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THE    WORKS 


HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT. 


VOLUME  XXI. 


HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 

VOL.  IV.     1840-1845. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  : 
A.  L.  BANCROFT  &  COMPANY,  PUBLISHERS. 

1886. 


Ktitert'il  according  to  Act  of  Congress  in  tho  Year  Isst;.  liv 

HUBERT  H.  BANCROFT, 

In  the  Olfi''"  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress,  at  Washington. 


All  Rights  Reserved. 


3AOCMY   Of 


CONTENTS  OF  THIS  VOLUME. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ALVARADO'S   KULE — THE   GRAHAM   AFFAIR. 

1840-1842. 

IWtOI 

Governor's  Policy — Spirit  of  Foreigners — Fears  and  Rumors — Padre 
Real's  Warning — In  the  Junta — Garner's  Denunciation — The  Horse- 
race— Theories — Castro  and  Vallejo — A  Foreign  Plot — Diary  of  a 
Crazy  Man — The  Arrest — Documentary  Record — Alvarado's  Procla-  s 

mation — In  the  South — Exaggerations  and  Falsehoods — Lists  of 
Names — Arrest  of  Graham  and  Morris — Tn  JPriaon  at.  Monterey — 
Thomas  J.  Farnham — Trial — The  Voyage — At  Sta  Bdrbara — At  Tepic 
— Efforts  of  British  Consul  Barren — Action  of  Government — Return  of 
Nineteen  Exiles — Castro's  Trial  in  Mexico — The 


aL-Mgnterey — Visit  of  the  Curaqoa — English  Claims — Commodore 
Jones  and  the  American  Claims 1 

CHAPTER  II. 

MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 
1836-1840. 

Condition  of  Missions  in  1836 — Secularization — Acts  of  Authorities  1836- 
8 — Chico's  Policy — Secularization  of  Five  Missions — New  Missions 
Proposed — The  Revolution  and  its  Effect — Spoliation — Alvarado's 
Efforts  for  Reform — Reglamento  of  1839 — Hartnell  as  Visitador  Gen- 
eral— Reglamento  of  1840 — Duran's  Views — Hartnell's  Second  Visita 
Resignation — Mission  Statistics — President  and  Prefect — Ecclesias- 
tical— Garcia  Diego  as  Bishop — Stipends  of  Friars — Pious  Fund- 
Indian  Affairs — Troubles  on  the  San  Diego  Frontier — Ranches  Plun- 
dered— Sonoma  Frontier — Vallejo's  Policy — Fights  and  Treaties— 
Small-pox — South  of  the  Bay — Horse-thieves — The  Chaguanosos- 
Seasons  and  Earthquakes 42 

CHAPTER  III. 

COMMERCE,   FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 
1836-1840. 

General  Remarks — Statistics  of  Trade— New  Mexican  Traders — Otter 

Skins — Smuggling — Chico's  Ikndo — Action  of  California  Congress — 

(vu> 


viii  CONTENTS. 

PACE 

Vessels  of  18.36 — Regulations — Hawaiian  Trade— Cattle  Driven  to 
Oregon  by  Young — Edward's  Diary — Vallejo's  Plans — Fleet  and 
Revenues  of  1837 — Carrillo's  Decree — Vessels  and  Statistics  of  1838 
— Otter-hunting — Captain  Bancroft  Killed  by  Indians — Silver  for 
Duties — Coasting  Trade  to  be  Prohibited — Vessels  of  1839 — Alva- 
rado's  Policy — Stearns  as  a  Smuggler — Fleet  of  1840 — Officers  of  Cus- 
tom-house and  Comisaria — Financial  Administration — Distribution 
of  Revenues — Alphabetical  List  of  Vessels,  1836-40 79 

CHAPTER  IV. 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS  AND   PIONEERS. 

1836-1840. 

Foreign  Influence  in  the  Revolution — Interference  as  a  Current  Topic — 
Attitude  of  Different  Classes — French  Relations — Rumored  Cession 
of  California  to  England — Quotations  from  American  Papers — Policy 
in  1837-8— Horse-thieves— Restrictions  of  1839-40— The  Exiles— Pi- 
oneers— Personal  Items — Authorities — Statistics — Something  about 
the  Old  Settlers — Their  Character  and  Influence — Prominent  Names 
— New-comers  of  1836-40 — Most  of  Them  Transient  Visitors — Immi- 
gration— Annual  Lists — Chronological  Items — The  Lausanne  and 
her  Passengers  at  Bodega 107 

CHAPTER  V. 

BUTTER'S  FORT — VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 
1836-1840. 

John  A.  Slitter's  Early  Life — Comes  to  California  via  Oregon,  Honolulu, 
and-Sitka — Reception  at  Monterey — Purchases  on  Credit — Trip  up 
the  Sacramento — Nueva  Helvecia  Founded — Relations  with  Sonoma 
— 'Annals  of  1839-40 — Indian  Policy — Cattle,  Beaver-skins,  and 
Brandy — Slitter's  Plans — Phelps'  Visit — Recruits — Sutter  a  Mexican 
Citizen — Bibliography , of  Foreign  Visits — The  Peacock — Ruschenber- 
ger's  Narrative — The  Sulphur — Belcher's  Narrative — Survey  of  the 
Sacramento — Slacum's  Visit — The  Venus — Petit-Thouars'  Voyage — 
Forbes  on  California — The  Artimise — Laplace,  Campagne — Phelps' 
Fore  and  Aft — Farnham's  Life  in  California — J.  F.  B.  M 122 

CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    RUSSIANS   IN   CALIFORNIA. 

1831-1841. 

YeaiTy  Vessels — Re'sume' — Report  of  1831 — Khle"bnikof's  Mission — Vic- 
toria's Policy — Figueroa's  Diplomacy — Vallejo's  Mission  to  Ross — 
Wrangell  and  Beechey — Annals  of  1834-9 — Kostromitinof  Succeeded 
by  Rotchef — Warehouse  at  Sauzalito — Wrangell's  Plan  of  Extension 
—His  Failure  in  Mexico,  1836— Resolve  to  Abandon  Ross,  1838-9 — 


CONTENTS.  ix 

PAGE 

Proposed  Sale  to  Hudson's  Bay  Company — Affair  of  the  Lausanne, 
1840 — Vallejo  and  Kuprianof — Proposed  Sale  to  Vallejo — Land  and 
Buildings — Absurd  Instructions  from  Mexico — Sale  to  Sutter — Con- 
tract and  Deed — No  Land  Purchased — Russian  Title  to  Ross — The 
Muldrow  Claim  of  Later  Years — Departure  of  the  Colonists — How 

the  Debt  was  Paid,  1845-59 158 

i 

CHAPTER  VII. 

POLITICAL   AFFAIRS   AN1)   GENEKAL   CONDITION. 
1841. 

Events  of  the  Year — Small  Part  Played  by  Californians — Apathy  ki  Poli- 
tics— A  Season  of  Drought — At  the  Capital — Governor  Alvarado — 
Jimeno  Acting  Ruler — No  Session  of  the  Junta  Departamental — No 
Excess  of  Government — Administration  of  Justice — Mission  Affairs 
— Continued  Spoliation — Mofras'  Statistics — Pueblo  of  San  Juan  de. 
Argiiello — The  Bishop's  Arrival — Indian  Affairs — A  Time  of  Peace 
— Military  Items — Alvarado  and  Vallejo — Policy  and  Motives  of  the 
Comandante  General — Unfounded  Charges — Action  in  Mexico — 
Reconciliation — Castro  or  Prudon — Vallejo's  Plans  for  Reform ....  190 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

COMMERCIAL    AND    MARITIME    AFFAIRS — THE    HUDSON'S    BAY    COMPANY — 

VISITS   AND   BOOKS. 

1S41. 

Trading  Regulations — Coasting  Trade  Suspended  and  Restored — New 
Mexican  Caravan  —  Smuggling — Valiejo's  Plan  —  Otter-hunting — 
Whalers — List  of  Vessels — Statistics  of  Revenue — Financial  Admin- 
istration— Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  California — Visit  and  Journal 
of  Sir  James  Douglas — The  Fur-hunters  Licensed — Purchase  of  Live- 
stock— Proposed  Trading-post — Rae's  Establishment  at  Yerba  Buena 
— Visit  of  Sir  George  Simpson  and  Chief  Factor  McLoughlin — The 
Company  and  Sutter — Simpson  to  Vallejo — Map — Simpson's  Narra- 
tive— Quotations — Warner's  Lecture  on  California — Peirce's  Visit 
and  Journal 208 

CHAPTER  IX. 

SETTER'S  FORT — tr.  s.  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION — DUFLOT  DE  MOFRAS. 

1841-1849. 

Progress  at  New  Helvetia — The  Fort — Indians — Industries — Vioget's  ^^•*** 
Map — Sutter's  Land  Grant — Visitors — Purchase  of  Ross — Views  of 
Peirce  and  Simpson — Sutter's  Troubles— IMTJW— Trade  and  Trapping 
— Vallejo  and  Sutter — Threats  of  Revolt — Letter  to  Leese — U.  S. 
Exploring  Expedition — The  Fleet — Published  Results — Operations 
in  California — Ringgold  on  the  Sacramento — Emmons'  Overland 


x  CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Trip  from  Oregon — Map — Wilkes'  Narrative — Serious  Defects — Quo- 
tations— Duflot  de  Mofras — His  Movements — His  Experience  at 
Monterey,  Yerba  Buena,  and  Sonoma — His  Character — Book — Map .  226 

CHAPTER  X. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS   AND   IMMIGRATION. 
1841. 

Hopes  and  Plans  of  Foreign  Nations — United  States — Manifest  Destiny 
— Wilkes  and  Warner — Foreign  Opinions — British  Projects — Simp- 
son's Views — Aspirations  of  France — Mofras  on  a  Catholic  Protecto- 
rate— Sutter  as  a  Frenchman — Advantages  of  Yankee  Methods — 
Beginning  of  Overland  Immigration — Excitement  in  the  Frontier 
States — Bartleson  Party  from  Missouri — Bidwell's  Diary — Narratives 
of  Belden,  Chiles,  and  Hopper — Crossing  the  Desert  and  Sierra — List 
of  Names — Arrival  and  Reception — Policy  toward  Foreigners — 
Vallejo's  Acts — Dr  Marsh — The  Workman -Rowland  Party  from 
New  Mexico — Wilson's  Narrative — Rowland's  List — Other  Parties 
— Mrs  Walker  and  Mrs  Kelsey — List  of  New-comers  for  1841 — Items 
about  Old  Settlers 256 

CHAPTER  XI. 

ALVARADO,    VALLEJO,    AND   MICHELTORENA. 
1842. 

Prudon  at  Monterey — Alvarado's  Plots — Bustamante  or  Santa  Anna — 
The  Governor's  Despatches — Departure  of  the  Comisionados  Casta- 
nares  and  Prudon — Too  Late — Manuel  Micheltorena  Appointed 
Governor  and  Comaudante  General — His  Instructions — Raising  an 
Army  of  Convicts — The  Journey — Batallon  Fijo — List  of  Officers — 
Arrival  at  San  Diego — At  Los  Angeles — Vallejo  Turns  over  the  Mil- 
itary Command — Alvarado  Disappointed  but  Submissive — Proclama- 
tion— Mjpheltorena  Assumes  the  Governorship  at  Angeles  in  De- 
cember— Junta  Departamental — Tribunal  de  Justicia — Discovery  of 
Gold 281 

CHAPTER  XII. 

COMMODORE  JONES  AT   MONTEREY. 
1842. 

English,  French,  and  American  Schemes — Jones'  Instructions — The  French 
Fleet — English  Fleet — Rumors  of  War — Cession  of  Californias — 
Monroe  Doctrine — The  United  States  and  Cyanc  at  Monterey — Cap- 
ture of  the  Ouipuzcoana — Jones'  Position  and  Motives — Occupation 
and  Restoration  of  the  Capital — Authorities  in  Manuscript  and 
Print — Jones  at  San  Francisco  and  Sonoma — Reports — Arrival  of 
the  Dale  and  Yorktown — In  the  South — Micheltorena'a  Valor — Mex- 


CONTENTS.  xi 

PAGE 

ican  Bombast — Reports  to  Mexico — Claims  for  Damages — The  Tasso 
and  Alert — Jones  at  Los  Angeles — Bocanegra-and  Thompson  in  Mex- 
ico— Webster  and  Almonte  in  Washington — In  Congress — The  Press 
—Jones  Recalled 208 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

MISSIONS,   COMMERCE,   AND  FOREIGNERS. 

1842. 

Mission  Management — Decree  of  Restoration — Duran  and  Alvarado — 
Local  Items — Bishop  Garcia  Diego  at  Santa  Barbara — Grand  Episco- 
pal Plans — The  Pious  Fund  in  Mexico— Santa  Anna  Takes  It  from 
the  Bishop — Incorporated  in  the  National  Treasury — The  Result — 
Indian  Affairs — No  Hostilities  and  Few  Rumors — Commercial  and 
Maritime  Affairs — List  of  Vessels — Financial  Items — Foreigners — 
List  of  Pioneers  and  Visitors  for  the  Year — Part  of  the  Bartleson 
Company  Return  Overland— Minor  Items — New  Mexican  Immigra-  V 
tion — Bibliography  of  1842 — Robinson's  Life  in  California — Visit  of 
the  Kincfs  Orj>han — Bidwell's  Journey — Marsh's  Letter  to  Jones — • 
Peirce's  Letter 330 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

MICHELTORENA'S  RULE — POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

1843. 

Tlie  Governor  at  Los  Angeles — Financial  Troubles — Warfare  against 
Destitution — A  Junta  of  Angelinos — Aid  from  Citizens,  from  Vallejo, 
and  from  Limantour — Symptoms  of  Controversy — Micheltorena  with 
his  Batallon  Comes  to  Monterey — Reception — Rumors  of  Revolt — 
Graham's  Offer — Junta  of  Officers  at  Monterey — Prefectures  Sup- 
pressed— Absence  of  Records — Swearing  of  the  Bases — Vote  for  Santa 
Anna — Junta  Departamental — Elections — Castauares  for  Congress — 
Indian  Affairs — Expedition  to  Mendocino  or  Clear  Lake — The  Cho- 
los  at  Angeles  and  Monterey — Exaggerated  Accusations 350 

CHAPTER  XV. 

MISSIONS — COMMERCE — MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

1843. 

Anticipation  of  a  Change — Policy  of  Governor  and  Padres — Michel  torena'a 
Decree  Restoring  the  Missions  to  the  Friars — Motives — The  Change 
Effected — Mission  Lands — Missionary  Personnel  and  Officials — The 
Bishop  and  his  Financial  Troubles — Tithes — Garcia  Diego  and 
Vallejo — Patroness  of  the  Diocese — Friars  not  to  be  Politicians — 
Scandal  Prevented — Commercial  Regulations — Smuggling — Fear  of 
Losing  the  Boston  Trade — Whalers — Minor  Items — Custom-house 
Officials— Finance— Falling-off  of  Revenues — List  of  Vessels 368 


xii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS  AND   IMMIGRATION. 

1843. 

PAGE 

Mexican  Efforts  to  Prevent  American  Immigration — Almonte's  Letter — 
Santa  Anna's  Order — A  Diplomatic  Controversy — Thompson  and 
Bocanegra — English  Schemes  of  Colonization — Wyllie  to  Hartnell — 
Forbes'  Plan — Larkin  and  Forbes,  Consuls  of  U.  S.  and  England 
— Foreigners  Kindly  Treated  in  Calfornia — Slitter's  Establishment — 
False  Pretensions — Immigrants  of  the  Year — Hastings  Company — 
Troubles  with  Indians — Chiles-Walker  Company — A  New  Route — 
Narratives — Names — Stephen  Smith  and  his  Steam-engine — Hasn 
tings'  Book — Ignorance,  Prejudice,  and  Deception — List  of  Pioneers 
of  1843 379 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

MICHELTORENA'S  RULE — POLITICAL  AFFAIR'S. 

1844. 

Ec'onomy — Abrego  and  Pico  Sent  to  Mazatlan — Aid  from  Vallejo,  Larkin, 
and  Limantour — Rumors  of  Revolt — Arrest  of  Alvarado — A  New 
General  Expected — Rising  of  the  Cholos — Arrest  of  Castauares — 
War  with  the  United  States — Preparations  for  Defence — Militia 
Organized — Larkin's  Letters — Indian  Affairs — Presidio  on  the  San 
Joaquin — Junta  Departamental — Candidates  for  Governor — The  Cap- 
ital— Monterey  and  Angeles — Santa  In£s  as  a  Compromise — Casta- 
nares  in  Mexico— His  Book — Warning  against  Foreigners — No  Re- 
sults— General  View  of  Micheltorena's  Character  and  Administra- 
tion    401 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

MISSIONS  AND   BISHOPRIC — TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 
1844. 

Duran's  Report  on  Southern  Missions — Local  Items — Lost  Sheep  -  Padrea 
and  Vallejo — Secularization  of  San  Luis  Obispo — Grajit  of  Lands  to 
the  Church. — Authorized  Sale  of  Mission  Estates  to  Meet  WarEx- 
penses — Bishopric — Ecclesiastical  Seminary  at  Santa  lues — Pastoral 
Visit  to  the  North — Commercial  Regulations — Retail  Trade — Protec- 
tion of  the  Boston  Merchants — Whalers  Allowed  to  Trade — Yerba 
Buena  and  Sauzalito — Revenue  Officers — San  Francisco  and  Santa 
Barbara — Financial  Affairs — List  of  Vessels  on  the  Coast  in  1844. . .  421 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

IMMIGRATION  AND   FOREIGN   RELATIONS. 
1844. 

John  C.  Fremont — His  Early  Life — First  Expedition,  1842-3 — Report — 
/     Second  Trip,  1843-4 — The  Overland  Immigrant  Route  to  Oregon — 


.       CONTENTS.  xMi 

PAGE 

From  Oregon  to  California — Across  the  Sierra  by  a  New  Route — 
Return  East — Fremont's  Book — Map — Value  of  Fremont's  Survey 
— Prejudice  of  Pioneers — Kelsey  Company  of  Immigrants — Names — 
The  Bale  Affair — Stevens'  Company — List — The  First  Wagons — By 
the  Truckee  Route — Foreign  Relations — Sutter's  Affairs — Annexa- 
tion Schemes — U.  S.  Consulate — English  Colonization — Wyllie  and 
Hartnell— Hudson's  Bay  Company— Wandering  Sketches — Alpha- 
betical List  of  Pioneers 434 

CHAPTER  XX. 

REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 
1844. 

Preliminary  Re'sumt* — Motives  of  the  Rebels — Feeling  against  the  Ba- 
tallon — Plots  and  Warnings — Pronunciamiento  of  the  Canada  de  San 
Miguel — The  Governor's  Proclamation — Campaign  of  Laguna  Seca, 
or  Santa  Teresa — Narratives — The  Treaty — Castro  at  Mission  San 
Jos6 — Micheltorena's  Proclamation  and  Reports — His  Treachery — 
Resolves  to  Break  the  Treaty — Affairs  in  the  South — Rising  at  Santa 
Barbara — Policy  and  Motives  of  the  Foreigners — Sutter's  Contract — 
Preparations  at  New  Helvetia — Vallejo's  Protests — Occurrences  at 
San  Francisco — Weber's  Arrest , 455 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 
1845. 

The  Governor  Breaks  the  Treaty  of  Santa  Teresa — Foreign  Interference 
— Fears  of  Californians — Suiter  Joins  Micheltorena  at  Salinas — Cap- 
ture of  Manuel  Castro— Alvarado  and  Castro  March  South,  Fol- 
lowed by  Micheltorena  and  Sutter — Capture  of  the  Garrison  at  Ange- 
les— Conversion  of  the  Abajefios — Negotiations  at  Santa  Barbara — 
The  Campaign  of  San  Buenaventura — Campaign  of  Cahuenga — With- 
drawal of  the  Foreigners — Capture  of  Sutter — A  Bloodless  Battle — 
Defeat  of  Micheltorena — Treaty — Pico  Governor,  and  Castro  Coman- 
dante  General — Micheltorena  and  the  Batallon  Sent  Away — His 
Later  Career — Affairs  in  the  North — Sutter  at  Home 484 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

RULE   OF  PICO   AND   CASTRO. 

.    1845. 

Pico  and  Castro  in  Command — Los  Angeles  the  Capital — Sessions  of  As- 
sembly— Expediente  against  Micheltorena — Prisoners'  Revolt — Junta 
de  Guerra  at  Monterey — Acts  of  Mexican  Government — Efforts  of 
Castauares — Iniestra's  Expedition — A  Fiasco— Hijar's  Mission— J.  M. 
Castanares  Sent  to  Mexico— Proposals  for  Governor— Supreme  Court  x 


xiv  CONTENTS. 

FAQS 

— Constitutional  Reforms — Prefectures  Restored — Vote  for  Presi- 
dent— Jones  and  Larkin — Castillero's  Mission — Military  Organiza- 
tion— September  Revolt  at  Angeles — Elections — Alvarado  for  Con- 
gress— Varela  Revolt  at  Angeles — Carrillo  Exiled — Flores  Revolt 
at  Santa  Bdrbara — Indian  Affairs — Contract  with  Gantt  and  Marsh 
— Local  Items 518 

CHAPTER  XXIIL 

THE   MISSIONS — COMMERCE  AND   FINANCE. 
1845. 

Secularization  to  be  Completed — Pico's  Policy — Chronological  Develop- 
ments Views  of  President  Duran — Bandos  of  April,  May,  and  Octo- 
ber— Preparations .  and  Inventories — Debts — Pico's  Regulations  for 
Sale  and  Renting  of  the  Missions—  Three  Establishments  Sold — Four 
Rented — Ecclesiastical  Affairs — Pious  Fund — Commerce — Foreign 
Goods — A  New  Class  of  Smuggling — Whalers — Custom-house — Al- 
varado as  Administrator — Minor  Ports — Treasury — Abrcgo  and 
Valle — Financial  Difficulties  and  Statistics — Castro  and  Pico — The 
Star  of  the  West  Wrecked — Distribution  of  Debt  and  Revenue — List 
of  Vessels,  1841-45 543 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND   PIONEERS. 
1845. 

Overland  Immigration — New  Mexicans — The  McMahon-Clyman  Com- 
pany from  Oregon  in  July — Clyman's  Diary — Oregon  Train  of  1845 — 
Palmer's  Journal — Cooke's  Scenes — Californian  Agents  at  Fort  Hall 
The  Swasey-Todd  Company — Sublette  and  his  Men — The  Grigsby- 
Ide  Company — Names — Women  and  Children — Recollections  of  Miss 
Ide — Statements  of  Knight,  Gregson,  Dewell,  Elliott,  and  Tustin — 
Fremont's  Third  Expedition — Over  the  Sierra  by  Two  Routes  in  De- 
cember— A  Blunder — Kings  River  and  Kern  River — Bibliography — 
The  Hastings-Semple  Company — A  Narrow  Escape — Pioneers  and 
Visitors  of  1845 571 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

.FOREIGN   RELATIONS. 
1845. 

Foreign  Consulates — Larkin,  Leidesdorff,  Forbes,  Gasquet,  and  Lataillade 
— British  Schemes — Nothing  but  Suspicions — Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany— Suicide  of  Rae — Schemes  of  the  United  States — Buchanau  to 
Larkin — Plans  of  Marsh  and  Weber — Impending  War — Arrest  of 
Smith — Orders  from  Mexico — Pico's  Proclamations — Military  Prep- 
arations— Kind  Treatment  of  Immigrants — -Mexican  Orders  for  Ex- 


CONTENTS,  xv 

PACK 

pulsion  of  Americans — Castro  Permits  Them  to  Remain — Affairs  on 
the  Sacramento — Suiter's  Welcome  to  New-comers — The  Russians 
Want  jjl'pir  Pay — Sutter  Wishes  to  Sell  out — Diary  of  New  Helve- 
tia  5SS 

CHAPTEE  XXVI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

1841-1845. 

Population — San  Diego — Last  of  the  Presidial  Company — Municipal  Af- 
fairs— Ranchos — Mission  San  Diego — San  Luis  Rey — Padre  Ibarra — 
Wasting-away  of  the  Estates — San  Juan  Capistrano — Pueblo  of  San 
Juan  de  Argiiello — San  Dieguito,  San  Pascual,  and  Las  Flores — Loa 
Angeles  District — Statistics — City  and  Suburbs — Local  Events — Pre- 
fecture and  Municipal  Government — Criminal  Record — Ranchos — 
San  Pedro — San  Gabriel — Decadence  under  Majordomos — San  Ber- 
nardino— Agua  Mansa — San  Fernando — Mission  Rented — Santa 
Barbara  District — Presidio  and  Town — Sub-prefect  and  Jueces  de 
Paz — Ranchos — Mission — Inventories  and  Renting — San  Buenaven- 
tura— Santa  Int$s — Padre  Moreno — The  College — Purfsinaa — Padre 
Abella — Small-pox — Ruin  and  Sale 617 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

1841-1845. 

Population  of  the  North  and  of  California — Monterey  District — Events 
at  the  Capital— Military  Items — Prefecture — Municipal  Affairs — 
List  of  Ranchos — San  Cdrlos — San  Luis  Obisbo — A  New  Pueblo — 
Sale  of  Ex-mission  Property — San  Miguel — San  Antonio — Soledad — 
San  Juan  de  Castro — Santa  Cruz — Villa  de  Branciforte — San  Fran- 
cisco District — Population — Events — Pueblo  Matters — Sub-prefect- 
ure— Military — Growth  of  Yerba  Buena — New  Custom-house — Land 
Grants  in  the  North — Mission  Dolores — San  Rafael — Solano— Pue- 
blo of  Sonona — Ross  and  Bodega — New  Helvetia— San  Jose  Mission 
— Padres  Muro,  Gutierrez,  and  Quijas — Santa  Clara — Padre  Mercado 
— Pueblo  of  San  Jose , .  649 


PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX.      '  Ibanez '  to  '  Quivey ' 688 


HISTORY  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


CHAPTER  I. 

ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

1840-1842. 

GOVERNOR'S  POLICY— SPIRIT  OF  FOREIGNERS — FEARS  AND  RUMORS — PADRE 
REAL'S  WARNING — IN  THE  JUNTA— GARNER'S  DENUNCIATION — THE 
HORSE-RACE — THEORIES — CASTRO  AND  VALLEJO — A  FOREIGN  PLOT — 
DIARY  OF  A  CRAZY  MAN — THE  ARREST — DOCUMENTARY  RECORD — ALVA- 
RADO'S PROCLAMATION — IN  THE  SOUTH — EXAGGERATIONS  AND  FALSE- 
HOODS— LISTS  OF  NAMES — ARREST  OP  GRAHAM  AND  MORRIS — IN  PRISON 
AT  MONTEREY — THOMAS  J.  FARNHAM — TRIAL — THE  VOYAGE — AT  STA 
BARBARA — AT  TEPIC — EFFORTS  OF  BRITISH  CONSUL  BARRON — ACTION  OF 
GOVERNMENT — RETURN  OF  NINETEEN  EXILES — CASTRO'S  TRIAL  IN  MEX- 
ICO— THE  'DANAOXE'  AND  'Sx  Louis'  AT  MONTEREY — VISIT  OF  THE 
'  CuRAgoA ' — ENGLISH  CLAIMS — COMMODORE  JONES  AND  THE  AMERICAN 
CLAIMS. 

WE  have  now  reached  a  period  in  the  annals  of 
California  when  the  doings  of  foreigners  become  a 
more  important  element  than  those  of  natives  or  Mexi- 
cans, though  the  territorial  ownership  of  the  latter 
was  not  yet  disputed.  Indeed,  matters  pertaining 
directly  or  indirectly  to  the  subject  of  foreign  rela- 
tions fill  two  thirds  of  the  space  in  this  volume,  which 
brings  the  country's  history  in  all  its  phases  down  to 
1845.  Though  the  preceding  volume  brought  politi- 
cal annals  down  to  1840,  the  chronological  limits 
assigned  to  this  volume  are  1836-45,  since  several 
chapters  are  devoted  to  developments  of  earlier  date 
than  1840,  one  on  the  Russian  establishment  reaching 
back  to  1831.  This  overlapping,  as  already  explained, 

VOL.  IV.    1 


2  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

is  unavoidable,  except  by  the  sacrifice  of  symmetrical 
subject-grouping;  and  in  this  instance  it  will  prove 
obviously  a  convenience  to  the  reader  by  throwing  to- 
gether a  large  amount  of  matter  pertaining  to  foreign 
affairs,  and  preliminary  to  a  narrative  of  the  so-called 
conquest  of  1846-8,  to  be  given  in  another  volume. 
The  Pioneer  Register  is  continued  in  this  volume,  to 
be  completed  in  the  next. 

The  arrest  and  exile  of  Isaac  Graham  and  his  com- 
panions in  1840  belong  properly  to  the  subject  of 
foreign  relations,  to  be  treated  separately  for  this  as 
for  preceding  periods;  but  as  the  narrative  is  much 
too  long  to  be  included  in  the  chapter  on  that  general 
subject  for  1836-40,  and  as  the  topic  is  one  of  the 
most  prominent  in  the  annals  of  the  year,  I  prefer  to 
present  it  here  in  a  separate  chapter,  the  last  of  seven 
devoted  to  the  political  history  of  the  half-decade, 
before  proceeding  to  consider  general  institutionary 
matters  of  the  same  period. 

The  Graham  affair  is  one  which  presents  unusual 
difficulties  to  the  historian.  It  is  now,  and  probably 
will  ever  be,  impossible  to  give  a  version  that  can  be 
regarded  as  accurate  in  every  particular.  Much  false 
testimony  is  before  me  on  both  sides  respecting  cer- 
tain phases  of  the  matter;  while  on  other  phases  the 
record,  if  accurate,  is  unsatisfactory.  The  version 
best  known  to  the  world  is  the  partisan  one  published 
by  Farnham,  Wilkes,  Hastings,  and  others  who  have 
.followed  those  writers — a  version  grossly  exaggerated, 
to  say  the  least,  against  the  Californians  and  in  behalf 
of  the  American  settlers.  A  statement  much  more 
moderate  and  just  in  tone,  if  somewhat  less  detailed 
in  matter,  is  that  of  Alfred  Robinson,  reproduced  in 
substance  by  Tuthill.  The  narrative  of  Duflot  de 
Mofras  is  favorable  to  the  Californians,  and  has  been 
followed  by  Gleeson  and  one  or  two  other  writers. 
My  material  from  the  archives  and  other  original 
sources  is  plentiful,  and  I  am  in  a  position  to  correct 


VIEWS  OF  THE  SETTLERS.  3 

many  erroneous  statements  made  by  others,  and  to 
throw  new  light  on  the  subject  generally,  even  if  I 
cannot  clear  away  all  uncertainty  respecting  it. 

The  number  of  foreign  residents  was  considerably 
increased  in  these  years,  and  many  of  the  new-comers 
were  men  of  a  turbulent  and  undesirable  class,  being 
for  the  most  part  deserters  from  vessels  on  the  coast. 
During  the  troubles  of  1836-8,  the  government  had 
been  unable  to  enforce  the  restrictions  required  by  the 
laws;  indeed,  Governor  Alvarado  could  not  consist- 
ently oppress  a  class  of  men  who  had  done  so  much 
to  put  him  in  power,  even  if  he  could  afford  to  make 
enemies  of  any  in  those  troublous  times.  Many  who 
exercised  a  sort  of  leadership  over  the  foreigners  were 
not  satisfied  with  the  results  of  the  revolution,  or  with 
their  failure  to  make  of  California  another  Texas; 
while  Texan  history  served  also  on  the  other  hand  as 
a  warning  to  the  Californian  authorities.  The  for- 
eigners, lawless  and  boisterous  by  nature  and  educa- 
tion, regarding  all  Spaniards  as  of  an  inferior  and 
despicable  race,  took  advantage  of  existing  circum- 
stances to  become  not  only  independent  in  their  actions 
and  annoyingly  familiar  in  manner,1  but  loud,  boast- 

1  'I  was  insulted, 'said  Alvarado  to  Alfred  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  179-84, 
'at  every  turn  by  the  drunken  followers  of  Graham;  and  when  walking  in  the 

farden,  they  would  come  to  its  wall  and  call  to  me  in  terms  of  the  greatest 
imiliarity:  "Ho!  Bautista,  come  here,  I  want  to  speak  to  you;"  Bautista 
here,  Bautista  there,  and  Bautista  everywhere.'  Anyone  familiar  with  the 
spirit  of  English  and  American  sojourners  in  a  foreign  land,  and  with  their 
opinions  of  all  that  is  Spanish  since  the  days  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  may  easily 
imagine  the  airs  put  on  by  these  fellows.  Farnham,  Life  in  Cal.,  GO,  etc.,  ~~| 
•writes  as  follows:  'Alvarado  became  suspicious  of  the  foreigners  who  had 
aidc;l  him  in  the  revolution,  and  sought  every  means  of  annoying  them.  They 
might  depose  him  as  they  had  done  Echeandia.  And  if  vengeance  were  n  1  v/ays 
a  certain  consequent  of  injustice,  he  reasoned  well.  The  vagabond  hail  prom- 
ised, in  the  day  of  his  need,  to  bestow  lands  on  those  who  had  saved  his  neck 
and  raised  him  to  power.  This  he  found  it  convenient  to  forget.  Like 
Spaniards  of  all  ages  and  countries,  after  having  been  well  served  by  his 
friends,  he  rewarded  them  with  the  most  heartless  ingratitude.'  'Another 
cause  of  the  general  feeling  against  the  Americans  and  Britons  in  California 
was  t'ae  fact  that  the  seuoritas,  the  dear  ladies,  in  the  plenitude  of  t!;dr  tasto 
ji:nl  aipathy  for  foreigners,  preferred  them  as  husbands.  Hence  Ju--'-  Castro 
•was  heard  to  declare  a  little  before  the  arrest,  that  such  indignities  could  not 
be  b.vne  by  Castilian  blood;  "for  a  Californian  cavaliero  cannot  woo  !i  seno- 
rita  if  opposed  in  his  suit  by  an  American  sailor,  and  these  heretics  must  be 
cleared  from  the  land."  Such  were  the  causes  operating  to  arouse  the  wrath 
and  ripen  the  patriotism  of  the  Californians.  The  vengeance  of  baffled  gal- 


4  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

fill,  and  even  threatening  in  their  talk.  These  circum- 
stances were  non-interference  in  the  matter  of  pass- 
ports, the  aid  some  of  them  had  rendered  to  Alvarado, 
their  increasing  number  and  that  of  their  natural 
allies  the  trappers  of  the  interior,  the  well  known  dis- 
sensions between  the  Californian  leaders,  the  danger 
of  new  revolts  in  the  south,  and  the  threatening  atti- 
tude of  the  Indians  in  different  parts  of  the  depart- 
ment; and  the  same  circumstances  which  made  the 
foreigners  bold  and  impudent  rendered  the  Califor- 
nians  timid.  Alvarado  knew  that  the  southern  oppo- 
sition to  his  rule  was  not  extinct.  He  was  beginning 
to  regard  Vallejo  as  a  new  and  formidable  foe  in  the 
north ;  and  the  latter  had  constantly  insisted  that  dan- 
ger, exaggerated  perhaps  in  the  interest  of  his  military 
schemes,  was  impending  from  foreign  encroachments. 
The  governor  and  others  knew  that  the  presence  of 
these  lawless,  uncontrollable  strangers  was  not  desira- 
ble. It  was  feared,  and  with  much  reason,  that  they 
would  either  seize  upon  a  favorable  opportunity  to  take 
possession  of  the  country  with  aid  from  outside,  or 
that  they  might  at  least  enable  some  one  of  the  hostile 
factions  to  overthrow  the  administration  and  plunge 
the  country  again  into  civil  strife.  The  fear  was  real 
and  wide-spread;  but  under  such  circumstances  it  is  not 
unlikely  that  undue  importance  was  attached  to  par- 
ticular rumors,  nor  impossible  that  in  certain  quarters 
pretexts  were  even  sought  for  ending  the  suspense  by 
bringing  the  matter  to  an  early  issue. 

lantry  bit  at  the  ear  of  Capt.  Jose"  Castro;  the  fear  of  being  brought  to  justice 
by  Graham  tugged  at  the  liver  of  Alvarado;  and  love,  the  keenest,  and  hate, 
the  bitterest,  in  a  soul  the  smallest  that  was  ever  entitled  to  the  breath  of 
life,  burnished  the  little  black  eyes  and  inflamed  the  little  thin  nose  of  one 
Corporal  Pinto.  These  were  the  worthies  who  projected  the  onslaught  on  the 
foreigners.  Their  plan  of  operations  was  the  shrewdest  one  ever  concocted 
in  California.'  I  give  more  spaco  to  Farnhanvs  ravings  than  they  would 
otherwise  deserve,  because  he  was  in  Cal.  at  the  time,  and  had  better  oppor- 
tunities to  learn  the  truth  respecting  the  Graham  affair  than  about  other 
matters  which  he  attempts  to  treat.  His  views  are  echoed  by  \V7ilkes,  Nar- 
rative, v.  180,  etc.,  by  Hastings,  Emigrant  Guide,  118,  etc. ,  and  by  some 
others.  There  is,  however,  nothing  to  show  any  oppression  or  treachery  in 
the  treatment,  or  any  general  spiiit  of  hatred  or  jealousy  in  the  feelings  of 
Califoniians  toward  foreigners  in  these  years.  There  was  fear,  and  it  waa 
well  founded. 


A  CONSPIRACY  REVEALED.  5 

At  the  end  of  March  or  early  in  April  1840  Padre 
Suarez  del  Real  of  San  Carlos  warned  Alvarado  in  a 
letter  of  an  intended  uprising  of  American  residents, 
subsequently  stating  that  the  plot  was  revealed  at  the 
confessional  by  a  foreigner  supposed  to  be  at  the 
point  of  death,  and  claiming  for  that  reason  exemption 
from  being  obliged  to  make  a  legal  declaration  on  the 
subject.2  On  April  4th  the  subject  came  up  before 
the  junta.  Gonzalez  remarked  that  expressions  used 
by  certain  foreigners  in  places  of  public  resort  seemed 
to  show  that  a  plot  was  to  be  feared;  whereupon  the 
governor  stated  that  he  had  knowledge  of  such  a  plot, 
and  that  while  his  information  was  of  such  a  nature 
that  it  could  not  be  made  public,  the  conspirators  were 
under  surveillance,  and  their  plans  would  not  be  per- 
mitted to  succeed.3  Soon  William  R.  Garner  con- 
firmed the  existence  of  revolutionary  schemes,  in 
which  he  himself  had  been  involved  apparently,  and 
denounced  Isaac  Graham  as  chief  of  the  conspirators. 
It  is  not  clear  whether  Garner  gave  his  testimony 
voluntarily  to  favor  Alvarado  and  Castro,  to  prevent 
an  outbreak,  or  to  gratify  some  personal  dislike,  or 
was  induced  to  confess  by  stratagem  or  threats  on  the 
part  of  Castro.  There  are  indications  that  he  was 
entrapped  by  a  trick  into  making  a  partial  revelation, 
and  that  he  made  an  effort  to  warn  the  foreigners. 
There  is  little  or  no  foundation  for  the  extravagant 
charges  made  against  him  by  the  latter  in  their  anger.4 

2 The  padre's  letter  was  sent  by  Alvarado  to  the  min.  of  the  int.,  with  a 
communication  of  April  22d.  Dcpt.  liec.,  MS.,  xi.  67.  According  to  Serrano, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  G3-4;  Torre,  fiemin.,  MS.,  87-9;  and  Meadows,  Grah-;m 
Affair,  MS.,  9-12,  the  dying  man  was  generally  believed  to  be  one  Tomus — 
probably  Tomlinson,  called  '  Tom  the  Napper,' according  to  Meadows — whoso 
wife  was  Jesus  Bernal.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  123-4,  and  others  men- 
tion the  confession  without  giving  names.  In  Mexico,  Mem.  de  Guerra,  18-11, 
p.  38,  it  is  said  that  the  plot  of  a  puflado  de  advened'tzos  to  raise  the  standard 
of  revolt  '  contra  la  integridad  del  territorio  nacional '  was  discovered  by  a 
happy  accident,  the  conspirators  being  brought  to  trial  that  they  might  '  suf- 
fer the  punishment  merited  by  their  foolish  temerity.'  Mrs  Ord  states  that 
she  heard  of  the  plot  from  her  husband  Jimeno  before  the  arrests  were  made. 

3  April  4th,  session  of  the  junta.    Lf.g.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  G4-5. 

4  In  all  the  contemporary  documents  Garner's  confession  is  alluded  to  as 
the  chief  support  of  the  charges,  but  no  explanation  is  given  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  confession  was  obtained;  nor  is  the  testimony  extant  except  in  its 


6  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

While  the  alleged  conspiracy  rested  mainly  on  the 
statements  of  Padre  Heal  and  Garner,  both  probably 
somewhat  general  in  their  nature,  there  were  other 
rumors  and  theories  afloat,  some  of  which  have  sur- 
vived. The  best  known  is  that  which  represents  the 
trouble  as  having  originated  from  a  horse-race.  Gra- 
ham had  a  fine  horse,  with  which  he  was  wont  to  win 
the  Californians'  money;  and  not  only  did  this  excite 

general  purport.  Este"van  de  la  Torre,  Remin. ,  MS. ,  87-9,  tells  us  that  Cas- 
tro, with  the  aid  of  Felipe  Butron,  attempted  to  enlist  Garner  in  a  scheme  he 
pretended  to  have  formed  against  Alvarado,  with  a  view  to  declare  California 
independent.  Garner  fell  into  the  trap,  and  admitted  that  he,  with  Graham 
and  others,  had  already  formed  a  similar  plan,  and  would  gladly  cooperate 
with  Castro.  This  is  confirmed  by  Florencio  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  64-5. 
Osio,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  408-9,  thinks  Garner's  testimony  was  elicited  by 
threats  of  shooting  him.  Alvarado,  Vallejo,  and  other  Californians  in  their 
later  statements  imply  that  Garner  gave  his  testimony  voluntarily  to  prevent 
trouble,  being  friendly  to  the  Californian  leaders,  and  being  by  them  regarded 
as  a  reliable  man.  Farnham,  Wilkes,  and  Hastings,  followed  by  Robinson, 
Gal.  Gold  Region,  61-2,  and  others,  represent  that  Garner  was  simply  a  tool 
paid  to  perjure  himself.  In  Graham rs  statement  presented  by  Farnham  he 
says,  'Jos6  Castro,  Bicenta  Contrine  (?),  Ankel  Castro,  and  a  runaway  Botany 
Bay  English  convict  by  the  name  of  Garner,  a  vile  fellow,  and  an  enemy  of 
mine  because  the  foreigners  would  not  elect  him  their  captain,  passed  and  re- 
passed  my  house  several  times,  and  conversed  together  in  low  tones.  I 
stopped  Jos6  Castro  and  asked  him  what  was  the  matter.  He  replied  that  he 
was  going  to  march  against  Viego  (Vallejo)  at  S.  Francisco,  to  depose  him 
from  the  command.  His  two  companions  made  the  same  assertion.  I  knew 
that  Alvarado  was  afraid  of  Viego,  and  that  Castro  was  ambitious  for  his  place; 
and  for  these  reasons  I  partly  concluded  that  they  spoke  the  truth.  Later 
in  the  day  the  vagabond  Garner  called  at  my  house,  and  having  drunk  freely 
of  whiskey,  became  rather  boisterous,  and  said  significantly  that  the  time  of 
some  people  would  be  short;  that  Jose"  Castro  had  orders  from  the  gov- 
ernor to  drive  the  foreigners  out  of  Cal. ,  or  to  dispose  of  them  in  some  other 
way.  He  boasted  that  he  himself  should  have  a  pleasant  participation  in  the 
business.  I  had  heard  the  same  threat  before,  but  it  resulted  in  nothing. 
Believing,  therefore,  that  Garner's  words  proceeded  from  the  whiskey  he  had 
drunk  rather  than  the  truth,  I  left  him  in  the  yard  and  went  to  bed. '  It 
•M'as  that  night  that  he  was  arrested.  Farnham's  Life,  70-1.  Writing  of  the 
later  trial,  Farnham,  Id.,  p.  90,  says:  'A  Botany  Bay  convict  by  the  name  of 
Garner  was  called  in  evidence  on  behalf  of  the  government.  His  testimony 
removed  all  lingering  doubts.  He  established  the  unqualified  guilt  of  all. 
Graham,  in  particular,  who  had  been  preferred  over  him  as  commander  of  the 
foreign  riflemen  in  Alvarado's  revolution,  and  whom  he  had  previously  at- 
tempted to  kill,  he  declared  to  have  formed  a  scheme  of  ambition,  which,  had 
it  not  been  discovered,  would  have  dug  the  grave  of  every  Spaniard  in  Cali- 
fornia !  This  man's  testimony  was  written  out  and  signed  by  his  murderous 
hand.  It  may  be  in  time  a  blister  on  his  perjured  soul.'  It  is  certain  that 
Garner  gave  no  such  formal  testimony  at  the  trial,  and  that  Farnham's  state- 
ment is  a  falsehood.  Graham's  account  of  Garner's  coming  to  his  house  and 
talking  as  he  did,  since  he  was  by  no  means  a  fool,  would  indicate  a  desire  on 
his  pai-t  to  give  a  warning;  and  Meadows  states  that  Garner  did  visit  Graham, 
acting  mysteriously,  declaring  that  he  could  not  tell  the  reason  of  his  visit 
and  actions,  but  at  last  saying,  'If  you  hear  of  my  falling  from  my  horse  be- 
tween here  and  S.  Juan,  look  out  for  yourselves.' 


CHARACTER  OF  ISAAC  GRAHAM.  7 

ill  feeling  against  him,  but,  as  Robinson  tells  us,  a 
contract  for  a  new  contest  with  a  high-mettled  racer 
from  San  Diego,  a  document  signed  by  Graham  and 
another  American,  was  "construed  into  a  plan  for 
overturning  the  government."5  Another  motive  as- 
cribed to  Alvarado  in  his  course  against  the  foreigners 
was  a  desire  to  rid  himself  of  Graham's  familiarities, 
interference,  and  importunities  already  alluded  to, 
though  by  those  who  take  this  view  the  importunities 
are  classified  as  'demands  for  justice.'  Sure  it  is 
that  Graham,  whether  a  conspirator  or  not,  and  not- 
withstanding the  eulogies  that  have  been  heaped  upon 
him,  was  a  rough  and  disagreeable  fellow,  on  getting 
rid  of  whom  California  or  any  other  community  might 
well  congratulate  itself.  He  was  a  leading  spirit 
among  a  crowd  of  turbulent  and  reckless  men,  himself 
as  wild  and  unprincipled  as  the  worst,  with  no  good 
qualities  save  personal  bravery  and  perhaps  a  measure 
of  the  trappers'  prodigal  generosity.6 

5  'As  ridiculous  as  this  may  appear  to  the  reader,  nevertheless  it  is  a  fact 
to  which  I  can  testify  from  information  I  received  on  the  spot  shortly  after  its 
occurrence.'  Robinson's  Life  in  CaL,  ISO.  Farnham  says  'Graham's  annual 
challenge  for  the  spring  races  in  1840  was  easily  construed  into  a  disguised 
attempt  to  gather  his  friends  for  the  purpose  of  overthrowing  Alvarado's 
government. '  Life  in  Gal. ,  G7-8. 

6 This,  however,  is  the  way  Farnham  puts  it:  'A  bold,  open-handed  man, 
never  concealing  for  an  instant  either  his  love  or  hatred,  but  with  the  frank- 
ness and  generosity  of  those  great  souls,  rough-hewn  but  majestically  honest, 
who  belong  to  the  valley  states,  he  told  the  governor  his  sins  from  time  to 
time,  and  demanded  in  the  authoritative  tone  of  an  elder  and  affectionate 
brother,  that  he  should  redeem  his  pledges.  The  good  old  man  did  not 
remember  that  a  Spaniard  would  have  lost  his  nationality  had  he  done  so.  A 
Spaniard  tell  the  truth!  A  Spaniard  ever  grateful  for  services  rendered  him! 
He  should  have  knocked  at  the  tombs  of  Columbus  and  Cortes,  and  every 
other  man  who  ever  served  that  contemptible  race.  He  asked  for  justice, 
and  received — what  we  shall  presently  see.'  To  show  Graham's  opinion  of  a 
Spaniard,  Wood,  Wandering  Sketches,  228-30,  asked  him  in  1844  if  he  was 
going  to  a  party  given  by  Gov.  Micheltorena.  '  What,  I!  no,  indeed!  a  corral 
is  not  big  enough  to  hold  me  and  one  of  them.'  Weeks,  Itemin.,  MS.,  103-7, 
says  Graham  was  the  worst  of  the  foreigners,  and  the  cause  of  all  the  troubles 
by  his  boastful,  quarrelsome  spirit.  'He  thought  he  could  play  hell  and 
turn  up  jack.'  Came  to  California  with  the  reputation  of  bully  and  assassin. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  160.  An  American,  later  a  prominent  citizen 
of  California,  says  of  Graham  in  New  Mexico,  that  he  '  was  noted  for  being  a 
bummer,  a  blow-hard,  and  a  notorious  liar,  without  an  atom  of  honesty  in 
his  composition. '  He  had  to  leave  Tennessee  for  crimes  committed  there. 
Oral  tain  and  Suiter,  MS.,  1-2.  I  have  before  me  an  undated  document  (of 
1845  or  1846)  signed  by  20  citizens,  only  one  of  Spanish  blood,  denouncing 


8  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

There  are  two  other  theories  respecting  the  origin 
of  the  movement  that  merit  passing  notice.  One  is 
that  favored  by  Dr  Marsh,  one  of  the  foreigners  ar- 
rested, namely,  that  Castro,  desiring  Vallejo's  place, 
believed  that  in  the  existing  state  of  feeling  on  the 
Texan  reverses,  to  exile  the  foreigners  would  be  the 
surest  way  to  gain  favor  in  Mexico  and  thereby  gain 
his  point.  Alvarado  was  easily  persuaded  to  favor 
the  scheme.7  The  other  theory  is  that  the  leading 
members  of  the  foreign  colony,  including  Spence,  Lar- 
kin,  and  others  who  had  been  long  in  the  country, 
were  among  the  chief  promoters  of  the  movement. 
It  is  charged  by  Morris  and  others  that  these  men 
acted  with  a  view  to  get  rid  of  Graham  and  others  as 
business  rivals,  to  gratify  certain  personal  prejudices, 
and  to  discourage  further  increase  in  the  foreign  pop- 
ulation. I  impute  no  such  motives  to  those  men,  but 
suppose  rather  that  they  approved  Alvarado's  policy 
more  or  less  fully  as  best  for  the  country.  There  are 
indications  that  Spence  favored  the  movement,  that 
Larkin  made  but  slight  effort  at  least  to  prevent  it, 
and  that  it  was  not  opposed  to  any  considerable  ex- 
tent by  the  better  class  of  foreigners.8 

Graham  as  a  breaker  of  the  peace,  corrupter  of  morals,  quarrelsome,  revolu- 
tionai-y,  duellist,  assassin,  and  adulterer.  Doc.  Hist.  Col. ,  MS. ,  iii.  270. 

7  Marsh's  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  p.  10-13.     There  are  several  vague 
allusions  by  different  witnesses  to  a  connection  between  this  affair  and  the 
quarrel  with  Vallejo.     The  latter  says,  however,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  127-8, 
that  although  some  people  tried  to  make  out  that  the  affair  was  designed  as  a 
blow  against  him,  be  never  attached  much  importance  to  that  version.     Va- 
llejo claims  that,  having  been  absent  on  an  Indian  campaign,  ho  did  not  know 
much  about  the  affair  until  it  was  all  over;  but  we  shall  see  that  he  knew 
more  of  it  than  he  is  disposed  to  admit. 

8  In  1847  Larkin  was  severely  criticised  by  foes  in  eastern  papers  for  his 
conduct  throughout  this  affair,  and  he  obtained  from  Ex-gov.  Alvarado  a  for- 
mal statement  that  he  (Larkin)  had  not  known  of  the  arrest  in  advance,  that 
ho  tried  as  a  private  individual  unsuccessfully  to  learn  Alvarado's  motives, 
and  that  he  did  much  to  aid  the  prisoners  both  before  and  after  their  exile. 
Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  92-3.     All  this  is  true  enough.     Larkin's  conduct  in 
the  affair  was  prudent  and  praiseworthy;  yet  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to 
adopt  the  extreme  partisan  view,  and  I  have  no  doubt  fully  approved  Alva- 
rado's action  at  the  time,  so  far  as  most  of  the  exiles  were  concerned.     Mor- 
ris1 Diary  of  a  Crazy  Man,  or  an  Account  of  the  Graham  Affair  of  1840,  MS. 
Albert  F.  Morris  was  an  Englishman,  and  one  of  the  prisoners  sent  toS.  Bias, 
of  whom  I  shall  have  more  to  say  later.     His  MS.  diary,  or  autobiography, 
was  in  my  possession  for  a  time  about  1870 — I  have  lost  the  memorandum 


WAS  THERE  ANY  PLOT?  9 

Whether  Graham  and  his  companions  were  really 
engaged  in  any  definite  plots  of  revolt  in  1840  must 
remain  a  matter  of  doubt.  Evidence  of  such  plots 
at  the  time  in  a  legal  sense  was  weak;  and  now  the 
evidence  before  us — though  somewhat  resembling 
that  in  favor  of  him  who  had  ten  witnesses  that  had 
not  seen  him  steal  a  sheep  against  one  who  did  see 
the  act — is  on  its  face  strong  against  the  existence  of 
any  such  plots.  The  accused  protested  to  a  man 
their  innocence,  and  naturally  did  not  recant  in  later 
years  when  seeking  damages.  Other  foreigners,  and 
most  Californians,  state  that  they  knew  nothing  of 
any  conspiracy;  and  writers,  almost  without  excep- 
tion, have  declared  the  charges  unfounded.9  Had 

showing  under  what  circumstances — and  this  is  a  resume1,  with  many  literal 
quotations  made  by  Walter  M.  Fisher  at  that  time  in  42  closely  written 
pages.  It  is  a  narrative  of  great  originality,  interest,  and  importance.  The 
author  adopts  the  sobriquet  of  'crazy  man'  from  the  fact  that  he  was  accused 
of  insanity  by  somebody  not  named,  against  whom  he  is  very  bitter.  He 
seems  to  have  been  an  eccentric  character,  but  a  man  of  considerable  ability. 
He  is  severe  against  the  older  foreign  residents,  whom  he  denounces  as  traitors 
and  apostates,  more  Spanish  than  the  Spaniards,  gambling  and  'fandangoing' 
with  the  Californians  to  gain  their  favor,  and  plotting  for  the  expulsion  of 
later  corners,  whose  influence  with  the  natives  they  feared.  He  avoids  giving 
names,  but  points  clearly  at  Larkin  among  others.  Hartnell  was  another 
object  of  his  wrath,  and  apparently  one  of  the  two  who  had  testified  in  court 
to  his  insanity.  He  claims  to  have  had  proofs  that  the  arrest  of  himself  and 
companions  was  ordered  by  Alvarado  at  the  persuasion  of  these  foreigners. 
He  states  that  other  foreigners  aided  personally  in  the  arrests,  and  that  still 
others  had  themselves  arrested  as  a  mere  form  to  avoid  the  possible  vengeance  of 
the  victims.  John  Chamberlain,  Memoirs,  MS. ,  5-14,  also  says  Larkin,  Spence, 
and  Garner  were  in  the  plot  with  Alvarado  and  Castro.  Wiggins,  Remlni*. ,  MS. , 
5-6,  alludes  to  a  clique  of  traders  in  Monterey  who  were  jealous  of  Graham  and 
others,  and  wished  to  drive  them  from  the  country.  A  notice  iu  the  Mexican  pa- 
pers, dated  June  20,  1840,  and  which  I  find  in  Niles'  Reg. ,  Iviii.  371,  has  the  fol- 
lowing: 'According  to  letters  which  we  have  before  us  from  EsteVan  Munras 
and  David  E.  Spence,  the  former  a  Spaniard  and  the  latter  a  Scotchman,  both 
respectable  and  faithful  subjects  residing  near  the  port  of  Monterey,  we  learn 
that  the  Yankees,  after  holding  several  meetings  at  Natividad,  where  is  a  dis- 
tillery, determined  to  take  possession  of  that  beautiful  and  fertile  country 
which  the  New  Orleans  promoters  of  the  Texan  insurrection  have  justly  styled 
the  paradise  of  America.'  On  Jan.  13,  1841,  F.  D.  Atherton  writes  from 
Valparaiso  to  Larkin:  'How  much  was  Alvarado  influenced  by  Spence  in  the 
affair?  A  good  deal,  I  am  afraid."  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  118.  In  later  years 
Larkin  pronounced  the  affair  an  outrage;  but  at  the  time  he  made  no  protests. 
9  Of  the  men  who  were  sent  away  we  have  definite  narratives  from  only 
Graham  (in  Farnham's  work),  Moms,  and  Meadows.  Of  those  arrested  but 
not  sent  away  there  are  formal  statements  from  John  Marsh,  John  Chamber- 
lain, James  Weeks,  Job  Dye,  Charles  Brown,  Henry  Bee,  and  an  anonymous 
writer  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel  of  Feb.— April  18G9.  There  is  also  quite  a 
mass  of  indirect  testimony  from  these  men  through  different  sources.  None 


10  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

there  been  a  veritable  project  of  revolt  formed  and 
discussed  by  half  a  dozen  men,  as  charged  by  Garner, 
I  see  no  reason  to  suppose  that  the  evidence  would 
present  any  other  than  its  present  aspect;  yet  I  ex- 
press no  opinion  on  this  particular  point.  In  a  gen- 
eral way,  I  do  not  deem  it  likely  that  the  successful 
revolt  at  Sonoma  in  1846  was  the  first  one  plotted 
in  California  by  foreigaers;  and  I  have  no  doubt 
that  Graham  and  the  crowd  that  frequented  his  dis- 
tillery only  awaited  an  opportunty  to  control  the 
country.  At  any  rate,  they  formed  a  turbulent  and 
undesirable  element  of  the  population,  and  they  were 
feared  with  reason  by  the  Californians.  Alvarado 
believed  they  were  plotting  mischief,  and  determined 
to  get  rid  of  them.  And  now,  after  saying  so  much 


admit  any  knowledge  of  a  conspiracy.  Wm  H.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS. ,  32-8, 
one  of  those  arrested  at  S.  F.,  gives  a  good  general  account  of  the  affair. 
He  thinks  there  was  110  definitely  arranged  plot,  but  that  Alvarado  was  in- 
fluenced partly  by  fears  and  current  rumors,  and  also  by  orders  from  Mexico 
requiring  strict  precautions.  He  erroneously  represents  the  Americans  r.s 
having  been  the  only  ones  arrested,  except  in  a  few  cases  by  mistake,  and 
falls  into  many  errors  in  details. 

Farnham  and  Alfred  Robinson  were  in  California  at  the  time,  and  express 
the  opinion  that  there  was  no  plot.  Capt.  Gifford  of  the  Una  wrote  from 
Vera  Cruz  to  the  same  effect  in  1840,  getting  his  information  probably 
from  Farnham.  Nilcs'  Reg.,  Iviii.  371.  Several  versions  went  by  the  Don 
Quixote  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  were  published  in  the  Honolulu  Poly- 
nesian of  June  20,  1840..  One  says:  'Government  had  been  informed  that 
about  20  foreigners  had  the  intention  of  taking  the  country,  and  by  ques- 
tioning some  who  were  known  to  have  been  at  variance  with  some  others  for 
a  considerable  time,  trying  to  force  them  out  of  the  country,  they  succeeded 
in  proving  the  facts  sought  after  in  a  manner  satisfactory  to  themselves,  and 
to  the  astonishment  of  the  people,  both  foreigners  and  natives.'  Another  has 
it  that  '  Garner  took  advantage  of  a  moment  when  Graham  was  incensed  at 
the  conduct  of  Alvarado,  to  consummate  his  revenge  by  working  upon  the 
injured  feelings  of  Graham  until  he  wrung  from  him  sufficient  to  cause  his 
subsequent  danger  and  imprisonment.'  And  finally  the  editor  says:  'We 
learn  verbally  that  many  of  the  men  imprisoned  were  of  a  bad  character  and 
extremely  obnoxious  to  the  native  inhabitants,  and  that  this  violence  .was 
committed  to  get  them  out  of  the  country.'  Mofras,  Exphr.,  i.  304-6,  be- 
lieves that  there  was  a  plan  to  declare  Cal.  independent  in  the  interest  of  the 
U.  S.  He  is  followed  by  Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  ii.  150.  Of  the  Cali- 
fornians, Osio,  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  2-13;  Castro,  Relation,  MS., 
53-7,  74-7,  and  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  51-2,  G4,  are  sure  that  there  was  a  con- 
spiracy, Pinto  affirming  that  it  was  confessed  to  him  and  his  relatives  in 
later  years  by  several  different  persons.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  122- 
42,  is  doubtful  about  the  plot,  though  at  the  time  he  had  no  such  doubts. 
Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  87,  Juan  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  99,  Coronel, 
Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  3(3,  and  Galiudo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  44-5,  do  not  believe 
that  the  danger  existed  beyond  the  imagination  of  Alvarado  and  Castro. 


ARREST  OF  FOREIGNERS.  11 

about  why  it  was  done,  it  is  time  to   tell  what  was 
done,  and  when  and  how. 

It  was  on  the  4th  of  April  that  the  danger  was  dis- 
cussed in  a  meeting  of  the  junta.10  Next  day  the  gov- 
ernor apprised  Vallejo  that  a  plot  had  been  formed  by 
the  foreigners,  largely  reenforced  of  late  by  deserters 
from  vessels  on  the  coast,  to  commit  murders,  robberies, 
and  other  horrible  crimes.  The  leaders  were  not  yet 
known,  but  prompt  action  being  necessary,  he  had,  after 
consulting  the  junta,  directed  Castro  to  raise  a  force 
and  arrest  all  foreigners  from  Monterey  to  San  Fran- 
cisco who  had  entered  the  country  unlawfully,  except 
such  as  were  married  to  native  women,  or  had  some 
well  known  and  honorable  occupation.  Similar  arrests 
were  to  be  made  in  the  south.  Civil  authorities  had 
been  ordered  and  military  requested  to  aid  in  carry- 
ing out  this  measure  of  self-protection.  Castro  had 
been  directed  to  act  in  concert  with  Vallejo,  who  was 
requested  to  cooperate  in  making  the  arrests;  to  char- 
ter a  vessel  at  San  Francisco,  on  which  the  prisoners 
might  be  shipped  away  to  be  put  at  the  disposal  of  the 
general  government;  to  furnish  a  military  guard  for 
the  voyage;  and  to  come  in  person  to  the  capital,  if 
possible.11  A  copy  of  this  communication  was  sent  on 
the  7th  to  various  officials  north  and  south,  with  a 
postscript  stating  that  new  information  had  been  ob- 
tained before  the  conspirators  had  been  able  to  unite, 
and  that  two  parties  of  them  had  been  attacked  by 
Castro,  who  with  the  loss  of  a  single  man  had  captured 
those  under  the  chief  conspirator,  Isaac  Graham,  ca- 

10 Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  64-5.  The  nature  of  the  discussion  has  already  been 
given. 

11  April  5,  1840,  A.  to  V.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xiv.  52;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  viii.  139-40.  Aguirre's  vessel  was  suggested;  stores  were  to  be  obtained 
from  the  missions;  and  Castro  would  tell  many  things  that  could  not  be  put 
on  paper.  April  Gth,  Castro  to  Covarrubias,  directing  him  to  go  to  S.  Jose', 
and  make  arrangements  with  the  justico  of  the  peace  for  the  arrest  of  all  for- 
eigners. Haa  sent  a  similar  notice  to  Natividad.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Josd,  MS., 
v.  32. 


12  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

pitan  de  rijleros.12     Similar  information  was  imparted 
to  the  junta.13 

Thus  Garner's  revelation  must  have  been  made  April 
5th  or  6th,  and  the  arrest  of  Graham  and  his  compan- 
ions at  Natividad  was  made  early  in  the  morning  of 
the  7th.  By  the  llth  thirty-nine  foreigners  had  been 
secured,14  though  the  work  was  not  yet  complete.  The 
measure  was  planned  and  executed  with  more  skill 
and  promptness  than  it  was  customary  to  use  in  Cali- 
fornia. Meanwhile  Vallejo,  willing  to  forget  his  griev- 
ances for  a  time,  or  hoping  that  the  danger  so  often 
predicted  by  himself  would  bring  Alvarado  to  his 
senses,  engaged  heartily  in  the  movement,  and  did  all 
that  was  asked  of  him,  issuing  orders,  forwarding  arms, 
and  finally — after  taking  steps  to  watch  the  trappers 
and  other  foreigners  on  the  Sacramento,  whom  he 
suspected  of  complicity  in  the  plot — going  in  person  to 
the  capital.15  He  also  ordered  Josd  Antonio  Aguirre 
to  put  at  the  disposition  of  the  government  his  bark  the 
Joven  Guipuzcoana,  or  Maid  of  Guipuzcoa,  then  lying 
at  anchor  at  Yerba  Buena,  which  was  at  once  made 
ready  for  a  voyage  under  Captain  John  Snook.16 

12  April  7th,  go v.  to  comandantes  and  prefects.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
10,  52-6;  Dept.  Itec.,  MS.,  xi.  9-10;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  18-22;  the  last 
copy  without  the  postscript.     The  single  man  lost  must  always  remain  a  mys- 
tery. 

13  April  9th.  Leg.  Re.c.,  MS.,  iii.  64-5.     No  mention  is  made,  however,  of 
the  loss  of  a  man. 

11  April  1 1th,  Com.  Flores  at  Monterey  to  the  com.  gen.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. , 
ix.  108.  Prefect  to  justice  at  Sta  Cruz.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  29. 

13  April  9fch,  V.  at  Sonoma  to  Alvarado,  Castro,  and  com.  at  S.  Jos6.  Va- 
ll>'jo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  107,  2G9;  xiv.  18;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  2-7.  The  spirit 
of  his  communications  shows  no  doubt  of  the  reality  of  the  danger,  and  no  disap- 
proval of  A.  's  policy.  It  would  seem  that  a  party  was  sent  under  Lazaro  Pefia 
to  arrest  certain  foreigners  north  of  the  bay,  but  there  is  no  other  evidence 
that  any  arrests  were  made  in  that  region.  There  was  trouble  with  the  sol- 
diers and  Indians  at  Sonoma  that  delayed  V.'s  departure  until  April  16th,  at 
least.  He  reached  Monterey  before  April  25th. 

1C  April  llth,  V.  to  Aguirre.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  110;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  v.  4.  April  16th,  order  to  capt.  of  the  port  at  S.  F.  to  procure  a  crew 
for  the  bark.  She  was  intended  to  sail  for  Acapulco.  Vallejo t  Doc.,  MS.,  ix. 
113.  The  sum  paid  for  the  charter  of  the  vessel  according  to  documents  of 
later  date  was  either  $4,000  or  §7,000,  it  is  not  clear  which.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
xi.  61,  67-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treat.,  MS.,  iv.  48,  54.  The  ves- 
sel was  formerly  the  Royer  Williams  oi  200  tons,  which  under  Capt.  J.  Stevens 
arrived  at  Sta  B.  from  Boston  Feb.  8th  of  this  same  year.  In  March  she  was 


SENT  INTO  EXILE.  13 

Nothing  appears  in  the  records  of  the  time — I  shall 
present  information  from  other  sources  a  little  later — 
respecting  proceedings  at  Monterey  in  connection  with 
the  prisoners  from  the  time  of  the  first  arrest  on  April 
7th  to  the  22d,  when  Alvarado  dated  his  report  to 
the  minister  of  the  interior,  and  his  instructions  to 
Castro,  who  with  an  escort  of  fifteen  or  twenty  men 
was  to  guard  the  prisoners  on  the  voyage  to  San 
Bias.17  On  the  23d  the  governor  informed  the  junta 
that  his  efforts  to  insure  the  public  peace  had  been 
successful  and  the  foreigners  had  been  embarked.  The 
Guipuzcoana  sailed  from  Monterey  on  April  -24th, 
though  the  date  of  Vallejo's  despatches  to  the  minister 
of  war  is  April  25th.18  A  few  days  later  Alvarado  is- 

sold  to  Aguirre,  and  put  under  the  Mexican  flag,  her  name  being  changed. 
Aguirre  had  to  go  to  S.  Bias  to  obtain  a  legal  register.  Documents  of  sale  and 
change  of  flag  in  Val'ejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  41,  69,  73,  77,  80.  Some  of  the  Roger 
Williams'  own  men  seem  to  have  been  among  the  exiles.  The  editor  of  the 
Kta  Cruz  Sentinel,  April  17,  1869  says  the  vessel  finally  settled  on  the  mud 
flats  of  the  Sacramento,  and  was  torn  to  pieces  by  Chinamen  in  1SG4. 

11  April  22,  1840,  A.  to  min.  of  int.  The  report  is  but  a  brief  statement 
that  a  private  letter  announced  a  conspiracy;  Prefect  Castro  was  ordered  to 
use  energetic  measures;  a  force  of  trusted  citizens  was  organized;  all  foreign- 
ers who  had  entered  Cal.  illegally  and  were  not  married  had  been  arrested  to 
the  number  of  GO;  an  accomplice  revealed  the  plot  to  Castro;  the  judge  of  1st 
instance  investigated  the  matter;  45  of  the  prisoners  were  embarked;  and 
Castro  with  a  force  would  guard  them,  and  report  details  to  the  govt.  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xi.  G7-8.  Castro's  instructions  required  him  to  touch  at  Sta 
Bdrbara,  take  on  board  the  prisoners  there,  and  sail  at  once  for  S.  Bias,  where 
the  prisoners  were  to  be  landed  and  taken  with  the  aid  of  the  authorities  to 
Tepic,  whence  Castro  was  to  proceed  to  Mexico  and  report  fully,  losing  no 
time  in  getting  ready  to  return.  He  was  also  to  report  on  the  general  con- 
dition of  the  country,  and  work  with  Castillero  to  obtain  the  military  aid  so 
much  needed.  Alvarado,  Instrucciones  al  Prefecto  Caxtro  para  su  viaye  (I 
Mexico  con  los  prisioneros  extranyeros,  1840,  MS.  April  22d,  Capt.  J.  M. 
Covarrubias  and  Alf.  Victor  Linares,  with  a  sergt  and  1 1  men  from  the  Mon- 
terey company  of  auxiliaries,  were  ordered  to  accompany  Castro.  Dc.pt.  Kt. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxiii.  2;  but  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  53,  says  that 
the  officers  that  went  were  Covarrubias,  Lieut  Francisco  Soto,  Alf.  Rafael 
Pinto  (the  writer),  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  and  Sergt  Jesus  Soto,  with  20  men. 
April  22d,  §1,900  ordered  paid  to  Castro  as  comisionado  to  Mexico.  Dept.  St. 
Pup.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  52.  April  24th,  passport  from  Vallcjo 
to  Castro.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  117. 

18 April  23d,  A.  to  the  junta.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  65.  Vallejo,  fnjormes 
al  Ministro  de  Guerra  sobre  la  sublevacion  de  Graham  y  otros  extrangeros,  25  de 
Abril,  1840,  MS.  These  despatches  add  nothing  in  detail  to  Alvarado 's  report, 
but  are  largely  devoted  to  a  repetition  of  his  oft-repeated  demands  for  aid, 
using  the  late  trouble  as  a  strong  argument.  He  draws  on  his  imagination 
somewhat  in  stating  that  the  chief  aim  of  the  late  conspiracy  was  to  get  pos- 
session of  S.  F.  as  a  key  to  the  whole  country.  He  compliments  Castro  and 
his  men  for  their  valuable  services,  and  asks  to  be  relieved  of  his  office  that 


14  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

sued  a  printed  proclamation,  in  which  he  informed  his 
fellow-citizens  how  "  a  sordid  and  venal  faction,  got- 
ten up  by  some  ungrateful  foreigners  whom  you  have 
welcomed  to  your  hospitable  soil,  attempted  to  strip 
us  of  the  most  precious  treasure,  country  and  life,  de- 
siring to  sacrifice  to  their  unmeasured  ambition  the 
first  authorities  of  the  country"!  He  congratulated 
all  on  their  escape,  and  advised  the  people  to  maintain 
the  most  friendly  relations  with  foreigners  legally  in 
California.19  Orders  were  issued  on  the  disposition  to 
be  made  of  property  left  by  Graham,  and  arms  be- 
longing to  others  of  the  exiles;20  and  then  all  was 
quiet  for  a  time  at  the  capital. 

In  the  south  as  well  as  in  the  north  the  governor's 
orders  had  been  carried  into  execution,  and  twenty 
foreign  prisoners  had  been  collected  at  Santa  Biirbara, 
none  being  arrested,  however,  who  could  show  papers 
to  account  for  their  presence.21  The  sub-prefect, 

he  may  devote  all  his  energies  to  the  northern  frontier.  April  29th,  Com. 
Sanchez  of  S.  F.  thanks  providence  that  the  vile  designs  of  ungrateful  for- 
eigners have  been  frustrated.  Id.,  ix.  132. 

19  Alvarado,  [Proclami  del]  Gobernador  constitutional  del  Departamento  de 
las  Californias;  d  sus  habitantes  [sobre  destierro  de  extrangeros].     Imprenta  del 
Golierno  (1840),    in   Earliest  Printing;  Arce,  Mem.  y  Doc.,    MS.,  no.   15; 
Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  26-8;  Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xiv.  48;  Bandini,  Doc., 
MS.,  44. 

20  May  2d,  gov.  to  justice  of  S.  Juan.    Let  the  foreigner  Enrique  (Henry 
Naile?)  realize  from  the  effects  of  Graham  and  leave  the  republic  within  two 
months.    Lists  and  accounts  of  all  foreigners  must  be  sent  in.  Dept.  Rec. ,  MS., 
xi.  12-13;   Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  68.     Same  date,  Jimeno  to  justice  of 
Branciforte,  and  S.  Juan.     Arms  of  the  foreigners  sent  away  to  be  collected 
and  a  report  rendered.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  30;  Gomez,  Doc.,  MS.,  45. 
May  IGth,  juez  of  S.  Jos6  to  gov.'s  sec.    Has  in  deposit  some  of  the  arrested 
foreigners'  property,  and  their  creditors  wish  to  take  legal  steps  to  get  their 
pay  from  this  deposit.    Judge  wishes  to  save  his  responsibility.  S.  Jo$6,  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  38. 

21  April  13th,  Guerra  y  Noriega  to  gov.     Has  aided  the  sub  prefect  to 
arrest   all  resident  foreigners.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  6.     April  21st,  all 
prisoners  at  Angeles  to  be  sent  to  Sta  B.  under  guard.  Id.,  A»fj.,  xi.  117. 
April  23d,  sub-prefect  to  prefect.    Order  of  arrest  executed.  Id.,  iv.  84.    April 
24th,  prefect  of  Angeles  to  gov.      10  foreigners  arrested  here;  some  here 
several  years,  but  none  have  papers;  comisionado  sent  to  S.  Diego  and  Sta 
B.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Prcf.yJuzg.,  MS.,  vi.  68.     April  29th,  list  of  11  men 
under  arrest:  Jas  Door,  Wm  Lumsdale  (Lumsden),  Gabriel  (Nath.  ?)  Pryor, 
Win  Wald,  Milton  White,  Jacques  Dufrd,  Tom  Jones,  Win  Green,  Jeffrey 
Brown,  John  Auntroy,  and  Albert  Williams.  Id.,  67-8.     Johnson  the  black- 
smith escaped.  Id.,  Aug.,  iv.  70-4.     May  12th,  sub-prefect  says  20 prisoners, 
14  from  Angeles  and  6  from  Sta  B.,  had  been  delivered  to  Castro.  Id.,  Ben., 


ARRESTS  IN  THE  SOUTH.  15 

Raimundo  Carrillo,  got  himself  into  some  trouble  in 
connection  with  the  arrests,  being  accused  of  speaking 
too  freely  when  strict  secrecy  was  enjoined,  a  charge 
which  he  earnestly  denied.22  The  Guipuzcoana  arrived 
May  4th,  though  Farnham  puts  the  date  a  week  ear- 
lier, and  five  at  least  of  the  southern  prisoners  were 
added  to  the  number  already  on  board  the  vessel, 
though  eight  of  those  deemed  least  criminal  were  left 
behind  for  want  of  room  and  shackles.23  The  exile- 
laden  bark  sailed  on  the  8th,  and  Castro  carried  with 
him  a  grandiloquent  congratulatory  address  of  certain 
patriotic  Barbarenos.2*  Troops  and  exiles  were  landed 
at  San  Bias  on  or  about  May  16th;  and  early  in  Sep- 
tember the  Guipuzeoana  was  back  in  California,  with 
news  that  the  foreigners  were  in  prison  at  Tepic, 
while  Castro,  with  Covarrubias  and  Soto,  had  gone  to 
Mexico.25 

Having  thus  presented  a  simple  narrative  of  facts 
as  drawn  from  archive  records,  I  have  now  to  give 
further  information,  founded  more  or  less  directly  on 
the  testimony  of  men  concerned  in  the  Graham  affair. 
The  victims  and  their  friends  have  accused  the  Cali- 
fornians,  not  only  of  having  exiled  them  without 
cause,  but  of  cruelty  at  the  time  of  the  arrest,  during 
their  confinement,  and  on  the  voyage  to  San  Bias. 
These  charges  are,  I  believe,  exaggerated,  though  from 
the  nature  of  the  case  they  cannot  be  entirely  dis- 
proved. In  considering  the 'evidence  to  be  offered, 
the  reader  should  bear  in  mind  the  character  of  the 

iii.  5.  June  23d,  James  Orbell,  Thos  Ridington,  and  Robt  Robertson  to  be 
arrested  at  S.  Diego.  Id.,  Ang.,\.  1. 

22  Aug.  28,  1840,  Carrillo  to  prefect  in  defence  of  himself,  and  other  com- 
munications.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii.  6-8;  Id.,  Aug., 
xii.  33-7;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  216-18. 

23  May  7th,  Castro  to  Guerra,  in  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  191-2.     Those  left 
were  to  leave  Cal.  when  an  opportunity  should  occur. 

24  May  8th,  signed  by  the  Cotas,  Oliveras,  and  others.     Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  v.  7.     This  proclamation,  signed  by  'seven  citizens  of  note, 'is  partially 
translated  in  Monterey  Co.  Hist. ,  34-5.     Arrival  and  departure  of  the  vessel 
noted  in  Mettus'  Diary,  MS.,  4. 

v5Sept.  6th,  sub-prefect  at  Sta  B.  announces  arrival  of  Aguirre's  vessel  on 
Aug.  31st.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  iii.  27. 


16  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

exiles  as  men  whose  word  could  not  be  trusted,  the 
opportunity  they  had  to  make  their  stories  agree,  their 
interest  with  a  view  to  indemnity  from  Mexico  in 
maintaining  and  exaggerating  their  wrongs,  and  the 
prevailing  spirit  of  hatred  for  everything  Mexican, 
which  in  the  following  years  served  as  a  favorable 
medium  for  their  complaints.  The  Californians  per- 
sonally concerned  in  making  the  arrests  are  in  many 
cases  not  better  witnesses  than  the  victims;  but  the 
general  denial  of  leading  Californians  should  have 
some  weight,  especially  when  supported  by  the  fact 
that  foreigners  of  the  better  class  made  no  opposition 
and  offered  none  but  the  mildest  protests,  after  the 
matter  had  assumed  a  political  aspect. 

The  Californians  had  no  real  military  organization, 
and  their  system  of  police  and  prisons  was  still  less 
effective.  To  arrest  and  confine  a  hundred  foreigners 
was  under  the  circumstances  no  slight  achievement. 
The  arrests  were  made  for  the  most  part  by  small 
parties  of  citizens  imperfectly  armed,  with  no  training 
as  policemen,  and  with  a  decided  fear  of  their  enemy's 
prowess.  Undue  severity  was  to  be  expected  in  some 
instances,  and  an  occasional  gratification  of  personal 
dislikes  might  naturally  occur.  But  prompt  action 
was  demanded,  followed  by  strict  precautions;  a  little 
more  attention  to  kid-glove  niceties  would  have  re- 
sulted in  the  escape  of  Graham  and  his  company  to 
join  the  trappers  of  the  interior  and  laugh  at  the 
efforts  of  their  persecutors.  The  arrest  and  exile  were, 
in  a  legal  sense,  and  in  the  case  of  certain  individuals, 
an  outrage;  but  the  reader  will,  perhaps,  after  a  study 
of  the  facts,  be  led  to  accept  with  some  allowance  the 
wholesale  charges  of  inhumanity  made  against  the 
Californian  authorities  and  people. 

Of  the  men  arrested  in  the  north,  there  were  per- 
haps one  hundred,  though  it  is  doubtful  if  all  were 
sent  to  Monterey,  and  some,  I  think,  were  arrested  at 
\  their  own  request,  or  with  their  own  consent,  in  order 
I  to  avoid  making  enemies  among  their  foreign  ac- 


LISTS  OF  NAMES.  17 

quaintances.  Farnham  names  about  fifty  in  addition 
to  those  sent  to  San  Bias.26  Alvarado  announced  to 
the  government  that  sixty  men  had  been  arrested  and 
that  forty-three  were  to  be  sent  away.  Twenty  more 
seem  to  have  been  delivered  to  Castro  at  Santa  Bar- 
bara, but  eight  were  not  taken  for  want  of  room,  and 
one,  Robert  King  apparently,  of  the  Monterey  men 
was  also  left  here  sick.  If  twelve  were  put  on  board 
— though  only  six  are  known,  one  of  whom,  Lumsden, 
was  landed  at  San  Diego — there  should  have  been 
fifty-four  sent  to  San  Bias.  I  suppose,  however,  that 
either  there  is  some  mistake  about  the  Santa  Barbara 
record,  or  some  of  the  Monterey  captives  were  released 
in  the  south;  and  that  forty-seven  reached  San  Bias, 
though  there  may  have  been  a  few  more.  In  nation- 
ality they  are  said  to  have  been  about  equally  divided 
between  Englishmen  and  Americans.  I  append  a  list 
of  their  names.27 

26  Farnham's  Life  in  Cal. ,  69-70.     The  list,  with  some  orthographical  im- 

Erovements,  is  as  follows,  though  it  contains  the  names  of  one  or  two  not 
kely  to  have  been  arrested,  and  one  or  two  others,  of  whom  I  know  nothing; 
and  the  author  does  not  present  it  as  complete: 

Adams,  Walter.  Gulnac,  Win.  *Matthews,  Wm. 

Atterville,  Jas.  *Hance,  Wm.  Mirayno,  Jon.  (?) 

*Bee,  Henry.  Hathaway,  H.  *Naile,  Henry. 

Beechay,  Oapt.  (?)  Henderson,  Wm.  Sill,  Daniel. 

Bowen,  Thos.  Herven,  Jon.  (?)  Smith,  Jon. 

Brander,  Wm.  Horton.  (?)  *Smith,  Wm. 

*Brown,  Chas.  Jones,  Jerry.  *Spear,  Nathan. 

Burns,  Wm.  Jones, .  Storm,  Peter. 

*Ch  amber  lain,  Jno.  Kelley,  Jas.  Thompson,  Wm. 

*Cole,  Thos.  *King,  Robt.  *Tomlinson,  Thos.  (or  A.G.) 

*Cooper,  Henry.  Kinlock,  Geo.  *Trevethan,  Wm. 

Coppinger,  Jas.  La  Grace,  Fran.  (?)  Ware,  Wm. 

Dickey,  Wm.  Livermore,  Robt.  Watson,  Andrew. 

*Dye,  Job.  Lodge,  Mich.  *Watson,  Ed. 

Eagle,  F.  (?)  *Majors,  Jos.  L.  *Weeks,  Wm. 

*Farwell,  Jas.  McKinley,  Jas.  *West,  Mark. 

Ferguson,  Geo.  McVicker,  Hen.  *Wilson,  Alvin. 

Fuiler,  Jon.  *Marsh,  John. 

The  names  marked  with  a  star  are  also  mentioned  by  other  authorities 
than  Farnham.  Bee  adds  the  name  of  James  Rogers.  Morris  accuses  Job 
Dye  of  having  been  in  the  ranks  of  the  party  that  arrested  him.  Wm  II. 
Davis  says  he  was  arrested  at  Yerba  Buena,  with  Spear,  but  released  at  the 
mission. 

27  On  May  24,  1840,  at  Tepic,  40  men  signed  a  letter  of  thanks  to  Farnham 
for  his  services.  Honolulu  Polynesian,  Dec.  5,   1840.     Naturally  all  would 
have  signed  the  paper,  and  Wm  Chard  is  the  only  one  not  named  whom  there 
is  reason  to  suppose  to  have  been  a  member  of  the  party.     An  ofHcial  com- 

HIST.  OAL.,  VOL.  IV.    2 


18  ALVARADO'S  RULE -THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

It  is  best  to  give  literally  the  statements  of  Graham 
and  Morris  about  the  arrests  at  Natividad  on  the 
morning  of  April  7th.  The  former,  after  stating  that 
he  and  Naile  went  to  bed  in  his  house  while  Morris 
and  Barton  as  usual  slept  in  the  still-house,28  says: 
"We  slept  quietly  until  about  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  when  I  was  awakened  by  the  discharge  of  a 
pistol  near  my  head,  the  ball  of  which  passed  through 
the  handkerchief  about  my  neck.  I  sprang  to  my 
feet  and  jumped  in  the  direction  of  the  villains,  when 
they  discharged  six  other  pistols  so  near  me  that  my 
shirt  took  fire  in  several  places.  Fortunately  the 
darkness  and  the  trepidation  of  the  cowards  prevented 

munication  from  Mexico  also  gives  the  number  as  47.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x. 

97.  Morris,  Diary,  MS. ,  insists  that  there  were  exactly  46  on  the  vessel  after 

leaving  S.  Diego.     The  names  of  the  47  are  as  follows— those  who  are  known 

to  have  returned  to  Cal.  being  marked  with  a  star,  the  nationality  being 

given  when  known,  and  also  the  year  of  arrival  for  those  who  came  before 

1840: 

*Anderson,  Wm,  Engl.  1837.  *Lewis,  Thos,  Engl.  1833. 

Armstrong,  John.  Louzade  (?),  Jas. 

Baily,  Wm  (Engl.  1834?).  *Luoas.  Jno.,  Engl.  1838. 

*Barton,  Wm,  Amer.  1839.  McAllister,  Robt.    Perhaps  returned. 

Bloomlield,  Wm.  *McGlone,  Wm,  Engl.  1837. 

*Boles  (Bowles),  Jos.,  Amer.  1838.  Maynard,  John,  Engl.     Perhaps  re- 

Brincken,  Wilhelm.  turned. 

"Carmichael,  Lawrence,  Engl.  1833.     *Meadows,  Jas,  Engl.  1837. 
*Chapel,  Geo.,  Engl.  *Morris,  Albert  F.,  Engl.  1834. 

*Chard,  Wm,  Amer.  1832-3.  *0'Brien,  Jas,  Engl.  1838. 

Christian,  John,  1838.  *Pearce,  Jos  (or  Jas  Peace),  1838. 

*Cooper,  ChasH.,  Amer.  Perry,  Elijah. 

Daly,  Nathan,  Amer.  1834.  Pollock,  Lewis. 

*Dove,  Jas  G.,  Engl.  1833.  *Price,  John,  Engl.  1836. 

Forbes,  Wm,  Engl.  1835.  Pryor,  Gabriel. 

*Frazer,  Geo.,  Amer.  1833.  Shea,  Win. 

Goff,  Daniel.  Thomas,  Thos. 

*Graham,  Is.,  Amer.  1833.  Vermilion,  John. 

Green,  Wm.  *Warner,  John,  Engl. 

Higgins,  John,  Engl.   1830.  Westlake,  Rich. 

Irvin,  John.  White,  Milton. 

Jones,  Thos.  Whitehouse,  Jos. 

Knight,  Henry.  Williams,  Albert. 

*Langlois,  Wm,  Engl.  Williams,  Chas,  1839. 

Of  these  persons,  the  account  in  the  Polynesian  of  June  20th  says  'several 
of  them  were  sailors.  Some  came  here  with  passports.  Four  or  five  arrived 
here  the  same  month  in  the  Jtoyer  Williams,  one  being  the  first  mate.  (Also 
,Graham  et  al. ,  Petition. )  One  half  had  been  in  the  country  for  years,  and  were 
owners  of  some  property,  all  of  which  they  had  to  leave  behind. ' 

28  Graham's  statement  in  Farnham's  Life  in  Cal.  ,71-2.  For  what  preceded, 
that  is,  Garner's  visit,  see  p.  6  of  this  chapter.  Farnham  says  he  obtained 
written  statements  from  41  of  the  prisoners,  but  he  prints  only  two  or  three. 


GRAHAM'S  NARRATIVE.  19 

their  taking  good  aim;  for  only  one  of  their  shots 
took  effect,  and  that  in  my  left  arm.  After  firing 
they  fell  back  a  few  paces  and  commenced  reloading 
their  pieces.  I  perceived  by  the  light  of  their  pistols 
that  they  were  too  numerous  for  a  single  man  to  con- 
tend with,  and  determined  to  escape.  But  I  had 
scarcely  got  six  paces  from  the  door  when  I  was  over- 
taken and  assailed  with  heavy  blows  from  their 
swords.  These  I  succeeded  in  parrying  off  to  such 
an  extent  that  I  was  not  much  injured  by  them. 
Being  incensed  at  last  by  my  successful  resistance, 
they  grappled  with  me  and  threw  me  down,  when  an 
ensign  by  the  name  of  Joaquin  Terres  (Torre)  drew 
his  dirk,  and  saying  with  an  oath  that  he  would  let 
out  my  life,  made  a  thrust  at  my  heart.  God  saved 
me  again.  The  weapon  passing  between  my  body 
and  left  arm,  sunk  deep  in  the  ground!  and  before  he 
had  an  opportunity  of  repeating  his  blow  they  dragged 
me  up  the  hill  in  the  rear  of  my  house,  wThere  Jose 
Castro  was  standing.  They  called  to  him,  'Here  he 
is  I'  whereupon  Castro  rode  up  and  struck  me  with 
the  back  of  his  sword  over  the  head  so  severely  as  to 
bring  me  to  the  ground;  and  then  ordered  four  balls 
to  be  put  through  me.  But  this  was  prevented  by  a 
faithful  Indian  in  my  service,  who  threw  himself  on 
me  declaring  that  he  would  receive  the  balls  in  his 
own  heart  I  Unwilling  to  be  thwarted,  however,  in 
their  design  to  destroy  me,  they  next  fastened  a  rope 
to  one  of  my  arms  and  passed  it  to  a  man  on  horse- 
back, who  wound  it  firmly  around  the  horn  of  his 
saddle.  Then  the  rest  taking  hold  of  the  other  arm 
endeavored  to  haul  my  shoulders  out  of  joint!  But 
the  rope  broke.  Thinking  the  scoundrels  bent  on 
killing  me  in  some  way,  I  begged  for  liberty  to  com- 
mend my  soul  to  God.  To  this  they  replied,  'You 
shall  never  pray  till  you  kneel  over  your  grave.'  They 
then  conducted  me  to  my  house  and  permitted  me  to 
put  on  my  pantaloons.  While  there  they  asked 
where  Mr  Morris  was.  I  told  them  I  did  not  know. 


20  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

Then  they  put  their  lances  to  my  breast  and  told  me 
to  call  him  or  die.  I  answered  that  he  had  made  his 
escape.  While  I  was  saying  this  Mr  Naile  came  to 
the  house,  pale  from  loss  of  blood,  and  vomiting.  He 
had  had  a  lance-thrust  through  his  thigh,  and  a  deep 
wound  in  his  leg,  which  nearly  separated  the  cord  of 
the  heel.  They  next  put  Mr  Naile  and  myself  in 
double  irons,  carried  us  half  a  mile  into  the  plain,  left 
us  under  guard,  and  returned  to  plunder  the  house. 
After  having  been  absent  a  short  time,  they  came  and 
conducted  us  back  to  our  rifled  home.  As  soon  as 
we  arrived  there  a  man  by  the  name  of  Manuel 
Larias  (Larios)  approached  me  with  a  drawn  sword, 
and  commanded  me  to  inform  him  where  my  money 
was  buried.  I  told  him  I  had  none.  He  cursed  me 
and  turned  away.  I  had  some  deposited  in  the 
ground,  but  I  determined  they  should  never  enjoy  it. 
After  having  robbed  me  of  my  books  and  papers, 
which  were  all  the  evidence  I  had  that  these  very 
scoundrels  and  others  were  largely  indebted  to  me, 
and  having  taken  whatever  was  valuable  on  my 
premises,  and  distributed  it  among  themselves,  they 
proceeded  to  take  an  inventory  of  what  was  left,  as  if 
it  were  the  whole  of  my  property;  and  then  put  me 
on  horseback  and  sent  me  to  this  prison.  You  know 
the  rest.  I  am  chained  like  a  dog,  and  suffer  like 
one."29 

29  In  a  deposition  of  Sept.  1,  1847,  at  S.  Jos4,  Graham  said  that  Garner 
came  with  Castro,  taunted  and  insulted  him  after  his  capture,  blamed  Castro 
for  not  having  kept  his  promise  to  kill  him,  and  as  he  believed  broke  open 
trunks  in  his  house,  containing  $3,700.  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xiv.  1-8. 
Wiggins,  Jiemiti.,  MS.,  5-G,  says  'Graham  was  always  the  hero  of  his  own 
stories,  yet  he  had  scars  to  show.'  James  Meadows  and  John  Chamberlain 
give  a  brief  version,  substantially  agreeing  with  that  of  Graham.  Mofras, 
Gleeson,  Alfred  Robinson,  Hastings,  and  Willey,  Centen.  Sketch  ofSta  Cr-uz, 
present  a  still  briefer  version  of  similar  purport.  Hastings  says  Alvarado 
'  despatched  a  few  of  his  niggardly  hirelings  in  the  dead  of  night. .  .to  bring 
the  foreigners  before  his  contemptible  excellency.  In  most  instances  the  first 
notice  which  the  foreigners  had  of  their  approach  was  a  volley  of  musket- 
balls  poured  in  upon  them  through  their  windows  and  doors."  Wilkes  and 
Fayette  Robinson  add  that  a  working-man  named  Chard  (Naile  ?)  was  held 
down  by  two  men  while  a  third  deliberately  cut  the  tendons  of  his  legs  with 
a  butcher-knife,  and  left  him  to  die!  Estuvan  de  la  Torre,  Itemin.,  MS.,  89- 
99,  narrates  that  when  his  brother  Joaqnin  called  at  Graham's  door,  the  for- 


TESTIMONY  OF  MORRIS.  21 

Morris  narrates  the  adventures  of  the  night  as  fol- 
lows: "At  evening  a  Spaniard  called,  said  he  had  lost 
a  bundle,  and  wished  to  stay  all  night.  There  were 
also  in  the  house  two  foreigners  who  said  they  were 
going  to  San  Jose,  but  disliked  to  ford  the  rivers  until 
the  water  had  fallen.  About  nine  o'clock  we  all  re- 
tired, Graham  and  Naile  as  usual  to  a  small  house 
about  twenty -five  or  thirty  yards  away.  Myself,  a 
hired  man  (Barton),  and  the  three  travellers  retired 
to  the  still-house.  About  two  o'clock  I  was  awakened 
by  a  loud  knocking  at  the  door.  I  hailed  in  English, 
but  got  no  answer;  then  in  Spanish,  and  was  answered 
by  Nicolils  Alviso,  a  neighbor.  I  told  him  to  wait 
till  I  could  dress,  light  a  candle,  and  let  him  in.  I 
had  only  time  to  put  on  my  pantaloons  when  I  heard 
the  report  of  fire-arms  at  Graham's  house,  and  the 
tramp  of  horses  behind  the  still-house.  Alviso  called 
on  all  to  break  in  my  door;  I  heard  the  foreigner  set 
on  shore  for  mutiny  (Garner)  calling  out  to  set  the 
buildings  on  fire;  and  as  they  came  against  the  door  I 
gave  them  a  broadside  from  my  pistol,  loaded  with  a 
ball  and  the  necks  of  14  bullets — but  it  being  dark  I 
fired  rather  too  high.  They  returned  my  fire,  and 
wounded  me  in  the  left  side  with  a  musket-ball.  The 
dastardly  cowards  then  ran,  except  Alviso.  Looking 

eigners  began  to  fire  rifles  from  the  houses;  and  when  he  forced  the  door, 
Graham,  sitting  on  the  bed  dressing,  fired  a  pistol-shot  through  his  cloak. 
Torre  then  fired  both  his  pistols  at  Graham's  breast,  burning  himsomewhat;  but 
the  bullets  had  dropped  out  into  the  holsters  during  the  night's  ride.  Graham 
fell  upon  his  back,  and  when  Torre  rushed  upon  him  with  drawn  sword, 
called  for  mercy.  Torre  replied,  '  Tell  your  men  to  stop  firing  and  surrender,' 
which  was  done,  and  all  were  made  prisoners.  This  version,  supported  by 
Serrano,  may  be  regarded  as  that  of  Joaqiiin  de  la  Torre,  whose  character  as 
a  witness  was  about  on  a  par  with  that  of  Graham — that  is,  very  bad.  Marsh, 
Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  11,  says:  '  His  house  was  surrounded  at  night,  the 
door  forced  open,  and  a  volley  of  fire-arms  discharged  into  the  beds  where  it 
was  known  that  Graham  and  Naile  were  sleeping.  Before  they  had  time  to 
leave  their  beds,  Naile  received  two  severe  wounds,  and  was  left  for  dead. 
Graham  was  knocked  down,  severely  beaten,  bound,  and  carried  to  Monte- 
rey.' The  account  in  the  Polynesian  says:  'When  they  started  to  arrest 
Graham,  Garner  told  them  not  to  attempt  to  take  him  alive,  but  to  go  to  his 
house  in  the  night,  and  open  the  door  of  his  room,  and  fire  upon  him  while  in 
his  bed.  This  they  did,  and  it  is  surprising  that  he  escaped  being  killed.  His 
bed-clothes  were  much  torn  by  the  balls,  and  one  ball  wounded  him  slightly 
in  the  abdomen.' 


22  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

through  the  open  willow-work  that  formed  one  side,  I 
leveled  my  rifle  at  him,  and  exploded  three  caps;  but 
one  of  the  foreigners  had  tampered  with  the  rifle,  and 
it  would  not  go  off,  though  Alviso  now  took  to  his 
heels.  The  hired  man  and  two  of  the  travellers  had 
escaped,  and  I  was  left  alone  with  the  remaining  stran- 
ger, a  man  who  had  lost  all  his  fingers.  Both  the  others 
had  been  emissaries  of  the  Californians  sent  to  watch 
us,  and  to  escape  and  report  if  we  had  any  notice  of 
the  coming  danger.  They  had  singled  out  Graham, 
Naile,  and  myself  as  special  victims;  and  they  had 
agreed  that  neither  of  us  should  be  left  to  tell  the 
bloody  tale.  I  now  escaped,  my  companion  not  fol- 
lowing me,  into  a  willow  swamp  near  by,  barefoot, 
and  having  on  nothing  but  shirt  and  pantaloons.  I 
was  the  only  man  who  had  attempted  any  resistance." 
Morris  remained  in  the  swamp  all  day,  and  at  night 
found  his  way  to  the  house  of  Littlejohn,  eight  miles 
away,  where  he  remained  two  days,  and  then  went  by 
way  of  Santa  Cruz  to  the  distillery  of  Dye  and  Ma- 
jors at  Zayante.  He  relates  at  considerable  length 
that  Dye,  after  promising  protection,  betrayed  him 
into  the  hands  of  Castro's  men,  and  treated  Majors, 
his  partner,  in  like  manner.  He  was  finally  arrested 
about  April  16th  by  Ness  and  Lyons,  and  was  taken 
to  Monterey  by  Buelna's  company,  in  which  Dye 
served  as  a  soldier.  On  the  way  he  stopped  at  Nati- 
vidad,  where  Naile  was  found,  unable  to  rise  from  his 
bed  on  account  of  his  wound,  but  kindly  treated,  as  he 
said,  by  Alviso.  Not  a  scrap  of  property  was  left,  all 
having  been  stolen.  He  arrived  at  Monterey  the 
18th  of  April.30 

There  is  not  much  to  be  said  about  the  arrests 
made,  except  at  Natividad,  and  no  special  outrages 
are  charged  upon  the  Californians  even  by  the  vic- 

30  Morris1  Diary  of  a  Crazy  Man,  MS.,  7-8,  10-25,  with  many  minute  de- 
tails for  which  I  have  no  space.  A  statement  by  Morris,  agreeing  more  or 
less  with  this,  was  also  published  by  Farnham.  He  says  Naile  claimed  to 
have  been  wounded  by  Garner  himself. 


OTHEE  ARRESTS.  23 

tims.  James  Meadows  relates  that  he,  with  Higgins 
and  Anderson,  engaged  in  sawing  on  the  Carinelo 
Creek,  was  lured  to  the  house  of  one  Romero,  who  by 
giving  up  the  foreigners  hoped  to  secure  their  rifles 
as  a  reward.31  Rafael  Pinto  brought  in  six  or  eight 
other  sawyers  from  El  Final.32  Eusebio  Galindo  was 
one  of  the  party  that  brought  in  the  lumbermen  of 
San  Francisquito,  without  force  or  fetters,  feeling 
sure  they  were  engaged  in  no  plot,  and  soon  procuring 
their  release.33  Jacinto  Rodriguez  and  his  command 
took  seven  Americans,  lumbermen  like  the  rest,  at 
the  Aguage  de  Tres  Pinos.34  J.  M.  Covarrubias  was 
sent  toward  San  Jose,  and  kept  the  prisoners  of  that 
region  for  some  days  confined  at  Santa  Clara,  one  of 
them  being  James  W.  Weeks.35  Harry  Bee  was  in  the 
redwoods  with  Trevethan,  Rogers,  and  an  American, 
when  Jose  Castro  himself  with  fifty  men  made  a  raid 
on  the  saw-pit;  and  Bee's  throat  was  even  honored, 
if  we  may  credit  his  story,  by  the  grasp  of  the  coman- 
dante  himself.36  John  Chamberlain  was  arrested  at 
his  shop  early  in  the  morning,  and  on  his  arrival  at 
the  calabozo  found  six  or  seven  others  already  there.37 
Charles  Brown  was  also  arrested  in  the  redwoods; 
and  at  one  time  he  enjoyed  the  distinction — so  he 
says — of  being  chained  to  Isaac  Graham,  but  was  soon 
released.33  Marsh,  visiting  Mission  San  Jose  on  busi- 

81  Meadows'  Graham  Affair,  MS.  On-the  way  a  Mexican  fired  a  pistol- 
ball  very  near  Meadows'  head. 

3-  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  44-51.  These  two  arrests  were  made  the  same 
night  as  those  at  Xatividad. 

33  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS. ,  44. 

34  Rodriguez,  Statement,  MS. 

35  Weeks,  Hemin.,  MS.,  103-10,  says  'Covarrubias  came  putting  on  airs 
worse  than  the  devil,  and  locked  me  up  as  if  I  had  been  Walker  or  some 
other  granJiUbustero.'   At  S.  Jos6  he  'had  the  satisfaction  to  see  a  pack  of 
Christians  and  people  of  reason  overhauling  my  writing-desk  and  pillaging 
every  little  thing  that  satisfied  their  gluttonous  eyes.     They  set  in  robbing 
me  from  the  word  go;  said  they  were  looking  for  documents  to  prove  conspir- 
cy.'    On  the  way  to  Monterey  they  met  Castro  and  Montenegro  at  the  Roblar 
de  la  Laguna. 

36 Bee's  Recoil.,  MS.,  21,  etc.  They  were  taken  to  Monterey  on  horseback. 
Bee  was  a  married  man,  as  was  Weeks  also. 

37 Chamberlain,  Mem.,  MS.,  5-6.  Among  the  others  were  Ed  Watson 
and  Mark  West,  who  with  Chamberlain  were  released  next  day. 

3*  Brown's  Early  Events,  MS.,  15. 


24  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

ness,  was  detained  there  for  two  days,  and  then  with 
four  others  sent  under  guard  to  Monterey,  where, 
however,  he  was  released  on  parole.39  I  have  no  nar- 
rative from  any  of  the  persons  arrested  in  the  south; 
but  George  Nidever  tells  how  he  and  several  others 
escaped  at  San  Diego,  by  at  first  threatening  to  use 
force,  and  then  dropping  down  the  coast  to  a  position 
whence  they  saw  the  Guipuzcoana  pass  within  a  short 
distance.40 

In  confinement  at  the  capital,  all  the  prisoners  and 
their  friends  agree  that  they  were  badly  treated. 
There  were  many  persons  shut  up  in  a  small  room, 
where  I  have  no  doubt  they  passed  an  uncomfortable 
fortnight.  There  was  certainly  over-crowding  and 
defective  ventilation.  For  two  or  three  days  the  food 
supply  was  irregular,  and  probably  insufficient.  Mor- 
ris says,  "For  three  days  I  did  not  taste  a  morsel  of 
any  kind  of  food,  for  there  was  no  person  humane 
enough  to  send  me  any ;"  but  he  seems  to  have  been 
confined  separately  from  most  of  the  others,  and  his 
fasting  was  in  the  last  days  of  the  general  captivity.41 
Thomas  O.  Larkin  later  in  the  year  certified  that  on 

39 Marsh's  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  11-12.  Marsh  had  a  rancho  in  the 
Mt  Diablo  region. 

40  Nidever's  Life,  MS.,  104-5.     Sparks  and  Hewitt  are  named  among  his 
companions.     They  were  engaged  in  otter-hunting. 

41  MorriS  Diary,  MS.,  8-9,  25-9.     He  admits  that  Larkin  furnished  him 
food  at  the  comandante's  order  for  a  day  or  two  before  the  sailing.     In  the 
Polynesian,  June  20th,  we  read:   'The  government  did  not  furnish  them  with 
anything  to  protect  them  from  the  damp  ground  floor  of  the  prison,  and  it  is 
probable  they  would  have  had  no  other  bed  had  not  Mr  Spence  persuaded 
the  governor  to  permit  him  to  provide  them  with  a  few  bullock  hides.     On 
complaint  being  made  by  the  same  gentleman  that  the  men  were  actually 
suffering  from  want  of  air,  he  had  some  of  them  taken  out  and  put  into  an- 
other room.     One  they  liberated,  because  he  became  so  faint  they  were  afraid 
he  would  lose  his  life.     His  store  was  broken  open  during  his  confinement.' 
Gonzalez,  Rcvoluciones,  MS.,  12,  says  he  received  Graham  and  his  compan- 
ions from  Soto  at  Buenavista,  and  treated  them  kindly  until  delivered  to 
Alvarado.     Brown,  Early  Days,  MS.,  15-17,  says  about  100  men  were  con- 
fined in  a  room  18x30  ft,  so  that  only  a  few  could  lie  down  at  a  time;  but 
some  of  them  were  soon  put  in  another  room.     Bee  says  there  were  40  in  the 
room,  and  that  no  food  was  furnished  by  the  authorities.  Recoil.,  MS.,  21-8. 
Weeks,  Remin.,  MS.,  109-11,  tells  us  that  40  or  50  were  huddled  together  iu 
one  room.     Meadows, Graham  Affair,  MS.,  4-9,  has  it  that  110  men  were 
confined  in  a  room  18x20  ft,  it  being  impossible  to  lie  or  even  sit;  but  Gra- 
ham, Chard,  Majors,  Daly,  Morris,  and  9  others  were  later  put  in  another 
room. 


FARNBAM  AT  MONTEREY.  25 

and  after  the  third  day  of  the  imprisonment,  that  is, 
April  9th,  he  had  at  the  request  of  the  comandante 
furnished  to  the  prisoners  daily  and  ample  supplies  of 
meat,  bread,  beans,  and  tea.  This  should  be  a  suffi- 
cient refutation  of  the  charges  of  starvation.42 

On  the  18th  of  April  the  Don  Quixote,  Captain 
Paty,  arrived  from  Honolulu.  On  her  as  a  passenger 
was  Thomas  J.  Farnham,  an  American  lawyer,  who 
published  a  book  as  the  result  of  his  visit.  His  ver- 
sion of  the  Graham  affair  is  better  known  than  any 
other.  He  was  apparently  an  intelligent  man,  and 
was  certainly  in  some  respects  a  brilliant  writer.  Had 
he  been  wise  enough  to  show  a  degree  of  fairness  in 
his  observations  on  various  minor  matters,  his  state- 
ments on  the  subject  of  this  chapter  would  be  entitled 
to  some  weight,  on  account  of  his  opportunities  for 
knowing  the  truth.  As  it  is,  his  remarks  on  men  and 
events  at  Monterey  are  so  evidently  and  absurdly  false 
as  to  throw  more  than  a  doubt  upon  all  that  he  says. 
From  the  -moment  that  some  slight  obstacle,  like  the 
necessity  of  a  passport,  was  thrown  in  the  way  of  the 
sea-sick  passenger  landing  as  soon  as  he  wished,  there 
arose  in  him  hatred  and  contempt  for  all  that  was  Cal- 
iforniari.  Nor  was  his  rage  mitigated  when  he  learned 
"that  one  hundred  and  fifty  odd  Americans  and  Brit- 
ons were  thirsting  and  starving  in  the  prisons  of  the 
town,  and  destined  to  be  sacrificed  to  Spanish  malig- 
nity." Travellers  of  all  nations  had  visited  California 
in  past  years  and  published  their  views  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, favorable  or  unfavorable ;  but  it  was  reserved  for 

42  Dec.  6, 1840,  Larkin's  certificate  in  Lai-kin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  105.  Graham 
and  9  others,  Petition  to  U.  S.  Govt,  184%>  say:  'The  room,  about  20  ft  sq., 
•without  being  floored,  became  very  damp  and  offensive,  endangering  our 
health  at  times.  One  had  to  stand  while  another  slept,  and  during  the  first 
three  days  not  a  mouthful  of  food  found  or  offered  us  by  our  oppressors,  but 
living  on  the  charity  of  them  that  pitied  us.'  Larkin  'assisted  us  not  only 
in  food '  but  in  other  necessaries  allowed  to  be  introduced.  '  Some  of  us  were 
taken  out  of  prison  from  time  to  time  and  released  by  the  intercession  of 
friends  or  through  sickness. '  This  it  will  be  seen  is  much  moro  moderate 
than  Farnham's  version.  Pinto,  Apunf.,  MS.,  54,  says  the  prisoners  had 
plenty  of  food,  and  were  treated  as  well  as  was  possible  under  the  circum- 
stances. Farnham  states  that  the  contract  with  Larkin  was  not  made  until 
April  19th. 


26  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

this  individual  to  discover  that  the  people  had  not  a 
single  good  quality;  that  the  leading  men  were  not 
only  villains,  cowards,  and  brutes,  but  displayed  their 
character  clearly  in  every  feature  and  action.  I  have 
already  quoted  extensively  from  this  writer,  and  shall 
have  occasion  to  cite  him  again;  but  quotations  would 
not  do  justice  to  the  chapters  in  which  he  pictures  the 
terrible  sufferings  of  the  captives,  the  fiendish  outrages 
committed  by  the  Californians,  and  the  zealous  efforts 
of  himself  and  a  companion  by  whom  alone,  as  is  im- 
plied, the  lives  of  all  were  saved.  It  is  with  regret 
that  I  am  obliged  in  a  sense  to  give  to  this  author 
more  prominence  than  to  others  who  have  told  the 
truth.  Farnharn  sailed  May  5th,  and  met  the  exiles 
again  at  Santa  Barbara  and  San  Bias.43 

There  was  naturally  an  attempt  to  obtain  evidence 
of  a  plot  on  the  part  of  the  prisoners  before  sending 
them  away;  but,  although  there  is  no  record  extant  of 
the  investigation,  it  was  evidently  unsuccessful.  The 

43  Farnham's  Life  in  CaL,  50-116,  402-16.  I  shall  have  more  to  say  of  the 
book  elsewhere.  The  author  represents  the  arrangement  with  Larkin  about 
supplying  food  to  have  been  made  after  his  arrival — that  is,  nearly  two  weeks 
after  the  arrests!  He  constantly  alludes  to  '  an  American '  who  by  his  active 
efforts,  his  independent  way  of  threatening  the  governor,  and  his  mysterious 
manner  of  signalling  the  Don  Quixote  as  she  repeatedly  entered  and  left  the 
harbor,  did  much  to  save  the  prisoners'  lives.  From  the  narrative  I  should 
suppose  this  American  to  have  been  Farnham  himself;  but  Morris  says  there 
was  another  whose  name  he  forgets.  It  may  have  been  Chamberlain,  an  agent 
of  American  missions  ut  the  Sandwich  Islands,  who  was  a  passenger  by  the 
vessel.  Once  Alvarado  in  '  a  most  sublime  rage  ordered  the  guards  to  fire  on 
the  American,  and  strode  through  his  apartment,  bellowing  fearfully  and 
raising  a  very  dense  cloud  of  dust!'  Farnham  was  kept  awake  at  night  by 
the  piteous  appeals  of  the  prisoners;  and  he  sometimes  went  near  enough  to 
Graham's  cell  'to  hear  the  lion-hearted  old  man  roar  out  his  indignation.' 
'  Suffocation,  the  pangs  of  death,  one  at  a  time  coming  slowly  by  day  and 
among  the  sleepless  moments  of  the  long  and  hot  night,  life  pendent  on  the 
mercy  of  a  Calif ornian  Spaniard ' — this  was  their  condition,  yet  '  dying  Amer- 
icans, unconquerable  sons  of  the  republic,'  sang  at  the  last  'Hail  Columbia;' 
and  '  sturdy  Britons  were  there  to  sing  "Rule  Britannia,"  when  the  American 
proposed  to  aid  them  in  breaking  prison,  taking  the  town,  and  disposing  of  the 
authorities  at  the  rope's  end  if  they  did  not  give  them  a  fair  trial  within  three 
days!  Hastings,  Emigrants'  Guide,  118-21,  is  as  violent  and  inaccurate  as 
Farnham,  though  his  version  is  briefer.  In  (/.  F.  B. )  Leaves  from  my  Jour- 
nal, in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  77,  86,  89,  93,  is  another  narrative  of  the  voy- 
age of  the  Don  Quixote,  much  more  moderate  in  tone  than  Farnham's,  but 
taking  the  same  general  view.  The  author  says  one  man  was  arrested  and 
sent  by  land  from  Monterey  to  be  put  on  the  vessel  at  Sta  Barbara. 


FORMS  OF  TRIAL.  27 

version  of  Farnhara  and  Morris,  slightly  supported  by 
the  testimony  of  several  others,  is  that  the  prisoners, 
questioned  one  after  another,  uniformly  denied  any 
knowledge  of  a  plot,  and  were  forced  to  sign  what  was 
said  to  be  their  testimony,  but  was  presumably  a  con- 
fession of  guilt,  without  being  permitted  to  know  the 
purport  of  what  they  signed.44  These  statements, 
together  with  Garner's  charges  now  deliberately 
repeated  under  oath,  were,  according  to  this  version, 
sent  to  Mexico  as  justifying  the  exile.45  That  this 
version  is  false  is  evident  from  the  fact  that  the 
Mexican  government  subsequently  blamed  Alvarado 
for  not  sending  legal  proofs.  It  would  not  have 
required  many  confessions  of  accomplices  to  constitute 
such  proofs ;  and  if  Alvarado  had  set  about  the  manu- 
facture of  forged  testimony,  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt 
that  he  would  have  made  it  strong  enough.  Indeed, 
there  is  much  reason  to  believe  that  even  Garner's 
testimony  was  either  not  formally  repeated,  or  was 
indefinite,  and  that  Padre  Real's  original  letter,  with 
Garner's  first  denunciation  and  several  vague  rumors, 
constituted  the  only  support  of  the  charges  preferred. 
Alvarado  realized  perfectly  that  the  legal  grounds  of 
his  action  were  weak.  But  he  believed  the  foreigners 

44  Morris,  Diary,  MS.,  2G-9,  says  he  refused  to  sign  the  deposition  at  first, 
but  finally  yielded,  whereat  the  judges  '  pricked  up  their  ears  and  looked  at 
each  other  as  wise  as  a  jackass  that  had  received  a  shock  from  a  galvanic  bat- 
tery. '  Morris  further  affirms  that  he  was  once  taken  out  to  be  shot,  but  was 
saved  by  Farnham.  This  is  confirmed  by  Meadows  and  Chamberlain.  Farn- 
ham  says  the  mock-trial  was  on  April  23d,  when  21  of  the  prisoners  were 
brought  out  and  seated  on  the  grass  before  the  governor's  house.  Each  man 
was  asked  for  his  passport,  which,  of  course,  he  could  not  produce,  as  it  had 
been  stolen  from  his  house,  even  if  he  had  been  allowed  to  go  there  for  it. 
Then  each  was  catechised  about  the  plot,  and  denied  the  services  of  an  inter- 
preter. Their  statements  were  reduced  to  writing  in  Spanish.  '  They  con- 
tained, as  I  afterward  learned  in  Mexico,  things  never  said,  accounts  of  acts 
never  performed,  and  bequests  of  property  to  their  persecutors,  their  jailers, 
etc. '  '  Thus  ended  the  trial  of  160  odd  ( !)  Americans  and  Britons  before  a 
court  of  Californian  Arabs  ! ' 

*'°  A  writer  in  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel,  April  3,  1869,  claiming  to  have  been 
one  of  the  prisoners,  says  that  Garner  at  this  trial  hesitated  to  re-affirm  his 
denunciation,  but  was  forced  to  sign  the  document  and  take  the  oath  by 
Alvarado,  who  threatened  to  shoot  him  next  day  if  he  refused.  In  Graham 
et  al, ,  Petition,  33,  it  is  stated  that  8  men  were  separately  examined  with  a 
bad -interpreter,  and  were  later  taken  to  another  room  and  kept  manacled  until 
their  departure. 


28  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

were  plotting.  He  knew  that  they  formed  an  unde- 
sirable element  of  population,  and  he  had  resolved  to 
get  rid  of  them.  If  his  legal  proofs  of  conspiracy 
were  slight,  he  trusted  much  for  his  vindication  to  the 
fact  that  nine  tenths  of  the  exiles  had  entered  the 
country  in  defiance  of  law;  and  at  the  worst,  what  did 
it  matter  to  him  if  Mexico  should  be  required  to  pay 
damages  to  the  extent  of  a  few  thousands  of  dollars? 

O 

Safety  and  quiet  would  in  such  case  be  cheaply  pur- 
chased.46 The  governor  believed  he  had  a  right  to  put 
the  offending  foreigners  at  the  disposition  of  the 
supreme  government. 

The  irons  were  removed  from  such  prisoners  as  had 
worn  them,  except  perhaps  Graham  and  Morris,  when 
they  were  sent  away  in  boats  to  the  vessel;  but  on 
board  the  Guipuzcoana  they  were  again  ironed,  John 
Chamberlain  doing  the  work,  after  Freeman  Fling, 
another  blacksmith,  had  declined.47  Their  condition 
on  the  vessel  was  not  more  comfortable  than  in  the 
prison;  indeed,  there  must  have  been  much  suffering, 
even  if,  as  Alvarado  claims,  they  were  well  fed  and 
not  exposed  to  unnecessary  discomforts.43  At  Santa 
Bdrbara  all  were  landed  and  confined  on  shore  for 
several  days.  Here  one  or  two  of  the  number  were 
left  on  account  of  sickness;  here  Farnham  again  ap- 
peared as  their  guardian  angel;  and  here,  if  we  may 

46  Alvarado,  Hist.  Ccd.,  MS.,  v.  2-13,  expresses  these  views,  attaching  some 
importance  also  to  the  fact  that  there  were  in  California  no  proper  tribunals 
for  the  trial  of  such  cases,  no  foreign  consuls  to  whom  the  matter  could  be 
referred,  and  no  national  vessels  to  the  captains  of  which  foreigners  ille- 
gally iii  the  country  could  be  delivered.     He  expressed  somewhat  similar 
views  at  the  time.  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  184. 

47  Chamberlain,  Memoirs,  MS. ,  5-14,  says  he  was  obliged  to  iron  the  pris- 
oners or  be  sent  away  with  them.     They  were  shackled  by  the  leg  to  bars  of 
iron  in  groups  of  from  2  to  9  according  to  the  length  of  the  bars;  and  were  at 
first  pat  between  decks  in  rows  facing  each  other  and  far  enough  apart  for  a 
man  to  walk  between  them  with  a  tub  of  food,  from  which  each  secured  as 
much  as  his  hands  would  hold.     Meadows,  Graham  Affair,  MS.,  15-24,  gives 
a,  similar  account,  stating  that  Fling  refused  to  put  on  tho  irons.     Neither 
Meadows  nor  Morris,  who  narrates  somewhat  minutely  the  events  of  the  voy- 
age, makes  out  a  very  bad  case  about  their  treatment,  and  Morris  admits  that 
they  were  allowed  to  spend  the  days  on  deck  under  guard  after  passing  San 
Diego. 

48 Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  53-6,  who  was  one  of  the  guard,  protests  that  all 
charges  of  ill  treatment  are  false. 


THE  EXILES  AT  TEPIO.  29 

credit  the  narrators — as  we  certainly  may  not — were 
repeated  all  the  horrors  of  the  Monterey  prison,  and 
worse.49  We  are  told  by  Meadows  that  at  San  Bias 
Castro  wished  to  scuttle  the  bark  and  drown  the 
prisoners;  but  he  failed  to  make  a  satisfactory  ar- 
rangement with  the  master  about  the  price  to  be  paid 
for  the  vessel !  Wilkes  continues  the  chapter  of  hor- 
rors by  dwelling  on  the  sufferings  of  the  victims,  as, 
heavily  ironed,  barefoot,  and  without  food,  they  were 
driven  under  the  lash  to  Tepic — sixty  miles  in  two 
days,  with  the  thermometer  at  90  degrees!  And  final- 
ly Morris  informs  us  that  Castro  attempted  on  the 
way  to  get  rid  of  Farnham  by  assassination ! 


BO 


At  Tepic  the  sufferings  of  the  prisoners  were  prac- 
tically at  an  end;  for  we  must  not  through  the  false- 
hoods extant  be  led  to  forget  that  they  really  suffered 
great  hardships.  Though  they  continued  under  arrest 
for  several  months,  they  were  kindly  treated,  lodged 
in  comparatively  comfortable  quarters,  and  well  fed; 
arid  they  had  the  additional  pleasure,  one  which  went 

49  Graham  et  al.,  Petition,  say  3  men  in  irons  were  put  in  an  ox-cart;  the 
rest  went  on  foot,  some  chained  in  pairs.     No  food  nor  water  for  24  hours. 
One  would  have  died  but  for  the  kindness  of  Dr  Den,  who  caused  food  and 
water  to  be  supplied.     Some  of  the  captives  from  Monterey  were  released 
and   sent   back.     Both   in  prison   and   on   the   vessel  '  we  were  frequently 
threatened,  pricked,  and  struck  with  swords  by  the  subaltern  officers  of  the 
Mex.  govt.'     Meadows,  Morris,  and  Farnham  vie  with  each  other  in  exag- 
gerating the  hardships  and  outrages  at  Sta  Barbara,  which  Farnham  extends 
to  the  voyage.     It  is  stated  that  the  inhabitants,  all  except  the  women,  as- 
sembled on  one  occasion  to  amuse  themselves  by  seeing  the  captives  eat,  and 
note  their  disgust  as  the  breech-clout  of  the  Indian  cook  was  found  in  the 
soup,  where  it  had  been  put  as  a  joke  by  Torre's  direction.     Meadows  says 
that  about  a  dozen  were  left  here  on  plea  of  sickness.     Farnham  sailed  on  the 
Don  Quixote  before  the  departure  of  the  Guipuzcoana. 

50  Morris,  however,  Diary,  MS.,  33-8,  states  that  the  prisoners  had  sev- 
eral asses,  in  the  use  of  which  they  took  turns;  that  at  the  half-way  station, 
by  the  agents  of  Barren  and  Forbes,  they  were  afforded  a  good  night's  rest 
and  plenty  of  food;  and  that  from  that  point  to  Tepic  they  were  well  enough 
treated.     Capt.  Clifford's  narrative — taken  doubtless  mainly  from  Farnham'a 
lips — in  the  New  York  Journal  of  Commerce,  and  reprinted  in  the  Polynesian, 
Dec.  5,  1840,  gives  at  some  length  the  account  of  the  terrible  sufferings  en- 
dured on  the  journey  by  sea  and  land.     '  During  the  march,  which  was  labo- 
rious enough  to  exhaust  the  stoutest  frame,  the  prisoners  were  urged  forward 
by  lashes  inflicted  upon  their  naked  bodies;  and  one,  who  sank  under  fatigue, 
was  barbarously  beaten  with  the  butt-end  of  a  musket,  to  renovate  his 
strength,  and  arouse  his  drooping  spirits.'    Also  in  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixviii.  371. 


30  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

far  to  compensate  them  for  all  their  wrongs,  of  seeing 
the  Californians  of  their  guard  kept  under  arrest  for 
some  two  weeks  until  orders  for  their  release  came  from 
Mexico.51  All  this  was  due  to  the  influence  of  Eustace 
Barren,  the  British  consul  at  Tepic,  upon  the  coman- 
darite  general  of  Jalisco,  Don  Manuel  Castillo  Negrete, 
a  brother  of  Don  Luis  known  in  California.  Farnham 
had  arrived  in  a  schooner  from  Mazatlan,  and  had  lost 
no  time  in  bringing  the  wrongs  of  the  foreigners  to 
the  consul's  attention.  There  is  no  official  record  of 
events  at  Tepic.  Rafael  Pinto,  and  Morris  more 
briefly,  give  some  details  of  experience  there  from  the 
standpoint  of  Californian  and  foreigner  respectively; 
but  their  narratives  contain  little  or  nothing  of  gen- 
eral interest  to  the  reader.62 

Castro,  having  been  personally  under  arrest  but  for 
a  day  or  two,  proceeded  to  Mexico  in  accordance  with 
his  instructions  from  Alvarado.  He  was  accompanied 
by  Covarrubias  and  Soto,  Torre  being  left  in  command 
of  the  guard  at  Tepic,  and  Pinto  being  also  left  behind 
sick  with  a  fever.  Covarrubias  and  Soto,  the  former 
gaining  in  the  mean  time  a  cross  of  honor  for  having 
offered  his  services  in  defence  of  the  president  on  July 
15th,53  soon  returned  to  Acapulco  and  sailed  for  Cali- 
fornia on  the  Catalina.  Torre,  Pinto,  and  the  Cali- 
fornian troops  embarked  also  on  the  Catalina  when 
she  touched  at  San  Bias  in  September.  They  arrived 
at  San  Diego  about  the  middle  of  October,  with  news 

51Morris,  Diary,  MS. ,  38-41,  writes:  'From  the  top  of  our  prison  we  beheld 
the  mighty  dons  of  California  taking  the  cool  air  on  the  top  of  their  prison. 
"Ah,"  thought  I,  "you  have  caught  a  Tartar."  My  companions  were  over- 
joyed, and  I  thought  they  would  have  burst  themselves  with  laughter.  Some 
of  them  came  running  to  me  saying,  "Damn  my  eyes,  but  the  consul  has  put 
Castro  and  his  damned  buggers  in  prison. " '  He  delights  especially  in  the 
manner  in  which  Castro  was  snubbed  by  Barron.  Aug.  4th,  letter  from  Tepic 
to  N.  Y.  Jour.  Com.,  in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  i.  1G3,  announcing  arrival  of 
prisoners  at  Tepic. 

52 Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  44-74,  deserves  special  mention  as  a  fair  and  com- 
plete account  of  the  whole  affair,  a  mention  the  more  necessary  on  account  of 
Farnham's  unjust  abuse  of  this  officer.  Osio,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  409-10,  is  bit- 
ter in  his  denunciations  of  Castillo  Negrete,  stating  that  he  was  not  only  or- 
dered to  release  the  Californians,  but  was  severely  reprimanded. 

53  Original  document  conferring  the  cross,  dated  Sept.  1,  1840,  in  Vallejo, 
£>oc.,  MS.,  ix.  233. 


RESULTS  IN  MEXICO.  31 

that  the  foreigners  were  still  prisoners  at  Tepic,  and 
that  Castro  was  detained  in  Mexico.54 

On  the  23d  of  September  the  minister  of  the  inte- 
rior informed  Alvarado  of  the  government's  disposi- 
tion of  the  prisoners.  The  governor's  zeal  in  prevent- 
ing a  revolt  was  approved,  and  he  was  ordered  to  see 
to  it  that  no  foreigners  should  in  future  be  allowed  to 
enter  California  except  in  accordance  with  the  laws; 
but  should  the  necessity  again  arise  to  expel  them,  he 
must  be  careful  to  send  proofs  of  their  guilt  in  order 
to  avoid  reclamations.  Of  the  prisoners,  Graham, 
Morris,  Chard,  and  Bowles55  were  to  remain  in  con- 
finement, subject  to  the  courts  of  Tepic.  Such  of  the 
others  as  were  naturalized  or  married  to  Mexican 
wives  were  to  be  freed,  on  giving  bonds  to  await  at 
Tepic  the  result  of  legal  investigations ;  and  the  rest 
were  to  be  sent  out  of  the  republic,  and  not  allowed 
to  return  to  California.  Orders  to  this  effect  were  is- 
sued on  the  same  date  by  the  minister  of  war.56 

I  have  no  official  record  of  any  subsequent  order  of 
the  Mexican  government  respecting  the  prisoners,  of 
correspondence  with  British  and  American  consuls  on 
the  subject,  or  of  the  final  investigations  in  the  case 
of  those  who  remained  in  prison  or  under  bonds  at 
Tepic.  It  appears,  however,  that  the  order  of  Sep- 
tember 23d  must  have  been  modified,  at  least  so  far 
as  to  include  in  the  class  not  banished,  not  only  the 

54  Arrival  of  the  Catalina  at  S.  Diego  before  Oct.  22d.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Cust.-H.,  MS.,  v.  7-8;   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  321.     Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  65- 
71,  tells  the  stoiy  of  the  voyage,  and  of  certain  troubles  between  the  troops 
and  the  captain  of  the  vessel,  Karl  Christian,  whom  he  represents  as  partially 
insane.     On  the  Catalina  came  also  at  this  time  Manuel  Castauares  to  take 
charge  of  the  Monterey  custom-house;  his  brother,  Jos6  Maria,  returning  to 
California  by  stealth  on  account  of  certain  troubles  at  Mazatlan;  the  artillery 
captain,  Mariano  Silva;  and  Mauricio  Gonzalez.     Feb.  1,  1842,  gov.  orders 
payment  of  $1,550  to  Celis  for  passage  of  officers  and  troops.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  68-9. 

55  Called  Jorge  Jos6  Bouils,  or  Bonils,  or  Bonis;  but  it  must  have  been 
Bowles,  I  think. 

56 Sept.  23d,  min.  of  int.  to  gov.  Supt.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  7-8; 
8.  Diego,  Arch,  MS.,  272;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  136;  Id.,  Aug.,  vi.  29- 
36;  xii.  49-50;  Arch.  Sta  Cruz,  MS.,  53-5.  June  2,  1840,  min.  of  war  has 
received  Vallejo's  despatch  of  April  25th.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  1.  Published 
in  California  in  May  1841. 


32  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

naturalized  and  married,  but  all  who  had  passports, 
permits,  or  other  evidence  of  having  to  any  extent 
complied  with  the  requirements  of  the  laws.  At  any 
rate,  the  class  was  made  to  include  about  twenty  men, 
many  more  certainly  than  had  naturalization  papers, 
if  indeed  any  had  them.  The  rest,  or  about  thirty, 
were  doubtless  sent  out  of  the  republic  as  ordered, 
having  no  legal  claims  whatever  for  damages.  The 
current  idea  that  all  or  nearly  all  were  awarded  dam- 
ages, or  at  least  sent  back  to  California  at  government 
expense,  is  erroneous. 

The  detention  of  Graham  and  his  companions,  and 
the  investigation  of  their  wrongs  against  or  at  the 
hands  of  Mexico,  lasted  until  June.  During  the 
time  Larkin  visited  Mexico,  where  he  doubtless  tes- 
tified in  this  matter.57  The  result  was,  that  the 
prisoners  were  found  innocent  of  the  charges  against 
them,  and  were  apparently  adjudged  entitled  to  com- 
pensation for  actual  losses,  including  lost  time.  Some 
of  them  were  paid  $250  each  by  Consul  Barren — of 
course  with  authority  from  the  government  and  for- 
eign ministers — and  for  that  sum  released  Mexico 
from  all  further  claims.  Others  perhaps  received 
smaller  sums  on  account;  and  all  were  sent  back  to 
California  at  expense  of  the  government,  there  to 
procure  legal  evidence  of  their  losses  in  consequence 

67  Jan.  18,  1841,  Carmichael,  one  of  the  prisoners,  writes  from  Tepic  to 
Larkin  as  follows:  '  It  is  the  general  opinion  of  the  foreigners  of  this  place 
that  you  have  gone  on  to  Mexico  on  secret  business,  business  against  us  that 
were  of  late  prisoners  in  this  place.  As  for  my  part,  I  believe  nothing  of  the 
kind;  at  all  events,  if  you  should  be  able  to  do  nothing  for  us,  please  try  and 
do  nothing  against  us.  It  would  be  made  known  in  the  course  of  time,  and  as 
you  are  doing  business  in  Monterey,  it  would  cause  you  to  be  very  unpopular . . . 
Try  and  effect  all  you  can  with  his  excellency,  Powhattan  Ellis,  in  behalf  of 
your  countrymen.  Mr  Graham  had  a  rehearing  on  Friday  last;  he  was 
asked  by  the  judge  some  of  the  most  frivolous  questions,  such  as  what  was 
his  mother's  name  before  marriage,  etc.  So  far  as  I  can  see  into  Graham's 
business,  this  govt  is  making  nothing  but  a  perfect  humbug  with  his  case,  with 
a  view  of  detaining  him  a  great  length  of  time  in  the  country.  I  heard  yes- 
terday by  one  of  the  clerks  that  overhauled  the  documents  that  came  on  of  late 
from  Cal.  that  you  had  sworn  against  us,  though  I  think  there  is  nothing 
more  of  it  than  you  informed  me  when  here ...  As  you  are  now  at  headquar- 
ters, please  try  and  find  out  if  possible  the  result  of  this  business,  whether  we 
are  going  to  be  paid,  and  how  much..  .P.  S.  I  have  just  heard  that  Gra- 
ham's business  will  be  brought  to  a  close  soon.'  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  120. 


DAMAGES  PAID.  33 

of  arrest.  They  were  provided  with  cartas  de  se- 
guridad,  and  the  authorities  were  to  afford  facilities 
for  verifying  the  accounts.  Up  to  this  point  the 
English  and  American  claimants  appear  to  have  been 
treated  exactly  alike,  Barren  having  acted  for  the 
American  consul,  who  was  absent.  The  schooner 
Bolina  was  chartered  for  the  trip,  and  the  returning 
exiles,  perhaps  twenty  in  number,  though  probably 
a  few  did  not  find  their  way  back  till  later,  were 
landed  at  Monterey  in  July  184 1.58  It  is  evident 

68  June  3,  1841,  Barren  to  Larkin,  announcing  the  result  and  requesting 
him  to  aid  in  establishing  claims.  He  implies  clearly  that  money  had  been, 
paid  to  Americans  as  well  as  Englishmen.  Larkin,  writing  to  the  U.  S.  sec. 
of  state  in  1844,  says  also  that  some  claims  of  both  classes  were  relinquished 
for  $250  each.  Id.,  Official  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  5-6.  Farnham,  continuing  his 
lies  to  the  last,  says  they  were  tried  again,  '  and  condemned  to  perpetual  im- 
prisonment upon  an  island  in  a  mountain  lake  of  Mexico, '  but  were  saved  by  the 
consul!  Meadows,  Graham  Affair,  MS.,  28-30,  was  one  of  the  men  who  got 
$250,  which  he  represents  as  simply  an  advance  made  to  those  who  wished 
to  leave  Tepic,  those  who  remained  getting  $330,  but  in  this  he  is  in  error, 
since  his  name  does  not  appear  in  the  later  list  of  English  claimants.  July 
22d,  Comandante  Florcs  at  Monterey  announces  arrival  of  the  Bolina  with 
Graham  and  18  others  on  July  20th.  Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  215.  Alvarado, 
on  July  29th,  speaks  of  Graham  and  about  15  Englishmen  having  arrived, 
40  (?)  having  been  scattered.  Id.,  x.  236.  Those  known  to  have  been  sent 
back  at  this  time  were  Graham,  Morris,  Chard,  Cbrmichael,  Meadows,  An- 
derson, O'Brien,  Dove,  Price,  Chapel,  Langlois,  and  Warner.  There  were 
others  also,  apparently,  as  they  seem  to  have  been  in  the  country  later. 
These  were  Barton,  Bowles,  Cooper,  Frazer,  Lewis,  Lucas,  McGlone,  and 
Peace.  Perhaps  McAllister  and  Maynard  also  returned.  In  most  printed 
accounts  it  is  stated  that  all,  or  nearly  all,  the  exiles  came  back.  Robinson, 
Life  in  Cal.,  187-8,  asserts  that  they  came  back  well  dressed  and  armed,  and 
looking  better  than  when  they  left.  This  writer,  followed  by  Tuthill,  Hist. 
Cal.,  14G-7,  dates  the  return  a  year  later,  by  the  Columbine..  Mofras,  Explo- 
ration, i.  304-11,  says  the  agreement  was  for  each  individual  to  receive  $3 
per  day  for  his  time,  besides  indemnity  for  losses  of  property.  They  came 
back  exulting  in  their  success  and  full  of  projects  for  vengeance  against 
Alvarado  and  Castro.  They  would  make  another  Texas  of  Cal.  as  soon  as 
they  were  strong  enough,  being  assured  of  the  support  of  the  U.  S.  Mofras 
makes  out  'very  erroneously  that  of  the  46  prisoners  sent  away,  6  died,  31 
returned,  and  9  refused  to  return. 

Marsh,  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  12-13,  writes:  'The  American  consul 
did  nothing,  and  seems  to  have  been  a  perfect  cipher.  Two  of  the  prisoners 
after  their  enlargement  went  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  the  British  minister 
made  every  exertion  to  obtain  for  these  unfortunate  men  some  remuneration 
from  the  Mexican  govt  for  their  losses  and  sufferings.  The  American  minis- 
ter is  understood  to  have  done  absolutely  nothing. '  Morris  writes,  Diary, 
MS.,  41:  'They  were  compelled  to  charter  a  schooner,  furnish  her  with  every- 
thing necessary  for  the  voyage,  and  bring  us  all  back  to  Monterey,  where  we 
arrived  on  July  15  (?),  1841,  to  the  very  great  surprise  of  many  a  treacherous 
Spaniard  and  foreigner.'  Capt.  Clifford,  in  Niles'  Iterj.,  Iviii.  371,  says:  'Offi- 
cial accounts  of  this  infamous  transaction  have  been  forwarded  to  the  British 
and  American  governments  by  their  respective  ministers;  and  it  is  confidently 
hoped  that  prompt  and  energetic  measures  will  be  pursued  to  obtain  ample 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  3 


34  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

that  President  Bustamante  had  been  unwilling  to 
complicate  existing  troubles  by  engaging  in  a  contro- 
versy with  foreign  powers. 

Meanwhile,  Jose  Castro  was  subjected  to  a  trial  by 
court-martial  at  the  national  capital,  on  charges  pre- 
ferred by  the  British  and  American  ministers.  Of 
course  in  conveying  the  prisoners  to  Tepic,  Castro  had 
merely  obeyed  the  orders  of  his  superiors,  Alvarado 
and  Vallejo;  and  the  charges  of  ill  treatment  could 
not  be  substantiated.  The  proceedings  began  before 
the  end  of  1840,53  and  lasted  until  May  1841.  It  is 
understood  that  Micheltorena,  later  governor  of  Cali- 
fornia, conducted  Castro's  defence;  and  the  result  was, 
that  he  was  fully  exonerated  of  blame,  and  permitted 
to  return  to  California,  where  he  arrived  in  Septem- 
ber, having  made  the  trip  chiefly  by  land.00  There 
seems  to  be  no  foundation  for  the  later  rumors  that 
he  narrowly  escaped  conviction,  or  that  he  had  to 
run  away  from  Mexico  in  disguise.61  The  funds  from 
which  his  expenses  were  paid  were  furnished  by  En- 


justice  and  remuneration  for  the  prisoners,  and  satisfaction  for  the  national 
insult. !  '  Doubtless  the  American  and  English  governments  will  demand  ample 
satisfaction  for  these  unfortunate  men.'  Honolulu  Polynesian,  June  20,  1840. 
Farnham  on  May  24th  was  warmly  thanked  in  writing  by  the  prisoners  at 
Tepic  for  his  services.  Id.,  Dec.  5, 1840;  antlinliisLifeinCaL,  414,  concludes: 
'Graham  returned  to  California,  a  broken-spirited,  ruined  man.  The  others 
are  dispersed  elsewhere.  Our  government  has  never  avenged  their  wrongs.' 
'  Fifteen  months  later  the  government  of  Mexico  sent  part  of  them  back  to 
Monterey,  several  dying  from  fatigue  and  privations.'  Niles' Reg. ,  Ixviii.  211. 

59  Aug.  22,  1840,  Virmond  to  Vallejo,  explaining  that  Castro  was  not  al- 
lowed to  leave  the  city.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  229.  Dec.  17th,  Gen.  Valen- 
cia, chief  of  staff,  to  Vallejo.  Court-martial  in  progress.  Record  of  Castro's  • 
services  required.  Id.,  ix.  359.  Jan.  23,  1841,  Virmond  to  Munras.  Castro 
will  come  out  all  right.  Is  living  unmolested  at  writer's  house.  Id.,  xxxiii. 
184.  June  12,  1841,  news  of  C.'s  arrival  at  Mex.  has  reached  Sta  B.  Sta  B., 
Arch.,  MS.,  23. 

6U  April  5,  1841,  Valencia  announces  Castro's  acquittal  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  x.  97.  May  12th,  Castro's  return  ordered,  and  expenses  to  be 
paid.  Id.,  x.  136.  May  15th,  Castillero  says  that  the  acquittal  was  an  hon- 
orable one.  Id.,  x.  138.  Sept.  18th,  Alvarado  speaks  of  Castro's  return.  Id., 
x.  281.  Oct.  1st,  orders  for  payment  of  dues  to  Castro.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  56. 

61  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  410-11,  says  that  in  consequence  of  Barren's  per- 
secutions, Castro  had  to  come  by  by-roads  via  Durango  to  Mazatlan.  Rob- 
inson, Life  in  Cal.,  188,  remarks:  'It  is  said  it  would  have  gone  hard  with 
him  if  he  had  not  managed  to  escape  through  the  connivance  of  his  govern- 
ment.' 


A  FRENCH  MAN-OF-WAR.  83 

rique  Virmond,  to  be  repaid  in  California  hides  and 
tallow. 

The  Guipuzcoana  had  sailed  from  Monterey  in 
April,  1840,  and  for  nearly  fifty  days  all  was  quiet, 
with  no  tidings  of  the  exiles  and  their  guard.  Then 
'came  news  in  an  unexpected  and  even  threatening 
form.  On  the  llth  of  June  there  anchored  before  the 
town  the  French  sloop  of  war  Danaide,  whose  com- 
mander, J.  de  Rosamel,  had  come  to  demand  an  ex- 
planation of  the  outrage  lately  committed  upon  his 
countrymen — perhaps  to  avenge  it — and  at  any  rate 
to  protect  such  Frenchmen  as  were  yet  in  danger.  He 
had  been  about  to  sail  from  Mazatlan  for  Honolulu 
when  by  the  arrival  of  a  schooner  from  Santa  Barbara 
he  heard  a  grossly  exaggerated  report  of  the  foreign- 
ers' arrest  and  banishment,  including  the  statement 
that  two  Frenchmen  had  been  killed  and  others 
severely  wounded.  He  was  of  course  delighted  to 
learn  that  the  rumor  was  false,  that  not  a  single  one 
of  his  compatriotes  had  even  been  sent  away,  and  that 
one  or  two  who  had  been  arrested  were  released  ap- 
parently for  no  better  reason  than  that  they  were 
Frenchmen.  There  being  no  occasion  for  warlike  or 
even  diplomatic  demonstrations,  Rosamel  and  his  men 
proceeded  to  enjoy  themselves  for  twenty  days,  to  the 
mutual  satisfaction  of  themselves  and  the  Monterey- 
ans,  with  whom  they  established,  as  earlier  visitors  of 
their  nation  had  usually  done,  the  most  friendly  and 
agreeable  relations.  On  July  2d,  the  Danaide  sailed 
away.62 

62  June  19th,  July  12th,  com.  of  Monterey  announces  arrival  and  departure 
of  Danaide  and  St  Louis.  Each  left  two  deserters,  but  the  Frenchmen  were 
captured  and  restored.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  150,  174.  July  1st,  Rosamel 
to  gov.,  explaining  his  motives  in  coming,  and  expressing  bis  pleasure  that 
his  countrymen  had  been  so  well  treated.  He  concludes  as  follows:  'C'est 
avec  le  plus  vif  regret,  Monsieur  le  Gouverneur,  que  je  suis  force'  de  votis 
quitter,  mais  croyez  bien  que  partout  ou  me  portera  la  destined  je  n'oublierai 
jamais  la  bonne  reception  que  vous  avez  faite  &  la  Danaide,  et  les  relations 
amicales  qui  se  sont  etablies  entre  nous  pendant  mon  sejour  sur  votre  rade. ' 
Original  letter  in  Id.,  xxxiii.  88.  Robinson's  story,  Life  in  Col.,  181-3,  fol- 
lowed by  Tuthill,  Hist.  Col.,  146,  that  Alvarado,  in  his  fear  and  perplexity, 


33  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

Nor  was  the  Danaide  the  only  vessel  that  came  on 
this  business.  The  U.  S.  man-of-war  St  Louis,  Cap- 
tain French  Forrest,  was  only  two  days  behind  the 
Frenchman,  arriving  June  1 3th,  and  sailing  July  4th. 
Forrest  in  a  letter  to  the  governor  demanded  an  ex- 
planation of  the  report  that  Americans  had  been  at- 
tacked in  their  houses,  wounded,  robbed,  imprisoned, 
and  sent  away  in  violation  of  existing  treaties.  The 
required  explanation  was  given:  namely,  that  certain 
foreigners  had  been  sent  away  according  to  law,  either 
•for  offences  against  the  public  peace,  or  'for  having  en- 
tered the  country  illegally;  that  they  had  been  so  well 
treated  that  one  of  them  wrote  a  letter  of  thanks;  and 
that  none  had  suffered  spoliation,  none  but  Graham 
having  any  property.  If  Forrest  was  not  satisfied 
with 'this  explanation,  he  took  no  further  steps  in  the 
matter,  except  to  collect  testimony  from  certain  resi- 
dent Americans,  who  claimed  to  have  suffered  losses 
in  consequence  of  their  arrest.  On  his  departure, 
during  Alvarado's  absence  in  the  interior,  he  left  Ethan 
Estabrook  to  act  as  consular  agent,  of  whose  experi- 
ence in  California  I  know  nothing,  except  that  the 
governor  refused  to  recognize  his  authority.  He  ob- 
tained a  passport  to  travel,  and  probably  left  the 
country  in  1841,  after  taking  a  few  additional  state- 
ments.03 

left  the  town  on  pretext  of  an  Indian  campaign,  and  remained  absent  until 
the  vessels  sailed,  has,  I  suppose,  not  much  foundation,  though  it  is  true  that 
A.  did  leave  town  and  was  absent  at  the  time  of  departure  of  both  vessels. 
Mellus,  Diary,  MS.,  5-6,  says  the  Danaide  entered  with  open  ports,  ready  to 
open  fire;  but  cooled  down  on  heariug  how  matters  stood.  Capt.  Phelps  of 
the  Alert,  Fore  and  Aft,  251-2,  was  at  Monterey  at  the  time.  He  says 
the  Frenchman  was  'much  disappointed '  at  finding  no  excuse  to  fire  on  the 
town.  He  tells  us  the  Frenchmen  became  great  favorites  with  the  ladies. 
Once  they  were  so  attentive  to  them  in  church  that  the  padre  ordered  them 
to  leave  the  building;  but  the  ladies  protested,  and  the  padre  had  to  yield. 
Phelps'  account  also,  in  S.  Josi  Patriot,  Jan.  22,  1869.  Mention  of  RosamcPs 
visit  also,  in  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  304-6;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iii.  318;  iv. 
131-7;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  v.  14-15. 

63  In  his  report  of  Dec.  4,  1841,  27th  cong.  2d  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  1,  p.  368, 
the  sec.  navy  writes:  '  In  the  midst  of  these  outrages,  Corn.  Forrest  arrived 
upon  the  coast,  and,  by  his  prompt  and  spirited  interposition,  vindicated  and 
secured  the  rights,  not  only  of  American  citizens,  but  of  British  subjects. 
For  these  services  he  received,  and  appears  to  have  well  deserved,  a  formal 
•expression  of  the  thanks  both  of  American  and  English  residents. '  June  14, 


RETURN  OF  THE  EXILES.  37 

111  September  the  Guipuzcoana  returned  with  news 
from  Tepic.  Before  that  time,  in  July  and  August, 
disquieting  rumors  had  come  by  other  vessels,  to  the 
effect  that  the  prisoners  had  all  been  released  and 
Castro  arrested  as  a  revolucionario.6*  In  October,  as 
we  have  seen,  the  troops  of  the  guard  came  back  on 
the  Catalina;  in  May  of  the  next  year  came  official 
despatches  from  Mexico;  in  July  the  Bolina  brought 
nineteen  of  the  released  prisoners ;  and  finally,  in  Sep- 
tember Jose  Castro  made  his  appearance. 

The  returning  exiles  in  July  1841  came  provided 
with  regular  passports,  and  part  of  them  had  legalized 
claims  against  Mexico  for  the  losses  they  had  incurred, 
and  the  authorities  were  instructed,  at  least  in  the 
case  of  nine  English  subjects,  to  facilitate  the  obtain- 
ing of  proofs  as  to  the  amount  of  those  losses.65  The 

1840,  Capt.  Forrest  to  gov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  12;  June  19th,  gov.'s  re- 
ply. Id.,  v.  10-11.     Dec.  12th,  gov.  to  inin.  int.     It  seems  that  the  St  Louis 
sailed  while  Alvarado  was  temporarily  absent,  and  left  the  agent  without  ob- 
serving any  formalities.  Dept.  Ifec.,  MS.,  xi.  73-4.     July  llth,  Estabrook  to 
gov.    Is  aware  of  formalities  necessary  in  appointing  consuls,  but  these  do  not 
apply  to  a  mere  agent  whose  business  is  chiefly  commercial.     Capt.  Forrest 
had  a  right  to  inquire  into  infringement  of  treaties,  and  to  appoint  an  agent  for 
that  purpose.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  16-18.     His  presence  also  mentioned 
in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  174.     Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  300,  is  the  only  authority 
that  names  Estabrook.     Mellus,  Diary,  MS.,  5-6,  says  that  Forrest,  from  the 
declarations  taken,  set  the  damages  at  over  $103,000,  exclusive  of  the  claims 
of   those  who   had   been   sent  away!     Harry  Bee  was  one  of  the  witnesses, 
llecoll. ,  MS. ,  21-8,  and  the  only  wonder  is  the  aggregate  of  loss  was  not  larger. 
In  June  1841  Jacob  Leese  testified  that  the  lieutenant  in  command  of  the  St 
Louis  had  announced  in  the  presence  of  several  persons  his  intention  to  seize 
the  governor  and  carry  him  to  Mexico.     Nathan  Spear  could  not  remember 
any  such  statement,  though  it  was  said  to  have  been  made  at  his  house. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  74-5.     July  2d,  Spence  writes  to  Alvarado  that 
Forrest  wishes  to  know  when  he  will  return,  in  order  to  arrange  his  business 
speedily.     No  truth  in  the  rumor  that  he  intends  harm  to  A.     July  7th,  A. 
replies  that  business  detains  him.  Id.,  v.  12.     The  salutes  to  the  two  war- 
vessels,  with  thcjiesta  of  Corpus  Christi,  had  very  nearly  exhausted  the  sup- 
ply of  powder  at  Monterey.     Flores,  in  Vallyo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  153. 

6iDept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  18-19;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  ii.  94-G.  Cham- 
berlain, Memoirs,  MS.,  5-14,  speaks  of  getting  letters  from  Bowles,  which  he 
showed  to  Larkin.  Spence  was  angry  when  he  heard  the  prisoners  had  been 
released,  and  declared  it  a  lie. 

65  The  9  were  Carmichael,  Anderson,  O'Brien,  Dove,  Price,  Morris,  Chapel, 
Langlois,  and  Warner.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  36.  Dec.  14,  1840,  the  British 
min.  to  Mexican  govt.  sent  to  gov.  of  Cal.  Dec.  31st,  and  received  in  July 

1841.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  51-3;  Larkin 's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  110;  Sta 
Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  23-6;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  55.    This  communication  came 
probably  on  the  same  vessel  as  the  claimants.     The  British  minister  explained 
that  Carmichael's  claim  was  the  largest,  §7,380,  he  having  had  a  shop  at 


38  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

coming  of  a  war-vessel  to  settle  the  matter  was  an- 
nounced; but  what  was  done  meanwhile  in  California 
I  do  not  know,  except  that  Alvarado  informed  the 
government  that  the  English  claimants  had  not  been 
able  to  prove  the  alleged  losses.66  At  last  in  Novem- 
ber the  English  man-of-war  Curagoa,  Captain  Jones, 
arrived  at  Monterey,  and  a  settlement  was  effected. 
Mofras  states  that  the  total  amount  of  compensation 
allowed  was  $24,050;  and  I  find  no  other  definite 
record  on  the  subject.  If  they  received  one  half  that 
sum  the  exile  had  proved  a  brilliant  speculation  for  the 
Englishmen.  Apparently  there  was  no  controversy, 
and  Alvarado  was  not  disposed  to  drive  a  close  bar- 
gain in  the  interest  of  the  national  treasury.67  What- 
ever the  terms  agreed  upon,  it  is  not  likely  that  any 
money  was  advanced  by  Jones  at  the  time;  and  if 
any  money  was  paid  over  by  the  English  government 
to  its  subjects  later,  I  have  found  no  positive  record 
of  the  fact. 

The  claims  of  Americans  were  still  pending,  and 
remained  in  that  condition  for  a  long  time  if  not  for- 
ever. In  November  1841  the  Yorktown  had  been 
at  Monterey,  and  the  commander,  J.  H.  Aulick, 
had  probably  carried  away  some  testimony  on  the 
subject.68  Of  correspondence  between  Washington 

Monterey  at  the  time  of  his  arrest,  and  being  about  to  carry  out  a  business 
matter  of  great  importance;  that  the  others  were  much  less ;  and  that  it  was 
supposed  that  a  part  of  the  property  lost  could  be  returned  by  the  aid  of  the 
local  authorities.  At  any  rate,  it  was  for  the  interest  of  Mexico  to  closely  in- 
vestigate each  claim;  and  the  authorities  were  accordingly  instructed  to 
interpose  no  obstacles. 

Gti  July  26,  1841,  A.  to  min.  of  int.  De.pt.  Etc.,  MS.,  xii.  35-6.  July  22d, 
Flores  to  Vallejo.  Two  war- vessels  expected.  The  affair  seems  settled  with 
the  British  minister,  but  is  still  pending  with  the  American.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  x.  220. 

67  Nov.  12,  1841,  A.  to  min.  of  int.     Reports  that  the  Curagoa  arrived  on 
NOV.   8th,  and  that  an  estimate  of  the  value  of  the  lost  time  of   the  9 
men  had  been  made.    Dept.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  xii.  36.     According  to  Mofras,  Explor. , 
i.  308-9,  Carmichael  was  allowed  $4,500  for  his  shop,  etc.,   others  $2,000 
for  miscellaneous  property  lost,  and  each  of  15  men  §1,170,  or  $78  per  month 
for  15  months.     I  doubt  the  accuracy  of  this  statement,  especially  on  account 
of  the  number  of  men  mentioned.     Morris  at  first  claimed  £37,000. 

68  Nov.  26,  1841,  Aulick  to  Larkin.     Graham  and  others  ask  too  much 
when  they  ask  him  to  wait.     They  must  have  their  papers  ready  to-morrow. 
Lai-kin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  190. 


THE  AMERICAN  JONES.  39 

and  Mexico  on  the  subject  I  find  no  trace;  but  it 
came  up  in  California  on  the  occasion  of  Commodore 
Jones'  visit  in  November  1842.  Jones  wished  to 
settle  the  claims  as  his  English  namesake  had  done  a 
year  earlier;  and  a  long  correspondence  ensued  be- 
tween him  and  the  Californian  authorities,  mainly 
with  Jose  Z.  Fernandez,  the  juez  at  Monterey.  It 
soon  became  apparent,  however,  that  the  second  Jones 
would  encounter  obstacles  unknown  to  the  first.  The 
correspondence  was  mainly  devoted  to  a  discussion  of 
the  manner  in  which  the  claims  were  to  be  verified. 
Each  party  sought  to  gain  an  advantage  and  throw 
the  burden  of  proof  upon  the  other.  Jones,  desiring 
to  carry  the  claims  in  the  strongest  possible  shape  to 
Washington,  wished  to  have  the  sworn  statements  of 
the  claimants  accepted  and  approved  by  the  courts, 
except  so  far  as  they  could  be  proved  false  by  wit- 
nesses under  a  strict  cross-examination.  He  wished  to 
dispense  with  troublesome  routine  formalities  of  Mexi- 
can law.  He  charged  that  various  alcaldes  had  refused 
to  take  testimony  offered,  and  complained  that  the 
American  claims  were  not  favored  as  the  English  had 
been,  or  were  popularly  said  to  have  been.  Judge 
Fernandez,  to  whom  Alvarado  left  the  matter  almost 
entirely,  had  manifested  a  readiness  to  legalize  the 
just  claims  of  American  citizens,  and  at  the  earlier 
interviews  between  him  and  Jones  all  went  smoothly 
enough ;  but  when  the  investigation  really  began,  the 
judge  insisted  on  following  in  his  own  court  his  own 
ideas,  rather  than  those  of  the  commodore,  respecting 
methods  of  procedure.  He  proposed  to  investigate 
each  case  by  an  examination  of  all  obtainable  testi- 
mony. He  declined  to  be  used  as  a  mere  machine 
for  certifying  the  accuracy  of  the  Americans'  estimates 
of  their  losses,  and  declared  that  he  had  no  authority 
to  enter  into  diplomatic  discussions  respecting  the 
comparative  status  of  English  and  American  claims. 
Chard  and  Graham  are  the  only  claimants  named,  ' 
though  others  are  alluded  to;  and  when  the  case  of 


40  ALVARADO'S  RULE— THE  GRAHAM  AFFAIR. 

the  former  came  up  he  was  adjudged  to  be  a  natural- 
ized Mexican  citizen,  entitled  to  no  damages  from  any 
nation  but  Mexico,  and  he  was  condemned  to  pay  the 
costs  of  the  suit!  This  was  not  encouraging;  and 
Jones,  after  striving  ineffectually  to  reform  Califor- 
nian  court  proceedings  in  accordance  with  the  inter- 
ests of  his  countrymen,  determined  to  content  himself 
with  carrying  away  their  sworn  statements,  unen- 
cumbered by  troublesome  comments  from  other 
sources.  He  doubtless  understood  that  the  claims, 
if  investigated,  would  dwindle  to  such  insignificant 
fgures  as  to  play  no  part  in  international  complica- 
tions." 

Nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  American  claims,  ex- 
cept that  in  1843-4  they  had  not  been  paid,  nor  in 
1846.70  I  find  no  proof  that  Graham  and  his  compan- 
ions ever  received  a  cent  from  the  United  States, 
though  there  has  always  been  a  prevalent  tradition  in 

^  One  of  the  statements  which  I  have  cited  as  Graham  et  al.,  Petition  to  U. 
S.  Govt,  1842,  was  signed  by  Graham,  Chard,  Majors,  Brown,  Hance,  Barton, 
Wilson,  Cooper,  Tonilinson,  and  Naile — some  of  them  not  sent  to  S.  Bias — 
on  Nov.  9,  1842.  It  is  a  much  more  moderate  presentment  of  the  case  than 
those  made  current  by  Farnham  and  others.  The  document  was  furnished 
by  .Rev.  S.  II.  Willcy,  a  gentleman  who  has  done  much  good  work  ia  his- 
torical research,  and  \ras  published  in  StaCrvzCo.  IJist.,  9-10;  Monterey  Co. 
Hist.,  32-4.  Nov.  13th  to  Dee.  31st,  corresp.  between  Com.  Jones,  Gov.  Al- 
varado,  and  Judge  Fernandez.  Chiefly  originals,  iu  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  CG- 
114;  Vailejo,  JJoc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  301-2,  308.  Two  of  the  minor  communica- 
tions are  also  given  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  91-2.  Testimony  of  Graham  and 
Chard  that  their  sworn  statement  of  losses  had  been  refused  by  the  alcalde  of 
Branciforte.  Vailejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  299-300.  Record  of  Chard's  case. 
His  claim  was  for  $1,004.  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  11.  The  evidence  cf  his 
naturalization  is  not  given.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  309-11,  gives  the  claims  of 
the  Americans  as  8129,210;  Graham,  $109,000;  Chard,  $5,000;  and  13  others 
tor  time,  81,170  each  (as  for  the  Englishmen),  or  $15,210.  He  says,  writing 
in  1844,  that  the  cabinet  at  Washington  allowed  the  claims  to  drag  along  un- 
paid in  order  to  accumulate  injuries  at  the  hands  of  Mexico,  for  which  some- 
thing more  than  pecuniary  indemnity  would  one  day  be  demanded.  Wilkco, 
Karr.,  v.  180-2,  complains  of  the  negligence  of  his  govt  as  implying  a  doubt 
of  the  legitimacy  of  the  claims. 

7U' Mexico  promised  to  pay  a  certain  indemnity  to  each  of  these  men,  which 
she  has  never  yet  done,  and  one  of  them  is  now  in  this  city  [Mexico]  in  the 
extremest  poverty,'  wrote  Waddy  Thompson,  Dec.  31,  1843.  President';!  JA .-.-.?. 
atid  Doc.,  28th  cong.  1st  scsa.,  Sen.  Doc.,  390,  p.  11.  April  20,  1S44,  Larkin 
to  U.  S.  sec.  of  state,  enclosing  Graham's  statement.  Graham  claimed  §72,500 
besides  the  value  of  the  property  he  had  lost,  including  pay  for  lost  time  at 
$1,500  per  month!  Larkin's  Off.  Coiresp.,  MS.,  ii.  5-6.  In  June,  1840,  Lar- 
kin  also  writes  on  the  subject,  and  maintains  that  these  Cal.  claims  are  the 
strongest  that  can  be  brought  forward  against  Mexico.  Id.,  ii.  C4. 


INDEMNITY  FOR  EXILE.  41 

California,  among  both  natives  and  foreigners,  that 
Graham  did  get  a  large  sum.71  I  put  no  reliance  in 
the  tradition.  Many,  possibly  all,  of  the  twenty  who 
returned  received  a  sum  of  money  at  Tepic,  $250 
being  the  largest  amount  given  to  any  one  man.  Nine 
of  the  Englishmen  probably  received  a  small  additional 
sum,  and  there  is  a  possibility  that  four  or  five  Amer- 
icans in  later  years  may  have  disposed  of  their  claims 
at  a  low  figure.  If  each  of  those  adjudged  to  have 
been  illegally  exiled  could  have  received  $500  in  com- 
pensation for  his  losses,  it  would  have  been  a  better 
use  of  his  time  than  any  one  of  the  number  was  likely 
to  have  made  in  California.72 

71  Members  of  Graham's  family,  and  residents  of  Sta  Cruz  who  knew  him 
well,  say  that  G.  certainly  received  a  large  sum;  but  when  pressed  for  definite 
statements  of  date  and  circumstances,  they  are  silent.    Willey,  Centen.  KTcc.tch 
Sta  Cmz,  19,  also  in  Sta  Cruz  Co.  Hist.,  says  Graham  got  $30,000,  and  that 
Mr  Medcr  was  \vith  him  when  it  was  paid.     Meadows,  Graham  Affair,  MS., 
31,  tells  us  that  0  men  went  to  N.  Y.  and  recovered  $12,000  each,  giving  half 
to  their  lawyers,  so  Bowles,  who  was  one  of  them,  said!    Others  at  Sta  Cruz 
sold  their  claims,  for  how  much  he  does  not  know.     Graham  is  said  to  have 
got  $35,000  or  $36,000.     Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  ii.  152-3,  thinks  the 
exiles  got  $150,000.     Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  68-9,  puts  it  at  $250,000.    Others 
tell  us  that  Graham  lost  most  of  his  large  property ! 

72  In  a  letter  of  June  15,  1S46,  to  the  U.  S.  sec.  of  state,  Larkin  promises  a 
full  history  of  the  Graham  affair,  to  be  compiled  from  the  documents  in  his 
office,  the  next  summer;  but  I  have  found  no  such  history.  Larkin'a  Off. 
Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  59.     On  Feb.  10,  1846,  in  a  letter  to  Jas  Gordon  Bennett  of 
the  N.  Y.  Herald,  Larkin  briefly  describes  the  affair,  and  says,  '  I  have  read 
the  Sta  F6  history;  it  is  nothing  to  the  California  affair.'  Id.,  Doc.,  ii.  6. 
See  also  general  accounts  in  Ferry,  La  Cal.,  22-3;  Soule's  Annals  of  S.  F'co, 
83-4;  S.  F.  Cfd.  Star,  Feb.  26,  1847;  Hartmann,  Geog.  Californien,  i.  37-8. 


CHAPTER  II. 

MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 
1836-1840. 

CONDITION  OF  MISSIONS  IN  1836— SECULARIZATION — ACTS  OP  AUTHORITIES 
1836-8 — CHICO'S  POLICY — SECULARIZATION  OF  FIVE-  MISSIONS— NEW 
MISSIONS  PROPOSED — THE  REVOLUTION  AND  ITS  EFFECT — SPOLIATION — 
ALVARADO'S  EFFORTS  FOR  REFORM — REGLAMENTO  OF  1839 — HARTNELL 
AS  VISITADOR  GENERAL — REGLAMENTO  OF  1840 — DURAN'S  VIEWS — HART- 
NELL'S  SECOND  VISITA — RESIGNATION — MISSION  STATISTICS — PRESIDENT 
AND  PREFECT — ECCLESIASTICAL — GARCIA  DIEGO  AS  BISHOP — STIPENDS 
OF  FRIARS — Pious  FUND — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — TROUBLES  ON  THE  SAN 
DIEGO  FRONTIER — RANCHOS  PLUNDERED — SONOMA  FRONTIER — VALLEJO'S 
POLICY — FIGHTS  AND  TREATIES— SMALL-POX — SOUTH  OF  THE  BAY — 
HORSE-THIEVES— THE  CHAGUANOSOS — SEASONS  AND  EARTHQUAKES. 

BEFORE  the  beginning  of  1836  sixteen  of  the  twenty- 
one  missions  had  been  secularized  under  the  Mexican 
law  of  1833,  Figueroa's  reglamento  of  1834,  and  sup- 
plementary regulations  of  the  diputacion.1  For  each 
of  these  missions  the  governor  had  appointed  a  comi- 
sionado,  whose  duty  it  was  to  re-organize  them  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  new  system.  In  most  instances  the 
comisionados  had  completed  their  labors;  lands  had 
been  assigned  to  the  ex-neophytes,  who  had  also  re- 
ceived a  portion  of  other  mission  property ;  majordo- 
mos  were  in  charge  of  all  property  not  distributed,  for 
which  they  were  responsible  to  the  territorial  govern- 
ment; the  friars  were  serving  as  curates,  being  re- 
lieved of  the  temporal  management,  but  cooperating 
with  the  majordomos  in  supervising  the  labors  and 

1  On  mission  annals  for  1831-5,  see  chap,  xi.-xii.  of  vol.  iii. 

(42) 


SECULARIZATION.  43 

conduct  of  the  Indians,  who  were  not  yet  altogether 
free  from  control. 

Several  of  these  missions,  however,  seem  still  to 
have  been  in  charge  of  the  comisionados ;  and  in  others 
the  new  system  had  been  only  partially  introduced. 
In  few,  if  any,  was  the  secularization  provided  by  the 
reglamento  complete,  and  indeed,  it  was  not  designed 
to  be  immediately  complete.  Even  of  those  supposed 
to  be  in  the  same  stage  of  development  so  far  as  the 
appointment  of  majordomos,  making  of  inventories, 
assignment  of  lands,  distribution  of  property,  etc.,  were 
concerned,  no  two  establishments  were  in  exactly  the 
same  condition.  The  differences  resulted  from  the 
dispositions  of  friars,  majordomos,  and  Indians,  and 
the  resulting  mutual  relations.  In  some  places,  wrhere 
the  Indians  were  most  docile  and  industrious,  the  pa- 
dre energetic  and  popular,  and  the  majordomo  not  too 
much  of  a  politician  and  speculator,  there  was  practi- 
cally little  change  from  the  old  system;  but  in  other 
places,  where  the  three  elements  were  continually  at 
war,  the  old  methods  were  completely  revolutionized. 
Five  missions  were  still  under  the  friars'  control  as  of 
old.  All  were  declining  in  prosperity,  as  the  reader 
knows.  The  enforcement  of  the  reglamento  had  in 
some  instances  slightly  checked  the  decline,  and  in 
others  hastened  it;  but  on  the  whole,  secularization 
in  its  latest  phases  had  done  little  or  no  harm  at  the 
beginning  of  1836. 

The  general  policy  of  secularizing  the  missions  was 
a  wise  one,  entirely  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of 
Spanish  institutions  under  which  they  were  founded, 
and  rendered  an  absolute  necessity  by  the  growth  of 
republican  ideas  in  America.  The  change  by  which 
the  monastic  monopoly  was  to  be  broken  up  involved 
no  wrong  to  the  church,  the  Franciscan  order,  or  to 
the  Indians.  Figueroa's  regulations,  by  which  the 
policy  and  the  law  were  to  be  carried  into  effect,  were 
also  wisely  conceived  in  theory.  To  enforce  them 
wisely,  in  such  a  manner  as  to  wrong  no  interest  and 


44  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

avoid  the  evils  existing  as  well  as  those  likely  to  at- 
tend a  change,  required  certain  favorable  conditions. 
Such  were  the  employment  of  able  and  honest  admin- 
istrators, a  degree  of  intelligence  and  civilization  on 
the  part  of  the  neophytes,  the  hearty  cooperation  of 
the  missionaries,  a  strong  and  watchful  territorial  gov- 
ernment, a  healthful,  intelligent,  and  liberal  public 
spirit,  and  freedom  from  sectional  strife.  All  these 
conditions  being  more  or  less  wanting,  success  was  im- 
possible. Failure  was  a  foregone  conclusion;  and  it 
is  the  annals  of  that  failure  that  I  have  to  present  in 
this  chapter.  I  begin  with  a  record  of  what  was  done 
by  the  authorities  in  1836-8. 

We  have  seen  that  no  action  had  been  taken  in 
Mexico  on  Figueroa's  reglamento;  but  that  by  the 
decree  of  November  7,  1835,  it  had  been  ordered  that 
the  missions  be  kept  in  the  same  condition  as  before 
the  law  of  1833,  until  the  curates  mentioned  in  that 
law  should  take  possession.  This  virtually  nullified 
the  reglamento,  and  if  enforced  must  have  created 
much  confusion  without  leading  to  any  good  results; 
but  though  known  in  California  on  the  coming  of 
Chico,  and  unofficially  somewhat  earlier,2  no  attempt 
was  ever  made  to  carry  out  its  provisions.  Chico  in 
his  discourse  before  the  diputacion  alluded  to  the  or- 
der as  one  issued  by  congress,  of  which  he  had  been 
a  member,  with  the  best  intentions,  but  without  prac- 
tical knowledge  on  the  subject;  as  one  which  it  was 
impossible  to  carry  out  in  every  respect;  but  yet  one 

2  April  7, 1830,  Carles  Carrillo  to  Vallejo.  Mentions  the  decree  of  Nov. 
7th  as  having  been  sent  to  Pres.  Duran  by  the  bishop  of  Sonora.  Vuttrjo,  Doc., 
MS.,  iii.  185.  There  is  no  evidence  that  the  decree  was  ever  officially  pub- 
lished in  Cal.  It  seems,  however,  that  the  friars  expected  a  compliance  with 
the  decree,  since  on  May  7,  1831,  Vice-prefect  Moreno  to  the  Zacatccanos 
proposes  that  for  charity's  sake  they  should  make  the  sacrifice  of  taking  charge 
of  tho  temporalities  so  as  to  prevent  the  utter  ruin  of  the  missions  under  the 
mismanagement  of  the  comisionados  and  majordomos.  Arch.  Obisjiado,  MS., 
58-9.  Aug.  13,  1837,  Duran  to  dip.  Says  he  had  in  July  called  for  the  en- 
forcement of  the  decree  of  Nov.  7,  1835,  but  he  hears  the  dip.  has  resolved  to 
treat  other  matters  first.  Cannot  understand  that  anything  can  be  more  im- 
portant than  enforcing  the  laws,  or  why  thousands  of  Indians  should  suffer  to 
please  'four  interested  persons'  (?).  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  17. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  ACTS.  45 

which,  coming  from  the  government,  must  be  obeyed.3 
He  asked  advice,  but  if  any  was  given  it  is  not  of 
record.  Perhaps  it  occurred  to  governor  and  diputa- 
cion  as  a  plausible  plea  that  the  friars  were  serving 
practically  as  curates,  and  might  be  regarded  as  the 
curates  provided  for  by  the  law.  At  any  rate,  the 
decree  was  not  obeyed;  and  not  only  was  the  regla- 
mento  continued  in  force  in  the  sixteen  missions,  but 
its  provisions  were  soon  extended,  as  we  shall  see,  to 
the  other  five  establishments. 

On  May  25th  Chico  issued  an  edict  intended  to  pre- 
vent the  frequent  desertions  of  mission  Indians.4  In 
his  speech  of  the  27th  he  devoted  more  attention  to 
the  missions  than  to  any  other  topic,  and  in  their 
condition  he  found  nothing  to  encourage  a  hope  of 
their  escape  from  utter  ruin.  His  predictions,  found- 
ed on  the  character  and  actions  of  Indians,  majordo- 
mos,  and  padres,  were  accurate  enough;  though  his 
views  of  the  actual  condition  were  exaggerated.5  Be- 
fore he  had  occasion  to  develop  further  his  views  and 
policy,  he  was  called  to  the  south;  and  there  occurred 
a  controversy  with  the  friars  in  June  with  which  the 
reader  is  already  familiar.6  Chico  deemed  himself 
neglected  and  insulted  by  the  padres  Jimeno  at  Santa 
Ines,  and  was  subsequently  much  offended  at  Duran's 
refusal  to  cooperate  with  religious  service  in  the  swear- 
ing of  the  constitutional  bases  at  Santa  Bdrbara. 

One  of  Chico's  grounds  of  complaint  being  that  the 
padres  at  Santa  Inds  had  refused  to  aid  him  on  his 
journey  with  animals  and  other  supplies,  he  called 
upon  Duran  to  state  clearly  whether  he  recognized 
the  obligation  of  unsecularized  missions  to  furnish 
such  supplies.  Duran's  reply,  dated  June  15th,  was 
an  elaborate  and  able  argument,  to  the  effect  that  no 

8  Chico,  Dlscurso. .  .27  de  Mayo,  1836. 

*May  25,  1836,  Chico's  edict.  Circulated  in  south  in  June  and  July. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  .MS.,  ii.  52-4;  xi.  54;  Id.,  £.  Jose,  iv.  111-12;  Hayes1 
Hiss.  Bool;  i.  297. 

5  Chico,  Discurso.     See  also  chap.  x\\  of  vol.  iii. 

6  See  chap.  xv.  of  vol.  iii. 


46  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

such  obligation  existed;  that  all  the  aid  rendered  by 
the  missions  for  sixteen  years  past  had  been  lent  as  a 
matter  of  voluntary  courtesy;  that  the  government 
had  no  right  whatever  to  the  mission  property,  which 
belonged  to  the  neophytes,  and  could  be  taken  for  pub- 
lic uses  in  cases  of  extreme  necessity  only  as,  and  even 
less  easily  than,  other  private  property.  In  the  future 
as  in  the  past  the  padres  would  render  voluntarily 
such  aid  as  they  could  consistently  with  the  needs  of 
their  neophytes;  but  they  would  recognize  no  such 
duty  legally.  They  would  not  resume  the  manage- 
ment on  any  such  terms ;  and  if  it  were  proposed  to 
enforce  such  an  obligation,  it  would  be  best  to  secu- 
larize the  remaining  establishments  at  once.7 

In  reply,  Chico  declined  to  discuss  the  rights  of  un- 
secularized  missions;  but  announced  that  he  had  or- 
dered the  padres  of  Santa  In6s  and  San  Buenaventura 
to  surrender  the  property  of  their  respective  missions 
to  J.  M.  Ramirez  and  Cdrlos  Carrillo  as  comisionados. 
This  he  made  known  June  23d  to  the  junta,  explain- 
ing his  reasons,  and  declaring  it  impolitic  to  leave  the 
control  of  such  property  to  subjects  of  a  hostile  na- 
tion.8 The  junta  on  June  29th— 30th,  having  as  yet 
no  quarrel  with  Chico,  or  rather  not  unwilling  to  pro- 
voke one  between  Chico  and  the  friars,  approved  his 
action;9  and  the  secularization  of  the  two  southern 
missions  went  into  effect  immediately.  Chico  had  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  secularizing  San  Miguel  as 
soon  as  he  could  find  a  suitable  person  to  take  charge ; 
and  accordingly,  on  July  14th,  Ignacio  Coronel  was 
named  as  the  comisionado.10 


7  Duran,  Caria  al  Oobr  Chico,  en  que  niega  la  obligation  de  las  Mislones  de 
auxiliar  al  Gobierno,  15  de  Junio,  1836,  MS. 

8  June  23,  1836,  Chico  to  junta.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,MS.,  ii.  368- 
73;   Vallfjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  24. 

9 Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  23;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  384-6;  Va- 
llejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  30. 

10  Coronel,  Doc.,  MS. ,  189.  Sept.  30th,  P.  Moreno  to  Capt.  Guerra.  Says 
that  all  the  property  had  been  distributed  to  the  Indians,  except  a  little 
grain.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  4.  There  were  troubles  with  P.  Abella  about 
rendering  accounts.  Carrillo  (J.),  Doc.,  MS.,  37. 


SAN  JOSE  AND  SANTA  CLARA.  47 

Two  missions  only  were  now  left  in  their  original 
condition.  Chico,  by  reason  of  political  troubles,  was 
unable  to  proceed  with  the  work  of  secularization,  but 
that  work  was  undertaken  before  the  end  of  the  year. 
In  November  the  diputacion,  or  congress  of  Califor- 
nia, ordered  the  padre  at  San  Jose*  to  turn  over  the 
property  to  Jesus  Vallejo  as  comisionado,  and  the 
transfer  was  effected  in  December.11  The  order  in  the 
case  of  Santa  Clara,  the  last  mission  secularized,  was 
issued  by  Vallejo  as  comandante  general  December 
27th,  and  the  comisionado,  Jose  Ramon  Estrada,  did 
not  take  possession  probably  until  the  beginning  of 
1837.12  It  would  appear  that  most  of  the  men  put 
in  charge  of  missions  in  1836,  after  performing  their 
duties  as  comisionados,  became  majordomos,  and  thus 
retained  their  places.  The  term  'administrator'  is 
often  used  in  speaking  of  them  and  the  others;  but 
no  such  office  existed  before  1839. 

During  the  years  1837—8,  the  attention  of  the  au- 
thorities being  fully  occupied  with  political  affairs,  and 
with  the  struggle  to  keep  themselves  in  power,  there 
was  no  change  introduced  or  attempted  in  the  mission 
regulations.13  Cdrlos  Carrillo  had  no  distinctive  mis- 
sion policy  so  far  as  can  be  known ;  but  though  repre- 
senting southern  interests,  Don  Cdrlos  was  supported 
by  the  Zacatecanos  of  the  north — or  at  any  rate,  their 
prelate  recognized  him  as  governor;14  while  the  Fer- 
nandinos  of  the  south,  as  represented  by  President 
Duran,  favored  Alvarado's  cause.15  They  also  con- 

11  Nov.  29,  1836,  order  of  dip.  Arch.,  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  143-4;  xi.  114. 
Dec.  10th,  possession  taken.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  89.    Jan.  15,  1837,  in- 
ventory. Id.,  xxxii.  64;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  49-51. 

12  Dec.  27,  1836,  V.  to  Estrada,    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  45.     There  had 
perhaps  been  some  previous  action  by  the  dip. 

13  Feb.   15,  1837,  Alvarado,  in  a  circular  to  those  in  charge  of  missions, 
calls  for  careful  balance-sheets  and  inventories  for  a  general  settlement. 
Valltjn,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  37. 

14  Dec.  14,  1837,  P.  Moreno  to  the  padres.    He  also  says  there  is  a  prospect 
of  their  return  to  the  college,  since  the  question  of  ceding  Cal.  to  a  foreign 
power,  '  which  God  forbid,'  is  being  considered  in  Mexico.  Arch.  Obispado, 
MS.,  59. 

15  Alvarado  and  Vallejo,  in  their  histories,  claim  that  Duran  made  an  ear- 
nest but  unsuccessful  effort  to  obtain  from  the  governor,  in  reward  for  the 


43  MISSION  ANXALS  AXD  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

sented  to  take  the  long-delayed  oath  in  support  of  the 
constitution,  now  that  Spain  had  recognized  Mexican 
independence;  and  the  Zacatecans  were  also  willing  to 
take  the  oath,  being  Mexicans.16  There  is  some  evi- 
dence that  in  1838-9,  Vallejo  agitated  the  project  of 
founding  a  new  line  of  four  or  five  frontier  missions  in 
the  east  and  north,  particularly  one  at  Santa  Rosa; 
but  the  Zacatecan  friars,  who  were  requested  to  un- 
dertake the  work,  declined.17 

I  have  remarked  that  the  essential  conditions  for 
carrying  into  effect  wisely  the  reglamento  of  seculari- 
zation did  not  exist  in  California,  and  that  failure  was 
inevitable.  If  otherwise  there  had  been  a  possibility 
of  partial  success,  it  disappeared  with  the  outbreak  of 
Alvarado's  revolution  in  1836,  or  rather  with  the  sec- 
tional opposition  to  Alvarado's  rule  in  the  following 
years.  A  wise  and  honest  administration  of  the  mis- 
sion interests,  difficult  under  the  most  favorable  cir- 
cumstances, became  impossible  during  the  struggles 
of  rival  political  factions.  Since  1810  the  missions 
had  been  obliged  to  make  up  in  one  way  or  another 
the  large  deficiency  of  revenue  for  expenses  of  the  gov- 
ernment, civil  and  military;  and  of  course  they  had 
to  do  this  still,  now  that  a  large  portion  of  the  mission 
property  had  by  secularization  been  set  apart  as  a  pub- 
lic fund.  That  any  ruler  struggling  to  maintain  his 
power  should  not  have  drawn  on  that  fund  without 
limit  would  be  too  much  to  expect  of  political  human 
nature  in  any  country  or  any  age.  The  government 
had  rights  as  had  the  Indians;  but  as  usual  in  earlier 
and  later  times,  the  rights  of  the  natives  were  practi- 

friars'  support,  an  agreement  to  suspend  secularization,  and  restore  the  mis- 
sions to  their  former  condition. 

10  July  8,  1837,  Duran  to  Alvarado.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  96.  July 
25th,  Moreno  to  A.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  ptii.  18. 

17  Mar.  19,  1839,  P.  Quijas  to  V.  Will  undertake  a  mission  at  Sta  Rosa 
if  P.  Gonzalez  consents.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  325.  May  14th,  V.  to  Alva- 
rado, urging  importance  of  the  Sta  Rosa  mission.  Id.,  vi.  65;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  iv.  255.  General  account  of  the  proposition  to  found  missions  in  the 
Tulares,  San  Joaquin,  etc.  Vallfjo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  62-70;  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  151-3. 


PLUISTDER  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  49 

cally  disregarded.  The  demands  for  supplies  were  more 
frequent  and  larger  than  ever  before ;  and  the  produc- 
tiveness of  the  mission  estates  was  largely  diminished. 
In  ordinary  times  of  public  tranquillity,  it  would  have 
been  difficult  to  select  twenty-one  men  qualified  to  ad- 
minister honestly  and  judiciously  the  estates  under 
the  careful  supervision  of  higher  authorities.  Now 
not  only  there  could  be  no  such  supervision,  and  the 
majordomos  and  administrators  were,  like  other  classes, 
affected  by  the  prevalent  controversies;  but,  worse 
still,  these  positions,  the  only  ones  of  value  at  the  gov- 
ernor's disposal,  had  to  be  bestowed  as  rewards  for 
political  support,  with  slight  regard  for  the  fitness  of 
applicants  or  acts  of  incumbents.  Add  to  these  diffi- 
culties the  prevalent  demoralization  of  the  Indians  for 
several  preceding  years,  old  age  and  peculiar  tempera- 
ment of  the  friars  of  San  Fernando,  and  the  character 
of  the  Zacatecanos,  and  the  reader  might  easily  pre- 
dict the  result. 

All  happened  exactly  as  might  have  been  antici- 
pated. All  writers  and  witnesses,  both  Californian 
and  foreign,  who  mention  the  subject,  are  unanimous 
in  describing  Alvarado's  rule,  from  1836  to  1842,  as 
a  period  of  plunder  and  ruin  in  mission  history.  So 
uniform  is  their  testimony,  that  there  is  no  need  to 
cite  individual  expressions  of  opinion,  though  of  course 
there  is  no  lack  of  exaggeration  for  and  against  per- 
sonal friends  and  foes  of  the  writers  who  chanced  to 
take  some  part  in  secularization.13  The  methods  of 

18  Of  my  statements  in  manuscript  on  the  condition  of  the  missions,  I  cite 
the  following:  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  54-9,  84-5;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal., 
MS.,  iii.  103-4,  214;  iv.  5-7,  35,  54-61,  1GG-7,  191-3,  219-20;  Vcdlejo,  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  300-93;  iv.  14-25,  83-5;  Coronel,  CoscuTde  Gal.,  MS.,  34-5, 
21G,  224-5;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  80-3;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  59-61,  170-G,- 
Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  9-13,  147-8;  Vallejo  (J.  /.),  Remin.,  MS.,  40-1,  G2-3; 
Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  57-73;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  102-3,  118-20;  Botdlo, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  42;  Avila,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  23-5;  Gonzalez,  Experiencias, 
MS.,  36;  Julio  Cesar,  Cosas  de  Imlios,  MS.,  1-8;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  24-25; 
Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  164-8;  Marsh's  Letter,  MS.,  8-9;  Robinson's  Statement, 
MS.,  G-7.  The  following  foreigners  have  also  given  attention  to  the  deca- 
dence of  the  missions  at  this  time,  in  printed  works:  J/o/ras,  Exploration,  \. 
272,  297,  303,  321-2,  343,  347,  360,  390,  410-11,  420-1;  Petlt-Thouars,  Voy- 
age, ii.  80-108;  \7ilM  Narrative,  v.  179-93;  Belcher's  Voy.,  i.  117-18,  32G;. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  4 


50  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

mission  spoliation  at  this  period  were  substantially  as 
follows:  The  governor,  and  subordinate  officials  by 
his  authority,  used  the  cattle  and  grain  of  the  mis- 
sions as  freely  as  they  used  the  revenues  from  other 
sources.  If  the  government  contracted  a  debt  to  a 
trader,  the  governor  gave  in  payment  an  order  on  any 
mission  for  wheat,  tallow,  or  hides,  just  as  he  would 
draw  a  check  on  the  treasury.  The  majordomo,  be- 
ing an.  employe"  of  the  government,  obeyed  the  or- 
der as  a  rule  whenever  the  articles  called  for  existed 
at  his  mission.  There  were  occasional  refusals  and 
pleas  in  behalf  of  the  Indians,  but  of  course  these 
pleas  were  much  less  frequent  and  zealous  than  those 
of  the  friars  in  earlier  times.  How  far,  if  at  all,  be- 
yond the  limits  of  strictly  public  expenses  the  depart- 
mental authorities  went  in  their  drafts  upon  mission 
property,  it  is  hard  to  say.  The  most  extravagant 
and  sweeping  charges  are  made  of  a  deliberate  plun- 
der and  distribution  of  the  spoils  by  Alvarado  among 
his  friends;  but  no  proofs  are  presented,  the  charges 
have  always  been  denied  by  Alvarado  and  urged 
mainly  by  his  enemies,  and  they  are  probably  false. 
One  charge,  however,  is  supported  by  evidence  in  the 
archives  and  by  the  governor's  own  admission,  namely, 
that  of  having  authorized  loans  of  mission  cattle  to 
private  individuals,  on  the  condition  that  a  like  num- 
ber of  animals  should  be  returned  later.  Alvarado  had 
certainly  no  right  to  make  these  loans;  but  he  de- 
fends his  action  on  the  ground  that  he  had  no  other 
means  of  rewarding  men  for  patriotic  services  to  the 

La  Place,  Voyage,  vi.  193-4;  Robinson's  Life  in  Cat.,  167-8;  Capron's  Hist. 
Cat.,  32-6;  and.  others.  I  may  also  cite  here  as  appropriately  as  elsewhere 
the  following  works,'  which  touch  in  a  general  way  the  subject  of  seculariza- 
tion, giving  sketches  more  or  less  complete  of  the  successive  measures  adopted, 
with  something  of  results  and  theories.  Some  of  the  works  are  quoted  else- 
where as  authorities  on  certain  points;  the  rest  require  no  more  than  this  men- 
tion. Hall's  Hist.  S.  Jose,  430;  Hawes'  Missions  of  Cal.,  passim;  Glersori's 
Hist.  Cath.  Church,  i.  113-14;  ii.  117-35;  //aye*'  Leyal  Hist.  S.  Dicw'MS., 
i.  no.  56,  60;  Randolph's  Oration;  Forbes'  E'>st.  Cal.,  137-8;  Tut/Mi's  Hist. 
Cal.,  126;  Farnham's  Life  in  Cal.,  281-6;  Hesperian,  x.  57-8;  Frignet,  I^a 
Cal.,  54-6;  Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth,  16-17;  Marshall's  Christ.  Missions,  ii.  250- 
62;  California,  Past,  Present,  etc.,  60-1;  Ryan'' a  Judflcs  and  Grim.,  36-11; 
dlayliano's  St  Francis,  583-5;  Holinski,  Ln  Cal.,  178-80. 


EASCALITY  OF  ADMINISTRATORS.  61 

country,  often  involving  the  loss  of  their  own  property 
and  neglect  of  all  their  private  interests.  The  worst 
feature  of  these  transactions  was  that  in  nine  cases 
out  of  ten  the  loans  were  never  repaid  to  the  mis- 
sions. 

As  to  the  comisionados,  majordomos,  and  adminis- 
trators who  successively  managed  the  missions,  many 
were  simply  incompetent  and  stupid,  exhausting  their 
little  energy  and  ability  in  the  task  of  collecting  their 
salary,  filling  the  governor's  orders  so  long  as  the 
granaries  and  herds  held  out,  exercising  no  restraint 
or  influence  on  the  ex-neophytes,  and  allowing  the 
affairs  of  their  respective  establishments  to  drift — 
not,  as  may  be  imagined,  in  the  direction  of  general 
prosperity.  Others  were  vicious  as  well  as  incompe- 
tent, always  ready  to  sell  any  article  of  mission  prop- 
erty, not  only  live-stock,  but  kitchen  utensils,  farm 
implements,  tools  from  the  shops,  and  tiles  from  the 
roofs,  for  money  with  which  to  gratify  their  propen- 
sity for  gambling.  Still  others  were  dishonest  and 
able,  devoting  their  energies  to  laying  the  founda- 
tions of  future  wealth  for  themselves  and  friends,  op- 
pressing the  Indians,  quarrelling  with  such  padres, 
officials,  and  assistants  as  they  could  not  control  or 
deceive,  and  disposing  of  the  mission  wealth  without 
scruple,  for  their  own  interests.  Finally,  there  were, 
I  suppose,  some  honest,  faithful,  and  tolerably  effi- 
cient managers,  who  did  as  well  as  was  possible  under 
difficult  circumstances.  Every  narrator  names  a  few 
of  his  relations  or  friends  as  exceptions  to  the  general 
rule  of  rascality  and  incompetence;  and  thus  it  would 
be  easy  to  find  authority  of  this  kind  for  classing 
nearly  all  the  administrators  at  will  with  the  good  or 
bad.  It  is  wisest  not  to  attempt  any  classification, 
and  to  cite  no  individual  accusations  here;  though  I 
may  find  it  necessary  to  make  some  slight  use  of  such 
material  in  the  preparation  of  biographical  sketches. 

Of  the  padres,  a  few  accepted  the  new  situation 
and  made  the  best  of  it,  striving  to  reconcile  discord- 


52  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

ant  elements,  retaining  a  degree  of  influence  over 
the  Indians,  for  their  spiritual  and  temporal  welfare, 
and  ever  ready  to  aid  with  their  counsel  any  person 
hi<yh  or  low  in  station  who  would  listen.  Friars  of 
another  temperament,  soured  and  disappointed,  retired 
sullenly  to  the  habitations  assigned  them  by  law, 
avoided  all  controversy  and  intercourse  with  the 
world,  and  mechanically  performed  the  duties  of  -par- 
ish priests  for  all  who  made  application.  Others 
assumed  a  belligerent  attitude,  quarrelled  with  every- 
body, and  protested  against  everything  on  every  pos- 
sible occasion — too  often  with  ample  cause.  And 
there  were  doubtless  several  of  the  Zacatecanos  who 
looked  only  to  their  own  comfort,  and  made  them- 
selves heard  only  in  opposition  to  such  rascalities  as 
tended  to  interfere  with  their  selfish  pleasures.  Rarely 
was  a  padre  insulted  or  subjected  to  any  hardship, 
and  as  a  rule  they  were  as  comfortably  situated  as 
any  in  California,  being  highly  respected  and  most 
kindly  treated  by  all  classes.  Secularization  had  been 
no  wrong  to  them,  or  to  their  order,  or  to  their  church. 
Finally,  I  come  to  the  Indians — the  real  victims,  as 
they  always  have  been  in  their  contact  with  civilized 
peoples,  and  as  they  always  will  be,  until  religion, 
philanthropy,  common  sense,  justice,  honesty,  power, 
social  science,  and  a  variety  of  other  ingredients  more 
or  less  unknown  shall  in  some  community  have  been 
blended  in  proportions  and  conditions  hitherto  unheard 
of,  and  respecting  which  I  have  no  recipe  to  offer.  In 
some  instances  the  ex-neophytes,  or  a  majority  of  their 
number — from  force  of  habit,  inherent  stupidity,  or 
influence  of  the  padres — were  kept  together  and  at 
work  much  as  in  former  years.  Let  us  hope  that  the 
souls  of  the  living  and  of  those  that  were  dead  had 
been  saved  in  large  numbers;  but  in  no  respect  had 
the  mission  system  left  them  better  qualified  to  per- 
form the  duties  of  citizenship  than  in  17G9.  Those  to 
whom  property  was  distributed,  as  a  rule  made  no 
good  use  of  it.  The  cattle  required  care;  the  tools 


CONDITION  OF  THE  NEOPHYTES.  S3 

implied  work;  and  it  was  generally  deemed  best  to 
convert  all  as  rapidly  as  possible  into  liquor,  steal  cat- 
tle and  various  articles  as  needed,  and  when  all  was 
gone,  and  the  vigilance  of  local  alcaldes  interfered  with 
the  pleasures  of  a  vagabond  life  about  the  towns,  to 
decide  between  a  return  to  mission  labor  or  flight  to 
join  the  gentiles.  Pilfering  and  drunkenness  increased 
rapidly,  as  did  the  ravages  of  syphilitic  disease,  and 
relapse  to  barbarism.  At  the  missions  but  little  at- 
tention was  paid  to  the  welfare  of  the  ex-neophytes, 
who  were  practically  regarded  as  slaves,  and  often 
most  cruelly  treated.  The  large  numbers  hired  out 
to  rancheros  and  town  people  as  servants  were  per- 
haps more  comfortably  situated  than  any  of  the  rest. 
Yet  such  was  the  inherent  stupidity  of  the  native 
Californian  character  that  no  great  revolts  or  outrages 
have  to  be  chronicled.  Thousands  toiled  patiently  on 
year  after  year,  and  the  evidence  is  but  slight  that 
any  great  number  realized  that  their  lot  was  a  hard 
one. 

Besides  the  testimony  of  writers,  native  and  for- 
eign, respecting  the  condition  of  the  missions  in  1836— 
9,  as  represented  in  the  preceding  paragraphs,  I  might 
cite  a  large  number  of  items  more  or  less  confirmatory 
from  the  archives — contemporary  orders,  complaints, 
accusations,  and  correspondence  of  departmental  offi- 
cials, administrators,  alcaldes,  padres,  and  even  neo- 
phytes; but  for  such  items,  and  for  some  fragmentary 
statistics  that  might  serve  a  similar  purpose,  to  avoid 
needless  repetition,  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  chapters 
on  local  annals  of  the  missions  for  this  period,  append- 
ing here  only  a  few  notes  of  a  general  rather  than  a 
local  nature.19 

19 1836,  representation  signed  '  Cuatro  Yncligenas,'  in  which  the  friars  are 
chided  for  giving  up  the  mission  property,  and  urged  to  defend  the  rights  of 
their  wards.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  ix.  215-20.  Jan.  8th,  P.  Moreno  to  Castro. 
Cannot  understand  why  officers  coming  from  Mexico,  where  all  have  to  pay 
'  their  way,  should  want  everything  free  in  Cal.,  and  treat  the  Ind.  as  slaves. 
St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  7.  March  24th,  PP.  Duran  and  Jimeno  to  gov. 
Protest  that  they  have  no  wish  to  interfere  in  mission  govt.  Id. ,  x.  7.  March 
28th,  Francisco  M.  Alvarado  argues  that  Ind.  cannot  be  controlled  except  by 


54  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

The  responsibility  and  blame  for  the  spoliation  of 
the  missions  during  this  period  must  of  course  be 
borne  to  a  certain  extent  by  Alvarado  and  his  asso- 
ciates in  power,  though  the  statement,  more  or  less 
current  since,  that  the  missions  were  plundered  by 
Alvarado,  Vallejo,  Castro,  and  their  party,  must  be 
accepted  with  much  allowance.  Not  only  is  it  not  in 
proof  that  the  leaders  profited  personally  by  the  spo- 
liation, but  the  inherent  dangers  of  secularization, 
and  the  political  difficulties  which  surrounded  those 
leaders,  must  be  considered.  Had  Mexican  rulers 
continued  in  power,  or  had  Alvarado's  Californian 
rivals  triumphed  over  him,  there  is  no  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  mission  affairs  would  have  been  in  any  re- 
spect better  managed.  The  disastrous  result  was  due 
more  to  circumstances  beyond  the  control  of  the  gov- 
ernor than  to  any  lack  of  wisdom  or  honesty  on  his 
part.  Moreover,  I  have  yet  to  record  some  earnest 
if  not  very  successful  efforts  by  Alvarado  to  check  the 
torrent  of  disaster. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  1839,  Alvarado  issued  a 
new  series  of  regulations  for  mission  management,  not 

flogging;  that  masters  have  to  use  the  same  methods  as  administrators;  and 
that  he  ought  not  to  have  to  pay  the  fine  of  $75  imposed  ou  him  for  whipping 
his  Ind.  servant.  Hayes'  Mission  Book,  339.  April  16th,  Pio  Pico  claims  that 
the  missions  are  in  good  condition,  except  that  the  Ind.  have  become  bad  and 
will  not  work.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  192.  July  1st,  Pico  still  protests 
against  the  current  calumnies  on  the  management  of  missions.  St.  Pap. ,  Miss. , 
MS. ,  xi.  54-5.  July  4th,  Alvarado  declares  the  friars  still  long  for  temporal 
power.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  218.  1837,  March  9th,  Alvarado  speaks  of 
the  missions  as  stores  of  supplies  which  the  govt.  may  use  to  buy  vessels,  and 
other  purposes.  Id.,  iv.  212.  March  12th,  Curios  Carrillo  to  Vallejo.  The 
gov.  beset  with  petitions  for  administrators'  positions.  To  grant  all,  the 
missions  would  have  to  be  extended  to  Cape  Horn.  Id.,  iv.  214.  June  26th, 
Vallejo  makes  a  rule  that  rancheros  must  pay  half  their  Ind.  laborers'  wages, 
§2  per  month,  to  the  missions.  Id.,  iv.  258.  1838,  Feb.  19th,  young  Ind. 
distributed  among  private  individuals  by  authority  of  Carrillo  as  gov.  Hop- 
kins' Translation*,  8.  May  1st,  Vallejo  writes,  '  I  believe  in  order  to  get  rid 
of  the  rascally  administrators  the  missions  will  be  given  back  to  the  friars; 
and  then  that  ' '  ronda  do  cabrones  "  may  go  and  rob  the  devil. '  Vallejo,  Doc. , 
MS.,  xxxii.  131.  June,  the  administrators  should  be  made  to  render  accounts 
and  pay  their  debts.  They  do  nothing  but  rob.  Id.,  xiv.  24.  Sept.  19th, 
Ah'arado  has  ordered  that  half  the  means  of  the  3  northern  missions  be  put  at 
Va'.lejo's  disposal  for  the  relief  of  the  army.  Id.,  v.  177.  May  11,  1839,  Va- 
llejo to  Virmond.  Some  missions  have  suffered,  others  advanced.  The  friars 
aim  to  get  back  all  they  had  in  1S20;  but  their  pretensions  will  not  be  listened 
to.  Id.,  vii.  GO. 


ALVARADO'S  REGLAMENTO.  55 

modifying  essentially  Figueroa's  reglamento,  but  sup- 
plementary, and  designed  to  secure  a  faithful  perform- 
ance of  duty  by  the  administrators,  so  called  in  the 
document,20  of  which  I  append  the  substance  in  a  note.21 
It  was  little  more  than  a  restriction  of  powers  wrhich 
the  administrators  had  assumed,  and  a  requirement 
that  strict  accounts  be  rendered  of  mission  manage- 
ment in  all  that  affected  the  disposition  of  property. 
To  obtain  these  accounts  for  past  years  was  a  hopeless 
task,  notwithstanding  the  governor's  orders ;  but  there 
was  certainly  room  for  reform  in  the  present  and  future. 
For  the  position  of  visitador  cle  misiones,  or  in- 
spector, provided  for  in  the  reglamento  for  its  own 
proper  enforcement,  Alvarado  made  a  very  good  selec- 

20 1  know  of  no  legal  authority  for  the  use  of  the  terra,  unless  its  use  in 
this  document  may  be  considered  such.  In  Figueroa's  reglamento  comision- 
ados  and  majordomos  only  are  provided  for,  and  there  was  no  subsequent  law. 
It  had  become  customary,  however,  to  speak  of  the  majordomos  as  adminis- 
trators in  private,  and  more  rarely  in  official,  correspondence;  and  now  Al- 
varado's  use  of  the  term  gave  it  a  sort  of  legality. 

21  Alvarado,  Reglamento  Provisional  para  Administradores  de  Misiones,  17 
de  Enero,  1839,  MS.,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  v.  52-5;  Id.,  Mont.,  iii. 
69-75;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  x.  205-12;  translation  in  Halleclc's  Report,  155-6: 
Dwindle1  s  Col.  Hist.,  add.,  55-6.  In  the  preamble  the  gov.  speaks  of  the 
'pitiful  state'  of  the  mission  estates  since  the  so-called  secularization,  on 
account  of  the  unlimited  powers  of  the  administrators  and  their  ignorance  of 
their  true  relations  to  the  govt.  Art.  1-3.  All  who  are  or  have  been  adminis- 
trators must  present  their  accounts  to  the  govt.  at  once,  down  to  end  of 
1838.  Art.  4.  Admin,  are  to  render  also  a  detailed  account  of  the  debts  and 
credits  of  each  mission.  Art.  5-7.  They  shall  not,  without  the  order  of  the 
govt,  contract  or  pay  any  debts,  or  slaughter  any  cattle  beyond  what  is 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Indians  and  ordinary  consumption  of 
the  house.  Art.  8.  The  traffic  of  mules  and  horses  for  woollen  stuffs  now 
practised  (the  New  Mexican  trade)  is  absolutely  prohibited;  and  instead,  the 
looms  must  be  started.  Art.  9.  A  monthly  report  must  be  rendered  of  all 
produce  stored  or  distributed.  Art.  10.  Admin,  must  build  during  this 
year,  at  cost  of  the  establishment,  dwellings  for  themselves  so  as  to  vacate 
their  present  quarters.  Art.  11.  No  gente  de  razon  must  be  allowed  to  set- 
tle at  estab.  where  the  Ind.  remain  in  community.  Art.  12.  A  classified 
census  of  all  inhab.  to  be  formed  at  an  early  date.  Art.  13.  S.  Carlos,  S. 
Juan  Bautista,  and  Sonoma  are  not  included  in  the  provisions  of  this  regula- 
tion, except  that  accounts  of  past  management  must  be  rendered.  Art.  14. 
An  account  of  all  salaries  paid  to  employes  or  padres  must  be  rendered;  and 
salaries  must  not  be  paid  in  live-stock.  Art.  15.  Admin,  to  obey  strictly  and 
send  the  required  information  within  a  month.  Art.  16.  The  govt.  will  issue 
further  regulations  on  police,  etc.,  as  needed.  Art.  17.  The  govt.  will  ap- 
point a  visitador,  with  a  salary  to  be  paid  from  the  estates,  to  superintend 
the.  carrying-out  of  this  regulation.  Jan.  28th,  A.  complains  to  Vallejo  that 
certain  military  officers,  who  had  been  administrators,  showed  no  signs  of 
complying  with  the  reglamento  by  rendering  accounts.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS. 
vi.  173. 


56  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

tion  in  the  person  of  W.  E.  P.  Hartnell,  an  old  Eng- 
lish resident  and  naturalized  citizen.  He  had  been  at 
first  a  merchant  and  la,ter  a  teacher;  and  though  now 
in  reduced  circumstances,  was  an  intelligent,  popular 
man,  with  a  good  reputation  for  honesty,  which  he 
maintained  during  the  two  years  that  he  held  this 
office.  Hartnell  was  appointed  January  19th;  and 
his  salary  of  $2,000,  to  be  paid  pro  rata  by  fifteen  mis- 
sions according  to  their  wealth,  was  to  run  from  the 
25th.22  By  his  instructions  issued  on  April  24th,  he 
was  required  to  make  a  tour  of  inspection,  and  besides 
being  authorized  to  systematize  the  mission  adminis- 
tration in  a  general  way,  according  to  the  reglamento, 
he  was  empowered  to  hear  complaints  and  to  intro- 
duce minor  reforms  according  to  his  judgment.23 
The  new  reglamento,  the  instructions,  and  the  choice 

22 Jan.  19,  1839,  appointment.  Dept.  Pec.,  MS.,  x.  2,  8,  11;  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  vii.  19;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  474.  The  assignment  of  the  sal- 
ary, showing  the  relative  wealth  of  the  different  establishments,  was  as  fol- 
lows: S.  Buenaventura,  Sta  Barbara,  Purisima,  S.  Luis  Obispo,  S.  Miguel,  S. 
Antonio,  and  S.  Rafael,  $50  each;  S.  Francisco,  $75;  S.  Luis  Rey  and  S.  Ga- 
briel, $150;  S.  Fernando  and  Sonoma,  $200;  Sta  In<5s  and  Sta  Clara,  $250; 
and  S.  Jose",  $300.  Of  course,  however,  past  burdens  were  taken  also  into 
consideration,  as  well  as  wealth.  Mrs  Hartnell,  Narrativa,  MS.,  3-4,  tells 
us  that  her  husband  accepted  the  place  chiefly  to  please  Alvarado,  since  it 
involved  much  annoyance  and  little  profit.  Alvarado,  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
144-5,  speaks  of  the  opposition  to  Hartnell  from  administrators,  Zacatecan 
padres,  military  officials,  and  rancheros,  rendering  his  position  no  sinecure. 
March  9th,  Hartnell's  appointment  announced  to  admin.,  with  orders  to 
recognize  his  authority.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  295. 

23  Alvarado,  Instrucciones  que  deberd  observar  el  Sr  Visitador  D.  Guillermo 
E.  Hartnell  en  la  inspection  de  los  Establecimientos  de  las  mitiones  de  la  Alta 
California,  %4  de  Abril,  1839,  MS. ;  Halleck's  Report,  156-7;  Hayes1  L<>g<tl H'/st. 
S.  Diego,  i.  57,  p.  17-19.  His  duties  were  in  substance  as  follows:  Art.  1.  To 
methodize  the  matter  of  accounts  and  reports,  instructing  the  admin.  Art. 
2.  To  make  an  inventory  of  property  at  each  mission.  Art.  3.  To  have  an 
assistant  at  a  reasonable  compensation.  Art.  4.  To  show  the  laws  to  each 
admin,  and  explain  the  object  of  his  visit,  so  as  to  avoid  pretexts  for  not 
obeying.  Art.  5.  To  remedy  actual  and  urgent  needs  i-eported  by  admin., 
using  mission  produce  for  that  purpose.  Art.  6.  To  decide  respecting  com- 
plaints of  padres  and  employes  against  admin.,  and  to  promote  harmony  be- 
tween all  classes.  Art.  7.  To  enjoin  upon  admin,  all  possible  economy  so  as 
to  promote  the  increase  of  the  estates.  Art.  8.  To  regulate  the  weekly  and 
annual  slaughter  of  cattle  in  such  a  manner  that  the  live-stock  may  not  de- 
crease. Art.  9.  To  recommend  to  the  admin,  to  treat  the  Ind.  kindly,  inflict 
but  moderate  punishments,  and  see  that  they  attend  faithfully  to  their  reli- 
gious duties.  Art.  10.  To  report  to  the  govt  any  failure  of  the  admin,  to 
perform  their  duties,  and  even  to  suspend  them  temporarily  from  office  if 
necessary.  Art.  11.  To  be  diligent,  to  collect  all  kinds  of  information,  and 
to  make  suggestions  for  the  formation  of  police  regulations. 


HARTNELL'S  TOUR.  57 

of  a  visitador  all  seem  to  have  been  wisely  planned, 
even  if  the  reader  may  decide  in  advance  that  these 
measures  were  not  likely  to  reform  all  existing  abuses. 
President  Duran  approved  them,  though  in  a  tone  sug- 
gestive of  doubts  respecting  success.24  In  May  the 
visitador  went  south  to  begin  his  tour  of  inspection. 
Thence  proceeding  northward,  he  visited  one  after 
another  every  mission  from  San  Diego  to  Sonoma, 
though  in  several  of  them,  as  we  have  seen,  he  was  not 
authorized  to  interfere  officially.  His  original  diaries 
and  blotters  of  correspondence  for  this  tour  and  another 
made  the  next  year  are  in  my  possession — a  most  val- 
uable historical  record,  contributed  to  my  collection  by 
Dona  Maria  Teresa  de  la  Guerra  de  Hartnell,  widow 
of  the  writer.25  By  the  end  of  June  the  inspection 
had  been  completed  as  far  north  as  San  Buenaventura ; 
in  July  the  missions  from  Santa  Barbara  to  San  Luis 
Obispo  were  inspected;  August  saw  the  work  done  at 
San  Jose',  and  the  promulgation  of  an  order  forbidding 
the  hiring-out  of  Indians  away  from  the  community, 
except  with  special  license  from  the  government;23 

24  May  13,  1839,  Duran  to  Alvarado,  thanking  him  for  the  instructions 
to  Hartnell.     Of  late  has  heard  few  complaints  against  the  admin.,  which  fact 
leads  him  to  suppose  the  Ind.  to  be  very  long-suffering  or  the  admin,  very  con- 
siderate.    Regrets  that  H.  was  not  definitely  instructed  to  insist  on  the  pa- 
dre's power  of  coercion  over  the  Ind.  in  the  matter  of  prayers  and  other  re- 
ligious obligations.     Some  admin,  had  gone  so  far  as  to  threaten  to  remove 
the  clappers  from  the  bells  to  prevent  summoning  the  Ind.  to  recite  the  rosario. 
Arch.,  Misiones,  MS.,  ii.  881. 

25  llartnell,  Diario  y  Borradores  de  las  dos  visitas  que  en  1839-40  hizo  el  Vis- 
itador Gen.  de  Misiones  en  Alta  California,  MS.,  100  p.     This  manuscript, 
which  unfortunately  is  not  quite  complete,  contains  a  daily  journal  or  diary 
of  the  two  visitas;  blotters  of  letters  addressed  by  H.  to  other  persons  in  his 
official  capacity;  indices  of  commun.  received,  with  mention  of  their  purport; 
and  the  general  report  of  the  first  tour  in  1839.     A  few  leaves  are  missing  in 
each  of  the  4  parts;  but  the  losses  are  so  scattered  as  not  to  impair  greatly  the 
historical  value  of  the  record.     Besides  these  documents,  there  is  much  cor- 
respondence respecting  H.'s  tours  scattered  in  different  archives,  particularly 
in  Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  torn.  ii. ;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  torn,  vii.-xi. ;  and 
Pico,  Pap.  de  Miss. ,  MS.     More  particular  references  may  be  found  in  local 
aunals  given  in  later  chapters. 

26 Aug.  22,  1839,  Acting  Gov.  Jimeno  to  H.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  62. 
This  is  a  copy,  and  possibly  a  forgery.  J.  J.  Vallejo  on  Sept.  4th,  however, 
seems  to  allude  to  a  circular,  forbidding  the  admin,  to  use  the  Indians  for 
their  own  work.  Id.,  viii.  77.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  12G-7,  mentions 
as  the  reason  for  issuing  the  order  that  an  old  Indian  of  S.  Juan  Capistrano, 
let  out  to  a  ranchero,  stole  a  horse  and  came  to  Monterey  to  complain  of  ill 


58  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

September  sufficed  to  conclude  the  visita;  and  by  Octo- 
ber 12th  Hartnell's  report  was  completed,  though  at  his 
office  in  Monterey  he  continued  to  attend  to  the  duties 
of  his  position  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  The  records 
of  this  inspection,  to  which  I  have  already  alluded, 
though  voluminous,  are  almost  exclusively  devoted  to 
local  matters,  none  of  them  of  sufficient  importance  to 
require  attention  here.  Hartnell's  observations,  in  the 
aggregate,  tend  to  confirm  in  most  respects,  and  to  re- 
fute in  none,  the  conclusions  expressed  earlier  in  this 
chapter.  Everywhere  complaints  were  heard,  which 
in  most  instances  proved  well  founded.  There  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  much  good  was  effected,  though 
it  is  to  be  feared  that  the  reforms  introduced  were 
not  very  thorough  or  permanent,  to  say  nothing  of 
the  fact  that  they  were  for  the  most  part  but  a  put- 
ting-up  of  the  bars  after  the  cattle  had  escaped.  At 
most  establishments  Don  Guillermo  left  the  discordant 
elements  temporarily  somewhat  more  tranquil  than 
before;  but  he  was  an  easy-going  man,  not  disposed 
to  quarrel  when  controversy  could  be  avoided.  In  his 
report  he  simply  presented  the  state  of  affairs  at  each 
mission;  but  made  no  general  suggestions  for  reform. 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  a  little  later  to  his  sta- 
tistics.27 

In  consequence  doubtless  of  Hartnell's  reports, 
written  and  verbal,  Alvarado,  on  March  1,  1840,  is- 
sued a  new  reglainento  for  mission  management,  by 
virtue  of  which  the  administrators  were  replaced  by 
majordomos  at  reduced  salaries.  Additional  restric- 
tions were  placed  upon  their  actions;  the  authority 

treatment,  and  to  ask  either  to  be  shot  or  to  be  released  from  his  service — he 
did  not  care  which. 

27  On  June  24, 1839,  H.  made  a  special  report  on  the  missions  from  S.  Diego 
to  S.  Fernando.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  23-30.  Probably  other  partial  re- 

Eorts  were  also  made.  There  arc  also  extant  several  sets  of  instructions  given 
yhim  to  administrators.  Id.,  vii.  40-2;  viii.  31-2,  17-20;  x.  13-14.  They 
are  chiefly  of  a  local  nature,  when  not  in  direct  fulfilment  of  the  reglamento; 
but  articles  were  generally  added  requiring  kind  treatment  of  the  Ind.,  and 
fully  maintaining  the  padres'  power  to  insist  on  a  strict  performance  of  re- 
ligious duties.  Statements  of  the  debts  of  different  missions  in  1839-40,  in 
Pico,  Pap,  de  Miss.,  MS.,  47-51;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  274;  xxxiii.  12. 


NEW  REGULATIONS.  59 

of  the  friars  was  increased  in  some  respects,  and  the 
visitador  was  continued  in  office  with  a  larger  salary 
and  augmented  powers.  As  of  the  earlier  regula- 
tions, I  give  its  substance  in  a  note.28  Before  this 

28  Aharado,  Reglamento  de  Ex-Misiones,  1°  de  Marzo,  1840.  Printed  doc- 
ument on  one  large  sheet,  with  rubric  signatures,  in  Earliest  Printing;  origi- 
nal MS.  in  Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  30;  translation  in  Halleck's  JReport, 
157-60;  Dwinelle's  Col.  Hist.,  add.,  57-00.  It  was  issued  as  a  bando  with- 
out any  title.  Experience  having  shown  great  losses  and  abuses  in  the 
missions;  the  reglamento  of  1839  not  having  sufficed  to  reform  the  evils,  on 
account  especially  of  excessive  salaries;  and  it  being  desirable  to  promote 
economy  and  a  strict  administration  until  the  supreme  govt  may  decide  what 
is  best — the  following  is  published: 

Art.  1-3.  Majordomos  to  take  the  place  of  admin,  at  salaries  from  $180 
to  $600  at  different  missions  (specified),  though  the  former  admin,  may  be 
selected  for  the  new  positions.  Art.  4.  The  office  of  visitador  to  continue, 
with  a  salary  of  $3,000. 

Duties  of  majordomos.  Art.  5.  To  watch  over  the  advancement  of  prop- 
erty, consulting  the  padres  in  difficult  cases.  Art.  6.  To  make  the  Indians 
work  for  the  community,  and  chastise  them  moderately  for  faults.  Art.  7.  To 
enforce  morality  and  attendance  on  religious  duties  among  the  Ind.,  the  padres 
intervening  as  provided  by  the  visitador's  instructions.  Art.  8-9.  To  render 
to  the  vis.  a  monthly  account  of  produce  stored,  and  a  yearly  one  of  all  prod- 
ucts and  cattle  branded,  said  reports  to  be  certified  by  the  padres.  Art.  10. 
To  see  that  the  padres  lack  nothing  needed  for  their  personal  subsistence  and 
service.  Art.  11-12.  To  provide  every  assistance,  and  show  every  attention  to 
the  prelates  on  their  visits  or  at  their  fixed  residence.  Art.  13.  To  furnish  the 
friars  all  necessary  aid  for  worship,  but  to  invest  no  considerable  sum  for  this 
purpose  without  permission  from  the  govt.  Art.  14.  To  attend  to  the  proper 
distribution  of  goods  among  the  Ind.,  the  padres  approving  the  lists.  Art. 
1 5.  To  obey  all  orders  and  pay  all  drafts  coming  from  the  govt  through  the 
visitador's  office.  Art.  16.  To  furnish  every  three  months  a  list  of  articles 
most  needed.  Art.  17.  To  furnish  transportation  and  food  to  persons  travel- 
ling on  public  service,  and  also  aid  demanded  by  comandantes  of  stations, 
sending  a  monthly  account  to  the  vis. ,  that  he  may  recover  the  amount  from 
the  comisarfa.  Art.  18.  To  aid  private  travellers,  charging  for  food  and 
horses  according  to  their  means.  Art.  19.  To  enforce  morality  among  ser- 
vants and  others  residing  or  visiting  at  the  missions;  and  in  urgent  cases  to 
adopt  such  measures  as  are  best  adapted  to  preserve  order.  Art.  20.  To  use 
mission  produce  for  the  support  of  themselves  and  families  without  cost. 
Art.  21.  To  employ  such  servants  as  may  be  necessary  for  community  work, 
but  only  natives  of  the  establishment.  Art.  22.  To  ask  only  for  a  clerk  to 
carry  on  correspondence  with  the  vis.  Art.  23.  To  obtain  from  the  govt, 
after  a  year  of  good  conduct,  etc.,  permission  to  employ  such  Ind.  as  may 
be  willing  on  their  own  private  work.  Art.  24.  To  make  no  sale  or  pur- 
chase, and  to  dispose  of  no  Ind.  for  the  service  of  private  persons,  without 
special  authority;  and  to  slaughter  no  cattle  except  regularly  as  ordered  by 
the  vis. 

Duties  of  the  visitador.  Art.  25.  To  make  all  kinds  of  mercantile  con- 
tracts for  the  benefit  of  the  missions.  Art.  26.  To  supply  to  those  cstab. 
needed  articles,  according  to  the  majordomos'  lists  and  the  property  on  hand. 
Art.  27.  To  draw  bills  in  payment  of  debts.  Art.  28.  To  be  the  medium  of 
communication  between  the  govt  and  all  persons  in  matters  relating  to  mis- 
sions. Art.  29.  To  pay  salaries  of  employe's,  watch  over  their  performance 
of  duties,  and  acting  in  concert  with  the  padres  to  propose  the  men  best 
fitted  for  majordomos.  Art.  30.  To  determine  the  number  of  cattle  to  bo 
killed  in  the  weekly,  annual,  and  extra  slaughters  at  each  mission.  Art.  31. 


60  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

document  was  published  it  seems  to  have  been  sub- 
mitted to  the  missionary  presidents  for  approval  or 
criticism,  and  was  probably  changed  slightly  in  some 
respects  to  suit  the  friars.  At  any  rate,  Padre  Duran 
expressed  his  views,  and  those  not  very  favorable,  on 
the  subject  in  a  letter  of  January  7th  to  Hartnell. 
Alluding  to  the  purely  financial  phases  of  the  matter, 
he  admitted  that  the  reglamento  would  "  close  the 
doors  to  fraud  and  robbery,  but  also  to  all  improve- 
ment; that  the  doctor  was  prevented  from  killing 
the  patient,  but  had  no  power  to  cure  him."  He 
thought  a  trade  for  the  benefit  of  a  mission  ought 
not  to  be  delayed  by  reference  to  a  visitador  hundreds 
of  miles  away;  and  he  complained  that  under  the 
new  rules — changed  apparently  in  this  respect — a 
padre  could  obtain  nothing  except  articles  produced 
by  the  mission  or  other  articles  purchased  with  the 
little  left  of  the  sinodo  from  the  pious  fund  "after  it 
had  been  passed  through  successive  sieves  by  the  dis- 
interested hands  of  the  traders."  Yet  he  and  his 
friars  would  submit  until  the  coming  of  a  bishop 
should  allow  them  to  leave  "these  California!!  laby- 
rinths."29 


To  form  a  regulation  for  his  office,  and  propose  such  assistants  as  he  deemed 
necessary. 

General  orders.  Art.  32.  Merchants  and  others  having  claims  against 
the  missions  must  present  them  with  the  proper  vouchers  to  the  vis.,  that 
the  govt  may  determine  what  is  best  and  possible  in  the  way  of  settlement. 
Art.  33.  As  to  S.  Carlos,  S.  Juan  Bautista,  Sta  Cruz,  Soledad,  and  Solano, 
the  govt  will  continue  to  regulate  them  according  to  circumstances.  Art. 
34.  All  employees  and  judges  are  free  to  report  abuses  to  the  govt.  Art.  35. 
The  govt,  having  consulted  the  padres,  will  regulate  all  that  relates  to  the 
support  of  worship  and  of  the  friars,  either  assigning  a  fixed  sum  for  both 
purposes,  or  making  such  other  arrangement  as  may  be  best.  Art.  36.  All 
previous  regulations  and  orders  contrary  to  this  are  anulled;  and  in  cases  of 
doubt  the  govt  will  decide.  Art.  37.  In  default  or  temporary  absence  of  a 
majordomo,  the  padre  will  take  charge  ad  interim. 

••^  Jan.  7,  1840,  Duran  to  Hartnell.  Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  997-1000.  Feb. 
15th,  he  writes  again,  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  majordomos  should  not 
be  the  creatures  of  the  padres,  declaring  his  purpose  to  limit  the  powers  of 
his  friars,  especially  2  or  3  of  them,  as  closely  as  the  govt  had  that  of  the 
majordomos,  regretting  that  the  northern  padres  had  manifested  opposition, 
r.nd  asking  that  the  aid  due  to  a  prelate  on  his  visits  should  be  definitely  ex- 
pressed, fd.,  ii.  1017.  March  5th,  he  opposes  any  setting-apart  of  estates  for 
the  support  of  the  ministry,  as  it  would  lead  to  troubles.  Food  and  means  cf 
travel,  with  the  $400  allowed  by  Mexico,  will  suffice.  Id.,  ii.  993.  March 


THE  VISITADOK'S  SECOND  TOUE.  61 

In  March  Alvarado  issued  an  order  to  administra- 
tors to  turn  over  their  missions  to  the  visitador,  and  a 
set  of  instructions  to  that  officer  for  his  second  annual 
visita,  which  was  to  begin  immediately  at  Mission  San 
Jose.30  The  inspection  of  the  northern  establishments, 
possibly  down  to  Santa  Ines,31  and  the  operation  of 
setting  the  new  machinery  in  motion  there  was  com- 
pleted before  the  end  of  June;  but  we  have  no  details 
except  of  Hartnell's  troubles  at  San  Rafael  in  A.pril, 
leading  to  his  arrest  by  Vallejo,  who  succeeded  in 
preventing  the  exercise  of  the  visitador's  authority  at 
that  mission.32  Early  in  July  he  was  in  the  far  south 
at  San  Luis  Hey,  where  he  had  no  end  of  trouble  with 
Pio  Pico  and  others,  and  where  the  transfer  to  the 
majordomo  was  not  effected  until  August.  Similar 
annoyances  at  other  missions  so  disgusted  him  that 
finally,  on  September  7th,  from  Santa  Barbara,  he  sent 
in  his  resignation,  which  was  accepted  after  his  arri- 
val at  Monterey.  By  a  circular  of  October  6th  ma- 
jordomos  were  ordered  to  communicate  directly  with 

24th,  Prefect  Gonzalez,  of  the  Zacatecanos,  proffers  voluntary  submission  and 
cooperation,  but  prefers  not  to  select  majordomos.  The  padres  will  exercise 
the  powers  granted  them  only  when  they  deem  it  best.  Id.,  ii.  1037-40;  St. 
Pap.,  Mis*.,  MS.,  xi.  18-22.  April  17th,  J.  A.  Aguirre  writes  to  Hartnell,  re- 
futing the  charge  of  J.  J.  Vallejo,  that  the  new  reglamento  was  instigated  by 
himself,  Noriega,  and  Hartnell  with  a  view  to  monopolize  the  mission  trade. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  114.  April  20th,  Duran's  circular  directing  friars  to 
suggest  proper  persons  for  majordomos,  and  to  present  any  complaints  they 
may  have  through  him.  Arch.  Sta.  £.,  MS.,  xi.  189-90.  Aug.  20th,  J.  Tem- 
ple to  Hartnell,  insisting  on  the  payment  of  old  debts  due  him  from  the 
southern  missions.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  225. 

30 March  18,  1840,  order  to  admin,  to  surrender  missions.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xxxiii.  36.  Alvarado,  Instrucciones  que  debe  observar  el  Sr  Visitador  en 
su  visita  A  las  misiones  del  norte,  18  de  Marzo,  1840,  MS.  These  instructions 
in  8  articles  agree  with  the  reglamento,  except  that  at  S.  Jose"  some  property 
was  to  be  distributed  to  the  oldest  neophytes,  and  a  clerk  was  to  be  put  in 
temporary  charge  of  the  property.  Hartnell's  instructions  to  this  clerk  and 
to  the  majordomo  at  S.  Jose'  are  dated  April  23d.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  vii. 
43-7. 

31  The  missions  from  S.  Antonio  to  Sta  Ine"s  were  put  under  the  new  regu- 
lations at  this  time  if  at  all  by  Hartnell,  for  on  his  return  later  from  the  south 
he  passed  rapidly  through  these  establishments.     Hartnell,  Diario  y  Borra- 
dores,  MS.,  unfortunately  contains  nothing  of  earlier  date  than  July.     June 
29th,  J.  M.  Villavicencio  directs  Moraga  not  to  give  up  the  mission  of  S.  An- 
tonio to  H.  (who  came  about  that  time?),  and  to  pay  no  attention  to  the  gov- 
ernor's order.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  81. 

32  See  chap.  xx.  of  vol.  iii. 


62  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

the  government,  since  there  was  no  longer  any  visita- 
dor.33 

No  successor  to  Hartnell  was  ever  appointed,  and 
there  is  nothing  of  importance  to  be  noted  respecting 
mission  management  for  the  rest  of  the  year;  or  at 
least  very  little  is  known  of  it.  I  regret  to  say  that 
I  am  unable  from  material  extant  to  form  any  definite 
idea  about  the  general  condition  of  the  missions  at  the 
end  of  1840  as  compared  with  that  of  a  year  or  two 
years  earlier.  Californians  generally  extend  the  period 
of  ruin  and  plunder  several  years  later,  and  attach 
very  little  importance  practically  to  Alvarado's  reforms 
of  1839-40,  as  carried  out  by  Hartnell.  I  am  inclined 
to  think,  however,  that  many  abuses  were  really 
checked  at  this  time,  though  the  visitador's  last  tour 
had  done  little  if  any  good,  the  aggregate  loss  since 
1836  had  been  large,  and  the  outlook  for  the  immedi- 
ate future  was  not  encouraging. 

In  a  former  chapter  I  gave  some  general  mission 
statistics  for  the  period  of  1830—4,  the  last  period  for 
which  the  padres  furnished  data,  remarking  that  the 
figures  were  much  less  accurate  than  those  of  former 
years.34  From  scattered  items  in  the  reports  and  ac- 
counts of  administrators  and  of  the  visitador  in  1839- 
40,  I  am  able  to  present  for  the  present  half-decade 
some  general  figures  which  are,  perhaps,  as  reliable  as 
those  of  the  preceding  period  referred  to.  Of  baptisms 
and  burials  I  can  make  no  statement,  though  the  num- 
ber might  be  obtained  by  a  tedious  counting  from  the 
mission-books  of  each  establishment,  most  of  which 
are  still  preserved.  The  neophyte  population  de- 
creased from  15,000  in  1834  to  6,000  in  1840;  though 
the  latter  number  would  probably  be  reduced  to  5,000 
if  restricted  to  the  Indians  absolutely  living  in  com- 
munity, and  increased  to  8,000  or  9,000  if  extended 

33  Hartnell,  Diario,  MS.;  Sept.  7th,  H.  to  gov.   St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi. 
18.     Oct.  6th,  Alvarado's  circular.   Id.,  x.  34. 
84  See  chap.  xii.  of  vol.  iii.  • 


STATISTICAL  VIEW.  63 

to  all  on  the  registers  whose  whereabouts  as  vagrants 
or  servants  was  somewhat  definitely  known.  Many 
of  the  missions  had  less  than  100  Indians,  San  Luis 
Hey  with  about  1,000,  and  San  Carlos  with  less  than 
30,  being  the  extremes.  In  the  same  years  cattle  had 
decreased  approximately  from  140,000  to  50,000; 
horses  from  12,000  to  10,000;  and  sheep  from  130,000 
to  50,000.  Of  crops  no  general  estimate  can  be  made, 
but  they  were  very  greatly  diminished.  Inventories 
of  property,  made  in  connection  with  secularization, 
vary  from  $10,000  to  $200,000;  but  there  is  no  uni- 
formity in  the  classes  of  property  which  they  include, 
church  property  and  live-stock  being  often  omitted, 
and  the  lists  often  including  only  assets  in  a  commer- 
cial sense.  The  aggregate  of  debts  was  about  $00,000, 
offset  by  claims  against  private  parties  and  other  mis- 
sions of  equal  or  greater  amount,  but  rarely  paid  in  full. 

The  number  of  friars  serving  in  California  was  re- 
duced during  this  half-decade  from  26  to  20.  Five 
padres  died — Vitoria,  Martin,  Fortuni,  and  Arroyo, 
of  the  college  of  San  Fernando,  and  Moreno  of  the 
Zaeatecanos — while  one,  Garcia  Diego,  left  the  coun- 
try in  1836,  to  return  later.  One  or  two  attempted, 
unsuccessfully,  to  obtain  licenses  for  departure.  No 
new-comers  made  their  appearance.  As  a  rule,  at 
this  time,  no  padre  was  much  heard  of  beyond  the 
limits  of  his  own  establishment;  though  a  few  became 
somewhat  prominent  in  controversies  which  will  be 
noticed  in  connection  with  local  annals. 

Padre  Narciso  Duran  continued  to  be  president  of 
the  southern  missions  until  1838,  when  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Joaquin  Jirneno;  but  in  1837  Duran  had 
been  made  prefect,  which  position  he  held  until  after 
1840.  Duran  also  held  the  office  of  vicar  under  the 
bishop  of  Sonora,  except  for  a  short  period  in  1838-9, 
when  it  was  attached  to  that  of  president,  and  held 
by  Jimeno.85  Of  the  Zaeatecanos  in  the  north  Padre 

S5  Various  communications  in  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  19-24;  Dept, 
/?ec.,MS.,  x.  36;  Vcdleju,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  14.  The  exact  dates  of  the  appoint- 


64  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

Rafael  Moreno  was  president  and  vice-prefect — the 
prefect  being  absent  from  early  in  1836 — until  No- 
vember, 1838,  at  which  date  Padre  Josd  Maria  de 
Jesus  Gonzalez  assumed  the  office,  his  appointment, 
or  election,  at  the  college  of  Guadalupe  bearing  date 
of  June  19,  1837.  On  July  22,  1840,  he  was  re- 
elected.36  The  authority  of  these  officials  as  president 
and  prefect  over  the  friars  was  but  nominal,  though 
there  is  no  evidence  that  their  wishes  were  not  as 
fully  obeyed  as  in  earlier  times.  As  vicars  they 
had  ecclesiastical  authority  over  the  friars  as  acting 
parish  priests;37  and  some  legal  powers  were  accorded 
them  by  the  regulations  of  secularization;  but  they 
rarely  attempted  any  exercise  of  authority  in  any 
capacity. 

Hitherto  California  had  been  ecclesiastically  sub- 
ject to  the  bishop  of  Sonora,  the  missionary  prelate 
holding  the  vicarship.  And  so  it  continued  during 
this  period;  but  Fray  Francisco  Garcia  Diego  y 
Moreno  went  to  Mexico  at  the  beginning  of  1836  for 
the  express  purpose  of  effecting  a  change  for  the 
good  of  the  people  and  the  church,  and  also  doubtless 
with  a  view  to  his  own  advancement.  So  successful 
was  he  that  on  September  19th  of  the  same  year 
the  government  issued  a  decree  providing  that  tlje 
necessary  steps  should  be  taken  for  the  formation  of 
the  Californias  into  a  separate  diocese.33  Troubles 

ments  are  not  known;  but  Jimeno  announced  his  election  as  president  on 
Nov.  26th,  1838;  and  Duran  his  assumption  of  the  prefecture  on  Dec.  17t 
1838,  and  of  the  vicarship  on  Sept.  17,  1839. 

30  Appointment  of  Gonzalez.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  60,  63;  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  18;  Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  865;  Corresp.  de  Miss.,  MS.,  67-9; 
Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  26,  28. 

37  Oct.  18,  1839,  P.  Gonzalez  to  his  friars.     Has  concluded  to  accept  the 
vicarship  of  the  northern  missions  from  the  bishop,  to  prevent  their  coming 
under  the  power  of  Duran;   though  he  hesitated  about  taking  such  a  step 
without  authority  from  his  college.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  60-1. 

38  Sept.  19,  1836,  law  in  6  articles,  published  in  a  bando  of  Sept.  22d. 
Arrillaya,  Becop.,  JiU.-Dic.  1836,  p.  107;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  1-2; 
Hayes1  Mm.  Book,  i.  no.  13,  p.  Ill;  San  Miguel,  Repub.  Mex.,  8.     The  new 
bishop,  to  be  chosen  by  the  govt  from  a  trio  suggested  by  the  oabildo  metro- 
politano  and  proposed  to  the  pope,  was  to  have  $6,000  a  year  from  the  treas- 
ury as  salary  and  $3,000  for  first  expenses.     He  was  also  to  have  the  admin- 
istration of  the  pious  fund.     See  also,  on  appointment  of   bishop,  Dublan 


A  BISHOP  FOR  CALIFORNIA.  65 

both  in  Mexico  and  California  prevented  further 
progress  until  June  22,  1839,  when  the  metropolitan 
chapter  chose  a  trio,  with  Garcia  Diego  at  its  head, 
and  his  name  was  duly  forwarded  to  Rome,  where 
on  April  27,  1840,  the  necessary  bulls  were  issued.33, 
In  August  the  approval  of  Pope  Gregory  was  known 
in  Mexico,  and  the  Zacatecan  friars  were  notified 
that  such  of  them  as  might  voluntarily  subject  them- 
selves to  the  bishop,  no  longer  missionaries  but  doc- 
trineros,  could  expect  no  aid  from  their  college.40  On 
September  19th  Bishop  Garcia  Diego  took  the  con- 
stitutional oath  before  the  president;41  on  October 
4th  he  was  consecrated  by  three  bishops  at  the  cole- 
giata  de  Guadalupe  in  Mexico.  He  announced  his 
consecration,  with  the  fact  that  he  could  not  come 
immediately  to  California,  in  a  letter  of  November 
30th,  and  in  a  pastoral  letter  which  was  put  in  print.42 
He  did  not  reach  his  diocese  until  late  in  1841;  and 
it  is  not  therefore  necessary  to  notice  here  a  decree 
of  the  government  which  he  brought  respecting  mis- 
sion affairs. 

Occasional  complaints  scattered  in  the  archives 
show  that  the  friars  had  some  difficulty  in  obtaining 
the  sums  allowed  them  under  the  various  reglamentos 
for  subsistence  and  expenses  of  worship.43  As  to  their 

and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,.iii.  194;  Bustamante,  Voz  de  la  Patria,  MS.,  xi.  48; 
Id.,  Gob.  Hex.,  i.  36. 

39  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  274-5;  Garcia  Diego,  Carta  Pastoral,  1840.     June 
23,  1839,  min.  of  int.  to  gov.  of  Cal.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  6.     Aug. 
7th,  Castillero  to  Alvarado.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  282. 

40  Aug.  4,  1840,  P.  Rafael  de  Jesus  Soria,  prefect  of  the  college  of  Guad- 
alupe, to  the  Zacatecan  friars.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  62;  Sta  (Jlara,  Par- 
roq/tia,  MS.,  27. 

41  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  xii.  51. 

42  Garcia  Dieyo,  Carta  Pastoral  que  el  Hmo  y  R"10  Sr  D.  Fr.  Francisco 
Garcia  Diego,  primer  Obispo  de  Californias  dirige  d  los  Bit.  PP.  misioncros 
y  d  sus  Diocesanos,  antes  de  su  inr/reso  al  obispado.    Mex.  1840.   12mo,  12  p. 
Dated  at  the  college  of  S.  Fernando  Oct.  28,  1840.     This  letter  is  a  lamen- 
tation for  the  ecclesiastical  misfortunes  of  Cal.  in  the  past;  a  narrative  of 
the  writer's  appointment,  including  the  bulls;  and  a  protestation  of  his  affec- 
tion for  all  in  the  country  and  the  great  benefits  that  are  to  result  from  this 
new  favor  of  God.     It  was  to  be  read  from  the  pulpits.     Oct.  4th,  Virmond 
to  Munras.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  184.     Nov.  30th,  bishop  to  gov.,  dip., 
Gen.  Vallejo,  and  Padre  Duran.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  29-30;   Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  330;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xi.  106;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  28. 

43  Jan.  30,  1836,  Pres.  Moreno  complains  to  gov.  that  the  allowance  of  $500 

HJST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    5 


,66  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

stipends  from  the  pious  fund  in  Mexico,  it  is  difficult 
to  learn  what  amounts  were  received,  though  the  fri- 
ars continued  to  draw  on  the  fund  and  the  traders  to 
negotiate  their  drafts.  The  payments  were  not  only 
irregular  and  subject  to  heavy  discounts,  but  they 
were  often  made  by  the  traders  in  articles  for  which 
the  padres  had  little  use.4*  From  1834  to  1837  the 
amount  paid  from  the  fund  to  missionaries  in  Alta 
California  is  given  as  $33,464.25;  and  that  from  No- 
vember 1840  to  February  1842  as  $22,000;  but  I  find 
no  intermediate  accounts.*5  Meanwhile  the  fund — 
from  which  the  government  in  1837  decided  to  bor- 
row $60,000  to  be  devoted  to  the  work  of  'quieting 
the  Californias'46 — remained  as  before  in  charge  of  a 
special  junta.  Andres  Castillero  went  to  congress  in 
1839,  with  urgent  instructions  to  have  the  fund  placed 
at  the  disposal  of  the  Californian  government.  Under 
no  circumstances  would  Mexico  have  consented  to 
such  a  step;  but  the  refusal  was  based  on  the  decree 
of  September  19,  1836,  by  which  the  new  bishop  was 
to  be  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  the  estates, 
and  to  use  the  revenues  in  accordance  with  the  aims 
of  the  founders.47  Under  this  decree  it  does  not  ap- 

for  chiirch  expenses  has  been  stopped  by  orders  to  the  administrators.  St. 
Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  8-9.  April  6th,  Moreno  to  the  padres.  The  allowance 
as  administered  by  the  majordomos  is  opposed  to  canonical  law  and  usage. 
If  they  can  support  themselves  and  public  worship  without  that  allowance 
they  may  do  so,  'dando  este  golpe  antes  que  nos  lo  den.'  Arch.  Obispado, 
MS. ,  58.  July  9th,  Duran  to  Gov.  Chico.  Complains  of  non-payment  of  the 
sums  allotted.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  16-17.  Jan.  26,  March  12,  1839, 
PP.  Duran,  Jimeno,  and  Real  make  like  complaints;  and  ask  that  certain 
gardens,  buildings,  and  stills  be  assigned  instead  of  a  fixed  sum.  Id.,  v.  ptii. 
21-3.  March  5,  1840,  Duran  argues  against  any  cession  of  estates  for  the 
support  of  padres  or  church.  Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  993. 

"Arch.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  997-1000.     March  14,  1840,  P.  Fortuni  draws  for 
$2, 200 due  him.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  88. 

45  Mexico,  Mem.  Interior,  1838,  p.  82-6.  Statement  of  Ramirez  from  Siglo, 
xix.  Mar.  2,  1842,  in  Hayes'  Mission  Book,  i.  191. 

46  April  1,  1S37,  decree,  in  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1837,  p.  265-6. 

47  Art.  6  of  the  decree:  'The property  belonging  to  the  pious  fund  of  Cali- 
.fornias  will  be  put  at  the  disposition  of  the  new  bishop  and  of  his  successors, 
.that  they  may  administer  it  and  invest  it  in  its  objects  or  others  analogous, 
always  respecting  the  will  of  the  founders."  Arrillaga,  Becop.,  1836,  p.  107. 
Aug.  7,  1839,  govt  decides  that  the  deputy  must  not  interfere  in  the  fund. 
Dept.St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  131.     Same  date,  Castillero  writes  to  same  effect. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  196,  282. 


THE  PIOUS  FUND.  67 

pear  that  anything  was  done  until  the  end  of  1840, 
when  the  bishop  appointed  Pedro  Ramirez  to  care  for 
the  city  estates  and  Miguel  Belaunzaran  for  those  in 
the  country.  Garcia  Diego  also  received  from  the 
fund  money  to  pay  the  expenses  of  his  journey  to 
California.48 

I  have  to  conclude  this  chapter  with  Indian  affairs, 
that  is,  the  dealings  of  the  Californians  with  gentile 
tribes.  Minor  items  on  this  subject  are,  however,  as 
usual  left  for  local  annals.  The  subject  may  be  most 
conveniently  treated  in  three  divisions;  the  first  in- 
cludes the  hostilities  of  gentiles  and  fugitive  neophytes 
on  the  southern  or  San  Diego  frontier;  the  second, 
Vallejo's  operations  against  gentile  tribes  north  of  San 
Francisco  Bay,  from  Sonoma  as  a  centre;  and  the 
third,  the  ravages  of  Indian  horse-thieves  in  all  the 
region  between  the  two  frontiers,  and  the  expeditions 
sent  out  against  the  marauders,  chiefly  from  the  re- 
gions of  San  Jose  and  Los  Angeles.  The  material  is 
bulky  enough  in  each  division,  but  when  duly  sifted 
and  digested,  it  results,  as  usual  with  Californian  Ind- 
ian annals  at  all  periods,  in  but  a  meagre  and  unsat- 
isfactory record. 

In  the  spring  of  1836  complaints  were  frequent  and 
loud  that  the  Indians  were  committing  ravages,  and 
that  the  soldiers  of  San  Diego,  for  lack  of  arms,  sup- 
plies, and  pay,  could  afford  no  protection.  In  January, 
J.  M.  Marron  was  attacked  at  the  rancho  of  Cueros  de 
Venado,  but  several  of  the  attacking  party  were  killed 
by  Christian  Indians.  An  effort  to  have  a  garrison  es- 
tablished at  Santa  Isabel  was  unsuccessful.  The  citi- 
zens made  several  expeditions,  in  one  of  which  seven 
Indians  were  killed;  but  it  was  charged  that  in  their 
absence  the  soldiers  committed  various  thefts  and  out- 
rages in  town.  Early  in  March,  Captain  Portilla 

48  Statement  of  Ramirez,  in  Siglo,  xix.  March  2,  1842,  suppl.  146.  The 
sums  paid  on  account  of  stipends  for  Cal.  at  this  time  were  paid  to  J.  A. 
Aguirre.  Ramirez  says  lie  took  charge  on  Nov.  2,  1840. 


fiS  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

made  a  fruitless  raid,  and  on  his  return,  his  brother, 
Don  Silvestre,  proposed  to  conquer  the  Indians  at 
his  own  expense,  if  allowed  to  keep  prisoners  as  ser- 
vants. This  was  approved  by  the  ayuntamiento,  on 
the  ground  that  the  Indians  were  outlaws;  but  the 
result  is  not  known,  the  record  failing  just  when  San 
Diego  was  supposed  to  be  in  the  greatest  peril.49 

A  year  later,  in  April  or  May  1837,  the  Indians 
made  a  raid  on  the  frontier  ranches,  burning  buildings 
and  driving  off  live-stock.  At  the  Jamul  rancho  the 
majordomo  Leiva  and  three  others — servants  on  the 
place,  and  perhaps  Indians,  though  spoken  of  as  white 
men  by  several — were  killed,  and  Leiva's  two  grown-up 
daughters  were  carried  away  into  captivity,  from  which 
they  were  never  recovered.  A  force  from  the  frontera, 
under  Alfdrez  Macedonio  Gonzalez,  pursued  the  foe 
into  the  sierra,  but  was  defeated  at  a  place  called  the 
Matadero,  and  forced  to  retire  with  many  wounded. 
The  inhabitants  of  San  Diego  were  in  great  terror, 
but  were  comforted  by  the  protection  of  Captain  Pen- 
hallow  and  his  men  of  the  Alert,  and  by  the  presence 
of  their  so-called  gefe  politico  and  general,  Zamorano, 
some  of  whose  men  had  accompanied  Gonzalez.  Juan 
Bandini,  whose  rancho  of  Tecate  was  one  of  those 
plundered,  was  recalled  from  his  political  and  military 
achievements  at  Los  Angeles;  and  the  revolutionary 
army,  raised  to  operate  against  Alvarado,  marched 
against  the  savage  foe.  In  a  campaign  of  ten  days, 
they  are  said  to  have  killed  several  Indians,  all  they 
could  find.  Contemporary  communications  on  this 
disaster  are  not  numerous  or  complete;  while  versions 
from  memory  are  voluminous  and  contradictory  in 
detail.50 

49  Many  documents  of  Jan.-March,  1836,  in  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  74- 
92,  115;  1 /ayes'  Mission  Book,  i.  288-95,  311.  There  were  some  complaints  in 
July.  Bandini  wrote  in  March  that  much  of  his  stock  at  the  Tecate  rancho 
had  been  stolen.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  182. 

60 Communications  of  local  officials,  April  to  Sept.  1837.  8.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  171,  180-2,  185,  187.  May  29th,  31st,  Zamorano's  letter  to  ayunt.  of 
Angeles,  and  resulting  deliberations  of  that  body.  D?pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi. 
86-9;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  316-18.  June  26th,  captain  and  crew  of  the 


PERILS  AT  SAN  DIEGO.  69 

It  was  probably  in  1837,  during  the  general  alarm 
arising  from  the  massacre  at  Jamul,  though  there  is 
no  agreement  among  narrators  respecting  dates,  that 
a  plot  was  revealed  to  attack  the  town  and  kill  the 
inhabitants.  Indian  servants  were  to  cooperate  with 
the  attacking  party  by  opening  the  houses  of  their 
employers  on  a  given  night;  but  one  of  them  divulged 
the  plot,  and  three  or  four  of  the  dozen  servants 
arrested  were  immediately  shot  by  order  of  Alferez 
Gonzalez.51  The  year  1838  was  marked  by  no  hos- 
tilities that  are  either  remembered  or  recorded.  In 
1839  there  were  alarms  and  active  preparations,  on 
paper  at  least,  for  defensive  movements  in  May,  July, 
and  November;  but  I  have  nothing  definite  about 
these  troubles,  except  that  in  October  the  mission  of 
Guadalupe  across  the  frontier  was  sacked,  and  three 
soldiers  were  killed.52  In  1840  no  disturbances  are 

A Ifrt  credited  with  valuable  service.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  ii.  103-4; 
Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  Dec.  2,  1837.  June  27th,  Com.  Arguello  says  he  will 
retain  the  command  'unless  there  should  be  a  fight!'  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
181.  July  5th,  Ind.  attacked  S.  Diego  mission  and  killed  3  men.  Hayes' 
Miss.  Book,  i.  322.  July  llth,  alcalde  of  Angeles,  in  a  circular  torancheros, 
says  the  Ind.  attacked  S.  Bernardo  and  killed  4  men  (the  Jamul  affair?). 
Voile,  Doc.,  MS.,  45.  Aug.  4th,  Bandini  says  he  killed  and  captured  only  a 
few  Ind.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  185.  Sept.  16th,  B.  says  he  has  lost  abso- 
lutely everything,  has  come  to  Sta  Barbara  to  sell  a  few  jewels  to  get  food 
for  his  family,  and  must  eschew  politics.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  309.  Jans- 
sens,  Vida  y  Avent.,  MS.,  92-7,  was  with  Gonzalez,  and  gives  many  particu- 
lars. Lorenzana,  Memorias,  MS.,  31-42;  Machado,  Tiempos Pasados,  MS.,  11- 
17;  and  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  19-20,  27-32,  give  many  details  of  the  affair  at 
Jamul,  obtained  from  the  wife  of  Lciva,  who  with  a  young  child  was  allowed 
to  escape.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  1-3,  unjustly  accuses  Bandini  of 
claiming  the  honor  of  having  killed  a  large  number  of  Indians.  B.  makes 
no  such  claim,  and,  Hist.  Gal. ,  MS. ,  90,  he  says  that  in  a  second  campaign 
the  soldiers  were  defeated  and  several  wounded.  Romero,  Memorias,  MS., 
3-4;  and  in  Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  494;  and  Id.,  Scraps,  Indians,  i.  174,  gives 
an  account  of  Gonzalez's  campaign,  in  which  he  served.  See  also  mention  of 
the  affair  with  incorrect  dates  in  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  336;  La  Place,  Voy., 
vi.  194.  See  also  Davis*  Glimpses,  MS.,  175-83. 

51  Marron,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  20-3,  says  that  she  overheard  a  conversation 
between  her  own  and  two  of  Fitch's  servants  which  revealed  the  plot.     Estu- 
dillo, Datos,  MS.,  8-15,  confirms  this,  and  says  that  the  cook  of  his  own  fam- 
ily was  one  of  those  shot,  his  father,  then  alcalde,  opposing  the  summary 
proceeding.     Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,   155-8,  tells  us  it  was  Bandini's  servant 
who  divulged  the  plot.     Machado,  Tiempos  Pasados,  MS.,  17-19,  says  it  was 
Mrs  Fitch's  Indian  girl  that  gave  the  alarm.     Osio,  Hist.,  MS.,  305-7,  speaks 
of  Alf.  Maccdonio's  hasty  proceedings.     Pico,  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  182-4,  seems 
to  imply  that  this  affair  was  of  later  date  by  5  or  6  years. 

52  May,  1839,  preparations  for  a  grand  expedition.     Castro  was  to  aid  with 
120  men.     No  results  known.  Hayes' Miss.  Book,  i.  330;  Id.,  Doc,  Hist.  Cal., 


70  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

reported.  Notwithstanding  the  fragmentary  nature 
of  the  records,  it  is  evident  that  in  all  these  years  the 
frontier  ranches  were  continually  ravaged  by  Indians, 
and  that  there  was  no  security  for  either  life  or  prop- 
erty. The  condition  of  this  more  than  any  other  part 
of  California  resembled  that  of  the  Apache  frontier  in 
Sonora  and  Chihuahua,  though  the  loss  of  life  was 
much  less.  The  marauders  were  the  gentile  tribes  of 
the  mountains,  reenforced  by  renegade  neophytes,  al- 
lied with  more  distant  Colorado  tribes,  and  having  al- 
ways a  secret  understanding  with  Indian  servants  on 
the  ranchos.  Fortunately,  of  the  five  or  six  chieftains 
who  commanded  the  tribes  of  that  region,  one  or  two 
were  generally  allied  with  the  gente  de  razon  and  ren- 
dered valuable  aid. 

Turning  now  to  the  northern  frontier,  we  find  a  dif- 
ferent state  of  things.  Here  there  was  no  semblance 
of  Apache  raids,  no  sacking  of  ranchos,  no  loss  of 
civilized  life,  and  little  collusion  between  gentile 
and  Christian  natives.  The  northern  Indians  were 
more  numerous  than  in  the  San  Diego  region,  and 
many  of  the  tribes  were  brave,  warlike,  and  often  hos- 
tile; but  there  was  a  comparatively  strong  force  at 
Sonoma  to  keep  them  in  check,  and  General  Vallejo's 
Indian  policy  must  be  regarded  as  excellent  and  effect- 
ive when  compared  with  any  other  policy  ever  followed 
in  California.  True,  his  wealth,  his  untrammelled 
power,  and  other  circumstances  contributed  much  to  his 
success;  and  he  could  by  no  means  have  done  as  well 
if  placed  in  command  at  San  Diego;  yet  he  must  be  ac- 
credited besides  with  having  managed  wisely.  Closely 

MS.,  97;  Dept.St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  v.  15.  Troubles  of  July-August.  Va- 
llejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  393,  405;  Hayes'  Miss.  Book,  i.  336.  Troubles  of  Oct.- 
Nov.  apparently  quite  serious,  and  involving  much  loss  of  property.  VaMejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  222,  230;  Hayes,  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  96,  99-101;  Dej>t.  St.  Pap., 
Any.,  MS.,  v.  77,  102;  xii.  17.  In  Nov.  a  renegade  S.  Diego  neophyte  named 
Chiva  appeared  under  the  name  of  Paiba  with  an  appointment  as  captain-gen- 
eral of  the  S.  Felipe  rancherias  on  the  California  side  of  the  Colorado,  issued 
by  thegov.  of  Sonora.  Dept.  St.  Pay.,  MS.,  v.  17-20;  Id.,  Ang.,  v.  94-6;  Jans- 
sens,  Vida,  MS.,  143-54,  gives  many  particulars  of  life  on  the  frontier  ranchos 
in  these  years. 


VALLEJO'S  INDIAN  POLICY.  71 

allied  with  Solano,  the  Suisun  chieftain,  having  always 
— except  when  asked  to  render  some  distasteful  military 
service  to  his  political  associates  in  the  south — at  his 
disposal  a  goodly  number  of  soldiers  and  citizens,  he 
made  treaties  with  the  gentile  tribes,  insisted  on  their 
being  liberally  and  justly  treated  when  at  peace,  arid 
punished  them  severely  for  any  manifestation  of  hos- 
tility. Doubtless  the  Indians  were  wronged  often 
enough  in  individual  cases  by  Vallejo's  subordinates; 
some  of  whom,  and  notably  his  brother  Salvador,  were 
with  difficulty  controlled ;  but  such  reports  have  been 
greatly  exaggerated,  and  acts  of  glaring  injustice  were 
comparatively  rare. 

The  Cainameros,  or  the  Indians  of  Cainamd,  in  the 
region  toward  Santa  Rosa,  had  been  for  some  years 
friendly;  but  for  their  services  in  returning  stolen 
horses  they  got  into  trouble  with  the  Satiyomis,  or 
Sotoyomes,  generally  known  as  Guapos,  or  'braves/ 
who  in  the  spring  of  1836,  in  a  sudden  attack,  killed 
twenty-two  of  their  number  and  wounded  fifty.  Va- 
llejo,  on  appeal  of  the  chiefs,  promised  to  avenge  their 
wrongs,  and  started  April  1st  with  fifty  soldiers  and 
one  hundred  Indians  besides  the  Cainamero  force.  A 
battle  was  fought  the  4th  of  April,  and  the  Guapos, 
who  had  taken  a  strong  position  in  the  hills  of  the 
Geyser  region,  were  routed  and  driven  back  to  their 
rancherias,  where  most  of  them  were  killed.  The  ex- 
pedition was  back  at  Sonoma  on  the  7th,  without  hav- 
ing lost  a  man  killed  or  wounded.53 

On  June  7th  Vallejo  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace  and 
alliance  with  the  chiefs  of  seven  tribes — the  Indians  of 
Yoloytoy,  Guilitoy,  Ansactoy,  Liguaytoy,  Aclutoy, 

83 March  28,  1836,  Vallejo's  orders  for  assembling  troops.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  iii.  104.  April  8th,  report  of  the  campaign.  Id.,  Hi.  105.  Salvador  Va- 
llejo commanded  one  divisions  of  the  force.  April  21st,  Com.  Gen.  Gutierrez 
thanks  Lieut.  Vallejo  and  his  men  for  their  gallantry.  Id. ,  iii.  193.  April  24th, 
Lieut  Vallejo  to  com.  gen.  Announces  that  Antonio  and  Victor  Castro  had 
gone  to  Sta  Rosa  in  defiance  of  orders  to  get  Indians  for  work  on  their  rancho 
of  S.  Pablo,  taking  besides  some  property,  and  buying  some  children  from  the 
chiefs.  The  Indians  complained;  the  Castros  were  arrested  at  S.  Rafael,  and 
the  children  released.  Such  outrages  must  be  prevented.  Id. ,  iii.  1 12. 


72  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

Churuptoy,  and  the  Guapos — who  had  voluntarily 
come  to  Sonoma  for  that  purpose.  The  treaty  pro- 
vided that  there  should  be  friendship  between  the 
tribes  and  the  garrison,  that  the  Cainameros  and 
Guapos  should  live  at  peace  and  respect  each  other's 
territory,  that  the  Indians  should  give  up  all  fugitive 
Christians  at  the  request  of  the  comandante,  and  that 
they  should  not  burn  the  fields.  It  does  not  appear 
that  Vallejo  in  return  promised  anything  more  definite 
than  friendship.  Twenty  days  later  the  compact  was 
approved  by  Governor  Chico.64  A  year  later,  in  June 
1837,  Zampay,  one  of  the  chieftains  of  the  Yoloytoy 
— town  and  rancheria  of  the  Yoloy,  perhaps  meaning 
of  the  'tules,'  and  which  gave  the  name  to  Yolo 
county — became  troublesome,  committing  many  out- 
rages, and  trying  to  arouse  the  Sotoyomes  again. 
The  head  chief  of  the  tribe,  however,  named  Moti, 
offered  to  aid  in  his  capture,  which  was  effected  by 
the  combined  forces  of  Solano  and  Salvador  Vallejo. 
Zampay  and  some  of  his  companions  were  held  at 
first  as  captives  at  Sonoma;  but  after  some  years  the 
chief,  who  had  been  the  terror  of  the  whole  country, 
became  a  peaceful  citizen  and  industrious  farmer.55 

In  January  1838  Tobias,  chief  of  the  Guilucos, 
and  one  of  his  men  were  brought  to  Sonoma  and  tried 
for  the  murder  of  two  Indian  fishermen.56  In  March 


64  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  119,  217;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxxi. 
26-7. 

25  June  25th-26th,  M.  G.  Vallejo  to  Salvador  and  Jesus,  his  brothers.  Va- 
llejo, Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  250,  256.  July  26th,  Alvarado  thanks  Salvador  for  his 
fallant  achievement.  /(/.,  xxxii.  104.  Salvador  Vallejo,  Notas,  Hist.,  MS., 
7-95,  gives  many  details  of  the  campaign.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS.,  iii.  230-8, 
23S-9,  tells  us  that  just  before  this  expedition  he  organized  a  company  of  44 
Rrasunes  and  Napas,  armed  and  equipped  like  Mexican  soldiers,  which  was 
put  under  the  command  of  Lieut  Sabas  Fernandez  and  given  to  Solano  as  a 
body-guard,  much  to  his  delight.  This  writer  also  relates,  Id.,  p.  299-304, 
thai  Succara,  chief  of  the  Sotoyomes,  frightened  at  Zampay's  defeat,  came  to 
Sonoma  and  made  a  treaty,  which  in  1 1  articles  is  given.  This  may  be  a  con- 
fused memory  of  the  earlier  treaty  already  noticed.  A  treaty  of  Dec.  1,  1837, 
with  some  eastern  tribes,  is  also  referred  to  in  a  letter  of  April  1,  1838.  Va- 
llejo, Doc.,  MS.,  v.  65. 

68  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  21.  The  sentence  is  not  given.  5  years  in  the 
chain-gang  for  Tobias  and  death  for  his  companion  were  demanded  by  Pefia, 
the  fiscal.  The  Guilucos  were  probably  the  natives  of  Guilitoy. 


ON  THE  SONOMA  FRONTIER.  73 

some  of  the  gentile  allied  tribes  attacked  the  Moquel- 
umnes, recovered  a  few  stolen  horses,  and  brought 
them  to  Sonoma,  where  a  grand  feast  was  held  for  a 
week  to  celebrate  their  good  deeds.67  In  August,  50 
Indian  horse-thieves  crossed  the  Sacramento  and  ap- 
peared at  Soscol  with  a  band  of  tame  horses,  their 
aim  being  to  stampede  the  horses  at  Sonoma.  Thirty- 
four  were  killed  in  a  battle  with  Vallejo's  men,  and 
the  rest  surrendered,  the  chief  of  the  robbers  named 
Cumuchi  being  shot  at  Sonoma  for  his  crimes.58  On 
October  6th  Vallejo  issued  a  printed  circular,  in  which 
he  announced  that  Solano  had  grossly  abused  his 
power  and  the  trust  placed  in  him,  and  broken  sacred 
compacts  made  with  the  Indian  tribes  by  consenting 
to  the  seizure  and  sale  of  children.  Vallejo  indig- 
nantly denied  the  rumor  that  these  outrages  had  been 
committed  with  his  consent;  declaring  that  Solano 
had  been  arrested,  and  that  a  force  had  been  sent  out 
to  restore  all  the  children  to  their  parents.59 

In  May  1838  Vallejo  announced  in  communica^1 
tions  sent  to  all  parts  of  the  country  that  the  small- 
pox was  raging  on  the  northern  frontier,  and  was  kill- 
ing the  Indians  by  hundreds.  The  pestilence  had 
come  from  the  English  settlements  by  way  of  Ross. 
The  importance  of  vaccination,  cleanliness,  temper- 
ance, and  other  preventive  measures  was  urged  upon 

67  April  1,  1838.  %Vall?jo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  65.  The  friendly  tribes  were  the 
Ochejamnes  and  Sicomnes,  acting  under  the  treaty  of  Dec.  1837.  The  horse- 
stealing  tribes  were  Moquelumnes,  Sequak,  Figiiechek,  Chapayasek,  and  Cu- 
lumuk. 

58 Aug.  3,  1838,  circular  to  authorities.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  124.  Cu- 
muchi confessed  that  there  were  large  droves  of  stolen  horses  on  the  Sacra- 
mento in  charge  of  the  Moquelumnes.  It  seems  that  the  Indians  at  first  sur- 
rendered, and  later  made  a  treacherous  attack,  in  which  the  34  were  killed. 
Mention  also  in  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  iv.  222. 

59  Oct.  Gth,  Vallejo's  circular.  Earliest  Print.;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  194; 
xxxii.  156;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  208;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  x.  23.  In 
his  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  329-38,  Vallejo  explains  that  'certain  persons'  desir- 
ing to  injure  him  brought  sundry  barrels  of  liquor  to  Soscol,  made  Solano 
and  other  chiefs  drunk,  and  thus  induced  them  to  consent  to  the  capture  of 
the  children,  about  30  of  whom  were  sold  south  of  the  bay.  All  were  recov- 
ered, and  Solano  after  being  sobered  for  a  time  in  the  calaboose  was  very 
penitent.  Mention  also  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  216-17;  Carrillo, 
Narrative,  MS.,  1-3;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  96. 


74  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

the  people;  and  apparently  the  disease  did  not  spread 
south  of  the  bay  at  this  time;  though  in  addition  to 
Vallejo's  circular  we  have  no  further  information,  ex- 
cept the  statement  of  several  Californians  that  the 
northern  Indians  perished  in  large  numbers.60  There 
is  nothing  to  be  said  of  Indian  affairs  on  the  Sonoma 
frontier  in  1839-40,  except  that  there  are  vague  allu- 
sions to  an  expedition  against  the  Sotoyomes;  that 
during  an  attempted  revolt  of  the  native  infantry 
company  in  April  1840,  many  of  the  number  were 
killed  in  a  fight,  and  nine  were  subsequently  shot; 
and  that  perhaps  one  or  two  parties  were  sent  out  to 
aid  John  A.  Sutter  at  his  new  establishment  on  the 
Sacramento.61  At  Nueva  Helvecia  del  Sacramento, 
Sutter  found  the  Indians  somewhat  hostile,  and  was 
obliged  several  times  to  attack  them;  but  he  adopted 
at  the  first  a  wise,  liberal,  and  careful  policy.  He 
made  treaties  of  alliance  with  the  strongest  bands. 
He  aided  the  gentiles  against  the  Christian  Indians  of 
San  Jose",  who  sometimes  came  to  steal  women  and 
commit  other  outrages,  and  afforded  some  protection 
indirectly  to  the  Indian  horse-thieves  who  respected 
his  animals.  He  therefore  had  no  troubles  of  suffi- 
cient importance  to  be  specified  here.62 

South  of  the  bay  Indian  horse-thieves — neophyte 
fugitives,  as  well  as  many  still  living  at  the  missions, 
being  in  league  with  gentiles  of  the  San  Joaquin  and 

60May  18,  23,  24,  1838,  Vallejo  to  authorities.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv. 
205-6;  Id.,  Aug.,  xi.  103;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  34;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS., 
vii.  70;  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  199,  202;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  32;  xxxii. 
134.  Corporal  Ignacio  Miramontes  is  said  to  have  brought  the  disease  from 
Ross.  Vallejo  thinks  70,000  Indians  died.  Two  of  the  political  prisoners 
from  the  south  were  attacked  at  Sonoma.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  222; 
CarriJlo,  Narrative,  MS.,  3-4;  Fernandez,  Cosas  deCal.,  MS.,  48-9;  Botello, 
Anales,  MS.,  84,  87;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  161-6;  Torre,  Remin., 
MS.,  204. 

61  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  192;  xiv.  18;  xxxiii.  56-7;  Id.,' Hist.  Gal,  iv. 
166-8;  Dipt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  5. 

62Sept.  10,  1840,  Sutter  to  com.  S.  Jose",  relating  at  some  length  his  pro- 
ceedings against  a  party  of  S.  Jos6  Indians.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  129. 
See  also  Suiter's  Pers.  Recol.,  Sutler's  Diary,  and  account  of  his  establish- 
ment, in  chap.  v.  of  this  vol. 


HORSE-THIEVES  OF  THE  INTERIOR.  75 

Sacramento  valleys,  and  the  latter  being  encouraged 
and  aided  by  foreign  vagabonds — were  always  busy 
and  successful.  Complaints  were  frequent,  and  raids 
of  vengeance  by  citizens  were  equally  so,  the  region 
of  San  Jose*  being  the  centre  of  operations  on  both 
sides.63  Paloniares,  Amador,  and  Garcia,  old  Indian- 
fighters,  narrate  many  horrible  details  of  the  expedi- 
tions of  these  years,  in  which  they  took  part,  showing 
that  the  culprits  when  captured  were  often  treated 
with  barbarous  cruelty.64  In  July  1838  the  Indians 
went  so  far  as  to  sack  the  ranches  of  Pacheco  and 
Sanchez  near  San  Juan  Bautista,  killing  one  white 
man,  outraging  several  women,  burning  the  buildings, 
and  destroying  all  they  could  lay  their  hands  on.65 

In  1839  matters  became  worse,  so  far  as  thefts  were 
concerned.66  After  long  preparations  and  much  cor- 
respondence, Colonel  Castro  sent  a  large  force  under 
captains  Buelna  and  Estrada  against  the  depredators 
in  June.  The  expedition  was  to  the  region  of  Kings 
River;  but  we  know  no  other  result  than  that  Es- 
trada brought  in  seventy-seven  prisoners,  chiefly 
women  and  children.67  In  July  a  party  called  Yoz- 
colos  attacked  the  neophytes  guarding  the  wheat- 

63  Aug.  21,  1836,  complaints  to  ayunt.  of  S.  Jose".  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv. 
122-4.  May  1838,  the  Moquelumne  chiefs,  Sinato,  Nilo,  and  Crispo,  as 
horse-thieves.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  131.  July,  Yozcolo,  Drogo,  and 
other  Christians  of  the  ranches  committing  great  outrages.  Id.,  xxxii.  146. 
Aug.  1st,  outrages  continue,  including  murder  and  burning,  as  well  as  theft. 
Id.,  v.  122.  Aug.  16th,  Ambrosio,  the  Moquelumne  chief,  captured  and  shot, 
having  attacked  a  rancho  and  killed  one  person.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  5. 
Sept.  19th,  Castro  on  the  march  with  25  men  to  check  Ind.  aggressions. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  177.  Oct.  llth,  exped.  of  80  men  sent  from  S.  JosiS. 
Id.,  v.  201.  Oct.  22d,  the  expedition  brought  back  78  horses.  Id.,  v.  211. 

61  Amador,  Memoriae,  MS.,  29-41;  Palomares,  Memoriae,  MS.,  13-17; 
Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  74-81. 

65  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  116-17,  129;  Id.,  Hist.  Cal,  iii.  378-80;  Hartnell, 
Narrativa,  MS.,  5.  Sanchez's  rancho  had  also  been  attacked  in  March  1837, 
and  two  Indians  killed.  The  riflemen  at  Monterey  insisted  on  receiving  $2 
each  before  pursuing  the  Indians. 

68  Feb.  24th,  alcalde  of  S.  Jose"  to  gov.  Has  given  instructions  to  exter- 
minate all  male  thieves  from  10  years  up,  and  to  capture  all  women  and  chil- 
dren. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  46-7. 

87  Corres.  April  to  July,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  491,  114-19;  vii.  74-6, 
146-9,  234,  330;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  23-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  yJuzg., 
iii.  3;  v.  6.  Estrada's  expedition  went  far  into  the  sierra,  but  was  compelled 
to  return  by  insubordination  of  the  troops.  He  had  80  men.  Alf.  Prado 
Mesa  seems  to  have  gone  in  a  different  direction,  killing  a  few  Indians. 


76  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

fields  at  Santa  Clara,  killing  one  of  the  number;  but 
they  were  pursued,  and  the  head  of  the  leader,  Dios- 
culo,  or  Yozcolo,  was  set  up  on  a  pole  at  the  mission.63 
In  December  Prado  Mesa,  while  on  an  expedition 
against  thieves  on  the  Rio  de  Estanislao,  was  sur- 
prised by  the  foe,  had  three  men  killed,  was  wounded, 
as  were  six  of  his  men,  and  lost  many  of  his  weap- 
ons.69 This  disaster  caused  much  excitement  and 
alarm.  The  Indians  became  bolder  than  ever,  though 
early  in  1840  a  successful  warfare  seems  to  have  been 
waged  against  them  in  different  directions.70  Subse- 
quently a  regular  patrol  was  established  between  San 
Jose  and  San  Juan  for  the  protection  of  the  ranches. 
The  records  are  vague  and  fragmentary;  but  the  in- 
dications are  that  depredations  continued  unabated 
throughout  1840.71 

Farther  south  troubles  were  chiefly  with  Indians 
from  abroad,  the  Chaguanosos  from  the  Xew  Mexi- 

68  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.   60-1;   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  4,41.     Aug. 
21  st,  a  party  of  75  men  returned  to  S.  Jos6  from  the  pursuit  of  1 1  runaways, 
of  whom  2  were  killed.     The  Moquelmnnes  said  to  have  killed  their  cap- 
tains, who  were  friendly.     Id. ,  viii.  46.     I  have  elsewhere  noticed  Win  H. 
Davis'  version  of  this  affair,  which  he  puts  at  an  earlier  date. 

69  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxv.  249;  viii.  368,  373,  375,  382,  394-5;  S.  Jose, 
Arch.,  MS.,  i.  43-46;  Dept.  flee.,  MS.,  x.   17;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS., 
iv.  19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.   286.     One  of  the  wounded  men,  Desiderio 
Briones,  was  left  but  not  apparently  captured.     He  was  found  seven  days 
later  by  a  party  under  Francisco  Palomares.     The  three  men  killed  were  vol- 
unteer citizens,  whose  names  are  not  given. 

70  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  28-30,  says  that  J.  J.  Vallejo  repulsed  the 
Indians  as  they  approached  the  southern  ranches,  and  Lieut  Martinez  a  little 
later  defeated  them  near  Mt  Diablo,  his  report  being  dated  Feb.  7th,  and 
Marsh  with  other  Americans  rendering  valuable  sen-ice.     Jan.   6th,  Felipe 
Briones  was  killed  on  the  Cerro  de  Bolbones  while  trying  to  recover  his 
horses  from  the  Indians.   Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  ix.  20. 

71  April  1840,  gov.  alarmed.     Arms  purchased.  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii. 
90.     May  16th,  an  exped.  of  25  soldiers  and  JOO  Ind.  to  start  on  19th  from 
S.  Jose.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  139.     July,  payments  for  service  and  for 
ammunition  used  in  the  Tulares.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  Com.  and  Treat.,  MS., 
iv.  33-6.     July  4th,  patrol  from  S.  Juan  to  S.  Jose,  with  instructions  to  offi- 
cers. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  14;  Id.,  Mont.,  iii.  85-90;  July  18th,  every 
owner  of  2  horses  must  furnish  one  for  the  expedition.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  1. 
Aug.  4th-15th,  Capt.  Antonio  Buelna  with  a  force  of  citizens  made  an  un- 
successful raid  to  the  two  rivers.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  39.     Oct.  21st,  an 
armed  force  of  friendly  Indians  to  start  on  the  25th.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix. 
287.     Nov.  llth,  the  expedition  succeeded  in  killing  4  notorious  horse-thieves. 
Id.,  ix.  309.     Nov.,  auxiliary  force  organized  against  Ind.  to  be  disbanded. 
S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  103;  Dept.  L'ec.,  MS.,  xi.  27.     Dec.  29th,  an  Ind. 
force  may  be  organized,  and  a  gratuity  paid.  Dept.  Jiec.,  MS.,  xi.  54-5. 


THE  CHAGUANOSOS.  77 

can  regions.72  Their  operations  hardly  belong  to  the 
topic  of  Indian  affairs  at  all.  They  were  ostensibly 
traders,  under  Canadian  chiefs,  and  in  league  with 
the  roving  bands  of  trappers.  They  were  well  armed, 
ready  for  any  kind  of  profitable  adventure  or  specu- 
lation, and  rendered  service  on  several  occasions  to 
the  abajefios,  both  against  the  northern  forces  and  hos- 
tile Indians;  but  they  allowed  nothing  to  interfere 
long  or  seriously  with  their  regular  business  of  steal- 
ing horses,  in  the  prosecution  of  which  they  employed 
both  gentiles  and  neophytes.  Their  greatest  exploit, 
and  indeed  the  only  clearly  defined  one  during  this 
period,  was  the  stealing  of  twelve  hundred  horses 
from  San  Luis  Obispo  in  April  1840.73  An  effort  was 
made  at  Los  Angeles  to  pursue  the  culprits.  Several 
parties  were  sent  out,  and  one  of  them  seems  to  have 
come  in  sight  of  the  foe  retiring  deliberately  and  in- 
dependently with  the  stolen  animals;  but  the  pursu- 
ers thought  it  imprudent  to  risk  a  conflict,  especially 
when  they  saw  that  among  the  Chaguanosos  there 
were  more  Americans  than  Indians.74  Early  in  1837 
there  had  also  been  a  raid  on  the  horses  of  San  Fer- 
nando, in  defending  which,  unsuccessfully,  two  Ind- 
ians were  killed.  In  this  case  also  many  gente  de 
razon  were  reported  among  the  raiders.75 

I  find  no  record  of  extraordinary  drought  or  flood, 
or  other  noticeable  peculiarities  of  any  season  in  1836- 
40,  except  that  the  winter  of  1838-9  seems  to  have 
been  wet  in  the  south.76  An  earthquake  was  felt  at 

72  Apparently  the  Shawnees.     Called  Chaguanos  in  the  Sonorense,  April 
4,  1851.     The  name  is  often  written  Chahuanos;  and  they  are  sometimes 
spoken  of  as  natives  of  Chihuahua.     Mofras  calls  them  Schaouaiios. 

13Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  iv.  72,  88;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  21;  Id.,  Ben. 
Pref.  y  Juzg. ,  vi.  69-70;  Dept.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  xi.  14;  Mofras,  Explor. ,  i.  379.  They 
are  said  to  have  tied  the  mission  servants,  stolen  saddles,  etc.,  and  threat- 
ened soon  to  commit  greater  crimes. 

74 May  1840,  numerous  details  of  the  pursuit.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS., 
iv.  88-92,  97-100. 

73  Jan.  3-5,  18.37.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  ii.  97-8. 

76<S'<.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  viii.  4;  ix.  36.  Many  sheep  perished  from  S. 
Diego  to  Purisima. 


78  MISSION  ANNALS  AND  INDIAN  AFFAIRS. 

Monterey  April  25,  1836;  and  more  severe  tembloVM 
occurred  from  Monterey  northward  on  June  9th  and 
10th  of  the  same  year.77  The  next  shocks  recorded 
were  in  June  and  July  of  1838,  doing  some  damage 
at  San  Francisco,  San  Jose",  Santa  Clara,  and  Monte- 
rey.73 On  January  16-18,  1840,  an  earthquake  at 
Santa  Cruz  threw  down  several  houses  and  the  church 
tower,  besides  causing  a  wave  which  carried  away  a 
large  quantity  of  tiles  which  were  two  hundred  yards 
from  the  shore.79  A  severe  shock  was  reported  in 
Mexico  as  having  occurred  on  November  30th  of  this 
year;  but  when  inquiries  were  made  by  the  govern- 
ment, no  one  could  remember  any  such  occurrence.80 

"  Gomez,  Doc.,  MS.,  36-7;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  118;  Suisun  Solano 
Herald,  Nov.  21,  1868. 

"Reported  by  Capt.  Paty  in  Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  Nov.  17,  1838. 

79 Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  ix.  24. 

*°Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  43;  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  21. 


CHAPTER  III. 

COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 
1836-1840. 

GENERAL  REMARKS— STATISTICS  OF  TRADE — NEW  MEXICAN  TRADERS — 
OTTER  SKINS — SMUGGLING — CHICO'S  BANCO — ACTION  OF  CALIFORNIA 
CONGRESS — VESSELS  OF  1836 — REGULATIONS — HAWAIIAN  TRADE — CAT- 
TLE DRIVEN  TO  OREGON  BY  YOUNG — EDWARD'S  DIARY — VALLEJO'S 
PLANS — FLEET  AND  REVENUES  OF  1837 — CARRILLO'S  DECREE — VESSELS 
AND  STATISTICS  OF  1838 — OTTER-HUNTING — CAPTAIN  BANCROFT  KILLED 
BY  INDIANS — SILVER  FOR  DUTIES — COASTING  TRADE  TO  BE  PROHIBITED — 
VESSELS  OF  1839 — ALVARADO'S  POLICY — STEARNS  AS  A  SMUGGLER — 
FLEFT  OF  1840 — OFFICERS  OF  CUSTOM-HOUSE  AND  COMISARIA — FINANCIAL 
ADMINISTRATION — DISTRIBUTION  OF  REVENUES — ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF 
VESSELS,  1836-40. 

GENERAL  remarks  on  commerce  and  maritime  affairs 
for  the  years  1 831-5 l  will  for  the  most  part  apply 
equally  well  to  the  present  half-decade,  there  being 
no  radical  changes  either  in  system  and  methods,  or  in 
the  amount  of  commercial  transactions.  On  an  aver- 
age, twenty-seven  vessels  were  on  the  coast  each  year ; 
of  which  number  seven  were  whalers,  men-of-war,  and 
other  miscellaneous  craft;  so  that  the  trading  fleet 
proper  consisted  of  twenty  vessels,  new  arrivals  being 
reduced  to  sixteen  by  the  fact  that  four  on  an  average 
required  two  years  for  the  round  voyage.  All  the 
vessels,  without  distinction  sufficiently  marked  to  re- 
quire notice,  brought  to  California  mixed  cargoes  of 
such  articles  from  all  parts  of  the  world,  cloths,  dry 
goods,  implements,  hardware,  groceries,  as  were  re- 
quired for  consumption  in  the  country.  So  far  as  such 

1  See  chap.  xiii.  of  vol.  iii. 

(79) 


80  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

an  average  can  be  made,  of  the  twenty  vessels  four 
were  Boston  ships  which  took  away  hides  and  horns; 
six  loaded  with  hides,  furs,  and  horses  for  the  Hawai- 
ian Islands,  much  of  the  cargoes,  except  the  horses, 
being  reexported  from  Honolulu;  three  came  from 
South  America  and  carried  away  chiefly  tallow ;  three 
were  national  vessels,  taking  tallow  and  miscellaneous 
produce  to  Mexican  ports;  two  were  vessels  of  the 
Russian  American  Company,  taking  grain  and  other 
agricultural  products  to  Sitka;  and  two  carried  similar 
products  to  the  Columbia  River,  being  more  or  less 
directly  connected  with  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company. 

For  the  three  years  for  which  alone  records  are  ex- 
tant, the  average  of  total  revenue  from  duties  was 
$70,000;  but  the  figures  for  1837-8  if  known  would 
probably  reduce  that  average  below  $60,000.  Duties 
amounting  generally  to  100  percent,  the  same  amount 
may  be  regarded  as  that  of  the  regular  importations; 
but  it  would  have  to  be  doubled  at  least  to  include 
smuggling  operations.  Exports  could  not  of  course 
vary  much  in  value  at  California  prices  from  imports. 
For  three  years  the  average  amount  of  produce  taken 
from  San  Francisco  was  $83,000;  and  the  average  an- 
nual export  from  California  to  Honolulu  for  five  years 
was  $46,000.  Sir  James  Douglas  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  who  visited  the  country  early  in  1841, 
and  who  had  before  enjoyed  good  opportunities  for  mak- 
ing himself  acquainted  with  California  trade,  estimated 
the  annual  exports  at  $241,000,  the  largest  item  being 
$70,000  in  hides.2 

American  settlers  on  the  Columbia  River  purchased, 
as  we  shall  see,  some  cattle,  which  were  driven  north- 
ward overland.  Traders  from  New  Mexico  still  came 
in  caravans  with  woollen  goods  to  purchase  such  horses 
and  mules  as  could  not  more  conveniently  be  stolen ; 
but  there  is  little  of  detail  in  the  records  save  what 

*  Douglas1  Journal,  MS.,  87-8.  More  of  this  important  narrative  later. 
The  estimate  was:  for  S.  Pedro,  $100,000;  S.  F.,  $80,000;  Sta  Barbara,  $25,- 
000;  Monterey,  $20,000;  S.  Diego,  $10,000;  S.  Luis  Obispo  and  Purisima, 
$6,000. 


TRAPPERS  AND  SMUGGLERS.  81 

has  been  already  said  respecting  the  exploits  of  the 
Chaguanosos.3  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had  a 
company  of  trappers  each  year  in  the  Sacramento  and 
San  Joaquin  valleys,  apparently  with  some  show  of 
authority  from  California;  and  free  trappers  in  small 
parties  still  ranged  those  valleys,  usually  in  league  with 
Indian  and  New  Mexican  horse-thieves,  but  respect- 
ing whose  movements  nothing  definite  can  be  known. 
All  that  pertains  to  otter-hunting  on  the  coast  is  also 
shrouded  in  mystery  so  far  as  details  are  concerned. 
We  know  only  that  Sparks  with  some  half-dozen 
hunters  was  constantly  at  work  under  license  on  the 
lower  coast  and  islands;  that  one  or  two  trips  for 
contraband  hunting  were  made  by  foreign  vessels  with 
Indian  hunters  from  the  north;  that  all  traders  were 
glad  to  obtain  otter  skins  legally  or  otherwise;  and 
that  few  cargoes  left  the  coast  which  did  not  contain 
a  package  of  valuable  furs.  In  smuggling  operations 
I  shall  have  nothing  to  record  of  a  very  scandalous 
nature,  though  such  operations  were  carried  on  per- 
haps more  extensively  than  ever.  So  large  a  portion 
of  the  inhabitants,  native  and  foreign,  of  all  classes 
were  engaged  in  contraband  trade,  that  there  was 
slight  risk  of  detection.  Customs  officers  were  the 
only  ones  who  were  at  all  dishonored  by  smuggling. 
Both  the  traders  and  native  Californians  in  their  nar- 
ratives relate  their  adventures  of  this  kind  with  pride 
rather  than  with  shame.  The  favorite  method  was 
still  a  transfer  of  cargo  at  sea  or  from  some  secure 
hiding-place  on  coast  or  islands,  after  the  least  valuable 
part  of  the  cargo  had  passed  inspection  by  the  revenue 
officers.  JThe  Sandwich  Island  vessels  still  took  the 

8  See  chap.  ii.  of  this  vol.  Feb.  16,  1838,  Gov.  Carrillo  permits  a  party 
of  New  Mexicans  to  trade  south  of  S.  Fernando,  but  not  farther  north. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  101;  Hopkins'  Translations,  MS.,  7-8.  In 
Dec.  1839  a  party  of  75  men  arrived  under  J.  A.  Salazar,  returning  to  Santa 
F6  in  April.  The  authorities  took  many  precautions  at  the  time  of  their  de- 
parture, evidently  suspecting  them  of  a  design  to  get  away  with  a  drove  of 
stolen  horses.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  iv.  55-7,  81;  v.  107,  113;  Id.,  S. 
Jost,  v.  71;  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xi.  5;  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  1G1-2.  The  opera- 
tions of  these  New  Mexican  'traders'  are  described  in  the  Honolulu  S..  /. 
Gazette,  Dec.  2,  1837. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    6 


82  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

lead  in  this  branch  of  commercial  industry;  the  Boston 
ships  either  did  not  smuggle  or  proceeded  more  cau- 
tiously.4 

One  of  Chico's  first  acts  was  to  issue,  on  May  1 1 , 
1836,  a  bando  intended  to  change  radically  the  meth- 
ods of  trade.  The  country's  greatest  evil  commer- 
cially, according  to  Chico's  ideas,  was  a  monopoly  of 
trade  by  foreigners;  and  he  proposed  to  protect  the 
interests  of  national  merchants.  His  decree,  there- 
fore, forbade  all  retail  trade  on  board  of  foreign  ves- 
sels, which  must  in  future  land  their  cargoes  at 
Monterey,  and  subsequently  sell  their  goods  at  that 
and  other  ports  on  shore  only,  and  at  wholesale.5 
For  vessels  already  on  the  coast  these  regulations 
were  to  take  effect  only  after  six  months,  much  longer 
than  Chico's  destined  term  of  office;  and  it  does  not 

4 Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  32,  150-9,  gives  a  good  account  of  smuggling  in 
which  he,  as  a  clerk  of  Nathan  Spear,  was  often  engaged  like  all  the  rest. 
Osio,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  405-6,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  custom-house,  says  he 
had  to  shut  his  eyes  to  many  frauds  out  of  pity  and  unwillingness  to  ruin  the 
merchants.  Many  smuggled  out  of  pure  fondness  for  contraband  trade,  and 
in  order  to  boast  of  their  shrewdness.  Capt.  Hiuckley  writes,  Feb.  13,  1836, 
to  Nathan  Spear,  'I  have  made  out  the  invoice  with  all  the  marks  so  that 
you  will  be  able  to  smuggle  considerable.'  Spear's  Papers,  MS.  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  165-6;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iii.  194;  iv.  6-7,  and 
many  others  admit  that  everybody  was  engaged  in  smuggling,  and  argue  that 
it  was  best  for  the  country. 

5  May  11,  1836,  Chico's  bando  on  trade.  Earliest  Print.;  Dept.  Si.  Pap., 
Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  57-8;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  185,  etc.  Seealso  chap,  xv.,  vol.  iii. 
of  this  work.  The  decree  is  substantially  as  follows:  1.  Retail  trade  on 
board  of  foreign  ships  is  absolutely  prohibited  in  all  the  ports  and  roadsteads 
of  this  Cal.  2.  Every  foreign  ship  immediately  on  arrival  at  Monterey  will 
land  its  cargo  in  accordance  with  the  laws.  3.  No  foreign  ship  may  open  a 
store  on  board  while  trading  in  the  territory.  4.  Wholesale  trade  is  per- 
mitted to  foreign  ships,  and  will  be  protected  according  to  national  and  in- 
ternational laws.  5.  L:y  wholesale  trade  is  understood  that  in  the  parcels, 
bales,  packages,  barrels,  etc.,  as  named  in  the  permit  of  this  custom-house, 
with  specification  of  contents.  6.  No  foreign  ship  may  touch  at  any  point 
on  this  coast  where  there  is  no  receptor,  except,  7.  In  case  of  necessity  with 
previous  notice  to  the  custom-house,  from  which  it  will  receive  an  attach^  to 
serve  as  receptor.  8.  The  same  vessels  must  obtain  permits  from  this  cus- 
tom-house for  coasting  trade,  and  must  return  the  way-bills.  9.  From  ves- 
sels violating  any  of  these  provisions  the  permit  for  coasting  trade  will  be 
withdrawn,  without  relieving  captains  and  supercargoes  from  the  penalties  for 
defrauding  the  revenue  or  disobeying  local  authorities.  10.  These  articles 
to  take  effect  immediately  with  vessels  which  may  arrive,  and  after  6  months 
with  those  now  on  the  coast.  11.  This  decree  to  be  published  and  enforced, 
etc. 


SPEAR'S  LIGHTER.  83 

appear  that  any  vessel  was  ever  subjected  to  them. 
Their  only  effect  was  to  offend  the  foreign  traders. 

In  one  other  matter  Chico  had  an  opportunity  of 
rendering  an  official  decision  bearing  on  trade.  Na- 
than Spear  had  a  schooner,  or  lighter,  the  Nicolas, 
which  he  used  to  carry  produce  between  Monterey 
and  Santa  Cruz  under  a  license  of  October  1835  from 
General  Gutierrez.  The  ayuntamiento,  with  a  view 
to  certain  dues,  claimed  the  exclusive  right  to  grant 
such  licenses,  and  Spear  had  once  been  fined  by  the 
alcalde;  but  Chico  decided  against  the  municipal 
authorities,  at  the  same  time  deciding  further  that 
Spear  must  sell  his  schooner  unless  he  could  prove 
himself  a  naturalized  citizen  or  inscribed  on  the  marine 
register.  Spear  subsequently  transferred  the  Nicolas 
to  San  Francisco  Bay.6 

After  the  revolution  of  November,  the  new  authori- 
ties, in  compliance  with  demands  of  the  foreigners, 
and  probably  in  fulfilment  of  a  previous  agreement  by 
which  foreign  support  had  been  secured  to  the  Cali- 
fornian  cause,  proceeded  not  only  to  restore  to  foreign 
vessels  the  right  of  engaging  freely  in  the  coasting 
trade  as  before,  but  reduced  the  rates  of  duties  to 
forty  per  cent  of  the  current  tariff.  This  action  was 
taken  by  the  California  congress  December  9th.7  The 
decree  was  intended  not  only  to  please  foreign  trad- 
ers, but  to  reduce  prices  and  prevent  smuggling. 
Though  the  records  are  meagre,  it  seems  to  have  had 
no  other  effect  than  to  greatly  reduce  revenues.8 

6 May  6-28,  1836.  Drpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Ixxx.  5-9. 

7  Dec.  9,  1836,  decree  of  the  const,  cong.  Castro,  Decretos,  no.  9;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Anf/.,  MS.,  x.  18;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  53.  1.  For  the  pres- 
ent, and  until  the  state  treasury  system  can  be  regulated,  articles  coming 
directly  from  foreign  ports  will  pay  only  40  per  cent  on  the  manifests  as  per 
general  tariff  in  force.  2.  The  coasting  trade,  escala  y  cabotage,  is  permitted 
as  before  to  foreign  vessels.  3.  They  will  pay  tonnage  dues  at  8  reals  per 
ton.  4.  In  order  to  trade  on  the  coast  they  must  obtain  from  the  govt  of  the 
state  a  passport,  to  be  shown  to  local  authorities.  5.  Those  auth.  will  not 
permit  such  trade  except  on  presentation  of  passports,  which  they  will  coun- 
tersign. 6.  To  be  published,  obeyed,  etc. 

8Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  183-4,  says  it  Mras  a  success.  Wilkes, 
Narr.,  v.  180,  says  the  duties  were  doubled  again  before  more  than  two  ves- 
sels had  benefited  by  the  reduction. 


84  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

There  were  twenty-five  vessels  on  the  coast  in  1836, 
besides  three  doubtful  records,  most  of  them  belong- 
ing to  the  merchant  fleet  of  earlier  years.  Such  items 
of  information  respecting  each  as  are  extant  I  give 
with  the  list  at  the  end  of  this  chapter.9  The  Clem- 
entine, Don  Quixote,  Leonidas,  and  Leonor  rendered 
some  service  to  the  government  in  bringing  a  governor, 
carrying  away  political  exiles,  and  moving  troops  up 
and  down  the  coast.  The  only  other  vessel  requiring 
special  mention  here  was  the  Peacock,  because  she 
came  from  the  Islands  ostensibly  for  the  protection 
of  American  commerce,  and  accomplished  her  object 
by  unknown  methods,  to  the  apparent  satisfaction  of 
the  traders.  The  voyage  also  gave  rise  to  the  publi- 
cation of  a  book;  but  on  both  topics  I  shall  have  more 
to  say  in  another  chapter.  The  total  amount  of  duties 
paid  by  all  the  vessels  at  the  Monterey  custom-house 
was,  as  nearly  as  I  can  ascertain,  about  $50,000  for  the 
year. 

By  a  Mexican  decree  of  February  17,  1837,  Mon- 
terey was  declared  open  to  foreign  commerce,  with  a 
custom-house  of  the  third  class.  This  was  a  privilege 
denied  to  San  Francisco  and  San  Diego,  which  ports 
were  to  be  open  to  coasting  trade  only,  though  the 
former  was  to  have  a  frontier  custom-house.  This 
involved  a  salary  list  of  $16,140  per  year,  and  was  to 
go  into  effect  six  months  after  the  date  of  publica- 
tion;10 but  of  course  had  no  effect  this  year  or  the 

9  Vessels  of  1836:  Aguirre  (?),  Alert,  Angola  (?),  Ayacucho,  Bolivar,  Brixon, 
California,  Catalina,  Clementine,  Convoy,  Diana,  Don  Quixote,  Europa,  Hector, 
Ionic  (?),  Isabella,  Kent,  Leonidas,  Leonor,  Loriot,  Nicolas,  Peacock,  Peor  es 
Nada,  Pilgrim,  Rasselaa,  Rosa,  Sarah  and  Caroline,  and  Sitka.  Total  ex- 
ports to  Honolulu,  $73,900.  t'lagg's  Report  Com.  Relations,  i.  540,  34th  cong. 
1  sess.,  Sen.  Ex.  Doc.,  107.  Total  receipts  of  custom-house,  fiscal  year  1835- 
6,  §56,741.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxi.  45;  or  §44,649.  Mexico, 
Mem.  Hacienda,  1837,  annex.  2,  1st  series.  Of  which  sura  about  $30,000 
belongs  to  1836.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  v.  2.  Total  of 
receipts  recorded  for  different  vessels  as  per  list,  $41,539. 

10 Feb.  l"th,  Mexican  decree,  in  Sup.  Oovt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  3-4;  xiii.  2; 
Pinaft,  Col.,  print,  no.  474;  Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1837,  p.  85-120,  144-93,  242- 
G4,  372-5,  578-89,  including  much  other  matter  on  Mexican  commercial  regu- 


WILLAMETTE  CATTLE  COMPANY.  85 

next  owing  to  existing  political  complications;  nor  do 
I  find  evidence  of  any  variation  in  1837  from  the 
regulations  of  the  preceding  December.  Respecting 
the  general  prospects,  a  Honolulu  paper  expressed 
some  rather  gloomy  forebodings.  "The  state  of  busi- 
ness on  the  coast  of  California  is  so  far  from  being 
favorable  to  the  interests  of  maritime  and  commercial 
enterprise,  that  it  begins  to  savor  most  decidedly  of 
the  real  seasoning  of  positive  ill  luck.  Business  is 
dragging  heavily,  while  governmental  affairs  are  mel- 
ancholy," writes  the  editor;  but  the  Hawaiians  were 
disappointed  that  California  had  resumed  her  Mexican 
allegiance.11 

An  interesting  topic  of  this  year's  annals,  and  one 
that  may  as  appropriately  be  mentioned  here  as  else- 
where, since  it  includes  both  a  trade  and  a  voyage, 
was  the  obtaining  of  a  drove  of  California  cattle  for 
the  American  missionary  establishment  in  Oregon, 
and  for  other  settlers  in  the  Willamette  Valley.  The 
Willamette  Cattle  Company  was  formed,  and  in  Jan- 
uary a  party  of  at  least  sixteen  men12  started  in  canoes 
down  the  river.  Ewing  Young  the  trapper,  formerly 
of  California,  was  the  active  chief,  while  Philip  L. 
Edwards,  in  later  years  a  well  known  lawyer  and  poli- 
tician of  Sacramento,  was  a  kind  of  financial  agent. 
Edwards  kept  a  diary,  a  part  of  which  in  manuscript 
is  before  me,  and  is  chiefly  the  source  of  my  informa- 
tion.13 The  party  sailed  from  the  Columbia  River 
February  10th  on  the  Loriot,  the  Llama  at  the  same 
time  bringing  to  California  James  Birnie,  whose  busi- 
ness was  also  to  purchase  cattle  for  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company.  Most  of  the  party  landed  at  Bodega  on 

lations,  of  this  and  later  dates  in  1837;  Prleto,  JRentas,  204;  Mexico,  Mem. 
Hacienda,  1838,  pt  i.  p.  7;  Dice.  Univ.,  viii.  26. 

11  Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  Nov.  18,  1837. 

12  The  following  16  are  named  first  and  last  in  the  diary;  Phil.  L.  Edwards, 
Ewing  Young,  Lawrence  Carmichael,  Henry  Wood,  B.  Williams,  Hauchurst 
(Hawkhurst),  Bailey,  Erque  (Erequette),  Despau,  Gay,  O'Niel,  Turner,  Tib- 
betts,  Moore,  Camp,  and  Pet. 

13  Edwards'  diary  of  a  journey  from  Oregon  to  Cal.,  1837.     The  missing 
portion  is  the  least  important.     The  author  came  back  to  Cal.  in  1850,  and 
died  in  1869.     This  diary  was  furnished  by  the  author's  daughter. 


86  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AXD  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

the  27th;  but  the  Loriot  went  on  to  Monterey,  Ed- 
wards stopping  at  San  Francisco,  and  Young  going 
on  to  Santa  Barbara.  During  March,  April,  and  May, 
Edwards  visited  the  region  of  San  Rafael,  and  made 
the  trip  by  land  from  Monterey  to  San  Francisco. 
He  met  several  of  the  foreign  residents,14  and  his 
recorded  observations  are  accurate  and  interesting, 
though  brief  and  presenting  no  features  requiring 
special  notice  here.  At  first  Vallejo  had  regarded 
unfavorably,  and  Alvarado  had  rejected,  the  proposi- 
tions of  Young  and  Birnie  to  purchase  cattle,16  and 
there  is  no  evidence  that  the  determination  was 
changed  in  Birnie's  case;  but  Young,  by  personal 
solicitation,  succeeded  in  gaining  the  consent  of  both 
governor  and  general,  and  he  purchased  from  the 
government  over  seven  hundred  cattle,  at  three  dol- 
lars each,  to  be  delivered  at  San  Francisco  and  San 
Jose"  missions.  The  wildest  cattle  are  said  to  have 
been  selected  by  the  administrators;  the  time  from 
June  1st  to  July  20th  was  employed  in  the  task  of 
collecting  and  driving  the  refractory  animals  to  the 
bank  of  the  San  Joaquin.  To  get  the  drove  across 
the  river  was  a  still  more  formidable  undertaking,  the 
perplexing,  and  to  all  but  the  drivers  amusing,  diffi- 
culties of  which  are  graphically  described  by  Edwards. 
The  fording  of  the  Jesus  Maria,  or  Sacramento,  on 

14  Those  named  are  Leese,  Marsh,  Black,  Spence — at  whose  house  he  was 
entertained  at  Monterey — Dye,  Livermore,  Gulnac,  and  Forbes.  North  of 
the  bay  he  visited  Cooper's  Mill,  Read's  rancho,  and  Martin's  rancho,  being 
also  entertained  by  Padre  Quijas,  who  was  very  free  with  his  wine.  March 
4th,  Richardson  writes  of  arrival  of  Young,  and  his  trip  to  the  south.  He  left 
eight  Americans  and  three  IncL  at  Cooper's  rancho.  Vallfjo,  Doc.,  MS. 
xxxii.  76. 

16  March  18,  1837,  V.  to  A.  He  does  not  give  his  opinion  decidedly,  but 
suggests  some  objections  as  well  as  advantages,  fearing  a  possible  rivalry  from 
the  north  in  the  stock-raising  industry.  If  the  petition  be  granted,  the  sales 
should  be  on  govt  account,  and  great  precautions  must  be  taken  to  prevent 
abuses.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  83.  May  3d,  A.  to  V.,  declining  to  consent. 
III.,  iv.  230.  Jan.  10th,  McLoughlin  at  Vancouver  to  Vallejo,  in  reference 
to  some  complaints  against  Birnie  iu  his  past  transactions  in  salting  beef.  Id., 
v.  18.  Feb.  25th,  V.  to  A.  Expects  a  party  of  men  sent  by  the  govt  of  the 
Columbia  to  purchase  cattle  (for  slaughter?),  as  permitted  in  1834.  Id.,  iv. 
7">.  Marsh,  Letter,  MS.,  16-18,  gives  some  information  about  the  traffic  and 
travel  between  Oregon  and  Cal.  in  1837-42.  The  subject  is  also  mentioned 
by  Phelps,  Fore  aiul  Aft,  471. 


CATTLE  FOR  OREGON.  87 

August  30th  was  more  easily  accomplished.  The  com- 
pany entered  the  mountains  on  the  trail  of  Lafram- 
boise  and  his  trappers.  There  is  nothing  in  the  diary 
to  indicate  the  route  followed;  and  Shasta  Valley, 
reached  on  October  14th,  is  the  only  name  applied  to 
any  locality.  The  journey  was  one  of  extraordinary 
hardships.  Mountain  succeeded  mountain  apparently 
without  end,  each  higher  and  steeper  than  the  one  be- 
fore; until  horses  and  cattle  were  wellnigh  exhausted 
and  the  men  utterly  discouraged.  Young  and  several 
others  had  been  over  the  trail  before,  but  never  knew 
exactly  where  they  were.  Young  quarrelled  with  his 
men  about  the  killing  of  cattle  for  food,  and  there  was 
much  insubordination.  An  Indian  was  murdered  by 
some  of  the  party,  who  sought  vengeance  for  outrages 
of  the  savages  on  earlier  trips;  and  this  not  only  ex- 
cited the  indignation  of  Edwards,  but  caused  the  Ind- 
ians to  continually  harass  the  travellers  at  every 
difficult  pass,  several  being  wounded  by  arrows.  The 
record  ends  abruptly  on  October  18th,  leaving  our  ad- 
venturers in  the  midst  of  their  troubles  at  a  point 
four  days'  march  beyond  the  crossing  of  the  Shasta 
River;  but  we  know  from  other  sources  that  they 
reached  the  Willamette  before  the  end  of  October 
with  600  of  their  cattle.16  This  is  the  first  instance 
clearly  recorded  in  which  cattle  were  obtained  in  Cal- 
ifornia for  the  north;  though  there  are  rumors  that 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had  before  driven  a  few 
from  Ross  by  a  coast  route. 

In  August  of  this  year  Vallejo  addressed  to  Alva- 
rado  a  communication  on  commercial  reforms,  which 
was  printed  in  book  form  after  being  extensively  cir- 
culated in  manuscript.17  His  plan  was  to  prohibit  all 

16  Lee  and  Frost,  Ten  Years  in  Oregon,  145-6.     It  is  said  that  they  bought 
800  cattle  at  §3  per  head,   and  40  horses  at  §12— in  all  $2,480  (?).     The 
horses  were  sold  in  Oregon,  and  the  cattle  were  found  to  have  cost  $7.07  each, 
the  mission  receiving  as  its  share  over  80  head.     See  also  Slacum'slfeport,  38— 
9;   Wilke*'  Narr.,  iv.  384;  Evans'  Hist.  Or.,  MS.,  212-13. 

17  Vallcjo,  Exposition  que  hacee.l  Comandante  General  dela  Alta  California 
al  Gobernador  de  lamisma,  1S37.  (Sonoma,  1837.)  IGmo,  21  p.     A  rare  speci- 
men of  early  Californian  printing,  though  the  work  is  not  so  well  done  as 


88  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

coasting  trade  by  foreign  vessels,  and  to  transfer  the 
custom-house  from  Monterey  to  San  Francisco.  In 
defence  of  the  first,  he  adduced  the  well  known  prac- 
tice on  the  part  of  traders  of  presenting  themselves 
at  Monterey  with  a  few  cheap  articles  for  inspection, 
afterward  taking  on  board  from  secure  hiding-places 
the  valuable  part  of  the  cargo,  to  be  sold  at  other 
ports.  Thus  the  revenue  was  grossly  defrauded,  leav- 
ing the  government  without  funds.  By  the  change 
proposed  not  only  would  smuggling  cease  and  the  rev- 
enues be  augmented,  but  Californians  would  be  encour- 
aged to  become  the  owners  of  coasting  vessels  or  to 
build  up  a  system  of  inland  communication  by  mule- 
trains.  An  attempt  was  made  later,  as  we  shall  see, 
to  carry  this  part  of  the  plan  into  effect.  The  trans- 
fer of  the  custom-house  was  advocated  on  the  ground 
of  San  Francisco's  natural  advantages,  the  number 
and  wealth  of  the  establishments  tributary  to  the  bay, 
and  the  importance  of  building  up  the  northern  fron- 
tier as  a  matter  of  foreign  policy.  Vallejo's  views 
were  for  the  most  part  sound,  even  if  his  motives  were 
not  quite  disinterested;18  but  naturally  the  scheme 
met  with  no  favor  at  Monterey,  either  from  the  citi- 
zens or  governor. 

The  fleet  of  1837  numbered  thirty-seven  vessels, 
of  which  about  a  dozen  were  of  the  past  year's  list.19 

some  other  books  of  the  period.  The  original  MS.  is  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xxxii.  108;  and  it  is  also  found  in  Dept.  St.  Papv  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  107-18,  in 
the  fonn  of  an  address  to  the  ayunt.  of  S.  Jose".  The  printed  document  is 
dated  Aug.  1 7th,  and  the  MS.  Aug.  24th.  It  is  also  given  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col. , 
MS.,  iii.  342-57. 

18Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  498,  declares  that  Vallejo's  motive  was  really  a  desire 
to  handle  the  revenues,  and  that  Alvarado's  refusal  was  the  cause  of  their 
long  quarrel;  but  Mofras  was  an  enemy  of  Vallejo,  whose  only  interested  mo- 
tive was  probably  to  increase  the  value  of  Sonoma  property. 

19  Vessels  of  1837.  See  list  at  end  of  this  chapter:  Alert  (?),  Ayacucho, 
Baikal,  Bolivar,  Cadboro,  California,  California  (schr),  Catalina,  City  of 
Genoa,  Clementine,  Coffin,  Com.  liodijers,  Crusader,  Delmira,  Diana,  Europa, 
Griffon,  Indian,  Harvest,  lolani,  Ixabclla,  Kent,  Leonidas,  Leonor,  Llama, 
Loriot,  Nancy,  Pilgrim,  Rasxelas,  Sarah  ana  Caroline,  Sitka,  Starlwq,  Sul- 
phur, Toward  Castle,  True  Blue,  Ve/oz  Asturiano,  Venus.  According  to 
Richardson's  record,  the  vessels  at  S.  F.  were  divided  as  follows:  American 
10,  tonnage  2,673;  English  5,  880  tons;  Mexican  5,  897  tons;  Ecuador  2,  252 
tons;  Hawaiian  1,  198  tons;  Russian  2,  382 tons;  total,  25,  5,282  tons.  These 
vessels  took  away  from  S.  F.  produce  to  the  amount  of  $75,711,  divided  aa 


VESSELS  AND  TRADE  OF  1837-8.  89 

There  were  four  that  had  come  in  1836  and  simply 
sailed  away  this  year.  Five  were  whalers  touching 
for  supplies,  and  two  of  them  lost  on  the  Californian 
coast.  Three  were  men-of-war,  though  on  no  war- 
like errand;  while  twenty-five  made  up  the  trading 
fleet  proper.  There  is  an  almost  total  lack  of  data 
respecting  cargoes  and  duties,  but  I  suppose  the  lat- 
ter were  considerably  less  than  in  1836.  Of  matters 
connected  with  the  visits  of  the  Loriot  and  Llama, 

I  have  already  spoken.     The  voyages  of  the  English 
and  French   explorers   Belcher   and    Petit-Thouars, 
with  the  published  narratives  of  those  voyages,  will 
demand  attention  in  another  chapter;  respecting  other 
vessels  of  the  year,  there  is  no  information  extant  be- 
yond what  I  give  in  the  list  for  1836-40. 

The  commercial  annals  of  1838  present  in  respect 
of  regulations  nothing  more  important  than  the  de- 
cree of  January  3d,  by  which  Carlos  Carrillo  ;  at- 
tempted to  browbeat  the  arribenos  by  closing  the  port 
of  Monterey  and  establishing  the  custom-house  at 
San  Diego — a  decree  which  of  course  had  no  effect.20 

There  were  twenty-two  vessels  in  the  list  of  1838, 
of  which  thirteen  appeared  in  that  of  the  preceding 
year.21  Neither  whalers  nor  men-of-war  came  to  the 

follows:  Hides,  14,928;  horns,  12,484;  tallow,  11,731  arrobas;  wheat,  5,060 
arr.;  dried  beef,  925  arr. ;  flour,  522  arr. ;  lard,  514  arr. ;  potatoes,  856  arr. ; 
pumpkins,  400  arr.;  wool,  448  arr.;  corn,  198  arr.;  barley,  35  arr.;  beans, 

II  arr.;  meat,  1931bs;  beeves,  56;  sheep,  100;  deer-skins,  270;  beaver-skins, 
71  arrobas.     From  I'lagg's  Report  we  learn  that  the  imports  from  Cal.  into 
Honolulu  were  $49,500  for  the  year. 

20 Jan.  3,  1838,  Carrillo 's  proclamation.  8.  Diego.  Arch.,  MS.,  193.  See 
also  chap,  xix.,  vol.  iii.  of  this  work.  May  1st,  Mexican  custom-house  regu- 
lations, naming  Monterey  as  an  open  port,  and  the  other  two  as  puertos  de 
cabotage.  Arrillaga,  Rccop.,  1838,  144-221.  Aug.  1st,  no  person  must  board 
a  vessel  before  the  revenue  officers.  Penalty,  $10,  $20,  and  finally  that  of  a 
rebel.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  5. 

21  Alert,  Ayacucho,  Bolivar,  Cadboro,  California,  Catalina,  Clara,  Colum- 
bian (?),  Delmira,  Fearnaught,  flibbertygibbett,  Index,  lolani,  Kamamalu, 
Kent,  Leonidas,  Leonor,  Llama,  Nereid,  Plymouth,  Rassdas,  and  Sitka. 
Authorities  on  the  disaster  of  the  Llama,  at  Sta  Rosa  Island  (see  text): 
Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  Jan.  19,  Feb.  2,  1839;  Niles'  Reg.,  Iri.  280;  Larkin's 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  1;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  58-61;  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  218;  Anderson's  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast,  MS.,  217-19;  Nidever's  Life,  MS., 
81-4.  Total  amount  of  produce  taken  away  from  S.  F.  this  year,  $81,700  or 
$86,600,  according  to  two  versions  of  Richardson's  report;  total  tonnage,  3,910, 


90  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

coast,  so  far  as  the  records  show.  The  few  and  mea- 
gre items  of  revenue  extant  form  perhaps  no  basis  for 
a  general  estimate,  though  they  seem  to  indicate  a 
continued  decrease  in  custom-house  receipts.  The 
only  vessel  in  this  year's  fleet  requiring  further  notice 
than  that  given  in  the  list  was  the  Llama.  We  have 
seen  that  in  1837  James  Birnie,  representing  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company,  had  tried  without  success 
to  obtain  a  license  to  hunt  otter  on  the  Californian 
coast.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  company  went 
any  further  in  the  matter;  but  Captain  John  Bancroft 
of  the  Llama,  the  vessel  that  had  brought  Birnie 
from  the  north,  went  on  with  his  otter-hunting  op- 
erations in  defiance  of  the  laws.  It  is  probable  that 
he  made  a  successful  trip  in  the  spring  of  1838,  since 
he  touched  at  Honolulu  in  the  summer  on  his  way 
from  California  to  the  Columbia  River,  having  on 
board  twenty-seven  north-western  Indians.  His  wife 
was  with  him  on  the  vessel.  In  the  autumn,  with  the 
same  crew,  or  more  probably  a  new  one,  of  twenty- 
five  fierce  Kaiganies,  he  came  down  the  coast  to  Santa 
Rosa  Island,  and  began  work  again.  George  Nidever, 
an  old  otter-hunter,  still  living  in  1880,  tells  some  ex- 
citing tales  of  conflicts  which  he  and  his  companions 
had  in  these  years  with  the  north-western  Indians  at 
the  islands;  and  he  mentions  an  unsuccessful  attempt 
to  capture  at  Santa  Rosa  a  vessel  which  may  have 
been  the  Llama.  On  November  21st,  Bancroft, 
having  had  an  altercation  with  one  of  his  hunters  in 
the  morning,  received  a  volley  of  musket-balls  in  the 
back  while  standing  at  the  gangway  looking  over  the 
ship's  side,  and  fell  mortally  wounded.  Mrs  Bancroft 
threw  herself  upon  her  husband's  body,  and  was  ter- 
ribly wounded  by  a  second  volley  from  the  muskets 
of  the  savages.  A  seaman,  attempting  to  arm  him- 
self, was  also  killed ;  and  then  the  Indians,  seizing  the 

tons.  30,000  Californian  hides  were  received  at  Honolulu  and  reexported. 
Honolulu,  Hawaiian  Spectator,  i.  2.  Total  of  exports  to  Honolulu,  §01,900. 
Fiaytfa  Report. 


DEATH  OF  JOHN  BANCROFT.  91 

vessel,  forced  Robinson,  the  mate,  to  direct  her  course 
to  the  north.  When  the  Kaiganies  reached  their 
home,  they  landed  in  their  canoes,  and  allowed  the 
Llama,  stripped  of  all  they  could  carry  away,  to  con- 
tinue her  voyage.  She  arrived  at  Honolulu  January 
13,  1839;  and  on  the  27th  Mrs  Bancroft  died  there 
from  the  effect  of  her  wounds.  F.  D.  Atherton,  in 
notifying  Thomas  O.  Larldn  from  Honolulu  of  what 
had  happened,  adds:  "Sparks  may  now  have  the 
range  of  the  whole  coast  without  interruption,  as 
there  will  be  no  more  vessels  fitted  out  from  here." 
On  the  very  day  of  Mrs  Bancroft's  death,  Governor 
Alvarado,  having  become  convinced  somewhat  tardily 
that  Bancroft  was  taking  otter  illegally  on  the  coast, 
appointed  the  negro  Allen  G.  Light  a  '  comisario  gen- 
eral' to  put  a  stop  to  such  proceedings,  using  force  if 
necessary  I 

It  had  become  customary  to  accept  goods  from  for- 
eign vessels  in  payment  of  duties  to  such  an  extant 
that  coin  was  almost  entirely  removed  from  circulation ; 
and  the  prices  of  goods  thus  paid  had  been  gradually 
raised  to  exorbitant  figures.  To  prevent  these  evils, 
a  decree  was  issued  by  Alvarado,  through  Adminis- 
trator Osio,  in  April  1839,  fixing  by  a  graduated  scale 
the  proportion  of  duties  that  must  be  paid  in  coin, 
never  less  than  one  third  of  the  whole  amount.  More- 
over, persons  holding  custom-house  orders  on  vessels — 
for  the  duties  were  almost  always  anticipated  by  the 
issuance  of  such  orders — need  not  take  goods  in  pay- 
ment if  the  prices  were  deemed  excessive,  but  might 
require  hides  or  tallow  at  current  rates.22 

22  April  8,  9,  1839,  circulars  of  Alvarado  and  Osio.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
MS.,  iii.  21;  Id.,  Cust.-H.,  v.  12-13.  If  the  whole  duty  was  $3,000  or  less, 
all  was  to  be  paid  in  silver;  on  $3,000  to  $6,000,  66  per  cent  in  silver;  on  $6,000 
to  $12,000,  50  per  cent;  and  over  $12,000,  33  per  cent.  When  the  part  to  be 
paid  in  silver  was  over  $6,000,  it  might  be  paid  in  three  instalments.  Osio, 
Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  402-4,  mentions  this  action,  but  gives  the  scale  incorrectly. 
Some  miscellaneous  items  of  the  year:  Jan.  31st,  Osio  to  Alvai'ado.  Foreign 
effects  prohibited  by  law,  but  the  admission  of  which  is  required  by  necessity, 
will  pay  a  fixed  duty  of  not  less  than  40  per  cent.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Gust.  - 
H.,  MS.,  v.  4.  Tonnage  paid,  $2.12  per  ton,  Mexican  measurement,  always 


92  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

I  note  a  few  general  items  of  the  year  as  follows: 
In  May  Vallejo  urged  upon  the  Mexican  government 
the  expediency  of  admitting  free  of  duties  for  ten 
years  the  cargoes  of  such  vessels  as  should  touch  at 
San  Francisco  only,  with  a  view  to  build  up  Sonoma 
and  the  northern  frontier.23  In  the  same  month  John 
Temple  at  Los  Angeles  wrote  to  Larkin:  "Business 
is  almost  at  a  complete  stand.  I  have  not  done  half 
as  much  as  I  did  last  year  by  this  time"24 — yet  busi- 
ness men  have  been  known  to  complain  of  dull  times 
without  much  cause.  Forbes  published  extracts  from 
various  letters  relating  in  a  general  way  to  commerce 
on  the  coast,  and  incidentally  to  California.25  In  Au- 
gust Larkin  issued  a  circular  address  to  whalers,  setting 
forth  the  advantages  of  Monterey  as  a  station  for  ves- 
sels visiting  the  north-west  coast.26  In  August  also 
Juan  Bandini  came  to  the  front  with  a  proposition  to 
revive  the  failing  prosperity  of  the  country  by  prohib- 
iting the  introduction  of  foreign  liquors  and  wines.27 
The  settlers  north  of  the  bay  announced  in  print  that 
they  would  no  longer  trade  with  foreign  vessels  un- 
less the  latter  would  take  all  kinds  of  produce  in  ex- 
change for  goods.28  The  traders  often  took  articles 
they  did  not  want  for  their  own  cargoes,  to  be  ex- 
changed with  others  in  a  different  line.  All  would 

in  coin.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  244.  July  22d,  Oslo  to  Guerra.  The  evil  of 
vessels  entering  other  ports  before  coming  to  Monterey  must  be  stopped.  If 
forced  to  enter,  a  guard  must  be  put  on  board,  and  receive  §50  for  his  ser- 
vices. Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  24.  Aug.  IGth,  17th,  decrees  regulating  land- 
ing of  sailors  from  whalers  and  other  vessels.  Hunt's  Merchants'  Mag.,  iii.  461- 
2;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  13.  Aug.  22d,  Oct.  12th,  Mexican  regu- 
lations Arrillaga,  Recop.,  1839,  p.  194-5,  240-2.  Oct.  23d,  Vallejo  to  capt. 
port  at  S.  F.  Foreign  lighters,  launches,  or  boats  to  do  no  carrying  trade  on 
the  coast.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  231.  July,  the  vessel  in  which  Sutter 
came  with  difficulty  got  permission  to  remain  48  hours  at  S.  F.  for  repairs,  etc. 
Not  allowed  to  remain  for  festivities  of  July  4th.  Butter's  Pers.  Pecol.,  MS., 
13-15.  Nov.  16th,  Osio  complains  that  contraband  goods  are  introduced  from 
Ross  at  S.  F.,  where  there  is  no  receptor. 

23 May  10,  1839,  V.  to  min.  of  war.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  28. 

"May  23,  1839,  Temple  to  Larkin,  in  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  5. 

25 Forbes'  Hist.  Col.,  332,  etc. 

26  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  294.     The  circular  was  intended  mainly  as  an 
advertisement  of  Larkin's  private  business. 

27  Aug.  9,  1839,  B.  toayunt.  of  Angeles.   Ley.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  44-6. 

28  Aug.   15,  1839,  Salvador   Vallejo  for  the  northern  raricheros.  Earliest 
Print. 


COASTING  TRADE— VESSELS  OF  1839.  93 

take  hides  or  tallow  or  furs,  as  these  articles  were 
easily  interchangeable. 

Vallejo  still  urged  his  plan  of  prohibiting  the  coast- 
ing trade  to  all  foreign  vessels;29  and  at  the  end  of  the 
year  all  owners  and  consignees  were  forewarned  of  an 
intention  on  the  part  of  the  state  government  to  en- 
force the  Mexican  laws  prohibiting  every  kind  of  coast- 
ing trade  to  all  but  national  vessels.  They  were 
therefore  required  to  suspend  at  once  their  retail  trade, 
and  to  settle  up  transactions  in  which  they  were  al- 
ready engaged;  but  meanwhile,  pending  the  issue  of 
the  intended  order,  they  might  continue  to  dispose  of 
their  goods  at  wholesale — a  privilege,  however,  w^hich 
would  be  forfeited  by  a  failure  to  comply  with  the 
present  requirements.30 

I  append  a  list  of  twenty-six  vessels  on  the  coast 
in  1839,  of  which  only  ten  or  twelve  were  new  arri- 
vals.31 The  -Clementine  brought  John  A.  Sutter,  of 
whose  settlement  in  California  I  shall  have  much  to 
say  later.  Captain  Laplace  published  extensive  notes 
of  his  observations  in  the  country  during  his  visit  on 
the  Artemise;  but  a  notice  of  Laplace's  book,  like 
that  of  Belcher,  who  visited  the  coast  a  second  time 
this  year  on  the  Sulphur,  belongs  also  to  a  subsequent 
chapter.  The  arrivals  which  brought  most  joy  to 
the  Californians,  and  especially  to  officials,  were  those 
of  the  California  and  Monsoon,  two  Boston  ships 
which  paid  over  $50,000  in  duties  on  their  cargoes, 

29 Dec.  1st,  V.  to  Virmoud.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  335. 

30  Dec.  31,  1839,  governor's  order  to  prefects,  circulated  by  the  latter  to 
minor  officials  on  various  dates  of  Jan.  1840.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  408; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  6-8;  Id.,  Angeles,  xii.  25;  Id.,  Monterey,  iv. 
84-5;  S.  Dierjo,  Arch.,  MS.,  251;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  1-2;  S.  Jose,  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  105;  Estudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  3. 

31  Alert,  Artemise,  Ayacucho,  Baikal,  Bolivar,  California  (schr),  Califor- 
nia, Catalina,  Cervantes,   Clementine,  Corsair,  Daniel  O'Connell,  Delmira, 
Elena,  f'libbertygibbc-tt,  Index,  Isabel,  Joseph,  Joseph  Peabody,  Juan  Jose, 
Leonidas  (?),  Monsoon,  Morse,  Nicolds,  Starling,  and  Sulphur.     Total  reve- 
nue received  at  the  Monterey  custom-house  in  1839,  $85,613.     Expenses, 
§4,574.  Larkin's  Official  Gorresp.,  MS.,  ii.  37,  110;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  Gust.- 
H.,  v.  (201-45);  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  85;  Bryant's  What  I  Saw  in  Gal,  445-6. 
At  S.  F.  20  vessels,  total  tonage  3,367  tons,  took  away  produce  to  the  value 
of  $87,529.      Richardson,  in    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxv.   255.      Imports  into 
Honolulu  from  Cal.,  $26,500.  Magg's  Report. 


94  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

more  than  doubling  the  revenue  of  the  preceding 
year,  and  raising  the  total  to  $85,613 — a  godsend  to 
the  departmental  treasury. 

I  find  no  evidence  that  in  1840  foreign  vessels  were 
restricted  to  wholesale  trade  in  accordance  with  the 
regulation  of  December  1839;  or  that  any  serious 
attempt  was  made  to  enforce  the  restriction,  beyond 
the  circulation  of  the  order  in  January.32  In  Feb- 
ruary, however,  Alvarado  dwelt  on  his  proposed  pro- 
hibition of  coasting  trade  in  his  opening  speech  be- 
fore the  junta,  explaining  the  reasons  of  his  warning 
already  issued,  and  asking  for  the  passage  of  a  decree 
so  framed  as  to  conciliate  all  interests.33  Again  in 
December  he  addressed  a  long  communication  to  the 
government,  explaining  his  policy,  and  announced  his 
purpose  to  enforce  it  from  the  beginning  of  the  next 
year,  making  perhaps  some  concessions  to  such  ves- 
sels as  might  be  on  the  coast  at  that  time.  Alvarado 
admitted  that  this  action  would  for  a  time  greatly 
reduce  the  revenues,  and  might  cause  the  Boston 
ships  to  suspend  their  visits;  but  he  held  that  it  was 
necessary,  in  order  to  prevent  smuggling,  to  keep  out 
of  the  country  the  constantly  increasing  horde  of 
deserters  from  foreign  vessels,  and  especially  to  de- 
velop a  system  of  commerce  and  transportation  in 
f  the  hands  of  Californians.34  It  is  not  unlikely  that 
certain  prominent  traders  of  foreign  birth,  but  natu- 

82  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  498,  says  the  foreigners  refused  to  unload  their 
cargoes,  and  thus  forced  Alvarado  to  rescind  his  prohibition.  This,  however, 
may  refer  to  the  general  prohibition  of  coasting  trade  a  little  later. 

33  Feb.  16,  1840,  A.  to  the  junta.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  51-3.     Jan.   1st, 
new  revenue  tariff  goes  into  effect.     Tonnage  on  foreign  vessels,  $1.50;  duty 
on  lumber,  $10  per  M.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  297-8.     March,  exportation  of 
money  free  of  duties  not  permitted  either  to  vessel  or  passengers.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  viii.  2.     Duties  on  various  imports  September.    Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  121.     Dec.  14th,  a  deduction  of  25  per  cent  made  on  the 
$1.50  tonnage  dues.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.  13.     Dec.  10th,  gov. 
asks  for  a  law  prohibiting  foreigners  from  engaging  in  retail  trade.  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  xi.  71.     No  tonnage  on  a  vessel  that  enters  a  port  for  fresh  supplies  or 
to  repair;  but  she  can  remain  only  48  hours.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  251.     Coin 
particularly  scarce  this  year.    Vallejo  (J.  J.),  Remin.,  MS.,  177. 

34  Dec.  12,  1840,  A.  to  sup.  govt.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  329. 


TRADING  FLEET  OF  1840.  95 

ralized  and  married  in  the  country,  were  the  real  pro- 
moters of  this  proposed  enforcement  of  Mexican 
laws  with  a  view  to  their  own  private  interests. 

The  commercial  annals  of  this  period,  like  those  of 
183 1-5, 35  may  be  closed  by  a  reference  to  the  fact  that 
Abel  Stearns  was  arraigned  for  a  continuance  of  his 
smuggling  operations  at  Los  Angeles  and  San  Pedro. 
In  October  a  strange  vessel  landed  goods  mysteri- 
ously at  night.  A  search  of  Stearns'  house  revealed 
a  valuable  lot  of  silks  and  liquors,  which  were  con- 
demned. Don  Abel  wrote  violent  letters,  talked  loud, 
and  appealed  for  justice,  meanwhile  exerting  himself, 
as  it  seems,  to  make  false  invoices  and  otherwise  put 
his  accounts  in  order.  To  what  extent  he  succeeded 
the  records  fail  to  show ;  but  in  December  contraband 
hides  were  found  by  a  new  search  of  his  warehouse.3*3 

Of  the  twenty-eight  vessels  named  in  the  list  of 
1840,  seventeen  had  been  known  on  the  coast  before.87 
They  yielded  to  the  government  a  total  revenue  of 
$72,372,  of  which  the  Alert  from  Boston  paid  $18,- 
685,  and  the  Bolivar  from  Honolulu  $11,531.  Sev- 
eral vessels  of  this  year's  fleet  will  require  notice, 
or  have  already  been  noticed,  in  connection  with 
other  matters.  Such  are  the  Alert,  whose  master, 
Phelps,  published  a  narrative;  the  Don  Quixote,  one 
of  whose  passengers,  Farnham,  also  wrote  a  book;  the 
Joven  Guipuzcoana,  that  carried  away  Graham  and 
his  fellow-exiles;  the  Catalina,  that  brought  back  the 
guard  sent  with  the  prisoners  to  San  Bias;  the  Dan- 

85  See  Hist.  Cal.,  chap,  xiii.,  vol.  iii.,  this  series. 

36 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  185-6;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  27-8,  50-1; 
Id.,  Aug.,  xi.  119-24;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  yJuzg  ,  vi.  82-8. 

sl  Aleiope,  Alert,  Angelina,  Ayacucho,  Baikal,  Bolivar,  California,  Califor- 
nia (schr),  Catalina,  Clara,  Columbia,  Dana'ide,  Don  Quixote,  Elena,  Fly, 
Forager,  Index,  Joseph  Peabndy,  Jdven  (>uipuzcoana,  Juan  Jose,  Lausanne, 
Leonidas,  Monsoon,  Morse,  Nikolai,  Nicolas,  St  Louix,  Union.  Total  of  rev- 
enue according  to  items  as  per  list,  $64,723.  According  to  report  in  Larkin'a 
Off.  Corresp.,  ii.  37,  110;  HartnelPs  statement  in  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  83;  Bry- 
ant's What  I  Saw  in  Cal.,  445-6 — $72,308;  according  to  custom-house  records, 
$72,372,  expenses  being  $4,913.  Exports  to  Honolulu  to  Aug.,  $17,000. 
Flagg'x  Report,  which  was  taken  from  a  report  furnished  by  Pierce  and 
'Brewer  to  the  Polynesian  Sept.  12,  1840.  Douglas,  Journal,  MS.,  88,  makes 
the  average  exports  of  hides  and  tallow  from  Monterey  $20,000. 


