  that  an  expedition 
be  sent  to  punish  them,  to  collect  fugitives,  and  to 
dispel  the  idea  of  the  Sacalanes  that  the  Spaniards 
were  afraid  of  them.  Borica  assented  and  ordered 
Amador  to  take  twenty-two  men  and  fall  upon  the 
rancheria  at  dawn,  capturing  the  head  men  and  desert- 
ers, but  avoiding  bloodshed  if  possible.  They  set  out 
July  13th,  and  on  the  15th  the  troops  under  Amador 
and  Vallejo  reached  the  hostile  camp.  The  Sacalanes 
would  listen  to  nothing;  they  had  digged  pits,  so  that 
the  Spaniards  were  forced  to  dismount  and  attack  with 
sword  and  lance.  In  the  fight  two  soldiers  were 

29 Correspondence  on  the  subject  during  1795-6.  In  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xiii.  147-8;  xiv.  176;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxiv.  8-10;  Prov.  fiec.,  MS.,  v.  69,  80, 
01;  vi.  172,  176. 

30  Letters  of  Argiiello,  Espi,  Fernandez,  and  Landacta  in  Prov.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xv.  19-25.  July  16th,  Argiiello  assembled  the  natives  and  made  known 
to  them  the  governor's  orders  that  they  were  not  to  go  after  fugitives  even  if 
told  to  do  so  by  the  padres.  Then  the  padres  received  a  lecture  on  the  evils 
that  might  have  resulted.  Landaeta  insisted  that  the  natives  had  gone  of 
their  own  accord  and  had  not  been  sent.  Argiiello  to  Borica,  in  Id.,  xv.  25-7. 


AMADOU'S  EXPEDITION.  711 

wounded  and  seven  natives  killed.  The  Cuchillones 
were  subsequently  attacked  and  retreated  after  one 
had  been  killed.  On  the  18th  Amador  returned  to 
San  Jose  with  eighty-three  Christians  and  nine  gen- 
tiles, including  five  Sacalanes  implicated  in  the  affair 
of  1795  and  three  Cuchillones  in  that  of  Raimundo.31 
The  testimony  and  confessions  of  fourteen  of  the 
captives  were  taken  the  9th  of  August,  and  nine  of 
them  having  been  proved  guilty,  were  subsequently 
sentenced  by  Borica  to  receive  from  twenty-five  to 
seventy-five  lashes  and  to  work  in  shackles  at  the 
presidio  from  two  months  to  a  year.32  In  this  exam- 
ination and  in  another  held  the  12th  of  August  with 
a  view  to  learn  why  the  neophytes  had  run  away, 
nearly  all  the  witnesses  gave  as  their  reasons  exces- 
sive flogging,  hunger,  and  the  death  of  relatives.33 
Borica  subsequently  announced  that  in  consequence 
of  his  efforts  and  especially  of  the  kindness  of  Father 
Fernandez,  the  natives  were  treated  better  than  be- 
fore ;  but  Lasuen  declared  that  the  charges  of  cruelty 
were  unfounded,  as  proved  by  the  large  number  of 
conversions.  The  neophytes  fled,  not  because  they 
were  flogged  or  overworked,  but  because  of  the  rav- 

31  Amador,  Expedition  contra  los  fjentiles  Sacalanes,  con  Correspondence 
perteneciente  al  asunto,  1796,  MS.;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  170-8;  xvi. 
38-9,  70-1,  88,  90;  Prov.  Eec.,  MS.,  v.  206-7.  The  diary  is  dated  San 
Jose,  July  19th,  and  the  papers  include:  July  Gth,  Argiiello  to  Borica;  July 
8th,  Amador  to  B.;  July  10th,  B.  to  A.;  July  19th,  A.  to  B..;  July  21st,  B. 
to  A.  Christians  not  to  be  punished,  but  gentiles  kept  at  work  on  presidio; 
July  26th,  receipt  of  Espi  and  Landaeta  for  79  returned  neophytes.  Return- 
ing natives  have  never  been  punished.  July  30th,  Argiiello  to  B.,  has  given 
up  the  neophytes  and  will  try  the  gentiles. 

s'2  Argiiello,  Relation  de  lo  que  dedararon  los  Gentiles  Sacalanes,  1797,  MS.; 
Borica,  Gastifjos  que  han  de  sitfrir  los  Indios,  1797,  MS. 

nArguettot  Relation  que  formd  de  las  declarations  de  los  Indios  Cristianos 
hxidos  de  la  Mision  de  San  Francisco,  1797,  MS.  Tiburcio  was  flogged  five 
times  by  Danti  for  crying  at  the  death  of  his  wife  and  child.  Magin  was  put 
in  the  stocks  when  ill.  Tarazon  visited  his  country  and  felt  inclined  to  stay. 
Claudio  was  beaten  by  the  alcalde  with  a  stick  and  forced  to  work  when  ill. 
Jos6  Manuel  was  struck  with  a  bludgeon.  Liberate  ran  away  to  escape  dying 
of  hunger  as  his  mother,  two  brothers,  and  three  nephews  had  done.  Otolon 
was  flogged  for  not  caring  for  his  wife  after  she  had  sinned  with  the  vaquero. 
Milan  had  to  work  with  no  food  for  his  family  and  was  flogged  because  he 
went  after  clams.  Patabo  had  lost  his  family  and  had  no  one  to  take  care  of 
him.  Orencio's  niece  died  of  hunger.  Toribio  was  always  hungry.  Magno 
received  no  ration  because,  occupied  in  tending  his  sick  son,  he  could  not 
work. 


712  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

ages  of  an  epidemic.34  No  further  troubles  occurred 
at  San  Francisco,  but  the  Sacalanes~and  other  gentiles 
continued  their  hostile  influence  at  San  Jose  mission, 
several  times  requiring  the  presence  of  Amador,  who 
in  April  1800  made  another  raid,  killing  a  chief,  cap- 
turing twenty  fugitives,  and  breaking  all  the  bows 
and  arrows  of  the  foe.35 

Something  remains  to  be  said  of  San  Francisco  Mis- 
sion, where  we  left  Cambon  and  Danti  in  charge  as 
ministers  at  the  end  of  1790.  Cambon,  one  of  the 
few  remaining  pioneer  missionaries,  and  a  founder  of 
San  Francisco,  retired  to  his  college  entirely  broken 
down  in  health  at  the  end  of  179 1,36  and  was  succeeded 
by  Martin  Landaeta,  a  new-comer,  who  however  was 
absent  from  October  1798  to  September  1800,  Espi 
serving  in  1797-9,  and  Merelo  in  1799-1800.  Diego 
Garcia  remained  until  October  1791,  and  returned  in 
1796-7.  Danti  retired  in  the  summer  of  1796 ;  Padre 
Fernandez  took  his  place  in  1796—7  with  Garcia  as  a 
supernumerary,  and  Kdmon  Abella  came  in  July  1798. 
Padre  Martiarena  was  also  supernumerary  from 
August  1800,  and  the  names  of  several  others  appear 
on  the  mission-books  as  having  officiated  here  at  dif- 
ferent dates.37 

34  July  1,  1798,  Borica  to  viceroy,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  97-8;  Lasucn, 
Representation,  1801,  MS.,  in  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  ii.  202-5. 

35  Amador,  Salida  contra  Indios  Gentiles,  1SOO,  MS.    Also  on  slight  previous 
troubles  at  San  Jose".  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  173-4;  xvii.  97,  100-1,  106-7. 

36  Pedro  Benito  Cambon,  a  native  of  Santiago  in  Galicia,  Spain,  was  ordered 


served  there  until  April  1772.  He  then  spent  several  years  at  Velicata  in 
Baja  California  for  the  benefit  of  his  health,  and  to  look  after  Franciscan 
property.  He  went  to  San  Francisco  in  Oct.  1770,  but  was  absent  from  Oct. 
1779  until  May  1782,  during  which  time  he  made  a  trip  from  San  Bias  to 
Manila  as  chaplain  of  the  San  Curios,  devoting  his  pay  to  the  purchase  of  sup- 
plies for  his  neophytes,  and  also  founded  San  Buenaventura  in  March  1782. 
He  was  a  zealous  and  able  man,  but  his  health  repeatedly  broke  clown,  and 
finally  in  November  1791,  at  the  request  of  Lasuen,  and  on  a  certificate  signed 
by  three  surgeons,  he  was  permitted  to  depart  without  waiting  for  the  vice- 
roy's license.  His  last  signature  on  the  mission -books  was  on  Sept.  10th.  S. 


years 
chaplain  with  the  expedition  of  Martinez,  which  touched  on  the  California 


MISSION  STATISTICS.  713 

During  the  decade  1,213  natives  were  baptized, 
1,031  were  buried,  203  of  them  in  1795,  and  the  neo- 
phyte population  as  registered  grew  from  438  to  644, 
from  which  it  would  appear  that  most  of  the  fugitive 
cimarrones  had  been  recovered  before  1800.  Large 
stock  increased  from  2,000  to  8,200,  and  sheep  from 
1,700  to  6,200.38  Crops  in  1800  amounted  to  4,100 
bushels,  one  half  wheat,  the  largest  yield  having  been 

coast.  He  came  to  California  as  a  missionary  in  1793,  serving  at  San  Antonio 
from  September  of  that  year  until  September  1794;  at  Soledacl  until  Decem- 
ber 1795;  at  Santa  Cruz  until  1797;  and  at  San  Francisco  from  June  1797 
until  August  1799,  when  he  obtained  leave  to  retire  and  sailed  from  San 
Diego  Jan.  16,  1800.  He  had  served  10  years  and  refused  to  remain  longer. 
His  signature  appears  on  the  San  Francisco  books  until  Aug.  19,  1799.  8. 
Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  44;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  60,  220; 
Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  57. 

Of  Antonio  Danti  we  only  know  that  he  was  minister  at  San  Francisco 
from  October  1790  until  July  1796;  that  he  had  a  fiery  temperament — genid 
de  ]>6lvora,  as  Borica  termed  it — and  was  disposed  to  be  unduly  severe  to  his 
Indians;  and  that  he  was  finally  allowed  to  retire,  suffering  from  some  trouble 
with  his  legs  and  with  inflammation  of  the  eyes  threatening  blindness.  San 
Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  41;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  vi.  227;  xi. 
56-7;  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  149,  157,  163. 

Diego  Garcia  came  to  California  in  1787,  serving  at  San  Francisco  from 
September  of  that  year  until  October  1791;  at  Soledad  until  February  1792; 
at  San  Antonio  until  November  1792;  again  at  Soledad  until  March  1796;  and 
again  at  San  Francisco  until  May  ]  797.  He  was  generally  a  supernumerary 
and  his  services  as  minister  were  not  in  great  demand.  One  year  on  some 
frivolous  pretext  he  neglected  to  sow  any  grain;  he  made  himself  obnoxious 
to  each  successive  associate;  and  once  when  assigned  to  San  Jos6  refused 
obedience.  Naturally  no  objection  was  made  to  his  retiring  at  the  end  of  his 
term  of  10  years,  the  coming  of  which  probably  saved  him  from  dismissal  by 
Lasuen.  His  license  was  dated  July  8,  1797;  his  last  signature  at  San  Fran- 
cisco was  on  May  18th.  San  Francisco,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.,  40,  61;  Soledad, 
Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.;  Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  xi.  227-8;  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi. 
115. 

Josd  Maria  Fernandez  left  his  college  in  February  and  arrived  at  San 
Francisco  in  September  1796,  serving  until  May  1797  as  minister,  receiving 
his  license  in  July,  and  leaving  California  a  little  later.  He  was  a  very  kind- 
hearted  man,  and  as  we  have  seen  Borica  gave  him  great  credit  for  having 
secured  better  treatment  for  the  natives  at  San  Francisco;  but  a  blow  on 
the  head  accidentally  received  affected  his  health  and  especially  his  mind  to 
such  an  extent  as  to  incapacitate  him  for  missionary  labor.  San  Francisco,  Lib. 
de  Mixion,  MS.;  Arch.  Ma  Barbara,  xi.  57-8;  Prov.  Bee.,  MS.  vi.  98. 

38  May  28,  1791,  Fages  informed  Romeu  that  the  padres  of  San  Francisco 
had  formed  a  new  establishment  seven  leagues  away,  where  they  kept  most 
of  their  neophytes.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  149;  but  we  hear  no  more  of  the 
subject.  The  controversies  between  mission  and  presidio  about  pasturage,  and 
the  alleged  inferiority  of  San  Francisco  cattle,  have  been  already  noticed.  In 
Prov.  Bee.,  MS.,  vi.  79,  it  is  stated  that  sheep-raising  was  introduced  in 

1796,  but  no  special  increase  appears  in  the  statistics  for  that  year.     May  19, 

1797,  Argiiello  says  the  San  Francisco  sheep  being  of  Merino  stock  may  be  a 
little  better  than  elsewhere.     He  wanted  to  buy  100,  but  Landaeta  refused  to 
sell.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  8,  9. 


714  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

5,800  bushels  in  1796;  the  smallest  1,200  in  1792,39 
and  the  average  3,600  bushels.  The  mission  build- 
ings were  described  by  Vancouver  as  forming  two 
sides  of  a  square,  without  any  apparent  intention  of 
completing  the  quadrangle,  the  architecture  and  ma- 
terial being  as  at  the  presidio,  but  the  apartments 
larger,  better  constructed,  and  cleaner.  At  this  time 
all  roofs  were  of  thatch,  and  the  dwellings  of  the  Ind- 
ians were  huts  of  willow  poles,  basket-work  of  twigs, 
and  thatch  of  grass  and  tules,  about  twelve  feet  high, 
six  or  seven  feet  in  diameter,  and  "abominably  in- 
fested with  every  kind  of  filth  and  nastiriess."  In 
1793  nineteen  adobe  houses  were  built,  which  number 
was  subsequently  increased  until  in  1798  there  were 
enough  for  most  of  the  married  neophytes.  In  1794 
a  new  storehouse  150  feet  long  was  built  and  roofed 
with  tiles  as  were  some  of  the  old  buildings,  and  half 
a  league  of  ditch  was  dug  round  the  potrero  and  fields. 
In  1795  another  adobe  building  180  feet  long  was 
erected;  and  tile  roofs  were  completed  for  all  the 
structures,  including  the  church,  about  which  from  the 
laying  of  the  corner-stone  in  1782  nothing  more  is 
recorded  down  to  1800.40  At  the  time  of  Vancouver's 
visit  one  large  room  was  occupied  by  manufacturers 
of  a  coarse  sort  of  blanketing,  made  from  wool  pro- 
duced in  the  neighborhood.  "The  looms,  though 
rudely  wrought,  were  tolerably  well  contrived,  and 
had  been  made  by  the  Indians.  The  produce  is 
wholly  applied  to  the  clothing  of  the  converted  Ind- 
ians. I  saw  some  of  the  cloth,  which  was  by  no 

39  Where  the  cultivated  fields  were  situated  at  this  time  does  not  appear. 
In  1795  supplies  furnished  to  the  presidio  amounted  to  $2,831.  Prov.  Y?ec., 
MS.,  v.  26.     In  January  1795  cold  weather  prevented  the  padres  from  say- 
ing mass.  Id.,  v.  40-1.     From  1797  to  1800  regular  weather  reports  were 
rendered  at  the  end  of  each  year.   1797  was  cold,  windy,  and  foggy.  St.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  vi.   100.     In  1798  the  summer  began  with  'terrible  and  continu- 
ous wind'  and  fog,  and  the  winter  with  frost,  heavy  rains,  and  roof-damaging 
winds.  Prov.   St.  Pap.,  Ben.   Mil.,  MS.,  xvii.  22-3.     In  1799   little   rain, 
heavy  north  winds,  and  much  frost.  Id.,  xxvii.  2.     1800,  heavy  rains,  some 
frost,  strong  winds.  Id.,  xxviii.   12-13. 

40  Vancouver's   Voyage,  ii.   10-14;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  i.  124;.  ii.  15,  78; 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  59-GO.     Fages  states  that  in  1787  there  was  but 
a  suplemento  de  iglesia,  a  temporary  affair.  Fages,  Informe  Gen.,  MS.,  146. 


ANNALS  OF  SAN  JOSfi.  715 

means  despicable;  and,  had  it  received  the  advantage 
of  fulling,  would  have  been  a  very  decent  sort  of 
clothing."  In  1797  Borica  ordered  that  mission 
blankets  should  be  used  at  the  presidio,  and  no  more 
obtained  from  Mexico;  but  in  1799  he  disapproved 
the  friars'  scheme  of  building  a  fulling-mill.  In  1796 
a  manufacture  of  coarse  pottery  was  established  un- 
der Mariano  Tapia.41 

The  new  establishments  of  Branciforte,  Santa  Cruz, 
and  Mission  San  Jose  having  been  elsewhere  noticed, 
there  remain  the  annals  of  Santa  Clara  and  the  pueblo 
of  San  Jose,  the  former  within  this  northern  jurisdic- 
tion, and  the  latter  most  conveniently  included  in  it, 
though  it  really  belonged  to  the  military  jurisdiction 
of  Monterey.  At  the  pueblo  population  increased  in 
general  terms  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  and  sev- 
enty, though  the  variation  from  year  to  year  is  so 

41  White  apprentices  were  to  come  to  San  Francisco  to  learn  to  make  pot- 
tery. Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  53-4;  v.  78,  206;  vi.  230.  Some  cotton  from  San 
Bias  was  woven  before  1797.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  100.'  In  1798  the  mis- 
sion contracted  to  furnish  tiles  to  the  presidio  at  $20  per  thousand.  Prov.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  97;  xvi.  25,  42. 

Such  are  the  facts  briefly  stated  in  23  pages  that  I  have  to  present  respect- 
ing San.  Francisco  from  1791  to  1800.  Most  of  the  facts  are  in  themselves  not 
very  startling  or  important,  but  they  constitute  the  annals  for  ten  years  of 
what  is  now  a  great  city;  and  they  have  been  recorded  not  diffusely,  I  believe, 
but  with  due  condensation.  As  I  write,  a  History  of  the  City  of  San  Fran- 
cisco comes  from  the  press.  It  was  written  in  accordance  with  a  resolution  of 
congress  calling  for  a  historical  sketch  of  each  town  from  its  foundation,  as  a 
centennial  memorial;  it  was  written  by  a  pioneer,  an  editor,  the  author  of 
several  good  works,  the  historian  of  the  Society  of  California  Pioneers;  in 
fact  by  a  man  generally  supposed,  and  with  much  reason,  to  be  better  qualified 
than  any  other  for  the  task,  for  which  he  was  paid  by  the  city.  Being  a  his- 
tory of  a  town  the  work  might  naturally  be  expected  to  deal  largely  in  local 
details  whose  absence  in  a  history  of  California  would  be  excusable.  The 
work  has  received  no  unfavorable  criticism,  except  for  its  rendering  of  modern 
events  involving  personal  and  political  prejudices.  For  the  Spanish  period 
there  is  nothing  but  praise.  The  leading  journals  of  the  city  credit  the 
author  with  immense  research  among  the  records  of  the  past,  and  with  an 
exhaustive  treatment  of  his  subject.  Naturally,  therefore,  it  was  with  some 
trembling  that  I  compared  the  results  with  those  of  my  own  labors;  but  I 
breathe  more  freely  and  am  encouraged,  when  I  see  that  respecting  this  dec- 
ade the  work  alluded  to  contains  the  following,  and  nothing  more :  'Camboii 
was  soon  superseded  by  Danti,  and  he  by  Avella,  who  served  20  years,  com- 
mencing in  1797;'  the  mission  had  in  '1793,  704  Indians,  2,700  cattle,  2,300 
sheep,  and  314  horses.'  For  four  decades,  from  17SO  to  1820,. all  that  the  work 
contains  will  barely  fill  one  page  of  foolscap  manuscript.  This  is  but  a  sample 
of  the  record  of  early  California  events  hitherto  called  history,  and  yet  the 
work  to  which  I  refer  is  one  of  the  best  of  its  class. 


716  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

great  and  inexplicable  as  to  inspire  doubts  of  entire 
accuracy.42  Of  the  nine  original  settlers  six  were  still 
left  in  1797,  the  latest  complete  report  extant,  and 
about  fifty  new  flames  of  settlers,  pensioners,  and  sol- 
diers appear  during  the  decade.  Ignacio  Yallejo  held 
the  office  of  comisionado  until  November  1792,  and 
from  May  1797  to  November  1799;  Macario  Castro 
from  1792  to  1794,  and  from  1799  to  1807;  and 
Gabriel  Moraga  from  1794  to  1797,  the  same  men 
being  corporals  of  the  guard.  Marcos  Chabolla  was 
alcalde  in  1796,  Jose  Maria  Martinez  in  1797,  Jacobo 
Velarde  in  1798,  Ignacio  Castro  in  1799,  and  Fran- 
cisco Castro  in  1800. 

Cattle  and  horses  increased  from  less  than  1,000 
head  to  6,580,  while  sheep,  notwithstanding  Borica's 
efforts,  decreased  to  less  than  400.43  Agricultural 
products  were  4,300  bushels  in  1800,  the  largest  crop 
having  been  6,700  bushels  in  1797,  and  the  smallest 

42  According  to  the  statistics  the  population  in  1791  was  82;  in  1792,  122; 
in  1794,  80;  in  1795,  187;  in  1796,  208;  in  1798,  152;  and  in  1800,  171,  from 
10  to  20  natives  beirig  included  in  each  number.     Of  the  26  names  given  in  a 
former  chapter  (xvi. )  for  1790,  there  disappeared  before  1797,  Antonio  Romero 
and  Francisco  Avila  (sent  away  in  1792)  of  the  polladores;  Juan  Antonio 
Ame'zquita,  invalid;  and  Higuera,  Cayuelas,  and  Joaquin  Castro,  <i(/rer/ados. 
The  new  names  that  appear  during  the  decade,  most  of  them  on  the  list  of 
1797,  are  as  follows:  Francisco  Alvirez,  Javier  Alviso,  Francisco  Alviso,  Jose" 
Aguila,  Francisco  Arias,  Justo  Altamirano,  Jose  Avila,  Nicolas  Berreyesa, 
Pedro  Bojorques,  Jose"  Maria  Benavides,  Antonio  Buelna,  Francisco  Bejar, 
Marcos  Chabolla,  Francisco  Castro,  Macario  Castro,  Leocadio  Cibrian,  Pablo 
Cibrian,  Ignacio  Cantua,  Nicolds  Camareno,  Bernardo  Flores,  Bernardo  Gon- 
zalez,   Francisco   Gonzalez,    Nicolas   Galindo,    Bernardo  Heredia,    Salvador 
Higuera,  Ramon  Lasso  de  la  Vega,  Jos6  Larios,  Jose"  Maria  Martinez,  Leo- 
cadio Martinez,  Dolores  Mesa,  Joaquin  Mesa,  Gabriel  Moraga,  Juan  Mejia, 
Miguel  Osuna,  Ignacio  Pacheco,  Miguel  Pacheco,  Luis_£firalta,  Jos£  Pliego, 
Pedro  Romero,  Jos6  Maria  Ruiz,  Juan  Rosas,  Josd  Saez,  Miguel  Saez,  Justo 
Saez,  Jose"   Antonio   Sanchez,  Albino   Tobar,   Rafael  Villavicencio,   Jacobo 
Velarde,  Antonio  Soto.     List  of  1793,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  410-14.     Lists 
of  1797,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  130-1;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxv.  6,  7. 

43  Three  thousand  three  hundred  and  forty-seven  cattle,  horses,  and  mules, 
the  number  for  1799,  would  probably  be  a  fairer  estimate,  for  the  statistics 
are  very  irregular.     An  increase  from  945  cattle  in  1799  to  3,311  in  1800  is 
inexplicable,  the  number  given  for  1801  being  1,841.     Sheep-raising  intro- 
duced in  1796,  according  to  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  79.     May  18,  1796,  Sal  to 
comisionado,  transcribing  Borica's  orders.     Many  vecinos  have  not  a  single 
sheep.     This  is  bad  and  contrary  to  the  reglamento.     Each  settler  must  at 
once  obtain  a  ram  and  10  sheep,  and  the  government  will  at  once  advance  the 
means  to  the  poor.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  87.     A  settler  must  not  keep  more 
than  50  cattle,  and  should  keep  sheep  in  the  proportion  of  three  to  one.  Prov. 
JRec.,  MS.,  iv.  204;  Dep.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  i.  73-4. 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  717 

1,800  in  1799.44  These  figures  include  wheat,  corn, 
and  beans,  but  not  hemp,  the  culture  of  which  was 
introduced  into  California  in  1795,  San  Jose  being 
selected  as  the  place  for  the  experiment,  and  Ignacio 
Vallejo  as  the  man  to  superintend  it.  Small  crops  of 
this  staple  were  raised  nearly  every  year  during  the 
last  half  of  the  decade.  Some  rude  machinery  was 
constructed  for  its  preparation,  and  several  small  lots 
of  the  prepared  fibre  were  sent  to  Monterey  for  ship- 
ment to  San  Bias.45 

Outside  of  the  pueblo  limits,  there  is  no  evidence  of 
any  agricultural  or  stock-raising  operations  in  this 
region  or  in  the  San  Francisco  jurisdiction,  where  no 
land-grants  even  of  a  provisional  nature  had  been 
made,  except  perhaps  El  Pilar  on  the  peninsula  to  Jose 
Argiiello  in  1797,  about  which  there  is  some  uncer- 
tainty.46 The  slight  structures  of  the  town  had,  as 

44  Jan.  15,  1795,  Borica  urges  increased  attention  to  agriculture  and  prom- 
ises preference  in  the  purchase  of  supplies.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  i. 
45-G.     March  29,  1796,  Borica  is  glad  to  know  the  reservoir  is  finished  and 
he  offers  a  premium  of  $25  to  the  man  who  shall  raise  the  biggest  crop.  Prov. 
Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  186.     Sept.  1796,  Borica  congratulates  San  Jose  on  her  wheat 
crop.     In  May  he  had  soundly  rated  the  comisionado  for  not  planting  more 
corn.  Id.,  iv.   188-9,  196,  202.     May  2,  1796,  10  sacks  seed-corn  gent  from 
Monterey.  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  87.     Sept.   15,  1797,  complaints  of  bad 
quality  of  San  Jose"  flour.  Id.,  v.  32.     May  30, 1798,  Borica  orders  the  settlers 
to  enclose  their  fields.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  272,  293.    -Aug.  31,  1799,  Vallejo 
to  B.,  very  poor  wheat  crops  caused  by  chahuiste.     Asks  for  time  to  pay 
loans  and  tithes.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv'ii.  229. 

45  Dec.  23,  1795,  Borica  to  Moraga  ordering  him  to  afford  Vallejo  aid  in  the 
way  of  grain  with  which  to  pay  native  laborers.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  241. 
Dec.  4th,  Argiiello  to  Moraga,  transcribes  B.'s  note  of  Dec.  1st,  with  viceroy's 
order  of  Aug.  26th,  in  reply  to  Borica's  of  Feb.  1st,  with  instructions  on  prep- 
aration of  hemp,  and  promise  of  instruments.    S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  28. 
Lands  of  Linares  taken  and  others  given  him.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  177-80. 
July  3,  1796,  B.  regrets  loss  of  first  crop;  but  five  fanegas  of  seed  were  saved. 
Id.,  iv.  192,  199.  August  13th,  B.  to  Vallejo,  carpenter  B<§jar  to  make  machin- 
ery.    Grain  to  be  sown  for  rations  of  native  laborers.  Id.,  iv.  197.     About  30 
fauegas  of  seed  harvested  in  1796-7.     Twenty-five  arrobas  (625  lb?.)  sent  to 
San  Bias  in  1798.  Id.,  vi.  103;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.  70.     Numerous  minor 
communications  on  the  subject  during  1797,  showing  great  interest  on  the 
part  of  Borica  and  even  the  V.  R.  Prov.  St.  Pop.-,. MS.,  xv.     Seven  bales 
shipped  in  September  1800.     Crop  in  1800-1  not  good.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv. 
15;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  59,  66,  70. 

40  Application  and  grant  recorded  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  103;  but  in  1798  Ar- 
giiello himself  names  El  Pilar  as  belonging  to  the  mission.  Argiiello,  Informe 
sobre  Rancho  del  Rey,  MS.  In  his  report  of  1794  Arrillaga  says  that  the  settlers 
of  San  Jose  formerly  did  not  possess  their  lands  in  property,  and  the  land  annu- 
ally assigned  them  by  the  comisiouado  was  not  properly  cultivated  because  liable 
next  year  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  another.  The  comisionado  was  therefore  or- 


718  LOCAL  EVENTS-SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

we  have  seen,  been  removed  before  1791  to  a  short 
distance  from  the- original  site,  but  there  is  nothing  to 
show  that  the  buildings  on  the  new  site  were  of  a 
more  substantial  character;47  neither  was  .there  any- 
thing noticeable  accomplished  in  the  way  of  manufac- 
tures.48 

The  settlers  showed  a  spirit  of  insubordination  early 
in  1792,  owing  to  popular  dissatisfaction  with  Vallejo 
as  comisionado,  but  on  his  removal  quiet  was  restored, 
not  to  be  disturbed  in  the  same  way  until  1800  under 
Castro's  administration.  At  this  time  a  gang  of  idle 
vagabonds  committed  all  kinds  of  depredations,  and 
finally  set  the  comisionado's  house  on  fire  one  night 
when  a  "peaceable  and  lawful  ball"  was  in  progress. 
A  detachment  of  soldiers  was  sent  from  San  Fran- 
cisco to  restore  order,  which  it  is  to  be  presumed  they 
accomplished,  though  we  have  no  particulars.49  Mean- 
while in  1794  there  had  been  fears  of  an  Indian  out- 
break which  gave  rise  to  much  correspondence  and 
caused  unusual  precautions.  Father  Fernandez  of 
Santa  Clara  was  accused  of  undue  severity  in  connec- 
tion with  this  affair,  a  charge  not  fully  sustained  when 
Alferez  Sal  was  sent  to  make  investigations.  No  out- 

dered  to  distribute  four  suertes  to  each  on  condition  of  paying  a  fee  of  reconoci- 
miento  to  the  ting,  and  of  not  selling  without  consent  of  the  authorities.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  188-9.  Dec.  29,  1793,  governor  to  comisionado,  each 
lot  to  be  200  yards  square,  for  which  half  a  fanega  of  maize  must  be  paid. 
New  settlers  must  pay  same  as  old  pobladores,  and  will  get  a  title.  After  a 
year  and  a  day  they  may  hold  office.  He  who  abandons  his  land  loses  all 
improvements.  Retired  soldiers  pay  no  reconocimiento,  but  their  heirs  must 
pay.  Id.,  xxi.  177-8.  Feb.  7,  1800,  some  settlers  disposed  to  abandon  their 
lauds  or  part  of  them.  This  must  not  be  allowed.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii. 
63. 

47  Sept.  25,  1797,  reference  to  a  bridge  over  the  creek.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS., 
iv.  257.     April  3,  1799,  if  the  people  want  a  chapel  they  may  use  the  commu- 
nity grain  to  build  it.  Id.,  iv.  292. 

48  Jan.  1795,  Borica  urges  the  people  to  tan  hides  and  make  saddles,  boots, 
and  shoes,  etc. ,  which  will  be  purchased  at  fair  prices  if  of  good  quality.     He 
will  have  no  idleness.  Prov.  Itec.,  MS.,  iv.  220.     Leocadio  Martinez,  carpen- 
ter, was  exiled  here  in  1796.  San  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  79.     Oct.  '28,  1798, 
Larios  and  Balesteros  allowed  to  build  a  water-mill.    Prov.  Rcc.,  MS.,  iv. 
283.     July  1799,  reference  to  Villavicencio's  weavery  at  San  Jose".  Id.,  iv. 
300. 

"ArriUaga,  Papel  de  Puntos,  MS.,  188.  Sept.  30,  1800,  Castro  to  Sal,  with 
certificate  of  alcalde  and  Ramon  Lasso.  Oct.  2d,  Sal  to  Arrillaga  transmit- 
ting the  complaint.  Dec.  13th,  governor's  orders  to  Sal  and  Alberni.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  4-8,  16. 


PUEBLO  VS  MISSION.  719 

break  occurred.50  After  1797  a  large  part  of  the 
military  guard  was  withdrawn  to  provide  for  the  new 
foundations. 

In  1797  there  was  a  proposition  to  move  the  pueblo 
to  the  western  bank  of  the  river,  with  a  view  to 
escape  the  danger  of  inundation.  It  was  favored  by 
Moraga,  Yallejo,  Alcalde  Chabolla,  and  in  fact  by  all 
the  settlers  except  four.  Borica  ordered  Cordoba  to 
examine  the  proposed  site  and  make  a  plan  for  the 
town,  and  the  change  seemed  likely  to  be  effected; 
but  after  September  the  whole  subject  was  dropped,51 
probably  in  consequence  of  a  controversy  between  the 
pueblo  and  mission  about  boundaries.  This  quarrel  was 
the  most  notable  local  event  of  the  decade.  In  April 
1797  Father  Sanchez  of  Santa  Clara  complained  that 
the  townsmen  were  encroaching  on  the  mission  lands. 
Borica  thereupon  sent  the  engineer  C6rdoba  to  make 
a  survey  and  establish  the  boundaries,  taking  into 
account  the  views  of  both  friars  and  vecinos  and  also 
the  former  survey  of  Moraga.  Cordoba  reported  in 
August  that  the  bound,  so  far  as  it  could  be  deter- 
mined from  Moraga's  rather  vague  survey  by  meas- 
uring 1,950  varas  down  the  river  from  where  the  old 
dam  was  said  to  have  been,  was  within  the  mission 
potrero,  and  that  the  padres  refused  to  accept  it  in  a 
representation  enclosed  in  the  report.  In  this  docu- 
ment, addressed  by  CataUi  and  Viader  to  Borica, 
great  stress  was  placed  on  the  rights  of  the  natives, 
and  to  the  fact  that  some  time  in  the  future  the  lands 
must  be  divided  among  the  5,000  native  owners.  It 

50 Correspondence  between  Moraga,  Argiiello,  and  Sal  in  Prov.  8t.  Pap., 
MS.,  xii.  33,  49-53,  124-32,  189-91.  May  16,  1797,  guard  to  be  withdrawn. 
Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  213.  Aug.  2,  1794,  troops  ordered  to  be  drawn  up  under 
arms,  and  all  citizens  to  assemble  with  officials  to  formally  recognize  Borica 
as  governor.  8.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  23.  May  20,  1797,  Moraga  to  Vallejo, 
statement  of  armament  and  ammunition.  There  was  one  mounted  cannon. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  1G8-9;  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  48-9. 

51  Jan.  8,  1797,  Moraga  to  Borica.  Prov.  St.  .Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  4.  Jan.  10th, 
Chabolla  to  B.  Id.,  xvi.  24.  May  llth,  B.  to  Cordoba.  Id.,  xxi.  257.  Sept. 
7th,  Vallejo  to  B.  Id.,  xv.  145.  Sept.  26th,  Vallejo  says  the  alcalde  has 
directed  the  people  to  build  across  the  river.  Id.,  xvii.  241.  No  date,  Jose" 
Maria  Martinez  says  the  settlers  did  not  desire  the  removal.  Id.,  xvii.  241. 


720  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

was  claimed  that  the  mission  had  been  in  actual  pos- 
session of  the  lands  in  dispute  for  twelve  years,  and 
instances  were  cited  where  controversies  with  individ- 
uals had  been  decided  by  Moraga  and  others  in  favor 
of  the  mission.  Moreover,  the  natives,  both  Chris- 
tian and  gentile,  wTere  beginning  to  complain  that  they 
were  robbed  of  their  lands. 

Nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  matter  for  a  year.52 
In  July  1798  the  guardian  of  San  Fernando  college, 
who  was  no  other  than  Padre  Tomds  de  la  Pena,  for- 
merly minister  of  Santa  Clara,  and  to  whom  the  mat- 
ter had  naturally  been  referred  by  the  missionaries, 
addressed  a  petition  to  the  viceroy.  In  it  he  states 
that  Moraga  founded  the  pueblo  nearer  the  mission 
than  Neve  had  intended  it  to  be.  Neve  had  subse- 
quently admitted  this  and  promised  to  move  the  town ; 
but  as  during  his  administration  no  lands  were  as- 

O 

signed,  no  landmarks  fixed,  and  no  pueblo  cattle  sent 
across  the  river,  there  had  been  no  trouble.53  When 
Pages  came  he  determined  to  grant  lands  and  fix 
boundaries,  and  he  did  so  notwithstanding  the  friars' 
verbal  and  written  protest  and  Junipero  Serra's  en- 
treaties, to  which  he  paid  not  the  slightest  respect. 
Prom  that  time  troubles  were  frequent,  and  Pages, 
the  archenemy  of  the  friars,  seemed  to  take  pleasure 
in  annoying  them.  In  1786,  however,  Palou  on  his 
return  to  Mexico  laid  the  matter  before  the  viceroy 
and  obtained  a  promise  of  relief  or  at  least  of  investi- 
gation ;  the  river  to  be  the  boundary  until  a  definite 
settlement  should  be  made.  Owing  to  the  death  of 
the  viceroy  followed  by  that  of  Palou,  the  promise 

62  In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  padres  of  Mission  San  Jose"  complained  of 
damage  done  by  pueblo  horses,  and  Vallejo  gave  orders  to  remedy  the  evil, 
though  it  was  difficult  to  keep  the  horses  off  the  lands  where  they  had  been 
born  and  raised.  Oct.  9,  1798,  P.  Barcenilla  to  Vallejo.  Oct.  18th,  Vallejo 
to  Borica.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  156-7. 