96  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

aide  and  St  Louis,  men-of-war  which  came  to  investi- 
gate imaginary  outrages  upon  the  citizens  of  France 
and  the  United  States;  and  the  Lausanne,  which 
brought  some  immigrants  from  Oregon,  and  had 
trouble  with  the  Californian  authorities. 

At  the  end  of  1835  we  left  Josd  Maria  Herrera  in 
charge  of  the  sub-comisaria,  and  Angel  Ramirez  of 
the  Monterey  custom-house.  The  former  was  exiled 
by  Alvarado's  revolution  of  November  1836;  but  the 
latter  held  his  place  for  more  than  a  month  after  the 
change  of  government,  being  suspended  with  all  his 
subordinates  by  Alvarado  on  the  21st  of  December.38 
In  place  of  these  a  recaudador,  or  collector,  was  to  be 
appointed  with  one  clerk.  William  E.  Hartnell  was 
appointed  recaudador,  and  throughout  the  year  1837 
seems  to  have  been  the  only  official  of  either  treasury 
or  custom-house  in  California;  though  of  his  adminis- 
tration nothing  is  known  beyond  the  fact  that  he  held 
the  position.83  An  administrator  of  customs  was  ap- 
pointed by  the  Mexican  government,  but  never  came 
to  take  the  position.40  Antonio  Maria  Osio  was  urged 
this  year,  according  to  his  own  statement,  to  take 
charge  of  the  custom-house,  the  governor  having  been 
struck  with  admiration  by  his  honest  administration, 
while  in  the  rebel  service,  of  a  forced  loan  from  San 

S8 December  21,  1836,  Alvarado  suspends  Ramirez.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Cmt.-H.,  MS.,  iv.  1.  This  was  authorized  by  the  decree  of  the  congress  of 
Dec.  4th.  Castro,  Decretos,  no.  3.  The  recaudador  was  to  get  a  salary  of 
§1,000,  and  his  clerk  §365.  July  2d,  furniture  in  the  custom-house  paid  for 
from  the  treasury:  2  cases,  flagstaff,  flag,  scissors,  slate,  candlestick,  snuffers, 
table,  seal,  boat,  shed  for  same.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Gust.-H.,  MS.,  iv.  [353], 

39  Hartnell  was  appointed  Dec.  25,  1836,  and  removed  Oct.  5,  1837.  His 
compensation  was  5  per  cent  of  collections.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  58,  112; 
iv.  76;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxi.  79.  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  38- 
42,  speaks  however  of  Jesus  Pico  as  having  held  the  position  of  sub-comisario, 
being  entirely  incompetent,  as  was  his  successor,  Montenegro,  who,  he  says, 
was  succeeded  by  Santiago  Estrada. 

*°  Manuel  Cambre  appointed  May  10,  1837,  and  his  resignation  accepted 
June  7th.  Dept.  St>  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  iv.  767-8.  This  was  under 
the  decree  of  Feb.  17th,  creating  for  the  Monterey  custom-house  an  adminis- 
trador  at  $3,000;  contador,  §2,000;  1st  and  2d  official,  §1,500  and  §1,000; 
escribiente,  §500;  alcaide,  §1,500;  comandante,  §2,000;  4  celadores  at  §800 
each;  patron  of  the  boat,  §400;  and  4  sailors,  at  §260  each.  Total,  §16,140 
per  year!  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  2. 


ADMINISTRATION  OF  REVENUES.  97 

Fernando.  The  honest  man  of  Angeles  declined  the 
honor  at  first,  because  his  private  business  was  yield- 
ing him  an  income  of  $4,000  besides  his  vineyard.  In 
1838,  however,  Osio  accepted  the  position,*1  and  served 
as  administrador  throughout  the  period,  much  to  the 
satisfaction  of  all  concerned,  being  regarded  by  mer- 
chants and  masters  of  vessels  as  not  only  a  competent 
official,  but  a  courteous  gentleman.  The  only  subor- 
dinate was  Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  who  served  as  first 
official  and  vista  from  1838.42  Meanwhile  Alferez  Eu- 
genio  Montenegro  was  appointed  sub-comisario  in 
January  1838,  and  served,  with  what  success  the 
records  do  not  show,  until  the  end  of  March  1839.43 
He  was  succeeded  by  Jose  Abrego,  who  remained  in 
charge  of  the  departmental  finances  for  six  years.44 
At  San  Francisco,  where  W.  A.  Richardson  seems 

41  Osio,  Hist.  Gal. ,  MS. ,  355-6,  400-1.  The  author  declares  that  he  accepted 
only  on  condition  that  he  was  not  to  pay  any  attention  to  communications 
from  Pavon,  the  director  general  de  rentas,  who  was  very  angry  at  receiving 
only  the  regular  accounts  at  the  end  of  each  year.  The  exact  date  of  Oslo's 
appointment  does  not  appear;  but  on  Jan.  6th,  the  admin. — presumably  Osio — 
is  appointed  contador  as  well,  with  $2,000  salary.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  x.  1. 
Oct.  13,  1838,  Osio  explains  his  method  of  securing  the  services  of  guards  for 
vessels  at  the  slight  expense  of  $3  for  each  visit,  by  giving  them  also  all  the 
law  allowed  to  seizers  of  contraband  goods.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  237-8. 
March  30-1,  1839,  Osio  sworn  in  and  gives  bond  of  $4,000.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Oust. -If.,  MS.,  v.  5;  and  is  also  appointed  provisional  comandante  de 
celadores.  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  x.  4.  Called  also  habilitado  provisional.  Ashley's 
Doc.,  MS.,  255. 

42 He  was  appointed  Jan.  3,  1838.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  x.  1.  Accepts  office 
and  gives  bond  of  $2,000  Jan.  5,  1839.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  22; 
Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  v.  \,  3,  5.  His  salary  was  $1,500.  Lieut  Pedro  Narvaez 
seems  to  have  served  as  captain  of  the  port  at  Monterey  (not  a  revenue  offi- 
cer) in  1839-40.  Val'ejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  256;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS., 
Ixxvi.  Rafael  Gonzalez  was  appointed  comandante  of  celadores  on  July  13, 
1840  (in  Mexico  ?).  At  the  same  time  a  contador  and  official  1°  were  appointed, 
who  never  came  to  California.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  viii.  4.  Monte- 
negro was  comandante  of  celadores  from  March  1839. 

43Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  v.  3-4;  Dept.  JRec.,  MS.,  x.  1-4. 

41  March  30,  1839,  gov.  appoints  Abrego  comisario  (?)  ad  int.  Dept.  St. 
Pfip.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  28.  He  is  usually  referred  to  in  official 
documents  as  sub-comisario;  and  is  spoken  of  by  Californians  as  treasurer. 
Dec.  1,  1840,  gov.  to  min.  of  int.,  recommending  Abrego  as  gefe  de  hacienda. 
Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  xi.  72.  His  pay  at  first  was 2  per  cent  of  receipts.  In  1840 
he  got  $197  per  month,  and  had  2  clerks  at  $30  and  $18.  His  bond  waa 
$1,000.  July  13,  1840,  a  decree  of  the  president  fixed  the  salaries  at  Mon- 
terey as  follows:  administrador,  $2,500;  contador,  $2,000;  2  clerks  at  $1,500 
and  $500;  the  first  serving  as  vista;  alcaide  (storekeeper),  $1,000;  coman- 
dante of  celadores,  $1,800;  4  celadores  at  $700;  skipper  of  launch,  $400; 
4  sailors  at  $260.  Vallejo,  Doc.  Hint.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  72. 
HiaT.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  7 


98  COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

to  have  served  as  captain  of  the  port  throughout  this 
half-decade,45  there  was  no  custom-house  officer  until 
1839.  Jacob  P.  Leese  was  then  recommended  by 
Osio  as  receptor;  but  the  governor,  not  favoring  the 
appointment  of  a  trader,  appointed  Francisco  Guerrero 
as  provisional  administrator,  with  twenty-five  per  cent 
of  receipts  as  compensation.48  At  Santa  Barbara 
Benito  Diaz  figures  as  receptor  in  1836-7;  and  Jose 
Antonio  de  la  Guerra  was  captain  of  the  port  in 
1839-40.47  At  San  Diego  Martin  S.  Cabello  served 
as  receptor,  except  for  a  time  in  1836  when  he  had 
trouble  with  the  local  authorities  and  Andre's  Pico 
took  his  place,  until  1838,  and  perhaps  later.  During 
Carrillo's  rule  in  the  south  in  1837—8,  Juan  Bandini 
seems  to  have  had  nominal  charge  of  the  so-called 
custom-house  at  this  port,  but  there  are  no  satisfac- 
tory records  of  this  period.  It  does  not  appear  that 
Don  Carlos  and  his  party  ever  succeeded  in  collecting 
duties  from  any  vessel.48 

The  financial  administration  of  California  in  1836-8 
has  left  no  record  of  methods  or  statistics  of  results. 
We  know  simply  that  during  the  sectional  struggles  the 
southern  missions  had  to  furnish  funds  to  support  the 
cause  of  the  abajenos ;  while  the  arribenos  depended  on 
the  northern  missions,  had  frequent  opportunities  to 
draw  upon  those  of  the  south  as  well,  and  had  besides 
the  custom-house  receipts.  If  any  accounts  were  kept, 
they  have  long  since  disappeared.  Wealthy  men  on 
both  sides  made  some  sacrifices  of  property,  which,  as 
a  rule,  were  more  than  repaid  later,  in  one  way  or 
another,  from  the  mission  estates.  Meanwhile,  occa- 

45 His  record  of  vessels,  Richardson,  Salidasde  buques,  MS.,  begins  in  1S.°>7. 
Dec.  24,  1839,  Osio,  in  writing  about  his  salary  of  $00  per  month,  says  his 
appointment  had  not  yet  been  approved.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. Com.  and  Treats., 

"Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  v.  2,  6;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  16;  Dcpt. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  20;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  204,  267. 

"Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  iv.  1;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ixxxi.  81; 
Ixxxviii.  35;  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  iv.  25. 

48 S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  5,41,95,  107,  118;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cmt.-IL, 
MS.,  iv.  1-4. 


THE  REVENUES  IN  1839-40.  99 

sional  communications  arrived  from  Mexican  officials 
on  financial  topics,  which  received  not  the  slightest 
attention  from  Californian  financiers,  and  merit  not 
even  a  mention  here.49 

In  1839-40  a  great  improvement  is  observable, 
something  of  order  and  system  being  introduced  by 
Abrego  and  Osio  in  the  financial  management  and 
keeping  of  accounts,  while  the  revenues,  as  we  have 
seen,  were  largely  increased,  amounting  to  $158,000 
for  the  two  years.  I  append  in  a  note  such  statistical 
items  as  will  enable  the  reader  to  form  an  idea  of 
what  was  done  with  this  revenue  of  $79,000  a  year, 
or  $6,500  per  month.53  As  before,  official  communica- 
tions from  Mexico  received  very  little  attention,  ex- 
cept as  they  could  occasionally  be  utilized  to  sustain 
a  position  taken  in  some  Californian  quarrel. 

Instructions  from  the  national  government  required 
that  the  revenues  should  be  equally  divided  between 
the  civil  and  military  departments.51  It  was  charged 

49  June  4-5,  1836,  Gov.  Chico  proposes  some  new  system  of  regulating 
mission  accounts,  not  approved  by  the  dip.  Leg.  Pec.,  MS.,  iii.  17-18. 
April  1,  1837,  the  Mexican  govt  authorized  a  loan  of  $70,000  on  the  pious 
fund,  the  money  to  be  devoted  to  the  task  of  restoring  the  national  authority 
in  Cal.  ArriUaga,  Recop.,  1837,  p.  265-6.  April  12th,  the  pros,  announces  the 
formation  of  a  scheme  to  pay  the  foreign  debt  in  lands  of  the  north,  includ- 
ing Cal.,  and  in  bonds  secured  by  those  lands,  of  which  100,000,000  acres 
were  to  be  hypothecated  for  this  purpose.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  3-4. 

60 1  omit  many  items  which  contribute  to  no  general  result.  May  13,  1839, 
gov.  to  Abrego.  $16,632  to  be  set  aside  for  payment  of  auxiliary  militia  for 
services  in  restoring  order.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv. 
24,14.  July  27th,  Abrego  to  Vallejo.  Govt.  owes  $19,000.  Accepts  V.'s 
offer  of  aid  for  the  frontier  company.  Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  144-5.  Abrego's  ac- 
counts show  that  from  May  to  Oct.  1839  tlaere  was  paid  to  the  military  de- 
partment $20,975,  and  to  the  civil  $26,165.  Id.,  Ben.  Com,,  and  Treas.,  MS., 
iii.  35-9.  Specimen  monthly  account  of  military  expenses  in  1839:  Coman- 
dante  general  and  office  expenses,  $354;  presidial  companies,  Monterey  $705, 
Sta  Barbara  $710,  S.  F.  $1,367,  Sonoma  $650,  artillery  co.  $576;  4  officers 
not  included  in  preceding,  $235;  surgeon,  $60;  7  invalidos,  6  of  them  officers, 
$235;  3  port  captains,  $239;  sundries,  $29;  total,  $5,166.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xiv.  256.  Estimate  of  annual  military  expenses  from  many  items  in  Id. ,  xxv. , 
$60,961.  July  26th,  Abrego's  estimate  of  monthly  expenses  for  the  whole 
department,  $8,000.  Id.,  vii.  406.  General  expense  of  the  staff  for  1839, 
$7,362.  Id.,  xxv.  Paid  out  by  Abrego  in  June  1840,  $9,861,  the  largest 
items  being:  placed  at  governor's  disposal,  $3,670;  extraordinary  expenses, 
$1,141;  repaid  to  merchants,  $1,703;  to  military  companies,  $2,487.  Id.,  xxvi. 
97.  Payments  in  July:  military,  $11,452;  civil,  $13,620.  Id.,  110.  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  143-4,  affirms  that  in  1840  David  Spence  bought  state 
bonds  for  17  cents,  and  never  realized  anything  from  them. 

61  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  3;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  130;  Id.,  Ben. 


100         COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITD1E  AFFAIRS. 

by  Vallejo  that  this  division,  regarded  in  itself  as  un- 
fair by  reason  of  the  needs  and  services  of  the  soldiers, 
was  not  fairly  carried  out,  the  civil  authorities  receiv- 
ing their  full  pay,  while  the  military  had  to  be  content 
with  what  was  left;  and  it  was  also  charged  by  all 
outside  of  the  capital,  that  the  Monterey  clique  were 
devoting  the  revenues  too  exclusively  to  their  own 
benefit.  This  distribution  of  the  funds  was  a  leading 
element  in  the  quarrel  between  Alvaradoand  Vallejo; 
and  the  controversy  between  the  latter  and  Abrego 
was  hardly  less  bitter,  the  comisario  seeking  every 
opportunity  to  annoy  the  general.52  It  is  probable 
that  Alvarado,  Castro,  Jimeno,  Abrego,  Osio,  and 
their  friends  at  Monterey  used  their  power  to  some 
extent  for  their  own  interests;  but  it  is  known  that 
Vallejo  was  influenced  largely  by  wounded  pride,  and 
such  records  as  are  extant  afford  but  scant  support  to  s 
his  extravagant  charges  of  a  fraudulent  distribution  (.,« 
of  the  public  moneys.63  f* 

>  _ , 

I  append  an  alphabetical  list  of  seventy-six  vessels    /.' 
which  visited  Californian  ports  from  1836  to  1840,6*  '" 

Com.  and  Treat.,  iv.  27.  March  14,  1839,  Vallejo  asked  that  Castillero  be 
recognized  in  Mex.  as  habilitado  general  for  the  Cal.  companies;  the  reply 
was  that  Castillero  might  serve  as  attorney  for  persons  in  Cal.  Savage,  Doc., 
MS.,  iv.  313. 

52 See  Hist.  Cal.,  chap,  xx.,  vol.  in.,  this  series.  Also  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
vii.  407,  417;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  141-9.  Aug.  5,  1840,  Abrego 
urges  the  appointment  of  an  habilitado  to  receive  from  him  all  military  funds 
for  distribution.  Id.,  iii.  153.  Oct.  28,  1839,  Mexican  order  forbidding  the 
general  to  interfere  in  the  management  of  public  funds.  Supt.  Govt  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  xv.  12.  May  10,  1839,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  The  revenue  of  this  year 
will  be  sufficient  to  pay  all  expenses  and  leave  a  surplus.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
vii.  32. 

53  May  to  Aug.  1839,  a  series  of  orders  requiring  the  collection  of  tithes, 
the  proceeds  to  be  devoted  to  the  establishment  of  a  mail  route  from  L.  Cal. 
No  results  reported.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  17,  32,  399;  xxxii.  267;  Hayes' 
Mission  Book,  i.  335;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  48;  Id.,  Angeles,  v.  65;  xi.  10; 
Monterey,  Arch. ,  MS. ,  x  vi.  23.  There  is  nothing  of  a  general  nature  extant  for 
this  period  respecting  municipal  funds. 

"List of  vessels  1836-40: 

Aguirre,  named  as  a  ship  at  Mont.  1836;  but  probably  a  vessel  belonging 
to  Aguirre. 

Alciope,  Amer.  ship;  Curtis  Clap,  master;  on  the  coast  April  to  Oct.  1840; 
duties,  $6,876.  At  Honolulu  in  Nov.;  passengers,  Capt.  Blinn,  Rev.  Parker, 
Mr  and  Miss  Warren.  Sailed  for  Boston  in  Dec. ;  Capt.  J.  0.  Carter,  pass. 

Alert,  Amer.  ship,  398  or  360  tons;  Thompson,  master.     Sailed  for  Boston 


VESSELS  OF  1336-40.  101 

eight  of  the  number  resting  on  doubtful  records. 
Of  the  remaining  sixty-eight,  twenty-six  were  under 
the  flag  of  the  United  States,  seventeen  bore  English 

May  8,  1836,  with  40,000  hides  and  30,000  horns.  Returned  in  spring  of  1838 
(or  perhaps  late  in  1837);  Penhallow,  master;  Hatch,  mate.  Sailed  from  San 
.Diego  for  Boston  June  26,  1839.  Came  back  in  June  1840;  Win  D.  Phelps, 
master;  duties,  $18,685.  Alfred  Robinson  is  named  as  supercargo,  and  may 
have  returned  to  Cal.  on  this  vessel.  Capt.  Phelps  in  his  Fore  and  Aft  de- 
scribes the  voyage  as  having  lasted  3  yrs,  3  mos,  and  13  days. 

Angelina,  Fr.  whaler  of  1840,  as  mentioned  by  Osio;  N.  Jena,  master. 

Angola,  Amer.  ship;  consigned  to  Spence  and  Malarin.  In  Spence's  list 
of  1836. 

Artemise,  Fr.  man-of-war;  Capt.  C.  P.  T.  Laplace,  com.;  from  Bodega  to 
Mont.  Aug. -Sept.  1839.  See  chap.  iv.  of.  this  vol.  for  Laplace's  visit  and 
book, 

Ayacucho,  Engl.  brig;  \Vilson,  master;  up  and  down  the  coast  as  usual 
in  1836-7,  from  Callao. 

Ayacucho,  Ehgl.  schr,  97  or  67  tons.  Formerly  the  Isabel.  Bought  in 
May  1838  for  $2,900  at  Callao  by  Jas  McKinley.  In  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xxxii.  136-41,  are  all  the  doc.  of  sale  and  change  from  Mex.  to  Engl.  flag.  In 
Cal.  Sept. -Oct.;  Geo.  F.  Comfort,  master;  McKinley  on  board;  $456  duties. 
Back  again  from  Callao  July  1839;  Robert  Dare,  master.  Landed  a  passen- 
ger, who  was  allowed  to  take  only  one  suit  of  clothes  of  his  luggage.  Cargo, 
$2,566;  duties,  $2,368.  Wintered  on  the  coast,  or  came  back  in  March  1840; 
duties,  $20. 

Baikal,   Russ.  brig,  180  tons;  Stephen  Vouks,  master;   at  S.  Francisco 
Jan.   1S37.      Also  Jan.   1839;  Demetrius,   master;    took  $4,977  in  produce. 
IsoFeb.-Mar.  (and perhaps  Dec.)  1840;  Rosistof  Mashim,  master;  exchanged. 
^,828  ft  lumber  from  Sitka  for  wheat;  tonnage,  $96. 

Bolivar,  Amer.  brig,  193,  212,  or  224  tons;  Gorham  H.  Nye,  master;  A.  B. 
Thompson,  sup.;  arr.  in  April  1836  from  Honolulu,  with  cargo  of  $4,781. 
Slight  troubles  with  authorities.  Duties,  $4,766.  Carried  John  C.  Jones  to 
the  Islands  in  Oct.  Back  March-Oct.  1837;  Back  again  Jan. -Oct.  1838;  sus- 
pected of  smuggling  by  aid  of  a  schr  in  Drake  Bay.  Perhaps  wintered,  or 
returned  in  Jan.  1839.  Again,  Mar.-Oct.  1840,  she  paid  duties,$ll, 531.  She 
was  owned  by  Amer.  at  Honolulu,  and  valued  at  $7,000. 

Brixon,  Engl.  whaler;  at  Mont.  Oct.  1836. 

Cadboro,  Engl.  schr,  71  tons;  WmBrotchie,  master;  from  Columbia  River 
in  autumn  of  1837  and  1838;  at  Bodega  and  San  Francisco. 

California,  Amer.  ship,  317  or  2G7  tons;  Jas  Arther,  master;  Thos  B.  Park, 
sup.;  arr.  from  Boston  March 4, 1836;  cargo,  $19,881 ;  duties,  $18,117.  Sailed 
for  Boston  Oct.  8,  1837,  carrying  Alfred  Robinson  and  wife,  and  Mrs  Wm  S. 
Hinckley.  Came  back  in  Jan.  1839;  still  under  Arther  and  Park;  cargo, 
$30,069;  duties,  $25,129.  Sailed  for  home  late  in  1840. 

California,  Mex.  schr,  83  tons;  formerly  the  Clarion  xndKaniu.  Brought 
from  Honolulu  by  Henry  Paty,  who,  June  20,  1837,  sold  her  toGov.  Alvarado 
for  $9,000,  3(5,424  being  the  duties  on  her  cargo,  and  the  balance  in  hides  and 
tallow  in  2  months;  Paty  to  command  for  the  2 mo.  (Contract  in  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xxxii.  90.  See  also  chap,  xviii.,  vol.  iii.,  this  work.)  Rechristened 
the  California  and  sailed  Aug.  25th  for  S.  Bias  on  govt  business;  Thos  M. 
Bobbins,  master.  Returned  Nov.  15,  1838  with  Castillero  and  news  of  Al- 
varado's  confirmation.  (See  chap,  xix.,  vol.  iii.,  this  work).  Used  as  a  prison 
ship  in  Jan.  1839.  (Chap,  xx.,  vol.  iii.)  Robinson  and  Reed,  mates.  Capt. 
Robbins  made  charges  of  mutiny  against  2d  mate  and  2  sailors  during  the 
late  voyage.  (Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  348,  352-3;  vii.  24;  xxxii.  196.)  In 
April  8  or  9  neophytes  put  on  board  to  learn  to  be  sailors,  (/it/.,  vi.  360-1, 
451.)  Expenses  of  the  vessel  to  April  30,  1839,  besides  the  original  cost, 


102         COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

colors,  nine  Mexican,  six  the  flag  of  some  South 
American  nation,  four  French,  four  Russian,  and  two 

§8,000.  In  May  chartered  to  Cells  for  a  trip  of  5  months  to  Acapulco  and 
Manzanillo,  having  perhaps  made  a  previous  trip  to  the  Islands.  (Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  16,  19,  39-43;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  8;  Sup. 
Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  8;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  59.)  Left  S.  Francisco 
April  18th,  and  S.  Diego  June  8th,  with  tallow;  JohnB.  R.  Cooper,  master; 
Andre's  Castillero,  passenger.  She  returned  in  Sept.,  and  remained  on  the 
coast;  though  an  effort  was  made  to  send  her  to  the  Islands.  Valle jo,  Doc., 
MS.,  viii.  183.  She  left  S.  Fran,  in  Jan.  1840.  Cooper  had  orders  to  go  to 
S.  Diego  for  a  cargo  of  hides  for  Honolulu,  devoting  the  proceeds  to  repairs; 
or  he  might  exchange  the  vessel  for  another,  paying  §5,000.  List  of  officers 
and  crew  in  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xxxiii.  87.  Siie  sailed  from  S.  Diego  March 
IGth,  with  Henry  D.  Fitch  as  supercargo.  Cooper  certifies  that  vessel  and 
cargo  belong  to  the  Mex.  govt.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  5.  At  Honolulu 
April-June  undergoing  repairs,  which  cost  §2,222.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  M.S.,  xxxiii. 
58,  72,  76.  Left  Honolulu  June  10th — Polynesian,  June  20th — and  air.  at  S. 
Francisco,  having  heard  of  troubles  at  Mont,  on  July  2d.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS., 
i.  247-8.  Brought  Mr  Andrews  as  passenger,  and  paid  §209  duties.  The 
cargo  included  doors,  windows,  honey,  and  a  four-wheeled  carriage.  Went  to 
Mont.  July  17th-20th;  and  in  Aug.  to  Sta  B.  and  back.  Dec.  13th,  sailed 
for  Acapulco  under  a  contract  with  Larkin,  who  went  with  his  cargo.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  159-60.  I  have  Capt.  Cooper's  original  Log  of  the  Califor- 
nia, MS. ,  which  gives  full  details  about  the  schooner's  movements,  with  many 
items  about  other  vessels. 

Catalina,  Mex.  brig,  161  tons;  Snook,  master.  On  the  coast  from  Callao 
every  year,  1836-40.  In  1837  her  cargo  was  seized  on  account  of  troubles 
with  Fred.  Becher,  the  supercargo.  (See  chap,  xvii.,  vol.  iii.)  Jn  1838  brought 
fa,vorable  news  for  Alvarado.  In  1839  took  §15,000  of  produce  from  S.  Fran. 
In  1840  she  was  under  Christian  Hansen  as  master,  bringing  Covarrubias  and 
the  guard  of  the  Graham  exiles.  (See  chap,  i.,  this  vol.)  Some  contraband 
arms  on  board  were  seized. 

Cervantes,  Peruv.  schr,  137  or  206  tons;  Malarin,  master;  arr.  from  Callao 
Aug.  1839;  cargo,  §8,790;  duties,  §7,984;  apparently  the  Leonidas  under  an- 
other name,  but  possibly  not;  also  called  Cervantes  in  1840. 

City  of  Genoa,  brig;  at  Mont.  Dec.  1837  from  Valparaiso;  so  reported  at 
Honolulu. 

Clara,  orClarita,  Mex.  bark,  210  tons;  Chas  Wolter,  master;  Jose"  Arnaz, 
sup.;  Virmond,  owner;  from  Acapulco  1840.  Arnaz  says  her  invoice  was  §10,- 
000,  the  goods  selling  for  §64,000.  According  to  Spence  and  Davis  she  came 
also  in  1838,  with  Celis  as  supercargo. 

Clarion,  see  California. 

Clementine,  Engl.  brig,  93,  76,  or  160  tons.  (The  records  are  inextricably 
confused,  and  there  may  have  been  2  vessels  of  this  name,  a  schooner  of 
1836-7,  and  a  brig  of  1839.)  Wm  (or  Jas)  Handley  (or  Hanly),  master.  At 
Mont.  March  1836,  with  cargo  of  §1,563,  duties,  §1,553,  to  N.  Spear.  Carried 
Gov.  Chico  away  in  July;  back  in  Oct.  afflicted  with  sickness,  desertion,  and 
robbery.  In  Nov.  carried  away  Gov.  Gutierrez  and  other  exiles;  but  returned 
in  Dec.  and  carried  part  of  Alvarado's  army  south.  Wintered  on  the  coast, 
and  in  March  1837  carried  PP.  Bachelot  and  Short  to  Honolulu,  where  the 
vessel  was  seized  by  the  Hawaiian  govt.  In  July  1839  the  Clementine,  per- 
haps another  vessel,  arr.  from  Honolulu  via  Sitka,  under  John  Blinn  (or  as 
some  records  have  it,  still  under  Handley).  Duties,  §3,261,  or  §162.  A  guard 
was  put  on  board  at  S.  Fran.  J.  A.  Sutter,  A.  Thompson,  2  Germans,  and  9 
Hawaiians  were  passengers.  More  of  Sutter  and  his  company  elsewhere. 

Coffin,  Amer,  whaler;  at  Mont.  Oct.  1837. 

Columbian,  Engl.  ship;  at  S.  Fran.  June  1838;  probably  the  Nereid,  q.  v. 

Columbia,  Engl.  bark,  350  tons;  Humphries,  master;  Wood,  sup. ;  at  Mont. 


VESSELS  OF  1836-40.  103 

Hawaiian.  There  were  several  changes  in  national 
colors  with  ownership  during  the  period.  Many  of 
the  vessels  carne  repeatedly  to  the  coast  during  the 

Jan.  1840  from  Columbia  River;  duties,  $2,339;  at  Honolulu  June-July;  back 
at  Mont,  and  S.  Fran,  in  Aug.;  cargo,  $1,804;  duties,  $1,421. 

Commodore  Rodgers,  Amer.  whaler;  Howland,  master;  wrecked  at  Mont. 
Nov.  19,  1837;  vessel  lost;  cargo  sold  at  auction. 

Convoy,  Amer.  brig,  137  tons;  Bancroft,  master.  Smuggling  in  Jan.  1836, 
according  to  Dana.  In  March  sailed  with  furs  for  Oahu.  Back  again  in  Aug. 
and  sailed  Oct.  4,  via  N.  \v.  coast  to  Honolulu,  which  port  she  left  again 
Oct.  27th  for  N.  w.  coast. 

Corsair,  Amer.  brig,  161,  128,  or  137  tons;  Hinckley,  master;  at  Mont. 
Aug.  1839  from  Callao;  cargo,  $10,178;  duties,  $9,202,  of  which  $4,730  hi 
silver;  at  Sta  B.  in  Oct.  Hinckley  accused  of  smuggling  by  a  transfer  of  car- 
go, and  arrested  atS.  Fran.;  but  in  1841  the  case  had  not  been  settled.  DepL 
tit.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  308-41;  Dcpt.  Rec.,  MS.,  x.  31. 

Crusader,  Colombian  brig;  from  Callao  in  Oct.  1837. 

Dana'ide,  Fr.  corvette;  Jph.  de  Rosamel,  com.;  at  Mont.  June- July  1840, 
in  connection  with  the  Graham  affair  (see  chap.  i.  of  this  vol.);  at  Honolulu 
July  20th. 

Daniel  O'Connett,  Colombian  brig;  100  tons;  Andre's  Murcilla,  master;  at 
Mont.  Nov.  1839;  cargo,  $4,656;  duties,  $4,467. 

Delmira,  Ecuador  brig,  126  tons;  Vioget,  master;  Miguel  Pedrorena,  sup.; 
on  the  coast  in  1837-8-9.  It  is  said  that  in  1837  her  duties,  $6,000,  were 
collected  by  Salv.  Vallejo  and  Montenegro,  who  took  goods  and  gave  receipts, 
declaring  it  was  no  time  for  'red  tape  and  nonsense'  when  the  soldiers  were 
in  need. 

Diana,  Amer.  brig,  199  tons;  Barker,  master.  Wintered  1835-6,  anil 
sailed  for  Honolulu  in  Oct.  Sold  and  sailed  for  Columbia  Riv.,  where  she  wua 
in  June  1837.  Name  changed  to  Kamamalu;  Wm  S.  Hinckley,  master.  At 
Sta  Bdrbara  in  Oct.— Nov.  as  a  Hawaiian  bark.  Wintered  on  the  coast. 
Aground  near  Sta  B.  in  April  1838. 

Don  Quixote,  Amer.  bark,  223  or  260  tons;  John  Meek,  master;  from  Oahu 
1836;  cargo,  $3,340;  duties,  $3,445.  At  Mont,  in  Nov.,  when  Wm  S.  Hinck- 
ley, her  consignee  and  supercargo,  rendered  important  aid  to  Alvaradc. 
Carried  horses  and  hides  to  the  Isl.  in  Dec. ;  also  Hinckley  and  old  Capt.  Wm 
Smith.  In  1838  she  came  back  under  the  name  of  Plymouth;  John  Paty, 
master;  Eli  Southworth  and  Wm  H.  Davis,  passengers.  In  Nov.  back  at 
Honolulu  with  Southworth,  H.  Paty,  and  Master  J.  A.  M.  R.  Pacheco  as 
passengers;  and  sailed  for  Boston  in  Jan.  1839,  with  Atherton  as  pass.  In 
Apr.  1840  she  was  again  inCal. ;  Francis  Johnson,  sup.;  duties,  $919.  Pas- 
sengers, Chamberlain,  Cobb,  Farnham,  and  4  others.  Farnham  and  J.  F.  P. 
M.  described  the  voyage  in  print.  Touched  at  Mont,  (where  she  was  not  pei  - 
mitted  to  anchor,  or  any  but  Farnham  to  land,  until  the  Guipuzcoana  huJ. 
sailed  with  the  exiles),  Sta  B.,  and  Mazatlan.  In  July  back  at  Mont. ;  duties, 
$1,723.  In  Oct.  carried  3  Cal.  boys  to  attend  school  at  Honolulu — David 
Spence,  Francis  Watson,  and  Romualdo  Pacheco. 

Dolphin,  see  Leonidas. 

Elena,  Russ.  brig,  309  tons;  Stephen  Vallivode(?),  master;  took  $ll,000of 
produce  from  S.  Fran.  Sept.  1839;  and  in  Dec.  1840  paid  $349  tonnage;  from 
which  was  deducted  $96  illegally  collected  from  the  Baikal. 

Hfiiropa,  Amer.  ship;  Wm  Winkworth,  master;  Wm  French,  sup.;  at 
Mont.  Oct.  1836,  from  Honolulu  via  Norfork  Sd.;  much  damaged  by  rough 
weather.  Mr  French  helped  Alvarado  in  Nov. ,  and  sailed  from  Sta  B.  in  Jan. 
1837,  carrying  Jas  Murphy  and  Jas  W.  Mclntosh  to  the  Islands. 

FearnaiKjht,  Engl.  schr,  91  tons;  Robt  H.  Dare,  master;  autumn  of  1838; 
duties,  $571. 

Fllbberiyyibbett,  Engl.  schr;  Rodgers,  master;  made  a  trip  from  Honolulu  to 


104         COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

five  years ;  eighteen  appear  in  the  list  of  the  preceding 
half-decade.  Whalers  were  nine;  national  vessels  of 
war  or  exploration,  seven;  and  the  remaining  forty- 

Cnl.  and  back,  May-Sept.,  1833;  and  again  returned  from  Cal.  in  May  1839; 
Hart,  master. 

F,';!,  Eng.  schr;  Wilson,  master;  from  Callao  via  Honolulu,  Aug.  1840; 
duties,  $193.  Capt.  Stokes  and  2  masters  Wilson  as  passengers.  She  seems 
to  have  changed  her  flag — Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  64 — and  was  at  Sta  B. 
niidor  Stokes  in  Oct. 

Forager,  Eng.  brig;  sailed  from  Honolulu  in  Aug.  1840,  for  Col.  River  and 
Cal.  No  record  of  arrival. 

Griffon,  Amer.  brig;  Little,  master;  trip  from  Honolulu  to  Cal.  and  back, 
Aug.-Nov.  1837.  John  C.  Jones  and  R.  Cowie  came  on  her. 

Harvest,  Amer.  ship,  307  tons;  probably  whaler;  A.  Cash,  master;  at  S. 
Fran.  Nov.  1837. 

Hector,  Amer.  whaler;  Norton,  master;  at  Mont.  Oct.  1836. 

Index,  Eng.  bark,  201  tons;  John  Wilson,  master;  Oct.-Dec.  183S;  ton- 
nage, $371;  Aug.  1839;  June-Dec.,  1840,  from  Callao;  Scott,  master;  duties, 
$7,176. 

Indian,  Eng.  whaler;  Freeman,  master;  Oct.  1837. 

lolani,  Ha\vaiian  schr;  Paty,  master;  trip  from  Honolulu  to  Cal.  and  back, 
Dec.-April,  1837-8.  Wrecked  in  May. 

Ionic,  Amer.  schr,  93  tons;  Clark,  master;  sailed  from  Honolulu  Sept. 
1836  for  Cal.  No  record  of  arrival. 

Isabel/a,  schr  formerly  of  Sandw.  Isl.  Sold  at  S.  Fran.  1836.  Plying  on 
the  bay  until  1839,  and  perhaps  later;  N.  Spear,  owner.  ShecarrieJ.  Sutter's 
party  up  the  Sacramento. 

Joseph,  Fr.  whaler;  1839.     Lost  14  deserters. 

Joseph  Peabody,  Amer.  brig,  220  tons;  John  Dominis,  master;  from  N.  Y. 
to  Hon.  in  Apr.  1839.  Touched  at  Sta  B.  in  Oct.  onvoy.  from  Sitkato  Maz- 
atlau  with  lumber.  Refused  to  pay  tonnage.  At  Sta  B.  again  Oct.  1840; 
captain  ill.  At  Honolulu  in  Nov. 

Jdren  Ouipuzcoana,  Mex.  brig,  210  tons;  air.  from  Boston  in  Feb.  1840  as 
the  Roger  Williams;  Jas  Stevens,  master;  Jos.  Steele,  owner.  Sold  in  Marcli 
for  $13,000,  toJ.  A.  Aguirre.  Soberanes,  Doc.,  190-3.  John  Snook  became 
master.  In  May  carried  the  Graham  exiles  to  S.  Bias,  returning  in  Sept. 
Some  of  her  original  crew  were  among  the  exiles. 

Juan  Joss,  Colombian  brig,  217  tons;  Thos  Duncan,  master;  Cot  and  Me- 
nendez,  owners;  Peclrorena,  sup.;  arr.  from  Callao,  Oct.  1839;  cargo,  $8,348; 
duties,  §7,798;  again  in  Aug.  1840;  cargo,  $9,605;  duties,  $9,932;  tonnage  at 
S.  Fran.,  $243. 

Kamamalu.     See  Dinna. 

Kent,  Amer.  bark,  264  tons;  John  Stickney,  master;  left  Sta  B.  in  Dec. 
1836  for  Honolulu,  carrying  slight  reports  of  the  revolution.  Came  back  in 
May,  1837;  and  again  in  Oct.  under  Steel,  to  winter.  Left  S.  Diego  for  Bos- 
ton in  Oct.  1838.  Capt.  Thing,  passenger. 

Lausanne,  Amer.  ship;  Spalding,  master;  at  Bodega  and  S.  Fran  July 
1840.  She  landed  some  immigrants  from  Oregon,  and  had  trouble  with  the 
authorities.  At  Honolulu  in  Aug.  Dutton,  Wright,  and  Geiger,  pass.  Sailed 
for  N.  Y.  in  Dec. 

Leonidas,  Mex.  schr,  206  tons  (formerly  the  Amer.  Dolphin);  on  tlje 
coast  in  1836;  Gomez,  master;  cargo,  $9,000;  duties,  $1,112.  In  Nov.  car- 
ried south  news  of  the  revolt,  and  Negrete  and  other  exiles.  Back  from  Maza- 
tlan  in  1837;  Juan  Malarin,  master;  and  again  in  1838;  duties,  $420.  In  1839, 
and  in  some  records  of  1840,  she  was  called  the  Cervantes,  q.  v.  Nye,  and  later 
Stevens,  are  named  as  masters  in  1840. 

Leonor,  Mex.  bark,  208  tons;  Chas  Wolter,  master.     Brought  Gov.  Chico 


VESSELS  OF  1833-40.  105 

.five  traders.  Of  these,  eighteen  came  mainly  from 
Mexican  and  South  American  ports,  seventeen  from 
Honolulu,  six  from  Boston,  four  from  Sitka  and  Ross, 

in  1836;  cargo,  $21,202;  duties,  $2,546.  Remained  till  Nov.,  and  perhaps 
wintered.  At  S.  Fran,  in  March  1837.  Left  Mont.  Feb.  1838. 

Llama,  Engl.  brig,  144  tons;  at  S.  Fran.  Feb.-April,  1837;  Wm  Brotchie, 
master;  Robt  Birnie,  agent.  Back  at  Col.  Riv.  Sept. ;  Wm  Neil,  master. 
At  Hon.  July;  Sangster,  master.  Sailed  for  N.  w.  coast  Aug. ;  Bancroft, 
master.  Otter-hunting  in  Cal.  in  spring  of  1 838.  At  Hon.  July- Aug. ,  sailing 
for  N.  w.  coast.  At  Sta  Rosa  Isl.  Nov. ,  where  Bancroft  was  killed  (see  text). 
Robinson  took  her  north  and  to  Hon.  in  Jan.  1839. 

Loriot,  Amer.  brig,  90  tons;  at  Honolulu  from  Cal.  Aug.  1836.  Trip  to 
N.  w.  coast  under  Blinn,  Aug. -Oct.  On  Cal.  coast  from  the  north  Feb. -Mar. 
1837;  John  Bancroft,  master  (see  text  for  passengers  and  details).  At  Hon. 
May,  and  sailed  for  Mazatlan  under  Handley.  Back  again,  and  sailed  for  the 
Col.  Riv.  in  Nov. 

Monsoon,  Amer.  ship,  327  tons;  Geo.  W.  Vincent,  master;  Thos  Shaw, 
sup.;  Robt  G.  Davis,  clerk;  at  Sta  B.  April  1839  from  Boston;  tonnage, 
$490;  duties  at  Mont.,  $27,432,  of  which  $9,608  in  silver.  'No  small  lift 
for  the  treasury,'  wrote  Alvarado.  In  July  transferred  part  of  her  cargo  to 
the  Index.  Still  on  the  coast  at  end  of  1840. 

Morse,  Amer.  schr,  85  tons;  Henry  Paty,  master;  from  the  Islands  Dec. 
1839;  cargo,  $3,268;  duties,  $3,042;  also  duties,  $3,041,  in  spring  of  1840. 
Came  back  from  Hon.  in  June;  Fitch,  master  and  half  owner;  and  with  a 
new  name,  the  Nymj>h,  or  Ninfa.  Duties,  $10,577.  Value  of  vessel,  $8,000. 
At  S.  Diego  in  Dec.,  to  sail  for  Ma/atlan  with  produce. 

Nanc;/,  whaler;  Fautrel,  master;  at  Mont.  April  1837. 

Nereid,  Engl.  ship,  365  tons;  Wm  Brotchie,  master;  at  Honolulu  from 
Col.  Riv.  and  sailed  for  Cal.  in  May  1838.  Lawrence  Carmichael,  pass.  At 
S.  Fran,  in  June,  and  back  at  Hon.  in  Jan.  1839. 

Nicolas,  schr,  belonging  to  Spear.  Running  between  Monterey  and  Sta 
Cruz  in  1836,  and  on  S.  Fran.  Bay  in  1839-40. 

Nikolai,  Russ.  ship;  Baewdsxig  (?),  or  Kuprianof,  master;  6  off.  and  61 
men;  at  S.  Fran.  Oct. -Nov.  1840,  in  ballast  for  Valparaiso  and  Europe. 

Nymph.     See  Morse. 

Peacock,  U.  S.  sloop  of  war,  600  tons;  Com.  Edmund  P.  Kennedy;  Capt. 
C.  K.  Stribling;  at  Mont,  from  the  Sandw.  Isl.  Oct.  1836.  Sailed  for  Maz- 
atlan. 

Peor  es  Nada,  Cal.  schr;  Gerard  Kuppertz,  master.  Lost  at  entrance  of 
S.  Fran.  Bay  Jan.  7,  1836,  on  a  trip  from  Mont,  with  lumber.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxi.  17. 

Pilgrim,  Amer.  ship;  Fauco~n,  master;  on  the  coast  in  1836.  Sailed  for 
Boston  in  Feb.  1837. 

Plymouth.     See  Don  Quixote.. 

Ras*elas,  Amer.  ship,  264  tons;  Jos.  0.  Carter,  master;  A.  B.  Thompson, 
consignee;  Josiah  Thompson,  sup.;  at  Mont,  from  Sitka  Oct.  1836  for  Hono- 
lulu. The  captain's  wife  and  son  were  on  board;  also  Ferdinand  Deppe. 
Back  ia  winter  of  1837-8;  cargo,  $8,747;  duties,  $8,817.  Carried  to  Hon. 
hides,  horses,  and  sundries  from  the  wreck  of  the  Com.  Rodfjers.  Made  an- 
other trip  to  Cal.  and  back  Sept.-Dec.  1838;  Barker,  master;  duties,  $1,063. 
J.  C.  Jones  and  Eliab  Grimes,  pass.  Sailed  for  Boston  in  Feb.  1839,  with 
Grimes  as  pass. 

Roger  Williams.     See  Jdven  Quipuzcoana. 

Sarah  and  Caroline,  Amer.  ship,  396  tons;  Jos  Steel,  master.  Called 
also  Caroline  and  South  Carolina.  Arr.  Mont.  May  1836  from  Boston  via 
Honolulu.  Cargo,  $11,289.  Steel  rendered  some  aid  to  Alvarado  in  Nov. 


106          COMMERCE,  FINANCE,  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

and  four  from  the  Columbia  River,  though  many  ves- 
sels visited  all  the  regions  named.  Three  small  craft 
plied  in  Californian  waters  exclusively. 

Aground  at  S.  Fran,  in  Feb.  1837.  Left  the  coast  in  Oct.  for  Boston  via 
Honolulu;  Stickney,  master  (?);  Henry  Paty,  passenger. 

St  Louis,  U.  S.  man-of-war;  French  Forrest,  coin.;  at  Mont.  June—July 
1840  on  business  connected  with  Graham  affair. 

Sitka,  Russ.  bark,  202  tons,  22  men;  Basil  Wacvocky  (?).  master.  Left 
Cal.  Jan.  18.36  for  S.  Bias  and  returned  in  Aug.  from  Ross.  At  S.  Fran.  Oct. 
1837;  Stephen  Vallobodski  (?),  master.  Again  Oct. -Nov.  1838;  Rosistof  (?), 
master. 

Sophia,  doubtful  name  of  1839. 

Starling,  Engl.  ship,  109  tons;  tender  to  the  Sidphur;  Lieut.  Kellett, 
com.;  on  the  coast  1837  and  1839. 

Sulphur,  Engl.  man-of-war,  380  tons;  Edward  Belcher,  com. ;  on  the  coast 
autumn  of  1837  and  again  in  autumn  of  1839,  engaged  in  explorations. 
Belcher's  visit  and  book  are  noticed  elsewhere. 

Toward  Castle,  Engl.  whaler;  Emmett,  master;  at  Mont.  Nov.  1837. 
Wrecked  on  the  coast  a  little  later. 

True  Blue,  Haw.  schr;  Ragsdale,  master;  arr.  Honolulu  from  Cal.  July 
1837. 

Union,  or  Unity,  schr;  A.  B.  Thompson,  sup.;  at  Mont,  and  Sta  B.  Mar.- 
Apr.  1840;  tonnage,  $66. 

Vdoz  Asturlano,  Ecuador  brig,  179  tons;  Carlos  V.  Gafan,  master;  at 
Mont,  from  Callao,  1837,  with  cargo  of  $967  (?);  duties,  $1,504. 

Venn*,  French  corvette;  Petit-Thouars,  master;  at  Mont.  Oct. -Nov.  1837. 
Visit  and  book  noted  elsewhere. 

The  chief  authorities  for  the  information  in  this  list  are  the  following: 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  iii.-viii.  passim;  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Treas.,  iii.;  Id.,  Ben.,  iii.;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,iv.;  v.  282;  xiv.  252;  xxv.  255; 
xxvi.  164,  177;  xxxii.  173,  352;  Larkln's  Doc. ,  MS.,  i.  400;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS., 
i.  30-1; Fitch,  Doc.,  MS. ;  Gomez,  Doc.,  MS.,  34-7;  Spence's List,  MS.; Edwards' 
Diary,  MS. ;  Richardson,  Salidas  de  Kuques  del  puerto  de  S.  Fran. ,  1837-8,  a 
very  important  original  record  kept  by  the  captain  of  the  port;  Hayes1 Emig. 
Nott-s,  MS.;  Mellus1  Diari/  of  Affairs  in  Cal.,  1838-40,  MS.,  a  very  important 
record  kept  by  Francis  Mellus,  who  came  out  as  clerk  on  the  California; 
Davis's  Glimpses,  MS.;  Arnaz,  Recuerdos,  MS.;  Dana's  Two  Years;  Honolulu 
S.  I.  Gazette,  183G-9;  Honolulu  Polynesian,  1840.  These  Sandwich  Island 
newspapers  are  among  the  best  maritime  records.  Unfortunately  I  have  no 
tile  from  the  middle  of  1839  to  the  middle  of  1840. 


CHAPTEK  IV. 

FOREIGN   RELATIONS   AND    PIONEERS. 
1836-1840. 

FOREIGN  INFLUENCE  IN  THE  REVOLUTION — INTERFERENCE  AS  A  CURRENT 
TOPIC — ATTITUDE  OF  DIFFERENT  CLASSES— FRENCH  RELATIONS — RU- 
MORED CESSION  OF  CALIFORNIA  TO  ENGLAND — QUOTATIONS  FROM  AMERI- 
CAN PAPERS — POLICY  IN  1837-8 — HORSE-THIEVES — RESTRICTIONS  OF 
1839-40 — THE  EXILES — PIONEERS — PERSONAL  ITEMS— AUTHORITIES — 
STATISTICS— SOMETHING  ABOUT  THE  OLD  SETTLERS — THEIR  CHARACTER 
AND  INFLUENCE — PROMINENT  NAMES — NEW-COMERS  OF  1836-40 — MOST 
OF  THEM  TRANSIENT:  VISITORS — IMMIGRATION — ANNUAL  LISTS — CHRONO- 
LOGICAL ITEMS — THE  'LAUSANNE'  AND  HER  PASSENGERS  AT  BODEGA. 

ON  matters  relating  more  or  less  directly  to  the 
general  subject  of  foreign  relations,  though  I  have  al- 
ready had  much  to  say  in  other  chapters  devoted  to 
the  current  history  of  this  period,1  there  yet  remains 
much  to  be  written,  since  the  influence  of  foreign  resi- 
dents had  already  become  a  powerful  element,  and  was 
destined  in  a  few  years  to  be  the  all-controlling  one. 
In  this  and  the  following  chapters  I  have  to  present 
some  remarks  on  the  influence  and  policy  of  the  foreign 
element,  and  the  feeling  of  the  Californians  toward  the 
strangers.  Also  the  names  and  personal  items  relat- 
ing to  new-comers  and  older  settlers,  with  an  account 
of  the  old  and  new  foreign  settlements  in  California 

JSee  particularly,  Hist.  CaL,  vol.  iii.,  chap,  xv.,  this  series,  on  'Chico  va 
Stearns  and  other  foreigners;'  chap,  xvi.,  on  the  attitude  of  foreigners  in  Al- 
varado's  revolution;  chap,  xviii.,  on  their  aid  to  the  Californians  in  1837; 
chap.  i.  of  this  vol.,  on  the  Graham  affair  and  expulsion  of  foreigners  in  1840; 
and  chap,  iii.,  on  the  movements  of  vessels  and  commercial  operations,  largely 
controlled  by  foi*eigners. 

(107) 


108  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

at  Ross  and  New  Helvetia;  also  some  notices  of  for- 
eign visits  to  the  coast  and  of  resulting  publications. 
In  1836  foreign  residents  in  the  north,  while  those 
in  the  south  were  for  the  most  part  neutral  from  force 
of  circumstances,  supported  the  Californians  in  their 
re  vol  ution  against  Mexico.  Those  of  influence,  wealth, 
and  position  rendered  a  quiet  but  none  the  less  effect- 
ive support;  while  others  with  nothing  to  risk  formed 
themselves  into  a  company  of  so-called  riflemen  and 
openly  served  in  the  insurgent  ranks.  The  former 
cared,little  for  California's  alleged  grievance,  the  change 
frorrfthe  federal  system  to  centralism;  but  they  had 
some  cause  of  complaint  against  Chico  and  Gutierrez, 
and  they  expected  to  derive  important  commercial  ad- 
vantages from  the  revolution.  Merchants  engaged 
in  the  Hawaiian  trade  were  especially  active  in  pro- 
moting the  movement,  and  there  are  some  indications 
that  they  had  an  understanding  with  the  Californian 
leaders  for  some  time  before  the  outbreak.  It  is  even 
difficult  to  resist  the  conclusion  that  Commodore  Ken- 
nedy, visiting  Monterey  on  the  U.  S.  man-of-war  Pea- 
cock just  before  the  revolution,  must  have  known  some- 
thing of  the  impending  trouble;  though  not  of  course, 
as  was  suspected  by  the  Mexicans,  entertaining  any 
intention  of  interfering  in  behalf  of  the  United  States. 
What  the  foreigners  desired  was  the  complete  and 
permanent  independence  of  California  from  Mexico, 
with  the  expectation  of  being  able  to  control  the 
Californian  rulers.  Many  Americans  desired  further 
by  a  Texan  system  of  development  to  attach  the  coun- 
try eventually  to  their  own  nation,  and  some  of  them 
talked  openly  of  immediate  annexation.  This  spirit, 
though  manifested  chiefly  by  irresponsible  men,  was 
sufficiently  marked  to  alarm  not  only  the  Mexicans, 
but  to  some  extent  also  the  Californians  and  foreigners 
of  other  nations;  and  it  doubtless  had  an  influence  in 
effecting  a  return  of  the  country  to  its  Mexican  alle- 
giance, at  which  most  foreigners  were  greatly  disap- 
pointed. 


FOREIGN  INTERFERENCE.  109 

After  1836,  foreign  interference,  in  the  form  of  con- 
quest, protectorate,  purchase,  or  annexation,  was  often 
talked  about,  though  remarks  on  the  subject  were 
generally  without  definite  cause  or  aim.  Mexicans 
held  it  up  as  an  ever  impending  danger,  with  a  view 
to  awaken  the  dormant  prejudice  of  patriotism.  On 
it  the  surenos  affected  to  base  largely  their  bitter  op- 
position to  northern  rulers.  Nortenos  who  like  Va- 
llejo  had  quarrels  with  Alvarado  spoke  of  it  as  a  result 
only  to  be  averted  by  full  acceptance  of  their  own  views. 
Solid  citizens  of  foreign  birth,  like  visitors  from  foreign 
lands,  speculated  somewhat  philosophically  on  the  re- 
sult, each  with  a  half-expressed  hope  that  Califor- 
nia might  be  so  fortunate  as  to  belong  ultimately 
to  his  own  nation.  Enthusiastic  Yankee  hunters  and 
sailors  declaimed  louder  than  all  the  rest  upon  the 
manifest  destiny  of  the  stars  and  stripes  to  wave  over 
this  fair  land.  Meanwhile  the  mass  of  native  Califor- 
nians  simply  smoked  their  cigarettes  and  waited,  half 
inclined  to  believe  that  a  change  of  flag  might  not 
result  in  irreparable  disaster.2 

2 Robinson,  Statement,  MS.,  16,  21-2,  asserts  that  prominent  Californians, 
and  even  the  missionaries,  used  to  express  to  him  their  belief  that  it  would  be 
best  for  the  country  to  belong  to  the  U.  S.  Many  Californians  in  their  rem- 
iniscences express  the  same  idea;  but  all  such  statements  are  considerably  ex- 
aggerated. Petit-Thouars,  Voyage,  ii.  101-4,  found  Cal.  in  1837  in  an  un- 
fortunate position,  too  feeble  and  backward  in  civilization  for  independence, 
neglected  by  Mexico,  and  in  a  deplorable-  necessity  of  foreign  support.  The 
U.  S.  had  doubtless  a  design  to  secure  Cal.  and  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and 
would  probably  succeed,  though  the  people  had  no  special  liking  for  the  Amer- 
icans, whose  motives  they  distrusted.  Speaking  of  S.  F.,  this  author  says: 
'  It  would  perhaps  be  difficult  to  say  to  which  nation  this  fine  port  will  belong; 
but  in  the  present  state  of  affairs  in  Europe  and  America,  it  is  very  likely  that 
the  power  which  shall  have  the  happy  boldness  to  take  actual  possession  will 
have  little  trouble  to  keep  it.'  Forbes,  Hist.  Cal.,  151-2,  writes  in  1838: 
'  It  is  at  least  evident  now,  if  there  was  any  doubt  formerly,  that  it  [Cal.]  is  at 
this  moment  in  a  state  which  cannot  prevent  its  being  taken  possession  of  by 
any  foreign  force  that  may  present  itself.  The  British  government  seem  lately 
to  have  had  some  suspicion  that  Cal.  would  be  encroached  upon  if  not  taken 
entire  possession  of  by  the  Russians;  but  by  the  latest  accounts  no  encroach- 
ment has  been  made,  nor  has  any  augmentation  been  made  either  in  the  num- 
ber of  people  in  the  colony  or  in  the  fortifications.  The  danger  does  not  lie 
there.  There  is  another  restless  and  enterprising  neighbor  from  whom  they 
will  most  probably  soon  have  to  defend  themselves,  or  rather  to  submit  to; 
for  although  the  frohtiers  of  North  America  are  much  more  distant  than  the 
Russians,  yet  to  such  men  as  the  Back-settlers  distance  is  of  little  moment, 
and  they  are  already  acquainted  with  the  route.  The  northern  American 
tide  of  population  must  roll  on  southward,  and  overwhelm  not  ouly  Cal.  but 


110  FOHEIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

In  1839,  there  was  a  little  excitement  over  the  trou- 
bles between  Mexico  and  France;  but  it  expended  it- 
self in  routine  orders  published  in  accordance  with 
instructions  from  the  national  government,  as  there 
was  no  apprehension  of  French  encroachment  in  the 
far  north.3  The  French  were  always  well  liked  in 
California  since  the  time  of  La  Perouse.  Three  vis- 
itors of  that  nation  were  most  hospitably  received  dur- 
ing the  period  now  under  consideration,  and  we  have 
seen  that  but  few  Frenchmen  were  arrested  and  none 
exiled  in  the  troubles  of  1840. 

A  matter  which  attracted  some  attention  in  Cal- 
ifornia, and  created  no  little  excitement  in  the  United 
States,  was  the  rumored  cession  of  the  country  to 
England  in  payment  of  the  Mexican  debt.  This  in- 
debtedness was  large;  and  among  the  expedients  de- 
vised for  its  payment  there  were  several,  proposed 
and  discussed  in  1836  as  well  as  earlier  and  later, 
which  involved  the  pledging,  as  security  for  Mexican 
bonds  or  otherwise,  of  tracts  of  land  in  the  far  north, 
anywhere  from  Texas  to  California.  All  this  has  no 
bearing  on  the  history  of  California,  beyond  the  fact 
that  there  were  such  negotiations,  as  the  expedient 
seems  not  to  have  been  approved  by  the  Mexican 
congress,  and  this  territory  was  only  mentioned  inci- 
dentally with  half  a  dozen  others.  In  connection, 
however,  with  these  schemes  there  may  have  origi- 

other  more  important  states.  This  latter  event,  however,  is  in  the  womb  of 
time;  but  the  invasion  of  Cal.  by  American  settlers  is  daily  talked  of;  and  if 
Santa  Anna  had  prevailed  against  Texas,  a  portion  of  its  inhabitants  suffi- 
cient to  overrun  Cal.  would  now  have  been  its  masters. '  Laplace,  Campagne, 
v.  302-4,  speaks  of  the  prospective  conquest  by  the  U.  S.  as  a  thing  rather  to 
be  desired  than  avoided.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  34-6,  writes:  '  For  a  long 
time  before  1840  it  had  been  the  common  talk  among  Americans — when  by 
themselves  or  among  the  rancheros — that  the  U.  S.  would  have  Cal.'  April 
16,  1840,  Pablo  do  la  Guerra  congratulates  M.  G.  Vallcjo  on  the  large  num- 
ber of  foreign  settlers  in  the  country,  the  largest  part  being  English — from 
Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  Ireland — who  are  hard  drinkers,  but  will  perhaps, 
like  wine,  improve  with  time.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  30. 

3 See  /fist.  Cal.,  vol.  iii. ,  chap,  xx.,  this  series,  for  reference  to  many  com- 
munications on  this  subject.  April  20,  1838,  Mexican  order  to  admit  no 
French  vessel  except  in  case  of  shipwreck.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiv.  1. 
Mar.  26,  1839,  notice  of  peace  and  suspension  of  all  hostile  measures.  Vallejo, 
Doc.t  MS.,  i.  168. 


CESSION  TO  ENGLAND.  Ill 

nated  a  proposition  to  cancel  the  debt  at  once  by  a 
cession  of  the  Californias.  I  have  no  official  evidence 
that  the  proposition  was  entertained.  Such,  however, 
was  the  rumor  that  came  to  California  in  1837,  from 
different  sources,  a  rumor  accepted  and  published  as 
a  fact  by  Forbes  in  1839,  and  cited  by  the  American 
papers.  To  show  the  spirit  in  which  the  matter  was 
discussed,  I  append  some  quotations.4  It  is  clear  that 

4  '  There  have  been  some  thoughts  of  proposing  to  Mexico  that  it  should 
endeavor  to  cancel  the  English  debt,  which  now  exceeds  $50,000,000,  by  a 
transfer  of  Cal.  to  the  creditors.  This  would  be  a  wise  measure  on  the  part 
of  Mexico  if  the  govt  could  be  brought  to  lay  aside  the  vanity  of  retaining 
large  possessions.  The  cession  of  such  a  disjointed  part  of  the  republic 
would  be  an  advantage.  In  no  case  can  it  ever  be  profitable  to  the  Mexican 
republic,  nor  can  it  possibly  remain  united  to  it  for  any  length  of  time,  if  it 
should  even  be  induced  to  rejoin  it.  But  would  the  English  creditors  accept 
of  it  ?  I  think  they  might,  and  I  think  they  ought.  They  have  lately  dis- 
played an  inclination  to  treat  and  to  receive  lauds  as  a  part  of  the  debt  where 
no  land  exists  belonging  to  Mexico.  ..in  Texas  in  which  Mexico  does  not  own 
an  acre  and  in  New  Mexico  which  is — God  knows  where . .  .If  Cal.  was  ceded, 
the  creditors  might  be  formed  into  a  company,  with  the  difference  that  they 
should  have  a  sort  of  sovereignty  over  the  territory,  somewhat  in  the  man- 
ner of  the  East  India  Co.  This  in  my  opinion  would  certainly  bring  a  reve- 
nue in  time  which  might  be  equal  to  the  interest  of  the  debt,  and  under  good 
management  and  with  an  English  population  would  most  certainly  realize 
all  that  has  been  predicted  of  this  fair  country.'  Forbes'  Hist.  Cal.,  152-3. 
(See  also  note  2. )  Mention  of  the  proposed  cession  as  probable  and  very  de- 
sirable for  England  in  New  Orleans  Bulletin,  Feb.  19,  1840,  and  other  papers 
of  the  same  city.  Niles'  Register,  March  7,  1840,  Iviii.  2.  '  Nothing  would 
be  more  probable  than  that  Mexico  would  willingly  part  with  a  territory 
which  she  cannot  occupy,  and  to  which  in  the  course  of  things  she  could  not 
long  extend  even  a  nominal  claim.  The  policy  of  the  English  govt  looks 
toward  nothing  more  favorably  than  to  the  acquisition  of  territory.  The 
possession  of  Cal.  would  strengthen  her  in  carrying  out  her  pretensions  to  the 
Oregon  territory,  which  she  not  only  claims,  but  already  occupies.  The 
whole  coast  of  the  Pacific  would  thus  be  in  the  grasp  of  a  powerful  nation — 
a  nation  that  never  lets  slip  an  occasion  of  extending  the  limits  of  her  domain. 
That  any  foreign  (not  U.  S.)  power  would  ever  be  able  permanently  to  hold 
such  a  position  we  do  not  believe,  but  it  might  cost  much  trouble  to  effect  a 
dislodgment  if  once  the  possession  is  allowed.'  Baltimore  American,  in  Id. 
'The  transfer  by  Mexico  to  such  a  power  as  Britain  would  be  alike  unopposed 
and  unopposable  unless  some  point  of  etiquette  with  regard  to  old  Spain 
stood  in  the  way.  Such  a  transfer,  however,  at  this  time  of  day  is  not  likely 
to  take  place  after  all,  although  hard  cash  might  be  considered  by  all  men  a 
fair  enough  equivalent,  and  although  nothing  but  good  would  probably  fol- 
low to  the  Californians.  But  Russia  and  the  U.  S. — whose  mighty  tide  of 
population  is  perpetually  rolling  inward  and  southward — may  not  be  so 
scrupulous,  and  may  take  the  land  without  any  trouble  about  transfers.' 
Chambers'  Edin.  Journal,  Aug.  24,  1839,  in  a  review  of  Forbes'  book.  '  Russia 
and  the  U.  S.,  the  latter  especially,  the  only  just  govt  that  has  ever  existed 
less  scrupulous  than  Great  Britain.  This  is  too  pleasant!  Our  unsettled 
debt  of  grievances  against  the  Mexicans  happily  puts  us  in  a  situation  to  in- 
sist upon  their  refusal  of  the  proposition  which  has  indubitably  been  made 
them  by  the  British  govt.  Let  us  profit  by  it,  nor  suffer,  if  we  can  help  it, 
our  ancient  mother  to  acquire  a  possession  which  no  American  can  fail  to 


112  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

Englishmen  favored  the  scheme,  and  equally  clear 
that  Americans  were  bitterly  opposed  to  it,  predict- 
ing that  the  United  States  must  one  day  extend  to 
the  Pacific,  and  gravely  asserting  that  it  would  be 
easier  to  prevent  another  nation  from  getting  Cali- 
fornia than  to  dispossess  that  nation  later.  Not  that 
England  had  not  a  right  to  acquire  the  country;  but 
the  United  States  had  also  a  right  to  prevent  it 
through  their  influence  on  the  weaker  sister  republic. 
There  is,  however,  no  evidence  that  either  govern- 
ment at  this  time  took  part  in  the  schemes  of  its 
patriotic  subjects.  We  shall  see  that  the  matter  did 
not  end  with  1840,  but  had  a  still  more  potent  inter- 
est in  later  years. 

Meanwhile  the  policy  observed  within  the  limits 
of  California  was  by  no  means  oppressive  to  foreign 
residents.  In  1836,  before  the  revolution,  Gutierrez 
and  Chico  called  for  registers  of  foreign  residents,  re- 
quiring them  to  appear  before  the  local  authorities  to 
prove  their  right  to  be  in  the  country.  This,  though 
it  caused  a  degree  of  inconvenience  and  discontent, 
was  in  accordance  with  the  laws,  and  with  instructions 
from  Mexico  calling  for  a  full  report.  The  orders 

perceive  at  a  glance  would  in  such  hands  be  a  source  of  difficulties  to  us  and  a 
stumbling-block  to  our  posterity .  . .  Fifty  years,  were  we  left  to  extend  our- 
selves without  impediment,  would  inevitably  see  us  in  possession  of  Upper 
Cal.  The  interest  of  the  south-west  would  call  for  it,  and  its  purchase  from 
Mexico,  should  Mexico  still  retain  it,  would  put  us  where  the  surf  of  the 
Pacific  would  be  our  safe  and  proper  border,  not  the  forts  of  a  nation  whose 
very  kindred  renders  them,  through  jealousy,  the  least  amiable  of  neighbors. 
It  were  wise  not  to  leave  this  to  contingency.'  New  York  American,  in  com- 
ments on  the  preceding.  Niles'  Reg.,  Iviii.  70.  Account  of  the  negotiations 
for  securing  debt  by  lands,  from  New  Orleans  Picayune,  in  Id.,  Ixiii.  243. 
'  France  has  long  looked  with  jealous  eye  upon  the  movements  of  Great  Brit- 
ain in  relation  to  Mexico . . .  England  has  chipped  off  two  or  three  little  bits 
from  Mexico,  and  is  now  about  to  make  final  arrangements  for  taking  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  territory  of  Cal. .  .To  check  this  France  recognizes  Texas. . . 
and  Texas  lays  claim  to  Cal. '  N.  Y.  Herald,  in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  Nov.  21, 
1840.  Proposition  to  transfer  Cal.  in  1839  for  the  British  claim  of  $50,000,- 
000  mentioned  in  Minerva,  May  20,  1845.  See  also  Lancey's  Cruise,  31.  Dec. 
26,  1837,  Vallejo  to  Alvarado.  Has  good  reason  to  believe  that  Calif ornians 
will  soon  become  North  Americans.  The  Mex.  govt  has  offered  Cal.  to  Eng- 
land in  payment  of  debts,  and  England  has  ceded  her  right  to  the  govt  at 
Washington.  Vatttjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  368.  Dec.  14,  1837,  prefect  Moreno  to 
Zacatecan  padres.  Soon  perhaps  they  may  set  out  for  their  college,  since  P. 
Perez  writes  that  Mexico  contemplates  the  cession  of  Cal.  to  a  foreign  power, 
'lo  que  Dios  no  permita.'  Arch.  (Jbisjjodo,  MS.,  59. 


TREATMENT  OF  STRANGERS.  113 

were  generally  obeyed,  and  fortunately  for  us,  since 
the  result  was  a  very  complete  list  of  foreigners  at 
the  beginning  of  this  period.5  After  the  revolution 
and  down  to  the  time  that  California  returned  defi- 
nitely to  her  Mexican  allegiance,  there  was  no  inter- 
ference with  foreigners,  even  to  the  extent  of  enforcing 
the  regulations  respecting  passports,  except  that  de- 
serters were  sometimes  returned  to  their  vessels  as  an 
act  of  favor  to  the  captains,  that  foreign  like  native 
criminals  were  sometimes  mildly  prosecuted,  and  that 
there  were  troubles  from  time  to  time,  particularly 
with  foreign  horse-thieves.6  This  policy  was  the  re- 
sult partly  of  the  civil  strife  which  occupied  the  exclu- 
sive attention  of  the  authorities,  and  was  in  part  due 
to  the  Californians'  feeling  of  gratitude  and  friendship 
toward  the  men  who  had  aided  them. 

The  result  of  this  non-interference  during  1836-8 
was  bad  in  every  way.  The  worst  element  of  the  for- 
eign population  was  largely  increased  by  desertions 
from  vessels  on  the  coast ;  the  vagabond  allies  of  Ind- 

6  Orders  of  April-May  1836,  in  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  100,  105;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  xi.  46;  Id.,  Monterey,  iii.  64;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
iii.  55. 

6  Sept.  1836,  Doyle  and  his  band  of  horse-thieves.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii. 
133;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  29.  Oct.  1837,  Alvarado  alarmed  at  the  boldness 
of  trapper  horse-thieves  in  all  the  interior  valleys,  some  of  whom  appeared  at 
Sta  Ines  in  Oct.  He  fears  they  may  attempt  a  revolution;  but  has  taken 
steps  to  balk  their  plans,  and  to  protect  property.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv. 
322.  April  1837,  reports  of  trade  in  stolen  cattle  by  American  trappers  in 
the  Tulares.  /(/.,  xxxii.  84.  Nov.  1837,  Foreign  vagrants,  deserters,  etc., 
about  S.  Rafael  must  be  arrested  and  sent  to  Sonoma.  No  stranger  to  be  per- 
mitted to  remain  in  that  region  without  a  pass.  Id.,  iv.  343.  1838,  region 
about  S.  F.  Bay  infested  with  robbers.  Store  robbed  at  S.  F.  in  Oct.,  two  for- 
eigners being  among  the  thieves.  Id.,  v.  60,  62,  204.  Depredations  at.  S, 
Luis  Obispo.  Six  Englishmen  among  the  Indian  robbers.  Id.,  v.  220.  For-, 
eign  merchants  accused  of  sowing  discord  among  people  of  their  own  tongue 
with  sinister  views.  Vallejo  to  Alvarado,  Sept.  1.  Slitter,  Person*  Remin.y 
MS.,  4,  gives  an  idea  of  the  kind  of  men  who  wanted  to  come  to  Cal.  when 
he  says  that  at  Wind  River  volunteers  were  numerous  who  wished  to  accom- 
pany him  with  a  view  to  plunder  the  missions  and  ranches.  May,  1838,  Va^ 
llejo  recommends  the  chartering  of  a  vessel  to  send  out  of  the  country  all  the 
turbulent  element  causing  so  much  trouble.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,,  xiv.  24.  90 
French  hunters  in  the  Tulares.  Id.,  v.  12.  Dec.  18,  1839,  two  foreigners 
banished  for  robbing  Spear's  store.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  110.  For- 
eigners very  favorably  received  in  Cal.  Forbes'  Hist.  CaL,  322-3.  Adventur- 
ous immigrants  crowding  in,  chiefly  deserters.  Laplace^  Campagne,  vi.  191- 
2.  1840,  pursuit  of  horse-thieves  in  the  region  of  Los  Angeles.  Dept.  St, 
Pap.,  Anrjcles,  MS.,  iv.  99-106. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  8 


114  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

ian  horse-thieves  in  the  interior  valleys  became  more 
numerous  and  bold;  foreign  interference  in  Californian 
politics  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  natural  and  legiti- 
mate thing;  foreign  conquest  or  annexation  was  a 
common  topic  of  conversation;  and  the  men  who  had 
personally  aided  Alvarado  became  intolerably  familiar, 
insolent,  and  lawless,  even  if  they  did  not  actually  plot 
against  the  government.  The  interests  of  all  good 
citizens,  native  and  foreign,  at  home,  as  well  as  orders 
from  Mexico,  required  a  renewal  of  the  old  precautions 
in  1839— 40. 7  It  was  deemed  necessary,  however,  to 
go  somewhat  further  than  to  compel  new-comers  to 
comply  with  the  laws,  by  sending  away  many  who 
had  entered  the  country  illegally,  together  with  a  few 
who  had  some  right  to  remain  but  were  accused  of 
plotting  revolution.  Hence  the  exile  of  nearly  fifty 
persons  in  1840.  Enough  has  already  been  said  about 
this  affair;  and  the  reader  is  well  aware  that  though 
technically  an  outrage  in  the  case  of  certain  individu- 
als, and  not  very  wisely  managed  in  all  respects,  it 
was  yet  a  legitimate  measure  of  self-protection  on  the 
part  of  the  Californians,  approved  more  or  less  fully 
by  the  best  foreign  residents,  and  in  no  sense  the  out- 
growth of  an  oppressive  foreign  policy,  as  it  was  rep- 
resented in  certain  quarters  for  political  effect. 

7  Many  orders  of  various  dates  in  1839-40  requiring  compliance  on  the  part 
of  foreigners  with  the  laws.  No  foreigner  to  land,  remain,  or  travel  in  Cal. 
without  the  necessary  naturalization  papers,  passports,  cartas  de  seguridad, 
or  other  legal  documents.  Also  orders  for  new  lists  and  registers  of  foreigners. 
Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  107.  128-36;  xv.  1-2;  Id.,  Aug.,  iv.  110;  v.  C,  56; 
xi.  9,  118;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  22;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  v.  72;  Id.,  Beji.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  xi. 
72;  Dcpt.  Kec.,  MS.,  xi.  15,  38,  71;  Sup.  Gort  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xv.  13;  xvi. 
10;  .S'to  BArbara,  Arch.,  MS.,  5;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  252-66;  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  27;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  39;  Estudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  5-6; 
Vallcjo,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  257,  265.  Aug.  16,  1839,  decree  of  Jimeno 
requiring  deserters  from  whalers  to  be  arrested  and  sent  back;  also  forbidding 
the  men  to  remain  on  shore  after  sunset  without  a  pass  from  the  juez  de  paz. 
•Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  18;  Hunts  Merchants'  Mag.,  iii.  461-2.  It  is  charged 
by  some,  perhaps  without  much  foundation,  that  a  system  of  '  shanghaeing ' 
was  practised  at  Monterey.  Captains  in  want  of  sailors  would  apply  to  Lar- 
kin,  at  whose  request  an  order  would  be  issued  to  put  every  sailor  about  the 
place  in  the  calabozo  so  that  the  captains  could  have  their  pick,  the  rest  being 
released.  1839,  <jien.  Vallejo  to  pres.,  min.  war,  and  others,  urging  the  im- 
portance of  taking  measures  to  prevent  the  encroachments  of  Americans  and 
Russians.  Vallejo.,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  28;  viii.  333;  Id.,  Ord.  de  la  Com.  Gen.,  17. 


OLD  SETTLERS.  115 

In  1836,  as  has  been  shown  in  an  earlier  chapter,  the 
foreign  male  population  of  the  territory,  including  only 
men  whose  residence  was  in  a  sense  permanent,  was 
approximately  three  hundred,  most  of  whose  names 
are  mentioned  in  one  record  or  another  of  the  half 
decade  1836-40,  though  some  are  only  known  to  have 
been  in  California  earlier  and  later.  For  items  of 
information  about  these  men  during  this  and  other 
periods,  I  refer  the  reader  to  the  Pioneer  Register  at 
the  end  of  these  volumes.8  Of  them  as  a  class  there 
is  not  much  to  be  said  beyond  the  fact  that  they  con- 
stituted an  influential  and  highly  respected  element 
of  the  population,  largely  controlling  the  commercial 
industry  of  the  country.  Many  were  naturalized, 
married  to  California!!  wives,  and  the  possessors  of 
lands  in  their  adopted  country;  while  many  more 
counted  on  securing  all  those  advantages  at  an  early 
date.  All  were  enthusiastic  in  their  admiration  of 
California's  natural  advantages  and  in  their  predic- 
tions of  her  future  greatness.  In  business  they  were 
as  a  rule  straightforward,  reliable  men,  and  though 
they  had  lost,  especially  those  who  no  longer  followed 
the  sea,  something  of  their  old  activity,  and  were  fast 
learning  how  to  'take  things  easy,'  they  were  yet 

8  Extensive  lists  of  resident  foreigners  for  the  period  of  1836-40  are  found 
in  the  naturalization  records.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  xix.  xx. ,  passim ;  Larkin's 
Accounts,  MS.,  i.-v.,  passim;  Larkin's  Papers,  MS.,  a  collection  of  miscella- 
neous commercial  correspondence;  Spear's  Papers,  MS.,  a  similar  collection; 
and  also  in  the  various  county  histories  that  have  been  recently  published, 
and  from  which  I  have  obtained  many  useful  items.  From  the  reminiscences 
of  many  pioneers  I  have  also  derived  much  aid.  See  also  chap.  iii.  of  this 
vol.,  for  annual  lists  of  vessels  and  their  masters.  For  1836  I  may  refer  to 
the  following  special  lists:  For  Monterey  district,  Monterey,  Padron,  1S36, 
MS.;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  190;  Id.,  xxxii.  14,  etc.  For  Los  Angeles  dis- 
trict, Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  87,  100-1,  121-4;  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  19, 
57-8;  Los  Angeles  Express,  Mar.  2,  1872,  the  first  including  a  list  of  for- 
eigners concerned  in  the  affair  of  the  vigilantes.  For  Sta  Bdrbara  district, 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  156-60;  Pico,  Papeles  de  Misiones,  MS.,  83;  and  for 
S.  Diego,  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xii.  15.  For  1840  see  the  following:  Names 
of  over  100  persons  concerned  in  the  Graham  affair,  in  chap.  i.  of  this  vol.; 
Sup.  Gort  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  10;  some  general  lists  in  Pico,  Pajicle*  de  Mis., 
MS.,  47-51;  Dept.  Itec.,  MS.  xi.  58-9,  77.  Angeles,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  23;  Sta  Barbara,  Id.,  xviii.  62;  S.  Diego,  Id.,  Angeles,  i.  1;  iii/ 39;  S. 
Jose',  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  43;  Branciforte,  Id.,  xviii.  71-3;  S.  F., 
Dwindled  Colon.  Hist.  S.  F'co,  add.,  72-3. 


116  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

wonderfully  energetic  as  compared  with  the  natives. 
Socially  they  were  rough  and  hearty  in  manner,  hos- 
pitable as  the  people  among  whom  they  had  come  to 
live,  and  ever  ready  to  entertain  a  stranger,  but  in 
most  cases  manifesting  by  far  too  strong  a  liking  for 
intoxicating  drinks.  In  politics,  especially  in  com- 
parison with  the  new-comers  of  the  period,  of  whom 
I  shall  speak  presently,  they  formed  a  conservative 
element,  avoiding  partisan  interference.  While  de- 
ploring the  evident  evils  and  weaknesses  of  the  gov- 
ernmental management,  and  quietly  supporting  such 
measures  as  seemed  to  promise  reform,  they  avoided 
controversy  with  officials  and  leading  men  of  the  de- 
partment, and  especially  of  the  localities  where  they 
resided.  They  were  not  the  men  who  talked  loud  of 
foreign  interference,  though  most  of  them  foresaw  a 
change  of  flag  in  the  not  very  distant  future.  They 
furnished  but  ten  or  twelve  of  the  forty-seven  men 
sent  away  for  the  country's  good  in  1840.  Individu- 
ally, Isaac  Graham  was  more  prominent,  especially  in 
respect  of  what  has  been  said  and  written  about  him, 
than  any  other  man  in  the  list,  though  by  no  means 
among  the  most  worthy  of  a  favorable  prominence. 
Chief  among  his  comrades  were  Chard,  Carmichael, 
and  Morris.  Captains  Cooper  and  Fitch  combined 
the  vocations  of  trader,  ranchero,  and  mariner. 
David  Spence  retained  his  influence  at  the  capital. 
Richardson,  Leese,  Spear,  and  Davis  developed  the 
latent  glories  of  San  Francisco.  Stearns  speculated 
and  indulged  his  propensity  for  contraband  trade  at 
Los  Angeles  and  San  Pedro.  Prudon  organized  the 
vigilants  and  showed  his  skill  with  the  pen.  Hart- 
nell  worthily  filled  several  high  positions  under  the  gov- 
ernment. Larkin  slowly  built  up  his  fortunes  at  Mon- 
terey. Robinson  travelled  incessantly  from  point  to 
point  in  the  interests  of  the  Boston  merchants.  Hinck- 
ley  cracked  his  jokes  and  defied  the  revenue  officers 
from  north  to  south.  Among  traders  who  followed  the 
sea  to  some  extent,  but  had  commercial  and  other  inter- 


NEW-COMERS  OF  1836-40.  117 

ests  in  California  as  well  as  elsewhere,  I  may  name 
Jones,  McKinley,  Park,  Robbins,  Scott,  Snook,  Steel, 
Stokes,  Thompson,  and  Wilson.  At  Monterey  Watson 
and  Allen  maintained  a  show  of  competition  with  Lar- 
kin  in  trade;  Fitch  was  for  the  most  part  without  rivals 
at  San  Diego ;  Temple  and  Johnson  were  established 
at  Los  Angeles.  Prominent  citizens  of  Santa  Bar- 
bara and  vicinity,  more  or  less  engaged  in  commercial 
pursuits,  were  Branch,  Burton,  Dana,  Elwell,  Hill,  and 
Sparks;  at  San  Jose  were  Bowen,  Forbes,  and  Gul- 
nac;  and  Bolcof  at  Santa  Cruz.  Vignes  and  Wolf- 
skill  tilled  their  vineyards  at  Los  Angeles,  and  Will- 
iams and  Reid  had  ranchos  in  the  same  region. 
Gilroy  and  Livermore  lived  on  their  farms  in  what 

t/ 

may  be  called  the  San  Jose  district;  while  1-ocated 
north  of  the  bay  were  Alexander,  Black,  Mclntosh, 
Martin,  Murphy,  Read,  and  Yount. 

Of  new-comers  during  1836-40,  that  is,  of  such  as 
are  properly  classed  as  pioneer  residents,  I  shall  have 
occasion  to  name  in  annual  lists  about  150,  of  whom 
140  remained  in  California  after  the  end  of  the  period, 
some  30  being  men  more  or  less  prominent  in  these 
and  later  years.9  The  total  population  of  foreign 
adults,  therefore,  in  1840,  not  including  roving  trap- 
pers and  horse- thieves  in  the  interior,  was  in  round 
numbers  380  souls,  of  which  number  120  had  come 
before  1830,  and  240  before  1835.  This  was  not  in 
any  sense  a  period  of  immigration.  If  few  stayed  in 
the  country,  still  fewer  came  with  the  intention  to 
stay;  though  Marsh,  Wolfskill,  and  a  few  others  came 
with  such  an  intention  from  New  Mexico,  as  did  Sut- 
ter,  Wiggins,  Lassen,  and  a  few  others  by  way  of 
Oregon.  Most  arrivals  were  in  one  way  or  another 
accidental.  There  was  no  direct  immigration  over- 

9  Such  are  Nicholas  Allgeier,  F.  D.  Atherton,  Ed  T.  Bale,  Frank  Bedwell, 
Nic.  A.  Den,  D.  D.  Button,  Phil.  L.  Edwards,  Thos  J.  Farnham,  Eliab 
Grimes,  W.  D.  M.  Howard,  Sebastian  Keyser,  Peter  Lassen,  John  Marsh, 
James  Meadows,  Ezekiel  Merritt,  Francis  Mellus,  Henry  Naile,  Henry  Paty, 
John  Paty,  Pvobert  Ridley,  Alex.  Rotchef,  Pierre  Sainsevain,  Jared  Sheldon, 
Peter  Sherreback,  John  Sinclair,  John  A.  Sutter,  J.  J.  Vioget,  and  John  R. 
Wolfskill. 


118  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

land  to  California,  and  so  far  as  can  be  known,  not  a 
single  person  crossed  the  sierra  in  the  track  of  Smith 
and  Walker  of  earlier  times.  In  the  last  years  of  the 
period  there  was  a  degree  of  excitement  on  the  sub- 
ject in  Missouri  and  the  states  of  that  region,  which 
will  be  noticed  in  connection  with  its  results  in  1841 
and  later.  Before  1840  it  sent  about  a  dozen  people 
over  the  mountains  to  Oregon,  thence  to  seek  a  way 
to  California  either  by  sea  or  land. 

Of  about  a  hundred  new  names  of  foreigners  that 
appear  in  the  records  of  1836  only  thirty-one  are  those 
of  men  who  may  be  classed  as  pioneers,  and  are  named 
in  the  appended  list.10  Atherton,  Den,  Marsh,  and 
Kotchef  were  the  men  most  widely  known.  An  im- 
portant matter  in  the  year's  annals  was  the  part  taken 
by  foreigners  in  the  vigilance  organization  at  Los 
Angeles.  Still  more  interesting  was  that  of  the  posi- 
tion taken  by  foreigners  of  different  classes  in  support 
of  Alvarado's  revolution  against  the  Mexicans,  and  of 
the  foreign  company  of  sailor  rifleros  that  served  in 
the  Calif ornian  ranks;  but  these  topics  have  been 
fully  treated  in  preceding  chapters,  as  the  Peacock's 
visit  and  a  resulting  book  will  be  in  the  one  to  follow. 

I  name  twenty-five  pioneers  for  1837  out  of  seven- 
ty-five foreigners  whose  names  appear  for  the  first 
time  in  the  records  of  this  year.11     Bale,  Edwards, 
Merritt,  the  Patys,  and  Vioget  were  the  ones  who  in 
one  way  or  another  attained  a  degree  of  provincial 

"Pioneers  of  1836:  Faxon  D.  Atherton,  John  Bancroft,  James  R.  Berry, 
Jeffrey  Brown,  F.  M.  Cooper,  Henry  Cooper,  John  Cooper,  Daniel  (?),  Man- 
uel Demarante,  Nic.  A.  Den,  James  Doyle,  John  H.  Everett,  Nic.  Fink,  M. 
Frazer,  Wm  Hance  (?),  Thos  Jewitt,  Francis  Johnson  (born  in  Cal.),  Sam 
Loring,  John  Marsh,  Juan  Moreno,  Henry  Naile,  Thos  A.  Norton,  Joseph 
Pope  (?),  John  Price,  Geo.  Roberts,  Geo.  Rock,  Alex.  Rotchef,  Wm  C.  Stout, 
Wm  R.  Warren,  Sant.  F.  Watson  (born  in  Cal.),  and  J.  F.  R.  Wescott.  See 
these  and  other  names  in  Pioneer  Register  at  end  of  vol.  ii.-v.,  this  work. 

II  Pioneers  of  1837:  Wm  Anderson,  Ed  T.  Bale,  Manuel  Carrion,  Charle- 
foux,  Octave  Custot,  Phil.  L.  Edwards,  Fred.  Hugel(?),  John  Levick(?),  Wm 
McGlone;  Henry  McVicker,  James  Meadows,  Ezekiel  Merritt,  Morgan,  Elijah 
Ness,  James  Orbell,  Henry  Paty  (?),  John  Paty,  John  J.  Read  (born  in  Cal.), 
John  Reed  (?),  Wm  Reed,  A.  B.  Smith  (?),  John  Smith,  Jean  J.  Vioget,  John 
Wilson,  and  Francis  Young. 


ANNUAL  LISTS.  119 

fame.  The  foreign  military  company  still  continued 
in  the  Californian  service,  contributing,  for  patriotism 
and  three  dollars  a  day,  to  the  maintenance  of  Alva- 
rado's  power  among  the  unwilling  surenos.  Subse- 
quently it  aided  in  retaking  Monterey  from  the  Mexi- 
cans. The  coming  of  a  party  from  the  Columbia  in 
quest  of  cattle  for  Oregon  re-introduced  Ewing  Young, 
the  old  trapper,  to  the  Californians,  and  originated  a 
new  branch  of  trade.  It  also  left  an  unpublished  nar- 
rative of  the  visit,  including  an  overland  trip*  to  the 
north,  as  recorded  in  the  preceding  chapter.  The 
Englishman  Belcher,  and  Petit-Thouars  the  French- 
man, were  the  foreign  visitors  of  1837  whose  obser- 
vations were  published. 

My  pioneer  list  of  1838  contains  but  twenty  names 
out  of  a  total  of  about  forty  visitors;12  and  only  John 
R.  Wolfskill  is  entitled  to  especial  mention  as  a  promi- 
nent citizen  still  living  in  1884.  It  was  a  most  un- 
eventful year  in  all  that  concerned  foreigners,  the 
only  noticeable  item  being  the  tragic  fate  of  Captain 
Bancroft,  the  otter-hunter,  at  Santa  Catalina. 

1839  brought  to  the  coast  fifty  foreigners,  of  whom 
twenty-five  are  entitled  to  a  place  in  my  list  of  resi- 
dents,13 a  list  containing  such  names  as  those  of  How- 
ard, Mellus,  Sainsevain,  Sinclair,  and  Sutter.  The 
coming  of  the  last-named  pioneer,  and  his  establish- 
ment of  a  colony  on  the  Sacramento,  form  so  impor- 
tant a  topic  in  the  annals  of  the  country  that  a  full 
narrative  is  deferred  to  the  next  chapter,  in  which 
I  shall  speak  also  of  Laplace's  visit,  and  of  the  pub- 
lication of  Forbes'  history.  This  year  brought  across 

12  Pioneers  of  1838:  Henry  Austin,  Joseph  Bowles,  Joel  P.  Dedmond,  Olivier 
Deleisseques,  John  Finch,  Win  Goche,  Eliab  Grimes,  Humphrey  Hathaway, 
Wm  Jones  (?),  John  Lucas,  James  O'Brien,  James  Peace,  Hardy  Pcirce  (died), 
John  Perry,  John  Saunders,  Eli  Southworth,  Wm  Williams,  J.  C.  William- 
Bon  (?),  JohnR.  Wolfskill,  and  S.  Wolfskill. 

13  Pioneers  of  1839:    Wm  Barton,  Wm  Burns,  John  Chamberlain,  John 
Daniels  (?),  John  C.  Davis,  Thos  Duncan,  Henry  Eaton,  Geo.  Hewitt,  W.  D. 
M.  Howard,  Henry  Kirby,  Joseph  Leroy,  Francis  Mellus,  Paul  Pryor  (?  born 
in  Cal.),  Rich.  Rea<l  (?  born  in  Cal.),  Felipe  Reid,  Jose"  D.  Reid  ('?),  Wm  J. 
Reynolds,  Geo.  Robinson,  Pierre  Sainsevain,  John  Sinclair,  C.  G.  Sullivan  (?), 
John  A.  Sutter,  Wm  Swinburn,  John  Tierney,  and  Francis  J.  Westgate. 


120  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  PIONEERS. 

the  continent  to  Oregon  a  dozen  or  more  people  who 
subsequently  came  to  California;  and  it  is  said  that 
Graham  and  Naile  attempted  to  organize  a  company 
to  cross  the  mountains  eastward,  for  exactly  what 
purpose  is  not  apparent;  neither  is  it  important,  as 
they  did  not  succeed. 

New  arrivals  in  1840  numbered  one  hundred  and 
forty,  or  at  least  such  was  the  number  of  new  names 
appearing  for  the  first  time  in  records  of  this  year, 
a  few  having  doubtless  come  a  little  earlier.  Of  all 
these,  forty-six  have  a  place  in  the  appended  list,1*  and 
all  are  named  in  my  Pioneer  Register  elsewhere. 
New-comers  of  1840  best  known  in  later  times  were 
Allgeier,  Dutton,  Farnham,  Keyser,  Lassen,  Ridley, 
and  Sherreback.  The  great  topic  of  the  year,  else- 
where treated,  was  of  course  the  Graham  affair,  in- 
volving the  exile  of  forty-seven  undesirable  foreign 
residents,  and  supplemented  by  the  visits  of  the 
French  man-of-war  Danaide,  under  Rosamel,  and  of 
the  U.  S.  St  Louis,  under  Forrest.  Another  matter 
of  considerable  interest  was  the  arrival  of  the  Lau- 
sanne at  Bodega,  with  resulting  complications.  A 
controversy  between  the  Californian  authorities  and 
the  Russians  was  the  most  important  phase  of  this 
affair,  and  will  be  noticed  in  its  place.  Its  interest 
for  the  reader  of  this  chapter  arises  from  the  fact 
that  the  vessel  brought  several  immigrants.  Some  of 
the  Lausanne  s  passengers  were  men  who  had  crossed 
the  continent  with  John  A.  Sutter  in  1838;  others 
had  come  overland  to  Oregon  by  the  same  route  in 
1839.  There  were  perhaps  ten  or  twelve  in  all,  and 
all  intended  apparently  to  stop  in  California;  but  the 

14  Pioneers  of  1840:  Walter  "W.  Adams,  Nic.  Allgeier,  Aug.  A.  Andrews, 
John  Armstrong  (?),  Frank  Bedwell,  Dan.  M.  Burns,  Anthony  Campbell, 
Colin  Campbell,  Geo.  H.  Card,  Geo.  Chapel,  Charles  H.  Cooper,  Francis 
Day,  Pierre  Dubosc,  Dav.  D.  Dutton,  Thos  J.  Farnham,  Wm  T.  Faxon, 
Guluac  (3  sons  born  in  Cal.  about  these  years),  Wm  Houptman,  Francis 
Johnson,  James  Johnson,  Jr  (?born  in  Cal.),  Wm  Johnson,  Sebastian  Keyser, 
Wm  Langlois,  Peter  Lassen,  Nath.  S.  Leighton,  Wm  Lewis,  Peter  Lyons, 
Geo.  Patterson,  Paul  Richardson  <?),  Robert  Ridley,  Robert  Robertson, 
Josiah  Settle  (?),  Jared  Sheldon,  Peter  Sherreback,  Antonio  Silva  (?),  Major 
Sterling  (?),  Ed  Stokes  (?),  Paul  Sweet  (?),  Thos  A.  Warbaa  (?),  John  Warner, 
'Scotch  Whally,'  Thos  White,  Wm  Wiggins,  and  Alvin  Wilson. 


AFFAIR  OF  THE  'LAUSANNE.1  121 

only  persons  who  did  so,  and  whose  names  are  known, 
were  William  Wiggins,  Peter  Lassen,  and  David  D. 
Dutton.  Their  arrival  at  Bodega,  in  July,  becom- 
ing known  to  General  Vallejo,  he  objected  to  their 
remaining  in  the  country,  especially  in  view  of  the 
recent  troubles  with  foreigners.  Accordingly,  some 
of  the  number  who  had  a  little  money  or  credit  pre- 
vailed on  Captain  Spalding  to  carry  them  to  Hono- 
lulu; but  Wiggins,  Lassen,  and  two  or  three  of  Sut- 
ter's  old  company,  having  less  means  or  less  fear  of 
Mexican  officials,  determined  to  remain.  The  Rus- 
sians, between  whom  and  Vallejo's  men  a  quarrel  had 
arisen  about  the  touching  of  the  vessel  at  Bodega 
and  other  matters  connected  therewith,  seem  to  have 
afforded  some  protection  to  the  fugitives,  entertaining 
them  for  a  week  or  more  at  Ross,  and  perhaps  fur- 
nishing horses  for  their  journey  to  the  interior.  At 
any  rate,  they  arrived  at  Butter's  place  on  the  Sacra- 
mento about  the  middle  of  August,  and  were  not 
thereafter  molested.15 

15 1  have  many  original  communications  of  the  time  about  the  affair  of  the 
Lausanne,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  183,  191-8,  300-28;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.  14.  But  about  the  foreigners  they  reveal  nothing  beyond  the 
fact  that  they  landed,  that  four  of  them  came  at  one  time  to  Sonoma,  and  that 
Rotchef,  taking  offense  at  Vallejo's  action,  afforded  them  some  aid.  See  chap, 
vi.,  this  vol.,  for  details  of  the  controversy.  Most  information  extant  about 
the  arrival  of  this  party  comes  from  the  statement  of  Wm  Wiggins,  still  living 
in  1880.  Wigr/ins'  Reminiscences,  MS.,  1-2;  Id.,  Pac.  Coast  in  1839,  copied 
from  the  8.  F.  Examiner  by  the  8.  Jose  Pioneer,  April  6,  1878;  and  an  ac- 
count— taken  mainly  from  the  newspaper  article  cited — in  Solano  County 
Hist.,  57-9;  and  Sonoma  Co,  Hist.,  61-2.  There  is,  I  think,  no  truth  in  the 
statement  that  the  Russians  told  Alf.  Pifla  and  his  men  who  came  to  prevent 
the  foreigners  from  landing,  '  to  leave,  be  shot  down,  or  go  to  prison ;'  nor  do 
I  have  much  faith  in  the  genuineness  of  the  following  letter  published  in  the 
county  histories  cited :  '  Port  Bodega,  July  25,  1840.  To  the  American 
Consul  of  California.  Dear  Sir:  We,  the  undersigned,  citizens  of  the  U.  S., 
being  desirous  to  land  in  the  country,  and  having  been  refused  a  passport, 
and  been  opposed  by  the  govt,  we  write  to  you,  sir,  for  advice,  and  claim 
your  protection.  Being  short  of  funds,  we  are  not  able  to  proceed  farther  on 
the  ship.  We  have  concluded  to  land  under  the  protection  of  the  Russians; 
we  will  remain  there  15  days,  or  until  we  receive  an  answer  from  you,  which 
we  hope  will  be  as  soon  as  the  circumstances  of  the  case  will  permit.  We 
have  been  refused  a  passport  from  Gen.  Vallejo.  Our  object  is  to  get  to  the 
settlements,  or  to  obtain  a  pass  to  return  to  our  own  country.  Should  we  re- 
ceive no  relief,  we  will  take  up  our  arms  and  travel,  consider  ourselves  in  an 
enemy's  country,  and  defend  ourselves  with  our  guns.  We  subscribe  our- 
selves, most  respectfully,  David  Dutton,  John  Stevens,  Peter  Lassen,  Wm 
Wiggins,  J.  Wright.'  Dutton  and  Wright  only  are  named  as  passengers  by 
the  newspaper  that  records  the  arrival  of  the  Lausanne  at  Honolulu.  In  re- 
lation to  the  arrival  of  these  men  in  Oregon,  see  Hist.  Or.,  i.  238,  this  series. 


CHAPTER  V. 

SUTTEE'S  FOET— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 
1836-1840. 

JOHN  A.  SUTTEK'S  EARLY  LIFE — COMES  TO  CALIFORNIA  VIA  OREGON,  HONO- 
LULU, AND  SITKA — EECEPTION  AT  MONTEREY — PURCHASES  ON  CREDIT — 
TRIP  UP  THE  SACRAMENTO — NUEVA  HELVECIA  FOUNDED — RELATIONS 
WITH  SONOMA — ANNALS  OF  1839-40 — INDIAN  POLICY— CATTLE,  BEAVER- 
SKINS,  AND  BRANDY — SUITER'S  PLANS — PHELPS'  VISIT — EECRUITS — 
SUTTER  A  MEXICAN  CITIZEN — BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  FOREIGN  VISITS — THE 
'  PEACOCK  ' — EUSCHENBERGER'S  NARRATIVE — THE  '  SULPHUR  ' — BEL- 
CHER'S NARRATIVE — SURVEY  OF  THE  SACRAMENTO — SLACUM'S  VISIT — 
THE  'VENUS' — PETIT-THOUARS'  VOYAGE — FORBES  ON  CALIFORNIA — THE 
•ARTEMISE' — LAPLACE,  CAMPAGNE — PHELPS'  FORE  AND  AFT — FARN- 
HAM'S  LIFE  IN  CALIFORNIA — J.  F.  B.  M. 

A  PROMINENT  place  must  be  given  to  Sutter's  arri- 
val and  settlement  in  California,  as  he  was  for  years  in 
several  respects  the  leading  foreigner  in  the  country, 
He  was  likewise  closely  connected  with  many  events 
of  current  history  in  1841-8,  and  more  honored  with 
words  of  eulogy  than  any  other  Californian  pioneer 
down  to  the  day  of  his  death  in  1880.  Moreover,  his 
settlement  on  the  Sacramento  was  not  only  the  first 
in  a  broad  and  important  territory,  utilized  by  trappers 
only  down  to  1839;  but  was  destined  to  be  a  leading 
factor  in  the  political  changes  of  1846,  and  a  direct 
medium  of  an  event  which  transformed  California  and 
startled  the  world — the  discovery  of  gold  at  Sutter's 
mill  in  1848. 

John  Augustus  Sutter — or  Johann  August  Suter, 
as  the  name  was  originally  written — was  of  German 
origin,  having  been  born  in  February,  1803,  perhaps 

(122) 


SUTTER'S  EARLY  LIFE.  123 

of  Swiss  parents,  at  Kandern,  a  little  town  of  Baden. 
At  the  age  of  sixteen  years  he  removed  to  Switzer- 
land, attended  school  for  a  time  at  Neufchatel,  and 
attained  his  citizenship  at  the  little  village  of  Riinen- 
berg,  Basle.  He  subsequently  went  to  Burgdorf, 
canton  of  Bern,  where  he  embarked  in  business,  and 
where  in  1826  he  married  Annette  Diibeld,  by  whom 
in  the  next  six  years  he  had  three  sons  and  one  daugh- 
ter. Meanwhile  he  was  a  soldier  in  the  Swiss  army, 
like  every  young  and  able-bodied  man  in  that  republic, 
and  was  for  a  time  an  officer  in  the  force  of  citizen- 
soldiery,  held  ever  ready  for  active  service.  The 
story  so  widely  circulated  in  books  and  newspapers 
that  Sutter  served  in  the  French  army,  as  captain  of 
Swiss  guards,  "mingling  with  the  e'lite  of  French 
society  in  the  court  of  Charles  X.,"  is  pure  fiction. 
Of  his  commercial  ventures  at  Burgdorf  we  have  no 
details,  save  his  own  statement  that  he  was  engaged, 
perhaps  at  an  earlier  date,  in  bookbinding  and  the 
sale  of  newspapers.  The  young  merchant  must  have 
had  some  money  or  credit;  but  neither  his  capital  nor 
his  experience  was  at  all  commensurate  with  his  en- 
thusiasm and  ambition,  and  the  result  was  bankruptcy. 
Discouragement,  however,  found  no  place  in  his  na- 
ture, and  he  determined  to  retrieve  his  fortunes  in  the 
New  World.  Leaving  his  family  in  straitened  cir- 
cumstances, and  to  his  creditors  the  task  of  settling 
his  affairs,  Sutter  sailed  for  America  in  the  early 
summer  of  1834.1 

1  The  best  authority  extant  on  Sutter's  early  life  is  Schlarflntwe.it,  Califor- 
nien  Land  und  Leute,  219-21.  The  author,  Robert  von  Schlagintweit,  is  a 
well  known  German  traveller  and  writer,  who  on  this  subject  not  only  read 
what  has  been  written  about  Sutter  in  Cal.,  but  also  had  access  to  other 
sources  of  information.  He  cites  the  statements  of  persons  at  Liestal  who 
knew  the  family,  especially  Herr  Martin  Birmann-Socin;  also  an  article  in 
the  Basellandschaftlichen  Zeitung,  Aug.  28,  1868.  He  gives  the  date  of  Slit- 
ter's birth  as  Feb.  15,  1803.  His  children  were  John  A.,  Jr.,  born  in  1827; 
Anna  Eliza,  in  1828;  Emil  Victor,  in  1830;  and  Wm  Alphonse,  in  1832.  He 
states  that  the  business  affairs  were  so  complicated  that  they  were  not  fully 
settled  until  1862.  In  his  Personal  Reminiscences,  MS.,  carefully  dictated  to 
me  by  Sutter  at  his  residence  in  Perm,  a  few  years  before  his  death,  he  cor- 
rects the  story  of  his  service  in  the  French  army,  but  goes  only  slightly  into 
details  of  liis  early  life.  He  says,  however,  that  he  was  a  cadet  at  Bern.  I 


124  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

Landing  at  New  York  in  July  1834,  our  young  ad- 
venturer went  immediately  westward,  with  two  Ger- 
mans and  two  Frenchmen,  all  agreeing  to  learn  no 
English  so  long  as  they  kept  together;  but  they  parted 
in  Indiana,  and  Sutter  went  on  to  St  Louis,  where 
and  at  St  Charles  he  spent  the  winter.  Looking  about 
him  for  a  chance  to  advance  his  fortunes,  he  fell  in  with 
the  Santa  Fe  traders,  with  whom  he  went  in  the  spring 
of  1835  to  New  Mexico.  He  claims  to  have  had  at 
this  time  some  means,  but  his  capital  doubtless  con- 
sisted mainly  in  his  pleasing  address,  his  sanguine 
temperament,  and  his  personal  energy.  Already  mas- 
ter of  the  German  and  French  languages,  he  shortly 
acquired  in  his  new  surroundings  enough  of  English 
and  Spanish  for  his  business  purposes.2  Respecting 
his  commercial  ventures  in  Missouri  and  New  Mexico 
during  the  years  1835—7,  ventures  consisting  largely 
in  trade  with  the  Indians,  there  is  but  little  information 
extant.  That  little  is  not  favorable  to  Sutter's  repu- 
tation; but  there  are  reasons  for  not  even  repeating 
here  the  definite  charges  against  him,  and  for  believing 
that  those  charges  were  to  a  certain  extent  unfounded. 
Then,  as  before  and  later,  Sutter  was  an  enthusiast, 
and  he  had  the  faculty  of  imparting  his  enthusiasm 
to  others.  His  schemes  were  always  far  beyond  his 
means  and  abilities.  He  rarely  hesitated  to  incur  any 
obligation  for  the  future,  and  he  was  rarely  able,  in 
financial  matters,  to  keep  his  promises.  He  induced 
certain  Germans  and  others  to  invest  their  money  in 
his  projects,  which  after  their  failure  were  denounced 

need  not  specify  here  the  numerous  biographical  sketches  that  have  appeared 
in  books  and  newspapers.  One  of  those  most  widely  circulated  in  various 
forms  is  that  in  Dunbar's  Romance  of  the  A(je,  11-21.  The  most  accurate  of 
all  in  many  respects  is  that  given  in  Shuck's  Jiefn-enentative  Men,  11-21.  This 
sketch  presents  Sutter  as  the  son  of  a  Lutheran  clergyman,  which  is  not  im- 
probable; and  I  think  there  may  be  some  doubt  about  his  having  been  a 
Swiss.  It  has  often  been  said  that  Sutter's  plan  on  leaving  Europe  was  to 
establish  a  Swiss  colony  in  America;  but  this  under  the  circumstances  is  un- 
likely. His  plan  was  to  make  a  fortune  as  best  he  could.  He  says,  '  My 
object  in  coining  to  America  was  to  be  a  farmer.' 

2  He  never  wrote  French  correctly,  though  much  better  than  either  Spanish 
or  English.  He  had  but  slight  occasion  iu  his  California  correspondence  for 
the  German,  which  was  his  native  language. 


SUTTER  IN  NEW  MEXICO.  125 

as  swindles  by  the  victims.  It  is  fair  to  suppose,  in 
the  absence  of  proof  to  the  contrary,  that  their  accusa- 
tions of  swindling  were  exaggerated,  and  other  more 
serious  charges  invented,  by  reason  of  their  disappoint- 
ment. At  any  rate,  Sutter  saved  a  little  money,  arid 
determined  to  seek  his  fortune  still  farther  west.3 

In  New  Mexico  Sutter  met  several  men  who  had 
been  in  California,  from  whom — and  especially  from  a 
Canadian  alcalde  at  Taos  named  Popian — he  heard 
much  in  praise  of  that  country's  climate,  lands,  and 
cattle.  Therefore  he  resolved  to  visit  California,  and 
formed  a  party  of  seven  men,  consisting  of  three  Ger- 
mans, two  Americans,  a  Belgian,  and  a  Mexican  ser- 
vant. By  the  advice  of  Sir  William  Drummond 
Stewart,  as  he  says,  and  perhaps  for  other  reasons  as 
well,4  he  decided  not  to  go  by  the  Santa  Fd  trail,  but 
to  take  a  northern  route.  They  started  from  St  Louis 
in  April  1838,  and  travelled  by  the  rendezvous  in  Wind 
Kiver  Valley,  Fort  Hall,  Fort  Boise;  Walla  Walla, 
Dalles,  and  Willamette  Valley  mission,  arriving  at 
Fort  Vancouver  in  October,  six  months  after  leaving 
St  Louis.  The  journey  need  not  be  more  fully  de- 
scribed here;  in  fact,  little  is  known  about  it.  From 
missionaries  and  trappers  in  Oregon,  and  especially 


8  Sutter,  Personal  Remin.,  MS.,  2-3,  says  practically  nothing  of  his  expe- 
rience during  these  years,  save  that  he  bought  a  piece  of  land  in  Mo.  and  vis- 
ited Sta  F(§;  and  the  same  silence  is  to  be  noted  in  the  current  sketches. 
Some  writers  state  that  lie  obtained  papers  of  naturalization  while  in  Mo. ,  and 
Sutter  himself,  Petition  to  Congress,  says  he  applied  for  such  papers.  Schlag- 
intweit  simply  states  that  he  went  to  Sta  Fe",  and  drove  a  flourishing  trade 
with  the  Indians.  In  the  MS.,  Graham  and  Sutter  in  N.  Mexico,  some  facts  by 
a  Pioneer  of  1841,  MS.,  p.  3-7,  are  recorded  a  few  details.  Schmolder,  in  his 
Neuer  Prak.  Wegweiser,  74-6,  written  in  1848,  states  that  Sutter  induced  the 
emigrant  company  fromGiesen,  Germany,  settled  in  Warren  Co.,  Mo.,  to  form 
a  trading  caravan  to  New  Mexico  in  1835.  About  50  joined  the  company; 
but  on  account  of  inexperience,  lateness  of  the  season,  etc. ,  the  enterprise  was 
a  failure.  After  the  dissolution  and  the  retern  of  most  members,  Sutter  es- 
tablished himself  in  business  at  Sta  F(5;  but  his  former  partners'  raids  on  his 
capital  prevented  success.  He  did  not  like  New  Mexican  life,  and  he  resolved 
in  1838  to  seek  the  west  coast. 

4  In  his  Petition  to  Congress,  Sutter  says:  '  The  difficulties  of  crossing  the 
mountains  from  New  Mexico  were  represented  as  impracticable,  and  he  deter 
mined,  on  his  second  return  to  Missouri,  to  reach  the  Pacific  "by  anorthern 
route."'  This  of  course  is  absurd,  since  the  southern  route  at  the  time  pre- 
sented no  great  difficulties,  and  at  Sta  F6  was  the  one  best  known. 


126  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

from  Douglas  and  other  officers  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  Sutter  added  much  to  his  stock  of  informa- 
tion about  California,  and  must  have  had  his  attention 
directed  especially  to  the  Sacramento  Valley,  the  re- 
gion with  which  most  of  his  informants  were  best  ac- 
quainted.5 He  also  had  an  opportunity  for  the  exer- 
cise of  his  peculiar  talent  for  inspiring  confidence,  and 
succeeded  in  obtaining  credit  to  a  considerable  amount 
from  the  company,  the  debt  remaining  unpaid  for 
many  years. 

There  being  no  vessel  soon  to  sail  for  California, 
the  journey  overland  requiring  a  delay  over  winter 
before  starting,  and  Sutter  being  not  averse  to  a  voy- 
age by  sea,  he  took  passage  on  the  Columbia,  which 
left  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  River  November 
llth,  and  arrived  at  Honolulu  December  9th.6  It 
was  five  months  before  the  sailing  of  any  vessel  that 
would  take  him  to  his  destination;  but  the  delay  gave 
him  an  opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with  sev- 
eral men  who  could  aid  him  by  their  influence  in  Cal- 
ifornia. So  good  an  impression  did  he  make  on  the 
merchants,  that  William  French  agreed  to  send  him 
as  supercargo  of  a  vessel  to  the  American  coast,  an 
arrangement  that  would  not  only  secure  him  a  pas- 
sage, but  would  leave  him  a  margin  of  profit.  More- 

5  Sutler's  Personal  Rcmin.,  MS. ,  3-9,  with  some  details  of  experience  on  the 
way  and  in  Oregon.     Suiter's  Diary,  published  in  the  S.  F.  Argonaut,  Jan.  26, 
1878,  gives  the  facts  more  briefly.     This  document,  though  interesting,  is 
evidently  not  a  diary  kept  at  the  time,  but  a  series  of  memoranda  made  at  a 
later  period — at  least,  such  is  the  case  in  respect  of  the  earlier  portions.     In 
Gray's  Hist.  Oregon,  177,  it  is  stated  that  Sutter  came  with  the  author  and  a 
party  of  missionaries  to  Walla  Walla,  but  Sutter  says  nothing  of  it,  though 
he  probably  met  Gray,  as  he  later  wrote  a  letter  about  him  while  at  Honolulu. 
From  the  Dalles  to  the  Willamette,  Sutter  travelled  part  of  the  way  with 
Lee,  the  missionary,  and  his  party.     The  journey  is  described  in  Lee  and 
Frost's  Ten  Years  in  Or.,  155-00,  but  without  mention  of  Sutter.     Schlagint- 
wcit  says  he  loft  Ft  Independence  with  Capt.  Krmatinger,  5  missionaries,  and 
3  women,   in  June,  arriving  at  Ft  Vancouver  in  September.      Schmolder, 
Ncuer  WeijiKeiifer,  74-6,  repeats  this,  and  gives  July  29th  as  the  date  of  his 
arrival  at  Ft  Hall.     From  St  Louis  to  the  Rocky  Mt.  rendezvous,  he  travelled 
with  Capt.  Tripp  of  the  Amer.  Fur  Co.  Sutler's  Petition* 

6  Arrival  noted  in  Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  Dec.  15,  1838.     In  the  same 
paper  of  April  G,  1839,  is  a  letter  from  Sutter  denying  the  truth  of  a  report 
that  a  Frenchman  had  commanded  a  party  of  Indians  that  had  attacked  the 
missionary  Gray  on  his  way  overland. 


FROM  THE  ISLANDS  TO  SITKA.  127 

over,  Sutter  was  enabled  through  the  influence  of  his 
new  friends  to  engage  two  or  three  men  in  addition 
to  the  one  German  he  had  brought  with  him,  the 
others  having  been  left  in  Oregon,  and  eight  or  ten 
kanakas  for  his  Californian  rancho.  He  finally  sailed 
on  the  English  brig  Clementine,  Captain  Blinn,  on 
April  20,  1839,  for  Sitka,7  The  voyage  was  without 
notable  incident,  and  at  Sitka,  where  most  of  the 
cargo  was  landed,  Sutter  remained  several  weeks, 
making  new  friends  among  the  officers  of  the  Russian 
American  Company,  and  having  the  honor  to  dance 
with  the  governor's  wife,  a  born  princess.  The  voy- 
age of  the  Clementine  down  the  coast  was  rather 
rough;  but  on  the  1st  of  July  she  entered  San 
Francisco  Bay;  and  our  adventurer,  by  a  somewhat 
circuitous  route  from  Switzerland,  was  at  last  in  Cali- 
fornia. He  was,  however,  allowed  to  remain  only 
forty-eight  hours  for  repairs,  in  accordance  with  the 
revenue  regulations;  and  was  obliged  to  forego  even 
the  festivities  of  July  4th  to  present  himself  and  his 
vessel  at  the  capital.8 

Arriving  at  Monterey  on  July  3d,  Sutter  lost  no 
time  in  making  known  his  project,  declining  an  invi- 

7  Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  April  27,  1839,  in  which  Capt.  Sutter,  A.  Thomp- 
son, two  German  cabinet-makers,  and  9  kanakas  are  mentioned  as  passen- 
gers.    In  his  Personal  Remin.,  MS.,  11,  19-20,  27,  Sutter  says  he  brought  4 
white  men,  and  8  kanakas,  two  of  them  with  their  wives,  whom  the  king 
gave  him  for  3  years  at  $10  per  month.     He  had  also  taken  from  Oregon  an 
Indian  boy  whom  he  bought  of  Kit  Carson  for  $100.     He  claims  to  have  been 
the  owner  of  the  vessel,  which  I  think  cannot  have  been  the  fact.     Both  ver- 
sions have  been  given  in  the  current  sketches.     In  his  petition  he  says  he 
'  shipped  as  supercargo  without  pay  on  an  English  vessel  chartered  by  some 
American  citizens  of  these  isles.' 

8  Sutler's  Pers.  Rem.,  MS.,  12-14;  Suiter's  Diary.     The  date  of  arrival  at 
S.  F.  is  generally  given  as  July  2d;  but  there  is  proof  that  the  vessel  arrived 
at  Monterey  on  the  3d.    Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  290;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i. 
233.     She  paid  duties  on  about  $3,400.     Bartlett,  Narrative,  ii.  68-70,  rep- 
resents the  voyage  to  have  been  via  S.  Bias  or  Mazatlan.     Several  writers 
state  that  Sutter  went  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  engage  in  raising  oranges; 
others  have  it  that,  starting  from  Honolulu  for  Sitka,  he  was  driven  luckily 
by  the  gales  to  S.  F. ;  nobody  suggests  that  he  went  to  Alaska  to  investigate 
the  prospects  for  manufacturing  ice !     '  II  fit  quelques  operations  commercialea 
a  la  Nouvelle  Archangel,'  says  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  457-8.    In  a  letter  of  Nov. 
20,  1877,  to  the  8.  Jose  Pioneer,  Dec.  14,  1877,  Sutter  objects  to  a  statement 
by  some  orator  that  '  prior  to  1841  a  few  restless  and  adventurous  spirits  had 
come  to  California,  scarcely  knowing  how  or  why; '  and  claims  that  at  least 
himself  and  Marsh  had  come  with  the  deliberate  intention  to  settle. 


128  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

tation  to  join  in  the  festivities  of  the  4th,  and  regret- 
ting that  the  celebration  would  postpone  his  interview 
with  the  governor,  the  guest  of  American  residents 
on  that  occasion,  until  the  5th.  He  had  made  good 
use  of  the  friendships  he  had  formed  on  his  travels, 
and  came  provided  with  the  most  flattering  letters  of 
introduction  to  governor,  general,  and  prominent  citi- 
zens, from  Douglas  and  other  officers  of  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company  at  Vancouver,  from  Russian  officials 
of  the  Russian  American  Company  at  Sitka,  arid  from 
leading  merchants  of  Honolulu.9  He  had  doubtless 
represented  himself,  and  still  did  so,  as  having  been 
an  officer  of  the  French  army;  and  was  known  from 
the  first  as  'Captain'  Sutter — a  harmless  enough  de- 
ception from  certain  points  of  view.10  Introduced  by 
David  Spence  to  Alvarado,  he  was  cordially  received. 
His  pleasing  manners,  his  apparent  energy,  his  unex- 
ceptionable recommendations,  and  the  reasonable  and 
beneficial  nature  of  his  project  made  the  way  perfectly 
clear.  He  wished  at  first  to  obtain  a  tract  of  land  as 
an  empresario  de  colonizacion;  but  Alvarado  showed 
him  the  impracticability  of  this  method  for  so  small 
a  colony.  He  advised  Sutter  to  announce  his  inten- 
tion of  becoming  a  Mexican  citizen,  to  go  into  the 
interior  and  select  any  tract  of  unoccupied  land  that 
might  suit  him,  and  to  return  to  Monterey  in  a  year, 
when  he  would  be  given  his  papers  of  naturalization 
and  a  grant  of  his  land.  Gladly  adopting  this  plan, 
Sutter  obtained  additional  letters  of  recommendation 
to  Vallejo,  and  hastened  back  to  Yerba  Buena,  where 
he  arrived  July  7th  on  the  Clementine,  which  craft 
was  despatched  for  Honolulu  about  a  week  later.11 

9  One  of  these  letters,  dated  April  18,  1839,  from  John  C.  Jones,  U.  S. 
consul  in  Oahq,  to  Gen.  Vallejo,  is  preserved  in    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  446. 
Sutter  is  introduced  as  a  'Swiss  gentleman  of  the  first  class  among  men  of 
honor,  talent,  and  estimation,'  worthy  of  all  confidence  and  support. 

10  In  the  Honolulu  S.  I.  Gazette,  April  6,  1839,  Sutter  distinctly  claims  to 
have  been  an  officer  in  the  French  service;  he  is  called  captain  in  Consul 
Jones'  letter;  and  Larkin  in  1846,   Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.   108-9, 
states  that  he  had  been  a  captain  in  the  Swiss  guard  of  Charles  X. 

11  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  206,  etc.;  Sutter,  Pers.  Pern.,  MS.,  15-16; 
Id.,  Diary;  Id.,  Petition.   July  3d,  Spence  to  Vallejo,  introducing  Sutter  and 


PREPARATIONS.  >       129 

From  San  Francisco  late  in  July,  he  made  a  visit  to 
Vallejo  at  Sonoma,  and  thence  by  land,  by  Macintosh's 
rancho  and  Bodega,  to  Rotchef  at  Ross.  He  was 
kindly  received  by  both  gentlemen,  who  politely 
wished  him  success  in  his  enterprise.  He  says  that 
Vallejo  and  others  wished  him  to  settle  in  Sonoma, 
Napa,  or  Suisun  valleys,  rather  than  go  so  far  from 
civilization;  but  he  declined,  ostensibly  because  he 
wished  to  settle  on  a  navigable  river,  but  really  be- 
cause he  wished  to  be  at  a  convenient  distance  from 
Spanish  officials  and  Spanish  neighbors.12  He  had 
already  decided  in  favor  of  the  Sacramento  Valley  in 
consequence  of  information  received  in  Oregon  and  at 
Sitka;  and  doubtless  one  of  his  strongest  motives  for 
this  preference  was  a  desire  to  be  independent  of  the 
Californians.  He  was  willing  to  become  a  Mexican 
citizen  and  to  obey  Mexican  laws  only  so  far  as  his 
own  interests  might  require  it.  He  wished  to  be  be- 
yond the  reach  of  all  interference  with  his  Indian 
policy,  his  methods  of  obtaining  laborers,  his  trading 
ventures,  his  trapping  operations,  and  his  relations 
with  foreigners.  He  believed  there  was  money  to  be 
made  out  of  the  Indians;  he  hoped  to  make  his  estab- 
lishment a  trading-post  and  rendezvous  for  trappers; 
he  shrewdly  foresaw  that  even  the  roving  vagabonds 
and  horse-thieves  of  the  valleys  might  be  useful  allies 
in  possible  emergencies. 

Back  at  Yerba  Buena,  Sutter  pushed  forward  his 
preparations,  making  arrangements  with  rancheros 
round  the  bay  to  supply  him  in  the  near  future  with 
cattle — always  on  credit.  He  had  brought  on  the 

announcing  his  plan  to  settle  on  the  northern  frontier.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
vii.  290.  July  4th,  Alvaraclo  to  Vallejo,  highly  recommending  Sutter.  Id., 
vii.  302.  This  would  indicate  that  both  Sutter  and  Alvarado  are  wrong  ia 
speaking  of  the  first  interview  as  having  been  postponed  until  July  5th.  Ar- 
rival at  S.  F.  July  7th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.  16.  The  vessel 
still  retained  a  part  of  her  cargo,  which  had  proved  unsalable;  and  a  guard 
was  put  on  board  to  see  that  no  part  of  these  goods  should  be  landed  before 
she  sailed,  about  July  13th,  for  Oahu.  Pinto,  Do<;  ,  MS.,  i.  233-4. 

12  Sutler's  Pers.  Bern.,  MS.,  21-7.  Hall  J.  Kelley,  Hist.,  69,  claims  that  it 
was  his  report  and  earlier  project  that  carried  S.  to  Cal.  and  determined  his 
choice  of  a  cite. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    9 


130  SUITER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

Clementine,  or  had  purchased  here,  a  four-oared  pin- 
nace; and  he  chartered  from  Spear  and  Hinckley 
their  schooners,  the  Isabella  and  Nicolas,  commanded 
by  William  H.  Davis  and  Jack  Rainsford,  for  his  trip 
up  the  river.13  On  these  craft  Sutter  embarked  with 
his  eight  or  ten  kanakas,  his  three  or  four  white  men 
•who  had  come  with  him,  and  two  or  three  others  en- 
gaged at  San  Francisco,  besides  the  crews.  The  ves- 
sels were  also  loaded  with  stores  of  provisions,  ammu- 
nition, implements,  and  three  small  cannon  which  had 
been  brought  from  Honolulu.14  When  all  was  ready, 
a  farewell  dinner  was  given  to  our  adventurer  on  board 
a  Boston  ship,  doubtless  the  Monsoon, -from  alongside 
of  which  vessel  the  little  expedition  set  out  on  or 
about  August  9th,  Sutter  going  in  advance,  as  he  states, 
in  the  smallest  boat,  manned  by  his  kanakas,  and 
touching  only  at  Martinez'  rancho  en  route  to  Suisun 
Bay. 

Sutter  has  always  said,  and  the  statement  has  been 
constantly  repeated,  that  it  took  him  eight  days  from 
Suisun  Bay  to  find  the  mouth  of  the  Sacramento,  no 
one  at  San  Francisco  knowing  anything  of  that  region 
beyond  the  fact  that  there  were  large  rivers  there. 
This  is  of  course  an  absurd  claim,  even  had  no  one  at 
Yerba  Buena  known  of  the  explorations  by  Kotzebue 
and  Belcher.  True,  this  party  might  have  spent  eight 
days,  or  eight  weeks,  in  exploring  the  San  Joaquin 
and  the  sloughs  of  that  region ;  but  I  suppose  that,  as 
Davis  says,  they  were  eight  days  in  making  the  trip 
from  San  Francisco  to  the  site  of  the  modern  Sacra- 


13  In  his  Peru.  Hem. ,  MS. ,  Sutter  claims  to  have  bought  a  schooner  from 
Spear  &  Co.,  a  yacht  from  Hinckley,  and  a  pinnace  from  Capt.  Wilson; 
and  the  statement  that  he  owned  the  fleet  has  been  oft  repeated;  but  in  his 
Diary  he  speaks  of  having  chartered  the  Isabella,  and  purchased  several  small 
boats;  ia  his  Petition,  that  he  'chartered  a  schooner  with  some  small  bo.ite;' 
and  Davis,  Glimpses,  M.S.,  p.  11,  gives  the  version  in  my  text.  Davis  was  in 
charge  of  the  fleet,  representing  Spear  &  Co.,  the  owners. 

11  Letter  of  Sutter,  July  12,  1879,  to  Cal.  Pioneers,  in  S.  F.  Bulletin.  He 
says  he  got  G  larger  cannon  in  1841  from  the  captain  of  an  American  vessel, 
who  brought  them  from  South  America  expressly  for  him;  one  brass  field-piece 
only  from  the  Russians;  and  a  few  others,  including  2  brass  pieces,  from  other 
vessels  at  different  dates. 


UP  THE  SACRAMENTO.  131 

mento.15  They  moved  slowly,  closely  examining  the 
banks  and  anchoring  at  night.  The  Indians,  not  ap- 
pearing until  the  last  day  of  the  voyage,  were  friendly 
when  promised  gifts,  and  furnished  guides,,  who,  being 
ex-neophytes,  could  speak  Spanish.  The  schooners 
anchored  at  or  below  the  mouth  of  the  branch  now 
called  Feather  River,  up  which  S utter  in  his  pinnace 
went  some  fifteen  miles,  taking  it  for  the  main  stream, 
and  then  rejoined  the  others.  Next  morning,  or  that 
same  afternoon  according  to  Davis,  the  fleet  dropped 
down  the  Sacramento  and  entered  the  American  Elv- 
er,10 on  the  southern  bank  of  which  stream  the  cargoes 
were  unloaded,  the  tents  pitched,  and  the  cannon 
mounted.  The  schooners  started  in  the  morning  on 
their  return,  carrying  back  several  of  the  men  who  had 
intended  to  remain,  and  were  saluted  at  parting  with 
nine  guns,  which  made  a  sensation  among  Indians, 
animals,  and  birds.17 

Sutter  was  now  left  to  carve  his  fortunes  in  the 
wilderness,  his  companions  being  three  white  men 
whose  names  are  not  known,  ten  kanakas  including 
two  women,  an  Indian  boy  from  Oregon,  and  a  large 
bull-dog  from  Oahu.  A  site  for  permanent  settlement 
was  at  once  selected  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from, 
the  landing  on  high  ground,  where  two  or  three  grass 

15The  date  of  starting  is  given  by  Davis  as  Aug.  9th;  and  that  of  arrival 
by  Shuck  as  Aug.  15th;  by  Dunbar  as  Aug.  10th;  arid  Sutter,  Diary,  Aug. 
1*2 th,  Petition,  Aug.  13th.  Little  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  the  accuracy  of 
thcso  dates;  but  I  accept  Aug.  9th  to  Aug.  10th  as  approximately  correct. 

1G  The  Rio  de  los  Americanos  is  named  by  Alvarado  in  Oct.  1837  as  a  place 
frequented  by  trappers  of  revolutionary  proclivities.  Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv. 
322. 

17 Suttees  Pers.  Rem.,  MS.,  28-36;  Id.,  Diary;  Davis1  s  Glimpses,  MS.,  11- 
14.  Sattcr  says  the  landing-place  was  several  miles  up  the  American,  and 
again  that  it  was  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  later  site  of  the  fort. 
He  states  that  he  wished  to  explore  the  Sacramento  above,  but  was  prevented 
by  discontent  and  danger  of  mutiny  among  his  men.  A  writer  in  Jlutchinfjs' 
JUay. ,  iv.  4,  speaks  of  the  Isabella  as  the  first  sailing-vessel  that  made  tho 
voyage  up  the  river — a  voyage  interrupted  by  hostile  Indians !  Slitter's  Peti- 
tion to  Congress  (39th  cong.  1st  sess.,  Sen.  Miscel.  Doc.,  38),  is  a  narrative 
from  which  many  current  sketches  have  been  drawn;  for  which  as  for  various 
other  statements  made  by  him  the  Diary  was  a  series  of  memoranda;  and 
which  in  some  respects  is  more  accurate  than  his  Personal  Reminiscences,  MS., 
though  in  it  he  claimed  to  be  a  native  of  Switzerland  and  to  have  received  a 
military  education.  He  says  the  landing-place  was  where  he  later  built  hia 
tannery,  on  the  south  bank  of  the  American  River. 


132  SUTTUR'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

and  tule  houses  were  built  by  the  kanakas,  more  or 
less  in  the  Hawaiian  style,  on  wooden  frames  put  up 
by  the  white  men.  Such  were  the  primitive  struc- 
tures of  California's  later  capital,  and  they  were  ready 
for  their  occupants  early  in  September.  But  before 
the  winter  rains  began,  Sutter  tells  us  that  he  had 
completed  an  adobe  building  roofed  with  tules.  It 
was  about  forty  feet  long,  and  divided  into  three 
apartments,  in  one  of  which  the  captain  lived,  while 
the  others  served  as  kitchen  and  blacksmith-shop. 
Meanwhile  the  Indians  had  not  failed  to  come  for  the 
promised  gifts  of  beads  and  other  trifles,  and  were 
duly  impressed  by  the  occasional  discharge  of  the  can- 
non at  a  target.  They  soon  began  to  bring  in  stolen 
horses  for  sale;  and  they  were  easily  induced  to  make 
themselves  useful  in  the  manufacture  of  adobes  or 
in  other  work.  They  were  disposed  to  pilfer  to  some 
extent,  and  perhaps  formed  plans  to  kill  the  strangers 
and  obtain  their  property;  but  if  this  were  so,  their 
plots  were  frustrated  through  strict  vigilance,  an  over- 
ruling providence,  three  cannon,  and  the  teeth  of  the 
bull-dog.13  Before  the  end  of  1839  the  vessel,  spoken 
of  as  boat,  pinnace,  launch,  schooner,  and  even  sloop 
in  these  years,  though  a  new  and  larger  boat  may 
have  been  obtained  after  the  first  trip,  made  one  or 
two  voyages  to  San  Francisco  and  back  with  Sutter 
on  board,  bringing  several  new  recruits  for  the  col- 
ony; a  drove  of  cattle  and  horses,  purchased  of  Mar- 
tinez on  credit,  arrived  in  October. lu  Meanwhile  the 
work  of  improvement  went  on;  meat  was  plentifully 
obtained  by  the  hunters;  preparations  were  made  for 
trapping  operations  the  next  season;  gardens  were 

18 Sutter' 'K  Petition  to  Congress,  p.  3.  In  his  Pers.  Rem.,  MS.,  39-40,  Sut- 
ter relates  that  on  one  occasion  the  dog  caught  the  leader  of  a  party  that 
came  to  kill  him  in  the  night;  but  this  seems  to  have  been  later.  I  think 
there  were  no  serious  troubles  in  1839. 

19  According  to  Sutler's  P<-tii;on,  p.  3,  the  cattle  numbered  300,  horses  30, 
.and  mares  30;  and  8  white  men  joined  the  colony.  In  the  Diary,  2,  it  is  stated 
that  the  cattle  arrived  Oct.  22d,  requiring  8  men — probably  the  new  recruits 
— to  drive  them.  He  seems  to  speak  of  two  trips  to  S.  F.,  one  taking  10  days 
and  the  other  a  month. 


NUEVA  HELVECIA.  133 

planted  with  various  seeds ;  and  a  road  was  cut  through 
the  woods  to  the  embarcadero  on  the  Sacramento. 

At  the  first  I  suppose,  though  there  is  no  formal 
record  and  the  name  is  not  used  until  the  next  year, 
the  new  establishment  was  christened,  in  honor  of 
Slitter's  adopted  country,  Nueva  Helvecia,  or  New 
Switzerland.20 

On  December  26,  1839,  General  Vallejo  wrote  to 
the  comandante  at  San  Josd :  "  We  must  not  lose  sight 
of  a  settlement  of  foreigners  in  the  direction  of  the 
Sacramento,  said  to  have  been  made  with  permission 
of  the  departmental  government,  though  contrary  to 
law  and  to  the  latest  orders  from  Mexico.  That  es- 
tablishment is  very  suspicious,  and  respira  sintomas 
venenosos."21  Vallejo  had  always  urged  the  importance 
of  making  settlements  on  the  northern  frontier;  but 
he  fully  understood  the  danger  to  be  apprehended  from 
such  a  colony  as  that  of  Sutter,  if  independent  of  Mex- 
ican control,  which  could  not  fail  to  become  a  rendez- 
vous of  the  department's  worst  foes.  Moreover,  the 
idea  of  a  power  in  the  north  which  might  rival  his  own 
was  not  a  pleasing  one,  especially  when  that  power 
was  founded  and  likely  to  be  constantly  favored  by  his 
enemies  at  Monterey.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that 
the  favor  shown  to  Sutter  at  Monterey  from  the  first 
by  Alvarado  and  others,  especially  by  Jimeno  Casarin, 
the  governor's  secretary  and  adviser,  was  all  the  more 
cordial  from  the  expectation  that  there  might  be  a  ri- 
valry between  the  magnates  of  Sonoma  and  the  Sac- 
ramento. At  any  rate,  the  concession  made  to  Sutter 
without  consulting  the  general  was  an  insult  to  Vallejo, 
and  it  is  not  strange  that  he  did  not  feel  kindly  toward 
the  new-comers.  Yet  there  was  no  open  quarrel,  nor 

20  Which  form  of  the  name  should  properly  be  used  here  is  a  puzzle.    Sut- 
ter probably  called  it  Nouvclle  Helvetic — since  he  always  affected  the  French, 
and  not  the  German — rather  than  Neu-Helvetien;  but  he  was  a  Mexican  ola- 
ci.il.  and  wrote  the  name  officially  in  its  Spanish  form,  Nueva  Helvecia,  as  di'd 
the  Californians;  while  later,  with  the  predominance  of  American  settlors,  ib 
became  New  Helvetia.    Probably  it  never  occurred  to  anybody  to  write  it  all 
in  Latin — Nova  Helvetia. 

21  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  395. 


134  BUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

special  manifestation  of  ill-feeling  on  either  side,  in 
these  earlier  years,  so  far  as  the  records  show.22 

The  annals  of  Nueva  Helvecia  in  1840  are  neither 
extensive  nor  complicated.  In  the  spring  a  party  was 
*sent  out  to  search  for  pine  timber,  which  was  rafted 
down  the  American  River  from  a  distance  of  about 
twenty -five  miles.  Adobes  were  also  prepared,  and  in 
the  autumn  a  beginning  was  probably  made  on  the 
fjrt,  which  will  be  described  later,  and  the  construc- 
tion of  which  occupied  about  four  years.  Of  agricul- 
tural operations  at  this  time  we  have  no  record,  though 
they  were  doubtless  conducted  on  a  limited  scale,  as 
other  industries  promised  larger  and  more  speedy  re- 
turns. Sutter's  growing  herds  were  increased  by  the 
purchase  of  a  large  number  of  cattle  from  Antonio 
Sufiol,  besides  horses  from  Joaquin  Gomez  and  others. 
Some  animals  were  obtained  also  from  Dr  Marsh  and 
Robert  Livermore.  The  launch,  now  in  charge  of 
Robert  Ridley,  made  frequent  trips  to  Yerba  Buena 
and  to  the  bay  ranches,  always  with  requests  for  grain, 
poultry,  implements,  or  supplies  of  some  kind  to  be 
paid  for  later  in  beaver-skins.  Sutter's  creditors,  of 
whom  Martinez  and  Sunol  were  chief,  as  yet  showed 
no  marked  signs  of  impatience,  and  prospects  there- 
fore seemed  flattering.23 

In   the   industry  of   beaver-trapping,  from  which 
Sutter  expected  the  greatest  results  in  the  future— 
and  with  reason,  since  for  several  years  it  was  with 

23  Alvarado,  however,  informed  the  Mex.  govt  in  1842  that  Sutter  could 
get  no  aid  from  Vallejo,  though  he  made  repeated  requests  for  such  aid.  Dcpt. 
JSec.,  MS.,  xiii.  9-10. 

23  In  Sutler's  Diary,  2-3,  the  number  of  cattle  bought  of  Suuol  is  said  to 
have  been  1,000.  March  18th  is  given  as  the  date  of  first  sending  out  men  for 
timber.  In  liisPers.  Hem.,  MS.,  48,  Sutter  speaks  vaguely  of  beginning  work 
on  the  fort,  implying  that  the  adobe  building  was  burned  in  the  winter  of 
1839-40,  or  probably  1840-1,  since  it  was  seen  by  a  visitor  in  July  1840.  The 
SiiUer-Sunol  Correspondence,  1840-6,  MS. ,  is  a  collection  of  copies  and  extracts 
from  original  letters  in  the  possession  of  the  Sufiol  family,  which  originals 
•were  furnished  for  my  use  by  Mr  P.  Etchebarne  of  S.  Jos6.  The  collection 
contains  three  of  Sutter's  letters  of  1 840,  in  one  of  which  he  credits  Sufiol 
with  $295  for  cattle  sent  through  Sinclair.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  224, 
states  that  as  early  as  April  1840,  Martinez  wrote  to  him  complaining  of  Sut- 
ter's failure  to  keep  h.is  promises. 


FURS  AND  BRANDY.  133 

beaver-skins,  supplemented  only  with  deer-fat  and 
brandy,  that  he  paid  such  of  his  debts  as  were  paid 
at  all — not  much  was  accomplished  this  season  for 
want  of  experienced  hunters,  suitable  traps,  and  arti- 
cles of  traffic  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  free  trap- 
pers; yet  an  encouraging  beginning  was  made.  It 
was  from  the  services  of  his  own  hunters  and  those  of 
others  who  trapped  for  themselves  without  license 
that  the  captain  expected  his  profits,  and  not  from  the 
trappers  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  who  could 
not  sell  their  furs.  He  accordingly,  by  virtue  of  his 
authority  as  a  Mexican  official,  of  which  I  shall  speak 
presently,  notified  that  company  in  the  summer  of 
1840  that  Laframboise  and  his  band  of  hunters  must 
suspend  their  annual  visits  to  the  Tulares.24  Another 
industry  introduced  this  year,  and  from  which  Sutter 
had  great  hopes  of  future  profits,  was  the  manufac- 
ture of  brandy  from  the  wild  grapes  which  grew  in 
great  abundance  in  the  region  of  New  Helvetia,  and 
in  the  gathering  of  which  the  services  of  the  Indians 
could  be  utilized.25 

At  the  end  of  July  Butter's  establishment  was  vis- 
ited by  Captain  W.  D.  Phelps  of  the  Boston  ship 
Alert,  anchored  at  Yerba  Buena,  who  went  up  the 
river  in  his  cutter,  with  six  men,  impelled  not  only  by 
curiosity,  but  by  the  mistaken  idea  that  this  was  "the 
first  passage  of  a  ship's  boat  on  that  river,"  and  by  the 
other  belief,  well  founded  I  think,  that  this  was  "the 
first  time  the  stars  and  stripes  waved  over  its  waters." 
Phelps  found  a  party  of  Slitter's  Indian  fishermen  at 
work  at  the  embarcadero,  whence  he  went  on  horse- 
back to  New  Helvetia,  being  welcomed  with  a  salute 
from  the  cannon  and  a  gay  display  of  flags.  He  was 
hospitably  entertained,  enjoyed  an  elk-hunt  with  his 

"So  said  Gov.  Dcmglas,  Journal,  MS.,  71-2,  to  Alvarado  in  Jan.  1841. 
No  attention  had  been  paid  to  Sutler's  prohibition.  Alvarado  admitted  that 
ID  had  authorized  Sutter  to  request,  not  order,  Laframboise  to  withdraw  his 
operations  farther  from  the  settlements. 

2i Letter  of  Oct.  7,  1840,  in  Ruttcr-Suuol  Corresp.,  MS.,  1,  in  which  he 
saya  he  will  know  in  a  few  weeks  the  result  of  his  attempts. 


136  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

host,  visited  Sinclair's  farm,  spent  a  week  in  explora- 
tions farther  up  the  river,  and  then  returned  in  three 
days  to  his  ship.  In  his  book  he  gives  no  descrip- 
tion of  the  establishment  as  he  found  it.26  Soon  after 
this  visitor's  departure,  there  arrived  others  on  Au- 
gust 17th  from  Bodega,  They  were  Peter  Lassen, 
William  Wiggins,  and  several  others  whose  names  and 
number  are  not  known,  but  who  had  crossed  the  con- 
tinent with  Sutter.  They  came  down  from  Oregon 
on  the  Lausanne,  and  were  aided  by  the  Russians  to 
cross  the  country — stealthily  from  fear  of  interference 
by  Californians — to  New  Helvetia,  where  all  but  the 
two  named  above  remained  to  strengthen  Sutter's 
force.27 

Later  in  August  Sutter  went  down  to  Monterey 
and  obtained  his  papers  of  naturalization  as  a  Mexican 
citizen,  for  which  he  had  made  the  preliminary  appli- 
cation in  July  1839.  These  final  steps  were  begun  on 
August  27th  before  David  Spence  as  justice  of  the 
peace,  and  completed  the  29th,  the  applicant  proving 
by  documents  and  by  three  witnesses,  Estrada,  Wat- 
son, and  Spence,  that  he  was  a  Swiss  catholic,  and  of 
good  character.23  Captain  Sutter  was  duly  author- 

26  Phelps*  Fore  and  Aft,  254-9.     Geo.  H.  Card  seems  to  have  been  one  of 
the  men  who  accompanied  Phelps. 

27  In  his  Diary,  Sutter  says  that  'the  men  who  crossed  with  me  the  Rocky 
Mountains,'  implying  that  the  number  included  all  5  of  them,  arrived  Aug. 
17th.     There  were  not  however  so  many,  since  on  Oct.  19,  1841,  Sutter 
writes  that  he  is  expecting  overland  from  the  Columbia  'several  men  who 
crossed  the  continent  with  me  and  wish  to  enter  my  service.'  Sutter-Siinol 
Corresp.,  MS.,  11.     Wiggins,  flemmis.,  MS.,  1-3,  says  there  were  'some  half- 
dozen  of  us'  who  took  passage  on  the  Lausanne,  and  implies  that  all  accom- 
panied himself  and  Lassen  from  Ross  to  Sutter's  place,  a  journey  of  12  days. 
Two  men,  however,  arc  known  to  have  gone  to  Honolulu  on  the  vessel;  and  as 
in  the  controversy  between  Vallcjo  and  the  Russians  only  4  foreigners  are 
mentioned  as  going  inland,  I  suppose  that  not  more  than  2  or  3  of  Sutter's 
old  companions  arrived  at  this  time.     In  a  contribution  to  the  newspapers, 
however,  Wiggins  says  there  were  G — 4  besides  himself  and  Lassen — who  went 
inland.    S.  Jo$6  Pioneer,  April  G,  1878.     Wiggins  found  Sutter  living,  as  at 
the  end  of  1839,  in  the  adobe  house  of  three  rooms,  the  fort  being  not  yet  be- 
gun. 

**Dept.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  v.  115-16.  Sutter  in  his  various  statements  has 
said  nothing  of  this  visit  to  Monterey,  implying  that  his  naturalization,  etc., 
was  effected  at  the  time  his  laud  grant  was  made  in  1841.  It  was  on  this  trip, 
doubtless,  that  he  carried  Lassen  and  Wiggins  down  to  the  bay,  as  mentioned 
by  the  latter. 


A  MEXICAN  OFFICIAL.  137 

0 

ized  by  Jimeno  Casarin,  on  September  1st,  to  repre- 
sent the  departmental  government  at  Nueva  Hclvecia, 
being  endowed  with  all  the  civil  authority  necessary 
for  the  local  administration  of  justice,  the  prevention 
of  robberies  by  " adventurers  from  the  United  States," 
the  repression  of  hostilities  by  savage  Indians,  and  the 
checking  of  the  illegal  trapping  and  fishing  carried  on 
by  the  'Company  of  the  Columbia/  for  which  purposes 
he  might  even  resort  to  force  of  arms  if  necessary. 
In  fact,  he  was  constituted,  as  he  soon  had  occasion  to 
sign  himself  officially,  Encargado  de  justicia  y  repre- 
sentante  del  gobierno  en  las  fronteras  del  Rio  del 
Sacramento.29 

The  Indians  gave  some  trouble  this  year,  and  Sutter 
was  obliged  on  several  occasions,  respecting  which 
chronological  and  other  details  are  not  satisfactory,  to 
use  force  against  them,  once  as  he  claims  attacking  a 
large  body  of  them  on  the  river  of  the  Cosumnes,  and 
killing  thirty  of  their  number.30  His  Indian  policy 
\vas  undoubtedly  a  wise  and  successful  one,  its  chief 
features  being  constant  vigilance,  prompt  punishment 
of  offences,  and  uniform  kindness  and  justice,  espe- 
cially to  those  tribes  near  home.  He  had  unusual  tact 
for  making  friends  of  all  men,  irrespective  of  race,  and 
he  not  only  kept  the  Sacramento  Indians,  as  a  rule,  on 
friendly  terms,  but  succeeded  by  his  liberality  and  tact 
in  obtaining  from  them  a  large  amount  of  useful  ser- 
vice. He  strengthened  his  position  by  aiding  his 
Indians  against  their  foes.  In  September,  soon  after 
his  return  from  Monterey,  he  had  an  opportunity  to 
advance  his  own  interests  in  this  way.  Acacio  and 
fifteen  other  Indians  came  with  a  pass  from  Mission 

29 Dept.  JRec.,  MS.,  xi.  20;  xvii.  86;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  129. 

80 Suiter's  Diary,  2-3;  Id.,  Petition,  3;  Id.,  Pers.  Rcm.,  MS.,  40-1.  Four 
or  five  distinct  cases  of  plots  or  hostilities  seem  to  be  alluded  to  this  year, 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  224-5,  claims  to  have  discovered  in  April  a  plau 
to  attack  New  Helvetia,  and  to  have  prevented  it  by  arresting  the  chief, 
Alarico,  and  keeping  his  two  sons  as  hostages.  This  author,  Id. ,  37-40,  rep- 
resents Sutter's  establishment  as  having  been  in  territory  of  the  Ochecames, 
whose  chief,  Narciso,  had  formerly  been  a  neophyte,  and  who  favored  the 
strangers.  Sutter  also  names  Narciso  and  the  Ochocumnes. 


138  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

% 

San  Josd  to  visit  relatives  among  the  Ochecames  or 
Ochocuranes.  They  were  permitted  by  Sutter  to 
purchase  coritas  and  plumeros,  and  also  to  obtain 
women  peaceably  with  the  consent  of  all  concerned. 
The}''  however  attacked  a  rancheria  of  the  Yalesumnes, 
many  of  whom,  under  Pulpuld,  were  working  at  New 
Helvetia,  and  killing  seven  of  the  men,  stole  all  the 
women  and  children.  Sutter  was  blamed  at  first,  and 
accused  of  treachery,  but  he  at  once  joined  Pulpulo, 
freed  the  captives  as  they  were  being  dragged  on 
board  rafts  on  the  river,  and  killed  one  who  refused  to 
give  up  his  captives.  Seven  of  the  Cosumnes  engaged 
in  this  affair  and  three  Christians  were  subsequently 
shot  in  the  presence  of  all  the  Indians;  and  such 
others  of  the  San  Jose  neophytes  as  were  caught 
were  delivered  to  the  authorities.31  Sutter  doubtless 
became  somewhat  less  careful  in  his  treatment  of  the 
natives  as  he  became  stronger.  From  the  first  he  was 
in  the  habit  of  seizing  Indian  children,  who  were  re- 
tained as  servants,  or  slaves,  at  his  own  establishment, 
or  sent  to  his  friends  in  different  parts  of  the  country. 
But  he  always  took  care  to  capture  for  this  purpose 
only  children  from  distant  or  hostile  tribes,  and  he 
generally  treated  his  own  servants  with  kindness. 

Sutter  had  probably  a  force  of  nearly  twenty 
white  men  at  New  Helvetia  by  the  end  of  1840;  but 
I  am  able  to  name  but  few.  Robert  Ridley,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  in  charge  of  the  boat  which  made  reg- 
ular trips  down  and  up  the  river;  William  Daylor 
was  here  in  1840;  and  it  is  likely  enough  that  half  a 
dozen  or  more  of  Sutter's  men,  recruited  at  Yerba 
Buena  and  other  places  in  California,  have  been 
named  in  my  annual  lists.  William  Burns  seems  to 
have  been  one  of  the  original  two  or  three  who  came 

31  Sept.  20,  1840,  Sutter's  report  to  Capt.  J.  J.  Vallejo  at  San  Jos<5,  in 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  129.  In  his  Pcrs.  Ue.m.t  MS.,  44-G,  Sutter  says 
the  Indians  surrendered  at  a  lake  about  thirty  miles  south  of  the  fort,  and  that 
14  were  put  to  death.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  1GG-S,  relates  that  ia 
consequence  of  this  outrage  by  the  S.  JosiS  Indians,  a  force  of  Californions 
waa  sent  several  times  to  the  valley,  rescued  many  captives,  and  took  about 
80  prisoners. 


BIBLIOGRAPHIC  NOTES.  139 

with  Sutter  from  Honolulu;  but  who  were  his  com- 
panions, who  were  the  two  or  three  that  came  with 
Lassen  on  the  Lausanne,  who  were  gathered  in  from 
the  vagabond  trappers  of  the  valleys,  or  who,  besides 
Nicholas  Allgeier  and  Sebastian  Keyser,  had  come 
overland  from  Oregon,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing. 
Some  of  the  names  to  be  given  at  their  first  appear- 
ance on  the  records  in  later  annual  lists  should  doubt- 
less be  accredited  to  these  years,  but  which  ones  it  is 
impossible  to  say.  Meanwhile,  however,  John  Sin- 
clair had  come  from  the  Hawaiian  Islands,  and  was 
found  by  Phelps  in  July  1840  living  on  a  farm  across 
the  American  River,  and  a  few  miles  north  of  Sutter's 
place.  I  may  add  that  at  the  time  of  Graham's 
arrest  and  the  general  excitement  about  foreign  plots 
no  effort  seems  to  have  been  made  to  interfere  in  any 
manner  with  those  living  at  New  Helvetia. 

I  have  constantly  cited  in  foot-notes  the  authorities 
on  each  point  presented  for  this  as  for  earlier  peri- 
ods, thus  forming  a  complete  bibliographical  record. 
Nine  tenths  of  the  authorities  cited  have  been  origi- 
nal records  in  public  or  private  archives;  but  many 
of  the  rest,  being  the  writings  of  foreigners,  pertain 
somewhat  to  my  present  topic.  Of  these,  however, 
only  a  few  require  notice  here  as  belonging  almost 
exclusively  to  this  period  of  1836—40,  and  affording 
an  opportunity  to  describe  more  fully  than  has  been 
done  the  visits  or  voyages  that  brought  them  into  ex- 
istence. And  in  this  connection  special  mention 
should  be  made  of  Niles  National  Register  of  Balti- 
more, and  to  the  Sandivich  Island  Gazette  and  Poly- 
nesian, two  papers  published  at  Honolulu.  The  files 
of  these  publications  I  have  found  to  be  of  the  great- 
est service,  not  only  for  the  maritime  records  so  fully 
given  in  the  Hawaiian  journals,  but  as  reflecting  the 
.spirit  of  the  American  and  European  press  on  mat- 
ters affecting  early  California  annals. 

Richard  II.  Dana,  Jr.,  did  not  leave  the  coast  until 


140  SUTTEE'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

1836,  but  his  most  fascinating  narrative  of  Two  Years 
before  the  Mast  has  already  been  noticed  under  the 
year  of  the  author's  arrival.      The  book   was,  how- 
ever, published  for  the  first  time  in  the  last  year  of 
this  period.32     The  only  other  visit  of  1836  resulting 
in  a  book  was  that  of  the  U.  S.  ship  of  war  Peacock, 
Kennedy  commanding,  600  tons,  22  guns.     The  Pea- 
cock left  New  York  in  June  1835,  her  primary  busi- 
ness being  to  convey  an  embassy  for  the  ratification 
of  certain  treaties  in  Muscat  and  Siam.     Her  course 
was  to  Rio  Janeiro,  round  the  Cape  Good  Hope;  up 
the  eastern  coast  of  Africa,  to  Muscat,  Hindoostan, 
Ceylon,  Java,  and   Siain;  to  the   Chinese  coast;  to 
the  Bonin  and  Sandwich  Islands ;  thence  to  Califor- 
nia, the  Mexican  and   South  American  coasts;  and 
round   Cape  Horn,  arriving  at  Norfolk  in   October 

1837.  Dr  W.  S.  W.  Ruschenberger  was  surgeon  to 
the  expedition,  and  wrote  the  narrative,  only  a  small 
portion  of  which  pertains  to  California.83 

Commodore  Kennedy  being  at  the  Islands  in  Sep- 
tember 1836,  received  from  the  merchants  of  Hon- 
olulu a  memorial  in  which  he  was  urged  to  visit  the 
coast  of  California  and  Mexico,  on  the  ground  "that 
many  serious  outrages  and  unjust  acts  have  been  com- 
mitted by  the  governmental  authorities  of  those  coun- 
tries upon  American  vessels  and  seamen,  and  great 
losses  and  damages  sustained  in  consequence."  More- 
over, "we  believe  that  no  vessel  of  the  U.  S.  has  for 
many  years  visited  Upper  California;  and  we  have  con- 
fidence that  were  a  naval  force  to  appear  on  that  coast, 
it  would  render  valuable  service  to  our  citizens  resid- 
ing in  those  countries,  would  afford  needed  succor 
and  protection  to  American  vessels  employed  there, 
and  be  attended  with  results  peculiarly  advantageous 
to  the  general  interests  of  our  national  commerce."34 

32  Notice  of  Dana's  Two  Years  before  the  Afaxt,  in  chap,  xiv.,  vol.  iii.  of 
this  work. 

33  RuHchenbe.rcjer' 's  Narrative  of  a   Voyage   round  the   World  during  the 
Years  IS 35-87;'..  .London,  1838,   Svo,  2  vol.,  with  illustrations    The  mat- 
ter on  California  is  on  pp.  380-4;  and  chap,  xxi.-ii.  p.  402-20. 

81  The  seizure  of  the  Loriot  at  S.  Francisco  in  1833  was  one  of  the  out- 


VISIT  OF  THE  'PEACOCK.'  141 

In"  accordance  with  this  request,  the  Peacock  was  di- 
rected across  the  Pacific  and  -anchored  at  Monterey 
the  24th  of  October.  The  visit  was  not  eventful,  nor 
is  much  known  of  it  in  detail,  no  notice  of  the  arrival 
even  appearing  in  the  archives.  The  author  found 
Governor  Gutierrez  and  his  forces  "nightly  on  guard, 
expecting  an  attack  from  some  disaffected  rancheros 
and  Indians."  He  visited  the  deserted  mission  at 
Carmelo;  was  visited  by  some  trappers,  who  recounted 
their  inland  exploits,  expressed  proper  amazement  at 
all  on  shipboard,  and  exhibited  their  marksmanship; 
and  met  the  old  veteran,  Captain  William  Smith. 
Then  after  six  days,  "the  commodore  having  done  all 
that  was  necessary  in  relation  to  the  subjects  of  com- 
plaints under  the  existing  circumstances,"  he  got 
under  way  for  Mazatlan  on  the  30th,  just  in  time  to 
avoid  the  revolution — of  which,  and  the  part  to  be 
taken  in  it  by  foreigners,  the  commander  knew  noth- 
ing, perhaps — but  not  until  he  had  received  from 
American  residents  and  supercargoes  a  letter  of  thanks 
for  his  kind  interference,  and  the  'highly  salutary' 
influence  of  his  visit.35  There  is  no  record  of  his 
investigation  of  abuses,  if  he  made  any. 

Ruschenberger  gives  a  slight  description  of  the 
town  and  bay  of  Monterey.  He  notes  some  facts 
respecting  the  commercial  interests  of. the  country; 
records  his  observations  briefly  on  several  California!! 
institutions;  speaks  of  the  ruinous  condition  of  San 

rages  complained  of;  and  another  vessel  belonging  to  John  C.  Jones  was  be- 
lieved to  be  at  present  detained  unlawfully.  The  signers  of  the  memorial, 
many  of  whom  were  known  in  Cal. ,  and  all  engaged  more  or  less  in  the  Cal. 
trade,  were  as  follows:  Peirce  &  Brewer,  Jos  Moore,  Win  Paty,  Ladd  &  Co., 
Sherman  Peck,  Hinckley  &  Smith,  A.  H.  Fayerweather,  Thos  Cummins, 
Hciu-y  P.  Stevens,  Eliab  Grimes  &  Co.,  Thos  Meek,  Henry  Paty  &  Co.,  J. 
Peabody,  Eli  Southworth,  Jos  Navarro,  D.  Owen,  Sam.  F.  Shaw,  A.  C. 
Davis,  John  Paty,  Sam.  A.  Gushing,  Win  French,  J.  E.  Thomas,  J.  Ebbetts, 
Steph.  D.  Mclntosh,  Wm  H.  Pcarce,  Cornelius  Hoyer,  Nelson  Hall,  Chas 
Titcomb,  Wm  C.  Little. 

35  The  letter,  dated  Oct.  28th,  was  signed  by  Nathan  Spear,  F.  D,  Ather- 
tou,  John  Meek,  Thos  A.  Norton,  Thos  O.  Larkin,  Josiah  Thompson,  Wm  S. 
Hinckley,  Wm  M.  Warron,  A.  G.  Tomlinson,  John  H.  Everett,  Ed  H.  Faucon, 
Jos  Carter,  and  Wm  French.  It  was  addressed  to  'Com.  Edmund  P.  Ken- 
nedy, commanding  East  India  Station,  U.  S.  ship  Peacock.' 


142  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

Carlos;  illustrates  by  an  anecdote  the  methods  of 
administering  justice;  gives  much  attention,  compar- 
atively, to  the  trappers;  and  finally  adds  a  short  his- 
torical chapter,  the  matter  of  which  was  drawn  from 
Venegas,  and  pertains  almost  exclusively  to  Baja  Cal- 
ifornia. Except  as  a  record  of  the  visit,  this  book  is 
of  no  special  importance  in  its  relation  to  California, 
though  well  written,  and  of  real  value  in  its  informa- 
tion on  other  parts  of  the  world. 

Thomas  Nuttall,  an  English  botanist,  who  had 
crossed  the  continent  to  the  Columbia  River  in  1834, 
came  to  California  apparently  early  in  1836,  on  a  ves- 
sel from  the  Hawaiian  Islands.  Dana  records  his 
trip  down  the  coast  to  San  Diego  in  April,  on  the 
Pilgrim,  and  his  sailing  on  the  Alert  for  Boston  in 
May.  "That  during  this  limited  period  Mr  Nuttall 
should  have  accomplished  so  much  for  California  bot- 
any speaks  volumes  to  his  credit,"  says  a  recent  writer; 
but  what  he  accomplished,  and  how  and  when  it  was 
made  known,  are  matters  that  have  escaped  my  re- 
search.38 Ferdinand  Deppe,  a  German  naturalist  and 
supercargo,  visited  California  on  the  Rasselas,  in  Octo- 
ber of  this  year,  on  his  way  to  Honolulu;  but  I  have 
no  record  of  his  scientific  labors  here. 

Captain  Sir  Edward  Belcher,  R.  N".,  in  command 
of  H.  M.  S.  Sulphur,  with  the  Starling  under  Lieu- 
tenant Kellett,  visited  California  in  1837  and  again 
in  1839.  Captain  Beechey  had  left  England  at  the 
end  of  1835  in  command  of  the  expedition;  but  on 
account  of  his  illness  Belcher  came  out  to  succeed 
him,  and  took  command  at  Panamd,  in  February  1837. 
The  route  was  up  the  coast  to  San  Bias,  to  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  to  the  north-west  coast  of  America, 
to  California,  to  the  Mexican  and  Central  American 
coasts,  to  Callao  and  back  to  Panamd  in  October 
1838.  The  second  cruise  was  for  the  most  part  a 

36  Parry's  Early  Bot.  ExpL,  414;  Dana's  Two  Years,  335-7;  Townsend'8 
.,  233. 


BELCHER  ON  THE  COAST.  143 

repetition  of  the  first  until  the  navigator  left  Maza- 
tlan  in  January  1840  for  the  South  Sea  Islands  and 
Singapore;  thence  to  China,  where  most  of  the  year 
1841  was  passed;  and  homeward  to  England  round 
Cape  Good  Hope,  arriving  in  August  1842.  Belcher 
himself  was  the  historian  of  the  voyages,  and  the 
surgeon,  R.  B.  Hinds,  added  an  appendix.  According 
to  the  published  instructions  to  Beechey  and  Belcher, 
the  main  object  of  the  expedition  was  the  completion 
of  a  hydrographic  survey  of  the  western  coasts  and 
islands  of  America;  and  it  is  in  its  information  on 
this  and  cognate  topics  that  the  value  of  the  narrative 
chiefly  consists;  though  general  and  miscellaneous 
observations  on  the  regions  visited  are  by  no  means 
neglected.37 

o 

Coming  from  Nootka,  the  Sulphur  anchored  at 
Yerba  Buena  about  midnight  on  October  19,  1837, 
leaving  the  Starling  outside  the  heads  to  enter  next 
day.33  Belcher  had  visited  San  Francisco  before  in 
1827,  and  both  here  and  at  Santa  Clara,  where  he 
went  in  a  vain  search  for  supplies,  as  later  at  Monte- 
rey and  elsewhere,  he  noted  the  striking  evidences  of 
deterioration  and  decay.  Nowhere  did  he  find  any 
encouraging  feature.  "Another  fate  attends  this  coun- 
try. Their  hour  is  fast  approaching.  Harassed  on 
all  sides  by  Indians,  pestered  by  a  set  of  renegade  de- 
serters from  whalers  and  merchant  ships  who  start 
by  dozens  and  will  eventually  form  themselves  into  a 
bandit  gang  and  domineer  over  them;  unable  from 

37  Belcher,  Narrative  of  a  Voyage  round  the  World,  performed  in  Her 
Majesty's  Sh'q)  'Sulphur,'  during  the  years  1S36-1842. .  .by  Captain  Sir  Ed- 
ward Belcfier,  R.  N.,  C.  B.,  F.  R.  A.  S.,  etc.,  Commander  of  the  Expedition. 
London,  1843.     Svo,  2  vol.    Illust.  and  maps.     The  portions  relating  to  Cali- 
fornia are  hi  vol.  i.,  'hydrographic  instructions, 'p.  xviii.,  and  text,  pp.  114-37, 
312-28;  and  vol.  ii.     Appendix,  'Hindis  The  Regions  of  Vegetation,'  Califor- 
nia Region,   p.   345-8.     No  illustrations  or  map  for  California.     Scientific 
publications  resulting  from  this  expedition  were:  llinds's  Botany  of  the  Voyage 
of  H.    M.  8.  Sufphur ...  Botanical  Descriptions,   by   George  B^ntham,  Etq. 
London,  1844.     4to;  and  Hindu's  Zoology  of  the  Voyage. .  .London,  1844.    4to. 
2  vol.,  with  plates.    Mammalia,  by  J.  E.  Gray;  Birds,  by  J.  Gould;  Fish,  by 
J.  Richardson;  Mollusca,  by  R.  B.  Hinds. 

38  The  arrival  is  also  mentioned  by  Capt.  Richardson  in  a  letter  to  Vallejo. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  328. 


1 44  SUTTEE'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

want  of  spirit  to  protect  themselves,  they  will  soon 
dwindle  into  insignificance."  "The  missions,  the  only 
respectable  establishments  in  this  country,  are  anni- 
hilated; they  have  been  virtually  plundered  by  all 
parties."  "They  sadly  want  the  interposition  of  some 
powerful  friend  to  rescue  them.  To  Great  Britain 
their  hopes  are  directed;  why,  I  cannot  learn,  but  I 
am  much  inclined  to  think  that  it  is  rather  from  a 
pusillanimous  fear  and  want  of  energy  to  stand  by 
each  •  other  and  expel  their  common  enemies  than 
from  any  friendly  feeling  to  Great  Britain.  Besides 
this,  they  look  with  some  apprehension  upon  a  power 
daily  increasing,  an  organized  independent  band  of  de- 
serters from  American  and  English  whalers.  These 
men,  headed  by  one  or  two  noted  daring  characters  now 
amongst  them,  will,  whenever  it  suits  their  purpose, 
dictate  their  own  terms  and  set  all  law  at  defiance" — 
a  prophecy  of  the  troubles  with  Graham  and  his  band 
in  1840.  Belcher's  own  crew  contributed  some  half 
dozen  men  to  this  army  of  deserters,  and  besides,  he 
found  it  difficult  to  obtain  needed  supplies. 

The  main  object  in  entering  San  Francisco  Bay 
was  to  complete  the  survey  begun  by  Beechey  by 
making  .explorations  beyond  the  strait  of  Carquines 
and  up  the  great  rivers  to  the  head  of  navigation. 
They  started  October  24th  with  the  Starling — which, 
however,  was  left  about  3G  miles  beyond  the  strait — 
pinnace,  two  cutters,  and  two  gigs.  He  did  not  find 
the  Jesus  Maria  and  San  Joaquin — the  former  be- 
cause there  was  no  such  stream  distinct  from  the  Sac- 
ramento, and  the  latter  because  its  mouth  and  course 
were  much  farther  south  than  he  had  been  led  to  sup- 
pose, as  indeed  he  finally  concluded,  though  pronounc- 
ing it  " certainly  not  navigable  nor  entitled  to  be 
named  as  a  river  in  conjunction  with  its  majestic  neigh- 
bor." As  they  advanced  up  the  Sacramento  the  Ind- 
ians became  more  and  more  shy,  until  at  last  it  was 
found  impossible  to  communicate  with  them.  The 
highest  point,  reached  on  the  30th,  and  deemed  the 


SURVEY  OF  THE  SACRAMENTO.  145 

head  of  navigation  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles 
by  the  windings  of  the  stream,  was  at  a  branch  beyond 
which  there  was  not  water  enough  in  either  channel 
for  the  lightest  boats,  located  in  38°  46'  47"  and  named 
Point  Victoria,  or  Elk  Station.  This  location  is  alto- 
gether unintelligible  to  me.  Much  descriptive  mat- 
ter is  given  about  the  soil  and  vegetation  of  the  banks, 
as  well  as  of  the  animals  and  natives  of  the  Oneshanate 
tribe.  The  broad  plain  was  said  to  be  bounded  in 
the  east  by  the  Sierra  Nevada,  and  on  the  west  by 
the  Bolbones  and  Diablo  mountains.  The  trigono- 
metrical survey  was  completed  down  the  river  and 
connected  with  that  of  Beechey,  the  task  not  being 
completed,  with  hard  and  constant  work,  until  Novem- 
ber 24th,  a  full  month  in  all.  No  chart  of  the  sur- 
vey is  given,  though  a  copy  was  promised  to  General 
Vallejo.39 

At  the  end  of  November  the  vessels  sailed,  and 
anchored  December  2d  at  Monterey,  which  town 
Belcher  found  "as  much  increased  as  San  Francisco 
had  fallen  into  ruin.  It  was  still,  however,  very  mis- 
erable, and  wanting  in  the  military  air  of  1827." 
Nothing  was  done  here,  so  far  as  is  shown  by  the 
narrative;  and  on  the  6th  the  Sulphur  sailed  for  San 
Bias,  as  the  Starling  had  done  some  days  before. 

Coming  again  from  the  north,  Captain  Belcher  ar- 
rived on  September  20,  1839,  with  his  two  vessels  at 
Bodega,  but  at  once  made  a  trip  of  48  hours  to  San 
Francisco  and  back,  in  the  Sulphur.™  A  description 
of  the  Russian  establishment  is  given,  though  the 
commander  was  SQ  .busy  in  surveying  the  port  that 

3"Nov.  30,  1837,  autograph  letter  of  Belcher  to  Vallejo,  in  which  he  ex- 
presses regret  at  not  meeting  him;  promises  a  copy  of  his  chart — which  he 
would  leave  now  but  for  the  fact  that  it  is  so  confused  as  to  be  of  no  use;  and 
complains  of  the  desertion  of  his  men.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  355.  Dec.  26th» 
Vallejo  issues  orders  for  the  capture  of  the  deserters.  Id.,  iv.  366. 

40  Sept.  21,  1839,  Belcher  to  Vallejo — in  Spanish  and  not  autograph — urg- 
ing him  to  capture  and  return  the  11  deserters  of  the  former  visit.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  164.  He  says  nothing  of  the  chart  of  the  Sacramento.  An 
order  was  promptly  issued  for  the  capture  of  the  deserters.  Id.,  viii.  185;  S. 
Dieyo,  Arch.,  MS.,  206.  The  result  does  not  appear;  but  it  is  probable  that 
some  of  Belcher's  men  were  among  the  exiles  of  the  next  year. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  10 


146  SUITER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

he  had  no  time  to  visit  Ross  in  person.  The  survey 
completed,  the  vessels  proceeded  to  San  Francisco  for 
supplies  and  the  completion  of  certain  observations, 
touching  for  one  day  only  at  Monterey,  the  5th  of 
October.  Thence  the  expedition  moved  down  the 
coast,  touching  at  Santa  Barbara  the  9th;  at  San 
Pedro  the  llth;  at  San  Juan  the  13th.  One  of  the 
vessels  visiting  Santa  Catalina  Island,  they  arrived  at 
San  Diego  on  the  17th,  and  five  days  later  sailed  for 
the  southern  coasts. 

In  connection  with  this  cruise  down  the  Californian 
coast,  some  local  descriptive  matter  is  given  in  the 
narrative,  which  for  both  visits  contains  occasional 
references  to  the  unfortunate  condition  of  the  country 
and  the  ruin  of  the  missions.  Hinds  in  his  appendix 
on  the  'regions  of  vegetation'  gives  three  pages  only 
of  general  remarks  on  the  extent,  physical  character, 
climate,  and  flora  of  the  Californian  region — including 
the  country  between  the  Columbia  and  the  Colorado. 
In  the  absence  of  charts  to  show  the  details  of  the 
hydrographic  survey,  Belcher's  book  cannot  be  said 
to  have  much  value  so  far  as  California  is  concerned. 

William  A.  Slacum  was  commissioned  by  the  U. 
S.  government  to  obtain  information  about  the  Pacific 
coast,  particularly  Oregon.  He  came  down  from  the 
Columbia  in  the  spring  of  1837  on  the  Loriot,  with 
Young  and  Edwards'  party  of  cattle-buyers,  a  party 
which  he  aided  in  fitting  out.  We  have  no  details  of 
his  experience  in  California  from  February  19th,  when 
he  arrived  at  Ross,  to  March  2d,  the  date  of  his  leav- 
ing Monterey  for  San  Bias ;  but  in  his  report  to  the 
secretary  of  state,  dated  March  26th,  he  gave  an  ac- 
count of  Young's  enterprise,  and  a  good  description  of 
.the  Russian  establishment,  at  the  same  time  promis- 
ing another  report  on  California,  which  I  have  not 
seen.41  This  report  was  published  in  1839,  and  with 

41  Slacnm'e  Report,  1837,  in  U.  8.  Oovt  Doc.,  25th  cong.  3d  sess.,  House 
Rep.,  no.  101,  p.  29-46.  Slacum  notes  a  material  change  in  the  climate  of 
the  coast.  Formerly  from  May  to  Oct.  the  prevailing  winds  had  been  from 
a.  w.  to  W.,  and  in  Nov.  to  Apr.  from  s.  w.  to  s.  s.  w.;  but  for  three 


PETIT-THOUARS'  VISIT.  147 

it  another  by  'Hall  J.  Kelley,  whose  visit,  already  de- 
scribed, had  been  in  1834.  This  writer  devotes  half 
a  dozen  pages  to  a  "brief  geographical  account  of  the 
northern  portion  of  High  California,"  not  very  inac- 
curate, considering  Kelley's  limited  opportunities  of 
observation.42 

The  voyage  of  the  French  frigate  Venus,  command- 
ed by  Captain  Abel  du  Petit-Thouars,  who  was  also 
the  historian  of  the  expedition,  lasted  from  December 
1836  to  June  1839.  The  route  was  from  Brest  to 
Brazil,  round  Cape  Horn,  to  Callao,  to  Honolulu,  to 
Kamchatka,  to  California,  down  the  coast  to  San  Bias 
and  Valparaiso,  to  the  South  Sea  Islands,  and  home 
by  Cape  Good  Hope,  meeting  Belcher's  expedition  at 
several  points.  The  primary  object  was  to  investigate 
the  whale-fisheries  of  the  North  Pacific,  with  a  view 


years  past  (since  1834)  the  winds  had  been  exactly  reversed,  making  the  win- 
ters much  colder.  Thermometer  at  Ross,  Oct.  1836,  43°  to  66°;  Nov. ,  38°  to  72°; 
Dec.,  36°  to  62°;  Jan.  1837,  38°  to  58°;  Feb.,  43°  to  56°.  Feb.  12,  1837,  Va- 
llejo  to  Alvarado.  Is  informed  that  a  U.  S.  commissioner  is  expected  on  the 
Loriot  to  survey  the  coast.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  iv.  75. 

42  Kelley's  Memoir  on  Oregon  and  High  California,  dated  Jan.  31, 1839,  and 
published  in  the  same  document  as  Slacum's  report,  p.  47-61.  Kelley  speaks 
of  California,  '  because  it  has  been  and  may  be  again  made  the  subject  of  con- 
ference and  negotiation  between  Mexico  and  the  U.  S. ;  and  because  its  future 
addition  to  our  western  possessions  is  most  unquestionably  a  matter  to  be  de- 
sired. '  '  There  is  one  continuous  line  of  prairie  extending  from  the  gulf  of 
Cal.  to  the  39th  parallel,  sometimes  100  miles  wide  and  seldom  less  than  10, 
opening  to  the  ocean  only  at  the  bay  of  San  Francisco ' — very  fertile,  but  prob- 
ably not  fitted  for  profitable  cultivation  on  account  of  alkali  and  asphaltum. 
'The  coast  is  always  healthy;  but  during  the  heat  of  summer  the  prairies  of 
the  interior  are  pestilential,  and  diseases  abound.'  The  only  harbors  visited 
and  described  are  Sta  Cruz  and  S.  F. — the  latter  the  best  harbor  in  N.  W. 
America,  except  one  in  the  strait  of  Fuca.  Of  the  S.  Joaquin:  'This  tranquil 
river  must  eventually  become  productive  of  vast  benefit  to  California,  not 
merely  as  a  convenient  and  ready  inlet  for  commercial  purposes,  but  as  agreat 
outlet  through  which  shall  be  drained  those  superfluous  waters  by  which  so 
much  of  the  prairie  is  converted  into  a  marsh  and  rendered  fruitful  only  of 
disease  and  death.  It  is  indeed  a  vast  canal,  constructed  by  an  almighty 
architect,  and  destined,  I  doubt  not,  in  future  ages  to  transport  the  countless 
products  of  a  mighty  empire.'  The  ' Sacrament '  is  also  described  as  'navi- 
gable for  vessels  of  small  burden  to  its  first  fork,  about  80  miles  from  its 
mouth.'  'When  I  remember  the  exuberant  fertility,  the  exhaustless  natural 
wealth,  the  abundant  streams  and  admirable  harbors,  and  the  advantageous 
shape  and  position  of  High  California,  I  cannot  but  believe  that  at  no  very  dis- 
tant day  a  swarming  multitude  of  human  beings  will  again  people  the  solitude, 
and  that  the  monuments  of  civilization  will  throng  along  those  streams  and 
cover  those  fertile  vales.' 


14S  SUTTEE'S  FORT— VISITS  AXD  BOOKS. 

to  the  further  development  of  that  industry  and  the 
protection  of  French  interests.  The  presence  of  a 
national  vessel  on  the  western  coasts  of  America  was 
expected  to  have  a  good  moral  effect  by  inspiring  re- 
spect for  the  French  flag;  and  the  commander  was 
instructed  not  only  to  encourage  and  protect  the  com- 
mercial interests  of  his  country,  but  also  to  acquire 
all  possible  information  respecting  the  actual  condition 
of  the  various  countries  visited.  The  members  of  the 
scientific  corps  were  to  seize  every  opportunity  for 
making  observations  on  hydrographic  and  other  spe- 
cial matters.  The  voyage  was  prosperous  in  most  re- 
spects, and  the  results  were  published  in  1840.43 

The  Venus,  coming  from  the  far  north  with  a  force 
of  over  three  hundred  men,  anchored  at  Monterey 
October  18,  1837.4*  Many  of  the  men  were  sick  with 
scurvy,  but  through  the  kindness  of  David  Spence 
a  *vacant  house  on  shore  was  furnished  for  a  hospital 
as  well  as  observatory,  and  all  were  cured  but  one  man, 
who  was  buried  with  military  honors  at  San  Cdrlos. 
The  frigate  saluted  the  fort  and  was  saluted  in  turn 
with  an  equal  number  of  guns.  Governor  Alvarado 
received  the  navigators  with  his  usual  hearty  polite- 
ness, sending  on  board  some  baskets  of  grapes,  and 
granting  every  facility  for  making  observations  and 
obtaining  needed  supplies.  A  grand  ball  was  given 
to  the  strangers  during  their  stay,  which  affair,  with 
a  visit  to  the  mission  of  San  Cdrlos,  to  which  the 


43  Petit-Thouar*,  Voyage  autour  du  monde  sur  la  frigate  La  V6nus,  pendant 
lee  annees  1836-1S39,  Publi6  par  ordre  du  roi,  sous  les  auspices  du  Ministre 
de  la  Marine,  par  Abel  du  Petit-  Thouars,  capitaine  de  vaisseau,  Commandeur  de 
laLeyion-d'Honneur.  Paris,  1840-4.  8vo,  5  vol.  map.  The  author  in  his  pref- 
ace speaks  of  charts  of  all  the  ports  in  which  the  Venus  anchored,  and  also 
of  an  Album  Pittorresque  in  folio  of  drawings  accompanying  the  narrative; 
but  I  have  not  seen  either.  The  portions  relating  to  Cal.  are  as  follows: 
torn.  ii.  p.  77-144,  narrative  of  visit  and  historical  account;  torn.  iii.  p.  328— 
31,  condensed  narrative  in  a  report  presented  on  the  return  to  France;  345- 
92,  occasional  slight  mentions  in  a  report  on  the  whale-fishery;  also  in  sheets 
at  end  of  volume,  accounts  of  supplies  furnished,  etc.;  torn.  iv.  p.  1-33,  Cal. 
documents  in  Notes  et  Pieces  Justijicatives  ;  torn.  v.  p.  177-85,  430-1,  scien- 
tific notes,  with  some  memoranda  on  events  of  the  visit,  in  Journal  des  Ob- 
tervations  Detachees. 

44 1  have  found  in  the  archives  nothing  about  the  presence  of  this  vessel. 


NARRATIVE  BY  PET1T-THOUARS.  149 

Frenchman  was  prompted  by  the  narrative  of  La 
Perouse,  are  the  only  events  of  the  visit  recorded, 
except  such  as  were  connected  with  the  making  of 
scientific  observations  and  the  obtaining  of  supplies. 
This  latter  was  attended  with  some  difficulty.  No- 
tice of  the  arrival  had  been  sent  in  advance  from 
Honolulu,  and  it  was  hoped  to  find  provisions  pre- 
pared for  sale.  But  such  was  not  the  case.  Flour 
was  scarce,  and  the  ship's  bakers,  establishing  them- 
selves on  shore,  had  to  work  day  and  night  to  provide 
a  supply  of  biscuits.  The  sum  paid  for  provisions, 
including  twenty-two  beeves,  was  about  $8,000.45 
Captain  Hinckley's  vessel,  the  Kamamalu,  was  char- 
tered to  go  to  San  Francisco  for  provisions  and  water. 
The  trip  took  from  October  20th  to  November  2d; 
and  M.  M.  Chiron,  Tessan,  and  Mesnard  took  advan- 
tage of  it  to  complete  their  scientific  survey  of  San 
Francisco.  The  Venus  finally  left  Monterey  the  14th 
of  November. 

Petit-Thouars'  work  is  a  much  more  valuable  one, 
so  far  as  California  is  concerned,  than  that  of  Bel- 
cher. In  addition  to  the  brief  narrative  of  the  visit 
itself,  to  scientific  observations  of  different  kinds  not 
particularly  important  in  this  part  of  the  voyage,  and 
to  very  complete  descriptive  matter  on  the  only  part 
of  the  country  visited,  the  French  navigator  gives  an 
excellent  sketch  of  Californian  history  for  the  ten 
years  preceding  his  visit,  especially  of  the  revolu- 
tionary troubles  then  in  progress,  and  of  the  actual 
condition  of  the  country,  its  people,  and  its  institu- 
tions. Naturally  the  author  fell  into  some  errors. 
But  from  no  other  single  work,  I  think,  could  so  com- 
plete and  accurate  an  idea  of  the  subject  be  obtained. 
He  was  the  first  of  visitors  to  collect  original  docu- 
ments, ten  of  which,  relating  to  the  revolution,  and 

"Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  314-16,  states  that  Petit-Thouars  on  be- 
ing solicited  by  some  of  the  officers  who  without  Alvarado's  knowledge 
wished  to  purchase  powder  in  exchange  for  beeves,  refused  to  sell,  but 
landed  the  powder,  about  500  Ibs,  in  the  night  as  a  gift,  being  willing  to 
favor  secretly  the  cause  of  the  Californians. 


150 


SUTTEE'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 


for  the  most  part  unknown  to  other  writers,  are  pre- 
sented, with  translations.  True,  later  writers  have, 
not  utilized  these  documents,  and  they  are  of  little 
use  to  me,  as  I  have  the  originals;  yet  this  in  no  wise 
detracts  from  the  credit  due  M.  Petit-Thouars.  His 
map  of  the  world,  so  far  as  it  shows  California,  is  of 
no  importance  here.  It  shows  only  the  coast  on  a 
small  scale,  and  in  the  broad  interior  the  four  great 
rivers  Columbia,  Colorado,  Rio  Grande,  and  Arkan- 


BONNEVILLE'S  MAP,  1837. 

sas  rising  in  the  same  region.  But  I  copy  here  a  re- 
duction of  Bonne ville's  map  of  1837,  the  accuracies 
and  inaccuracies  of  which  need  no  remark.46 

In  1838  there  is  neither  foreign  visit  nor  book  to 
be  noted  here;  but  1839  gave  to  the  world  a  most 
excellent  resume*  of  Californian  history,  written  by 

48  Warren's  Mem.,  34,  pi.  iv. 


FORBES'  .WORK  ON  CALIFORNIA.  151 

Alexander  Forbes  and  edited  by  John  Forbes,  a 
brother  of  the  author  residing  in  London.47  The 
author  was  an  English  merchant,  long  a  resident  of 
Tepic.  He  had  never  visited  California,  so  far  as  I 
know,  but  he  was  brought  constantly  in  contact  with 
intelligent  men  who  were  familiar  with  the  countr}7", 
being  also  in  correspondence  with  prominent  Califor- 
nians,  notably  with  Jose  Bandini,  from  whom  in  the 
form  of  letters  he  derived  much  of  the  information 
published  in  his  book.48  The  manuscript  was  com- 
pleted and  sent  to  England  in  October  1835;  but  the 
publication  being  delayed,  additional  material  was 
supplied  by  the  author  and  others,  bringing  the  nar- 
rative in  a  sense  down  to  1838.  I  have  given  the 
title  and  contents  in  full  in  a  note.  Of  course  in  so 
small  a  volume  nothing  but  the  merest  outline  of  his- 
tory could  be  given,  as  drawn  from  Veriegas  and 
Palou  for  the  earlier  times,  with  only  here  and 
there  a  salient  point  of  later  annals.  It  was  not  in 
any  sense  as  a  history  of  the  past  that  the  book  has 
value,  but  rather  as  a  presentation  by  an  intelligent 

47  Forbes,  California:  A  History  of  Upper  and  Lower  California  from  their 
.irst  discovery  to  the  present  time,  comprising  an  account  of  the  climate,  soil, 
natural  productions,  agriculture,  commerce,  etc.     A  full  view  of  the  missionary 
establishments  and  condition  of  the  free  and  domesticated  Indians.      With  an 
apfjendix  relating  to  steam  navigation  in  the  Pacific.     Illustrated  with  a  new 
map,  plans  of  the  harbors,  and  numerous  engravings.     By  Alexander  Forbes, 
Esq.     London,  1839,     8vo,  xvi.  352,  pi.  and  map.     Part  i.  1-75,  relates  to 
Baja  California  exclusively.     Of  part  ii.,  chap,  i.,  79-130,  contains  a  resume' 
of  the  early  history  of  Alta  California  down  to  1784;  chap,  ii.,  131-53,  pre- 
sents very  briefly  indeed  the  '  Recent  history  of  Upper  California,  present 
political  condition  and  prospects,'  down  to  1838;  chap,  iii.,  154-79,  on  topog- 
raphy and  natural  productions;  chap,  iv.,  180-98,  on  the  Indians;  chap,  v., 
199-245,  on  the  missions;  chap,  vi.,  246-80,  on  agriculture  and  live-stock; 
chap,  vii.,  281-308,  on  commerce  and  navigation;  chap,  viii.,  309-25,  on  Cal- 
ifornia as  a  field  for  foreign  colonization.     Appendix,  i.  Remarks  on  the  har- 
bors of  California. .  .by  Capt.  John  Hall  (from  a  visit  in  1822);  ii.  Letter  to 
the  editor  on  steam  navigation  in  the  Pacific;  iii.  Various  extracts  on  the 
eame  subject.     Illustrations,  chiefly  by  Capt.  Wm  Smyth:  portrait  of  Padre 
Peyri,  a  native  Indian,  view  of  Monterey  Bay,  S.  F.  Harbor,  Sta  Barbara, 
Indian  bath,  S.  Cdrlos  Mission,  presidio  and  pueblo  of  Monterey,  S.  F.  Mis- 
sion, Throwing  the  lasso  and  S.  Jose  Mission,  Map  of  California  with  plans 
of  the  harbors  of  Bodega,  S.   F.,  Monterey,  Sta  Barbara,  S.  Pedro,  and  S. 
Diego,  the  maps  by  John  Hall,  except  that  of  S.  F.  copied  from  Beechey. 

48  See  Bandini,  Garta  histdrica  y  descriptiva  de  Cal.,  1828,  MS.     This  is  a 
long  letter  directed  to  Barron,  Forbes'  partner,  and  was  doubtless  obtained 
and  used  for  Forbes'  book. 


152 


SUTTEE'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 


man  of  business  of  the  country's  actual  condition, 
capabilities,  institutions,  and  prospects.  Forbes' 
book  was  not  only  the  first  ever  published  in  English 
relating  exclusively  to  California,  and  more  than  any 
other  the  means  of  making  known  to  English  read- 
ers the  country's  advantages,  but  it  has  always  main- 
tained its  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  best  extant 
on  the  subject.  I  reproduce  a  portion  of  Forbes' 
map. 


FOBBES'  MAP,  1839. 

In  1839,  also,  another  French  voyager  visited  Cali- 
fornia. This  was  Captain  Cyrille  Pierre  Theodore 
Laplace,  commanding  the  frigate  Artdmise,  of  50  guns 
and  450  men.  Her  voyage  round  the  world  was  in 
1837-40;  her  mission  substantially  the  same  as  that 
of  the  Venus;  and  her  route  was  round  Cape  Good 
Hope,  to  the  Sandwich  Islands,  to  California,  and 
home  by  Cape  Horn.  The  narrative  of  the  expedi- 


VISIT  AND  BOOK  OF  LAPLACE.  153 

tion  was  written  by  the  commander,  and  though  the 
first  volume  was  published  in  1841,  the  last,  containing 
the  part  in  which  we  are  interested,  did  not  appear 
until  1854.49 

Coming  from  Honolulu,  Laplace  anchored  at  Bo- 
dega on  August  11,  1839,  soon  proceeding  to  Ross, 
where  he  was  entertained  by  Rotchef  for  some  nine 
days,  being  shown  all  there  was  to  be  seen  in  that  re- 
gion, and  regaled  with  many  details  respecting  the 
operations  and  prospects  of  the  Russian  American 
Company.  On  the  20th  he  sailed  for  San  Francisco, 
where  he  arrived  next  day,  and  remained  probably 
four  days.50  Here  he  anchored  near  the  fort,  and 
spent  his  short  stay  apparently  in  waiting  to  get 
away.  He  visited  the  presidio  and  YerbaBuena,  and 
at  various  points  on  the  peninsula  mused  at  some 
length  on  the  surrounding  desolation.  There  was  no 
genial  comandante  with  a  family  of  beautiful  daugh- 
ters to  entertain  him,  as  they  had  some  French  navi- 
gator of  earlier  times ;  and  San  Francisco  had  no  charm 
for  him — nothing  but  fogs,  fleas,  winds,  and  sterility. 
Some  provisions  were  with  difficulty  obtained.  The 
visitors  would  not  pay  the  price  demanded  for  horses 
on  which  to  visit  the  surrounding  regions;  they  could 
not  wait  to  see  a  bull-fight;  and  after  gleaning  some 
information  from  conversation  with  an  English  cap- 
tain, probably  Richardson,  Laplace  sailed  for  Mon- 
terey. 

49  Laplace,  Campagne  de  Circumnavigation  de  la  frigate  VArtemixe  pendant 
hs  annexes  1837, 1838, 1839,  et  1840,  sous  le  commandement  de  M.  Laplace,  capi- 
taine  de  vaisseau. .  .Paris,  1841-54.     8vo,  6  vol.     The  portion  relating  to  Cal. 
is  in  vol.  vi.,  and  is  divided  as  follows:  p.  41-178,  stay  at  Bodega  and  Ross, 
with  descriptive  matter  and  very  long  digressions  upon  matters  in  the  far 
north;  p.  180-230,  general  history  and  condition  of  California;  p.  234-70,  stay 
at  S.  F. ;  p.  272-84,  at  Sta  Cruz;  and  p.  285-305,  at  Monterey. 

50  Aug.  21,  1839,  French  frigate  A rmistice ;  arrived  from  Ross;  will  sail  for 
Monterey  in  4  days.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  50.     Aug.   23d,  Guerrero  to 
prefect.     The  A  rtemisia  arrived  on  the  21st.     Would  not  go  to  Yerba  Buena, 
but  anchored  near  the  fort  (?).     Asked  if  any  Frenchmen  had  complaints  to 
make;  had  just  come  from  giving  the  protestants  a  lesson  at  the  Islands,  and 
had  recovered  $20,000  for  outrages  to  French  missionaries.     Guerrero  lias 
taken  the  precaution  to  place  a  guard  in  the  fort.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Mont. ,  MS. , 
iv.  107.     Laplace,  clearly  by  a  typographical  error,  says  he  was  ready  to  sail 
Aug.  20th,  but  was  prevented  by  fogs,  etc.,  until  two  days  later. 


154  SUTTER'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

At  Sta  Cruz,  where  the  Arttmise  anchored  for  an 
afternoon  and  night,51  all  looked  well  from  a  distance. 
Here  surely  the  Frenchman  would  receive  the  deli- 
cate and  hospitable  attentions  of  which  a  perusal  of 
La  Perouse's  journal  had  caused  him  to  dream;  but 
the  illusion  vanished  on  nearer  approach  when  "un 
spectacle  de  misere  et  d'abandon  s'offrit  h,  rnes  re- 
gards." Not  only  was  there  no  welcome  nor  enter- 
tainment nor  offer  of  gratuitous  supplies,  but  the  farm- 
ers of  the  region  demanded  prices  so  exorbitant  for 
their  provisions  that  no  purchase  was  effected.  True, 
one  pretty  ranchera  redeemed  the  reputation  of  Santa 
Cruz,  and  made  herself  a  general  favorite  by  offering 
to  sell  all  kinds  of  produce  at  low  rates;  but  thisjolie 
fermiere  disappeared  at  sight  of  the  ferocious  priest, 
and  failed  to  deliver  her  supplies  at  the  shore  as  had 
been  promised. 

It  was  perhaps  the  27th  of  August  that  the  frigate 
anchored  at  Monterey,  where  she  remained  a  week. 
Here,  although  there  was  some  difficulty  in  obtaining 
provisions,  Laplace  was  pleased  with  all  he  saw.  En- 
thusiastic over  the  natural  beauties  of  the  site,  he  also 
found  artificial  improvements,  the  existence  of  which 
had  never  been  suspected  by  previous  visitors.  The 
ladies  of  the  capital,  moreover,  wrere  charming.  All 
the  best  people  were  entertained  over  and  over  again 
on  board  the  Artemise;  and  the  officers  were  always 
welcome  at  the  best  houses  on  shore.  The  men  re- 
gained their  health  in  rides  and  walks  over  a  charming 
country;  while  the  commander  wandered  about  the 
town  studying  the  peculiarities  of  the  people  and  hold- 
ing long  conversations  with  'un  gentleman  ecossais,' 
David  Spence,  of  course,  who  was  the  source  for  the 
most  part  of  all  the  Frenchman's  information  on  Califor- 
nian  history  and  condition.  Spence's  theory  respecting 
the  means  by  which  the  country  might  hope  to  escape 
the  fate  of  American  invasion  was,  that  the  governor 

51  Aug.  1839,  Bolcof  to  prefect.  Announces  the  arrival.  Monterey,  Arch., 
MS.,  ix.  17. 


A  FRENCHMAN'S  OBSERVATIONS.  155 

should  follow  more  implicitly  the  counsel  and  depend 
more  on  the  support  of  respectable  foreign  residents, 
as  there  was  no  other  way  to  protect  himself  and  Cal- 
ifornia against  Mexican  imbeciles  and  American  ad- 
venturers. Alvarado  was  absent  when  Laplace  arrived, 
but  came  to  town  the  next  day  with  a  most  cordial 
greeting,  notwithstanding  the  current  troubles  between 
Mexico  and  France — troubles  which  Laplace  chose  to 
ignore  during  his  visit.  The  same  night  Alvarado 
became  dangerously  ill,  and  his  life  is  said  to  have 
been  saved  by  the  ship's  surgeon.  A  strong  recipro- 
cal admiration  was  developed  between  the  navigator 
and  the  governor,  and  neither  in  his  narrative  has 
anything  but  praise  and  compliments  for  the  other.52 
The  expedition  embarked  September  5th,  but  could 
not  leave  the  bay  till  five  days  later,  not  touching 
elsewhere  in  California. 

Laplace  was  a  man  of  much  ability  in  a  literary 
way,  some  of  his  descriptions  being  very  fine ;  and  he 
was  also  an  intelligent  observer.  The  value,  however, 
of  his  published  work,  so  far  as  it  affects  California, 
is  seriously  impaired  by  his  habit  of  drifting  constantly 
into  the  by-ways  of  long  and  fanciful  speculations ;  and 
also  by  the  fact  that  it  was  published  after  the  dis- 
covery of  gold,  so  that  the  author's  impressions  and 
predictions  of  1839  are  inextricably  blended  with  the 
knowledge  of  later  years.  His  general  view  of  the 
country's  condition  is  accurate  enough;  and  should 
any  student  ever  have  the  leisure  time  to  classify  and 
condense  his  diffuse  material,  the  result  would  probably 
be  a  sketch  similar  in  many  respects,  though  less  com- 
plete, to  that  of  his  predecessor  Petit-Thouars. 

**  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  200-2;  iv.  172-81,  tells  us  that  while  on 
his  way  to  Sta  Clara  to  be  married — the  marriage  was  by  proxy  on  Aug.  24th — 
he  got  a  note  from  Jiineno  that  Laplace  wished  to  see  him  on  important  mat- 
ters, and  hastened  to  Monterey.  He  received  a  sword  from  the  Frenchman 
at  parting.  He  declares  that  they  had  several  private  interviews,  at  which 
Laplace  warned  him  of  hostile  intentions  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
assuring  him  also  that  France,  while  not  at  liberty  to  take  the  initiative, 
would  favorably  receive  a  proposition  for  a  protectorate. 


156  SUTTEE'S  FORT— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

In  1840  the  visits  of  the  French  frigate  Danaide, 
and  that  of  the  U.  S.  vessel  St  Louis  on  special  ser- 
vice, gave  origin  to  no  published  narratives.  W.  D. 
Phelps,  who  came  to  the  coast  this  year  in  command 
of  the  Boston  ship  Alert,  published  thirty-six  years 
later  a  journal  of  his  numerous  voyages  to  different 
parts  of  the  world,  including  this  and  later  ones  to  Cal- 
ifornia. The  book  is  not  only  well  written  and  fasci- 
nating, a  good  specimen  of  an  excellent  class  of  publi- 
cations, but  it  gives  information  of  some  value  on 
several  historical  points.  Such  points,  however,  have 
been  or  will  be  treated  in  the  proper  place,  so  that 
here  the  book  calls  for  no  further  notice.53 

The  only  other  visitor  of  this  last  year  of  the  period 
whose  book  I  have  to  mention  was  Thomas  J.  Farn- 
ham,  an  enterprising  American  who  crossed  the  plains 
to  Oregon  in  1839,  visited  the  Hawaiian  Islands  and 
California  in  1840,  and  returned  to  the  United  States 
through  Mexico  the  same  year,  coming  back  westward 
in  time  to  die  at  San  Francisco  in  1848.  He  wrote  a 
book  on  each  of  the  three  subdivisions  of  his  journey; 
and  the  volumes  were  often  republished  in  various 
forms  and  admixtures.5*  He  came  from  Honolulu  on 
the  Don  Quixote,  arriving  at  Monterey  April  18th, 
sailing  ten  days  later,  and  touching  at  Santa  Barbara 
from  April  30th  to  May  5th.  During  his  brief  stay 
he  was  largely  occupied  with  matters  pertaining  to 
the  imprisoned  foreigners,  as  elsewhere  related;  so  far 
as  his  personal  observations  are  concerned,  his  book 
contains  but  little  on  any  other  subject.  It  is  a  read- 
able work,  the  writer  having  an  attractive  way  of  ex- 
pressing his  ideas.  That  is  about  all  that  can  be  said 

63  Phelps,  fore  and  Aft;  or  Leaves  from  the  life  of  an  old  sailor.  By 
Webfoot.  With  illustrations  by  Hammatt  Billings.  Boston,  1871.  12mo,  359  p. 
The  parts  relating  to  Cal.  are  p.  236-76,  on  voyage  of  1840-2,  being  chap,  xxi., 
A  California  cruise;  chap,  xxii.,  California  in  1840;  chap,  xxiii.,  The  Com. 
Jones  war,  1842;  chap.  xxiv.  The  Hudson's  Bay  Co.;  p.  277-321,  on  a  voyage 
of  1845-6,  being  chap,  xxv.,  How  California  became  ours;  chap,  xxvi.,  Tak- 
ing possession  of  the  country;  chap,  xxvii.,  The  war  continued;  and  p.  322- 
52,  chap,  xxviii.-ix.,  The  last  voyage,  1854. 

M  Farnham's  Travels  in  the  Great  Western  Prairies.  Ed.  of  1841,  1843  (2), 
and  London,  n.  d.  Id.,  History  of  Oregon  Territory.  Ed.  of  1844  and  1845. 
Id.,  Mexico:  Its  Geography,  etc.  Ed.  of  1846,  and  n.  d. 


FARNHAM  AND  J.  F.  B.  M.  157 

in  its  favor.  The  reader  already  knows  what  value  to 
place  upon  Farnham's  statement  respecting  the  Gra- 
ham affair.  His  estimates  and  descriptions  of  Cali- 
fornians,  against  whom  he  conceived  a  bitter  prejudice, 
are  as  a  rule  absurdly  false;  and  the  same  prejudice 
seriously  impairs  his  version  of  Californian  history  and 
condition  during  1836-40.  He  added  a  long  sketch  of 
Lower  California,  historical  and  descriptive,  and  a 
briefer  one  of  Upper  California,  after  the  manner  of 
Forbes;  and  these  parts  of  his  work  are  by  far  the  least 
faulty,  since  he  took  all  his  material  from  a  few  well 
known  sources,  was  an  intelligent  compiler,  and  was 
comparatively  free  from  his  anti-Mexican  prejudice; 
yet  many  inexcusable  inaccuracies  appear  even  in  these 
parts,  and  the  book  had  a  circulation  and  popularity 
which  it  by  no  means  deserved.55 

Another  American  passenger  on  the  Don  Quixote 
was  J.  F.  B.  M.,  who  also  wrote  a  narrative  of  his 
voyage,  with  his  experiences  at  Monterey,  Santa  Bar- 
bara, Mazatlan,  and  the  overland  journey  from  San 
Bias  to  Mexico.  He  wrote  in  a  pleasing  style,  and 
his  observations  were  those  of  an  intelligent  man,  but 
his  opportunities  in  California  were  not  great.  He 
reflects  Farnham's  views  on  the  Graham  affair,  though 
in  more  moderate  tone,  having  personally  visited  the 
exiles  at  Tepic.  From  Carlos  Carrillo  at  Santa  Ba>- 
bara  he  obtained  a  peculiar  version  of  late  political 
events  in  California.56 

55  Farnham's  Life  and  Adventures  in  California,  and  Scenes  in  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  N.  Y.  1846,  8vo,  41G  p.     This  is  the  edition  I  have  used.     Id.,  N.  Y. 
1847;  Id.,  Travels  in  the  Calif ornias,  etc.,  N.  Y.  1844,  8vo,  410  p.     The  ear- 
liest edition  of  the  work,  which  is  exactly  the  same  except  in  title.  Id.,  Life, 
Adventures,  and  Travels  in  Cal.,  to  which,  inaddf.dtlie  Conquest  of  Cal. ,  Travels 
in  Oregon,  and  History  of  the  Gold  Regions,  N.  Y.  1849;  Id.,  1830;  Id.,  1853; 
Id.,  Pictorial  Edition  (Hist,  of  the  Gold  Region  omitted),  N.  Y.   1855;  Id., 
1857.     The  pictures  must  be  seen  to  be  appreciated.     They  would  fit  any 
other  subjects  quite  as  well  as  the  ones  they  purport  to  illustrate.     All  the 
editions,  except  possibly  one  or  two  that  I  have  not  seen,  are  alike  in  paging 
up  to  p.  416.     The  author's  experiences  and  matters  connected  therewith 
occupy  p.  50-116,  402-16.     The  rest  is  historical  and  descriptive. 

56  M.  (J.  F.  B. ),  Leaves  from  my  Journal,  in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  77, 
86,  89,  93,  97.     Oct.-Nov.  1840.     I  do  not  know  the  author's  name.     He  waa 
not  allowed  to  land  at  Monterey  till  after  the  exiles  departed;  and  returning 
from  a  visit  to  S.  Cdrlos,  he  was  arrested  for  crossing  the  bridge  on  horseback, 
being  saved  from  the  calabozo  by  Spence. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 
1831-1841. 

YEARLY  VESSELS — RESUME — REPORT  OF  1831 — KHLEBNIKOF'S  MISSION — VIC- 
TORIA'S POLICY — FIGUEROA'S  DIPLOMACY — VALLEJO'S  MISSION  TO  Ross — • 
WRANGELL  AND  BEECHEY — ANNALS  OF  1834-9— KOSTROMITINOF  SUC- 
CEEDED BY  ROTCHEF — WAREHOUSE  AT  SAUZALITO WRANGELL'S  PLAN 

OF  EXTENSION — His  FAILURE  IN  MEXICO,  1836 — RESOLVE  TO  ABANDON 
Ross,  1838-9 — PROPOSED  SALE  TO  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY — AFFAIR  OF 
THE  'LAUSANNE,'  1840 — VALLEJO  AND  KUPRIANOF — PROPOSED  SALE  TO 
VALLEJO — LAND  AND  BUILDINGS — ABSURD  INSTRUCTIONS  FROM  MEXICO 
— SALE  TO  SUTTER — CONTRACT  AND  DEED — No  LAND  PCRCHASED — RUS- 
SIAN TITLE  TO  Ross — THE  MULDROW  CLAIM  OF  LATER  YEARS — DEPART- 
URE OF  THE  COLONISTS — How  THE  DEBT  WAS  PAID,  1845-50. 

YET  further  foreign  relations  remain  to  be  pre- 
sented here — the  annals  of  Ross  or  of  the  Russians 
in  California.  I  have  already  given  a  description  of 
Ross  and  its  various  institutions,  applying,  so  far  as 
such  a  sketch  has  any  chronology,  to  the  whole  period 
of  the  colony's  existence,  but  suspending  the  histor- 
ical record  at  the  year  1830.1  Later  occurrences  I 
have  thought  best  to  leave  until  now,  to  be  treated 
collectively  in  one  chapter,  because  they  are  of  but 
slight  importance  in  their  relation  to  the  general  his- 
tory of  the  country.  And  now  I  propose  to  continue 
the  subject  to  its  end,  the  abandonment  by  the  Rus- 
sians of  their  Californian  possessions  in  1841. 

Vessels  of  the  company  continued  to  come  annual- 
ly, one  or  two  each  year,  from  Sitka  and  Ross  to  San 
Francisco  for  grain,  occasionally  for  some  special  pur- 

'See  voL  ii.,  chap,  xxviii.,  for  descriptive  sketch  and  annals  of  1821-30. 
For  earlier  annals  of  Ross,  see  chap.  iv.  and  xiv.  of  the  same  volume. 

(168) 


DISCOURAGING  PROSPECTS.  159 

pose  extending  their  trips  to  Monterey.  During  the 
decade  of  1831-40  the  Baikal  made  at  least  five  vis- 
its; the  Sitka,  four;  the  Urup,  three;  and  the  Elena 
and  Polifemia,  two  each ;  in  addition  to  the  Nikolai, 
which  touched  on  her  way  to  Europe  in  1840.2 

We  have  seen  that  as  early  as  1820  the  company 
had  offered  to  give  up  the  colony  in  exchange  for  un- 
restricted trade;  and  that  in  1827  the  managers  had 
pretty  nearly  abandoned  all  hope  of  final  success  at 
Ross.  During  the  Mexican  revolution  Russia  might 
probably  without  much  difficulty  have  secured  and 
extended  her  Californian  possessions,  but  took  no  steps 
to  do  so.  Patriotism  had  moved  the  Mexicans  to 
agitate  the  old  questions  of  Russian  intrusion  to  some 
extent,  but  in  the  north  the  agitation  was  exclusively 
one  of  pen  and  paper,  altogether  without  effect  in  dis- 
turbing relations  with  Ross,  which  became  in  some 
respects  more  friendly  than  ever  before.  Governor 
Echeandia  had  not  only  extended  the  contracts  for 
otter-hunting  on  shares,  but  he  had  even  recom- 
mended to  his  government  to  recognize  the  legitimacy 
of  the  colony  on  condition  that  Russia  would  formally 
acknowledge  Mexican  sovereignty  over  the  territory. 
Still  the  Russians  could  see  no  chance  for  ultimate 
security.  The  governor  stated  in  his  report  of  April 
30,  1831,  that  Ross  with  its  present  limits  was  worth 
no  sacrifices  to  retain;  if  it  could  be  extended  two 
hundred  versts  inland  and  southward  so  as  to  include 
an  anchorage  on  San  Francisco  Bay,  it  would  be  a 
possession  of  great  value.3 

About  this  time  the  colonists  made  an  effort  to  ex- 
tend their  agricultural  operations  south-eastward,  but 
without  success,  on  account  of  opposition  from  the 
Californians.4  On  the  Baikal,  which  arrived  at  the 

2  See  the  maritime  lists  at  end  of  chap.  xiii. ,  vol.  iii. ,  and  chap.  iii.  of  this 
vol. 

3  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  28-30.   In  the  same  report  he  says  that 
two  boats  were  being  built  as  gifts  for  P.  Narciso  Duran  at  S.  Josd.     Zava- 
lishin thinks  this  making  of  presents  had  no  other  effect  than  to  confirm  the 
Mexicans  in  their  '  pretended  i-ights.' 

4  Jan.  1,  1831,  P.  Amor6s  to  president.     Has  made  a  tour  from  S.  Rafael 


160  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

end  of  1830,  Baron  Wrangell,  the  new  governor  of 
Russian  America,  sent  Khlebnikof  to  treat  in  general 
for  a  continuance  of  friendly  commercial  relations,  but 
more  particularly  for  a  renewal  of  the  otter  contracts, 
and  for  a  reduction  in  the  current  price  of  grain.  In 
the  latter  object  Khlebriikof  seems  to  have  been  suc- 
cessful, largely  on  account  of  threats  of  going  to  Chili 
for  wheat,  as  they  had  done  once  or  twice  before;  but 
Victoria  refused  to  allow  any  continuance  of  otter- 
hunting.  Both  in  his  letter  to  Wrangell  and  in  his 
report  to  the  government,  however,  he  expressed  the 
most  friendly  feelings  toward  the  Russians,  and  a  wish 
to  favor  them  in  every  legal  way,  especially  in  prefer- 
ence to  the  dangerous  Americans.  He  told  Wrangell 
that  he  believed  Mexico  would  gladly  approve  a  most 
liberal  treaty,  if  Russia  would  consent  to  recognize 
the  independence  and  abandon  Ross.  Wrangell  wrote 
a  courteous  and  flattering  letter  in  reply,  but  expressed 
the  opinion  that  a  treaty  on  the  terms  proposed 
should  be  discussed  by  national  and  not  colonial  au- 
thorities; especially  as  the  matter  was  not  urgent — 
"for  the  company,  having  discovered  other  means  of 
providing  for  the  needs  of  the  colonies,  no  longer  finds 
itself  in  the  unavoidable  necessity  of  causing  embar- 
rassment to  the  California!!  government."6 

among  the  pagans.  His  arrival  caused  the  Russians,  who  had  come  12  leagues 
from  Ross  to  till  the  soil  at  Santiago,  to  change  their  plans.  Arch.  Sta  JB., 
MS.,  xii.  183.  Jan.  8th,  Echeandia,  with  the  expressed  view  of  checking 
Russian  encroachment,  grants  Sta  Rosa  to  Rafael  Gomez.  Dept.  Xt.  Pap.,  Ben. 
Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxi.  7-8.  May  6,  Gov.  Victoria  to  min.  of  war.  He  learns  that 
the  Russians  with  40  armed  men  and  some  Indians  had  come  near  Solano,  and 
begun  to  till  the  soil.  Will  consult  with  the  gov.  of  Sitka.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
ix.  129.  May  6,  1833,  two  years  ago  the  Russians  made  some  plantings  at 
Tamalanica,  3  1.  from  Bodega,  and  5  1.  from  Ross.  But  the  place  was  aban- 
doned on  account  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  comandante  at  S.  F.  Voile  jo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  140.  It  seems  that  some  time  in  1831,  J.  M.  Padrds  was  sent 
to  Ross;  and  he  was  accused  by  Victoria  of  having  slandered  the  Cal.  govt 
during  his  visit.  Dept.  liec.,  MS.,  ix.  144. 

5  Oct.  20,  1830,  Wrangell  from  N.  Archangel  to  gov.  of  Cal.  So  sure  was 
he  of  success  that  he  sent  some  Aleuts  with  their  bidarkas  on  the  Baikal, 
with  Khlcbnikof.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxx.  138.  April  13,  1831,  Victoria  to 
min.  of  war,  announcing  his  refusal,  and  that  Khl6bnikof  has  taken  away  his 
hunters.  Has  received  vases,  mirrors,  etc. ,  as  presents  for  the  pres.  of  Mex- 
ico, but  retains  them,  as  they  are  not  worth  paying  the  freight.  Dept.  Pec., 
MS.,  ix.  121-2.  March  uth,  V.  to.W.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxx.  189.  Sept. 


FIGUEROA'S  POLICY.  161 

There  is  nothing  to  be  said  of  the  Russian  estab- 
lishment in  1832,  except  that  it  was  mentioned  in  the 
instructions  issued  to  Figueroa,  who  was  to  report  in 
detail  on  the  force  maintained  at  Bodega,  and  on  the 
designs  entertained  by  the  strangers;  also  favoring  in 
every  possible  way  the  foundation  of  northern  settle- 
ments to  check  possible  encroachments.6 

The  enterprising  and  diplomatic  Figueroa  soon  be- 
gan his  investigations,  by  methods  peculiar  to  himself. 
In  April  1833,  he  sent  Alferez  Vallejo  to  Ross  to  ne- 
gotiate for  the  purchase  of  arms,  munitions,  and  cloth- 
ing for  the  Californian  soldiers,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  secretly  acquaint  himself  with  the  exact  condition 
of  the  colony.7  Vallejo  carried  letters  from  the  gov- 
ernor to  Manager  Kostromitinof  and  to  Wrangell, 
who  as  was  thought  might  have  arrived.  These  let- 
ters were  filled  with  expressions  of  cordial  good- will, 
and  of  a  desire  for  closer  relations  of  friendship  and 
commerce  with  all  foreigners,  and  especially  with 
neighbors  so  highly  esteemed.  The  colonial  authori- 
ties were  also  urged  to  use  their  influence  with  the 
court  of  St  Petersburg  to  promote  the  recognition  of 
Mexican  independence  by  the  tsar.8  Having  thus 
expressed  his  kindly  feelings  toward  the  Russians, 
Figueroa  only  two  days  later  wrote  to  the  national 
government,  denouncing  those  highly  esteemed  neigh- 
bors as  intruders  who  had  trampled  upon  the  laws  of 

27th,  W.'s  reply  to  V.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  322-4.  TikhnuSnef, 
Istor.  Oboxranie,  i.  345,  says  that  Wrangell's  threat  of  going  to  Chili  produced 
the  desired  effect,  and  the  Urup  obtained  2,300  fan.  of  wheat  at  $2  in  money 
and  $3  in  goods;  and  from  that  time  shipments  of  provisions  became  more 
punctual  and  satisfactory. 

6Figneroa,  Instrucciones  Generales,  1833,  MS.,  art.  7, 11.  Deputy  Carrillo 
in  hig  exposicion  to  congress  in  1831,  had  spoken  somewhat  bitterly  against 
the  Russians,  whom  he  charged  with  a  disposition  to  defend  their  usurpation 
by  force  of  arms. 

7  April  11,  1833,  F.  to  V.,  specifying  the  articles  to  be  purchased,  includ- 
ing 200  rifles  or  muskets,  150  cutlasses,  200  saddles,  shoes,  lead,  etc.     He  is 
to  assure  the  Russians  of  the  Calif ornians'  good-will,  etc.,  but  is  not  to  enter 
into  any  diplomatic,  questions.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxix.  33-5. 
Figueroa's  confidential  instructions  on  the  investigation  to  be  made  are  not 
extant. 

8  April  10,  1833,  Figueroa  to  Kostromitinof  and  Wrangell.  St.  Pap.,  Miss, 
and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  312-15;   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xiii.  467. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    11 


162  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

nations  and  of  Mexico,  and  aimed  at  territorial  en- 
croachment. Wrangell  was  expected  at  Ross,  as  it 
was  said,  to  found  a  new  settlement  at  Santa  Rosa, 
and  with  the  same  object  in  view  the  desertion  of 
neophytes  from  San  Rafael  was  being  encouraged.8 
Vallejo  made  his  visit  to  Ross,  succeeded  in  purchas- 
ing most  of  the  required  articles,  and  rendered  on 
May  5th  a  confidential  report  on  what  he  had  been 
able,  acting  "con  el  disimulo  que  me  fud  posible  y  con 
una  indiferencia  aparente,"  to  see  and  hear  during  the 
trip.  The  report  did  not  indicate  any  new  or  danger- 
ous designs  on  the  part  of  the  Russians.10 

Wrangell  finally  came  in  person  to  Ross  in  July, 
and  Hartnell  went  there  at  his  invitation  for  an  inter- 
view, and  was  employed  as  an  agent  to  obtain  cargoes 
of  produce,  and,  if  possible,  certain  exemptions  from 
the  payment  of  duties.11  While  at  Ross  Wrangell 
addressed  to  Figueroa  a  letter  in  which  he  warmly 
defended  his  company  against  the  charges  of  the 
English  navigator  Beechey,  charges  which  he  declared 
altogether  without  foundation,  to  the  effect  that  the 

'April  12,  1833,  F.  to  sec.  of  war  and  navy.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon., 
MS.,  ii.  302-6.  The  writer's  idea  was  doubtless  to  exaggerate  the  dangers, 
so  as  to  claim  for  himself  the  greater  credit  for  averting  them.  Popularity 
v/as  Figueroa's  constant  aim  from  first  to  last.  The  idea  of  Wranfirell's  pur- 

Eose  to  occupy  Sta  Rosa  came  from  Vallejo,  who  in  his  letter  of  March  31st 
ad  urged  the  formation  of  new  settlements  and  the  stationing  of  a  competent 
person  on  the  frontier  to  conduct  negotiations  with  the  Russians.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  28;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  310.  Later  in  the 
year  Padre  Mercado  at  S.  Rafael  complained  to  the  gov.  that  the  Russians 
were  enticing  away  and  protecting  fugitive  neophytes,  buying  stolen  cattle, 
and  invading  Mexican  rights  in  various  ways.  Id.,  ii.  319-20;  Monterey,  Arch., 
MS.,  i.  36. 

10  Vallejo,  Informe  Reservado  sobre  Ross,  MS.     The  descriptive  part  haa 
already  been  utilized.     April  28,  1833  (the  date  of  Vallejo's  leaving  Ross), 
Kostromitinof  to  Figueroa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ii.  68.     May  15th,  17th,  F. 
to  V.,  acknowledging  receipt  of  report,  thanking  him  for  his  services,  and  ex- 
pressing his  satisfaction  at  the  good  disposition  of  the  Russian  officials.    Va- 
llejo, Doc.,  MS.,  ii.146,  311.     This  affair  is  also  recorded  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col., 
MS.,  ii.  206-8,  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  198-9. 

11  July  14,  1833,  Wrangell  to  Hartnell.     He  wanted  to  load  170  tons  of 
ealted  meat  and  14,000  Ibs.  of  salt  at  S.  F.  free  from  anchorage  dues.    Vallejo, 
J)oc.,  MS.,  xxxi.  21.     Aug.  3d,  H.  to  Guerra.  Ouerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.   104. 
Aug.  17th,  somebody  at  S.  Diego  to  Figueroa,  arguing  against  the  exemption 
f -om  dues.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  ii.  20-2.     Sept.  Gth,  H.  to 
W.     Memorandum  of  cargo  shipped  on  the  Baikal  and  of  another  to  be  sent 
on  next  vessel.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxi.  40. 


WRANGELL'S  CLAIMS.  163 

Russians  had  grievously  wronged  the  Californians  by 
killing  otter  illegally,  by  engaging  in  contraband  trade, 
and  by  even  taking  possession  of  the  Santa  Barbara 
Islands.  Other  foreigners  had  certainly  done  these 
things,  but  his  people  never,  protested  the  baron; 
they  had  always  conformed  strictly  to  the  laws,  and 
had  always  refused,  greatly  to  their  own  loss,  to  enter 
into  contracts  with  less  scrupulous  foreigners  who 
wished  to  hunt  otter  in  defiance  of  the  Californians. 
He  must  have  smiled  as  he  wrote  these  statements 
with  a  knowledge  that  they  were  but  remotely  founded 
on  truth;  but  the  politic  Figueroa,  equally  aware  of 
the  falsehood,  fully  confirmed  all  the  baron's  asser- 
tions, and  exonerated  the  Russians  from  every  suspi- 
cion of  ever  having  given  the  Californians  grounds  for, 
complaint.12 

The  Russian  annals  of  1834-9,  so  far  as  actual  oc- 
currences in  California  are  concerned,  may  be  briefly 
disposed  of.  The  vessels  came  regularly  to  San  Fran- 
cisco, generally  securing  without  much  trouble  a  cargo 
of  provisions;  though  there  were  occasional  misunder- 
standings on  minor  points  of  revenue,  as  there  were 
now  and  then  complaints  on  other  matters  of  slight 
importance.13  In  1836  Manager  Kostromitinof  was 

12  July  24,  1833,  W.  to  F.     Dec.  23d,  F.'s  reply.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x. 
84-7;  xix.  15-18;  Zavalishin,  Ddo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  10-12. 

13  Jan.  14,  1834,  Vallejo  complains  that  3  men  went  without  permits  to 
Ross.     This  is  forbidden  by  Figueroa.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  141.     Docu- 
ments of  different  dates  in   1834-G,  showing  troubles  about  duties  on  goods 
brought  to  S.  F.  Bay  on  lighters,  one  of  which  craft  was  seized  with  its  cargo 
by  orders  of  Angel  Ramirez.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.   115,   118,  167-71,  225-6, 
229.     Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iii.  33-4,  complains  that  the  Satiyomi  were 
found  to  be  armed  with  weapons  bought  at  Ross.     1836,  no  intercourse  with 
Ross  or  selling  of  cattle  or  hides  without  a  specific  document  from  the  co- 
mandante  at  Sonoma.    Vallejo,  Z>oc.,MS.,  iii.  100,  etc.     Sept.  11,  1836,  Kos- 
tromitinof asks  for  a  pass  for  a  lighter  to  touch  at  S.  F.  Id.,  iii.  235.     Tikh- 
mencf,    I*tor.   Obosranie,  i.  346-7,   tells  us  that  in   1835  the   shipment  of 
breadstuffs  was  only  one  third  of  the  requirements,  owing  to  a  failure  of  crops; 
and  iu  1836  they  had  to  go  to  Chili  again  for  a  supply;  but  later  enough  was 
again  obtained  each  year  in  Cal.    Feb.  24,  1838,  Capt.  S.  Vallejo  sent  to  Rosa 
to  bring  back  persons  who  had  gone  there  without  permits.    Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  v.  32-3.     The  gov.  of  the  colonies  expected  at  Ross  in  Aug.  1838.     Va- 
llejo hopes  to  meet  him.  Id.,  v.  138.     1839,  minor  matters  of  commerce  and 
revenue.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  243-5;  Dept.  St.  Pa}).,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  1,  3,  5; 


104  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

succeeded  by  Alexander  Rotchef,  who  is  spoken  of  in 
complimentary  terms  by  all  who  met  him,  as  a  gen- 
tleman of  courteous  manners  and  of  much  administra- 
tive ability.  The  ex-manager  now  seems  to  have  suc- 
ceeded Hartnell  as  active  agent  of  the  company  at 
San  Francisco,  where  he  spent  much  of  his  time  for 
several  years.u  He  obtained,  apparently  from  Chico, 
but  possibly  from  Figueroa  just  before  that  ruler's 
death,  permission  to  erect  a  warehouse  for' the  com- 
pany's use  on  any  site  which  he  might  select.  With 
Captain  Richardson's  consent,  he  decided  to  build  at 
Sauzalito,  on  what  was  known  as  the  Puerto  de 
Balleneros,  or  Whalers'  Harbor.  Before  any  use  was 
made  of  the  concession,  however,  the  diputacion  took 
»up  the  matter,  deciding  that  the  governor  had  no 
power  to  grant  such  a  privilege,  and  that  it  was  not 
expedient  to  allow  a  foreign  company  to  secure  such 
a  foothold  in  a  Mexican  port.  Accordingly  Gutierrez 
issued  an  order  in  September  that  no  buildings  should 
be  erected,  though  grain  might  be  collected  at  Sauza- 
lito for  that  one  year.15  Subsequently,  in  1839,  Rotchef 
petitioned  for  the  privilege  of  building  a  warehouse  at 
Yerba  Buena,  next  to  Leese's  place;  but  I  have  no 
record  of  the  result.16 

During  this  period  Sonoma  was  founded  as  a  pueblo; 
and  several  citizens,  chiefly  of  foreign  birth,  were  per- 
mitted to  occupy  ranches  on  the  northern  frontier, 
all  with  a  view,  among  other  objects,  to  check  the 

Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Iv.  16.  April  1839,  nails  and  copper  for  repairs  to  the  Cali- 
fornia. VaUcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  365.  May,  Alvarado  authorizes  V.  to  sell  the 
Russians  300  heifers.  It  won't  do  to  encourage  trade  between  them  and  the 
rancheros.  Id.,  vii.  33. 

14  Tikhmtnef,  Tutor.  Obosranie,  i.  345-6. 

15  June  30,   1836,  Vallejo  approves  the  scheme.   Vcdlejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii. 
121.     July  7th,  Aug.  30th,  action  of  the  dip.  Ley.  Rec.,  MS.,  iii.  25-6.  Sept. 
12th,  Gutierrez's  order.    Vcdlrjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  236.     Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iii.  107-10,  says  Kostromitinof  came  to  Monterey  to  try  and  change  his 
mind  as  one  of  the  strongest  opponents;  but  he  refused  to  favor  his  plan, 
though  he  offered  to  advocate  a  grant  of  the  privilege  to  K.  or  any  Russian 
who  would  become  a  Mexican  citizen. 

16  May  10,   1839,  Rotchef  to  gov.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii. 
326-8.     The  building  was  to  revert  to  the  Cal.  govt  after  10  years;  and  might 
meanwhile  be  used  by  that  govt  free  of  charge  for  storage.     Rotchef  also 
wished  permission  to  pay  anchorage  dues  at  S.  F.  rather  than  Monterey. 


BARON  WRANGELL'S  PLANS.  163 

apprehended  advance  of  the  Russians.  In  1837  a 
Mexican  soldier  named  Miramontes  is  said  to  have 
brought  from  Ross  to  Sonoma  the  small-pox,  which 
caused  great  ravages  among  the  natives.  Again  in 
1839  Vallejo  warned  the  Mexican  government  of  dan- 
ger from  the  Russians,  which  might  be  averted  only 
by  an  increase  of  the  force  at  Sonoma.17  In  1837 
Ross  was  visited  by  Slacum,  and  in  1839  by  Laplace, 
each  of  whom  published  a  description  of  the  establish- 
ment, the  latter  devoting  much  space  to  the  subject. 

Meanwhile  Governor  Wrangell  became  more  and 
more  firmly  convinced  that  unless  his  company  and 
nation  could  obtain  the  country  eastward  to  the  Sac- 
ramento and  southward  to  San  Francisco  Bay,  the 
original  possession  on  the  coast,  even  if  its  confirma- 
tion could  be  secured  from  Mexico,  was  not  worth 
keeping.18  Moreover,  this  extension  must  be  effected 
without  delay,  since  the  most  favorable  opportunities 
had  already  passed,  and  the  influx  of  settlers,  native 
and  foreign,  was  daily  lessening  the  chances  of  success. 
It  does  not  appear  that  there  was  any  thought  of  oc- 
cupying the  territory  against  the  will  of  the  Califor- 
nians;  indeed,  such  a  step  would  have  excited  strong 
opposition  from  foreign  powers  as  well  as  from  Mex- 
ico, and  would  have  been  practicable  only  with  the 
direct  national  support  of  Russia,  a  support  that  could 
not  be  counted  on,  because  the  imperial  government 
had  never  manifested  anything  but  indifference  re- 
specting the  acquisition  of  territorial  possessions  in 
California. 

Baron  Wrangell's  hope  and  purpose — and  there  is 
no  evidence  that  there  was  any  element  of  opposition 
among  the  officers  of  the  company  either  at  Sitka  or 
Ross — was  to  conciliate  still  further  the  good-will  of 

17Feb.  6,  1839,  Vallejo  to  min.  of  war.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  218. 

18  According  to  Zavalishin  the  baron  repeated  these  views  in  his  report  of 
April  10,  1833.  This  author  says  that  Count  Nordvinof  also  entertained  the 
same  views. 


166  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

the  already  friendly  Californians,  a  work  in  which  he 
believed  himself  to  have  made  much  progress  in  his 
correspondence  with  Figueroa,  not  knowing  the  man. 
He  desired  further  to  present  in  a  strong  light,  as  the 
Russians  had  been  doing  for  years,  the  danger  of  en- 
croachment by  other  foreigners,  especially  the  Amer- 
icans; also  the  marked  contrast  between  the  past 
conduct  of  his  people  and  those  of  other  nations,  and 
the  manifest  advantage  of  preferring  such  friendly  and 
orderly  neighbors  rather  than  the  turbulent  horde  of 
adventurers  who  were  sure  to  get  possession  of  the 
northern  frontier.19  He  would  like  to  so  far  interest 
the  court  of  St  Petersburg  in  his  scheme  as  to  bring 
about  diplomatic  negotiations,  and  a  recognition  of 
Mexican  independence;  and  finally,  he  wished  to  go  in 
person  to  Mexico,  to  secure  from  the  authorities  of 
the  republic  a  concession  or  sale  of  the  desired  terri- 
tory. The  plan  was  the  best  that  could  have  been 
devised  under  the  circumstances.  How  much  confi- 
dence the  author  really  had  in  its  success  we  have  no 
means  of  knowing. 

The  company  having  approved  Wrangell's  plan,  and 
agreed  to  pay  for  the  establishments  of  San  Rafael 
and  Sonoma  in  case  Mexico  would  consent  to  cede 
the  territory,20  the  baron  resigned  his  position  as  gov- 
ernor of  the  American  colonies,  and  obtained  permis- 
sion to  return  to  Russia  by  way  of  California  and 
Mexico,21  with  authority  to  represent  the  colonial 
government  in  negotiations  with  the  republic.  His 
instructions,  which  came  in  1835,  were  disappointing. 
The  emperor,  while  desiring  the  continuance  of  friendly 

19  In  the  report  of  April  28,  1834,  according  to  Zavalishin,  the  coming  of  a 
band  of  1G3  armed  men  with  their  wives  and  children  is  mentioned.    The  ori- 
gin of  this  rumor  is  not  known.     In  a  report  of  April  10th  (?),  Wrangell  states 
that  the  only  obstacle  to  the  extension  of  Ross  is  the  envy  of  foreigners,  who 
will  intrigue  to  secure  the  opposition  of  Mexico.  Zavalishin,  Ddo  o  Koloniy 
£oss,  MS.,  8-10,  14. 

20  Report  of  April  13,  1834,  from  head  office.     Zavalishin,  Ddo  o  Koloniy 
fiosx,  MS.,  28-9. 

21  Nov.  19,  1834,  Wrangell  to  Figueroa,  announcing  his  purpose  to  visit 
Mexico  at  the  end  of  his  term  of  office,  and  asking  for  information  about 
route,  etc.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  320. 


THE  BARON'S  MISSION  TO  MEXICO.  167 

relations,  would  not  agree  to  recognize  Mexican  in- 
dependence, but  merely  allowed  Wrangell  as  a  rep- 
resentative of  the  company  to  negotiate  a  commercial 
treaty  providing  for  a  free  entree  of  all  ports,  collec- 
tion of  duties  only  on  goods  actually  sold,  release  from 
anchorage  dues,  free  exportation  of  salt,  hunting  en 
shares,  and  permission  to  take  turtles  and  obtain 
woods  on  the  coast — terms  all  for  the  advantage  of 
the  Russians,  without  apparent  recompense  to  the 
Californiaus.  He  was  also  empowered  to  ascertain  if 
Mexico  would  confirm  the  old  possessions  at  Ross  and 
Bodega,  if  there  was  any  hope  of  acquiring  the  new 
territory  desired,  and  if  so,  on  what  conditions  and  at 
what  expense.  Possibly  he  might  hold  out  a  hope  of 
future  recognition,  though  he  could  not  promise  it. 
His  enthusiasm  must  have  been  great  indeed  if  it  sur- 
vived these  instructions.22 

With  his  instructions  there  came  a  successor  to 
Wrangell  in  the  person  of  Ivan  Kuprianof;23  and  the 
ex-governor  sailed  at  once  on  his  mission.  He  ar- 
rived at  Monterey  on  the  Siika  in  December  1835.24 
Here  he  was  greatly  disappointed  at  learning  the 
death  of  Figueroa,  on  whose  assistance  he  had  counted, 
especially  in  the  furnishing  of  letters  to  prominent 
men  in  Mexico.  Of  his  negotiations  with  other  Cal- 
ifornians  at  this  time  we  have  no  record.  He  sailed 
early  in  January  1836  for  San  Bias,  where  he  had 
some  trouble  with  local  officials,  who  declared  his 
passport  invalid;  but  by  the  aid  of  the  English  con- 
sul, Barron,  a  pass  was  obtained,25  and  Wrangell  pro- 

2*  Potechin,  Selenie  Boss,  16-19;  Tikhmtnef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  362-4.  The 
former  does  not  imply  that  Wrangell  had  any  right  even  to  speak  of  the  rec- 
ognition of  Mexico  as  a  possibility. 

23  Nov.  20,  1835,  Kuprianof  to  Figueroa,  announcing  his  accession  and  de- 
sire for  a  continuance  of  friendly  relations.  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  321.  Similar  note  to  Gov.  Chico  and  the  latter's  very  courteous  reply. 
Date  not  clear.  Id. 

**  The  only  definite  mention*  of  his  arrival  that  I  have  found,  except  in 
Russian  writers,  is  in  Dana's  Two  Years  before  the  Mast,  271-2.  Dana  found 
the  vessel  and  ex-go v.  at  Monterey  ou  Dec.  27th;  and  the  latter  kindly  offered 
to  take  New-Year's  letters  from  the  Yankee  sailors,  to  be  forwarded  from 
Mexico  to  Boston,  where  they  arrived  safely. 

25  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  MS.,  12,  represents  the  English  as  hav- 


108  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

ceeded  to  Mexico.  Here  with  some  difficulty  he  ob- 
tained an  interview  with  Vice-president  Barragan, 
and  after  the  latter's  death  with  other  high  officials. 
Naturally,  under  the  circumstances,  he  met  with 
no  encouragement,  the  Mexican  authorities  being  of 
course  unwilling  to  treat  with  a  man  who  had  no 
credentials  as  a  representative  of  his  government.  To 
use  substantially  the  words  of  Wrangell  in  his  report 
to  the  company,  "the  Mexican  republic  has  been 
formally  recognized  by  England,  France,  and  other 
powers ;  her  natural  pride  is  increased  by  diplomatic 
correspondence,  and  she  is  not  disposed  to  treat  for 
acknowledgment  with  powers  that  do  not  meet  her 
half-way.  Moreover,  foreign  representatives  work 
constantly  against  the  interests  of  their  commercial 
rivals,  especially  Russia.  Hence  it  is  not  strange  that 
Mexico  not  only  will  not  listen  to  propositions  from 
a  mere  commercial  company,  but  would  be  offended 
if  such  propositions  were  made  without  diplomatic 
mediation."26 

The  only  result  obtained  seems  to  have  been  a  semi- 
official assurance  that  Mexico,  desiring  friendly  rela- 
tions, would  favor  a  commercial  treaty  if  properly 
negotiated  by  duly  accredited  agents  of  the  two  gov- 
ernments.27 Possibly  some  encouragement  was  given 
verbally  that  a  concession  of  the  original  possessions 
at  Ross  might  be  obtained;  but  evidently  an  extension 
of  territory,  if  proposed  at  all,  was  considered  with  no 
favor.28  The  whole  subject  was  then  referred  to  the 

ing  been  in  these  years  very  favorable  to  the  Russian  scheme,  though  of 
course  from  interested  motives. 
26Potechin,  Selcnie  Ross,  19. 

27  Tikhme'uef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  364,  says  that  a  written  communication  to 
this  effect  was  carried  to  St  Petersburg  by  Wrangell. 

28  In  1830  Kupriauof  reported  the  coming  of  American  immigrants  to  oc- 
cupy farms  near  lloss,  thus  threatening  to  deprive  the  company  of  all  chance 
of  extending  their  lands.     The  reply  from  the  general  administration,  founded 
on  the  counsels  of  the  imperial  vice-chancellor,  was  the  advice  not  to  think  of 
extension,  but  only  of  holding  the  land  already  occupied.   Tikhmtnef,  Istor. 
Obos.,  i.  305.    Scala,  Influence  de  1'ancienne  Comptoir  JRwse,  has  something  to 
say  about  the  events  and  negotiations  of  these  times;  but  his  statements  are  so 
absurdly  inaccurate  as  to  merit  no  attention.     In  June  1837,  reports  were  sent 
to  St  Petersburg  of  the  continued  encroachments  of  foreigners  and  their  part 
in  the  revolution  of  1836.  ZavcUishin,  Delo  o  Koloniy  Ross,  MS.,  14-15. 


EOSS  NOT  WORTH  KEEPING.  169 

Mexican  minister  at  London,  who  was  instructed  to 
consider  such  propositions  as  might  be  made  by  repre- 
sentatives of  the  tsar.  No  such  propositions  were 
ever  made,  as  the  government  on  the  receipt  of  Wran- 
gell's  report  at  St  Petersburg  simply  decided  to  take 
no  further  steps  in  the  matter.  The  negotiations  had 
attracted  but  little  attention ;  yet  I  find  some  evidence 
of  rumors  growing  out  of  them  which  reached  Califor- 
nia and  the  Hawaiian  Islands.29 

With  the  failure  of  Wrangell's  mission,  every  mo- 
tive for  retaining  possession  of  Ross  disappeared. 
Accordingly  the  company  decided  to  abandon  it.  I 
give  the  substance  of  the  council's  report  rendered  to 
the  minister  of  finance  at  the  end  of  1838,  or  early  in 
1839,  as  follows:  The  accounts  of  the  company  show 
expenses  in  1825—9  to  have  been  45,000  roubles  per 
year,  while  the  annual  product,  almost  exclusively 
from  furs,  was  22,000  roubles.  In  1837  expenses  had 
increased  to  72,000  roubles,  and  receipts  had  fallen  to 
8,000  roubles.  As  otter-hunting  failed,  the  company 
had  a  hope  of  acquiring  lands  for  agricultural  and 
stock-raising  purposes.  This  hope  being  lost,  there 
is  no  motive  for  further  occupation.  Politically,  the 
possession  has  no  importance,  since  "it  is  not  sup- 
ported by  any  formal  acts,  or  by  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  any  other  power;"  neither  has  it  any  strategic 

29  In  May  or  June  1837,  Luis  Castillo  Negrete  wrote  to  Zamorano  that  the 
tsar  was  negotiating  for  the  purchase  of  Monterey  and  San  Francisco,  with 
all  the  country  from  3;~>°  to  42°.  This  news  came  via  Madrid.  Zamorano  to 
Alvarado  in  August.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxii.  IOC;  Id.,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii. 
27G-7.  March  12,  1837,  the  U.  S.  consul  at  Honolulu  sent  to  Washington  a 
slight  sketch  of  the  Russian  establishment,  with  the  information  that  the  Cal- 
ifornians  in  revolution  against  Mexico  had  applied  to  the  Russians  for  aid, 
which  would  probably  be  given  on  the  condition  of  permission  in  case  of  suc- 
cess to  extend  their  limits  to  S.  F.  Bay.  This  patriotic  American  thought 
his  govt  ought  to  know  'by  what  right  the  subjects  of  so  powerful  an  empire 
as  Russia,  undoubtedly  under  the  sanction  of  the  emperor,  have  formed  a  set- 
tlement on  the  very  borders  of  its  territory,  if  not  within  the  limit  of  what 
ought  to  be  in  justice  its  own  possession.'  Original  blotter  in  Savage,  Doc., 
MS.,  ii.  174-6.  Zavalishin,  Delo  o  Kolomy  Ross,  MS.,  31-3,  declares  that 
negotiations  with  Mexico  were  useless,  because,  1st,  In  them  her  right  was 
tacitly  acknowledged,  not  only  to  Cal.,  but  to  New  Albion;  2d,  Nothing  that 
could  be  proposed  had  any  value  to  Mexico;  3d,  The  company  and  not  the  govt 
was  treating;  and,  4th,  If  it  came  to  a  purchase,  the  U.  S.  could  easily  outbid 
the  company. 


170  THE  RUSSIANS  IX  CALIFORNIA. 

advantage,  because  even  if  any  other  power  should 
care  to  hold  such  an  inaccessible  rock  as  Ross,  its  oc- 
cupation could  not  possibly  harm  any  Russian  estab- 
lishment. Therefore  the  council  has  determined  to 
abandon  so  useless  and  expensive  a  possession,  dividing 
•the  servants  and  all  movable  property  among  other 
posts  of  the  colonies,  and  selling  or  exchanging  for 
wheat  in  California  such  property  as  cannot  be  con- 
veniently removed.  This  determination  received  the 
imperial  sanction  April  15,  1839.30 

Manager  Rotchef  at  Ross  heard  of  the  determina- 
tion to  abandon  the  establishment  perhaps  at  the  end 
of  1839,  and  certainly  early  in  1840,  during  Avhich 
year  he  made  some  preparations  for  departure,  send- 
ing a  full  cargo  and  thirty-three  persons  of  the  colony 
to  Sitka  on  the  Elena?1  At  a  conference  between 
Kuprianof  and  Douglas  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, held  at  Sitka  in  April,  a  proposition  was  made 
to  sell  the  Ross  establishment  for  $30,000.  "Of 
course,"  writes  Douglas  in  his  journal,  "they  cannot 
sell  the  soil,  but  merely  the  improvements,  which  we 
can  hold  only  through  a  native.  "An  answer  was  to  be 
given  in  the  autumn,  after  consultation  with  Mc- 
Loughlin;  and  as  nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  matter, 
I  suppose  the  English  company  decided  that  the  pur- 
chase was  not  advisable — very  likely  fearing  to  dis- 
please the  Californians,  and  to  cause  troublesome 
complications  with  the  United  States.82  This  nego- 

30  Poterhin,  Selenie  Ross,  19-21;  Tikhmfnef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  365-6.     A  note 
of  M.  Pinart  makes  the  date  of  the  council's  report  March  20,  1839.    Cronise, 
Nat.  Wealth  of  Gal.,  38,  gravely  assures  us  that  in  1835  the  British  govt 
called  upon  the  U.  S.  to  insist  upon  the  removal  of  the  Russians  under  the 
treaty  of   1824;  and  it  was  in  compliance  with  the  request  of  the  U.  S. 
that  Ross  was  abandoned  in  1841!    Bidwell,  Cal.,  MS.,  94-6,  had  an  idea 
that  the  colony  was  withdrawn  on  account  of  the  charter  being  about  to  ex- 
pire. 

31  Etholin's  letter  of  Sept.  9,  1840.     The  Elena  had  arrived  at  New  Arch- 
angel on  Sept.  3d. 

**  Douglas'  Journal,  MS.,  16.  About  this  time  it  seems  that  some  ar- 
rangement was  made  for  the  bringing  of  supplies  to  Sitka  in  the  vessels  of  the 
H.  B.  Co.  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  sending  Russian  vessels  to  Cal.  Tikhm&atf, 
Istor.  Obos.,  i.  347;  Simpson's  Narr.,  209-70. 


COMING  OF  THE  'LAUSANNE.'  171 

tiation  having  failed,  in  November  the  company  noti- 
fied Alvarado  of  their  intention  to  quit  Ross,  and 
proposed  that  he  should  buy  the  property.  The  gov- 
ernor asked  for  further  information  respecting  the 
nature  of  the  property  offered,  and  made  haste  to  in- 
form the  Mexican  government  of  the  impending 
change.33  A  correspondence,  more  bulky  than  impor- 
tant or  interesting,  on  the  coming  of  the  Baikal  to 
San  Francisco  for  grain  in  March,  and  the  non-pay- 
ment of  tonnage  dues  by  the  Nikolai  in  October  at  the 
same  port,34  is  the  only  other  item  of  local  annals  to  be 
mentioned  in  this  year,  except  the  somewhat  exciting 
affair  to  be  now  narrated. 

Josiah  Spalding,  master  of  the  American  ship 
Lausanne,  coming  down  from  the  Columbia  in  July, 
conceived  the  brilliant  idea  that  as  Bodega  was  a  free 
port  belonging  to  Russia,  he  might  land  his  passen- 
gers there,  and  perhaps  accomplish  something  in  the 
way  of  trade,  without  paying  anchorage  dues  or  other 
duties.  In  the  past,  it  would  seem  that  the  Russians 
had  never  permitted  such  operations,  or  at  least  no 
charges  to  that  effect  had  ever  been  made;  even  on 
this  occasion  there  is  some  evidence  that  Manager 
Rotchef  told  Spalding  that  he  must  not  trade  or  go 
by  land  to  San  Francisco  as  he  wished.35  But  act- 
ing very  carelessly  if  not  with  intentional  disregard 
of  his  duties,  Rotchef  set  out  for  San  Francisco  and 
Monterey,  leaving  the  Lausanne  at  Bodega,  and  the 
captain,  crew,  and  passengers  free  to  do  as  they 

33  Dec.  10,  1840,  Jimeno  Casarin  to  min.  of  int.,  with  contents  of  Kupria- 
nof's  note  of  Nov.  23d,  from  S.  F.  Dcpt.  Eec.,  MS.,  xi.  69-70.  Kuprianof's 
note  of  Nov.  23d,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  34-5.  Dec.  18th, 
Jimeno  to  Kostromitinof,  in  reply  to  a  note  of  the  latter  proposing  the  sale. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  133. 

34 Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  250-2,  297-9,  315-16,319,  323-4,  329-30;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Iv.  12-15;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  289.  Simpson,  Narr., 
306,  affirms  that  Timothy  Murphy  and  Padre  Quijas  went  to  Ross  for  brandy, 
or  bullocks,  or  something,  'against  all  rule  and  precedent,' and  this  coming 
to  Vallejo's  ears,  he  had  them  lodged  in  the  calaboose. 

33  So  Rotchef  reported  to  Etholin,  as  the  latter  states  in  his  letter  of  Sept. 
9th,  and  Alf .  Pina  in  his  letter  of  July  20th  from  Bodega-  says  that  Rotchef 
had  not  permitted  the  captain  to  accompany  him  to  S.  F.  Vallejo,  Doc.. 
MS.,  ix.  191. 


172  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

pleased,  as  there  was  no  Russian  guard  or  officer 
nearer  than  Ross.  Then  Spalding  also  started  for 
San  Francisco,  obtaining  the  services  of  Mclntosh 
as  a  guide.  Four  of  the  passengers  went  to  Sonoma 
to  ask  Vallejo  for  passports  which  should  enable  them 
to  remain  in  the  country.  Vallejo  was  naturally 
startled  at  the  sudden  appearance  of  these  armed  for- 
eigners, with  the  news  that  Bodega  was  practically 
abandoned  by  the  Russians,  and  that  a  foreign  vessel 
was  lying  there  free  from  all  restrictions  in  respect  of 
contraband  trade,  or  of  landing  passengers.  He  imme- 
diately despatched  Alferez  Ldzaro  Pina  and  a  guard 
of  soldiers  to  Bodega,  with  instructions  to  reernbark 
all  persons  who  had  landed,  and  to  enjoin  upon  those 
in  charge  of  the  vessel  to  land  no  goods  on  penalty 
of  being  treated  as  smugglers,  Monterey  being  the 
only  port  open  to  foreign  trade.  Pina  was  to  remain 
at  his  post,  prevent  all  traffic  and  intercourse,  keep 
a  strict  watch,  and  report.  Subsequently  he  was 
directed  to  collect  tonnage  dues  on  the  Lausanne  at 
the  rate  of  $1.50  per  ton/56 

Spalding,  accompanied  by  several  persons  from  San 
Francisco  who  were  travelling  without  passports, 
called  at  Sonoma  on  his  return  to  Bodega.  His  com- 
panions were  not  allowed  to  proceed;  and  the  captain 
was  called  upon  by  Vallejo  to  pay  his  tonnage  dues. 
He  declined  to  do  so,  on  the  ground  that  Bodega  was 
a  free  port,  belonging  to  Russia;  but  after  discussion 
he  agreed  to  pay  the  demand  if  it  should  be  decided 
by  the  proper  authorities  to  be  a  lawful  one.  He  was 
then  allowed  to  depart,  with  an  order  to  Pina  to  re- 
turn to  Sonoma  as  soon  as  the  vessel  had  sailed.  As 
Spalding  had  cited  the  manager  at  Ross  in  confirma- 
tion of  his  claim  that  Bodega  was  a  Russian  port, 

36  July  19,  1840,  the  original  instructions  to  Piua.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix. 
183.  One  clause  of  this  document  will  receive  special  notice  later.  July 
19th,  V.  to  Spalding,  warning  him  that  Bodega  is  not  a  port  of  entry,  and 
holding  him  responsible  for  illegal  trade,  according  to  the  treaty  between  the 
U.  S.  and  Mexico.  Id.,  ix.  181.  July  23d,  V.  orders  Pifla  to  collect  tonnage 
dues.  Id.,  ix.  191. 


ROTCHEF  AND  VALLEJO.  173 

Vallejo  instructed  Piiia  to  state  clearly  to  Rotchef 
that  Bodega  belonged  to  Mexico,  and  in  no  sense 
to  Russia,  though  the  use  of  it  by  Russian  vessels 
had  been  tolerated ;  that  the  commander  of  Ross  had 
no  control  over  it  except  by  permission  from  the  Cal- 
ifornian  government;  and  that  he  had  no  right  to  find 
it  strange  that  Californian  troops  were  stationed  there, 
especially  when  he  was  in  the  habit  of  travelling  in 
the  country  without  asking  permission  arid  in  disre- 
spect of  the  frontier  authorities,  of  representing  to 
visitors  that  Bodega  was  a  free  port,  and  of  taking 
the  liberty  of  permitting  foreigners  to  enter  the  coun- 
try in  defiance  of  law.37 

Meanwhile  Rotchef  came  back  from  Monterey,  and 
was  filled  with  wrath  when  he  found  the  soldiers  on 
guard,  and  read  a  copy,  made  by  a  subordinate  in  his 
absence,  of  Vallejo's  instructions  to  Pina.  He  was 
violent  and  insulting  in  his  anger.  He  raised  the 
Russian  flag,  defying  the  Californians  to  pull  it  down, 
and  offered  his  protection  to  some  of  the  foreign  pas- 
sengers, who  went  with  him  to  Ross.33  Pina  made  no 
resistance,  but  reported  to  Vallejo.  The  latter  sent  a 
communication  on  the  matter  to  Rotchef,  and  another 
to  be  forwarded  to  the  governor  at  Sitka.  Rotchef 

O 

refused  to  receive  the  documents,  declaring  that  he 
would  have  no  intercourse  with  a  man  who  had  so 
grievously  insulted  him.  Vallejo  subsequently  issued 
an  order  forbidding  Rotchef  or  any  of  his  men  to  travel 
in  the  country  without  licenses.39  The  Lausanne  sailed 
away  about  July  26th,  leaving  five  or  six  foreigners, 
who  were  aided  by  the  Russians  to  reach  the  Sacra- 
mento. Pina,  by  Vallejo's  orders,  did  not  attempt  to 

87  July  24-5,  1840,  Spakling's  statement;  and  Vallejo's  orders  to  Pifia. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  193-7. 

38  Wiggins,  one  of  these  men,  says — and  the  statement  has  been  widely  cir- 
culated— that  Rotchef  ordered  the  soldiers  to  depart  or  be  shot.  This  is  in 
itself  improbable,  and  any  such  occurrence  would  of  certainty  have  been  men- 
tioned in  the  later  correspondence. 

89  The  refusal  of  Rotchef  to  receive  the  official  communications  rests  on 
Vallejo's  statements  later  in  the  year;  and  the  order  forbidding  travel  seems 
not  to  have  been  issued  until  Nov.  4th,  according  to  a  blotter  copy  in  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  303. 


174  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

interfere  beyond  warning  Rotchef  that  he  would  be 
held  responsible  for  the  entrance  of  the  men.40 

In  reporting  the  affair  to  his  superior  at  Sitka,  Rot- 
chef  stated  that  Vallejo  had  sent  an  armed  force  with 
impertinent  instructions,  including  one  to  arrest  the 
manager  himself  and  send  him  to  Sonoma,  which  in- 
sult to  the  national  honor  caused  him  to  send  away 
the  Californian  force  at  once.41  It  was  the  order  for 
his  own  arrest  that  particularly  angered  the  Russian 
commander.  Otherwise  he  himself  had  been  the  one 
at  fault,  and  Vallejo  had  in  no  respect  transcended  his 
powers  or  failed  in  courtesy.  But  at  an  order  of  ar- 
rest, Rotchef  had  reason  to  be  angry;  for  though 
Vallejo  had  perhaps  the  legal  right  to  arrest  him  for 
proper  cause,  yet  to  have  done  so  under  the  circum- 
stances would  have  been  a  most  impolitic,  discour- 
teous, and  unjustifiable  act.  But  Vallejo  certainly 
never  intended  to  send,  and  probably  never  did  send, 
such  an  order,  as  we  shall  see. 

At  the  end  of  October,  Ex-governor  Kuprianof,  re- 
tiring from  his  office  and  homeward  bound  on  the 
Nikolai,  arrived  at  San  Francisco,42  where  he  remained 
a  month,  giving  his  attention  chiefly  to  an  investiga- 
tion of  the  Lausanne  affair.  Presumably  his  object 
was  to  reconcile  Vallejo  and  Rotchef,  since,  under  ex- 
isting circumstances,  when  the  abandonment  of  Ross 
had  been  decided  on,  it  is  hard  to  understand  why 
he  should  have  desired  a  quarrel.  He  first  stated  his 
business  through  a  letter  from  Kostromitinof,  and  Va- 
llejo replied  with  a  concise  statement  of  his  acts,  and 
those  of  Rotchef,  in  July.  Kuprianof  next  wrote 
himself,  in  courteous  terms,  inviting  Vallejo  to  come 
to  San  Francisco  for  a  personal  conference,  hinting 
mysteriously  at  certain  grave  measures  to  be  taken 

«°  July  24th -25th,  V.illejo  to  Piiia.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  195,  198-9. 

"Etholin's  letter  of  Sept.  9,  1840,  in  Russ.  Amcr.  Mat.,  MS.,  vol.  i. 
Etholin,  who  succeeded  Kuprianof,  says  he  has  sent  ft  small  reenforcement  to 
the  garrison,  and  apprehends  no  further  trouble  from  Vallejo. 

tfPinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  249-50;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  296;  xxxiii.  145; 
.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil,  MS.,  Iv.  14\ 


A  CONTROVERSY.  175 

unless  the  matter  should  be  cleared  up.  The  general's 
answer,  equally  courteous  and  much  more  frank,  was 
an  invitation  to  come  or  send  an  agent  to  Sonoma, 
which  place  his  duties  would  not  permit  him  to  leave. 
He  also  defended  his  course  at  some  length,  calling 
attention  particularly  to  the  general  state  of  alarm  in 
which  the  country  had  been,  early  in  the  year,  on  ac- 
count of  the  Graham  affair.  He  could  not  see  how 
any  serious  results  could  follow  a  mere  performance 
of  duty.  He  expressed  clearly  the  position  that  no 
nation  but  Mexico  had  any  authority  at  Bodega, 
offered  every  facility  for  arriving  at  the  exact  truth, 
and  hoped  that  Rotchef  would  be  duly  reprimanded  for 
his  misdeeds.  He  declared,  however,  that  the  copy 
of  his  instructions  made  at  Ross  did  not  agree  with 
the  original;  and  suggested  that  the  alterations,  per- 
haps made  designedly,  might  be  to  some  extent  the 
cause  of  the  controversy.43 

Kuprianof  now  sent  Kostromitinof  to  confer  with 
Vallejo,  declaring,  however,  his  perfect  confidence  in 
the  man  who  made  the  copy,  and  rather  impolitely 
refusing  to  believe  in  any  error.  An  examination  re- 
vealed the  fact  that  the  copy  was  inaccurate  in  the 
very  point  that  had  chiefly  excited  the  controversy, 
the  order  for  Rotchef's  arrest,  the  original  not  contain- 
ing any  such  instruction.  Vallejo  now  wrote  some- 
what sarcastically,  and  expressed  his  confidence  that 
the  Russians  would  hasten  to  make  amends  for  their 
unjust  criticism  of  his  conduct.  Kuprianof,  however, 
chose  to  continue  the  controversy,  still  maintaining 
that  the  copyist  had  not  erred  designedly,  even  doubt- 
ing that  he  had  erred  at  all,  and  insolently  asking  that 
the  original  be  sent  to  him.  He  regarded  the  confer- 
ence as  unsatisfactory  on  account  of  Kostromitinof  s 
want  of  familiarity  with  the  Spanish  language,  ques- 
tioned Vallejo's  veracity  on  several  points,  and  even 

a  Nov.  2, 1840,  Kostromitinof  to  Vallejo.  FaUr-jo,  Doc.,  MS. ,  ix.  300.  V.'a 
reply  of  Nov.  4th.  Id. ,  ix.  304.  Nov.  6th,  10th,  Kuprianof  to  V.  and  reply.  Id. , 
ix.  305,  308.  Some  of  the  Russian  official's  letters  are  the  originals  in  French, 
and  others  translations  into  Spanish  by  a  clerk. 


170  THE  RUSSIANS  IK  CALIFORNIA. 

asserted  that  Bodega  was  a  Russian  port,  over  which 
the  general  had  no  authority.  This  brought  out  a 

*/  Cj 

forcible  but  dignified  reply,  dated  November  25th, 
which  terminated  the  correspondence,  so  far  as  it  has 
been  preserved.44 

It  is  to  be  presumed  that  Rotchef's  anger  was  ap- 
peased to  a  great  extent,  as  he  and  Vallejo  were  on 
tolerably  good  terms  during  the  next  year.  The  man- 
ager at  Ross  had  been  originally  in  the  wrong,  though 
justified  in  deeming  himself  insulted  by  the  general's 
instructions  as  he  understood  them.  Vallejo's  course 
from  the  first  was  remarkably  judicious  and  free  from 
error;  and  in  the  war  of  words  he  won  a  signal  vic- 
tory by  his  strong  positions,  and  his  uniformly  frank 
and  dignified  utterances.  Kuprianof,  though  always 
protesting  his  desire  to  avoid  discord,  and  though  he 
had  no  apparent  advantage  to  gain  from  a  quarrel, 
was  insolent  from  the  first,  and  especially  at  the  close 
of  the  correspondence.  It  is  fair  to  say,  however, 
that  his  suspicions,  though  it  would  have  been  more 
expedient  and  in  better  taste  for  him  to  conceal 
rather  than  express  them,  had  a  possible  foundation 
in  the  very  instructions  that  had  caused  the  trouble, 
as  is  shown  by  the  original  of  that  document  in  my 
possession,  and  is  more  fully  explained  in  the  appended 
note.45 

"Nov.  13th,  21st,  Kuprianof  to  Vallejo;  Nov.  16th,  25th,  V.  to  K.;  Nov. 
22d,  25th,  K.  to  V.  ami  reply.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  313,  316,  321-2,  323. 

45  A  clause  of  the  instructions  reads,  '  Si  como  es  factible  el  comandante  de 
la  factoria  Rusa  volviese  con  algunos  comereiantes  del  puerto  de  San  Fran- 
cisco (los  crossed  out)  regresard  (d  estos  interlined)  &  este  punto  sino  trajesen, 
los  pasaportcs  legales;  pero  de  ninguna  manera  se  los  permitird  erabarcarse;' 
or  '  If,  as  is  likely,  the  Russian  commandant  should  return  with  some  traders 
from  S.  Francisco,  you  will  cause  (them  erased  and  the  latter  interlined)  to 
turn  back  to  this  place  unless  they  have  legal  passports;  but  by  no  means 
will  yon  permit  them  to  embark. '  Now  the  exact  changes  made  in  the  Ross 
copy  are  not  known;  but  Kuprianof  may  have  had  his  suspicions  aroused 
when  on  questioning  Kostromitinof  he  heard  of  interlineations  in  the  original. 
It  is  certain,  both  from  internal  evidence  in  the  instructions  and  from  the 
circumstances  under  which  they  were  written,  that  it  was  not  Rotchef  but  his 
companions  who  were  to  be  sent  to  Sonoma;  and  there  is  no  good  reason  to 
doubt  that  the  verbal  changes  were  introduced  at  the  time  of  writing  to 
make  the  meaning  clear,  and  not  later;  especially  as  at  a  later  date  it  would 
have  been  equally  easy  and  honorable,  and  much  more  effective,  to  rewrite 
the  whole  document.  Moreover,  the  document  in  uiy  possession  may  have 


NEGOTIATIONS  FOR  SALE.  177 

The  intention  of  the  Russians  to  abandon  Ross  and 
their  wish  to  sell  their  property  there  had,  as  we  have 
seen,  been  announced  to  Alvarado,  and  by  him  to  the 
Mexican  government,  before  the  end  of  1840.  In 
January  1841,  Vallejo,  in  reporting  to  the  minister  of 
war  his  controversy  with  Rotchef  and  Kuprianof, 
mentioned  the  proposed  abandonment,  taking  more 
credit  to  himself  than  the  facts  could  justify,  as  a  re- 
sult of  that  controversy.  The  Russians  had  consulted 
him  as  to  their  power  to  sell  the  buildings  as  well  as 
live-stock  to  a  private  person,  and  had  been  told  that 
"the  nation  had  the  first  right,"  and  would  have  to  be 
consulted.  The  fear  that  impelled  him  at  that  time 
to  answer  thus  cautiously  was  that  some  foreigner 
from  the  Columbia  or  elsewhere  might  outbid  any 
citizen  of  California,  and  thus  raise  a  question  of  sov- 
ereignty, which  might  prove  troublesome  in  the  future 
to  Mexican  interests.  Vallejo  also  urged  the  govern- 
ment to  furnish  a  garrison,  and  authorize  the  planting 
of  a  colony  at  the  abandoned  post.40  In  February, 
however,  Kostromitinof,  representing  the  company, 
proposed  to  sell  the  property  to  Vallejo  himself  for 
$30,000,  payable  half  in  money  or  bills  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company,  and  half  in  produce  delivered  at 
Yerba  Buena.  The  general  expressed  a  willingness 
to  make  the  purchase,  but  could  not  promise  a  defi- 
nite decision  on  the  subject  before  July  or  August.47 
Pending  the  decision,  the  Russian  agent  seems  to  have 
entered,  perhaps  secretly,  into  negotiations  with  John 

been  kept  as  a  blotter,  and  a  clean  copy  have  been  given  to  Pifia;  which 
would  not  only  remove  all  grounds  for  suspicion,  but  all  the  raison  d'etre  of 
this  note. 

46  Jan.  1,  1841,  V.  to  min.  of  war.     Two  communications.    Vallejo,  Z>ec., 
MS.,  x.  2-3.     Jan.  14th,  V.  to  Virmond,  a  letter  in  which  he  openly  claims, 
as  he  clearly  implied  in  that  to  the  govt,  that  the  abandonment  had  resulted 
from  his  victory  over  Kuprianof.   Id. ,  x.  42. 

47  Feb.  16,  1841,  Kostromitinof  to  V.,  and  reply  of  Feb.   19th.    Vallfjo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  x.  GO,  02.     The  property  named  included  houses,  mills,  tannery, 
live-stock,  and  implements;  but  there  is  nothing  said  of  land.     Vallejo  re- 
quires a  delay  in  order  to  arrange  about  the  H.  B.  Co.  drafts;  also  wants  to 
Know  when  the  produce  must  bo  delivci*ed.     He  doubtless  also  hoped  to  hear 
from  Mexico,  and  wished  to  learn  whether  the  Russians  had  any  right  to  sell 
the  buildings. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    13 


173  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

A.  Slitter,  who  at  that  time  was  not  disposed  to  buy 
anything  but  the  movable  property.43  Meanwhile  a 
reply  came  from  Mexico,  though  by  no  means  a  satis- 
factory one;  since  the  government — evidently  with 
some  kind  of  an  idea  that  the  Russian  officials  had 
been  frightened  away,  leaving  a  flourishing  settle- 
ment to  be  taken  possession  of  by  the  Californians — 
simply  sent  useless  instructions  about  the  details  of 
occupation  and  form  of  government  to  be  established.49 
In  July  Kostromitinof  returned  from  Sitka,  and  nego- 
tiations were  recommenced.  Alvarado  was  urged  to 
come  to  Sonoma,  but  declined;  though  he  advised  Va- 
llejo  that  in  the  absence  of  instructions  from  Mexico 
the  Russians  had  no  right  to  dispose  of  the  real  es- 
tate. An  elaborate  inventory  of  the  property  offered 
for  sale  at  $30,000  was  made  out,  but  Vallejo's  best 
offer  seems  to  have  been  $9,000  for  the  live-stock 
alone.60 

Kostromitinof  was  greatly  disappointed  at  his  fail- 
ure to  close  a  bargain  with  Vallejo,  a  failure  which  he 
attributed,  doubtless  with  much  reason,  to  Alvarado's 

48  July  26,  1841,  Rotchcf  to  Sutter.  Says  Kostromitinof  has  decided  that 
his  offer  cannot  be  accepted,  since  he  wishes  to  buy  only  the  cattle,  and  not 
the  real  estate,  the  agent  having  found  purchasers  for  houses,  ranches,  and 
cattle.  Translation,  from  what  source  not  stated,  in  Veritas,  Examination  of 
the  Russ.  Claim,  p.  9.  Aug.  10th,  Sutter  to  Suuol.  'The  Russians  have  found 
purchasers  for  their  houses  and  farms.  This  shows  the  character  of  the  Rus- 
sians. They  said  very  haughtily  that  they  would  rather  burn  their  houses 
than  turn  them  over  to  a  native,  and  above  all  to  Vallejo,  who  had  insulted 
the  Russian  flag,  etc.;  and  now  for  some  §1,000  more  they  are  not  ashamed 
to  make  just  such  an  arrangement.  Only  Russians  could  act  like  that. '  Sutter- 
Simol  Corrcsp.,  MS.,  8. 

43  March  11,  1841,  sup.  govt  order,  received  in  Cal.  June  21st,  and  sent  to 
Vallcjo  July  2d.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  10-18;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
iv.  137;  Dept.  Rcc.,  MS.,  xii.  35,  41;  VaUejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  193;  xxxiii.  213. 

50 July  17,  1841,  Kostromitinof  at  Bodega.  VaUejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  205. 
July  27th,  Vallejo  to  Alvarado.  Says  some  of  the  Russians'  terms  are  im- 
pertinent, some  absurd,  and  most  of  them  inadmissible.  Id.,  x.  227,  230; 
Dcpi.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  62.  July  29th,  A.  to  V.  VaUejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  236. 
It  was  while  the  negotiations  were  pending  that  V.  received  A.  's  letter  com- 
municating the  despatch  from  Mexico.  The  inventory,  lios*,  Pmpue&la  de 
Venter,  MS.,  has  been  given  so  far  as  the  real  estate  is  concerned  in  chap, 
xxviii.  of  vol.  ii.  There  was  besides  a  lot  of  implements;  and  of  live-stock 
there  were  1,700  cattle,  940  horses,  and  900  sheep.  The  inventory  contains 
also  the  terms  of  the  proposed  sale.  In  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  228,  is  what 
seems  to  be  Vallejo's  offer  of  §9,000  for  the  live-stock.  It  is  an  unsigned  and 
undated  form  of  agreement. 


THE  SALE  TO  SUTTER.  179 

influence,  and  he  went  to  Monterey  to  try  and  change 
the  governor's  mind,  but  in  vain.  Alvarado  declared 
that  the  buildings  being  erected  on  Mexican  soil 
with  material  produced  on  that  soil  could  not  be 
sold  by  a  foreign  company,  and  insisted  that  the 
Russians  ought  to  leave  the  structures  gratis  for 
the  use  of  Mexico.  Indeed,  he  had  formed  the 
idea,  which  Vallejo  shared,  that  no  other  customer 
could  be  found;  and  his  only  fear  was,  as  he  stated  in 
a  private  letter,  that  the  improvements  would  be 
burned  to  keep  them  from  falling  into  Californian 
hands.  But  Kostromitinof,  ironically  asking  if  the 
comandante  general  had  authority  to  receive  a  gift 
without  obtaining  the  consent  of  congress,  simply  re- 
newed his  negotiations  with  Sutter.51 

Sutter,  like  Vallejo,  had  at  first  wished  to  purchase 
the  live-stock  only;  but  he  would  perhaps  have 
bought  anything  at  any  price  if  it  could  be  obtained 
on  credit;  at  any  rate,  after  a  brief  hesitation  a  bar- 
gain was  made  in  September.52  The  formal  contract 
was  signed  by  Kostromitinof  and  Sutter  in  the  office 
of  the  sub-prefect  at  San  Francisco,  with  Vioget  and 
Leese  as  witnesses,  December  13th.  By  its  terms 
Sutter  was  put  in  possession  of  all  the  property  at 
Ross  and  Bodega,  except  the  land,  as  specified  in 
the  annexed  inventory,  and  was  to  pay  for  it  in  four 

51  Aug.  11,  1841,  Vallejo  to  Alvarado;  replies  of  Aug.  14th,  18th.  Va- 
llrjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ix.  249;  x.  24G-S;  xxxiii.  228.  Aug.  27th,  28th,  Kostromiti- 
nof to  V.  and  reply,  terminating  the  negotiations.  Id.,  x.  231-2;  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iv.  212-27. 

"Hittell,  Hist.  S.  Fran.,  89,  states  that  Jacob  P.  Leese  offered  $20,000 
for  the  property:  §5,000  in  cash,  and  §5,000  annually  for  3  years;  but  Slitter's 
offer  for  §30,000  was  preferred.  Sept.  1st,  Sutter  to  Sufiol.  '  The  Russians 
have  not  been  able  to  make  any  arrangement  with  Vallejo  for  the  sale  of  their 
property.  They  have  recommenced  negotiations  with  me;  but  I  intend  to  hold 
off  for  the  present. '  Sutter-Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  10.  In  his  Diary,  3,  Sutter 
says  that  Rotchef  arrived  at  his  fort  Sept.  4th,  with  whom  he  went  by  water 
to  Ross  and  concluded  the  bargain  for  §30,000,  'which  has  been  paid,'  thus 
proving  the  so-called  diary  to  have  been  written  after  1850.  Sept.  2Sth,  he 
sent  men  to  Ross  to  drive  the  live-stock,  100  animals  out  of  2,000  being  lost 
in  crossing  the  river.  Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  204,  notes  the  arrival  of  th^  Rus- 
sians on  or  just  before  Sept.  4th.  Sept.  19th,  Sutter  to  Vallejo.  Has  bcurj'it 
all  the  property,  and  asks  permission  for  the  passage  of  his  men  across  tlia 
f rentier  to  transfer  the  movable  part  of  the  purchase.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x. 
282. 


ISO  THE  RUSSIANS  IX  CALIFORNIA. 

yearly  instalments,  beginning  September  1,  1842.  The 
first  and  second  payments  were  to  be  of  $5,000  each, 
and  the  others  of  $10,000;  the  first  three  were  to  be 
in  produce,  chiefly  wheat,  delivered  at  San  Francisco 
free  of  duties  and  tonnage;  and  the  fourth  was  to  be 
in  money.  The  establishment  at  New  Helvetia  and 
the  property  at  Bodega  and  the  two  ranchos  of 
Khlebnikof  and  Tschernich,  which  property  was  to 
be  left  intact  in  possession  of  the  company's  agents, 
were  pledged  as  guaranties  for  the  payment.53  It 
would  seem  that  Alvarado,  while  insisting  that  the 
land  did  not  belong  to  the  company  and  could  not  be 
sold,  had  yielded  his  point  about  the  buildings,  per- 
haps in  the  belief  that  no  purchaser  could  be  found ; 
for  the  Russians  say  that  the  contract  was  approved 
by  the  Californian  government,  and  it  is  certain  that 
there  was  no  official  disapproval  of  its  terms.54 

Alvarado  and  Vallejo  in  later  years  are  inclined  to 
accuse  Sutter  of  having  acted  dishonorably  toward 
them  in  making  the  purchase;  but  there  is  no  evi- 
dence that  they  were  offended  at  the  time.55  The 
land  itself  had  of  course  no  special  value  at  a  time 
when  much  better  land  was  to  be  had  for  the  asking; 

53  Ross,  Control  de  Vente,  1841,  MS.  The  document  is  in  French,  and  is  a 
copy  of  a  copy  certified  by  S.  F.  Popoff.  It  contains  1 1  articles.  Spanish 
translation,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  108-9.  Rossi,  Souvenirs  d'un  Voyage, 
212-13,  writing  in  1864,  speaks  of  this  document,  which  he  says  was  obtained 
by  the  American  minister  from  the  Russian  archives,  and  which  he,  Rossi, 
translated  at  Sta  Rosa.  The  inventory  does  not  appear. 

51  Dec.  19,  1841,  Kostromitinof  writes  to  Alvarado  that  he  has  sold  the 
property  as  before  proposed  and  not  objected  to  by  the  gov.,  the  contract  be- 
ing legally  ratified  in  the  S.  F.  juzgado;  and  he  quotes  in  full  art.  9,  by  which 
New  Helvetia  and  other  property  are  mortgaged.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii. 
251.  TikhmtSnef,  Istor.  Obos.,  i.  306,  says  the  payment  of  the  §30,000  was 
guaranteed  by  the  Mexican  govt,  which  was  of  course  not  literally  true.  In 
his  report  to  the  sup.  govt,  dated  Jan.  11,  1842,  Alvarado  said  in  substance: 
'  When  I  learned  that  Ross  was  to  be  abandoned  and  the  property  sold,  I 
notified  the  govt,  and  was  directed  merely  to  occupy  the  place  when  evacu- 
ated. The  Russian  agent  proposed  to  sell  the  property  to  the  nation,  which 
proposition  I  was  not  authorized  to  accept;  or  to  sell  it  to  a  private  individ- 
ual, which  I  could  not  prevent,  though  always  insisting  that  the  land  be- 
longed to  the  nation.  I  have  received  the  contract  of  sale  to  Sutter. '  Dept. 
liec.,  MS.,  xiii.  8-10. 

55  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  229-35.  He  says  Sutter  did  an  ungentle- 
manly,  contemptible  trick,  buying  property  which  the  Russians  were  about 
to  give  to  parties  to  whom  they  were  greatly  indebted. 


THE  RUSSIAN  TITLE.  181 

but  the  wily  Sutter,  perhaps  thinking  it  might  be  of 
value  in  the  future,  sought  some  pretext  for  a  title. 
He  obtained  from  Manager  Rotchef  a  certificate  of 
transfer  dated  one  day  earlier  than  the  contract,  in 
which  document  the  commander,  having  no  responsi- 
bility, and  feeling  not  very  kindly  toward  the  Cali- 
fornian  rulers,  was  easily  induced  to  include  the  lands 
as  well  as  other  property,  which  he  solemnly  certified 
to  have  been  ceded  by  the  company  that  bad  held 
them  for  twenty-nine  years,  for  the  sum  of  $30,000 
to  M.  le  Capitaine  Sutter,  and  delivered  into  his  in- 
disputable possession.  This  document  in  later  years 
was  paraded  as  Sutter's  deed,  and,  in  the  absence  of 
other  documents  to  throw  light  on  the  Russian  tenure, 
was  made  the  basis  of  a  somewhat  plausible  claim  for 
possession  of  the  land.56 

The  general  question  of  what  has  been  called  the 
Russian  title  or  right  to  possessions  in  California,  of 
some  interest  in  the  past  from  prevailing  ignorance 
respecting  the  facts,  has  little  importance  in  the  eyes 
of  my  readers  familiar  with  those  facts.  It  has  been 
claimed — and  some  Russians  in  early  times  urged  their 
government  to  take  that  position,  and  since  the  dis- 

56  Rotchef 'a  certificate  in  a  letter  of  Etholin  to  the  directors  of  the  co.,  in 
Buss.  Amer.  Mat.,  MS.,  v.  Also  in  '  Veritas,'  Examin.,  etc.,  9-10.  Sutter, 
Pcrs.  Rernin.,  MS.,  54-9,  82-4,  gives  a  very  inaccurate  version  of  the  whole 
transaction,  saying  among  other  things  that  he  was  to  make  annual  payments 
of  such  produce  as  he  could  raise  until  the  debt  was  paid,  no  time  being  speci- 
fied. He  says  when  he  asked  for  a  title  to  his  land,  it  was  refused,  as  he 
had  no  money  to  spend.  '  Money  made  the  Mexican  authorities  see  anything. ' 
He  regrets  that  he  did  not  leave  New  Helvetia  and  move  to  Ross.  Bidwell, 
JRemin.,  MS.,  82-3,  understood  that  Sutter  acquired  a  right  to  the  land,  con- 
sisting in  an  almost  expired  charter  from  Spain!  Mention  of  the  sale  to  Sut- 
ter in  Mofras,  Explor.,  ii.  8-9;  Withes'  Narr.,\.  191;  Tnthill's  Hist.  Cal, 
120;  Randolph's  Oration;  Bidwell'sJour.  to  Cal.,  20-1;  Streeter's Recoil.,  NS., 
53;  Sutter's  Diary,  3;  Torres,  Peripetias,  MS.,  90-1;  Schmolder,  New 
Wegreiser,  76.  Simpson,  Narrative,  2G9-70,  after  speaking  of  the  Russian 
occupation  and  final  lack  of  success,  says:  'They  have  accordingly  within 
these  few  weeks  transferred  their  stock  to  a  Swiss  adventurer  by  the  naino  of 
Sutter,  and  are  now  engaged  in  withdrawing  all  their  people  from  the  coun- 
try.1 Capt.  Guerra,  writing  on  June  14,  1841,  to  Mofras,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iv.  1100-1,  says:  '  It  cannot  indeed  be  satisfactory  to  people  of  foresight, 
that  the  Russians  abandon  their  post;  for  they  have  always  been  good  neigh- 
bors to  us;  and  it  is  much  to  be  feared,  as  you  say,  that,  such  a  check  being 
removed,  the  Indians  will  begin  their  lamentable  raids. ' 


182  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

covery  of  gold  have  still  defended  the  right  to  have 
taken  that  position — that  the  Spaniards,  notwithstand- 
ing their  prior  discoveries  and  formal  acts  of  posses- 
sion on  the  Pacific  coast,  had  no  rights  beyond  their 
actual  occupation;  and,  San  Francisco  being  the 
northern  limit  of  such  occupation  in  1812,  the  Rus- 
sians, or  any  other  nation,  could  acquire  by  settlement 
a  perfect  title  from  any  point  north  of  the  bay.  It 
has  been  claimed  that  the  Russians  did  thus  occupy 
Ross  and  Bodega;  and  that  any  objection  on  the  part 
of  Spain,  Mexico,  or  California  was  as  absurd  in  the 
eyes  of  the  nations  as  would  have  been  the  claim  of 
Spain  to  the  whole  of  America  by  virtue  of  Colum- 
bus' discovery.  Moreover,  it  has  been  sought  to  prove, 
from  detached  portions  of  the  slight  correspondence 
extant,  that  Spain  either  expressly  or  tacitly  approved 
the  act  of  the  Russians;  that  their  title  was  acknowl- 
edged virtually  by  Mexico  and  California  for  many 
years ;  and  that  in  any  event  Russian  sovereignty  was 
confirmed  by  twenty-nine  years  of  actual  possession. 
The  reader  knows  that  in  fact  there  was  never  any 
approval,  expressed  or  implied,  of  the  Russian  right  to 
territorial  possessions  in  California ;  but  that  the  occu- 
pation of  Ross  was  begun  and  continued  under  constant 
and  oft-repeated  protest  on  the  part  of  the  Californian 
officials  as  Spaniards  and  Mexicans,  even  when  as 
individuals  they  were  on  the  most  friendly  terms  with 
the  officers  of  the  Russian  American  Company.  Had 
Russia  seen  fit  to  assert  a  claim  to  a  part  of  Califor- 
nia, her  claim  would  doubtless  have  been  resisted  by 
Spain  and  Mexico,  and  could  have  been  maintained 
only  by  superior  force.  Had  the  question  been  sub- 
mitted to  any  tribunal  other  than  one  of  military 
power,  it  would  have  presented  many  points  of  inter- 
est; but  the  equities  of  international  law  would,  I 
believe,  have  been  in  favor  of  the  Spaniards.  Spain 
had  not  been,  considering  the  spirit  of  the  times,  ex- 
cessively grasping  in  her  claims  on  the  northern  coasts. 
She  had  preceded  other  nations  in  explorations  up  to 


TEE  SPANISH  TITLE.  183 

a  high  latitude,  and  so  long  as  there  was  a  prospect  of 
controlling  communication  by  water  with  the  spice 
islands  of  India,  the  Atlantic,  or  with  New  Mexico, 
she  would  have  fought  for  her  prerogative  in  that  di- 
rection. But  as  that  prospect  gradually  disappeared, 
she  lost  her  desire  for  possessions  in  the  far  north,  and 
was  content  with  a  stretch  of  harborless  coast  between 
her  northernmost  port  and  the  southernmost  one  of  a 
foreign  neighbor.  She  had  not  only  discovered  the 
whole  northern  coast,  but,  so  far  as  Bodega  was  con- 
cerned, had  sent  to  explore  that  bay  and  take  formal 
possession  the  navigator  who  had  given  it  his  name; 
and  she  had  even,  on  one  occasion,  sent  a  company  of 
men  both  by  land  and  sea  to  occupy  the  site  which 
circumstances  had  obliged  them  to  abandon  tempora- 
rily. They  fully  believed  that  the  region  north  of 
the  bay  was  part  of  their  territory,  and  they  often 
signified  by  word  and  deed  their  intention  to  occupy 
it;  but  through  lack  of  enterprise  and  other  obstacles, 
their  progress  was  slow.  It  is  doubtless  true  that,  in 
the  case  of  an  island  or  other  definitely  bounded  region, 
mere  discovery,  with  the  attendant  act  of  possession, 
unless  followed  within  a  reasonable  time  by  actual 
occupation,  or  at  least  by  actions  showing  a  definite 
and  constant  intention  to  occupy,  would  have  created 
no  title  to  be  respected  by  the  nations;  but  that  the 
Spanish  march  of  settlement  up  the  Pacific  coast, 
after  repeated  voyages  of  exploration,  acts  of  posses- 
sion, expressions  of  intention  to  occupy,  and  constant 
progress  in  that  direction,  could  be  suspended  at  any 
time  by  another  European  nation  at  any  point  a  few 
miles  beyond  the  northernmost  permanent  settlement, 
cannot  be  maintained  consistently  with  the  spirit  of 
international  law. 

Russia  had  no  right  to  occupy  Santa  Barbara  in 
1769,  or  Santa  Cruz  in  1771;  neither  could  she  in 
1812 — not  in  an  unbroken  line  of  advancement  from 
the  north  to  meet  that  of  Spain  from  the  south,  but 
by  a  jump  over  the  possessions  of  other  nations — come 


184  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

to  Bodega  and  acquire  an  equitable  title  by  founding 
a  settlement  in  spite  of  Spanish  protests.  All  this, 
however,  is  mere  theorizing  about  a  claim  that  never 
had  any  but  an  imaginary  existence.  Russia  never 
made  any  pretension  to  sovereignty  over  the  Bodega 
region  or  any  portion  of  the  Californian  territory. 
The  officers  of  the  company  were,  it  is  true,  promised 
imperial  protection  in  their  enterprise  at  the  beginning; 
but  the  necessity  for  such  protection  never  arose,  and 
it  is  idle  to  speculate  as  to  the  form  it  might  have 
taken.  It  is  absurd,  moreover,  to  defend  a  Russian 
title  never  claimed  by  Russia  or  recognized  by  any 
other  power.  Not  even  the  Russian  American  Com- 
pany ever  advanced  a  claim  to  territorial  possessions 
in  California.  Their  aim  was  to  establish  a  post  for 
fur-hunting  and  for  trade.  Their  efforts  were  to  con- 
ciliate the  Californians,  and  to  maintain  friendly  com- 
mercial relations.  They  wished  to  be  let  alone.  They 
avoided  discussion  respecting  their  rights,  talked  al- 
ways of  the  mutual  interests  of  the  company  and 
California,  and  strove  to  keep  the  matter  quiet  at 
Madrid  and  St  Petersburg.  They  would  not  have 
favored  the  assertion  and  enforcement  by  Russia  of  a 
territorial  claim,  since  such  a  claim  would  have  been 
prejudicial  to  their  financial  interests.  It  is  true  that 
individual  Russians,  including  members  of  the  com- 
pany, sometimes  asserted  and  defended  the  rights  of 
their  nation  to  the  lands  about  Ross,  but  their  views 
met  no  official  approval.  Finally,  the  company  re- 
solved, with  a  somewhat  lukewarm  approval  from  the 
government,  to  negotiate  with  Mexico  for  a  conces- 
sion of  the  Ross  territory  and  its  extension  to  the 
bay;  but  the  negotiations  resulted  in  failure. 

The  strongest  claim  in  equity — though  of  no  legal 
force  in  Spanish  or  Mexican  law — which  the  company 
could  have  set  up  to  the  lands  actually  occupied  at 
Bodega  would  have  been  one  of  individual  owner- 
ship, based  on  purchase  from  the  natives,  and  an  un- 
interrupted possession  for  thirty  years;  but  it  would 


A.  FALSE  DEED.  185 

have  served  no  good  purpose  to  urge  such  a  claim  in 
1841,  as  the  land  had  little  or  no  value  in  itself,  and 
opposition  from  the  Californian  government  was  likely 
to  interfere  with  the  sale.  Alvarado  would  not  recog- 
nize any  title  to  the  land.  The  company  expressly 
excepted  the  land  in  their  bargain  with  Sutter,  and 
Sutter  did  not  suppose  that  he  had  purchased  any 
land.  Under  these  circumstances,  assuredly  but  one 
argument  could  be  advanced  to  show  that  the  Rus- 
sian title  was  not  dead — and  that  was,  that  it  had 
never  lived. 

Yet,  as  we  have  seen,  Manager  Rotchef  gave  Sut- 
ter a  certificate  of  transfer  of  the  property  that  had 
been  under  his  care,  in  which  paper  the  lands  were 
included.  Rotchef  was  not  the  company's  agent  for 
the  sale  of  the  property,  and  could  not  have  conveyed 
a  title  if  there  had  been  one  to  convey.  But  in  later 
years  when  the  lands  had  acquired  greater  value,  and 
were  in  possession  of  settlers  holding  under  Mexican 
grants  of  1844,  Sutter  had  the  effrontery  to  produce 
the  Rotchef  document  as  a  deed,  and  to  dispose  of  his 
title  to  men  who  attempted  to  extort  money  from  the 
settlers,  and  who  are  said  to  have  been  partially  suc- 
cessful. This  was  in  1859-60.  The  affair  gave  rise 
to  much  local  excitement,  and  to  a  general  ransack- 
ing of  the  early  annals.  Public  meetings  were  held, 
and  ingenious  arguments  were  presented  on  both 
sides.  It  is  no  part  of  my  purpose  to  enter  into  the 
details  of  this  transaction,  by  \vhich  fortunately  only 
one  or  two  men  seem  to  have  been  victimized ;  but 
under  no  hypothesis  that  occurs  to  me  can  Sutter's 
action  be  regarded  as  that  of  an  honorable  man.57 

67  See  Veritas,  An  examination  of  the  Russian  grant  from  A.  Rotchcff  to 
John  A.  Sutter  in  1841.  Sacramento,  1860;  8.  F.  Bulletin.  May  3,  4,  1860; 
Petaluma  Argun,  Feb. -May,  1860.  In  Sonoma  County  History,  p.  362-78, 
there  is  given  a  good  descriptive  and  historical  sketch  of  the  Ross  settlement, 
in  which  considerable  attention  is  paid  to  the  Sutter  purchase  and  title;  but 
in  this  part  of  his  work  the  author  goes  far  astray,  representing  Sutter  as  hav- 
ing been  at  the  worst  an  innocent  victim  of  Russian  wiles.  I  quote  briefly 
as  follows:  'They  persuaded  Sutter  into  the  belief  that  their  title  was  good 
and  could  be  maintained. . . .  The  transfer  was  duly  made,  and  Sutter  became, 


186  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFOROTA. 

Manager  Rotchef,  with  all  remaining  servants  of 
the  company,  sailed  on  the  Constantine,  which  was  at 
San  Francisco  in  December  1841,  and  probably  left 
Ross  early  in  January  1842.  One  Russian,  and 
perhaps  several,  remained  on  the  ranches  to  look  out 
for  the  company's  interests.58  Sutter  sent  Robert 
Ridley  to  assume  charge  for  him  at  first;  but  John 
Bid  well  took  his  place  early  in  1842,  and  was  in  turn 
succeeded  by  William  Benitz  late  in  1843.  Mean- 
while most  of  the  movable  property,  including  the 
cannon,  implements,  and  most  of  the  cattle,  was  re- 
moved to  New  Helvetia.  The  few  hundred  cattle 
left  behind  soon  became  so  wild  that  if  meat  was 
needed  it  was  easier  to  catch  a  deer  or  bear.59  The 
Californians  made  no  effort  to  occupy  the  abandoned 
fortress;  since,  having  virtually  consented  to  the  sale 
of  everything  but  the  land,  the  government  had  no 
property  to  be  protected  there;  and  if  there  had  been 
soldiers  to  spare  or  money  to  spend,  there  were  other 
points  in  more  urgent  need  of  protection.60  The  local 

as  be  thought,  the  greatest  land-holder  in  California.  The  grants  given  by 
the  Mexican  government  seemed  mere  bagatelles  compared  with  his  almost 
provincial  possessions.  But  alas  for  human  hopes  and  aspirations!  for  in 
reality  he  had  paid  an  enormous  price  for  a  very  paltry  compensation  of  per- 
sonal and  chattel  property.  It  is  apropos  to  remark  here  that  in  1859  Sutter 
disposed  of  his  Russian  claim,  which  was  a  six-eighths  interest  in  the  lands, 
to  Win  Muldrow,  Geo.  R.  Moore,  and  Daniel  W.  VVclty;  but  they  only  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  §0,000  out  of  one  settler.  The  remainder  refused  to  pay, 
and  the  claim  was  dropped.  Some  of  the  settlers  were  inclined  to  consider 
the  Mnldrow  claim  a  black-mailing  affair,  and  to  censure  Gen.  Sutter  for  dis- 
posing of  it  to  them,  charging  that  he  sanctioned  the  black-mailing  process 
and  was  to  share  in  its  profits;  but  we  will  say  in  justice  to  the  general  that 
there  was  no  idea  of  black-mail  on  his  part.  He  supposed  that  he  did  purchase 
a  bonaf.de  claim  and  title  to  the  land  in  question  of  the  Russians,  and  has 
always  considered  the  grants  given  by  the  Mexican  government  as  bogus; 
hence,  in  giving  this  quitclaim  deed  to  Muldrow  ct  al.,  he  sincerely  thought 
he  was  deeding  that  to  which  he  alone  had  any  just  or  legal  claim'  ( !).  Com- 
ment is  unnecessary. 

58Mofras,  Explor.,  ii.  9,  says  that  Rotchef  sailed  Jan.  1st,  leaving  M. 
Nikolai  in  charge  of  affairs. 

59  Bid  well,  Cal.  18^1-8 ,  MS.,  p.  70-100,  gives  many  interesting  facts  about 
occurrences  of  this  time.  See  also  Sonoma  Co,  Hist.,  373,  etc. 

00  Jan.  11,  1842,  Alvarado  suggests  to  the  min.  of  rcl.  that  it  would  be  well 
to  station  40  or  50  men  at  Ross  to  protect  tho  frontier.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii. 
8-10.  But  nothing  more  is  heard  of  the  matter.  Castauares,  Col.  Doc.  Cal., 
48-9,  writing  in  1844  says  the  Mex.  govt  has  taken  no  steps  to  occupy  Ross; 
the  cannon  have  been  removed  by  Sutter;  and  Stephen  Smith  was  in  posses- 
sion of  Bodega.  Bustamante,  Calnnete  Mcx. ,  ii.  109,  speaks  of  the  abandon- 
incut  of  Ross  and  the  orders  issued  at  Mexico  to  take  possession. 


A  BAD  DEBT.  187 

annals  of  Bodega  and  the  surrounding  region  after 
the  Russians  had  departed  do  not  belong  to  this  part 
of  my  work. 

The  Russians  had  striven  faithfully  but  in  vain  to 
make  their  Californian  colony  a  success;  and  now 
they  had  set  for  themselves  a  task  whose  difficulties 
were  scarcely  less  formidable  than  those  of  their  orig- 
inal scheme  of  1811,  namely,  the  collection  of  a  debt 
from  John  A.  Sutter.  The  records  of  their  efforts 
and  progress  are  not  so  complete  as  would  be  desirable ; 
but  for  three  years  absolutely  nothing  was  paid,  while 
on  account  of  certain  expenses  for  which  Sutter  was 
responsible,61  the  debt  had  increased  from  $30,000  to 
$31,774.  The  vessel  which  came  for  produce  in  the 
autumn  of  1845  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  small  quan- 
tity of  wheat,  which  reduced  the  amount  of  indebt- 
edness to  $30,219.  At  this  time  the  government,  in 
accordance  with  instructions  from  Mexico,  entered 
into  communication  with  Dionisius  Zarembo,  the 
company's  agent,  on  board  the  Nasslednik,  with  a 
view  to  learn  the  exact  condition  of  the  affair;  and 
Zarembo,  in  turn,  called  on  the  authorities  to  compel 
Sutter  to  pay  his  debt.  Fears  of  foreign  encroach- 
ment were  then  rife,  as  we  shall  see,  and  it  was 
deemed  desirable  to  get  possession  of  New  Helvetia. 
As  Sutter  would  not  sell,  except  at  an  exorbitant 
price,  and  as  his  inability  to  pay  his  debts  was  well 
known,  it  was  in  contemplation  to  buy  the  Russian 
company's  mortgage,  as  the  cheapest  and  surest  way 
to  secure  the  post.  Though  the  evidence  is  not  quite 
clear,  I  think  a  bargain  to  that  effect  was  made;  but 
its  consummation  was  defeated  by  the  war  with  the 
United  States,  before  confirmation  could  be  obtained 
from  Mexico.62 

61  In  1843  and  1844,  Sutter  also  had  some  trouble  to  pay  the  tonnage  dues 
on  the  Russian  craft  which  had  come  for  wheat.  In  1843  his  launch  was 
seized  by  the  revenue  officers-as  security,  and  in  1844  his  draft  was  refused 
at  the  custom-house.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  25;  Dep.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS., 
iii.  61. 

62 Sept.  12,  1845,  Sec.  Covarrubias  to  Prefect  Castro,  calling  for  an  imme- 
diate report  in  accordance  with  the  president's  orders.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i. 


138  THE  RUSSIANS  IN  CALIFORNIA. 

In  purchasing  the  Ross  property  Sutter  had  not 
deliberately  intended  to  swindle  the  sellers.  He  had, 
as  was  usual  with  him,  assumed  a  heavy  obligation 
without  consideration  of  his  prospective  ability  to 
meet  it.  That  he  could  make  no  payments  at  all 
within  the  time  assigned  for  paying  the  whole  sum 
did  not  seem  to .  him  an  alarming  state  of  affairs. 
There  were  excuses  in  abundance.  Crops  had  failed 
from  drought;  civil  dissensions  had  claimed  his  atten- 
tion; creditors  much  nearer  than  Sitka  had  pressed 
him;  and  something  was  likely  enough  to  turn  up — 
as  indeed  something  did,  in  the  discovery  of  gold. 
Considerable  grain  seems  to  have  been  delivered  in 
1846  or  1847;  for  the  company's  accounts  show63  that 
by  the  latter  year  nearly  one  fourth  of  the  original 
$30,000  had  been  paid,  though  by  reason  of  expenses 
accrued  the  debt  had  not  been  much  reduced.  Mean- 
while the  company  after  the  conquest  had  presented 
.its  claims  to  the  new  authorities,  and  renewed  its 
mortgages  under  United  States  forms.6*  In  1848-9 

154-5.  Oct.  18th,  Zarembo  to  sub-prefect,  in  reply  to  a  communication  of 
Sept.  15th,  in  Russian  and  English,  stating  the  amount  due,  and  enclosing 
the  original  contract  of  1841.  Id.,  i.  178-9.  Spanish  translation  by  Hart- 
ncll.  Fernandez,  Doc.,  MS.,  45-6.  Nov.  Cth,  Zarembo  to  prefect.  Has  seen 
Sntter,  who  will  pay  only  900  fan.  wheat  this  year.  Asks  aid  to  collect  this 
debt,  and  others  amounting  to  §21,344  due  from  parties  in  Cal.  Ca«tro,  Doc., 
MS.,  i.  218.  Nov.  7th,  Castro's  reply.  Will  take  steps  to  compel  the 
payment.  /(/.,  i.  221.  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  160-2,  states,  and  I  have  no 
reason  to  doubt  the  statement,  that  he,  as  prefect,  and  Zarembo  signed  a  con- 
tract at  Yerba  Buena  on  Nov.  24th.  Dec.  13th,  Zarembo  to  gov.  Asks  that 
Leidesdorff  be  recognized  as  the  company's  agent  in  the  matter.  Dcpt.  St. 

Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  135.     Dec.  27th, to  Forbes.     Rough  draft  of  the  contract. 

It  was  simply  an  agreement  to  buy  and  sell  the  claim  for  §31,000,  and  the  co. 
was  allowed  to  receive  what  Sutter  might  pay  that  year — since  it  was  known, 
as  the  writer  adds  in  a  note,  that  he  had  little  or  nothing  to  pay.  Id.,  v. 
121-2.  Dec.  29th,  Covarrubias  to  prefect.  Wants  a  copy  of  the  agreement 
for  the  gov.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  64.  Jan.  24,  1846,  Forbes,  English  vice- 
consul,  to  governor's  secretary.  Speaks  of  the  arrangement  as  advantageous, 
and  thinks  it  should  be  confirmed  by  Mexico.  A  commissioner  was  to  be 
sent  at  once.  Moreno,  Doc.,  MS.,  24-6.  Larkin,  however,  says  that  the  Rus- 
sian gov.  told  him  that  he  did  not  favor  any  such  arrangement,  deeming 
Sutter  a  safer  debtor  than  the  govt!  Larkin's  Notes  on  Personal  Char,  of  Cal- 
if ornians,  MS.,  p.  109. 

63  Copies  by  M.  Alphonse  Pinart  from  the  originals  at  St  Petersburg.     Yet 
according  to  Unbound  Doc.,  MS.,  301-2,  Gov.  Tcberenof  wrote,  Dec.  15,  1846, 
to  Capt.  Mervine  that  only  83,812.71,  had  been  paid;  asks  aid  in  collecting  the 
debt.     M.  replies,  Jan.  17,  1847,  that  Montgomery  did  all  that  was  possible;  but 
that  Sutter  cannot  dispose  of  any  property  pending  the  report  of  a  tribunal. 

64  Nov.  10,  1846,  Sutter  to  Washington  Bartlett.     Demands  to  knosv  his 


A  FINAL  MISFORTUNE.  189 

Sutter,  in  order  that  some  one  creditor  might  not  get 
an  advantage  over  others  as  is  said,  conveyed  all  his 
property  to  his  son;65  but  in  these  years,  or  at  least 
by  1850,  as  is  shown  by  the  company's  accounts  for 
that  year,  he  was  able  to  reduce  the  Russian  debt  by 
$7,000,  and  had  made  a  definite  agreement  to  pay  the 
remainder  to  an  agent  at  San  Francisco.  This  prom- 
ise seems  to  have  been  kept,  as  all  agree  that  the  debt 
was  paid  in  full  not  long  after  1850;  but  one  Russian 
authority  tells  us  that  the  company's  agent  absconded 
with  the  last  payment  of  $15,000,  to  cap  the  climax 
of  Russian  misfortunes  in  California.  Yet  in  the 
flush  times  following  the  discovery  of  gold,  they  were 
able  to  sell,  at  very  profitable  rates,  one  or  two  cargoes 
of  articles  deemed  valueless  that  had  been  accumulat- 
ing at  Sitka  for  many  years.68 

authority  for  issuing  an  attachment  on  his  real  estate,  and  threatens  a  suit 
for  damages  against  him  and  the  company.  McKinstry's  Papers,  MS.,  24-5. 

65  Burnett's  Recoil.,  MS.,  ii.  1-3,  124. 

66  Golovnin,  Voyage,  22-3,  123.     No  particulars  are  given  by  any  authority 
about  Slitter's  last  payment,  but  all  state  that  the  debt  was  paid  during  the 
flush  times;  though  Bidwell  tells  us  that  the  payment  left  Sutter  but  little 
available  property.     In  the  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  372,  it  is  stated  that  'the  last 
payment  was  made  by  Sutter  through  Ex-gov.  Burnett  in  1849.     Sutter  paid 
the  entire  amount  in  cash,  and  not  a  part  in  cash  and  the  remainder  in  wheat 
and  real  estate,  as  has  been  stated.     E.  V.  Sutter,  a  son  of  the  general,  is  our 
authority  for  the  above  statements.' 


CHAPTER  VII. 

POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 
1841. 

EVENTS  OF  THE  YEAR — SMALL  PART  PLAYED  BY  CALIFORNIANS — APATHY 
IN  POLITICS — A  SEASON  OF  DROUGHT — AT  THE  CAPITAL — GOVERNOR 
ALVARADO — JIMENO  ACTING  RULER — No  SESSION  OF  THE  JUNTA  DE. 

PARTAMENTAL — No  EXCESS  OF  GOVERNMENT — ADMINISTRATION  OF  JUS- 
TICE— MISSION  AFFAIRS — CONTINUED  SPOLIATION — MOFRAS'  STATIS- 
TICS— PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JUAN  DE  ARGUELLO — THE  BISHOP'S  ARRIVAL — 
INDIAN  AFFAIRS — A  TIME  OF  PEACE — MILITARY  ITEMS — ALVARADO  AND 
VALLEJO — POLICY  AND  MOTIVES  OF  THE  COMANDANTE  GENERAL — UN- 
FOUNDED CHARGES — ACTION  IN  MEXICO — RECONCILIATION — CASTRO  OR 
PRUDON — VALLEJO'S  PLANS  FOR  REFORM. 

THE  first  year  of  the  new  decade  was  by  no  means 
an  uneventful  one  in  the  annals  of  California.  In  1841 
the  Russians  abandoned  the  establishment  which  for 
three  decades  had  caused  the  Spanish  and  Mexican 
authorities  much  anxiety  politically,  but  in  other  re- 
spects had  been  a  benefit  to  the  country.  Not  only 
did  the  Russian  American  Company  depart,  but  the 
English  Hudson's  Bay  Company  came  in  its  stead  to 
effect  a  permanent  establishment,  to  continue  hunting 
operations,  to  purchase  live-stock  for  the  north,  and, 
as  many  feared,  to  monopolize  the  Californian  trade. 
New  Helvetia  absorbed  the  property  of  Ross,  and  by 
its  peculiar  position,  its  foreign  character,  and  the 
temperament  of  its  ruler,  also  succeeded  Ross  as  a 
fomenter  of  political  fears.  Among  the  forty  vessels 
of  the  year  there  were  seven  men-of-war,  or  national 
exploring  craft;  and  the  trading  fleet,  though  hides 
and  tallow  were  not  so  readily  obtained  as  formerly, 

(1901 


ANNALS  OF  1841.  191 

paid  $100,000  in  duties  on  goods  imported.  It  was 
in  1 84  L  that  the  U.  S.  exploring  expedition  came  to 
the  Sacramento  Valley  by  land  and  sea,  that  an  at- 
tache of  the  French  government  made  a  tour  of  ob- 
servation through  the  country,  and  that  California 
was  visited  by  a  prominent  English  navigator — exten- 
sive narratives  being  written  as  a  result  by  Lieuten- 
ant Wilkes,  M.  Duflot  de  Mofras,  and  Sir  George 
Simpson.  In  1841  three  great  nations  were  cherish- 
ing hopes  of  supplanting  Mexico  in  the  possession  of 
this  western  land.  In  1841  not  only  did  many  exiles 
of  the  past  year  return,  but  the  tide  of  overland  immi- 
gration began  to  flow  in  across  the  snowy  sierra. 

In  all  this,  however,  it  will  be  noticed  that  foreign- 
ers were  the  active  agents.  Each  topic  of  foreign 
relations  is  to  be  fully  recorded  in  the  following  chap- 
ters. In  this  one  I  have  to  write  of  what  was  done 
by  the  Californians ;  and  it  must  be  admitted  that  they 
did  little  except  to  wait  and  wonder  what  strangers 
would  conclude  to  do  with  them  and  their  country. 
Politically,  it  was  a  time  of  apathetic  inaction,  with- 
out a  revolutionary  symptom  even  on  paper.  In  the 
south,  especially,  does  the  year  present  but  a  blank 
page  in  history.  Except  now  and  then  a  petty  occur- 
rence of  purely  local  nature,  there  is  nothing  to  be 
recorded  of  the  region  below  Monterey.  It  is  not  to 
be  supposed  that  the  abajenos  had  forgotten  their 
grievances,  but  they  gave  no  sign  of  discontent.  There 
were  no  protests  or  pronunciarnientos  from  the  versa- 
tile ayuntamiento  of  Angeles.  Josd  Antonio  Carrillo 
was  not  accused,  so  far  as  I  know,  of  political  intrigue. 
Even  Juan  Bandini  held  his  peace  and  wrote  no  long 
letters.  In  the  north,  except  so  far  as  the  foreign 
element  was  concerned,  the  current  of  events  was 
almost  equally  placid  and  monotonous.  The  season  was 
one  of  drought,  causing  a  partial  failure  of  crops,  and 
considerable  loss  in  live-stock,1  but  there  was  no  suf- 

1Bidwell,  Journey  to  CaL,  23-5,  29,  speaks  of  the  drought  of  1840-1,  as 
do  other  immigrants;  but  he  gives  a  table  of  the  weather  for  each  day  in  the 


192         POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

fering  among  the  people,  who  were  as  prosperous  as 
was  possible  with  such  an  expenditure  of  energy  as 
they  were  disposed  to  make.  The  drought,  however, 
with  the  diminished  productiveness  of  the  mission  es- 
tates, made  it  harder  than  usual  for  the  traders  to  fill 
up  their  cargoes,  and  collect  the  amounts  due  from 
the  rancheros;  so  that  the  country's  lack  of  prosperity 
was  somewhat  exaggerated  in  their  reports. 

At  the  capital  the  governor  and  the  clique  of  offi- 
cials about  him  displayed  a  degree  of  zeal  in  the 
handling  of  departmental  funds,  if  in  nothing  else. 
They  received  $100,000  from  the  custom-house,  with 
a  large  but  unknown  amount  from  the  ex-mission 
estates.  There  were  current  suspicions  that  the  pub- 
lic money  was  squandered  on  various  private  and 
public  Jiestas,  and  that  the  residue  was  not  quite  im- 
partially distributed ;  but  there  are  no  proofs  that  such 
was  the  case,  nor  any  indications  that  they  ever  had 
difficulty  in  finding  a  use  for  all  the  moneys  they  could 
collect.  Alvarado  had  been  at  his  best  in  the  revolu- 
tion against  Mexico  in  1836  and  in  subsequent  troubles 
with  the  south.  In  honesty  and  intelligence  he  had 
equalled,  in  energy  and  executive  ability  as  in  per- 
sonal popularity  he  had  excelled,  the  best  of  those 
about  him;  but  he  had  now  degenerated  in  several 
respects.  The  gross  charges  of  rascality  made  against 
him  by  men  like  Farnharn  were  unfounded.  Alva- 
rado was  yet  a  courteous  and  well-meaning  ruler,  com- 
paratively liberal  and  free  from  narrow  prejudices. 
.But  he  had  lost  much  of  his  old  enthusiasm  for  reform, 
and  was  content  to  let  public  affairs  drift  for  the  most 
part  as  they  would,  to  perform  carelessly  the  few 
routine  duties  devolving  upon  him,  to  deplore  the  non- 
progressive  condition  of  the  department,  and  cast  the 

season  of  1841-2,  indicating  an  average  number  of  rainy  days,  35  from  Nov. 
15th  to  March  31st.  Ho  says,  however,  that  the  winter  was  wet.  Drought  men- 
tioned in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  55;  Niles1  Hey  inter,  Ixi.  98;  Torre,  lie.min., 
MS.,  102;  Belden'a  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  16.  The  drought  extended  to  the 
south  also.  Gutrra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  203.  Larkin  says  not  water  enough  fell  to 
raise  the  streams  an  inch.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxvi.  214. 


THE  GOVERNOR  AND  JUNTA.  193 

blame  on  circumstances,  or  fate,  or  Mexico.  He  gave 
himself  up  to  convivial  pleasures,  drank  deeply,  was 
often  unable  from  'illness'  to  attend  to  official  duties, 
and  having  injured  himself  severely  by  a  fall  when 
intoxicated,  was  obliged  to  turn  over  his  office  in  Sep- 
tember to  Jimeno  Casarin,  as  he  had  done  several  times 
before.2 

The  junta  departamental  did  not  assemble  at  all 
during  the  year,  as  a  majority  of  the  members  when 
summoned  excused  their  non-attendance  on  various 
pretexts  more  or  less  satisfactory  to  themselves.3 
Neither  was  there  any  session  or  organization  of  the 
tribunal  superior,  though  the  members  of  that  body 
had  been  appointed  the  year  before.4  Andres  Cas- 
tillero  was  representing  California  in  Congress,  but  he 
might  as  well  have  been  in  Patagonia  for  all  that  is 
heard  of  his  public  services  at  this  time.  The  su- 
preme government  did  nothing  but  forward  certain 
warnings  against  foreigners,  with  a  few  routine  orders 
and  instructions  to  which  no  special  attention  was 
paid  in  the  department. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  California,  whatever  may 
have  been  her  misfortunes,  was  not  suffering  from  too 
much  government;  and  the  result,  so  far  as  the  gen- 

2  Jan.  1,  1841,  A.  assumed  the  govt.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xii.  44. 
Sept.  21st,  Jimeno  becomes  acting  gov.  on  account  of  A.'s  illness.   Id.,  xi. 
127-8;  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  xii.  18,  42-3;  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  107-9.     Dec. 
31st,  A.  re-assumes  the  office.   Dept.  Eec.,  MS.,  xii.  28,  46;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ang.,  MS.,  xi.   131.     It  was  as  1st  vocal  of  the  dip.  that  Jimeno  became 
acting  gov. ,  and  meanwhile  Jose'  Z.  Fernandez  acted  as  secretary.     A.  's  ac- 
cident is  noticed  in  print  by  Sir  Geo.  Simpson,  in  MS.  by  Janssens,  and  in 
conversation  by  many  Californians. 

3  The  junta  had  been  convoked  in  Dec.  1840  to  meet  in  Jan.     Requena, 
Pio  Pico,  and  Jose"  Castro  excuse  themselves  on  the  plea  of  ill  health ;  and 
Requena  also  argues  that  the  junta  expires  legally  on  Dec.  31st  and  must  be 
renewed  in  toto.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  34-6.     Jan.  9,  1841,  Santiago  Ar- 
guello  cannot  attend  on  account  of  his  duties  as  prefect,  fearing  disorders  in 
his  district.    Leg.  Eec.,  MS.,  iv.  1.     March  12th,  Alvarado  complains  that 
all  the  vocales  but  one  replied  that  there  were  '  legal  impediments '  to  their 
attendance.   S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  280.     June  21st,  A.  tomin.  of  rel.,  com- 
plaining of  a  lack  of  interest  on  the  part  of  the  dip. ,  which  body  will  not 
even  meet  to  discuss  important  matters.   Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xii.  34. 

*See  Hist.  Cal.,  vol.  iii.,  chap,  xx.,  this  series.  In  a  letter  of  June  5, 1841, 
Requena  says  the  chief  reason  why  the  tribunal  has  not  been  opened  is  be- 
cause the  gov.  is  unwilling  to  give  J.  A.  Carrillo  an  opportunity  for  intrigue. 
Requena,  Doc.,  MS.,  2. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    13 


194         POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

eral  condition  of  the  people  was  concerned,  was  not 
altogether  unsatisfactory.  Local  matters  were  well 
enough  managed,  according  to  Hispano-American 
ideas,  by  prefects  and  jueces  de  paz;  and  in  several 
instances  the  perpetrators  of  serious  crimes  were  pun- 
ished with  a  promptness  almost  unheard  of  in  Cali- 
fornia. Doubtless  there  was  room  for  great  reforms 
in  the  administration  of  justice.  Indian  horse-thieves 
were  becoming  bold  in  their  operations,  petty  thefts 
and  drunken  quarrels  among  vagabonds  of  the  towns 
were  too  often  unpunished ;  but  it  must  be  added  that 
current  statements  of  foreign  visitors  respecting  the 
reign  of  crime  and  the  utter  lack  of  protection  to  life 
and  property  were  grossly  exaggerated. 

The  year  brought  no  changes  of  a  general  nature 
in  the  administration  of  mission  affairs,  and  the  con- 
dition of  the  different  establishments  remained  prac- 
tically as  in  1839-40.5  No  successor  was  appointed 
to  Hartnell  as  visitador,  and  the  majordomos  in 
charge  of  the  estates  were  responsible  directly  to  the 
government.  There  are  no  accounts  and  little  cor- 
respondence extant  respecting  drafts  upon  those 
estates  in  behalf  of  the  departmental  treasury;6  but 
while  it  is  impossible  to  estimate  the  amount  obtained, 
there  is  no  doubt  that  such  drafts  were  freely  made 
whenever  mission  products  could  be  utilized.  Foreign 
visitors  allude  in  general  terms  to  the  destruction  of 
the  missions,  but  refer  rather  to  the  period  than  to  the 
year;  and  in  its  general  phases  this  subject  has  al- 
ready received  sufficient  attention.7  From  the  mass 

5  See  chap.  ii.  of  this  vol. 

6  Feb.  1841,  1,100  sheep  delivered  by  governor's  order  from  Sta  Clara  to 
Douglas;  in  March,  50  cows  to  the  same  person.  St.  Pap.  JMiss.,  MS.,  ix.  43. 
These  animals  were  sold  by  the  gov.  to  the  H.  B.  Co. 

7  Jan.  29,  1841,  Ethan  Estabrook  writes  to  Larkin:  '  Should  his  excellency 
continue  in  office  I  have  no  doubt  the  missions  will  suffer  till  there  is  nothing 
left  to  suffer.'  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  122.     Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  390,  420,  says 
that  Alvarado  took  all  the  cattle  left  at  Soledad,  with  all  the  iron-work,  and 
the  tiles  for  his  own  house,  and  gave  everything  remaining  to  his  friend  So- 
beranes.     He^also  speaks  of  the  deliberate  plunder  of  Mission  S.  JoscS  by  the 
Vallejo. family. 


CONDITION  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  195 

of  petty  local  items  extant  I  judge  that  in  1841  there 
was  less  of  abuse  and  robbery  in  the  administration 
of  these  estates  than  in  former  years  —  either  because 
of  reforms  introduced  by  Hartnell,  a  weeding-out  of 
some  of  the  worst  administrators,  greater  vigilance 
on  the  part  of  the  governor,  or  a  lack  of  desirable 
property  to  be  stolen  :  perhaps  for  all  these  causes  com- 
bined. The  padres,  increased  in  number  to  twenty- 
three  by  the  return  of  Garcia  Diego  and  the  coming 
of  Santillan  and  Ambris,  novices  who  soon  became 
priests,  served  as  curates  at  their  respective  estab- 
lishments, and  nothing  was  heard  of  those  in  the 
south  beyond  an  occasional  protest  against  the  con- 
duct of  an  unmanageable  majordomo,  or  against  the 
granting  of  some  mission  rancho.  In  the  north  the 
Zacatecanos  sustained  and  increased  their  unenvi- 
able reputation  by  the  disgraceful  conduct  of  the 
drunken  Padre  Quijas,  and  the  hardly  less  apparent 
immoralities  of  certain  others,  which  foreign  visitors 
especially  did  not  fail  to  notice  and  to  write  about.8 

At  or  in  connection  with  each  of  the  southern  es- 
tablishments, as  at  several  of  those  in  the  north,  a 
small  number  of  Indians  were  still  living  in  commu- 
nity, on  one  basis  or  another,  more  or  less  completely 
under  the  control  of  administrators  or  padres,  or  both.9 
Mofras  gives  the  number  of  Indians  living  in  com- 
munity in  1841-2  as  4,450,  varying  from  20  at  Sole- 
dad  and  San  Rafael  to  500  and  650  at  San  Gabriel, 
San  Diego,  and  San  Luis  Hey;  but  in  these  figures 
he  must  include  at  several  places  in  the  north  many 
Indians  who  had  no  other  connection  with  the  mis- 
sions than  that  of  living  somewhere  in  the  vicinity.10 

8  Wilkes,  Simpson,  and  Peirce  speak  in  plain  terms  on  the  subject;  still  it 
must  be  admitted  that  so  far  as  their  personal  observations  went,  P.  Quijas 
was  the  one  mainly  responsible. 
do 


9  July  26th,  Alvarado  by  a  decree  releases  an  Indian  from  his  condition  of 
neophyte,  allowing  him  to  support  himself  and  family  as  he  pleases.  Bandini, 
Doc.,  MS.,  52.  Prefect  Argiiello  complains  to  Capt.  Guerra  of  the  scandalous 
immorality  prevalent  in  the  southern  missions,  some  of  which  are  little  else 
than  brothels.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  82-3. 

10  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320.     This  author  gives  a  very  good  description  of 
the  condition  of  each  establishment. 


196          POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

There  is  no  satisfactory  information  respecting  the 
Indian  pueblos  of  the  south;11  and  the  only  event  of 
local  annals  requiring  notice  in  this  connection  is  the 
dissolution  of  the  neophyte  community  at  San  Juan 
Capistrano.  This  action  was  taken  by  the  governor 
in  consequence  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  majordomo, 
and  of  a  petition  from  citizens  of  San  Diego  to  have 
lands  assigned  them.  The  order  was  issued  in  July 
and  the  lands  were  distributed  some  months  later. 
The  Indians  were  given  the  preference  in  the  choice 
of  lands,  and  the  new  pueblo  was  named  San  Juan  de 
Argiiello.12  Bishop  Garcia  Diego  arrived  in  1841, 
landing  from  the  Rosalind  at  San  Diego  with  a  suite 
of  twelve  persons  the  llth  of  December;  but  his 
formal  reception,  together  with  the  beginnings  of  the 
grand  work  he  no  doubt  intended  to  accomplish  for 
his  diocese,  belongs  to  the  annals  of  another  year.13 

Bare  mention  is  all  that  is  called  for  in  the  matter 
of  Indian  affairs.  Though  fears  were  expressed  that 
hostile  gentiles  might  again  possess  the  country,14  and 

11  Feb. -April  1841,  some  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians  at  Las  Flores,  S. 
Pascual,  and  S.  Dieguito,  at  the  interference  of  the  Picos.  Hayes1  Milton 
Boole,  347,  from  S.  Diego  Archives. 

12  Extracts  from  archives  in  Hayes1  Mission  Book,  L  121-2,  126-8;  Jans- 
sens,  Vida,  MS.,  167-9;  Los  Angeles  Star,  Nov.  13,  1869;  S.  Diego,  Index, 
MS.,  137;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,'M$.,  xii.  54;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  46, 
etc. 

13  Dec.  12,  1841,  Argiiello  to  governor,  announcing  the  bishop's  arrival, 
and  ordering  some  preparations  for  his  journey  to  the  presidio  from  some 
point  not  clearly  defined.     He  was  to  start  in  a  silla  de  manos  as  soon  as  the 
people  had  assembled,  and  was  to  lodge  at  Bandini's  house.    Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii.  102-4.     Nov.  5th,  contract  with  Capt.  CroucL 
of  the  Rosalind  to  carry  the  bishop  and  suite  from  S.  Bias  to  S.  Diego  fo 
$2,000  and  all  tonnage  dues.  Id.,  vi.  80-1.     July  29th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo 
announcing  that  the  bishop  is  on  his  way.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  236.     His 
episcopal  influence  was  felt  before  his  arrival,  as  appears  from  an  order  of  the 
alcalde  of  S.  Diego  on  Sept.  1,  1840,  to  keep  cattle  out  of  the  streets,  as  the 
bishop  might  arrive  any  day!  S.  Diego,  Index,  MS.,   109.     On  Dec.  18t" 
Garcia  Diego  confirmed  125  persons.  S.  Diego,  Lib.  Mixion,  MS.,  45.     Va 
llejo  writes  to  Virmond  on  Dec.  1st:  '  The  coming  of  a  bishop  is  going  to  cau 
much  trouble.     The  priests  are  beside  themselves  with  pride,  and  begin 
fulminate  sentences  of  excommunication,  etc. ,  relying  on  that  prelate.    Po 
crazy  fools,  if  they  think  they  can  browbeat  the  leading  men  in  California. 
The  age  of  theocratic  domination  is  past.     However,  Californians  who  have 
never  seen  bishops  will  now  know  how  they  dress  and  observe  their  ceremc 
nies.     If  they  intended  to  plant  new  missions  among  the  savages,  some  gooi 
might  result;  but  nothing  is  further  from  the  minds  of  the  priests.'   Vallejc 
Doc.,  MS.,  viii.  335. 

"  Dec.  24th,  Vallejo  to  chief  of  staff  in  Mexico.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x. 


TXDIAN  AFFAIRS.  197 

foreign  writers  spoke  in  a  general  way  of  continual 
outrages,  I  find  in  records  of  the  year  nothing  of  de- 
tails beyond  the  facts  that  several  expeditions  of  citi- 
zen soldiers  and  friendly  Indians  were  sent  out  from 
San  Jose  against  the  horse-thieves;15  that  there  was 
a  continuance  of  hostilities,  or  at  least  of  warlike  ru- 
mors, on  the  southern  frontier,  particularly  from  May 
to  July;16  and  that  the  fierce  Sotoyomes  of  the  north 
were  said  to  be  planning  a  new  attempt  to  destroy 
the  gente  de  razon.17  Thus  even  rumors  of  hostilities 
were  less  plentiful  than  usual;  and  while  horse-stealing 
was  a  regular  industry  of  the  gentiles,  often  in  league 
with  Christians,  and  occasionally  an  Indian  was  killed 
in  a  conflict  between  the  two  classes,  there  was  no  real 
hostility  in  a  warlike  sense,  and  no  special  danger  in 
any  part  of  the  country.  General  apathy  in  Indian 
affairs  as  in  everything  else. 

The  old  military  establishment  of  presidial  com- 
panies was  still  kept  up,  nominally  at  San  Francisco — 
or  rather  Sonoma — Monterey,  and  Santa  Barbara;  but 
the  company  of  San  Diego  had  long  since  disappeared. 
The  three  companies  had  about  one  hundred  men  on 
their  pay  rolls,  either  in  active  service  or  as  invalidos; 
and  about  $30,000  of  the  departmental  revenues  was 
devoted  to  their  support.18  An  artillery  force  with  a 

The  general's  object  was  to  get  an  increase  of  military  force,  and  he  doubtless 
exaggerated  the  danger.  Alvarado  in  his  letters  to  Mexico  declared  often 
that  the  Indians  could  be  easily  controlled. 

ljJan.  24,  1841,  gov.  to  prefect.  Inconsequence  of  an  encounter  between 
pagans  and  a  neophyte,  bows  and  arrows  are  to  be  distributed;  and  Capt. 
Estrada  is  to  go  with  the  force.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  2.  July  23d,  J.  J.  Va- 
llejo  to  com.  gen.  Robberies  frequent.  25  citizens  will  start  day  after  to- 
morrow. Vallejo,  Z>oc.,MS.,x.221.  Feb.  19th,  gov.  orders  payment  of  §20  to 
an  Indian  chief  who  has  returned  from  his  campaign  in  the  Tulares.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  62.  May-July,  payment  of  $254  and 
other  sums  for  monthly  expenses  of  auxiliary  forces  against  Indians.  Id.,  iv. 
57—8. 

16  May-July,  1841,  slight  corresp.  on  reported  rising  of  Ind.  of  the  Sierra 
de  Jamur  and  Sierra  de  Tuzmin.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  vi.32,43;  xii. 
57;  Dfpt.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  13;  Fitch,  Doc.,  MS.,  166. 

17  Vallejo  to  Alvarado,  July  27th.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  230.     Salvador 
Vallejo  was  about  to  march  against  the  foe. 

18  For  particulars  see  local  annals.     I  note  the  following  military  items: 
Jan.  1,  1841,  Vallejo  to  min.  of  war.     The  Mazatlan  squadron  of  1819  has 
been  for  many  years  dispersed  for  want  of  resources,  each  man  earning  his 


198         POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

grand  total  of  24  men  was  also  maintained;  of  which 
Captain  Silva  was  made  the  commander,  and  respect- 
ing which  certain  reports  were  called  for  and  made, 
with  a  view  to  increase  its  efficiency  for  the  country's 
safety.  The  armament  was  forty-three  cannon,  or 
two  to  each  gunner,  to  say  nothing  of  seventeen  use- 
less pieces.19  In  addition  to  the  military  force  already 
specified,  there  was  a  temporary  auxiliary  or  militia 
company  organized  for  service  against  the  Indians, 
but  about  which  at  this  time  little  is  known.20 

Having  thus  briefly  noticed  several  matters  con- 
nected with  the  general  condition  of  the  country  in 
1841,  I  come  back  to  that  of  politics,  or  to  the  only 
phase  of  politics  outside  of  foreign  relations  that  still 
offered  something  of  interest  or  importance — the  con- 
troversy between  the  comandante  general  and  the 
governor. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  Vallejo  wrote  again 
to  the  supreme  government  of  his  grievances  and  of 
the  ruin  that  Alvarado's  policy  was  bringing  upon  the 

living  as  best  he  can.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  7.  Jan.  llth,  the  gov.  has 
bought  100  carbines  from  the  Catalina  to  prevent  their  being  sold  to  private 
persons.  Id.,  x.  2.  March,  Vallejo  informs  coinandantes  that  he  has  been 
ordered  to  report  on  disabled  officers,  who  are  to  be  retired.  Id.,  x.  82.  Aug. 
3d,  a  lieutenant  authorizes  his  attorney  to  collect  from  Abrego  $1,885,  back 
pay  for  4  years  and  10  months.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  282.  Aug.  7th,  pur- 
chase of  100  carbines  from  Celis  and  2,046  flints.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  239. 
Sept.  23d,  $300  on  account  of  the  general's  salary  sent  with  money  for  the 
company.  Id.,  x.  288.  Oct.  1st,  V.  says  that  in  accordance  with  orders  from 
Mexico  he  has  appointed  a  comandante  for  the  frontier  (distinct  from  that  of 
S.  F.)  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxv.  3. 

lf  June  1840,  Silva  appointed  in  Mexico  to  re-organize  and  command  the 
artillery.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  322-3.  Feb.  19,  1841,  min.  of  war  calls  for 
a  report  of  guns  and  war  material.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  03.  April  17th, 
similar  order.  Id.,  x.  116.  May  12th,  report  of  chief  of  artillery  at  Monterey 
on  armament  and  its  distribution,  as  follows:  Monterey,  18  guns,  with  cap- 
tain, sergeant,  2  corporals,  drummer,  and  7  privates;  S.  Francisco,  6  guna 
and  1  man;  Sonoma,  7  guns  and  5  men;  Sta  Barbara,  3  guns  and  6  men;  S. 
Diego,  9  guns  and  1  man;  besides  useless  guns  and  miscellaneous  war  ma- 
terial. Id.,  x.  125-6. 

""Feb.  16,  1841,  general  order  in  Mexico  for  organization  of  auxiliary  com- 
panies. Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  169.  June  28th,  Alvarado 
consults  Vallejo  on  the  subject.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  181.  Payments  to 
auxiliaries  for  service.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  57-8. 
Sept.  5th,  Capt.  Estrada  states  that  his  troops  have  ceased  to  serve.  /(/., 
iv.  55. 


VALLEJO  vs  ALVARADO.  199 

country,21  expressing  anew  his  conviction  that  relief 
must  coine  from  Mexico,  and  that  the  two  commands 
should  be  re-united  in  one  person.  He  also  addressed 
a  private  letter  to  President  Bustamante  on  the  sub- 
ject, explaining  that  the  unfortunate  interruption  of 
friendly  relations  between  the  two  men  had  rendered 
it  impossible  for  him  to  exert  any  influence  upon 
Alvarado,  who  had  done  nothing  of  late  but  create 
offices  and  multiply  expenses.  A  reorganization  of 
the  public  service  in  all  its  branches  was  imperatively 
necessary;  at  the  least,  a  commissioner  should  be  sent 
from  Mexico  to  study  and  report  on  California's  needs. 
He  also  hoped  to  be  soon  relieved  of  his  command 
and  permitted  to  visit  the  national  capital.22 

Naturally,  unworthy  motives  have  been  imputed  to' 
Vallejo.  It  has  been  thought  that  he  not  only  desired 
to  humble  a  rival,  but  to  obtain  the  governorship  for 
himself.  Alvarado,  as  we  have  seen,  had  once  gone 
so  far  as  to  suspect,  or  to  pretend  such  a  suspicion, 
that  he  was  ready  to  effect  his  purpose  by  conspiracy 
with  foreigners,23  and  other  partisans  of  the  governor 
held  and  expressed  similar  opinions.24  A  common 

81  Jan.  1,  1841,  V.  to  min.  of  war.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  4-6,  9-11.  Sev- 
eral communications.  He  says  'the  civil  govt  in  unskilful  hands  has  sworn 
the  destruction  of  the  military  branch,  and  has  not  even  respected  its  prop- 
erty;' declares  the  presidial  companies  must  be  restored,  and  given  each  its 
rancho — especially  must  the  company  of  Sonoma  have  the  rancho  of  Soscol; 
complains  of  an  unjust  distribution  of  the  funds;  states  that  Abrego,  having 
been  appointed  comisario  without  bonds,  obeys  Alvarado  implicitly;  says  he 
has  only  just  received  his  official  despatches  from  the  war  department  for 
1837-40,  all  having  been  opened  at  the  capital;  charges  that  not  only  public 
but  private  mails  are  tampered  with;  that  the  California  sailed  without  his 
correspondence,  being  despatched  by  the  gov.  without  his  knowledge.  Abuses 
cf  every  kind  are  constantly  permitted  and  relief  can  come  only  from  the 
national  govt,  the  orders  of  which  at  present  are  despised.  Jan.  15th,  to 
Virmond  he  writes  that  the  governor's  sycophants  have  caused  confusion  in 
every  branch  of  the  govt,  and  now,  expecting  soon  to  lose  their  offices,  are 
destroying  everything  as  fast  as  they  can.  Id. ,  x.  42. 

22  Jan.  15th,  V.  to  pres.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  46.     He  says  Guerra  y 
Noriega  is  the  only  officer  at  all  competent  to  take  his  place  temporarily. 

23  See  Hist.  Cal.,  vol.  iii.,  chap,  xx.,  this  series. 

24  Feb.  25,  1841,  Joaquin  T.  Castro  from  S.  Pablo  to  prefect  Tiburcio  Cas- 
tro.    Fears  that  Vallejo  intends  to  get  the  command,  and  has  good  reason  for 
his  fears.     The  foreigners  favor  him,  and  Forbes  says  the  Mexican  govt  has 
given  him  encom-agement.     Has  never  longed  for  Don  Jos6's  presence  more 
than  now.     Could  say  much  more,  but  prefers  to  wait.    Vallejo  has  threatened 
to  make  it  hot  for  'mas  de  cuatro'  in  case  of  success.   Monterey,  Arch.,  MS., 


200          POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

version  of  the  matter  among  Californians  is  in  sub- 
stance that  Vallejo,  angry  at  not  being  allowed  to 
control  the  government,  strove  to  overthrow  his  rival 
and  obtain  his  place,  but  overshot  the  mark,  since 
both  fell  together.25  These  charges  and  suspicions  are, 
however,  greatly  exaggerated  if  not  wholly  unfounded. 
I  have  already  shown  that  at  the  beginning  of  the 
quarrel  Vallejo  was  influenced  not  only  by  well  found- 
ed disapproval  of  the  governor's  acts,  but  by  wounded 
personal  pride  and  an  exalted  idea  of  his  own  author- 
ity. In  1839  he  would  have  been  flattered  by  an 
offer  of  the  governorship,  as  an  honor,  a  source  of 
power,  and  as  a  means  of  humbling,  his  foes;  but  I 
find  no  evidence  that  he  ever  openly  or  secretly  sought 
the  office,  and  I  doubt  that  he  would  have  accepted 
it  at  all  in  1841.  The  whole  tenor  of  his  communi-  <*? 
cations  to  the  Mexican  government  is  against  the  the-  L 
ory  that  he  desired  to  be  governor.26  Naturally,  he 
may  still  have  felt  some  resentment  toward  Alvarado., ; 
or  more  specially  toward  his  associates  at  the  capitaff './ 
but  there  are  indications  that  his  feelings  in  that  re- 
spect  were  less  bitter  than  formerly.  He  was  tired  of 
the  estrangement  and  controversy,  and  he  felt  that 
under  the  unwise  management  of  Alvarado  and  his 
advisers  none  of  the  reforms — political,  military,  com- 
mercial, and  industrial — which  he  believed  essential 
to  the  country's  welfare  were  to  be  expected.  He  be- 

x.  6-7.  'An  idea  has  got  abroad  that  he  [Vallejo]  is  looking  to  the  guberna- 
torial chair,  and  to  be  placed  there  by  the  same  force  that  has  raised  Alvarado 
and  himself  to  the  posts  they  now  occupy.'  Wilkes'  Narr.,  v.  210-11. 

^Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  415-18,  thinks  the  action  of  the  govt  at  the  first 
in  writing  a  private  letter  to  both  officers  did  much  to  promote  the  quarrel, 
leading  each  to  deem  himself  the  favored  one.  Each  tried,  both  in  Cal.  and 
Mex. ,  to  overthrow  the  other;  but  it  is  implied  that  V.  was  in  the  wrong  be- 
cause his  office  was  a  subordinate  one.  See  also,  in  a  similar  strain,  some  in- 
clining to  one  side  and  some  to  the  other,  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  95;  Ord, 
Ocurrencias,  MS.,  120;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  61-2;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de 
Cal.,  MS.,  109;  Gcdindo.  Apuntes,  MS.,  42-3;  and  many  others.  Narratives 
of  foreign  writers  generally  give  a  similar  version. 

26  Alvarado  himself,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  193-200,  does  not  charge  V.  with 
having  desired  the  office;  though  he  does  charge  him  with  having  been  influ- 
enced in  his  opposition  mainly  by  anger  at  not  being  allowed  to  manage  the 
country.  In  his  letter  to  Virmond  of  Jan.  14th,  V.  says  his  enemies  believe 
he  is  trying  to  get  the  governorship,  and  is  likely  to  succeed;  but  that  such 
is  not  the  case.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  42. 


VALLEJO'S  POLICY.  201 

lieved  that  the  department  was  drifting  toward  ruin; 
he  saw  no  way  of  averting  the  danger  under  the  act- 
ual regime,  and  he  advised  a  change.  His  advice, 
from  the  standpoint  of  a  Mexican  official,  was  sound; 
and  I  am  disposed  to  think,  notwithstanding  the  cur- 
rent charges,  that  it  was  honestly  given.  Before  the 
end  of  1841,  moreover,  the  general  had  doubtless  be- 
come convinced  that  California  was  not  destined  to 
remain  long  under  Mexican  rule.  He  was  an  intelli- 
gent man,  foresaw  that  the  change  was  likely  to  be 
an  advantage  to  his  country  and  to  his  own  interests, 
and  was  not  disposed  to  look  with  dread  upon  the 
prospect;  but  being  also  a  man  of  honor,  with  a  due 
sense  of  his  obligations  as  a  Mexican  officer,  he  con- 
tinued in  good  faith  to  urge  upon  his  government  the 
imminence  of  the  danger  and  the  only  means  of  avert- 
ing it.  As  comandante  general  he  was  impelled  by 
his  pride  and  sense  of  honor  to  protect  Mexican  in- 
terests; but  he  preferred  that  the  impending  change 
iiould  find  neither  himself  nor  his  nephew  in  charge 
of  the  department. 

During  the  summer,  while  negotiations  for  the 
X.  abandonment  of  Ross  were  in  progress,  relations  be- 
tween the  governor  and  general  were  not  unfriendly, 
as  we  have  seen;  arid  in  July  letters  were  exchanged 
by  the  two,  in  which  they  expressed  mutual  regret  for 
past  estrangement,  and  a  desire  for  reconciliation.  A 
personal  interview  was  proposed,  Jesus  Vallejo  exert- 
ing himself  particularly  in  the  matter;  but  the  mag- 
nate of  Sonoma  was  unwilling  to  visit  the  capital,  and 
Alvarado  declared  himself  too  unwell  to  come  to 
Santa  Clara.27  It  was  also  in  July  that  there  came, 

27  July  15,  1841,  fragment  of  a  letter  from  V.  to  A.  'No  men  were  ever 
united  by  so  many  ties  from  infancy  to  manhood.'  Hopes  to  get  rid  of  his 
office,  and  thus  to  remove  all  grounds  of  rivalry,  and,  if  it  bejmpossible  to  re- 
new cordial  relations,  at  least  to  escape  the  ridicule  of  their  friends.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xiv.  29.  July  29th,  A.  to  V.  Is  glad  to  know  that  V.  desires  a 
restoration  of  harmony;  and  is  at  a  loss  to  know  exactly  what  interrupted  it 
after  their  last  meeting.  Id. ,  x.  235.  July  27th,  V.  invites  A.  to  visit  the 
frontier  to  have  an  interview  and  study  the  needs  of  that  region.  Denies  the 
current  charges  that  he  desires  to  make  himself  a  sultan  and  to  ignore  the 


202         POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

by  the  same  vessel  that  brought  back  the  foreign 
exiles  from  San  Bias,  a  rumor  that  a  new  comandante 
general  had  been  appointed,  and  was  about  to  start 
for  California  with  five  hundred  men.  The  rumor, 
though  premature,  had  some  foundation  in  fact,  but 
was  not  credited  by  the  governor.28 

Meanwhile  the  government  in  Mexico  replied  in 
April  to  Vallejo's  communications  of  January.  In 
these  replies,  which  seem  not  to  have  reached  Cali- 
fornia until  October,  Vallejo  was  assured  in  the  presi- 
dent's name  that  measures  would  be  promptly  dictated 
for  the  reform  of  abuses  complained  of.  Alvarado 
was  recommended  to  observe  all  due  consideration  for 
the  general;  both  were  urged  to  act  in  harmony,  and 
mutually  aid  each  other  in  the  country's  time  of  trou- 
ble which  seemed  near  at  hand.29  About  the  same 
time  Jos6  Castro  came  back  from  Mexico,  very  likely 
with  verbal  instructions  from  Bustamante  to  effect  a 
reconciliation  between  the  two  chiefs.  At  any  rate, 
he  took  some  steps  in  that  direction,  as  it  was  evi- 
dently feared  that  a  crisis  was  at  hand  when  the  gen- 
eral's cooperation  would  be  needed.  Writing  to 
Vallejo  he  protested  that  his  friendship  was  undimin- 
ished,  denied  that  he  had  tried  to  compromise  the 
general  in  Mexico,  cursed  the  men  who  had  kept  their 
rulers  at  loggerheads,  hoped  he  would,  by  coming  to 
Monterey,  teach  those  false  friends  a  lesson,  urged 
him  to  forget  all  personal  differences  for  the  country's 
good,  and  invited  him  to  come  to  Mission  San  Jose 
for  an  interview.  "The  good  begun  by  us  for  Cali- 
fornia must  be  carried  to  completion,  and  our  foes 
confounded"!30  Alvarado  also  wrote,  expressing  his 
willingness  to  obey  the  president's  instructions  by 

political  authorities.  He  has  the  force  to  do  so  if  he  wished,  but  has  never 
entertained  such  unworthy  ideas.  Id. ,  x.  230. 

28  July  22d,  Comandante  Flores  at  Monterey  to  V.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x. 
220.    July  29th,  A.  to  V.  Id.,  x.  236. 

29  April  6,  15,  1841,  min.  of  war  to  V.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  98-9;  103-4 
April  12th,  min.  of  rel.  to  A.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  19.     March, 
June,  reports  called  for  on  state  of  affairs  in  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap., .MS.,  iv. 
137;  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  GS-70. 

'•>°  Oct.  5th,  25th,  Castro  to  V.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  301,  315.     The  gen- 


CASTRO'S  EFFORTS.  203 

reducing  the  number  of  civil  servants,  attending  to 
the  organization  of  a  military  force,  and  taking  coun- 
sel of  Vallejo  and  others  respecting  the  course  to  be 
followed,  "so  far  as  policy  and  circumstances  could  be 
reconciled  with  duty." 31 

Vallejo  came  down  to  Mission  San  Jose  in  Novem- 
ber as  requested,32  and  had  an  interview  with  Castro, 
though  Alvarado  was  probably  not  present.  The  de- 
cision arrived  at  was  that,  the  situation  being  critical, 
prompt  steps  must  be  taken;  that  if  the  country  was 
to  be  saved  from  foreign  invasion,  national  aid  must 
be  obtained ;  and  that  Castro  should  go  to  Mexico  as 
the  general's  comisionado  to  secure  such  aid,  as  well 
as  to  ascertain  the  actual  condition  of  political  affairs 
in  the  national  capital,  about  which  there  was  much 
uncertainty.33  There  is  room  for  suspicion  that  this 
result  was  deliberately  planned  by  Castro  and  Al- 
varado as  a  means  of  preventing  Vallejo  from  sending 
some  other  comisionado  who  would  work  against  the 
governor's  interests,  as  of  course  Castro  was  not  to 
do.  On  December  6th,  however,  Alvarado  suddenly 
changed  his  mind,  and  decided  that  Castro  was  needed 
at  home.34  Possibly  Alvarado  intended  at  this  time 
to  send  •  a  secret  agent  by  the  California  in  Castro's 

eral's  letters  are  not  extant;  but  he  seems  to  have  made  some  charges  against 
Don  Jose". 

81  Oct.  27th,  A.  to  V.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  322. 

82  He  was  there,  as  will  be  seen,  when  the  Bartleson  company  of  immi- 
grants arrived.     He  arrived  Nov.  9th  and  remained  at  least  until  the  18th. 

33  There  is  no  record  of  the  interview.  Nov.  17th,  V.  writes  to  A.,  urging 
the  necessity  of  prompt  military  organization.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  349. 
Nov.  18th,  V.  to  Abrego.  Requests  him  to  furnish  Castro  $1,500  for  travel- 
ling expenses  to  Mexico,  where  he  goes  on  public  business.  Id.,  x.  353.  Nov. 
30th,  Alvarado  to  V.  Will  order  the  California  to  Monterey  to  take  Castro 
with  V.'s  despatches  to  Mexico;  will  also  send  by  him  a  report  on  the  im- 
pending dangers.  Id. ,  x.  369. 

84 Dec.  6th,  A.  to  Castro,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  373.  He  has  just 
heard  of  the  coming  of  a  party  of  Americans  from  N.  Mexico,  which  showed 
the  danger  to  be  nearer  than  had  been  expected,  and  Castro's  services  were 
likely  to  be  needed.  Moreover,  aid  from  Mexico  could  hardly  come  in  less  than 
six  months;  and  the  latest  news  from  Mexico,  which  he  gives  at  some  length, 
leaves  some  room  for  doubt  that  attention  will  be  paid  to  Calif orni  an  matters 
when  affairs  at  the  capital  are  in  such  an  unsettled  condition.  However,  he 
will  still  send  the  schooner  with  despatches.  Dec.  8th,  Castro  to  V.,  for- 
warding A.'s  letter,  and  announcing  his  readiness  to  make  any  sacrifice  and 
obey  the  general's  orders.  Id.,  x.  376. 


204          POLITICAL  AFFAIRS  AND  GENERAL  CONDITION. 

place;  or  his  change  of  purpose  may  have  resulted 
from  the  discovery  of  Vallejo's  purpose  to  send  Victor 
Prudon,  his  secretary,  as  a  companion  to  Castro,  which 
would  render  his  plot,  if  plot  there  was,  ineffectual. 
At  any  rate,  the  general  had  resolved  to  send  Prudon, 
and  did  not  modify  his  resolution  at  all  in  consequence 
of  the  change  in  the  governor's  plan.35 

Vallejo's  despatches  to  the  supreme  government  in 
December  did  not  differ  in  spirit  from  those  of  January. 
He  pictured  California  as  a  country  nowhere  excelled 
in  natural  advantages  of  climate,  soil,  and  harbors, 
having  all  the  elements  of  a  grand  prosperity,  and  need- 
ing only  an  energetic  population  and  wise  regulations. 
The  immediate  and  imperative  necessity  was  the  pro- 
tection of  the  department  by  the  presence  of  a  sufficient 
military  force.  He  pointed  out  in  considerable  detail 
the  country's  commercial  and  agricultural  possibilities, 
giving  also  his  views  respecting  the  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  their  realization.  Of  course  he  alluded  to  the 
old  complaints  against  the  actual  administration,  and 
he  formulated  a  remedial  scheme,  in  substance  as  fol- 
lows: i.  A  man  should  be  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs, 
and  invested  with  both  civil  and  military  authority, 
who  is  not  connected  by  blood  or  otherwise  with  other 
authorities  or  with  the  governed,  ties  of  relationship 
rendering  the  chief  impotent  and  his  subjects  insubor- 
dinate, ii.  A  force  of  at  least  two  hundred  men  should 

S5Prudon's  name  does  not  appear  in  this  connection  until  Dec.  llth,  when 
— possibly  after  receiving  Castro's  letter  of  the  8th,  but  probably  not — Va- 
llejo  in  his  letter  to  the  min.  of  war  announces  the  sending  of  Castro  and 
Prudon  with  despatches.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  384.  His  instructions  dated 

Dec. ,  are  addressed  to  Castro  and  Prudon;  but  by  art.  6  the  latter  is  to  go 

aloue  if  Castro  for  any  reason  is  unable  to  go.  The  instructions  are  simply  to 
proceed  to  Acapulco  and  Mexico,  pi-esent  despatches,  answer  questions  about 
the  country,  not  to  know  the  object  of  their  mission  before  their  interview 
with  the  min.  of  war,  and  to  hurry  back  with  the  answer  by  the  California, 
which  was  to  wait  at  Acapulco  for  them.  Not  over  6  days  were  to  be  spent 
in  Mexico.  Id.,  xiv.  28.  As  Prudon  was  Vallejo's  private  secretary,  the 
warning  not  to  know  the  nature  of  the  mission  is  very  funny.  Dec.  21st,  V. 
to  Abrego.  As  Castro  cannot  go,  $1,500  is  to  be  paid  to  Prudon.  Id.,  x.  389; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  65.  Dec.  23d,  V.  to  min.  of  war, 
accrediting  Capt.  Victor  Prudon  as  his  comisionado,  and  recommending  him 
highly  for  competence  and  integrity.  Asks  that  he  be  confirmed  as  captain 
in  the  regular  army.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  393. 


THE  GENERAL'S  PLAN.  205 

be  sent  to  the  country  with  their  pay  well  secured, 
and  with  competent  officers  of  good  character,  iii. 
The  custom-house  should  be  put  in  charge  of  the  comi- 
sario,  and  the  corps  of  treasury  servants  should  be 
largely  reduced,  iv.  There  should  be  established  and 
maintained  a  responsible  post-office  department,  v. 
At  San  Francisco  the  fort  should  be  rebuilt,  with 
other  public  edifices,  and  a  custom-house  should  be 
established.  The  laws  forbidding  the  coasting  trade 
by  foreign  vessels  should  be  enforced,  and  the  impor- 
tation of  various  articles  prohibited  with  a  view  to 
encourage  home  industries,  vi.  And  finally  there 
should  be  sent  a  large  colony  of  Mexican  artisans  and 
farmers  to  counterbalance  the  influx  of  foreigners.36 

36  Vallejo,  Males  de  California  y  sus  remedies.  Informe  del  Comandante 
General  al  Ministro  de  Guerra,  13  df  Die.,  1841,  MS.,  also  copied  in  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  231-8.  Also  V.  to  min.  of  war,  Dec.  llth,  in  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  x.  384. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

COMMERCIAL  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS— THE  HUDSON'S   BAY 
COMPANY— VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

1841. 

TRADING  REGULATIONS — COASTING  TRADE  SUSPENDED  AND  RESTORED — 
NEW  MEXICAN  CARAVAN — SMUGGLING — VALLEJO'S  PLAN — OTTER-HUNT- 
ING— WHALERS — LIST  OF  VESSELS — STATISTICS  OF  REVENUE — FINAN- 
CIAL ADMINISTRATION — HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY  IN  CALIFORNIA — VISIT 
AND  JOURNAL  OF  SIR  JAMES  DOUGLAS— THE  FUR-HUNTERS  LICENSED— 
PURCHASE  OF  LIVE-STOCK—PROPOSED  TRADING-POST — RAE'S  ESTAB- 
LISHMENT AT  YERBA  BUENA — VISIT  OF  SIR  GEORGE  SIMPSON  AND 
CHIEF  FACTOR  MCLOUGHLIN — THE  COMPANY  AND  SUTTER — SIMPSON 
TO  VALLEJO — MAP — SIMPSON'S  NARRATIVE — QUOTATIONS — WARNER'S 
LECTURE  ON  CALIFORNIA — PEIRCE'S  VISIT  AND  JOURNAL. 

IN  accordance  with  his  warning  of  February  1840, 
and  his  communication  of  December  to  the  supreme 
government,1  Alvarado  issued  an  order  in  January 
1841,  that  foreign  vessels  must  in  future  discharge 
and  pay  duties  on  their  cargoes  at  Monterey,  the 
coasting  trade  being  strictly  prohibited.  By  the  same 
order  the  importation  of  foreign  sugar,  salt,  and  tim- 
ber was  also  prohibited,  as  by  the  Mexican  revenue 
laws.2  This  act,  having  been  expected  for  a  year, 
excited  but  little  comment  or  opposition  so  far  as  the 

1See  chap.  iii.  of  this  vol.  Dec.  13th,  A.  to  min.  of  int.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
xi.  76. 

2  Jan.  2,  1841,  Alvarado's  order.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  29;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  23;  Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  v.  8-9.  Vessels  actually  engaged  in  the 
coasting  trade  were  to  be  allowed  time  to  complete  their  voyages.  Corre- 
sponding orders  were  issued  to  local  authorities  to  prevent  trade  by  vessels 
which  could  not  show  the  proper  permits  from  Monterey.  S.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  280;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  49.  The  change  is  mentioned  in  Nile*' 
Reg.,  March  1841,  Ix.  178;  and  the  Honolulu  Polynesian,  March  27th,  i.  167. 
Approved  by  Mex.  govt  in  1841.  Sup.  Oovt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvi.  19. 

(206) 


COASTING  TRADE  PROHIBITED.  207 

records  show.  The  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  vessel 
Columbia,  having  arrived  on  the  1st,  was  not  affected 
by  the  new  regulations,  and  was  permitted  to  sell 
even  the  sugar  she  had  on  board,  without  restriction; 
but  the  Maryland,  arriving  later  with  a  cargo  of 
Hawaiian  sugar,  narrowly  escaped  having  that  part 
of  her  cargo  confiscated,  and  her  captain  was  glad  to 
get  away  from  Monterey  by  paying  dues  on  a  ton- 
nage far  above  the  vessel's  proper  register.3  The 
Maryland  seems  to  have  been  the  only  vessel  of  the 
year  whose  operations  were  at  all  interfered  with  by 
the  edict  of  January,  an  edict  which  was  virtually 
repealed  a  few  months  later.  In  July  the  Boston 
ship  Tasso  and  a  schooner  arrived  at  Monterey,  and  on 
hearing  that  they  could  not  engage  in  the  coasting 
trade,  at  once  prepared  to  depart  without  discharg- 
ing their  cargoes.  This  threat,  involving  a  prospect- 
ive loss  of  about  $20,000  in  duties,  brought  the  gov- 
ernment to  terms,  and  the  vessels  were  allowed  to 
trade  as  before.4  There  is  no  record  that  the  privi- 
lege was  formally  extended  to  other  vessels;  but 
neither  does  it  appear  that  there  was  any  further  at- 
tempt to  enforce  the  edict;  and  the  re-opening  of  the 
Californian  ports  was  announced  at  Honolulu.5 

Current  commercial  matters  of  the  year,  with  the 
exception  of  that  just  mentioned,  were  not  of  a  nature 
to  attract  much  attention.  The  usual  caravan  of  trad- 
ers came  overland  from  New  Mexico  in  the  autumn, 
numbering  about  thirty-five  men,  under  the  command 
of  EsteVan  Vigil.  There  were  the  usual  fears  of  the 

3  Jan.  29,  1841,  Estabrook  to  Larkin,  announcing  the  new  law,  which 
'will  unquestionably  be  carried  into  effect  until  the  poverty  of  the  govt 
compels  them  to  alter  it.'  The  writer  erroneously  claims  that  there  was  un- 
just discrimination  in  favor  of  the  Columbia  and  against  the  Maryland,  sup- 
posing the  order  to  have  taken  effect  Jan.  1st.  He  also  pronounces  the 
customs  officers  a  'set  of  blockheads,'  who  made  a  blunder  of  60  tons  in  meas- 
uring the  Maryland.  They  finally  took  off  40  tons,  and  Capt.  Blinn  paid  for 
the  20  to  avoid  delay.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  122.  In  a  letter  from  Monterey 
of  Feb.  20th,  it  is  stated  that  an  order  was  actually  issued  for  the  seizure  of 
the  sugar,  but  subsequently  withdrawn.  Honolulu  Polynesian,  i.  167. 

*  July  5,  1841,  Abrego  to  Vallejo,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  199. 

5  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  55.  The  news  was  brought  by  the  Llama  in 
September. 


208  COMMERCIAL  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

Chaguanosos,  the  betes  noirs  of  southern  California, 
particular  anxiety  being  excited  by  reports  that  a  party 
of  fifty-five,  Americans,  Frenchmen,  Indians,  and  even 
'apostate'  Mexicans,  was  approaching  with  depravadas 
miras,  under  the  leadership  of  El  Cojo  Smit,  probably 
Peg-leg  Smith;6  but  there  are  no  records  of  special 
outrages  committed  by  these  vagabonds  during  the 
year;  and  they  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  party 
of  immigrants  by  the  same  route  to  be  noticed  later. 
The  smugglers  gave  the  authorities  but  little  trouble, 
though  it  would  be  unwise  to  conclude  that  they  had 
abandoned  their  evil  ways.  Abel  Stearns  did  not  fail, 
however,  to  furnish  as  usual  an  item  for  this  branch 
of  his  country's  annals,  since  he  was  repeatedly  warned 
to  cease  his  contraband  operations  in  hides,  and  his 
troubles  of  the  preceding  year  had  not  yet  been  fully 
settled.7 

Vallejo  still  entertained  the  idea  of  transferring 
the  custom-house  to  San  Francisco,  but  made  no 
progress  towards  the  realization  of  his  plan.  Lieu- 
tenant Wilkes  represented  Vallejo  as  controlling  the 
entire  trade  of  San  Francisco  Bay  with  a  view  solely 
to  his  own  personal  interests,  but  there  was  little  if 
any  foundation  for  such  a  charge,  and  there  is  noth- 
ing to  indicate  that  the  general  interfered  or  desired 
to  interfere  in  the  collection  of  revenues.8  Otter- 

6  Aug.  19,  1841,  passport  and  instructions  to  Vigil  signed  by  Capt.  Trujillo 
at  S.  Juan  de  los  Caballeros.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  vi.  77-8.  Rumors 
about  the  Chaguanosos,  some  of  them  brought  by  Vigil's  party,  and  pre- 
cautions taken.  Id.,  iv.  43;  vi.  75-6;  xi.  130-1;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  152. 
Report  about  Smith's  party.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  279.  Mofras,  Exploration, 
i.  354-6,  speaks  of  the  annual  caravan;  and  says  that  the  one  arriving  at  Los 
Angeles  in  Nov.  of  this  year  included  200  New  Mexicans  and  60  Americans, 
besides  a  detached  party  of  40  who  went  to  S.  Jose".  The  departure  of  the 
caravan  is  noted  also  in  Niles1  Reg.,  Ixi.  209. 

7 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  2-6;  Dept.  St. Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  yJuzg.,MS., 
iv.  1-2;  vi.  81-2.  Arnaz,  Secuerdos,  MS.,  52,  tells  us  that  Virmond  and 
Aguirre  did  no  smuggling.  Belden,  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  67-8,  relates  a  cur- 
rent story,  to  the  effect  that  some  of  the  Californians  used  to  sell  Larkin  the 
same  hide  several  times  over  by  stealing  it  from  the  yard  back  of  his  store. 

8  Dec.  11,  1841,  V.  to  min.  of  war.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  386.  Wilkes, 
Narr.,  v.  210-11,  says  V.  'is  not  overscrupulous  in  demanding  duties  of 
vessels  entering  the  port  of  San  Francisco;  and  until  he  has  been  seen  and 
consulted  a  vessel  trading  here  is  liable  to  an  indefinite  amount  of  duties. 
A  portion  of  the  amount  adds  to  his  wealth,  and  how  much  goes  to  the  gov- 


VESSELS  OF  1841.  209 

hunting  went  on  as  before,  being  confined  for  the 
most  part  to  the  southern  coasts  and  islands,  where 
it  furnished  profitable  employment  to  a  few  persons. 
Santa  Barbara  was  the  headquarters  of  the  otter- 
hunters;  and  captains  Fitch,  Wilson,  and  Scott  are 
the  men  specially  mentioned  as  interested  in  this 
branch  of  industry  in  1841.  The  records,  however, 
are  vague  and  of  little  interest,  being  disconnected 
items  relating  to  attempts  on  the  part  of  the  author- 
ities to  prevent  illegal  hunting.9  Whalers  had  been 
accustomed  to  bring  goods  to  trade  for  needed  sup- 
plies; but  this  year  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  im- 
pose restrictions ;  and  while  these  vessels  were  still  to 
be  exempt  from  anchorage  and  tonnage  dues,  they 
were  to  pay  duties  on  the  goods  introduced,  which 
could  not  exceed  $500  in  value  for  each  vessel.10  I 
may  remark  here  that  the  visitors  of  this  year, 
Douglas,  Mofras,  Peirce,  Wilkes,  and  Simpson,  in 
their  narratives  to  be  noticed  elsewhere,  give  special 
attention  to  the  commercial  interests  of  the  country. 
In  the  maritime  list  of  the  year  I  name  forty-six 
vessels,11  of  which  number  seven  were  men-of-war,  or 

eminent  is  not  known — enough  I  was  told  in  some  cases  to  save  appearances, 
and  no  more.'  He  '  considers  every  bushel  of  grain  as  much  at  his  command 
a;  he  does  the  persons  of  the  people  and  the  property  of  the  state.'  All 
these  notions  were  imbibed  largely  from  Sutter. 

9  Sta  Barbara,  Arch.,  MS.,  17,  21;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  281;  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal,  MS.,  iv.  1112;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  vi.  28;  Nidever's  Life, 
MS.,  107-8. 

10  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  253,  359-60,  368-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii. 
12.     Dec.    7th,    Spear  to  Larkin.     Complains  that  the  whalers  '  play  the 
deuce '  with  regular  trade,  selling  goods  cheap  and  paying  high  prices  for 
produce.  Larkin' s  Doc. ,  MS.,  i.  193. 

11  See  full  list  for  1841-5  at  end  chap,  xxiii.,  this  vol.     Vessels  of  1841: 
Alert,  Ayacucho,  Bolina,   Bolivar,  Braganza,    California,  Catalina,    Chato, 
Clara,   Columbia,   Columbine,   Constantine,   Corsair,   Cowlitz,   Cura^oa,   Don 
Quixote,  Elena,  Eliza,  Flying  Fish,  Hamilton,  Index,  Jdven  Carolina,  Joven 
(jluipuzcoaiia,  Juan  Diego,  Juan  Jose  (?),  Julia  Ann,  Lahaina,  Llama,  Lau- 
sanne (?),  Leonidas (?),  Leonora (1),  Maryland,  Morea(t),  Ninfa,  Oreza,  Oregon, 
Orizaba,  Porpoise,  Rosalind,  St  Louis  (?),  Sapphire,  Susana,  Tasso,  Thomas 
Perkins,    Vincennes,   Yorktown.     On  the  Oregon-built  schooner,  the  Star  of 
Oregon,  which  came  to  S.  F.  and  was  sold,  see  Hist.  Or. ,  i.  247-8,  this  series. 
I  find  no  Cal.  record  of  her  presence. 

Statistics  for  1841 :  Custom-house  receipts  according  to  records  in  Dept. 

St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  v.,  $101,161;  expenses,  $9,344;  net  product,  $91,- 

817.     Hartnell  gives  the  total  as  $101,150  from  22  vessels.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS., 

i.  85.     In  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1844,  annex.  1,  the  receipts  are  given  as 

HIST.  CAI,.,  VOL.  IV.    H 


210  COMMERCIAL  AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

national  exploring  craft;  seven  were  whalers,  and 
probably  a  few  more  not  named,  while  twenty  vessels 
made  up  the  trading  fleet  proper  and  brought  to  the 
country  goods  invoiced  at  about  $100,000,  on  which 
duties  were  paid  to  the  same  amount.  Cargoes  in- 
troduced by  contraband  methods,  there  are  no  means 
of  estimating  accurately,  but  they  certainly  were  not 
less  than  half  the  amounts  entered  at  the  custom- 
house. Duflot  de  Mofras,  an  intelligent  French  trav- 
eller who  visited  California  this  year,  estimated  the 
importations  at  $150,000  and  exported  products  at 
$280,000.  Sir  James  Douglas  gave  $241,000  as  his 
estimate  of  the  exports.  Both  gentlemen,  however, 
referred  to  an  average  rather  than  to  this  particular 
year.  Four  or  five  vessels,  the  Tasso,  Ayacucho,  Cor- 
sair, Julia  Ann,  and  Cowlitz,  paid  more  than  two 
thirds  of  the  total  revenue  of  the  year. 

Antonio  Maria  Osio  still  remained  in  charge  of 
the  custom-house,  and  Jose  Abrego  as  comisario  still 
superintended  the  distribution  of  the  public  moneys. 
At  Monterey  there  were  probably  some  clerks,  and 
there  was  also  a  guard  under  the  command  of  Rafael 
Gonzalez;  at  other  ports  the  sub-prefect,  or  justice  of 
the  peace,  was  occasionally  called  on  to  see  that  the 
revenue  laws  were  respected.  The  records  make  no 
further  revelation  respecting  the  administration  of 

$97,725;  expenses,  $11,743;  net,  .$85,982.  Larkin,  Official  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii. 
37,  also  gives  the  total  as  $101,150.  Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  1G8-9,  gives  the  fol- 
lowing as  the  average  of  exports:  150,000  hides  at  §2;  200,000  arrobas  tallow 
at  $1.50;  2,000  beaver  skins  at  $2;  500  sea-otter  skins  at  §30;  12,000  bushels 
of  wheat  at  50  cents;  and  3,000  elk  and  deer  skins  at  50  cts  or$l.  Mo- 
fras, Explor.,  i.  500-5,  gives  the  imports  as  Mexican,  $50,000;  American, 
$70,000;  English,  $20,000;  miscellaneous  and  whalers,  $10,000.  Exports: 
Mexican,  $05,000;  American,  $150,000;  English,  $45,000;  miscellaneous, 
$20,000;  or  hides,  $210,000;  tallow,  $55,000;  other  articles  $15,000.  Vessels 
from  Sept.  1840  to  Sept.  1841:  Mexican,  10,  1,273  tons,  118  crew,  imports 
$50,000,  exports  §05,000;  American,  10,  2,392  tons,  153  crew,  imports  $70,- 
000,  exports  $150,000;  English,  4,  1,007  tons,  crew  54,  imports  $20,000,  ex- 
ports $45,000;  miscellaneous,  3,  449  tons,  crew  39,  imports  $10,000,  exports 
$20,000.  Total,  27  vessels,  5,121  tons,  crews  364,  imports  $150,000,  exports 
$280,000.  Also  7  men-of-war,  118  guns,  1,020  men;  and  9  whalers,  3,575 
tons  (?),  275  men.  This  table  also  in  Cutts'  Conquest  of  Cal.,  23.  See  also 
tables  and  comments  in  Cong.  Globe,  1843-4,  appendix  226.  Exports  to  Hon- 
olulu $42,700  for  this  year.  Flagcfa  Report.  See  also  in  Davis1  s  Olim2>8es,  MS., 
an  important  table  of  hide  and  tallow  exports  in  these  years. 


VISIT  OF  DOUGLAS.  21 1 

departmental  finances.  Items  in  the  archives,  both 
Californian  and  Mexican,  though  somewhat  numerous, 
are  so  vague  and  disconnected  as  to  throw  no  light  on 
the  subject,  and  furnish  no  statistics.  It  is  evident 
from  occasional  allusions  in  correspondence  of  the  time 
that  officials  at  the  capital  were  still  popularly  accused 
of  squandering  a  considerable  portion  of  the  revenues; 
but  controversies  between  the  various  civil  and  mili- 
tary claimants,  if  new  ones  arose  or  the  old  ones  con- 
tinued, have  left  no  trace. 

A  matter  of  general  interest  in  the  annals  of  1841, 
and  one  whose  connection  with  commercial  and  mari- 
time affairs  is  sufficiently  marked  to  give  it  a  place 
naturally  in  this  chapter,  is  the  operations  of  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  in  California.  Relations  between 
California  and  the  company  had,  as  we  have  seen,  al- 
ways been  friendly,  but  never  very  intimate.  The 
company's  vessels  running  between  the  Columbia  and 
Honolulu  had  often,  but  not  regularly,  touched  at 
Monterey  and  San  Francisco  for  supplies;  and  their 
trappers  had  for  years  frequented  the  broad  valleys  of 
the  Sacramento  and  San  Ooaquin.  It  was  desired  to 
establish  relations,  both  in  respect  of  trade  and  of  trap- 
ping, on  a  more  definite  and  favorable  basis;  and  no- 
body in  California  had  any  objections,  except  perhaps 
Sutter  and  certain  merchants,  who  feared  rivalry  re- 
spectively in  fur-hunting  and  the  foreign  trade.12  Chief 
Factor  James  Douglas  came  down  from  Fort  Van- 
couver in  the  Columbia,  arriving  at  Monterey  January 
1st,  having  with  him  a  party  of  thirty-six  men,  and 
also  bringing  a  cargo  of  goods  for  sale.  The  men  were 
in  part  hunters,  and  others  were  to  drive  overland  to 
the  Columbia  a  herd  of  live-stock,  which  it  was  hoped 
to  purchase.  "We  have  also  other  objects  of  a  polit- 

1a  Aug.  31,  1840,  Francis  Johnson  at  Honolulu  writes  to  Larkin  that  the 
H.  B.  Co.  is  planning  to  monopolize  the  trade  in  all  the  North  Pacific.  A 
vessel  is  now  building  in  England  which  is  to  bring  a  cargo  of  goods  at  very 
low  prices.  Americans  at  Honolulu,  however,  do  not  fear  the  competition. 
c.,  MS.,  i.  83. 


2K2  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPAINY. 

ical  nature  in  view,  which  may  or  may  not  succeed 
according  to  circumstances,"  writes  the  visitor,  "but 
in  the  event  of  success  the  results  will  be  important." 
Douglas  has  recorded  the  events  of  his  visit  in  a 
journal,  which  has  never  been  published,  but  of  which 
I  have  a  copy,  unfortunately  not  complete,  but  of  the 
greatest  interest.  It  presents  a  vivid  and  accurate 
picture  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in  the  country,  par- 
ticularly in  commercial  and  social  phases.  The  author 
remained  at  the  capital  three  weeks,  passing  his  time 
in  an  agreeable  mixture  of  social  entertainment  and 
business  conferences  with  Alvarado,  Spence  serving 
as  interpreter,  and  affording  much  aid,  though  at  first 
with  the  Scotch  trader  "there  was  something  wrong, 
some  lurking  suspicion  of  fancied  encroachments  or 
meditated  deception"  which  caused  him  to  "receive 
us  with  a  sort  of  reserved  courtesy  that  made  us  feel 
rather  uncomfortable."  Alvarado  was  courteous  and 
friendly.  Osio  and  the  revenue  officials  were  not  only 
gentlemanly,  but '  of  strict  integrity,'  and  business  went 
on  swimmingly.  With  a  dozen  of  the  company's  men 
•under  McKay,  Douglas  and  his  companion  Wood 
made  the  trip  overland  from  Monterey  to  San  Fran- 
cisco, being  sumptuously  entertained  by  Hartnell  and 
Joaquin  Gomez  at  their  ranches  on  the  way.  With 
the  Salinas  and  Santa  Clara  valleys  the  English  visi- 
tor was  so  delighted  that  he  was  moved  to  pronounce 
California  "a  country  in  many  respect's  unrivalled  by 
any  other  part  of  the  globe."  Whether  or  not  he  saw 
anything  on  the  barren  peninsula  of  San  Francisco  to 
modify  his  views,  we  may  not  know,  for  the  fragment 
of  his  journal  in  my  possession  terminates  abruptly 
with  the  arrival  at  Santa  Clara  on  January  23d. 
From  other  sources  we  know  that  the  voyager  was  at 
San  Francisco  late  in  February,  and  back  in  Oregon 
before  the  end  of  May.13 

15  Douglas'  Voyage  from  the  Columbia  to  California,  1S40-1,  MS.,  in  Id. 
Journals,  p.  65-108.  Should  I  attempt  to  present  quotations  from  this  nar- 
rative, I  should  hardly  know  where  to  stop  short  of  giving  the  whole.  I 


THE  FUR  HUNTERS.  21 H 

The  first  matter  that  came  up  between  Douglas  and 
Alvarado  was  that  of  fur-hunting  operations  in  the 
interior.  Every  year  Michel  Laframboise  had  ranged 
the  valleys  with  a  band  of  the  company's  trappers,  and 
this  since  1837  under  a  kind  of  official  sanction;  but 
Sutter,  wishing  to  monopolize  the  hunting-fields,  had 
peremptorily  ordered  the  trappers  to  discontinue  their 
visits — an  order  not  obeyed,  as  Douglas  said,  because 
nothing  was  known  of  Sutter's  authority.  Alvarado 
stated  that  Sutter  had  acted  unadvisedly  in  issuing 
orders  rather  than  requests;  and  he  declared  that  his 
government  had  been  pleased  with  the  conduct  of  the 
company's  hunters  as  compared  with  that  of  other  ban- 
ditti calling  themselves  trappers;  yet  he  insisted  that 
as  settlements  were  extended,  the  hunting-parties 
must  withdraw  to  more  distant  fields,  as  their  presence 
could  not  be  reconciled  with  the  Mexican  laws.  "I 
told  him,"  says  Douglas,  "that  the  wishes  of  the  gov- 
ernment when  officially  communicated  to  us  would  be 
attended  to  in  this  and  every  other  particular."14  A 
few  days  later,  as  part  of  a  general  agreement  to  be 
mentioned  presently,  Alvarado  consented  to  the  em- 
ployment of  thirty  hunters  who  should  become  Mexi- 
can citizens,  and  half  of  whom  if  possible  should  be 
natives  of  California.  Later  still  at  San  Francisco, 
Douglas  applied  to  Vallejo  for  a  license  to  hunt  on 
condition  of  submitting  to  legal  restrictions,  and  of 
paying  a  tax  or  duty  on  each  skin  taken.15  It  is  evi- 

shall,  however,  have  occasion  to  cite  it  on  special  topics.  Sir  James  Douglas 
was  an  intelligent  and  educated  gentleman.  Respecting  the  country,  its 
people,  and  its  institutions,  his  observations  are  always  sensible  and  just. 
He  did  not  permit  his  admiration  of  California's  natural  advantages  to  blind 
him  to  the  serious  faults  of  her  people  and  rulers;  but  he  wrote  always  in  a 
spirit  of  kindness,  which  produced  a  marked  contrast  between  his  narrative 
and  those  of  Lieut  Wilkes  and  other  foreign  visitors.  Yet  who  can  say  that 
his  humor  would  not  have  been  somewhat  less  kindly,  if,  arriving  two  days 
later,  he  had  been  refused  permission  to  sell  his  sugar,  or  if  he  had  failed  in 
Bome  of  his  other  negotiations  ? 

^Dourjlas1  Voyage,  MS.,  71-3.  Jan.  4,  1841,  perhaps  the  very  day  of  the 
interview,  Alvarado  writes  to  the  juez  at  S.  F.  to  use  all  diplomatic  measures 
to  cause  Michel  and  his  men  to  retire  pending  a  decision.  Dfpt.  Jiec.,  MS., 
xii.  1. 

15  Jan.  13,  1841,  Alvarado  to  Douglas.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  182. 
This  agreement  was  to  be  submitted  to  the  co.  for  approval.  Feb.  15th  to 


214  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

dent  that  some  kind  of  an  arrangement  was  subse- 
quently concluded  on  the  basis  of  one  or  both  propo- 
sitions, though  I  have  no  definite  record  of  the  settle- 
ment, which  was  doubtless  more  or  less  satisfactory 
to  all  but  the  New  Helvetian  magnate.16  At  any  rate, 
the  company's  trappers  did  not  suspend  their  opera- 
ations  for  several  years. 

Douglas  succeeded  also  in  buying  cows  and  sheep 
for  the  north,  though  he  had  to  take  them  from  the 
government  at  higher  prices  than  the  rancheros  would 
have  demanded.  The  animals  were  doubtless  driven 
to  the  Columbia  during  the  season.17  There  were 
rumors  current  that  McKay,  as  representative  of  the 
company,  was  to  get  a  large  grant  of  land  in  the  Sacra- 
mento Valley,  on  which  the  trappers  of  the  interior 
would  have  their  headquarters.  Mofras  goes  so  far 
as  to  state  that  a  grant  of  eleven  leagues  was  actu- 
ally made;  but  I  find  no  evidence  that  such  was  the 
fact.18  Of  course  foreigners  of  other  than  English 

March  llth,  corresp.  between  Douglas  and  V.  Id.,  x.  57,  77,  81.  So  far  as 
this  correspondence  shows,  the  only  point  not  settled  was  that  of  territory, 
Douglas  wishing  a  free  range  of  the  whole  country,  and  V.  desiring  at  first  to 
restrict  the  hunters  to  the  region  west  of  the  Sacramento. 

16Sutter,  Pers.  Eemin.,  MS.,  C3-8,  tells  us  that,  thinking  it  wrong  that 
the  furs  of  the  country  should  be  taken  away,  he  complained  to  the  govt,  and 
so  high  a  duty  was  put  on  furs  that  the  company  had  to  abandon  the  field, 
and  then  he  had  it  all  to  himself. 

17  The  price  paid  for  cows  was  $6,  and  for  ewes  $2.    Douglas'  Vofjage,  MS., 
75.     4,000  sheep  were  bought,  and  also  horses  for  the  drovers,  which  hor;es 
were  sold  to  Wilkes'  party  for  the  return  trip.    Simpson's  Narr.,  i.  294,  298. 
1,100  sheep  from  Sta  Clara  mission  by  governor's  order.   St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS., 
ix.  44. 

18  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  456.     Jan.  29,  1841,  Ethan  Estabrook  in  a  letter  to 
Larkin  says:  'The  H.  B.  Co.  is  playing  the  devil  with  the  Cal.  cattle,  if  not 
with  Cal.  itself.  They  are  preparing  to  purchase  on  a  large  scale.  Capt.  Hum- 
phrey informs  me  that  they  want  at  least  100,000  cattle  and  half  a  million  of 
sheep  if  they  can  be  had.     McKay,  the  chief  hunter,  is  to  have  a  grant  in  the 
Tulares  of  about  30  miles  square.     This  is  destined  to  be  the  headquarters 
of  their  enterprise  in  the  interior.     About  120  hunters,  well  armed  and  dis- 
ciplined, are  now  in  the  Tulares,  and  40  or  50  came  as  passengers  in  the  bark 
and  proceeded  from  Monterey  to  the  Tulares  headed  by  McKay  to  take  pos- 
session of  his  new  estate.     This  company  is  to  be  increased  to  any  number 
that  may  be  judged  requisite  for  hunting,  collecting  cattle,  etc.     It  is  very 
easy  for  the  govt  of  Cal.  to  admit  these  people  within  its  limits;  but  will  it 
be  as  easy  to  drive  them  out?    Pienno  que  no.     His  excellency  has  sold  some 
thousand  or  two  of  cattle  of  his  own  and  from  the  missions,  etc.     There  is, 
however,  quite  an  excitement  above  because  he  will  not  permit  others  to  sell.' 
Larkirfa  Doc.,  MS.,  i.    122.     Estabrook.it  will  be  remembered,  was  U.  S. 
consular  agent. 


A  PERMANENT  POST.  215 

nationality  acted  from  interested  motives  in  spreading 
exaggerated  rumors  respecting  the  company's  in- 
tended encroachments. 

Nevertheless  it  was  the  company's  purpose  to  have 
a  permanant  trading-post  in  California,  whatever  may 
have  been  their  political  hopes  and  aims.  To  this 
end  largely  Douglas  directed  his  observations  as  re- 
corded in  his  journal.  His  conclusions  were:  "If  we 
enter  into  the  California  trade,  I  would  advise  that 
we  should  do  business  with  persons  of  good  character 
only.  For  this  purpose  we  ought  to  confine  our  at- 
tention to  a  wholesale  trade,  supplying  the  country 
merchants  with  goods,  and  receiving  payment  from 
them  in  hides,  tallow,  and  grain.  By  this  plan  we  would 
be  secure  from  great  risks.  A  much  less  expensive  es- 
tablishment would  suffice,  the  presence  of  a  vessel 
would  not  be  constantly  required,  and  with  these  ad- 
vantages we  might  count  on  doing  a  safe  and  profit- 
able business,  whereas  the  retail  trade  would  involve 
us  in  heavy  expense;  and  we  have  no  people  compe- 
tent to  carry  it  on  and  compete  with  the  clever  active 
men  now  engaged  in  it,  who  speak  the  language 
fluently  and  know  almost  every  person  in  California. 
We  ought  at  all  events  to  start  as  wholesale  dealers. 
As  San  Francisco  is  the  port  considered  most  favor- 
able from  its  growing  trade,  I  think  we  ought  either 
to  erect  or  purchase  premises  at  the  Yerba  Buena, 
the  most  convenient  place  for  shipping  within  the 
port.  One  gentleman  with  two  trusty  servants  might 
manage  the  affairs  of  the  establishment;  but  it  would 
be  better  to  have  two  attached  to  it,  as  the  presence 
of  the  principal  agent  would  be  occasionally  wanted 
at  Monterey  to  enter  consignments  and  settle  matters 
amicably  with  the  custom-house  authorities;  as  any 
mismanagement  with  these  people  would  convert  them 
into  bitter  enemies  and  be  a  source  of  infinite  annoy- 
ance. If  the  company  do  not  wish  to  confine  our 
transactions  to  the  port  of  San  Francisco  alone,  it 
will  become  a  matter  of  calculation  whether  the  busi- 


216  THE  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

ness  can  be  managed  to  most  advantage  by  vessels 
or  by  having  establishments  in  the  greatest  seaport 
towns,  such  as  Monterey,  San  Pedro,  and  San  Diego. 
There  are  a  few  houses  at  Yerba  Buena.  If  we 
intend  to  purchase  wheat  in  great  quantities,  we 
should  have  a  store  erected  at  the  embarcadero  of 
Santa  Clara,  where  the  farmers  would  bring  their 
wheat  as  we  bought  it,  and  thus  prevent  delays  in 
shipment.  We  should  also  have  400  bags  of  twilled 
sacking  holding  exactly  a  fanega  when  tied,  as  the 
country  people  have  no  means  of  transporting  grain 
from  their  farms  to  the  store."19 

In  accordance  with  these  views,  an  agreement  was 
made  with  Alvarado,  by  which  he  pledged  himself  to 
permit  the  company  to  engage  in  the  California  trade 
by  putting  one  or  more  vessels  under  the  Mexican 
flag,  and  obtaining  naturalization  papers  for  the  com- 
manders. He  also  promised  to  grant  a  building-lot 
at  some  point  to  be  selected  within  the  port  of  San 
Francisco,  and  to  give  the  company's  servants  the 
privilege  of  pasturing  the  animals  of  the  establish- 
ment on  the  commons.20  The  factor's  plans  were 
approved  on  his  return  to  Fort  Vancouver1*  in  April 
or  May,  and  Chief  Factor  McLoughlin  immediately 
despatched  his  son-in-law,  William  Glen  Rae,  witl\ 
Robert  Birnie  as  a  clerk,  to  take  charge  of  the  pro- 
posed establishment  at  San  Francisco.  Douglas  wrote 
to  Alvarado  Ma}7"  24th,  introducing  Rae,  and  stating 
that  the  company  had  decided  not  to  nationalize  any 
of  their  vessels  this  year,  having  none  suitable  for 
the  purpose.  He  says  further:  "You  promised  to 
place  the  national  schooner  at  our  disposal  for  the 
transport  of  any  goods  sent  down  this  year  from  the 
port  of  entry  to  San  Francisco,  and  Mr  Rae  trusts 

19  Douglas'  Voyage,  MS.,  85-95.     It  is  unfortunate  in  this  connection  that 
that  part  of  the  journal  describing  the  visit  to  S.  F.  is  not  extant. 

20  Jan.  11,  1841,  Douglas  to  Alvarado,  stating  the  conclusions  reached  at 
interviews  as  he  understood  them,  and  asking  the  governor's  approval  in 
writing.   Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  177.     Jan.  13th,  blotter  of  A. 's  approval. 
Id.,  182.     Corresp.  also  noted  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  175-9. 


RAE  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO.  217 

entirely  to  your  good  offices  to  push  him  through  the 
difficulties  of  entering  by  a  foreign  vessel.  I  made 
no  selection  of  land  at  San  Francisco,  but  Mr  Rae 
will  either  do  so  now  or  purchase  a  convenient  lot 
from  some  of  the  inhabitants  there."21 

Rae  arrived  at  Monterey  in  August  on  the  Cow- 
litz,  which  came  by  way  of  Honolulu  with  a  cargo  on 
which  duties  amounting  to  over  $10,000  were  paid. 
No  trouble  was  made  about  the  transfer  to  San  Fran- 
cisco,22 where  the  agent  proceeded  to  buy  from  Jacob 
P.  Leese  a  lot  on  which  stood  a  building  occupied 
from  that  time  as  store  and  dwelling.  Mrs  Rae 
joined  her  husband  at  the  end  of  the  year.23  James 
A.  Forbes  acted  as  a  kind  of  sub-agent  for  Rae  at 
San  Jose.  Of  the  company's  business  in  California 
under  the  new  arrangement  I  have  been  able  to  find 
no  definite  records  for  several  years;  but  it  is  under- 
stood to  have  been  moderately  prosperous.2*  It  is  re- 

21  May  24,  1841,  D.  to  A.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  210.  He  also  sent 
some  gifts,  which  he  begged  the  gov.  to  accept. 

!2  Aug.  23,  1841,  gov.  to  juez  at  S.  F.  The  supercargo  of  the  Carotide  (?) 
is  authorized  to  land  his  goods  and  form  his  warehouse  where  he  pleases. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  17. 

23  Birnie,  Personal  A  dven. ,  MS. ,  4-5,  who  came  as  clerk  with  Rae,  tells  us 
that  for  the  100-vara  lot  and  the  frame  and  adobe  building,  $4,600  was  paid, 
half  in  money  and  half  in  goods.  Mrs  Harvey,  formerly  Mrs  Rae,  Life  oj 
McLoufjhlin,  MS.,  p.  22,  describes  the  building  which  was  near  what  was 
later  Montgomery  St,  between  Clay  and  Sacramento,  as  about  30x80  feet, 
divided  in  the  middle  by  a  hall  into  store  and  dwelling.  Hittell,  Hist.  S.  F., 
89,  says  that  Rae  bought  out  Leese's  business  as  well  as  his  store.  The  ear- 
liest communication  from  Rae  in  person  which  I  have  found  is  one  addressed 
to  Alvarado  on  Nov.  1st.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  238.  Vallejo,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  iv.  179-98,  says  that  the  company  applied  to  him  for  permission  to 
establish  a  protestant  church  at  S.  F.,  which  he  refused.  The  general  de- 
fends his  act  at  some  length,  stating  that  he  was  much  blamed  for  it;  but  I 
find  no  other  reference  to  the  matter  whatever. 

24 Hittell,  Hist.  8.  F.,  89-90,  apparently  on  the  authority  of  Leese,  says: 
'  Ray  saw  that  there  was  an  excellent  opportunity  to  monopolize  the  trade  of 
the  bay.  The  great  capital  of  the  company  gave  them  an  advantage  over  in- 
dividual competitors,  and  the  profits  of  trade  would  justify  the  attempt.  Mr 
Leese,  unable  to  compete  with  them,  sold  out  his  store  and  business  to  them, 
and  moved  to  Sonoma.  The  American  merchants  had  paid  for  their  hides 
and  tallow  on  delivery,  in  merchandise  upon  which  great  profits  were  made. 
Ray  offered  to  pay  half  cash  and  half  merchandise,  and  to  pay  the  merchan- 
dise share  in  advance.  These  terms  were  so  much  better  for  the  rancheros 
than  those  of  the  Americans,  that  the  latter  could  get  but  little  trade,  and 
the  Hudson  Bay  Co.  rapidly  grew  in  importance;  but  in  1844  (?)  Sir  Geo. 
Simpson,  the-governor  of  the  company,  visited  the  coast,  condemned  Ray's 
payment  in  advance,  and  refused  to  approve  the  purchase  of  the  house.' 


218  HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY. 

lated  that  Rae  when  in  his  cups,  and  questioned  by 
inquisitive  persons,  used  to  say  it  had  cost  his  com- 
pany £75,000  to  drive  Bryant  and  Sturgis  from  the 
north-west  trade  in  furs;  "and  they  will  drive  you 
Yankees  from  California  if  it  costs  a  million." 

At  the  end  of  the  year,  on  December  30th,  the 
Cowlitz  came  back  to  San  Francisco  from  the  Colum- 
bia, having  on  board  Sir  George  Simpson,  governor- 
in-chief  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  John  Mc- 
Loughlin,  chief  factor  of  the  company  on  the  Pacific 
coast,  M.  Duflot  de  Mofras,  the  French  traveller, 
Horatio  Hale  of  the  U.  S.  exploring  expedition,  and 
Mrs  Rae,  wife  of  the  agent  at  San  Francisco.25  Early 
in  January  Simpson,  accompanied  by  McLoughlin, 
Rae,  and  Forbes,  crossed  the  bay  to  Sonoma,  spend- 
ing a  night  on  the  way  with  Timothy  Murphy,  and 
being  hospitably  entertained  for  two  days  by  Vallejo 
and  family.28  Returning,  he  visited  the  Mission  Do- 
lores, and  sailed  for  Monterey  on  January  12th,  arriv- 
ing three  days  later.  At  the  capital  the  two  distin- 
guished travellers  were  entertained  by  Spence  and 
Watson,  and  met  Ermatinger,  who  with  his  trappers 
had  come  down  overland  by  the  *usual  route.  At 
Santa  Barbara,  on  the  23d-26th,  they  were  received 

Simpson  in  his  narrative  hints  at  no  such  disapproval,  and  indeed  says  really 
nothing  about  the  company's  affairs  in  California.  Phelps,  Fore  and  Aft, 
271-5,  gives  a  rersion  very  different  from  that  of  Hittell,  saying  that  the  com- 
pany's agents  could  not  compete  with  the  Boston  trailers,  whose  system  of 
doing  business  was  different  and  far  better  adapted  to  the  condition  of  the 
Caliiornians.  The  company  could  not  depart  from  its  long-established  sys- 
tem of  cash  or  barter  and  no  credit.  The  people  had  no  money,  and  had  been 
used  to  pay  the  Boston  ships  in  hides  and  tallow  when  they  could;  therefore 
the  company  got  no  customers  and  finally  had  to  remove  all  their  effects,  sell- 
ing out  to  Mellus  &  Howard  in  1846  for  $5,000.  Both  Phelps  and  Alfred  Rob- 
inson erroneously  connect  Rae's  arrival  with  that  of  Simpson. 

25  Voyage,  arrival,  and  passengers.  Simpson's  Narr.,  i.  253-74;  Dept.  St. 
Pop.,  BKII.  Mil.,  MS.,  Iv.  17-18.     They  found  in  port  the  Russian  exiles  of 
Ross  on  board  the  Constantim,  about  100  souls,  men,  women,  and  children, 
'  all  patriotically  delighted  to  exchange  the  lovely  climate  of  California  for 
the  ungenial  skies  of  Sitka.' 

26  He  speaks  in  flattering  terms  of  Vallejo  generally,  bub  some  of  his  ex- 
pressions about  the  meals  served,  which  he  did  not  altogether  admire,  and 
whiih  he  described  to  illustrate  the  Californian  style  of  living,  have  appar- 
ently given  offence  to  a  writer  in  the  Sta  Rosa  Democrat,  Jan.  2.  1875,  who 
attributes  his  slighting  remarks  to  disappointment  in  not  having  succeeded 
ia  making  Vallejo  see  the  beauties  of  an  English  protectorate! 


SUTTEE'S  THREATS.  219 

with  great  ceremony  by  the  new  bishop,  and  Simpson 
made  known  to  Dona  Concepcion  Argiiello  under  what 
circumstances  Rezdnof,  her  lover  of  1807,  had  died,  for 
the  lady  had  never  seen  Langsdorff 's  book.  Then  the 
Cowlitz  sailed  away  for  the  Islands. 

Of  his  company's  enterprise  in  California,  Simpson 
has  nothing  whatever  to  say.27  The  vessel  brought 
down  some  articles  for  Rae's  establishment,  which, 
notwithstanding  recent  friendly  relations,  had  to  .be 
carried  to  Monterey  and  sent  back  to  Yerba  Buena 
at  considerable  expense — a  circumstance  which  caused 
some  not  very  complimentary  criticism  of  the  revenue 
system  and  management.23  On  one  subject,  however, 
as  is  shown  by  the  archive  records,  the  governor  had 
occasion  to  act  officially.  Captain  Sutter  had  natu- 
rally been  displeased  at  the  fur-hunting  concessions  and 
had  probably  made  some  foolish  threats,  as  was  his 
custom,  of  not  submitting.  Rae  complained  to  Alva- 
rado  on  the  subject  in  November,  and  Sutter  was  per- 
haps warned  not  to  interfere;29  but  subsequently  the 
Swiss  adventurer  tried  to  accomplish  his  purpose  in 
another  way  by  involving  his  rivals  in  trouble  with 
the  government.  In  connection  with  his  threats  of 
overthrowing  the  Mexican  power  in  northern  Califor- 
nia, he  gave  out  that  his  movement  was  to  be  sup- 
ported by  the  trappers,  and  apparently  went  so  far  as 
to  send  out  his  confidential  agent,  Custot,  to  excite 
the  Canadian  hunters.  "Vallejo  sent  a  complaint,  with 

'"  Alfred  Robinson,  Statement,  MS.,  17;  Life  in  Gal,  198-9,  tells  us  the 
idea  was  prevalent  that  Simpson's  visit  and  his  efforts  to  gain  friends  were 
connected  with  a  plan  not  only  to  monopolize  the  country's  trade,  but  per- 
haps also  to  get  hold  of  the  country  itself. 

28  Simpson  says  there  was  much  disappointment  at  Monterey  when  it  was 
learned  that  he  had  no  cargo  of  goods  on  which  to  pay  duties.  The  fear  had 
been — he  thinks  without  any  reason — that  the  duties,  if  paid  at  S.  F.,  would 
fall  into  Vallejo's  hands.  According  to  Depl.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  Iv.  17,  the 
Cowlitz  had  refused  to  pay  even  tonnage  dues,  and  protested  against  the  order 
to  remain  at  Yerba  Buena  only  48  hours. 

MNov.  1,  1841,  Rae  to  Alvarado.  Sutter  is  determined  to  oppose  the 
governor's  permission  to  trap  in  Cal. ;  relying  on  that  permission,  the  co.  has 
sent  a  party  of  hunters,  whose  arrival  is  daily  expected.  Serious  loss  will 
result  if  their  operations  are  interfered  with.  An  order  is  solicited  forbid- 
ding Slitter's  interference,  an  order  which,  however,  will  be  used  only  in  case 
of  absolute  necessity.  Vallcjo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xxxiii.  238. 


220  VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

proofs,  to  Simpson,  who  at  once  gave  the  desired 
assurance  that  his  men  would  not  be  allowed  to  take 
any  part  in  Sutter's  revolutionary  schemes,  and  sent 
corresponding  orders  to  Ermatinger.33  Later  in  1842 
there  were  two  parties  of  the  company's  trappers  at 
work  in  the  country  under  Ermatinger  and  Lafrarn- 
boise  respectively.  This  was  under  the  provisional 
permit  to  hunt  on  condition  of  paying  duties  on  all 
skins  obtained;  and  Vallejo  permitted  the  company's 
vessel  to  land  supplies  for  the  men  at  Bodega.31 

Sir  George  Simpson  had  sailed  from  Liverpool  in 
March  1841,  for  a  trip  round  the  world.  His  route 
was  to  Halifax,  Boston,  and  Montreal ;  thence  direct- 
ly across  the  continent  in  British  territory  to  Fcrt 
Colville,  and  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia;  up  the 
coast  by  land  and  water  to  Sitka  and  back,  inspecting 
the  company's  posts;  to  California,  Sandwich  Islands, 
Sitka,  and  Okhotsk  by  sea;  and  thence  across  the  con- 
tinent to  St  Petersburg;  reaching  London  in  October 
1842.  The  traveller  published  an  interesting  narra- 
tive of  his  journey  in  two  volumes,  devoting  about 

s°Jan.  12,  1842,  Simpson  to  Vallejo.  'My  Dear  General.  I  was  this 
morning  concerned  and  very  much  surprised  to  learn  that  Mr  Sutor  has  writ- 
ten highly  improper,  threatening,  and  insulting  letters  to  yourself  and  Gov. 
Alvarado;  and  that  it  is  reported  throughout  the  country  that  he  counts  upon 
the  support  and  countenance  of  the  H.  B.  Co.  iu  the  offensive  measures 
against  the  government  which  it  is  said  he  threatens.  I  can  scarcely  think 
it  possible  that  either  your  Excellency  or  the  governor  can  for  a  moment  give 
credence  to  any  report  that  may  reach  you  of  our  having  any  connection  or 
communication  directly  or  indirectly  with  Mr  Sutor,  or  with  any  one  else,  of 
a  political  character,  or  unfavorable  or  unfriendly  either  to  yourself  or  the 
governor.  On  the  contrary,  I  beg  to  assure  you  that  we  shall  always  be 
ready  to  discountenance,  by  every  means  in  our  power,  any  measures  either 
hostile  or  offensive  to  the  authorities  and  laws  of  the  country,  in  the  tran- 
quillity and  prosperity  of  which  we  feel  deeply  interested.  And  in  accord- 
ance with  this  assurance,  I  beg  to  forward  a  letter,  left  open  for  your  peru- 
sal, addressed  to  Mr  Ermatinger,  the  commander  of  our  trapping  expedition. 
Mr  McLoughlin  unites  with  me  in  warmest  and  best  wishes. '  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xi.  22.  Same  date,  Simpson  to  Ermatinger,  of  similar  purport.  Id.,  x. 
36.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  111-16,  also  gives  a  full  account  of  the 
subject. 

31  April  28,  1842,  V.  permits  a  vessel  to  touch  at  Cape  Mendocino  or  Bo- 
dega. Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  212.  Sept.  23d,  McLoughlin  to  V.  Thanks  for 
the  privilege,  and  details  of  the  hunting  license.  Id.,  xi.  264.  Bidwell,  Col., 
1841-8,  MS.,  99-102,  tells  us  that  the  trappers  continued  to  drive  cattle  and 
horses  to  Oregon  on  their  return  trip  each  spring,  more  and  more  as  the  yean* 
passed  by  and  the  profits  of  the  fur  trade  declined. 


SIR  GEORGE  SIMPSOX. 


221 


150  pages  to  California.32  This  English  visitor  de- 
scribes in  a  most  charming  style  his  own  experience 
and  impressions  of  what  he  saw,  introducing  here  and 
there,  with  a  pleasing  disregard  of  order,  sketches  of 
the  country's  history,  condition,  prospects,  people,  and 
institutions.  He  had  not  much  time,  as  we  have  seen, 
for  observation  and  study,  but  he  had  the  benefit  of 
Douglas'  experience  as  well  as  that  of  others;  and 
while  in  his  narrative  he  does  not  enter  exhaustively 
into  any  matter,  he  speaks  intelligently  of  many,  fall- 
ing into  no  serious  errors,  showing  no  strong  preju- 
dices, indulging  in  neither  abuse  nor  flattery.  I  ap- 
pend a  few  quotations,  which  show  the  spirit  of  his 


SIMPSON'S  MAP. 

• 

observations ;  and  I  shall  have  occasion  to  allude  else- 
where to  his  views  of  the  country's  future  destiny  po- 
litically, and  to  some  of  his  local  descriptions.33 

32  Simpson,  Narrative  of  a  Journey  round  the  World  during  the  years  1841 
and  1842.  By  Sir  George  Simpson,  Governor-in-Chiff  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company's  territories  in  North  America.  London,  1847.  8vo,  2vol.  Portrait 
and  map.  The  matter  devoted  to  California  is  found  in  vol.  i.,  p.  267-411; 
and  that  country  is  also  represented  on  the  general  map  of  the  world  showing 
the  traveller's  route.  I  deem  the  map  worth  reproduction  on  an  enlarged 
scale. 

83  'Here  on  the  very  threshold  of  the  country,  was  California  in  a  nutshell, 
nature  doing  everything  and  man  doing  nothing — a  text  on  which  our  whole 
sojourn  proved  to  be  little  but  a  running  commentary ...  The  trade  of  the 
whole  province  is  entirely  in  the  hands  of  foreigners,  who  are  almost  exclu- 
sively of  the  English  race.  Of  that  race,  however,  the  Americans  are  more 
numerous  than  the  British — the  former  naturally  flocking  in  greater  force  to 
neutral  ground,  while  the  latter  find  advantageous  outlets  in  their  own  na- 


222  VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

Two  other  sources  of  information  about  California 
in  1841  I  will  speak  of  here,  though  their  only  claim 
to  be  connected  with  commercial  and  maritime  affairs 
consists  in  the  fact  that  one  was  a  proposition  to  con- 
nect the  two  oceans  by  a  railroad,  and  the  other  was 
a  description  of  a  visit  by  the  captain  of  a  trading 
vessel.  The  idea  of  building  a  railroad  across  the 
continent  originated  at  a  date  not  yet  settled;34  but 

tional  colonies.  The  foreigners  are  to  the  Californians  as  one  to  ten;  while 
by  their  monopoly  of  trade  and  their  command  of  resources,  to  say  nothing  of 
their  superior  energy  and  intelligence,  they  already  possess  vastly  more  than 
their  numerical  proportion  of  political  influence,  exciting  but  little  jealousy, 
most  of  them  being  Catholics  and  married .  . .  Neither  butter  nor  cheese  nor 
any  preparation  of  milk  whatever  is  to  be  found  in  the  province.  The  native 
wine  that  we  tasted — except  at  Sta  Barbara — was  such  trash  as  nothing  but 
politeness  could  have  induced  us  to  swallow. 

'The  population  of  California  in  particular  has  been  drawn  from  the  most 
indolent  variety  of  an  indolent  species,  being  composed  of  superannuated  troop- 
ers and  retired  office-holders  and  their  descendants. .  .Such  settlers  were  not 
likely  to  toil  for  much  more  than  what  the  cheap  bounty  of  nature  afforded — 
horses  to  ride,  beef  to  eat,  with  hides  and  tallow  to  exchange  for  such  other 
supplies  as  they  wanted.  In  a  word,  they  displayed  more  than  the  proverbial 
indolence  of  a  pastoral  people,  for  they  did  not  even  devote  their  idle  hours 
to  the  tending  of  their  herds.  Gen.  Vallejo  is  a  good-looking  man  of  about 
45,  who  has  risen  in  the  world  by  his  own  talent  and  energy.  His  father  died 
about  10  years  ago,  leaving  to  a  large  family  of  sons  and  daughters  little  other 
inheritance  than  a  degree  of  intelligence  and  steadiness  almost  unknown  in 
the  country. .  .What  a  curious  dictionary  of  circumlocutions  a  Monterey  Direc- 
tory would  be!. . .  Alvarado,  whateverability  he  may  have  displayed  in  rising  from 
an  inferior  rank  to  be  the  first  man  in  California,  has  not  allowed  the  cares  of 
government  to  prey  on  his  vitals,  for  the  revolution  of  1836,  amid  its  other 
changes,  has  metamorphosed  its  champion  from  a  thin  and  spare  conspirator 
into  a  plump  and  punchy  lover  of  singing,  and  dancing,  and  feasting.  He 
received  us  very  politely. .  .Throughout  the  w^iole  of  Spanish  America  the 
machine  called  a  government  appears  to  exist  only  for  its  own  sake,  the  grand 
secret  of  office  being  to  levy  a  revenue  and  consume  it;  public  men  have  little  or 
no  object  in  life  but  to  share  the  booty,  while  private  individuals  look  with 
apathy  on  intrigues  which  promise  no  others  change  than  that  of  the  names 
of  their  plunderers.  ..Implicit  obedience  and  profound  respect  are  shown  by 
children,  even  after  they  are  grown  up,  toward  their  parents.  A  son,  though 
himself  the  head  of  a  family,  never  presumes  to  sit  or  smoke  or  remain  cov- 
ered in  the  presence  of  his  father;  nor  does  a  daughter  whether  married  or  not 
enter  into  too  great  familiarity  with  the  mother.  With  this  exception,  the 
Californians  know  little  or  nothing  of  the  restraints  of  etiquette . .  .Balls  look 
more  like  a  matter  of  business  than  anything  else  that  is  done . .  .In  all  but  the 
place  of  their  birth  the  colonists  of  Spain  have  continued  to  be  genuine  Span- 
iards. . .  Foreigners  and  natives  cordially  mingle  together  as  members  of  one 
and  the  same  harmonious  family.  The  virtue  of  hospitality  knows  no  bounds. 
In  a  word,  the  Californians  are  a  happy  people,  possessing  the  means  of  phy- 
sical pleasure  to  the  full,  and  knowing  no  higher  kind  of  enjoyment.' 

34 O.  M.  Wozencraft  writes  to  the  S.  F.  Alia,  Sept.  3,  1869:  'In  yester- 
day's issue  you  mentioned  that  "the  idea  of  building  a  railroad  across  our 
continent  must  have  occurred  to  many  different  persons  as  early  as  1833." 
Yes,  it  did:  I  can  bear  witness.  In  1831,  one  Col.  Low,  a  professor  in  St 
Joseph's  College  at  Bardstowu,  Ky.,  conceived  the  idea,  and  he  published  his 


WARNER'S  LECTURE.  223 

at  the  end  of  1840,  or  early  in  1841,  John  J.  Warner, 
a  resident  of  California  since  1831,  while  on  a  visit  in 
the  east,  made  an  elaborate  argument  in  favor  of 
establishing  railroad  communication  with  his  western 
home,  an  argument  delivered  apparently  in  the  form 
of  a  lecture  at  Rochester,  New  York,  and  published 
in  different  papers  and  magazines.35  His  idea  was 
that  of  a  railroad  to  the  Columbia  River  rather  than 
to  San  Francisco,  and  the  question  whether  it  was 
the  first  proposition  of  its  kind  or  not  is  one  that  is  of 
no  especial  importance  here.38  The  chief  importance 

views  in  pamphlet  form  preparatory  to  announcing  his  intention  of  running 
for  congress  against  Ben  Harding.  The  trustees  of  the  college  held  a  meeting, 
and  without  seeking  any  further  evidence  than  the  main  idea  presented  iu 
his  pamphlet,  declared  him  insane,  and  his  seat  as  professor  vacant.'  In  the 
N.  Y.  Tribune,  Jan.  25,  1869,  we  read:  'The  man  who  first  projected  the 
Pacific  R.  R.  is  nearly  as  numerous  as  his  brother  who  first  proposed  Gen. 
Grant  for  president.  He  lias  been  identified  with  Dr  Carver,  Asa  Whitney, 
Col.  Benton,  etc.  Mr  John  King  of  Dubuque,  Iowa,  now  identifies  him  with 
Mr  John  Plumbe,  a  Welshman,  who  settled  at  Dubuque  in  183(5,  corresponded 
extensively  with  eastern  journals,  made  the  first  survey  for  a  R.  R.  westward 
from  Lake  Michigan,  and  urged  the  construction  of  a  R.  R.  to  the  Pacific  from 
the  year  1836  onward.  He  called  a  private  meeting  in  its  behalf  in  the  winter 
of  1836-7,  assembled  a  public  meeting  therefor  in  1838,  and  wrote  largely  for 
the  journals  in  advocacy  of  the  project  in  all  those  years;  urging  the  project 
in  a  memorial  to  congress  during  the  winter  of  1839-40.  We  think  Mr  K. 
makes  out  a  pretty  strong  case.'  In  divers  newspapers  I  find  it  recorded  that 
Lewis  G.  Clark,  in  1838,  thus  wrote  of  the  Pac.  R.  R.  in  the  Knickerbocker 
Magazine:  '  There  will  yet  be  built  a  railroad  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific. 
Let  the  prediction  be  marked,  for  the  work  will  be  accomplished.  The  great 
chain  of  communication  will  yet  be  made  with  links  of  iron  "long  drawn 
out". .  .The  reader  is  now  living  who  will  make  the  trip,'  etc. 

85  Warner  returned  from  his  visit  on  the  Julia  Ann  iu  June.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  19.  According  to  Hayes1  Emig.  Notes,  309-10,  the  lecture 
was  delivered  at  Rochester,  and  published  in  the  N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce. 
I  find  it  under  the  title  of  California  and  Oregon;  Diffusion  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
Race,  and  New  Route  from  China  to  Boston,  in  the  Colonial  Magazine,  v.  229- 
36,  June  1841.  Of  the  article  the  editor  says:  'Some  of  his  views  will  per- 
haps seem  extravagant,  but  extravagance  itself  can  scarcely  equal  the  onward 
march  of  civilization  and  improvement  on  this  continent  within  the  last  50 
years,  and  in  indulging  his  anticipations  of  the  future,  he  is  liable  to  no 
graver  charge  than  at  the  commencement  of  that  period  would  have  been  laid 
at  the  door  of  any  man  who  had  predicted  what  has  since  become  matter  of 
history. ' 

36  Warner  writes:  'Let  us  suppose  a  railroad  in  operation  from  the  Colum- 
bia to  Boston.  The  distance,  allowing  for  sinuosities,  cannot  exceed  3,600 
miles.  Allowing  the  rate  of  travel  to  be  15  miles  per  hour,  it  will  require  10 
days;  and  allowing  60  days  (or  29  by  steam)  from  Canton  to  Columbia  River, 
we  have  70  days  from  Boston  to  Canton;  which  is  sooner  than  a  ship  could 
arrive  from  Panama  at  Canton.  Can  there  be  a  doubt  that  this  will  be  the 
route  of  communication  iu  less  than  60  years?  Admitting  a  ship-canal  to  be 
made  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  can  it  compete  with  the  Columbia  route, 
when  a  large  proportion  of  the  China  products  which  arrive  at  Boston  find  a 
market  of  consumption  west  of  Boston  and  this  market  is  daily  increasing?' 


224  VISITS  AND  BOOKS. 

of  the  essay  is  as  a  vivid  and  accurate  presentment  of 
the  natural  advantages  of  California,  based  on  the 
author's  personal  observations  during  a  residence  of 
ten  years,  and  on  quotations  from  other  writers.  The 
article  must  have  had  much  influence  in  attracting  at- 
tention to  the  country,  the  acquisition  of  which  by 
the  United  States  was  confidently  predicted  and  warm- 
ly advocated  by  the  author,  as  is  indicated  by  quota- 
tions which  I  present  in  another  chapter.37 

The  other  narrative  is  that  of  a  visit  to  California 
this  year  by  Henry  A.  Peirce,  master  and  owner  of 
the  Maryland.  It  has  never  been  published,  but  the 
original  manuscript  is  in  my  possession.  The  author 
was  a  prominent  business  man  of  Honolulu,  where  he 
was  later  U.  S.  consul.  He  arrived  at  Monterey 
November  24th,  and  after  a  few  days  went  up  to 
Yerba  Buena  on  the  Catalina.  Thence  in  December 
he  made  a  trip  to  San  Rafael  and  the  region  there- 
abouts, his  purpose  being  to  purchase  the  Novato 
Rancho,  which  was  offered  for  sale  at  a  low  price. 
He  gives  many  interesting  details  of  a  local  nature 
about  what  is  now  Marin  County,  including  the 
drunken  pranks  of  Padre  Quijas  at  Read's  rancho. 
Returning  to  Monterey  on  the  Don  Quixote,  Peirce 
sailed  on  his  own  vessel  January  3d,  and  two  days 
later  touched  at  Santa  Bdrbara  to  visit  the  grave  of 
his  brother,  who  had  died  there  several  years  before. 
For  nine  days  from  the  18th  the  Maryland  lay  at 
anchor  in  San  Diego  Bay,  the  captain  being  engaged 
in  disposing  of  his  cargo,  and  his  passenger,  M.  Du- 
flot  de  Mofras,  in  studying  the  missions  and  other  in- 
stitutions of  the  southern  district.  From  Mazatlan 
on  February  7th,  the  Maryland  sailed  for  Honolulu; 
but  Peirce  went  to  San  Bias  on  the  Victoria,  and 
thence  crossed  the  continent  to  Vera  Cruz.  The 

87  See  chap.  x.  of  this  volume  on  foreign  schemes  for  the  acquisition  of 
Cal.  I  may  mention  here  a  two-column  article  on  Cal.  in  the  Boston  Mercan- 
tile Journal  of  this  year,  republished  in  the  Honolulu  Polynesian,  i.  190.  It 
is  both  historical  and  descriptive,  containing  nothing  sufficiently  striking  or 
sufficiently  erroneous  to  merit  further  notice. 


PEIRCE'S  JOURNAL.  225 

traveller's  observations  on  this  part  of  his  journey  are 
more  detailed  than  in  California,  and  are  interesting, 
though  of  course  they  have  no  place  here.  At  Guana- 
juato he  came  in  contact  with  the  Santa  Fe  prisoners, 
whose  narrative  he  embodies  at  some  length  in  his 
own.  From  Vera  Cruz  he  sailed  March  4th  for  Ha- 
bana,  on  the  French  ship  Atlantic;  and  had  not 
reached  the  port  on  March  31st,  when  the  journal 
closes  abruptly.38  From  other  sources  we  know,  how- 
ever, that  he  reached  the  United  States,  and  person- 
ally communicated  his  impressions  of  California  to 
Webster  and  other  high  authorities  at  Washington. 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  further  a  letter  on 
Californian  affairs  addressed  by  Peirce  from  on  board 
his  vessel  to  a  gentleman  residing  in  the  Hawaiian 
Islands. 

38  Peirce's  Journal  of  a  passage  from  Honolulu,  Oahu,  to  the  coast  of  Cali- 
fornia and  Mexico  in  the  brig  'Maryland.'  MS.,  4°,  41  p.  This  journal  is 
preceded  in  the  same  volume  by  Peirce's  journal,  or  log,  of  a  voyage  on  the 
schooner  Morse,  starting  from  Boston  April  21,  1839,  via  Cape  Horn  and  Val- 
paraiso in  180  days  to  Honolulu,  73  p.  The  same  volume  contains  also  some- 
what extensive  records  and  genealogical  tables  of  Mr  Peirce's  family.  The 
author,  who  had  visited  Cal.  in  1828,  and  was  a  resident  of  S.  F.  in  1880-4, 
has  contributed  other  material  for  my  use. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  15 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SUITER'S  FORT— U.  S.  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION— DUFLOT 
DE  MOFRAS. 

1841-1842. 

PROGRESS  AT  NEW  HELVETIA — THE  FORT — INDIANS — INDUSTRIES — VIOGET'S 
MAP — SUTTER'S  LAND  GRANT — VISITORS — PURCHASE  OF  Ross — VIEWS 
OF  PEIRCE  AND  SIMPSON — SUTTER'S  TROUBLES — DEBTS — TRADE  AND 
TRAPPING — VALLEJO  AND  SUTTER— THREATS  OF  REVOLT — LETTER  TO 
LEESE — U.  S.  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION — THE  FLEET — PUBLISHED  RE- 
SULTS— OPERATIONS  IN  CALIFORNIA — RINGGOLD  ON  THE  SACRAMENTO — 
EMMONS'  OVERLAND  TRIP  FROM  OREGON — MAP — WILKES'  NARRATIVE 
— SERIOUS  DEFECTS— QUOTATIONS — DUFLOT  DE  MOFRAS — His  MOVE- 
MENTS— His  EXPERIENCE  AT  MONTEREY,  YERBA  BUENA,  AND  SONOMA — 
His  CHARACTER — His  BOOK — MAP. 

CAPTAIN  SUTTER'S  acts,  and  the  progress  of  his 
establishment  on  the  Sacramento,  cannot  be  treated 
as  a  purely  local  affair,  but  must  be  presented  with 
the  current  annals  of  the  department,  so  closely  are 
they  connected  with  the  general  subject  of  immigra- 
tion and  the  growth  of  foreign  influence  in  Califor- 
nia. The  adventurous  German  can  hardly  be  re- 
garded as  a  political  missionary,  "determined  to  rear 
the  standard  of  American  freedom  in  this  distant  and 
secluded  dependency  of  imbecile  Mexico,"1  as  some 
of  his  admirers  are  wont  to  picture  him;  for  his  aim 
was  to  make  a  fortune,  and  it  mattered  little  to  him 
whether  he  did  it  iji  the  role  of  Yankee  pioneer, 
Swiss  immigrant,  French  officer,  Mexican  alcalde,  or 
cosmopolitan  adventurer;  yet  all  the  same  he  did  by 
building  up  his  frontier  trading-post  contribute  very 

1  Upham's  Notes,  318-22,  and  similar  expressions  often  repeated  by  news- 
paper writers. 

(226) 


PROGRESS  AT  NEW  HELVETIA.  227 

materially  to  hasten  the  success  of  American  occu- 
pation. 

Progress  at  Nueva  Helvecia  in  1841-2  was  for  the 
most  part  in  the  same  directions  that  have  been  indi- 
cated in  the  annals  of  the  preceding  year.2  Work 
was  continued  chiefly  by  Indian  laborers  on  the  fort, 
which  had  been  begun  in  1840,  and  was  completed 
probably  in  1844.  Wilkes  found  the  Indians  at  work 
on  the  walls  in  the  autumn  of  1841,  but  there  is  no 
record  to  show  the  state  of  the  structure  at  any  time 
before  its  completion.  The  fort  may  be  described, 
with  sufficient  accuracy  for  my  present  purpose,  as  an 
adobe  wall  eighteen  feet  high  and  three  feet  thick, 
enclosing  a  rectangular  space  of  about  500  by  150 
feet.  At  the  south-east  and  north-west  corners  pro- 
jecting bastions,  or  towers,  rose  above  the  walls  of 
the  rectangle,  and  contained  in  their  upper  stories 
cannon  which  commanded  the  gateways  in  the  centre 
of  each  side  except  the  western.  Loop-holes  were 
pierced  in  the  walls  at  different  points.  Guns  were 
mounted  at  the  main  entrance  on  the  south  and  else- 
where, and  the  north  side  seems  also  to  have  been 
protected  by  a  ravine.  An  inner  wall,  with  the  inter- 
mediate space  roofed  over,  furnished  a  large  number 
of  apartments  in  the  Californian  style,  and  there  were 
ether  detached  buildings,  both  of  wood  and  adobe,  in 
the  interior.3  Some  of  the  wooden  buildings  were 
brought  from  Ross.  The  armament,  as  early  as  1842, 
consisted  of  two  brass  field-pieces  and  a  dozen  or  more 
iron  guns  of  different  kinds,  brought  from  Honolulu 
and  purchased  from  different  vessels.  Sutter  states 
that  he  bought  only  one  gun,  one  of  the  brass  pieces, 

3  See  chap.  v.  of  this  voL 

8  See  views  and  descriptions  of  the  completed  buildings  in  Upham's  Notes, 
318-22;  Ferry,  CaL,  97;  Hastings'  Emigrant  Guide,  102-3;  Lancey's  Cruise  of 
the  Dale;  Bryant's  What  I  Saw  in  Col.,  267-70;  Buff  am' 8  Gold  Regions,  54-5; 
Revere's  Tour  of  Duty,  74;  and  many  other  publications.  Mofras,  Explor., 
i.  457-60,  tells  us  that  the  wall  was  5  feet  thick,  and  strengthened  with 
beams;  that  each  face  of  the  quadrilateral  was  100  metres;  and  that  there 
was  an  exterior  gallery  running  round  the  -wall — but  the  structure  was  far 
from  complete  at  the  time  of  this  author's  visit. 


228  SUTTEE'S  FORT. 

from  the  Russians;  Bid  well  and  others  think  more 
were  obtained. 

I  find  no  evidence  of  serious  trouble  with  the  Indians 
in  these  years;4  indeed,  Sutter  seems  to  have  had  re- 
markable success  in  maintaining  friendly  relations  with 
the  natives,  and  in  inducing  them  to  work,  not  only 
for  himself,  but  for  friends  in  other  parts  of  the  coun- 
try to  whom  he  sent  them.5  Little  progress  if  any 
was  made  in  agriculture  before  the  end  of  1842;  as 
we  have  seen,  Sutter  had  no  wheat  with  which  to 
make  his  first  payment  to  the  Russians.  His  live- 
stock, however,  had  gained  in  number  both  from  the 
natural  increase,  and  especially  from  the  1,700  cattle, 
900  horses,  and  900  sheep  purchased  at  Ross.6  Trap- 
ping was  not  successful  in  1841,  on  account  of  the  de- 
fective traps  and  want  of  skill;  but  in  1842  the  result 
was  more  encouraging,  and  beaver-skins  began  to  be 
sent  down  the  river  in  considerable  quantities  to  pay 
the  more  urgent  of  the  captain's  debtors.  The  only 
other  products  of  New  Helvetian  industries  which 
were  put  to  a  similar  use,  or  exchanged  for  such 
needed  supplies  as  could  not  be  obtained  on  credit, 
were  deer-fat  and  wild-grape  brandy.7  No  lists  of  in- 

*InZ>ept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  88-93,  Sutter  reports  to  Alvarado  (1841) 
that  the  Cosumnes  and  Cosolumnes  had  been  plotting  against  him,  trying 
first  to  entice  him,  by  stones  of  a  white  man  living  in  the  mountains,  to  go  with 
them,  and  later  to  entice  away  his  Indians.  In  Sutler  Co.  Hint.,  13,  is  men- 
tioned Sutter's  pursuit  and  capture  of  a  chief  near  Marysville  in  1841. 

5  Aug.  16,  1841,  Sutter  regrets  that  he  cannot  send  certain  Indians.  Those 
from  S.  Rafael  and  Yerba  Buena  have  not  come  back;  those  in  the  south  are 
fighting  among  themselves;  and  the  Sagayacumnes  come  no  more.  There- 
fore he  is  short  of  workmen;  but  will  have  some  to  send  next  trip.  Sutter- 
Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  9.  July  24,  1842,  has  made  peace  with  the  Feather 
River  people,  who  will  pick  grapes  for  him.  Id.,  16.  Mofras  found  about 
100  natives  at  work.  Explor.,  i.  457-60. 

6Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  190,  gives  the  number  of  Sutter's  live-stock — before 
the  purchase  probably — as  2,1>00  cattle,  1,000  horses,  and  1,000  sheep.  Mo- 
fras, Explor.,  i.  457-60,  has  it  4,000  oxen,  1,200  cows,  1,500  horses,  and 
2,000  sheep. 

7  Jan.  9,  1841,  his  trappers  about  to  start  out,  and  despite  past  ill  success 
is  confident  he  will  have  plenty  of  furs  soon.  Sutter-Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  3. 
Oct.  19th,  will  have  some  brandy  to  send  soon.  Id.,  11.  March  24,  1842, 
May  1st,  etc.,  sends  140  beaver-skins  at  §2.50  pr  pound,  and  30  land-otter 
skins  at  $2.50  each.  Beaver-hunting  will  be  poor  this  season;  besides,  his 
head  hunter  steals  the  skins  to  sell  to  Marsh  and  others.  The  Columbia 
River  trappers  also  steal  and  trade  for  his  furs.  Id.,  12-13.  Deer-fat  sent  and 


MAP  AND  LAND-GRANT.  229 

habitants  or  employes  at  this  place  are  extant;  but  I 
suppose  that  by  the  end  of  1842  there  must  have  been 
from  thirty  to  forty  white  men  connected  in  one  way 
or  another  with  the  establishment,  since  many  of  the 
overland  immigrants  were  employed  by  Sutler  for  a 
time  until  they  could  find  an  opportunity  for  settle- 
ment. The  names  of  most  may  be  found  in  lists  given 
elsewhere.  Two  or  three  were  already  settled  on 
lands  in  this  region.8  It  would  seem,  however,  that 
more  foreigners  came  to  the  fort  at  times  than  the 
captain  desired  to  retain  in  his  service.9 

Jean  J.  Vioget  had  spent  some  time  at  New  Hel- 
vetia, probably  in  the  early  part  of  1841,  and  was 
employed  by  Sutter  to  make  a  survey  and  map  of  the 
region,  to  be  used  in  his  application  for  the  grant  of 
land  that  had  been  promised.  I  consider  this  map,  as 
the  first  ever  made  of  the  Sacramento  region,  worthy 
of  reproduction.  Armed  with  the  diseno,  Sutter  went 
down  to  the  capital  in  May  or  June  for  his  grant.10 
His  petition  to  Alvarado  was  dated  June  15th,11  and 

promised.  Id.,  14,  etc.  July  24th,  is  going  to  make  brandy  on  a  large  scale. 
Id.,  15.  Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  101,  speaks  of  the  trappers  and  of  a  distillery 
for  making  'a  kind  of  pisco. '  Yates,  Sketch,  MS.,  15,  says  the  distillery  was 
in  charge  of  a  German  named  Uber,  and  makes  a  pun  on  the  connection  of  hia 
name  and  the  uva,  or  grape. 

8  These  were  John  Sinclair  at  Grimes'  rancho  on  the  American  River, 
Nicholas  Allgeier  on  Feather  River,  Theodore  Cordua  at  Marysville,  and  Wm 
Gordon  on  Cache  Creek.   Sutter  Co.  Hist.,  21-2.    John  Yates,  who  com- 
manded Sutter's  schooner,  and  who  writes  what  he  calls  a   Sketch  of  a 
Journey  in  181$  from  Sacramento,  Cal.,  through  the   Valley,  MS.,  large  fol., 
35  p.,  represents  himself  as  having  visited  in  succession  Sinclair,  Allgeier, 
Hock  Farm,  Dutton  and  Neal  on  Butte  Creek,  and  Lassen  25  miles  beyond, 
there  being  a  house  and  live-stock  at  each  place;  but  Dutton,  Neal,  and  Las- 
sen  are  understood  not  to  have  settled  here  until  a  later  period.     I  do  not 
propose,  however,  to  go  into  details  about  the  earliest  settlers  at  present. 

9  May  10,  1842,  he  writes:  '  Je  commence  a  donner  le  conge  a  beaucoup  des 
Strangers,  parceque  je  prefere  de  n'avoir  pas  autaut  en  mon  service,  parce- 
qu'il  y  a  bien  peu  parmi  eux  qui  sontbon. '    Sutter-Suiiol  Corresp.,  MS.,  13. 

10  April  21,  1841,  will  see  Suiiol  in  person  the  next  trip.     Apr.  30th,  if  he 
comes  to  S.  Jos6,  will  Sunol  lend  him  a  horse  to  go  to  Monterey?    The  next 
letter  is  dated  Aug.  2d,  at  N.  Helvetia,  after  his  return.  Sutter-Sunol  Corrcsn. , 
MS.,  4-5. 

11  In  it  he  states  '  that  since  he  first  arrived  in  this  country,  being  desirous 
of  cultivating  a  part  of  the  many  vacant  lands  which  it  possesses,  he  solicited 
and  obtained  .your  superior  approbation  to  establish  himself  on  the  land  which 
he  now  occupies,  accompanied  by  some  industrious  families  who  chose  to  fol- 
low him.     In  consequence  of  assiduous  labor,  his  establishment  now  promises 
flattering  hopes  to  himself  and  advantages  to  the  department  in  general;  for, 


230 


SUTTER'S  FORT. 


MAP  OF  NEW  HELVETIA,  1841. 


THE  SACRAMENTO  GRANT.  231 

on  the  18th  the  grant  was  made  in  due  form  to  Sut- 
ter,  who  "  has  sufficiently  accredited  his  laboriousness, 
good  conduct,  and  other  qualifications  required  in  such 
cases;  and  has  already  in  advance  manifested  his  great 
efforts,  his  constant  firmness,  and  truly  patriotic  zeal 
in  favor  of  our  institutions,  by  reducing  to  civilization 
a  large  number  of  savage  Indians,  natives  of  those 
frontiers."  The  land  granted  was  eleven  square 
leagues  within  the  tract  designated  on  the  map, 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  Three  Peaks  and  lati- 
itude  39°  41'  45";  on  the  east  by  the  "margins  of 
Feather  Kiver;"  on  the  south  by  latitude  38°  49'  32"; 
and  on  the  west  by  the  Sacramento  River — the  eleven 
leagues  not  including  lands  flooded  by  the  river.  The 
conditions,  besides  those  of  usual  formality,  were  that 
"he  shall  maintain  the  native  Indians  of  the  different 
tribes  of  those  points  in  the  enjoyment  and  liberty  ot 
their  possessions,  without  molesting  them,  and  he  shall 
use  no  other  means  of  reducing  them  to  civilization 
but  those  of  prudence  and  friendly  intercourse,  and 
not  make  war  upon  them  in  any  way  without  previ- 
ously obtaining  authority  from  government."12 

This  grant  of  New  Helvetia  was  made  in  good  faith, 
with  due  regard  to  the  requisite  legal  forms,  and  with 
as  much  attention  to  accuracy  of  location  as  was  cus- 
tomary at  the  time.  Its  validity  was  subsequently 

stimulated  by  the  example  of  his  followers,  industrious  ideas  are  awakening 
in  the  other  inhabitants  of  this  country,  and  at  the  same  time  the  place,  from 
its  situation,  serves  as  a  strong  barrier  to  the  incursions  of  the  barbarous  tribes 
to  the  settlements,  and  as  a  school  of  civilization,  both  to  the  barbarous  na- 
tives and  to  those  subjected  to  the  missions,  who,  in  the  long  period  of  time 
that  they  have  been  under  subjection,  have  never  been  useful  members  to  so- 
ciety in  general,  as  the  undersigned  has  now  the  satisfaction  to  know  that 
they  will  become,  owing  to  his  indefatigable  labors.  For  all  these  reasons, 
the  undersigned,  in  order  to  aggrandize  his  enterprise  and  establish  twelve 
good  families,  is  under  the  necessity  of  requesting  of  the  goodness  of  your 
Excellency  that  you  be  pleased  to  grant  him  eleven  leagues  in  the  establish- 
ment named  Nueva  Helvecia,  situated  towards  the  north,  in  exact  accordance 
with  the  land  designated  on  the  plat,'  etc. 

12The  petition  and  grant  have  often  been  printed  in  connection  with  va- 
rious legal  proceedings;  but  for  them  and  the  map  I  refer  the  reader  only  to 
the  case  of  Ferris  vs  Coover,  in  Gal.  Reports,  x.  589-640.  Cases  growing  out 
of  this  grant  before  the  land  commission  were  nos.  6,  92,  248,  633,  637,  and 
683. 


232  SUTTEE'S  FORT. 

sustained  by  the  U.  S.  government,  although  the  orig- 
inal grant  had  been  destroyed  in  one  of  the  Sacra- 
mento fires.  A  variety  of  circumstances,  however,  in 
addition  to  the  ordinary  difficulties  connected  with 
'floating'  grants,  conspired  to  cause  no  end  of  litigation 
in  later  years,  into  the  particulars  of  which  this  is  not 
the  place  to  enter.  Such  circumstances  were  Vioget's 
error  in  fixing  latitudes,  Alvarado's  apparent  blunder 
in  copying  one  of  the  latitudes  from  the  map  to  the 
document,  Sutter's  peculiarities  of  temperament  which 
led  him  to  dispose  of  more  land  than  even  the  pro- 
verbial elasticity  of  a  Mexican  grant  could  be  made  to 
cover,  the  foundation  of  a  large  town  upon  the  tract, 
and  the  large  number  of  owners  and  claimants  to  be 
satisfied. 

On  the  23d  of  August  Lieutenant  Einggold  of 
Wilkes'  expedition  arrived  at  Sutter's  Fort,  coming 
up  the  river  in  boats,13  and  September  4th  the  same 
party  called  here  again  on  their  return.  October  19th 
Lieutenant  Emmons  of  the  same  expedition  arrived 
with  his  overland  party  from  Oregon,  a  part  of  the 
company  spending  two  days  at  the  fort.  With  this 
company  from  Oregon  came  a  small  party  of  immi- 
grants, some  of  whom,  as  Sutter  states,  had  crossed 
the  continent  with  him  and  came  to  enter  his  service.14 
Wilkes  acknowledges  with  thanks  the  kind  attentions 
shown  to  members  of  his  expedition  by  Sutter,  who 
was  found  to  be  a  man  of  frank  and  prepossessing 
manners,  of  much  intelligence,  conversant  with  sev- 
eral languages,  "and  withal  not  a  little  enthusiastic." 
The  latitude  of  the  fort  was  found  to  be  38°  33'  45"; 
and  a  brief  description  is  given  of  the  establishment 
and  its  surroundings.  The  prediction  is  also  offered 

13  Sutler's  Diary,  3;  Sept.  1st,  Sutter  writes  that  the  party  is  exploring  np 
the  river,  and  he  is  very  curious  to  learn  what  they  have  discovered.  Sutler- 
Sunol,  Corresp.,  MS.,  10. 

11  Oct.  19,  1841,  Sutter  mentions  the  arrival,  Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  11.  In 
his  Diary,  3,  Sutter  gives  the  date  as  Oct.  18th,  and,  ever  ready  to  claim  all 
possible  credit,  even  for  small  services,  states  that  he  despatched  one  of  tho 
parties  down  the  river  in  his  vessel;  though  it  appears  from  Wilkes'  narrative 
that  they  went  down  in  the  Vincennes1  boat. 


ROTCHEF  AND  MOFRAS.  233 

that  "it  will  not  be  long  before  it  becomes  in  some  re- 
spects an  American  colony."15 

It  was  at  the  beginning  of  September,  while  Ring- 
gold's  party  was  in  the  valley,  that  a  schooner  arrived 
from  Ross  with  Manager  Rotchef  on  board  to  nego- 
tiate for  the  sale  which  has  already  received  sufficient 
notice.16  The  bargain  was  closed  during  the  first  half 
of  September,  though  the  contract  was  not  formally 
signed  until  December;  and  at  the  end  of  October, 
Sutter  sent  a  party,  including  Livermore,  Merritt,  and 
Walker,  to  drive  his  newly  acquired  live-stock  across 
the  country,17  sending  Ridley  about  the  same  time  to 
take  charge  of  his  interests  on  the  coast.  Bidwell 
succeeded  Ridley  early  in  1842.  The  purchase  in- 
cluded the  Russian  schooner,  which  was  rechristened 
the  Sacramento,  and  made  frequent  trips  to  and  from 
Bodega,  bringing  back  all  of  the  property  that  was 
movable  and  could  be  utilized,  including  several  of 
the  wooden  buildings,  which  were  set  up  within  the 
walls  of  the  fort  at  New  Helvetia,13 

It  was  on  September  1st  that  there  arrived  at  the 
fort  M.  Duflot  de  Mofras,19  whose  visit  to  California 
in  general  I  shall  notice  later  in  this  chapter.  Mofras 
gives  a  brief  historical  and  descriptive  sketch  of  Sut- 
ter's  establishment,  to  which — partly  on  account  of 
the  captain's  French  antecedents,  for  Sutter  still 
talked  of  his  twelve  years'  service  in  the  royal  guard — 
he  attaches  much  importance.  Sutter's  plans,  as 

15  Willces'  Narr.,  v.  189-94,  204-7,  262-3. 

16  See  chap.  vi.  of  this  vol. 

17  In  his  Diary,  3,  Sutter  tells  us  that  100  head  of  cattle  were  drowned  in 
fording  the  Sacramento.     He  gives  the  date  of  sending  the  men  as  Sept.  28th, 
but  this  is  doubtless  an  error  of  a  month,  since  he  writes  Oct.  19th  of  the 
trouble  he  anticipates  in  moving  the  animals,  Sutter-Suftol  Corresp.,  MS..  11; 
and  Joel  P.  Walker,  Narrative,  MS.,  12,  who  caine  with  Emmons  on  Oct.* 
19th,  tells  us  that  he  accompanied  the  party  to  Ross.     It  was  very  likely 
even  later  than  October. 

18  John  Bidwell,  California,  1841-8,  MS.,  85,  says  that  Sutter  attempted 
unsuccessfully  to  remove  the  heavy  threshing-floors  by  towing  them  as  rafts 
behind  his  schooner,  via  S.  F.     Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  468,  gives  a  picture  of  a 
house  like  those  thus  removed. 

19 Sutter-Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  10,  where  he  is  spoken  of  as  M.  le  Cointe 
de  Mofras. 


234  SUTTEE'S  FORT. 

made  known  to  this  traveller,  included  not  only  the 
exportation  of  grain,  vegetables,  butter,  and  cheese, 
but  the  cultivation  on  a  large  scale  of  rice,  cotton,  and 
indigo  on  the  flats,  and  of  grapes,  olives,  and  other 
fruits  on  the  higher  lands.  "His  intention,"  writes 
Mofras,  "is  to  grant  rent-free  at  first  some  lots  of 
land  to  colonists  who  may  come  to  settle  near  his  es- 
tablishment. Meanwhile,  his  white  workmen,  thirty 
men,  Germans,  Swiss,  Canadians,  Americans,  Eng- 
lish, and  French,  almost  all  occupied  as  wood-cutters, 
smiths,  carpenters,  or  trappers,  receive  two  or  there 
dollars  a  day  besides  their  board,  paid  part  in  money 
and  part  in  goods.  All  these  men  live  with  Indian 
or  Californian  women,  and  the  colony  contains  not 
less  than  two  hundred  souls. .  . .  M.  Sutter  can  trade 
independently  of  the  custom-house  or  the  Mexican 
authorities;  he  can  receive  people  or  goods  either  by 
land  from  Bodega,  or  by  sending  his  schooner  there. 
M.  Sutter  has  served  in  the  French  army;  in  Cali- 
fornia he  is  considered  a  Frenchman;  he  lives  in  a 
territory  which  barely  belongs  in  name  to  Mexico;  he 
has  about  him,  and  is  working  to  bring  about  him, 
Canadians  and  Frenchmen.  In  a  few  years  New 
Helvetia  will  become  a  considerable  establishment, 
through  which  will  pass  caravans  coming  by  land  from 
Canada,  from  the  Columbia,  and  from  the  United 
States.  We  think,"  and  it  may  be  suspected  that  the 
writer  does  not  express  his  thought  quite  fully,  "that 
it  would  be  very  useful  for  M.  Sutter  to  realize  the 
desire  which  he  has  often  expressed  to  us  of  having 
with  him  some  French  missionaries  to  civilize  the 
Indian  tribes  about  him."20 

In  November  a  party  of  over  thirty  immigrants  ar- 
'rived  by  the  overland  route,  as  will  be  fully  related 
in  the  next  chapter.  One  of  the  men,  James  John, 
came  in  advance  of  the  party  to  the  fort,  arriving 
November  3d;  and  many  of  his  companions  soon 
came  from  San  Jose"  and  Marsh's  rancho,  to  live  and 

20  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  457-66. 


SIMPSON'S  OPINION.  235 

work  for  a  time  at  New  Helvetia.  All  of  this  party 
have  testified  to  the  kind  hospitality  of  Butter's  re- 
ception, and  his  zealous  efforts  in  their  behalf.  In 
the  only  contemporary  published  narrative,  John  Bid- 
well  bore  the  same  testimony,  but  gave  no  descriptive 
or  historical  details  about  the  Sacramento  establish- 
ment.21 Henry  A.  Peirce,  visiting  the  country  late 
in  November,  did  not  go  to  New  Helvetia,  and  had 
nothing  to  say  of  it  or  its  owner  in  his  journal;  but 
he  had  occasion  to  make  some  inquiries  about  the 
man  in  consequence  of  a  proposition  from  Sutter  to 
purchase  goods  on  credit,  a  proposition  which  was  de- 
clined.22 Sir  George  Simpson,  the  only  other  visitor 
of  1841-2  whose  remarks  on  this  subject  require  men- 
tion, did  not  go  to  Sutter's  place  as  he  had  intended 
to  do;  and,  "besides  having  thus  lost  the  opportunity 
of  seeing  a  little  of  the  interior/'  he  writes,  "we  had 
reasons  of  a  less  romantic  character  for  regretting 
our  disappointment;  as  Sutter,  a  man  of  a  speculative 
turn  and  good  address,  had  given  to  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  in  common  with  many  others  less 
able  to  pay  for  the  compliment,  particular  grounds 
for  taking  an  interest  in  his  welfare  and  prosperity. 
He  had  successively  tried  his  fortune  in  St  Louis, 
among  the  Shawnee  Indians,  in  the  Snake  country, 
on  the  Columbia  River,  at  the  Sandwich  Islands,  at 
Sitka,  and  at  San  Francisco,  uniformly  illustrating 
the  proverb  of  the  rolling  stone,  but  yet  generally 
contriving  to  leave  anxious  and  inquisitive  friends 
behind  him.  Sutter  was  now  living  on  a  grant  of 
land  about  sixty  miles  long  and  twelve  broad,  trap- 
ping, farming,  trading,  bullying  the  government,  and 
letting  out  Indians  for  hire.  If  he  really  has  the 
talent  and  courage  to  make  the  most  of  his  posi- 

nBidwelVs  Journey  to  Cal,  20. 

42 Feb.  1,  1842,  Peirce  to  Thos  Cummings  of  Honolulu.  'I  think  Sutter's 
prospects  are  good.  Since  leaving  S.  F.  I  have  heard  much  to  the  prejudice 
of  his  character.  Some  transactions  of  his  in  the  U.  S.  and  in  New  Mexico,  if 
true  as  related,  would  prove  him  to  be  a  man  not  to  be  trusted  and  without 
honor.  I  did  not  see  him.'  Peirce's  Hough  Sketch,  MS.,  78-9,  84. 


236  SUITER'S  FORT. 

tion,  he  is  not  unlikely  to  render  California  a  second 
Texas.  For  fostering  and  maturing  Brother  Jon- 
athan's ambitious  views,  Captain  Sutter's  establish- 
ment is  admirably  situated.  Besides  lying  on  the 
direct  route  between  San  Francisco  on  the  one  hand 
and  the  Missouri  and  Willamette  on  the  other,  it  vir- 
tually excludes  the  Californians  from  all  the  best 
parts  of  their  own  country.  Hitherto  the  Spaniards 
have  confined  themselves  to  the  comparatively  barren 
slip  of  land  from  ten  to  forty  miles  in  width,  which 
lies  between  the  ocean  and  the  first  range  of  moun- 
tains; and  beyond  this  slip  they  will  never  penetrate 
with  their  present  force,  if  Sutter  or  any  other  adven- 
turer can  gather  round  him  a  score  of  such  marksmen 
as  won  Texas  on  the  field  of  San  Jacinto."23 

Thus  established  on  a  princely  domain  in  the  val- 
ley of  his  own  choice  granted  without  price  by  a  gen- 
erous government,  clothed  with  legal  authority  over 
the  settlers  on  his  estates,  successful  in  converting  the 
savages  into  laborers,  owner  of  large  herds  and  flocks 
to  be  paid  for  in  the  future,  with  a  band  of  trappers 
at  work  for  him  in  a  region  rich  in  furs,  with  a  distil- 
lery yielding  a  profitable  product  of  brandy,  and  with 
a  constant  incoming  stream  of  immigration  which  was 
vastly  increasing  his  strength  and  was  sure  to  give 
great  value  to  his  lands,  it  would  seem  that  the  mag- 
nate of  New  Helvetia,  looking  back  to  the  time  less 
than  ten  years  before  when  he  landed  a  bankrupt  ad- 
venturer on  the  shores  of  the  New  World,  must  have 
contemplated  his  present  position  with  pride  and  con- 
tentment. Yet  he  had  still  some  petty  annoyances 
which  often  ruffled  the  serenity  of  his  temper,  and 
caused  him  to  affect  the  rdle  of  a  much-abused  per- 
sonage. 

The  Russian  debt  gave  him  but  little  trouble  as 
yet;  but  other  creditors  were  at  times  clamorous 
for  payment,  and  not  always  ready  to  admit  the  force 
of  his  ever  ready  excuses,  or  to  be  satisfied  with  his 

m  Simpson's  Narr.,  i.  32o-7. 


THE  CAPTAIN'S  TROUBLES.  237 

limited  instalments  of  brandy,  deer-fat,  and  beaver- 
skins.2*  Sutter  aspired  to  success  as  a  merchant  as 
well  as  a  hacendado;  and  he  sent  John  Sinclair  to  Hon- 
olulu to  obtain  consignments  of  goods  on  credit,  mak- 
ing a  similar  application  to  Captain  Peirce,  and  prob- 
ably to  other  visiting  traders;  but  the  Hawaiian 
traders,  for  reasons  doubtless  satisfactory  to  them- 
selves, refused  their  cooperation,  and  Sutter  was 
obliged  to  curb  his  ambition  in  this  direction.25  His 
trapping  operations  were  rendered  less  profitable  by 
those  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company,  and  the  gov- 
ernment declined  to  prohibit  the  latter  so  long  as  they 
proceeded  in  accordance  with  the  laws  and  their 
licenses.  This  caused  Sutter,  as  already  related,'26  to 
stir  up  a  quarrel  between  the  trappers  and  the  govern- 
ment; and  for  his  failure  and  his  wrongs  in  this  direc- 
tion, he  threw  the  blame  upon  Vallejo,  of  whose 
jealousy  and  efforts  to  annoy  him  he  did  not  fail  to  in- 
form each  visitor  to  the  fort,  mentioning  also  the  same 
subject  in  his  later  statements.27 

24  It  is  only  in  the  case  of  Suflol  that  anything  is  known  of  the  details 
of  Sutter's  troubles  in  this  direction.     In  all  Sutter's  letters  of   1841-2, 
Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  passim,  there  are  few  in  which  he  does  not  promise 
early  settlement;  many  in  which  he  asks  for  new  favors  and  credit;  and  some 
in  which  he  announces  the  sending  of  skins.     He  continually  complains  of  the 
men,  not  named,  who  are  working  or  talking  against  him.     The  letters  reveal 
much  of  Sutter's  real  character.     6,000  ft  of  lumber  were  among  his  new  pur- 
chases.   July  24,  1842,  he  speaks  of  debts  to  Sunol's  brothers-in-law  also. 
Sept.  8th,  hopes  that  Sunol  will  not  carry  out  his  threat  of  coming  to  take 
away  his  live-stock  by  force.     Oct.  7th,  offers  some  cattle  in  payment.     The 
man  who  represented  him  as  saying  that  he  only  wrote  letters  to  Sunol  to 
pass  away  the  time,  and  that  he  would  pay  when  he  was  ready,  is  branded  as 
an  infamous  liar.     July  22,  1842,  Isabel  Sepiilveda  at  S.  Rafael.    Complains 
that  Sutter  owes  her  money.     Wishes  Salvador  to  go  and  bring  him  a  pris- 
oner to  Sonoma.    Vallejo,  Correspondencut ,  MS.,  95.     Aug.  20th,  Vioget  de- 
mands an  embargo  on  Sutter's  schooner  until  he  shall  settle  with  C61is,  but 
the  general  declines  to  meddle  in  civil  affairs.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  249, 
251.     In  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  283-4,  Vallejo  says  he  had  many  such  appli- 
cations, and  by  his  refusals  to  act  caused  much  offence. 

25  In  a  letter  of  July  24,  1842,  he  says  the  house  at  the  Islands  which  was 
to  have  sent  him  merchandise  had  failed,  and  thereby  greatly  injured  him, 
much  to  the  delight  of  his  foes.  Sutter-Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  15.     Other 
troubles  are  shown  by  the  following  references:  March  6,  1841.  juez  of  S. 
Jos3  to  prefect.     Sutter  proposes  to  recover  stolen  horses  on  shares.   S.  Jo$6, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  44.     March  18th,  Sutter  has  been  seen  to  sell  40  stolen  horses 
to  the  Columbia  Co.   Id.,  iii.  45. 

26  See  chap.  viii.  of  this  vol. 

27  Sutler's  Diary,  3;  Id.,  Pers.  Remin.,  MS.,  91.     He  says  Vallejo  was  his 


238  SUTTEE'S  FORT. 

Vallejo,  as  the  reader  is  aware,  had  grounds  for 
dissatisfaction  with  some  of  the  circumstances  under 
which  Alvarado  had  permitted  Sutter  to  settle  on  the 
Sacramento,  and  outside  of  political  aspects  of  the 
matter  it  is  not  unlikely  that  he  may  have  looked 
with  something  of  personal  jealousy  on  the  progress 
of  so  powerful  a  rival;  yet  there  is  no  evidence  be- 
yond Sutter's  vague  charges  that  he  indulged  in  any 
petty  manifestations  of  jealousy  or  subjected  Sutter 
to  any  other  annoyance  than  that  of  complying  to 
some  extent  with  the  laws  of  the  land.  Politically, 
Vallejo  had  understood  from  the  first  the  dangers  to 
Mexican  rule  to  be  apprehended  from  such  an  estab- 
lishment as  that  of  New  Helvetia.  .A  man  of  his  in- 
telligence could  not  be  blind  to  a  state  of  things  so 
apparent  to  every  foreign  visitor;  and  in  fulfilment 
of  his  duties  as  a  Mexican  officer,  he  frankly  commu- 
nicated his  views  to  the  government.28  Sutter,  on  his 

enemy  and  rival,  and  took  every  opportunity  to  annoy  him;  but  his  only  de- 
finite charge  is  that  the  general  demanded  passports  from  his  men  going  over-' 
land  to  Ross,  and  required  the  cattle  to  be  driven  through  Sonoma  for  exam- 
ination. Wilkes'  Narr.,  v.  192,  says:  'There  was  much  apprehension  on  the 
part  of  some  that  the  present  governor  of  the  district  west  of  New  Hel- 
vetia felt  jealous  of  the  power  and  influence  that  Capt.  Suter  was  obtaining 
in  the  country;  and  it  was  thought  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  force  which 
the  latter  could  bring  to  oppose  any  attempt  to  dislodge  him,  it  would  have 
been  tried.  In  the  mean  time  Capt.  Suter  is  using  all  his  energies  to  render 
himself  impregnable.'  Elsewhere  Wilkes  doubts,  and  with  much  reason,  that 
the  feeling  between  Sutter  and  Vallejo  was  as  bitter  as  was  pretended.  Mo- 
fras,  Explor.,  i.  464,  says:  'Le  commandant  Vallejo,  qui  a  la  prevention  de 
gouverner  sans  contr&le  le  pays  situu  sur  la  rive  droite  du  fleuve,  n'a  pas  vu 
sans  une  vive  jalousie  1'accroissement  de  la  Nouvelle  Helvetic;  il  a  meme  cher- 
ch6  a  susciter  quelques  difficulte's  a  M.  Sutter.' 

28  Nov.  17,  1841,  V.  to  Alvarado.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  349.  Jan.  — , 
1842,  Id.  to  min.  of  war.  Id.,  xi.  4.  He  states  that  Sutter,  styling  his  place 
the  Fort  of  New  Helvetia,  and  himself  governor  of  that  fortress,  exercises  ar- 
bitrary and  despotic  power,  wages  war  on  the  natives,  forces  them  to  work 
for  him,  shoots  them  without  formalities  or  the  approval  of  the  govt;  receives 
foreigners,  no  matter  whence  or  how  they  come,  not  obliging  them  to  present 
themselves  to  the  authorities  and  sometimes  not  even  reporting  their  arrival; 
and  finally  he  makes  seditious  threats,  as  is  proven  by  the  enclosed  original 
letter  (that  to  Leese  probably,  to  be  noticed  presently).  Alvarado,  however, 
assures  the  sup.  govt  on  Jan.  11,  1842,  that  Vallejo's  objections  have  no  legal 
foundation,  as  Sutter  has  only  8  men,  all  with  proper  cartas.  Dept.  Rcc., 
MS. ,  xiii.  12.  Oct.  15,  1842,  Vallejo,  in  a  private  note  to  Micheltorena,  speaks 
again  of  Sutter's  foolish  attempts  to  make  trouble.  Says  he  has  force  enough 
to  oust  Sutter,  and  the  H.  B.  Co.  has  offered  to  aid  in  such  a  work,  but  he 
has  disliked  to  interfere  with  a  prosperous  settlement  so  much  needed  in  the 
country.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  273.  The 'King's  Orphan,'  Visit,  11,  who  was 


SUTTER'S  THREATS.  233 

part,  doubtless  made  some  pretty  loud  threats  of  re- 
volt against  the  authorities,  and  to  give  his  threats 
weight,  talked  of  support  from  France,  which  derived 
a  degree  of  plausibility  from  the  visit  of  a  French 
diplomatic  officer  at  this  time.  Mofras  asserts  that 
in  November  1841  Sutter  wrote  to  Vallejo  that  unless 
his  annoyances  ceased,  he  would  hoist  the  French  flag 
and  march  on  Sonoma.  Bidwell  notes  the  current 
report,  confirmed  by  Sutter  himself,  that  he  had  an- 
nounced in  writing  his  ability  and  readiness  in  case  of 
interference,  not  only  to  defend  himself,  but  to  chas- 
tise the  Californians.  I  append  quotations  from  a 
somewhat  remarkable  letter  addressed  by  Sutter  to 
Leese.29 

at  the  fort  in  1843,  says  that  Sutter  in  his  trapping  operations  'was  greatly  in- 
terfered with  by  the  H.  B.  Co. ,  who  sent  their  hunters  upon  his  grounds. 
He  complained  to  the  proper  authorities,  but  they  paid  no  attention  to  the 
matter.  His  enemies,  not  content  with  thus  injuring  him,  informed  the  sus- 
picious Mex.  govt  that  he  was  concocting  revolutionary  plans,  and  that  he 
encouraged  deserters  and  other  disorderly  people  to  live  at  his  settlement.' 
Sutter  explained  that  a  condition  of  his  grant  was  to  draw  settlers,  and  there- 
fore he  had  receired  the  lawless  stragglers.  '  The  govt  was  not  satisfied. 
Urged  on  by  envious  neighbors,  it  was  prompted  to  send  to  Sutter  a  commit- 
tee of  investigation.  The  captain  was  so  enraged  at  the  idea  of  such  a  thing 
that  he  treated  the  committee  with  great  contempt,  and  said  he  could  defend 
himself. .  .Whereupon  the  govt  threatened  to  send  a  force,  but  thought  better 
of  the  matter  when  they  found  out  the  character  of  the  men  and  of  the  Rus- 
sian armament;  but  annoyed  him  with  legal  suits,  and  after  a  great  deal  of 
difficulty  he  was  acquitted  of  any  treasonable  design  against  the  govt.'  This 
of  course  all  came  from  Sutter  himself. 

29  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  464;  Bidwell' 8  Gal.  1841-8,  MS.,  82-5.  Hastings, 
Emig.  Guide,  103,  has  it  that  a  spy  was  sent  to  N.  Helvetia,  and  Sutter,  sus- 
specting  his  purpose,  sent  him  away,  with  a  message  to  the  effect  that  if  Mex- 
ico wished  to  expel  him  she  was  at  liberty  to  try  it — whereupon  the  govt 
decided  to  let  him  alone!  Writing  to  Leese  on  Nov.  8,  1841,  after  some  pro- 
posals for  buying  Leese's  part  of  certain  launches — on  credit  of  course — Sut- 
ter continues:  '  Very  curious  Rapports  came  to  me  from  belaw;  but  the  poor 
wretches  dont  know  what  they  do.  I  explained  now  Mr  Spence  to  explain 
these  ignorant  people  what  would  be  the  consequence  if  they  do  injure  me, 
the  first  french  fregate  who  came  here  will  do  me  justice.  The  people  donb 
know  me  yet,  but  soon  they  will  find  out  what  I  am  able  to  do.  It  is  to  late 
now  to  drive  me  aut  the  country,  the  first  step  they  do  against  me  is  that  I 
will  make  a  declaration  of  Independence  and  proclaim  California  for  a  Repub- 
lique  independent  of  Mexico.  I  am  strong  now,  one  of  my  best  friends  a 
German  gentleman  came  from  the  Columbia  River  with  plenty  people,  an 
other  party  is  close  by  from  Missouri ...  I  am  strong  enough  to  hold  me  till 
the  couriers  go  to  the  Waillamet  for  raise  about  60  or  70  good  men,  an  other 
party  I  would  dispatch  to  the  mountains  and  call  the  hunters  and  Shawnees 
and  Delawares  with  which  I  am  very  well  acquainted,  the  same  party  have 
to  go  to  Missouri  and  raise  about  2  or  300  man  more.  That  is  my  inten- 
tion, Sir,  if  they  let  me  not  alone.  If  they  will  give  me  satisfaction  and  pay 


240  SUTTEE'S  FORT. 

Suiter  had  no  feeling  whatever  of  loyalty  to  his 
adopted  nation,  or  to  the  government  that  had  treated 
him  so  generously,  and  under  which  he  held  office; 
and  he  would  without  hesitation  have  raised  the 
standard  of  revolt  in  behalf  of  France,  or  any  other 
nation  that  could  advance  his  personal  interests;  yet 
it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  he  had  at  this  time  any 
definite  plan  or  intention  of  political  conspiracy. 
Harassed  by  his  creditors,  partially  thwarted  in  some 
of  his  schemes  for  making  a  fortune,  egotistically 
looking  down  upon  the  Californians  as  inferior  beings, 
and  annoyed  that  he  was  not  allowed  to  control  the 
whole  country  as  arbitrarily  as  he  did  New  Helvetia 
— he  indulged  in  threats  that  had  not  much  signifi- 
cance, merely  to  relieve  his  mind  in  moments  of  de- 
pression, and,  as  Sir  George  Simpson  expressed  it,  to 
'bully'  the  government.  In  politics  as  in  commercial 
and  industrial  enterprises,  Sutter  always — as  the  dis- 
tinguished English  traveller  might  have  said  but  did 
not — "bit  off  more  than  he  could  chew." 

I  have  had  occasion  more  than  once  in  recording 
the  annals  of  past  years  to  note  the  arrival  on  the 
coast  of  scientific  exploring  expeditions  fitted  out  by 
different  European  powers  and  resulting  in  published 
narratives,  in  which  this  country  and  its  affairs  were 
more  or  less  fully  described.  The  first  expedition  of 

the  expenses  what  I  had  to  do  for  my  security  here,  I  will  be  a  faithful  Mex- 
ican; but  when  this  Rascle  of  Castro  should  come  here  a  very  warm  and 
harty  welcome  is  prepared  for  him.  10  guns  have  well  mounted  for  protect 
the  fortress  and  two  field-pieces.  I  have  also  about  50  faithfull  Indians  which 
shot  their  musquet  very  quik.  The  wole  day  and  night  we  are  under 
arms,  and  you  know  that  foreigners  are  very  expensive,  and  for  this  trouble 
I  will  be  payed  when  a  french  fregate  come  here.  I  wish  you  to  tell  the  com- 
audaute  general  that  I  wished  to  be  his  friend,  and  that  I  am  very  much 
oblidged  to  him  for  his  kindness  when  my  people  passed  Sonoma.  If  he  would 
join  us  in  such  a  case  I  should  like  it  very  much.  But  all  is  out  question  so 
long  they  let  me  alone  and  trouble  me  not,  but  I  want  security  from  the  gov- 
ernment for  that.'  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  332.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv. 
168-75,  cites  this  letter  mainly  to  show  that  Sutter's  much-talked-of  Ameri- 
can patriotism  was  of  later  date.  Dec.  21,  1841,  Jan.  24,  1842,  Rudesindo 
Berreyesa  to  Vallejo,  warning  him  of  Sutter's  hostile  plans.  Hopes  S.  will 
raise  the  French  flag,  in  which  case  Solano  and  his  men  will  make  quick  work 
of  him  and  his  grand  fort!  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  10;  Id.,  Corresp.,  MS.,  60-1. 


WILKES'  VISIT.  241 

this  kind  under  the  flag  of  the  United  States  made  its 
appearance  in  1841.  As  in  other  similar  cases,  this  ex- 
pedition requires  but  few  details  respecting  its  organ- 
ization, operations,  and  results,  except  so  far  as  they 
bear  directly  upon  the  subject  of  this  work.  A  fleet 
of  six  vessels  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant 
Charles  Wilkes,  having  on  board  about  six  hundred 
men,  including  over  eighty  officers  and  a  scientific  corps 
of  twelve,30  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  in  August 
1838.  The  general  route  followed  in  accordance  with 
instructions  was:  to  Brazil;  round  Cape  Horn  to 
Chile;  to  Oceanica;  to  the  Hawaiian  Islands;  to  the 
north-west  coast  of  America,  and  California;  and 
thence  homeward  round  Cape  Good  Hope.  The  ar- 
rival at  New  York  was  in  June  1842.  A  narrative 
of  the  voyage  was  written  by  Wilkes,  the  commander, 
who  also  wrote  a  volume  on  meteorology.  Of  the 
scientific  corps,  Dana,  Pickering,  Hale,  Peale,  and 
Bracken  ridge  each  produced  one  or  more  volumes  in 
his  special  department.  Still  other  volumes  were  ed- 
ited, from  observations  and  collections  made  by  the 
explorers,  by  other  competent  men  selected  by  the 
Smithsonian  Institution.  The  result  was  a  magnifi- 
cent set  of  twenty-eight  volumes  in  quarto  and  folio, 
illustrated  with  fine  engravings  and  colored  plates, 

30  The  vessels  with  commanders,  lieutenants,  and  scientists  at  the  depart- 
ure were  as  follows — there  being  frequent  changes  later,  and  those  names 
marked  with  a  star  (*)  not  having  reached  California:  Vincennes,  sloop  of 
war,  780  tons;  Charles  Wilkes,  com.;  lieutenants,  Thos  T.  Craven,*  Overton 
Carr,  Robert  E.  Johnson,  James  Alden,  and  Wm  L.  Maury;  scientific  corps, 
Charles  Pickering,  naturalist,  Jos  Drayton,  artist,  J.  D.  Brackenridge,  asot 
botanist,  John  G.  Brown,  instrument  maker,  John  W.  W.  Dyes,  asst  taxider- 
mist, Jos  P.  Couthouy,*  naturalist.  Peacock,*  sloop  of  war,  650  tons,  Win  L. 
Hudson,  com.;  lieutenants,  Samuel  P.  Lee,*  W.  M.  Walker,  Geo.  F.  Emmons, 
0.  H.  Perry;  scientists,  James  D.  Dana,  mineralogist,  T.  R.  Peale,  natural- 
ist, Horatio  Hale,  philologist,  F.  L.  Davenport,*  interpreter.  Porpoise, 
gun-brig,  230  tons;  Cadwalader  Ringgold,  com.;  lieutenants,  M.  G.  L.  Clai- 
borne,*  H.  J.  Hartstein,*  John  B.  Dale.*  Relief,*  store-ship;  A.  K.  Long, 
com.;  lieutenants,  R.  F.  Pinkney,*  A.  L.  Case,  Jos  A.  Underwood;*  Wm 
Piich,  botanist.  Sea-Gull,*  tender  or  pilot-boat;  Jas  W.  E.  Reid,*  com. 
Flyinfi-Flsh,  pilot-boat  used  as  tender;  Samuel  P.  Knox,  com.  The  Peacock 
and  Sea-Gull  were  wrecked,  the  Belief  sent  home,  and  the  Oregon  purchased 
before  the  arrival  in  California.  In  my  lists  of  pioneers  and  visitors  I  in- 
clude only  those  who  were  in  command  of  vessels  or  land  parties  on  the  Cal- 
ifornia coast,  a  few  of  the  scientists,  and  such  members  of  the  expedition  as 
left  it  in  California. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    16 


242  U.  S.  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 

published  at  the  cost  of  the  government.  Copies 
were  sent  as  gifts  to  the  states  of  the  Union,  and  to 
some  of  the  European  governments  and  scientific  in- 
stitutions. Of  some  parts  only  a  limited  number  of 
copies  was  printed,  and  the  plates  were  destroyed;  so 
that  a  complete  set  is  now  of  rare  occurrence  and  of 
great  pecuniary  value.  From  that  in  my  collection, 
originally  one  of  the  presentation  copies  alluded  to, 
I  append  a  specification  of  the  parts.81 

81  United  States  Exploring  Expedition  during  the  years  1838,  1839,  1840, 
1841,  1842,  etc.  Philadelphia,  1844-58,  4°,  20  vol. ;  fol.,  8  vol.  Details  about 
the  publication  of  this  work  do  not  properly  belong  here,  and  if  they  did,  I 
have  found  no  satisfactory  bibliographical  description.  Those  given  by 
Brunet  and  others  do  not  agree  with  my  set  either  in  number,  order,  or  place 
of  publication,  of  the  different  volumes.  The  following  is  a  list  of  the  parts 
as  found  in  my  collection: 

Vol.  i.-v.  Narrative  by  Chas  Wilkes,  maps,  plates,  and  cuts.  An  atlas 
is  mentioned  on  the  title-page,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  been  published. 
Phil.  1844,  4°.  (I  have  also  the  edition  of  Phil.  1845,  8vo,  5  vol. ;  and  there 
was  also  published  an  edition  of  Phil.  1845,  imp.  8vo,  5  vol.,  with  an  atlas. 
Brunet  names  8vo  editions  of  Phil.  1849;  New  York,  1852;  and  New  York, 
1856;  also  an  abridgment  in  one  vol.  of  New  York,  1851.  Jenkins'  U.  S. 
Explor.  Expeditions,  etc.  Auburn,  1850,  8vo,  one  vol.,  also  contains  an 
abridgment. )  That  part  of  the  narrative  pertaining  to  California  is  found 
in  vol.  v.,p.  160-272,  or  chap,  v.-vi.,  with  some  allusions  also  iu  vol.  iv., 
526;  v.  127,  142-3,  157. 

Vol.  vi.  Ethnography  and  Philology,  by  Horatio  Hale.  Phil.  1846,  4°. 
Indians  of  Cal.,  p.  199,  221-3;  6  vocabularies,  p.  G30-4, 

Vol.  vii.  Zoophytes,  by  James  D.  Dana.  Phil.  1846,  4°;  atlas,  Phil.  1849, 
fol.,  61  pi.  Slight  scattered  reference  to  Cal. 

Vol.  viii.  Mammalogy  and  Ornithology,  by  Titian  R. 'Peale.  Phil.  1848, 
48.  Frequent  mention  of  Cal.  animals  and  birds.  (This  volume  seems  to 
have  been  suppressed,  and  replaced  by  another  vol.  viii. ) 

Vol.  viii.  (bis).  Mammalogy  and  Ornithology,  by  John  Cassin.  Phil. 
1858,  4°;  atlas,  fol.,  53  pi.  Contains  very  many  scattered  descriptions  of  Cal. 
animals  and  birds. 

Vol.  ix.  The  Races  of  Men  and  their  Geographical  Distribution,  by  Chas 
Pickering.  Phil.  1848,  4°.  Map  showing  Cal.  as  a  Malay  region;  p.  15-50, 
slight  reference  to  Cal.  in  description  of  the  Mongolian  race,  and  x.  w. 
coast;  p.  100-12,  on  the  Californians  as  Malays,  with  something  of  narrative; 
and  p.  231,  273,  288,  307-12,  allusions  to  Cal. 

Vol.  x.  Geology,  by ;  James  D.  Dana.  Phil.  1849,  4°;  atlas,  fol.,  21  pi. 
Chap,  xviii.,  p.  611-78,  is  devoted  to  the  geology  of  Oregon  and  northern  Cal., 
with  some  cuts.  Plates  of  fossils  in  the  atlas  seem  to  contain  little  or  noth- 
ing from  Cal. 

Vol.  xi.  Meterology,  by  Chas  Wilkes.  Phil.  1851,  4°.  Tables  of  obser- 
vations in  Cal. ,  chiefly  at  Sauzalito,  p.  570-G23,  with  diagram,  pi.  xix. ,  and 
mention  in  Introd.,  p.  xl vii. -viii. 

Vol.  xii.  Mollusca,  and  Shells,  by  A.  A.  Gould.  Phil.  1852,  4°;  atlas  (not 
published).  Slight  scattered  reference  to  Cal.  shells. 

Vol.  xiii.-xiv.  Crustacea,  by  James  D.  Dana.  Phil.  1852,  4°,  2  vol.; 
atlas,  Phil.  1855,  fol.,  96 pi.  Scattered  references  to  Cal. 

Vol.  xv.  Botany,  pti.  Phanerogamia,  by  Asa  Gray.  Phil.  1854,4°;  atlas, 
fol. ,  100  pi.  Descriptions  and  illustrations  of  Cal.  plants. 


PJNGGOLD  AND  EMMONS.  243 

Wilkes  had  instructions,  given  doubtless  not  with- 
out some  consideration  of  political  possibilities,  to  de- 
vote special  attention  to  a  survey  of  San  Francisco 
Bay.  Accordingly,  from  the  Columbia  River,  where 
his  fleet  had  been  for  several  months,  he  despatched 
the  Vincennes  under  Lieutenant  Ringgold  for  Califor- 
nia. She  sailed  August  7,  1841,  and  arrived  at  San 
Francisco  on  the  14th,32  lying  at  anchor  at  Sauzalito 
until  November  1st.  On  the  20th  of  August  Ring- 
gold,  with  Dr  Pickering,  six  officers,  and  about  fifty 
men,  started  in  the  boats  to  explore  the  Sacramento 
River,  arriving  at  Sutter's  Fort  in  three  days,  con- 
tinuing the  exploration  up  to  latitude  39°  13'  39",  re- 
turning to  New  Helvetia  September  4th,  and  to  the 
Vincennes  five  days  later.  Subsequently  Ringgold 
made  other  exploring  trips  about  the  bay  and  up  the 
San  Joaquin,  not  particularly  described.  They  met 
with  no  adventures,  and  their  description  of  the  coun- 
try, with  its  Indians,  animals,  and  vegetation,  calls 
for  no  special  notice  here.33 

Another  party  under  Lieutenant  Emmons,  consist- 
ing of  four  officers,  eight  men  of  the  expedition,  five 
of  the  scientific  corps — Dana,  Peale,  Brackenridge, 
Rich,  and  Agate — six  trappers,  a  guide,  and  three 
immigrants  with  their  families,  thirty-nine  persons  in 

Vol.  xvi.  Botany,  Cryptogamia,  by  Wm  D.  Brackenridge.  Phil.  1854, 
4°;  atlas,  Phil.  1855,  fol., '46  pi.  Many  Cal.  plants. 

Vol.  xvii.,  xviii.,  xix.     Never  published,  so  far  as  I  can  learn. 

Vol.  xx.  Herpetology,  by  S.  F.  Baird.  Phil.  1858,  4°;  atlas,  fol.,  32  pi. 
Scattered  references  to  Cal.  (Later  impressions  bear  the  following  title:) 

Vol.  xx.  (bis).  Herpetology,  by  Charles  Girard.  Phil.  1858,  4°;  atlas,  fol., 
32  pi.  (Same  as  preceding,  except  title,  and  addition  of  a  list  of  plates,  p. 
473-6.) 

Vol.  xxi.     Geographical  Distribution  of  Animals. 

32  Arrival  noted  in  a  letter  of  Aug.  14th.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  250.  I 
find  no  record  that  the  exploring  fleet  was  troubled  about  anchorage  dues. 

83  Wilkex'  Narr.,  v.  188-207.  The  only  localities  named  are  New  Helvetia, 
American  Fork,  Prairie  Butes,  Bute  Creek,  Feather  River,  and  Poplar  Grove. 
It  was  supposed  that  the  Jesus  Maria  of  the  Spaniards  was  the  Sacramento 
above  the  junction  with  the  Feather;  but  there  is  no  foundation  for  this  the- 
ory. The  two  names  were  applied  long  before  the  Spaniards  had  been  up  to 
Feather  River,  under  the  impression,  formed  from  the  branches  or  sloughs  at 
the  mouth,  that  there  were  two  large  rivers  flowing  from  northerly  directions. 
Pickering,  in  vol.  ix.,  p.  104-10,  also  gives  a  slight  description  of  this  explora- 
tion. I  reproduce  Wilkes'  map  of  California. 


244 


U.  S.  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION. 


WILKES'  MAP,  1841. 


WILKES  AT  SAUZALITO.  245 

all,  came  down  from  Oregon  overland.  This  party 
crossed  the  Boundary  Range  September  29th  into 
California,  and  four  days  later  struck  the  head  waters 
of  the  Sacramento.  On  October  17th  they  reached 
the  Feather  River,  and  two  days  later  were  at  Sutter's. 
This  journey  also  was  without  adventure.  At  New 
Helvetia  the  company  divided,  one  party  with  Em- 
mons  embarking  on  the  Vincennes  boat  that  had  been 
sent  to  meet  them,  and  reaching  San  Francisco  on 
the  24th;  while  the  rest,  under  Midshipman  Eld,  pro- 
ceeded by  land  by  way  of  San  Jose  and  reached  the 
fleet  on  the  28th.34 

Meanwhile  Wilkes  had  sailed  from  the  Columbia 
on  the  Porpoise  with  the  Flying  Fish  and  Oregon — the 
latter  being  the  Thomas  Perkins,  purchased  to  replace 
the  Peacock,  which  was  wrecked  on  the  Oregon  coast^*- 
and  arrived  at  San  Francisco  on  the  same  day  that 
Enimons  reached  New  Helvetia,  October  19th.35  His 
personal  experience  in  California,  outside  of  his  vessel, 
seems  to  have  been  limited  to  a  two  or  three  days' 
trip  to  Santa  Clara,  which  he  describes  in  an  interest- 
ing manner ;  but  his  officers  visited  many  points  round 
the  bay,  including  Sonoma  and  San  Rafael.  Martinez 
and  Richardson  are  the  only  entertainers  who  are  fa- 
vorably mentioned;  and  guests  on  board  the  fleet  are 
represented  as  having  stayed  longer  than  they  were 
welcome.36  The  "closing  scene  of  the  tour"  was  an 

34  Wilkes'  Narr.,  v.  252-65;  also  v.  127,  142-3;  ix.  110-12.  The  names 
used  are  Boundary  Bange  and  Mt  Emmons,  Klamet  river  and  valley,  Mt  Shaste 
(with  view),  Destruction  River,  Pitt  River,  Sacramento  River,  Bear  Camp, 
Prairie  Butes  (39°  8'),  Little  Fork,  Feather  River,  New  Helvetia,  Rio  Cosme- 
nes,  Mogueles  River,  San  Juan,  Frenchman's  Camp,  San  Joachin,  Pul  Porrice 
Hills,  Mission  San  Jose,  and  Santa  Clara. 

85  Oct.  22,  1841,  Wilkes  to  Vallejo,  announcing  his  arrival,  and  asking  as- 
sistance in  the  way  of  supplies.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  312,  314.  On  Dec. 
llth,  Vallejo  reported  the  visit  and  operations  of  the  expedition  to  the  min- 
ister of  war.  Id.,  x.  383. 

36  Wilkes'  Narr.,  v.  207-28.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  239-40,  mentions 
a  visit  of  Ringgold  to  Sonoma,  and  an  invitation  for  himself  and  family  to  visit 
the  fleet,  which  he  was  obliged  to  decline.  Some  of  the  officers,  according  to 
Davis'  Glimpses,  MS..  73-84,  also  made  a  visit  to  Ross.  Davis  came  frequently 
into  contact  with  the  officers  and  men  of  the  expedition  while  at  S.  F. ,  and 
he  gives  an  interesting  account  of  the  visit.  He  tells  us  that  Wilkes  talked 
freely  with  Spear  about  the  prospect  of  the  U.  S.  securing  S.  F.  Bay,  and  the 
determination  not  to  let  England  gain  any  advantage. 


24(5  U.  S.  EXPLORING  EXPEDITION". 

auction  sale  of  the  horses  of  the  expedition  at  Yerba 
Buena,  the  proceeds  of  which  amounted  to  $210.  On 
November  1st  the  fleet  set  sail,  several  deserters 
being  left  behind,  and  one  man  being  accidentally  killed 
as  the  Vincennes  crossed  the  bar.  Mr  Hale  had  been 
left  in  Oregon,  and  came  down  with  Simpson  in  De- 
cember. 

In  naming  the  volumes  devoted  to  a  record  of  sci- 
entific observations  which  form  the  bulk  of  the  great 
work  resulting  from  this  expedition,  I  have  specified 
the  parts  of  each  pertaining  to  California.  No  further 
notice  of  these  volumes  is  called  for  in  an  historical 
work ;  but  I  have  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  were 
altogether  worthy  of  the  eminent  names  attached  to 
them.  Officers  and  scientists  did  their  work  faithfully, 
and  left  an  agreeable  impression  in  the  minds  of  such 
residents  of  the  country  as  came  in  contact  with  them. 

Of  the  narrative  written  by  the  commander,  how- 
ever, not  much  can  justly  be  said  in  praise,  so  far  as 
that  part  relating  to  California  is  concerned.  It  is 
not  worthy  of  the  great  enterprise  it  records,  nor  of  its 
scientific  appendices;  nor  does  it  compare  favorably 
with  earlier  and  less  pretentious  narratives.  The  ha- 
bitual misspelling  of  Spanish  and  other  names  is  a 
blemish  specially  noticeable  in  a  work  written  by  an 
educated  officer,  and  published  under  the  auspices  of  a 
government  and  a  learned  society  in  so  magnificent  a 
form.37  Wilkes  was  reserved  and  cold  in  manner,  or 
seemed  so  to  the  few  Californians  who  met  him;  and 
his  manner  of  referring  to  most  things  and  men  in  his 
book,  in  marked  contrast  to  the  spirit  of  courtesy  that 
had  distinguished  the  statements  of  other  visitors  in 
like  positions,  is  not  calculated  to  inspire  among  Cali- 
fornians much  regret  that  he  was  reprimanded,  after 

37  For  instance,  Wilkes  writes,  Los  Angelos,  San  Joachin,  Mt  Diavolo, 
Kaquines,  Jesu  Maria,  Bute,  Nappa,  Zonoma,  Mogueles,  Cosmenes,  Cape 
Mendocina,  Xacatecas,  Nativetes,  Caravallio  River,  San  Juan  Capista,  Bran- 
caforte,  Guadaloupe,  Kihas,  Mr  Spears,  Sr  Noniga,  Echandia,  Cosine  Penne", 
Eamierez,  Peralto,  Padre  Mercador,  tula,  poros  (pozos),  coural,  Donna,  Nos- 
tra  Sefiora,  etc. 


WILKES'.  OBSERVATIONS.  247 

a  trial  by  court-martial,  for  severity  to  his  men  during 
the  voyage.  The  season  was  one  of  drought,  but  that 
fact  could  not  justify  this  author's  absurd  underesti- 
mate of  the  country's  natural  advantages.  The  people 
and  their  institutions  certainly  afforded  some  ground 
for  unfavorable  criticism,  but  Wilkes  constantly  in- 
dulges in  careless  misrepresentations  and  exaggera- 
tions.33 And  I  find  no  special  excellence  in  any  respect 

38 1  give  a  series  of  brief  quotations  to  illustrate  the  spirit  of  the  narrative. 
'Although  I  was  prepared  for  anarchy  and  confusion,  I  was  surprised  when  I 
found  a  total  absence  of  all  government  in  California,  and  even  its  forms  and 
ceremonies  thrown  aside. '  p.  162.  '  The  alcalde  of  S.  F.  (Don  Francisco  Guer- 
rero) was  full  of  self-importance,  making  Tip  for  what  he  wanted  in  the  eyes 
of  others  by  a  high  estimate  of  his  own  dignity.  I  could  find  no  one  who 
could  furnish  me  with  his  name  ( !),  which  must  be  my  apology  for  not  re- 
cording it.'  p.  163.  'The  country,  at  the  time  of  our  visit,  and  for  several 
years  previous,  had  been  in  a  state  of  revolution  (!),  and  was  involved  in  an- 
archy and  confusion,  without  laws  or  security  of  person  or  property With 

California  is  associated  the  idea  of  a  fine  climate.  This  at  least  was  the  idea 
with  which  I  entered  its  far-famed  port;  but  I  soon  found  from  the  reports  of 
the  officers  that  their  experience  altogether  contradicted  the  received  opinion. 
Many  compared  its  climate  to  that  of  Orange  Harbor  at  Cape  Horn. '  p.  163-4. 
The  valley  of  S.  Juan  is  described  as  one  of  the  most  fertile  tracts,  but  what 
valley  is  referred  to  it  is  hard  to  tell.  '  The  inland  plain  constituting  a  large 
part  of  Upper  California  is,  according  to  all  accounts,  an  arid  waste.'  p.  165. 
Only  a  small  portion  of  the  country  offers  any  agricultural  advantages,  p.  166. 
'  There  is  but  comparatively  little  trade,  for  the  hides  and  tallow  which  for- 
merly made  the  business  profitable  are  no  longer  to  be  procured.'  p.  168. 
The  exports  include  200,000  arrobas  of  tallow,  and  all  merchantable  products 
are  less  than  a  million  dollars,  p.  168-9.  'Although  California  may  not  boast 
of  its  dense  population,  every  intelligent  person  I  met  agreed  that  it  consumed 
more  spirits  in  proportion  than  any  other  part  of  the  world.'  p.  169.  Taxes 
are  represented  as  very  high,  and  the  'church  tithes  enormous'  (!).  p.  171. 
'  Descended  from  the  old  Spaniards,  the  Californians  are  unfortunately  found 
to  have  all  their  vices,  without  a  proper  share  of  their  virtues.'  'The 
female  portion  of  the  community  are  ignorant,  degraded,  and  the  slaves  of 
their  husbands.'  '  The  state  of  morals  is  very  low,  and  is  every  day  becoming 
worse.  During  the  residence  of  the  old  Spanish  priests,  the  people  were  kept 
under  some  control,  but  now  priest  and  layman  are  alike  given  up  to  idleness 
and  debauchery.'  They  have  a  reputation  for  hospitality,  but  will  take  money 
if  offered  through  a  servant,  and  will  swindle  a  guest  should  he  wish  to  hire 
or  buy  anything,  p.  187-8.  '  The  best  route  to  the  U.  S.  is  to  follow  the  S. 
Joachin  for  60  miles,  thence  easterly  through  a  gap  in  the  Snowy  Mountains, 
by  a  good  beaten  road  ( !);  thence  the  course  is  north-easterly  to  Mary's  River. ' 
p.  193.  A  Californian  'is  content  with  coarse  fare,  provided  he  cau  get  enough, 
of  strong  drink  to  minister  to  this  thirst. .  ..The  palm  for  intemperance  was,. 
I  think,  generally  given  to  the  padres. '  A  large  part  of  the  Sacramento  Valley 
'is  undoubtedly  barren  and  unproductive,  and  must  forever  remain  so.'  p. 
206.  Vallejo  'is  not  overscrupulous  in  demanding  duties  of  vessels  entering 
the  port  of  S.  F. ,  and  until  he  has  been  consulted,  a  vessel  is  liable  to  an  in- 
definite amount  of  duties.'  Anecdotes  of  him  'show  a  striking  disregard  for 
the  lives  as  well  as  for  the  property  and  liberty  of  the  Indians  and  gente  de 
razon.'  One  of  the  governors  trained  Indians  as  soldiers  and  a  company  of 
them  '  made  such  proficiency  in  the  use  of  their  arms  that  his  excellency  be- 
came alarmed  and  forthwith  ordered  them  all  to  be  shot(!).  I  have  little 


248  DUFLOT  DE  MOFRAS. 

to  compensate  for  these  defects.  There  is  of  course 
much  that  is  accurate  enough,  but  nowhere  does  the 
narrative  rise  above  the  commonplace,  or  throw  any 
new  light  upon  either  country  or  people.  The  descrip- 
tive portions  are  incomplete,  and  often  inaccurate. 
The  historical  sketch  is  taken  without  much  skill  from 
Forbes,  in  the  earlier  parts,  while  later  events  are 
drawn  apparently  from  Farnham,  or  some  source  tinged 
with  that  writer's  prejudices.  But  for  Wilkes'  posi- 
tion, and  the  peculiar  circumstances  under  which  his 
narrative  was  written  and  published,  these  remarks 
might  with  some  justice  be  regarded  as  hypercritical. 

M.  Eugene  Duflot  de  Mofras  was  a  young  attache 
of  the  French  embassy  at  Madrid,  who  had  previously 
visited  America,  when  at  the  end  of  1839  he  was  re- 
called by  Marshal  Soult,  minister  of  foreign  affairs, 
and  attached  to  the  legation  at  Mexico,  with  a  special 
mission  to  visit  the  north-western  provinces  of  the 
republic,  and  the  American,  English,  and  Russian 
posts  beyond,  "in  order  to  ascertain,  independently  of 
a  political  point  of  view,  what  advantage  might  be 
offered  to  our  commerce  and  to  our  navigation  by 
mercantile  expeditions,  and  the  establishment  of  trad- 
ing-posts in  those  regions  still  little  known  in  France."3 
The  book  which  resulted  from  the  performance  of  this 
mission  contains  no  narrative,  beyond  here  and  there  an 
incidental  mention,of  the  author's  personal  adventures ; 
and  I  am  obliged  to  depend  on  the  archives  and  other 
records  that  are  riot  so  complete  as  would  be  desira- 
ble. M.  Mofras  still  occupied,  in  1878,  a  high  diplo- 
matic position,  that  of  ministre  plenipotentiaire  under 

doubt  that  this  story  may  be  essentially  true.'  p.  210-11.  'The  state  of  so- 
ciety here  [Sonoma]  is  exceedingly  loose;  envy,  hatred,  and  malice  predomi- 
nate in  almost  every  breast,  and  the  people  are  wretched  under  their  present 
rulers.  Female  virtue  is  at  a  low  ebb,  and  the  coarse  and  lascivious  dances 
show  the  degraded  tone  of  manners.'  p.  211-12.  The  administrator  at  Sta 
Clara  had  taken  the  name  of  his  wife,  Aliza,  one  of  the  most  famous  in  earl}' 
times!  p.  217.  The  country  between  Sta  Clara  and  S.  Francisco  was  pictur- 
esque in  places,  'though  to  all  appearance  entirely  unfit  for  cultivation'! 
p.  226. 

39Mofraa,  Exploration,  i.  Avant-propos,  p.  viii.-ix. 


A  FRENCH  VISITOR.  249 

the  French  government;  and  he  has  assured  me  that 
he  preserved  no  journal  or  memoranda  of  his  personal 
experience  in  California,40 

Having  arrived  in  Mexico,  the  attache's  passports 
and  letters  of  recommendation  were  issued  in  May 
1840,41  and  he  soon  started  on  his  mission,  visiting  Co- 
lima,  Jalisco,  Sinaloa,  Sonora,  and  perhaps  Lower  Cali- 
fornia, being  on  the  gulf-coast  apparently  in  Novem- 
ber.42 In  April  1841  he  came  up  from  Mazatlan  with 
Captain  Fitch  on  the  Ninfa,  touching  first,  perhaps,  at 
San  Pedro,  and  arriving  at  Monterey  in  May.43  Before 
June  llth,  he  had  visited  Sonoma  with  a  letter  of 
introduction  to  Vallejo  from  Virmond,  and  probably 
went  to  Ross  before  returning  to  the  capital.44  In 

40  In  one  of  his  letters,  dated  at  Paris,  Dec.  11,  1878,  M.  Mofras  writes  me 
as  follows.     'Cher  Monsieur:    Du  retour  d'un  voyage  a  Constantinople  je 
trouve  votre  amicale  lettre  et  je  ne  puis  assez  vous  remercier  de  votre  bien- 
reillance;  mais  je  vous  assure  que  j'ai  tout  mis  dans  mon  ouvrage,  et  que  je 
n'ai  pas  fait  de  journal  de  mes  impressions  personnelles,  qui,  depuis  si  long- 
temps  sont  d'ailleurs  bien  effacees  de  ma  memoire.     Veuillez  vous  souvenir 
ensuite  qu'au  moment  de  mon  exploration  elle  etait  souvent  perilleuse  et  que 
je  voyais  sans  cesse  des  ours  dans  le  for£t.     Tant  mon  temps  et  mes  facultes 
etaient  pris  par  mes  observations  et  el  soin  de  ma  vie  materielle.     Que  de 
fois  j'ai  souffert  le  froid,  la  faim,'et  le  soif !   Que  de  fois  je  me  suis  egar6  des 
journees  entieres  au  risque  de  succomber!  Vous  avez  une  Californie  qui  res- 
semble  a  Paris  maintenant;  mais  alors  il  etait  difficile  souvent  d'avoir  des 
guides  et  il  fallait  craindre  et  les  Indiens  et  surtout  les  ours.'     I  have  before 
me  another  original  letter  of  the  same  writer,  dated  at  Monterey,  July  20, 
1841 — not,  however,  addressed  to  myself. 

41  May  21,  1840,  min.  of  rel.  to  gov.    Announces  that  passport*  have  been 
issued  to  Mofras  for  a  scientific  visit  to  Cal.,  and  orders  protection  to  be  af- 
forded him.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xi.  118-19.     May  20th,  Virmond 
to  Alvarado,  introducing  and  highly  recommending  Mofras.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. , 
xxxiii.  74.     May  26th,  Virmond  to  Vallejo,  to  same  effect.  Id.,  ix.  146.    The 
order  from  the  govt  reached  Cal.  at  the  end  of  Oct.,  and  was  circulated  in 
Nov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  xi.  118;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  v.  13;  S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  261. 

42  Mofras,  Exploration,  i.  203.     The  year  is  not  mentioned. 

43  April  13,  1841,  arrival  of  Ninfa  with  Mofras  on  board,  19  days  from 
Mazatlan,  but  no  place  named.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  iv.  83.     May 
12th,  com.  of  Monterey  announces  arrival  at  Monterey  on  May  6th.    Vallejo, 
Doe.,  MS.,  x.  130.     May  12th,  he  felt  an  earthquake  at  Monterey,  and  again 
on  July  3d.  Explor.,  ii.  56. 

44  June  11,  1841,  Vallejo  to  com.  of  Monterey.    Val/ejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  163. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  250-5,  speaks  of  Mofras'  visit  to  Sonoma,  and 
says  he  sent  an  escort  with  him  to  Ross,  whence  he  returned  with  a  Russian 
escort  to  Sauzalito,  crossing  over  to  Yerba  Buena  in  Richardson's  vessel.     In 
his  Exploration,  ii.  19,  he  speaks  of  having  visited  Ross  several  times;  for  the 
second  time,  Id.,  ii.  27,  in  Aug.,  when  the  author  goes  so  far  as  to  epeak  of 
an  incident  on  the  way. 


250  DUFLOT  DE  MOFKAS. 

July  he  was  at  Monterey,  as  appears  from  his  letters.45 
September  1st  he  arrived  at  Sutter's  Fort;46  and  dur- 
ing the  same  month  was  at  San  Jose"  and  Santa 
Cruz.47  October  18th  the  traveller  had  embarked  at 
San  Francisco  on  the  Cowlitz  for  Fort  Vancouver, 
meeting  Wilkes  outside  the  heads;451  and  on  Decem- 
ber 30th  he  came  back  on  the  same  vessel  to  San 
Francisco  in  company  with  Sir  George  Simpson,  John 
McLoughlin,  and  Horatio  Hale.49  Mofras  and  Hale 
immediately  took  passage  on  the  Bolivar  for  Monte- 
rey;50 and  on  January  3d,  the  former  sailed  with  Cap- 
tain Peirce  for  Mazatlan  on  the  Maryland,  which 
touched  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  remained  for  nine 
days,  January  18th  to  27th,  at  San  Diego.51  During 
the  travels  of  which  I  have  presented  this  fragmen- 
tary record,  Mofras  visited  probably  every  mission 
and  other  settlement  in  California.  I  suppose  that 
the  Santa  Barbara  district  was  explored  in  April,  as 
the  Ninfa  came  up  the  coast ;  those  of  Monterey  and 
San  Francisco  from  May  to  October,  the  explorer 
making  his  headquarters  at  the  capital  and  Yerba 
Buena;  and  that  of  San  Diego  in  January  1842, 
while  the  Maryland  was  disposing  of  her  cargo. 

Of  the  French  visitor's  acts  and  experience  during 
the  travels  thus  outlined,  we  know  even  less  than  of 
the  travels  themselves — nothing  at  all  indeed,  so  far 
as  the  south  is  concerned.  At  Yerba  Buena  he  spent 
some  time  at  the  house  of  Nathan  Spear,  making  that 
his  headquarters  while  he  visited  different  points  in 
the  north.  At  this  time  William  H.  Davis,  Spear's 

45  July  20th,  Mofras  to  the  P.  president  at  S.  Jos<§.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii. 
13.  Same  date  Mofras  to  Alvarado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  117. 

40  Sept.  1st,  Sutter  to  Sunol,  announcing  the  arrival  of  '  M.  le  Comte. '  Sut- 
ter-Suhol  Corresp.,  MS.,  10. 

"  Exploration,  i.  417,  324. 

18  Wilkc*'  Narr.,  v.  157.  A  boat  came  from  the  Cowlitz  to  the  Porpoise, 
having  on  board  Capt.  Brotchie  and  Mofras.  His  intention  then  was  to  go 
from  the  Columbia  to  the  Sandwich  Islands. 

49 Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Alii.,  MS.,  Iv.  18. 

^Simpson's  Narrative,  i.  303. 

M/Wrce's  Rough  Sketch,  MS.,  87;  Id.,  Journals,  MS.,  90-1;  Mofras,  Ex- 
ploration, i.  334. 


MOFRAS  AXD  VALLEJO.  251 

man  of  business,  came  much  in  contact  with  Mofras, 
•who  often  sailed  with  him  on  the  schooner  Isabella  to 
different  points  on  the  bay.  Davis  became  a  great 
admirer  of  the  Frenchman,  whom  he  describes  as  a 
most  accomplished  gentleman,  well  liked  by  all  who 
met  him,  intelligent  and  observant,  enthusiastic  to  the 
verge  of  excitability,  and  prone  to  indulge  in  rhap- 
sodical prophecies  on  the  grand  future  of  San  Fran- 
cisco Bay  and  the  region  thereabout.52 

During  his  visit  to  Sonoma,  Mofras  in  some  way 
gave  offence  to  Vallejo,  who  conceived  a  bitter  dislike 
of  the  man,  which  is  clearly  expressed  in  his  narrative, 
and  which  perhaps  accounts  for  the  fact  that  the 
traveller  is  not  very  complimentary,  though  by  no 
means  severe  or  abusive,  in  his  allusions  to  the  gen- 
eral. Vallejo  admits  that  Mofras  was  an  intelligent 
and  highly  educated  man,  and  that  he  could  be  a  gen- 
tleman if  he  chose;  but  insists  that  he  was  conceited, 
arrogant,  and  disposed  to  look  down  on  the  Califor- 
nians  as  inferior  beings.  Alleging  no  improprieties 
on  the  part  of  the  visitor  at  Sonoma,  he  gives  credence 
to  several  absurd  scandals  respecting  his  conduct  else- 
where, and  delights  in  presenting  his  every  act  in  an 
unfavorable  and  ridiculous  light.53  Of  these  scandals, 
the  only  one  worthy  of  notice  here  is  that  of  Mofras' 
conduct  at  the  Alisal  Rancho,  an  account  of  which 


62  Davis'  Glimpses  of  the.  Past,  MS. ,  38-42.  The  author  relates  that  on  one 
occasion  the  schooner  grounded  on  the  mud  flats  at  North  Beach,  and  they 
had  to  wait  for  the  tide  to  float  them.  Mofras  after  a  time  became  impatient, 
then  excited,  and  finally  jumped  overboard  to  wade  and  swim  and  wallow  to 
the  shore,  which  he  succeeded  in  reaching  in  a  not  very  presentable  condition. 
Vallejo  tells  the  same  story,  and  he  says  also  that  this  adventure  was  on  the 
return  from  Ross  via  Sauzalito. 

53  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  244-59.  The  author  says  he  was  at  work 
out  of  doors  when  Mofras  made  his  appearance,  and  asked,  '  Where  is  the 
comandante  general?'  'Mr  Prudon  will  conduct  you  to  his  office,  sir, 're- 
plied Vallejo,  who  straightway  entered  by  a  back  door,  donned  his  uniform, 
and  received  his  guest.  In  the  interview  that  followed,  Mofras  seems  to  have 
assumed  considerable  self-importance,  and  to  have  spoken  in  a  tone  of  famil- 
iarity that  was  offensive  to  the  general's  sense  of  dignity.  Vallejo  in  some 
way  got  the  idea  that  Mofras  left  the  country  angry  with  the  Californians, 
and  especially  with  himself;  and  his  statement  seems  to  have  been  made  with 
a  view  to  counteract  such  charges  and  abuse  as  he  supposed  the  Frenchraaa 
had  introduced  in  his  book — which  he  had  not  seen. 


252  DUFLOT  DE  MOFRAS. 

was  made  public  in  a  newspaper  on  the  authority  of 
Mrs  Hartnell.54  It  is  enough  to  say  on  this  subject 
that  the  lady  mentioned  has  since  declared  the  story, 
so  far  as  Mofras  is  concerned,  to  be  without  founda- 
tion. At  San  Antonio  he  had  some  kind  of  a  quarrel 
with  Jesus  Pico,  the  administrator,  according  to  the 
latter's  statement.55 

At  Monterey  Mofras  had  a  correspondence  with 
various  padres  about  the  condition  of  their  respective 
establishments  and  matters  of  mission  history,  send- 
ing them  as  gifts  certain  sacred  trinkets  which  he  had 
brought  from  Spain.56  He  also  conducted  some  nego- 
tiations with  the  governor,  with  a  view  to  have  dis- 
covered and  punished  the  murderers  of  the  French- 
man, Dubosc,  in  1840.67  Alvarado  describes  him  as 
a  young  man  of  great  ability,  generous  inclinations, 
and  fiery  temperament;  but  arrogant,  and  prone  to 
dissipation.58  Sir  George  Simpson  speaks  of  "a  pas- 
senger of  the  name  of  De  Mofras,  who  represented 
himself,  for  he  had  no  credentials,  as  an  attachd  of  the 
French  embassy  in  Mexico.  Though  this  gentleman 
-professed  to  be  collecting  information  for  the  purpose 
of  making  a  book,  yet,  with  the  exception  of  accom- 
panying us  to  the  Willamette,  he  scarcely  went  ten 
miles  from  the  comfortable  quarters  at  Fort  Vancouver ; 

64  Monterey  Herald,  March  20,  1875;  Id.,  Oct.  24, 1875  (?);  Hartnell,  Nar- 
rativa,  MS.,  14-20. 

55  Pico,  Acoutecimientos,  MS.,  54-7;  Id.,  letter,  Pioneer  Sketches,  MS.,  no. 
2.     Pico  claims  to  have  put  Mofras  under  arrest  in  the  padre's  house,  the 
padre  allowing  him  to  escape  to  Monterey,  where  the  quarrel  was  renewed 
later.     The  origin  of  the  trouble  was  Mofras'  insolent  complaint  that  suffi- 
cient attention  was  not  shown  him.     In  his  Exploration,  i.  388,  M.  speaks  of  hia 
indignation  at  seeing  the  administrator  at  S.  Antonio,  an  old  servant  of  the 
mission,  take  advantage  of  the  padre's  paralyzed  condition  to  refuse  him  the 
necessary  aid  and  food.     Salvador  Vallejo,  Notas,  Hist.,  MS.,  129-30,  takes 
some  pride  in  having  told  Mofras  of  a  mission  at  Sta  Rosa,  and  of  vanilla 
growing  there. 

56  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  13.     Only  one  of  the  letters  appears,  but  others  are 
alluded  to  in  this. 

vjlepi.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  41;  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  117.  Mofras,  Explor., 
i.  465,  accuses  Vallejo  of  having  shut  his  eyes  and  allowed  the  assassin  to 
escape. 

5S  Alvarado,  Hif>t.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  175-9.  The  author  shares  Vallejo's  views 
to  some  extent;  and  states  that  Mofras  became  involved  in  many  ridiculous 
and  disgraceful  troubles  on  account  of  his  lack  of  self-respect  when  under  the 
influence  of  liquor. 


MOFRAS'  BOOK.  253 

while  in  conversation  he  was  more  ready  to  dilate  on 
his  own  equestrian  feats  than  to  hear  what  others 
might  be  able  to  tell  him  about  the  country  or  the 
people."59  From  all  the  evidence,  I  conclude  that 
Duflot  de  Mofras  was  a  man  of  talent,  but  somewhat 
wild,  bent  on  amusing  himself,  fonder  of  personal  com- 
forts than  of  study;  not  disposed  to  go  far  out  of  his 
way  for  historical  information,  but  using  intelligently 
such  material  as  came  into  his  hands;  gentlemanly  in 
manner,  but  not  overawed  by  the  dignity  of  Califor- 
nian  officials,  and  somewhat  too  careless  about  the 
reputation  he  might  leave  in  so  distant  a  land. 

To  the  book  which  resulted  from  the  visit  of  Mo- 
fras, which  I  have  frequent  occasion  to  cite  on  differ- 
ent topics,  and  which  I  describe  in  a  note,60  a  high 
degree  of  praise  must  be  accorded.  Its  plan  is  ex- 
cellent, and  the  execution  creditable  to  the  author. 
He  aims  to  give  a  complete  description  of  the  coun- 
try, its  past  history  and  present  condition,  compiled 
from  the  principal  works  that  had  been  published  on 
the  subject,  and  supplemented  by  his  own  researches 

59  Simpson's  Narrative,  i.  245. 

60  Mofras,  Exploration  du  Territoire  de  I 'Oregon,  des  Californies,  et  de  la  Mer 
Vermeille,  execute  pendant  lea  annges  1840,  1841,  et  184.2,  par  M.  Dufiot  de 
Mofras,  A  ttache  d  la  Legation  de  France  d  Mexico;  Ouvrage  publi6  par  ordre 
du  Roi,  sous  les  auspices  de  M.  le  Marechal  Soult,  Due  de  Dalmatie,  President 
dm  Conseil,  et  de  M.  le  Ministre  des  Affaires  £trangeres.     Paris,  1844.     8vo, 
2  vol.,  and  folio  atlas.     The  portions  relating  to  Cat  are  vol.  i.,  chap,  vii.,  p. 
251-314,  history  of  missions,  pueblos,  and  presidios;  chap,  viii.,  p.  315-84, 
system  of  govt,  population,  local  description,  and  history  of  southern  dis- 
tricts; chap,  ix.,  p.  385-468,  local  description  and  history,  northern  districts; 
chap,  x.,  p.  469-518,  agriculture,  stock-raising,  commerce,  etc.;  vol.  ii.,  chap. 
i.,  p.  1-20,  the  Russian  establishment;  chap,  ii.,  p.  21-71,  manners  and  cus- 
toms, physical  features,  foreign  relations,  re"sum6.     Plates  relating  to  Cal. 
in  vol.  i.,  view  of  Monterey;  portrait  of  P.  Duran;  Californian  throwing  the 
lazo;  Russian  house.     Plates  in  the  atlas:  general  map — including  California 
which  I  reproduce;   charts  of  the  ports  of  S.  Diego,  mouth  of  Colorado,  S. 
Pedro,  Sta  Barbara,  Monterey,  S.  F.,  Bodega  and  Ross,  and  Trinidad;  view  and 
ground-plan  of  S.  Luis  Rey  mission.    The  books  consulted  by  Mofras  on  Cal., 
as  named  in  his  list,  are  (the  titles  changed  to  agree  with  my  list):  Drake  Re- 
vived; Beechr-y's  Voy.;  Monterey,  Extracto;  Morr ell's  Narrative;  Pages'  Voyage; 
Boscana's  Hist.  Ind.  Col.;  Rioboo,  Relacion;  Duhaut-Cilly,  Voy.;  Cal.  Regla- 
mento,  1784;  Douglas,  in  Comp.  Bot.  Mag.;  Palou,  Vida  deSerra;  Castro,  De- 
cretos;  Forbes,   Cal.;  La  Perouse,    Voyage;   Mission  Archives;    Vancouver's 
Voy.;   Monterey,  Archives;  Arricivita,  Cron.;   Petit- Thouars,   Voy.;  Suttl  y 
Mejicana;  Belcher's  Voy.;  Langsdorff's  Voy.;  Laplace,  Gampagne;  Kotzebue's 
Voy.;  Roquefeuil,  Voy.;  Kotzebue's  New  Voy. 


MOFKAS'  MAP  OF  CALIFORNIA. 


VALUE  OF  THE  WORK.  255 

in  the  archives  and  personal  observations  in  the  re- 
gions described.  It  must  be  admitted  that  these  re- 
searches and  observations  were  not  so  extensive  and 
careful  as  was  desirable;  yet  they  enabled  Mofras  to 
use  intelligently  the  material  before  him,  and  to  pro- 
duce without  great  expenditure  of  work  a  somewhat 
satisfactory  result.  Had  he  been  a  harder  student 
and  more  diligent  investigator,  he  might  have  avoided 
many  petty  errors,  and  have  given  his  work  an  air  of 
originality  that  would  have  added  greatly  to  his  repu- 
tation. Forbes'  work  is  the  only  one  of  the  time 
that  can  be  compared  with  this;  but  while  not  less 
meritorious  in  many  respects,  it  is  very  much  less  ex- 
tensive and  complete.  Of  some  political  aspects  of 
Mofras'  work  and  tour,  I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak 
in  the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER  X. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION. 
1841. 

HOPES  AND  PLANS  OF  FOREIGN  NATIONS — UNITED  STATES — MANIFEST  DES- 
TINY— WILKES  AND  WARNER — FOREIGN  OPINIONS — BRITISH  PROJECTS — 
SIMPSON'S  VIEWS — ASPIRATIONS  OF  FRANCE — M'OFRAS  ON  A  CATHOLIC 
PROTECTORATE — SUTTER  AS  A  FRENCHMAN — ADVANTAGES  OF  YANKEE 
METHODS — BEGINNING  OF  OVERLAND  IMMIGRATION — EXCITEMENT  IN 
THE  FRONTIER  STATES — BARTLESON  PARTY  FROM  MISSOURI — BIDWELL'S 
DIARY — NARRATIVES  OF  BELDEN,  CHILES,  AND  HOPPER — CROSSING  THE 
DESERT  AND  SIERRA — LIST  OF  NAMES — ARRIVAL  AND  RECEPTION — 
POLICY  TOWARD  FOREIGNERS — VALLEJO'S  ACTS — DR  MARSH— THE 
WORKMAN-ROWLAND  PARTY  FROM  NEW  MEXICO — WILSON'S  NARRA- 
TIVE— ROWLAND'S  LIST — OTHER  PARTIES — MRS  WALKER  AND  MRS  KEL- 
SEY — LIST  OF  NEW-COMERS  FOR  1841 — ITEMS  ABOUT  OLD  SETTLERS. 

IT  is  manifestly  impossible  to  ascertain  definitely 
the  hopes  and  plans  of  the  United  States,  England, 
and  Fra'nce  at  this  time  respecting  California.  In 
1841,  and  for  years  before,  navigators  of  each  nation 
had  praised  the  naturaf^dvantages  of  the  country, 
and  especially  of  its  great  port.  They  had  affirmed 
that  it  could  not  long  remain  under  Mexican  rule. 
They  had  pointed  out  the  ease  with  which  it  might 
be  secured,  and  had  directly  or  indirectly  urged  its 
acquisition.  That  these  representations  had  their 
effect  at  Washington,  London,  and  Paris  on  influen- 
tial members  of  the  governments,  that  the  matter  was 
discussed,  and  that  secret  instructions  were  issued, 
can  hardly  be  doubted.  It  has  always  been  a  popular 
idea  of  Americans  that  other  nations  were  in  the 
race  for  the  prize;  and,  while  it  has  been  often  exag- 


AMERICAN  SCHEMES.  257 

gerated  in  certain  respects,  it  has  not  been  without 
foundation.  Nations,  however,  do  not  announce  their 
designs  of  this  nature  in  advance;  neither  are  they 
prone  to  confess  them  after  their  failure. 

Americans,  or  such  of  them  as  took  the  matter 
into  consideration  at  all,  had  no  doubt  that  it  was  the 
'manifest  destiny'  of  their  nation  to  absorb  this  west- 
ern land.  Their  navigators  and  writers  and  emigrants 
had  spoken  more  plainly  than  those  of  other  nations 
on  the  subject.  Annexation  was  already  a  topic  of 
conversation  and  newspaper  comment.  We  have  seen 
that  the  United  States  had  once  actually  proposed  to 
Mexico  the  cession  of  northern  California,1  and  we 
have  noted  the  alarm  expressed  by  the  American 
press  at  the  rumor  of  purchase  by  England.2  Be- 
yond the  fact  that  Wilkes  was  instructed  to  make  a 
special  survey  of  the  bay,  there  was  but  little  in  con- 
nection with  the  exploring  expedition  or  its  narrative 
to  throw  light  on  American  schemes.  Wilkes  did 
not  indeed  represent  the  country  as  a  very  desirable 
acquisition,  except  for  the  commercial  and  naval  im- 
portance of .  its  harbor;  yet  he  writes:  " The  situation 
of  California  will  cause  its  separation  from  Mexico 
before  many  years.  It  is  very  probable  that  this 
country  will  become  united  with  Oregon,  with  which 
it  will  perhaps  form  a  state  that  is  destined  to  con- 
trol the  destinies  of  the  Pacific.  This  western  coast, 
enjoying  a  climate  in  many  respects  superior  to  any 
other  in  the  Pacific,  possessed  as  it  must  be  by  the 
Anglo-Norman  race,  and  having  none  to  enter  into 
rivalry  with  it  but  the  indolent  inhabitants  of  warm 
climates,  is  evidently  destined  to  fill  a  large  space  in. 
the  world's  future  history."3  It  was  obviously  not 

1  This  in  1835.     See  vol.  Hi.,  chap.  xiv. 

2  In  1837-9.     See  chap.  iv.  of  this  vol. 

9Wilkett  Narr.,  v.  182-3.  lie  also  blames  the  govt  for  its  lack  of  energy 
in  redressing  the  wrongs  of  the  Graham  party.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  77-0, 
says  that  Wilkes  expressed  himself  very  freely  to  Nathan  Spear  on  the  polit- 
ical aspects  of  his  visit,  declaring  that  the  U.  S.  would  have  Cal.,  and  in- 
quiring earnestly  about  Mofras'  movements,  and  the  dangers  of  French  inter- 
vention. Calif ornians  agree  that  the  coming  of  Wilkes.'  fleet  caused  consid- 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  17 


258  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

for  the  interest  of  United  States  to  aq-itate  the  mat- 

O 

ter;  since  now  that  immigration  had  begun,  delay 
could  not  but  favor  their  cause,  and  the  only  thing  to 
be  feared  was  the  interference  of  some  other  foreign 
power.  Evidently  it  was  the  policy  at  Washington 
to  watch  closely  for  such  interference,  and  meanwhile 
to  give  manifest  destiny  a  loose  rein. 

The  secretary  of  the  navy,  in  his  report  of  Decem- 
ber 4th,  after  alluding  to  the  Graham  affair,  says:  "In 
California  there  are  already  considerable  settlements 
of  Americans,  and  others  are  daily  resorting  to  that 
fertile  and  delightful  region.  Such,  however,  is  the 
unsettled  condition  of  that  country  that  they  cannot 
be  safe  either  in  their  persons  or  property  except  un- 
der the  protection  of  our  naval  power. ...  It  is  highly 
desirable,  too,  that  the  Gulf  of  California  should  be 
fully  explored.  For  these  reasons" — and  perhaps  for 
others  not  stated — "I  have  caused  estimates  to  be 
prepared  for  a  large  increase  of  the  Pacific  squadron."4 
In  the  same  report  it  is  stated  that  Commodore  Jones 
is  about  to  sail  for  the  Pacific  to  take  command.  Of 
this  officer's  instructions  and  acts  we  shall  learn  much 
from  the  annals  of  the  next  year.  In  connection  with 
the  immigration,  to  be  noticed  later  in  this  chapter, 
there  were  published  many  newspaper  articles  of  such 
a  sensational  nature  as  to  cause  alarm  in  Mexico,  and 
likely  to  do  more  harm  than  good  to  the  American 
cause.  I  may  add  that  Warner,  in  his  lecture  already 
noticed,  earnestly  urged  the  importance  of  prompt  ac- 
tion to  secure  possession  of  San  Francisco  Bay  by  pur- 
chase.5 

erable  uneasiness.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  241-2,  says  it  even  scared 
his  foes  at  Monterey  into  making  overtures  for  reconciliation  for  defence;  and 
Bidwcll,  Cal.,  MS.,  97-9,  affirms  that  it  convinced  people  that  the  U.  S.  govt 
was  something  more  than  a  myth,  and  had  a  good  effect. 

4  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  27th  cong.  2d  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.,  no.  1,  p.  309. 

5  Warner's  Cal.  and  Oregon,  236.   The  author  says:   '  I  have  quoted  from 
these  English  writers  (Forbes  chiefly)  for  three  objects:  1.  To  corroborate  my 
own  remarks  respecting  the  value  of  this  territory.     2.  To  show  that  the  Eng- 
lish-reading community  and  the  govt  have  more  information  '  about  it  than 
we.     '  3.  To  confirm  the  opinion  that  England  is  now  disposed  to  negotiate 
with  Mexico  for  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  and  the  territory  of  California. . . 


SIMPSON  ON  AMERICAN  PLANS.  259 

Not  only  did  Americans  announce  their  purpose 
and  their  confidence  in.  ultimate  success,  but  foreigners 
as  well  admitted  that  they  would  succeed — except  in 
certain  contingencies.  Sir  George  Simpson  writes: 
The  Americans,  becoming  masters  of  the  interior 
through  Sutter's  establishment,  "will  soon  discover 
that  they  have  a  natural  right  to  a  maritime  outlet; 
so  that  whatever  may  be  the  fate  of  Monterey  and 
the  more  southerly  ports,  San  Francisco  will,  to  a 
moral  certainty,  sooner  or  later  fall  into  the  possession 
of  Americans" — unless  the  English  take  it.  "As 
Texas  has  been  wrested  from  Mexico  on  the  one  side 
of  the  continent,  so  California  will  be  speedily  lost  to 
her  on  the  other.  The  only  doubt  is  whether  Cali- 
fornia is  to  fall  to  the  British  or  to  the  Americans.  The 
latter,  whether  one  looks  at  their  seizure  of  Texas  or 
at  their  pretensions  to  the  Oregon,  have  clearly  the 
advantage  in  an  unscrupulous  choice  of  weapons,  be- 
ing altogether  too  ready  to  forget  that  the  fulfilment 
of  even  the  most  palpable  decrees  of  providence  will 
not  justify  in  man  the  employment  of  unrighteous 
means."6  Mofras  gave  much  attention  to  the  subject, 
and  convinced  himself  from  his  intercourse  with  officers 
of  Wilkes'  expedition  and  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Corn- 
There  is  no  point  of  all  Pacific  America  that  unites  a  moiety  of  the  advantages 
found  in  the  bay;  and  it  ia  free  from  all  objections. .  .The  natural  union  be- 
tween the  country  south  of  the  Columbia  and  the  bay  of  San  Francisco  and 
surrounding  country  is  such  that,  although  governments  may  for  a  time  be 
able  to  separate  them,  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  they,  drawn  together 
by  their  oneness  of  interest,  will  bid  defiance  to  foreign-  powers.  If  a  union 
does  not  take  place  amicably,  it  will  by  force. . .  If  the  proposition  to  cede  Cal. 
to  the  English  should  be  accomplished — placing  the  all-important  harbor  of 
S.  F.  in  possession  of  the  most  powerful  naval  and  commercial  kingdom — 
would  it  not  ruin  the  prospects  of  the  Oregon  territory?.  ..Is  it  not  important, 
then,  that  instead  of  permitting  it  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  our  most  dangerous 
rivals,  it  should  be  united  to  our  own  territory? '  Warner  was  a  Mexican  cit- 
izen; but  no  matter.  'Although  I  may  be  accused  of  presumption,  I  cannot 
refrain  from  saying  that  the  present  appears  a  favorable  opportunity,  when  a 
negotiation  is  pending  which  must  leave  Mexico  a  debtor  to  this  govt,  not  in 
the  best  position  to  cancel  the  claim,  and  probably  glad  to  transfer  Cal.  on 
the  account. .  .We  must  not  suppose  that  Cal.  is  to  remain  stationary,  cr  un- 
der the  control  of  the  Mexican  govt,  while  all  the  parts  of  the  earth  arc  in 
movement  if  not  advancing.  It  must  soon  fall  to  some  more  enterprising  na- 
tion.' 

°S imiisorfs  Narr.,  i.  327,  409. 


260  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

pany  "that  England  and  the  United  States  flatter 
themselves  alike  with  the  idea  of  taking  California 
from  Mexico.  It  is  moreover  evident  to  us  that  Cali- 
fornia will  belong  to  whatever  nation  chooses  to  send 
there  a  man-of-war  and  200  men;  and  we  can  but  ap- 
prove the  patriotic  conduct  of  the  English  and  Am- 
erican governments  in  making  sure  in  advance  of  impor- 
tant points  on  the  Pacific.  .  .It  is  to  be  doubted  that 
the  English,  with  all  the  admirable  force  d 'expansion  of 
their  government,  can  distance  their  rivals  in  the  oc- 
cupation of  this  fine  territory.  As  for  us,  it  is  useless 
to  say  that  our  political  sympathies  are  for  the  Amer- 
icans; and  since  California  must  change  masters,  we 
should  prefer  to  see  it  in  the  hands  of  the  United  States 
rather  than  in  those  of  England" — always  if  it  cannot 
belong  to  France.7 

On  British  projects  for  acquiring  California,  there 
is  not  much  of  fact  to  be  recorded  for  1841,  though 
the  coming  of  the  man-of-war  Curagoa,  the  visits  of 
Douglas,  Simpson,  and  McLoughlin,  and  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  were  popularly 
supposed  to  be  connected  with  those  projects.8  Tho 
negotiations  to  secure  California  in  payment  of  the 
Mexican  debt9  were  believed  to  be  still  in  progress. 
In  Warner's  lecture,  and  the  current  newspaper 
sketches,  this  arrangement  was  held  up  as  an  immi- 
nent danger.  Mofras  gives  an  account  of  the  nego- 
tiations, and  expresses  his  conviction,  formed  largely 
from  conversation  with  officers  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company,  that  England  was  confident  of  success.10 

''Mofras,  Explor.,  ii.  61-71.  This  author  thinks  the  delay  of  the  U.  S. 
in  the  Graham  affair  was  with  a  view  to  accumulate  claims  and  grievances 
against  Mexico  until  a  convenient  season. 

8  Here  I  may  record  that  an  Irishman  at  Branciforte  was  fined  §20  for 
having  in  the  presence  of  witnesses  applied  a  vile  epithet  to  the  Mexican  govt 
and  its  officials,  declaring  that  England  would  come  and  take  the  whole  lot. 
Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  x.  4. 

8  See  chap.  iv.  of  this  vol. 

10  'En  ce  moment  la  compagnie,  sure  de  1'appui  du  gouvernement  britan- 
nique,  pousse  une  ligne  de  forts  vers  ce  territoire;  elle  cspe"re  que  les  n<5gocia- 
tions  commences  il  y  a  peu  d'annees  par  la  maison  Lizardi  do  Londres,  comma 
agent  du  Mexique  pour  la  cession  des  terrains  en  payement  de  la  dette  an- 
gluise  et  renouveltSes  tres-recemmeut,  pourrout  etre  courcnu6es  de  success,  et 


ENGLISH  PROSPECTS.  261 

And  Simpson  believed  that  it  was  not  only  possible 
but  most  desirable  for  England  to  take  the  country  in 
part  payment  of  the  debt;  and  he  also  advanced  the 
proposition  that  "under  the  treaty  of  1790,  England 
is  even  now  entitled  to  colonize  a  considerable  portion 
of  the  upper  province.  As  America  has  renounced 
everything  that  lies  below  42°, ..  .England,  without 
being  questioned  by  any  one,  may  immediately  occupy 
the  coast  from  42°  down  to  the  due  range  of  the  set- 
tlement of  San  Francisco,.  .  .and  may  to-morrow  jus- 
tifiably occupy  the  valley  of  Santa  Rosa,  which  opens 
into  Bodega  Bay"!11 

Finally,  for  the  Californian  aspirations  of  France, 
less  definite  than  those  of  her  two  rivals,  we  have  as 
salient  points  the  recent  coming  of  the  Danalde,  the 
strong  Canadian  French  element  among  the  trappers, 
the  establishment  and  threats  of  Sutter,  who  was  a 
Frenchman  when  it  suited  his  plans  to  be  so,  and  the 
visit  of  Mofras.  There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that 
France,  in  sending  an  agent  to  collect  information 
about  the  Pacific  regions,  was  actuated  to  some  extent 
by  a  hope,  similar  to  that  of  other  powers,  that  Cali- 
fornia might  one  day,  by  some  lucky  chance,  fall  into 
her  possession.12  In  his  published  work  Mofras  is 

que  cette  fois  ce  ne  sera  plus  au  Texas  ou  dans  1'interieur  du  Nouveau  Mex- 
ique  et  de  la  Sonora  que  le  gouvernement  Mexicain  offrira  des  terrains,  inais 
bien  dans  la  Haute  California.  Personne  n'ignore  que  la  dette  s'elevc  a 
270,000,000  francs,  et  que  cette  dette  ne  pourra  jamais  fitrepayde.  Si  la  ces- 
sion de  la  province  avait  lieu,  la  compagnie  voudrait  etre  la  premiere  ii  occu- 
per  les  meilleurs  terrains,  pour  les  revendre  ensuite  en  detail  avec  un  dnormo 
be'ne'nce.'  Mofras,  Explor.,  ii.  Gl-2. 

11  'English,  in  some  sense  or  other  of  the  word,  the  richest  portions  of  Cal- 
ifornia must  become.     Either  Great  Britain  will  introduce  her  well  regulated 
freedom  of  all  classes  and  colors,  or  the  people  of  the  U.  S.  will  inundate  the 
country  with  their  own  peculiar  mixture  of  helpless  bondage  and  lawless  in- 
subordination.    Between  two  such  alternatives,  the  Californians  themselves 
have  little  room  for  choice;  and  even  if  there  were  ground  for  hesitation,  they 
Would,  I  am  convinced,  find  in  their  actual  experience  sufficient  reason  for 
deciding  in  favor  of  the  British . . .  Though  England  cannot  afford  to  acquire 
additional  territory  by  such  measures  as  would  shake  that  reputation  for  in- 
tegrity on  which  her  empire  is  founded,  yet  she  has  one  road  open  to  her 
(that  of  the  debt),  by  which  she  may  bring  California  under  her  sway,  without 
either  force  or  fraud,  without  cither  the  violence  of  marauders  or  the  effron- 
tery of  diplomatists.'  Simpson's  Narr.,  i.  327-8,  409-10. 

12  July  27,  1841,  Vallejo  to  Alvarado.     There  is  no  doubt  that  France  is 
intriguing  to  become  mistress  of  CaL    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  230.     Dwinelle, 


262  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

careful  to  note  what  Frenchmen  reside  at  each  point, 
generally  naming  one  or  two  as  particularly  patriotic 
and  trustworthy;  he  dwells  on  the  importance  of  New 
Helvetia  as  an  essentially  French  settlement,  suggest- 
ing that  missionaries  be  sent  there.  He  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  special  friendship  shown  by  Californians 
for  his  compatriots  at  the  time  of  the  Graham  affair 
and  on  other  occasions.  He  points  out  the  identity 
of  religion  and  temperament,  states  that  Alvarado 
offered  to  grant  him  a  large  tract  of  land  in  the  Tu- 
lares  for  a  French  colony,  and  declares  it  as  his  opin- 
ion that  a  French  protectorate  offers  to  California  the 
most  satisfactory  way  of  escape  from  the  dangers  that 
threaten  its  future.13 

Thus  it  is  apparent  from  what  has  been  said,  and 
still  more  clearly  from  the  developments  of  later  years, 
that  the  three  great  powers,  as  I  have  said  at  the 
start,  had  hopes  of  acquiring  territorial  possessions  in 
California.  So  far  as  legitimate  methods  of  acquisi- 
tion were  concerned,  the  chances  of  the  three  contest- 
ants were  not  very  unequal,  each  having  certain  ad- 
vantages; but  the  United  States  was  not  only  more 
thoroughly  in  earnest  than  her  rivals,  but  had  a  vari- 
ety of  natural  agents  at  work  in  her  interests,  notably 


Address,  5,  says  Mofras'  exploration  was  intended  to  prepare  the  way  to  French 
conquest.  Cronise,  Natural  Wealth,  67,  says  'it  is  known  that  secret  agents 
of  that  govt  resided  in  Cal.  from  the  time  of  M.  de  Mofras'  visit  until  it  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  U.  S. '  Davis,  Glimpse*,  MS. ,  78,  remarks  that  Wilkes 
exhibited  great  anxiety  to  learn  all  the  details  of  what  the  Frenchman  did 
and  said. 

13  'Le  sort  do  ce  pays  est  d'etre  conquis,  s'il  ne  se  replace  sous  la  protec- 
tion d'une  monarchic  europc"enne,  seul  moyen  de  salut  qui  lui  reste.  Ce 
moyen  cst,  il  nous  semble,  celui  que  la  France  doit  pref6rer.  ..Le  seul  parti 
v  entablement  fort  est  le  parti  royaliste,  autour  duquel  viennent  se  grouper 
presque  tous  les  Europe'ens,  les  Calif orniens  reste's  honne'tes  gens,  et  memo 
ceux  qui  ont  pillo"  leg  missions;  en  un  mot  tous  les  habitants  qui  par  leur  reli- 
gion, leurs  mceurs,  leur  langue,  et  leur  origine  sont  naturellement  antipa- 
thiques  aux  Anglais  et  aux  Am<5ricains. . .  Tous  ces  homines  se  voient  sur  le  point 
d'etre  livre"s  a  une  race  impitoyable,  et  le  sort  de  notre  malheureux  Canada, 
celui  des  Florides  espagnoles  et  du  Texas,  n'est  guere  de  nature  &  lea  rassurer. 
C'est  done  vers  1'Europe  catholique  qu'ils  toument  leurs  regards,  car  ils 
sentent  fort  bien  qu'elle  seulo  pent  les  soustraire  a  la  domination  de  deux 
puissances  qu'ils  redou tent  dgalement.'  Mofra*,  Exploration,  ii.  68-71.  July 
23,  1841,  Mofras  writes  that  one  or  two  French  frigates  will  hereafter  visit 
the  coast  of  Cal.  each  year.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  13. 


OVERLAND  IMMIGRANTS.  263 

that  of  immigration,  making  delay  a  positive  advan- 
tage; and  making  certain  the  coming  of  a  day  when,  if 
action  by  the  others  could  also  be  delayed,  the  playing 
of  a  trump-card  in  the  Texas  manner  would  secure  the 
stakes.  Moreover,  the  European  powers  were  deterred 
from  prompt  action,  not  only  by  the  difficulty  of  mak- 
ing a  satisfactory  bargain  with  Mexico,  but  by  other 
prospective  obstacles  likely  to  arise  from  efforts  to  en- 
force the  precepts  of  the  Monroe  doctrine;  for  Cali- 
fornia, her  golden  treasure  being  unknown,  was  not 
desired  at  the  price  of  a  war  with  the  United  States. 

It  was  in  1841  that  overland,  immigration  proper 
may  be  said  to  have  begun;  though  men  had  before 
come  to  California  by  land,  as  it  may  be  well  to  re- 
state briefly,  en  resume,  before  proceeding  to  record 
the  companies  and  trips  of  this  year.  Jedediah  Smith 
from  Salt  Lake,  with  a  party  of  hunters,  in  August 
1826,  went  down  to  the  Colorado,  and  crossed  over 
from  Mojave  to  San  Gabriel  in  December.  In  May 
1827  Smith  and  two  men  crossed  the  sierra  and  went 
to  Salt  Lake,  returning  before  October  with  eight 
men.  These  were  the  first  overland  trips  by  a  direct 
mountain  route;  but  the  exact  routes  are  not  known, 
nor  is  it  known  whether  Smith  went  and  returned  by 
the  same  route.  Several  of  Smith's  men  remained  in 
California.  Parties  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company 
entered  California  in  1828-9  under  McLeodand  Og- 
den,  the  former  from  the  north  and  the  latter  perhaps 
from  the  east  by  Smith's  last  trail.  After  1830  the 
trappers  came  down  from  the  Columbia  nearly  every 
year.  The  Patties  from  Santa  Fd,  in  March  1828, 
made  their  appearance  with  six  trappers  at  Sari  Diego, 
being  brought  as  prisoners  from  Baja  California.  Sev- 
eral of  the  number  remained  in  the  country.  In  1830 
Ewing  Young  came  from  New  Mexico  with  a  party 
of  hunters,  all  of  whom  went  back.  In  1831  Will- 
iam "Wolfskill  brought  a  company  of  hunters  from 
.  New  Mexico  by  a  route  that  lay  north  of  tho  Colo- 


264          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

rado  down  to  Mojave,  not  being  able  to  cross  the  moun- 
tains above  36° as  he  had  intended.  Wolfskill  and  others 
became  permanent  settlers,  as  did  Warner,  who  came 
with  Jackson's  party  by  the  Gila  route  later  in  1831. 
Ewing  Young  returned  in  1832,  and  left  many  of  his 
men  as  pioneers.  The  southern  route  from  New 
Mexico,  by  Tucson  and  the  Gila,  was  now  open  and 
often  traversed,  a  few  immigrants  in  small  parties  or 
in  company  with  the  native  traders  coming  over  it 
each  year  after  1831.  The  second  party  to  cross  the 
sierra  westward  was  that  under  Walker,  who  with  some 
forty  exploring  trappers  came  from  Salt  Lake  in  1833. 
Their  course  was  down  the  Mary,  or  Ogden,  River  to 
its  sink,  and  thence  probably  by  Walker  lake  and  river 
over  the  mountains  to  the  head  waters  of  the  Mer- 
ced, nothing  more  definite  being  known.  Walker  re- 
turned in  1834  through  what  has  since  been  known  as 
Walker  Pass;  but  several  of  his  men  remained  behind. 
There  are  no  other  companies  that  require  notice ;  but 
it  should  be  noted  that  of  the  men  who  came  subse- 
quently from  New  Mexico,  several,  like  John  R. 
Wolfskill  and  William  Pope,  came  rather  as  regular 
immigrants  than  as  hunters  or  adventurers ;  while  a  few, 
like  Marsh,  regarded  Missouri  rather  than  New  Mexico 
as  their  starting-point.  In  the  same  connection  I  may 
also  state  that  Sutter  in  1838,  Wiggins,  Dutton,  and 
others  in  1839,  and  others  probably  in  1840  crossed  the 
country  to  Oregon  with  more  or  less  definite  ideas  of 
settling  in  California.  There  had  been  in  all  about  fifty 
men  who  had  settled  in  the  country  before  1841,  com- 
ing by  land ;  but  hardly  a  dozen  of  the  number  had  left 
their  old  homes  with  a  deliberate  purpose  of  finding 
new  ones  on  the  Pacific  coast;  and  only  two  parties, 
those  of  Smith  and  Walker,  neither  composed  of  im- 
migrants proper,  had  crossed  the  mountains  direct  to 
California.14 

The  years  1839-41  were  in  the  western  frontier  re- 
gions beyond  the  Mississippi  years  of  hard  times  and 

11  For  details,  see  vol.  iii.,  chap,  vi.,  xiv.;  and  chap.  iv.  of  this  vol. 


PREPARING  TO  EMIGRATE.  265 

discontent  among  the  settlers,  at  least  to* an  extent 
which  turned  the  popular  attention  toward  other  lands. 
The  people  were  all  emigrants  by  profession,  and  con- 
tinued movement  westward  was  their  normal  condition. 
Highly  colored  rumors  were  in  circulation  about  Cal- 
ifornia's genial  skies  and  fertile  lands  to  be  had  for 
the  asking.  They  came  by  way  of  New  Mexico  and 
Oregon,  with  which  regions  overland  communication 
was  frequent.  The  frontier  newspapers  reprinted  ar- 
ticles from  the  eastern  press.  There  was  scarcely  a 
county  that  had  not  its  trapper  visitor  who  told  won- 
derful tales  of  a  farther  west  to  dwellers  in  a  land 
which  was  itself  the  Far  West,  and  few  in  which  pri- 
vate letters  from  some  old  resident  now  in  California 
did  not  circulate.  Yet  the  broad  intermediate  stretches 
of  mountain  and  desert,  with  their  hostile  Indians  and 
unknown  dangers,  and  conflicting  rumors  respecting 
the  treatment  of  new-comers  by  the  Spaniards,  made 
the  undertaking  of  so  long  a  journey  no  trifling  mat- 
ter, even  for  those  hardy  frontiersmen.  Our  knowl- 
edge of  details — rumors,  enthusiasm,  projects,  obsta- 
cles, failures — is  meagre ;  but  the  reader's  imagination 
will  largely  supply  the  want,  and  that  without  leading 
him  far  astray. 

,  In  Platte  county,  Missouri,  and  the  region  there- 
about, the  excitement  ran  high  in  the  late  summer 
and  autumn  of  1840.  A  leading  cause  was  the  rep- 
resentations of  one  Robidoux,  who  had  been  in  Cali- 
fornia with  the  Santa  Fe  trappers,  and  pictured  the 
country  as  an  earthly  paradise,  not  'only  in  conversa- 
tion, but  in  public  meetings  held  to  consider  the  ex- 
pediency of  emigration  on  a  large  scale.  Letters  from 
John  Marsh  to  friends  in  Missouri  contributed  to  fan 
the  flame.  An  organization  was  effected,  committees 
were  appointed,  and  a  pledge  was  drawn  up  binding 
the  signers  to  dispose  of  their  property,  purchase  suit- 
able outfits  for  a  trip  across  the  plains,  and  to  be  ready 
to  start  from  Sapling  Grove,  Kansas,  in  May  1841. 
During  the  winter  some  five  hundred  signed  the  pledge, . 


266  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

so  great  was  the  excitement.  It  seemed  that  the  pop- 
ulation was  about  to  migrate  en  masse.  Some  oppo- 
sition sprung  up,  however,  chiefly  among  the  merchants 
of  the  town  of  Weston,  who  set  themselves  to  work 
to  defeat  the  movement  by  means  fair  and  unfair,  ar- 
gument, denunciation,  and  ridicule — and  especially  by 
the  publication  in  local  newspapers  of  all  that  could 
be  found  unfavorable  to  California.  After  the  excite- 
ment had  cooled  considerably,  letters. of  Thomas  J. 
Farnham,  republished  from  the  Ne.w  York  papers, 
seem  to  have  given  a  quietus  to  the  scheme.  Of  all 
that  had  signed  the  pledge,  only  one  was  ready  to 
start  in  the  spring. 

This  was  John  Bidwell,  a  man  of  twenty-one  years, 
a  native  of  New  York,  who  had  migrated  with  his 
parents  to  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio,  and  without  them 
to  Iowa  and  Missouri.  He  had  been  a  school-teacher, 
and  had  finally  settled  on  a  farm  in  Platte  county, 
which  was  'jumped'  during  his  temporary  absence. 
He  thought  of  Texas  for  a  home,  but  decided  in  favor 
of  California;  and  was  prominent  in  promoting  the 
organization.  Though  the  company  was  a  failure, 
Bidwell  found  three,  Robert  H.  Thomes,  George 
Henshaw,  and  Michael  C.  Nye,  who,  though  they 
had  not  signed  the  pledge,  agreed  to  accompany  him. 
The  four,  with  their  wagons,  oxen,  mules,  arms,  and 
provisions,  started  for  the  rendezvous,  being  accompa- 
nied for  several  miles  by  many  people  of  Weston  to 
say  good-by.  Nobody  was  found  at  Sapling  Grove; 
but  the  nucleus  of  a  goodly  company  was  overtaken  a 
little  farther  along  on  the  Kansas  River;  and  thither 
came  other  small  parties  for  a  week  or  more  from 
different  parts  of  Missouri  and  Arkansas,  until  there 
were  forty-eight  men  in  all,  with  some  fifteen  women 
and  children.  This  is  substantially  Bidwell's  account.13 

15  Bidwell,  California  1841-8;  An  Immigrant's  Recollections  of  a  Trip  across 
the  Plains  and  of  Men  and  Events  in  Early  Day*;  including  the  Bear  Fla-j  Dev- 
olution. By  Hon.  John  Bidwell,  of  Chico.  Dictated  by  the  author  to  >'.  <V. 
Boyntot)  for  the  Bancroft  Library,  1877.  MS.,  fol.,  233  p.  This  title  is  suf- 
ficieutly  explanatory.  The  author  has  resided  in  Cal.  since  1841,  and  is  ono 


THE  BARTLESON  COMPANY.  267 

Respecting  the  other  small  parties  or  'messes'  that 
came  together  on  the  Kansas,  we  know  but  little  in 
detail;  of  most,  nothing  at  all.  It  is  easy  to  imagine 
that  each  had  resulted  from  circumstances  similar  hi' 
their  general  features  to  those  described  by  Bidwell. 
One  of  them,  organized  at  St  Louis,  was  headed  by 
Josiah  Belden,  and  included  Chandler,  Brolaski,  and 
Shotwell.  Belden  was  a  native  of  Connecticut,  who 
had  lived  in  New  York,  Louisiana,  and  Mississippi, 
before  coming  tg  Missouri.  This  party  joined  others 
at  Independence  before  going  on  to  the  Kansas.18 
Another  mess  was  headed  by  Robert  Riekman,  an- 
other by  John  Bartleson,  and  still  another  probably 
by  Joseph  B.  Chiles.  One  party,  including  Charles 
Weber,  did  not  join  the  company  until  several  days 
after  the  start;  and  one  party,  as  we  shall  see,  was 
too  late  to  join  it  at  all.  On  February  1st  there  had 
been  a  public  meeting  at  Independence,  at  which  fifty- 
eight  had  agreed  to  make  the  trip  to  California;  and 
doubtless  a  part  of  these  helped  to  make  up  the  com- 
pany of  which  I  am  speaking,  though  their  proposed 
route  at  that  time  seems  to  have  been  by  Santa  Fe\17 

of  the  best  known  and  most  respected  men  in  the  state.  It  is  needless  to  add 
that  his  narrative  gives  a  vivid  and  accurate  picture,  not  only  of  the  overlaud 
trip,  but  of  all  that  came  under  his  observation  down  to  1848. 

16  Bt-lden,  Historical  Statement  of  Facts  on  California.     By  Josiah  Belden  of 
Santa  Clara  Co.     Dictated  for  the  Bancroft  Library,  187S.    MS.,  70  p.     The 
author  has  been  a  prominent  citizen  of  Cal. ;  and  though  his  narrative  is  not 
so  full  as  that  of  Bidwell  respecting  the  journey  overland,  it  contains  maay 
interesting  facts  about  early  days,  particularly  about  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  people  in  California. 

17  The  account  of  this  meeting  seems  to  have  been  published  in  the  N.  Y. 
Journal  of  Commerce,  March  30,  1841 ;.  but  I  find  it  in  the  Colonial  Magazine, 
v.  229;  and  also  a  reference  in  the  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  79.     Some  of  tho 
resolutions  adopted  were  as  follows:  'That  our  object  in  going  there  is  that 
of  peace  and  good-will  toward  the  people  and  govt  of  Cal.,  and  our  principal 
inducement  for  emigrating  to  that  country  is  that  we  believe  it,  from  the  best 
information  we  have  been  able  to  procure,  to  be  more  congenial  to  our  interests 
and  enjoyment  than  that  of  our  present  location.    That  as  this  company  wishes 
to  cooperate  with  all  others  that  may  design  to  emigrate  to  Cal.  the  ensuing 
spring,  it  is  recommended  that  all  such  companies  and  individuals  rendezvous 
at  the  Sapling  Grove  on  the  old  Sta  F6  route,  about  9  miles  west  of  the  Mo. 
line,  against  the  10th  of  May  next,  at  which  time  and  place  they  request  tho 
concurrence  of  all  other  companies  and  individuals.     That  inasmuch  as  other 
companies  are  expected  to  join  them,  .the  election  of  officers  to  conduct  the 
expedition  be  deferred  till  the  general  rendezvous.     That  all  persons,  either 
single  or  having  families,  shall  bo  provided  with  a  sufficiency  of  provisions 


268          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  not  all  of  the  com- 
pany had  definitely  resolved  to  settle  in  California, 
some  being  bent  mainly  on  adventure. 

The  company  was  organized  May  18th  at  the  Kan- 
sas River  camp.  Talbot  H.  Green  was  president, 
and  Bidwell  was  secretary  of  the  meeting,  at  which 
rules  were  adopted,  and  John  Bartleson  was  elected 
captain.  Besides  Bartleson's  company  of  forty-eight, 
there  were  seventeen  other  persons  who  were  to  be 
their  companions  for  the  first  half  of  the  journey. 
These  were  three  catholic  missionaries,  three  hunters, 
and  five  teamsters  bound  for  Oregon,  a  Methodist 
preacher,  two  men  on  a  pleasure  trip,  and  three  hunt- 
ers for  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  Oregon  party 
was  under  the  guidance  of  Fitzpatrick,  a  mountaineer 
and  guide  of  great  experience,  who  virtually  was 
commander  of  the  expedition  so  long  as  he  remained 
with  it — and  fortunately,  for  from  him  the  inexperi- 
enced members  of  the  California  company  learned 
much  that  was  useful  after  his  services  were  lost. 
The  march  began  May  19th.  The  missionary  party 
with  five  carts  took  the  lead;  and  there  followed  the 
wagons  of  Bartleson's  company,  eight  or  nine  of  which 
were  drawn  by  mules  or  horses,  and  five  by  seventeen 
yoke  of  oxen.  The  route  was  one  that  had  often 
been  traversed  by  trappers  bound  to  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  by  parties  bound  for  Oregon — up  the 
north  fork  of  the  Platte,  by  the  Sweetwater  through 

and  other  necessaries  to  insure  them  against  want  till  they  reach  the  buffalo 
region  at  least,  which  shall  be  determined  at  the  general  rendezvous.  That 
no  person  shall  be  permitted  to  take  any  spirituous  liquors,  except  for  medical 
purposes,  and  this  shall  be  determined  by  the  company  at  the  general  rendez- 
vous. That  a  cannon  having  been  presented  to  the  company  and  thankfully 
accepted,  Mr  A.  Overton  be  selectee!  to  have  it  properly  equipped  and  amply 
supplied  with  ammunition  at  the  expense  of  the  company.  That  Marsh's 
route  is  believed  to  be  the  best  by  which  to  cross  the  mountains. '  In  Nllea1 
Reg.,  Ixi.  p.  209,  there  is  mention  of  a  company  fitting  out  at  Independence 
in  May  of  about  90,  under  Bartleson  and  Rickman,  to  go  via  the  Columbia; 
and  another  of  100  men  and  30  women  and  children.  One  was  to  be  joined 
by  a  caravan  from  Sta  Fd.  Evidently  there  were  several  large  organizations 
similar  to  that  described  by  Bidwell;  fragments  from  all  of  which  made  up 
the  company  that  actually  started.  One  party  went  to  Sta  Fe",  but  of  thia 
I  shall  speak  later. 


TO  SALT  LAKE  AOT)  FORT  HALL.    .       269 

the  South  Pass,  and  down  and  up  branches  of  Green 
River,  to  Bear  River  Valley  near  Great  Salt  Lake. 
The  travellers  endured  the  usual  hardships  of  the  long 
and  tedious  journey;  but  met  with  no  disasters  except 
the  accidental  death  of  one  man — and  two  marriages 
between  members  of  the  caravan.  To  Bid  well's 
journal  we  are  indebted  for  most  that  is  known  about 
the  details  of  this  expedition.18 

Near  Soda  Springs,  on  Bear  River,  August  llth, 
the  company  separated,  the  Oregon  party  turning  off 
northward  for  Fort  Hall.  Twelve  of  those  who  had 
intended  to  go  to  California,  and  several  of  whom  did 
later  reach  that  country,  decided  now  to  join  the 
northern  party,  five  others  having  left  the  main  com- 
pany before.19  A  few  also  went  to  Fort  Hall  in  the 
hope  of  bringing  back  some  information  about  the 
route  to  California;  but  nothing  definite  was  known 
there  on  the  subject.  The  idea  was,  however,  vaguely 
prevalent  that  the  emigrants  must  find  and  follow 
Mary  River;  and  that  unless  that  stream  were  found, 
all  would  perish,  since  the  deserts  to  the  south  and 
the  mountains  to  the  north  were  impenetrable.  This 
idea  came  of  course  from  the  trips  of  Smith  in  1827, 
and  that  of  Walker  in  1833.  There  were  now  left  in 

18  Bidwell,  A  Journey  to  California.     No  title-page,  place,  or  date.   8vo, 
32  p.     This  very  rare  pamphlet  is  an  abridgment  of  Bidwell's  journal  from 
day  to  day,  which  the  writer  sent  from  Bodega  on  March  30,  1842,  and  which 
was  printed  in  Missouri,  probably  in  that  year  or  the  next.     It  gives  the 
names  of  all  members,  the  progress  and  incidents  of  each  day's  march,  and 
all  the  information  about  Cal.  that  the  author  had  been  able  to  gain.     It  is 
of  course  the  best  authority  extant  on  the  journey.     The  same  author's  Cal- 
ifornia 1841-8,  MS.,  already  noticed,  contains  also  a  very  good  narrative  of 
the  trip.     Belden,  in  his  Hist.  Statement,  MS.;  Chiles,  in  his  Visit  to  Cal.  in 
Early  Times,  MS. ;  and  Hopper,  in  his  Narrative,  MS. — all  members  of  the 
party — have  given  general  accounts  of   the  journey.      James  P.   Springer, 
another  member,  seems  to  have  kept  a  diary  which  I  have  not  found,  it  hav- 
ing been  left  by  the  author  in  Mo.,  as  he  states  in   Taylor's  Dixcov.   and 
Founders,  i.,  no.  7.     Some  accounts  published  in  different  newspapers,  and 
dealing  chiefly  with  the  names  of  members,  I  shall  have  occasion  to  notice 
later. 

19  The  twelve,  including  all  but  one  of  those  who  had  started  with  their 
families,  were  Carrol,  Augustus  Fifer  (or  Pfeifer),  Chas  W.  Fliigge,  D.  F. 
Hill,  J.  M.  Jones,  Isaiah  Kelsey,  Samuel  Kelsey,  W.  P.  Overton,  James  Ross, 
Eiisha  Stone,  William  Fowler,  and  Richard  Williams.     Of  the  5  others,  Jones, 
Rogers,  and  Peyton  had  turned  back  eastward;  Simpson  had  stopped  at  Ft 
Laraaiie;  and  Shotwell  had  accidentally  killed  himself  in  June. 


270  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

Bartleson's  company  thirty-two  men — with  one  woman 
and  child,  the  wife  and  daughter  of  Benjamin  Kelsey — 
whose  names  I  append  in  a  note.20 

For  ten  days  the  company  marched  down  Bear 
River  until  within  ten  miles  of  where  it  empties  into 
Great  Salt  Lake;  then  turned  off  westward  over  bar- 
ren plains,  being  forced  northward  in  search  of  water 
until,  on  August  27th,  they  encamped  at  a  spring  in 
the  mountains,21  whence  Bartleson  and  Charles  Hop- 
per proceeded  in  advance  to  find  Mary  River.  Here 
the  store  of  buffalo  meat,  previously  secured  en  route, 
gave  out,  and  oxen  had  to  be  killed  for  food.  The 
company  remained  in  camp  until  September  5th,  then 
moving  slowly  forward,  meeting  the  scouts  on  the 
9th,  and  on  the  15th  deciding  to  abandon  their 
wagons,22  with  such  other  property  as  could  not  be 
packed  on  mules,  horses,  and  oxen.  So  far  as  may  be 
determined  from  the  courses  and  distances  given  in 
the  diary,  the  route  followed  was  too  far  south  to 

20  The  names,  of  which  many  lists  but  none  accurate  have  been  published, 
were  as  follows:  John  Bartleson  (captain),  Eliaa  Barnett,  Josiah  Belden,  Wm 
Belty,  John  Bidwell,  Henry  L.  Brolaski,  Dav.  W.  Chandler,  Joseph  B.  Chiles, 
Grove  C.  Cook,  James  Dawson,  Nic.  Dawson,  Talbot  H.  Green  (Paul  Geddes), 
Gco.  Henshaw,  Charles  Hopper,  Henry  Huber,  James  John,  Thos  Jones, 
Andrew  Kelsey,  Benj.  Kelsey  (and  family),  John  McDowell,  Green  McMahon, 
Kelson  McMahon,  Michael  C.  Nye,  A.  Gwinn  Patton,  Robert  Rickman,  John 
Roland,  John  L.  Schwartz,  James  P.  Springer,  Robert  H.  Thomes,  Ambrose 
Walton,  Major  Walton,  and  Charles  M.  Weber. 

This  list  I  have  formed  from  the  original  made  by  Dr  Marsh  on  the  party's 
arrival,  the  bonds  given  by  citizens  for  the  good  behavior  of  the  members,  and 
Bidwell's  printed  journal.  There  is  no  doubt  of  its  accuracy,  except  perhaps 
in  the  spelling  of  one  or  two  names.  As  I  have  said,  all  later  lists  are  inac- 
curate, the  errors  consisting  mainly  in  omitting  some  names  and  including 
others  who  went  to  Oregon.  It  does  not  seem  necessary  to  point  out  the 
inaccuracies  of  each..  One  of  the  best  is  that  by  Springer  in  Taylor's  Discov. 
and  Founders,  i.  27.  Bidwell  in  his  MS.  omits  seTcral  names,  as  does  Belden. 
The  list  most  widely  circulated  was  the  Pioneer  Ovcrlanders  of  1841,  made  up 
from  the  recollections  of  Thomes,  Toomes,  and  Given,  first  published  in  the 
8.  F.  Bulletin  of  July  7,  1868,  and  reprinted  in  many  other  newspapers. 
With  slight  variations,  the  same  list  is  found,  with  descriptions  of  the  journey, 
in  many  of  the  county  histories.  I  could  give  a  long  list  of  references  to  brief 
newspaper  descriptions  of  this  overland  trip,  only  a  few  of  which  add  any- 
thing to  real  knowledge  of  the  subject. 

21  In  later  trips  emigrants  avoided  the  southern  de'tour  and  followed  a 
south-westerly  course  to  the  Humboldt,  over  what  is  known  as  the  'old  emi- 
grant road.' 

2iGeo.  McKinstry  notes  on  Bidwell's  journal,  p.  13,  that  his  party,  in 
1840,  cooked  their  supper  with  the  remains  of  these  wagons. 


THE  FIRST  OVERLANDERS.  271 

strike  the  river  at  the  nearest  point,  but  on  the  23d, 
after  crossing  what  was  apparently  the  east  Humboldt 
Range,  they  reached  the  south  fork  of  the  river,  fol- 
lowing it  for  eight  days,  though  in  great  trouble  be- 
cause its  course  was  toward  the  north-west  rather 
than  the  south-west  as  they  had  imagined.  On  Octo- 
ber 2d,  however,  they  were  delighted  to  find  the 
stream  trend  in  the  desired  direction;  and  five  days 
later  were  in  the  region  of  the  sink.  Here  Bartleson, 
who  had  forced  the  company  to  move  much  faster 
than  was  deemed  prudent,  started  in  advance  with 
his  own  mess  of  eight  men;  while  the  rest  crossed 
over  to  and  ascended  what  is  now  Walker  River, 
called  by  them  Balm  River.  While  resting  on  the 
head  waters  of  that  stream  on  the  16th,  they  were  re- 
joined by  the  captain  and  his  half-starved  companions, 
who  had  probably  reached  Walker  Lake  in  their 
wanderings,  and  had  gained  nothing  by  their  haste. 
There  were  now  but  three  poor  oxen  left  for  meat, 
and  the  lofty  and  apparently  impassable  sierra  tow- 
ered before  the  worn-out  emigrants. 

For  thirteen  days,  from  October  17th  to  the  30th, 
they  struggled  to  cross  the  mountain  barrier  to  the  land 
of  promise,  in  the  region  of  what  is  now  known  as  the 
Sonora  Pass,  from  Walker  River  to  the  Stanislaus. 
I  make  no  attempt  to  picture  the  dangers  arid  hard- 
ships and  anxieties  of  the  half-starved  band  in  this 
the  most  difficult  part  of  their  long  and  perilous  jour- 
ney. I  have  no  space  for  the  details  of  personal  ad- 
venture which  impart  such  a  fascination  to  the  orig- 
inal printed  diary,  much  less  for  those  of  Bidwell's 
later  and  more  elaborate  narrative.  Fortunately  in 
all  the  trip  there  were  only  hardships  and  no  disas- 
ters.23 On  the  last  day,  when  a  mule  had  been  killed 
for  meat,  when  most  of  the  horses  had  given  out  or 
been  stolen,  when  Hopper,  their  most  experienced 
mountaineer,  had  begun  to  despair,  when  three  of  the 

23  The  Indians  were  nowhere  hostile,  though  in  the  sierra  they  were  dis- 
posed to  pilfer.  A  treacherous  guide  was  shot  by  Grove  Cook  Oct.  27th. 


272  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

company  had  been  missing  for  a  week  or  more — they 
came  suddenly  in  view  of  a  valley,  that  of  the  Stanis- 
laus, which  they  entered  on  the  last  day  of  October, 
and  which  to  their  longing  eyes  was  most  beautiful, 
though  parched  by  the  sun  and  stripped  of  vegeta- 
tion by  fire,  since  it  abounded  in  game.  Bartleson 
and  his  men  declared  that  there  was  yet  a  long  jour- 
ney before  them,  and  decided  to  remain  long  enough 
to  lay  in  a  store  of  meat;  but  the  rest,  after  killing 
thirteen  deer  November  1st,  moved  on  the  next  day, 
confident  that  they  were  in  California.  The  question 
of  their  whereabouts  was  settled  when  they  met  two 
of  the  missing  men,  Kelsey  and  Jones,  who  had  been 
guided  by  Indians  to  Marsh's  rancho,  where  all  the 
company  arrived  November  4th,  except  the  other 
missing  man,  James  John,  who  had  left  the  others 
October  20th,  and  who  reached  Sutter's  Fort  the  3d 
of  November. 

Before  narrating  the  reception  of  the  immigrants 
in  California,  let  us  notice  the  rumors  that  had  pre- 
ceded them  by  a  quicker  though  more  roundabout 
way.  The  preparations  for  migration  on  a  large  scale 
had  been  widely  announced  in  the  United  States;  and 
in  making  the  announcement  certain  newspapers  had 
spoken  very  plainly  of  the  movement  as  a  step  toward 
the  inevitable  acquisition  of  the  country.  Extracts 
on  the  subject  were  forwarded  from  Washington  to 
Mexico,  where  they  naturally  created  alarm  on  the 
part  of  the  government.  Mexican  representatives 
abroad  were  ordered  by  the  president  to  give  public 
notice  that  any  person  going  to  California  without  the 
consent  in  due  form  of  Mexican  diplomatic  or  consu- 
lar agents,  would  do  so  at  his  own  peril,  the  govern- 
ment incurring  no  responsibility  for  damages.  At  the 
same  time,  on  May  1 8th,  the  very  day  on  which  Bar- 
tleson's  company  was  organized  in  Kansas,  orders  were 
sent  to  California  that  no  foreign  immigrant  should 
be  permitted  to  remain  in  the  country  who  was  not 
provided  with  a  legal  passport,  and  that  even  old  set- 


RECEPTION  OF  THE  NEW-COMERS.  273 

tiers  must  be  required  to  depart  unless  they  procured 
the  cartas  de  seguridad  required  by  law.24  Meanwhile 
there  had  been  in  California  no  special  feeling  against 
foreigners  since  the  exile  of  Graham;  the  people  as  a 
rule  were  well  disposed  toward  new-comers,  and  the 
authorities  treated  them  much  more  leniently  than 
was  permitted  by  the  spirit  or  letter  of  the  laws. 
"Strangers  arriving  here  in  a  lawful  manner  have  no 
difficulty  in  obtaining  the  necessary  passports  either 
to  reside  or  travel,"  writes  a  foreign  resident  of  Mont- 
erey in  February;25  and  we  shall  see  that  there  was 
but  little  change  in  this  respect  later,  notwithstanding 
the  strict  orders  from  Mexico  and  apparent  danger  of 
American  encroachment. 

Dr  Marsh  did  not  extend  a  very  hospitable  recep- 
tion to  the  immigrants  whose  coming  had  been  pro- 
moted by  his  letters;  at  least,  such  was  the  report 
sent  back  to  Missouri.26  For  a  good  price,  however, 

24  May  18,  1841,  Almonte,  rain,  of  war,  to  Vallejo,  enclosing  despatches 
from  the  Mex.  commissioners  at  Washington,  with  clippings  from  the  National 
Intelligencer,  Globe,  and  other  papers,  a  statement  of  instructions  sent  to 
Washington,  and  strict  orders  to  V. ,  as  recorded  in  my  text.  Original  in 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,,  x.  146.  Almonte  says  that  some  of  the  newspaper  articles 
are  written  in  a  peaceable  and  friendly  tone;  but  no  more  so  than  were  the 
expressions  of  Austin's  colony  and  other  immigrants  who  afterwards  raised 
the  standard  of  revolt  in  Texas.  May  20th,  sup.  govt  to  Alvarado  on  the 
same  topic,  recommending  vigilance  and  strictness.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap. ,  MS. , 
xvi.  20.  Sept.,  notice  from  N.  Orleans  consulate  that  none  may  settle  or 
travel  in  Cal.  without  passports.  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixi.  100.  1842,  letter  of  Mex. 
inin.  to  Baltimore  American,  in  Id.,  Ixiii.  277.  Dec.  31,  1840,  to  Dec.  1841, 
minor  orders  from  Mex.  and  circulated  in  Cal. ,  requiring  compliance  with  the 
passport  law  of  May  1,  1828.  JDept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  16;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  13;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iv.  138;  Id.,  Monterey,  iv.  35;  Sta  B.  Arch., 
MS.,  31;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  40.  Aug.  1,  1841,  preliminary  instructions 
for  exact  compliance  with  the  passport  regulations  of  May  1,  1828.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  viii.  4-5. 

^Honolulu  Polynesian,  i.  167.  Jan.  21st-23d,  Feb.  7th,  proposition  to  tax 
unnaturalized  foreigners  for  lumber  cut  andsold  by  them.  Monterey,  Arch. ,  MS., 
viii.  2-3;  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  41,  44.  Mar.  5th-8th,  Stearns  fined  for 
harboring  a  deserter  from  the  Alert.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  36-7,  39-40. 

26  'To  my  friends  and  others  I  must  speak  candidly  of  Dr  Marsh.  What 
he  was  in  Missouri  I  cannot  say.  I  speak  for  the  emigrant,  that  he  may  be 
on  his  guard,  and  not  be  gulled  as  some  have  been  on  coming  to  this  country 
by  him.  He  is  perhaps  the  meanest  man  in  California.  After  the  company 
had  encamped  near  his  house  about  two  days,  and  there  had  been  killed  for 
them  a  small  hog  and  a  bullock,  he  began  to  complain  of  his  poverty,  saying 
"the  company  had  already  been  more  than  $100  expense  to  him — God  knew 
whether  he  would  ever  get  a  real  of  it  or  not."  But  poor  as  the  company  was, 
he  had  already  got  5  times  the  value  of  his  pig  and  bullock  in  different  kinds 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  18 


274          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

he  rendered  some  service.  On  November  5th  he  no- 
tified the  sub-prefect  of  the  arrival  of  the  thirty-one 
men,  who  after  resting  a  while  at  his  rancho  would 
present  themselves  to  prove  their  lawful  intentions.27 
Next  day  about  half  the  company  started  for  San  Josd, 
and  on  reaching  that  place  were  put  under  arrest  and 
lodged  in  the  calaboose,  though  treated  with  kindness 
and  given  to  understand  that  the  arrest  was  little 
more  than  a  formality.  Vallejo  was  at  Mission  San 
Jose',  and  to  him  the  matter  was  referred  by  Sub-pre- 
fect Sunol.  His  position  was  a  delicate  one;  his  or- 
ders from  Mexico  were  explicit;  yet  the  new-comers 
had  no  passports,  and  alleged  their  ignorance  that 
such  documents  were  necessary.  The  excuse  was 
absurd,  since  it  is  hardly  possible  that  nothing  had 
been  said  in  Missouri  of  passport  requirements; 
but  Vallejo  had  no  disposition — even  if  he  had  the 
power,  which  is  doubtful — to  drive  the  strangers  back 
into  the  mountains  to  perish.  He  had  the  prisoners 
brought  to  the  mission,  and  on  the  llth  sent  one  of 
them,  Nye,  with  a  letter  to  Marsh,  who  was  required 
to  come  and  give  an  account  of  his  conduct  in  inviting 
such  an  immigration,  and  also  to  explain  the  intentions 
of  the  strangers.28  On  Marsh's  arrival  and  after  due 
deliberation,  Vallejo  decided  on  the  13th  to  assume 
the  responsibility  of  granting  temporary  passes  to 
serve  until  the  foreigners  could  take  the  proper  steps 
to  legalize  their  residence,  they  inducing  well  known 
citizens  to  become  bondsmen  for  their  good  behavior.29 

of  articles — powder,  lead,  knives,  etc.  He  charged  the  company  $3  apiece 
to  go  and  get  their  passports — a  good  price  for  his  services.'  BidweWs  Jour- 
ney, 31.  There  is  much  more  on  Marsh's  character. 

27 Nov.  5,  1841,  Marsh  to  sub-prefect.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  300.     In- 
.  eludes  an  accurate  list  of  all  the  names. 

'  *8Nov.  llth,  V.  to  Marsh.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  335.  Bidwell,  Journey, 
20,  who  was  not  one  of  the  15  who  went  to  S.  Jose",  notes  the  arrival  of  Nye 
with  the  summons  to  Marsh.  Hopper,  Narr.,  MS.,  3-4,  also  mentions  the 
fact;  but  he  says  there  was  only  5,  Chiles,  Bartleson,  McDowell,  Nye,  and 
himself,  who  went  to  S.  Jose". 

9*  Nov.  1 3th,  corresp.  between  V.  and  the  sub-prefect,  in  which  the  for- 
mer states  that  the  Missourians  are  permitted  to  remain  and  travel.  It  seems 
they  had  with  them  a  letter  from  Marsh,  urging  some  of  them  to  come  to 
!Cal.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jost,  MS.,  v.  104-5;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  iv.  29; 


RECEPTION  BY  VALLEJO.  275 

All  agree  that  Vallejo,  as  well  as  other  Californians, 
treated  them  with  consideration  and  kindness,  taking 
great  pains  to  explain  the  laws  under  which  he  was 
obliged  to  act.30  In  his  reports  to  the  governor  and 
supreme  government,  the  general  stated  frankly  what 
he  had  done,  and  his  belief  that  he  "had  employed 
the  only  means  to  reconcile  justice  with  circumstances 
and  duty  with  prudence,  the  country  having  the  dire 
alternative  of  consenting  to  what  it  cannot  prevent,  or 
commanding  without  being  able  to  enforce,  for  want 
of  military  strength."  He  even  seems  to  have  taken 
a  certain  degree  of  pleasure  in  preaching  to  Alvarado 
a  sermon  on  the  defenceless  condition  and  impending 
danger  of  the  country  from  the  text,  "  I  told  you  how 
it  would  be  if  my  plans  were  not  followed  in  the  mat- 
ter of  military  organization;"  while  the  governor  in 
his  report  to  Mexico  implied  that  Vallejo  had  acted 
unwisely  in  permitting  the  foreigners  to  remain, 
though  he  himself  had  not  interfered,  wishing  to 
avoid  trouble  with  the  general.31  Meanwhile  the  im- 
migrants scattered  in  a  few  days  to  various  parts  of 

Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  339;  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  x.  20.  Nov.  17th,  V.  to 
Ignacio  Alviso,  recommending  5  of  the  company,  not  named,  who  go  to  So- 
noma to  see  the  country  with  a  view  to  settlement.  They  are  to  be  provided 
with  room  and  food  until  he  arrives.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  350.  Nov.  13th, 
Marsh  becomes  security  for  15  of  the  men,  Rickman,  Bartleson,  Green,  Hop- 
per, Patton,  Chandler,  Nye,  Barnett,  McDowell,  the  Kelseys,  Chiles,  Cook, 
G.  McMahon,  and  M.  Walton.  Id.,  x.  340.  Nov.  7th  (17th  ?),  a  kind  of  pass 
from  Vallejo  for  Belty,  Roland,  Schwartz,  and  Birny  (?)  Dawson.  S.  Jos6, 
Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  40.  Nov.  18th,  Thos  G.  Bowen  becomes  security  for  Bidwell, 
Springer,  N.  McMahou,  N.  Dawson,  and  A.  Walton.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x. 
355.  Dec.  8th,  John  A.  Sutter  becomes  security  for  Huber,  John,  and  Weber. 
Id. ,  x.  375.  For  the  others,  Belden,  Brolaski,  Henshaw,  Jones,  and  Thomes, 
the  bondsman  was  J.  A.  Forbes,  who  is  named  by  Belden,  Hist.  Statement, 
MS.,  14-15. 

80  My  narratives  from  memory  by  Bidwell,  Belden,  Chiles,  and  Hopper 
contain  many  minor  differences  about  the  events  of  these  days  which  I  have 
no  space  to  notice. 

31  Nov.  17th.  V.  to  A. ,  declaring  that  there  is  no  power  to  enforce  the  law, 
though  he  is  'filled  with  horror  at  the  audacity'  of  the  American  newspapers. 
Doubtless  many  more  immigrants  will  come  soon.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  x.  349. 
About  same  date,  V.  to  min.  of  war.  He  gives  the  number  of  the  company 
as  33,  and  says  a  larger  party  is  expected.  Id.,  x.  147.  Nov.  30th,  A.  to  V. 
It  is  necessary  to  ask  promptly  for  assistance,  and  if  none  comes,  to  prepare 
for  a  brave  defence,  and  not  tamely  submit  to  foreign  domination.  Id.,  x. 
369.  Jan.  11,  1842,  A.  to  min.  of  rel.  The  general  is  frightened,  and  owns 
his  inability  to  prevent  the  entry  of  30  adventurers.  De.pt.  Rec.,  MS.,xiii.  8-13. 


276  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

the  country,  whither  it  is  not  my  present  purpose  to 
follow  them.  Many  went  for  a  time  to  Sutter's  Fort.32 
Chiles  and  Hopper  travelled  quite  extensively  over  the 
northern  portion  of  the  department,  and  the  next 
year,  as  we  shall  see,  went  back  east  with  seven  of 
their  companions.  It  should  be  added  also  that  in 
December  Charles  Fliigge,  one  of  the  company  that 
had  gone  to  Oregon,  came  down  to  New  Helvetia 
with  the  trappers,  and  reported  that  his  companions 
had  arrived  safely,  and  were  contented  in  the  north. 

Another  party  of  immigrants,  twenty-five  in  num- 
ber, came  this  year,  arriving  at  Los  Angeles  nearly 
at  the  same  time  that  the  Bartleson  party  reached 
San  Jose".  This  company  was  organized  in  New  Mex- 
ico, where  most  of  the  members  had  for  a  time  re- 
sided; but  a  few  men,  including  Given  and  Toomes, 
had  come  to  Santa  F6  from  Missouri  with  the  inten- 
tion of  going  to  California.  They  had  formed  one  of  the 
small  parties  which  had  planned  to  meet  at  Indepen- 
dence, but  which,  arriving  at  the  rendezvous  after  the 
company  had  started,  preferred  to  follow  the  Santa 
Fe  trail  with  a  large  party  rather  than  take  the  risks 
of  starting  alone  on  the  northern  route.33  There  were 

S2Bidwell  was  one  of  these,  and  in  his  California,  MS.,  75-8,  he  relates 
that  Marsh  brought  passports  for  those  who  had  not  gone  to  S.  Jose",  and 
delivered  them  as  fast  as  the  men  could  pay  his  price;  but  the  writer  got 
none,  and  subsequently  on  going  to  the  pueblo  was  arrested  and  kept  in  jail 
for  several  days  nntil  Bowen  procured  him  his  pass  from  Vallejo  without 
charge.  The  author  is  somewhat  bitter  against  the  doctor,  and  evidently 
had  some  serious  personal  misunderstanding  with  him.  Marsh,  Letter  to 
Com.  Jones,  MS.,  p.  13-14,  speaks  of  the  arrival  of  the  company  at  his 
house  without  any  other  guide  than  a  letter  he  had  witten,  and  also  of  their 
kind  reception  by  the  authorities. 

83  Given's  statement.  At  the  meeting  of  Feb.  1st  at  Independence,  the  ren- 
dezvous at  .Sapling  Grove  is  spoken  of  as  being  on  the  old  Sta  Fe"  route;  and 
one  of  the  resolutions  declares  Marsh's  route  the  best — though  this  may  mean 
the  route  recommended  by  Marsh  rather  than  the  one  followed  by  him.  Colo- 
nial May. ,  v.  229.  In  Niles*  Reg. ,  Ixi.  209,  it  is  stated  that  one  of  the  com- 
panies fitting  out  at  Independence  is  to  be  joined  by  a  party  from  Sta  Fe". 
in  the  Pioneer  Overlanders  it  is  stated,  on  the  authority  of  Toomes,  that  the 
two  companies  both  started  from  Independence  by  different  routes.  Lancey, 
Cruise  of  the  Dale,  172,  mentions  the  Workman  party  as  having  started  from 
Missouri.  Toomes  was  one  of  the  few  that  came  from  Missouri  direct,  and 
current  confusion  on  the  subject  resulted  chiefly  from  his  statements,  not 
however  intended  to  deceive. 


THE  WORKMAN-ROWLAND  PARTY.  277 

political  reasons  which  influenced  the  departure  of 
Workman  and  Rowland,  the  organizers  and  leaders 
of  the  company,  and  probably  of  some  others.  There 
was  much  excitement  in  New  Mexico  over  rumors  of 
a  design  to  embroil  that  country  in  the  Texan  trou- 
bles; and  these  men  were  suspected  of  being  concerned 
in  the  plot.34  They  started  from  Abiquiu  in  Septem- 
ber, crossed  the  Colorado,  and  followed  the  same  route 
as  that  taken  by  Wolfskill  in  1831,  which  had  often 
been  chosen  by  the  New  Mexican  traders.  They 
drove  a  flock  of  sheep  for  food;  met  with  no  adven- 
tures and  few  hardships;  and  arrived  at  San  Gabriel 
early  in  November.3,5  Two,  Workman  and  Gordon, 
brought  their  families  on  this  trip,  as  others  did  later, 
about  half  of  the  whole  number  coming  in  quest  of 
permanent  homes.  Others  were  in  search  of  adven- 
tures, and  soon  found  their  way  back  to  New  Mexico;36 
while  three,  Gamble,  Lyman,  and  Mead,  were  men 
of  scientific  proclivities,  and  spent  but  a  short  time  in 
California.  The  immigrants  were  in  company  part  of 

34  Wilson's  Observations,  MS.,  21-2.  The  suspicion  followed  them  to  Cal., 
and  gave  them  some  little  trouble  about  getting  lands.  Feb.  1842,  corresp. 
with  reference  to  extract  from  Diario  del  Gobierno,  declaring  R.  and  W.  trai- 
tors. Dept,  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  66;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzc/.,  iii.  69-71. 

35Lancey,  Cruise  of  the  Dale,  50,  172,  says  they  arrived  at  the  S.  Diego 
mission  Nov.  10th,  and  remained  over  winter;  but  this  is  improbable.  Toomes, 
Overland  Pioneers  of  1841,  says  they  reached  Cal.  Nov.  JOth.  The  going 
to  S.  Diego  is  also  mentioned  in  the  West  Share  Gazette,  Tolo  Co.,  8-9.  Oct. 
19th,  J.  F.  Vigil  to  Prefect  Argiiello,  mentioning  the  approach  of  a  party  of 
American  traders  and  colonists.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  279.  Dec.  2d,  7th,  an- 
nouncement of  arrival  of  N.  Mexicans  and  foreigners,  134  persons,  at  Angeles. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Jiizg.,  MS.,  iii.  99-108.  Dec.  6th,  Alvarado  to 
Castro.  Has  heard  that  a  party  of  strangers  is  approaching  Angeles,  and  fears 
there  is  danger  ahead.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  373.  Jan.  11,  1842,  A.  to  min. 
of  rel.  Has  heard  of  the  approach  of  50  or  60  foreigners.  Castro  will  march 
to  meet  them,  and  will  act  according  to  circumstances.  Needs  reenforce- 
inents,  but  will  do  his  best  to  save  the  country.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  13-15. 

30  Benjamin  D.  Wilson,  a  native  of  Tenn.,  30  years  of  age,  who  had  traded 
in  Miss.,  joined  the  trappers,  and  lived  in  N.  Mexico  and  the  surrounding 
regions  since  1833,  was  one  of  the  men  who  had  no  idea  of  settling  in  Cal., 
but  intended  to  go  to  China.  He  liked  the  country,  however,  and  spent  the 
rest  of  his  life  in  it,  being  a  widely  known  and  respected  citizen.  In  1877, 
a  few  months  before  his  death,  'Don  Benito,' as  he  was  commonly  called, 
dictated  at  his  ranch  of  Lake  Vineyard  for  my  use  his  Observations  on  Early 
Days  in  California  and  New  Mexico,  MS.,  fol.  113  p.,  signed  with  the  an-  \" 
thor's  autograph  Dec.  6,  1877.  This  not  only  contains  the  best  narrative  ex- 
tant on  the  Workman-Rowland  company,  but  is  in  many  other  respects  a 
valuable  addition  to  my  collection. 


278  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

the  way  with  the  New  Mexican  traders,  and  there 
were  three  native  families  who  came  with  them  to  re- 
main.37 Rowland  on  his  arrival  furnished  to  the  au- 
thorities a  list  of  his  companions,  with  a  statement  of 
their  intention  to  obey  all  legal  requirements.  I  ap- 
pend in  a  note  a  complete  list  of  the  company.38 

There  is  little  to  be  said  of  other  parties  that  came 
in  1841.  Joseph  R.  Walker,  unless  the  archive  record 
is  at  fault,  came  to  southern  California  in  the  spring 
with  a  party  of  trading  trappers;39  and  later  in  the 
year  El  Cojo,  or  'Peg-leg,'  Smith  was  reported  to  have 
entered  the  Tulares  with  a  band  of  horse-thieves;40 
but  there  is  no  record  that  these  leaders  left  any  of 
their  men  in  the  country.  Joel  P.  Walker,  a  brother 
of  Joseph  R.,  with  two  other  settlers,  Burrows  and 
Nichols,  and  their  families,  came  down  from  Oregon 
with  Emmons'  party  of  the  U.  S.  exploring  expedi- 
tion, to  Sutter's  Fort  in  October.41  Walker's  family 

37  These  were  Vaca,  Trujillo,  and  Salazar,  according  to  Rowland,  Lista, 
MS.     Hayes,  Emig.  Notes,  642-3,  tells  us  that  Trujillo  obtained  lands  at 
Agua  Manza   (S.  Bernardino  Co.),  and  formed  a  settlement  of  San  Salvador. 
Also  that  Isaac  Slover,  of  Pat  tie's  party  in  1828,  came  with  him. 

38  Workman-Rowland   immigrant  company  of    1841:     *Fred.   Bachelor, 
*Frauk  Bedibey,  *  James  Doke,  Jacob  Frankfort,  Isaac  Given,  *\Vm  Gamble, 
Wm  Gordon,  *Frank  Gwinn,  *Wade  Hampton,  Wm  Knight,  Thos  Lindsay, 
*L.  (or  J.  H.)  Lyman,  *John  McClure,  James  D.  Mead,  Wm  C.  Moon.  John 
Rowland,  Daniel  Sexton,  Hiram  Taylor,  *Tibeau,  Albert  G.  Toomes,  Michael 
White  (of  1829),  Benj.  D.  Wilson,  and  Wm  Workman.     Those  who  did  not 
remain  in  CaL  are  marked  by  a  *.     John  Behn  and  John  Reed  are  named  by 
Wilson  and  others  as  members  of  the  party,  but  are  not  included  in  R<nc- 
landy  Lista  de  los  gue  le  acompanan  en  su  llegada  al  Territorio  de  Alia  Califor- 
nia, MS.,  signed  by  Rowland,  and  copy  certified  by  Manuel  Dominguez, 
jnez,  Feb.  26,  1842.     The  lists  in  Toomes'  Overl.  Pion.;  Lancey's  Cruise,  50, 
172;  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  13;  Belderfs  Hist.  Statement,  MS.;  and  others  agree 
with  each  other,  and  all  are  probably  taken  from  the  first.     They  all  omit 
many  names,  and  add  that  of  a  Mr  Pickman,  which  I  omit.     See  also  S.  F. 
Herald,  June  15,  1856.     Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  311,  says  that  100  Americans 
arrived  from  N.  Mexico  in  October;  and  Peirce,  Letter  to  Cummins,  testifies 
that  200  arrived  during  his  stay  of  two  months.     D.  W.  Alexander  and  Jean 
B.  Rouelle  seem  to  have  come  from  N.  Mex.  this  year. 

89  Feb.  10,  1841,  prefect  at  Angeles  advises  gov.  that  Walker  with  two 
Americans,  and  commanding  a  party  of  12,  has  come  with  a  passport  from 
the  Mexican  charge"  d'affaires  at  Washington  to  buy  horses,  and  stay  two 
months.  Walker  complains  of  robberies  by  the  Chaguanosos.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzy.,  MS.,  iv.  3.  There  may  be  an  error  about  the 
year. 

40 S.  Diefjo,  Arch.,  MS.,  279. 

41  Wilketf  Narr.,  v.  142;  also  Walker's  own  Narrative  of  Adventures  thro' 


LIST  OF  NEW-COMERS.  279 

consisted  of  his  wife  and  five  children.  Mrs  Walker 
seems  to. have  been  the  first  American  woman  in  the 
Sacramento  Valley,  or  who  came  to  California  by 
land;  Mrs  Kelsey,  of  the  Bartleson  company,  to 
whom  the  honor  is  usually  accredited,  arriving  some 
twenty  days  later/ 


42 


New  names  of  foreigners  in  the  records  of  1841, 
not  including  the  muster-rolls  of  the  U.  S.  exploring 
expedition,  number  nearly  two  hundred,  all  of  them 
given  elsewhere  in  my  Pioneer  Register,  and  many 
earlier  in  this  chapter,  in  connection  with  narratives 
of  the  immigrant  parties.  There  were,  however,  only 
sixty-seven  entitled  to  be  classed  as  pioneer  residents, 
and  these  are  named  in  the  appended  list.*3  Most  prom- 
inent as  citizens  of  California  were  Belden,  Bidwell, 
Chiles,  Green,  Leidesdorff,  Rowland,  Stephen  Smith, 
Temple,  Thomes,  Toomes,  Weber,  Wilson,  and  Work- 
man; and  thirteen  of  all  the  number  still  survived,  I 
think,  in  1884. 

In  presenting  the  country's  annals  year  by  year,  it 

Alabama,  Florida,  N,  Mexico,  Oregon,  and  California,  by  a  Pioneer  of  Pio- 
neers. Dictated  by  Joel  P.  Walker  to  R.  A.  Thompson,  MS.,  p.  10-11.  He 
says  that  he  came  in  Robert  Peel's  company.  Several  Oregon  settlers  came 
with  Emmons  as  assistants,  most  of  whom  soon  returned  to  the  north. 
These  were  Henry  Wood,  Calvin  Tibbetts,  Henry  Black,  and  Warfields. 
The  latter  was  accompanied  by  his  family,  and  may  have  remained. 

12  Wilkes  mentions  also  a  sister  of  Walker,  but  is  probably  in  error,  as 
Walker  says  nothing  of  her.  Burrows  brought  his  wife,  but  she  may  not 
have  been  American.  Mrs  W.  brought  with  her  a  child  less  than  a  year  old. 

43  Pioneers  of  1841 :  *David  W.  Alexander,  Joseph  Allshouse,  Ed.  Ardisson, 
Pierre  Atillan,  Elias  Barnett,  John  Behn  (?),  *Josiah  Belden,  Wm  Belty,  *John 
Bidwell,  *Robert  Birnie,  Bradley  (?),  Fred.  Buel  (?),  Joseph  W.  Buzzell  (?), 
Henri  Cambuston,  Dav.  W.  Chandler,  *Joseph  B.  Chiles,  Eph.  Coffin,  Grove 
C.  Cook,  *Peter  Daveson,  Robert  G.  Davis,  Nic.  Dawson,  Wolberton  Days  (?), 
Manuel  Dutra  de  Vargas,  Francis  Ermatinger,  Wm  Fife,  Charles  W.  Fliigge, 
Rich.  Fourcade,  Jacob  Frankfort,  Wm  Gamble,  *Isaac  Given,  Wm  Gordon, 
Benj.  Grable  (?),  *Talbot  H.  Green,  Fred.  Hegel  (?),  Charles  Hopper,  *Henry 
Huber,  Thos  Jones,  Andrew  Kelsey,  Benj.  Kelsey,  Wm  Knight,  Wm  A. 
Leidesdorff,  *Jos  Y.  Limantour,  Thos  Lindsay,  *Green  McMahon,  Wm  C. 
Moon,  Michael  C.  Nye,  James  Rock,  John  Roderick,  *John  Rose,  Jean  B.  Rou- 
elle  (?),  John  Rowland,  John  Schwartz,  *Daniel  Sexton,  James  Smith,  Ste- 
phen Smith,  Thos  Smith,  James  P.  Springer,  Hiram  Taylor,  Hiram  Teal, 
Francis  P.  F.  Temple,  Robert  H.  Thomes,  Rufus  Titcomb,  Albert  G.  Toomes, 
Joel  P.  Walker,  Charles  M.  Weber,  Benj.  D.  Wilson,  and  Wm  Workman. 
Survivors  of  1884  are  marked  with  a  *;  but  this  in  some  instances  means  no 
more  than  that  I  have  not  heard  of  the  man's  death. 


CSO          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1841. 

is  of  course  impracticable  to  notice  the  record  of  old 
settlers  individually;  and  a  mere  list  of  such  of  them 
as  appear  on  the  records  would  have  little  or  no  in- 
terest. For  them,  therefore,  as  for  the  experience  of 
new-comers,  I  refer  to  the  biographical  sketches. 
Among  the  most  important  items  in  this  connection, 
not  already  recorded,  I  may  note  that  Nicholas  Fink, 
of  1836,  was  robbed  and  murdered  at  Los  Angeles  in 
January,  for  which  crime  three  men  were  executed  in 
April;  Anthony  Campbell,  of  1840,  was  murdered  at 
San  Jose*  in  August,  and  the  murderer  was  put  to 
death  in  July  of  the  next  year;  Daniel  Ferguson,  of 
1824,  was  killed  in  Salinas  Valley  in  July,  on  suspi- 
cion of  having  committed  which  crime  a  Mexican  was 
banished;  Isaac  Sparks,  of  1832,  was  this  year  in  no 
end  of  trouble  by  reason  of  his  amorous  irregularities; 
James  Weeks,  of  1831,  was  assaulted  and  stabbed  in 
a  quarrel  at  Santa  Cruz;  William  Pope,  who  came 
with  Pattie  in  1828,  accidentally  killed  himself  at  his 
rancho  in  Pope  Valley;  and  J.  J.  Warner,  of  1831, 
returned  from  a  visit  to  the  east,  where  he  had  util- 
ized his  time  in  behalf  of  both  his  native  and  adopted 
country,  by  delivering  a  lecture  on  the  natural  advan- 
tages of  California. 


CHAPTER  XI. 

ALVARADO,   VALLEJO,  AND  MICHELTORENA. 
1842. 

PRUDON  AT  MONTEREY — ALVARADO'S  PLOTS — BUSTAMANTE  OR  SANTA  ANNA 
— THE  GOVERNOR'S  DESPATCHES — DEPARTURE  OF  THE  COMISIONADOS 
CASTANARES  AND  PRUDON — Too  LATE — MANUEL  MICHELTORENA  AP- 
POINTED GOVERNOR  AND  COMANDANTE  GENERAL — His  INSTRUCTIONS — 
RAISING  AN  ARMY  OF  CONVICTS — THE  JOURNEY — BATALLON  Fuo — LIST 
OF  OFFICERS — ARRIVAL  AT  SAN  DIEGO — AT  Los  ANGELES — VALLEJO 
TURNS  OVER  THE  MILITARY  COMMAND — ALVARADO  DISAPPOINTED  BUT 
SUBMISSIVE — PROCLAMATION — MICHELTORENA  ASSUMES  THE  GOVERNOR- 
SHIP AT  ANGELES  IN  DECEMBER — JUNTA  DEPARTAMENTAL — TRIBUNAL  DE 
JUSTICIA— DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD. 

VICTOR  PRUDON  arrived  at  Monterey  January  1, 
1842,  on  his  way  to  Mexico  as  Vallejo's  commissioner 
to  the  supreme  government.1  The  schooner  California, 
which  was  to  carry  him  and  his  despatches,  had  ar- 
rived from  San  Francisco  the  day  before.  But  diffi- 
culties presented  themselves.  Prudon  called  on 
Alvarado  to  ask  if  his  despatches  were  ready.  "What 
despatches?"  "Those  for  the  interior."  "Ah!"  said 
the  governor,  "I  have  not  yet  concluded  what  to  do; 
I  am  awaiting  the  arrival  of  my  compadre  Castro  to 
hold  a  conference."  He  then  explained  the  reasons 
for  his  hesitation,  namely:  that  Bustamante  having 
been  succeeded  by  Santa  Anna,  California  had  no 
protector  in  Mexico;  he  feared  the  schooner  might  be 
seized  at  Acapulco;  and  that  there  was  no  money  in 
the  treasury  to  pay  expenses  of  the  commission. 

1  See  chap.  vii.  of  this  vol.  for  Prndon's  appointment  and  the  circumstances 
attending  it. 

(281) 


282  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AXD  MICHELTORENA. 

Abrego,  Jirneno,  Oslo,  and  others  of  Alvarado's  party, 
including  Castro,  who  soon  arrived,  took  the  same 
view.2  Apparently  there  was  a  plot  to  prevent  his 
departure,  or  at  least  to  devise  some  scheme  by  which 
the  object  of  his  mission  might  be  defeated.  At  least 
Prudon  took  this  view  of  it,  and  wrote  some  sensa- 
tional reports  to  Vallejo  on  the  subject,  warning  the 
general  against  the  intrigues  of  his  foes  and  pretended 
friends.3 

Finally,  however,  the  obstacles  were  overcome  and 
Alvarado  consented  to  despatch  the  schooner  for  Aca- 
pulco,  to  carry  not  only  Vallejo's  commissioner,  but 
his  own.  There  are  indications  that  this  consent 
may  have  been  given  under  the  belief  that  Prudon 
went  accredited  to  Bustamante  and  not  to  the  new 
president — a  fact  likely  to  put  him  at  a  disadvantage 
in  his  diplomatic  efforts  against  the  governor,  who 
addressed  his  despatches  with  a  proper  amount  of 
flattery  to  Santa  Anna.4  Alvarado's  commissioners 

2  Jan.  2,  1842,  Abrego  to  Vallejo,  declaring  that  there  is  no  money  to  cash 
his  order  in  favor  of  Prudon  for  $1,500,  though  a  French  ship  just  arrived 
may  pay  her  duties  in  coin.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  6.  Jan.  9th-10th,  Abrego 
finally  offers  and  P.  accepts  $500  in  money  and  $1,000  in  cloths.  Id.,  xi.  19-20, 
27.  In  P.'s  original  instructions  of  Dec.  (21st),  a  draft  for  $8,000on  Barrios  is 
mentioned,  the  remainder  of  which,  after  paying  expenses,  was  to  be  invested 
in  war  material.  Id.,  xiv.  28.  So  it  seems  that  the  general  had  made  provi- 
sion for  financial  obstacles. 

8  Jan.  5th,  6th,  8th,  P.  to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  11-12,  15-16.  He 
declares  that  there  is  a  conspiracy  to  intercept  all  V.'s  communications,  and 
to  slander  him  in  Mexico.  Describes  a  drunken  brawl  of  Castro  and  his  com- 
panions, which  had  put  the  town  in  a  tumult.  Fears  they  may  manage  to 
get  the  general's  despatches  from  Capt.  Cooper  by  deception.  Abrego  refuses 
to  pay  even  $50  for  writer's  present  expenses.  Fears  his  own  life  is  in  danger. 
Matters  have  a  most  alarming  aspect.  '  Poor  Rodriguez  is  in  bed  because  of  a 
caning  from  Castro. '  Castro  has  deceived  V.  when  he  pretended  to  be  dissatis- 
fied with  Alvarado's  acts.  The  California  will  probably  sail,  or  pretend  to 
sail,  for  the  Islands.  Alvarado's  agents  will  go  accredited  to  Santa  Anna,  and 
V.  will  be  seriously  compromised.  Jan.  2d,  Roberto  Pardo  from  Sta  Barbara 
warns  Vallejo  not  to  trust  the  azules,  as  they  will  do  then?  best  to  upset  him. 
Id.,  xi.  7.  Who  the  azules  (blues)  were  is  not  very  clear;  but  Vallejo,  1IM. 
Cal. ,  MS. ,  iv.  242-3,  says  they  were  Pico,  Carrillo,  and  others,  who  were  al- 
ready beginning  to  plot  in  favor  of  English  schemes. 

4  Vallejo's  version,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  259-66,  is  that  the  first  plan 
against  him  was  to  despatch  the  California  with  A. 's  agents  to  Santa  Anna 
before  Prudon  could  be  ready;  but  finally  in  the  belief  that  V. 's  despatches 
were  addressed  to  Bustamante,  and  in  the  fear  that  Prudon  might  wait  to 
have  them  changed  and  follow  quickly  in  another  vessel,  it  was  decided  to 
let  him  go  on  the  schooner.  V.  had  originally  addressed  his  communica- 
tions to  Bustamante;  but  on  healing  of  the  change,  at  once  forwarded  to 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  PLANS.  283 

were  Manuel  Castanares — a  brother  to  Don  Jose 
Maria,  who  had  recently  come  from  Mexico  with  an 
appointment  as  administrator  of  customs,  which  place 
for  some  unknown  reason  he  had  not  assumed — and 
Francisco  Rivera.  Their  exact  instructions  are  not 
known,  but  we  have  Alvarado's  despatches  to  the 
minister  of  relations.  In  the  first,  while  admitting 
that  his  government  was  involved  in  some  slight  dif- 
ficulties from  lack  of  funds  and  lack  of  cooperation 
on  the  part  of  the  general,  he  pictured  the  situation 
of  the  country  as  in  most  respects  satisfactory.  The 
Russians  were  at  last  to  leave  California;  Sutter's 
establishment  had  been  in  every  way  a  great  advan- 
tage; and  most  current  complaints  were  without 
foundation.  The  natives  were  now  at  peace,  and 
when  hostile  had  been  and  could  be  easily  controlled 
by  the  auxiliary  force  of  citizens.  The  number  of 
civil  servants  was  already  smaller  than  was  called  for 
by  law,  but  he  would  gladly  reduce  it  for  the  benefit 
of  the  treasury  if  authorized  to  do  so.  The  general 
with  a  force  amply  sufficient  for  actual  needs  had  con- 
fessed his  inability  to  prevent  the  entry  of  thirty 
armed  adventurers  from  Missouri,  and  had  most  un- 
wisely given  them  passports.  "  There  are  ambitious 
schemes  affecting  this  department,"  he  continues, 
"and  endangering  the  integrity  of  Mexican  territory. 
The  comandante  general  is  afraid,  and  I  shall  have  to 
act  according  to  circumstances;  let  the  government 
decide  whether  it  be  best  to  authorize  me  to  raise 
forces  or  to  send  Mexican  troops."  In  his  second 

Prudon  blank  sheets  of  official  paper  with  his  signatures  and  rubric,  to  be 
filled  out  and  substituted  for  the  others — ail  operation  rendered  easy  by  the 
fact  that  Prudon  as  his  secretary  had  written  the  originals.  The  messenger 
between  Monterey  and  Sonoma  allowed  himself  to  be  seduced  and  showed 
his  papers  to  the  spies  of  Castro  and  Alvarado;  but  he  had  been  provided 
with  a  carta  gansa,  or  decoy  letter,  intended  to  be  shown,  and  thus  the  con- 
spirators were  thrown  off  the  scent!  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  193-203, 
admits  that  it  was  not  thought  best  to  let  Prudon  reach  Mexico  before  his 
own  commissioner;  but  says  the  only  way  to  prevent  it  was  to  refuse  money 
from  the  treasury.  This  measure  became  useless,  because  V.  furnished  the 
money  required.  He  does  not  admit  that  Prudon  outwitted  him,  and  thinka 
the  despatches  to  Bustarnante  were  not  changed. 


284  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AND  MICHELTORENA. 

despatch,  in  view  of  the  arrival  of  another  party  of 
foreigners  from  New  Mexico,  he  admitted  that  it 
might  be  well  to  send  150  or  200  men  "with  some 
pecuniary  resources;"  though  confident  that  if  the 
foreign  invasion  should  occur  before  the  arrival  of 
troops  he  would  still  be  able  to  defend  the  national 
honor  I  It  was  certainly  an  ingenious  argument,  not 
unlikely  to  be  effective  with  a  new  administration 
hard  pressed  for  funds,  and  ready  to  favor  any  theory 
respecting  a  distant  province  that  did  not  involve 
expense.5 

The  nature  of  Vallejo's  despatches  has  already  been 
stated,  and  about  his  plans  there  is  no  mystery  what- 
ever.0 Neither  is  there  room  for  doubt  that  Casta- 
nares'  mission  was  simply  to  prevent  the  success  of 
the  general's  project  of  uniting  the  two  commands  in 
a  Mexican  officer,  and  to  maintain  the  Californian 
government  in  statu  quo.  There  is  no  evidence  that 
Vallejo  desired  the  governorship,  or  that  Alvarado 
plotted  to  remove  Vallejo  from  the  military  com- 
mand;7 neither  are  we  to  credit  Alvarado's  later  state- 
ment that  he  had  sent  a  commissioner  to  Mexico  to 
urge  the  acceptance  of  his  resignation  offered  the  year 
before.8  Before  the  middle  of  January  the  expedi- 
tion was  ready,  and  waiting  only  for  a  wind;9  and  the 
alleged  conspirators  hastened  to  assure  Vallejo  that 
all  the  charges  against  them  had  been  groundless.10 

6  Jan.  2d,  llth,  A.  to  min.  of  rel.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  6-15. 

6  See  chap.  vii.  of  this  vol. 

7  See  chap.  vii.  of  this  vol.     Hall,  Hist.  S.  Jos6,  133-4,  says:  'Each  had 
complained  of  the  other  to  the  govt,  and  each  had  solicited  the  removal  of  the 
other  from  official  position.'    Robinson,  Life  in  Col.,  205-0,  also  says  that 
Alvarado  had  solicited  the  appointment  of  a  new  general  with  an  additional 
force.    Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  292,  says  he  heard  from  a  friend  at  Aca- 
pulco  that  Castaiiares  was  trying  to  induce  Gen.  Duque  to  come  to  take  the 
command  in  Cal. ;  also  that  the  Carrillos  were  plotting  to  make  an  indepen- 
dent state  of  baja  and  southern  Cal. 

8  Sept.  24th,  A. 's  proclamation  announcing  Micheltorena's  arrival.   Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x.  30.     Robinson,  Statement,  MS.,  2G-7,  also  thinks  that  A. 
had  asked  for  the  appointment  of  a  successor. 

9  Jan.  13th,  A.  to  min.  of  war,  announcing  the  sailing  of  the  California  with 
despatches.    Dept.  Jiec.,  MS.,  xiii.  15.     Jan.  loth,  Prudon  to  V.    All  arrange- 
ments completed.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  27. 

10  Jan.  17th,  Abrego  to  V.     Reports  of  revolutionary  movements  at  Mon- 
terey are  false — only  some  extravagant  toasts  by  men  who  had  drunk  deeply. 


285 

The  California  sailed  at  last  from  Monterey  the 
20th  of  January,  and  landed  the  commissioners  of  the 
rival  dignitaries  at  Acapulco  the  14th  of  February.11 
From  the  coast  they  proceeded  to  the  capital,  where 
they  arrived  in  time  to  learn  that  nearly  a  month  be- 
fore a  new  governor  and  comandante  general  had  been 
appointed  to  rule  over  California,  and  all  the  diplo- 
macy and  intrigue  attendant  upon  their  departure  had 
been  wasted.  Their  mission  was  not,  however,  en- 
tirely without  results,  since  from  President  Santa 
Anna  Prudon  received  a  confirmation  of  his  captain's 
commission,  obtaining  also  for  his  chief  the  promotion 
of  Captain  Vallejo  to  be  Lieutenant-colonel  of  the 
regular  army;  while  Manuel  Castanares  was  newly  ap- 
pointed administrator  of  customs,  and  brought  for  Al- 
varado  a  commission  as  colonel  of  auxiliary  troops — a 
kind  of  militia.12  Both  comisionados  returned  with 
the  new  governor  in  August.  Vallejo,  in  proffering 
his  resignation,  had  sent  to  the  government  a  state- 
ment, with  vouchers  of  the  sums  due  him  for  his  ex- 
penditures in  supporting  the  frontier  garrison  for  many 
years.  He  was  soon  informed,  however,  by  Virmond, 
his  agent,  that  there  was  no  probability  of  having  his 
claim  allowed,  much  less  paid.  Spence  and  others 
with  valid  claims  fared  in  like  manner.13 

I  have  said  that  the  comisionados  arrived  too  late 
in  Mexico;    that  is,  Castanares  did  so,  for  Prudon's 
object  had  already  been  accomplished.     In  accordance 
with Vallejo's  recommendations  of  1840-1, "the  Mex- 

Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  29.  Jan.  19th,  Castro  to  V.,  with  assurance  of  con- 
tinued friendship.  '  Our  only  foes  are  the  foreigners,  and  of  them  I  am  not 
afraid  if  the  Californians  keep  united. '  Id. ,  xi.  34. 

II  Cooper's  Log  of  the  'California,'  MS.     The  arrival  of  Castanares,  Rivera, 
and  Prudon  was  announced  in  Mexico  in  the  Diario  del  Gobierno  of  March  2d; 
Bustamante,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xliv.  81. 

12Prudon's  commissions,  dated  May  4th,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  215-16. 
Vallejo's  commission  of  May  2d.  Id.,  i.  16.  Castanares'  appointment  men- 
tioned by  Virmond  April  IGth.  Id.,  xi.  209.  Alvarado's  commission  of  May 
2d.  Id.,  xxxiii.  277;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  47. 

13 'Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  351;  xi.  209;  Id.,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iv.  274-7. 

14  Vallejo  had  also  sent  Capt.  Castaueda  to  Mexico  at  the  end  of  1839 — 
chap.  xx.  of  vol.  iii. — but  what  influence  he  had,  if  any,  is  not  known. 


2S6  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AND  MICHELTORENA. 

ican  government  had  decided  to  accept  his  resignation, 
to  unite  the  civil  and  military  commands  in  the  person 
of  a  Mexican  officer,  and  to  send  troops  to  California. 
The  choice  of  an  officer  fell  upon  Manuel  Michelto- 
rena,  brigadier  and  adjutant-general  in  the  Mexican 
army.  He  is  said  to  have  been  of  a  distinguished 
family,  and  to  have  rendered  good  service  in  Texas  and 
elsewhere;  but  I  know  nothing  definite  of  his  career 
down  to  July  1840,  when,  being  then  a  colonel  and 
acting  as  chief  of  staff,  he  helped  to  put  down  a  revolt 
in  the  city  of  Mexico15 — a  service,  doubtless,  which 
gave  him  his  promotion.  He  also  defended  Jose* 
Castro  before  a  court-martial,  and  thus  became  known 
to  Californians.  His  appointment  as  governor,  com- 
andante  general,  and  inspector  of  California  was  dated 
January  22,  1842;  his  instructions  bore  date  of  Feb- 
ruary llth;  and  the  announcement  was  made  to  Cal- 
ifornian  authorities  the  22d  of  February.16 

Micheltorena's  salary  was  fixed  at  $4,000.  In  his 
instructions  were  expressed  in  the  usual  flattering 
terms  unlimited  confidence  in  his  ability  and  patriot- 
ism, and  also  the  nation's  profound  interest  in  all  that 
affected  the  welfare  of  so  promising  a  department  as 
California.  Because  that  country  was  so  far  away, 
however,  and  in  view  of  the  difficulties  likely  to  arise 

Nothing  is  heard  of  him  from  April  1840  until  April  1841,  when  he  was  a  pas- 
senger from  Acapulco  on  the  California,  and  got  left  at  Mazatlan.  Cooper's 
Log,  MS. 

13  Valencia's  report  of  Aug.  8th,  in  Diario  del  Oobierno,  Aug.  11,  1840; 
Vallejo,  Doc.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  88. 

16  Jan.  24,  1342,  Gen.  Valencia,  chief  of  staff,  to  Micheltorena,  announc- 
ing his  appointment  on  Jan.  22d.  Original  doc.  in  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii. 
2-3.  Jan.  2.1th,  Santa  Anna  and  min.  of  rel.  to  Micheltorena  and  to  gov.  of 
Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  7;  Id.,  Aug.,  xii.  67-8.  Feb.  22d,  min.  of 
war  to  Vallejo,  announcing  the  appointment,  and  acceptance  of  Vallejo's 
resignation,  with  thanks  for  his  services.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  6.  Publica- 
tion of  these  orders  in  Cal.  in  September.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  255-7. 
In  the  original  documents  cited  it  is  to  be  noted  that  Micheltorena  was  made 
governor,  etc.,  of  Alta  California  only;  but  in  his  instructions  it  is  stated  that 
his  authority  is  to  extend  also  over  Baja  California;  and  later  he  signed  him- 
self 'General.de  Brigada  del  EjtSrcito  Mejicano;  Ayudante  General  de  la 
Plana  Mayor  del  mismo;  Gobernador,  Comandante  General,  6  Inspector  del 
Departamento  de  las  Californias. '  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  300;  Arch.,  Sta Bar- 
bara, MS.,  vi.  141;  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  15,  etc.  The  military  jurisdiction 
of  the  peninsula  had  previously  belonged  to  Sinaloa. 


MICHELTOREtfA'S  ARMY.  287 

from  its  supposed  demoralized  condition,  the  new  gov- 
ernor was  invested  with  some  extraordinary  powers, 
being  authorized  to  remove  and  appoint  both  civil  and 
military  employes  without  awaiting  approval  from, 
Mexico.  He  was  to  inspect  and  reorganize  the  pre- 
sidial  companies;  to  study  and  report  upon  the  situa- 
tion in  respect  of  missions,  custom-house,  and  treas- 
ury; to  encourage  by  all  means  within  his  power 
internal  improvements,  colonization,  the  civilization 
of  Indians,  and  education  of  youth;  to  regulate  the 
mails  and  administration  of  justice;  to  favor  the  de- 
velopment of  art;  and  to  protect  agriculture,  com- 
merce, and  all  the  country's  industries.17 

Of  the  raising  of  troops  to  accompany  Micheltorena, 
for  the  support  of  which  $8,000  per  month  was  ordered 
to  be  paid  at  Mazatlan  in  addition  to  the  Californian 
revenues,13  less  is  known  than  would  be  desirable.  At 
first  it  was  reported  that  a  large  force,  perhaps  1,000 
or  1,500  men,  would  be  sent;19  but  500  seems  to  have 
been  about  the  number  finally  decided  on,  300  of  whom 
were  to  be  convicts,  and  200  regular  soldiers.  In  Feb- 
ruary a  decree  was  issued  through  the  minister  of  jus- 
tice ordering  the  selection  of  300  criminals  from  Mex- 
ican prisons  for  this  purpose.  Those  having  trades 
were  to  be  preferred,  and  when  they  had  arrived  at 
their  destination,  they  might  be  released  from  part  or 
all  of  their  term  of  convict  life  in  consideration  of  good 
conduct  on.  the  journey,  or  of  "services  which  they 
might  render,"  for  which  also  their  families  would  be 
aided  to  join  them,  and  they  would  receive  lands  and 
implements  to  become  colonists.20  There  is  no  indi- 

17  Micheltorena,  Instrucciones  que  recibid  del  Supremo  Gobierno  al  tomar  el 
mandode  Calif ornias,  18J&,  MS.;  also  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  268-72; 
Hayes1  Mission  Book,  i.  358;  Id.,  Scraps,  Legal  Hist.  S.  Dieyo,  i.  no.  57,  p. 
31-4;  Wheeler's  Land  Titles,  117-18.  Micheltorena  is  authorized  to  call  upon 
the  com.  gen.  of  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  for  aid,  but  apparently  only  for  Baja 
California. 

w  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  89-90. 

19 Bustamante,  Diario  Mex.,  MS.,  xliv.  158-9;  Id.,  Hist.  Sta  Anna,  MS., 
ii.  8. 

20  Dwindle,  Address  before  Cal.  Pioneers,  1866,  p.  20-1,  quotes  the  decree 
under  date  of  Feb.  22d,  from  the  Observador  Judicial  y  de  Legislacion,  i.  372; 


288  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AND  MICBELTOREXA. 

cation  in  the  order  that  the  convicts  were  to  become 
soldiers;  indeed,  criminals  could  not  be  legally  en- 
listed; but  doubtless  the  'service'  referred  to,  for  which 
they  were  to  be  pardoned,  consisted  mainly  of  an  en- 
gagement to  enlist  as  soon  as  a  pardon  had  freed  them 
from  all  taint  of  criminality!  At  any  rate,  they  were 
soldiers  when  they  landed  in  California. 

There  is  no  record  of  the  number  of  convicts  ob- 
tained; but  I  think  it  could  not  have  been  over  half 
that  required — or  if  all,  that  at  least  half  managed 
to  desert  before  sailing.  With  this  nucleus  of  an 
army  Michel torena  left  Mexico  on  May  5th,  and  ar- 
rived at  Guadalajara  the  22d,  the  quickest  march 
on  record  by  that  route,  having  found  no  reason  to 
complain  of  the  "chiefs  and  officers  to  whose  valient 
swords  the  president  confided  the  integrity  and  de- 
fence of  the  national  territory  in  both  Californias."2 
It  would  seem  that  General  Paredes,  commanding  in 
Jalisco,  had  orders  to  furnish  two  hundred  regular 
soldiers,  and  he  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to 
get  rid  of  all  the  useless  and  unmanageable  men  in 
his  army,  filling  up  the  number  with  a  forced  levy 
of  recruits  from  the  farms  near  Guadalajara.22  These 

and  Mexico,  Colecdon  de  Decretos  y  Ordenea  de  Interes  Comun.  Mex.,  1850. 
352  p.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  311-12,  cites  it  from  the  Diario  del  Gobierno,  Feb. 
21,  1842;  and  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  243,  from  a  document  in  the 
ai'chives — which  has  eluded  my  search — dated  Feb.  21st.  Feb.  1st,  a  decree 
of  Santa  Anna  provided  for  a  squadron  of  active  militia  to  be  called  the  '  fijo 
de  Calif ornias. '  Dublan  and  Lozano,  Leg.  Mex.,  iv.  106-7- 

21  May  23,  1842,  Micheltorena  to  min.  of  war,  in  Siglo,  xix.,  June  10,  1842; 
Bustamante,  Diario  Hex.,  xlv.  59.     He  had  a  train  of  over  100  pack-animals 
laden  with  munitions  and  implements. 

22  'Al  formarse  esta  espedicion  se  me  dieron  cuantos  criminales  y  facinerosos 
qulso  castigar  el  Sr  General  Paredes,  completando  los  pocos  que  le  faltaron 
al  numero  con  una  leva  en  las  campiuas  de  Guadalajara,  que  arrebat6  y  para 
siempre  de  sus  hogares  sin  calificaciones  ni  oir  escepcion  alguna  &  padres  de 
familia  con  ocho  6  diez  hijos. '    Micheltorena's  report  of  Jan.  23d  to  min.  of 
war,  in  Otutaftaret,  Col.  Doc.,  58.    According  to  Mexico,. Mem.  Guerra,  1844, 
p.  48-9,  the  squadron  was  made  up  of  'reemplazos  que  con  gran  puntualidad 
prepar6  el  comandante  general  de  Jalisco.'    Chiefly  criminals  without  mili- 
tary discipline.  Mexico,  Mem.  Rel.,  1845,  p.  25-6.     Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS., 
74-^6,  says  the  corps  at  first  destined  for  California  was  the  "Tres  de  Allende,' 
one  of  the  best  in  the  service.     He,  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  148-51,  and 
others  imply  that  the  convicts  also  were  obtained  in  Jalisco.    Botello,  Anales, 
MS.,  95-7,  tell  us  that  one  of  the  men  seized  in  the  fields  afterwards  became 
his  servant,  and  told  him  all  the  details. 


THE  BATALLON  FIJO.  289 

two  bodies  of  men  constituted  what  was  called  the 
Batallon  Fijo  de  Californias,  which  was  marched  to 
the  coast  and  embarked.  Many  succeeded  in  escaping 
on  the  road  and  at  San  Bias  and  Mazatlan,  at  which 
port  Micheltorena  touched  in  what  appears  to  have 
been  a  vain  search  for  funds.  It  is  related  that  at 
one  of  the  ports  the  cholos  were  kept  on  an  island, 
and  that  besides  those  who  escaped  many  were 
drowned  in  the  attempt.  I  suppose  there  were  about 
three  hundred  who  finally  sailed  from  Mazatlan, 
though  there  is  no  accurate  record  of  the  number  ex- 
tant; and  there  were  forty  or  fifty  of  the  deserters 
who  were  arrested  and  sent  to  California  two  years 
later.23 

The  new  governor  and  his  batallon  fijo  embarked 
at  Mazatlan  on  or  about  July  25th,  in  four  vessels.24 

MCoronel,  Cosas  de  Cal,  MS.,  38-9,  says  there  were  a  few  over  300  who 
arrived  at  S.  Diego.  Marcelino  Garcfa  was  one  of  the  deserters  from  the 
island,  and  in  his  Apunte  sobre  Micheltorena,  MS.,  gives  some  details  about 
the  adventures  of  himself  and  companions.  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  205-7, 
calls  the  number  350.  The  alcalde  of  S.  Diego  in  announcing  the  arrival  of 
the  first  vessel  at  S.  Diego  said  that  400  men  were  coming.  Micheltorena' s  Ad- 
ministration, 1;  S.  Dierjo,  Arch.,  MS.,  289.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  311-12,  gives 
the  number  as  450.  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS. ,  78-9,  makes  it  500.  Some  Califor- 
nians  speak  of  600  and  800  men.  In  his  letter  of  1844,  Castanares,  Col.  Doc.. 
58,  Micheltorena  speaks  only  of  his  force  of  200  men.  200  was  the  number 
finally  sent  away  from  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  20-1.  A  roster  in  Id., 
v.  70-4,  makes  the  force  of  the  batallon  at  the  end  of  1843  about  250  men. 
According  to  this  record  there  were  five  companies,  including  one  of  grana- 
deros  and  one  of  cazadores.  I  append  the  following  list  of  officers,  a  few 
names  being  supplied  from  other  sources:  Colonel,  Rafael  Tcllez.  Adjutants, 
Mariano  Garfias,  Juan  Lambaren  (died  in  1S44);  comandante,  Juan  Abella. 
Captains,  Francisco  D.  Noriega,  Jose"  Ma  Mej  fa,  Dionisio  Gonzalez,  Jose"  M" 
Flores,  Jose  Ma  Segura.  Lieutenants,  Francisco  Eguren,  Macedonio  Padilla, 
Emigdio  Abrego,  Mariano  Villa,  Ignaodo  Aguado,  Ignacio  Plaza,  Marquez, 
Luis  G.  Maciel,  Antonio  Somoza,  Pedro  Garcia.  Sub-lieutenants,  Joaquin 
Avila  y  Canalejo,  Ignacio  Servin,  Feliciano  Vivaldo,  Rafael  Sanchez,  Guada- 
lupe  Medina,  Jose"  Ma  Limon,  Leon  Ruiz,  Manuel  Garfias,  Juan  N.  Bravo, 
Manuel  Bravo,  Juan  Gutierrez,  Jose"  Correa,  Guillermo  Coronel.  Sergeants, 
Severe  Aguirre;  rest  vacant.  Buglers,  Jose"  Ma  Perez,  Quirino  Vergara, 
Luciano  Sandoval,  Jesus  Flores,  Mariano  Mercado,  Juan  Jose"  Lopez.  Di- 
rector de  hospitales,  Faustino  Moro;  pito,  Laureano  Guzman;  20  corporals. 
Total,  60;  privates,  180.  Total  force  in  1844,  237  men.  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Trcas.,  v.  3-5. 

24  The  only  record  I  have  found  of  the  date  is  in  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii. 
539.  Perhaps  all  the  vessels  did  not  sail  the  same  day.  The  names  of  three 
vessels  only  are  given;  that  of  the  Chato,  mentioned  incidentally  by  Robinson, 
Life  in  Cal.,  205-7;  the  IlepubUcano,  mentioned  in  some  of  Micheltorena's 
later  correspondence;  and  the  schr  California,  Capt.  Cooper,  which  brought 
52  men  under  Lieut  Jose  M.  Sarmiento,  who  died  on  the  voyage.  Cooper's 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  19 


290  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AND  MICHELTORENA. 

One  of  the  fleet  with  Micheltorena  on  board — and  also 
two  old  acquaintances  of  the  reader,  Colonel  A.  V. 
Zarnorano  and  Captain  Nicanor  Estrada,  the  former 
in  a  dying  condition 25 — arrived  at  San  Diego  on  Au- 
gust 25th,  after  a  tedious  trip  of  thirty-one  days. 
The  other  vessels  arrived  within  ten  days;26  and 
Micheltorena  spent  several  weeks  in  organizing  and 
drilling  his  convict  recruits.  It  was  no  easy  task, 
though  many  of  the  men  had  done  military  service  at 
some  period  of  their  lives.  It  was  long  before  any 
considerable  portion  could  be  trusted  with  weapons; 
but  from  the  first  the  batallon  showed  marked  pro- 
ficiency in  foraging  for  supplies  by  night.  Moreover, 
on  overhauling  the  munitions  it  was  found  that  the 
bullets  as  a  rule  would  not  fit  the  muskets,  and  had  to 
be  remelted.  Financial  obstacles  were  also  encoun- 
tered from  the  start,  making  it  difficult  to  support  the 
troops  sent  to  protect  the  country.  At  last,  late  in 
September,  Micheltorena  started  with  his  men  north- 
ward and  came  to  Los  Angeles,  wher.e  he  was  re- 
ceived with  popular  demonstrations  of  enthusiasm,  the 
national  fiesta  of  September  16th  being  postponed  in 
his  honor.27  After  enjoying  the  hospitality  of  the 

Log;  Larkin's  Doc. ,  i.  330.  Other  vessels  on  the  coast  in  the  autumn,  and 
which  probably  included  the  other  transport,  were  the  Primavera,  Jdven 
Fanita,  Palatina,  and  Guipuzcoana. 

25 Several  died  on  the  voyage.  Osio,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  420-2,  says  Zamo- 
rano's  illness  and  the  death  of  the  others  were  due  to  sufferings  on  the  Ion-* 
voyage,  the  masters  of  the  vessels  having  chartered  them  by  the  day,  and 
making  the  trip  as  long  as  the  water  coul.l  be  made  to  last!  Robinson,  \vlio 
was  at  S.  Diego  at  the  time,  describes  the  90  soldiers  and  their  families  who 
came  on  the  Chato  as  having  landed  in  a  state  of  great  misery. 

26  Aug.  25th,  Gdngora,  juez  de  paz  at  S.  Diego,  to  prefect  at  Angeles,  an- 
nouncing arrival.  Aug.  29th,  prefect's  reply,  with  orders  for  great  attentions 
to  be  shown  to  the  new  gov.  S.  Dieijo,  Arch.,  MS.,  289;  Micheltorena's  Ad- 
ministration in  Upper  CaL,  1842-5,  p.  1-2.  This  is  an  8vo  pamphlet  of  28  p., 
containing  translations  of  27  original  documents  from  the  archives.  It  lias 
no  imprint,  but  was  probably  published  as  an  appendix  to  the  proceedings  in 
some  land  case.  Robinson,  Statement,  MS.,  26-7,  arrived  the  same  day  on 
the  Alert,  which  vessel  fired  a  salute  to  the  new  gov.  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL, 
MS.,  iv.  289,  says  the  troops  arrived,  that  is,  the  last  of  them,  Sept.  8th. 
Sept.  3d,  Micheltorena  announces  his  arrival  to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi. 
236.  Aug.  28th,  letter  announcing  arrival  the  day  before,  in  Boston  Adver- 
tiser, Dec.  10,  1842;  Niles'  Rey.,  Ixiii.  242. 

'•"Sept.  9-15,  1842,  several  items  about  Michel torena's  expected  arrival, 
preparations  in  the  way  of  lodgings  and  supplies,  postponement  oijlesta,  etc. 
Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  vii.  7-23.  Sept.  2oth,  prefect  orders  the  sending 


THE  GOVERNOR  AT  LOS  ANGELES.  291 

Angelinos  for  nearly  a  month,  during  which  time  he 
subjected  his  personal  popularity  to  a  severe  test  by 
reason  of  the  necessity  of  feeding,  and  the  impossibil- 
ity of  controlling  his  thieving  followers,  the  governor 
resumed  his  march  toward  the  capital.  He  had  got 
no  farther  than  San  Fernando  when,  in  the  night  of 
October  24th,  he  was  met  with  the  startling  news  that 
an  American  fleet  had  anchored  at  Monterey,  and  had 
demanded  the  surrender  of  the  town.  This  affair  and 
what  Micheltorena  did  in  connection  with  it  will  be 
given  in  another  chapter.  The  new  ruler  had  proved 
himself  a  gentleman  of  kind  heart  and  pleasing  ad- 
dress, and  he  had  met  with  a  cordial  reception  from 
the  people:  but  there  were  those  who  doubted  already 
that  he  had  the  qualities  by  which  California  could  be 
saved  from  all  her  troubles.28 

It  is  not  clear  that  the  old  authorities  knew  any- 
thing definite  of  Micheltorena's  appointment  before 
his  arrival,  though  such  may  have  been  the  case.'29 

of  40  carts  required  by  Micheltorena.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  161.  He 
seems  to  have  delivered  an  oration  at  the  fiesta,  and  for  a  week  there  was  a 
succession  of  balls  and  other  sports.  The  festivities  are  described  at  some 
length  in  Coronet,  Cosas  de  Gal,,  MS.,  41-5;  and  mentioned  by  Botello, 
Anales,  MS.,  101-2.  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  84-8,  relates  that  25  men  of  the 
batallon  deserted  and  attempted  to  escape  to  Mexico  by  way  of  the  Colorado, 
but  were  pursued  and  brought  back  by  a  force  under  the  writer's  command. 
See  general  mention  of  Micheltorena's  appointment  and  arrival  in  Tuthill's 
Hist.  Cal.,  147;  Hartmann,  Gnorj.  Slat.  Cal.,  i.  39;  Ferry,  Cod.,  23;  Bddeii's 
Hist.,  Statement,  MS.,  40;  Ord,  Ocurrendas,  MS.,  125. 

28 Oct.  22,  1842,  John  C.  Jones  writes  from  Sta  Barbara  to  Larkin:  'From 
accounts,  the  general  is  a  mild,  affable,  and  well  disposed  man,  but  devoid  of 
all  energy,  stability,  force,  or  resolution ;  the  very  last  man  that  should  have 
been  sent  to  guide  the  destinies  of  California.  He  appears  fickle  and  very 
undecided  in  his  movements;  and,  if  report  speaks  true,  not  overstocked  with 
the  one  indispensable  requisite  to  make  a  good  soldier.'  Hopes  the  new  troops 
may  be  swallowed  up  before  they  reach  Sta  Barbara.  '  If  the  people  had  any 
grit  they  would  rise  en  masse  and  drive  the  wretches  out  of  the  country. ' 
Micheltorena  was  to  be  given  a  §350  ball  on  his  arrival.  '  Don't  think  of  the 
capital  being  fixed  at  Los  Angeles,  no  such  thing;  the  general  quits  the  place 
in  disgust,  and  talks  of  Sta  Barbara  as  the  seat  of  government. . . .  But  no,  don't 
be  alarmed.  Treat  his  Excellency  well  at  your  place,  and  my  word  for  it 
there  will  still  be  the  capital.  A  little  soap  and  a  firm  spine  will,  without 
much  difficulty,  bring  him  to  a  permanent  halt  in  your  good  town  of  Mon- 
terey.' Larkin 'a  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  344. 

'•"  The  Clarita  arrived  at  S.  Diego  July  7th,  with  news  that  a  general  with 
500  men  was  coming,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vi.  128.  April  16th,  Vir- 
mond  writes  to  Vallejo  of  Micheltorena's  appointment,  and  of  his  financial 


292  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AKD  MICHELTOREXA. 

On  September  3d,  however,  from  San  Diego  he  sent 
to  both  Alvarado  and  Vallejo  the  official  orders  of  the 
government,  providing  for  his  accession  to  both  com- 
mands; and  he  took  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  ex- 
press the  most  kindly  feelings  toward  both  gentlemen, 
as  well  as  his  determination,  and  that  of  his  men,  to 
make  California  happy.  Other  despatches  of  similar 
purport  were  sent,  and  among  the  official  papers  sent 
to  Vallejo  was  a  lieutenant-colonel's  commission.30 
Vallejo  of  course  promptly  indicated  his  submission  to 
his  new  superior,  and  issued  corresponding  orders  to 
all  subordinates.  September  19th  may  be  regarded 
as  the  date  when  he  surrended  his  position  as  coman- 
dante  general.  In  accordance  with  these  orders,  Jose 
Castro,  to  whom  Michel torena  also  brought  a  com- 
mission as  lieutenant-colonel,  with  Alferez  Pinto  and  a 
guard,  left  the  capital  on  the  27th  for  Los  Angeles, 
to  greet  the  general.31  Subsequently,  on  October  6th, 
Vallejo  was  made  comandante  of  the  northern  line,  in- 
cluding the  territory  as  far  south  as  Santa  Ines;  and 
he  did  not  fail  to  notify  his  chief  that  the  garrison  of 
Sonoma  had  long  been  supported  at  his  own  private 
expense;  that  his  resources  could  not  bear  this  ex- 
pense forever ;  that  the  northern  frontier  was  exposed 
to  continual  dangers,  and  that  the  people  did  not  care 
very  much  under  whose  dominion  they  were,  so  long 
as  their  families  and  property  were  protected.32 

difficulties.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  209.  And  Vallejo  says,  Hist.  Cal,  MS., 
iv.  272-4,  that  ho  got  the  letter  in  May,  but  lost  all  hope  of  success  when  he 
learned  that  lack  of  money  was  already  causing  trouble.  In  Id.,  iv.  284-5, 
he  says  he  heard  of  the  appointment  officially  on  Aug.  17th. 

30 Sept.  3,  1842,  M.  to  V.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  0-11.  No  date  (probably 
before  Sept.  3d),  Id.  to  Id.,  to  same  effect,  and  wants  aid  for  his  men.  Id., 
iii.  7-8. 

31  Sept.  19th,  V.  to  M.  and  to  his  subordinates.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi. 
255-58.  Sept.  20th,  V.  to  Abrego,  ordering  all  possible  pecuniary  aid  to 
be  furnished  to  M.  An  officer  to  be  despatched  with  aid,  etc.  Id.,  xi.  259- 
62.  Sept.  27th,  Capt.  Silva  to  V.,  announcing  departure  of  Castro,  Pinto, 
and  four  soldiers.  Id.,  xi.  266.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  15-16,  tells  us 
that  M.  was  recognized  at  S.  Diego  by  the  comandante  at  Vallejo's  orders; 

him  as  governor.  '  The 


32 Oct.  6,  1842,  M.  to  V.,  appointing  him  'Gefe  de  linea  militar  desde  So- 
noma hasta  Sta  Ines.  Defit.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  35-6.  Private  and  flatter- 
ing letter  on  same  subject  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  295-7.  Oct.  15tb, 


ALVARADO'S  DISAPPOINTMENT.  293 

Governor  Alvarado  was  of  course  bitterly  disap- 
pointed at  the  coming  of  a  successor;  but  he  gave  no 
sign  publicly  of  his  chagrin,  and  there  is  no  evidence 
that  he  thought  for  a  moment  of  resistance.33  Such 
resistance,  as  he  well  knew,  must  prove  unsuccessful 
with  Castro  as  well  as  Vallejo  against  him;  his  only 
chance  was  to  raise  the  standard  of  revolt  and  call 
upon  the  foreigners  for  support;  but  such  a  scheme 
had  no  attraction  for  him,  and  he  had  lost  much  of 
his  popularity  with  that  class  of  foreigners  most  likely 
to  engage  in  revolt.  To  Alvarado  as  to  Vallejo  Mi- 
cheltorena  wrote  in  friendly  and  flattering  terms  from 
San  Diego,  announcing  his  appointment  and  arrival, 
forwarding  his  credentials,  and  stating  that  he  would 
soon  march  for  Los  Angeles  on  his  way  to  the  capital. 
He  made  no  demand  for  an  immediate  transfer  of  the 
political  command,  thus  impliedly  authorizing  Alva- 
rado to  hold  it  until  his  arrival  at  Monterey.34  On 
September  24th  Alvarado  issued  a  proclamation  in 
which  he  had  the  pardonable  assurance  to  state  that 
he  had  been  relieved  in  accordance  with  his  own  re- 
quest. Of  Micheltorena  he  says:  "Fame  has  done 
justice  to  the  merits  of  this  chief,  and  the  nobility  of 

Nov.  6th,  19th,  V.  toM.,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  273,  290,  300,  308.  In  one 
of  his  letters  V.  complains  that  M.  addresses  him  as  lieut-colonel,  ignoring 
his  rank  as  '  colonel  of  the  country's  defenders.'  This  rank  had  been  given 
him  Aug.  6,  1839,  and  in  1840  President  Bustamante  had  sent  him  as  a  gift  a 
pair  of  colonel's  epaulettes.  Id.,  i.  14-15;  ix.  150;  x.  42.  Nov.  15th,  Capt. 
Silva  declines  to  obey  Alvarado 's  requisition  for  arms  without  orders  from  the 
comandante.  Id. ,  xi.  288.  Same  date,  Silva's  report  of  military  force  available 
at  Monterey — 13  artillerymen  and  9  cavalry.  Id.,  xi.  289.  Dec.  3d,  Castro  is 
authorized  to  communicate  directly  with  M.  to  avoid  delays.  Id.,  Corresp., 
MS.,  54. 

33 In  his  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v.  16-17,  Alvarado  says  he  was  not  sorry  that 
M.  had  come,  as  he  was  anxious  to  get  rid  of  the  office  before  the  crisis  came; 
yet  he  understood  clearly  that  the  appointment  was  intended  as  a  humiliation 
to  himself  and  to  the  Californians.  He  says  there  had  been  an  agreement  be- 
tween Bustamante  and  Santa  Anna  that  A.  was  to  rule  two  years  longer.  He 
and  Osio,  Hist.  Cat,.,  MS.,  422,  state  that  M.  feared  that  the  governorship 
would  not  be  peaceably  surrendered.  Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  130,  says 
that  A.  was  for  a  time  inclined  to  resist.  The  intimate  friendship  between 
Castro  and  M.  doubtless  had  great  influence  in  promoting  his  submission. 

34Sept.  10th,  M.  to  A.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  285;  Id.,  Hist.  Col., 
MS.,  iv.  290-2.  This  writer  says  that  A.  was  directly  requested  to  act  as 
governor;  also  that  he  was  very  bitter  against  his  successor  and  did  not  answer 
his  friendly  letters. 


294  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AND  MICHELTORENA. 

his  sentiments  is  impressed  on  the  communications  he 
has  sent  to  me.  The  ample  powers  with  which  he  is 
invested,  united  with  his  good  wishes,  will  tend,  as  I 
do  not  for  a  moment  doubt,  to  promote  the  happiness 
of  the  department,  removing  the  obstacles  that  have 
embarrassed  me  in  its  government.  I  congratulate 
you  on  this  happy  selection,  and  I  hope  you  will  not 
disappoint  the  opinion  that  has  done  justice  to  your 
virtues."35 

The  part  taken  by  Alvarado,  like  that  of  Michel- 
torena,  in  the  events  of  Monterey  in  October  will  be 
noticed  elsewhere.  These  events  delayed  Michelto- 
rena's  coming  to  the  capital,  and  of  course  the  formal 
transfer  of  the  governorship.  In  December,  how- 
ever, the  new  governor  decided  that  the  transfer 
should  take  place  at  Angeles,  and  Alvarado  was  noti- 
fied to  that  effect.  Naturally  the  latter  did  not  care 
to  go  in  person  to  the  south  for  such  a  purpose,  to 
render  the  abajerios  spectators  of  his  humiliation;  so 
he  simply  made  Jimeno  Casarin  acting  governor,  as 
he  had  done  often  before  on  plea  of  illness;  and 
Jimeno,  announcing  the  appointment,  proclaimed  that 
"General  Don  Manuel  Micheltorena  having  repre- 
sented the  very  potent  reasons  which  make  it  im- 
possible for  him  to  present  himself  at  this  point,  and 
which  have  forced  him  to  fix  his  residence  at  Los 
Angeles,  I  have  resolved  to  go  in  person  to  said  city 
to  place  his  Excellency  solemnly  in  possession  of  the 
government."  The  junta  departamental  was  also  or- 
dered to  convene  at  Angeles  on  December  30th  to  be 
present  at  the  ceremony.36  Jimeno  was  accompanied 
on  his  trip  south  by  Francisco  Arce,  Jos^  Maria  Cas- 
tafiares,  Rafael  Gonzalez,  and  Zenon  Fernandez, 

35 Sept.  24th,  A.'s  proclamation.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  x.  30. 
English  translation  in  Micheltorena' 8  Administration,  3. 

*°  Dec.  15th,  M.  to  justice  of  peace  at  S.  Diego,  ordering  him  to  sus- 
pend all  acts  of  possession  until  he  has  received  his  office  of  gov.,  which 
•will  \>e  soon.  From  S.  Dtego,  Arch.,  MS.,  290,  in  Jilichelioi-eiia's  Admin.,  7. 
Dec.  19th,  A.  puts  Jimeno  in  charge.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  xi.  133; 
xii.  G8-9.  Dec.  20th,  J.'s  proclamations.  Id.,  xii.  66-70;  Micheltorena's 
Admin.,  4-7;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  290. 


MICHELTORENA  AS  GOVERNOR.  295 

some  of  whom  were  members  of  the  junta  or  in 
some  way  represented  such  members.37  The  cere- 
mony at  Los  Angeles  took  place  at  the  house  of 
Vicente  Sanchez,  where  Micheltorena  took  the  oath 
of  office  at  4  p.  M.  on  December  31st  in  the  presence 
of  the  ayuntamiento,  part  of  the  junta,  and  of  the 
most  prominent  citizens.  Speeches  were  made  by 
both  Jirneno  and  Micheltorena;  salutes  were  fired; 
and  the  city  was  illuminated  for  three  evenings,  or 
at  least  such  was  the  order  issued  by  the  municipal 
authorities,  in  order  that  the  people  might  "give  ex- 
pression to  the  joy  that  should  be  felt  by  all  patriots 
in  acknowledging  so  worthy  a  ruler."33  On  the  first 
day  of  the  new  year  the  change  was  officially  an- 
nounced by  Jiineno  and  Prefect  Argiiello,  and  on 
January  6th  Governor  Micheltorena  published  the 
announcement  de  estilo  of  his  accession,  with  the 
usual  promises  of  using  his  authority  with  zeal  for 
the  common  welfare.39 

Though  some  members  of  the  junta  departamental 
were  present  to  assist  at  the  inauguration  of  the 
governor  in  December,  the  only  session  of  that  body 
in  1842  had  been  that  of  May  31st,  when  four  vocales 
or  suplentes  met  at  Monterey  to  transact  some  busi- 
ness connected  with  the  organization  of  the  tribunal 
de  justicia.40  Meanwhile  Alvarado,  in  an  economical 
mood,  had  decreed  a  suspension  of  the  members'  pay, 

37  Gonzalez's  diary,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  112;  Ord,  Ocurrentias, 
MS.,  126;   Voile,  Lo   Pasado,  MS.,  30-1;  Botello,  Anales,   MS.,  101-2;  Coro- 
nd,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  42;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  89;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS., 
70. 

38  Dec.  30th,  ayunt.   convened.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  xiii.  66,  70. 
Dec.  31st,  prefect's  orders  for  ceremonies  at  4  p.  M.  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS., 
ii.  308-9.     At  about  midnight  Jiineno  wrote  to  Alvarado,  '  Se  ha  concluido  cl 
dia,  el  mes,  el  afio,  y  el  gobierno  de  Vd;  pues  acabo  de  hacer  entrega  del 
mando.'  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  17.     Vallejo,  Hist.  CW.,MS.,  iv.  311- 
13,  thinks  A.  shonld  have  insisted  on  M.  coming  to  the  capital. 

39  Jan.  1st,  Jimeno  to  prefect,  and  the  latter  to  the  people.     Jan.  Gth, 
Micheltorena  to  various  subordinate  officials,  chiefly  justices  of  the  pence. 
S.  Dief/o,  Arch.,  MS.,   292;  Dept.  St.   Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  48;  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  89-90;  Micheltorena 's  Admin.,  8-10. 

40 Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  2-3.  The  members  in  attendance  were  Jimeno, 
Gonzalez,  Josc§  Castro,  and  Ramon  Estrada. 


296  ALVARADO,  VALLEJO,  AND  MICHELTORENA. 

a  measure  which  it  is  much  to  be  feared  did  not  in- 
crease the  public  funds,  as  it  does  not  clearly  appear 
that  the  salaries  had  ever  been  paid  at  all.41 

The  tribunal,  or  superior  court,  the  ministros  or 
judges  of  which  had  been  appointed  in  1840,  seems 
to  have  been  in  session  at  Monterey  from  May,  after 
much  trouble  in  securing  the  attendance  of  the  south- 
ern judges,  Carrillo  and  Estudillo.  These  gentlemen, 
besides .  other  excuses  of  illness  and  miscellaneous 
obstacles,  declared  that  Los  Angeles  was  in  reality 
the  capital,  and  as  such  the  place  where  the  court 
should  meet.42  Juan  Malarin  presided;  but  Juan 
Bandini  resigned  his  position  as  fiscal,  or  attorney; 
and  the  junta  chose  Manuel  Castanares  to  fill  his 
place,  at  the  same  time  electing  five  substitute  judges, 
in  order  to  secure  a  quorum  at  subsequent  sessions.43 
Nothing  important  came  before  the  court  in  1842—3, 
though  it  sent  some  instructions  to  subordinate  judges 
on  methods  of  procedure;  investigated  the  condition 
of  prisons  at  the  capital;  and  decided  on  appeal  sev- 
eral minor  criminal  cases,  sentencing  one  man  to  be 
shot  for  murder. 

Among  the  local  items  of  1842  one  that  merits 
brief  mention  here  is  the  discovery  of  gold  in  the  Los 
Angeles  region,  the  first  authenticated  finding  of  that 

"Nov.  25th,  A.  to  sub-comisario.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  27-8. 
Nothing  was  to  be  paid  to  any  civil  employe"  except  on  the  governor's  direct 
orders. 

4- March  12,  1841,  Alvarado,  in  approving  the  death-sentence  of  three 
murderers  at  Los  Angeles,  complains  that  the  tribunal  was  not  in  session 
because  two  members  had  refused  to  obey  the  summons.  S.  Die'jo,  Arch., 
MvS.,  280.  April-May  1842  (or  perhaps  1843;  but  it  makes  no  difference,  as 
there  is  nothing  to  be  said  of  the  court  in  1843),  corresp.  between  the  gov., 
Malarin,  Carrillo,  and  Estudillo.  Carrillo  suggests  that  'Malarin  would  not 
be  so  eager  to  perform  his  duties  were  the  tribunal  at  Angeles  where  it 
should  be.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iv.  37-41.  Opening  of  the 
tribunal  in  May — it  is  not  quite  clear  whether  on  May  1st,  19th,  or  20th. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  33.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  18;  Los  Angrles,  Arch., 
M.S.,  ii.  235-0,  2G9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xii.  64;  Id.,  Ben.  Com.  and 
Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  71.  June  5th,  A.  refers  to  the  tribunal  the  murder  cases  of 
Tagget  and  Kichards  (the  former  of  whom  was  sentenced  to  death).  Dept.  Rec. , 
MS. ,  xiii.  22-3.  Salaries:  judges,  $4,000;  fiscal,  $400  per  mo. ;  secretary,  $700 
per  year;  clerk,  $40  per  mo.  Id.,  xiii.  3-4. 

45  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  2-3;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  54.  The  minixtros  su- 
plentets.  chosen  were  Eugenio  Montenegro,  Joaquin  Gomez,  Tiburcio  Tapia, 
Juan  Auzar,  and  Jos6  Maria  Castafiares. 


DISCOVERY  OF  GOLD.  297 

precious  metal  in  California.  The  gold  was  found  in 
placeres  on  the  San  Francisco  rancho,  formerly  belong- 
ing to  San  Fernando  Mission,  but  at  the  time  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Valle  family.  The  discovery  was  made 
accidentally  in  March  1842.  By  May  the  gold  re- 
gion had  been  found  to  extend  over  two  leagues,  and 
the  dirt,  with  a  scanty  supply  of  water,  was  paying 
two  dollars  per  day  to  each  man  engaged  in  mining.44 
This  new  industry  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  au- 
thorities, and  in  May  Ignacio  del  Valle  was  appointed 
encargado  de  justicia  to  preserve  order  in  the  min- 
ing district.45  Mofras  in  his  book  reported  that  his 
countryman,  Baric,  was  obtaining  from  this  placer 
about  an  ounce  of  pure  gold  per  day;  arid  it  was 
worked  more  or  less  continuously,  chiefly  by  Sono- 
rans,  down  to  1846.46  It  may  be  noted  also  that  Juan 
Bandini  ' denounced'  a  veto,  mineral  of  some  kind  near 
the  Yucaipa  rancho  in  1841-2.*7 

4-r 

44  May  6,  1842,  Manuel  Requena  to  Barren.   Requena,  Doc.,  MS.,  45.  The 
date  is  often  given  in  later  newspaper  accounts  as  1838  or  1841,  but  also  cor- 
rectly in  some.     Abel  Stearns  sent  some  of  the  gold  to  Philadelphia  by  Al- 
fred Robinson  before  the  end  of  1842;  and  the  correspondence  on  that  subject 
has  been  often  published.    See  Los  Angeles  Hist.,  20-1;  S.  F.  Bulletin,  May 
20,  1868,    etc.      The  original  letters  are  in  archives  of  the  Cal.  Pioneer 
Society. 

45  Valle,  Doc.,  MS.,  57;  containing  the  original  appointment  by  the  pre- 
fect of  Los  Angeles.     Further  corresp.  on  the  subject  between  gov.  and  prefect 
in  May-July  1842.    Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  211,  256-8;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
xiii.  32,  35;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  xii.  63-5.     The  placer  seems  to  have 
been  called  San  Feliciano  in  1846.    Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  331. 

46  Mofra*,  Explor.,  i.  489;  Larkin  to  N.    Y.  Sun,  June  30,  1846.   Lar- 
kin's-Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  183.     I  omit  many  references. 

"Los Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  117-19,478. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

1842. 

ENGLISH,  FRENCH,  AND  AMERICAN  SCHEMES — JONES'  INSTRUCTIONS — THE 
FRENCH  FLEET — ENGLISH,  FLEET — RUMORS  OF  WAR — CESSION  OF  CALI- 
FORNIAS — MONROE  DOCTRINE — THE  'UNITED  STATES 'AND  'CYANE'AT 
MONTEREY — CAPTURE  OF  THE  'GUIPUZCOANA' — JONES'  POSITION  AND 
MOTIVES — OCCUPATION  AND  RESTORATION  OF  THE  CAPITAL — AUTHORI- 
TIES IN  MANUSCRIPT  AND  PRINT — JONES  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO  AND  SONOMA 
— REPORTS — ARRIVAL  OF  THE  '  DALE  '  AND  '  YORKTOWN  ' — IN  THE  SOUTH 
— MICHELTORENA'S  VALOR — MEXICAN  BOMBAST — REPORTS  TO  MEXICO — 
CLAIMS  FOR  DAMAGES — THE  'TASSO'  AND  'ALERT' — JONES  AT  Los 
ANGELES — BOCANEGRA  AND  THOMPSON  IN  MEXICO —WEBSTER  AND  AL- 
MONTE IN  WASHINGTON — IN  CONGRESS — THE  PRESS — JONES  RECALLED. 

I  HAVE  represented  the  three  great  powers  of  the 
world  as  entertaining  hopes  of  acquiring  California 
when  it  should  be  released  from  Mexican  dominion,  as 
all  admitted  it  must  be  eventually.1  Subjects  of  France 
based  their  hopes  on  nothing  more .  tangible  than  the 
idea  that  by  affinities  of  religion,  manners,  and  friend- 
ship, promoted  by  inherent  dislike  to  Anglo-Saxon 
ways,  the  Californians  in  their  hour  of  trouble  might 
seek  a  protectorate  in  a  monarchy  that  was  Latin  and 
catholic.  Englishmen  had  a  large  claim  against  Mexico 
for  loans  of  money  in  past  years ;  and  negotiations  had 
been  long  in  progress  for  a  cession  of  territory  in 
California  and  elsewhere  in  payment  of  the  debt,  or 
as  security  for  such  payment.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  the  British  government  took  any  part  in  these 
negotiations,  but  rumors  to  that  effect  were  current 

1  See  chap.  x.  of  this  vol. 

(Mtj 


AMERICAN  SCHEMES.  293 

in  the  United  States  and  France,  and  it  was  known 
that  a  strong  influence  was  being  brought  to  bear  on 
that  government. 

Americans  talked  also  of  purchase,  and  their  gov- 
ernment had  openly  made  propositions  to  Mexico;  but 
their  chief  reliance  was  in  the  'manifest  destiny'  of 
their  nation  to  absorb  all  territory  westward  to  the 
Pacific.  There  was  a  wide-spread  popular  feeling  that 
California  belonged  by  some  sort  of  natural  right  to 
the  republic.  Men  were  not  wanting  to  advocate  its 
acquisition,  right  or  wrong,  by  conquest  if  necessary; 
and  even  those  Americans  who  combated  such  a  pol- 
icy had  little  doubt  respecting  the  ultimate  result. 
At  home  and  abroad  it  was  admitted  that  time  was  a 
powerful  ally  of  the  United  States;  that  California 
would  surely  be  her  prize  unless  one  of  her  rivals  by 
prompt  action  or  lucky  accident  should  secure  it.  The 
national  policy  was  therefore  to  wait,  but  at  the  same 
time  to  watch.  War  in  support  of  the  Monroe  doc- 
trine was  to  be  thought  of,  if  at  all,  only  as  a  last  re- 
sort, the  necessity  for  which  must  be  avoided  by  every 
precaution  to  prevent  England  or  France  from  gain- 
ing a  foothold  in  the  country.  Such  was  the  situa- 
tion in  1840-1;  and  it  was  in  no  material  respect 
modified  in  1842.2 

2  Some  current  items  on  this  general  topic  are  as  follows:  A  resolution  intro- 
duced in  the  Texan  congress  to  extend  the  limits  of  that  country  so  as  to  in- 
clude Cal.  Not  acted  on,  though  reports  of  its  adoption  had  created  some 
excitement.  Washington  National  Intelligencer,  in  Niles"  Reg.,  Ixii.  83.  Ru- 
mor generally  credited  in  Vera  Cruz  of  a  British  loan  of  $7,000,000  on 
Cal.  It  is  to  be  hoped  it  is  not  true,  as  it  would  threaten  peace.  N.  Orleans 
Bee,  in  Id.,  Ixii.  144.  This  same  rumor  published  in  a  Mexican  paper  will 
be  noticed  again.  General  account  of  the  negotiations  for  the  cession  of  Cal. 
in  payment  of  English  claims,  with  an  article  from  the  N.  York  Courier, 
ridiculing  the  reports  on  the  subject,  and  declaring  that  there  was  not  a  par- 
ticle of  evidence  that  England  had  any  desire  to  get  Cal.  Id.,  Ixiii.  243,  337. 
In  1846,  in  commenting  on  an  article  in  the  North  American  which  denied 
that  the  British  capitalists  had  acquired  any  lien  or  mortgage  on  the  country 
and  maintained  that  Webster's  proposition  for  purchase  had  been  favorably 
entertained  by  the  Mexican  minister  and  even  approved  by  Lord  Ashburtoii 
and  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen,  the  National  Intelligencer  says:  'How  far  the  par- 
ticulars of  the  statement  may  be  accurate  we  cannot  say;  but  that  it  was 
Mr  Webster's  purpose  in  1842,  under  the  sanction  of  the  then  president,  to 
obtain  by  peaceable  cession  from  Mexico  the  port  of  S.  F, ,  and  that  this  pur- 
pose was  made  known  to  lords  Ashburton  and  Aberdeen,  and  met  no  opposi- 
tion in  those  quarters,  we  believe  to  be  entirely  true.  We  doubt,  however, 


300         COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  however,  that  at  this 
time  diplomatic  relations  between  Mexico  and  the 
United  States,  growing  out  of  Texan  complications 
which  it  seems  unnecessary  to  describe  here,3  had 
reached  a  critical  point,  and  war  was  regarded  as  im- 
minent. The  respective  merits  of  the  two  republics 
that  were  parties  to  the  quarrel  have  no  special  bear- 
ing on  my  present  subject;  but  of  course  if  Mexico 
was  ever  to  consent  to  a  cession,  or  the  Californians 
were  to  decide  in  favor  of  independence  and  a  protec- 
torate, the  declaration  of  war  would  furnish  a  favora- 
ble opportunity  for  the  coups  by  which  England  or 
France  must  if  at  all  gain  their  points;  and  at  such 
a  time  it  behooved  the  government  at  Washington 
to  be  especially  vigilant. 

Under  these  circumstances  Commodore  Thomas 
Ap  Catesby  Jones  was  sent  out  to  take  command  of 
the  Pacific  squadron  of  five  vessels  mounting  116  guns. 
The  English  fleet  in  the  Pacific  consisted  of  four  ves- 
sels, in  every  way  superior,  however,  to  the  American 
craft,  with  104  guns;  and  France  had  in  the  same 
waters  eight  vessels  and  242  guns.4  From  his  general 
instructions,  dated  December  10, 1841, 1  cite  in  a  note 
certain  portions,  the  only  ones  which  can  be  made  to 

whether  any  formal  proposition  was  laid  before  the  committees  of  the  two 
houses.  The  state  of  things  in  1842  was  not  favorable  to  a  united  action  of 
the  different  branches  of  the  government  on  such  a  subject.'  Id.,  Ixx.  257. 
Marsh,  Letter  to  Jones,  MS.,  14-15,  besides  mentioning  the  H.  B.  Co.'s  estab- 
lishment and  quoting  from  Forbes,  says:  'While  the  Americans  in  Cal.  are 
looking  forward  with  earnest  expectation  to  the  increase  of  our  countrymen 
in  this  land,  the  English  here  are  equally  confident  that  the  whole  country 
will  soon  become  an  appendage  of  the  British  empire.'  Mofras'  remarks,  ap- 
plying as  well  to  1842  as  to  1841,  have  already  been  given;  and  likewise  those 
of  Sir  Geo.  Simpson.  Henry  A.  Peirce,  in  his  Letter  to  Cummins  of  February, 
predicts  that  Cal.  will  be  a  second  Texas,  but  he  greatly  exaggerates  the  im- 
migration of  the  preceding  year.  The  same  gentleman  visiting  Washington 
was  questioned  by  Webster  about  Cal.,  and  told  him,  'In  the  fitness  of  things 
the  U.  S.  must  have  that  country.'  'Well,  sir,'  was  the  reply,  'if  we  must, 
we  probably  will!'  Id.,  Rough  Sketch,  MS.,  101-2. 

'See  Hist.  Mex.,  vol.  v.,  this  series. 

4  On  the  names  of  the  vessels  with  their  qualities  and  condition,  see  Jones' 

reports  of  different  dates  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  27th  cong.  3d  sess.,  H.  Ex. 

Doc.,  1GG,  p.   105-12.     The  American  fleet  consisted  of  the  frigate  United 

.  sloops  Cyane,  Dale,  and  Yorktown,  and  schooner  Shark,  besides  the 

Relief  store-ship. 


INSTRUCTIONS.  301 

bear  even  remotely  on  my  present  subject.5  Natu- 
rally there  was  no  allusion  in  writing  to  the  policy  of 
the  goverment  respecting  California;  but  it  cannot 
plausibly  be  doubted  that  Jones  started  for  the  Pacific 
with  a  definite  understanding  of  that  policy,  and 
with  orders  more  or  less  explicit  as  to  what  he  was 
to  do  in  case  of  a  war  with  Mexico  or  suspicious  acts 
on  the  part  of  the  English  fleet.6 

In  May,  Jones  from  Callao  reported  that  in  March, 
before  his  arrival,  a  French  fleet  with  a  large  force 
had  sailed  from  Valparaiso  for  a  "destination  altogether 
conjectural,"  which  he  feared  might  be  the  Californias. 
"Had  I  been  on  the  station,"  he  writes,  "I  might  have 
considered  it  my  duty  to  follow  this  expedition  and  to 
propound  certain  interrogatories  to  the  French  com- 
mander touching  the  object  of  so  formidable  an  expe- 
dition fitted  out  with  so  much  secrecy  as  to  have 
eluded  the  observation  even  of  Great  Britain,  her 
ever  watchful  rival. '  He  calls  for  instructions,  and 

5  '  The  primary  objects  in  maintaining  a  naval  force  in  the  Pacific  have  al- 
ways been  and  still  are  the  protection  of  commerce  and  the  improvement  of 
discipline. ...  In  the  event,  however,  of  any  outrage  on  our  flag,  or  interrup- 
tion of  our  commerce,  or  oppression  of  our  citizens  on  shore,  or  detention  of 
any  of  our  seamen  in  the  public  vessels  of  any  of  the  states  bordering  on  your 
command,  you  will  afford  them  every  aid,  protection,  and  security  consistent 
with  the  law  of  nations,'  etc.  '  The  unsettled  state  of  the  nations  bordering 
on  the  coast  included  within  your  command  renders  it,  in  the  first  instance, 
necessary  to  protect  the  interests  of  the  U.  S.  in  that  quarter ' — therefore  be 
vigilant  and  keep  moving.  '  Nothing  but  the  necessity  of  prompt  and  effectual 
protection  to  the  honor  and  interests  of  the  U.  S.  will  justify  you  in  either 
provoking  hostility  or  committing  any  act  of  hostility,  and  more  especially 
in  a  state  with  which  our  country  is  at  peace. .  .The  increasing  commerce  of 
the  U.  S.  within  the  gulf  and  along  the  coast  of  Cal. ,  as  far  as  the  bay  of  St 
Francisco,  together  with  the  weakness  of  the  local  authorities,  and  their  irre- 
sponsibility to  the  distant  govt  of  Mexico,  renders  it  proper  that  occasional 
countenance  and  protection  should  be  afforded  to  American  enterprise  in  that 
quarter.  You  are  therefore  directed  to  employ  either  a  sloop  of  war  or  a 
smaller  vessel,  as  may  be  most  convenient,  or  both  if  necessary,  in  visiting 
occasionally  or  cruising  constantly  upon  that  line  of  coast.'  A.  P.  Upshur, 
sec.  of  the  navy,  to  Com.  Jones,  Dec.  11,  1841,  in  Jones  at,  Monterey, 
1S42,  p.  46-50.  Such  is  the  title  by  which  I  shall  refer  to  the  Message,  from 
the  President  of  the  U.  S.,  in  reply  to  the  resolution  of  the  H.  Rep.  of  Feb.  2d, 
calling  for  information  in  relation  to  the  taking  possession  of  Monterey  by  Com. 
Thomas  Ap  O.  Jont-s,  Feb.  22, 1S43,  27th  cong.  3d  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  106. 

6Tutl,ill,  Hist.  Cal.,  148-9,  thus  expresses  it:  'Jones  knew  the  programme 
of  the  politicians,  that  Texas  was  to  be  annexed,  that  Mexico  was  to  go  "on 
the  rampage,"  that  the  Americans  were  to  discover  unparalleled  outrages  on 
the  part  of  Mexico,  that  finally  war  was  to  be  proclaimed,  and  then  California 
would  be  fair  game  for  the  American  squadron  on  the  Pacific.' 


302         COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

announces  that  "it  is  not  impossible  but  that,  as  one 
step  follows  another,  it  may  be  necessary  for  me  to 
interpose  by  the  assertion  of  our  national  commercial 
rights  in  case  they  are  infringed  by  any  power  within 
the  limits  of  my  command."7 

At  the  beginning  of  September,  when  Jones  had 
returned  to  Callao  from  a  cruise,  and  before  he  had 
received  any  communications  from  Washington,  other 
suspicious  occurrences  seemed  to  him  to  require  prompt 
action.  On  September  3d,  Rear-admiral  Thomas 
sailed  suddenly  with  three  English  men-of-war,  under 
sealed  orders  just  received  from  England.  At  the 
same  time  a  letter  was  received  from  John  Parrott, 
U.  S.  consul  at  Mazatlan,  dated  June  22d,  in  which 
he  announced  the  imminence  of  war  with  Mexico,  and 
with  which  he  sent  a  copy  of  El  Cosmopolita  of  June 
4th,  containing  late  correspondence  between  repre- 
sentatives of  the  two  governments  on  the  Texan 
question.  This  correspondence  included  several  very 
violent  and  belligerent  declarations  of  Bocanegra,  Mex- 
ican minister  of  relations,  addressed  to  Webster  and 
to  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps.8  Also  at  the 
same  time,  and  perhaps  from  the  same  source,  there 
came  a  Boston  paper  containing  an  item  from  the  N. 
O.  Advertiser  of  April  19th,  asserting  that  Mexico 
had  ceded  the  Californias  to  England  for  $7,000,000. 
After  a  consultation  with  the  U.  S.  charge  d'affaires 
at  Lima,  Jones  put  to  sea  on  September  7th  with  the 
United  States,  Cyane,  and  Dale.  Next  day  he  sub- 
mitted the  situation  to  his  three  commanders,  and 
asked  their  advice,  expressing  his  opinion  that  Mexico 

7  May  21,  1842,  Jones  to  sec.  navy,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  p.  66-7.  The 
French  fleet  was  really  bound  to  the  Marquesas  to  take  possession. 

8 May  12,  1842,  Bocanegra  to  Webster;  May  31st,  Id.  to  Id.;  May  31st, 
Id.  to  dipl.  corps.  These  doc.  with  other  corresp.  of  the  period  may  be  found 
in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  27th  Cong.  2d  Sess.,  H.  Doc.,  no.  206,  42  p.;  President's 
Mcsxagc  on  Relations  with  Mexico.  Webster  says  of  Bocanegra's  letter:  'The 
letter  itself  is  highly  exceptionable  and  offensive . . .  The  president  considers 
the  language  and  tone  of  the  latter  derogatory  to  the  character  of  the  U.  S. 
and  highly  offensive,  as  it  imputes  to  their  govt  a  direct  breach  of  faith,'  and 
goes  on  to  say  that  the  U.  S.  will  not  modify  its  conduct,  and  if  Mexico  wants 
war,  let  her  take  the  responsibility. 


SUSPICIOUS  MOVEMENTS.  303 

and  the  United  States  were  probably  at  war,  and  that 
Admiral  Thomas  had  left  Callao  for  the  purpose  of 
occupying  California.  Captains  Armstrong,  Strib- 
ling,  and  Dornin  approved  the  commodore's  opinion, 
which  had  also  been  that  of  Parrott  at  Mazatlan  and 
Pickett  at  Lima;  and  they  advised  that  while  the 
Dale  should  be  sent  to  Panamd  with  despatches  and 
to  get  the  latest  news,  the  other  two  ships  should  pro- 
ceed with  all  haste  to  the  coast  of  California.  They 
went  further,  and  decided  that  in  case  the  two  coun- 
tries were  really  at  war  it  was  their  'bounden  duty' 
to  seize  and  hold  every  point  and  port;  while  in  any 
case,  in  accordance  with  the  Monroe  doctrine,  the 
military  occupation  of  California  by  any  European 
power,  "but  more  particularly  by  our  great  commer- 
cial rival  England,"  would  be  an  act  so  decidedly  hostile 
"as  not  only  to  warrant  but  to  make  it  our  duty  to 
forestall  the  design  of  Admiral  Thomas  if  possible  by 
supplanting  the  Mexican  flag  with  that  of  the  United 
States  at  Monterey,  San  Francisco,  and  any  other 
tenable  points  within  the  territory  said  to  have  been 
recently  ceded  by  secret  treaty  to  Great  Britain"! 
Accordingly,  the  vessels  parted  company  on  the  13th, 
the  United  States  and  Oyane  making  all  sail  for  Cali- 
fornia, while  the  Dale  went  to  Panamd,  with  a  report 
for  Washington,  and  with  orders  to  come  to  Mon- 
terey later.9 

*  The  following  are  the  documents  from  which  this  narrative  has  been 
made.  June  22,  1842,  Parrott  to  Jones,  with  news  from  Mazatlan.  Jones  at 
Monterey,  1842,  p.  86-7.  Sept.  8th,  J.  to  his  com.,  submitting  the  facts  and 
asking  advice.  Also  decision  of  the  com.  Id.,  84-6.  Sept.  8th,  J.  to  com. 
Dornin  of  the  Dale.  Orders  to  sail  to  Panamd  and  to  land  there  Lieut  Wm 
Green  with  despatches  for  Webster  from  the  charge  at  Lima,  etc.  On  ap- 
proaching Panamd,  he  was  to  take  every  precaution  against  capture  if  war  had 
been  declared  with  Mexico  or  England,  and  he  was  especially  charged  to  get 
information  about  the  whereabouts  and  intentions  of  Thomas.  Id.,  73-4. 
Sept.  10th,  letter  from  some  one  on  the  U.  S.,  published  in  the  Washington 
Nat.  Intelligencer,  and  purport  given  in  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixiii.  337.  Sept.  13th,  J. 
to  sec.  navy,  giving  a  concise  statement  of  the  situation.  He  concludes:  'The 
Creole  affair,  the  question  of  the  right  of  search,  the  mission  of  Lord  Ashbur- 
ton,  the  sailing  of  a  strong  squadron  from  France  under  sealed  orders, . .  .new 
difficulties  between  the  U.  S.  and  Mexico,  the  well  founded  rumor  of  a  cession 
of  the  Californias,  and  lastly  the  secret  movements  of  the  English  naval  force 
in  this  quarter, . . .  have  all  occurred  since  the  date  of  your  last  orders.  Con- 


304  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

The  action  of  Jones  was  thus  far  amply  justified  by 
the  existing  critical  circumstances.  There  was  no 
clutching  at  straws  of  weak  pretence  for  a  movement 
against  California;  he  had  sufficient  reasons  for  his 
fears  that  the  interests  of  his  country  were  endan- 
gered; and  he  might  justly  have  been  blamed  had  his 
action  been  less  prompt.  In  expressing  approval, 
however,  of  Jones'  policy  and  acts,  it  is  by  no  means 
necessary  to  approve  or  even  discuss  the  position 
taken  by  the  council  of  officers  in  defence  of  the  Mon- 
roe doctrine,  and  the  right  to  forestall  the  English  by 
seizing  California,  even  if  there  was  no  war  with 
Mexico.  For  what  had  been  done  other  motives 
were  more  than  sufficient;  in  what  followed,  as  we 
shall  see,  this  motive  had  but  little  influence.  In  case 
of  war,  and  pending  a  final  settlement,  there  can  be  no 
question  that  the  American  commodore  had  a  perfect 
right  to  forestall  the  English  admiral  in  seizing  and 
holding  any  Mexican  territory. 

On  the  18th  of  October  the  two  men-of-war  were 
close  to  the  coast  of  California,  without  having  touched 
at  any  port  since  leaving  Callao,  or  seen  any  sail  since 
crossing  the  equator.  An  order  was  issued  to  the 
men,  forbidding  under  severe  penalties  all  plunder, 
insult,  or  excesses  on  shore  in  the  stirring  scenes  that 
might  soon  be  expected.  "  During  the  battle  and 

sequently  I  am  without  instructions,  or  the  slightest  intimation  of  your  views 
and  wishes  upon  what  I  consider  a  vital  question  to  the  U.  S. — the  occupa- 
tion of  Cal.  by  Great  Britain  under  a  secret  treaty  with  Mexico.  In  thia 
dilemma,  all  that  I  can  promise  is  a  faithful  and  zealous  application  of  my 
best  abilities  to  promote  and  sustain  the  honor  and  welfare  of  my  country.' 
Sept.  23d,  letter  from  some  one  on  the  Dale  at  Panamd  to  the  N.  Y.  Even- 
ing Post,  in  Niks'  lleg.,  Ixiii.  243,  and  Lancey's  Cruise  of  the  Dak,  31,  giving 
a  resume  of  movements  and  supposed  plans.  There  are  some  later  reports  of 
Jones  to  be  noticed  in  their  place,  which  go  briefly  over  the  same  ground,  but 
add  nothing  to  what  has  been  given.  Dr  R.  T.  Maxwell,  Monterey  in  1842, 
MS.,  5-6,  who  was  assistant  surgeon  on  the  U.  S.,  and  S.  S.  Culverwell,  in 
Davis'  Glimpses,  MS.,  93-4,  who  was  powder-boy  on  the  same  vessel,  both 
now  residing  in  S.  Francisco,  give  some  details  and  rumors  connected  with  the 
setting-out  from  Callao,  as  well  as  a  narrative  of  later  occurrences.  Jay, 
Mexican  War,  83-5,  is  disposed  to  ridicule  and  condemn  Jones'  action,  and 
gives  the  matter  a  political  aspect,  by  noting  that  Jones,  the  three  olficers  of 
the  council,  and  the  secretary  of  the  navy,  were  all  from  the  slave  states. 


WAR  WITH  MEXICO.  305 

strife  every  man  must  do  his  utmost  to  take  and 
destroy,  but  when  the  flag  is  struck  all  hostility  must 
cease,  and  you  must  even  become  the  protectors  of  all 
and  not  the  oppressors  of  any."10  Rounding  Point 
Pinos  at  dawn  next  morning,  Jones  soon  saw  that  at 
least  Thomas  had  not  reached  Monterey  before  him. 
He  raised  English  colors,  and  at  noon  boarded  a 
Mexican  vessel  coming  out  of  the  harbor,  the  master 
of  which  professed  not  to  have  heard  of  any  hostilities 
between  Mexico  and  the  United  States.11  Approach- 
ing the  town  with  the  captured  vessel,  the  two  men- 
of-war  under  the  stars  and  stripes  anchored  at  2:45 
p.  M.  as  close  to  the  castillo  as  the  depth  of  the  water 
would  permit.  After  what  seemed  a  long  delay,  two 
Californian  officers  approached  in  a  boat,  but  seemed 
so  nervous  and  reserved  as  to  excite  suspicion,  though 
they  declared  that  no  news  had  been  received  of  war. 
An  officer  of  the  American  ship  Fama,  lying  at  anchor 
in  the  harbor,  being  summoned,  stated  that  reports  of 
war  were  current  at  Honolulu,  and  that  here  he  had 
heard  the  report  that  England  was  to  take  possession 
of  the  country.  Moreover,  a  general  stir  was  notice- 
able on  shore,  with  signs  of  preparation  for  defence; 
and  it  was  deemed  a  suspicious  circumstance  that  no 
Americans  came  on  board  from  the  town. 