53  Neve,  Instruction  que  dd  d  Pages,  MS.,  147,  seems  to  have  pronounced 
in  favor  of  the  half-way  mark  between  pueblo  and  mission  as  the  boundary. 
'  Declare  que  la  guardiaraya  6  lindero  que  divide  los  dos  tdrminos  de  Oriente 
a  Poiriente  es  la  mediacion  del  terreno  que  intermedia  entre  las  dos  poblaci- 
ones,  correspondiendo  a  la  mision  la  partc  del  Norte,  y  al  Pueblo  la  del  Sur, 
donde  pueden  ponersedesde  luego  mojoneras.' 


SAN  JOSE  VS  SANTA  CLARA.  721 

was  not  fulfilled;  but  during  the  time  of  Romeu  and 
Arrillaga,  the  mission  had  never  recognized  the  old 
landmarks,  and  without  hinderance  had  built  their 
fences  and  used  the  land  beyond  those  old  bounds. 
Now,  however,  the  settlers  were  encroaching  on  the 
lands  thus  occupied,  and  insisting  on  the  limits  fixed 
by  Fages.     The  petition  calls  for  the  river  Guadalupe 
as  a  dividing  line,  which  will  leave  to  the  pueblo  land 
enough,  and  with  which  the  mission  will  be  content, 
though  its  lands  be  less  in  extent  and  of  inferior  quality. 
This  petition  was  referred  to  Borica,  who  in  Decem- 
ber 1798  reported  in  favor  of  the  padres,  but  suggested 
that  a  part  of  the  mountains  toward  the  coast  should 
be  reserved  to  the  pueblo  for  a  source  of  wood-supply. 
On  this  basis  the  matter  was  settled,  after  some  unim- 
portant correspondence  between  local  authorities,  by  a 
viceregal  decree  of  September  1,  1800,  in  favor  of  the 
Guadalupe  as  a  boundary,  with  a  reservation  of  moun- 
tain woodland  to  be  agreed  upon  and  clearly  marked 
to   prevent  future  disputes.     Captain   Argiiello  was 
appointed  commissioner  for  the  pueblo,  and  Padre 
Landaeta  for  the  mission,  and  in  July  1801  the  boun- 
daries were  surveyed  and  landmarks  fixed.     Thus  the 
missionaries  were  victorious.54     I  append  in  a  note  a 
slight  resume  of  pueblo  regulations  at  San  Jose  as 
expressed  in  the  correspondence  of  this  decade.55 

5iSan  Jose,  Cuestion  de  Limites  entre  el  Pueblo  y  la  Mision  de  Santa'  Clara, 
1797-1S01.  Varios  Papeles  tocantes  al  Asunto.,  MS.  These  papers  include 
April  30,  1797,  complaint  of  P.  Sanchez  to  Borica;  May  llth,  decree  of  B. 
with  instructions  to  Cordoba;  July  29th,  examination  of  witnesses  at  San 
Jos<5;  Aug.  7th,  C6rdoba's  report;  Aug.  6th,  representation  of  Catala,  and 
Viader  to  B. ;  July  27,  1798,  Pena,  Petition  del  P.  Guardian  sobre  limites  de  San 
Jose  y  Santa  Clara,  1798,  MS.  Aug.  7th,  Viceroy  Azanza  to  B. ;  Dec.  3d,  B. 
to  V.  B.,  approving  padre's  claims,  in  Prov.Rec.,  MS.  vi.  110;  Jan.  3d,  April 
1,  1800,  Sal  to  comisionado  of  S.  Jose".  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  50,  56.  Feb. 
9th,  Gov.  to  Sal.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  xi.  134.  Sept.  1st,  V.  R.'s  decree  of  settle- 
ment. St.  Pop.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  10,  11.  Aug.  1,  1801,  Carrillo  to  Arrillaga, 
has  received  Argiiello's  report  of  July  31st.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
i.  44.  Aug.  31st,  Gov.  to  Carrillo,  is  advised  of  the  establishment  of  the  line 
and  of  the  settlers'  discontent.  Governor  to  president  to  same  effect.  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  xxxii.  3;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  15.  Oct.  20,  1803, 
padre  asks  permission  to  mark  the  boundaries  with  trenches.  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  iv.  100.  See  also  Hall's  Hist.  S.  Jose,  57-80. 

55  June  12,  1792,  Argiiello  to  governor,  only  soldiers,  justices,  and  travel- 
lers may  carry  arms;  boys  must  not  go  into  the  country  without  a  guardian; 
HIST.  GAL.,  VOL.  I.  46 


72-2  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

At  the  mission  of  Santa  Clara  Pena  and  Noboa 
served  as  ministers  until  August  1794,  when  both 
retired  to  their  college,  the  former  on  account  of  ill- 
health,  the  latter  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  ten 
years.56  Padre  Pena  during  the  later  years  of  his 

all  single  males  over  12  years  old  must  sleep  in  the  guard-house,  for  the  pro- 
tection of  family  peace;  severe  punishment  for  gaming.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS., 
i.  111.  1794,  troops  had  to  take  care  of  their  animals  or  pay  for  it,  the  set- 
tlers objecting.  ArriUaga,  Papel  de  Pantos,  MS.,  189.  Dec.  4,  1795,  Borica 
approves  that  no  grain  be  sown  in  community,  but  each  settler  contribute  two 
fanegas  of  wheat  and  two  of  corn  each  year.  Prov.  llec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  239.  April 
29,  1796,  neither  gentiles  nor  Christian  Indians  must  be  allowed  to  ride.  S. 
Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  65,  86.  Nov.  5,  1796,  B.'s  orders  that  no  gambling, 
drinking,  or  illicit  sexual  relations  are  to  be  allowed,  and  Moraga  must  pre- 
vent them  or  be  dismissed.  Id.,  ii.  72.  Sept.  3,  1796,  no  neophyte  to  be 
allowed  in  the  pueblo  without  a  paper  from  the  padre.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S. 
Jose,  MS.,  i.  67.  Jan.  3,  1798,  three  keys  to  community  granary,  one  kept 
by  comisionado,  one  by  alcalde,  and  one  by  senior  regidor.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS., 
iv.  263.  April  30,  1798,  comisionado  not  to  meddle  in  administration  of  jus- 
tice. Id.,  iv.,  269-70.  -Dec.  13th,  each  invalid  and  settler,  according  to  reg- 
lamento,  must  keep  two  horses  and  equipments.  Id.,  iv.  286.  Nov.  21, 1799, 
Borica's  instructions  to  Castro  on  relieving  Vallejo  as  comisionado.  Details 
on  inventories,  tithes,  loan  of  seed,  and  moral  supervision.  San  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  vi.  40.  August  22, 1800,  Sol  to  comisionado.  No  one  from  Branciforte 
to  sow  grain  at  San  Jose".  Alcalde  has  been  instructed  about  those  who  beat 
children.  Comisionado  to  look  after  crops  which  are  being  neglected.  Mules 
won't  sell  at  any  price.  If  Larios  will  not  pay  tithes  he  must  not  sow.  San 
Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  68.  Oct.  4th,  patrol  after  11  p.  M.  to  prevent  disorders 
and  fires  and  arrest  any  one  abroad  without  cause.  A  scouting  party  to  be 
organized  for  the  country.  /(/. ,  iii.  65.  Oct.  7th,  if  Heredia  refuses  to  aid  in 
repairs  to  the  depdsito,  give  him  40  days  to  leave  the  jurisdiction  with  all  his 
family  and  belongings.  Id.,  iii.  64.  Only  those  duly  registered  as  vecinos  can 
sow  without  special  license.  Id.,  iii.  58.  Oct.  15th,  petitions  can  be  sent  only 
through  the  comisionado.  Id.,  iii.  48.  Oct.  25th,  if  Hernandez  is  found  with 
a  knife  he  is  to  get  50  lashes;  neither  must  he  get  drunk  nor  create  scandal. 
Id.,  iii.  71. 

36Tomas  de  la  Pena  y  Saravia,  a  native  of  Spain,  left  Mexico  in  October 
1770,  sailed  from  San  Bias  in  February  1771,  was  driven  to  Manzanillo,  came 
back  to  Sinaloa  by  land, 'and  finally  reached  Loreto  November  24,  1771,  being 
assigned  to  Comondu  Mission.  He  came  up  to  San  Diego  on  September  1772, 
serving  there  for  a  year,  and  subsequently  as  a  supernumerary  for  short  periods 
at  San  Luis  Obispo  and  San  Carlos.  From  June  to  August  1774  he  made  a 
voyage  with  Perez  to  the  north-west  coast,  keeping  a  diary  of  the  expedition. 
After  his  return  he  remained  as  supernumerary  at  San  Carlos  and  neighboring 
missions  tmtil  January  1777,  when  he  became  a  founder  of  Santa  Clara, 
serving  there  until  August  11,  1794,  when  he  sailed  for  San  Bias  in  the  San- 
tiago. In  1795  he  received  some  votes  for  guardian  of  the  college,  and  was 
subsequently  elected,  since  he  held  the  position  in  1798.  He  was  also  sindic 
of  the  college  from  1800  to  Feb.  9,  1806,  the  date  of  his  death.  P.  Pena  was 
an  able  and  successful  missionary,  but  hot-tempered  and  occasionally  harsh 
in  his  treatment  of  the  neophytes.  He  was  accused  before  1790  of  having 
caused  the  death  of  two  boys  by  his  blows;  but  after  a  full  investigation  the 
charge  was  proven  false,  the  Indian  witnesses  confessing  that  they  had  testi- 
fied falsely,  and  some  evidence  being  adduced  to  show  that  Commandant 
Gonzalez,  whom  the  padre  had  reproved  for  his  immorality,  had  used  his 
influence  in  favor  of  the  accusation.  The  formal  decision  was  not  reached 
until  1795,  after  the  padre  had  retired  to  Mexico;  but  he  interceded  with 


ANNALS  OF  SANTA  CLARA.  723 

stay  in  California  was  a  prey  to  that  peculiar  hypo- 
chondria which  affected  so  many  of  the  early  mission- 
aries, amounting  at  the  last  almost  to  insanity.  It 
is  possible  that  in  his  case  this  condition  was  aggra- 
vated by  serious  but  unfounded  charges  of  having 
killed  two  Indian  boys  by  ill-treatment.  The  suc- 
cessors in  the  ministry  were  Magin  Catala,57  and 
Manuel  Fernandez,  but  the  latter  served  only  a  year, 
being  accused  of  excessive  severity  toward  the  natives, 
and  then  came  Jose  Viader.  For  three  decades  I 
shall  have  no  further  changes  in  ministers  to  record 
at  Santa  Clara. 

In  1800  this  mission  had  a  larger  neophyte  popula- 
tion than  any  other  in  California,  showing  a  gain  from 
927  to  1,247,  baptisms  having  numbered  2,288,  and 
deaths  1,682,  so  that  a  margin  of  nearly  300  is  left 
for  runaways.  The  baptisms  in  1794  had  been  500, 
and  235  in  1796  had  been  the  largest  number  of  deaths. 
Live-stock,  large  and  small,  had  increased  to  about 
5,000  each,  Santa  Clara  being  behind  San  Francisco 
in  this  respect,  and  barely  equal  in  agricultural  pro- 
ducts, which  in  1800  amounted  to  4,200  bushels.  The 
best  crop  was  8,300  bushels  in  1797,  the  worst  3,200 
in  1792,  the  average  being  4,600  bushels.  Wheat  was 

the  authorities  in  behalf  of  his  Indian  accusers,  who  were  released  after  pub- 
licly apologizing  to  the  ministers  for  their  attempt  to  bring  dishonor  on  the 
order.  President  Lasuen  in  May  1794  spoke  of  his  condition  as  being  pitia- 
ble, for  he  had  became  emaciated,  talked  to  himself,  appeared  constantly 
afraid,  and  showed  other  symptoms  which  caused  fears  that  he  might  lose 
his  reason.  Pena  had  a  patent  as  president  in  case  of  accident  to  Lasuen. 
See  Arch.  Sta.  Barbara,  MS.,  x.  150,  289;  xi.  52,  220,  240;  xii.  436;  Sta 
Clara,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS.;  Sta  Cruz,  Lib.  de  Mision,  MS,,  10;  Arch.  Arzo- 
bispado,  MS.,  i.  39;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  33-5;  iv.  234;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
J/V/.,  MS.,  xix.  6;  andPe?la,  Cargo  de  Homicidio  contra  el  Padre  Tomds  de  la 
Pena,  1786-95,  MS.  Of  Diego  de  Noboa  nothing  is  known  save  that  he  ar- 
rived at  San  Francisco  from  Mexico  on  June  2,  1783,  remained  unattached  at 
San  Francisco  and  Santa  Clara  until  June  1784,  when  he  became  minister  of 
the  latter  mission  and  continued  to  serve  there  until  he  sailed  with  his  asso- 
ciate on  Aug,  11,  1794. 

57  Sept  3,  1796,  Borica  says  that  it  is  reported  that  Catala  has  threatened 
the  comandante  of  San  Jose"  to  destroy  the  houses  if  he  admits  Christian 
natives  to  the  pueblo.  He  does  not  believe  any  such  reports.  Magin  is  a  friar, 
not  a  Robespierre.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  169-70.  Jan.  7,  1797,  B.  orders 
Moraga  and  Vallejo  to  give  satisfaction  to  Catala  for  their  rudeness,  and  asks 
the  padre  to  bear  a  little  with  the  manners  of  men  who  were  not  educated  '  en 
el  colegio  de  nobles  ni  en  elPvomano.'  Id.,  vi.  179-80. 


724  LOCAL  EVENTS— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT. 

the  leading  product,  and  no  barley  was  raised  as  a 
rule.58 

Vancouver  describes  the  mission  buildings  as  on 
the  same  general  plan  as  at  San  Francisco,  forming 
an  incomplete  square  of  about  100  by  170  feet.  The 
structures  were  somewhat  superior  to  those  of  San 
Francisco,  the  church  being  long,  lofty,  and  as  well 
built  as  the  rude  materials  would  permit.  The  upper 
stories,  or  garrets,  of  the  buildings  and  some  of  the 
lower  rooms  were  used  as  granaries,  and  there  were 
also  two  detached  storehouses  recently  erected.  Close 
to  the  padres'  house  ran  a  fine  stream  of  water,  but 
in  order  to  be  near  this  stream  the  site  had  been 
selected  in  a  low  marshy  spot  only  a  few  hundred 
yards  from  dry  and  comfortable  eminences.59  In  fact 
this  very  year  of  1792  the  friars  had  been  confined 
for  a  long  time  to  their  house  by  a  flood,  and  it  had 
been  resolved  to  move  the  mission  buildings  some  five 
hundred  yards  to  higher  ground.60  There  is  no  further 
direct  record  of  the  removal,  and  it  is  not  likely  that 
the  new  church  was  ever  moved,  but  a  report  of  1797 
that  the  ministers'  houses,  guard-room,  storehouse, 
and  soldiers'  dwellings  had  been  completed  indicates 
a  transfer  of  such  buildings  as  were  on  the  lowest 
ground.61  The  church  had  a  roof  of  tiles  and  had 

58  Supplies  furnished  to  Monterey  in  1795,  $1,439;  to  S.  Francisco,  $212; 
to  Monterey  in  1796,  82,147;  in  1798,  $800.     In  December  1797  had  a  draft 
from  Argiiello  for  $1,643.     Ordered  a  bill  of  goods  of  $4,000  from  Mexico. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  203,  206;  xvii.  62;  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  v.  76.     Fur- 
nished supplies  to  San  Carlos  in  the  hard  year  of  1795.  Arch.  Sta  Barbara, 
MS.,  ii.  229-30.     Bean  crop  failed  in  1795,  raising  price  from  $2.50  to  $3.50. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  67-8.     The  following  items  are  from  Vancouver's 
observations  in  1792.     Many  thousand  bushels  of  different  grains  in  store. 
Hemp  and  flax  succeed  well.    Wheat  yields  25  and  30  fold.    Barley  and  oats 
not  raised  because  the  superior  grain  could  be  produced  with  the  same  labor. 
In  the  garden  were  peaches,  apricots,  apples,  pears,  figs  and  vines,  though 
the  latter  do  not  flourish.     Immense  herds  of  cattle;  24  oxen  killed  every 
Saturday  for  food.      Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.,  19-24. 

59  Vancouver's  Voyage,  ii.,  18,  19. 

60 June  30,  1792,  Sal  to  Arrillaga,  in  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iii.,  23.  May  28, 
1791,  Fages  to  Romeu,  the  padres  are  forming  a  new  establishment  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  150. 

61  Aug.  17,  1796,  Amador  to  Borica,  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.,  170-1. 
The  padres'  houses  had  8  rooms  of  5  yds.  each ;  guard-house,  8x5;  store- 
house, 5  yds.  square ;  5  soldiers'  houses,  each  5^  yds.  There  was  also  a  corral 


SANTA  CLARA.  725 

been  lengthened  twenty-four  feet  in  1795.  At  the 
time  of  Vancouver's  visit  some  of  the  natives  were 
at  work  on  adobe  houses  for  themselves.  Fourteen 
of  these  dwellings,  thatched,  were  completed  in  1793, 
nine  more  in  1794,  and  before  1798  nearly  all  the 
married  neophytes  were  thus  accommodated.62  The 
cloth  woven  at  Santa  Clara  seemed  to  Vancouver  of 
a  better  quality  than  at  San  Francisco.  In  1792  two 
thousand  hides  were  tanned,  but  very  few  of  them 
could  be  sold.  Miguel  Sangrador  was  the  master 
tanner  and  shoemaker;  Cayetano  Lopez  the  master 
carpenter  and  mill-maker.  It  does  not  appear  that 
there  was  any  water-power  mill  either  at  Santa  Clara 
or  San  Jose  before  1800.63 

36  yds.  square  with  walls  6  feet  high,  built  of  stout  timbers  and  adobes  de 
cajon. 