"The  time  for  action  had  now  arrived/'  says  the 
commodore,  and  I  cannot  do  better  than  to  use  his 
own  words;  "whilst  nothing  had  occurred  to  shake  my 
belief  in  the  certainty  of  hostilities  with  Mexico,  the 
reiterated  rumored  cession  of  California  to  England 


10  Oct.  18th,  Jones  to  his  men.     General  order,  in  Jones  at  Monterey, 
p.  41-2,  78-9. 

11  Capt.  Snook  was  the  master,  and  the  vessel  was  the  Jdvcn  Guipuzcoana. 
I  have  original  statements  from  three  persons  who  were  on  the  Guipiizcoana  at 
the  time.     Jose"  Arnaz,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  52-5,  was  supercargo.     Jose"  Maria 
Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  42-5,  a  boy  at  the  time,  was  a  passenger  with  his 
cousin,  Dona  Maria  de  Jesus  Estudillo,  whose  story  is  told  in  Daws'  Glimpses, 
MS.,  98,   etc.,  the  young  lady  having  married  Davis  later.     Mrs  Snook 
was  also  on  board.     The  narratives  mentioned,  especially  that  of  Miss  Estu- 
dillo, contain  many  interesting  details  of  their  brief  captivity,  which,  how- 
ever, have  no  special  historical  importance.     The  ladies  were  set  ashore  next 
morning.     Davis  says  that  Snook  succeeded  during  the  night  in  secretly 
landing  the  most  valuable  part  of  his  cargo  before  an  inventory  was  taken. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    20 


306  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

was  strengthened  by  what  I  have  already  related. 
Hence  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  as  another  day  might  bring 
Admiral  Thomas  with  a  superior  force  to  take  posses- 
sion in  the  name  of  his  sovereign;  General  Michel  to- 
rena,  or  the  new  governor-general  of  California,  might 
appear  to  defend  his  capital,  within  less  than  three 
days'  march  of  which  he  was  then  said  to  be.  If  I 
took  possession  of  the  country  and  held  it  by  right  of 
conquest  in  war,  and  there  was  war  with  Mexico,  all 
would  be  right;  then  if  the  English  should  come  and 
claim  under  a  treaty  of  cession,  as  such  treaties  do  not 
give  title  till  possession  is  had,  I  should  have  estab- 
lished a  legal  claim  for  my  country  to  the  conquered 
territory,  and  at  least  have  placed  her  on  strong  grounds 
for  forcible  retention  or  amicable  negotiations,  as  after 
circumstances  might  dictate.  If  Admiral  Thomas 
should  afterwards  arrive  and  attempt  to  supplant  our 
flag  on  shore,  the  marines  of  the  squadron  to  man  the 
guns  of  the  fort  without  weakening  our  ships  would 
insure  us  the  victory,  and  the  responsibility  would  rest 
on  the  English  commander.  On  the  other  hand,  if  it 
should  turn  out  that  amicable  relations  had  been  re- 
stored between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  that 
Mexico  had  not  parted  with  the  Californias,  and  that 
at  the  time  I  demanded  and  took  possession  of  Mon- 
terey there  was  no  war,  the  responsibility  of  the  act 
at  first  might  seem  to  rest  on  me,  certainly  not  on  our 
government,  who  gave  no  orders  upon  the  subject. 
But  if  I  am  right  (of  which  there  can  be  little  doubt) 
in  assigning  to  Mexico  the  attitude  of  a  nation  having 
declared  conditional  war,  then,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  Mexico  is  the  aggressor,  and  as 
such  is  responsible  for  all  evils  and  consequences  re- 
sulting from  the  hostile  and  menacing  position  in 
which  she  placed  herself  on  the  fourth  of  June  last. 
But  I  may  be  wrong,  toto  caelo,  in  all  my  deductions 
and  conclusions.  If  so,  I  may  forfeit  my  commission 
and  all  .that  I  have  acquired  in  seven  and  thirty  years' 
devotion  to  my  country's  service.  Terrible  as  such  a 


DEMAND  FOR  SURRENDER.  307 

consequence  would  be  to  me  and  my  family,  it  was  not 
sufficient  to  deter  me  from  doing  what  I  believed  to 
be  my  duty,  when  a  concatenation  of  unforeseen  and 
unforeseeable  events  required  prompt  and  energetic 
action  for  the  honor  and  interests  of  my  country."12 

At  4  P.  M.  on  the  19th  of  October,  Captain  James 
Armstrong  was  sent  ashore  under  a  flag  of  truce  to  de- 
mand a  surrender  of  the  post  to  the  United  States,  "to 
avoid  the  sacrifice  of  human  life  and  the  horrors  of 
war  "  that  would  be  the  immediate  result  of  non-corn- 
pliance.  The  demand,  addressed  to  the  governor  and 
military  and  civil  commandant  of  Monterey,  was  pre- 
sented to  Alvarado,  who  was  given  until  9  o'clock  the 
next  day  to  consider  the  proposition,  though  he  said 
that  he  did  not  hold  the  positions  named  in  the  ad- 
dress.13 At  6  P.  M.  Alvarado  went  through  the  for- 
mality of  demanding  from  the  comandante,  Captain 
Mariano  Silva,  what  were  the  existing  means  of  de- 
fence ;  and  was  informed  an  hour  later  that  the  fortifi- 
cations "were  of  no  consequence,  as  everybody  knows."14 
Then  a  consultation  of  officials  and  leading  citizens  was 
held  at  the  governor's  house,  where  it  was  of  course 
decided  that  resistance  was  impossible;  and  just  be- 
fore midnight  a  commission,  consisting  of  Captain 
Pedro  Narvaez  representing  the  military  authority, 
and  Jose'  Abrego  the  civil,  was  sent  on  board  to  ar- 
range the  terms  of  surrender.15  Thomas  0.  Larkin 
served  as  interpreter.  After  two  hours  of  discussion, 

111  Jones  to  sec.  navy,  Oct.  24th,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  60-73,  containing  a 
full  narrative  of  events  from  Sept.  13th  to  date. 

18  Oct.  19th,  Jones  to  Alvarado,  demanding  surrender,  and  enclosing  arti- 
cles of  capitulation.  In  Jones  at  Monterey,  184%,  P-  22-3,  74-5,  Niks'  Reg,, 
Ixiii.  337.  Jones  signs  himself  '  Commander  in-chief  of  the  U.  S.  naval  forces 
on  the  Pacific  station,  and  of  the  naval  and  military  expedition  for  the  occu- 
pation of  Old  and  New  California, 'etc.  Jones  states  (see  note  12)  that  Alva- 
rado 'unhesitatingly  consented  to  surrender. .  .without  asking  a  single  ques- 
tion, or  even  inquiring  why  we  appeared  in  hostile  array,'  etc.;  but  this  seems 
to  me  unlikely. 

"Oct.  19th,  A.  to  S.,  and  reply.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  21.  The  force 
reported  was  29  soldiers,  25  militia,  with  1 1  cannon  nearly  all  useless  and 
lacking  ammunition,  and  150  muskets. 

15  Oct.  19th,  Alvarado  to  Jones,  announcing  that,  as  he  has  before  stated, 
he  had  no  military  authority,  hence  the  commission.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842, 
p.  23,  76. 


338  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

the  terms  were  settled,  to  be  signed  at  9  A.  M.  ;  and  be- 
fore the  commissioners  returned,  Alvarado  despatched 
a  letter  to  Micheltorena,  stating  the  situation,  enclos- 
ing past  correspondence,  and  declaring  that  "without 
doubt  Monterey  will  be  to-morrow  occupied  by  the 
enemy."16  At  or  before  the  hour  appointed,  the  arti- 
cles of  capitulation  were  signed  by  Armstrong,  Abre- 
go,  and  Narvaez,  subsequently  receiving  the  approval 
of  Jones,  Alvarado,  and  Silva.  The  territory  sur- 
rendered was  the  district  of  Monterey  extending  from 
San  Luis  Obispo  to  San  Juan  Bautista;  and  it  was 
specified  that  Alvarado  signed  the  articles  "from  mo- 
tives of  humanity;  the  small  force  at  his  disposal  af- 
fording no  hope  of  successful  resistance  against  the 
powerful  force  brought  against  him."17 

At  11  A.  M.  on  the  20th,  Jones  sent  ashore  150 
men,  marines  and  sailors,  under  Commander  Strib- 
ling.18  The  garrison  marched  out  of  the  fort  "with 
music,  and  colors  flying,"  and  gave  up  their  arms  at 
the  government  house.  The  American  force  took 
possession  of  the  abandoned  castillo,  over  which  the 
stars  and  stripes  were  raised  in  place  of  the  Mexican 
flag  that  had  just  been  lowered,  and  a  few  minutes 
after  noon  a  salute  was  fired  on  the  frigate  and  sloop, 

"Oct.  19th  (20th),  2  A.  M.,  A.  to  M.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  20-1. 
lie  notes  the  capture  of  the  Guipuzcoana,  and  says  that  probably  the  Clarita, 
Trinidad,  and  California  will  share  her  fate.  Francisco  Soto  was  the  messen- 
ger sent  south  by  Alvarado,  and  in  1844  had  not  yet  received  the  $60  due  him 
for  the  service.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.  Cuist.-H.,  MS.,  v.  (482).  Capt.  Mejia 
of  the  batallon  is  also  said  by  many  to  have  arrived  just  at  this  time,  and  to 
have  turned  back  at  once  with  the  news. 

17  Articles  of  capitulation,  etc.,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  30-1,  77-8. 
Substantially  the  same  as  those  first  proposed  by  Jones.  Id.,  22-3.  They  bear 
the  date  of  Oct  19th,  though  it  should  be  Oct.  20th.  The  garrison  and  all 
regular  Mexican  troops  were  to  become  prisoners  of  war,  and  with  all  civil 
officers  were  to  be  sent  to  a  Mexican  port,  at  the  expense  of  the  U.  S. ,  under 
parole  not  to  take  up  arms  until  exchanged;  but  militia  were  simply  to  give 
up  their  arms,  and  were  to  forfeit  no  personal  privilege  or  right  of  property 
so  long  as  they  should  take  no  part  against  the  U.  S.  All  public  property  was 
to  be  given  up  under  inventory.  Security  of  persons,  of  private  property  on 
shore,  and  religious  rights  was  guaranteed  to  the  Californians;  and  debts  of 
the  govt  of  Mexico  to  the  inhabitants  were  assumed  by  the  U.  S.,  provided  no 
hostilities  were  committed,  etc. 

18 Capt.  Armstrong;  lieutenants,  Robbins,  Lardner,  Dulany,  Avery,  and 
Shattnck;  Prof.  Lockwood  acting  as  adjutant;  Purser  Gibson,  and  Dr  Max- 
well were  also  of  the  party.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  72. 


STARS  AXD  STRIPES.  309 

the  guns  of  the  fort  replying.  Alvaraclo  had  retired 
to  his  ranchq  of  Alisal  and  was  not  present  at  the 
lowering  of  his  country's  flag.  No  one  was  even  tem- 
porarily deprived  of  his  liberty,  and  a  proclamation 
was  issued  in  Spanish  and  English  with  a  view  to 
teach  the  people  how  great  a  blessing  had  been  vouch- 
safed to  them  in  the  change  of  flag.19 

19  'Although  I  come  in  arms  as  the  representative  of  a  powerful  nation, 
upon  whom  the  central  government  of  Mexico  has  waged  war,  I  come  not 
to  spread  desolation  among  California's  peaceful  inhabitants.  It  is  against  the 
armed  enemies  of  my  country,  banded  and  arrayed  under  the  flag  of  Mexico, 
that  war  and  its  dread  consequences  will  be  enforced.  Inhabitants  of  Califor- 
nia !  You  have  only  to  remain  at  your  homes  in  pursuit  of  peaceful  vocations 
to  insure  security  of  life,  person,  and  property  from  the  consequences  of  an 
unjust  war,  into  which  Mexico  has  plunged  you.  Those  stars  and  stripes,  in- 
fallible emblems  of  civil  liberty,  etc.,  now  float  triumphantly  before  you,  and 
henceforth  and  forever  will  give  protection  and  security  to  you,  to  your 
children,  and  to  unborn  countless  thousands.  All  the  rights  and  privileges 
which  you  now  enjoy,  together  with  the  privilege  of  choosing  your  own 
magistrates  and  other  officers  for  the  administration  of  justice  among  your- 
selves, will  be  secured  to  all  who  remain  peaceably  at  their  homes  and  offer 
no  resistance  to  the  forces  of  the  U.  S.  Such  of  the  inhabitants  of  Cal. , 
whether  natives  or  foreigners,  as  may  not  be  disposed  to  accept  the  high  privi- 
lege of  citizenship,  and  to  live  peaceably  under  the  free  govt  of  the  U.  S., 
will  be  allowed  time  to  dispose  of  their  property  and  to  remove  out  of  the 
country,  without  any  other  restriction,  while  they  remain  in  it,  than  the  ob- 
servance of  strict  neutrality — total  abstinence  from  taking  part  directly  or  in- 
directly in  the  war  against  the  U.  S. .  .All  provisions  and  supplies  ,  .will  be 
paid  for  at  fair  rates.  No  private  property  will  be  taken  for  public  ase  with- 
out just  compensation.'  Jones  at  Monterey,  184%,  P-  79-81,  31-2.  This  doc. 
also  is  dated  Oct.  19th  instead  of  20th.  Jay,  Mexican  War,  84-6,  says  the 
proclamation  was  in  print,  and  must  have  been  printed  in  Washington  or 
Callao;  but  I  think  he  is  in  error.  I  do  not  find  it  at  all  in  the  archives. 

I  have  several  narratives  from  memory  of  the  taking  of  Monterey;  but  it 
must  be  confessed  they  add  nothing  to  the  information  contained  in  the 
original  correspondence,  while  nearly  all  contain  noticeable  errors.  Max- 
well, Monterey  in  1842,  MS.,  7-11,  asserts  that  the  surrender  was  deemed  a 
ruse,  that  500  men  landed,  that  the  storming  party  marched  up  a  ravine  to 
the  fort,  where  they  found  9  guns  commanding  the  ravine,  concealed  by  green 
boughs,  loaded  and  primed,  with  the  matches  burning  within  a  few  inches  of 
the  powder!  Davis,  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  MS.,  97-106,  231,  gives  an  inter- 
esting narrative,  but  says  that  Alvarado  left  Monterey  on  the  approach  of 
the  vessels  without  waiting  for  the  summons  to  surrender.  Culverwell,  in 
Id.,  93-6,  also  says  Alvarado  was  out  of  town;  and  he  represents  the  men  on 
board  the  vessels  as  having  felt  considerable  fear  of  the  guns  on  shore.  Mrs 
Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  126-30,  says  that  Alvarado  was  at  first  disposed  not  to 
surrender,  but  to  make  a  show  of  resistance  and  then  run  away;  but  wasr  not 
permitted  by  his  friends  to  do  as  he  wished.  She  says  Jones'  secretary  camo 
to  her  house  to  demand  the  key  of  the  custom-house,  Pablo  de  la  Guerra  who 
had  had  it  having  gone  to  Sta  Bdrbara.  She  told  him  she  had  not  the  key, 
and  he  threatened  to  break  in  the  door.  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal.,  210-11,  says 
that  Alvarado  observed  at  the  time  that  he  preferred  to  surrender  to  the 
Americans  rather  than  submit  to  Micheltorena;  and  this  idea  has  been  often 
repeated.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  297-311,  quotes  a  letter  from  Speuce, 
in  which  he  says  the  U.  S.  flag  was  raised  on  a  temporary  staff  erected  by  the 


310         COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

At  7  P.  M.  David  Spence  wrote  Vallejo,  "All  is 
tranquil;  and  the  town  is  almost  deserted,  for  many 
of  the  officials  have  fled  to  the  country."  Quiet 
reigned  over  the  captured  capital  through  the  night, 
and  next  day  the  'war  with  the  United  States'  came 
to  an  end.  Larkin,  on  his  visit  to  the  fleet,  had  as 
interpreter  expressed  some  doubts  about  the  reported 
hostilities,  as  they  were  not  mentioned  .in  late  news 
from  Mexico;  but  he  was  unable  to  procure  for  Jones 
any  late  papers  or  despatches,  which  circumstance  had 
served  to  increase  the  latter's  suspicions.  Landing  in 
person  in  the  morning  of  October  21st  to  inspect  the 
fortifications,  the  commodore  was  again  told  that  the 
news  from  Mexico  was  late  and  pacific.  Secretary 
Reintrie  and  Chaplain  Bartow,  being  sent  to  search 
for  details,  found  in  the  comisario's  office  Mexican 
papers  of  August  4th,  and  private  commercial  letters 
from  Mazatlan  of  still  later  date.  The  information 
thus  obtained  not  only  clearly  indicated  that  relations 
between  the  two  nations  were  still  friendly  down  to 
August,  but  also  that  the  rumor  of  cession  to  Eng- 
land was  unfounded.  The  Mexican  papers,  in  contra- 
dicting the  rumor,  even  cited  the  Monroe  doctrine  as 
one  of  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of  such  a  cession,  even 
if  it  had  been  desirable,  which  was  denied.  "  This 
change  in  the  aspect  of  international  affairs,"  writes 
Jones,  "called  for  prompt  action  on  my  part.  The 
motives  and  only  justifiable  grounds  for  demanding  a 
surrender  of  the  territory  were  thus  suddenly  re- 
moved, or  at  least  rendered  so  doubtful  as  to  make  it 
my  duty  to  restore  things  as  I  had  found  them,  with 

sailors.  And  Gonzalez,  in  a  memorandum  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  112, 
says  the  Mexican  flag-staff  was  cut  down.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v.  18, 
gives  no  details.  See  also  Oxio,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  422-6;  Serrano,  Apunt.es, 
MS.,  70-4;  Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  41-4;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  103-5;  Castro, 
Relation,  MS.,  70-2;  Pinto,  Apunt.,  MS.,  87-9;  Ezquer,  Memoria,  MS.,  16; 
Vallfjo  (J.  J.),  Remin.,  MS.,  157-8;  Oalindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  46;  Robinson's 
Statement,  MS.,  16.  Printed  accounts  besides  those  already  mentioned, 
Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  311-14;  TuthilVs  Hist.  Col.,  148-9;  Marcr's  Mexico  as  It 
Was,  359-65;  Greenhow's  Hist.  Oregon,  367-8;  Cronise's  Nat.  Wealth  Gal, 
51;  Capron's  Conquest  of  Col.,  38;  American  Quarterly  Register,  ii.  156; 
Frignet,  La  Californie,  62-3;  Robinson's  Col.  Gold  Region,  72. 


MONTEREY  RESTORED  TO  MEXICO.  311 

the  least  possible  delay."  After  a  short  conference 
with  Armstrong  and  Stribling,  he  sent  a  communica- 
tion to  Alvarado  and  Silva,  proposing  to  restore  all 
to  the  exact  condition  of  the  19th,  which  was  done 
with  all  due  ceremony  late  in  the  afternoon,  the 
American  garrison  retiring  to  their  vessels,  which 
immediately  fired  a  salute  in  honor  of  the  Mexican 
flag.  Official  visits  of  courtesy  were  exchanged;  re- 
lations altogether  friendly  were  established;  and  Mi- 
cheltorena  was  duly  notified  of  all  that  had  occurred,20 
the  Cyane  being  sent  down  to  Sta  Barbara  with  the 
despatch,  and  Micheltorena  being  assured  that  the 
commodore  would  await  his  arrival  at  Monterey.21 

Jones  remained  in  the  north  until  the  end  of  the 
year,  deeming  it  prudent  to  await  positive  information 
from  his  government  respecting  Mexican  relations. 
During  this  time  his  relations  with  the  authorities 
were  altogether  friendly,  though  he  found  it  necessary 
to  issue  a  warning  that  Mexico  would  be  held  respon- 
sible for  any  acts  of  hostility  to  foreigners,  since  it 
was  feared  that  the  news  of  the  retrocession  of  the 
capital  might  not  be  so  promptly  circulated  as  had 
been  that  of  the  capture.22  On  the  22d  Jones  made 
a  report  to  Waddy  Thompson,  U.  S.  minister  in  Mex- 
ico, in  which  he  wrote:  "It  is  a  source  of  great  satis- 
faction, that  notwithstanding  what  has  happened,  no 
angry  words  or  unkind  expressions  have  been  used  by 

20  Jones  to  sec.  navy.  Jones  at  Monterey,  184%,  P-  71-3.  Oct.  20th,  Spence  to 
Vallejo.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  297.     Oct.  21st,  Jones  to  Alvarado  and  Silva. 
Jones  at  Monterey,  33,  81.     Jones  to  Micheltorena.  Id.,  33-4,  40.     Silva  to  M. 
Id.,  32-3.     Alvarado  to  M.  Id.,  32.     '  My  heart  bounds  with  joy  in  my  bos- 
om,'writes  Alvarado;  'the  joy  of  the  people  is  complete.'    Oct.  21st,  22d, 
Silva  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  280,  281;  Prado  Mesa  to  V.  Id.,  xi. 
277-8-     Oct.  23d,  Alvarado  to  V.  Id.,  xi.  282-3.  Oct.  23d,  Richardson  to  V., 
with  account  of  the  whole  affair  as  learned  by  Howard  of  the  California  from 
Pico  and  Pinto  at  Sta  Clara.  Id.,  xi.  284.     The  story  was  that  war  had  been 
declared  at  Washington  on  June  5th. 

21  According  to  a  letter  from  Jas  P.  Arthur  to  Capt  Richardson,  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  295,  the  sloop  was  expected  to  bring  the  general  north. 

22  Oct.  25th,  Jones  to  Alvarado.   Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  43,  83.     Oct. 
29th,  A.'s  reply  from  Alisal.    No  hostilities  intended^  or  to  be  permitted.   Id., 
44,  84.     Oct.  24th,  J.  to  A.,  on  his  orders  of  Oct.  18th  to  preserve  order  and 
prevent  outrage.     Oct.  25th,  Estrada  to  J.,  assuring  him  that  the  gov.  had 
not  placed  any  reliance  on  the  rumors  of  danger.    Id.,  41-4,  81-4. 


312  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

either  party;  and  that,  although  we  had  150  seamen 
and  marines  on  shore  30  hours,  not  one  private  house 
was  entered,  or  the  slightest  disrespect  shown  to  any 
individual ;  nor  was  any  species  of  property,  public  or 
private,  spoiled,  if  I  except  the  powder  burnt  in  the 
salutes,  which  I  have  returned  twofold."  On  the 
24th  a  report  was  made  to  the  secretary  of  the  navy, 
which  I  have  had  occasion  to  cite  before.23 .  Meanwhile 
the  captured  vessels,  the  Guipuzcoana,  Clarita,  Trin- 
idad, and  California,  had  been  released;  and  the  stars 
and  stripes  raised  by  enthusiastic  Americans  at  Santa 
Cruz  replaced  by  the  Mexican  flag.24  The  master  of 
a  vessel  lying  at  San  Francisco  afterwards  convinced 
himself  that  the  interests  of  his  owners  had  in  some 
way  been  injured  by  the  occurrence  at  Monterey;25 
there  was  a  little  correspondence  of  a  mildly  warlike 
tone  among  Californians,  with  preparations  for  defence 
sufficing  at  least  to  create  a  claim  against  the  treas- 
ury;26 and  I  even  find  the  blotter  of  a  proclamation, 
probably  not  circulated,  in  which  Colonel  Vallejo  al- 
ludes to  Jones'  act  as  a  "violation  of  the  rights  of 
hospitality,  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  trust  with 
which  he  had  been  received  by  the  authorities  at  Mon- 
terey," and  calls  upon  the  people  to  reject  such  allure- 
ments as  were  held  out  in  the  'scandalous  proclamation' 
of  the  19th,  and  to  take  up  arms  for  their  country.27 

23  Oct.  24th,  Jones  to  sec.  navy,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  69-73. 
Oct.  22d,  J.  to  Thompson.    Id.,  87-90;  Jones,  Agresion  en  California*,  91-2. 

24  Beliefs  H 1st.  Statement,  MS.,  35.     Weeks,  Remin.,  MS.,  114,  mentions 
the  fact  that  Belden  himself  climbed  the  flag-staff,  and  otherwise  took  a  prom- 
inent part  in  the  change. 

23  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  388-90.  The  vessel  was  the  Primavera,  and  the 
damage  resulted  from  detention  for  6  days,  desertion  of  sailors,  etc.  There 
is  no  record  that  any  satisfaction  was  ever  received. 

26  Oct.  30th,  Alvarado  to  Vallejo.  Jones  tries  to  give  satisfaction,  but  his 
conduct  can  but  inspire  distrust.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  286.  Nov.  loth, 
Silva  to  V.  Is  ready  at  the  slightest  alarm  to  call  the  people  together  and  de- 
fend the  country.  /</.,xi.  306.  Dec.  2cl,  Micheltorena  to  V.  Jones'  attitude 
not  being  very  clear,  he  is  to  watch  closely  and  be  ready  to  defend  the  northern 
frontier.  Id.,  xi.  31 1.  Orders  of  March  1843  for  the  payment  of  a  small  bill, 
§202,  for  supplies  furnished  by  Castafiares  to  '  100  men  who  took  up  arms  dur- 
ing the  days  of  the  American  invasion.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  2;  Id., 
Ben.  Oust.- II.,  v.  10-11;  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xiii.  49. 

'"  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xiv.  35.  The  blotter  bears  no  date,  but  was  written 
in  October. 


RESULTS  IN  THE  NORTH.  313 

Yet  the  serenity  of  the  north  was  not  seriously  dis- 
turbed by  the  American  invasion;  and  the  commo- 
dore's personal  and  social  relations  with  the  inhabitants 
of  the  invaded  country  were  of  a  most  friendly  na- 
ture.28 

On  October  26th,  the  Yorktown,  Nicholas  com- 
mander, arrived  at  San  Francisco  from  Callao,29  and 
proceeding  to  Monterey,  was  despatched  on  or  about 
November  21st  to  Mazatlan  and  San  Bias,  to  cruise 
later  in  the  gulf.  She  carried  Lieutenant  H.  T. 
Hartstene  as  a  bearer  of  despatches  to  Washington. 
At  the  same  time  the  United  States,  under  Armstrong, 
was  sent  to  the  Sandwich  Islands  for  supplies,30  the 
broad  pennant  being  transferred  to  the  Cyane.  On 
November  1st  the  commodore  had,  in  a  letter  to 
Micheltorena,  accepted  that  officer's  proposition  to 
hold  a  personal  conference  in  the  south,  and  had  ex- 
pressed his  intention  of  coming  down  the  coast  about 
the  middle  of  November;31  but  he  was  detained  much 
longer,  both  by  the  non-arrival  of  other  vessels  belong- 
ing to  his  fleet,  and  by  his  investigations  and  efforts 
to  obtain  some  legal  authentication  in  the  case  of  the 
Americans  who  claimed  damages  for  exile  in  1840. 
He  was  not  brilliantly  successful  in  this  undertaking, 
as  the  reader  is  already  aware;32  and  doubtless  soon 
convinced  himself  that  the  claims  had  but  slight 
foundation  in  justice.  December  llth,  he  sailed  on 

28  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  341-2,  says  that  Castro  disliked  Jones,  and 
was  the  only  one  who  sought  to  undermine  his  popularity.  His  hostility 
grew  out  of  Jones'  investigation  of  the  Graham  affair.  Several  Californians 
say  that  a  grand  ball  was  given  to  Jones  after  the  restoration  of  Monterey; 
but  Mrs  Orel,  Ocurrencias,  MS. ,  329,  tells  us  that  the  ball  was  given  to  Arm- 
strong after  Jones'  departure. 

29 Oct.  26th,  Richardson,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  292. 

80  Nov.  16th,  21st,  Jones  to  sec.  navy,  on  his  plans.  Dec.  7th,  Parrott  to 
Id. ,  announcing  arrival  of  the  Yorktown  at  Mazatlan  Dec.  Gth.  Jones  at  Mon- 
terey, 1842,  p.  90-3.  Maxwell,  Monterey  in  184%,  MS.,  10-11,  says  the  ves- 
sels sailed  on  Nov.  22d.  Hartstene  crossed  Mexico,  and  arrived  Jan.  13th  at 
N.  Orleans  on  the  Wm Bryan.  Niles'  Beg.,  Ixiii.  337. 

31  Nov.  1,  1842,  J.  to  M.,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  37-9.  He  writes 
in  a  conciliatory  tone,  defending  his  past  action;  and  he  offers  to  carry  in  the 
vessel  soon  to  be  despatched  any  communications  or  messenger  the  general 
may  desire  to  send  to  Mexico. 

32 See  chap.  i.  of  this  vol.;  also  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  66-114,  for  the  orig- 
inal corresp.  on  this  subject,  lasting  from  Nov.  13th  to  Dec.  30th. 


314  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

the  Cyane,  and  arrived  in  three  days  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, where  he  was  joined  on  the  15th  by  the  Dale, 
Dornin  commander,  from  Panama,  bringing  news  of 
amicable  relations  between  the  two  republics  down  to 
the  month  of  June.33  From  San  Francisco,  Jones 
went  to  Sonoma,  where  he  was  entertained  for  a  day 
or  two  by  Colonel  Vallejo,  who  has  a  most  agreeable 
memory  of  his  visitor's  gentlemanly  qualities.34  The 
United  States  returned  from  Honolulu  in  December,35 
and  all  three  vessels  sailed  from  Monterey  January  9, 
1843 — the  Dale  and  United  States  for  Mazatlan,  while 
the  Cyane  with  Jones  on  board  touched  at  Santa 
Barbara  and  San  Pedro.  The  store-ship  of  the  fleet, 
the  Relief,  Lieutenant  Sterrett,  had  also  arrived  be- 
fore the  departure  of  the  other  vessels,  and  soon 
followed  them  southward,86  while  the  Cyane  came 
back  later  in  the  year. 

Having  thus  recorded  the  'American  invasion*  so 
far  as  it  affected  northern  California,  I  have  now  to 
notice  some  southern  aspects  of  the  matter,  aspects 

33  Dec.  14th,  15th,  Capt.  Richardson  to  Vallejo,  announcing  arrival  of 
Cyane  and  Dale.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  315-16.  Dec.  15th,  com.  of  Monte- 
rey to  V.  All  the  vessels  have  departed.  Id.,  xi.  317. 

Si  Vnllejo,  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  325-45,  where  the  visit  is  described  at  con- 
siderable length.  He  says  Jones  and  his  men  lost  their  way  in  coming  to 
Sonoma;  accidentally  as  he  said,  but  intentionally  as  some  of  his  men  told 
Leese,  with  a  view  to  see  more  of  the  country.  Vallejo  honored  his  guest 
with  a  salute  from  his  cannon,  and  entertained  him  with  a  rodeo,  Indian 
dance,  foot-races,  etc. — finally  escorting  him  to  the  landing.  He  speaks  of 
the  commodore  in  the  most  flattering  terms.  Dec.  24th,  V.  to  Micheltoreua, 
mentioning  Jones'  visit.  He  thinks  the  object  may  have  been  to  win  more 
trust  in  his  good  faith  after  the  affair  of  Monterey.  Political  matters  were 
not  talked  of.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  322.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  103-9,  de- 
scribes not  only  his  own  visits  with  Capt.  Paty  to  the  flag-ship  at  Monte- 
rey, and  an  entertainment  given  to  Jones  by  the  foreign  residents  of  the 
capital,  at  which  the  writer  was  present;  but  also  the  friendly  intercourse 
between  the  commodore  and  the  Richardsons  and  Estudillos  at  Sauzalito, 
where  he  also  made  frequent  hunting  trips. 

85 Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  108,  says  the  vessel  made  the  round  trip  in  29 
days,  the  quickest  on  record.  Maxwell  says  she  sailed  from  Monterey  with 
the  Cy«ne;  and  these  statements  are  all  the  evidence  I  have  that  she  re- 
turned to  Cal.  She  was  however  at  Mazatlau  in  February. 

86  She  arrived  at  Monterey  from  Bodega  on  Jan.  26th,  and  sailed  on  Feb. 
25th.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  CusL-H.,  MS.,  iii.  (644-6,  652-3);  but  I  suppose 
she  had  been  at  Monterey  earlier.  Bid  well,  California  1841-S,  MS.,  90-1, 
speaks  of  Jones  having  sent  the  Relief  to  Bodega,  with  some  despatches  for 
him  to  deliver  (T). 


MICHELTORENA  HEARS  THE  NEWS.  315 

more  amusing  than  bloody,  showing  in  a  not  very  fa- 
vorable light  some  peculiarities  of  the  new  governor. 
It  was  in  the  night  of  October  24th  that  Michel  to- 
rena,  at  Valle's  rancho  of  San  Francisco  near  Mission 
San  Fernando,  was  aroused  from  his  sleep  by  the  ar- 
rival of  messengers  from  Alvarado  with  the  news  that 
Monterey  must  be  surrendered  on  the  20th.  The 
general,  if  we  may  credit  his  statement  made  a  little 
later,  wished  himself  "a  thunderbolt  to  fly  and  anni- 
hilate the  invaders;"  but  not  being  a  thunderbolt,  he 
spent  the  next  day  in  writing  despatches  to  subordi- 
nates in  all  parts  of  the  country,  and  in  retreating  with 
his  batallon  fijo  some  twenty  miles  to  San  Fernando. 
His  plan  of  campaign,  as  declared  in  his  despatches, 
was  to  establish  his  headquarters  at  Angeles,  to  con- 
centrate there  all  available  force  and  supplies,  and  to 
cause  all  live-stock  to  be  driven  from  the  coast  to  the 
interior.  His  confidence  in  success,  like  his  patriotic 
enthusiasm,  was  unlimited;  his  own  force  was  amply 
sufficient,  he  said,  to  defeat  the  intruder,  but  he  was 
unwilling  to  deprive  the  Californians  of  the  privilege 
of  aiding  in  so  glorious  a  cause ;  hence  his  call  for  aid. 
His  communications  to  different  officials  were  all  of 
the  same  purport,  and  I  append  some  choice  specimens 
in  a  note.37 

87  Oct.  25,  1842,  Micheltorena  to  Vallejo,  to  Alvarado,  to  Prefect  Arguello 
at  Angeles,  to  Comandante  Carrillo  at  Sta  Bdrbara,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842, 
p.  24-7;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  294;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  91-4;  8. 
Diego  Arch.,  MS.,  289.  To  Vallejo  at  6  A.  M.  he  writes:  ' Monterey  is  no 
doubt  occupied  by  these  forces,  as  it  is  impossible  to  defend  the  place.  I 
cannot  just  now  fly  to  its  aid,  for  I  am  over  100  leagues  away,  nor  should  I 
leave  Los  Angeles  unprotected,  where  I  have  arms  and  ammunition,  which  in 
the  hands  of  the  valiant  Californians,  united  with  the  force  under  my  com- 
mand, will  serve  to  rout  the  enemy.  You  must  therefore  collect  as  many  men 
as  possible,  sending  me  frequent  reports  on  their  number  and  movements  in 
order  to  combine  our  operations.  Triumph  is  certain;  with  my  present  force 
I  should  not  hesitate  to  attack;  but  it  is  just  that  all  share  in  the  pleasure  of 
victory,  since  we  are  all  Mexicans,  and  it  is  the  duty  of  all  to  defend  in  this 
war  the  holy  religion  of  our  fathers,  national  independence,  private  property, 
and  even  domestic  order.  Are  there  any  stronger  rights  which  move  the  hu- 
man heart?  Are  there  Mexican  bosoms  which  do  not  feel  themselves  boil 
with  valor  at  seeing  this  effort  to  rob  us  of  our  territory  ?  Invite,  then,  excite, 
move  the  patriotism  of  all  able  to  bear  arms,  and  keep  well  in  mind  the  whole 
and  parts  of  this  communication,  which  I  recommend  particularly  to  your  re- 
sponsibility.' To  Alvarado:  'Everyone  who  is  able  to  bear  arms  and  does 
not  present  himself,  as  soon  as  the  infallible  triumph  of  our  arms  is  won,  un- 


316  COMMODORE  JOXES  AT  MOXTEREY. 

Next  day,  October  26th,  while  still  at  San  Fernan- 
do, Micheltorena  received  Jones'  communication  in- 
forming him  that  Monterey  had  been  restored — news 
which,  reaching  other  points  about  the  same  time, 
prevented  any  progress  being  made  in  the  concentra- 
tion of  forces  and  supplies  at  Angeles.  The  general 
immediately  addressed  two  letters  to  the  American 
commodore.  In  the  first  he  wrote:  "God  and  Liber- 
ty !  As  the  laws  of  the  nation  expressly  forbid  enter- 
ing into  any  sort  of  relations  with  the  enemies  of  the 
independence,  liberty,  and  integrity  of  the  territory, 
I  was  marching  in  consequence  of  the  assault  com- 
mitted by  you  on  Monterey,  to  fight  you,  and  at  all 
hazards  to  drive  you  from  the  Mexican  territory  with- 
out using  any  other  idiom  than  those  of  lead  and  can- 
non; but  as  you,  having  adopted  more  prudent  coun- 
sels, though  I  and  my  valiant  men  were  only  150 
leagues  from  you,  have  thought  proper  to  evacuate 
the  place,  to  reestablish  the  authorities,  to  re-hoist 
and  properly  salute  the  flag  of  my  nation,  and  to  re- 
embark  all  your  troops,  declaring  the  Mexican  vessels 

der  the  protection  of  providence,  will  be  declared  unworthy  of  the  Mexican 
name,  an  enemy  of  the  country,  to  be  expelled  ignominiously  from  her  soil.' 
To  Argiiello:  '  I  congratulate  myself  with  you  and  every  Mexican  that  these 
mixerablts  afford  us  an  opportunity  to  demonstrate  the  national  valor,  and 
that  we  are  worthy  to  bear  the  name  of  Independieutes. '  He  announces  his 
retreat  to  S.  Fernando — the  other  letters  are  written  from  the  ranclio — and 
his  intention  to  continue  the  movement  to  Angeles.  The  authorities  of  S. 
Diego  are  ordered  to  send  their  cannon  to  Angeles.  To  the  comandante  at 
Sta  Barbara:  '  Under  these  circumstances  you  will  proceed  forthwith  to  place 
in  safety,  by  sending  them  to  Angeles  with  all  the  forces  that  can  be  collected, 
all  the  arms,  artillery,  and  other  property  of  the  nation,  as  they  may  direct 
their  attack  against  that  port.  You  will  invite  all  the  inhabitants,  the  most 
illustrious  bishop,  and  other  authorities  to  meet  at  Angeles,  where  I  am  about 
to  establish  my  headquarters,  in  order  to  arrange  the  operations  of  a  war  so 
holy,  so  just,  and  so  national.'  The  Rejnihlica.no  was  to  be  sent  to  S.  Pedro, 
and  the  munitions  on  board  taken  to  Angeles  in  carts.  '  Viva  la  nacion  Me- 
jicana!'  In  1844  Micheltorena  claimed  that  the  rebels  against  him  had  re- 
moved all  supplies  from  around  Monterey,  in  imitation  of  his  own  policy  in 
1842!  Castaflares,  Col.  Doc.,  59.  Replies  to  Micheltorena's  communications 
at  various  dates,  from  Oct.  25th — all  more  or  less  patriotic  in  tone.  Jones  at 
Monterey,  1842,  p.  27-9;  Los  Ancjelex,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  290-1.  A  writer  in 
the  Los  Angeles  Express,  Oct.  15,  1874,  claims  that  the  intrenchments,  traces 
of  which  are  still  visible  at  Angeles,  were  thrown  up  by  Micheltorena's  men 
at  this  time.  Bandiui,  Hint.  Cal,  MS.,  103-4;  Botello,  Annie*  del  Sur,  MS., 
102;  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  426;  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  43;  Ord,  Ocur- 
rencias,  MS.,  128,  simply  state  that  Micheltorena  on  hearing  the  news  of  the 
capture  retired  to  Angeles  and  began  defensive  operations. 


THE  GENERAL'S  BOMBAST.  317 

free  at  the  moment  when  you  addressed  to  me  the 
letter  just  received,  I  now  answer  you  by  this  sepa- 
rate despatch,  in  order  to  assure  you  that  we  Mexi- 
cans know  how  to  answer  with  arms  and  fire  when  we 
are  addressed  in  terms  of  war,  and,  if  peacefully,  with 
the  harmony  and  civility  compatible  with  the  age  in 
which  we  live,  and  with  the  enlightened  nations  to 
which  we  both  belong."  The  other  communication, 
in  words  almost  as  pompous  and  much  more  numer- 
ous, declared  that  "the  multitude  of  persons  now  sur- 
rounding me  will  not  be  content  with  such  satisfaction 
as  you  can  give  me  in  a  single  official  despatch;"  the 
satisfaction,  like  the  outrage,  must  be  public;  and  he 
insisted  on  a  personal  conference  at  Angeles,  eight 
leagues  from  Jones'  force  at  San  Pedro,  and  twelve 
leagues  from  Micheltorena's  army  at  San  Fernando; 
or  if  Jones  feared  to  venture,  "mistrusting  the  word 
and  faith  of  an  old  soldier,"  then  the  general  would 
boldly  go  in  person  with  a  few  officers  to  San  Pedro.38 
It  is  claimed  by  Vallejo  and  Alvarado  that  Michel- 
torena  heard  of  the  capture  and  restoration  of  the 
capital  at  the  same  time,  and  that  his  orders  of  Octo- 
ber 25th  were  issued  with  a  full  knowledge  that  all 
danger  had  passed;  but  the  accusation  is  probably 
unfounded,  and  the  orders  were  of  the  patriotico-bom- 
bastic  type  usually  issued  in  such  cases  by  Spanish 
American  officials.  No  other  style  would  have  satis- 
fied the  people  or  the  supreme  government  that  the 
writer  was  doing  his  duty;  and  it  was  generally  the 
effect  in  Mexico,  and  not  on  the  foe,  that  was  consid- 
ered when  such  proclamations  were  issued.  Moreover, 
the  order  to  remove  all  supplies  to  the  interior  as  a 
means  of  resisting  invasion,  was  in  accord  with  Span- 
ish and  Mexican  policy  for  many  years  past,  and  does 
not  merit  all  the  ridicule  that  has  been  heaped  upon 
it.  This  is  about  as  far  as  I  can  go  in  defence  of 
Micheltorena's  course.  His  replies  to  Jones  were  as 

88  Oct.  26,  1842,  M.  to  J.    Two  despatches.     Jones  at  Monterey,  1S42,  p. 
34-6. 


318  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

absurdly  weak,  affected,  rude,  and  boastful  as  they 
could  have  been  made;  and  indeed,  Minister  Waddy 
Thompson  subsequently  declared  that,  as  he  had  the 
strongest  reasons  to  believe,  the  first  of  the  two  com- 
munications of  October  26th  was  never  sent  to  Jones 
at  all. 

But  Michel torena's  gasconade  was  not  yet  at  an 
end.  Jones  not  arriving  as  early  as  had  been  expected, 
the  general  prepared,  on  November  19th,  a  report  of 
all  that  had  preceded  for  his  government,  attaching  to 
it  the  terms  of  the  treaty  which  the  American  leader 
was  expected  to  sign.  With  the  report,  which  went 
to  San  Bias  on  the  Trinidad  sailing  on  or  about  the 
20th,  were  enclosed  twenty-seven  documents,  all  re- 
ferred to  elsewhere.  I  append  some  portions  of  the 
report  and  the  purport  of  the  treaty,  which  show  that 
Micheltorena  told  a  deliberate  falsehood,  to  the  effect 
that  he  was  marching  to  attack  Monterey  when  he 
heard  of  its  restoration;  that  he  had  the  impudence  to 
demand  payment  for  uniforms  and  instruments  spoiled 
during  his  march  in  the  rain;  and  that  he  was  vain 
enough  to  represent  that  Jones'  real  motive  in  restor- 
ing the  capital  had  been  fear  of  this  valiant  general 
and  his  batallon  fijo!  Even  the  Californians,  who  had 
large  capacity  for  bombast,  were  disgusted  with  this 
exhibition  from  their  new  ruler.89 

39 Nov.  (19),  1842,  M.  to  Tornel,  min.  of  war,  with  27  accompanying  doc., 
being  for  the  most  part  the  corresp.  already  cited,  but  containing  several 
communications  not  included  in  those  furnished  by  Jones  direct  to  the  U.  S. 
govt.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  18-44. 

The  demand  for  surrender  '  will  justly  excite  the  indignation  of  the  sup. 
magistrate  as  well  as  of  yourself  and  every  Mexican,  on  seeing  that  without 
even  a  plausible  pretext,  and  in  defiance  of  the  laws  of  nations  and  the  treaties 
between  the  two  countries,  an  armed  force  comes  to  occupy  the  national  terri- 
tory.' 'Your  Excellency  may  imagine  my  indignation.  I  wished  myself  a 
thunderbolt  to  fly  and  annihilate  the  invaders;  but  110  leagues  intervened  be- 
tween me  and  them,  and  my  forces  are  all  infantry.  I  nevertheless  spent  the 
night  in  preparing  measures.  ..to  organize  an  active  and  incessant  war  on  the 
enemy  until  he  should  have  been  obliged  to  reembark,  if  any  of  his  forces  should 
remain  alive.  On  the  following  day,  the  26th,  I  began  my  march ' — directly 
away  from  Monterey  if  at  all — 'with  my  troops,  of  whose  enthusiasm  I  cannot 
say  too  much,  when  I  felicitated  them,  in  the  name  of  our  country,  on  the  oc- 
casion thus  presented  for  proving  that  we  are  worthy  of  the  confidence  of  the 
nation,  and  worthy  to  defend  the  Mexican  territory,  our  dear  independence, 
and  all  the  rights  of  society  and  man.  North  and  south  of  my  headquarters 


AFFAIR  OF  THE  'TASSO.'  319 

The  American  ship  Tasso  was  lying  at  San  Pedro 
when  the  news  arrived  that  Monterey  had  been 
taken.  Jose*  Antonio  Carrillo  and  Captain  Prudon 
conceived  the  idea  of  seizing  this  vessel,  applying  to 
the  prefect  for  authority.  Argiiello  in  turn  referred 
the  matter  to  Micheltorena,  who  disapproved  the 
seizure  and  ordered  the  release  of  the  captain,  who 
had  been  detained,  blaming  Carrillo  and  Prudon  for 
interfering  in  national  affairs,  which  he  himself  was 
entirely  competent  to  manage.40  This  act  enabled  the 
general  in  the  report  already  cited  to  boast  that  not  a 
single  act  of  violence  had  been  committed  against  the 
persons  or  property  of  subjects  of  the  United  States. 
But  those  subjects  could  show  not  quite  so  clean  a  rec- 

every thing  was  in  motion;  and  the  fever  of  patriotism  which  I  excited  with 
energetic  force  beat  quickly.  ..In  this  state  of  things  I  was  met  by  Capt. 
Mejia,'  who  came  from  Monterey  where  he  had  'wished  not  to  sign  any  capitu- 
lation unless  ordered  to  do  so  by  his  general,  a  general  who  would  have  or- 
dered him  to  conquer  or  die,'  and  who  brought  details  of  the  surrender.  '  We 
thus  marched  for  two  hours,  during  which  my  soul  was  rapt  in  ecstasies  at 
the  flattering  prospect  of  a  speedy  and  certain  victory, .  ..when  another  ex- 
traordinary courier  brought  me'  news  of  the  evacuation  of  Monterey.  'So  his 

Excellency,  Mr ,  did  not  choose  to  wait  for  our  arrival  as  a  hostile  force, 

and  the  feelings  of  my  heart.  ..were  at  once  of  grief  and  joy,  of  regret  and 
pleasure,  of  contentment  and  disappointment;  but  providence  has  so  willed 
it;  therefore  it  is  for  the  best,  and  we  have  only  to  respect  and  bow  to  its  de- 
crees.' But  for  the  activity,  etc.,  of  President  Santa  Anna  and  the  min.  of 
war  in  sending  me  and  my  force  here,  California  would  now  have  to  be  re- 
covered at  double  the  expense  that  Texas  has  cost.  Therefore  'I  pray  your 
Excellency  to  ask  the  president  whether  the  conduct  of  one  of  his  generals  in 
this  negotiation  has  been  such  as  to  merit  his  high  approbation.' 

The  articles  of  convention,  sent  unsigned  by  reason  of  Jones'  non-arrival, 
were  substantially  as  follows:  i.,  ii.  The  indemnification  for  outrage  on  the 
flag,  and  settlement  of  claims  for  damages  to  individuals  to  be  left  to  the 
sup.  govt.  iii.  Jones  declares  that  be  took  Monterey  in  the  erroneous  belief 
that  war  existed;  and  each  promises  never  to  attack  the  possessions  of  the 
other's  country  except  in  case  of  an  express  declaration  of  war.  iv.  The 
capitulation  signed  by  Jones  and  Alvarado  is  forever  void  and  of  no  effect. 
v.  The  U.  S.  men-of-war  and  merchant  vessels  at  S.  Pedro  will  salute  the 
Mexican  flag  to  be  displayed  before  them  by  Micheltorena  at  noon  of  the 
next  day  after  signing  this  treaty,  vi.  'Mr  Thos  Ap  C.  Jones  will  deliver 
1,500  complete  infantry  uniforms  to  replace  those  of  nearly  one  half  of  the 
Mexican  forces  which  have  been  ruined  in  the  violent  march  and  the  contin- 
ued rains,  while  they  were  on  their  way  to  recover  the  port  thus  invaded. ' 
vii.  Jones  to  pay  $15,000  into  the  national  treasury  for  expenses  incurred 
from  the  general  alarm;  also  a  complete  set  of  musical  instruments  in  place 
of  those  ruined  on  this  occasion,  viii.  Respecting  copies  and  signatures  of 
this  document.  These  articles  are  several  times  reprinted  in  connection 
with  later  correspondence. 

40  Oct.  25th,  Prefect  Arguello  to  M.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  39.  Oct. 
26th,  reply.  Id.,  p.  40;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  xii.  94-6. 


320  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

ord.  The  Alert  was  lying  at  San  Diego,  having  on 
board  and  on  shore  a  valuable  cargo  of  hides.  Captain 
Phelps  heard  of  the  capture  of  Monterey,  and  at  the 
same  time  a  report  that  a  force  had  been  despatched 
by  Micheltorena  to  seize  all  property  at  San  Diego. 
Determined  to  save  his  cargo,  he  made  ready  for  sail- 
ing, worked  night  and  day  to  load  his  hides,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  remove  every  obstacle  to  his  escape  by  send- 
ing a  party  of  sailors  to  spike  the  guns  at  the  fort. 
It  is  not  likely  that  Micheltorena  had  ordered  the 
seizure  of  the  hides  or  vessel,  but  he  had  probably 
sent  men  to  secure  the  cannon,  and  it  was  the  ap- 
proach of  these  men  that  chiefly  frightened  Phelps. 
The  affair  was  considerably  written  about  in  Mexico, 
and  to  the  charge  of  spiking  the  guns  was  added  that 
of  throwing  ballast  into  the  harbor;  but  the  ground 
was  taken  that  the  offence  was  purely  an  individual 
and  in  no  sense  a  national  one ;  and  as  the  owners  were 
willing  to  pay  the  damage,  the  matter  was  allowed  to 
jdrop. 

Leaving  Monterey  January  9th,  Jones,  on  the 
Cyane,  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  the  14th,  and  in- 
formed Micheltorena  of  his  readiness  for  the  proposed 
conference  at  San  Pedro,42  to  which  port  he  proceeded 
on  the  17th,  and  late  in  the  afternoon  received  an 
invitation  to  visit  the  general  at  his  headquarters  at 

41  Phelps,  Fore  and  Aft,  261-3.     He  says  he  got  the  news  from  Alfred 
Robinson,  his  supercargo,  at  Sta  Barbara;  also  that  his  men  took  a  barrel  of 
copper  shot  at  the  fort  and  threw  the  rest  into  the  sea;  but  no  charge  of  this 
kind  was  ever  made.     Half  the  cargo  was  on  board  when  the  news  came  of 
Jones'  mistake;  and  at  that  time  Micheltorena's  'vagabonds'  were  within 
two  hours'  march  of  the  ship.     Dec.  10th,  Phelps  to  Jones.     Translation. 
Diario  del  Gob.,  Feb.  19,  1843;  Buslamante,  Diario,  Ixvi.  69,  with  a  letter  of 
Jones  on  the  subject.     Nov.  4th,  juez  of  S.  Diego  to  prefect,  announcing  the 
spiking  of  8  guns.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,   vii.  28.     Corresp.  between 
ministers  Bocanegra  and  Thompson,  Dec.  28th-30th.  Mexico,  Mem.  Relaciones, 
1844,  annexes  xcii-v. 

42  Jan.  14th,  15th,  Jones  at  Sta  Barbara  to  M.  Diario  del  Gobierno,  Feb. 
19,  1843;  Bustamante,  Diario,  MS.,  Ixvi.  69.     At  first  he  says  the  conference 
will  have  to  be  in  writing,  or  by  commissioners  on  account  of  his  ill  health; 
but  in  a  P.  S.  he  concludes  to  visit  S.  Pedro.     He  brought  down  despatches 
and  money  for  M.   from  Monterey;   and  offered  to  carry  a  messenger  to 
Mazatlan. 


JONES  AT  LOS  ANGELES.  321 

Angeles,  an  invitation  which  he  accepted.43  Next 
morning  Jones  landed  with  Captain  Stribling  and 
half  a  dozen  others;  and  at  2  p.  M.,  after  a  dinner 
prepared  by  Micheltorena's  cooks  at  Stearns'  store- 
house, the  party  started  for  the  pueblo,  Jones,  Strib- 
ling, Clymer,  and  Reintre  sitting  with  Major  Medina 
in  a  barouche  drawn  by  three  horses,  the  rest  on 
horseback,  and  all  escorted  by  twenty-five  mounted 
men  of  the  Santa  Bdrbara  guard.  The  visitors  were 
taken  to  the  residence  of  Abel  Stearns,  where  they 
were  soon  waited  upon  by  Micheltorena  and  his  staff 
in  full  uniform,  who  made  a  most  favorable  impres- 
sion by  their  gentlemanly  bearing  and  polite  atten- 
tions.44 

At  noon  on  the  19th  the  conference  was  held  at 
the  general's  headquarters,  where,  after  the  drinking 
of  toasts  and  making  of  complimentary  speeches, 
Micheltorena  proceeded  to  read  his  '  articles  of  con- 
vention,' with  which  the  reader  is  already  familiar, 
and  copies  of  which  were  furnished  for  Jones'  consid- 
eration. This  ended  the  conference;  but  in  the 
evening  the  Americans,  in  a  drenching  rain,  attended 
a  grand  ball  given  by  the  general  in  their  honor.  In 
the  forenoon  of  the  20th  Jones  returned  the  '  articles,' 
of  course  without  his  signature,  and  with  a  note 
explaining  that  he  had  no  authority  to  enter  into 
such  an  agreement,  and  that  the  whole  matter  of 
reparation  must  be  left  to  the  respective  govern- 

43  Jan.    17th,  M.  to  J.  and  reply,  sent  by  Lieut  Somoza,  in  Unpublished 
Narrative  of  Commodore  Thos  Ap  (J.  Jones,  U.  S.  N.     This  narrative  by 
an  unknown  writer,  who  evidently  accompanied  Jones  to  Angeles,  was  pub- 
lished in  the  Los  Anyeles  Southern  Vineyard,  May  22,  1858,  and  gives  an  in- 
teresting account  of  the  visit  and  negotiations.     Much  of  it  is  occupied  with 
descriptive  matter,  for  which  I  have  no  space  here.     The  same  communica- 
tions,  under  date  of  Jan.  18th,  are  given  in  Diario  del  Gobierno,  Feb.  19, 
1843. 

44  Jones'  Unpub.  Narr.    The  author  gives  a  well  written  sketch  of  Michel- 
torena's actions  and  character.     Of  him  he  says:  '  Had  he  contented  himself 
with  the  issuing  of  countless  orders  and  high-toned  proclamations,  few  would 
have  found  fault  with  him,  for  in  truth  it  was  all  that  his  situation  left  him; 
but  to  resort  to  the  disingenuous  artifice  of  writing  letters  never  sent  and  of 
sending  drafts  of  demands  not  yet  made,  and  when  made  abandoned  without 
an  effort  to  sustain  them,  was  an  act  which  neither  Mexican  diplomacy  nor 
Castilian  gasconade  can  scarcely  palliate,  and  certainly  cannot  justify.' 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    21 


322  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

ments.45  Micheltorena  made  no  effort  to  change  the 
commodore's  views,  nor  did  he  show  offence,  but  sim- 
ply desired  him  to  delay  his  departure  until  he  could 
prepare  his  despatches  for  Mexico,  which  consisted  of 
the  correspondence  that  has  been  cited,  and  a  letter  to 
General  Tornel,  in  which  he  described  the  negotiations 
with  Jones,  and  the  latter's  objections  to  the  articles 
of  convention  proposed.40  Friendly  relations  con- 
tinued, the  subject  of  politics  was  not  mentioned,  and 
at  their  last  interview  complimentary  speeches  were 
exchanged.  At  1  P.  M.,  January  21st,  Jones  left  the 
city,  amidst  the  beating  of  drums,  firing  of  cannon,  and 
ringing  of  bells,  saluted  by  the  general  and  his  wife 
from  the  door  of  his  quarters,  escorted  as  on  his  com- 
ing, and  accompanied  for  some  miles  by  many  citizens. 
The  arrival  at  San  Pedro  was  at  5  p.  M.,  and  three 
hours  later  the  Cyane  sailed  for  Mazatlan,  where  she 
arrived  the  1st  of  February  to  join  the  United  States 
and  Yorktown* 


45  Jan.  20th,  Jones  to  Micheltorena,  in  Diario  del  Gobierno,  Feb.  19,  1843, 
and  partly  in  Jones'  Unpub.  Narr.  The  author  of  this  narrative  says  J.  was 
very  much  vexed  at  the  absurd  demands  made;  yet  he  maintained  friendly 
relations,  and  in  his  letter  he  takes  pains  to  explain  anew  the  reasons  for  his 
past  action.  The  articles,  8  in  number,  are  also  given  in  the  Diario  del  Gob. , 
as  above,  and  in  Drpt.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  vii.  38-41.  Bandiui,  Hist.  Col., 
MS.,  104-7,  says  M.'s  soldiers  drew  the  carriage  that  took  J.  to  the  ball. 
Osio,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  428-30,  narrates  an  alarm  at  Angeles  while  J.  was 
asleep,  caused  by  a  report  that  3  ships  had  been  seen  off'  the  coast,  and  by  the 
burning  of  a  house,  which  the  general  feared  to  be  but  a  ruse  to  call  attention 
•while  his  own  capture  was  effected  !  John  Forster,  Pioneer  Data,  MS. ,  24-5, 
speaks  of  the  dinner  at  San  Pedro,  which  he  says  was  at  his  house.  Botello, 
Anales,  MS.,  103-4,  also  speaks  of  the  festivities  at  Angeles,  as  does  Coronel, 
Cosas  de  Col.,  MS.,  43-4.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  18-20,  ridicules  M.'s 
despatches.  In  Los  Angeles  Hist.,  15,  it  is  stated  that  Jones  visited  Angeles 
in  Nov.  1842.  Mention  also  of  the  visit  in  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  142;  and  by 
Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  109-10,  who  got  his  information  from  Henry  Mellus. 
He  says  J.  and  his  officers  got  several  barrels  of  choice  California  wine  from 
•Luis  Vignes,  whose  place  they  visited.  Davis  and  Paty  had  already  sent  them 
some  wine  at  Monterey. 

16  Jan.  20th,  M.  to  Tornel.  Diario  del  Gob.,  Feb.  19,  1843,  with  6  docu- 
ments annexed.  Same  date,  M.  sends  a  similar  report  of  his  interview  to  the 
prefects.  .8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  293;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  315.  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  314-24,  quotes  the  letter  to  Prefect  Estrada,  and  gives 
some  information  on  the  authority  of  J.  A.  Carrillo,  which,  though  amusing, 
is  very  inaccurate. 

47  Jones'  Unpub.  Narrative,  which  gives  a  parting  note  sent  by  Jones  to 
the  generals  with  some  congressional  documents  that  had  been  referred  to  in 
their  interviews. 


DEVELOPMENTS  IN  MEXICO.  323 

Micheltorena's  despatches  of  November  19th  by 
the  Trinidad  were  sent  in  haste  from  Tepic  on  De- 
cember 7th,  and  were  published  at  Mexico  in  the 
Diario  del  Gobierno  of  the  14th,  of  (jourse  accompa- 
nied by  some  rather  bitter  comments.48  Five  days 
later  Josd  Maria  de  Bocanegra,  minister  of  relations, 
addressed  to  the  U.  S.  minister  in  Mexico,  Waddy 
Thompson,  a  long  letter  on  the  subject,  expressing  in 
strong  but  dignified  terms  the  surprise  and  grief  of 
his  government  at  having  suffered  from  an  officer  of 
the  United  States — a  nation  whose  protestations  of 
friendly  and  peaceful  feelings  had  been  accepted  in 
good  faith — "the  greatest  outrage  that  can  be  done  to 
an  independent  and  sovereign  nation."  He  closed  by 
demanding,  in  the  president's  name,  "for  the  conduct 
of  Commodore  Jones,  due  reparation  and  satisfaction, 
corresponding  to  the  magnitude  of  the  offence,  together 
with  an  indemnity  equivalent  to  the  damages  suffered 
by  the  government  or  people  of  California,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  aggression  aforesaid."49 

Thompson's  reply  was  returned  eight  days  later,  he 
having  in  the  mean  time  received  Jones'  explanation 
of  his  acts  and  motives.  He  declared  that  the  "acts 
of  the  American  commodore  were  wholly  unauthor- 
ized by  any  orders  from  his  government,  and  that  the 
fullest  disclaimer  to  that  effect  will  be  promptly  made, 
with  whatever  other  reparation  may  be  due  to  the 
honor  of  Mexico,  and  which  is  not  incompatible  with 
that  of  the  United  States."  He  blamed  Bocanegra 
for  his  insinuations  that  the  act  had  been  authorized; 
reminded  him  that  the  hostile  attitude  of  Mexico  in 
May — an  attitude  which,  as  he  clearly  implies,  was 
assumed  in  expectation  of  war  between  the  United 
States  and  England — gave  Jones  much  reason  to  be- 

48  Dec.  7th,  Castillo  Negrete  from  Tepic  to  Minister  Tornel,  forwarding 
Micheltorena's  despatches.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  17.     The  despatches 
in  Id.,  18-44,  already  disposed  of,  were  those  published  in  Diario  del  Oobierno, 
Dec.  14,  1842.     It  was  on  the  same  day,  Dec.  7th,  that  Parrott  sent  Jones' 
despatches  to  Mexico. 

49  Dec.   19th,  B.  to  T.  Jones,  Agresion  en  Californias,  p.  87-9;  Jones  at 
Monterey,  p.  9-12. 


324  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

lieve  that  war  had  been  declared;  and  finally  alluded 
most  sarcastically  to  Micheltorena's  conduct,  express- 
ing his  regret  that  the  general's  "coarse  and  abusive 
epithets"  applied  to  Americans,  and  the  "rudeness 
and  gasconade  of  his  note  of  October  26th — a  note 
which,  as  there  were  the  strongest  reasons  to  believe, 
had  never  been  sent,  no  doubt  from  inadvertence"- 
had  not  been  rebuked  by  the  Mexican  government.50 
In  forwarding  this  correspondence  to  Washington, 
Thompson  says:  "It  would  have  done  no  good,  you 
may  be  assured,  to  have  assumed  any  lower  tone,  for 
the  Mexican  government  are  disposed  to  make  the 
most  of  this  unfortunate  affair;  and  I  should  not  be 
surprised  if  they  were  to  attempt  to  have  it  consid- 
ered as  a  payment  of  all  our  claims."61 

With  the  exception  of  an  interchange  of  letters  on  the 
subject  of  the  Alert's  actions  at  San  Diego,  as  already 
noted,  there  was  no  further  official  correspondence  in 
Mexico.  The  papers  early  in  January  published  a 
short  article,  in  which  was  expressed  satisfaction  at 
the  reply  of  the  U.  S.  minister,  promising  in  the 
name  of  his  government  all  the  reparation  due  to 
Mexican  honor  for  the  unauthorized  act  of  Jones.  In 
February  Micheltorena's  despatches  of  January  were 
published  in  the  Diario.62  Soon  came  the  announce- 
ment that  Jones  had  been  relieved  of  his  command 
and  called  home  for  trial;  and  Bocanegra,  in  his 
memoria  of  1844,  declared  that  all  had  been  satisfac- 
torily settled,  and  Mexican  honor  vindicated,  by  the 
action  of  the  United  States,  in  accordance  with  the 
just  and  firm  demands  of  the  nation  as  expressed 
through  himself.53  Several  Mexican  or  Spanish  writers 

60Dcc.  27th,  Thompson  to  Bocanegra,  Jones  at  Monterey,  1S42,  p.  12-14. 
Jones,  Agrexionen  Californias,  p.  89-91.  To  the  letters  are  attached  the  docu- 
ments from  Jones  and  Micheltorena. 

61  Dec.  28,  1842,  T.  to  Webster.  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  9. 

62  Diario  del  Gobierno,  Jan.  7,  1843,  Feb.  19,  1843;  Siglo,  xix.,  Jan.  10,  1843; 
Bustamante,  Diario,  MS.,  Ixvi.  35,  G9. 

53  Mexico,  Mem.  Kelacwnes,  1844,  p.  11-12.  The  annexes  Ixxxvii.-xcvii., 
containing  the  diplomatic  correspondence  on  the  subject,  bear  the  following 
title,  under  which  I  have  referred  to  them:  Agresion  en  California*  por  el 
Comodoro  de  los  Estados-Unidos  de  America,  Thomas  Ape  Jones.  It  is  to  be 


AT  WASHINGTON".  325 

have  mentioned  the  American  invasion  of  1842,  gen- 
erally representing  that  Jones  acted  under  instruc- 
tions from  Washington,  that  only  fear  of  Michel- 
torena's  forces  impelled  him  to  restore  Monterey,  and 
that  the  U.  S.  government  promised  reparation  only 
in  consequence  of  the  firm  stand  taken  by  Mexico. 
None  admits  for  a  moment  that  both  the  commodore 
and  his  government  acted  in  good  faith,  though  from 
all  the  evidence  that  seems  to  have  been  the  truth.54 

The  first  information  that  reached  the  United 
States  respecting  Jones'  movements  was  apparently 
contained  in  a  letter  from  some  person  on  the  Dale  at 
Panama1,  which  was  published  in  December  1842,  and 
contained  a  conjecture  that  California  was  to  be  saved 
from  English  clutches.55  Early  in  1843,  however,  the 
news  came  unofficially,  before  Lieutenant  Hartstene 
had  arrived  with  despatches  from  Monterey  and  Mex- 
ico; and  on  January  17th,  Webster  directed  Thomp- 
son to  lose  no  time  in  assuring  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment that  Jones'  action  had  been  altogether 
unauthorized,  notifying  General  Almonte,  the  Mexi- 

noterl  that  in  nearly  all  that  was  printed  on  the  subject  in  Spanish,  the  'Ap 
C.'  of  Jones'  name  is  rendered  'Ape ' ! 

54  Gen.  Tornel,  Mexico,  Mem.  Ouerra,  1844,  p.  49,  in  recording  this  inau- 
dito  alentado,  says:  'Los  invasores  no  hubieran  quedado  impuiies  si  hubieran 
persistido  en  una  agresion  tan  injustincable. '     Carlos  Maria  Bustamante, 
Diario,  MS.,  Ixv.  p.  240-1,  speaks  of  Jones'  'pretesto  frivolo  y  miserable,' 
and  goes  on  to  say,  'Finally,  Michel torena  ordered  him  to  surrender,  and 
after  much  gasconade  (!)  the  commodore  retired,  saluting  the  fort  of  Monte- 
rey, which  he  would  have  kept  permanently  if  he  had  not  encountered  unex- 
pected opposition.     Thanks  to  Sta  Anna,  who  so  opportunely  sent  the  said 
chief  with  a  battalion,'  etc.     Francisco  de  Paula  de  Arrangoiz,  Mejico,  1S08- 
1867,  ii.  252-4,  criticises  with  much  severity  and  ridicule  this  as  one  of  the  U. 
S.'  'most  scandalous  and  aggressive  acts  toward  the  Mexican  republic.'     He 
cites  the  fact  (erroneous,  I  suppose)  that  Jones'  proclamation  was  in  print,  as 
a  strong  point  against  the  good  faith  of  his  excuses.     '  Pero  no  obro  el  como- 
doro  Americano  motu  proprio;  todo  lo  que  61  dijo  se  le  dict6  por  el  gobierno, 
que  tenia  seguramente  el  plan  de  que  darse  con  las  Calif  or  nias.'    '  El  gobierno 
de  los  E.  U.  desaprobd  el  proceder  de  su  comodoro;  pero  no  le  castigd  ni  le 
retird  el  mando,  a  pesar  de  haberlo  pedido  el  de  Mexico,  que  hubo  de  con- 
tentarse  con  que  se  le  dije'ra  que  "no  habia  querido  injuriarle  ni  hacer  nada, 
ilicito  contra  sus  ciudadanos."    Que  burla!'    See  also  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa, 
iii.  548;  Ceballos,  Vindication  Mejicana,  81-2,  148-50. 

55  Sept.  23,  1842,  to  Wm  C.  Bryant,  editor  of  N.  Y.  Post,  in  Niles'  Reg., 
Ixiii.  243. 


326  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

can  minister  at  Washington,  to  the  same  effect.66 
Almonte  in  his  reply  demanded  the  exemplary  punish- 
ment of  Jones,  whose  delinquency  was  "so  serious,  so 
obvious,  and  so  notorious,  that  it  would  be  superfluous 
to  particularize  its  enormities."  On  the  same  day  that 
this  note  was  written,  the  secretary  of  the  navy  wrote 
an  order  recalling  Jones  and  naming  Commodore  Dal- 
las as  his  successor;67  and  Webster  on  January  30th 
informed  Almonte  that  proper  action  had  been  taken, 
not  specifying  what  action,  and  assured  him  that  am- 
ple reparation  would  be  made  for  all  real  injuries  done; 
though,  while  expressing  deep  regret  for  what  had 
occurred,  he  maintained  that  Jones  "intended  no  in- 
dignity to  Mexico,  nor  anything  unlawful  toward  her 
citizens,"  and  tha^  "in  the  clearly  manifest  absence  of 
all  illegal  and  improper  intent,  some  allowance  may 
properly  be  made  for  acts  of  indiscretion  in  a  quarter 
so  very  remote."  Almonte,  however,  was  not  disposed 
to  make  any  such  allowance;  and  he  would  not  admit 
that  Jones  had  any  other  motive  for  restoring  Mon- 
terey than  fear  of  an  attack  by  Micheltorena,  and 
disappointment  at  finding  the  Californians  neither 
discontented  nor  defenceless.  Moreover,  he  insisted 
in  very  plain  terms  on  knowing  whether  Webster's 
statement  that  "the  president  had  given  directions 
for  the  adoption  of  such  a  course  as  in  his  opinion  was 
due  to  the  circumstances  of  the  case,"  etc.,  might  be 
interpreted  to  mean  that  Jones  had  been  recalled  for 

56  Jan.  17,  1843,  W.  to  T.;  Jan.  21st,  Id.  to  Almonte;  Jan.  24th,  A.  to 
W.;  Jan.  30th,  W.'s  reply,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  3-6. 

57  Jan.  24th,  Upshur  to  Jones,  in  Jones  at  Monterey,  1842,  p.  66;  Jones,  Agre- 
sion  en  Col.,  96-7.     Official  news  had  not  yet  arrived,  but  must  have  come 
through  Hartstene  in  a  few  days.     Upshur  writes:  'In  adopting  this  course, 
it  is  not  designed  to  prejudge  the  case,  nor  even  to  indicate  any  opinion  as  to 
the  propriety  or  impropriety  of  your  conduct  in  the  matter  alluded  to.     This 
will  of  course  be  made  the  subject  of  proper  inquiry  after  your  return  to  the 
U.  S.     The  present  order  has  reference  only  to  the  just  claims  of  Mexico  on 
this  govt,  for  such  a  disavowal  of  the  attack  on  Monterey  as  will  fully  recog- 
nize the  rights  of  Mexico,  and  at  the  same  time  place  the  conduct  of  the  govt 
in  a  proper  light  before  the  nations  of  the  world.     Com.  Dallas  will  relieve 
you  as  soon  as  he  can  conveniently  reach  the  station;  and  you  will  return  to 
the  U.  S.  in  such  mode  as  may  be  most  convenient  and  agreeable  to  yourself.' 


THE  AFFAIR  IN  CONGRESS.  327 

trial  and  punishment,  as  the  Mexican  government  had 
a  right  to  demand.68 

Webster  did  not  furnish  the  interpretation  desired 
by  the  Mexican  minister  directly;  but  on  February 
1st  the  matter  had  come  up  in  congress.  John 
Quincy  Adams  introduced  resolutions  calling  upon 
the  president  to  state  by  what  authority  Commodore 
Jones  had  invaded  Mexican  territory;  to  furnish  all 
instructions  given  to  Jones,  and  all  communications 
received  from  him  relative  to  the  Monterey  affair;  and 
finally  to  state  whether  an  order  had  been  sent  for  his 
recall.59  The  resolutions  were  adopted,  and  the  re- 
quired information,  that  Jones  had  acted  without 
authority  and  had  been  recalled,  was  furnished  Feb- 
ruary 22d,  the  president's  message  and  accompanying 
documents  constituting  a  source  of  information  which 
I  have  often  quoted.60  The  message  was  forwarded 
to  Almonte  the  3d  of  March,  as  an  answer  to  his  de- 
mands, and  seems  to  have  been  satisfactory.61  The 
general  tone  of  such  newspaper  articles  of  the  time  as 
I  have  seen  seems  to  have  been  determined  by  politi- 
cal prejudices  rather  than  by  the  merits  of  the  case;62 
and  neither  in  American  newspapers  nor  books  has 
there  been  shown  a  disposition  to  do  justice  to  the 
honorable  motives  which  animated  Commodore  Jones 
in  his  action  under  circumstances  of  difficulty.  The 
reason  is  to  be  found  in  the  connection  of  the  subject 
with  the  complications  of  Texan  affairs  and  sectional 
politics  in  the  United  States. 

As  may  readily  be  imagined,  no  very  terrible  pun- 
ishment was  ever  inflicted  on  the  commodore  for  his 

58  Feb.  7,  1842,  Almonte  to  Webster.  Jones  at  Monterey,  6-8.     There  was 
no  reply  to  this  argument. 

59  U.  8.  Govt  Doc.,  27th  cong.  3d  sess.,  House  Jour.,  p.  294-8,  433;  Con- 
gressional Globe  (same  congress),  p.  232-5,  330. 

60  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  27th  cong.  3d  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.,  no.  166,  or  as  already 
explained,  Jones  at  Monterey,  184%. 

61  March  3d,  Webster  to  Almonte.  Jones,  Agresion  en  California^,  p.  95-6. 
02 In  Nifes'  Keg.,  Ixiii.  322,  337,  369-70  (Jan.-Feb.)  1843;  and  Diario  del 

Gobierno,  March  31,  1843,  are  extracts  and  articles  from  the  National  Intelli- 
gencer; N.  O.  Bee;  N.  Y.  Courier;  N.  Y.  Express;  Madisonian;  Pennsylvania 
Enquirer,  etc. 


328  COMMODORE  JONES  AT  MONTEREY. 

'inaudito  atentado.'  In  August  1843  Dallas  was  at 
Callao,  but  had  not  yet  met  Jones,  who  had  sailed  for 
the  Islands.63  It  is  not  clear  that  he  ever  met  him, 
since  Dallas  died  at  Callao  in  June  1844.  Jones  had 
been  ordered  to  return  home  "in  such  mode  as  may 
be  most  convenient  and  agreeable"  to  himself,  and  he 
found  it  most  agreeable  to  keep  out  of  his  successor's 
way.  After  a  cruise  in  the  Pacific  he  returned  to 
Valparaiso,  and  seems  to  have  gone  home  in  the 
United  States  before  the  end  of  1844.64  There  was 
never  any  trial;  and  on  March  1,  1845,  the  secretary 
of  the  navy  in  an  official  communication  exonerated 
Jones  from  all  blame,  and  promised  him  a  new  com- 
mand.65 In  later  years  he  again  commanded  the 
Pacific  squadron. 

63  Report  sec.  navy,  Dec.  1843.  U.  8.  Govt  Doc.,  28th  cong.  1st  sess., 
H.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  2,  p.  484. 

64 1  have  not  found  any  official  narrative  of  his  movements  after  he  sailed 
for  the  Islands.  Lancey,  Cruise  of  the  'Dale,'  33,  says  Dallas  'took  the  old 
store-ship  Erie,  and  started  in  search  of  Jones.  Now  that  wiry  little  commo- 
dore was  not  to  be  caught  with  any  such  chaff.  He  got  wind  of  the  move- 
ment, and  so  sailed  from  one  port  to  another,  always  keeping  a  little  ahead  of 
the  Erie,  leaving  port  ostensibly  for  one  place  and  steering  for  another.  He 
visited  the  Islands,  and  then  returned  to  Valparaiso,  when  he  told  the  consul 
he  had  brought  the  ship  to  the  Pacific,  and  he  would  be  damned  if  he 
wouldn't  take  her  home.  And  so,  snapping  his  fingers  at  Dallas,  he  sailed 
away  round  the  Horn  for  Old  Virginia. '  Similar  versions  are  given  by  Cul- 
vcrwell,  in  Davis"  Glimpses,  MS.,  96;  and  by  Maxwell,  Monterey  in  184^,  MS., 
12-13. 

65  March  1,  1845,  Mason  to  Jones,  in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  Jan.  3,  1846. 
I  have  not  before  me  the  volume  of  govt  reports  containing  the  original;  but 
I  suppose  it  is  in  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  30th  cong.  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  no.  8, 
p.  1304,  with  perhaps  a  reply  in  Id.,  30th  cong.  2d  sess.,  no.  1,  p.  67.  'The 
president  has  authorized  me  to  say  to  you,  that  in  those  circumstances  of 
your  conduct,  while  in  command  of  the  Pacific  squadron,  which  induced 
your  recall,  on  explanation  he  perceives  evidences  of  an  ardent  zeal  in  the 
service  of  your  country,  and  a  devotion  to  what  you  deemed  to  be  your  duty, 
regardless  of  personal  consequences,  which  entitle  you  to  anything  but  cen- 
sure from  your  government.  Ample  atonement  having  been  made  to  Mexico 
for  your  acts  complained  of,  there  has  been  no  disposition  to  visit  you  with 
punishment  of  any  description  for  conduct  actuated  by  such  elevated  princi- 
ples of  duty.  Of  this  you  were  apprised  immediately  after  your  return. 
The  department  has  been  and  still  is  anxious  to  give  you  employment;  in 
this  wish  the  president,  concurs,  and  it  will  give  him  the  greatest  pleasure  to 
see  you  speedily  placed  in  a  situation  corresponding  with  your  rank  and 
merits.'  It  is  to  be  noted  that  in  1843  Mr  Adams  had  attempted  in  congress 
unsuccessfully  to  pass  a  resolution  making  provision  for  the  '  signal  punish- 
ment '  of  any  officer  invading  the  territory  of  a  nation  at  peace  with  the  U, 
S.  House  Journal,  27th  cong.  3d  sess.,  p.  576. 


CONCLUSIONS.  329 

The  occupation  of  Monterey  by  the  United  States 
for  a  day  was  an  accident  that  resulted  in  nothing 
good  or  bad.  It  involved  no  taint  of  dishonor  or  of 
sharp  practice  for  either  the  American  commodore  or 
his  nation.  It  was  but  technically  an  outrage  on 
Mexico,  for  which  ample  reparation  was  made.  Its 
lessons  were  not  important.  It  showed  clearly  what 
had  not  been  wrapped  in  mystery  before,  that  the 
United  States  was  not  disposed  to  be  forestalled  by 
any  European  power  in 'California,  at  least  if  it  could 
be  prevented  by  legitimate  means.  It  confirmed 
what  it  had  never  occurred  to  anybody  to  doubt,  that 
California  was  an  easy  prey  for  any  nation  that  had 
only  Mexicans  to  contend  with.  It  gave  Michel- 
torena  a  splendid  chance  to  write  himself  an  ass;  and 
as  to  the  Californians,  while  it  was  too  brief  to  afford 
any  reliable  index  to  their  sentiments,  so  far  as  it 
went  it  indicated  a  feeling  of  indifference  at  least. 
The  leading  Californians  were  more  surprised  at  the 
restoration  than  at  the  capture,  though  perhaps  it 
can  hardly  be  said  that  they  regretted  it  more. 
Most  foreigners  would  have  been  pleased  to  see  the 
occupation  permanent.  Mofras,  writing  from  a  French 
standpoint,  declares  that  Jones  should  have  kept 
Monterey  and  seized  San  Francisco.  There  was, 
however,  among  all  classes  in  California,  in  Mexico, 
and  in  the  United  States  a  vague  feeling  that  the 
whole  transaction  had  a  hidden  mysterious  meaning 
in  politics  entirely  distinct  from  that  which  the  com- 
modore gave  it.  People  were  slow  to  accept  a  ver- 
sion which  was  at  the  same  time  plausible,  natural, 
and  true. 

One  of  Jones'  officers  made  a  sketch  of  Monterey 
Bay  with  the  men-of-war  at  anchor,  which  was  litho- 
graphed and  sent  back  for  Larkin,  and  now  hangs  in 
my  Library. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS. 

1842. 

MISSION  MANAGEMENT — DECREE  OF  RESTORATION— DURAN  AND  ALVARADO 
— LOCAL  ITEMS — BISHOP  GARCIA  DIEGO  AT  SANTA  BARBARA — GRAND 
EPISCOPAL  PLANS — THE  Piotrs  FUND  IN  MEXICO — SANTA  ANNA  TAKES  IT 

FROM    THE   BlSHOP — INCORPORATED    IN  THE   NATIONAL  TREASURY — THE 

RESULT — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — No  HOSTILITIES  AND  FEW  RUMORS — COM- 
MERCIAL AND  MARITIME  AFFAIRS— LIST  OF  VESSELS — FINANCIAL  ITEMS — 
FOREIGNERS — LIST  OF  PIONEERS  AND  VISITORS  FOR  THE  YEAR — PART  OF 
THE  BARTLESON  COMPANY  RETURN  OVERLAND— MINOR  ITEMS — NEW 
MEXICAN  IMMIGRATION — BIBLIOGRAPHY  OF  1842 — ROBINSON'S  LIFE  IN 
CALIFORNIA — VISIT  OF  THE  '  KING'S  ORPHAN  ' — BIDWELL'S  JOURNEY — 
MARSH'S  LETTER  TO  JONES — PEIRCE'S  LETTERS. 

ON  general  management  of  the  ex-missions  in 
1842  there  is  nothing  to  be  added  to  my  remarks  for 
1841. l  True,  the  bishop  brought  a  decree  of  Novem- 
ber 17,  1840,  issued  in  conformity  with  that  of  No- 
vember 7,  1835,  which  required  the  missions  to  be 
restored  to  their  former  condition,  for  the  restoration 
to  the  friars  "without  delay  or  impediment,  of  the 
possessions  and  property  used  by  them  under  their 
administration  for  the  conversion  of  gentiles;"  but 
this  decree,  not  intended  to  restore  the  management 
of  temporalities,  but  only  the  'church  property,'  was 
not  at  once  enforced  in  California,  nor  was  there  in 
1842  any  attempt  to  enforce  it,  as  it  was  deemed  best 
to  wait  until  a  new  governor  had  assumed  control.3 

1  See  chap.  vii.  of  this  vol. 

2 1  have  not  found  the  original  of  this  decree  of  Nov.  17,  1840.  A  trans- 
lation is  given  in  Hartman's  Brief  in  Mission  Cases,  29-31.  See  also  Hayes' 

(330) 


LOCAL  ITEMS.  331 

There  is  to  be  noted  an  increasing  dissatisfaction  on 
the  part  of  the  southern  friar-curates  because  of  the 
governor's  grants  of  mission  ranches  to  private  indi- 
viduals. In  the  case  of  La  Puente  near  San  Gabriel, 
granted  to  Rowland  and  Workman,  Prefect  Duran 
went  so  far  as  to  send  a  complaint  and  protest  to  the 
supreme  government.3  This  case  was  selected  for  the 
purpose,  I  suppose,  because  the  grantees  were  the  ob- 
jects of  suspicion  in  Mexico;  but  nothing  was  effected, 
though  Duran  had  a  controversy  with  Alvarado, 
whose  anger  he  had  excited.  The  governor  used  vio- 
lent language,  but  apologized  on  receipt  of  certain 
explanations  from  the  friar,  so  that  the  old  friendship 
was  restored.4  Among  local  items  I  may  mention  the 
order  issued  in  September  for  the  distribution  of  lands 
and  other  property  at  San  Luis  Obispo  among  such 
of  the  neophytes  as  were  most  deserving;5  and  an 
alleged  attempt  of  the  comandante  at  Santa  Barbara 
to  prevent  the  delivery  of  three  hundred  head  of  cat- 
tle from  Santa  Inds,  which  had  been  ordered  by  Al- 
varado.6 A  Mexican  item  of  a  kind  not  unusual  in 

Legal  Hist.  S.  Diego,  no.  57,  45;  Id.,  Mission  Book,  i.  17;  Mqfras,  Explor., 
i.  304;  Land  Commission,  no.  609;  Alemany  V*  U.  S.,  p.  17. 

3  Feb.  21st,  D.  to  rain,  of  int.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  1131-2;  Arch.  Sta 
B.,  MS.,  vi.  81-3;  x.  232-4;  Sta  Bdrbara,  Arch.,  MS.,  39. 

*  Feb.  5,  1842,  Alvarado  to  Durau;  April  26th,  D.'s  reply,  apparently  only 
two  of  several  letters,  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  181-91;  Vallejo,  Hist. 
Col.,  MS.,  iv.  145-64;  Id.,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  259,  273.  The  padre  is  accused 
of  not  only  having  attacked  the  govt  and  incited  discontent  from  his  pulpit, 
but  of  sending  a  letter  to  P.  Est6nega  which  contained  insults  to  Alvarado, 
and  which  was  intentionally  given  a  wide  circulation.  He  is  also  accused  of 
having  said  that  the  gov.  had  orders  from  Mexico  to  restore  the  missions  (the 
decree  of  Nov.  17th  had  been  published,  it  seems,  but  not  sent  officially  to 
Cal. ),  which  were  not  obeyed.  D.  in  reply  denied  that  he  had  done  any  of  the 
things  charged,  or  anything  more  offensive  than  to  protest  against  the  grant- 
ing of  mission  ranches,  which  he  continues  to  do.  Says  he  thought  at  first  of 
reading  the  two  letters  from  his  pulpit,  and  then  leaving  the  country;  but  in 
case  of  his  departure  there  was  danger  of  a  popular  tumult  at  Sta  Bdrbara, 
such  as  had  been  threatened  once  before.  Both  letters  are  long,  and  both 
Alvarado  and  Vallejo  accord  them  more  space  and  comment  than  the  subject 
seems  to  merit. 

5 Sept.  10th,  Alvarado  to  admin,  of  S.  Luis  Obispo.  Bonilla,  Doc.,  MS., 
10-11;  Pico,  Papeles,  MS.,  59;  S.  Luis  Ob.,  Arch.,  MS.,  4.  Bonilla  was  the 
administrator,  and  the  form  of  grant  is  given  in  the  case  of  the  neophyte 
Odon,  who  got  75  varas  of  land,  the  house  occupied  by  him,  a  copper  pot,  and 
two  troughs.  The  fruit  of  certain  trees  on  his  land,  however,  was  still  to 
belong  to  the  community. 

6 Nov.  24,  1842,  A.  to  Valentin  Cota.  Cota,  Doc.,  MS.,  15-16;  Guerra, 
Doc.,  MS.,  v.  305-6. 


332  MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

the  annals  of  earlier  times,  but  of  rare  occurrence  in 
these  years,  was  the  promotion  of  a  friar  formerly  of 
California,  Padre  Jose"  Bernardino  de  Jesus  Perez,  to 
be  guardian  of  his  college  in  Zacatecas.7 

Two  current  topics  of  some  importance,  closely  con- 
nected with  mission  affairs  and  with  each  other,  were 
the  coming  of  the  bishop  and  the  fate. of  the  pious 
fund.  I  have  already  recorded  the  appointment  of 
Bishop  Garcia  Diego  and  his  arrival  at  San  Diego  at 
the  end  of  1841.  He  had  intended  to  establish  his 
permanent  residence  at  San  Diego,  but,  owing  mainly 
to  the  poverty  of  the  mission  establishment  there, 
which  he  was  authorized  to  appropriate  to  his  epis- 
copal uses,  he  soon  changed  his  plans.  On  January 
llth  he  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara,  where  the  mission 
was  in  a  better  state  of  preservation  than  elsewhere, 
where  the  people  were  somewhat  famous  for  their  re- 
ligious tendencies,  and  where  he  naturally  determined 
to  locate  his  episcopal  see.  He  came  up  from  San 
Diego  on  the  Guipuzcoana,  in  company  with  the 
bridal  party  of  the  proprietor,  Jose*  Antonio  Aguirre. 
Alfred  Robinson,  who  was  an  eye-witness,  writes: 
"All  was  bustle;  men,  women,  and  children  hastening 
to  the  beach,  banners  flying,  drums  beating,  and  sol- 
diers marching.  The  whole  population  of  the  place 
turned  out  to  pay  homage  to  this  first  bishop  of  Cali- 
fornia. At  eleven  o'clock  the  vessel  anchored.  He 
came  on  shore  and  was  welcomed  by  the  kneeling 
multitude.  All  received  his  benediction;  all  kissed 
the  pontifical  ring.  The  troops  and  civic  authorities 
then  escorted  him  to  the  house  of  Don  Jose"  Antonio, 
where  he  dined.  A  carriage  had  been  prepared  for 
his  Excellency,  with  several  others  occupied  by  the 
president  and  his  friends.  The  females  had  formed 
with  ornamented  canes  beautiful  arches,  through  which 

7 Perez  elected  Oct.  21st.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  64.  Bustamante,  Hist. 
Sta  Anna,  40-1,  speaks  of  the  reduced  state  of  the  other  colleges;  but  says 
there  were  still  plenty  of  American  friars  in  that  of  Guadalupe  de  Zacatecas. 


COMING  OF  THE  BISHOP.  333 

the  procession  moved;  and  as  it  marched  along,  the 
heavy  artillery  of  the  presidio  continued  to  thunder 
forth  its  noisy  welcome.  At  four  o'clock  the  bishop 
was  escorted  to  the  mission,  the  enthusiastic  inhabi- 
tants taking  the  horses  from  his  carriage  and  dragging 
it  themselves.  Halting  at  a  small  bower  on  the  road, 
he  alighted,  went  into  it,  and  put  on  his  pontifical 
robes;  then  resuming  his  place  in  the  carriage,  he 
continued  on,  amidst  the  sound  of  music  and  the  firing 
of  guns,  till  he  arrived  at  the  church,  where  he  ad- 
dressed the  multitude  that  followed  him."8  This  is 
the  only  record  extant  of  his  reception,  and  the  for- 
malities attending  his  assumption  of  the  office;  but 
Sir  George  Simpson  visited  him  a  few  days  later,  and 
describes  his  gorgeous  costume  and  magnificent  sur- 
roundings, in  marked  contrast  with  the  simplicity  of 
the  old  padres.9 

Bishop  Francisco  came  provided  with  grand  plans 
for  his  diocese,  and  with  abundant  means,  on  paper, 
for  carrying  them  out.  He  had  from  the  national 
treasury  a  salary  of  $6,000;  and  he  had  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  fondo  piadoso,  the  large  revenues  of 
which  he  could  use  elastically  in  accordance  with  the 

8  Robinson's  Life  in  Cal.,  195-8. 

9  'Articles  of  furniture  that  would  not  have  disgraced  a  nobleman's  man- 
sion occupied  the  floor.     The  carpet  was  the  work  of  the  Indians  of  Mexico; 
the  table  was  covered  with  crimson  velvet,  on  which  lay  a  pillow  of  the 
same  material  adorned  with  gold;  and  the  sofa  and  chairs  had  seats  of  the 
same  costly  and  showy  description.     But  the  gem  of  the  whole  was  a  throne 
with  three  steps  in  front  of  it.     It  was  hung  with  crimson  velvet,  which  was 
profusely  trimmed  with  tissue  of  gold;  and  its  back  displayed  an  expensively 
framed  miniature  of  the  reigning  pope,  painted  by  a  princess,  and  sent  by 
Gregory  to  the  bishop,  along  with  his  diamond  ring,  as  a  gift. '  Simpson's 
Narr.,  i.  388-90.     April  16th,  John  C.  Jones  writes  to  Larkin:  'We  have 
nothing  new  here  whatever;  religion  appears  to  be  the  order  of  the  day;  too 
much  of  it  has  made  the  people  mad.     The  bishop  rules  triumphant,  and  the 
wretched  priest-ridden  dupes  would  lick  the  very  dirt  from  off  his  shoes 
were  he  but  to  will  it.     For  myself  I  am  disgusted  with  his  proceedings;  if 
what  is  taught  here  is  religion,  the  less  we  have  of  it  the  better;  indeed,  it  is 
blasphemy.     By  the  way,  it  is  quite  certain  that  his  holiness  will  make  this 
his  place  of  residence,  and  here  erect  his  college — the  tenths  will  be  paid  by 
this  good  people  with  but  few  exceptions  in  preference — they  unhesitatingly 
say — to  all  other  demands.     I  am  not  certain  that  that  will  satisfy  the  rapa- 
cious appetites  of  these  blood-sucking  emissaries  of  the  pope;  they  are  all 
of  the  horse-leech  family,  whose  cry  is  continually,  "Give!  give!"'  Larkiri's 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  252. 


334          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

wishes  of  the  founders,  to  say  nothing  of  tithes  and 
other  contributions  from  his  subjects.  Before  leaving 
Mexico  he  had  received  from  a  generous  government 
all  the  concessions  he  desired.10  He  was  an  enthusi- 
astic, pompous,  kind-hearted,  rather  weak-headed  old 
man,  somewhat  overweighted  with  the  dignities  of 
his  new  office;  and  he  was  delighted  with  his  recep- 
tion at  Santa  Bdrbara,  which  pious  town,  in  compli- 
ance with  a  formal  petition  from  the  citizens,  he  re- 
solved to  honor  by  making  it  the  site  of  his  episcopal 
palace,  cathedral,  and  seminary.  We  have  not  many 
details  of  his  progress  in  1842.  Naturally  it  required 
a  little  time  before  funds  should  begin  to  come  in  reg- 
ularly from  Mexico,  and  the  machinery  of  tithe-gath- 
ering could  be  set  properly  in  motion;  moreover,  it 
was  deemed  well  to  wait  until  the  actual  administra- 
tion should  be  succeeded  by  one  more  in  sympathy 
with  the  bishop's  plans  than  that  of  Alvarado  was 
supposed,  with  much  reason,  to  be;11  but  the  Barba- 
refios  were  liberal;  the  bishop  readily  obtained  a  con- 
cession of  the  mission  buildings  for  present  episcopal 

10  Nov.  7,  1840,  bishop's  petition,  and  decree  of  Nov.  17th,  granting  all  that 
was  asked.  Hartman's  Brief  in  Mission  Cases,  appen.,  24-30;  Hayes'  Legal 
JJisL  of  S.  Diego,  MS.,  no.  57.     He  asked — 1.  The  delivery  of  mission  houses 
and  orchards  to  the  padres,  and  permission  to  use  that  of  S.  Diego  or  S.  Luis 
Key  for  an  episcopal  house,  etc.,  until  suitable  edifices  could  be  built.     2. 
Indian  laborers  at  an  equitable  salary;  and  land  on  which  to  build  cathedral, 
house,  and  seminary.     3.  A  notification  to  prevent  the  missionaries  from 
leaving  their  posts  until  clergymen  could  be  obtained  to  fill  their  places.     4. 
Permission  to  take  with  him  to  Cal.  such  priests  as  might  be  willing  to  go. 
5.  Authority  to  establish  a  board  of  missionaries  with  a  view  to  the  forma- 
tion of  new  missions;  also  the  Island  of  Los  Angeles  or  some  other  suitable 
tract  for  the  missionary  college.     6.  Authority  to  found  a  college  for  females, 
and  a  corresponding  tract  of  land.     7.  Tithes  to  be  paid  to  the  church,  and 
not  as  before  to  the  govt  of  Sonora.     8.  The  prompt  settlement  of  certain 
claims  which  formed  an  intolerable  burden  on  the  pious  fund.     He  desired 
permission  to  locate  his  edifices,  '  or  rather  to  form  a  settlement  on  a  rancho 
situate  in  front  of  S.  Diego; '  and  he  recommended  the  stationing  there  of  a 
military  force,  and  the  opening  of  communication  by  land  with  Sonora! 

11  In  Ouerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  193, 1  have  a  petition,  not  dated,  signed  by  123 
residents,  including  18  foreigners.     In  it  the  bishop  is  urged  to  fix  his  resi- 
dence at  Sta  Bdrbara.   Simpson,  Narr.,  i.  388,  says:  '  In  fact,  all  but  the  bet- 
ter classes  were  unfriendly  to  the  bishop;  the  provincial  authorities  regarded 
him  with  an  eye  of  jealousy  as  a  creature  and  partisan  of  the  central  govern- 
ment; and  the  mass  of  the  people  dreaded  any  symptom  of  the  revival  of  a 
system  which  had,  in  their  opinion,  sacrificed  the  temporal  interests  of  the 
colonists  to  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  aborigines.' 


THE  PIOUS  FUND.  335 

uses,  together  with  a  site  for  his  proposed  cathedral;12 
and  possibly  a  beginning  was  made  before  the  end  of 
the  year.  Robinson  states  that  "large  piles  of  stones 
were  heaped  up  in  several  places  for  laying  the  foun- 
dations of  the  above-named  edifices, . .  .  and  there  they 
will  undoubtedly  remain  for  some  years,  as  monuments 
of  the  frailty  of  human  speculations."  It  is  said  that 
Bishop  Francisco  carried  some  of  these  stones  with 
his  own  hands,  and  that  many  of  the  fair  and  pious 
Barbarenas  aided  him  in  his  task.  It  must  be  evident 
to  the  reader  that  the  bishop's  success  was  destined  to 
depend  entirely  upon  the  receipt  of  funds  from  Mex- 
ico; and  that,  depending  on  Californian  resources 
alone,  utter  failure  was  a  foregone  conclusion. 

This  matter  of  episcopal  finances  brings  me  to  the 
cognate  one  of  the  pious  fund  and  its  administration ; 
though  this  is  a  subject  respecting  which  I  present  in 
these  chapters  only  a  general  statement.  The  law  of 
1836  providing  for  a  bishopic  of  the  Californias  had 
also  given  to  the  bishop  the  administration  of  the 
fund,  the  revenues  of  which  were  to  be  devoted  to 
"its  objects  or  other  analogous  ones,  always  respecting 
the  wishes  of  the  founders."  Accordingly,  when  Garcia 
Diego  had  been  consecrated,  the  fund  was  turned 
over  to  him  by  the  junta  that  for  years  had  managed 
it;  but  the  bishop,  unable  of  course  to  attend  person- 
ally to  the  administration  from  his  distant  home  of 
the  future,  appointed  Pedro  Ramirez,  a  member  of 
congress  from  Zacatecas,  as  his  apoderado,  or  agent, 
in  Mexico,  naming  Miguel  Belaunzaran  to  look  after 
the  country  estates.  Ramirez  assumed  the  adminis- 
tration in  November  1840,  and  held  it  until  Febru- 
ary 1842.  He  found  the  fund  burdened  with  a  debt 
of  $28,000,  paying  two  per  cent  per  month,  which 

12  March  24,  1842,  the  bishop  declares  the  altar  of  the  hospicio  at  Sta 
Barbara  privileged  for  10  years.  Arch.  Misiones,  MS.,  i.  77.  April  25th, 
bishop  to  Alvarado,  asking  for  buildings.  June  21st,  granted.  Dept,  Rec., 
MS.,  xii.  55,  58.  July,  land  granted  for  a  cathedral.  Sta  B.Arch.,  MS.,  39. 
See  also  Gleeson's  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  ii.  169-73;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  275. 


336  MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

lie  succeeded  in  cancelling;  he  paid  over  $30,000  due 
on  old  drafts,  of  which  $22,000  had  been  drawn  by 
the  friars  of  Alta  California;  and  he  also  furnished 
the  bishop  a  small  amount  with  which  to  pay  his 
travelling  expenses,  since  the  $3,000  assigned  from 
the  treasury  could  not  be  collected.  There  was  a 
claim  for  some  $400,000  pending  against  the  estates 
from  an  ancient  lawsuit  not  brought  to  a  final  conclu- 
sion in  his  time;  but  at  the  beginning  of  1842  Rami- 
rez considered  the  fund  in  a  condition  to  produce  a 
yearly  revenue  of  over  $34,000. 

In  February  1842  the  ministro  de  hacienda  asked 
Ramirez  for  $40,000  to  relieve  the  national  neces- 
sities, with  which  demand  the  apoderado  refused  to 
comply,  alleging  that  there  was  no  such  amount 
available,  and  that  he  had  no  right  thus  to  dispose 
of  the  fund.  On  February  8th  a  decree  was  issued 
repealing  article  6  of  the  decree  of  1836,  and  restor- 
ing the  administration  of  the  pious  fund  to  the 
supreme  government,  on  the  plea  that  all  the  ob- 
jects of  that  fund  were  "of  general  interest  and 
truly  national,"  though  the  revenue  of  course  must 
as  before  be  devoted  to  its  original  object — the  con- 
version and  civilization  of  barbarians.  On  February 
21st  General  Gabriel  Valencia  was  made  administra- 
tor, with  the  same  powers  that  had  been  conferred 
upon  the  junta  in  1832;  and  to  him,  under  protest, 
Ramirez  delivered  the  estates.  Of  Valencia's  brief 
administration  we  have  few  details;  but  he  doubtless 
served  the  purpose  for  which  he  was  appointed;  and 
Santa  Anna  is  supposed,  as  a  salve  to  his  conscience, 
to  have  spent  a  little  of  the  money  thus  acquired  in 
fitting  out  Micheltorena's  valiant  band  of  convicts, 
arguing  that  "in  order  that  California  may  be  cath- 
olic she  must  first  exist" — a  paralogismo  miserable  for 
an  atentado  escandalosisimo,  as  it  was  pronounced  by 
a  prominent  Mexican  author. 

Soon,  however,  another  step  was  taken  in  the  same 
direction  of  spoliation;  for  on  October  24th  Santa 


FATE  OF  THE  FUND.  337 

Anna,  anxious  that  the  "beneficent  and  national  ob- 
jects proposed  by  the  founder"  should  be  accom- 
plished, con  toda  exactitud,  with  a  view  "to  save  the 
expenses  of  administration  and  others  that  might 
arise,"  decreed  that  all  the  property  of  the  fund 
should  be  incorporated  into  the  national  treasury; 
that  all  the  estates  should  be  sold  for  a  capital  sum 
represented  by  their  products  at  six  per  cent;  that 
the  said  rate  should  be  paid  regularly  for  the  original 
objects  of  the  fund;  and  that  the  tobacco  revenue 
should  be  pledged  for  this  payment.  This  decree  also 
called  out  protests  from  the  bishop's  agent,  to  which 
no  attention  was  paid;  and  before  the  end  of  the 
year  the  estates  were  sold — chiefly  to  the  company 
that  down  to  1841  had  farmed  the  tobacco  monopoly. 
The  exact  price  is  not  given;  but  according  to  the 
claims  of  the  bishop's  agents — Ramirez  being  suc- 
ceeded by  Juan  Rodriguez  de  San  Miguel — for  the 
promised  revenues  during  the  next  few  years,  it  must 
have  been  about  $600,000.  Besides  this  sum,  it  was 
claimed  that  in  1842  the  treasury  was  indebted  to 
the  fund  to  the  amount  of  $1,075,182.25.  Had  this 
last  measure  been  adopted  in  good  faith  by  a  respon- 
sible government,  it  would  have  been  one  of  the  wisest 
steps  ever  taken  in  connection  with  the  subject;  but 
down  to  1845,  and  perhaps  to  the  American  conquest, 
the  total  amount  of  the  pledged  revenues  actually 
paid  was  $1,183!  The  bishop's  claim  to  the  admin- 
istration of  the  fund  was  not  very  firmly  rooted  in 
law  or  justice;  but  if  he  could  have  handled  the  rev- 
enues he  would  at  least  have  spent  a  part  of  them  in 
California,  and  the  Indians  would  have  received  the- 
oretically a  small  share  of  the  benefits.  In  much 
later  times  an  international  commission  has  in  its 
wisdom  decided  not  only  that  Mexico  must  disgorge 
the  plunder,  but  that  the  proceeds  shall  revert  to  the 
catholic  church  of  California.  Perhaps  a  very  large 
part  of  the  amount,  when  secured,  will  be  devoted  to 


HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    22 


338          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

the  welfare  of  the   Indians  in  accordance  with  the 
'will  of  the  founders.'13 

The  Indians,  if  we  may  credit  Vallejo's  report  to 
the  Mexican  government,  were  in  1842  hostile  and 
ready  to  overrun  the  department  unless  the  military 
force  should  be  increased ;  or  if  we  choose  Alvarado's 
statement  on  the  situation,  they  were  all  at  peace  and 
easily  controlled  by  the  existing  force!  I  find  in  the 
records  no  definite  evidence  of  serious  hostilities.  At 
San  Diego  in  June  the  people  were  impelled  by  a 
rumored  revolt  of  the  Jacurnenos  to  take  the  usual 
steps  for  defence,  that  is,  to  write  about  the  advisa- 
bility of  borrowing  arms  from  Captain  Fitch.14  At 
Angeles  about  the  same  time  there  were  fears  of 
an  attack  from  the  distant  Payuches  and  Amajavas; 
and  Antonio  Maria  Lugo  was  authorized  at  his  own 
request  to  make  a  raid,  with  results  that  do  not  ap- 
pear.15 Farther  north  there  was  as  usual  an  occa- 
sional sortie  of  citizen  soldiers  of  the  San  Josd  region 
after  horse-thieves;  and  in  June  a  plot  was  thought 
to  be  discovered  on  the  part  of  the  San  Jose  mission 
Indians  and  others  to  capture  some  of  the  leading 
citizens.  The  ringleader,  Zenon,  was  sentenced  to 
four  months  in  the  chain-gang.16 

13  All  the  documents  referred  to  and  many  more,  with  full  comments  on 
the  topic  of  the  pious  fund  in  1842-5,  will  be  found  in  .Sara  Miguel,  Docume.i- 
tos  relative*  al  Fondo  Piadoso.  Mexico,  1845,  8vo,  60  p.;  Id.,  Xegundo  Cua- 
dcrno  de  Interesantes,  Doc.  Mexico,  1845,  8vo,  32  p.;  Id.,  Rectification  de 
Graves  Equitiocacion.es.  Mexico,  1845,  8vo,  16  p. ;  Escandon  and  Kascon,  Ob- 
sercacionrs  qite  log  Actuates  Terceros  Poseedores . . .  hacen.  Mexico,  1845,  8vo, 
2  p.;  Bustamante,  Hist.  Sta  Anna,  44-6,  2G7-70;  Siglo,  xix.  1842,  no. 
134,  138,  146,  165,  393,  etc.;  Doyle's  Brief  Hist.,  passim;  besides  very  many 
other  references  that  need  not  be  particularized  here.  According  to  Alra- 
rado,  Jlist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  64-5,  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  90-6,  one 
Jose"  Verdia,  who  had  died  at  Monterey  many  years  before,  had  left  his  prop- 
erty to  the  pious  fund;  but  the  effects  had  been  burned  by  the  authorities  to 
prevent  contagion.  Bishop  Garcia  Diego  brought  the  claim  with  him  and 
tried  to  collect  it,  but  met  with  no  very  marked  success. 

"5.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  287-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles.  MS.,  vi.   125, 

l*0d 

K  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  188-9,  224,  231-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles, 
MS.,  vi.  122. 

16 S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  24-5;  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  18-19;  StaCruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  78;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  225.  Nov.  13,  1842,  Alvarado  says 


LIST  OP  VESSELS.  339 

I  present  a  list  of  thirty-eight  vessels  constituting 
the  California!!  fleet  in  1842.17  Five  of  the  number 

the  Indians  had  taken  advantage  of  the  Jones  affair  of  the  19th  to  retire  to 
the  woods  and  commit  robberies.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  66. 

-17  See  full  list  for  1841-5  at  end.  of  chap,  xxiii.,  this  vol.  Vessels  of  1842: 
Alert,  Alex.  Barclay  (?),  Barnstable,  Bertha,  and  Jenny,  Bolivar,  California, 
CaVfornia  (schr),  Catalina,  Chato,  Clarita,  Consiante,  Cowlitz,  Cyane,  Dale, 
Don  Quixote,  E*meralda,  Fama,  Fernanda,  Hongue('!),  Index.  Jos.  PeabodyCi), 
J6cen  f'anita,  Jdven  Guipuzcoana,  Juan  Jose,  JuHa  Ann,  Llama,  Maryland, 
New  Spring,  Palatina,  Primavera,  Relief,  Republicano,  Rosalind,  Tasso,  Trin- 
idad, Valleyfield  (?),  Yorktown,  United  States. 

The  total  of  duties  paid,  according  to  the  preceding  list,  was  $67,382;  but 
according  to  Hartnell,  in  Pico,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  i.  85,  and  a  report  in  Larkln  Off.  Cor- 
resp. ,  MS. ,  ii.  37,  1 10,  it  was  $73, 729.  '  Derecho  de  patentes  de  navegacion '  for 
national  merchant  vessels,  $13.  Mexico  Mem.  Hacienda,  1844,  no.  19.  Other 
minor  items  of  small  sums  on  various  accounts.  Id.,  no.  54,  64,  66,  71,  74. 
Balance  in  custom-house  safe  Dec.  1st,  $0.50.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Cust.-H.,  MS., 
v.  [270-85]. 

Feb.  1st,  Jose"  Castro  to  be  paid  his  full  salary,  and  not  subjected  to  the 
pro  rata  of  his  company — this  for  his  great  services.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  2; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  65-6.  General  remarks  on 
condition  of  the  treasury,  necessity  for  reforms,  and  the  new  expenses  caused 
by  Micheltorena's  coming.  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  299-301;  Id.,  Doc., 
MS.,  143;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  313-14;  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS., 
44-5;  Cerruti's  Ramblings,  MS.,  187;  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  37. 
Dec.  1st,  pay  of  civil  employes  suspended  to  provide  for  Micheltorena's  men. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  iv.  70. 

Miscellaneous  commercial  items  of  the  year:  Orders  that  no  vessel  be  al- 
lowed to  trade  or  to  remain  over  24  hours  at  any  port  without  papers  from 
Monterey.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  374;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  254;  Los  Ange- 
les, Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  241-2.  Nov.  25th,  order  from  Mexico  that  no  foreign 
sugar  must  be  admitted.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  2.  Barnxtable, 
fined  for  admitting  a  private  person  before  the  visit  of  the  officers.  Dept.  St. 
Pap. ,  Ben. ,  MS. ,  iii.  13.  Belden  to  Larkin  on  smuggling,  July  30th.  Larkin's 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  293.  A  deduction  in  duties  made  for  immediate  payment. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  11.  Duties  on  otter-skins  at  50  cts  each  paid  by  Isaac 
Sparks.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Angeles,  MS.,  vi.  115;  vii.  16;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS., 
288.  Whales  taken  in  S.  Diego  Bay.  Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  430.  Exports  of 
hides  not  over  60,000,  yet  there  are  16  vessels  now  on  the  coast  (Jan.)  scram- 
bling for  hides  and  tallow.  Simpson's  Narr. ,  i.  288-90.  Lumber  trade  at  Sta 
Cruz  described  in  Belden' s  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  31.  A  bad  year  for  business. 
Larkin's  Accounts,  MS.,  v.  fly -leaf. 

Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  acting  administrator  of  customs  in  April.  Dept.  St. 
Pap. ,  MS. ,  xx.  27-8 ;  Id. ,  S.  Jose,  v.  62.  Castanares  gives  bond  in  Mexico,  April. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  i.  10;  Castanares  arrives  at  S.  Diego  in  Sept.,  and  re- 
ceives the  office  from  Osio  Sept.  23d.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  i. 
32;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  285.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  422,  speaks  of  the 
transfer  of  office  to  C.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  293-5,  says  C.  came  with 
the  expectation  of  making  a  fortune,  but  found  the  berth  not  a  profitable 
one.  Feb.  3d,  in  Mexico.  The  treasurer  must  give  a  bond  of  $2,000.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  6-7.  January,  appointment  of  celadores.  Id.,  Ang., 
vi.  93.  Nov.  llth,  suspension  of  two  minor  officials  by  Alvarado.  Id.,  Ben., 
iL  37.  Corps  of  revenue  officers  in  December:  Manuel  Castanares,  adminis- 
trator from  March  8th,  salary,  $2,500;  Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  oficial  1°  from 
Jan.  1839,  $1,750;  Rafael  Gonzalez,  comandante  de  celadores,  from  March 
1837,  $1,800;  celadores,  Benito  Diaz,  Rafael  Estrada,  Joaquin  de  la  Torre, 
Antonio  Osio,  salary,  $700;  Francisco  Rico,  clerk,  $500;  Atillan,  coxswain, 
$300;  a  2d  coxswain,  !jj&10;  4  sailors,  each,  $180;  Pedro  Narvaez,  captain  of 
port,  $1,600.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  vi.  1-2. 


340          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

belonged  to  the  Pacific  squadron  of  the  U.  S.  navy, 
and  their  presence  on  the  coast  was  connected  with 
the  American  'invasion,'  to  which  a  chapter  has 
been  already  devoted.  Of  the  Mexican  vessels,  four, 
the  Guipuzcoana,  Clarita,  Trinidad,  and  California, 
were  detained  for  a  brief  period  by  the  hostile  men- 
of-war;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the  captain  of  the 
American  Tasso  was  temporarily  detained  by  patriotic 
Californians  at  San  Pedro;  and  the  captain  of  the  Alert 
took  part  in  the  war  by  spiking  the  guns  at  San 
Diego,  in  self-protection.  Three  Mexican  vessels,  in- 
cluding the  Chato  and  Republicano,  came  to  bring 
the  new  governor  with  his  convict  army  and  muni- 
tions to  make  them  effective  soldiers,  the  schooner 
California  also  aiding  in  this  service.  Of  the  remaining 
craft,  only  seven  are  shown  by  the  records  to  have 
brought  cargoes  this  year;  and  only  nine  paid  duties 
or  fines  into  the  treasury.  I  find  no  evidence  of  the 
slightest  effort  to  prevent  the  coasting  trade  by  for- 
eign vessels,  nor  of  any  other  changes  in  the  methods 
of  trade;  though  neither  trade  nor  visits  to  other 
ports  were  permitted  until  the  proper  papers  had 
been  obtained  at  Monterey.  I  have  joined  to  my  list 
a  few  minor  items  on  the  trade  of  the  year.  A  promi- 
nent merchant  recorded  it  on  his  books  as  a  year  of 
very  dull  business;  and  what  the  merchants  had  to 
do  to  gain  a  living  may  be  inferred  from  this  extract 
of  a  letter  from  Josiah  Belden  to  Thomas  O.  Larkin: 
"The  two  barrels  of  liquor  you  sent  I  believe  the 
alcalde  knows  nothing  about  as  yet,  and  I  shall  not  let 
him  know  that  I  have  it  if  I  can  help  it.  If  he  does, 
I  think  I  can  mix  it  up  so  as  to  make  it  pass  for  coun- 
try liquor"! 

Receipts  at  the  custom-house  this  year  amounted 
to  $74,000,  of  which  amount  two  ships  from  Boston, 
the  California  and  Barnstable,  paid  over  $50,000. 
This  was  a  falling-off  of  one  third  from  the  receipts  of 
1841;  while  of  course  the  coming  of  the  batallon  fijo 
caused  an  increase  of  expenditure.  Micheltorena 


FINANCIAL  MATTERS.  241 

came  provided  with  orders  on  the  Mazatlan  custom- 
house for  $8,000  per  month,  in  addition  to  Californian 
revenues;  but  it  does  not  clearly  appear  that  one  of 
his  drafts  \vas  ever  paid.  His  soldiers,  however,  in- 
troduced some  peculiar  methods  of  supplying  them- 
selves with  food  and  other  needed  articles,  which  per- 
haps went  far  to  make  up  the  deficits.  The  inhabi- 
tants did  not  approve  the  new  methods,  even  preferring 
those  practised  in  past  years  by  the  'Monterey  clique.' 
One  of  Alvarado's  last  official  acts  was  to  suspend  the 
pay  of  all  civil  employe's.  Of  course,  and  as  usual,  we 
have  no  definite  accounts  to  show  how  the  public 
money  was  expended;  but  as  before,  there  was  no 
complaint  or  controversy.  Jose  Abrego  remained  in 
charge  of  the  comisaria;  but  Antonio  Maria  Osio  in 
September  surrendered  the  administration  of  customs 
to  Manuel  Castanares. 

The  year  brought  about  ninety  foreign  visitors,  in- 
cluding only  prominent  officers  of  the  U.  S.  naval 
force;  but  only  thirty-three  of  the  number  have  a 
place  in  the  appended  list  of  pioneers,13  and  among 
those  named,  there  are  eight  or  ten  respecting  the 
exact  date  of  whose  arrival  there  is  room  for  doubt. 
Lataillade  and  Teschemacher  may  be  regarded  as  the 
men  best  known  in  later  times;  and  of  all  the  list,  only 
three  or  four  survived  in  1884.  Nearly  all  came,  like 
those  of  former  years,  accidentally;  for  the  overland 
immigration  that  had  begun  the  year  before  was  in 
1842  temporarily  suspended.  There  had  not  passed 
sufficient  time  for  people  in  the  east  to  get  reports 
from  their  friends  of  the  Bartleson  and  Workman 
parties,  and  to  make  their  preparations.  Some  par- 

18  Pioneers  of  1842:  Alex.  Bell,  Wm  Benitz,  Geo.  Bingham,  Fred.  G.  Blume, 
Adolf  Bruheim,  Peter  Collins,  Theodore  Cordua,  Stephen  Culverwell,  Thos 
Cummins,  John  Evans,  Ed  A.  Farwell,  Joseph  Flundin,  Henry  L.  Ford  (?), 
Alex.  W.  Frere,  Omnes  Guy,  James  B.  Hatch,  Thos  Hickman  (?),  James  H. 
Jones,  Louis  Jordan,  Ralph  Kilburn  (?),  Cesario  Lataillade,  Franfois  Lepage, 
Rich.  T.  Maxwell,  Wm  Oliver,  Geo.  W.  Ross  (?),  Rowan  (?),  Salines,  Peter 
Schubert  (?),  Ed  L.  Stetson,  Fred.  H.  Teschemacher,  Jos.  P.  Thompson,  Ed 
Vischer,  and  John  Yates  (?). 


342          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

ties,  however,  crossed  to  Oregon  to  come  south  in 
1843,  as  we  shall  see;  but  so  far  as  California  was 
concerned,  the  overland  travel  was  the  other  way,  for 
a  part  of  the  Bartleson  company  returned  to  the 
United  States,  some  of  them  to  remain  there.  Nine 
or  ten  men,  under  the  command  and  guidance  of 
Chiles  and  Hopper,  started  from  Sutter's  early  in  the 
spring,  went  up  the  San  Joaquin  Valley,  through 
Walker  Pass,  and  thence  to  New  Mexico,  perhaps  by 
the  Wolfskill  trail  approximately,  reaching  Missouri 
in  September.19 

In  a  report  of  June  3d  to  the  supreme  government, 
Alvarado  stated  that  at  the  end  of  January  a  party  of 
two  hundred  persons,  including  forty  foreigners,  had 
arrived  at  Los  Angeles  from  New  Mexico.  Their 
object  had  been  not  only  to  trade  woollen  goods  for 
live-stock,  as  in  the  past,  but  to  examine  the  country 
as  a  field  for  colonization,  their  former  home  being  too 
much  exposed  to  Apache  raids.  Most  of  them  had 
gone  back,  many  with  the  intention  of  bringing  their 

19  In  Springer's  list,  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  i.  no.  7.  p.  39,  the  10 
men  who  returned  are  named  as  follows:  Bartleson,  Brolaski  (probably  an 
error),  Chiles,  Hopper,  McDowell,  Patton,  Rickman,  Springer,  and  the  two 
Waltons.  He  gives  the  route,  however,  as  by  Tejon  Pass,  Mary  River,  Fort 
Hall,  Green  River,  and  Sta  F6.  Hopper,  Narrative,  MS.,  12-16,  says  there 
were  9  in  the  party;  and  Chiles,  Visit  to  Gal.,  MS.,  11-12,  that  there  were  13. 
Marsh,  Letter  to  Com.  Jones,  MS.,  p.  14,  gives  the  number  as  14;  and  Beluen, 
Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  41,  affirms  that  about  half  of  Bartleson 's  company 
returned.  Some  of  them,  however,  left  Cal.  by  sea,  and  others  went  to 
Oregon  the  next  year. 

Miscellaneous  items  of  1842:  Jan.,  Prudon  says  4  foreigners  arrived  at 
Stokes'  house  from  N.  Mexico.  Affairs  going  from  bad  to  worse.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  12.  Six  Frenchmen  on  the  southern  frontier  without  passports. 
Dept.  liec..,  MS.,  xiii.  27;  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii.  101. 
Those  who  came  last  year — Workman  _party — show  no  disposition  to  settle, 
except  two.  Rvquena,  Doc.,  MS.,  3-4.  Fifty  hunters  under  Smith  reported  at 
the  Gila  junction.  Dept.  liec.,  MS.,  xiii.  17.  August,  Salvio  Pacheco  com- 
plains that  the  trappers,  and  also  Sutter's  men,  steal  his  cattle,  as  he  can 
prove.  S.  Josf,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  9.  Nov.,  a  party  of  7  Americans,  including 
one  family,  has  lately  gone  to  settle  in  the  northern  part  of  the  Sacramento 
Valley.  Marsh's  Letter,  MS.,  18.  As  early  as  1842,  Joseph  Smith  talked  of 
colonizing  Cal.  with  Mormons.  Young's  Wife  ATo.  19,  p.  58.  June,  condem- 
nation of  Taggett  to  death,  and  of  Richards  to  10  years  on  Chapala.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ang.,ftlS.,  xii.  G4-5,  102.  The  crew  of  tho  schr  California  contained 
r>  kanakas,  2  New  Zealanders,  and  2  Chilcnos.  Cooper,  Librode  Cumtas,  MS., 
198.  Daniel  Sexton  claims  to  have  raised  the  U.  S.  flag  at  his  camp  north  of 
Gorgonio  pass,  and  to  have  celebrated  July  4th  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians. 
Frazee's  S.  Bernardino  Co.,  24. 


KOBINSON'S  BOOK.  343 

families.20  A  few  of  the  foreigners  may  have  re- 
mained in  California,  but  nothing  is  known  of  them. 
The  New  Mexicans  were  under  the  command  of 
Francisco  E.  Vigil ;  they  went  back  in  several  parties 
before  the  end  of  April,  taking  away  about  5,000  head 
of  horses  and  mules;  and  with  one  of  the  parties  went 
John  Rowland  to  bring  his  family  and  effects  for  the 
new  rancho  which  he  and  Workman  had  secured.'21 
Toward  the  end  of  the  year  some  twenty  New  Mexi- 
can families  did  return  to  settle  permanently.22 

The  most  prominent  features  of  foreign  relations 
having  been  disposed  of  in  the  chapter  devoted  to 
Jones'  exploit  at  Monterey,  it  only  remains  for  me  to 
notice  several  narratives  from  foreign  pens  which  be- 
long to  this  year  rather  than  to  any  other.  The  first 
of  these — Simpson's  Narrative  and  Mofras'  Explora- 
tion, both  pertaining  to  1842  as  well  as  to  1841,  hav- 
ing received  attention  in  the  annals  of  the  latter  year 
—is  Robinson's  Life  in  California.  Though  not  pub- 
lished until  1846,  it  belongs  more  properly  to  1842, 
because  it  is  mainly  a  record  of  personal  experiences 
and  observations  which  terminated  in  that  year  with 
the  author's  departure.  Alfred  Robinson  came  from 
Boston  as  a  clerk  on  the  Brookline  in  1829.  He  be- 
came the  resident  agent  of  Bryant  &  Sturgis,  spent  a 
large  part  of  his  time  in  travelling  from  port  to  port, 
engaged  in  exchanging  the  cargoes  of  the  Boston  ships 
for  hides,  married  into  one  of  the  best  Californian 
families,  that  of  Captain  Jose  de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega, 
and,  with  the  exception  of  one  trip  to  the  east,  resided 
continuously  on  the  coast  for  twelve  years,  until  he 

20  June  3,  1842,  A.  to  min  of  rel.  Dept.  Kec.,  MS.,  xiii.  16-18. 

21  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  142-3,  157-8;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii    23; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vi.  105-7,  115;  vii.  54;  xii.  59. 

22 Nov.  9th,  arrival  of  19  families  announced.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS., 
vii.  23.  Dec.  10th,  Santiago  Martinez,  the  comandante,  sends  a  list  of  those 
•who  have  come  to  settle:  list  not  given.  Los  Anr/eles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  350. 
Rolfe,  in  Fraze.e's  S.  Bernardino  Co.,  p.  17,  speaks  of  the  coming  of  these  fam- 
ilies, who  settled  on  a  part  of  the  Jurupa  rancho.  This  was  perhaps  the 
Slover  Mt  colony  mentioned  in  the  annals  of  1841,'  there  being  very  likely  an 
error  in  the  earlier  date.  See  Hayes'  Emiy.  Notes,  642-3. 


344          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

sailed  on  the  Alert  at  the  end  of  1842.  An  intel- 
ligent and  active  man  of  business,  acquainted  with 
everybody  and  enjoying  the  respect  of  all,  though  not 
personally  so  popular  as  some  others  of  the  foreign 
traders,  his  opportunities  for  accurate  observation  were 
excellent.  It  does  not  appear,  however,  that  he  en- 
tertained the  idea  of  writing  a  book;  but  during  his 
residence  he  obtained  from  his  father-in-law  an  inter- 
esting account  of  the  Indians  found  among  Padre  Bos- 
cana's  papers,  of  which  he  determined  to  publish  a 
translation;  and  he  was  induced,  in  view  of  California's 
increasing  importance  to  eastern  eyes,  to  extend  his 
introduction  to  the  translation  as  well  as  he  could 
from  memory  and  such  memoranda  as  were  available, 
including  letters  of  as  late  date  as  1844.  The  result 
was  a  most  interesting  narrative,  the  title  of  which, 
Life  in  California,  is  indicative  of  its  contents.  It 
is  an  agreeable  presentment  of  personal  experiences, 
mingled  with  glimpses  of  political  history  in  1829—42, 
combined  with  sketches  of  the  country  and  its  re- 
sources and  its  people,  and  including  descriptions  of 
most  places,  some  of  which  are  illustrated  by  the  pen- 
cil of  the  author.  Robinson  wrote  anonymously,  rep- 
resented names  without  any  good  reasons  by  initials 
throughout  the  work,  and  of  course  fell  into  some  er- 
rors in  presenting  details;  but  as  a  whole,  the  book  is 
worthy  of  much  praise,  and  can  be  unfavorably  criti- 
cised only  by  comparing  it  with  what  the  author  with 
his  advantages  might  have  written  had  he  undertaken 
the  task  in  time.  I  have  had  frequent  occasion  to 
cite  this  work,  and  from  it  as  an  authority  Tuthill 
and  other  writers  have  drawn  a  very  large  portion  of 
their  information  for  the  period  it  covers.  Except 
the  works  of  Dana  arid  Forbes,  Robinson's  was  prob- 
ably the  best  known  source  of  information  about  Cal- 
ifornia down  to  the  discovery  of  gold.23 

M  (Robinson)  Life  in  California;  during  a  residence  of  several  years  in  that 
territory,  comprising  a  description  of  the  country  and  the  missionary  establish- 
ments, with  incidents,  observations,  etc.,  etc.  Illustrated  witk  numerous  engrav- 
ings. By  an  American.  To  which  is  annexed  a  historical  account  of  the  ori- 


DR  SANDELS,  THE  'KING'S  ORPHAN.'  345 

Next  a  narrrative  of  the  'King's  Orphan'  demands 
attention.  Biclwell,  Slitter,  Hastings,  and  others 
have  mentioned  the  visit  in  1842-3  of  an  educated 
Swedish  gentleman  known  as  Dr  Sandels,  of  scien- 
tific antecedents  and  proclivities,  who  had  lived  in 
Brazil,  lost  a  fortune  by  mining  operations  in  Mexico, 
and  who  declared  that  there  were  indications  of  gold 
in  the  region  of  New  Helvetia.2*  The  recollection  of 
his  presence  was  vague,  and  but  for  the  mention  of 
gold  would  perhaps  have  disappeared;  but  a  manu- 
script signed  'King's  Orphan'  has  come  to  light,  which 
was  doubtless  the  work  of  Sandels.  It  is  a  narrative 
of  the  author's  voyage  from  Acapulco  to  Monterey 
and  of  his  observations  while  travelling  in  California. 
There  is  a  strong  element  of  fiction  in  the  production, 
or  at  least  in  some  parts  of  it,  intended  apparently 
to  enliven  the  story  rather  than  to  deceive  the  reader, 
and  not  perhaps  affecting  the  value  of  the  writer's 
observations  on  men  and  things  in  California,  obser- 
vations which  without  containing  anything  especially 

gin,  customs,  and  traditions  of  the  Indians  of  Alto,  California.  Translated 
from  the  original  Spanish  manuscript.  New  York,  1846.  12mo,  226  p.  (of 
Life  in  Cal. ),  and  p.  xii.  227-341  of  translation.  The  illustrious  are,  Sta 
Barbara  Town,  Id.  Presidio,  Id.  Mission,  S.  Luis  Rey,  S.  Gabriel,  S.  Buena- 
ventura, Yerba  Buena,  portrait  of  P.  Boscana,  an  Indian  dressed  in  the 
'tobet.'  Feb.  1,  1846,  Robinson  writes  to  Capt.  Fitch,  announcing  the  ap- 

Jcarance  of  his  book,  of  which  several  copies  are  sent  to  California.     Hopes 
'.  will  take  no  offence  at  the  mention  of  his  marriage  adventure.  Fitch, 
Doc.,  MS.,  388.     Alvarado  and  Vallejo,  taking  offence  at  some  criticism  of 
their  mission  policy,  are  disposed  to  criticise  Robinson  unfairly.     Attached 
to  the  book,  with  distinct  title  but  continuous  paging,  is: 

Boscana,  Chinigchinich;  a  historical  account  of  the  origin,  customs,  and  tra- 
ditions of  the  Indians  at  the  missionary  establishment  of  St.  Juan  Capistrano, 
Alta  California;  called  the  Acagchemem  Nation;  collected  with  the  greatest  care, 
from  t/ie  most  intelligent  and  best  instructed  in  the  matter.  By  the  Reverend 
Father  Friar  Geronimo  Boscana,  of  the  order  of  St  Francisco,  apostolic  mis- 
sionary at  said  mission.  Translated  from  the  original  Spanish  manuscript,  by 
one  who  was  many  years  a  resident  of  Alta  California.  New  York,  1846. 
12mo,  p.  226-341.  The  introduction  is  signed  by  the  translator's  initials  'A. 
R.'  The  original  MS.,  from  which  the  translation  was  made,  remained  in 
the  possession  of  a  branch  of  the  Guerra  family  until  a  few  years  ago  (about 
1878),  when  it  was  purchased  for  the  collection  of  M.  Pinart,  of  Paris, 
whither  another  copy  in  P.  Boscana's  handwriting  had  drifted  before,  as  ib 
seems.  I  have  also  a  few  scraps  of  the  work  in  the  padre's  hand. 

'"BidweWs  Cal.  1841-8,Mti.,  136;  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  22;  Suiter  Co.  Hist.,  21; 
8.  F.  Alta,  Jan.  28,  1878;  Upham's  Notes,  470;  Hastings'  Emig.  Guide,  82. 
Sandels  is  also  said  to  have  made  a  map  of  Sheldon's  rancho  on  the  Cosum- 
nes. 


346          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

new  or  important  seem  to  bear  the  marks  of  intelli- 
gence and  accuracy.25  Dr  Sandels,  several  of  whose 
original  letters  are  in  my  Library,  came  from  Aca- 
pulco  to  Monterey  with  Captain  Cooper  on  the  Cali- 
fornia, arriving  at  the  end  of  September  1842.'26  He 
visited  San  Francisco,  San  Jose,  Sonoma,  Ross,  New 
Helvetia,  and  Santa  Barbara;  made  an  ascent  of 
Mount  Diablo;  and  being  an  artist,  joined  to  his 
manuscript  several  pencil  sketches  of  places  seen.  Of 
the  chronology  of  his  movements  not  much  is  known, 
except  that  his  visit  to  Sonoma  was  in  February  or 
March  1843,  and  that  he  was  at  Santa  Bdrbara  in 
April.27  In  his  letter  to  General  Vallejo  he  described 
himself  as  'physician,  mining  expert,  and  naturalist.' 
I  have  occasion  to  site  elsewhere  some  of  the  'Or- 
phan's' remarks  on  local  and  personal  matters.  In 
September  he  sailed  on  the  Diamond  for  Honolulu.23 

John  Bidwell's  pamphlet  has  already  been  noticed 
so  far  as  it  was  a  journal  of  his  overland  trip.  It  was 
a  letter,  dated  at  Bodega  March  30,  1842,  containing 
an  abridgment  of  his  journal.  Twelve  pages  are  de- 
voted to  the  author's  hasty  'observations  about  the 

K  King's  Orphan,  Visit  to  California,  18^2-3,  MS.,  in  possession  of  the 
'Assoc.  Pioneers  of  Ter.  Days  of  Cal.'  in  N.  Y.,  said  to  have  been  found  at 
N.  Orleans  before  1843.  I  have  not  seen  the  original,  but  a  portion,  includ- 
ing the  voyage  to  Monterey,  was  published  in  the  S.  J.  Pioneer,  June-July, 
1878;  another  portion,  including  travels  in  the  Sacramento  Valley,  in  Id., 
Jan. -Feb.  1879;  and  a  compilation  from  the  part  describing  the  country  and 
visits  to  northern  districts,  in  Upham's  Notes,  537-62,  with  cuts  of  San  Fran- 
cisco and  Fort  Ross.  The  three  parts  form  a  scrap-book  in  my  collection. 

Of  the  five  autographs  of  this  visitor  in  my  possession,  three  are  appar- 
ently Gmaf  Sandels;  one  G  M  af  Sandels;  and  one  Gm  Waseurtz  af  Sandels. 
His  name  was  therefore  G.  M.  (or  Gus. )  Waseurtz  (or  Warcurtz)  af  Sandels — 
'af '  being  the  Swedish  form  of  'von.'  From  the  original  MS.  in  N.  Y.  the 
name  was  thought  to  be  Mafs  or  Mass. 

2(i  In  Larkin's,  Doc. ,  i.  330,  is  found  his  signature  to  an  inventory  of  Lieut 
Sarmiento.  All  the  names  and  most  of  the  incidents  given  by  the  'King's 
Orphan '  in  connection  with  his  voyage  on  the  Sta  Maria,  Capt.  Hatch,  from 
Panama  to  Monterey,  touching  only  at  Acapulco,  are  fictitious. 

27  Sandels'  letters  to  Vallejo  Feb.  23,  Mar.  18,  Apr.  8,  1843,  in  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  335,341,  357. 

23  Aug.  28,  1843,  Sandels'  application  for  license  to  ship  his  luggage — 
books,  mathematical  and  surgical  instruments,  natural  history  collections, 
Indian  relics,  etc.  Pinto,  Doc.,  ii.  20.  Arrival  at  Honolulu  in  Oct.  Friend, 
Oct.  1843. 


BIDWELL'S  JOURNAL.  347 

country,'  which  had  been  confined  to  Mission  San 
Jose,  Marsh's  rancho,  New  Helvetia,  Bodega,  arid 
Ross.  "You  will  undoubtedly  expect  me  to  come  out 
in  plain  language  either  for  or  against  the  country," 
he  writes,  "but  this  I  cannot  do,  not  having  been  able 
to  see  as  much  of  it  as  I  intended  before  I  wrote  to 
to  you.  I  have,  however,  been  diligent  in  making 
inquiries  of  men  who  are  residents  in  the  country." 
Bidwell  then  proceeds  to  describe  in  succession  the 
timber  of  California,  its  agricultural  productions,  cli- 
mate— with  a  table  showing  the  weather  each  day 
from  November  4th  to  April  1st — its  live-stock,  prices, 
facilities  for  obtaining  farms,  and  a  great  variety  of 
such  information  as  would  be  welcome  to  persons  con- 
templating immigration.  He  says:  "I  have  endeav- 
ored to  state  facts  with  impartiality.  At  least  half  of 
the  company  return  this  spring  to  the  U.  States, 
many  of  them  well  pleased  with  the  country;  and 
others  so  sick  they  cannot  look  at  it.  People  gener- 
ally look  on  it  as  the  garden  of  the  world  or  the  most 
desolate  place  of  creation.  Although  the  country  is 
not  what  I  expected,  yet  if  it  were  not  under  the 
Mexican  government  I  should  be  as  willing  here  to 
spend  the  uncertain  days  of  rny  life  as  elsewhere.  It 
may  be  I  shall  as  it  is."29 

29  BidweU,  A  Journey  to  California,  n.p.,  n.d.  (Weston,  Mo.  1843  ?),  8vo, 
32  p.  Preface:  'The  publisher  of  this  journal,  being  aware  that  a  great  many 
persons  in  Missouri  and  other  western  states  are  at  this  time  anxious  to  get 
correct  information  relative  to  Oregon  and  California,  hopes  in  part  to  gratify 
them  by  giving  publicity  to  these  sheets  through  the  press;  having  been  so- 
licited to  do  so  by  men  of  information  who  have  perused  them  in  manuscript. 
The  author,  Mr  John  Bidwell,  a  young  man  of  good  acquirements  and  unex- 
ceptionable moral  character,  came  to  Missouri  from  the  Buckeye  state  about 
4  years  ago,  and  resided  in  Platte  Co.  two  years,  during  which  time  he  made 
many  stanch  friends,  and  was  prosperous  in  business.  But  the  many  in- 
ducements held  forth  to  enterprising  young  men  to  go  to  California  caused 
him  to  adopt  the  motto  "Westward  ho,  "shoulder  his  rifle,  and  join  one  of  the 
California  companies  which  leave  the  rendezvous  near  Independence  annually. 
Prior  to  his  going  he  promised  his  friends  to  keep  a  journal,  noticing  the 
incidents  of  the  trip,  anil  also  give  his  observations  of  the  country  after  his 
arrival  there.  This  promise  he  has  redeemed  by  forwarding  the  publisher 
this  copy  of  his  journal.' 

Some  brief  quotations  from  Bidwell's  remarks:  'I  know  of  but  two  Ameri- 
can families  here,  those  of  Kelsey  and  Joel  Walker.'  'It  is  a  proverb  here, 
and  I  find  it  a  pretty  true  one,  that  a  .Spamar.l  will  not  d  >  anything  whicli 
he  cannot  do  on  horseback.'  'To  obtain  a  rjrant  you  must  become  a  citizen 


348          MISSIONS,  COMMERCE,  AND  FOREIGNERS— 1842. 

John  Marsh,  for  six  years  a  resident  of  the  country, 
"complying  with  therequest  to  bemadeacquainted  with 
some  of  the  most  interesting  facts  relative  to  Califor- 
nia," wrote  a  letter  to  Commodore  Jones  on  Novem- 
ber 25th  of  this  year.  The  writer  was  an  educated 
man,  and  his  letter  contains  somewhat  vivid  pictures 
of  Alvarado's  rule,  the  Graham  affair,  and  such  other 
prominent  topics  as  are  briefly  considered. .  Marsh  evi- 
dently deemed  California  a  desirable  acquisition  for 
the  United  States,  and  devoted  some  space  to  the  task 
of  showing  that  communication  by  land  with  Oregon 
was  much  easier  than  had  been  represented.  I  have 
had  occasion  to  cite  this  letter,  which  I  believe  has 
never  been  printed,  on  several  points.30  Another  sim- 
ilar letter  was  that  written  by  Captain  Henry  A.  Peirce 
to  Thomas  Cummins  of  Honolulu.  It  is  dated  Feb- 
ruary 1st,  on  board  the  brig  Maryland,  and  contains 
a  good  description  of  the  country's  condition  and  pros- 
pects from  the  writer's  observations  during  his  late 
visit.  The  same  man  while  in  the  east  wrote  a  letter, 
which  was  published  in  the  newspapers,  upon  the  es- 
tablishment and  possible  future  encroachments  of  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  in  California.  There  were 
few  letters  written  by  Americans  in  this  part  of  the 
world  at  this  period  which  did  not  allude  more  or  less 

and  a  member  of  the  catholic  church.  Whether  persons  of  any  other  de- 
nomination Mrould  when  piously  disposed  be  interrupted  by  the  law,  I  can't 
say,  but  think  not. '  'All  who  would  come  to  this  country  must  bring  pass- 
ports from  the  governors  of  their  resident  states.'  'Missions  are  nearly  all 
broken  up.'  The  people  all  object  to  the  bishop  remaining  in  the  country, 
fearing  they  will  have  to  pay  tithes.  'The  country  is  acknowledged  by  all 
to  be  extremely  healthy. '  '  It  is  seldom  a  Spaniard  makes  a  charge  against  a 
traveller  for  his  hospitality;  they  are  kind  in  this  respect,  but  I  can't  say 
how  much  they  p r. '  '  Capt.  Sutter  would  give  any  information  to  emi- 
grants, and  I  believe  render  any  assistance  in  his  power.  S.  Jos6  would  be 
another  good  place  to  arrive  at.  Mr  Gulnac  is  noted  for  his  kindness  to 
strangers.'  Finally,  directions  about  the  route  are  given,  though  'there  would 
be  many  advantages  in  coming  by  water, '  the  author  advising  the  use  of  pack- 
animals  instead  of  wagons. 

30  Letter  of  Dr  John  Marsh  to  Commodore  Thomas  Ap  Catesby  Jones,  con- 
taining information  on  California,  MS.,  19  p.  Dated  Nov.  25,  1842,  at  Farm 
of  Pulpones.  This  copy  was  made  April  3,  1843,  by  Dr  R.  T.  Maxwell,  who 
kindly  presented  it  to  me. 


VISCHER'S  VISIT.  349 

directly  to  the  desirability  of  American,  and  the  dan- 
ger of  English,  occupation.31 

Here  may  be  mentioned  the  fact  that  Edward 
Vischer,  who  visited  California  in  1842  on  the  Califor- 
nia schooner,  published  in  later  years  a  series  of  photo- 
graphs from  pencil  sketches  made  by  himself,  with  a 
pamphlet  of  descriptive  text,  entitled  Missions  of  Cal- 
ifornia; but  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  the  draw- 
ings were  made  at  the  time  of  his  first  visit,  though 
doubtless  his  recollections  of  1842  added  to  the  value 
of  both  pictures  and  text. 

31  Feb.  1,  1842,  Peirce's  Letter  to  Cummins,  MS.,  copy  furnished  for  my  use 
by  the  writer.  May  1st,  Peirce's  letter  on  H.  B.  Co.,  in  Niles'  Ileg.,  Ixiii.  242, 
written  in  Boston. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 
1843. 

THE  GOVERNOR  AT  Los  ANGELES — FINANCIAL  TROUBLES — WARFARE  AGAINST 
DESTITUTION — A  JUNTA  OF  ANGELINOS — AID  FROM  CITIZENS,  FROM  VA- 
I^EJO,  AND  FROM  LlMANTOUR — SYMPTOMS  OF  CONTROVERSY — MlCHELTO- 
KENA  WITH  HIS  BATALLON  COMES  TO  MONTEREY — RECEPTION — RUMORS 
OF  REVOLT — GRAHAM'S  OFFER — JUNTA  OF  OFFICERS  AT  MONTEREY — 
PREFECTURES  SUPPRESSED — ABSENCE  OF  RECORDS — SWEARING  or  THE 
BASES — VOTE  FOR  SANTA  ANNA — JUNTA  DEPARTAMENTAL — ELECTIONS — 
CASTANARES  FOR  CONGRESS — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — EXPEDITION  TO  MENDO- 
CINO  OR  CLEAR  LAKE — THE  CHOLOS  AT  ANGELES  AND  MONTEREY — EXAG- 
GERATED ACCUSATIONS. 

DURING  the  first  half  of  1843  Micheltorena  re- 
mained at  Los  Angeles  with  his  batallon  fijo.  He 
had  assumed  the  civil  government  on  the  last  day  of 
1842,  though  holding  the  military  command  from  an 
earlier  period,  and  as  general  had  rendered  himself 
famous,  or  notorious,  by  his  methods  of  conducting 
the  country's  defence  when  it  was  'invaded'  by  the 
Americans.  His  chief  task  during  these  months  was 
to  provide  for  the  support  of  his  men;  and  he  waged 
continual  warfare  with  as  much  energy  as  it  was  pos- 
sible for  a  man  of  his  character  to  show,  against  utter 
destitution.  He  could  not  get  from  Mexico  or  Maza- 
tlan  a  cent  of  the  money  that  had  been  promised;  and 
the  custom-house  receipts,  one  third  less  for  the 
whole  year  than  in  1842,  were  hardly  anything  at  all 
in  the  earlier  months  of  the  year.  Writing  on  April 
25th,  Micheltorena  rendered  the  following  account  of 
the  treasury  from  September  to  date:  "Entradas, 
$000;  salidas,  $000;  existencias,  cuatro  reales;"  this 

(350) 


WAR  WITH  DESTITUTION.  351 

latter  sum  of  fifty  cents  being  the  amount  he  had  found 
in  the  treasury  at  his  arrival.  In  March  he  repre- 
sented his  men  as  living  on  six  and  a  quarter  cents 
per  day,  the  officers  receiving  only  one  fifth  of  their 
pay;  yet  he  looked  forward  to  the  time  when  he 
should  get  aid  from  Mexico,  pay  up  all  arrears,  and 
convert  his  soldiers  into  farmers.  These  statements 
were  made  in  connection  with  some  of  the  governor's 
numerous  appeals  to  Colonel  Vallejo  for  aid.1 

The  records  fail  to  show  exactly  how  the  troops 
were  fed  and  clothed.  The  popular  solution  of  the 
problem  has  always  been  that  it  was  by  stealing  from 
the  citizens;  but  I  shall  have  more  to  say  on  that 
topic  later.  Micheltorena,  by  his  gentlemanly  man- 
ners, had  made  many  personal  friends  in  the  south; 
and  the  more  wealthy  of  the  rancheros  and  traders 
doubtless  contributed  to  his  support.  Vallejo  cites  a 
letter  of  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo,  written  in  March,  in 
which  a  junta  of  citizens  is  said  to  have  been  in  ses- 
sion for  three  days  to  deliberate  on  ways  and  means 
after  listening  to  a  speech  from  the  governor  on  the 
situation.  A  forced  loan  from  merchants  was  pro- 
posed, but  the  proposition  was  not  favorably  received. 
The  only  result  reached  was  that  the  gentlemen  pres- 
ent decided  to  become  responsible  for  the  payment  of 
Micheltorena's  salary,  for  which  purpose  others  out- 
side of  Angeles  were  subsequently  invited  to  contrib- 
ute.2 From  Vallejo  the  governor  received  a  schooner- 
load  of  provisions  sent  down  from  Petaluma  on  the 
California  in  June,  with  a  certain  amount  of  money. 

1  March  15,  April  25,  1843,  Micheltorena  to  V.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi. 
344,  365.     Jan.  27th,  M.  to  admin,  of  customs.     The  strictest  economy  is 
required.     Creditors  must  submit  to  sacrifices  as  well  as  soldiers  and  officers. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  32-3.     March  15th,  Abrego  ordered  to  sus- 
pend all  back  pay  until  further  instructions.    Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.   43. 
March  30th,  one  third  of  the  customs  revenue  to  be  paid  over  to  the  comisario, 
with  which  to  pay  civil  and  military  employe's.     One  third  of  salaries  to  be 
paid;  officers  of  the  batallon  will  get  one  fourth,  and  their  general  nothing; 
judges  of  the  tribunal  must  be  content  with  their  pro  rata;   Alvarado  to  get 
$1,300  on  salary  account,  de  jirpferencia.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  34-5. 
123-5;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  48. 

2  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  iv.  349-52.     The  writer  says  that  this  meeting  was 
secret,  and  not  known  to  the  public  for  several  years. 


352  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS.    - 

So  far  as  public  funds  were  concerned,  the  times  were 
hard  also  on  the  northern  frontier,  though  the  crops 
had  been  much  better  than  in  the  south.  Vallejo, 
though  repeatedly  declaring  that  he  could  no  longer 
support  at  his  own  expense  the  Sonoma  garrison,  was 
unable  to  resist  Micheltorena's  appeals,  accompanied 
as  they  were  by  hints  from  southern  men  that  he  was 
under  especial  obligations  to  aid  in  the  support  of  an 
officer  whose  coming  had  been  so  largely  due  to  his 
influence ;  but  a  motive  still  more  potent  in  determin- 
ing the  colonel's  action  was  the  acquisition  of  the 
Soscol  rancho  granted  to  him  this  year,  and  for  which 
the  supplies  furnished  for  public  needs  to  the  amount 
of  some  $11,000  were  to  be  regarded  as  the  price.3 
Another  man  who  furnished  aid  to  Micheltorena 
early  in  1843,  and  received  lands  in  payment,  was 
Jose  Y.  Liinantour,  who  had  come  to  the  coast  as 
owner  and  supercargo  of  a  Mexican  vessel.  What 
supplies  were  furnished  and  what  lands  granted,  it  is 
not  easy — nor  necessary  here — to  determine,  so  in- 
volved in  later  frauds  and  forgeries  did  the  whole 
matter  become;  but  that  there  was  an  actual  trans- 
action by  which  Micheltorena  obtained  aid  from  Li- 
inantour, there  is  no  reason  to  doubt.4 


3  March  15,  1843,  M.  to  V.,  begging  him  to  send  back  the  California  with 
a  load  of  provisions.     No  crops  in  the  south  except  on  irrigated  lauds,  and 
these  c'evoured  by  hungry  geese  and  crows!   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.   344. 
Voyage  from  Petaluma  to  S.  Pedro  in  June.  Cooper's  Lou  of  the  Cal. ,  MS. 
Much  information  about  the  supplies  furnished  by  V.  was  brought  out  in  the 
litigation  of  later  years  respecting  the  Soscol  rancho.     April  1st,  V.  to  M. 
Has  received  no  reply  to  his  representations  about  the  scarcity  of  supplies 
for  the  troops  on  the  frontier  and  at  S.  F.     If  relief  cannot  be  afforded,  he 
will  not  be  responsible  for  results,  and  asks  to  be  relieved  from  his  com- 
mand.   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  355.     May  19th,  the  comisario  furnishes  noth- 
ing, and  V.  cannot  longer  support  the  troops.  Id.,  xi.  377.     June  18th,  a 
ptiblic  meeting  held  at  Sonoma  to  raise  funds  for  support  of  the  garrison  and 
the  erection  of  public  buildings.     The  amount  raised,  the  Vallejos  being  the 
largest  subscribers,  was  §3,063,  besides  155  fan.  grain,  20  head  of  cattle,  1,100 
feet  boards,  12,700  adobes,  and  22  laborers.     Capt.  Castafleda  was  this  day 
sent  as  a  messenger  to  the  gov.  to  explain  the  absolute  indigence  of  the  gar- 
rison. Id.,  xi.  411-12. 

4  As  another  means  of  raising  funds,  on  Jan.  2d  Micheltorena  orders  the 
negotiation  of  a  loan  of  810-12,000  on  future  customs  receipts,  probably  with- 
out success;  though  on  Jan.  10th  Castafiares  was  thanked  ibr  some  'generous 
offer,'  which  was  accepted.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  2S-9. 


THE  GOVERNOR  AND  VALLEJO.  353 

In  connection  with  Micheltorena's  appeals  to  Va- 
llejo  for  aid,  there  were  some  symptoms  of  a  contro- 
versy between  the  two  officers.  Through  Pablo  de 
la  Guerra  in  February,  Vallejo  heard  a  rumor  that 
the  governor  had  expressed  doubts  about  the  fact  of 
his  having  supported  the  troops  at  his  own  expense, 
and  an  intention  to  remove  him  from  his  command  of 
the  northern  line.  The  rumor  was  doubtless  un- 
founded, and  the  colonel  himself  did  not  perhaps  at- 
tach much  importance  to  it;  but  he  felt  somewhat 
sore  about  his  own  instrumentality  in  having  brought 
the  general  and  his  vagabonds  to  California,  and  there 
were  many  reasons  why  a  grievance  against  him  and 
a  suspension  of  friendly  relations  were  rather  desirable 
than  otherwise.  Accordingly  Vallejo,  on  the  assump- 
tion that  his  word  had  been  doubted  and  his  honor 
offended,  wrote  some  rather  sharp  letters  to  Michel- 
torena,  enclosing  proofs  of  his  past  expenditures  in 
behalf  of  the  troops,  and  a  request  to  be  relieved  of 
his  command.  The  general's  reply  was  an  assurance 
of  his  high  personal  and  official  esteem  for  Vallejo;  a 
denial  that  he  had  ever  doubted  his  word,  or  failed  to 
appreciate  his  past  sacrifices,  which  he  hoped  soon  to 
repay;  and  an  earnest  request  that  he  would  not  de- 
prive the  country  of  his  valuable  services.  It  was 
wellnigh  impossible  to  quarrel  with  such  a  man  under 
such  circumstances.5 

Besides  the  labor  of  conducting  his  financial  cam- 
paign, Micheltorena  had  other  duties  quite  sufficient 
to  occupy  the  spare  time  of  an  indolent  ruler,  who 
rarely  made  his  appearance  before  noon,  and  had  no 
fondness  for  office  work  at  late  hours.  There  was 
daily  necessity  to  hear  the  complaints  of  citizens  con- 
cerning the  depredations  of  the  cholo  soldiers,  and  con- 
stant effort  was  required  to  maintain  a  semblance  of 
military  discipline  in  the  batallon.  Moreover,  there 
was  a  variety  of  routine  correspondence  on  minor 
matters  requiring  no  special  notice  here,  in  which  the. 

B  Vattyo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  356,  365,  371;  Id.,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  352-6. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    23 


354  MICHELTOREXA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

general's  secretaries  required  a  certain  amount  of  su- 
perintendence. Besides  attending  to  the  routine  du- 
ties of  his  office,  Micheltorena  turned  his  attention  to 
the  mission  problem,  and  after  consultation  with  the 
friars,  determined,  rather  wisely,  as  I  shall  explain 
more  definitely  in  the  next  chapter,  on  a  restoration  of 
twelve  missions  to  what  was  nominally  the  old  system, 
a  measure  which  was  actually  carried  out.  So  much 
cannot  be  said  of  another  scheme  devised  by  him,  that 
of  establishing  a  newspaper  at  Monterey,  in  which 
citizens  might  read  and  criticise  the  acts  of  the  gov- 
ernment in  their  behalf.6 

In  midsummer  Micheltorena  left  Los  Angeles  with 
his  batallon,  and  came  to  live  at  the  capital.  There 
are  no  original  records  of  his  journey  or  of  any  cir- 
cumstances connected  with  it.  There  is  indeed  a 
notable  absence  from  all  archives,  public  and  private, 
of  any  kind  of  documents  relating  to  the  events  of 
this  period.  Many  Californians  remember  the  trans- 
fer, and  all  agree  that  the  Angelinos  were  perfectly 
willing  to  part  with  their  guests  of  a  year.  Los  An- 
geles'was  willing  now  as  never  before  to  relinquish  its 
claims  to  the  honor  of  being  the  governor's  residence, 
wishing  its  old  rival  joy  in  the  acquisition;  while  the 
cholos  themselves,  having  stolen  every  eatable  thing 
that  the  south  afforded,  were  not  sorry  to  transfer 
their  industrial  operations  to  new  fields.  All  that  is 
known  about  the  date  of  Micheltorena's  coming  north 

6  Micheltorena,  Digest  of  Correspondence  at  Los  Angeles,  Feb.  S2d  to  May 
81, 1848,  is  a  printed  pamphlet  of  7  pages,  8vo,  without  imprint,  doubtless 
printed  in  connection  with  some  land  case.  It  contains  the  purport  of  the 
GO  odd  communications  of  the  gov.,  chiefly  on  minor  routine,  from  Dept.  Rec., 
MS.,  xiii.  37-59.  March  15tb,  project  of  a  'pliego  de  imprenta.'  Id.;  and 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.,  MS.,  iii.  33.  May  1st,  such  a  press  of  business  in  the 
secretary's  olfice  that  a  second  clerk  was  appointed  at  $30  per  month.  Arce, 
Doc.,  MS.,  16.  May  Gth,  Micheltorena  deprives  lieutenants  Maciel  and  Limon 
of  their  rank,  sending  them  as  'paisanos '  to  S.  Diego.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii. 
55;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii,  53*;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  295.  May  20th,  letter 
about  a  personal  row  between  Sec.  Arce  and  Lieut  Somoza.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS., 
i.  107. 


THE  GENERAL  AT  MONTEREY.  335 

is  the  facts  that  he  was  at  Monterey  on  August  13th,7 
and  that  on  September  4th  Vallejo  wrote  from  So- 
noma to  congratulate  him  on  his  safe  arrival.8  It  is 
said  that  the  usual  attentions  were  shown  to  the  gov- 
ernor at  different  points  on  his  journey;  that  Manuel 
Castanares  succeeded  in  raising  among  government 
employe's  and  citizens  sufficient  money  to  properly  fes- 
tejar  his  Excellency,  who  made  some  glowing  speeches 
on  his  projects  for  the  country's  welfare,  both  on  the 
day  of  arrival  and  in  the  later  national  festivities 
of  September  16th;  and  finally,  that  the  soldiers  be- 
gan their  depredations  with  the  least  possible  delay.9 
Thus  the  indications  are  that  the  people  of  Monterey 
entertained  no  very  cordial  feelings  toward  their  new 
ruler  and  his  men,  their  dislike  being  mainly  of  course 
for  the  cholos,  of  whose  character  they  were  not  ig- 
norant; but  for  reasons  that  will  be  more  apparent 
later,  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  information  from  impar- 
tial sources  respecting  the  popular  feeling.  Mean- 
while the  officers  of  the  batallon,  in  accordance  with 
a  Mexican  custom  not  known  in  California  before  this 
time  I  think,  were  quartered  at  the  houses  of  citizens, 
a  circumstance  that  did  not  tend  to  increase  the  pop- 
ularity of  the  new-comers.10 

There  are  two  or  three  circumstances  that  point 
rather  vaguely  to  the  existence  at  this  time  of  cer- 
tain schemes  of  revolt.  Hastings,  who  is  far  from 
good  authority,  says:  "The  timorous  movements  of 
the  governor,  and  especially  the  fact  of  his  being  un- 
willing to  venture  among  the  Californians  without  an 
armed  force  for  his  protection,  created  much  dissatis- 
faction among  them,  which  became  so  general  at  one 

7  Aug.  13,  1843,  M.  at  Monterey  writes  to  Larkin,  uot  however  alluding 
in  any  way  to  his  recent  arrival.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  29. 

8  Vallcjo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xi.  443-6.  Salvador  Vallejo  was  also  sent  down  to  greet 
him,  explain  the  state  of  ati'airs  on  the  frontier,  and  invite  him  to  visit  So- 
noma. 

9Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  20-1;  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  364-8; 
Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  79-80. 

10  Aug.  28th,  a  custom-house  celador  claims  exemption  from  the  billeting 
of  officers  at  his  house.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  109;  Id.,  Relation,  MS.,  86. 


35C  MICHELTOREXA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

time  that  they  determined  to  interpose  their  omnipo- 
tence to  prevent  his  Excellency  from  marching  his 
omnifarious  troops  to  the  seat  of  government.  But 
before  I  left,  his  generalship  was  permitted  to  march 
northward,  and  was  in  full  possession  of  the  chief 
town,  there  to  be  seen  marching  and  parading  his 
cropped  and  branded  troops  about  the  streets  with 
all  imaginable  pomposity."11  This  statement,  though 
absurd  in  some  respects — else  it  would  hardly  find  a 
place  in  the  work  cited — may  signify  that  the  author 
had  heard  rumors  of  revolt  from  foreigners  whom 
he  met;  for  on  August  14th  Vallejo  announced  his 
discovery  that  certain  persons  were  plotting  against 
the  government.  By  his  order  some  documents  sup- 
posed to  have  a  bearing  on  the  subject  were  seized  at 
San  Jose*  on  the  person  of  Juan  Padilla;  but  the 
purport  of  the  discovery  is  not  stated.12  Captain  Sut- 
ter,  without  giving  exact  dates,  claims  to  have  warned 
Micheltorena  of  impending  danger  long  before  the 
revolution  broke  out.  And  finally,  in  August  or  Sep- 
tember, Isaac  Graham  offered  to  the  governor  the  ser- 
vices of  himself  and  forty  other  foreigners  living  in 
the  vicinity  of  Santa  Cruz,  doing  this  presumably  in 
the  hope  of  getting  a  blow  at  his  old  foes,  Alvarado 
and  Castro,  in  the  troubles  supposed  to  be  brewing. 
But  seven  of  the  foreigners  protested  that  they  had 
given  Graham  no  authority  to  act  for  them,  and  that 
their  only  desire  was  to  live  in  quiet,  without  being 
drawn  into  trouble  by  that  "seditious  evil-doer  and 
pernicious  disturber  of  the  peace."  Micheltorena's 
reply  was  that  California  was  at  peace,  and  his  force 
amply  sufficient.  If  the  services  of  foreigners  should 
be  needed,  they  would  be  notified  in  writing  through 
the  proper  authorities.13 

Financial  difficulties  were  not  greatly  modified  in 

11  Hastings'  Emig.  Guide,  121-2. 

12  Aug.  14th,  19th,  V.  to  com.  of  S.  Jose",  and  reply.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xi.  442,  444. 

13  Sept.  28th,  Weeks,  Morris,  Majors,  Barton,  Sweet,  Heath,  and  Buckle 
to  Micheltoreua.     Oct.  7th,  M.'s  reply,  tita  Cniz,  Arch.,  MS.,  51-3. 


JUNTA  ECON6MICA.  357 

kind  or  degree  by  the  governor's  change  of  residence. 
A  reduction  of  expenses  or  an  increase  of  revenue 
was  a  matter  of  urgent  necessity,  and  the  9th  of  Oc- 
tober a  junta  of  officials  was  held  at  the  governor's 
house  to  devise  means  of  relief.14  Micheltorena  pre- 
sided, and  explained  the  object  of  the  meeting  in  an 
opening  speech;  after  which  Vallejo  was  chosen  sec- 
retary, and  the  first  session  was  terminated  by  the 
appointment  of  a  committee  of  seven  to  report  in  four 
clays.15  At  the  session  of  the  13th  a  report  was  pre- 
sented, discussed,  and  adopted,  in  substance  as  fol- 
lows: The  justices  and  secretary  of  the  supreme  court 
to  receive  each  a  salary  of  $1,200;  the  government 
secretary  to  have  $1,200,  with  a  clerk  at  $500;  the 
offices  of  prefects  and  sub-prefects  to  be  abolished; 
$1,200  to  be  paid  to  the  principal  of  the  school  at 
Monterey,  books  and  paper  being  furnished  by  the 
scholars,  but  in  other  towns  schools  were  to  be  sup- 
ported by  the  municipalities  with  contributions  from 
citizens;  the  comisario  to  be  replaced  by  a  treasurer 
at  a  salary  of  $1,000  (or  $1,500);  alcaldes  and  justices 
of  the  peace,  being  entitled  to  fees  as  judges  of  first 
instance,  not  to  receive  the  allowance  of  $30  per 
month;  and  finally,  the  administrator  and  chief  clerk 
of  the  custom-house  to  receive  the  same  salary  as  be- 
fore, though  the  latter's  additional  pay  as  interpreter 
was  to  be  reduced  by  one  half.  After  thanking  the 
members  for  the  reduction  of  $20,000  effected  in  the 
civil  budget,  and  promising  his  best  efforts  to  bring 
about  a  corresponding  reduction  in  military  expenses, 
Micheltorena  declared  the  junta  at  an  end.18 

14  The  officers  present  were  Gen.  Jose"  M.  Micheltorena;  colonels  M.  G. 
Vallejo  and  J.  B.  Alvarado;  lieut-colonels  Rafael  Tellez  and  Jos<j  Castro; 
captains  Juan  Abella  and  Francisco  Noriega;  chief  of  artillery,  Capt.  Mariano 
Silva;  captain  of  the  port,  Pedro  Narvaez;  comandante  of  the  presidial  com- 
pany, Capt.  Nicanor  Estrada;  governor's  sec.,  Manuel  Jimeno;  president  of 
the  tribunal,  Juan  Malarin;  prefect  of  1st  district,  Ramon  Estrada;  admin- 
istrator of  customs,  Manuel  Castafiares;  vista,  Pablo  de  la  Guerra;  comisario, 
Josd  Abrego;  and  Rafael  Gonzalez,  comandante  of  celadores. 

15  Members  of  the  committee:  CdStaiiares,  Tellez,  Vallejo,  Malarin,  Abrejo, 
Alvavado,  and  Jimeno. 

10  Junta  Considtativa  y  Econdmica  en  Monterey,  Octubre  de  1SJ3,  MS. 


358  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

Besides  the  fragmentary  blotters  preserved  by  the 
secretary  of  this  meeting,  I  find  no  other  contempo- 
rary record  on  the  subject  until  January  1,  1844,  on 
which  date  Micheltorena  issued  a  proclamation  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  economical  measures  recommended 
by  the  junta.  By  this  proclamation  the  governor's 
salary  was  stopped;  three  of  the  five  judgeships  of  the 
tribunal  were  suppressed;  some  other  minor  changes 
were  introduced  beyond  those  suggested  in  October; 
and  some  military  salaries  were  saved.  The  saving  in 
the  civil  budget  amounted  to  $34,350;  and  in  the  mil- 
itary to  $5,042,  by  stopping  the  pay  of  auxiliary  offi- 
cers, of  the  general's  secretary,  and  of  the  surgeon. 
By  a  regulation  that  officers  for  the  present  must  be 
content  with  half-pay,  a  further  temporary  saving  of 
over  $10,000  was  effected.17  On  November  14th  an 
order  was  issued  for  an  election,  to  be  held  in  Decem- 
ber, of  ayuntamientos  and  alcaldes  to  serve  from  the 
beginning  of  1844.  In  this  order  the  suppression  of 
the  prefectures  was  incidentally  alluded  to,  and  the 
first  alcalde  in  each  place  was  instructed  to  perform 
the  duties  both  of  prefect  and  judge  of  first  instance.18 

These  are  blotters  and  fragments  preserved  by  Vallejo,  the  secretary,  some 
parts  being  in  duplicate,  and  the  whole  perhaps  not  quite  complete.  There 
were  perhaps  other  sessions,  as  on  Oct.  10th  Micheltorena  writes  to  Larkiu 
that  there  will  be  a  meeting  at  his  house  to-morrow  at  4  p.  M.  to  consider  the 
matter  of  smuggling,  trade  by  whalers,  etc.  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS. ,  ii.  43.  The 
junta  is  briefly  mentioned  in  Botello,  Ancdes,  MS.,  108-9;  and  Amador, 
Memorias,  MS.,  152-3.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  379-82,  gives  some  de- 
tails— as  to  the  accuracy  of  which  I  express  no  opinion — about  the  junta,  not 
included  in  the  original  record.  At  the  first  meeting  after  the  gov.  had  made 
his  opening  speech  and  left  the  room,  Prudon  submitted  a  proposition  that 
the  batallon  be  sent  to  Sonoma,  where  they  could  be  fed  and  put  to  work. 
The  officers  of  the  batallon  protested  that  it  would  be  derogatory  to  their  dig- 
nity even  to  consider  such  a  proposition ;  and  the  Californiana  left  the  hall  in 
disgust.  At  a  second  meeting  Vallejo  himself  urged  the  sending  of  the  army 
to  the  northern  frontier,  where  he  could  supply  them  with  plenty  of  meat  and 
corn,  but  no  money  or  liquor.  Micheltorena  was  inclined  to  think  favorably 
of  the  plan,  but  the  Mexican  officers  began  to  bluster  as  before.  Alvarado 
made  a  speech,  in  which  he  declared  that  it  was  useless  to  talk  of  effecting 
ref orms  so  long  as  the  defence  of  Calif  ornian  homes  and  families  was  confided 
to  convicts,  and  the  junta  broke  up  without  accomplishing  anything  in  the 
only  direction  which  might  have  afforded  relief  and  prevented  revolution. 

17  Micheltorena,  Bando  Econdmico,  1  de  Enero,  1844*  MS. 

18  Nov.   14,   1843,  Micheltorena's  proclamation  on  local  elections.  Caxtro, 
.Doe.,  MS.,  i.  117-18;    S.  Dlc<jo,  Arch.,    MS.,  297-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any., 
MS.,  x.  31;  Micheltorena 'a  Admin.,  16-17;  Dwinelle's  Colon.  Hist.,  add.,  84-5. 
At  Angeles  and  Monterey  the  ayunt.  was  to  consist  of  two  alcaldes,  four 


A  NEW  OATH.  359 

This  important  change  in  local  government  has  left 
but  little  trace  in  the  archives  for  the  period  during 
which  it  was  in  operation,  from  January  1844  to  July 
1845,  beyond  an  occasional  and  incidental  allusion  to 
alcaldes  instead  of  prefects. 

Indeed,  from  the  middle  of  1843  the  chain  of  archive 
evidence  is  in  certain  respects  extremely  incomplete 
in  comparison  to  that  of  earlier  years.  It  would  al- 
most seem  that  there  had  been  a  deliberate  effort  to 
destroy  or  conceal  documents  relating  to  the  governor's 
acts  in  these  years-,  for  their  absence  is  nearly  as 
marked  in  private  and  local  archives  as  in  those  of  the 
department.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  researches  of 
later  years  in  connection  with  land  litigation  may 
have  had  something  to  do  with  the  disappearance  of 
these  papers. 

In  obedience  to  instructions  from  Mexico — whence 
no  less  than  sixty  coins  were  sent,  or  at  least  prom- 
ised, for  distribution  to  the  crowds! — Micheltorena  in 
September  and  October  ordered  a  public  and  ceremo- 
nial swearing  of  allegiance  to  the  new  constitution, 
the  bases  orgdnicas  of  the  republic.  The  prefect  or 
other  chief  local  authority  was  to  march  through  the 
streets  with  a  military  escort,  amid  ringing  of  bells 
and  with  all  practicable  pomp,  before  taking  the  oath 
of  public  employes  and  citizens.  The  oath  was  taken 
at  Los  Angeles  October  15th;  at  San  Diego  the  29th; 
and  at  Sonoma  late  in  December,  "not  as  a  mere  for- 
mality of  law,  but  because  the  bases  promise  a  future 
of  peace  and  prosperity,"  as  the  comandante  wrote. 
Few  people  in  California  knew  or  cared  to  know  any- 
thing about  the  bases  de  Tacubaya;  yet  all  the  same 
the  oath  was  doubtless  taken  at  every  town.19 

regidores,  and  a  sindico.  At  S.  Diego,  Sta  Barbara,  S.  Juan  (Bautista),  Bran- 
ciforte,  S.  Jose",  S.  F.,  and  Sonoma  two  alcaldes  were  to  be  chosen.  The  pri- 
mary election  to  be  held  on  the  second  Sunday  in  Dec. ,  and  the  secondary  on 
the  following  Friday.  Nov.  13th,  the  junta  departamental  had  fixed  the  num- 
ber of  alcaldes,  etc.  Leg,  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  13. 

19  June  17,  1843,  Bocanegra  to  gov.,  promising  coins.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvii.  2.  Sept.  28th,  Micheltorena  to  prefect.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  AIIJ.,  MS., 


330  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

Not  only  did  California  swear  to  the  bases,  but  on 
November  1st,  through  her  junta  departamental,  as- 
sembled in  extra  session  at  the  capital  and  desirous 
of  expressing  its  obligations  "to  the  illustrious  author 
of  the  nation's  regeneration  as  a  reward  of  his  civic 
virtues  and  heroic  deeds,"  she  cast  her  vote  with  ab- 
solute unanimity  for  General  Don  Antonio  Lopez  de 
Santa  Anna,  benemerito  de  la  patria,  for  president.20 
At  the  beginning  of  the  year  an  order  had  been  cir- 
culated to  the  effect  that  until  the  national  organiza- 
tion could  be  perfected,  all  officials,  including  judges 
and  members  of  the  junta,  should  continue  in  the  ex- 
ercise of  their  functions.21  The  old  junta,  composed 
of  Jimeno,  Castro,  Estrada,  and  Gonzalez,  or  those 
members  who  could  most  conveniently  be  assembled 
at  Monterey,  held  two  extra  sessions  this  year.  One 
was  on  November  1st,  when  the  vote  of  the  depart- 
ment was  cast  for  Santa  Anna,  and  the  other  on  the 
13th,  when  it  met  to  determine  the  number  of  mem- 
bers to  be  chosen  for  the  new  junta,  as  well  as  for  the 
different  ayuntamientos.22  Meanwhile  Micheltorena 
had  ordered  an  election  to  take  place  in  accordance 
with  the  Mexican  law  of  June  19th,  though  at  a  later 
date  than  was  prescribed  by  that  law.23  The  primary 
election  was  to  be  held  on  October  22d ;  the  second- 
ary on  the  29th;  and  the  electors  were  to  be  at 

xii.  72.  Oct.  3d,  M.  to  V.  Vallcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  459.  Jan.  1st,  reply.  Id., 
xii.  2.  Swearing  at  Angeles.  Dept.  6V.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  iii. 
114.  At  S.  Diego,  Haye*'  Doc.,  MS.,  170.  The  friars  take  the  oath.  Arch., 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  35,  etc. 

20  Session  of  Nov.  1st.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  12.     Nov.  4th,  Micheltorena 'a 
proclamation  announcing  the  vote.  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  299;   Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xi.  408;  Micheltorena's  Administration,  15.     Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS., 
iv.  374-6,  aays  that  this  vote  did  not  represent  the  popular  opinion. 

21  Jan.  24th,  27th,  Jimeno  to  prefect.  Micheltorena's  Admin.,  11-12.    Jan. 
27th,  gov.  says  his  affairs  are  so  urgent  as  to  prevent  his  attendance  at  ses- 
sions of  the  junta  at  present.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  xii.  98.    Feb.  2d,  pay 
of  sec.  of  junta  to  continue.   Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  119-20.     Feb.  4th,  20th,  all  last 
year's  judges  to  hold  over.   Id.,  Ang.,  xii.  70-1;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  29. 

™Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  12-13. 

23 Sept.  28,  1840,  M.'s  election  proclamation.  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xi. 
11;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,i.  112-13;  Micheltorena's  Admin.,  13-14;  Mexico,  Regla- 
mcnto  de  Elecciones,  19  de  Junio,  1843,  MS.  •  By  the  terms  of  this  law,  the 
primary  election  was  to  be  held  the  2d  Sunday  in  August,  and  the  electoral 
college  to  meet  at  the  capital  on  the  last  Sunday  in  September. 


ELECTIONS  AND  HORSE-THIEVES.  301 

Monterey  as  early  as  November  15th.'24  Having  at- 
tended to  the  usual  preliminaries  in  the  sessions  of 
November  16th-l7th,  on  the  19th  the  electors  voted 
for  a  deputy  to  congress,  to  fill  the  place  of  Andres 
Castillero,  of  whose  services  for  California  during  his 
term  of  office  I  know  nothing.  The  choice  fell  upon 
Manuel  Castanares,  a  Mexican,  who  desired  the  posi- 
tion, and  was  favored  by  the  governor.  Antonio  M. 
Osio  was  elected  suplente.25  Next  day,  the  20th, 
seven  vocales  were  chosen  to  compose  the  new  junta, 
as  follows:  Pio  Pico,  Francisco  Figueroa,  Narciso 
Botello,  Francisco  de  la  Guerra,  David  Spence,  Ra- 
mon Estrada,  and  Estevan  Munras,  with  the  same 
number  of  substitutes.  It  is  to  noted  that  though 
the  name  of  junta  was  still  retained  in  California,  the 
term  asamblea,  or  assembly,  was  used  in  the  bases 
orgdnicas.28 

Indian  horse- thieves  were  still  troublesome  in  Cen- 
tral California.  In  June  various  citizens  of  the 
Monterey  district  sent  a  petition  to  Micheltorena,  re- 
lating their  troubles  of  past  years,  and  stating  that 
they  would  soon  be  obliged  to  abandon  their  ranches, 
as  no  majordomos  could  be  found  to  take  charge  of 
them,  so  great  was  the  insecurity  of  life.  The  Ind- 
ians came  to  the  very  town  to  commit  robberies. 
Complaints  had  been  made  to  the  authorities,  and 
some  expeditions  had  been  sent  out,  but  they  had 
never  accomplished  anything,  and  had  generally  failed 

24  The  electors  chosen  were  Joaquin  Ortega  for  S.  Diego,  Ignacio  del  Valle 
for  Sta  Barbara,  Ignacio  Palomares  for  Angeles,  Jos<5  F.  Buelna  for  S.  Jose1, 
Manuel  Castauares  for  Monterey,  and  Ignacio  Peralta  for  S.  F.  Leg.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  9-11,  13;    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxx.  364;   Dept.  Si.  Pap.,  MS.,  v. 
95-6. 

25  Castanares  doubtless  sailed  with  Capt.  Cooper  on  the  California,  which 
left  Monterey  Dec.  10th.     He  took  with  him  a  poAver  of  attorney  to  collect 
$4,002  due  his  brother,  Jos6  Maria,  for  salary  as  supreme  court  judge.   Bo- 
nilla,  Doc.,  MS.,  14-15. 

26  Mexico,  Bases  Orgdnicas,  1843.     The  suplentes  were:   Carlos  Carrillo, 
Antonio  Suuol,  Juan  M.  Anzar,  Salvio  Pacheco,  Jose1  Castro,  Ignacio  Peralta, 
and  Ignacio  del  Valle.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.   14-16.     Nov.  22d,  Micheltoreua 
proclaims  the  result  of.  both  elections.  8.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  300;  Dep.  St. 
Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  x.  32;  Hicheltorena's  Admin.,  18. 


3G2  MICHELTOREXA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

to  return  the  horses  and  saddles  furnished  by  the 
rancheros.  Sometimes  the  latter  had  carried  thieves 
to  jail,  but  they  had  been  set  at  liberty  without  pun- 
ishment, and  robbers  de  razon  were  almost  as  trouble- 
some as  the  Indians.  This  petition  having  been 
forwarded  by  the  governor  to  the  comandante  of  the 
northern  line,  the  latter  sent  out  several  expeditions,  of 
which  we  have  no  details.27  This  was  early  in  the 
year;  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  soldiers  of  the 
batallon  after  they  came  north  ever  performed  any 
service  against  the  Indians.  In  the  south,  however, 
no  hostilities  are  reported  this  year,  and  perhaps  this 
fact  should  be  attributed  to  the  presence  of  the 
cholos. 

One  expedition  of  this  year  from  Sonoma  consisted 
of  seventy  Californians  and  two  hundred  auxiliary 
Indians,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Salvador 
"Vallejo,  starting  March  5th  and  returning  the  27th. 
On  the  evening  of  the  12th  a  fight  took  place  on  an 
island,  where  one  hundred  and  seventy  Indians  were 
killed.  According  to  the  official  reports  the  object  of 
the  expedition  was  to  punish  several  tribes  who  had 
been  plotting  against  the  white  people;  the  island 
where  the  fight  occurred  was  represented  as  in  the 
ocean  near  Cape  Mendocino.  It  seems  to  have  been 
in  connection  with  this  campaign  that  a  negro  deserter 
from  the  Cyane  was  killed  while  resisting  capture.23 

27  June  4th,  petition  of  citizens  of  S.  Jose1.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  343; 
Id.,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  357-60.     Jan.  26th,  gov.  orders  presidial  company 
to  be  reorganized,  and  a  detachment  to  be  stationed  at  racheco's  rancho, 
the  rancheros  being  invited  to  share  in  the  expense.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
MS.,  iii.  31.     March  14th,  Manuel  Larios  writes  to  Castro  that  the  campaign 
against  the  Chuciles  amounted  to  nothing.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  6.     April 
12th,  Jos<S  Castro  wants  $300  for  having  maintained  an  armed  force  in  the 
sierra  for  two  months  past.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  v.  10.     Dec. 
8th,  citizens  of  S.  Jos6  petition  the  gov.  for  a  permanent  detachment  of  troops, 
for  the  support  of  which  they  will  contribute.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  89. 

28  March  13,  1843,  Salvador  Vallejo  from  Mendocino  to  M.  G.  Vallejo, 
describing  the  fight  of  last  evening  from  8  to  1 1  p.  M.  on  the  large  island  of 
Moth,  which  was  reached  by  12  soldiers  and  30  auxiliaries  by  means  of  rafts. 
The  Indians  refused  to  give  up  their  weapons,  and  seemed  treacherous;  there- 
fore they  were  attacked.     Lieut  A.  M.  Pico  commanded  the  force  on  the 
mainland.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  342.     April  1st,   Col.  Vallejo's  report  to 
gov.     The  Ind.  against  whom  the  expedition  was  sent  were  the  Mottiyomi, 


MASSACRE  AT  CLEAR  LAKE.  3G3 

Dr  Sandcls  was  at  Sonoma  when  this  party  returned ; 
and  he  represents  the  outrage  to  have  been  committed 
on  a  tribe  on  an  island  in  the  northern  part  of  San 
Francisco  Bay,  in  the  absence  of  all  the  fighting  men, 
the  provocation  being  a  threat  to  steal  the  settlers' 
cattle.  The  negro  deserter  was  found  hidden  here, 
proclaimed  a  foe  to  Mexico,  and  shot  in  the  back.23 
Juan  Bojorges,  one  of  Vallejo's  party,  gives  many  de- 
tails of  the  raid,  and  says  its  object  from  the  first  was 
to  obtain  Indian  laborers  and  servants,  of  whom  a 
large  number  were  obtained  from  another  rancheria. 
He  says  the  battle  was  on  an  island  in  a  laguna 
grande,  where  none  but  the  guide  had  ever  been,30 
and  I  have  no  doubt  that  Clear  Lake,  and  not  the 
ocean  or  bay,  was  the  scene  of  this  massacre.31  An 
investigation  was  ordered,  but  the  result  is  not  known. 
Salvador  Vallejo  in  such  distant  raids  committed 
many  barbarous  acts;  but  an  outrage  so  gross  as  this 
is  represented  to  have  been  would  hardly  have  been 
excused  by  his  brother. 

I  have  had  frequent  occasion  already  to  mention 
Micheltorena's  soldiers,  the  cholos,  as  they  were  com- 
monly called  by  Californians,  arid  in  no  complimentary 
manner.  Their  character  and  acts,  however,  had  so 
important  an  influence  in  bringing  on  the  revolution 
of  the  next  year,  that  it  is  necessary  to  present  the 
subject  somewhat  fully  here.  The  reader  is  aware 
that  the  batallon  fijo  was  composed  chiefly  of  crim- 
inals, a  large  part  of  them  having  been  taken  from 

Chiliyomi,  Holiyomi,  Tuliyomi,  Supuyomi,  Paguenjelayomi,  Sicomyomi, 
Hayomi,  and  Clustinomayomi.  Snow-storms  and  the  large  numbers  and 
threatening  attitude  of  the  Indians  made  it  imprudent  to  continue  hostilities 
the  next  day.  Some  prisoners  were  brought  back.  Id.,  xi.  354.  On  the  kill- 
ing of  the  negro.  Id.,  xi.  301.  April  26th,  gov.  to  V.  Says  the  public  mind 
is  troubled  about  the  killing  of  so  many  Indians;  and  he  orders  a  strict  inves- 
tigation. Id.,  xi.  366. 

29  King 's  Orphan's  Visit,  7-8. 

&0Bojorrjes,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  24-37. 

31  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  290,  mentions  the  affair  as  having  occurred  in  the 
Clear  Lake  region,  and  as  having  been  regarded  at  S.  F.  as  a  brutal  outrage. 
But  he  makes  the  date  1841. 


S64  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

the  jails  of  Mexico  and  Jalisco,  where  the  rest  of  them 
might  also  have  been  confined  without  much  injus- 
tice. That  such  men  would  prove  useless  as  soldiers, 
and  intolerably  vicious  as  citizens,  was  to  be  expected. 
The  sending  of  such  a  band  of  convicts  was  an  outrage 
amply  sufficient  to  justify  revolution.  Yet  it  must  be 
admitted  that  the  conduct  of  the  cholos  in  California, 
though  not  exemplary,  was  wonderfully  good  when 
compared  with  what  might  be  expected  from  their 
vicious  antecedents,  from  the  outrages  committed  by 
men  of  similar  class  in  different  parts  of  Mexico,  from 
their  destitute  condition,  and  from  the  bitterly  preju- 
diced medium  through  which  nearly  all  the  testimony 
extant  against  them  has  come  down  to  us.  It  would 
be  easy  to  fill  a  long  chapter  with  this  testimony;  but 
I  content  myself  with  comparatively  few  citations.32 

32  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS. ,  84-90,  says  that  Lieut  Marquez  was  clearly  im- 
plicated as  an  accomplice  of  Juana  Hernandez  iii  poisoning  her  husband;  but 
was  punished  only  by  being  sent  to  Sta  Barbara.  He  also  describes  a  noisy 
demonstration  by  the  cholos  under  Capt.  Mejia  one  night  at  Monterey.  May 
1843,  Lieut  Maciel  and  Limon  suspended  and  sent  to  §.  Diego.  Savaye,  Doc., 
MS.,  iii.  55.  Nov.  1844,  a  servant  of  Larkin  assaulted,  wounded,  and  robbed 
by  a  soldier;  but  the  culprit  was  kept  in  irons  for  3  months.  Lark'ni's  Off. 
Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  20.  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  106-9,  relates  a  beastly  outrage 
by  a  party  of  soldiers  on  a  drunken  Indian  woman  in  the  streets  of  Monterey. 
Swan,  Hist.  Sketches,  MS.,  2,  notes  the  stealing  of  all  the  contents  of  Jos6 
Castro's  kitchen.  Arnaz,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  33-6,  56-61,  relates  several  in- 
stances of  robbery,  his  own  store  being  ro*bbed  twice. 

Pierre  Atillan,  a  Frenchman  and  patron  of  the  custom-house  boat  at  Mon- 
terey, was  terribly  cut  and  crippled  for  life  on  March  15,  1844,  by  a  party  of 
soldiers  to  whom  he  had  refused  aguardiente.  The  victim  received  a  pension 
from  the  Mexican  govt  until  1846,  and  from  the  U.  S.  for  a  few  years  later, 
when  it  was  stopped,  most  unjustly  as  the  Californians  think.  Unbound  Doc., 
MS.,  287-9;  Castanares,  Col.  Doc.,  17-18;  31st  cong.,  1st  sess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc., 
17,  p.  320;  Vcdlejo,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  368-72;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v. 
42-8.  The  crew  of  a  French  whaler  in  1844  are  said  to  have  had  a  fight  with 
a  party  of  the  cholos,  in  which  several  were  badly  wounded  on  both  sides, 
one  or  two  of  the  soldiers  perhaps  mortally,  though  there  is  no  agreement 
about  details.  Oslo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  439-42;  Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabe,  MS.,  347- 
52;  Ezquer,  Memoria,  MS.,  17;  Swan's  Hist.  Sketches,  MS.,  2.  Swan,  Monte- 
rey in  '43,  also  speaks  of  a  fight  in  which  the  soldiers  were  badly  beaten  by 
the  men  of  the  English  man-of-war  Caryxfort. 

Mrs  Ord,  Ocurrencia*,  MS.,  125,  131-4,  records  two  robberies  in  her  own 
house,  one  of  cooking  utensils  by  the  soldiers,  and  the  other  of  a  portfolio  in 
Pablo  de  la  Guerra's  office,  which  was  supposed  to  contain  gold  coin.  Cap 
tains  Noriega  and  Segura  are  accused  of  having  been  the  chief  culprits  in  this 
affair.  Coroncl,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  46-54,  tells  of  some  minor  depredations 
which  came  under  his  own  observation  as  judge  at  Los  Angeles,  including  a 
description  of  the  cholos'  methods  of  catching  fowl  by  means  of  lines  baited 
with  corn.  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  106-7,  affirms  that  the  soldiers  were  en- 
couraged in  their  thefts  by  many  of  the  officers.  He  says  one  of  the  thieves 


CONDUCT  OF  THE  CHOLOS.  3G5 

There  is  great  unanimity  of  testimony  from  all 
sources  that  members  of  the  batallon  were,  both  at 
Los  Angeles  and  Monterey,  addicted  to  petty  thefts 
of  poultry  and  other  edibles,  as  well  as  of  other  miscel- 
laneous articles  that  could  be  utilized  in  barracks;  so 
much  so  as  to  become  an  intolerable  nuisance  to  all 
citizens  whose  houses,  stores,  or  ranches  were  within 
reach  of  the  marauders.  This  is  about  the  sum  and 
substance  of  all  that  can  be  said  against  the  cholos; 

was  shot  while  entering  Orefia's  store  at  Angeles.  See  also  the  following  au- 
thorities, all  in  condemnation  of  the  cholos  as  intolerable  thieves  and  broilers: 
Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  433-40;  Aharado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  9;  v.  20-2.  33- 
48;  Vcdlejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  266-8,  360-1,  376-7;  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  31-6; 
Gomez,  Lo  que  Sabe,  MS.,  341-63;  Torres,  Peripetias,  MS.,  90;  Castro,  Rda- 
cion,  MS.,  89-93;  Gallndo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  48;  Vallejo  (J.  «/.),  Remin.,  MS., 
163;  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  16-17;  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  17;  Hastinr/s' 
Emig.  Guide,  121-2;  Baden's  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  40-1;  Forster's  Hi*t.  Data, 
MS.,  23-4;  Streeter's  Recoil,  MS.,  51;  Wood's  Wandering  Sketches,  238. 

Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  101-2,  states  that  he  and  others  often  talked 
with  Micheltorena  on  the  outrageous  conduct  of  his  troops;  but  M.  was 
afraid,  not  only  of  his  own  men,  but  of  the  Californians,  if  he  should  disarm  or 
get  rid  of  his  batallon.  Pinto,  Apuntaciones,  MS.,  84-85,  affirms  that  M. 
sometimes  ordered  severe  punishments,  but  they  were  rarely  enforced,  most 
of  the  officers  favoring  the  culprits.  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  53-4,  says 
that  in  private  conversations  with  him  M.  often  lamented  the  conduct  of  his 
men,  which  he  could  not  control,  but  which  he  felt  would  surely  defeat  all  his 
efforts  for  the  welfare  of  Cal.  Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS.,  p.  20,  blames  M.  for 
not  having  sent  away  his  convicts  as  he  was  often  urged  to  do. 

In  his  letter  of  Dec.  12,  1844,  to  the  sup.  govt,  while  admitting  that  his 
men  had  originally  been  malefactors,  M.  claimed  so  well  to  have  controlled 
them  that  not  a  murder,  nor  rape,  nor  serious  robbery  had  been  committed; 
the  400  minor  thefts  complained  of  did  not  amount  to  over  $500;  and  soldiers 
had  repeatedly  been  punished  with  from  200  to  600  blows.  Castanares,  Col. 
Doc.,  58-9.  Thos  0.  Larkin  in  1845  stated  that  so  far  as  he  knew,  robbery 
had  been  neither  more  nor  less  prevalent  in  1S43-4  than  in  previous  years.  He 
had  known  of  but  one  instance  of  a  person  being  wounded,  in  which  case  the 
offender  had  been  promptly  arrested;  and  he  had  once  been  called  upon  as 
U.  S.  consul  to  quell  a  disturbance  between  the  soldiers  and  some  American 
and  French  sailors.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  271.  Alvarado,  Hixt.  Cal.,  MS., 
v.  37-41,  charges  Larkin  with  having  deliberately  misrepresented  this  matter 
on  account  of  his  business  relations  with  M.,  being  perfectly  aware  of  the  con- 
tinual outrages  committed.  Bidwell,  Cal.  in  1841-8,  MS.,  119-20,  who  was 
among  M.'s  soldiers  for  two  months,  does  not  think  they  deserve  to  be  called 
convicts  or  thieves.  Davis,  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  MS.,  127-9,  who  was  much 
in  Monterey  while  the  batallon  was  there,  who  was  intimate  with  Capt.  Paty, 
on  whose  vessel  the  soldiers  left  Cal.,  and  who  conversed  with  many  promi- 
nent residents  of  the  capital  and  of  Los  Angeles,  speaks  in  very  compliment- 
ary terms  of  these  men.  It  is  true  that  a  few  of  them  stole  chickens,  but 
most  of  them  had  great  respect  for  their  general,  and  behaved  themselves 
wonderfully  well.  Abrego,  in  Cerruti's  Ramblings,  MS.,  188,  defends  the 
cholos,  who  did  nothing  worse  than  steal  to  satisfy  their  hunger  and  cover 
their  nakedness.  Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  177,  thinks  the  soldiers  committed 
only  trifling  thefts,  for  which  they  were  often  punished.  Machado,  Tiempoa 
Pasados,  MS.,  35-G,  says  they  behaved  well  enough  at  S.  Diego. 


330  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

and  it  is  doubtful  if  any  soldiers  could  be  restrained 
by  any  discipline — certainly  not  by  any  Mexican  dis- 
cipline— from  such  excesses  when,  as  was  true  in  this 
case,  they  were  not  paid,  and  very  inadequately  fed 
and  clothed.  In  respect  of  gambling,  intoxication, 
licentiousness,  and  proneness  to  disorderly  conduct 
or  murderous  assaults,  no  Mexican  or  Californian  sol- 
diers had  of  late  years  borne  or  deserved  a  very  high 
reputation;  but  I  find  no  clear  evidence  that  Michel  - 
torena's  men  were  any  better  or  much  worse  than 
others.  And  this  it  must  be  remembered  is  a  high 
compliment  to  the  cholos,  when  we  consider  their 
antecedents  and  the  circumstances.  The  statements 
of  Alvarado  and  other  Californians,  representing  the 
stay  of  the  cholos  at  Monterey  as  causing  a  reign  of 
terror  in  which  vice,  robbery,  outrage,  and  murder 
were  rampant — neither  property,  life,  nor  the  honor 
of  women  being  safe — must  be  regarded  as  the  exag- 
gerations of  men  in  search  of  a  justification  for  later 
revolt.  On  the  other  hand,  there  was  much  of  preju- 
dice in  favor  of  Micheltorena  and  his  men  on  the 
part  of  Sutter,  Bidwell,  Larkin,  and  others,  who 
defended  them  more  or  less  warmly  because  they 
hoped  to  receive  personal  benefits  from  the  governor, 
whose  friendly  policy  in  land  matters  covered  a  mul- 
titude of  sins  in  the  eyes  of  foreigners. 

While  many  officers  of  the  batallon  are  represented 
as  having  been  as  bad  as  their  men,  whose  raids  on  the 
hen-roosts  they  did  not  discourage,  Micheltorena  must 
certainly  be  credited  with  having  displayed  much  tact  in 
the  management  of  his  undisciplined  followers.  Even 
those  who  grossly  exaggerate  the  excesses  of  the  lat- 
ter, generally  admit  that  the  general  did  his  best  to 
restrain  them.  He  listened  patiently  to  complaints; 
paid  for  all  losses  so  long  as  he  had  any  money,  it  be- 
ing more  than  hinted  that  some  thrifty  housewives  got 
pay  for  divers  pots  and  kettles  never  lost,  or  which 
they  had  been  glad  to  lose;  and  not  only  chided  the 
offenders,  but  often  had  them  arrested  and  flogged, 


POPULAR  COMPLAINTS.  367 

always  retaining  however  the  friendship  and  respect 
of  all,  and  thus  a  certain  control  over  them  which  it 
would  have  been  dangerous  to  lose.  Osio  says  that 
Micheltorena  not  only  made  a  jest  of  his  soldiers'  thiev- 
ing achievements,  and  refused  to  punish  them,  but 
quarrelled  with  Colonel  Tellez  and  other  officers  who 
protested  against  such  excesses  and  insisted  on  main- 
taining a  semblance  of  discipline — being  moved  to 
wrath  and  tears  at  sight  of  the  cholos'  bloody  backs, 
the  result  of  floggings  inflicted  by  order  of  Tellez! 
This  writer,  like  Alvarado,  Vallejo,  Spence,  and  others, 
blames  the  general  for  his  "criminal  lack  of  energy" 
in  failing  to  control  his  men.  He  should  have  shot 
some  of  the  worst  cholos  as  an  example,  they  said, 
or  should  have  shipped  them  all  away,  or  sent  them  to 
fight  Indians  in  the  Tulares,  or  to  work  and  be  fed  on 
the  northern  frontier..  It  is  true  enough  that  Michel- 
torena was  an  easy-going,  indolent  officer;  and  it  is 
possible  that  a  more  energetic  man  might  have  man- 
aged the  matter  better,  though  difficult  to  say  exactly 
how.  "It  was  hard,"  as  he  wrote  to  the  government, 
"to  shoot  a  hungry,  unpaid  soldier  for  pilfering  food;" 
and  there  was  moreover  no  little  danger,  if  severe 
measures  were  resorted  to,  of  transforming  the  convict 
batallon  into  an  armed  band  of  roving  marauders,  with 
the  property  and  lives  of  the  Californians  largely  at 
their  mercy.  The  general  had  no  right  as  a  Mexican 
officer  to  send  his  soldiers  out  of  the  country,  and  to 
have  done  so  would  have  been  to  involve  himself  in 
serious  complications  with  his  superiors;  even  had  he 
been  free  from  the  apprehension,  as  he  certainly  was 
not,  that  without  the  support  of  an  armed  force  his 
own  authority  was  likely  enough  to  be  disregarded  by 
the  Californians.  So  much  for  the  cholos  and  their 
conduct.  In  a  later  chapter  we  shall  see  what  means 
were  eventually  employed  to  get  rid  of  them. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 
1843. 

ANTICIPATION  OF  A  CHANGE — POLICY  OF  GOVERNOR  AND  PADRES — MICHEL- 
TORENA'S  DECREE  RESTORING  THE  MISSIONS  TO  THE  FRIARS — MOTIVES — 
THE  CHANGE  EFFECTED — MISSION  LANDS — MISSIONARY  PERSONNEL  AND 
OFFICIALS — THE  BISHOP  AND  HIS  FINANCIAL  TROUBLES — TITHES — GARCIA 
DIEGO  AND  VALLEJO — PATRONESS  OF  THE  DIOCESE — FRIARS  NOT  TO  EE 
POLITICIANS — SCANDAL  PREVENTED — COMMERCIAL  REGULATIONS — SMUG- 
GLING— FEAR  OF  LOSING  THB  BOSTON  TRADE — WHALERS — MINOR  ITEMS 
— CUSTOM-HOUSE  OFFICIALS — FINANCE — FALLING-OFF  OF  REVENUES — 
LIST  OF  VESSELS. 

SOME  change  in  mission  management  was  to  be  ex- 
pected under  a  new  ruler,  especially  in  view  of  Mich- 
eltorena's  extraordinary  powers,  and  the  concessions 
made  in  Mexico  to  Bishop  Garcia  Diego.  It  does  not 
appear  that  Micheltorena's  policy  respecting  the  mis- 
sion property  differed  in  any  essential  respect  from 
that  of  Alvarado;  but  that  property,  so  far  as  it  was 
available  for  the  needs  of  the  government,  was  prac- 
tically exhausted;  and  the  governor  was  willing  to 
conciliate  the  bishop  and  friars  by  introducing  any  kind 
of  a  change  that  would  not  involve  expense.  There 
was  no  thought  of  really  restoring  the  old  mission  sys- 
tem. The  padres  had  no  hope  of  such  a  restoration, 
and  probably  no  desire  for  it,  being  old  men,  unfit  for 
a  resumption  of  the  active  missionary  work  of  other 
days;  while  the  bishop  of  course  would  have  opposed 
any  real  restoration  of  a  system  which  would  have 
left  no  place  for  his  episcopal  services.  The  fact  was 
recognized  by  all  that  the  mission  system  was  dead, 

(36S) 


MICHELTOPtENA'S  DECREE.  369 

The  plan  was  now  to  support  the  friars,  acting  prac- 
tically as  curates,  by  restoring  to  them  the  church 
property,  with  such  lands  and  cattle  as  had  not  yet 
been  disposed  of,  and  such  neophytes  as  could  be 
induced  to  work  in  community,  in  the  hope  that  the 
establishments  might  thus  be  rendered  at  least  self- 
supporting,  and  perhaps  might  yield  a  surplus  for  gov- 
ernmental and  episcopal  needs. 

On  the  29th  of  March,  1843,  Micheltorena  issued 
a  decree  restoring  to  the  padres  the  temporal  man- 
agement of  twelve  missions,  on  condition  that  one 
eighth  of  the  total  annual  produce  of  every  description 
should  be  paid  into  the  public  treasury.1  In  a  pre- 


1  Micheltorena,  Decreto  par  el  cual  devuelve.  la  administration  de  Misiones  d 
lo.ifrailes,  20  de  Ma.zo,  1843,  MS.;  also  in  Arch.,  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  141-7;  x. 
213-24;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  22-5;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  327;  Hayes'  Mi*s. 
Book,  i.  358;  HaU«ctf»  Report,  appcn.,  no.  19;  Jones'  Report,  71;  DmneL'e'n 
Colon.  Hist.,  add.,  83-4.  Some  of  the  documents  bear  date  of  March  2Cvh, 
when  the  decree  was  addressed  to  the  mission  presidents  before  being  formally 
published.  The  articles  of  the  order  are  as  follows: 

1.  The  govt  will  deliver  to  the  padres  named  by  their  prelate  for  each — • 
the  missions  of  S.  Diego,  S.  Luis  Key,  S.  Juan  Capistrano,  S.  Gabriel,  S. 
Fernando,  S.  Buenaventura,  Sta  Barbara,  Purisima,  Sta  In<5s  (erroneously 
called  Sta  Cruz  by  Halleck),  Sta  Clara,  S.  Antonio,  and  S.  Jose",  to  be  ad- 
ministered by  them  as  guardians  of  the  Indians,  as  in  former  times.  2.  Since 
policy  makes  irrevocable  what  has  already  been  done,  the  missions  cannot 
reclaim  any  lands  that  have  been  granted;  but  they  may  gather  in  all  the 
live-stock  and  implements  that  have  been  loaned  by  the  guardians  or  admin- 
istrators, making  friendly  arrangements  with  the  debtors  or  holders  as  totims 
and  manner.  3.  They  will  also  collect  all  scattered  neophytes  except,  1st, 
those  lawfully  freed  from  neophytism  by  the  govt,  and  2d,  those  now  in  the 
service  of  private  persons;  though  those  of  both  classes  may  return  volun- 
tarily to  their  missions  with  the  consent  of  their  masters  and  of  the  mission- 
aries. 4.  The  dept.  govt,  in  whose  possession  the  missions  have  been  till 
now,  by  virtue  of  its  most  ample  powers  and  for  the  reasons  already  stated, 
authorizes  the  ministers  to  provide  from  the  mission  products  for  the  indis- 
pensable expenses  of  the  conversion,  food,  clothing,  and  other  temporal 
necessities  of  the  Indians;  and  also  to  take  from  the  same  fund  the  moderate 
sum  needed  for  their  own  sustenance,  for  the  economical  salary  of  the  major- 
domo,  and  for  the  support  of  divine  worship — on  the  condition  that  they  be 
held  bound  upon  their  honor  and  conscience  to  pay  into  the  treasury,  on  the 
gDvernor's  order,  for  the  support  of  troops  and  needs  of  civil  employe's,  one 
eighth  of  the  total  annual  produce  and  revenue  of  every  kind,  taking  care  also 
to  render  through  their  prelates  an  exact  report  at  the  end  of  each  year  on 
the  neophytes  and  property  of  each  mission.  5.  The  govt,  priding  itself  in 
being  religious  as  well  as  wholly  Californian,  and  thus  interested  in  the  prog- 
ress of  the  catholic  faith  and  prosperity  of  the  country,  offers  all  its  power  in 
aid  of  the  missions,  as  it  will  also  protect  private  individuals  in  the  posses- 
sion of  lands  which  they  now  hold;  promising,  however,  to  make  no  new  grant 
without  a  report  from  the  local  authorities  and  from  the  padres,  unless  iu  case 
of  notorious  non-occupation,  non-cultivation,  or  necessity. 
HIST.  CAL..  VOL.  IV.  21 


370  MISSIONS— COMMERCE-MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

lude  he  explained  that  this  action  was  taken  in  accord 
with  the  ideas  of  presidents  Jimeno  and  Gonzalez; 
and  stated  as  his  motives  the  facts  that  the  mission 
establishments  had  now  been  reduced  to  the  mere 
space  occupied  by  the  buildings  and  orchards;  that  the 
padres  had  no  support  but  that  of  charity;  that  pub- 
lic worship  was  hardly  kept  up;  that  the  Indians  pre-' 
ferred  a  savage  life  in  the  desert  to  one  of  slavery 
with  insufficient  food  and  clothing;  that  continual 
changes  of  the  Indians  from  mission  to  private  ser- 
vice and  back  again  was  a  great  drawback  to  agricul- 
ture as  well  as  to  religion ;  that  there  had  been  notorious 
fraud  and  waste  in  past  management;  and  finally,  that 
there  was  "no  other  remedy  for  reviving  the  skeleton 
of  a  giant  like  what  remains  of  the  missions  than 
that  of  having  recourse  to  experience  and  propping 
it  up  with  the  lever  of  civil  and  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority." 

Under  the  regulation  just  cited,  the  padres  became 
independent  of  the  administrators,  with  whom  as  a 
rule  their  relations  had  not  been  friendly.  They  were 
enabled  to  protect  from  injury  and  loss  certain  prop- 
erty in  the  shape  of  buildings  and  gardens,  which  in 
the  natural  order  of  things  would  revert  to  the  church. 
With  the  small  remnant  of  cattle  and  implements  left 
from  the  general  wreck,  with  the  few  Indians  whom 
past  changes  had  left  in  the  communities,  and  with  the 
temporary  use  of  such  poor  lands  as  had  not  yet  been 
granted  to  private  ownership,  the  friars  might  now 
toil  to  support  themselves.  To  do  so  was  doubtless 
deemed  a  privilege  by  them,  though  the  new  life  was 
in  strong  contrast  to  that  of  former  years.  Few  if 
any  dreamed  of  recovering  their  old  power  and  wealth; 
but  they  hoped  by  the  change  to  avoid  at  least  certain 
personal  humiliations  and  annoying  complications  with 
local  and  departmental  authorities.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  act  was  doubtless  a  wise  one  on  the  part  of 
Micheltorena,  who  did  for  the  friars  all  that  he  had  a 
right  to  do.  So  completely  had  the  missions  been 


RESTORATION  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  S71 

stripped  in  one  way  or  another  of  all  that  was  valua- 
ble, that  revenues  could  no  longer  be  depended  on ; 
and  the  eighth  of  total  production  guaranteed  under 
the  new  management  was  expected  to  prove  a  gain. 
In  the  matter  of  granting  lands,  no  real  change  was 
introduced;  mission  lands  could  still  be  granted — in- 
deed, the  governor  had  no  power  to  divest  himself  of 
that  right—whenever  they  were  not  needed  for  the 
neophytes,  or  whenever  public  necessity  required  it; 
and  without  these  conditions,  they  could  not  have 
been  granted,  theoretically  at  least,  before. 

In  April  the  governor  instructed  administrators  to 
deliver  the  missions  in  accordance  with  the  new  regu- 
lations; and  Prefect  Duran  issued  corresponding  in- 
structions to  the  padres.  The  latter  were  exhorted 
to  receive  the  property  by  inventory;  to  perform  with 
the  utmost  exactness  the  duties  imposed  on  their  honor 
and  conscience;  to  invest  any  surplus  of  revenue  in 
live-stock  or  in  means  for  new  conversions,  but  not  in 
any  case  to  sell  anything  for  money ;  and  to  make  the 
best  use  of  this  opportunity  to  save  the  neophytes  and 
their  property  from  utter  destruction.  None  of  the 
friars  were  to  be  transferred  from  the  missions  where 
they  were  living.2  I  suppose  the  change  was  prompt- 
ly effected  as  ordered  without  opposition  from,  either 
friars  or  administrators,  though  I  find  no  definite 
record  on  the  subject  beyond  a  few  local  items  of 
minor  importance.3 

The  only  changes  to  be  recorded  in  the  mission- 
ary personnel  in  1842-4  were  the  arrival  of  padres 
Gomez,  Muro,  and  Rosales  from  Zacatecas;  the  de- 
parture in  1844-5  of  Mercado,  Real,  and  Quijas  to  the 

8April3,  1843,  gov.  to  admin.  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xiii.  50-1.  April  18th, 
Duran  to  padres.  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  24-5;  Arch.,  StaB.,  MS.,  vi.  284-9. 

3  April  4th,  order  from  prefect  for  S.  Jos6  Indians  not  emancipated  to 
report  themselves  to  the  person  in  charge.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  33. 
March  (?)  1st,  admin,  of  S.  Gabriel  ordered  to  surrender  the  temporalities  to 
P.  Este"nega.  Dept.  Pec.,  MS.,  xiii.  42.  S.  Luis  Rey  delivered  to  P.  Zalvidea 
in  April.  Id.,  xiii.  46,  56;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  40-3.  April  23d, 
gov.  appoints  interventores  for  the  delivery  of  S.  Fernando.  Coronet,  Doc., 
MS.,  227.  June  10th,  P.  Zalvidea  lends  J.  M.  Osuna  of  S.  Diego  89  cattle 
and  Jos6  Lopez  50,  each  to  have  half  the  increase.  Marron,  Papeles,  MS.,  1. 


372  MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

same  college;  and  the  death  in  1842  of  Padre  Ramon 
Abella,  the  senior  Fernandino  in  California,  and  the 
only  survivor  of  those  who  had  come  to  the  country 
before  1800.  Meanwhile  Duran  continued  to  hold 
the  office  of  prefect  and  Jimeno  that  of  president  of 
the  southern  missions;  while,  on  the  resignation  of 
Gonzalez,  the  vice-prefect  and  president  of  the  Zaca- 
tecanos,  Lorenzo  Quijas  was  appointed  to  the  former 
office  and  Antonio  Anzar  to  the  latter.4  At  different 
dates  in  the  late  autumn  the  friars  took  the  required 
oath  in  support  of  the  bases  constitucionales  of 
Mexico.5 

Bishop  Garcia  Diego  was  prevented  from  carrying 
out  his  grand  schemes  for  the  development  of  Cali- 
fornian  piety  by  the  same  difficulty  that  embarrassed 
the  governor  in  his  efforts  for  the  country's  secular  well- 
being — namely,  a  lack  of  funds.  He  could  obtain  from 
Mexico  no  part  either  of  his  salary  or  of  the  pious-fund 
revenues  which  the  government  had  pledged  itself  to 
pay  for  the  propagation  of  the  gospel  in  California.6 
The  bishop's  only  other  resources  were  the  voluntary 
contributions  of  his  flock,  which  are  said  to  have 
amounted  to  several  thousand  dollars  in  the  Santa 
Barbara  region,  and  the  collection  of  tithes.  In  this 
collection  he  found  great  obstacles  and  small  profits. 
Few  had  paid  tithes  in  past  years  and  many  refused 
to  do  so  now.  By  law  the  payment  was  optional  and 
a  matter  of  conscience;  accordingly  the  secular  au- 
thorities refused  to  interfere  in  the  bishop's  behalf, 
though  Micheltorena  ingeniously  contrived  to  put  his 
refusal  in  the  shape  of  a  zealous  plea  in  favor  of  church 
prerogatives.7  In  the  north  the  opposition  was  more 

*  March  6th,  appointment  at  Zacatecas  of  Quijas  and  Ansar,  announced 
in  Cal.  Oct.  10th.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  65;  S.  Jost,  Patentee,  MS.,  226- 
31;  Sta  Clara,  Parroquia,  MS.,  28. 

5  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  35,  etc. 

6  The  govt  had,  however,  the  assurance  to  call  for  a  statement  of  the  bienea 
de  temporalidades  de  religiosos  in  California,  since  the  estates  of  friars,  save 
those  devoted  to  charity,  had  been  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  treasury ! 
Unbound  Doc.,  MS.,  2-3. 

'March  1,  1843,  M.  to  the  bishop.  'This  govt  which  has  always  gloried 
in  being  catholic,  apostolic,  and  Roman,  and  which  takes  pride  in  protesting 


COLLECTION  OF  TITHES.  373 

pronounced  than  in  the  south,  though  nowhere  out- 
side of  Santa  Barbara  did  the  revenue  much  exceed 
the  cost  of  collection.  Vallejo  at  Sonoma  flatly  re- 
fused to  pay  the  diezmo,  and  had  a  controversy,  verbal 
and  in  writing,  with  Padre  Mercado,  the  collector. 
Vallejo  declared  that  he  had  for  years  supported  the 
church  at  Sonoma  at  his  own  expense;  that  he  would 
still  make  liberal  contributions  for  religious  purposes, 
and  would  contribute  still  more  liberally  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  new  missions  on  the  frontier;  but  that  he 
would  by  no  means  recognize  the  right  of  the  bishop 
to  a  tenth  of  his  property,  to  be  spent  on  impractica- 
ble and  profitless  episcopal  schemes.8  Vallejo  was 
too  powerful  and  liberal  a  man  to  be  punished  by  ex- 
communication, though  that  terrible  penalty  was  freely 
held  over  the  heads  of  others.  Jose  Sanchez  was 
refused  the  consolations  of  religion  on  his  death-bed 
in  consequence  of  having  followed  Vallejo's  example 
in  refusing  the  payment  of  tithes;  and  for  the  same 
reason  his  body,  for  a  time  at  least,  was  denied  Chris- 
tian burial  by  Mercado  and  Quijas.9 

in  the  face  of  the  universe  that  it  will  remain  so,  has  learned  with  the  great- 
est displeasure  that  sordid  avarice  pretends  to  cloak  its  ambitious  views  with 
reference  to  the  payment  of  tithes  under  the  pretext  of  being  liable  to  pay 
them  doable — to  the  holy  mother  church  and  to  the  civil  authority.  There- 
fore it  is  a  sacred  duty  to  exercise  the  first  obligation  of  the  departmental 
executive  by  assuring  all  citizens  and  your  most  illustrious  lordship  that  this 
govt,  confiding  altogether  in  divine  providence,  will  need  no  more  than  its 
own  revenues  and  resources  for  its  necessities;  and  that  while  he  has  no  right 
to  lend  his  civil  authority,  and  will  in  no  way  meddle  in  the  collection  or 
payment  of  tithes,  a  matter  left  entirely  to  religion  and  to  individual  con- 
science, yet  he  will  feel  the  most  grateful  satisfaction  if  citizens  of  the  de- 
partment will  fulfil  in  this  respect  the  first  of  their  duties  to  ward  divine  wor- 
ship and  its  ministers. '  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Anrf ,  MS.,  xii.  98-9;  Micheltorena's 
Administration,  12-13.  March  9th,  April  26th,  June  22d,  prefect's  orders 
that  the  civil  authorities  are  not  to  enforce  the  payment  of  tithes.  S.  Jos6, 
Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  28,  93;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  Index,  MS.,  127.  Jun.  20th,  bish- 
op's order —  from  the  hospicio  episcopal  of  Sta  Barbara — that  all  the  faith- 
ful must  pay  tithes  to  the  administrators  appointed — the  padres  being  ex- 
empt. Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  24. 

8  March  18th,  19th,  corresp.  between  V.  and  Mercado,  with  reference  to 
personal  interviews.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  347-50;  Sobe.ranes,  Doc.,  MS., 
282-3.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  70-80,  tells  the  story;  and  also  copies 
the  appointment  and  instructions  of  Hartnell  as  administrator  of  tithes  in 
the  south,  under  date  of  Jan.  8th.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  35-6;  iv. 
150-3,  represents  Quijas  as  having  preached  very  pointedly  at  Vallejo  in  con- 
nection with  this  matter,  to  the  great  indignation  of  Solano. 

'June  29,  1843,  sons  of  Jose  Sanchez  to  com.  gen.   Soberanes,  Doc.,  MS., 


374  MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

The  bishop  was  despondent  in  consequence  of  his 
failure  to  provide  properly  for  financial  necessities  and 
of  the  indifference  to  church  obligations  and  episcopal 
authority  manifested  by  so  many  prominent  Califor- 
nians.  Yet  there  were  certain  benefits  that  could  be 
conferred  on  an  undeserving  people  in  spite  of  them- 
selves. On  January  4th,  he  announced  the  designa- 
tion of  our  lady  the  virgen  del  Refugio  as  chief  patro- 
ness of  the  diocese,  naming  San  Francisco  de  Asis  and 
San  Francisco  de  Sales  as  co-patrons  of  the  second 
order.  The  swearing  of  allegiance  to  these  divine  pa- 
trons was  to  be  performed  with  all  possible  ceremony 
at  every  church  on  the  first  Sunday  following  the 
receipt  of  the  proclamation.10  Bishop  Francisco  also 
found  time  this  year  to  issue  a  pastoral  letter,  in  which 
he  enjoined  it  upon  his  clergy  never  to  speak  in  public 
exhortation  or  private  conversation  any  word  that 
might  be  construed  as  censure  of  the  country's  rulers. 
They  must  inculcate  a  spirit  of  obedience  to  the  au- 
thorities, but  keep  aloof  from  politics.  Another  evil 
to  be  avoided  was  that  of  speaking  against  their  breth- 
ren, whether  Mexicans  or  Californians.11  Yet  another 
achievement  must  be  placed  to  the  bishop's  credit. 
He  succeeded  in  inducing  Micheltorena  to  give  a  practi- 
cal illustration  of  his  devotion  to  church  precepts  and 
to  the  cause  of  good  morals,  by  marrying  the  woman, 
he  had  brought  from  Mexico  as  his  mistress.12 

Foreign  vessels  entering  any  other  port  than  that 
of  Monterey  were  in  1843,  as  before,  required  to  take 

292-5.  Dec. ,  Prado  Mesa  to  Vallejo.  Excommunication  from  the  bishop  is 
hourly  expected  by  many.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  473. 

10  Jan.  4,  1843,  bishop's  proclamation,  beginning  'Rejoice,  for  ye  are  al- 
ready under  her  powerful  protection,'  etc.,  prescribing  the  ceremonies  of  the 
oath,  granting  40  days'  indulgence,  bestowing  his  pastoral  blessing,  and  con- 
cluding 'What  a  memorable  and  happy  year  for  the  Calif ornias !'  S.  Jost, 
Patentes,  MS.,  215-25.  The  required  ceremony  was  performed  at  S.  Jos6 
Mission  on  April  16th,  Id.,  225-6;  and  at  S.  Antonio  on  March  26th,  with 
great  rejoicings,  bells,  rockets,  salutes  of  cannon,  church  adornment,  and  illu- 
minations. Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  64. 

"Pastoral  letter.  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  25. 

12 1  have  not  seen  any  contemporary  record  of  the  marriage,  but  many  re- 
member the  fact. 


TRADE  REGULATIONS.  375 

a  guard  on  board  and  to  depart  with  the  shortest  pos- 
sible delay  for  the  capital  and  only  port  of  entry.  Yet 
many  vessels,  whose  masters  knew  the  regulations 
perfectly,  came  first  to  the  other  ports  on  some  more 
or  less  plausible  pretext,  and  remained  a  day  or  two 
with  the  guard  in  charge  as  the  law  required.  The 
supercargo  of  one  vessel  explains  how  a  cargo  of  $20,- 

000  was  landed  secretly  by  night  at  San  Francisco, 
leaving  goods  on  board  to  the  amount  of  about  $1,100 
for  the  later  inspection  of  the  revenue  officers.     Of 
course  the  guard  was  bribed  to  remain  in  a  state-room 
with  a  liberal  supply  of  aguardiente  and  cigars,  in  pre- 
tended ignorance  of  what  was  being  done  with  the 
cargo;  and  it  is  even  implied  that  he  had  been  selected 
for  this  duty  by  the  receptor,  with  a  view  to  the  re- 
sult.13    The  methods  adopted  by  this  vessel  were  nat- 
urally employed  by  others,  the  masters  and  supercar- 
goes being  guided  in  their  choice  of  ports  by  the  influ- 
ence they  could  bring  to  bear  on  local  authorities. 
This  method  had  now  supplanted  to  a  great  extent  the 
earlier  one  of  landing  goods  in  out-of-the-way  places 
to  be  reshipped  after  settlement  at  the  custom-house. 

1  think  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  three  fourths  of 
the  years'  importations  paid  no  duties,  the  amounts 
entered  at  Monterey  being,  as  a  rule,  absurdly  small. 

After  visiting  Monterey,  vessels  were  free  to  trade 
at  retail  or  wholesale  up  and  down  the  coast  under  no 
restrictions  as  to  landing-places;  and  this  in  spite  of 
Mexican  laws  on  the  subject,  laws  supplemented  this 
year  by  a  decree  absolutely  prohibiting  the  retail  trade 
by  foreigners.14  Indeed,  the  fear  was  that  the  Boston 
ships  would  abandon  the  trade  altogether,  so  difficult 
had  it  become  to  obtain  cargoes  of  produce,  to  collect 
debts,  and  to  compete  successfully  in  trade  with  rivals, 

13  Davis1  Glimpses,  MS. ,  89-90.  The  vessel  was  the  Don  Quixote,  Paty, 
master,  from  Oahu.  Davis  and  Spear  were  intimate  friends  of  D.  Francisco 
Guerrero,  the  receptor. 

"Sept.  23,  1843.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  MS.,  i.  48.  It  does  not  clearly  ap- 
pear that  this  decree,  however,  was  formally  published  in  Cal.  before  the  end 
of  the  year. 


376  MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

whose  number  was  increasing  and  whose  methods  were 
illegitimate.  But  it  was  from  the  Boston  ships  that 
the  country's  revenue  was  mainly  derived,  and  to  en- 
courage their  coming  Michel  torena  at  one  time  resolved 
to  go  so  far  as  to  prohibit  the  introduction  of  foreign 
goods  by  Mexican  vessels,  though  it  does  not  appear 
that  he  issued  such  an  order  this  year.15  Another 
obstacle  to  the  success  of  legitimate  trade  was  the 
privilege  that  had  been  allowed  to  whalers  of  selling 
goods  to  pay  for  the  supplies  they-  needed.  Not  only, 
having  no  tonnage  duties  to  pay,  no  long  stay  to  make 
on  the  coast,  and  no  extra  expenses  by  reason  of  their 
commercial  ventures,  could  they  undersell  all  rivals; 
but  they  took  advantage  of  their  license  to  sell  secret- 
ly an  amount  of  goods  greatly  exceeding  their  privi- 
lege, both  on  their  own  account  and  in  aid  of  smug- 
glers. This  year,  in  the  fear  of  losing  the  benefits  of 
the  Boston  trade,  whalers  were  deprived  of  the  privi- 
lege, always  illegal,  of  selling  goods  at  all.18  The  total 

15  Aug.  13,  1843,  M.  to  Larkin.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  29. 

10  Ja.n.  30th,  whalers  exempt  from  tonnage  dues  temporarily.  Pinto,  Doc. , 
MS.,  i.  397.  March  15th,  17th,  April  4th,  strict  orders,  both  general  and  in 
the  cases  of  particular  vessels,  requiring  that  whalers  with  goods  for  sale  be 
shown  no  special  favor,  and  be  required  to  show  papers  from  Monterey  like 
other  vessels.  Id.,  ii.  3-4;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  345;  Soberanes,  Doc.,  MS., 
284-G.  Aug.  13th,  Micheltorena  to  Larkin.  Refuses  his  request  for  a  whaler 
to  sell  goods  saHiciciit  to  purchase  supplies,  and  explains  his  reasons  at  some 
length.  L.  had  apparently  complained  as  U.  S.  consul;  but  M.  claims  that 
the  prohibition  has  been  in  force  more  than  the  6  months  required  by  inter- 
national comity.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  29.  Oct.,  a  whaler  seized  at  Sta 
Cruz.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  74.  Oct.,  Nov..  whalers  at  S.  Diego  required 
to  pay  tonnage  clues,  and  not  allowed  to  take  whales  in  the  bay — though  they 
did  so  all  the  same.  i'.  Dieyo,  Arch.,  MS.,  7;  Id.,  Index,  148;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Any.,  MS.,  vii.  97.  April  25th,  Dec.  31st,  stringent  regulations  on  the  sale 
of  hides;  marks,  etc.,  issued  by  the  juez  at  Monterey  first,  and  later  by  the 
gov.  There  was  to  be  a  police  agent  at  every  port,  without  whose  examina- 
tion and  approval  no  hide  could  be  sold,  under  penalty  of  confiscation  and 
fine.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  333;  Id.,  IIU.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  301-3;  S.  Die<jo, 
Arch.,  MS.,  294;  Alichdt arena's  Administration,  19-20;  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS., 
i.  430.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  35G-7,  says  M.  approved  his  plnn  for 
moving  the  custom-house  to  S.  F.,  but  had  to  wait  for  resources  from  Mexico! 
Jan.  10th,  complaint  against  Richardson  for  allowing  vessels  to  anchor  at 
Sauzalito,  and  also  allowing  whalers  to  trade.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  MS.,  iii. 
40.  Jan.  30th,  besides  25  per  cent  on  value  of  some  flour,  salmon,  and  butter, 
a  'consumption  due'  of  20  per  cent  on  the  25  per  cent  was  collected.  Pinto, 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  400.  Strict  orders  from  Monterey  on  precautions  with  vessels 
at  other  ports.  Id.,  i.  390-7;  ii.  2-3,  7,  23,  36.  March  21st,  order  to  burn 
all  foreign  cotton  not  obeyed  in  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  45.  April 
7th,  order  from  Mexico  to  add  20  per  cent  to  import  duties  during  the  war 


REVENUE— LIST  OF  VESSELS.  377 

amount  of  receipts  at  the  custom-house  was  only  $52,- 
000,  or  about  half  of  what  it  had  been  in  1841.  Man- 
uel Castauares  retained  his  position  as  administrator, 
though  Pablo  de  la  Guerra  was  usually  acting  in  that 
capacity;  and  the  revenue  employes  obtained  their 
salaries  to  the  extent  of  $11,000.  A  balance  of  some 
$40,000  was  turned  over  to  Micheltorena  for  his  army 
and  to  Sub-comisario  Abrego  for  the  civil  budget.  I 
need  hardly  repeat  here  that  the  income  was  altogether 
inadequate  to  the  payment  of  current  expenses. 

In  the  appended  list  I  name  forty-six  vessels  whose 
presence  on  the  coast  is  recorded  in  1843,17  though 

in  Texas  and  Yucatan.  Id.,  ii.  33.  Feb.  28th,  derecho  de  averia  extended  to 
the  whole  republic.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  6.  Some  permits  to  take  otter 
and  seals.  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  317-27;  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.  7; 
Dept.  Itcc.,  MS.,  xiii.  48.  Jacob  P.  Leese  and  Joel  Walker — or  possibly  each 
on  his  o\vn  account — drove  a  large  number  of  cattle,  horses,  and  sheep  to 
Oregon  this  year.  Hesperian,  ii.  147-56;  Walker's  Narrative,  MS.,  12.  About 
2,000  bbls  of  wine  and  brandy  exported  in  1843.  Castanares,  Col.  Doc.,  23. 

Revenue  officers;  in  April  the  corps  consisted  of  Pablo  de  la  Guerra  (act- 
ing) administrator;  Hartnell,  Id.  (provisional);  Rafael  Gonzalez,  comandante 
of  celadores,  who  were — Benito  Diaz,  Joaquin  Torre,  Francisco  Rico,  Rafael 
Pinto,  and  Jacinto  Rodriguez;  Jose  F.  Alvarez,  escribiente.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Mont.,  MS.,  viii.  7-8.  In  Nov.  there  were  only  two  celadores,  Rico  and 
Rafael  Estrada.  Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  v.  11.  Oct.  6th,  Castauares  notifies 
director  de  rentas,  Mexico,  that  he  has  assumed  his  office  of  administrator 
(though  he  must  have  assumed  it  long  before).  Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  46.  Jan.  1st, 
and  May,  Rico  resigns  as  escribiente  of  customs  and  of  the  comisaria.  Id. ,  iii. 
116;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  55.  The  administrator  is  a  'miembro  nato  de  la 
junta  de  fomcnto'  of  his  port — which  must  have  been  a  great  comfort  to 
him.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  viii.  8.  No  customs  officer  must  take  any 
goods  from  a  vessel  before  a  settlement  is  made  about  her  duties.  Id.,  viii.  7; 
Id.,  Ben.  Oust. -11.,  v.  11.  California,  Aduana  Maritima,  1843-5,  n.p.  n.d.,  is 
a  printed  col.  of  6  documents  on  custom-house  affairs  under  Micheltorena. 
Probably  translated  and  printed  in  connection  with  some  land  suit. 

Financial  items;  full  account  for  the  year — receipts:  balance  from  1842, 
$120;  import  duties,  $37,693;  cotton  goods,  $340;  1  per  cent  importation, 
$380;  consumption  duty  on  effects,  $8,807;  Id.,  on  liquors,  $376;  tonnage, 
$3,605;  excise,  $1,169;  coin  exportation,  $12;  total,  $52,504.  Expenditures: 
salaries  and  pay  of  guards,  sailors,  interpreter,  etc.,  $11,679;  leaving  a  bal- 
ance of  $40,825,  of  which  $21,894  was  paid  over  to  the  comandante  general, 
and  $18,931  to  the  sub-comisario  (for  the  civil  list?).  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
MS.,  iii.  112-13.  Revenue  for  the  year,  $52,000.  Hartuell  to  Wyllie,  in 
Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  85;  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  37,  110.  Total  of  re- 
ceipts as  per  list  of  vessels,  §42,030.  Civil  list  amounts  to  about  $100,000. 
Castauares,  Col.  Doc.,  29.  Jan. -March,  various  orders  by  Micheltorena,  urg- 
ing economy,  suggesting  a  loan,  suspending  back  pay,  etc.  Dept,  St.  Pap., 
Bun.,  MS.,  iii.  28-35,  123-5;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  43,  48.  Sept.  12th, 
com.  gen.  had  no  right  to  interfere  and  change  rules  of  the  comisaria,  etc. 
Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben. ,  MS. ,  i.  45.  Some  fragmentary  accounts  of  no  value  in 
Mexico,  Mi-m.  Hacienda,  1844,  Doc.,  1,  7,  10. 

1;  See  full  list  for  1841-5  at  end  of  chap,  xxiii.,  this  vol.  Vessels  of  1843: 
Alexander,  Alex.  Barclay,  Admittance,  Barnstable,  Bertha,  Bolivar,  Bremen, 


378  MISSIONS— COMMERCE— MARITIME  AFFAIRS. 

some  fourteen  of  the  number  had  remained  over  from 
the  preceding  year.  There  were  six  men-of-war  and 
ten  whalers;  while  twenty-five  made  new  trading 
trips,  sixteen  of  them  being  shown  to  have  paid  duties 
at  the  custom-house,  though  generally  in  very  small 
amounts.  There  are  no  circumstances  connected  with 
the  arrival  of  particular  vessels  this  year  which  call 
for  further  notice  than  is  given  with  the  list  or  in- 
cidentally elsewhere. 

California,  California  (schr),  Caroline,  Carysfort,  Catalina,  Charles  W.  Mor- 
gan, Clarita,  Constantine,  Constellation,  Corvo,  Cowlitz,  Cyane,  Dale,  Dia- 
mond, Don  Quixote,  Esmeralda,  Fama,  Fanny,  Ferdinand  (?),  George  Henry, 
Index,  John  Jay,  J6ven  Fanita  (?),  Jtiven  Guipuzcoana,  Juan  Jos6,  Julia  Ann, 
Magnolia,  Merrimac,  North  America,  Rafak,  Relief,  Robert  Bowen,  Koledad, 
Susannah,  Tasso,  Trinidad,  Tuscany,  United  States,  Valleyfield,  Vancouver. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION. 
1843. 

MEXICAN  EFFORTS  TO  PREVENT  AMERICAN  IMMIGRATION — ALMONTE'S  LETTER 
— SANTA  ANNA'S  ORDER — A  DIPLOMATIC  CONTROVERSY — THOMPSON  AND 

BOCANEGRA — ENGLISH  SCHEMES  OF  COLONIZATION — WYLLIE  TO  HART- 
NELL — FORBES'  PLAN — LARKIN  AND  FORBES,  CONSULS  OF  U.  S.  AND  ENG- 
LAND— FOREIGNERS  KINDLY  TREATED  IN  CALIFORNIA — SUTTER'S  ESTAB- 
LISHMENT— FALSE  PRETENSIONS — IMMIGRANTS  OF  THE  YEAR — HASTINGS 
COMPANY — TROUBLES  WITH  INDIANS — CHILES-WALKER  COMPANY — A 
NEW  ROUTE — NARRATIVES — NAMES — STEPHEN  SMITH  AND  HIS  STEAM- 
ENGINE — HASTINGS'  BOOK — IGNORANCE,  PREJUDICE,  AND  DECEPTION — 
LIST  OF  PIONEERS  OF  1843. 

AT  the  end  of  1842  Almonte,  the  Mexican  minister 
in  Washington,  published  in  the  American  newspapers 
a  letter  of  warning  to  prevent  emigrants  from  being 
drawn  to  California  by  false  representations  respecting 
the  cordial  welcome  and  liberal  land  grants  to  be  ex- 
pected from  the  Mexican  government.  He  declared 
that  Mexico  did  not  desire  foreign  colonists  for  that 
part  of  her  territory,  and  that  by  a  recent  law  such 
foreigners  would  not  be  admitted  without  special  per- 
mission. I  give  the  letter  in  a  note.1 

1 '  Having  seen  in  your  paper  of  Friday  an  article  taken  from  the  St  Louis 
Republican,  in  which  the  people  of  this  country  are  invited  to  emigrate  to  Cal- 
ifornia under  the  pretence  that  the  Mexican  govt  will  give  liberal  grants  of 
laud  to  persons  who  shall  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  conform  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  contradict  such 
assertion,  and  to  state  for  the  information  of  those  persons  who  may  feel  de- 
sirous of  -removing  to  Cal.  in  that  belief,  that  the  Mexican  govt  has  never 
thought  of  colonizing  the  said  territory  with  foreigners;  and  that  it  has  ex- 
pressly provided  by  a  law  of  March  llth  that  no  foreigner  will  ever  be  per- 
mitted to  colonize  or  purchase  land  or  property  in  the  said  country  without 
an  express  permission  of  the  govt  of  Mexico.  Knowing  as  I  do  that  no  such 
permission  has  ever  been  allowed  to  any  person  or  corporation  whatever,  and 

(379) 


380          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1843. 

Such  a  statement  coming  from  so  high  an  author- 
ity, when  contrasted  with  the  letters  of  Bidwell  and 
Marsh,  must  have  caused  some  confusion  in  the  minds 
of  emigrants  who  did  not  understand  full}T  the  differ- 
ence between  Mexican  sentiment  in  Mexico  and  in 
California.  The  Mexican  government,  however,  seems 
to  have  gone  much  further  in  its  determination  to 
arrest  American  immigration  and  to  save  California 
from  the  fate  of  Texas.  On  July  14th  Santa  Anna 
is  said  to  have  issued  to  the  governor  the  follow- 
ing order:  The  president,  "being  convinced  that  it  is 
not  proper  for  natives  of  the  United  States  of  the 
north  to  reside  in  your  department,  has  been  pleased 
to  resolve  that  they  shall  quit  it  within  the  reason- 
able time  which  you  may  fix  for  that  purpose;  and 
that  henceforward  no  individual  belonging  to  the  said 
United  States  is  to  be  allowed  to  enter  the  said  de- 
partment"— the  same  order  being  sent  to  Sonora, 
Sinaloa,  and  Chihuahua.  There  is  a  mystery  about 
this  order  and  the  motive  which  prompted  it  that  I 
am  unable  to  penetrate.  I  find  no  evidence  that  it 
ever  reached  California;  and  in  Mexico  it  was  kept 
so  secret  that  the  U.  S.  minister  heard  nothing  of  it 
until  December.  Then  the  minister,  Waddy  Thomp- 
son, wrote  to  Bocanegra,  ministro  de  relaciones,  enclos- 
ing a  copy  of  the  order  and  demanding  to  be  informed 
if  such  an  order  had  actually  been  issued.  No  atten- 
tion was  paid  to  this  note,  nor  to  a  second  or  third 
on  the  same  subject,  though  in  the  latter  Thompson 
denounced  the  measure  as  "a  flagrant  violation  not 

believing  that  the  project  set  forth  in  the  St  Louis  Republican  is  a  mere  scheme 
of  some  land  speculators  who  wish  to  take  advantage  of  the  credulity  of  tho 
ignorant,  I  think  it  proper  to  inform  the  public  of  this  country  of  the  true 
facts  of  this  new  plan  of  encroachment,  lest  they  should  be  deluded  and 
brought  into  difficulties  that  would  end  in  the  destruction  of  their  fortunes 
and  the  distress  of  their  friends.  Believing  that  you  take  a  deep  interest  in 
the  welfare  of  your  countrymen,  I  doubt  not  that  you  will  readily  insert  this 
communication  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  the  execution  of  a  project  totally 
destitute  of  any  probability  of  success  and  calculated  only  to  fill  the  pockets 
of  a  few  speculators,  who  care  not  for  the  peace  of  nations  nor  the  happiness 
of  their  kind,  and  who  only  consult  their  avarice  and  cupidity. '  Dec.  24, 1842, 
Almonte  to.  Baltimore  American,  in  Nile*'  Keg.,  Lxiii.  277  (Dec.  31st). 


A  WAR  CLOUD  IN  MEXICO.  381 

only  of  the  treaty,  but  of  every  principle  of  right  and 
justice — an  act  only  to  be  palliated  by  an  apprehen- 
sion of  immediate  war,  and  not  even  then  to  be  justi- 
fied." He  demanded  a  revocation  of  the  order;  and 
even  threatened  in  the  event  of  refusal  to  suspend 
diplomatic  relations.  In  a  fourth  letter  of  December 
30th  he  announced  the  termination  of  his  official  re- 
lations, and  demanded  his  passports.  This  brought  a 
reply  from  Bocanegra,  in  which  he  claimed  that  the 
action  of  July  14th — neither  admitting  nor  denying 
that  the  order  had  been  issued  as  charged — was  a 
general  measure  directed  against  all  foreigners,  of 
whatever  nation,  who  might  endanger  the  public 
tranquillity;  said  that  'proper  explanations'  had  been 
sent  to  the  authorities  of  California;  and  quoted  laws 
against  colonization  by  foreigners.  This  evasion  was 
of  course  not  satisfactory,  but  it  led  to  further  cor- 
respondence; and  while  Thompson  never  succeeded 
in  getting  a  direct  admission  or  denial  that  the  order 
of  July  14th  had  been  issued,  he  did  obtain  before 
the  end  of  January  a  copy  of  instructions  forwarded 
to  the  governors  of  California  and  the  other  depart- 
ments, to  the  effect  that  "the  order  of  July  14th.  .  . 
in  no  manner  related  directly  to  citizens  of  the  United 
States  (!),  but  was  general,  and  comprehended  all,  of 
whatever  nation,  who  from  their  bad  conduct  should 
be  considered  as  prejudicial  to  public  order."  Thus 
the  war-cloud  passed  over,  and  I  think  that  no  one 
in  California  even  heard  of  it  at  the  time;  for  of  the 
countermanding  instructions,  as  of  the  original  order, 
I  find  no  trace  in  public  or  private  archives.2 

2  Expulsion  of  Citizens  of  the  U.  S.  from  Upper  California,  Message  of  the 
President  communicating  copies  of  correspondence  with  Government  of  Mexico 
inrelation  to  the  expulsion,  etc.,  1843,  28th  cong.  1st  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  no.  390, 
p.  1-15,  vol.  vi.  Waddy  Thompson,  Recollections  of  Mex.,  226-7,  also  tells 
the  story,  confessing  that  he  was  very  much  afraid  his  passports  would  ])e 
sent  as  requested;  yet  he  hoped  that  this  resort  to  the  ultima  r  <tio  of  diplo- 
macy would  cut  short  a  long  discussion.  Mentioned  also  in  Young's  Hist. 
Mex. ,  294-5;  Niks'  Reg. ,  Ixv.  352.  June  7th  (17th),  Sta  Anna  issued  a  decree, 
sent  to  Cal.,  that  all  foreigners  taken  with  arms  in  their  hands,  be  they  few 
or  many,  and  whatever  their  protexts  of  protection  to  the  country,  should  be 
immediately  shot.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  35-8;  JDept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y 


382          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION—  1843. 

In  February  President  Tyler,  in  accordance  with  a 
request  of  congress,  stated  to  that  body  that  the  gov- 
ernment had  no  knowledge  of  any  treaty  or  overtures 
for  the  cession  of  California  to  England  by  Mexico.3 
There  is,  however,  some  interesting  information  ex- 
tant respecting  the  English  scheme  in  its  aspect  of 
1843.  Robert  C.  Wyllie,  a  prominent  member  of  the 
committee  of  Mexican  bondholders,  wrote  at  some 
length  on  the  subject  to  Hartnell  from  Tepic  in  Au- 
gust. He  explained  that  the  bonds  had  been  divided 
in  1837  into  £5,000,000,  active,  bearing  interest  at 
five  per  cent,  and  $5,000,000,  deferred,  bearing  no  in- 
terest until  October  1,  1847,  ^vvhen  they  would  become 
active.  At  any  time  before  1847  these  deferred  bonds 
were,  at  the  option  of  the  holders,  exchangeable  at 
par,  with  interest  added,  for  lands  at  five  shillings  an 
acre;  and  125,000,000  acres  of  vacant  lands  were  hy- 
pothecated by  the  government  in  different  departments, 
including  California.  No  lands  had  yet  been  taken, 
because  the  bondholders  preferred  money  ;  but  as  1847 
was  drawing  near,  and  as  it  was  almost  certain  that 
Mexico  would  not  be  able  to  pay  the  doubled  amount 
of  interest  after  that  date,  it  would  be  advantageous 
to  both  parties  to  cancel  that  part  of  the  debt.  It 
was  a  prevalent  opinion  of  the  bondholders  and  their 
committee  that  lands  should  be  taken,  if  at  all,  on  the 
Atlantic  coast;  but  Wyllie  believed  that  a  location  in 
California  would  be  better  for  both  England  and  Mex- 
ico: to  the  former  because  of  the  climate  and  other 
natural  advantages,  and  to  the  latter  as  a  protection 
against  other  aggressive  nations.  What  was  wanted 
of  Hartnell  was  information  about  the  country,  to 
serve  as  a  basis  for  Wyllie's  arguments  before  the 
committee.  Answers  were  desired  on  twenty-four 


MS.,  ii.  2.  Oct.  9th,  Bocanegra  to  gov.  Has  learned  that  1,000 
families  have  left  Ark.  and  Mo.  on  the  pretext  of  going  to  Oregon,  but  really 
to  settle  in  Cal.  Let  no  Americans  settle  in  the  country.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.  , 
MS.,  xvii.  3.  This  is  the  only  allusion  to  the  order  against  American  settlers. 
3  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  27th  cong.  3d  sess.,  House  Journal,  p.  266,  341;  Niks' 
Reg.,  Ixiii.  384,  397. 


WYLLIE  ON  ENGLISH  SCHEMES.  383 

different  points  relating  to  the  country,  its  lands,  its 
products,  its  trade,  and  its  people.  It  was  deemed 
especially  desirable  to  know  whether  the  people  were 
"so  orderly  and  contented  under  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment that  European  farmers  could  establish  them- 
selves there  with  a  reasonable  security  of  being  able 
to  live  quietly,  and  of  the  government  being  able  to 
protect  them;"  for,  says  Wyllie,  "the  British  govern- 
ment will  give  no  protection  whatever  to  British  sub- 
jects settling  in  California  as  citizens  of  Mexico,  nor 
do  they  wish  to  see  it  in  any  other  hands  but  those  of 
Mexico.  I  know  this  to  be  the  fact,  and  that  Com- 
modore Jones'  apprehension  was  a  perfect  bugbear." 
Hartnell  was  also  requested  to  recommend  a  suitable 
site  for  a  settlement.4  On  his  arrival  in  England, 
Wyllie  published, for  the  benefit  of  "traders, emigrants, 
and  bondholders,"  an  exhaustive  report  on  Mexican 
finances,  in  which  book  two  documents  are  given  per- 
taining to  my  present  topic.  One  is  a  letter  addressed 
by  the  author  on  October  17th  to  Bocanegra  "on 
the  great  advantages  to  be  derived  by  the  Mexican 
republic  from  the  colonization  of  her  public  lands." 
The  system  recommended  was  similar  to  that  of  the 
United  States;  and  the  benefits  were  to  come  not 
only  from  the  payment  of  public  debts,  and  the  de- 
velopment of  the  country's  industries,  but,  in  the  case 
of  the  northern  frontier  departments,  from  the  secu- 
rity acquired  against  the  foreign  aggression  to  which 
they  were  especially  exposed.  True,  there  was  a 
prejudice  against  colonization,  well  founded  on  the 
"ingratitude  and  treason  of  the  Texan  colonists;"  but 
the  latter  were  much  influenced  by  the  fact  that  they 
came  from  an  adjoining  nation,  by  the  arts  of  land 
speculators,  and  by  the  'notorious  project'  of  a  part 

*Aug.  10,  1843,  Wyllio  to  Hartnell  from  Tepic.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii. 
349.  From  Mexico,  on  Nov.  5th,  Wyllie  wrote  again,  repeating  the  substance 
of  the  former  letter,  and  giving  some  details  about  the  situation  of  affairs  in 
Mexico  pointing  to  trouble  between  Mexico  and  England,  but  which  will  not, 
the  writer  thinks,  result  in  war.  Id.,  xxxiii.  369.  Of  Hartnell's  reply  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  speak  in  the  annals  of  1844. 


334          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1343. 

of  the  American  congress  to  annex  the  territory  with 
a  view  to  the  extension  of  slavery;  while  " a  colony 
of  Europeans,  subjects  of  monarchical  governments, 
being  in  circumstances  diametrically  opposite,  would 
adhere  spontaneously  and  in  gratitude  to  the  Mexican 
government."  The  other  document  alluded  to  was  a 
plan  for  Californian  colonization  formed  by  Alexander 
Forbes.  This  plan  provided  that  the  government 
should  remain  in  the  name  of  Mexico,  but  that  all 
else  should  be  intrusted  to  the  company  and  the  col- 
onists, except  that  the  mineral  wealth  should  be 
shared  by  the  company  and  government.  Not  only 
new  colonists  must  pay  a  rent  to  the  company,  but  so 
must  those  who  had  already  obtained  grants  of  land; 
and  above  all,  there  must  be  free  trade,  or  at  least  a 
freedom  from  the  interference  of  all  'vagabond'  cus- 
toms officials.  Forbes  admitted  that  his  scheme  was 
likely  to  seem  Utopian ;  but  unless  its  essential  features 
could  be  adopted,  he  did  not  believe  that  colonization 
in  any  Hispano-American  country  could  be  made  suc- 
cessful.5 Forbes  deems  the  action  of  Jones  a  sufficient 
indication  of  American  designs;  has  no  doubt  that 
France  has  similar  ambitious  plans;  and  predicts  that 
"  if  there  be  not  adopted,  and  that  soon,  a  prudent 
scheme  of  colonization,  the  Californias  will  cease  to 
be  a  province  of  Mexico." 

James  A.  Forbes  was  at  the  end  of  1842  appointed 
British  vice-consul  to  reside  at  Monterey;  and  this 
appointment,  forwarded  from  Mexico  in  January,  was 
officially  recognized  in  California  in  October.0  On 

5  Wyllie,  Mexico,  Noticia  sobre  eu  Hacienda  Publica  bajo  el  Gobierno  E(t- 
panel y  despufs de  la Independencia.  Mexico,  1845.  8vo,  91  p. ;  13  sheets,  37  p., 
2 1.  The  original,  probably  published  in  London,  1844, 1  have  not  seen.  IVi/l- 
lie,  Observations,  Oct.  17,  1843,  in  Id.,  appen.,  p.  14-28.  July  1, 18-13,  ForUes 
to  Wyllie.  Id.,  appen.,  28-33. 

8  Appointment  made  by  British  minister  in  Mexico,  and  approved  by  Mex- 
ican govt  Dec.  29,  1842;  forwarded  to  Cal.  Jan.  4th.  Sigh  xix.,  Jan.  8,  1843; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  xi.  12;  viii.  G;  iv.  Gl-2;  Id.,  Angeles,  xii.  73; 
Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  3-4;  S.  Jo»6,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  13.  Swan,  Mon- 
terey in  '43,  says  that  Forbes  came  to  Monterey  on  Oct.  llth  to  take  posses- 
sion of  his  new  position.  Dec.  30th,  Consul  Forbes  makes  inquiries  about  a 
British  subject  arrested.  S.  Josf,  Arch.,  MS. 


FOREIGN  CONSULS.  385 

May  1st  Thomas  O.  Larkin  was  appointed  consul  of 
the  United  States  at  Monterey;  on  December  2d  his 
exequatur  was  issued  in  Mexico;  his  commission  was 
forwarded  from  Washington  February  3,  1844;  and 
on  April  2d  he  took  formal  possession  of  the  office, 
being  officially  recognized  by  the  Californian  author- 
ities.7 On  November  18th  the  minister  of  relations 
announced  the  appointment  of  Louis  Gasquet  to  serve 
as  French  consul  ad  interim  until  M.  Barrier,  the  reg- 
ular appointee,  should  arrive;  but  Barrier  never  came 
to  California,  nor  did  Gasquet  until  1845.8 

In  California,  notwithstanding  the  feeling  in  Mexi- 
co against  Americans,  all  foreigners  were  welcomed, 
and  were  treated  with  uniform  kindness  by  both  au- 
thorities and  people,  Micheltorena  showing  himself  no 
less  favorably  disposed  than  had  been  his  predecessor. 
Even  Hastings,  of  whom  I  shall  have  more  to  say 
presently,  admits  that  strangers  were  now  treated 
"with  all  the  deceptive  kindness  imaginable."  Bid- 
well  asserts  that  the  governor  encouraged  immigra- 
tion, a  fact  that  is  proven,  moreover,  by  the  facility 
with  which  land  grants  were  obtained  by  all  desiring 
them  and  willing  to  comply  with  the  laws;  but  he 
also  states  that  there  were  occasional  rumors  of  an  in- 

7 May  1,  1843,  Larkin's  appointment.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  20-5.  Aug. 
13th,  Micheltorena  addresses  L.  as  U.  S.  consul.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  29. 
Dec.  2d,  exequatur  issued.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  9.  Feb.  3,  1844,  Upshur 
to  Larkin,  sending  commission.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  60.  The  commission 
was  dated  Jan.  20th.  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  7.  April  2d,  Larkin  assumes 
the  office.  Monterey  Consulate,  MS.,  i.  fly-leaf;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  22. 
April  8th,  L.  asks  permission  to  hoist  the  U.  S.  flag  on  national  days.  Lar- 
kin's Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  1;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  104.  April  9th,  gov. 
recognizes  L.  and  authorizes  him  to  hoist  the  flag.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii. 
77-8;  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  xiii.  74-5.  April  10th,  L.  to  U.  S.  sec.  state,  ac- 
knowledging receipt  of  commission.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  1.  April 
11  th,  Id.  to  Id.,  asking  for  the  necessary  books,  etc.,  for  his  office.  There 
have  been  2  or  3  men  appointed  to  the  office,  and  though  none  of  them  has 
ever  come,  there  are  packages  directed  to  them,  which  he  asks  permission  to 
open.  Id.,  ii.  1.  April  16th,  L.  to  Waddy  Thompson,  and  circular  to  other 
consuls  in  Mexico  and  .Sandwich  Islands.  Id.,  i.  2-3.  April  20th,  L.  to  sec. 
state.  Asks  permission  to  leave  Monterey  when  his  business  requires  it,  by 
leaving  a  vice-consul  in  his  place.  Id. ,  ii.  4-5. 

8  Nov.   18,   1843,  Bocanegra  to  Micheltorena.     Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xvii.  3;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  55-6. 
HIST.  OAL.,  VOL.  IV.    25 


386          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1 813. 

tention  to  expel  all  Americans,  rumors  which  caused 
the  more  timid  of  the  new-comers  to  talk  of  congre- 
gating at  Sutter's  Fort  for  defence,  or  even  of  starting 
for  Oregon  with  their  live-stock.9  Vallejo,  referring 
to  his  correspondence  with  Stribling  of  the  Cyane, 
noted  a  "constant  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  Ameri- 
cans to  raise  questions  against  the  country's  authori- 
ties, ignoring  their  side  of  the  case,  reviving  questions 
already  settled,  presenting  accusations  against  the 
supreme  government,  and  making  absurd  demands." 
Yet  he  avers  that  he  exerts  himself  constantly  to 
avoid  involving  his  government  in  complications  with 
foreigners,  who  are  always  treated  with  frank  hospi- 
tality, and,  in  the  administration  of  justice,  with  less 
severity  than  are  natives  of  the  country.10  There  was 
a  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Mexican  element  to 
complain  that  Micheltorena  was  much  too  liberal  in 
bestowing  lands  on  foreigners,  who  were  gradually 
getting  possession  of  property  that  ought  to  be  in 
Mexican  hands,  and  that  one  day  would  be  of  immense 
value.  These  views  were  clearly  expressed  by  Manuel 
Castanares  in  a  letter  to  Vallejo,  in  which  he  alludes 
to  a  Frenchman  who  had  already  obtained  most  of  the 
lands  at  Yerba  Buena,  and  seemed  likely  enough  to 
become  possessor  of  the  whole  department  if  no  check 
could  be  put  upon  Micheltorena's  extraordinary  pow- 
ers. This  letter  is  of  much  interest  in  connection 
with  that  causa  celebre  of  later  years,  the  Limantour 
case.11  The  New  Mexican  traders  came  this  year  as 

9£idwell's  Cal  1841-8,  MS.,  115-16,  130.  April  13th,  Sub-prefect  Sunol 
.complains  to  the  prefect  that  there  is  a  gathering  of  foreigners  north  of  Feather 
River.  Many  residents  of  S.  Jos6  have  gone,  including  Gulnac  and  Lassen. 
taking  their  cattle  with  them;  and  some  lumbermen  from  the  sierra  have  left 
their  debts  unpaid  and  their  contracts  unfulfilled,  besides  taking  along  stolen 
horses,  and  leaving  an  insulting  letter  for  the  judges.  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS., 
xi.  6.  In  S.  Joaquin  Co.  Hist.,  p.  16,  it  is  stated  on  the  authority  of  Chas 
M.  Weber,  that  that  gentleman  located  his  grant  at  Stockton  in  1843,  with  a 
view  to  be  on  the  American  side  of  the  river  after  the  division,  which  was  be- 
lieved to  be  near  .at  hand. 

10May  19,  1843,  V.  to  gov.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  373. 

"Oct.  31,  1843,  Castaiiares  to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  467.  Don  Man- 
uel wants  a  piece  of  land  at  S.  F.  before  'that  confounded  Frenchman 'gets  it 
all. 


AFFAIRS  AT  SUITER'S  FORT.  387 

usual,  including  probably  a  few  families  who  remained ; 
but  there  is  little  information  about  them;  the  Cha- 
guanosos  committed  no  outrages  that  are  recorded.12 
Early  in  the  spring  there  was  reported  the  presence  of 
a  large  party  of  Canadian  hunters  on  the  San  Joaquin. 
These  hunters  had  also  commercial  proclivities;  the 
trade  in  stolen  horses  experienced  a 'boom;'  and  the 
Indians  became  correspondingly  active.13 

At  New  Helvetia  the  state  of  Sutter's  business 
affairs  -in  1843  did  not  differ  materially  from  that  of 
the  preceding  year.  Crop  prospects  seemed  good  even 
after  harvesting  had  begun;14  but  the  result  was  dis- 
appointing, and  the  Russians  got  no  grain;  indeed, 
Sutter  had  all  he  could  do  to  pay  the  tonnage  dues  on 
the  vessels  that  came  for  wheat.  In  October,  the 
Hudson's  Bay  Company  trappers  not  having  made 
their  appearance,  the  captain  saw  before  him  a  rich 
harvest  of  furs,  putting  forty  men  into  the  field ;  yet 
the  beaver  skins  did  not  come  down  the  river  in  such 
abundance  as  was  deemed  desirable  by  Sunol  and 
other  creditors,  nor  so  often  as  demands  for  new  credit. 
But  a  few  skins  were  sent,  and  some  grape  brandy  and 
Indian  servants,  and  rifles  bought  of  immigrants. 
When  hard  pressed,  Sutter  promised  great  things  for 
1844,  authorizing  his  importunate  creditors  to  do  as 
they  pleased  with  him  and  his  property  if  his  debts 
were  not  cancelled  within  a  year.15 

There  are  indications  of  some  slight  controversy 
between   Sutter  and  Vallejo,  arising  from   the  fact 

12 Nov.,  mention  of  a  caravan  under  Salazar,  with '165  men  and  10  fam- 
ilies. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  vii.  95,  97. 

13  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.   1;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  Loose  Pap.,  MS.,  56;  St. 
Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  19-20;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Prcf.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ii.  9. 

14  June  13th,  Sutter-Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  19.     But  Nov.  8th  he  says  the 
grain  crop  was  very  short.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  25.     Belden  describes  1843 
as  the  driest  year  he  has  ever  known  in  Cal.  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  61.    Item 
on  the  drought.  Nttes'  Keg.,  Ixvi.  192.     Bidwell,  Cal.  1841-8,  MS.,  92,  says 
the  season  of  1842-3  was  very  dry,  and  that  of  1843-4  the  driest  ever  known, 
almost  rainless.     Robbins,  Diary,  MS.,  1-13,  gives  a  record  of  the  weather  at 
Sta  Barbara  from  Jan.  to  March.  Very  few  rainy  days.     Davis,  Glimpses, 
MS.,  218,  describes  a  heavy  rain-storm  at  S.  F.  in  August. 

15 Sutter- Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  1843. 


SSS          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1843. 

that  the  latter,  as  commandant  of  the  northern  line, 
his  jurisdiction  including  the  Sacramento  Valley,  had 
occasion  sometimes  to  send  orders  and  officers  to  New 
Helvetia  in  connection  with  the  search  for  deserters 
and  horse-thieves;  while  Slitter  was  inclined  to  chafe 
under  every  attempt  at  interference,  from  whatever 
quarter  it  came.  There  is  no  evidence  that  Vallejo 
ever  showed  a  disposition  to  exceed  his  authority  by 
meddling  in  Sacramento  affairs,  or  that  relations  be- 
tween the  two  magnates  were  down  to  1843  very 
unfriendly.16  These  controversies  have  been  exag- 
gerated with  a  view  to  magnify  Sutter's  services  in 
behalf  of  immigrants.  In  his  autobiography  Sutter 
says:  "Vallejo  and  others  of  the  Californians,  against 
whom  rather  than  the  Indians  I  kept  my  fort  and 
guns  in  order,  were  jealous  of  my  settlement.  I  gave 
passports  to  those  entering  the  country,  and  this  they 
did  not  like.  I  was  friendly  with  the  emigrants,  of 
whom  they  were  jealous.  I  encouraged  immigration, 
while  they  discouraged  it.  I  sympathized  with  the 
Americans,  while  they  hated  them."17  This,  as  the 
reader  knows,  is  not  a  well  founded  claim.  Sutter 
treated  the  immigrants  well,  because  it  was  his  inter- 
est to  do  so;  but  not  more  kindly,  except  in  aiding 
them  to  evade  the  laws,  than  did  Vallejo;  and  he 
never  favored  Americans  more  than  other  foreigners; 
neither  were  the  Americans  in  any  sense  hated  by 

16  July  26,  1843,  V.  to  S.  Does  not  question  S.'s  lawful  authority  at  N. 
Helvetia,  though  he  has  no  other  proof  than  his  word,  does  not  exactly  like 
the  use  of  the  term  'fortress'  by  a  'judge,'  and  knows  net  by  what  authority 
that  region  was  erected  into  a  district.  At  any  rate,  the  writer's  military 
jurisdiction  covers  N.  Helvetia,  and  to  him  rather  than  to  the  comandante 
general  S.  should  direct  his  communications.  Desires  S.  in  future  not  to  pro- 
tect fugitives  of  any  class,  but  to  send  them  to  Sonoma.  He  in  return  will 
send  back  all  of  Sutter's  men  who  present  themselves  without  passports. 
Now  sends  Prudon  for  some  deserters  and  horse-thieves.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xi.  401-2.  S.  perhaps  questioned  V.'s  authority;  for  the  latter,  on  Oct.  7th, 
writes  to  Micheltorena  to  ascertain  just  what  Sutter's  authority  and  jurisdic- 
tion are.  /cZ.,xi.  462;  De^t.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  118.  The  desired  information 
was  obtained  from  Jimeno  and  sent  to  V.  in  Dec.,  namely,  that  S.  had  been 
invested  with  local  civil  authority.  Id.,  v.  118;  Vallrjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  472. 

11  Slitter's  Personal  Kemin.,  MS.,  p.  7&  9.  He  also  says  he  treated  the 
foreigners  with  great  familiarity;  but  was  more  particular  with  Mexicans  and 
Californians,  requiring  them,  officers  and  men,  to  remove  their  hate  in  his 
presence!  etc. 


SUTTER  AND  THE  IMMIGRANTS.  339 

the  most  influential  Californians.  Sutter's  establish- 
ment was  a  great  convenience  to  overland  immigrants, 
as  a  place  of  rendezvous  where  all  could  stay  for  a 
while  and  many  obtain  temporary  employment,  and 
all  the  more  convenient  by  reason  of  its  master's  dis- 
regard of  his  duties  as  a  Mexican  official,  but  at  the 
same  time  more  convenient  to  the  least  desirable  class 
of  Americans  than  to  any  other.  It  is  well  that 
pioneers  look  back  with  gratitude  to  the  captain's 
kindness,  whatever  may  have  been  his  motives.  A 
better  man  would  probably  not  have  done  so  well; 
and  were  it  not  for  the  absurd  pretensions  and  the 
unlimited  flattery  of  later  years,  it  would  be  in  doubt- 
ful taste  now  to  look  so  closely  into  Sutter's  true 
character  and  merits. 

Meanwhile  the  magnate  adventurer  of  New  Swit- 
zerland had  taken  steps  to  conciliate  the  new  governor 
by  sending  a  messenger,  probably  Charles  W.  Fliigge, 
to  Los  Angeles,  to  make  Micheltorena  acquainted 
with  the  situation.  A  store  of  friendship  was  laid  up 
between  the  two,  to  be  utilized  according  to  mutual 
needs.  In  March  Sutter  was  congratulated  by  Mi- 
cheltorena that  there  were  no  grounds  of  complaint 
against  him  or  his  dependents.18 

The  immigration  of  1843  was  not  so  large  as  had 
been  anticipated,  owing  perhaps  to  contradictory  ru- 
mors about  the  reception  new-comers  were  likely  to 
meet  from  Mexican  authorities.  The  hardships  of 
the  long  journey  were  quite  sufficient  without  the 
risk  of  an  inhospitable  reception  on  the  western 
shores.  One  party,  however,  dividing  into  two  be- 
fore its  arrival,  came  across  the  plains  from  Missouri 
to  California  direct,  and  another  came  down  from 
Oregon. 

Lansford  W.  Hastings,  a  native  of  Ohio,  and  more 
or  less  a  lawyer,  had  left  Independence,  Missouri, 
May  1842,  with  a  company  of  one  hundred  and  sixty 

lsDept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  48;  Sutter's  Pera.  Remin.,  MS.,  p.  73. 


390          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION- 1843. 

persons,  including  eighty  armed  men,  bound  for  Ore- 
gon, being  after  a  time  elected  captain  of  the  com- 
pany. The  adventures  of  this  party  have  no  special 
bearing  on  the  present  subject,  and  they  reached 
Oregon  in  October.  On  account  of  excessive  rains 
and  other  conditions,  the  country,  viewed  through 
the  medium  of  homesickness,  "did  not  appear  to  be  in 
reality  that  delightful  region  which  they  had  thus 
long  and  laboriously  sought."  In  the  spring  some  de- 
sired to  return  to  the  states,  while  others  resolved  to 
seek  sunnier  climes  in  California.  Hastings  himself 
had  not  intended  to  remain  in  Oregon;  and  found  no 
difficulty  in  assembling  a  party  of  fifty-three  persons, 
twenty-five  of  them  armed  men,  as  Hastings  states, 
at  the  rendezvous  in  Walamet  Valley  for  an  overland 
trip  to  the  south.  It  is  not  stated  that  all  were  of 
the  party  that  had  crossed  the  continent  in  1842, 
but  it  is  supposed  that  most  were  so.  They  started 
at  the  end  of  May  1843;  and  Hastings  was  again 
made  captain,  being  an  intelligent  and  energetic  man. 
At  Rogue  River  the  Indians  were  troublesome,  though 
not  actually  hostile.  Soon  after  leaving  that  river 
they  met  a  party  of  cattle-drovers  bound  to  the 
north,19  and  a  few  emigrants  who  hoped  to  find  in 
Oregon  "refuge  from  the  oppression  which  they  had 
suffered  in  California"  I  Several  of  Hastings'  party, 
one  third,  as  he  says,  were  induced  to  turn  back,  but 
the  rest  pressed  on,  sixteen  or  seventeen  men,  besides 
nearly  the  same  number  of  women  and  children.  I 
append  a  list  of  names.20 

19  This  was  the  party  of  Leese  or  Joel  Walker,  both  of  whom  drove  cattle 
to  Oregon  this  year,  perhaps  in  company.  Bennett's  Pioneer  of  ''JfS;  Walker's 
Narr.,  MS.,  12;  Hesperian,  ii.  147-56.  The  emigrants  with  the  drovers 
probably  included  the  two  Kelseys,  Andrew  and  Benjamin,  and  perhaps  John 
and  other  members  of  the  Bartleson  company.  Moss,  Pioneer  Times,  MS., 
says  John  McClure  was  with  Leese;  and  this  is  confirmed  by  Given. 

20Hastings  immigrant  company  of  1843:  Barnum  (?),  Geo.  W.  Bellomy, 
Vardamon  Bennett  and  family  (including  perhaps  Dennis  and  Jackson  Ben- 
nett), Winston  Bennett,  J.  C.  Bridges,  Francis  Chirk  (?),  James  Coates, 
Nathan  Coombs,  Alex.  Copeland,  John  Daubenbiss,  Geo.  Davis,  Sam.  H. 
Davis,  L.  W.  Hastings,  James  M.  Hudspeth,  Win  Jones,  Thomas  J.  Shad- 
den  and  family,  and  Owen  Sumner,  Jr.  (and  family  ?).  Bellomy  is  the  only 
one  named  by  Hastings.  Bennett,  Pioneer  of  '43,  describes  the  journey, 


THE  HASTINGS  COMPANY.  391 

Of  the  journey  to  California  we  have  no  details 
except  some  rather  vaguely  recorded  troubles  with  the 
Indians,  for  which,  as  there  is  reason  to  suppose,  the 
latter  were  not  altogether  the  parties  at  fault.21  In 
a  night  attack  on  Shasta  River,  Bellomy  was  seriously 
wounded  in  the  back  by  an  arrow,  and  when  the  trav- 
ellers had  reached  the  Sacramento  River  hostilities 
were  renewed.  About  twenty  Indians  were  killed, 
"victims  to  their  own  ignorance  and  insolence."' 
The  company  arrived  at  a  point  opposite  Sutter's  Fort 
on  or  about  July  10th,  without  other  mishap  than  the 
temporary  loss  of  two  men,  Daubenbiss  and  Davis, 
who  after  wandering  four  or  five  days  with  much  suf- 
fering also  reached  the  valley  ranchos  in  safety.  While 
the  main  party  was  in  camp  opposite  New  Helvetia, 
Davis  and  Miss  Sumner  crossed  the  river  and  were  mar- 
naming  all  but  Clark,  and  being  the  only  one  to  name  Barnum.  He  says  that 
Smith  and  Kelsey  with  their  families  were  the  only  ones  that  turned  back, 
and  if  so,  Hastings  is  in  error  about  the  original  number.  Daubenbiss,  JBiog. 
Sketch,  says  19  men  and  four  families  stated  from  Oregon. 

21  Hastings'  ideas  on  Indian  affairs  are  well  illustrated  by  the  following 
circumstance  that  occurred  just  after  they  had  parted  from  the  cattle-drovers: 
'As  I  moved  on,  a  half  or  three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  advance  of  the  party, 
my  meditations  were  interrupted  by  the  sudden  appearance  of  two  Indians 
in  close  pursuit  of  a  fine,  fat  cow  which  had  strayed  from  the  party  to  which 
I  have  just  alluded.     I  gave  chase  to  these  intruders  on  my  solitude  without 
being  observed  by  them  until  I  had  approached  within  about  30  yards,  when  I 
fired  upon  them. '    They  escaped  to  the  willows.    '  The  party  soon  came  up,  and 
the  cow  very  soon  fell  a  victim  to  our  returning  appetites ' !     Comment  is  un- 
necessary.   Hastings'  Emig.  Guide,  66. 

22  Hastings'  version  is  that  several  hundred  Indians  suddenly  appeared, 
advancing  with  '  frantic  yells  and  fiendish  gestures  and  demoniac  grins. '     A 
gun  fired  in  the  air  only  brought  a  cloud  of  arrows,  whereupon  14  of  them 
were  shot,  and  half  a  dozen  more  when  they  renewed  the  attack.     Bidwell, 
(Jal.  184*1-8,  MS.,  108-10,  says  that  on  the  trip  2  or  3  men  were  continually 
shouting  at  Indians.     Near  Red  Bluff  one  of  them  swam  the  river,  knocked 
an  Indian  down  with  a  stone,  and  killed  him  with  a  knife.     Another  was 
shot  from  behind  a  tree.     At  Stony  Creek  another  was  shot  on  suspicion  of 
having  stolen  a  bridle.     The  fight  was  between  Stony  Creek  and  Colusa;  but 
Bidwell  says  the  firing  was  across  the  river,. and  no  one  was  killed,  though 
Sutter  later  sent  out  a  party  to  punish  the  Indians,  many  of  whom  were 
killed.     Daubenbiss,  Biog.  Sketch,  says  a  bridle  was  stolen  by  an  Indian  who 
was  shot  at  but  escaped.     Later  this  Indian  with  300  others  approached,  and 
as  they  did  not  halt  when  the  captain  fired  his  gun,  the  Americans  charged, 
and  in  hour  about  40  were  killed.     Bennett,  Pioneer  of  '43,  says  the  attack 
by  about  403  Indians  opposite  the  Buttes  was  on  July  6th.     Of  the  number, 
30  were  killed,  two  of  them  by  B.  himself  at  one  shot,  his  mother  being  pres- 
ent in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.     Dr  Sandela  on  the  other  side  of  the  Sacra- 
mento heard  the  discharge  of  fire-arms.    'King's  Orphan^  Visit  to  Gal.,  21. 
See  also  Sacramento  Jllust.,  4. 


392  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1843. 

ried  by  Sutter,  as  Bennett  states.  The  new-comers  soon 
scattered  in  different  directions,  some  remaining  in  the 
Sacramento  Valley,  some  going  to  Napa,  and  several 
going  to  work  for  Captain  Smith  at  Bodega.23 

The  other  company  of  immigrants  of  1843,  and  the 
only  one  that  came  to  California  direct  by  the  over- 
land route,  was  one  organized  by  Joseph  B.  Chiles,  a 
returned  member  of  the  Bartleson  company  of  1841.24 
Leaving  Independence  in  May,  Chiles  followed  the 
usual  route,  that  which  he  had  followed  before  with 
Bartleson,  to  Laramie  and  Fort  Hall,  often  in  com- 
pany with  other  parties  bound  to  Oregon.25  At  Fort 
Laramie,  or  in  that  region,  the  immigrants  met  Joe 
Walker,  who,  as  the  reader  knows,  had  been  in  Cali- 
fornia, and  who  was  engaged  as  a  guide.  The  exact 
number  of  persons  in  the  company  there  are  no  means 
of  ascertaining,  but  it  was  perhaps  not  much  less  than 
fifty  men,  women,  and  children.  No  contemporary 
list  was  made,  and  there  are  wide  discrepancies  in 
different  statements  from  memory,  but  I  append  a  list 
of  twenty-eight  men  which  may  be  regarded  as  approx- 
imately accurate.20 

23  Hastings,  Emiy.  Guide,  64-9,  of  which  book  more  presently,  gives  only 
a  brief  narrative  of  the  journey.  July  19th,  Sutter  to  Vallejo,  announcing 
the  arrival  of  a  party  of  emigrants,  to  whom  he  has  given  passports !  Vcdlejo, 
Doc. ,  MS. ,  xi.  426.  This  was  the  letter  which  caused  some  controversy  about 
Sutter's  authority.  Daubenbiss,  Biog.  Sketch,  was  one  of  the  men  who  was 
lost,  and  he  describes  his  voyage  down  the  Sacramento  on  a  raft  made  of  two 
cottonwood  limbs,  until  he  was  rescued  by  Cordua  and  taken  to  a  rancho  on 
Feather  River. 

24 In  Nile*'  Reg.,  Ixiii.,  Dec.  24,  1842,  is  an  item  from  the  St  Louis  Enquirer, 
on  the  preparations  of  a  company  to  start  for  Cal.  in  the  spring.  The  direct- 
ors might  be  addressed  at  Fourchc  a  Renault,  Mo. 

2i  Fremont,  Rept  of  Explor.  Exped.,  106-7,  camped  at  Elm  Grove  on  May 
31st,  'in  company  with  several  emigrant  wagons,  constituting  a  party  which 
was  proceeding  to  Upper  California  under  the  direction  of  Mr  J.  B.  Childs  of 
Missouri.  The  wagons  were  variously  freighted  with  goods,  furniture,  and 
farming  utensils,  containing  among  other  things  an  entire  set  of  machinery 
for  a  mill  which  Mr  Childs  designed  erecting  on  the  waters  of  the  Sacramento 
River.'  Probably  not  all  started  together  from  Independence.  Martin,  Win- 
ters, McClellan,  and  Johnson  are  said  to  have  been  overtaken  by  Chiles  on 
the  Platte.  See  also  Hist.  Or.,  i.  393-400,  this  series,  on  the  immigration 
to  Oregon. 

26  Chiles- Walker  immigrant  company  of  1843:  Lewis  Anderson,  James 
Atkinson,  Wm  Baldridgc,  John  Board  man,  Thos  W.  Bradley,  Jos.  Chiles, 
Thos  Cowie,  Fleurnaye  (or  F.  W.)  Dawson,  John  Cantt,  S;;in.  J.  Ik-iisk'y, 
Win  Hicks,  Johnson,  Milton  Little,  Miltou  McGec,  Charles  Meliitosh,  John 


THE  CHILES-WALKER  COMPANY.  393 

Chiles  seems  to  have  been  the  only  one  of  the  re- 
turned Bartleson  company  that  came  back  to  Cali- 
fornia this  year;  though  several  came  later.  Among 
the  women  were  two  daughters  of  the  old  trapper 
George  Yount,  one  with  her  husband,  Vines,  and  the 
other  unmarried.  Another  unmarried  woman  was 
Miss  Ayers,  who  subsequently  married  John  Sinclair. 
Julius  Martin  was  also  accompanied  by  his  family. 
Several  members  became  somewhat  prominent  citizens 
in  their  fiew  home,  and  it  is  largely  from  biographical 
matter  touching  those  men  that  information  respect- 
ing the  journey  is  derived.27 

At  Fort  Hall,  there  being  a  great  scarcity  of  pro- 
visions, a  division  of  the  company  was  resolved  on. 
Chiles  with  nine  or  ten  men,  leaving  the  families  and 
wagons  in  charge  of  Walker  to  follow  a  southern 
route,  pressed  on  down  the  Snake,  or  Lewis,  River 
with  a  view  to  obtain  fresh  provisions  at  Fort  Boise, 
to  reach  California  by  a  direct  route  talked  of  by  the 
hunters,  and  perhaps  after  reaching  Sutter's  Fort  to 
send  aid  to  meet  the  other  party.  This  plan  was 
carried  out  successfully  so  far  as  the  journey  was  con- 
cerned, though  no  effective  help  was  sent  back  for 
Walker's  party,  if,  as  it  is  stated  by  Fremont  and 
others,  that  was  a  part  of  the  project.  Chiles,  Hens- 

'  Mclntyre,  Julius  Martin,  Wm  J.  Martin,  Pierson  B.  Reading,  John  Thomp- 
son (?),  Bartlett  Vines,  Jos  R.  Walker,  Isaac  Williams,  Jiunes  Williams. 
John  S.  Williams,  Squire  Williams,  Win  H.  Winter  (?),  and  .John  Wooden  (?). 
The  Napa  Co.  Hist.,  388,  has  a  list  which,  omitting  9  of  these  names,  adds — 
apparently  on  the  good  authority  of  Baldridge — those  of  Jesse  Beasley,  John 
Conn,  Adam  Fisher,  Sanford,  and  Major  Walton,  for  which  I  find  no  other 
authority.  Hi ttell  adds  Ira  and  John  van  Gordon.  Thompson  is  named  only 
in  a  newspaper  sketch.  See  also  Hist.  Or.,  i.  400,  this  series.  The  narra- 
tives referred  to  in  the  next  note  name  from  2  to  6  of  the  party  each.  In  Feb. 
1844  Capt.  Walker  applied  for  passports  for  himself  and  his  companions, 
Anderson,  Cowie,  and  Dawson.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xx.  41. 

27  Immigrant  Company  of  1843,  in  the*?.  F.  Bulletin,  July  20,  1860,  is  a  nar- 
rative of  the  trip  founded  on  information  derived  from  a  member  not  named. 
Baldridge  tells  the  story  briefly  in  his  Days  of  ^6,  MS.,  1-3;  and  much 
more  fully  in  Napa  Co.  Hist.,  387-90,  Some  details  are  also  given  in  a 
sketch  of  Atkinson  in  the  Independence  Inyo  fiidep.,  Oct.  3,  1870;  of  Hicks, 
in  the  S.  F.  Alia,  Aug.  10,  18G6;  of  McClellan,  by  '  Juanita,'  in  the  Oakland 
Transcript,  Jan.  26,  1873;  and  of  Martin,  in  the  S.  Jose  Mercury,  April  21, 
1S34.  Also  vague  mention  of  the  arrival,  in  Sutler's  Pers.  Remin.,  MS.,  72- 
4;  BidwdVa  Gal.  1S41-8,  MS.,  p.  105-6. 


394          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1843. 

ley,  Reading,  and  their  companions  thus  entered  Cal- 
ifornia by  an  entirely  new  route,  crossing  from  Boise* 
to  the  Sacramento  bv  way  of  the  Malheur  and  Pit 

V  «/ 

rivers;  but  we  have  no  details  of  either  route  or  ad- 
ventures; nor  do  we  know  the  exact  date  on  which 
they  arrived  in  safety  at  New  Helvetia.23 

Walker  had  been  confident  of  his  ability  to  conduct 
the  rest  of  the  company  with  the  wagons"  and  families 
by  a  long  detour  southward  into  the  route  by  which 
he  had  left  California  in  1834;  that  is,  round  the 
'point  of  the  mountain/  since  known  as  Owens  Peak 
and  Walker  Pass,  and  thence  through  the  San  Joa- 
quin  Valley  to  the  Sacramento.  He  proceeded  from 
Fort  Hall29  to  the  Mary  River,  and  down  that  stream 
as  he  and  others  had  done  before  to  its  sink.  Here, 
as  some  writers  say,  they  waited  a  week,  expecting 
relief  from  Chiles;  but  this  seems  unlikely.  From  the 
sink  our  adventurers  crossed  to  Walker  Lake,  and 
thence  with  infinite  hardships  over  the  mountains  to 
what  are  now  known  as  Owens  river  and  lake.  They 
had  been  the  first  to  enter  California  with  wagons; 
but  in  the  vicinity  of  Owens  Lake  the  wagons  were 
abandoned,  and  the  machinery  buried  in  the  sand.30 
With  the  rest  of  their  effects  on  pack-animals,  the 

28  Fremont's  Hep.,  165-6,  247;  Juanita  (J.  C.  McPherson),  in  Oakland  Tran- 
script, Jan.   26,  1873;  and  iu  S.  Jos6  Mercury,  April  21,  1864;  Bidwell,  iu 
resolutions  on  death  of  Hensley,  in  S.  F.  Alia,  June   1868,  and  other  papers 
of  the  time.     Sutter,   Personal  Itcmin.,  MS.,  72-4,   says  they  had  several 
fights  with  Indians,  and  that  McGee  fell  into  a  bear-trap.     The  men  who 
composed  this  party  seem  to  have  been  Chiles,  Reading,  Hensley,  Gantt, 
Williams    (4  brothers),  Winter,   Wooden,   McGee,   and   perhaps    Bradley. 
Sutter,  in  his  Diary,  4,  implies  there  were  1 1  men. 

29  Fremont  was  on  his  wagon  trail  on  the  Snake  River  below  Ft  Hall  on 
Sept.  26th.  Kept  JExplor.  Ex.,  165. 

30 In  Dec.  1843,  Lieut  Kern  with  Walker  passed  what  he  calls  'Chiles' 
cache '  of  mill-irons,  etc. ,  less  than  a  day's  inarch  south  of  Owens  Lake.  Kern's 
Jour.,  482-3.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  383-90,  relates  that  Chiles  appeared 
at  Sonoma  with  a  black  mule  and  a  negro  to  ask  permission  to  build  a  saw-mill 
in  that  region.  The  permission  was  granted,  and  C.  said  good-by  and 
started  for  Kentucky  for  his  mill.  A  year  later  when  V.  had  forgotten  the 
circumstance,  C.  reappeared  with  the  same  outfit  as  before  to  claim  his  land, 
saying  that  his  mill  had  been  buried  in  the  Tulare  region.  Baldridge,  Days 
of  '46,  MS.,  says  the  mill  was  found  by  miners  in  1863.  Some  say  the  wagons 
were  not  only  left,  but  burned.  The  only  trouble  with  Indians  on  the  whole 
trip  was  the  wounding  of  Milton  Little  by  an  arrow  while  standing  on  guard 
ia  the  night. 


THE  WALKER-CHILES  PARTY.  395 

weary  company  plodded  on  to  the  'point  of  the  moun- 
tain' and  through  Walker  Pass.  It  was  here,  accord- 
ing to  Fremont,  that  Chiles  was  to  meet  them,  but  he 
did  not  appear,  though,  according  to  Baldridge,  he  did 
come  with  three  men,  but  could  not  find  the  party. 
Their  hardships  from  this  point  are  described  as  more 
severe  than  those  they  had  suffered  in  the  mountains. 
Their  route,  not  known  exactly,  lay  up  the  great  val- 
ley, past  the  region  of  the  modern  Visalia,  and  thence 
across  the  Tulares  westward  to  the  coast  range.  At 
Christmas-time  they  were  encamped,  with  abundance 
of  game,  grass,  and  water,  which  put  an  end  to  all  their 
troubles,  in  a  delightful  vale,  still  known  by  Walker's 
name  on  the  maps,  on  the  head  waters  of  a  tributary 
to  the  Salinas  River.  In  January  they  descended 
into  the  Salinas  Valley,  thence  proceeding  to  Gilroy's 
rancho,  and  scattered  to  different  points  in  northern 
and  central  California.31 

In  connection  with  immigration,  it  is  proper  to 
mention  here  the  arrival  of  Stephen  Smith  with  the 
first  steam-engine  ever  seen  in  California.  Smith,  a 
native  of  Baltimore,  over  fifty  years  of  age,  and  mar- 
ried in  South  America,  had  visited  the  coast  in  1841, 
and  had  obtained  from  Alvarado  a  promise  of  lands 
on  which  to  erect  mills.  He  brought  his  machinery 
from  Baltimore,  by  way  of  Paita,  on  the  George  Hen- 
ry, which  arrived  at  Monterey  in  May.  He  brought 
with  him  from  Baltimore  Henry  Hagler,  and  from 

81  References  to  authorities  have  already  been  given  in  speaking  of  the 
party  under  Chiles.  I  find  in  the  archives  not  a  single  reference  to  the  arrival 
of  Walker's  party,  except  his  demand  for  passports  in  February.  A  writer  in 
the  Sta  Cruz  Times,  July  25,  1870,  speaks  of  a  Major  McKinstry  who  in  1843 
had  a  plan  of  crossing  the  mountains  with  a  band  of  frontiersmen  to  conquer 
California  and  establish  an  independent  republic.  Letters  were  published 
and  speeches  made;  but  McKinstry  was  warned  by  the  govt  at  Washington 
that  he  would  not  be  allowed  to  depart  on  such  a  mission.  C.  E.  Pickett, 
Paris  Exposition,  10-11,  claims  to  have  agitated  the  scheme  of  a  Pacific  rail- 
road in  1843.  Tullidge,  Life  of  Brigham  Young,  214-15,  speaks  of  '  that  bold 
offer  made  to  the  govt  by  Joseph  Smith  in  1843,  to  enter  into  the  service  of 
the  nation  with  several  thousand  well  armed  volunteers,  to  be  followed  by 
the  entire  Monnon  community,  to  conquer  the  Pacific  dominion  for  the  U.  S., 
and  checkmate  the  aims  of  Great  Britain  to  establish  herself  on  this  coast  by 
the  connivance  of  Mexico.' 


396          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1848. 

South  America  William  A.  Streetcr,  David  Button, 
and  Philip  Crawley,  besides  his  brother-in-law,  Man- 
uel Torres.  The  new  enterprise  was  favored  by  the 
authorities,  and  some  special  concessions  were  made 
by  Micheltorena  in  the  matter  of  duties.  Before  the 
end  of  1843  Captain  Smith  had  chosen  Bodega  as  the 
site  of  his  operations,  though  Sutter  and  his  agents 
are  said  to  have  interposed  some  obstacles.  He  had 
applied  for  naturalization,  purchased  lumber  at  Santa 
Cruz,  had  hired  several  members  of  Hastings'  com- 
pany, Hudspeth,  Coombs,  Daubenbiss,  Bridges,  and 
Copeland,  and  had  begun  operations  at  Bodega,  where 
his  machinery  had  been  landed  from  the  brig.  In 
1844  he  obtained  his  grant  of  land,  and  perhaps  by 
the  end  of  that  year  both  saw-mill  and  grist-mill  were 
in  running  order.  Their  completion  was  celebrated 
with  festivities,  which  included  speech-making  by  Va- 
llejo  and  Prudon,  and  the  engine  did  good  service 
until  1849-50.  Not  only  did  Smith  introduce  the 
first  steam-engine,  but  he  is  also  accredited  with  hav- 
ing brought  three  pianos,  the  first  ever  heard  in  Cal- 
ifornia.32 

Lansford  W.  Hastings  left  California  early  in  1844 
to  publish  a  book,  and  to  return  with  another  party 
later.  It  is  said  by  Bidwell,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  him,  that  Hastings  had  come  at  first  with  a  half- 
formed  purpose  of  exciting  a  revolution,  of  wresting 
California  from  Mexico,  and  of  establishing  an  inde- 
pendent republic  with  himself  as  president,  or  at  least 
of  annexing  the  country  to  Texas.  Finding,  however, 
that  the  foreign  population  was  yet  too  small  for  the 
successful  carrying-out  of  his  plan,  he  determined  to 
return  to  the  States  with  a  view  of  promoting  an  in- 
creased immigration  through  the  agency  of  a  glowing 
description  of  the  country's  advantages,  supplemented 

92 Streeter's  Recoil.,  MS.,  15-25;  Torres,  Peripetias,  MS.,  120-30;  Sonoma 
Co.  Hist.,  53-5;  Hastings'  Emig.  Guide,  111,  etc. 


HASTINGS'  BOOK.  307 

by  lectures  and  other  personal  efforts.33  While  there 
may  be  a  degree  of  exaggeration  in  this  version,  it  is 
evident  that  Hastings  was  not  only  an  enthusiastic 
advocate  of  California's  separation  from  her  national 
allegiance,  but  one  of  the  large  class  who  could  not  or 
would  not  understand  that  either  the  Mexican  gov- 
ernment or  the  Californian  people  had  any  claim  to 
be  consulted  in  the  matter. 

Hastings'  book,  which  appeared  in  1845,  contained 
a  description  of  his  journey  to  Oregon,  a  brief  narra- 
tive of  his  trip  to  California,  a  sketch  of  the  two  coun- 
tries, with  something  of  history,  and  finally  advice  to 
immigrants  respecting  routes  and  outfits.  The  book, 
so  far  as  California  is  concerned,  covered  the  same 
ground  as  Bid  well's  pamphlet,  the  subject  being  treated 
of  course  more  elaborately,  though  not  with  greater 
accuracy.  The  author  was  an  intelligent  man,  with 
some  ability  as  a  writer;  but  his  book  was  a  piece  of 
special  pleading  intended  to  attract  immigrants,  and 
accordingly  all  was  painted  in  couleur  de'rose.  Though 
visited  in  a  year  of  extreme  drought,  not  a  single  defect 
was  pointed  out  in  the  country's  natural  condition. 
"In  my  opinion,  there  is  no  country  in  the  known  world 
possessing  a  soil  so  fertile  and  productive,  with  such 
varied  and  inexhaustible  resources,  and  a  climate  of 
such  mildness,  uniformity,  and  salubrity ;  nor  is  there 
a  country  now  known  which  is  so  eminently  calculated 
by  nature  herself  in  all  respects  to  promote  the  un- 
bounded happiness  and  prosperity  of  civilized  and  en- 
lightened man."  His  description  of  natural  features 
is,  however,  though  tinged  with  exaggeration,  by  far 
the  best  part  of  his  book.  What  he  says  of  the  dif- 
ferent settlements  is  superficial  and  marked  by  absurd 
errors;  an  amusing  instance  being  his  statement  that 
each  of  the  two  largest  towns  was  named  Poabalo,  one 
being  called  'Poabalo  above'  and  the  other  'Poabalo 
below.' 

83  BidwelVs  Cal.  in  18J1-S,  MS.,  110-12.  It  is  said  that  Hastings  returned 
by  way  of  Texas,  for  a  conference  with  leading  men  of  that  country. 


398          FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION- -1843. 

In  all  that  Hastings  wrote  of  the  native  Californian 
people,  and  of  recent  historical  events,  he  displayed 
nothing  but  inexcusable  ignorance  and  bitter  prejudice. 
The  people  were  "scarcely  a  visible  grade  in  the  scale 
of  intelligence  above  the  barbarous  tribes  by  whom 
they  are  surrounded,"  though  "the  higher  order  of 
Mexicans  are  perhaps  about  equal  to  the  lower  order 
of  our  citizens  in  the  western  states."  "The  priests, 
the  most  dissolute  and  abandoned  characters  of  the 
whole  community,  are  not  only  the  sole  proprietors  of 
the  learning  and  intelligence,  but  also  of  the  liberty 
and  happiness  of  the  people,  all  of  which  they  parcel 
out  to  their  blind  votaries  with  a  very  sparing  hand." 
In  describing  the  Graham  affair  of  1840,  he  is  more 
absurdly  bitter  against  Alvarado,  so  far  as  the  possi- 
bilities of  his  vocabulary  go,  than  even  Farnham.  A 
Mexican  in  man's  clothing,  as  italicized  by  this  writer, 
is  a  phrase  that  fully  shows  his  spirit  toward  the  peo- 
ple. "Yet  it  is  with  these  wild,  shirtless,  earless,  and 
heartless  creatures,"  alluding  more  particularly  to 
Michel torena's  cholos,  "headed  by  a  few  timid,  soulless, 
brainless  officers,  that  these  semi-barbarians  intend  to 
hold  this  delightful  region  as  against  the  civilized 
world."  Lest  the  "terrible  oppression"  of  foreigners 
by  the  government  should  frighten  some  of  his  ex- 
pected immigrants,  Hastings  admits  that  all  is  changed 
now ;  that  the  Californians,  from  motives  of  cowardice, 
now  treat  foreigners  "with  all  the  deceptive  kindness 
imaginable,"  that  passports  were  rarely  demanded,  and 
that  lands  were  freely  granted,  notwithstanding  the 
statement  of  "a  certain  high  functionary  at  Washing- 
ton." Hastings  and  his  companions  had  settled  on 
lands  without  even  making  the  formal  applications 
required  by  law,  hoping  to  avoid  the  disagreeable  ne- 
cessity of  becoming  Mexican  citizens. 

To  immigrants  Hastings'  information  respecting 
routes  can  hardly  be  said  to  have  been  of  any  value. 
He  says:  "Those  who  go  to  California  travel  from 
Fort  Hall  w.  s.  w.  about  fifteen  days  to  the  northern 


LIST  OF  PIONEERS.  399 

pass  in  the  California!!  mountains;  thence  three  days 
to  the  Sacramento ;  and  thence  seven  days  to  the  bay 
of  St  Francisco.  The  California  route  from  Fort  Hall 
to  the  Sacramento  lies  through  alternate  plains,  prai- 
ries, and  valleys,  and  over  hills  amid  lofty  mountains. 
The  Indians  are  entirely  inoffensive.  Wagons  can  be 
as  readily  taken  from  Fort  Hall  to  the  bay  of  St  Fran- 
cisco as  they  can  from  the  States  to  Fort  Hall;  and 
in  fact,  the  latter  part  of  the  route  is  found  much  more 
eligible  for  a  wagon-way  than  the  former" — rather  a 
rash  assertion  to  be  made  before  any  party  had  suc- 
ceeded in  crossing  with  wagons.  "The  niost  direct 
route  would  be  to  leave  the  Oregon  route  about  two 
hundred  miles  east  from  Fort  Hall;  thence  bearing  w. 
s.  w.  to  the  Salt  Lake;  and  thence  continuing  down 
to  the  bay  of  St  Francisco  by  the  route  just  described." 
In  conclusion,  the  author  draws  a  glowing  and  ex- 
travagantly colored  picture  of  California's  prospective 
grandeur  in  the  time,  not  far  off,  when  "genuine 
republicanism  and  unsophisticated  democracy  shall  be 
reared  up  and  tower  aloft,  even  upon  the  now  wild 
shores  of  the  great  Pacific;  where  they  shall  ever 
stand  forth  as  enduring  monuments  to  the  increasing 
wisdom  of  man  and  the  infinite  kindness  and  protec- 
tion of  an  all- wise  and  overruling  providence."34 

I  append  the  usual  list  of  pioneers  for  the  year, 
sixty-six  in  number.35  As  many  more  new-comers 

34  The  Emigrants'  Guide  to  Oregon  and  California,  containing  scenes  and 
incidents  of  a  party  of  Oregon  emigrants;  a  description  of  Oregon;  scenes  and 
incidents  of  a  party  of  California  emigrants;  and  a  description  of  California; 
with  a  description  of  the  different  routes  to  those  countries;  and  all  necessary  in- 
formation relative  to  the  equipment,  supplies,  and  the  method  of  travelling.  By 
Lanxford  W.  Hastings,  leader  of  the  Ogn  and  Gal.  emigration  of  1843.  Cin- 
cinnati, 1845.  8vo,  152  p.  The  part  devoted  exclusively  to  Cal.  is  found 
on  p.  04-133.  One  of  my  copies  of  this  work  is  one  that  made  the  trip  overland 
in  1846  with  the  famous  Donner  party.  The  work  was  reprinted  from 
the  same  type,  with  a  new  title,  and  the  addition  of  8  pages  containing  a 
sketch  of  Cal.  by  Robert  Semple,  and  a  copy  of  the  Oregon  Treaty,  as 
Hastings,  A  New  History  of  Oregon  and  California,  etc.  Cincinnati,  1847.  8vo, 
1GO  p. ;  and  again  with  Col.  Mason's  report  on  the  gold  region,  as  Id.  Cin- 
cinnati, 1849.  8vo,  168  p. 

33  Pioneers  of  1843:  Alfred  Ancelin,  James  Atkinson,  Wm  Baldridge, 
Wm  Bartram  (?),  Geo.  W.  Bellomy,  Vardamon  Bennett,  Dennis  Bennett  (?), 


400  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  AND  IMMIGRATION— 1843. 

are  named  in  the  records — and  in  my  Pioneer  Regis- 
ter at  the  end  of  these  volumes — who  did  not  remain 
in  California,  or  at  least  about  whom  nothing  more  is 
known  than  their  presence  during  1842-3.  The  list 
includes  many  men  locally  well  known,  eight  or  ten  of 
whom  still  lived  in  1884;  but  the  names  historically 
most  prominent  are  those  of  Gantt,  Hastings,  Hens- 
ley,  O'Farrell,  Reading,  and  Swan — the  latter  because 
of  his  fame  as  a  writer  of  pioneer  reminiscences. 

Jackson  Bennett  (?),  Winston  Bennett,  John  Bichol,  John  Boardman,  Thos 
W.  Bradley,  J.  C.  Bridges,  Henry  P.  Chace,  Wra  S.  Church,  John  C.  Clark, 
Nathan  Coombs,  Henry  J.  Dally,  Henry  Dalton,  John  Daubenbiss,  Geo.  Da- 
vis, Pedro  Davis,  Rich.  S.  Den,  Ludovico  Gabel,  John  Gantt,  Ira  van  Gor- 
don (?),  John  van  Gordon  (?),  Henry  Hagler,  Thos  M.  Hardy,  L.  W.  Hastings, 
Charles  Heath,  Sam.  J.  Hensley,  Win  Hicks,  James  Hudspeth,  John  Keyes, 
Wm  Laroche,  Charles  Levelain  (?),  Miltou  Little,  Harry  Love,  Charles  Mc- 
Intosh,  Julius  Martin,  Wm  J.  Martin,  Arno  Maube,  Wm  Money,  Anderson 
Norris,  Jasper  O'Farrell,  Harrison  Pierce,  Pierson  B.  Reading,  John  Rohl- 
man,  John  F.  Romie,  Charles  Roussillon  (?),  Truett  St  Clair  (?),  Henry  St 
John,  Thos  J.  Shadden,  Bezer  Simmons,  Wm  A.  Streeter,  Owen  Sumner,  Jr., 
John  A.  Swan,  John  Thompson,  Bartlett  Vines,  Isaac  Williams,  James  Wil- 
liams, John  S.  Williams,  Squire  Williams,  and  Wm  H.  Winter  (?). 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

1844. 
ECONOMY — ABREGO  AND  Pico  SENT  TO  MAZATLAN — AID  FROM  VALLEJO,  LAR- 

KIN,  AND  LlMANTOUR— RUMORS   OF   REVOLT — ARREST   OF  ALVARADO— A 

NEW  GENERAL  EXPECTED — RISING  or  THE  CHOLOS — ARREST  OF  CASTA- 
NARF.S — WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES — PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE — 
MILITIA  ORGANIZED — LARKIN'S  LETTERS — INDIAN  AFFAIRS — PRESIDIO 
ON  THE  SAN  JOAQUIN — JUNTA  DEPARTAMENTAL — CANDIDATES  FOR  GOV- 
ERNOR — THE  CAPITAL— MONTEREY  AND  ANGELES — SANTA  INES  AS  A  COM- 
PROMISE— CASTANARES  IN  MEXICO — His  BOOK — WARNING  AGAINST  FOR- 
EIGNERS— No  RESULTS — GENERAL  VIEW  OF  MICHELTORENA'S  CHARACTER 
AND  ADMINISTRATION. 

AT  the  beginning  of  the  new  year  Micheltorena 
issued  a  decree  carrying  into  effect  the  economical 
measures  decided  upon  by  the  junta  of  October  1843.1 
By  this  reform  a  saving  of  about  $40,000  was  effected 
in  the  estimated  expenses  of  the  year,  chiefly  in  the 
civil  budget;  while  by  a  system  of  half-pay  reductions 
in  the  military  branch,  a  further  saving  of  about  $12,- 
000  was  promised;  and  the  total  sum  to  be  required 
of  the  treasury  for  1844  was  reduced  approximately 
to  $120,000,  or  $10,000  per  month.  The  remaining 
problem  was  where  to  obtain  the  $120,000.  By  the 
California,  the  government  schooner  leaving  Monte- 
rey in  December,  Abrego,  Andres  Pico,  and  Larkin 
had  sailed  for  Mazatlan,  the  business  of  the  former 
two,  and  probably  of  the  last  as  well,  being  to  obtain 
funds  on  Micheltorena's  orders  drawn  for  the  amount 
of  $8,000  per  month  that  had  been  assigned  him  on 

1  Jan.  1,  1844,  Micheltorena,  Bando  Econdmico,  MS. 

HIST.  CAI,.,  VOL.  IV.    26  (401 ) 


402  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

• 

his  departure  from  Mexico.  There  is  no  record  of 
their  negotiations  or  of  definite  results.  The  commis- 
sioners returned  in  the  California  in  March,  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  they  brought  any  money  on 
government  account;  certainly  they  brought  but  lit- 
tle.2 The  schooner  made  a  second  and  third  trip  to 
the  Mexican  ports  before  the  end  of  the  year,  carry- 
ing on  the  second  Captain  J.  M.  Flores  as  a  commis- 
sioner to  obtain  succor,  but  with  results  that  are  alto- 
gether unknown,  so  far  as  the  obtaining  of  material 
aid  is  concerned.  Yet  two  Boston  ships  early  in  the 
year  paid  $58,000  in  duties,  more  than  two  thirds  of 
the  total  revenues  of  the  year;  $2,000  in  money  was 
obtained  from  Vallejo  in  payment,  together  with  pro- 
visions supplied  the  year  before,  for  the  Soscol  rancho ; 
additional  aid  was  obtained  from  the  trader  Liman- 
tour;  and  probably  also  from  Thomas  O.  Larkin.  So 
that  the  financial  troubles  of  1844,  excepting  perhaps 
those  at  the  end  of  the  year,  resulting  from  extraor- 
dinary events  to  be  noticed  later,  were  not  altogether 
insuperable  after  all.3 

Micheltorena  deserves  credit  for  having  given  con- 
siderable attention  to  the  subject  of  education,  taking 

2  Larkin  says  that  Micheltorena  in  1842-4  drew  on  the  Mazatlan  customs 
for  about  $150,000,  only  a  small  part  of  which  was  paid,  contrary  orders 
having  been  issued  in  Mexico.  Larlcin's  Off.  Correxp.,  MS.,  ii.  37.  Jan. 
26th,  John  Parrott  to  Larkin.  There  is  no  hope  of  getting  M.'s  drafts  cashed 
at  Mazatlan;  so  he  has  sent  them  to  Mexico.  Larkin's  Papers,  MS.  Vallejo, 
Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  382-3,  says  that  Pico  and  Abrego  succeeded  in  selling  at 
a  heavy  discount  enough  of  the  drafts  to  produce  $10,000,  a  part  of  which 
was  invested  in  powder.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v.  47-8,  explains  how 
men  having  small  claims  of  undoubted  justice  against  the  govt,  despite  Mex- 
ico's notoriety  for  not  paying  debts,  almost  always  could  sell  their  claims  for 
20  to  40  per  cent  of  their  face  to  the  ayiotistas,  who,  after  collecting  large 
amounts  in  all  parts  of  the  republic,  got  an  order  for  payment  by  giving  the 
minister  and  his  secretary  a  share  of  the  profits. 

8  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  385,  tells  us  that  Micheltorena  applied  to 
him  for  a  loan  and  received  $2,000,  for  which  the  grant  was  issued  in  June. 
Alvarado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  203,  says  Larkin  on  one  occasion  lent  the  gov. 
82,000,  and  took  a  sight  draft  for  $3,000  on  the  Mazatlan  customs,  which  he 
could  not  collect.  The  same  writer  says,  Id.,  v.  389,  that  M.  invested  some 
$30,000  in  goods  which  were  put  into  Larkin's  hands  for  sale,  but  proved 
unsalable.  Aug.  26th,  an  invoice  of  goods  furnished  by  Limantour  to  M.,  to 
the  amount  of  $32,868.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  173-6.  The  gov.  probably 
took  some  goods  not  needed  by  the  soldiers,  hoping  to  sell  them  through 
Larkin.  It  was  not,  as  Alvarado  implies,  an  investment  of  public  funds  for 
his  own  benefit. 


EDUCATION  AND  REVOLT.  403 

a  deeper  interest  in  the  public  schools  than  any  of  his 
predecessors  except  Sola  and  Figueroa.  Not  only 
did  he  aid  the  bishop  in  the  establishment  of  his 
ecclesiastical  seminary  at  Santa  Ines,  but  the  archives 
o'f  1844  contain  many  communications  from  his  pen 
showing  a  lively  interest  in  the  primary  schools,  which 
he  is  also  said  to  have  visited  often  in  person.  In 
May  he  issued  a  reglamento  for  the  primary  schools 
under  female  teachers,  amigas,  ordered  to  be  estab- 
lished at  each  of  the  seven  chief  towns  under  the  pat- 
ronage of  our  lady  of  Guadalupe.  There  is  little  in- 
formation respecting  the  progress  made  with  these 
schools,  though  there  was  a  'beginning  at  several 
places.  At  Los  Angeles  Lieutenant  Medina  met  with 
flattering  success  as  teacher  in  a  school  containing  at 
one  time  a  hundred  pupils.  A  scheme  was  also  de- 
vised to  obtain  from  the  United  States  a  teacher  to 
open  a  school  of  higher  grade  at  Monterey ;  for  which 
purpose  a  subscription  was  raised  in  September  to  the 
amount  of  $900  per  year  for  three  years.* 

In  January  there  were  rumors  of  revolt  in  the 
Monterey  district,  the  only  tangible  fact  in  connection 
with  which  trouble  was  the  arrest  of  Juan  B.  Alva- 
rado.  In  a  private  letter  to  Vallejo,  Micheltorena 
said  that,  on  account  of  certain  vociferaciones  alar- 
mantes,  he  had  resolved  to  send  Alvarado  as  a  prisoner 
to  Sonoma,  he  having  listened  to  evil  counsellors  who 
induced  him  to  engage  in  plots.  He  confessed  to 
having  torn  the  passport  of  an  officer  travelling  on 
duty.  On  the  supplication  of  several  persons,  however, 
and  on  Alvarado's  promise  to  abstain  in  future  from 

*More  of  this  topic  in  local  annals  and  elsewhere.  May  1,  1844.  Michel- 
torenci,  Reglamento  de Escuelas  Amiga*,  MS.,  and  in  the  archives.  May  8th, 
proclamation  on  the  subject  of  education  accompanying  the  reglamento.  S. 
Dier/o,  Arch.,  MS.,  305.  Many  items  of  this  year  on  the  Angeles  school,  in 
Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  1-5;  v.  107-225,  passim;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii. 
27-8,  31-9;  Id.,  Aug.,  xii.  10,  25-7,  74-88;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  61-9,  76, 
90.  Sept.  8th,  subscription  by  Hartnell,  Larkin,  Abrego,  Pio  Pico,  Jimeno, 
Watson,  Guerra,  and  VVolters  for  $100  each,  and  some  conditions  respecting 
the  proposed  school.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iL  192.  Sept.  16th,  Larkin  to  Al- 
fred Robinson,  asking  him  to  select  a  teacher.  Id.,  ii.  196. 


404  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

such  practices,  the  governor  concluded  to  spare  him 
this  time,  and  allowed  him  to  return  home.5  Florencio 
Serrano  is  the  only  Californian  who  has  thought  to 
mention  this  affair  in  his  narrative.  He  tells  us  that 
Michel torena,  being  informed  that  Alvarado  was 
planning  a  revolution,  sent  Captain  Mejia  to  arrest 
him  at  Alisal.  But  Alvarado  refused  to  be  arrested 
by  an  officer  of  lower  rank  than  himself,  donned  his 
colonel's  uniform,  bade  Mejia  be  off,  and  carne  volun- 
tarily to  Monterey.0  Rumors  of  an  impending  revolt 
at  Monterey  reached  Los  Angeles,  where  they  were 
considered  in  a  special  meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento, 
which  body  agreed  upon  repressive  measures — that 
is,  to  keep  a  strict  watch,  and  to  have  all  arms  car- 
ried to  the  comandante's  house;  for  some  of  the  sol- 
diers in  their  cups  had  been  heard  to  give  vent  to 
"suspicious  utterances,  indicative  of  speedy  disorders." 
In  case  the  northern  rumors  should  prove  true,  it  was 
thought  practicable  to  station  a  force  of  fifteen  or 
twenty  men  on  the  Santa  Barbara  frontier!7 

The  next  disturbance  to  be  recorded,  not  much  more 
serious  in  its  results  than  that  of  January,  was  a  rising, 
not  against,  but  in  favor  of  Micheltorena,  the  revolu- 
tionists being  the  cholos  of  the  batallon.  It  occurred 
early  in  August  in  consequence  of  news  from  Mexico 
through  private  letters  that  Micheltorena  was  to  be  su- 
perseded by  a  new  general.8  Early  one  morning  a  dem- 
onstration was  made  by  the  soldiers,  who  declared 
they  would  serve  under  no  other  general,  and  that 
Micheltorena  should  not  leave  California  unless  they 

6  Jan.  15,  1844,  M.  to  V.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  5.     The  gov.  protests 
his  strong  desire  to  preserve  peace  and  insure  the  prosperity  and  harmony  of 
the  Californians. 

6 Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  90-1;  Id.,  in  Pioneer  Sketches,  MS.,  p.  33-4. 

7  Feb.  19,  1844,  ayunt.,  secret  and  special  session.  Los  Angles,  Arch., 
MS.,  v.   117-23.     Little  credit  was  given  to  the  rumors  by  speakers  at  this 
meeting;  but  it  was  thought  best  to  be  on  the  safe  side.     Feb.  24th,  alcalde 
to  Micheltorena,  announcing  precautions.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  32. 

8  According  to  Pio  Pico's  proclamation  of  Feb.  15,  1845,  this  officer  was 
Te6filo  Romero.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  x.  59;  also  Mitheltorena, 
diente.     Gomez,  Lo  Que  Sabe,  MS.,  352,  says  that  the  report  causing  the 
trouble  was  that  of  Gen.  Iniestra's  proposed  expedition  to  California. 


TUMULT  AT  MONTEREY.  405 

could  accompany  him.  It  does  not  appear  which  they 
feared  most,  the  vengeance  of  Californians,  whose  chick- 
ens they  had  stolen,  or  the  possibly  stricter  discipline  to 
which  a  new  chief  might  subject  them.  The  leader 
among  the  officers  of  the  batallon  was  apparently  Cap- 
tain Mejia,  with  the  cooperation  of  Jose  Maria  Casta- 
nares.  The  tumult,  perhaps  intended  to  intimidate 
certain  Californians  who  had  been  somewhat  free  in 
their  expression  of  hostility  to  the  cholos,  lasted  but  a 
few  hours,  Micheltorena  having  rebuked  the  officers, 
who  were  put  under  arrest,  and  explained  to  the  men 
that  these  were  not  proper  methods  of  expressing  their 
devotion  to  a  leader.  Castafiares  was  sent  to  Sonoma 
on  parole;  but  falling  sick  at  Yerba  Buena,  wTas  al- 
lowed to  return  to  Monterey  in  September,  perhaps 
without  having  gone  further  than  San  Francisco.9 
The  people  of  the  capital  were  considerably  alarmed 
by  this  demonstration,  fearing  that  it  might  lead  to  a 
sacking  of  the  town,  the  cholos  from  petty  thieves  be- 
coming an  organized  band  of  robbers.10  The  alarm 
was  increased  by  the  arrival  at  this  time  of  a  reenforce- 
ment  to  the  batallon,  a  detachment  of  forty  or  fifty 
men  who  had  deserted  at  Mazatlan,  and  had  been  re- 
captured and  sent  to  California  on  the  Bolivar,  land- 
ing at  San  Pedro  and  remaining  for  a  time  at  Ange- 
les.11 Still  another  cause  of  popular  alarm  arose 'from 

9  Aug.  6,  1844,  M.  to  V.  Sends  Castafiares  to  remain  at  Sonoma  until  fur- 
ther orders,  to  be  treated  according  to  his  rank,  but  not  allowed  to  leave  the 
place.  The  good  of  the  national  service  demands  it.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii. 
75.  Aug.  17th,  Prudon  to  V.  Castanares  ill  at  Yerba  Buena.  Fears  the 
climate  of  Sonoma  (!),  and  will  probably  be  allowed  to  go  back.  Id.,  xii.  80. 
Sept.  5th,  M.  authorizes  V.  to  permit  the  return.  Id.,  xii.  90. 

10Larkin,  writing  on  Sept.  16th,  describes  the  affair,  and  says:  'The  peo- 
ple of  this  town  were  in  great  alarm,  expecting  a  sack  of  the  town  by  the 
soldiers;  the  affair  was  however  hushed  up.'  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii. 
10.  Later,  in  an  account  intended  to  justify  Micheltorena  after  the  revolu- 
tion, Larkin  wrote:  'I  know  of  no  trouble  or  alarms  caused  by  the  circum- 
stance, in  Monterey.'  He  says  the  affair  was  all  over  by  8  A.  M.  Capt. 
Abella  was  living  at  Larkin's  house  at  the  time.  Id.,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  271. 
Aug.  17th,  Frudon  says  that  Monterey  looks  like  a  town  taken  by  assault, 
only  officers  and  soldiers  to  be  seen.  All  families  have  retired  to  their  ran- 
ches. A  new  division  of  the  batallon  has  arrived  from  Angeles.  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  86.  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  87-90,  and  Gomez,  Lo  Que  Sabe, 
MS.,  352-8,  give  some  details  of  the  night's  occurrences. 

11  Garcia,  Apuntes  sobre  Micheltorena,  MS.,  1-5,  was  one  of  the  men,  and 


406  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

the  current  reports  of  war  between  Mexico  and  the 
United  States,  to  be  noticed  presently.  There  was 
little  fear  of  the  Americans;  but  an  apprehension  that 
the  Mexicans  might  make  the  threatened  invasion  a 
pretext  for  plundering  the  town. 

It  was  in  May  that  the  Mexican  minister  of  war 
informed  Micheltorena  that  positive  news  had  been 
received  of  a  treaty  having  been  signed  for  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  to  the  United  States;12  that  it 
only  required  confirmation  by  the  senate;  and  that 
such  confirmation  would  probably  result  in  war.  The 
general  was  therefore  to  prepare  for  the  defence  of 
California  by  seeing  to  it  that  weapons  were  kept  in 
good  condition,  that  the  troops  were  well  organized 
and  disciplined,  that  the  militia  was  ready  to  be  called 
into  active  service,  and  that  the  government  was  in- 
formed promptly  of  any  aid  that  might  be  required — 
though  no  hostilities  were  to  be  committed  against 
such  American  men-of-war  as  might  visit  the  coast 
pending  the  receipt  of  more  positive  orders  or  some 
act  of  aggression  on  the  part  of  those  vessels.13 

This  order  was  received  early  in  July,  and  was  at 
once  published  by  Micheltorena,  who  announced  that 
in  consequence  of  it  he  had  resolved  to  establish  his 
headquarters  at  San  Juan  Bautista,  and  "to  defend 
the  department,  whose  independence,  religion,  and  in- 
tegrity the  patria  intrusts  now  more  than  ever  to  her 
sons,  and  to  me  the  duty  of  showing  them  the  path 
to  glory  and  honor  in  case  of  war."  At  the  same 
time  he  ordered  the  immediate  enrolment  of  all  citi- 
zens between  the  ages  of  fifteen  and  sixty  years,  in- 

gives  the  only  narrative  of  the  reSnforcement  that  1  have  seen.  He  says  43 
of  the  50  men  had  been  deserters;  and  there  were  7  women  in  the  company. 
They  inarched  from  Angeles  under  Comandante  Valde"s. 

J*  The  treaty  was  signed  by  the  Texan  commissioners  and  by  John  C. 
Calhoun,  secretary  of  state,  April  12,  1844,  but  was  rejected  by  the  senate 
June  8th. 

18  May  11,  1844,  min.  of  war  to  com.  gen.  Vcdlfjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  35; 
De.pt.  fit.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  131.  June  (May  ?)  llth,  min.  of  hac.  or- 
ders that  the  militia  be  put  on  a  war  footing.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i. 
80. 


PREPARATIONS  FOR  WAR.  407 

eluding  naturalized  foreigners,  to  be  formed  into  nine 
companies  of  militia,  which  were  to  be  drilled  every 
Sunday,  and  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  be 
called  into  active  service  as  defensores  de  la  patria. 
Some  days  later  a  series  of  formal  regulations  for  the 
militia  was  issued;  and  it  appears  that  the  organiza- 
tion of  defenders  was  effected  to  some  extent,  on  pa- 
per at  least,  in  northern  California;  but  in  the  south 
we  hear  nothing  of  the  matter  until  the  end  of  the 
year,  when,  as  we  shall  see,  it  came  up  in  another  con- 
nection.u 

14  July  6,  1844.  Micheltorena,  Medtdas  de  Defensa  contra  los  Estados  Uni- 
dos,  MS.;  Estudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  77;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  35;  S.  Jos6, 
Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  43-50.  Companies  were  to  be  formed  at  S.  Diego,  Angeles, 
Sta  Barbara,  S.  Luis  Obispo,  Monterey,  S.  Juan  Bautista,  S.  Jose,  S.  F., 
and  Sonoma — all  of  cavalry.  The  colonels  and  lieut-colonels  were  to  be  those 
already  holding  those  commissions;  the  captains  were  to  be  named  by  the 
govt;  and  lower  officers  were  to  be  chosen  by  the  companies.  All  officers,  in- 
validos,  and  public  employes  chosen  by  the  people  were  exempted  from  the 
enrolment;  and  merchants  were  only  required  to  serve  in  defence  of  their 
places  of  residence — armed  and  supported  at  their  own  cost.  Full  regula- 
tions for  details  of  organization,  discipline,  uniform,  etc. ,  which  need  not  be 
given  here  even  en  re'sume',  were  issued  in  print  on  July  16th.  Micheltorena, 
Rcglamento  de  la  Militia  Auxiliar  de  Defensores  de  la  Patria  y  Departamfnto  de 
Calif  or  nias.  In  Earliest  Print.;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  51;  Taylor's  Specimens 
of  Press,  623;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  i.  467. 

July  8th,  officers  named  by  Micheltorena  for  the  defensores:  1st  regiment, 
col.,  J.  B.  Alvarado,  lieut-col.,  J.  M.  Castauares;  adjutants,  Marquez  and 
Correa;  captains,  1st  squadron,  S.  Diego  co.,  Andre's  Pico,  Correa  as  in- 
structor; Sta  Barbara  co.,  Raimundo  Carrillo,  Flores  as  instructor;  2d  squad- 
ron, S.  Luis  Obispo  co.,  J.  M.  Villa,  Marquez  as  instructor;  Monterey  co., 
A.  M.  Osio,  Estrada  as  instructor.  2d  regiment,  col.,  M.  G.  Vallejo;  lieut- 
col.,  Jos6  Castro;  adjutants,  A.  Somoza  and  Ant.  Pico;  captains,  1st  squad- 
ron, S.  Juan  co.,  Fran.  Pacheco,  Vargas  as  instructor;  S.  Jose"  co.,  A.  M. 
Pico,  Somoza  as  instructor;  S.  Francisco  co.,  F.  Sanchez,  Ant.  Pico  as  in- 
structor; Sonoma  co.,  Salvador  Vallejo,  Rodriguez  as  instructor.  1st  squad- 
ron of  Angeles,  Pio  Pico,  comandante;  J.  M.  Ramirez,  adjutant  and  instructor; 
1st  company,  capt.,  M.  Dominguez;  2d  co.,  capt.,  J.  M.  Palomares.  2d 
squadron  of  Angeles,  J.  A.  Carrillo,  comandante;  N.  Helvetia  co.,  J.  A. 
Sutter,  captain.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  x.  44-6.  July  19th,  at  Sonoma 
59  men  enrolled,  including  12  foreigners.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  55.  July 
21st,  53  citizens  and  22  unnaturalized  foreigners  at  S.  Francisco.  Id.,  xxxiv. 
42.  July  26th,  Mieheltorena  to  Vallejo,  intrusting  to  him  the  organization 
of  the  companies  from  S.  Francisco  northward,  Castro  to  attend  to  those  at 
S.  Jos6  and  S.  Juan.  Only  one  person  should  be  taken  from  a  family.  Id. , 
xii.  61;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  89.  Aug.  4th,  Capt.  Osio  and  his  company  of 
32  men  at  Monterey  choose  subordinate  officers.  Aug.  20th,  list  of  the  S. 
Francisco  company,  48  men  besides  capt.  and  lieut.  Soberanes,  Doc.,  MS., 
308. 

In  January  the  min.  of  war  proposed  the  organization  of  all  the  presidial 
companies  of  the  Californias  and  the  batallon  into  a  regiment,  to  have  be- 
sides its  regular  officers  a  comandante  de  escudron  to  serve  as  commandant  in 
Baja  California.  Mexico,  Mem.  Guerra,  1844,  annex.  23-4.  List  of  unat- 


408  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS, 

Besides  taking  steps  to  organize  the  militia,  Michel  - 
torena  moved  all  the  serviceable  cannon  with  muni- 
tions from  Monterey  to  San  Juan,  where  he  proposed 
to  make  a  final  stand  against  the  invaders  should 
they  make  their  appearance  on  the  coast.  The  capital 
presented  the  appearance  of  a  military  camp  for  a 
week  or  more,  the  soldiers  holding  possession,  always 
in  readiness  to  retreat;  while  many  of  the  citizens 
had  retired  with  movable  effects  to  the  interior,  fear- 
ing, as  I  have  said  before,  not  so  much  the  coming  of 
the  Americans  as  the  excesses  of  the  cholos,  who 
were  likely  on  the  approach  of  an  enemy  to  sack  the 
town.  So  Consul  Larkin  wrote  to  his  government, 
declaring  that  the  property  of  Americans  was  safer 
than  that  of  natives,  and  expressing  the  opinion  that 
Micheltorena,  in  case  of  war,  could  depend  only  on  his 
250  Mexican  troops  to  follow  him,  the  150  Califor- 
nian  soldiers  and  the  1,000  citizens  available  as  militia 
not  being  disposed  to  fight  for  a  government  in  which 
they  took  very  little  interest.15  To  provide  pecuniary 
means  for  the  country's  defence,  the  junta  departamen- 
tal  was  convoked  in  August,  and  authorized  a  sale  of 
the  mission  estates;16  but  before  anything  was  done 
in  this  direction  news  came  that  the  war-cloud  had 
passed  over,  and  California  resumed  its  peaceful  atti- 
tude; though  the  cannon  and  other  war-stores  were 
not  immediately  brought  back  from  San  Juan.17 

tached  and  retired  officers,  etc. ,  in  Cal. :  J.  B.  Alvarado,  col.  auxiliary  mili- 
tia; Jos6  Castro,  lieut-col.  Cal.  squadron;  M.  Gr.  Vallejo,  lieut-col.  permanent 
cav. ;  Pedro  Narvaez,  lieut  of  navy;  V.  Prudon,  capt.  permanent  infantry; 
Jos6  Ramirez,  lieut  cavalry;  Narciso  Fabregat,  lieut  Mazatlan  militia ;  Jos6 
de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  ret.  capt.  of  cavalry;  Sant.  Arguello,  ret.  capt.  cav.; 
Jose'  Estrada,  ret.  lieut  cav. ;  Damaso  Rodriguez,  ret.  alf.  cav. ;  Aniceto  Zava- 
leta,  Isidoro  Soto,  Jos6  Pefia,  Manuel  Verdugo,  and  Sebastian  Rodriguez, 
soldiers  retired  with  rank  of  lieutenants;  Manuel  Rodriguez,  inval.  corporal; 
Eleuterio  Villa,  inval.  soldier;  Luisa  Arguello  de  Zamorano,  widow  with 
pension  of  $60  per  month.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  Mil.,  Ixxxvi.  3-4. 

15  Aug.  18,  1844,  L.  to  sec.  state.  Larkin's  Off.  Gorresp.,  MS.,  ii.  8.  Va- 
llejo to  Micheltorena,  Nov.  18th,  declared  that  it  had  not  been  the  fear  of 
invasion  by  foreigners  that  had  caused  the  citizens  to  leave  Monterey.  Bear 
Flag,  Pap.,  MS.,  3. 

i6Aug.  15th,  20th,  24th,  sessions  of  the  junta.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  18,  20; 
Earliest  Printing;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  7-9;  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xiii.  91-2.  More 
about  the  sessions  a  little  later. 

17 1  find  no  announcement  by  the  gov.  that  the  danger  had  ceased;  but 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  409 

In  connection  with  the  military  preparation  just 
noted,  I  may  take  up  the  topic  of  Indian  affairs,  re- 
specting which,  however,  there  is  almost  nothing  to 
be  said  in  1844.  With  a  view  to  prevent  the  incur- 
sions of  Indian  horse-thieves,  who  were  a  constant  ter- 
ror to  the  rancheros  in  central  California,  a  scheme  was 
devised  in  the  spring  of  this  year,  not  only  to  send  out 
an  expedition  against  the  foe,  but  to  establish  a  kind 
of  frontier  presidio  somewhere  in  the  Tulares,  where 
a  detachment  of  soldiers  could  be  stationed  perma- 
nently for  service  against  the  Indians.  In  May  the 
plan  was  announced  by  Micheltorena,  and  certain 
vaguely  recorded  preparations  were  made;  but  all  we 
know  of  the  result  is  that  in  the  middle  of  November 
Castro  was  in  the  San  Joaquin  Valley  engaged  in 
this  service,  when  recalled  by  the  outbreak  of  revolt, 
as  will  be  seen  in  a  later  chapter.18 

There  was  an  extra  session  of  the  junta,  or  asam- 
blea,  on  February  10th,  convoked  for  the  purpose  of 
choosing  a  quinterna  for  governor.  The  names  chosen 
to  be  submitted  to  the  supreme  government  as  candi- 
dates were,  in  the  following  order:  Micheltorena,  Al- 
varado,  Tellez,  Osio,  and  Jimeno;  and  the  result  was 
announced  by  the  governor  in  a  bando  of  the  13th.19 

Larkin  writes  on  Sept.  16th,  that,  as  Texas  has  not  been  annexed,  warlike 
preparations  have  been  postponed.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  10. 

18  May  31st  (13th?),  gov.  's  order  for  a  destacamento  on  the  S.  Joaquin.  Con- 
tributions to  be  solicited  and  all  to  be  ready  at  Sta  Clara  by  June  10th.  Estu- 
dillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  75-6.  May  13th,  saddles,  etc.,  to  be  borrowed  from  citi- 
zens. Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  81.  May  14th,  gov.  to  alcaldes  of  S.  Jose"  and 
S.  Juan:  Jose"  Castro  to  command  the  force  in  the  Tulares.  Padres  to  furnish 
Indians.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  81--2.  June  14th,  P.  Mercado  refers  to  same 
matter.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  6.  Mention  also  in  Castro,  Relation,  MS., 
89-91;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  413;  Serrano,  in  Pioneer  Sketches,  MS., 
p.  38.  Weber's  treaty  with  the  S.  Joaquin  tribes.  S.  Joaquin  Co.  Hist.,  16. 
Aug.  24th,  Sutter  speaks  of  services  rendered  by  the  Moquelemos  by  return- 
ing stolen  horses.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  7.  Oct.  1st,  an  expedition  alluded 
to,  in  which  one  'vecino'  lost  his  life.  There  is  to  be  another  sally.  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  98.  Oct.,  Indians  defeated  by  govt  troops.  Pdbellon  National, 
Nov.  26,  1844.  Jan.,  a  rancheria  attacked  by  23  citizens,  and  the  chief,  Jose" 
del  Carmen,  killed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  29-30.  Feb.,  savages  and 
Cahuillas  fighting  near  S.  Bernardino.  Id.,  Angeles,  viii.  6-7. 

19Feb.  13,  1844,  M.'s  proclamation.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,Ang.,W&.,  x.46;  Id., 
S.  Jose,  vi.  3;  S.  Diego,  Arch.,  MS.,  302;  Micheltorena1  s  Administration,  21. 


410  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

It  appears,  however,  that  the  meeting  was  not  quite 
legal,  being  composed  of  northern  members  and  sub- 
stitutes only.  The  four  southern  vocales  either  were 
not  summoned  at  all,  or  were  notified  too  late;  or  at 
any  rate  were  not  present  to  insist  on  the  proper  pro- 
portion of  abajenos  in  the  list  of  candidates ;  and  they 
were  much  offended  at  the  wrong  done  them,  protest- 
ing both  to  the  governor  and  to  the  national  govern- 
ment, with  results  of  which  nothing  is  known.20  The 
southerners,  having  a  majority,  were  desirous  that  the 
junta  should  be  convened  in  regular  session,  and  com- 
plained, evidently  with  much  reason,  that  the  arribe- 
nos  were  intriguing  to  prevent  a  meeting. 

Again  the  assembly  was  convoked  by  orders  of 
June  19th  and  August  13th,  and  met  in  special  ses- 
sions on  August  15th,  20th,  24th,  and  26th,  Estrada, 
a  northern  member,  and  Guerra  from  the  south,  being 
absent.  Narciso  Botello  was  made  temporary,  and 
J.  M.  Covarrubias  permanent,  secretary  in  place  of 
Zenon  Fernandez,  deceased.  The  southern  vocales 
took  the  oath  of  office,  the  others  having  done  so  at 
the  former  session.  The  business  before  the  junta 
was  the  raising  of  funds  with  which  to  protect  the 
country  from  foreign  invasion.  Micheltorena  made 
an  opening  speech  on  the  subject;  and  Pico  responded 
by  pledging  the  junta  to  use  its  best  efforts  in  so  just 
a  cause.  As  related  more  fully  elsewhere,  the  action 
finally  taken  was  to  authorize  the  sale  or  renting  of 
mission  estates.  An  attempt  was  made  to  bring  up 
various  other  matters  of  minor  importance;  but  they 
were  decided  to  be  out  of  order  at  special  sessions; 

10  A  letter  to  Castanares  in  Mexico  declared  the  election  an  escdndalo  de 
fjran  tamafio;  stating  that  the  order  of  convocation  was  issued  on  Feb.  4th, 
so  that  the  southern  members  could  not  possibly  arrive  by  the  10th.  Casta- 
nares, Col.  Doc.,  17.  June  8th,  Pio  Pico,  the  1st  vocal,  to  inin.  of  the  int., 
enclosing  the  protest  of  himself,  Figueroa,  and  Botello,  to  the  gov.  on  April 
8th.  It  is  a  long  document,  in  which  they  demand  that  the  assembly  be  again 
convened  and  its  past  acts  be  declared  null.  The  sup.  govt  is  called  upon  to 
protect  the  rights  of  the  people.  liandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  55.  Pico's  report  of 
Apr.  8th  is  also  given  in  print  in  Micheltorena,  Expediente  no.  1. 


CHANGE  OF  CAPITAL.  411 

and  with  one  exception,  no  action  was  taken  on  any  of 
them.21 

The  exception  to  which  I  have  alluded  was  the  old 
question  of  Monterey  versus  Los  Angeles  on  a  change 
of  capital.  Since  the  beginning  of  the  year  the  An- 
gelinos  had  resumed  the  old  agitation  of  the  subject; 
Juan  Bandini  having  written  an  exposition,  in  which 
he  showed  that  the  southern  city  deserved  some  re- 
ward for  her  old-time  constancy  to  Mexico;  and  the 
ayuntamientos  of  the  rival  towns  having  taken  new 
steps  in  the  matter.22  It  was  on  this  account  that 
the  northerners  had  intrigued  to  prevent  a  regular 
session  so  long  as  their  opponents  were  in  a  majority. 
But  Pio  Pico  brought  the  matter  up  in  the  session  of 
August  24th,  and  a  lively  discussion  ensued.  Pico 
and  Botello  insisted  on  southern  rights,  and  Figueroa 
agreed  with  them,  though  he  did  not  think  the  sub- 
ject could  be  legally  disposed  of  in  a  session  called 
for  special  purposes.  Spence  favored  the  claims  of 
Monterey;  while  Munras,  leaning  in  the  same  direc- 
tion, proposed  to  select  some  third  town  for  capital 
or  to  leave  the  whole  question  to  be  settled  in  Mex- 
ico. Micheltorena  himself  as  president  argued  at 
first  strongly  against  moving  the  capital  away  from, 
the  town  where  the  custom-house  was  located,  also 
opposing  any  action  whatever  at  a  special  session; 
but  he  finally  proposed  as  a  compromise  that  further 
definite  action  should  be  suspended  until  a  decision 

21  Records  of  the  sessions,  in  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  17-27;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS., 
7-12.     The  records  of  the  opening  session  of  Aug.  15th  and  the  closing  one  of 
Aug.  26th  were  issued  in  print  by  Micheltorena  in  bandos  of  Aug.  28th  and 
Sept.  3d  respectively.  Earliest  Printing;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  3-4;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  S.  Jos4,  MS.,  vi.  6;   Micheltorena's  Administration,  24-6;    S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  309. 

22  Jan.   16,  1844,  alcalde  of  Angeles  to  Micheltorena,  sending  Bandini's 
exposition.      The  gov.  promises  to  represent  the  matter.  Dept.  St.   Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  28.     March  13th,  Alcalde  Serrano  announces  that  on  the  9th  the 
ayunt.  of  Monterey  agreed  to  petition  for  a  repeal  of  the  decree  making 
Angeles  the  capital.  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.   16-17.     June  4th,  Angeles 
ayunt.  complains  that  the  govt  sec.  is  wrong  in  writing  '  muy  ilustre  ayun- 
tamiento  de  esta  capital  de  Motiterey. '     Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg. , 
MS. ,  iii.  1 1-12.     July  29th,  Judge  Requena  forwards  to  assembly  the  law  of 
May  23,  1835,  and  asks  that  it  be  enforced,  making  Angeles  the  capital.  Leg. 
Bee.,  MS.,  iv.  17. 


412  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

could  be  obtained  from  Mexico  respecting  the  right 
of  the  assembly  to  act  in  the  matter,  and  that  in  the 
mean  time  the  sessions  should  be  held  in  some  other 
place  than  either  Monterey  or  Angeles,  suggesting 
Santa  Ines  as  a  convenient  point.  The  three  south- 
erners would  not  accept  any  compromise,  and  at  last 
voted  solid  in  favor  of  Los  Angeles;  but  the  two 
northern  members  with  Micheltorena  voted  for  the 
compromise,  the  latter  also  decided  the  tie  by  his 
casting  vote;  and  the  next  session  was  thus  to  be 
convoked  at  Santa  Ines.  No  session  ever  was  held 
there,  however,  and  nothing  more  was  ever  heard  of 
the  project.  The  compromise  was  a  most  inexplica- 
ble concession  on  the  part  of  the  arribeuos,  especially 
if  the  president  had  the  right  here  exercised  of  cast- 
ing a  double  vote.23 

Let  us  turn  to  the  national  capital  and  follow  the 
deputy  Manuel  Castanares  in  his  efforts  in  behalf  of 
California.  He  was  a  much  more  diligent  represent- 
ative than  had  been  his  predecessor,  Andres  Castillero; 
though  perhaps  the  real  does  not  quite  equal  the  ap- 
parent difference,  because  the  efforts  of  Don  Manuel 
were  recorded  in  print,  while  those  of  Don  Andre's 
were  not — even  if  there  were  any  to  be  recorded, 
which  is  doubtful.  Before  the  end  of  1844  Casta- 
nares received  some  complaints  from  his  constituents 
respecting  Mexican  neglect,  coupled  with  implications 
that  the  neglect  was  due  to  the  deputy's  own  inatten- 
tion to  his  duties.  As  the  best  means  of  proving  that 
such  charges  were  unjust,  Don  Manuel  resolved  to 
print  his  communications  and  speeches.  Letters  cer- 
tifying his  zeal  were  obtained  from  such  high  digni- 
taries as  Tornel,  Reyes,  Cortina,  Trigueros,  and  Bo- 
canegra ;  and  this  correspondence,  with  the  documents 
mentioned,  was  published  in  pamphlet  form  in  1845. 
I  proceed  to  glance  at  the  contents  of  the  pamphlet 

23  Record  of  the  discussion  in  Bandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  156;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS., 
11;  Leg.  Bee.,  MS.,  iv.  20-2. 


CASTANARES  IN  CONGRESS.  413 

in  chronologic  order  as  a  record  of  what  was  being 
done  for  California  in  Mexico.24 

Having  left  California  in  December,  Castanares 
directed  his  first  official  communication  to  the  minis- 
ter of  relations  on  March  2d.  It  promised  a  detailed 
report  to  be  presented  a  little  later;  contained  a  warn- 
ing of  impending  danger  from  foreign  aggression  and 
internal  troubles;  recommended  the  sending  of  a  force 
of  700  or  800  .veteran  soldiers,  properly  equipped  and 
provided  for,  to  protect  the  department;  and  insisted 
on  the  prompt  payment,  sin  excusa  nipretesto  alguno,  of 
the  $8,000  per  month  assigned  for  the  support  of  the 
troops  already  there.25 

In  the  extra  session  of  March  30th,  the  diputado 
presented  an  able  argument  on  the  topic  of  missions 
and  the  pious  fund,  in  opposition  to  the  reports  of  cer- 
tain committees.  He  declared  California  to  be  "a 
rough  diamond,  requiring  only  application  to  the  lapi- 
dary's wheel  to  adorn  the  aureola  of  Andhuac  with  a 
jewel  of  the  most  beautiful  splendor"!  Missionary 
work  must  be  a  prominent  element  in  the  polishing 
process;  and  the  fund  must  be  devoted  in  good  faith 
to  California,  in  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  the 

24  Castariarea,  Coleccion  de  Documentos  Rdativos  al  Departamento  de  Cali- 
ifornias,  Publicados  por  el  Giudadano  Manurl  Castanares,  Diputado  al  Con- 
greso  General  por  aquel  Departamento.  Mexico,  1845,  8 vo,  70  p.  The  latest 
communication  in  the  collection  bears  date  of  July  17,  1845,  but  though  pub- 
lished in  1845  and  containing  information  about  events  of  the  first  part  of 
that  year,  I  choose  to  notice  this  book  as  belonging  to  1844.  The  letters  of 
Mexican  officials  all  speak  of  Castanares  in  flattering  terms.  Tornel  says: 
'El  celo  de  V.  por  el  bien,  felicidad,  y  adelanto  de  las  Californias  que  digna- 
mente  representa,  es  imponderable,  segun  me  consta  en  el  largo  tiempo  que 
desempefie  el  ministerio  de  guerra,  y  en  el  cual  dia  por  dia  concurria  V.  con- 
inigo,  esforzando  la  justicia  de  que  aquel  precioso  departamento  no  fuese 
abandonado a  su  suerte.  ..jamas  ha  abandonado  su  noble  prop6sito  yen  el 
congreso,  en  el  gabinete,  en  la  opinion  piiblica,  y  en  todos  los  medios  imagina- 
bles,  ha  llenado  perfectamente  sus  deberes.'  The  others,  all  men  with  whom 
Castanares  had  come  constantly  in  contact  in  his  efforts  in  the  different  de- 
partments, wrote  in  terms  no  less  positive  and  favorable. 

^'Porcion  de  intereses  encontrados;  un  refinado  provincialismo  aumen- 
tado  por  el  racional  sentimiento  del  abandono  con  que  se  ha  visto  a  aquel 
departamento,  y  algunas  faltas  graves  cometidas  por  individuos  de  los  que 
componen  la  espedicion  militar  que  march6  a  las  6rdenes  del  Exmo  Sr  Gen.  D. 
Manuel  Micheltorena,  son  suficientes  elementos,  entre  otros,  para  temer  el 
trastorno  de  su  tranquilidad  interior. '  Castanares  to  min.  of  rel. ,  Mar.  2d, 
1844,  in  Id.,  Col.  Doc.,  10.  He  insists  that  if  troops  are  sent,  provision  must 
be  made  for  their  support,  as  the  country  cannot  and  will  not  support  them. 


414  MICHELTOREXA'S  RULE- POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

founders — yet  not  exactly  as  it  had  been  applied  be- 
fore. For,  as  Castanares  maintained  most  ingeniously 
and  eloquently,  under  the  old  mission  system  the  Ind- 
ians had  neither  become  christianized  nor  civilized, 
but  had  rather  been  enslaved,  retaining  their  idolatry, 
but  losing  their  native  freedom  and  wild  dignity;  and 
therefore  the  fund  of  course  had  not  been  used  accord- 
ing to  the  wishes  of  its  generous  founders.  Those 
wishes  must  not  be  interpreted  too  literally;  for  the 
catechism  was  not  the  only  means  of  conversion  and 
civilization,  a  still  more  effective  one  being  "the  inti- 
mate contact  of  the  barbarian  with  the  man  of  culture, 
of  the  idolater  with  the  Christian."  There  was  no 
better  way  to  elevate  the  Indians  than  to  encourage 
the  development  of  prosperity  and  culture  among  the 
gente  de  razon.  Therefore,  and  this  was  the  objec- 
tive point  of  all  Don  Manuel's  reasoning,  the  admin- 
istration of  the  pious  fund  should  not  be  intrusted 
exclusively  to  the  bishop,  but  should  be  controlled  to 
some  extent  by  the  departmental  government.  It 
is  needless  to  add  that  Castanares'  eloquence  in  this 
direction,  did  not  practically  enrich  the  Californian 
treasury.26 

In  June  we  have  three  communications  from  the 
congressman  in  print,  from  which  it  appears  that  he 
complained  of  not  having  been  heard  in  a  cabinet 
meeting  as  promised ;  that  he  sought  and  obtained  an 
interview  with  President  Santa  Anna;  announced  the 
arrival  of  the  California  schooner,  with  Captain  Flores 
as  a  commissioner  in  quest  of  succor,  complaining 
that  the  vessel  had  been  sent  back  with  mere  de- 
spatches instead  of  the  material  aid  so  urgently  needed; 
laid  before  the  government  some  private  letters  from 
his  constituents,  including  an  account  of  the  outrage 
by  the  cholos  on  Pierre  Atillan;  and  finally  declared 
that  the  Californian s  would  surely  revolt  if  not  re- 
lieved.27 In  August  an  announcement  that  the  Call- 

26 CastaDares'  speech  of  March  30th  in  congress.  Id.,  Col.  Doc.,  11-15. 
27  'By  what  I  have  said,  your  Excellency  will  see  that  the  condition  of  the 


CALIFORNIA  IN  MEXICO.  415 

forma  schooner  had  returned  to  Acapulco;  a  new 
warning  of  impending  invasion  by  the  United  States ; 
and  a  new  appeal  for  the  money  that  had  been  prom- 
ised, and  the  men  and  arms  and  munitions  that  were 
required  for  defence.  The  reply  of  August  16th  was 
that  the  government  would  attend  to  California  as 
soon  as  it  could  free  itself  from  the  more  urgent  Texan 
question. 

September  1st,  Castanares  presented  an  exhaustive 
general  report  on  the  condition  and  needs  of  his  de- 
partment, in  part  first  of  which  document,  by  describ- 
ing the  country's  natural  advantages,  he  labored  to 
prove  that  its  retention  as  a  part  of  the  republic  was 
a  matter  of  the  gravest  importance  from  a  national 
point  of  view,  far  more  essential  than  the  possession 
of  Texas.  In  part  second  the  author  presented  his 
views  of  what  should  be  done  to  keep  and  utilize  this 
invaluable  possession.  His  suggestions,  supported  in 
most  instances  by  plausible  arguments,  for  which  I 
have  no  space,  were  briefly  as  follows:  Increased  pow- 
ers to  be  conceded  to  the  departmental  government 
in  both  branches,  it  being  vain  to  apply  the  general 
laws  to  the  exceptional  circumstances  of  the  far  north. 
Several  lawyers  and  clerks  of  education  and  experi- 
ence to  be  sent  to  organize  the  administration  of  jus- 
tice in  higher  courts.  The  pious  fund  to  be  restored  to 
California,  and  to  be  used  by  the  bishop  with  the  inter- 
vention of  the  government,  not  only  for  purposes  purely 
ecclesiastic,  but  for  the  establishment  of  new  frontier 
missions  and  presidios,  and  for  the  general  promotion 
of  education.  Mexican  families  to  be  sent  as  colonists 

Californias  is  no  longer  tolerable.  In  compliance  with  my  duties,  I  have 
taken  all  the  steps  and  exhausted  all  resources  within  my  reach  to  cause  a 
cessation  of  the  despair  to  which  they  are  reduced.  The  sup.  govt  cannot  fail 
to  apply  the  remedy,  but  if  unfortunately  it  should  be  so,  expect  nothing  but 
a  bloody  revolution,  a  desperate  resort  it  is  true,  but  the  only  one  remaining 
to  them,  who  have  received  from  Mexico  nothing  but  an  insupportable  tute- 
lage, vexations  of  every  class,  and  no  protection  whatever.'  June  25th,  Cas- 
tanares to  min.  of  rel.  Id.,  Col.  Doc.,  18.  July  26th,  Castafiares  and  Flores 
made  a  report  to  the  min.  of  war  on  the  needs  of  Cal.  arising  from  Indian 
troubles,  and  particularly  the  danger  of  American  invasion.  In  Monitor 
Constitutional,  March  6,  1845,  and  an  editorial  in  the  paper  of  Mar.  8th. 


416  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

and  aided  by  the  government,  the  mission  estates, 
among  other  resources,  being  devoted  to  that  end. 
Foreign  colonization  to  be  encouraged,  away  from  the 
immediate  coast,  under  special  laws,  especially  coloni- 
zation by  Spaniards,  Swiss,  or  Germans.      Soldiers 
with  their  families  to  be  sent  in  as  large  numbers  as 
possible  to  form  a  kind  of  military  colonies  for  protec- 
tion against  the  Americans;  the  soldiers  being  released 
from  military  service  after  a  brief  term.     Supplies  to 
be  sent  regularly  for  the  support  of  troops  in  Califor- 
nia, not  only  to  render  its  defence  effective,  but  also  to 
reestablish  the  waning  respect  of  Californians  for  Mex- 
ico.   Education  to  be  promoted  by  all  possible  means. 
The  ports  to  be  fortified;  and  a  navy-yard  to  be  es- 
tablished, with  the  comandancia  de  marina  of  the 
South  Sea,  at  San  Francisco  or  Monterey.    The  occu- 
pation of  the  coast  islands  to  be  promoted.    The  coast 
to  be  protected  by  a  fleet  of  gun-boats  or  other  armed 
vessels ;  and  prompt  transportation  of  the  mails  to  be 
insured.     Mexican  merchants  to  receive  every  possi- 
ble encouragement  and  concession,  with  a  view  ulti- 
mately to  enforce  the  laws  against  coasting  trade  by 
foreign  vessels.    The  granting  of  lands  to  be  regulated, 
and  grants  already  made  to  be  fully  legalized,  notwith- 
standing possible  defects  of  minor  importance.    Presi- 
dios to  be    maintained  in  the  interior   and  on  the 
frontiers,  one  of  them,  in  the  nature  of  a  military  col- 
ony, to  be  at  Fort  Ross.    Parish  priests  to  be  provided 
and  paid.     A  port  of  deposit  for  foreign  goods  to  be 
established  at  Monterey. 

"Uncared  for  and  abandoned  as  hitherto,"  concludes 
the  author,  California  "will  be  irremediably  lost,  and 
I  tremble  at  the  sad  consequences  of  such  a  loss.  A 
powerful  foreign  nation  will  pitch  its  camps  there ; 
the  adjoining  departments  will  not  be  slow  to  feel  the 
effects;  and  California  in  the  hands  of  her  new  master 
will  be  for  its  neighbors  what  Belize  is  for  Yucatan. 
Then  will  sprout  the  seed  to-day  lying  ignored  in  the 
soil;  then  her  mines  will  be  worked,  her  ports  crowded, 


A  PROPHETIC  SPEECH.  417 

her  fields  cultivated;  then  will  a  numerous  and  toiling 
people  acquire  property  to  be  defended  with  their 
blood;  and  then  all  this  for  our  country  will  produce 
the  opposite  effects.  The  steps  that  shall  put  Califor- 
nia under  a  foreign  power  will  be  doubled  for  us  in  a 
contrary  sense ;  and  when  there  is  no  longer  a  remedy, 
when  there  shall  begin  to  be  gathered  the  bitter  fruits 
of  a  lamentable  negligence  and  an  unpardonable  error, 
then  we  shall  deplore  in  vain  evils  which  might  have 
been  avoided,  and  confess  with  sorrow  our  impotence 
to  extinguish  the  destructive  germ  which  at  first 
might  have  been  easily  uprooted."23  This  reads  like 
prophecy;  but  Castanares'  suggestions  were  utopian 
when  addressed  to  a  government  and  a  people  like 
those  of  Mexico.  The  day  had  passed  when  the  '  de- 
structive germ'  could  be  uprooted  by  Mexican  power 
exerted  in  Mexican  methods. 

On  September  6th  thanks,  most  enthusiastic  but 
somewhat  premature  it  would  seem,  were  rendered  to 
the  government  for  the  unexpectedly  ample  resources 
ordered  by  the  president  to  be  sent  to  California  in 
the  shape  of  money,  weapons,  munitions,  and  equip- 
ments, 'all  to  defend  the  national  integrity  and  sov- 
ereignty.' No  doubt,  as  Castanares  thought,  the  re- 
sponse from  his  department  would  be  a  grito  de  c/uerra 
against  the  insolent  foreigners  who  sought  to  steal  so 
precious  a  possession.29  The  only  other  essential  fact 

28  Castanare*,  California  y  sus  males.  Exposition  dirijida  al  Gobiernoen  1° 
de  Septie.mbre  de  1S44-  In  Id.,  Col.  Doc.,  21-52.  In  Mexico,  Mem.  Guerrat 
1844,  p.  49-50,  Minister  Tornel  recommends  Mexican  colonization  for  Cal., 
and  admits  the  urgent  danger  of  losing  that  department.  June  21st,  the 
com.  gen.  of  Cal.  to  be  supplied  with  all  he  needs  (!).  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  lien., 
MS.,  i.  80-1.  July  18th,  §2,000  ordered  paid  by  Mazatlan  customs.  Id.,  i.  82. 
Aug.  31st,  §3,000  due  from  Becher's  estate  put  at  gov. 's  disposal.  Id.,  i.  85-0. 
Sept.  3d,  the  §8,000  per  month  to  be  paid  de  toda  preferencia,  as  ordered  in 
May  1842.  Id.,i.  89-90. 

:9  Sept.  6th,  Castailares  to  min.  of  rel.  Sept.  7th,  reply  of  Rejon.  Cas- 
tanares, Col.  Doc.,  52-3.  The  aid  ordered  according  to  a  letter  of  Gen.  Ryccs 
on  Nov.  27th,  Id.,  p.  6,  included  500  infantry  and  300  cavalry  uniforms!  the 
corresponding  armament;  300  complete  cavalry  equipments;  a  large  quantity 
of  lead  and  powder  at  Acapulco;  4  pieces  of  artillery;  $8,000  per  montli  paid 
at  Mazatlan  de  preferencia;  and  finally,  the  refitting  of  the  schooner  California. 
But  the  effectiveness  of  this  aid  was  somewhat  impaired  by  the  remark  in  the 
same  letter,  'the  orders  have  been  issued,  and  I  believe  that,  en  el  primer  mo- 
menta de  desahoffo  qui  haya,  they  will  be  executed.' 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  27 


418  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

respecting  these  reinforcements  and  supplies  is  that 
they  were  never  sent  at  all.  In  November  a  circular 
was  issued  forbidding  all  payments  of  funds  without 
special  orders;  but  Castanares  succeeded  in  obtaining 
an  order  that  the  California  payments  at  Mazatlan  be 
not  suspended!  This  closed  the  correspondence  of 
1844;  but  I  shall  have  occasion  to  notice  the  contin- 
uation of  the  deputy's  efforts  in  the  annals  of  1845. 

Clearly,  Micheltorena's  administration  had  not  been 
productive  of  any  very  brilliant  results  so  far  as  the 
welfare  of  California  was  concerned.     The   condition 
of  the  country  was  not  much  better  or  worse  in  1844 
than  it  had  been  in  1841.     That  such  was  the  case, 
however,  is  not  to  be  considered  to  any  great  extent 
the  ruler's  fault;    nor  does   it  furnish   an  argument 
against  the  soundness  of  Vallejo's  policy  in  having 
urged  the  sending  of  a  Mexican  officer  to  assume  both 
commands.     That  the  result  was  disappointing  was 
due  almost  entirely  to   circumstances,   which   arose 
largely  from  blunders  in  Mexico.     It  is  doubtful  if 
there  was  an  officer  in  Mexico  who  could  have  done 
better  in  Micheltorena's  place.     There  is  no  disagree- 
ment among  those  who  knew  him  respecting  the  gen- 
eral's character.     He  lacked  force,  and  was  even  in- 
clined to  indolence.     He  was  not  a  man  to  act  either 
promptly  or  wisely  in  an  emergency.     He  exhibited 
himself  in  a  ridiculously  unfavorable  light  by  his  blus- 
ter in  the  Jones  affair.     On  other  occasions  in  his  Cal- 
ifornia experience  he  manifested  weakness  of  character, 
and  he  was  regarded  by  his  Mexican  opponents  as  a 
pedantic  dreamer  of  many  theories.     Still  he  was  a 
gentleman  of  considerable  culture,  possessed  of  many 
negative  virtues  and  no  glaring  vices,  imposing  in  per- 
son, with  manners   affable   and  fascinating,  kind  of 
heart  and  honest  of  purpose,  gifted  not  only  with  the 
power  of  winning  personal  friends,  but  with  a  fair  de- 
gree of  executive  ability  and  tact.30 

30 1  might  quote  long  lists  of  Calif ornian  authorities  on  Micheltorena's  char- 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  CHARACTER.  419 

Micheltorena  made  many  warm  personal  friends,  and 
he  excited  the  ill-feeling  and  opposition  of  no  class. 
He  favored  neither  arribenos  nor  abajenos,  but  tried  to 
reconcile  sectional  differences.  There  was  never  any 
complaint  of  his  favoring  unduly  either  Mexicans  or 
Californians.  He  restored  what  was  left  of  the  mission 
estates  to  the  padres  without  exciting  the  opposition 
of  any  other  class.  He  aided  the  bishop  in  his  edu- 
cational schemes,  and  listened  to  that  dignity's  coun- 
sel so  far  as  to  marry  his  mistress.  He  was  liberal 
to  and  well  liked  by  the  foreigners  generally.  He 
reduced  expenses  without  very  seriously  offending  the 
men  who  lost  their  salaries;  and  in  fact,  without  hav- 
ing introduced  any  brilliant  or  sweeping  reforms,  he 
performed  the  duties  of  his  office  under  difficult  cir- 
cumstances with  creditable  tact  and  ability.  There 
is  much  to  be  said  in  praise  of  his  policy  in  all 
branches  of  government,  and  very  little  to  condemn. 
As  I  have  before  remarked,  it  is  doubtful  if  any 
available  officer,  Mexican  or  Californian,  could  have 
done  better;  and  though  many  even  among  his 

acter,  but  there  is  so  little  variety  of  opinion  that  it  would  serve  no  good  pur- 
pose. Alvarado,  Castro,  Osio,  and  others  of  that  class,  while  not  denying 
that  he  possessed  good  nature  and  some  other  good  personal  qualities,  dwell 
naturally  on  his  weakness,  lack  of  energy,  and  even  lack  of  good  faith;  while 
others,  including  foreigners  like  Sutter,  Bidwell,  Davis,  and  Larkin,  arc  dis- 
posed to  exaggerate  his  kindness,  wisdom,  and  ability;  but  on  the  whole,  there 
is  no  man  prominently  named  in  California  history  about  whose  personal  char- 
acter there  is  such  a  general  agreement.  On  Oct.  22,  1842,  John  C.  Jones 
wrote  from  Sta  Barbara  to  Larkin  as  follows:  'From  all  accounts,  the  general 
is  a  mild,  affable,  and  well  disposed  man;  but  devoid  of  all  energy,  stability, 
force,  or  resolution;  the  very  last  man  who  should  have  been  sent  to  guide 
the  destinies  of  California.  He  appears  to  be  fickle  and  very  undecided,  and 
if  report  speaks  true,  not  overstocked  with  courage. '  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS. ,  i. 
344.  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  100,  170;  iii.  46,  condemns 
Micheltorena  as  pedantic  and  inefficient.  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  428-32,  pro- 
nounces him  a  man  of  theories,  better  fitted  for  a  teacher  than  a  governor. 
Mrs  Ord,  Ocurreneias,  MS.,  131,  notes  that  he  rarely  rose  from  his  bed  until 
noon.  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  101,  praises  his  personal  character  highly. 
Spence,  Hist.  Notes,  MS. ,  20,  says  that  although  a  gentleman  in  manners,  he 
wa,s  lazy,  always  putting  things  off  till  to-morrow.  Gomez,  Lo  Que  Sabe,  MS. , 
61-2,  176-7,  340-4,  365,  374-5,  380-1,  has  much  to  say  of  the  general,  not- 
ing among  other  things  his  fondness  for  gambling.  '  General  do  erudicion 
mediana,  celebre  por  los  disparates  que  escribi6  al  ministerio  Mejicano.'  Al- 
varado, Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  94-6,  39-41.  Nov.  18,  1844,  Vallejo  assures 
Micheltorena  that  he  is  very  highly  esteemed  by  the  Californians,  and  would 
be  more  so  if  he  would  send  away  his  soldiers.  Bear  Flag  Pap.,  MS.,  3. 


420  MICHELTORENA'S  RULE— POLITICAL  AFFAIRS. 

friends  deplore  his  lack  of  energy  as  fatal,  I  find  but 
few  occasions  in  his  rule  where  the  obstacles  in  his 
way  might  have  been  overcome  by  energetic  action; 
yet  it  is  true  he  should  have  refused  to  come  to  Cali- 
fornia with  the  company  that  was  given  him. 

Had  Micheltorena  come  with  a  force  of  soldiers 
properly  equipped  and  provided  for,  to  be  used  on 
the  frontiers  for  protection  against  Indian  horse- 
thieves;  or  had  he  come  alone — and  been  allowed  to 
assume  the  command,  as  he  perhaps  would  have  been 
through  Vallejo's  influence — there  is  much  reason  to 
believe  that  his  rule  would  have  been  a  wise  and  suc- 
cessful one.  But  he  brought  a  battalion  of  convicts, 
who,  to  say  nothing  of  the  insult  and  grievous  wrong 
to  California,  or  of  the  petty  depredations  of  these 
criminals,  not  only  consumed  the  country's  revenues 
without  rendering  the  slightest  service  in  return,  and 
revived  the  old  animosities  between  the  inhabitants 
and  los  de  la  otra  banda,  but  exhausted  the  general's 
energies  and  abilities  in  the  task  of  preserving  among 
them  a  semblance  of  discipline  and  of  providing  for 
their  subsistence.  I  have  given  him  much  credit  for 
the  restraint  he  exercised  over  these  men;  but  to 
control  and  support  a  crowd  of  criminal  vagabonds 
was  a  pitiful  object  for  the  energies  of  a  province  and 
its  ruler.31 

81  See  chap.  xx.  for  the  revolution  against  Micheltorena  in  November. 
Larkin,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  271,  speaks  of  the  benefits  conferred  on  California  by 
Micheltorena's  administration;  while  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  157.  p.  2-3,  in 
a  letter  to  ex-President  Bustamante,  declares  that  he  left  Cal.  in  a  much 
worse  condition  than  he  found  it  in — but  chiefly  because  the  cholos  demanded 
his  whole  attention. 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 
1844. 

DURAN'S  REPORT  ON  SOUTHERN  MISSIONS — LOCAL  ITEMS — LOST  SHEEB— 
PADRES  AND  VALLEJO — SECULARIZATION  OF  SAN  Luis  OBISPO — GRANT 
OF  LANDS  TO  THE  CHURCH — AUTHORIZED  SALE  OF  MISSION  ESTATES 
TO  MEET  WAR  EXPENSES — BISHOPRIC — ECCLESIASTICAL  SEMINARY  AT 
SANTA  INES— PASTORAL  VISIT  TO  THE  NORTH — COMMERCIAL  REGULA- 
TIONS—RETAIL TRADE — PROTECTION  OF  THE  BOSTON  MERCHANTS*— 
WHALERS  ALLOWED  TO  TRADE — YERBA  BUENA  AND  SAUZALITO — REV- 
ENUE OFFICERS — SAN  FRANCISCO  AND  SANTA  BARBARA — FINANCIAL 
AFFAIRS — LIST  OF  VESSELS  ON  THE  COAST  IN  1844. 

A  GENERAL  report  on  the  condition  of  the  southern 
missions,  in  charge  of  the  Fernandinos,  was  made  out 
in  February,  in  response  to  a  circular  from  Mexico. 
Its  purport,  in  marked  contrast  to  similar  documents 
of  earlier  times,  was  as  follows:  San  Miguel  has 
neither  lands  nor  cattle,  and  its  neophytes  are  demor- 
alized and  scattered  for  want  of  a  minister.  San  Luis 
Obispo  is  in  the  same  condition.  La  Purisima,  though 
without  property  or  sowing-lands,  has  yet  a  vineyard 
of  moderate  extent,  and  retains  about  200  neophytes. 
The  minister,  Padre  Juan  Moreno,  is  ill,  and  is  aided 
by  the  clergyman  Miguel  Gomez.  Santa  Ines  with 
264  neophytes,  and  with  sufficient  resources  for  their 
support,  is  in  charge  of  Padre  Jose  Joaquin  Jimeno. 
Santa  Barbara,  administered  by  Padre  Antonio  Ji- 
meno and  the  writer  of  this  report,  has  the  greatest 
difficulty  to  support  its  287  souls.  San  Buenaventura 
remains  in  tolerably  good  condition,  with  plenty  of 
resources.  It  is  administered  temporally  by  Padre 

(421) 


422        MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 

Jiraeno  of  Santa  Bd-rbara,  and  spiritually  by  the  pres- 
byter, Jose  Maria  Resales.  San  Fernando,  with  few 
cattle,  has  two  vineyards,  and  is  administered  by  Padre 
Bias  Ordaz.  San  Gabriel,  once  'queen  of  all  the  mis- 
sions,' has  nothing  left  but  its  vineyards  in  deterio- 
rated condition,  which,  with  300  neophytes,  are  cared 
for  by  Padre  Tomds  Estenega  and  Presbyter  Antonio 
M.  Jiineno.  San  Juan  Capistrano  has  no  minister, 
and  its  neophytes  are  scattered.  San  Luis  Hey,  with 
a  population  of  400,  has  hardly  anything  left,  and  its 
minister,  Padre  Jose'  M.  Zalvidea,  is  in  a  state  of 
dotage.  San  Diego,  always  a  poor  mission,  has  noth- 
ing now.  Padre  Vicente  Oliva  cares  for  its  100  souls. 
"  From  all  of  which  it  appears  that  three  missions  are 
abandoned,  in  totum,  for  want  of  ministers  and  re- 
sources; that  there  remain  only  eight  religiosos  fer- 
nandinos,  with  three  clergymen  to  aid  them;  that 
only  Santa  Ines  and  San  Buenaventura  have  the 
means  of  moderate  subsistence;  and  that  the  other 
nine,  destroyed  by  secularization,  and  their  neophytes 
demoralized,  are  in  a  moral  impossibility  of  ever  rais- 
ing their  heads."1 

As  to  the  success  of  the  friars  in  administering  the 
fragments  of  mission  property  restored  to  them  by 
Micheltorena,  it  is  difficult  to  form  any  definite  idea 
from  the  few  local  items  that  constitute  the  only  rec- 
ord extant.  At  four  or  five  of  the  richest  establish- 
ments there  was  doubtless  a  partial  return  of  prosper- 
ity, though  even  in  connection  with  these  we  have  no 
information  about  the  eighth  of  total  products  that 
was  to  be  paid  into  the  treasury.  The  padres  of  San 
Jose  and  Santa  Clara  entered  with  spirit  into  the 
discharge  of  their  new  duties,  and  took  steps,  with 

1  Duran,  Informe  del  Actual  Estado  de  las  Misiows  de  la  Alta  California 
al  cargo  del  Colegio  de  S.  Fernando  de  Mexico,  Feb°  1844,  MS.  Hartncll  in 
his  letter  to  Wyllie  also  reports  that  '  the  missions  are  almost  entirely  gone  to 
ruin,  and  can  never  be  brought  back  to  their  former  state, '  but  he  thinks  this 
state  of  things  is  well  for  the  country's  temporal  prosperity.  HartnelVs  Eng- 
lish Coloniz. ,  MS. ,  88.  Castanarcs,  on  the  contrary,  regarded  the  downfall  of 
the  missions  as  the  greatest  misfortune  of  California.  Castanares,  Col.  Doc.t 
31,  49-50. 


SECULARIZATION.  423 

what  success  does  not  appear,  to  collect  the  mission 
live-stock  that  had  been  lent  out  to  different  individ- 
uals.2 San  Luis  Obispo,  not  one  of  the  restored  mis- 
sions, and  one  that,  according  to  Duran's  report,  had 
no  property  left,  was  formally  secularized  by  Michelto- 
rena's  decree  of  July  16th.  That  is,  it  was  formed 
into  a  pueblo,  with  the  unoccupied  lands  in  the  vicin- 
ity as  egidos,  the  few  remaining  neophytes  being  made 
entirely  free,  except  that  they  could  not  sell  their 
lands,  and  were  to  furnish  six  persons  each  week  to 
aid  the  curate.  The  missionary  house  was  to  be  the 
parsonage,  and  other  buildings  were  to  be  dedicated 
to  public  uses.  The  ditches,  were  to  remain  free  for 
the  common  use  of  all;  no  lot  was  to  be  granted 
without  reference  to  the  governor;  and  the  local 
government,  for  the  present,  was  to  be  in  the  hands 
of  an  assistant  justice,  subject  to  the  municipality  of 
Monterey.  I  find  no  evidence  that  any  immediate 
action  was  taken  under  this  decree,  or  that  any  other 
establishment  was  thus  finally  secularized  this  year.3 

2  May  20,  1844,  PP.  Mercado  and  Muro  give  Francisco  Arce  powers  of 
attorney  to  recover  this  property,  of  which  the  largest  item  is  6,000  sheep, 
owned  by  M.  G.  Vallejo.  Arce,  Doc.,  MS.,  1,  3,  5.     Aug.  30th,  V.  to  Arce. 
Denies  having  any  sheep  belonging  to  the  missions.     The  whole  number  was 
only  4,000,  and  they  were  legally  taken  by  him  as  aid  to  the  govt.  Id.,  30. 
Vicente  Gomez,  Lo  Que  Sabe,  MS.,  412-27,  recites  a  long  story  about  a  quar- 
rel that  took  place  this  year  at  Monterey,  on  this  subject.     Benito  Diaz  ac- 
cused Vallejo  of  having  enriched  himself  by  plundering  the  missions,  V. 
demanded  an  investigation,  and  some  letters  of  friars  substantiating  the 
charge  were  produced.     The  writer,  not  very  good  authority  and  unfriendly 
to  V.,  represents  the  matter  as  having  looked  dark  for  the  latter,  when  it 
was  mysteriously  hushed  up.     Jan.  18th,  P.  Mercado  to  Alcalde.     Refers  to 
an  order  that  'vagabonds'  be  gathered  and  employed  in  community  work. 
S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  6.     April  12th,  Id.  to  Id.     A  sharp  reproof  for  med- 
dling with  the  management  of  Ind.,  which  belongs  exclusively  to  the  padre. 
Arch.,  Arzob,  MS.,  iv.  pt  ii.  37-8.     July  15th,  gov.  to  alcalde.     The  free 
Ind.  of  S.  Buenaventura  must  be  induced  to  leave  the  community  lands  and 
settle  at  Sta  Barbara.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  86. 

3  July  16,  1844,  M.'s  decree  secularizing  S.  Luis  Obispo.  Arce,  Doc.,  MS., 
12;  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  73-6;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  390-401. 
A  provisional  regulation  for  the  management  of  the  Sta  Cruz  property  by 
the  justice  of  the  peace,  probably  of  this  year.  In  Id.,   ii.  409-10.     April 
Sth,  the  inhabitants  of  S.  F.  mission  petition  the  gov.  to  recognize  their 
establishment  as  a  pueblo;  but  April  30th  M.  declined  to  grant  the  petition 
until  investigation  could  be  made,  the  matter  not  being  urgent.     From  ar- 
chives, in  Divindle's  Colon.  Hist.,  add.,  102-3.     Nov.  12th,  Osio  is  directed  by 
the  gov.  to  take  the  56  cattle  which  he  had  lent  to  the  govt  from  the  S. 
llafael  stock.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  100. 


424        MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 

In  June  the  bishop  asked  that  the  gardens,  orchards, 
and  vineyards  of  the  ex-missions  be  given  up  to  the 
ministers,  that  by  their  usufruct  they  might  support 
themselves  and  the  culto.  He  desired  "that  the  said 
possessions  may  in  all  time  be  respected  as  a  sacred 
thing,  as  true  ecclesiastical  property,  both  in  respect 
of  the  object  for  which  they  are  destined,  and  of  the 
true  ownership  which  in  them  my  churches  ought  to 
have,  as  soon  as  you  order  extended  to  each  in  partic- 
ular a  title  of  proprietorship  in  legal  form."*  In  the 
natural  order  of  things,  by  the  tenor  of  Spanish  and 
Mexican  law,  this  property  or  a  portion  of  it  would 
eventually  revert  with  the  buildings  to  the  church; 
and,  whether  a  specific  grant  was  necessary  or  not, 
there  was  no  urgency  in  the  matter,  so  far  as  the 
twelve  missions  now  under  control  of  the  friars  wero 
concerned.  Possibly  the  bishop's  purpose  was,  how- 
ever, to  guard  against  future  demands  for  the  eighth 
of  products  promised,  the  vineyards  being  the  only 
property  that  could  be  expected  to  yield  much  profit. 
I  have  not  found  Micheltorena's  reply  to  the  general 
proposition;  but  in  the  case  of  two  missions  not  in- 
cluded in  the  twelve,  and  which  were  ruined  and 
abandoned  according  to  Duran's  report,  he  made 
formal  grants  to  the  church  of  lands  for  the  support 
of  divine  worship,  which  were  accepted  by  Bishop 
Garcia  Diego.  To  San  Luis  Obispo,  on  the  same 
date  that  it  was  made  a  pueblo,  were  given  a  league  of 
land  at  La  Laguna  and  two  gardens,  or  huertas,  near 
the  curate's  house,  while  to  San  Miguel  on  the  same 
date  was  given  the  vineyard  known  as  La  Mayor.5 

In  August,  when  Micheltorena  called  upon  the 
junta,  or  assembly,  to  provide  resources  with  which 
to  resist  an  anticipated  invasion  by  the  United  States, 

*Jtme  8,  1844,  bishop  togov.,  asking  for  mission  gardens.  Arch.  Arzob., 
MS.,  v.  ptii.  39. 

5  July  1(5,  1844,  grant  of  lands  to  S.  Luis  and  S.  Miguel  for  support  of 
worship,  with  acceptance  by  the  bishop  in  name  of  the  church.  Pico,  Doc., 
MS.,  ii.  19-25;  Sacramento,  Span.  Arch.,  MS.,  p.  11-10;  Uept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  147-8. 


SEMINARY  AT  SANTA  IN2S.         .  425 

a  committee  consisting  of  David  Spence,  Pio  Pico, 
and  Narciso  Botello  indicated  the  mission  estates  as 
the  only  public  property  in  the  department  on  which 
funds  might  be  raised  for  the  country's  defence.  This 
report,  approved  by  the  assembly  on  the  24th,  author- 
ized the  government  to  sell,  hypothecate,  or  rent  the 
mission  estates  and  lands,  and  after  paying  all  debts 
and  collecting  all  dues,  to  use  the  surplus  proceeds  to 
pay  war  expenses.  Santa  Barbara  as  the  site  of  the 
episcopal  palace,  and  Santa  Ines  as  that  of  a  college, 
were  excepted;  and  still  others  might  be  reserved  for 
national  tillage  to  afford  subsistence  to  the  troops. 
This  disposition  was  to  be  made  of  the  estates  at  such 
a  time  and  in  such  a  manner  as  might  seem  best,  un- 
der a  reglamento  which  should  provide  for  a  proper 
distribution  of  the  movable  property  and  lands  to 
which  the  neophytes  were  entitled,  and  also  for  the 
support  of  the  curates.  In  other  words,  the  governor 
was  authorized  to  complete  the  secularization  of  the 
missions  and  to  use  national  property  remaining  for 
purposes  of  national  defence.  The  measure  was  a 
legitimate  one;  but  the  alarm  of  war  proved  false; 
and  Micheltorena  never  had  occasion  to  publish  the 
decree,  or  use  the  power  conferred  on  him.6 

Bishop  Garcia  Diego  had  resolved  on  the  establish- 
ment of  an  ecclesiastical  seminary  at  Santa  Ines,  and 
by  his  authority  padres  Sanchez  and  Jimeno  had  ap- 
plied to  the  governor  for  a  grant  of  land  in  support 
of  such  an  institution.  The  grant  for  six  leagues  was 
issued  on  March  16th,  and  more  was  given  subse- 
quently.7 Early  in  May  the  bishop  with  his  attend- 

B  Aug.  20-4,  1844,  action  of  the  assembly  authorizing  sale  of  the  mission 
estates.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  20,  25-7;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  10-11;  Hayes,  Legal 
Hist.  S.  Diego,  MS.,  i.,  no.  45,  p.  105-7;  Hartman's  Brief  in  Miss.  Cases,  15- 
16;  Jones'  Report,  no.  22;  Hoffmann's  Opinions,  33.  Whether  the  assembly 
could  confer  such  a  power,  or  whether  Micheltorena  did  not  have  the  power 
without  consulting  the  assembly,  are  questions  that  need  not  be  discussed 
here.  No  sales  were  made  under  this  act. 

'March  16,  1844,  grant  of  the  4  canadas  of  Sotonocomu,  Alisguey,  Cala- 
baza,  and  Aguichunii  of  Sta  Lie's  lands,  with  acceptance  by  bishop  on  May 
4th.  Sacramento,  Span.  Arch.,  MS.,  vii.  1-2.  Sept.  26th,  two  more  sitios 


423       MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 

ants  started  northward,  and  at  Santa  Ines  he  found 
the  grant,  together  with  a  communication  from  Mi- 
cheltorena  to  the  effect  that  he  had  assigned  $500  in 
money  per  year  for  the  seminary,  on  condition  that 
into  it  should  be  admitted  every  Californian  in  search 
of  a  higher  education.8  It  was  on  May  4th,  at  7  A.  M., 
the  founders  assembled  in  the  mission  church;  and 
after  a  pontifical  mass  in  honor  of  our  lady  of  Refuge, 
and  a  discourse  from  Bishop  Francisco,  the  constitu- 
tion which  was  to  govern  the  institution  was  read, 
and  the  seminary  declared  to  be  in  esse  according  to 
the  provisions  of  the  council  of  Trent,  being  entitled 
to  all  the  honors  and  privileges  corresponding  to  a 
diocesan  seminary.  The  episcopal  benediction  was 
pronounced  on  the  assembled  people;  and  the  found- 
ers, together  with  the  five  colegiales  who  were  to 
pursue  their  studies  here,  signed  their  names  to  a 
record  of  the  proceedings  left  in  the  mission  books.9 

From  Santa  Inds  the  bishop  continued  his  journey 
northward,  visiting  this  part  of  his  diocese  for  the 
first  time  in  an  official  capacity,  affording  nearly  all 
the  people  their  first  view  of  episcopal  robes  and  their 
first  kiss  of  the  episcopal  ring,  and  administering  the 
rite  of  confirmation  to  all  the  faithful.  His  journey 

granted,  and  accepted  by  P.  Gonzalez.  June  4,  1846.  Id.,  vii.  2-4.  April 
1845,  juridical  possession  given  of  the  lands,  on  which  occasion  it  was  prom- 
ised that  during  the  existence  of  the  college  one  mass  each  year  should  be  said 
for  the  soul  of  Nicolas  Den,  the  alcalde  who  gave  possession.  Id. ,  vii.  G-10. 

8  Dcpt.  fiec.,  MS.,  xiii.  72-4.    Thanks  of  the  bishop  and  padres,  and  propo- 
sition to  establish  an  'escuela  formal  de  primeras  letras'  in  connection  with 
the  seminary.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  36-7. 

9  Sta  Ines,  Lib.  Mision,  MS. ,  28-9.     Also  an  original  record  in  Savage,  Doc. , 
MS. ,  ii.  37-8.     The  names  were  those  of  Bishop  Garcia  Diego  y  Moreno;  his  sec- 
retary, Fr.  Jos6  M.  de  J.  Gonzalez;  Sub-deacons  Doroteo  Ambris  and  Gerva- 
sio  Valdds,  scholars  and  familiares  of  the  bishop;   P.  Jose  Joaquin  Jimeno, 
rector;  P.  Francisco  de  J.  Sanchez,  vice-rector;  PP.  Juan  Moreno  and  Anto- 
nio Jimeno;  Presbytero  Jos6  M.  Gomez;  and  the  5  colegiales,  Jos6  de  los 
Santos  A  vila,  Alejo  Salmon,  Agapito  Cabrera,  Ramon  Gonzalez,  and  Diego 
Villa. 

Colegio  Seminario  de  Maria  Santisima  de  Guadalupe  de  Santa  Ines  de  Call- 
fornias — Constituciones  que  para  el  arreglo  y  gobierno  del. . .  hizo  sufundndor, 
el  11™°  Sr  Don  Fr.  Francisco  Garcia  Diego  y  Moreno,  dignisimo  Oblspo  de  ate 
didcesia,  ano  de  1844,  MS.  In  this  document  are  laid  down  minutely  the 
duties  of  officers,  employe's,  and  students,  with  requirements  for  admis- 
sion, course  of  study,  text-books,  religious  exercises,  discipline,  dress,  food, 
recreations,  etc. 


BISHOP  FRANCISCO'S  TOUR.  427 

was  a  commonplace  and  tedious  one,  compared  with 
the  triumphal  march  it  would  have  been  fifteen  years 
earlier,  when  the  missions  were  in  their  glory.  We 
have  no  details  of  his  entertainment  at  different  places 
along  the  route.  At  Monterey  his  reception  by  the 
governor  and  citizens  is  said  to  have  been  hardly  less 
enthusiastic  than  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  his  presence 
imparted  unusual  splendor  to  the  festivities  and  pro- 
cessions of  corpus  christi;  but  the  general  spirit  of 
the  arribenos  was  not  so  cordial  as  to  swerve  the  ven- 
erable old  man  from  his  purpose  to  reside  in  the  sunny 
south.  After  having  attended  to  the  routine  duties 
of  his  pastoral  tour,  visiting  his  old  mission  of  Santa 
Clara,  and  extending  his  journey  to  San  Francisco, 
he  returned  to  Santa  Barbara  probably  at  the  end  of 
July.10 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  bishop  did  not  succeed 
this  year  any  better  than  before  in  getting  from  the 
Mexican  government  any  part  of  his  salary,  or  of  the 
pious  fund  revenues,  which  ought  to  have  been  spent 
in  California  if  not  paid  over  to  Garcia  Diego.11  Yet 
influences  were  being  brought  to  bear  in  Mexico  by 
Castanares  and  others  which  were  destined  to  result 
the  next  year  in  a  favorable  decree,  if  not  in  an  actual 
sending  of  funds.12 

10  May  19,  1844,  bishop  at  S.  Antonio.    Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  26.     May  14th, 
Monterey  ayunt.,  on  invitation  of  P.  Real,  votes  to  pay  expenses  of  illumina- 
tion of  the  town  for  3  days  when  the  bishop  should  arrive.    Monterey,  Arch., 
MS.,  v.  30.     Festivities  at  Monterey  described  in  Gomez,  Lo  Que  Subt>,  MS., 
365-73.     On  April  20th,  P.  Quijas,  the  vice-prefect,  being  about  to  leave  the 
country,  had  sent  instructions  that  when  the  bishop  should  come  to  make  his 
pastoral  visit,  the  books  were  not  to  be  submitted  for  his  inspection  unless 
he  would  appoint  regular  euros  doctrineros  for  the  churches  to  take  possession 
by  inventory  in  due  form.     Garcia  Diego,  finding  this  order  copied  in  the 
book  of  patentes  at  S.  Antonio,  declared  it  must  be  held  as  'baseless  and  of 
no  value;  having  no  foundation,  being  contrary  to  laws  and  rules,  and  inju- 
rious to  episcopal  authority;'  and  forbade  the  copying  of  any  more  such 
'scandalous  circulars.'  Arch.  Obispado,  MS.,  65-6.     July  2d,  the  bishop  is- 
sues instructions  for  the  collection  of  tithes  in  the  northern  districts.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  39-45.     July  llth,  bishop  visits  S.  Jose".   Lib.  Minion, 
MS.,  14.     July  16th,  atS.  F.  Lib.  Mision,  MS.,  52. 

11  May  31,  1844,  bishop  sends  a  power  of  attorney  to  Ramirez,  diputado  of 
Zacatecas,  to  collect  the  $6,000  from  the  Guaymas  custom  house.    Unbound 
Doc.,  MS.,  249-50. 

12  G'astanares,  Col.  Doc.,  11-15. 


428       MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 

By  a  decree  of  September  23,  1843,  the  Mexican 
government  had  prohibited  retail  trade  by  foreigners 
throughout  the  republic.  In  January  1844,  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  United  States,  through  Minister 
Thompson,  protested  against  this  action  as  "an  open 
infraction  of  the  treaty  between  the  two  countries." 
Bocanegra  would  not  accept  this  view  of  the  case;  but 
it  is  not  necessary  to  go  into  the  merits  of  the  argu- 
ment, because  no  attempt  was  made  to  enforce  the 
decree  in  California.  Yet  American  traders  in  this 
country  were  advised  through  Consul  Larkin  to  pre- 
pare certified  inventories  of  the  goods  which  they 
might  be  prevented  from  selling  at  retail,  with  a  view 
to  later  claims  for  satisfaction.13 

The  governor  not  only  did  not  interfere  with  for- 
eigners engaged  in  retail  trade,  but  he  went  further 
in  his  disregard  of  Mexican  revenue  laws,  prohibiting 
by  an  order  of  July  30th  the  introduction  of  foreign 
goods  from  Mexican  ports — except  of  course,  as  is 
rather  awkwardly  expressed  in  the  decree,  on  con- 
dition of  paying  the  full  duties  exacted  on  such  goods 
when  brought  from  foreign  ports.  For  a  few  years 
past  Mexican  and  other  vessels  had  been  bringing 
these  goods  from  San  Bias  and  Mazatlan,  as  '  national- 
ized' goods,  and  underselling  the  Boston  ships.  The 
theory  was  that  they  could  not  have  done  this  if  the 
legal  duties  had  been  paid  upon  introduction  of  the 
effects  into  Mexico.  The  reduction  of  prices  in  Cali- 
ornia  was  not  the  evil  sought  to  be  avoided,  but  there 
was  danger  that  the  Boston  merchants,  if  exposed  to 
such  a  rivalry,  practically  one  with  smugglers,  would 
abandon  the  field,  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  the  de- 
partmental revenues.  Thus  Micheltorena's  measure 
was  one  of  self-defence,  justified  by  the  circumstances, 
and  perhaps  not  beyond  the  scope  of  his  'extraordi- 
nary powers.'  I  find  no  record  of  any  attempt  to 

13  Corresp.  between  Thompson  and  Bocanegra.  U.  S.  Govt  Doc. ,  28th  cong. 
1st  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.  390,  p.  16-20,  vol.  vi.  March  1st,  U.  S.  rain,  to  Larkin, 
in  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  66.  Decree  of  Sept.  23,  1843,  in  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  MS.,  i.  48. 


THE  WHALERS.  429 

evade  compliance  with  the  order  before  the  end  of 
the  year.  There  was,  however,  a  period  of  six  months 
accorded  to  new-comers  ignorant  of  the  decree  before 
its  penalties  of  confiscation  were  to  be  enforced.14 

Another  measure  that  had  been  devised  for  the 
protection  of  the  Boston  traders  as  revenue  payers 
was  the  prohibition  of  trade  by  whalers.  Such  trade 
in  itself,  if  legitimately  carried  on,  had  been  regarded 
as  beneficial  to  the  farmers  of  the  country,  enabling 
them  to  exchange  produce  not  otherwise  salable  for 
goods  in  small  quantities;  and  the  prohibition — due 
largely  to  abuses  of  their  privilege  by  the  whalers,  who 
had  become  to  a  certain  extent  the  confederates  of 
smugglers — had  drawn  out  many  protests  from  the 
rancheros.  Accordingly  the  prohibition  was  again  re- 
moved by  a  decree  of  October,  providing  that  whalers, 
by  paying  $30  for  a  permit,  anchoring  where  required, 
and  receiving  revenue  guards  on  board  like  trading 
craft,  might  sell  goods  to  an  amount  on  which  the 
duties  should  not  exceed  $400  for  each  vessel.15  The 
whaling  vessels  came  in  greater  numbers  than  before, 
and  at  San  Francisco  especially  they  caused  the  rev- 
enue officials  much  trouble.  They  as  well  as  some 

14 . July  30,  1844,  M.'s  order  forbidding  the  introduction  of  foreign  goods 
from  Mexican  ports.  la  Earliest  Printing;  Guerra,  Doc., ,  MS.,ii.  24-7;  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  90;  Id.,  Monterey,  iii.  101;  Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  46.  Mentioned  by 
the  gov.  to  the  junta  Aug  20th,  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  8-9;  and  to  alcaldes,  etc., 
Sept.  6th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  70;  Pinto,  Doe.,  MS.,  ii.  93.  Re- 
ported by  Larkin  to  U.  S.  sec.  state,  with  comments  on  the  independence  of 
Californian  officials,  and  on  the  benefits  likely  to  result  to  American  traders 
if  this  order  could  be  enforced.  L.  seems  not  to  attach  much  importance  to 
the  alleged  smuggling  which  gave  rise  to  the  order,  but  implies  that  the  gov- 
ernor's purpose  was  simply  to  have  the  duties  paid  in  Cal.  rather  than  in  other 
parts  of  the  republic.  Larkin'e  Off.  Correxp.,  MS.,  ii.  10-12.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Micheltorena  had  in  1843  announced  his  intention  to  issue 
such  a  regulation.  Chap.  xv.  of  this  vol. 

15  Oct.  19  (2?),  1844,  M.'s  order  permitting  whalers  to  sell  goods  under  cer- 
tain restrictions;  with  instructions  requiring  renewed  vigilance  on  the  part  of 
revenue  officers.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  91-2;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  CW.-/7., 
MS.,  vi.  [150-1];  LarkirfsDoc.,  MS.,  ii.  242,278;  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  13, 
21;  ii.  15.  Nov.  18th,  Vallejo  to  Micheltorena,  indorsing  a  petition  of  citizens 
on  this  subject.  Bear  Mag  Papers,  MS.,  4. 

Another  measure  repealed  this  year  was  the  regulation  of  Dec.  1S43,  on 
the  sale  of  hides  under  the  supervision  of  a  police  agent.  By  decree  of  June 
27th,  the  regulation  of  this  matter  was  restored  to  the  ayuntamientos.  S.  Diego, 
Arch.,  MS.,  307.  Feb.  14th,  petition  of  Angeles  ayunt.  for  the  repeal.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  31-2. 


430       MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 

other  craft  showed  a  decided  inclination  to  anchor  at 
Sauzalito  rather  than  at  Yerba  Buena.  The  reasons 
alleged  were  the  greater  conveniences  at  Whalers  Har- 
bor for  obtaining  wood  and  water ;  but  the  chief  motive 
was  a  desire  to  be  free  from  all  legal  restraints.  Will- 
iam A.  Richardson,  captain  of  the  port,  resided  at 
Sauzalito;  but  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  over- 
burdened with  a  sense  of  responsibility  as  a  Mexican 
official,  and  in  the  minor  controversies  of  frequent  oc- 
currence was  found,  so  far  as  he  troubled  himself  abbut 
the  matter  at  all,  on  the  side  of  the  whalers.16 

Each  vessel  bringing  a  cargo  for  sale  seems  to  have 
been  required  to  pay  $600  in  addition  to  her  duties, 
a  sum  devoted  theoretically  to  the  building  of  a  pier; 
but  respecting  the  collection  and  use  of  this  fund  the 
records  are  too  meagre  to  be  of  any  use;  neither  is 
there  anything  requiring  special  notice  in  the  regula- 
tions issued  from  time  to  time  on  detailed  methods  of 
enforcing  the  revenue  laws.17  Consul  Larkin  in  his 
letters  of  this  year  to  the  secretary  of  state,  John 
C.  Calhoun,  gave  a  very  complete  general  account  of 
California!!  commerce,  though  embodying  no  points 
with  which  the  reader  is  not  already  familiar;  and  the 
same  may  be  said  of  Hartnell's  report  to  Wyllie  from 
an  English  point  of  view.18 

16Corresp.  of  the  receptor,  Benito  Diaz,  184-1,  in  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  272- 
84;  ii.  97-103.  The  small  boats,  or  lighters,  employed  on  the  coast,  but  chiefly 
in  S.  F.  Bay,  were  this  year  required  to  obtain  patents,  or  licenses,  from  the 
govt.  It  does  not  clearly  appear  whether  vessels  were  forced  to  employ  these 
registered  lighters  rather  than  their  own  boats.  Id.,  i.  271-2;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xx.  37-51;  Id.  Ben.,  iii.  53. 

17  Jan.   1,  1844,  reference  to  the  exaction  of  the  $600.    Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  133.     Feb.  22d,  gov.  called  upon  to  remedy  difficulties  caused  by 
failure  to  follow  Mexican  regulations,  and  to  fix  some  method  of  determining 
the  value  of  cargoes.   Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  54-7.     Feb.  23d,  reglamento  in  9  articles 
for  the  receptores,  in  Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,   viii.    13;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii. 
46-8.     March  7th,  rules  for  S.  Francisco.   Id.,  ii.  58-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
MS.,  iii.  53-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  viii.  3-5.    June  28th,  Hartnell's  regulations 
f or celadores.   Doc.  Hixt.  Col.,  MS.,  i.  464.     July  20th,  a  ' reglamento  decela- 
dores,'  probably  the  same,  issued.   Los  Anydes,  Ayunt.,  MS.,  5.     Oct.  2d, 
rules  to  govern  vessels  and  merchants,  10 articles.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  88-90. 

18  April  16,  Sept.  16,  Dec.  9,  1844.  Jan.  1,  1845,  L.  to  Calhoun.   Lar- 
kin's  Off".  Coi-resp.,  MS.,  ii.  3-4,  10,  13-14,  16-18;  Hartnell's  Engl.  Coloniz., 
MS.,  87.     Also  a  general  account  in  Hunt's  Merch.  Mag.,  xvi.  36-8. 


CUSTOM-HOUSE.  431 

Manuel  Castanares  being  absent  in  congress,  Pablo 
de  la  Guerra,the  con  tador,  acted  as  administrator  of  cus- 
toms in  1844,  with  William  E.  Hartnell  as  first  officer 
and  interpreter,  and  Rafael  Gonzalez  as  commandant 
of  the  guard.19  Benito  Diaz  was  sent  in  February  to 
succeed  Francisco  Guerrero  as  receptor  at  San  Fran- 
cisco, with  two  celadores  and  two  boatmen.  Diaz  was 
a  more  energetic  man  than  his  predecessor,  and  a  kind 
of  commercial  awakening  was  observable  at  the  future 
metropolis  in  the  enforcement,  real  or  pretended,  of 
the  revenue  laws.  A  beginning  was  made  on  a  small 
building  to  serve  as  a  kind  of  branch  custom-house, 
the  laborers  being  Indians  from  San  Jose  and  Sono- 
ma, and  the  material  being  taken  from  ruins  at  the 
mission  and  presidio.  There  was  even  a  proposition 
to  dig  a  well  near  the  beach,  that  vessels  might  have 
less  excuse  for  going  to  Sauzalito.  Progress  on  these 
improvements  was  not  rapid,  because  the  receipts  from 
all  sources  were  not  enough  to  pay  salaries,  and  com- 
plaints were  several  times  made  that  the  laborers 
would  quit  work  if  the  government,  instead  of  send- 
ing funds,  insisted  on  certain  tonnage  receipts  being 
send  to  Monterey.20 

In  May  Micheltorena  declared  the  roadstead  of 
Santa  Barbara  open  to  the  coasting  trade,  though  the 
exact  difference  between  its  subsequent  and  former 
status  is  not  apparent.  Jose*  de  la  Guerra  accepted 

19  The  celadores,  two  of  them  serving  at  S.  F. ,  were  Francisco  Rico,  Rafael 
Estrada,  Eugenio  Machado,  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  Jacinto  Rodriguez,  and 
Rafael  Pinto.     Tomas  Soberanes  succeeded  Jos6  Alvarez  as  clerk  in  August. 
There  were  4  or  5  boatmen.     The  captain  of  the  port,  Lieut  Narvaez,  at 
Monterey,  was  not  a  customs  officer. 

20  Jan.  22d,  receptoria  ordered.   Feb.  12th,  Diaz  succeeds  Guerrero.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,iii.  48;  Id.,  Cust.-H.,  viii.  2.    The  well  proposed,  to  cost 
$60  or  $80,  a  spot  having  been  selected  in  Feb.  Id.,  viii.  8.     Oct.  2d,  action 
on  the  matter  soon  to  be  taken!  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  92.    The  new  building. 
Troubles  to  get  material  and  to  pay  workmen.     Likely  to  fall  to  pieces  in 
Nov.  Id.,  i.  273-4,  288;  ii.  49-50;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  64-5,  82;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  viii.  [148,  184],     The  employes  at  the  custom- 
house must  stop  their  notorious  gambling.  Id.,  viii.  5-6;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii. 
66-7.     March  1st,  two  men  engaged  for  the  boat  at  $6  per  month.  Id.,  i.  274. 
Expenses  of  custom-house  for  Dec.,  $301,  including  the  price  of  a  flag,  $50. 
Id.,  ii.  113.     Receipts,  Feb.  to  Aug.,  $97.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-H., 
MS.,  viii.  [182-3]. 


432       MISSIONS  AND  BISHOPRIC— TRADE  AND  FINANCE. 

the  position  of  receptor,  naming  citizens  to  act  as 
celadores  as  their  services  were  needed.  Los  Angeles, 
hearing  of  this  honor  to  Santa  Barbara,  wanted  a  like 
one  for  San  Pedro;  but  of  San  Diego's  old  aspirations 
in  this  direction  we  hear  nothing  in  these  years.21 

Jose  Abrego  remained  throughout  the  year  in  charge 
of  the  departmental  finances,  being  termed  treasurer 
instead  of  comisario,  in  accordance  with  the  governor's 
bando  econamico  of  January.  The  total  receipts  at 
the  custom-house  for  1844  were  $75,625,  of  which 
sum  $10,429  paid  the  expenses  of  collection;  $24,707 
were  turned  over  to  the  treasurer  for  the  civil  list; 
while  $40,489  were  paid  to  the  general  for  the  sup- 
port of  his  army.  The  revenues,  although  fifty  per 
cent  larger  than  those  of  the  preceding  year,  were  still 
but  little  more  than  half  the  sum  required  for  current 
expenses  after  their  reduction  to  an  economical  basis 
by  Micheltorena  and  the  junta.  I  append  a  few 
financial  statistics.22 

The  maritime  list  of  1844,  as  given  in  a  note,  con- 
tains fifty-three  vessels.23  The  record  is  not  nearly 

21  May  llth,  M.  declares  Sta  Bdrbara  open  to  'comercio  de  escala  y  cabo- 
tage.' Gucrra,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  196;  Dept.  See.,  MS.,  xiii.  84-5;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  51.  Guerra  appointed,  and  accepts  on  June  1st.  Id.,  iii.  50; 
Id.,  Ben.  Cu«t.-H.,  viii.  1-2.  Expenses  of  the  office:  receptor,  §792;  clerk, 
$180;  seal,  $50;  stationery,  $12.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  iv.  1160.  Collections 
for  first  half  of  year,  $519.  Dept.  Kt.  Pap.,  Ben.  Com.  and  Treas.,  MS.,  v.  G. 
June  6th,  Angeles  wants  S.  Pedro  opened.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  37. 

22 Total  revenues,  $75,625,  with  distribution  as  in  my  text.  Custom-house 
records  in  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  111.  Total,  according  to  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp., 
MS.,  ii.  37,  110,  $78,739,  of  which  American  vessels  paid  $60,326}  Mexican, 
$5,194;  and  others,  $13,739.  Receipts  to  April  20th,  $58,000.  Pico,  Doc., 
MS.,  i.  85.  Annual  expenses  reduced  from  $171,711  to  $132,318;  of  which 
sum  about  $113,000  was  assigned  to  military  expenses,  and  was  to  be  reduced 
to  about  $100,000  by  a  system  of  half-pay.  Mi'-heltorena,  Bando  Econ. 
Amounts  paid  out  by  M. :  batallon,  $19,430;  presidial  companies,  $9,618; 
artillery,  $3,914;  old  debts,  $6,392.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xii.  7.  Due  M. 
personally  Dec.  31st,  $7,521,  on  salary  account.  Id.,  xii.  6.  Pay-roll  for  un- 
attached officers,  pensioners,  etc.,  $12,910.  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ixxxvi.  2-3.  Some 
useless  statistics  in  Mex.,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1846. 

23  See  also  list  at  end  of  chap,  xxiii.,  this  vol.  Vessels  of  1844:  Admit- 
tance, Alexandrovich,  Angelina,  Barnstable,  Bcnj.  Morgan,  Bolivar,  Brothers, 
California,  Catalina,  Cfias  W.  Mori/an,  Clarita,  Constantine,  Delphos,  Don 
Quixote,  Eagle,  Esmeralda,  Fama,  Geo.  Henry,  Georgia,  Guadalupe,  Hibernia, 
Hogue,  Joscfita,  Jtiocn  Guipuzcoana,  Juan  Jos6,  Junnita,  Julia  Ann,  June, 
Lagranye,  Londresa,  Levant,  Lion,  Menkar,  Modeste,  Monmouth,  Morea  (?), 
Nantuclxt,  Newton,  Oajaca,  Primavera,  lioaalia,  Russell,  Sacramento,  San 


LIST  OF  VESSELS.  433 

so  complete  as  that  of  the  preceding  and  of  most 
other  years  in  respect  of  details  concerning  particular 
vessels;  but  it  may  be  regarded  as  containing  approx- 
imately all  the  names.  Of  the  whole  number,  fif- 
teen, more  than  usual,  were  whalers;  eight  were 
small  craft  or  lighters,  which  had  to  be  registered 
this  year,  though  most  of  them  had  been  used  on  the 
coast  for  some  years;  five  were  men-of-war  or  national 
vessels;  four  were  traders  which  had  wintered  on  the 
coast;  while  fifteen,  composing  the  trading  fleet 
proper  of  the  year,  may  be  supposed  to  have  brought 
new  cargoes,  and  to  have  contributed  to  the  country's 
revenue — though  in  this  last-mentioned  matter  there 
are  no  records  for  the  separate  vessels.  The  two 
Boston  ships  Sterling  and  Vandalia  doubtless  paid  a 
very  large  part  of  the  $75., 000  which  made  up  the 
year's  revenue. 

Francisquito,  Sarah,  Savannah,  Sterling,  Tasso  (?),  Trinidad,  Vandalia, 
Warren,  Wm  C.  Nye,  Tuba. 

In  the  8.  F.  Call,  Jan.  24,  1882,  from  the  Newport  (R.  7.)  Mercury,  is  a 
mention  of  a  master  of  a  whaler,  not  named,  which  entered  S.  Diego  by  the 
aid  of  Dana's  book  on  Sept.  10th.  On  account  of  rumors  of  war,  the  men 
amused  themselves  by  spiking  the  guns  at  the  fort.  Larkin,  on  Jan.  1,  1845, 
writing  to  the  U.  S.  sec.  state,  says  that  29  sail  had  entered  Monterey  in  1844, 
of  which  14  were  American.  The  whole  number  of  arrivals — the  same  ves- 
sel entering  several  times — were  57.  A  Genoa  man-of-war  not  in  my  list  is 
mentioned.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  18,  110.  Hartnell,  in  his  report 
to  Wyllie,  states  that  from  1839  to  April  1844  there  had  entered  67  vessels  in 
all,  31  being  American  and  19  Mexican.  Engl.  Coloniz.,  MS.,  85 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  28 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 
1844. 

JOHN  C.  FREMONT— His  EARLY  LIFE— FIRST  EXPEDITION,  1842-3— REPORT- 
SECOND  TRIP,  1843-4 — THE  OVERLAND  IMMIGRANT  ROUTE  TO  OREGON — 
FROM  OREGON  TO  CALIFORNIA — ACROSS  THE  SIERRA  BY  A  NEW  ROUTE — 
RETURN  EAST — FREMONT'S  BOOK — MAP — VALUE  OF  FREMONT'S  SUR- 
VEY— PREJUDICE  OF  PIONEERS — KELSEY  COMPANY  OF  IMMIGRANTS — 
NAMES — THE  BALE  AFFAIR— STEVENS'  COMPANY — LIST — THE  FIRST 
WAGONS — BY  THE  TRUCKEE  ROUTE — FOREIGN  RELATIONS — SUITER'S 
AFFAIRS — ANNEXATION  SCHEMES — U.  S.  CONSULATE — ENGLISH  COLO- 
NIZATION— WYLLIE  AND  HARTNELL — HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY — WOOD'S 
WANDERING  SKETCHES — ALPHABETICAL  LIST  OF  PIONEERS. 

THE  immigrant  parties  of  1844,  like  those  of  the 
preceding  year,  were  two  in  number;  and,  as  in  1843 
also,  one  came  from  Oregon,  while  the  other  crossed 
the  Sierra  by  a  more  direct  route  to  California.  Be- 
fore either  of  these  parties,  however,  there  arrived  an 
exploring  expedition,  leaving  also  a  few  settlers,  to 
which  the  attention  of  the  reader  is  first  called.  In  a 
certain  sense  this  may  be  regarded  as  the  third  explo- 
ration of  California  by  the  United  States  government; 
since  Walker  in  1833  had  acted  under  or  disobeyed 
official  orders  from  Captain  Bonneville — that  is,  being 
ordered  to  explore  the  Salt  Lake,  he  had  established 
his  winter  quarters  at  Monterey;  and  Wilkes,  coming 
by  sea  and  land,  had  made  an  official  survey  of  the 
Sacramento  in  1841. 

John  Charles  Fre'mont,  a  man  whose  name  will  be 
prominent  in  later  California!!  annals,  was  a  native  of 
Savannah,  Georgia,  where  he  was  born  in  1813,  his 

1434) 


JOHN  C.  FREMONT.  455 

father  being  a  Frenchman  of  some  talent  who  had 
married  a  Virginian  lady  of  good  family  and  some 
property.  He  spent  the  first  twenty  years  of  his  life 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  where  he  was  expelled 
from  college  in  consequence  of  a  love  affair,  and  sub- 
sequently became  a  teacher.  From  1833  he  made  a 
cruise  of  over  two  years  as  teacher  of  mathematics  on 
the  U.  S.  sloop-of-war  Natchez;  served  as  'assistant  in 
several  railroad  and  military  surveys  in  Georgia,  Ten- 
nessee, and  the  Carolinas;  and  in  1838-9,  accompanied 
M.  Nicollet  in  two  exploring  expeditions  to  the  upper 
Mississippi  region,  being  appointed  in  1838  second 
lieutenant  in  the  corps  of  topographical  engineers. 
In  1841  he  had  married  a  daughter  of  Thomas  H. 
Benton,  which  has  been  regarded  with  much  reason 
as  the  most  brilliant  achievement  of  his  life. 

The  importance  of  extending  an  accurate  survey 
over  the  regions  of  the  great  west,  geographically 
known  only  by  the  vague  reports  of  trappers  and  emi- 
grants, was  of  course  understood  in  Washington;  and 
Fremont,  full  of  energy  and  ambition,  seeing  in  this 
work  a  splendid  field  for  congenial,  adventurous,  and 
honorable  employment,  had  easily  obtained,  through 
the  influence  of  his  father-in-law,  a  commission  from 
the  chief  of  his  corps  to  undertake  the  work.  For 
this  service  he  was  in  every  respect  well  qualified  by 
natural  temperament,  education,  and  experience. 

Fremont's  first  expedition  was  made  in  1842;  and 
as  in  it  he  neither  reached  California  nor  explored 
any  part  of  any  new  route  leading  to  California  it 
may  be  disposed  of  very  briefly  here.  The  company, 
consisting  of  twenty-two  French  Canadian  voyageurs, 
familiar  with  the  country  through  service  under  the 
fur  companies,  with  Kit  Carson  as  guide,  Maxwell  as 
hunter,  and  Charles  Preuss  as  assistant  topographer, 
started  from  near  the  mouth  of  the  Kansas  River  in 
June.  The  route  was  that  which  for  years  had  been 
followed  by  the  Oregon  trappers  and  emigrants,  up  the 
Platte,  past  Fort  Laramie,  to  the  South  Pass,  which 


430  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

they  reached  in  August.  During  the  next  twelve 
days  Fremont  explored  the  western  base  of  the  Wind 
Biver  Mountains,  and  climbed  to  the  summit  of  the 
highest  peak,  which  has  since  borne  his  name.  The 
return  was  by  the  same  route,  though  a  part  of  the 
trip  was  made  by  boat  on  the  waters  of  the  Platte, 
reaching  the  Missouri  on  the  last  day  of  September. 
There  had  "been  no  remarkable  adventures  or  discov- 
eries ;  but  the  party  had  made  a  series  of  accurate  ob- 
servations on  a  portion  of  the  overland  route,  which 
could  now  be  correctly  mapped  and  described.  Fre- 
mont's report  was  dated  March  1,  1843;  and  it  was 
published  before  the  end  of  the  year  by  order  of  the 
senate.1 

In  less  than  three  months  after  the  rendering  of 
his  first  report,  Frdmont  was  on  the  banks  of  the 
Missouri  with  a  company  similar  to  that  of  the  pre- 
ceding year,  ready  to  start  on  a  second  trip.  The  ob- 
ject was  to  continue  his  exploration  of  the  Oregon 
emigrant  route,  from  the  South  Pass  westward,  until 
he  could  connect  the  former  survey  with  that  made 
by  Wilkes  on  the  Columbia,  and  thus  complete  the 
transcontinental  line.  The  details  of  the  trip  are 
therefore  as  unimportant  for  my  present  purpose  as 
were  those  of  1842.  The  company  started  June  29th, 
and  a  few  days  later  came  in  contact  with  the  Chiles 
party,  with  whose  journey  the  reader  is  already  fa- 
miliar. The  route  was  somewhat  farther  south  than 
that  of  1842,  being  up  the  Republican  fork,  and  south 
fork  of  the  Platte,  off  the  emigrant  road,  and  generally 
through  regions  not  before  explored  except  by  trap- 
pers. A  part  of  the  men  under  Fremont  went  from 
St  Vrain's  fort  down  to  the  Arkansas  and  back,  thence 
proceeding  across  the  mountains  to  the  Sweetwater. 
They  were  at  South  Pass  August  13th,  and  reached 

1  Fremont's  Report  of  an  exploration  of  the  country  li/ing  between  the  Mis- 
souri River  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  on  the  line  of  the  Kansas  and  the  Great 
Platte  Rivers.  Washington,  1843.  8vo,  207  p. ,  map  and  plate.  This  report,  in 
connection  with  that  of  the  second  expedition,  was  reprinted  in  several  edi- 
tions, as  will  be  noted  later. 


FREMONT'S  SECOND  EXPLORATION.  437 

Port  Hall  September  19th;  but  on  the  way  Fremont 
had  turned  aside  with  a  few  men  to  make  a  five  days' 
survey  of  Great  Salt  Lake,  on  the  waters  of  which  he 
made  a  boat-voyage.  From  Fort  Hall  they  took  the 
usual  route  down  the  Snake  River,  reaching  Fort 
Boise  October  8th,  and  the  Dalles  the  4th  of  Novem- 
ber. This  completed  the  line  of  overland  survey  by 
connecting  it  with  that  of  Wilkes;  but  Fremont  made 
a  boat-trip  down  to  Fort  Vancouver  and  back,  before 
preparing  for  his  homeward  journey — which  brings 
us  to  that  part  of  his  expedition  which  has  a  proper 
place  in  the  annals  of  California. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1843,  the  company  of 
twenty-five  men  started  from  the  Dalles.2  Fremont's 
intention  was  to  explore  the  Tlamath,  or  Klamath, 
lake,  thence  to  go  south-east  "to  a  reported  lake 
called  Mary's,  at  some  days'  journey  in  the  great 
basin;  and  thence  still  on  south-east  to  the  reputed 
Buenaventura  River, .  .  .  flowing  from  the  Rocky 
Mountains  to  the  bay  of  San  Francisco;"  then 
to  the  head  waters  of  the  Arkansas,  to  Bent's  fort, 
and  home — there  being  no  intention  of  crossing  the 
sierra  into  the  Californian  valleys  at  all.  Following 
up  the  Fall  River,  they  reached  Klamath  marsh,  mis- 
taken for  the  lake  of  that  name,  on  December  10th; 
discovered  and  named  in  succession  Summer,  Abert, 
and  Christmas  lakes;  and,  always  in  search  of  Mary 
Lake,  or  the  sink  of  the  Hurnboldt,  they  reached  and 
named  Pyramid  Lake  on  January  10,  1844,  its  sal- 
mon-trout supplying  a  welcome  feast.  For  one  day, 

2  The  author  says  there  were  25;  but  I  do  not  know  which  are  the  5 
names  to  be  erased  from  the  30  of  the  following  list:  Alexis  Ayot,  Francois 
Badeau,  Olivier  Beaulieu,  Eaptiste  Bernier,  John  G.  Campbell,  Kit  Car- 
son, Manuel  Chapman,  Ransom  Clark,  Philibert  Courteau,  Michel  CnJlis, 
Baptiste  Derosier,  Jacob  Dodson,  Thos  Fitzpatrick,  John  C.  Fremont,  Alexis 
Godey,  Louis  M^nard,  Louis  Montreuil,  Sam.  Neal,  Francois  Pera,  James 
Power,  Raphael  Praule,  Charles  Preuss,  Baptiste  Tabeau,  Theodore  Talbot, 
Charles  Taplin,  Charles  Towns,  Joseph  Verrot,  Tiery  Wright,  Louis  Zindel, 
and  a  Chinook  boy.  The  doubtful  names  must  be  sought  among  the  following: 
Ayot,  Clark,  Courteau,  Crelis,  Menard,  Montreuil,  Pera,  Power.  Wright,  and 
Zindel,  who  are  not  named  in  the  Californian  portion  of  the  narrative,  and  are 
not  known  in  Cal.  records; 


438  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

January  16th,  they  followed  up  the  Salmon  Trout, 
now  Truckee,  to  its  bend,  and  then  kept  on  southward 
in  quest  of  the  mythical  San  Buenaventura.  It  was 
on  the  18th,  on  what  is  now  the  Carson  River,  that 
Fremont  resolved  to  cross  the  Sierra  into  the  Sacra- 
mento Valley,  the  condition  of  his  animals'  feet  not 
warranting  an  attempt  to  cross  the  country  eastward. 

Seeking  a  pass,  but  ever  loath  to  enter  the  forbid- 
ding snows,  the  explorers  kept  on  southward  far  up 
the  eastern  branch  of  what  is  now  Walker  River, 
nearly  to  the  region  of  the  modern  Bodie ;  and  then, 
turning  to  the  north-west,  and  being  forced  to  abandon 
on  the  way  a  brass  howitzer  which  they  had  brought 
thus  far,3  they  returned  to  the  Carson  River,  which 
they  supposed  to  be  the  Truckee.  From  the  2d  to 
the  end  of  February  the  travellers  struggled  desper- 
ately over  the  mountains  and  through  the  deep  snows, 
Fremont  and  Preuss  getting  a  view  of  the  Mountain 
Lake,  since  called  Tahoe,  on  the  14th.  The  pass, 
corresponding  somewhat  with  the  Carson  Canon  and 
Johnson  Pass  of  later  maps,  was  farther  north  than 
those  by  which  Walker  in  1833  and  Bartleson  in 
1841  had  crossed;  and  the  season  was  more  unfavor 
able;  so  that  this  was  really  the  most  perilous  cross- 
ing of  the  sierra  that  had  yet  been  effected.  Fortu- 
nately no  lives  were  lost,  though  the  suffering  was 
great.  Two  men  became  insane  for  a  time,  and  33 
out  of  67  horses  and  mules  were  lost  or  killed  for  food. 
Six  days'  march  down  the  south  branch  of  the  Amer- 
ican River  brought  Fre'mont  and  part  of  his  men  to 
Sutter's  Fort,  where  all  arrived  the  8th  of  March. 

"An  impetus  was  given  to  the  active  little  popula- 
tion by  our  arrival,  as  we  were  in  want  of  everything," 

s  According  to  Lancey,  Cruise  of  the  'Dale,'  49,  and  a  writer  in  the  Inde- 
pfndence  Inyo  Independent,  Oct.  3,  1870,  the  gun  was  found  in  later  years 
somewhere  between  Aurora  and  Genoa.  Lancey  attempts  to  tell  where,  but 
fails  to  make  his  meaning  clear.  There  had  been  some  trouble  at  Washington 
about  the  taking  of  this  howitzer  from  the  arsenal  at  St  Louis;  and  an  order 
was  sent  to  countermand  the  expedition — an  order  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Mrs  Fre'mont,  who  shrewdly  failed  to  forward  it.  Benton's  Thirty  Years, 
ii.,  chap.  134;  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  22d  cong.  1st  sess.,  Sen.  Doc.,  ii.,  no.  14. 


FKEMONT  IN  CALIFORNIA.  439 

writes  Fremont.  "Mules,  horses,  and  cattle  were  to 
be  collected;  the  horse-mill  was  at  work  day  and  night 
to  make  sufficient  flour;  the  blacksmith-shop  was  put 
in  requisition  for  horseshoes  and  bridle-bits;  and 
pack-saddles,  ropes,  and  bridles,  and  all  the  other  little 
equipments  of  the  camp,  were  again  to  be  provided. 
The  delay  thus  occasioned  was  one  of  repose  and  en- 
joyment which  our  situation  required,  and  anxious  as 
we  were  to  resume 'our  homeward  journey,  was  re- 
gretted by  no  one."  Less  than  two  weeks  were  spent 
at  New  Helvetia;  and  on  the  22d  of  March  the  ex- 
plorers encamped  on  Sinclair's  rancho,  as  a  prepara- 
tory movement  of  departure.  Six  of  the  company 
were  left  in  California.4 

The  plan  for  return  was  to  go  up  the  San  Joaquin 
Valley;  through  the  pass  discovered  by  Walker,  for 
which  Fremont  suggested  the  name  of  Walker  Pass; 
to  the  Santa  Fe,  or  Wolfskill,  trail;  to  follow  that 
trail  until  it  turned  to  the  right  to  cross  the  Colorado ; 
and  thence  north-eastward  to  Utah  Lake.  The  jour- 
ney up  the  valley  was  from  March  24th  to  April 
12th,  River  of  the  Lake,  as  applied  to  Kings  River, 
being  the  only  new  name  given.  They  were  guided 
by  Christian  Indians  through  Tehachepi  Pass,  so  far 
as  I  can  determine  from  the  map  and  narrative,  and 
not  through  Walker  Pass  at  all.  On  April  18th  they 

*  Samuel  Neal,  the  blacksmith,  was  discharged  at  his  own  request.  Bap- 
tiste  Derosier  wandered  from  the  camp  and  was  not  heard  of  again,  and  four 
others  were  discharged  with  their  own  consent,  three  of  them  oeing  perhaps 
Olivier  Beaulieu,  Joseph  Verrot,  and  Charles  Towns.  Sutter,  Peru.  Remin.\ 
MS.,  129-32,141-2,  complains,  as  is  his  wont,  that  he  lost  heavily  by  helping 
Fre"mont,  taking  his  pay  in  drafts  on  the  topographical  bureau,  on  which  he 
had  to  discount  20  per  cent.  He  says  that  two  men  were  tried  before  him 
for  stealing  sugar,  and  acquitted;  but  Fremont  was  angry,  and  discharged 
them  from  his  service,  one  being  Neal.  Furthermore  he  claims  to  have  hast- 
ened Fremont's  departure  on  account  of  the  approach  of  a  party  sent  by  Mich- 
eltorena  to  investigate.  In  his  Diary,  p.  4,  Sutter  notes  Fremont's  arrival 
on  March  6,  1842  (4);  and  on  the  27th,  atter  the  visitors  had  departed,  that 
of  Col.  Tellez  and  25  men  to  learn  Fremont's  business.  March  13th,  Benito 
Diaz  at  S.  F.  to  admin,  of  customs  at  Monterey.  Has  heard  of  the  arrival  in 
the  Sacramento  of  a  party  of  commissioners  to  survey  a  boundary  line  between 
the  U.  S.  and  Mexico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B<>n.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  viii.  [229].  This 
was  doubtless  the  report  that  caused  Tellez  to  be  sent.  March  28th,  Sutter's 
letter  to  Larkin,  announcing  Fremont's  visit,  enclosed  by  L.  April  12th  to  U. 
S.  sec.  state.  Larkin's,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  2-3. 


440  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

struck  the  trail  of  the  Santa  Fe"  caravans,  which  they 
followed  for  a  month,  losing  one  man,  Tabeau,  who 
was  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  being  joined  at  Las 
Vegas  by  Joe  Walker.  On  May  24th,  Badeau  hav- 
ing been  accidentally  killed  on  the  way,  Fremont's 
company  reached  Utah  Lake;  and  thus  completed 
the  circuit,  on  which  they  had  travelled  3,500  miles 
since  September  1843.  The  route  from  that  point 
eastward  was  in  general  terms  by  the  Uintah  River, 
the  Three  Parks,  Arkansas  River,  and  Smoky  Fork, 
to  the  mouth  of  the  Kansas,  where  the  company  ar- 
rived at  the  end  of  July. 

Fremont's  report  of  this  his  second  expedition  was 
dated  March  1,  1845,  the  author  being  at  the  time 
about  to  undertake  another  trip,  of  which  I  shall  speak 
in  a  later  chapter,  and  it  was  published  by  order  of 
congress  in  the  same  year,  together  with  a  reprint  of 
the  first  Expedition.5  The  author  confined  himself 
closely  to  actual  observations  of  himself  and  associates, 
which  he  described  in  a  style  at  once  fascinating,  terse, 
and  strong,  but  withal  modest  and  unassuming,  which 
not  only  gave  his  writings  much  popularity,  but  received 

5  Report  of  the  Exploring  Expedition  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  in  the  year  1843, 
and  to  Oregon  and  California  in  the  years  1843-4-  By  Brevet  Captain  J.  C~ 
Fremont,  etc.  Printed  by  order  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.  Washing- 
ton, 1845,  8vo,  693  p.,  map  and  plates.  (U.  S.  Oovt  Doc.,  28th  cong.  2d  sess., 
Sen.  Doc.  no.  174,  also  printed  by  order  of  the  house  of  representatives  in  an 
edition  of  583  p.,  according  to  Sabin.)  The  1st  expedition  occupies  p.  7-101; 
the  narrative  of  the  2d  expedition,  p.  103-290;  scientific  observations,  tables, 
plates,  etc.,  p.  291-693.  Besides  the  general  map,  there  is  one  showing  the 
route  from  the  Tahoe  region  to  Sutter's  Fort  on  a  larger  scale;  and  some  of 
the  plates  contain  plants,  fossils,  etc.,  belonging  to  California  proper. 

The  edition  just  described  is  the  one  to  which  I  refer  habitually  as  Fre- 
mont's Report.  There  are  others,  several  of  them  in  my  collection,  from  which 
and  from  Sabin  I  note  the  following:  Fremont's  Report,  etc.,  Wash.  (1845), 
8vo,  278  p. ;  Id.,  Narrative  of  the  Exploring  Expedition,  etc.,  Wash.,  1845,  8vo, 
324  p.;  hi,  Syracuse,  1846,  12mo,  305  p.;  7<Z.,N.  Y.,  1846,  8vo,  186  p.;  Id., 
N.  Y.,  1849,  8vo,  186 p.  (often  bound  with  Fremont  and  Emori/'s  California 
Guide-book,  N.  Y.,  1849);  Id.,  London,  1846,  8vo.  These  reports,  or  parts  of 
them,  are  also  included  in  many  of  the  biographical  works  on  Fremont  which 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  to  elsewhere.  It  does  not  seem  desirable  to  give 
here  long  lists  of  references  to  mentions  of  Fremont's  explorations,  containing 
nothing  that  does  not  come  from  the  original  official  report.  I  have  already 
given  the  few  slight  references  to  hia  presence  in  Cal.  Preuss'  map  of  1848, 
3 1st  cong.  1st  Bess.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  17,  p.  944,  vol.  v.,  also  showa  Fremont 'a 
route  of  1844. 


FREMONT'S  REPORTS.  441 

a  high  degree  of  praise  from  scientific  critics.  Both  in 
the  execution  of  the  task  committed  to  him,  and  in  the 
narration  of  his  adventures,  Fremont  showed  that  he 
possessed  a  high  degree  of  talent.  I  have  been  able 
to  give  but  a  brief  outline  uf  his  long  tours,  and  I  find 
no  space  for  the  long  quotations  that  might  appropri- 
ately enough  be  introduced  from  his  experience  in  the 
Sierra  Nevada,  or  from  his  general  remarks  on  the 
geography  of  the  great  west.  His  visit  to  California, 
or  the  region  now  known  as  California,  was  but  an 
incident  of  his  exploration,  and  his  narrative  has  no 
importance  as  a  record  of  the  general  condition  of  af- 
fairs in  the  department.  Its  geographical  importance 
is  best  shown  by  the  reduction  of  his  map,  which  I 
present. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  consider  the  complicated 
controversies  of  later  years  respecting  Fremont's  char- 
acter and  abilities;  but  one  particular  phase  of  the 
matter  should  be  noticed  here  rather  than  elsewhere. 
Fremont  has  not  been  a  popular  man  among  the  pio- 
neers and  mountaineers  of  California  and  Oregon,  many 
of  whom  extend  their  condemnation  of  his  military, 
political,  and  financial  fiascos  back  to  his  career  as  an 
explorer,  denouncing  and  ridiculing  him  as  a  vain,  in- 
competent, and  pretentious  charlatan,  enjoying  a  high 
reputation  for  achievements  that  belonged  to  others. 
Men  who  neither  knew  nor  cared  anything  about  Fre- 
mont's merits  were  glad  to  foster  this  feeling  of  the 
pioneers,  and  to  utilize  it  as  testimony  of  great  weight 
against  their  political  foe.  Thus  injustice  has  been 
done,  the  origin  of  which  it  is  not  difficult  to  trace. 
There  are  slight  indications  of  an  unfriendly  feeling 
against  Fremont  among  the  immigrants  of  1842-4, 
with  whom  he  often  came  in  contact  on  the  road,  aris- 
ing from  the  fact  that  as  an  officer  of  the  government 
he  maintained  a  degree  of  military  discipline  among 
his  men,  and  was  thought  to  hold  himself  somewhat 
above  and  aloof  from  those  of  the  ox-teams;  again,  the 
publication  of  Fremont's  narrative  may  have  aroused 


FREMONT'S  MAP,  1844. 


INJUSTICE  TO  AN  EXPLORER.  443 

some  jealousy  on  the  part  of  men  whose  journeys  and 
hardships  were  destined  to  remain  unrecorded;  and 
finally,  Fremont  in  1 846-50  made  many  enemies  among 
those  who  are  now  known  as  pioneers.  Yet  all  these 
things  are  not  sufficient  to  account  for  the  popular 
prejudice  to  which  I  have  alluded,  the  true  origin  of 
which  must  be  sought  in  the  political  campaign  of 
1856.  At  this  time  Fremont's  merits  as  a  'path- 
finder' were  absurdly  exaggerated  in  campaign  eulo- 
gies, intended  to  strike  a  popular  chord  in  the  eastern 
states,  and  printed  in  books  and  newspapers  which 
were  read  by  everybody.  The  general  purport  of  these 
statements  was  that  the  presidential  candidate  had  been 
not  only  the  conqueror  of  California,  but  the  original 
discoverer  and  explorer  of  the  whole  western  region, 
overcoming  obstacles  and  enduring  hardships  unknown 
to  others.  At  least,  so  it  was  interpreted  by  Pacific 
coast  mountaineers  and  overland  immigrants,  who  re- 
sented as  a  personal  wrong  the  praise  and  honors  award- 
ed to  one  who  as  an  explorer  had  only  followed  in  their 
tracks.  Thus  a  bitter  feeling  was  engendered,  and 
many  ridiculous  charges  were  made  against  a  man  who 
was  not  responsible  for  the  absurd  praise  lavished  upon 
him.  As  we  have  seen,  Fremont  claimed  no  honors 
that  belonged  to  such  men  as  Walker  and  Carson  and 
Fitzpatriek,  men  whose  services  were  nowhere  more 
heartily  acknowledged  than  in  his  book.  He  men- 
tioned over  and  over  again  the  fact  that  the  trappers 
or  immigrants  had  everywhere  preceded  him.  His 
task  was  altogether  different  from  theirs;  it  was  to 
explore  scientifically  a  country  with  which  they  had 
long  been  familiar,  but  respecting  which  their  knowl- 
edge was  not  available  for  geographical  purposes.  He 
performed  his  task  in  a  manner  creditable  to  his  intel- 
ligence and  energy;  shirked  no  hardships  involved  in 
the  performance ;  and  described  his  achievements  with 
all  due  modesty.  His  work  was  the  first  and  a  very 
important  step  in  the  great  transcontinental  surveys 


444  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

that  are  still  being  prosecuted;  and  for  his  service  as 
topographical  engineer  Fremont  deserves  praise. 

We  have  seen  that  Hastings,  coming  down  from 
Oregon  in  1843,  had  met  certain  Californians  bound 
northward  in  disgust,  who  carried  back  with  them 
several  families  of  the  Hastings  company.  Among 
the  former  seem  to  have  been  Benjamin  and  Andrew 
Kelsey,  who  had  come  with  Bartleson  in  1841;  and 
among  the  latter  were  other  Kelseys.  Most  of  them, 
however,  came  back  to  California  in  1844  in  a  com- 
pany which,  the  leader's  name  being  unknown,  may 
be  called  by  that  of  Kelsey.  Nothing  is  known  of  the 
organization  or  adventures  of  this  party,  beyond  the 
facts  that  it  consisted  of  thirty-six  persons  and  ar- 
rived in  the  Sacramento  Valley  probably  in  June.  I 
give  in  a  note  the  names  of  twelve  men  who  are  known 
to  have  been  members  of  this  company,  including  the 
two  Kelseys  who  had  been  in  the  country  before,  as 
had  Buzzell  probably.6  The  only  document  of  the 
year  that  throws  light  on  the  names  of  these  new- 
comers is  a  defence  which  Benjamin  Kelsey  found  it 
necessary  to  make  of  his  character  and  conduct  in 
September.  Dr  Bale,  for  firing  a  pistol  at  Salvador 
Vallejo,  by  whom  he  had  been  flogged,  had  been  seized 
by  Solano  and  his  Indians  at  Sonoma,  where  Colonel 

c  The  Kelsey  company  from  Oregon,  1844:  Wm  Bennett,  David  T.  Bird, 
Jos.  Willard  Buzzell,  Henry  Fowler,  Win  Fowler,  Win  Fowler  Jr,  Wm  Har- 
grave,  Andrew  Kelsey,  Benj.  Kelsey,  David  Kelsey,  Samuel  Kelsey,  Gran- 
ville  P.  Swift.  In  the  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  32,  the  name  of  Wm  H.  Winters  is 
added — perhaps  correctly,  as  there  appears  to  be  some  doubt  of  his  having 
come  with  the  Chiles  party  of  1843;  Willard  Buzzell  is  called  Joseph  Buzzle; 
and  it  is  said,  '  they  left  the  Sacramento  about  ten  miles  above  Knight's  Land- 
ing, and  went  across  the  country  to  Wm  Gordon's  place,  on  Cache  Creek, 
arriving  in  June,  where  all  those  whose  names  have  been  given  stayed  for 
about  one  month. '  Dennis  and  Jackson  Bennett  first  appear  on  a  S.  F.  padron 
of  July,  and  it  is  not  quite  certain  whether  they  came  in  this  party  or  with 
Hastings  the  year  before.  Aug.  6th,  Sutter  to  Micheltorena,  announcing 
the  arrival  of  a  party  from  the  Columbia,  who  wish  to  settle  and  become  goou 
Mexicans.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  85.  Aug.  7th,  Sutter  to  Larkin,  saying 
the  party  contained  36  persons;  and  another  large  company  was  preparing  to 
come.  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS.,  ii.  157.  Brief  notice  of  immigrants  leaving  Ore- 
gon for  the  more  fertile  Cal.  Niks'  Keg.,  Ixviii.  38;  Greenhow's  Hist.  Or.  and 
Col.,  387-8. 


THE  STEVENS  COMPANY.  445 

Vallejo,  having  rescued  him  from  the  Indians  before 
they  could  hang  him,  had  locked  him  up  to  await 
trial.7  It  appears  that  there  was  some  talk  among 
the  foreigners  of  releasing  Bale  by  force;  at  any  rate, 
Captain  Hinckley  testified  that  he  had  heard  of  such 
threats  through  residents  of  Sacramento,  and  that  the 
Kelseys  and  Merritt  were  the  ones  implicated.  There- 
upon three  of  the  Kelseys,  the  Fowlers,  Hargrave, 
Buzzell,  Swift,  and  Bird  signed  a  document  on  Sep- 
tember 7th,  to  the  effect  that  all  had  come  from  Ore- 
gon together,  and  that  the  charges  made  were  alto- 
gether unfounded.8 

The  second  immigrant  party  of  1844  came  under 
the  leadership  of  Elisha  Stevens,  though  it  has  been 
also  called  the  Murphy  company,  from  the  name  of 
a  large  family,  afterward  prominent  citizens  of  Santa 
Clara  County,  which  came  with  it.  There  were  over 
fifty  men  in  the  party,  besides  women  and  children, 
when  they  left  the  Missouri  River  in  May.  The 
route  was  that  usually  followed  to  Fort  Hall,  where 
the  company  separated,  about  half  the  members  going 
to  Oregon,  while  the  rest  directed  their  course  down 
the  Mary  River,  as  Walker  and  Bartleson  had  done 
before  them,  until  they  reached  the  sink.  I  give 
their  names  in  a  note.9  They  had  about  a  dozen 

7  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  391-8.    The  writer  states  that  Bale  was  tried 
and  found  guilty;  but  that  Micheltorena  released  him,  fearing  trouble  with 
the  English  consul.     Another  Sonoma  quarrel  of  this  year  was  that  between 
Capt.  Prudon  and  Alcalde  Leese,  in  which  the  two  came  to  blows,  and  in  con- 
sequence of  which  the  latter  was  dismissed  from  office.  Df.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
v.  114;  Id.,  Ben.,  iv.  49. 

8  Aug.  29,  1844,  Hinckley's  deposition.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  88.    Sept. 
7th,  Sam.  Kelsey  to  his  brother  Benjamin — who,  it  appears,  was  chiefly  sus- 
pected, having  had  some  difficulty  with  Salvador  Vallejo  2  years  before.  Id., 
xii.  92.     Sept.  7th,  document  signed  as  stated  in  the  text.  Id.,  xii.  93. 

'Stevens  company  of  1844:  Edmund  Bray,  Vincent  Calvin,  Francis  De- 
land,  John  Flomboy,  Joseph  E.  Foster,  Caleb  Greenwood  and  his  two  sons 
Britain  and  John,  Matthew  Harbin,  Hitchcock,  Hitchcock,  Jr  (?),  Olivier 
Magneut,  Dennis  Martin,  Patrick  Martin,  Patrick  Martin,  Jr,  James  Miller 
and  family,  Wtn  J.  Miller  (boy),  Allen  Montgomery  and  wife,  Bernard  Mur- 
phy, Bernard  D.  Murphy  (boy),  Daniel  Murphy,  James  Murphy  and  family, 
James  Murphy  (boy),  John  M.  'Murphy,  Martin  Murphy,  with  children  and 
grandchildren,  Martin  Murphy,  Jr,  and  family,  Martin  Murphy  (boy),  Pat- 
rick W.  Murphy  (boy),  Patterson  (boy),  Mrs  Patterson  and  children,  Moses 


446  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

wagons,  the  first  that  ever  completed  the  trip  into 
the  valley  of  California. 

The  Stevens  company  was  probably  the  first  to 
cross  the  sierra  by  the  Truckee  and  Bear  rivers,  sub- 
stantially the  route  of  the  railroad;  but  the  particu- 
lars of  the  crossing  are  vaguely  and  confusedly  re- 
corded. A  journal  is  said  to  have  been  kept  by 
Townsend  and  Schallenberger,  but  to  have  been  lost.13 
The  arrival  at  the  sink  of  the  Humboldt  was  late  in 
October  or  early  in  November;  and  some  time  was 
spent  here  in  rest  and  preparation  for  the  trip  over 
the  mountains.11  Before  they  resumed  their  journey 
the  snow  had  begun  to  fall,  and  their  progress  to  the 
summit,  which  occupied  nearly  a  month,  was  of  course 
slow  and  attended  with  great  suffering.  According 
to  numerous  newspaper  items  of  1875-80,  the  Truckee 
River  was  named  at  this  time  for  an  Indian  guide  to 
whom  the  name  Truckee  had  been  given  on  account 

Schallenberger,  Elisha  Stevens,  John  Sullivan,  Michael  Sullivan,  Robert  Sul- 
livan, and  John  Townsend.  The  most  complete  list  is  that  in  the  S.  F.  Call, 
Sept.  13,  1864,  by  a  woman  who  seems  to  have  been  one  of  the  party,  per- 
haps Mrs  Montgomery;  but  it  does  not  specify  those  who  came  to  Cal.  as 
distinguished  from  those  who  went  to  Oregon.  My  list  has  been  revised  by 
Schallenberger,  who  is  my  only  authority  for  Flomboy  and  Patterson,  the 
latter  a  boy  with  the  Hitchcock  family,  and  whose  name  should  perhaps  take 
the  place  of  Hitchcock  Jr.  The  Oregon  Pion.  Assoc.,  1876,  p.  42,  gives  also 
the  name  of  Jackson.  Some  authorities  name  James  M.  Harbin  as  distinct 
from  Matthew  Harbin.  Some  include  Wm  J.  Martin  in  this  party  instead 
of  the  Chiles  company  of  1843.  Bray,  in  his  Memoir  of  a  Trip  to  Cal.,  MS., 
names  25  of  those  who  came  to  Cal.  He  gives  the  date  of  departure  as  May 
18th;  says  they  camped  July  4th  at  Independence  Rock,  when  a  child  was 
born  in  the  Miller  family;  dates  the  separation  at  Ft  Hall  in  Sept.,  and  the 
arrival  at  the  sink  about  Oct.  24th.  Clyman,  Diary,  MS.,  describes  the 
march  to  Ft  Hall,  and  says  the  Hitchcock  party,  with  13  wagons,  left  the 
Oregon  .company  on  or  about  Sept.  13th.  Thos  Gray,  a  resident  of  S.  F.  in 
1884,  intended  to  cross  the  plains  in  1844,  but  changed  his  mind.  Through 
the  influence  of  Senator  Benton  he  got  a  pass  dated  March  29th,  the  original 
of  which  he  showed  me  with  a  letter  from  Benton.  Doubtless  there  were 
many  similar  cases. 

10  The  writer  in  the  Call  absurdly  says  that  the  loss  of  these  journals  gave 
Fremont  his  title  as  '  path-finder, '  since  the  latter  followed  in  Stevens'  tracks 
and  renamed  the  streams,  etc.,  which  he  pretended  to  discover.     The  writer 
supposes  Stevens'  to  have  been  the  first  party  of  immigrants  that  came  over- 
land! 

11  Quigley,  Irish  Race  in  California,  177-83,  195-205,  in  a  sketch  repro- 
duced in  the  Mann  Co.  Hist.,  114-17,  472-3,  says  they  arrived  at  the  sink 
on  Nov.  10th,  remaining  about  10  days;  while  Bray,  Memoir,  MS.,  says  tho 
arrival  was  about  Oct.  24th,  and  that  they  camped  here  only  two  nights. 
See  also  a  mention  of  this  party  in  Maguires  Irish  in  America,  266-7. 


THE  STEVENS  COMPANY.  447 

of  his  resemblance  to  a  Frenchman  so  called.12  Early 
in  December  they  encamped  in  the  region  of  what 
was  named  later,  from  the  terrible  experience  of  an- 
other immigrant  party,  Donner  Lake.  Here  there 
seems  to  have  been  a  division,  one  party  proceeding  in 
advance  to  Sutter's  Fort  and  subsequently  returning  to 
aid  the  others;  but  the  details  of  movements  from  this 
point  are  conflicting.13  Evidently  the  company  reached 
the  valley  in  two  or  more  detachments,  and  perhaps 
by  different  routes;  but  it  does  not  clearly  appear  that 
the  families  left  behind  in  their  mountain  camp  suf- 
fered more  than  the  ordinary  hardships  of  such  an 
experience.  On  December  13th  Sutter  announced 
the  arrival;  and  either  he  or  Michel torena,  from  mo- 
tives that  will  be  apparent  to  the  reader  of  the  next 
chapter,  saw  fit  to  state  that  the  new-comers  num- 

12  Upham's  Notes,  568-9;  Gold  Hill  News,  May  5,  1875;  Vallejo  Chronicle, 
Sept.  26,  1878;  Reno  Gazette,  Aug.  23,  1880;  Sacramento  Bee,  Sept.  4,  18SO; 
S.  F.  Alta,  May  10,  1875,  etc. 

13  Bray's  version  is  that  the  larger  part  of  the  company  pressed  on  to  the 
American  River,  leaving  the  rest  at  Donner  Lake.      The  latter  kept  on, 
however,  until  they  encamped  on  what  the  writer  supposes  to  have  been  the 
Yuba.     Here  they  stayed  a  week,  and  a  child  was  born  in  the  Murphy  family. 
Then  8  men,  including  the  writer,  pressed  on  before,  leaving  James  Miller  in 
charge  of  the  women  and  children  with  the  oxen  for  food  and  the  wagons  for 
shelter,  and  reaching  Johnson's  rancho  on  Bear  Creek  Dec.  23d.     A  month 
after  their  arrival  at  Sutter's  a  party  went  back  and  brought  in  those  left 
behind.     (See  important  additional  matter  in  note  on  p.  454.) 

According  to  Quigley,  log  houses  were  built,  perhaps  at  the  place  located 
by  Bray  on  the  Yuba,  and  roofed  with  hides  taken  from  the  oxen  that  were 
killed  for  food;  here  the  families  were  left  in  charge  of  Miller,  while  most  of 
the  men  pressed  forward  to  Sutter's,  joining  in  the  campaign  in  behalf  of 
Micheltorena,  at  least  as  far  as  S.  Jose",  before  they  went  back  after  the  fami- 
lies. This  is  confirmed  by  B.  D.  Murphy  in  conversation.  Meanwhile,  when 
all  in  camp  were  on  the  point  of  starvation,  Miller  and  his  little  boy  started 
out  to  seek  relief;  and  were  lucky  enough  after  about  a  week  of  wandering 
to  meet  the  relief  party.  I  suspect  that  this  writer's  account  of  Miller's 
adventures  and  the  sufferings  in  camp  are  very  much  exaggerated. 

The  Call  account  reads:  'The  Stevens  company  passed  up  the  Truckee 
River,  called  Stevens  River  by  Dr  Townsend,  to  the  forks,  where  the  Donner 
and  Reed  families  perished,  and  camped  at  the  lake  on  the  south  fork  of  the 
Truckee.  Dr  Towusend's  wife  and  Ellen  Murphy  crossed  the  mountains  by 
following  the  north  fork  of  the  Truckee,  and  struck  the  Sacramento  40  miles 
above  Sutter's  Fort.'  Bidwell,  Gal.  '41-8,  MS.,  113,  222-3,  saya  the  party 
came  by  the  Truckee  and  Bear  rivers;  but  their  wagons  were  left  on  the  sum- 
mit until  spring.  In  Sutter  Co.  Hist.,  18,  it  is  said  that  Schallenberger  was 
left  in  charge  of  the  wagons.  According  to  Schallenberger's  statement  in 
McGlashan's  Hist.  Donner  Party,  he  with  Foster  and  Montgomery  remained 
behind  at  the  lake,  building  a  cabin  later  used  by  the  Donners;  and  finally 
when  they  were  forced  to  attempt  escape,  S.  was  left  ill  and  lived  alone  at  the 
caoin  until  a  rescue  party  came  in  March  1845. 


448  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

bered  one  hundred  and  fifty,  and  that  another  larger 
company  was  close  at  hand!14 

On  the  general  topic  of  foreign  relations  in  1844 
there  is  little  more  than  a  series  of  detached  items  to 
be  presented.  Micheltorena's  policy  toward  strangers 
was  in  no  respect  less  friendly  than  before;  and  if 
any  considerable  number  of  Californians  disapproved 
that  policy  they  left  no  record  of  their  disapproval. 
Even  the  alarm  of  war  with  the  United  States  in 
the  summer,  already  noticed,  does  not  seem  in  the 
least  to  have  disturbed  friendly  relations  in  Cali- 
fornia; though  there  was  a  question  raised  about 
the  propriety  of  enrolling  foreign  residents  among 
the  defensores  de  la  patria,  and  though  in  Mexico  the 
Californian  representative  continued  to  urge  that  the 
country  should  be  closed  to  Americans.15  Foreigners 
took  an  important  part  in  the  revolution  against  the 
governor  which  began  this  year.  But  all  connected 
with  that  affair  will  be  recorded  in  the  following 
chapters;  also  what  there  is  to  be  said  of  a  general 
nature  respecting  Sutter  and  the  state  of  affairs  at 

14  Dec.  15,  1844,  S.  to  Vallejo.     The  immigrants  came  through  on  Fr<5- 
mont's  route,  and  are  now  getting  their  wagons  down.    The  number  is  not 
stated.    Vallejo,  Doc..  MS.,  xii.  122.     Dec.  18th,  gov.  to  Castro,  announcing 
gutter's  despatch  on  the  arrival  of  140  or  150  men.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  43; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  102-3;  Id.,  Ang.,  x.  59.     On  April  29th,  Larkin  had 
asked  Sutter  to  keep  him  fully  posted  about  the  numbers,  names,  etc.,  of  all 
immigrants  that  might  come.  Larkla's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  7. 

15  The  padron  of   S.  F.  residents  fit  for  military  service,  prepared  by 
Hinckley  July  21st,  contains  the  names  of  many  foreigners.    Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xxxiv.  42.     July  19th,  Alcalde  Leese  reports  that  while  Chiles,  Vines, 
etc.,  are  willing  to  support  the  govt,  Dawson,  Hardy,  etc.,  object.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  81-2.     July  25th,  Larkin  to  Spear,  stating  that  foreigners 
not  naturalized  cannot  be  required  to  serve  in  the  militia  according  to  the 
treaty  with  the   U.  S.    Larkin' a  Off.    Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  9.     Belden,  Hist. 
Statement,  MS. ,  49,  speaks  of  the  ease  with  which  he  and  others  obtained 
naturalization  papers.      Feb.   9th,  at  the  request  of   Consul  Forbes,  blank 
cartas  de  seguridad  to  be  sent  to  chief  towns  for  convenience  of  applicants 
unable  to  go  to  Monterey.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  75-6.     Alvarado,  Hist. 
C'al.,  MS.,  ii.  143-4,  says  that  Vallejo  was  well  known  to  be  'coquetting' 
with  the  Americans  with  a  view  to  obtain  settlers  for  the  northern  frontier 
and  thus  advance  his  own  interests,  a  policy  which  displeased  Castro  and 
others.     Wood,  Wandering  Sketches,  231,  says  a  large  number  of  foreigners 
from  all  parts  of  the  country  assembled  at  Monterey  on  the  occasion  of  a 
marriage,  and  the  authorities,  becoming  alarmed  at  the  crowd,  sent  to  inves- 
tigate, but  the  foreigners  had  all  disappeared,  no  one  could  say  where. 


AMERICAN  PROSPECTS.  449 

New  Helvetia,  where  there  was  little  variation  from 
the  statu  quo  of  the  preceding  year.16  Of  course 
military  duties  devolving  upon  the  captain  in  connec- 
tion with  the  revolution  obliged  him  to  defer  the  pay- 
ment of  his  debts  until  a  more  convenient  season. 

In  the  matter  of  annexation  schemes  at  Washington, 
the  year  brought  no  new  developments.  The  project 
was  in  a  sense  taking  care  of  itself  with  the  rapid  in- 
crease of  American  immigration;  but  a  sharp  watch 
was  kept  on  the  coast  by  the  Pacific  squadron,  three 
vessels  of  which  were  in  California  in  1844,  and  all 
was  believed  to  be  in  readiness  for  any  one  of  the  three 
emergencies  likely  to  occur — a  rising  for  independence 
on  the  part  of  Californians  foreign  or  native,  an  at- 
tempt of  England  or  France  to  take  possession  of  the 
country,  or  war  between  Mexico  and  the  United 
States.17  Meanwhile  Castaiiares  in  Mexico  uttered 

16  In  his  Diary,  4,  Sutter  says  he  was  made  captain  in  the  Mexican  army 
and  comandante  of  the  northern  frontier  by  Micheltorena,  implying  that  it 
was  long  before  the  revolution,  and  that  under  this  commission  he  formed  a 
regular  garrison  which  he  brought  into  a  good  state  of  discipline  before  the 
gov.  called  for  his  services;  but  I  find  no  record  of  either  commission  or 
appointment.     Sutter  did  not  use  the  title,  nor  was  it  used  by  others  in  cor- 
respondence of  the  time;  and  I  have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  ever  held 
any  military  rank  except  such  as  was  obtained  from  Alvarado,  or  was  con- 
ferred on  him  during  the  campaign  of  1844-5  (partial  error,  see  p.  407).     Dec. 
15th,  S.  complains  that  though  acting  as  postmaster  lie  has  to  use   his  own 
horses  every  time  he  has  occasion  to  send  despatches  to  the  govt.    Valli'jo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  122.     April  17th,  S.  to  gov.     Leese  is  becoming  more  and 
more   insolent;    he  should  be  told  not  to   meddle  in   Sacramento  matters, 
the  Vaca  rancho  being  the  boundary  of  the  Sonoma  jurisdiction.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  83-4.     June  4th,  justice  of  peace  at  S.  Juan  complains 
of  Americans  with  passes  from  Sutter,  who  go  about  catching  wild  horses 
and  buying  stolen  ones.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  32.     In  the  Sutter-Sunol 
Corresp.,  MS.,  22-6,  there  are  9  letters  of  1844.    Most  are  like  those  of  former 
years,  in  which  Sutter  asks  for  something  and  promises  to  pay  something, 
with  constant  excuses  for  not  paying  at  the  time.     Some  Indian  laborers 
were  sent  down.     His  harvest  began  the  17th  of  June.     His  largest  vessel 
made  a  trip  to  the  Columbia  River,  and  his  launch  some  time  in  the  summer 
was  aground  at  Ross.     In  August  he  would  soon  have  some  hats  and  bridles 
ready;  in  September  his  leather  would  soon  be  finished.     On  Oct.  30th,  lie 
wrote  from  Monterey,  and  Nov.  9th  from  Yerba  Buena.     He  expected  soon 
to  meet  a  'certain  person  '  who  was  coming  overland,  and  if  he  did  not  see 
him,  then  the  best  he  could  promise  was  to  pay  his  debt  in  beaver  skins  this 
winter!    Fremont,  Report,  246,  says  '  Mr  Sutter  was  about  making  arrange- 
ments to  irrigate  his  lands  by  means  of  the  Rio  de  los  Americanos.     He 
had  this  year  sown,  and  altogether  by  Indian  labor,  300  fanegas  of  wheat. ' 
The  season  was  dry,  and  there  is  no  record  of  crops. 

17  Castaiiares,  Col.  Doc.,  10,  16,  19,  31,  37,  etc.     The  author  speaks  of  Cal. 
as  '  threatened  with  the  perfidy  of  our  neighbors  of  the  north. '     '  The  ainbi- 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    29 


450  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

frequent  and  ineffectual  warnings  against  the  Ameri- 
cans who  were  crossing  the  mountains  every  year  in 
larger  numbers,  most  of  them  "without  other  patri- 
mony than  their  rifles,"  and  who  were  taking  advan- 
tage of  Mexican  neglect  to  inspire  the  Californians 
with  disloyalty;  while  Consul  Larkin  assured  his  gov- 
ernment that  the  general  feeling  of  the  people  toward 
Americans  had  been  -most  friendly  since  the  visit  of 
Commodore  Jones.  At  the  beginning  of  the  year 
Albert  M.  Gilliarn  was  appointed  U.  S.  consul  to  re- 
side at  San  Francisco;  but  he  never  came  to  take  the 
place,  and  at  the  suggestion  of  the  consul  at  Monterey, 
his  resignation  was  accepted,  and  Larkin's  jurisdiction 
was  extended  to  cover  all  places  that  were  nearer  to 
his  than  to  any  other  consulate.18 

tion  of  the  U.  S.  is  not  limited  to  the  possession  of  Texas,  but  extends  to  that 
of  Calif ornias,  which  by  a  thousand  titles  is  more  desirable.'  Cal.,  'over 
1,000  leagues  from  the  capital,  adjoining  hostile  territory,  has  besides  these 
two  fatal  elements  another  germ  still  more  prejudicial;  that  is  the  sympathy 
which  the  inhabitants  have  with  our  northern  neighbors,  many  of  whom  have 
intimate  relations  in  the  country,  not  only  through  the  commerce,  that  is 
exclusively  in  their  hands,  but  by  the  stronger  bonds  of  marriage  and  prop- 
erty.' 'It  is  to  be  feared  that  the  American  emigrants  in  Oregon  are  begin- 
ning to  distribute  arms  among  the  Indians  in  exchange  for  stolen  horses  and 
cattle.'  'El  supremo  gobierno  estd  convencido  de  que  California^  es  hoy 
la  ambicion  de  todas  las  naciones,  y  la  conducta  observada  por  nuestros 
vecinos  del  norte,  respecto  de  Tejas,  no  deja  duda  ya  de  que  esta  nacion  es 
nuestra  enemiga  natural.'  In  one  place  he  speaks  of  1,000  armed  Americans 
in  the  Sierra  de  StaCruz !  April  16th,  June  20th,  Aug.  4th,  Larkin's  letters. 
If  an  American  fleet  should  now  attack  Monterey,  there  would  not  be  the 
same  feeling  as  before.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp. ,  MS.  i.  1 1 ;  ii.  4,  7.  Webster's 
views  in  1844.  Sacramento  Union,  Nov.  9,  1869.  Gwin,  Memoirs,  MS.,  3-4, 
.  refers  to  interviews  in  1844  with  John  C.  Calhoun,  sec.  of  state,  in  which  he 
spoke  with  great  enthusiasm  of  Cal.  and  the  desirability  of  obtaining  it,  es- 
pecially S.  F.  Bay;  and  said  he  had  proposed,  through  a  secret  agent  in 
Mexico,  to  settle  the  Texas  question  by  fixing  the  boundary  as  a  line  running 
from  a  point  midway  between  S.  F.  and  Monterey  due  east  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  down  that  river  to  the  gulf,  $10,000,000  being  offered  to  Mexico  as  an  in- 
ducement. Sutter,  Pers.  Remin.,  MS.,  141-2,  says  he  asked  Fremont  whether 
if  he  should  declare  his  independence  the  U.  S.  would  annex  him.  F.  replied 
he  thought  it  might  be  done,  though  the  govt  would  have  to  be  consulted. 
Castaflares,  Col.  Doc.,  36-7,  urged  that  colonization  by  other  foreigners 
should  be  encouraged,  but  that  Americans  should  on  no  account  be  admit- 
ted into  the  country.  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  i.  15,  mentions  in 
April  the  report  from  Micheltorena  that  Cal.  had  been  invaded  by  over  1,000 
Anglo- Americanos. 

18 Jan.  9,  1844,  Gilliam's  appointment.  Savage,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  35.  Com- 
mission forwarded  Feb.  3d.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  61.  June  24th,  Larkin 
argues  that  only  one  consul  is  needed  in  Cal.  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  7. 
Oct.  23th,  sec.  state  announces  Gilliam's  resignation,  and  the  extension  of 
Larkin's  .jurisdiction.  Id.,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  233.  Dec.  31st,  disburse- 


BRITISH  HOPES.  451 

Respecting  the  English  scheme  of  colonization  I 
have  to  note  an  interesting  continuation  of  the  corre- 
spondence between  Hartnell  and  Wyllie.19  In  April 
Hartnell  wrote  at  some  length,  replying  to  Wyllie's 
series  of  questions  upon  the  condition  of  Californian 
affairs,  chiefly  from  a  commercial  point  of  view,  and 
with  reference  to  the  advantages  for  colonization. 
Having  answered  the  questions,  he  goes  on  to  say: 
"I  have  spoken  to  the  governor.  No  instructions 
whatever  have  been  received  in  California  touching 

^5 

the  exchange  of  deferred  bonds  for  land.  But  his 
Excellency  has  assured  me  that  he  will  do  all  he  pos- 
sibly can  for  you  with  respect  to  granting  a  tract  of 
land  for  colonization.  His  faculties  do  not  allow  him 
to  give  more  than  eleven  leagues  to  one  person,  but  I 
can  ask  for  one  tract  for  you  and  another  for  myself; 
and  I  am  almost  certain  that  I  shall  succeed  in  obtain- 
ing the  privilege  to  hold  on  to  them  a  reasonably 
sufficient  time  to  enable  settlers  to  come  out  from 
England,  say  two  years  from  the  time  of  the  grant, 
without  being  obliged  to  stock  or  cultivate  them,  as 
others  have  had  to  do.  The  governor  told  me  plainly 
that  he  wished  very  much  that  settlers  would  come 
out  from  Europe,  so  that  all  the  vacant  lands  should 
not  be  given  to  Americans;  and  he  even  hinted  that 
he  should  like  to  take  a  share  in  the  speculation  him- 
self. He  has  always  professed  himself  particularly 
friendly  to  the  English."20  And  in  his  reply  from 
Honolulu  in  November  Wyllie  says:  "American  views 
on  the  territory  are  apparent,  and  if  the  question  of 
Texas  had  led  to  a  war,  the  result  cannot  be  doubted. 
In  such  an  event,  the  only  power  that  could  save  Cali- 
fornia is  Great  Britain;  and  nothing  could  justify  her 
interference  so  much  as  previous  grants  of  land  under 
the  Mexican  government  to  British  subjects.  Be 

ments  of  the  office  for  last  6  months,  $131.34;  expenses  of  hospital  depart- 
ment, $724.22.  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  21. 

19  See  chap.  xvi.  of  this  volume  on  this  topic  in  1843. 

20  flttrtnell's  English  Colonization  in  Col,     Letter  to  Robt  C.  Wyllie,  April 
1844,  MS. 


452  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

ready  then  to  grasp  all  you  can  for  me  and  yourself 
if  such  a  crisis  should  threaten;  and  if  the  governor 
wishes  to  favor  us  he  could  secretly  have  one  third  of 
the  allotment  to  me  and  you  so  that  his  grant  also 
would  come  under  British  protection."21  Notwith- 
standing this  alleged  friendliness  of  Micheltorena  to 
English  interests,  the  agents  of  the  Hudson's  Bay 
Company  in  California,  one  of  them  the  British  vice- 
consul,  seem  to  have  aided  the  revolutionists  against 
the  governor  by  furnishing  arms  and  ammunition.22 
Larkin  warned  his  government  that  the  importance 
of  this  company  had  been  greatly  underrated,  and 
that  there  had  been  an  application  in  its  behalf  for  a 
large  grant  of  land;  but  whatever  may  have  been  its 
plans  in  this  respect,  hunting  operations  in  Califor- 
nia seem  to  have  been  abandoned  by  the  company 
after  this  year.23 

The  only  book  of  1 844  requiring  notice,  in  addition 
to  Fremont's  Report,  to  which  the  reader's  attention 
has  been  already  directed,  is  one  written  from  obser- 
vations made  this  year  by  William  M.  Wood,  who 
visited  California  as  surgeon  of  the  U.  S.  man-of-war 
Savannah,  and  devoted  four  chapters  of  his  book  to 
that  country.24  Dr  Wood  arrived  October  3d  and 
sailed  December  15th,  being  present  at  several  balls 

"Nov.  13,  1844,  W.  to  H.  Vallrjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  72.  Aug.  18th, 
Larkin  to  sec.  state.  Suggests  that  if  England  gets  Cal.  an  effort  should  be 
made  to  exchange  8  degrees  north  of  the  Columbia  for  8  degrees  south  of  42D ! 
Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  8. 

22  This  appears  from  a  letter  of  Larkin  to  the  sec.  state.  Larkin's  Doc., 
MS.,  iii.  337,  and  from  other  documents  of  1845  relating  to  a  bill  for  the  aid 
furnished. 

23 June  20,  1844,  Larkin  to  sec.  state.  Larkin's  Off.  Corrtsp.,  MS.,  ii. 
6-7.  Hittell,  Hist.  S.  F.,  90,  talks  of  a  visit  of  Sir  Jas  Douglas  in  1844, 
and  his  disapproval  of  Rae's  management.  In  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  29,  and  S. 
Joaquin  Co.  llixt.,  11.  there  is  some  rather  vague  information  about  the  com- 
pany's operations  in  these  last  years,  from  the  recollections  of  J.  A.  Forbes. 
There  is  a  remarkable  absence  of  all  contemporary  records  or  correspondence 
on  the  subject. 

*4  Wandering  Sketches  of  people  and  things  in  South  America,  Polynesia, 
California,  and  other  places  visited,  dur'nvj  a  cruise  on  board  of  the  (7.  S.  ,-7; /'/<>• 
Levant,  Portsmouth,  and  Savannah.  By  Wm  Maxwell  Wood,  M.  D.,  surgeon 
U.  S.  Navy,  late  fleet  surf/eon  of  the  Pacific  squadron,  Philadelphia,  1849, 
I2mo,  380  p.  That  part  relating  to  California  ia  found  on  p.  212-87. 


DOCTOR  WOOD— LIST  OF  PIONEERS.  4C3 

and  dinners  with  which  the  Californians  and  naval 
officers  mutually  entertained  each  other.  He  gives 
brief  pen-pictures  of  the  person  and  character  of  Mi- 
cheltorena  and  other  prominent  men  whom  he  met, 
including  such  foreigners  as  Sutter,  Graham,  and 
Chiles.  Most  of  his  remarks  are  devoted  to  the  man- 
ners and  customs  of  the  people  with  whom  he  came 
in  contact,  and  with  whose  hospitality  and  most  other 
characteristics  he  was  greatly  pleased.  He  says  but 
little  of  politics,  but  conveys  a  tolerably  accurate  idea 
of  the  country's  general  condition  and  prospects.  In 
November,  with  a  party  of  officers  and  Californians, 
he  made  a  tour  to  the  rancho  of  Joaquin  Gomez.  He 
saw  Alvarado  at  Alisal.  surrounded  by  conspirators, 
and  was  being  entertained  by  Padre  Ansar  at  San 
Juan  when  the  revolution  broke  out  and  arms  were 
seized  at  the  mission.  The  narrative  is  written  in 
pleasing  style;  I  have  occasion  to  cite  it  elsewhere  on 
special  matters. 

Out  of  more  than  two  hundred  foreigners  shown  by 
the  records  to  have  visited  California  in  1844,  all  of 
\vhom  are  mentioned  elsewhere  in  this  work,  one  hun- 
dred may  be  regarded  as  pioneer  residents,  and  are 
named  in  the  appended  list.96  About  half  of  them 

25  Pioneers  of  1844:  Henry  Adams  (?),  Geo.  Anderson,  Olivier  Beaulieu, 
James  P.  Beckwourth,  Wm  Bennett,  Dav.  T.  Bird,  Henry  Booker,  C.  P.  Briggs, 
Edmond  Bray,  Vincent  Calvin,  John  G.  Campbell,  Herman  C.  Carclwell,  John 
Carter,  James  Cash,  Clement  Colombet,  John  Conners  (?),  Geo.  Cook,  Geo.  A. 
Corcoran,  Martin  Corcoran  (?),  Baptiste  Derosier,  Carl  Dittmann,  John  C.  Ev- 
erett, Thomas  Fallon  (?),  Daingerfield  Fauntleroy,  Joseph  E.  Foster,  Henry 
Fowler,  Wm  Fowler,  Win  Fowler  Jr,  J.  C.  Fremont,  Francois  Gendreau, 
Carlos  F.  Glein,  Alexis  Godey,  Henry  A.  Green  (?),  Caleb  Greenwood,  John 
Gregory  (?),  John  Hames,  Matthew  Harbin,  Wm  Hargrave,  James  Henry, 
Sam.  A.  Hinckley,  Andrew  Hoeppner,  Thomas  Hudson,  Laurent  Huerstel  (?), 
Albert  G.  Jones,  Dav.  Kelsey,  Sam.  Kelsey,  Charles  A.  Lauff,  Perry  Mc- 
Coon  (?),  Jas  McKeever,  Olivier  Magnent,  Dennis  Martin,  Patrick  Martin, 
Pat.  Martin  Jr,  Joseph  Mascarel,  James  Miller,  Wm  J.  Miller,  Allen  Mont- 
gomery, Bernard  Murphy,  B.  D.  Murphy,  Dan.  Murphy,  James  Murphy  (2), 
John  M.  Murphy,  Martin  Murphy  (2),  M.  Murphy  Jr,  Pat.  W.  Murphy,  Sam. 
Neal,  W.  B.  Osborn,  Wm.  Peirce,  R.  K.  Petrowski  (?),  Henry  F.  Pitts,  John 
Potter  (?),  Raphael  Praule,  Ed.  Read,  Pierre  Richards,  Henry  Richardson, 
Louis  Robidoux,  Ernest  Rufus  (?),  John  Sawyer,  Moses  Schallenberger,  Elisha 
Stevens,  John  Sullivan,  Michael  Sullivan,  Robert  Sullivan,  Granville  P.  Swift, 
Theodore  Talbot,  Charles  Towns,  John  Townsend,  Albert  Tresconi,  Joseph 
Verrot,  Eph.  Walcott,  Benj.  Washbxirn  (?),  James  W.  Waters,  James  Wil- 
son, Joseph  W.  Wolfskill,  Geo.  T.  Wood,  and  Geo.  F.  Wyman  (?). 


454  IMMIGRATION  AND  FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 

came  in  the  Fre'mont,  Kelsey,  and  Stevens  companies 
by  the  overland  route.  Respecting  sixteen,  there  is 
a  degree  of  uncertainty,  particularly  as  to  the  exact 
year  of  arrival.  With  the  exception  of  John  C.  Frd- 
mont,  none  in  the  list  became  specially  prominent  in 
the  country's  history;  but  there  were  many  well  known 
and  influential  citizens.  There  were  about  twenty  sur- 
vivors in  1884. 

(Note  13  continued.     See  p.  447.). 

Moses  Schallenberger's  Overland  in  1844  is  a  MS.  received  since  my 
account  on  p.  445-8  was  stereotyped,  and  is  in  many  respects  more  satisfac- 
tory than  any  other  extant.  S.  was  a  boy  of  17,  and  his  party  from  Buchanan 
Co.,  Mo.,  consisted  of  himself,  Dr  Townsend  and  wife  (S.'s  sister),  and  Allen 
Montgomery  and  wife.  An  interesting  account  is  given  of  hunting  and  other 
adventures  along  the  way.  The  Cal.  company  is  given  as  1 1  wagons,  26  men, 
8  women,  and  about  a  dozen  children.  From  the  sink  of  the  Humboldt  they 
had  to  find  their  own  way,  having  no  guide;  but  they  found  an  old  Indian 
named  Truckee  whose  statements  proved  serviceable,  preventing  their  taking 
a  southern  route  as  many  were  inclined  to  do.  At  the  forks  of  the  Truckee 
River,  John  and  Daniel  Murphy,  Magnent,  Deland,  Mra  Townsend,  and  Ellen 
Murphy,  each  with  a  horse,  left  the  main  party,  following  the  river  to  Lake 
Tahoe,  and  thence  crossing  to  the  headwaters  of  the  American,  and  down  that 
stream  to  St  Glair's  rancho  without  disaster,  though  with  great  toil.  .  The 
rest  kept  on  a  few  miles  to  Donner  Lake.  Here  part  of  the  wagons  were  left 
with  three  men.  The  company  then  climbed  to  the  summit  and  pressed  on  to 
the  head  of  the  Yuba,  where  the  rest  of  the  wagons  were  left,  and  where 
Miller  and  family,  old  man  Martin,  Mrs  Martin  Murphy  and  4  sons,  Mrs  Jas 
Murphy  and  daughter,  and  Mrs  Patterson  and  family  remained  through  the 
winter,  suffering  considerably  from  hunger.  The  others  reached  Sutler's  Fort 
and  the  men  enlisted  for  the  Micheltorena  campaign.  The  3  remaining  at 
Donner  Lake  were  Foster,  Montgomery,  and  Schallenberger.  They  had  a 
valuable  invoice  of  goods  to  protect,  built  a  cabin,  and  had  no  doubt  of  being 
able  to  live  by  hunting;  but  the  snow  soon  became  so  deep  as  to  make  success- 
ful hunting  impossible;  and  early  in  Dec.,  to  escape  starvation,  they  started 
across  the  mountains  on  improvised  snow-shoes.  But  the  boy,  Schallenberger, 
was  attacked  by  cramps  on  the  summit,  and  crawled  back  to  the  cabin,  deem- 
ing his  slight  chance  for  life  better  there  than  if  abandoned,  as  he  would 
probably  have  to  be,  further  on  in  the  mountains.  Alone,  with  but  one  poor 
quarter  of  beef  for  food,  this  boy's  prospects  were  not  bright,  and  his  expe- 
rience was  a  remarkable  one,  for  he  remained  here  until  the  end  of  February. 
His  salvation  was  the  finding  of  some  steel  traps  left  by  Capt.  Stevens,  with 
which  he  caught  coyotes  and  foxes — the  latter  so  plentifully  that  only  once 
did  ho  have  to  eat  the  former— never  suffering  from  hunger,  though  con- 
tinually from  fear  of  it.  At  last,  Dennis  Martin  returned  from  the  Cal. 
valley  to  relieve  the  party  on  the  Yuba,  and  extended  his  trip  to  the  lake  to 
succor  young  Moses  if  by  chance  he  had  survived.  All  reached  the  settle- 
ments in  March,  though  delayed  by  a  freshet  on  Bear  River.  I  regret  that 
the  author's  delay  in  furnishing  this  interesting  MS.  has  obliged  me  to  dispose 
of  it  so  summarily. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

REVOLUTION   AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

1844. 

PRELIMINARY  RESUME — MOTIVES  OF  THE  REBELS — FEELING  AGAINST  THE 
BATALLON — PLOTS  AND  WARNINGS — PRONUNCIAMIENTO  OF  THE  CANADA 
DE  SAN  MIGUEL — THE  GOVERNOR'S  PROCLAMATION — CAMPAIGN  OF  LA- 
GUNA  SECA,  OR  SANTA  TERESA— NARRATIVES — THH  TREATY — CASTRO 
AT  MISSION  SAN  JOSE— MICHELTORENA'S  PROCLAMATION  AND  REPORTS — 
His  TREACHERY — RESOLVES  TO  BREAK  THE  TREATY — AFFAIRS  IN  THE 
SOUTH — RISING  AT  SANTA  BARBARA — POLICY  AND  MOTIVES  OF  THE  FOR- 
EIGNERS— BUTTER'S  CONTRACT — PREPARATIONS  AT  NEW  HELVETIA — 
VALLEJO'S  PROTESTS — OCCURRENCES  AT  SAN  FRANCISCO — WEBER'S  AR- 
REST. 

IN  former  chapters  I  have  brought  the  annals  of 
Micheltorena's  rule  down  to  November  1844.  I  have 
described  the  governor  as  a  gentlemanly,  affable,  kind- 
hearted,  and  personally  popular  man,  possessing  much 
executive  tact,  though  lacking  energy  and  inclined  to 
indolence.  I  have  shown  that  the  policy  of  his  ad- 
ministration was  in  most  respects  conciliatory  and 
wise,  though  not  productive  of  great  benefits  for  the 
country,  by  reason  of  circumstances  largely  beyond 
his  control.  I  have  described  the  little  army  that 
came  with  him  from  Mexico  as  a  band  of  criminals, 
most  of  whom  were  taken  from  the  jails,  and  whose 
conduct  in  California  was  much  better  than  might 
have  been  expected,  not  notably  worse  than  that  of 
ordinary  soldiers,  Mexican  or  Californian,  in  similar 
circumstances,  but  whose  presence  was  a  bitter  insult 
to  the  Californian  people,  and  whose  discipline  and 
support  exhausted  the  energies  and  revenues  of  the 

(455) 


456  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

department,  sadly  needed  for  more  important  and 
beneficial  uses.  I  now  have  to  describe  the  revolu- 
tion by  which  Micheltorena  and  his  convict  army 
were  driven  from  the  country. 

The  motives  of  this  revolt  were<three — popular  dis- 
content and  indignation  at  the  presence  and  petty 
depredations  of  the  cholos,  the  personal  ambition  of 
certain  prominent  Californians  to  govern  their  coun- 
try and  handle  its  revenues,  and  the  old  feeling  against 
Mexicans  de  la  otra  barida,  imbittered  by  quarrels 
with  officers  and  men  of  the  batallon.  And  these 
three  motives  had  nearly  equal  influence  in  producing 
;  the  result.  All  witnesses  admit  the  agency  of  the 
third,  as  do  most  that  of  the  others;  but  certain 
classes  of  men  have  been  disposed  to  exaggerate  or 
ignore  the  influence  of  the  first  and  second  respectively. 

That  there  did  exist  a  strong  popular  feeling  against 
the  batallon  is  a  fact  that  cannot  be  ignored,  and 
there  was  abundant  justification  for  a  much  more  bit- 
ter feeling  than  was  actually  entertained.  Alvarado 
and  other  active  leaders  in  the  movement,  however, 
have  grossly  exaggerated  the  evil  deeds  of  the  cholos. 
They  have  represented  them  as  an  uncontrolled  band 
of  thieves  and  assassins,  accusing  them  of  numerous 
outrages  that  were  never  committed,  and  unjustly 
blaming  the  general  for  not  being  able  to  control  his 
men.  They  have  pictured  a  reign  of  terror,  which 
drove  the  people — -their  lives  and  property  and  the 
honor  of  their  families  being  in  constant  peril — to 
rise  as  a  last  desperate  expedient  and  overpower  their 
oppressors;  and  they  have  naturally  assumed  the  role 
of  patriot  leaders  of  a  popular  rising  in  defence  of 
their  country's  liberties.  In  fact,  being  Californians, 
they  desired  now,  as  in  1836,  that  the  department 
should  rule  itself  under  national  allegiance.  They 
desired  personally  a  return  to  power,  and  they  were 
ready  to  utilize  in  part,  for  their  own  interests,  the 
only  just  cause  of  complaint  against  the  administra- 
tion. 


CAUSES  OF  REVOLT.  457 

On  the  other  hand,  those  who  in  the  struggle  sided 
with  Micheltorena  have  pushed  their  exaggerations 
quite  as  far:  notably  so  John  A.  Sutter  and  other 
more  or  less  prominent  foreigners.  They  have  doubted 
the  reports  that  the  batallon  was  composed  of  convicts, 
ridiculed  the  idea  of  founding  a  revolution  on  the 
stealing  of  a  few  chickens,  regarded  the  feeling  against 
the  cholos  as  a  mefe  pretext  of  the  revolutionary 
leaders  to  bolster  up  their  ambitious  schemes,  over- 
praised the  governor  and  the  wisdom  and  benefits  of 
his  rule,  and  have  even  had  the  assurance  to  claim  in 
some  instances  that  the  Californians  revolted  against 
Micheltorena  chiefly  because  of  the  latter's  disposi- 
tion to  favor  American  immigrants.  I  shall  have 
much  to  say  later  about  the  part  taken  by  foreigners 
in  this  affair;  but  it  is  well  to  state  here  that  the  gov- 
ernor's foreign  policy  had  little  or  nothing  to  do  with 
the  rising,  at.  the  beginning  at  least.  It  should  also 
be  stated  at  the  outset  that  the  Californians  from  be- 
ginning to  end  had  no  thought  of  throwing  off  their 
national  allegiance  to  Mexico;  though  that  view  of 
the  matter  was  somewhat  current  in  the  United  States 
at  the  time.  I  need  hardly  add  that  no  class  of  the 
Californians  had  at  first  any  personal  grounds  of  ob- 
jection to  Micheltorena  as  governor;  though  this  does 
not  imply  that  there  were  not  several  individuals  al- 
together willing  to  take  his  place. 

Before  November  there  had  doubtless  been  talk  of 
using  force  to  get  rid  of  the  batallon,  but  the  plan  had 
probably  not  assumed  any  definite  form,  even  in  the 
minds  of  the  plotters;  while  on  the  other  side  there 
were  but  vague  suspicions  of  danger.  Warnings  were 
sent  to  Mexico,  but  such  warnings  were  not  infre- 
quent, coupled  with  appeals  for  aid.1  Juan  B.  Alva- 

1  As  early  as  March  Castaiiares  expressed  fears  of  internal  troubles  in  Cal. , 
on  account  of  the  conduct  of  the  convicts,  and  for  other  reasons;  and  Michel- 
torena, in  announcing  the  outbreak  of  the  revolt,  spoke  of  having  predicted 
the  trouble  in  his  letters  of  April  and  August.  Castufiares,  Col.  Doc.,  10,  58. 
Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  313,  whose  book  was  printed  in  1844,  says:  '  L'autorit6  du 


458  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

rado  had  in  some  way,  not  clearly  explained,  rendered 
himself  an  object  of  suspicion  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year;2  but  while  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  Al- 
varado,  Osio,  and  perhaps  Castro  had  taken  a  promi- 
nent part  in  preliminary  speculations  respecting  the 
best  way  to  get  rid  of  the  obnoxious  Mexicans,  and  in 
fomenting  the  popular  feeling  against  them,  there  is 
reason  to  believe  that  they  had  not  agreed  upon  a 
plan,  and  that  the  final  outbreak  was  without  their 
immediate  leadership  or  even  knowledge.  Michelto- 
rena's  personal  popularity,  the  obligations  under  which 
he  had  put  Josd  Castro  by  defending  him  in  Mexico, 
his  relations  with  Vallejo  and  the  uncertainty  re- 
specting the  latter's  probable  course,  a  fear  that  the 
foreigners  might  aid  Micheltorena  or  that  the  Ameri- 
cans might  take  advantage  of  a  revolt  to  seize  the 
country,  and  finally  a  lack  of  assurance  that  the  south 
could  be  induced  to  cooperate — were  circumstances 
which  troubled  the  leading  Californians,  obscured  their 
prospects  of  success,  and  delayed  the  perfection  of  their 
plots,  if,  as  is  believed,  they  entertained  such  plots. 

At  any  rate,  on  the  14th  and  15th  of  November,  a 
party  of  perhaps  fifty  Californians,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Manuel  Castro,  Jesus  Pico,  Antonio  Chavez, 
and  Francisco  Rico,  having  driven  off  all  the  govern- 
ment horses  from  Monterey  to  the  Salinas  Valley, 
'pronounced'  at  the  Canada  de  San  Miguel,  seized  at 
San  Juan  Bautista  such  part  of  the  arms  and  muni- 
tions stored  there  as  they  could  use,  and  set  about 
the  task  of  rousing  the  people  to  support  their  patri- 
otic enterprise.  One  version  is  to  the  effect  that  at 
a  fandango  some  of  the  Californians  had  a  quarrel 

general  Micheltorena  ne  parait  guere  affermie;  il  est  probable  que  tdt  ou  tard 
il  sera  traite"  comme  ses  pr6de"cesseurs  mexicains.  Les  Califoniiena  influents 
rdpetent  souvent  que,  ne  recevant  rien  <lu  Mexique,  ils  pre"tendent  n'employer 
lea  revenus  du  pays  qu'a  solder  des  Californiens;  ils  ajoutent  que  s'ils  con- 
sentent  a  entretenir  une  petite  troupe  de  soldats,  ils  ne  veulent  pas  avoir  a 
craindre  les  attaques  des  galeriens. .  .et  tout  port  a  croire  que  le  g6ne"ral  Mi- 
cheltorena ne  tardera  pas  asubir  le  sort  des  gouverneurs  Victoria,  Herrera  (?), 
Chico,  Gutierrez,  etCarrillo.' 
2  See  chap.  xvii.  of  this  vol. 


PEONUNCIAMIENTO  OF  SAN  MIGUEL.  459 

and  came  to  blows  with  officers  of  the  batallon;  and 
that  in  their  anger  Castro,  Pico,  and  Chavez,  with  a 
dozen  or  fifteen  others,  left  Monterey  that  same  night, 
driving  away  the  horses  which  were  under  guard  in 
the  Carmelo  Valley.3  A  more  probable  and  better 
supported  statement  is  that  of  Manuel  Castro  him- 
self, who  says  that  the  plan  was  formed  and  signed 
at  Monterey  by  himself  and  the  others  in  October. 
Early  in  November  they  left  the  capital,  gathered  a 
company  in  the  Salinas  Valley,  and  sent  Chavez  back 
with  a  small  force  to  capture  the  horses  and  cut  off 
supplies.4  The  plan  of  San  Miguel  is  not  extant,  if 
indeed  it  was  ever  reduced  to  writing;  but  the  pur- 
port of  it  was  doubtless  that  the  batallon,  and  per- 
haps its  leader,  must  leave  the  country.5 

Alvarado,  in  a  letter  of  the  time  which  there  is 
every  reason  to  credit,  claimed  that  all  this  was  done 
prematurely  and  without  his  knowledge.  He  had 
been  on  a  visit  to  Sonoma,  probably  to  sound  Vallejo 
on  the  subject  of  revolt,  with  results  that  are  not 
known,  and  on  his  return  to  Gomez's  rancho,  and  to 
Alisal,  had  been  warned  by  friends  from  Monterey, 
and  by  Commodore  Armstrong  of  the  Savannah,  who 
had  come  out  with  a  large  company  to  hunt  in  the 
valley,  that  he  was  the  object  of  much  suspicion  at 
Monterey,  and  that  it  was  unsafe  for  him  to  remain 
at  Alisal.  He  accordingly  departed,  but  was  soon 
overtaken  by  Jesus  Pico,  with  news  of  the  rising,  which 
he  was  asked  to  support,  and  consented,  though  sur- 

8 Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  91-2;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  117-18.  On  Sept. 
18th,  Micheltorena  wished  to  buy  of  Vallejo  100  horses  for  the  govt;  and 
Oct.  28th,  V.  writes  that  they  will  be  sent  via  the  Sacramento,  at  $50  each  ( !). 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  95.  These  were  doubtless  among  the  animals  taken 
by  the  rebels. 

*  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  97-9.  Larkin  in  a  letter  of  March  22,  1845,  says 
10  or  15  men  'came  into"  Monterey  and  drove  off  the  horses;  and  during  the 
month  gathered  about  100  men.  Larkin 's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  35. 

5  In  the  Micheltorena  Expedients  of  1845,  Pico  claimed  that  the  people  of 
Monterey  rose  en  masse  to  demand  a  meeting  of  the  assembly,  etc. ,  which  is 
absurd.  Castro,  ubi  supra,  and  Vallejo,  Hint.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  409,  talk  about 
the  bases  of  Tacubaya,  and  the  restoration  of  Alvarado  to  the  governorship, 
of  which  he  had  been  despoiled. 


460  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORBNA. 

prised,  and  looking  upon  the  step  as  too  hast}7".6  The 
report  was  sent  to  Mexico  at  the  time,  and  it  has  often 
been  stated  since  that  Colonel  Vallejo,  as  well  as  Al- 
varado  and  Castro,  was  a  leader  in  this  pronuncia- 
miento ;  but  as  we  shall  see  later,  he  took  no  part  in  it 
whatever.7 

6 Nov.  20th,  Alvarado,  Carta Relation,  MS.,  108.  A.  wrote  from  San  Pablo. 
Wood,  surgeon  of  the  Savannah,  was  a  member  of  the  party  of  hunters  to 
which  Alvarado  alludes.  The  visit  to  the  ex-gov.  was  on  Nov.  13th.  He 
was  found  'surrounded  by  several  of  his  countrymen,  with  drinking  materials 
on  the  table  at  which  they  were  sitting,  and  from  subsequent  events  it  is  cer- 
tain that  they  had  assembled  in  furtherance  of  a  political  conspiracy,  which 
soon  developed  itself.  Alvarado  has  the  appearance  of  physical  strength  and 
mental  energy.'  Osio  was  met  at  Gomez's  rancho,  'a  large,  dark,  grave-look- 
ing man,  neither  in  manner  nor  costume  resembling  a  Mexican.'  On  Nov. 
14th  the  American  officers  visited  S.  Juan  mission;  and  at  a  ball  given  by 
Padre  Ansar  a  letter  was  received  by  one  of  the  Mexican  officers  who  had  ac- 
companied the  hunters,  probably  Capt.  Abella,  stating  '  that  20  soldiers  had 
deserted  from  Monterey,  taking  with  them  every  horse.'  This  was  about  2 
or  3  A.  M.  on  Nov.  15th.  Later  in  the  day  the  whole  country  was  said  to  bo 
in  revolution,  under  Alvarado  and  Osio,  though  there  was  much  uncertainty 
about  Castro  being  implicated.  The  people  at  the  mission  were  friendly  to 
the  rebels,  and  no  objection  was  made  when  an  ox-cart  came  to  carry  off  am- 
munition. Wood  remained  at  S.  Juan  two  nights  more,  and  on  the  17th 
started  for  Monterey,  where  he  arrived  on  the  19th.  The  Mexican  officers 
had  been  allowed  after  some  objections  to  return  with  the  Americans.  They 
had  learned  during  the  past  few  days  that  the  rebels  were  seizing  all  supplies 
and  arms  to  be  found  at  the  ranches;  and  they  found  the  capital  in  a  sad 
state  of  alarm.  Wood's  Wanderinr/  Sketches,  254,  259,  273-85. 

Francisco  Rico,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS.,  1-3,  tells  us  that  after  the  plan  was 
fonned  at  Monterey,  he  was  sent  with  it  to  Alisal  to  obtain  Alvarado's  ap- 
proval, which  after  many  objections  was  given.  This  statement  of  course  con- 
tradicts that  of  Alvarado.  Castro,  Relation,,  MS.,  97-9,  says  that  he  first 
submitted  the  plan  to  Alvarado  after  the  pronunciamiento,  and  that  he  de  • 
clined  at  first  to  sign  it,  retiring  to  S.  Pablo.  Alvarado's  statement  in  his  Hint. 
Col. ,  MS. ,  v.  22-3,  agrees  with  that  made  in  his  letter  of  the  time — that  he 
disapproved  of  the  haste  shown  by  the  hot-headed  young  Californians,  but 
joined  the  movement  and  went  to  S.  Pablo  to  work  for  the  cause.  Rafael 
Gonzalez  in  a  record  made  at  the  time,  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  112,  says 
that  he  and  others  had  repeatedly  warned  Micheltorena  that  a  revolt  was 
brewing.  Francisco  Arce,  Memorias,  MS.,  35-7,  was  invited  to  take  part  in 
the  plots  begun  at  Manuel  Castro's  house,  but  declined  on  account  of  personal 
favors  from  the  gov. ,  promising  however  to  keep  silent.  A  letter  announc- 
ing the  revolt  seems  to  have  been  dated  Nov.  14.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS., 
viii.  34.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  417-18,  speaks  of  the  movement  aa 
having  begun  at  Alisal  on  Nov.  14th.  Micheltorena  wrote  to  Mexico  that 
the  government  horses  were  seized  Nov.  15th,  together  with  all  cattle  and 
horses  in  the  region,  so  that  Monterey  was  cut  off  from  all  supplies.  Casta- 
nares,  Col.  Doc.,  57. 

7  Everett  of  the  Tasso,  who  left  Cal.  on  the  Ompuzcoana  on  Dec.  2d,  car- 
ried the  first  news  to  Mexico,  reporting  that  Alvarado,  Castro,  and  Vallejo 
had  pronounced  at  Alisal  Nov.  14th,  with  300  armed  pavtanos.  Castanares, 
Col.  Doc.,  56.  Tuthill,  Hist.  Cal.,  149-50;  Hall,  Hist.  S.  Jos4,  133-5;  the 
axithor  of  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  11;  Tinkham,  Hist.  Stockton,  87;  and  Robinson, 
Life  in  Cal.,  212-13 — the  last  being  the  original  followed  by  the  others — tell 
us  that  Vallejo,  Alvarado,  aud  Castro  harmonized  their  old  differences, 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  MOVEMENTS.  461 

Micheltorena's  first  step  to  put  down  the  revolt  was 
to  issue  a  proclamation  on  the  1 8th  of  November,  the 
tenor  of  which  was,  that,  whereas  a  band  of  horse- 
thieves  had  pronounced  at  the  Rio,  therefore  all  tak- 
ing part  in  the  movement  would  be  tried  under  the 
laws,  and  lose  their  property.  Foreigners  so  forget- 
ful of  the  hospitality  shown  them  as  to  join  in  the 
disorders  would  be  put  to  death  without  quarter; 
those  who  aided  the  rebels  would  be  executed  or  con- 
demned to  the  presidios  according  to  their  degree  of 
guilt;  but  any  who  might  present  themselves  within 
eight  days  would  receive  pardon  for  past  offences.8  At 
the  same  time — or  probably  a  day  or  two  before  issuing 
the  proclamation,  for  we  have  no  exact  dates — Colonel 
Tellez  and  Captain  Mejia  were  sent  out  to  reconnoitre 
with  a  force  of  eighty  men.  They  reached  the  Sali- 
nas River,  but  returned  without  having  overtaken 
the  rebels  or  recovered  the  lost  horses,  though  they 
did  obtain  from  the  ranchos  a  few  cattle  that  had  es- 
caped the  clutches  of  the  other  party.9  Finally,  with 
most  of  his  batallon,  perhaps  150  men,  Micheltorena 
marched  out  of  the  capital  on  the  22d  to  crush  the 
rebellion,  "both  because  the  necessity  of  eating  made 
itself  felt,  and  because  the  rebel  forces  were  on  the  in- 
crease, destroying  and  carrying  away  everything,  al- 

turned  against  Micheltorena,  and  captured  S.  Juan  where  the  govt  ammuni- 
tion was  stored.  The  outbreak  of  the  revolt  is  also  mentioned  without  any 
additional  information  requiring  notice  in  Osio,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  442-4;  Coro- 
net, Cosas  de  Gal.,  MS.,  55;  Galindo,  Apuntes,  MS.,  48-9;  Garnica,  Recuer- 
dos,  MS.,  4;  Ord,  Oeurrencias,  MS.,  134;  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  17;  Amador, 
Mem.,  MS.,  153;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  111-12;  Gomez,  LoQueSabe, 
MS.,  361;  Belden's  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  36. 

8 Nov.  18,  1844,  M.'s  proclamation.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  x.  47-8. 

'  Nearly  all  the  authorities  mention  this  expedition,  some  implying  that 
there  were  two,  one  under  Tellez  and  a  later  one  under  Mejfa.  Wood,  Wan- 
dering Sketches,  282-5,  on  approaching  Monterey  from  the  interior,  spent  the 
night  of  the  1 8th  at  a  rancho,  where  the  people  were  in  great  trouble  because 
the  night  before  Capt.  Mejia's  foragers  had  seized  a  herd  of  cattle  which  a 
young  man  of  the  family  had  collected  in  anticipation  of  his  approaching 
marriage.  In  his  report  to  Mexico,  Castanares,  Col.  Doc.,  57,  Micheltorena 
claimed  to  have  paid  for  all  the  cattle  taken,  in  order  to  show  the  contrast 
between  the  conduct  of  his  men  and  that  of  the  rebels;  but  this  was  probably 
a  figure  of  speech. 


462  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

though  not  yet  manifesting  any  political  plan  or  ob- 
ject."10 

Meanwhile  the  Californians  under  Manuel  Castro 
labored  to  increase  their  strength,  the  leaders  meeting 
but  little  opposition  among  the  people,  but  having 
considerable  difficulty  in  obtaining  weapons  and  ammu- 
nition. Messengers  were  sent  in  all  directions  to 
rouse  the  people.  Josd  Maria  Villavicencio  and  Jose* 
Antonio  Carrillo  were  notified  of  what  had  been  done, 
and  were  expected  to  cooperate  with  forces  from  Santa 
Barbara  and  Los  Angeles.  A  courier  was  sent  in 
great  haste  to  summon  Josd  Castro,  who  with  about 
twenty-five  men  was  absent  on  Indian  service  in  the 
Tulares.  Influences  were  brought  to  bear  on  Weber 
and  Gulnac  at  San  Jose  to  secure  the  support  of  for- 
eigners. Manuel  Castro  made  a  visit  in  person  to 
the  Santa  Cruz  region.  Francisco  Rico  was  sent  to 
San  Francisco,  which  place  was  also  visited  by  Anto- 
nio Maria  Osio,  and  Alvarado  proceeded  to  San  Pablo 
to  rouse  the  inhabitants  of  the  Contra  Costa,  and  es- 
pecially to  labor  with  his  uncle  Vallejo.  Naturally 
we  have  few  details  respecting  the  rebel  movements 
in  these  days,  and  the  few  extant  are  contradictory 
and  unreliable.  It  appears  clearly  enough,  however, 
that  reenforceinents  were  obtained  from  all  the  places 
mentioned  above  except  perhaps  the  south;  that  some 
military  stores  were  obtained  at  San  Francisco  by 
Rico  and  Torre  with  the  connivance  of  other  officials; 
that  Joaquin  de  la  Torre  joined  the  rebels  and  was 
associated  with  Manuel  Castro  in  the  military  com- 
mand before  the  arrival  of  Don  Jose';  that  the  forces 
retreated  from  the  Caiiada  de  San  Miguel  and  Salinas 
Valley  as  Micheltorena  advanced,  by  way  of  San  Juan 
to  Santa  Clara;  and  that  there  about  220  men  were 
assembled  before  November  28th,  including  a  com- 
pany of  foreigners  under  Charles  M.  Weber,  the 

"Dec.  12th,  M.  to  Mex.  govt.   Castanares,  Col.  Doc.,  59. 


CASTRO'S  POSITTOK  463 

whole  under  Jose  Castro,  with  Alvarado  nominally 
second  in  command.11 

Colonel  Castro  arrived  from  the  Tulares,  joined  the 
rebels  at  La  Brea  near  San  Juan,  and  assumed  the 
chief  military  command.  All  agree  that  he  did  this 
with  much  reluctance,  real  or  pretended.  He  was 
friendly  to  Micheltorena,  being  also  under  great  per- 
sonal obligations  to  him  for  past  favors.  There  is  no 
need  to  record  all  the  variations  of  opinion  that  have 
been  expressed  about  his  action  and  motives  in  this 
affair.  The  Californians  have  been  much  nrystified 
on  the  subject.  Some  think  he  had  been  an  original 
leader  in  the  plot  with  Alvarado,  and  that  his  reluc- 
tance was  a  pretence;  others,  that  it  was  real,  his 
scruples  having  been  overcome  by  the  arguments, 
entreaties,  ridicule,  and  even  threats  of  his  associate 
Californians,  and  of  the  men  under  his  command ;  still 
others,  that  he  took  the  command  with  a  view  to  help 
his  friend,  the  general;  and  finally,  there  are  some — 
both  Vallejo  and  Alvarado -accepting  this  theory — 
who  insist  that  he  had  an  understanding  with  Mi- 
cheltorena from  the  first,  the  latter  requesting  him 
to  take  command  of  the  movement,  and  to  conduct 
a  sham  campaign  which  should  drive  him  honorably 
from  a  position  and  a  country  of  which  he  was  heartily 
tired,  without  the  risk  of  shedding  either  Mexican  or 
Californian  blood!  This  theory  has  its  charms,  ac- 
counting for  some  things  otherwise  more  or  less  inex- 
plicable, and  is  not  altogether  improbable;  yet  in  the 
absence  of  positive  proof,  it  is  perhaps  as  well  to  con- 

11  Dec.  10th,  Alvarado,  Carta  Relation,  MS.,  116;  Rico,  Mem.  Hist.,  MS., 
3-8;  Torre,  Reminis.,  MS.,  117-20;  Castro,  Rel,  MS.,  97-105;  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  23-4;  Serrano,  Apurites,  MS.,  92-3;  Amador,  Mem.,  MS., 
154-5.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  408,  speaks  of  a  pronunciamiento  at  S. 
F.  on  Nov.  20th,  made  without  any  knowledge  of  what  had  happened  on  the 
Salinas.  Pinto,  Apuntadones,  MS.,  93,  97-8,  speaks  of  Osio's  coming  to  S. 
F.  and  working  to  enlist  the  custom-house  employes  in  the  revolt;  but  says 
that  himself  and  Jacinto  Rodriguez  refused  to  join  the  movement.  Rico 
tells  us  that  the  receptor,  Benito  Diaz,  and  Comandante  Joaquin  Pefla,  aided 
him  in  his  work.  German,  Kucesos,  MS.,  9-12,  narrates  at  some  length  a 
quarrel  between  his  brother  Luis  German  and  Gabriel  Castro  while  the  rebel 
forces  were  at  Sta  Clara. 


464  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

elude  that  Castro  deemed  his  own  interests  as  well  as 
inclinations  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  Californians ;  and 
that  he  satisfied  his  scruples  of  conscience,  so  far  as 
such  a  man  had  any  scruples,  by  reflecting  that  the 
movement  was  against  the  batallon,  and  not  the  gen- 
eral.12 

Colonel  Vallejo  felt  perhaps  more  deeply  than  any 
other  man  in  California  the  disgrace  of  having  his 
country  used  as  a  penal  colony,  though  he  had  not, 
like  the  Montereyans,  come  directly  in  contact  with 
the  cholos.  He  knew  that  the  country  could  not 
prosper  under  such  a  burden;  and  he  was  the  more 
troubled  because  in  a  sense  he  had  been  instrumental 
in  introducing  the  convict  army.  He  had  doubtless 
expressed  his  views  freely,  but  there  is  no  contempo- 
rary evidence  to  contradict  his  statement,  and  that  of 
others  in  later  times,  that  he  took  no  part  in  promot- 
ing the  revolt  of  November.  On  hearing  of  the  ris- 
ing, Vallejo,  November  18th,  wrote  the  governor, 
assuring  him  of  his  belief  that  the  only  ill-feeling  of 
the  Californians  was  against  the  batallon,  and  sug- 
gesting indirectly  that  as  the  troops  were  useless  and 
burdensome  both  to  the  general  and  to  the  country, 
and  as  there  could  be  no  peace  while  they  remained, 
the  best  way  out  of  present  difficulties  was  to  send 
them  away.13  Soon  came  Alvarado's  letter  of  the 
20th  from  San  Pablo,  in  which  the  writer  described 

12  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  100-7,  relates  that  he  was  subsequently  shown 
by  Castro  a  letter  in  which  Micheltorena  wrote:    'My  godson,  a  revolt  has 
broken  out  at  the  Canada  de  San  Miguel,  among  some  hot-headed  young 
men.     This  suits  me,  but  I  do  not  wish  for  any  personal  persecution  or  ven- 
geance.    Put  yourself  at  the  head  of  this  movement,  and  we  shall  come  to  an 
understanding.'    Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  412-19,  adds  that  the  letter 
was  sent  in  duplicate  to  Castro,  and  one  of  the  copies  was  captured  on  the 
way;   but  this  writer's  version  of  ensuing  complications  between  the  two 
Castros  is  utterly  absurd  and  unintelligible.     Alvarado,  Hixt.  Cat.,  MS.,  v. 
23,  also  speaks  of  the  captured  letter.     Arce,  Memorias,  MS.,  39-40,  was 
told  by  Castro  that  he  joined  the  movement  to  help  Micheltorena  personally. 
Botello,  Ancdes,  MS.,  J 13-14,  and  Arnaz,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  68-9,  give  credit 
to  the  theory  that  there  was  an  understanding  between  C.  and  M. 

13  Nov.  18, 1844,  V.  to  M.,  in  Bear  Flag  Papers,  MS.,  3.   In  his  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iv.  417-18,  V.  declares  that  he  not  only  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
revolt,  but  was  ready  to  defend  M.  as  gov.  if  his  authority  should  be  threat- 
ened after  the  departure  of  the  batallon. 


VALLEJO  NEUTRAL.  465 

what  had  occurred,  declared  the  movement  to  be  a 
just  and  popular  one,  and  called  upon  Vallejo  to  sup- 
port it,  either  in  person  or  at  least  by  sending  his 
brother  Salvador  with  horses  and  supplies.14  The 
colonel's  reply  was  to  send  Don  Salvador  to  confer 
with  Alvarado  at  San  Pablo,  and  to  bring  back  more 
minute  details  of  what  the  rebels  had  done,  what 
they  intended  to  do,  and  what  were  their  prospects  of 
success,  for  Vallejo  retained  all  his  old  spirit  of  cau- 
tion and  fondness  for  being  found  on,  or  at  least  not 
very  strongly  against,  the  winning  side.15  His  posi- 
tion was  a  somewhat  difficult  one.  As  a  Mexican 
officer  his  duty  was  of  course  to  obey  and  support  his 
superior;  but  in  doing  so  he  would  be  obliged  not 
only  to  take  sides  against  his  friends  and  countrymen, 
and  to  defend  a  band  of  convicts  whose  presence  he 
deemed  a  curse  to  California,  but  also  to  pay  from 
his  own  pocket  the  whole  expenses  of  the  campaign; 
while  on  the  other  hand,  he  had  little  doubt  that, 
without  his  support,  Micheltorena  would  soon  be 
compelled  to  yield,  send  away  his  troops,  and  thus 
prevent  revolutionary  troubles  and  possible  bloodshed. 
His  decision  was  to  remain  neutral;  and  to  avoid  the 
obligation  of  obeying  the  general's  orders  to  send 
reinforcements,  though  it  nowhere  clearly  appears 
that  such  orders  were  ever  issued,  he  disbanded  the 
Sonoma  forces  November  28th,  on  the  plea  that  he 
could  no  longer  support  them  at  his  own  expense  as 
he  had  been  doing.  The  men  were  left  free  to  gain  a 
living  as  best  they  could,  and  doubtless  some  of  them 
joined  the  rebels.16 

14 Alvarado,  Carta  Relation,  MS.,  p.  108.  Nov.  20,  1844.  In  this  letter 
A.  states  that  J.  J.  Vallejo  would  join  the  rebels;  and  he  speaks  of  a 
correspondence  between  himself  and  Micheltorena,  in  which  M.  had  de- 
plored the  injurious  results  of  a  revolt,  admitted  the  justice  of  complaints, 
and  promised  to  arrange  all  satisfactorily  as  soon  as  the  California  should 
arrive  with  orders  and  aid;  while  A.  had  replied  that  he  could  not  control 
the  movement,  which  resulted  wholly  from  the  conduct  of  the  cholos. 

15  No  date,  V.  to  A.,  with  blotter  of  14  points  on  which  information  is. 
required.     Must  have  the  minutest  particulars  to  guide  his  course,  which 
will  of  course  be  '  in  accordance  with  honor,  duty,  and  patriotism.',  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xiv.  21-2. 

16  Nov.  28th,  V.  to  gov.,  notifying  him  of  having  disbanded  the  troops,.. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    30 


436  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

Micheltorena,  marching  from  Monterey  on  the  22d 
with  150  men  and  two  or  three  pieces  of  artillery, 
encamped  four  or  five  days  later  at  the  Laguna  Seca, 
on  the  rancho  of  Juan  Al  vires,  ten  or  twelve  miles 
south-east  of  San  Jose.  The  rebel  forces,  220  strong, 
marched  down  from  Santa  Clara  to  meet  him,  encamp- 
ing in  the  hills  of  the  Santa  Teresa  rancho,  a  mile  or 
two  from  the  lake  and  the  general's  camp.  After 
two  or  three  days  of  manoeuvres  and  negotiations, 
a  treaty  was  concluded,  by  which  Micheltorena  agreed 
to  retire  to  the  capital  and  send  away  his  batallon, 
while  the  Californians  promised  to  retire  to  San  Jose' 
mission  and  wait  for  the  general  to  fulfil  his  agree- 
ment. Such  is  an  outline  of  the  campaign.  Most 
who  have  described  it  from  memory  add  but  little  of 
importance  in  the  way  of  detail;17  but  there  are  some 
contemporary  narratives  that  demand  attention. 

Micheltorena  himself,  in  a  report  to  the  government, 
described  the  campaign  as  follows:  "I  made  such  rapid 
marches  by  night  as  they  could  not  even  believe  pos- 

having  no  means  for  their  support.  Vcdlejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  111.  In  later 
communications,  bearing  no  date,  he  goes  more  fully  into  the  matter,  ex- 
plaining that  a  failure  of  crops  had  diminished  his  resources,  and  com- 
plaining that  Micheltorena  had  neglected  the  northern  frontier.  Id.,  xiv. 
30,  33.  In  his  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  410-11,  he  explains  his  motives,  add- 
ing to  those  I  have  mentioned  his  belief  that  M.  and  Castro  had  a  secret 
understanding,  and  his  unwillingness  to  take  part  in  any  such  farce  as  the 
(Campaign  was  likely  to  be.  C.  E.  Pickett,  in  Shuck's  Repres.  Men,  228-9, 
relates  that  V.  took  a  leading  part  in  planning  this  revolt,  but  that  later 
most  of  his  men  were  induced  to  join  Sutter's  force  in  aid  of  Micheltorena! 
17  Most  of  the  Californians  greatly  exaggerate  the  forces  on  both  sides,  490 
m.en  being  a  favorite  number  for  Micheltorena's  army.  All  agree  that  the 
weather  was  very  cold,  disagreeable,  and  rainy.  Several  speak  of  a  small 
,  detapnment  sent  out  by  the  rebels  in  advance  of  the  main  force  to  try  to  sur- 
prise the  foe.  Oslo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  444-7;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col., "MS.,  v. 
23-4;  Garcia,  Apuntes,  MS.,  5-6;  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  17-19;  Gei-man, 
Sucesos,  MS,,  3-5;  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  17-18;  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  41-2;  Ser- 
ranq,  Apuntes,  MS.,  93-5;  Castro,  Pel.,  MS.,  104-7;  Torre,  Re.min.,  MS.,  120. 
None  ojf  these  give  any  details  requiring  special  attention.  Rico,  Mem.  jffitt, , 
MS.,  7-11,  gives  more  particulars,  agreeing  in  substance  with  Alvarado's  nar- 
rative, to  be  noted  presently.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  420-1,  seems  to 
imply  that  Castro  simply  agreed  to  wait  until  Micheltorena  could  get  reen- 
forcements  from  Mexico,  thus  betraying  the  Californians.  Arnaz,  Recuerdo*, 
MS.,  67-8,  Pico.,  Acont.,  MS.,  58,  Amador,  Memorias,  MS.,  154-6,  and 
Botello,  Anale«,  MS.,  110-12,  state  more  or  less  clearly  that  M.  was  under- 
stood to  have  promised  merely  to  ask  from  Mexico  authority  to  send  his  men 
away.  Boronda,  Wotas,  MS.,  22,  claims  to  have  guided  the  general  back  to 
Monterey  by  a  shorter  "way  than  he  had  come. 


CAMPAIGN  OF  SANTA  TERESA.  437 

sible  for  infantry ;  but  without  a  conflict,  because  such 
is  the  masonry  of  every  Californian,  that  while  I  had 
not  a  single  notice  or  a  single  spy,  knowing  only  the 
ground  I  trod,  the  slightest  strategic  movement  of  my 
expedition  was  instantly  communicated  by  these  peo- 
ple, who  travel  on  their  horses  forty  or  fifty  leagues  a 
day  without  fatigue  and  as  a  pastime.  Finally  I  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  them  into  a  narrow  defile,  where,  as 
I  advanced  to  fight  them,  they  begged  that  I,  like  a 
father,  would  hear  their  complaints,  as  shown  in  the 
enclosed  documents.  It  would  have  been  a  work  of 
five  minutes  to  destroy  these  men  who  have  never 
heard  a  shot  nor  the  whizz  of  a  ball,  who  came  as  to  a 
Jiesta,  embarrassed  by  their  very  weapons,  bringing  with 
them  to  the  war  their  children  of  tender  age,  in  fact 
every  male ;  but  the  revolution  would  never  be  calmed, 
and  by  force  and  terror  it  would  be  necessary  to  put 
to  the  knife  or  to  shoot  half  the  department,  while  my 
small  number  of  valiant  men  would  inevitably  be  killed 
by  rifle-balls  in  the  unpeopled  camps  of  the  desert, 
without  seeing  a  single  foe,  or  having  anything  to  eat, 
because  they  carried  off  everything  before  them,  with- 
drawing every  kind  of  supplies,  in  imitation  of  what  I 
ordered  done  at  the  time  of  Commodore  Jones'  inva- 
sion. I  have  put  them  off  by  offering  to  send  away 
the  bad  men  for  good  reasons  within  three  months,  in 
order  to  gain  this  time,  during  which  I  await  the 
schooner  California."13  In  this  report  the  reader  will 
not  fail  to  note  a  slight  admixture  of  truth  with  a  large 
amount  of  the  senseless  gasconade  which  character- 
ized the  writer's  despatches  in  the  Jones  affair  of  1842. 
It  was  Micheltorena's  fate  to  make  an  ass  of  himself 
whenever  he  had  occasion  to  write  for  the  eyes  of  the 
Mexican  government. 

The  best  narrative  extant  of  this  campaign  is  that 
written  by  Alvarado  to  Vallejo  at  the  time.  On 
November  27th  or  28th,  the  rebels  received  a  mes- 
sage from  Micheltorena,  in  reply  to  a  request  to  sus- 

18  Dec.  12,  1844,  M.  to  chief  of  staff.  Castaiiares,  Col.  Doc.,  59-60. 


438  REVOLUTION  AGAIXST  MICKELTORENA. 

pend  his  inarch  with  a  view  of  allaying  the  popular 
excitement,  that  they  must  lay  down  their  arms  and 
submit  to  his  clemency,  or  he  would  destroy  all  before 
him  without  quarter.  On  the  night  of  the  28th,  they 
resolved  to  attack  the  general  at  Alvirez's  rancho, 
marching  out  of  Santa  Clara,  two  companies  of  rifle- 
men and  musketeers  of  forty  and  sixty  men  respect- 
ively in  advance,  with  120  under  Castro  and  Alvarado 
in  the  rear.  They  hoped  to  capture  the  foe  by  sur- 
prise, and  favored  by  the  darkness  and  rain,  approached 
within  200  yards;  but  a  gun  was  accidentally  dis- 
charged, and  they  had  to  retire  to  a  wood  for  protec- 
tion from  artillery.  On  the  29th,  Micheltorena  askecj 
for  a  conference,  and  Francisco  Sanchez  and  Manuel 
Castro  were  sent  as  commissioners  to  a  point  midway 
between  the  two  camps,  authorized  to  treat  on  the 
basis  of  recognizing  Micheltorena,  if  he  would  disor- 
ganize the  batallon,  sending  away  the  worst  men  and 
scattering  the  rest.  Nothing  was  effected;  but  the 
general  desired  a  postponement  of  hostilities  until  the 
next  day,  which  was  granted.  On  the  30th,  Michel- 
torena solicited  a  personal  interview  with  Alvarado, 
at  which  he  sought  a  delay  of  three  months  in  which 
to  send  away  his  soldiers,  and  also  permission  to  estab- 
lish his  camp  at  Santa  Clara  for  further  negotiations; 
but  being  refused,  he  threatened  an  attack  for  the 
next  morning.  Instead  of  an  assault,  however,  on 
December  1st  there  was  another  conference  with  Al- 
varado, and  the  general  finally  gave  his  word  of  honor 
to  accede  to  the  wishes  of  the  Californiaris.  During 
the  night  articles  were  drawn  up,  and  when  the  gen- 
eral showed  some  further  hesitation,  he  was  threat- 
ened with  an  attack  within  an  hour;  and  accordingly, 
after  a  personal  interview  with  Castro,  he  signed  the 
treaty,  and  soon  started  for  Monterey  in  the  rain, 
much  to  the  disgust  of  some  of  his  officers  and  men.19 

J9Alrarado,  Carta  Relation;  Campana  de  Lagnna  Sera,  1844,  MS.  The 
•writer  represents  the  treaty  as  having  been  signed  on  Dec.  2d,  but  the  docu- 
ment a3  preserved  in  copies  bears  date  of  Dec.  1  st,  as  we  shall  see.  One  other 
version  of  the  campaign,  presumably  that  of  Chas  M.  Weber,  as  given  in  S. 


TREATY  OF  LAGUNA  SECA.  4G9 

That  Micheltorena  signed  a  treaty  at  the  Laguna 
binding  himself  within  a  certain  time  to  dismiss  from 
the  service  or  send  away  to  Mexico  the  soldiers  of 
the  batallon  fijo,  with  some  of  the  more  vicious  officers, 
there  can  be  no  doubt;  indeed,  he  admitted  as  much  in 
his  report  to  Mexico,  and  never  denied  it  subsequently 
so  far  as  I  know.  The  original  of  the  treaty  is  not 
extant;  but  I  have  copies,  the  genuineness  of  which 
there  is  no  reason  to  call  in  question.  At  first  the 
period  within  which  the  men  were  to  be  sent  away 
was  fixed  at  two  months;  but  the  general  insisted  on 
changing  it  to  three,  and  also  on  the  condition  that 


Joaquin  Co.  Hist.,  18-19,  and  Tinkham's  Hist.  Stockton,  87-8,  deserves  notice 
here.  I  quote  from  Tinkham:  'Gen.  Micheltorena  took  the  field  to  quell  the 
insurgents,  and  marched  to  within  12  miles  of  S.  Jos<§,  where  he  was  met  by 
an  armed  force  under  Capt.  Weber,  Castro's  army  having  fled  from  S.  Jose1, 
leaving  the  inhabitants  to  the  tender  mercies  of  an  army  recruited  from  the 
Mexican  prisons — a  band  of  desperate  convicts,  who  would  plunder  and  ran- 
sack the  town  if  they  were  once  allowed  to  enter.  Weber  knew  this,  and 
having  a  large  stock  of  goods  on  hand,  he  was  naturally  anxious  to  protect 
his  property,  and  prompt  action  alone  was  demanded.  Depending  on  his 
friendship  with  Micheltorona,  and  resorting  again  to  peace  measures,  he  sent 
a  note  to  that  general,  informing  him  that  Castro  had  fled,  and  requesting 
him  to  march  around  the  town.  War  knows  no  friends,  and  Micheltorena 
informed  Weber  that  he  must  march  through  the  town  in  pursuit  of  Castro. 
This  meant  destruction  of  property  if  not  of  life,  and  Capt.  Weber  deter- 
mined to  resist.  Hastily  summoning  the  men  of  S.  Jose",  he  told  them  of  the 
condition  of  affairs,  and  that  by  organizing,  the  progress  of  the  pursuing 
army  could  be  checked.  A  company  was  formed,  Weber  was  placed  in  com- 
mand, and  they  set  out  to  meet  the  enemy.  Sending  a  messenger  to  Michel- 
torena, he  informed  him  what  he  had  done,  telling  him  he  was  acting  only 
in  defence  of  his  property.  When  Weber  met  Micheltorena  he  relied  upon 
strategy  to  accomplish  his  purpose.  To  do  this  he  commanded  his  men  to 
appear  on  the  surrounding  hills,  and  by  riding  quickly  from  one  point  to 
another  give  the  appearance  of  a  large  army.  When  the  scouts  of  the  enemy 
appeared  Weber's  force  drove  them  back.  These  manoeuvres  lasted  for  sev- 
eral days,  until  Castro,  hearing  of  the  brave  stand  of  this  handful  of  men, 
became  ashamed  of  his  cowardice  and  reenforced  Weber's  men.  Michel- 
torena, finding  that  he  then  had  a  large  force  to  encounter,  made  peace  and 
agreed  to  leave  the  valley.' 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Weber  took  a  prominent  part  among  the  foreigners 
of  S.  Jose",  who  were  induced  by  the  solicitations  of  A.  M.  Pico  and  other 
Californians  to  support  their  cause,  that  he  commanded  one  of  the  compa- 
nies that  marched  to  Sta  Teresa,  and  that  the  presence  of  his  men  had  a 
wholesome  effect  in  deterring  Micheltorena  from  a  conflict — if  indeed  he  ever 
thought  of  fighting.  As  for  the  rest,  however,  it  is  wise  to  conclude,  in  the 
absence  of  corroborating  evidence,  that  Weber,  in  claiming  for  himself  such 
exclusive  credit  for  having  checked  the  general  and  saved  S.  Jose1,  drew  very 
largely  on  his  imagination  for  facts,  and  counted  overmuch  on  the  credulity 
or  ignorance  of  his  hearers. 


470  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTOREXA. 

citizens  must  by  contributions  aid  him  to  carry  out 
the  terms  of  the  treaty.20 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  secret  purpose  and 
ambition  of  the  Californian  leaders,  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  their  actions  had  been  entirely  consistent 
with  their  avowed  object,  that  of  driving  away  the 
cholo  soldiers;  and  had  afforded  no  indication  of  any 
ulterior  design  against  Micheltorena.  I  know  of  no 
good  reason  to  suspect  that  they  had  any  intention 
of  deposing  the  governor  if  he  should  keep  his  agree- 
ment, or  of  violating  their  own  obligations  under  the 
treaty  of  Santa  Teresa.  Had  Micheltorena  kept  his 
promise,  Alvarado's  chances  of  regaining  control  of 
the  government  would  have  been  slight  indeed;  and 
his  ambitious  hopes,  if  he  had  such  hopes,  rested  on 
a  very  different  foundation.  In  his  letter  of  Decem- 
ber 10th,  already  cited,  he  expressed  his  belief  and 
that  of  his  companions  that  Micheltorena  had  signed 
the  treaty  only  as  an  expedient  to  gain  time  and  es- 


20  Dec.  1,  1844,  treaty  of  the  Campo  de  Sta  Teresa,  or  Rancho  de  Alvires, 
or  Laguna  Seca.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  39-41;  and  (without  date)  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  v.  101-2;  also,  as  sent  to  Mexico  and  printed  in  Micheltorena,  Expv- 
diente,  no.  2.  Art.  1.  Batallon  to  be  sent  away  in  two  months.  2.  The  'di- 
vision del  norte '  to  retire  to  S.  Jose"  mission,  and  the  general's  force  to  Mon- 
terey. 3.  Entire  amnesty  for  all  who  had  taken  part  in  the  movement.  4. 
The  resources  of  Mission  S.  Jose1  to  be  used  for  the  support  of  the  force  quar- 
tered there.  5.  The  said  force  to  be  at  the  disposition  of  the  govt  as  soon  as 
art.  1  shall  be  fulfilled.  6.  Horses  of  that  force  to  be  returned  to  private 
owners  immediately  after  arrival  at  S.  Jose".  7.  Expenses  incurred  by  that 
force  or  parties  belonging  to  it  to  be  paid  from  the  public  treasury  after  ap- 
proval of  each  claim  by  the  subscribers.  8.  To  the  fulfilment  of  these  articles 
his  Excellency  pledges  his  word  of  honor,  signing  with  two  of  his  chiefs. 
Signed,  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  Jose"  Castro.  Subscribed  to  on  condition  (9)  that 
the  term  named  in  art.  1  be  3  instead  of  2  months;  and  (10)  that  citizens  in 
easy  circumstances  shall  contribute  in  cattle  or  produce  a  sufficient  amount  to 
enable  the  govt  to  comply  with  this  agreement,  Manuel  Micheltorena,  Felix 
Vald^s,  Luis  G.  Maciel. 

The  campaign  and  treaty  of  Sta  Teresa  are  mentioned  in  Larkin's  letter  of 
March  22,  1845.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  35;  and  also  in  various  news- 
paper communications — perhaps  from  Larkin  also — republished  in  Niles1  Reg. , 
Ix  viii.  211, 235-6;  Ixix.  203.  It  should  be  noted  that  Juan  Alvirez  was  ruined 
by  Michel torena's  encampment  at  his  place.  In  1845  the  raucho  by  a  decision 
of  the  supreme  court  was  ordered  sold  to  pay  his  debt.  A  petition  signed  by 
Alvarado  and  Castro  stated  the  cause  of  the  trouble  to  be  M.'s  failure  to  pay 
as  he  had  promised,  with  a  view  to  some  relief,  but  with  results  not  recorded. 
Uept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  125-6. 


MEDITATED  TREACHERY.  471 

cape  from  the  superior  forces  that  opposed  him,  not 
intending  to  keep  his  faith,  but  to  continue  the  strug- 
gle. The  pronunciados  had  for  the  most  part  returned 
to  their  homes,  leaving  Castro  with  fifty  men  at  San 
Josd,  poorly  armed,  destitute,  and  constantly  in  fear 
of  an  attack  from  the  general's  forces.  Confident  that 
the  war  had  only  just  begun,  Alvarado  was  naturally 
more  anxious  than  ever  to  secure  the  support  of  Va- 
llejo.  That  his  apprehensions,  or  hopes  if  the  term 
be  preferred,  were  well  founded  will  presently  appear.21 
In  a  proclamation  of  December  16th,  Michel torena 
announced  to  the  people  that  the  cloud  of  civil  war 
threatening  such  dire  results  had  passed  away,  because 
he,  "preferring  the  voice  of  humanity  to  the  horrible 
roar  of  cannon,"  had  flown  to  the  front,  not  as  a  ty- 
rant, but  as  a  friend  to  those  who  led  the  movement. 
He  had  listened  to  their  complaints,  recognized  the 
justice  of  some,  and  had  not  hesitated  to  promise 
relief;  so  that  the  citizens  had  retired  to  the  bosom  of 
their  families,  and  peace  was  restored.  "This  frank- 
ness will  always  be  the  guiding-star  of  my  proceed- 
ings," wrote  the  general.22  Yet  he  had  sent  orders  to 
Andres  Pico  in  the  south  to  arm  the  militia  in  defence 
of  the  government;23  and  he  had  sent  Colonel  Tellez 
and  Captain  Mejia  to  Mexico  for  aid.  In  his  report 
of  December  12th  sent  with  these  officers  by  the 
Savannah,  a  document  which  I  have  had  occasion  to 
quote  several  times  before,  he  says  plainly  and  with- 

21  In  the  letter  cited  Alvarado  writes,  'If  the  plan  had  been  to  destroy  the 
general  with  all  his  expedition,  it  could  have  been  done  in  five  minutes;  but 
as  it  was  merely  to  get  rid  of  his  batallon  and  preserve  his  govt,  nothing 
could  be  done'  but  assent  to  the  treaty.     Alvarado  had  been  dangerously  ill 
at  S.  Jose1  for  several  days  after  the  treaty. 

22  Dec.  16,  1844,  M.'s  proclamation.  Earliest  Print.;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS., 
27-9;    Vcdlcjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.   128;  Micheltorena,  Expediente,  no.   3.     Dec. 
18th,  M.  sends  some  copies  of  the  proclamation  to  Jos6  Castro,  stating  also 
that  he  has  sent  Tellez  to  Mazatlan  to  get  permission  to  send  away  the 
batallon.     Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,   i.    42-3.     On  Dec.  7th,  he  had  written  to 
Covarrubias  in  the  south,  that  he  had  quelled  the  revolt  by  gentle  means,  and 
was  confident  of  saving  the  ship  from  the  storm.     'Andr6s  Pico  must  not  for- 
get my  orders.'   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  114. 

23  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  xii.    104-5;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v. 
243-4. 


472  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

out  any  manifestation  of  shame:  "I  have  put  them 
off  by  promising  to  send  away  the  malos  within  three 
months  in  order  to  gain  that  time  during  which  I 
expect  the  schooner, .  .  .  remaining,  I  and  my  compan- 
ions, with  arms  in  our  hands  constantly  and  every 
night  with  kindled  match;  for  the  foe  is  cowardly, 
numerous,  muy  de  d  caballo,  moving  incredible  dis- 
tances from  hour  to  hour,  and  therefore  incapable  of 
good  faith,  unworthy  of  confidence,  and  only  capable 
of  a  surprise  or  golpe  de  mano"!  He  goes  on  to  urge, 
it  is  true,  that  an  order  be  issued  for  him  to  retire 
with  his  officers  and  men,  "each  one  worthy  of  a 
statue,"  not  because  he  had  pledged  his  word,  but 
because  he  had  little  hope  for  the  sending  of  an  army 
1,500  or  2,000  strong  to  save  the  country.24 

The  general  made  no  preparations  whatever  to 
comply  with  the  treaty,  but  did  all  that  he  could  to 
prepare  for  another  resort  to  force.  If  he  ever  had 
any  intention  of  keeping  his  promise,  it  soon  yielded 
to  the  railleries  of  Tellez,  who  had  not  taken  part  in 
the  campaign,25  and  to  the  reviving  hope  of  success 
through  the  aid  of  foreigners.  I  have  no  doubt  that 
his  treachery  was  largely  due  to  the  promises  and 
solicitations  of  Sutter  and  Graham;  but  on  foreign 
interference  I  shall  have  more  to  say  presently.  As 
I  have  before  remarked,  there  was  no  reason  to  sus- 
pect that  the  Californians  were  not  acting  in  good 
faith.  Their  force  had  been  for  the  most  part  dis- 
persed; and  they  returned  the  horses  to  their  owners 
as  promised.26  The  article  calling  for  contributions 

**  Castaftares,  Col.  Doc.,  59-60.  The  writer  hoped  to  get  a  reply  from 
Mexico  early  in  March. 

25Osio,  Jlist.  Cat.,  MS.,  448,  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  41,  and  others  state  that 
Tellez  was  selected  for  the  mission  to  Mexico  chiefly  because  M.  could  no 
longer  endure  his  reproaches  for  the  cowardice  displayed  in  the  Sta  Teresa 
campaign.  Nearly  all  the  California!!  witnesses  whom  I  have  cited  in  this 
chapter  speak  in  general  terms  of  M.'s  failure  to  do  as  he  had  agreed;  and  I 
need  not  repeat  the  list  of  references. 

26  Dec.  12th,  Castro,  writing  to  Micheltorena  on  this  subject,  seems  to 
complain  that  the  general's  officers  were  attempting  to  utilize  the  returned 
horses  for  themselves !  Vallfjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  118.  Others  say  that  an  at- 
tempt was  made  to  drill  the  batallon  in  cavalry  tactics.  M.  never  accused 
the  Californians  of  breaking  the  compact  except  by  failing  to  return  some  of 
the  property,  evidently  but  a  pretext,  even  if  partly  true.  / 


PREPARATIONS.  473 

from  citizens  afforded  an  excellent  basis  for  a  disa- 
greement; but  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  called 
for  any  such  contributions,  or  complained  that  they 
were  not  paid.  Without  troubling  himself  to  justify 
his  actions,  he  went  calmly  ahead  with  his  prepara- 
tions, and  awaited  the  organization  of  the  foreign 
reinforcements,  just  as  if  the  breaking  of  a  solemn 
pledge  was  an  ordinary  method  of  gaining  an  advan- 
tage over  his  opponents.  Larkin  wrote  of  both  par- 
ties producing  different  treaties,  each  denying  the 
genuineness  of  that  shown  by  the  other;27  but  there 
is  nothing  to  confirm  that  statement,  to  say  nothing 
of  its  inherent  improbability.  Meanwhile  the  Cali- 
fornians  throughout  December  did  nothing  but  await 
developments,  their  leaders  protesting  against  the 
general's  policy,  and  Vallejo  using  all  his  influence  to 
induce  Micheltorena  to  keep  his  promise  and  to  pre- 
vent the  foreigners  from  interfering.  Both  Michel- 
torena's  treachery  and  the  policy  of  the  foreigners 
strengthened  in  one  sense  the  spirit  of  revolt,  and 
created  a  personal  opposition  to  the  governor,  that 
had  not  before  existed;  but  the  rebels  were  at  the 
same  time  terrified,  and  became  timid  about  engaging 
personally  in  such  an  unequal  struggle.  At  no  time 
in  December  did  their  military  strength  equal  that 
which  they  had  organized  in  November;  and  besides, 
they  had  lost  for  the  most  part  the  support  of  Web- 
er's rifle  company  at  San  Jose.23 

"Larkin's  Of.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  35. 

28  Dec.  11,  1844,  Padre  Mercado  ordered  to  quit  the  north  for  seditious 
conduct  by  Castro.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  117.  Dec.  12th,  Castro  to  gov., 
assuring  him  of  the  good  faith  and  friendship  of  himself  and  party.  Entrcata 
him  not  to  resort  again  to  force.  Id.,  xii.  118.  Dec.  13th,  C.  to  Alvarado. 
Reports  that  Tellez  will  come  to  attack  them.  Danger  imminent.  A.  must 
come  at  once.  Money  must  be  obtained  from  Rae.  He,  C.,  has  already 
pledged  all  his  property.  Horses  must  be  had  from  S.  Rafael.  Victor  Castro 
seems  well  disposed.  Montenegro  has  not  come.  If  A.  goes  to  S.  Francisco 
he  must  try  to  get  arms  and  ammunition  secretly.  Id.,  xii.  120.  Dec.  13th, 
Vallejo  to  Sutter,  explaining  that  by  the  late  treaty  all  had  been  satisfac- 
torily settled,  since  the  'praetorian  guard'  of  criminals  was  to  be  sent  away, 
and  there  was  no  opposition  to  Micheltorena.  There  was  no  ground  what- 
ever to  fear  any  further  plots  against  the  govt.  Id.,  xii.  119.  Dec.  14th, 
Osio  to  V.  Appearances  indicate  that  M.  will  violate  his  pledge,  though  he 
has  always  been  regarded  as  a  man  of  honor.  Id.,  xii.  121.  Dec.  19th,  samo 


474  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

There  are  two  communications  of  Micheltorena 
written  in  December,  which  I  give  in  a  note  as  the 
best  possible  source  of  information  respecting  his  pol- 
icy as  declared  by  himself  at  the  time.  The  first  was 
addressed  to  Sutter  on  the  23d.  It  showed  a  perfect 
understanding  with  that  officer,  and  contained  instruc- 
tions for  military  movements  in  the  near  future.  It 
also  contained  a  brief  defence  of  the  governor's  pro- 
posed treachery,  in  the  form  of  a  claim,  doubtless  false, 
that  he  had  seen  a  plan  against  the  government,  Mex- 
icans, and  foreigners,  of  later  date  than  the  treaty  of 
Santa  Teresa.  The  second  letter  was  addressed  to 
Castro  on  the  29th,  in  reply  to  that  officer's  protest  of 
the  27th  against  his  apparent  intention  to  renew  hos- 
tilities. It  was  for  the  most  part  a  vague  and  evasive 
plea,  the  only  definite  statement  being  the  false  one 
that  no  orders  had  been  given  to  Sutter.  Not  a  word 
to  Castro  of  new  plans  or  of  bad  faith  on  the  part  of 
the  rebels.29 

to  same.  The  general  sent  commissioners  to  Mexico,  but  does  not  seem  dis- 
posed to  attack  Castro  at  S.  Jose".  Id.,  xii.  125.  Dec.  20th,  gov.  to  Abrego, 
$>r>,887  to  be  placed  to  the  credit  of  Vallejo  for  supplies  furnished.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  134.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  435,  says  he  went 
to  S.  Pablo  to  consult  with  Alvarado  and  Castro,  and  in  consequence  of  the 
general's  treachery  at  one  time  offered  to  join  them  if  they  would  give  him 
exclusive  command  and  limit  the  war  to  the  expulsion  of  the  batallon — which 
Castro  refused. 

29  Dec.  23d,  Micheltorena  to  Sutter.  '  I  have  received  the  letters  of  your- 
self, of  Pablo,  and  of  Juan.  I  entirely  approve  what  is  said  in  that  of  the  last. 
What  you  may  do,  I  approve;  what  you  promise,  I  will  fulfil;  what  you  spend, 
I  will  pay.  They  showed  me  a  plan  of  two  articles  '  (treaty  of  Sta  Teresa), 
'  promising  to  sustain  me,  and  asking  the  punishment  of  the  bad  men.  This 
was  just,  and  I  granted  it.  Afterward  I  have  seen  a  real  (verdadero)  plan 
against  the  government,  against  every  Mexican  and  foreigner.  To  a  brave 
man  like  you  orders  are  not  given.  To  act  is  to  conquer.  The  cursed 
schooner '  (the  California,  expected  from  Mexican  ports),  '  which  I  cannot 
lose  with  swords  and  money  and  saddles,  and  the  arms  and  powder  here  de- 
tain me;  but  if  the  former  arrives,  I  will  go  with  more  forces  to  meet  and  aid 
you.  No  attention  is  to  be  paid  to  papers  or  statements  of  anybody.  The 
country  claims  our  services;  our  personal  security  demands  them;  and  the 
government  will  know  how  to  compensate  all  for  them.  I  approve  entirely 
your  second  letter  brought  by  Juan  Moreno.  God  and  Liberty.  Monterey, 
Dec.  23,  1844.  Manuel  Micheltorena.  If  you  have  not  started  for  any  reason, 
without  need  of  new  orders  on  learning  that  I  move  from  Monterey  to  San 
Juan,  you  will  march  immediately,  and  I  will  calculate  the  time  to  act  upon 
them  (rubric).  D.Juan  A.  Suter,  SenorCapitan.'  In  Micheltorena,  Expedient?, 
DO.  4. 

Dec.  29th,  M.  to  Castro.  'Convulsions  which  disturb  the  public  order  can 
produce  nothing  but  disorder.  The  springs  of  society  being  broken,  each  one 


FEELING  IN  THE  SOUTH.  475 

In  the  south  little  occurred  in  connection  with  the 
revolution  before  the  end  of  1844,  and  of  that  little 
still  less  is  known.  The  northern  leaders  doubtless 
had  an  understanding,  and  kept  up  a  correspondence 
with  certain  individuals  at  Santa  Barbara  and  Los 
Angeles;  but  none  of  the  communications  have  been 
brought  to  light  by  my  researches.  At  Angeles, 
when  news  of  the  rising  came  in  a  letter  addressed  to 
J.  M.  Villavicencio,  an  ayuntamiento  meeting  was 
held  November  29th,  and  after  a  most  patriotic  speech 
from  Juan  Bandini,  it  was  resolved  to  invite  the  junta 
departamental  to  meet  and  take  the  necessary  steps 
for  the  preservation  of  order.  But  the  members  of 
the  junta  declined  to  accept  the  invitation,  on  the 
ground  that  only  the  governor  had  power  to  convoke 
that  body.30  Early  in  December  there  came  orders 
from  Micheltorena  to  Andres  Pico,  that  he,  acting 
with  Pio  Pico  and  Jose  A.  Carrillo,  should  organize 
and  call  into  service  the  militia,  in  accordance  with 
the  regulations  of  July.  The  people  assembled  the 
14th  at  the  alcalde's  summons,  and  declared  their 
fidelity  to  Mexico;  but  protested,  through  six  repre- 
sentatives, chosen  to  consult  with  the  military  author- 
ities, against  being  called  into  service  when  so  far  as 
was  known  there  was  no  danger  of  foreign  invasion.31 
Evidently  they  had  no  relish  for  a  campaign  against 
Californians  in  the  north  without  prospective  pay. 

seems  to  think  and  act  as  he  deems  best.  I  have  said,  and  I  repeat,  that  if 
judgment  is  used,  I  consider  myself  capable  of  saving  the  department  in  its 
crisis  by  gentle  and  politic  means;  but  if  no  judgment  is  shown,  and  other 
methods  are  followed,  I  shall  also  know  how  to  conduct  myself  energetically. 
The  southern  forces  would  be  here  already  if  I  had  not  directed  them  to  await 
my  orders;  and  Sutter  has  received  no  orders  to  move  or  not  to  do  so.  If  he 
marches,  it  is  in  consequence  of  your  revolution.  Just  as  you  instigate  some 
citizens  to  revolt  against  the  legitimate  authority,  so  others  have  moved  in 
its  defence;  and  the  fault  will  always  be  on  the  side  of  the  rebels.  I  have 
persecuted  nobody;  those  who  are  at  home  live  in  tranquillity.  Neither  as 
governor  nor  as  individual  have  I  failed  either  in  friendship  or  duty;  and  if 
there  is  anything  to  accuse  me  of,  it  is  only  an  excess  of  leniency,  considera- 
tion, and  love  for  the  people.  God  and  Liberty !'  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  57-8; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  103. 

80 Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  237-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  viii.  34-0. 

31  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  41-3;  Id.,  v.  102-3;  Id.,  Any.,  xi.  134;  xii. 
104-5;  Los  Angeles,  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  243-4. 


476  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

Only  half  a  dozen  could  be  induced  to  sign  the  rolls; 
and  Andres  Pico  is  said  to  have  had  some  difficulty 
in  defending  these  from  a  mob.32  Farther  north,  at 
Santa  Barbara,  on  November  28th,  Jose  Ramon  Car- 
rillo  and  Jose  Lugo  with  six  companions  pronounced 
in  favor  of  the  northern  movement,  and  arrested  the 
alcaldes.  Next  day  they  repented,  asked  pardon,  and 
were  themselves  locked  up.  All  were  pardoned  by 
Micheltorena,  who  also  thanked  the  alcaldes  for  their 
patriotic  conduct.83 

There  was  no  good  reason  why  the  foreign  resi- 
dents should  take  part  on  either  side  in  the  revolution 
of  1844-5.  In  theory,  as  good  citizens,  they  should 
have  given  their  moral  support  to  the  legitimate  ruler 
had  his  authority  been  threatened,  while  their  sym- 
pathy was  also  due  to  the  Californians  in  their  justi- 
fiable efforts  to  get  rid  of  the  convict  army;  but, 
excepting  some  old  residents  married  to  natives,  they 
were  not  influenced  by  either  motive.  The  movement 
was  not  in  any  sense  one  against  the  foreigners,  nor 
were  the  interests  of  the  latter  in  any  way  threatened 
by  its  success,  even  if  it  was,  as  some  suspected,  a  plot 
to  depose  the  governor  in  favor  of  Alvarado  and 
Castro.  Micheltorena's  policy  had  been  very  favor- 
able to  foreign  settlers,  and  so  had  that  of  Alvarado 
before  him.  Both,  while  entertaining,  professedly  at 
least,  a  patriotic  horror  of  foreign  political  encroach- 
ment, favored  the  coming  of  all  who  were  willing  to 
become  Mexican  citizens  and  obey  the  laws.  The 
only  difference  was  that  Micheltorena  had  had  more 
applications  for  land  grants  and  passports  than  Alva- 
rado, and  had  been  less  careful  to  insist  on  full  com- 
pliance with  legal  formalities.  There  was  no  ground 

82  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  55,  says  the  people  resisted  in  arms  under 
the  leadership  of  Hilario  Varela;  and  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  104-5,  tells  us 
that  his  brother  had  to  train  a  cannon  on  the  crowd. 

33  Dec.  13,  1844,  Castro  to  Alvarado,  enclosing  copies  of  gov.'s  letters  of 
Dec.  7th  to  Covarrubias,  Carlos  Carrillo,  and  the  alcaldes.  Vcdlfjo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xii.  114. 


FOREIGN  INTERVENTION.  477 

for  fear — nor  indeed  was  there  any  fear  on  the  part  of 
leading  foreigners,  though  Sutter,  Bidwell,  and  others 
have  implied  that  such  was  the  case — that  the  success 
of  the  Californians  would  result  in  oppression  of  immi- 
grants.34 Yet  most  foreigners  in  the  north  supported 
Micheltorena;  and  it  is  necessary  to  explain  their 
motives,  which,  though  many  and  varying  with  dif- 
ferent individuals,  are  by  no  means  involved  in  mys- 
tery. 

John  A.  Sutter  acted  in  this  matter  of  course,  as  in 
all  others,  solely  for  his  own  interests.  Both  Michel- 
torena and  Alvarado  had  been  his  friends,  his  obliga- 
tions to  the  latter  being  much  greater  than  to  the 
former;  but  he  thought  little  of  these  things,  and  did 
not  even  act  on  the  theory  that  Micheltorena  was  a 
ruler  more  easily  managed  than  the  other.  He  went 
directly  to  the  governor,  warned  him  that  trouble  was 
brewing,  and  made  a  contract  to  aid  him  with  all  the 
force  at  his  command,  in  consideration  of  having  all 
his  expenses  paid,  and  of  receiving  a  large  grant  of 
land  in  addition  to  that  already  obtained  from  Alva- 
rado. It  has  been  suspected  by  the  Californians  that 
a  much  greater  recompense  was  promised  before  the 
revolution  was  ended,  perhaps  including  means  to  pay 
the  Russian  debt;  but  there  are  no  proofs  that  such 
was  the  case.  Sutter  pretended  at  the  time,  in  his 
correspondence  with  Vallejo  and  others,  to  be  acting 
from  a  patriotic  desire  to  support  the  legitimate  gov- 
ernment against  the  ambitious  plots  of  Alvarado  ana 
Castro.  A  little  later,  when  defeat  had  endangered 
his  personal  prospects,  he  set  up  the  plea. that  he  had 
as  a  military  officer  merely  obeyed  the  orders  of  his 

34  The  idea  has  also  been  more  or  less  current  that  the  movement  against 
Micheltorena  was  favorable  to  the  success  of  English  over  American  schemes; 
but  though  Forbes  and  Rae  seem  to  have  given  it  some  encouragement,  yet  it 
will  be  remembered  that  Hartnell  represented  M.  as  not  only  favorable  to  but 
desirous  of  having  a  personal  interest  in  the  English  project.  No  theory  but 
had  its  advocates.  Rivera,  Hist.  Jalapa,  iii.  697,  tells  us  that  M.  was  ousted 
by  a  party  favoring  annexation  to  the  U.  S. !;  and  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Col.,  MS., 
103-4,  found  some  reason  to  suspect  that  the  gov.  had  a  project  of  unit- 
ing with  Sutter  to  declare  independence  ! 


478  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

superior.  In  later  years  he  was  anxious  to  be  re- 
garded as  having  been  in  this  affair  the  champion  of 
American  interests,  but  he  has  also  admitted  the  real 
motives  of  his  action,35  which  without  his  confession 
were  indeed  apparent  enough. 

Isaac  Graham's  motive  was  to  avenge  what  he  chose 
to  regard  as  his  wrongs  at  the  hands  of  Alvarado  and 
Castro  in  1840,  wrongs  for  which,  largely  through  the 
influence  of  Californians,  he  had  not  been  able  to  get 
the  damages  he  had  claimed.  Some  of  Graham's  old- 
time  companions  in  exile  acted  from  the  same  motives, 
and  they  controlled  others  by  their  personal  influence. 
Sutter  also  controlled  some  in  the  same  way;  but  he 
had  a  much  more  powerful  lever.  Not  only  did  he 
insist  on  a  land  grant  for  himself,  but  he  obtained  a 
document  which  authorized  him  practically  to  grant 
lands  to  settlers  in  the  Sacramento  Valley,  which  of 
course  put  the  settlers  largely  in  his  power.  There 
were  many  new-comers  who  had  never  come  in  contact 
with  Californians  or  Mexicans,  knew  nothing  of  the 
true  state  of  affairs,  and  were  ready  to  believe  any 
kind  of  a  story  Sutter  chose  to  tell.  Yet  another 
class,  which  furnished  many  men  for  active  service, 
was  that  of  Americans  who  shared  the  views  of  Has- 
tings and  Graham,  believed  in  annexation  by  Texan 
methods,  were  anxious  to  have  a  part  in  any  civil  dis- 
sensions that  might  occur,  and  did  not  care  in  the  least 
on  which  side  they  fought  so  long  as  it  was  against 
Mexicans  or  Californians. 

At  Monterey  Larkin,  and  some  others  of  the  mer- 
chants probably,  had  a  business  interest  in  Michelto- 
rena's  success.  Other  foreign  residents  were  person- 
ally well  disposed  toward  the  governor,  whose  liberal 
commercial  policy  pleased  them;  but  at  the  same  time 
they  recognized  the  justice  of  the  popular  clamor 
against  the  convicts.  There  was  therefore  a  difference 
of  opinion,  resulting  in  a  kind  of  tacit  agreement  to 

85 gutter's  Pera.  Remin.,  MS.,  78-88.  He  admits  that  the  contract  was 
made  in  Monterey  before  the  revolt  broke  out. 


SUTTER'S  ACTS  AND  POLICY.  479 

remain  neutral,  with,  as  I  suppose,  a  promise  on  the 
part  of  Larkin  and  others  that  during  Micheltorena's 
absence  the  capital  should  not  be  allowed  to  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  rebels.  Undoubtedly,  in  addition  to 
the  classes  of  foreigners  I  have  mentioned,  there  were 
many  whose  sympathy  was  on  the  side  of  the  Califor- 
nians;  but  to  them  it  seemed  important  above  all  else 
that  the  foreigners  should  not  quarrel  among  them- 
selves, and  they  therefore  wisely  remained  inactive, 
or  limited  their  efforts  to  opposing  Sutter's  plans  and 
persuading  their  friends  not  to  meddle  in  quarrels  that 
did  not  concern  them.  A  few  seem  to  have  joined 
Sutter's  force  with  the  deliberate  intention  of  disor- 
ganizing it,  and  in  this  way  did  some  excellent  service 
for  their  adopted  country.  Having  thus  explained 
the  motives  by  which  the  foreigners  were  influenced, 
I  proceed  to  present  a  brief  narrative  of  preparations 
before  the  end  of  the  year,  on  which  available  informa- 
tion consists  mainly  of  correspondence  bearing  on  Sut- 
ter's movements  and  designs. 

The  militia  organization  ordered  in  the  summer  to  re- 
pel American  invasion  included  a  company  at  New  Hel- 
vetia under  Sutter  as  captain,  who  soon  notified  the 
governor  that  the  force  was  ready  to  defend  la  patria™ 
In  October  Sutter  and  Bidwell  went  down  to  Mon- 
terey. At  San  Jose  on  the  way  they  learned  from 
Forbes  and  others  that  a  revolt  was  being  planned, 
and  they  warned  the  governor  of  the  danger  on  arrival 
at  the  capital.  Then  the  contract  was  made,  Sutter 
promising  to  render  assistance  whenever  called  upon. 
He  returned  home  by  water  by  San  Francisco,37  and 
at  once  began  his  preparations  for  a  campaign.  Bid- 

86  July  23, 1844,  S.  to  gov.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  84-5.     He  says  Sin- 
clair and  Rufus  are  his  officers.     The  artillery  only  requires  practice.     Many 
men  besides  those  enrolled  will  serve;  and  he  has  40  Indians  who  shoot  as 
well  as  anybody.     If  muskets  are  sent,  he  will  organize  a  company  of  Indian 
grenadiers. 

87  Sutter's  Pers.  Remin.,  MS.,  78-88.     He  went  up  to  S.  F.  on  the  Don 
Quixote.     He  says,  without  any  foundation  I  suppose,  that  hardly  had  he  left 
\  erba  Euena  on  his  launch  when  an  order  arrived  from  Castro  for  his  arrest. 
Wood  of  the  Savannah,  Wandering  Sketches,  227-8,  met  S.  at  Monterey. 


480  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

well  remained  for  a  month  or  more  until  after  the  re- 
volt, and  on  his  way  home  met  Micheltorena  returning 
from  the  campaign.  The  governor  said  he  had  been 
unable  to  succeed  for  want  of  horses;  but  sent  assur- 
ances to  Sutter  and  to  all  Americans  of  his  friendship 
and  of  his  ability  to  suppress  the  revolt!  From  San 
Jose  Alvarado  and  Castro  also  sent  friendly  greetings 
to  Sutter.38 

On  Bid  well's  return  to  New  Helvetia,  Sutter  called 
upon  all  foreigners  in  the  north  for  aid.  He  even 
had  the  assurance  to  inform  Vallejo  of  what  he  was 
doing,  calling  upon  him  for  horses,  and  assuming  that 
the  natural  and  proper  thing  to  be  done  as  a  matter  of 
course  was  that  the  two  should  work  together  to  save 
the  country  from  the  attacks  of  rebels  I  Vallejo's  reply 
was  to  send  a  copy  of  the  treaty  of  Santa  Teresa,  by 
which,  as  he  assured  Sutter,  all  difficulties  had  been 
peaceably  settled.  There  was  no  danger  or  opposition 
whatever  to  the  governor,  but  if  such  should  arise,  he 

**BidwelVs  Ccd.  1841-8,  MS.,  119-22.  In  his  Diary,  p.  5,  Sutter  says: 
'In  the  fall  1844  I  went  to  Monterey  with  Major  Bidwell  and  a  few  armed 
men  how  it  was  customary  to  travell  at  these  times,  to  pay  a  visit  to  Gen'l 
Micheltorrena.  I  has  been  received  with  the  greatest  civil  and  military  honors. 
One  day  he  gave  a  great  diner,  after  diner  all  the  Troupes  were  parading, 
and  in  the  evening  a  balloon  was  sent  to  the  higher  regions,  etc.  At  the  time 
it  looked  very  gloomy,  the  people  of  the  Country  was  arming  and  preparing 
to  make  a  Revolution,  and  I  got  some  certain  and  sure  information  of  the  Brit- 
ish Consul  and  other  Gentlemen  of  my  acquaintance,  which  I  visited  on  my 
way  to  Monterey.  They  did  not  know  that  the  General  and  myself  were 
friends,  and  told  and  discovered  me  the  whole  plan,  that  in  a  short  time  the 
people  of  the  country  will  be  ready  to  blockade  the  General  and  his  troupes 
ia  Monterey,  and  then  take  him  prisoner  and  send  him  and  his  soldiers  back 
to  Mexico  and  make  a  Gov'r  of  their  own  people,  etc.  I  was  well  aware  what 
we  could  expect  should  they  succeed  to  do  this,  they  would  drive  us  foreigners 
all  very  soon  out  of  the  country  how  they  have  done  it  once,  in  the  winter  of 
1839.  Capt.  Vioget  has  already  been  engaged  by  Castro  and  Alvarado  to  be 
ready  with  his  vessel  to  take  the  Gen'l  and  his  soldiers  to  Mexico.  I  had  a 
confidential  Conversation  with  Gen'l  Micheltorena,  who  received  me  with  great 
honors  and  Distinction  in  Monterey,  after  having  him  informed  of  all  what  is 
going  on  in  the  Country,  he  took  his  measure  in  a  Counsel  of  war  in  which  I 
has  been  present,  I  received  my  Orders  to  raise  such  a  large  auxiliary  force  as 
I  possibly  could,  and  to  be  ready  at  his  Order,  at  the  same  time  I  received 
some  Cartridges  and  some  small  Arms,  which  I  had  shiped  on  board  the  Alert, 
and  took  a  passage  myself  for  San  f raucisco.  if  I  had  travelled  by  land  Castro 
would  have  taken  me  prisoner  in  San  Juan,  where  he  was  laying  in  Ambush  for 
me. .  .After  my  arrival  at  the  fort,  I  began  to  organize  a  force  for  the  General, 
regular  drill  of  the  Indian  Infanterie  took  place,  the  Mounted  Rifle  Company 
about  100  men  of  all  Nations  was  raised,  of  which  Capt.  Gantt  was  Com- 
mand er.' 


VALLEJO'S  EFFORTS.  481 

would  be  the  first  to  defend  him,  and  would  gladly 
accept  Sutter's  aid.  To  this  Sutter  replied,  De- 
cember 17th,  that,  as  he  was  informed  on  good  au- 
thority, though  this  was  doubtless  unknown  to  the 
colonel,  Castro  was  gathering  a  force  at  San  Jose,  of 
course  with  the  iutention  of  violating  the  treaty,  so 
that  there  could  be  no  doubt  of  his  own  duty  to  defend 
the  governor.33 

Vallejo  now  addressed  to  Sutter  an  earnest  and 
forcible  remonstrance  against  his  proposed  interfer- 
ence. It  was  rumored,  he  said,  that  Micheltorena 
contemplated  breaking  his  solemn  agreement.  Should 
he  do  so,  encouraged  by  offers  of  foreign  aid,  the 
country  would  be  plunged  into  the  horrors  of  civil 
war.  The  people  had  risen  to  rid  themselves  of  a  band 
of  convicts,  and  could  not  justly  be  termed  rebels. 
Happily,  they  had  accomplished  their  purpose  without 
bloodshed.  Why  should  foreigners,  who  have  been 
most  kindly  treated  by  all  parties,  interfere  to  renew 
the  quarrel?  Sutter  was  entreated  to  hesitate  and 
reflect  before  taking  a  step  that  would  not  only  en- 
courage the  governor — whose  authority  was  not  in 
any  way  threatened — to  violate  his  pledge,  but  must 
seriously  disturb  the  friendly  relations  that  had  ex- 
isted between  the  Californians  and  foreigners.40  This 
appeal  did  not  reach  the  foreigners  as  a  class,  to  many 
of  whom  its  force  would  have  been  apparent;  and  it 
had  no  effect  whatever  on  Sutter,  who  simply  went  on 
with  his  preparations.  His  agents  seem  to  have  trav- 
elled over  the  whole  northern  frontier  in  quest  of  sup- 
plies, taking  some  of  Vallejo's  horses  at  Soscol  and 

39 Dec.  17,  1844,  S.  to  V.  ValUjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  123.  From  this  it  is 
evident  that  V.  had  written  on  Dec.  15th.  In  Id.,  xii.  119,  122,  I  have  a  let- 
tar  of  V.  on  Dec.  13th,  and  of  S.  on  Dec.  15th.  They  are  copies  from  a  sus- 
picious source,  and  therefore,  as  there  is  some  discrepancy  in  dates,  I  have 
paid  no  attention  to  their  contents,  though  the  general  purport  seems  all  right. 

40 Dec.  18,  1844,  V.  to  S.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  44-50;  Leg.  £ec.,MS.,  iv. 
302-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  120.  It  is  of  course  clear  to  the  reader  that 
Sutter's  claim  that  Castro  was  collecting  a  force  at  S.  Jos6had  no  weight;  for 
by  the  treaty  he  was  allowed  to  maintain  the  organization  until  the  batallon 
should  be  sent  away;  he  had  in  reality  disbanded  a  large  part  of  his  force; 
and  Michel torena's  actions  were  ample  justification  of  all  possible  precautions. 
HIST.  CAI...  VOL.  IT.  31 


482  REVOLUTION  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA. 

Petaluma,  threatening  even  to  attack  Sonoma,  and 
talking  very  freely  about  their  intention  to  capture 
Alvarado  and  Castro  dead  or  alive.41  Before  the  end 
of  the  month,  Castro  wrote  to  Sutter,  demanding  ex- 
planations with  regard  to  his  military  preparations  in 
a  time  of  peace.  A  copy  of  this  communication  was 
sent  by  Castro  to  Micheltorena,  with  a  letter  in  which 
he  announced  his  belief  that  Sutter,  under  pretext  of 
defending  the  government,  was  preparing  for  a  move- 
ment in  the  interest  of  American  adventurers  and  in- 
vaders. He  declared  his  own  purpose  to  resist  by 
force  the  attack  which  Sutter  was  said  to  contemplate 
on  the  pueblos,  and  expressed  his  grief  and  surprise 
at — or  rather  his  unwillingness  to  believe — the  current 
reports  that  the  governor  had  authorized  Sutter's 
actions  with  an  intention  of  violating  the  treaty  of 
December  1st,  and  thus  plunging  the  country  in  civil 
dissensions.42 

Most  of  the  Californians  insist  that  Sutter  offered 
Micheltorena  to  bring  him  the  heads  of  Castro  and 
Alvarado;  but  this  charge  perhaps  does  not  rest  on 
any  very  strong  foundation,  though  Alvarado  goes 
so  far  as  to  quote  literally  the  broken  Spanish  in 
which  the  promise  was  made.  On  the  22d  of  De- 
cember Micheltorena  signed  and  forwarded  the  doc- 
ument confirming  all  land  grants  approved  by  Sutter, 
a  most  potent  agent  for  enlistment  purposes,  which 
figured  prominently  in  later  litigation  as  the  'Sutter 
general  title.'43  Also  on  or  about  the  22d  Sutter's 

41  Dec.  19th,  Osio  to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  125.  Reply.  Id.,  xxxiv.  85. 
No  date,  V.  to  gov. ,  narrating  Sutter's  outrages  at  Soscol  and  Napa.  Id. ,  xiv.  30. 
Dec.  23d,  V.  to  Alvarado.  Id.,  xii.  126.  No  date,  same  to  same.  Id.,  xiv. 
31,  with  allusions  to  other  corresp.  not  extant.  It  would  seem  that  many  of 
the  Californian  rancheros  aided  Sutter,  perhaps  more  or  less  against  their  will. 

"Dec.  24th,  C.  to  S.  Ouerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  59-60.  Dec.  27th,  C.  to  M. 
Id.,  i.  51-6;  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  119-21.  General  mention  of  Sutter's 

E reparations  in  Dec.  1844,  in  Streeter's  Recoil. ,  MS.,  53-5;  Belden's  Hist.  Stat., 
[S.,  36;  TuthilVa  Hist.  Col.,  149-50;  S.  Jos<>  Pioneer,  March  6,  18SO;  Sutler 
Co.  Hist.,  18;  Brooks'  Four  Months,  34;  Buelna,  Notas,  MS.,  1-5;   Vallejo, 
Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  iv.  173;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iv.  235-45;  v.  67. 

43  Land  Commission,  passim;  U.  S.  Sup.  Court  Itepts,  21  Howard,  255,  262, 
408,  412,  etc.  I  shall  have  more  to  say  on  this  subject  in  another  part  of 
my  work. 


ARREST  OF  WEBER.  4S3 

launch  made  its  appearance  at  Yerba  Buena  with  a 
small  cannon  and  other  arms  on  board.  Some  of  the 
inhabitants,  apparently  under  the  leadership  of  Fran- 
cisco Guerrero  and  Dr  Ancelin,  managed  to  capture 
this  armament,  and  to  smuggle  it  across  the  bay  for 
the  use  of  Castro's  army ;  but  it  was  deemed  politic, 
though  Slitter's  plans  were  well  known,  to  wait  for 
him  to  commit  the  first  act  of  hostility;  and  all 
was  therefore  sent  back  and  restored  to  the  launch.44 
Another  event  that  occurred  about  the  same  time, 
and  merits  attention  here,  was  the  arrest  of  Charles 
M.  Weber.  This  gentleman,  it  will  be  remembered, 
had  aided  the  Californians  in  the  campaign  of  Santa 
Teresa;  and  now,  while  it  does  not  appear  that  he  or 
his  companions  desired  to  extend  their  service  beyond 
the  protection  of  San  Jose,  he  was  strongly  opposed 
to  Sutter's  plan  of  interference.  Confident  that  the 
foreigners  were  being  induced  by  false  representations 
into  a  most  unwise  action,  he  went  up  to  New  Hel- 
vitia  to  put  matters  in  their  true  light.  This  was 
exactly  what  Sutter  and  his  companions  did  not  de- 
sire, as  it  would  interfere  with  their  plans;  so  they 
simply  arrested  Weber  as  a  plotter  against  the  gov- 
ernment, and  kept  him  under  arrest  till  the  campaign 
was  over,  and  his  tongue  could  do  no  harm.45 

44  Castro,  in  his  letter  to  Sutter  of  Dec.  24th,  says  an  order  has  been  is- 
sued to  restore  all  to  its  original  condition.   Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  60.     Pinto, 
in  a  letter  to  the  administrator  of  customs  at  Monterey,  speaks  of  the  affair, 
names  Ancelin  as  a  leader,  and  says  the  custom-house  boat  was  nsed  to  trans- 
port the  cannon,  and  was  damaged.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  290.     Robert  Bir- 
nie,   Pioneer  Soc.    Arch.,   MS.,  89-91,    relates  their  .having  borrowed  the 
custom-house  boat  for  a  collecting  trip  round  the  bay.     He  agreed  to  carry 
Francisco  Guerrero  across  to  S.  Leandro  to  join  Castro.     Guerrero  put  the 
swivel-gun  and  other  arms  from  Sutter's  launch  into  the  boat  without  Bir- 
nie's  knowledge,  though  he  had  some  trouble  to  make  Sutter  believe  in  his 
innocence. 

45  In  Sutter  Co.  Hist.,  18;  Marysville  Appeal,  March  16,  1879;  Yuba  Co. 
Hist.,  30,  is  given  a  fac-simile  of  the  following  document:  'We  the  subscrib- 
ers chosen  as  council  of  war  have  unanimously  resolved  the  following:  1st, 
that  Mr  Weber  be  put  in  irons  and  detained  in  the  fort  (New  Helvetia)  until 
such  times  as  we  may  receive  orders  from  his  Excellency  the  governor  as 
regards  his  disposal.     2d,  that  Mr  Pearson  B.  Reading  be  requested  to  keep 
Mr  Weber  in  a  convenient  room,  and  afford  him  such  necessaries  as  circum- 
stances may  admit  of  and  his  safe  detention  may  require — J.  A.  Sutter, 
John  Townsend,  William  Dickey,  Isaac  Graham,  Edward  Mclntosh,  Jasper 
O'Farrell,  S.  J.  Hensley,  John  Bidwell,  secretary.' 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

1845. 

THE  GOVERNOR  BREAKS  THE  TREATY  OF  SANTA  TERESA — FOREIGN  INTERFER- 
ENCE— FEARS  OF  CALIFORNIANS — SUTTER  JOINS  MICHELTORENA  AT  SALI- 
NAS— CAPTURE  OF  MANUEL  CASTRO — ALVARADO  AND  CASTRO  MARCH 
SOUTH,  FOLLOWED  BY  MICHELTORENA  AND  SUTTER — CAPTURE  OF  THE 
GARRISON  AT  ANGELES — CONVERSION  OF  THE  ABAJENOS — NEGOTIATIONS 
AT  SANTA  BARBARA — THE  CAMPAIGN  OF  SAN  BUENAVENTURA — CAMPAIGN 
OF  CAHUENGA — WITHDRAWAL  OF  THE  FOREIGNERS — CAPTURE  OF  SUTTER 
— A  BLOODLESS  BATTLE — DEFEAT  OF  MICHELTORENA — TREATY— Pico 
GOVERNOR,  AND  CASTRO  COMANDANTE  GENERAL — MICHELTORENA  AND 
THE  BATALLON  SENT  AWAY— His  LATER  CAREER — AFFAIRS  IN  THE 
NORTH — SUTTER  AT  HOME. 

MICHELTORENA  had  resolved  to  break  the  treaty 
signed  by  him  at  the  Laguna  de  Alvirez  on  Decem- 
ber 1st.  It  was  a  treacherous  and  at  the  same  time 
a  most  foolish  resolve,  since  it  changed  the  revolution 
from  one  directed  exclusively  against  the  convicts,  in 
whose  expulsion  he  should  have  had  as  deep  an  inter- 
est as  others,  to  one  against  himself,  with  a  popular 
feeling  that  had  not  before  existed.  The  determina- 
tion was  wise  enough,  however,  though  none  the  less 
treacherous,  if,  as  some  believe,  he  desired  to  be  forced 
out  of  the  country.  Sutter  had  promised  to  support 
Micheltorena  in  his  war  against  the  Californians,  and 
had  raised  a  force  of  foreigners  and  Indians  for  that 
purpose.  This  as  a  stroke  of  business  on  the  part  of 
the  Swiss,  or  of  revenge  on  that  of  Isaac  Graham, 
calls  perhaps  for  no  very  severe  criticism;  but  for  the 
mass  of  foreign  residents  it  was  a  most  unjustifiable, 

(484) 


THE  WAR  BEGINS.  485 

uncalled-for,  and  injudicious  interference  in  matters 
that  nowise  concerned  them.  Many  would  not  have 
engaged  in  the  enterprise  had  they  been  aware  of  its 
true  nature.  Others  desired  a  quarrel  with  the  Cali- 
fornians,  with  the  hope  that  it  might  result  in — some- 
thing or  other,  they  hardly  cared  what.  The  people 
of  the  country  were  of  course  greatly  alarmed;  and 
many  rumors  more  or  less  absurd  were  in  circulation. 
It  was  feared — and  there  was  no  absurdity  in  this — 
that  Sutter's  taking  up  arms  for  Micheltorena  was  but 
a  pretext  to  seize  northern  California.  Many  believed 
that  the  governor  had  promised  to  the  strangers  the 
lands  and  cattle  of  all  who  opposed  him,  that  foreign- 
ers and  Mexicans  were  to  possess  the  country.  The 
arming  of  the  Indians  was  another  terrible  thing  in 
the  eyes  of  Californians,  it  being  currently  rumored 
that  Sutter  had  armed  2,000  savages  to  be  turned 
loose  on  the  country.  The  leaders  of  the  rebels,  ex- 
cept from  a  purely  military  point  of  view,  were 
strengthened  by  the  popular  feeling  that  was  spring- 
ing up  against  an  administration  that  would  expose 
the  country  to  the  inroads  of  foreigners  and  Indians 
in  addition  to  those  of  the  convicts;  and  the  new  as- 
pect of  affairs  was  all  the  more  favorable  to  them  if 
they  entertained  the  ambitious  schemes  attributed  to 
them,  for  now  they  were  amply  justified,  and  would 
be  sustained  by  all,  in  deposing  Micheltorena  if  they 
could. 

On  the  1st  of  January  1845  Sutter  marched  with 
his  force  from.  New  Helvetia  to  attack  Castro  and 
Alvarado  at  San  Jose.  His  force  consisted  of  about 
220  men — that  is,  a  company  of  foreign  riflemen,  for- 
eigners of  different  nationalities,  about  100  strong, 
under  Captain  Gantt;  a  company  of  about  100  Indians 
commanded  by  Ernest  Rufus;  eight  or  ten  artillery- 
men in  charge  of  a  brass  field-piece;  Dr  Townsend 
and  John  Sinclair  as  aides-de-camp,  Jasper  O'Farrell 
as  quartermaster,  S.  J.  Hensley  as  commissary,  John 


483  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

Bid  well  as  secretary,  and  a  few  subordinate  officers.1 
P.  B.  Reading  was  left  in  command  of  the  garrison 
at  the  fort.  The  line  of  march  was  by  way  of  Marsh's 
rancho,  where  Marsh  joined,  though  he  was  no  friend 
of  the  cause;  Sunol's  rancho, 'where,  as  Sutter  states, 
they  captured  one  of  Castro's  spies;  San  Jose*  Mis- 
sion, where  many  of  the  men  got  drunk;  San  Jose", 
where  the  liquor-shops  were  kept  closed,  and  whence 
nearly  all  the  Californians  under  A.  M.  Pico  had 
fled;  and  thence  by  San  Juan  to  the  Salinas,  in  a  week 
or  more  from  New  Helvetia,  where  they  were  joined 
in  a  few  days  by  Micheltorena.  From  San  Josd  a 
committee  of  citizens,  consisting  of  Forbes,  Sunol,  and 
Gulnac,  came  out  to  meet  the  army  and  dissuade  its 
leaders  from  continuing  in  their  unwise  course;  but 
without  success,  as  Sutter  declared  that  he  had  gone 
too  far  to  turn  back.2 

Somewhere  on  the  way  to  Salinas  Sutter's  men  were 
lucky  enough  to  capture  no  less  a  personage  than 
Manuel  Castro,  the  original  leader  of  the  revolt,  and 
possibly  the  person  termed  a  spy  in  Sutter's  narrative. 
Perhaps,  however,  the  capture  was  effected  before 
Sutter's  arrival  by  a  party  of  men  organized  to  join 
him  from  the  region  of  San  Jose  and  Santa  Cruz. 
Several  participants  tell  the  story,  but  none  succeeds 

1  This  is  Sutter's  own  statement  in  a  letter  of  Jan.  12th  to  Fliigge,  which 
he  signs  as  'Comandante  Militar  del  Norte.'  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  65-7; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  123.  In  his  Pers.  Remin.,  MS.,  Sutter  says  he  had 
400  men,  including  40  Californian  soldiers  who  had  deserted  from  Vallejo  at 
Sonoma — and  later  deserted  from  Sutter  also!  Bid  well,  Col.  lSJ^l-8,  MS., 
122,  says  there  were  about  80  riflemen  and  60  Indians.  John  Chamberlain, 
Memoirs,  MS.,  14-20,  who  was  one  of  Gantt's  company,  gives  some  particu- 
lars of  the  organization.  He  says  many  joined  the  company  against  their 
wishes.  Wiggins,  Hemin.,  MS.,  8-11,  was  another  member.  Sutter  also 
mentions  in  his  Diary,  p.  5,  the  deserters  from  Vallejo,  and  the  departure 
'with  music  and  flying  colors  on  the  1st  of  January,  1845,  to  join  the  general 
and  comply  with  his  orders.'  No  list  of  Capt.  Gantt's  company,  so  far  as  I 
know,  is  extant;  but  I  name  the  following  who  seem  to  have  belonged  to  the 
expedition,  though  some  of  these  did  not  go  south:  Sutter,  Gantt,  Coates 
(lieut),  Bidwell,  Hensley,  Sinclair,  O'Farrell,  Graham,  Coombs,  Swift,  Bird, 
Dickey,  Sherreback,  Wyman,  Murphy  (3  or  4),  Chamberlain,  Sheldon,  Wig- 
gins, McVicker,  McCoon,  Knight,  Mclntosh,  Lindsay,  Bray,  Merritt,  Keyser, 
Kelsey  (2  or  3),  Nye,  Greenwood  (2  or  3),  Martin  (2),  Green,  Bennett,  Clark. 

2 Jan.  3,  1845,  letter  of  Jesus  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  3;  Suiter 
Co.  Hvtt.,  18;  S.  Jos6  Pioneer,  March  6,  1880. 


THE  GOVERNOR'S  PROCLAMATION.  487 

in  making  the  particulars  quite  clear.  Castro  was 
taken  in  the  vicinity  of  Gilroy's  rancho  while  on  his 
way  with  one  companion  from  San  Jose  to  rejoin  the 
rebel  force,  his  captors  being  Bennett,  Carmichael, 
Coppinger,  and  McVicker.  They  were  pursued  by 
the  Californians  toward  the  San  Joaquiri,  and  were 
overtaken  in  the  Pacheco  Pass,  the  result  being  that 
Castro  was  given  up  in  exchange  for  Charles  Brown, 
the  only  foreigner  in  the  pursuing  party.3 

On  January  4th  Micheltorena  issued  a  proclamation 
as  follows:  "Don  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  Don  Francisco 
Rico,  Don  Manuel  Castro,  Jesus  and  Francisco  Pico, 
and  others  having  failed  in  their  obligation  to  the 
government  by  not  returning  horses  and  cattle  to  their 
owners  as  they  had  solemnly  promised,  binding  and 
carrying  off  N.  Alvarado,  a  soldier  of  Monterey,  for- 
getting my  consideration  and  leniency,  and  revolting 
anew  after  several  had  come  to  ask  for  papeles  de 
seguridad,  and  while  they  were  going  and  coming 
without  the  slightest  insult  and  with  absolute  liberty, 
as  everybody  has  seen — this  comandancia  general  finds 
itself  in  the  unavoidable  necessity  of  using  its  powers 
against  the  ingrates  who  may  remain  with  arms  in 
their  hands.  Therefore,  and  having  to  march  at  the 
head  of  my  troops,  I  declare  the  city  of  Monterey  un- 
der martial  law,  the  comandante  de  batallon  Don  Juan 
J.  Abella,  being  intrusted  with  its  defence,  aided  by 
the  brave  officers  and  troops  whom  I  leave  under  his 
orders,  and  with  the  cooperation  of  the  vecirios  whom 
I  called  to  arms,  and  of  the  two  judges,  it  being  the 
duty  of  all  citizens  to  protect  their  hearths  and  to 
maintain  public  order,  while  I  in  the  mean  time  have 
the  pleasure  of  reestablishing  it  and  of  bringing  you 

3 Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  107-15;  Brown's  Statement,  MS.,  19-23;  Larlos, 
Convulsion.es,  MS.,  19-20.  Winston  Bennett,  Pioneer  of  '43,  was  one  of  the 
party  of  15  from  Sta  Cruz  on  their  way  to  join  Sutter.  He  says  Castro  and 
another  were  captured,  and  were  exchanged  for  Brown  and  John  Carpenter. 
Bennett  did  not  go  to  the  south.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v.  56-7,  tells  us 
of  a  party  of  40  men  under  Hensley,  attacked  and  defeated  by  the  alcalde  of 
S.  F.  and  Romualdo  Pacheco.  There  is  no  other  evidence  of  such  an  occur- 


488  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

the  olive  of  peace  which  certain  perverse  men  have 
stolen  from  you."4  Two  days  later  Micheltorena 
marched  out  from  the  capital  to  effect  a  junction  with 
Sutter  and  crush  the  rebel  force.  He  had,  as  in  the 
former  campaign,  about  150  men  of  the  batallon,  re- 
enforced  probably  by  twenty-five  or  thirty  Mexican 
residents  of  Monterey,  who  went  as  volunteers.  At 
Salinas,  on  or  about  the  9th,  the  general  joined  Cap- 
tain Sutter.  He  had  now  a  total  force,  Mexicans, 
foreigners,  and  Indians,  of  about  400  men;  but  the 
foe  had  not  waited  to  be  crushed.5 

Meanwhile  Alvarado  and  Castro,  whose  force  had 
dwindled  to  less  than  100  armed  Californians,  wero 
not  much  discouraged  by  the  overwhelming  force  by 
which  they  were  threatened,  though  of  course  there 
was  no  thought  of  risking  a  fight  with  Gantt's  rifle- 
men. With  new  obstacles,  something  of  Alvarado's 
old-time  ability  and  energy  came  back  to  him.  It 
was  resolved  to  transfer  the  struggle  to  the  south, 
where  the  feeling  against  the  convicts  was  already 
strong;  where  the  people  would  be  much  excited  by 
Micheltorena's  treachery,  and  still  more  by  his  send- 
ing against  them  an  armed  force  of  foreigners  and 
Indians;  and  where,  should  other  motives  fail,  a 
powerful  appeal  might  be  made  to  local  pride  by  an 
offer  of  the  governorship  or  capital.  As  to  the  foreign- 
ers, Alvarado  understood  perfectly  the  circumstances 
under  which  they  had  enlisted;  and  he  had  every 
reason  to  hope  that  the  company  could  not  very  long 
be  kept  together,  under  the  explanations  and  influence 

4  Jan.  4,  1845,  M.'s  proclamation.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  111-12. 
Jan.  7th,  Abella's  order  in  consequence  of  preceding,  about  precautions  to  bo 
taken  with  persons  entering  the  town.  Id. ,  iii.  112-13.  Jan.  25th,  Larkin 
writes  that  'there  are  perhaps  100  foreigners  standing  guard  in  Monterey  and 
other  places  to  support  Gen.  Micheltorena.'  Larkin's  Off.  Corrwp.,  Mb.,  ii. 
17-18. 

5 Larkin,  in  his  letters  of  the  time,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  19-20,  35;  Id., 
Doc.  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iii.  12,  gives  the  date  of  leaving  Monterey  as  Jan.  6th, 
as  does  Robinson,  Life  in  Cat.,  212-13.  Larkin  gives  M.'s  force  in  one  place 
as  150  soldiers  and  some  citizens,  and  in  another  as  from  150  to  200  Mexicans. 
Sutter,  in  his  Pers.  fiemiii.,  MS.,  says  M.  marched  out  with  800  men,  leaving 
200  in  Monterey!  In  his  Diary,  however,  he  puts  the  united  force  on  the 
Salinas  at  GOO  men. 


RETREAT  OF  TEE  REBELS.  489 

of  Marsh  and  others,  who  doubtless  joined  the  force 
with  the  deliberate  intention  of  disorganizing  it,  and 
of  preventing  a  conflict  between  the  foreigners  as  a 
class  and  the  Californians. 

The  rebel  army,  ninety  strong,  left  San  Josd  Jan- 
uary 2d  for  the  south.6  There  seems  to  have  been  a 
plan  of  attacking  the  batallon  at  Monterey,  but  if  so 
it  was  abandoned.  At  Alisal  rancho  on  the  6th,  the 
same  day  that  the  general  left  Monterey,  Alvarado  and 
Castro  addressed  to  Micheltorena  the  following  com- 
munication: "Sefior,  when  the  division  of  the  north, 
trusting  in  your  word  of  honor,  signed  the  treaty  of 
December  1st,  which,  made  on  the  field  of  Santa  Teresa, 
restored  peace  to  the  department,  you  did  not  fail  to 
make  every  effort  to  assure  us  both  verbally  and  in 
writing  of  your  good  wishes  and  firm  resolve  to  comply 
religiously  with  that  solemn  agreement  celebrated  in 
the  most  formal  manner.  Our  conduct  has  given  no 
cause  for  you  to  doubt  our  good  faith;  but  notwith- 
standing this,  you,  as  appears  from  convincing  proofs 
in  writing,  were  forming  a  combination  with  the  for- 
eigner Sutter  to  surprise  us  at  San  Josd  with  200  ad- 
venturers from  the  United  States.  It  was  hardly 
credible  that  you  in  the  midst  of  peace  should  at- 
tempt the  ruin  of  ourselves  and  our  families,  still  less 
of  a  country  intrusted  by  the  supreme  government 
to  your  care;  but  in  view  of  this  invasion,  instigated 
by  you,  your  black  intent  became  evident.  Sir,  you 
have  aroused  the  country;  within  three  days  you 
will  be  united  with  this  enemy  of  our  country,  a  most 
infamous  proceeding  for  a  Mexican  general.  The 
sons  of  California  will  do  us  justice,  and  we  will 

6  Jan.  3d,  Jesus  Vallejo  to  his  brother  in  Sonoma.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii. 
3.  Slitter's  version  in  his  Diary,  5,  is  as  follows:  'Castro  had  his  headquar- 
ters then  in  the  mission  of  San  Jose",  ho  did  not  expect  us  so  soon,  as  he  was 
just  commencing  to  fortify  himself,  he  ran  away  with  his  Garrison,  was  col- 
lecting a  stronger  force,  and  want  to  trouble  us  on  our  March,  but  as  he  saw 
that  I  was  on  a  good  Qui  Vive  for  him,  he  left  for  Monterey  to  unite  with  the 
forces  that  was  blockading  the  General  and  his  troops,  and  advanced  or  runed 
for  the  lower  country,  to  call  or  force  the  people  there  to  take  Arms  against 
the  government. ' 


400  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

shed  our  blood  rather  than  permit  our  country  to  en- 
dure this  infamous  oppression.  You  are  going  to  join 
that  band  of  adventurers  at  San  Juan,  but  do  riot 
flatter  yourself  that  our  lives  will  be  destroyed  by 
those  bandits  to  whom  you  have  promised  our  ranches 
and  property."7  They  seem  to  have  started  imme- 
diately on  their  march  to  Los  Angeles,  where,  as  we 
shall  see,  they  arrived  the  21st.  They  could  not 
have  had  much  more  than  100  men  at  the  start, 
though  some  recruits  were  gained  on  the  way.  No 
details  of  the  march  are  known.8 

On  the  13th,  a  week  after  Castro's  departure,  Michel- 
torena  and  S utter  started  from  Salinas  in  what  they 
termed  a  pursuit,  though  they  never  came  within  a 
hundred  miles  of  the  rebels  till  the  latter  came  back 
from  Los  Angeles  to  meet  them.  Before  starting  they 
had  a  suspicion  of  what  Alvarado's  policy  was  likely 
to  be  in  the  south;  for  they  wrote  to  Fliigge,  an  old 
retainer  of  Sutter's,  as  the  only  man  except  Andres 
Pico  in  whom  confidence  was  felt,  asking  him  to  take 
steps  to  prevent  the  schooner  California  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  rebels  if  she  should  arrive  at 
San  Pedro.  Sutter  also  wrote  to  another  German 
friend,  to  defend  his  men  against  charges  that  had 
been  made  that  they  were  serving  for  pay  and  not 
for  patriotism.  He  seemed  to  fear  that  foreigners  in 
the  south  might  be  induced  to  take  part  against  the 
general.9 

Micheltorena's  progress  was  extremely  slow.  Hav- 
ing an  infirmity  which  prevented  his  riding,  he  was 
drawn  in  a  kind  of  carriage.  Sometimes  he  halted 
for  a  day  or  two,  and  then  would  advance  but  three 

7  Jan.  6,  1845,  A.  and  C.  to  M.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  61-3;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  v.  124.  There  is  more  in  the  document,  but  utterly  unintelligi- 
ble. These  men  acted  well,  but  on  this  occasion  they  wrote  some  very  non- 
sensical sentences. 

8Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  181-5,  speaks  of  having  talked  with  Castro  as  he 
passed  his  rancho.  He  also  says  that  orders  were  issued  for  the  arrest  of 
Covarrubias  and  Juan  Camarillo,  the  former  escaping  and  the  latter  being 
paroled.  Garcia,  Ilecho*,  MS.,  81,  joined  the  force  at  S.  Luis  Obispo. 

9  Jan.  12th,  S.  and  M.  to  Fliigge.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  65-7;  Dcpt.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  v.  122-3.  No  date,  S.  to  Gessen,  fragment.  Id.,  vi.  140-1. 


THE  GENERAL'S  MARCH.  401 

or  four  miles  in  a  day.  Cattle  were  taken  for  subsist- 
ence wherever  there  were  any  left  to  take.  "By 
the  time  he  arrives  in  Santa  Barbara,"  writes  Larkin 
to  Parrott,  "Castro  may  be  in  Monterey.  The  for- 
eigners now  are  very  anxious  to  meet  the  Califor- 
nians;  but  in  a  few  weeks  they  will  become  tired  and 
perhaps  leave  the  general  and  go  home  to  their 
farms.  In  this  case  Castro  may  win  the  day."10 
And  indeed,  the  foreign  auxiliaries  were  disgusted 
with  the  snail's  pace  at  which  they  advanced.  Some 
deserted;  and  many  more,  from  this  cause  and  from 
Marsh's  explanations,  were  in  a  state  of  mind  tending 
to  desertion.  Nothing  of  importance  occurred  on 
the  way  until  by  the  Gaviota  Pass  they  arrived  early 
in  February  at  Santa  Barbara.  Here  they  found  no 
adherents,  and  were  urged  in  vain  by  leading  citizens 
to  suspend  hostilities;  and  here,  and  at  the  Rincon  a 
little  farther  on,  they  encamped  for  more  than  a  week 
in  the  rain,  and  had  some  negotiations  with  represent- 
atives of  the  foe,  which  I  shall  notice  a  little  later.11 

At  Los  Angeles  the  troubles  connected  with  an  at- 
tempt of  the  Picos  and  Carrillo  to  organize  a  militia 

10  Jan.  21,  1845,  L.  to  P.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  12.     Also  other  letters 
of  Jan.  25th  and  March  22d.  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  35;  ii.  17-20. 

11  Sutter,  iu  his  Personal  Reminiscences,  MS.,  takes  special  pride  in  noting 
that  Micheltoreua  treated  him  as  an  equal  on  the  march,  making  him  a  colo- 
nel, intrusting  him  with  the  active  leadership,  and  giving  him  a  special  body- 
guard of  25  men.    Mrs  Avila,  Cosas  de  Cal. ,  MS.,  3-5,  relates  that  Miguel  Avila 
was  reported  to  the  gov.  by  Bonilla  to  be  engaged  in  a  plan  to  seize  the 
California  on,her  arrival  at  S.  Luis  Obispo,  for  Castro.     Accordingly  a  party 
was  sent  to  Ayila's  rancho  to  arrest  him;  and  he  was  saved  from  being  shot 
only  by  Mrs  A.'s  efforts  in  forwarding  to  the  general  two  mule-loads  of 
delicacies  for  his  table!    Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,   181-5,  was  interviewed  by 
Micheltorena,  as  by  Castro,  and  furnished  some  supplies,  for  which  he  got  no 
pay.     M.  seemed  to  dread  overtaking  the  foe  for  fear  blood  might  be  shed. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  447-50,  gives  some  unimportant  details  of  the 
route.     He  says  the  Barbarefios  offered  to  defend  M.  if  he  would  send  the 
convicts  away.     The  following  authorities  speak  of  M.'s  'pursuit' of  Castro 
without  adding  anything  to  what  I  have  given:  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
106-9;  Gonzalez,  Memorias,   MS.,  13-18;  Larios,  ConvuUiones,  MS.,  19;  Osio, 
Hist.  Cal,,  MS.,  449-50;  Pico,  Acontecimientos,  MS.,  58-60;  Nidever's  Life, 
MS.,  110-11;  Rico,  Mem.,  MS.,  10-11;  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  95-6;  Ama- 
dor,  Mem.,  MS.,  156-9;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  125-7;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS., 
135;  Davis'  Glimpses,  MS.,  121-2;  Ezquer,  Mem.,  MS.,  19;  German,  Sucesos, 
MS.,  5-6. 


492  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

force  for  Micheltorena's  defence,  as  already  noted,12 
were  still  in  progress,  the  authorities  not  having  as 
yet  succeeded  in  convincing  the  citizens  that  any  such 
organization  was  necessary,13  when  the  northern  force 
under  Alvarado  and  Castro  arrived  unexpectedly  in 
the  city.  During  the  night  of  January  20th,  an  ad- 
vance detachment  of  that  force,  twenty-five  or  thirty 
strong,  under  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  suddenly  entered 
the  town  and  attacked  the  barrack,  or  the  curate's 
house  used  temporarily  as  a  barrack,  which  was  occu- 
pied by  a  small  garrison  under  Lieutenant  Medina  of 
the  batallon.  The  place  was  taken  after  a  fight,  in 
which  several  men  were  killed  or  wounded,  the  leader 
of  the  attacking  party  being  one  of  the  latter.  Little 
more  is  known,  there  being  no  contemporaneous  rec- 
ord. I  give  some  particulars  in  a  note.14  Most  of 
the  Californians  state  that  Andres  Pico  was  captured 
with  the  garrison,  and  that  it  was  with  some  difficulty 
that  Torre's  men  were  kept  from  wreaking  vengeance 

12  See  chap.  xx.  of  this  volume. 

13  Jan.  17th,  Pio  Pico  to  alcalde,  an  unimportant  communication  on  the  sub- 
ject, complaining  that  the  escuadron  de  auxiliares  had  not  been  put  under  his 
command.     He  is  now  going  back  home,  having  done  his  duty.    Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  67;  Id.,  Aug.,  xi.  136.     In  his  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  106,  Pico  says 
he  was  ordered  by  Micheltorena  to  raise  funds  for  the  organization  of  civic 
troops;  and  was  absent  at  San  Juan  Capistrano  for  that  purpose  when  he  heard 
of  Castro's  arrival  at  Angeles  by  a  letter  from  Castro  himself. 

"Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  56,  asserts  that  one  of  Medina's  men  was 
killed;  and  that  the  alcalde  and  several  others  were  immediately  arrested. 
Rico,  Mem.,  MS.,  11-12,  says  there  were  three  killed  and  six  wounded.  Pico, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  106-7,  has  it  that  one  man  known  as  Juan  Tambor,  'Juan 
the  drummer,'  was  killed  in  the  fight,  and  later  Jos6  M.  Barreras  of  the  gar- 
rison was  shot  in  cold  blood  as  he  was  trying  to  escape  over  the  wall.  Garcia, 
Ilechos,  MS.,  83,  names  the  drummer  and  a  civilian  Olivares  as  wounded  on 
Castro's  side;  and  one  Soto  as  the  man  who  killed  one  of  the  garrison.  Sev- 
eral agree  that  the  latter  was  killed  while  trying  to  escape.  Botello,  Analcs, 
MS.,  113,  thinks  Torre  had  50  or  GO  men.  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  106-9, 
says  four  men  were  killed.  Castro,  Relation.,  MS.,  115-21,  Pico,  Ai-ont., 
MS.,  60,  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  4,  and  Alvarado,  J/ist.  Cat.,  MS.,  v. 
67-9,  agree  that  Juan  Higuera  of  Sta  Cruz  and  Antonio  Vazquez  of  S.  Jose", 
of  the  attacking  party,  were  killed.  Castro  makes  the  strength  of  the  garri- 
son 20  men,  others  as  low  as  7.  He  names  himself  as  associate  commander, 
and  mentions  Lieut-Col.  Scgura  as  one  of  those  captured.  Alvarado  cays  the 
attacking  force  was  56  volunteers,  all  officers,  Ezequiel  Soberanes  being  sec- 
ond in  command.  Pico  names  Bonifacio  Olivares  as  one  of  the  wounded. 
All  agree  that  Torre  was  wounded  in  the  foot,  and  that  several  pieces  of  ar- 
tillery were  captured.  See  also  Larios,  Convulaioncs,  MS.,  19-20;  Serrano, 
Apuntes,  MS.,  95-6;  Buelna,  Notaa,  MS.,  8-9. 


ALVARADO  AT  ANGELES.  493 

on  him  for  the  death  of  their  comrades.  The  main 
force  soon  arrived  and  took  possession  of  the  plaza. 
In  the  morning  Alvarado  and  Castro  addressed  a  com- 
munication to  the  alcalde,  announcing  their  coming  as 
"proclaimers  of  the  country's  rights,"  and  requiring  a 
meeting  of  the  ayuntamiento  at  noon,  in  order  that 
the  whole  movement  might  be  explained.15 

For  a  week  from  the  date  of  the  communication 
just  cited  there  is  no  documentary  record  of  develop- 
ments at  Los  Angeles ;  nor  is  it  known  what  action 
was  taken  at  the  meeting  of  the  city  authorities  on 
the  21st.  Alvarado  and  Vallejo  in  their  narratives 
represent  that  the  Picos,  J.  A.  Carrillo,  the  members 
of  the  junta,  and  other  prominent  citizens  were  at 
once  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  revolutionary 
leaders,  some  under  arrest  and  others  under  threats 
of  arrest,  and  were  submitted  to  a  process  of  intimida- 
tion and  flattery  combined,  which  soon  transformed 
the  abajefios  into  strong  partisans;  that  is,  they  were 
required  to  choose  between  holding  office  as  patriots 
on  the  side  of  freedom,  or  being  shot  at  once  as  ad- 
herents of  tyranny.  This  version  as  presented  by 
the  gentlemen  named  is  not  without  dramatic  effect; 
but  I  suppose  it  has  little  foundation  in  fact,  though 
it  is  not  unlikely  that  threats  had  to  be  used  on  some 
of  the  surenos,  while  prospective  offices  had  an  effect 
on  others.16  The  week  was  doubtless  spent  by  Al- 
varado and  his  associates  in  working  up  public  senti- 
ment in  the  city,  in  recalling  the  old  depredations  of 
the  cholos  in  the  south,  in  dwelling  on  Micheltorena's 
failure  to  observe  a  solemn  treaty,  and  especially  in 
depicting  with  much  exaggeration  the  outrages  to  be 

15 Jan.  21,  1845,  A.  and  C.  to  alcalde  of  Angeles.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any., 
MS.,  xi.  134-5.  They  announce  that  they  came  at  2  A.  M.  and  are  holding 
the  plaza. 

16 Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  v.  60-5;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  3-8, 
partially  supported  by  Manuel  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  121-4,  and  Rico,  Me.- 
morias,  MS.,  11-12.  Jos6  Antonio  Carrillo  is  said  to  have  been  won  over  by 
being  made  Castro's  '  mayor  general, '  or  chief  of  staff.  Many  condemn  the 
conduct  of  Andres  Pico  as  treachery  to  Micheltorena.  Gomez,  Lo  Que  Hale, 
MS. ,  79,  says  that  Pico  was  the  only  one  of  the  Californians  against  whom 
M.  retained  any  bitter  felling. 


494  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

expected  from  Sutter's  foreigners  and  Indians,  and 
the  governor's  baseness  in  enlisting  such  forces  against 
the  Californians.  Their  arguments  were  strong  and 
most  effective.  There  was  but  little  opposition.  Men 
and  supplies  were  obtained  for  the  campaign,  and 
southern  members  of  the  junta  were  converted  to  a 
state  of  mind  favorable  to  the  popular  cause. 

One  of  the  most  important  things  accomplished 
was  the  formation  of  a  company  of  foreigners  to 
counterbalance  the  force  under  Sutter.  The  interests 
of  foreign  residents  in  the  south  were  not  in  any  re- 
spect different  from  those  of  the  northerners;  nor 
were  their  political  sympathies  materially  different, 
though  the  loud-mouthed  advocates  of  American  con- 
quest were  not  very  numerous  in  the  south,  where 
neither  Sutter  nor  Graham  was  popular,  and  where 
most  of  the  foreigners  were  more  or  less  content  with 
Californian  methods  of  life.  The  sympathy  of  the 
southerners  was  for  the  Californians,  and  they  acted 
in  accordance  with  it,  but  not  to  any  great  extent  be- 
cause of  it.  They  did  not  wish  Los  Angeles  to  be 
occupied  by  Micheltorena  and  his  men,  who  on  their 
march  were  understood  to  have  seized  all  the  property 
that  came  within  their  reach,  and  who  would  natu- 
rally resort  to  forced  loans  if  not  to  indiscriminate 
plunder  on  capturing  a  town.  They  looked  with  no 
favor  on  Sutter's  personal  schemes,  did  not  relish  the 
airs  he  would  put  on  nor  the  power  he  would  wield 
in  case  of  success,  and  above  all  dreaded  the  unfriendly 
feelings  between  Californians  and  foreigners  that 
would  be  sure  to  result  if  Micheltorena  should  suc- 
ceed by  foreign  aid.  Moreover,  they  did  not  expect 
to  fight  against  their  countrymen,  understanding  the 
false  representations  under  which  most  of  Sutter's  men 
had  been  enlisted,  and  feeling  sure  that  their  opposi- 
tion in  connection  with  other  influences  already  at 
work  would  cause  them  to  abandon  a  bad  cause.  The 
strongest  motive  of  all  was  probably  a  desire  to  put 
an  end  to  the  war,  which  it  was  evident  could  be  ef- 


FOREIGNERS  OF  THE  SOUTH.  495 

fected  quickest  by  forcing  Micheltorena  and  his  men  to 
leave  the  country.17  At  any  rate,  there  was  little  or 
no  difference  of  opinion.  Stearns,  Workman,  Vignes, 
Rowland,  Wilson,  McKinley,  Bell,  and  other  promi- 
nent citizens  exerted  themselves  personally ;  and  about 
fifty  men  were  enlisted  for  military  service.  The 
leaders  seem  to  have  been  James  McKinley  and  Will- 
iam Workmam,  though  there  was  perhaps  no  formal 
military  organization.18 

Pio  Pico  was  induced  to  convoke  the  junta,  which  met 
on  January  28th,  present,  vocales  Pico,  Figueroa,  Bo- 
tello,  and  suplente  Cd-rlos  Carrillo.  Agustin  Olverawas 
chosen  temporary  secretary.  Don  Pio,  the  president, 
opened  the  session  with  a  speech,  in  which,  with  the 
usual  superfluity  of  words  deemed  de  rigueur  in  such 
cases,  he  announced  the  approach  of  Micheltorena, 

17  Abel  Stearns,  in  a  letter  to  Larkin,  expresses  this  last  view  very  strongly. 
Larkin's  Doc.,  iii.  58.     B.  D.  Wilson,  Observ.,  MS.,  46-56,  gives  prominence 
to  the  desire  for  harmony  with  the  Californians,  and  the  feeling  that  men 
like  the  cholos  were  really  the  element  most  unfavorable  to  American  and  all 
foreign  enterprise.     Bidwell,  Gal.  1841-8,  MS.,  124,  has  no  doubt  the  south- 
erners were  in  sympathy  with  the  insurrection,  but  they  were  also  influenced 
by  exaggerated  reports  of  outrages  by  the  general's  forces.     Many  new-comers 
heard  only  one  side  of  the  question,  and  really  thought  they  were  saving  the 
town  from  pillage  and  outrage.     Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  65-6,  thinks 
a  few  prominent  men  really  favored  his  cause.    The  rest  followed  their  lead,  or 
were  actuated  by  a  dislike  for  Graham  and  Sutter.     John  C.  Jones,  writing 
to  Larkin,  expresses  the  opinion  of  Sta  Barbara  that  Micheltorena's  success 
would  have  been  a  great  misfortune  to  the  Californians,  largely  through  Sut- 
ter's  influence.    Larkin's  Doc.,  iii.  75. 

18  In  a  letter  from  Cahuenga,  Alvarado  and  Castro  later  spoke  of  having 
34  riflemen.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  17.     Most  authorities  agree  that  the 
whole  number  was  from  40  to  60.    Wilson,   Observ.,  MS.,  46-56,  says  there 
•were  50  in  different  companies,  implying  that  Workman  was  the  commander 
of  his  company.     The  Californians  generally  represent  McKinley  as  having 
been  in  command;  and  Jones  in  a  letter  of  the  time  also  names  him  as  leader. 
Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  65.     Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  123,  says  McKinley  took  no 
active  part,  and  that  Stearns  did  not  leave  the  town.     Bidwell,  Cal.  1841-8, 
MS.,  124,  says  that  the  principal  force  was  a  company  of  40  mountaineers 
under  William  Fallon;   and   Sutter  wrote  on  July  31st  of    'O'Fallon  who 
marched  against  us  with  his  gang  for  the  sake  of  getting  some  horses. '   Lar- 
kin's Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  234.     Michael  White,  Cal.  All  the  Way  Back  to  '28,  MS., 
19-21,  tells  us  there  were  100  men  in  his  company,  under  Capt.  Workman  and 
Lieut  Rowland.     The  writer  was  enlisted  against  his  will.     The  following 
men  are  named  by  one  witness  or  another  as  having  served  in  this  campaign: 
James   McKinley,   Abel   Stearns,  B.   D.   Wilson,   Alexander  Bell,  Richard 
Laughlin,  Nathaniel  Pryor,  Alex.  Sales,  Michael  White,  P.  Mace  (?),  James 
Beckwourth  (?),  James  Barton  (?),  Wm  Fallon,  Wm  Workman,  John  Row- 
land, Louis  Vignes,  Wm  Garner,  Sam.  Carpenter,  Henry  Dalton,  Daniel  Sex- 
ton, John  Reed,  Callaghan  (3),  Cornelius  Perry  (?),  Wm  Smith. 


496  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

whose  intentions  were  not  known,  and  the  invasion  of 
the  city  by  the  division  of  the  north  claiming  to  act 
in  defence  of  the  country.  He  therefore  called  upon 
the  junta  to  consider  the  situation,  and  to  take  such 
measures  as  would  check  the  movement  of  hostile 
forces  and  restore  tranquillity.19  The  only  business 
transacted  the  first  day  was  to  call  upon  Alvarado  and 
Castro  for  an  explanation  of  their  coming  at  the  head 
of  an  armed  force.  At  the  next  session  on  the  29th, 
the  explanation  with  documentary  vouchers  was  re- 
ceived, read,  and  referred  to  Figueroa  and  Carrillo  as 
a  committee.  This  document  was  a  forcible  present- 
ment, not  exaggerated,  and  comparatively  free  from 
verbiage,  of  the  events  of  the  past  two  months, 
with  which  the  reader  is  familiar.  The  authors  called 
attention  to  the  fact  that  hitherto  Micheltorena's 
authority  as  governor  and  general  had  not  been  ques- 
tioned or  threatened  by  anybody,  the  movement  hav- 
ing been  directed  against  the  criminal  soldiers  exclu- 
sively, and  the  governor  himself  having  recognized  its 
justice;  but  now  they  declared  that  Micheltorena,  by 
breaking  the  treaty  of  Santa  Teresa,  by  arming  foreign 
adventurers  and  savage  Indians  against  the  Califor- 
nians,  and  by  giving  a  high  command  to  a  man  who 
was  known  to  have  made  threats  against  Mexican 
authorities,  was  guilty  of  treason  to  his  government, 
and  should  be  sent  to  answer  for  his  crimes  before  the 
tribunals  of  the  republic.  The  assembly  should  take 
charge  ad  interim  of  departmental  affairs  in  accordance 
with  the  laws,  and  in  reporting  the  charges  against 
Micheltorena,  should  petition  that  the  command  be 
conferred  upon  a  native  or  a  citizen  of  California.20 

"Pico's  discourse  of  Jan.  28,  1845,  in  Vallejo,  Dor.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  96; 
Sandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  57.  Ridiculed  by  Vallejo,  hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  442  3, 
without  any  good  foundation.  The  speech  was  wordy,  but  sensible  enough. 

20  Alvarado  and  Castro,  Exposition  contra  Mirheltor^nadirigidad  la  amtm- 
blea  departamental  por  los  Gefex  de  la  Division  del  Norte,29  de  Enero,  1845,  MS. 
The  9  accompanying  documents  are  not  given;  but  they  consisted  of  corresp. 
that  has  already  been  cited.  Sessions  of  Jan.  28th-29th.  Id.,  iv.  p.  28-9; 
De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  1;  Id.,  vi.  110;  Sla  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  30;  S.  Joat, 
Arch.,  MS.,  i.  4;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  103. 


ACTION  OF  THE  JUNTA.  497 

The  committee  could  find  in  the  evidence  before 
it  no  reason  for  Michel torena's  present  action,  after 
having  proclaimed  that  the  country  was  at  peace,  and 
that  he  had  yielded  to  the  just  demands  of  the  male- 
contents.  The  campaign  seemed  to  be  merely  a  per- 
secution of  those  who  had  wished  to  send  away  the 
batallon;  and  the  governor's  relations  with  foreigners, 
and  especially  with  so  suspicious  a  character  as  Sut- 
ter,  instead  of  strengthening  his  cause,  had  prima  facie 
removed  all  his  claims  to  popular  sympathy  in  the 
south.  Both  sides  of  the  question  should,  however, 
be  heard ;  and  to  that  end  the  committee  reported  in 
the  session  of  February  1st  that  the  president  of  the 
junta  should  appoint  a  committee  to  wait  on  Michel  - 
torena,  to  consult  with  him  on  means  for  putting  an 
end  to  dissensions,  and  to  request  that  pending  nego- 
tiations he  would  suspend  his  advance  on  Los  Ange- 
les, and  thus  avoid  bloodshed.  This  report  was  ap- 
proved before  the  session  the  same  day.  Pico  had 
sent  the  governor  a  letter  by  Sepulveda,  enclosing  his 
speech  at  the  earlier  session  with  other  records,  and 
explaining  the  object  of  the  junta  to  prevent  dissen- 
sions.21 Also  on  the  afternoon  of  the  1st  a  meeting  of 
the  people  was  convoked.22  What  was  done  at  that 
meeting,  if  anything  beyond  announcing  the  action  of 
the  junta,  is  not  known;  but  within  a  few  days  Castro 
with  a  part  of  his  force  set  out  for  San  Buenaventura, 
whither  we  shall  follow  him  later. 

The  commissioners  appointed  by  the  president  of 
the  junta  on  the  3d  were  Josd  Antonio  de  la  Guerra 
of  Santa  Bd-rbara,  Vicente  Sanchez,  Abel  Stearns, 
Antonio  F.  Coronel,  and  Antonio  M.  Lugo.  Their 
instructions,  dated  the  4th,  went  perhaps  a  little  be- 
yond the  original  resolution  of  the  assembly.  They 

"Sessions  of  the  junta,  Feb.  1,  1845.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  2-8,  11-12; 
Leg.  Bee.,  MS.,  iv.  30-1,  305;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  3,  42.  Feb.  1st,  Pico  to  M. 
£1  icheltorena,  Expediente,  no.  5.  M.  replied  Feb.  4th,  from  Arroyo  Hondo, 
saying  briefly  that  in  order  to  reply  he  needed  a  copy  of  the  constitution  not 
to  be  found  in  camp!  Id.,  no.  C. 

22  Feb.  1,  Castro  to  alcalde.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ann.,  MS.,  xi.  139. 
HIST.  CAI,.,  VOL.  IV.    32 


498  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

were  to  urge  Micheltorena  to  respect  the  universal 
desire  of  the  people  by  complying  with  the  agreement 
of  Santa  Teresa;  to  dismiss  his  foreign  allies,  whose 
presence  with  arms  in  their  hands  was  against  the 
laws  and  a  menace  to  the  nation;  and  to  send  the  Ind- 
ians back  to  their  rancherias,  their  arming  being  a  most 
impolitic  and  dangerous  act.  Should  he  consent  to 
these  terms,  his  person  and  position  would  be  respect- 
ed, and  the  junta  would  cooperate  with  him  to  restore 
order;  should  he  refuse,  he  would  be  held  responsible 
for  the  war  that  would  result,  since  every  California!! 
was  ready  to  take  up  arms  in  defence  of  national  in- 
tegrity.23 Captain  Guerra  was  already  at  Santa  Ba>- 
bara,  where  some  of  the  other  comisionados  joined 
him,  and  early  in  the  morning  of  the  7th  they  called 
on  Micheltorena  at  the  mission.  He  refused  to  treat 
officially  with  them  as  representatives  of  a  junta  which 
as  he  maintained  had  not  been  legally  convened;  but 
being  about  to  resume  his  march,  he  consented  to  con- 
fer with  them  as  private  individuals  on  the  way.  Ac- 
cordingly they  called  the  same  evening  at  his  camp  at 
Carpinteria,  but  accomplished  nothing.  Next  day  the 
general  started  for  San  Buenaventura,  but  returned 
on  learning  that  Castro  held  that  place;  and  after  a 
conference  with  Sutter  and  other  officers,  he  made 
known  to  Guerra  his  ultimatum — that  pardon  would 
be  granted  to  the  revolutionists,  and  even  the  lives  of 
the  leaders  would  be  spared,  if  they  would  give  up 
their  arms  and  place  themselves  at  the  disposition  of 
the  governor.2* 

23  Feb.  3d,  4th,  appointment  and  instructions  of  commissioners.  Guerra, 
.Doc.,  MS.,  i.  68-72;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  9-10;  Coronel,  Doc.,  MS.,  235- 
.7.    The  original  resolution  of  the  junta  of  Feb.  1st,  with  a  note  from  Pico,  was 
sent  to  M.  on  the  5th,  when  the  comisionados  started.  Micheltorena,  Expe- 
dientf,,  no.  7-8, 

24  Feb.  7th,  9th,  Guerra  to  Pico.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,iv.  1154-5;  Guerra, 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  75-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  12.     On  Feb.  4th,  however,  ac- 
cording to  -Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  32,  M.  had  written  to  Pico  from  Arroyo  Hondo, 
in  reply  to  Pico's  note  of  the  1st,  promising  to  answer  questions  of  the  assem- 
bly.    Coronel,  one  of  the  committee,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  58-63,  gives  some 
details  of  their  labors,  including  several  trips  back  and  forward  between 
Micheltorena  and  .Castro,  which  do  not  agree  at  all  with  the  original  records. 
He  says  the  committee  consisted  of  himself,  Sanchez,  and  John  Wilson.     He 


PIO  PICO  GOVERNOR.  499 

The  junta,  not  having  received  the  explanations 
promised  by  Micheltorena  on  the  4th,  nor  having  any 
evidence  that  he  had  replied  to  the  comisionados, 
voted  on  the  12th  to  demand  peremptorily  a  reply 
within  an  hour  after  the  receipt  of  the  demand,  which 
was  sent  to  Guerra,  with  a  threat  that  if  no  answer 
were  received  by  the  14th  the  assembly  would  take 
such  steps  as  it  might  deem  proper  to  secure  the  rights 
of  the  people.  The  day  came,  bringing  only  the  news 
that  the  governor  had  refused  to  recognize  either  the 
junta  or  its  commissioners.  Thereupon,  on  motion  of 
the  president,  it  was  resolved,  1st,  That  Micheltorena's 
authority  be  ignored;  2d,  That  the  two  positions  for- 
merly held  by  him  be  filled  according  to  law ;  3d,  That 
the  junta  continue  its  sessions  at  Los  Angeles,  and 
take  measures  to  make  its  authority  respected;  and, 
4th,  That  it  proceed  to  prepare  formal  accusations 
against  Micheltorena,  to  be  presented  to  the  supreme 
government.  Next  day,  the  15th,Pio  Pico,  as  senior 
vocal,  was  declared  to  be  the  legal  governor  ad  in- 
terim. The  customary  proclamations  to  the  people 
and  orders  to  subordinate  authorities  were  issued. 
Alvarado  and  Castro  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the 
new  regime,  and  Don  Pio,  having  announced  his  in- 
tention of  marching  in  person  against  the  foe,  pub- 
lished on  the  17th  an  order  that  all  citizens,  native  or 
foreign,  must  present  themselves  in  arms  'for  active 
service  on  the  following  day — an  order  which  was 
obeyed  very  promptly.25 

had  some  personal  interviews  with  M. ,  who  asked  him  not  to  exert  himself 
to  bring  about  a  peaceable  arrangement,  since  he  wished  to  get  out  of  the 
country  honorably  before  it  should  fall  into  American  hands. 

aaFeb.  10,  1845,  T.  S.  Avila  testifies  that  on  the  6th  he  heard  Michelto- 
rena say  that  he  ignored  the  assembly.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg., 
MS.,  ii.  40-1.  Feb.  12th,  action  of  junta  demanding  an  immediate  answer, 
communicated  by  Pico  and  Olverato  gov.,  Guerra,  and  the  people.  Ley.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  32;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  43;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  79;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  xi.  137-8;  Micheltorena,  Expedients,  no.  9.  Feb.  14th, 
Guerra  to  junta,  announcing  the  refusal  of  M.  to  treat  with  the  comisionados. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  iv.  1155-6;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  13;  Guerra,  Doc., 
MS.,  i.  81-2.  Same  date,  action  of  junta  ignoring  M.,  proclaimed  by  Pico. 
Lerj.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  33-5;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,MS.,vi.  14-16;  Los  Angeles,  Arch., 
MS.,  iii.  13-15;  Coronet,  Doc.,  MS.,  111.  Micheltornea,  Expedlente,  no.  10, 


500  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

Castro,  with  most  of  his  northern  division  and  a 
few  who  joined  him  in  the  south,  perhaps  150  in  all, 
had  left  Los  Angeles  within  a  few  days  after  Febru- 
ary 1st,  and  on  or  about  the  8th  had  occupied  San 
Buenaventura  with  a  view  to  wratch  Micheltorena's 
movements,  and  to  prevent  his  advance  as  long  as 
possible,  while  preparations  were  being  made  in  the 
city.  Here  he  is  said  to  have  thrown  up  some  slight 
intrenchments,  to  have  sent  out  parties  of  scouts  to 
observe  and  worry  the  enemy,  and  to  have  performed 
a  variety  of  evolutions,  respecting  the  unimportant 
details  of  which  there  is  no  agreement  among  wit- 
nesses.28 

Micheltorena  and  Sutter — the  latter  having  taken 
the  precaution  to  have  his  land  grant  signed  before 
leaving  Santa  Bdrbara —  started  from  Carpinteria 
southward  on  the  8th;  but  learning  that  Castro  had 
occupied  San  Buenaventura,  they  marched  back  again 
to  their  former  camp,  or  perhaps  to  El  Rincon,  and 
stayed  there  a  week.  During  this  time  Lieutenant 
Coates,  with  fifteen  men  of  Gantt's  company,  made  a 
reconnoissance  over  the  hills,  and  all  were  captured  by 
an  advance  party  of  Californians,  probably  under 
Manuel  Castro.  There  is  conflicting  testimony  as  to 
how  the  capture  was  effected,  and  room  for  suspicion 
that  it  \vas  not  much  against  the  will  of  the  foreigners. 
At  any  rate,  they  were  well  treated  in  Castro's  camp, 

with  date  of  15th,  forwarded  to  M.  on  same  date  with  a  long  letter  of  expla- 
nation, protest,  and  warning.  Id., no.  11.  Feb.  loth,  junta  declares  Pico  to 
be  gov.  ad  interim,  his  communications  to  different  officials,  and  his  patriotic 
proclamation  to  the  people.  Leg.  JRec.,  MS.,  iv.  35;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi. 
16-17;  Id.,  S.  Jost,  v.  91-2;  Id.,  Angeles,  x.  58-60;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS., 
36.  Feb.  17th,  Alvarado  and  Castro  acknowledge  Pico,  who  says  he  will 
march  against  M.  Leg.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  36.  Pico  to  M. ,  reproaching  and  warning 
him.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  ix.  8-11.  Pico  to  citizens,  calling  them  to  arms. 
All  who  aid  M.  to  be  regarded  as  enemies  to  the  country  and  to  suffer  ac- 
cordingly. Id.,  Angeles,  x.  56.  The  proceedings  of  the  assembly  and  nego- 
tiations with  M.  are  also  described  more  or  less  fully,  nothing  being  added 
to  what  I  have  given,  in  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  106-11;  Sandini,  Hist.  Vol., 
MS.,  109-10;  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  60-1;  Larios,  Convulsions,  MS.,  20-1. 

26 Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  81-3;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  112-17;  Ar- 
vnz,  ficcucrdos,  MS.,  70-1;  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  111-12;  Serrano,  Apuntes. 
MS.,  96-7;  Larios,  Convuhiones.  MS.,  21-3;  Ord,  Ocurrencias,  MS.,  135, 
These  throw  no  light  on  the  details  of  Castro's  proceedings. 


THE  GENERAL  AT  SAN  BUENAVENTURA.       501 

being  thoroughly  relieved  of  all  fears  of  oppression 
from  the  Californians,  and  sent  back  under  parole, 
having  promised  to  take  no  part  in  future  hostilities. 
Returning  to  Santa  Barbara,  they  induced  many  of 
their  companions  to  join  them  and  withdraw  from 
Micheltorena's  service.  Others  had  withdrawn  be- 
fore, influenced  by  their  disgust  at  the  slow  progress 
southward  and  by  Marsh's  arguments;  so  that  now 
not  over  half  of  the  foreign  allies,  some  fifty  in  num- 
ber, remained  with  the  convicts  and  Indians,  and 
many  of  these  were  retained  only  by  their  unwilling- 
ness to  abandon  a  cause  in  which  they  had  once  em- 
barked.27 

At  last,  on  the  15th  of  February,  the  day  on  which 
the  junta  voted  to  ignore  Micheltorena's  authority, 
the  latter  ordered  an  advance  southward.  His  army 
entered  San  Buenaventura  that  day  or  the  next. 
Castro  retired  without  resistance  at  the  enemy's  ap- 
proach, though  Sutter  speaks  of  a  charge  led  by  him- 
self which  compelled  the  Californians  to  break  and 

27  Wm  A.  Streeter,  Recollections,  MS.,  35-51,  gives  more  details  about  the 
captivity  than  any  other.  He  happened  to  arrive  at  S.  Buenaventura  just  at 
that  time,  and  served  as  interpreter  between  Castro  and  the  prisoners.  He 
names  Knight,  Swift,  the  Murphys,  Coombs,  and  Mclntosh  as  among  the 
number,  and  says  they  were  detained  5  days.  Streeter  went  with  them  to 
Sutter's  camp,  and  when  questioned  greatly  exaggerated  the  dangers  of  at- 
tacking Castro.  In  spite  of  Capt.  Gantt's  entreaties,  35  men  besides  the  pa- 
roled prisoners  decided  to  leave  the  company,  the  writer  coming  north  with 
them.  Sutter,  Person.  Remin.,  MS.,  says  that  Coates  and  his  men  after  a 
day's  absence  came  back  with  a  story  that  they  had  been  captured  and  re- 
loased  on  parole,  and  he,  not  without  suspicions,  let  them  go.  Chamberlain, 
Memoirs,  MS.,  14-20,  names  Sheldon,  Wyman,  and  McCoon  as  among  the 
captives.  Nidever,  Adventures,  MS.,  Ill,  says  the  men  had  been  warned  at 
Sta  Bdrbara  that  they  would  be  captured  if  not  more  careful.  The  news  of  the 
capture  and  release  was  received  at  S.  F.  before  March  2d.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xii.  139.  Manuel  Castro,  Reladon,  MS.,  124-G,  names  Los  Pitos  as  the  place 
where  the  Americans  were  taken.  Rico,  Memorias,  MS.,  11-16,  gives  some 
details  of  the  capture,  which  he  says  was  effected  by  retreating  scouts  leading 
the  Americans  into  an  ambush,  Rico  himself  being  in  command.  Osio,  Hixt. 
Oal.,  MS.,  450-1,  has  it  that  30  foreigners  met  and  retreated  before  Castro's 
force,  whereupon  Jos6  Castro  marched  out  alone  to  meet  them  and  persuade 
them  that  they  were  on  the  wrong  side.  Larios,  Convulsiones,  MS.,  21-4, 
tells  us  that  Murphy,  after  the  capture,  promised  Castro  to  go  back  to  camp 
and  induce  most  of  Gantt's  company  to  leave  the  service,  and  did  so.  Men- 
tion also  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  iv.  450-2;  Buelna,  Notas,  MS.,  5-8;  Pico, 
Acont.,  MS.,  61.  Larkin  in  letters  of  the  time  states  that  at  least  half  of  the 
foreigners  and  some  of  the  Mexicans  deserted  before  the  battle  of  Cahuenga. 
Jones  says  that  only  30  of  the  riflemen  were  left. 


502  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

flee,  and  there  is  some  evidence  that  a  few  cannon- 
balls  were  sent  after  Castros'  army  as  it  disappeared 
in  the  distance.28  The  adverse  action  of  the  Angelinos 
seems  not  to  have  been  known  at  this  time;  but  on 
the  contrary  there  was  a  report  credited  by  Michel- 
torena,  and  by  the  people  of  Santa  Barbara,  that  the 
Picos  had  raised  a  force  and  were  marching  to  the 
general's  support.29  Alvarado  and  Vallejo,  vaguely 
supported  by  a  few  other  Californians,  talk  of  a  per- 
sonal interview  between  Castro  and  Micheltorena  at 
San  Buenaventura,  at  which,  in  continuation  of  their 
former  agreement,  the  final  arrangements  for  a  sham- 
battle  and  treaty  were  made.  I  have  no  reason  to 
believe  that  any  such  interview  took  place.3 


BO 


Micheltorena  remained  a  dav  or  two  at  San  Buena- 

M 

ventura,  and  then  resumed  his  advance,  spending  a 
night  either  at  El  Triunfo  or  Las  Virgenes,  and 
arriving  at  the  Encino  in  San  Fernando  Valley  at 
nightfall  on  February  19th.  Meanwhile  Castro  had 
retired  to  Los  Angeles,  where  he  had  been  joined  by 
Alvarado  with  reinforcements.  The  two  had  again 

18  Sutter,  in  his  Personal  Reminis.,  MS.,  affirms  that  he  led  the  advance 
with  600  men,  by  the  mountains,  while  the  general  with  the  rest  of  the  army 
(!)  and  the  artillery  came  next  morning  by  the  beach  road.  Sutter  crossed 
the  hills  in  the  night  in  a  heavy  rain,  and  at  daybreak  was  in  sight  of  the 
mission,  half  his  force  having  loitered  behind.  Sutter  made  a  charge,  and 
the  foe  fled  to  form  again  in  line  of  battle  half  a  mile  away.  Bidwell  was 
sent  back  to  get  permission  to  attack  them,  but  Micheltorena  refused.  He 
could  easily  have  routed  Castro's  army,  he  thinks.  He  mentions  no  firing  of 
cannon.  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  124-7,  says  the  long  rains  had  damaged 
their  powder,  and  that  M.  with  his  artillery  conpelled  a  retreat.  Gonzalez, 
Memoriae,  MS.,  13-24,  Wiggins,  Remin.,  MS.,  8-11,  and  Arnaz,  Recuerdos, 
MS.,  70-1,  say  that  two  or  three  cannon  shots  were  fired  at  long  range. 

29  Feb.  16th,  J.  C.  Jones  to  Larkin.  Announces  the  occupation  of  S.  Buena- 
ventura, Castro's  retreat,  and  the  reports  from  Angeles.  He  thinks  M.  knew 
of  Pico's  approach  before  he  advanced.  'There  is  no  doubt  that  this  news  is 
true,  which  lias  put  a  death-stroke  to  the  hopes  of  Castro  and  his  party.  The 
Californians  must  now  submit  to  be  governed  by  Mexicans,  and  with  a  rod  of 
iron.'  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  36.  yallejo,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  447-8,  re- 
ceived from  M.  a  letter  written  at  this  time,  in  which  he  announced  the  good 
news  from  Angeles  and  his  confidence  in  success. 

30 Alvarado,  Hist.  C/il,  MS.,  v.  28-9,  48-53;  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v. 
2-3.  Gonzalez,  Memorias,  MS.,  23-4,  speaks  of  M.  having  received  letters 
from  Alvarado  and  Castro,  the  former  read  to  the  men  and  containing  insults, 
while  the  latter  was  read  privately.  Others  say  something  of  the  receipt  of 
letters,  but  nobody  claims  to  have  seen  the  interview. 


BATTLE  OF  CAHUENGA.  £03 

advanced  through  the  Cahuenga  Pass  with  284  men, 
encamping  on  the  18th  in  the  southern  edge  of  San 
Fernando  Valley  seven  or  eight  miles  from  Encino. 
Pio  Pico  probably  came  up  from  the  city  next  day 
with  additional  reinforcements,  since  there  is  a  gen- 
eral agreement  among  authorities  that  the  Califor- 
nians  had  in  all  nearlv  400  men.31 

tf 

Friday  morning,  the  20th,  the  rival  armies  advanced 
from  Encino  and  Cahuenga  respectively — that  of 
Micheltorena  down,  and  that  of  Castro  up,  the  general 
course  of  the  Los  Angeles  River — until  they  ap- 
proached within  shooting-distance,  at  very  long  can- 
non-range of  each  other.  Both  parties,  or  at  least 
some  portions  of  each,  sought  protection  under  the 
banks  of  the  river,  or  of  the  dry  gulches  communi- 
cating therewith.  The  Californians  had  two  small 
cannon,  the  Mexicans  three,  including  the  one  brought 
from  New  Helvetia.  It  was  probably  noon  before 
the  firing  began,  and  it  was  kept  up  all  the  afternoon 
on  both  sides,  Micheltorena's  gunners  using  grape 
and  firing  over  a  hundred  times;  while  the  others 
fired  less  shots,  using  ball  and  in  some  cases  perhaps 
small  stones.  The  result  was  that  a  horse  on  the 
patriot  side  had  his  head  blown  off — some  say  two 
horses  fell;  while  I  am  impelled  by  a  spirit  of  histori- 
cal fairness  to  record  a  rumor,  not  very  well  authen- 
ticated, that  a  mule  on  the  side  of  the  cholos  was 
slightly  injured.  Not  a  drop  of  human  blood  was 
spilled  on  the  battle-field  of  Cahuenga,  or  of  Alamo, 
as  it  is  called  by  several  writers  familiar  with  the 
region.32  Just  before  night  Micheltorena  moved  his 
force  eastward  across  the  plain,  with  the  apparent 
intention  of  executing  a  flank  movement,  striking 

31  Feb.  18th,  Alvarado  and  Castro  to  Pico.  Have  arrived,  with  their 
division  of  250  men,  increased  by  34  riflemen  at  Cahuenga.  No  signs  of  the 
enemy  yet.  An  interview  with  Pico  is  desired.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  17. 
Feb.  '20th,  alcalde  of  S.  Diego  to  Pico.  People  here  lukewarm  about  poli- 
tics, yet  a  party  of  volunteers  start  to-day  to  join  Alvarado  and  Castro.  Id., 
Ben.  Prt'f.  y  Juzy.,  ii.  114-15.  These  volunteers,  as  usual  for  the  S.  Diegans, 
were  too  late. 

Si  Such  are  Forster,  Valle,  Botello,  etc. 


504  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICIIELTOUENA. 

the  river  at  its  bend,  and  following  it  down  to  the 
city.  Accordingly  a  large  part  of  the  Californian 
army  withdrew  through  the  Cahuenga  Pass.  Then 
they  proceeded  to  the  left  until  they  reached  the 
river,  and  after  ascending  its  course  for  a  few  miles, 
encamped  for  the  night.  Thus  when  the  sun  rose 
on  the  21st  it  found  the  two  armies  again  facing  each 
other  on  the  Verdugo  rancho,  some  ten  or  twelve 
miles  from  the  battle-field  of  Friday.  There  seems 
to  have  been  more  cannon  firing  for  an  hour  or  two 
on  this  Saturday  morning,  though  this  is  not  quite 
certain.  Then  Micheltorena,  raising  a  white  flag, 
proposed  a  capitulation. 

Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Cahuenga — accompanied 
by  a  war  of  the  elements,  one  of  the  sand-storms 
peculiar  to  this  region — the  second  of  the  name  in 
which  a  Mexican  governor  was  defeated  by  the  Cali- 
fornians.  I  have  briefly  described  its  general  feat- 
ures, with  as  much  accuracy  as  is  deducible  from  the 
mass  of  confused,  contradictory,  and  often  false  testi- 
mony extant  on  the  subject.  I  append  in  a  note 
some  items  from  this  testimony,  and  proceed  to  take 
up  an  important  feature  of  the  conflict,  the  part 
taken  therein  by  foreigners,  not  noticed  before.33 

33  The  narrative  of  B.  D.  Wilson,  Observations  on  Early  Days,  MS.,  46-56, 
who  was  an  eye-witness  of  all  that  occurred,  is  on  the  whole  the  clearest, 
most  consistent,  and  best  supported  statement  of  the  whole  affair,  though  the 
author  does  not  go  very  minutely  into  details  except  on  the  part  taken  by 
foreignei-s.  The  editor  of  the  Los  Angeles  Co.  Hist.,  41,  appears  to  have  seen 
a  copy  of  Wilson's  narrative  which  was  made  from  my  original  by  a  member 
of  his  family.  The  letters  of  John  C.  Jones  from  Sta  Barbara  to  Thomas  O. 
Larkin  on  Feb.  23d,  24th,  Larkin'.i  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  65;  iii.  37,  and  of  L.  to  the 
U.  S.  sec.  state  on  March  22d,  24th,  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  22-24;  ii.  19- 
21,  contain  the  earliest  accounts,  agreeing  substantially  with  Wilson  and  with 
my  text.  Jones  says  'unfortunately  nothing  living  was  killed  except  a  few 
horses;'  and  he  attributes  the  general's  defeat  to  his  slow  movements,  depend- 
ence on  cannon,  the  outrageous  plundering  of  private  property  by  his  men 
on  the  march,  and  to  Sutter's  bluster.  In  his  first  letter  he  mentioned  the 
rumored  killing  of  1 1  cholos  and  one  foreigner.  Larkin  also  mentioned  re- 
corded rumors  of  several  men  being  killed.  Both  state  that  the  cannonading 
continued  on  Saturday  morning.  March  2d,  reports  of  the  defeat  reached  S. 
F. ;  12  cholos,  one  foreigner,  one  Indian,  and  one  officer  killed !  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xii.  139. 

Sutter,  Pers.  Reminis.,  MS.,  says  they  saw  the  enemy  on  the  night  before 
the  battle  (19th).  Advanced  at  sunrise,  Micheltorena  commanding  the  artil- 
lery and  infantry,  Sutter  the  cavalry.  The  first  shot  broke  the  wheel  of  one 


DEFECTION  OF  SUTTER'S  MEN.  505 

Micheltorena  had  less  than  fifty  of  his  foreign  rifle- 
men left  when  the  battle  began,  and  these  left  him 
without  firing  a  shot,  being  so  persuaded  by  the 

of  the  enemy's  guns,  and  scared  away  the  gunners.  Then  was  the  time  to 
charge,  '  but  we  had  bad  luck.  Some  of  the  Mexican  dragoons  began  to  wa- 
ver and  some  of  them  deserted.  The  order  to  charge  was  not  obeyed  by  the 
riflemen. '  M.  gained  a  position  on  a  wooded  hill  and  defended  himself  till 
night  and  encamped.  Next  morning,  being  entirely  surrounded  and  deprived 
of  supplies,  he  surrendered.  S.  was,  however,  captured  the  first  day  and 
knew  but  little  of  what  occurred  subsequently.  In  his  Diary,  5—6,  Sutter 
says:  'Near  San  Fernando  the  enemy  occupied  a  fine  position,  and  appeared 
in  full  strength,  joined  by  a  company  of  American  traders  coming  from  So- 
nora  and  another  company  of  the  same  consisting  of  Traders  and  Trappers 
and  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy  was  over  thousand  men  ( !)  well  provided 
with  everything,  and  our  force  has  been  no  more  as  about  350  or  375  Men,  and 
during  the  battle  of  Cavenga  near  San  fernando  the  balance  of  the  mounted 
riflemen  and  the  Artillerie  deserted,  and  myself  fell  in  the  hands  of  the  en- 
emy ...  A  few  days  after  this,  the  general,  surrounded  by  the  enemy  so  that 
he  could  get  nothing  more  to  eat,  capitulated. '  Wiggins,  Reminiscences,  MS. , 
8-11,  who  was  present  during  part  of  the  battle,  says  M.  had  several  horses 
killed  and  an  Indian  wounded;  the  loss  on  the  other  side  being  probably  twice 
as  great.  Davis,  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  MS.,  117-29,  was  at  Angeles  during 
this  campaign,  having  charge  of  Bell's  store  while  the  owner  was  absent  at 
Cahuenga.  He  gives  a  vivid  and  interesting  account  of  the  non-combatant  in- 
habitants of  the  city  crowding  on  the  hill  listening  to  the  boom  of  distant  can- 
non, waiting  for  news,  and  praying  for  the  safety  of  relatives  and  friends.  He 
also  devotes  some  space  to  praise  of  M.,  and  to  a  development  of  the  absurd 
theory  that  he  might  with  his  superior  arms  and  disciplined  troops  have 
slaughtered  the  Californiaus,  but  was  restrained  by  feelings  of  humanity,  or- 
dering his  men,  as  the  writer  was  told,  to  fire  over  the  enemy's  head.  The 
Yolo  Co.  Hixt.,  11-12,  contains  a  fair  account  of  the  campaign,  drawn  mainly 
from  Bird  and  Forbes,  though  the  latter  in  a  letter  falls  into  some  absurd 
errors  respecting  the  battle,  as  will  be  noted  later.  See  also  Chamberlain's 
Memoirs,  MS.,  14-20;  letters  in  Nilea'  Reg.,  Ixviii.  235-6;  Nidever's  Adven- 
tures, MS.,  Ill;  S.  F.  Chronicle,  Feb.  13,  1876;  Id.,  June  15,  1879— this  ar- 
ticle coming  from  the  Sonoma  Index,  and  being  wholly  false,  if  not  intended 
as  a  burlesque,  of  which  there  is  no  indication;  Tuthill's  Hist.  Col.,  150;  Rob- 
inson's Life  in  Cat.,  212-13;  Honolulu  Friend,  iii.  61;  Los  Angeles  Hist.,  15; 
Belden'sHist.  Statement,  MS.,  39;  Forster's  Pioneer  Data,  MS.,  26-7;  Temple's 
Recoil.,  MS.,  6-7;  Streeter's  Recoil.,  MS.,  35-51;  Spence's  Notes,  MS.,  20-2; 
Hayes'  Emig.  Notes,  214-15;  Bell's  Remin.,  13-14.  None  of  these  add  any- 
thing definite  to  what  I  have  presented. 

Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  112-19,  gives  a  good  general  account  of  the 
battle,  and  adds  many  details,  some  of  which  I  doubt  not  may  be  accurate, 
though  I  have  no  means  of  determining  which.  According  to  him,  the  action 
liegan  at  9  A.  M.  Alvarado  fired  the  first  gun  with  his  own  hand.  Alf.  Luis 
Altamirano  and  Capt.  Rico  were  in  charge  of  the  two  guns.  Pico  himself 
acted  as  commander-in-chief.  Micheltorena  sent  two  requests  for  a  cessation 
of  firing,  but  Pico  insisted  on  a  surrender.  Workman  and  McKinley  were 
reprimanded  on  the  field  for  trying  to  open  relations  with  the  foe.  Jos6 
Castro  was  found  skulking  in  disguise  out  of  danger.  Pico  commanded  in 
person  the  company  that  prevented  M.'s  flanking  movement,  but  Castro 
came  up  later,  and  by  morning  the  foe  was  entirely  surrounded.  Alvarado, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  66-75,  tells  us  that  on  the  second  day  he  ordered  his  men 
not  to  waste  their  powder  by  repeating  the  cannonade  of  the  day  before. 
Pico,  on  a  hill  out  of  ran^e,  summoned  the  writer  and  ordered  him  in  an  airy 
tone  to  continue  the  battle.  A.  went  straight  back  to  his  guns,  and  on  open- 


506  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

fifty  foreigners  on  the  other  side,  against  whom 
they  would  not  fight,  knowing  many  of  them  person- 
ally. They  had  been  wavering  before,  and  were  not 
sorry  for  an  excuse  to  withdraw  from  a  bad  cause; 
but  they  went  through  the  forms  of  listening  to  argu- 
ments from  their  compatriots  of  the  south.  While 
posted  in  the  bed  of  the  creek,  after  the  firing  had  be- 
gun, they  were  visited  by  McKinley  and  Wilson,  who 
carne  as  representatives  of  their  company,  posted  in  the 
same  gulch  about  a  mile  below,  and  who  labored  to 
show  that  it  was  neither  the  duty  nor  the  interest  of 
foreign  residents  to  fight  for  the  purpose  of  keeping 
Micheltorena's  rabble  in  California.  Captain  Gantt 
and  other  prominent  members  of1  his  company,  who 
had  come  out  to  meet  the  others  at  a  little  distance 
from  their  camp,  admitted  the  force  of  Wilson's  rea- 
soning, but  replied  that  their  men  were  afraid  of  losing 
the  lands  which  Michel torena  had  granted  or  promised 
them.  To  remove  this  difficulty,  Pio  Pico  was  sent  for 
and  came  in  person — so  say  Wilson,  Botello,  and  Pico 
himself — explaining  to  the  foreigners  that  Michel- 
torena's grants  and  promises  were  worthless,  because 
lands  could  not  be  granted  legally  to  any  but  Mexi- 

ing  fire  had  the  good  luck  to  kill  three  cholos  and  mortally  wound  another, 
whereupon  M.  at  once  raised  a  white  flag  over  his  carriage.  He  also  nar, 
rates  that  Trinidad  Espinosa  rode  out  before  the  foe,  challenging  pursuit, 
when  a  cannon-ball  killed  his  horse  under  him.  Vallejo,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v- 
2-15,  agrees  with  Alvarado,  and  both  insist  that  the  battle  was  a  sham,  as 
per  agreement  between  M.  and  Castro.  Manuel  Castro,  Relation,  MS.,  127- 
34,  gives  a  very  correct  general  account  of  the  whole  affair.  Pico,  Acont., 
MS.,  61-3,  learned  from  cholos  who  remained  in  the  country  that  some  of 
their  number  were  killed.  Garcia,  Hechos,  MS.,  84-5,  says  the  Califoruians 
had  three  guns,  one  of  which  was  in  his  charge.  Rico's  gun  was  dismounted 
during  the  fight.  Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  112-18,  witnessed  the  first  day's 
fight  from  a  distance  with  Pico.  He  thinks  there  was  no  intention  of  hurt- 
ing anybody.  Gonzalez,  Memorias,  MS.,  23-30,  who  served  under  M.,  gives 
some  particulars  of  no  especial  importance.  He  represents  the  soldiers  as 
having  been  anxious  to  fight,  while  the  general  was  backward,  and  says  that 
the  Californians  first  proposed  a  truce.  The  narrative  of  Buelna,  Notas,  MS. , 
9-16,  is  one  of  the  best  extant  on  this  matter,  though  by  no  means  so  on  all 
subjects.  See  also,  as  containing  no  definite  information  of  any  value  not 
already  presented,  Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  96-8;  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  125-8; 
Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  42-6;  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  156-9;  Oslo,  Hint.  Col.,  MS., 
452-4;  Bandini,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  109-12;  Ord,  Ocurrendas,  MO.,  135-G; 
Voile,  Lo  Pasado,  MS.,  34-5;  Jaitsseiis^  Villa,  MS.,  184-5;  Fernandez,  Cosas  de 
Ccd.t  MS.,  114-17. 


FOREIGNERS  REFUSE  TO  FIGHT.  507 

can  citizens;  yet  he  assured  them  that  they  would 
in  no  way  be  oppressed,  that  their  present  occupation 
of  lands  would  not  be  disturbed,  and  that  as  soon  as 
they  chose  to  become  citizens  he  would  give  them  legal 
titles.  This  being  satisfactory,  all  agreed  to  leave 
the  general's  service,  though  they  would  not  consent 
to  join  the  other  side,  and  before  night  they  withdrew 
from  the  field.  It  was  reported  at  the  time  in  the 
letters  of  Jones  and  Larkin,  printed  a  little  later  in 
Alfred  Robinson's  book,  repeated  by  Tuthill  and  oth- 
ers, and  has  become  the  current  version,  that  the  two 
bodies  of  foreigners  mutually  agreed  to  withdraw  and 
leave  the  Californians  and  Mexicans  to  fight  out  their 
own  battles.  It  is  nearly  certain,  however,  that  this 
was  not  the  case,  and  that  the  southerners  made  no 
such  promise.  There  is  little  evidence  that  they  did 
withdraw  from  the  Californian  ranks,  and  they  could 
not  consistently  and  honorably  give  a  promise  which 
would  prevent  them  from  defending  Los  Angeles  and 
its  ranches  against  Micheltorena's  convicts.  They 
may  possibly  have  promised  not  to  use  their  rifles — as 
they  had  no  occasion  to  use  them  later — except  it 
should  be  necessary  to  check  the  Mexicans'  advance 
on  their  homes.34 

84  Most  writers  state  that  'the  foreigners  on  both  sides  withdrew  out  of 
range  of  the  guns.  Bell  says  they  'went  on  a  picnic, 'with  a  mutual  agree- 
ment to  permit  no  sacking  or  forced  loans.  Streeter  says  also  that  Michelto- 
rena  was  not  to  be  allowed  to  enter  the  town.  Jones  heard  from  one  of  Gantt's 
men  that  both  parties  met  in  Castro's  camp,  and  that  Castro  not  only  prom- 
ised them  kind  treatment,  but  proposed  to  join  them  in  declaring  California 
independent  of  Mexico!  Alvarado  and  Vallejo  talk  of  Graham  and  McKinley 
marching  out  in  advance  of  their  respective  companies  to  make  an  agreement 
by  which  both  parties  withdrew,  representing  Graham  as  having  taken  the 
initiative,  and  McKinley  as  being  very  reluctant.  Torre  and  Serrano  tell  us 
that  Graham  was  captured  by  Joaquin  de  la  Torre.  Jesus  Pico  and  Botello 
state  that  the  northerners  went  to  S.  Fernando,  the  former  affirming  that 
Castro  furnished  them  horses,  and  the  latter  that  the  Indian  company  went 
with  them.  Sutter  and  Bid  well  represent  that  the  agreement  to  withdraw 
was  mutual,  and  that  the  southerners  broke  their  promise,  thus  causing  defeat. 
This  is  supported  by  Wiggins  and  Galindo.  Apuntes,  MS. ,  49.  J.  A.  Forbes, 
in  a  letter  in  Yolo  Go.  Hist. ,  12,  gives  the  following  vivid  but  imaginary  pic- 
ture of  the  battle:  'Wild  firing  began  by  the  Mexicans  with  grape  and  can- 
ister, without  effect,  and  soon  the  rifle-shots  from  McKinley's  men  began  to 
tell  upon  the  Mexican  artillerymen,  but  not  a  shot  was  fired  against  Butter's 
men.  McKinley  had  staked  his  all  on  the  issue,  having  delivered  his  store 
of  goods  of  all  kinds,  worth  more  than  $5,000,  to  the  California  party  gratis, . 


508  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

Sutter  was  not  in  the  ravine  with  the  riflemen,  but 
came  there  while  the  negotiations  were  in  progress, 
to  learn  why  they  were  not  obeying  orders.  His 
eloquence  was  of  no  avail ;  his  old  arguments  had  lost 
their  force.  On  his  way  back  to  the  general's  posi- 
tion, he  and  Bidwell,  his  aid,  were  surrounded  and 
captured  by  a  party  of  Californians.  They  were  taken 
before  Castro,  kindly  received  by  him  and  Alvarado, 
arid  after  a  brief  detention  at  the  rancho  of  Cahuenga, 
were  sent  under  parole,  Rowland  being  their  surety, 
to  Los  Angeles,  where  they  were  lodged  at  the  house 
of  Abel  Stearns.  There  is  room  for  suspicion,  though 
there  is  no  proof  of  the  fact,  that  Butter's  capture  was 
not  altogether  against  his  will,  being  merely  a  pre- 
arranged method  of  'honorably'  deserting  Michel  tore- 
na's  cause.  It  was  evident  from  which  quarter  the 
winds  were  soon  to  blow,  and  it  was  high  time  for  the 
wily  Swiss  to  trim  his  sails  accordingly.  But  for  a 
previous  stipulation  with  him  or  his  men,  the  Cali- 
fornians would  have  been  amply  justified  in  showing 
him  little  mercy.  His  head  was  all,  and  perhaps  a 
little  more  than,  he  could  reasonably  have  hoped  to 


save.35 


and  now  he  had  come  on  that  field  to  offer  his  life  in  their  cause.  The  Mex- 
ican infantry  kept  up  a  fire  of  musketry  at  McKinley's  party,  and  he,  impa- 
tient of  delay,  desiring  to  speak  to  many  of  his  friends  in  Sutler's  party,  left 
his  own  men,  and  rushing  out  on  the  plain  with  his  rifle  in  one  hand  and  wav- 
ing his  hat  with  the  other,  passed  at  a  run  under  a  storm  of  musket-balls,  and 
unhurt,  was  received  by  his  friends  in  Sutter's  party,  where  his  cogent  argu- 
ments soon  caused  their  defection  from  the  Mexicans,  and  the  result  was  the 
capitulation ' ! 

35  In  his  Personal  Reminis.,  MS.,  S.  says  that  when  he  went  to  the  ravine 
he  found  his  men  balloting  to  decide  whether  to  desert  or  not,  Marsh's  elo- 
quence being  very  effective,  and  the  coming  of  the  southerners  to  the  camp 
settling  the  question;  that  while  Alvarado  and  Castro  treated  him  with  great 
kindness,  there  was  a  large  party  both  on  the  field  and  at  Angeles  in  favor 
of  shooting  him;  and  that  during  the  first  night  of  his  capture  lie  was  forced 
to  write  advising  M.  to  surrender,  though  he  wrote  in  French  and  in  such  a 
way  as  to  let  the  general  know  he  wrote  under  compulsion.  Bidwell  in  car- 
rying orders  had  before  been  taken  by  Castro's  men,  but  had  escaped.  He 
implies  that  Sutter's  visit  to  the  men  was  after  they  had  made  the  agreement 
and  left  the  ravine.  Mauricio  Gonzalez  testifies  that  S.  joined  the  enemy 
with  his  foreigners  and  Indians.  Manuel  Castro  says  S.  surrendered  himself 
voluntarily.  Buelna  tells  a  similar  story.  Osio  has  it  that  S.  waved  a  white 
flag  and  gave  himself  up,  begging  Alvarado's  favor.  Jones  wrote  at  the  time 
that  S.  and  Graham  went  to  Castro's  camp  and  surrendered  themselves.  Sut- 


TREATY  OF  SAN  FERNANDO.  509 

Micheltorena  had  never  any  idea  that  he  could  de- 
feat the  Californians  with  his  cholos  of  the  batallon 
alon^.  The  former  were  not  very  good  soldiers,  but 
infinitely  superior  to  the  latter  in  every  way.  The 
general  feared  that  if  he  sent  away  the  convict  army, 
as  he  promised  at  Santa  Teresa,  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment would  not  approve  his  action.  Therefore  he 
had  decided  to  break  the  treaty,  and  trust  to  Butter's 
foreign  riflemen  to  defeat  the  people.  Should  Sutter 
fail,  he  might  yet  succeed  in  getting  himself  and  men 
sent  away  under  some  arrangement  that  would  at 
least  look  as  well  in  Mexico  as  the  former  treaty. 
Sutter  had  failed;  there  was  no  thought  of  continu- 
ing the  contest;  and  the  general  therefore  raised  a 
white  flag  and  proposed  a  capitulation  on  the  morning 
of  February  21st.  Of  the  negotiations  that  took 
place  during  the  rest  of  the  day  we  know  little  or 
nothing.  Jose  M.  Castanares  took  the  initiative  on 
the  general's  side.  Pio  Pico  and  Jose  Castro  had 
each  a  personal  interview  with  Micheltorena,  and 
finally  commissioners  were  appointed — Valdds  and 
Castanares  for  the  Mexicans,  Jose"  Antonio  Carrillo 
and  Manuel  Castro  for  the  Californians — who  pro- 
ceeded to  arrange  the  terms  of  a  treaty.36 

The  treaty  signed  on  the  Campo  de  San  Fernando 
on  Sunday  the  22d,  by  the  comisionados  that  have 
been  named  and  by  Micheltorena  and  Castro  as  prin- 
cipals, was  in  substance  as  follows:  Art.  1.  Michel- 
torena, not  having  received  from  the-supreme  govern- 
ment the  order  asked  for  through  Tellez  to  retire  with 

ter  '  has  fallen,  and  I  think,  like  Lucifer,  never  to  rise  again;  it  is  thought  he 
will  be  banished. ' 

36  General  accounts  of  the  negotiations,  containing  little  that  is  reliable,  in 
Pico,  Hist.Cal,  MS.,  119-20;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  v.  66-84;  Vcdlejo, 
Hist.  Cnl,  MS.,  Y.  2-21;  Gonzalez,  Mem.,  MS.,  28-30;  besides  many  men- 
tions of  the  treaty.  It  is  said  that  Bandini  was  secretary  of  the  commission, 
and  that  Castro  sent  food  to  M.'s  camp  for  his  men.  Pico  after  his  interview 
with  the  general,  in  which  he  says  the  latter  warned  him  not  to  trust  Castro, 
returned  to  Angeles,  whence,  under  date  of  Feb.  2lst,  he  writes  to  some  one 
on  the  field,  suggesting  that  M.  should  be  made  to  acknowledge  the  acts  of 
the  assembly  and  Pico's  appointment  as  gov.;  and  also  recommending  cau- 
tion to  prevent  him  from  breaking  this  treaty  as  he  did  the  former  one.  JDept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  68-70. 


510  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

his  men,  the  revolt  of  the  Californians  being  against 
the  latter,  and  being  no  longer  able,  with  his  small 
force  and  resources,  to  check  the  conflagration  which 
has  become  general  throughout  the  country,  agrees 
to  march  with  his  troops  to  San  Pedro,  where  Castro 
will  furnish  a  vessel  to  carry  him  to  Monterey.  Art. 
2.  At  San  Pedro  those  who  wish  to  remain  in  the 
country  will  give  up  their  arms,  and  the  authorities 
are  bound  to  protect  them  as  citizens.  Art.  3.  Those 
who  wish  to  follow  the  general  will  embark  for  Monte- 
rey, whence,  with  those  of  that  garrison,  they  will  sail 
in  the  same  vessel,  or  another  if  that  will  not  hold 
them,  for  whatever  port  of  the  interior  they  may 
choose,  taking  their  arms  with  them.  Art.  4.  Offi- 
cers wishing  to  remain  will  be  considered  as  belonging 
to  the  Mexican  army,  and  will  be  paid  from  the  pub- 
lic funds,  their  lives  and  property  being  guaranteed. 
Art.  5.  The  same  privileges  will  be  accorded  to  all 
citizens  who  have  aided  Micheltorena.  Art.  6.  All 
the  armament  and  war-stores  in  the  armory  at  Mon- 
terey are  to  be  delivered  to  the  commander  of  the  re- 
volted forces,  in  order  that  with  them  he  may  defend 
the  departmental  and  national  integrity  which  the 
general  intrusts  to  him.  Art.  7.  From  this  date  the 
political  command  is  turned  over  to  the  first  vocal  of 
the  assembly,  as  that  corporation  has  provided  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  laws,  to  which  end  the  general  will 
at  once  issue  a  circular  order  for  publication.  Art. 
8.  He  will  also  issue  another  order  that  Lieutenant- 
colonel  Jose  Castro  be  recognized  as  cornandante 
general  of  the  department.  Art.  9.  Micheltorena's 
division  will  march  with  all  the  honors  of  war,  with 
music,  flying  colors,  and  three  pieces  of  artillery  with 
lighted  matches,  the  flag  to  be  saluted  by  Castro's 
drummers,  but  the  guns  and  appurtenances  to  be 
given  up  at  San  Pedro.37 

S7 '  Convenios  celebrados  en  el  Carapo  de  San  Fernando  entre  los  Sres  Gen. 
de  Brigada  y  Comandante  General  de  este  Denartamento  D.  Manuel  Michel- 
torena, y  el  Tenieute  Coronel  de  Ejurcito  D.  Jose  Castro,  comaudante  de  las 


THE  GENERAL'S  DEPARTURE.  611 

The  ex-governor  seems  to  have  been  allowed  to 
dictate  the  terms  of  this  remarkable,  not  to  say  ab- 
surd, treaty,  according  to  his  own  fancies  of  what 
would  make  the  best  impression  in  Mexico,  the  Cali- 
fornians  being  willing  to  indulge  his  idiosyncrasies 
without  limit,  if  they  could  only  get  rid  of  the  bata- 
llon  as  a  military  organization.  On  the  23d  Governor 
Pico  issued  a  proclamation,  congratulating  the  people 
on  the  peace  of  Cahuenga,  and  setting  forth  in  some- 
what flowery  language  the  blessings  that  were  to  be 
showered  upon  the  country  under  the  new  regime. 
Next  day  the  treaty  and  the  changes  of  government 
resulting  from  it  were  officially  circulated  by  Juan 
Bandini,  who  had  accepted  the  position  of  govern- 
ment secretary  under  Pico.33 

Little  is  known  in  detail  of  Micheltorena's  subse- 
quent experience  in  California.  Not  more  than  a  day 
or  two  after  the  treaty,  perhaps  on  the  same  day,  he 
started  with  his  batallon,  enjoying  all  the  military 
honors  that  had  been  promised  him,  for  the  coast,  and 
encamped  for  more  than  two  weeks  at  the  Palos  Ver- 
des  rancho  near  San  Pedro.39  Meanwhile  Pico  and 

fuerzas  proimnciaclas  en  el  mismo.'  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  5-9.  Copies  in 
Alvarado,  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  v.  75-6;  Vallejo,  Hi»t.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  15-18;  also 
printed  in  MichcUorena,  Expedient?,  no.  12;  translation  by  J.  A.  Forbes  in 
Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  12.  The  first  8  articles  are  signed  by  the  four  comisionados 
as  well  as  the  principals;  the  'additional  article,'  which  I  have  called  art.  9, 
by  M.  and  C.  only. 

38 Feb.  23d,  Pico's  proclamation.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  67;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
S.  Jos&,  MS.,  v.  88-91;  Id.,  Ang.,  x.  55.  Feb.  24th,  Bandini  to  town  au- 
thorities. S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  2,  5,  9.  I  have  not  found  the  circular  orders 
promised  by  M.  in  the  treaty ;  but  Feb.  25th  the  bishop  sends  to  P.  Duran 
that  one  announcing  Pico  as  gov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  111. 

39  In  Jones'  letter  of  Feb.  24th  we  read:  '  McKinley  writes  that  the  general 
shed  tears  like  an  infant  at  Angeles,  and  publicly  told  the  people  that  he 
thought  he  had  done  wrong  in  taking  up  arms  against  the  citizens  of  Califor- 
nia. '  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS. ,  iii.  37.  But  I  do  not  think  he  passed  through  the  city 
at  all.  Gomez,  Lo  Que  Sabe,  MS.,  156-9,  speaks  of  the  noble  and  frank  bear- 
ing of  M.  in  contrast  with  Pico's  downcast  eyes  and  stammering  speech  on  the 
occasion  of  the  formal  transfer  of  the  command;  but  I  have  no  reason  to  sup- 
pose there  was  any  such  occasion.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS. ,  125,  called  on  M. 
several  times  at  Palos  Verdes.  Mauricio  Gonzalez,  Memorias,  MS.,  30-3, 
was  with  the  force,  and  subsequently  returned  to  Angeles  to  deliver  the  ar- 
tillery. He  speaks  of  some  insults  offered  to  the  cholos  by  the  people,  and 
relates  that  JostS  Limantour  came  to  S.  Pedro  and  had  business  interviews 
with  M.  Coronel,  Cosas  de  Cal.,  MS.,  66,  also  had  an  interview  with  M. 
Alvarado,  Hint.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  86-9,  and  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  18-20, 


512  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

his  associates  made  a  contract  with  John  Paty  to 
transport  Micheltorena  and  his  troops,  200  in  number, 
to  Monterey,  and  thence  to  San  Bias,  in  the  Don 
Quixote,  for  the  sum  of  $11,000  in  silver,  or  its  equiv- 
alent.40 The  vessel  left  San  Pedro  about  March  12th 
and  arrived  at  Monterey  about  the  19th.  Davis,  who 
was  on  board  the  Don  Quixote,  describes  himself  and 
Paty  as  having  been  charmed  with  the  bearing  of 
Micheltorena,  and  with  the  deportment  of  his  soldiers. 
So  impressed  were  these  gentlemen  with  the  general's 
affable  manners  that  they  accepted  his  explanations  of 
past  affairs  with  entire  credulity,  and  seem  to  have 
honestly  believed  that  this  kind-hearted  man  had 
spared  his  beloved  Californians  from  a  terrible  slaugh- 
ter.41 At  Monterey  the  vessel  lay  at  anchor  for  a 
week,  the  soldiers  not  being  allowed  to  land,  and  their 
comrades  of  the  garrison  joining  them  on  board. 
Seven  or  eight  officers  of  the  batallon  remained  in 
California  under  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  as  did  a  few 
soldiers,  besides  fifteen  or  twenty  who  had  previously 
left  the  service  and  had  been  scattered  through  the 
country.  Micheltorena  was  permitted  to  go  on  shore, 
where  he  held  interviews  with  leading  citizens,  and 
obtained  some  statements  to  be  used  in  his  defence. 
He  was  joined  by  his  wife,  and  finally  sailed  in  the 
last  days  of  March,  receiving  a  salute  from  the  guns 
of  the  fort  as  the  Don  Quixote  left  the  harbor.42  He 

talk  of  M.  stealing  cattle,  offering  grants  of  mission  estates  to  friends,  spiking 
the  guns  before  sending  them  back,  etc.  March  6th,  Huson  (?)  complains 
of  the  soldiers  spoiling  his  wall  and  threatening  to  shoot  him  if  he  did  not 
sell  them  brandy.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  112. 

40  Feb.  25th,  Paty  to  Larkin.     Expects  to  get  the  contract.     Supplies  to 
be  gathered.  Larkiit's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  39.     March  7th,  D.  Quixote  ready  for 
sea.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  20.     March  8th,  contract  batween  Pico  and 
Paty.     $1,000  payable  at  S.  Pedro;  $1,000  at  Monterey;  $9,000  in  90  days. 
Pico,  Figueroa,  and  Lugo  sureties  for  the  $9,000.     The  govt  also  to  pay  for 
food.     The  sum  was  paid  in  July.  Id.,  vi.  20-1.     March  18th,  no  money  at 
Monterey  to  pay  the $1,000.   Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  GO. 

41  Davis,  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  MSV  127-9.     Davis  did  not  make  the  trip 
to  S.  Bias,  but  says  that  Paty  was  delighted  to  the  last  with  his  passengers. 
Both  Micheltorena  and  Paty  are  said  to  have  been  masons  of  high  degree,  and 
the  more  intimate  on  that  account. 

4i  March  20th,  M.  at  Monterey  to  Vallejo,  mentioning  Castro's  appoint- 
ment. Will  soon  sail.  Vallrjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  140.  March  21st,  Larkin  to 
M.,  a  friendly  letter  expressing  sympathy  for  his  misfortunes,  due  to  his  ex- 


FAREWHLL  TO  THE  GENERAL.  513 

wrote  from  San  Bias  on  April  19th,  sending  to  Pico 
some  documents,  including  his  own  (M.'s)  appointment 
as  constitutional  governor  in  accordance  with  the  terna 
sent  by  the  junta  in  1844;  and  he  next  appears  in  the 
records  on  July  9th,  when  he  had  an  interview  with 
President  Herrera,  by  whom  it  is  said  he  was  not 
very  warmly  received.43  I  have  not  found  his  report 
to  the  government,  whose  action  in  consequence  of 
his  expulsion  will  be  noted  later.  It  seems,  however, 
that  he  tried  to  advance  his  own  cause  and  throw  dis- 
credit on  his  opponents  by  creating  the  false  impres- 
sion that  he  had  been  overthrown  by  the  aid  of  Amer- 
icans and  by  a  party  which  favored  annexation  to  the 
United  States. 

In  taking  leave  of  Micheltorena,  I  need  not  repeat, 
even  in  brief  resume,  what  has  been  said  in  former 
chapters  of  his  life  in  California,  and  before  he  came: 
neither  is  their  anything  more  to  be  said  of  his  char- 
acter. The  reader  has  found  him  a  strange  mixture 
of  good  and  bad;  a  most  fascinating  and  popular 
gentleman;  honest,  skilful,  and  efficient  as  an  official 
in  minor  matters;  utterly  weak,  unreliable,  and  even 
dishonorable  in  all  emergencies.  In  person  he  was 
tall,  slight,  and  straight;  with  agreeable  features, 
clean-shaven  face,  light  complexion,  and  brown  hair. 
A  portrait,  copied  from  a  painting  in  Mexico,  was 
presented  to  Governor  Booth  in  1873  for  the  state 
capital,  where  it  is  still  to  be  seen.44  The  general 

cessive  kindness  and  aversion  to  shedding  blood.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS., 
i<  21-2.  Mar.  24th,  the  vessel  still  at  anchor.  M.  allowed  6  days  to  settle 
his  affairs.  Id.,  ii.  20.  Arce,  Mem.,  MS.,  44-7,  tells  us  that  M.  expressed 
much  gratitude  to  himself  and  a  few  others  who  had  taken  no  part  against 
him.  As  he  walked  down  to  the  boat,  dressed  in  black  with  only  his  gener- 
al's sash,  with  his  wife  on  his  arm,  both  were  cheerful,  saluting  all  they  met. 
Serrano,  Apuntes,  MS.,  98-9,  mentions  as  the  officers  who  remained  Col. 
Segura,  Capt.  Flores,  lieuts  Villa  and  Padilla,  alfs  Dueaas,  Garfias,  Servin, 
and  Sanchez. 

43 MLheltorena's  Admin.,  28;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  82;  Bustamante, 
Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  MS.,  ii.  170. 

41  California  Journal  of  Assembly,  1873-4,  p.  143;  Hayes'  Scraps,  Gal. 
Notes,  v.  10;  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Founders,  i.,  no.  11;  see  also  a  lithographic 
portrait  in  Ramsey's  The  Other  Side,  p.  1 14.  His  wife  Dona  Josefa  Fuentcs 
is  spoken  of  as  a  bright,  intelligent,  pleasing,  and  generous  woman,  who 
was  highly  respected  by  the  Californians. 
HIST.  Cu,.,  Vol..  IV.  33 


514  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

was  a  man  of  good  education  who  made  some  literary 
pretensions;  and  who  on  the  evening  of  September 
27,  1845,  a  few  months  after  his  return  from  Califor- 
nia, read  in  a  public  celebration  at  the  University  of 
Mexico  a  literary  production,  which,  if  we  may  credit 
the  bitter  criticism  of  Carlos  Maria  Bustaniante,  put 
all  his  hearers  to  sleep.45  In  February  1847  Michel- 
torena  served  as  adjutant-general  under  Santa  Anna 
at  the  battle  of  Buena  Vista,  or  Angostura.46  In 
October  1847  he  was  appointed  comandante  general 
of  Oajaca,  but  the  appointment  was  revoked  because 
his  presence  was  deemed  necessary  at  Queretaro  as  a 
member  of  congress.47  In  April  1849  he  writes  from 
Mexico  to  Manuel  Jimeno.48  In  1850-1  he  was 
comandante  general  of  Yucatan;49  and  in  1854  his 
name  no  longer  appears  in  the  list  of  officers  belong- 
ing to  the  Mexican  army.1'0 

During  his  absence  in  the  south  Micheltorena,  as 
we  have  seen,  had  left  Captain  Abella  with  about  fifty 
men  of  the  batallon  to  protect  Monterey.  It  is  not 
easy  to  form  a  definite  idea  of  what  occurred  at  the 
capital  during  the  period;  but  it  appears  that  a  party 

43  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex. ,  iii.  46.  '  Este  pedantesco  militar  tiene 
toda  la  audacia  y  orgullo  que  da  la  ignorancia,  y  que  lo  constituyen  objeto  de 
burla  en  toda  linea.  For  desgracia  es  mi  paysano,  y  sin  duda  es  el  Oajaqucno 
mas.orgulloso  y  tonto  que  ha  visto  Mexico'!  In  May  1833,  on  the  occasion  of 
the  removal  of  Gen.  Vicente  Guerrero's  remains  to  Oajaca,  Col.  Micheltorena 
took  a  prominent  part  in  the  exercises,  contributing  a  eulogistic  oration,  a 
Latin  distich,  and  a  poem.  Guerrero,  Soberano  Estarlo  de  Oajaca,  Oajaca, 
1833,  8vo,  61  p.  In  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  271,  I  have  an  original  docu- 
ment entitled  Chronoloyia,  Rcmitido,  a  treatise  on  chronology,  astronomy, 
dominical  letters,  etc.,  illustrated  by  a  human  hand,  the  lingers  marked 
with  letters  and  figures  in  a  mysterious  and  complicated  manner.  10  leaves, 
and  tables.  Dedicated  to  the  belio  sexo,  and  signed  Manuel  Micheltorena. 

16  Feb.  23d,  he  issued  an  order  of  thanks  to  the  army  for  gallantry,  etc. 
From  Boletin  de  la  Democracia,  in  El  Sonorense,  April  3,  1847;  from  N.  O. 
Picayune,  in  <!?.  F.  Californian,  Oct.  27,  1847.     See  also  Ramsey's  The  Other 
Side,  114,  etc. 

17  Oajaca,  Eaposicion,  1848,  p.  7.     M.  was  at  the  time  brigadier-general 
and  ayudante  general.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  203, 

^  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  506.  It  is  a  brief  note  containing  no  informa- 
tion. 

411  Mexico,  Mem.  Ckierra,  1851,  p.  11. 

50  Taylor,  Odd*  and  Ends,  no.  14,  p.  59,  says  that  he  died  in  Michoacan 
about  1856,  naming  no  authority,  and  presumably  having  none. 


AFFAIRS  AT  MONTEREY.  515 

of  Californians  was  organized  outside  the  town,  with 
a  view  of  attempting  its  capture,  which  was  prevented 
more  by  the  influence  of  citizens  and  foreigners  than 
by  the  strength  of  the  garrison.  At  the  end  of  Feb- 
ruary, after  a  series  of  hostile  demonstrations  con- 
fusedly recorded,  on  receipt  of  rumors  that  Alvarado 
and  Castro  had  been  defeated,  Gabriel  de  la  Torre,  in 
command  of  the  force  mentioned,  summoned  Abella 
to  surrender.  The  captain  refused,  and  Torre  made 
no  attempt  to  enforce  his  demand,  yielding,  as  he 
stated,  to  the  solicitations  of  Spence,  Hartnell,  and 
Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  who  came  out  as  representatives 
of  the  townspeople,  and  because  news  soon  arrived  of 
what  had  really  happened  in  the  south.51  Immedi- 
ately after  the  surrender  at  Cahuenga,  General  Castro, 
fearing  that  Micheltorena  might  break  this  treaty  as 
he  had  the  former  one  if  allowed  to  land  at  Monterey, 
despatched  Andres  Pico  with  a  small  party  to  go  to 
Monterey  by  forced  marches  and  assume  command. 
He  left  Los  Angeles  on  February  24th,  and  arrived 
at  Monterey  before  March  5th.  Torre  put  his  men 
at  Pico's  disposal;  and  Abella  made  no  objection  to 
giving  up  the  command.  Thus  Micheltorena's  men 

51  March  1,  1845,  Abella  to  Torre.  Refuses  to  surrender  the  town  with- 
out an  order  from  Micheltorena.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal. ,  MS.,  ii.  13.  March  5th,  Torre 
to  Castro,  explaining  the  reasons  for  making  the  demand  and  for  not  having 
enforced  it.  He  had  02  men.  Id.,  ii.  14.  I  suspect  that  Torre  may  have 
made  the  second  demand  after  he  heard  of  Pico's  approach,  with  a  view  to 
gain  credit  with  the  new  govt.  Josiah  Belden,  Hist.  Statement,  MS.,  36-9, 
says  the  Californians  marched  On  Monterey  and  demanded  its  surrender  soon 
after  the  governor's  departure.  Mrs  Micheltorena  was  not  sure  of  her  own 
soldiers,  and  Belden  at  Larkin's  request  organized  a  guard  of  6  American 
riflemen,  who  thereafter  kept  guard  at  her  house.  Abella  and  his  officers 
were  at  first  inclined  to  surrender,  but  Mrs  M.  protested  and  carried  her 
point.  Later  came  a  second  demand  (that  of  Torre  already  noted),  and  com- 
missioners were  sent  out,  who  made  an  arrangement  by  which  the  Californi- 
ans were  to  hold  the  fort,  and  the  garrison  the  town,  one  party  or  the  other 
to  yield  later  according  to  the  issue  of  the  struggle  in  the  south.  Swan,  Hist. 
S ketch fs,  MS.,  3-4,  says  the  foreigners  stood  guard  under  the  direction  of 
Spence  and  Dr  Stokes.  Feb.  4th,  news  of  the  troubles  at  Monterey  had 
reached  S.  F.  Torre  was  said  to  have  won  over  most  of  the  garrison,  and 
even  to  have  occupied  the  town.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  134.  Garcia,  Apunte, 
MS. ,  6,  says  that  some  of  the  garrison  went  over  to  the  Californians.  Gomez, 
Lo  Que  Sabe,  MS.,  190-4,  and  Garnica  del  Castillo,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  4-7,  talk 
of  various  movements  of  defence  and  offence,  of  spies,  of  shots  tired,  of 
threats  to  blow  up  the  govt  house,  etc.  Felipe  Butronand  Santiago  Estrada 
are  named  as  leaders  among  the  Californians. 