62  Besides  enlarging  the  church,  a  trench  was  dug  in  1795,  half  a  league 
long,  nine  feet  wide,  and  five  feet  deep.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  78,  122. 
Adobe  houses  for  neophytes.  Id.,  ii.  16,  123.  In  1798  they  seem  to  have  had 
tile  roofs.  Argiiello's  report  in  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  59-60.  Guard- 
house finished  in  1796.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  92.  Vancouver  was  shown  by 
Peua  a  ponderous  black  stone  which  was  to  be  used  for  building  and  for  mill 
stones  as  soon  as  any  one  could  be  found  capable  of  working  it.  Voyage,  ii.  35. 

™Arch.  Sta  Barbara,  MS.,  ii.  72-3;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  ii.  9,  10;  Prov. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  128-9.  Aug.  1797,  rastrasmade  at  San  Jose"  for  grinding 
wheat.  Prov.  Pec.,  MS.,  iv.  253.  April  18,  1796,  Borica  orders  Vallejo  to 
seek  suitable  stones  for  a  mill;  but  on  May  2d  he  was  directed  to  suspend  the 
work.  Id.,  vi.  187-8. 


CHAPTEE    XXXIII. 

CLOSE  OF  BOEICA'S  RULE. 
1800. 

END  OF  A  DECADE  AND  CENTURY — BOKICA'S  POLICY  AND  CHARACTER — INDUS- 
TRIAL REVIVAL — FRUITLESS  EFFORTS — GOVERNOR'S  RELATIONS  WITH 
FRIARS,  SOLDIERS,  NEOPHYTES,  AND  SETTLERS — EFFORTS  FOR  PROMO- 
TION— A  KNIGHT  OF  SANTIAGO — FAMILY  RELATIONS— LEAVE  OF  ABSENCE, 
DEPARTURE,'  AND  DEATH— ARRILLAGA  AND  ALBERNI  IN  COMMAND — LIST 
OF  SECONDARY  AUTHORITIES  ON  EARLY  CALIFORNIA  HISTORY — LIST  OF 
INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA  FROM  1769  TO  1800. 

THE  rule  of  Diego  de  Borica  from  1794  to  1800 
was  a  period  rather  of  progress,  or  of  effort  toward 
progress,  than  of  events.  Going  beyond  the  routine 
duties  of  his  position,  the  governor  devoted  himself 
faithfully  and  intelligently  to  the  general  advancement 
of  his  province.  No  one  of  California's  few  classes  of 
inhabitants  was  slighted  or  specially  favored.  Mis- 
sionaries, neophytes,  pagans,  soldiers,  and  settlers, 
each  received  sympathy,  encouragement,  and  aid  from 
the  government.  No  industry  or  institution  was 
neglected.  Missions  and  pueblos,  conversion  and 
colonization,  agriculture  and  trade,  civil  and  military 
and  ecclesiastical  government,  all  received  close  atten- 
tion. The  neophytes  were  the  weakest  class  and 
received  the  most  sympathy;  the  padres  were  the 
strongest  and  required  least  protection;  the  settlers 
were  the  most  difficult  to  manage  and  received  atten- 
tion proportionate  to  the  magnitude  of  interests  in- 
volved in  the  future  prosperity  of  the  country.  If 
the  results  of  Borica's  efforts  as  presented  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapters  were  slight  and  unsatisfactory  in 

(726) 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  CHARACTER.  727 

many  respects  as  viewed  from  an  Anglo-American 
standpoint,  this  fact  was  due  to  inherent  difficulties  in 
the  problems  presented  for  solution,  to  the  spirit  of 
the  times,  to  the  nature  of  the  raw  material  both 
native  and  foreign,  rather  than  to  Borica's  shortcom- 
ings or  to  inadequate  royal  provisions.  Don  Diego 
was  not  a  genius;  he  was  a  prudent,  sensible  man, 
honest  and  zealous  in  the  discharge  of  his  public 
duties. 

I  have  already  noted  Borica's  arrival  with  his  fam- 
ily at  Loreto,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1794,  at  Monterey. 
Fortunately  a  quantity  of  his  private  letters  or  blot- 
ters of  the  same,  were  left  in  California  and  have  been 
preserved  in  the  archives  giving  us  a  brief  glance  at 
the  man  in  his  private  capacity,  as  an  agreeable  com- 
panion, a  bon  vivant,  jovial  and  witty.  The  letters 
also  gave  us  Borica's  early  impressions  of  California, 
enthusiastically  eulogized  as  the  best  country  in  the 
world  in  which  to  live  long  and  well.1  Unfortunately 
the  governor  took  better  care  of  private  correspond- 
ence in  later  years,  and  from  the  beginning  of  1795 
his  individuality  is  well  nigh  sunk  in  the  generalities 
of  official  communications,  which  nevertheless  con- 
tinue to  show  the  good-humor,  kindness  of  heart, 
sympathy  for  all  suffering,  invariable  courtesy,  and 
business-like  good  sense  which  always  characterized 
the  man.2  His  relations  with  the  friars  were  always 
friendly  and  mutually  respectful.  At  the  first  he 
assured  President  Lasuen  of  his  desire  to  avoid  all 
controversy  between  the  secular  and  the  missionary 
authorities,  a  desire  reciprocated  by  Lasuen,3  and  sub- 
sequently kept  in  view  by  both  parties.  Lasuen 

1  See  chapter  xxv.  of  this  volume. 

2 Garcia,  in  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found.,  No.  25,  ii.  145,  speaks  of  Borica 
as  not  liked  by  the  people  on  account  of  his  stiff  and  formal  manners;  but 
there  is  nothing  in  contemporary  records  to  show  that  such  was  the  feel- 
ing toward  him.  Romero,  Memoriae,  MS.,  18,  speaks  of  him  as  noted  for 
kindness  and  courtesy  in  his  intercourse  with  subordinates,  though  never  per- 
mitting neglect  of  duty  to  pass  unrebuked. 

3  Arch.  Arzobispado,  MS.,  i.  36.  Yet  in  1791  the  bishop  of  Durango  in  a 
letter  to  the  viceroy  had  spoken  very  bitterly  and  sarcastically  of  Borica's 
mission  policy  in  the  Provincias  Internas.  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.,  MS.,  7. 


728  CLOSE  OF  BORICA'S  RULE, 

often  deemed  Borica  too  much  disposed  to  hear  and 
credit  the  complaints  of  lying  neophytes,  but  no 
noticeable  coolness  ensued.  Still  Borica's  success  in 
maintaining  harmony  with  the  padres  should  not  be 
compared  with  the  failure  of  his  predecessors  to  their 
disadvantage;  for  to  a  certain  extent  that  success 
resulted  from  the  fact  that  Neve  and  Fages  had  fought 
the  battle,  and  the  missionaries  had  learned  from  ex- 
perience that  it  was  not  wise  as  yet  to  renew  the 
conflict. 

I  find  no  evidence  that  Borica  ever  left  the  capital 
during  his  rule  of  six  years,  though  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  he  may  have  visited  San  Jose  and  San  Francisco. 
In  July  1794,  before  coming  north,  he  sent  a  petition 
to  the  king  for  promotion,  and  in  October  1795  received 
his  commission  as  colonel  of  cavalry.4  In  these  early 
years  he  also  cherished  the  hope  of  still  further  pro- 
motion to  a  generalship,  or  at  least  to  the  governorship 
of  Sonora,  Durango,  or  Zacatecas.  To  this  end  he 
sent  large  sums  of  money  to  Spain  to  be  used  at  court, 
but  his  agent  Miranda  seems  to  have  spent  the  money 
to  no  purpose.5  He  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of 
wealth,  or  at  all  events  his  wife,  Dona  Maria  Magda- 
lena  de  Urquides,  had  large  estates  in  Nueva  Vizcaya.6 
Being  a  knight  of  the  order  of  Santiago  he  acted  on 
May  5,  1796,  as  grand  master  at  the  initiation  of  the 
Spanish  naval  officer  Don  Ramon  de  Saavedra,  at 
Monterey.  President  Lasuen  served  as  prelate  on 

*  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  v.  71;  vi.  26;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  197;  xiii.  55; 
xiv.  29;  xvii.  2.  Previous  to  his  appointment  as  governor  lie  had  been  ad- 
jutant-inspector in  Chihuahua,  his  pay  in  that  position  running  to  May  13, 
1794.  Id.,  xii.  174. 

5  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  206,  215-16,  222-4,  227. 

6  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.  124.     His  wife  and  daughter,  a  beauty  of  16,  were 
very  popular.  Garcia,  in  Taylor's  Discov.and  Found.,  No.  25,  11.    Josd  Maria 
Romero,  Memorias,  MS.,  18,  says  Borica  had  a  son  of  the  age  of  about  15, 
whom  he  knew,  and  whose  name  he  thinks  was  Cosnie.    He  may  indeed  have 
had  a  son,  for  he  wrote  to  the  president  on  July  23,  1795,  that  his  wife  was 
about  to  bear  him  'un  Califdrnico  6  una  Calif driiica,'  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi, 
147,  but  he  could  not  have  been  15  years  old  in  California.     He  had  a  sister, 
Bernarda  de  Borica,  in  Victoria,  province  of  Alava,  Spain,  his  native  place; 
and  he  sent  her,  April  27,  1795,  a  bill  of  exchange  for  105  pounds  sterling. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  *xi.  210,  225. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEPARTURE.          729 

that  occasion,  and  it  was  probably  the  only  ceremony 
of  the  kind  that  ever  occurred  in  California.7 

In  April  1799  Governor  Borica  applied  to  the  vice- 
roy for  leave  of  absence  to  recuperate  his  health.  He 
said  he  had  served  thirty-six  years,  twenty-five  of 
which  had  been  spent  in  active  campaigns  against 
Indian  tribes  and  in  tours  of  inspection  of  presidios, 
mining-camps,  and  other  settlements  in  the  Provincias 
Internas.  Journeyings  aggregating  ten  thousand 
four  hundred  and  seventy-five  leagues  almost  exclu- 
sively on  horseback  had  given  rise  to  a  malady  which 
demanded  medical  treatment.  Either  a  leave  of  ab- 
sence or  a  permanent  transfer  to  an  easier  position  in 
New  Spain  would  be  satisfactory  as  he  had  no  wish 
to  return  to  Spain.  The  result  \vas  a  grant  of  eight 
months'  leave  signed  by  the  viceroy  in  June  and  made 
known  in  California  in  September.8  The  document 
provided  that  Arrillaga,  remaining  at  Loreto,  should 
be  governor  ad  interim,  while  Alberni,  presumably  by 
virtue  of  his  seniority  of  military  rank  over  Arrillaga, 
was  to  take  the  position  of  comandante  de  arrnas  for 
Alta  California.  It  was  the  governor's  intention  to 
depart  in  October,  but  he  was  delayed  by  new  orders 
from  Mexico  until  the  beginning  of  the  next  year. 
The  viceroy  instructed  hind,  owing  to  the  hostile  atti- 
tude of  British  vessels  in  the  Pacific,  not  to  avail 
himself  of  his  leave  of  absence  "  until  the  aspect  of 
things  should  change."9 

The  3d  of  January  1800  Borica  announced  his  in- 
tention to  depart  on  the  12th  or  15th,  and  the  com- 
mandants were  notified  to  publish  the  accession  of 

7  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  vi.  84-5;  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  xxiii.  3. 

8  April  1,  1799,  Borica  to  viceroy,  in  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  vi.   123-4.     Sept. 
19th,  B.  to  Arrillaga,  Alberni,  and  the  commandants.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xvii.  318;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  xxiv.  12;  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  174-5.     Nov.  8th, 
Arrillaga's  reply.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  291. 

9  July  6,  1799,  viceroy  to  Borica.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  344.     Dec. 
31st,  the  V.  R.  ordered  him  to  use  his  own  discretion  as  to  the  need  of  his 
presence  in  California.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  iv.,  73;  but  this  communication 
could  not  have  been  received  before  B.  's  departure,  and  possibly  "the  preceding 
one  also  failed  to  arrive. 


730  CLOSE  OF  BORICA'S  RULE. 

Arrillaga  and  Alberni.10  On  the  16th  of  the  same 
month  he  sailed  on  the  Concepcion  from  San  Diego 
with  his  family,  Captain  Grajera,  and  four  retiring 
padres.  Grajera,  as  we  have  seen,  died  two  days  out 
from  port;  of  Colonel  Borica  after  his  departure  we 
know  only  by  a  brief  note  in  a  subsequent  communi- 
cation of  the  viceroy  that  he  died  at  Durango  July 
19,  1800.11  January  16th,  the  date  of  Borica's  de- 
parture from  California,  may  be  regarded  as  the  day 
when  Arrillaga's  third  term  of  rule  ad  interim  began. 
There  were  no  events  connected  with  his  rule  for  the 
rest  of  1800  that  require  mention  here. 

A  Spanish  account  of  California  published  in  1799, 
though  relating  chiefly  to  the  peninsula,  contains  a 
tolerably  complete  and  accurate  sketch  of  the  north- 
ern establishments;  and  the  instructions  left  by  Vice- 
roy Azanza  to  his  successor  in  1800  contain  frequent 
allusions  to  Californian  affairs  and  have  already  been 
cited  on  special  topics.12  It  will  have  been  noticed 
that  my  foot-notes  form  an  index  of  authorities  on 
each  succesive  phase  of  the  historic  record — that  is 
of  original  authorities  in  manuscript  and  print ;  but  I 
have  not  deemed  it  best  or  worth  the  space  required 
to  extend  this  indexing  "process  to  the  secondary 
authorities.  Seven  eighths  of  the  events  recorded  in 

10  Jan.  3,  1800,  Borica  to  commandants.  Prov.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  114.     March 
5th,  Goycoechea  to  Arrillaga.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  23-4.     March  8th, 
Arrillaga  and  Alberni  ordered  to  be  recognized  by  Sal.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS., 
iii.  51. 

11  Departure  on  the  Concepcion.  Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  30;  Prov.  Rec., 
MS.,  xii.  1.     He  seems  to  have  gone  to  San  Diego  by  land  after  Jan.  3d,  or 
at  least  such  had  been  his  plan  in  September,  when  Sal  had  sent  an  order  to 
San  Jose"  for  pack-animals  for  the  governor's  journey.  S.  Jose  Arch.,  vi.  43. 
Notice  of  Borica's  death  in  V.  R.'s  communicatioji  of  August  14th.  8t.  Pap., 
Sac.,  MS.,  ix.  70;   Vireyes,  Instructiones,  201.     In  a  letter  of  Padre  Cortes 
from  Mexico  dated  April  1st,  the  V.  R.  is  said  to  have  advised  the  king  to 
continue  Borica  in  office  in  California  for  five  years  longer.  Arch.  Sta  Bar- 
bara, MS.,  xii.  307.     There  is  a  vague  reference  to  a  settler  who  was  severely 
punished  for  an  attempt  to  take  Borica's  life.     Gov.  to  V.  R.,  Dec.  5,  1800. 
Prov.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xxi.  50. 

12  California,  in  Viagero  (El)   Universal,  6  Notkia  del  Mundo  Anttguo  y 
Nmvo.     Obra  recopilada  de  los  mejores  viageros  por  D.  P.  E.  P.  Madrid, 
1799,  torn.  xxvi.  1-189.     See  also  an  article  on  California  in  Cancelada,  Tele- 
grafo  Mex.,  99-103. 


SECONDARY  AUTHORITIES.  731 

this  and  the  following  volumes  are  here  mentioned  for 
the  first  time;  but  the  other  eighth  have  been  often 
repeated  on  the  authority  of  Palou,  the  old  voyagers, 
and  a  few  documents,  by  modern  writers.  The  works 
of  such  writers  I  have  fully  studied  and  utilized,  citing 
them  whenever  there  has  been  any  reason  for  so 
doing,  but  have  not,  as  before  stated,  given  a  com- 
plete index  in  my  notes.  Omitting  many  books  that 
contain  a  superficial  account  of  early  events  or  a  mere 
reference  to  them,  I  append  in  a  note  a  list  of  works 
that  have  some  merit,  many  of  them  standard  works 
of  real  and  recognized  value,  as  the  reader  will  see  at 
a  glance.  They  are  grouped  here  as  secondary 
authorities  only  because  on  the  earliest  period  of  his- 
tory they  add  nothing  to  the  original  records  in  my 
collection.13 

Having  thus  reached  the  end  of  the  decade  and 
century,  I  close  my  first  volume  of  California's  annals 
with  a  list  containing  the  names  of  over  1,700  male 
inhabitants  of  the  province  down  to  the  year  1800. 
The  names  have  been  collected  with  great  care  and 
labor  from  mission  registers  of  baptisms,  marriages, 
and  deaths ;  from  company  rosters,  pueblo  padrones, 
and  from  thousands  of  miscellaneous  documents  in 
the  archives.  That  the  list  is  absolutely  complete 
and  accurate  I  cannot  pretend,  for  a  few  of  the  regis- 
ters have  been  lost,  and  some  names,  especially  of 

13Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.;  Bartlett's  Person.  Nar.;  Browne's  Lower 
CaL;  Bustamante,  Suplemento;  Cal.,  Past,  Present,  etc.;  C apron's  Hist.  Cal.; 
Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth;  Diccionario  Universal;  Dwinelle's  Col.  Hist.  S.  F.; 
Farnham's  Life  in  Cal.;  Forbes'  Hist.  CaL;  Frignet,  La  Calif ornie;  Hart- 
mann,  Californien;  Hayes'  Emigrant  Notes;  Hayes'  Mission  Books;  Haye*' 
Scrap-books;  llittell's  Hist.  S.  Francisco;  Hughes'  CaL;  Humboldt,  EssaiPoL; 
Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Ch.;  Greenhow's  Or.  and  CaL;  Lasstpas,  Baja  CaL; 
Life  of  St.  Francis;  Lorenzana,  in  Cortes,  Hist.;  Los  Angeles,  Hist.;  Mayer 
MSS.;  Mofras,  Exploration;  Morse's  Illust.  Sketches;  Payno,  in  Revista  Cien- 
tijica;  Randolph's  Oration;  Ryan,  in  Golden  Era;  Shea's  Cath.  Missions; 
Shuck's  Cal.  Scrap-book;  Soidv's  Annals  of  S.  F.;  Sutil  y  Mcxkana,  Viage; 
Baylor,  in  Farmer,  and  Bulletin;  Taylor's  JJiscov.  and  Founders;  Taylor's 
Odds  and  Ends;  Tuthill's  Hist.  CaL;  Vallejo's  Hist.  CaL,  MS.;  Vischer's 
Missions  of  CaL  Also  40  or  50  county  histories  published  within  the  past 
ten  years;  and  numerous  newspaper  articles,  especially  in  S.  F.  Bulletin, 
Call,  and  Alta,  and  Sacramento  Union.  There  is  hardly  a  paper  in  the  state 
that  has  not  published  some  valuable  matter  with  much  of  no  value. 