516  EXPULSION  OF  GOVERNOR  MICHELTORENA. 

were  not  permitted  to  land,  and  the  purely  imaginary 
danger  of  new  troubles  with  him  was  averted.52 

There  was  an  alarm  at  Sonoma  that  Sutter  on  his 
march  southward  had  detached  a  part  of  his  force  to 
return  and  ravage  the  northern  frontier.  Colonel  Va- 
llejo  so  far  credited  the  report  that  he  issued  a  stirring 
appeal  to  the  people  to  rally  in  defence  of  their  homes; 
but  Osio  soon  wrote  from  Yerba  Buena  that  the  report 
was  founded  on  nothing  more  terrible  than  Sutter's 
boasting  of  what  he  would  do  on  his  return.53  Mean- 
while Sutter  was  detained  for  some  days  under  nomi- 
nal arrest  at  Los  Angeles;  but  finally  the  new  authori- 
ties pretended  to  accept  his  explanation  that  he  had 
aided  Micheltorena  merely  as  a  subordinate  officer  in 
obedience  to  orders,  and  not  only  released  him,  as  indeed 
they  were  bound  to  do  by  the  treaty,  but  also  allowed 
him  to  retain  all  his  old  powers  on  the  Sacramento. 
In  March  he  started  with  Bid  well,  Townsend,  Vaca, 
his  kanaka  servants,  and  part  of  his  Indian  warriors, 
returned  northward  by  way  of  the  Tejon  Pass  and 
Tulares  Valley,  and  arrived  at  New  Helvetia  the  1st 
of  April.54  The  foreigners  of  the  rifle  company  did 
not  return  in  a  body,  but  most  of  them  were  probably 
at  their  homes  before  the  end  of  March.  Gantt  and 
Marsh  before  leaving  the  south  made  a  contract  with 

o 

Pico  to  attack  the  Indian  horse-thieves  for  a  share  of 
the  live-stock  they  might  recover.     None  of  the  num- 

62  Feb.  23d,  Castro's  instructions  to  Pico.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  27-8.  Al- 
varado,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  89-93,  thinks  M.  had  no  idea  of  making  a  new  stand. 
Moot  Californian  writers  merely  mention  Pico's  taking  command  at  Monterey; 
there  is  no  need  to  repeat  the  references. 

53  Feb.  1st,  V.'s  circular.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  132.  Feb.  4th,  6th,  8th, 
Osio  to  V.  /(/.,  xii.  134,  136-7. 

5*  Sutter,  Personal  lieminis.,  MS.,  claims  that  many  were  in  favor  of  shoot- 
ing him,  which  is  likely  enough,  and  that  the  discovery  of  M.'s  order  among 
his  papers  was  all  that  saved  him.  But  of  course  he  was  protected  by  the 
treaty,  and  probably  also  by  promises  made  to  him  at  the  time  of  his  capture 
and  previously  to  his  companions,  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  ho  promised 
his  hearty  support  to  the  new  govt.  Feb.  26th,  S.  to  Pico,  asserting  that  he 
had  acted  merely  by  M.  's  orders,  and  asking  to  be  released.  Df.pt.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  v.  123-4.  Arrival  home  on  April  1st,  after  having  been  '  acquitted  with 
all  honors.'  Slitter's  Diary,  6.  Before  April  9th  he  had  made  an  Indian  cam- 
paign and  killed  22  of  the  savages  who  had  killed  Thomas  Lindsay.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  173. 


RETURN  OF  GANTT'S  COMPANY.  517 

ber  lost  anything  but  their  time,  or  suffered  any  op- 
pression because  of  their  unwise  meddling  in  politics, 
though  the  most  of  them,  not  being  citizens,  were  not 
legally  protected  by  the  treaty.55 

63 Feb.  27th,  contract  between  gov.  and  Gantt.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi. 
171-2;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  20-2.  March  1st,  Gantt  to  J.  A.  Carrillo. 
Declares  that  charges  against  himself,  Marsh,  Hensley,  and  Dickey,  in  a  letter 
from  Carrillo,  are  unfounded  and  very  strange.  Corrillt  (Dom.),  Doc.,  MS., 
104.  He  was  then  at  S.  Francisco  rancho.  April  12th,  Castro  to  Weber. 
Sutter's  men  wishing  to  settle  may  be  offered  guaranties;  besides,  they  are  pro- 
tected by  the  treaty.  Letter  in  Halleck's  Mex.  Land  Laws,  MS. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 
1845. 

Pico  AND  CASTRO  IN  COMMAND — Los  ANGELES  THE  CAPITAL — SESSIONS  OF 
ASSEMBLY — EXPEDIENTS  AGAINST  MICHELTORENA — PRISONERS'  REVOLT — 
JUNTA  DE  GUERRA  AT  MONTEREY — ACTS  OF  MEXICAN  GOVERNMENT — 
EFFORTS  OF  CASTANARES — INIESTRA'S  EXPEDITION— A  FIASCO — HIJAR'S 
MISSION— J.  M.  CASTANARES  SENT  TO  MEXICO — PROPOSALS  FOR  GOVER- 
NOR— SUPREME  COURT — CONSTITUTIONAL  REFORMS — PREFECTURES  RE- 
STORED— VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT — JONES  AND  LARKIN — CASTILLERO'S  MIS- 
SION— MILITARY  ORGANIZATION — SEPTEMBER  REVOLT  AT  ANGELES- 
ELECTIONS — ALVARADO  FOR  CONGRESS — VARELA  REVOLT  AT  ANGELES — 
CARRILLO  EXILED — FLORES  REVOLT  AT  SANTA  BARBARA— INDIAN  AF- 
AIRS — CONTRACT  WITH  GANTT  AND  MARSH — LOCAL  ITEMS. 

THE  rule  of  Pio  Pico  as  governor,  and  of  Josd 
Castro  as  comandante  general,  both  holding  office  ad 
interim  under  Micheltorena's  enforced  acknowledg- 
ment, and  Pico  also  legally  as  senior  vocal  of  the 
assembly,  dates  from  the  treaty  of  Cahuenga  on  the 
22d  of  February,  1845.  Neither  had  any  special 
qualifications  for  his  position;  neither  would  have  been 
chosen  by  the  leading  citizens,  or  even  by  a  popular 
vote,  perhaps,  in  his  own  section;  and  neither  would 
have  selected  the  other  as  his  associate.  Castro  had 
earned  his  place  by  his  services  in  the  revolution ;  and 
Pico,  in  addition  to  his  legal  claims  and  his  claims  as 
a  southern  man,  had  also  the  support,  politically,  of 
Alvarado.  Don  Juan  Bautista,  if,  as  many  believe, 
he  had  hoped  to  secure  the  governorship  for  himself, 
had  been  forced  to  make  this  concession  as  an  alterna- 
tive' of  failure;  and  when  the  danger  was  past,  he  was 

(618) 


LOS  ANGELES  THE  CAPITAL.  519 

not  a  man  to  break  his  word,  nor  did  lie  desire  to 
place  himself  in  open  rebellion  against  Mexico,  or  to 
stir  up  the  old  sectional  animosities.1 

It  is  not  known  whether  there  had  been  any  posi- 
tive stipulation  that  Los  Angeles  was  to  be  the  capital, 
as  part  of  the  price  paid  for  southern  cooperation ;  but 
the  silence  of  northern  politicians  on  the  subject  during 
this  year  indicates  that  such  was  the  case.2  At  any 
rate,  with  a  southern  governor  and  a  southern  major- 
ity in  the  assembly,  there  was  no  hope  for  Monterey; 
and  to  Los  Angeles  the  capital  went  and  remained 
there  without  official  protest,  the  sessions  of  the  as- 
sembly being  held  there,  for  the  most  part  without 
the  attendance  of  northern  members.  Pico  made  Juan 
Bandini  his  secretary  of  state  at  first,  and  a  little  later 
Jose  M.  Covarrubias.  He  was  unsuccessful  in  his  ef- 
forts to  bring  the  treasury  also  to  the  south,  and  to 
establish  a  custom-house  at  San  Diego;  but  he  made 
Ignacio  del  Valle  a  kind  of  treasurer  to  have  charge 
of  that  portion  of  the  revenues  belonging  to  the  civil 
government.  Alvarado  was  made  administrator  of 

1  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  i.  231;  iv.  17-18;  v.  59-60,  64-5,  72,  says  he 
was  urged  by  Castro  and  by  others  to  make  himself  governor,  on  the  legal 
ground  or  pi-etext  that  he  had  not  served  out  his  term  when  Micheltorena  had 
come  to  relieve  him;  but  he  refused,  being  determined  not  to  set  an  example 
of  violating  the  laws.     I  suspect  that  a  still  stronger  motive  was  his  promise 
to  Pico  and  his  friends;  but  it  must  be  admitted  that  Alvarado,  throughout  his 
career,  was  rarely  if  ever  found  taking  a  position  against  the  letter  of  the 
law.     Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  121-2,  tells  us  that  he  distrusted  Castro  from  tho 
first,  making  an  effort  to  have  Vallejo  chosen  as  general.     Many  officers  agreed 
with  him,  but  it  was  feared  that  if  the  matter  were  pressed  Castro  would  com- 
mit some   act  of  violence.     March  21st,  J.  C.  Jones,  writing  to  Larkin  in 
approval  of  the  general  result  of  the  revolution,  says:  'But  as  to  our  new 
governor.     Ye  gods  !     The  idea  of  Pio  Pico  being  dignified  with  the  title  of 
Excellency  !     It  is  almost  too  ridiculous  to  believe,  but  still  Pio  Pico  will  be 
a  more  efficient  governor  than  Micheltorena,  and  if  he  errs,  it  will  be  through 
ignorance  and  bad  advice.     I  do  not  believe,  however,  that  his  reign  will  be 
long;  there  will  be  a  flare-up  no  doubt  before  many  months  between  the  Cali- 
fornians  themselves.     The  great  bugs  of  Sonoma  are  to  be  crushed;  there  will 
be  no  office  assigned  to  any  one  of  that  great  family.'  Lar kin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii. 
75.     March  4th,  Larkin  sends  his  respects,  etc.,  to  Pico,  and  asks  for  informa- 
tion about  the  changes  of  govt.    Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  29.     Feb.  27th, 
Bishop  Garcia  Diego  congratulates  Pico  on  his  accession.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS. , 
vi.  Ml. 

2  Private  individuals  in  the  north  complained  frequently  of  the  inconven- 
ience of  so  distant  a  capital.     Vallejo  in  his  letter  to  Bustamante  rpcoru- 
mended  Sta  Clara  as  a  central  and  altogether  suitable  place. 


520       RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

the  custom-house  at  Monterey,  where  Abrego  retained 
the  treasury,  and  where  Castro  established  his  military 
headquarters,  with  Francisco  Arce  as  secretary.  Cas- 
tro's military  authority  in  the  south  was  delegated  to 
Jose"  A.  Carrillo,  who  was  an  enemy  to  Pico,  and  who 
occupied  a  position  as  comandante  of  the  southern 
line  similar  to  that  of  Vallejo  in  the  north. 

Thus  the  conditions  were  not  favorable  to  har- 
mony. With  the  governer,  capital,  and  assembly  at 
Los  Angeles,  and  the  civil  offices  all  in  the  hands  of 
the  abajeuos,  while  the  military  headquarters,  custom- 
house, and  treasury  were  at  Monterey,  under  the  con- 
trol of  arribeno  politicians,  a  renewal  of  the  old  sec- 
tional quarrels,  as  wrell  as  of  those  between  military 
and  civil  authorities,  might  safely  be  predicted.  Yet, 
perhaps  because  the  spoils  and  advantages  were  more 
evenly  divided  between  the  north  and  south  than  in 
former  years,  the  quarrel  was  not  in  1845  so  bitter  or 
so  disastrous  in  its  effects  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected. The  troubles  were,  moreover,  not  so  much 
between  the  two  sections  of  the  department,  as  be- 
tween the  general  and  governor;  and  in  most  cases 
the  petty  conflicts  were  waged  on  southern  soil,  be- 
tween the  Pico  element  and  certain  southern  men  who 
represented,  and  were  perhaps  abetted  by,  the  Castro 
clique  at  Monterey. 

Outside  of  the  personal  and  official  jealousies  re- 
ferred to,  the  reader  will  find  but  little  to  condemn  in 
the  acts  of  this  administration;  that  is,  in  comparison 
with  the  average  of  preceding  ones,  and  before  the 
outbreak  of  the  final  and  inevitable  storm  that  brought 
it  to  an  end.  Particularly  will  there  be  found  much 
to  be  mildly  praised  in  Pico's  general  policy  during 
the  year  1845.  He  was  not  a  brilliant  man,  and  ef- 
fected no  radical  reforms;  but  he  displayed  a  credita- 
ble degree  of  good  sense  and  moderation  in  his  man- 
agement of  public  affairs,  and  was  far  from  deserving 
the  ridicule  that  has  been  heaped  upon  him  by  his 
countrymen  and  others.  This  will  be  particularly 


SESSION  OF  THE  JUNTA.  521 

apparent  from  the  three  following  chapters,  devoted 
to  the  important  general  topics  of  mission  affairs, 
trade,  finance,  immigration,  and  foreign  relations. 

The  asamblea,  or  junta,  whose  sessions  of  January 
and  February  have  already  been  recorded  in  connec- 
tion with  the  revolution,3  met  again  at  Los  Angeles 
in  regular  session  on  the  2d  of  March,  and  held  fre- 
quent meetings  until  October,  the  northern  members, 
Spence,  Munras,  and  Estrada,  being  absent,  but  sev- 
eral southern  suplentes  being  called  in  at  various  times 
to  take  their  places.*  Pico,  Botello,  Figueroa,  Carlos 
Carrillo,  and  Ignacio  del  Valle  were  the  members  and 
suplentes  who  were  present  from  March  to  May. 
The  first  matter  that  came  up  for  consideration — and 
the  only  important  one  except  those  connected  with 
commerce  and  missions,  as  noted  elsewhere — was  the 
preparation  of  an  expediente  on  the  late  proceedings 
against  Micheltorena,  to  be  sent  to  Mexico  as  a  de- 
fence of  the  Californians.  Pico  and  Castro,  three 
days  after  the  treaty  of  Cahuenga,  had  written  to  the 

3  See  chap.  xxi.  of  this  vol. 

*  Sessions  of  March,  April,  and  May,  recorded  in  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  x. 
77,  87;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  37-64,  250-01,  266;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,S.  Jose,  MS., 
v.  93;  Id.,  Ben.,  ii.  101.  Many  minor  routine  matters,  including  land  grants, 
local  complaints,  days  of  meeting,  regulations  of  voting  and  debate,  reports 
of  committees,  excuses  of  members  for  non-attendance,  etc.,  receive  no 
further  notice.  I  may  note,  however,  the  following  items  not  pertaining  to 
the  topics  treated  in  my  text.  March  28th,  four  laws  proposed  and  sent  to 
Mexico  for  approval,  1st  and  2d,  on  trade,  opening  the  port  of  S.  Diego,  and  pro- 
hibiting the  introduction  of  liquors;  3d,  on  the  appointment  of  gov.,  the  pres- 
ident to  appoint  him  for  5  years  from  a  list  proposed  by  the  assembly  accord- 
ing to  art.  136-7  of  the  bases  organicas,  the  2d  part  of  facultad  xvii.  of  art. 
134 — giving  the  pres.  authority  to  disregard  the  list  in  the  case  of  frontier 
departments — not  to  have  effect  in  Cal. ;  and  4th,  Alta  Cal.  to  extend  south  to 
S.  Fernando  on  the  Baja  Cul.  frontier.  April  18th,  21st,  action  on  missions. 
April  23d,  educational  projecto  de  ley.  April  25th,  discussion  on  confirmation 
of  land  grants.  April  28th,  prop,  to  establish  a  mercantile  tribunal  at  Mon- 
terey; also  secret  session  to  propose  candidates  for  gov.,  with  no  result  given. 
April  30th,  May  7th,  land  grants.  May  9th,  12th,  14th,  various  minor  mat- 
ters, without  results.  May  16th,  a  forest  law  passed,  prohibiting  the  cutting 
of  timber  on  private  lands  and  regulating  it  on  public  lauds.  May  19th,  the 
sec.,  Olvera,  to  have  an  assistant  as  soon  as  the  assembly  can  afford  the  funds; 
rumors  of  war  with  the  U.  S.  May  21st,  mission  matters.  May  23d,  local 
troubles  between  judges  at  S.  Francisco.  May  26th,  troubles  caused  by  the 
absence  of  members  without  legal  excuses.  May  28th,  decree  on  the  renting 
and  sale  of  missions. 


522        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

president,  asking  that  the  ex-governor's  reports  be  not 
credited,  and  that  judgment  be  deferred  until  full  ex- 
planations could  be  received  from  a  commissioner  who 
would  soon  be  sent  for  that  purpose.5  The  assembly 
named  Spence  and  Abrego  at  Monterey,  Olvera  at 
Angeles,  and  Francisco  de  la  Guerra  in  Santa  Bdr- 
bara  to  collect  evidence  on  the  subject,  indicating  in 
instructions  issued  some  of  the  sources  from  which 
and  points  upon  which  evidence  was  to  be  sought. 
At  the  same  time  Miguel  Pedrorena  and  J.  A.  Car- 
rillo  were  appointed  to  visit  Mexico  and  present  the 
charges.  Both  declined  the  service,  and  Pico  was 
authorized  to  appoint  substitutes;  but  nothing  more 
is  recorded  in  the  matter  after  the  end  of  April.6  On 
the  28th  of  March,  however,  Pico  had  sent  a  report 
and  defence  to  Mexico,  with  a  collection  of  twelve  doc- 
uments in  support  of  his  statements.  The  documents 
have  been  already  cited;  and  the  only  peculiarity  of 
Pico's  defence  is  the  fact  that  he  represented  Michel- 
torena's  refusal  to  convene  the  assembly  as  one  of  his 
chief  offences,  alluding  to  the  illegal  session  at  Mon- 
terey in  the  spring  of  1844.  This  phase  of  the  sub- 
ject was  rather  weak.7 

Meanwhile  there  were  disturbances  at  the  new 
capital,  more  or  less  political  in  their  significance. 
In  March  Simplicio  Valdes  was  arrested  on  a  charge 
of  having  conspired  to  seize  the  public  funds  and 
proclaim  Micheltorena  governor  and  general.8  At 
the  same  time  Matias  Moreno,  afterward  a  somewhat 
prominent  man,  was  prosecuted  for  indecorous  expres- 

6  Feb.  25th,  P.  andC.  to  pres.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  18. 

6  Mar.  4th,  appointments.  Leg.  Bee,.,  MS.,  iv.  37-44,  306-8.   Pico  to  Spence, 
Alvarado,  and  Castro.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  6.     Pico  to  Olvera  with  instruc. 
Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  vi.  74-5.  April  9th,  Abrego 's  instruc.  to  take  statements  of 
5  or  6  prominent  men,  search  for  doc.,  etc.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  1-2.    April 
llth,  Alcalde  Escobar  prepared  20  p.  of  matter  under  Abrego 's  instruc.  Leg. 
Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  311-12.     April  23d,  Carrillo  and  Pedrorena  decline.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  330. 

7  Micheltorena,  Expediente  contra  el  General,  1845.  In  Monitor   Constit. , 
May  27-8,  1845;  Minerva,  May  29-31,  1845. 

b  March  26th,  Agapito  Ramirez  was  the  accuser.  An  investigation  ordered. 
No  results  recorded.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  27;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juztj.,  ii. 
54;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  27. 


TUMULTS  AT  THE  CAPITAL.  523 

sions  against  the  government  in  writing.  There  was 
an  order  issued  to  banish  Moreno  across  the  frontier, 
but  he  was  set  free  a  few  months  later.9  In  the  night 
of  April  8th,  some  twenty  criminals  confined  in  the 
jail,  or  guard-house,  overpowered  their  guards,  seized 
their  arms,  and  stationed  themselves  before  the  church, 
where  they  kindled  a  bonfire  and  opened  fire  with 
cannon  and  muskets  up  and  down  the  street,  shouting 
"Down  with  Pico,  Carrillo,  and  Sanchez!"  As  the 
citizens  began  to  assemble  in  arms,  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  rebels  cooled,  and  most  of  them  surrendered  to 
the  authorities.  Three  or  four  of  the  ringleaders 
obtained  horses  and  escaped,  to  be  retaken  later  and 
sentenced  to  six  years  of  convict  life  at  Acapulco.10 
At  the  beginning  of  May,  for  reasons  not  explained, 
Carrillo  was  temporarily  relieved  of  his  command  in 
favor  of  Andres  Pico,  by  Castro's  order.11  John  C. 
Jones  wrote  to  Larkin  as  follows:  "I  have  just 
returned  from  the  pueblo;  they  are  all  at  loggerheads 
there.  Pio  Pico  is  most  unpopular,  and  Jose  Antonio 
Carrillo,  in  my  opinion,  is  endeavoring  to  supplant 
him.  The  present  government  of  California  cannot 
exist  six  months;  it  will  explode  by  spontaneous 
combustion."12 

"March  26th,  31st,  June  13th,  25th.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  28-9. 

10  April  9th,  Carlos  Carrillo  to  Capt.  Guerra.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  252-3. 
April  10th,  J.  A.  Carrillo  to  com.  of  Sta  Barbara.  Id.,  v.  168-9.  Ricardo 
Uribe,  Kitillo  Valencia,  and  Cordero  are  named  as  leaders.  July,  4  men 
condemned.  Castro  wishes  them  sent  away  on  the  Soledad.  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
MS.,  vi.  46.  Pio  Pico,  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  138-9,  in  telling  the  story,  states  that 
the  prisoners  were  6  or  8  'respectable  men'  who  were  exasperated  at  Mayor 
Gen.  Carrillo's  ill  treatment,  and  fired  their  cannon  at  his  house.  A  few  days 
later  they  sent  for  Pico,  and  by  his  advice  gave  themselves  up  for  trial,  and 
were  acquitted.  Jos6  Arnaz,  Jfecuerdos,  MS.,  79-81,  gives  many  particulars 
of  the  efforts  of  the  citizens  under  Covarrubias  and  Palomares  to  recapture 
the  prisoners.  He  says  their  leader  was  one  Faustino,  a  Spanish  carpenter, 
who  had  been  unjustly  imprisoned  by  Alcalde  Sanchez.  They  were  not  sent 
to  Acapulco,  but  take*  north  by  Castro  and  finally  released.  Manuel  Castro, 
Relation,  MS. ,  142-3,  says  the  prisoners  were  Indians. 

"May  1st,  command  of  the  plaza  surrendered.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any., 
MS.,  viii.  44. 

12  May  1st,  J.  to  L.  LarUn's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  139.  In  a  letter  of  May  23d  he 
continues,  Id.,  iii.  163:  'lam  more  and  more  convinced  that  the  new  govern- 
ment will  be  of  short  life.  His  Excellency  has  few  or  no  friends,  and  every  day 
is  becoming  more  unpopular.  Since  the  arrival  of  Don  Andres  and  his  taking 
command  over  Don  Jose  Antonio,  who  leads  a  powerful  party,  the  governor 


524        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

It  was  in  May  that  the  Maria  Teresa  brought  a 
report  of  war  with  the  United  States.  The  matter 
was  mentioned  in  the  assembly,  exciting  but  little  at- 
tention; but  at  Monterey  it  was  deemed  sufficiently 
important  to  justify  the  holding  of  a  junta  de  guerra, 
at  which  about  thirty  officers  were  present,  the  24th 
of  May.  Patriotic  speeches  were  made  by  Castro, 
Alvarado,  and  others;  but  the  only  practical  result 
was  to  authorize  the  general  to  despatch  a  vessel  to 
Acapulco  in  quest  of  definite  news,  and  material  re- 
sources for  defence,  as  well  as  to  give  assurance  of 
California's  loyalty  and  determination  to  resist  inva- 
sion.13 It  does  not  appear  that  any  vessel  was  char- 
tered ;  but  Castanares  was  subsequently  sent  to  Mexico 
by  the  general. 

The  arrival  in  June  of  a  comisionado  from  the 
supreme  government,  and  the  sending  of  a  military 
comisionado  to  represent  the  department  at  the  na- 
tional capital,  as  will  be  recorded  a  little  later,  render 
this  a  convenient  opportunity  to  turn  our  attention  to 
Mexico,  and  to  what  was  done  there  in  1845  with 
reference  to  Califorriian  affairs.  During  the  first 
three  months  of  the  year  no  later  news  reached  Mex- 
ico from  Monterey  than  that  contained  in  Michel- 
torena's  reports  of  December  12,  14,  1844,  which 
arrived  in  January.  Over  and  over  again  did  Cas- 
tanares represent  the  critical  condition  of  his  depart- 
ment, declaring  that  if  relief  were  not  promptly 
afforded,  not  only  would  Micheltorena  be  forced  to 
leave  the  country,  but  that  within  a  few  months 
California  would  share  the  fate  of  Texas,  and  be  lost 
forever  to  Mexico.  The  administration  was  some- 
what alarmed,  summoned  Castanares  to  a  conference, 
and  proposed  to  send  him  as  governor  and  general 

and  Carrillo  have  been  at  swords'  points.  They  have  descended  to  personal 
and  scurrilous  abuse,  and  came  almost  to  blows.'  Jones  was  a  man  prone  to 
hold  exaggerated  views  in  these  days. 

13  May  24th,  full  report  of  the  meeting  by  J.  M.  Castafiares,  sec.,  and 
signed  by  all  the  officers  participating,  in  Amiga  del  Pueblo,  Aug.  30,  1845. 


CASTANARES  IN  MEXICO.  525 

to  restore  order  and  save  the  country.  Don  Manuel 
was  willing  to  accept  the  position  temporarily,  but 
he  refused  to  start  unless  he  could  carry  with  him  not 
only  assurances  arid  promises,  with  definite  instructions 
to  send  away  the  worst  of  the  cholos  and  to  convoke 
the  assembly,  but  also  200  cavalrymen  perfectly  armed 
and  equipped,  a  complete  equipment  for  150  infantry- 
men of  the  batallon,  some  cannon  and  200  muskets 
with  the  proper  munitions,  and  above  all,  some  $13,000 
in  ready  money,  with  positive  orders  for  prompt  quar- 
terly payments  in  advance  of  the  $8,000  per  month 
already  assigned!  He  did  not  propose  to  go  to  Cali- 
fornia on  a  fruitless  mission,  to  be  ridiculed  and  driven 
out  by  his  constituents;  but  his  conditions  did  not  suit 
the  government,  and  no  more  was  heard  of  the  appoint- 
ment. This  was  on  February  1st;  after  keeping  silent 
for  two  months  from  motives  of  delicacy,  Don  Manuel 
renewed  his  supplications,  and  was  assured  on  March 
27th  that  the  president  had  ordered  the  sending  of 
troops  to  California.14 

Ministers  Cuevas  and  Garcia  Conde  in  their  reports 
of  March  both  alluded  to  the  lamentable  condition  of 
affairs  in  California  and  to  the  probable  expulsion  of 
Micheltorena.  They  regarded  the  defence  of  that  de- 
partment as  of  the  highest  importance,  recognized  the 
real  causes  that  had  led  to  the  late  governor's  over- 
throw, regretted  past  neglect  on  the  part  of  Mexico, 
and  announced  the  purpose  of  the  government  to  avert 
the  consequences  of  that  neglect  by  prompt  action. 

14Corresp.  of  Castafiares  with  the  govt,  Jan.-March  1845,  in  Castaiiares, 
Col.  Doc. ,  54-70.  In  his  letter  of  March  30th  he  seems  not  to  approve  the 
sending  of  troops  that  had  been  announced,  without  other  necessary  measures, 
since  their  coming  was  likely  to  alarm  rather  than  relieve  the  Californians. 
The  only  letter  of  later  date  than  March  was  one  of  July  17th,  in  which  he  ex- 
pressed his  feai's  that  it  was  now  too  late  to  save  Gal.  He  wrote  no  more,  as 
he  states  in  a  final  note,  because  the  govt  in  subsequent  measures  did  not  con- 
sult him  at  all.  The  preface  to  his  printed  collection  is  dated  Oct.  10th,  and 
he  concludes  with:  'Quiera  Dios  alejar  de  nosotros  los  males  que  traeria  a  la 
nacion  la  p6rdida  de  las  Californias!'  Bustamante,  Nuevo  Berncd  Diaz,  i.  48, 
represents  Castafiares  as  making  himself  intrusive,  in  the  hope  of  succeeding 
Micheltorena.  The  deputies  sitting  near  him  complain  that  he  keeps  them 
Californiados,  talking  of  nothing  else.  The  zealous  deputy  never  returned  to 
QO. 


528        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

"The  government  is  busy  with  measures  which  will 
assure  the  integrity  of  our  territory  in  that  most  pre- 
cious part  of  our  republic.  A  purely  military  expedi- 
tion would  be  impolitic  in  the  actual  state  of  Cali- 
fornias,  since  the  people  were  groaning  under  the 
ominous  yoke  of  soldiery,  which  never  permitted  a 
meeting  of  the  assembly  or  of  municipal  bodies,  but 
made  them  feel  all  the  weight  of  brutal  power.  There- 
fore the  government  has  to  employ  force,  but  always 
combined  with  political  measures  expected  to  produce 
the  most  happy  results.  The  executive  regrets  that 
he  cannot  announce  his  plans  on  this  subject;  but  re- 
peats that  he  hopes  for  a  favorable  and  permanent  re- 
sult," said  Garcia  Conde;  while  Cuevas  added,  "This 
administration  desires — and  may  its  measures  be  suc- 
cessful ! — to  supply  resources  in  men,  money,  and  arma- 
ment, on  the  point  of  starting  under  the  command  of 
a  new  chief,  who  by  his  wise  conduct  may  be  able  to 
conjure  the  evils  with  which  California  is  threat- 
ened."15 

Early  in  April  there  came  the  news  of  Micheltore- 
na's  actual  overthrow — news  by  no  means  unexpected; 
whereupon  Jose  Maria  Hijar,  a  person  not  unknown 
to  my  readers,  was  at  once  sent  as  a  comisionado  to 
California,  with  instructions  dated  April  llth,  which 
were  virtually  an  approval  of  all  that  had  been  done. 
There  was  in  them  no  word  of  blame;  there  was  an 
exhortation  to  peace,  a  request  that  the  assembly  would 
propose  the  man  desired  for  governor,  and  an  assur- 
ance that  the  military  force  to  be  sent  for  the  coun- 
try's defence  would  be  composed  of  good  men  under  a 
carefully  selected  leader.16 

Early  in  May,  the  tidings  came  to  Mexico  that,  de- 

15  Mexico,  Mem.  Rel.,  1845,  p.  25-7;  Id.,  Mem.  Guerra,  1845,  p.  9-10. 
Jan.  9th,  declaration  of  Tellez  and  Mejta — Michel torena's  agents — that  they 
adhere  to  Gen.  Paredes'  pronunciamiento.  Meteoro  de  Sinaloa,  Jan.  20,  1845. 
Jan.  18th,  decree  subjecting  Cal.  to  art.  134,  fac.  17  of  bases  orgdnicas — that 
is,  allowing  the  pres.  to  appoint  a  gov.  without  regarding  the  list  of  candidates 
sent  by  the  assembly.  Mexico,  Col.  de  Leyes  (Palacio),  1844-6,  p.  81. 

16  Hijar,  Instruction™  del  Gobiemo  Supremo  al  Gomisionado  para  Cali- 
fornia, 1845,  MS.     Later  in  this  chapter  I  speak  again  of  Hijar's  mission. 


A  MILITARY  EXPEDITION.  527 

spite  Micheltorena's  downfall,  order  had  been  restored 
in  California,  which  was  by  no  means  disloyal  to  the 
nation;  and  on  May  25th  was  printed  in  the  official 
newspaper  Pio  Pico's  report  of  March  28th,  in  which 
he  gave  a  correct  version  of  the  late  troubles,  with 
assurances  that  his  countrymen  were  law-abiding  peo- 
ple.17 In  reply,  a  communication  was  despatched  to 
Pico  on  May  29th,  virtually  recognizing  the  legality 
of  his  position  as  governor,  asking  his  cooperation  for 
the  welfare  of  the  country,  repeating  the  spirit  of  Hi- 
jar's  instructions,  demanding  California's  vote  for  pres- 
ident, and  renewing  the  promise  of  a  military  force.18 
In  June  and  later,  several  orders  were  sent  to  the 
north  bearing  on  the  imminence  of  war  with  the 
United  States,  as  will  be  noted  later,19  and  in  July,  as 
we  have  seen,  Micheltorena  arrived  and  was  not  very 
cordially  received.  With  one  exception,  there  is  no 
other  topic  to  be  noticed  in  this  connection.23 

The  military  expedition  determined  on  by  the  gov- 
ernment as  early  as  April  was  long  enshrouded  in  a 
kind  of  mystery,  for  reasons  not  very  apparent.  I 
have  already  noted  several  allusions  to  the  matter. 
As  late  as  July  18th,  the  minister  of  war  assured 
congress  that  there  was  being  fitted  out  'a  most  bril- 
liant expedition,'  the  success  of  which  depended  on  a 
secret  which  he  had  no  authority  to  reveal.21  It  was 
in  August  that  the  veil  of  secrecy  was  lifted,  and  it 
became  known  that  a  fully  equipped  force  of  at  least 
600  men,  veteran  troops,  was  to  be  sent  from  Mexico 

17  Diario  del  Gobierno,  May  25,  1845,  containing  Pico's  report  of  March  28th, 
copied  in  substance  next  day  in  JBustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Alex.,  MS.,  ii.  103- 
6,  with  previous  mention  of  the  subject  in  Id. ,  ii.  92,  1 00.  Bustamante  dis- 
liked Micheltorena,  and  was  very  ready  to  believe  that  the  Californians  had 
been  justified.  The  report  of  Pico  has  been  noted  in  connection  with  the 
Micheltorena,  Exped.,  printed  in  other  Mex.  newspapers. 

18 May 29th,  Cuevas  to  Pico.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvi.  17-19;  Ouerra,  Doc., 
MS.,  vii.  199. 

1BVallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  64-9,  quotes  a  letter  of  June  3d  from  Cas- 
tillero  to  Castro,  announcing  that  the  latter  was  to  be  confirmed  as  coman- 
dante  general.  'The  pill  is  a  bitter  one,  but  they  will  have  to  swallow  it'! 

20  In  Nov.  there  was  a  report  of  a  union  of  some  kind  between  Cal.  and 
Sonora.  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mex.,  iii.  158. 

21  Bustamante,  Nuevo  Bfrnal  Diaz,  i.  48. 


523        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  AXNALS. 

by  Acapulco,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Ignacio 
Iniestra,  an  able  officer  educated  in  the  military 
schools  of  France.  Salvador  M.  Iturbide  was  the 
agent,  or  comisario,  who,  under  Iniestra,  superin- 
tended the  outfit  of  this  army.  Large  quantities  of 
stores  were  purchased  at  the  capital  and  sent  on 
mules  to  the  coast;  four  vessels  were  chartered  at 
Acapulco  to  transport  the  troops  under  two  men-of- 
war  as  convoys,  and  the  troops  themselves,  including 
three  hundred  infantry  under  Colonel  Baneneli, 
marched  from  Mexico  in  detachments,  which  in  Oc- 
tober were  scattered  along  the  route  to  Acapulco. 
Meanwhile  Andres  Castillero  had  been  sent  to  Cali- 
fornia to  superintend  preparations  for  the  reception 
of  the  force,22  and  a  controversy  had  broken  out  at 
the  capital.  It  was  charged  that  there  had  been 
waste,  extravagance,  and  even  dishonest  management 
in  fitting  out  the  expedition,  so  that  the  funds  liber- 
ally but  carelessly  provided  by  the  government  had 
been  exhausted  at  the  beginning,  and  before  the  end 
of  September  great  difficulty  was  experienced  in  sup- 
porting the  troops  already  en  route.  Iniestra  and 
Iturbide  denied  the  charges  of  mismanagement,  and 
threw  the  blame  for  present  difficulties  on  other 
shoulders.  In  the  details  of  the  scandal  we  are  not 
interested,23  and  the  results  are  not  very  definitely 

22 No  date,  Castillero's  instructions  from  Gen.  Iniestra.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vii.  37-8.  It  was  probably  in  July  or  August  that  he  left  Mexico,  and 
the  expedition  was  then  expected  to  sail  from  Acapulco  about  Sept.  20th. 

23  Iniestra,  Expedition  de  California.?,  1845,  &  series  of  long  editorials,  with 
letters  from  Iniestra,  Iturbide,  and  others,  in  the  Amiijo  del  Pueblo,  Sept. 
2,  9,  18,  27,  Oct.  4,  23,  25,  30,  Nov.  15,  25,  27,  Dec.  4,  1845.  It  was 
charged  that  tent-poles  were  sent  from  Mexico  on  mules;  that  'hard-tack' 
was  likewise  transported,  its  cost  in  Mexico  being  about  the  same  as  at 
Acapulco;  and  that  the  charter  of  one  of  the  vessels  at  least  cost  as  much 
as  the  vessel  was  worth.  Much  ridicule  was  also  directed  to  the  employ- 
ment of  a  large  number  of  musicians;  it  being  suggested  that  California,  like 
Jericho,  was  to  be  taken  by  the  sound  of  trumpets  miraculously,  by  this 
'expedicion  musico-militar.'  The  transports  chartered  and  lying  at  Acapulco 
for  months  at  great  expense  were  the  Mercurio,  Catalina,  Correo  de  Acapulco, 
and  Primavera;  and  the  convoys  Andhuac  and  Correo  de  Californias.  In 
many  numbers  of  the  Amiga  from  Sept.  to  Nov.  appeared  a  series  of  'pre- 
guntas  sueltas,'  one  of  which  was,  'La  espedicion  a  Californias,  por  fin,  va  6 
no  ?  Herros  visto  al  Coronel  Iniestra  muy  despacio  en  un  caf6,  y  muy  con- 
tento  al  parecer,  mientras  que  los  buques  estao  ganaudo  estadfas  en  Acapulco, 


IXIESTRA  AND  HtJAR.  529 

recorded.  It  seems,  however,  that  before  the  end  of 
the  year  the  arms,  ammunition,  and  various  other 
stores  belonging  to  the  expedition  reached  Acapulco, 
as  did  a  large  part  of  the  troops;  but  the  men  joined 
General  Alvarez  in  the  revolution  of  December  against 
President  Herrera,  and  all  the  stores,  together  with 
the  ships,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  revolutionists, 
while  California  was  left  to  defend  herself.24 

Let  us  return  to  California  and  to  the  month  of 
June.  Jose  Maria  Hijar,  Mexican  comisionado  and 
formerly  director  of  the  famous  Hijar  and  Padres 
colony  of  1834,  arrived  at  Santa  Barbara  on  June 
8th.  He  announced  his  arrival,  presenting  his 
instructions  next  day,  and  was  welcomed  by  Governor 
Pico  on  the  llth,  by  the  assembly  on  the  13th,  and 
by  Castro  and  Alvarado  a  little  later,  no  secret  being 
made  of  the  nature  of  his  mission.25  Hijar  had  been 
selected  because  of  his  knowledge  of  California,  where 
his  unpopularity,  arising  from  the  colony  affair,  was 
supposed  to  have  died  out.  Had  there  been  any 
difficulties  in  his  way,  his  mission  would  doubtless 
have  been  a  failure;  but  as  he  really  had  nothing  to 

y  se  estd  apolillando  la  galleta  que  se  Ilev6  alld  desde  esta  capital.     Esto  no 
es  calcular  d  la  Iniestra,  sino  d  la  siniestra. ' 

**  President  Paredes,  in  his  address  of  June  6,  1846,  to  congress,  qualifies 
the  revolt  of  this  expedition  as  'horrible  and  parrioiclal.'  Mexico,  Mem. 
fielaciones,  1847,  annex.,  p.  94.  Gen.  Manuel  Marquez  de  Leon  writes  to  the 
Eco  de  Occidents  (Guaymas),  Sept.  25,  1878,  that  he  was  a  member  of  the 
expedition,  and  blames  the  party  that  prevented  its  departure  and  thus  lost 
California.  The  news  that  the  expedition  was  in  difficulty  and  would  proba- 
bly not  come  reached  California  on  the  Hannah,  Jan.  17,  1846.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ii.  116.  See  also  Bustamante,  Nuevo  Bernal 
Diaz,  ii.  14,  58. 

25  July  1st,  Pico  to  min.  of  rel.,  announcing  Hijar's  arrival  and  reception 
at  Angeles;  likewise  the  'inexplicable  pleasure  in  my  heart'  with  which  he 
ordered  the  publication  of  his  instructions,  '  amid  salvos  of  artillery,  ringing  of 
bells,'  etc.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  55-6.  April  llth,  Hijar's  instructions. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  72-6.  June  9th,  H.  to  P.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  34-5.  June  llth,  P.  to  H.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  49-50.  June  13th, 
action  of  assembly,  thanking  the  sup.  govt  and  welcoming  Hijar.  Leg.  Rec. , 
MS.,  iv.  68-70.  June  21st,  Alvarado  to  H.  Castro  starts  to  confer  with  H. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  70-1.  June  25th,  Pico  to  Larkin,  describing 
Hijar's  mission.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  139.  June  12th,  Pico  announces 
to  the  people  that  the  sup.  govt  is  seeking  to  promote  the  welfare  of  CaL 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  x.  77;  also  in  Amla^Doc.,  MS.,  143-8. 
HIST.  CA£.,  VOL.  IV.  31 


530        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO  -POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

do  but  to  announce  the  welcome  news  that  the 
revolutionists  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Mexico,  he 
met  with  no  opposition  whatever.  He  was  an 
educated  gentleman,  who  played  the  guitar  and  made 
himself  agreeable.  He  did  not  meddle  in  politics 
beyond  writing  a  few  routine  communications,  and  he 
died  at  Los  Angeles  on  December  19th,  probably 
before  he  had  spent  all  the  advance  of  salary  received 
in  Mexico.26 

At  about  the  time  of  Hijar's  arrival,  Castro  sent 
Jose  Maria  Castanares  to  Mexico,  presumably  in  con- 
sequence of  the  Monterey  meeting  of  May  24th,  to 
explain  California's  needs  in  connection  with  the  ru- 
mors of  coming  war.  Of  his  instructions,  or  what  he 
tried  to  accomplish  in  Mexico,  nothing  is  known,  and 
nothing  was  known  at  the  time;  but  Pico  and  the  as- 
sembly suspected  that  the  mission  might  not  be  fa- 
vorable to  their  interests,  and  requested  the  supreme 
government  to  pay  no  heed  to  Castanares'  representa- 
tions on  matters  pertaining  to  the  civil  administra- 
tion.27 On  June  27th,  in  accordance  with  the  recom- 
mendation brought  by  Hijar,  the  assembly  balloted 
for  a  quinterna  of  candidates  for  governor,  selecting 
the  following  five  names  given  in  the  order  of  prefer- 
ence: Pio  Pico,  Juan  Bandini,  M.  G.  Vallejo,  Jose 
de  la  Guerra  y  Noriega,  and  Antonio  M.  Osio.2S  In 


.  19th-20th,  death  and  burial  of  Hijar.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  136; 
,  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  247.  Amaz,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  82-3,  says  that  Hijar 
told  him  he  had  authority  to  declare  himself  governor  or  general  if  he  should 
deem  it  best.  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  v.  96-109,  116-23,  and  Vallejo, 
Jl/xt.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  35-43,  devote  considerable  space  to  Hijar's  mission,  which 
they  ridicule,  blaming  Pico  also  for  divulging  the  nature  of  his  secret  instruc- 
tions. They  state  that  H.,  finding  he  could  accomplish  nothing,  resigned. 
They  say  also  that  he  was  coldly  received  by  all  but  Bandini  and  some  of  the 
old  colony  men,  speaking  of  impolite  toasts  and  speeches  made  at  a  banquet 
given  him  by  Bandini.  I  find,  however,  no  contemporary  evidence  that  the 
old  troubles  were  remembered,  or  that  Hijar  had  any  difficulties  whatever. 

"7  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  246-7;  Dept.  St.  Pop.,  MS.,  vi.  84;  viii.  8-9;  Castro, 
Relation,  MS.,  145-9. 

28June27thJ  Pico's  proclamation  of  the  result.  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  40; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  30-3;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  v.  95-6;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  74, 
76;  July  29th,  Celis  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  145.  «  What  a  se- 
lection !'  writep  Jones.  'This  I  will  wager,  however,  that  should  the  president 
select  from  that  number  —  a  thing  most  improbable  —  Bandini  will  be  the  man; 
and  in  my  opinion,  of  the  five  he  is  the  man  most  fit  to  fill  the  office;  he  would, 


SUPREME  COURT.  531 

the  same  month  there  were  fears  at  the  capital  that 
there  was  to  be  another  revolt  of  the  prisoners,  Jose 
Antonio  Carrillo  having  in  the  mean  time  been  re- 
stored to  command.29  I  append  an  outline  of  the  as- 
sembly's proceedings  for  June  and  July.30 

The  three  great  matters  that  occupied  the  atten- 
tion of  the  legislators  at  Los  Angeles  in  July  were 
the  reorganization  of  the  supreme  court,  constitu- 
tional reform,  and  a  restoration  of  the  prefectures. 
The  tribunal  superior,  according  to  the  act  of  the  as- 
sembly on  July  2d  and  Pico's  proclamation  of  the 
4th,  was  to  consist  provisionally  of  two  justices,  to  al- 
ternate as  presidents,  and  a  fiscal,  each  receiving  a 
salary  of  $2,000  and  being  appointed  by  the  governor 
from  candidates  named  by  the  assembly.  The  tribu- 
nal was  to  appoint  a  secretary,  first  oficial,  and  clerk; 
was  to  be  divided  into  two  chambers  to  consider  cases 
of  second  and  third  instance  respectively;  and  was  to 
be  governed  by  the  law  of  1837.  Men  learned  in  the 
law  were  to  be  obtained  for  justices  as  soon  as  possi- 

however,  never  go  down  for  governor  in  California. '  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS. ,  iii. 
212. 

'•"June  16th,  Carrillo  to  Pico,  and  governor's  orders.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.  42-3;  Id.,  Ang.,  xi.  149-51. 

30  Sessions  of  assembly,  June  1845.  June  llth,  land  grants;  complaints  of 
private  individuals  against  local  authorities;  absence  of  members.  June  13th, 
Guerra  of  Sta  Barbara  takes  his  seat;  land  grants;  Hi'jar's  instructions.  June 
16th,  18th,  lands;  Hfjar's  mission.  June  20th,  lands;  Bandini  retires  from 
secretaryship  in  favor  of  Covarrubias.  June  23d,  lands;  committee  on  polit- 
ical division  of  the  department  urged  to  make  haste;  Valle  not  permitted  to 
retire.  June  25th,  lands;  petty  local  affairs;  committee  work.  June  27th, 
lands;  S.  Diegans  want  a  tribunal  mercantil;  report  on  courts;  quinterna  for 
governor.  June  30th,  lands;  courts.  Botello  and  Valle  generally  monopo-. 
lized  the  discussions  in  these  days.  Leg.  Jtec.,  MS.,  iv.  64-/7. 

Session  of  July  2cl,  organization  of  courts.  July  4th,  ditto;  and  division 
of  dept  into  districts  and  partidos.  July  7th,  reply  to  criticism;  absent  mem- 
bers; vote  to  publish  corresp.,  showing  that  due  efforts  had  been  made  to  se- 
cure attendance.  July  9th,  lands;  supreme  court.  July  llth,  lands;  elections; 
constitutional  reform;  Valle  allowed  to  retire;  also  Guerra  for  15  days.  July 
14th,  16th,  18th,  constitutional  reform;  Spence  and  Munras  still  'sick.'  July 
21st,  same  topic;  long  discussion  on  parliamentary  rules;  Botello  vs  Pico; 
gov.  not  allowed  to  decide  a  tie  by  his  vote  de  calidad.  July  25th,  Botello 
had  left  the  assembly  in  disgust,  but  now  returned  to  his  duties;  declaration 
in  favor  of  the  federal  system  of  1824;  Castro's  representation  to  the  sup. 
govt  read.  Leg.  Rec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  77-104.  The  more  important  topics  are  fur- 
ther noticed  in  my  text. 


532       RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

Me,  and  were  to  receive  an  increased  salary.  As  the 
court  seems  never  to  have  performed  any  of  its  duties, 
it  does  not  appear  necessary  to  specify  those  duties 
more  fully.31  On  July  9th  the  assembly  suggested 
three  candidates  for  each  of  the  leading  positions,  and 
two  for  each  of  the  substitute  justices;  and  on  the 
12th  the  following  appointments  were  made:  1st  rnin- 
istro,  J.  A.  Carrillo;  2d,  Manuel  Requena;  fiscal,  Ma- 
riano Bonilla;  ministros  suplentes,  Ignacio  Coronel, 
Santiago  Argliello,  Raimundo  Carrillo,  Jose  Abrego, 
Salvio  Pacheco,  and  Guillermo  Castro.32  Carrillo  de- 
clined the  appointment  immediately,  and  Bonilla  later, 
as  did  Bandini  appointed  in  Carrillo's  place.  Juan 
Malarin,  president  of  the  old  tribunal,  protested  against 
a  change  which  deprived  him  of  his  position,  but  his 
protest  was  not  heeded.  In  September,  and  later,  an 
attempt  was  made  to  organize  the  court  by  calling  in 
the  suplentes,  but  apparently  without  success.33 

In  the  matter  of  constitutional  reform,  suggestions 
had  been  received  from  Hijar  on  changes  affecting 
California  alone;  while  on  those  affecting  the  national 
system,  propositions  were  received  from  Michoacan, 
Puebla,  and  Chiapas.  On  the  first  point,  the  decision 
reached  by  the  assembly,  June  14th,  to  be  submitted 
to  the  supreme  government  for  approval,  was  that  to 
California  there  should  be  granted  exceptional  laws, 
giving  to  the  governor,  assembly,  and  municipalities 
greater  powers  than  were  held  in  other  states,  and 
also  that  duties  on  foreign  goods  should  be  reduced  at 
least  ten  per  cent,  no  class  of  goods  being  prohibited, 

81  July  2d^th.  Leo-  Pec.,  MS.,  iv.  75-85;  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  46; 
Df.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  x.  64-7. 

*'Ler].  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  87-9;  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  51-2;  Dept,  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  85;  Id.,  Anodes,  x.  67-9. 

33  July  13th,  Carrillo  declines.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  yJuzfj.,  MS.,  iv. 
44,  46-7.  July  21st,  Requena  accepts.  Id.,  iv.  47.  Aug.  8th,  Sept.  llth, 
Coronel  and  Bonilla  decline.  Id.,  iv.  44,  46.  Aug.  20th,  Malarin  complains. 
Id.,  iv.  47.  Sept.  25th,  27th,  Bandini  declines.  Id.,  iv.  45-6.  Aug.  18th  to 
Oct.  1st,  action  of  assembly  and  efforts  to  organize  tho  court.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS., 
iv.  113-15,  227-8,  237-8,  281-2,  290-3;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  29;  Id., 
Any.,  x.  73;  xi.  161.  Malarin  had  been  snubbed  by  the  assembly,  but  he  still 
presented  his  claims  on  Dec.  31st.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  137-8. 


PREFECTURES  RESTORED.  533 

and  trade  in  national  goods  being  entirely  free.  So 
far  as  national  affairs  were  concerned,  the  assembly 
voted  finally,  on  July  25th,  in  favor  of  the  federal  sys- 
tem of  1824,  with  some  modifications  to  prevent  cen- 
tralization of  power,  and  to  insure  individual  rights.34 
The  third  project,  and  the  only  one  of  the  three 
that  was  practically  carried  into  effect,  was  a  division 
of  the  department  into  districts,  and  a  restoration 
of  the  former  system  of  prefectures.  By  the  act 
of  July  4th,  published  by  Pico  July  5th,  Alta  Cal- 
ifornia was  divided  into  two  districts — :the  1st,  that 
of  Los  Angeles,  from  San  Luis  Obispo  south,  with 
three  partidos,  1.  Los  Angeles,  2.  Santa  Barbara, 
3.  San  Diego;  and  the  2d,  that  of  Monterey,  from 
San  Miguel  north,  with  two  partidos,  1.  Monterey, 
2.  Yerba  Buena.  At  Monterey  there  was  to  be 
a  prefect,  and  in  every  other  partido  a  sub-prefect. 
At  Los  Angeles  and  Monterey  the  ayuntamientos 
were  to  remain;  and  in  each  o"ther  partido  there  was 
to  be  a  junta  municipal,  consisting  of  the  justice  of 
the  peace  and  two  citizens,  presided  over  by  the  sub- 
prefect.  In  the  1st  district  the  sub- prefects  were 
to  exercise  the  powers  of  the  prefects,  except  cer- 
tain ones  reserved  for  the  governor.  All  the  new 
officials  were  to  be  governed  by  the  former  regula- 
tions of  1837,  except  so  far  as  they  might  conflict 
with  the  constitution  and  with  the  present  decree.35 
Manuel  Castro,  nephew  of  Pico,  cousin  of  the  gen- 
eral, and  a  prominent  man  in  the  first  movement 
against  Micheltorena,  was  made  prefect  of  the  2d 
district,  and  assumed  the  office  August  2d.36  The 

84  June  13th,  Hfjar  to  Pico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  35-7.     Action  of  as- 
sembly July  llth,  14th,  16th,  21st,  25th.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  91-103,  270-3; 
Moreno,  Doc.,  MS.,  85;  Carrillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  3-4;  Carrlllo  (/.),  Doc.,  MS., 
47-9. 

85  July  4th,  5th,  decree  of  assembly  and  Pico's  bando  restoring  prefec- 
turas.  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  47;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  79-83;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
S.  Jose,  MS.,  v.  98-101:  Id.,  Aug.,  x.  60-3;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  30.     The 
prefect  had  a  salary  of  $1,500,  with  a  sec.  at  $600;  sub-prefects  had  $500, 
except  at  Angeles,  $600 — all  to  pay  their  own  office  expenses.     All  appointed 
by  the  gov.  except  the  sub-prefect  of  Yerba  Buena,  who  was  appointed  by 
the  prefect  with  the  governor's  approval. 

36  July    12th,   Castro's    appointment;  July   18th,   letter  of   acceptance; 


534        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

appointments  of  sub-prefects  will  be  given  in  connec- 
tion with  local  annals. 

Early  in  July  General  Castro  went  down  to  Los 
Angeles.  About  the  same  time  the  Soledad  brought 
Captain  Flores  with  the  Mexican  despatch  of  May 
29th,  already  mentioned  as  including  a  virtual  approval 
of  all  that  the  Californians  had  done,  an  assurance 
that  a  large  military  force  would  soon  arrive,  and  a 
request  for  the  presidential  vote  of  the  department.37 
Castro's  business  at  the  capital  was  chiefly  connected 
with  the  division  of  the  revenues  between  the  civil 
and  military  branches,  on  which  topic  the  governor 
and  general  soon  came  to  an  agreement,  as  will  be  re- 
lated in  the  next  chapter.33  There  is  but  slight  evi- 
dence of  controversy  at  this  time  between  the  two 
factions,  except  in  the  letters  of  Jones,  who  repre- 
sented Castro  as  having  come  south  full  of  wrath  and 
determined  to  have  vengeance,  though  his  tone  was 
somewhat  modified  by  the  news  from  Mexico.  It  is 
evident  that  Jones'  statements  on  this  subject  were 
exaggerated.39  Jones  and  Larkin  also  fell  into  an 
error  respecting  the  news  from  Mexico,  representing 
the  coming  expedition  as  intended  to  punish  the  Cali- 
fornians and  their  foreign  allies  against  Micheltorena, 
all  of  whom  were  in  great  terror,  but  resolved  to 
resist  to  the  death,  and  to  that  end  were  engaged  in 

Aug.  2d,  sworn  in.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  MS.,  i.  491;  ii.  84;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS., 
i.  132,  137;  Uept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xiv.  65-6;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  375- 
6,  364-5;  Id.,  Angeles,  x.  68-9. 

37  July  9th,  arrival  of  the  Soledad  at  S.  Pedro;  July  llth,  12th,  publication 
of  the  despatch  of  May  29th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  1-2;  Id.,  Any.,  xi. 
156-8;  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  xvi.  17-19;  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  2;  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  91-3;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  188-9.  July  12th,  McKinley  to 
Larkin  on  the  arrival.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  218. 

S8  June  21st,  Castro  leaves  the  command  at  Monterey  to  Alvarado  during 
his  absence.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  11.  June  30th,  C.  expected  soon  at 
Angeles,  but  not  yet  arrived.  Doc.  Hint.  Col. ,  MS. ,  ii.  44. 

^9  July  7th,  Jones  to  Larkin.  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS.,  iii.  212,  and  similar  ideas 
in  other  letters.  In  his  letters  of  July  20th  he  says:  'From  all  accounts,  the 
capital  is  in  a  most  rebellious  and  disorderly  state.  Justice  has  closed  her 
wings  and  fled  from  that  place.  The  governor  is  most  unpopular;  he  is  led 
by  the  nose  by  the  new  secretary  (Covarrubias),  who  is  placarded  almost  every 
day.  The  Honorable  Assembly  are  at  loggerheads,  and  confusion  is  the  order 
of  the  day.'  It  is  also  said  that  Castro  and  Hijar  had  quarrelled. 


VOTE  FOR  PRESIDENT.  535 

raising  forces.40  Of  course  this  was  all  wrong.  Mexico 
had  no  intention  to  avenge  Micheltorena's  downfall; 
and  the  Californians  had  no  fear  of  such  a  movement, 
understanding  perfectly  that  the  expedition  was  to  de- 
fend the  country  against  American  invaders.  It  is 
not  easy  to  determine  whether  Lark  in  intentionally 
misrepresented  these  matters  for  effect  on  newly  ar- 
rived immigrants  and  at  Washington,  or  whether  he 
was  misled  by  Castro  and  Alvarado,  who  wished  to 
conceal  the  preparations  being  made  against  the 
United  States. 

California's  vote  was  cast  on  August  1st  by  the  as- 
sembly for  Herrera  as  president  of  the  republic,  though 
Gomez  Farias  got  two  of  the  five  votes — those  of  Bo- 
tello  and  Carrillo.41  Later  in  the  month  came  rumors 
of  impending  war,  duly  published  with  appeals  to  pop- 
ular patriotism,  and  orders  for  military  organization — 
all  to  be  repeated  and  redoubled  in  September,  when 
there  came  from  Mexico  more  definite  reports  and 
orders,  brought  by  Andre's  Castillero,  who  came  to 
act  as  co-comisionado  with  Hijar,  and  especially  to 
prepare  for  the  reception  of  Iniestra's  army.  Indeed, 
this  expectation  of  war  with  the  United  States,  with 
resulting  acts  and  correspondence,  including  the  re- 
ception of  overland  immigrants  and  Castillero's  nego- 
tiations for  the  purchase  of  Sutter's  Fort,  was  the 
principal  matter  to  be  noticed  in  the  last  half  of  this 
year;  but  it  is  also  a  topic  to  be  treated  in  a  later 

40  July  7th,  20th,  J.  to  L.   July  10th,  L.  to  sec.  state  and  to  N.  Y.  Journal  of 
Commerce.   Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  212,  226;  Id.,  Off.  Corre--<p.,  MS.,  ii.  25- 
6;  Niks'  Reg.,  Ixix.  203. 

41  Aug  1st,  vote  for  Herrera  announced  by  Pico  to  min.  of  rel.    Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  7;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.   104-5;  Doc.   Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  71; 
Val/ejo,   Doc.,  MS.,  xxx.  147.     Vallejo,  Hi*t.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  43-4,  credits  Pico 
with  having  managed  this  affair  very  skilfully  to  get  the  vote  thrown  for  Her- 
rera, who  was  not  popular,  while  Castro  and  Alvarado  wereabsent;  but  there 
is  no  foundation  for  this  view  of  the  matter.     Doubtless  the  bearer  of  the  de- 
spatch of  May  29th  had  instructions  as  to  who  was  to  receive  the  vote,  and  the 
Californians  were  glad  to  obey  orders,  not  caring  who  was  president.     Rivera, 
Hist.  Jaiapa,  iii.  705,  states  that  Cal.  did  not  vote.     Perhaps  the  vote  did 
not  arrive  in  time.     On  April  21st  Herrera's  accession  to  the  presidency  had 
been  published  in  Cal.   Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben.  Prcf.  y  Juzy. ,  MS. ,  v.  30.     On 
Sept.  9th,  a  vote  was  also  thrown  for  Castillo  as  justice  of  the  Mexican  sup. 
court.   Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  121-2. 


536        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO  -POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

chapter42 — only  one  of  its  phases,  the  controversy  that 
to  some  extent  grew  out  of  it,  requiring  attention  here. 
Pico  claimed  the  exclusive  right  to  organize  the 
militia  according  to  Mexican  decrees  of  June ;  and  his 
jealousy  of  all  military  interference  was  shared  by  Pre- 
fect Castro,  the  representative  of  civil  authority  in  the 
north.  There  resulted  a  controversy  between  the  pre- 
fect and  Colonel  Alvarado  on  the  matter  of  enlistments, 
a  quarrel  which  was  thought  to  be  healed  on  the  gen- 
eral's return  to  Monterey.43  It  was  revived  again, 
however,  when  Pico  declared  that  no  military  fuero 
could  be  recognized  except  in  officers  of  the  regular 
army,  and  called  upon  General  Castro  to  put  all  other 
officers,  including  Alvarado  of  course,  at  the  disposi- 
tion of  the  civil  authorities.44  This  the  general  deemed 

42 See  chap,  xxv.,  this  vol.  Sept.  10th,  Hijar  to  Pico,  announcing  Casti- 
Hero's  appointment,  and  receipt  of  $1,000  for  travelling  expenses.  Sept.  13th, 
C.'s  instructions  published.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  37-9.  Sept.  20th,  Jonas 
writes  to  Larkin:  'You  will  have  learnt  the  news  from  Castiyares  (Castillero), 
who,  by  the  way,  is  the  most  outrageous  liar  I  ever  encountered.  Do  not  be- 
lieve a  word  he  tells  you.  He  has  no  commission  whatever,  only  a  letter  from 
the  new  governor  to  advise  him  of  the  state  of  the  coast  when  he  arrives. 
He  is  a  spy,  nothing  more.'  Larking  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  278. 

Sessions  of  the  assembly  Autr.-Oct. :  Aug.  1st,  election  of  president  of  the 
republic.  Aug.  4th,  Botello  sick;  petition  of  a  sub-prefect  for  increase  of  sal- 
ary, refused;  land  grants.  Aug.  Gth,  nothing  done.  Aug.  7th,  secret  session 
to  deliberate  on  war.  Aug.  8th,  llth,  13th,  same  subject,  and  lands.  Aug. 
18th,  20th,  22d,  lands;  supreme  court.  Aug.  2oth,  27th,  29th,  coin,  on  mis- 
sions; prop,  to  adjourn  at  end  of  month  carried,  and  members  not  residing  at 
Angeles  permitted  to  retire — but  the  sessions  went  on  just  the  same.  Sept. 
3d,  dept  treasurer;  lands.  Sept.  5th,  report  of  com.  on  missions.  Sept.  9th, 
vote  for  magistrate  of  supreme  court  in  Mexico.  Sept.  10th,  missions;  elec- 
tions; military  organization;  celebration  of  the  fiesta  of  the  16th.  Sept.  12th, 
forms  of  celebration;  Carrillo  absent  on  account  of  sickness;  Castillero's  ap- 
pointment. Sept.  13th,  form  of  ceremonial  at  the  fiesta.  Sept.  19th,  elec- 
tions; military  organization;  Botello  objects  to  a  proclamation  which  Pico 
proposes  to  publish.  Sept.  22d,  preliminary  reports  of  committees;  sup. 
court.  Sept.  24th,  regulations  for  militia  in  13  articles;  a  treasurer  to  be  ap- 
pointed; lands.  Sept.  26th,  lands.  Oct.  1st,  lands;  cattle-stealing;  sec.  to 
get  his  salary  notwithstanding  the  adjournment;  sup.  court:  reference  to 
election  of  senators  of  the  republic.  Oct.  3d,  land  grants.  Oct.  8th,  regula- 
tions for  the  sale  of  hides;  land  grants;  sessions  suspended  for  the  rest  of  the 
year,  because  inability  to  pay  salaries  makes  it  necessary  to  allow  members 
to  retire.  Leg.  Kec.,  MS.,  iv.  104-244;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  37-8.  Oct.  llth, 
Pico's  proclamation  closing  the  sessions. 

43  August.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  109,  112-13,  118-19.  Sept.  1st,  Pico 
calls  for  information  about  rumors  of  disturbances  at  Monterey,  Id.,  ii.  123; 
r.nd  is  assured  Sept.  12th  by  Castro  that  all  is  quiet  now,  though  there  had 
been  uneasiness  in  consequence  of  rumors  that  the  prefect  and  citizens  would 
attack  the  soldiers.  Dej/t.  St.  Pap.,  Hen.,  MS.,  v.  3G3-1. 

"Sept.  13th,  P.  to  C.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  148-9. 


GENERAL  AND  PREFECT.  537 

an  unwarrantable  interference  with  his  prerogatives, 
and  issued  a  general  order  annulling  the  governor's  de- 
cree on  the  ground  that  the  officers  in  question  were  in 
active  service  and  therefore  under  his  own  command. 
The  prefect  then  issued  a  proclamation  in  defence  of 
Pico's  rights,  and  declared  that  dissensions  between 
the  chief  authorities  should  not  be  allowed  to  interfere 
with  the  military  organization,  since  while  they  were 
quarrelling  he  would  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
citizens  and  save  the  country!  General  Castro  re- 
plied, praising  Don  Manuel's  patriotic  zeal,  but  remind- 
ing him  that  the  country's  defence  was  a  duty  belong- 
ing only  to  the  comandancia  general.45  The  trouble 
continued  to  some  extent  in  October,  the  only  definite 
result  being  to  prevent  the  enlistment  of  defensores, 
and  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  still  more  bitter  con- 
troversy for  184G.  So  far  as  the  north  was  concerned, 
Castillero's  visit  and  his  tour  with  Castro  to  Sonoma 
and  New  Helvetia  tended  somewhat  to  allay  personal 
dissensions  in  the  last  months  of  1845.46 

45  Sept.  29th-30th,  prefect's  proclamation;  Castro  to  Pico  and  to  prefect; 
and  Alvarado's  protest.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  1G8;  Avila.  Doc.,  MS.,  56- 
8,  61;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  56.  Larkin,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  27,  writes 
on  Sept.  29th  that  matters  were  getting  worse  and  worse  between  the  two 
parties,  so  that  the  people  hardly  cared  what  flag  was  exchanged  for  their  own. 
46  Oct.  1st,  Castro  to  prefect,  expressing  surprise,  etc.,  at  his  proclamation. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  172.  Oct.  3d,  Don  Manuel  defends  himself  at  some 
length  in  a  letter  to  Don  Jose",  using  plain  and  forcible  language.  He  haa 
offered  his  resignation,  but  until  relieved  proposes  to  discharge  faithfully  and 
fearlessly  the  duties  of  his  office.  Manuel  was  a  much  abler  man  than  Jose", 
and  was  evidently  not  so  manageable  as  the  latter  had  expected  to  find  him. 
Id.,  ii.  173.  Oct.  1st,  a  friend  of  the  author  wrote  to  Robinson,  Life  in  Cal., 
214,  giving  a  gloomy  picture  of  the  country's  miserable  and  disorderly  condi- 
tion, arising  from  internal  dissensions;  but  all  foreigners  grossly  exaggerated 
the  difficulties  in  these  days.  This  writer  states  that  Pico  had  been  arrested 
and  imprisoned.  Oct.  15th,  A.  M.  Pico  at  S.  Jose"  to  prefect.  Wants  a 
detailed  account  of  the  troubles;  thinks  there  should  be  no  revolt  save  for 
serious  causes.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  192.  Oct.  28th,  Alvarado  to  Pinto, 
on  preparations  for  Castro's  trip  to  the  northern  frontier.  Pinto,  Doc. ,  MS. , 
ii.  208.  Dec.  10th,  Gen.  Castro  to  prefect  and  to  Castillero.  In  consequence 
of  news  just  received,  desires  to  see  them  in  Monterey  to  take  steps  to  avert 
civil  war.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  239.  Dec.  20th,  Castro  is  going  south  and 
leaves  Narvaez  in  command  at  Monterey.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  235. 
Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  46-8,  blames  Pico  for  all  the  troubles.  Osio, 
Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  455-6,  thinks  Castro  at  first  tried  to  act  in  harmony  with 
Pico,  but  was  influenced  by  Castillero  to  turn  against  him.  Botello,  Analex, 
MS.,  126,  thinks  the  old  triumvirate,  Alvarado,  Castro,  and  Vallejo,  wero 
intriguing  to  overthrow  Pico  and  recover  the  capital.  Most  Californians 
merely  refer  to  the  controversy  of  1845-6  as  a  general  matter,  with  a  general 


638        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

At  the  capital  in  the  mean  time  the  abajefios  not 
only  circulated  exaggerated  rumors  of  northern  trou- 
bles, but  made  some  progress  in  their  own  phases  of 
the  current  quarrel.47  In  the  night  of  September  1 5th- 
16th,  the  garrison  revolted,  but  next  day  returned  to 
duty,  some  changes  being  made  by  the  governor  and 
assembly  in  the  officers  commanding.  Jose  A.  Car- 
rillo  accused  Pico  of  having  instigated  the  troops  not 
to  recognize  his  authority;  while  the  governor's  ver- 
sion was  that  the  troops  had  risen  because  unable  to 
endure  the  comandante's  oppression,  but  had  been 
persuaded  to  submit.  Carrillo  was  temporarily  re- 
lieved of  the  command,  or  at  least  a  recommendation 
to  that  effect  was  sent  to  General  Castro.43  Pico's 
messengers  bearing  despatches  for  Castro  respecting 
the  late  occurrences  were  overtaken  north  of  Santa 
Bdrbara  by  a  party  sent  in  pursuit  by  Carrillo  to  seize 
the  despatches  and  carry  others  to  Castro,  in  which 
they  were  successful ;  while  another  party  sent  by  the 
alcalde  of  Santa  Barbara  to  capture  Carrillo's  messen- 
gers failed.  Neither  were  those  messengers  arrested 
in  the  north  as  ordered,  but  soon  came  back  with 
passes  from  Castro,  much  to  the  disgust  of  Pico,  who 
with  reason  looked  upon  the  proceeding  as  an  outrage 

expression  of  opinion  that  governor  and  general  wished  to  get  rid  each  of  the 
other.  Both  are  accused  of  favoring  their  friends  without  much  regard  to  the 
public  welfare. 

47  Jones,  now  that  the  troubles  were  no  longer  quite  imaginary,  wrote  on 
Sept.  3d:  '  His  Excellency  still  continues  to  hold  the  reins,  and  rules  with 
even-handed  justice.  I  begin  to  think  the  chair  of  state  might  have  been 
filled  by  a  much  less  worthy  citizen. '  Larking  Doc, ,  MS. ,  iii.  279. 

i8Sept.  17th,  Pico  to  Castro.  Hilario  Varela,  Jos6  Carrillo,  and  Jacobo 
Sanchez  seemed  to  be  ringleaders.  A  junta  de  guerra  called  by  the  assembly 
on  the  16th  put  Lieut  Somoza  in  command,  and  left  the  chief  command — 
Carrillo's  place — for  the  general  to  decide  upon.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  150. 
Sept.  17th,  Somoza  to  Pico.  All  is  tranquil,  the  men  regretting  their  acts. 
Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  54.  Sept.  18th,  Pico  orders  a  prosecution  of  Carrillo 
for  saying  that  he  could  prove  Pico  to  have  reduced  the  troops.  Id. ,  vi.  54. 
Sept.  18th, to  Castro.  Protests  against  Carrillo's  restoration  to  the  com- 
mand. Id.,  viii.  11.  Jones  on  Sept.  16th  sent  an  inaccurate  report  of  the 
matter  to  Larkin,  to  the  effect  that  Pico  and  his  friends  had  tried  to  put  down 
Carrillo,  failed,  and  been  arrested.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  278,  297.  The 
bishop's  prayers  had  been  invoked  to  restore  tranquillity.  Dept.  St..  Pap. ,  MS., 
vi.  149.  Sept.  30th,  prefect  publishes  Pico's  report  at  Monterey;  and  Gen. 
Castro  tells  P.  that  he  has  ordered  the  disbandment  of  the  rebellious  troops 
as  a  punishment!  Drpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  57;  Id.,  Mont'rey,  iii.  109. 


GOVERNOR  AND  ASSEMBLY.  539 

upon  his  authority.49  The  governor  protested  that 
there  was  no  foundation  in  the  current  reports  that  he 
was  disposed  to  ignore  the  military  authority;  and  he 
urged  upon  Castro  the  necessity  of  united  efforts,  so 
that  the  chiefs  of  the  department  might  no  longer  be 
objects  of  ridicule.  But  a  little  later,  in  a  report  to 
Mexico  urging  the  sending  of  military  forces  under  a 
new  general,  he  accused  Castro  and  Alvarado  not  only 
of  creating  dissensions  which  endangered  the  territo- 
rial integrity,  but  also  of  squandering  the  public 
funds.50 

The  assembly  adjourned  on  the  8th  of  October, 
assigning  as  a  reason  the  necessity  for  country  mem- 
bers to  go  home  and  earn  a  living,  as  there  was  no 
money  with  which  to  pay  their  salaries.51  During 
the  sessions  the  northern  members  had  not  been  in 
attendance,  ostensibly  on  account  of  sickness,  but  in 
reality  because  they  were  unwilling  to  serve  as  a 
minority  and  at  a  southern  capital.52  Two  days  before 
the  adjournment,  October  5th-6th,  a  general  election 
was  held,  the  last  under  Mexican  rule,  at  which 
Juan  B.  Alvarado  was  chosen  diputado  to  con- 
gress, with  Manuel  Requena  as  substitute,  though 

<9Sept.  21st-29th.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ii.  175-7;  Lar- 
Icirfs  Doc. ,  MS. ,  iii.  297.  Pico's  messengers  were  Juan  Supulveda  and  Leonardo 
Cota;  Carrillo's,  Capt.  Jose  Carrillo,  Jose  Lugo,  and  Jacobo  Sanchez,  who  re- 
turned in  Nov.  Capt.  Valentin  Cota  had  also  been  summoned  by  Carrillo, 
and  was  intrusted  with  a  comision  reservada  to  Sta  Barbara  on  Sept.  23d. 
Cota,  Doc.,  MS.,  17-18. 

60 Oct.  2d,  Pico  to  Castro.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  17-21.  Oct.  9th,  P. 
to  Abrego.  Id.,  vi.  91-2.  Oct.  24th,  P.  organizes  a  special  force  under  Capt. 
Juan  Gallardo  and  Lieut  Leonardo  Cota  to  preserve  order.  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS. , 
61.  Nov.  3d,  Jones  writes:  'The  civil  and  military  authorities  are  at  open 
war  in  the  capital.  The  governor  and  people  have  refused  to  allow  the  can- 
non to  be  removed  to  this  place  in  compliance  with  Castro's  order,  and  J.  A. 
Carrillo  is  on  his  march  to  establish  his  headquarters  in  Sta  Barbara. '  Lar- 
lin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  304.  Nov.  llth,  P.  to  min.  of  rel.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.  96-7. 

51  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  243-4. 

52  On  July  26th,  in  accordance  with  a  vote  of  the  assembly,  and  in  conse- 
quence of  some  current  charges  that  that  body  was  not  acting  legally,  Pico 
published  in  a  bulky  document  his  corresp.  with  Spence  and  Munras,  show- 
ing that  they  had  been  legally  summoned  and  repeatedly  urged  to  attend  be- 
fore the  suplentes  were  called  in.  Pico,  Correspondencia  con  los  vocales  recal- 
citrantes  del  Norte,  1845,  MS.     Botello,  Anales,  MS.,  120,  has  also  something 
to  say  on  this  topic.     Munras  claimed  that  he  had  no  horses  to  make  the 
journey.     Spence  had  sore  eyes,  and  feared  the  Angeles  climate. 


540       RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

neither  ever  went  to  Mexico  to  tal:e  his  seat.63  At 
the  same  time  there  were  chosen  three  vocales  for 
the  assembly,  to  take  the  places  of  Spence,  Munras, 
and  Estrada,  whose  terms  had  expired.  The  suc- 
cessful candidates  were  Juan  Bandini,  Jos^  Abrego, 
and  Santiago  Argiiello,  leaving  one  northern  mem- 
ber against  six  southerners,  with  Joaquin  Carrillo, 
Abel  Stearns,  Santiago  E.  Argiiello,  Ag'ustin  Olvera, 
Ignacio  Palomares,  Antonio  M.  Pico,  and  Joaquin 
Ortega  as  suplentes.54 

At  the  end  of  November  there  were  some  new  de- 
velopments in  the  politico-military  quarrel  at  Los 
Angeles  and  Santa  Barbara.  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo, 
with  the  Varela  brothers,  Serbulo  and  Hilario,  formed 
a  conspiracy  to  depose  the  governor  and  seize  his 
person.  An  attack  was  to  be  made  upon  his  house 
in  the  night  of  November  28th;  but  Pico  was  in- 
formed of  the  plot,  put  Carrillo  under  arrest,  and 
called  upon  his  friends  in  the  city  and  ranches  for 
assistance.  The  Varelas  ran  away,  and  even  suc- 
ceeded on  the  29th  in  capturing  the  horses  of  a  party 
of  rancheros  who  had  come  in  at  the  governor's  call; 
but  they  were  promptly  pursued  and  taken  prisoners. 
After  an  investigation  before  the  alcalde,  it  was  de- 
cided to  banish  Carrillo  and  Hilario  Varela,  who 
were  put  on  board  the  Clarita  and  sailed  for  Maza- 

M0ct.  5th,  election.  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  37;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  58. 

54 Oct.  0,  1875,  election  of  members  of  assembly.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
viii.  37-8,  125-6.  There  was  a  tie  between  Bandini  and  A.  M.  Osio,  which 
was  decided  by  lot  in  favor  of  the  former.  Preliminary  corresp.  and  orders 
as  follows:  Laws  of  June  19th,  Mexican,  in  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  39. 
July  1 1th,  12th,  decree  of  gov.  and  assembly  on  details  of  the  election.  Leg. 
AVc.,  MS.,  iv.  89-91;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  3G-7;  S.  Jose",  Arch.,  MS., 
i.  42;  Cattro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  131.  Local,  primary,  and  secondary  elections  in 
Aug. -Sept.  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  70,  88,  94,  108,  12G-7,  136,  140,  180;  iv. 
1161;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  149;  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  6;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  49-52.  The  S.  F.  elector  was  not  chosen  because  the  compromisarios 
from  Sonoma  and  Contra  Costa  failed  to  appear.  Those  who  went  to  Angelea 
were  Narciso  Botello,  Pedro  Carrillo,  and  Antonio  F.  Coronel  for  Angeles; 
Juan  M.  Marron  for  S.  Diego;  Francisco  do  la  Guerra  and  Raimundo  Carrillo 
for  Sta  Barbara;  and  Pablo  de  la  Guerra  and  Joaquin  Escamilla  for  Monterey. 
Leg.  Bee.,  MS.,  iv.  282,  287.  Incomplete  record  of  preliminary  organization 
of  the  electoral  junta  on  Sept.  2Sth,  in  Corunel,  Doc.,  MS.,  115-17. 


REVOLT  AT  ANGELES  AND  SANTA  BARBARA.     541 

tlan  the  5th  of  December  from  San  Diego.  Serbulo 
Varela  was  detained  in  prison,  but  escaped  before  the 
end  of  the  year;  while  the  exiles  found  their  way 
back  early  in  1846,  Carrillo  not  deeming  himself  safe 
at  Angeles,  but  joining  Castro  in  the  north.55 

The  outbreak  at  Santa  Barbara,  presumably  as  a 
part  of  the  same  general  plan,  occurred  on  November 
29th,  one  day  later  than  the  proposed  movement  at 
the  capital.  A  large  number  of  citizens  under  Captain 
Gumesindo  Flores,  Jose*  Antonio  de  la  Guerra,  and 
Jose*  Lugo  arrested  the  sub-prefect  and  alcalde,  de- 
claring their  purpose  to  ignore  the  authority  not  only 
of  those  officials  but  of  the  governor  also,  and  to  rec- 
ognize only  General  Castro.  The  alleged  grievances 
were  that  the  civil  authorities  had  disregarded  a  peti- 
tion of  the  citizens  to  be  relieved  from  guard  duty,  and 
that  at  the  capital  military  officers  had  been  oppressed 
by  the  governor.  Flores,  the  comandante  at  Santa 
Bdrbara,  was  the  chief  instigator,  and  doubtless  had  an 
understanding  with  Carrillo.  At  a  meeting  held  on 
the  30th  it  was  proposed  to  march  on  Angeles;  but  the 
news  being  unfavorable,  this  project  was  abandoned. 
On  December  llth  the  pronunciados  held  another 
meeting,  at  which  it  was  decided  to  send  for  the  sub- 
prefect  and  submit  to  the  civil  authority.  By  Pico's 
order  there  was  a  later  attempt  at  legal  investigation, 
leading  to  no  practical  results;  as  it  soon  became  ap- 
parent that  a  large  majority  of  the  people  had  directly 
or  indirectly  favored  the  revolt,  and  that  they  would 

55  Nov.  30th,  alcalde's  investigations.  No  details  except  that  Jose"  A. 
Tapia,  Agapito  Ramirez,  Dolores  Higuera,  Casimiro  Rubio,  and  Romero  were 
arrested  as  accomplices.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzy.,  MS.,  ii.  102, 
130,  140-1,  152.  Nov.  30th,  Pico  to  sub-prefect  of  S.  Diego.  Dept.  S(.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  99-102.  P.  to  Celis  and  to  Capt.  Vioget  of  the  Clarlta.  Id.,  vi. 
98-9;  viii.  22.  Sailing  of  the  exiles.  Id.,  vi.  63;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  ?/  Jtizy.,  ii. 
G8.  Dec.  2d,  P.'s  report  of  the  whole  affair  circulated  by  Sec.  Covarrubiaa 
and  the  sub-prefects.  Doc.  Hist.  Ceil.,  MS.,  ii.  223,  231;  Vallejo,  DM.,  MS., 
xxxiv.  170.  Dec.  24th,  escape  of  Serbulo  Varela.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref. 
y  J'tzg.,  MS.,  ii.  109.  Some  particulars  are  given  by  Pico,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
140-6,  and  a  general  account  is  found  also  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  v.  49- 
68;  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  v.  109-14.  Botello,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS., 
126-8,  tells  us  that  an  outbreak  of  some  prisoners  in  the  jail  under  one  Ri- 
cardo  Uribes  started  the  investigation  which  implicated  Carrillo. 


542        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO— POLITICAL  ANNALS. 

not  permit  the  governor  to  select  a  few  individuals 
for  vengeance.56 

Castro's  part  in  the  disturbances  just  described  is 
not  brought  to  light  by  the  evidence.  Friends  of  Pico 
in  the  south  believed  that  Castro  and  Carrillo  were 
acting  in  perfect  accord  to  overthrow  the  governor. 
Such  was  probably  the  case,  though  it  is  possible,  as 
Vallejo  and  Alvarado  insist,  that  Carrillo  may  have 
acted  independently  so  far  as  the  details  of  this  par- 
ticular revolt  were  concerned.  At  any  rate,  Castro  in 
his  communications,  while  he  urged  the  people  to  pre- 
serve harmony  and  submit  to  the  lawful  authorities, 
had  no  blame  for  Flores,  and  accepted  that  officer's 
theory  that  the  revolt  had  resulted  from  Pico's  ar- 
bitrary acts.57  I  have  also  a  private  letter  from  Hila- 
rio  Varela  to  Castro,  which  shows  not  only  that  the 
latter  was  in  secret  communication  with  the  leaders 
of  the  southern  revolt,  but  that  Pico,  with  the  support 
of  the  northern  prefect,  was  believed  to  be  preparing 
for  a  golpe  de  estado  against  the  general.58  The  de- 
velopment of  this  quarrel  will  form  a  prominent  topic 
in  the  earlier  annals  of  the  next  year. 


56  Dec.  2d,  Sub-prefect  A.  Carrillo  to  Pico,  announcing  his  arrest  and  that 
of  the  1st  alcalde  (apparently  Nicholas  Den)  and  Antonio  Rodriguez.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ii.  168.     Nov.  30th,  Jones  to  Larkin,  de- 
scribing the  affair  as  the  work  of  a  gang  of  outlaws,  who  now  have  possession 
of  the  town.     Hopes  that  Castro  will  sustain  the  gov.  I/arkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii. 
386.     Dec.  llth,  record  of  submission  and  promised  pardon.  Dept.  St.  Pap.t 
Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  168-9;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Jiizg.,  ii.  168.     Dec.  23d-30th,  in- 
vestigations. Id.,  Ben.,  iv.  27-35.     Jan.  9th,  prefect  still  in  quest  of  evidence. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  98. 

57  Dec.   15th,  Castro  to  Flores,  Pico,  and  to  the  people.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  63-4;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ixxxvi.  9-11.     The  general  announced  his  pur- 
pose to  come  in  person  to  the  south. 

58  Oct.  25,  1845,  Varela  to  Castro,  reservada.   Says  that  Castro's  orders  to 
him  have  been  obeyed;  and  that  Pico  is  trying,  by  offers  of  good  places  in  the 
custom-house  when  it  shall  be  removed  to  the  south,  to  gain  support  among 
the  people  against  Castro,  though  not  with  much  success.     He  continues:  'I 
will  also  tell  you  that  communications  from  Seiior  Manuelote' — Manuel  Castro, 
the  prefect — 'have  been  shown  me,  in  which  he  tells  the  gov.  to  make  his 
grito  when  he  chooses;  that  he  will  tie  them  here.     This  is  true,  my  friend. 
All  this  has  been  laid  before  me,  probably  to  induce  me  to  take  part  with 
them,  but  I  would  never  do  it.     I  therefore  await  you  without  fail  for  Nov. 
8th.     Be  not  afraid — we  will  die  together — and  let  me  know  in  time  of  your 
coming,  that  we  may  be  prepared . . .  Don't  fail  to  come  at  the  time  I  tell  you, 
para  fregar  6  que  nos  frieguen.'  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  204. 


INDIAN  AFFAIRS.  543 

The  Indians  were  still  troublesome,  though  their 
ravages — with  the  exception  of  killing  Thomas  Lind- 
say in  the  spring  and  William  Brander  in  November59 
—were  confined  for  the  most  part  to  the  stealing  of 
horses  and  cattle.  One  of  Pico's  first  acts  was  to  try  a 
new  experiment  in  Indian  policy,  by  letting  a  contract 
to  punish  the  savages.  Captain  Gantt  and  Dr  Marsh, 
with  their  followers  who  had  marched  south  under 
Micheltorena  and  Sutter,  agreed  to  undertake  an  ex- 
pedition, and  to  free  the  country  from  its  Indian  pests 
at  their  own  expense.  Their  compensation  was  to  be 
500  cattle,  and  one  half  of  all  live-stock  that  they 
might  recover  from  the  robbers.60  This  raid  was  to 
be  begun  apparently  in  connection  with  the  return 
march  of  Gantt's  company  to  the  north ;  but  I  find  no 
information  respecting  its  results,  except  that  in  June 
Captain  Sutter  declared  his  belief  that  the  contractors 
would  not  be  able  to  accomplish  any  of  the  great  things 
promised,  because  the  men  were  not  willing  to  accom- 
pany them.61 

Soon  after  making  this  contract  for  the  country 
north  of  the  capital,  Pico  made  an  effort  to  organize 
a  campaign  against  southern  horse-thieves.  From 
April  to  June  active  preparations  were  made,  on  paper 
at  least,  for  a  grand  combined  movement  of  volunteer 
forces  from  all  the  southern  towns.  The  force  was  to 
march  from  San  Fernando  on  June  15th;  but  about 
a  week  before  that  date  all  communications  cease,  and 
we  are  left  to  conjecture  that  the  Indians'  operations 


59  Brander  was  killed  on  Nov.  30th,  at  Amesti's  rancho.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  ii.  219,  252. 

60  Feb.  27,  1845,  contract  between  Pico  and  John  Marsh  and  John  Gantt 
for  an  expedition  against  the   Indians.     Also  Gen.  Castro's  instructions  to 
Gantt.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  169-74;  Id.,  Angeles,  xi.  140-2.     Also  referred 
to  in  Sta  Barbara,  Arch.,  MS.,  45;  Estudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  85.     According 
to  the  contract,  any  men  who  joined  the  party  might  take  their  own  animals 
recovered  before  the  division  was  made.     In  the  instructions  certain  friendly 
tribes  were  named  which  must  be  respected,  and  others  who  were  notorious 
robbers.     Men  might  be  killed  if  they  resisted;  but  women  and  children  were 
to  be  put  at  the  disposal  of  govt;  and  no  inhumanity  was  to  be  shown  to  those 
who  would  submit. 

61  June  14th,  Sutter-Suftol  Corresp.,  MS.,  20. 


544        RULE  OF  PICO  AND  CASTRO-POLITICAL  ANXALS. 

were  not  seriously  interrupted  at  this  time.62  In  the 
San  Jose  region  at  the  north  complaints  of  depreda- 
tions seem  to  have  been  somewhat  less  frequent  than 
in  former  years.  In  June  Colonel  Alvarado  announced 
that  he  had  taken  command  of  the  forces  and  was 
about  to  march  against  the  Indians,  making  at  the 
same  time  some  extended  explorations ;  but  his  achieve- 
ments are  not  of  record.63  North  of  the  bay  we  read 
of  a  raid  from  Sonoma  to  the  region  of  Ross,  made  by 
rancheros  with  a  view  to  obtain  Indian  laborers,  and 
brought  to  light  in  the  local  courts  on  account  of  a 
quarrel  about  the  division  of  the  spoils.64  At  New 
Helvetia  Sutter's  men  made  a  few  successful  raids  on 
hostile  rancherias,  having  also  a  degree  of  success  in 
making  treaties  with  several  chieftains.  The  captain 
still  sold  Indian  children  and  the  labor  of  older  cap- 
tives to  his  creditors  around  the  bay.65  A  Walla  Walla 
chief  from  Oregon  was  killed  at  Suiter's  Fort  early 
this  year,  or  at  the  end  of  1844,  by  Grove  Cook,  from 
whom  he  had  stolen  a  mule ;  and  his  tribe  were  much 
excited  about  the  matter,  proposing  to  send  1,500 
warriors  to  avenge  the  act.  Elijah  White,  missionary 
and  Indian  agent  in  the  Walamet  Valley,  reported 
the  matter  to  Consul  Larkin  and  Governor  Pico,  urg- 


61  April  19th  to  June  7th,  orders  and  corresp.  on  the  proposed  expedition. 
Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  31,  37-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  x.  51-2;  xi.  145- 
6;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzrj.,  ii.  104,  109-10,  149;  Stu  Jidrbnra,  Arch.,  MS.,  45, 
49-53;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  188-9.  July  1st,  B.  D.  Wilson  from  Jurupa 
sends  a  diary  of  his  recent  expedition  against  the  Indians,  who  are  still  trou- 
blesome. Df[>t.  St.  7Jop.,MS.,  vi.  43-4.  Aug. ,  further  alarms.  Id.,Ang.,xi. 
159;  /(/.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzrj.,  ii.  132.  Oct.,  alarm  caused  by  the  coming  of 
Wak,  a  Yuta  chief,  with  180  persons  to  S.  Bernardino;  but  his  purpose  proved 
to  be  friendly  and  commercial.  D<"pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  177;  Id.,  Angeles,  xi. 
163-6. 

63  June  21st,  Alvarado  to  Pico.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  143.  Aug.  2d, 
a  reported  attack  on  Sta  Clara,  in  which  two  men  were  killed.  Napa  Reporter, 
Aug.  10,  1872.  Oct.  19th,  complaints  of  depredations  on  the  rancho  del  Re- 
fugio.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  199.  Dec.  6th,  Bolcof  at  Sta  Cruz  asks  per- 
mission to  scud  out  25  men  every  fortnight.  Id.,  ii.  252. 

64 August,  proceedings  before  the  judge.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Den.,  MS.,  f. 
383-94.  Several  Indians  were  killed  and  150  were  captured.  Antonio  Castro 
and  Rafael  Garcfa  are  named  as  the  leaders.  Win  Benitz  complained  of  out- 
rages committed  at  his  rancho.  Two  women  were  outraged  there. 

65 Sutler  Sunol  Corresp.,  MS.,  27-31;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  177;  Dept. 
Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  10. 


I 

WALLA  WALLAS.  545 

ing  that  Cook  if  guilty  should  be  brought  to  justice. 
An  investigation  was  ordered,  but  of  the  results  we 
know  only  that  S utter  declared  the  chief — a  trouble- 
some fellow  named  Leicer — to  have  been  killed  by 
Cook  in  self-defence;  and  that  the  Walla  Wallas  re- 
mained more  or  less  hostile,  their  conduct -giving  rise, 
as  we  shall  see,  to  some  sensational  rumors  in  1846.66 

66 May  6, 1845,  White  to  Pico,  and  Sept.  24th,  Pico's  reply.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  178-9.     July  21st,  Sutter  to  Larkin.   Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  227. 
See  also  Honolulu  Friend,  iv.  29. 
HIST.  CAT,.,  VOL.  IV.    35 


CHAPTER  XXIII.    . 

THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 
1845. 

SECULARIZATION  TO  BE  COMPLETED — Pico's  POLICY — CHRONOLOGICAL  DEVEL- 
OPMENTS—VIEWS OF  PRESIDENT  DURAN — BANDOS  OF  APRIL,  MAY,  AND 
OCTOBER — PREPARATIONS  AND  INVENTORIES — DEBTS— Pico's  REGULA- 
TIONS FOR  SALE  AND  RENTING  OF  THE  MISSIONS — THREE  ESTABLISHMENTS 
SOLD — FOUR  RENTED — ECCLESIASTICAL  AFFAIRS — Pious  FUND— COM- 
MERCE—FOREIGN  GOODS — A  NEW  CLASS  OF  SMUGGLING — WHALERS — 
CUSTOM-HOUSE — ALVARADO  AS  ADMINISTRATOR — MINOR  PORTS — TIIEA  ;- 
URY — ABREGO  AND  VALLE — FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  AND  STATISTICS — 
CASTRO  AND  Pico — THE  'STAR  OF  THE  WEST'  WRECKED — DISTRIBUTION 
OF  DEBT  AND  REVENUE — LIST  OF  VESSELS,  1841-5. 

THE  mission  estates  occupied  Pico's  attention  from 
the  first  months  of  his  rule.  It  was  desirable  from 
every  point  of  view  that  the  process  of  secularization 
should  be  completed.  As  was  evident  to  every  person 
in  California,  the  old  system  was  dead,  past  all  hope 
of  recovery.  No  step  short  of  complete  secularization 
could  have  been  more  beneficial  than  Micheltorena's 
of  1843;  but  under  the  administration  of  the  padres 
there  was  no  restoration  of  prosperity.1  The  remnants 
of  property  were  small  and  unequally  distributed; 
many  of  the  estates  were  burdened  with  ever  increas- 
ing debts;  the  Indians  fit  for  work  were  few  and  un- 
manageable; and  the  friars  were  old,  worn-out,  dis- 

1  Gleeson,  Hint.  Cath.  Church,  ii.  156-7,  thinks  the  missions  were  slowly 
but  surely  gaining  when  Pico  dealt  the  blow  that  completed  their  ruin;  but 
there  is  no  evidence  that  this  was  so,  or  that  the  friars  themselves  thought  so. 
They  sometimes  complained  of  the  acts  of  government,  recalled  the  past  glo- 
ries of  the  missions,  and  pointed  out  the  ruin  that  secularization  had  caused; 
but  I  find  no  expression  of  a  belief  that  prosperity  could  be  restored— save,  of 
course,  by  a  complete  return  to  the  original  system  with  many  absurdly  im- 
possible conditions — though  Duran  and  others  expressed  the  contrary  belief. 

(546)      ' 


PICO'S  MISSION  POLICY.  547 

couraged  men,  utterly  incompetent  to  overcome  the 
obstacles  that  beset  their  path  as  administrators.  The 
estates  were  doomed  to  irremediable  ruin  at  an  early 
date,  unless  the  values  they  represented  could  be  real- 
ized and  properly  invested  without  delay.  Creditors 
demanded  a  change  which  should  enable  them  to  col- 
lect their  dues.  There  were  some,  indeed,  who  desired 
to  get  possession  of  the  mission  lands.  The  governor 
was  in  duty  bound  to  protect  national  property,  and 
was  willing  to  help  his  friends  among  the  two  classes 
just  mentioned.  Further  than  this,  he  was  anxious, 
let  us  hope,  to  deal  justly  with  the  ex-neophytes,  and 
he  saw  in  the  mission  estates  a  source  of  possible  rev- 
enue to  be  utilized  by  the  government  in  emergencies; 
while  the  padres,  representing  the  Indians,  opposed  a 
change,  if  at  all,  only  because  of  fear  that  their  wards 
might  be  cheated  out  of  their  rights.  That  individ- 
uals were  actuated  by  selfish  motives,  and  that  high 
officials  were  likely  to  misapply  the  net  proceeds,  are 
facts  that  do  not  affect  the  soundness  of  the  views 
held  by  Pico  and  others  respecting  the  necessity  of 
final  secularization.  It  was  important  that  the  estates 
should  be  saved  from  ruin  and  made  to  yield  a  reve- 
nue. That  revenue  belonged  to  the  government;  if 
the  authorities  did  not  intend  to  spend  it  wisely,  they 
are  to  be  .blamed.  Their  announced  intentions  and 
their  proposed  methods  were  altogether  praiseworthy. 
Pico  sent  Cdrlos  Carrillo  and  Ig^acio  del  Valle  to  the 
missionary  prelates  with  an  explanation  of  his  views, 
to  the  effect  that  the  mission  estates  must  pass  into 
private  hands  if  any  part  of  the  property  was  to  be 
saved  for  the  neophytes.  He  desired  advice  from  the 
padres  as  to  the  best  methods  of  carrying  out  his  plans, 
at  the  same  time  suggesting  a  sale  of  the  smaller  es- 
tablishments and  a  renting  of  the  larger  ones,  the 
proceeds  to  be  devoted  exclusively  to  the  benefit  of 
the  Indians.2  Duran  refused  flatly  to  take  any  share 

2  March  18th,  P.  to  C.  and  V.   Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  45-8;  St.  Pap. 

Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  56-8. 


548  THE  MISSIONS-COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

in  "the  tremendous  responsibility  about  to  be  incurred 
before  God  and  man."  He  was  surprised  that  a  gov- 
ernor ad  interim  should  dare  to  undertake  such  inno- 
vations, and  declared  the  real  motive  to  be  clear — - 
"the  master-key  which  opens  all  windows  to  see,  not 
through  a  screen  but  the  clearest  crystal,  the  mystery 
lurking  behind  the  absolute  liberty  of  the  Indians." 
Their  ideas  of  liberty  were  those  of  school-boys  glad 
when  the  master  is  sick  and  school  closed.  The  'new 
masters'  will  have  use  only  for  the  strong  and  well; 
what  is  to  become  of  the  rest?  He  would  never  con- 
sent to  a  sale  of  the  missions,  which  belong  not  to 
the  nation,  but  to  the  Indians.  A  'supreme  injustice' 
was  about  to  be  perpetrated  in  the  interests  of  men 
who  wished  to  get  the  estates  at  less  than  their  real 
value.3  The  governor  did  not,  however,  abandon  his 
project,  upon  which  Duran  was  soon  induced  to  look 
more  favorably  than  at  first. 

In  April  Pico  issued  a  bando,  in  accordance  with  a 
resolution  of  the  junta,  which  called  for  detailed  ac- 
counts of  debts  and  assets  from  all  in  charge  of  mis- 
sions. He  suspended  the  granting  of  lands  near  the 
missions,  as  they  might  be  required  as  egidos  for  new 
towns.  He  suspended  also  the  granting  of  freedom 
papers  to  neophytes,  and  enjoined  upon  the  padres  to 
abstain  from  selling  movable  property.4  The  call  for 
reports  and  the  injunction  respecting  sales  were  cir- 
culated by  the  prelates  to  the  padres.  The  replies 
of  the  latter,  so  far  as  I  can  judge  by  the  specimens 
before  me,  contained  little  information  about  the 
financial  status  of  their  respective  establishments;5 
but  to  the  injunction  most  replied,  some  indignantly 

'March  26th,  Duran  to  Pico.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  48-51. 

*  April  18th-19th,  report  of  com.  of  junta.  St.  Pap.,  J\lixs.  and  Colon.,  MS., 
ii.  398-9;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  42-3.  April  21st,  Pico's  bando,  identical  with 
the  report.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jos6,  MS.,  v.  94;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  45; 
IJartmar^s  Brief,  17;  Hoffman's  Opinions,  33. 

5  Sta  Ines,  debt  §1 ,  151 ;  Sta  Barbara,  $2,765;  no  assets  mentioned  in  either 
except  small  quantities  of  tallow  and  hides.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii. 
5J-3.  S.  Fernando,  nodebt,  a  few  cattle.  Arch.  StaB.,  MS.,  x.  187.  S.  Diego, 
a  little  property,  no  debt  mentioned.  Id.,  x.  188-9.  S.  Gabriel,  has  sold  land 
to  Dalton  for  $400.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Prof.  yJuzg.,  MS.,  ii.  119. 


RENTING  OF  THE  MISSIONS.  549 

resenting  the  imputation  as  an  insult,  that  they  had 
sold  no  property  at  all,  except  in  the  case  of  useless 
articles,  with  the  governor's  permission.  Duran  sub- 
sequently admitted,  however,  that  Estenega  at  San 
Gabriel  and  Jirneno  at  Santa  I nes  had  been  at  fault 
in  this  matter.6 

On  May  28th  the  junta,  following  to  a  great  extent 
apparently  the  suggestions  of  Padre  Duran  himself, 
who  had  been  won  over  by  the  eloquence  of  Juan  Ban- 
dim,7  passed  the  following  resolution,  published  as  a 
decree  by  Pico  on  June  5th:  1.  The  Indians  of  San 
Rafael,  Dolores,  Soledad,  San  Miguel,  and  Purisima 
are  warned  to  re-unite  and  occupy  those  missions  within 
a  month,  or  they  will  be  declared  mosf-rencas  and  dis- 
posed of  for  the  general  good  of  the  department.  2. 
Carmelo,  San  Juan  Bautista,  San  Juan  Capistrano, 
and  Solano  are  to  be  considered  pueblos  as  at  present ; 
and  after  reserving  a  curate's  house,  church,  and  court- 
house, remaining  property  shall  be  sold  at  auction  for 
the  payment  of  debts,  the  surplus  being  devoted  to 
the  support  of  divine  worship.  3.  The  rest  of  the 
missions  may  be  rented  at  the  option  of  the  govern- 
ment; and  the  Indians  shall  be  free  to  work  for  the 
renters,  on  the  lands  to  be  assigned  them,  or  for  other 
persons.  4.  The  principal  building  of  Santa  Bd-rbara 
is  reserved  for  the  bishop  and  the  padres,  and  the  rent 
of  this  mission  is  to  be  equally  divided  between  the 
church  and  the  Indians.  5.  The  product  of  the  rents 

6  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  52-5;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  181-8;  Pico, 
Doc. ,  MS. ,  ii.  51-3,  59-60.     Jimeno  and  Ileal  were  the  indignant  ones,  the  for- 
mer denouncing  the  order  as  part  of  a  scheme  to  find  excuses  for  a  change 
of  administrators;  while  the  latter  demanded  personal  satisfaction  for  the 
insult. 

7  May  16th,  Duran  to  Pico,  in  reply  to  Pico's  of  8th  (not  extant),  praising 
the  governor's  patriotism  and  willingness  to  seek  advice.     Arguing  in  favor 
of  leasing  rather  than  selling  the  missions.     The  sale  would  put  the  best  mis- 
sions in  foreign  hands,  and  would  be  more  likely  to  result  in  malversation  of 
the  proceeds.     The  plan  of  renting  should  be  limited  to  thoso  establishments 
not  profitably  worked  by  the  neophytes  in  community.     Abandoned  missions 
might  properly  be  sold  as  bienes  mostrencos  after  a  warning  to  the  Indians  to 
occupy  them.     All  steps  should  be  approved  by  the  assembly.     '  We  are  grow- 
ing old;  there  is  no  possibility  of  our  being  replaced;  the  abandonment  of  the 
missions  is  but  a  question  of  time."    Translation  in  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  31-47. 
May  21st,  thanks  voted  to  Bandini  and  Duran.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS«,  iv.  57-8. 


550  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

shall  be  divided  into  three  equal  parts,  one  for  the 
support  of  the  minister  and  of  worship,  one  for  the 
Indians,  and  one  for  the  government  to  be  devoted  to 
education  and  the  public  welfare,  after  the  payment 
of  debts.  6.  The  first  part  shall  be  placed  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  prelates  for  equitable  distribution.  7-8. 
This  to  be  duly  published;  and  debts  due  the  missions 
to  be  strictly  exacted  and  the  proceeds  used  for  the 
purposes  named  in  the  third  part  of  article  3.8 

In  June,  also  at  Duran's  suggestion,9  the  gov- 
ernor appointed  Andres  Pico  and  Juan  Manso  as 
commissioners  to  visit  each  mission  for  the  purpose  of 
making  inventories  of  property,  with  a  view  to  carry- 
ing into  effect  the  decree  of  June.10  The  appointees 
performed  the  duty  assigned  them  in  July  and  August, 
apparently  to  the  satisfaction  of  most  concerned, 
though  there  was  a  little  trouble  at  the  start  with 
Padre  Estenega  of  San  Gabriel,  and  though  several 
padres  held  themselves  aloof  and  would  take  no  part 
in  the  proceedings.11  Among  the  papers  of  Andres 
Pico,  I  find  the  inventories  made  during  this  tour  for 
ten  establishments:  Santa  Ines  and  Santa  Bdrbara 
in  the  south  with  property  valued  at  $20,288  and 

8May  28,  June  5,  1845,  Pico's  bando  and  decree  of  the  junta.  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal,  MS.,  ii.  33;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  127;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  x. 
49;  Bandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  01,  64;  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  G3-4;  Hal'eck's  Report, 
appen.  20,  p.  1G2-3;  Jonex'  Report,  72;  /.  Rockwell,  47 1 ;  DmncL'e's  Colon.  Hid. , 
add.,  88;  Hayes1  Mission  Book,  i.  302;  Id.,  Legal  Hist.  S.  Difjo,  i.  43,  p.  108- 
11;  Hartman's  Brief,  17-18;  Hoffman's  Opinions,  33;  Hairs  Hist.  S.  JosJ, 
430-3;  Taylor'*  El  Dorado,  i.  184. 

'June  23d,  D.  to  Pico.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  59-62. 

10  June  30th,  July  1st,  Pico  to  Duran,  announcing  the  appointment,  and 
asking  that  corresponding  instructions  be  sent  to  the  padres.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
xiv.  53-4;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  415-10;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS., 
x.  235-8.     July  3d,  Duran  to  padres.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  49. 

11  S.  Gabriel.   Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  57;  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt   ii.  53, 
55.     Sta  Cruz  and  S.  Jos<5.  Id.,  v.  ptii.  64-5.    Staln6s.  Sta  In6s,  Lib.  Mis/on, 
MS.,  39.     Something  ia  the  proceedings  at  S.  Gabriel  seems  to  have  offended 
P.  Duran,  who  again  refused  to  have  anything  to  do  with  the  matter.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  56.     The  old  man,  however,  soon  changed  his  mind, 
and  on  July  21st  wrote  to  thank  the  gov.   for  the  good  judgment  he  had 
shown  in  appointing  the  commissioners,  who  had  acted  with  the  greatest 
moderation  aud  prudence.    Pico,   Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  51-3.     Den  and  Hill  are 
recommended  as  worthy  persons,  who  wish  to  rent  Sta  Bdrbara.     July  12th, 
McKinley  to  Larkin,  on  the  appointment  of  Pico  and  Manso.  Lar  kin's  Doc., 
M3.,.ui.'218.    . 


DURAN'S  VIEWS.  551 

$25,846  respectively;  and  all  those  from  San  Miguel 
northward,  except  San  Carlos,  San  Francisco,  and 
San  Jose,  aggregating  $58,876;  with  San  Rafael  and 
Santa  Clara  at  $17,230  arid  $16,173  respectively,  and 
Solano  at  zero.12 

Padre  Duran  proposed  in  August  some  regulations 
designed  to  secure  for  the  padres  under  the  new  ad- 
ministration a  certain  control  in  the  matter  of  com- 
pulsory worship  and  of  personal  service;  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  any  action  was  taken  on  the  sub- 
ject.1' The  debts  that  encumbered  some  of  the  mis- 
sions were  found  to  be  serious  obstacles  to  the  secur- 
ing of  favorable  leases;  and  Pico,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  junta,  consulted  Duran  on  the  practicability  of 
paying  the  debts  out  of  the  pious  fund  recently  re- 
stored to  the  bishop's  management.14  The  prelate's 
response  was  prompt,  to  the  effect  that  the  fund  could 
not  be  used  for  the  purpose,  and  that  the  encumbered 
establishments  must  be  sold  to  pay  the  debts.  In  the 
first  place,  argued  the  friar,  though  the  remnant  of 
the  fund  had  been  restored,  on  paper,  to  the  bishop, 
it  was  far  from  certain  that  any  property  would  be 
secured;  secondly,  the  fund,  if  entire,  could  not  justly 
be  used  to  pay  debts  which  the  missionaries  had  not 
contracted,  or  if  they  had,  had  also  left  abundant  assets 
for  paying;  and  finally,  if  consent  should  be  given,  the 
administrators  of  the  fund  might  deduct  the  amount 
required  from  the  sinodos  of  the  friars  —  a  manifest  in- 
justice.15 There  had  probably  been  no  hope  of  ob- 
taining the  friar's  consent  to  a  use  of  the  pious  fund, 
but  only  to  the  sale,  which  he  had  hitherto  opposed. 


Papeles  de  Mision,  MS.,  7-14,  29-42,  89-99,  115-40,  147,  152. 
The  land  of  S.  Rafael  was  valued  at  $8,000,  which  accounts  for  its  high 
relative  figure. 

13  Aug.  1st,  D.  to  Pico,  with  a  reglamento  in  6  articles.    Arch.  Arzob.,  MS., 
v.  pt  ii.  57-8;  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  63-4. 

14  Sept.  10th,  resolution  of  the  junta.    Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.    114,   122-3. 
Sept.  llth,  Pico  to  Duran.  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  239-42;  St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and 
Colon.,  MS.,  ii.  417-18. 

15  Sept.  15th,  D.  to  P.    Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  65-8.     He  suggests  that  the 
missions  in  debt  be  offered  to  the  creditors  at  a  valuation  fixed  by  appraisers. 
Oct.  7th,  D.  suggests  that  the  Indians  should  be  allowed  to  retain  their  little 
gardens  on  condition  of  not  selling  them.    Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  58-60. 


552  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

Pico's  regulations  for  the  sale  and  renting  of  the 
missions  were  issued  October  28th.  This  decree  pro- 
vided for  the  sale  at  public  auction  of  the  abandoned 
San  Rafael,  Dolores,  Soledad,  San  Miguel,  and  Pu- 
risima,  and  of  the  mission  pueblos  of  San  Luis  Obispo, 
Carmelo,  San  Juan  Bautista,  and  San  Juan  Capis- 
trano.  From  each  of  the  pueblos  were  to  be  reserved 
the  church  and  buildings  for  a  curate's  house,  town 
house,  and  school;  and  from  all  the  establishments 
disposed  of  by  sale  or  rent,  such  produce  and  goods 
as  were  necessary  to  support  the  padre  and  Indians 
till  the  next  harvest.  The  product  of  the  sale  was 
to  be  paid  into  the  treasury  and  used  for  the  pay- 
ment of  the  debts  of  each  establishment,  the  surplus 
going  to  the  prelates  for  the  support  of  public  wor- 
ship. Bids  were  to  be  received  from  date ;  San  Luis, 
Purisima,  and  San  Juan  Capistrano  were  to  be  sold 
on  December  1st— 4th,  and  the  others  on  January 
2d— 4th.  Santa  Cruz  and  Solano  were  not  named  in 
the  decree.  The  remaining  ten  missions  were  to  be 
rented  to  the  highest  bidder  for  a  term  of  nine  years; 
San  Fernando,  San  Buenaventura,  Santa  Barbara, 
and  r  Santa  Inds  on  December  5th,  and  the  rest  as 
soon  as  obstacles  arising  from  their  debts  could  be 
removed.  There  were  reserved  the  churches  and 
public  buildings  already  indicated,  all  of  the  principal 
edifice  at  Santa  Barbara,  and  some  small  pieces  of 
land  occupied  by  the  Indians.  The  renters  were  to 
take  all  other  property  by  inventory,  giving  bonds 
for  its  return  in  good  condition,  and  for  the  payment 
of  rent  quarterly.  The  government  reserved  the 
right  of  watching  over  the  property  and  of  prevent- 
ing its  destruction  or  waste.  The  Indians  were  to  be 
entirely  free  to  remain  in  the  service  of  the  renters 
or  to  settle  elsewhere;  and  they  were  to  receive  titles 
to  their  lands  on  application.  Each  ex-mission  com- 
munity was  to  be  governed  under  the  laws  by  four 
celadores,  chosen  monthly  from  among  the  Indians, 
and  subject  to  the  juez  de  paz.  Ten  or  a  dozen  Ind- 


SOLD  AND  RENTED.  553 

ians  were  to  be  furnished  by  each  community  for  the 
padre's  service  and  that  of  the  church.16 

In  November  an  order  was  issued  in  Mexico  that 
all  proceedings  connected  with  the  sale  of  missions 
be  suspended;  but  this  document  belongs  properly  to 
the  annals  of  the  next  year,  when  it  reached  Califor- 
nia. Meanwhile,  before  the  end  of  1845,  the  three 
missions  were  sold  and  the  four  rented,  according  to 
the  reglamento.  December  4th  were  sold  San  Juan 
Capistrano  to  John  Forster  and  James  McKinley  for 
$710;  La  Purisima  to  John  Temple  for  $1,110;  and 
San  Luis  Obispo  to  Scott,  Wilson,  and  McKinley  for 
$510 — the  titles  being  issued  on  the  6th,  though  the 
price  was  not  in  all  cases  paid,  or  full  possession  given, 
until  the  next  year.17  On  the  5th  were  leased  Santa 
Bdrbara  to  Nicholas  A.  Den  and  Daniel  Hill  for 
$1,200  per  year;  San  Buenaventura  to  Josd  Arnaz 
and  Narciso  Botello  for  $1,630;  Santa  Ines  to  Jose 
Maria  Covarrubias  and  Joaquin  Carrillo  for  $580; 
and  San  Fernando  to  Andres  Pico  and  Juan  Manso 
for  $1,120,  the  executing  of  bonds  and  formal  giving 
of  possession  not  being  completed  in  all  cases  until 
the  next  year.18 

Of  general  mission  matters  outside  of  those  con- 
nected with  the  disposal  of  estates,  a  bare  mention 
will  suffice.  The  presidency  was  held  by  Duran  in 
the  south  and  Anzar  in  the  north.  Two  friars — Jose 
M.  Gutierrez  and  Miguel  Muro — left  the  country 
during  this  year;  and  one,  Juan  Moreno,  died — all  be- 

16  Pico,  Rfcjlamento  para  la  enagenacion  y  arriendo  de,  las  Misiones,  2S  de 
Oct.,  1845,  MS.     Translation  in  Halleck's  Report,  appen.,  21;   I.  Rockwell, 
472;  Jones'  Report,  75;  Dwinelle's  Colon.  Hint.,  add.,  90.     See  also  Arch. 
Sla  B.,  MS.,  x.  190-6;  Olvera,  Doc.,  MS.,  27;  Hartmaris  Brief,  18;  Hoff- 
man's Opinions,  33-4.     Nov.  16th,  Duran  to  Pico.     Says  the  Indians  are  so 
full  of  liberty  that  there  is  no  such  thing  as  restraining  them.     On  account 
of  the  scarcity  of  laborers,  fear  of  robberies,  etc.,  he  fears  bids  will  bo  very 
low.     Much  property  has  disappeared  since  the  inventories  were  made.  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  60-1. 

17  See  translation  of  all  the  papers  for  the  three  missions  in  U.  S.  vs  Bol- 
ton,  Appellant's  Brief,  U.  S.  Sup.  Court,  append.,  p.  155-60.     Also  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  65-6;  Unbound  Doc.,  MS.,  390-1;  8.  Luis  Ob.,  Arch.,  MS.,  11. 

lsSt.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  68,  58-9;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  243-7;  Arch. 
Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  ptii.  61-3;  Hayes1  Miss.  Book,  373-7;  Unbound  Doc.,  MS., 
331;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  136. 


554  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

ing  Zacatecanos.  From  Mexico  came  news  that  the 
old  college  of  San  Fernando  had  been  almost  ruined 
by  an  earthquake.19  Bishop  Garcia  Diego  still  re- 
sided at  Santa  Barbara,  but  was  unable  to  accomplish 
anything  in  behalf  of  his  diocese  so  far  as  I  know, 
except  to  represent  his  difficulties  to  President  Her- 
rera  and  Governor  Pico.20  In  Mexico  the  form  of 
assigning  the  bishop's  congrua  and  the  friars'  sinodos 
was  still  kept  up  at  the  treasury  department;21  though 
there  is  no  record  that  any  part  of  the  $18,600  was 
paid.  By  a  decree  of  April  3,  1845,  which  seems  to 
be  the  last  ever  issued  on  the  subject,  all  the  pious 
fund  property  not  already  sold  under  the  law  of  1842 
was  restored  to  the  administration  of  the  bishop  as  in 
1836.22  There  are  extant,  however,  no  figures  to  show 
what  property  if  any  was  turned  over  to  the  bishop  V, 
agents  under  this  decree;  nor  is  there  any  record  to 
show  additional  payments  in  1845-6  of  interest  due 
from  the  government  on  the  proceeds  of  past  sales. 

In  1845-6  Consul  Larkin  continued  to  send  his 
government  not  only  current  statistics,  but  clear  and 
comprehensive  descriptions  of  commercial  methods.23 
The  methods,  already  more  or  less  familiar  to  the 
reader,  did  not  change  materially  in  the  last  decade  of 
Mexican  occupation;  and  it  is  only  with  the  history 
of  commercial  events,  changes,  and  statistics  that  I 
have  to  do  in  these  chapters. 

19  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  xii.  146. 

2U  July  4th,  bishop  to  Pico.  Has  no  means  with  which  to  support  wor- 
ship. Will  try  parish  fees,  though  they  will  not  do  much  good.  Wishes  that 
a,  successor  might  be  found  for  him.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  142-7.  Sept. 
'27th,  letter  to  President  Herrera  on  the  lamentable  condition  of  all  religious 
interests  in  Cal.  The  only  method  of  relief  he  could  suggest  was  to  bring  a 
new  force  of  priests  and  missionaries  for  old  and  new  establisments  from 
Europe,  paying  the  expense  from  the  pious  fund.  In  Memorial  Hist. ,  Jan. 
20,  1846,  cited  as  Nov.  27th  in  Bustamante,  Mem.  Hist.  Mcx.,  MS.,  iv.  33-4. 

n  Mexico,  Mem.  Hacienda,  1844,  presupuesto  7;  Id.,  1845,  p.  267.  The 
smodos  were  §12, 600,  and  the  congrua  $6,000. 

"  An  original  of  the  decree  of  April  3d  in  Pinart,  Col.  Doc.  Son.,  print, 
no.  747. 

23  LarJtin'*  Descrip.  Cal.  IStf,  MS.,  p.  98-100;  letters  of  March  22,  1845, 
and  Jan.  4,  1846,  in  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  35,  etc. 


TRADE  REGULATIONS.  555 

Governor  Pico  issued,  March  22d,  a  decree  revoking 
that  of  his  predecessor  dated  July  30,  1844,  by  which 
the  importation  of  nationalized  foreign  goods  from 
Mexican  ports  had  been  prohibited.  I  find,  however, 
no  evidence  of  complaint  either  against  the  original 
order  from  Mexican  traders,  or  from  the  Boston  men 
against  its  repeal.  A  clause  was  added  to  this  decree, 
requiring  strict  compliance  with  Mexican  laws  on  the 
coasting  trade,  to  which  of  course  no  attention  was 
paid.'2*  In  the  case  of  one  vessel,  the  Star  of  the  West, 
an  attempt  was  made  to  reverse  the  former  process 
by  entering  at  Monterey  foreign  goods  intended  to  be 
reshipped  to  Mazatlan;  but  the  loss  of  the  vessel  and 
cargo  by  wreck  gave  a  dismal  prospect  to  the  devel- 
opment of  this  new  commercial  industry.25  Another 
of  Micheltorena's  regulations  now  revoked  was  that 
placing  restrictions  on  trade  by  whalers.  These  craft 
might  now  sell  goods  to  any  amount  in  exchange  for 
produce  by  paying  the  regular  duties.  They  were  no 
longer  required  to  pay  a  tax  of  thirty  dollars  each, 
and  were  permitted  to  go  or  send  their  boats  freely  to 
Sauzalito  or  any  other  part  of  San  Francisco  Bay.23 
Each  vessel  had  to  pay  this  year,  as  in  1844,  a  tax  of 

"March  22,  1845,  Pico's  decree.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  123-5;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  77-9;  Id.,  Aug.,  x.  54-5;  xi.  144;  Id.,  S.  Jos6,  v.  93-4;  Id., 
Ben.  Mil,  Ixxxvi.  G-7;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  6. 

25  See  list  of  vessels  under  Star  of  the  West. 

26  The  order  was  dated  Sept.  9th.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  185;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  88;  Id.,  Ben.  Cunt. -II.,  viii.  10-11.     Sept.  2Gth,  28th,  instruc.  to  re- 
ceptor at  S.  Francisco.  Id.,  viii.  12-13;  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,   ii.   185-6,    188. 
Sept.  29th,  Larkin  to  U.  S.  sec.  state.  Lar kin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  28,  who 
says  '  the  Californians  are  determined  to  exchange  their  produce  with  whalers 
in  their  own  way.'     Oct.  10th,  whalers  to  be  well  treated  at  S.  Diego,  so  as  to 
attract  them  to  that  port.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  10.    Yet  later  there  was 
trouble  with  the  Espadon,  which  was  required  to  pay  a  tax  of  $30,  Id. ,  viii. 
73-4,  78,  so  that  the  order  in  favor  of  whalers  may  have  applied  only  to  S. 
Francisco.     June  and  Nov.,  Antonio  Menendez  of  Lima,  Mexican  vice-consul, 
complained  to  the  sup.  govt,  and  obtained  a  recommendation  to  the  Cal.  au- 
thorities in  favor  of  his  business  agents  Cot  and  Pedrorena,  who,  it  was  al- 
leged,   found  great  difficulty  in  collecting  debts  due  for  goods.  Doc.   Hint. 
Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  210;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  167.    Feb.  22d,  circulated 
in  Cal.     Sept.  9th,  tax  of  1  per  cent  on  money  transferred  from  one  dept  to 
another  repealed.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  12;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS., 
ix.  53.     Feb.  19th,  circulated  in  Cal.    Sept.  9th,  2  per  cent  of  fines  on  smug- 
glers to  be  devoted  to  support  of  hospitals  or  to  charitable  works.  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  11.     April,  orders  on  introduction  of  cotton  goods.  /(/.,  ii.  17; 
Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  92. 


556  THE  MISSIONS— COMMENCE  AND  FINANCE. 

fifty  dollars  per  month  for  a  license  to  engage  in  the 
retail  trade.  From  this  revenue  the  guards  kept  on 
board  were  paid,  and  the  balance  was  devoted  to  the 
construction  of  a  pier  at  Monterey.27  The  assembly 
in  March  decided  to  prohibit  the  importation  of  bran- 
dy and  ordinary  wines,  and  this  resolution  was  sent 
to  Mexico  for  approval.28 

Juan  B.  Alvarado,  as  his  share  of  the  revolution- 
ary profits,  was  made  administrator  of  customs,  taking 
possession  of  the  place  on  May  1st,  and  Pablo  de  la 
Guerra,  the  acting  administrator,  resuming  his  posi- 
tion of  contador  from  that  date.  There  was  no  material 
change  in  the  personnel  of  the  revenue  department  at 
Monterey  under  Alvarado,  and  his  administration  was 
marked  by  no  special  events  requiring  attention  here. 
In  June,  being  named  by  Castro  to  command  an 
expedition  on  Indian  and  exploring  service,  he  placed 
his  resignation  at  the  disposal  of  Pico,  who — in  conse- 
quence perhaps  of  troubles  between  himself  and  Cas- 
tro, and  somewhat  unexpectedly  I  think  to  Alvarado 
— accepted  it  in  July.  The  transfer  of  the  office  to 
Guerra  was  delayed,  however,  on  one  pretext  or  an- 
other, until  December  20th,  Alvarado  having  in  the 
mean  time  been  elected  to  congress.23  At  San  Fran- 

27  In  Nov.  it  was  proposed  to  abolish  the  guards,  to  whose  presence  most 
traders  objected;  but  not  the  tax  of  $000  per  year,  which  most  were  willing 
to  pay.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  »l-4.  There  are  records  of  10  or  12 
vessels  agreeing  to  pay  the  tax  in  1845.  Id.,  Cu.it.-H.,  MS.,  vi.,  passim. 

28 March 20th.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  40-1.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  157,  p.  5-7, 
in  a  letter  to  Ex-president  Bustamante,  urged  that  the  ports  of  California 
should  be  made  free;  and  the  expenses  of  the  govt  be  paid  by  a  direct  tax  on 
productive  property,  with  a  small  allowance  punctually  paid  by  the  nation. 
Pico's  regulations  on  the  sale  of  hides,  in  Doc,  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  iii.  104;  Va- 
llejo, Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  167;  Fitch,  Doc.,  MS.,  371;  Leg.  fiec.,  MS.,  iv.  239- 
42,  355-G;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  x.  75-6;  xi.  164. 

^ March  16,  1845,  Alvarado's  appointment  by  Pico.  Vattejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xxxiv.  122.  Takes  possession  of  the  office  May  1st ;  and  June  21st  leaves 
Guerra  temporarily  in  charge.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cu*t.-H.,  MS.,  vi.  6-7;  Id., 
Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  69,  77.  No  date,  Pico,  on  receipt  of  Alvarado's  note  of  June 
21st,  relieves  him  in  favor  of  Guerra,  deeming  the  office  incompatible  with  a 
military  command.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  23-4.  July  17th,  P.  to  A.,  to 
same  effect,  but  in  slightly  different  words.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  143; 
Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  191-3.  Sept  5th,  etc.,  A.  still  acts  as  administrator. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  7.  Sept.  9th,  A.  has  not  yet  surrendered  the  office, 
on  account  of  difficulties  and  lack  of  orders  respecting  certain  payments.  Id., 


CUSTOM-HOUSE  AND  TREASURY.  557 

cisco  Rafael  Pinto  was  by  Alvarado  made  receptor 
in  August  to  succeed  Diaz ;  the  new  custom-house 
building  was  perhaps  completed  before  the  end  of  Sep- 
tember.30 At  San  Diego,  Henry  D.  Fitch  served  as 
receptor.  I  find  no  commercial  records  respecting 
either  Santa  Barbara  or  San  Pedro.  Early  in  the 
sessions  of  the  assembly  at  the  new  southern  capital 
a  proposition  was  adopted  to  open  San  Diego  as  a  first- 
class  port,  equal  in  every  respect  to  that  of  Monterey. 
This  was  sent  to  Mexico  for  approval,  and  nothing 
more  was  heard  of  it.31 

The  treasury  remained  throughout  the  year  in  the 
hands  of  Jose  Abrego  at  Monterey.  There  was  an 
attempt  to  move  it  with  the  capital  to  Los  Angeles, 
but  Abrego  protested  against  the  right  of  the  depart- 
mental authorities  to  interfere  in  any  way  in  his  office, 
and,  the  supreme  government  sustaining  him,  refused 
to  permit  the  change.32  Ignacio  del  Valle  had  been 
appointed  treasurer  in  anticipation  of  the  change,  and 
seems  to  have  acted  in  that  capacity  at  Los  Angeles, 

vi.  889.  Oct.  llth,  P.  replies,  sending  the  orders  and  urging  haste.  Id. ,  viii. 
14.  Dec.  20th,  office  turned  over.  Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  84;  Id.,  Ben.  Cust.-Il.,  vi. 
6-7.  March  5th,  list  of  customs  officers  at  Monterey,  with  salaries.  Id. ,  vi. 
4-5.  Sept.,  Rafael  Sanchez  appointed  Istofficer.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  123. 
July  15th,  Eutimio  Trejo  appointed  in  Mexico  celador  at  Monterey. 

30  Aug.  30th,  Pinto  appointed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cmt.-H.,  MS.,  viii.  10. 
Sept.  27th,  Jacinto  Rodriguez  and  Piinfilo  Soberanes  appointed  to  reenforce 
the  guard.  Id.,  viii.  11.     Feb.  21st,  let  the  house  remain  in  its  present  state. 
Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  121.     Sept.  30th,  total  expenditures  on  the  building  now 
completed,  $2,678.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cuat.-H.,  MS.  [235-7].     Dec.>,0th, 
Castro  orders  the  com.  to  let  the  receptor  have  all  the  tiles  he  may  need. 
Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  216.     Paid  to  Leidesdorff  $50  for  a  Mexican  flag  for  the 
building.  Id.,  ii.  209.     This  flag  was  in  later  years  presented  to  the  Society  of 
Cal.  Pioneers.     July  29th,  Pinto  complains  that  the  custom-house  establish- 
ment is  a  laughing-stock.     To-day  a  vessel  came  in,  and  he  went  down  to 
the  beach  to  borrow  a  boat  to  go  off  and  visit  her;  but  no  attention  was  paid 
to  his  shouts  by  the  vessels  at  anchor!  Id.,  i.  295. 

31  Session  of  March  28th.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  39-41.     The  new  establish- 
ment was  to  have  an  administrator  at  $1,500,  a  contadorat  $1,000,  a  clerk  at 
$480,  and  two  guards  at  $240.     The  Monterey  custom-house  was  to  be  put  on 
the  same  basis.     Sta  Barbara,  S.  Pedro,  and  S.  Francisco  were  to  be  puertos 
menores  for  coast  trade,  to  have  each  a  receptor  at  $500.     The  abajeiios  had 
lost  something  of  their  old  spirit,  or  they  would  have  closed  the  northern 
ports  altogether. 

32  Aug.  1st,  the  treasurer  announces  this  decision  of  the  pres.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  101.     May  17th,  Abrego  to  Pico.     An  argument  that  the 
dept.  authorities  had  no  power  to  move  the  treasury  or  change  its  officials. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  12-13. 


558  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

so  far  at  least  as  to  take  charge  of  that  portion  of  the 
revenues  sent  south  for  the  civil  list.33  In  August 
Abrego  resigned,  assigning  as  his  reasons  his  belief 
that  the  treasury-  should  be  at  the  capital,  and  the  in- 
sufficiency of  his  salary  for  the  support  of  his  family;34 
but  when  in  December  Valle  was  sent  north  to  take 
possession,  General  Castro  refused  to  permit  a  trans- 
fer of  the  office,  fearing  that  there  was  still  a  design 
to  move  the  treasury,  and  insisting  that  such  a  step 
would  interfere  with  a  proper  defence  of  the  country 
against  foreign  invaders.35 

The  obligation  to  pay  $11,000  for  the  transporta- 
tion of  the  late  governor  and  his  men,  together  with 
other  necessary  expenses  growing  out  of  the  revolu- 
tion, involved  the  new  administration  in  some  financial 
difficulties,  which  were,  however,  greatly  lessened  by 
the  early  arrival  of  the  Tasso  and  California,  and  by 
the  fact  that  the  customs  revenue  for  this  year  was 
nearly  double  that  of  1844.  One  of  Pico's  first  orders 
in  February  was  to  suspend  the  payment  of  all  debts, 
having  in  mind  chiefly  the  debts  recently  incurred  by 
Micheltorena  in  his  efforts  to  defeat  the  Californians. 
There  was  no  desire  to  repudiate  any  part  of  these 
obligations;  but  it  was  decried  unfair  to  give  them 
the  preference,  by  carrying  out  Michel torena's  special 
agreements,  which  he  had  been  led  to  make  so  freely 
in  his  time  of  need.  Larkin  had  advanced  large  sums 
to  the  ex-governor,  to  be  repaid  from  duties  on  the 
first  cargoes  that  should  arrive,  and  he  protested 
against  the  suspension,  as  perhaps  did  others;  but 
Pico  in  reply  assured  him  that  the  debts  would  be 
paid,  the  delay  being  necessary  for  an  examination  of 
resources  and  a  plan  of  distribution  by  which  justice 

83  June  19th,  25th,  Valle  addressed  as  treasurer  by  Bandini  and  Carrillo. 
Valle,  Doc.,  MS.,  69-70.  In  Sept.  the  assemb.  considered  the  ad  visibility  of 
appointing  a  treasurer  to  take  charge  of  govt  funds.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  120-1. 

34  Aug.  27th,  Abrego  to  Pico.  Uept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  9-10. 

85 Dec.  30th,  Castro  to  Pico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  64-5.  Same  date, 
Guerra  to  Pico.  Id.,  B?n.,  iii.  84.  Feb.  15th,  Arce's  letter  in  Vallfjo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xii.  184.  See  also  Valle,  Lo  Pasado  de  Col.,  MS.,  38-9;  Botello,  Anales,  MS., 
12^-6. 


FINANCIAL  CONTROVERSY.  559 

might  be  done  to  all.  Larkin  was  also  reminded  that 
"speculators  must  take  risks."  By  the  end  of  March 
payment  seems  to  have  been  resumed  on  a  basis  that 
afforded  all  claimants  a  share,  though  a  small  one,  of 
the  revenues;36  but  in  September  there  was  another 
suspension  of  payment  in  the  case  of  the  Michelto- 
rena  claims. 

Quite  naturally  there  had  been  disagreement  be- 
tween Pico  and  Castro  about  the  distribution  of  public 
funds,  especially  as  to  the  shares  of  the  civil  and  mil- 
itary branches.  Each  had  a  host  of  friends  to  be  re- 
warded with  profitable  positions;  but  Castro  had  the 
advantage,  because  it  was  easier  to  find  a  pretext  for 
increasing  the  list  of  military  officers  than  that  of  civil 
employes;  and  the  general  did  his  best  to  give  every- 
body a  commission.  After  a  series  of  wranglings,  of 
which  we  have  no  detailed  record,  the  two  chiefs  made 
an  agreement  to  divide  the  revenues  as  follows:  Act- 
ual indebtedness  growing  out  of  the  late  political  events 
and  including  the  Micheltorena  claims  were  to  be  paid 
de  prefer encia,  with  a  view  to  restore  credit  for  future 
emergencies;  and  these  debts  having  been  paid  direct 
from  the  custom-house,  one  third  of  the  balance  was 
to  be  paid  over  to  the  governor  for  the  civil  list,  and 
two  thirds  to  the  general,  through  the  treasurer,  for 

30  March  27th,  Pico  to  Alvarado,  who  is  directed  to  reserve  from  the  duties 
of  the  California  $9,000  for  Capt.  Paty,  and  $8,200  for  other  payments,  and 
to  make  an  equitable  distribution  of  the  balance  among  employe's.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.  Cmt.-H.,  MS.,  vi.  [353-5].  March  5th  to  April  12th,  corresp.  be- 
tween Larkin  and  Pico.  Lai-kin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  30,  39;  Id.,  Doc.,  MS., 
60,  62,  107.  May  27th,  Pico  urges  Alvarado  to  cooperate  in  promoting  econ- 
omy, since  full  payments  cannot  be  made  on  account  of  obligations  growing 
out  of  the  late  struggle.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  48-9.  Before  August  some  of 
Micheltorena's  drafts  had  been  paid,  including  $5,600  to  Li  man  tour.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  120-1.  March  18th,  Guerra  and  Hartnell  certify  that 
since  Jan.  1843  the  custom-house  has  paid  over  to  Micheltorena  $83,256. 
The  amount  pf  outstanding  drafts  not  known.  Lai-kill's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  70. 
March  20th,  Abrego  certifies  that  M.  turned  into  the  treasury  $207,682  in  re- 
ceipts of  employes,  officers,  and  troops.  Id.,  iii.  74,  88.  Sept.  9th,  $20,000 
still  unpaid  on  M.'s  drafts  for  horses  and  cattle  seized  by  him.  Alvarado 
thinks  actual  employes  should  have  the  preference.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi. 
88-9.  Sept.  llth,  Feliciano  Soberanes  claims  $782  for  live-stock.  St.  Pap., 
Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  67.  Sept.  18th,  an  order  to  suspend  payment  of  the  Michel- 
toreua  claims  referred  to.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  11. 


560  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

military  expenses,  neither  to  interfere  in  the  distribu- 
tion of  the  other's  share.37 

It  may  seem  strange  that  Pico  and  Castro  should 
have  consented  to  pay  the  whole  indebtedness  in  pref- 
erence to  other  expenses,  but  a  communication  from 
Castro  to  Abrego  throws  a  flood  of  light  upon  this 
subject.  It  appears  that  the  chiefs  had  reason  to  ex- 
pect the  payment  into  the  treasury,  in  addition  to  the 
regular  revenues,  of  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  all  debts 
arid  leave  a  surplus.  But  the  goose  that  was  to  lay 
this  golden  egg — doubtless  John  Parrott's  Star  of  ilie 
West,  which  was  to  pay  half-duties  on  a  rich  cargo  to 
be  reshipped  to  Mexican  ports — failed  by  a  visitation 
of  providence  to  keep  her  contract.  This  being  the 
case,  the  first  part  of  the  agreement  became  of  course 
a  nullity;  arid  the  creditors  had  to  wait.33 

The  total  revenue  paid  into  the  custom-house  in 
1845  was  about  $140,000,  of  which  sum  about  $14,000 
were  consumed  in  expenses,  leaving  $126,000  for  the 
civil  list  estimated  at  $42,000,33  for  military  expenses 
amounting  to  $34,000  for  officers  alone,  and  for  the 
payment  of  outstanding  debts,  to  an  amount  not 

87  No  date,  agreement  between  P.  and  C.  The  latter  was  to  pay  from  hia 
sharo  $125  per  mo.  for  schools  in  the  south.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  47-3. 
July  28th,  Aug.  7th,  P.  to  Abrego,  and  reply,  referring  to  the  agreement.  Id., 
viii.  4-5;  vi.  120-1.  The  purport  of  the  agreement  seems  to  have  been  known 
as  early  as  June  25th.  Valle,  Doc.,  MS.,  70.  July  llth,  14th,  a  proposition 
waa  approved  in  the  assembly  to  give  to  Cal.  one  half  of  her  revenues,  the 
other  half  going  to  the  national  treasury — that  is,  for  the  support  of  the  mil- 
itary department,  which  in  theory  was  supported  by  the  nation.  Leg.  Rec., 
MS.,  iv.  245-9.  This  was  a  scheme  to  get  more  for  the  civil  list  than  the 
agreement  granted,  but  it  had  to  be  approved  in  Mexico.  The  national  govt 
in  August  gave  Cal.  two  thirds  of  her  revenue — more  than  the  assembly  asked; 
but  I  find  no  evidence  of  any  attempt  of  Pico  to  enforce  this.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  ii.  73;  Sup,  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  15. 

38  Castro  to  Abrego,  copied  to  Pico  by  the  latter  on  Aug.  27th.   Dept.  St. 
Papf,  MS.,  xiii.  8-9.     Abrego  at  the  time  of  the  agreement  had  $9,000  on 
hand,  of  which  sum  he  was  ordered  by  Pico  to  send  $5,000  for  urgent  ex- 
penses at  Angeles,  and  distribute  §4,000  among  employes.   Id.,  xiii.  10. 

39  Estimate  of  June  30th  for  the  year,  specifying  all  branches  and  officers, 
$42,550.   Leg.  fiec.,  MS.,  iv.  263-5.     The  items  were,  assembly  §1 2,800,  gov- 
ernor's office  $10,200,  tribunal  §12,750,  prefecture  §4,000,  treasury  §2,800.     A 
partial  list  of  March  foots  up  §14,985.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  133. 
Revenue  officers  §13,GOO.  Id.,  Cuxt.-H.,  .MS.,  vi.  4-5;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xvi.  2-3.     Cost  of  military  officers,  invalidos,  etc.,  for  a  month,  also  ar- 
tillery company,  §2,843.    Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xiii.  3-5.     Some  fragmentary 
statistics  of  distribution  in  Id.,  passim. 


DEBTS  AND  MARITIME  LIST.  501 

known.  Existing  accounts  are  too  fragmentary  to 
give  any  accurate  idea  of  how  the  funds  were  distrib- 
uted among  the  three  classes  of  claimants,  none  of 
whom  got  all  that  was  due  them,  and  none  of  whom 
suffered  much  inconvenience  from  the  loss.  According 
to  an  elaborate  statement  prepared  by  Larkin  for  the 
U.  S.  government,  the  total  indebtedness  of  California 
at  the  end  of  1845,  not  all  accrued  in  this  year,  but 
none  of  it  dating  back  more  than  two  or  three  years, 
was  in  round  numbers  $158,000.  Of  this  sum  $02,000 
was  due  to  twenty  private  individuals,  Vallejo  and 
Larkin  having  the  largest  claims;  $32,000  to  twenty- 
eight  civil  employes  for  salaries,  Jose  A.  Estudillo 
of  the  tribunal  being  entitled  to  the  largest  sum,  $3,000 ; 
$45,000  to  fifty  military  officers,  Vallejo  heading  the 
list  with  $5,600;  and  $19,000  to  the  soldiers  of  differ- 
ent companies.40 

I  name  sixty  vessels  in  the  Californian  fleet  of  1845, 
though  there  are  about  a  dozen  doubtful  names,  many 
of  them  resting  only  on  the  statements  of  men  who 
claim  to  have  come  to  the  coast  on  them;*1  two  are 

40  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  112-16,  with  full  details,  names,  etc.     In 
Id.,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  98,  is  a  balance-sheet  of  the  treasurer,  showing  the  total 
amount  of  money  disbursed  by  Micheltorena  in    1842-5.     The  sum   was 
$209,219,  divided  as  follows:  presidial  companies,  $18,000;  artillery,  $11,000; 
batallon,  $127,000;   hospital,   $2,500;   schooner   California,  $3,000;   Tulares 
establishment,  $429;  invalidos,  $36,  etc. 

41  Admittance,  Alfred,  America,  Artjo,  Baikal,  -Bajio,  Benj.  Morgan  (?), 
Bull,  California,  California  (schr),  Clarita,  Constantine,  Constitution,  Cowlitz, 
Don  Quixote,  Drornio  (?),  Erie,  Espadon,  Farna  (2  ?),  Fannie  (?),  Gustave,  Han- 
nah (?),   Helvetia  (?),   Heroine,  Hibernia,  Hopewell,  John  and  Elizabeth  (?), 
Jdven  Guipuzcoana,  Juanita,  Julia,  Julia  Ann,  Levant,  Lion,  Mar/nolia,  Ma- 
ria, Maria  Teresa,  Martha,  Matador,  Medicis,  Morea,  Naslednik,  Oajaca, 
Pacific,  Portsmouth,  Primavera,   Republicano,   Sarah,   Savannah,   Soledad, 
Star  of  the  West,  Sterling,   Tasso,  United  States  (?),  Vandalia,  Vancouver  (1), 
Warren  (2),  Waverly  (?),  and  Wm  Nye. 

According  to  a  table  in  the  Honolulu  Friend,  ii.  37,  the  number  of  vessels 
leaving  that  port  for  Cal.  was  9,  while  there  arrived  5.  Larkin,  Off.  Corresp*, 
MS.,  ii.  3G-7,  111,  gives  a  table  of  shipping  at  Monterey  for  1845  as  follows: 
American  vessels  27,  Mexican  18,  English  4,  German  3,  French  3,  Hawaiian 
3,  total  58;  men-of-war  5,  whalers  5,  traders  48,  total  58;  ships  23,  barks  17, 
brigs  8,  schooners  10,  total  58;  total  crews,  not  including  men-of-war,  885; 
total  tonnage,  14,670  tons;  cost  of  cargoes,  $189,500;  value  in  Cal.,  §367,000; 
duties  paid,  $138,360.  The  amount  of  the  sums  as  given  for  each  vessel  in  the 
list  is  $142,309;  and  a  total  of  $144,913  is  given  in  one  record  of  the  custom- 
house. The  total  receipts  for  the  year  at  San  Francisco  were  $1,029,  of  which. 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  36 


5G2  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

Boston  ships  that  had  wintered  on  the  coast;  fifteen 
were  traders  that  brought  new  cargoes  this  year;  twelve 
.  were  whalers;  eight  were  men-of-war;  and  thirteen 
came  on  miscellaneous  or  unknown  business — to  bring 
despatches,  to  collect  debts,  to  obtain  cattle,  or  to  re- 
pair damages.  The  notable  arrivals,  if  any  may  be  so 
termed,  were  the  Matador,  which  paid  into  the  treas- 
ury $67,000,  an  amount  far  exceeding  any  ever  paid 
before  by  one  vessel;  the  Star  of  the  West,  a  pioneer 
in  a  new  class  of  smugglers,  wrecked,  near  Monterey; 
the  Tasso,  the  first  to  furnish  revenues  for  Pico's  ad- 
ministration, and  the  assault  on  whose  captain  was 
one  of  the  most  prominent  current  themes  of  San 
Francisco  local  annals;  and  the  Russian  Naslednik, 
whose  supercargo,  Markof,  published  a  narrative  of  his 
visit. 

I  have  given  for  each  year  a  mere  list  of  vessels; 
but  have  reserved  all  details  respecting  each  vessel  for 
a  general  list  for  1841-5,  which  I  append  to  this 
chapter.  I  thus  not  only  effect  a  saving  of  space,  but 
produce  a  result  much  more  satisfactory  to  the  reader 
than  by  a  scattering  and  repetition  of  particulars.42 

sum  $271  was  paid  out  for  expenses.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  215;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Mil.,  MS.,  Ixxxvi.  13.  There  arc  no  other  statistics  except  such  as  are 
fragmentary  and  of  no  value.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS. ,  205-6,  speaks  of  a  steamer 
from  Sitka  visiting  S.  F.  Bay  this  year  or  in  1844. 

42  List  of  vessels,  1841-5: 

Admittance,  Amer.  ship,  501  tons;  20  men;  Peter  Peterson,  master;  Henry 
"Mellus,  sup.  and  consignee.  Arr.  Mont,  from  Boston  Mar.  4,  1843;  cargo, 
$10,221;  duties,  $2,407  (20,407?).  Passed  2  winters  on  the  coast,  touching 
repeatedly  at  all  the  ports.  Sailed  for  Boston  in  autumn  of  1845. 

Alert,  Amer.  ship,  398  tons;  W.  D.  Phelps,  master.  Had  arr.  in  1840; 
and  sailed  for  Boston  in  Dec.  1842.  Alfred  Robinson  seems  to  have  departed 
in  her.  She  was  the  last  ship  sent  out  by  Bryant  &  Sturgis.  Her  exploit  of 
spiking  the  San  Diego  guns  in  the  '  Com.  Jones  War'  is  recounted  elsewhere. 

Alexander,  or  Alcxandrovich,  or  J6ven  Alejandro,  or  Alexander  the  Heir, 
Russ.  bark.  At  S.  F.  from  Sitka  in  spring  of  1843  and  autumn  of  1844.  On 
the  2d  trip  she  had  some  trouble  about  entering  S.  F.  before  going  to  Mont.; 
about  support  of  guard  put  on  board  to  prevent  smuggling;  and  about  ton- 
nage dues.  She  came  for  wheat  from  Sutter;  and  S.  tried  to  pay  the  tonnage 
with  a  draft  on  custom-house,  which  was  not  acceptable.  See  Naslednik. 

Alexander  Barclay,  German  whaler,  at  Sauzalito  in  Dec.  1843.  Perhaps 
.also  in  1842. 

Alfred,  Hamburg  bark,  at  S.  Pedro  Feb.  1845,  in  ballast  from  Callao. 

America,  Engl.  man-of-war,  50  guns;  John  Gordon,  com.  At  Mont,  and 
S.  F.  July  1845,  bound  to  Columbia  Riv.  At  Honolulu  in  Oct. 


VESSELS  OF  1841-5.  563 

In  this  list  there  are  named  148  vessels,  of  which  a 
dozen  or  more  rest  on  doubtful  records,  18  being  found 

Angelina,  Fr.  whaler,  at  Mont.  1844.  Her  crew  had  a  fight  with  soldiers 
of  the  batallon. 

Argo,  Fr.  whaler,  at  Mont.  Aug.  1845. 

Ayacucho,  Mex.  schr,  93  tons;  J.  Blanca,  master;  Jos  Limantour,  sup. 
and  con.  According  to  Mofras  she.  now  belonged  to  Bizat  &  Roussell  of  Bor- 
deaux. Arr.  Mont.  Oct.  1841;  cargo,  $15,586;  duties,  $15,726.  Sailing  for 
S.  F.  she  was  wrecked  near  Pt  Reyes,  the  crew  and  part  of  cargo  being  saved. 
Mofras  makes  the  date  Sept.  27th,  but  it  was  at  least  a  month  later. 

Baikal,  Russ.  brig,  180  tons.  At  S.  F.  Oct.-Nov.  1845  for  grain  from 
Sutter  and  others. 

Bnjio,  bark,  on  the  coast  in  May  1845.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  4. 

Bart/stable,  Amer.  ship,  403  tons;  Jas  B.  Hatch,  master.  Arr.  from  Bos- 
ton at  Mont.  July  7,  1842;  cargo,  $27,943;  duties,  $28,548.  Fined  $300  for 
admitting  a  private  individ.  before  the  revenue  officers.  Spent  2  winters  in 
Cal.,  making  the  round  trip  up  and  down  several  times;  and  sailed  for  Bos- 
ton in  L»ec.  1844. 

Benj.  Morgan,  whaler,  at  S.  F.  autumn  of  1844,  and  perhaps  also  in  1845. 

Bertha  and  Je»ny,  Hamburg  brig;  130  tons;  John  Mein,  master;  A.  M. 
Ercilla,  sup.  Arr.  Mont,  from  Callao  Dec.  1842;  cargo,  $5,394;  duties,  $6,802. 
Sailed  for  Mazatlan  in  ballast  Jan.  1843. 

Bolina,  Mex.  schr.  Brought  back  19  of  the  exiled  foreigners  in  July 
1841. 

Bolivar,  Amer.  brig,  202  or  180  tons;  Gorham  H.  Nye,  master.  Said  by 
Peirce  and  Simpson  to  have  been  on  the  coast  Nov. -Dec.  1841.  At  Sta  B. 
Dec. -.Ian.  1842-3.  Back  from  Honolulu  June  1843;  John  C.  Jones,  master; 
A.  B.  Thompson,  sup.;  cargo,  $2,329;  duties,  $3,121.  At  S.  Pedro  Nov.  1844; 
Roderick,  master.  Lai-kin's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  241. 

Braganza,  whaler;  Waterman,  master.     At  Mont.  Sept.  1841. 

Bremen,  whaler,  at  S.  F.  Aug.  1843. 

Brother*,  Engl.  bark  from  Col.  Riv.  to  Oahu.  At  S.  F.  July  1844.  Re- 
fused to  pay  tonnage  because  driven  in  by  weather.  This  view  sustained  by 
Consul  Forbes. 

Bull,  Swedish  brig;  arr.  Honolulu,  Sept.  1845,  from  Col.  Riv.,  via  Monte- 
rey. 

California,  Mex.  schr;  Cooper,  master;  arr.  at  Mont.  June  1841,  from  Mex. 
coast,  paying  $291  and  $457.  Lay  at  Sauzalito  Sept. -Dec.,  and  sailed  for 
Mont.  Dec.  31st.  In  1842,  John  Roderick  was  mate,  crew  of  14,  all  foreign- 
ers but  2.  Expense  this  year  $2,831,  besides  $6,428  paid  to  Peirce  &  Brewer 
for  previous  repairs.  See  Simpson's  Narr. ,  282,  294-5,  358,  for  amusing  de- 
tails about  her  outfit  for  a  voyage.  Sailed  Jan.  20,  1842,  for  Acapulco,  with 
the  comisionados  Prudon  and  Castanares  and  7  or  8  other  passengers.  Arr. 
Acap.  Feb.,  Honolulu  March,  Mont.  June  2d;  duties,  $4,136.  Sailed  again 
June  9th,  arr.  Acap.  July,  S.  Bias  and  Mazatlan  Aug.,  Mont.  Sept.  30th. 
Pay-roll  for  the  2  trips,  $1,842.  Captured  by  U.  S.  with  Monterey  Oct. ,  and  re- 
leased. Trip  toS.  Pedro  and  Sta  B.  and  back  Feb. -April  1843;  in  S.  F.  Bay 
and  Petaluma  Creek,  Apr.-May,  thence  south  with  provisions  from  Vallejo 
to  Micheltorena;  back  at  Sauzalito  Oct.-Nov.,  and  Mont.  Nov. -Dec.  Sailed 
Dec.  10th,  with  'lots  of  passengers, 'including  Larkin,  Abrego,  Andres  Pico, 
and  Capt.  Wolter,  leaving  S.  Pedro  for  Mazatlan  Dec.  23d.  Expenses  to 
Sept.,  $2,754.  Her  cargo  toMaz.  included  127  casks  brawdy,  23  bblsof  wine, 
6  bbls  pisco,  1  bbl  olives,  1  can  dried  fruit,  16  hams,  112  cheeses.  Came  back 
to  S.  Pedro  with  the  passengers,  including  also  Davis,  Johnson,  Glein,  and  Dr 
Moro,  Feb.  1844.  Small-pox  among  the  kanaka  crew  on  this  voyage.  Coop- 
er's Log.,  MS.,  closes  abruptly  Mar.  8th  on  the  way  to  Mont.  Swan,  one  of 
the  crew,  says  Cooper  was  ordered  to  sea  by  the  gov.  on  account  of  small-pox, 
but  replied  he  would  see  the  gov.  damned  first.  In  May  the  schr  carried 


564  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

also  in  the  list  of  1836-40.  Of  the  134,  the  stars  and 
stripes  were  borne  by  45;  26  sailed  under  the  Mexican 

Capt.  Flores  to  Mazatlan  and  returned  in  June;  arr.  Acapulco  in  July  and 
lay  there  rest  of  year.  Still  at  Acapulco  in  Jan.  1845.  Some  accts  of  ex- 
penses down  to  June;  but  I  find  no  evidence  that  she  ever  returned  to  Cal. 

California,  Amer.  ship;  422  tons;  Jas  P.  Arther,  master;  Curtis  Clap, 
sup.;  arr.  Mont,  from  Boston  Feb.  1842;  cargo,  $21,961;  duties,  $21,328; 
up  and  down  the  coast;  carried  lumber  from  S.  F.  to  Mont,  in  Oct.  1843;  no 
record  of  her  departure  or  of  her  presence  in  1844.  In  spring  of  1845  back 
from  Boston;  Howard,  sup.;  cargo  cost  $35,000,  worth  in  Cal.  $70,000,  ap- 
praised at  $27,599;  duties,  $18,000,  or  $21, 243,  or  $25,129,  ace.  to  difierent  rec- 
ords. Remained  all  the  year. 

Caroline,  Amer.  whaler;  at  Sauzalito  Oct.  1843;  6  of  her  men  stole  the 
boat  and  escaped. 

Cari/sfort,  Engl.  man-of-war,  26  guns,  240 men;  Lord  Geo.  Paulet,  com.;  at 
Mont.  Oct.  14-21,  1843,  from  Honolulu  for  Mazatlan.  John  Swan  describes 
a  ball  on  shore  and  dinner  on  board;  also  some  fights,  in  which  the  ship's 
men  got  the  best  of  the  cholos. 

Catal'ma,  Mex.  brig;  Chris.  Hansen,  master;  E.  C6lis,  sup.  At  Mont,  and 
S.  F.  May  and  Nov.  1841;  duties,  $858;  left  coast  in  spring  of  1842.  Back 
at  Mont,  in  Aug.  1843;  Robert  Marshall,  master.  And  again  from  Acapulco 
in  Aug. -Nov.  1844. 

Charles  W.  Morgan,  Amer.  whaler;  Thos  A.  Norton,  master;  at  Mont,  in 
Aug.  1844;  and  also,  according  to  Daily's  Narr.,  MS.,  in  autumn  of  1843. 

Chato,  Mex.  brig,  paid  $387  duties  at  Mont,  in  1841.  In  1842  brought 
part  of  Micheltorena's  force  to  S.  Diego  in  Sept. 

Clarita,  Mex.  bark,  202  tons;  Chas  Wolter,  master.  Paid  $382  in  spring 
of  1841.  On  coast  July,  Oct.,  1842;  detained  for  a  day  by  Com.  Jones  at  Mou- 
terey.  Two  trips  in  1843  from  Mazatlan;  cargo,  $1,391,  duties,  $239.  Vioget, 
master  in  1844-5.  Duties  in  1845,  $750  on  cargo  of  $6,500. 

Columbia,  Eugl.  bark;  Humphries,  master;  Wm  Wood,  sup.  Arr.  Mont. 
Jan.  1,  1841,  from  Oregon;  duties,  $2,311  on  cargo  of  $1,777.  Jas  Douglas 
and  a  party  of  hunters  on  board. 

Columbine,  Mex.  schr,  55  tons;  Manuel  Turincio,  master.  At  Mont.  July 
1841.  Duties,  $57;  cargo,  $456. 

Constante,  Chilean  brig;  Francisco  Unamano,  master,  1842.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  13. 

Constantine,  or  Grand  Duke,  Ru^s.  brig,  220  tons;  formerly  the  Wallace. 
At  S.  F.  Nov.-Dec.  1841.  Carried  100  of  the  Ross  colonists  to  Sitka.  Win- 
tered at  S.  F.  1843-4;  and  came  again  for  grain  in  Oct. -Nov.  1845. 

Constellation,  U.  S.  man-of-war,  46  guns,  350  men;  Kearney,  com.  At 
Mont.  fr.  Honolulu,  Sept.  15-29,  1843.  From  China,  squadron  bound  for 
U.S. 

Constitution  (?),  U.  S.  man-of-war;  John  Percival.  com.  Left  Honolulu 
for  Mazatlan  via  Cal.  Dec.  2,  1845;  no  record  of  arrival. 

Corsair,  Amer.  brig,  182  tons;  Michael  Dowd,  master;  Dav.  Spence,  con- 
signee. At  Mont,  from  CallaoMay  1841;  cargo,  $11,944;  duties,  $12,217. 

Corvo  (Craw-fish?),  whaler,  at  S.  Fran.  Aug.  1843. 

Cou'litz,  Engl.  bark,  312  or  345  tons;  Win  Brotchie,  master.  At  Mont. 
Aug. -Oct.  1841  from  Col.  Riv.  via  Honolulu;  duties,  $10,965;  Raeand  Birnie 
passengers.  Back  from  Oreg.  in  Dec.  with  Sir  Geo.  Simpson,  John  Me  Lough- 
lin,  and  Duflot  de  Mofras;  tonnage,  $518;  sailed  for  Oahu  Jan.  1842.  At 
Mont,  again  in  Aug.  1843;  and  again  in  spring  of  1845. 

Curagoa,  Engl.  man-of-war,  28  guns;  Jones,  com.  At  Mont.  Nov.  1841 
from  Honolulu  on  business  connected  with  Graham  affair. 

Cyane,  U.  S.  man-of-war,  20  guns,  2oO  men;  Stribling,  com.  At  Mont. 
Oct.  19-Dec.  11,  1842;  thence  to  S.  F.  with  Com.  Jones  in  Dec.  Left  Mont 


VESSELS  OF  1841-5.  565 

flag;  11  under  British  colors;  8  were  French;  7  Ger- 
man or  Swedish;  5  Russian;  3  South  American; 

Jan.  10,  1843,  and  S.  Pedro  Jan.  22d  for  Mazatlan;  back  at  Mont,  and  S.  Fran. 
Apr.-May.  Left  Mont.  June  3d  for  southern  ports  and  Honolulu.  Back  again 
at  Mont.  Dec.  10th-13th,  and  sailed  for  Mazatlan.  Lost  some  deserters,  includ- 
ing a  negro  named  Norris,  who  was  killed  by  Californians.  Some  dissatis- 
faction about  the  deserters  as  shown  by  corresp.  Vallfjo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  332, 
361,364,  373;  ' King's  Orphan,'  Visit,  7;  JBojorges,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  37. 

Dale,  U.  S.  sloop  of  war,  16  guns,  165  men;  Dornin,  com.  Arr.  S.  F.  from 
Panama  Dec.  15,  1842;  at  Mont.  Jan.  5-10,  1843,  and  sailed  for  Mazatlan. 

Delphos,  whaler,  Sept.  1844. 

Diamond,  at  S.  F.  Aug.  1843  with  lumber  and  missionaries  from  Col.  Riv. 
for  Oahu.  W.  Fowler,  master.  Dr  Sandels,  the  scientist,  left  Cal.  on  this 
vessel. 

Don  Quixote,  Amer.  bark,  270  tons:  John  Paty,  master.   Arr.  Mont.  Sept. 

1841  from  Hon. ;  duties,  $6,989  on  cargo  of  $6,584.     Arr.  again  June  1842; 
cargo,  $2,651,  duties,  $3,056.     Perhaps  came  back  and  wintered  on  coast. 
Left  Sta  B.  Feb.  and  returned  from  Hon.  to  S.  F.  May;  cargo,  $1,108;  duties, 
$1,745;  tonnage,  $304;  Win  H.  Davis,  sup.     By  connivance  of  guard  $20,000 
of  goods  were  landed  in  the  night  at  S.  F.    On  the  coast  Nov.-Dec.  1844.     In 
Feb.  1845  carried  Micheltorena  and  his  army  to  S.  Bias,  returning  in  May, 
and  sailing  for  Hon.  in  Dec. 

Dromio,  doubtful  name  of  1845. 

Eagle,  whaler,  at  S.  Diego,  Sept.  1844;  Perry,  master. 

Elena,  Russ.  brig,  at  S.  F.  Feb.  1841,  and  came  back  from  Sitka  to  Bodega 
in  July.  Tonnage  1st  trip,  $253. 

Eliza,  Fr.  whaler;  Malherbe,  master.     At  S.  Fran.  Sept.  1841. 

Erie,  U.  S.  store-ship;  Lieut  C.  C.  Turner,  com.  At  Mont,  and  S.  F. 
autumn  of  1845,  according  to  Lancey. 

Esmeralda,  Mex.  schr,  92  tons;  Hugo  Reid,  master.  At  S.  Pedro  May 
1842.  At  Mont.  Sept.  from  Hon.;  cargo,  $1,167;  duties,  $1,305.  At  the 
ports  Jan.  1843;  tonnage,  $138.  At  San  Pedro  Jan.  1844. 

Espadon,  Fr.  whaler;  Desire"  Batan,  master.     S.  Diego  Sept.  1845. 

Fama,  Amer.  ship,  343  or  397  tons;  C.  Hoyer,  master.     At  Mont.  Jan. 

1842  from  Hon.;  cargo,  $5,353;  duties,  $5,868.     Again  in  Aug.;  cargo,  $868, 
duties,  $1,383.     Her  mate  was  consulted  by  Com.  Jones  before  taking  Mont, 
in  Oct.     Wintered,  and  left  Sta  B.  with  horses  for  Oahu  in  Jan.  1843.     Back 
from  Col.  Riv.,  Nye,  master,  in  June;  cargo,  $183;  duties,  $221.   Left  Mont. 
and  Sta  B.  in  Oct.  Nov.,  for  Hon.     Back  at  Mont.  June  1844,  with  cargo  to 
J.  C.  Jones.     Arr.  Hon.   from    Cal.  April  1845;   Wm  P.   Reynolds,  mate. 
Back  at  Mont.  June;  cargo,  $6,000;  duties,  $2,459.     Was  wrecked  on  the 
coast  during  this  voyage,  according  to  statements  of  Larkin  and  Swasey. 

Fame,  whaler;  Mitchell,  master.     S.  F.  1845. 

Fanita  (?),  Mex.  schr;  Limantour,  master.     Spencer's  list  for  1843. 

Fanny,  Fr.  whaler,  409  or  364  tons;  Duval,  master.  Mont,  and  S.  F.  Nov.- 
Dec.  1843.  Tonnage  and  duties,  $621  or  $546.  Suspected  of  smuggling. 
Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  265-6,  ii.  31-2;  Estuditto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  63.  Possibly 
also  in  1845. 

Fariseo,  Mex.  brig,  105  tons;  Jose"  D.  Yndarte  (?),  master.  Mont.  Oct. 
1845  fr.  Acapulco.  Cargo,  $3,000;  duties,  $667. 

Fernando,  Mex.  brig.  At  S.  Pedro  in  June  1842.  (The  Ferdinand  also 
named  in  1843.) 

Flying  Fish,  U.  S.  schr;  Knox,  com.  Tender  to  Vincennes  of  U.  S.  Expl. 
Exped.  At  S.  F.  Oct.  1841. 

George  Henry,  Amer.  bark,  344  tons,  19  men;  Stephen  Smith,  master  and 
owner.  Arr.  Mont.  fr.  Baltimore  and  Paita  May  1843;  cargo,  $5,941;  duties, 
$7,744.  Brought  the  1st  steam-engine,  which  was  set  up  at  Bodega;  also  the 


506  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

and  in  the  case  of  29 — many  of  them  whalers  and  most 
perhaps  American — no  nationality  is  mentioned  in  the 

1st  pianos.  Obtained  a  credit  of  9  months  for  duties.  At  Sauzalito  in  Jan. 
1844. 

Georgia,  whaler;  Hull,  master.     S.  F.  1844. 

Guadalupe,  lighter  on  S.  F.  Bay,  9  tons.     1844-5. 

Gustave,  Bremen  bark;  Clement  Norton,  master.  S.  Diego  Oct.  1845. 
Probably  a  whaler. 

Hamilton,  whaler;  Hand,  master.     Mont.  Sept.  184L. 

Hannah,  doubtful  name  of  1845. 

Helvetia,  doubtful  name  of  1845. 

Heroine,-  Fr.  man-of-war;  Lecomte,  com.  Mont.  July  1845.  Lost  some 
deserters. 

Hibemia,  Amer.  whaler;  Jas  Smith,  master.     S.  F.  1844,  1845. 

Hague,  or  Hougue,  Amer.  whaler;  Jos  Hawley,  master.  S.  F.  Aug.  1842, 
and  Feb.  1844. 

Hopewell,  whaler;  Geo.  Littlefield,  master.     S.  Diego  Nov.  1845. 

Index,  Engl.  bark,  211  tons;  Wilson,  master;  Scott,  sup.  Mont.  Sept. 
1841.  Cargo,  $2,459;  duties,  $2,776.  Also  seems  to  have  wintered  1842-3, 
and  left  Sta  B.  for  Valparaiso  Feb.  1843. 

John  and  Elizabeth,  doubtful  name  of  1845. 

John  Jay,  Amer.  whaler,  400  tons;  Wra  J.  Rogers,  master.  Mont.  Sept. 
18,  1843. 

Josefita,  lighter,  3  tons,  used  by  Victor  Castro  in  S.  F.  Bay,  1844. 

Joseph  Peabody,  John  Dominis,  master;  doubtful  record  of  1842. 

Jdvcn  Carolina,  Colomb.  schr,  172  tons;  Jose"  Legarda,  master;  Mig. 
Romaua,  sup.  Mont.  Feb.  1841,  fr.  La  Union;  cargo,  $793;  duties,  $902. 

Joven  Fanita.     See  Fanita.     Mex.  schr,  S.  F.  Nov. -Dec.  1842. 

Jdven  Guipiizcoana,  Mex.  brig,  210  tons;  Snook,  master;  Mig.  Pedrorena, 
cons.;  Aguirre,  owner.  At  Mont.  fr.  Callao  June  1841;  cargo,  $8,427;  duties, 
$8,740.  In  Jan.  1842  brought  Aguirre  and  bride  with  the  bishop  from  S. 
Diego  to  Sta  B.  Detained  by  Com.  Jones  at  Mont,  in  Oct.  At  Sta  B.  in 
Jan.  1843.  Back  at  Mont.  fr.  Callao  in  Aug.;  cargo,  $3,503;  duties,  $4,553. 
On  the  coast  in  1844;  Orbell,  master.  At  Mont.  Aug.  1845  from  Callao; 
cargo,  $10,500;  duties,  $5,314.  Still  on  coast  in  Dec. 

Juan  Diego,  schr,  to  sail  for  Mazatlan  in  Oct.  184). 

Juan  Jose,  Colomb.  or  Mex.  brig,  218  tons;  Thos  Duncan,  master. 
Mont.  Oct.-Dec.  1842  to  winter;  duties,  $608  (possibly  also  in  1841).  Back 
from  Mazatlan  Aug. -Dec.  1843;  cargo,  $1,696;  duties,  $318.  At  Sta  B 
Nov.  1844. 

Juanita,  Haw.  (?)  schr,  102  or  126  tons;  John  Wilson,  master.  Mont. 
April  1844  from  Mazatlan.  S.  F.  Aug.  1845. 

Julia  Ann,  Amer.  schr,  106  tons;  Wm  A.  Leidesdorff,  master;  J.  C. 
Jones,  cons.  Arr.  Mont.  June  22,  1841,  from  N.  Y.;  cargo,  $7,149;  duties, 
$6,807.  J.  J.  Warner,  passenger;  also  Robt  G.  Davis  and  J.  W.  Weed,  and 
J.  C.  Jones  from  Panama.  In  Sept.  went  to  Hon. ,  A.  B.  Thompson,  pass. ; 
and  returned  Nov.  to  Mont.;  cargo,  $6,445;  duties,  $(5,604;  John  Sinclair, 
pass.  At  Sta  B.  Jan.  and  S.  F.  Dec.  1842.  At  all  the  ports  in  1843.  Arr. 
Mont.  fr.  Mazatlan  in  May  and  Aug.  1844.  Arr.  Mont.  fr.  Hon.  Jan.  1845; 
cargo,  $17,000;  duties,  $3,688. 

June,  whaler;  Eddy,  master.     S.  Diego  Sept.  1844. 

Lagrani/e,  Fr.  ship  at  Mont.  Apr.  1844.  In  trouble  for  smuggling. 
Cambuston  and  Peter  Richards  fined  $500  each,  and  goods  confiscated. 

Lahaina,  whaler,  at  S.  F.  Sept.  1841.  Niles1  Reg.,  Ixi.  401. 

Lausanne,  probably  inaccurate  mention  of  1841. 

Leonidas,  Mex.  schr;  Stock,  master.  At  S.  Diego  July  1841,  doubtful 
record. 

Leonor,  doubtful  record  of  Jan.  1841. 


VESSELS  OF  1841-5.  5C7 

records.     Of  the  134,  again,  43  were  whalers;  22  were 
national  craft  of  war  or  exploration,  leaving  69  engaged 

Levant,  U.  S.  man-of-war,  20  guns,  237  men;  Hugh  N.  Page,  com. 
At  S.  F.  and  Mont.  July-Aug.  1844.  Back  at  Mont,  in  Oct.  1845,  carrying 
L;irkin  to  S.  Fran. 

Lion,  Fr.  transport;  Bonnet,  master.  At  Mont.  June  1844  for  cattle,  etc., 
for  Marquesas  Isl.  Allowed  to  purchase  for  cash  and  drafts.  At  Sauzalito  ia 
Aug.,  refused  to  pay  for  a  guard  to  prevent  trade.  Probably  wintered  on 
coast.  Sailed  in  April  1845  with  400  cattle,  losing  350  and  her  masts  on 
the  voyage.  In  Aug.  she  was  back  at  Hon.  on  her  way  to  Cal. ,  where  her 
arrival  is  not  recorded. 

Llama,  Amer.  brig,  208  tons;  Jones,  master.  Arr.  Mont,  from  Boston 
via  Hon.  May  13,  1841;  cargo,  $6,038;  duties,  $6,350.  At  Hon.  with  John 
Sinclair  as  pass,  in  Sept.  Apparently  at  Mont,  in  June  1842. 

Magnolia,  Amer.  whaler,  400  tons;  B.  Simmons,  master.  Mont.  Aug.- 
Sept.  1843.  Also  at  S.  F.  in  1844  according  to  Davis. 

Maria,  Hamburg  or  Danish  brig,  109  tons;  W.  Holstein,  master. 
Mont,  in  Dec.  1845  fr.  Valparaiso;  cargo,  $12,000;  duties,  $19,467. 

Maria  Teresa,  Mex.  brig,  185  tons;  Julian  Hanks,  master.  S.  Diego  and 
Mont.  May-June  1845  fr.  Mazatlan  and  Guaymas;  cargo,  $8,000;  duties, 
$1,164. 

Martha,  Amer.  whaler;  Dav.  R.  Drabe,  master.     S.  Diego  Oct.  1845. 

Maryland,  Amer.  brig,  100  or  160  tons;  Blinn,  master.  At  Mont,  in 
spring  of  1841;  tonnage,  $192;  F.  Johnson,  sup.  Capt.  Blinn  died  on  a  trip 
to  Kamchatka.  Back  at  Mont,  in  Nov.;  Henry  A.  Peirce,  master  and 
owner;  tonnage,  $192.  Wintered  on  coast  and  sailed  in  Jan.  1842  for 
Mazatlan.  Capt.  Peirce  has  given  me  his  original  diary,  noticed  elsewhere. 

Matador,  Hamburg  brig;  C.  F.  Matchin,  master.  Mont.  July  1845  fr. 
Valparaiso;  cargo,  $55,000;  duties,  $67,030  (the  largest  ever  paid  in  Cal.). 

Medicis,  Fr.  bark;  Huguee,  master.  Left  Hon.  June  1845  for  Cal.  No 
record  of  arrival. 

Menkar,  whaler,  S.  Diego,  Sept.  1844;  Shearman,  master. 

Meri-imac,  whaler.     At  Sauzalito  Sept.  1843. 

Modeste,  Engl.  man-of-war;  Thos  Baillie,  com.  At  S.  F.  and  Mont.  Oct.- 
Nov.  1844. 

Monmouth,  whaler;  Hedges,  master.     S.  F.  1844. 

Morea,  whaler;  Benj.  Gushing,  master.  S.  F.  Nov.  1845.  Also  men- 
tioned on  doubtful  authority  in  1841  and  1844. 

Nantucket,  Amer.  whaler;  Geo.  W.  Gardner,  master;  Mont.  Oct.  1844. 

Naslednik,  Russ.  brig;  apparently  the  same  as  the  Alexander.  At  S.  F. 
Oct.-Nov.  1845,  and  went  down  to  Carmen  Isl.  for  salt.  Alex.  Markof,  the 
supercargo,  published  a  narrative. 

New  Spring  (?),  schr,  at  S.  F.  Dec.  1842. 

Newton,  whaler;  John  Sawyer,  or  Sanger,  master,  who  died  at  S.  Diego 
Nov  30,  1844. 

Ninfa,  Mex.  schr;  Hen.  D.  Fitch,  master  (and  later  Norton).  Arr.  fr. 
Mazatlan  April  1841;  cargo,  $4,508,  duties,  $240.  On  the  coast  till  Nov. 

North  America,  Amer.  whaler,  31  men;  Geo.  Deston,  master.  Mont. 
Sept. -Oct.  1843. 

Oajaca,  Mex.  brig;  A.  B.  Thompson,  owner  and  sup.;  at  Sta  B.  June 
1844;  cargo,  $1,555  and  $4,075;  duties,  $704  and  $1,913.  Sailed  for  Mazatlan 
April  1845. 

Oregon,  U.  S.  brig;  Carr,  com.  Formerly  the  Thos  Perkins;  bought  for 
the  U.  'S.  Explor.  Exped.  At  S.  F.  Oct.  1841. 

Oreza,  whaler;  S.  F.  Aug.  1841. 

Orizaba,  doubtful  record  of  1841. 

Pacijtr,  Amer.  whaler.     Mont.  Aug.  1845. 

Palatlna,  at  S.  Diego  Oct.-Nov.  1842. 


563  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

in  trade.     Of  that  number,  30  came  chiefly  from  Mex- 
ican and  South  American  ports;    8  from  Boston;  7 

Porpoise,  U.  S.  brig;  Ringgold,  com.  of  U.  S.  Expl.  Exped.  At  S.  F. 
Oct.  1841.  Touched  at  Mont. 

Portsmouth,  U.  S.  man-of-war;  John  B.  Montgomery,  com.  At  Mont. 
Oct.  1845  from  Honolulu. 

Primavera,  Mex.  brig;  Alex.  Chienes,  master.  S.  F.  Oct.-Nov.  1842. 
Claimed  damages  on  account  of  Jones'  taking  of  Mont.  At  Mont,  autumn 
of  1844;  Chas  Baric,  master.  At  S.  Diego  March  1845  fr.  Mazatlan. 
Mont.  June;  cargo,  $5,000;  duties,  $538. 

Rafak,  Amer.  whaler,  249  tons,  26  men;  Henry  S.  West,  master.  Mont. 
Sept.  1843. 

Relief,  U.  S.  store-ship;  Isaac  Sterrett,  com.;  at  Bodega  and  Mont.  Jan. 
1842;  and  again  in  Jan.-Feb.  1843. 

Republicano,  Mex.  transport.  Probably  brought  part  of  Micheltorena's 
army  in  Aug.  1842.  Nuevo  Republicano  named  in  Feb.  Also  at  Mont.  Oct. 
1845;  Machado,  master. 

Robert  Bowen,  whaler;  Sauzalito  Sept.  1843. 

Rosalia,  see  Savannah,  lighter,  24  tons.  Patent  applied  for  by  Wm  John- 
son April  1844. 

Rosalind,  Engl.-  brig;  Henry  J.  Crouch,  master.  Brought  bishop  and 
others  to  S.  Diego  Dec.  1841;  tonnage,  $307.  Sailed  in  the  spring  of  1842. 

Russell,  whaler;  at  Sta  B.  Oct.  1844;  duties,  $36.50. 

Sacramento,  schr;  running  on  the  river  and  bay.  Patent  applied  for  by 
Fliigge  for  Sutter  in  1844. 

Sun  Francisquito,  lighter,  5  tons.  Patent  applied  for  by  A.  B.  Thompson 
in  Aug.  1844. 

St  Louis,  U.  S.  man-of-war;  at  Mont,  in  1841,  to  carry  away  Estabrook 
and  protect  Americans,  according  to  Mofras.  No  other  record  of  her  pres- 
ence; but  she  was  at  Honolulu  bound  to  Cal. 

Sapphire,  whaler;  Cartwright,  master;  at  Mont.  Sept.  1841.  Mofras  says 
she  harpooned  3  whales  in  one  day  in  the  harbor. 

Sarah,  whaler;  Myrick,  master;  at  S.  F.  in  1844  and  1845. 

Savannah,,  U.  S.  man-of-war,  50  guns,  610  men;  Armstrong,  com.;  at 
Mont.  Oct.  3-Dec.  1844.  Carried  Tellez  and  Mejfa  as  Micheltorena's  agents 
to  Mazatlan.  Surgeon  Wood  published  a  narrative  of  the  voyage.  Back  at 
S.  Fran.  Oct.  1845  from  Honolulu. 

Soledad,  Mex.  brig,  105  tons;  Chas  Hubbard,  master;  Henry  Dalton,  sup. 
On  coast  Oct. -Dec.  1843  fr.  Mazatlan;  cargo,  $3,709,  duties,  $1,279.  John 
Swan,  a  well  known  writer  of  pioneer  reminiscences,  was  left  by  this  vessel. 
Back  at  San  Pedro  in  July  1845  with  despatches,  and  Capt.  Flores  as  pas- 
senger. • 

Star  of  Oregon,  schr,  built  in  Or. ;  Jos  Gale,  master.  Came  down  the 
coast  in  1841,  and  was  sold  in  Cal.,  the  men  returning  with  cattle  to  Or.  in 
1842. 

Star  of  the  West,  Engl.  schr;  Wm  Atherton,  master;  John  Parrott,  own- 
er. Wrecked  at  Pt  Lobos  near  Monterey  July  27,  1845,  and  all  that  was 
saved  was  sold  to  Belden  and  others  for  $3,000.  The  Star  brought  a  very 
valuable  cargo  from  Liverpool,  not  intended  for  Cal.,  but  for  Mexico.  Appar- 
ently the  Californian  authorities  had  agreed  to  take  duties  on  a  nominal  val- 
uation, a  clean  profit  of  the  whole  amount  for  them;  while  Parrott  would 
then  introduce  the  goods  free  of  duties  at  Mexican  ports  and  thus  realize  a 
large  profit.  Davis,  Glimpse*,  MS.,  167-9,  tells  us  that  all  the  Montereyana 
became  wreckers  for  the  time,  some  making  great  gains;  though  3  men  were 
drowned.  Swan,  Hist.  Sketches,  MS.,  13,  thinks  the  plan  was  merely  to  pay 
duties  in  goods  in  Cal.,  while  cash  would  be  required  at  Mazatlan. 

Sterling,  Amer.  ship,  386  tons;  Geo.  W.  Vincent,  master;  Thos  B.  Park, 
sup.  Arr.  Mont,  from  Boston  April  1844.  Still  on  coast  in  1845. 

Susannah,  schr;  built  in  Napa  Creek  in  1841.     At  Mont,  from  S.  F.  Nov. 


VESSELS  OF  1841-5.  569 

from  Honolulu;  6  from  the  Columbia  River;  5  from 
Sitka;  7  were  lighters  employed  on  California!!  inland 

11-12,  1843.  Sailed  for  Mazatlan.  Swan  says  she  was  loaded  with  potatoes 
which  were  sold  for  $3,750,  and  the  schr  for  $2,000,  Capt.  Davis  returning  on 
the  California.  Cooper,  Log  of  the  Gal.,  MS.,  calls  her  the  Rosalia. 

Tasso,  Amer.  bark,  314  tons;  Sam.  J.  Hastings,  master;  John  H.  Everett, 
sup.  Arr.  from  Boston  June  28,  1841;  cargo,  $15,996;  duties,  $16,467.  Re- 
fused to  land  her  goods  unless  permitted  to  engage  in  coasting  trade;  and  the 
authorities  yielded  rather  than  lose  so  large  an  amount.  There  was  a  plan  to 
seize  her  in  1842  at  the  time  of  Com.  Jones  the  captain  being  arrested.  She 
sailed  for  Boston  late  in  1843.  Came  back  Feb.  1845;  Elliott  Libbey,  master; 
Henry  Mellus,  sup.;  cargo,~$35,000;  duties,  paid  at  S.  Diego,  $16,107.  At  S. 
F.  Oct.  llth  some  of  the  Tasso's  men  on  shore  late  at  night  were  arrested  by 
a  patrol,  or  by  a  party  of  men  claiming  to  be  such;  and  Capt.  Libbey  on  at- 
tempting to  interfere  was  badly  cut  and  beaten,  his  companion,  Nathan  Spear, 
being  also  beaten.  This  affair  gave  rise  to  much  excitement  and  correspond- 
ence, Larkin  coming  up  from  Mont,  on  the  Levant,  and  6  of  the  assailants 
being  sent  to  S.  Jos6  for  trial.  No  penalty  was  ever  inflicted  so  far  as  the 
records  show.  See  corresp.  between  Prefect  Castro,  Larkin,  Forbes,  sub-pre- 
fect,'judges,  Com.  Page,  etc.,  extending  to  May  1846,  in  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS., 
iii.  320-3,  327,  347;  iv.  66,  101;  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  i.  53-67,  77,  97;  Castro, 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  175-7,  184-5,  204-9;  ii.  14,  19,  25.  76;  Doc.  Hist.  Gal,  iii.  112, 
160,  222;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  67-8;  Id.,  Ben.  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  ii.  93;  Pinto, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  205-6;  Fernandez,  Doc.,  MS.,  41-3;  Castro,  Bel,  MS.,  153-4, 
163;  Buelna,  Notas,  MS.,  20-1. 

Thomas  Perkins,  Amer.  brig;  Varney,  master.  At  Mont.  Feb.  1841  fr. 
Hon. ;  Warren  and  Geiger,  passengers.  Went  to  S.  Diego  to  load  hides  for 
Peirce  &  Brewer,  but  was  ordered  away,  and  reached  Hon.  in  March,  13  days 
from  S.  Diego.  Sailed  in  April  for  N.  W.  coast,  where  she  was  sold  to  U.  S. 
govt.  See  Oregon. 

Trinidad,  Mex.  brig,  170  tons,  14  men;  R.  Menchaca,  master;  C.  Latai- 
llade,  sup.  At  S.  Pedro  July  1842;  detained  by  Com.  Jones  at  Mont,  in  Oct.; 
and  in  Nov.  carried  despatches  from  Micheltorena  to  S.  Bias.  At  Mont.  Sept. 
1843;  Manuel  Diaz,  master;  cargo,  $3,696;  duties,  $517  (?).  Back  again  in  Sept. 
1844;  Jose  M.  Gamon,  master. 

Tuscany,  whaler,  at  Sauzalito  Oct.  1844. 

United  States,  U.  S.  man-of-war;  Armstrong,  com.  Flag-ship  of  Pacific 
squadron,  with  Com.  Jones  on  board.  At  Mont.  Oct.  1842.  Made  a  trip  to 
Hon.  and  back  in  Nov.-Dec.  Probably  sailed  from  Mont,  with  Dale  and 
Cyane  Jan.  10,  1843  (also  doubtful  mention  of  1845). 

Valkyfield,  Engl.  bark,  fr.  Col.  Riv.  At  S.  F.  Sept.  1842,  in  ballast.  Also 
Jan.-March,  1843;  duties  and  tonnage,  $822. 

Vancouver,  Engl.  bark,  325  tons,  30  men;  Alex.  Duncan,  master.  At 
Mont,  and  S.  F.  Feb.  1843  fr.  Col.  Riv. ;  duties,  $933  on  cargo  of  $368.  She 
left  Col.  Riv.  for  Hon.  via  Cal.  in  Dec.  1845.  No  record  of  her  touching. 

Vandalia,  Amer  ship,  491  tons;  John  C.  Everett,  master;  W.  D.  M.  How- 
ard, sup.  Arr.  Mont.  fr.  Boston  Feb.  21,  1844;  no  record  of  cargo  or  duties. 
Still  on  the  coast  in  1845.  Three  sailors  were  arrested  for  a  robbery.  Being 
Englishmen,  they  were  claimed  by  Consul  Forbes.  Larkin  also  interfered,  and 
to  him  the  men  were  given  up  after  a  month's  imprisonment.  The  correspond- 
ence on  this  subject  is  somewhat  extensive. 

Vincennes,  U.  S.  man-of-war,  of  U.  S.  Expl.  Exped.;  Wilkes,  com.  AtS. 
F.  fr.  Col.  Riv.  Aug.  14  to  Nov.  1,  1841.  Sailed  for  Honolulu. 

Warren,  U.  S.  man-of-war,  24  guns,  250  men;  Jos.  B.  Hull,  com.  At 
Mont.  fr.  Hon.  Nov.-Dec.  1843.  Also  on  coast  July-Sept.  1845  fr.  Mazatlau 
for  Honolulu. 

Warren,  whaler,  S.  F.  Nov.  1845. 

Waverly,  doubtful  name  of  1845. 


570  THE  MISSIONS— COMMERCE  AND  FINANCE. 

waters;  and  6  came  from  various  ports  of  America 
and  Europe,  the  exact  business  of  a  few  not  being 
known. 

Wm  C.  Nye,  whaler;  Budington,  master.  AtS.  Fran.  1843.  Again  1845; 
Stevens,  master. 

Yorlctown,  U.  S.  man-of-war;  J.  H.  Aulick,  com.  At  Mont.  fr.  Hon.  Nov. 
23-7,  1841.  Took  some  testimony  on  the  Graham  affair.  Again  at  S.  F. 
Sept.  1842;  Nicholas  (?),  com. 

Yvba,  lighter,  5  tons;  patent  applied  for  May  1843  by  Theo.  Cordua. 

The  authorities  for  the  information  in  this  list  are  chiefly  scattered  docu- 
ments in  many  different  archives  public  and  private;  but  I  may  mention  also 
as  valuable  general  authorities  the  Honolulu  Friend;  Polynesian;  and  Tem- 
perance Advocate;  the  custom-house  records  in  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  Cust.-JJ., 
MS.,  iii. ;  v.-viii. ;  Larkin's  Doc.,  Off.  Corresp.,  and  Papers;  Cooper's  Log; 
Bobbins'  Diary;  and  Pinto,  Doc. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 
1845. 

OVERLAND  IMMIGRATION — NEW  MEXICANS — THE  MCMAHON-CLYMAN  COM- 
PANY FROM  OREGON  IN  JULY — CLYMAN'S  DIARY — OREGON  TRAIN  OF  1845 
— PALMER'S  JOURNAL — COOKE'S  SCENES — CALIFORNIAN  AGENTS  AT  FORT 
HALL — THE  SWASEY-TODD  COMPANY— SUBLETTE  AND  HIS  MEN — THE 
GRIGSBY-IDE  COMPANY — NAMES — WOMEN  AND  CHILDREN — RECOLLEC- 
TIONS OF  Miss  IDE — STATEMENTS  OF  KNIGHT,  ^REGSON,  DEWELL, 
ELLIOTT,  AND  TUSTIN — FREMONT'S  THIRD  EXPEDITION — OVER  THE 
SIERRA  BY  Two  ROUTES  IN  DECEMBER — A  BLUNDER — KINGS  RIVER 
AND  KERN  RIVER — BIBLIOGRAPHY — THE  HASTINGS-SEMPLE  COMPANY — 
A  NARROW  ESCAPE — PIONEERS  AND  VISITORS  OF  1845. 

OVERLAND  immigrants  to  California  in  1845  num- 
bered about  150  men,  besides  women  and  children, 
who  may  be  estimated,  for  we  have  no  definite  records 
on  the  subject,  at  nearly  100.  They  came  from  Ore- 
gon in  the  north  and  over  the  Sierra  from  the  east  in 
six  companies;  though  one  of  them  was  not  fitted  out 
originally  as  an  emigrant  party,  and  two  of  the  others 
were  properly  but  divisions  of  the  same  company. 
Not  more  than  two  thirds  of  the  whole  immigration 
remained  permanently  in  the  country.  I  shall  notice 
the  six  companies  in  the  chronologic  order  of  their  ar- 
rival.1 

1  Besides  those  companies,  Bidwell,  Cal.  1841-8,  MS.,  125-6,  and  Sutter, 
Pers.  Kemin.,  MS.,  106;  Diary,  5,  say  that  among  the  foreigners  opposing 
Micheltorenaat  Cahuenga  were  30  or  40  mountaineers  just  arrived.  Cronise, 
Nat.  Wealth  of  Cal,  54,  tells  us  that  in  the  spring  of  1845  nearly  2,000  Mor- 
mons left  the  Missouri  for  California;  andTustin,  Recollections,  MS.,  2,  speaks 
of  a  Mormon  company  under  Barstow  which  came  with  his  party  to  the  summit 
of  the  mountains  (?).  May  26th,  Julian  Follen  petitions  for  a  tract  of  land  in 
the  S.  Joaquin  Valley  for  himself  and  20  foreign  colonists — about  whom  there 

(571) 


572  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

The  first  came  from  Oregon  in  July,  and  may  be 
called  the  McMahon-Clyman  company,  the  captain 
having  been  Green  McMahon,  who,  as  the  reader  will 
remember,  had  first  come  to  California  in  1841  with 
Bartleson;  and  James  Clyman,  who  twenty  years  be- 
fore had  been  in  the  Rocky  Mountains  with  the  fur- 
traders,  having  written  a  diary  of  the  trip.  Most  of 
the  members  had  come  overland  to  Oregon  in  1844. 
Clyman's  diary  describes  the  journey  day  by  day  from 
May  14th,  when  they  left  Independence,  until  October, 
when  they  reached  the  Willamette  Valley.  Near 
Fort  Hall  the  California  immigrants  of  that  year,  the 
Stevens  company,  left  the  main  body,  which  at  one 
time  consisted  of  nearly  one  hundred  wagons,  forming 
with  cattle  and  horses  a  column  about  two  miles  in 
length.  The  details  of  this  journey  do  not.  concern 
us  here.  Of  the  nineteen  men  in  Clyman's  particular 
company,  or  mess,  only  Everhart  accompanied  him  to 
California. 

In  the  spring  of  1845  a  party  was  organized  of 
such  as  were  dissatisfied  with  Oregon  or  wished  to  see 
more  of  the  western  country  before  settling  perma- 
nently; and  they  started  southward  from  the  rendez- 
vous in  the  upper  Willamette  June  8th,  forty-three  in 
number,  including  one  woman  and  three  children.  I 
append  a  list  of  their  names  made  by  Sutter  at  the 
time  of  their  arrival.2  The  march,  though  described 

is  no  information.  Leg.  Bee. ,  MS. ,  iv.  60.  May  7th,  Jose"  Antonio  Garcia  asks 
for  land  for  33  New  Mexicans.  Wants  S.  Gabriel.  Refused.  Id. ,  MS. ,  iv.  50. 
Aug.  18th,  petition  of  Santiago  Martinez  and  20  New  Mexican  families  at  S. 
Bernardino  for  La  Jabonera,  as  a  site  fora  settlement.  Id.,  iv.  112,  23-4.  In 
June,  Felipe  Castillo  formed  an  itinerary  of  his  journey  from  Hermosillo  to 
Los  Angeles,  giving  distances,  geographical  features,  etc.  Total  distance,  264 
leagues.  Castillo,  Itinerario  desde  Sonora  hasta  California,  1845,  MS. 

*  McMahon-Clyman  immigrant  company  of  1845:  Hiram  Acres,  James  (?) 
Barrett,  Win  Bartel,  Martin  Brown,  Buchanan,  Bcnj.  Carpenter,  S.  U.  Chase, 
Morris  R.  Childers,  James  Clyman,  Thomas  Cochran,  Joseph  Davis,  Duncan, 
St  Vrain  Durand,  John  Ellick,  Lazarus  Everhart,  Abner  Frazer,  Wm  Fra- 
zer,  Marion  Gibson,  Hayes,  Geo.  Hibler,  James  Houck,  Huet,  Lenoir,  Frank 
Lightstone,  Green  McMahon,  James  W.  Marshall,  Wm  Northgrave,  Ed. 
Owens,  Henry  Owens,  James  Owens,  John  Owens,  Thomas  Owens,  R.  K. 
Payne,  Mrs  Payne  (a  widow),  J.  D.  Perkey,  Al.  Sanders,  Franklin  Sears, 
Sipp,  Owen  Sumner,  and  Lindy  Thorp.  John  Ellick  seems  to  have  been  in 
California  before,  being  called  alsoAllick,  Allig,  Ilig,  Ellig.  Lightstone's  name 


THE  McMAHON-CLYMAN  PARTY.  573 

in  detail,  lias  no  special  importance  or  interest,  the  ap- 
parently unprovoked. shooting  of  two  Indians  by  Sears 
being  the  only  exciting  incident.  Crossing  the  Rogue, 
Klamath,  and  Shasta  rivers  successively,  the  travellers 
struck  the  upper  Sacramento  at  the  end  of  June.  On 
the  9th  of  July  they  encamped  on  Cache  Creek  near 
Gordon's,  where  they  were  met  by  Sumner,  whose 
father  was  in  the  party,  and  were  hospitably  treated 
by  Wolfskill,  Knight,  Gordon,  and  others.  In  a  day 
or  two  the  party  was  broken  up.  Some  on  July  12th 
started  for  Sutter's  Fort.3 

Clyman  continued  to  record  his  movements  and 
those  of  the  men  who  remained  with  him.  His  first 
trip  was  to  Yount's  and  back.  Then  he  went  before 
the  end  of  July  by  way  of  New  Helvetia,  Liver- 
more's,  and  San  Juan,  to  Monterey,4  spent  the  first 
days  of  August  with  Isaac  Graham,  and  returned  to 
Napa  by  Santa  Clara.  After  a  hunting  tour  with  the 
Kelseys  he  visited  Yerba  Buena;  but  he  lost  his  ink- 
stand, and  the  daily  record  was  suspended  for  a  time. 
At  the  beginning  of  December  we  find  him  at  Clear 
Lake;  and  his  diary  for  the  winter  is  filled  chiefly 
with  a  record  of  the  weather  and  of  his  hunting  ad- 
ventures. The  hunting  was  good,  but  Clyman  found 
little  else  in  the  country  that  pleased  him;  and  he 
soon  began  to  plan  the  organization  of  a  company  in 
the  spring  to  return  eastward,  while  many  of  his  asso- 

was  really  Lichtenstein.  In  Yolo  Co.  Hist. ,  86,  an  account  of  the  arrival  is 
given  on  the  authority  of  S.  U.  Chase,  in  which  James  Lewis,  Thomas  Smiih, 
and  Nelson  McMahon  are  named,  doubtless  inaccurately,  as  members.  Chase 
gives  24  names  correctly,  and  says  the  party  numbered  39.  Clyman,  in  his 
Diary,  also  says  there  were  39  men,  but  names  only  McMahon,  Sears,  Frazer, 
Owens,  and  Sumner. 

8  In  his  letter  of  July  15th,  Sutter  says:  'All  of  this  people  have  a  de- 
scent (!)  appearance,  and  some  very  useful  men  amongst  them.  Some  of  them 
will  remain  here,  and  the  majority  will  spread  over  the  whole  country  like 
usual.  A  good  many  will  come  to  Monterey  and  present  themselves  to  you. 
I  give  them  passports,  and  give  notice  to  the  govt.  A  letter  informs  me  that 
in  6  or  8  weeks  another  company  will  arrive.'  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  220. 
No  such  company  came. 

4  Aug.  25th-2Gth,  there  was  a  corresp.  between  Prefect  Castro  and  Judge 
Escobar  about  a  party  of  foreigners —doubtless  Clyman 's — who  were  to  be 
required  to  show  passports  or  state  their  names  and  business;  but  it  was 
found  they  had  gone,  and  Consul  Larkin  knew  nothing  about  them.  Castro, 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  144;  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  viii.  18-19. 


574  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

elates,  equally  disgusted  with  California,  were  already 
talking  of  a  return  to  Oregon.  These  plans  were  car- 
ried out  in  1846,  as  we  shall  see.  The  old  mountain- 
eer's remarks  about  men  and  places,  as  well  as  his 
descriptions  of  personal  adventure,  are  very  interest- 
ing. The  writer  returned  to  California,  where  he 
was  still  living  in  1878.5  Comparatively  few  of  the 
McMahon-Clyman  company  bore  names  which  be- 
came prominent  in  later  annals  of  the  country;  yet 
Marshall  was  destined  to  be  the  discoverer  of  gold; 
and  Chase,  Sears,  Lightstone,  Cochran,  and  others 
were  locally  well  known. 

The  Oregon  immigration  of  1845,  like  that  of  the 
preceding  year,  has  been  described  in  a  diary,  which, 
unlike  that  of  Clyman,  has  been  printed.  It  was 
written  by  Joel  Palmer,  captain  of  one  of  the  com- 
panies, whose  journey  from  Independence  to  Oregon 
lasted  from  May  to  October.6  This  company  on  the 
wTay  passed,  and  was  passed  by,  many  other  similar 
parties;  but  it  forms  no  part  of  my  task,  even  if  it 
were  possible,  to  explain  their  movements  or  relative 
positions  at  any  particular  time.  Colonel  Kearny 
with  some  300  U.  S.  dragoons  passed  over  the  route 
to  the  South  Pass  and  back,  theoretically  perhaps  to 
protect  the  emigrants,  and  practically  to  eat  up  the 
grass  and  consume  the  water  at  all  the  best  camping 
spots  in  advance  of  them.  One  of  his  officers,  Philip 
St  George  Cooke,  saw  fit  to  record  the  tour  in  print; 
and  his  narrative  brims  over  with  philosophical  reflec- 

6  Diary  of  Col.  Jos  Clyman's  Overland  Journey  from  Missouri  to  Oregon 
and  California  in  1844-6,  MS.,  148  p.  This  is  a  literal  copy  made  in  1871 
by  R.  T.  Montgomery.  The  original  is  in  the  form  of  9  small  memorandum 
books.  The  diary  extends  from  May  1844  to  April  1846,  when  the  writer 
started  on  his  ret.urn.  A  tenth  volume,  describing  the  return,  has  been  lost. 
Clyman'a  Note  Book,  MS.,  27  p.,  is  an  abridgment  of  the  same  original  made 
by  Ivan  Petroff  in  1878.  It  contains  some  additions  which  will  be  noticed 
in  the  annals  of  1846. 

6  Palmer's  Journal  of  Travel*  over  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Columbia  River,  etc.  Cincinnati,  1852.  12mo.  189  p.  That  portion 
narrating  the  trip  from  Independence  to  Fort  Hall,  the  only  part  bearing  in- 
directly upon  the  Californian  immigration,  from  May  6th  to  Aug.  13th,  ia  on 
p.  12-44. 


THE  OREGON  TRAIL.  575 

tions  to  the  entire  exclusion  of  useful  information.7 
Let  it  suffice  to  regard  the  route  to  Fort  Hall  as  a 
great  national  highway  along  which  ox  and  mule 
trains  passed  westward  during  the  season,  not  with 
the  frequency  or  regularity  or  convenience  of  the  more 
modern  railroad  trains,  but  yet  without  hardships  and 
dangers  so  excessive  as  to  prevent  the  travellers  from 
being  born  and  married  and  buried  on  the  way. 

Very  few,  comparatively,  left  the  Missouri  River 
with  the  intention  of  going  to  California;  but  more  were 
tempted  to  swerve  from  the  way  when  they  reached 
Fort  Hall.  Says  Palmer:  "While  we  remained  in 
this  place  great  efforts  were  made  to  induce  emi- 
grants to  pursue  the  route  to  California.  The  most 
extravagant  tales  were  related  respecting  the  dangers 
that  awaited  a  trip  to  Oregon,  and  of  the  difficulties 
and  trials  to  be  surmounted.  The  perils  of  the  way 
were  so  magnified  as  to  make  us  suppose  the  journey 
almost  impossible. .  .On  the  other  hand,  as  an  induce- 
ment to  pursue  the  California  route,  we  were  informed 
of  its  shortness  when  compared  with  that  to  Oregon ; 
as  also  of  many  other  superior  advantages  it  possessed. 
These  tales,  told  and  rehearsed,  were  likely  to  produce 
the  effect  of  turning  the  tide  of  emigration  thither. 
Mr  Greenwood,  an  old  mountaineer,  well  stocked 
with  falsehoods,  had  been  despatched  from  California 
to  pilot  the  emigrants  through;  and,  assisted  by  a 
young  man  by  the  name  of  McDougal,  from  Indiana, 
so  far  succeeded  as  to  induce  thirty-five  or  thirty-six 
wagons  to  take  that  trail,"  in  addition  to  the  fifteen 
wagons  that  had  been  fitted  out  expressly  for  Califor- 
nia.8 Sutter,  who  had  received  letters  from  Hastings, 

7  Cookers  Scenes  and  Adventures  in  the  army;  or  Romance  of  Military  Life. 
Phil.  1857,  12mo,  p.  282-390,  etc.  They  passed  the  emigrants  on  May  25th- 
26th,  the  author  noting  a  wedding  by  which  a  pair  of  blankets  was  made  to 
do  double  duty;  and  again  met  them  on  July  8th  on  the  return  march,  when 
the  author  met  Capt.  Joe  Walker  on  his  way  to  Cal.  Palmer,  Journal,  p.  18, 
31,  notices  the  same  meetings. 

6Palmer'x  Journal,  43-4.  '  What  the  result  of  their  expedition  has  been  I 
have  not  been  able  to  learn;'  but  he  adds  in  a  note  that  the  emigrants,  'not 
finding  California  equal  in  point  of  soil  to  their  high-wrought  expectations, 
have  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  Oregon'!  The  same  writer,  p.  10,  speaks 


570  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

and  expected  "a  very  large  company  of  more  as  1,000 
souls,"  wrote  in  July,  "I  am  very  glad  that  they  meet 
with  some  good  pilots  at  Fort  Hall,  people  who  went 
over  there  from  here  to  pilot  emigrants  by  the  new 
road,  which  was  found  right  down  Bear  Creek  on  my 
farm."8  Most  of  those  who  came  fco  California  state, 
in  the  narratives  to  be  noticed  later,  that  they  started 
originally  for  Oregon. 

The  second  company  to  arrive  in  California,  being 
the  first  offshoot  of  the  Oregon  immigration  at  Fort 
Hall,  may  be  called  the  Swasey-Todd  company,  from 
the  names  of  its  latest  survivors,  or  it  might  be 
termed  the  Snyder-Blackburn  party,  from  the  names 
of  its  best  known  members,  as  it  appears  to  have  had 
no  regular  captain.  It  was  composed  of  twelve  or 
thirteen  young  men,  who,  with  their  pack-animals, 
determined  to  press  on  in  advance  of  the  teams.10  I 
give  their  names  in  a  note,  chiefly  on  the  authority  of 
Swasey,  who  was  in  1884  a  resident  of  San  Fran- 
cisco.11 There  is  a  degree  of  uncertainty  respecting 
the  exact  relations  of  this  advance  party  and  the  main 
company,  since  most  witnesses,  members  of  the  latter, 
whose  narratives  I  shall  notice  presently,  say  nothing 
of  any  such  division;  but  I  suppose  the  truth  to  be 
that  a  portion  of  the  teams  managed  to  keep  up  with 

of  a  party  of  Germans  from  St  Louis,  4  men,  2  women,  and  3  children, 
with  2  wagons  and  8  mules,  who  started  for  California  and  travelled  with 
Palmer's  company  to  Ft  Hall.  See  Hist.  Or.,  i.  552,  this  series,  for  a  pub- 
lic meeting  in  Or.  in  June  1846,  at  which  testimony  against  Cal.,  and  the 
methods  of  turning  the  stream  of  immigration  thither,  was  taken  from  6 
of  the  victims. 

9 Larking  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  220. 

10  Mrs  Healy,  in  Ide's  Biorj.,  33-4,  says  'a  party  of  young  men  concluded 
to  "pack  through,"  that  is,  to  go  on  horseback — pack  themselves  and  their 
baggage  on  horses;'  and  she  remembers  the  names  of  6.     Palmer,  Journal, 
44,  names  McDougal  as  one  of  the  most  active  in  promoting  the  California 
movement  at  Ft  Hall. 

11  Members  of  the  Swasey-Todd  company  of  1845:  William  Beale,  Wm 
Blackburn,   Wm  B.  Gildea,  Francis  Hoen,  Thomas  Knight  (?),  John  Lewis, 
George  McDougal,  Hiram  Rheusaw,  Thomas  (?)  Smith,  Harry  Spiel,  Jacob  R. 
Snyder,  Wm  F.  Swasey,  Wm  L.  Todd. 

Rheusaw  is  also  called  Renshaw  and  Rusoff.  Thomas  Knight  was  not 
strictly  a  member  of  this  advance  party,  having  a  team  with  the  main  body, 
which  he  went  back  to  meet  on  the  summit.  Miss  Ide  names  Keyes  as  one  of 
this  party,  but  I  think  he  must  have  Ixsen  with  the  teams.  There  is  also  a 
list  in  the  Nai>a  liegivtc)',  June  1,  1372. 


THE  SUBLETTE  PARTY.  577 

the  horsemen  until  they  reached  the  mountains.12  At 
any  rate,  McDougal  and  his  men  left  Fort  Hall  on  or 
about  August  13th;  kept  in  advance  of  the  main 
body;  crossed  the  Sierra  by  the  Stevens,  or  Truckee, 
route,  without  special  adventures;  arid  reached  New 
Helvetia  late  in  September.13 

The  third  company  of  the  year  was  one  respecting 
which  I  know  only  the  fact  of  its  arrival,  and  what  is 
to  be  learned  from  a  letter  of  Sutter  to  Larkin  dated 
October  8th.  He  says:  "Yesterday  Mr  Sublette  of 
St  Louis  arrived  here  with  his  party  consisting  of 
fifteen  men.  He  passed  both  of  the  companies  of 
emigrants,14  who  have  crossed  the  most  difficult  passes 
and  are  close  by  Mr  Sublette  is  a  brother-in-law 
of  Mr  Grove  Cook,  and  a  man  of  considerable  prop- 
erty. He  intends  to  establish  himself  here  when  he 
likes  the  country.  A  good  many  of  these  emigrants 
have  cash  more  or  less,  some  of  them  several  thou- 
sand dollars  in  gold.  Not  one  company  has  arrived 
before  in  this  country  which  looked  so  respectable  as 
this.  I  have  now  a  great  chance  to  buy  plenty  of 
well  broken  American  oxen  and  wagons  from  the 

12  Knight,  Early  Events,  MS. ,  3-4,  says  that  his  party,  with  fifteen  wag- 
ons, went  on  to  the  Truckee,  from  which  point  he  with  McDougal  and  Sny- 
der  went  on  before  to  Sutter's,  whence  he  returned  to  meet  his  party  on  the 
summit,  where  he  found  that  his  wagon  and  other  property  had  been  burned 
by  the  explosion  of  a  keg  of  powder.     Miss  Ide,   Biog.,   40,  mentions  the 
explosion  near  the  lake,  and  also  the  fact  that  the  wagon  belonged  to  a  mem- 
ber of  the  advance  party.     Swasey,  Statement,  MS.,  1-2,  says  nothing  of  this; 
but  in  conversation  to-day  (April  23,  1880)  thinks  that  Knight  may  be  right. 

13  According  to  the  New  Helvetia  Diary,  MS.,  3  et  seq.,  the  best  possi- 
ble authority,  Gildea  with  Greenwood  and  a  few  others  arrived  September 
27th,  more  came  on  the  28th,  and  11  on  the  30th,  having  left  their  wag- 
ons in  the  mountains.     Sept.  30th,  preparations  to  send  back  aid  for  those  in 
the  Sierra.     Oct.  2d,  part  of  the  new  arrivals  left  the  fort  on  a  hunting  tour. 
Sutter,  Diary,  6,  also  has  the  date  of  arrival  Sept.  27th;  and  says  that  on  the 
30th  he  sent  aid — that  is,  by  Knight  on  his  return.     Swasey  testifies  that  ac- 
cording to  his  memoranda  he  arrived  Sept.  26th,  though  Snyder  always  in- 
sisted it  was  on  the  23d.     Bid  well,  Col.  1841-8,  MS.,   112,  and  Belden, 
Hist.  State.,  MS.,  42,  mention  the  arrival,  and  name  some  members  of  the 
company. 

14  The  allusion  must  be  to  two  portions  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  company.     In 
N.  Helv.  Diary,  MS.,  5-6,  are  the  following  entries:  'Oct.  7th,  to-day  a  party 
from  the  U.  S.  arrived,  having  with  them  Mr  Sublette  of  St  Louis.     They 
report  60  wagons  in  the  mountains.'    Oct.   10th,  part  of  Sublette 's  party 
start  for  S.  F.     Four  of  them  got  passes. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    37 


578  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

young  men,  which  prefer  horses  so  that  they  can 
travel  in  the  country."15  None  of  the  fifteen  are 
known  by  name.  Some  of  them  are  perhaps  in  the 
list  of  the  next  company,  and  others  probably  in  the 
general  list  for  the  year.  Sublette  and  three  men, 
not  of  his  original  company,  were  met  by  Bryant  in 
July  1846  on  their  way  east. 

I  riowT  come  to  the  fourth  company  of  immigrants, 
passed  on  the  way  by  Sublette's,  the  main  body  left 
at  Fort  Hall  by  Swasey  and  his  companions  in 
August.  I  call  it  the  Grigsby-Ide  company,  John 
Grigsby  having  been,  according  to  some  authorities, 
the  captain,  and  William  B.  Ide  not  only  a  prominent 
member  but  also  somewhat  famous  a  little  later. 
There  were  about  fifty  men,  whose  names,  so  far  as  I 
can  ascertain  them,  are  given  in  a  note.18  Many  of 

/ 

Ia0ct.  8th,  S.  toL.  Larlan'sDoc.,  MS.,  iii.  315.  In  Jan.,  Sublitz— probably 
the  same  man — was  at  Yerba  Buena  with  some  of  his  company;  and  notwith- 
standing Sutter's  praise,  he  was  pronounced  by  Leidesdorft'a  ' great  Blaggard.' 
Id.,  iv.  (5.  In  1844  Clyman  had  met  Mr  Sublette  on  the  plains  with  a  party 
largely  composed  of  invalids  travelling  for  their  health.  Knight  speaks  of 
having  met  Sublette  somewhere  on  the  plains.  Ide  met  on  the  summit  'a 
pack-train  on  their  way  to  some  fort.' 

The  following  men  are  shown  by  different  records  to  have  been  in  Cal.  in 
1845,  most  of  them  at  Sutter's  Fort;  but  the  exact  circumstances  of  their 
coming  are  not  known.  Some  doubtless  came  by  sea,  but  others  probably 
overland,  and  the  list  probably  includes  most  of  the  Sublette  party.  W.  D. 
Barry,  A.  J.  Bolan,  Elij.  Bristow,  Abner  Bryan,  Clemens,  Wm  Dodson,  C. 
Dornte,  Eustis,  Sam.  Gibson,  Jac.  Herman,  Hess,  Jackson,  Julian,  John  H. 
Kelley,  Dan.  Leahy,  McDonald,  Jas  McDowell  and  family,  McKenzie,  Thos 
Middleton,  John  Neal,  G.  R.  Nightengell,  H.  O'Brien,  Wm  O'Connor,  Noah 
Peters,  Sauford,  Chas  Savage,  Felix  Scott,  Wm  Sigler,  Stanley,  Nic.  To- 
metty,  Hen.  Trow,  J.  Washburn,  Lewis  Wigman. 

There  is  a  possibility  that  another  small  party,  an  offshoot  from  the  Oregon 
immigration,  arrived  this  year  in  addition  to  the  six  recorded  in  this  chapter. 
In  this  connection  I  should  note  that  Mrs  Maggie  M.  Hunt,  a  daughter  of 
James  McDowell,  the  well  known  pioneer  of  Yolo  Co.,  furnishes  through  John 
Bidwell  a  partial  list  of  the  party  that  came  with  her  father,  as  prepared  by 
Geo.  W.  Bell.  The  list  is  as  follows:  Geo.  W.  Bell,  Wm  Bennett,  Dr  Boyle, 
Jas  Cameron,  J.  Colwell,  English  and  family,  Hen.  Everts,  Dolphus  Hannah, 
Sam  Hawkins,  Dr  Zac.  Hawkins  (died  on  the  way),  Dav.  Ingals  and  fam., 
Hen.  Marlin,  Wm  McClure,  Thos  B.  Reed,  Simpson,  Jos  Smith  (nephew  of 
the  Mormon  prophet,  who  came  to  Cal.),  Jas  Stevens  and  fam.,  Rich.  Stevens 
and  fam.,  Dr  Welsh  and  fam.,  Whitaker,  White  and  family,  and  Rich.  Wylis. 
In  the  Oregon  immigration  of  1845 — see  Hist.  Oregon,  i.  525  etseq.,  this 
series — the  reader  will  find  names  resembling  many  of  these.  It  is  not  cer- 
tain that  any  one  of  them  came  to  Cal. ,  but  possibly  a  few  did  so. 

16  Grigsby-Ide  immigrant  company  of  1845:  Anderson  (?),  Wm  R. 
Bassham,  Jarvis  Bonney,  Truman  Bonney,  Julian  Bradshaw,  Buffin  (?), 
Thomas  H.  Burgess,  Geo.  Carter,  Michael  Coleman,  Win  C.  Cooper,  Thos 


THE  GRIGSBY-IDE  COMPANY.  570 

these  men  brought  their  families;  and  of  men,  women, 
and  children,  there  were  doubtless  over  one  hundred 
souls  in  the  company.  Under  the  guidance  of  the 
Greenwoods,  they  left  Fort  Hall  about  the  middle  of 
August,  and  proceeded  slowly,  without  other  mishaps 
than  the  loss  of  some  cattle  and  the  burning  of  a 
wagon  with  its  load,  down  the  Humboldt,  across  to 
the  Truckee,  and  into  the  mountains.  The  work  of 
crossing  the  Sierra  with  the  teams  was  of  course  a 
tedious  one ;  but  the  winter  snows  had  not  yet  begun  to 
fall,  and  Ide,  bringing  his  Yankee  genius  to  bear  on 
the  problem,  is  said  to  have  devised  new  methods 

Crafton  (boy),  Davis  (?),  Benj.  Dewell,  WmB.  Elliott,  Sam.  Field  (?),  Isaac 
A.  Flint  (?),  John  Gibbs,  B.  Grant  (?),  Caleb  Greenwood,  John  Greenwood, 
James  Gregson,  C.  C.  Griffith,  James  A.  Griffith,  Frank  F.  Grigsby  (?), 
G.  W.  Grigsby  (?),  John  Grigsby,  Hess  (?),  Dav.  Hudson,  Wm  Hudscm,  Dan. 
Ide  (boy),  James  Ide  (?),  Lemuel  Ide  (boy),  Wm  Ide,  Win  B.  Ide,  A. 
Kinney  (?),  S.  Kinney  (?),  Robt  C.  Keyes,  Thos  Knight  (?),  Pat.  McChristian, 
Henry  Marshall,  John  Marshall,  Meeres  (?),  G.  R.  Nightengell  (?),  Harvey 
Porterfield,  Potter  (?),  Charles  Roether  (?),  Wm  R.  Roulette,  Horace  Sanders, 
Felix  Scott  (?),  John  Scott,  Wm  W.  Scott,  John  Sears,  Eugene  F.  Skinner, 
G.  M.  Smith  (?),  Thomas  (?),  Fern.  Tustin  (boy),  Win  I.  Tustin,  Wilmot  (?), 
Geo.  Williams  (?),  Joseph  Wood,  Wright  (?),  Dav.  York  (boy),  John  York, 
W.  E.  York  (boy). 

No  list  was  made  in  early  times,  so  far  as  I  know.  Besides  the  half-dozen 
boys  mentioned  above,  there  were  doubtless  many  others.  Those  men  who 
were  accompanied  by  their  families  were  apparently:  Anderson  (?),  Bonney, 
Buffin  (?),  Davis  (?),  Elliott  (7  children,  including  several  sons,  some  of  them 
grown),  Griffith,  Grigsby,  Hudson,  Ide,  Kinney  (?),  Meeres  (?),  Potter  (?), 
Roulette,  Scott  (?),  Skinner,  Thomas  (?),  Tustin,  and  York;  but  it  will  be  no- 
ticed that  nearly  half  of  these  are  among  the  doubtful  members.  Of  the  56 
men  named  in  the  list,  35  are  named  by  several  authorities,  and  there  is  no 
room  for  doubt  about  them,  15  of  the  number  giving  bonds  for  good  behavior 
at  Sonoma  in  Nov.  Of  the  23  names  marked  as  doubtful,  two,  Field  and 
Flint,  also  gave  bonds,  but  do  not  seem  to  have  been  remembered  by  anybody 
as  members.  G.  M.  Smith  is  named  at  the  fort  in  connection  with  the  party, 
but  not  positively  as  belonging  to  it.  These,  with  Felix  Scott  and  the  two 
Kinneys,  whose  presence  at  Sutter's  Fort  is  recorded,  may  therefore  have 
come  in  Sublette's  or  some  other  party,  though  Miss  Ide  remembers  families 
named  'Keeny'  and  Scott  in  the  Grigsby-Ide  company.  Eight  names — An- 
derson, Buffin,  Davis,  Grant,  Meeres,  Potter,  Thomas,  and  Wilrnot — rest  only 
on  the  memory  of  Miss  Ide  (Mrs  Healy);  and  some  if  not  most  are  probably 
erroneous,  or  at  least  belong  to  men  who  went  to  Oregon  instead  of  Cal.  The 
two  Grigsbys  I  suppose  to  have  been  sons  of  Capt.  John  Grigsby,  though  I  have 
no  positive  evidence.  It  is  not  clear  that  James  Ide  came  to  Cal.  Four — 
Nightengell,  Roether,  Williams,  and  Wright — are  mentioned  by  newspapers 
or  county  histories  as  having  come  in  this  party  or  with  members  of  it.  Hess 
is  named  in  the  N.  Helv.  Diary,  and  is  remembered  by  Bidwell.  Thos 
Knight  may  be  properly  enough  included  in  this  or  in  the  Swasey-Todd 
party.  The  fact  that  many  went  to  Oregon  the  next  year  in  parties  of  which 
no  lists  are  extant  makes  it  difficult  to  fix  these  names  accurately.  The  mat- 
ter is  however  cleared  up  as  far  as  possible  in  the  biographical  sketches  given 
elsewhere. 


580  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

which  greatly  lessened  the  difficulties.  It  was  at 
different  dates  and  in  small  parties  from  the  10th  to 
the  25th  of  October  that  they  came  down  Bear  Creek 
to  Johnson's,  and  made  their  appearance  at  Slitter's.17 
Here  the  company  broke  up  in  a  few  days,  some 
going  south,  but  most  either  remaining  in  the  Sacra- 

17  In  New  Helvetia  Diary,  MS.,  the  entries  on  the  subject  are  as  follows: 
Oct.  8th,  'Visitors  of  the  party  from  the  U.  S.  came  to  the  fort,  bringing  vrith 
them  letters  from  different  friends  in  the  U.  S.'  These  were  probably  mem- 
bers of  the  relief  party  from  the  fort.  10th,  'Two  emigrants  from  the  hind 
comp.  of  15  wagons  came  in  to-day  for  provisions,  and  immediately  left  again.' 
llth,  'R.  Gildea  with  his  party  from  the  wagons.  Dr  Carter  also.'  12th, 
Bonney  and  family.  14th,  Bonney  went  back  with  a  horse.  15th,  'G.  M. 
Smith  came  in  from  the  mts  with  some  2  or  3  more  from  the  wagons  and  re- 
port the  wagons  most  on  to  the  plains.'  17th,  '5  wagons  from  the  mts  arrived 
last  night  about  12  o'clock.'  19th,  'Last  night  1  more  wagon  belonging  to 
Mr  Hess;  to-day  2  more  belonging  to  Mr  Todd  and  Mr  Roulette — 4  or  5  wag- 
ons more  are  expected  immediately. '  20th,  5  more  wagons.  Several  of  the 
men  engaged  to  work  at  the  fort.  21st,  several  more.  23d,  a  German  fam- 
ily from  the  U.  S.  24th,  3  more  wagons.  25th,  4  wagons,  those  of  Ide  and 
Skinner.  30th,  Ide  started  up  river.  31st,  Skinner  and  Tustin  shingling 
the  hatter  shop.  Sutter,  Diary,  6,  notes  the  arrival  of  a  large  party  with  GO 
wagons  on  Oct.  7th;  but  there  is  perhaps  an  error,  as  this  was  the  date  of 
Sublette's  arrival.  Dewell  says  he  reached  Johnson's  on  Oct.  7th;  Marshall 
at  Suiter's  on  Oct.  20th;  Ide  at  Sutter 's  soon  after  Oct.  25th;  and  others  late 
in  October,  without  specifying  the  day. 

Ide,  Biographical  Sketch  -{Claremont,  N.  H.),  1880,  16mo,  240  p.,  is  a  book 
to-be  more  fully  noticed  in  the  annals  of  1846.  Chapters  iii.-iv.  p.  28-50 are 
devoted  to  a  description  of  the  overland  journey,  chiefly  from  the  recollections 
of  Mrs  Sarah  E.  Hcaly  (Ide).  The  Ide  party,  13  in  number — father,  mother, 
daughter,  two  grown-up  sons,  two  small  sons,  an  adopted  boy,  and  four  men 
who  drove  the  teams  for  board  and  passage — with  165  cattle,  left  home  in 
Illinois  in  April  and  joined  the  train  at  Independence,  bound  like  the  rest  for 
Oregon.  The  crossing  of  the  Sierra  is  somewhat  minutely  described;  and  at- 
tention is  particularly  given  to  Ide's  skill  and  energy  by  which  the  teams 
were  brought  to  the  summit  in  two  days.  They  found  the  spot  where  the 
Stevens  company  of  1844  had  encamped  and  left  their  wagons;  and  then  'our 
emigrants  on  coming  to  this  plain  all  made  a  rush  for  the  long-sought  Cali- 
fornia; ambitious  to  be  first — not  waiting  much  for  one  another;  the  best 
teams  leaving  the  rest;  every  one  looking  out  for  himself  only.  Some  went 
to  one  part  of  the  country  and  some  to  anothen'  The  Ides  soon  went  up  the 
valley  with  Peter  Lassen.  Thomas  Knight,  Early  Events  in  Gal. ,  MS.,  came 
from  St  Louis  with  Burgess,  joining  the  Batchelder  co.  for  Oregon  at  Inde- 
pendence in  April.  James  Gregson,  Statement,  MS.,  p.  1,  etc.,  came  with  his 
wife,  a  sister  of  the  Marshalls,  from  Illinois,  bound  for  Oregon.  Benjamin 
Dewell,  Napa  Reporter,  Oct.  12,  1872,  came  from  Indiana  for  Oregon,  and 
left  Independence  May  6th.  John  Brown,  the  captain,  was  succeeded  by 
Grigsby  at  Laramie.  Wm  B.  Elliott,  Santa  Rosa  Democrat,  Feb.  5, 1876,  left 
Missouri  with  wife  and  7  children  in  April.  Wm  J.  Tustin,  Recollections, 
MS. ,  1-2,  came  from  Illinois  in  April  with  wife,  child,  and  ox-teams  for  Ore- 
gon. Henry  Marshall,  S.  Jose  Pioneer,  Aug.  10,  1878;  Sonoma  Co.  Hist., 
474,  came  in  the  Welch  co.  with  Gregson  and  others  to  Ft  Hall.  In  Yolo 
Co.  Hist. ,  32,  this  company  is  incorrectly  represented  as  coming  from  Oregon. 
See  also  McChristian's  Narrative,  MS.  All  these  authorities  give  some  slight 
details  of  the  journey. 


FREMONT'S  SECOND  VISIT.  581 

mento  Valley,  or  going  to  the  Napa  and  Sonoma  val- 
leys. Of  the  latter,  about  twenty  appeared  at  Sonoma 
in  November,  when  older  settlers  signed  guaranties 
for  their  good  behavior,  George  Yount  becoming  se- 
curity for  most,  but  the  names  of  J.  B.  Chiles,  Will- 
iam Benitz,  and  Manuel  Torres  appearing  on  a  few  of 
the  papers.18  Some  of  this  company  went  to  Oregon 
in  the  spring;  and  of  those  that  remained  many  took  a 
prominent  part  in  the  troubles  of  1846. 

In  December  came  the  fifth  company  of  the  year, 
Fremont's  explorers,  who  crossed  the  mountains  in 
two  parties  by  widely  different  routes.  Immediately 
after  completing  his  report  on  the  exploration  of  1844 
as  already  noted,19  Fremont  had  hastened  to  St  Louis, 
and  organized  a  company  for  a  third  expedition.  In 
May  or  June  he  left  the  rendezvous,  near  Independ- 
ence, with  about  a  hundred  men,  including  a  few  of  his 
old  companions,  and  proceeded  to  Bent's  Fort.  From 
this  point  he  started  in  August  with  about  sixty  men, 
including  half  a  dozen  Delaware  Indians.  He  ascended 
the  Arkansas  River  to  its  source,  explored  the  coun- 
try in  a  north-westerly  course  to  Utah  Lake,  and  spent 
over  a  week  at  the  end  of  October  in  an  exploration 
of  Great  Salt  Lake.  The  few  details  accessible  re- 
specting these  operations  have  no  direct  bearing  on 
the  history  of  California. 

At  the  end  of  October  the  explorers  entered  what 
is  now  Nevada,  in  the  region  of  Pilot  Peak;  and  on 
November  5th,  at  a  spot  called  Whitton  Spring,  near 
the  head  waters  of  the  Mary,  or  Ogden,  or  Humboldt, 
the  company  was  divided.  Fremont  with  a  small  party 
took  a  southern  route  through  the  unexplored  regions 
since  constituting  the  counties  of  Elko,  Eureka,  Nye, 
and  Esmeralda;  and  reached  Walker  Lake  on  the  23d.20 

18 Nov.  19th-27th,  the  original  bonds  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  152-75. 

19  See  chap.  xix.  of  this  volume  for  Fremont's  2cl  expedition. 

20 The  stations  along  this  route  where  observations  of  lat.  and  long,  were 
taken  were,  Whitton  Spring,  Crane  branch  of  the  Humboldt,  head  of  (?.  fork 
of  Humboldt,  Connor  Spring,  Basil  creek,  Boiling  springs,  Moore  creek,  Se- 
cond! spring,  Sheep  Mt.,  Lake  Walker.  Fremont's  Geoy.  Mem.,  56-7. 


582  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

The  main  party  in  the  mean  time — under  the  guidance 
of  Walker,  who  had  been  met  somewhere  on  the  way 
as  he  was  likely  to  be  at  any  time  or  place  in  the  great 
basin — followed  the  emigrant  trail  down  the  Humboldt 
to  its  sink,  and  thence  turned  southward  to  Walker 
Lake,  where  they  rejoined  Fremont  on  the  27th.21 

After  two  days  the  parties  again  separated,  with 
an  agreement  to  meet  on  the  other  side  of  the  Sierra/ 
at  the  forks  of  the  main  river  flowing  into  Tulares 
Lake,  about  which  place  of  rendezvous  I  shall  have 
more  to  say  presently.  The  main  body,  perhaps  under 
the  command  of  Theodore  Talbot,  guided  by  Walker, 
and  accompanied  by  E.  M.  Kern  as  topographer,  re- 
mained at  Walker  Lake  to  recruit  their  animals  until 
December  8th,  when  the  southward  march  was  re- 
sumed. By  a  route  somewhat  to  the  right,  or  west, 
of  Walker's  in  1843,  they  reached  the  head  of  Owens 
River — so  named  for  a  member  of  the  company — on 
the  16th;  followed  that  stream  down  to  the  lake,  on 
the  shores  of  which  they  were  on  the  19th-21st;  con- 
tinued southward  past  Little  Owens  Lake,  and  round 
Owens  Peak,  through  the  original  Walker  Pass  of 
1834,  and  down  the  south  branch  to  the  forks  of  Kern 
River,  so  named  later  for  the  artist  of  the  party,  where 
they  encamped  on  the  28th.  This  was  where  they 
expected  to  meet  Fremont,  and  here  they  waited  for 
him  three  weeks.22 

Meanwhile  Fremont  left  Walker  River  on  Novem- 
ber 29th  with  fifteen  men,  reached  the  Salmon  Trout, 
or  Truckee,  on  December  1st,  crossed  the  summit  by 
the  emigrant  trial  on  the  5th-6th,  and  then,  leaving 
the  trail  to  the  right,  descended  by  a  more  southern 
route  into  the  valley,23  and  on  the  10th  was  welcomed 

21  Kern's  Journal,  477-80.     The  editor  has  confounded  the  two  parties, 
representing  Fremont  as  having  followed  the  river. 

22  Kern's  Journal,  480-4,  with  a  full  diary  of  the  march  from  day  to  day. 

23  Martin  fork  and  Hamilton  creek  are  named  Dec.  7th-8th  with  latitudes.    I 
suppose  them  to  have  been  named  for  members  of  the  company;  but  Martin 
— or  at  least  one  Martin — was  with  the  other  party.  Fremont's  Geog.  Mem., 
28-30,  57,  is  the  only  deflnite  authority  for  Fremont's  trip.     Routes  shown  on 
Preuss'  map  of  1848,  U.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  31st  cong.  1st  seas.,  H.  Ex.  Doc.  17, 
p.  044. 


FREMONT  AND  WALKER.  583 

at  Sutter's  Fort,  whence  after  a  stay  of  four  days  he 
hastened  southward  with  aid  for  Walker's  party.24 
Progress  up  the  San  Joaquin  Valley  was  slow,  on  ac- 
count of  the  cattle  that  were  being  driven  along ;  but 
on  December  22d  they  reached  Kings  River, or  Tulares 
Lake  River  as  they  called  it,  or  River  of  the  Lake  as 
Fremont  had  called  it  in  1844.  Here  they  expected 
to  find  Walker's  party,  and  on  this  stream  they  waited, 
following  it  meanwhile  far  up  into  the  mountains  and 
back,  until  the  7th  of  January.25 

The  two  parties  thus  encamped  and  waiting  for  each 
other  at  the  end  of  December  1845  on  Kings  and 
Kern  river  respectively,  numbered  about  sixty  men, 
whose  names  I  give  in  a  note  as  completely  and  ac- 
curately as  I  have  been  able  to  obtain  them  from 
miscellaneous  sources.26  They  served  in  California,  as 
we  shall  see,  through  the  next  year,  and  most  of  them 

21  Dec.  10th,  arrival;  Dec.  12th,  14  mules  furnished;  Dec.  13th,  start  to  join 
Walker.  Sutter'x  Diary,  G;  New  Helvetia  Diary,  MS.,  22-3.  Fremont,  Geofi. 
Mem.,  16,  says  he  started  on  the  14th.  Dec.  10th,  Sutterto  Vallejo,  aunounc 
ing  Fremont's  arrival  with  part  of  his  company  to  obtain  supplies  and  spend 
the  winter  in  a  mild  climate.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  176.  Dec.  22d,  S.  to 
Larkin.  Fremont  has  gone  to  meet  Walker  and  will  visit  Monterey  on  his 
return.  Larkirfs  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  405.  Jan.  4,  1840,  sub-prefect  at  Yerba 
Buena  to  prefect.  Has  heard  of  the  arrival  of  commissioners  to  fix  the  bound- 
ary between  Mexico  and  the  U.  S.  Cant.ro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  251.  Bid  well,  C'al. 
1841-S,  MS.,  15'J-6,  speaks  of  Sutter's  absence  at  the  time  of  F.'s  arrival  and 
of  the  latter's  dissatisfaction  at  Bid  well's — and  later  Sutter's — inability  to  fur- 
nish mules,  etc. 

25  Fremont's  Geog.  Mem.,  16-19,  57. 

•26  Fremont's  company  of  1845:  Francis  Allison  (?),  Auguste  Archambeau, 
Henry  Brant,  Chas  J.  W.  Braurie  (?),  Thos  E.  Breckenridge,  Francis  Briggs  (?), 
John  G.  Campbell,  Kit  Carson,  Wm  Chinook,  James  Connor,  Crane,  F.  Creutz- 
feldt  (?),  Phil.  Courteau  (?),  Jerome  C.  Davis,  Denny,  Duchene  (?),  Sidney 
Duketel  (?),  Fabbol,  J.  C.  Fremont,  Alexis  Godey,  Sam.  Goldsmith  (?),  Guth- 
ric,  Ilaler  (?),  Hamilton,  Geo.  Haslitt  (?),  Thos  Hill,  Hubbard  (?),  Wm  Hughes, 
Ed  M.  Kern,  Henry  King,  Basil  Lajeunesse,  Louis  Lapierre,  McCrady,  Mar- 
quet  (?),  Thos  S.  Martin,  Lucien  Maxwell,  Risdon  A.  Moore,  A.  Moriii,  J.  J. 
Myers,  Rich.  Owens,  Poinsett  (?),  Raph.  Praule,  Charles  Preuss,  Reddick  (?), 
Rhett  (?),  Eugene  Russell,  John  Scott  (?),  Jas  Secondi,  Wm  Sigler  (?),  Stepp 
(or  Steppenfeldt),  Stradspeth,  James  Swanich,  Charles  Taplin,  Theodore  Tal- 
bot,  Torrey  (?),  Joseph  R.  Walker,  Wetowah,  White,  Whitton,  and  Marion 
Wise. 

Not  more  than  half  of  these  60  names  can  be  proved  correct,  though  at 
least  f/0  of  them  are  probably  so.  A  few  are  definitely  named  as  members  of 
the  expedition  in  Fremont's  Geoy.  Mem.  and  Kern's  Journal;  many  are  indi- 
rectly mentioned  by  Fremont,  who  applied  their  names  to  localities;  and 
some  are  remembered  by  Martin  and  others,  or  arc  accredited  to  this  expedi- 
tion by  newspaper  writers  with  some  probability  of  accuracy. 


584  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

returned  to  the  east  in  1.847.  All  might  properly 
enough  be  named  in  my  lists  of  pioneers.  The  mis- 
take of  Fremont  and  Walker  by  which  they  failed  to 
meet  each  other,  confounding  the  two  streams,  was 
not  an  unnatural  one  when  the  circumstances  are  con- 
sidered; nor  did  it  involve  any  such  degree  of  stupid- 
ity as  partisans  have  sometimes  imputed  to  one  or 
the  other  explorer.  Walker  had  traversed  the  valley 
several  times,  and  had  crossed  both  rivers;  but  it  had 
been  his  fortune  to  cross  Kings  River  at  seasons  and 
places  where  there  was  little  or  no  water  running; 
and  he  believed  Kern  River,  heading  in  the  moun- 
tains near  his  pass,  to  be  the  only  large  affluent  of 
Tulares  Lake,  having  no  doubt  of  its  identity  with 
Fremont's  River  of  the  Lake.27  Fremont  had  also 
crossed  both  streams,  and  had.  found  them  to  be  of 
considerable  size;  but  he  crossed  Kern  River  far  south 
of  Lake  Tulares,  of  which  he  did  not  regard  it  as  a 
tributary,  but  of  another  lake  at  the  head  of  the  val- 
ley;28 and  he  had  no  doubt  that  Walker's  original  pass 
was  near  the  head  of  his  own  River  of  the  Lake. 
Both  men  agreed  to  this  theory  at  their  conference 
east  of  the  Sierra.  No  other  conclusion  was  consist- 
ent with  Walker's  statement  that  his  river  was  the  first 
of  any  size  south  of  the  San  Joaquin;  and  having 
reached  this  conclusion,  nothing  was  easier  than  to 
name  a  place  of  meeting.29  Thus  the  error  was  mainly 
Walker's,  and  the  result,  fortunately  involving  no  loss  of 

27  His  error  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  when  he  reached  Kings  River  in 
Jan.  1846  he  believed  it  to  be  the  S.  Joaquin.    Kern's  Journal,  485-6. 

28  Fremont's  Report,  252-3.     See  also  his  map. 

'•"That  is:  Fre'mont  had  but  to  follow  up  the  first  large  river  after  cross- 
ing the  S.  Joaquin;  and  Walker  had  but  to  follow  down  the  first  river  after 
passing  round  the  point  of  the  mountain.  Fre'mont  in  1844  had  intended  to 
go  through  Walker  Pass,  Report,  248,  254,  and  there  is  nothing  in  his  narra- 
tive to  show  that  lie  did  not  believe  himself  to  have  done  so;  but  it  is  neces- 
sary to  conclude  that  the  two  men,  on  comparing  the  notes  and  map  of  the 
one  with  the  recollections  of  the  other,  had  decided  not  only  that  Fremont's 
pass  of  1844,  which  had  also  been  traversed  by  Walker  probably,  was  farther 
south  than  Walker's  original  pass  of  1834  and  1843 — as  was  indeed  true, 
though  the  difference  was  less  than  they  supposed — but  that  the  Kern  River, 
flowing  into  a  lake  distinct  from  the  Tulares,  was  also  south  of  the  original 
pass.  This  removes  all  difficulties,  and  agrees  substantially  with  Kern's  not 
very  clearly  expressed  ideas. 


THE  HASTINGS-SEMPLE  PARTY.  583 

life,  is  known  to  the  reader.  I  leave  the  explorers  on 
their  respective  rivers  until  needed  for  the  annals  of 
1846.  Fremont's  official  report  of  this  third  expedition 
has  never  been  published,  and  the  gentleman  has  never 
seen  fit  to  fulfil  his  frequent  promises  to  furnish  material 
for  my  use;  therefore  I  have  been  obliged  to  draw  upon 
other  sources  of  information,  the  most  important  of 
which  I  specify  in  the  appended  note.30 

The  sixth  and  last  party  to  enter  California  in  1845 
was  that  of  Lansford  W.  Hastings.  This  man,  as  we 
have  seen,  had  visited  the  coast  in  1843,  and  return- 
ing to  the  states,  had  delivered  lectures,  and  written  a 
book  in  which  he  painted  California  in  glowing  colors, 
as  a  field  for  American  settlers  and  conquerors.  His 
book  was  not  published  early  enough  to  have  much 
effect  this  year;  and  his  other  efforts  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  very  effective,  as  nearly  all  the  emigrants 
of  the  year  started  for  Oregon  in  spite  of  his  advice. 
In  July,  however,  he  had  a  company  of  twenty-two 
men  bound  for  California  direct,  more  than  half  of 

30  The  chief  authority  is  the  Journal  of  Mr  Edward  M.  Kern  of  an  explor- 
ation of  Mary's  or  Humboldt  River,  Carson  Lake,  and  Owens  river  and  lake,  in 
1S45.  The  journal  extends  from  Nov.  5th  to  Feb.  13th,  and  describes  the 
movements  of  the  main  party.  The  author  gave  his  name  to  Kern  County 
and  Kern  River.  Next  in  importance  is  the  Geographical  Memoir  upon  Upper 
California,  in  illustration  of  his  map  of  Oref/on  and  California,  by  John  Charles 
Fremont,  addressed  to  the  Senate  of  the  U.  S.  Washington,  1848,  8vo,  07 
p.  [17.  S.  Govt  Doc.,  30th  cong.  1st  sess.,  Sen.  Miscel.  Doc.  no.  148]. 
Also  editions  of  Washington,  1849,  8vo,  40  p.;  New  York,  1849,  8vo,  29  p., 
with  Fremont  and  Emory,  Notes  of  Travel,  also  published  London,  1849,  1856; 
and  Philadelphia,  1849,  8vo,  p.  1-26,  with  additions  from  different  sources. 
The  memoir  is  by  no  means  a  connected  account  of  the  expedition,  but  con- 
tains incidental  allusions  to  the  narrative,  with  tables  of  latitude  and  longi- 
tude, dates,  etc.  A  resuni6  of  the  exploration  is  given  in  Warren'a  Memoir 
to  accompany  the  map  of  the  Territory  of  the  U.  S.,  etc.,  1859,  p.  48-50.  The 
author  notes  an  edition  of  Fremont's  narrative  then  in  press;  but  so  far  as  I 
know,  it  has  never  appeared.  Martin'n  Narrative  of  Fremont's  Expedition  to 
California  in  1845-6,  MS. ,  58  p. ,  is  a  very  complete  and  interesting  account 
of  the  expedition,  and  of  the  events  which  followed  it,  dictated  for  my  use  to 
E.  F.  Murray  in  1878,  by  Thomas  S.  Martin  of  Sta  Barbara,  a  man  who  came 
and  went  with  Fremont's  party,  but  returned  to  California  in  later  years.  See 
also  an  account  in  Lancey's  Cruise  of  the  Dale,  34-6.  Many  of  the  authorities 
on  Fremont's  operations  in  1846,  to  be  cited  later,  contain  allusions  to  his 
arrival  in  1845;  and  I  might  add  a  very  long  list  of  references  to  books,  pam- 
phlets, and  newspapers,  on  Fremont's  life  and  services,  including  this  trip;  but 
this  could  serve  no  good  purpose,  as  these  references  will  have  to  be  given 
elsewhere. 


5S6  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

whom  decided  finally  to  stay  at  home.31  They  started, 
ten  in  number,  from  Independence  about  the  middle 
of  August,  far  behind  the  last  of  the  Oregon  trains; 
and  between  forts  Laramie  and  Bridger  were  obliged 
to  make  a  long  detour  to  avoid  hostile  savages.  From 
Fort  Hall  they  followed  the  usual  trail.  Besides  being 
.late,  this  company  was  inadequately  supplied  with  food, 
and  its  members,  dependent  for  the  most  part  on  the 
rifle  of  Smith — 'Old  Bony'  the  hunter — were  very 
near  starvation  in  the  mountains.82  "If  they  had  ar- 
rived one  day  later,  they  would  have  been  cut  off  by 
the  immense  quantity  of  snow,"  wrote  Sutter.33  But 
by  good  luck  they  escaped  starvation  and  the  snows. 
They  came  out  at  Johnson's  rancho  in  two  parties  of 
six  and  four  respectively,  and  arrived  at  New  Helvetia 
on  Christmas.  A  full  list  of  their  names  is  appended, 
Semple  being  most  famous,  and  tallest  of  the  number — 
six  feet  eight  inches,  according  to  the  newspaper  that 
announced  his  departure  for  California.34 

I  conclude  this  chapter  with  the  usual  annual  list 
of  new-comers.  It  includes  many  whom  we  shall  find 

31 A  list  of  their  23  names  is  given  in  the  Independence  Mission  Expositor, 
July  G,  1845.  '  Men  of  the  right  stamp  for  such  an  undertaking,  and  leave 
right  willingly  for  the  plains.  Apparently  regardless  of  all  dangers,  they 
venture  forward,  buoyed  up  with  hopes  of  success,  and  stimulated  by  deeds  of 
daring,  by  the  desire  of  bettering  their  condition  and  that  of  their  friends  who 
have  gone  before  them.  The  season  of  the  year  for  such  a  jaunt  is  unusually 
late;  they  seem  to  think  not,  and  appear  determined  to  show  to  the  world  that 
nothing  need  prove  an  obstacle  to  our  crossing  the  plains.  We  give  the  names 
of  the  company  and  their  late  residences.'  Niles'  Iteg.,  Ixix.  7.  In  Id.,  Ixix. 
18,  is  a  notice  of  5  or  6  returned  and  disgusted  Californians  who  passed 
through  Boonesville,  Mo.  I  have  no  idea  who  they  could  have  been. 

**Biocj.  Sketch  of  Napoleon  B.  Smith,  by  'Fides,'  1875,  MS.,  17  p.  Pre- 
sented to  me  by  John  A.  Swan.  This  is  the  most  detailed  account  of  the  trip 
extant.  See  also  sketch  of  Henry  C.  Smith  in  Lirermore  Enterprise,  Dec.  4, 
1875;  Stockton  Independent,  Dec.  4, 1875;  Halley's  Centennial  BookofAlameda, 
500. 

33  Slitter's  Diary,  6,  announcing  the  arrival  on  Dec.  25th.  Arrival  also 
recorded  Dec.  25th,  in  N.  Helv.  Diary,  MS.,  25-6.  Lawyer  Nash  arrived  on 
the  2Gth. 

34Mcmbers  of  the  Hastings  company  of  1845:  A.  H.  Crosby,  Helm  Down- 
ing, L.  W.  Hastings,  WmN.  Loker,  W.  M.  Mendenhall,  J.  H.  Nash,  Robert 
Semple,  Henry  C.  Smith,  Napoleon  B.  Smith,  and  Ira  (or  J.  B. )  Stebbins.  These 
names  are  given  in  a  letter  of  Sutter  to  Vallejo  on  Dec.  2Gth.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xii.  180;  and  also,  with  13  who  did  not  coinc,  in  Niles'  licg.,  Ixix.  7. 
Mendenhall  is  also  called  William  and  Henry  as  well  as  Philip. 


LIST  OF  NEW  COMERS.  587 

taking  a  prominent  part  in  the  stirring  scenes  of  the 
next  two  years,  and  not  a  few  whose  names  have  been 
well  known  in  later  times.  Almost  all  remained  in 
the  northern  part  of  the  department;  and  few  if  any 
took  steps  to  become  Mexican  citizens.  Those  who 
wished  for  land  hoped  to  obtain  it  without  that  for- 
mality. How  they  were  received  by  the  Californian 
authorities  will  be  told  in  another  chapter.  The  whole 
number  of  foreigners  whose  names  appear  for  the  first 
time  in  this  year's  records  is  over  four  hundred,  and 
this  without  including  the  muster  rolls  of  the  U.  S. 
craft;  but  the  number  of  pioneer  residents  named  in 
the  appended  list  is  one  hundred  and  seventy.35  This 
number  might  be  largely  increased,  and  legitimately 

35 Pioneers  of  1845:  Hiram  Acres,  Charles  Albin,  Francis  Allison,  Horace 
G.  Austin  (?),  0.  cle  Grande  Barque  (?),  James  Barrett,  W.  D.  Barry,  Wm 
Bartel,  Wash.  A.  Bartlett,  Wm  11.  Bassham,  Theo.  E.  Baugh,  J.  G.  Baxter, 
Narcisco  Bennett,  Alex.  Beritzhoff'(?),  Susan  Biggerton,  'Billy  the  Cooper,' 
Joseph  Black,  Wm  Blackburn,  Wm  Bowen,  C.  J.  W.  Braune  (?),  Charles 
Brown,  John  H.  Brown,  Abner  Bryan,  Buchanan,  Thomas  H.  Burgess,  Charles 
L.  Cady  (?),  Geo.  Carter,  S.  U.  Chase,  James  Clymari,  Thomas  Cochran,  Charles 
Cook,  Thomas  Graf  ton,  Philip  Crosthwaite,  Alex.  David,  Jerome  C.  Davis, 
Joseph  Davis,  John  W.  Dawd,  Denny,  Benj.  Dewell,  Jacob  Dopken,  Helms 
Downing,  J.  Dupas,  St  Vrain  Durand,  John  Ellick,  Wm  B.  Elliott,  Lazarus 
Everhart,  Wm  Fallen,  C.  J.  Fellows,  Wm  Fisher,  H.  T.  Flanning,  Fred.  W. 
Franz,  Louis  Gasquet,  John  Gibbs,  Marion  Gibson,  Sam.  Gibson,  Win  B.  Gil- 
dea,  Nic.  Gordon,  James  M.  Green,  James  Gregson,  Calvin  C.  Griffith,  James 
A.  Griffith,  Frank  W.  Grigsby,  Granville  W.  Grigsby,  John  Grigsby,  Julian 
Hanks,  Thomas  Harding,  Wm  Hardy,  Geo.  Haslitt(?),  Jacob  Herman,  Gil- 
man  Hilton,  Francis  Hoen,  T.  W.  Hubbard  (?),  David  Hudson,  Wm  Hudson, 
Dan.  C.  Hugenin,  Dan.  Ide,  James  Ide,  Lemuel  Ide,  Wm  Ide,  Wm  B.  HP, 
Jackson  (?),  Ed.  Johnson  (?),  Julian,  John  H.  Kelley,  Robert  C.  Keyes,  Thomas 
Knight,  Theodore  G.  Kohler,  Milton  Ladd,  Basil  Lajeunesse,  Dan.  Leahy, 
Lnwton  Lee,  John  Lewis,  Frank  Lightstone,  Wm  N.  Loker,  Pat.  McChristian, 
Redding  McCoy,  McDonald,  Alex.  McDonald,  Geo.  McDougall,  James  Mc- 
Dowell, McKenzie(?),  Alex.  Majors  (?),  Henry  Marshall,  James  W.  Marshall, 
John  Marshall,  Wm  Marshall,  Thomas  S.  Martin,  W.  M.  Mendenhall,  Thomas 
Middleton  (?),  JohnB.  Montgomery,  JohnE.  Montgomery,  WmH.  Montgom- 
ery, John  H.  Nash,  John  Neal,  J.  M.  Nichols  (?),  G.  R.  Nightengell  (?),  Sam. 
Norris,  Wm  Northgrave,  Geo.  W.  Nutter,  Wm  O'Connor,  Albert  Packard, 
John  Parrott,  Mary  Patterson,  J.  D.  Perkey,  Perry,  Noah  Peters,  Harvey  Por- 
torfield,  Wm  Reynolds  (?),  Hiram  Rheusaw,  Wm  Rodford,  Geo.  Rodman, 
Geo.  Rodgers,  Charles  Roether,  Horace  Sanders,  John  Scott,  Wm  W.  Scott. 
Frank  Sears,  John  Sears,  Robert  Semple,  Fred.  C.  Smith  (?),  Henry  C.  Smith, 
James  Smith,  Napoleon  B.  Smith,  Sam.  Smith  (?),  Thomas  Smith,  Thomas  J. 
Smith,  Wm  M.  Smith,  Jacob  R.  Snyder,  Henry  Spiel,  Fred  Starke,  Ira  Steb- 
bins,  Swanich,  Win  F.  Swasey,  Anthony  Sylvester,  Win  Thompson,  Lindy 
Thorp,  Wm  L.  Todd,  Henry  Trow,  Sam.  Turner,  Fernando  Tustin,  Wm  J. 
Tustin,  Geo.  Wallace,  J.  Washbum(?),  Wm  T.  Wheeler,  Lewis  Wigman, 
Wm  C.  Wilson  (?),  John  York,  David  York,  Wm  E.  York.  For  biographical 
notices  of  all  these  men,  see  Pioneer  Register  at  end  of  these  volumes. 


588  IMMIGRANT  COMPANIES  AND  PIONEERS. 

enough,  by  adding  all  of  Fremont's  explorers  who 
served  in  California  from  1845  to  1847,  and  also  the 
naval  forces  serving  on  the  coast  for  the  same  period, 
many  of  the  sailors  and  marines  doing  garrison  and 
other  duty  on  shore;  but  I  have  thought  it  best  to 
omit  both  classes  here,  as  being  sufficiently  noticed 
elsewhere.  Ide,  Marshall,  Parrott,  and  Semple  are 
the  men  of  1845  who  became  most  widely  known. 

The  registered  foreign  population  in  1840  has  been 
given  as  380. M  In  later  statements  females  must  be 
excluded  for  lack  of  reliable  data.  In  the  period  of 
1841—5  new-comers  numbered  420,  and  the  foreign 
male  population  at  the  end  of  1845  may  be  regarded 
in  round  numbers  as  680,  the  number  of  departures 
and  deaths  during  the  half-decade  being  approxi- 
mately 120. 

86  See  pp.  115-17  this  volume. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

FOREIGN  RELATIONS. 
1845. 

FOREIGN  CONSULATES — LARKIN,  LEIDESDORFF,  FORBES,  GASQUET,  AND  LA- 
TAILLADE— BRITISH  SCHEMES — NOTHING  BUT  SUSPICIONS — HUDSON'S  BAY 
COMPANY — SUICIDE  OF.RAE — SCHEMES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES — BU- 
CHANAN TO  LARKIN — PLANS  OF  MARSH  AND  WEBER — IMPENDING  WAR — 
ARREST  OF  SMITH — ORDERS  FROM  MEXICO — Pico's  PROCLAMATIONS — 
MILITARY  PREPARATIONS — KIND  TREATMENT  OF  IMMIGRANTS — MEXICAN 
ORDERS  FOR  EXPULSION  OF  AMERICANS — CASTRO  PERMITS  THEM  TO 
REMAIN — AFFAIRS  ON  THE  SACRAMENTO — SUTTER'S  WELCOME  TO  NEW- 
COMERS— THE  RUSSIANS  WANT  THEIR  PAY — SUTTER  WISHES  TO  SELL 
OUT — DIARY  OF  NEW  HELVETIA. 

THOMAS  O.  LARKIN  continued  to  perform  the  duties 
of  U.  S.  consul,  duties  which  consisted  mainly  in  fur- 
nishing aid  to  destitute  American  seamen,  and  writ- 
ing to  the  secretary  of  state  on  the  country's  general 
condition  in  respect  of  commercial  and  political  af- 
fairs.1 In  October  he  went  to  San  Francisco  and 
made  an  attempt  to  bring  the  assailants  of  Captain 
Libbey  to  justice;2  but  otherwise,  none  of  his  diplo- 
matic correspondence  with  Californian  authorities 
requires  notice.  In  October  he  appointed  William 
A.  Leidesdorff  as  vice-consul  at  Yerba  Buena,  which 
appointment  was  recognized  as  valid  by  General  Cas- 

lLarkin'a  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.,  ii.,  passim.  Many  of  the  communica- 
tions on  special  topics  are  noted  elsewhere.  The  financial  accounts  of  his 
office  for  the  year  are  found  in  Id.,  ii.  24,  34-5;  Id.,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  150; 
Monterey,  Consulate  Arch.,  ^18.,  i.  1-15;  ii.  10-18;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,xxxiv. 
178;  Larkin's  Papers,  MS>  Hospital  expenses  for  the  year  were  about  $800, 
and  other  expenses  about  $500;  while  his  fees  amounted  to  less  than  $200. 
He  pretended  to  regard  his  position  as  a  very  burdensome  and  unprofitable 
one. 

2  See  chap,  xxiii.  of  this  volume. 

(689) 


590  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

tro,  who  really  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter; 
but  not  by  Pablo  de  la  Guerra,  administrator  of  cus- 
toms, who  was  supported  in  his  refusal  by  Governor 
Pico.  Meanwhile  Leidesdorff  was  instructed  to  go 
on  with  his  duties  on  board  vessels,  and  get  along  on 
shore  as  best  he  could  until  his  appointment  should 
be  confirmed.3  In  October,  also,  there  was  sent  to 
Lark  in  from  Washington  an  appointment  as  confi- 
dential agent  of  the  U.  S.  government,  which  he  did 
not  receive  till  the  next  year.4 

James  A.  Forbes  did  nothing  as  British  vice-consul 
which  has  left  any  special  trace  in  the  archives;  but 
in  addition  to  his  consular  duties  he  assumed  the 
management  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  estab- 
lishment at  Yerba  Buena,  after  the  death  of  Rae. 
Louis  Gasquet,  acting  consul  of  France  under  an 
appointment  of  earlier  date,  arrived  in  March  by  the 
Primatera  to  take  possession  of  his  office.  His  sal- 
ary was  about  $4,000,  for  which  in  1845  he  made 
some  inquiries  about  the  past  trouble  between  Michel- 
torena's  cholos  and  the  crew  of  the  French  whaler 
Angelina,  also  making  an  effort  to  recover  some  de- 
serters from  the  Heroine.5  On  August  26th  Cesdreo 
Lataillade  was  appointed  vice-consul  of  Spain  to  re- 
side at  Monterey;  but  his  exequatur  was  not  received 
from  Mexico  until  the  next  year.6 

In  his  communications  to  Secretary  Buchanan  and 
to  eastern  newspapers,  Larkin  chose  to  represent  the 

3  Oct.  29th,  Larkin  to  Leidesdorff,  with  appointment.  Larkiri's  Off.  Cor- 
resp.,  MS.,  i.  G6.     Oct.  30th,  Id.  to  prefect  and  Castro.  Id.,  i.  GS-9.     Nov. 
1st,  Castro  approves.  Id.,  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  371.     Nov.  20th,  27th,  Guerra  and 
Pico  disapprove.  Id. ,  iii.  400,  409.     Dec.  ]  at,  Lai-kin  to  Pico.  Id. ,  Off.  Cor- 
resp.,  MS.,  i.  72.     Dec.  6th,  Id.  to  Guerra.  Dept.  St.    Pap.,  MS.,  v.  106-7. 
Jan.  20,  1846,  Larkin  to  Leidesdorff.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.'74. 

4  Oct.  17th,  Buchanan's  /nstruc.,  MS. 

5 March  16th,  arrived  at  S.  Diego.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  92;  Pinto, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  126;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  52.  July  18th,  affair  of  the  de- 
serters. Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  144.  July  10th,  Larkin  to  sec.  state. 
Lai-kin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  26. 

6  Aug.  25-6,  1845,  appointment  and  exequatur.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang., 
MS.,  xi.  173;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  11.  Sept.  2d,  Pavon  to  Guerra. 
Dept  St.  Pap.t  Mont.,  MS.,  viii.  10. 


LAEKIN'S  SUSPICIONS.  591 

maintenance  of  an  English  and  French  consulate  in 
California — where  neither  nation  had  any  commercial 
interests  to  protect,  or  the  slightest  apparent  need  of 
consular  service,  costing  a  salary  of  $4,000  to  Gasquet 
and  $1,000  to  Forbes — as  a  very  suspicious  circum- 
stance. Indeed,  Forbes  was  allowed  to  attend  to  his 
own  private  business  and  that  of  his  company,  rarely 
visiting  Monterey.  "These  consuls  have  nothing  to 
do,  apparently ;  why  they  are  in  service  their  govern- 
ments best  know,  and  Uncle  Sarn  will  know  to  his 
cost."7  This  was  an  extravagant  view  of  the  matter, 
but  it  pleased  the  government  at  Washington,  and  the 
American  press  to  some  extent,  to  accept  the  suspicion 
as  a  legitimate  one,  and  to  believe  that  Gasquet  and 
Forbes  were  plotting  to  wrest  from  Uncle  8am  his 
prospective  prey.8  So  far  as  French  schemes  for  ob- 
taining California  are  concerned,  Gasquet's  presence 
was  the  only  ground  of  fear  known  at  the  time  or  since 
brought  to  light. 

The  fear  that  England  would  seize  the  country 
rested  on  a  slightly  better  foundation;  for  in  the  com- 
munications cited  Larkin  announced  that  the  agent  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  had  presented  a  bill  for 
arms  and  munitions  supplied  to  the  Californians  in 
their  late  struggle;  that  Forbes  raised  his  consular 
flag  for  the  first  time  and  fired  a  salute  on  hearing  of 
Micheltorena's  overthrow;  and  that  now  the  Mexican 
army  about  to  invade  California  was  "without  doubt" 
sent  at  British  instigation,  and  to  be  paid  with  Brit- 
ish gold!  Truly,  these  were  alarming  circumstances, 
if  in  the  troubles  between  California  and  Mexico  the 

7  June-July,  L.'s  letters.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  24-6;  Id.,  Doc., 
MS.,  iii.  335-7;  N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce,  quoted  in  Niles'  fieg.,  Ixix. 
203. 

6 Buchanan,  Instructions,  MS.,  pronounces  the  appearance  of  the  consuls 
'well  calculated  to  produce  the  impression  that  their  respective  governments 
entertain  designs  on  that  country  which  must  necessarily  be  hostile  to  its  in- 
terests. On  all  proper  occasions  you  should  not  fail  prudently  to  warn  the 
govt  and  people  of  Cal.  of  the  danger  of  such  an  enterprise  to  their  peace  and 
prosperity — to  inspire  them  with  a  jealousy  of  European  dominion,  anil  to 
arouse  in  their  bosoms  that  love  of  liberty  and  independence  so  natural  to  the 
Americans  continent'! 


592  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

British  lion  was  disposed  to  roar  on  both  sides.  The 
status  of  the  English  scheme  in  1844  is  already  well 
known  to  the  reader.9  Many  of  the  bond-holders  were 
in  favor  of  taking  Mexican  lands  in  payment;  and 
some  were  in  favor  of  locating  those  lands  in  Califor- 
nia. The  government,  so  far  as  can  be  known,  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  matter,  and  offered  no  encour- 
agement; but  the  men  interested  doubtless  hoped  that, 
if  they  could  secure  a  broad  tract  of  land  and  estab- 
lish on  it  a  large  colony  of  former  British  subjects, 
they  would  eventually  obtain  from  the  government 
such  recognition  and  protection  as  might  be  needed, 
and  that  perhaps  California  might  become  a  British 
province.  So  far  as  evidence  goes — I  have  no  power 
to  penetrate  court  secrets — this  expectation  was  the 
sum  and  substance  of  the  English  bugbear;  and  there 
were  many  tedious  and  difficult  steps  to  be  taken  be- 
fore it  could  be  realized.  The  year  1845  brought  no 
new  developments,  except  that  an  Irish  priest  applied 
in  Mexico  for  a  grant  of  land  to  be  settled  by  a  colony 
of  Irishmen,  and  has  been  accused  of  having  acted  at 
the  instigation  of  the  English  government.  This  Mc- 
Namara  project  was  perhaps  an  outgrowth  of  Wyllie's 
plan,  of  which  we  hear  nothing  more;10  but  it  belongs 
more  properly  to  the  annals  of  the  next  year.  An 
article  in  the  French  papers,  quoted  by  the  London 
Times,  in  which  it  was  stated  that  Santa  Anna  had 
been  on  the  point  of  ceding  California  to  England  for 
25,000,000  piastres,  brought  the  subject  up  in  parlia- 
ment in  March,  when,  in  reply  to  questions  by  Wort- 
ley,  Sir  Robert  Peel  for  the  actual  government,  and 
Lord  Palmerston  for  the  past,  explicitly  denied  that 
the  rumor  had  any  foundation  in  fact.11  There  was 

"See  chap.  xix.  of  this  vol.  for  corresp.  of  Wyllie  and  Hartnell. 

10  In  1 845  Wyllie  was  sec.  for  foreign  affairs  at  Honolulu.     See  his  cor- 
resp. with  Com.  Sloat  and  Admiral  Seymour,  in  Honolulu  Polynesian,  ii.  99- 
100. 

11  Hansard's  Parliamentary  Debates,  Ixxii.  430;  Ixxviii.  430-2.     In  Niles' 
Reg.,  Ixix.  147-8,  ia  an  article  from  the  JV.  Y.  Courier  on  the  evident  inten- 
tion of  England  to  possess  Cal.,  including  a  letter  from  Caleb  Gushing  on  the 
past  history  of  the  matter.     No  evidence  is  presented  with  which  my  readers 


HUDSON'S  BAY  COMPANY.  593 

in  California  the  next  year  a  project  discussed  by  cer- 
tain men — and  it  is  not  unlikely  that  it  was  begun 
before  the  end  of  1845 — to  obtain  an  English  protec- 
torate; but  there  is  no  definite  evidence  on  the  sub- 
ject, which  will  be  fully  considered  later. 

In  relation  to  the  affairs  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Com- 
pany, there  is  the  same  lack  of  records  that  has  been 
noted  before,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  the  hunters 
came  at  all  this  year.  The  most  prominent  event  in 
this  connection,  however,  was  the  suicide  of  William 
G.  Rae,  the  company's  agent  at  San  Francisco,  which 
occurred  on  the  morning  of  January  19th.  Rae,  after 
having  made  a  will  and  taken  an  opiate,  deliberately 
blew  out  his  brains  with  a  pistol-shot,  in  the  presence 
of  his  wife.12  As  to  the  motives  of  this  act,  the  in- 
quest revealed  nothing  beyond  the  fact  that  Rae  had 
been  for  some  time  in  low  spirits.  It  is  supposed, 
however,  that  his  depression  grew  out  of  financial 
troubles,  and  his  failure  to  manage  the  company's 
business  successfully;  and  that  it  was  aggravated  also 
by  the  excessive  use  of  intoxicating  liquors.13  Other 
motives,  both  domestic  and  political  in  their  nature, 

are  not  already  familiar.  The  Monitor  Constit.,  Apr.  16,  1845,  contains  ex- 
tracts from  Amer.  papers  on  reports  that  documents  showing  Sta  Anna's  ne- 
gotiations with  England  had  fallen  into  the  power  of  his  foes  at  Vera  Cruz. 

u  Hoc,  Inves'itjacion  Judicial  sobre  el  Suicidio  del  arjente  de  la  Compania  de 
la  Bahla  de  Hudson  en  Yerba  Bue.ua,  19  de  Enero,  1845,  MS.  This  is  a  rec- 
ord of  the  inquest  held  the  next  day.  It  appears  that  about  8  A.  M. ,  Wm 
Sinclair,  a  servant,  and  Mrs  John  Fuller  were  attracted  by  loud  words  to 
Rae's  rood,  where  they  found  him  with  his  coat  off  and  a  pistol  in  his  hand, 
declaring  his  intention  to  kill  himself.  Mrs  Rae  fainted,  but  Sinclair  suc- 
ceeded in  seizing  the  pistol  .before  it  could  be  discharged,  and  hastened  to  call 
Hinckley.  Rae,  however,  obtained  another  pistol,  probably  from  his  coat  in 
another  room,  and  accomplished  his  purpose,  being  dead  when  Hinckley  and 
the  rest  arrived.  It  was  shown  that  he  had  taken  a  strong  dose  of  camphor- 
ated tincture  of  opium,  or  paregoric,  just  lief  ore  the  act.  The  witnesses  were 
Sinclair,  Mrs  Fuller,  Hinckley,  John  C.  Davis,  John  Rose,  Wm  Reynolds,, 
and  Nathan  Spear,  wao  also  acted  as  examining  surgeon.  Jas  A.  Forbes  pro- 
duced Rae's  will,  or  instructions  for  the  disposition  of  the  company's  prop- 
erty, which  had  been  delivered  to  him  the  day  before,  though  dated  Jan.  20th.. 
The  verdict  was  death  by  suicide. 

13  Phelps,  Fore  and  Aft,  271-5,  speaks  of  him  as  a  hard  drinker,  especially 
after  business  reverses.  Mrs  Rae,  Harvey's  Life  of  McLoughlin,  MS.,  says 
nothing  of  the  suicide  or  its  causes,  but  states  that  the  company's  business 
was  in  a  bad  state,  it  being  impossible  to  collect  debts.  Oct.  3d,  Forbes  com- 
plains of  the  impossibility  of  collecting  the  §15,000  due  the  company.  Dept* 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  G7-70. 

HIST.  CAJL.,  VOL.  IV.    38 


594,  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

have  been  ascribed  with  some  plausibility.  It  is  said 
that  the  Scotch  bon-vivant  had  succumbed  to  the  at- 
tractions of  a  native  Californian  woman,  which  fact 
naturally  led  to  a  quarrel  with  his  wife;  and  the  sit- 
uation was  complicated  by  the  fact  that  it  was  to  his 
wife's  father,  Dr  McLoughlin,  that  he  owed  his  posi- 
tion.14 Larkin  believed  at  the  time  and  later  that  the 
suicide  resulted  mainly  from  the  part  Rae  had  taken 
in  the  revolution  then  in  progress.  He  had  aided  the 
Californians  with  arms  arid  munitions  belonging  to 
the  company,  and  had  been  present  on  the  field  of 
Santa  Teresa.  Now  Micheltorena  seemed  sure  to 
succeed;  and  his  vengeance  was  likely  to  complete  the 
ruin  of  the  company's  establishment,  for  which  he,  by 
reason  of  his  unjustifiable  and  unsuccessful  interfer- 
ence, would  be  held  responsible.15  '  After  Rae's  death 
Forbes  took  charge  of  the  establishment  at  Yerba 
Buena ;  but  there  was  little  to  be  done  except  to  pre- 
pare for  its  abandonment,  which  took  place  the  fol- 
lowing year,  when  McTavish  came  down  on  the  Van- 
couver in  March  1846,  as  agent  with  instructions  to 
sell  the  company's  house,  settle  all  business,  and  re- 
turn to  the  Columbia  by  the  next  vessel,  with  the  re- 
mains, family,  and  effects  of  Rae.16 

I  come  now  to  the  plans  of  the  United  States  re- 
specting California,  or  rather  to  what  was  said  about 

14  Davis,  Glimpses  of  the  Past,  MS. ,  72,  tells  us  that  Rae,  whom  the  writer 
;knew  intimately,  was  a  very  sensitive  man,  and  was  driven  to  his  death  by 
:  shame  and  mortification  when  the  scandal  became  public.     Hittell,  Hist.  S. 
.F.,  90,  also  alludes  to  this  matter,  probably  on  the  authority  of  Leese. 

15  June  6th,  L.  to  sec.  state.  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  23.     Also 
.statement  of  L.  in  8.  F.  Alta,  Aug.  27,  1854.     Robert  Birnie  in  an  Alta  of 

1865  confirms  Larkin's  statement,  and  denies  that  family  troubles  had  any  in- 
fluence. Sutter,  Person,  liemin.,  MS.,  67-8,  says  noone  knew  why  Rae  killed 
himself,  'He  said  to  me  one  day  in  a  fit  of  melancholy,  "It  is  just  fit 
weather  to  cut  one's  throat. " '  In  the  A Ita,  ubi  sup. ,  the  finding  of  Rae's  body 
on  Aug.  26,  1854,  by  workmen  employed  in  digging  for  a  sewer  on  Commer- 
.cial  St  between  Montgomery  and  Kearny  is  mentioned.  The  coffin  had  a 
glass  plate,  and  bore  Rae's  name.  It  was  re-interred  in  Yerba  Buena  ceme- 
tery. In  Barry  and  Patten's  Men  and  Mem.,  23,  the  finding  is  put  in  1852.  I 
have  much  doubt  about  the  identity  of  the  remains  found. 

18  Larkin's  Off,  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  51;  Honolulu  Friend,  iv.  161;  McKay's 


SCHEMES  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  505 

them;  for  1845  brought  no  modifications  in  the  plans 
themselves.  American  writers  spoke  in  the  most 
glowing  terms  of  the  country's  natural  advantages  and 
glorious  destiny.17  They  declared  its  separation  from 
Mexico  inevitable,  were  certain  that  England  was 
straining  every  nerve  to  win  so  valuable  a  prize,  and 
equally  sure  that  the  United  States  must  have  it — 
though  there  were  some  who  hoped  to  see  the  end 
attained  by  purchase  rather  than  by  a  repetition  of 
the  Texan  jugglery.  The  works  of  Hastings  and 
Fremont  having  been  noticed  in  connection  with  the 
visits  that  gave  rise  to  them,  as  also  that  of  the  Rus- 
sian, Markof,  there  are  no  other  books  of  1845  on 
California  that  demand  attention;  but  I  give  in  the 
appended  note  some  quotations  which  reflect  the 
spirit  of  the  times  on  the  matter  now  under  consider- 
ation.18 

1T  Yet  there  were  exceptions.  In  the  Southern  Quarterly  Review,  viii.  199, 
we  read:  'Whether  Cal.  will  ever  become  of  any  groat  importance  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  world,  or  advance  to  any  conspicuous  position  either  agricultur- 
ally, commercially,  or  politically,  is  susceptible  of  the  greatest  doubt. .  .In 
itself  it  has  little  prospect  beyond  a  nerveless  imbecility. .  .Scarcely  a  coun- 
try in  the  world  is  cursed  with  a  soil  more  hopelessly  sterile.  Everything  is 
burned  up  from  want  of  rain.' 

18  Waddy  Thompson,  Recollections  of  Mexico,  N.  Y.,  1847  (preface  signed 
Feb.  1840),  chap.  xxv.  p.  232-41,  formerly  U.  S.  minister  in  Mexico,  says: 
'  I  had  been  consulted  whether  in  the  event  of  a  revolution  in  Cal.  and  its 
successful  result  in  a  separation  from  Mexico,  our  govt  would  consent  to  sur- 
render their  claims  to  Oregon,  and  that  Or.  and  Cal.  should  constitute  an 
independent  republic.  I  of  course  had  no  authority  to  answer  the  question.' 
California  '  is  literally  a  waif,  and  belongs  to  the  first  occupant. .  .Capt.  Suter 
is  the  real  sovereign  of  the  country  if  .any  one  is. .  .1  have  no  doubt  his  force 
would  be  more  than  a  match  for  any  Mexican  force  which  will  ever  be  sent 
against  him ...  I  am  well  satisfied  that  there  is  not  on  this  continent  any 
country  of  the  same  extent  as  little  desirable  as  Oregon,  nor  any  in  the  world 
which  combines  as  many  advantages  as  Cal. .  .If  man  were  to  ask  of  God  a 
climate,  he  would  ask  just  such  a  one  as  that  of  Cal.,  if  he  had  ever  been 
there. .  .The  richest  mines  of  gold  and  silver  have  been  discovered  there!. . . 
I  will  riot  say  what  is  our  policy  in  regard  to  Cal.  Perhaps  it  is  that  it  re- 
main in  the  hands  of  a  weak  power  like  Mexico,  and  that  all  the  maritime 
powers  may  have  the  advantage  of  its  ports.  But  one  thing  I  will  say,  that 
it  will  be  worth  a  war  of  20  years  to  prevent  England  acquiring  it,  which  I 
have  the  best  reasons  for  believing  she  desires  to  do,  and  just  as  good  reasons 
for  believing  that  she  will  not  do  if  it  costs  a  war  with  this  country ...  I  want 
no  more  territory,  for  we  have  already  too  much.  If  I  were  to  make  an  ex- 
ception, it  would  be  to  acquire  Cal.  But  I  should  grieve  to  see  that  country 
pass  into  the  hands  of  England. .  .1  am  by  no  means  sure  that  another  sister 
republic  there . . .  will  not  be  best  for  us ...  Whenever  the  foreigners  in  Cal. 
make  the  movement,  it  must  succeed.'  The  author  did  not  believe  there 
would  be  a  war  on  account  of  the  Texas  matter. 

The  N.  0.  Courier  says  'Cal.  is  destined  erelong  to  be  annexed  to  the  U. 


59G  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

And  I  can  do  no  better  than  to  quote  in  my  text  a 
letter  of  James  Buchanan,  secretary  of  state  under 
President  Polk,  to  Thomas  O.  Larkin,  written  in 
October,  at  the  same  time  that  Lieutenant  Gillespie 
was  sent  to  California.  "The  future  destiny  of  that 
country,"  says  Buchanan,  "is  a  subject  of  anxious 
solicitude  for  the  government  and  people  of  the  United 
States.  The  interests  of  our  commerce  and  our  whale- 
fisheries  on  the  Pacific  demand  that  you  should  exert 
the  greatest  vigilance  in  discovering  and  defeating 
any  attempts  which  may  be  made  by  foreign  govern- 
ments to  acquire  a  control  over  that  country.  In  the 
contest  between  Mexico  and  California  we  can  take 
no  part,  unless  the  former  should  commence  hostilities 

S.;'  on  which  the  N.  0.  Tropic  comments:  '  If  any  evidence  were  wanting  to 
show  the  spirit  of  aggression  and  national  plunder  which  has  seized  upon  the 
minds  of  a  portion  of  our  people,  the  foregoing  paragraph  supplies  it;  in  abun- 
dance. .  .What  we  feared  has  come  to  pass;  and  before  the  details  of  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  are  settled,  we  see  influential  journals  calling  out  for  the 
annexation  of  Cal.  And  how,  pray,  is  this  proposal  to  be  brought  about? 
The  country,  one  of  the  best  in  the  world,  is  represented  in  glowing  colors, 
and  American  citizens  are  induced  to  emigrate.  That  thousands  will  accept 
the  invitation,  it  requires  no  seer  to  tell.  The  American  population  will  soon 
be  sufficiently  numerous  to  play  the  Texas  game !  The  standard  of  revolt  will 
be  raised — the  govt  will  be  overthrown — the  cry  of  "liberty"  will  be  raised 
in  this  country,  and  thousands  of  the  young  and  adventurous  will  fly  to  the 
relief  of  their  oppressed  countrymen  in  Cal. !  Mexico  will  be  unable  to  reduce 
her  refractory  province  to  obedience,  and  another  "Lone  Star  Republic  "will 
spring  up  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific.  A  little  while  longer  the  "  Republic 
of  California"  will  be  knocking  at  our  doors;  and  we  shall  have  the  absurd 
cry  of  re-annexation.  It  will  be  all  right  of  course;  it  will  only  be  "extend- 
ing the  area  of  freedom  " — but  will  the  spirit  of  robbery  stop  in  its  rapacious 
career?'  etc.  Nile*'  Rey.,  Ixviii.  162. 

'  We  lay  it  down  as  an  axiom — to  be  enforced  by  war  if  necessary — that 
when  Mexico  ceases  to  own  Cal.  it  must  constitute  an  integral  part  of  the 
American  Union.'  N.  Y.  Courier,  in  Id.,  Ixix.  147.  'Albert  M.  Gilliam,  late 
U.  S.  Consul  at  Cal.,  is  of  opinion  that  it  must  soon  fall  into  the  hands  of 
the  American  race,  and  that  a  railroad  direct  from  S.  F.  might  be  made  to 
great  advantage.'  Id.,  Ixix.  203.  The  same  number  contains  Larkin 's  letter 
of  July,  taken  from  the  N.  Y.  Journal  of  Commerce,  in  which  he  gives  a  de- 
scription of  current  affairs  calculated  to  promote  immigration  and  create  fears 
of  English  designs.  He  incorrectly  represents  the  Californians  as  preparing 
to  resist  an  expedition  to  be  sent  against  them  at  English  expense  and"  insti- 
gation. In  Id. ,  Ixix.  244-5,  is  an  article  from  the  Baltimore  Patriot,  in  which 
the  writer,  evidently  Dr  Wood  of  the  U.  S.  navy,  says:  '  I  think  I  can  foresee 
in  the  inevitable  destiny  of  this  territory  one  of  the  most  efficient  fortresses 
from  which  new  and  liberal  are  to  combat  old  and  despotic  institutions. 
Circumstances  known  to  me  here  assure  me  that  Great  Britain,  as  the  watch- 
dog of  despotism,  sees  the  same  thing,  and  is  ready  to  arouse  every  energy  to 
impede  such  a  result.  If  the  view  I  present  is  correct,  it  would  indicate  our 
policy  in  case  of  belligerent  relations.' 


BUCHANAN'S  LETTER.  597 

against  the  United  States;  but  should  California 
assert  and  maintain  her  independence,  we  shall  render 
her  all  the  kind  offices  in  our  power  as  a  sister 
republic."  While  the  exercise  of  compulsion  or 
improper  influence  to  acquire  territory  would  be 
repugnant  to  the  sentiments  of  the  president,  "he 
could  not  view  with  indifference  the  transfer  of  Cali- 
fornia to  Great  Britain  or  any  other  European  power. 
The  system  of  colonization  by  foreign  monarchies  on 
the  North  American  continent  must  and  will  be 
resisted  by  the  United  States."  This  is  in  reply  to 
Larkin's  communications  of  Julv,  and  the  writer 

*j   * 

agrees  that  the  presence  of  Forbes  and  Gasquet 
affords  grounds  for  grave  suspicions.  He  urges 
Larkin  to  incite  the  Californians  against  foreign  de- 
signs, and  continues:  "Whilst  I  repeat  that  this 
government  does  not  under  existing  circumstances 
intend  to  interfere  between  Mexico  and  California" — 
there  was  as  my  reader  knows  no  present  controversy 
between  the  two,  though  it  had  suited  Larkin's 
purposes  to  represent  the  contrary — "they  would 
vigorously  interfere  to  prevent  the  latter  from  becom- 
ing a  British  or  French  colony.  In  this  they  might 
surely  expect  the  aid  of  the  Californians  themselves. 
Whilst  the  president  will  make  no  effort  and  use  no 
influence  to  induce  the  Californians  to  become  one  of 
the  free  and  independent  states  of  this  Union,  yet  if 
the  people  should  desire  to  unite  their  destiny  with 
ours,  they  would  be  received  as  brethren,  whenever 
this  can  be  done  without  affording  Mexico  any  just 
cause  of  complaint.  Their  true  policy  for  the  present 
in  regard  to  this  question  is  to  let  events  take  their 
own  course,  unless  an  attempt  should  be  made  to 
transfer  them  without  their  consent  either  to  Great 
Britain  or  France.  This  they  ought  to  resist  by  all 
the  means  in  their  power,  as  ruinous  to  their  best 
interests  and  destructive  of  their  freedom  and  inde- 
pendence." Buchanan  concludes  by  appointing  Larkin 
a  confidential  agent  of  the  government,  expressing 


598  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

confidence  in  his  patriotism  and  discretion,  recom- 
mending caution  so  as  not  to  alarm  the  other  foreign 
agents,  and  referring  him  to  Gillespie,  with  whom  he 
is  to  cooperate.19 

The  prospect  of  a  war  with  Mexico,  as  a  means 
of  obtaining  California,  was  hardly  alluded  to  in 
the  writings  which  I  have  cited,  though  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  was  approved  by  congress  in 
March;  the  territory  was  formally  admitted  as  a  state 
in  December;  and  Mexico  had  repeatedly  threatened 
war  on  this  ground.  It  was  not  generally  believed 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  in  the  United  States,  that 
there  would  be  war,  Mexican  threats  being  regarded 
as  mere  bluster.  It  was  even  thought  that  Slidell, 
the  newly  appointed  minister,  would  succeed  in  fixing 
the  national  boundaries  amicably,  and  that  he  went  to 
Mexico  authorized  to  pay  a  round  sum  for  California.20 
Should  this  project  fail,  then  California  must  come 
into  the  Union  by  the  Texan  filibustering  methods. 

In  California,  meanwhile,  the  Americans  had  noth- 
ing to  do  but  wait — politically  speaking.  Many  of 
the  new-comers  of  the  last  two  years  were  ready 
enough  to  revolt;  but  so  kindly  were  they  treated  by 
the  Californians,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  and  so  ob- 
viously unfounded  were  the  rumors  of  intended  op- 
pression occasionally  circulated,  that  no  pretext  for  a 
rising  could  be  found.21  The  only  attempt  at  organ- 
ized action  on  the  part  of  foreign  residents  during  the 
year  was  one  which,  though  not  clearly  explained, 
was  apparently  not  intended  to  have  any  revolution- 
ary meaning.  It  was  a  call  issued  at  San  Josd,  March 
27th,  to  all  foreigners  residing  in  northern  California, 
who  were  invited  to  assemble  at  the  pueblo  the  4th  of 
July.  It  was  written  by  Marsh  and  signed  by  twenty- 

19  Oct.  17th,  Buchanan's  Instructions.    Original  MS. 

20  American  Review,  Jan.  1846,  iii.  82;  Nites'  Reg. ,  Dec.  1845,  Ixix.  244. 

21 A  Mexican  writer  in  the  Die.  Univ.,  viii.  157;  Guerra,  Apuntes,  353, 
pictures  the  Americans  as  having  been  scattered  through  Cal.  awaiting  the 
signal  to  commence  a  war  of  usurpation.  This  was  by  no  means  true  of  all 
or  even  most. 


A  CALL  TO  FOREIGNERS.  599 

three  names.22  The  object,  as  expressed  in  the  docu- 
ment itself  and  as  explained  by  Weber,  was  to  promote 
union  among  the  foreigners,  and  to  prevent  their  tak- 
ing sides — especially  different  sides — in  Californian 
quarrels  as  they  had  done  in  the  late  troubles.  Weber 
adds  that  the  organization  was  designed  ultimately  to 
result  in  wresting  northern  California  from  Mexican 
rule  and  making  it,  like  Texas,  an  independent  state. 
It  is  not  likely,  however,  that  the  plan  had  yet  as- 
sumed so  definite  a  form.  The  main  idea  evidently 
was  to  prevent  foreigners  from  wasting  their  strength 
and  to  prepare  the  way  for  united  action  whenever  it 
might  be  deemed  necessary.  I  can  hardly  believe 
that  Marsh  and  Weber  were  planning  an  actual  revolt, 
though  there  were  many  who  favored  such  a  course. 
The  meeting  of  July  4th  was  not  held;  or  if  so,  was 
not  largely  attended,  and  accomplished  nothing  that 
is  known.  That  Marsh's  brain  was  teeming  with  the 
politics  of  the  future  is  shown,  as  also  the  general 
drift  of  his  schemes  and  those  of  others,  by  the  ap- 
pended extracts  from  a  letter  to  Larkin.'23 

M  'The  undersigned,  in  common  with  all  other  foreignera  with  whom  they 
have  been  able  to  communicate  personally,  being  very  desirous  to  promote  the 
union,  harmony,  and  best  interests  of  all  the  foreigners  resident  in  California, 
have  thought  that  this  desirable  object  can  be  best  attained  by  a  meeting  of 
some  individuals  from  each  of  the  different  districts  of  the  northern  part  of 
the  country.  We  therefore  hereby  invite  all  persons  of  foreign  birth,  whether 
naturalized  or  not,  to  send  two  or  more  of  their  number  to  represent  them  in 
a  meeting  to  be  held  in  the  pueblo  de  San  Jos6  on  the  4th  day  of  July  next. 
It  is  considered  to  be  very  desirable  that  Monterey,  Sta  Cruz,  Yerba  Buena, 
Sonoma,  and  the  district  of  the  Sacramento  should  be  fully  represented.  In 
the  mean  time  we  think  it  will  be  obvious  to  every  man  of  sense  on  reflection 
that  the  foreigners  ought  carefully  to  refrain  from  taking  any  part  either  in 
•word  or  deed  in  any  movement  of  a  political  nature  that  may  take  place  in 
the  country  (amongst  native  Mexicans).  Pueblo  of  St  Joseph.  March  27, 1845. 
John  Marsh,  Charles  Ma  Weber,  Wm  Gulnac,  Peter  Daveson,  John  Burton, 
Geo.  W.  Bellomy,  James  W.  Weeks,  John  Daubenbiss,  Thomas  G.  Bowen, 
Benj.  Washburn,  Danell  Milner,  Peter  Hegarty,  Geo.  A.  Ferguson,  James 
Rock,  Thomas  Jones,  Willard  Buzzell,  H.  M.  Pierce,  John  Hames,  Wm 
Knight,  Daniel  Fisher,  George  Fraezher,  Tomas  Cole,  Guillermo  G.  Chard.' 
Fac-simile  from  the  original  in  possession  of  Weber,  in  S.  Joaquin  Co.  Hist, 
19.  Also  printed  in  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  13-14;  8.  Jos6  Pioneer,  March  6,  1880. 
The  same  works  contain  letters  of  Gen.  Cnstro  of  April  12th,  15th,  appointing 
Weber  a  captain  of  auxiliary  infantry,  one  of  which  is  also  in  Halleck's  Mex. 
Land  Laws,  MS. 

23  'It  seems  that  the  attention  of  the  world  is  at  last  being  attracted 
towards  Cal.  and  Oregon.  I  agree  with  you  entirely  that  the  two  countries 
must  ultimately  be  united  to  form  one  independent  nation;  but  I  believe  they 


600  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

The  war  threatened  by  Mexico  in  consequence  of 
the  annexation  of  Texas  was  a  prominent  topic  in 
California,  though,  as  we  have  seen,  it  did  not  enter 
very  largely  as  yet  into  current  American  specula- 
tions respecting  the  future  of  that  country.  Perhaps 
the  Californian  people  had  not  much  greater  faith 
that  there  would  be  a  war  than  was  entertained  in  the 
States;  but  the  authorities  were  Mexican,  and  as  such 
had  to  believe  officially  all  that  Mexico  threatened, 
besides  really  sharing  to  a  considerable  extent  in  the 
popular  indignation  against  the  United  States  for  the 
policy  observed  in  Texan  affairs.  I  need  not  repeat 
here  what  has  been  said  of  Mexican  measures  of  the 
year  concerning  California,24  though  most  of  these 
measures  were  adopted  with  sole  reference  to  defence 
against  American  invasion ;  but  I  may  state  that  there 
came  from  the  supreme  government  repeated  warnings 
that  war  was  to  be  declared,  with  the  corresponding 
orders  to  put  the  department  in  a  state  of  defence; 
and  that  rumors  to  the  same  effect  arrived  even  in 
advance  of  such  definite  orders.26  It  should  also  be 

will  first  be  united  to  f  onn  an  integral  part  of  the  great  and  glorious  republic, 
etc.  It  must  all  be  united,  not  only  Cal.  and  the  region  between  this  and 
the  Columbia,  but  it  must  extend  far  north  of  that  river,  to  the  49th  parallel 
at  least. .  .1  am  informed  by  intelligent  persons  from  the  Wallamette,  that 
the  inhabitants  there  were  desirous  to  unite  with  Cal.  Last  winter  some  of 
the  principal  men  of  Cal.  expressed  a  wish  to  me  to  unite  their  destinies  per- 
manently with  those  of  the  people  of  Oregon,  and  wished  to  know  whether  in 
my  opinion  a  proposition  of  the  kind  would  be  well  received.  I  thought  it 
would  be  acceptable.  If  you  should  think  proper,  it  might  not  be  amiss  to  feel 
Alvarado's  pulse  a  little  on  this  subject.  I  merely  suggest  this.  Well,  then, 
suppose  a  union  between  Cal.  and  Oregon — that  nature  itself  has  clearly 
pointed  out,  and  the  course  of  events  will,  I  think,  render  inevitable — the 
cupidity  of  the  H.  B.  Co.  and  the  ambition  and  intrigues  of  the  British  govt 
will  be  exerted  in  vain  to  prevent  it.'  He  then  pictures  the  glorious  future 
of  the  country,  with  its  metropolis  on  the  bay — perhaps  at  S.  Jos6 — speaks  of 
the  numerous  immigrants  coming,  thinks  the  current  abuse  of  Cal.  by  inter- 
ested parties  in  Oregon  can  do  no  harm,  and  promises  to  write  on  Cal.  for  the 
Eastern  papers,  as  Larkin  had  suggested.  Aug.  12th,  M.  to  L.  Larkin'sDoc., 
MS.,  iii.  247. 

2<  See  chap.  xxii.  of  this  vol. 

25  April  1st,  Garcia  Conde  to  com.  gen.  Texas  annexed;  war  necessary; 
be  on  guard  to  avoid  surprise  and  resist  invasion.  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  2-3.  April  3d,  Cuevas  to  gov.,  on  the  arrest  of  Stephen  Smith;  hostili- 
ties to  be  expected  from  the  U.  S. ;  use  all  precautions.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.  41-2.  May  14th-19th,  reports  of  war  between  U.  S.  and  Mex.  brought 
unofficially  by  the  Maria  Teresa.  Leg.  Sec.,  MS.,  iv.  56;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  Cust.-H.,  MS.,  vi.  [479].  June  7th,  Mexican  decree  for  raising  a  corps 


JUNTA  AT  MONTEREY.  601 

recorded  that  Stephen  Smith  of  Bodega,  being  at  San 
Bias  in  March,  was  arrested  as  he  was  about  to  sail 
in  the  Julia  Ann  on  a  charge  of  being  concerned  in  a 
scheme  to  declare  California  independent  under  the 
protection  of  the  United  States.  There  being  no 
proofs  against  him,  he  was  released  and  permitted  to 
return  home,  where  the  authorities  were  directed  to 
watch  him.26 

In  consequence  of  rumors  brought  by  the  Maria 
Teresa,  a  junta  of  officers  was  held  at  Monterey  the 
24th  of  May,  at  which  the  most  patriotic  sentiments 
were  expressed  by  Alvarado  and  others,  and  Castro 
was  authorized  to  send  a  vessel  to  Acapulco  for  news 
and  aid.27  Jose  M.  Castanares  was  soon  sent  on  this 
mission,  as  we  shall  see.  On  August  7th  the  assem- 
bly was  convoked  in  special  session  to  consider  a  com- 
munication from  General  Castro,  with  reports  that 
war  had  probably  been  declared.  The  reports  had 
been  brought  to  San  Francisco  by  a  U.  S.  man-of- 
war,  which  vessel  was  said  not  to  have  fired  the  usual 
salute,  a  circumstance  in  itself  deemed  suspicious. 
After  reference  to  a  committee  and  six  days  of  delib- 

of  '  defensores  de  las  leyestfindependencia.'  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,ii.  31-2,  178; 
Leg.  Rec.,  MS. ,  iv.  280.  July  9th,  min.  of  rel.  to  gov.  on  same  subject.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xi.  162;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  7-8.  July  16th,  Gar- 
cia Conde  to  com.  gen.  The  govt  is  resolved  to  declare  war;  will  initiate  the 
measure  in  the  chambers  to-morrow;  will  excite  popular  patriotism.  Prepare 
troops  for  active  service.  Id.,  xviii.  21-3.  July  10th,  orders  to  gov.  and  gen. 
to  prevent  the  entry  of  immigrants.  Id.,  xviii.  8.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  152. 
July  19th,  orders  to  Castro  and  Vallejo  to  'proceed  forth  with  to  put  all  towns 
of  the  dept  in  a  state  of  defence.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  46;  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xii.  144.  July  16th,  Cuevas  to  gov.  See  that  the  defensores  render 
due  service,  so  that  the  national  army  may  be  available  in  the  Texan  affair. 
Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  9.  July  23d,  men  to  be  raised  for  war.  Id., 
xviii.  11.  Aug.  22d,  stock,  produce,  etc.,  on  the  coast  to  be  removed  to  a 
place  of  safety.  A  close  watch  to  be  kept.  Id.,  xviii.  10.  Aug.  27th,  unite 
the  forces  for  a  march  to  the  frontier.  /(/.,  xviii.  11.  Sept.  4th,  payment  of 
the  defensores  to  be  stopped.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  i.  103.  Dec.  24th, 
gov.  authorized  to  arrest  any  persons  whose  conduct  seems  to  require  it. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vii.  33;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  14.  Some  of 
these  orders  were  of  course  general  routine  ones,  issued  to  other  departments 
as  well. 

26  April  6th,  Aug.  6th,  Cuevas  to  gov.    June  llth,  Parga  at  Tepic  to  Gov. 
Corona.   Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  40-2;  Niles'  Reg.,  Ixix.  65.     I  have  no 
other  evidence  that  Capb.  Smith  left  CaL  at  all. 

27  Amiga  del  Pueblo,  July  30,  1845.      A  full  report  with  names  of  27 
signers. 


602  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

eration,  the  assembly  decided  that  war  was  imminent, 
and  authorized  the  governor  to  organize  and  arm  the 
militia,  calling  on  the  general  for  funds  from  his  two 
thirds  of  the  revenues!  and  to  dispose  of  the  officers 
in  active  service  as  might  be  required;  and  when  an 
official  announcement  of  war  should  be  received,  to 
call  on  the  people  to  defend  their  homes,  consulting 
the  general  respecting  a  plan  of  action.  This  resolu- 
tion was  published  by  Pico  in  a  bando  of  August 
27th,  perhaps  after  Castro  had  received  the  orders 
dated  in  Mexico  on  April  1st,  though  this  is  not  cer- 
tain.23 With  this  bando  was  published  an  appeal  to 
the  people  to  be  firm  and  united  in  defence  of  their 
country,  a  document  which  contained  a  special  exhor- 
tation not  to  forfeit  under  any  circumstances  the  Cal- 
ifornian  reputation  for  hospitality,  by  any  act  of  op- 
pression toward  foreigners  residing  peacefully  in  the 
country.29  There  were  some  slight  efforts  made  to 
organize  the  militia,  about  which  we  know  only  that 
before  the  end  of  August  they  resulted  in  a  quarrel 
between  Alvarado  and  the  civil  authorities  of  Mon- 
terey district.30 

Early  in  September  came  the  Mexican  despatches 
of  June  and  July,  including  a  reglamento  for  militia 
organization,  and  a  definite  announcement  that  war 
would  be  declared  immediately.  At  the  same  time 
there  arrived  Andre's  Castillero  as  a  commissioner  to 
make  preparations  for  the  reception  of  a  military  force 

28  Aug.  7th,  llth,  13th,  acts  of  the  assembly.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  108-12, 
280.     Aug.  27th,  Pico's  bando  in  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  107;  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xxxiv.  151.     Aug.  30th,  Pico  to  Vallejo,  ordering  him  to  organize  his 
regiment  and  be  ready  for  the  news  of  war.     Great  confidence  expressed  in 
the  colonel's  zeal  and  patriotism.  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  115.     Aug.  10th, 
Jones  writes,  '  Castro  is  still  at  the  capital  raising  a  force  composed  of  all 
the  robbers  and  cut-throats  he  can  collect.     He  has  had  the  audacity  to  re- 
port that  Mexico  is  at  war  with  the  U.  S.'  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  243. 

29  Aug.  27th,   Pico  to  the  people.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  20;  Doc.  Hist.  Col., 
MS.,  ii.  106.     '  Fellow-citizens!    United  we  shall  be  able  to  save  our  country 
in  its  time  of  need. ' 

3jAug.  2Sth-30th,  Doc.  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  ii.  109,  112-13,  119.  It  appears 
that  the  right  of  enlisting  men  belonged  to  the  civil  authorities,  and  Alva- 
rado forced  some  men  into  the  ranks  against  their  will.  Caatro  came  to 
Monterey  and  restored  harmouy. 


PATRIOTISM.  603 

that  was  soon  to  follow  under  Iniestra.31  Pico  pub- 
lished these  orders  in  due  form  September  9th-13th; 
declared  the  decree  of  August  void  so  far  as  it  con- 
flicted with  the  new  reglamento  respecting  the  organ- 
ization of  the  defensores;  and  issued  a  new  procla- 
mation to  the  people,  calling  upon  them,  in  the  usual 
flowery  and  extravagant  terms,  to  'fly  to  arms' for 
the  defence  of  their  beloved  pat ria  against  the  attacks 
of  a  foreign  usurper.32  The  flight  to  arms  was  by  no 
means  instantaneous  or  universal;  but  a  few  young 
men  were  enrolled  as  defensores  despite  the  lack  of  a 
cordial  understanding  and  cooperation  between  the 
governor  and  general.33  At  the  end  of  the  year  all 
were  waiting,  more  in  curiosity  than  terror,  for  the 
news  that  war  had  been  declared,  for  the  appearance 
of  the  invaders,  or  for  the  coming  of  Iniestra's  Mexi- 
can army.  Meanwhile  Castro  had  made  a  tour  in 
the  north  to  learn  the  attitude  of  foreign  residents,  to 
receive  assurances  of  patriotic  zeal  from  the  magnates 
of  Sonoma  and  New  Helvetia,  and  to  confirm,  by  su- 
perior orders,  Vallejo's  military  jurisdiction  over  the 
whole  linea  del  norte.34 

31  Sept.  1.3th,  Castillero  to  Pico,  with  Iniestra's  instructions.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  37-8. 

3*  Sept.  9th,  Pico  publishes  the  printed  circular  and  reglamento  of  June 
4th,  7th.  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  31-2;  Reglamento  de  Defensores  de  la  In- 
dejiendencia  y  de  las  Leyes,  7  de  Junio,  1845,  MS. ;  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  S.  Jose,  MS. , 
vi.  38-40.  Sept.  9th,  Pico's  procl.  to  the  people.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii. 
141;  Estudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  92.  Sept.  12th,  Pico  to  general  and  to  pre- 
fects, enclosing  Mexican  order  of  July  10th  on  the  prevention  of  immigration, 
of  which  I  shall  speak  again.  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  152;  Sup.  Govt  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  xviii.  8.  Sept.  13th,  Pico  to  gen.  and  prefect,  enclosing  reglamento, 
and  exhorting  them  to  active  cooperation.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  148-9. 

83 Some  unimportant  records  of  Oct.,  including  methods  of  enlistment, 
quarrels  about  the  military  fuero,  local  complaints  of  abuses.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  vi.  59;  viii.  13-17;  Monterey,  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.  10;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i. 
1G7;  8.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  2;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  188.  Oct.  8th, 
Pico's  bando  establishing  registers  for  the  enrolment  of  defensores.  13  arti- 
cles. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  117-18.  Published  at  Monterey  Dec. 
24th.  Torre,  Reminiscencias,  MS.,  128-9,  tells  us  that  all  munitions  of  war 
were  removed  from  Monterey  to  Alizal  rancho  either  as  a  precaution  against 
the  Americans  or  against  Pico. 

s*Nov.  llth,  Castro  delegates  his  powers  to  V.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii. 
151.  Sept.  29th,  Larkin  to  sec.  state.  'The  gov.  has  ordered  the  militia  to 
prepare  for  war  with  the  U.  S. ;  the  farmers  are  likewise  ordered  to  drive 
their  cattle  away  from  the  coast;  neither  of  which  has  been  done,  nor  do  I 
suppose  they  will  be.  The  general  has  here  about  150  soldiers,  mostly  boya 


604  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1345. 

Notwithstanding  the  bitter  feeling  entertained  in 
Mexico  against  Americans,  the  imminence  of  national 
hostilities,  and  the  warlike  nature  of  the  orders  sent 
to  the  north,  immigrants  to  California  from  the  United 
States  were  still  received  with  the  greatest  hospitality 
and  kindness,  though  in  most  cases  they  entered  the 
country  illegally,  and  in  many  were  not  backward  in 
declaring  their  disregard  or  contempt  for  all  Mexican 
formalities  of  law.  The  supreme  government  had 
perhaps  some  ground  for  blaming  the  Californian  au- 
thorities for  the  manner  in  which  they  enforced  the 
laws,  or  failed  to  enforce  them;  but  the  immigrants 
had  no  cause  of  complaint  whatever.  There  was  not 
in  1845  the  slightest  sign  of  disposition  to  oppress 
foreigners  in  any  way.  There  were  rumors,  fomented 
by  men  who  desired  an  outbreak,  and  circulated  among 
new-comers  on  every  route,  of  an  intention  to  drive 
out  all  Americans;  but  these  rumors  were  unfounded, 
and  were  credited  only  by  the  ignorant,  who  did  not 
come  personally  in  contact  with  the  natives,  and  who 
never  could  understand  that  the  Spaniards,  as  they 
were  called,  had  any  rights  in  their  own  country. 
"The  Spaniards  were  becoming  troublesome"! — is  a 
common  remark  of  old  pioneers,  who  justify  their  ac- 
tion of  the  next  year  by  dwelling  on  the  growing  jeal- 
ousy and  hatred  of  the  people  toward  Americans;  but 
all  evidence  to  be  drawn  from  correspondence  of  the 
time  shows  that  not  only  were  the  people  still  friendly, 
but  that  the  authorities,  far  from  being  hostile,  were 
even  more  careless  than  in  former  years  about  enforc- 
ing legal  formalities  in  connection  with  passports,  nat- 
uralization, and  land  grants. 

In  April,  Castro,  appointing  Weber  a  captain  of 
militia,  calling  upon  him  to  aid  in  the  defence  of 
the  country  against  foreign  aggression  and  Indian 

pressed  into  the  ranks;  others  whom  he  pressed  the  alcaldes  sent  home  to 
their  parents.'  Larkin's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  27.  Dec.  26th,  P.  Duran  to 
Pico;  writes:  'Por  lo  que  toca  d  la  politica  yo  voy  de  acuerdo  con  los  doctores 
politicos  que  creen  que  no  tardaremos  en  ser  objeto  de  conquista  estrangera.' 
Arch.,  Arzob,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  C3. 


HOSPITALITY  TO  AMERICANS.  605 

raids,  and  directing  him  to  investigate  the  views  of 
resident  foreigners  and  the  legality  of  their  entry,  was 
emphatic  in  his  declaration  that  peaceful,  law-abiding 
foreigners  would  be  fully  protected.35  In  June,  he  as- 
sured Larkin  of  his  willingness  to  allow  the  entry  of 
Americans  from  the  Sandwich  Islands,  although  their 
passports  were  not  in  accordance  with  the  latest  in- 
structions from  Mexico.36  And  in  August,  as  we  have 
seen,  Pico,  in  calling  upon  the  people  to  arm  in  defence 
of  their  country  against  the  United  States,  declared 
that  under  no  circumstances  must  foreign  residents  be 
treated  otherwise  than  with  the  hospitality  charac- 
teristic of  Californians.37 

In  September,  however,  with  a  more  positive  an- 
nouncement of  impending  war,  and  news  of  a  Mexican 
force  en  route  for  California,  there  came  a  positive 
order  from  Mexico — and  a  very  proper  order  under 
the  circumstances,  it  must  be  confessed — that  the  entry 
of  American  immigrants  from  Oregon  and  Missouri 
must  not  be  permitted.33  The  orders  were  duly  cir- 

35  April  12th,  C.  to  W.  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  14;  Halleck's Mex.  Land  Laws,  MS. 
'  If  any  of  the  foreigners  who  participated  in  the  movement  of  Sutter  should 
desire  to  settle  permanently  in  Cal.,  and  feel  doubtful  of  the  protection  of  the 
govt,  you  may  freely  offer  to  all  whom  you  may  find  useful  and  industrious, 
all  the  guaranties  they  may  desire  for  establishing  themselves  in  this  depart- 
ment and  for  living  securely  in  the  exercise  of  their  respective  occupations. 
You  will  also  inform  them  that  the  friendly  feeling  of  this  office  toward  them 
is  already  secured  to  them,'  by  the  treaty  of  S.  Fernando;  'and  you  may  as- 
sure all  those  referred  to  in  that  document,  as  well  as  any  other  foreigners  re- 
siding on  the  frontier,  that  they  shall  receive  all  the  protection  within  the 
scope  of  my  authority. ' 

36' June  6th,  L.  to  sec.  state.  Larkiri's  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  ii.  23. 

37  Aug.  27th,  Pico's  procl.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  106. 

38  Order  of  July  10th,  published  in  Cal.  Sept.  12th.     The  min.  of  rel.  saya 
to  Pico:  '  The  introduction  into  the  department  of  families  which,  from  the 
Missouri  and  Columbia  are  settling  in  the  new  Oregon ' — that  is,  the  diversion 
of  the  Or.  immigration  to  Cal. — 'must  produce  inconveniences  which,  by  their 
nature,  cannot  fail  to  cause  a  subversion  of  order,  to  complicate  our  foreign 
relations,  and  to  create  other  embarrassments  which  will  retard  the  progress 
of  the  constitutional  regime.     The  president  has  his  attention  fixed  on  that 
department;  desires  to  consolidate  in  it  peace  and  union;  and  to  remove  all 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  so  praiseworthy  an  object.     Believing,  therefore,  that 
among  other  means  to  that  end,  one  should  be  that  of  preventing  the  entry 
of  said  families,  he  orders  me  to  say  this  to  you,  in  order  that  you  may  issue 
the  most  positive  orders  to  that  effect.'  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  152;  Sup.  Govt 
St.  Pup.,  MS.,  xviii.  8.     Sept.  9th,  Alvarado  to  Pico.     Sutter  has  granted 
passes — on  what  authority  the   writer  knows  not — to  40  Americans  just 
arrived  (the  McMahon  co.)    Vigilance  is  needed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi. 


606  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

culated  among  local  officials;  but  no  attempt  was  made 
to  enforce  them  against  the  immigrants  known  to  be 
on  the  way,  and  who  soon  arrived.  In  November, 
however,  Castro,  with  Andres  Castillero,  and  perhaps 
Prefect  Manuel  Castro,  made  a  tour  of  observation  in 
the  north,  largely  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  number 
and  disposition  of  the  foreigners;  and  during  this  tour 
the  immigrants  were  summoned  to  appear  before  the 
general,  which  Elliott,  Gibbs,  and  Lewis  did  as  repre- 
sentatives of  those  who  were  in  the  Sonoma  and  Napa 
valleys.  On  being  asked  for  their  passports,  they  said 
they  had  none,  and  explained,  through  Leese  as  inter- 
preter, that  on  leaving  the  United  States  their  desti- 
nation had  been  Oregon,  for  which  no  passports  were 
necessary.  Castro  then  had  read  to  them  the  Mexi- 
can order  of  July  10th,  to  which  they  replied  that  the 
alleged  breaking-off  of  friendly  relations  between  the 
two  republics  had  been  after  they  left  the  states;  that 
their  intentions  were  in  every  way  pacific;  and  that 
to  return  across  the  mountains  in  winter  was  utterly 
impossible.  If  allowed  to  remain,  they  promised  to 
submit  to  the  laws  in  every  respect,  and  to  go  away 
in  the  spring  if  their  petitions  for  licenses  to  settle 
were  not  granted.  "Therefore,"  says  Castro  in  his 
decree  dated  November  6th  at  Sonoma,  "conciliating 
my  duty  with  the  sentiment  of  hospitality  which  dis- 
tinguishes the  Mexicans,  and  considering  that  most  of 
the  said  expedition  is  composed  of  families  and  indus- 
trious people,  I  have  deemed  it  best  to  permit  them, 
provisionally,  to  remain  in  the  department" — on  condi- 

89.  Sept.  18th,  Pico  to  Castro.  Has  ordered  the  prefect  to  prevent  the  entry 
of  foreigners;  cannot  go  north  himself  on  account  of  other  duties.  Id.,  viii. 
11.  Oct.  23d,  Sutter  to  sub-prefect,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  instructions 
to  prevent  the  entry  of  foreigners,  will  cheerfully  comply  to  the  best  of  his 
ability,  but  asks  that  some  members  of  the  last  company  be  given  passes!  Doc. 
Hixt.  Cal. ,  MS. ,  ii.  202.  In  his  Diary,  6,  Sutter  says  the  orders  were  received 
Oct.  21st,  and  read  to  the  assembled  immigrants  on  the  23d.  Also  in  N.  Hdv. 
Diary,  MS.,  10-11.  The  meeting  was  adjourned  to  the  27th,  but  no  meeting 
is  recorded  on  that  date.  Oct.  14th,  J.  C.  Jones  writes  to  Larkin  from  Sta 
Bdrbara,  to  look  out  for  trouble,  as  the  Mex.  govt  has  declared  that  on  the 
commencement  of  war  all  American  ships  and  other  property  will  be  immedi- 
ately seized.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  331. 


CASTRO  AND  THE  IMMIGRANTS.  607 

tion  of  their  assembling  at  Sonoma  under  the  vigilance 
of  Vallejo  and  the  local  authorities,  obeying  the  laws, 
giving  bonds  for  good  behavior,  applying  within  three 
months  for  a  regular  license  to  settle,  and  promising 
to  depart  if  this  is  not  granted.  They  accepted  these 
conditions;  and,  as  we  have  seen,  about  twenty  of  the 
number  appeared  to  give  the  required  bonds  before 
the  end  of  the  month.39 

Meanwhile,  one  of  the  foreigners  was  sent  to  the 
Sacramento  to  assemble  those  of  his  companions  who 
had  remained  in  that  region;  and  at  New  Helvetia 
on  November  llth  Castro  issued  another  order  simi- 
lar in  purport  to  that  of  the  6th,  but  even  more  favor- 
able to  the  immigrants,  since  they  were  not — unless 
their  case  was  covered  by  the  other  order — required 
to  give  any  bonds,  and  might  with  a  pass  from  Sutter 
go  to  Sonoma  or  San  Juan  in  quest  of  employment. 
Sutter  was  exhorted  to  use  great  prudence  in  keeping 
the  foreigners  united  and  submissive;  and  to  present 
accurate  reports  of  all  new  arrivals,  to  whom  the  priv- 
ileges granted  were  not  to  extend  without  new  or- 
ders.40 Thus  we  see  that  the  immigrants,  Americans 

39  Castro,  Orden  del  comandante  general  sdbre  permnnencia  de  emir/rados  de 
los  Estados  Unidos,  6  dc  Nov.  1845,  MS.    Bonds  of  the  foreigners — Yount  being 
bondsman  for  most,  in  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  152-75. 

40  Nov.  1 1th,  Castro's  order  in  favor  of  immigrants.    Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xii. 
150.     Nov.  3d,  news  at  Sutter's  Fort  of  arrival  of  Castro  and  Alvarado  at 
Sonoma.  N.  Helv.  Diary,  MS.,  15.     Nov.  9th,  a  man  arrived  with  a  letter 
from  Leese  to  the  immigrants.     Nov.  1 1th,  the  party  arrived  with  escort  of  15 
men ;  Leese  and  Prud  on,  but  not  Alvaradc  nor  Manuel  Castro.    Castro  departed 
12th;  Leese  and  Prudon  13th.  Id.,  15-16.     Nov.  5th,  Sutter,  speaking  of  the 
Mexican  order  and  expecting  Castro's  arrival,  urges  Larkin  to  come  up  to  aid 
his  countrymen  and  their  families,  'but  if  it  is  not  in  your  power  or  in  the 
power  of  a  man-of-war  to  protect  them,  I  will  do  it.     All  are  protected  here, 
and  before  I  will  suffer  an  injustice  to  be  done  them,  I  will  die  first '!  Larkin's 
Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  369.     Nov.  12th,  L.  writes  to  S.  and  to  the  immigrants,  from 
Yerba  Buena,  that  it  is  not  convenient  for  him  to  come  north,  though  he 
would  do  so  if  sure  of  meeting  Castro,  without  whose  presence  he  could  do 
nothing.     Ho  advises  them  to  select  a  committee  to  visit  him  at  Monterey,  in 
company  with  Marsh.  Id.,  Off.  Corresp.,  MS.,  i.  52-3.     Nov.  llth,  Pico  to 
min.  of  rel.     Immigrants  coming  in  great  numbers.     Fears  that  he  shall  not 
be  able  to  stop  them.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  MS. ,  vi.  97.     March  4th,  '46,  Larkin  to 
Buchanan.     The  general  went  to  the  Sacramento  to  see  the  strangers,  and  bade 
the.m  welcome  to  Cal.  Larkin 's  Off.  Correct. ,  MS. ,  ii.  42.     Hargrave,  Cali- 
fornia in  '46,  MS.,  relates  at  considerable  length  that  some  time  in  1845  all 
the  foreigners  north  of  the  bay  were  summoned  to  assemble  at  Sonoma,  ostensi- 
bly for  an  election,  but  really  either  to  ascertain  their  number  or  to  induce 


608  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

as  well  as  others,  were  most  kindly  treated  in  1845, 
and  that  under  circumstances  which  might  have  pal- 
liated, if  not  justified,  a  certain  degree  of  harshness, 
had  there  been  any  hostile  feeling  on  the  part  of  Cal- 
ifornian  authorities.  I  may  add  that  during  the  win- 
ter, according  to  the  testimony  of  all  concerned,  the 
generosity  of  the  Vallejos  at  Sonoma  and  Napa  in 
relieving  the  wants  of  destitute  families  was  by  no 
means  surpassed  by  that  of  Sutter  at  New  Helvetia. 

Sutter  had  returned  in  March,  as  we  have  seen, 
from  his  brief  imprisonment  at  Los  Angeles,  none  the 
worse  in  any  way  for  his  participation  in  the  late  rev- 
olution, since  all  his  old  powers  had  been  confirmed  by 
the  new  authorities;  and  his  loss  of  time  and  money 
may  be  regarded  as  counterbalanced  by  his  'general 
grant'  from  Micheltorena,  which  the  new  government 
in  a  sense  tacitly  confirmed  by  taking  no  steps,  so  far 
as  is  known,  to  annul  it.41  Immediately  after  his  re- 
turn, Sutter  made  a  successful  campaign  against  the 
Indians  who  had  murdered  Thomas  Lindsay,  and  who 
•were  committing  depredations  among  the  rancheros' 
cattle,  killing  twenty-two  of  their  number,  and  losing 
only  one  of  his  twenty-two  men.42  During  his  absence 
in  the  south  a  report  of  his  death  came  to  New  Hel- 

them  to  vote  and  thereby  put  them  under  some  obligations  a3  having  per- 
formed acts  of  citizenship.  Both  Hargrave  and  Fowler,  Bear  Flag,  MS.,  1, 
note  the  coming  of  an  officer  to  count  the  foreigners  capable  of  bearing  arms. 
Col.  Vallejo's  letter  to  Ex-president  Bustamante  on  Nov.  22d,  elsewhere 
noticed,  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  157,  contains  much  about  the  coming  of 
overland  immigrants  and  the  impossibility  of  stopping  them  with  any  force 
available  in  Cal.  He  speaks  of  Castro's  visit  and  measures. 

41  Of  course  Micheltorena  had  no  right  to  grant  such  powers,  nor  would 
confirmation  by  the  new  govt  have  been  of  any  legal  force;  but  Sutter  was 
left  undisturbed  in  the  possession  of  his  supposed  powers,  and  the  grantees 
may  be  supposed  to  have  acquired  from  this  state  of  affairs  some  rights  in 
equity  if  not  in  law.  In  his  letter  of  Nov.  22d  to  Ex-president  Bustamante, 
Col.  Vallejo  said:  'Most  of  the  best  lands  on  the  northern  frontier  have  passed 
into  foreign  hands  through  D.  Juan  A.  Sutter,  who  was  authorized  to  that 
effect  by  Gen.  Micheltorena,  as  is  shown  by  a  document  in  his  possession 
signed  by  the  said  general;  so  that  a  multitude  of  Americans  coming  without 
legal  passports,  not  naturalized,  and  absolutely  unqualified  to  occupy  landed 
possessions,  hold  immense  quantities  of  the  richest  lands  in  this  part  of  the 
department  solely  by  the  title  issued  by  Sutter  under  the  authority  cited. ' 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  157. 

"April  9th,  S.  to  A.  Pico.  Dept.St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  173. 


SUTTEE'S  AFFAIRS.  600 

vetia,  whereupon,  if  we  may  credit  his  own  version, 
"on  the  whole  Feather  River  and  Sacramento  was  an 
awful  mourning  for  me,  and  all  were  very  sorrowful, 
as  they  look  upon  me  now  as  their  father,  benefactor, 
and  protector,"  though  "some  ungrateful  white  men 
were  on  the  point  of  taking  things  into  their  own 
hands  here,  and  were  glad  that  I  was  dead  so  that 
they  might  have  a  chance  to  rob  and  plunder.  It  was 
high  time  that  I  arrived  here."43  The  only  attempts 
to  interfere  with  Sutter's  official  prerogatives  during 
the  year  came  from  the  sub-prefect  at  San  Francisco, 
to  whose  communications  he  paid  no  attention,  assert- 
ing that  no  civil  authority  existed  or  was  needed  at 
New  Helvetia,  and  that  he  would  receive  orders  only 
from  Castro  or  Vallejo  as  his  military  superiors.4* 

The  existence  of  Sutter's  establishment  was  a  great 
convenience  to  the  immigrants,  most  of  whom  re- 
mained there  for  a  time  after  their  arrival,  and  many 
were  employed  on  the  estates  until  they  could  do  bet- 
ter elsewhere.  And  while  there  is  no  lack  of  com- 
plaints that  the  captain  was  disposed  to  drive  a  close 
bargain  with  the  new-comers,  the  preponderance  of 
evidence  is  to  the  effect  that  all  were  warmly  wel- 
comed and  kindly  treated  at  New  Helvetia.  In  later 
years,  Sutter  and  his  friends  have  sought  to  create 
the  impression  that  he  aided  the  strangers  from  mo- 
tives of  charity,  and  with  loss  to  himself;  but  nothing 
could  be  further  from  the  truth.  The  advantages  of 
an  increased  immigration,  not  only  as  augmenting  the 
value  of  lands  and  the  profits  of  trade,  but  in  afford- 
ing an  opportunity  to  purchase  desirable  wagons  and 
other  property  at  low  prices  in  exchange  for  live- 

43  June  28th,  S.  to  Larkin.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  203. 

*4Nov.  15th,  S.  to  sub-prefect,  refusing  to  correspond  with  him,  'this  estab- 
lishment being  a  military  post  for  the  defence  of  the  frontier,  conquest  of  sav- 
age Indians,  and  watching  of  emigrants  that  come  across  the  Rocky  Mountains, 
and  not  a  town.'  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  212.  Dec.  1st,  sub-prefect  to  pre- 
fect. Id.,  i.  494.  Dec.  8th,  Id.  to  Id.  Thinks  S.  intends  to  quit  the  country 
for  Oregon  with  his  cattle,  leaving  the  country  upset  by  the  '  llanquis '  (Yan- 
kees!). Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  23.  Nov.  17th,  juez  at  Sonoma  complains  that 
S.  is  sinning  against  religion  and  the  nation's  laws  by  performing  the  marriage 
ceremony.  Id.,  i.  226. 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    39 


610  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

stock,  were  as  obvious  to  Sutter  at  the  time  as  they 
are  to  us  now.  Like  Marsh  and  others,  he  greatly 
exaggerated  the  number  of  immigrants  en  route,  and 
his  letters  were  full  of  sanguine  expressions  respecting 
his  future  prospects.45 

45  April  21st,  S.  to  Larkin.  Expects  900  souls  from  Or.,  and  many  from 
the  U.  S. ;  urges  that  they  be  sent  to  occupy  the  S.  Joaquin  Valley,  as  the 
cheapest  way  to  keep  the  Indians  in  check;  will  send  some  more  Indian 
children  when  he  makes  another  raid;  '  this  year  I  will  have  a  good  harvest, 
thank  God  in  heaven.'  Original  in  Alvarado,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  215.  July 
22d,  S.  to  L.  A  long  letter  on  his  prospects.  Will  sow  800  fan.  of  wheat. 
'  I  will  force  the  affair  once,  and  when  it  turns  one  year  good  out  not  only  all 
my  debts  will  be  paid,  but  I  will  have  a  very  large  amount  over.'  Will  bring^ 
water  from  the  American  Fork  for  irrigation  and  mills.  The  Russians  will 
give  him  a  contract  for  all  the  grain  and  other  crops  he  can  raise.  If  he  had 
some  needed  articles  to  the  extent  of  $5,000,  he  could  make  a  fortune  in  two 
years.  Trapping  bids  fair  to  be  profitable,  though  a  great  many  of  his  furs 
are  wrongfully  obtained  by  others.  His  enemies,  Fliigge,  Weber,  Marsh,  and 
others,  are  doing  their  best  to  injure  his  credit.  '  This  year  I  pay  a  con- 
siderable amount  of  my  debts,  the  half  to  the  H.  B.  Co.,  a  good  amount 
to  the  Russians,  and  at  least  half  to  Mr  Thompson  and  others,  in  furs.' 
Wishes  L.  to  come  up  and  examine  the  prospects,  evidently  hoping  to  get 
from  him  some  pecuniary  aid.  Larkin' s  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  228.  July  31st,  long 
list  of  articles  which  L.  is  asked  to  furnish — on  credit  of  course.  Id.,  iii.  232, 
234.  Aug.  12th,  Marsh  to  Larkin.  Expects  2,000  immigrants  with  Hastings 
• — mostly  of  good  character  and  some  property.  '  God  speed  them.  I  had 
rather  none  would  come  than  that  they  should  be  like  a  portion  of  some 
of  the  former  companies.'  Id.,  iii.  247.  Sept.  llth,  S.  to  L.  A  good  many 
small  debts  will  be  paid  soon  and  part  of  the  large  ones.  'One  good  year 
more  and  I  shall  be  clear  of  debts.'  Cotton  does  well  in  the  valley.  Id., 
iii.  287.  Sept.  27th,  still  in  need  of  many  things.  Id.,  iv.  301.  Oct.  2d, 
Sutter's  praise  of  the  immigrants  who  have  arrived  this  month  (?),  of  whom 
he  sends  a  list  (not  given).  Id.,  iii.  310.  Oct.  8th,  arrival  of  Sublette's 
party.  'A  great  chance  to  buy  plenty  of  well-broken  oxen  and  wagons. . . 
My  establishment  will  gain  a  great  deal  by  this  emigration.  I  employ  a  good 
many  mechanics;  a  first-rate  doctor  will  remain  here,  likewise  a  clerk;'  3 
blacksmiths  at  work,  but  needs  iron,  etc.  Owners  of  land  in  the  valley  should 
give  a  part  to  new  settlers;  'it  will  be  our  greatest  interest  and  make  our 
lands  valuable.'  'Next  year  in  this  month  we  shall  have  1,000  and  thousands 
of  emigrants  here,'  who  should  be  given  lands  in  the  Tulares.  New-comers 
well  armed  and  'will  fight  like  lyons. '  After  the  rains  the  new  city  will  ba 
'foundated.'  Prudon  is  to  leave  the  court  of  Sonoma  and  build  a  hotel  here. 
Twenty  splendid  ploughs  made  here;  would  like  to  have  40  running  at  once. 
A  saddler  at  work  on  20  Lets  of  harness.  'If  I  have  a  little  luck  this  next 
year  the  people  will  be  astonished  at  my  farming  business.'  Id.,  iii.  315. 
Nov.  5th,  seems  to  have  paid  most  of  his  indebtedness  to  Larkin,  and  to  have 
been  promised  some  iron  on  credit.  '  It  is  true  I  have  a  good  many  people 
employed  at  present,  but  all  are  useful  and  necessary.'  Dr  Gildea's  services 
particularly  useful.  Id.,  iii.  309.  Jan.  1,  184G,  Sutter  to  Prudon.  A  long 
letter  in  French,  mainly  devoted  to  urging  Prudon  to  use  his  influence  with 
Vallejo  to  permit  the  entry  of  cargoes  for  the  valley  free  of  duties.  'Your 
position  [as  Vallejo's  secretary]  gives  you  great  chances,  and  if  you  knew  how 
to  make  good  use  of  it,  we  might  soon  become  rich.'  Several  ships  are 
expected,  and  crowds  of  immigrants.  Prospects  for  trade  good  but  for  the 
cursed  custom-house.  Expects  machinery  for  some  steamboats;  also  a  print- 
ing-press on  which  he  will  print  a  newspaper.  Is  building  a  grist-mill;  a 


MATTERS  AT  NEW  HELVETIA.  611 

Crops  at  New  Helvetia  were  good  this  year;  and 
other  branches  of  industry  were  in  a  comparatively 
prosperous  condition — so  much  so  that  Sutter  was  en- 
abled actually  to  pay  off  a  few  of  his  smallest  debts, 
to  make  good  his  credit  with  Larkin  for  a  small 
amount  in  iron  and  other  needed  goods,  and  to  deliver 
to  the  Russians  a  considerable  quantity  of  grain. 
The  Sutter-Sunol  correspondence,  from  which  I  have 
drawn  many  interesting  items  for  past  years,  extends 
also  over  1845,  confirming  by  its  general  tone  the  con- 
clusion to  be  drawn  from  the  letters  to  Larkin  al- 
ready cited,  namely,  that  Sutter  eked  out  his  slight 
payments  to  creditors  with  magnificent  promises  for 
the  near  future.  To  Sufiol  he  continued  to  send  Ind- 
ian laborers,  with  requests  for  new  credit,  and  threats 
to  make  Marsh  and  Weber  pay  dearly  for  their  '  inso- 
lence and  roguery'  in  attacking  his  solvency;  but 
finally,  by  sending  down  some  wagons  purchased  from 
the  immigrants,  he  so  far  appeased  his  creditor  that 
the  latter  appears  not  to  have  acted  on  his  threat  to 
bring  the  matter  before  the  authorities.46  We  know 
nothing  of  the  amount  of  the  Suiiol  and  other  minor 
debts,  but  the  aggregate  must  have  been  enough  to 
dampen  the  enthusiasm  of  a  less  sanguine  speculator. 
There  was  one  debt  of  over  $4,000  due  to  the  Hud- 
son's Bay  Company  since  1840,  to  secure  which 
Forbes  took  the  launch  Sacramento,  which,  however, 
Sutter  was  allowed  to  use  during  the  season,  the  plan 
being  to  secure  it  against  attachment  by  other  cred- 
itors.4'" 

shorter  road  from  the  mountains  has  been  found;  there  will  be  a  railroad 
within  5  years!  Copy  in  Vallejo,  Hist.  CaL,  MS.,  v.  28-34;  Id.,  Correspon- 
dtncia,  MS.,  157-04. 

46 Suttt r-Sunol  Corre sp. ,  MS.,  27-33.  As  many  as  30  Indians  were  sent 
down  at  a  time,  but  they  did  not  give  very  good  satisfaction.  S.  declares  he 
has  always  been  a  benefactor  to  the  country,  and  has  received  nothing  but  in- 
gratitude. Some  mill-stones  bought  of  Gilroy  were  delayed  for  a  year  or  moro 
at  Sta  Clara,  through  the  interference  of  Marsh  and  Weber.  A  negoti- 
ation with  Pacheco  of  some  importance  also  came  to  naught.  Forbes  wag 
appealed  to  by  Sutter  to  keep  Suaol  quiet,  but  declined  to  assume  any  respon- 
sibility. 

«Oct.  3d,  Forbes  to  Pico.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  67-71.  This  is  a 
complaint  against  the  local  authorities  of  S.  F.,  who  had  permitted  Celis  to 


G12  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

The  chief  indebtedness  was  of  course  that  to  the 
Russian  American  Company  for  the  purchase  of  the 
Ross  and  Bodega  property  in  1841.  Notwithstand- 
ing Sutter's  wheat  payments  of  this  year,  and  the 
small  ones  of  former  years,  the  debt  was  still  a  little 
more  than  the  original  price  of  the  property  purchased, 
or  $30,000.  The  enthusiastic  captain  was  well  pleased 
with  his  success  in  thus  having  so  nearly  maintained 
the  financial  statu  quo,  and  he  was  already  planning 
to  assume,  after  paying  off  the  trifling  balance  of 
$30,000,  the  contract,  formerly  held  by  the  Hudson's 
Bay  Company,  for  supplying  the  Russians  at  Sitka 
with  all  the  agricultural  produce  they  needed,  thus 
making  an  immense  fortune!  But  the  agents  of  the 
company  were  cold-blooded  individuals,  who  chose  to 
regard  the  whole  matter  in  a  very  different  light. 
They  called  upon  the  Californian  authorities  to  aid 
them  by  enforcing  payment  of  the  debt;  and  finally 
entered  into  an  agreement  by  which  the  Mexican 
government  was  to  assume  and  pay  Sutter's  indebt- 
edness, and  thus  acquire  the  company's  mortgage 
on  New  Helvetia.  The  agreement  never  went  into 
effect,  because,  presumably  on  account  of  the  war 
that  soon  broke  out,  it  was  not  confirmed  in  Mexico.43 

The  motive  of  the  government  in  contemplating 
the  purchase  of  the  Russian  mortgage  was  a  desire 
to  get  possession  of  Sutter's  establishment,  the  im- 
portance of  which,  in  case  of  war,  and  especially  if  a 
large  military  force  should  be  sent  from  Mexico,  was 
apparent.  I  do  not  suppose  that  the  Californian 
authorities,  or  the  Mexican  comisionado,  really  be- 
lieved that  Mexico  would  pay  for  New  Helvetia,  or 
that  if  it  were  obtained  the  Americans  could  be  suc- 
cessfully resisted;  but  they  were  under  obligation 

detain  the  Sacramento  as  security  for  another  claim.  Corresp.  in  the  case  of 
Celis  vs  Sutter,  Aug.  1845  to  Feb.  1846,  as  remitted  to  the  prefect.  Castro, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  1-10.  This  debt  explains  Sir  Geo.  Simpson's  allusion  to  Sut- 
ter during  his  visit  in  1841.  See  chap.  ix.  of  this  vol.;  also  Simpson's  Narr., 
i.  323-7. 

18  For  some  particulars  of  this  matter,  see  chap.  vi.  of  this  vol.  The 
amount  of  the  debt  in  1845  was  about  $31,000. 


PROPOSED  SALE  OF  THE  FORT.  613 

as  officials  to  "save  their  responsibility"  by  acting 
for  the  best  interests  of  their  government,  and  on 
the  theory  that  the  nation  would  support  them  with 
money  or  troops.  It  was  therefore  their  duty  to  do 
all  in  their  power  to  acquire  Sutter's  Fort.  Accord- 
ingly Castillero  and  Castro,  on  their  northern  tour  in 
November,  broached  the  subject  to  Sutter.  There  is 
much  uncertainty  about  what  was  said  at  the  inter- 
view, of  November  llth.  Sutter  himself  states  that 
they  made  him  a  definite  offer  of  $100,000,  or  the 
mission  of  San  Jose,  for  his  establishment;  and  that 
he,  after  consultation  with  his  friends,  declined  the 
offer  because  the  proposed  sale,  though  advantageous 
to  him,  would  leave  the  settlers  and  immigrants  un- 
protected.49 

49 Slitter's  Diary,  6;  Id.,  Petition  to  Congress,  5;  Id.,  Personal  Remin., 
MS.,  132-8.  He  says  that  the  visitors  were  accompanied  by  Leese  and  Pru- 
don  from  Sonoma,  and  escorted  by  about  30  (15)  men;  that  they  at  once 
broached  their  business  of  buying  the  fort;  that  lie  was  much  surprised,  never 
having  thought  of  selling,  but  consulted  Reading,  Bid  well,  Hensley,  andLoker, 
who  thought  the  price  a  good  one,  butaskod,  'What  is  to  become  of  us?'  'This 
determined  me;  I  was  bound  they  should  have  protection ;  but  for  this  I  should 
have  accepted  the  offer;  often  have  I  regretted  that  I  did  not  accept  it;  and 
for  this  great  sacrifice  I  have  been  paid  with  nothing  but  ingratitude ' !  The 
captain  accompanied  the  visitors  for  20  miles  on  their  departure  next  day;  and 
all  were  overtaken  by  Hensley  with  50  horsemen,  fearing  that  Sutter  was 
being  kidnapped !  Prudon  came  back  and  urged  an  acceptance  of  the  offer, 
stating  at  last  that  Castro  had  authorized  him  to  unite  both  offers,  giving  both 
the  $100,000  and  the  mission  estates !  According  to  the  N.  Ifelv.  l)inry,  MS., 
Castro  started  Nov.  12th;  Prudon  started  to  overtake  him  Nov.  l,*!th;  and 
Hensley  arrived  from  Hock  Nov.  14th,  going  back  next  day.  See  also  Ross 
Browne,  in  the  Overland,  xv.  ;>44.  'Castillo  was  empowered  to  pay  as  much 
as  $100,000;  and  actually  offered  Sutter  in  addition  several  fine  tracts  of  mis- 
sion lands  now  worth  millions.  But  Sutter,  with  an  unselfish  devotion  to 
our  interests  which  has  never  been  properly  appreciated,  rejected  all  these 
tempting  offers,  preferring  to  unite  his  fortune  with  the  Americans.'  Swasey, 
Cal.  in  ''Jfi-G,  MS.,  3,  and  also  in  various  newspaper  articles,  speaks  of  the 
offer;  but  seems  not  to  have  had  any  personal  knowledge  of  it.  Bidwell,  Cal. 
1841-8,  MS..  145-G,  mentions  Castillero's  visit;  states  that  the  approach  of 
the  visitors  caused  great  alarm,  it  being  feared  that  Castro  had  come  to  attack 
the  fort;  tells  us  that  Castillero  had  hard  work  to  get  a  word  in  private  with 
Sutter  on  account  of  Castro's  jealousy,  but  succeeded  in  signifying  his  approval 
of  Sutter's  conduct  in  aiding  Micheltorena;  but  he  says  nothing  of  any  offer — 
being  doubtless  pretty  well  aware  that  none  was  made.  The  coming  of  Cas- 
tillero and  Castro  was  not  in  reality  unexpected;  for  as  we  have  seen,  it  had 
been  announced  at  the  fort  on  Nov.  3d.  Nov.  5th,  Sutter,  writing  to  Larkin, 
said  he  had  no  objection  to  Castro's  coming,  though  he  thought  it  would  be 
prudent  to  leave  his  force  at  Sonoma  to  avoid  alarming  the  settlers.  Larldn's 
Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  3G9.  On  Nov.  6th  Castro  had  not  only  announced  his  coming, 
but  had  sent  a  messenger  to  assemble  the  foreigners.  Savaye,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  ii. 
45.  Sutter  and  Bidwell  ignore  this  part  of  the  visitors'  business.  Nov.  14th, 


614  FOREIGN"  RELATIONS-1845. 

Were  there  no  evidence  on  this  matter  beyond  Mr 
Sutter's  statement,  as  indeed  there  is  none  on  his  side, 
it  would  be  necessary  perhaps  to  conclude  that  he  has 
told  the  truth;  that  Castillero  and  Castro,  going  far 
beyond  any  powers  or  means  they  could  have  pos- 
sessed, did  make  what  Sutter  regarded  as  an  offer  for 
the  property;  and  that  it  was  declined  by  the  captain, 
not  in  the  interests  of  the  American  settlers — for  such 
a  plea,  advanced  later  for  a  well  known  purpose,  is  to 
any  one  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  and  the 
man  an  utter  absurdity — but  because  he  lacked  faith 
that  payments  would  be  promptly  made.  There  is, 
however,  some  further  evidence,  leaving  no  doubt  in 
my  mind  that  Sutter's  statement  is  false,  and  that  the 
offer  was  made  if  at  all  by  himself.  Notifying  Larkin 
of  his  interview  with  the  commissioners,  he  wrote: 
"No  doubt  their  visit  will  be  to  our  mutual  benefit. 
I  am  now  on  the  most  friendly  terms  with  Don  Jose* 
Castro,  and  with  Senor  Castillero."50  A  flat  refusal 
to  accede  to  their  wishes  would  hardly  have  led  to  a 
state  of  things  so  satisfactory.  Bidwell  states  that 
"Sutter  was  inclined  to  dispose  of  his  fort  and  land." 
About  ten  days  after  the  visit  Vallejo  wrote  to  Ex- 
president  Bustamante  as  follows:  "It  would  be  very 
desirable  to  close  that  door  of  communication  between 
the  U.  S.  and  this  country,  even  at  some  sacrifice. 
Castro  and  Castillero  having  made  propositions  to 
Sutter  for  the  purchase  of  his  establishment,  he  said 
that  he  would  cede  it  to  the  government  for  $100,000. 
I  grant  that  this  is  a  high  price  to  pay  for  a  few  pieces 
of  cannon,  a  not  very  scientifically  constructed  bastion, 
some  fosses  or  moats,  ten  or  twelve  adobe  houses,  and 
corrals  of  the  same  material ;  but  the  security  of  the 
country  is  what  is  to  be  paid  for,  and  that  is  price- 

Sutter  notifies  Larkin  of  the  visit,  and  of  his  having  fired  7  guns  at  the 
arrival  and  departure.  Larkin's  Doc. ,  MS.,  iii.  374;  also N.  Helv.  Diary,  MS., 
15-16.  In  his  Person.  Remin.,  he  has  it  21  guns. 

60Nov.  14th,  8.  to  L.  Larkin's  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  374.  Torres,  Peripecias, 
MS.,  32-4,  tells  us  that  Castillero  opened  negotiations  without  any  authority; 
but  Sutter's  demands  for  ready  money  were  so  excessive  that  nothing  could 
be  done.  Sutter  proposed  the  sale  first  through  Prudon. 


SUTTER  WILLING  TO  SELL.  615 

less."51  Again,  Sutler  himself  wrote  on  January  1, 
1846,  to  Victor  Prudon  as  follows:  "I  was  astonished 
to  hear  down  there,"  at  Yerba  Buena,  "the  report 
that  I  had  sold  my  establishment  to  the  government, 
It  appears  that  ces  messieurs  have  not  kept  it  secret. 
What  do  you  think  of  it?  Do  you  believe  that  the 
government  will  buy  it?  I  would  like  to  be  sure  of 
that,  so  that  I  might  take  necessary  measures.  In 
case  the  government  decides  to  make  the  purchase,  do 
you  think  it  would  be  possible  to  obtain  a  part  of  the 
price  on  account  sufficient  to  pay  a  part  of  my  debts? 
I  could  give  possession  of  the  establishment  after  har- 
vest. I  believe  the  government  will  do  well  not  to 
neglect  this  matter,  for  next  fall  there  will  be  many 
immigrants  from  the  United  States."62  And  finally, 
Sutter  wrote  to  Castro  early  in  1846,  "believing  that 
the  government  will  buy  my  establishment,  I  will  put 
all  in  the  best  condition"  for  the  Mexican  garrison 
which  Castro  is  advised  to  send  for  service  against  the 
immigrants!53  In  view  of  the  fact  that  Sutler's  state- 
ment is  entirely  unsupported,  of  his  strong  temptation 
to  misrepresent  the  matter,  and  of  the  inherent  im- 
probability that  he  would  refuse  or  the  Mexicans 
make  such  an  offer — I  have  no  doubt  the  reader  will 
deem  the  evidence  conclusive  that  no  such  offer  was 
made  or  refused,  but  that  Sutter,  instead  of  refusing 
in  the  interest  of  American  immigrants,  was  eager  to 
sell  for  his  own  interest.  As  we  have  seen,  Castillero 

"Nov.  22d,  V.  to  B.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  157,  p.  9-10.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  it  is  not  a  mere  question  of  veracity  between  Sutter  and  Vallejo. 
The  other,  writing  at  the  time,  with  no  possible  motives  for  misrepresentation, 
mentioned  this  matter  with  many  others  in  a  long  letter;  while  Sutter  told 
his  story  later,  with  a  well  known  motive  to  enlist  the  sympathies  of  Ameri- 
cans, and  obtain  compensation  from  the  govt. 

M  Jan.  1,  1846,  S.  to  P.,  in  Vcdlejo,  (^rrwp.,  MS.,  157-8;  Id.,  Hist.  Cal.. 
MS.,  v.  25-6.  The  letter  is  a  long  one,  the  writer  treating  of  a  great  variety 
of  matters  besides  the  one  in  question.  It  must  be  admitted  that  it  is  only  a 
copy;  but  it  contains  abundant  proofs  of  its  genuineness  as  a  whole;  and  I 
have  no  doubt  of  its  accuracy  so  far  as  this  matter  of  the  sale  is  concerned, 
though  in  one  or  two  other  respects  it  may  have  been  tampered  with  by  the 
copyist — not  by  Gen.  Vallejo's  consent,  I  must  add,  as  some  reader  might  pos- 
sibly suspect  from  the  titles  heading  this  note. 

53 S.  to  C.   Original  letter  in  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  98-9. 


616  FOREIGN  RELATIONS— 1845. 

and  Castro  adopted  another  and  cheaper  method  of 
accomplishing  their  object,  by  recommending  to  their 
government  the  purchase  of  the  Russian  mortgage- 
though  Sutter  does  not  appear  to  have  known  anything 
of  this  scheme.54 

In  connection  with  affairs  at  New  Helvetia,  an  im- 
portant diary  should  be  noticed  here.  It  is  a  daily 
record  kept  at  the  fort  by  Swasey,  Bidwell,  and  Loker, 
as  Sutter's  clerks,  and  during  a  part  of  the  time  by 
Sutter  himself,  from  September  9,  1845,  to  May  25, 
1848.  It  deals  chiefly  with  the  arrival  and  departure 
of  employe's,  visitors,  and  immigrants;  and  is  of  the 
greatest  value  as  a  record  of  exact  dates,  as  a  source 
of  information  about  hundreds  of  early  pioneers,  and 
as  a  contemporary  journal  of  local  affairs.  I  owe  its 
possession  to  the  kindness  of  William  F.  Swasey,  of 
San  Francisco,  one  of  the  authors  and  a  man  deeply 
interested  in  all  that  relates  to  the  pioneer  history  of 
California.55 

64  Apr.  23,  1846,  the  Mex.  govt  tells  Pico  that  the  subject  of  acquiring 
Sutter's  Fort  has  been  deferred.  No  details  as  to  the  nature  of  the  proposi- 
tion. St.  Pap.,  Miss,  and  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  411-14. 

55  New  Helvetia,  Diary  of  Events  1845-8,  by  Swasey,  Bidwell,  Loker,  and 
Sitttrr,MS.,  1881,  212  p.  Copy  from  original.  There  are  unfortunately  some 
long  blanks  in  the  record  of  1846-7. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 
1841-1845. 

POPULATION — SAN  DIEGO—  LAST  OF  THE  PKESIDIAL  COMPANY — MUNICIPAL 
AFFAIBS — RANCHOS — MISSION  SAN  DIEGO — SAN  Luis  REY — PADKE 
IBARRA — WASTING-AWAY  OF  THE  ESTATES — SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRANO — 
PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JUAN  DE  ARGUELLO — SAN  DIEGUITO,  SAN  PASCUAL, 
AND  LAS  FLORES — Los  ANGELES  DISTRICT — STATISTICS — CITY  AND 
SUBURBS— LOCAL  EVENTS — PREFECTURE  AND  MUNICIPAL  GOVERNMENT 
— CRIMINAL  RECORD — RANCHOS — SAN  PEDRO— SAN  GABRIEL— DECAD- 
ENCE UNDER  MAJORDOMOS — SAN  BERNARDINO — AGUA  MANSA — SAN 
FERNANDO — MISSION  RENTED — SANTA  BARBARA  DISTRICT — PRESIDIO 
AND  TOWN — SUB-PREFECT  AND  JUECES  DE  PAZ — RANCHOS — MISSION — 
INVENTORIES  AND  RENTING — SAN  BUENAVENTURA — SANTA  INES — PADRE 
MORENO — THR  COLLEGE — PURISIMA — PADRE  ABELLA — SMALL-POX — 
RUIN  AND  SALE. 

SOUTHERN  CALIFORNIA  in  the  half-decade  of  1814-15, 
the  territory  and  period  embraced  in  this  chapter, 
gained  in  white  population  about  500  souls,  or  from 
2,850  to  3,350.  The  ex-neophyte  Indian  population 
fell  off  about  1,500  souls,  or  from  5,100  to  3,600,  of 
which  latter  number  1,880  were  still  living  in  the  ex- 
mission  communities,  and  1720  were  scattered  in 
towns  and  on  ranchos.  It  must  be  understood,  how- 
ever, that  these  figures,  while  carefully  founded  on 
all  the  data  extant,  are  much  less  exact  than  popula- 
tion statistics  of  earlier  years. 

The  last  trace  of  the  old  presidial  organization  at 
San  Diego  is  a  report  of  Alferez  Salazar  in  November 
1842,  to  the  effect  that  he  had  a  total  force  of  four- 
teen men  without  arms  or  ammunition.  Earlier  in 

(G17J 


618  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

the  year  Mofras  found  a  few  soldiers  and  an  officer  at 
the  pueblo,  also  a  few  cannon  half  buried  in  the  sand 
amid  the  ruins  of  presidio  and  castillo.  In  October 
the  prefect  commissioned  Josd  A.  Estudillo  to  bring 
away  in  carts  all  the  useful  guns  and  balls  from  the 
fort;  but  in  the  Jones  affair  of  November,  Captain 
Phelps  of  the  Alert  saved  Estudillo  all  trouble  by 
spiking  the  guns  and  throwing  movable  articles  into 
the  bay.1  After  1842  there  is  nothing  in  the  records 
on  company,  officers,  or  military  finance  except  an 
occasional  complaint  that  there  were  neither  soldiers 
nor  arms  for  defence.  But  fortunately  there  was  but 
slight  need  in  this  half  decade  for  militar}?-  operations 
either  against  disloyal  nortenos  or  savage  raiders.  The 
Indians  committed  comparatively  few  and  slight  dep- 
redations and  rancheros  were  left  to  tend  their  herds 
for  the  most  part  in  peace.  Respecting  the  popula- 
tion of  the  district,  excluding  Indians,  estimated  at 
150  in  1840,  we  have  nothing  but  Mofras'  figures  of 
100  in  1842  and  the  fact  that  there  were  about  70 
men  capable  of  bearing  arms  in  1844-6.  I  suppose 
that  this  population  in  1845  may  have  been  350  souls; 
and  the  ex-neophyte  population  600  at  the  missions 
and  pueblos',  1,000  including  the  ranches,  and  perhaps 
1,500  or  more  including  those  living  as  fugitives  in 
gentile  rancherias.  All  this  however  rests  on  a  very 
slight  basis. 

The  half  decade  was  a  period  of  tranquil  prosperity, 
but  uneventful  even  when  compared  with  the  past 
monotony  of  existence  at  this  least  bustling  of  the 
California  towns.  A  classified  summary  is  appended 

JNov.  7,  1842,  Salazar  to  Vallejo.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  303;  Mofras, 
Explor.,  i.  325-6.  Oct.  26th,  Prefect's  orders  to  Estudillo.  Savage,  Doc., 
Mb'.,  iii.  45.  May  28,  1841,  com.  of  frontier  calls  on  juez  to  return  the  11 
muskets  and  bayonets  lent  for  defence.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  53-9. 

June  1842,  Ind.  have  risen;  only  5  men  at  S.  Diego,  3  of  them  being  for- 
eigners; all  the  rest  absent  on  their  ranchos.  De.pt.  tit.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  iv. 
125.  July  1844,  Juez  sends  a  list  of  71  citizens  capable  of  serving  in  a  civic 
company,  not  including  foreigners  or  Indians.  De.pt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  4. 
Sept.  1845,  reference  to  53  names  of  men  in  the  jurisdiction  able  to  bear 
arms.  Id.,  Ben.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  ii.  83.  July  1846,  the  municipality  has  73 
men  between  the  age  of  15  and  60  years.  Id.,  i.  159. 


SUMMARY  OF  EVENTS.  619 

of  events  and  institutional  progress.2  Sectional  strife 
was  temporarily  at  an  end ;  San  Diego  was  the  first 
to  welcome  Governor  Micheltorena;  was  spared  a 

2  Chronologic  summary  of  events  at  S.  Diego:  1841.  May-June,  a  reported 
rising  of  the  Ind.  of  the  Sierra  de  Jamur  on  the  frontier,  leading  to  corresp. 
between  alcalde,  prefect,  and  govv  with  orders,  precautions,  and  complaints 
of  lack  of  men  and  arms;  but  no  casualties  DOT  definite  results.  Dept.  St.  Pap. 
Aug.,  MS.,  vi.  32,  43;  xii.  57;  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  xii.  13;  Fitch,  Doc.,  MS.,  106. 
Douglas  proposed  an  estab.  of  the  H.  B.  Co.  here.  This  vol.,  p.  210.  Dec.  Ar- 
rival of  Bishop  Garcia  Diego.  Id.,  190,  332.  Dec.  20th,  a  tumult  at  LaPlaya 
resulting  in  one  or  two  deaths.  No  further  details.  It  was  probably  a  quarrel 
between  sailors  or  Indians.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Anrj.,  MS.,  vi.  82.  1842.  Visit  of 
Duflot  de  Mofras  and  his  investigations  in  Jan.  This  vol.,  224,  230,  233;  Mofras, 
Explor.,  i.  332-3.  April-June,  troubles  with  the  Ind.  of  Jacum.  The  pre- 
fccfc  thinks  the  inhab.  have  provoked  the  troubles  by  unwise  conduct,  but  orders 
further  examination  and  authorizes  defensive  measures — that  is,  the  borrowing 
of  some  arms  from  Capt.  Fitch.  8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  287-8;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Any.,  MS.,  vi.  125,  129;  this  vol.,  p.  338.  Death  of  Capt.  Zamorano.  Vol. 
iii.,  p.  320.  Oct.  29th,  Nov.,  Capt.  Phclps  of  the  Alert  spikes  the  guns  of  the 
fort  in  connection  with  Com.  Jones'  exploits  at  Monterey.  This  vol.,  p.  320, 
324,  340.  Arrival  of  Gov.  Mieheltorena  and  his  troops  from  Mexico  in  Au- 
gust. Id.,  289-93.  Whales  taken  in  the  bay.  Hayes1  Em.  Notes,  433.  1843. 
Oath  to  support  the  bases  orgdnicas,  or  new  Mex.  constitution  in  Oct. ;  also 
elections.  Hayes1  Doc.,  MS.,  170;  this  vol.,  359-G1.  1844.  July,  a  militia 
company  to  be  organized  under  Capt.  Andres  Pico.  Id.,  407.  Doubtful 
record  that  the  guns  of  the  fort  were  again  spiked  by  the  crew  of  a  whaler. 
Id.,  433.  1845.  Efforts  to  open  S.  Diego  as  a  Ist-class  port  and  establish  a 
custom-house.  Id.,  519,  557.  Elections  in  Oct.  Id.,  540. 

Civil  and  municipal  govt  and  list  of  officers:  1841.  Rosario  Aguilar,  juez  de 
paz  (1st,  principal,  or  proprietary);  Jesus  Moreno  juez  do  paz  (2d,  suplente,  or 
iuterino),  appointed  the  preceding  Dec.  by  the  prefect  at  Los  Angeles  and  ap- 
proved by  gov.  in  Feb.;  Aniceto  M.  Zavaleta,  secretary;  Fran.  M.  Alvarado 
named  as  depositary  of  funds  in  May;  Manuel  Verdugo  and  Josd  M.  Alvarado 
juucesdelcampo,  appointed  by  juez  in  Feb.  at  prefect's  order.  Jan.,  a  list  of  all 
vagrants  required  by  prefect.  6'.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  2G8.  Feb.  $18  due  Fitch  on 
dudes  illegally  collected  but  not  paid  for  want  of  municipal  funds,  to  be  paid 
by  a  monthly  rebate  of  F.'s  taxes.  Id.,  209.  March,  anew  game  of  cards, 
more  like  'monte'  than  'thirty-one,'  is  becoming  popular  and  must  be  stopped. 
Id.,  275.  Prefect  recommends  a  bando  against  all  games  of  chance,  includ- 
ing raffles.  Id.,  209.  March-June,  municipal  receipts  $28,  expend.'  for 
clerk's  salary  $10  and  expenses  §30:50;  in  the  treasury  $5.50.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Anfj.,  MS.,  vi.  19.  April,  sentence  could  not  be  executed  for  want  of  food  for 
prisoners.  No  'public  works;'  one  prisoner  hired  outat  12realesfor  15days.  S. 
D.  Arch.,  MS.,  276.  May,  Andre's  Ibarra  and  E,afaela  Serrano  by  prefect's  or- 
ders must  pay  tax  on  their  dram  shop  or  the  liquors  are  to  be  confiscated  arid 
deposited.  Id. ,  270.  An  lud.  was  fined  12  reales  for  playing  a  game  of  chance. 
A  man  sent  to  collect  it  at  the  Indian's  expense  compromised  the  matter  with 
the  culprit  ( !),  but  later  had  to  give  up  two  horses  with  §10.  Id. ,  277.  Prefect 
orders  juez  to  collect  $20  fine  and  §12  duty  on  otter  skius  from  Osuna,  to 
pay  J.  A.  Estudillo  the  rent  of  a  room  for  the  juzgado,  and  keep  the  rest  for 
arms  and  ammunition  in  case  of  Ind.  troubles.  Id.,  270.  June,  murder  of 
Lieut.  Jos6  A.  Garraleta  by  his  wife  Juana  Gastelum  across  the  frontier. 
Dept.  St.  Pa}-).,  Any.,  MS.,  i.  75,  iv.  14.  June-Aug.,  manic,  receipts  §25, 
expend.  $41.  Id.,  vi.  GO.  Dec.,  Robinson,  a  storekeeper,  lined  §3  and  put  in 
chains  for  refusing  to  serve  on  the  patrol,  id.,  vi.  84.  A  sailor  of  the  Prima- 
vei-a  fined  $3  for  cutting  another  of  the  California,  besides  paying  §18  to  the 
injured  party.  S:  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  288. 

1342.     Jo3<3  Ant.  Gougora  juez  do  pas;;  Joso  M.  Alvarado  suplente.     Gou- 


620  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

long  infliction  of  supporting  his  cholo  band;  contrib- 
uted mildly  to  his  overthrow;  and  had  the  satisfac- 
tion of  seeing  Pio  Pico,  one  of  her  most  prominent 

gora  acted  as  his  own  secretary  and  claimed  the  salary  of  $10.  Rent  $2. 
Joaquin  Ortega  was  encargado  de  justicia  for  S.  Jose"  del  Valle  and  S.  Felipe 
to  Cajon  ranches.  Alvarado  also  acted  as  receptor  ad  int.  of  the  custom- 
house. A  kanaka  fined  $G  for  lying  with  an  Ind.  girl  Petra,  and  wounding 
an  Ind.,  Jose"  Maria,  who  interfered.  Petra  was  given  25  blows  and  sent  to 
the  mission  nunnery;  and  Jose"  Maria  was  given  50  blows  for  his  'atrevi- 
miento.'  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  288.  Two  Ind.  fined  20  reales  for  beating  a 
man  and  the  latter  20  reales  for  selling  the  former  brandy.  A  foreigner 
fined  §8  for  creating  an  excitement  by  the  false  announcement  of  the  bishop's 
arrival.  Id. 

1843.  Joaquin  Ortega  juez  de  paz;  Jose"  Maria  Orozco  suplente.  Ortega 
resigned  in  May,  and  J.  A.  Gongora  was  appointed  by  the  prefect  to  succeed 
him.  Manuel  Pico  encargado  at  Sta  Isabel.  Jose'  M.  Orozco  receptor  of  the 
port.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  16.  Oct.,  an  Amer.  whaler  entered  the  bay  for 
repairs  and  asked  permission  to  take  whales.  The  latter  was  declared  l>y  the 
prefect  to  be  beyond  his  authority,  but  he  directed  the  alcalde  to  permit  the 
repairs,  collecting  12  rcales  per  ton  for  duties  and  sending  the  money  to  the 
prefect;  but  the  captain  went  on  with  his  whaling  operations  in  spite  of  the 
prohibition.  Soon  a  German  whaler  entered  and  was  allowed  to  remain  por 
el  tiempo  muy  preciso,  great  care  being  taken.  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  7;  Id.,  In- 
dex, 148;  Dcpt.  St.  Pap.,  An;/.,  MS.,  vii.  97. 

1.844.  Juan  Maria  Marron  juez  do  paz;  Thomas  Ridington  suplente.  Oct., 
Juez  Marron  issued  an  order  to  the  inhabitants  to  turn  out  and  construct  a 
v/atering-placc  in  the  arroyo  and  build  a  public  corral  to  keep  cattle  from 
damaging  the  town.  Penalties  are  affixed  for  failure  to  obey.  <S".  D.  Arch., 
MS.,  311.  Two  ex-neophytes  for  having  stolen  hides  in  their  possession  sen- 
tenced to  6  months  of  public  work.  Three  gentiles  for  stealing  an  ox,  G  months. 
Three  Ind.  for  stealing  a  res,  3  months;  for  killing  a  res,  G  months  with  chains. 
Id.,  314. 

1845.  Francis*co  M.  Alvarado  juez  de  paz;  Jose  Ramon  Argiiello,  supleute, 
Alvavado  was  suspended  by  the  sub-prefect  in  Nov. — because  as  he  claimed 
he  went  to  a  baptism  at  S.  Luis,  Dc[.t.  St.  Pup.,  MS.,  vi.  132 — and  Jose 
Antonio  Estudillo  apparently  served  temporarily  in  Nov. -Dec.  Alvarado  and 
Estudillo  served  r.s  captain  of  the  port  and  receptor,  Fitch  being  also  named 
as  receptor.  Juan  M.  Marron  was  elector  de  partido.  Santiago  Argue- 
llo  was  appointed  by  the  gov.  as  sub-prefect  of  the  partido  on  July  12th  and 
took  possession  of  the  office  on  the  30th.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Pref.  y  Juzfj.,  3.1S., 
ii.  84.  May  13th,  Gov.  Pico  orders  the  2d  alcalde  to  return  to  his  duties. 
This  is  the  only  record  for  the  year  in  S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  315.  June  9th, 
Gov.  to  alcalde.  Sta  Margarita  has  always  been  in  the  jurisdiction  of  S.  Diego, 
S.  Juan  not  extending  beyond  S.  Mateo.  De/>t.  liec.,  MS.,  xiv.  38-9.  Oct., 
whalers  must  be  treated  well  to  attract  them  to  the  port.  Yet  there  was 
trouble  with  the  Espadon,  which  was  required  to  pay  a  tax  of  $10  or  $30. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  10,  73-4,  78.  Dec.,  sub-prefect  complains  of  op- 
position and  intrigues  and  calumny  against  himself.  The  alcalde  has  left 
town  merely  because  he  was  suspended  from  office.  Id. ,  Pref.  y  Juztj. ,  ii,  68- 
70. 

Ranchos  of  the  S.  Diego  district  in  1841-5.  See  p.  611,  vol.  iii.  for  ranchos 
granted  before  1840,  and  about  which  there  is  no  definite  information  during 
this  period.  Agua  Caliente,  G  leagues  granted  in  1844  to  Jos6  Ant.  Pico  and 
J.  J.  Warner,  the  latter  being  claimant  before  the  land  commission.  Agua 
Hedionda,  3  leagues,  granted  in  1842  to  J.  M.  Marron,  who  was  claimant  be- 
fore L.  C.  Buenavista,  $  league,  granted  1845  to  Felipe;  Jesus  Machado  claim- 
ant before  L.  C.  Cajon,  11  leagues,  granted  in  1845  to  Maria  Ant.  Estudillo  de 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  621 

citizens,  promoted  to  the  governorship.  Indian  dep- 
redations as  I  have  said  were  comparatively  slight, 
and  not  only  were  the  dozen  or  more  ranches  reoccu- 
pied  by  their  owners,  but  more  than  twenty  new  grants 
were  made  by  Alvarado,  Micheltorena,  and  Pico. 
Prominent  happenings  were  the  bishop's  arrival  and 
that  of  the  governor,  the  visit  of  Duflot  de  Mofras, 
and  Phelps'  exploit  at  the  time  of  the  American  in- 
vasion. At  the  end  of  each  year  a  juez  de  paz,  popu- 
larly known  as  alcalde,  was  appointed  by  the  prefect 
at  Los  Angeles  to  manage  local  affairs  for  the  next 
year;  and  the  successive  incumbents  of  the  office 
were  Aguilar,  Gongora,  Ortega,  Marron,  and  Alva- 
rado. In  July  1845  San  Diego  was  deemed  worthy 

Pedrorena;  heirs  of  Miguel  Pedrorena  claimants.  Canada  de  los  Coches,  400 
varas,  granted  in  1843  to  Apolinaria  Lorenzana;  Lestrade  claimant.  Cuca,  ^ 
league,  granted  in  1845  to  Maria  Juan  de  Los  Angeles,  who  was  the  claimant. 
Cuyamaca,  11  leagues,  granted  in  1845  to  Agustiu  Olvera,  who  was  the  claimant. 
Encinitos,  1  league,  granted  in  1842  to  Andres  Ibarra,  who  was  the  claimant. 
Guajome,  1  league,  granted  in  1845  to  Andres  and  Jos6  Manuel;  Andre's  et  al. 
claimants.  Guejito  y  Caiiada  de  Palomia,  3  leagues,  granted  in  1845  to  Jos6 
Maria  Orozco;  claimant  George  \V.  Hamley.  Laguna,  3  leagues,  granted  in 

1844  to  J.  Manriquez;  claimant  Abel  Stearns.     Nacion,  G  leagues,  granted  in 

1845  to  John  Forster,  who  was  the  claimant.     Pauba,  6  leagues,  granted  in 
1844-6  to  V.  Marago  (?)  and  Luis  Arenas;  claimant  Louis  Vignes.     Pauma,  3 
leagues,  granted  in  1844  to  J.  A.    Serrano  et  al.,  who  were  the  claimants. 
Rincon  del  Diablo,  3  leagues,  granted  in    1843  to  Juan  B.  Alvarado,  whose 
heirs  were  claimants.     San  Bernardino,  4  leagues,  granted  in  1842,  1845,  to 
Jose  F.  Snook,  whose  widow  was  the  claimant.     San   Dieguito,  2  leagues, 
granted  in  1845  to  Juan  M.  Osuna,  whose  heirs  were  claimants.     San  Jacinto, 
4  leagues,  granted  in  1842  to  Jos6  A.  Estudillo,  who  was  the  claimant.     San 
Jacinto  y  San  Gregorio,  granted  in  1843  to  Santiago  Johnson;  Louis  Robidoux, 
claimant.     S.   Juan  Capistrano,  mission  granted  in  1845   to  John  Forster, 
who  was  cl.;  Mision  Vieja,  or  La  Paz,  to  Agustin  Olvera,  cl.  Forster;  Potre- 
ros  de  S.  Juan  Cap.,  Forster;  and  a  lot  to  A.  Rios  in  1843.     Santa  Isabel,  4 
leagues,  granted  in  1844  to  J.  J.  Ortega  and  Edward  Stokes,  who  were  the 
claimants.     Santa  Margarita  and  Las  Flores,  granted  in  1841  to  Pio  and 
Andre's  Pico,  who  were  the  claimants.     In  March  1841  the  Picos  asked  to  ex- 
change Teme'cula  for  Sta  Margarita,  paying  for  improvements  on  the  latter. 
Dept.  St.  Pap,,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  iv.  5.     Teme'cula,  6  leagues,  granted  in 
1844  to  Felix  Vald6s;  Louis  Vignes  claimant.     Julian  Manrique  claimed  the 
land  under  an  earlier  grant.     See  Drpt.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  35,  39;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Pref.  y  Juzg.,  MS.,  ii.  109.     Tem6cula,  \  league,  granted  in  1845  to  Pablo 
Apis  (Ind.)  who  was  the  claimant.     Tia  Juana,  abandoned  by  Arguello  on 
account  of  Ind.  hostilities,  and  'denounced'  by  J.  A.  Aguirre  in  1843.     Argu- 
ello protesting.     The  courts  decided  in  Aguirre's  favor,  but  Gov.  Micheltorena 
gave  Arguello  6  months  time  to  renew  his  possession,  which  he  apparently 
accomplished.  Hayes1  Em.  Notes,  517-22.     Valle  de  Pamo,  4  leagues,  granted 
in  1843  to  J.  J.  Ortega  and  Edward  Stokes,  who  were  the  claimants.     See 
land  com.  records  in  Hoffman's  Reports.     All  the  grants  mentioned  above 
were  finally  confirmed.     See  also  8.  Diego  Index,  MS.,  119-23,  for  reference 
to  doc.  on  land  grants,  including  pueblo  lots. 


622  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

of  being  made  a  particlo  of  the  Los  Angeles  district, 
of  which  Captain  Argiiello  was  appointed  sub-prefect, 
proceeding  with  the  least  possible  delay  to  quarrel 
with  the  juez  de  paz. 

At  Mission  San  Diego  Father  Vicente  Pascual 
Oliva  continued  his  ministry  in  1841-5,  and  from 
1843  managed  also  the  meagre  remnant  of  tempo- 
ralities, Juan  Maria  Osuna  having  served  as  major- 
domo  in  1841  and  probably  until  the  padre  took 
charge  in  April  1843.  Mofras  gives  the  number  of 
Indians  in  the  community  as  500  in  1842,  and  an 
official  report  of  1844  as  100.  The  mission  retained 
the  ranches  of  Santa  Isabel  and  El  Cajon  until 
1844-5,  and  apparently  an  interest  in  certain  por- 
tions later.  It  was  the  father's  boast  that  he  in- 
creased the  value  of  the  property,  though  there  were 
only  ten  head  of  cattle  when  he  took  charge.  Of 
events  there  are  none  to  be  recorded.3 

Padre  Francisco  Gonzalez  de  Ibarra  served  at  San 
Luis  Hey  until  his  death  in  1842  at  the  age  of  60 
years.  Mofras  speaks  of  the  deplorable  condition  of 
this  friar  whom  he  saw  "forced  to  sit  at  the  admin- 
istrator's table  and  listen  to  the  ribaldry  of  major- 
domos  and  vaqueros  who  would  have  thought  them- 
selves lucky  a  few  years  before  to  have  been  the 
father's  servants."*  After  his  death  Padre  Zalvidea 

8  May  1841.  Osuna  majordomo  at  a  salary  of  $240.  The  padre  reports 
the  mission  unable  to  pay  the  salary.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  10-12.  Pos- 
sibly therefore  O.  left  the  place  before  1843.  May  7th,  Jos6  Fidel,  a  mission 
Ind.,  accused  of  stealing  cattle,  which  he  denied.  The  authorities  '  took  the 
precaution  to  apply  an  arbitrary  punishment  of  some  azotes,'  when  he  con- 
fessed and  was  sentenced  to  work  48  days  for  Alvarado  and  pay  a  fine  of  $6. 
S.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  276.  July,  an  Ind.  complains  that  the  majordomo  keeps 
him  at  the  mission,  though  he  has  the  papers  to  prove  himself  a  free  man. 
Also  that  the  maj.  owes  him  $19  which  he  will  not  piiy.  Hayes1  Miss.  B.,  353. 
1842.  Mofras' statement  of  population.  Explor. ,  i.  320.  1843.  This  mission 
and  others  turned  over  to  the  padres  by  Micheltorena's  order  of  March  29th. 
This  vol.,  p.  369.  1844.  Estado  of  southern  missions  dated  March  18th.  S. 
Diego  has  100  Ind.  and  no  means  to  support  them.  Pico,  D»c.,  MS.,  i.  14; 
this  vol.,  p.  422.  June  1845.  P.  Oiiva's  report  on  the  condition  of  the  mis- 
sion. Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  188-9;  this  vol.,  p.  548. 

*  Francisco  Gonzalez  de  Ibarra  was  a  native  of  Viana,  Spain,  born  in  1782. 
He  became  a  Franciscan  in  the  province  of  Burgos,  came  to  Mexico  in  1819, 
and  to  California  in  1820.  Regarded  at  the  time  of  his  arrival  as  a  promising 


SAN  LUIS  HEY.  623 

came  from  San  Juan  to  take  his  place,  serving  until 
after  1845.  This  mission  had  650  Indians  in  1842 
and  400  in  1844,  the  establishment  at  Las  Flores  be- 
ing included  in  both  cases.  Jose  A.  Estudillo  served 
as  majordomo  until  required  under  Micheltorena's  or- 
der to  turn  over  the  property  to  Zalvidea  in  April 
1843;  but  the  padre  immediately  put  everything  in 
charge  of  a  new  majordomo  in  the  person  of  Joaquin 
Ortega,  who  in  turn  was  succeeded  by  Juan  M.  Mar- 
ron  in  July  1845.5  The  destruction  of  mission  prop- 
missionary,  active  and  of  fair  talent.  Payera's  report  of  Dec.  31,  1820,  in 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  iii.  126-7.  After  visiting  S.  Luis  Obispo  he  became  min- 
ister of  S.  Fernando,  where  he  served  from  1820  to  1835,  when  he  retired 
to  Mexico.  He  came  back  in  time  to  perform  the  burial  service  for  Padre 
Cabot  in  Oct.  1836;  but  nothing  more  is  known  of  him  till  1839,  from  which 
date  he  served  at  San  Luis  Rey  until  his  death  in  1842.  His  death  was  a 
sudden  one,  from  apoplexy.  The  date  is  only  known  from  the  statement  by 
Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  35,  who  remembers  that  his  father  the  majordomo 
took  charge  of  $3,000  or  $4,000  left  by  the  padre,  giving  it  up  to  the  Los 
Angeles  authorities.  Moreover  Ibarra  was  seen  by  Mofras  in  Jan.,  Exjilor., 
i.  343,  and  is  not  mentioned  in  any  later  record  than  1842.  At  S.  Fernando 
he  was  known  as  an  efficient  manager,  and  was  not  an  unpopular  man.  Ho 
was  nicknamed  Padre  Napoleon  from  his  disposition  to  boast  and  insist  on  the 
superiority  of  everything  at  his  own  mission,  and  also  for  the  independent 
style  in  which  he  criticised  the  acts  of  the  authorities  in  secularizing  the  mis- 
sion and  disposing  of  its  lands.  Mrs  Ord  remembers  him  as  jolly  and  full  of 
fun.  Julio  Cesar  says  he  was  well  liked  by  the  Ind.  at  S.  Luis,  and  was 
called  by  them  Tequedeuma,  indicating  a  plain,  unassuming  man.  Robinson 
only,  Life  in  Cal,  34-5,  speaks  unfavorably  of  him  as  'a  short,  thick,  ugly- 
looking  old  man,  whose  looks  did  not  belie  his  character,'  nicknamed  El 
Cochino  for  his  meanness;  but  he  had  an  immense  quantity  of  hides  and  tal- 
low which  he  would  not  part  with  on  what  seemed  to  the  supercargo  fair 
terms,  and  this  circumstance  may  have  had  some  effect  on  the  latter's  criti- 
cism. 

5  1841.  J.  A.  Estudillo  majordomo,  according  to  many  records.  April, 
valuation  of  property:  vines  §3,000,  trees  $100,  fence  $100,  house  $100,  total 
$3,300.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  vi.  1.  March  and  April,  gov.  through 
prefect  orders  that  two  arbitrators  go  to  Sta  Margarita  and  appraise  the  value 
of  property  there,  for  which  the  Picos  are  to  pay  the  Ind.,  the  consent  of  the 
latter  being  taken  before  a  magistrate.  J /ayes'  Miss.  B.,  3-18;  S.  D.  Index, 
MS.,  137.  I  think  the  preceding  valuation  of  $3,300  may  refer  to  Sta  Mar- 
garita. May,  five  Ind.  sent  to  the  juez  at  Los  Angeles  for  stealing  Pico's 
cattle,  after  they  had  already  worked  in  chains  at  the  mission  for  a  month  and 
received  50  lashes  from  the  majordomo,  who  had  no  right  to  punish  prisoners. 
8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  276-7.  July,  order  to  collect  all  the  scattered  Ind.  Los 
Angeles  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  80-1.  July  26th,  decree  of  gov.  releasing  a  S.  Luis 
Ind.  from  his  condition  as  neophyte.  Bandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  52.  Oct.,  receipts 
$24,  expend.  $6;  Nov.,  recpts  $11,  expend.  $5;  Dec.,  recpts  $7,  expend.  $4; 
Jan.  1842,  recpts  $."9,  expend.  $302;  Feb.,  recpts §21,  expend.  $8.  St.  Pap., 
Mlis.,  MS.,  ix.  12-13.  1842.  See  plans  and  views  of  S.  Luis  in  Mofras'  and 
Robinson's  works.  The  former  is  in  some  respects  very  inaccurate,  but  has 
been  often  reproduced.  1843.  April  22d,  Estudillo  turns  over  the  property 
to  P.  Zalvidea,  and  the  latter  ou  the  same  day  to  Joaquin  Ortega.  Dept.  St. 


624  LOCAL  ANXALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

erty  was  constant,  and  is  said  to  have  been  especially 
rapid  under  the  administration  of  Ortega,  who  of  all 
the  vast  herds  and  flocks  possessed  by  this  establish- 
ment in  earlier  times  turned  over  to  his  successor  only 
250  cattle  and  about  the  same  number  of  horses. 
Meanwhile  all  the  mission  ranchos  had  passed  into 
private  ownership. 

At  San  Juan  Capistrano  Father  Josd  Maria 'Zalvi- 
dea  served  as  minister  until  the  latter  part  of  1842, 
when  he  went  to  San  Luis  Hey  as  before  mentioned, 
and  San  Juan  had  no  padre  for  the  rest  of  the  period. 
The  padre  had  about  $2,000  in  Spanish  onzas  buried  at 
the  mission,  which  treasure  gave  rise  to  some  rather 
curious  controversies.6  In  1840  as  we  have  seen 
Father  Zalvidea  had  been  put  in  temporary  charge  of 

Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  40-3;  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xiii.  46,  56;  this  vol.,  p.  369,  371. 
May,  Ortega  complains  that  the  mission  has  no  resources,  grain  for  only  two 
months,  no  implements  or  clothing.  The  gov.  in  reply  authorizes  him  to  buy 
or  borrow  implements,  and  places  $800  at  his  disposal  to  clothe  the  Ind.,  half 
going  to  the  Pala  Ind.  Ib.  June,  contract  of  P.  Zalvidea  with  J.  M.  Osuna 
and  Jose^  Lopez,  by  which  the  former  receives  89  and  the  latter  50  head  of 
mission  cattle  on  shares,  the  mission  to  get  half  the  increase.  Mc.rron,  Pap., 
MS.,  1.  1844.  Very  little  property  left,  with  400  scattered  Ind.,  adminis- 
tered by  P.  Zalvidea  in  his  dotage.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  14.  1845.  July  20th, 
the  property  is  turned  over  by  Ortega  to  his  successor  Juan  Maria  Marron, 
whose  salary  is  fSOO.  Inventory,  279  horses,  20  mules,  61  asses,  196  cattle, 
27  yoke  oxen, .700  sheep,  some  implements  and  other  effects  of  slight  value. 
Estudillo,  Datos,  MS.,  40-1;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  59;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
xiv.  62;  Marron,  Pap.,  MS.,  1-2. 

6Janssens,  Vida,  MS.,  169-75,  gives  a  full  account.  The  money  had  been 
entrusted  to  him  by  the  padre  to  avoid  the  importunities  of  borrowers,  and 
he  had  buried  it  in  his  room.  Having  to  go  to  Monterey  on  official  business, 
J.  told  the  padre  where  the  money  was  before  starting.  In  the  north  lie 
heard  that  he  was  accused  of  having  fled  with  the  coin,  and  in  returning  he 
had  some  difficulty  in  avoiding  arrest.  At  S.  Juan,  Zalvidea  on  hearing  the 
rumors  declared  J.  innocent,  but  in  doing  so  incautiously  revealed  the  hiding- 
place,  and  the  money  was  soon  dug  up  by  thieves.  Bandini  was  summoned, 
and  succeeded  in  recovering  most  of  the  coin,  but  kept  the  matter  quiet  in 
the  interest  of  certain  parties  implicated  in  the  theft.  The  only  other  ver- 
sion is  that  of  Juan  Bandini  in  a  long  letter  of  July  8,  1842,  to  Jose  de  la 
Guerra  in  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  124-9.  He  says  he  was  summoned  by  the 
padre,  anxious  about  his  treasure  in  view  of  Janssens'  departure,  and  in  the 
presence  of  witnesses  dug  up  the  money,  which  was  found  to  be  6  ounces 
short.  At  Zalvidoa's  request  he  took  charge  of  the  amount  and  gave  it  to 
Abel  Stearns  for  safe  keeping;  but  soon  he  found  himself  the  object  of  accu- 
sations. It  seems  that  he  was  charged  with  so  arranging  the  matter  as  to  be 
able  to  keep  the  money  in  case  of  the  padre's  death;  and  Father  Duran  wrote 
a  very  bitter  and  insulting  letter,  which  filled  Don  Juan  with  wrath,  and  in 
the  letter  from  which  these  facts  are  taken  he  announces  his  purpose  to  come 
to  'jta  Barbara  for  satisfaction,  and  to  have  it  settled  whether  he  is  a  ptcaro 
or  Fr  Narciso  an  impostor. 


SAN  JUAN  CAPISTRAXO.  625 

the  temporalities,  and  had  appointed  Janssens  major- 
domo.  This  management  lasted  until  past  the  middle 
of  1841,  though  meanwhile  preparations  were  being 
slowly  made  for  the  complete  emancipation  of  the 
Indians  that  had  been  promised,  and  the  whole  estab- 
lishment was  drifting  to  ruin.7  There  was  no  lack  of 
applications  for  grants  of  the  few  mission  ranchos; 
and  citizens  of  the  district  petitioned  for  the  privilege 
of  becoming  settlers  at  the  proposed  town.  About 
the  middle  of  June  the  prefect,  by  the  governor's  or- 
ders, sent  Agustin  Olvera  as  a  comisionado  to  distrib- 
ute the  San  Juan  lands  among  the  ex-neopbytes, 
about  100  in  number,  and  some  forty  petitioners  de 

7  Janssens  in  his  Vida,  MS.,  164-8,  gives  many  details  of  his  appointment 
and  experience,  claiming  to  have  accomplished  great  things  during  his  man- 
agement, bringing  back  refugees,  building  fences,  repairing  the  ditches,  cloth- 
ing the  Ind.,  and  accomplishing  all  kinds  of  reform,  greatly  to  the  joy  of  the 
padre  and  of  all  concerned,  though  some  of  the  neighbors  ridiculed  his  zeal,, 
and  predicted  that  all  his  efforts  would  go  for  nothing.  And  such  proved  to 
be  the  case,  for  soon  orders  for  the  delivery  of  cattle  began  to  come  in  which 
J.  refused  to  obey,  and  then  came  the  order  to  form  a  pueblo  after  J.  had 
vainly  applied  for  a  lease  of  G  years,  binding  himself  to  return  the  property  in 
an  improved  condition,  and  assuring  the  gov.  that  there  was  no  real  necessi- 
ty for  selling  the  mission  estates.  Very  likely  Jansseus  exaggerates  the  value 
of  his  services.  He  claims  that  the  final  secularization  was  effected  by  him- 
self as  representing  Bandiui. 

Jan  1st,  gov.  approves  majordomo's  act  in  effecting  a  loan  to  purchase 
needed  articles.  Janssens,  Doc.,  MS.,  52.  Jan.  21st,  P.  Zalvidea  to  gov.,  has 
bought  800  cattle  with  the  sum  allotted  for  worship  and  padre's  support,  and 
has  sent  them  to  the  Cienega  to  be  pastured.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  47. 
Jan.  22d,  neophytes  complain  that  several  men  are  trying  to  get  grants  of 
mission  lands.  The  padre  asks  that  this  be  stopped.  Id.,  48.  March  14th, 
prefect  orders  that  Janssens  be  prevented  from  taking  Ind.  from  S.  Juan, 
which  he  has  no  authority  to  do.  Los  Ang.,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  44-5.  March 
22d,  Zalvidea  asks  that  Argiiello  and  Estudillo  be  ordered  to  remove  their 
cattle  from  Trabuco  and  the  Mision  Vieja.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  53.  June 
7th,  gov.  orders  maj.  to  deliver  to  Sant.  Argiiello  30  fil.ies  on  account  of  pay 
due  him.  Janssens,  Doc.,  MS.,  52.  June,  Jos6  Sepiilveda  has  a  claim  to  only 
the  Civinega  de  las  lianas  rancho  and  not  to  El  Toro  and  Niguil.  Toro  be- 
longs to  Trabuco.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  vi.  4u';  Los  Ang.,  Arch.,  MS., 
ii.  50-1,  G2-4.  July  5th,  majordomo  says  that  worms  have  destroyed  all  the 
crops,  and  the  Ind.  have  left  the  mission.  Asks  that  aid  be  obtained  from 
S.  .Luis  where  there  is  abundance.  St.  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  xi.  46-7. 

May  10th,  gov.  decides,  at  the  request  of  S.  Diego  vecinos,  to  dissolve 
the  S.  Juan  community.  The  prefect  and  juez  de  paz  are  to  see  that  the 
Ind.  have  tlieir  lands  assigned  provisionally  pending  permanent  regulations 
from  the  govt.  The  prefect  to  send  a  comisionado  to  act  with  the  adminis- 
trator and  see  that  the  Ind.  have  the  same  rights  as  those  derazon.  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  An;/.,  MS.,  xii.  54.  May  21st,  prefect  publishes  the  order  of  May  10th. 
S.  Dicrj'>  Index,  MS.,  137;  Hayes'  J4*M  B.,  126.  June  7th,  Jesus  Moreno 
appointed  to  inform  vecinos  that  their  petition  has  been  granted,  and  they  are 
to  come  to  S.  Juan  on  the  14th,  to  take  temporary  possession.  Id.,  127-8,. 
HiciX  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  40 


626  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

razon,  only  a  small  part  of  whom  ever  came  to  occupy 
their  lots.  At  the  end  of  July  regulations  were  pub- 
lished, and  soon,  probably  in  August  or  September, 

121-2.  Probably  lands  were  assigned  on  the  14th.  June  30th,  petition  to 
be  admitted  as  new  settlers  at  S.  Juan  from  A.  Janssens,  Feliciano  Rojas, 
Tcodosio  Yorba,  Jose"  Caiiedo,  Jose"  M.  Caficdo,  Juan  M.  Caiiedo,  Jos6  A. 
Serrano,  Jose"  Cristan,  Severiano  Rios,  Miguel  Verdugo,  Eugenio  Arce,  Jose1 
A.  Yorba,  Antonio  Coronel,  and  Francisco  Ocampo.  Granted  in  a  marginal 
note  by  prefect.  Other  similar  petitions,  and  July  12th,  a  list  by  Agustin 
Olvera  (who  was  apparently  the  commissioner)  of  all  who  received  lands, 
from  100  to  3CO  varas  each,  as  follows:  Andres  Pico,  Tomas  Gutierrez, 
Eicardo  Pena,  Jos6  Lopez,  Carlos  Silvas,  Juan  M.  Marron,  Jesus  Moreno, 
Ramon  Silvas,  Ramon  Argiiello,  Sant.  Argiiello,  Sant.  E.  Arguello,  Josd  A. 
Estudillo,  Narciso  Botello,  Juan  Bandini,  Agustin  Olvera,  Joaquiu  de  los 
Rios,  Jose"  Alipas,  Rosario  Aguilar,  Bias  Aguilar,  Antonio  Valenzuela,  and 
the  14  already  named,  besides  5  free  neophytes.  Also  list  of  the  neophytes, 
each  family  receiving  100  varas,  and  each  individual  50  varas,  the  whole 
amounting  to  9,775  varas.  De/it.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  43-53.  The  Ind.  had 
the  preference,  and  chose  the  eastern  valley.  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  121-2.  July 
llth,  Manuel  CastaSares,  apparently  a  special  comisionado,  reports  to  the 
gov.  that  the  only  property  belonging  to  the  ex-mission  was  5  yoke  of  oxen; 
apparently  no  assets  and  no  debts.  There  were  still  living  in  community  26 
married  men,  7  widowers,  and  5  single  men,  a  total  of  38  besides  4  gentiles; 
no.  of  women  and  children  not  given.  C.  says  he  assembled  the  people  on  the 
10th;  told  them  the  govt.  was  about  to  give  them  their  liberty,  appointed 
Julian  captain  and  alcalde,  but  told  them  till  the  documents  should  come 
they  must  live  as  before.  Val!<-jo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  216-17.  July  29th,  gov. 
to  the  encargado,  announcing  that  Bandini  has  orders  to  emancipate  the  Ind., 
examine  accounts,  etc.  Janssens,  Doc.,  MS.,  5-6. 

July  29th,  regulations  issued  by  Gov.  Alvarado.  'Articulos  que  provision  - 
almente  deben  observarse  en  el  nuevo  arreglo  del  establecimiento  de  S.  Juan 
Capistrano.'  Lands  to  be  held  as  already  assigned  by  the  prefect's  comisio- 
nado. .  Crops  to  be  distributed  according  to  comisionado's  judgment  until  each 
native  can  cultivate  his  own  land.  Live-stock  and  implements,  not  being 
sufficient  for  distribution,  to  be  kept  by  com.  and  furnished  as  needed.  Or- 
chards and  vineyards  devoted  to  worship  and  the  padre's  support,  and  to  be 
rented  by  the  govt  in  accord  with  the  padre.  Manufacturing  implements  etc. 
to  be  kept  in  the  rooms  where  they  now  are  for  use  of  Ind.  workmen.  Sheep 
may  be  entrusted  to  some  person  who  will  receive  J  of  the  increase,  and  will 
deliver  the  wool  for  use  in  the  weaving  establishment.  One  third  of  blankets 
etc.,  manufactured  to  be  delivered  to  padre  for  use  of  poor  and  old  Ind.  Of 
the  buildings  £  will  serve  for  the  padre's  dwelling,  £  for  some  Ind.  families, 
and  ^  to  the  com.  in  which  to  accommodate  travellers,  or  to  be  rented  to  fami- 
lies de  razon  and  the  rent  applied  to  repairs.  No  buildings,  even  in  ruins,  to 
ibe  sold  without  authority  of  the  govt.  The  govt  to  assign  lands  outside  of 
those  granted  to  the  settlers  for  ejidos  and  jrropiox  of  the  pueblo.  No  lud. 
can  work  for  a  private  individual  without  a  boletct  from  the  coin,  expressing 
the  name  of  the  employer.  Any  lauds  abandoned  by  either  Ind.  or  gente  de 
razou  for  a  year  will  belong  to  the  pueblo  and  may  bo  rented  at  a  moderate 
,rate,  the  original  owner  having  the  preference.  The  govt  to  appoint  a  juez 
de  paz  to  be  subject  to  the  cabecera  of  the  district.  17  articles  in  Dept.  St. 
J?ap.,  MS.,  xviii.  48-51. 

Oct.  12th,  Bandini's  report.  He  visited  S.  Juan,  and  assembling  the  Ind. 
found  that  70  desired  a  pueblo  and  30  old  men  and  women  opposed  the  change. 
After  B.  'a  reading  and  explanation  of  the  regulations  some  of  the  latter  changed 
their  minds  and  B.  formally  declared  the  ex-mission  a  pueblo  (no  exact  date). 
He  found  that  Jansaans  had  been  inciting  the  Ind.  against  the  change  and 


PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JUAN.  627 

Juan  Bandini  was  sent  to  supervise  the  formal  foun- 
dation of  the  pueblo,  named  San  Juan  de  Argiiello 
in  honor  of  Don  Santiago  and  his  family.  Bandini 
remained  until  March,  1842,  in  charge  of  the  slight 
remnants  of  community  property;  then  for  a  month 
or  two  Zalvidea,  with  Janssens  as  juez  interino, 
managed  affairs;  but  the  padre  soon  went  to  S.  Luis, 
and  Agustin  Olvera  was  made  juez  de  paz.  From 
this  time  not  much  is  known  of  pueblo  annals,  except 
that  half-a-dozen  families  of  gente  de  razon  and 
twenty  or  more  of  ex-neophytes  lived  quietly,  if  not 
very  prosperously,  at  San  Juan,  under  Olvera  as 
juez  in  1842-3,  B-osario  Aguilar  in  1843-4,  Emigdio 
Vejar  in  1844-5,  and  John  Forster  from  July  1845. 
Finally  in  December  the  ex-mission  buildings  and 
gardens  were  sold  to  Forster  and  McKinley  by  order 

scheming  to  retain  his  place  as  majordomo;  therefore  he  removed  J.,  ordering 
him  to  present  himself  with  his  unintelligible  accounts  to  the  govt,  and  ap- 
pointed Santiago  E.  Argiiello  to  take  the  place.  At  this  time  only  the  ex- 
neo[jhytes  and  4  or  5  families  de  razon  who  had  lived  at  S.  Juan  for  some  time, 
had  occupied  their  lauds.  There  were  now  323  sheep  and  146  horses.  Ban- 
diai  resigns  his  office  and  recommends  Arguello  for  a  successor.  The  resigna- 
tion is  accepted  in  a  marginal  note.  Id.,  51-2.  Jan.  2,  1842,  Bandini  had 
reconsidered  his  resignation  at  request  of  govt  and  taken  up  his  residence  at 
S.  Juan.  The  pueblo  badly  demoralized,  scoundrels  having  entered  under 
pretence  of  being  settlers,  and  vice  and  crime  being  prevalent.  No  man  here 
fib  for  juez  de  paz.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  38-42. 

March  7,  1842,  Bandini  has  surrendered  everything  to  Zalvidea,  who  has 
appointed  Janssens,  and  B.  has  recognized  J.  as  'encargado  de  policia.'  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Any.,  M.S.,  vi.  101-2.  March  ISth  Janssens'  appointment  as  juez 
interino  approved  by  prefect.  Los  Aug.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  185.  May  30th,  Ban- 
dini's  resignation  accepted.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  51.  April  2.id,  Agustin 
Olvera  appointed  juez  de  paz  of  S.  Juan  de  Ar^iiello  with  Santiago  Rios  as 
suplente.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vi.  108;  Id.,  Pref.  y  Jazg.,  iii.  04. 
Dec.  10th,  Olvera  and  Rios  reappointed  for  1843  by  prefect,  Id.,  107,  but  in 
Jan.  Olvera  declines  to  serve.  /(/.,  Any.,  MS.,  vii.  33.  Yet  Olvera  was  not 
excused  and  was  serving  in  June  1843,  when  he  sends  a  list  of  settlers  who  have 
failed  to  occupy  their  lands,  with  other  matter,  and  again  asks  to  be  relieved. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  53-4.  Rosario  Aguilar  appears  to  have  been  ap- 
pointed, since  in  Aug.  he  pleads  incapacity  and  asks  to  be  replaced.  Id.,  Aug., 
vii.  88. 

Jan.  1844.  Aguilar  ordered  to  surrender  the  juzgado  to  Emigdio  VcSjar. 
Id.,  viii.  4,  6,  10.  In  the  report  on  southern  missions  in  March  1844,  S. 
Juan  is  said  to  be  abandoned  for  want  of  a  minister  and  its  Ind.  demoralized 
and  dispersed.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  14.  July  11,  1S45,  V6jar  ordered  to  give 
up  the  juzgado  to  John  Forster.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  63,  63.  Dec.  4th,  sale 
of  the  mission  buildings,  furniture,  and  gardens  to  John  Forster  and  James 
McKinley  for'$710.  This  vol.,  p.  549-53;  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  xi.  66;  Unb. 
Dor.,  MS.,  390-1.  Some  old  men  acquainted  with  the  facts  say  that  the 
mission  was  not  sold  at  this  time,  //ayes'  Miss.  B.,  121. 


628  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

of  the  government,  the  first-named  of  the  purchasers 
remaining  in  possession  for  many  years. 

Respecting  the  other  pueblos  of  the  district,  Las 
Flores,  San  Dieguito,  and  San  Pascual,  we  have  a 
few  meagre  items  for  the  years  1841-2,  just  enough  to 
indicate  their  continued  existence.  After  1842  noth- 
ing appears  in  records  of  this  period,  though  San 
Pascual  certainly  and  Las  Flores  probably  were  not 
wholly  abandoned  until  after  1845.8 

The  population  of  the  Los  Angeles  district  may  be 
supposed  to  have  increased  in  1841-5  from  1,800  to 
2,000,  of  which  number  perhaps  1,250  lived  in  and 
about  the  town,  and  750  at  the  ranch os  and  ex-mis- 
sions. There  was  besides  an  ex-neophyte  Indian 
population,  in  community  arid  scattered,  of  1,100  in 
the  district.9  During  this  period,  and  especially  in 
the  last  two  years,  the  records  show  some  efforts  on 
the  part  of  citizens  and  authorities  to  encourage  pub- 
lic improvements,  to  beautify  the  streets  and  build- 
ings, and  to  render  the  city  more  worthy  in  appearance 
of  its  position  as  metropolis  of  California.  It  must 
be  confessed  that  results  were  somewhat  meagre,  yet 

8Tadeo  and  Jos6  Barrena  jueces  de  campo  for  S.  Dieguito  April,  1841. 
Hayej  Doc.,  MS.,  149.  Feb.-April,  1841,  1842,  Eucargados  of  S.  Dieguito 
and  S.  Pascual  appointed  by  juez  of  S.  Diego.  8.  D.  Arch.,  MS.,  283.  Pio 
Pico  eucargado  of  Las  Flores  in  1842.  Id.;  Hayes"  Doc.,  MS.,  156.  In  Feb.- 
April  1841,  there  was  much  dissatisfaction  among  the  Ind.  of  Las  Fiorcs 
with  the  Picos.  The  juez  went  to  see  them  and  explain  that  Pico  still  had 
authority,  but  he  appointed  3  Ind.  alcaldes  here,  and  also  at  S.  Pascual  and 
S.  Dieguito,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  Ind.  Pico  required  them  to  fence 
their  land  to  keep  out  his  cattle!  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  347.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i. 
343,  says  there  was  403  Ind.  at  Las  Flores  in  1842.  There  are  no  later 
figures.  Oct.  1841,  suicide  of  an  Ind.  girl  at  S.  Pascual.  Dept.  St.  l*ap., 
Anif.,  MS.,  vi.  73.  In  February  J.  A.  Yorba  applied  for  a  lot  500x400  varaa 
at  Las  Flores  '  called  also  San  Pedro,'  but  the  grant  was  refused  as  the  land 
would  not  support  more  people  than  were  already  there.  Los  Ang.  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  153-0. 

•The  most  definite  authority  is  a  padron  of  1844,  which  gives  the  pop.  as 
627  men,  500  women,  720  children,  or  a  total  of  1847,  and  650  Ind.,  or  2,437 
in  all,  not  including  the  Ind.  at  S.  Gabriel  and  S.  Feruando  or  the  gentiles. 
Lou  Anrjclfis,  Ayunt.  liec.,  MS.,  13.  On  July  26th  of  the  same  year  a  census 
is  mentioned  as  showing  401  men.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  Ill;  and  in  Aug. 
1841  294  vecinosare  mentioned.  Id.,  65.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  318,  gives  the 
pop.  of  the  district  as  1,200  in  1842;  and  Simpson,  Narr.,  i.  402,  says  the 
town  alone  had  1,500  in  the  same  year. 


LOS  ANGELES.  629 

I  have  deemed  the  efforts  worth  a  separate  record.10 
Local  events  of  the  half-decade  as  appended  in  chron- 
ologic order,  if  not  of  the  greatest  importance,  were  at 
least  sufficiently  exciting  to  occupy  the  Angelinos'  at- 
tention during  a  temporary  lull  in  political  and  sec- 
tional controversies.11  The  leading  event  of  1841  was 

10  1841.  April,  the  alcalde  calls  for  subscriptions  to  rebuild  the  church, 
Leandry  being  the  comisiouado.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  vi.  10,  31.  1842. 
March,  the  prefect  interested  in  the  subject,  and  thinks  the  curate's  liousa 
would  be  the  better  for  repairs.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  174.  1843.  June 
3d,  keepers  of  shops  and  taverns  must  put  a  light  in  front  of  their  places  from, 
dusk  to  9  P.  M.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  M3.,  vii.  G4-5.  July,  an  appeal  to 
citizens  for  funds  to  build  a  govt  house  and  barrack.  In  response  A.  M.  Lugo, 
V.  Sanchez,  and  L.  Vignes  gave  $500  each  in  effects;  T.  A.  Yorba  $400;  J. 
Temple  $300;  F.  J.  Sepulveda  $10;  T.  S.  Colima  $15;  and  F.  J.  Alvarado  a 
bbl  of  wine.  Id.,  vii.  79.  1844.  A  social  society  or  club  was  organized  by 
leading  citizens,  and  named  Amigos  del  Pais.  A  lot  103  varas  sq.  was  granted 
in  May,  free  from  taxes.  Id.,  v.  154—5.  An  adobe  building  was  erected,  with 
reading-room,  dancing-hall,  etc.  After  a  few  entertainments,  according  to 
Arna,z,  llecuerdos,  MS.,  39-41,  the  members  disagreed  and  the  property  was 
put  up  in  a  lottery,  Andres  Pico  being  the  lucky  member.  The  project  of 
a  new  cemetery  was  still  agitated  as  in  the  past  decade,  but  though  the  nce.l 
was  recognized  and  a  site  of  100  varas  had  been  selected,  thera  were  financial 
difficulties.  A  subscription  was  raised,  however,  and  work  was  pushed  for- 
ward so  that  the  new  burial  ground  was  consecrated  by  P.  Estenega  on  Nov. 
4th.  Then  the  ayunt.  formally  presented  it  to  the  church  on  condition  that 
there  should  be  no  church  tax  on  burials;  which  the  bishop  declined,  and 
claimed  that  by  the  act  of  consecration  the  cemetery  became  church  property. 
The  ayunt.  would  not  accept  this  view  and  resolved  to  appeal  to  the  govt, 
meanwhile  reserving  the  right  to  grant  licenses  for  burial.  Coronel,  Dot1. ,  MS., 
90-100;  Los  Any.  Ayunt.  Pec.,  MS.,  8.  May-Oct.,  long  and  complicated  dis- 
cussions on  the  opening,  closing,  and  straightening  of  streets,  especially  the 
Callejon  de  Prior.  Dept.  fiec.,  MS.,  xiii.  S3;  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  104-6, 
203-13;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  110.  A  school  under  Lieut  Medina  in  pros- 
perous condition  this  year.  This  vol.,  p.  493. 

1G45.  Jan.,  casas  consistoriales  to  be  built  on  lot  between  Juan  Domingo 
and  Sra  Uribe.  Los  Ang.  Arch. ,  MS. ,  v.  209.  April  19th  et  seq.,  the  ayunt. ,  ou 
motion  of  Kegidor  Cota,  resolves  to  ask  the  gov.  to  order  the  repair  and  plas- 
tering and  whitening  of  house-fronts  in  the  city;  and  Gov.  Pico  issued  the 
decree  on  the  22d,  requiring  the  work  to  be  done  within  3  months,  under 
penalties  of  line  fro:n  $5  to  $25.  Any  lot  with  ruined  walla  might  ba 
denounced  after  2  months.  Fines  to  be  applied  chiefly  to  beautifying  the 
town.  On  July  19th  the  gov.  ordered  the  fines  collected;  but  on  the  25th  he 
put  off  the  matter  for  a  month,  and  no  more  is  heard  of  it.  Id.,  v.  2.T7-9; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  x.  53-4,  xi.  154-5;  Id,  Ben.,  v.  347-50;  Los  Ang. 
Co.  Hist.,  13-14.  May-July,  more  about  the  streets  and  Prior's  callejon, 
which  he  does  not  wish  to  bo  closed  as  ordered.  Bandini,  Doc.,  MS.,  56;  Dept. 
St  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  154-6.  July  26th.  a  committee  appointed  to  name  streets 
and  number  houses.  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  280;  Hayes'  Land  Matters,  20. 
Sept.,  a  priest  desired  and  promised  by  the  bishop;  meanwhile  the  people 
must  depend  on  the  mission.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  149-50. 

"Summary  of  events  at  Los  Angeles.  1841.  New  Mex.  caravan,  the 
Chaguauosos,  and  Peg-leg  Smith.  This  vol.  p.  208.  Murder  of  Nicholas  Fink 
mentioned .  Id. ,  200.  Fink  was  a  German  shoemaker  and  shop-keeper,  who 
had  lived  in  Cal.  5  years.  On  Jan.  18th,  when  his  shop  had  been  closed  for 
four  days  an  investigation  showed  that  he  had  been  murdered  and  his  place 


630  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

the  robbery  and  murder  of  a  Grerman  trader,  followed 
by  the  prompt  execution  of  the  assassins.  In  1842, 
besides  the  reception  of  a  new  governor,  we  have  the 

robbed  in  the  night  of  the  14th.  The  body  was  found  in  the  shop,  the  skull 
having  been  broken  by  a  blow  from  a  gun-barrel.  Ascencion  Valencia,  Santi- 
ago Linares,  and  Jos6  Duarte  were  soon  known  to  be  the  assassins,  the  latter 
having  aroused  suspicion  by  a  statement  that  he  had  seen  Fink  on  his  way  to 
S.  Fernando,  and  Linares  confessing  after  a  quantity  of  the  stolen  goods  had 
been  found  in  possession  of  his  sweetheart.  There  was  great  excitement  in 
town,  guards  were  posted,  citizens  were  required  to  be  within  doors  by  10  P. 
M.,  and  strict  precautions  were  required  by  the  prefect  in  a  series  of  bandos. 
The  prisoners  were  confined  separately,  and  besides  the  volunteer  guard,  a 
detachment  of  11  soldiers  under  Lieut.  Roberto  Pardo  was  obtained  from  Sta 
Barbara.  There  was  a  complaint  and  controversy  about  the  support  of  these 
men,  but  citizens  finally  contributed  for  the  purpose.  Early  in  March  the 
process  was  sent  by  the  prefect  to  the  governor,  with  a  memorial  signed  by  33 
citizens  asking  for  prompt  action  and  an  extreme  penalty.  The  reply  was  an 
order  that  the  murderers  be  shot  by  soldiers,  citizens  arming  to  maintain 
order,  within  three  days;  and  the  sentence  was  executed  between  10  and  11 
A.  M.,  on  April  Cfch,  the  governor's  proclamation  being  read  publicly,  and  a 
force  of  mounted  citizens  standing  guard  for  three  days  to  maintain  tranquil- 
lity. The  proclamation  was  also  published  at  Sta  Barbara.  I  think  there  is 
no  foundation  for  Mofras'  statement  that  the  foreigners  compelled  the  gov.  to 
act  by  threats  of  summary  proceedings.  Eulogio  Cclis  was  the  next  year 
charged  by  the  German  charg<5  d'affaires  in  Mex.  to  settle  Fink's  estate.  De- 
tails and  corresp.  in  Los.  Any.,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  13-17;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
v.  55;  xviii.  24;  Id.,  Ang.,  i.  49,  60;  iii.  70-2,  7G-9;  vi.  10;  xii.  65;  Id.,  Pref. 
yJuzg.,  iv.  6-8,  19-20;  vi.  51;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  7-8,  39;  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  iv.  1076-85;  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  v.  202-4;  vi.  15-16;  8.  Diego,  Arch., 
MS.,  280;  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  19;  Hayes,  DM.,  MS.,  150;  Botetto,  Anales, 
184-6;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  323-4;  Arnaz,  Recutrdos,  MS.,  61. 

1842.  May,  fears  of  Ind.  depredations  by  distant  tribes.  This  vol.,  p. 
338.  Arrival  of  large  party  of  traders  from  N.  Mex.  Id.,  342.  Arrival  of 
Micheltorena  and  his  battalion  in  Sept.  Id.,  290-1.  Dec.,  Gov.  Michel torena 
takes  the  oath  of  office;  great  festivities.  Id.,  294-5.  Sir  Geo.  Simpson 
describes  Los  Angeles,  which  he  did  not  visit,  as  'the  noted  abode  of  the  low- 
est drunkards  and  gamblers  of  the  country.  This  den  of  thieves  is  situated, 
as  one  may  expect  from  its  being  almost  twice  as  populous  as  the  two  other 
pueblos  taken  together,  in  one  of  the  loveliest  and  most  fertile  districts  of 
Cal.'  Narrative,  i.  402.  Discovery  of  gold  at  S.  Francisco  rancho  in  March. 
This  vol.,  p.  296-7.  This  subject  seems  of  sufficient  importance  to  justify 
the  following  summary  of  documentary  evidence.  May  3d,  prefect  appoints 
Ignacio  del  Valle  encarsjado  de  justicia  at  the  gold  mines.  He  may  collect 
fees  from  all  comers,  as  the  land  is  his,  and  must  report  so  that  the  ground 
may  be  legally  apportioned.  Dues  on  liquors  and  other  effects  must  be  col- 
lected as  in  town.  Francisco  Zorrilla  is  named  as  suplente.  Valle,  Doc.,  MS., 
57;  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Ang.,  MS.,  vi.  121.  Janssens,  in  a  newspaper  scrap, 
describes  Zorrilla  as  a  Sonoran  gambuxino  who  worked  for  a  long  time  in  thesa 
mines,  and  finally  disappeared  in  the  rush  of  1848.  May  6th,  Manuel 
Requena  to  Barren,  says  the  gold  was  discovered  in  March,  two  leagues  had 
been  prospected,  the  miners  were  few  and  without  skill,  making  $2  per  day 
each.  Requena,  Doc.,  MS.,  4-5.  Bandini,  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  42-4,  says  the 
discovery  was  in  April.  In  Los  Angeles,  Hist.,  10-11,  it  is  stated  that  Fran- 
cisco Lopez  made  the  discov.  accidentally,  finding,  in  pulling  some  wild 
onions,  a  pebble  like  some  that  Andres  Castillero  had  found  before  and  had 
declared  to  indicate  the  presence  of  gold.  Bid  well,  Oaf.  1841-8,  MS.,  215- 
19,  who  visited  the  mines  in  1845  when  30  men,  chiefly  N.  Mexicans,  were 


THE  GOLD  MINES.  631 

discovery  of  gold  and  a  mining  excitement.  The  visit 
of  Commodore  Jones  and  the  thieving  exploits  of 
the  cholo  battalion  were  in  1843  the  leading  fea- 

making  25  cents  per  day  each,  describes  the  methods,  and  names  Jean  B. 
Rouelle  as  the  discoverer.  Alvarado,  Descub.  de  Oro,  MS.,  describes  the 
accidental  finding  by  two  peasants  of  particles  looking  like  copper,  but  pro- 
nounced gold  by  Souoran  experts  in  town.  From  the  first  gold  brought  to 
Monterey  the  gov.  had  earrings  for  his  wife  and  a  ring  for  his  daughter  made 
— the  ring  having  been  for  a  time  in  my  possession.  May  13th,  prefect  noti- 
fies alcalde  at  Angeles  of  Vaile's  appointment,  and  that  many  people  are 
going  to  the  placeres.  Los  Aug.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  211,  256-8.  May  14th,  gov. 
asks  for  information  which  was  sent  in  Aug.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  xii. 
Go,  05;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  32,  36.  Same  date,  prefect  to  gov.  on  the  sub- 
ject. Id.,  Pref.  y  Juzg.,  iii.  64.  June  17th,  Valle's  report  to  prefect.  Only 
a  few  miners,  getting  not  over  $1  per  day.  Prospects  apparently  favorable; 
placer  of  great  extent;  small  nuggets  found.  No  tax  should  be  imposed  yet. 
100  men  at  onetime,  not  over  50  now.  Great  lack  of  water.  Miners  will 
return  with  the  rains.  Good  order  preserved.  Id.,  iii.  15-17.  Oct.  IGth, 
Bandini  denounces  a  mine  in  the  S.  Bernardino  region,  as  he  had  also  done  a 
year  before.  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  117-19;  y.  478.  Aug.  6th,  1843. 
Alfred  Robinson  to  Abel  Stearns  from  N.  Y.,  sending  mem.  of  gold  carried 
from  Cal.  in  1842  and  deposited  in  the  Phil,  mint  in  July,  1843.  In  archives 
of  Cal.  Pioneers,  and  printed  in  several  newspapers.  Stearns  in  a  letter  of 
1807,  Ib. ,  also  names  Francisco  Lopez  as  the  discoverer,  and  gives  the  date 
correctly  as  March.  Wiggins,  Remin.,  MS.,  19,  claims  to  have  visited  the 
mines  in  1843.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  489,  mentions  them  as  worked  by  Charles 
B:iric  and  yielding  about  1  oz.  per  day.  Apr.  20,  1844.  Placer  mentioned  in  a 
letter  of  Hartnell  to  Wyllie.  Pico,  Doc.,  i.  88.  Castauares,  Col.  Doc.,  10, 
22-3,  reported  and  exaggerated  the  discov.  in  Mex.  March  18,  1846,  ayunt. 
appoints  a  com.  to  gather  information  with  a  view  to  regulate  the  working 
of  the  'San  Feliciano '  placeres.  Los  Aug.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  331.  June  30,  1846, 
Ln,rlun  writes  to  N.  Y.  Sun  that  a  common  laborer  can  pick  up  $2  per  day. 
Larkirfs  Doc.,  MS.,  iv.  183. 

1843.  Jan.,  Com.  Jones  at  Angeles  and  his  entertainment  by  the  gov. 
and  citizens.  This  vol.,  321-2.  Some  descriptive  matter  in  Jones'  Unpub. 
Narr.  Micheltorena  and  his  cholo  batallon,  their  troubles  and  depredations 
at  Los  Angeles  Jan. -June.  This  vol.  350-4,  364-5.  Oath  to  the  bases 
orjdnicas  or  new  Mexican  constitution  in  Oct.  Id.,  359.  Election  for  con- 
gressman, Palomares  the  elector.  Id.,  301.  1844.  A  prosperous  school  in 
operation  under  Lieut  Medina.  Id.,  403.  Military  organization  for  the  im- 
pending war  with  the  U.  S.  in  July.  Id.,  407.  Renewed  agitation  of  the 
capital  question,  Angeles  vs  Monterey,  Sta  In6s  as  a  compromise.  Id.,  411- 
12.  Reports  of  the  revolt  against  the  gov.,  and  attempts  at  military  organ- 
ization in  Dec.  Id. ,  404,  462,  475. 

1845.  Jan.,  the  city  captured  and  converted  by  the  northern  rebels 
against  Micheltorena  under  Castro  and  Alvarado;  organization  of  a  foreign 
company;  meeting  of  the  junta.  Id.,  490-7.  Feb.,  unsuccessful  negotiations 
with  Micheltorena;  Pio  Pico  declared  gov. ;  campaign  and  battle  of  Cahuenga, 
downfall  of  Micheltorena,  and  treaty  of  S.  Fernando.  Id.,  497-517.  Capital, 
governor,  and  assembly  at  Angeles.  Id.,  518-22.  March-April,  arrest  of 
ValdSsand  Moreno;  prisoners'  revolt.  Id.,  522-3.  June-July,  sassions  of  the 
assembly;  prefectures  reestablished  with  Angeles  as  1st  district.  Id.,  531-4. 
July,  etc.,  Indian  troubles  in  the  S.  Bernardino  region;  much  corrcsp.  and 
slight  results.  Id.,  543-4.  Wilson,  Obse.ro.,  MS.,  29,  34-5,  says  that  he  dis- 
covered and  named  Bear  Lake  during  this  Ind.  campaign.  Aug. -Oct.,  ses- 
sions of  assembly;  gov.  vs  com. -gen. ;  Pico  and  J.  A.  Carrillo;  revolt  of  the 
garrison  in  Sept.;  elections;  Varela  revolt  in  Nov.  This  vol.,  p.  536-41. 
Igaacio  del  Valle  as  treasurer;  death  of  J.  M.  Hijar.  Id, ,  557,  530. 


632  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

tures  of  southern  annals.  1844  was  the  tamest  year 
of  the  five,  but  the  citizens  agitated  anew  the  capital 
question,  and  expressed  some  patriotic  sentiments 
against  foreign  invaders  and  northern  rebels.  In  1845 
there  was  a  return  of  the  old  'war  times'  of  1837-8, 
including  two  battles,  and  resulting  in  Los  Angeles 
being  recognized  as  the  capital  with  a  southern  gov- 
ernor. Then  came  a  series  of  local  tumults  and  re- 
volts and  the  beginnings  of  what  was  destined  to  be 
the  last  political  controversy,  under  Mexican  rule,  be- 
tween north  and  south.  The  prefecture  of  the  second 
district  was  held  by  Santiago  Argiielloin  1841-3,  and 
by  Manuel  Dominguez  for  the  last  seven  months  of 
1843.  There  was  no  prefect  in  1844,  the  system  be- 
ing abolished  by  Governor  Micheltorena,  after  whose 
fall  it  was  restored  by  Pico  in  July  with  Los  Angeles 
as  the  first  district  and  Jose  Sepulveda  as  sub-prefect, 
the  governor's  presence  removing  in  theory  the  neces- 
sity of  a  prefect.12  In  1841-3  municipal  affairs  were 

12  Prefecture,  municipal  government,  official  list,  and  criminal  record  of 
Los  Ange  es.  1841,  prefect  Santiago  Argiiello,  sec.  Nr.rciso  Botello.  Juecea 
de  paz  Ignacio  Palomares,  Ignacio  M.  Alvarado;  sec.  Raimundo  Carrillo  (in 
Feb.  at  least).  Tax-collector,  etc.,  Basilio  Valde~s;  munic.  receipts  §754,  ex- 
pend. SCJ'Jo.  Salary  of  the  sec.  §20  per  month.  The  prefect  in  letters  to 
Capt.  Guerra  complains  of  the  scandalous  prevalence  of  concubinage  and  im- 
morality not  only  in  town  but  throughout  the  district.  Ouerra,  Doc.,  MS., 
vii.  82-3.  Feb.,  list  of  30  vagrants  sent  to  gov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  Prcf. 
yJu~y,,  MS.,iv.  3.  Many  orders  of  various  dates  on  gambling  and  sale  of 
liquors.  April,  Ricardo  Uribe,  a  returned  exile,  to  be  sent  to  Sonoma.  Id., 
ii.  55.  Prefeei  ordered  by  gov.  to  pay  back  from  his  salary  funds  taken  by 
him  for  office  expenses  from  Stearns'  fines  as  a  smuggler.  Id.,  iv.  1-2.  A 
soldier  gets  23  blows  for  stealing  a  horse.  Id.,  Anfj.,  vi.  13.  Oct.,  Sepulveda, 
when  drunk,  attacked  Judge  Palomares  in  his  home  and  lost  an  eye  in  the 
affray,  for  which  he  was  fined  $10.  The  prefect  appointed  Leandry  as  a  special 
judge  in  this  case.  Id.,  Een.,  iv.  10-11.  Dec.,  list  of  18  prisoners,  12  out  on 
bail.  /(/.,  Any.,  vi.  83. 

1842,  prefect  Santiago  Argiiello;  sec.  Jose"  Ramon  Argiiello  from  Feb.  1st. 
Jueces  do  paz  Manuel  Dominguez  and  Jos6  L.  Sepulreda  y  Avila;  no  sec. 
named.  Jueces  de  campo  Antonio  Ign.  Avila,  Macedouio  Aguilar,  Ramon 
Lugardo  Ibarra,  Fernando  Sepulveda  (not  approved),  Felipe  Valenzuela,  Jose" 
M.  Lopez;  encargado  de  justicia  at  the  gold  mines  Ignacio  del  Valle,  suplente 
Francisco  Zorrilla.  Recaudador,  Valdcs;  receipts  $747,  expend.  $737,  the 
collector's  percentage  being  $59.  Botello,  Anales  del  Sur,  MS.,  186,  men- 
tions the  execution  of  Antonio  Valencia  for  killing  Antonio  Aguila  who  was 
beating  hia  little  brother;  but  I  find  no  other  record.  Jan.,  alcalde  exiles  a 
woman  for  adultery.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  Prcf.  yJuzij.,  MS.,  vi.  91.  Feb., 
citizens  living  at  old  S.  Gabriel  must  be  made  to  come  and  live  in  town  as 
soon  as  the  crop  is  harvested.  Los  Aug.,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  151-2.  A.  M.  Or- 
tega fined  by  prefect  for  refusing  to  act  as  juez  suplente.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B. 


MUNICIPAL  AFFAIRS.  633 

managed  by  two  justices  of  the  peace,  the  first  judge 
being  successively  Ignacio  Palomares,  Manuel  Do- 
minguez,  and  Antonio  F.  Coronel.  In  1844  the  ayun- 

P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  72-4.  July  7th,  Samuel  Taggart,  for  a  crime  not  specified 
but  committed  in  1841,  is  executed  by  the  governor's  order,  a  guard  of  20 
soldiers  coming  from  Sta  Barbara.  His  accomplice,  Henry  Richards,  was 
sentenced  to  10  years'  presidio  in  Jalisco.  Id.,  iv.  41;  /</.,  Any.,  vi.  133;  Los 
Ange.'es,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  240-59.  Dec.,  a  woman  accuses  her  cousin  of  leading 
a  bad  life,  which  she  confesses.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vii.  35. 

1843.  Prefect  Arguello  till  May  IGth,  when  he  resigned,  Manuel  Domin- 
guez  assuming  the  office  temporarily  on  that  date  and  receiving  the  governor's 
appointment  a  few  days  later.     At  the  same  time  Botello  resumed  the  secre- 
taryship.    Jueces  de  paz  Manuel  Dominguez  and  Antonio  F.  Coronel  till  May, 
Coronel  and  Rafael  Gallardo  from  May,  but  the  former  resigned  in  Oct. 
Jueces  de  campo  perhaps  same  as  before;  Macedonio  Aguilar  suspended  in 
Dec.     Rccaudador  Tomas  Sanchez;  receipts  $849.37,  expend.  $849.25,  fees 
§29.25.  Los  Any.,  Ayunt.  7?cc.,MS.,3.     March,  case  of  a  woman  prostituting 
herself  in  a  group  of  soldiers.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vii.  53.     June,  po- 
lice regulations  issued  by  prefect.  Id.,  G4-G.     June,  case  of  Francisco  Sepul- 
veda,  daughter  of  Jose',  engaged  to  marry  Noriega,  an  officer  of  the  batallon, 
but  whose  grandfather  and  others  by  invoking  the  aid  of  prefect  and  juez 
succeeded  in  breaking  off  the  match,  luckily,  as  N.  later  proved  himself  a 
scamp.  Coronel,  Doc.,  MS.,  229-31,  233.     July,  9  deserters  from  the  batallon 
to  be  arrested.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vii.  74.     Oct.  llth,  Juez  Coronel 
fined  Hubio  $12  for  insulting  officers  at  a  tavern;  the  military  commandant 
against  C. 's  orders  took  Rubio  and  put  him  in  irons  and  flogged  him;  where- 
upon C.  resigned  his  office,  deeming  his  dignity  outraged.     Perhaps  his  resig- 
nation was  not  accepted.  Id. ,  vii.  91,  94.     Dec.,  death  of  J.  B.  Leandry.     P. 
Estenega  refuses  burial  because  L.  had  not  paid  his  tithes;  but  the  prefect 
decides  against  the  padre.  Id. ,  103.     Election  of  an  ayunt.  for  the  next  year. 
Dec.  23d,  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  iii.  113-14;  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  i.  10G-9. 

1844.  No  prefect.     Alcaldes  Manuel  Requena,  Tiburcio  Tapia;  regiclores 
Luis  Arenas,  William  Wolfskill,  Felipe  Lugo,  Cristobal  Aguilar;  sfndico  Juan 
Bandini;  sec.  Ignacio  Coronel.     Jueces  de  campo  (now  called  celadores  rura- 
les)  Joss  Carmen  Lugo,  Ramon  Ibarra,  Tomds  Talamantes,  Pedro  AVila,  Juan 
A  Vila,  Tomds  Colima,  Bernardo  Yorba.     Agento  de  policia  Gabriel  de  la  Torre. 
Comisionado  de  Zanjas  Vicente  Sanchez  from  April;  Zanjeros  Gaspar  Valen- 
zuela,  Antonio  M.  Valde's,  Jos<5  M.  Lopez.     Munic.  receipts  $99(5,  expend. 
$965.  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  v.  205,  and  monthly  accts  passim.     Jan.  5th,  1st  meet- 
ing of  the  ayunt. ,  Monday  fixed  for  weekly  sessions,  committees  appointed, 
and  other  i-outine  business.  Id.,  v.  10G-8.     Jan.  12th,  Lngo  claims  exemption 
from  service  as  regidor  because  he  had  been  suspended  formerly  as  alcalde, 
but  this  was  overruled  by  the  gov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  28.     Jan.  23d, 
munic.  regulations  in  21  articles.  Id.,  Any.,  viii.  1.     Feb.,  ayunt.  wishes  the 
govt  to  pay  rent  for  the  curates' house  used  as  a  barrack.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
xviii.  30.     Aug.,  complaint  that  celadores  neglected  their  duties,  and  a  sar- 
gento  (agente?)  do  policia  was  to  be  appointed  at  $10  to  oversee  them.  Los 
Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  192-3.     Nov.,  ayunt.  resolves  to  divide  the  city  into 
sections  of  500  inhab.  each,  and  to  appoint  a  comisionado  to  register  voters. 
Id.,  v.  235-6,  240.     Dec.  16th,  primary  elections  had  not  taken  place  for  lack 
of  voters.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  viii.  37. 

1845.  Sub-prefect  Jose  L.  Scpulveda  appointed  July  12th  at  $600  salary, 
which  he  deemed  too  little.     The  assembly  refused  to  raise  the  salary  and  S. 
seems  to  have  taken  the  office  unwillingly,  and  perhaps  resigned,  as  the  place 
was  offered  in  Oct.  to  A.  F.  Coronel,  who  declined.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.   106; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  167-8;  viii.  3.     Alcaldes  Vicente  Sanchez,  Juan  Se- 
pulveda;  regidores  Felipe  Lugo,  Cristbbal  Aguilar,  Leonardo  Cota,  Luis  Jor- 


634  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

tamiento  was  restored,  and  the  chief  alcaldes  this  year 
and  the  next  were  Manuel  Requena  and  Vicente 
Sanchez.  Jueces  del  canipo,  or  rural  guards,  were 
appointed  each  year  to  watch  over  the  enforcement 
of  law  in  the  suburbs  and  at  the  ranchos.  There  was 
much  complaint  of  immorality,  disorders,  and  theft 
of  live-stock,  the  criminal  record  including  several 
murders,  and  four  or  five  men  being  executed  for 
crime  by  the  governor's  order.  About  thirty  new 
ranchos  were  granted  in  these  years  to  private  own- 
ers;13 and  the  rancheros,  notwithstanding  the  depreda- 
• 

dan;  sindico  Basilic  Valde's;  sec.  Ignacio  Coronel.  Jueces  del  campo,  A.  M. 
Lugo,  Maceclonio  Aguilar,  Ignacio  Reyes,  Antonio  Ign.  Avila,  Francisco  Gar- 
cia, at  S.  Feliciano.  Munic.  receipts  to  Aug.,  all  expended,  $593.  Los  Aug. 
Arch.,  MS.,  v.  passim.  Jan.  7th,  sess.  of  ayunt.,  routine  business.  Stores 
may  be  opened  on  Sunday  after  mass  but  no  liquor  sold,  and  bottles  to  be 
covered.  Sessions  to  be  on  Saturdays;  fine  for  absence  $5.  Id.,  268-9,  278; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  viii.  37-8.  March,  Gov.  Pico's  corresp.  on  the 
necessity  of  doing  something  to  check  crime.  Id.,  xi.  143;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS., 
xi.  4-5.  March  19th,  ayunt.  discusses  a  plan  to  increase  revenues  by  taxing 
property;  also  favors  a  direct  tax  for  schools.  Los  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  287- 
91.  April,  govt  has  no  funds  to  support  the  presbyter  A.  M.  Jimenez  as 
parish  priest,  but  a  subscription  of  §108  is  raised  in  June.  Dept.  Si.  Pap., 
Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  ii.  130-1.  May,  many  complaints  that  prisoners  are  not 
properly  treated.  Dept.  1'ec.,  xiv.  33.  May  12th,  number  of  estates,  vine- 
yards, etc.,  to  be  estimated  for  purposes  of  taxation.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  52- 
3.  June,  alcalde  orders  the  return  to  his  family  of  a  man  who  had  enlisted. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  ii.  119.  July,  Alcalde  Sanchez  says  that 
Fran.  Sepulveda  and  other  'low  persons'  are  circulating  a  petition  for  his  re- 
moval. He  desires  his  acts  investigated.  Id.,  138.  Sept.,  4  prisoners  set  to 
work  on  the  national  buildings.  Id.,  133.  Gov.  objeccs  to  prisoners  being 
sentenced  to  work  for  private  individuals.  Id.,  Aug.,  xi.  100.  Oct.  IGth, 
gov.  orders  garrison  dissolved,  and  an  aux.  force  of  citizens  to  keep  order  and 
guard  prisoners.  Id.,  164. 

1S  Ranchos  of  Los  Angeles  district  1841-5.  (See  vol.  iii.  chap,  xxiii.  for 
grants  of  1831-40. )  Those  marked  with  a  *  were  rejected  by  the  land  commis- 
sion or  U.  S.  courts.  Agua  Mansa,  a  part  of  Jurupa  in  S.  Bernardino  region, 
obtained  in  1841  by  Lorenzo  Trujillo's  N.  Mox.  colony,  whose  settlement 
was  called  S.  Salvador.  Hayes"  Em.  Note*,  G42-3.  Aguage  del  Centinela, 

f  ranted  in  1844  to  Ignacio  Machado;  B.  Avila  claimant.  Alamitos,  sold  by 
'ran.  Figueroa  to  Stearns.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ang.,  MS.,  vi.  132.  *  Alamos  y 
Agua  Caliente,  1843,  Pedro  C.  Carrillo,  who  was  the  cl.  Alisos,  see  Canada. 
Azuza,  1£  1.,  1841,  A.  Duarte,  who  was  cl.  Bolsa  Chica,  2  1.,  1841,  J. 
Ruiz,  who  was  cl.  Brea,  see  Rincon  de  la  Brea.  *Cahuenga,  6  1.  and  £ 
1.,  1845,  1843,  J.  Y.  Limantour  and  Jos6  Miguel  Triunfo;  L.  and  D.  W. 
Alexander  being  cl.  Canada  de  los  Alisos,  2  1.,  gr.  in  1842,  and  extended 
in  184G  to  Josd  Serrano,  who  was  cl.  CaQada  de  los  Nogales,  ^  1.,  1844,  JoscS 
M.  Xguila,  who  was  cl.  Castac,  5  1.,  1843,  Jose  M.  Covarrubias,  who  was 
cl.  Chino,  or  Sta  Ana  del  Chino,  5  and  3  1.,  1841,  1845,  A.  M.  Lugo  and 
Isaac  Williams  who  was  cl.  Ci6nega  or  Paso  de  la  Tijera,  1  1.,  and  ?  1.,  1843, 
Vicente  'Sanchez,  who  with  others  was  cl.  Encino,  1  L,  1845,  Ramon,  Fran- 
cisco, ana  Roque;  Vicente  de  la  Ossa  cl.  Escorpion,  1^  1.,  1845,  Odon  and 
Manuel,  who  were  cL  Felix,  1£  1.,  1843,  M.  J.  Verdugo,  who  was  cl. 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  635 

tions  of  cattle-thieves,  were  prosperous  as  far  as  the 
easy  gaining  of  a  living  was  concerned;  that  is  as  far 
as  they  cared  to  prosper. 

Jabonera,  asked  for  by  Santiago  Martinez  for  himself  and  20  N.  Mex.  families 
discontented  with  S.  Bernardino,  but  decided  to  be  private  property.  Leg. 
Eei:,  MS.,  iv.  112,  23-4.  Jurupa,  purchased  by  B.  D.  Wilson,  for  §1,000  per 
league  as  he  states  in  Hayes'  Doc.,  MS.,  11.  *Matzulkaqtiea,  41.,  gr.  1845, 
Ramon  Carrillo,  J.  B.  Frisbie  cl.  Merced  (old  mission),  1  1.,  1844,  Casilda 
Soto;  F.  P.  F.  Temple  et  al.  cl.  Muscupiabe,  1  1.,  1843,  Michael  White, 
who  was  cl.  Miguel,  3  1.,  1842,  Juan  Aviia  et  al.,  who  were  cl.  Potrero  de 
Felipe  Lugo,  1845, '  Teodoro  Romero  et  al. ;  Jorge  Moriilo  cl.  Potrero 
Grande,  1  I.,  1845,  Manuel  Antonio;  J.  Matias  Sanchez  cl.  Providencia,  1  1., 
1843,  Vicente  de  la  Ossa;  D.  W.  Alexander  and  F.  Mellus  cl.  Puentc, 
48,000  acres,  1845,  John  Rowland  and  Wm  Workman,  who  were  cl.  The 
grant  was  really  obtained  in  1842,  P.  Duran  protesting  in  a  letter  to  the 
Mex.  govt  against  the  governor's  sale  of  this  and  other  mission  ranches. 
Doc.  llixt.  Gal.,  MS.,  iv.  1131-2;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  vi.  81-3;  Sta  D.  Arch., 
MS.,  39.  Rincon  de  la  Brea,  1  ].,  1841,  Gil  Ibarra,  who  was  cl.  This  rancho 
seems  to  have  been  called  Canada  de  la  Brea  originally,  and  the  padres  feared 
an  intention  to  make  it  include  the  Riconada  dc  la  Puente.  Dept.  St.  Pap. , 
Any.,  MS.,  vi.  G-7;  Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  56-7.  Rincon  de  los  Bueycs, 
II.,  1821,  confirmed  in  1843  to  Bernardo  Higuera;  Fran.  Higuera  et  al.  cl. 
*San  Antonio,  4,000  varas,  1842,  Nicholas  A.  Den;  R.  S.  Den  cl.  San 
Antonio,  1  1.,  1831  (misprint  "for  1841  ?),  Maria  Rita  Vakils,  who  was  cl. 
La  Canada,  8  1.,  1842,  Jose1  del  Carmen  Lugo  et  al:,  who  were  cl.  San 
Bernardino,  2  1.,  1843,  Ignacio  Coronel;  J.  R.  Scott  and  Ben  Hayes  cl.  *San 
Emigdio,  4  1.,  1842,  Jos6  Antonio  Dominguez;  F.  Dominguez  et  al.  cl.  San 
Francisquito,  2  1. ,  1845,  Henry  Dalton,  who  was  cl.  San  Gabriel  Mission. 
The  mission  lands  were  asked  for  in  1845  by  Josd  Ant.  Garcia  for  33  N.  Mex. 
settlers,  but  his  petition  was  not  granted.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  50.  For  grants 
of  small  lots  near  S.  Gabriel  in  1843-5,  and  finally  confirmed  to  the  grantees, 
see  nos  408,  415,  417-19,  424-5,  448,  4G6-8,  489  of  the  land  com.  cases. 
San  Jose'  de  Buenos  Aires,  1  1.,  1843,  Maximo  Alanis;  B.  D.  Wilson  cl.  San 
Pascual,  3^1.,  1843,  M.  Garfias,  who  was  cl.  San  Pedro  cannot  be  attached 
for  Domiuguez's  debts,  as  it  was  a  colonization  grant  for  his  family,  1841. 
Lo*  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  98-9.  Santa  Ana  del  Chino,  see  Chino.  Santa 
Anita,  3  1.,  1841,  1845,  Per fecto  Hugo  Reid;  Henry  Dalton  cl.  Santa  Ger- 
trudis,  no  date  (part  of  the  main  rancho),  A.  M.  Nieto;  Z.  Sanchez  Colima 
cl.  Tajanta,  1  1.,  1843,  Anastasio  Avils;  Enrique  Avila  cl.  Tcjon,  22  1., 
1843,  J.  A.  Aguirre  and  Ignacio  del  Vallc,  who  were  cl.  Trabuco,  5 1.,  1841, 
1846,  Sant.  Argiiello  etal.,  John  Forster,  who  was  cl.  Yucaipa,  refused  to 
an  applicant  in  1841,  as  included  in  the  tract  of  the  S.  Bernardino  colony. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vi.  79. 

See  record  of  cases  in  Hoffman's  Report*.  See  nos  376-7,  for  grants  of 
small  tracts  to  J.  M.  Ramirez  in  1841  and  Vicente  de  la  Ossa  in  1812,  couf.  to 
Daniel  Sexton,  locality  not  specified.  In  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  viii.  2, 
is  a  list  of  some  50  ranches  as  classified  in  1844  for  supervision  by  the  7  cela- 
dores.  The  ranches  of  this  list  not  mentioned  (or  at  least  not  by  the  same- 
names)  in  my  lists  of  1831-45  are  Los  Mejicanos  (in  the  S.  Bern,  .region),  Rodeo 
de  Los  Angeles,  Pales  Verdes  (granted  in  1846),  Rancho  Nuevo,  La  Mesa,  La 
Osa  (probably  Providencia),  Pacifico,  Juan  Perez  (perhaps  Paso  de  Bartolo), 
and  Juan  Pablo  y  Peralta.  On  the  contrary  the  following  of  my  lists  do  not 
appear  in  this:  Bolsa  Chica,  Castac,  Cidnegas,  Escorpion,  Habra,  Merced,  Ojo 
do  Agua,  Paso  de  Bartolo  (Perez?),  Providencia  (La  Osa?),  S.  Antonio,  S.  Jos6 
Buenos  Aires,  Sta  Anita,  Sauzal  Redondo,  Tejon,  Tujunga,  and  Virgenes. 
See  also  Los  Any.  Co.  Hist.,  passim,  for  much  information  on  rancho  history 
at  different  periods. 

In  1841  some  steps  were  taken  in  1841  to  assign  the  4  leagues  of  land  be- 


636  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

San  Pedro  continued  to  be  visited  each  year  by 
many  vessels  of  the  trading  fleet,  offering  rich  cargoes 
of  inland  produce  to  compensate  for  its  deficiencies  as 
a  port,  which  were  fully  appreciated  by  all  who  had 
occasion  to  anchor  here.  An  auxiliary  juez  at  the 
Dominguez  rancho  exercised  a  kind  of  authority  over 
the  region;  John  Forster  was  made  captain  of  the 
port  in  1843;  and  a  collector  of  municipal  taxes  was 
appointed  by  the  ayuntamiento  of  Los  Angeles  the 
next  year.  In  1841  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  pro- 
posed an  establishment  here  that  was  never  founded. 
Mofras  touched  here  in  1841-2,  including  in  his  work 
a  chart  of  the  port.  The  Tasso's  captain  was  arrested 
here  in  connection  with  the  Jones  invasion  in  1842; 
and  in  1843  Commodore  Jones  landed  here  on  his 
way  to  the  city  with  no  warlike  intent.  In  1844  the 
Angelinos  tried  to  obtain  a  receptor  for  San  Pedro, 
which  they  declared  to  be  a  much  better  harbor  than 
that  at  Santa  Barbara;  and  in  1845  the  assembly 
took  steps  to  make  it  a  puerto  menor  with  a  receptor 
at  a  salary  of  $500,  like  San  Francisco.  Here  the 
exiled  governor,  Micheltorena,  embarked  on  the  Don 
Quixote  in. this  last  year  of  the  period. 

Father  Esteaega  remained  at  his  post  at  San  Ga- 
briel throughout  the  decade,  having  charge  not  only 
of  spiritual  affairs  but  generally  of  temporal  interests 
as  well.14  He  was  aided  by  Juan  Perez  and  later 

longing  to  the  pueblo,  but  little  or  nothing  was  accomplished.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.,  JP.y  J.,  MS.,  iv.  G4.  March  4,  1844,  action  of  the  ayuni.  on  town  lands 
which  if  not  cultivated  by  the  owner  may  be  denounced;  the  govt  asked  to 
authorize  a  tax  on  the  lands;  lands  granted  by  the  ayunt.  cannot  be  sold. 
Los  Any.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  126-7.  March  llth,  holders  of  lots  having  no  title- 
must  present  themselves.  Id.,v.  131.  1845.  Machado's  complaints  that  the 
ayunt.  had  despoiled  him  of  certain  lands.  Leg.  Uec. ,  MS. ,  iv.  56,  65-9. 

11  Sail  Gabriel  affairs.  1841.  Juan  C.  Perez  majordomo  under  the  padre. 
The  prefect  complained  that  the  place  had  become  a  brothel,  blaming  both 
padre  and  majordomo.  Jan.,  mission  cattle  805  head.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any., 
MS.,  iii.  72.  Feb.,  Est6uega  complains  of  Perez'  mismanagement  and  Perez 
of  the  padre's  distrust.  The  prefect  on  investigation  decides  that  the  major- 
domo has  been  at  fault,  taking  §280  more  than  his  salary.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
MS.,  v.  49;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  <fc  J.,  iv.  8-10.  May,  Est&icga  complains  of  en- 
croachments of  citizens  at  Mision  Vioja,  who  are  therefore  ordered  to  coino 
to  the  town.  Id.,  vi.  22-3,  29.  June,  complaints  that  two  persons  have  car- 
ried away  beams  and  bricks  from  S.  Bernardino.  Id.,  Aug.,  vi.  36.  July, 


SAN  GABRIEL.  637 

Manuel  Olivera  as  majordomos;  but  there  was  no 
semblance  of  prosperity,  and  a  constant  if  not  very 
rapid  decrease  of  mission  property,  the  padre  himself 
going  so  far  as  to  sell  small  tracts  of  land  and  super- 
fluous effects,  though  he  bitterly  complained  of  the 
granting  of  mission  ranchos,  and  was  unwilling  to 
give  up  the  estates  in  1845  when  their  renting  was 
resolved  on  by  the  government.  The  final  inventory 
is  unfortunately  missing,  so  that  the  amount  of  live- 
stock and  other  property  is  not  known;  but  we  may 
be  sure  the  remnant  was  very  small.  At  the  end  of 

cook  and  vaquero  discharged  on  account  of  poverty  of  the  mission.  Dept.  St. 
P''p.,  MS.,  v.  59.  Oct.,  list  of  effects  received  and  expend,  from  Feb.  The 
chief  items  of  the  former  are  100  bbls  wine,  47  hides;  and  of  the  latter  130 
bbls  wine  and  54  hides.  303  fan.  maize  to  be  harvested  in  Nov.  St.  Pap. 
Mixs.,  MS.,  x.  2.  Nov.,  arrival  of  Rowland  and  Workman  from  N.  Mex., 
who  the  next  year  got  the  mission  rancho  of  La  Puente.  This  vol.,  p.  277, 
331. 

1842.  Perez  still  majordomo.    Picture  of  the  mission  in  Robinmn'x  Life  in 
Cal.     Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320,  gives  the  pop.  as  500,  being  followed  by  Glcason 
and  others.     Francisco  Figueroa  attempts  to  sell  a  piece  of  land  ceded  by  the 
padre  to  his  brother  in  1834,  but  is  prevented  by  the  prefect.  Los  Aug.  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.  182-4;  Dept.  St.  Pap..  MS.,  v.  C5-7. 

1843.  Perez  ordered  Marcli  1st  to  give  up  the  administration  of  property 
to  P.  Estenega.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  42;  this  vol.,  p.  309,  371.     Hugo  Reid 
was  encargado  de  justicia  for  a  district  including  the  mission  from  this  year. 
For  grants  of  lots  near  the  mission  in  1843-5  to  Manuel  Olivera,  Pr6spero  Va- 
lenzuela,  Emilio  Joaquin,  Serafin  de  Jesus,  Arno  Maube,  J.  Alvitre,  A.  Valen- 
zuela,  Michael  White,  Ramon  Valencia,  Francisco  Sales,  Manuel  Sales  Tasion, 
a:ul  Felipe,  see  list  in  Hoffman's  Reports,  nos  408,  415,  417-19,  424-5,  448, 
466-8,  489. 

1841.  P.  Este'nega  assisted  by  the  presbyter  Antonio  M.  Jimenez.  The 
estate  in  bad  condition  with  300  Indians  according  to  an  original  report  in 
Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  14.  May,  a  subscription  taken  for  funds  to  pay  for  re- 
pairing the  church  bells.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  viii.  17. 

1845.  Juan  Perez  again  appears  as  majordomo,  but  in  Oct.  is  succeeded 
by  Manuel  Olivera.  Id.,  55;  Dept.  Sec.,  MS.,  xiv.  63.  April,  complaints  of 
scandalous  robberies  of  stock  by  Indians  and  vecinos.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any., 
MS.,  viii.  40-1.  May,  P.  Este'nega  reprimanded  for  having  sold  land  to 
Dalton,  and  admits  having  disposed  of  some  effects  of  no  use  to  the  Ind.  Id. , 
Ueu.,  P.  &  J.,  ii.  119;  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  187-8;  this  vol.,  p.  548.  May 
7th,  Jos6  A.  Garcia,  for  himself  and  33  New  Mexicans,  asks  for  a  grant  of  the 
mission  lands,  which  is  refused.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  50.  June-July,  Andre's 
Pico  and  Juan  Manso,  comisionados  to  take  inventories  for  renting  the  mis- 
sion, have  trouble  with  Estenega,  who  refuses  to  surrender  the  esiaic.  but 
yields  on  an  order  from  Duran,  and  the  property  is  turned  over  before  July 
7th.  This  vol.,  p.  549-50.  The  inventory  is  not  extant.  July,  Hugo  Reid 
reports  the  Ind.  as  alarmed  at  a  statement  by  Juan  Perez  that  they  are  to  be 
kept  in  greater  subjection  than  before  and  will  never  be  free;  whereupon  the 
administrator  (Olivera?)  is  authorized  to  assure  them  that  the  govt  has  no 
desire  to  keep  them  in  slavery.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  175;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS., 
xiv.  63. 


638  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

the  half-decade  there  were  but  250  Indians,  probably 
less,  remaining  in  the  community. 

The  branch  establishment  at  San  Bernardino  seems 
not  to  have  been  reoccupied  by  a  neophyte  commu- 
nity after  the  Indian  troubles  in  1834.  The  rancho 
was  granted  to  the  Lugos  in  1842,  who  sold  to  the 
Mormons  nine  years  later.  In  1841,  however,  a 
colony  of  New  Mexicans  settled  in  the  same  region 
under  the  leadership  of  Lorenzo  Trujillo,  obtaining  a 
tract  of  the  Jurupa  rancho  from  Bandini  and  calling 
their  establishment  Agua  Mansa,  or  San  Salvador. 
Nothing  is  known  of  events  in  the  early  annals  of  this 
colony;  but  in  1845  the  settlers  became  discontented 
and  made  an  effort  to  obtain  lands  nearer  the  city.15 

Padre  Bias  Ordaz  was  the  minister  at  San  Fer- 
nando, and  manager  of  the  estate  from  1843,  Villavi- 
cencio's  administration  having  continued  to  April  of 
that  year.  There  are  no  statistics  to  show  the  rate 
of  decadence  in  property  and  population;  but  I  sup- 
pose there  may  have  been  300  ex-neophytes  in  the  com- 
munity at  the  last.  Ordaz  claimed  to  have  achieved 
a  degree  of  success  during  his  exclusive  management; 
and  that  %this  establishment  was  comparatively  pros- 
perous is  shown  by  the  fact  that  it  was  one  of  the 
few  whose  financial  embarrassments  did  not  prevent 
its  being  leased  on  favorable  terms.  Andres  Pico 
and  Juan  Manso  became  the  lessees  in  December 
1845,  agreeing  to  pay  an  annual  rent  of  $1,120.18 

15  On  the  early  history  of  S.  Bernardino  see  Hayes1  Em.  Notes,  642-3, 
650-1;  S.  Bern.  Times,  July  8,  1876;  S.  Bern.  Co.  Jlist,,  83-4;  Frazee's  .S'. 
Bern.,  15-18.     Nov.  1841,  an  applicant  for  Yucaipa  ia  told  that  it  belongs 
to  the  tract  of  the  colony.  Dejtt.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  vi.  79.     May  1845, 
application  for  S.  Gabriel  mission  lands.  Leg.  Bee.,  MS.,  iv.  50.     Aug.,  ap- 
plication for  La  Jabonera.  Id.,  112,  23-4.     Both  efforts  were  successful. 

16  1841.  Nov.,  statistics  of  the  year  showing  as  the  total  of  receipts  for 
11  months,  $5,854;  expend.,  $8,507;  inventory  of  effects  on  hand  Oct.  31sfc, 
$3,208.     The  items  are  as  follows:  silvef  $20,  137  hides  $205,  44  arr.  tallow 
$jj, 11  arr.  lard  $22,  98  bbls.  brandy. $i,  500,  29  bbls.  wine  $580,  15  fan.  beans 
$37,  300  fan.  corn  $600,  10  sides  of  leather  $28,  soap  $160.  St.  Pap.,  Mis«., 
MS.,  22-4.     1842,  receipts  for  April  $1,134,  expend.   $1,998.   Id.,  xi.  47. 
Mof  ras,  Explor. ,  i.  320,  360,  found  some  signs  of  prosperity  and  gives  the  pop. 
as  400.     Aug.  8th,  alcalde  orders  that  if  the  salina  is  in  condition  S.  Fernando 
be  permitted  to  take  a  little  salt.    Valle,  Doc.,  MS.,  60.     Discovery  of  gold  on 
land  formerly  belonging  to  this  mission.  This  vol.,  p.  296,  630-1.    Gov.  Michel- 


SANTA  BARBARA.  639 

Says  Sir  George  Simpson,  whose  visit  was  in  1842: 
"Santa  Barbara  is  somewhat  larger  than  Monterey, 
containing  about  900  inhabitants,  while  the  one  is 
just  as  much  a  maze  without  a  plan  as  the  other. 
Here,  however,  anything  of  the  nature  of  resemblance 
ends,  Santa  Barbara  in  most  respects  being  to  Monte- 
rey what  the  parlor  is  to  the  kitchen.  Among  all  the 
settlements  as  distinguished  from  the  rascally  pueblos, 
Santa  Barbara  possesses  the  double  advantage  of  be- 
ing both  the  oldest  and  the  most  aristocratic.  The 
houses  are  not  only  well  finished  at  first,  but  are 
throughout  kept  in  good  order;  and  the  whitewashed 
adobes  and  the  painted  balconies  and  verandas  form 
a  pleasing  contrast  with  the  overshadowing  roofs 
blackened  by  means  of  bitumen,  the  produce  of  a 
neighboring  spring.  Nor  is  the  superiority  of  the 
inhabitants  less  striking  than  that  of  their  houses." 
Then  follows  a  eulogy  of  the  fair  Barbarenas.17  For  an 
estimate  of  the  gain  in  white  population,  900  in  1840, 
there  is  but  slight  basis  in  contemporary  records,  but 
as  no  circumstances  are  known  to  prevent  a  consider- 
able increase,  I  put  the  number  at  1,000  at  the  end  of 
the  half-decade.  Meanwhile  the  christianized,  semi- 
civilized,  or  ex-neophyte  Indians  had  decreased  from 
1,350  to  1,000,  of  which  number  only  730  were  still 
living  in  the  ex-mission  communities.  As  in  the  other 
districts  I  index  and  summarize  in  a  note  the  meagre 

torena  here  on  his  way  north  when  he  hears  of  Com.  Jones'  invasion  at  Mon- 
terey. Id. ,  291,  315-16.  1843,  temporal  management  restored  co  the  padre. 
Id.,  339,  371.  Ant.  F.  Coronel  and  Felix  Valde"s  appointed  by  the  gov.  as  in- 
(crventores  for  the  transfer  April  23d.  Coronel,  Doc.,  MS.,  227.  1844,  report 
of  March  18th,  scarcely  any  live-stock,  but  some  vines.  The  doc.  is  unfortu- 
nately torn  so  as  not  to  show  the  pop.  Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  14.  1845,  battle 
at  Cahuenga.  This  vol.,  p.  503-10.  Exped.  organized  against  Ind.  Id.,  543. 
May,  P.  Ordaz  claims  to  have  administered  the  estate  successfully,  paying  off 
all  the  debts  and  purchasing  120  head  of  live-stock,  besides  making  other  im- 
provements. Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  187.  Renting  of  the  estate  by  Gov.  Pico's 
orders  in  Dec.  This  vol.,  p.  552-3. 

11  Simpson's  Narr.,  i.  379-81.  Peirce,  Journal,  MS.,  90,  also  gives  a  flatter- 
ing picture  of  the  place  in  the  same  vear.  Mofras  gives  the  pop.  of  the 
pueblo  and  district  as  800.  Explor.,  i.  318,  369-70.  In  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben., 
P.  and  J.,  MS.,  ii.  14-15,  is  a  list  of  53  owners  of  ranches,  7  or  8  of  whom 
are  foreigners,  4  women,  and  2  neophytes. 


640  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

array  of  local  occurrences.18  There  was  nothing 
to  disturb  the  monotonous  tranquillity  of  existence 
at  this  town,  unless  we  note  as  slight  exceptions 
the  festivities  attending  the  bishop's  arrival  in  1842, 
a  very  feeble  and  short-lived  revolt  in  connection  with 
the  movement  against  Micheltorena  in  1844,  and  a 
similar  rising  of  the  military  against  the  civil  authori- 
ties in  1845  in  the  interest  of  Castro  against  Pico; 
but  the  visits  of  trading  vessels  were  frequent ;  travel- 
lers by  land  were  always  glad  to  prolong  their  stay  in 
this  hospitable  burg;  and  social  diversions  were  al- 
ways in  order. 

The  rolls  of  the  presidial  company  showed  a  rank 
and  file  of  34  to  38  men,  involving  a  nominal  expense 
of  $700  to  $900  per  month,  the  force  actually  on  duty 
at  the  presidio,  including  invalidos,  being  from  10  to 
15  men,  and  the  actual  cost  being  the  varying  amount 
of  rations  they  could  get;  this  in  1841-3,  after  which 
there  are  no  definite  reports.19  Captain  Jose  de  la 

18  Sta  Barbara  affairs.     1841.     Headquarters  of  the  otter- hunters  in  this 
and  following  years.  This  vol.,  p.  209.     1842.     Visits  of  Simpson,  Peirce, 
Mofras,  Sandels,  and  Com.  Jones,  which  resulted  in  some  descriptive  matter 
in  print  and  MS.,  with  a  chart  in  Mofras'  work  and  views  of  town  and  mis- 
sion in  that  of  Robinson,  who  left  Cal.  this  year.  Id.,  218-19,  224,  250,  233, 
314,  320,  343-6.     Arrival  of  Bishop  Garcia  Diego  in  Jan.,  his  grand  reception 
and  grander  plans.  Id.,  332-5.     1843.     Generous  contributions  to  the  bloaop's 
fund.  Id.,  372-3.     In  Rabbins'  Diary,  MS.,   1-13,  are   found    the  author's 
weather  records  from  Jan.  to  March.     1844.     The  bishop  makes  a  pastoral 
tour  in  the  north,  and  returns  to  Sta  B.  This  vol.,  p.  427.     May.     Gov. 
Micheltorena  opens  Sta  B.  to  the  coasting  trade,  and  Jos6  Ant.  de  la  Guerra 
becomes  receptor,  acting  also  as  captain  of  the  port.  Id.,  431-2.     Nov.,  re- 
volt of  8  men  in  support  of  the  Monterey  revolt  against  Micheltorena.     Their 
submission,  imprisonment,  and  pardon.  Id. ,  462,  475-6.     Casuaiiares  in  his 
letter  of  Sept.  1st  to  the  Mex.  govt,  Castailares,  C<>1.  Doc.,  42,  says  that  Sta 

B.  isles  are  the  resort  of  smugglers.     They  should  be  settled  and  a  presidio 
established  on  Sta  Cruz.     Streeter,   Recoil.,  MS.,  20-33,   describes  his  own 
successful  efforts  to  resist  the  small-pox  by  vaccination,  and  the  evil  results 
of   impure  virus  used  by  'another  doctor.'    Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  273—4, 
notes  a  Shakesperinn  performance  got  up  by  W.  D.  M.  Howard  and  John 

C.  Jones.     1845.     Feb.     Michel  torena's  army  here  on  the   way  south.  This 
vol.,  p.  491,  501.     Aug.   10th,  election  of  8  compromisarios  who  on  Sept.  7th 
chooso  two  electores  de  partido.     Id.,  540;  Doc.   Hist.  Cal.,   MS.,  iv.    1161; 
Dcpt.  St.   Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  49.     Nov.     Capt.   Flores'  revolt  and  arrest  of  the 
civil  authorities.  This  vol.,   p.  540-2.     Thomes  in  his  On  Land  and  Sea 
spins  some  yarns,  all  strictly  true  let  us  hope,  of  his  sailor-boy  adventures  at 
this  port  in  1843-5. 

19  Military  items  of  Sta  Barbara.     Company  rosters,  pay-rolls,  etc.,  in 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  Ixxxv.  1,  8,  10;  Ixxxvi.  6,  7;   Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xxvii.  passim;  Doc.  IJint.  Cal.,  MS.,  iv.  1114-15,  1135-7,  1140;  Guen-a,  Doc., 


MILITARY  AND  MUNICIPAL.  641 

Guerra  y  Noriega,  old,  infirm,  and  discouraged  at  the 
governor's  apathy  in  the  matter  of  military  reorgani- 
zation, retired  from  active  service  in  April  1842,  leav- 
ing the  command  of  the  post  to  Brevet  Lieut-colonel 
Gmnesindo  Flores,  and  of  the  company  to  Alferez 
Roberto  Pardo.  Ignacio  del  Valle  was  habilitado  to 
July  1841,  followed  by  Pardo;  and  Jose  Lugo  con- 
tinued to  hold  the  place  of  second  alferez.  Flores  and 
Pardo  were  in  command  until  1845. 

The  sub-prefecture  was  resigned  by  Raimundo  Car- 
rillo  in  January  1841,  and  though  steps  were  taken 
and  a  trio  of  candidates  recommended  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  successor  I  find  no  record  of  any  in- 
cumbent in  1842-3.  On  the  restoration  of  the  pre- 
fectures in  1845,  Anastasio  Carrillo  received  the 
appointment  in  July.20  Municipal  affairs  were  man- 
aged by  a  succession  of  jueces  de  paz,  or  alcaldes  in 
1844—5  during  the  suppression  of  the  prefecture,  as 
follows:  Fernando  Tico,  Joaquin  Carrillo,  Juan  Ca- 
marrillo,  Jose  M.  Covarrubias,  and  Nicholas  A.  Den, 
each  aided  by  a  second,  or  suplente.21  Items  connected 

MS.,  passim.  Jan.  25,  1842.  Flores'  appointment  as  com.  Vallejo,  Doc., 
MS.,  xi.  49-50.  April  1st,  Guerra  y  Noriega  turns  over  com.  to  Flores  and 
Pardo.  Id.,  219.  Capt.  Jose"  Carrillo  (Jos6  de  la  Guerra  y  Carrillo?)  acting  as 
com.  in  Sept.  1845.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B,  M.,  MS.,  Ixxxviii.  51.  Juan  P.  Ayala 
acting  in  same  capacity  in  same  month.  Goto,,  Doc.,  MS.,  17.  Jan.  1841. 
Guerra  to  gov.  on  the  necessity  of  increasing  the  force^  and  Alvarado's  un- 
favorable reply  of  Feb.  7th.  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vi.  12-13.  April  9th,  Guerra 
says  he  had  to  send  a  force  to  Los  Angeles  on  duty  '  barefooted  and  badly 
equipped.'  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,iv.  1092.  July  9,  1842.  the  com.  has  ordered 
the  soidiers  to  retire  from  service  to  gain  their  own  living,  since  there  is  noth- 
ing to  eat,  and  the  govt  will  not  force  the  missions  to- contribute;  but  10  men 
at  request  of  juez  are  retained  to  guard  prisoners,  etc.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug., 
MS.,  vi.  129.  Lieut  Manuel  Marquez  was  here  in  1843.  Jan.  30,  1841. 
Due  the  company  since  Feb.  1839,  $9,008.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal,  MS.,iv.  1114-16. 
Received  from  missions  for  2d  half  of  the  year  $404.  Guerra,  Doc.,  vi.  89. 
Paid  to  conjp.  from  the  treasury  from  1839  to  1842,  $10,814.  Id.  In  store 
March  1842,  $259.  Id.,  90. 

20  R.  Carriilo's  resignation  Jan.  15,  1841.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  <L-J., 
MS.,  vi.  50.     Trio  proposed  by  prefect  to  gov.  Joaquin  Carrillo,  Jose'  A.  de  la 
Guerra,  and  A.  M.  Ortega.  Id.,  iv.  5;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  5;  Dept.  St.  Pap. 
Any.,  MS.,  xii.  45.     July  12  or  15,  1845,  appointment  of  A.  Carrillo.  Id., 
Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  ii.  84,  17;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiv.  64;  fita  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  55-6. 
July  4th,  the  assembly  makes  the  Cuesta  de  Sta  Susana  the  boundary  of  the 
partido.  Dept.  Kt.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  35. 

21  Pueblo  officials  and  municipal  affairs.     1841.     Jueces  de  paz  Fernando 
Tic6  and  Santiago  Lugo,  Jose1   Moraga  sindico,  Raimundo  Carrillo  sec.  to 
Oct.,  succeeded  by  Francisco  Lopez.     Jan.  28th,  in  reply  to  the  demand  of 

HIBT.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    41 


642  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

with  the  municipal  government  and  administration, 
though  somewhat  more  numerous  and  better  recorded 
than  in  the  preceding  decade,  are  of  but  little  moment. 
A  list  of  some  twenty-five  private  ranchos  granted 
during  the  five  years  is  appended.22 

the  prefect  for  a  list  of  vagrants,  the  juez  replies  that  there  are  none  in  his 
jurisdiction.  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  17.  March,  efforts  of  prefect  to  check 
drunkenness  on  Sundays.  Juez  says  the  evil  is  exaggerated,  and  that  his 
regulations  are  very  effective,  though  some  will  buy  liquor  on  Saturday  to 
drink  on  Sunday.  Id.,  19;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  i.  55;  iii.  89.  July, 
a  prisoner  who  lias  been  shut  up  9  months  for  homicide  in  irons,  living  ou 
charity,  wishes  permission  to  work  for  food  and  clothes.  Id.,  vi.  50.  Oct., 
Pedro  Ortega  kills  his  wife  at  Refugio,  Miguel  Cota  being  an  accomplice. 
Both  arrested.  Id.,  vi.  70. 

1842.  Jueces  de  paz  Joaquin  Carrillo  and  Antonio  M.  Ortega,  the  latter 
declining  to  serve  and  being  replaced  by  Juan  Camarrillo  in  March.     Tax 
collector  Nicholas  A.   Den.     Dec.,  Jos£  M.  Lisarraga — the  same  man  who 
has  been  mentioned  as  a  prisoner  in  1S41 — the  murderer  of  Jesus  Valde's,  has 
escaped.  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  43. 

1843.  Jueces  do  paz  Raimundo  Carrillo  and  Ramon  Valde's  appointed  in 
Dec.  1842,  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  107;  but  Juan  Camarrillo 
is  the  justice  named  in  several  records;  and  Joaquin  Carrillo  in  Leg.  R(-c., 
MS.,  iv.  308.     Capt.  of  the  port  from  this  year  J.  A.  delaGuerra.     Jan.,  J.  J. 
Warner  obtained  permission  to  hunt  goats  and  seals  on  the  Sta  B.  islands  by 
paying  4  reals  for  each  otter  skin  and  2  reals  for  each  seal,  into  the  munic. 
fund,  and  giving  one  fourth  of  the  goatskins  for  the  troops.  Los  Any.  Arch.. 
MS.,  ii.  317-27.     Case  of  J.  M.  Dominguez,  accused  of  stealing  cattle,  and 
disagreement  between  juez  and  gov.  on  the  subject.  Leg.  Rcc.,  MS.,  iv.  309- 
10. 

1844.  Alcaldes  Jose"  M.  Covarrubias  and  Antonio  Rodriguez.  Janssens, 
Vida,  MS.,  177-80. 

1845.  Alcaldes  Nicholas  A.  Den  and  Rafael  Gonzalez.     Agustin  Janssens, 
Vida,  MS.)  177-80,  claims  to  have  been  elected,  but  his  opponents  tried  to 

annul  the  election  and  he  retired.  July  1st,  Juan  Felix  was  killed  at  Refugio 
by  a  neophyte  named  Manuel.  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  55;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben. 
P.  <k  J.,  MS.,  ii.  18.  Sub-prefect  to  gov.  announces  certain  scandals  and  the 
sending  of  one  of  the  women  concerned  to  her  uncle  at  S.  Luis  Rey.  Id., 
171.  She  had  been  living  with  Pedro  Ortega,  who  had  been  convicted  of 
killing  his  wife.  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  57-9.  Aug.,  the  juez  tries  to  break  up 
a  monte  game  at  the  house  of  Widow  Carmen  Ayala,  and  is  somewhat  rudely 
handled  by  Hilarion  Garcia.  Id.,  59-01. 

22  Sta  Barbara  ranchos  of  1841-5.  *Alamo  Pintado,  1  1.,  granted  in  1843 
to  Marcelino,  Maria  Ant.  de  la  Guerra  de  Lataillade  claimant.  Calera,  or 
Pozitas,  1843,  1846,  Narciso  Fabregat,  and  T.  M.  Robbins  who  was  cl.  *Camu- 
los,  4  1.,  1843,  Pedro  C.  Carrillo,  who  was  cl.  Canada  del  Corral,  2  1.,  1841, 
Jos6  D.  Ortega,  who  was  cl.  Canada  Larga  6  Verde,  ^  1.,  1841,  Joaquina 
Alvarado,  who  was  cl.  Canada  de  los  Pinos,  see  Sta  Ines.  Canada  de  Salsi- 
puedes,  1^  1.,  1844,  Pedro  Cordero,  John  Keyes  cl.  Cieneguita,  400  varas, 
1845,  Anastasio  Carrillo,  who  was  cl.  Corral  de  Cuati,  3  ).,  1845,  Agustin 
Davila;  M.  Antonia  de  la  Guerra  de  Lataillade  cl.  Cuyama,  5  1.,  1843,  Jose" 
Maria  Rojo;  M.  Antouia  de  la  G.  de  Lataillade  cl.  Dos  Pueblos,  3  1.,  1842, 
Nicholas  A.  Den,  who  was  cl.  In  Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  228-31;  Dcpt.  St. 
Pap.,  Aug.,  MS.,  vii.  59-60,  is  recorded  a  dispute  between  Den  and  the  mis- 
sion in  1843.  By  arbitration  the  arroyo  de  la  Canada  de  las  Armas  was  made 
the  boundary.  *Huertas,  1,300  varas,  1844,  Francisco  et  al. ;  M.  Ant.  de  la 
G.  de  Lataillade  cl.  Laguna,  1845,  Miguel  Avila;  Octaviano  Gutierrez  cl. 
Lomas  de  la  Puriiicacion,  3  1. ,  1844,  Agustin  Janssens,  who  was  cl.  Mision 


SANTA  BARBARA.  043 

The  mission  of  Santa  Barbara  remained  under  the 
control  of  Padre  Duran,  aided  by  Padre  Antonio  Ji- 
meno  from  1844  and  Padre  Jose  Maria  de  Jesus 
Gonzalez,  a  Zacatecano,  from  1843.  The  number  of 
neophytes  varied  from  time  to  time,  but  was  2GO  at 
the  end  of  the  period.  Leandro  Gonzalez  held  the 
place  of  majordomo  down  to  1843,  when  the  temporal 
management  was  restored  to  the  padres.  The  estab- 
lishment has  no  recorded  annals  down  to  1845,  when 
the  community  was  broken  up.23  Padre  Duran  in  his 
old  age  had  become  discouraged;  the  Indians  were 
careless  and  improvident;  and  though  there  was  yet 

Vieja,  see  Purisima,  Nojoqui,  3 1.,  1843,  Raimundo  Carrillo,  who  was  cl.    Puri- 
siraa,  1845,  3os6  R.  Malo,  who  was  cl.     Purfsima  (Mision  Vieja),  1  1.,  1845, 
Joaquin  and  Jos6  Ant.  Carrillo,  who  were  cl.     S.  Buenaventura  (mission),  400 
varas,  1845,  Fernando  Tico,  who  was  cl.     S.  Carlos  de  Jonata,  0  1.,  1845,  Joa- 
quin Carrillo  et  al. ,  who  were  cl.     S.  Jos6  de  Gracia,  seo  Simi.     S.  Miguel, 
1^  1.,  1841,  Raimundo  Carrillo  et  al.,  who  were  cl.     Santa  Cruz  Isl.,  asked 
for  by  Andres  Castillero  in  1845.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  134.     Santa  Ines 
or  Canada  de  los  Pinos,  or  college  rancho,  6  1.,  1844,  catholic  church,  which 
was  cl.     Santa  Paula,  4  1.,  1843,  Manuel  J.  Casarin;  J.  P.  Davison  cl.     Santa 
Rita,  3  1.,  1845,  Josa  Ramon  Malo,  who  was  cl.     Santa  Rosa  Isl.,  1843,  JozS 
Ant.  and  Carlos  Carrillo;  M.  Carrillo  de  Jones  cl.     In   1844  the  grantees 
ceded  the  island  to  -Mrs  Jones  and  Mrs  Thompson.  Dept.  St.   Pap.,  MS. 
xviii.  09;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  70.     Simi  or  S.  Jos<5  de  Gracia,  92,341  acres 
1842,  confirmed  to  Patricio  Javier  and  Manuel  Pico;  Jos6  de  la  Guerra  y  N. 
cl.     Temascal,  3  1.,  1843,  Francisco  Lopez  et  al. ;  M.  Arguisola  cl.     Tequepis 
2  1.,  1845,  Joaquin  Villa;  Antonio  M.  Villa  cl.     *Todos  Santos  y  S.  Antonio 
5  1.,  1841,  Salvador  Osio;  Win  E.  Hartnell  cl.     See  Hoffman'' s Repts.     Grants 
marked  *  were  rejected  by  the  L.  C.  or  U.  S.  courts. 

23  Sta  Barbara  Mission.  1842.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320,  gives  the  pop.  as 
400.  1843.  Controversy  with  Den  on  boundary  of  Dos  Pueblos  rancho.  Arch. 
Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  228-31.  1844.  Duran 's  report  on  southern  missions  gives  a 
pop.  of  287  with  difficulty  maintained.  Pico  (Pio),  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  14.  1845. 
May,  debt  reported  as  $2,705  with  no  assets.  Arch.,  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  53. 
The  assembly  authorizes  the  gov.  May  28th  to  rent  the  estate.  This  vol.,  p. 
549.  July  2<5th,  inventory  by  the  appraisers  Andres  Pico  and  Juan  Manso, 
with  P.  Duran.  Pop.  204  souls.  Buildings  reserved  for  bishop  and  padres, 
33  rooms,  $1,500.  Storehouse  and  its  contents  in  goods,  implements,  etc., 
$1,552.  Cellar  with  barrels,  still,  etc.  $708.  Soap-house  and  ouifit  $398. 
Tannery  $250.  Smithy  $100.  Weaving  room,  looms,  etc.  $120.  Carpenter 
shop  $.{4.  Majordomo's  house  $385.  Vaquero's  outfit  $24.  Orchard,  with 
adobe  wall  and  512  fruit-trees,  $1,500.  Vineyards,  1,295  and  2,400  vines 
$1,720.  Live-stock  at  the  mission  810  cattle,  398  horses,  9  mules,  $3,545. 
Corrals  $205.  S.  Jos6  vineyard,  2,202  vines,  100  trees,  $1,335.  Cieueguiia 
with  fence  and  crops  $303.  S.  Antonio,  a  corral  $25.  S.  Marcos  wLh  build- 
ings, vineyards,  grain,  live-stock  (140  cattle,  90  horses,  1,7CO  sheep),  $0,950. 
Total  $25,845.  Original  in  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  7-15.  Sept.  15th,  Duran 
to  gov.  asidnj;  to  bo  relieved  of  the  temporal  management.  The  Ind.  are  re- 
spec  i;ful  to  him,  but  careless  and  wasteful.  He  wiil  remain  only  till  the 
f rapes  are  harvested.  Pico  (Pio),  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  08.  Oct.  3d,  gov.  to  Du:-an, 
e  may  entrust  the  estate  to  a  person  of  his  confidence,  or  he  may  reui  it. 
Dept.  tit.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  2G-7.  Oct.  28th,  Pico's  order  to  rent  the  mission. 


644  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

considerable  property,  the  prospect  of  an  increasing 
debt  caused  all  parties  to  deem  a  change  desirable. 
An  inventory  showed  a  total  valuation,  not  including 
land  or  church  property,  of  nearly  $26,000,  live-stock 
comprising  956  cattle,  488  horses,  and  1,730  sheep. 
The  estate  was  rented  in  December  to  Nicholas  A. 
Den  and  Daniel  Hill  for  $1,200  a  year.  The  princi- 
pal buildings  were  reserved  for  bishop  and  clergy. 
The  Indians  were  to  retain  a  part  of  the  buildings,  to 
have  lands  assigned  them,  to  be  at  liberty  to  work  for 
the  lessees  or  for  themselves,  and  to  have  a  third  of 
the  rental;  but  there  is  no  evidence  that  they  got 
anything  beyond  the  privilege  of  remaining. 

At  San  Buenaventura  Padre  Antonio  Jimeno  re- 
mained till  late  in  1843,  with  Padre  Francisco  de 
Jesus  Sanchez  as  an  associate  in  1842-3.  In  No- 
vember 1843  the  bishop  appointed  the  presbyter  Jose 
Maria  Rosales  as  curate,  and  the  church  property 
was  turned  over  to  him.  Resales  had  already  lived 
here  for  nearly  two  years  and  remained  until  after 
1845.24  Rafael  Gonzalez  was  succeeded  as  majordomo 

This  vol. ,  p.  552.  Dec.  5th,  renting  of  the  mission  to  Den  and  Hill.  This 
vol.,  p.  553.  Henry  Mellus  signed  a  bond  Dec.  llth,  and  the  lease  was  mr.de 
out  later*  Hayes,  Miss.  B,,  373-6.  Dec.  16th,  gov.'s  order  to  Duran  to  give 
up  the  estate.  Produce,  food,  saddles,  etc.,  to  be  retained,  the  produce  to  be 
sold  to  pay  debts  including  §200  for  the  comisionados.  Arch.,  StaB.,  MS.,  x. 
243-5.  Dec.  26th,  Duran 'a  reply.  Has  given  up  the  mission.  Finds  fault 
at  paying  $200  for  4  days'  useless  work.  The  only  produce  left  is  50  hides 
and  6  or  7  bbls  of  brandy.  He  may  present  a  charge  later  of  $1,000  of  hia 
own  money  spent  on  the  Ind.  Arch.  A  nob.,  MS.,  v.  pt.  ii.  61-2. 

"  S.  Buenavencura  items.  1841.  July  3d,  Gonzalez  to  go  v.,  objecting  to 
the  proposed  entry  of  gente  de  razon  as  likely  to  demoralize  the  Ind.  St. 
Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  51.  Sept.  10th,  the  Ind.  complain  that  they  have  been 
given  nothing  since  1839.  Gonzalez  asks  license  to  make  a  repartition  on 
mission  account.  Id,.  50.  Dec.  6th,  G.  explains  that  lie  administers  heavy 
punishments  only  for  serious  offences,  and  believe  there  is  no  other  way.  Id. , 
52.  Expenses  in  Feb.  §385;  on  hand,  $1,427.  Id.,  51.  1842.  Gonzalez  re- 
signs in  Feb.  on  account  of  his  private  business.  Claims  to  have  kept  the 
mission  in  good  condition  for  4  years.  Id. ,  48.  Cris6gono  Ayala  was  appoint- 
ed encargado  iii  July  and  took  charge  in  Sept.  Id.,  x.  10;  Dept.Itec.,  MS., 
xii.  59;  but  Ramon  V  aide's,  Mem.,  MS.,  30-1,  claims  to  have  been  in  charge 
continuously  from  this  year.  He  says  there  were  about  100  men  besides 
women  and  children.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320,  makes  the  pop.  300.  View  of 
S.  Buenaventura  in  Robinson's  Life  in  Cat.  1843.  Temporal  management  to 
be  restored  to  padres.  This  vol.,  p.  369.  April  3d,  P.  Jimeno  certifies  an  in- 
ventory minutely  itemized  with  full  description  of  church,  etc.,  but  no  val- 
ues. There  were  2,382  cattle,  529  horses,  2,299  sheep,  220  mules,  and  18 
asses;  1,032  fruit  trees  and  11,970  vines;  crdits,  $2,548,  debt,  $3,080.  Pico, 


SAN  BUENAVENTURA.  643 

in  1842  by  Crisogono  Ayala;  and  Ramon  Valde3  sub- 
sequently held  the  position.  In  1843  the  property 
was  put  in  charge  of  Padre  Jimeno,  who  retained  it 
apparently  after  he  went  to  Santa  Barbara,  as  Rosales 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  temporal  management. 
The  only  event  of  the  period  was  the  occupation  of 
the  mission  in  1845  by  Castro  and  Micheltorena  in 
the  campaign  which  resulted  in  the  latter's  downfall. 
Circumstances  leading  to  and  accompanying  the  final 
renting  of  the  estate  were  similar  to  those  noted  in 
the  case  of  Santa  Barbara;  but  the  inventories  are 
not  extant.  The  lessees  were  Jose  Arnaz  and  Nar- 
ciso  Botello,  and  the  rent  was  $1,630.  The  neophyte 
population  in  1845  I  put  at  200,  but  it  is  a  guess 
rather  than  an  estimate,  as  there  are  no  contemporary 
figures.  Nor  are  there  any  statistics  of  property  later 
than  1842,  though  the  rent  paid  serves  as  an  indica- 
tion of  the  value  as  compared  with  Santa  Barbara. 

Padre  Jose  Joaquin  Jimeno  remained  in  charge  of 
Santa  Ines,  with  Juan  Moreno  as  associate  from  1842 
and  Francisco  de  Jesus  Sanchez  from  1844.  Padre 
Moreno  died  at  the  end  of  1845.25  The  leading  event 

Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  67-76.  Ayala  still  raajordomo.  Id.  Nov.  8th,  bishop's 
appointment  of  Presbyter  Rosales.  Ho  was  to  have  a  garden  wiih  servants 
and  §50  per  month  from  the  mission  fund.  Arch.,  Sta.  B.,  MS.,  x.  223-7. 
1814.  Ihe  mission  still  in  tolerable  condition  with  plenty  of  resources. 
Rosales  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  property.  This  vol.,  p.  421-2.  July  15th, 
gov.  to  Sta  B.,  alcalde.  He  must  seek  to  induce  the  free  Ind.  of  S.  Buena- 
ventura to  leave  the  commun.ty  lands,  and  settle  near  Sta  B.,  to  stop  the 
continual  complaints  of  robberies,  etc.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  86.  1845. 
Ramon  Valdes  maiordomo.  Id.,  xiv.  49.  Jos6  Moraga  proposed  for  juez  da 
paz  (?)  in  Nov.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  andJ.,  MS.,  ii.  170.  The  oppos- 
ing forces  of  Castro  and  Micheltorena  at  the  mission  in  Feb.  This  vol. ,  p. 
408-502.  Renting  of  the  estate  in  Dec.  Id.,  553.  Valdes,  Mem.,  MS., 
30-1,  says  the  property  was  in  good  condition,  yielding  enough  to  support 
the  Ind.,  when  turned  over  to  the  lessees.  In  Unb.  Doc.,  MS.,  331,  Stephen 
C.  Foster  is  named  as  one  of  the  original  lessees  who  withdrew  in  1840. 

25  Juan  Moreno  was  born  Jan.  27,  1799,  at  Montenegro,  la  Rioja,  Old  Cas- 
tile; but  became  a  Franciscan  in  Mexico,  being  ordainc  I  as  sub-deacon  at 
Toluca  in  1821.  He  came  to  Cal.  in  1827,  and  his  missionary  service  was  at 
Sta  Barbara  in  1827-9;  at  Sta  Cruz  in  1829-30;  S.  Juan  Bautista  in  18.50-2; 
S.  Miguel  in  1833-42;  and  Sta  Inds  (having  charge  also  of  Purisima,  and 
probably  living  there  a  part  of  the  time)  in  1842-5.  Except  that  he  was  a 
quiet,  patient  man,  well  liked  by  all,  we  know  very  litlle  about  him.  Aoi- 
sara,  an  Indian  of  Sta  Cruz,  Amador,  Mem.,  MS.,  99-113,  says  he  was  very 
skilful  in  throwing  the  reata  and  was  very  p.-oud  of  his  success  in  lassoing 
bears.  Of  his  poverty  at  S.  Miguel  in  183S  he  writes  to  Capt.  Guerra,  'Le 


646  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

of  the  period  was  the  foundation  of  the  colegio  semi- 
imrio  de  Maria  Santisima  de  Guadalupe  de  Santa  Ines 
de  Californias  in  1844  as  recorded  elsewhere.26  Miguel 
Cordero  continued  to  act  as  administrator  of  the  mis- 
sion estate  until  in  1843  it  was  restored  to  the  man- 
agement of  the  padres.  The  ex-neophyte  population 
in  1845  was  270  souls.  According  to  the  inventories 
of  1841  and  1845,  live-stock  decreased  from  12,000  to 
2,000  animals;  and  the  total  value  of  property  from 
$49,000  to  $20,000,  and  perhaps  more,  since  the  first 
inventory  seems  not  to  have  included  lands,  as  the  last 
did.  There  were  charges  of  a  reckless  distribution 
of  the  cattle  among  favorites  of  the  government.27 

noticio  que  ya  no  chupo  porque  no  tengo;  vea  Vd  si  cs  fuerte  apuracion  esta !' 
He  served  as  a  professor  in  the  Sta  Lie's  college;  and  he  was  buried  by  the  rec- 
tors and  alumni  on  Dec.  28,  1845.  Sta  Ines,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  27. 

'26  See  this  vol. ,  p.  423-6,  with  full  references. 

'21  Sta  Ines  record.  1841.  Miguel  Cordero  became  administrator  Jan. 
15th,  having  acted  ad  int.  before.  The  inventory  of  transfer  from  Francisco 
Cota  shows  a  total  valuation,  exclusive  of  lands  and  church  property,  of  $19,- 
113,  with  a  debt  of  $975.  Buildings,  implements,  and  effects  in  store  $12,- 
2S7;  live-stock  (10,295  cattle,  525  horses,  1,704  sheep,  28  mules,  49  pigs,  4 
asses),  $34,086;  987  fruit-trees,  $987;  credits  $1,828.  Cordero's  receipts  to 
end  of  June  $1,477;  expend.  $1,173.  July.  C.  ordered  to  kill  500  fat  cattle 
on  govt  account.  Oct.  et  seq.  C.  has  trouble  in  getting  possession  of  the 
Purisima  property.  St.  Pap.  Miss., MS.,  ix.  1-6.  Francisco  Cota  appointed  juez 
do  paz  in  Dec.  Sta  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  35.  1842.  Valentin  Cota  temporarily  in 
charge  14  Cordero's  absence  in  Nov.,  at  which  time  there  was  trouble  about 
the  delivery  of  300  cattle  to  Cells  on  the  gov.  's  order.  Guerra,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  v. 
305-6;  Cota,  Doc.,  MS.,  16.  Manuel  Gutierrez  seems  to  have  had  some  au- 
thority in  Sept.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  vii.  11.  Pop.  250,  according  to  M of ras. 
Explor.,  i.  320.  Jan.,  gov.  orders  $89  to  be  expended  on  the  church.  Dcpt. 
Ttec.,  MS.,  xii.  47.  May,  the  music-teacher  Luis  to  be  placed  at  the  disposal 
of  1'.  Jimeno.  Id. ,  56.  J  uly,  owners  of  Sta  Rosa  and  Alamos  ranches  must 
permit  the  cutting  of  timber  for  the  mission.  Sla  B.  Arch.,  MS.,  41.  Sta 
Ines  was  the  southern  limit  of  Vallejo's  command  over  the  linea  del  norte. 
This  vol.,  p.  292.  1843.  Temporal  management  restored  to  the  padres.  /(/., 
339;  but  there  arc  no  details  or  inventories.  May  30th,  gov.  grants  to  the 
Carrillos  the  irrigable  lands  of  Mision  Vieja  in  company  with  the  Ind.  Dept. 
Rcc.,  MS.,  xiii.  58.  1844.  Founding  of  the  seminary  as  noted  elsewhere. 
A  report  of  Duran  says  the  mission  is  still  in  moderately  good  condition,  with 
2;>4  Ind.  Pico(Pio),  Doc.,  MS.,  14.  The  assembly  to  meet  at  Sta  Ine"s,  but  never 
did  so.  This  vol.,  p.  412.  1845.  May,  debt  of  the  mission  $1,151,  no  assets  (?). 
A rch.  Arzob. ,  MS. ,  v.  pt  ii.  25.  July  22d,  inventory  by  Pico  and  Manso  as  ap- 
praisers. Pop.  270  souls.  Buildings,  implements,  and  effects  in  storehouse 
$7,943.  Lands,  gardens,  692  fruit-trees,  5  sitios  of  grazing  land,  $3,240. 
Live-stock,  493  cattle  (besides  965  due  from  7  private  individuals),  193  horses, 
1,608  sheep,  15  mules,  3  asses,  and  33  swine,  $5,093;  credits  $1,736.  Total 
$20,288.  Debt  $2,848.  Pico,  Pop.  Mis.,  MS.,  89-100.  But  an  entry  in  the 
Sla  Ines,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  39,  states  that  Pico  and  Manso  acted  without  the 
cooperation  of  the  padre,  who  did  not  sign  the  inventory.  In  Id.,  38-9,  ia 
a:i  entry  to  effect  that  Carrillo  and  Covarrubias,  the  grantees  of  Jonata  raucho, 


SANTA  INfiS  AND  PUKJSIMA.  647 

At  last  the  estate  was  rented  in  December  1845  to 
Jose  Maria  Covarrubias  and  Joaquin  Carrillo  for  $580 
per  year. 

The  venerable  Padre  Ramon  Abella,  last  survivor 
of  the  Fernandirios  who  came  in  the  last  century, 
served  as  minister  at  Purisima  for  a  few  months  be- 
fore his  death  in  1842;  and  subsequently  the  mission 
was  under  the  spiritual  care  of  Padre  Juan  Moreno 
and  the  presbyter  Miguel  Gomez,  though  both  resided 
most  of  the  time  at  Santa  Ines.2S  Jose  Antonio  de 
la  Guerra  was  the  administrator  in  1841-2,  and  is 

with  the  connivance  of  the  gov.  had  not  kept  their  agreement  with  the  mis- 
sion. They  were  to  pay  $t>00  and  a  number  of  cattle,  and  to  leave  laud 
enough  to  support  the  cattle.  Nov. ,  Joaquin  Carrillo  proposed  as  jucz  de  paz. 
Dept.  St.  Pup.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  ii.  170.  Lease  of  the  mission  in  Dec.  This 
vol.,  p.  553. 

w  Ramon  Abella  was  born  May  28,  1764,  at  Monforte,  Aragon,  Spain;  and 
became  a  Franciscan  at  Zaragoza  on  March  6,  1784,  coming  to  the  Mexican 
college  in  1795  and  to  Cal.  in  1798.  His  missionary  service  of  44  years  was 
at  S.  Francisco  in  1798-1819,  S.  Cdrlos  in  1819-33,  S.  Luis  Obispo  in  1833-42, 
and  Purisima  in  Feb. -May,  1842.  He  was  rated  by  his  superiors  as  one  of 
the  most  zealous  and  ablest  friars  in  the  country  for  missionary  work  proper, 
and  fitted  for  any  office,  but  somewhat  unfitted  for  temporal  management. 
Autobioij.  Autorj.  de.  los Padres,  MS.;  Sarria,  Inf.  de  1817,  MS.,  71,  117;  Pay- 
eras  Inf.  1820,  MS.,  13.V6.  As  early  as  1804  he  wished  to  quit  the  country. 
In  1807  and  1811  he  made  entradas  among  the  gentiles,  of  which  his  narratives 
are  extant.  See  list  of  auth.  vol.  i.  On  July  22,  1814,  at  S.  Francisco  he 
buried  the  last  Indian  who  remembered  the  foundation  of  the  mission  in  1776, 
Biridiana,  a  woman  of  63  years  born  on  the  very  site  of  the  mission^  S.  F.  Lib. 
Mis.,  MS.,  74.  He  was  present  at  the  founding  of  S.  Rafael  in  Dec.  1817; 
and  there  is  hardly  a  mission  register  in  Cal.  in  which  his  name  does  not  ap- 
pear. In  1826  he  professed  obedience  to  the  republican  government,  though 
refusing  to  take  the  oath.  Before  leaving  S.  Carlos  he  became  sick  and  in- 
firm; and  his  term  of  service  at  San  Luis  Obispo  was  one  of  illness  and  dis- 
couragement, nearly  approaching  dotage  at  the  last.  In  1836,  he  was  brood- 
ing over  impending  death,  lamenting  the  unhappy  fate  of  the  missions  and 
friars,  and  wishing  that  he  could  get  the  money  due  him  so  that  he  might  pay 
his  debtu  and  secure  a  passage  to  some  other  country.  In  1838  he  declared 
his  neophytes  to  be  the  most  wretclied  and  poverty-stricken  beings  on  earth, 
an;l  himself  as  needy  as  any.  In  1839  he  went  to  Purisima  for  a  time,  refusing 
to  live  at  S.  Luis  unless  Angel  Ramirez  with  his  open  immorality  and  'genio 
dominaute '  should  be  removed.  Why  he  was  sent  to  take  charge  of  Purisima 
in  1842  ib  is  hard  to  imagine,  unless  it  was  to  humor  a  whim  of  his  own. 
While  at  this  mission  he  declared  that  he  had  been  robbed  of  all  he  brought 
from  S.  Luis;  and  P.  Jimeno  in  a  letter  of  March  9th,  Guerra,  Doc.,  MS., 
charged  the  administrator  and  others,  'who  were  not  Indians'  as  pretended, 
with  the  robbery,  and  with  having  treated  the  old  padre  '  with  the  greatest 
ingratitude,  inhumanity,  and  vileness.'  Rafael  Gonzalez,  Mem.,  MS.,  5-8, 
who  had  an  interview  with  Abella  at  Purisima,  describes  him  as  having  acted 
in  a  very  strange  mnnner,  evidently  insane  or  in  hia  dotage.  His  last  days 
were  spent  at  Sta  Ines,  where  he  was  buried  on  May  24,  1842,  in  the  church 
iicar  the  presbytery  on  the  epistle  side  about,  two  varaa  from  the  church  wall. 
Sta  Inets,  Lib.  Mix. ,  MS. ,  25-6. 


648  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  SOUTH. 

accused  of  having  dissipated  what  was  left  of  the 
mission  property  of  any  value,  the  remnants  being 
put  in  charge  of  the  Sta  Ines  administrator  in  1842, 
and  all  turned  over  to  the  padres  in  1843.29  Subse- 
quently there  was  no  resident  padre,  but  a  subordi- 
nate majordomo  was  probably  left  in  charge  by  Padre 
Moreno,  who  from  Santa  Ines  visited  his  flock  from 
time  to  time.  In  1844  the  small-pox  killed  most  of 
the  200  Indians  and  broke  up  the  community.  In 
1845  I  suppose  there  may  have  been  50  ex-neophytes 
living  in  the  vicinity.  What  was  left  of  the  estate, 
except  church  property,  was  sold  to  John  Temple  for 
81,110. 

29  Purisima  affairs.  1841.  Jose"  M.  Valenzuela  turned  over  the  mission 
to  Jose"  Ant.  de  la  Guerra,  his  successor,  on  July  1st.  St.  Pap.  J/m.,  MS., 
xi.  23.  It  appears  that  in  Sept.-Oct.,  Guerra  was  ordered  to  deliver  the 
property  to  Cordero  of  Sta  Ines,  but  refused  to  do  so  unless  paid  $700  for 
winch  he  claimed  to  be  personally  responsible  to  creditors  of  the  miss:on. 
Id. ,  ix.  5.  In  Dec.,  Francisco  Cota  was  appointed  juez  for  the  ranches  of 
this  region.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  66.  1842.  In  Feb.,  Guerra  made 
the  delivery  to  Cordero  as  required,  but  the  latter  declares  that  the  property, 
except  'unos  cuantos  muebles  inservibles, '  had  disappeared,  and  that  G.  had 
killed  and  scattered  the  live-stock  on  pretext  of  orders  from  the  govt.  St. 
Pap.  Miss.,  ix.  6.  P.  Jimeno  also  accuses  Guerra  of  having  robbed  the 
mission  of  everything,  and  claims  to  have  irrefutable  proofs.  Guerra,  Doc., 
MS.,  vii.  16-17.  In  April  Diego  Fernandez  is  addressed  as  majordomo,  and 
b  informed  that  the  mission's  yearly  quota  of  presidio  supplies  is  20  fan. 
maize,  10  fan.  beans,  40  arr.  lard,  10  arr.  tallow,  70  pairs  of  shoes,  and  $25 
of  soap.  St.  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  x.  1.  June,  the  gov.  appoints  an  encargado  at 
$10  per  month.  Dept.  Bee.,  MS.,  xii.  58.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320,  gives  the 
pop.  as  60  Ind.  18 13.  Estate  turned  over  to  the  padres.  This  vol.,  p.  309. 
No  particulars.  1844.  Duran  reports  200  Ind.,  no  live-stock  or  cultivated 
lands,  a  vineyard  of  medium  extent,  administered  by  P.  Moreno,  very  infirm, 
aided  by  Gomez,  recently  ordained  as  a  clergyman.  Pico  (Pio),  Doc.,  MS., 
14.  Aug.,  the  small-pox  had  killed  most  of  the  Ind.  and  was  still  raging. 
Gaerra,  Doc.,  MS.,  vii.  17-18.  1845.  April,  P.  Moreno  denies  that  the 
padres  have  disposed  of  any  property,  but  the  govt  has  sold  all  the  lands. 
Arch.  Sta  B.,  MS.,  x.  185.  June,  Ind.  ordered  by  gov.  to  reoccupy  the 
mission  within  a  month  or  the  property  will  be  sold.  This  vol.,  p.  549. 
Dec.,  mission  sold  to  John  Temple  for  $1,110,  including  buildings,  two  vine- 
yards, etc.,  church  property  reserved.  This  vol.,  p.  552-3. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 
1841-1845. 

POPULATION  OF  THE  NORTH  AND  op  CALIFORNIA — MONTEREY  DISTRICT — 
EVENTS  AT  THE  CAPITAL — MILITARY  ITEMS — PREFECTURE — MUNICIPAL 
AFFAIRS — LIST  OF  RANCHOS— SAN  CARLOS — SAN  Luis  OBISPO — A  NEW 
PUEBLO — SALE  OF  EX-MISSION  PROPERTY — SAN  MIGUEL — SAN  ANTONIO 
— SOLEDAD — SAN  JUAN  DE  CASTRO — SANTA  CRUZ— VILLA  DE  BRANCI- 
FORTE— SAN  FRANCISCO  DISTRICT — POPULATION — EVENTS — PUEBLO  MAT- 
TERS— SUB-PREFECTURE — MILITARY — GROWTH  OF  YERBA  BUENA — NEW 
CUSTOM-HOUSE — LAND  GRANTS  IN  THE  NORTH — MISSION  DOLORES — SAN 
RAFAEL — SOLANO — PUEBLO  OF  SONOMA — Ross  AND  BODEGA — NEW  HEL- 
VETIA— SAN  JOSE  MISSION — PADRES  MURO,  GUTIERREZ,  AND  QUIJAS — 
SANTA  CLARA — PADRE  MERCADO — PUEBLO  OF  SAN  JOSE. 

NORTHERN  CALIFORNIA,  or  the  two  districts  of  Mon- 
terey and  San  Francisco,  forming  the  territorial  basis 
of  this  chapter,  may  be  regarded  as  having  had  a 
population  of  3,550  gente  de  razon  in  1845,  besides 
nearly  400  foreigners,  newly  arrived  and  unsettled,  or 
at  least  beyond  the  reach  of  Mexican  registers,  and 
about  1,300  ex-mission  Indians,  besides  nearly  as 
many  more  scattered  in  and  near  the  settlements  and 
ranches,  not  nominally  or  wholly  relapsed  into  barba- 
rism. Combining  there  figures  with  those  of  the  pre- 
ceding chapter — 3,350  de  razon  and  1,880  Indians— 
we  have  for  the  population  of  California  at  the  end 
of  the  period  6,900  gente  de  razon  and  3,180  Indians 
with  a  nearly  equal  surplus  as  explained  above.  The 
foreign  population  has  been  given  elsewhere  as  680, 
of  which  number  I  suppose  that  somewhat  less  than 
half  should  be  included  in  the  figures  given  above. 

(649) 


650  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

The  Monterey  district  gained  in  population,  by  es- 
timate, for  there  are  no  contemporary  padrones  except 
at  Santa  Cruz,  from  1,600  in  1830  to  1,950  in  1845, 
this  number  being  made  up  of  750  in  town — or  nearly 
1,000  during  the  stay  of  Micheltorena's  battalion  in 
1843-4 — 775  at  the  ranchos  and  ex-missions,  75  at 
San  Juan,  and  350  at  Branciforte.  There  were  also 
about  450  ex-neophytes  living  at  or  near- the  ex-mis- 
sions or  as  servants  in  town,  while  other  Indians 
scattered  in  the  district  could  not  have  been  much 
less  in  number.  There  were  probably  over  a  hun- 
dred foreigners  whose  names  and  residence  were  known. 

Events  at  Monterey,  by  reason  of  its  position  as 
capital  and  chief  port,  were  in  many  instances  of  de- 
partmental as  well  as  local  interest  and  importance, 
and  have  therefore  been  pretty  fully  recorded  in  other 
parts  of  this  volume.  They  are,  however,  summa- 
rized and  indexed  with  a  supplemental  mention  of 
minor  happenings  in  the  appended  note,  which  con- 
tains also  details  respecting  military  matters,  munici- 
pal affairs,  and  private  ranchos  of  the  district.1  18"41 

1  Summary  of  Monterey  events.  1841.  Matters  connected  with  the 
Graham  exiles  of  tlie  preceding  year;  visits  of  French,  English,  and  U.  S. 
men-of-war.  This  vol.,  p.  33-40.  Visit  of  Douglas  and  his  plans  for  a  H. 
B.  Co.  establishment.  Id.,  211,  216.  Douglas'  description  of  a  visib  to  the 
Salinas  Valley.  Journal,  MS.,  102-3.  July,  order  of  the  gov.  to  build  a 
block  of  80x30  varas  for  barracks  and  offices  at  an  estimated  cost  of  $10,003. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iii.  1GS.  Aug.,  estimates  and  specifications  for 
rebuilding  custom-house  §2,400.  \rallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  229.  Earthquake 
on  May  12th.  .This  vol.,  p.  249.  Visit  of  Duflot  de  Mofras,  whose  work 
contains  a  view  of  the  town.  Id.,  249-52.  1842.  Prudon's  experience  as 
Vallejo's  commissioner  for  Mex.  Id.,  281-5.  Meeting  of  the  junta  departa- 
mental  and  tribunal  superior.  Id.,  295-6.  Capture  and  restoration  of  the 
town  by  Com.  Jones  in  Oct.  Id.,  298-329.  A  large  lithographic  view  by  one 
of  Jones'  officers  hangs  in  my  library.  Visit  of  Dr  Sandels,  the  'King's 
Orphan.'  Id.,  346.  Dr  Maxwell,  on  Jones'  fleet,  in  his  Monterey  in  '.£?, 
MS.,  21,  speaks  of  a  man  engaged  in  collecting  curiosities  for  the  German 
princes,  who  was  shot  through  the  lung  by  an  arrow  in  the  Salinas  valley. 
Dr  M.  attended  him  and  extracted  the  arrow  by  'pushing  it  through.'  I  do 
not  know  that  Sandcla  had  such  an  adventure,  or  who  else  the  scientist  could 
have  been.  Visit  of  Sir  Geo.  Simpson.  This  rol.,  p.  218  et  seq.  In  his 
Narrative,  i.  343-71,  Simpson  gives  much  descriptive  matter  from  which  I 
quote  as  follows:  The  town  'is  a  mere  collection  of  buildings,  scattered  as 
loosely  on  the  surface  as  if  they  were  so  many  bullocks  at  pasture;  so  that 
the  most  expert  surveyor  could  not  possibly  classify  them  even  into  crooked 
streets.  The  dwellings,  some  of  which  attain  the  dignity  of  a  second  story, 
are  all  built  of  adobes,  being  sheltered  on  every  side  from  the  sun  by  over- 
hanging eaves,  while  toward  the  rainy  quarter  of  the  s.  E.  they  enjoy  the 


MONTEREY  ANNALS.  651 

is  marked  by  the  return  of  the  Graham  exiles,  and, 
like  the  next  year,  by  the  visits  of  several  foreigners 
who  have  made  public  their  experiences  and  observa- 

additional  protection  of  boughs  of  trees,  resting  like  so  many  ladders  on  the 
roof.'. ..  120  earthquakes  in  two  months  of  last  season,  but  not  severe. 
'  Externally  the  habitations  have  a  cheerless  aspect  in  consequence  of  the  pau- 
city of  windows. .  .As  to  public  buildings  this  capital  of  a  province  may, 
with  a  stretch  of  charity,  be  allowed  to  possess  four.  First  is  the  church, 
part  of  which  is  going  to  decay,  while  another  part  is  not  yet  finished;  its 
only  peculiarity  is  that  it  is  built,  or  rather  half-built,  of  stone.  Next  comes 
the  castle,  consisting  of  a  small  house,  surrounded  by  a  low  wall,  all  of 
adobes.  It  commands  the  town  and  anchorage,  if  a  garrison  of  5  soldiers 
and  a  battery  of  8  or  10  rusty  and  honey- combed  guns  can  be  said  to  com- 
mand anything.  Third  is  the  guard-house,  a  paltry  mud  hut,  without  win- 
dows. Fourth  and  last  stands  the  custom-house,  which  is,  or  rather  promises 
to  be,  a  small  range  of  decent  offices;  for  though  it  has  been  building  for  5 
years  it  is  not  yet  finished . . .  After  mass  the  pastor  and  his  flock  went  to 
christen  a  bridge,  which  had  lately  been  thrown  over  the  little  river  of  the 
town,  and  was  now  gayly  decorated  with  banners,  etc.,  for  the  occasion.  . . 
The  only  seminary  of  education  in  the  province  is  a  petty  school  at  Monterey. ' 
On  other  general  and  commercial  matters,  impressions  of  individuals,  and 
the  visitor's  personal  experiences  something  is  given  elsewhere  in  this  and 
other  volumes.  Forbes  appointed  British  vice-consul  to  reside  here.  This 
vol.,  p.  384.  1843.  Arrival  of  Gov.  Micheltorena  and  his  army.  Id.,  334 
et  seq.  Financial  troubles,  and  meeting  of  the  junta  econ6mica.  Id.,  357  et 
seq.  Sessions  of  the  junta  departamental  and  elections.  Id.,  380  et  seq. 
Complaints  of  citizens  of  depredations  of  Ind.  horse-thieves.  Id.,  361.  Ex- 
cesses by  Micheltorena's  cholos;  Id.,  364  et  seq.  Grand  celebration  of  the 
fiesta  of  Sept.  16th,  described  by  Torre.  Remin.,  MS.,  114-15.  John  A. 
Swan  in  his  Monterey  in  1843  gives  a  good  sketch  of  affairs  as  he  found  them 
at  his  ariival.  Josiah  Belden,  Hint.  Statement,  MS.,  40,  also  writes  from 
memory  of  the  town  and  region  in  1843.  1844.  Events  of  Micheltorena's 
rule;  his  plan  for  a  school  of  high  grade;  rumors  of  revolt  in  Jan.  and  arrest 
of  Alvarado;  counter-revolt  of  the  cholos  in  Aug. ;  preparations  for  war  with 
the  U.  S. ;  sessions  of  the  junta  departamental;  agitation  of  the  question  of 
Monterey  vs  Los  Angeles  as  capital.  Id.,  401-12.  Visit  of  the  bishop.  Id., 
427.  Visit  of  the  U.  S.  man-of-war.  Id.,  567-8.  Outbreak  of  the  revolu- 
tion against  Micheltorena,  Nov.-Dec.  Id.,  458-83  passim.  Ravages  of  the 
small-pox  during  the  summer.  Bidwell  says  it  was  brought  by  Larkin  from 
Mazatlan,  and  that  about  80  died.  Streeter  claims  to  have  vaccinated  300 
iu  Larkin 's  parlor.  Torre  notes  the  establishment  of  a  hospital  by  theayunt. 
The  pest  was  especially  fatal  among  the  Ind.  I  find  nothing  of  this  in  the 
archives.  Bldwe.Ws  Gal.,  MS.,  138-9;  Streete.r's  Recoil,  MS.,  27-9;  Torre, 
Remin.,  MS.,  110-13.  Some  descriptive  matter  on  Monterey  affairs  in  Wood's 
Wand.  Sh.,  212  et  seq.  1845.  Micheltorena  declares  martial  law  and  leaves 
Monterey  to  fight  the  rebels  in  Jan.  This  vol.,  p.  487-8.  Returns  in  March 
to  take  a  final  departure  with  his  cholo  battalion.  Id.,  512.  Monterey  affairs 
during  the  governor's  absence  Jan.-March;  Andre's  Pico  takes  command.  Id., 
514-16.  Junta  de  guerra  in  May  to  discuss  prospects  of  a  war  with  U.  S. 
Id.,  524,  601.  Elections  of  Aug.  17th  and  Sept.  7th.  Pablo  de  la  Guerra 
and  Joaquin  Escamilla  being  chosen  eleetores  de  partido.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal., 
MS.,  ii.  94;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  149.  In  May  P.  Real  makes  an  appeal  to 
the  gov.  in  behalf  of  the  church  needs,  and  a  popular  subscription  is  author- 
ized. Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  83.  Oct.  19th,  juez  de  paz  of  'pueblo  del 
Refugio '  reports  an  attack  by  8  Ind.  from  the  salinas,  and  asks  for  troops. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  199.  $3,000  had  been  spent  on  a  wharf — the  money 
being  raised  by  a  tax  of  $30  per  month  on  vessels — which  was  perhaps  com- 


652  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

tions.  Commodore  Jones'  capture  and  restoration  of 
the  town  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  was  the 
great  event  of  1842.  Governor  Micheltorena  and  his 

pleted  by  Larkin  this  year.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  iii.  81-4;  Monterey  Herald, 
Aug.  1,  1874;  S.  J.  Pioneer,  Nov.  24,  1877.  Wreck  of  Star  <f  the  West. 
This  vol.,  p.  562.  Clyman,  Diary,  MS.,  126-7,  describes  a  visit  to  Monterey 
this  year. 

Military  affairs.  Military  comandantes  of  the  post;  Guniesindo  Flores 
1841-2,  Jos£  Castro  1842-3,  Gen.  Micheltorena  or  one  of  his  officers  1843-4, 
Juan  Abella,  Andre's  Pico,  Pedro  Narvaez,  and  Josc5  Castro  1845.  Tho  pre- 
sidial  cavalry  company  varied  irregularly  from  21  to  58  men  rank  and  iile, 
being  32  at  the  end  of  1845.  Pay-rolls  $10,000  to  $15,000  per  year.  Capt. 
Jos<5  Castro,  absent  most  of  the  time  1841-3;  Nicanor  Estrada  1843-4;  Joa- 
quin  de  la  Torre  1845.  Lieut  Manuel  Castro  in  1845.  Alfereces  Rafael  Pinto, 
Jacinto  Rodriguez,  Joaquin  de  la  Torre,  agregado  from  1841,  Francisco  Var- 
gas 1843,  Valentin  Gajiola  (agregado  and  habilitado),  and  Dolores  Felix  in 
1845.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxvii.  passim;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  MS.,  Ixxxv. 
3-4,  7;  Ixxxvi.  12-13;  Ixxxviii.  43-5;  Id.,  lien.,  C.  &  T.,  v.  1,7.  Artillery, 
17  to  7  rank  and  file,  pay-roll  about  $600  per  month,  under  Capt.  Mariano 
Silva,  Sub-lieut  Anastasio  Cortes,  and  Gabriel  de  la  Torre,  agregado  in  1815. 
This  vol.,  p.  198;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B.  M.,  Ixxxvi.  12-13;  Ixxxviii.  44;  Id., 
Ben.,  C.  <fc  T.,  v.  2,  8,  10.  In  1841  an  auxiliary  company  of  4  to  19  men 
under  Capt.  Santiago  Estrada  is  mentioned.  Id.,  B.  M.,  Ixxxv.  9.  In  1844 
a  company  of  defensores  de  la  patria,  or  auxiliary  cavalry,  was  organized  32 
strong,  and  costing  $300  per  month.  The  officers  were  Capt.  A.  M.  Osio, 
Lieut  Joaquin  Escamilla,  alf.  Rafael  Estrada,  and  Francisco  Araiza.  There 
was  a  similar  company  at  S.  Juan  under  Capt.  Francisco  Pacheoo.  Id., 
Ixxxviii.  50;  St.  Pap.  Sac.,  MS.,  xix.  18-20;  this  vol.  p.  407.  See  Id.,  p. 
289,  for  a  statement  of  men  and  officers  in  Micheltorena '3  battalion.  Mofras 
in  1841-2,  Explor.,  i.  325,  reports  40  soldiers  and  12  artillerymen,  the  presidio 
razed,  the  fort  and  simple  battery  with  3  bronze  guns.  An  official  report  of 
1812  gives  the  available  force  as  9  cavalry  anil  13  artillerymen.  This  vol.,  p. 
293.  Jan. '1842,  arrangements  made  to  buy  a  rancho  called  S.  Jos<§  from 
Abrego,  and  stock  it  with  cattle  for  the  company;  but  nothing  more  appears 
about  it.  Va'lejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  24.  Armament  removed  to  S.  Juan  in  1845. 
This  vol.,  p.  603.  For  maritime  affairs  and  revenue  officials  for  this  half 
decade  see  Id.,  206  et  seq.,  339  et  seq.,  374  et  seq.,  428  et  seq.,  554  et  seq. 

Prefecture.  Tiburcio  Castro  was  prefect  of  the  1st  district  residing  at  S. 
Juan,  until  July  1841,  when  Jos6  Ramon  Estrada  succeeded  him,  being  ap- 
pointed by  the  gov.  on  the  22d,  taking  possession  on  the  25th,  issuing  a  proc- 
lamation on  the  30th,  and  offering  his  resignation,  which  was  not  accepted,  in 
Aug.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  15;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  xvi.  29;  Dept.  St.  Pup., 
MS.,  xvii.  12-13;  Id.,  Hen.,  C.  &  T.,  iv.  64;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  <L-J.,  iv.  23;  S. 
Jos^  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  39.  Francisco  Arias  had  been  appointed  suplente  in  Jan., 
Dept.  Rcc.,  MS.,  xii.  3,  but  nothing  more  is  heard  of  him.  Estrada's  salary 
was  $2,000,  and  he  seems  to  have  resided  at  Monterey,  but  this  is  not  certain. 
Manuel  Castauares  was  secretary  of  the  prefecture  until  Dec.  1842,  when 
Manuel  Castro  was  appointed.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  ii.  38;  Id.,  P.  <£•</., 
iv.  32.  In  Nov.  1842,  Estrada  was  in  charge  of  tho  govt  during  Alvarado'a 
absence.  Vallejo,  .'Joe.,  MS.,  xi.  306.  Oct.  13th,  1843.  the  o'licea  of  prefect 
and  sub-prefect  were  abolished  by  the  gov.  and  junta.  This  vol.,  p.  357- 
8.  July  12,  1845,  prefecture  restored,  Monterey  made  2d  district  with  the 
town  as  cabecera,  and  Manuel  Castro  appointed  prefect  by  Gov.  Pico.  Cas- 
tro took  poss'-ssion  on  Aug.  2d,  having  accepted  on  July  18th.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Any.,  MS.,  x.  68-9;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  v.  97;  Id.,  Ben.,  v.  364-5,  375-6;  Dept. 
Kec.,  M.S.,  xiv.  65-6;  Castro,  Dor.,  i.  132,  137;  Doc.  Hint.  Cal.,i.  491;  ii.  59, 
81.  Florencio  Serrano  was  secretary.  It  appears  that  Pico  on  July  12th  iirst 


MUNICIPAL  RECORD.  653 

vagabond  army  came  to  the  capital  in  1843.  In  1844 
the  cholos  remained,  the  bishop  came,  and  the  small- 
pox raged.  In  1845  the  governor  was  expelled  by 

named  David  Spenceas  prefect.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  4;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  & 
J.,  ii.  84;  but  nothing  appears  in  explanation  of  the  change.  Castro  offered 
his  resignation  on  Dec.  31st.  Id.,  93,  but  it  was  not  accepted. 

List  of  municipal  officers.  1841.  Juez  de  paz,  Simeon  Castro  to  Nov., 
Jose"  Amesti  from  Nov.;  suplente  Francisco  Arias;  jueces  auxiliares  Juan 
Resales  at  S.  Carlos,  Vicente  Cantiia,  Joaquin  Buelna  (from  Aug.),  and  Euse- 
bio  Boronda  (from  Oct.)  at  Pilarcitos.  1842.  Juez  de  paz  Jose"  Z.  Fernandez, 
suplente  Teodoro  Gonzalez;  jueces  auxiliares  Joaquin  Gutierrez,  Antonio  Tapia 
for  S.  Carlos,  Graciano  Manjares  and  Geo.  Allen  for  Zanjon,  Joaquin  Buelna 
for  Refugio,  Juan  Higuera  (?),  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  xvi.  37;  Juez  decampoJose" 
Maria  de  la  Torre;  capt  of  the  port  Pedro  Narvaez.  1843.  Juez  de  paz  Fau- 
filo  Soberanes  Jan. -Feb.,  Jose1  Z.  Fernandez  March-July,  Teodoro  Gonzalez 
May-Oct. ;  juez  suplente  Juan  Antonio  Vallejo,  acting  as  juez  1°  Nov. -Dec. ; 
juez  atixiliar  at  Refugio  Salvador  Espinosa;  tax-collector  Antonio  Chavez 
and  later  Pierre  Atillan;  capt.  of  the  port  Pedro  Narvaez.  1844.  Alcaldes 
Jose"  Amesti  and  Florencio  Serrano;  regidores  Gregorio  Castafiares,  Marce- 
lino  Escobar,  James  Watson,  EsteVan  de  la  Torre;  sfndico  Salvador  Munrds; 
secretary  Jose"  Antonio  Chavez.  Amesti  being  ill  Serrano  acted  as  alcalde  1°, 
and  Escobar  also  seems  to  have  acted  often  in  the  same  capacity.  Jueces 
auxiliares  Jose"  Castillo,  Antonio  Mendez,  Tomas  Salgado,  Joaquin  Genling  (?), 
Francisco  Lugo  (?);  agente  de  policia  Gabriel  de  la  Torre;  capt.  of  port 
Pedro  Narvaez.  1845.  Juez  or  alcalde  1°  Marcelino  Escobar,  not  allowed 
to  resign  in  March.  Dept.  Ke.c.,  MS.,  xiv.  26;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  38; 
j  uez  2"  Joaquin  de  los  Santos  Escamilla  in  Jan. ,  Francisco  Araiza  March- Aug. , 
Feliciano  Soberanes  from  Sept.;  Vicente  P.  Gomez  secretary;  sindico  or  tax- 
collector  Olivier  Deleiseques  to  May;  in  Sept.  Vicente  Molina  was  recom- 
mended for  collector  and  Ignacio  Ezquer  for  treasurer.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS., 
ii.  123;  but  Florencio  Serrano  was  appointed  treasurer  on  Sept.  24th.  Mont. 
Arch.,  MS.,  xvi.  42.  Agente  de  policia  (?)  Gil  Sanchez;  juez  at  Refugio 
Trinidad  Espinosa. 

Municipal  government  and  administration  of  justice.  1841.  Municipal 
and  police  regulations,  card-playing,  and  lights  before  shops.  Dept.  St.  P., 
Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  36;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  x.  19-20.  July  4th,  the  body  of  Dan- 
iel Ferguson  was  found  on  the  Salinas  road.  Jos6  Ant.  Arana,  on  account  of 
his  intimacy  with  F.  's  wife  Maria  del  Carmen  Ruiz,  was  suspected  of  the  mur- 
der and  in  Dec.  was  condemned  to  quit  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  iv. 
1 1-15.  Arana  is  said  to  have  returned  to  Cal.  in  1856.  July,  Joaquin  Alva- 
rado  sentenced  to  one  month  in  the  chain-gang  for  slandering  the  daughter  of 
Miguel  Avila.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  6.  1842.  Police  regulations  etc.,  sell- 
ing liquor,  no  standing  on  streets  at  time  of  mass,  prisoners  to  have  one  hour 
in  the  sun  each  day,  lights  before  houses  as  well  as  shops.  Id.,  x.  23;  xvi.  32 
-3;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  iv.  21;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  131;  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  274;  Dept.  Kec.,  MS.,  xiii.  31.  May,  Jose"  C.  Botiller  sen- 
tenced to  8  years  'de  servicio  en  las  armas'  for  rape  and  seduction,  and  Igna- 
cio Arroyo  to  banishment  as  an  accomplice.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  x.  27.  June, 
James  O'Brien  banished  to  the  Sonoma  frontier  for  3  years  for  adultery.  Id., 
iii.  15.  Dec.,  collections  for  the  year  $71  in  fines,  $156  from  shops.  Id.,  28- 
9.  Gov.  approves  appointment  of  jueces  de  paz,  but  the  old  authorities  must 
continue  until  the  'nacion  se  constituya.'  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  MS., 
iv.  32.  An  Ind.  shot  by  order  of  the  gov.  for  assault  on  a  woman.  Garnica  del 
Castillo,  Recuerdos,  MS.,  2.  Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  97,  relates  that  Manuel 
Gonzalez  or  Manuelillo,  a  South  American  shoemaker,  who  had  long  been 
sacristan  at  the  Monterey  chapel,  was  executed  in  July  for  the  murder  of  an 
Englishman  at  S.  Isidro,  though  Gonzalez  maintained  to  the  last  that  he  had 


654  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

revolutionary  patriots.  Military  annals  are  confused 
and  fragmentary;  but  the  old  presidial  company  was 
still  kept  in  existence  with  a  force  of  20  to  30  men; 

acted  in  self-defence.     1843.  Instructions  to  jueces  de  campo,  on  slaughters, 
hide-sales,  fires  in  fields;  and  other  police  regulations  on  prisons,  gambling, 
liquor,  etc.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.  5-6,  14-15;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Mont.,  MS., 
iv.  137;  id.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  iv.  36;  Id.,  Ben.,  iii.  159.     Jan.,  aconfirmed  cattle- 
thief  condemned  to  8  years  in  presidio  at  Acapulco.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  23. 
Alcalde  Vallejo  complains  of  an  order  to  turn  over  munic.  funds  to  Chavez 
the  collector  as  showing  a  lack  of  confidence  in  himself;  but   his  views  are 
overruled  by  the  prefect,  and  he  is  warned  to  be  more  moderate  in  his  expres- 
sions. Id.,  xi.  2.     July,  Bonifacio  Olivares  banished  for  a  year  to  Los  Angeles 
as  a  vagabond.  Id. ,  iv.  1.     Oct.  a  man  accused  by  an  Ind.  woman  of  violence 
to  her  daughter,  but  acquitted  on  the  ground  that  the  mother  had  taken  his 
money.   Id.,  xvi.  39-40.     Dec.  10th,  election  of  compromisarios  to  choose  an 
ayunt.     Highest  no.  of  votes  330.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  3-8.     1844.  Jan.,  3 
agentes  de  policia  appointed.  Dfpt.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  14.     Feb.-March,  a 
blotter  of  the  ayunt.  records.     Choice  of  a  public  plaza  between  the  houses  of 
Benito  Diaz,  Francisco  Pacheco,  Teodoro  Gonzalez,  and  EsteVan  Munras.     A 
light  for  the  municipal  house  and  bridge,  also  near  Hartnell's  house  and  in 
the  casa  consistorial.     A  plan  of  the  capital  received  from  the  gov. ,  with  a 
request  that  the  ayunt.  should  make  town  improvements  conform  to  it.     Other 
routine  matters  and  police  regulations.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  29-35.     More 
regulations  on  the  old  subjects,  also  on  care  of  the  streets,  fire-arms,  racing, 
etc. ;  also  an  order  of  the  go%T,  of  Feb.  4th,  prohibiting  the  posting  of  lam- 
poons under  heavy  penalties.  Dept.  St.   Pap.,  Mont.,  MS.,  iii.  98-9,  104-5; 
iv.  148-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  19.     The  plan  of  the  town,  which  I  have 
been  unable  to  find,  is  also  mentioned  in  Dept.  Itec.,  MS.,  xiii.  66.     Nov.  12th, 
order  for  election  of  ayunt.  on  1st  Sunday  in  Dec.,  half  the  regidores  to  hold 
over.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Any.,  MS.,  xii.  89.    Gomez,  LoQueSabe,  MS.,  75,  relates 
that  after  the  governor  fixed  a  fine  for  not  keeping  lights  in  front  of  houses, 
J.  M.  Castafiarcs  one  night  put  out  Micheltorena's  own  light,  reporting  its 
absence  to  the  alcalde,  who  collected  §5  from  his  excellency.     1845.  Financial. 
Feb.  1st,  debts  §190,  list  of  credits  $80,  but  incomplete.     Receipts  and  expend, 
to  end  of  May,  §208.     June  4th,  alcalde  owes  munic.  fund  §21,  less  $13  paid. 
Pay  of  alguacil  $8  per  month.     A  timber  tax  collected.     Receipts  in  Dec. 
$251,  expend.  $49.  Doc.  JJist.  Cal,  MS.,  ii.  35,  80,  128,  130-1,  169.     Alcalde 
Escobar,  his  resignation  being  refused  in  March,  went  away  for  a  month  in 
May;  and  alcalde  Araiza  soon  went  away  also  because  the  military  officers 
disregarded  his  authority.     Capt.  Torre  was  appointed  to  act  temporarily,  but 
many  would  not  recognize  him.     All  this  and  more — a  sorry  picture  of  muni- 
cipal disorder — is  presented  in  letters  of  July  from  Escobar  and  Araiza.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  viii.  38-45.     Josi  Castro  says  in  June  that  there  are  no  jueces. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  60.     July  13th,  Col.  Alvarado  in  a  proclamation 
says  that  Mont,  has  been  long  without  civil  authorities,  and  an  Indian  mur- 
derer will  be  hanged  to-day  by  sentence  of  court-martial.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS., 
xxxiv.   142.     Torre,  Remin.,  MS.,  130-2,  gives  some  details  of  this  man's 
crime,  an  attack  on  women  and  children  while  bathing.     July  28th,  Escobar 
says  he  opened  his  court  but  was  ordered  by  Alvarado  to  close  it;  and  Rafael 
Sanchez  (the  Ind.  referred  to  ?)  has  been  shot  without  process  of  law.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  y  J.,  MS.,  iv.  48.     May,  E.  Martinez  and  M.  Castro  sen- 
tenced to  5  years'  presidio  at  S.  Vicente,  L.  Cal.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  33. 
Juez  cannot  'run  his  court'  without  paper  and  a  knife,  which  are  furnished, 
32  sheets  of  the  former.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  25-6.     June,  $10  ordered 
paid  for  a  lantern  on  the  bridge.  Id. ,  61.     Aug.,  controversy  between  prefect 
and  mil.  comandante  on  complaint  of  Alcalde  Araiza,  about  an  Ind.  woman 
'deposited   by  civil  process  in  the  house  of  a  citizen,  but  taken  out  and  flogged 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  655 

Micheltorena's  battalion  was  a  large  but  undesirable 
addition  in  1843-4;  and  from  1844  a  company  of 
auxiliary  cavalry,  defensores  de  la  patria,  was  ready 

by  Gabriel  de  la  Torre.  Id.,  75,  82,  93;  Castro,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  140.  Araiza 
was  insulted  on  the  street  in  connection  with  this  affair;  and  got  leave  of 
absence  from  the  gov. ;  Escobar  was  still  absent  at  Sta  Barbara;  and  the  pre- 
fect asked  for  authority  to  appoint  2  jueces  ad  int.,  and  apparently  was  per- 
mitted so  to  appoint  Soberanes  as  2d  juez.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  474;  Dc/>t. 
St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS.,  v.  364-5.  Dec.  10th,  election  of  an  ayunt.  for  1840. 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  MS.,  ii.  240. 

List  of  private  ranches  granted  in  1841-5.  Those  marked  with  a  *  were 
rejected  by  the  land  commission  or  U.  S.  courts.  *  Agua  Puerca  and  Las 
Francas  (Sta  Cruz),  1 1.,  1843,  R.  Rodriguez  and  F.  Alviso,  who  were  claimants. 
Aguilas,  see  Real  de  las  A.  Aiio  Nuevo  (Sta  Cruz),  4  1.,  1842,  Simeon  Castro; 
M.  A.  Pico  et  al.  cl.  *Arastradero  (Sta  Cruz),  1  1.,  1844,  Albert  F.  Morris; 
Wm  Blackburn  cl.  Arroyo  Grande  or  S.  Ramon  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1841,  Seferino 
Carlon;  Francis  Branch  cl.  Asuncion  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1845,  Pedro  Estrada, 
who  was  cl.  *Atascadero  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1842,  Trifon  Garcia;  M.  A.  Ortega 
cl.  Atascadero  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1  1.,  1842,  Trifon  Garcia;  Henry  Haight  cl. 
Canada,  see  Carpinteria,  Chorro,  Osos,  and  Rincon.  Carneros,  1  1.,  1842, 
Maria  Antonia  Linares,  who  was  cl.  Carpinteria,  Canada  de  la,  J  1.,  1845, 
Joaquin  Soto,  who  was  cl.  Cayucos,  see  Moro  y  C.  Cholam  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  6 
1.,  Mauricio  Gonzalez;  Ellen  E.  White  cl.  Chorro,  canada  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1 
1.,  James  Scott  and  John  Wilson;  Wilson  cl.  Ci^nega,  see  Paicinesand  Gavi- 
lan.  Codies,  2£  1.,  1841,  Josef  a  Soberanes,  whowascl.  Corral  dePiedra(S. 
Luis  Ob.),  2  1.  1841,  1846,  J.  M.  Villa vicencio,  who  was  cl.  Corralitos  (Sta 
Cruz),  4  1.,  1844,  Josd  Amesti,  who  was  cl.  *Gavilan,  cienega,  111.,  1843, 
J.  Y.  Limantour,  who  was  cl.  Huasma  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  5 1.,  1843,  Isaac  Sparks, 
who  was  cl.  Huerfano  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1  1.,  1842;  Mariano  Bonilla;  Francis 
Branch  cl.  Huerta  de  Romaldo  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1-10 1.,  1842,  Romaldo.  Islay, 
see  Osos.  Laguna,  see  Punta  de  la  L.  Laureles  2,000  v.  1844,  J.  Agricia; 
L.  Ransom  cl.  Lomas  Muertas,  1^1.,  1842,  Jos6  Ant.  Castro;  Vicente  San- 
chez et  al.  cl.  Moro  y  Cayucos  (S.  Luis  Obispo),  2  1.,  1842,  Vicente  Felix; 
James  McKiuley  cl.  Ojitos,  2  1.,  1842,  Mariano  Soberanes,  who  was  cl. 
*0sos,  caflada,  11  L,  1844,  Modesta  Castro,  who  was  cl.  Osos,  Pecho  y 
Islay  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1842-3-5,  Linares  et  al. ;  John  Wilson  cl.  Paicines, 
2  1.,  1842,  Angel  Castro,  who  was  cl.  *Pajaro,  6  sucrtes,  1843,  Josu 
M.  Borgas  (?),  who  was  cl.  *Panoche  Grande,  41.,  1844,  Vicente  P. 
Gomez,  who  was  cl.  Paso  de  Robles  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  6  1.,  1844,  Pedro 
Narvaez;  P.  Rios  cl.  Pecho,  see  Osos.  Piedra,  see  Corral  de  P.  Piojo,  31., 
1842,  Joaquin  Soto,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Pleito,  3  L,  1845,  Antonio  Chavez; 
W.  S.  Johnson  et  al.  cl.  Potrero  deS.  Luis  Obispo,  1  1.,  1842,  M.  Concepcion 
Boronda,  who  was  cl.  Punta  de  la  Laguna  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  6  1.,  1844,  L.  Are- 
llanes  and  E.  M.  Ortega,  who  were  cl.  Puuta,  see  Afio  Nuevo.  Real  de  las 
Aguilas,  7  1.,  1844,  Fran.  Arias,  and  Saturnino  Cariaga;  Maria  Ant.  Castro 
de  Anzar,  cl.  Refugio  (Sta  Cruz)  3  1.,  1841,  Josd  Bolcof,  whose  sons  were  cl. 
Rincon,  canada  (Sta  Cruz),  2  1. ,  1843,  Pierre  Sainsevain,  who  was  cl.  Rin- 
con, see  S.  Pedro.  Robles,  see  Paso.  Romaldo,  see  Huerta.  S.  Agustin 
(Sta  Cruz),  1  1.,  1841,  J.  J.  Cris6stomo'Mayor;  Jos.  L.  Majors  cl.  S.  Benito, 
1£  L,  1842,  Francisco  Garcia;  J.  Watson  cl.  S.  Bernabe,  3  1.,  1841-2,  Petro- 
nilo  Rios;  Henry  Cocks  cl.  S.  Bernardo,  3  1.,  Mariano  Soberanes,  who  was 
cl.  S.  Geronimo  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  2  1.,  1842,  Rafael  Villaviciencio,  who  was  cl. 
S.  Juan  Bautista,  2  1.,  1844,  J.  A.  Narvaez  who  was  cl.  S.  Lorenzo,  51., 
1841;  Feliciano  Soberanes,  who  was  cl.  S.  Lorenzo,  5 1.,  1842,  Francisco  Rico; 
A.  Randall  cl.  S.  Lucas,  2  1.,  1842,  Rafael  Estrada;  J.  McKinleycl.  S.  Luis 
Obispo  mission  buildings,  etc.,  1845,  Scott,  Wilson,  &  McKinley;  John  Wil- 
son cl.  Rauchos  not  named  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  1841,  Ramona  Carrillo,  who  was 


656  .       LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

to  defend  California  from  foes  within  and  without. 
The  presidio  had  disappeared,  but  a  so-called  fort,  or 
castillo,  was  garrisoned  by  a  dozen  artillerymen  with 
three  or  four  guns  in  working  order.  Tiburcio  Castro, 
the  prefect  of  this  first  district,  was  succeeded  in 
1841  by  Ramon  Estrada,  who  served  until  the  pre- 
fecture was  abolished  by  Micheltorena  at  the  end  of 
1843.  On  the  restoration  in  July,  1845,  Monterey 
became  the  second  district,  and  Manuel  Castro  the 
^prefect.  Municipal  affairs  were  directed  by  a  juez  do 
paz,  except  in  1844  when  there  was  an  ayuntamiento 
with  an  alcalde  at  its  head.  The  successive  muni- 
cipal chiefs  were  Simeon  Castro  and  Jose  Amesti 
in  1841,  Jose  Zenon  Fernandez  in  1842-3,  Panfilo 
Soberanes  and  Teodoro  Gonzalez  in  1843,  Jose  Amesti, 
Florencio  Serrano,  and  Mariano  Escobar  in  1844,  and 
Escobar,  Francisco  Araiza,  and  Soberanes  in  1845. 
Municipal  government  was  marked  by  a  few  contro- 
versies and  many  complaints  of  neglected  duties, 
especially  in  1845;  and  the  administration  of  justice 
by  the  usual  sequence  of  criminal  trials.  Great  con- 
fidence must  have  been  felt  in  the  abilities  of  the 
town  officials,  for  on  one  occasion  they  were  required 

cl.;  1,000  v.,  1842,  Vicente  Linares,  who  was  cl.;  100  x  50  v.,  1844,  Jose" 
Mariano  Bonilla,  who  was  cl. ;  see  also  Arroyo  Grande,  Asuncion,  Atascadero, 
Cholam,  Chorro,  Corral  de  Piedra,  Huasma,  Huerfano,  Huerta,  Moro,  Oaos, 
Paso  de  Roblei,  Punta  de  la  Laguna,  Potrero,  S.  Ger6nimo,  S.  Luisito,  S. 
Miguelito,  S.  Simeon,  Sta  Isabel,  Sta  Margarita.  Sta  Rosa,  Vena.  S.  Luisito 
('>.  Luis  Ob.),  1841,  G.  Cantua,  who  was  cl.  S.  Miguelito  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  2  1., 
1842,  Miguel  AVila,  who  was  cl.  S.  Miguelito  de  Trinidad,  5 1.,  1841,  Rafael 
Gonzalez,  who  was  cl.  S.  Pedro,  rincon  (Sta  Cruz),  1842,  Jose'  Arana.  S. 
Ramon,  see  Arroyo  Grande.  S.  Sftneou  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  1  1.,  1842,  Ramon  Es- 
trada; J.  M.  Gomez  cl.  Sta  Cruz  ranches,  see  Agua  Puerca,  Auo  Nuevo, 
Arastradero,  Corralitos,  Refugio,  S.  Agustin,  S.  Pedro,  Sayante,  and  Tres 
Ojos.  Sta  Isabel  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  4  1.,  1844,  Francisco  Arce,  who  was  cl.  Sta 
Margarita  (S.  Luis  Ob.),  4  1.,  1841,  Joaquin  Estrada,  who  was  cl.  Sta  Rosa 
(S.  Luis  Ob.),  3  1.,  1841,  Julian  Estrada,  who  was  cl. '  Sayante  (Sta  Cruz),  1 
1.,  J.  J.  Crisostomo  M:iyor;  Isaac  Graham  et  al.  cl.  Trancas,  see  Agua 
Puerca.  Tres  Ojos  de  Agua  (Sta  Cruz),  1,300  v.,  1844,  Nicolas  Dodero,  who 
was  cl.  Trinidad,  see  S.  Miguelito.  Tucho,  800  v.,  1841,  Simeon  Castro, 
whose  heirs  were  cl.  Tucho,  250  v.,  1842,  1844,  Thomas  Cole,  who  was  cl. 
*Tucho,  1,500  v.,  1843,  J.  J.  Gomez;  V.  Gomez  et  al.  cl.  In  Aug.  1845  Pedro 
Vasquez  asked  for  land  near  Tucho.  Doc.  Jlist.  CaL,  MS.,  i.  492.  *Veua  (S. 
Luis  Ob.),  1  1.,  1842,  Francisco  E.  Quintana,  who  was  cl.  Ranches  of  Mont, 
not  named: '*5  1.,  1844-5,  Josef  a  Martinez,  Milton  Little  cl. ;  400  v.,  1844, 
Thomas  Blanco,  whose  heirs  were  cl.;  *3  suei-tes,  1843,  Jose1  C.  Boronda,  J. 
Stokes  cl. 


SAN  CiRLOS  AND  SAN  LUIS.  657 

to  master  a  plan  of  the  pueblo,  to  which  improvements 
must  conform.  Private  ranches  granted  during  the 
half-decade  numbered  about  60,  of  which  22  or  more 
were  in  the  San  Luis  Obispo  region,  and  9  near 
Santa  Cruz. 

Of  San  Cdrlos  there  is  little  to  be  said.  Perhaps 
40  ex-neophytes,  the  figure  given  by  Mofras,  still 
lived  in  the  vicinity,  but  the  mission  buildings  were 
abandoned.  Padre  Jose  Maria  Real  was  nominally 
in  charge,  living  at  Monterey,  and  possibly  holding 
service  occasionally  in  the  mission  church  until  1845, 
when  his  brother  Padre  Antonio  Heal,  and  for  a 
time  Padre  Juan  Antonio  Anzar,  seem  to  have  served 
here.  Simpson  arid  Maxwell  describe  the  ruins, 
giving  chief  attention  to  the  paintings  still  hanging 
in  the  church,  which  was  cared  for  by  a  man  and  his 
wife,  the  only  residents.  In  Pico's  decrees  of  1845 
San  Cdrlos  was  regarded  as  a  pueblo,  or  abandoned 
mission,  and  the  remaining  property  was  to  be  sold 
at  auction  for  the  payment  of  debts  and  the  support 
of  worship;  but  of  the  property,  if  any  existed,  the 
sale,  and  the  worship,  we  have  no  further  record. 
The  glory  of  San  Carlos  Borromeo  del  Carmelo  de 
Monterey  had  departed  forever — or  at  least  until 
1884,  wh«n  a  shingle  roof  was  put  on  the  old  church.2 

At  San  Luis  Obispo,  in  the  extreme  south  of  the 
district,  Padre  Ramon  Abella  served  until  the  end  of 
1841  or  beginning  of  18^2  and  the  presbyter  Miguel 
Gomez  took  charge  as  curate  apparently  late  in  1843. 
There  are  no  statistics,  but  Mofras  gives  the  popula- 
tion as  80  in  1841-2,  and  I  suppose  that  in  1845 
there  rnay  have  been  60  ex-neophytes  living  on  the 
ex-mission  lands.3  Cane",  as  administrator,  was  suc- 

2  Simpson's  Narr. ,  i.  370-1 ;  Mofras'  Explor. ,  i.  320;  Maxwell's  Mont,  in 
'42,  MS.,  21-2;  Rtvista  Gientif.,  i.  323-9;  this  vol.,  p.  549-52. 

3  S.  Luis  Obispo,  1841-5.     1841.     Vicente  Can<§,  juez  auxiliar  and  pre- 
sumably majordomo.  Los.  Ang.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  27-8;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  x. 
10.    July  19th.     Cand  sends  to  gov.  a  plan  of  a  sq.  league  of  land  suscepti- 
ble of  irrigation,  2,000  varas  from  the  mission.     Other  lands  are  broken  and 
without  water.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  77.     1842.     Mariano  Bonilla  took 

HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    12 


658  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

ceeded  in  April,  1842,  by  Mariano  Bonilla,  also  juez 
de  paz,  who  in  obedience  to  the  governor's  order  of 
July  made  at  least  a  partial  distribution  of  the  lands 
and  other  property  to  the  ex-neophytes.  In  July, 

1844,  the  governor  ordered  the  complete  emancipa- 

charge  April  26th,  haying  been  appointed  administrator  and  juez  de  paz  auxi- 
liar  on  the  14th.  Id.;  Dept.  Kec.,  MS.,  xii.  50,  52;  xiii.  30,  36;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  58;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  x.  26;  Avila;  Doc.,  MS.,  1-4; 
S.  Luis  Ob.  Arch.,  MS.,  4;  Bonilla,  Doc.,  MS.,  10-11.  May  4th.  B.  writes 
that  the  establishment  is  in  a  bad  state,  nothing  of  value  left.  St.  Pap. 
Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  78.  Sept.  9-10th,  the  gov.  orders  Bonilla  to  distribute  to  the 
Ind.  from  the  vacant  lands  (as  in  the  plan  noted  above  ?)  lots  not  exceeding 
100  varas;  also  implements,  furniture,  and  other  property,  according  to  merit, 
size  of  family,  etc.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  59;  S.  Luis  Ob.  Arc/t.,  MS.,  4, 
Dec.  10.  Dec.  10th,  a  specimen  grant  by  Bonilla  under  the  above  order  to 
the  ex-neophyte  Odon  a  lot  of  75  varas,  the  house  occupied  by  him,  a  copper 
pot,  and  two  troughs.  The  conditions  are  that  lie  must  care  for  certain  fruit- 
trees  on  the  land,  the  fruit  belonging  to  the  community;  cannot  sell  or  trans- 
fer the  property;  and  must  cultivate  the  land  or  it  will  revert  to  the  commu- 
nity. Bonilla,  Doc.,  MS.,  10-11.  1843.  No  record  whatever,  except  the 
coming  of  P.  Gomez.  S.  Luis  Ob.,  Lib.  Mis.,  MS.,  56.  1844.  Jos6  Maria 
Viilavicencio  and  Jos6  Ortega,  jueces  de  paz.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  27;  xi. 
16-17;  8.  Luis  Ob.  Arch.,  MS.,  3;  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  63.  Feb.  16th,  the 
Mont,  ayunt.  voted  to  appoint  a  2d  alcalde  for  the  new  pueblo  of  S.  Luis. 
Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  30.  March  18th,  a  report  on  the  southern  missions 
represents  S.  Luis  as  having  no  lauds  or  live-stock,  its  Ind.  being  demoralized 
and  dispersed.  Pico  (Pio),  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  14.  July  15th,  decree  of  Gov. 
Miclieltorena.  The  mission,  having  no  property,  and  only  a  few  aged  neo- 
phytes who  earn  their  living  as  best  they  can,  is  formed  into  a  pueblo,  having 
for  its  ejidos  the  unoccupied  lands  near  the  place  where  the  Ind.  are  located; 
the  Ind.  to  be  entirely  free  except  that  they  must  furnish  the  personal  service 
of  6  ciach  week  to  the  curate;  the  padre's  house  to  be  the  parsonage,  and 
other  buildings  for  school,  jail,  and  other  public  uses  to  be  assigned  by  the 
govt  in  accord  with  the  curate;  the  pueblo  to  have  for  the  present  an  aux- 
iliary juez  de  paz,  subject  to  the  ayunt.  of  Monterey;  lota  to  be  granted  only 
by  the  govt,  the  water  in  ditches  and  streams  to  be  free  for  use  of  citizens, 
the  curate  charitably  attending  to  the  assignment;  the  juez  to  have  charge  of 
all  mission  implements,  etc.,  and  with  tham  to  judiciously  aid  the  Ind.;  the 
Ind.  not  to  sell  their  lands,  which  when  unoccupied  will  revert  to  the  nation; 
the  emancipated  Ind.  and  other  citizens  must  attend  to  repairs  of  church, 
parsonage,  etc.,  also  of  ditches  and  other  public  works,  also  assisting  at 
rodeos.  Pico  (Pio),  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  73-6;  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  ii.  399-401.  In 
Arcs,  Doc.,  MS.,  12,  is  an  original  order  of  same  date  identical  with  Art.  5  on 
the  buildings.  July  16th,  the  gov.  grants  to  the  church  for  the  support  of 
worship  a  sq.  league  of  land  at  La  Laguna  and  two  huertas,  cultivation  by 
Ind.  actually  living  on  the  lands  not  to  be  impeded.  The  grant  is  formally 
accepted  by  the  bishop.  It  was  in  later  years  confirmed  by  the  U.  S.  courts. 
Pico,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  23-5;  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  i.  2-4;  This  vol.,  p.  423-4.  July, 
a  military  comp.  under  Capt  J.  M.  Viilavicencio  to  be  organized.  Id.,  407. 

1845.  Joaquin  Estrada  juez  de  paz,  Jesus  Pico  mil.  com.  and  proposed  for 
juez  in  Nov.  S.  Luis  Ob.  Arch.,  MS.,  25;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  vii.  Ill;  Id.,  Ben.  P. 
<5e  J.,  ii.  177;  Id.,  Ben.  Mil.,  Ixxxviii.   51.     In  Sept.  the  bishop  protested 
against  the  Laguna  lands  being  ceded  to  John  Wilson.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS., 
vi.  147-8.     Dec.  4th,  sale  of  the  ex-mission  buildings,  except  curate's  house, 
town  hall,  school,  and  jail  previously  reserved,  to  Scott  and  Wilson,  for  $510. 
This  vol. ,  p.  552-3.     This  title  was  confirmed  by  U.  S.  courts.     Possession 
was  given  in  Dec.  1845,  to  Jesus  Pico,  representing  S.  &  W. 


SAN  LUIS  AND  SAN  MIGUEL.  659 

tion  of  the  Indians  and  secularization  of  the  mission. 
A  regular  pueblo  was  to  be  formed,  with  town  lands 
comprising  all  vacant  mission  lands  in  the  vicinity, 
and  buildings  for  the  curate's  house  and  for  public 
uses  were  reserved.  At  the  same  time  a  rancho  at 
La  Laguna  and  two  gardens,  or  orchards,  were 
granted  to  the  church.  This  grant  was  in  later  years 
confirmed  by  the  United  States  courts ;  but  no  claim 
for  pueblo  lands  was  ever  presented  by  the  town  ;  and 
nothing  is  known  of  the  new  pueblo,  except  that  after 
Bonilla,  Jose"  M.  Villavicencio,  Josd  Ortega,  and 
Joaquin  Estrada  held  successively  the  position  of 
justice  of  the  peace.  In  December,  1845,  the  ex- 
mission  buildings,  not  reserved  as  above,  were  sold  to 
Scott,  Wilson,  and  McKinley  for  $510.  Such  was 
the  end  of  San  Luis  Obispo  de  Tolosa  as  a  mission- 
ary establishment.  Ranches  of  this  region  have  been 
named  in  the  general  list. 

Padre  Juan  Moreno  remained  in  charge  of  San 
Miguel  until  1842,  and  subsequently  the  establish- 
ment was  under  the  spiritual  care  of  Miguel  Gomez 
at  San  Luis.4  When  Inocente  Garcia's  administrat- 
orship came  to  an  end  does  not  appear.  He  says 
that  for  a  long  time  he  did  his  best  to  preserve  order; 
but  finally  reported  to  Governor  Alvarado  his  inabili- 
ty to  control  the  Indians,  and  was  told  to  ''turn  the 
mission  upside  down  or  do  what  he  pleased  with  it," 
whereupon  he  gave  up  the  church  to  the  padre  and 
all  other  property  to  the  Indians.  In  1844  the  vine- 
yard was  granted  for  the  support  of  the  church.  In 

*S.  Miguel  items.  1841-5.  Inocente  Garcfa,  Hechos,  MS.,  63-7,  gives 
some  reminiscences  of  his  life  at  and  near  S.  Miguel,  but  without  any  delinito 
dates.  March  1844.  The  establishment  is  reported  to  have  no  live-stock, 
lands,  or  minister,  the  neophytes  being  demoralized  and  dispersed.  Pico 
(Pio),  Dor.,  MS.,  i.  14.  July  16,  1844.  Grant  of  the  vineyard  La  Mayor  for 
the  benefit  of  the  church,  accepted  by  the  bishop  and  put  in  charge  of  P. 
Gomez.  Id.,  ii.  19-21:  Hayes'  Miss.  B.,  i.  2-4.  S.  Miguel  was  the  southern 
boundary  of  the  Monterey  district  on  the  restoration  of  the  prefecture  in 
1845.  This  vol.,  p.  533.  July  31, 1845.  Inventory  by  the  comisionados  Pico 
andManso.  Value  of  buildings,  $5,875.  No  other  property  mentioned,  except 
9  leagues  of  land  mostly  without  water.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  114.  In  June 
the  Lid.  were  ordered  to  reoccupy  the  mission,  and  in  Oct.  the  abandoned* 
establishment  was  ordered  to  be  sold  at  auction.  This  vol. ,  p.  529,  562. 


6oO  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

1845  all  the  property  had  disappeared,  except  the 
buildings,  valued  at  $5,800,  which  were  ordered  to 
be  sold  at  auction.  Jose  Antonio  Carrillo  is  named 
as  in  charge  at  this  time.  Many  of  the  Indians  ran 
off  to  the  tulares  to  join  the  gentiles  when  there  were 
no  more  cattle  to  eat;  but  Mofras  gives  the  number 
as  30  in  1841-2,  and  I  suppose  about  that  number 
may  have  been  living  near  their  old  home  in  1845. 
The  ruin  of  S.  Miguel  had  been  very  rapid  and  the 
record  is  very  meagre. 

Padre  Jose  de  Jesus  Gutierrez  appears  as  the  min- 
ister of  San  Antonio  until  1844,  and  there  seems  to 
have  been  no  resident  padre  the  next  year.  Jesus 
Pico  probably  remained  in  charge  till  1843,  but  no  ad- 
ministrator or  other  official  is  mentioned  till  1845,  when 
Mariano  Soberanes  was  juez  de  paz  and  encargado  of 
the  mission.5  Thus  the  local  annals  of  the  period  are 
a  blank;  yet  I  have  the  original  inventory  of  1845, 
which  shows  a  valuation  of  $8,000  against  $90,000 
ten  years  before,  chiefly  in  buildings  and  vineyards, 
the  live-stock  having  entirely  disappeared.  At  this 
time  the  population  is  given  as  10  men  and  5  women; 
but  Mofras  gives  the  number  as  150  in  1841-2;  and 
I  suppose  there  must  have  been  at  least  75  Ind- 
ians living  near  San  Antonio  at  the  end  of  the  half- 
decade. 

Soledad  had  no  minister;  its  slight  remnant  of  live- 
stock disappeared  early  in  this  half-decade;  and  the 
Indians  in  1841-2  were  given  their  liberty  with  the  few 
remaining  implements.  Feliciano  Soberanes  was  in 

5  1841.  Trouble  between  Pico  and  Mofras.  This  vol.,  p.  252.  Ordered 
to  be  restored  to  the  padres  in  1843.  Id.,  369.  May  26,  1843.  P.  Gutierrez 
certifies  that  to-day  in  the  mission  church  allegiance  was  sworn  to  Nra  Sra 
del  Refugio  as  patroness  of  the  bis'.iopric,  with  great  festivities.  Arch.  Obis- 
pado,  MS.,  64.  This  is  the  only  event  of  the  period.  Bishop's  visit  in  1844. 
This  vol..  p.  427.  Mariano  Soberanes  encargado  June  19,  1845.  Dept.  R?c.t 
MS.,  xiv.  41.  Aug.  2d.  Inventory  by  Soberaues,  Pico,  and  Manso.  Main 
building,  §4,125;  nearly  finished  saw-mill  running  by  water,  $300;  rancheria, 
or  Ind.  dwellings,  two  thirds  of  them  without  roofs,  $300;  majordomo's  house, 
$350;  live-stock,  2  yoke  of  oxen,  3  wild  mares,  and  a  stallion  !  vineyard  of  4,000 
vines  and  20  fruit-trees,  $1,700:  huerta  with  175  vines  and  45  trees,  §500; 
•water  works,  $100,  total  $8,269,  besides  church  property,  including  a  library 
of  about  200  vol.,  5  bells,  etc.,  no  value  given.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  29-42. 


SOLEDAD  AND  SAN  JUAN.  601 

charge  as  raajordomo  and  juez  auxiliar,  his 'jurisdic- 
tion extending  to  San  Antonio,  the  minister  of  which 
establishment  had  nominally  the  care  of  Soledad  ex- 
neophytes.  In  1845  an  inventory  gave  to  the  build- 
ings, furniture,  garden  with  21  fruit-trees,  and  one 
league  of  land  a  value  of  $2,494;  and  I  suppose  there 
may  have  been  20  Indians  living  in  the  vicinity.6 

Padre  Jose  Antonio  Anzar  as  parish  priest  con- 
tinued, except  in  the  last  months  of  1845,  in  charge 
of  San  Juan  de  Castro,  where  the  Indian  community 
had  ceased  to  exist  in  the  last  decade,  and  where 
during  this  period  the  pueblo  was  managed  by  a  suc- 
cession of  jueces  de  paz,  though  it  does  not  appear 
that  there  was  any  formal  pueblo  organization.  With- 
out any  definite  orders  to  that  effect,  the  cabecera  of 
the  district  seems  to  have  been  practically  transferred 
to  Monterey,  when  Estrada  became  prefect  in  1841. 
In  1845  San  Juan  may  have  had  a  population  of  150 
about  equally  divided  between  gente  de  razon  and 
Indians.  The  ex-mission  property,  ordered  to  be  sold 
in  that  year,  was  valued  in  the  inventory  at  about 
$8,000.7 

6  No  date,  probably  1841.  Gov.  to  Soberanes,  ordering  him  to  take 
charge,  to  give  the  Ind.  entire  liberty,  to  distribute  the  property,  to  give 
to  the  Ind.  the  use  of  the  shops,  etc. ,  and  to  appoint  a  native  alcalde.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  36-7.  According  to  Mofras,  tixplor.,  i.  370,  390,  who  puts 
the  pop.  at  30,  in  May  1841,  Gov.  Alvarado,  after  seizing  the  few  cattle  left 
by  previous  despoilers,  took  all  the  iron  and  even  tiles  from  the  buildings 
for  his  own  house;  and  gave  the  remaining  buildings  and  land  to  his  friend 
Soberanes  in  exchange  for  a  rancho  nearer  Monterey.  1843.  Feliciano  So- 
beranes appointed  juez  de  paz.  Mont.,  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.  3.  Aug.  2,  1845,  in- 
ventory. No  value  is  given  to  the  church  and  its  furniture.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis., 
MS.,  119, 121.  The  Ind.  had  been  ordered  to  reoccupy  the  mission,  and  the 
sale  of  the  establishment  was  ordered  by  Pico  in  Oct.  This  vol. ,  p.  549,  552. 

'1841.  Juan  Miguel  Anzar  and  Francisco  Arias  jueces  de  paz.  1842.  Juan 
JosiS  Higuera  juez  de  paz.  1843.  Balbino  Romero  and  Francisco  Arias  jueces 
de  paz.  But  Jos6  (or  Francisco)  Diaz  is  said  to  have  been  appointed  as  su- 
plente.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iv.  32.  This  maybe  an  error,  or 
Arias  may  have  been  appointed  after  Feb.  to  replace  Diaz.  P.  A*nzar  was 
made  president  of  the  Zacatecan  friars  this  year.  S.  Jose,  Patentee,  MS.,  231. 
According  to  the  governor's  decree  of  Nov. ,  2  alcaldes  were  to  be  chosen. 
This  vol.,  p.  359.  1844.  Jose1  Antonio  Rodriguez  and  Francisco  Diaz  al- 
caldes or  jueces  de  paz.  Rodriguez'  name  does  not  appear  after  March; 
Angel  Castro  is  named  as  juez  in  June.  I'allejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiv.  32;  and 
Canuto  Boronda  in  July  and  Dec.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  77;  Mont.,  Arch., 
MS.,  xvi.  42.  Visit  of  Dr  Wood  and  description  of  S.  Juan,  its  padre,  and  a 
dunce.  Wood's  Wand.  Sk.,  260  et  seq.  S.  Juan  to  be  Micheltorena's  head- 


662  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

At  Santa  Cruz  Padre  Antonio  del  Real  was  parish 
priest  until  1844  at  least,  and  Padre  Anzar  of  San 
Juan  seems  also  to  have  officiated  here  in  1844-5. 
Something  is  recorded  of  Padre  Real's  irregular  con- 
duct, but  otherwise  the  ex-mission  has  no  annals,  the 
community  being  entirely  broken  up  in  1841-2,  when 
Jose'  Bolcof  had  charge  as  juez  de  paz  and  acting  ad- 
ministrator. Thereafter  the  establishment  was  part 
of  Branciforte,  the  whole  being  more  often  called 
Santa  Cruz,  and  the  name  Pueblo  de  Figueroa  being 
no  longer  in  use.  Lands,  buildings,  and  fruit-trees  of 
the  ex-mission  were  valued  at  less  than  $1,000  in 
1845;  and  perhaps  40  of  the  Indians  who  belonged  to 
the  ex-neophyte  community  in  1840,  were  still  included 
among  the  population  of  the  villa's  jurisdiction.8 

The  population  of  Branciforte  and  its  jurisdiction 

quarters  in  resisting  U.  S.  invasion;  a  military  company  organized  under  Capt. 
Francisco  Pacheco;  transfer  of  cannon  and  war  stores.  This  vol.,  p.  400-9. 
Outbreak  of  the  revolution  against  the  gov. ,  arms  seized  by  rebels.  Id.,  458-03. 
Murder  of  Jos6  Norberto  Garcia  by  Jose  Zurita.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Aug.,  MS., 
viii.  4.  1845.  Francisco  Diaz  and  Saturnino  Carreaga  jueccs  de  paz.  Sale 
of  ex-mission  property  ordered.  This  vol.,  p.  549-52.  Inventory  of  Sept.  4th, 
buildings  with  16  rooms,  tile  roofs,  $4,785;  garden  and  fruit-trees,  with 
fence,  etc.,  in  good  order,  $875;  vineyard  with  5,200  vines  in  bad  condition, 
$1,000;  lands  about  1£  leagues  suitable  for  tillage  $1,200;  total  $7,860. 
Signed  by  P.  Anzar,  Andres  Pico,  and  Juan  Manso.  Pico,  Pap.  A/is.,  MS., 
147.  'Mofras'  estimate  of  pop.  in  1841-2  is  100  gente  de  razon  and  80  Ind. 
Explor.,  i.  318-20. 

°1841.  Undated  provisional  regulations  perhaps  of  an  earlier  year  for 
the  management  of  the  ex-mission  by  Bolcof,  juez  de  paz.  It  is  implied 
that  there  is  a  little  live-stock  left.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.  &  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  409- 
10.  Persons  hiring  Ind.  paid  $2  for  each  lud.  to  the  juzgado  for  the 
privilege.  8.  Jost,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  46.  Mofras,  i.  320,  410,  found  50  or 
60  Ind. ,  and  no  property,  all  having  been  distributed  '  among  the  friends 
of  the  gov.'  1842.  Jose  Bolcof  named  as  administrator.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch., 
MS.,  83.  Simpson,  Narr.,  i.  365,  tells  of  the  padre,  his  bottle,  and  his  'se- 
raglio of  native  beauties.'  May  29th.  Josiah  Belden  to  Larkin,  has  found 
Bulficient  proof  that  it  was  the  padre  who  broke  into  his  store,  stealing 
brandy,  handkerchiefs,  and  other  articles.  Larkin's  Doa.,  MS.,  i.  279.  Thia 
affair  is  also  mentioned  in  Belden's  JJist.  Statement,  MS. ,  33-4.  1844.  Feb. 
2d.  Gov.  directs  the  alcalde  to  treat  the  Ind.,  who  for  some  time  have  been 
their  own  masters,  just  like  other  citizens,  except  that  he  is  to  give  notice  to 
the  padre  in  case  of  such  offences  as  pertain  to  his  care.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS. , 
87-8.  June  16th.  The  bishop  decreed  that  the  chief  altar  should  be  privi- 
leged in  that  any  priest  celebrating  mass  thereat  may  free  from  the  pains  of 
purgatory  the  soul  of  the  person  for  whose  benefit  the  mass  is  said-  but  only 
for  100  years,  that  is  till  1944.  Sept.  2, 1845.  Inventory  signed  by  P.  A*uzar, 
Andres  Pico,  and  Juan  Mauso.  Building  with  12  rooms,  the  rest  having 
been  sold  when  Alvarado  was  gov.,  $300;  garden  and  40  fruit-trees.  $75;  1-2 
league  of  bad  land,  $100;  total,  $975.  Pico,  Pap.,  Mis.,  MS.,  152.  Sta  Crnz 
is  not  named  in  Pico's  decree  of  sale  in  Oct.  This  vol.,  p.  552. 


SANTA  CRUZ  AND  BRANCIFORTE.  663 

in  1845,  according  to  an  original  padron  giving  names, 
was  470  souls,  or  120  Indians  including  I  suppose  the 
40  of  Sta  Cruz,  and  350  gente  de  razon  of  whom 
foreigners  with  their  families  numbered  80. 9  The 
villa  and  the  ex-mission  across  the  river  were  now  one 
town  called  by  both  names  but  oftenest  Santa  Cruz; 
and  the  municipal  affairs  were  managed  by  a  succes- 
sion of  jueces  de  paz  in  1841-3  and  alcaldes  in  1844- 
5,  subordinate  in  some  respects  to  the  town  authori- 
ties of  Monterey  and  in  others  to  the  prefect.  The 
successive  local  chiefs  were  Josd  Bolcof,  Juan  Gon- 
zalez, Rafael  Castro,  Manuel  Rodriguez,  Ramon 
Buelna,  and  Bolcof  again;  besides  the  official  list  and 
minor  items  connected  with  their  acts  as  given  in  a 
note,10  there  is  nothing  requiring  special  notice.  For- 

9  Branciforte,  Padron  de  Nov.  18//5,  MS. 

10  Branciforte  items.      1841.     Jose"  Bolcof  juez  de  paz,  Agustin  Davila 
secretary.     Municipal  receipts  and  expend,  of  the  year  $14.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch., 
MS.,  7;  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.;  Loose  Pap.,  44.     Sept.  22d,  Diego  Guillermo 
Wikis  (Jas  \V.  Weeks)  complains  to  juez  of  treatment  suffered  by  foreigners 
and  especially  by  himsalf,  who  was  stabbed  in  hand  and  face,  besides  being 
insulted  and  threatened  as  an  '  hijo  de  tal,'by  Fulgencio  Robles,  merely 
because  he  objected  to  R.  entering  a  house  on  horseback  against  the  wishes 
of  its  owners.    Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxxiii.  232.     1842.     Juan  Gonzalez  juez, 
Rafael  Castro  either  juez  2d  or  appointed  to  succeed  Gonzalez  after  Feb., 
Ddvila  sec.,  Cornelio  Perez  juez  de  campo.     Feb.,  gov.  in  reply  to  prefect's 
inquiry  states  that  Brancifoi/te  has  a  juzrjado  privativo  de  paz  subject  to  that 
of  Mont.,  but  in  other  respects  is  subject  to  the  prefecture.  Dcpt.  St.  Pap., 
Ben.  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iv.  21.     Feb.  lltli,  Fulgencio  Robles,  the  terror  of  all  the 
region,  was  killed  by  Gil  Sanchez  while  disturbing  a  party  of  gamblers  at 
Carmichael's  house.     Sanchez  acted  at  the  request  of  Gonzalez  the  alcalde 
and  one  of  the  players.     S.  was  set  free,  but  Gonzales  was  condemned  to  lose 
his  office  and  to  live  a  year  at  Monterey.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  19-20;  x.  24. 
Feb.  14th,  prefect  in  a  private  letter  urges  Gonzalez  to  behave  better  and  let 
the  people  live  in  peace.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  72.     March  2d,  prefect  says 
Branciforte  does  not  belong  to  the  sub-prefecture  of  S.  Jos<5.  S.  Josi  Arch., 
MS.,  ii.   23.     May,  sad  case  of  a  Branciforte  maiden  who  being  very  tired 
went  outside  to  sleep,  and  on  awaking  found  that  a  young  man,  without  her 
knowledge,    had  treated  her  very   improperly.  Mont.   Arch.,  MS.,   iii.   11. 
Dec.,  an  auxiliary  military  company  ordered  wnder  Angel  Castro.  Sta  Cruz, 
Arch.,  MS.,  5.     Simpson,  Narr.,  i.  3G1,  tells  vis  of  Branciforte  that  'as  being 
the  least  populous  it  is  also  of  course  the  least  profligate  of  the  three  pueblos.' 
U.  S.  flag  raised  by  Belden  at  the  time  of  Jones'  occupation  of  Mont.  This 
vol.,  p.  312.     Lumber  trade  mentioned  by  Belden.  Hist.  St.,  MS.,  31,  35. 
1843.     Guadalupe  Castro  and  Juan  Jose"  F6lix,  jueces,  appointed  in  Dec.  1842 
for  1843.    But  Rafael  Castro  is  often  named  as  the  juez  after  March.    Joseph 
Majors  and  Francisco  Soria  jueces  de  campo.     March,  prefect  calls  on  juez 
for  a  competent  young  men  with  no  definite  occupation  for  the  Mont,  presi- 
dial  comp.  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  88;  also  calls  for  the  return  of  4  deserters. 
Id.     May  5th,  the  citizens  petition  for  the  removal  of  Juez  Rafael  Castro  for 
maladministration  of  justice.  Lark'tn's  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  14.     Oct.,  a  whaling 


664  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

eigners  were  relatively  more  numerous  here  than  in 
any  other  districts,  and  were  largely  engaged  in  lum- 
bering, Larkin  having  an  establishment  here  in  charge 
of  Josiah  Belden.  The  Brancifortenos  strove  to 
maintain  their  reputation  for  disorderly  conduct  with 
marked  success. 

I  estimate  the  total  population  of  San  Francisco 
pueblo,  or  peninsula,  in  1845,  about  equally  divided 
between  Yerba  Buena  and  Mission  Dolores,  at  300 
souls;  of  which  number  150  were  gente  de  razon  of 
Spanish  blood,  50  foreigners,  and  100  Indians  and 
kanakas,  including  the  ex-neophytes.11  Adding  200 
for  the  contra  costa,  900  for  San  Josd,  and  300  for 
Sonoma  and  the  northern  frontier,  we  have  for  the 
population  of  the  district  1,600  gente  de  razon,  includ- 

boat  seized  with  6  or  7  sailors,  soon  released.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xviii.  74; 
this  vol.,  p.  376.  Graham's  offer  to  support  Michcltorena  with  a  force  of 
foreigners,  repudiated  by  several  of  the  latter.  14.,  356.  Order  to  elect  2 
alcaldes  for  the  next  year.  Id.,  339.  1844.  Manuel  Rodriguez  and  Fran- 
cisco Alviso  alcaldes.  April,  order  for  collection  of  5  per  cent  from  the  lum- 
bermen for  school,  etc.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  77.  Aug.,  gov.  orders  the 
alcalde  to  stop  the  saw-mills  unless  the  tax  is  paid;  but  suggests  that  there 
may  be  something  irregular  about  the  fixed  tax  of  $15  per  month.  Doc. 
Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  i.  473.  Belden,  Hist.  St.,  MS.,  34,  relates  that  business 
being  dull  the  sawyers  in  B.  's  absence  sought  to  create  a  demand  by  burning 
up  wnat  lumber  had  accumulated!  whereupon  Larkin  was  disgusted  and 
the  business  was  closed  up,  perhaps  later.  Visited  by  Manuel  Castro  in 

Suest  of  rebel  volunteers.  This  vol.,  p.  462.  1845.  Ramon  Buelna  and 
'raucisco  Soria  alcaldes;  but  B.  was  suspended  in  Sept.,  and  in  Oct.  Jos6 
Bolcof  was  appointed  1st  alcalde  in  his  place;  and  in  Dec.  Macedonio  Loren- 
zana  was  appointed  2d  alcalde.  May,  citizens  petition  for  the  removal  of 
both  alcaldes  for  drinking,  disorder,  disobedience,  and  carelessness.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  33.  Aug.,  Rafael  Castro  chosen  compromisario  for  elec- 
tion of  the  18th.  Doc.  Hist.  C.il,  MS.,  ii.  88.  Aug.  12th,  Alcalde  Soria  writes 
thut  tho  first  alcalde  is  accused  of  crime  and  cannot  be  recognized  until  he 
vindicates  himself.  Id. ,  89.  Aug.  24th,  j  uez  informs  prefect  that  the  sawyers 
refuse  to  pay  the  tax  on  lumber.  Id.,  104.  Sept.  2d,  Buelna  suspended  under 
a  criminal  accusation  by  Jo3<§  Perez.  Sta,  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  5.  Oct.  14th, 
Alcalde  Bolcof  wants  instructions  on  taxes  on  foreign  liquors.  Doc.  Hist. 
Gal.,  ii.  190.  Dec.  16th,  alcalde  wishes  to  send  an  cxped.  of  25  men  every 
two  weeks  against  the  Ind.  Id.,  252.  Some  of  the  citizens  join  Sutter'a 
army  in  aid  of  the  gov.  This  vol.,  p.  486. 

11  The  estimate  of  Mofras  (100  gente  de  razon)  and  others  that  I  have  seen 
amount  to  nothing.  The  only  data  are  as  follows:  A  padron  of  1842  shows 
127  of  Span,  blood,  23  foreigners,  and  46  Ind.  and  kanakas  (not  including 
ex-neophytes  at  the  mission).  Of  these,  by  count,  there  were  tit  for  military 
duty  31  Mex.  and  18  foreigners.  In  1844  we  have  a  list  of  the  men  liable  to 
military  duty,  39  Mex.  and  36  foreigners.  Supposing  the  ratio  of  military 
men  to  pop.  in  both  classes  to  be  as  before,  we  have  approximately  the  results 
as  in  my  text. 


SAN  FRANCISCO  EVENTS.  665 

ing  perhaps  100  foreigners,  but  excluding  more  than 
twice  as  many,  and  850  Indians  living  at  or  near  the 
old  mission  establishments. 

Of  events  at  San  Francisco,  the  establishment  of 
the  Hudson's  Bay  Company's  store  in  1841,  and  the 
suicide  of  its  manager  in  1845,  with  perhaps  the  as- 
sault on  Libbey  and  Spear,  if  we  judge  by  the  extent 
of  archive  correspondence,  are  the  only  ones  that  can 
be  magnified  into  importance.12  William  A.  Leides- 
dorff  was  made  U.  S.  vice-consul  in  1844.  Municipal 

12  S.  Francisco  events.  1841.  Visits  of  Wilkes,  Mofras,  Simpson,  Doug- 
las, Peirce,  and  Phelps,  whose  descriptions  and  adventures  are  given  in  this 
vol.,  p.  212,  218,  243-5,  250,  etc.,  and  also  in  another  paragraph  of  this  note. 
Founding  of  the  Hudson's  Bay  Go's  establishment.  Id.,  215-17.  1842. 
Visits  of  Com.  Jones,  Dr  Sandels,  and  John  Bidwell.  Id.,  314,  346.  Bishop 
desires  to  build  a  seminary  on  the  island  of  Los  Angeles.  Id.,  334.  1843. 
Heavy  rain  in  Aug.,  according  to  Davis,  Giimpses,  MS.,  218.  1844.  Pas- 
toral visit  of  the  bishop.  Id.,  427.  Efforts  to  rouse  S.  F.  against  Gov. 
Micheltorena.  Id.,  462-3.  1845.  Wm.  A.  Leidesdorff  appointed  U.  S.  vice- 
consul.  Id.,  589.  Suicide  of  Win.  G.  Rae  of  the  H.  B.  Co.  Id.,  593. 
Assault  on  Libbey  and  Spear.  Id. ,  569. 

Municipal  affairs.  1841.  Francisco  Guerrero  juez  de  paz,  Vicente  Mira- 
montes  suplente,  Wm  A.  Richardson  capt  of  the  port,  Prado  Mesa  acting  in 
Oct.,  John  Fuller  s/ndico.  No  town  lots  granted  this  year.  March  22d,  the 
juez  desired  the  prefect  to  send  a  copy  of  the  order  for  granting  lots  at  the 
mission,  which  request  was  referred  to  the  gov.  April  6th,  and  the  order  was 
furnished  by  Prefect  Tiburcio  Castro  on  the  23d.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  Ben.  P.  &  J., 
iv.  19;  Dwindle.,  add.,  74;  Jones'  Report,  no.  32.  May  2d,  alcalde,  through 
prefect,  asks  gov.  to  order  the  majordomo  of  the  mission  to  furnish  either  a 
room  or  Ind.  to  build  one  for  the  juzgado  and  archives.  The  prefect  sent  a 
favorable  reply,  but  in  Sept.  the  governor's  order  had  not  come.  Dept.  St.  Pap. 
Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  114,  117.  Aug.  19th,  the  2d  juez,  or  suplente,  asks  to  be 
relieved  of  his  office  because  of  his  2  years'  service  and  his  lack  of  ability  to 
act  in  Guerrero's  absence.  Dwindle,  add.,  74.  Oct.,  case  of  a  woman  who 
avoided  an  outrage  by  promising  to  yield  on  the  next  occasion,  and  then 
accused  the  assailant  to  the  first  men  she  saw.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J.,  vi.  18. 
In  Id.,  16-45,  there  are  records  of  routine  correspondence  with  many  petty 
cases  of  debt,  etc.,  before  the  S.  F.  justice  in  1841  et  seq.,  which  are  not 
noticed  in  this  note.  Sfndico's  report  of  receipts  $379,  expend.  $349  for  the 
year,  besides  $55  still  due  the  treasury.  Dwindle,  add.,  75-8.  1842.  Fran- 
cisco Sancho  juez,  Jesus  No6  suplente,  Gregorio  Escalante  sfndico,  Fran,  de 
Haro  secretary,  Richardson  capt  of  the  port,  Caudelario  Valencia  juez  de 
campo.  Two  lots  at  Yerba  Buena  and  two  at  Dolores  granted  this  year. 
Sanchez  takes  possession  of  the  office  by  inventory  Jan.  12th.  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
S.  J.,  MS.,  20.  April,  the  room  at  the  mission  still  needed;  it  is  one  that 
has  been  used  for  some  public  'manifestations.'  Id.,  22.  June,  the  alcalde 
has  taken  steps  to  avoid  the  impertinences  of  Sra  Briones'  husband.  Id.,  23. 
Aug.,  robbery  of  the  sindico.  Id.,  24.  Dec.,  sends  a  padron  of  S.  F.  pop., 
196  as  noted  elsewhere.  Id.,  25.  An  order  of  Nov.  14th  requires  the  election 
of  two  alcaldes.  This  vol.,  p.  359;  but  the  name  juez  de  paz  continues  to  bo 
used.  1843.  Jesus  No<3  juez,  Jose  de  la  Cruz  Sanchez  suplente.  These  were 
appointed  by  the  prefect  in  the  preceding  Dec.  S.  Jo*6  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  28; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ge.n.  P.  cO  «/.,  MS.,  iv.  32;  but  in  March  Francisco  Sanchez 
was  restored  by  the  gov.  to  his  old  place  of  juez  1°  and  Noe'  became  appar- 


666  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

affairs  of  the  ptfeblo  went  on  in  much  the  same  way 
as  before,  and  are  recorded  with  tolerable  complete- 
ness. The  successive  justices  of  the  peace,  or  alcaldes 

eiitly  juez  2°.  Id.,  S.  J.,  vi.  27.  Peter  Sherreback  sfndico,  Richardson  capt 
of  port.  14  lots  at  Yerba  Buena  and  2  at  Dolores  were  granted  this  year. 
Feb.,  juez  is  trying  to  secure  the  house  of  Bernal  for  his  juzgado.  Id.,  26. 
June,  Apolinario  Miranda  sent  to  the  sub-prefect  for  not  living  harmoniously 
with  his  wife.  Id.,  29.  1844.  Wm  Hinckley  alcalde,  also  called  juez  de 
paz,  Francisco  de  Haro  either  suplente  or  secretary,  Peter  Scherreback  and 
BcnitO  Diaz  agentes  de  policia.  Hinckley  was  elected  Jan.  9th.  Jan.  20th, 
gov.  to  alcalde,  has  received  inventory  of  effects  in  his  office.  Dwindle,  add. , 
85.  March  llth,  gov.  to  Alf.  Mesa,  order  to  march  with  12  or  15  men  to  aid 
the  alcalde  in  repressing  disturbances.  Id.,  86.  April  8th,  petition  of  15  res- 
idents at  the  mission  to  the  gov.  for  the  extinction  of  the  title  of  ex-mission 
and  office  of  majordomo  and  the  formal  recognition  of  the  place  as  a 
pueblo,  as  it  had  been  so  recognized  indirectly  in  various  official  documents. 
A  decision  was  reserved  until  the  gov.  should  have  made  a  proposed  vixita  and 
the  condition  of  the  ex-mission  as  to  debts,  etc.,  should  be  known.  Id.,  102-3. 
What  the  petitioners  desired  was  the  complete  extinction  of  the  old  mission 
organization,  which  still  prevented  the  private  ownership  of  certain  property, 
and  the  complete  recognition  of  the  settlement  as  part  of  the  pueblo  of  S.  F. 
They  had  no  idea  of  establishing  a  new  pueblo.  The  land  lawyers  were  dis- 
posed to  regard  this  petition  as  proving  on  the  one  side  that  there  was  no 
Sieblo,  since  the  organization  of  one  was  desired,  and  on  the  other  that 
olores  was  always  distinct  from  the  pueblo  of  S.  F. ,  both  of  which  views  I 
deem  erroneous.  15  lots  were  granted  this  year  at  Yerba  Buena,  and  one  at 
the  mission.  Dec.  22d,  election  of  alcalde  for  the  next  year.  1845.  Juan 
N.  Padilla  1st  alcalde,  Jose  de  la  Cruz  Sanchez  2d  alcalde,  Richardson,  Fran. 
Sanchez,  and  Hinckley  successively  captains  of  the  port.  12  lots  granted  at 
Yerba  Buena,  none  at  Dolores.  March  15th,  Padilla  offers  his  resignation, 
because  he  is  only  24  years  old,  has  resided  only  8  months  at  S  F.,  has  no 
rooms  for  office  and  prison,  and  his  business  calls  him  back  to  Sonoma.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  Bin.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  ii.  33.  May  llth,  22  persons,  mostly  foreign- 
ers, petition  the  gov.  to  let  Padilla  remain  in  office;  for  they  will  not  submit 
to  Sanchez  who,  with  his  brother  the  com.  mil.,  has  assaulted  Padilla  and  in- 
duced citizens  to  ignore  him,  claiming  that  Gen.  Castro  will  support  them. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.  MS.,  vi.  151-2.  May  12th,  Sanchez  to  gov.,  asks  to  be  con- 
firmed as  1st  alcalde,  since  the  people  have  met  and  compelled  Padilla  to 
give  up  the  baton  because  of  non-residence  and  arbitrary  acts.  Id.,  152. 
May  12th,  Padilla  to  gov.,  makes  known  mutiny  against  him  and  various 
insults  arising  from  the  enmity  of  a  certaiu  family,  notwithstanding  his  re- 
quest to  the  people  to  await  the  decision  of  the  govt  on  his  resignation.  Id., 
152-3.  It  seems  that  Padilla  had  been  arrested  by  Sanchez  before  he  offered 
his  resignation.  The  matter  came  up  in  the  junta  at  Los  Angeles  May  23d, 
and  it  was  decided  to  continue  P.  in  office,  but  to  order  a  legal  investigation. 
L("j.  Hec.,  MS.,  iv.  58-9.  May  24tli,  corresponding  orders  by  the  gov.,  the 
juez  of  S.  Jos6  being  ordered  to  make  the  investigation.  Dept.  liec.,  MS., 
xiv.  36.  June  27th,  Padilla  to  gov.,  reports  that  Sanchez  on  formal  citation 
had  at  last  given  up  the  office,  after  making  threats,  declaring  that  he  had  30 
men  to  support  him,  etc.  Residents  of  Y.  B.  are  insulted  and  their  houses 
stoned  by  those  of  Dolores.  Dept.  St.  Pap.  There  is  uo  more  about  this 
quarrel;  yet  grants  of  lots  from  Aug.  seem  to  have  been  made  by  Sanchez, 
indicating  that  the  investigation  resulted  in  establishing  the  illegality  of 
Paclilla's  election  and  in  his  withdrawal.  A  patrol  of  citizens  was  appointed 
to  keep  order.  Castro,  Rcl.,  MS.,  153;  but  their  only  achievement  recorded 
was  the  assault  on  Libbcy  and  Spear  as  elsewhere  noted.  In  Aug.-Sept. 
there  was  also  trouble  about  the  primary  and  secondary  elections,  the  elect- 


MUNICIPAL  AND  MILITARY.  667 

from  1841,  were  Francisco  Guerrero,  Francisco  San- 
chez, Jesus  Noe,  William  S.  Hinckley,  and  Juan  N. 
Padilla.  These  municipal  chiefs  granted  building 

ors  from  Sonoma  and  Contra  Costa  not  making  their  appearance,  and  those 
from  S.  Jos6  going  home  to  be  sent  back  by  the  prefect's  order.  Finally,  on 
Sept.  17th,  only  4  compromisarios  were  present,  3  from  S.  Jos6  and  1  of  S.  F. 
There  was  a  general  objection  to  meeting  at  Yerba  Buena,  and  to  the  pre- 
dominant influence  of  foreigners  there,  and  there  were  also  disagreements 
between  Sonoma  and  S.  Rafael.  The  sub-prefect  was  much  troubled,  and  he 
also  complained  of  the  lack  of  office  and  prison,  desiring  permission  to  obtain 
building  material  from  the  presidio  or  mission  ruins.  Original  corresp.  in 
Doc.  Hint.  Gal,  MS.,  ii.  108,  127,  140,  156,  158,  180. 

Sub-prefecture.  Yerba  Buena  made  cabecera  of  the  2d  partido  of  the  2d  or 
Monterey  district,  by  decree  of  July  4th-5th,  1845.  This  vol.,  p.  533.  Fran- 
cisco Guerrero  was  appointed  sub-prefect  on  Aug.  8th,  by  the  prefect,  and 
was  sworn  in  on  the  15th.  His  salary  was  $500.  Hia  jurisdiction  included 
S.  Jose  and  all  north  of  that  town.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  ii.  81,  91-2,  122, 
151;  and  many  other  records.  No  secretary  was  appointed  in  1845.  Rather 
strangely  I  find  an  original  doc.  in  which  Guerrero  is  addressed  by  Leides- 
dorff  the  vice-consul  as  sub-prefect  in  Jan.,  and  another  in  which  G.  writes  as 
sub-prefect  in  Jan.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  130;  Z/or'w'*  Doc.,  MS.,  iii.  1. 
In  both  cases  there  is  probably  a  slip  of  the  pen,  1845  for  1846.  There  is 
nothing  in  this  officer's  recorded  acts  that  requires  further  notice. 

Military  affairs,  1841-3.  Names  of  the  men  composing  the  garrison  of  the 
presidio:  Alf.  Juan  Prado  Mesa,  SergtNazarioGaliudo,  soldiers  Jose' Galindo, 
Antonio  Bernal,  Ramon  Aguila,  Francisco  Cibrian,  Bias  Narvaez,  Santiago 
Hernandez,  Domingo  Altamirano,  Mariano  Miranda,  Santos  Miranda,  Jos6 
Salazar,  Geronimo  Mesa,  and  Bernardino  Garcia.  Company  rosters  in  Vallejo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  xxvii.  passim.  Report  of  armament  in  1841,  and  Vallejo's  efforts 
to  have  the  fort  rebuilt.  This  vol.  p.  198,  205.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  325,  427- 
9,  describes  the  presidio  as  in  an  advanced  state  of  ruin,  garrisoned  by  an  al- 
fijrez  and  10  (or  5)  soldier-rancheros  with  their  families.  Wilkes  in  1841  says 
there  was  but  one  sold,  under  an  officer  who  was  absent  and  whose  name 
seemed  to  be  unknown  to  the  people!  U.  8.  Explor.  Ex.,  v.  163.  Sergt 
Sant.  Hernandez  is  once  mentioned  as  comandantein  1842.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS., 
i.  380-1.  Mesa  is  still  named  as  comandante  in  1844-5,  but  I  have  no  origi- 
nal rosters  of  the  co.  after  Aug.  1843.  Feb.  1844.  Presidio  buildings  in  ruins 
and  much  of  the  material  being  stolen.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  273-4.  Aug.  20, 
1844.  Roster  of  the  S.  F.  company  of  defensores  de  la  patria.  Capt.  Fran- 
cisco Sanchez,  Lieut  Juan  N.  Padilla,  alfereces  Vicente  Miramontes  and  Jesus 
No6,  sergeants  Cruz  Sanchez,  Candelario  Valencia,  and  3  others,  8  corporals, 
5  of  whom  were  foreigners,  and  33  soldiers,  8  of  them  foreigners.  Soberanes, 
Doc.,  MS.,  308.  Sanchez  is  several  times  alluded  to  as  mil.  com.  of  S.  F.  in 
1845. 

Growth  of  Yerba  Buena,  descriptions,  etc.  Simpson  in  1841  writes  of 
'observing  on  the  southern  side  of  the  mouth  a  fort  well  situated  for  com- 
manding the  passage,  but  itself  commanded  by  a  hill  behind.  This  fort  is 
now  dismantled  and  dilapidated;  nor  are  its  remains  likely  to  last  long,  for 
the  soft  rock,  on  the  very  verge  of  which  they  hang,  is  fast  crumbling  into 
the  undermining  tide  beneath.  A  short  distance  beyond  the  fort  is  situated 
a  square  of  huts,  distinguished  by  the  lofty  title  of  the  presidio  of  S.  F.,  and 
tenanted '  by  Capt.  Prado  and  a  corporal's  guard . . . '  The  pretty  little  bay  of 
Yerba  Buena,  whose  shores  are  doubtless  destined  under  better  auspices  to 
be  the  site  of  a  flourishing  town,  though  at  present  they  contain  only  8  or  9 
houses  in  addition  to  the  H.  B.  Co.'s  establishment.'  Simpson's  Narr.,  i. 
277-8,  283-4.  Henry  A.  Peirce,  in  his  Journal,  MS.,  81,  for  Nov.  30th, 
writes:  'Mr  Rae,  agent  of  the  H.  B.  Co.,  has  lately  purchased  a  house.  At 


668  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

lots  and  indulged  in  mild  controversies  here  as  else- 
where; and  there  is  nothing  in  the  records  of  the 
period  to  suggest  the  doubts  current  in  later  times 

Y.  B.  there  are  not  more  than  half  a  dozen  houses,  of  which  Mr  Eae's  is  the 
best.  It  is  built  of  wood,  shingled,  etc.,  and  of  the  old-fashioned  Dutch 
form.  Mr  Spear  has  lately  erected  a  gristmill,  and  attached  thereto  a  ma- 
chine for  making  shingles  and  a  turning-lathe. '  Capt.  Wilkes  on  his  late 
visit  promised  to  get  for  Spear  the  appointment  of  U.  S.  consul.  Mrs.  liae, 
Harvey's  Life  of  AIcLough/in,  MS.,  23-8,  who  lived  in  the  house  mentioned 
above  throughout  this  period,  says:  'I  found  everything  nice  at  S.  F.  in  the 
winter,  the  hills  covered  with  flowers.  We  saw  few  people,  Capt.  Hinckley, 
Mr  Spear,  Mr  Vioget,  \\-ho  used  to  keep  a  billiard-room.  I  went  to  the  house 
the  company  had  bought,  about  half  of  it  a  store  and  the  other  half  a  dwell- 
ing. It  was  a  long  building,  and  in  the  middle  was  a  big  hall  with  the  house 
on  one  side  and  store  on  the  other.  That  was  Mr  Leese;s  house,  about  30x80 
feet,  with  the  hall  in  the  middle  opening  on  the  side  and  very  wide.  In  the 
back  part  were  4  bedrooms,  and  the  front  was  a  dining-room  and  sitting- 
room.  The  kitchen  was  back  of  all.  We  had  a  kanaka  cook  and  steward 
and  2  kanaka  boatmen.  Mr  Eidell  (Ridley)  was  our  clerk.'  'The  place 
was  very  small;  they  called  it  Yerba  Buena  in  those  days.  When  I  got  there 
(1841)  there  was  only  one  house,  Spear's,  and  then  the  store,  that  is  two;  and 
Barkis'  (?)  house,  a  little  mill  where  they  made  shingles,  and  then  David 
Carpenter's  (Davis  the  carpenter  ?)  house  on  the  next  block.  And  then,  on 
our  side  of  the  street  was  our  house,  and  across  the  street  was  Mr  Fuller's 
house.  That  was  all  the  front.  And  then  back  was  Capt.  Fitch's  (Richard- 
sou's  ?)  little  adobe  house  and  3  or  4  little  buildings.  That  was  all  we  had 
there  when  I  was  there.  I  have  never  been  there  since.'  (This  was  written 
in  1878;  the  lady  died  in  1884.)  '  There  used  to  be  a  little  hill  going  down 
about  6  feet  from  the  front.  When  the  tide  came  up,  it  came  to  the  little 
hill.  I  have  been  several  times  to  the  mission;  the  road  was  very  bad,  all 
sand.  I  never  saw  a  wagon  go  out  there.  It  was  just  (rails.  The  second 
tirae  we  went  it  was  to  christen  my  little  girl,  and  Mrs  Hinckley  was  god- 
mother. Capt.  Phelps,  Fore  <md  Aft,  252-4,  tells  us  that  in  1841  there  were 
but  4  permanent  residents  (!),  and  notes  that  a  panther  carried  off  an  Ind. 
boy  from  Leesc's  yard,  and  woodcutters  at  Rincon  Point  had  their  dinner 
stolen  by  a  grizzly  bear.  Wilkes,  Narr.,  v.  162,  writes  that  in  1841,  'the 
town  is  not  calculated  to  produce  a  favorable  impression  on  a  stranger.  Its 
buildings  consist  of  a  large  frame  building  occupied  by  the  agent  of  the  H. 
B.  Co.,  a  store  kept  by  Mr  Spear,  an  American,  a  billiard-room  and  bar,  a 
poop-cabin  of  a  ship  (Kent  Hall),  occupied  as  A  dwelling  by  Capt.  Hinckley, 
a  blacksmith  shop,  and  outbuildings.  These,  though  few  in  number,  are 
also  far  between.  With  these  I  must  not  forget  to  enumerate  an  old,  dilap- 
idated adobe  building,  which  has  a  conspicuous  position  on  the  top  of  the  lull 
overlooking  the  anchorage.'  Mofras,  in  1841-2,  Explor.,  i.  425-7;  found  at 
most  20  houses  at  Yerba  Buena,  all  belonging  to  foreigners.  He  notes  the 
H.  B.  Co.  building,  and  Spear  and  Hinckley's  store  as  the  chief  structures; 
also  an  ingenious  arrangement  by  which  4  mules  worked  simultaneously  a 
flour-mill,  bolting  apparatus,  and  a  saw-mill.  The  Swiss  capt.  Vioget  had  a 
good  house  and  shop,  and  Prudon  owned  a  house  occupied  by  Mathurin. 
Arnaz,  Rceuerdos,  MS. ,  47-8,  notes  the  difficulties  of  loading  and  unloading 
cargoes  on  the  mud  flats.  Bidwell,  whose  visit  was  in  Jan.  1842.  notes  the 
principal  buildings  as  above,  and  says  there  were  about  half  a  dozen  small 
frame  houses  and  one  or  two  adobes.  Col.,  1841-8,  MS.,  100.  Davis, 
Glimpses,  MS.,  216-17,  speaks  of  goat-raising  on  Y.  B.  Isl.  from  1842,  and  on 
other  pages  gives  many  items  about  the  place  in  these  years.  Padron  of  1842, 
showing  a  pop.  of  196,  including  23  foreigners  besides  7  kanakas  and  39  Ind. 
eervants.  This  includes  all  on  the  peninsula  except  the  soldiers  at  the  pre- 


GROWTH  OF  YERBA  BUENA.  669 

as  to  the  existence  of  a  pueblo.  San  Francisco  was 
not  able  to  enjoy  its  glories  as  cabecera  of  the  partido 
before  the  prefecture  was  abolished;  but  when  the 

sidio  and  the  ex -neophyte  community  at  the  mission.  Dwinelle,  add.  78-82; 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  8.  J.,  MS.,  vi.  25.  Dr  Sandels,  King's  Orphan,  8-9,  visited 
Yerba  Buena  in  1843,  describing  it  as  'a  small  and  growing  town  on  the  s.  w. 
side  of  S.  F.  bay  and  near  the  town  of  that  name,'  and  giving  a  sketch  which 
shows  20  or  21  structures.  According  to  the  Annals  of  8.  F.,  173,  Y.  B.  in 
1844  had  about  a  dozen  houses  and  about  50  inhabitants.  Davis,  Glimpses, 
142-3,  notes  the  building  of  a  bridge  in  1844,  by  Alcalde  Hinckley's  efforts, 
across  the  mouth  of  the  lagoon  separating  the  main  town  from  what  was  later 
Clark's  point,  a  public  improvement  that  attracted  crowds  of  admiring  visitors. 
He  also  speaks  of  a  survey  of  the  town  during  Hinckley's  term,  which  is 
doubtful.  July  21,  1844,  list  of  men  liable  to  military  duty — that  is,  from  16 
to  CO  years  of  age.  The  whole  no.  is  75,  of  whom  36  are  foreigners,  14  of 
them  naturalized.  Vallejo,  Doc. ,  MS. ,  xxxiv.  42.  Swasey,  Gal. ,  MS. ,  4,  thinks 
the  pop.  of  Y.  B.  in  1845  was  about  240,  much  too  large  an  estimate. 
Grantees  of  lots  at  Y.  B.  in  1841-5,  according  to  Wheeler's  Land  Titles; 
Dwindle,  etc. ,  were  as  follows:  Geo.  Allen,  P.  Sherreback,  Francisco  de  Haro, 
V.  Miramontes,  Jesus  Noe,  Domingo  Felix,  J.  B.,  Win  A.  Leidesdorff,  Bruno 
Valencia,  Frau.  Guerrero,  Trinidad  Moya  (2),  Henry  Bee,  Juan  Castaueda, 
Gregorio  EsCalante,  John  Martin,  Juana  Briones,  C.  W.  Flugge,  Jas  R.  Berry, 
Robert  Ridley,  Benito  Diaz  and  J.  P.  Mesa,  Carlos  Glein,  Ed.  T.  Bale,  Eug. 
Montenegro,  John  Rose,  A.  A.  Andrews,  Wm  Reynolds,  Doiia  E.  S.  Bernal, 
J.  P.  Dedmond,  Wm  Richardson,  Wm  Johnson,  Rosalia  Haro,  Thos  Smith, 
Joaquin  Pifia,  Eusebio  Soto,  Lazaro  Pifia,  Wm  Fisher,  Fran.  Sanchez,  F.  Le- 
page, Pedro  Estrada,  Mig.  Pedrorena,  Gregorio  Briones,  and  Stephen  Smith. 
The  new  custom-house:  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  157-8,  says  that  Receptor 
Diaz  in  1844  occupied  three  rooms  in  the  adobe  building,  west  side  Dnpont, 
between  Clay  and  Washington  st.,  the  rest  of  which  in  1843-5  was  occupied 
by  D.  as  agent  for  Paty  and  McKinley.  Feb.  22,  1844.  Gov.  asks  for  three 
bricklayers  from  Sta  Clara  and  a  carpenter  from  S.  Jos£  to  work  on  a  new 
custom-house  for  the  newly  established  receptoria.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  64-5. 
Feb.  23d.  Admin,  at  Mont,  directs  receptor  at  S.  F.  to  begin  work  at  once, 
building  not  to  cost  over  $800.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  49-50.  Feb.  26th. 
Diaz  has  rec'd  the  order;  no  material  can  be  had  from  the  mission;  wants 
authority  to  take  tiles  and  lumber  from  the  ruined  buildings  at  the  presidio. 
Id.,  i.  273-4.  Feb.  29th.  More  on  the  same  subjects.  The  material  of  un- 
occupied buildings  at  the  mission  has  been  carried  off  as  that  at  the  presidio 
will  be  soon  if  nothing  is  done.  Dept.  St.  Pap..  Ben.,  G.  //.,  MS.,  viii.  148. 
May  20th.  Gov.  authorizes  payment  of  expenses  for  the  custom-house.  Dept. 
Ee.c.,  MS.,  xiii.  82.  July  30th.  Diaz  reports  that  most  of  his  Ind.  workmen 
ran  away;  desires  that  some  be  provided  from  Sonoma.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  I3en,  G. 
II.,  MS.,  viii.  184.  Oct.  2d.  The  receptor's  suggestion  of  digging  a  well 
will  soon  be  acted  on.  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  92.  Nov.  1st.  Diaz  urges  that 
for  the  credit  of  the  govt  the  receipts  from  vessels  should  be  promptly  ap- 
plied to  pay  workmen  on  the  new  building,  those  who  have  lent  money  for 
the  enterprise,  and  the  boatmen.  Otherwise  the  work  will  have  to  stop  and 
the  building  will  go  to  ruin.  This  was  in  consequence  of  an  order  to  send  funds 
to  Monterey.  Id.,  i.  288.  Feb.  10,  >845.  Account  rendered  by  receptor; 
amount  received,  $2,320;  expended  on  the  building,  $2,361.  In  Sept.  the 
building  had  been  completed  and  $358  more  spent  on  it.  Dept.  St.  Pap. ,  Ben. , 
C.  H.,  235-6.  Feb.  21st.  Receptor  is  told  by  admin,  at  Mont,  to  let  the 
building  remain  as  it  is  (unfinished  and  debts  unpaid?).  Pinto,  Doc.,  MS., 
ii.  121.  A  flag  bought  of  Leidesdorff  for  $30.  (This  flag  was  in  later  years 

B-esented  by  Pinto  through  P.  A.  Roach  to  the  Soc.  of  Pioneers.)  Id.,  ii.  209. 
e&cription  of  the  new  building  in  an  inventory  of  Oct.     '  Una  casa  de  20$ 


670  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

system  was  restored  in  1845  better  fortune  attended 
the  bay  town,  and  Francisco  Guerrero  became  sub- 
prefect  with  a  jurisdiction  including  San  Jose  and  all 

varas  de  largo  y  8  de  ancho  con  corredor  al  frente  y  los  costados  de  2^  varas 
de  ancho  con  su  balustrade  y  escalera.  La  casa  contiene  4  piezas,  5  ventanas, 
con  sus  vidrieras,  7  puertas  con  sus  chapas  y  Haves,  una  escalera  de  madera 
forrada  con  un  cuarto  pequeno;  todas  las  puertas  y  ventanas  con  sus  vistas 
forradas  de  madera  y  las  4  piezas  con  sus  fajas  arriba  y  .abajo  blanqueadas 
por  dentro  e  fuera,  pintada  de  plomo  en  el  interior  y  por  fuera  verde. '  Id. ,  ii. 
197.  Dec.  20th.  Gen.  Castro  orders  com.  of  S.  F.  to  let  the  receptor  have 
all  the  tiles  he  may  need  for  the  new  building  (?).  Id.,  216. 

Other  custom-house  affairs.  1841.  Francisco  Guerrero  in  charge.  Dept. 
St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  56.  Vallejo's  efforts  to  transfer  the  custom-house  to  S.  F. 
This  vol.,  p.  208.  1842.  Guerrero  still  in  charge.  His  complaint  in  Sept. 
that  Richardson  continues  to  permit  vessels  to  anchor  at  Sauzalito.  Pinto, 
Doc.,  MS.,  i.  254.  1843,  Guerrero  receptor.  The  gov.  approves  transfer 
of  custom-house  from  Mont.  (?)  This  vol.,  p.  375-6.  More  complaints  against 
Richardson,  and  an  order  from  the  gov.  not  to  permit  vessels  to  anchor  at 
Sauzalito  unless  first  despatched  from  Mont.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  MS., 
iii.  40;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  345.  1844.  Guerrero  is  succeeded  by  Benito 
Diaz  as  receptor  in  Feb.,  continued  troubles  with  Richardson  about  the 
Sauzalito  anchorage,  other  revenue  officers,  their  gambling  propensities,  light- 
er.s  on  the  bay,  new  building  begun,  site  selected  for  a  well,  etc.  This  vol.,  p. 
429-31.  March  7th.  Regulations  for  the  receptor's  guidance.  Pinto,  Doc., 
MS.,  ii.  58-9.  May  18th.  Col.  Vallejo  calls  the  governor's  attention  to  the 
importance  of  the  port,  its  defence,  and  of  establishing  the  custom-house 
there.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  376.  Sept. -Oct.  Diaz  reports  much  smuggling 
by  whalers,  he  has  to  use  threats  to  bring  them  to  Yerba  Buena,  has  been 
oifered  bribes  by  them,  and  gets  little  support  from  Capt.  Richardson. 
Pinto,  Doc.,  MS.,  i.  27(3-83.  Capt.  Hinckley  was  accused  also  of  intermed- 
dling. Oct.  26th.  Only  one  of  the  4  celadores  had  reported  for  duty.  Id., 
282.  Oct.  27th.  Richardson  claims  that  he  and  not  the  receptor  has  the 
right  to  collect  anchorage  dues.  Id.,  ii.  101.  Oct.  29th.  Diaz  to  R.  gives 
up  all  responsibility  for  the  Sauzalito  vessels,  as  he  cannot  have  R.  's  co-op- 
ei-ation.  Id.,  i.  280-1.  But  R.  refuses  also  to  take  the  responsibility.  Id.,  ii. 
105.  Nov.  1st.  Five  months'  wages  due  the  boatmen.  Id.,  i.  288.  Dec. 
29th.  D.  has  appointed  a  coxswain  at  $10,  to  avoid  risking  his  life  and  that 
of  others  in  heavy  winds.  Id.,  289.  1845.  Rafael  Pinto  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed Diaz  in  Aug. ,  vessels  permitted  to  go  to  Sauzalito,  minor  officials,  statis- 
tics, etc.  This  vol.,  p.  555-62. 

Ranches  of  northern  Gal.,  granted  in  1841-5.  Those  marked  with  a  *  not 
finally  confirmed.  Aguas  Frias  (Butte  Co.),  6  1., "granted  in  1844  to. Salvador 
Oslo;  Randall  and  Todd  claimants  before  land  commission.  Aguas  Nieves 
(Butte  Co.),  6  1.,  1844,  Sam.  J.  Hensley,  who  was  cl.  Alameda,  Arroyo  de 
la  (Alain.  Co.),  4  1.,  1842,  Jesus  Vallejo,  who  was  cl.  Alam.  Co.  ranches,  see 
Potrero,  S.  Leandro,  S.  Lorenzo,  and  Sobrante.  Alcatraz,  see  Farallones,  etc. 
Alisal,  see  Rincon:  Americanos,  see  Rio.  Animas,  see  Posolomi.  Arroyo 
Cliico  (Butte  Co.),  1844,  Wm  Dickey;  John  Bidwell cl.  Arroyo  Chico  (Butte 
Co.),  5  1.,  1844,  Ed.  A.  Farwell;  James  Williams  et  al.  cl.  Arroyo,  see  Ala- 
meda, Calzoncillos,  Pilarcitos,  Rinconada,  and  S.  Antonio.  Barranca  Colo- 
rado (Tehama),  4  1.,  1844,  Josiah  Belden;  Wm  B.  Ide  cl.  Berrendos,  see 
Primer  Canon.  Blucher  (Sonoma),  61.,  1844,  Jean  Vioget;  Stephen  Smith  cl. 
Boca,  see  Pinole.  Bodega  (Sonoma),  8  1.,  1844,  Stephen  Smith,  who  was  cl. 
*Bodega,  1841,  Victor  Prudon,  who  was  cl.  Boga  (Butte)  or  Flugge  rancho, 
51.,  1844,  Chas.  W.  Flugge;  T.  0.  Larkin  cl.  Bolsa,  see  Tomales.  Bolsas, 
see  Hambre.  Borregas,  see  Pastoria.  Bosquejo  (Tehama),  5  1.,  1844,  Peter 
Lasaen,  who  was  cl.  *Briesgau  (Shasta),  5  1.,  1844,  Wm  Benitz,  who  wascl. 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  671 

the  settlements  north  of  that  town.  At  the  presidio 
Alferez  Prado  Mesa  with  Sergeant  Galindo  and  nine 
or  ten  soldiers,  a  detachment  of  the  Sonoma  company, 

Butte  county  ranches,  see  Aguas  Frias,  Aguas  Nieves,  Arroyo  Chico,  Boga, 
Esquon,  Honcut,  Llano  Seco,  and  Willy.  Also  not  named  *C.  \V.  Fliigge, 
5  1.,  1844;  L.  Hoover  cl.  Cabeza,  see  Sta  Rosa.  Callayomi  (Sonoma),  3  1., 
1845,  Robert  Ridley;  Ritchie  and  Forbes  cl.  *Calzoncillos  (Sta  Clara),  111., 

1843,  Jose  M.  Castaiiares,  who  was  cl.     Campo  de  los  Franceses  (S.  Joaquin), 
11  1.,  1844,  Wm  Gulnac;  C.  M.  Weber  cl. ;  claim  of  Justo  Larios  rejected. 
Canada  de  Guadalupe,  Visitacion,  y  Rodeo  Viejo  (S.  F.),  2  1.,  1841,  J.  P. 
Leese;  R.  S.  Eaton,  H.  R.  Payson  cl. ;  Ridley's  cl.  rejected.     Cauada  de  los 
Vaqueros  (Contra  Costa),  1844,  Fran.  Alviso  et  al. ;  Robt.  Livermore  cl.     Ca- 
nada, see  also  Capitancillos,  Hambre,  Jonive,  Pinole,  and  Pogolomi.     Capay 
(Colusa),  10  1.,  1844,  Josefa  Soto,  who  was  cl.     Capitancillos,  Canada,  1842, 
Justo  Larios;  Guadalupe  Min.  Co.  cl. ;  Fossat's  cl.  rejected.     Carne  Humana 
(Napa),  4  L,  1841,  Ed.  T.  Bale,  whose  widow  was  cl.     Caslamayome,  see  La- 
guna.     Catacula  (Napa)  2  1.,  1844,  J,   B.  Chiles,  who  was  cl.     *Cazadorea 
(Sac.),  4  1.,  1844,  Ernest  Rufus;  James  Murphy  cl.     Cerritos,  see  Potrero. 
Chico,  see  Arroyo  Chico.     Coches  (Sta  Clara),  \  1.,  1844,  Roberto;  Antonio 
Suflol  et  al.,  cl.     Coins  (Colusa),  2  L,  1845,  John  Bidwell;  C.  D.  Semple  cl. 
*Coluses,  4  1.,  1844,  John  Daubenbiss;  N.   Bassett  cl.     Colusa  Co.  ranches, 
see  also  Capay,  Jacinto,  Jimeno,  and  Larkiii.     Contra  Costa  ranches,  see 
Canada  de  Vaqueros,  Hambre,  Juntas,  Laguna,  Monte  del  Diablo,   Pinole, 
Sobrante,  and  Ulpinos;  also  not  named,  grants  to  *Inocencio  Romero  et  al. 
(Sobrante?)  1844  and  *Juau  Jose  Castro  et  al.     1841,  1844;  E.  R.  Carpentier 
cl.     Corte  de  Madera  (Sta  Clara),  2  1.,  1844,  Maximo  Martinez,  who  was  cl. 
*Cosumnes  (Sacramento),  1  L,  1844,  Heleno;  Hicks  and  Martin  cl.     Cotate 
(Sonoma),  4  1.,  1844,  Juan  Castafieda;  T.   S.  Page  cl.     Diablo,  see  Monte. 
Dolores,  see  S.  F.     Embarcadero,  see  Sta  Clara.     Estanislao,  see  rancheria. 
*Esqunon  (Butte),  5  1.,  1844,  Sam.  Neal,  who  was  cl.     *Farallones,  Alcatraz, 
Yerba  Buena,  and  Pt  Tiburon  (S.  F.  &  Marin),  1843,  J.  Y.  Limantour,  who 
was  cl.     Felix  rancho  (S.  Mateo),  1  1.,  1844,  Domingo  Felix,  who  was  cl. 
Flores  (Tehama),  3  1.,  1844,  Wm  Chard,  who  was  cl.     Flugge,  see  Boga. 
Franceses,  see  Campo.    Gallinas,  see  S.  Pedro.    Gentiles,  see  Laguna.    Guada- 
lupe, see  Cauada.     Guenoc  (Sonoma  or  Lake),  6  1. ,  1845,  Geo.  Rock;  Arch. 
Ritchie  cl.     Guesesosi,  see  Quesesosi.     Hambre,  Canada,  and  las  Bolsas  del  — 
(Contra  Costa),  2  1.,  1842.  Teodora  Soto,  who  was  cl.     Honcut  (Yuba),  7  L, 

1844,  Theodore  Cordua;  Estate  of  J.  Thompson  cl.     *Honcut  (Butte),  8  1., 

1845,  Henry  Huber,  who  was  cl.     Huichicha  (Sonoma),  2  L,  1841,  J.  P.  Leese, 
who  was  cl.     Jacinto  (Colusa),  8  1.,  1844,  Jacinto  Rodriguez;  Wm  H.  McKee 
cl.     Jimeno  (Colusa),  11  L,  1844,  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin;  T.  0.  Larkin  et 
al.  cl.     Johnson's  (Yuba),  5  L,  1844,  Pablo  Gutierrez;  Wm  Johnson  cl.     Jo- 
nive (Sonoma),  2  L,  1845,  James  Black;  Jasper  O'Farrell  cl.     Jota  (Napa),  1 
1.,  1843,  Geo.  Yount,  who  was  cl.     Juntas  (Contra  Costa),  3  1.,  1844,  Wm 
Welsh,  whose  estate  was  cl.    Lac  (Sonoma),  1,000  v. ,  1844,  Damaso  Rodriguez; 
J.  P.  Leese  cl.     *Laguna  de  los  Gentiles,  or  Caslamayome  (Sonoma),  8 1. ,  1844, 
Eug.  Montenegro;  Wm  Forbes  cl.    Laguna  de  los  Palos  Colorados  (Contra  Cos- 
ta), 31.,  1841,  J.  Moragaand  J. Bernal;  Moragacl.    *LagunadelosSantosCalle 
(Yolo),  111.,  1845,  Victor  Prudon  andM.  Vaca;  E.  L.  Brown  cl.     Laguua,  see 
Tache.     Larkin's  (Colusa),  101.,  1844,  F.  Larkin  et  al.  who  were  cl.    *Lassen's 
(Tehama),  1844,  Peter  Lassen;  Harriet  Besse  cl.     Llajomi  (Napa),  1^  L,  1841, 
Tomaso  A.  Rodriguez;  Salv.  Vallejo  cl.    Llano  Seco  (Butte),  41. ,  1844-5,  Sebas- 
tian Keyser;  C.  J.  Brentram  etal.  cl.    Llano, see  Sta  Rosa.    Locoallome  (Napa), 
2  1.,  1841,  Julian  Pope;  Joseph  Pope  et  al  cl.;  Rainsford's  claim  under  grant 
of  1845  rejected.     *Lupyomi  (Napa),  14  1.,  1844,  Salv.  Vallejo;  H.  T.  Tesch- 
macher  cl.;  11  ].,  1844,  Limantour  who  was  cl.;  2  1.,  1844,  S.  and  J.  A.  Va- 
llejo; S.  Vallejo  cl.     Malacomes,  or  Moristal  (Sonoma),  2  1.,  1843,  Jos6  deloa 


672  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

served  as  garrison,  though  visitors'  reports  rarely 
agreed  with  the  rosters  as  to  the  presence  of  more 
than  two  or  three  at  any  one  time.  Most  of  the 

Santos  Berreyesa;  Eockwell  &  Knight  cl. ;  also  2  1. ,  M.  E.  Cook  et  al.  cl. 
See  also  Seno.  Mare  Island  (Solano),  1840-1,  Victor  Castro;  Bissell  &  Aspin- 
wall  cl.  Marin  Co.  ranches,  see  Farallones,  Nicasio,  Olompali,  Pogolomi,  Pb 
Reyes,  S.  Antonio,  S.  Geronimo,  S.  Pedro,  Soulajule,  Tamalpais,  Tinicasia, 
and  Tamales;  also  grant  not  named  to  *Tim  Murphy  100  v.,  1844.  Mariposa 
Co.,  see  S.  Luis  Gonzaga.  *Mariposas  (S.  Joaq.),  11  1.,  1843,  Manuel  Cas- 
tauares;  E.  Voss  cL  Mariposas,  10  1.,  1844,  J.  B.  Alvarado;  J.  C.  Fremont 
cl.  Mendocino  Co.,  see  Mufliz,  Sanel,  and  Yokaya;  also  unnamed  grants  to 
Jose"  Ant.  Galindo  1844,  10-1 2 1. ;  Wm  A.  Richardson  cl.  *Rafael  Garcia,  9 1. 
1844.  *Limantour  801.,  1844.  Merced  Co.,  see  Sanjon.  Miseria,  see  Ro- 
blar.  Moliiios,  see  Rio.  Monte  del  Diablo  (Contra  Costa),  1844,  Salvio  Pa- 
checo,  who  was  cl.  Moquelumnes,  see  Sanjon.  Moristal,  see  Malacomes. 
Muniz  (Mendocino),  4  1.,  1845.  Manuel  Torres,  who  was  cl.  Napa  Co. 
ranchos,  see  Carne  Humana,  Catacula,  Jota,  Llajomi,  Yocoallomi,  Lupyomi, 
and  Tulucay.  *Nemshas  (Sac.  Val.),  4  1.,  1844,  Theodore  Sicard;  Claude 
Chana  cl.  New  Helvetia  (Sac.  and  Yuba),  11  1.,  1841,  J.  A.  Sutter,  Sutter 
et  al  cl. ;  some  of  the  claims  rejected.  *Ne\v  Helvetia,  221.,  1845,  J.  A.  Sut- 
ter, who  was  cl.  (Sutter  general  title).  Nicasio  (Marin),  2J  1.,  1844,  Pablo  de 
la  Guerra  and  J.  Cooper;  Wm  Reynolds  and  D.  Frink  cl.;  10  1.,  Halleck  & 
Black  cl.  *Nueva  Flandria  (Sac.),  31.,  1844-5,  Sutter  and  Schwatz;  Sch.  and 
W.  W.  Warner  cl.  Olompali  (Marin),  2  1.,  1843,  C.  Initia  (?),  who  was  cl. 
Omochumne  (Sac.),  5.,  1844,  Joaquin  Sheldon,  whose  heirs  were  cl.  Ores- 
timba  (Tuolumne),  6  1.;  1844,  Sebastian  Munoz,  who  was  cl.  Palos  Colora- 
dos,  see  Laguna.  Panocha  (S.  Joaq.)  ,  5  1.,  1844,  Julian  Ursiia,  who  was  cl. 
*Panocha  Grande  (S.  Joaq.),  4  1.,  1844,  Vicente  P.  Gomez,  who  wascl.  (The 
famous  McGarraghan  claim.)  Paso,  rancho  del  (Sac.),  10  1.,  1844,  Eliab 
Grimes;  Sam.  Norris  cl.  Pastoria  de  las  Borregas  (Sta  Clara),  3,207  acrea, 

1842,  Francisco  Estrada;  M.  Murphy  cl.;  also  2  1.   called  also  Refugio,  cl. 
Mariano  Castro.     Pescadero  (S.  Joaq.'),  8 1. ,  1843,  V.  Higuera and  R.  Fe"lix;  H. 
Grimes  et  al.  cl.     Pescadero  (S.  Joaquin),  8  1.,  1843,  Antonio  M.  Pico,  who 
aud  H.   M.   Naglee  were  cl.     Petaluma  (Sonoma),   15  1.,   1843-4,    M.    G. 
Vallejo,  who  was  cl.;  Watmough's  claim  rejected.     Pilarcitos,  arroyo  (Sta 
Clara),  1 1.,  1841,  Candelario Miramontes,  who  wascl.     Pinole  (Contra  Costa), 
4  1.,    1842,   Ignacio  Martinez;  M.  A.    Martinez  de  Richardson  cl.     Pinole, 
Boca  de  la  Canada  del,  1842,  Manuel  Valencia,  who  was  cl.     Placer  Co.,  sea 
S.  Juan.     Pogolomi,  Canada  de  ^(Marin),  2 1.,  1844,  Antonio  Caceres,  who  was 
cl.     Posolomi  and  Pozito  de  las  Animas  (Sta  Clara),  3,042  acres,  1844,  Lope  Ifli- 
go;  R.  Walkinshaw  cl.     *Potrero  (Santa Clara),  111.,  1843,  Jos6  M.  Fuentes, 
who  was  cl.     Potrero  de  los  Cerritos  (Alameda)  3  1.,  1844,  Tom;is  Pachecoand 
A.  Alviso,  who  were  cl.     Potrero,  see  also  S.  F.  and  Sta  Clara.     Pozito,  see  Po- 
solomi.    Primer  Cauon,  or  Rio  de  los  Berrendos  (Tehama),  6  1.,  1844,  Job  F. 
Dye,  who  was  cl.     Puerto  (Stanislaus),  3  1.,  1844,  Mariano  Hernandez  ct  al.; 
S.  G.  Reed  et  al.  cl.     *Punta  de  Lobos  (S.  F.),  1845,  Joaquin  Pina;  not  pre- 
sented to  L.  C. ;  also  application  by  Benito  Diaz,  granted  later.     Punta  de  los 
Reyes  (Marin),  11  1.,  1843,  A.  M.  Osio;  A.  Randall  cl.     Putas  (Solauo),  8  1., 

1843,  Jose'  de  Jesus  and  Sixto  Berreyesa;  M.  Anastasio  Higuera  de  B.  cl. 
Putas  (Solano),  101.,  1843,  J.  M.  Vuca  and  J.  F.  Pena,  who  were  cl.     See 
also  Rio  de  los  P.     Quesesosi  (Yolo),  2  1.,  1843,  Wm  Gordon,  who  was  cl. 
Quito  (Sta  Clara),  31.,  1841,  Jos<5  Z.  Fernandez  and  J.  Noriega;  M.  Alviso 
cl.     Rancherfa  del  Rio  Estanislao  (S.  Joaq.),  11  1.,  1843,  Francisco  Rico  and 
Jose"  Ant.  Castro,  who  were  cl.     Refugio,  see  Pastoria.     Reyes,  see  Punta  de 
R.     *Rincon  del  Alisal  (Sta  Clara)  GOO  v.,  1S44,  Santos  &  Sons,  who  were  cl. 
llincon  de  San  Francisquito  (Sta  Clara),  1841,  Jose"  Pena;  T.  and  S.  Robles 
cl.     Rincon,  see  also  S.  F.     Rinconada  del  Arroyo  de  S.  Francisquito  (Sta 


PRIVATE  RANCHOS.  673 

buildings  were  at  any  rate  unoccupied  and  rapidly 
going  to  ruin.  A  company  of  defensores  de  la  patria, 
46  rank  and  file,  under  Captain  Francisco  Sanchez 

Clara)  \  1.,  1841,  M.  A.  Mesa,  who  was  cl.     Rio  de  los  Americanos  (Sac.),  8 
1.,  1844,  Wm  A.  Leidesdorff;  Folsom  &  Sparks  cl.     Rio  do  Berrendos,  see 
Primer  Canon.     Rio  Estanislao,  see  Rancheria.     Rio  de  losMolinos  (Tehama) 
5  1.,  1844,  A.  G.  Toomes,  who  was  cl.     Rio  de  los  Putos  (Yolo)  4  1.,  1842, 
Francisco  Guerrero;  W,m  Wolfskill  cl.     Roblar  de  la  Miseria  (Sonoma)  4  1., 
1845,  Juan  N.  Padilla;  David  Wright  cl.     Rodeo  Viejo,  see  Canada  de  Gua- 
dalupe.     *Sacramento,  city  lands,   1841,  J.  A.   Sutter;  city  and  Burnett  cl. 
*Sacramento,  island  of,  1844,  V.  Prudon,  who  was  cl.;  1845,  Robt  Elwell, 
Jesus  No<§  cl.;  not  named,  *Sutter  300  acres,  1841,  F.  J.  White  cl. ;  Moquel- 
umne  Ind.  4  1.,  1844,  Sutter  cl.  for  Ind.     Sacramento  Co.  ranchos,  see  also 
Cazadores,  Cosumnes,  N.  Helvetia,   N.  Flandria,  Omochumnes,  Paso,  Rio 
Americanos,  S.  Buenaventura,  Nemshas,  Sanjon,  and   Sucayac.     *San  An- 
tonio, arroyo  (Marin),   3  1.,  1844,  Juan  Miranda;   T.  B.  Valentine,  J.  A. 
Short  et  al.    cl.     San  Antonio,  laguna  (Marin),   6  1.,    1845,   B.  Bojorques, 
who  was  cl.     San  Buenaventura  (Sac.),  6  1.,  1844,  P.  B.  Reading,  who  was 
cl.     *San  Cayetano,  garden  (Sta  Clara)  1,000  v.   1845,  J.  B.  Alvarado;  C. 
Panaud  etal.  cl.     *San  Francisco,  city  lands,  1843,  Limantour,  who  was  cl.; 
Mission  lots:  *  Domingo  Fe"lix  400  v. ;  *E.  and  J.  R.  Valencia  200  v. ;  Carlos  Mo- 
reno (Chas  Brown);  Fran,  de  Haro,  150  v.    *  San  Francisco,  potrero,  £1.,  1844, 
R.  &  F.  de  Haro,  whose  heirs  were  cl.,  also  Win.  C.  Jones.     *San  Francisco, 
rincon,  800  v.,  1845,  P.  Sherreback,    who  was  cl.     Id.,  not  named,  Robert 
El weil,  400  v.,  1842;  Fernando  Marchena,  1  1.,  1844;  neither  of  them  pre- 
sented to  L.  C;  *  Stephen  Smith,  two  50  v.  lots,  1845;  see  also  Caiiada  de 
Guadalupe,  Pt  Lobos,  and  S.  Miguel.     S.  Francisquito,  see  Rincon  and  Rin- 
conada.     San  Ge"ronimo  (Marin),  2  1.  1844,  Rafael  Cacho;  J.  M.  Revere,  cl. 
San  Joaquin  Co.  ranchos,  see  Campo,  Mariposas,  Panocha,  Pescadero,  and 
Rancheria.     San  Juan  (Placer),  4^  L,  1844,  Joel  P.  Dedmond;  Hiram  Grimes 
cl.     San  Leandro  (Alameda),  1  1.,  1842,  Joaquin  Estudillo,  who  was  cl.     San 
Lorenzo  (Alameda),  GOO  v.  and  1  1.,  1841-3,  Guillermo  Castro,  who  was  cl. 
San  Lorenzo  (Alameda),  1^  L,  1842-4,  Francisco  Soto,  whose  heirs  were  cl. 
San  Luis  Gonzaga  (Mariposa),  48,821  acres,  1S43,  Francisco  Rivera;  J.  P. 
Pachecocl.     San  Mateo  Co.,  see  Felix.     San  Miguel  (S.  F.),  1  1.,  1845,  Jesus 
Nod,  who  was  cl.     San  Pedro,  Sta  Margarita,  and  Las  Gallinas  (Marin),  5  L, 
1844,  Tim.  Murphy,  who  was  cl.     San  Vicente  (Sta  Clara),  1  1.,  1842,  Jose"  R. 
Berreyesa,   whose  heirs  were  cl.     Santa  Clara,   Potrero,   1   L,  1844,  J.  A. 
Forbes;  R.  F.  Stockton,  cl.     Sta  Clara,  Embarcadero,  1,000  varas,  1845,   Ba- 
silio  Bernal,  who  was  cl.     Sta  Clara  Co.  ranchos,  see  Calzoncillos,  Capitan- 
cillos,  Coches,  Corte  de  Madera,  Pastoria,  Pilarcitos,  Posolomi,  Quito,  Rin- 
con, Rinconada,  S.  Jos6  Mision,  S.  Cayetano,  S.  Vicente,  Ulistac,  and  Uvas; 
also  not  named,  grants  to  Francisco  Garcia,  2,000  v.,  1845,  J.  Enrighb  cl. ; 
*  Jose  Noriega,  4  lots,  1845,  N.  cl.;  "Buenaventura  et  al.,  \  L,  1844,  H.  C. 
Smith  cl.;    *Narciso  Bennett,  who  was  cl.,   140  v.  1  solar,  1845;   Narciso 
Bennett,  140  v.  and  2,000-1,000  v.,  1845;   Mary  S.  Bennett  cl.;   Barcelia 
Bernal  et  al.,  1  1.,  1845-6.    Sta  Margarita,  see  S.  Pedro.    Sta  Rita,  see  Sanjon. 
Sta  Rosa,  cabeza  (Sonoma),  1841,  Maria  Ignacia  Lopez,  confirmed  in  6  divi- 
sions to  Julio  Carrillo,  J.  R.  Mayer  et  al.,  J.  Eldridge,  F.  Carrillo,  Juana  de 
J.  Mallagh,  and  J.  Hendley;  cl.  of  0.  Boulio  rejected.     Sta  Rosa,  llano,  3 
1.,  1844,  Mark  West;  Joaq.  Carrillo  cl.;  rejected  2  claims  on  grant  to  Joaq. 
Carrillo,  1844.     Sancos  (Tehama),  5  L,  1844,  R.  H.  Thomes,  who  was  cl. 
Sanel  (Mendocino),  4  L,  1844,  F.  F6lix,  who  was  cl.,  Sanjon  de  los  Moque- 
lumnes  (Sac.),  8  1.,  1844,  Anastasio  Chabolla;    Angel  and  M.  Chabolla  cl. 
Sanjon  de  Sta  Rita  (Merced),  111.,  1841,  Francisco  Soberanes,  who  was  cl. 
Santos  Calle,  see  Laguna.     Seno  de  Malacomes  (Sonoma),  4  L,  1843,  Jose"  de 
los  Santos  Berreyesa,  who  was  cl.     Shasta  Co. ,  see  Briesgau.     Sobrante  (Ala- 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    13 


074  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

held  themselves  ready  for  action  in  1844-5.  The 
growth  of  Yerba  Buena,  in  the  light  of  later  devel- 
opments, has  a  peculiar  interest,  and  I  have  quoted 
in  the  appended  note  some  descriptive  matter  by 
visitors,  one  of  whom  has  left  a  pencil  sketch,  and  by 
residents,  notable  among  whom  is  Mrs  Rae.  The 
town  contained  in  1845  about  20  structures  large  and 
small,  but  with  one  exception  there  is  no  definite  in- 
formation about  any  of  those  built  in  this  period.  I 
suppose  that  of  all  classes  there  were  not  less  than 
125  inhabitants,  among  whom  the  foreigners  consti- 
tuted a  predominant  element.  Indeed  the  foreign 
influence  caused  a  certain  prejudice  against  Yerba 
Buena,  notably  among  Mexican  residents  at  the  mis- 
sion, showing  itself  most  clearly  in  a  controversy  be- 
tween the  rival  alcaldes  Padilla  and  Sanchez  in  1845. 
In  1844,  in  connection  with  a  reorganization  of  the 

meda),  111.,  1841,  J.  J.  Castro,  who  was  cl.  Sobrante  (Contra  Costa?)  occu- 
pied by  Romero  brothers  in  1844.  *  Socayac  (Sac.?),  3  1.,  1S44,  John  Cham- 
berlain; E.  Pratt  cl.  Solano  Co.,  see  Mare  Isl.,  Putas,  Putos,  Suisun, 
Soscol,  Tolenas,  and  Ulpinos.  *  Sonoma,  400  v.  near  ex-mission,  1844;  J.  Y. 
Limantour,  who.  was  cl.  Sonoma  Co.,  see  Blucher,  Bodega,  Callayomi, 
Cqtate,  Guenoc,  Huichicha,  Jonive,  Lac,  Laguna,  Malacomes,  Petaluma, 
Roblar,  Sta  Rosa,  Seno,  Sotoyomi,  Tzabaco,  and  Yulupa.  Sotoyomi  (Sonoma), 
8  1.,  1841,  Henry  D.  Fitch,  whose  widow  was  cl. ;  Cyrus  Alexander's  cl.  to  2 
1.  rejected.  Soulajule  (Marin),  20  1.,  1844,  Ramon  Mesa;  confirmed  in  5 
divisions  to  J.  S.  Brackett,  G.  N.  Cornwell,  P.  J.  Vasquez,  Luis  D.  Watkins, 
and  M.  F.  Gormley;  cl.  of  Win.  M.  Fuller  rejected.  Stanislaus  Co.,  see 
Puerto.  Suisun  (Solano),  4  1.,  1842,  Francisco  Solano;  Arch.  Ritchie  cl. ; 
also  J.  H.  Fine.  *  Soscol  (Solano),  1843,  M.  G.  Vallejo,  who  was  cl.  *  Tache, 
laguna  (Tulare),  11  1.,  1843,  Limantour,  who  was  cl.  *  Tamalpais  (Marin), 
2  1.,  1845,  Hilario  Sanchez,  who  was  cl.  Tehama  Co.,  see  Barranca,  Bosqucjo, 
Flores,  Lassens,  Primer  CaQon,  Rio,  and  Sancos.  Tiburon,  see  Farallones, 
etc.  *  Tinicasio  (Marin),  1  1.,  1841,  Indians  of  S.  Rafael;  Murphy  cl.  for 
Ind.  Tolenas  (Solano),  3  1.,  1840,  J.  F.  Armijo,  whoso  heirs  were  cl.  Ta- 
males  (Marin),  5  1.,  1845,  Juan  N.  Padilla;  James  D.  Galbraith  cl. ;  Tulucay 
(Napa),  2  1.,  1841,  Cayetano  Juarez,  who  was  cl.  Tuolunme  Co.,  see  Ores- 
timba;  also  unnamed  grant  to  *  Solomon  Pico,  J.  L.  Ord  cl.  Tzabaco  (So- 
noma), 4  L,  1843,  J.  G.  Pefla,  J.  J.  Peua  et  al.  cl.  Ulistac  (Sta  Clara),  J 
1.,  1845,  Marcelo  Pico  and  Cristobal;  J.  D.  Hoppe  cl.  Ulpinos  (Solano),  4 
1.,  1844,  John  Bidwell.  who  was  cl.  *  Ulpinos  (Contra  Costa),  1845,  Jose  de 
la  Rosa;  Juan  M.  Luco  cl.  Uvas  (Sta  Clara),  3  1.,  1842,  Lorenzo  Pineda; 
Bern.  Murphy  cl.  Vaqueros,  see  Canada.  Visitacion,  see  CaSada.  *  Willy  . 
(Butte  ?)  4  1.,  1844,  M.  C.  Nye,  who  was  cl.  Yerba  Buena  Isl.,  see  Farallones. 
*  Yokaya  (Mendocino),  8  L,  1845,  Cayetano  Juarez,  who  was  cl.  Yolo  Co., 
see  Laguna,  Quesesosi,  and  Rio;  also  grant  not  named  of  5  1.,  to  Thomas 
Shadden,  1844,  claim  discontinued  by  id.  Yuba  Co.,  see  Honcut,  Johnson's, 
and  N.  Helvetia;  also  unnamed  grant  of  6  1.  to  *  John  Smith ;  John  Rose  et 
al.  cl.  *  Yulupa  (Sonoma),  3  L,  1844,  Miguel  Alvarado;  M.  G.  Vallejo  cl. 


MISSION  DOLORES.  675 

receptorfa,  or  revenue  department,  the  building  of  a 
custom-house  was  ordered,  to  cost  not  over  $800; 
and  it  was  completed  in  September  of  the  next  year 
mainly  by  the  labor  of  Indians  from  abroad,  with 
materials  obtained  in  part  from  the  presidio  and  mis- 
sion ruins,  and  by  the  aid  of  loans  from  enterprising 
citizens,  at  a  cost  exceeding  the  original  estimate  by 
only  $2,000.  This  structure  stood  facing  the  plaza 
from  the  west,  on  what  was  later  Washington  Street. 
A  long  controversy  between  the  revenue  officers, 
Benito  Diaz  succeeded  by  Rafael  Pinto,  and  the 
masters  of  whalers  and  other  craft,  who,  with  the 
support  of  Richardson,  captain  of  the  port,  insisted 
on  anchoring  at  Sauzalito  ostensibly  on  account  of 
its  superior  advantages  for  obtaining  wood  and  water, 
but  in  truth  largely  for  the  facilities  it  offered  for 
contraband  trade,  was  the  only  other  noteworthy 
item  of  current  annals.  I  have  appended  a  list,  alpha- 
betical yet  with  sub-lists  for  the  different  sections, 
of  all  the  private  ranches  in  Northern  California 
granted  during  the  half  decade.  They  were  about 
160  in  number,  and  it  will  be  noted  that  half  of  them 
were  granted  in  1844,  and  that  nearly  one  third  were 
finally  not  confirmed  by  the  courts  of  the  United 
States. 

A  few  items  have  been  given  incidentally  respect- 
ing Dolores  as  part  of  the  pueblo  of  San  Francisco; 
as  an  ex-mission  it  calls  for  but  slight  mention.  I 
find  no  trace  of  any  resident  minister,  though  the 
padres  Real  occasionally  officiated  and  Padre  Muro 
seems  to  have  spent  several  months  here  in  1845. 
No  later  administrator  than  Tiburcio  Vasquez  in 
1841  is  named,  but  he  probably  acted  in  that  capacity 
for  several  years  longer.  There  were  then  in  the 
community  78  Indians,  about  50  of  whom  I  suppose 
were  still  living  on  the  peninsula  in  1845;  but  there 
was  probably  no  remnant  of  property  besides  build- 
ings, though  there  was  a  debt  which  prevented  the 
governor  in  1844  from  acceding  to  the  petition  of 


676  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

citizens  that  an  end  be  made  of  the  ex-mission.  In 
1845,  however,  after  warning  to  the  scattered  ex- 
neophytes  to  reoccupy  the  property  that  was  theoret- 
ically theirs,  an  order  for  its  sale  was  issued,  as  at 
other  establishments.13 

Padre  Lorenzo  Quijas  attended  to  the  '  spiritual ' 
interests  of  San  Rafael  and  of  all  the  northern  fron- 
tier until  1843,  after  which  there  was  no  resident 
curate  north  of  the  bay.  Simpson  and  Peirce  and 
officers  of  the  U.  S.  exploring  expedition  visited  the 
establishment  in  1841-2,  the  latter  with  a  view  of 
purchasing  the  Novato  rancho  offered  for  $1,500,  and 
the  former  on  his  way  to  Sonoma;  but  these  visitors 
have  more  to  say  of  Quijas'  drunken  pranks  than  of 
anything  else,  merely  noting  that  the  mission  was  in 
ruins,  and  that  Timothy  Murphy  was  administrator; 
indeed,  there  was  nothing  more  to  be  noted.  Mofras 
reports  a  population  of  20  Indians;  but  the  commu- 
nity was  entirely  broken  up  before  1845,  though  I 
suppose  there  must  have  been  about  200  ex-neophytes 
still  living  in  the  region  and  nominally  Christians. 
After  the  formality  of  warning  the  Indians  to  re- 
occupy  the  mission,  its  sale  at  auction  was  ordered 
in  October;  and  the  valuation  of  the  estate,  accord- 
ing to  the  original  inventory  in  my  possession,  was 
$17,000  in  buildings,  lands,  and  live-stock.14  Mean- 

13  Inventory  and  census  of  Feb.  1841;  216  cattle,  698  horses,  600  sheep. 
St.  Pap.  Mixs.,  MS.,  x.  16-17.     Simpson's  visit  and  description  in  1842;  only 
the  church  in  tolerable  preservation.  Simpson' a  Narr.,  i.  333-6.     The  names 
of  15  residents  were  signed  to  a  petition  in  1844  as  mentioned  in  note  12.     The 
lots  granted  in  1842-4,  were  to  Win  Hinckley,  Charles  Brown,  Francisco  de 
Haro,  Domingo  F6lix,  and  Francisco  Guerrero.     Order  of  sale  1845.  This 
vol.,  p.  549-52. 

14  Peirce's  Jour.,  MS.,  81  et  seq.;  Simpson's  Narr.,  i.  305;  Wilkes1  Narr. 
U.  S.  Exp.  Exp.,  v.  212;  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320.     Aug.  24,  1844.  Wm  A. 
Richardson  asks  the  assembly  for  a  juez  at  S.  Rafael.  Leg.  Rec.,  MS.,  iv.  19. 
Nov.  8th,  gov.  announces  tho  separation  from  Sonoma,  and  the  creation  of  the 
S.  Raf.  jurisdiction  extending  to  the  Petaluma  Creek  and  Russian  River,  or 
S.  Ignacio.     Murphy  appointed  on  the  8th,  and,  on  his  declining,  Osio  on  the 
llth.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  98-9;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  ii.  24.     Nov. 
12th,  gov.  tells  Osio  to  take  56  head  of  cattle,  which  he  had  furnished  to  the 
govt,  from  the  S.  Raf.  stock.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xiii.  100.     April  1845,  Tim. 
Murphy  elected,  after  temporary  appointment  by  gov.,  juez  de  paz,  with 


SAN  RAFAEL  AND  SONOMA.  677 

while  in  1844  San  Rafael  had  been  separated  from 
the  civil  jurisdiction  of  Sonoma,  and  Antonio  M. 
Osio  was  made  juez  de  paz,  soon  to  be  succeeded  by 
Timothy  Murphy,  who  at  first  declined  the  office. 
The  private  ranches  of  Marin  county  have  been  al- 
ready named  in  this  chapter. 

San  Francisco  Solano  no  longer  had  an  existence 
as  an  ex-mission  community,  and  there  is  nothing  to 
be  said  of  it  during  this  period,  except  that  Padre 
Quijas  served  as  occasional  curate,  perhaps  residing 
here  for  a  time  in  1843,  and  that  there  exists  an  im- 
perfect list  of  buildings,  utensils,  and  church  property, 
apparently  made  in  connection  with  the  order  of  sale 
in  1845,  though  in  the  final  order  of  October  this 
establishment  was  not  named.15  There  were  probably 
over  200  Indians  residing  at  Sonoma  or  in  the  near 
vicinity. 

The  population  of  gente  de  razon  in  the  jurisdiction 
of  Sonoma,  all  north  of  the  bay,  but  not  including 
foreigners  in  the  Sacramento  Valley  or  the  newly  ar- 
rived and  roving  immigrants  of  the  Sonoma  and  Napa 
valleys,  I  suppose  to  have  numbered  about  300  in 
1845,  though  the  only  definite  basis  of  estimate  is  the 
military  force.  The  presidial  company  in  1841-3, 
and  probably  down  to  the  time  of  its  disbandment  by 
Vallejo  in  1844,  had  between  40  and  50  men  under 
the  command  of  Lieut  Jose  Antonio  Pico;  and  there 
were  besides  nearly  60  men  fit  for  militia  duty,  to  say 

Ignacio  Pacheco  as supleute.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  ii.  23-4.  In- 
ventory of  Aug.  28th;  buildings  $3,435;  furniture  and  utensils  $39;  2  gardens 
with  22  fruit  trees  and  210  vines  $2,629;  land,  about  16  leagues,  $8,000;  live- 
stock, chiefly  at  Nicasio,  266  cattle,  593  horses,  310  sheep,  $3,051;  list  of 
church  utensils,  etc.,  no  value  given;  total  $17,230.  Signed  by  Pico,  Manso, 
and  Murphy.  Pico,  Pup.  Alls.,  MS.,  139-42.  Oct.,  the  juez  of  Sonoma  claims 
not  to  know  anything  about  Murphy's  authority,  but  says  that  men  at  S.  Raf. 
have  at  his  instigation  disobeyed  the  writer's  summons.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal. ,  ii. 
203.  Dec.  1st,  Guerrero  at  S.  F.,  recommends  Gregorio  Briones  and  Ignacio 
Pacheco  as  juez  and  suplente  for  1846.  Id.,  228.  Sale  ordered.  This  vol.,  iv., 
p.  549-52.  In  Marin  Co.  Hist.,  206,  we  read  that  Ignacio  Pacheco  and 
'Alferes  Damas'  (Diimaso  Rodriguez?)  were  1st  and  2d  alcaldes,  succeeded  by 
Wm  Reynolds  and  James  Black  in  1845  ! 

15  Inventory  in  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  123-6,  with  no  values  attached.  See 
this  vol.,  p.  549-51. 


678  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

nothing  of  an  incidental  mention  by  the  alcalde  of  100 
citizens  in  his  jurisdiction.16  Captain  Salvador  Va- 
llejo  was  commandant  of  the  post  and  no  civil  authori- 

16  Sonoma  affairs.  1841.  Capt.  Salv.  Vallejo,  comandante  of  the  post; 
Lieut.  Jos6  Antonio  Pico,  commanding  the  S.  F.  company;  Sergeant  Jose"  de 
los  Santos  Berreyesa,  39  men  rank  and  file  with  4  agregados  and  6  invalid  os; 
2d  alfe'rez  Pr.ido  Mesa  with  Sergeant  Nazario  Galindo,  and  9  men  absent  as  a 
garrison  at  S.  F,;  pay  roll  about  $11,000.  This  state  of  things  did  not  vary 
materially  in  1842-3.  Valfejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xxvii.  passim;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  B. 
M.,  MS.,  Ixxxv.  9;  Ixxxvi.  5-6.  For  the  next  two  years  there  are  no  original 
military  records.  Financial  items  of  1841.  June  8th.  Xbrego  at  Mont, 
sends  §2,849  for  the  comp. ,  $1 ,046  of  it  in  silver.  July  6th.  $1 ,928  more,  $221 
in  specie.  Sept.  23d.  Sends  $500  in  silver,  and  has  $1,200  more,  $900  for 
the  comp.,  $300  for  the  general's  salary.  Oct.  30th.  Has  $2,000  in  goods  for 
the  comp.,  $500  in  coin  has  been  paid  to  C6lis.  Oct.  6th.  Lieut.  Pico  has 
rec'd  $4,777  for  comp.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  160,  200,  288;  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Hen.,  MS.,  iii.  156;  Id.,B.  3/.,  Ixxxv.  5.  May.  7  guns  and  5  artillerymen. 
This  vol.,  p.  198.  Jan.  1st.  Gen.  Vallejo  to  minister  of  war,  has  supported 
the  garrison  at  an  expense  of  about  $1,000  per  month,  besides  mounting  7 
guns.  Desires  the  Soscol  rancho  for  the  support  of  the  company,  or  else  de- 
sires it  for  himself  on  acct  of  the  $4,000  due  him  for  salary  in  1824-37,  and  of 
$3,000  which  the  barracks  cost  him.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  10.  Jan.  llth. 
V.  claims  that  the  civil  jurisdiction  belongs  to  the  mil.  comandante.  Id. ,  33. 
Alcalde  of  S.  F.  reports  that  V.  objects  to  land  being  surveyed  by  civil  auth. 
of  S.  F.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  67-70.  July.  Threatened  trouble  with 
the  Sotoyomi  Ind.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  x.  230.  Visits  of  Mofras  and  of 
Wilkes'  officers.  This  vol.,  p.  245, 249-51.  Wilkes  writes:  'Zonoma  is  to  be 
the  capital  of  this  country  provided  the  general  has  power  and  lives  long 
enough  to  build  it  up.'  1842.  Visit  of  Sir  Geo.  Simpson  in  Jan.  Id. ,  218. 
Simpson  in  his  Narr.,  i.  308  et  seq.,  devotes  nearly  20  pages  to  an  interest- 
ingaccount  of  Sonoma  and  its  people  and  their  manners  and  customs.  Visit 
of  Com.  Jones  in  Dec.  This  vol.,  p.  314.  1843.  Visit  of  Dr  Sandels  in  Feb. 
or  March.  Id.,  346;  King's  Orphan,  6-8.  Like  Simpson,  he  gives  no  definite 
information,  though  both  narratives  would  be  interesting  did  space  permit 
their  reproduction.  June  18th.  A  meeting  held  to  devise  means  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  garrison,  Vallejo  presiding  and  Prudon,  sec.,  also  to  build  a  town 
hall,  jail,  and  cemetery.  31  persons  subscribed  $3,063,  besides  155  fan. 
grain,  20  cattle,  1,100  ft  boards,  12,700  adobes,  and  the  work  of  22  laborers. 
Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  412.  Vallejo  to  gov.  recommending  the  organization 
of  a  civil  govt  at  Sonoma,  and  suggesting  Victor  Prudon  for  sub-prefect.  Id., 
368.  In  the  same  vol.  there  are  many  items  of  routine  correspondence  for 
this  year  on  unimportant  matters.  Aug.  15th.  Vallejo  to  mil.  com.,  inclos- 
ing a  plan  of  the  town  (not  extant)  which  he  has  followed,  and  which  should 
still  be  followed  in  all  improvements.  He  says  that  his  commission  as  direc- 
tor of  colonization  has  now  expired.  Doc.  Hist.  Gal.,  MS.,  i.  430.  Oath  to 
the  new  Mex.  constitution  in  Dec.  This  vol.,  p.  359.  Ind.  campaign  at  Clear 
Lake.  Id.,  382-3.  Vallejo  vs  P.  Mercado  on  payment  of  tithes.  M.373.  Two 
alcaldes  to  be  chosen.  Id.,  359.  1844.  Jacob  P.  Leese,  1st  alcalde,  Caye- 
tano  Juarez  2d  alcalde.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xi.  11;  xvii.  78,  and  many  other 
references.  Militia  company  organized  under  Capt.  Salv.  Vallejo.  This  vol., 
p.  407.  List  of  59  citizens  liable  to  do  duty  in  the  militia,  12  being  foreign- 
ers and  6  Indians.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  55.  Vallejo  disbands  the  cavalry 
company  to  avoid  aiding  Micheltorena.  This  vol.,  p.  464-5.  Quarrels  be- 
tween Salv.  Vallejo  and  Dr  Bale,  also  Alcalde  Leese  and  Victor  Prudon. 
This  vol.,  p.  444-5.  Threats  of  attack  by  Sutter.  Id.,  482.  1845.  Leese 
and  Juarez  seen  to  have  acted  as  alcaldes,  or  at  least  there  were  no  others, 
until  June,  when  Jos6  de  la  Rosa  and  Marcos  Vaca  were  elected.  Dept.  St. 


ROSS  AND  NEW  HELVETIA.  679 

ty  was  recognized  down  to  the  end  of  1843,  from 
which  time  municipal  affairs  were  directed  by  two  al- 
caldes, Jacob  P.  Leese  and  Jose"  de  la  Rosa  holding 
successively  the  first  alcaldia.  There  is  nothing  in 
the  meager  record  of  military,  municipal,  or  other 
local  affairs  that  demands  more  extended  notice  than 
is  given  in  the  appended  index  and  summary.  At 
Ross  and  New  Helvetia  even  more  fully  than  at  So- 
noma, local  occurrences  have  been  noted  in  other  parts 
of  this  volume  in  connection  with  the  departure  of 
the  Russians,  the  various  enterprises  of  Captain  Sut- 
ter,  arid  the  arrival  of  different  immigrant  parties  over 
the  Sierra  and  from  Oregon;  yet  of  these  matters  an 
index  is  appended  with  some  supplemental  items.17 

Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  <k  J.,  MS.,  ii.  22-5,  98-9,  and  many  other  references.  It  ap- 
pears that  disorders  caused  by  Sutter's  operations  prevented  the  election  at 
the  proper  time,  and  in  March  Leese  urged  the  acceptance  of  his  own  and 
Juarez'  resignation.  He.  says  he  cannot  write  Spanish,  has  no  secretary  and 
no  funds.  Of  the  100  citizens  only  two,  Damaso  Rodriguez  and  Ignacio  (?) 
CarriJo,  were  fit  for  jueces.  The  municipal  debt  was  $279  in  July.  Oct.  23d, 
Alcalde  Rosa's  complaint  that  S.  Rafael  citizens  disregard  his  authority  at 
the  instigation  of  Tim.  Murphy.  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  ii.  203.  Sutter  claimed  to 
have  some  Sonoma  soldiers  in  his  army  during  the  Michettorena  campaign. 
This  vol.,  p.  486.  New  fears  of  Sutter.  /J.,516.  Raid  against  the  Ind.  Id., 
544.  Gen.  Castro's  visit  in  Nov.  and  treaty  with  the  immigrants.  Id.,  603, 
606-7. 

17  Ross  affairs.  On  sale  to  Sutter  and  departure  of  the  Russians,  see  this 
vol.,  p.  177-189.  Sutter's  agents  in  charge  of  the  property,  removed  to  N. 
Helvetia  so  far  as  practicable,  were  Robert  Ridley  and  John  Bid  well  in  1841- 
3,  and  later  Win  Benitz.  Visits  of  Wilkes'  and  Jones'  officers,  Mofras,  and 
Dr  Sandels  in  1841-2.  This  vol.,  p.  245,  253,  346;  Bidwell'a  Jour.,  and  Id., 
Cal.,  MS.  Stephen  Smith  established  himself  at  Bodega  in  1843,  building  a 
saw-mill  (see  his  life  in  Pioneer  Reg.  and  Index),  and  obtained  a  grant  of  the 
rancho  in  1844.  Adopting  a  friendly  policy,  he  seems  to  have  had  little  or 
no  trouble  with  the  Ind.  Torres,  Peripetias,  MS.,  89-90.  Smith  seems  to 
have  made  an  effort  to  introduce  the  name  of  New  Baltimore  for  his  Bodega 
settlement.  Larkin's  Notes,  MS.,  109.  Early  in  1845  Benitz  rented  Ross  or 
the  Mufliz  place,  from  Sutter,  and  with  Ernest  Rufus  as  partner  engaged  in 
raising  potatoes  for  the  S.  F.  market.  In  Aug.  he  complained  to  the  author- 
ities of  outrages  on  the  Ind.  in  his  vicinity  by  a  party  of  whites  under  An- 
tonio Castro  and  Rafael  Garcia.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Sen.,  MS.,  v.  383-94.  In 
Dec.  the  rancho  was  granted  to  Manuel  Torres,  whose  title  was  soon  pur- 
chased by  Benitz,  though  Sutter's  unfounded  claim  was  revived  later. 

New  Helvetia  affairs.  1841.  John  A.  Sutter  juez  de  paz,  or  encargado 
de  justicia,  of  the  Sac.  frontier  in  this  and  the  following  years.  Mont.  Arch., 
MS.,  x.  10;  Valleyo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  426;  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  iv.  5.  On  affairs 
at  Sutter's  fort  in  1841-2,  see  this  vol.,  p.  226-40;  and  also  on  visits  of 
Wilkes'  officers  and  Mofras.  Id.,  243-5,  250.  On  affairs  of  1842-3,  see  Id., 
345-7,  387-9;  also  for  descriptive  matter  on  the  region,  SidweU's  Jour.,  Yatea' 
Sac.  Vol.,  1842,  MS.,  and  King's  Orphan.  1843.  Arrival  of  the  Chiles- 
Walker  immigrant  party.  This  vol. ,  p.  394.  Hastings'  party  from  Oregon. 
Id.,  391.  1844.  Arrival  of  Fremont  and  of  the  Stevens  party.  Id.,  438-9,. 


680  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

Private  ranclios  in  the  Sacramento  Valley  and  in  all 
the  northern  frontier  have  been  named  in  this  chapter 
alphabetically,  and  also  classified  roughly  according 
to  the  count}7  lines  of  later  years;  something  of  their 
occupation  by  foreign  settlers  has  been  given  in  con- 
nection with  the  subject  of  immigration;  ana  more 
will  be  found  in  the  personal  items  of  my  Pioneer 
Register.  A  connected  view  of  the  progress  of  settle- 
ment, especially  of  those  ranchos  which  became  the 
sites  of  towns  in  later  times,  would  be  desirable,  but 
the  mass  of  details  required  to  give  such  a  sketch 
completeness  and  interest  can  best  be  presented  once 
for  all  in  the  next  volume. 

At  San  Jose  mission  Padre  Jos3  Maria  Gonzalez 
remained  in  charge  during  1841  and  part  of  1842. 
In  1842-5  Padre  Miguel  Muro  was  minister,  leaving 
California  probably  in  the  last  year;  while  Padre 
Quijas  also  officiated  in  1843-4,  and  Padre  Gutier- 
rez in  1845,  both  of  whom  seem  to  have  left  the 
country  about  this  time,  as  nothing  more  about  them 
appears  in  any  records  that  I  have  seen.18  Jose 

447".  Organization  of  a  militia  company  with  Sutter  as  captain,  Sinclair  and 
Rufus  lieutenants.  Id.,  407,  479.  Slitter's  efforts  in  behalf  of  Micheltoreua, 
and  arrest  of  Weber.  Id.,  479-85.  1845.  Great  floods  in  the  winter  of  1845- 
6.  Belden's  Hist.  St.,  MS.,  50-1,  and  many  other  references.  From  Sept.  a 
daily  record  of  events  at  the  fort,  arrivals  and  departures  of  employe's  and 
travellers,  etc.,  is  given  in  the  N.  Jfelcetia  Diary,  MS.  Bidweli's  narrow 
escape  from  discovering  gold.  BidwelFs  Gal.,  1841-8,  MS.,  221-5.  Return  of 
Sutter  and  his  army  from  the  south,  and  general  state  of  affairs  at  the  fort 
in  1845,  including  the  visit  of  Castro  and  Castillero,  and  Sutler's  efforts  to 
sell  the  establishment.  This  vol.  ,510,  537,  603,  007-16.  Killing  of  the  Walla 
Walla  chief.  Id.,  544-5.  Arrival  of  the  Swasey-Todd,  Sublette,  Grigsby-Ide, 
.Fr6mont,  and  Hastings  parties  of  immigrants  and  explorers.  Id.,  577-86. 

18  Miguel  Muro  was  a  Franciscian  of  the  Zacatecas  college,  who  had  been 
a  missionary  in  Texas,  subsequently  serving  as  master  of  novices,  at  the  col- 
lege in  1834-7,  and  coming  to  Cal.  apparently  in  1842  from  which  time  his 
name  appears  on  the  records  at  S.  Jose'  mission  until  May  1845,  and  at  S. 
Francisco  in  Juue-Oct.  of  the  same  year.  Retiring  to  his  college  ho  died  of 
cholera  about  1850.  Davis,  Glimpses,  MS.,  171-4,  says  he  knew  P.  Muro 
well,  that  he  was  a  man  of  most  exemplary  life,  and  that  he  made  known  to 
D.  in  1843  or  1844  the  existence  of  gold  in  the  Sac.  Valley,  as  learned  from 
neophytes  who  had  come  from  that  region.  This  was  confirmed  by  P.  Mer- 
cardo  of  Sta  Clara.  The  padres  made  D.  promise  secrecy,  and  he  never  told 
it  until  now!  I  have  several  letters  of  P.  Muro  on  routine  matters;  but  all 
I  know  of  his  life  before  coming  to  Cal.  and  after  his  departure  is  derived 
from  a  letter  of  Padre  Romo  of  Sta  Barbara  who  knew  him  at  the  college. 

JosiS  de  Jesus  Maria  Gutierrez  was  one  of  the  Zacatecan  friars  who  came 


SAN  JOSE  MISSION.  681 

Maria  Amador  as  administrator  was  succeeded  in 
April  1841,  by  Jose  Antonio  Estrada,  who  in  turn 
offered  his  resignation  in  October.  Perhaps  it  was 
not  accepted,  at  any  rate  I  find  no  mention  of  any 
successor  until  in  April  1843,  the  management  was 
restored  to  the  padres,  who  retained  it  throughout 
the  half  decade.19  Respecting  the  padres'  success  in 

with  Garcia  Diego  in  1833.  He  served  as  a  missionary  at  S.  Francisco  Solano 
in  1833-4,  at  S.  Francisco  in  1834-9,  at  S.  Antonio  in  1840-4,  and  at  S.  Jose" 
in  August  1845,  which  is  the  last  record  I  find  of  him. 

Jose  Lorenzo  Quijas  was  an  Indian  and  probably  a  native  of  Ecuador, 
who  was  a  muleteer  and  trader  before  becoming  a  friar  and  joining  the 
Zacaleeas  college.  He  came  with  Garcia  Diego  in  1833,  and  served  at  S. 
Francisco  in  18o3-4,  at  Solano  and  S.  Rafael  in  1834-43,  and  at  S.  Jose"  in 
1843-4.  He  was  a  large,  fine-looking  man,  of  more  than  ordinary  natural 
abilities  and  education;  kind-hearted  and  popular  when  sober;  but  from 
about  1836  he  gave  himself  up  to  strong  drink.  He  made  no  enemies  and  all 
speak  well  of  his  natural  qualities,  but  all  testify  to  his  drunkenness,  and 
fondness  for  dancing  and  debauchery.  Peirce,  Simpson,  Phelps,  and  other 
foreign  visitors  were  witnesses  of  his  drunken  pranks,  as  well  as  many  Cali- 
foruians.  Unfortunately  Quijas  and  two  or  three  other  black  sheep  of  the 
Zacatecan  flock  were  so  situated  as  to  come  much  in  contact  with  foreigners, 
and  this  fact  did  much  to  discredit  all  the  friars  in  the  opinion  of  the  immi- 
grants. Dr  Sandels  found  him  in  1843  a  reformed  man  at  S.  Jose,  and  the 
same  year  came  his  appointment  as  vice-president;  but  we  have  no  means  of 
knowing  how  long  his  reformation  lasted,  as  he  disappears  from  the  records 
in  April  1S44,  nothing  being  known  of  the  circumstances  of  his  departure. 
Charles  Brown  claimed  to  have  met  him  in  Mexico  in  1857,  when  he  was 
curate  at  Ometepec. 

19  S.  Jos6  Mission.  1841.  Jan.  19th,  crops  of  the  past  year  $888,  wine 
and  brandy  $650.  St.  Pap.  Miss.,  vii.  39.  Jan.  31st,  receipts  and  expend, 
since  Oct.  1840,  balance  against  the  estate  $400.  Id.,  40.  April  ISth,  estate 
turned  over  by  Amador  to  Estrada  by  inventory.  Id.,  39.  Amador,  Mem., 
MS.,  9-13,  who,  however,  makes  the  date  1842,  says  that  the  position  was 
taken  away  because  he  refrsed  to  obey  the  governor's  demand  for  §1,500  to 
pay  the  expenses  of  a  ball  at  Mont.  He  says  the  property  was  large  when 
he  gave  it  up,  but  that,  as  he  predicted,  in  two  years  there  was  nothing  left. 
Motras,  Exp!or.,  i.  420-1,  says  the  estate  all  went  to  enrich  the  Vallejo  family. 
Oct.  17,  1841,  Estrada  resigns.  Si.  Pap.  Miss.,  MS.,  x.  17.  Meeting  between 
gov.  and  gen.  at  the  mission.  This  vol.,  p.  203.  1843.  April  4th,  Manuel,  an 
Ind.,  complains  of  having  received  60  blows  for  nothing.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS., 
iv.  8.  April  16th,  swearing  allegiance  to  the  patroness  of  the  diocese.  Id., 
Patentes,  MS. ,  225-6.  March  2Uth,  gov.  orders  restoration  of  the  temporalities 
to  the  padre.  This  vol.,  p.  369.  Ind.  not  emancipated  and  living  at  the  pueblo 
must  present  themselves  at  once  to  the  person  in  charge  of  the  mission.  Id., 
371.  June,  trouble  between  P.  Muro  and  the  Vallejos  about  the  Suisunes 
belonging  to  the  mission,  who  were  apparently  permitted  at  last  to  return  to 
their  native  region.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  xi.  8;  S.  Jo$6  Arch.,  loose  pap.,  MS., 
45.  Visit  of  Dr  Saudels.  King's  Orphan,  22.  1844.  The  padres  in  charge; 
efforts  to  get  back  the  live-stock  due  the  mission  from  private  citizens; 
trouble  with  Vallejo.  This  vol.,  p.  422-3.  The  dues  were  from  M.  G.  Vallejo 
3,000  sheep,  Antonio  Buelna  since  1840,  150  heifers,  Mariano  Castro  since 
1840  110  heifers,  Juan  Alvires  200,  Rafael  Estrada  100,  Guillermo  Castro  200 
sheep,  Santiago  Estrada  100  heifers  and  10  bull  calves.  Arce,  Doc.,  MS.,  i. 
30.  Nov.  llth,  P.  Muro  to  S.  Jos6  alcalde,  wants  the  mission  handcuffs 


682  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

restoring  prosperity  we  have  no  definite  information: 
there  were  no  events  worthy  of  special  notice;  and 
even  the  final  inventory  made  in  1845  with  a  view 
to  renting  the  establishment  is  not  extant.  Mofras 
gives  the  ex-neophyte  population  as  400  in  1842,  and 
three  years  later  there  may  have  been  250  still  living 
at  or  near  the  mission. 

At  Santa  Clara  the  ministry  of  Padre  Mercado 
continued  till  1844,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  Padre 
Jose  Maria  Heal,  and  left  the  country  at  the  end  of 
the  year  or  beginning  of  the  next.20  The  adminis- 
tration of  Ignacio  Alviso,  or  of  Jose"  Pena  acting 
for  him,  continued  until  the  temporal  management 
was  restored  to  the  padres  in  1843.21  In  1845,  at  the 

returned.  S.  Jos^  Arch.,  MS.,  vL  4.  1845.  P.  Gutierrez  asks  to  be  relieved  of 
the  cares  of  the  temporalities.  Arch.  Arzob.,  MS.,  v.  pt  ii.  64-5.  Orders  for 
renting.  This  vol.,  p.  549-52. 

20  Jesus  Maria  Vasquez  del  Mercado  was  one  of  the  Zacatecau  friars  who 
came  with  Garcia  Diego  in  1833.  He  was  doubtless  a  Mexican,  but  of  hia 
early  life  nothing  is  on  record.  His  missionary  service  was  at  S.  Rafael  in 
1833-4,  at  S.  Antonio  and  Soledad  in  1834-9,  and  at  Sta  Clara  in  1839-44. 
At  each  of  these  missions  he  became  involved  in  difficulties  which  have  been 
fully  noticed  in  other  chapters.  Though  a  man  of  good  abilities  and  educa- 
tion, of  fine  presence  and  engaging  manners,  he  was  an  intriguer,  arbitrary  in 
his  acts,  and  always  ready  to  quarrel  with  any  one  who  would  not  accept  his 
views.  Especially  did  he  deem  it  his  mission  to  quarrel  with  the  secular  au- 
thorities, and  on  the  few  occasions  when  there  was  no  real  cause  of  complaint 
he  had  no  scruples  about  inventing  pretexts.  He  was  engaged  with  Angel 
Ramirez  in  political  plottings  against  Alvarado's  government;  and  though 
often  appearing  as  defender  of  the  Indians'  rights,  he  did  much  more  harm 
than  good  by  his  injudicious  acts.  He  is  represented  as  a  hard  drinker,  a 
gambler,  and  a  libertine — the  father  of  many  half-breed  children  at  each  of 
the  missions  where  he  served;  and  all  that  can  be  said  in  mitigation  of  this 
bad  reputation  is  that  much  of  the  testimony,  though  not  all,  comes  from 
men  who  were  not  friendly  to  the  padre,  being  directly  or  indirectly  parties 
to  some  of  his  many  controversies.  The  circumstances  of  his  departure  are 
not  very  clear,  but  it  would  seem  that  he  went  away  at  the  end  of  1844  in 
consequence  of  new  troubles  with  the  revolutionists,  possibly  not  sailing  until 
the  downfall  of  Micheltorena  was  known.  Feb.  24,  1844,  Alcalde  A.  M. 
Pico  reports  to  gov.  continued  charges  against  the  padre  of  illicit  use  of  mis- 
sion property,  insubordination,  and  calumny;  he  cites  Mercado  to  appear  and 
answer,  but  M.  refuses  to  recognize  and  will  reply  to  the  gov.  De.pt.  St.  Pap., 
v.  81,  84.  Jesus  Pico,  Acont.,  MS.,  57-8,  says  that  he  went  with  8  men  to 
Sta  Clara,  arrested  the  padre,  and  put  him  on  a  vessel  at  S.  F.,  which  carried 
him  to  Mont.  Thence  he  went  on  to  Mcx.,  after  writing  abusive  letters  to 
Alvarado  and  Castro.  Dec.  11,  1844.  What  appears  to  be  a  blotter  copy  of 
an  order  from  Jos6  Castro  at  S.  JostS,  that  P.  Mercado,  for  seditious  conduct, 
must  quit  the  northern  district  in  4  hours.  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xii.  117. 

21  Sta  Clara  mission.  1841.  Ignacio  Alviso  administrator.  Feb.,  visit 
of  Douglas,  to  whom  by  order  of  the  gov.  1,100  sheep  and  50  cattle  were 
delivered  for  the  H.  B.  Co.  This  vol..  p.  194,  212-14.  Wilkes'  visit  and  in- 
terview with  P.  Mercado.  Id.,  245;  U.  8.  Explor.  Ex.,  v.  218  et  seq.  July, 


SANTA  CLARA  AND  SAN  JOSE.  683 

investigation  for  final  renting,  there  were  130  ex- 
neophytes  left  in  the  community;  the  live-stock  had 
dwindled  to  430  cattle,  215  horses,  and  809  sheep; 
and  the  total  valuation  of  the  estate,  exclusive  of 
church  property,  was  less  than  $16,000. 