732  CLOSE  OF  BORICA'S  RULE. 

children,  in  the  later  years,  are  therefore  missing. 
Again  some  of  the  persons  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  earliest  expedition,  especially  those  to  whom 
no  special  occupation  is  assigned,  never  came  to  Alta 
California  at  all,  or  only  came  as  vaqueros  or  escorts 
to  return  immediately.  Another  source  of  error  is 
the  uniformity  of  Spanish  given  names  and  the  fact 
that  men  were  known  at  different  times  by  different 
names  or  combination  of  names  to  avoid  confusion; 
hence  there  is  no  doubt  that  my  list  contains  a  certain 
number  of  repetitions.  Yet  it  may  well  be  doubted 
if  so  complete  a  list  of  the  earliest  inhabitants  can  be 
formed  for  any  other  state  of  the  United  States  or 
Mexico.  My  attempts  at  chronology  are  limited  to 
the  separation  of  the  names  into  four  classes,  putting 
each  person  in  the  class  in  which  his  name  first  appears 
in  the  records.  Number  1  includes  the  earliest  pio- 
neers who  came  in  1769-73;  number  2  those  of 
1774-80;  number  3  those  of  1780-90;  and  number  4 
those  of  1790-1800. 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 

Abella,  Ramon,  padre.4  Alipas.  Juan  N.,  soldier.4 

Acebedo,  Francisco  Ant.,  soldier.2  Altamirano,  Jos6  Antonio,  soldier.3 

Acebedo,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.2  Altamirano,  Lucas  Domingo,  child.2 

Acebedo,  Julian,  soldier.2  Altamirano,  Joso  Marcos,  child.2 

Acedo,  Jose",  settler.4  Altamirano,  Justo  Roberto,  soldier.2 

Aceves,  Antonio,  child.2  Altamirano,  Liicas,  soldier.4 

Aceves,  Jose"  Maria,  child.2  Altamirano,  Juan,  soldier.* 
Aceves,  Antonio  Quiterio,  soldier.3        Alvarado,  JuanB.1 

Aceves,  Pablo,  soldier.4  Alvarado,  Bernardino.1 

Acosta,  Antonio,  soldier.3  Alvarado,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Acosta,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.*  Alvarado,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.3 

Aguiar,  Francisco.1  Alvarado,  Juan  B.,  child.3 

Aguila,  Jose,  settler.4  Alvarado,  Fran.  Ma.  D.  C.,  child.* 

Aguila,  Juan  Jose",  child.4  Alvarado,  Jose"  Vicente,  child.4 

Aguilar,  Francisco  Javier.1  Alvarado,  Juan  Jose",  soldier.4 

Aguilar,  Luis  Antonio.1  Alvarado,  Juan  N.  D.,  child.4 

Alanis,  Antonio,  child.3  Alvarez,  Juan,  soldier.2 

Alanis,  Eugenio  Nicolds,  child.3  Alvarez,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 

Alanis,  Isidro.4  Alvarez,  Luis,  soldier.2 

Alanis,  Maximo,  soldier.3  Alvarez,  Pedro,  soldier.2 

Alari,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4  Alvarez,  Felipe,  convict.4 
Alberni,  Pedro,  lieutenant-colonel.4        Alvarez,  Doroteo.4 

Alcantara,  Pedro,  mason.4  Alvarez,  Jose",  artilleryman.4 

Alegre,  Antonio,  soldier.2  Alvarez,  Juan,  artilleryman.* 

Alegria,  Norberto,  soldier.'  Alvarez,  Jose",  child.4 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


733 


Al vires,  Claudio,  servant.2 
Al vires,  Juan,  soldier.3 
Al  vires,  Bate"  van.4 
Alviso,  Francisco,  settler.2 
Alviso,  Domingo,  soldier.2 
Alviso,  Anastasio  Geronimo,  child.4 
Alviso,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.4 
Alviso,  Francisco  Solano,  child.4 
Alviso,  Geronimo  Antonio,  child.  * 
Alviso,  Ignacio,  soldier.4 
Alviso,  Javier,  settler.4 
Alviso.  Jose"  Antonio,  child.* 
Alviso,  Jose"  Gabriel  L.,  child.4 
Alvitre,  Sebastian,  soldier.1 
Alvitre,  Juan  Jos6  Ma.,  child.4 
Amador,  Pedro,  soldier.1 
Amador,  Jos<§  Sinforoso,  child.3 
Amador,  Jos6  Fructuoso.3 
Amador,  Juan  Pablo.3 
Amador,  Jose"  Maria,  child.* 
Amador,  Marcos  Antonio,  child.* 
Amarrillas,  Juan  Angel,  soldier.2 
Amezqnita,  Jose"  Gabriei,  child.2 
Amezquita,  Juan  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Amezquita,  Manuel  Dom.,  settler.2 
Amezquita,  Florentine,  settler.* 
Amezquita,  Gregorio,  settler.4 
Ame"zquita,  Francisco  Ma.,  settler.* 
Ame'zquita,  Jost§,  soldier.* 
Ame'zquita,  Jos6  Miguel,  settler.* 
Amezquita,  Josd  Reyes,  settler.4 
Ame'isquita,  Serafin,  settler.4 
Amurrio,  Gregorio,  padre.1 
Antonio,  Manuel,  servant.2 
Antonio,  Jose"  Crispin,  child.  * 
Antonio,  Macedonio,  soldier.* 
Antuna,  Manuel,  soldier.2 
Arana,  Jose,  soldier.3 
Aranguren,  Jose1,-  soldier.3 
Arce,  Jos6  G.1 
Arce,  Sebastian.1 
Arce,  Joaquin,  child.2 
Arces,  Jose",  settler.* 
Archuleta,  Josd  Ignacio,  servant.2 
Archuleta,  Jose"  Norberto,  child.2 
Archuleta,  Miguel  Ger6nimo,  child. 2 
Archuleta,  Gregorio,  soldier.* 
Arellanes,  Teodoro.* 
Arellano,  Man.  J.  R.,  soldier.2 
Arenaza,  Pascual  M.,  padre.3 
Argiielles,  Francisco,  artilleryman.* 
Argiiello,  Francisco  Rafael,  child.4 
Argiiello,  Jose"  Dario,  alfe"rez.3 
Argiiello,  Jose  Gervacio,  child.3 
Argiiello,  Luis  Antonio,  child.3 
Argiiello,  Jose  Ignacio  M.,  child.* 
Armenta,  Cristobal,  settler.2 
Armenta,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Arriola,  Alejandro,  soldier.3 
Arias,  Francisco,  settler.4 


Armenta,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.4 
Arriola,  Jose'  Francisco,  mechanic.4 
Arriola,  Jos6  Rafael  B.,  child.4 
Arriola,  Rafael,  convict.4 
Arriz,  Ignacio.1 

Arroita,  Francisco  Jose",  padre.3 
Arroyo,  Jose"  Manuel,  smith.2 
Arroyo,  Juan  Isidro,  child.3 
Arroyo,  Vicente,  soldier.3 
Arroyo,  Felix,  child.3 
Arroyo,  Jose",  sailor.4 
Aruz,  Domingo,  soldier.2 
Aruz,  Martin,  settler.4 
Arvallo,  Feliciano,  settler.2 
Avalos,  Nicolas.1 
Avalos,  Joaquin,  tanner.4 
Avila,  Francisco.* 
Avila,  Adanto,  child.4 
Avila,  Anastasio.* 
Avila,  Antonio  Ignacio.4 
Avila,  Cornelio,  settler.4 
Avila,  Ignacio.4 
Avila,  Jose",  convict.* 
Avila,  Jose  Antonio,  settler.4 
j^vila,  Jos(S  Maria.* 
Avila,  Miguel.* 
Avila,  Santa  Ana,  soldier.4 
Avis,  Fructuoso,  soldier.4 
Ayala,  Jose",  soldier.3 
Ayala,  Jose"  C.  D.,  child.* 
Ayala,  Jose"  Salvador,  child.* 
Ayala,  Juan  Jose  G.,  child.4 
Ayala,  Juan  P.  M.,  child.4 
Bacilio,  Antonio,  Cat.  vol.4 
Badiola,  Manuel  Antonio.1 
Balderrama,  convict.4 
Ballesteros,  Juan,  soldier.3 
Ballesteros,  Juan  Antonio,  child.3 
Ballesteros,  Javier  Antonio,  child.4 
Banderas,  Jose"  F.  de  la  Cruz.4 
Barajas,  Jose",  sailor.4 
Barbosa,  Jose,  settler.* 
Barcena,  Jose,  convict.4 
Barcenas,  Marcos,  settler.4 
Barcenilla,  Isidore,  padre.* 
Barona,  Jose",  Padre.4 
Barraza,  Macedouio,  soldier*3 
Barrera,  Juan  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Barrientos,  Jos<5,  Cat.  vol.4 
Basadre  y  Vega,  Vicente,  settler.3 
Belen,  Miguel,  servant.2 
Bello,  Mateo,  Cat.  vol.* 
Beltran,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.2 
Beltran,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Beltran,  NicoMs,  soldier.2 
Benavides,  Josd  Ma.,  settler.* 
Beranzuela,  Pedro,  soldier.*" 
Bermudez,  Jose,  soldier.4 
Bermudez,  Josd  S.,  child.* 
Bermudez,  Manuel  Antonio,  child.4 


734 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


Bernal,  Francisco,  servant.1 
Bernal,  Jose"  Dionisio,  soldier.2 
Bernal,  Juan  Francisco,  soldier.2 
Eernal,  Manuel  Ramon,  soldier.2 
Bernal,  Apolinario,  child.3 
Bernal,  Juan,  child.3 
Bernal,  Ramon,  settler.3 
Bernal,  Bruno,  child.4 
Bernal,  Joaquin,  soldier.4 
Bernal,  Jose"  Agustin,  child.4 
Bernal,  Jose"  Cipriano,  child.4 
Bernal,  Jose"  C.  Cipriano,  child.4 
Bernardo,  Jose",  settler.4 
Berreyesa,  Nicolas  A.,  settler.2 
Berreyesa,  Juan  Jose,  child.4 
Berreyesa,  Jose"  Nazario,  settler.4 
Berreyesa,  Jose"  delos  Reyes,  settler.* 
Blanco,  Juan,  smith.4 
Blanco,  Miguel.4 
Bojorges,  Jose"  Ramon,  soldier.2 
Bojorges,  Hermenegildo,  child.2 
Bojorges,  Pedro  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Bojorges,  Francisco  H.,  soldier.4 
Bonnel,  Ramon,  Cat.  vol.1 
Borica,  Diego  de,  governor.4 
Boronda,  Manuel,  soldier.3 
Boronda,  Canute  Jose,  child.  * 
Bosch,  Buenaventura,  settler.3 
Botello,  Joaquin,  tailor.4 
Bravo,  Jose"  Marcelino,  soldier.1 
Briones,  Ignacio  Vicente,  soldier.2 
Briones,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.1 
Briones,  Ignacio  Vicente,  child.9 
Briones,  Joso  Joaquin,  child.2 
Briones,  Felipe  Santiago,  child.3 
Briones,  Nicolas  Maria,  child.2 
Briones,  Marcos,  soldier.3 
Briones,  Manuel,  soldier.4 
Brito,  Mariano,  artilleryman.4 
Brito,  Miguel,  artilleryman.4 
Bruno,  Francisco,  soldier.2 
Buelna,  Eusebio  Jose"  J.,  child.2 
Buelna,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Buelna,  Ramon,  soldier.2 
Buelna,  Eusebio  J.  J.,  child.4 
Buelna,  Jose"  Raim,  child.3 
Buelna,  Jos6  Maria,  child.4 
Bulferig,  Geronimo,  Cat.  vol.1 
Bumbau,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.1 
Bustamante,  Jose",  soldier.3 
Bustamante,  Manuel,  soldier.3 
Butron,  Manuel,  soldier.2 
Butron,  Sebastian,  settler.4 
Caballero,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Calixto,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Calvo,  Francisco,  soldier.3 
Calzada,  Jos6  Antonio,  padre.3 
Calzada,  Jose",  convict.4 
Cakada,  Jose"  Dionisio,  settler.4 
Camacho,  Jos<§  Antonio,  soldier.1 


Camacho,  Tomds  M.,  servant.1 
Camacho,  Juan  Miguel,  soldier.1 
Camacho,  Anastasio,  soldier.2 
Camacho,  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Camarena,  Nicolds,  settler.4 
Cambon,  Pedro  Benito,  padre.1 
Camero,  Manuel,  settler.3 
Campa,  Pedro,  sailor.2 
Campa  y  Coz,  Miguel,  padre.1 
Campo,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Campos,  Francisco,  soldier.3 
Canedo,  Albino,  soldier.2 
CaSedo,  Jose"  Manuel,  settler.2 
Canedo,  Juan  Ignacio,  soldier.4 
Canizares,  Jose",  piloto.1 
Cano,  Jose",  artilleryman.4 
Cantua,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 
Capinto,  Jose"  Ma.,  tailor.4 
Capinto,  Mariano,  tailor.4 
Carabanas,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Carabanas,  Nicolas,  soldier.2 
Caravantes,  Jose"  Salvador,  soldier.3 
Caravantes,  Ventura,  settler.4 
Carcamo,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Cardenas,  Melchor,  servant.2 
Cardenas,  Cristobal,  servant.1 
Cardenas  y  Rivera,  Tatleo.1 
Cariaga,  Salvador,  soldier.2 
Carlon,  Hilario  Ignacio,  soldier.3 
Carnicer,  Baltasar,  padre.4 
Carranza,  Domingo,  padre.4 
Carrillo,  Guillermo,  soldier.1 
Camllo,  Mariano,  sergeant.1 
Carrillo,  Jose"  Raimundo,  soldier.1 
Carrillo,  Anastasio  Jose",  child.3 
Carrillo,  Carlos  Antonio,  child.3 
Carrillo,  Domingo  Ant.  Igna.,  child..4 
Carrillo,  Jose"  Antonio  E.,  child.4 
Carrillo,  Luis,  sailor.4 
Casasallas,  Simon,  Cat.  vol.4 
Casillas,  Juan  Manuel.1 
Castafieda,  Jose".3 
Castaneda,  Jose"  Ruiz,  soldier.3 
Castelo,  Agustin,  soldier.1 
Castillo,  Jose",  phlebotomist.4 
Castillo,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Castro,  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Castro,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 
Castro,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Castro,  Jose",  servant.2 
Castro.  Isidro.2 
Castro,  Jose"  Macario,  soldier.3 
Castro,  Jose"  Simon  J.  N.,  child.3 
Castro,  Mariano;  soldier.3 
Castro,  Mariano  de  la  Cruz,  child.3 
Castro,  Agapito,  settler.4 
Castro,  Francisco,  settler.4 
Castro,  Jose"  Joaquin,  settler.4 
Castro,  Jose"  S.  T.,  child.4 
Castro,  Simeon,  settler.4 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  17G9-1SOO. 


735 


Cavalier,  Jose",  padre.1 
Cayuelas,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.1 
Cayuelas,  Francisco,  soldier.3 
Cayuelas,  Pedro,  soldier.3 
Cervantes,  Juan  Pablo.1 
Cervantes,  Guadalnpe,  soldier.4 
Cervantes,  Pablo  Victoriano,  soldier.8 
Chabolla,  Marcos,  soldier.3 
Chabolla,  Pedro  R.,  child.3 
Chabolla,  Jose,  child.1 
Chabolla,  Jose"  Luis,  child.4 
Chabolla,  Salvador.4 
Chamorro,  smith.2 
Chaves,  Jose"  Mateo,  settler.4 
Chares,  Jose",  convict.4 
Chavira,  Jose"  Antonio,  settler.* 
Chavira,  Jose,  convict.4 
Cibrian,  Pablo,  soldier.4 
Cibrian,  Leocadio,  soldier.3 
Cibrian,  Pablo  Antonio,  smith.4 
Cipre"s,  Marcelino,  padre.4 
Cisneros,  Jose",  servant.3 
Clua,  Domingo,  Cat.  vol.2 
Contreras,  Luis,  muleteer.2 
Contreras,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Cordero,  Joaquin  Ignacio.1 
Cordero,  Francisco.1 
Cordero,  Mariano  Antonio,  soldier.1 
Cordero,  Jose"  E.,  child.2 
Cordero,  Fermin,  settler.4 
Cordero,  Manuel,  soldier.2 
Cordero,  Jose"Dom.,  child.4 
Cordero,  Miguel  E.,  child.4 
Cordero,  Pedro,  settler.4 
Cordoba,  Alberto,  engineer.4 
Cornejo,  Casimiro,  settler.4 
Cornejo,  Casimiro,  convict.4 
Corona,  Francisco,  soldier.4 
Coronel,  Juan  Antonio,  muleteer.2 
Cortes,  Juan  Lope,  padre.4 
Cortes,  Jos6  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Cortes,  Nicolas,  soldier.4 
Cortes,  Nicolds  Felipe,  soldier.4 
Costanso,  Miguel,  engineer.1 
Cota,  Antonio,  soldier.1 
Cota,  Pablo  Antonio,  soldier.1 
Cota,  Manuel  Antonio,  child.2 
Cota,  Roque,  soldier.2 
Cota,  Guillermo,  sergeant.3 
Cota,  Juan  Ignacio,  soldier.3 
Cota,  Mariano,  soldier.3 
Cota,  Nabor  Antonio,  child.3 
Cota,  Bartolome"  Jose",  child.4 
Cota,  Francisco  Atanasio,  child,4 
Cota,  Jose'  Manuel  Ma.,  child.4 
Cota,  Jose"  Valentin,  child.4 
Cota,  Juan  Francisco,  child.4 
Cota,  Manuel,  soldier.4 
Cota,  Pedro  Antonio,  child.4 
Crespi,  Juan,  padre.1 


Cruzado,  Antonio,  padre.1 
Cruz,  Faustino  Jose,  soldier.3 
Cruz  y  Sotomayor.  Juan,  soldier.3 
Cuevas,  Luis,  settler.4 
Dandiicu,  Andres,  soldier.4 
Danti,  Antonio,  padre.3 
Dcivila,  Jose",  surgeon.2 
Da vila,  Manuel,  carpenter.3 
jDavila,  J.,  soldier.3 
Davila,  Jose"  Antonio,  smith.4 
Delgado,  Alonzo,  Cat.  vol.4 
Diaz,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Dominguez,  Juan  Jose",  soldier.1 
Dominguez,  Jose  Dolores,  soldier.2 
Dominguez,  Jose  Antonio,  child.3 
Dominguez,  Jose"  Ma.  D.,  child.3 
Dominguez,  Cristobal,  soldier.4 
Dominguez,  Jose"  Autonio,  child.4 
Dominguez,  Jose"  Asuncion,  child.4 
Dominguez,  Jose  Francisco,  child.4 
Dominguez,  Remesio,  settler.4 
Duarte,  Ale  jo  Antonio,  soldier.1 
Duarte,  Jos6  Ma.,  soldier.1 
Duarte,  Pascual.1 
Duarte,  Francisco  Javier,  child.4 
Duarte,  Juan  Jose",  servant.4 
Duarte,  Leandro,  soldier.4 
Ducil,  Sebastian,  Cat.  vol.4 
Dumetz,  Francisco,  padre.1 
Encarnacioii,  Jose",  soldier.3 
Enriquez,  Antonio,  servant.3 
Enriquez,  Antonio  Domingo,  weaver.* 
Enriquez,  Sebastian,  child.4 
Escamilla,  Antonio  Santos,  child.4 
Escamilla,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Escamilla,  Tomas,  convict.4 
Escribano,  Sebastian,  Cat.  vol.4 
Esparza,  Jose"  Lorenzo,  mechanic.1 
Espi,  Jose"  de  la  C.,  padre.4 
Espinosa,  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Espinosa,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Espinosa,  Juan,  servant.2 
Espinosa,  Gabriel,  soldier.3 
Espinosa,  Jos<§  Miguel,  soldier.3 
Espinosa,  Salvador,  soldier.3 
Espinosa,  Tomas,  soldier.3 
Espinosa,  Cayetano,  soldier.4 
Espiuosa,  Jos6  Gabriel  S.4 
Espinosa,  Jose"  Ma.  E.,  child.4 
Espinosa,  Jose"  Pio,  Cat.  vol.4 
Espinosa,  Juan  Antonio  J.,  child.4 
Este"van,  Pedro  de  S.  Jose",  padre.4 
Este"van,  Antonio,  sailor.1 
Estrada,  Jose"  Bonifacio,  soldier.2 
Estudillo,  Jose  Maria,  soldier.4 
Fages,  Pedro,  lieutenant.1 
Faura,  Jose,  padre.4 
Feliciano,  Ale  jo,  settler.2 
Feliciano,  Hilario,  child.3 
Fe"lix,  Claudio  Victor.1 


736 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  17G9-1SOQ. 


Felix,  Anast.  Ma.,  soldier.2 
Felix,  Doroteo,  soldier.2 
Felix,  Jose  Vicente,  soldier. 2 
Felix,  Jos6  Francisco,  soldier.3 
Felix,  Juan  Jos6  Ignacio,  child.3 
Felix,  Antonio  Rafael,  child.4 
Felix,  Victorino,  soldier.3 
Felix,  Fernando  de  la  T.,  child.4 
Felix,  Jose",  child.* 
Felix,  Jos6  Luciano,  child.4 
Felix,  Jos6  Vicente  Valentin,  child.4 
Felix,  Juan.4 

Felix,  Juan  Jose  de  G.,  child.* 
Felix,  Leonardo  Ma.,  child.4 
Felix,  Pedro  Antonio,  child.4 
Fernandez,  Gaspar  Antonio,  child.3 
Fernandez,  Jos6  Rosalino,  soldier.3 
Fernandez,  Pedro  Ignacio,  child.4 
Fernandez,  Rafael  Ma.  de  la  C.,  child.4 
Fernandez,  Victor,  Cat.  vol.4 
Fernandez,  Gregorio,  padre.4 
Fernandez,  Jose'  Ma.,  padre.4 
Fernandez,  Manuel,  padre.4 
Feyjoo,  Jose",  soldier.3 
Ferrer,  Pablo,  Cat.  vol.1 
Figuer,  Juan,  padre.1 
Figueroa,  Manuel,  soldier.2 
Figueroa,  Salvador  Ignacio,  child.4 
Flores,  Hermenegildo,  soldier.2 
Flores,  Victoriano,  servant.2 
Flores,  Jose1  Miguel,  soldier.2 
Flores,  Jos6  Maria,  soldier.3 
Flores,  Jose"  Teodosio,  child.3 
Flores,  Bernardo,  settler.4 
Flores,  Diego.4 
Flores,  Francisco,  soldier.4 
Flores,  Isidro,  soldier.4 
Flores,  Jos6  Ma.  de  la  T.,  child.4 
Flores,  Leandro  Jos6,  child.4 
Flores,  Pedro,  soldier.4 
Font,  Jose\  lieutenant.4 
Fontes,  Luis  Ma.,  soldier.3 
Fontes,  Pedro,  servant.2 
Fragoso,  Luis  Ma.,  soldier.3 
Fragoso,  Rafael,  Cat.  vol.4 
Franco,  Juan,  servant.3 
Franco,  Josd,  convict.4 
Franco,  Pablo,  convict.4 
Fuster,  Vicente,  padre.1 
Galindo,  Nicolas,  settler.2 
Galindo,  Francisco  A.,  child.2 
Galindo,  Jos<§  Rafael,  child.2 
Galindo,  Alejandro  Fidel,  child.3 
Galindo,  Jos6  Leandro,  child.3 
Galindo,  Juan  Cris6stomo,  child.3 
Galindo,  Claudio,  Cat.  vol.4 
Galindo,  Jose"  Carlos  II.,  child.4 
Galindo,  Venancio,  soldier.4 
Gallego,  Carlos,  soldier.2 
Galvez,  Diego,  Cat.  vol.* 


Gamez,  Teodoro,  soldier.* 
Garaicoechea,  Jose",  corporal.4 
Garcia,  Diego,  padre.3 
Garcia,  Felipe,  smith.2 
Garcia,  Francisco  Bruno,  soldier.2 
Garcia,  Francisco  Ma.,  child.  - 
Garcia,  Francisco  P.,  soldier.2 
Garcia,  Jos6  Reyes,  child.2 
Garcia,  Juan  Jos6,  child.2 
Garcia,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier. 2 
Garcia,  Pedro,  settler.3 
Garcia,  Pedro  Gonzalez,  smith.4 
Garcia,  Carlos  Ma.4 
Garcia,  Jos£  Antonio  Inoc.,  child.4 
Garcia,  Jose"  Hilario  Ramon,  child.4 
Garcia,  Jos£  de  las  Llagas,  child.4 
Garcia,  Jos6  Ma.  Cancio,  child.4 
Garcia,  Jose  Ma.  Desiderio,  child.4 
Garcia,  Julian.4 
Garcia,  Luz,  soldier.4 
Garcia,  Nicolas,  Cat.  vol.4 
Garcia,  Pedro  Antonio,  child.4 
Garcia,, Pedro  Gonz.,  smith.4 
Garibay,  Jose  Joaquin,  child.4 
Garibay,  Vicente,  soldier.4 
Garracino,  Pedro, .  soldier. 2 
Gerardo.     (See  Gonzalez  G. ) 
German,  Cris.  Ant.,  child.3 
German,  Isidro,  soldier.3 
German,  Faustin  J.,  child.4 
German,  Manuel  Ignacio,  child.4 
'German,  Juan,  soldier.4 
German,  Juan,  child.4 
Giol,  Jos6,  servant.2 
Gili,  Bartolome1,  padre. 
Giribet,  Miguel,  padre.3 
Gloria,  Jacinto,  soldier.2 
Gloria,  Jos6  Ma.,  soldier.2 
Gomez,  Francisco,  padre.1 
Gomez,  Nicolas,  settler.2 
Gomez,  Francisco,  soldier.4 
Gomez,  Jos6  Antonio,  Cat.  vol.4 
Gomez,  Rafael,  settler.4 
Gomez,  Rafael,  convict.4 
Gomez,  Francisco,  carpenter.4 
G6ngora,  Jos6  Ma.,  soldier.1 
Gongora,  Jose"  Antonio,  child.2 
Gonoj)ra,  Josc$  Ma.,  soldier.4 
Gonzalez,  Antonio  Alejo.,  soldier.1 
Gonzalez,  Inocencio,  sailor.1 
Gonzalez,  Cirilo,  servant.2 
Gonzalez,  Josd  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Gonzalez,  Jose  Romualdo,  child.2 
Gonzalez,  Jos6  Manuel,  settler.2 
Gonzalez,  Mateo  Jacobb,  child.2 
Gonzalez,  Ramon.2 
Gonzalez,  Nicolds,  soldier.' 
Gonzalez,  Alejandro,  soldier3 
Gonzalez,  Bernardo,  soldier.'2 
Gonzalez,  Diego,  lieutenant.2 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


rs: 


Gonzalez,  Felipe,  soldier.3 
Gonzalez,  Jos.!  Eusebio,  child.3 
Gonzalez,  Jose"  Feliciano,  soldier.3 
Gonzalez,  Mateo  Jacobo,  child.3 
Gonzalez,  Tomas,  soldier.3 
Gonzalez,  Alejo.,  Cat.  vol.* 
Gonzalez,  Francisco,  soldier.* 
Gonzalez,  Francisco,  padre.4 
Gonzalez,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Gonzalez,  Jose  Rafael  M.,  child.4 
Gonzalez,  Man.  Ciriaco,  child.4 
Gonzalez,  Juan,  soldier.4 
Gonzalez,  Pedro,  mechanic.4 
Gonzalez,  Rafael,  child.'4 
Gonzalez  Gerardo,  Rafael.1 
Gonzalez,  Jose"  Leandro,  child.4 
Goycoechea,  Felipe,  lieutenant.4 
Grajera,  Antonio,  lieutenant.4 
Grijalva,  Jiian  Pablo,  sergeant.2 
Guerrero,  Juan  Jose".1 
Guerrero,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Guerrero,  Jose,  servant.2 
Guerrero,  Jos6  Antonio,  soldier.2 
Guerrero,  Julian,  soldier.2 
Guerrero,  Mateo,  artilleryman.4 
Guevara,  Jose1,  soldier.3 
Guevara,  Jose"  Canute,  child.4 
Guevara,  Jose"  Sebastian,  child.4 
Guevara,  Sebastian,  Cat.  vol.4 
Guevara,  Jose  Francisco,  child.4 
Gutierrez,  Ignacio  Ma.,  soldier.2 
Gutierrez,  Felipe,  soldier.3 
Gutierrez,  Manuel,  servant.3 
Gutierrez,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.4 
Guzman,  Isidro,  soldier.3 
Guzman,  Juan  Ma.,  child.4 
Cuxman,  Toribio,  soldier.3 
Guztinzar,  Manuel,  servant.4 
Haro,  Felipe,  Cat.  vol.4 
Hechedo,  Jos6  Francisco.4 
Henriquez,  Antonio  Dom.,  weaver.4 
Heredia,  Bernardino,  soldier.2 
Heredia,  Jose  Bernardo,  soldier.2 
Hernandez,  Jos<§  Rafael.1 
Hernandez,  Vicente  Antonio.2 
Hernandez,  Justo,  soldier.3 
Hernandez,  Juan  Jos6  Antonio,  child.3 
Hernandez,  Felipe,  settler.4 
Hernandez,  Felipe,  convict.4 
Hernandez,  Jose"  Antonio,  settler.4 
Hernandez,  Jose",  convict.4 
Hernandez,  J.  Jose"  de  la  Luz,  soldier.4 
Hernandez,  Antonio,  saddler.4 
Hernandez,  Juan  Maria,  saddler.4 
]  Vnuinuex,  Juan,  convict.4 
Herrera,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Higuera,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 
Higuera,  Jos<5  Atanasio,  soldier.2 
Higuera,  Jose  Loreto,  child.2 
Higuera,  Jose  Manuel,  soldier.2 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL,  I.    47 


Higuera,  Juan  Jose",  soldier.2 

Higuera,  Jos6  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Higuera,  Bernardo  de  la  Luz,  child.3 

Higuera,  Juan  Jose",  child.3 

Higuera,  Salvador,  soldier.3  % 

Higuera,  Tiburcio,  child.3 

Higuera,  Tiburcio  Javier,  child.4 

Higuera,  Gregorio  Ignacio  Ma.,  child.4 

Higuera,  Hilario.4 

Higuera,  Jose"  1°,  soldier.4 

Higuera,  Jose"  2°,  soldier.4 

Higuera,  Jos6  Carlos  Salv.,  child.4 

Higuera,  JostS  Geronimo,  child.4 

Higuera,  Jose"  Ma.,  child.4 

Higuera,  Jose"  Policarpo,  child.4 

Higuera,  Jose"  Antonio.4 

Higuera,  Jos6  Joaquiu.4 

Higuera,  Manuel,  soldier.4 

Higuera,  Nicolas  Antonio.4 

Higuera,  Salvador,  soldier.4 

Horchaga,  Jos6  Hilario,  child.3 

Horchaga,  Jos6  Manuel,  child.3 

Horchaga,  Manuel,  soldier.3 

Hores,  Jose",  settler.3 

Horra,  Antonio  de  la  C.,  padre.4 

Hortel,  Juan,  Cat.  vol.4 

Ibarra,  Francisco,  servant.2 

Ibarra,  Andres  Dolores,  child.3 

Ibarra,  Gil  Maria,  child.3 

Ibarra,  Jos6  Desiderio,  child.3 

Ibarra,  Juan  Antonio,  soldier.3 

Ibarra,  Ramon,  soldier.3 

Ibarra,  Albino,  soldier.4 

Ibarra,  Antonio,  child.4 

Ibarra,  Calixto  Jose"  Antonio,  child.4 

Igadera,  Jose",  convict.4 

Igareda,  Josd  Gordiano,  settler.4 

liiiquez,  Juan,  Cat.  vol.4 

Islas,  Miguel,  soldier.1 

Is  van,  Jose"  Albino,  soldier.4 

Iturrate,  Domingo  S.,  padre.4 

Izquierdo,  Jose",  soldier.2 

Jaime,  Antonio,  padre.4 

Jaume,  Luis,  padre.1 

Jimenez,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.4 

Jimenez,  Hilario,  soldier.4 

Jimenez,  Pascual  Antonio,  child.4 

Juarez,  Francisco,  soldier.3 

Juarez,  Jos6  Joaquin,  child.4 

Juncosa,  Dom,  padre.1 

Labra.  Juan  Antonio,  soldier.1 

Ladron  de  Guevara,  Jose  I.,  soldier.4 

Landaeta,  Martin,  padre.4 

Lasuen,  Fenniii  Francisco,  padre.1 

Lara,  Jose1,  settler.3 

Lara,  Jose"  Sostenes,  child.4 

Lara,  Julian,  soldier.1 

Lara,  Jos6  Antonio  Seferino,  child.4 

Larios,  Jos6  Ma.,  soldier.3 

Lasso  de  la  Vega,  Ramon,  alfe"rez.3 


738 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  17G9-1800. 


Leal,  Isidro  Jose",  servant.2 

Leiva,  Anastasio,  soldier.2 

Leiva,  Agnstin,  soldier.3 

Leiva,  Jose"  Andre's,  child.3 

Leiva,  Jose"  Antonio  Ma.,  soldier.1 

Leiva,  Juan,  soldier.3 

Leiva,  Miguel,  soldier.3 

Leiva,  Jose"  Antonio.4 

Leiva,  Jose"  Rafael,  child.4 

Leiva,  Manuel  Ramon,  child.4 

Leiva,  Rufino,  soldier.4 

Leon,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.2 

Leon,  Jos6  Manuel,  soldier.2 

Lima,  Jose",  soldier.3 

Linares,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Linares,  Jose"  de  los  8.,  child.8 

Linares,  Mariano  de  Dolores,  child.3 

Linares,  Francisco,  settler.4 

Linares,  Ramon,  soldier.4 

Linares,  Salvador,  soldier.4 

Lineza,  Miguel,  Cat.  vol.1 

Lisalde,  Diego.4 

Lisalde,  Felix,  soldier.4 

Lisalde,  Juan  Crisos.  Antonio,  child. 4 

Lizalda,  Pedro  Antonio,  soldier.2 

Llamas,  Antonio,  Cat.  vol.4 

Lledo,  Rafael,  carpenter.4 

Llepis,  Jose"  Mariano,  servant.2 

Lobo,  Jose",  soldier.2 

Lobo,  Josd  Basilio,  child.3 

Lobo,  Cecilio.4 

Lobo,  Pedro.4 

Lopez,  Baldomero,  padre.4 

Lopez,  Jacinto,  padre.4 

Lopez,  Juan  Francisco,  soldier.1 

Lopez,  Francisco,  soldier.2 

Lopez,  Ignacio  Ma.  cle  Jesus.2 

Lopez,  Gaspar,  soldier.2 

Lopez,  Joaquin,  soldier.2 

Lopez,  Jos<3  Ma.,  soldier.2 

Lopez,  Luis,  soldier.2 

Lopez,  Pedro,  servant.2 

Lopez,  Sebastian  A.,  soldier.2 

Lopez,  Jose"  Antouio  Gil,  child.3 

Lopez,  Jose"  Ma.  Ramon,  child.3 

Lopez,  Juan  Jose",  child.3 

Lopez,  Melchor,  soldier.3 

Lopez,  Juan,  convict.4 

Lopez,  Cayetano,  carpenter.4 

Lopez,  Claudio,  soldier.4 

Lopez,  Cornelio  Ma.,  child.4 

Lopez,  Ignacio,  soldier.4 

Lopez,  Este"van  Ignacio,  child.4 

Lopez,  Juan  Jos6  Trinidad,  settler.4 

Lozano,  Pedro,  Cat.  vol.4 

Lugo,  Luis  Gonzaga,  soldier.1 

Lugo,  Francisco,  soldier.2 

Lugo,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Lugo,  Jos<§  Ignacio,  child.2 

Lugo,  Seferino,  soldier.2 


Lugo,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Lugo,  Salvador,  soldier.3 
Lugo,  Ant.  Ma.,  soldier.4 
Lugo,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Lugo,  Jose"  Antonio,  child.4 
Lugo,  Juan  Ma.,  child.4 
Lugo,  Juan,  servant.4 
Lugo,  Miguel,  soldier.4 
Lugo,  Pablo  Jose",  child.4 
Lugo,  Ramon  Lorenzo,  child.4 
Lujan,  Jose",  alferez.4 
Machado,  Josd  Antonio,  child.3 
Machado,  Jose"  Manuel,  soldier.8 
Machado,  Josd  Agustin  Ant.,  child.4 
Machado,  Jose"  Hilario.4 
Machado,  Jose"  Ignacio  Ant.,  child.4 
Machuca,  Jose",  settler.4 
Malaret,  Domingo,  Cat.  vol.1 
Maldonado.  Juan,  Cat.  vol.4 
Mallen,  Manuel,  Cat.  vol.4 
Manrique,  Sebastian,  soldier.1 
Maiiriquez,  Luis,  soldier.2 
Manzana,  Miguel  A.,  Cat.  vol. 
Marin,  Antonio,  Cat.  vol.4 
Marine"  y  Salvatierra ,  J. ,  artilleryman. 4 
Mariner,  Juan,  padre.3 
Mario,  Tomds,  soldier.2 
Marquez,  Francisco  Rafael,  soldier.2 
MarqueZj  Jose",  soldier.4 
Marron,  Rafael,  soldier.3 
Martiarena,  Jose"  Manuel,  padre.4 
Martin,  Juan,  padre.4 
Martinez,  Luis  Antonio,  padre.4 
Martinez,  Pedro  Adriano,  padre.4 
Martinez,  Luis  Maria,  soldier.2 
Martinez,  Toribio,  soldier.2 
Martinez,  Dionisio,  servant.3 
Martinez,  Jos3  Ma.,  soldier.3 
Martinez,  Juan  Ignacio,  soldier.8 
Martinez,  Norberto,  child.3 
Martinez,  "Antonio,  soldier.4 
Martinez,  Bartolome"  Mateo.4 
Martinez,  Gregorio,  artilleryman.4 
Martinez,  Jose,  Cat.  vol.4 
Martinez,  Jos<§  Leocadio,  settler.4 
Martinez,  Jose"  Ma.,  settler.4 
Martinez,  Manuel,  Cat.  vol.4 
Martinez,  Maximo.4 
Martinez,  Maximo  Ramon,  child.4 
Martinez,  Reyes.4 
Medina,  Jose",  artilleryman.4 
Mejia,  Pedro.2 

Mejia,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.3 
Mejia,  Juan,  soldier.3 
Melecio,  Jose",  soldier.3 
Mendoza,  Manuel,  soldier.2 
Mcndoza,  Jos6  de  los  Reyes,  child.4 
Mendoza,  Manuel,  Cat.  vol.4 
Mendoza,  Mariano,  tilemaker.4 
Mendoza,  Mariano,  Jose",  weaver.4 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


739 


Mcndoza,  Miguel,  Cat.  vol.4 
Mequias,  Juan  Alberto,  soldier.3 
Mercado,  Mariano,  artilleryman.4 
Merelo,  Lorenzo,  padre.4 
Merino,  Agustiu,  padre.4 
Mesa,  Nicolas  Ma.,  child.2 
Mesa,  Valeric,  soldier.2 
Mesa,  Dolores,  soldier.3 
Mesa,  Ignacio,  soldier.3 
Mesa,  Juan  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Mesa,  Luis  Ma.,  child.3 
Mesa,  Josd  Antonio,  soldier.4 
Mesa,  Jose"  Julian  Antonio,  child.4 
Mesa,  Juan  Josd,  servant.4 
Miguel,  Jose",  padre.3 
Miranda,  Juan  Ma.,  soldier.1 
Miranda,  Alejo,  soldier.3 
Miranda,  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Miranda,  Jos6  Antonio,  child.3 
Miranda,  Apolinario,  child.4 
Miranda,  Jose1  Hilario,  soldier.4 
Miranda,  Jose  Mariano,  Cat.  vol.4 
Miranda,  Jos6  Santiago,  child.4 
Miranda,  Juan  Crisostomo,  child.4 
Miranda,  Vicente  Manuel,  child.4 
Mojica,  Jose"  Ma.,  settler.4 
Mojica,  Vicente,  settler.4 
Molas,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.1 
Molina,  Joaquin,  settler.2 
Molina,  Pedro,  soldier.2 
Monreal,  Jose"  Antonio  Nicolas,  child.4 
Monroy,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Montaloan,  Lnureano,  soldier.3 
Montana,  Antonio,  Cat.  vol.1 
Montano,  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Montero,  Cesareo  Antonio,  child.3 
Montero,  Manuel,  soldier.4 
Monte verde,  Francisco,  artilleryman. 4 
Montial,  Juan  Andre's,  soldier.3 
Moraga,  Jose"  Joaquin,  alfe"rez.2 
Moraga,  Gabriel,  soldier.3 
Moraga,  Vicente  Jos£,  child.3 
Moreno,  F.  S.-,  soldier.4 
Moreno,  Felipe  Santiago,  smith.4 
Moreno,  Felipe,  settler.3 
Moreno,  Jose,  settler.3 
Moreno,  Juan  Francisco,  child.4 
Moreno,  Manuel,  soldier.4 
Morillo,  Jose  Julian,  soldier.1 
Moumarus,  Luis,  Cat.  vol.1 
Muiioz,  Manuel,  mechanic.3 
Mugartegui,  Pablo,  padre.1 
Murguia,  Jose  Ant.,  padre.1 
Murillo,  Loreto,  soldier.2 
Murillo,  Francisco,  carpenter.3 
Murillo,  Juan,  smith.3 
Muruato,  Jos6,  Cat.  vol.4 
Navarro,  Jos6  Antonio,  settler.3 
Navarro,  Josu  Clemen te,  child.3 
Navarro,  Jose  Maria,  child.3 


Nieto,  Jos£  Manuel,  soldier.1 

Nieto,  Juan  Jos6  Ma.,  child.3 

Nieto,  Manuel  Perez,  soldier.3 

Nieto,  Jose"  Antonio  Ma.,  soldier.4 

Noriega,  Jose  Ramon,  soldier.1 

Noriega,  Jose  Raimundo,  soldier.2 

Noboa,  Diego,  padre.3 

Nocedal,  Josd,  padre.2 

Obaye,  Jos6  Antonio,  soldier.2 

Oceguera,  Faustino,  Cat.  vol.4 

Ochoa,  Francisco  Javier.1 

Ochoa,  Felipe,  soldier.2 

Ojeda,  Gabriel.1 

Olivares,  Jose  Miguel,  soldier.2 

Olivares,  Jose"  Francisco  B.,  child.3 

Olivares,  Pedro  Alcantara,  child.3 

Olivas,  Juan  Matias,  soldier.3 

Olivas,  Cosine.4 

Olivas,  Jose"  Herculano,  child.4 

Olivas,  Josd  Ldzaro  Ma.,  child.* 

Olivas,  Jos<§  Nicolas,  child.4 

Olivas,  Pablo,  settler.4 

Olivera,  Jos6  Ignacio,  soldier.1 

Olivera,  Juan  Maria,  soldier.1 

Olivera,  Ignacio,  servant.1 

Olivera,  Antonio  Lucas  Ma.,  child.2 

Olivera,  Diego  Ant.  de  la  Luz,  child.3 

Olivera,  Jose"  Desiderio,  child.3 

Olivera,  Jose",  soldier.3 

Olivera,  Jose"  Leonardo  M.,  child.3 

Olivera,  Jose"  Ma.  Matias,  child.3 

Olivera,  Maximo  Jose",  child.3 

Olivera,  Tomas  Antonio,  child.3 

Olivera,  Higinio,  soldier.4 

Olivera,  Jose"  Ant.  Secundino,  child.  * 

Olivera,  Rosalina  Ma.,  child.4 

Oliveros,  Lucas.4 

Olvera,  Diego,  servant.2 

Olvera,  Francisco,  servant.2 

Ontiveros,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.1 

Ontiveros,  Francisco,  soldier.3 

Ontiveros,  Juan  de  Dios,  settler.4 

Ontiveros,  Juan  Ma.4 

Ontiveros, 'Pacifico  Juan,  child.4 

Ontiveros,  Patrick),  soldier.4 

Oramas,  Cristobal,  padre.3 

Oribe,  Tomas  C.,  soldier.3 

Orozco,  Jose"  Manuel,  servant.1 

Ortega,  Jos6  Francisco,  sergeant.1 

Ortega,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Ortega,  Jose"  Francisco  Ma.,  child.2 

Ortega,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.2 

Ortega,  Juan,  soldier.2 

Ortega,  Juan  Cap.  Ant.  M.  H.,  child.2 

Ortega,  Jos<§  Ma.  Martin,  child.3 

Ortega,  Juan  Cap  ,  child.3 

Ortega,  Miguel,  servant.3 

Ortega,  Francisco.4 

Ortega,  Jose  Miguel,  child.4 

Ortega,  Jos6  Quintin  de  los  S.,  child.4 


740 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


Ortega,  Jose*  Vicente,  soldier.* 
Ortega,  Antonio,  convict.4 
Ortega,  Matias.4 
Ortega,  Miguel,  Cat.  vol.* 
Ortel,  Juan,  Cat.  vol.4 
Osequera,  Faustino,  soldier,4 
Osio,  Jose"  Ma.,  Cat.  vol.4 
Osorio,  Jose",  artilleryman.* 
Osorno,  Pedro,  convict.4 
Osuna,  Juan  Ismerio.1 
Osuna,  Juan  Luis,  soldier. 2 
Osuna,  Miguel,  tailor.3 
Osuna,  Jose"  Joaquin,  soldier.3 
Osuna,  Jose"  Ma.* 
Osuna,  Juan  Nepomuceno,  child.* 
Otondo,  Felipe,  settler.2 
Pacheco,  Juan  Salvio,  soldier.2 
Pacheco,"  Bartolome  Ignacio,  settler.2 
Pacheco,  Rafael,  convict.4 
Pacheco,  Miguel,  soldier.2 
Pacheco,  Bartolo,  soldier.* 
Pacheco,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.* 
Pacheco,  Ignacio,  child.2 
Padilla,  Juan,  soldier.3 
Padilla,  Jacinto,  Cat.  vol.* 
Pajarrales,  settler.4 
Palafox,  Jose,  Cat.  vol.4 
.P.alomares,  Josd  Cristobal,  soldier.* 
Palomares,  Jose"  Ramirez,  soldier.3 
Palou,  Francisco,  padre.1 
Panella,  Jose",  padre.4 
Parron,  Fernando,  padre.1 
Paterna,  Antonio,  padre.1 
Parrilla,  Leon,  lieutenant.4 
Patron,  Antonio  Jose",  soldier. 2 
Parra,  Jose",  soldier.3 
Parra,  Jose",  child.3 
Parra,  Jos<§  Antonio,  settler.3 
Parra,  Jose  Miguel  Sabino,  child.3 
Patiiio,  Jose"  Victoriano,  soldier.3 
Pay  eras,  Mariano,  padre.4 
Pedraza,  Jose"  Antonio,'  settler.3 
Pedro,  Jos£  Antonio  Ma.  de  S.  T. ,  child. 2 
Pedro,  Jose"  Francisco  de  S.  T.,  child.2 
Pedro  y  Gil,  Rafael,  storekeeper.2 
Pena,  Francisco  Ma.,  soldier.1 
Pefia,  Josd  Antonio,  soldier.1 
Pena,  Gerardo,  soldier.2 
Pena,  Luis,  soldier.2 
Pena,  Eustaquio,  child.4 
Pena,  Josd,  artilleryman.4 
Pena,  Teodoro,  Cat.  vol.4 
Pena  y  Saravia,  Tomds,  padre.1 
Pengues,  Miguel  Sobrevia,  Cat.  vol.1 
Peralta,  Gabriel,  soldier.2 
Peralta,  Juan  Jose,  soldier.2 
Peralta,  Luis  Ma.,  soldier.2 
iVr.u  tn,  Pedro  Regalado,  soldier.3 
Peralta.,  Hcrmenegildo  Ignacio,  child. 4 
Peralta,  Juan.4 


Peralta,  Pantaleon,  child.4 

Perez,  Juan,  captain  of  vessel.1 

Perez,  Crispin,  soldier.2 

Perez,  Jos6  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Perez,  Antonio  Irimeo,  child.* 

Perez,  Antonio  Ma.,  child.4 

Perez,  Est6van.* 

Perez,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.* 

Perez,  Jos6  Ma.,  convict. 

Perez,  Juan  Bautista,  Cat.  vol.4 

Perez,  Luis,  soldier.4 

Perez,  Manuel,  Cat.  vol.4 

Perez  Fernandez,  Jose",  alfdrez.* 

Perez  de  la  Fuente,  Pedro,  settler.* 

Pericas,  Miguel,  Cat.  vol.1 

Peyri,  Antonio,  padre.4 

Pico,  Santiago  de  la  Cruz,  soldier.2 

Pico,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.3 

Pico,  Jose1  Dolores,  soldier.3 

Pico,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.3 

Pico,  Juan  Patricio,  child.3 

Pico,  Joaquin,  soldier.4 

Pico,  Jose  Antonio  Bernardo,  child.' 

Pico,  Jos6  Vicente,  child.4 

Pico,  Mariano.4 

Pico,  Miguel,  soldier.4 

Pico,  Patricio,  servant.4 

Pieras,  Miguel,  padre.1 

Pina,  Juan  Maximo,  soldier.3 

Pina,  Mariano,  servant.3 

Pina,  Pedro  Rafael,  child.3 

Pinto,  Juan  Maria,  soldier.2 

Pinto,  Pablo,  soldier.2 

Pinto,  Marcelo,  soldier.3 

Planes,  Geronimo,  Cat.  vol.1 

Plenelo,  Valentin,  Cat.  vol.1 

Pliego,  Jos 6,  settler.4 

Palanco,  Jose",  soldier.3 

Pollorena, .  Pedro. 2 

Pollorena,  Juan,  child.4 

Pollorena,  Rafael  Eugenic,  child.* 
vPortella,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.1 
4Portola,  Gaspar  de,  governor.1  * 

Preciado,  Venancio,  servant.3 

Prestamero,  Juan,  padre.1 

Puga,  Joaquin,  servant.'2 

Puyol,  Francisco,  padre.4 

Prat,  Pedro,  surgeon.1 

Puig,  Jiian,  sergt.  Cat.  vol.1 

Quesada,  Manuel,  soldier.4 

Quesada,  Manuel,  Cat.  vol.4 

Quijada,  Ignacio  Ma.,  child.8 

Quijada,  Vicente,  soldier.3 

Quijada,  Josd  Nazario  de  la  T.,  child,* 

Quijada,  Jos6  Lorenzo,  child.4 

Quijada,  Simon,  child.4 

Quintero,  Luis,  settler.3 

Quintero,  Clemente. -1 

Quintero,  Teodosio. 4 

Quinto,  Simon  Tadeo.4 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


741 


Ramirez,  Francisco,  soldier.2 
Ramirez,  Bernardo,  soldier.3 
Ramirez,  Josd  Antonio,  carpenter.* 
Ramirez,  Jose"  Guadalupe.4 
Ramos,  Jose,  smith.3 
Ramos,  Jose",  convict.4 
Ramos,  Pablo  Antonio,  child.3 
P-^sa,  Lorenzo,  sailor.2 
Key,  Cristobal,  Cat.  vol.4 
Key,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Rey,  Juan  del,  soldier.4 
Reyes,  Juan  Francisco.1 
Reyes,  Martin,  soldier.1 
Reyes,  Francisco,  settler.3 
Reyes,  Jose"  Jacinto,  child.3 
Reyes,  Jose",  convict.4 
Reyes,  Josd,  saddler.4 
Reyes,  Miiximo  Julian,  child.4 
Rio,  Francisco  del.2 
Rioboo,  Juan  Antonio  Garcia,  padre.3 
Rios,  Feliciano,  soldier.2 
Rios,  Julian,  soldier.2 
Rios,  Cayetano,  child.3 
Rios,  Silverio  Antonio  Juan,  child.4 
Rivera,  Tadeo,  soldier.2 
Rivera,  Joaquin,  stone-cutter.4 
Rivera,  Salvador,  stone-cutter.4 
Rivera  y  Moncada,  Fernando,  captain.1 
Roberto,  Justo,  soldier.3 
Roberto,  Matias,  child.3 
llobles,  Juan  Jose",  soldier. l 
Robles,  Manuel  Ma. ,  soldier. 2 
Robles,  Jose  Antonio,  settler.4 
Roca,  Carlos  Pedro  Josd,  child.4  * 
Roca,  Jose,  sergeant  artilleryman.4 
Rocha,  Juan  Estdvan,  soldier.1 
Rocha,  Cornelio,  settler.4 
Rocha,  Cornelio,  convict.4 
Rocha,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 
Rocha,  Juan  Jose"  Lor.,  child.4 
Rochin,  Ignacio,  soldier.3 
Rodriguez,  Manuel,  carpenter.1 
Rodriguez,  Jose",  servant.2 
Rodriguez,  Pablo,  settler.2 
Rodriguez,  Vicente,  soldier.2 
Rodriguez,  Alejo  Maximo,  child.3 
Rodriguez,  Inocencio  Jose",  child.3 
Rodriguez,  Joaquin,  soldier.8 
Rodriguez,  Jose  Antonio,  soldier.3 
Rodriguez,  Jose"  Fran.  Ant.  L.,  child.3 
Rodriguez,  Jose"  Ignacio,  soldier.3 
Rodriguez,  Josd  de  Jesus  I. ,  child. 3 
Rodriguez,  Jose"  Leon,  child.3 
Rodriguez,  Josd  Ma.,  child.3 
Rodriguez,  Sebastian,  child.3 
Rodriguez,  Alejandro,  child.4 
Jiodriguez,  Felipe  Antonio,  child.4 
Rodriguez,  Josd  del  Carmen  S.,  child.4 
Rodriguez,  Jose"  Brigido,  child.4 
Rodriguez,  Juan,  child.4 


Rodriguez,  Juan  Francisco,  child.4 

Rodriguez,  Juan  cle  Dios,  child.4 

Rodriguez,  Manuel,  cadet.4 

Rodriguez,  Matias,  servant.4 

Roman,  Jose"  Joaquin,  settler.4 

Romero,  Antonio,  servant.2 

Romero,  Felipe,  smith.2 

Romero,  Anselmo  Josd  Ignacior  child.3 

Romero,  Jose"  Domingo,  child.3 

Romero,  Jose"  Estdvan,  soldier.3 

Romero,  Josd  Ma.  Basilio  F.,  child.3 

Romero,  Juan  Maria,  child.3 

Romero,  Pedro,  soldier.3 

Romero,  Jose"  Ant.  Estdvan,  child.4 

Romero,  Josd  Gregorio,  child.4 

Romero,  Jose"  Man.  Secundino,  child.4 

Romero,  Juan  Ma.,  soldier.3 

Romero,  Luis,  soldier.4 

Romero,  Rafael,  Cat.  vol.4 

Rosales,  Bernardo,  muleteer.1 

Resales,  Cornelio,  child.2 

Rosales,  Josd  Cornelio,  soldier.4 

Rosalio,  Eugenio,  soldier.2 

Rosas,  Jtian  Estdvan.2 

Rosas,  Alejo,  settler.3 

Rosas,  Baltasar  Juan  Josd,  child.3 

Rosas,  Basilio,  settler.3 

Rosas,  Carlos,  soldier.3 

Rosas,  Josd  Alejandro,  settler.3 

Rosas,  Josd  Maximo,  settler.3 

Rosas,  Jose  Maximo,  child.3 

Rosas,  Gil  Antonio,  child.4 

Rosas,  Josd  Dario,  settler.4 

Rosas,  Josd,  convict.4 

Rosas,  Josd  Antonio,  child.4 

Rosas,  Josd  Antonio,  soldier.4 

Rosas,  Josd  Antonio  Doroteo,  child.4 

Rosas,  Leon  Maria,  child.4 

Rosas,  Luis  Maria ,  child. 4 

Rubio,  Ascensio  Alvarez.1 

Rubio,  Bernardo.1 

Rubio,  Josd  Carlos.1 

Rubio,  Juan  Antonio,  soldier.1 

Rubio,  Carlos,  soldier.3 

Rubio,  Fran.  Ramon  de  la  L.,  child.3 

Rubio,.  Mateo,  soldier.3 

Rubio,' Josd  Antonio,  child.4 

Rubio,  Luis  Ma.,  child.4 

Rubio,  Rafael  Felipe,  child.4 

Paibiol,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.4 

Rubi.  Mariano,  padre.3 

Rueda,  Pedro. 

Ruelas,  Fernando,  soldier.1 

Ruelas,  Francisco,  soldier.3 

Ruelas,  Venancio,  Cat.  vol.4 

Ruiz,  Antonio  Vicente.1 

Ruiz,  Alejandro,  soldier.1 

Ruiz,  Juan  Ma.,  soldier.1 

Ruiz,  Diego  Ma.,  soldier.2 

Ruiz,  Francisco  Ma.,  soldier.2 


712 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  17G9-1SOO. 


Ruiz,  Efigenio,  soldier.3 

Ruiz,  Fructuoso  Ma.,  soldier.3 

Ruiz,  Juan  Pedro  Jacinto,  child.3 

Ruiz,  Nervo  Pedro.3  % 

Ruiz,  Pedro  Jose".3 

Ruiz,  EsteVan,  bricklayer.4 

Ruiz,  Ignacio,  soldier.4 

Ruiz,  Jose"  Hilario,  child.4 

Ruiz,  Jose"  Joaquin,  child.4 

Ruiz,  Manuel,  mechanic.4 

Ruiz,  Santiago,  mason.4 

Ruiz,  Toribio,  mason.4 

Saez,  Nazario,  settler.2 

Saez,  Justo,  soldier.3 

Saez,  Juan,  settler.4 

Saez,  Miguel.4 

Saenz,  Ignacio,  convict.4 

Sajo,  Jos 6,  soldier.3 

Sal,  Hermenegildo,  soldier.2 

Sal,  Ignacio  Francisco,  child.* 

Sal,  Domingo,  child.4 

Sal,  Meliton,  child.4 

Salazar,  Alonso  Isidro,  padre.4 

Salazar,  Doroteo  de  la  Luz,  child.3 

Salazar,  Doroteo,  soldier.3 

Salazar,  Jose1  Lore  to,  soldier.3 

Salazar,  Juan  Jos6,  child.3 

Salazar,  Miguel,  soldier.4 

Salas,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.4 

Salazar,  Jose*  Marcos,  settler.4 

Salazar,  Jose,  convict.4 

Salazar,  Miguel,  soldier.4 

Samaniego,  Jos6  Ma.  Gil,  soldier.3 

Samaniego,  Pablo  An  t.Nemesio,  child.3 

Samaniego,  Tiburcio  Antonio,  child.3 

Samaniego,  Jose"  del  Carmen,  child.4 

r'ar'chez,  Francisco  Miguel,  padre.1 

Sanchez,  Joaquin,  servant.2 

Sanchez,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.2 

Sanchez,  Juan,  sailor.'2 

Sanchez,  Francisco,  soldier.3 

Sanchez,  Jose"  Tadeo,  soldier.3 

Sanchez,  Jos<5  Segundo,  soldier.4 

Sanchez,  Jose"  Antonio,  child.4 

Sanchez,  Juan,  soldier.4 

Sanchez,  Juan  Ma.,  child.4 

Sanchez,  Vicente.4 

Sanchez,  Vicente  Anastasio,  child. 4 

tSangrador,  Miguel,  tanner.4 

Sanaoval,  Antonio,  servant.2 

Sandoval,  Gregorio  Antonio,  soldier.3 

Santa  Ana,  Jose"  Francisco,  child.4 

Santa  Catarina  y  Noriega,  M.,  padre.2 

Santa  Maria,  Vicente,  padre.2 

Santiago,  Juan  Jose"  M. ,  padre. 3 

Sarmiento,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.4 

Sarco,  Jose  Joaquin.  ai-tilleryman.  * 

Segundo,  Angel,  settler.2 

Segura,  Gregorio,  smith.3 

Sciiaii,  Jose"  Francisco  de  P.,  padre.3 


Sepulveda,  Rafael,  soldier.2 

Sepulveda,  Juan  Jose1,  soldier.2 

Sepiilveda,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.  * 

Sepulveda,  Enrique.4 

Sepulveda,  Francisco  Javier,  child.* 

Sepulveda,  Jose"  Dolores,  child.4 

Sepulveda,  Jose"  Enrique  A.,  child.* 

Sepulveda,  Jose"  de  los  Dolores,  child,1 

Sepiilveda,  Patricio.4 

Sepulveda,  Sebastian,  soldier.4 

Serra,  Junipero,  padre.1 

Serrano,  Francisco,  soldier.3 

Serrano,  Leandro  Jose",  child.3 

Serrano,  Jose*  Maria,  Cat.  vol.* 

Servin,  Jose"  Isidro,  Cat.  vol.4 

Sierra,  Benito,  padre.2 

Silva,  Jose",  settler.2 

Silva,  Hilario  Leon  Jose",  child.2 

Silva,  Jose"  Manuel,  servant.2 

Silva,  Jose"  Miguel,  soldier.2 

Silva,  Juan  de  Dios  J.  S.,  child.8 

Silva,  Rafael,  child.3 

Silva,  Hilario  Leon  Jose",  child.4 

Silva,  Jose"  de  los  Santos,  child.4 

Silva,  Jose"  Ma.,  child.4 

Silva,  Jose  Manuel  Victor,  child.* 

Silva,  Teodoro.4 

Sinova,  Jose",  soldier.2 

Sinova,  Jose"  Francisco,  servant.2 

Sitjar,  Buenaventura,  padre.1 

Sola,  Faustiiio,  padre.3 

Soberanes,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.1 

Soberanes,  Agustin,  servant.2 

Soberanes,  Jose'  Ma.,  soldier.2 

Soler,  Juan,  store-keeper.2 

Soler,  Nicolas,  captain.3 

Soler,  Pablo,  surgeon.4 

Solis,  Alejandro,  soldier.2 

Sol6rzano,  Francisco,  soldier.4 

Solorzano,  Juan,  soldier.4 

Solorzano,  Juan  Mateo,  child.4 

Sol6rzano,  Pio  Antonio,  child.4 

Somera,  Jose"  Antonio  F.,  padre.1 

Sorno,  Jose'  Nolasco,  settler.4 

Sorde,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.1 

Sotelo,  Francisco  Antonio,  soldier.' 

Sotelo,  Jose"  Antonio,  soldier.2 

Sotelo,  Jose"  Gabriel,  child.3 

Sotelo,  Jose"  Ma.,  child.3 

Sotelo,  Jose"  Antonio,  child.4 

Sotelo,  Jose"  Ma.  Tiburcio,  child.* 

Sotelo,  Ramon,  soldier.4 

Soto,  Mateo  Ignacio.1. 

Soto,  Alejandro,  soldier.2 

Soto,  Damaso,  child.2 

Soto,  Francisco  Jose"  Dolores,  child.1 

Soto,  Francisco  Ma.,  child.2 

Soto,  Ignacio,  soldier.2 

Soto,  Isidro,  child.2 

Soto,  Francisco  Rexis,  soldier.3 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


743 


Soto,  Guillermo,  soldier.3 

Soto,  Ignacio  Javier.3 

Soto,  Jos6  Joaquin,  child.3 

Soto,  Mariano,  servant.3 

Soto,  Antonio,  settler.4 

Soto,  Jose"  Ma.  Ant.,  child.* 

Soto,  Juan.4 

Soto,  Miguel,  soldier.4 

Sof.o,  Rafael.4 

Soto,  Tomas.4 

Sotomayor,  Alejandro,  soldier.1 

Sotomayor,  Josti  Crisogono. 

Sotomayor,  Jose  Doroteo. 

Suarez,  Simon,  lieutenant.4 

Talamantes,  soldier.4 

Tapia,  Felipe  Santiago,  soldier.3 

Tapia,  Bartolomd,  servant.3 

Tapia,  Cristobal.3 

Tapia,  Jose"  Bartolo,  settler.3 

Tapia,  Jose"  Francisco,  soldier.3 

Tapia,  Francisco,  soldier.4 

Tapia,  Jose"  Antonio,  child.4 

Tapia,  Mariano,  potter.4 

Tapinto,  Mariano,  tailor.* 

Tapis,  Est6van,  padre.3 

Tejo,  Ignacio  Antonio,  Cat.  vol.4 

Tico,  Jose"  Joaquin,  sergeant  Cat.  vol.* 

Tic6,  Fern.  Jos6  Ma.  Ign.  M.,  child.4 

Tobar,  Albino,  settler.4 

Toca,  Jose"  Manuel,  teacher.4 

Toral?  Jose  Perez,  cadet.4 

Torres,  Victoriano,  settler.2 

Torres,  Narciso,  Cat.  vol.4 

Torres,  Nicolas.4 

Torrens.  Hilario,  padre.3 

Trasviuas,  Antonio,  soldier.1 

Trujillo,  Josti,  Cat.  vol.4 

Ulloa,  Jos<§  Santos,  smith.3 

Uribes,  Miguel,  settler.4 

Ursetino,  Jose",  carpenter.2 

Uria,  Jose  Antonio,  padre.4 

Usson,  Ramon,  padre.1 

Valderrama,  Jos6  Cornelio,  settler.* 

V;:l<les,  Juan  Bautista,  soldier.2 

Valdes,  Antonio  Albino,  child.3 

V  aide's,  Antonio  Ma.  de  StaM.,  child.3 

Valdes,  Eugenio,  soldier.3 

Valdes,  Jose"  Basilio,  child.3 

Vaults,  Jos6  Lorenzo,  servant.3 

Valde's,  Jos6  Melesio,  soldier.3 

Valdes,  Juan  Melesio,  soldier.3 

Valdes,  Luciano  Jose",  child.3 

Valdes,  Maximo  Tomas,  child.3 

Valdes,  Antonio.4 

Valdes,  Crecencio. 4 

Valdes,  Francisco,  Cat.  vol.* 

Valdes,  Gregorio.4 

Valdes,  Josi§  Rafael,  child.4 

Valencia,  Josu  Manuel,  soldier.2 

Valencia,  Francisco,  soldier.3 


Valencia,  Ignacio.3 
Valencia,  Juan  Ignacio,  soldier.3 
Valencia,  Juan  Vicente  Cris.,  child.3 
Valencia,  Manuel,  settler.3 
Valencia,  Miguel  Antonio,  child.3 
Valencia,  Jos<§  Antonio,  child.4 
Valencia,  Jose"  Manuel,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Agustin,  soldier.2 
Valenzuela,  Jose  Julian,  child.2 
Valenzuela,  Rafael,  soldier.2 
Valenzuela,  Angel,  soldier.3  _ 
Valenzuela,  Antonio  Ma.,  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Gaspar  Jose",  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Jose.3 

Valenzuela,  Jos6  Antonio  Ma. ,  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Jose"  Manuel,  soldier.3 
Valenzuela,  Antonio  deGr.,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Joaquin,  child.4 
Valenzuela,  Jos<§  Antonio  Ma. ,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Jose  Candelario,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Josd  Ignacio.4 
Valenzuela,  Josd  Rafael,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Juan,  soldier.4 
Valenzuela,  Juan  Angel,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Juan  Ma.,  child.4 
Valenzuela,  Maximo.4 
Valenzuela,  Pedro,  soldier.4 
Valenzuela,  Simeon  Maximo,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Vicente,  soldier.4 
Valenzuela,  Vicente  Antonio,  child.* 
Valenzuela,  Jose*  Ma.,  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Jose  Matias,  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Jose"  Miguel,  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Jose"  Pedro,  soldier.3 
Valenzuela,  Jos6  Ramon,  child.3 
Valenzuela,  Segundo,  soldier.3 
Valero,  Ignacio,  soldier.4 
Vallejo,  Ign.  Vicente  Ferrer,  soldier.2 
Vallejo,  Juan  Josd,  soldier.2 
Vallejo,  Jose"  de  Jesus,  child.* 
Vanegas,  Cosine.4 
Varelas,  Casimiro,  settler.2 
Varelas,  Juan,  child.2 
Varelas,  Jos6  Cayetano,  child.3 
Varelas,  Jose  Manuel,  chi-ld.4 
Varelas,  Juan,  soldier.4 
Vargas,  Manuel,  sergeant.3 
Vazquez,  Gil  Anastasio,  soldier.2 
Vazquez,  Jose"  Francisco,  child. 2 
Vazquez,  Juan  Atanasio,  soldier.2 
Vazquez,  Juan  Silverio,  child.2 
Vazquez,  Josd  Tiburcio,  settler.2 
Vazquez,  Antonio,  soldier.4 
Vazquez,  Jose,  convict.4 
Vazquez,  Faustino.4 
Vazquez,  Felipe.4 
Vazquez,  Felix.4 
Vazquez,  Hermenegildo.* 
Vazquez,  Jos6  Antonio  Pablo,  child.4 
Vazquez,  Jose  Timoteo,  settler.4 


744 


INHABITANTS  OF  CALIFORNIA,  1769-1800. 


Vazquez,  Julio  Ma.,  child.4 

Vega,  Jose"  Manuel,  Cut.  vol.* 

Vegas,  Matias,  soldier.2 

Ve"jar,  Pablo,  carpenter.* 

Ve"jar,  Salv.,  carpenter.4 

Velarde,  Jose"  Jacobo,  soldier.2 

Velarde,  Jose"  Ma.,  soldier.3 

Velarde,  Agustin.4 

Velarde,  Jose"  Luciano.  * 

Vegerano,  Jos^  Ma.,  muleteer.1 

Velasco,  Fernando,  soldier.3 

Velasco,  Jose"  Ignacio  Mateo,  child.* 

Velazquez,  Jose".1 

Velazquez,  Jose1  Ma.,  convict.4 

Velez,  Josd  Miguel,  settler.2 

Velis,  Jose",  Cat.  vol.4 

Verdugo,  Joaquin.1 

Verdugo,  Jos6  Ma.,  soldier.1 

Verdugo,  Francisco  Ma.  de  la  Cruz.1 

Verdugo,  Mariano  de  la  Luz,  soldier.1 

Verdugo,  Florencio,  soldier.  * 

Verdugo,  Ignacio  Leonardo  Ma.2 

Verdugo,  Juan  .Diego,  soldier. 2 

Verdugo,  Juan  Ma.,  soldier.3 

Verdugo,  Leonardo,  soldier.3 

Verdugo,  Manuel  Jose",  child.3 

Verdugo,  Aiiselmo  Jose",  child.4 

Verdugo,  Joaquin. 4 

Verdugo,  Jose"  Francisco,  child.4 

Verdugo,  Juan  Andres  Dolores,  child.4 

Verdugo,  Julio  Antonio  Jose",  child. 4 

Verdugo,  Melitoii  Jose". 4 

Verduzco,  Anastasio  Javier. l 

Viader,  Jose",  padre.4 

Victoriano,  soldier.1 

Vila,  Vicente,  captain  of  vessel. l 

Villa,  Jose",  settler.3 

Villa,  Vicente  Ferrer,  child.3 

Villa,  Eleuterio.4 


Villa,  Jose"  Antonio  Doroteo,  child.4 
Villa,  Jose"  Francisco  Antonio,  child.4 
Villa,  Pascual,  soldier.4 
Villa,  Rafael.4 
Villalba,  Onofre,  Cat.  vol.4 
Villagomez,  Francisco,  soldier.2 
Villalobos,  Jose",  soldier.2 
Villalobos,  Jose  Ma.,  child.4 
Villasefior,  Jose",  artillei^man.4 
Villavicencio,  Rafael,  soldier.1 
Villavicencio,  Jose"  Antonio,  child.2 
Villavicencio,  Antonio,  settler.3 
Villavicencio,  Felix,  settler.3 
Villavicencio,  Pascual,  settler.4 
Villaviceucio,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Villarino,  Felix  Antonio,  settler.4 
Villela,  Juan  Manuel,  soldier.2 
Villela,  Marcos,  soldier.4 
Vinals,  Jose",  padre.4 
Virjan,  Manuel,  muleteer.2 
Vizcaino,  Juan,  padre.1 
Vizcarra,  Jose",  soldier.4 
Yorba,  Antonio,  Cat.  vol. l 
Yorba,  Francisco  Javier,  soldier.4 
Yorba,  Jose"  Antonio.4 
Yorba,  Jose"  Domingo,  child.4 
Yorba,  Tomas.4 
Zambrano,  Nicolas,  soldier.1 
Zayas,  Jos6  Salvador,  soldier.3 
Ziifiiga,  Pedro  R,  child.2 
Zuiiiga,  Pio  Quinto,  soldier.2 
Zuiiiga,  Jose",  lieutenant.3 
Zuiiiga,  Jos<5  Antonio,  child.3 
Zuniga,  Jos6  Valentin  Q..  child.3 
Zuniga,  Serapio  Ma.,  child.8 
Zuniga,  Guillermo  A.,  child.4 
Zuniga,  Jose  Manuel,  child.4 
Zuniga,  Ventura.4 


c