The  pueblo  of  San  Jose  with  the  ranches  of  its 
jurisdiction,  except  those  of  the  contra  costa,  prob- 
ably had  a  population  of  900  gente  de  razon  at  the 
end  of  the  half-decade.  Events  as  noted  elsewhere 
and  indexed  in  my  note22  have  no  importance  requiring 

controversy  between  Alviso  and  the  padre  about  amounts  due  the  latter. 
Half  of  the  weekly  slaughter  was  assigned  to  the  padre,  but  for  want  of  cat- 
tle there  was  often  no  weekly  slaughter,  and  there  were  many  debts.  Produce 
on  hand  was  assigned  for  building  purposes.  716  cattle  branded  before 
July  25th;  100  killed  for  Mercado's  benefit  in  Aug.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix. 
41-6;  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  v.  61.  Aug.  16th,  gov.  sells  Alviso  a  house  for  30 
heifers.  Alviso,  Doc.,  MS.,  2.  Aug.  19th,  Alviso  complains  that  the  padre 
refuses  to  say  prayers  early  enough  for  the  fishermen,  who  therefore  have  to 
go  without  prayers.  St.  Pap.,  Miss.,  MS.,  ix.  96-7.  Expenditures  for  the  year 
$1,892.  Id.,  vii.  25-28.  1842.  Alviso  administrator  and  juezde  paz,  though 
Antonio  Buelna  seems  to  have  been  juez  in  Jan.  Simpson,  Narr.,  i.  337, 
writes  of  Sta  Clara,  which  he  did  not  visit,  as  one  of  the  best  preserved  mis- 
sions, under  the  care  of  an  excellent  padre,  Gonzales  (?);  and  he  speaks  of  the 
Alamcda  as  a  tree-lined  bridge  of  earth  across  a  morass  of  5  miles  between 
the  mission  and  pueblo,  constructed  by  the  padres.  Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  320, 
gives  the  pop.  as  300.  Hall,  Hist.  S.  Jos6,  426-7,  says  the  mission  had  1,500 
cattle,  250  horses  and  mules,  and  3,000  sheep,  goats,  and  hogs.  1843. 
Alviso  administrator,  but  Jose"  Pena  acted  in  his  illness.  S.  Josi  Arch.,  MS., 
ii.  23;  loose  pap.  5.  Narciso  A.  Pena  juez  de  paz.  March  29th,  temporal 
management  restored  to  the  padres.  This  vol. ,  p.  369.  July  17th,  P.  Mer- 
cado  writes  a  sharp  letter  to  the  alcalde  of  S.  Jos<5  on  the  drinking  habits  of 
his  Ind.,  encouraged  by  the  grog-shops  in  town,  and  by  the  example  of  gente 
de  razon.  S.  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  10.  Nov.  8th,  mission  grazing  lands,  4£  by 
H  leagues.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iii.  10.  1844.  Padre  Josa  M. 
.Real  minister  from  Aug.  The  padres  in  charge;  efforts  to  collect  loaned  live- 
stock. This  vol.,  p.  422-3.  Wm  Gulnac,  or  JostS  Noriega  for  G.,  owed  200 
cows,  Juan  Prado  Mesa  50,  Pablo  Parra  29.  Arce,  Doc.,  MS.,  5.  On  Mcr- 
cado'a  final  troubles  see  preceding  note.  Bishop's  pastoral  visit.  This  vol.,  p. 
427.  Rebel  forces  at  Sta  Clara.  Id.,  463.  1845.  Eusebio  Galindo  juezde 
campo.  Aug.  19th,  original  inventory  signed  by  P.  Real  and  the  comisio- 
nados  Andres  Pico  and  Juan  Manso.  Credits,  14  persons,  $565;  buildings, 
furniture,  machinery,  etc.,  $3,140;  vineyard,  117x73  v.,  400  vines,  92  fruit- 
trees,  and  a  small  house,  $2,000;  huerta  200x208  v.,  1,200  trees,  250  vines, 
small  house,  in  bad  condition,  $4,000;  farming  implements,  $88;  live-stock, 
430  cattle,  215  horses,  809  sheep,  $3,377;  total,  $10,173;  debt,  7  persons, 
$719.  The  lands  are  held  by  the  Ind.  under  title  of  June  10,  1845  (?).  Pop. 
130.  Pico,  Pap.  Mis.,  MS.,  127-38.  Oct.  19th,  four  neophytes  ask  to  be 
freed,  and  the  prefect  grants  their  petition  if  they  are  under  no  personal  ob- 
ligation. Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  196.  Dec.  4th,  an  Ind.  who  was  freed  in 
1839,  but  lost  his  papers  and  was  forced  to  return  to  mission  service,  asks 
for  freedom  and  that  of  his  2  nephews;  granted.  Id.,  227.  Sta  Clara  recom- 
mended for  capital.  This  vol.,  p.  519.  Order  for  renting.  Id.,  549-52. 

"Pueblo  of  San  Jose".     Population  in  Aug,  1841.  S.  Jos6,  Padron  de  1S41, 


684  LOCAL  ANNALS  OP  THE  NORTH. 

more  than  the  briefest  mention;  except  that  San  Jose* 
was  the  headquarters  of  the  revolutionists  in  the  fa- 
mous campaign  of  Santa  Teresa,  and  that  the  Indian 

MS.,  936,  or  214  men  (including  13  foreigners),  248  women,  and  473  children. 
This  seems  to  include  no  Ind.,  but  does  include  the  residents  of  contra  costa. 
Simpson  says  there  were  700  inhabitants  in  the  town.  Narr. ,  i.  293.  Bclden, 
Hist.  St.,  MS.,  10,  says  300  to  400  people.  Mofras  puts  the  pop.  at  500 
whites  and  a  few  hundred  Ind.  Exjilor.,  i.  414.  Hall,  Hist.  S.  Jos6,  135-40, 
names  about  50  foreigners  who  came  to  the  valley  before  1845.  There  are  no 
original  statistics  in  1842-5. 

Summary  and  index  of  events.  1841.  Expeditions  against  Ind.  horse- 
thieves.  This  vol.,  p.  197.  Antonio  Sunol  loaned  §157  for  one  of  them  and 
had  some  difficulty  in  recovering  the  money.  8.  Jos6  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  45.  The 
Sta  Clara  Echo  in  1878  had  an  item  copied  in  several  other  papers  about  the 
1st  frame  building  in  town,  or  perhaps  in  Cal.,  built  by  Thomas  Boone 
(Bowen)  and  Pedro  Fernandez  for  Manuel  Frank  in  1841,  still  standing  on 
Alviso  St  in  1878.  Forbes  agent  of  H.  B.  Co.  This  vol.,  p.  217.  Arrival  and 
arrest  of  the  Bartleson  immigrant  party.  Id.,  274.  Murder  of  Anthony 
Campbell.  Id.,  280.  1842.  Indian  troubles.  Id.,  338.  The  warning  came 
from  contra  costa;  the  objects  of  the  plot  were  Jesus  Vallejo,  J.  A.  Estrada, 
and  Joaquin  Castro;  there  was  evidently  much  buncombe  in  the  testimony; 
and  there  was  also  a  conflict  between  military  and  civil  authority  in  the 
trials.  Visit  of  Dr  Sandels  mentioned.  Id.,  346.  1843.  Seizure  of  docu- 
ments supposed  to  reveal  a  political  plot.  Id.,  356.  1844.  Visit  of  the 
bishop.  Id.,  427.  Efforts  in  behalf  of  the  revolt  against  Micheltorena;  and 
campaign  of  Sta  Teresa.  /  /. ,  462,  466-70.  Castro  and  his  army  waiting  here. 
Id.,  471,  481.  1845.  Additional  preparations  at  S.  J.  as  headquarters 
against  the  gov.,  the  army  starts  for  the  south.  Id.,  4S5-9.  Call  for  a  meet- 
ing of  foreigners.  Id. ,  598-9. 

Sub-prefecture.  Antonio  Sufiol  appointed  sub-prefect  July  31,  1841. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.  Mont.,  MS.,  iv.  47;  Id.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  iv.  24.  Aug.  7th,  ap- 
pointment confirmed  by  gov.  Dept.  Rec.,  MS.,  xii.  16.  Aug.  9th,  prefect 
transcribes  gov.'s  order  to  take  charge.  S  Jose  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  21.  Aug. 
20th,  Suaol's  resignation  not  accepted,  and  he  is  allowed  a  secretary  at  $1  a 
day.  /d.,39.  Sept.  5th,  sworn  in  and  announces  the  fact  to  local  jueces.  Id., 
v.  33;  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  x.  12.  Dept.  St.  Pup.,  Ben.  G.  Ai  T.,  iv%56.  Sept.  21st, 
prefect  to  Suuol,  defining  the  limits  of  his  sub-prefecture  as  the  same  as  those 
of  the  juzgado,  viz.:  'desde  el  rancho  de  Don  Carlos  Castro  inclusive  hasta  el 
Estrecho  de  Carquines  y  por  de  S.  Francisco  hasta  el  arroyo  de  S.  Francis- 
quito.'  This  is  not  very  intelligible,  since  it  seems  to  exclude  the  peninsula 
of  S.  F.  St.  Pap.,  Sac.,  MS.,  x.  94.  In  Feb. -March  Dolores  Pacheco  acted 
as  sub-prefect  in  Suuol's  absence.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  37,  42;  Estudillo, 
Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  37;  Sta  Cruz,  Arch.,  MS.,  97.  There  are  dozens  of  routine 
doc.  for  1841-3,  showing  that  Sufijl  held  the  position,  but  nothing  in  the 
routine  of  business  that  requires  notice.  Jan.  17,  1844,  SuQol  turns  over  his 
officj  to  the  alcalde.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  Jose,  MS.,  v.  76. 

Municipal  affairs  and  officers.  1841.  Dolores  Pacheco  and  Tomas  Pacheco 
jueces  <le  paz  till  Oct.  Antonio  Buelna  and  Isidore  Guillen  from  Oct.;  sec. 
Jose"  Garcia  from  Nov.  at  §23;  jueces  de  campo  from  Nov.  Pedro  Chabolla, 
Joaquin  Iliguera,  Jesus  Bernal;  juez  of  contra  costa  Ignacio  Peraltatill  Oct., 
Guiilerino  Castro  from  Oct.  May  3d,  gov.  orders  prefect  to  fine  the  alcalde 
$23  for  failure  in  duty.  Dept.  liec.,  MS.,  xii.  9.  Aug.  20th,  prefect  fixes  the 
dividing  lino  between  S.  J.  and  S.  F.  at  S.  Francisquito  creek.  S.  J.  Arch., 
MS.,  loose  pap.  49.  Dec.  9Ji,  juez  beseeches  the  sub-prefect  to  intercede 
with  the  govt  for  funds,  especially  for  the  tithes  to  be  used  on  the  unfinished 

Sieblo  church.  Id.,  46.     1842.     Jueces  de  paz  Antonio  Buelna  and  Isidore 
uillen,  the  former  dying  in  Nov.;  sec.  Jose1  Ant.  Gajiola;  clerk  Jose"  Garcia; 


PUEBLO  DE  SAN  JOSE.  685 

horse-thieves  were  constantly  troublesome.  This 
town  continued  to  be  regarded  as  cabecera  of  the 
partido,  and  Antonio  Sunol,  appointed  sub-prefect  in 

jucz  de  policia  Mariano  Castro;  juez  de  contra  costa,  Guillermo  Castro. 
Jan.,  the  juez  and  sub-prefect  jointly  may  grant  permission  to  honorable  and 
laborious  citizens  to  cultivate  lands  in  the  suburbs,  and  any  soi-disant  owner 
is  to  be  told  that  by  neglect  he  loses  title;  but  it  must  be  understood  that 
the  new  occupants  get  no  title,  simply  the  right  of  use,  for  the  lands  belong 
to  the  town.  8.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  47.  Approval  of  a  clerk  at  $15  for  the 
juzgado  by  the  sub-prefect.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  S.  J.,  MS.,  vii.  4.  1843.  Jueces 
de  paz  Salvio  Pacheco  and  Antonio  M.  Pico,  appointed  by  prefect  in  Dec. 
1842,  and  in  office  apparently  Jan.  2d.  S.  Jos6,  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  31;  Dept.  St. 
Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J.,  MS.,  iv.  32;  Id.,  S.  Jose,  vii.  7-8.  But  on  March  17th 
Pacheco  is  ordered  by  the  sub-prefect  to  continue  as  juez  on  account  of  the 
death  of  the  one  elected  the  last  year,  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  7;  and  March 
30th-lst,  he  is  appointed  and  confirmed  as  juez  proprietario,  Dept.  St.  Pap., 
Mont.,  MS.,  vi.  51;  Dept.  Kec.,  MS.,  xiii.  47,  but  on  Aug.  29th  he  is  ordered 
to  take  charge,  as  there  is  no  juez  proprietario.  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  9.  Pico 
apparently  did  not  act  as  juez  suplente,  and  from  June  Isidoro  Guillen  ap- 
pears as  holding  the  place,  and  sometimes  acting  as  1st  juez,  sindico  Luis 
Chabolla;  sec.  Gaxiola,  and  after  Jan.  Tomas  Pacheco;  depoaitario  Dolores 
Pacheco;  jueces  de  barrio  or  de  policia,  Lorenzo  Pacheco,  Antonio  Chabolla, 
Jos6  M.  Flores;  jueces  de  campo  Joso  Ant.  Alviso  (or  Supiilveda),  Leandro 
Flores;  juez  from  S.  Francisquito  to  Sierra  Morena  Narciso  Ant.  Pefia;  juez 
de  contra  costa,  at  S.  Leandro,  Joaquin  Estudillo;  and  jueces  de  campo  ap- 

Eointed  by  him — Francisco  Moraga,  Victor  Castro,  Miguel  Mesa,  Bruno  Va- 
;ncia,  Desiderio  Briones,  Gabriel  Castro,  Valentm  Amador;  sindico  Vicente 
Martinez.  Jan.  8th,  the  juez  explains  the  duties  of  the  various  subordinate 
officials.  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS.,  vi.  1.  April  18th,  juez  to  gov.  explains  the 
difficulties  in  his  way  and  defects  of  the  system  and  its  application.  He  com- 
plains that  citizens  of  contra  costa  have  to  bring  their  claims,  complaints, 
and  prisoners  to  S.  Jose1;  that  the  scattering  of  population  in  the  ranchos, 
some  without  property  interests,  others  with  land  or  water  illegally  obtained, 
exposed  to  Ind.  etc.  prevents  all  progress;  that  the  foreign  traders  and  hunt- 
ers do  not  comply  with  the  laws;  that  the  freed  Ind.  should  be  compelled  to 
settle  somewhere  and  quit  their  roving  thieving  life;  that  legal  proceedings 
between  citizens  of  different  jurisdictions  are  complicated  and  oppressive;  that 
there  is  much  conflict  about  the  civil  and  military  authority,  especially  in  deal- 
ing with  Ind. ;  that  the  boundaries  of  S.  Jose"  district  are  not  properly  fixed; 
that  the  mail  service  is  badly  arranged,  etc.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  Ben.,  P.  &  J., 
MS.,  ii.  8-11.  May  3d,  Juez  Pacheco  ordered  to  Monterey  on  account  of 
some  malefeasance.  S.  J.  Arch. ,  MS. ,  ii.  7.  Receipts  for  1st  quarter  $85.  Id., 
loose  pap.  47.  Order  for  election  of  2  alcaldes.  This  vol.,  p.  359.  J.  F.  Bu- 
elna  elector.  Id.,  331.  1844.  Alcaldes  Antonio  Maria  Pico  and  Fi-lix  Buel- 
na;  sindico  JosS  Fernandez;  jueces  de  policfa  Mariano  Castro  and  Francisco 
Perez;  jueoes  de  campo  Pedro  Chabolla,  Juan  Bernal,  Vicente  Suarez;  guarda 
Julio  Valencia;  Guillermo  Castro  juez  auxiliar  of  Contra  Costa  de  la  Union. 
In  April  A.  M.  Pico  asks  to  be  relieved,  as  he  has  served  for  3  years  (?). 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  vi.  158.  Oct  16th,  gov.  grants  to  Pierre  Sainsevain  a 
site  and  privilege  for  a  flour  mill;  title  inalienable,  and  forfeited  if  the  mill  . 
does  not  work  well;  water  must  be  furnished  for  irrigation.  Doc.  Hist.  Col., 
MS.,  i.  499.  1845.  Jueces  de  paz  A.  M.  Pico  and  Felix  Buelna.  There 
seems  to  have  been  an  election  of  alcaldes — Dolores  Pacheco  and  Domingo 
Alviso— in  Dec.  1844,  but  they  did  not  serve,  the  prefecture  being  restored. 
Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  54.  In  May  1845  there  was  an  order  for  an  elec- 
tion of  jueces.  Dept.  Rcc.,  MS.,  xiv.  35;  juez  do  contra  costa  Guillermo 
Castro.  August,  trouble  about  the  election  for  the  partido.  The  electors  ob- 


688  LOCAL  ANNALS  OF  THE  NORTH. 

1841,  served  in  that  capacity  until  the  prefecture  was 
suppressed  at  the  beginning  of  1844.  On  its  restora- 
tion the  next  year,  San  Francisco  became  cabecera, 
much  to  the  disgust  of  the  politicians  of  San  Jose. 
Justices  of  the  peace  were  at  the  head  of  municipal 
affairs  except  in  1844,  when,  there  being  no  sub-pre- 
fect, alcaldes  ruled.  The  succession  of  local  chiefs 
was  as  follows:  Dolores  Pacheco  in  1841,  Antonio 
Buelna  and  Isidoro  Guillen  in  1841-2,  Salvio  Pacheco 
in  1843,  and  Antonio  Maria  Pico  in  1844-5.  The 

jected  to  meeting  at  Yerba  Buena,  ca  place  inhabited  by  Yankees.'  They 
went  there  once,  some  of  them  at  least,  but  the  northern  frontier  electors 
tailed  to  appear,  and  they  came  back  and  excused  themselves  from  repeating 
the  trip.  Doc.  Hist.  Cat.,  MS.,  ii.  70,  77,  132,  134-6;  S.  Jose,  Arch.,  MS., 
iii.  6.  Nov.  2d,  certificate  that  Gervasio  Soto  has  paid  his  fine  of  1,000  ft  of 
boards  for  the  juzgado.  Doc.  Hist.  Col.,  MS.,  ii.  208. 

Administra  ion  of  justice  and  criminal  record.  1841.  In  April  Anthony 
Campbell  was  killed  by  Ind.  at  Thos  Bowen's  place.  C.  and  John  Burton 
were  aroused  in  the  night  by  the  barking  of  dogs,  and  C.  going  out  to  quiet 
them  was  pierced  by  an  arrow  and  fell  dead.  It  was  believed  to  be  the  work 
of  Ind.  horse-thieves,  the  only  evidence  before  the  juez  being  the  statements 
of  Burton  aud  of  Gulnac  as  surgeon.  But  Ambrose  Tomlinson,  asserting  that 
the  murderers  were  Sta  Clara  Ind.  and  that  the  authorities  neglected  their 
duties,  wrote  to  the  com.  of  the  St.  Louis,  who  referred  the  matter  to  the 
govt.  After  investigation  the  prefect  decided  that  T.'s  charges  were  un- 
founded, and  made  in  bad  faith.  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  MS.,  xvii.  41;  Id.,  Ben.  P. 
y  J.,  iv.  27-8;  Id.,  Mont.,  iv.  53-5;  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  21,  23,  27.  In  July 
1842  Manuel  Gonzalez  was  executed  at  Monterey  for  the  murder  of  an  Eng- 
lishman called  Guillermo  Camilo(Wm  Campbell?).  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  10. 
Mofras,  Explor.,  i.  324,  mentions  the  two  murders  without  names,  and  says 
a  young  Mexican  was  imprisoned  at  Mont,  to  satisfy  the  foreigners,  but  was 
soon  released.  Nov.  14,  1841,  alcalde's  instructions  to  jueces  de  campo.  Es- 
tudillo,  Doc.,  MS.,  ii.  26.  1842.  June,  slight  conflict  between  mil.  authority 
as  represented  by  Com.  Jesus  Vallejo  and  Gen.  Vallejo,  and  the  civil  in  tho 
persons  of  prefect  and  sub-prefect,  about  the  trial  of  Ind.  prisoners.  S.  Jose 
Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  25;  Vallejo,  Doc.,  MS.,  xi.  229-30.  Aug. ,  sub-prefect's  orders 
against  gambling.  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  ii.  44.  1843.  April,  Joaquin  Castro 
claims  the  military  fuero  in  a  suit  brought  before  the  juez.  Id.,  8.  June  4th, 
police  regulations  issued  by  the  juez.  Id.,  vi.  8.  1845.  May,  trial  of  Mariano 
Duarte,  ex-alcalde  and  now  teacher,  for  debauchery  of  school-girls.  No  re- 
sults given.  Mont.  Arch.,  MS.,  v.  20-3. 

Military  items.  Capt.  Jesus  Vallejo  military  commandant  in  1841-2. 
Sept.  1841,  juez  de  paz  speaks  of  10  'vecinos  auxiliares'  to  whom  payment  is 
due.  Money  had  been  advanced  by  himself  and  by  the  sub-prefect  for  an 
Ind.  expedition.  S.  J.  Arch.,  MS.,  iii.  42-4.  Dec.  23,  1842,  prefect  says  the 
.  gov.  has  ordered  the  organization  of  an  auxiliary  comp.,  Angel  Castro  being 
appointed  com.  of  the  plaza  for  recruiting  purposes.  Id.,  ii.  22.  March  16, 
1843,  sub-prefect  to  juez,  20  young  men  called  for;  he  is  to  send  a  list  of  those 
whose  immorality  and  other  qualities  fit  them  to  be  soldiers  without  preju- 
dice to  their  families.  Id.,  vi.  36.  June,  petition  of  citizens  for  a  permanent 
foice.  This  vol.,  p.  362.  1844.  Company  of  -defensores  ordered  to  be  organ- 
ized under  Capt.  A.  M.  Pico.  Id.,  407.  I  have  found  no  list  either  of  those 
liable  for  military  duty  or  of  members  of  the  company. 


CRIMINAL  AND  MILITARY.  687 

juez  auxiliar  of  the  contra  costa  was  in  a  sense  sub- 
ordinate to  the  municipal  chief  of  the  pueblo.  The 
criminal  record  includes  the  murder  of  a  foreigner, 
and  a  feeble  attempt  to  utilize  the  occurrence  in  stir- 
ring up  an  international  dispute.  Military  annals 
are  restricted  to  the  frequent  complaints  of  inadequate 
protection  against  roving  horse-thieves,  the  services 
of  San  Jose  patriots,  native  and  foreign,  against  Mi- 
cheltorena,  and  the  final  organization  of  a  company  of 
defensores  de  la  patria.  Private  ranches  have  been 
named  elsewhere  in  this  chapter. 


PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 
1542-1848. 

CONTINUED  ALPHABETICALLY  FROM  -VOLUME  III. 

Ibaiiez  (Florencio),  1801,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Antonio  and  Sole- 
dad,  dying  in  '18.  liiog.  ii.  385-6;  ment.  152,  159,  205,  230,  394,  427.  I. 
(Dofla  Maria),  mentioned  at  S.  Diego  '21  and  '46.  ii.  546;  v.  329.  I.  (Se- 
bastian), Mex.  at  Mont.  '48. 

Ibarra  (Agustin),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  I.  (Andre's),  at  Los  Ang.  '19.  ii.  357; 
took  part  in  revol.  of  '31.  iii.  201;  juez  de  campo  at  S.  Diego  '36.  iii.  615-16; 
kept  a  dram-shop  '41.  iv.  619;  grantee  of  Encinitos  '42.  iv.  620.  I.  (An- 
tonio), at  Los  Ang.  '19,  taking  part  in  revol.  of  '31.  ii.  357;  iii.  201;  at  Sta 
Gertrudis  raucho  '39,  age  37.  I.  (Calixto),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  I.  (Desi- 
derio),  settler  at  Los.  Ang.  '14,  and  regidor  in  '26-8.  ii.  349,  500;  still  there 
in  '48.  I.  (Francisco),  sirviente  at  Sta  Clara  1776.  i.  306.  I.  (Francisco 
Gonzalez  de),  1820,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Fernando  and  S.  Luis  Rey, 
dying  in  '42.  Biog.  iv.  622-3;  ment.  ii.  357,  394,  436,  569-70,  580;  iii.  20-1, 
96,  205,  353,  622-4,  641,  646-7.  I.  (Gabriel),  at  Los  Coyotes  rancho,  Los 
Aug.  '39,  age  35.  I.  (Geronimo),  at  Los  Ang.  '46,  wounded  at  the  Cbino 
fight,  v.  314. 

Ibarra  (Gil),  sindico  of  Los  Ang.  '31.  iii.  634.  He  was  born  at  S.  Diego  in 
1784.  In  '36-7  he  was  alcalde  of  Los  Ang.,  and  was  prominent  as  a  partisan  of 
the  south  against  Alvarado's  govt  in  '37-8,  being  more  than  once  arrested  by  the 
nortefios.  iii,  485,  509,  518,  548,  555,  558,  565-6,  636;  grantee  of  Rincon  de  la 
Brea  in  '41.  iv.  635;  and  still  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  I.  (Isidro),  said  to  have 
been  the  man  who  killed  Avila  in  the  battle  of  '31.  iii.  208;  at  S.  Luis  Ob. 
from  '33.  iii.  682.  I.  (Jose-  M.),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 

Ibarra  (Juan  Maria),  1819,  Mex.  lieutof  the  escuadron  de  Mazatlan.  ii.  254; 
3tationed  at  S.  Diego  '21-30,  taking  part  in  Ind.  exped.  and  other  affairs,  ii. 
534-6,  543,  549,  675;  iii.  88,  109;  in  *30-1  memb.  of  the  junta  to  try  P.  Mar- 
tinez, fiscal  in  the  trial  of  Atanasio,  and  defender  of  Alcalde  Duarte.  iii.  99, 
190,  195.  In  '32  he  was  a  prominent  supporter  of  Zamorano,  being  sent  south 
in  command  of  the  northern  forces,  iii.  222-7;  and  in  '33-6  was  comandante 
at  Sta  B.  iii.  650-1;  but  was  unwilling  to  submit  to  the  new  govt,  and  left 
Cal.  in  '36.  He  is  described  as  a  rough,  coarse  man  of  very  dark  complexion, 
but  energetic  and  brave.  He  had  a  wife  in  Sinaloa.  I.  (Leonardo,  Luis,  and 
Pedro),  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  I.  (Rafael),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46,  age  48.  I.  (Ra- 
mon L. ),  juez  de  campo  at  Los  Ang.  '40,  "42-4.  iii.  637;  iv.  632-3;  still  at  Los 
Ang.  '46-8.  I.  (Severiano),  at  Los  Ang.  '39-48.  Ibera  (Nicolas),  1779, 
chaplain  of  the  Santiago,  i.  328.  Idahl  (Christopher),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S. 
artiil.  (v.  518). 

Ide.(Wm  Brown),  1845,  nat.  of  Mass,  of  pilgrim  ancestry,  b.  in  1786, 
who  worked  as  a  carpenter  in  Vt  and  N.  H.  to  '33,  and  in  '34-44  as  carpenter, 
farmer,  and  sometimes  teacher,  in  Ohio  and  111.  In  '45  he  came  overland  in 
the  Grigsby-Ide  party  with  his  wife  (Susan  G.  Haskell,  married  in  '20),  4  sons, 
and  a  daughter,  iv.  578-81,  587.  He  encamped  for  the  winter  on  Thomes' 
rancho,  and  in  the  spring  of  '4l>  moved  into  a  cabin  on  Belden's  rancho,  Te- 
hama  Co.,  owned  by  Ide  later.  In  June  '46  he  joined  the  Bear  party,  being 
apparently  one  of  the  few  settlers  who  acted  in  good  faith  and  was  induced 
to  believe  the  false  reports  that  the  Americans  were  in  danger.  After  the  oc- 
cupation of  Sonora  and  the  departure  of  Capt.  Grigsby,  Ide  was  chosen  com- 
mandant of  the  Bears,  and  held  that  position  until  the  reorganization  of  the 


IDE— INGERSOLL.  689 

forces  under  Fremont  in  July,  just  before  the  cause  was  merged  in  that  of  the 
U.  S.  For  his  acts  in  this  capacity,  including  much  that  throws  light  on  the 
peculiar  character  of  the  man,  see  v.  78-100,  104,  110,  115-19,  145-69,  175, 
179-84,  231;  or,  better  still,  all  the  chapters  relating  to  the  Bear  movement. 
Ide  soon  came  to  regard  himself  as  leader  in  a  grand  revolutionary  movement, 
as  the  conqueror  of  Cal. ;  his  men  regarded  him  simply  as  temporary  com- 
mandant at  Sonora,  chosen  to  that  position  for  his  zeal  in  the  cause  and  some 
educational  advantages,  and  they  were  willing  to  indulge  him  in  harmless 
eccentricities,  paying  but  slight  attention  to  his  grandiloquent  proclamations, 
or  to  his  peculiar  views  of  himself  and  the  republic  he  thought  he  had 
founded.  The  assumption  of  the  command  by  Fremont  was  regarded  by  Ide 
as  a  grievous  wrong  to  himself;  but  his  views  and  writings  on  this  subject — re- 
specting which  his  idiosyncrasy  came  very  near  to  insanity — are  fully  presented 
elsewhere.  After  the  change  he  served  as  a  private  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  during 
the  first  expedition  to  the  south,  but  returned  to  Sonoma  in  Sept.  v.  298;  and 
to  the  Sac.  Valley  in  Nov.  In  April  '47  he  was  at  Sonoma,  taking  part  in  a 
public  meeting  in  behalf  of  Alcalde  Nash.  v.  609;  on  June  7th  he  was  ap- 
pointed by  Gov.  Mason  surveyor  for  the  northern  department;  on  the  17th  he 
married  a  couple  at  Cache  Or. ;  in  July  was  referee  in  a  slander  case  at  So- 
noma; and  in  '48  was  at  Mont.  In  '48-9  he  had  some  experience  in  the  mines, 
but  the  home  of  his  family  in  these  and  later  years  was  on  the  rancho  Bar- 
ranca Coloracla,  bought  of  Belden,  near  Red  Bluff,  claimed  by  him  in  '52.  iv. 
670;  and  confirmed  to  his  heirs  in  Y>5.  In  '51-2  he  seems  to  have  held  pretty 
nearly  all  the  county  offices  in  Colusa  at  the  same  time,  the  highest  being 
that  of  county  judge,  and  the  seat  of  his  govt  being  at  Monroe's  rancho, 
where  he  died  in  Dec.  '52.  He  retained  to  the  end  his  fondness  for  long  re- 
ports and  for  political  theorizing,  but  with  all  his  eccentricity  he  was  always  a 
most  worthy  and  honest  man,  and  had  somewhat  remarkable  tact  and  exec- 
utive ability  in  several  directions.  The  Biographic  Sketrh  published  in  '80  by 
his  brother  is  noticed  in  v.  188-9.  It  is  stated  by  several  writers,  including 
Belden  and  Baldridge,  that  Ide  was  a  Mormon,  but  I  have  found  no  positive 
evidence  on  the  subject.  Mrs  I.  died  a  few  years  before  her  husband.  Infor- 
mation about  the  children  is  meagre.  The  oldest  son,  James  M.,  lived  long 
iu  Colusa  and  Tehama  counties,  then  went  to  Utah,  where  he  died  in  '78. 
Wm  H.  worked  for  Sutter  a  while  in  '45,  then  went  south  to  the  Sta  Cruz 
region,  and  is  said  to  have  been  held  a  prisoner  by  Castro  for  a  while  in  '46. 
Daniel  and  Lemuel,  small  children  in  '45,  lived  with  the  family  in  Tehama, 
and  1  think  one  of  them  still  survived  in  '85.  The  daughter,  Sarah  E. ,  be- 
came Mrs  Healy,  and  lived  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '80,  when  she  contributed  her 
recollections  of  the  overland  trip,  with  other  material,  for  the  Biorj.  Sketch. 
There  were  4  other  children,  but  of  the  9  only  2  survived  in  '80. 

Idirbe  (Basilio),  1834,  mr  of  the  Unip.  iii.  384.  Igadera  (Jos<§),  1798, 
convict  settler,  i.  606.  Iglesias  (Jos6  M.),  1825,  Span,  from  the  Aqnila;; 
named  in  list  sent  to  Mex.  '28,  and  passport  ordered  in  '30.  iii.  51-2;  in  '32 
joined  the  comp.  extranjcra  at  Mont.  iii.  221.  Ihre  (Gco.),  1847,  Co.  B, 
N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Iliasovich  (Livovich),  1831-3,  mr  of  the  Baikal,  doubtful 
name.  iii.  381.  Ulyn,  1806,  pilot  with  Rezanof  from  Sitka.  ii.  70.  Illig, 
see  'Ellick.'  Imman,  1848,  at  N.Helv.  Imparan  (Jose),  1779,  coin,  of  the 
1st  galleon  that  touched  at  Mont.  i.  330.  % 

Imus- (Chas),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.  who  came  overland  from  111.,  being  capt. 
of  a  party,  and  accompanied  by  his  nephew,  Chas  A.  Imus.  v.  529.  Both  are 
said  to  have  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  and  later  were  stock-raisers  OB 
the  S.  Joaquin.  Their  parents  came  to  Cal.  in  '50.  The  capt.  died  at  Sta 
Cruz  in  '50,  and  the  nephew  was  perhaps  still  living  in  '77.  Inciarte  (Juan), 
1791,  piloto  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Indart,  1845,  mr  of  a  vessel.  In- 
estrumo',  1826;  mr  of  the  Argosy,  iii.  146.  Ingals  (Dav.),  1845,  doubtful 
name  of  an  overl.  immig.  iv.  578.  Ingalls  (Rufus),  1848,  nat.  of  Me,  lieut 
1st  U.S.  dragoons,  came  on  the  Huntress  to  act  as  asst  Q.M. ;  in  N.Y.  '81  at 
a  pioneer  reunion.  Ingersoll  (Chester),  1847,  overl.  immig.  from  111.,  who 
bought  land  at  Napa  in  Dec.  In  '48  he  is  said  to  have  sent  instructions  east 
HIST.  CAI..,  VOL.  IV.  44 


690  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

to  sell  his  property,  purchase  500  bbls  of  dried  apples,  and  distribute  the  bal- 
ance among  relatives,  as  he  had  made  a  fortune  in  Cal.  He  died  in  S.F.  '49, 
leaving  a  family.  Icitia  (C. ),  doubtful  name  of  grantee  of  Olompali  '43.  iv. 
672.  Inwood  (Ceo.),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Inigo  (Lope),  grantee 
of  Posolomi  and  Pozito,  Sta  Clara,  '44.  iv.  672.  Ifligues  (Juan),  1796,  sergt 
Catalan  volunteers,  i.  540.  Iquina,  1793,  Nootka  Ind.  baptized  at  Mont. 
i.  498. 

Ira,  or  Irea  (Cyrus),  1S46,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546;  left  the  church, 
and  was  living  in  the  eastern  states  '84.  Irante  (Antonio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 
Iribh,  1S46,  said  to  have  been  in  the  Pt  Reyes  region.  Irvin  (John),  1840, 
one  of  the  exiles  to  S.  Bias.  iv.  18.  Irwin  (Edward),  1847,  sergt  Co.  A,  N. 
Y.Vol.  v.  503;  in  the  mines  '48-50;  then — after  a  year  or- two  in  Nicaragua 
— a  resident  of  Sierra  Co.,  where  he  was  sheriff  '55-9;  lived  3  years  in  Napa 
and  went  to  Nev.  in  '63,  serving  as  sheriff  and  U.S.  marshal  in  Nye  and 
White  Pine  counties.  In  '70  he  returned  to  Cal.  and  settled  in  Lake  Co., 
where  he  still  lived  at  Middleton  in  '83.  I.  (Wm),  1847,  doubtful  memb.  of 
N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F. '74.  Irwood  (Henry),  1848,  at  Benicia.  Yuba 
Co,  Hint. 

Isbcl  (James  C.),  1846,  physician  from  Ohio,  overl.  iininig.  accomp.  by  his 
wife.  v.  529;  settled  in  S.  Joaquin  '47,  where  he  is  mentioned  in  connection 
with  various  mining  operations  in  '48.  His  wife,  Olive  M.,  taught  the  1st 
English  school  in  Sta  Clara — .peesfbly  in  Cal. — in  the  spring  of  '47,  while  the 
iminig.  families  were  gathered  there  awaiting  the  close  of  the  war.  Both  the 
doctor  and  his  wife  were  living  in  Ventura  Co.  as  late  as  '79,  the  former  dis- 
abled and  the  latter  still  a  teacher.  The  name  is  also  written  IsLell  and 
Isabell.  Isidoro,  Ind.  said  to  have  been  killed  at  Olompali  '46.  v.  1(56.  Isi- 
dro,  Ind.  mentioned  at  Soledad  '26.  ii.  G23.  Islas  (Santiago),  Mex.  alferez 
commanding  guard  at  the  Colorado  pueblos  1780^-1;  killed  by  Ind.  i.  359-03. 

Iturrate  (Domingo  Santiago),  1800,  Span,  friar,  who  served  at  S.  Juan  B. 
until  his  departure  from  Cal.  in  1S09.  Biog.  ii.  154;  ment.  i.  577;  ii.  100, 
159-60.  Iven  (Alfred),  1847.  Co.  D,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  Acapulco 
'49.  Ives,  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  with  family;  prob.  error  for  'Ide.'  Ivie 
(Thomas  C.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  farmer  at  Scipo,  Utah, '82. 
Ivy  (Richard  A.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  farmer  in  Utah  '81. 

Jackson,  1845,  at  N.Helv.,  prob.  an  overl.  immig.  iv.  578,  587;  said  to 
have  come  to  Napa  with  N.  Coombs  in  '45,  and  to  be  living  at  Oakland  '78. 
J.  (Mrs),  1846,  Mormon  woman  on  the  Brooklyn  (v.  544),  wife  of  Col  J. 
Tuliidge.  J.  (A.),  1848,  steward  on  the  Elizabeth;  later  in  the  City  Hotel  at 
Mont.  J.  (B),  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the  Safjadahoc.  J.  (Dav.  E.),  1831,  of 
the  Rocky  Mt.  Fur  Co.,  formerly  partner  of  Jed.  Smith  and  Sublette;  came 
from  N.  Mex.  in  com.  of  a  trading  party,  iii.  387,  613;  iv.  264.  J.  (Geo.), 
1847,  sergt  Co.  G,  N. Y.Vol.  v.  504.  J.  (Henry  W.),  1847,  musician  Co. 
D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  J.  (James),  1845,  passport  from  Los  Ang.  to 
Souora.  J.  (James M.),  1846,  coxswain  of  Dale's  launch,  clisch.  at  S.F.  '49; 
later  mr  of  a  vessel,  and  in  the  war  of  '61-5  ensign  on  the  Comanche;  at  S.F. 
'84.  Lancey.  J.  (Joseph),  1827,  Irish  shoemaker  in  Mont.  dist.  '29,  age  27. 
iii.  176.  J.  (Joseph),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  J.  (Sam.),  1847,  asst  surg. 
on  the  U.S.  Independence.  J.  (Wm),  1848,  in  S.F.  list  of  letters. 

Jacob  (Richard  Taylor),  1846,  Kentuckian  who  accomp.  Bryant  on  the 
overland  trip,  and  was  capt.  of  Co.  II,  Cal.  Bat.  in  the  campaign  of  '46-7, 
returning  cast  probably  by  way  of  PanamA  with  Lieut  Emory,  and  being  in 
Wash,  at  the  time  of  Fremont's  court-martial,  v.  359,  361,  454,  528.  He  later 
married  a  daughter  of  Tlios  H.  Benton;  was  col  of  the  9th  Ky  cavalry  in  the 
war  of  '61-5;  and  became  lieut-gov.  of  Ky.  Jacobs  (Sanford),  1847,  Co.  D, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  employed  by  Brannan  as  mail-carrier  in  '48.  Jdcobson 
(Andr6s),  1848,  at  S.F.  from  Valparaiso. 

James,  1846,  boy  on  the  Savannah,  said  to  be  at  Oakland  in  '76.  Alia. 
Jaime  (Antonio),  1795,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly  at  Soledad,  and  di«d 
at  Sta  B.  in  '29.  Biog.  ii.  576-8;  ment.  i.  500,  576,  686;  ii.  152,  159,  385,  394, 


JAIME— JENNISON.  601 

491,  530,  622,  655;  iii.  96-7.  Jalapa  (Fran.),  so\dier  of  S.F.  comp.  '39-42; 
at  Sonoma  '44,  age  25.  J.,  1848,  one  of  the  Weber's  prospectors,  for  whom 
Jamestown  was  named.  J.  (Antonio),  1847,  lumberman  in  S.F.  disc.  J. 
(Noah),  1846,  memb.  of  the  Donner  party  from  111.,  believed  to  be  still  living 
in  '80.  v.  530,534.  J.  (Zacarias),  1832,  debtor  of  P.urisima  mission.  Jameson 
(F.  A.),  J848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Jamieson  (Geo.  Win),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499). 

Jan  (Barnaby),  1798,  Boston  sailor  at  S.  Diego,  i.  545,  654.  Janes  (Aldcn 
W.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Kenton,  Ohio, '83;  present  at  a 
review  of  survivors  in  N.Y.  '84.  Janion  (R.  C.),  1847,  Engl.  trader  who 
came  frum  Hon.  on  the  Laura  Ann;  member  of  the  S.F.  firm  of  Starkey,  J., 
&  Co.  in  '47-9,  making  several  trips  to  the  islands;  died  in  England  some 
years  later.  Jansen  (Cornelio),  see  'Johnson.' 

Janssens  (Victor  Eugene  Auguste),  1834,  Belgian  who  came  from  Mex.  in 
the  II.  &  P.  colony  at  the  age  of  17.  iii.  263,  412.  After  the  colony  was 
broken  up  he  worked  at  the  Corralitos  rancho  with  the  Coronel  family  in 
'35-6.  Later,  in  'SG,  he  kept  a  shop  at  Mont,  with  Ayala,  but  on  the  down- 
fall of  Gov.  Gutierrez  lie  wished  to  return  to  Mex.,  where  his  mother  still  lived, 
and  failing  in  this  he  went  south,  and  in  '37-8  took  part  in  many  of  the  Aba- 
jefios'  operations  against  Alvarado,  besides  serving  against  the  Lid.  on  the  S. 
•  Diego  frontier,  iii.  504,  51G-20,  558.  Later  he  had  an  orchard  and  worked  as 
a  distiller  at  Los  Ang. ;  and  in  '40-2  he  lived  at  S.  Juan  Cap.,  acting  as  ma- 
jordomoand  juez.  iii.  627-8;  iv.  624-7;  naturalized  in  '41,  and  in '42  married 
Maria  Antonia,  daughter  of  Vicente  Pico.  Subsequently  he  was  agent  for 
Aguirra  and  partner  of  Lataillade  at  Sta  B.,  obtaining  the  rancho  of  Lomas 
do  la  Purficacion  in  '44.  iv.  642;  and  perhaps  elected  alcalde  for  '45,  but  r.ot 
serving,  iv.  491,  672.  In  '40  he  was  justice  of  the  peace  at  Sta  In<js,  ami 
under  the  Floras  govt  was  mil.  com.  of  that  region,  v.  320,  635.  He  was  again 
juez  in  '48-9,  and  lived  on  his  rancho,  confirmed  to  him  by  the  courts,  till 
about  '5(5,  going  to  the  mines  in  '48  for  a  time,  but  later  residing  at  Sta  13., 
where  at  various  times  in  '61-8  he  served  as  county  assessor,  postmaster, 
trustee,  and  deputy  collector  and  sheriff.  In  '78,  residing  at  Sta  13.,  he  dic- 
tated to  me  his  Vida  y  Advcntitras,  an  excellent  narrative  of  colony  affairs 
and  of  later  Cal.  events;  and  also  permitted  me  to  copy  his  col.  of  Doc.  Hist. 
Cal.,  containing  several  important  records.  He  was  an  intelligent  man  of 
good  repute,  a  widower  with  two  sons  and  a  daughter.  I  think  he  is  still 
living  in  '85.  Janston,  1846,  mid.  U.  S.  N.  at  Mont,  with  Baldwin  iii  com. 
of  guard.  Lanccy.  Jantzen  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  liv- 
at  S.  F.  '74-83.  Jaramillo  (Juan  Jose),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age  30.  Jarvis 
(James  J.),  1847,  at  S.  Diego  and  Mont.  '47-8,  representing  Everett  of  Hon. 
Jatiiiil,  Ind.  chief  on  the  S.  Diego  frontier,  a  faithful  ally  of  the  whites. 

Jauffrey  (Agustin),  maj.  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  Jaume  (Luis).  1771,  Span. 
friar,  who  served  as  missionary  at  S.  Diego  until  killed  by  the  Ind.  on  Nov. 
5,  1775.  i.  173,  176,  195,  229,  250-2,  255,  455,  654,  657;  ii.  100-7.  Javier 
(Fran.),  Ind.  chief  on  the  Colorado  1781.  i.  361.  Jaw,  or  Jay,  at  N.  Helv. 
'47-8;  doubtful  name  of  a  N.  Y.  vol.  Jaynith  (Ed.),  1847,  doubtful  name 
of  a  Benicia  settler. 

Jefferson  (Geo.),  1843-4,  at  S.  F.  in  trouble  about  debts,  etc.;  prob.  a 
sailor.  Jeffray  (Win),  1848,  memb.  01  Soc.  Cal.  Pioneers;  in  S".  F.  '81-3. 
Jcgge  (Jacob),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Jclvero  (Fran.), 
1825,  Span,  who  came  on  the  Aquiles;  at  Sta  B.  '36,  age  36,  with  wife  and  5 
children.  Jena(N.),  1810,  mr  of  the  Angelina,  iv.  101.  Jsuluns,  named 
by  the  Los  Ang.  vigilantes  in  '36  as  having  been  killed,  perhaps  some  yearn 
earlier,  iii.  419.  J.,  1848,  of  J.  &  Hardy,  at  Mont.  (?)  J.  (A.  and  II.), 
1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  J.  (Jackson  W.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  apparently 
frith  Aram.  J.  (John  W.)  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  perhapa  same  as 

g-eceding.      J.  (Wm  K.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).      Jcuks  (Chaa 
.),  1845,  Amer.,  at  Mont.      Jennings,  1848,  in  the  mines,  from  Or.,  later 
asst  Q.  M.  Gen. ;  in  real  estate  business  at  Sac. ,  but  returned  to  Or.      J. 
(John),  1815,  rar  of  the  Columbia.  iL  273-4.      Jennison  (Dan.),  182;!,  at  SU 
B.  ii.  495. 


692  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Jesse  (Archer  C.,  or  Archibald  C.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  who  settled  in 
Napa  Val.,  served  as  lieut  of  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  361,  529;  and  had  a  Cal.  claim 
of  &  13.50  (v.  402).  I  have  no  later  information  about  him.  Jesus  (Felipe 
dc),  at  Soledad  '28.  ii.  023.  J.  (Jose),  Ind.  chief  of  S.  Joaq.,  aiding  the 
whites  '43-8.  v.  360,  662.  J.  (Jose"  Ant.),  Mex.  convict,  set  free  in '33. 
J .  (Sciaiin),  grantee  of  lot  at  S.  Gabriel  '43.  iv.  637.  Jeupas,  1847,  mr  of 
the  Keone  Ana.  v.  579.  Jewell  (Ben.),  1848,  in  Son.  Co.;  prob.  'Dewell,' 
q.  v.  Jcwett  (Enoch  P.),  1847,  from  Hon.  oa  the  Eveline;  owner  of  S.  F. 
l_>t.  v.  680.  J.  (Geo.),  1836,  Amer.  who  lauded  from  a  whaler  at  Sta  B., 
age  21.  J.  (Thomas),  1836,  Amer.  cooper,  age  28,  who  came  with  Geo.,  and 
\vas  perhaps  his  brother,  iv.  118;  in  Larkin's  employ  at  Mont.  '40.  Jira 
('Kanaka,'  or  '  Yankee'),  in  charge  of  Hock  for  Sutter  '46.. 

Jimenez,  1791-1800,  chaplain  on  one  of  the  S.  Bias  transports.  J.  (An- 
tonio M.)t  Mex.  priest  at  S.  Gabriel  and  curate  of  Los  Ang.  from  '44.  iv.  422, 
G.'U,  637.  He  died  at  S.  Gabriel  in  '53.  Jimeno  (Antonio),  1827,  Mex.  friar 
of  the  S.  Fernando  college,  who  served  as  missionary  or  curate  at  Sta  Cruz 
iu  '27-S,  at  S.  Buen.  '40-3,  and  at  StaB.  '29-40  and  '44-56,  being  chosen  su- 
plcnte  president  in  '30.  ii.  576,  625,  655;  iii.  87,  433-4,  656,  658;  iv.  45, 421-2, 

420,  613-5.    Padre  Antonio  is  remembered  as  stout  and  dark  in  person,  ami- 
able  in  disposition,  kind  to  his  neophytes,  but  strict  in  all  religious  matters. 
Ho  left  Cal.  in  '56  or  a  little  later,  and  in  '71  was  still  living  in  the  city  of 
Mex.,  blind  and  indigent,  probably  the  last  survivor  of  the  Fernandiuos.      J. 
(Jose1  Joaquin),   1827,  or  perhaps  '28,  Mex.  friar  of   S.    Fernando  college, 
brother  of  Antonio,  whose  missionary  service  was  at  S.  Luis  Rey  in  '27-30, 
Gia  Cruz  '30-3,  Sta  Incs  '33-50,  S.  Gabriel  '50-3,  and  StaB.  '54-6.    From  '38 
he  was  president  of  the  Fernandinos,  being  vicar  in  '38-9,  and  prefect  after 
Duran's  death  in  '46.   In  '44  he  was  the  founder  of  the  Sta,  Ines  seminary,  of 
which  he  was  the  rector  to  '50.  In  '54  he  founded  the  missionary  college  of  Do- 
lores at  Sta  B. ,  of  which  he  was  president  to  his  death  in  '56,  at  the  a?e  of 
52.  ii.  553,  618-19,  625,  655;  iii.  309,  319,  433-4,  661,  693-4;  iv.  63-4,  372, 

421,  425-6,  549,  645;  v.  620,  635.    A  good  account  of  his  life  is  given  by  P. 
Gonzalez  in  his  burial  record.    Savage,  Doc.,  ii.  144-6.    Padre  Joaquin  re- 
sembled Antonio  in  most  respects,  being  somewhat  shorter  in  stature  and  less 
affable  or  more  reserved  in  manner,  being  a  very  zealous  missionary,  though 
sometimes  in  trouble  with  his  ecclesiastical  superiors. 

Jimeno  Casarin  (Manuel),  1828,  nat.  of  Mex.,  and  brother  of  the  friars 
Jimeno,  sub.  comisario  and  contador  in  the  Mont,  custom-house  in  '28-30. 
ii.  607;  iii.  46,  65,  69,  86,  136.  In  '32  he  was  sindico  of  the  Mont,  ayunt. ; 
in  '34  alcalde,  and  grantee  of  Salsipuedes;  in  '35  member  of  the  diputacion 
and  comisionado  for  the  secularization  of  S.  Luis  Ob.  iii.  291,  354,  673,  678, 
682.  In  '37  he  was  again  vocal,  and  in  '39-42  was  Alvarado's  sec.  of  state, 
besides  being  1st  vocal  and  often  acting  gov.  during  Alvarado's  illness,  and 
grantee  of  Sta  Rosa,  Sta  B.  Co.  in  '39.  iii.  506,  585,  590,  593-9,  604;  iv.  133, 
137,  193,  282,  294-5.  Under  Micheltorena  he  continued  to  serve  as  sec.  in 
'43-5,  being  the  grantee  of  Sta  Paula  in  '43,  and  the  Jimeno  rancho,  Colusa 
Co.,  in  '44.  iv.  357,  360,  403,  409,  043,  671.  In  the  troubles  of  '45-7  Don 
Manuel  seems  to  have  taken  no  active  part,  but  in  these  and  later  years  gave 
his  whole  attention  to  private  business,  being  also  in  bad  health.  Ho  does  not 
appear  as  claimant  for  any  of  the  ranchos  granted  to  him.  He  went  to  Mex. 
early  in  '53,  and  died  there  in  Dec.  of  that  year.  Jimeno  was  a  man  of  good 
character  and  abilities;  a  faithful  official,  well  fitted  for  his  position  as  govt 
secretary;  devoted  to  Mexico,  but  not  bitter  in  his  prejudices  against  for- 
eigners; small  and  lean  in  physique;  vivacious  and  witty  in  conversation. 
His  wife,  married  about  '32,  was  Dofia  Angustias  de  la  Guerra,  who  later 
married  Dr  Ord,  and  is  still  living  in  '85.  There  were  11  children,  only  2  or 
3  of  whom  survive.  Two  of  the  sons — Antonio  and  Porfirio — were  sent  east 
with  Lieut  Sherman  in  '50  to  be  educated,  and  Por£rio  was  a  capt.  of  Cal. 
volunteers  in  the  war  of  '61-5.  Jimkins  (Henry),  1848,  lumberman  and 
farmer  at  Sta  Cruz  to  '61,  later  a  soldier  and  miner  in  Nev.  Jimmerson 
(Chas),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Joaquin  (Emilio),  Ind.  grantee 
of  S.  Gabriel  land  '43.  iv.  637. 


JOHN-JOHNSON.  693 

John,  1S3G,  cook  from  Coromandel,  age  40,  at  Mont.  John,  1836,  Amer. 
at  Salinas,  age  18.  John  (James),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartieauu 
party;  went  soon  to  Or.  iv.  234,  270,  272,  275.  Johns  (Juan  C.),  1833,  at 
Sonoma.  Johnson,  1834,  doubtful  name  of  an  Engl.  sailor  at  Gomez* 
rancho.  J.,  1840,  blacksmith  arrested  at  Los  Ang.,  but  escaped.  J.,  1843, 
doubtful  mention  as  an  overl.  immig. ;  perhaps  of  Chiles- Walker  party,  iv. 
392.  J.,  1846,  midshipman  arrested  by  Capt.  Montgomery.  J.,  1847, 
carpenter  at  Mont.  J.,  1847,  fined  at  S.  Diego  for  stabbing,  v.  618.  J., 
18i8,  overl.  immig.  with  Lawton. 

Johnson  (Archibald),  1832,  testified  in  '68  that  he  had  lived  in  Cal.  since 
"32.  iii.  408.  J.  (A.  B.),  1837.  trader  on  the  coast;  also  called  Benjamin. 
J.  (A.  M.),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Warren.  J.  (Chas),  1840,  doubtful  men- 
tion. J.  (Chas  F.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lot. 
J.  (Chas  B.),  1848,  memb.  of  Pion.  Soc.,  at  Los  Aug.  '54.  Annuls.  J. 
(Chas  H.),  1848,  nat.  of  Md;  S.F.  trader  in  '48-9,  of  firm  Findley,  J.,  &  Co.; 
in  '01  represented  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  the  legislature.  J.  (Chas  R. ),  1846,  auc- 
tioneer in  S.F.  '48,  who  at  Los  Ang.  '76  testified  that  he  was  in  Cal.  '46.  There 
is  prob.  some  confusion  between  this  man  and  the  2  preceding.  J.  (Corne- 
lius Adre"),  1826,  German  soldier  from  Mex.  iii.  176;  at  work  on  HartneU's 
rancho  '36,  age  60;  in  '40  worked  for  Leese  at  S.F.  His  name  was  perhaps 
Jansen. 

Johnson  (David  W.),  1846,  farrier  Co.  K,  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons;  killed  at 
S.  Pascual.  v.  346.  J.  (Ed.),  1845,  nat.  of  Md,  sailor  on  the  U.S.  Erie 
'45-8.  iv.  587;  came  back  to  Cal.  '49-50,  and  again  in  '54;  lived  at  S.  Jos6 
'58-81  and  later.  ,S'.  J.  Pion.  J.  (Francis),  1840,  sup.  of  the  D.  Quixote 
and  Maryland  '40-1.  iv.  103,  120,  567.  He  was  a  Mass,  man  who  had  been 
clerk  for  Peirce  &  Brewer  at  Hon.,  and  later  in  business  for  himself.  He  died 
in  Mass,  abt  '48.  J.  (Francis),  1845,  at  Los  Ang.,  pleading  exemption  from 
mil.  service;  went  to  Hon.  on  the  Portsmouth;  perhaps  the  son  of  Don  Santi- 
ago. J.  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  J.  (Geo.  A.),  1848,  nat. 
of  N.Y.,  who  in  the  legislature  of  '63  represented  S.  Diego  Co.,  age  37.  J. 
(Henry),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  J.  (Ira),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.  Vol. 
(v.  469);  smuggler  at  S.  Diego  and  builder  at  Mont.  '48.  J.  (Isaac  C.),  1847, 
Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  469);  at  Astoria,  Or.,  '82. 

Johnson  (James),  1833,  Engl.  trader,  8  years  at  Guaymas,  engaged  also  in 
pearl-fishing,  who  came  to  Cal.  both  by  land  and  on  the  Facio,  making  sev- 
eral trips  to  Sonora  and  back  in  '33-4.  iii.  382,  409.  He  represented  some 
kind  of  a  Sonora  company  and  bought  the  right  of  Manuel  Gutierrez  in  the  S. 
Pedro  rancho,  with  large  quantities  of  live-stock;  but  presently  became  finan- 
cially embarrassed.  He  was  accused  of  complicity  in  the  Apalategui  revolt 
of  '35,  and  is  mentioned  occasionally  in  Los  Ang.  annals  of  '36-40.  iii.  285, 
519;  iv.  14,  117.  Grantee  of  S.  Jacinto  and  S.  Gregorio,  S.  Diego  Co.,  in  '43. 
iv.  621,  563.  Don  Santiago  was  a  large  stout  man  of  variable  temperament. 
He  died  in  '47.  His  widow,  Carmen  Guirado,  sister  of  Rafael  G.  and  Mrs 
Manuel  Requena,  still  survived  in  '78,  as  does  a  son  Francis  in  '85,  he  being 
mentioned  at  HartneU's  school  in  '36,  and  as  the  owner  of  Los  Ang.  lands  in 
'48.  There  was  another  son  named  Santiago.  The  3  daughters,  Anita,  Ade- 
laide, and  Margarita,  married  respectively  Henry  and  Francis  Mellus  and 
James  H.  Lander.  J.  (James),  1836,  Amer.,  age  32,  who  worked  for  Spear 
at  Mont.  J.  (John),  1845,  at  Mont.  J.  (John  Michael),  1821,  Scotchman 
baptized  at  S.  Buen.  ii.  444.  J.  (John  W.),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons 
(v..232.  247).  J.  (Joseph),  1845,  deserter  from  the  Hapetoell  at  S.  Diego;  in 
'47  sentenced  to  2  months  of  public  works  and  $50  fine  for  stabbing  Garcia  at 
Sta  Isabel. 

Johnson  (Robert  E.),  1841,  in  U.S.  ex.  ex.  iv.  241.  J.  (Sampson  W.), 
1846,  \irginian  and  overl.  immig.,  perhaps  via  Or.,  who  served  in  Co.  E,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358);  in  the  mines  '48-9;  at  S.  Jose1  '50-4,  serving  as  constable; 
fanner  in  S.  Joaq.  '54-9;  keeper  of  a  stable  at  Pacheco  and  Martinez  '60-80. 
He  married  Annie  McClellan  in  '50.  J.  (Sam.),  of  Morm.  col.,  see  'Ladd.1 
J.  (Win),  1832,  memb.  of  the  comp.  extraujera  at  Mont.  iii.  221. 


694  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Johnson  (Wm),  1840,  nat.  of  Boston  and  mate  of  the  Alciope,,  engaged  in 
trade  at  S.F.  and  getting  a  pass,  in  June  '41 ;  also  grantee  of  town  lot  in  '44.  iv. 
609;  v.  079.  From  '42  he  owned  a  lighter  in  company  with  Leese;  asking  in 
'44  for  a  license  for  his  boat,  he  called  himself  an  Irishman  and  naturalized  Mex. 
(There  are  indications  that  in  '40-1  there  were  2  of  the  name  at  S. F.,  one  of 
whom  came  as  pilot  on  the  Trinidad.)  In  '45  he  bought  the  Gutierrez  ran- 
cho  on  Bear  River,  where  he  lived  from  that  time,  being  often  named  in  the 
N.llelv.  Diary  as  making  trips  up  and  down  the  river.  His  ranch  was  on  the 
immig.  route  and  is  mentioned  by  all  parties  from  '45.  v.  23,  452,  484.  In 
June  '47  he  married  Mary  Murphy,  who  in  Nov.  was  advertised  as  having  left 
him  and  later  became  Mrs  Covillaud.  In  '52  he  was  the  claimant  for  his  ran- 
c'.io.  iv.  071;  and  a  little  later  (or  earlier,  as  would  appear  but  for  the  land 
claim)  he  either  died  or  went  to  the  Sandwich  Islands.  J.  (Wm),  1842, 
surg.  U.S.N.  at  Mont.  Maxwell.  .J.  (Wm),  1847,  sergt  Co.  C,  N.Y.  Vol.  v. 
504;  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  J.  (Wm  S.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  later 
a  prominent  citizen  of  Monterey  Co.,  holding  several  county  offices;  claimant 
for  El  Pleito.  iv.  055;  cashier  of  the  Salinas  City  bank  '82.  He  is  also  said 
to  have  lived  in  '48-9  and  '75  at  Stockton. 

Johnston  (Abraham  R.),  1846,  capt  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  who  came 
with  Kearny  from  N.  Mex.,  and  was  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  330,  343-4; 
author  of  a  published  Journal  of  the  march.  J.  (Wm  J.),  1847,  Co.  C, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  in  Sutter's  employ  in  '47-8,  and  at  the  Coloma  mill 
v/hen  gold  was  discovered.  Johnstone  (A.),  1847,  at  S.F.  from  Hon.  on  the 
Currency  Lass;  went  back  on  the  Columbia.  J.  (Charles),  1834,  Dane  in 
the  Mont,  dist  '34-7.  iii.  412.  Larkin's  Accts.  Jonas,  1840,  doubtful  name 
in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners. 

Jones,  1841,  com.  of  H.  B.  M.  S.  Curagoa.  iv.  38,  504.  J.,  1841,  mr  of 
the  Llama,  iv.  507.  J.,  1840,  orderly  sergt  Cal.  Bat.  Lancry.  J.,  1840, 
sailor  of  the  Savannah;  in  the  mines  '48.  J.,  1847,  mr  of  the  Confedera- 
tion, v.  577. 

Jones  (A.  F. ),  1840,  came  to  S.  Jos6  with  wife  and  3  children.  Hall;  per- 
haps the  J.  mcnt.  in  the  mines  from  S.  Jos6  '48.  J.  (Albert  G.),  1844,  Amer. 
who  got  naturalization  papers,  iv.  453.  J.  (C.),  1848.  passp.  from  Hon. 
J.  (Carlos),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.'SIS).  J.  (Chas  E.),  1847,  in 
S.F.  list  of  letters.  J.  (David  H.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  J. 
(E.),  1840,  purser's  clerk  on  the  Warren;  at  Mont.  '48. 

Jones  (Eibert  P.),  1840,  Kentuckian  lawyer  and  overl.  immig.  who  prac- 
tised law  in  S.F.,  was  the  1st  editor  of  the  Star  in  '47,  kept  the  Portsmouth 
House,  was  member  and  sec.  of  the  town  council,  took  an  active  part  in  polit- 
ical wrangles,  became  the  owner  of  many  city  lots,  and  I  think  gave  his 
name  to  Jones  St.  v.  045,  048-53,  057-8,  070,  078,  680,  085.  He  married 
Sarah  Kittleman  of  the  Mormon  colony  in  '47,  and  lived  in  S.F.  till  after  '50, 
dying  at  Charleston  S.C.  in  '52.  Jones  was  a  man  of  much  talent  and  versa- 
tility, not  in  all  respects  of  model  character.  J.  (Eli),  1847,  at  Hon.  from 
S.F.  on  the  Currency  Lass.  J.  (H.  L.),  1847,  blacksmith  in  Sutter's  employ 
'47-8;  had  a  family.  J.  (Harold),  1840,  sailor  on  the  U.S.  Dale. 

Jones  (Mrs  Isabella),  1840,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.  v.  540;  owner  of  a  S.F. 
lot  '47;  never  went  to  Utah.  J.  (James  H.),  1842,  Amer.  farmer  naturalized 
in  '44  claiming  2  years'  residence,  being  then  a  resident  of  N.Helv.,  where  he 
still  lived  apparently  in  '45-7.  iv.  341.  J.  (John),  1837,  trader  at  S.F.  J. 
(John),  1840,  at  S.  Jose.  Hall.  J.  (John),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  before  '53,  when  his  widow,  Sarah — who  came  with  him  in  '47 — married  D. 
McC.  Murray.  She  lived  at  Healdsburg,  where  she  died  in  '79. 

Jones  (John  Coffin,  Jr),  1830,  Boston  man  and  long  a  merchant  at  Honolulu, 
where  he  was  also  U.S.  consul.  He  had  large  transactions  with  Cal.  which  he 
visited  nearly  every  year  in  '30-V3,  as  mr  or  sup.  of  his  own  vessels,  the  Vol- 
unteer, Louisa,  Harriet  Blanchard,  Avon,  Bolirar,  Griffon,  and  Rasxelas,  finally 
marrying  Manuela,  daughter  of  Carlos  Carrillo.  iii.  85,  145,  180,  381,  383-4, 
4G1;  iv.  101,  104-5,  117,  141.  After  Bottling  his  affairs  at  the  Islands  and 
making  a  visit  east,  he  came  back  on  the  Julia  Ann  from  Panama  in  '41  and 


JONES— JOYNES.  695 

settled  at  Sta  B. ,  though  still  making  visits  to  Hon.  I  have  many  of  his 
original  business  letters,  and  others  on  current  events  in  the  south  which  have 
much  historical  value,  iv.  291 ,  333,  523,  563,  560,  610.  Early  in  '46  he  sailed 
with  his  family  on  the  Admittance  for  Boston,  where  he  died  a  few  3'ears 
later.  His  widow  was  claimant  for  Sta  liosa  Isl.  iv.  643;  which  Jones  with 
A.  B.  Thompson  had  stocked  with  cattle  and  sheep;  also  for  La  Calera.  She 
is  still  living  in  '85,  having  married,  I  think,  a  man  named  Kittle.  J.  (John 
M.),  1846,  nat.  of  Ky  and  prob.  overl.  immig.;  at  S.F.  and  S.  Jose"  '48-50; 
memb.  of  constit.  convention  '49. 

Jones  (Nathaniel),  1846,  nat.  of  Tenn.;  overl.  immig.  with  wife  and  son 
from  Mo.  Leaving  his  family  at  Chiles'  rancho  in  Napa  Val.,  he  served  in 
the  Sanchez,  or  ^ta  Clara,  campaign,  and  then  settled  in  Contra  Costa,  where 
he  still  lived  in  '82  with  wife  and  5  children.  Portrait  in  Contra  C.  Co.  Hist., 
264.  He  served  as  sheriff,  public  administrator,  and  county  supervisor.  His 
daughter,  Martha  A.,  born  in  '47,  married  John  Slitz.  The  son  who  came  with 
him,  at  the  age  of  2  years,  was  Robinson  M.,  a  newspaper  man,  farmer, 
teacher,  county  surveyor,  and  warehouseman,  living  at  Martinez  in  '82  with 
wife,  Nettie  Renwick,  and  3  children.  J.  (Nathaniel  V.),  1847,  sergt  Co. 
L>,  Morm.  Bat.;  in  Kearny's  return  escort,  v.  453,  477,  492.  J.  (Owen), 
1841,  at  S.F.  J.  (Peter),  1834-5,  Frenchman  at  Mont.  J.  (Robert),  1836, 
named  in  Mont,  accounts.  J.  (Sam.  E.),  1846,  son  of  Zacarias;  resident  of 
Mont.  Co.  '59-70.  J.  (T.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  J.  (Thomas),  1840, 
one  of  the  S.  Bias  exiles,  arrested  at  Los  Ang.  iv.  14,  18.  J.  (Thomas), 
1841,  Amer.  immig.  of  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  272,  275,  279;  in  '45  signed 
the  S.  Jose  call  to  foreigners,  iv.  599;  in  '46  applied  for  land  at  S.  Jose".  J. 
(T.  H.  or  M.),  1848,  at  N.  Helv.  May. 

Jones  (Thoa  Ap  Catesby),  1842,  commodore  U.S.N.,  in  com.  of  the  Pac. 
squadron,  taking  possession  of  Mont.  See  iv.  39,  298-329,  569,  631.  636,  640, 
6i32,  GG5;  v.  579.  He  was  again  in  com.  of  the  squadron  in  '48-9.  J.  (Thomas 
Jeremiah),  1821,  Engl.  sawyer,  baptized  at  S.  Juan  B.  in  '23,  and  naturalized 
in  '41,  at  which  time  he  had  a  native  wife.  Jeremiah  J.,  often  ment.  in  records 
of  '39-40,  and  perhaps  one  of  the  arrested  foreigners,  may  have  been  the  same 
man.  ii.  444,  496:  iv.  17. 

Jones  (Walter),  1846,  at  S.  Jose".  Hall.  J.  (Wm),  1838,  doubtfulname 
of  an  Amer.  captured  by  Mex.  pirates  and  forced  to  work  as  a  slave  in  the 
mines;  at  Mont,  with  wife  and  2  children  in  '44,  ace.  to  Geo.  Reed,  in  S.F. 
Calif.,  May  22,  '47.  iv.  119.  J.  (Wm),  1843,  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  Has- 
tings party,  iv.  390;  nothing  more  known  of  him  unless  he  is  the  J.  who  left 
N.  Helv.  for  Or.  in  '46.  v.  526.  J.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
at  Sonoma  '71-4.  J.  (W.D.),  1847,  in  U.S.N.  '47-54,  spending  the  rest  of 
his  life  at  Vallejo,  where  he  died  in  '76.  J.  (Wm  Owen),  1816,  pilot  of  the 
Lydla.  ii.  275.  J.  (Zachariah),  1846,  overl.  immig.  who  settled  at  S.  Jose" 
with  wife  and  5  children,  Margaret,  Reuben,  Sam.  E. ,  and  Clark.  He  kept  a 
hotel  in  '47,  built  a  saw-mill  at  Los  Gatos  '48,  and  was  still  living  in  '60.  One 
of  his  daughters  married  Josiah  Belden  in  '49.  Jongh  (Wm  F.D.),  1846,  in 
com.  of  a  gun  in  Marstou's  Sta  Clara  campaign.  Jonvera  (Louis),  1829, 
Frenchman,  age  28,  at  S.  Jos6  April. 

Jordan  (J.),  1841,  carpenter  on  the  U.S.  St  Louin.  J.  (Jackson),  1848, 
owner  of  S.F.  lot;  perhaps  the  same.  J.  (Louis),  1842,  trader  at  Los  Ang. 
'42-6,  being  regidor  in  '45-6.  iv.  341,  633-4;  v.  625.  J.  (Mariano),  1846,  at 
Loo  Ang.  J.  (Philip),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Joiirdain  (Etiennc), 

1847,  at  Los  Ang.;  Fr.  consular  agent  at  S.F.  '48.  v.  614-15.       Joy  (Man- 
uel), 1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  Cal.  claim  of  $20  (v.  462).       J.  (Wm), 

1848,  clerk  for  C.  L.  Ross  at  S.F.;  still  in  S.F.  '54.       Joyce  (John),  1846,  one 
of  the  Mormon  col.,  with  wife,  Caroline,  and  2  daughters,  Augusta  and  Helen 
F.  v.  546.  He  was  a  carpenter  who  got  a  town  lot  in  '47.  v.  686;  went  to  the 
mines  in  '48;  was  still  at  S.F.  in  '50;  and  in  '64  lived  at  Centreville,  Alameda 
Co. ,  age  42.     Possibly  there  was  another  Mrs  J.  and  fain.,  who  went  to  Utah 
and  died  before  '84.      J.  (Thos),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.      Joynes  (J.),  1845, 
sailmaker  on  the  U.S.  Warren. 

\ 


696  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Juan  (Lub),  1840,  reward  offered  for  the  discov.  of  his  murderers  at  S. 
Diego.  Juan  (Ricardo),  1845,  Frenchman  at  Branciforte,  age  28,  wife  Maria 
Cota,  child  Jesus.  Juan  Bautista,  1836,  Greek  fisherman  at  Mont.  Juan 
de  Dios,  executed  at  Mont.  '45.  Juan  Evangelista,  neophyte  taken  to 
Mex.  by  P.  Serra.  i.  321.  Juarez  (Andres),  soldier  of  Mont.  comp.  '36,  age 
19;  juez  of  valley  ranches  '46.  v.  037. 

Juarez  (Cayetano),  nat.  of  Cal.;  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '28-31,  corp.  '32- 
5;  but  apparently  acting  as  sergt  from  '33,  being  inajordomo  at  Solano  in 
'36,  and  later  capt.  of  militia,  engaged  in  many  Ind.  exped.  iii.  701-2,  705, 
720.  In  '41  he  was  grantee  of  the  Tulucay  rancho  in  Napa  Val.,  where  ho 
built  an  adobe  house  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life,  being  alcalde  at  Sonoma 
in  '45,  and  grantee  of  Yukaya  (Ukiah)  in  the  same  year,  iv.-  674,  678.  In  '45 
he  somewhat  distinguished  himself  by  his  plans  to  rescue  the  Bear  prisoners, 
v.  120;  and  by  a  famous  swim  of  some  9  miles  to  escape  capture.  In  '75  ha 
gave  me  some  rambling  Noias.  He  died  at  Napa  in  '83,  at  the  age  of  about  75. 
Portrait  in  Napa  Co.  Hist.  J.  (Francisco),  at  Branciforte  '28-30.  ii.  627; 
sindico  '36.  iii.  697;  his  wife  was  Dolores  Cota;  children  in  '28,  Mateo  and 
Antonio.  J.  (Francisco),  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  35,  wife  Andrea  Pinto,  child. 
Narciso  b.  '29,  Juan  '31,  Maria  '32,  Jesus  '34,  Paula  '36,  Juan  de  Dios  '38, 
Natividad  '40.  J.  (Joaquin),  at  Brancif.  '30-45,  age  60  in  '45,  wife  Pascuala 
Lorenzana,  child.  Luis  b.  '17,  Solano  '33.  ii.  627.  J.  (Josu),  soldier  of  S.F. 
comp.  '37-9.  J.  (Jose"  C.),  at  Brancif.  '45,  age  26,  wife  Fernanda  rigueroa, 
child  Jos6.  J.  (Jos6  Manuel),  at  Brancif.  '28;  at  S.  Isidro  '36;  at  S.  Jos6 
'41,  age  39,  wife  Pascuala  Figueroa,  children  Benjamin  b.  '29,  Gertrudis  '30, 
Andrea,  '35,  Jos«5  M.,  Jr,  '36.  J.  (Jos<§  Maria),  at  Brancif.  '30.  ii.  627.  J. 
(Marcos),  soldier  at  Mont.  '34.  iii.  673;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  45.  J.  (Mateo), 
at  La  Brea,  Mont. ,  '36,  age  23,  wife  Tomasa  Galindo,  child  Trinidad.  J. 
(Vicente),  at  S.  Josd  '33-41,  age  23  in  '41;  also  a  soldier  in  S.F.  comp.  '37. 

Judd  (Hiram),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Judd  (Zadock  K.), 
1847,  ditto;  in  Utah  '82.  Judson  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
died  Mokelumne  Hill  '49.  Julian,  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  iv.  578,  587.  He  v.-as 
a  French  Canadian  who  settled  on  a  rancho  in  the  upper  Sac.  Val.,  and  is 
said  by  Bidwell  to  have  joined  Gillespie  and  Fr6mont,  and  to  have  been  killed 
by  the  Ind.  in  May  '46.  Julio,  neophyte  alcalde  killed  in  '13  near  Mission 
S.  Jos6.  ii.  324-5.  Julio  Ce"sar,  ex-neophyte  of  S.  Luis  Rey,  living  in  '78 
with  a  son  and  3  grandchidren  at  Tres  Pinos,  S.  Benito  Co.,  where  he  gave 
me  an  interesting  narrative  of  old-time  Cosa*  de  Indios.  Juncosa  (Domingo), 
1771,  Span,  friar,  nat.  of  Cataluna,  who  came  on  the  S.  Antonio.  He  was  one 
of  the  first  missionaries  of  S.  Luis  Ob.,  though  not  present  al  the  founding, 
and  he  served  there  until  1774,  when  he  retired  to  his  college.  Very  little  ap- 
pears in  the  records  about  this  padre;  mention  in  i.  173,  176,  178,  188-9,  196. 

Kaan,  1848,  at  N.  Helv.  Kal  (C.),  1846,  doubtful  name  at  Los  Ang. 
Kalohe,  184S,  passp.  from  Hon.,  with  wife.  Kamp  (Harold),  1847,  Co.  C, 
N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Sonoma  '71-82.  Kampt,  1846,  blacksmith  at  N. 
Helv.,  had  a  fight  with  Daylor.  Kane  (Elias  K. ),  1848,  lieut  of  dragoons 
in  Graham's  battalion  from  Mex.  v.  522;  capt.  and  asst  Q.  M.  at  Mont.  '50. 
K.  (Peter),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  died  before  '82.  K.  (Wm  S.), 
1847,  at  S.  Pedro.  Kapawa,  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Kappis  (Geo.),  1847, 
Co.  C,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Karr  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518). 
Katt  (Wm),  1798,  Boston  sailor  at  S.  Diego,  i.  545,  654.  Kaufman  (Julius), 
1837,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Kay  (James),  1838,  at  Mont.  Kays  (John 
C.),  1846,  at  Los  Ang.;  at  Sta  B.  from  '48  to  '85;  his  wife  was  Josefa  Burke. 
See  'Keyes.' 

Keapnell  (Fred.),  1847,  Co,  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Kearney,  1843,  com. 
of  the  U.S.  Constellation,  iv.  564.  K.  (James),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill. 
(v.  518).  K.  (John),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  S.  Juan  Oct.  (v. 
358).  Kearny  (Stephen  W.),  1S4G,  nat.  of  N.J.;  lieut  of  13th  U.S.  in- 
fantry from  1812;  col  1st  dragoons  '36-46,  stationed  much-of  the  time  at  Ft 
Leavenworth.  In  '46,  being  put  in  com.  of  the  exped.  to  N.  Mex.,  he 


KEARNY— KELSEY.  C97 

wag  made  brigadier-gen,  and  sent  across  the  continent  to  occupy  Cal.  His 
march  to  Cal.,  defeat  at  S.  Pascual,  and  final  mil.  operations  of  '47  with 
Stockton  are  recorded  in  v.  197,  328,  334-56,  385-99,  473,  483.  For  his  con- 
troversies with  Stockton  and  Fremont,  his  rule  as  mil.  gov.  from  March  1 
to  May  31,  '47,  his  return  east  overland,  and  his  prosecution  of  Fr6mout, 
see  v.  411-62,  489-90,  543,  504,  645,  460-2.  The  affair  at  S.  Pascual  must  be 
regarded  as  an  inexcusable  blunder  on  Kearny's  part,  but  otherwise  his  course 
in  Cal.  was  consistent  and  dignified  in  the  midst  of  difficult  circumstances,  and 
his  military  record  throughout  his  whole  career  was  an  honorable  one,  the 
violent  tirades  of  Benton  and  other  partisans  of  Stockton  and  Fri5mont  being 
for  the  most  part  without  foundation  in  justice.  He  died  in  '48.  His  name  is 
borne  by  one  of  San  Francisco's  principal  streets.  His  wife  was  a  step-daughter 
of  Clarke,  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  exploring  fame. 

Keeney  (Jonathan),  1S48,  miner  from  Or.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '82. 
Keeny,  1845,  of  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  579;  prob.  'Kinney,'  q.  v.  Keffer 
(J.  L.),  1847,  commander's  clerk  on  the  U.S.  Columbus.  Kehoe  (Joseph  H.), 
1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);-  d.  at  Mont.  '48.  Keith  (Win),  1833,  Amer. 
physician  who  had  lived  some  years  in  Sonora.  He  came  to  Cal.  prob.  with 
Santiago  Johnson  and  John  Forster.  iii.  409;  and  lived  at  Los  Ang.  for  3 
years  as  surgeon  and  trader,  going  back  to  Hermosillo  in  '36.  He  returned  to 
Cal.  in  '48,  went  to  the  mines,  and  died  at  or  near  Stockton  soon  after  '49. 
The  Sonorense  of  Oct.  6,  '48,  contains  a  very  flattering  notice  of  his  services 
in  Sonora.  Kekuacaca,  1848,  passp.  from  Hon. 

Kell  (John  M.),  1843,  mid.  U.S.N.,  who  took  part  in  Marston's  Sta  Clara 
campaign  of  '46-7.  v.  380.  K.  (Thotfias),  1840,  nat.  of  Engl.  and  overl. 
immig.  from  Mo.  In  the  mines  '48-9, /nd  later  a  resident  of  S.  Jose"  or  vicin- 
ity, till  his  death  in  '78  at  thcuigfi-£>£^l.'  He  left  4  or  more  sons  and  2  daugh- 
ters, the  latter  being  the  wives  of  C.  Colombet  and  T.  Carrol.  Kellett,  1837, 
lieut  in  com.  of  H.  B.  M.  S.  Starlintj  of  Belcher's  exped.  '37,  '39.  iv.  106, 
142-6;  capt.  of  the  Herald  in  '46.  v.  578. 

Kelley,  1846,  at  N.  Helv.  K.  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469). 
K.  (Hall  J. ),  1834,  Amer.  enthusiast  on  the  subject  of  Pacific  coast  coloniza- 
tion, who  visited  Cal.  en  route  to  Or. ;  writer  of  books,  pamphlets,  and  letters 
on  his  favorite  subject.  See  iii.  409-11;  iv.  129,  147;  also  Hist.  Or.  K. 
(Henry),  1831,  Amer.  sailor  on  the  Leonor.  iii.  405;  at  Sta  B.  '36,  age  46  and 
single.  K.  (James),  1840,  in  Farnham's  list  of  arrested  foreigners,  iv.  17. 
K.  (John  H.),  1842,  sailor  in  Butter's  employ  at  Ross;  at  S.  Jos6  '44;  at  N. 
Helv.  '45.  iv.  578,  587;  prob.  one  of  the  Bears  in  '46.  v.  110;  in  Co.  E,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358);  in  the  mines '48-50;  last  seen  by  Bid  well '51.  K.  (Nicholas), 

1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.   Bat.  (v.  469).       K.  (Wm),   1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469);   in  Sutter's  employ  '47-8  as  boat-builder  and   lumberman.       K. 
(Win),  1826,  mr  of  the  Waxhinaton.  iii.  149.    See  also  'Kelly.' 

Kelliher  (Jeremiah),  1840, 'Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v"  336).  Kellogg 
(Benjamin  F.),  1846,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  The  K.  family  seem  to  have 
been  overl.  immig.  of  this  year,  but  I  am  unable  to  distinguish  between  the 
members.  K.  (Frank),  1846,  resid.  of  Napa  Co.  to  '08  and  later.  K.  (F, 
E.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  from  111.  with  a  family;  Napa  Co.  official  '50,  V>6; 
perhaps  same  as  Frank.  K.  (Fred.),  1845,  mid.  on  U.S.  Warren.  K.  (H.), 

1848,  named  in  Mont,  accounts.       K.   (Irwiu),   1846,   near  St  Helena  '69; 
father-in-law  of  Wm  Nasli. 

Kelly,  1816,  mr  of  the  Atala.  ii.  282.  K.,  1824,  mr  of  the  Hawaii,  ii. 
519.  K.  (James),  1817,  musician  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  K.  (John), 
1847,  Co.  K,  ditto;  at  N.  Helv.;  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  K.  (Philip),  1847, 
Co.  I,  ditto;  died  in  Calaveras  '60.  K.  (Thomas).  1839,  pilot  of  a  Pcruv. 
brig  at  S.F.  K.  (Wm  H.),  1847,  mr  of  the  American 'whaler  Georgian; 
died  '72. 

Kelsey  (Andrew),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  275, 
279;  went  to  Or.  in  '43  with  his  brothers,  but  returned  in  '44  with  the  party 
bearing  his  name.  iv.  390,  444-5.  He  prob.  served  under  Capt.  Gantt  in  the 
Micheltorena  campaign  of  '44-5.  iv.  486;  and  took  part  in  the  Bear  revolt. 


698  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

v.  110;  perhaps  joining  the  Cal.  Bat.,  though  I  find  no  definite  record  of  his 
name.  In  '47  he  and  his  brother  with  others  bought  live-stock  of  Salvador 
Vallejo  and  obtained  the  privilege  of  grazing  their  cattle  near  Clear  Lake. 
Andrew  and  a  man  named  Stone  went  to  live  at  the  place  where  Kelseyville 
— so  named  for  him — now  stands,  thus  becoming  the  1st  settlers  of  Lake  Co. 
The  natives  were  numerous,  aud  under  oppression  became  hostile;  K.  and  S. 
were  men  who  scorned  to  use  conciliatory  methods  with  '  Injuns  and  such 
varmint;'  and  they  were  both  killed,  as  they  well  deserved  to  be,  in  '49;  but 
soon  a  force  was  sent  to  butcher  hundreds  of  the  Ind.  in  vengeance. 

Kelsey  (Benj.),  1841,  brother  of  Andrew,  and  one  of  the  Bartleson  party, 
accomp.  by  his  wife,  Nancy  A.,  the  1st  woman  who  came  to  Cal.  by  the  direct 
overland  route,  iv.  270,  272,  275,  279.  What  has  been  said"  of  Andrew  above 
may  be  applied  to  Benj.,  except  what  relates  to  the  former's  death,  iv.  390, 
444-5;  v.  110,  148.  The  brothers  called  Napa  Val.  their  home  from  '45,  and 
though  they  worked  sometimes  at  N.Helv.  they  preferred  the  adventurous 
life  of  hunters.  They  were  rough  men,  often  in  trouble  with  the  authorities. 
Though  one  of  the  owners,  Benj.  did  not  live  at  the  Clear  Lake  establishment, 
but  his  treatment  of  Ind.  carried  practically  as  slaves  to  the  mines  did  much 
to  provoke  the  killing  of  his  brother.  The  family  lived  in  Or.  again  '51-5, 
later  in  Texas,  and  at  various  points  of  southern  Cal.  in  'GO-78  or  later.  There 
were  2  children  in  '45,  and  the  scalping  of  a  daughter  on  the  way  to  Texas  is 
mentioned.  Ellen  K.,  said  to  have  been  born  at  N.Helv.  Aug.  2,  '45,  may 
have  been  his  daughter. 

Kelsey  (David),  1844,  brother  (or  possibly  father)  of  Andrew  and  Benj. ; 
c-ame  to  Or.  in  '43,  and  to  Cal.  in  the  Kelsey  party  of  '44  with  his  wife,  3 
daughters,  and  perhaps  a  son.  iv.  444-5.  He  settled  at  French  Camp,  but  died 
at  Stockton  in  '45  of  small-pox,  from  the  effects  of  which  disease  Mrs  K.  be- 
came blind,  v.  674.  Of  the  son  nothing  appears.  A  married  daughter,  Mrs 
Rebecca  Fowler,  left  her  husband  and  was  married  by  Sutter,  in  Dec.  '45,  to 
Grove  Cook.  Josephine  married  Dr  C.  Grattan,  and  died  at  Stockton  in  '71. 
America  married  Geo  F.  Wyman  in  '46;  and  a  4th  daughter  became  the  wife 
of  Willard  Buzzell.  K.  (Samuel),  1844,  brother  of  Andrew  and  Benj.,  and 
member  of  the  Kelsey  party  from  Or. ,  having  started  with  Hastings  in  '43, 
but  turned  back  on  meeting  his  brothers,  iv.  269,  444-5,  453.  I  have  his  autog. 
letter  of  Sept.  7,  '44,  at  Sonoma,  on  troubles  in  which  the  brothers  were  in- 
volved in  connection  with  the  Bale  affair.  He  was  prominent  in  the  Bear 
revolt  and  a  signer  of  the  original  proclamation  of  June  14th,  in  my  possession, 
v.  95,  104,  110,  153;  also  one  of  the  Cal.  claimants  (v.  46'2).  Nothing  appears 
about  his  family  or  what  became  of  him.  K.  (Wm)  1847,  boat-builder  at 
X.Hclv. 

Kcmble  (Edward  C.),  184G,  printer  who  came  with  the  Mormon  colony, 
though  possibly  not  a  member  of  the  church,  v.  546.  He  served  in  Co.  G,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358);  and  from  April  '47  was  editor  of  the  S.  1>\  Star,  succeeding 
Jones,  v.  657-9.  His  connection  with  the  Star  and  its  successors,  the  Star  and 
Californian  and  Alta  California,  as  editor  or  proprietor  continued  to  '55, 
though  he  was  also  the  founder  of  the  Sac.  Placer  Times  and  its  editor  in 
April-June  '49.  He  was  sec.  of  the  S.F.  council  in  '48,  and  somewhat  promi- 
nent in  local  matters,  vi.  649,  656;  being  regarded  as  a  young  man  of  good 
abilities  and  character.  After  '55  he  went  east,  and  in  the  war  of  '61-5  was 
connected  with  the  army  as  paymaster,  subsequently  spending  some  yearfc 
from  '67  on  the  Pacific  coast  as  inspector  of  Ind.  affairs;  and  being  later  con- 
nected with  the  Associated  Press  in  N.Y.,  where  he  still  lives  in  '85,  a  card 
from  him  on  'Early  journalism  in  S.F.'  appearing  in  the  Bulletin  of  Feb. 
Kempsey  (Bartholomew ),  1S4S,  died  in  '61.  Herald.  Kempst  (Geo.  W.), 
1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Kemsey  (Thomas),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat. 
(v.  358). 

Ken  (John  M.),  1845,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Savannah.  Kendall  (Alva), 
1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Kendrick  (John),  1789,  mr  of  the  Colum- 
bia, the  1st  Amer.  vessel  to  visit  the  N.W.  coast,  sighting  the  Cal.  coast  ou 
the  way  north.  He  visited  Mont,  in  com.  of  the  Aranzazti  in  1794,  and  iiV 


KENDRICK— KEYSER.  699 

'99  was  perhaps  snp.  of  the  Eliza,  i.  445,  523-4,  545.  Kennedy  (Andy),  1 848, 
said  to  have  come  to  Cal.  with  Col  Davis.  K.  (Edm.  P.),  1836,  com.  of  the 
U.S.  Peacock,  iv.  104-5,  140-1.  K.  (Edw.  P.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499).  K.  (James),  1831,  Irishman  who  in  '35  got  a  lot  at  Mont.,  and  in  '36 
was  a  clerk  for  Watson,  age  46,  and  single,  iii.  405.  Naturalized  in  '41, 
when  he  lived  at  S.  Jos6,  and  claimed  10  years  of  residence  in  Cal.;  at  Sta 
Cruz,  '42-3.  K.  (Joseph),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons;  fatally  wounded 
at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346,  345.  K.  (Wm  A.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 
Kennersly  (A.  J. ),  1847,  Co.  E,  ditto.  Kenney  (Chas),  1847,  watchman  at 
Mont.  '47-8.  K.  (Wm  S.),  1847,  inspector  of  hides  at  S.  Pedro;  called 
Guillermo  S.  Kene.  Keno  (T.),  1846,  one  of  the  Donn^r  relief  party  (?); 
had  a  claim  on  the  Cosumnes;  at  Stockton  in  '80.  Sac.  Co.  Hist.  Kentz- 
burg  (Adolphus),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Kenway  (Geo.  S.),  1847, 
from  Hon.  on  the  Gen.  Kearny,  and  went  back  on  the  Toulon. 

Kerby  (John),  1844,  sailor  on  the  schr  California.  Kern  (Edward  M.), 
1845,  artist  of  Fremont's  exped.,  and  author  of  a  published  Journal.  From 
the  outbreak  of  the  Bear  Revolt  he  commanded  the  garrison  at  N.  Helvetia, 
ranking  as  lieut  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  He  started  east  with  Stockton  in  '47,  but 
was  left  behind  ill,  and  sailed  from  S.  F.  in  Oct.  on  the  Com.  Shubrick;  owner 
of  a  S.  F.  lot;  Kern  river  and  county  are  named  for  him.  iv.  583,  585;  v.  3, 
6,  123,  244,  298-9,  359-60,  450,  453-4,  538,  675.  Kcrphy,  1847,  mr  of  the 
Maria  Helena.  Kerr  (Thomas),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot. 

Keseberg  (Louis),  1846,  Prussian,  member  of  the  Donner  party,  with  wife 
Philipine,  and  children  Louis  and  Ada.  Both  the  children  perished,  the 
parents  surviving,  v.  531,  534,  541,  544.  K.  was  the  last  of  the  party  to  be 
rescued;  was  forced  to  subsist  on  human  flesh  longer  than  his  companions, 
among  whom  he  had  been  unpopular  from  the  first,  and  by  some  of  whom — 
but  chiefly  by  Capt.  Fallen  and  his  disappointed  treasure-seekers  of  the  last 
relief  party — he  was  charged  with  robbery  and  murder.  On  this  man  have 
been  concentrated  in  the  public  mind  all  the  horror  and  loathing  arising  from 
the  events  of  that  terrible  winter;  he  has  been  pictured  as  a  iiend  exulting 
in  his  cannibalism.  It  is  fair  to  state  that  the  charges  rest  on  no  tangible 
evidence,  and  that  K.  is  entitled  to  be  regarded  as  an  unfortunate  victim. 
His  narrative  as  given  by  McGlashau  bears  eveiy  mark  of  truth,  while  the 
statements  of  his  accusers  are  clearly  tainted  with  exaggeration  and  false- 
hood. A  portrait  is  given  by  McG. ,  p.  220.  Keseberg  worked  for  Sutter  as 
supercargo  of  his  launch  in  '47,  and  later  for  Vallejo  at  Sonoma;  went  to  the 
mines  in  48-9;  kept  a  boarding-house  and  hotel  at  Sac. ;  and  was  later  a 
brewer  at  Calistoga  and  Sac.  He  made  and  lost  several  fortunes,  being  the 
victim  of  successive  reverses  by  fire  and  flood.  His  wife  died  in  '77;  and  in 
'80  he  was  living  at  Brighton,  at  the* age  of  66,  in  extreme  poverty,  with  two 
grown-up  daughters,  both  idiots.  Two  other  married  daughters  survived, 
and  7  of  his  children  had  died.  He  was  a  man  of  intelligence,  good  educa- 
tion, and  much  business  ability;  and  his  record  in  Cal.,  except  as  affected  by 
suspicions  growing  out  of  the  affair  of  '46,  was  a  good  one.  In  '85 1  have  not 
heard  of  his  death. 

Ketchum  (Thomas  E.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.,  leaving  N.Y.  with 
recruits  after  the  departure  of  the  regiment,  v.  503-4,  511;  capt.  of  Cal.  vol- 
unteers in  the  war  of  '61-5;  and  later  brigadier-gen,  of  militia.  A  resident 
of  Stockton,  71-82.  Kettle,  1848,  at  S.  F.  from  Tahiti.  Kettleman.  see 
Kittleman.  Keyes  (John),  1843,  Irish  steward  on  the  Soledad,  who  had  a 
barber-shop  at  Mont.,  but  went  soon  to  Los  Ang.  and  Sta  B. ,  where  he  mar- 
ried a  Miss  Burke,  and  still  lived  in  '70;  claimant  for  Canada  de  Salsipuedes. 
iv.  400,  642.  Apparently  identical  with  John  C.  'Kays,'  q.  v.  K.  (Robert 
C.),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  who  went  to  Or.  early  in 
'46,  but  came  back  in  '47;  at  Mont.  '48;  sheriff  at  S.  Jos6  '49.  v.  526,  576, 
579,  587.  K.  (Mrs),  1846,  of  the  Donner  party,  but  died  before  reaching 
the  Sierra.  She  had  a  son  in  Or.,  whom  she  expected  to  meet  at  Ft  Hall,  and 
who  was  possibly  Robt  C.  Keyser  (Guy  M.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
469);  in  Utah  '81. 


700  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Keyser  (Sebastian),  1840,  nat.  of  the  Austrian  Tyrol,  a  trapper  who  came 
overland  to  Or.  with  Gutter  in  '38,  and  again  joined  liira  at  N.  Hclv.,  possibly 
not  till  '41.  The  first  definite  record  is  a  letter  of  introd.  from  Sutter  to 
Suiiol  in  Aug.  '41.  iv.  117,  120,  139.  He  accompanied  Dr  Sandels  in  his  val- 
ley travels  of  '43,  having  then  selected  a  rancho  adjoining  Dickey's;  was  nat- 
uralized in  '44,  getting  a  grant  of  the  Llano  Seco  rancho  in  Butte  co.  iv.  67 1; 
in  '45  settled  on  Bear  River  as  half  owner  of  Johnson's  rancho,  serving  also  in 
Capt.  Gantt's  company,  iv.  486.  In  '46  he  was  probably  a  Bear  Flag  man; 
may  have  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  had  part  of  his  left  hand  blown 
ofi';  and  married  Elizabeth  Rhoads,  who  left  him  soon,  but  returned  to  make 
him  happy  in  '47.  He  was  one  of  the  4th  Donner  relief  party,  v.  541;  sold 
his  interest  in  the  rancho  in  '49;  and  subsequently  lived  on  Daylor's  place, 
running  a  ferry  on  the  Cosumnes  for  Daylor  and  Grimshaw,  by  the  sinking  of 
which  craft  he  was  drowned  in  '50.  He  left  one  child  and  $15,000  in  gold- 
dust.  His  widow  became  Mrs  Pierce,  and  was  living  in  Fresno  Co.  '72.  I 
have  a  letter  of  that  year,  in  which  she  gives  information  about  Keyser. 
Khlebuikof  (Cyril),  1820,  agent  of  the  Russ.  Amer.  Fur  Co.  at  Sitka,  who 
visited  Cal.  in  '20,  '25-6,  and  '30-1.  ii.  263,  317-19,  383,  644,  648;  iii.  146, 
213;  iv.  160.  Khorstof  (Nicholas),  1806,  rar  of  the  Juno.  ii.  70. 

Kilbey  (James),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469),  reenl.  Kiddey(Wm), 
1848  (?),  Engl.  liquor  dealer  at  Sta  Clara  '76.  Kiernan  (John  B.),  1847,  Co. 
E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Stockton  after  '60.  Kiesler  (Lafayette),  1847,  Co. 
C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Sonoma  '48.  Kilborn  (Wm  K.),  1847,  mr  and 
owner  of  the  Henri/  '47-8.  v.  578;  of  the  S.F.  firm  K.,  Lawton,  &  Co.  '48-9. 
Kilburn  (Benj.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  Co.  B,  artill.,  enlisting  at  S.  Jose  (v.  358); 
owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  '47.  v.  676.  K.  (Ralph  L.),  1842  (?),  a  settler  of  Napa 
Val.  from  '44,  but  generally  accredited  to  '42.  iv.  341.  In  later  years  he 
stated  that  he  built  a  mill  on  Dr  Bale's  rancho  in  43.  I  find  nothing  about 
the  manner  of  his  coming.  Naturalized  '45,  and  subsequently  married  by  Sut- 
ter; in  '47-8  had  an  interest  at  Benicia,  where  he  built  houses  for  Larkin.  v. 
673.  Alcalde  at  Napa  '49;  county  treasurer  '50;  cl.  for  lands  in  '52.  He  died 
at  Rutherford  in  '79,  age  70.  His  daughter  married  a  man  named  Lock  wood. 
Kilcl  (Adam  II.),  1835,  named  as  one  of  the  owners  of  Palo  Colorado  rancho, 
Mont.  Kileven  (Tom),  1808,  mate  of  the  Peacock,  in  prison  at  S.  Juan  Cap. 
ii.  33;  perhaps  the  following. 

Kimball,  1806,  mr  of  the  Peacock,  ii.  37-8,  109.  K.  (Hazen),  1848,  over- 
land Mormon  immig.  met  by  Bigler  at  the  Humboldt  sink  in  Aug. ;  memb.  of 
Soc.  Cal.  Pion.,  and  a  resident  of  S.F.  '83..  Kimsey  (Alvis  and  Thos  L. ),  1847, 
owners  of  S.F.  lots.  Kinch,  1847,  mr  of  the  Cum.  Stockton,  v.  577.  King 
(Ed  A.),  1847,  mr  of  the  El'zabeth  and  purchaser  of  the  Primavera;  mr  of  the 
Hope  in  '48.  v.  577,  580;  lumber  dealer  and  underwriters' agent  at  Mont.  '48; 
harbormaster  '49  at  S.F.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '54.  K.  (Henry),  1839,  clerk 
in  Slitter's  employ. 

King  (Henry),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  party,  who  served  as  capt.  and 
commissary  of  the  Cal.  Bat.,  and  went  east  on  the  Com.  Shubrick  in  Oct.  '47. 
v.  94,  360,  450,  453-4,  583.  Joining  Fremont's  4th  exped.  in  '48,  he  was  frozen 
to  death  before  reaching  Sta  Fe",  and  probably  eaten  by  his  companion.  He 
seems  to  have  been  a  brother  of  James  King  of  William.  K.  (John  H.), 
1846,  overland  immig.  who  played  poker  in  Eureka  down  to  a  late  date  ace. 
to  the  papers.  K.  (John  M.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  K.  (Man- 
uel), 1835,  Portuguese  on  Larkin's  books '35-8.  iii.  413.  K.  (Robert),  1834, 
Engl.  lumberman,  who  was  one  of  Graham's  men  in  '36-8,  and  was  ;irrested 
in  '40,  but  left  at  Sta  B.  sick.  iii.  412;  iv.  17.  Naturalized  in  '41  and  arrested 
for  stealu-g  lumber  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '42,  but  escaped  from  jail;  perhaps  the  man 
named  in  Larkin's  Accts  '45.  K.  (Thomas),  1848.  passp.  from  Hon.  K. 
(Wm),  18-46,  came  to  S.  Jose.  Hall.  K.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499). 

King  of  William  (James),  1848,  nat.  of  Georgetown,  D.  C.,  assuming  the 
affix  'of  William '  at  the  age  of  16,  from  his  father's  given  name,  to  distinguish 
himself  fcom  others  named  James  King.  He  came  to  Cal.  by  way  of  Panami 


KING— KITTLEMAN.  701 

and  Valparaiso  in  Nov.  '48,  made  some  money  in  the  mines,  worked  as  clerk 
for  Reading  &  Co.  at  Sac.,  and  in  '49  opened  a  bank  at  S.F.,  his  family  from 
the  east  joining  him  in  '51.  In  '54-5  he  was  obliged  to  close  his  business,  and 
was  employed  by  Adams  &  Co.  until  the  failure  of  that  firm.  In  Oct.  '55  he 
started  the  S.F.  Evening  Bulletin,  and  began  a  violent,  fearless,  and  desperate 
crusade  against  prevalent  corruption  in  the  city.  Though  harsh  and  often  in- 
judicious in  his  methods,  bitter  in  his  prejudices,  and  generally  disposed  to 
abuse  all  who  did  not  agree  with  his  ideas  of  reform,  he  was  honest  in  stating 
facts  and  aimed  to  be  just  in  his  attacks;  and  he  was  indirectly  the  instru- 
ment of  great  good  to  the  community.  He  was  shot  in  May  '56  by  James  P. 
Casey,  a  politician  and  newspaper  man  whose  unsavory  record  he  had  ex- 
posed, and  his  murder  led  to  the  organization  of  the  famous  Vigilance 
Committee.  In  my  Popular  Tribunals,  vol.  ii.,  the  reader  will  find  much  in- 
formation about  King;  and  there  is  a  sketch  of  his  life  and  a  portrait  in  the 
Contemp.  Biography.  He  left  a  widow  and  6  children,  some  of  whom  still 
live  in  S.F.  in  '85.  Kingery  (Sam.),  1848,  nat.  of  Ohio;  resid.  of  S.  Luis 
Ob.  Co.  '68-83.  Kingsbury,  1846,  doubtful  mention  of  a  major  at  Sutter- 
ville.  SutterCo.Hist.,18.  K.(Elisha),  1848,  on  roll  of  Soc.Cal.Pion.  Kings- 
Icy  (Francis),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  Kink  (Robert), 
1843,  doubtful  name  of  an  Englishman  at  Branciforte  in  '45,  age  36,  wife 
Estefana  Juarez,  child  Robert,  v.  43.  Kinley,  1846,  doubtful  mention  at 
Hock  Farm. 

Kinlock  (Geo.),  1830,  Scotch  carpenter  and  trader  at  Mont,  with  his  wife, 
Mary  Anderson,  also  Scotch,  and  the  1st  foreign  woman  who  lived  in  Cal.  As 
their  son  Geo.  David — the  1st  child  of  foreign  parents  born  in  Cal. — was  born 
in  '30,  they  may  have  arrived  a  year  or  two  earlier.  From  '30  K.'s  name  ap- 
pears constantly  in  all  kinds  of  Monterey  records.  In  '36  his  age  was  39.  He 
died  about  '58.  His  son  Geo.  D.  in  '48-9  was  with  Rose  &  Reynolds  at  Rose 
Bar.  There  was  a  daughter  Catalina,  born  in  '33.  iii.  179-80,  221,  609;  iv.  17. 
Kinnane  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  F.  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Kinney  (A.  and  S.), 
1845,  overl.  immig.,  perhaps  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party.  A.  had  a  family  and 
perhaps  went  to  Or.  in  '46;  S.  was  a  'hard  case,'  employed  by  Sutter  during 
the  winter,  and  went  back  east  in  the  spring,  v.  526,  579.  K.  (James),  1847, 
teamster  in  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Kinns  (Alex.),  1847,  Co.  C, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  Sonoma  Dec.  '47.  Kinsey,  1845,  at  K  Helv.:  and 
a  Dan.  D.  Kinsey  is  named  in  one  list  as  one  of  the  Stevens  party  of  '44. 
Kintring  (Chas  M.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Kirby  (Henry),  1839,  Engl.  steward  of  the  Corsair,  who  kept  a  restau- 
rant at  S.  F.  in  '40;  a  witness  against  Capt.  Hinckley  in  '40-1.  iv.  119.  K. 
(James),  1844,  attendant  of  a  sick  sailor  at  Mont.;  perhaps  same  as  John  K., 
a  sailor.  K.  (Richard  C.),  1846,  Engl.  tanner,  who  left  a  whaler  on  the 
Or.  coast  in  '45,  and  came  by  laud  to  Cal.  with  a  party  the  next  year.  v.  526. 
He  worked  at  his  trade  for  Sutter  during  Bear  Flag  times,  and  later  had  a 
small  tannery  in  the  North  Beach  region  at  S.  F.  In  '47-8  he  worked  at  Sta 
Cruz;  as  miner  and  trader  in  the  mines  '48-9  he  made  a  small  fortune,  which 
he  soon  lost  in  a  city  speculation;  and  from  '50  he  was  engaged  in  the  manu- 
facture of  leather  at  Sta  Cruz,  where  he  still  lived  in  '79,  and  I  think  in  '85. 
Portrait  in  Sta  Cruz  Co.  Hist.,  16.  Kirchner  (Henry),  1848,  partner  of 
Weber  at  Stockton.  Tinkham.  Kirk  (Thomas),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469).  Kirkwood  (James  and  John),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358); 
there  was  also  a  James,  Jr,  at  Mont,  in  '47.  The  K.'s  were  overl.  immig. 
mentioned  by  Bryant.  Kisling  (John  W.),  1846,  Danish  sailor  at  S.  F., 
who  got  a  lot  in  '47,  went  to  the  mines  in  '48,  and  returning  lived  in  town  to 
'59,  later  at  S.  Mateo,  and  died  in  '61,  leaving  a  widow  and  2  children. 

Kittleman  (John),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony  with  a  family;  owner 
of  S.F.  lot  '47;  died  at  Sta  Cruz  '52.  His  children,  each  of  them  obtaining  a 
S.F.  lot,  were  George;  Thomas,  who  married  Angeline  Lovett  at  S.F.  in  '47, 
and  was  a  constable  in  the  same  year;  Sarah,  who  married  E.  P.  Jones;  and 
Wm,  who  died  in  Utah  '55,  leaving  a  widow  and  G  children  living  at  Centre- 
ville,  Ucah,  '85.  None  of  John's  4  children  survives  in  '85.  v.  546,  678,  680, 


702  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

685.  Kleinbrotk  (John),  1847,  musician  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F. 
lot.  v.  GTS.  Kleiuscbrooth  (John),  1847,  Co.  G,  ditto;  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  in 
SF.  '52;  in  Germany '82.  Klengel  (Francis),  1847,  Co.  C,  ditto.  Klicr 
(Win),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artiil.  (v.  518).  Klopper  (Michael),  1847,  Co. 
K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Knapp  (Albert),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Mont.  '48.  K. 
(Joel  B.),  1848,  came  from  Hon.  and  went  to  the  mines.  K.  (M.),  1848, 
from  Hon.  on  the  Julian.  Knight,  1846,  said  by  Lancey  to  have  come  with 
Kearny;  a  newspaper  writer  in  S.F.  '84.  Knight  (Henry),  1840,  one  of  the 
S.  Bias  exiles,  iv.  18.  K.  (Henry),  1844,  Swiss,  at  S.  F. ;  age  40;  perhaps 
same  as  preceding.  K.  (John),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Ukiah 
'71-82.  K.  (Thomas).  1841,  German  sailor  and  sawyer,  who  left  the  Alert 
and  got  a  passport.  K.  (Thomas),  1845,  native  of  Me;  trader  in  La,  Ark., 
and  Mo.;  ovcrl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  or  of  the  Swasey-Todd 
branch  of  that  party,  iv.  576,  579,  587.  All  his  property,  including  a  stock 
of  goods  for  sale,  was  destroyed  by  the  explosion  of  a  keg  of  powder  under 
his  wagon  in  the  Sierra.  He  settled  in  N;ipa  Val.,  took  part  in  the  Bear  re- 
volt, v.  110;  and  had  some  experience  in  the  mines.  In  '51-70  he  was  a 
farmer  in  Napa  and  Sonoma  counties,  being  owner  of  the  Moristal  or  Berrey- 
esa  raucho.  v.  671-2;  and  later  a  dealer  in  real  estate  at  S.F.  In  '72  he  wrote 
for  me  his  Recollections,  containing  much  information  about  early  times  and 
men;  and  in  '79  he  dictated  another  and  briefer  statement  of  Early  Events  in 
Ccd.  His  wife  was  Serena  Haines,  married  in  '54;  and  in  '72  they  had  two 
children,  Chas  P.  S.  and  Thos  G.  He  still  resides  in  S.F.  '85,  at  the  age  of  G5. 

Knight  (Win),  1841,  nat.  of  Ind.,  naturalized  and  married  to  a  native  in 
N.  Mex.,  who  came  with  the  Workman-Rowland  party,  returning  in  '42  to 
bring  his  family,  v.  278-9.  He  settled  in  '43  on  the  Sacramento,  at  the  place 
named  for  him,  Knight's  Landing — obtaining  in  '44  a  renewal  of  his  natu- 
ralization papers  that  had  been  lost.  He  served  Micheltorena  in  Gantt's 
comp. ;  was  a  signer  of  the  S.  Jose1  call  to  foreigners;  got  a  land-grant  in 
'46;  and  took  an  active  part  in  the  Bear  revolt,  perhaps  serving  in  the  Cal. 
Bat.  iv.  486,  501,  573,  599:  v.  106,  110,  114-19,  637.  After  the  discovery  of 
gold  he  established  Knight's  Ferry  on  the  Stanislaus,  where  he  died  in  '49, 
He  was  a  great  hunter,  and  though  said  to  have  been  educated  as  a  physi- 
cian, was  a  man  of  very  rough  ways,  violent  in  temper,  always  ready  to  take 
offence,  and  to  settle  all  differences  by  •  force.  His  title  to  lands,  resting  on 
Sutler's  general  title  and  a  fraudulent  grant  from  Pico,  was  not  confirmed; 
and  though  reputed  to  bo  rich,  his  heirs  are  said  to  have  received  very  little. 
Three  of  his  daughters,  still  living  iu  '85,  I  think,  married  respectively  Chaa 
F.  Reed,  J.  N.  Snowball,  and  Nathaniel  Jacobs.  A  good  sketch  of  Knight  ia 
given  in  Yolo  Co.  Hist.,  31. 

Knoss  (M.),  1846,  Co.  B,  artiil.  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  Sac.  in  Oct.  (v. 
358).  Knott,  1847,  mr  of  the  Sweden,  bringing  recruits  for  the  N.Y.Vol. 
v.  511.  Knowles  (Richard),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  with  his  wife; 
owner  of  S.F.  lot  '47.  v.  546,  678.  He  died  in  the  faith,  and  his  widow  was 
living  in  Utah  '84.  Knox  (Sam.  P.),  1841,  com.  of  the  Flying  Fish,  of  U.S. 
ex.  ex.  iv.  241,  565. 

Kob  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Koeger  (Henry  E.),  1846, 
at  S.  Jose".  Hall.  Kohler  (Deoden),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  K.  (Theo- 
dore G.),  1845,  said  to  have  arrived  this  year.  iv.  587;  in  '49  a  clerk  for  Wells 
&  Co.,  S.F.;  later  connected  with  the  Cal.  press;  died  at  S.F.  75.  Kolan, 

1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list.       Kolmer  (Michael),  1846,  accomp. 
by  wife  and  3  childien;  settled  near  Bodega,  one  daughter  marrying  Wm 
Howard  and  another  Wm  Benitz.  Sonoma  Co.  Hist.,  201.       Koenig  (Wm), 

1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  drowned  in  Sac.  Riv.  '47.      Kontz  (John  G.), 
1847,  Co.  F,  ditto.      Kook  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artiil.  (v.  518).      K. 
(Theodore),  1839,  at  S.  Diego. 

Kooaer  (Benj.  Park),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artiil.;  nat.  of  Pa.  He  was  a 
printer  and  connected  with  the  press,  even  before  his  discharge,  working 
as  pressman  on  the  Californian  in  '47,  and  writing  letters  for  the  eastern 


KOOSER— LAFRENZ.  703 

papers.  To  one  of  his  letters  on  the  gold  disco v.  in  the  N.Y.  Herald  is  at- 
tributed much  influence  in  directing  the  1st  stream  of  gold-seekera  to  Cal. 
After  quitting  the  mil.  service  he  was  connected  chiefly  with  S.  Joaquin  Co. 
papers  till  '63,  having  married  Belle  Ward  of  S.  Jose  in  '02.  Then  he  became 
editor  and  publisher  of  the  Sta  Cruz  Sentinel  for  1 1  years,  his  valedictory  ad- 
dress appearing  May  27,  '76.  He  took  a  deep  interest  in  pioneer  reminis- 
cences, and  wrote  many  articles  on  the  subject,  his  Pioneer  Soldiers  of  Cal., 
an  account  of  the  artill.  company,  being  published  in  the  Alta  of  '64.  v.  520. 
In  '76  he  went  east  as  centennial  commissioner  for  Cal.;  and  died  at  Sta  Cruz 
in  '78,  at  the  age  of  56.  Korn  (Julius),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y. Vol.  under 
another  name.  Kornish,  1847,  ditto.  Rosier,  1848,  mr  of  a  launch  at  N. 
Hclv.  Kostromitinof  (Peter),  1829,  Russ.  manager  of  Ross.  '29-36;  and  in 
'40-1  agent  for  the  sale  of  Ross  and  settling  up  all  Russian  business  in  Cal.; 
also  visiting  the  country  several  times  in  later  years  on  the  same  mission,  ii. 
651;  iii.  426;  ir.  161-4,  174-5,  178-80.  Kotzebue  (Otto  von),  1816,  com.  of 
the  Russ.  exploring  ship  Rurik,  and  author  of  a  Voyage  of  Discovery;  and 
again  com.  of  the  Predprlate  in  '24,  and  author  of  a  New  Voyage.  For  notice 
of  his  visit  and  writings,  containing  much  useful  information  about  Cal.,  see 
ii.  212-13,  278-80,  299,  309-10,  373,  517,  519,  522-5,  587,  590,  592,  597,  602- 
3,  645-6.  Kountze  (Wm),  1847-8,  Mormon,  at  Sutter's  mill.  Birjler. 

Kraft  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Krauss  (Chas),  1847, 
musician,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  Kreutzer  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  (v. 
518).  Krewzburg,  1847,  named  at  N.  Helv.  as  one  of  the  N.Y. Vol.  Krie- 
uan,  1847,  named  in  '48  as  a  deserter  from  the  N.Y. Vol.  Krohn  (John  M.), 
1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  Krusof  (Stephen),  1822,  mr  of  the  Apollo. 
ii.  643. 

Kunhardt,  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the  Sagudahoc.  Kuntze  (John  C.),  1847, 
at  N.  Helv.  and  S.F.,  where  he  owned  a  lot.  Kuppertz  (Gerard),  1836,  mr 
of  the  Peor  es  Nada.  iv.  105;  in  '37  (or  '34)  he  announces  that  he  has  suc- 
ceeded Sill  &  Co.  as  a  baker  at  Sta  B.  Kuprianof  (Ivan),  1840,  ex-gov.  of 
the  Russ.  estab.  in  Alaska;  visited  Cal.  on  the  Nikolai,  iv.  105,  167,  174-G. 
Kurtz  (Lewis),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  Kuskof  (Ivan  A.),  1808, 
Russ.  explorer  of  the  coast  in  1808-11;  founder  of  Ross  in  '12,  and  manager 
of  that  establishment  until  succeeded  by  Schmidt  in  '21,  having  visited  S.F. 
in  '16.  ii.  80-2,  88,  198,  203-4,  210,  212-13,  267,  280,  294-318,  373,  630, 
672-3.  Kutchback  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499). 

Kybnrz  (Daniel),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  K.  (Sam.  E.),  1846,  overl. 
imim'g.  from  Wisconsin  with  his  wife  and  her  brothers.  Entered  Sutter's  em- 

S'oy  as  a  kind  of  superintendent,  and  is  often  mentioned  in  the  N.  Helv. 
iary  '47-8,  also  owning  a  S.F.  lot  hi  '47.  He  took  an  active  part  in  events 
connected  with  the  gold  discovery;  and  in  '48-9  kept  a  hotel  at  Sac.  In  '50-4 
he  seems  to  have  been  a  trader  at  S.  F.  Mrs  K.  had  two  children  born  at 
Sutter's  Fort,  one  of  them,  a  son,  in  Feb.  '48;  and  she  was  living  at  Clarks- 
ville,  El  Dorado  Co.,  in  '80. 

Labasticla,  soldier- teacher  at  S.  Jose"  '22.  ii.  603.  Labra  (Juan  Ant. ), 
soldier,  sentenced  to  death  at  Mont,  for  robbery  1781.  Lacousse,  1848,  Cana- 
dian at  Bear  River  and  Mormon  Diggings.  -Brooks.  Lacy  (Sam.),  1839, 
Hir  of  a  Peruv.  brig  at  S.F.  Ladd  (Milton),  1845,  one  of  the  men  lost  on  the 
Warren's  launch  '46.  iv.  384,  587.  L.  (Sain.),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  col- 
ony, who  went  by  the  name  of  Johnson;  formerly  a  soldier,  being  a  teacher 
of  tactics  on  the  Brooklyn;  went  to  Utah,  where  he  still  lived  in  '84.  v.  546, 
550.  L.  (S.  G. ),  1847,  at  Benicia.  Laez  (Mazario),  claimed  to  have  been 
grantee  of  land  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  1785. 

Laflenr  (Louis),  1846,  Canadian  in  Co.  G,  Gal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  S.  Jose" 
Nov.;  went  east  with  Com.  Stockton  '47.  v.  454;  but  returned,  and  in  Dec. 
'48  was  drowned  in  the  Yuba.  Laframboise  (Michel),  1832  (?),  chief  of  the 
H.  B.  Co.  hunters  in  Cal.,  making  half  a  dozen  or  more  visits  in  '32-46,  espe- 
cially in  '35-42.  The  date  of  the  1st  visit  is  uncertain,  iii.  392-3,  408;  iv.  135, 
213,  220.  Lafrenz  (C.  F.},  1847,  from  Hon.  on  the  Xylon.  L.  (J.  H.), 


704  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Lagos  (J.  B.),  1848,  ditto.  Lagrace  (Fran.),  1840, 
perhaps  one  of  the  arrested  foreigners,  iv.  17. 

Laidlaw  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  490).  Laighton  (John  B.), 
1833,  lieut  in  Mex.  navy  stationed  at  Mont.;  went  to  S.  Bias  to  join  his  corps 
in  '36.  He  was  an  American.  Laine  (Thos  H. ),  1847,  nat.  of  Mo.,  who  came 
to  Cal.  at  the  age  of  15,  and  became  a  prominent  lawyer  of  Sta  Clara;  memb. 
of  the  state  senate  '74-7,  and  of  the  constit.  convention  of  '78.  Laird  (John 
W.),  1847,  nat.  of  Pa  and  overl.  immig.  with  his  family.  In  Feb.  '48  he  kept 
a  ferry  on  the  Sac.  Riv.  at  Montezuma.  v.  674;  ace.  to  the  newspapers  Mrs 
L.  had  a  son  born  on  the  Amer.  Riv.  in  May,  '47,  but  it  was  prob.  in  '48. 
Laird  kept  a  store  at  Angels,  living  also  at  Stockton  and  other  places;  but  in 
'50  settled  in  Stanislaus  Co. ,  where  he  died  in  '78,  leaving  a  widow — a  sister 
of  Thos  Pyle — and  3  children. 

Lajeunesse  (Basil),  1845,  Canadian  trapper  and  member  of  Fremont's  ex- 
ploring party,  who  was  killed  by  Ind.  on  the  Or.  frontier  in  the  night  attack 
on  Fremont's  camp,  April  '46.  iv.  583,  587;  v.  24.  L.  (Fra^ois),  1833  (?), 
probably  brother  of  Basil,  said  to  have  visited  Cal.  either  in  the  Walker 
party  or  in  one  of  the  H.  B.  Co.  parties.  He  was  one  of  Fremont's  men  in 
'44,  but  did  not  reach  Cal.  iii.  391.  Lake  (John),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dra- 
goons (v.  232,  247). 

Lamanon,  1786,  with  LaPe>ouse.  i.  435.  Lambaren  (Juan),  1842,  adj.  of 
the  batallon  fijo,  who  died  '44.  iv.  289.  Lambclon,  1847,  at  N.  Helv. 
Lambert  (John  A.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Lamoine,  1847,  mr  of 
the  Francois.  Lamoreux  (Louis),  1840,  Canadian  carpenter,  age  37,  at  Los 
Aug.  with  a  N.  Mex.  passport;  perhaps  his  name  was  Lamoreau,  still  at  Los 
Aug.  '48.  Lamotte  (Francois),  1845,  negro  deserter  from  the  Heroine  at 
Mont.  Lamplicio  (Wm),  1824,  mate  of  the  Rover.  Lamprnan  (WmL.), 
1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  Mexico  '82.  Lance  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  E, 
Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl. 

Lancey  (Thomas  Crosby),  1846,  nat.  of  Me.,  born  in  '24,  and  a  sailor  from 
'42;  a  coxswain  on  the  U.S.  Dale  in  '46-9.  After  his  discharge  from  the  navy 
in  '49  he  took  charge  of  a  store  at  Mormon  Isl. ,  and  later  was  drayman, 
teamster,  and  stage-driver  in  the  Sac.  region  till  '51,  when  he  came  to  S.  F., 
and  has  since  resided  here  as  mining  agent  and  painter.  For  4  or  5  years,  in 
'85,  he  has  been  confined  to  his  room;  and  much  of  the  time  to  his  bed.  He 
kept  a  journal  during  his  service  in  the  navy,  supplemented  with  many  items 
obtained  from  later  observations,  reading,  and  association  with  pioneers,  with 
a  view  to  publication  in  book  form  as  material  for  history.  Being  prevented 
by  failing  health  from  carrying  out  his  purpose,  he  furnished  a  part  of  his 
historical  gleanings  to  the  S.  J.  Pioneer  for  publication  in  '79-81.  The  result, 
Lanc^y's  Cruise  of  the  Dale,  preserved  in  my  Library  in  scrap-book  form,  v. 
190,  is  in  many  respects  the  most  complete  collection  extant  of  data  on  the 
conquest  of  Cal.  The  author  has  shown  not  only  indefatigable  zeal,  but 
marked  ability  in  his  researches.  The  matter  is  not  always  systematically  ar- 
ranged; the  effect  is  marred  by  typographic  errors,  resulting  chiefly  from  the 
newspaper  medium  of  publication;  the  author  is  often  in  error  respecting 
matters  resting  on  Spanish  documentary  evidence;  and  he  is,  in  my  opinion, 
excessively  American  in  his  views;  but  with  all  its  faults,  the  work  merits 

E  raise,  and  justifies  me  in  placing  the  author  high  in  the  list  of  those  who 
ave  done  faithful  work  on  Cal.  history.  Lancey  also  wrote  a  sketch  of  the 
N.Y.  Volunteers,  published  in  Clark's  First  Regiment.    (Died  in  '85.) 

Landaeta  (Martin),  1791,  Span,  friar,  who  served  chiefly  atS.F.,  and  died 
atS.  Fern,  in  1810.  Biog.  ii.  115-16;  mention  i.  510,  514,  576-7,  706,  712, 
721;  ii.  130-1,  159-60.  Landers  (Ebenezer),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
469);  at  Salem,  Utah,  '82.  L.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  sher- 
iff in  '48;  died  at  S.  F.  '50.  Lane,  1848,  sutler  in  Graham's  battalion  (v. 
522).  L.  (Emmeline  A.),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546.  L. 
(Joseph),  1848,  passed  through  Cal.  on  his  way  from  Sta  Fe"  to  Or.;  a  promi- 
nent man  in  the  north.  See  Hint.  Or.  L.  (Lewis),  1847,  sergt  Co.  D,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469).  L.  (Samuel),  1846,  one  of  the  men  lost  on  the  Warren's  launch. 
v.  334.  Land,  1S42,  doubtful  name  of  a  ranch  owner  near  8.  Luis  Ob. 


LANG— LARIOS.  705 

Lang  (Charles),  1828,  Amer.  smuggler  at  S.  Diego  '28-9;  ii.  551;  iii.  139, 
168.  L.  (Chas),  1848,  from  Boston  on  the  Sabine.  L.  (John  P.  and  Wil- 
lis), 1848,  brothers  from  Mo.,  at  Slitter's  Fort  and  in  the  mines.  Langdon 
(Maurice),  1846,  came  with  Kearny.  Lancey.  Langenberger  (A.),  1848,  Ger- 
man miner  on  the  Yuba  and  Stanislaus  '48-9;  later  a  trader  at  S.  Gabriel  and 
Anaheim,  where  he  lived  in  '80  with  7  children  by  his  1st  wife,  a  daughter  of 
Juan  P.  Ontiveros,  married  in  '50.  Langle,  1786,  with  La  PtSrouse.  i.  428, 
431-3.  Langlois  (A.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Langlois  (William),  1840, 
Canadian,  exiled  with  the  Graham  party,  who  returned  in  '41 ;  perhaps  the 
Laingles  named  at  Sonoma  in  '50.  iv.  18,  33,  37,  120.  Langsdorff  (G.  H. 
von),  1806,  German  naturalist  with  Rezanof  at  S.F.,  and  author  of  a  book  of 
Voyages  and  Travels,  containing  a  narrative  of  the  author's  visit  and  obser- 
vations in  Cal.  ii.  46-7,  65-76,  115,  128,  130,  138-40,  164,  176.  Lanman 
(Joseph),  1847,  lieut  U.  S.  N.,  com.  of  the  Warren  '47-8.  v.  581.  L. 
(Stephen),  1846,  sailmaker  on  the  U.S.  Dale.  Lansing,  1847,  mrof  the  Citi- 
zen, v.  577.  Lanson  (J. ),  1847,  blacksmith  at  S.  Diego. 

La  PeYouse  (Jean  F.  G. ),  1786,  French  navigator,  the  first  foreign  voyager 
to  touch  the  coast  of  Cal.  after  Span,  occupation;  and  author  of  a  Voijar\e 
which  contains  much  valuable  information  about  Cal.  See  account  of  his 
visit  and  book  in  i.  428-40;  also  ment.  i.  282,  475,  509,  512,  519,  527,  619; 
ii.  23,  131,  616.  Lapierre  (Louis),  1845,  Canadian  boat- maker  of  Fremont's 
party,  iv.  583.  He  is  said  to  have  built  a  schooner  for  Sainsevain'at  Sta  Cruz 
in  later  years.  Laplace  (Cyrille  P.  T.),  1839,  com.  of  the  French  man-of- 
war  Artemitie,  and  author  of  a  Campagne  de  Ciriumnavigation.  iv.  152-5; 
ment.  iii.  695,  700;  iv.  93,  101,  165.  Lappeus  (James  H.),  1847,  Co.  H, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  trader  at  Sac.  '48;  married  in  '49  to 
Ann  Hitchcock.  He  went  later  to  N.Y.  and  Idaho,  and  in  '82  lived  at  Port- 
land, Or.,  where  he  had  been  city  marshal,  and  for  12  years  chief  of  police. 

Lara,  sentinel  at  Los  Ang.  '37.  iii.  519.  L.  (Antonio),  alguacil  at  Mont. 
'36.  iii.  675.  L.  (Casimiro),  invalido  of  Sta  B.  comp.  '32.  L.  (Fran.),  sol- 
dier of  S.  F.  comp.  '39-42.  L.  (Fran.),  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  347.  L. 
(Jose"),  one  of  the  1st  settlers  at  Los  Ang.  1781;  Span.,  with  an  Ind.  wife. 
L.  (Juan),  soldier  and  corp.  S.F.  comp.  '37-42.  L.  (Julian),  soldier  at  Sta 
B.  before  '37.  L.  (Eomualdo),  1837,  Mex.  of  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  impli- 
cated in  the  troubles  of  '35,  and  sent  to  Mcx.  under  arrest,  iii.  28i,  286,  288. 

Lard  (Fielding),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  his  family.  The  marriage  of  his 
daughter  (Mary  to  R.  S.  Moultrie)  on  the  trip  is  mentioned  by  Bryant;  at 
Sutler's  Fort  in  '47,  and  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot,  but  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Val., 
where  he  still  lived  in  '60;  often  called  Wm.  L.  (Joseph  A. ),  1846,  came  to 
Sta  Clara;  prob.  son  of  Fielding.  Lardner,  1842,  lieut  U.S.N.,  with  Jones  at 
Mont.  iv.  308.  La  Reintrie  (Henry),  1842,  commander's  sec.  on  the  York- 
town. 

Larios  (Gracia),  sent  to  Mex.  as  a  prisoner  '30.  iii.  85.  L.  (Jose"  Maria), 
Mex.  sold,  who  came  between  1780  and  '90;  from  '91  a  settler  at  S.  Jose",  and 
later  at  Las  Aromas,  near  S.  Juan  B.  He  was  a  blacksmith  and  builder  of 
mills,  but  was  chiefly  noted  as  a  bear-hunter,  being  killed  by  a  grizzly  in 
1818.  i.  642,  716,  718;  ii.  135,  170,  387.  His  first  wife  was  Juliana  Linares, 
and  the  2d  Eusebia  Alvarez;  his  children  were  Antonio,  Manuel,  Jose"  Do- 
lores, Justo,  Maria  del  Pilar,  Antonia,  and  Antonina.  L.  ( Justo),  son  of  Jos6 
M..  b.  at  S.  Jose1  1808;  soap-maker  and  ranchero  who  served  as  miltia  artil- 
leryman in  the  war  against  Micheltorena  '44-5,  and  for  a  short  time  under 
Castro  in  '46;  grantee  of  Canada  de  loa  Capitancillos  in  '42.  iv.  671;  all  his 
horses  were  taken  by  Fremont.  He  made  two  successful  visits  to-  the  mines 
in  '49-50,  but  in  later  years  lost  all  his  land  and  other  property,,  through  no 
fault  of  his  own,  as  he  believes.  In  '78,  living  at  Gilroy,  he  gave  me  an  in- 
teresting narrative  called  Convulsiones  en  California.  His  wife  was  Cecilia, 
daughter  of  Joaquin  Castro,  married  in  '33;  children '41,  Adeline  b.  '34,  Juan 
'36,  Olivero  '39,  Soledad  '38.  L.  (Manuel),  son  of  Jos6  M.,  b.  at  S.  Jose" 
1798.  He  seems  to  have  served  as  a  soldier  in  '15-29,  and  was  later  an  alfe"rez 
of  militia,  serving  in  Gov.  Alvarado's  time.  In  '39  lie  was  grantee  of  Sta. 
HIST.  CAL..  VOL.  IV.  45 


706  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Ana  rancho  near  S.  Juan  B.,  which  was  finally  confirmed  to  him.  iii.  679, 
713.  In  '40  he  was  juez  at  S.  Juan,  and  took  part  in  the  arrest  of  the  for- 
eigners, iii,  693;  iv.  20.  He  was,  like  his  father,  a  famous  bear-hunter,  took 
part  iu  various  exped.,  and  his  rancho  suffered  much  from  Ind.  depredations, 
iv.  332;  v.  662.  He  died  in '65.  His  wives  were  successively  Maria  A.  Pacheco, 
Guadalupe  Castro,  and  Rosario  Armas,  by  whom  he  is  said  to  have  had  22 
children.  In  '78  his  son  (or  grandson),  Estolano  Larios,  gave  me  some  informa- 
tion on  the  Vida  y  Adventure*  of  Don  Manuel. 

Larkin  (Thomas  Oliver),  1832,  nat.  of  Mass.,  b.  at  Charlestown  in  1802,  in 
business  at  Wilmington,  N.C.,  from  '21  to  '30,  and  in  '31  accepting  an  invita- 
tion from  Capt.  Cooper,  his  half-brother,  to  join  him  at  Monterey.  His  mother 
was  then  married  to  a  3d  husband,  Mr  Childs,  L.  's  passport  from  the  gov.  of 
Mass,  is  dated  Sept.  2,  '31,  and  he  came  on  the  Newcastle  via  Honolulu,  ar- 
riving in  April  '32.  iii.  364,  408.  In  '32  he  was  employed  by  Cooper  as  clerk, 
or  accountant;  in  Feb.-Sept.  '33  he  did  a  small  commission  business,  and 
then  with  a  capital  of  $500  he  opened  a  little  store  at  Mont,  for  the  sale  of 
groceries,  grog,  produce,  and  dry  goods,  starting  a  flour- mill  the  next  year, 
and  dealing  to  a  considerable  extent  in  lumber.  In  '33  he  was  also  married  on 
board  the  Volunteer  at  Sta  B. ,  by  Consul  J-ones  of  Honolulu,  to  Mrs  Rachel 
Holmes,  ne'e  Hobson,  his  fellow-passenger  on  the  Newcastle,  who  had  come  to 
join  her  husband,  Capt.  John  C.  Holmes,  but  on  arrival  had  found  herself  a 
widow,  iii.  365,  408,  652.  She  was  the  1st  Amer.  woman  to  live  in  Cal.,  and 
her  son  Thomas  0.,  born  in  April '34,  was  the  1st  child  born  of  Amer.  parents 
in  Cal.  Having  the  proverbial  Yankee  shrewdness  in  trade,  with  no  incon- 
venient veneration  for  the  revenue  laws,  Larkin  prospered  fn  m  the  first.  In 
his  ledgers  he  has  left  careful  memoranda  of  his  wealth  on  Jan.  1st  of  each 
year  as  follows:  '35,  §2,650;  '36,  §4,708;  '37,  §5,626  (chiefly  in  house  and  mill, 
for  he  had  spent  all  his  money  on  the  house  and  had  no  goods);  '38,  §11,013; 
'39,  §,13,788;  '40,  §15,895;  '41,  §21,493;  '42,  §37,958;  '43,  §49,147;  '44,  §46,- 
505;  ''45,  §60,175;  '46,  §G6,644.  He  did  not  seek  to  become  a  Mex.  citizen, 
but  in  '38  obtained  a  carta,  which  was  renewed  from  year  to  year.  He  took 
no  part  openly  in  politics,  but  quietly  supported  Alvarado's  movement  in  '36. 
iii.  461;  iv.  141.  I  have  much  of  his  business  corresp.  from  the  first.  In  '39 
he  made  a  special  effort  to  induce  whalers  to  touch  at  Mont.  iv.  92.  In  '40  he 
did  all  that  he  could  for  the  comfor$  of  the  arrested  foreigners,  but  because 
he  did  not  join  in  the  loud  protests  and  absurd  threats  of  Graham  and  his 
gang  he  was  the  subject  of  some  unfavorable  criticism  at  the  time  and  later,  iv. 
8,  9,  24,  32-3.  He  visited  Mex.  in  '40-1  on  business,  iv.  102,  207;  on  his  return 
took  a  contract  to  build  the  Mont,  custom-house;  and  in  '42  did  good  service 
in  maintaining  friendly  relations  between  Com.  Jones  and  the  Californians.  iv. 
307,  310,  329.  The  same  year  he  established  a  branch  store  at  Sta  Cruz  in  charge 
of  Jo^iah  Belden;  but  an  incendiary  fire  destroying  §6,000  worth  of  lumber  in 
'43  made  this  part  of  his  business  unprofitable.  In  43-4  he  had  somewhat  inti- 
mate business  relations  with  Gov.  Micheltorena,  making  loans  to  the  govt,  and 
doubtless  was  induced  by  personal  interests  to  look  with  too  much  favor  on 
the  cholo  cause,  making  also  another  visit  to  Mex.  on  govt  business,  and 
bringing  back  the  small-pox,  among  other  results,  iv.  364,  366,  401-3,  405, 
473,  478-9,  558-9,  5G3,  651.  On  his  return  he  assumed  the  position  of  U.S. 
consul  at  Mont. ,  his  appointment  having  been  made  at  Wash,  in  '43  and  re- 
newed in  '44,  and  from  the  first  was  active  in  sending  accurate  information  to 
'his  govt  respecting  Cal.  affairs,  as  well  as  in  the  routine  duties  of  his  oifice. 
iv.  385,  408,  428,  430,  450,  454,  561,  589-98.  Larkin's  closeness  in  money 
.matters,  in  contrast  with  the  reckless  prodigality  affected  by  many,  prevented 
his  ever  reaching  in  a  certain  sense  the  highest  popularity,  but  he  was  always 
respected  .by  the  better  classes  of  natives  aud  foreigners  as  a  man  of  honora- 
ble conduct,  of  sound  judgment,  and  of  conservative  though  not  selfish  views 
on  general  topics.  He  was  a  man  of  slight  education,  but  of  much  tact  and 
practical  .good  sense.  Duly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  his  govt  and  of  the 
Amer.  immigrants,  h.e  had  no  sympathy  with  filibusterism,  and  did  not  ignore 
the  rights  and  prejudices  of  the  Californians.  He  fully  believed  that,  either  in 


LARKIN— LA  ROCQUE.  707 

the  event  of  war  with  Mex.  or  by  purchase,  the  people  and  local  rulers  might 
be  induced  voluntarily  to  transfer  their  allegiance  to  the  U.S.  At  the  end  of 
'45  he  was  formally  appointed  a  secret  and  confidential  agent  of  the  adminis- 
tration at  Wash,  to  bring  about  this  result;  and  from  the  beginning  of  '46, 
turning  over  his  private  business  to  Talbot  H.  Green,  he  worked  earnestly, 
and  as  he  believed  with  good  prospects  of  success,  to  make  friends  for  the  U.S. 
and  to  counteract  the  effects  of  the  few  who  favored  an  English  protectorate. 
v.  4-28,  54-76,  109,  142,  219-20.  Fremont's  foolish  bravado  at  Gavilan,  and 
the  still  more  foolish  and  criminal  Bear  revolt,  were  wellnigh  fatal  blows  to 
his  plans;  but  still  he  did  not  despair,  and  having  used  his  influence  with 
Com.  Sloat  successfully  in  favor  of  a  conservative  policy,  v.  224-54,  he  went 
south  with  Stockton,  hoping  with  the  aid  of  his  associate,  Abel  Stearns,  to 
induce  Castro  and  Pico,  with  the  people  of  the  south,  to  submit  without  re- 
sistance, artfully  presenting  to  them  the  danger  that  the  U.S.  forces,  in  case 
the  report  of  war  should  prove  unfounded  as  in  '42,  would  retire  and  leave 
Cal.  at  the  mercy  of  the  Bears.  That  Stockton  took  effective  and  dishonorable 
steps  to  prevent  the  success  of  these  plans,  fearing  that  the  submission  of  the 
gov.  and  general  would  interfere  with  the  immediate  prospects  of  himself 
and  his  associate  filibusters,  is  no  discredit  to  Larkin,  whose  course  through- 
out is  worthy  of  all  praise,  his  statesmanship  being  incomparably  superior  to 
that  of  the  opera-bouffe  'conquerors'  of  Cal.  v.  271-2,  281.  Returning  to 
Mont.,  L.  was  appointed  acting  U.S.  naval  agent,  interesting  himself  also  in 
the  release  of  the  Bears'  captives  at  N.  Helvetia,  v.  281,  298-9,  304.  In  '45-6 
he  was  a  correspondent  of  the  N.Y.  Herald  and  Sun.  In  Nov.,  while  on 
his  way  to  visit  a  sick  daughter  at  S.F.,  L.  was  captured  by  the  Califor- 
uians  under  Manuel  Castro,  became  a  witness  of  the  fight  at  Natividad,  and 
was  carried  south  to  be  retained  as  a  captive  till  the  end  of  the  war.  He  was 
kindly  treated,  there  being  no  ill-will  toward  him,  and  the  intention  being  to 
utilize  the  possession  of  so  prominent  a  man  either  in  exchange  or  in  making 
favorable  terms  of  capitulation,  v.  358,  364-5,  367-70,  402.  Returning  north 
in  '47,  he  served  as  naval  store-keeper,  and  his  appointment  as  naval  agent 
was  confirmed  in  Wash.  v.  614.  He  was  also  a  member  of  the  legislative 
council  which  never  met.  v.  433.  He  took,  however,  but  slight  part  in  public 
affairs,  v.  443,  448,  455,  571;  being  notified  in  June  '48  that  his  functions  as 
counsel  and  confidential  agent  terminated  in  May  with  the  treaty  of  peace. 
He  had  become  the  owner  of  various  S.F.  lots,  and  in  partnership  with  Sem- 
plc,  the  founder  of  Benicia  in  '47.  v.  653,  660,  671-4.  In  '49  he  was  a  member 
of  the  constit.  convention,  and  his  naval  agency  was  discontinued  by  orders 
from  Wash.  In  '50-3  he  resided  with  his  family  in  N.Y.,  but  returned  to  S.F. 
and  gave  his  attention  to  the  care  of  his  property.  Though  unable  to  sustain 
his  title  to  a  S.F.  grant  and  the  Sta  Clara  orchard,  he  was  the  successful 
claimant  for  the  Fliigge  and  Jimeno  ranches  in  the  Sac.  Val.  v.  665-6,  670-1; 
and  these,  with  his  possessions  in  S.F.,  Mont.,  and  Benicia,  made  him  a  very 
rich  man.  His  sons  had  also  been  the  grantees  in  '44  of  a  rancho  in  Colusa. 
iv.  671.  Larkin  died  at  S.F.  in  '58.  He  was  a  man  to  whom  nothing  like  just 
credit  has  hitherto  been  given  for  his  public  services  in  '45-6.  Portraits  are 
given  in  Cotton's  Three  Years  in  Gal. ,  A  nnals  ofS.  F. ,  and  there  are  photographs 
in  the  library  of  the  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  A  street  in  S.F.  bears  his  name.  Mrs  L. 
died  in  '73,  at  the  age  of  66.  The  children  were  Thos  0.  b.  in  '34;  an  infant 
son  who  died  in  '36;  Fred.  H.  b.  in  '37,  d.  '69;  Adelaide  who  died  at  S.F. 
in  '46;  Francis  R.  b.  '40,  d.  '74;  Alfred  O.  born  in  '48;  and  a  daughter  who 
married  Sampson  Tarns.  Thomas,  Alfred,  and  Mrs  Tarns  are  still  living,  I 
think,  in  '85.  The  Larkin  manuscripts  furnished  for  my  use  as  material  for 
history  by  representatives  of  the  family  have  been  named  in  my  list  of  au- 
thorities, with  some  comments,  in  i.  49-50.  They  constitute  a  most  magnifi- 
cent and  unequalled  contribution  to  the  history  in  which  the  father  ot  the 
donors  took  so  prominent  and  honorable  a  part.  L.  (Wm  M.),  1843,  on  the 
roll  of  the  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  iv.  400.  Larragoyli  (Rafael),  1822,  mr  of  the  S.F. 
de.  Paula,  ii.  474.  La  Roche  (Eugene),  1846,  witness  in  the  Santillan  case 
'55,  age  33.  La  Rocque  (Geo.),  1848,  Canadian  miner  from  Or.  on  the 


708  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Henry;  went  back  in  '49  to  Or.,  where  he  died  in  '77,  leaving  a  widow  and  4 
children.  Laskey  (Alex.  B.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  killed  by 
Ind.  '48. 

Lassen  (Peter),  1840,  Danish  blacksmith  who  came  to  Amer.  in  '19,  to  Or. 
overland  in  '39,  and  to  Cal.  by  the  Lausanne,  landing  at  Bodega,  and  thence 
proceeding  to  Sutter's  Fort,  8.F.,  and  S.  Jos6,  where  he  worked  at  his  trade 
though  the  winter  of  '40-1.  iv.  117,  120-1,  136.  In  the  spring  of  '41  he  built 
a  saM'-mill  near  Sta  Cruz,  which  he  sold  to  Graham  early  in  '43.  Dr  Sandels 
describes  him  this  year  as  a  travelling  blacksmith  and  hunter  between  S.Jos6 
and  Sac. ;  he  had  a  hut  on  the  Cosumnes  in  Nov. ;  applied  for  naturaliza- 
tion, and  selected  a  rancho.  In  '44  he  got  his  papers  and  his  land-grant  of 
Bosquejo  on  Deer  Cr.,  Tehama  Co.  iv.  670-1.  His  place  is  often  mentioned 
in  '45-6.  iv.  229,  580;  v.  22,  24-5,  102;  he  was  with  Gillespie  and  Fremont 
and  probably  one  of  the  Bears  in  '46;  tut  is  said  to  have  gone  east  in  the 
Stockton  party  of  '47,  returning,  prob.  with  Chiles,  in  '48;  but  I  think  there 
may  be  an  error  in  this,  and  that  L.  went  no  farther  east  than  Fort  Hall,  his 
mission  being  to  divert  immigration  into  the  Lassen  route  to  the  upper  Sac. 
Val.  He  was  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  in  '47.  In  '50  he  sold  half  of  his  rancho  and 
stock,  engaging  in  unfortunate  steamboat  speculation  at  Sac.  which  soon 
mined  him  financially.  In  '51  he  settled  in  Indian  Val.,  Plumas  Co.;  and  in 
'55,  as  miner  and  farmer  in  Honey  Lake  Val.,  Lassen  Co.  In  '59,  while  on  a 
prospecting  tour  in  the  region  north  of  Pyramid  Lake,  he  was  killed  by  Ind., 
or  possibly  white  man  disguised  as  Ind.,  being  then  59  years  old.  Portrait  in 
Piumas,  Loosen,  and  Sierra  Co.  Hist.,  56.  His  memory  is  preserved  in  the 
name  of  Lassen  peak  and  county. 

Lasso  de  la  Vega  (Ramon),  1781,  Mex.  alfcrez  of  the  S.F.  comp.,  and 
sometimes  habilitado;  retired  on  half  pay  in  '94;  later  a  teacher  at  S.  Jose"; 
died  in  1821,  at  the  age  of  64.  Biog.  i.  470-1;  ment.  340,  342-3,  385,  584, 
C42,  693,  716.  Lasuen  (Fermin  Francisco),  1773,  Span,  friar  who  served  as 
missionary,  chiefly  at  S.  Diego  till  1785,  when  he  was  chosen  president  of  tho 
missions,  a  position  held  until  his  death  at  S.  Carlos  in  1803.  In  all  the  annals 
of  the  Fernandinos  there  is  presented  no  more  admirable  character  than  that 
of  Padre  Fermin.  Biog.  ii.  8-10;  ment.  i.  122,  194-6,  248-9,266-7,  300,  302-4, 
316,  328,  388,  398-406,  417,  422-5,  432,  439,  441,  454-9,  4C9,  471,  474,  476,  489, 
491-3,  498-9,  512-13,  522,  531,  537,  542,  544,  553-5,  557,  559-64,  568,  573-4, 
576.  578-99,  600-23,  626,  655,  686,  689,  709-11,  727-8;  ii.  3,  146,  159,  165, 
378,  623. 

Lataillade  (Cesareo),  1842,  Span,  of  French  descent,  and  member  of  a  Mex. 
trading  firm,  who  came  as  sup.  of  the  Trinidad,  iv.  341,  569.  He  became  well 
known  as  a  man  of  business,  making  Sta  B.  his  home.  From  '46  he  was  vice- 
consul  of  Spain  at  Mont.,  being  allowed  to  reside  at  Sta  B.  from  '47,  and  be- 
ing the  grantee  of  Cuyamas  rancho  in  '46.  iv.  590;  v.  218,  G15,  632.  His  name 
often  appears  in  official  commun.  during  the  mil.  regime  of  '47-8;  he  was  men- 
tioned in  connection  with  idle  rumors  of  revolts,  v.  586;  and  took  a  promi- 
nent part  in  arresting  the  murderers  of  the  Reed  family,  v.  640.  He  acci- 
dentally shot  and  killed  himself  at  Sta  B.  in  '49.  His  wife  was  Maria  Antonia 
de  la  Guerra,  who  was  claimant  for  several  ranches,  iii.  655;  iv.  642,  became 
the  wife  of  Gaspar  de  Orefla,  and  is  still  living  in  '85.  Latham,  1846,  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358).  Lathrop  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Lauber  (Matthew),  1846,  Co.  C.  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Lauff  (Chas 
August),  1844,  German  sailor  on  the  Whaler  Warren,  transferred  to  the 
Tasso,  and  making  a  trip  to  Callao  with  Capt.  Cooper,  iv.  453.  In  '45-6,  he 
worked  as  a  lumberman  in  Marin;  in  '46-7  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  Co.  B, 
artill.  (v.  358);  went  to  the  mines  in  '48-9;  and  in  '49  was  pilot  on  the  bay 
and  S.  Joaquin.  From  '50  he  lived  at  different  places  in  Marin  Co.,  being  in 
'80  on  a  rancho  near  Bolinas,  with  wife — Maria  J.  Cibrian,  daughter  of  Gre- 
gorio  Briones,  married  in '62 — and  9  children.  Portrait  in  Marin  Co.  Hist., 
64.  Laughlin,  1827,  see  iii.  160.  L.  (James),  1848,  uat.  of  S.C.,  who  came 
from  Or.  to  the  mines;  died  in  Stanislaus  Co.  '78.  L.  (Richard),  1828,  Amer. 
trapper  who  came  from  N.  Mex.  with  Pattie's  party,  with  a  passport  dated 


LAUGHLIN— LEAVENWORTH.  709 

Paso  del  Norte,  Apr.  18,  '27.  iii.  163,  178.  He  settled  at  Los  Ang.  as  a  carpen- 
ter, ii.  558;  got  a  carta  in  '31;  and  later  owned  a  vineyard,  perhaps  marrying 
a  native.  He  is  named  in  various  records  of  '34-43,  took  part  in  the  Michel- 
torena  campaign  of  '45.  iv.  495;  and  is  said  to  have  had  a  garden  near  S. 
Buen.  in  '46.  He  died  at  the  end  of  that  year,  at  the  age  of  44.  Laure, 
1830,  drowned  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  attempting  to  land  from  a  ship.  iii.  180. 
Laurend  (M.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Laurencel  (Henry),  1848,  roll  of  Soc. 
Cal.  Pion.  Lavallette  (Eric  A.  P.),  1847,  com.  of  the  U.S.  Independence. 
Lavin  (Thos),  1844,  Engl.  who  received  a  pass. 

Lawlor  (John),  1827-8,  mr  of  the  Karimoko,  in  trouble  in  the  south  by 
reason  of  his  smuggling  operations,  ii.  551,  564;  iii.  94-5,  134-5,  147.  He  was 
lost  on  a  voy.  from  Hon.  to  Australia  in  '34,  as  mr  of  the  Alpha.  Lawrence, 
1848,  sailor  on  the  Isaac  Walton.  L.  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499).  L.  (J.  C.),  1848,  died  in  Utah  before  '77.  L.  (John),  1846,  Faun- 
tleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  L.  (Joseph  Vicente),  1821,  nat.  of  N.Y.  who 
landed  from  the  Blnrkwood  at  Bodega  and  came  to  S.F.  in  a  boat.  ii.  478.  In 
'23  he  went  to  Los  Aug.,  where  he  was  baptized  in  '24,  married  Maria  Arriola, 
and  in  '29  was  still  there  with  wife  and  sou,  age  32.  ii.  496,  526,  558;  iii.  179. 
'Lawrey  (Amos  G.),  1846,  Amer.  mason  and  perhaps  overl.  immig.,  who 
in  '47  \rorked  on  the  1st  brick  house  built  at  Mont,  for  G.  D.  Dickenson, 
whqse  daughter  Margaret  he  married  a  little  later.  In  the  Salinas  Index,  Oct. 
26,  '76,  'Jack  the  Pioneer'  (Swan)  tells  how  the  young  man  went  to  Hon.  for 
a  wedding  outfit,  and  attempting  to  smuggle  the  goods  ashore,  had  to  pur- 
chase them  anew  at  a  round  price;  and  indeed  his  arrival  at  Hon.  on  the 
Charles  in  Feb.  '48  is  recorded.  L.  died  at  S.  Jos6  in  '81,  having  been  blind 
fot  many  years.  He  left  a  widow  and  3  grown  children,  one  of  them  Mrs 
Hmlenbach.  Lawson  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  L.  (John), 
1847,  Co.  B,  ditto;  died  at  Mont.  '49.  L.  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  4G9).  Lawton,  1848,  overl.  immig.  with  Johnson.  L.,  1848,  of  Kilborn, 
L.,  &  Co.,  S.F.  L.  (Benj.  H.),  1834,  mr  of  the  S.  Feiahton.  iii.  384. 

Layden  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  Honolulu  '54. 
Layton  (Chas),  1847,  ordnance  sergt  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  v.  519.  A  nat.  of 
Eiigl.  who  had  served  in  the  British  army;  in  the  mines  '49-52;  later  light- 
house keener  at  Pt  Pinos;  died  at  Mont.  '55,  being  fatally  wounded  while 
attempting  to  capture  the  outlaw  Garcia.  His  widow — ne'e  Charlotte  Wade, 
and  mar.  in  '43 — was  in  '78  the  wife  of  Geo.  C.  Harris  at  S.F.,  where  a 
daughter,  Mrs  Amos  Burr,  also  lived.  One  son  was  a  sailor  and  another  lived 
in  N.  South  Wales.  Swan.  L.  (Christopher),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
469);  in '82  at  Kaysville,  Utah.  Lazaref  (Andrew),  1815,  mr  of  the  S ttvdrof, 
and  of  the  Ladoga  in  '23.  iii.  307,  492.  L.  (Michael),  1823,  mr  of  the  C  rei- 
ser, ii.  492,  519.  Lazaro  (Nicolas),  1805,  Span,  friar  who  served  fora  brief 
term  at  S.  Fern,  and  S.  Diego,  where  he  died  in  1807.  ii.  115;  iii.  159-60. 

Leach  (Kendrick  N.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  in  '83  at  Fountain 
Green,  111.  Leahy  (Dan.),  1845,  Irish  cooper  at  Sutter'sFort  '45-6,  and  prob. 
an  overl.  immig.  iv.  578,  587.  In  '47  owner  of  a  lot  at  S.F.,  where  he  still  lived 
in  '48-54.  He  died  in  Nevada  '75,  leaving  a  family  in  Or.  Leandry  (Juan 
B.),  1827,  Ital.  who  came  by  sea  at  the  age  of  '23.  iii.  176.  In  '32  he  joined 
the  comp.  extranjera  at  Mont.  iv.  221;  in  '36  kept  a  store  at  Los  Ang.;  was 
Naturalized  in  '39.  Juez  do  paz  '40-1,  holding  other  local  offices;  owner  of 
part  of  S.  Pedro,  and  grantee  of  Los  Coyotes,  where  he  died  in  '43.  iii.  614, 
6.^3,  637;  iv.  629,  633.  Leary  (Wm),  1844,  deserter  from  the  Warren  near 
Mont. ;  perhaps  at  Sonoma  '48. 

Leavens  (Wm),  1846,  one  of  the  men  captured  with  Alcalde  Bartlett  by 
Sanchez  at  S.F.  (v.  377).  Leavenworth  (Thaddeus  M.),  1847,  nat.  of  Conn., 
physician  and  episcopal  clergyman,  who  came  as  chaplain  of  the  N.Y. Vol.  v. 
504,  511.  He  took  some  part  in  matters  pertaining  to  church  and  schools,  and 
vwas  alcalde  of  S.F.  in  '47-9.  v.  648-52,  657.  He  was  also  owner  of  town  lots, 
and  a  street  in  the  city  bears  his  name.  His  oificial  acts  have  been  severely 
criticised,  but  I  find  no  data  for  a  just  estimate  of  his  character.  In  '50  he 
went  to  Sonoma  Co.,  where  he  was  claimant  for  apart  of  Agua  Caliente  ran- 


710  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

cho,  iii.  711,  and  where  he  still  lived  in  '82.  Leavy  (Owen),  1847,  corp.  Co. 
F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  The  name  was  perhaps  Leary.  v.  529.  Lebeau  (Joseph), 
1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Lecky  (Wm  C.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons, 
killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346.  Lecointe,  1845,  com.  of  the  Heroine,  iv.  566. 
Lecoq  (Martin),  1834,  Frenchman  in  a  Mont.  list.  Leddy  (Michael),  1847, 
Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  in  Mendocino  Co.  bef.  '83.  Ledesma  (Jose"), 
grantee  of  land  at  S.  Gabriel,  v.  628. 

Lee,  1847,  a  son  said  to  have  been  born  to  Mrs  Lee  in  Jan.,  at  N.  Helv. 
L.,  1847,  of  L.  &  Reily,  bakers,  Mont.  L.,  1848,  flogged  and  imprisoned 
for  attempt  at  murder  near  S.  Jose1.  L.  (Barton),  1848,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  who 
came  from  Or.  to  the  mines;  member  and  successor  of  the  Sac.  firm  of  Priest, 
L. ,  &  Co. ;  prominent  also  in  local  politics.  He  failed  for  a  large  amount  in  '50, 
and  went  to  live  in  the  Sandwich  Isl.,  but  returned  to  Cal.,  and  died  at  Sac. 
in  '56.  L.  (Cornelius  R.V.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  presid.  of  the 
regulators  at  S.F.  '49;  died  at  Sta  B.  in  '63.  L.  (Elisha),  1847,  owner  of 
S.F.  lot.  L.  (James  R.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Vallejo  in  '82. 
L.  (John  C.),  1847,  Co.  F,  ditto.  L.  (Lawton),  1845,  one  of  the  men  lost  on 
the  Warren's  launch  in  '46.  iv.  587;  v.  384.  L.  (Milton),  1847,  trader  at 
Mont.  L.  (Sam.),  1846,  mate  of  the  Euphemia  '46-8.  L.  (Theodore),  1846, 
mid.  on  the  Congress;  act.  lieut  Co.  A,  Stockton's  naval  bat.,  '46-7.  v.  386. 
Levy  (Wm),  1848,  miner  on  the  Yuba. 

Leese  (Jacob  Primer),  1833,  native  of  Ohio,  b.  in  1809,  and  engaged  in  the 
Sta  F6  trade  from  '30,  who  seems  to  have  come  from  N.  Mex.  late  in  '33,  but 
perhaps  went  back  and  came  again  in  July  '34,  engaging  in  trade  at  Los  Ang. 

111.  388,  409.  In  '36  he  came  to  Mont,  with  Gov.  Chico,  whose  good-will  he 
succeeded  in  gaining,  formed  a  partnership  with  Nathan  Spear  and  Wm  S. 
Hinckley,  obtained  a  lot  at  S.F.,  and  on  it  built  the  1st  solid  structure  in 
town  before  July  4th,  being  naturalized  in  Sept.  iii.  421,  431,  705,  709;  iv. 
86,  116;  v.  680.  The  next  year  he  erected  a  larger  store  on  the  beach,  and 
married  Rosalia,  sister  of  Gen.  Vallejo,  much  against  the  general's  wishes. 
He  had  a  lighter,  the  Isabella,  running  on  the  bay  and  rivers,  and  the  busi- 
ness of  the  firm,  in  exchanging  goods  for  rancho  products,  was  profitable; 
but  he  quarrelled  with  Spear  and  Hinckley  about  the  division  of  the  §13,000 

Erofits,  and  the  partnership  was  dissolved  in  '38,  though  L.  continued  the 
usiness  for  several  years,  failing  to  get  the  appointment  of  receptor  in  '39, 
and  getting  another  town  lot  in  '40.  iii.  700,  705-6,  709-10;  iv.  98;  v.  679. 
In  '41  he  was  grantee  of  the  Canada  de  Guadalupe,  Visitacion,  y  Rodeo  Viejo 
rancho  at  S.F. ,  and  of  Huichica  at  Sonoma;  and  this  year  he  sold  out  his 
store  to  the  H.  B.  Co.  iv.  37,  179,  217,  671.  He  also  transferred  his  residence 
and  place  of  business  to  Sonoma,  owning  one  lighter  in  comp.  with  Wm  John- 
son, and  another,  the  Rosalia,  with  Salv.  Vallejo.  In  '43  he  went  to  Or.  with 
a  drove  of  cattle,  iv.  377,  390;  and  in  '44-5  he  was  alcalde  at  Sonoma,  hav- 
ing serious  quarrels  with  Victor  Prudon.  iv.  445,  448,  678-9.  In  '46  he  was  to 
a  certain  extent  a  sub-agent  for  the  carrying-out  of  Larkin's  plans,  v.  03; 
and  for  this  reason,  perhaps,  having  accompanied  the  Bears  to  Sac.  as  inter- 
preter, was  thrown  into  prison  by  Frdmont  with  the  Vallejos  and  Prudon.  v. 

112,  119-21,  298-9.  His  Bear  Flag  Revolt,  an  original  MS.  in  my  col.,  is  one 
of  the  best  narratives  extant  on  the  subject,  v.  187.  He  had  a  '  Cal.  claim  ' 
of  $6,189,  besides  a  claim  for  the  construction  of  a  wharf  at  Mont.  v.  467;  i. 
list  auth.  In  '47  he  is  named  as  a  member  of  the  Sonoma  council,  v.  668;  and 
is  said  to  have  made  considerable  money  in  the  mines  '48-9.  He  made  a  voy- 
age to  China  in  '49  on  the  Eveline,  under  an  arrangement  with  Lark  in;  and 
subsequently  resided  at  Mont.,  holding  some  local  offices;  being  the  claimant 
for  several  ranches,  iii.  678-9;  iv.  671;  and  in '55  vice-president  of  the  Soc. 
Cal.  Pion.  He  was  an  uneducated  and  not  very  intelligent  man,  active  and 
enterprising  in  business,  whose  many  speculations  were  marked  by  boldness 
rather  than  ability;  and  his  large  property,  with  that  of  his  wife,  all  disap- 
peared. In  '63  he  obtained,  in  company  with  others,  a  concession  of  lands  for 
colonization  in  L.  Cal.,  but  the  scheme  was  a  failure;  and  about  !65  he  left 
Cal.  for  the  east.  I  have  no  definite  record  of  his  subsequent  career,  but  in 


LEESE— LEIVA.  711 

Feb.  '85  an  apparently  reliable  newspaper  report  represents  him  as  living  at 
S.  Antonio,  Texas,  in  good  health,  but  extreme  poverty,  an  appeal  being 
made  to  pioneers  in  his  behalf.  Portrait  in  Annals  of  S.  F.  and  Hesperian. 
Mrs  Leese  lives  at  Mont,  in  '85,  and  has  7  grown  children.  She  furnished  for 
my  use  a  History  of  the  Osos,  of  no  special  value.  A  daughter,  Rosalia,  born 
at  S.F.  in  '38,  and  the  1st  child  born  at  Yerba  Buena,  iii.  710,  died,  and  her 
name  was  given  to  a  younger  daughter.  The  oldest  son,  Jacob,  was  born  in 
'39,  and  resides  in  '85  at  Salinas,  where  he  has  been  county  clerk  and  deputy 
sheriff,  his  wife  being  an  Estrada,  a  niece  of  Gov.  Alvarado.  One  of  Leese's 
daughters  married  a  son  of  Jose1  A*brego.  (L.  returned  to  Cal.  in  '85.) 

Lefevre  (Minard  J.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Lefort 
(Geo.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Le  Fourri  (Francois),  1831,  from 
N.  Mex.  with  Wolfskill  or  Jackson.  Legar  (Miguel),  1602,  sergt  in  Vizcai- 
no's exped.  i.  98.  Legarda  (Jos6),  1841,  mr  of  the  Jdven  Carolina,  iv.  560. 
Legare  (Burnett),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  died  at  sea  '66.  L.  (Win 
H.),  1847,  ditto;  died  at  Los  Ang.  '47.  v.  625.  Legendre  (Louis),  1847,  Fr. 
settler  in  Russ.  Riv.  township,  where  he  was  murdered  after  '52.  Son.  Co, 
Jlist.,  358-60.  Legge,  1844,  officer  in  the  Modeste.  Leggett  (Win),  1847, 
Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Lehigh,  1847,  son  said  to  have  been  born  to  Mrs 
L. ;  perhaps  '  Leahy, '  q.  v.  Leicer,  1844,  Walla  Walla  chief,  iv.  545;  see 
'Elijah.'  Leick  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Leidesdorff  (Wm  Alex.),  1841,  nat.  of  the  Danish  West  Indies,  son  of  a 
Dane  by  a  mulattress,  who  came  to  the  U.S.  as  a  boy,  and  became  a  master 
of  vessels  sailing  from  N.Y.  and  N.  Orleans.  He  came  to  Cal.  as  mr  of  the 
Julia  Ann,  on  which  he  made  later  trips  to  the  Islands  down  to  '45.  iv.  279, 
506.  Engaging  in  trade  at  S.F.,  he  got  a  lot  in  '43  at  the  cor.  of  Clay  and 
Kearny  streets,  and  in  '44  or  '45  built  a  warehouse  on  the  beach  at  Cal.  and 
Leidesdorff  streets,  iv.  669,  678;  in  '46  building  the  City  Hotel  on  his  1st  lot, 
and  in  '47  buying  from  Ridley  the  cottage  at  the  cor.  of  Montgomery  and  CaL 
streets,  where  he  passed  the  rest  of  his  life.  iv.  678,  680.  In  '44  he  obtained 
naturalization  papers  and  a  grant  of  the  Rio  de  los  Americanos  rancho.  iv. 
673;  and  from  Oct.  '45  served  as  U.S.  vice-consul  by  Larkiu's  appointment. 
iv.  188,  557,  589-90,  665.  His  corresp.  of  these  years,  especially  with  Larkin, 
is  a  most  valuable  source  of  historical  information.  In  '40  he  had  controversies 
with  Forbes,  Ridley,  and  Hinckley,  who  were  not  intensely  American  enough 
to  suit  this  Danish  citizen  of  Mex.;  visiting  N.  Helv.  and  Monterey;  and  in 
this  and  the  following  years  becoming  owner  of  many  city  lots.  v.  3-4,  28, 
136,  178,  239,  295,  648-9,  678,  680.  In  '47,  having  a  Cal.  claim  of  §8,740  (v. 
462),  and  launching  the  1st  steamer  that  ever  sailed  on  S.F.  bay,  v.  577-8, 
646,  he  was  not  only  one  of  the  town's  most  prominent  business  men,  but  a 
member  of  the  council,  treasurer,  and  member  of  the  school  committee,  tak- 
ing an  active  part  in  local  politics,  v.  455,  648-52,  656.  He  died  in  May  '48, 
at  the  age  of  38.  He  was  an  intelligent  man  of  fair  education,  speaking  sev- 
eral languages;  active,  enterprising,  and  public-spirited;  honorable  for  the 
most  part  in  his  transactions;  but  jealous,  quick-tempered,  often  quarrel- 
some, and  disagreeable.  His  estate,  burdened  by  heavy  debts  at  the  time  of 
his  death,  after  the  gold  excitement  became  of  immense  value.  It  was  ad- 
ministered by  W.  D.  M.  Howard,  with  the  assistance  of  C.  V.  Gillespie,  and 
was  for  years  the  subject  of  complicated  litigation;  but  the  title  of  Capt. 
Folsom,  who  had  found  the  mother  and  other  heirs  of  Leidesdorff  tit  St  Croix 
Isl.,  and  had  bought  their  interests,  was  finally  adjudged  to  be  valid. 

Leigh  (Isaac),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  Col.  with  his  wife.  v.  546;  never 
went  to  Utah.  Leighton  (James  C.),  1848,  at  S.F.  from  Tahiti;  lieut  of 
S.  F.  guards;  of  firm  L.,  Swasey,  &  Co.  v.  681.  L.  (Nathaniel  S.),  1840, 
Amer.  carpenter  who  got  a  carta  at  S  F.  in  Oct. ;  at  Mont,  in  '42.  iv.  120. 
L.  (Peter),  1838,  named  in  Larkin's  accts.  Leinhard  (J.  H.),  1847,  in  Sut- 
tcr's  employ  '47-8.  Leister  (Thomas),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v. 
336).  Leiva,  maj.  of  Jamul  near  S.  Diego,  killed  by  Ind.  '37.  iii.  614;  iv. 
68.  L.  (Antonio),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46,  age  23.  L.  (Francisco),  soldier  at 
Sta  B.  '32;  wife  Maria  C.  Valencia;  at  Sta  B.  '50.  L.  (Jos6),  soldier  of  S.F. 


712  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

comp.  '39-42;  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  L.  (Juan),  corporal  at  Sta  B.  before  '37;  at 
Los  Ang,  '46.  L.  (Miguel),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '33.  L.  (Ramon),  ditto.  L. 
(Rufino),  corp.  of  Sta  B.  comp.,  in  com.  of  escolta  at  S.  Buen.,  where  he  was 
killed  by  Ind.  in  '19.  ii.  333.  L.  (Santiago  and  Teodoro),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 
Lelland  (John  M.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  perhaps  McLelland.  Lelong 
(Martin),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Lem  (Wm),  1828,  Engl.  sailor  who  deserted  from  a  Fr.  whaler  at  Todos 
Santos  and  came  to  S.  Diego;  or  perhaps  left  drunk  at  S.  D.  by  the  General 
(S'were.  Leman  (John),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  S.  Jos6 
Nov.  Lemoine  (G.  D.),  1846-7,  mr  of  the  Francisco,  and  pass,  on  the  Eliza- 
beth; owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  578,  G79.  Lemon  (Geo.  F.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  A, 
N.Y.Vol.  v.  503;  S.F.  assessor  '51;  lieut-col  N.Y.Vol.  in  the  war  of  the  re- 
bellion; killed  in  battle  '62.  L.  (James  W.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v. 
469);  reenl.;  at  Weston,  Utah,  '81. 

Le  Netrel  (Ed.),  Fr.  li«ut  on  the  Hcros.  iii.  129.  Lenoir,  1845,  Fr.  hat- 
ter from  Or.  in  the  McM.-Clyman  party;  prob.  returned  to  Or.  '46.  iv.  572, 
526.  Lenox  (E.  H.),  1848,  Kentuckian  in  Sta  Clara  '68-76.  L.  (John  A.), 
1846,  overl.  immig.  with  his  parents  at  the  age  of  2  years.  The  family  settled 
at  Sonoma,  where  John  died  in  '74.  Sac.  Union.  L.  (J.  W.),  1848,  nat.  of 
Ind.;  in  Sonoma  Co.  '48-77.  Son.  Co.  Hist.  L.  (T.),  1847,  in  Sutter's  em- 
ploy '47-8;  had  a  family;  prob.  came  in  '46.  All  the  preceding  are  prob.  vague 
ref.  to  the  same  family.  Leon  (Andre's),  in  the  Mont,  revolt  of  '29;  sent  as 
prisoner  to  Mex.  '30.  iii.  69,  71,  85.  Leon  y  Luna,  1793,  mr  of  the  Aclivo. 
i.  544.  Leonard  (Geo.  W.  M.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  a  colonel 
under  Walker  in  Nicaragua;  in  N.Y.  city  '82.  L.  (Louis),  1846,  overl. 
immig.  with  Hoppe  and  Harlan;  went  back  east  and  died.  Balhaus.  Leon- 
ardo (Pedro  B.),  sirviente  at  Soledad  1791-1800.  i.  499. 

Lepage  (Francois),  1842,  Frenchman  who  got  acartaat  S.F.;  ownerof  alot 
in  '45,  which  he  sold  to  James  Lick  in  '48.  iv.  341,  669.  L.  (Nicholas),  1842, 
brother  of  Francois,  who  also  got  a  carta.  Lequez  (J.  V.),  1831,  doubtful 
name  of  a  Scotchman  permitted  to  marry.  Lerma,  soldier  killed  by  Ind.  in 
'21.  ii.  550.  Leroux,  1847,  guide  to  Morm.  Bat.  v.  483.  Leroy  (Joseph), 

1836,  Frenchman,  aged  29,  at  the  Verjeles  rancho  near  Mont. ;  perhaps  the  same 
man  was  an  otter-hunter  with  Nidever  in  '39-40.  iv.  119.      L.  (R.),  1839,  Fr. 
surgeon  at  Sta  B.  and  Mont.       Lester  (Thomas),  1817,  Engl.  sailor  baptized 
as  Jos6  Tomas  Ignacio,  and  living  at  S.  Jos<§  '29-33.  ii.  284,  286.  393,  602; 
perhaps  the  same  who  went  to  Hon.  on  the  Mary  Ann  in  '47.       Letterman 
(Henry),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Levelain  (Chas),  1843-4,  Fr.  boy  who  left  the  Ferdinand  (?),  and  lived  with 
Capt.  Richardson  at  Sauzalito.  iv.  400;  at  S.F.  from  '49;  married  a  daughter 
of  Eusebio  Soto  in  '50;  at  Butte  City  '60;  at  S.F.  '64-7.  Levitt,  1848,  mr 
of  the  Eayle.  v.  577.  Levick  (Isaac),  1845,  at  S.F. ;  also  in '54.  L.  (John), 

1837,  deserter  from  an  P]ngl.  schr  with  a  man  named  Morgan.     They  built  a 
cabin  at  what  became  the  cor  of  Dupont  and  Broadway,  S.F.  (?),  and  acquired 
a  large  fortune.    He  left  Cal.  in  '57,  and  was  lost  on  the  Central  America. 
Herald,  Oct.  31,  '57.  iv.   118.       Levin  (Louis),  1835,  at  Los  Ang.       Levy 
(Thos),  1848,  overl.  immig.  to  Or.  in  '46,  and  came  from  Or.  to  the  mines; 
found  dead  at  Mosquito  '74,  age  49.  Sac.  Union. 

Lewis,  1847,  of  firm  of  L.  &  Lynch,  Mont.  '47-8.  L.  1846,  deserter  from 
an  Engl.  man-of-war,  who  on  pretence  of  having  great  wealth  married  an 
orphan  who  left  him  when  she  learned  the  truth;  so  wrote  Leidesdorff.  Per- 
haps Win  Lewis  of  '40.  L.,  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  Stephen  Cooper.  L., 
1848,  from  Honolulu.  L.  (Abraham),  1848,  nat.  of  N.Y.;  in  Sta  Clara  Co. 
'76.  L.  (Allen),  1830,  Amer.  blacksmith,  age  25,  who  came  on  the  Planet. 
iii.  180;  at  Sta  B.  '36.  L.  (F.  W.)  1847,  mate  of  the  Elizabeth;  perhaps  at  Sta 
B.  '50.  L.  (Geo  W.),  1846,  nat.  of  Mo.,  said  to  have  come  with  his  father's 
family  and  to  have  settled  at  Sonoma,  where  his  mother  lived  in  '80,  and  he 
was  candidate  for  county  assessor.  L.  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499).  L.  (H.  E.),  1847,  Co.  E,  ditto;  at  S.  Jos<*  '71-4;  not  in  Clark's  latest 
list.  L.  (Henry  H.),  1847,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Independence.  L.  (J.),  1848, 


LEWIS— LILLIE.  713 

passp.  from  Hon.  L.  (James),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  the  McM.-Clyman 
party,  iv.  573.  L.  (James  D.),  1843,  sailor  on  the  Admittance,  disch.  in  '45. 
Peterson's  Diary.  L.  (John  B. ),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  the  S  wasey-Todd  party, 
iv.  576,  587;  one  of  the  committee  representing  new-comers  in  the  treaty 
with  Castro  in  Nov.  iv.  606;  at  Sonoma  and  Napa  '46-8,  and  member  of  the 
Sonoma  council  '47.  v.  668;  at  S.  Jose  '50.  L.  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sta  B.  '48.  L.  (John),  1834,  at  Los  Ang.;  doubtful  name. 
L.  (Joseph),  1847,  commander's  clerk  on  the  Columbus.  L.  (Joseph  B.) 
1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  in  Texas  '82.  L.  (Louis),  1835,  nat.  of 
Pa,  trader  at  Los  Ang.,  age  25;  accused  of  complicity  in  the  Apalategui  re- 
volt (iii.  282).  L.  (Sam.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Panguich, 
Utah,  '82.  L.  (Thomas),  1833,  Amer.  from  S.  Bias,  accused  of  illegal  otter- 
hunting  in  Sept.  In  '36  he  was  at  Los  Ang.,  a  single  carpenter,  aged  25.  In 
'40  one  of  the  Graham  exiles,  who  returned  in  '41  and  worked  at  Sta  Cruz  as 
a  lumberman  in  '42-3.  He  may  have  been  the  Tom  Lewis  who  accompanied 
John  Brown  on  his  famous  ride  of  '46.  iii.  393,  409;  iv.  18,  33;  v.  304.  L. 
(Thomas),  1844,  Engl.,  age  30,  at  S.F.  L.  (Win),  1840,  naturalized  this 
year  and  named  on  Larkin's  books,  iv.  120.  At  S.F.  and  S.  Jos6  in  '41;  in 
'45  at  N.  Helv. ,  where  he  was  married  in  Dec.  His  wife  may  be  the  Mrs  L. 
who  married  Peny  McCoou  in  Feb  '46,  and  died  in  June. 

Libbey  (Elliott),  1845,  mr  of  the  Tasso  '45-8;  also  of  the  Com.  Shubrlck 
in  '47.  iv.  569;  v.  577,  580.  For  assault  on  him  and  Spear  at  S.F.,  see  iv.  589, 
665-6.  According  to  Thomes  there  was  a  'woman  in  the  case.'  Capt.  L.  was 
the  owner  of  a  town  lot  in  '46  (v.  685),  and  in  54  lived  at  S.  Rafael.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  he  visited  Cal.  on  some  vessel  from  Hon.  earlier  than '45.  Lichten- 
stein,  see  'Lightstone.'  Lick  (James),  1848,  nat.  of  Pa,  apiano-maker  by  trade, 
who  had  lived  for  over  20  years  in  Buenos  Aires,  Chile,  and  Peru,  and  who 
came  to  S.F.  from  Callao  on  the  Lady  Adams,  arriving  Jan.  7,  '48.  He  had 
already  a  small  fortune,  which  he  invested  in  S.F.  lands  (v.  678),  and  patiently 
waited  for  the  increase  in  the  value  of  his  real  estate  to  make  him  immensely 
wealthy.  Among  his  enterprises  of  later  years  were  a  grand  flouring  mill  at 
S.  Jose",  finished  with  mahogany  in  the  interior,  and  the  Lick  House,  in  which 
some  of  the  fine  decorations  in  wood  are  the  work  of  his  own  hands.  He  was 
an  honest,  industrious  man,  of  much  common  sense,  though  noted  for  his 
many  eccentricities  and  whims,  and  in  his  later  years  of  irritable  and  thor- 
oughly disagreeable  temperament.  He  had  no  family,  except  an  illegitimate 
son,  who  was  recognized  by  him  and  spent  some  years  with  him  in  Cal.  He 
took  a'deep  interest  from  the  first  in  the  Society  of  Cal.  Pioneers,  to  which 
he  made  liberal  gifts.  His  great  and  well-merited  fame  rests  on  the  final  dis- 
position of  his  millions,  which,  after  provision  for  his  relatives,  were  devoted 
to  various  scientific,  charitable,  and  educational  enterprises,  for  the  benefit  of 
the  donor's  adopted  state.  He  died  in  '76,  at  the  age  of  '80;  and  after  the 
usual  delays  caused  by  financial  and  legal  complications,  the  results  of  Lick's 
bequests  are  beginning,  in  '85,  to  assume  practical  shape. 

Light  (Allen  B.),  1835,  negro,  who  deserted  from  the  Pilrjrim,  or  some 
other  vessel,  and  became  an  otter-hunter,  iii.  413.  He  was  known  as  Black 
Steward,  his  encounter  with  a  grizzly  bear  in  the  Sta  B.  region  being  men- 
tioned by  Alfred  Robinson,  and  other  adventures  by  Nidever.  He  was  one  of 
Graham's  men  in  '36-8;  and  in  '39,  being  a  naturalized  resident  of  Sta  B., 
was  appointed  by  the  govt  agent  to  prevent  illegal  otter-hunting,  iv.  91;  at 
Los  Ang.  in  '41,  and  in  '46-8  at  S.  Diego,  still  a  hunter.  L.  (James),  1846, 
nat.  of  Me,  and  one  of  the  Mormon  Col.,  with  wife  and  child,  though  some- 
times accredited  to  the  N.Y. Vol.  v.  546.  He  lived  in  S.  Joaq.,  and  later  at 
Sauzalito;  but  from  '50  was  a  resident  of  Humboldt  Co.,  where  he  died  at 
Arcatain'Sl.  His  wife,  Mary  J.,  died  in '75.  Lightstone  (Frank),  1845, 
German  soap-maker  and  chandler;  original  name  Franz  Lichtenstein,  who 
came  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party,  and  settled  at  S.  Jos<3  '46.  iv. 
572,  487;  still  living  in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  I  think,  in  '85. 

Lillie  (Leonard  G.),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  prob.  overl.  immig.  from  111.,  and 
settler  in  Napa  Val.  He  died  at  Calistoga  in  '72,  age  48,  leaving  a  widow  and 


714  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

6  children.  Limantour  (Joseph  Yves),  1841,  Fr.  trader  in  Mex.,  who  came 
to  Cal.  as  sup.  of  the  Ayacncho.  iv.  279,  563.  The  schr  was  wrecked  near 
Pt  Reyes,  and  L.  opened  a  store  at  S.F.  to  dispose  of  the  cargo  '41-2.  He 
came  back  in  '43-4,  '47,  and  '52-3.  v.  449,  576.  During  the  visit  of  '43-4  he 
furnished  aid.  to  Gov.  Micheltorena,  and  received  in  return,  as  there  seems  to 
be  no  reason  to  doubt,  several  grants  of  land.  In  '52-3  he  presented  his  claims 
before  the  land  commission,  iv.  352,  386,402,511,559,634,655,671-4.  Hischief 
claim,  to  about  half  the  site  of  San  Francisco,  was  at  first  confirmed  by  the 
commission;  but  in  '58  was  rejected  by  the  district  court,  the  grant  being 
pronounced  a  forgery  supported  by  false  testimony.  This  famous  case  is  more 
fully  noticed  elsewhere  (see  vol.  vi.).  The  truth  would  seem  to  be  that  L. 
had  really  obtained  grants  of  land  at  S.F.  and  elsewhere;  'but  that  in  later 
years,  by  forged  papers  and  with  the  aid  of  Ex-gov.  Micheltorena,  he  over- 
reached himself  by  attempting  to  improve  the  location  and  extent  of  his 
grants.  He  is  still,  in  '85,  a  wealthy  resident  of  the  City  of  Mexico.  Lira- 
can  te  (Bias),  1806,  sailor  on  the  Peacock,  arrested  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  ii.  3S. 
Limon  (Cayetano),  1781-2,  Mex.  alfe"rez,  who  came  to  Cal.  in  com.  of  escort 
to  Rivera's  colony,  i.  342-4,  361,  364-5.  Limon  (Fran.),  criminal  at  S.  Fern. 
'39.  iii.  638.  L.  (Fran.),  apparently  alieut. ;  at  Mont.  '46;  went  to  Mex. 
•with  Flores  '48.  v.  41,  407-8.  L.  (Jose"  M.),  1842;  sub-lieut  of  the  batallon 
fijo;  suspended  in  '43.  iv.  289,  354,  364. 

Linares  (Fran.),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  L.  (Ignacio),  settler  at  S.  Jose1  1786. 
i.  477.  In  1793  invalido,  wife  Gertrudis  Rivas,  child.  Salvador,  Marcela, 
Francisco,  Mariano,  Nicolasa,  Santos,  Antonia,  and  Rosa.  L.  (Jose"),  lla- 
vero,  at  Sta  Lie's  '39.  iii.  664.  L.  (Jose"  de  la  Cruz),  grantee  of  Nogales  '40. 
iii.  633;  at  S.  Gabriel  '46.  L.  (Juan  Jose"),  soldier  of  the  guard  at  S.  Jos6 
mission  1797-1800.  i.  556.  L.  (Margarito),  Mex.  soldier  at  Mont.  '.'>6.  L. 
(Maria  Ant. ),  grantee  of  Los  Carneros  '42.  iv.  655.  L.  (Miguel),  at  Los  Ang. 
'46.  L.  (Ramon),  soldier  at  Sta  Cruz  and  S.  Jose"  1795-1800.  i.  496,  55U; 
invalido  of  the  S.F.  comp.  1819-21.  L.  (Rafael),  at  the  Natividad  light  (v. 
363).  L.  (Rosa),  had  a  son  in  the  Mont,  school  "46.  L.  (Santiago),  shot 
for  murder  at  Los  Aug.  '41.  iv.  630.  L.  (Vicente),  grantee  of  rancho  at  S. 
Luis  Ob.  '42.  iv.  656.  L.  (Victor),  soldier  at  S.  Diego  '26.  ii.  549;  in  '37 
grantee  of  Tinaquaic.  iii.  656,  557;  in  39-40  maj.  at  S.  Luis  Ob.,  and  militia 
alfeYez.  iii.  683;  iv.  13;  in  '42  grantee  of  Canada  de  los  Osos.  iv.  655;  in  '46 
juez  at  S.  Luis,  v.  638,  where  he  still  lived  in  '51.  Linch,  see  'Lynch.' 

Lincoln  (John),  1822,  mr  of  the  John  Bejfj.  ii.  474.  L.  (Jonas),  1847, 
Bon  of  Seth,  who  came  at  the  age  of  10,  born  in  Engl.  He  was  later  a  member 
of  the  Pac.  Stock  Exchange,  S.F.,  and  died,  aa  did  his  wife,  in  '76,  leaving  7 
children.  L.  (J.  S.),  1847,  candidate  for  the  S.F.  council,  v.  650;  prob. 
same  as  the  following.  L.  (Seth  S.),  1847,  from  Hon.  with  wife  and  2  chil- 
dren on  the  Francesco,.  He  was  the  owner  of  several  town  lots  in  '47-8,  and 
by  some  is  said  to  have  been  a  Mormon  preacher,  v.  547.  All  the  family  ex- 
cept Jonas  left  S.  F.  for  Australia  and  were  lost  at  sea. 

Linder  (Francis),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Lindsay,  1848,  mr  of 
the  7'ows).  L.  (J.  H.),  1845,  at  S.F.  June  '46.  Terr.  Pion.,  1st  An.  L. 
(Thomas),  1841,  immig.  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman  -  Rowland  party, 
called  a  'mineralogist'  in  the  Rowland  list.  iv.  278-9.  In  '44  he  settled  at 
what  was  later  Stockton,  building  a  tule  hut.  He  went  south — as  the  entire 
pop.  of  Stockton — with  Sutter  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign,  iv.  486;  and 
soon  after  his  return,  in  the  spring  of  '45,  was  killed  by  Indians,  his  body  be- 
ing burned  with  the  hut.  iv.  516,  543,  674.  Lineda  (Arcadio),  1789,  lieut 
in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Linel  (Joseph),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot. 
Link,  1848,  from  S.  Jose"  to  the  mines.  Linn  (James  S.),  1847,  owner  of  S. 
F.  lot;  also  at  N.  Helv.,  Sta  Clara,  and  in  the  mines  '47-8;  had  a  family. 
Lino,  neoph.  at  Sta  Cruz  1817.  ii.  388.  L.,  sacristain  at  Sta  B.  '38.  iii.  656. 
Linson  (Lran.),  a  litigant  in  Los  Ang.  district '39.  Linton  (James),  1847, 
Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Linty  (J.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.,  Co.  B,  artill.  v.  358. 

Lipp  (Carl),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Vallejo  '71-82.  Lipper 
(Augustus),  1847,  Co.  G,  ditto.  Lippincott  (Benj.  S.),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y. 


LIPPINCOTT-  LIVERMORE.  715 

who  came  overland  with  Bryant,  being  wounded  on  the  way  by  Ind.  v.  528. 
He  was  active  in  raising  recruits  for  the  war,  and  served  as  lieut  of  Co.  H, 
Cal.  Bat.,  acting  also  as  asst  Q.  M.  v.  359,  361.  In  this  connection  he  is  often 
called  Geo.  M.  Lippincott,  but  1  find  no  evidence  that  there  were  two  of  the 
name.  In  '47-8  he  lived  at  S.F. ,  being  a  gambler  by  profession,  owner  of  town 
lots,  v.  C78,  and  a  candidate  for  the  council,  v.  650.  He  was  a  member  of 
the  constit.  convention  of  '49,  representing  S.  Joaq.  Co.  in  the  1st  legislature, 
and  Calaveras  in  those  of  '55  and  '61.  He  was  a  popular  man  as  trader,  politi- 
cian, and  '  one  of  the  boys.'  He  died  in  N.  J.  '70,  at  the  age  of  55.  Lippctt 
(Francis  J.),  1847,  nat.  of  R.  I.,  capt.  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.,  and  in  com.  of  the 
garrison  at  Sta  B.  v.  504,  514,  584,  631;  owner  of  a  town  lot,  v.  685,  and 
trom  '48  a  lawyer  at  S.F.  to  '52  or  later,  v.  686;  member  of  the  constit.  con- 
vention of  '49;  col  of  1st  Cal.  infantry  in  war  of  '61-5;  at  Providence,  R.  I., 
'71;  Boston,  '74,  and  Washington,  D.C.,'82.  Lisa  (Dan.),  1816,  nat.  of  Mass. 
who  came  on  the  Lydia,  and  was  baptized  at  Sta  B.  in  '18  as  Daniel  Martir 
Jose"  de  Sta  Rosa.  The  name  was  prob.  Daniel  Eleazer,  the  surname  being 
unknown.  L.  (Jos<§  Manuel),  1816,  brother  of  Dan.,  bapt.  at  StaB.  '16.  ii. 
277.  Lisarraga  (Jcs6  M.),  1842.  iv.  642. 

Little,  1837,  mr  of  the  Griffon,  iv.  104;  perhaps  Wm  C.  iv.  141.  L. 
(August),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  L.  (John),  1848(?),  trader  and  postmaster 
at  L'oloma.  L.  (Milton),  1843,  nat.  of  N.  Y.  and  overl.  innnig.  of  the 
Walker-Chiles  party,  being  wounded  by  Ind.  on  the  trip.  iv.  392,  394,  400. 
He  settled  at  Mont,  as  a  trader  in  '44,  and  from  that  time  his  name  constantly 
appears  in  various  records.  He  got  acarta  in  '4i,  was  a  partner  of  Belden  in 
'45,  was  2d  alcalde  in  '46,  serving  on  the  1st  jury,  and  having  a  Cal.  claim, 
v.  289,  637  (462).  In  '48  he  married  Mary  Eagar,  also  visiting  the  gold  mines, 
After  '49  he  continued  to  trade  at  Mont.,  holding  several  county  offices,  be- 
ing claimant  for  lands,  iv.  656,  and  dying  in  '79  at  the  age  of  '67.  He  left  a 
widow  and  several  children.  Little'field  (Geo.),  1845,  mr  of  the  Hopewell. 
iv.  566. 

Littlejohn  (David),  1824,  Scotch  farmer  and  carpenter  from  Callao  on  one 
of  Hartnell's  vessels,  ii.  526;  baptized  in  '25  at  S.  Carlos  as  Francisco  Javier 
David;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  in  '32.  iii.  221;  naturalized  in  '33,  being 
then  40  years  old,  married  to  a  native,  and  owner  of  some  cattle.  In  '34  he 
was  grantee  of  Carneros  rancho,  Mont.  Co.,  later  confirmed  to  his  heirs,  iii. 
677;  named  often  in  Larkin's  accounts  and  other  records  '34-46.  Being  par- 
tially insane  (?),  he  objected  to  the  plundering  of  his  raucho  by  Fremont's  men 
and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  He  died  a  little  later,  and  his  widow 
married  Jose  M.  Castro  before  '50.  Littleton  (John),  1826,  Engl.  sailor  who 
landed  sick  at  Mont,  from  the  Rover,  iii.  176;  ii.  609.  In  '29,  being  22  years 
old,  he  worked  at  the  inn  when  able;  lived  with  Larkin  in  '36;  and  is  last 
mentioned  in  '37. 

Livermore  (Robert),  1822,  nat.  of  London,  b.  1799,  apprenticed  to  a  ma son^--- 
from  whom  he  ran  away  in  '16  and  went  to  sea.  After  serving  in  the  tHSfhavy 
he  left  that  service  on  the  S.  Amer.  coast,  and  joined  the  allied  fleet  under 
Lord  Cochrane,  taking  part  on  the  Esmeralda  in  the  naval  operations  at  Callao 
(which  were  in  '20-1),  and  perhaps  joining  an  exped.  to  the  north  (though 
he  could  not  apparently  have  been  in  the  Gulf  of  Cal.  in  '22.  See  Hist.  N. 
Mc.x.  St.,  ii.).  Leaving  the  naval  service,  he  shipped  on  the  Colonel  Young,  a 
trading  craft,  from  which  he  deserted  in  Cal.,  probably  in  '22,  the  date  of  her 
arrival,  ii.  478,  but  possibly  later  on  another  trip  of  '25.  iii.  29.  There  is  a 
strange  confusion  in  records  of  his  coming,  the  date  being  given  by  different 
writers  all  the  way  from  '16  to  '29.  He  is  understood  to  have  lived  some 
years  on  the  Laguna,  or  Aivires,  rancho,  spending  some  time  in  the  south  at 
S.  Gabriel,  and  working  in  the  Sta  Clara  redwoods;  but  this  was  prob.  later, 
as  Geo.  Frazer,  of  '33,  is  named  as  his  comrade.  The  earliest  original  record 
is  in  '29,  when,  being  maj.  on  the  rancho  of  Torre  and  Mulligan,  he  claimed 
to  be  23  years  old,  and  to  have  come  in  '19,  intending  to  remain  and  marry, 
St.  Pap.  Sac.,  xiii.  3,  both  of  which  statements  must  be  erroneous.  In 
another  record  of  '29,  being  a  resident  of  S.  Jos(5,  '  Roberto '  said  he  had  de- 


716  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

sorted  from  the  Conoltango  about  '21,  was  22  years  old,  and  had  been  bap- 
tized at  Sta  Clara  (as  Juan  Bautista  Roberto).  Dept.  St.  Pap.,  xix.  3.  I  have  a 
receipt  of  money  from  L.,  dated  Los  Pozitos,  in  '25.  Alviso,  Doc.,  6;  but  this 
may  be  a  slip  of  the  pen  for  '35.  He  is  mentioned  at  S.  Jos6  in  '30  and  '31, 
but  as  intending  to  quit  the  place.  Vallejo,  Doc.,xxx.  61,  313.  In  '42  he  writes 
of  a  cattle-brand  that  he  had  used  for  15  years  (since  '27).  Estudillo,  Doc.,  ii. 
54.  Soon  after  '30  he  went  to  'the  Tularcitos  rancho,  where  he  married  Josefa 
Higuera,  widow  of  Fuentes  Molina,  as  early  as  '34,  if  we  follow  the  padron  of 
'41,  which  makes  his  daughter  Casimira  G  years  old,  though  the  date  is  gen- 
erally given  as  later;  and  before  '37 — when  Edwards  visited  him — he  had  es- 
tablished himself  on  the  Pozitos  rancho,  in  what  was  later  called  Livermore 
Valley,  and  where  he  spent  the  rest  of  his  life.  iv.  86,  117.  In  '39  he  was  ap- 
parently granted  the  rancho  on  Apr.  8th.  Leg.  Rec.,  iii.  61;  but  2  days  later 
it  was  granted  to  Salvio  Pacheco,  prob.  as  a  formality,  L.  not  being  a  citizen. 
He  at  once  bought  the  property  in  partnership  with  Jose"  Noriega,  whose  in- 
terest he  purchased  later.  In  a  list  of  foreigners  of  '40 — when  L.  was  per- 
haps arrested,  iv.  17 — as  per  extract  furnished  by  J.  A.  Forbes  for  my  use, 
L.  is  said  to  be  36  years  old,  and  to  have  come  with  Mancisidor  on  the  Coro- 
iiel  Yon  20  years  ago.  In  '40-1  he  had  some  dealings  with  Sutter,  iv.  134, 
233,  being  called  30  years  old  in  a  padron;  and  in  all  these  years  he  had 
much  trouble  with  the  Ind. ,  being  wounded  in  one  of  his  exped.  In  '44  he 
was  naturalized,  being  a  resid.  for  'over  20  years, 'and  having  a  large  family. 
In  '46  he  rendered  some  service  in  carrying  despatches,  v.  246-7;  about  this 
time  purchased  the  Canada  de  los  Vaqueros  of  the  Alvisos;  and  his  place  was 
a  well-known  station  on  the  route  from  Mont,  and  S.  Jos6  to  Sac.  The  two 
ranches  were  later  confirmed  to  him.  iii.  712;  iv.  671;  and  the  former  sailor 
became  a  rich  man.  His  reputation  is  that  of  a  hospitable  and  honest  man,  a 
good  representative  of  his  class.  In  '51,  through  the  medium  of  a  neighbor 
named  Strickland,  who  had  a  sister  living  in  England,  L.  resumed  commun. 
with  his  relatives  after  35  years  of  silence.  The  original  corresp.,  Livermore 
Papers,  MS.,  chiefly  of  his  brother,  Win  C.,  in  London,  has  been  furnished 
to  me  by  Valentin  Alviso,  his  son-in-law.  The  corresp.  extended  from  '51  to 
'57,  showing  L.'s  father  to  have  died  in  '26  and  his  mother  in  '48,  but  several 
brothers,  sisters,  and  other  relatives  still  survived;  and  the  English  builder's 
views  and  advice  respecting  Cal.  ranchero  life  must  have  been  more  amusing 
than  instructive  to  Don  Roberto.  One  suggestion  was  to  surround  his  rancho 
with  a  ditch,  and  another  to  brand  his  cattle.  Livermore  died  in '58.  Portrait 
in  I/alley's  C'enten.  Year-Book,  563.  He  left  a  widow  and  8  children.  His  son 
Robert,  b.  in  '40,  still  resides,  '85,  in  Livermore  Valley  with  wife,  Teresa  Ber- 
ual,  and  6  children.  Portrait  in  Alam.  Co.  Hist.,  16.  One  of  the  daughters, 
Josefa,  is  the  wife  of  Valentin  Alviso. 

Livingstone  (John  W.),  1846,  lieutU.S.N.,  com.  of  the  Congress  '46-8.  v. 
253,  577;  rear-admiral  living  in  N.Y.  '77.  L.  (Peter  F.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  I  have  hia  letter  of  Apr.  '48,  at  S.F.,  in  which  he  expresses  his 
desire  to  buy  a  tract  of  land  near  the  presidio  as  soon  as  discharged;  alcalde 
at  S.  Jose"  '49.  He  died  at  Sonora  '73.  Lizalde  (Ignacio),  at  Sta  B.  '37,  wife 
Marfa  Ign.  Arellanes,  3  children.  L.  (Juan),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '39-42. 
L.  (Pedro),  corporal  of  S.  Diego  comp.  1797.  i.  562;  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1808. 
ii.  319.  Llanos  (Wm),  1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list.  Llepe 
(Jerome),  1834,  doubtful  name  of  an  Engl.  hatter  at  Mont.,  age  27.  Lloyd 
(Horace),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518);  perhaps  the  L.  in  Alamcda 
Co.  '55-78.  Lobar  (Juan),  1831,  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Wolfskill  party,  iii. 
387.  Lobato  (Miguel  Garcia),  Mex.  lieut.  of  engineers,  who  perhaps  came 
with  Echeandi'a  in  '25.  He  is  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  trial  of  P. 
Martinez  in  '23-30.  iii.  84,  99;  and  was  sent  to  Mex.  in  '30  as  a  comisionado  by 
the  junta  de  guerra.  L.  (Diego),  at  S.  Gabriel  '46.  Lobo  (Juan),  resid.  of  Los 
Ang.  '46;  prominent  at  the  fight  of  S.  Pascual.  v.  352.  L.  (Juan  Jose"),  set- 
tler at  Los  Ang.  1790.  i.  461.  L.  (Juan  Jos6  and  Santiago),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 
L.  (Marcial),  at  S.  Diego  '26.  L.  (Pedro),  sergt  at  S.  Diego  '25-8.  ii.  543. 

Locke,  1795,  mr  of  the  Resolution,  i.  538,  625.       L.  (James  0.),  1829,  mr 


LOCKE— LOPEZ.  717 

of  the  Brookline  '29-30.  iii.  140.  In  '40,  at  Boston,  he  jumped  from  a  3d-story 
window  and  fractured  his  skull.  Lockwood  (Isaac),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499);  at  S.  Jos6  '50.  L.  (Wm  A.),  1842,  prof,  of  mathematics  on  Com. 
Jones'  fleet,  iv.  308. 

Lodge  (Michael),  1822,  Irish  carpenter,  who,  in  '29,  was  living  at  Mont., 
age  30,  married  to  Martina  Castro,  ii.  479.  I  have  his  autograph  letter  of  May 
'28.  His  name  appears  on  Larkin's  books  in  '33-47,  his  business  being  that  of 
lumberman,  and  from  about  '37  owner  of  a  rancho  near  Sta  Cruz.  In  '40  he 
was  arrested  but  not  exiled  (iv.  17),  though  in  '41  fined  $20  for  applying  an 
Opprobrious  epithet  to  the  Mex.  govt.  In  '45  he  is  named  in  the  Branciforte 
padron  as  50  years  old,  wife  39,  children  Refugio,  b.  '32,  Maria  Ant.  35,  Mi- 
guel '39,  Joaquin  '41,  and  Maria  '42.  In  Nov.  '47  he  was  still  a  lumberman  at 
Soquel,  but  I  have  no  later  record  of  him,  or  of  his  family,  except  that  one 
of  his  daughters  married  Thos  Fallon.  Loesa,  chaplain  of  the  S.  Bias  trans- 
ports, 1791-1800.  i.  655.  Loeser  (Lucien),  1847,  lieut  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill. 
v.  518;  sent  east  with  despatches  '48. 

Logan  (Joseph  B.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  I,  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  died  at  Spring- 
field, Tuol.  Co.,  '57.  L.  (L.  L.),  1846,  from  Mich.;  a  soldier  in  N.  Mex. 
'Gl-4,  when  he  was  fatally  wounded  by  the  Ind.  Watsonville  Ptfjaro  Times. 
L.  (Wm),  1824,  owner  of  a  vineyard  at  Los  Ang.  '31.  ii.  526;  prob.  same  as 
Wm  Lobe,  named  in  '40  as  an  Amer.  carpenter  from  N.  Mex.,  who  had  been 
14  years  in  Cal.,  married,  and  38  years  old.  iii.  176.  Loker  (Wm  N. ),  1845, 
Amer.  trader  from  Mo.,  and  oven,  immig.  of  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  586-7; 
clerk  in  Sutter's  employ  from  Jan.  '46;  in  charge  of  the  Bear  prisoners,  v. 
125,  80;  lieut  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.,  and  later  adjutant;  had  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462); 
went  east  with  Fre'mont,  and  testified  at  the  court-martial,  v.  453-436.  In 
'7o  he  is  named  as  a  broker  at  St  Louis.  Lomer,  1848,  Mont,  firm  of  Cop- 
man  &  L.  '48-9. 

Londerman,  1848,  at  N.  Helv.  Long  (Dr),  1847,  at  N.  Helv.;  mining  at 
Parks  Bar  '48,  with  his  brothers.  L.  (A.  K.),  1841,  com.  of  the  Relief,  U.S. 
ex.  iv.  271.  L.  (A.  11.),  1848,  capt  U.S.N".,  on  the  Warren;  com.  of  marine 
guard  at  S.F.  L.  (David),  1847,  came  on  the  Fama,  perhaps  earlier,  and 
worked  at  S.F.,  '47-8,  for  Ward  &  Smith,  and  for  Leidesdorff;  at  N.  Helv., 
on  Leidesdorff 's  launch,  '48.  L.  (John),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518). 
L.  (John  P.),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  enlisting  at  Mont.  Oct.;  had  a 
Cal.  claim  for  quarters  and  clothing  (v.  462);  ift  the  mines  at  Park  and  Long 
bars '48.  L.  (Wm  or  Willis),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  living  in  Vaca 
Valley  '74.  Longdeau  (Maurice),  1846,  with  Kearny  from  N.  Mex.  v.  337. 
Longley  (Wm  Rufus),  1846,  came  from  Hon.  on  the  Eufihemia,  as  clerk  for 
Davis,  '46-7;  clerk  at  Mont,  for  naval  store-keeper,  and  agent  for  McClurg  & 
Co.;  2d  alcalde  at  Mont.  '48;  also  trading  in  the  mines,  v.  637.  Look,  1843, 
doubtful  name  of  a  saloon-keeper  at  Mont.  ace.  to  newspapers.  Loper 
(Andrew  J.),  1846,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  Sonoma  Oct.  (v.  358). 

Lopez,  sailor  sirviente  at  Sta  Cruz.  i.  496.  L.(Alejandro),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 
L.  (Antonio),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  '13.  ii.  359;  in'32inval.  of  the  Sta  B.  comp., 
wife  Certrudis  Fe'lix,  child.  Josefa,  Filorriena,  Juan  Jose1,  Bernardino,  and 
Jose'  Maria.  L.  (Baldomero),  1791,  Span,  friar;  founder  of  Sta  Cruz,  where 
he  served  till  his  retirement  in  '96;  guardian  of  S.  Fernando  College  '18-25. 
Biog.  i.  497-9;  ment.  i.  494,  576;  ii.  397-8,  402,  431-2;  iii.  21.  L.  (Bernar- 
dino), son  of  Antonio;  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  '37-8.  iii.  509,  636;  encargado  of 
S.  Gabriel  '47.  v.  628;  had  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462);  still  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  L. 
(Bonifacio),  juez  del  campoat  S.  Diego  '35.  iii.  615;  in  charge  of  the  mission 
'48.  v.  620.  L.  (Capistrano),  at  S.  Juan  B.  "44;  mentioned  in  connection 
with  the  Fre"mont-Gavilan  affair  of  '46.  v.  18;  in  later  years  a  noted  desper- 
ado finally  hanged  at  Sta  Cruz.  L.  (Cayetano),  artisan-instructor  1792-5;  i. 
015,  725.  L.  (Claudio),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  '11;  maj.  at  S.  Gabriel  '21-30; 
alcalde  at  Los  Ang.  '26.  ii.  349,  560,  568.  L.  (Cornelio),  resid.  of  Los  Ang. 
'3G-48.  L.  (Estovan),  1602,  corp.  in  Vizcaino's  exped.  i.  98.  L.  (Est(5- 
van),  at  Los  Ang.  '28-39.  L.  (Francisco),  at  S.  Fern.  '39;  sec.  in  the  juz- 
gado  at  Los  Ang.  '41.  iv.  641;  named  as  discov.  of  the  southern  gold  mines 


718  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

in  '42.  iv.  630-1;  gran  tee  of  Los  Alamos  '46.  v.  627;  clerk  in  governor's  office 
'45;  jnez  de  campo  '48.  v.  626.  L.  (Francisco),  corp.  of  Sta  B.  comp.  '32; 
wife  Maria  Ant.  F^lix;  grantee  of  Temescal'43.  iv.  643;  living  on  his  rancho 
'45.  L.  (Ger6nimo),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  L.  (Gregorio),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37; 
wife  Antonia  Maria  Ortega,  and  one  child;  in  '46  maj.  of  S.  Julian  rancho.  v. 
282.  L.  (Ignacio),  soldier  of  S.  Diego  comp. ;  partido  elector  of  S.  Diego  '22, 
and  elected  to  legislature,  ii.  454,  462,  543;  took  part  in  revolution  of  '31.  iii. 
201;  juez  de  campo  '36.  iii.  616.  L.  (Jacinto),  1799,  Span,  friar  who  served 
for  brief  terms  at  S.  Antonio  and  S.  Juan  B.,  retiring  in  1801.  i.  558,  577;  ii. 
153,  159.  L.  (Joaquin),  soldier  killed  on  the  Colorado  1781.  i.  363.  L. 
(Jose"),  brother  of  Ignacio,  at  S.  Diego,  engaged  in  the  revolution  of  '31.  iii. 
201;  owner  of  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41-3.  iv.  371.  624,  626;  killed  by  Ind.  at 
Puma  '46.  v.  617;  but  another  of  the  same  name  was  regidor  at  S.  Diego 
'49.  L.  (Josd  Ant. ),  Mex.  convict  '29-34.  L.  (Jose  de  Jesus),  soldier  of  the 
S.F.  comp.  '39-42.  L.  (Jose"  M.),  at  Sta  Cruz  1794.  i.  496.  L.  (Jose"  M.), 
soldier  of  Sta,  B.  comp.  before  '37;  at  Los  Ang.  '39-48,  being  zanjero  in 
'44.  iv.  633.  L.  (Juan),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1798-9;  i.  606;  ii.  349.  L. 
(Juan),  at  S.  Diego,  engaged  in  revolt  of  '31.  iii.  200-1;  grantee  of  Canada 
de  S.  Vicente  '46.  v.  619;  iii.  612.  L.  (Juan  Jos<§),  1842,  Mex.  cornet  in 
batallon  fijo  '42-5.  iv.  289.  L.  (Juan  B.),  killed  at  Mont.  '25.  iii.  26.  L. 
(J.  B.),  otter-hunter  '30.  iii.  145.  L.  (Leandro),  at  Los  Ang.  "46.  L. 
(Manuel),  ex-llavero  S.  Antonio  '40.  iii.  687.  L.  (M.  J.),  owner  of  Je- 
sus rancho,  S.  Diego,  '36.  iii.  611-12.  L.  (Maria  Ign.),  wife  of  Joaq. 
Carrillo;  grantee  of  Sta  Rosa  '41.  iv.  673.  She  was  a  half-sister  of 
Pio  Pico's  mother,  Ignacio  and  Josd  being  her  brothers.  Her  sisters  were 
Josefa,  wife  of  Vejar,  Juana,  wife  of  Juan  Osuna,  and  Maria  Ant.,  wife 
of  Jos6  M.  Aguilar.  L.  (Nicolas),  owner  of  a  house  at  Sta  B.  '48.  v.  632. 
L.  (Pedro),  sirviente  at  S.F.  1777.  i.  297.  L.  (Pedro),  at  S.  Fern.  '39,  age 
28;  grantee  of  Tujunga'40.  iii.  634;  still  at  S.  Fern.  '56.  L.  (Rafael),  sol- 
dier at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Maria  Ortega.  L.  (Ramon),  Dominican  friar  from 
L.  Cal.,  at  S.  Diego  occasionally  1791-1800.  i.  655.  L.  (Tiburcio),  soldier 
of  Sta  B.  comp.  before  '37;  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  L.  (Theodore),  1847,  Co.  F, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  Tuol.  Co.  77.  Lord  (Joseph  M.),  1847,  owner  of 
boats  on  bay  and  river  '48-9;  in  S.F.  after  '70. 

Lorenzana  (Apolinaria),  1800,  one  of  the  foundlings  sent  from  Mex.  to 
Cal.,  who  lived  at  Sta  B.  and  5.  Diego,  never  married,  and  became  known  as 
La  Beata,  devoting  her  life  to  charity  and  teaching,  a  favorite  godmother  at 
baptisms,  i.  606;  ii.  169.  She  was  at  S.  Luis  Rey  '21-30.  ii.  553;  and  was 
grantee  of  Jamacho  and  Canada  de  los  Coches  in  '40,  '43,  iii.  611,  621,  the 
former  being  confirmed  to  her  by  the  land  commission,  but  taken  from  her  by 
some  legal  hocus  pocns  that  the  old  woman  never  understood.  In  '78  she  was 
living  at  Sta  B.,  entirely  blind  and  supported  by  friends  and  the  county.  Her 
Memories  de  La  Beata,  dictated  for  my  xise,  contains  many  interesting  items 
on  early  times.  Her  name  of  Lorenzana  is  that  of  the  archbishop  of  Mex. 
given  to  all  foundlings  from  that  asylum.  L.  (Felipe),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37, 
wife  Natividad  Ruiz,  4  children;  ranchero  in  '45.  L.  (Inocente),  juez  de 
policia  at  Sta  B.  before  '48.  v.  631.  L.  (Jacinto),  at  Sta  B.  '37,  wife  Carmen 
Rodriguez,  3  children:  sindico  in '40.  iii.  655.  L.  (Jos6),  at  Branciforte  '45, 
age  29,  wife  Manuela  Salazar,  child.  Josefa  b.  '36,  Pruclencio  '37,  Benita  '38, 
Juan  Jose  '40,  Rosario  '42;  a  man  of  same  name  at  Sta  B.  '50-5.  L.  (Ma- 
cedonia), soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  at  Brancif.  '28,  wife  Romualda  Vas- 
quez,  child.  Jos6,  Apolinario  b.  '19,  Bernarda,  Juana,  Arcadio'24,  and  Pedro, 
ii.  627;  in '35,  '39,  sindico.  iii.  696-7;  '38  regidor.  iii.  637;  '45-6  2d  alcalde. 
iv.  641,  664;  in  '45,  age  53,  additional  children,  Juan  b.  '25,  Matias  '26,  Fer- 
nando '30,  Jesus  '35,  Faustino  '36,  Jos<5  '37,  Ricardo  '40,  Trinidad  '44.  L. 
(Manuel),  alguacil  at  Sta  B.  '39.  iii.  654.  L.  (Timoteo),  killed  in  '31.  iii. 
673.  L.  (Tomas),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37.  L.  (Vicente),  at  Los  Ang. 
'12-48,  a  carpenter,  age  50  in  '39.  ii.  350. 

Loring  (Sam.),  1836,  Amer.  cooper,  age  26,  in  a  Sta  B.  list.  iv.  118;  died 
at  Los  Ang.  '43.  L.  ('Major'},  1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  lx>s  Aug.  list. 


LORING— LUGO.  719 

Lornes  (John),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Losaya  (Jose1  M.),  killed  a 
man  at  Sta  B.  '40.  iii.  655.  Loughray  (Andrew),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499).  Louis,  1847,  mr  of  the  Providence.  L.  (Henry),  1846,  Fauntleroy's 
dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  L.  (J.  Gros  and  P.  Gros),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.,  Co.  B, 
artill.  (v.  358).  Lount  (Seth  H.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  killed  by 
Rogue  Biv.  Ind.  '55.  Louzade  (James),  1840,  one  of  the  exiles  to  S.  Bias. 
iv.  18. 

Love  (Harry),  1843  (?),  arrived  in  Oct.  ace.  to  records  of  the  Soc.  Cal. 
Pion.  iv.  400.  His  wife  was  Mary  Bennett,  widow  of  Vardamon  B.  of  '43. 
She  was  living  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  '55.  L.  (John),  1846,  lieut  Co.  C,  1st  U.S. 
dragoons,  as  per  muster-roll;  prob.  did  not  come  to  Cal.  Loveall  (Stephen), 

1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).      Lovejoy  (A.  L.),  1848,  Or.  lawyer  in 
the  mines.  Burnett.      Lovelain  (L.  F.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).      Loveland 
(Cyrus  Q),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  Sta  Co.  '83.       L.  (J.   B.), 

1848,  at  Monterey.      Lovett,  1848,  mr  of  the  Eagle.      L.  (Augeline  M. ),  1846, 
a  woman  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546;  married  to  Thos  Kittleman  in  Dec. 
'47  at  S.F. 

Low  (James  C.),  1847,  Q.  M.  sergt  N.Y.Vol.  v.  503;  acting  order,  sergt; 
disch.  for  physical  disability  Sept.;  owner  of  S.F.  lots;  in  S.F.  '54;  d.  at  S. 
Rafael  before  :82.  L.  (Thomas),  1831,  perhaps  one  of  Young's  trappers,  iii. 
388;  at  S.F.  in  '40.  Lowe,  1847,  mr  of  the  Sta  Cruz  schr  '46-8.  v.  580. 
Lowe  (Mrs  W.  H.),  1846,  at  S.  Jos<§  '81.  Lowery  (Anthony  W.),  1847,  Co. 
E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '74-8.  Loy  (Horace),  1848,  teamster  in  Sut- 
ter's  employ.  Loze  (M.  M.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Lucas  (John),  1838,  Engl.  lumberman  in  the  Sta  Cruz  region  named  in 
Larkin's  accounts,  iv.  119;  one  of  the  exiles  of  '40,  who  returned  in  '41.  iv. 
18,  33.  Luce,  1848,  mrof  the  Tepic.  v.  580.  L.  (S.  B.),  1847,  mid.  on  the 
U.S.  Columbus.  Lucfo  (Juan  Saenz  de),  1806,  Span,  friar  who  served  at 
S.F.,  retiring  in  '16.  ii.  374-5,  131,  159-60,  386,  394.  Luco  (Juan  M.), 
1847,  Chilian  and  mr  of  the  Natalia  '47-8.  v.  579;  claimant  for  the  Ulpinos 
rancho.  iv.  674;  somewhat  prominent  in  land  matters,  and  still  in  S.F.  '85. 
Ludloif  (Charles),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Lugo  (Antonio  Maria),  son  of  Francisco,  nat.  of  Cal.,  b.  at  S.  Antonio 
1775,  and  a  soldier  till  1809,  when  he  settled  near  Los  Angeles,  ii.  350,  353. 
In  1810  he  was  grantee  of  S.  Antonio  rancho,  confirmed  to  him  in  later  years, 
ii.  112,  352,  565-6,  633,  664.  In  '16  and  '18  he  was  alcalde  at  Los  Aug.  ii. 
350;  juez  del  campo  '33-4.  iii.  635,  257-8;  in  '37-8  memb.  of  the  ayunt., 
taking  some  part  as  commissioner  in  the  troubles  between  north  and  south, 
iii.  509,  519,  556,  636;  grantee  of  Chino  in  '41.  iv.  634;  ment.  occasionally 
in  connection  with  Ind.  affairs  and  other  public  matters,  having  a  claim  of 
$5,000  against  the  govt  '42-6.  iv.  338,  497,  626,  629,  634.  He  was  a  wealthy 
and  widely  known  ranchero,  uneducated  but  of  good  character.  He  died  in 
'60.  His  wife  was  Marfa  Dolores  Ruiz;  and  his  daughter  Merced  married 
Stephen  C.  Foster.  Jose"  del  Carmen  and  Felipe  were  his  sons.  L.  (Ber- 
nardino), at  Sta  B.  before  '37,  wife  Isabel  Leiva.  L.  (Felipe),  son,  I 
think,  of  Ant.  M.,  born  about  1808;  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  '32-3,  '36-7,  '44-5. 
iii.  635-6;  iv.  633;  in  '39  a  lieut.  iii.  583;  and  partido  elector,  iii.  590;  and 
juez  in  '40.  iii.  637.  After  the  Amer.  occupation  he  was  justice  of  the  peace 
and  supervisor,  residing  at  La  Mesa;  still  living  in  '78. 

Lugo  (Francisco),  Mex.  soldier  who  came  from  Sinaloa  with  his  family 
soon  after  1769,  living  at  Los  Ang.  and  Sta  B.  i.  461;  ii.  100.  He  died  at 
Sta  B.  in  1805,  and  may  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  the  Lugo  family  in 
Cal.  His  wife  was  Juana  Vianazul  (one  record  seems  to  say  Juana  M.  Rita 
Martinez),  and  he  brought  four  children  from  Sin. ,  Salvador  killed  when  a 
boy  by  being  thrown  from  a  horse,  Jos6  Antonio  a  soldier  at  Sta  B.  who  left 
a  family,  Tomasa  who  married  Capt.  Raimundo  Carrillo,  ii.  100,  and  Rosa 
who  married  Alfe"rez  Cota  and  was  the  mother  of  Joaq.  de  la  Torre's  wife, 
dying  in  1790.  i.  665.  Fi\fe  children  were  born  in  Cal.,  Jose"  Ignacio,  An- 
tonio Maria,  and  Juan,  all  soldiers;  Maria  Antonia  who  married  Ignacio  Val- 
lejo,  and  Marfa  Ignacia  who  married  Jose"  Ruiz.  L.  (Francisco),  at  Pilar- 


720  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

citoa  rancho  '25-6,  being  juez  de  campo  '35,  iii.  C74,  age  37,  wife  Juana 
Briones,  child.  Cayetano  b.  '31  (at  Sta  B.  '51),  Juan  de  Mata  '34,  Francisco 
*3G;  in  '39  grantee  of  Paraje  de  funchez,  iii.  077,  for  which  his  widow  was 
claimant  in  '52;  juez  auxiliar  '44.  iv.  C53. 

Lugo  (JoscJ),  sergtof  the  Sta  B.  comp.,  and  alferez  '39-46,  involved  in  sev- 
eral revolts  and  in  the  affair  of  the  canon  perdidoof  '48.  iii.  G51;  iv.  470,  539, 
541,  051;  v.  35,  586,  588.  Known  as  El  Chato.  L.  (Jos<§  del  Carmen),  son 
of  Antonio  Maria,  b.  at  Los  Ang.  '13;  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  '38-9.  iii.  030; 
grantee  of  S.  Bernardino  '42.  iv.  035;  juez  de  cainpo  '44.  iv.  033;  promi- 
nent in  the  chino  fight  and  in  several  Ind.  exped.  of  '46-7.  v.  312-14,  408, 
566,  017,  025;  alcalde  of  Los  Ang.  '49.  About  '51  he  sold  his  rancho  to 
the  Mormons,  and  from  that  time  has  lived  at  Los  Ang".,  in  good  circum- 
stances till  about  '03,  when  he  lost  his  property.  In  '78  he  dictated  his 
Vida  de  ««  Rancke.ro  for  my  use.  He  had  a  wife  and  4  daughters.  L. 
(Jos6  Ignacio),  son  of  Francisco,  soldier  at  San  Juan  B.  before  1800,  and 
later  settler  at  Los  Ang.  i.  558;  ii.  350;  maj.  at  S.  Fern.  '17;  in  '32  inval. 
of  Sta  B.  comp.:  wife  Rafaela  Romero,  child.  Magdalena  and  Luis;  at  Los 
Ang.  '46.  L.  (Jos6  Maria),  juez  del  campo  at  Los  Ang.  '36,  '38.  iii.  036; 
one  of  the  grantees  of  S.  Bernardino  '42;  a  son  of  Ant.  Maria;  still  living  at 
S.  Bern.  '50.  L.  (Juan),  corp.  at  Sta  B.  before  '37;  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  L. 
(Luis),  at  Sta  B.  1790,  when  hia  wife  died  in  giving  birth  to  twins.  L. 


(Maria  Guadalupe),  wife  of  Sergt  Verdugo,  d.  1780.  i.  003.        L.  (Miguel), 
at  Sta  B.  '37,  wife  Isabel  Fernandez,  2  children.       L.  (Nica: 


licanor),  had  a  Cal. 


earliest  settlers  atS.  Jose.  i.  312,  477-8:  wife  Gertrudis  Pacheco.  L.  (Trini- 
dad), soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32,  wife  Rosario  Domiuguez,  6  children.  L.  (Vi- 
cente), one  of  the  grantees  of  S.  Bern.  '42,  son  of  Antonio  M.;  justice  at  S. 
Gabriel  '50;  supervisor  Los  Ang,  Co.  '62-3. 

Luis,  1836,  Ital.  fisherman  at  Mont.,  age  26.  Luis,  Ind.  in  Sutler's  em- 
ploy; one  of  the  1st  Donner  relief;  refused  to  eat  human  flesh,  and  was  him- 
self killed  and  eaten,  v.  531-2,  534,  537.  Lujan  (Jos<§),  1797,  Span,  alfeYcz 
of  S.  Diego  comp.  to  1806,  when  he  left  the  country,  i.  544,  047;  ii.  101. 
L.  (Jos6  Maria),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Luker  (Wm),  1S47,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499);  at  Sonora,  Cal.,  '83.  Lumsden  (Wm),  1834,  Engl.  pilot  on  the  Mar 
(jarita,  age  31,  registered  at  S.  Bias.  iii.  412;  in  '36-7  at  S.  Diego,  iii.  618/ 
in  '40  arrested  at  Sta  B.,  but  released  at  S.  Diego,  iv.  14,  17;  in  '44  at  S.F. 
and  in  '48  at  Mont.  Luna,  Dominican  friar  from  L.  Cal.,  at  S.  Gabriel  '29. 
iii.  90.  Lunia  (Joseph),  1834,  Frenchman  in  a  Mont.  list.  Lunt  (Dan.), 
1848,  mate  of  the  Euphcmia.  Lupton  (Durah),  1848,  at  S.  Jose1  '76.  Luque 
(Gabriel),  soldier  killed  by  Ind.  on  the  Colorado  1782.  i.  359,  362.  Lusin.no 
Basilio),  zanjero  at  Los  Ang.  '47.  v.  026.  Luskey  (Joseph),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  died  before  '80.  Luther,  1848,  at  Sutler's  Fort  with  family. 
Lutz  (Wm  D.),  1840,  sailor  on  the  Cyane;  at  Phil  '77. 

Lyman  (Chester  S.),  1847,  clergyman  who  came  from  Hon.  on  the  En- 
pkemia,  with  letters  to  Colton  and  Larkin.  In  Sept.  he  was  appointed  sur- 
veyor for  the  middle  department,  and  in  '48  made  surveys  at  S.  Josd  and  N. 
Ahnaden.  v.  005.  He  remained  in  Cal.  till  '50,  returning  in  '54  from  New 
Haven  to  testify  in  the  N.  Almaden  case.  L.  (J.  H.),  1841,  physician  from 
Mass,  who  came  from  N.  Mex.  with  the  Workman-Rowland  party,  iv.  278. 
He  returned  East  in  '43,  perhaps  via  Oregon  as  he  had  intended.  Wilson  says 
he  came  back  with  his  family  and  was  in  S.F.  '77;  but  Given  thinks  he  never 
returned  but  is  still  in  Mass.,  though  G.  could  not  tind  him  in  'S3. 

Lynch,  1838,  at  Mont.  '38-9.  L..  1847,  of  the  firm  L.  &  Lewis  Mont. 
'47-8.  L.  (Ferdinand),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  L.  (James),  1847, 
Co.  F,  ditto;  nat.  of  Pa,  of  Irish  parentage;  on  a  rancho  at  Pleito,  S.  Luis  Ob., 
'71-4;  at  Jolon,  Mont.  Co.,  '82.  Quigley  tells  some  very  absurd  stories  about 
him.  L.  (John),  1842,  Engl.  sailor  on  the  Jdven  Guipuzcoana,  arrested  at 
S.  L\  for  mutiny;  still  in  S.F.  '44,  age  30.  L.  (Joseph  Peter),  1847,  corp.  Co. 


LYNCH— McCLURE.  721 

G,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  one  of  the  murderers  of  the  Reed  family  at  S.  Miguel, 
executed  at  Sta  B.  '48.  v.  632,  640.  L.  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.  Vol. 
(v.  199);  at  S.F.  '71-82. 

Lyon  (Albert  G. ),  1846,  nat.  of  Va  and  overl.  immig.  from  Mo. ;  in  Sonoma 
from  '48;  died  '79,  leaving  a  widow  and  9  children.  Lyons  (Aaron),  1847, 
sergt  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  sheriff  of  Mont.  Co.;  died  '65.  L.  (Geo.), 
1848,  at  S.  Diego;  possibly  in  '42.  L.  (Peter),  1840,  at  Mont.  '40-1;  said  to 
have  aided  in  the  arrest  of  the  foreigners,  iv.  22,  120;  later  in  Slitter's  em- 
ploy, which  he  left  in  '46.  L.  (R.  M.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  at 
Sonoma  '47.  Lytle  (Andrew),  1847,  lieut  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.;  capt.  of  100 
on  the  return,  v.  477,  493. 

M.  (J.  F.  B.),  1840,  from  Hon.  on  the  Don  Quixote,  author  of  Leaves  from 
my  Journal,  iv.  157.  McAllister  (Michael  James),  1822,  Irish  blacksmith, 
known  at  Mont.  '29  as  'el  herrero  loco,'  age  38.  Still  worked  at  his  trade 
and  drank  his  aguardiente  in  '31-40,  as  shown  by  various  records,  also  selling 
grog  at  his  shop,  without  much  profit  perhaps,  as  he  is  said  to  have  taken  no 
pay  from  sailors.  He  had  been  an  Australian  convict  for  7  years  before  com- 
ing to  Cal.;  also  called  Patrick;  died  at  Mont.  '54.  McA.  (Robert),  1840, 
one  of  the  Graham  exiles,  iv.  18,, 33;  perhaps  returned,  as  there  was  a  lum- 
berman of  his  name  in  S.F.  district  '42,  age  29.  McArran  (Robert  M.),  1846, 
mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Independence.  McArthur  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Scipio,  Utah,  '82.  McA.  ( Win  P.),  1848,  meut.  in  Alla'ol. 
McAulley  (Alex. ),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  McBride  (Haslam),  1847, 
Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl. 

McCaffery  (Hugh),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  McCallum 
(James),  1828,  Scotch  carpenter  at  Mont.  '28-9,  age  22.  McCann  (Dan.), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  McCarran  (Joseph),  1847,  Co.  D,  N. 
Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  McCartney  (Bartholomew),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499);  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  McCarty  (Dav.  C.),  1847,  Co.  C,  ditto;  later  a  real 
estate  agent  and  inspector  of  customs  at  S.F.,  where  he  died  in  '62  at  the  age 
of  41 ;  an  Irishman.  McC.  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  C,  ditto;  d.  Sta  B.  '52.  McC. 
(James),  1825,  signs  a  receipt  of  payment  from  Robt  Liver-more;  perhaps  an 
error  in  date.  McC.  (Nelson),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  McC. 
(Wm),  1832,  one  of  the  comp.  extranjeraat  Mont.  iii.  221;  named  on  Larkin's 
books  '33-4.  McCarver  (M.  M.),  1848,  Kentuckian  from  Or.;  memb.  of  the 
constit.  convention  '49;  went  to  Idaho  later.  McCaulley  (James),  1846, 
Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247);  also  ment.  in  Pt  Reyes  region. 

McChristian  (Patrick),  1845,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-lde  party,  iv. 
579,  587;  one  of  the  Bears  in  '46,  having  given  Robt  A.  Thompson  a  narra- 
tive of  that  affair,  of  which  I  have  a  copy.  v.  110;  in  the  mines  '48-9;  and 
after  a  short  residence  at  Sta  Cruz,  a  farmer  at  Sonoma,  where  he  prob.  still 
lives  in  '85.  McClain  (John  L.),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  McClarcklin 
1845,  at  S.  Jose  (McLaughlin  ?).  McClary  (James),  1846,  overl.  immig.  in 
Bryant's  party,  v.  528;  served  in  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  in  lists  of  S.F. 
lot-owners  and  Cal.  claimants,  v.  685  (462);  interested  at  Benicia  '47;  per- 
haps in  some  cases  confounded  with  McClurg.  McClaskey  ( Wm  I. ),  1847, 
Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.F.  '66. 

McClellan,  1842,  went  to  Or.  with  Joel  Walker  in  '43.  McC.,  1847,  at 
Slitter's  Fort  June-July.  McC.  (Dav.  Frank),  1843,  nat.  of  Tenn.  and 
overl.  immig.  of  the  Walker-Chiles  party  (iv.  392).  He  went  east  in  '46  with 
his  uncle,  Jos.  Walker,  but  came  back  in  '48,  being  a  trader  and  butcher  in  the 
mines,  with  several  visits  to  the  east,  until  '53,  when  he  settled  on  a  Contra 
Costa  farm,  where  he  still  lived  in  '80.  McC.  (John),  1848,  nat.  of  Pa,  who 
died  at  S.F.  '63,  age  73.  McC.  (Michael  T.),  1848,  brother  of  Dav.  F.,  and 
overl.  immig.  of  the  Chiles  party  with  family;  in  Sonoma  Co.  '80.  He  had  15 
children ;  one  of  his  daughters  was  the  wife  of  John  A.  Paxton,  a  well-known 
banker  of  Marysville  and  Austin,  Nev.  McCloud  (Wm),  1847,  from  Hon. 
on  the  Xyfon. 

McClure  (James),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  at  Benicia;  perhaps  'McClary,' 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.    46 


722  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

q.v.  McC.  (John),  1841,  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman-Rowland  party, 
iv.  278;  in  '43  he  went  with  Leese  to  Or.  iv.  390;  and  was  still  there  as  late 
as  'GO.  McC.  (Wm),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  an  overl.  immig.;  prob.  went 
to  Or.  and  not  Cal.  iv.  578.  McClurg  (James  B.),  1847,  trader  from  Hon. 
on  tlicXylon,  also  sup.  of  the  Francesca;  member  of  the  firm  McC.  &  Co.  (Abell 
and  Chever)  at  Los  Ang.  to  Feb.  '48;  owner  of  S.F.  lots  '47.  v.  078;  at  Mont. 
'48;  at  S.F.  from  '48;  also  interested  at  Benicia.  He  died  at  S.F.  '57,  age  42. 
McClusky  (Philip),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

McConib  (Benj.),  1848,  overl.  immig.  from  Mo.;  perhaps  his  family  were 
cl.  for  parts  of  the  Entre  Napa  rancho.  McCoon  (Perry),  1844,  Engl.  sailor 
who  may  have  come  in  '43.  iv.  453.  In  Dec.  '44  he  was  sent  by  Sutter  to  S. 
Rafael  to  obtain  recruits  for  the  Michel torena  campaign,  iv.  486-501.  Re- 
turning he  worked  a  while  at  the  fort,  but  in  Dec.  '45  moved  to  a  farm  of  his 
own  near  by.  In  Feb.  '46  he  married  Mrs  Lewis,  who  died  in  June;  and  in 
'47  he  married  Elitha  C.  Donner,  having  a  launch  on  the  bay  and  river.  Men- 
tioned as  a  miner  at  Weber  Cr.  and  Hangtown  '48-9.  He  became  locally  some- 
what famous  for  his  skill  as  a  vaquero;  but  in  '51  was  thrown  from  his  horse 
and  dragged  to  death  by  the  riata  at  his  home  on  the  Cosumnes.  His  widow 
married  Benj.  Wilder  and  was  still  living  in  '80  at  Elk  Grove.  McC.  (Rob-. 
ert),  1848,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  McCord  (Alex.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  A,  Morm. 
Bat.  v.  477.  McConniek  (James),  1847,  left  an  Engl.  vessel  at  Mont. ;  owner 
of  a  S.F.  lot;  in  the  mines  '48;  later  a  resid.  of  S.  Jose.  McCoy  (Redding), 
1845,  nat.  of  N.  J.  and  mate  on  the  Dromo;  disch.  at  Mont.  iv.  587.  Ship- 
ping on  the  Fania  he  was  wrecked  at  Sta.  B.  in  '46;  became  an  otter-hunter, 
having  also  several  startling  adventures  with  bears;  got  a  S.F.  lot  in  '47;  at 
Bodega  '48,  and  went  to  the  mines 

McCracken  (John  C. ),  1846,  at  N.  H'.-lv.,  prob.  aiuoverl.  immig.;  nat.  of 
N.  C.;  died  at  Sonoma  '70,  age.55.  McC.  (Wm  R.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499).  McCrady,  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  CS3. 

McCue  (Patrick),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.  with  wife  and  4  children. 
v.  546;  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  worked  as  a  blacksmith  at  Bodega  and  other  places; 
going  east  in  '52.  McCulloch  (Hugh),  1822,  merchant  of  Lima  and  member 
of  the  Cal.  branch  of  McC.,  Hartnell,  &  Co.,  who  visited  Cal.  on  the  John  Btfjrj. 
ii.  474-7,  479,  492-3,  519,  613-14;  iii.  24,  71.  He  died  in  Liverpool  in  '42. 
McC.  (James),  1831,  brother  of  Hugh,  at  Mont.  '31-2;  not  behaving  in  a  man- 
ner satisfactory  to  his  relatives.  McC.  (Levi  H.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469);  at  Fillmore,  Utah,  '82.  McCusker  (Mrs  T.  C.),  1843,  nat.  of  Ga, 
from  Or.,  maiden  name  not  given;  married  in  '45,  at  Sta  Cruz  to  '59,  in  Mont. 
Co.  to '81.  McCutchen  (John),  1846,  overl.  iinmie. ;  perhaps  went  to  Or. 
v.  529.  McC.  ( Wm),  1846,  nat.  of  Teun.  and  one  of  the  Douuer  party  with 
wife  and  daughter.  He  left  the  party  before  reaching  the  Sierra  and  from  Cal. 
•went  back  with  the  2d  relief  party.  The  daughter  Harriet  died,  but  the  father 
and  mother,  Amanda  M.,  survived,  settling  1st  at  Sonoma,  and  in  '48  at  S. 
Jos6,  where  McC.  still  lived  in  '80.  v.  531-2, 534.  Portrait  in  McGluthan,  244. 

McDermott  (Chas),  1848  (?),  pres.  of  a  Benicia  lumber  comp.  in  '48-9. 
McD.  (David),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Columbus.  McD.  (D.  A.),  1846,  at 
S.F. '54.  McD.  (H.),  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the  Euphemia;  new  passp.  from 
Hon.  Aug.  McDonald,  1845,  in  Slitter's  employ  '45-6.  iv.  578,  587;  went 
to  Or.  Apr.  '46.  v.  526;  but  was  perhaps  back  again  in  '48.  McD.  (Alex.), 
1845,  one  of  the  men  lost  on  the  Warren's  launch  '46.  v.  384,  587.  McD. 
(Alex.  C.),  1847,  sergt-major  N.Y.Vol.  v.  503;  at  Sonoma  to  '59,  and  later  on 
a  rancho  known  as  McD.'s  station,  between  Cloverdale  and  Ukiah,  where  he 
died  in  '80  at  the  age  of  65,  leaving  a  widow,  of  the  pioneer  Smith  family. 
McD.  (Benj.),  1847,  settler  at  Benicia.  \.  672;  married  a  daughter  of  Lundy 
Alford.  McD.  (Chas),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.  Y.  Vol.  under  another  name. 
McD.  (D.),  1847,  from  Or.  on  the  Henry.  McD.  (Wm.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499).  McD.  (Wm),  1847,  auctioneer  at  S.F.  '47-8,  of  firm  McD.  & 
Buchanan,  v.  680,  682;  owner  of  town  lots;  died  '48  at  the  age  of  35.  McD. 
(Wm),  1847,  Engl.  at  Benicia  '47-8.  Tustin;  perhaps  same  as  Benj.  McD. 
(\Vm),  1846,  testified  at  Napa  '68  that  he  lived  iu  Napa  Val.  '46-50;  prob. 


MCDONALD— McGLONE.  723 

same  as  following.  McDonnell  (Wm),  1846,  nat.  of  Mo.  and  overl.  immig.; 
Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  disch.  in  Nov.  at  S.  Diego;  lived  in  Napa  Co.  to'oO, 
marrying  Eleanor  Graves  of  the  Donner  party  in  '49.  Later  in  Sonoma  Co., 
acting  as  guide  to  the  Geysers  for  many  years;  in  '80  at  Knight's  Val.  with 
family  of  <J  children.  McDonough  (Joseph),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  409); 
capt.  in  Meagher's  brigade  war  of  '61-5;  at  S.F.  '82.  McD.  (Nicholas).  1847, 
Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  L.  Cal.  '71-4;  killed  at  La  Paz.  McDormaut, 

1847,  at  Slitter's  Fort. 

McDougal,  1816,  sup.  of  the  Colonel,  ii.  2/8.  McD.  (Geo.),  1845,  nat.  of 
Ohio,  and  overl.  immig.  from  Ind.  in  the  Swasey-Todd  party,  v.  575-6,  587. 
Ho  lived  at  StaCruz  and  Gilroy;  served  as  a  kind  of  unattached  volunteer  iu 
the  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7;  was  a  'broker' — that  is,  a  gambler — at  S.F.  '47-8,  becom- 
ing the  owner  of  many  town  lots  in  partnership  with  Lippincott.  v.  676, 679, 
680;  and  a  trader  at  Sac.  in  '48-9.  His  movements  in  later  years  were  too  numer- 
ous and  complicated  to  be  recorded  here.  He  made  several  trips  to  the  East, 
where  he  had  a  family,  and  about  '53  began  a  roving  life,  rarely  making  his 
whereabouts  known,  and  spending  much  of  his  time  among  the  Ind.  in  Arizona 
and  Mexico.  In  '67  he  was  found  by  a  naval  commander  in  Patagonia,  but 
returned  to  Ind.,  and  in  '69  went  to  Washington,  D.  C.,  when  he  died  in  '72. 
He  was  an  eccentric  but  brave  and  popular  man.  McD.  (John),  1848,  brother 
of  Geo.,  and  overl.  immig.  from  Ind.;  a  member  of  the  constit.  convention 
'49,  and  elected  lieut-gov.,  becoming  gov.  on  the  resignation  of  Burnett.  He 
died  at  S.F.  in  '66  at  the  age  of  49. 

McDowell  (Dugakl),   1837,    named  in  Larkin's  books.       McD.  (James), 

1845,  overland  immig.,  with  his  wife,  Margaret  Pyles,  and  daughter,  Maggie 
A.,  age  3  years,  iv.  578,  587.  He  came  in  a  party  which  I  am  unable  to  iden- 
tify, and  most  of  the  members  of  which  went  to  Or.  from  Ft  Hall.    He  was 
employed  as  a  gunsmith  by  Slitter  in  '45-7,  and  possibly  served  in  the  Cal. 
Bat.,  having  a  Cal.  claim  for  work  (v.  462).    In  Aug.  '47  he  moved  with  his 
family  across  the  Sac.  liiv.,  where  he  bought  a  rancho  and  built  a  house.  He 
was  murdered  iu  May  '49.  In  '50  the  widow  had  the  town  site  of  Washington 
laid  out  on  her  land;  married  Dr  E.  C.  Taylor  in  '51;  and  died  at  Washing- 
ton in  '83.  The  daughter  Maggie  became  Mrs  M.  A.  Hunt,  and  in  '84,  living 
at  Washington,  furnished  me  information  about  her  family.  Another  daugh- 
ter,, Harriet,  in  '81  Mrs  Cooke,  was  born — prob.  at  the  fort,  though  Mrs 
Hunt  is  sure  it  was  at  Washington — Feb.  21,  '47;  and  a  son  Win  according 
to  the  newspapers  in  '48.       McD.  (John),  1841,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Bartle- 
son  party,  who  went  back  to  Mo.  in  '42.  iv.  270,  275,  342.      McDuff  (J.), 

1848,  passp.  from  Hon.       McDuffee  (And.  J.),  1847,  connected  in  some  way 
with  the  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499),  but  not  on  the  roll;  clerk  in  the  naval  store  of- 
fice at  Mont.  '47-8,  and  named  in  many  records;  trading  at  the  dry  diggings 
'48;  at  S.  Jos6  '50.  Clark  calls  him  McDuff. 

McElroy  (Alex. ),  1848  (?),  long  a  resid.  of  MariposaCo. ;  d.  at  Merced '82,  leav- 
ing a  widow  and  a  married  daughter;  perhaps  of  Graham's  dragoons  (v.  522). 
McElroy  (Hugh),  1846.  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  McElvain  (J.), 

1846,  lieut  of  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v,  336);  not  in  Cal.       McFerion 
(James),  1824,  Scotch  tailor  from  Lima.  ii.  526;  at  S.  Diego  '28.  v.  645;  at 
Los  Ang.  '36,  age  50  and  single.       McGee  (Milton),  1843,  overl.  immig.  of 
the  Chiles- Walker  party,  iv.  392,  394.       McGeehan  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  F, 
3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).       McGhee  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  at  S.F.  '61.      McGill  (James),  1847,  Co.  E,  ditto.       McG.  (Pat.),  1847, 
Co.  A,  ditto.       McGilvery,  1841,  on  the  CowlUz,  from  Columbia  Riv.      Me 
Gloene  (James),  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.  Vol.  under  another  name.       McGlone 
(Wm),  1837,  Irish  sailor  on  the  wrecked  whaler  Com.  Rogers,  iv.  118;  em- 
ployed in  Graham's  distillery  and  known  as  'Billy  the  Brewer.'  He  was 
exiled  in  '40  but  returned,  iv.  18,  33;  and  I  have  his  letter  of  '44  in  which 
he  complains  that  he  has  been  7  days  in  jail  without  food!  Worked  in  Lar- 
kin's soap  factory  '45;  perhaps  joined  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  '46  (v.  232,  247); 
and  later  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.,  being  wounded  at  Natividad.  v.  371.    He  was  at 
N.  Helv.  '47,  in  the  mines  '48;  at  Mont.  '57,  and  a  few  years  later  was  drowned 


724  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

at  Sta  B.  McGranaghan  (Win  G.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  49.0).  Mc- 
Guicr  (A.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  McGuire  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499).  McIIollingworth  (J.),  1S46  (?),  in  S.  Joaq.  Co.  '49.  Tinkham. 

Mclntosh  (Chas),  1843,  Cherokee  or  Delaware  half-breed,  in  the  Walker- 
Chiles  patty,  iv.  392,  400;  at  Mont,  and  N.  Helv.  '45,  serving  in  the  Michel- 
torena  campaign,  iv.  486,  501;  served  in  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7,  taking  part  in  the 
Natividad  fight.  Mel.  (Edward),  1823  (?),  Scotch  sailor  who  landed  at  Mont, 
trom  a  trader,  ii.  475,  495.  In  a  record  of  '29  he  claimed  to  have  come  in  '23; 
in  another  of  Dec.  '33,  to  have  been  12  years  in  Cal.,  or  since  '22;  while  in 
some  accounts  he  is  said  to  have  visited  Cal.  in  '13  and  returned  in  '23.  I 
think  it  likely  he  came  on  the  Rover  with  Capt.  Cooper.  In  '28  he  was  bap- 
tized at  S.  Carlos  as  Edward  Manuel.  I  have  his  letter  of  May  '28.  In  '29 
he  appears  in  a  Mont,  list  as  a  single  carpenter,  age  34.  In  '30  he  bought  Geo. 
Allen's  interest  in  a  Mont,  inn  for  $90,  becoming  a  partner  of  Wm  Gralbatch. 
ii.  609;  was  naturalized  in  '33;  got  an  otter-hunting  license  in  '34,  making  a 
trip  with  Dye.  iii.  395;  still  at  Mont.  '35.  In  '38,  or  perhaps  a  year  or  two 
earlier,  he  settled  with  James  Dawson  on  the  Estero  Americano  rancho  near 
Bodega,  iv.  117,  being  recorded  in  that  year  as  agent  for  Vallejo  and  for' the 
H.  B.  Co.  In  '39  he  obtained  a  grant  of  the  rancho,  and  is  eaid  to  have  left 
his  partner's  name  out  of  the  title,  for  which  he  was  flogged  by  the  irate  Daw- 
som,  who  proceeded  to  saw  their  house  in  two  and  move  his  half  to  another 
rancho.  iii.  712;  iv.  129.  In  '40  he  guided  Spalding  of  the  Lausanne,  to  S.F. 
iv.  172;  and  was  in  trouble  on  account  of  a  Frenchman  found  murdered  on 
his  place.  He  was  at  N.  Helv.  in  '44-5,  taking  part  in  the  Micheltorena  cam- 
paign, iv.  483;  but  does  not  figure  in  the  war  records  of  '46-7.  Owner  of  a 
S.F.  lot  '46.  v.  685;  alcalde  at  Sonoma  '46.  v.  297,  663;  alcalde  of  S.  Rafael 
'47.  v.  668;  when  he  leased  his  rancho  to  O'Farrell  and  went  to  live  with  his 
old  comrade  James  Black,  both  of  them  dying  in  '70,  Mel.  at  the  age  of  75. 
Mel.  (Jas  W.),  1837,  pass,  on  the  Enropa  to  Hon.  iv.  103.  Mclntyre,  1845, 
making  shingles  at  Larkin's  soap  factory."  Mel.  (H.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Hon.  with  family.  Mel.  (John),  1843,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Chiles- Walker 
party,  iv.  392-3;  nothing  more  known  of  him.  Mel.  (Terance),  1847,  Co. 
D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Mel.  (Wm  L.),  1847,  asst  surg.  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477, 
480. 

McKaffray  (Hugh),  1846,  perhaps  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346.  McKay, 
1846,  mid.  U.  S.  N.,  bearer  of  despatches  from  Wash.;  perhaps  'Mackae.' 
McK.  (Jean  B.  D.),  1825,  hunter  of  the  H.  B.  Co.,  who  visited  Cal.  in  '41  and 
prob.  several  times  before,  iii.  151;  iv.  212,  214.  McK.  (John  H.),  1847, 
Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  in  '80  claimed  to  have  aided  at  Benicia  in  '48  in 
making  the  1st  casting  in  Cal. — a  faucet  for  a  still,  made  of  copper  balls. 
McKay  (Thos),  1848,  guide  to  Burnett's  party  from  Or.  McK  can,  1847, 
mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Independence.  McK.  (Wm  W. ),  1846,  com.  of  the  U.  S. 
Dale,  '46-7;  v.  577;  d.  '65.  McKec  (James),  1848,  at  S.F.  from  Hon.  June. 
McK.  (James),  1847,  murdered  by  B.  K.  Thompson  at  Stockton  Jan.  '48. 
McK.  (James  M.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Mont.  Dec.  McK. 
(James  R.),  1846,  bugler  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  v.  336.  McK.  (VVm 
H.),  1846,  Scotch  physician  at  Mont.,  who  possibly  came  a  year  or  two  earlier; 
often  named  in  records  of  '46-8  at  Mont.,  S.  Jos6,  and  Sac.,  where  in  '48  he 
seems  to  have  been  engaged  in  trade.  In  '52  he  was  claimant  for  the  Jacinto 
rancho,  Colusa.  iv.  671.  He  married,  I  think,  a  daughter  of  Estevan  Munras; 
and  his  son  Robert,  who  in  '76  gave  me  a  valuable  vol.  of  old  mission  records, 
still  lives  in  '85  at  Mont.  or-S.F.  McKeever  (James),  1844,  hunter  and  ad- 
venturer of  the  plains  known  as  Capt.  Jack,  killed  in  Idaho  '77;  claimed  to 
have  landed  at  S.F.  in  44,  to  have  aided  in  the  revolt  and  war  of  '46-7,  and 
to  have  a  family  at  Sta  Rosa.  8.  F.  Chronicle;  iv.  453.  McKenzie,  1845,  at 
N,  Helv.  "45,  '47;  with  Arce  in  '46.  iv.  578,  587;  v.  109;  perhaps  same  as  the 
following.  McK.  (Bernard),  1846,  carpenter  and  mason  at  Mont.  '46-8;  in 
the  mines  '48,  discovering  the  dry  diggings  at  Placerville.  Carxon  and  Suxin. 
A  'Capt.'  McK.  died  at  S.  F.  in  '54.  McK.  (D'l),  1843,  trader  at  S.  Diego. 
McKern  (Ed.),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot;  prob.  'Kern,'  q.  v. 


McKINLEY— McLOUGHLIN.  725 

McKinley  (James),  1824,  Scotch  sailor  boy  left  at  S.  F.  or  Sta  B.  by  a 
whaler,  ii.  526.  This  is  the  statement  usually  made  in  accounts  of  his  li.e, 
and  it  is  also  said  that  he  was  but  11  years  old,  all  of  which  may  be  errone- 
ous. He  is  constantly  named  in  commercial  records  from  '30,  when  he  was 
agent  for  Capt.  Cooper  at  Mont.,  travelling  much  of  the  time,  but  making 
Mont,  his  home,  and  joining  the  comp.  extranjera  in  '32.  iii.  221.  Li  '35  he 
went  to  Los  Ang.  as  agent  for  Larkin;  in  '36  is  named  in  a  padron  as  a  trader, 
aged  33;  and  from  this  year  to  '40  and  later  was  owner  of  the  Ayacucho  schr, 
making  trips  up  and  down  the  coast,  iv.  101,  117.  Perhaps  arrested  as  a  mat- 
ter of  form  in'  40.  iv.  17.  From  '42  in  partnership  with  Fitch  and  Paty,  but 
it  is  hard  to  say  what  place  he  regarded  as  home;  I  have  many  letters  writ- 
ten by  him  at  different  points.  From  '43  the  firm  had  a  store  at  S.F.  v.  682; 
in  '44-5  McK.  took  a  leading  part  at  Los  Ang.  in  the  movement  of  southern 
foreigners  against  Micheltorena.  iv.  495,  505-8;  also  in  '44-5.  was  one  of  the 
purchasers  of  the  mission  estates  of  S.  Juan  Cap.  and  S.  Luis  Ob.  iv.  553,  62", 
655,  659;  v.  558.  In  '46  he  seems  to  have  transferred  his  residence  from  Los 
Ang.  to  Mont.,  wherein  Jan. '47  he  was  placed  under  arrest  by  Lieut  Maddox 
with  a  view  of  extorting  information  about  Calif,  operations  in  the  south.  Al- 
viso  Doc.,  209-10.  He  married  Carmen,  daughter  of  Jose'  Amesti,  in  '48;  was 
claimant  in  '52  for  ranches  in  Mont,  and  S.  Luis  Ob.  counties,  iv.  655;  and 
died  at  Mont,  in  '75,  leaving  several  children.  Don  Santiago  was  a  man  of 
good  repute  throughout  his  long  career  in  Cal.  I  have  u  letter  from  his  mother 
in  '43.  McK.  (J.),  1841,  boatswain  on  the  U.  S.  St  Louis.  McKinney 
(Wm  S.),  1847,  mr  of  the  Primavera.  v.  580.  McKinstry  (Geo.,  Jr),  1846, 
overl.  immig.,  who  became  the  1st  sheriff  of  the  northern  district  at  Slitter's 
Fort  '46-7.  v.  675;  active  in  relief  measures  for  the  Donner  party,  v.  538,  on 
which  subject  his  letters  were  published  in  the  S.F.  Star;  passenger  on  the 
1st  steamer  to  Sac.  '47.  v.  579;  also  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  678.  He  was  some- 
what prominent  in  public  affairs  at  Sac.  in  early  mining  times;  and  had  a 
trading  post  on  the  Cosumnes  '49-50.  I  find  no  record  of  him  from  that  time 
till  '71-4,  when  he  was  a  physician  at  Old  S.  Diego,  and  gave  me  the  valuable 
original  McKinstry  Papers,  including  some  of  his  summons  to  jurors,  etc.,  as 
sheriff:  and  also  some  important  records  on  the  Donner  party.  He  was  an 
eccentric  character  while  at  S.  Diego,  spending  much  of  his  time  in  long  tours 
among  the  Ind.  Beyond  a  vague  rumor  of  his  death  before  '80,  I  have  no  trace 
of  him  after  '74. 

McLanahan  (T.),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Columbus;  doubtful.  McLanc, 
1846,  mr  of  the  Paladin,  v.  579.  McL.  (Geo.),  1839,  at  Mont.  '39-40; 
named  in  Larkin's  books.  McL.  (Louis),  1846,  nat.  of  Del.,  b.  '19,  entered 
the  navy  '35,  and  came  to  Cal.  as  passed  mid.  on  the  Savannah.  He  served 
with  Fauntleroy's  dragoons,  v.  232,  289;  and  took  a  prominent  part  in  recruit- 
ing and  organizing  'khe  Cal.  Bat.,  becoming  capt.  of  the  artill.  comp.,  and 
later  in  the  campaign  ranking  as  major,  vi.  359,  361.  He  was  one  of  Fremont's 
commissioners  who  signed  the  treaty  of  Cahuenga,  closing  the  war.  v.  404-5, 
434.  In  '50  he  resigned  his  position  in  the  navy  and  returned  to  Cal.  to  en- 
gage in  a  series  of  important  industrial  and  financial  enterprises,  being  man- 
ager of  Wells,  Fargo  &  Co.'s  express  from  '55  to  '68,  and  of  the  Nevada  Bank 
from  '75  to  '82.  He  left  Cal.  a  little  later,  but  is  still -living  in  '85.  His  wife 
was  Sophie  Hoffman  of  Baltimore,  and  there  were  8  children.  Portrait  in 
Contemp.  Biotj.  McLannan,  1846,  from  Hon.  on  the  Euphemin.  McLarey, 
1846,  sergt  Co.  B.  artill.  Cal.  Bat.  v.  358.  McLean  (Geo.),  1817,  mr  of  the 
Currency  Lews.  '47-8;  perhaps  '  McLane '  of  '39.  McLean,  1S48,  kept  a 
furniture  shop  at  S.F.,  of  firm  McL.  &  Osburn.  v.  678.  McL.  (James 
D.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  McL.  (Wm  S.),  1846,  ditto.  McL.,  1848,  at 
S.F.  from  Tahiti.  McLeod  (Alex.  R.),  1828,  in  com.  of  H.  B.  Co.  hunters 
from  the  N.  iii.  J',1;  iv.  2(53.  McL.  (Francis  J.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499).  McL.  (John  C.),  1834,  Scotch  sailor  on  the  Bonanza  (?),  in  '34-6, 
iii.  412;  returned  to  Cal.  '50:  and  lived  at  Vallejo  '60-79.  Kolano  Co.  Hist. 
McL.  (John  M.),  1838,  on  the  Cadboro,  agent  of  H.B.Co.  McLine  (Joseph), 
1848,  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot.  MeLoughliu  (John),  1841,  chief  factor  of  the  H. 


720  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

B.  Co.,  who  visited  Cal.  on  the  Cowlitz.  iv.  216-18,  250,  504;  see  also  Hist. 
B.  Col.  and  7/t.s-«.  Or.  McLown  (VVm),  1839,  sailor  under  arrest  at  S.  P. 

McMahon  (Green),  1811,  nat.  of  Mo.,  and  ovcrl.  iinmig.  of  the  Bartleson 
party,  iv.  270,  275,  279.  He  went  to  Or.,  but  returned  in  '45  with  a  party 
to  which  I  have  given  his  name.  iv.  572-4.  Possibly  there  was  a  James  Mc- 
M.  in  the  same  party,  v.  573.  He  settled  on  Putah  Creek,  Solano  Co.,  and 
died  at  Dixon  in  '84  at  the  age  of  05.  By  the  death  notice  it  appears  that  his 
namo  was  Samuel  G.  McM.  (Jeremiah),  1848,  Irishman  at  Mont.  '47-8; 
seems  to  have  died  about  '50.  McM.  (Nelson),  1841,  brother  of  Green,  and 
one  of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  270,  275.  He  went  East  or  to  Or.,  and  I 
think  did  not  return  to  Cal.,  though  he  is  mentioned  also  as  one  of  the  Clyman 
party  of  '45.  iv.  573.  McM.  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v. 
518).  McManus  (James),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  490);  d.  S.  F.  '52. 
McMichael  (Grove  C.),  1848,  nat.  of  Mo.;  a  gambler  of  good  repute,  killed 
in  S.  F.  '54.  McM.  (VVm),  1831  (?),  a  sailor  said  to  have  visited  Cal.  about 
this  time.  iii.  405;  settled  at  S.  F.  '51;  a  wharf  superintendent  '53-4;  d.  at 
sea  '59,  at  the  age  of  55.  McMillan,  1845,  in  charge  of  Suiter's  launch;  also 
called  McMullen.  McM.  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.  F. 
after  'CO.  McMonigle  (Simpson),  1840,  overl.  iinmig.  with  Young,  v.  529; 
served  in  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  at  Los  Ang.  '48. 

McNamara  (Eugene),  1840,  Irish  priest  who  had  a  grand  scheme  for  col- 
onizing Cal.  with  Irishmen  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the  discomlifcure  of  the 
Yankees.  His  project  has  been  generally  given  more  importance  in  connec- 
tion with  English  plans  than  it  deserved.  McM.  came  to  Cal.  on  the  Juno. 
iv.  592;  v.  37,  215-23,  577,  G36.  MeNeilly  (John),  1840,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S. 
dragoons  (v.  330).  McPhail,  1848,  from  Or.  with  Brooks.  McPherson 
(Chas  J.),  1847,  musician  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  living  in  N.  Y.  '84. 
McP.  (Geo.),  1847,  musician,  ditto;  d.  Morrisania,  N.  Y.,'G9.  McP.  (James), 
1826,  on  the  Rover;  on  Larkin's  books  at  Mont.  '38;  I  have  his  autograph 
of  '43. 

McPherson  (John  C.),  1848;  Scotchman  of  good  education  and  considera- 
ble ability  as  a  writer;  but  eccentric  to  the  verge  of  insanity,  and  almost 
constantly  under  the  influence  of  liquor  in  his  later  years.  It  is  not  quite 
clear  how  he  came,  but  apparently  overl.  from  Mo.,  where  he  had  been  a 
teacher;  though  it  is  also  said  that  he  went  to  Texas  and  served  in  the  Mex. 
war.  He  appeared  in  the  mines  in  '48,  and  is  mentioned  by  Burnett  and 
others  as  the  author  of  a  popular  song,  '  Yuba,  dear  Yuba,'  and  other  poet- 
ical effusions.  He  spent  his  later  years  in  wandering  about  the  country  and 
writing  pioneer  sketches  for  the  newspapers,  under  the  signature  of  Juanita. 
Many  of  hii  sketches  were-  of  real  value,  though  generally  overburdened  with 
eulogy;  and  tho  author  was  always  an  inoffensive,  kimLhearted  man.  In  '80 
lie  fell  through  tho  trestle-work  of  a  railroad  bridge  over  the  Tuolumnc  Iliv. 
ii-d  was  killed.  McQuade  (Peter),  1836,  at  Mont.  McQuien  (D.),  1848, 
passp.  from  Hon. 

McRuo  (Arch.),  1846,  mid.  U.  S.  N.,  bearer  of  despatches  from  Wash, 
v.  287.  McRice,  1848,  murdered  by  Scott  at  Sonoma.  McSpaddcn  (James), 
1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  McRoberts  (J.),  1845;  mid.  on  the  U.  S. 
Warren.  McTavish  (Donald),  1826,  sup.  of  the  Colonel  ii.  278.  McT. 
(Dugald),  1846,  agent  of  the  H.  B.  Co.,  visiting  Cal.  to  sell  the  property  of 
the  comp.  iv.  «f>91.  McVicker  (Henry),  1837,  Amer.  named  in  Larkin's 
book  '37-41  as  being  in  the  Mont,  district;  perhaps  arrested  in  '40.  iv.  118, 
17.  In  '42  he  was  in  com.  of  Sutler's  trappers,  but  quarrelled  with  S. ;  in  ;44 
at  S.  F.,  age  24;  took  part  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign,  capturing  Manuel 
Castro,  iv.  486-7;  in  '45  named  at  Mont,  and  at  N.  Hclv.,  where  he  had  a 
fight  with  Geo.  Davis.  The  latest  record  that  I  have  found  is  that  he  left 
the  fort  Jan.  '46  for  Sonoma. 

Mace  (P.),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  a  man  at  Cahuen/ja.  iv.  595.  Ma- 
chado,  ment.  in  '19,  '23.  ii.  354,  550.  M.,  1875,  nr  of  tho  Republicano. 
iv.  508.  M.  (Agustin),  at  Los  Ang.  from  '21.  ii.  526:  jucz  do  campo  '38, 
and  grantee  of  Ballona  '39.  iii.  633,  61)6;  age  42  in  *39;  jucz  de  campo  '48.  v. 


MACHADO— MAINSFORD.  727 

626;  justice  of  peace  in  '56.  M.  (Andre's),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Antonio 
Iguacio),  regidor  at  Los  Ang.  '3o,  '38-9  acting  siiidico  and  alcalde,  iii.  635-6; 
died  in  78  at  the  age  of  '81.  M.  (Bdrbara),  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  M.  (Benito), 
1834,  inr  of  the  J6ven  Doroten.  iii.  382.  M.  (Eugenio),  celadorat  Mont.  '44. 
iv.  431.  M.  (Dolores  and  Francisco),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Hilario),  at  Los 
Ang.  '19-27.  M.  (Ignacio),  at  Los  Aug.  '38-48;  grantee  of  Aguaje  del  Cea- 
tincla  '44;  age  33  in  '39.  iii.  f>6r>;  iv.  034.  M.  (Jesus),  at  S.  Bern.  '46;  cl. 
for  Buenavista  '52.  iv.  620.  M.  (Jose),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age  27.  M.  (Jose 
Ant.),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Jos6  Maria),  soldier  of  S.F.  conip.  '39;  at  Los 
Ang.  '46.  M.  (Juan),  at  S.  Diego  '40.  iii.  610;  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Jua- 
n:i),  daughter  of  Jose"  Manuel,  a  corp.  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.,  and  widow  of 
Thos  Eidington,  who  at  S.  Diego  in  '78,  at  the  age  of  64 — though  apparently 
about  40 — gave  me  an  interesting  narrative  of  Tif.mpos  Pasados  de.  Cal.  She 
has  a  son  and  4  married  daughters.  M.  (Manuel),  regidor  at  S.  Diego  and 
i:i  charge  of  Rosario  rancho  in  '36.  iii.  612,  615.  M.  (Maria  Ant),  claim- 
ant for  Las  Virgcnes  rancho.  iii.  634.  Machuca  (Jose  S. ),  settler  at  Branci- 
forte  1707.  i.  569. 

Maciel  (Luis  G.),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo,  suspended  from 
his  rank  '43.  iv.  289,  354,  364;  but  signed  the  treaty  of  Sta  Teresa  in  '44.  iv. 
470.  Mack  (John  W.),  1847,  carpenter  at  Mont.  '47-8;  at  Angel's  Camp  '49. 
M.  (Wm),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  col.,  who  prob.  did  not  come  to  Cal.  v. 
547.  Macomb  (Wm  H. ),  1847,  lieut  U.  S.  N. ,  and  acting  mr  of  the  Lexington. 

Macondray  (Fred.  W.),  1822.  nat.  of  Mass,  and  sailor  on  the  Panther, 
which  touched  at  Mont,  from  Chile,  ii.  478.  Subsequently  he  was  mr  of 
trading  craft  and  remained  some  years  in  China.  In  '49  he  came  back  to  Cal. 
with  his  family  and  established  the  firm  of  M.  &  Co.,  being  a  prominent  citi- 
zen of  S.  F.  to  the  date  of  his  death  in  '62.  M.  (John  Oliver  E.),  1832, 
brother  of  Fred.  \V.,  who  came  from  Boston  on  the  Newcastle  with  Larkin, 
having  a  consignment  of  goods,  iii.  208.  His  name.appears  on  Larkin's  books 
'33-7;  in  '36  he  was  a  clerk  for  Watson,  being  then  29  years  old;  taking  some 
p.irt  with  other  foreigners  in  the  revolutionary  events  of  '36,  and  especially 
aiding  in  retaking  Mont,  from  the  Mex.  who  had  revolted  against  Alva- 
raclo.  For  this  service  he  thought  he  had  a  claim  on  the  U.S.  (!)  lor  3  leagues 
of  land  iii  Cal.,  writing  from  Dorchester  in  Oct.  '46  to  Larkin  on  the  subject, 
and  enclosing  a  letter  from  his  brother.  He  was  about  to  sail  for  China,  pro- 
posing to  come  to  Cal.  later.  Macy  (Alex.),  1826,  mr  of  the  Peruvian. 

Madariaga  (Bonifacio),  Mex.  clerk  at  Mont,  from  about  '30;  comis.  de 
policia  and  regidor  in  '36-7.  iii.  675.  In  '36  age  27,  wife  Josefa  Vallejo  de 
Estrada  (mother  of  Gov.  Alvarado),  children  Dolores  b.  '32,  Francisco  '33. 
He  went  to  Mex.  in  '42.  Maddox  (Wm  A.  T. ),  1846,  lieut  of  marines 
U.S.N.  on  the  Cyane  and  Congress.  After  the  occupation  of  Los  Ang.  he  came 
to  Mont,  by  land,  capturing  some  Cal.  officers  on  the  way,  and  was  made 
com.  of  the  garrison  and  of  the  central  district,  ranking  as  capt.  in  the  Cal. 
Bat.  He  made  an  exped.  to  S.  Juan  B.,  and  marched  to  Sta  Clara  with  his 
comp.  to  take  part  in  the  final  Sanchez  campaign,  v.  282,  289-90,  294,  358, 
360,  383,  519,  639.  I  have  no  record  of  him  after  '47.  Madison  (Geo.),  1839, 
sailor  sent  away  on  the  California  for  robbing  Spear's  store;  perhaps  also 
Joseph  M.  Madox  (James),  1841,  doubtful  name  at  Mont.  Madraxo  (Jose 
M. ),  Mex.  sergt  of  artill.  who  signed  the  Zamorauo  pronunciamento  of  '32. 
iii.  223. 

Magee  (Henry),  1847,  lieut  Co.  I,  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  at  S.  Diego  '71-9. 
Mager  (Adam),  1847,  Co.  D,  ditto.  Maggard  (Benj.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469).  Magnent  (Ollivier),  1844,  Canadian  immig.  of  the  Stevens 
party,  iv.  445,  453.  He  built  a  flour-mill  at  S.  Jose,  which  he  advertises  for 
sale  in  the  S.  F.  Californian  of  Apr.  '48.  Called  also  Magnet,  Magnand,  and 
Marquet.  Ace.  to  the  Fresno  Co.  Hist,  there  were  two,  Oliver  and  Francis, 
buttheref.  is  prob.  to  Deland.  Mahon,  see  'McMahon.'  Mahony  (John), 
1S48,  in  S.F.  list  of  letters, 

Main  (James),  1844,  at  Mont.  '44-5.  M.  (Russell  M.),  1547,  Co.  F,  3d  U. 
S.  artilL  (v.  518).  Mainsford  (Jolin),  1836,  Irish  sawyer  at  Mont.,  age  30; 


728  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

perhaps  'Rainsford,'  q.  v.  Maison  (Joseph),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons 
(v.  336).  Maitorena  (Jos6  Joaquin),  1801,  came  to  Gal.  as  cadet  of  tlie  Sta 
B.  comp. ;  all"6rez  from  1806;  lieut  from  '27;  elected  to  congress  in  '28;  died 
in  Mex.  '30.  He  was  a  drunken,  good-natured  fellow,  with  some  skill  as  an 
accountant  when  sober.  Biog.  iii.  45-6;  inent.  ii.  47,  100,  109,  117,  2.S8,  'Mi, 
364,  424,  530-1,  536-7,  571-2,  576,  676;  iii.  61,  64,  88.  Majors  (Alex.), 
1845  (?);  later  of  the  pony-express  firm  of  Russell,  M.,  &  Waddell;  doubtful 
date  of  arrival,  iv.  587.  At  S.F.  '70. 

Majors  (Joseph  L.),  1834,  nat.  of  Tenn. — some  accounts  say  of  Ky,  Va, 
or  Ohio — who  came  from  N.  Mex.,  perhaps  with  Graham,  iii.  388,  412.  At 
Los  Ang.  in  Nov.  '34  he  signed,  with  other  foreigners,  a  protest  against  being 
obliged  to  do  military  duty.  In  '3<~>  he  seems  to  have  settled  in  the  Sta  Cruz 
region,  and  from  that  year  his  name  appears  often  in  Larkin's  accounts  and 
other  records.  He  was  one  of  Graham's  men  in  the  troubles  of  '36-S;  and  ace. 
to  Job  Dye's  statement  bought  Tomlinson's  interest  in  the  Zayante  distillery 
about  '37,  selling  out  to  Dye  a  few  years  later.  In  '39  he  was  naturalized, 
calling  himself  Juan  Jos6  Crisostomo,  prob.  a  name  received  at  baptism  in  N. 
Mex.  or  Cal.  About  the  same  time  he  married  Maria  de  los  Angeles  Caotro. 
by  whom  he  had  19  children.  (See  'Marones.')  He  was  arrested  in  '40  but 
soon  released,  iv.  17,  22,  24;  receiving  in  '41  grants  of  the  S.  Agustin  anil 
Zayante  ranchos,  the  latter  of  which  he  sold  to  Graham,  iv.  655-6;  yet  in  '42 
he  signed  an  appeal  to  the  U.  S.  for  indemnity  for  sufferings  while  under 
arrest !  In  '43  he  signed  a  protest  against  Graham's  offer  of  the  services  of 
foreigners  to  Micheltorena.  iv.  356;  and  served  as  juez  de  campo  at  Brauci- 
forte.  iv.  663;  in  '46  juez  de  paz,  and  a  witness  at  the  trial  of  Naile's  murderer. 
v.  641-2;  perhaps  juez  in  '47;  member  of  the  Sta  Cruz  council  '48.  v.  642;  al- 
calde and  sub-prefect  '49-50,  and  chosen  delegate  to  the  constit.  convention. 
Sta  Cruz  Arch.,  102.  He  was  claimant  for  the  S.  Agustin  rancho,  and  a  rich 
man  in  those  years,  but  subsequently  lost  most  of  his  property,  dying  in  '08 
at  Sta  Cruz,  where  his  widow  still  lived  in  '80.  Makarof,  1814,  mr  of  the 
Suvdrof' 14-15.  ii.  274,  306,  373.  Malaco,  a  Suisun  chief  '17.  ii.  339. 

Malarin  (Juan),  1820,  nat.  of  Peru,  and  mr  of  the  Senoriano  in  Cal.  '20-2. 
ii.  293,  439-40,  467.  In  '24  he  came  back  as  mr  of  the  Apolonia.  ii.  518;  and 
in  '25  was  chosen  by  Gov.  Argucllo  to  take  the  Asia  and  Constants  prizes  to 
Acapulco.  iii.  26;  for  which  service  he  was  made  a  lieut  in  the  Mex.  navy. 
About  the  same  time  he  married  Josefa  Estrada,  and  made  Monterey  his  home, 
though  still  going  to  sea.  Mentioned  in  '29-30,  being  partido-elector.  ii.  613; 
iii.  49-50,  76,  82;  signed  the  Zamorano  pronunc.  '32,  being  called  into  service 
as  alf6rez.  iii.  223,  672;  in  '33  mr  of  the  Lctinidas,  capt.  of  the  port,  and  grr.n- 
tee  of  Guadalupe  rancho.  iii.  383,  673,  677;  ment.  in  '37-8.  iii.  501;  iv.  104: 
grantee  of  Chualar  and  mr  of  the  Cervantes  '39.  iii.  677;  iv.  102;  justice  and 
president  of  the  tribunal  superior  '41-5.  iii.  605;  iv.  296,  357,  532;  in  '46  mem- 
ber of  the  Mont,  council  and  of  the  1st  jury.  v.  289,  637.  He  died  in  '49  or 
'50  at  the  age  of  nearly  60,  leaving  a  large  estate.  Don  Juan  was  a  quiet,  un- 
obtrusive man  of  excellent  character  and  much  influence.  His  children  in 
'36  were  Maria  Isabel  b.  '26,  Mariano  '28,  Concepcion  '32,  Urbano  '35.  One 
of  the  daughters  married  Carlos  Olvera,  and  lives,  as  does  Urbano,  at  Chua- 
lar, and  there  was  another  son,  Ignacio,  a  money -broker  at  S.F.  in  '83.  M. 
(Mariano),  son  of  Juan,  educated  in  Peru;  executor  of  his  father's  estate,  and 
in  that  capacity  successful  claimant  for  the  ranchos  of  Zanjones,  Guadalupe, 
;and  Chualar;  judge  of  1st  instance  at  Mont.  '49;  coroner  '50-1;  supervisor  '56; 
member  of  the  assembly  '59-60;  later  a  wealthy  resident  of  Sta  Clara,  where 
,'he  still  lives  in  '85. 

Malaspina  (Alejandro),  1791,  Span.  com.  of  an  exploring  exped.  touching 
:at  Mont.  i.  490-2,  498,  506;  ii.  61.  Malcolm,  1848,  from  Or.  by  sea,  a  com- 
panion of  Brooks  in  the  mines.  M.  (Alex.  B.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499).  M.  (Julian),  1814,  sailor  left  at  Mont,  by  the  /.saac  Todd.  ii.  272,  277. 
Malculia,  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Maldonado,  1821,  an  actor  or  rcvo 
lutionary  agent,  ii.  431.  M.  (Jose  Maria),  perhaps  the  same.  Mex.  clerk 
from  Tepic;  receptor  of  customs  at  Sta  B.  '33-5.  iii.  377,  654;  sec.  of  the 


MALDONADO— MARKHAM.  729 

diputacion  '34-6.  iii.  230,  291,  426,  673;  sindico  and  sec.  of  Mont,  ayunt.  '35 
-6.  iii.  674-5.  In  '36  at  Mont,  age  38,  wife  Antonia  Velarde,  child  Vicente, 
b.  in  Tepic  '26.  I  have  no  record  of  him  after  his  arrest  in  connection  with  the 
revolt  of  Mexicans  against  Alvarado  in  '37.  iii.  525.  Malherbe,  mr  of  the 
Eliza,  iv.  565.  Mallett  (Chas  G.),  1845,  Amer.  sailor  in  care  of  the  consul, 
from  the  Warsaw;  shipped  for  Boston  on  the  California  or  Vandalia.  Mal- 
logh,  1846,  doubtful  Irish  settler  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  Quigley.  Mallory,  1846, 
mr  of  the  Prescott.  v.  580.  Malloy  (Ed.),  1845,  deserter  from  the  llopewell  at 
S.  Diego.  Malo  (Jose"  Ramon),  grantee  of  Purisima  and  Sta  Rita  ranchos,  Sta 
B.  '45.  iv.  653;  v.  558;  at  Sta  Ines  '54.  Maltok  (Richard),  1842,  Engl.  lum- 
berman at  S.F. 

Manchester  (Alex.),  1845,  sailor  on  the  Maria,  or  Morea.  M.  (Thomas), 
1846,  overl.  immig. ;  served  in  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  owner  of  S.F.  lot 
'48;  in  the  mines  '48;  drowned  in  S.F.  bay  before  '69.  Mancilla  (Tomas), 
Dominican  friar  in  L.  Cal.  who  visited  S.  Diego  '29-30.  ii.  552;  v.  620. 
Mancisidor  (Juan  Ignacio),  1822,  Span,  supercargo  of  the  Col  Young,  '22-3. 
ii.  474,  293;  iii.  118.  He  came  back  in  '25  on  the  Thos  Nowlan  and  remained 
as  agent  of  a  Lima  firm,  being  a  resident  of  Los  Aug.  from  '27.  He  was  obliged 
to  quit  the  country  in  '30  under  the  law  expelling  Span.,  and  in  spite  of  his 
petition  of  '28  to  be  allowed  to  remain,  iii.  51-2,  100,  145.  He  had  no  family. 
Mangot,  1848,  mr  of  the  Con  de  Talcahuano.  Manjares  (Graciano),  Mex. 
grantee  of  Saucito  '33.  iii.  679;  in  '36,  age  35,  wife  Maximiana  G6ngora,  child. 
Domingo  b.  '29,  Jos6  '30,  Ponciano  '31,  Estanislao  '32,  Juana  '35;  juezatixiliar 
in  '42.  iv.  653.  Manrique  (Miguel),  com.  of  transports  1775,  1797.  i.  241, 
543.  M.  (Jose  Ant.),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Juan),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp. 
'32.  M.  (Julian),  at  Sta  Ana  rancho,  Los.  Ang.  '39,  age  35;  in  '44  grantee 
of  Laguna.  iv.  621.  Mansaneli  (Maria  Ant.),  at  Mont.  '36,  nat.  of  Tepic, 
apparently  the  sister  of  the  wife  of  Munras.  Manser  (Jacob),  1846,  Co.  C, 
1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Manso  (Juan),  1844,  Span,  trader  in  Virmond's 
employ;  in  '45  appointed  commissioner  to  form  inventories  of  the  mission  es- 
tates, and  lessee  of  S.  Fernando,  iv.  550,  553,  637-8,  643,  683;  v.  558,  630. 
M.  (Lucas  F.),  1834,  com.  of  the  Morelos  which  brought  part  of  the  colony, 
iii.  267,  269,  383.  Manson  (Ceplms),  1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232, 
247).  Manuel,  N.  Mex.  of  Sta  B.  garrison  '46.  v.  316.  M.  (Andres  ami 
Jose"),  grantees  of  Guajome  '45.  iv.  621.  Maqueda  (Juan  D.),  1791,  piloto 
in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490. 

Mapes  (Geo.  W.  and  Walker  B.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Maple 
(Dav.),  1847,  carpenter  on  the  Independence.  M.  (John),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499).  Marago  (V.),  grantee  of  Pauba.  iv.  621  (Moraga?).  Ma- 
ranasio  (Tom),  1845,  nat.  of  Oahu,  in  charge  of  custom-house  boat  at  Mont. 
Maraviof,  1825,  mr  of  the  Elena  '26-6.  iii.  146.  March  (Edwin),  1847,  Co. 
K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  '60.  M.  (Win  J.),  1847,  employed  at  Fitch's  Soto- 
yoma  rancho  '77-8.  Marchand  (J.  B.),  1848,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Marchena 
(Fern.),  1844,  ditto,  iv.  673.  Marcy  (Sam.),  1847,  2d  mr  on  the  U.  S.  In- 
dependence. 

Marcy  (Wm  G.),  1847,  A.  A.  Q.  M.,  U.  S.  A.,  commissary  of  N.Y.Vol. 
v.  503,  511.  A  son  of  the  sec.  of  state  at  Wash.;  went  to  the  mines  with  Col- 
ton  in  '48;  sec.  of  the  constit.  conveu.  '49;  member  of  the  legislature  '55; 
pay-master  in  the  navy  from  '61;  at  Wash.  71-4;  living  at  Alameda  '82. 
Maria  de  Jesus  (Madre),  1800,  sent  from  Mex.  in  charge  of  foundlings,  i.  606. 
Mariano,  leader  in  Sta  B.  outbreak  '24,  ii.  532.  M.  (Man.),  1828,  Mex.  con- 
vict released  in  '36.  Marin,  Ind.  chief  for  whom  Marin  Co.  was  named; 
vaguely  mentioned  '16-24.  ii.  328,  538,  598.  Marine  (Fruto),  soldier  of 
Mont.  comp.  '39.  M.  (Juan),  1795,  Span,  artilleryman  retired  after  '21  with 
rank  of  lieut  de  premio  froirj  '27;  at  S.  Gabriel  '28,  age  60.  ii.  543;  iii.  51; 
perhaps  his  name  was  'Mariner.'  Mariner  (Juan),  1785,  Span,  friar  who 
served  at  S.  Diego  till  his  death  in  1800.  Biog.  i.  654;  ment.  i.  388,  422,  455, 
459,  553,  576-7;  ii.  106-7. 

Mark  (Joseph),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (Louis),  1847,  Co.  E, 
ditto;  d.  before  '80.  Market  (Augustine),  1847,  Co.  D,  ditto.  Markhain 


730  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

(Mrs  E.),  1846,  came  to  Sta  Clara  Co.;  maiden  name  not  given.  Markof 
( Alex. ),  1845,  Russ.  visitor,  who  published  a  narrative,  iv.  562.  Marks  (Chas), 
1846,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  Marlin  (Hen.),  1845,  doubtful 
name  of  an  immig.  iv.  578.  Marones  (Jose"),  at  Hranciforte  '45,  age  33,  wife 
Maria  Castro,  child.  Jos6  Joaq.  b.  '40,  Maria  '41,  Daiiira  (?)  '42,  Santa  (?) 
'43,  Roberto  '44.  I  think  this  may  be  intended  for  '  Majors,' q.v.  Maroni 
(Fran.),  at  Mont.  '39-41.  Marple  (Dav.),  see  'Maple.'  Marquet,  1845, 
doubtful  member  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  583.  Martin.  Marquez  (Fran.), 
grantee  of  Boca  de  Sta  Monica,  iii.  633;  a  blacksmith,  age  47. 

Marquez  (Manuel),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  of  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5.  iv.  289; 
implicated  as  an  accomplice  in  a  poisoning  case  and  transferred  to  Sta  B.  '43. 
iv.  364,  641;  adj.  and  instructor  of  the  S.  Luis  Ob.  defensores  '44.  iv.  407;  at 
Mont.  Apr.  '46.  v.  41.  M.  (Rafael),  soldier  killed  by  Ind.  on  the  Colorado 
1781.  i.  363.  Marquinez  (Marctlino),  1810,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly 
at  Sta  Cruz,  and  left  Cal.  in  '17.  Biog.  ii.  387;  ment.  ii.  149,  159-60,  218,  326, 
384,  394,  421. 

Marron  (Jesus),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Juan  Maria),  had  a  house  at  S. 
Diego  '21.  ii.  546;  took  part  in  the  revolution  of  '31.  iii.  201;  regidor  T-5-6, 
and  elector  in  '36,  being  owner  of  the  Cueros  de  Venado  rancho  attacked  by 
Ind.  iii.  483,  611,  615;  iv.  67.  He  was  juezsuplentein '39-40.  iii.  616;  owner 
of  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  iv.  626;  grantee  of  Agua  Hedionda  '42.  iv.  620; 
and  juez  in  '44.  iv.  540.  In  '45  he  was  elector  de  partido  and  admin,  of  S.  Luis 
Key.  iv.  540,  620-1;  623-4;  and  in  '46  alcalde,  v.  325,  329,  618-19.  He  died 
in  '56.  His  widow,  FelipaOsuna,  b.  at  S.  D.  1809,  and  still  living  there  in  '78, 
gave  me  her  liecuerdos  of  early  times,  to  which  is  attached  a  col.  of  original 
Doc..  Hist.  Cal.  presented  by  her  brother.  Marsh  (Eton  S. ),  1847,  owner 
of  S.  F.  lot.  v.  685.  M.  (Geo.),  1826,  purser  of  H.  B.  M.  S.  Blossom  in 
Beeehey's  exped.  iii.  121. 

Marsh  (John),  1836,  nat.  of  Mass,  and  graduate  of  Harvard,  who  afte.r 
residing  in  Wisconsin  and  Mo.  spent  6  years  in  New  Mex.  and  Sonora,  and 
came  to  Cal.  early  in  Jan.  '36  from  StaFe".  iv.  117-18.  Presenting  his  diploma 
as  a  physician  to  the  ayunt.  of  Los  Ang.  lie  got  in  Feb.  a  license  to  practise 
medicine;  but  came  to  the  north  early  in  '37,  in  which  year  Edwards  met  him 
in  the  Mont,  district,  v.  86,  and  from  which  time  his  name  appears  on  Lar- 
king books.  He  seems  to  have  travelled  considerably  in  the  northern  districts, 
but  in  a  year  or  two  became  the  owner  of  the  rancho  of  Los  Medanos — also 
called  Pulpunes,  Umpines,  and  later  New  York,  at  the  foot  of  Mt  Diablo, 
near  the  modern  Antioch — granted  to  Noriega  in  '35.  Here  he  built  a  rude 
hut  and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life,  gradually  accumulating  wealth  in  live-stock. 
In  '40  he  was  arrested  but  not  exiled,  had  some  dealings  with  Sutter,  and 
wrote  letters  to  Mo.  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  immigration,  iv.  9,  17, 
23-4,  134,  265.  In  '41  he  received  the  1st  immig.  party,  Bartleson's,  at  his 
rancho,  and  afforded  them  much  assistance,  though  he  made  the  new-comers 
pay  well  for  his  services  and  grievously  offended  many  of  them  by  his  mean- 
ness, iv.  272-5,  347.  The  officers  of  the  U.  S.  ex.  ex.  also  came  in  contact 
with  him  this  year,  and  Dr  Pickering,  Races  of  Men,  102;  Wittes1  Narr.,  v. 
193-4,  mentions  the  Dr  as  his  former  classmate  and  friend.  His  Letter  to  Com. 
Jones,  of  '42,  on  the  state  of  the  country,  is  a  doc.  of  some  value,  as  the  writer 
was  an  intelligent,  observant  man.  iv.  348.  In  '44  he  was  naturalized;  and 
in  '44-5  joined  Slitter's  force  against  the  Californians,  with  a  view  to  disor- 
ganize it,  made  a  contract  with  the  govt  to  furnish  Ind.  horse-thieves  in 
comp.  with  Capt.  Gantt,  and  signed  at  S.  Jose"  the  call  to  foreigners,  iv.  486, 
491,  516-17,  543,  599.  He  took  but  slight  part  in  the  troubles  of  '46-7,  v.  7, 
17,  641,  leading  for  the  most  part  the  life  of  a  hermit,  though  he  wrote  a  long 
letter  to  Lewis  Cass  on  the  country  and  its  prospects.  He  took  much  interest 
in  politics,  desiring  to  see  Cal.  in  possession  of  the  U.  S.,  but  not  favoring 
filibusterism.  In  '48  his  house  was  robbed,  and  he  tried  his  fortune  in  the 
mines.  He  was  murdered,  by  a  party  of  young  Californians,  on  the  road  be- 
tween his  rancho  and  Martinez  in  ?56,  at  the  age  of  52.  One  of  the  murderers 
was  sent  to  prison  for  liie  some  10  years  later.  Dr  M.  was  a  peculiar  and  gen- 


MARSH— MAR8TON.  731 

erally  disagreeable  man,  whose  notorious  parsimony  kept  him  constantly  in 
trouble  with  most  that  came  in  contact  with  him;  yet  he  was  apparently  an 
honest  man,  of  more  than  ordinary  ability,  and  several  of  the  Califoruians, 
among  them  Vallejo,  speak  of  him  in  terms  of  warm  praise.  He  left  a  son  in 
the  East,  who  is  said  to  have  joined  him  just  before  his  death;  he  seems  to 
have  had  some  children  by  an  Indian  woman;  and  John  Currey,  who  was  his 
attorney  and  gives  much  information  about  him,  states  that  about  '51  he  mar- 
ried a  teacher  from  Mass.,  who  died  a  few  years  later. 

Marshall,  1846,  widow,  married  to  Jatues  Smith  at  N.  Helv. ;  perhaps 
mother  of  Henry.  •  M.  (Earl),  1846,  nat.  of  N.  J.  and  one  of  the  Mormon  col., 
with  his  wife,  Letitia  Dorsey.  v.  46.  A  milkman  at  S.  F. ;  in  Alameda  co.  from 
'50;  died  '81,  leaving  a  widow.  Portrait  in  Alam.  Co.  Hist.,  24.  M.  (Henry), 
1845,  Engl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  with  mother,  brother,  and  sis- 
ters, iv.  579,  587.  He  was  employed  by  Sutter,  and  during  the  Bear  revolt 
was  stationed  at  the  fort,  v.  79,  125,  but  later  enlisted  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  and 
was  wounded  at  Natividad,  v.  369,  371,  recovering  in  time  to  serve  with 
YV  eber  in  the  Sta  Clara  campaign  (v.  379).  After  the  war  he  lived  at  Sonoma, 
Petaluma,  and  Benicia,  going  to  the  mines  in  '48.  In  '50  he  settled  in  Green 
Valley,  Sonoma  co.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '78.  His  reminiscences  as  given  to 
11.  A.  Thompson  are  in  my  collection,  and  were  published  in  the  S.  J.  Pion., 
Aug.  10,  '78.  His  sister  Eliza  was  the  wife  of  James  Gregson;  another  was 
Mary  A.  Marshall  (James  W.),  1845,  nat.  of  N.  J.,  a  carriage-maker  and 
cr.rpenter  by  trade,  who  came  overland  to  Or.  in  '44,  and  in  the  McMahon- 
Clyman  party  to  Cal.  the  next  year.  iv.  572,  574,  587.  He  entered  Slitter's 
employ  and  is  often  named  in  the  2f.  llelv.  Diary  '45-8.  He  seems  to  have 
taken  part  in  the  Bear  revolt  (v.  101),  and  to  have  gone  south  with  the  Cal. 
Bat.  (v.  358).  Returning  north  he  resumed  his  work  at  the  fort,  and  in  Aug. 
formed  a  partnership  with  Sutter  to  build  a  saw-mill  on  the  Amer.  river,  select- 
ing a  site  at  Coloma  and  beginning  work  at  once,  with  half  a  dozen  workmen. 
Here  in  Jan.  '48  he  made  the  famous  discovery  of  gold,  for  full  particulars 
of  which  see  vol.  vi.  There  have  been  attempts  to  show  that  M.'s  companions 
have  been  deprived  of  the  credit  due  them  in  this  connection;  but  it  seems 
clear  that  M.  was  the  first  to  see  the  metal,  and  his  visit  to  the  fort  Jan. 
28th  on  'very  important  business'  is  recorded  in  the  Diary,  He  is  doubtless 
entitled  to  his  fame  as  the  discoverer  of  gold.  Sutter  has  also  been  praised  as 
the  real  discoverer,  and  indeed  if  he  had  not  settled  in  the  Sac.  Val. ,  or  Cabrillo 
had  not  discovered  Cal.,  or  Columbus  America,  the  'glittering  particles' 
might  have  been  found  by  another  man  under  different  circumstances.  Mar- 
shall was  not  able  to  protect  his  mill  and  land  at  Coloma  from  the  raids  of 
miners  and  lawyers,  and  for  many  years  led  the  life  of  a  miner  and  prospector 
without  much  luck.  In  '70  his  Life  and  Adventures,  by  Geo.  F.  Parsons,  was 
published  at  Sac. ;  and  subsequently  a  small  pension  was  paid  M.  for  some 
years  by  act  of  the  legislature.  He  is  still  living  in  '85  at  the  age  of  73,  and 
seems  always  to  have  borne  a  good  character.  I  have  an  original  daguerreo- 
type taken  in  early  years;  and  his  portrait  may  also  be  found  in  the  Annals 
of  S.  F.;  Plitmas  Co.  Hist.,  etc.  (He  died  near  Coloma  in  Aug.  '85,  after  the 
above  was  written.) 

Marshall  (John),  1845,  brother  of  Henry  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Grigsby- 
Ide  party,  iv.  579,  587;  at  Sonoma  '47.  M.  (John),  183(5,  Amer.  age  45,  in 
a  Los  Aug.  list.  M.  (Joseph),  1836,  on  Larkin's  books '36-7.  M.  (Robert), 
1834,  mr  of  the  Catalina  '34-5,  '43.  iii.  381;  iv.  564.  M.  (Win),  1845, 
Amer.  deserter  from  the  /Icpewell  at  S.  D.  iv.  587;  in  '46  in  charge  of  War- 
ner's rancho  charged  with  theft  in  April.  S.  D.  Arch.,  320;  and  in  Dec.  en- 
tertained Kearny  and  his  dragoons,  v.  339.  A  little  later  he  was  an  instiga- 
tor cf .  the  Pauma  massacre,  for  which  crime  he  was  hanged  in  '51.  v.  589. 
M.  (Wni  P.),  1841,  Engl.  physician  on  the  Index;  at  Mont.  '42.  Marst 
(Win),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot.  Marston,  (J.  D.),  1847,  teacher  at  S.  F. 
v.  656-7,  685;  married  Mar.  '48  to  Miss  S.  Still.  M.  (Ward),  1846,  capt. 
of  marines  011  the  U.  S.  Savannah;  in  com.  of  S.  F.  garrison;  and  of  the 
force  tliat  inarched  to  Sta  Clara  acrainst  Sanchez  Jan.  '47.  v.  3bO-3,  359. 


732  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Martell  (James  L.),  1840,  purser's  clerk  on  the  U.  S.  Dale  and  South- 
hampton;  disch.  '49  aucl  lived  at  S.  F.  to  '85,  being  part  of  the  time  a 
custom-house  officer.  Martiarena  (Jose  Manuel),  1794,  Span,  friar  and 
founder  of  S.  Juan  Bautista,  where  he  served  to  1804  when  he  left  Cal.  Biog. 
ii.  153-4;  ment.  i.  500,  557-8,  570,  689,  712;  ii.  131,  159-60.  Martin,  1847, 
of  M.  &  Dent,  Mont.,  '47-8.  M.,  1848,  came  with  family  in  party  of  Peter 
J.  Davis.  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.,  660.  M.,  1848,  leader  of  a  party  from  Or. 
El  Dorado  Co.  Hist.,  182.  M.  (Augustus),  1847,  a  witness  at  Los  Aug. 

Martin  (Dennis),  1844,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Stevens  party,  iv.  445,  with 
his  father  and  brother,  returning  in  '45  to  rescue  Schallenberger  at  Donner 
Lake  and  the  party  left  on  the  Yuba.  iv.  454.  He  worked  for  Sutter  in  '45-6, 
but  I  find  no  definite  record  of  him  in  the  troubles  of  '46-7,  or  in  mining 
times  of  '48-9.  He  was  a  hunter  and  lumberman,  settling  in  S.  Mateo  Co., 
where  he  still  lived  in '78  and  later.  M.  (Ed.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat. 
v.  477;  in  '82  at  Salt  Lake  City.  M.  (Edw.  J.),  1848,  nat.  of  Ireland,  who 
came  by  sea  from  Chile  in  Nov.  He  became  prominent  in  various  enterprises, 
being  for  many  years  treasurer  and  sec.  of  the  Hibernia  Bank.  He  died  in 
'80  at  the  age  of  61,  leaving  8  children.  M.  (Jesse  B.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Sutter's  service  at  the  discov.  of  gold  '48. 

Martin  (Fernando),  1811,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Diego  till  his  death 
in  '38.  Biog.  iii.  619;  meiit.  ii.  345,  394,  551-2,  655;  iii.  19,  91,  96,  102,  317; 
iv.  63.  M.  (John),  1822,  Engl.  or  Scotch  sailor  who  left  the  Orion,  ii.  478. 
In  '24  he  was  admitted  to  the  church  at  S.  Juan  B.  ii.  526;  in  '29  had  been 
living  for  several  years  at  S.  F.  presidio;  in  '30  was  at  Mont.  ii.  609;  in  '31 
he  got  permission  to  cultivate  a  league  of  land  at  Gotoqui,  or  S.  Patricio;  at 
S.  F.  '32.  He  was  known  as  .the  '  old  Scotch  carpenter '  and  lived  for  some 
time  at  Reed's  rancho,  being  in  '37  on  the  Corte  de  Madera  de  Novato  rancho, 
Mariu  Co.,  whicii  was  granted  him  in  '39.  iv.  86,  117;  iii.  711;  owner  of  S. 
F.  lots  '41-5.  iv.  669;  v.  684;  in  '46  applied  for  land  in  S.  Jos£  dist.  I  find 
nothing  about  him  after  his  claim  before  the  land  com.  in  '52.  M.  (John), 
1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  M.  (Juan),  1794,  Span,  friar  who  served  27  years 
at  S.  Miguel,  where  he  died  in  '24.  Biog.  ii.  620;  ment.  i.  561,  576,  664,  675; 
ii.  45,  149-50,  159,  325-6,  384,  394,  655. 

Martin  (Julius),  1843,  nat.  of  N.  C.  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Walker- 
Chiles  party,  with  wife,  Elizabeth  McPherson,  and  3  daughters,  iv.  393,  400. 
Early  in  '44  he  settled,  or  established  his  family,  in  the  Gilroy  region,  work- 
ing at  different  places  for  a  few  years;  prob.  in  Sutter's  force  '44-5.  iv.  486.  I 
have  his  letter  of  July  '45.  In  '46  he  served  under  Frdmont  and  Fauntleroy. 
v.  16,  22  (232);  and  later  commanded  a  comp.  of  S.  F.  volunteers  in  the 
Sanchez  campaign,  v.  381;  owner  of  S.  F.  lots  '47.  v.  684;  at  N.  Helv.  '48. 
From  '50  he  lived  on  his  farm  near  Gilroy,  owning  also  land  in  Napa,  though 
he  finally  lost  most  of  his  property.  He  was  blind  from  about  '61;  still  liv- 
ing in  '81,  and  I  think  in  '85  at  the  age.  of  81.  His  3  daughters  that  crossed 
the  plains  were  Mary  wife  of  P.  B.  Tully,  Arzelia  Mrs  Lewis,  and  Martha 
Mrs  Oldham;  three  others  born  in  Cal. — one  of  them  perhaps  in  '44 — were 
Susan  Mrs  Bartlett,  Georgie  Mrs  Johnson,  and  Julia  Mrs  Hornback.  M. 
(J.B.),  1847,  nat.  of  Va,  and  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  of  lone  Val.,  having 
crossed  the  plains  with  Childers  and  Hicks.  Claimant  for  the  Cosumnes  rancho. 
iv.  671;  still  living  at  Sutter  Cr.'Sl.  M.  (Montgomery),  1846,  lieut  in  Cal. 
Bat.  on  detached  service,  v.  360;  clerk  for  Lark  in  '47;  and  still  at  Mont.  '48. 
M.  (Patrick),  1844,  Irish  iinmig.  of  the  Stevens  party  with  his  sons  Dennis 
and  Patrick,  Jr.  iv.  445,  453;  owner  of  S.  F.  lot  47.  His  daughter  married 
James  Murphy. 

Martin  (Thomas  S.),  1845,  nat.  of  Tenn.  b.  '18,  resid.  of  St  Louis  '40-5, 
and  one  of  Fremont's  party  in  '45.  v.  583,  587.  He  serTed  in  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat. 
(v.  358);  went  East  with  F.  in  '47;  and  came  back  in  the  exped.  of  '48-9.  lu 
'49-53  a  horse-trader  in  dif.  regions;  then  settled  with  a  wife  at  Sta  B. ,  still 
to  some  extent  a  trader  and  hunter,  also  serving  as  city  marshal  and  deputy 
sheriff.  In  '78  he  gave  me  a  Narrative  of  Frtmonfs  Exped.,  which  is  in  some 
respects  valuable,  as  the  official  journal  has  never  been  published,  but  is 


MARTIN— MARTINEZ.  733 

marred  by  the  author's  tendency  to  claim  participation  in  many  Cal.  events 
which  he  can  only  have  known  by  hearsay.  Many  parts  are  notably  accurate; 
and  others  have  but  slight  foundation  in  truth,  iv.  505;  v.  107,  168-9,  172, 
189.  M.  (VVm  H.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot;  at 
Oakland  '71;  d.  Stanislaus  Co.  74.  M.  (VVm  J.),  1843,  Ainer.  mason  who 
came  overland  in  the  Chiles- Walker  party,  iv.  393,  400;  though  sometimes 
accredited  to  the  Stevens  party  of  '44.  iv.  446;  still  living  '72.  Martiuau 
(A.),  1846,  Co.  B,  artill.  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Martinez  (Agustin),  juez  de  campo  '31, '46,  in  Mont.  dist.  iii.  672,  637,  566. 
M.  (Andr6s),  at  S.  Jose'  '41,  age  40,  wife  Maria  de  J.  Narvaez,  child.  Jesus  M. 
b.  '34,  Antonio  '36,  Luciana  '21,  Mariana '27,  Carmen  '28,  Flavia'31,  Concep- 
cion  '33;  Cal.  claim  '46-7  (v.  462).  Still  at  S.  Jos6  '50.  M.  (BartolomfS)  sol- 
dier at  Soledad  1791-1800.  i.  499.  M.  (Bias),  at  Salinas,  Mont.,  '36,  age 
40,  wife  Josefa  AmiSzquita,  child.  Eugenio  b.  '21,  Maria  Josefa  '23,  Jos<§  '26, 
Emiliana  '27,  Francisca  '30,  Leon  '32,  Juan  '33;  grantee  of  Tucho  '35,  iii.  679, 
and  of  Laureles  '39.  M.  (E.),  sentenced  to  presidio  '45.  iv.  654.  M.  (Est6- 
van),  1779,  com.  of  the  S.  Bias  transports  on  the  coast,  1779-99.  i.  328-9,  378, 
430,  444,  505.  M.  (Felipe),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Francisco),  Span.,  age  45, 
who  left  Cal.  on  the  Thou  Nowlan.  iii.  51. 

Martinez  (Ignacio),  1800,  nat.  of  the  city  of  Mex.  b.  1774,  who  entered 
the  mil.  service  as  cadet  of  the  Sta  B.  coinp.  in  1799.  i.  639;  promoted  to 
alf6rez  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  from  1806,  being  also  much  of  the  time  habili- 
tado.  ii.  99-101,  110,  341,  424-5,  540.  In  '17  he  was  recommended  for  pro- 
motion to  lieut  of  the  Sta  B.  comp. ,  but  by  some  error  at  Madrid  or  Mex. 
the  commission  was  made  out  for  the  S.F.  comp.,  and  to  S.F.  he  had  to  go 
much  against  his  will,  his  name  appearing  on  the  rolls — as  comandante  in  | 
'22-7  and  from  '28 — down  to  '32,  taking  part  in  some  Ind.  exped.,  as  fiscal  in 
some  criminal  cases,  and  being  otherwise  mentioned  in  connection  with  rou- 
tine duties  of  his  position,  besides  being  a  member  of  the  junta,  or  diputacion 
in  '24,  '27.  ii.  235,  361,  370,  440,  500,  512-13,  537-8,  583-4,  592,  640;  iii.  20, 
30-7,  64,  75,  88,  110,  121,  132,  156,  186,  191-2,  701.  In  '31  he  was  retired 
with  use  of  uniform  and  full  pay,  being  credited  with  41  years  of  service. 
Meanwhile  he  had  obtained,  in  '29,  the  Pinole  rancho,  Contra  Costa,  regranted 
in  '42.  iv.  672;  and  here — after  having  apparently  lived  at  S.  Jos<5  for  several 
years,  being  regidor  in  '34—5,  and  serving  as  comisionado  for  the  secularization 
of  S.  Rafael  in  '34— he  went  to  live  in  '36  or  a  little  later,  ii.  594,  664;  iii.  193, 
346,  716,  718,  730.  In  '37  he  was  alcalde  at  S.F.  iii.  703,  705,  552;  supleute  of 
the  junta  '39.  iii.  590;  a  creditor  of  Sutter.  iv.  132,  134;  defeated  the  Ind.  in 
40.  iv.  76;  and  entertained  Wilkes  in  '41.  iv.  245.  He  was  living  at  Pinole 
in  '41  with  his  wife,  Martina  Arellanos,  age  53,  and  6  daughters,  Encarnacion 
b.  1808,  Susana  '24  (who  soon  married  Capt.  Hinckley,  and  after  his  death  Wm 
M.  Smith),  Francisco  "24,  Rafaela  '27,  Maria '29,  and  Dolores '31.  Another 
daughter,  Maria  Antonia,  was  the  wife  of  Capt.  Richardson;  others  married 
Victor  Castro  and  Dr  Tennant.  His  son  Vicente  J.,  b.  in  '18,  was  still  living 
in  Contra  Costa  '82,  with  seven  children  by  two  wives,  Guadulupe  Moraga 
and  Nieves  Soto.  I  cannot  give  the  date  of  Don  Ignacio's  death,  but  it  was 
before  '52,  when  his  heirs  were  claimants  for  Pinole.  He  was  not  popular 
as  an  officer,  being  haughty  and  despotic,  as  it  seemed  to  his  men,  and  he 
was  several  times  reproved  and  unfavorably  criticised  by  his  superior  officers; 
but  as  a  ranchero  he  is  spoken  of  as  a  very  courteous  and  hospitable  man. 
The  town  of  Martinez  takes  its  name  from  him  or  his  family.  M.  (Iguacio), 
at  S.F.  '43,  age  23;  also  named — perhaps  another — as  lieut  of  militia  at  S. 
Jose  '37.  iii.  732. 

Martinez  (Jos^),  1875,  com.  of  the  Ana.  iii.  24-5, 146.  M.  (Jose'),  son  of 
Ignacio,  lieut  of  militia  at  S.F.  '37.  iii.  701;  in  '41  living  in  S.  Jose'  dist.,  age 
27,  wife  Carmen  Peralta,  children  Rafael  b.  '39,  Alejandro  '41;  Cal.  claim 
'46-7  (v.  462).  He  was  noted  for  his  liberality  and  for  his  skilful  horsemanship, 
but  was  killed  in  '64  from  an  entanglement  with  his  riata.  A  second  wife  was 
an  English  woman  named  Tennant.  M.  (Jos6  Ignacio),  soldier  killed  by 
Ind.  on  the  Colorado,  1781.  i.  359-62.  M.  (Jos6  de  Jesus),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 


734  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

M.  (Jose"  Manuel),  ditto.  M.  (Josd  Maria),  settler  at  S.  Jose"  before  1800; 
alcalde  in  1797  and  1806.  i.  716,  719;  ii.  134.  His  wife  was  Maria  Garcia,  son 
Maximo,  brother  Reyes,  sister  Juana.  M.  (Josefa),  grantee  of  land  in  Mont. 
Co.  '44-5.  iv.  656.  M.  (Juan),  soldier  killed  on  the  Colorado,  1781.  i.  359, 
362.  M.  (Juan),  at  Mont.  '36,  a^e  36,  wife  Francisco  Garcia,  child.  Carmen 
b.  '25,  Jose"  Bias  '26,  Francisco'  29,  Maria  '34.  M.  (Juan,  Juan  Andres,  and 
Leonor),  at  Los.  Aug.  '46.  M.  (Juan  de  Jesus  Maria),  1831,  Dominican  from 
L.  Cal.,  at  San  Gabriel,  '31-2.  iii.  311,  641.  M.  (Leocadio),  carpenter  and 
settler  at  S.F.  and  S.  Jos6  before  1800.  i.  499,  634,  716,  718. 

Martinez  (Luis  Antonio),  1798,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  for 
32  years.  A  very  able  man  and  prominent  in  missionary  annals,  but  rather 
in  the  industrial  and  political  than  in  ecclesiastical  phases  of  his  profession. 
He  was  banished  in  '30  for  alleged  complicity  in  the  Solis  revolt,  and  wrote 
from  Madrid  '32-3.  Biog.  ii.  618-19;  ment.  i.  689;  ii.  148,  204,  219,  224,  235- 
6,  255,  276,  311,  327,  384,  394,  438,  441,  479,  493,  516-17.  576,  655;  iii.  21, 
51,  84-5,  92,  94,  98-100.  M.  (Maximo),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-23;  in  '33 
and  '44  grantee  of  Corte  de  Madera,  Sta  Clara,  iii.  711 ;  iv.  671;  regidor  at  S. 
Jose"  '33-4.  iii.  729-30;  in  '41  age  51,  wife  Damiaua  Padilla,  child.  Nicolas 
b.  '28,  Evinisa  (?)  '26,  Jose"  Ant.  '33,  Dolores  '34,  Jose1  Maria  '35,  Guadalupe 
'38,  Clara  '41.  M.  (Miguel),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age  50.  M.  (Pedro  Adriano], 
1797,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Juan  B.  and  S.  Miguel,  retiring  in  1804. 
Biog.  ii.  149;  ment.  i.  558,  577;  ii.  159-60.  M.  (Rafael),  at  Los  Ang.  '40. 
M.  (Santiago),  N.  Mex.  at  Los  Ang.  with  families,  applying  for  land  '42-6. 
iv.  343,  572,  635.  M.  (Sixto),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Vicente),  son  of  Igna- 
cio;  militiaman  S.  F.  '37;  at  S.  Jose'  dist.  '41,  age  29,  wife  Guad.  Moraga, 
child.  Francisco  b.  '38,  Merced  '39;  sindico  of  S.  Jose'  '43.  iv.  685;  Cal.  claim 
'46-7  (v.  462).  Marx  (Ernest),  1847,  musician  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Mas- 
carel  (Joseph),  1844  (?),  French  mayor  of  Los  Ang.  '65,  and  resident  '80.  iv. 
453.  Mashim  (Rosistof),  1840,  mr  of  the  Baikal,  iv.  101.  Mason,  1848, 
keeper  of  a  gambling  and  grog  shop  at  Sta  B.  M.  (Alfred),  1847,  Co.  F, 
N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sac.  before  83.  M.  (E.),  1846,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 
Mason  (Ignacio),  at  S.  Gabriel  '39,  age  27,  a  jeweller;  perhaps  '  Mazon.'  M. 
(John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (Marcos  or  Anthony  A.),  1810, 
'Anglo- Amer.  Irishman  from  Boston,'  baptized  at  S.  Carlos,  and  recommended 
by  P.  Sam'a  in  '17  as  about  to  go  to  the  Philippines,  ii.  276-7,  288.  M.  (M. ), 
1842,  lieut  on  the  U.  S.  Cyane.  M.  (Richard  B.),  1847,  colonel  1st  U.  S.  dra- 
goons who  arrived  in  Feb.,  and  011  May  31st  succeeded  Kearny  as  mil.  gov.  of 
Cal.,  holding  that  position  till  Feb.  '49.  For  account  of  his  rule,  including  his 
controversy  and  proposed  duel  with  Fre'ruont,  see  v.  582,  615;  also  416,  436-7, 
443^J,  446-7,  451,  455,  464,  515,  571-5,  646,  666,  675;  also  vol.  vi.  He  per- 
formed most  satisfactorily  the  duties  of  a  difficult  position,  and  though  by 
his  strict  discipline  and  apparent  harshness  of  manner  he  made  an  unfavor- 
able impression  in  some  quarters  and  inspired  bitter  enmities,  yet  his  record 
is  that  of  an  honest,  faithful,  and  able  officer.  He  went  East  by  steamer  in 
in  May  '49,  and  died  of  cholera  at  St  Louis  in  that  year  or  the  next.  His 
widow  married  Gen.  Don  Carlos  Buell,  and  still  lived  in  '75.  Mast  (Her- 
man), 1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.Vol.  under  another  name;  at  S.  F.  '74. 

Mata,  member  of  a  court-martial  at  S.  Diego  '26.  ii.  549.  M.  (Juan  de 
Dios),  Mex.  convict  released  in  '35.  Matamoros  (Tornas),  murdered  in  1805. 
ii.  191.  Matchin  (C.  F.),  1845,  mr  of  the  Matador,  iv.  567.  Mateo,  1818, 
mulatto  from  Bouchard's  fleet,  ii.  230.  Mathias  (Thos),  1828,  in  Cal. ;  auto^. 
letter.  Mathers  (James),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.;  settled  in  Sta  Clara;  at  S.  Luis 
Ob.  '58  to  his  death  in  '70  at  the  age  of  80.  Matias  (Juan),  at  Los  Ang. 
'46.  Mathurin  (Louis),  1833,  Fr.  sailor  at  S.  F.  '40-1.  iii.  409.  Matscll 
(Henry  C.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  trader  at  S.  Diego;  in  Kan- 
sas'71-9.  Matt  (James),  1848,  at  Sutler's  Fort  April.  Mattheson  (Alex. 
J.),  1839,  Engl.  pilot  on  the  schr  California,  implicated  in  a  plot  against  the 
capt. ;  on  Larkin's  books  '40. 

Matthews,  1836,  Amer.  otter-hunter  with  Nidever.  M.,  1847,  in  Sut- 
ler's service.  M.,  1846,  at  S.  Jos6  with  a  son-in-law.  JlitttU.  M.  (Geo.), 


MATTHEWS— MEAD.  725 

1839,  named  in  Larkin's  books  '39-40.  M.  (H.),  1843,  witness  at  S.  F.  '60. 
M.  (Henry),  1846,  arr.  in  Sept.,  ace.  to  Sac.  Cal.  Pion.  rolls;  at  Benicia  '47. 
iii.  673;  at  >S.  F.  '60.  M.  (James),  1834,  at  Mont.  M.  (John),  1831,  Engl. 
sailor,  who  landed  from  a  whaler  at  S.  F.  iii.  405,  708-9.  On  Larkin's  books 
'33-42;  naturalized  before  '40;  but  this  may  be  one  of  the  following.  M. 
(John),  1836,  Italian  fisherman,  living  with  the  Greek  Demedrion  at  Mont. 
M.,  1836,  Amer.,  age  35,  at  S.  Isidro  (Gilroy's);  perhaps  Matthew,  a  given 
name,  who  was  a  cook  for  Murphy  in  '30.  M.  (Wm),  1831,  Engl.  sailor 
who  landed  from  a  whaler  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  iii.  405.  In  '36  at  StaB. ;  cair.o 
north  and  appears  in  various  records  from  '34;  in  '70  permitted  to  live  at  S. 
F.  or  Sonoma;  arrested  but  not  exiled,  iv.  17;  from  '44  or  earlier  at  Mont., 
keeping  a  boarding-house.  Matthews'  mill  is  also  mentioned  in  '42.  He  n:ay 
be  the  M.  Avhose  wife  is  said  to  have  furnished  some  material  for  the  Bear 
flag.  v.  148;  and  in  July  he  carried  despatches  from  Mont,  to  S.  F.  v.  2S5; 
starting  with  Larkiu  in  Nov.  at  the  time  of  the  latter's  capture,  v.  364.  He 
is  vaguely  said  to  have  died  about  '58. 

Matute  (JuanB.),  1791,  com.  of  the  Aranzazu,  explor.  and  transport  on  the 
coast  '91-2,  '95-6.  i.  493,  506,  517,  537-8.  Maube  (Arno),  1843,  French 
grantee  of  land  near  S.  Gabriel;  at  Sta  Cruz  '47  with  claim  against  the  govt. 
iv.  400,  615,  637.  M.  (Henry),  1847,  held  Larkin's  note  for  $120;  perhaps 
same  as  preceding.  Mauet  (John),  1847,  at  Sutter's  Fort.  Maun  (Francis), 
1842,  at  Sta  Cruz.  M.  (James),  1845,  employed  at  Larkin's  soap  factory. 
Maurelle  (Antonio),  1775,  Span,  naval  officer  on  the  coast  '75,  '79,  '84;  author 
of  a  Journal,  i.  241,  329,  444,  509;  see  also  Hist.  N.  IV.  Coast,  i.  Mau'-y 
(Wm  L.),  1841,  lieut  U.  S.  N.  on  the  U.  S.  ex.  ex.  iv.  241;  on  the  Warrc:i 
'46-7.  v.  539.  Mavilla  (Antonio),  1846,  at  S.  Gabriel  '46.  Mawrey  (James), 
1847,  servant  to  an  officer  in  the  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469). 

Maxfield  (Wm  C.),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  Maxim  (Harvey),  1847, 
sergt  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  i.  519.  Maximo,  1799,  negro  slave  of  Alberni. 
i.  639.  Maxwell  (Chas),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  M.  (H.),  1848,  settler 
at  Stockton.  M.  (James  W.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N. Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (Lucien), 
1845,  hunter  and  gnide  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  583;  v.  24.  M.  (Richard  T.), 
1842,  nat.  of  Penn.  and  asst  surg.  U.  S.  N.  on  the  United  States,  iv.  301, 
308-9,  341,  348.  He  returned  to  Cal.  in  '54,  and  became  a  prominent  physi- 
cian of  S.  F.  In  '77  Be  gave  me  his  Monterey  in  '4%,  or  recollections  of  the 
capture  of  that  town  by  Com.  Jones,  and  also  a  MS.  furnished  by  Dr  Marsh 
to  Jones  at  that  time.  He  died  in  'S3  at  the  age  of  62,  leaving  an  estate 
which  has  been  the  occasion  of  much  litigation  arising  from  the  doctor's 
death-bed  marriage.  M.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  a  farmer 
in  Williams  Val.,  N.  Mex.,  '82.  M.  (Wm  C.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499);  died  before  '82.  M.  (Wm  H.),  1847,  Co.  B,  ditto;  d.  N.  Y.  city 
276. 

May  (Henry),  1835,  nephew  of  Larkin,  bound  to  Cal.  on  the  Alert;  no 
record  of  arrival.  Maya  (Ign. ),  at  S.  Bern.  '46.  Mayan  (Mrs),  1847.  died  at 
N.  Helv.  July.  Mayberry  (Ebenezer),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518). 
Mayer,  1832,  about  to  visit  Cal.  from  Sitka  for  scientific  purposes;  letter  of 
introd.  from  Khl6bnikof  to  Hartnell.  M.  (John),  1840,  Engl.  at  Mont,  and 
S.  F.  Jan.,  Nov.  M.  (Lewis  W.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518);  in 
the  mines  '49-50;  a  German  wine-maker,  who  lived  in  Sonoma  '65-80.  May- 
field  (Benj.  F.),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  sergt  of  reenlisted  comp. 
v.  495;  a  resid.  of  S.  Luis  Ob.  Co.  '68-83;  a  nat.  of  Tenn.  Mayhew  (John), 
1826,  on  the  Eliza.  Maynard  (James),  1837,  on  Larkin's  books;  perha;  s 
same  as  John.  M.  (John),  1840,  Engl.  exile  with  the  Graham  party;  not 
known  to  have  returned,  though  he  got  a  license  to  do  so.  Maynes  (James), 
1845,  laborer  at  Mont.  Mayo  (Geo.),  1816,  Mass,  sailor,  baptized  at  S.  Car- 
los. Taylor;  ii.  276-7.  Mazateco  (Juan),  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  19;  prob.  a 
'  Mazateco '  Ind.  or  from  Mazatlan. 

Mead  (James  D.),  1841,  nat.  of  la,  episcopal  clergyman,  and  perhaps  phy- 
sician in  the  West  Indies,  who  came  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Workman  party, 
and  in  '42  went  to  the  Sandwich  IsL  or  China,  iv.  278;  said  to  have  been  a 


736  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

bishop  later.  M.  (Orlando  F.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  later  at 
Slitter's  Fort;  at  Spanish  Fork  '82.  M.  (Sam.),  1832,  one  of  the  comp.  ex- 
tranjera  at  Mont.  iii.  221.  Meadows  (James),  1837,  Engl.  sailor,  who  de- 
serted from  a  whaler  at  Mont.  iv.  117-18.  His  name  appears  in  the  records 
from  '38;  one  of  Graham's  riflemen  '36-8  (iii.  457);  later  a  lumberman;  exiled 
to  S.  Bias  in  '40,  but  returned  in  '41  to  live  as  a  sawyer  in  Mont.  dist.  iv.  18, 
23,  33.  Not  much  is  known  of  him  in  '43-8,  except  that  he  is  mentioned  from 
time  to  time  as  at  S.  Jose",  Sacramento,  or  in  the  mines.  He  finally  settled  on 
the  Palo  Escrito  rancho  near  Mont.,  which  was  confirmed  to  him  in  '54,  iii. 
G79,  and  where  he  was  living  in  '77  with  a  native  wife  and  several  children. 
He  gave  me  an  interesting  narrative  of  the  Graham  Affair,  he  being  one  of  the 
last  survivors  of  the  exiles.  In  respect  of  accuracy,  his  account  compares  fa- 
vorably with  the  testimony  of  others  on  the  subject — which  is  not  paying  it 
a  very  high  compliment*  I  have  not  heard  in  'So  of  his  death.  Mechacken 
(John  C.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Mecham  (Henry),  1848  (?),  nat. 
of  N.  Y.  and  resid.  of  Sonoma  Co.  '53-77. 

Meder  (Moses  A. ),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony  with  wife  and  child. 
v.  546.  A  nat.  of  Ohio,  who  engaged  in  the  lumber  business  at  Sta  Cruz,  the 
firm  of  Stout,  Sirrine,  &  M.  advertising  in  the  Star  of  '47.  He  worked  also 
for  Graham,  whose  receipt  of  $36,000  indemnity  he  claims  to  have  witnessed. 
Still  a  resid.  of  Sta  Cruz  in  '80  and  prob.  in  '85;  portrait  in  Sta  Cruz  Co. 
Hist.,  44.  His  1st  wife,  Sarah  D.  Blod,  died  in  '72,  and  in  '73  he  married 
Olive  A.  Linnett.  Medina  (Guadalupe),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  of  the  batallon 
fijo  '42-5;  teacher  at  Los  Ang.  "43-4;  com  of  the  garrison  '45.  iv.  2S9,,321, 
403,  492,  629.  M.  (Jos6),  ship's  boy  and  teacher  at  Sta  B.  1797-1800.  i. 
643.  Medrano  (Jose"  Maria),  artill.  sergt  at  Mont.  '26-32.  iii.  77,  671-2. 

Meehan  (Dennis),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  killed  at  Stockton  '49. 
M.  (James),  1847,  Co.  G,  ditto,  killed  at  Los  Ang.  about  '50.  M.  (Thos), 
1847,  Co.  E,  ditto;  killed  by  a  steamboat  explosion  on  the  S.  Joaq.  '53. 
Meek  (John),  1829,  mr  of  the  Tamaahmaali  '29,  possibly  of  another  craft  !25, 
and  of  the  D.  Quixote  '33-6.  iii.  149,  179,  382;  iv.  103,  141.  He  is  also  said 
by  Wm  H.  Davis  to  have  visited  Cal.  as  mate  of  the  Eagle  before  '20,  possibly 
M.  of  the  Amethyst  '11-12.  ii.  267.  He  was  a  nat.  of  Mass,  who  came  to  the 
Isl.  about  '12,  and  died  at  Hon.  '74  at  the  age  of  85.  M.  (Joseph),  1833, 
Rocky  Mt.  trapper  who  came  with  Walker's  party,  going  back  to  Salt  Lake 
in  '34.  iii.  390.  He  visited  Cal.  again  in  '48  and  later,  and  died  in  Or.  '75,  his 
adventures  being  the  basis  of  Mrs  Victor's  River  of  the  West.  M.  (Stephen 
H.  L. ),  1833,  nat.  of  Va  and  brother  of  Joseph,  also  a  mountain  man  who 
came  and  departed  with  Walker,  iii.  390,  409.  He  came  back  to  Cal.  after 
the  discov.  of  gold,  possibly  having  made  intermediate  trips,  and  in  '76  wrote 
me  a  letter  from  Etna,  Siskiyou  Co.,  Cal.  M.  (Stephen  H.  L.),  1843,  signed 
a  certiflcate  for  a  sailor  at  Mont.  Sept.,  and  in  Jan  "44  he  got  a  passport. 
Apparently  not  the  preceding.  A  Dr  Meek  at  Mont.  '33  is  mentioned  by  a 
newspaper  writer.  M.  (Thomas),  1811,  perhaps  on  the  Amethyxt  '11-12. 
ii.  96,  267.  Said  by  Brewer  to  have  gone  to  Hon.  on  the  Chinchilla  from  Boston 
in '23;  at  Hon.  '36.  iv.  141;  d.  at  Marblehead,  Mass.,  about '41.  Peirce.  M. 
(Wm),  1848,  nat.  of  Ohio  who  came  from  Or.  to  the  mines  and  went  back. 
In  '59  returned  to  Cal.  and  settled  at  S.  Lorenzo,  Alameda  Co.,  where  he 
became  a  wealthy  farmer,  serving  also  as  county  supervisor  and  regent  of  the 
university.  He  died  '81  at  the  age  of  65,  leaving  a  widow  and  5  children. 
Portrait 'in  A  lam.  Co.  Hist.,  937.  Meel  (Robert),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat. 
(v.  358).  Meeres,  1845,  possibly  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  immig.  party,  iv.  579. 

Mein  (John),  1842,  mr  of  the  Bertha  <£•  Jenny,  iv.  563.  Meineke  (A. 
and  D.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Mejia  (Hip61ito),  1838,  killed  by  Incl.  iii. 
693.  M.  (Joa6  Maria),  1842,  Mex.  capt.  in  the  batallon  fijo,  who  was  sent 
to  Mex.  by  Micheltorena  in  '44  to  obtain  aid.  iv.  289,  308,  364,  404-5,  461, 
471.  M.  (Juan),  settler  at  S.  Jose"  1791-1800.  i.  716.  Meldguem  (John), 
1814,  Irish  deserter  from  a  vessel;  in  Mont,  dist  '29,  age  40,  and  single. 
jMclendcz;  1796,  com.  of  the  Conception,  i.  538.  M.,  1826,  mr  of  the  Gen. 
Jjravo.  iii.  147.  M.  (Sebastian),  1602,  alftSrez  in  Vizcaino's  expcd.  i.  98. 


MELLECX— MENDOZA.  737 

Melleck  (Joseph),  1837,  in  charge  of  the  Clementina.  M.  (Vicente),  at  Loa 
Ang.  '46.  Mellish  (J.),  1835,  at  Sta  Cruz. 

Mcllus  (Francis),  1839,  nat.  of  Boston,  who  came  on  the  California  at  the 
age  of  15.  iv.  117,  119.  He  became  clerk  for  A.  B.  Thompson  at  Sta  B.,  and 
on  the  Bolivar;  and  his  Diary  of  trips  up  and  down  the  coast  in  '39-40  is  an 
interesting  MS.  of  my  collection.  In  later  years  he  was  clerk,  traveling  agent, 
and  from  Jan.  '49  partner  with  his  brother  in  the  firm  of  M.,  Howard,  &  Co. 
at  S.  F. ;  and  in  '50-6  with  D.  W.  Alexander  in  charge  of  a  branch  of  the  busi- 
ness at  Los  Ang.,  where  he  settled  permanently;  claimant  for  Providencia 
rancho.  iv.  635.  In  '52-3  he  was  county  treasurer,  in  '54  councilman,  in  '55 
memb.  of  the  legislature,  and  later  in  charge  of  Wells,  Fargo,  &  Co.'s  express. 
He  died  in  '63,  leaving  a  widow — Adelaida,  daughter  of  Santiago  Johnson — 
and  7  children.  M.  (Henry),  1835,  brother  of  Francis,  who  came  before  the 
mast  with  Rich.  H.  Dana  on  the  Pilgrim,  iii.  413.  He  left  the  ship  to  be 
agent's  clerk,  and  is  named  in  a  Los  Aug.  list  of  '36  as  26  years  old;  but  in 
'37-8  made  a  trip  to  the  states.  Returning  in  '39  he  remained  on  the  coast  as 
agent  or  supercargo  of  the  vessels  of  Appleton  &  Co.,  including  the  Admit- 
tance and  Tasso,  iv.  5G2,  569,  and  his  name  often  appears  in  commercial  rec- 
ords of  the  time,  making  his  home  chiefly  at  Los  Ang.  In  '45  he  formed  a 
partnership  with  W.  D.  M.  Howard,  and  the  firm  of  M.  &  H.  soon  became 
the  most  prominent  in  S.  F.,  buying  the  H.  B.  Co.  property  in  '46,  v.  699, 
building  the  1st  brick  store  in  town,  and  establishing  branches  at  S.  Jos6, 
Los  Aug.,  and  Sac.  He  became  owner  of  many  town  lots  and  a  very  rich  man. 
In  '47  he  married  Anita,  daughter  of  James  Johnson  of  Los  Ang.,  and  in  '48 
made  a  visit  to  the  East,  and  on  his  return  had  a  stroke  of  apoplexy,  from 
the  effects  of  which  he  never  entirely  recovered.  In  '50  he  sold  his  interest 
in  the  firm  and  went  East,  subsequently  losing  most  of  his  wealth  in  unfor- 
tunate business  enterprises.  About  '53  he  brought  a  suit,  finally  abandoned, 
against  Howard  on  the  plea  that  he  had  not  been  of  sound  mind  at  the  time 
of  settlement.  This  created  some  ill  feeling  against  him  in  S.F.,  and  it  is  said 
that  by  H.'s  influence  the  name  of  Mellus  St  was  changed  to  Natoma.  In  '59 
he  came  back  to  Cal.  and  settled  at  Los  Ang.,  where  he  was  elected  mayor 
in  May  '60,  but  died  in  Dec.  of  the  same  year  at  the  age  of  45,  leaving  a 
family.  Mellus  was  a  man  of  remarkable  business  ability,  of  good  character, 
and  of  courteous,  pleasing  manners.  Melros  (M.),  1846,  doubtful  name  in 
a  Los  Ang.  list.  Mcluren  (Louis),  see  'Mathurin.'  Melville,  1848,  at  S.  F. 
from  Tahiti.  M.  (Hugh),  1845,  sailor  of  the  Morea,  disch.  at  S.F.,  and  sent 
to  the  Mont,  hospital.  Melvin  (James  W.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  S.  F.  '74. 

Menard  (Frai^ois),  1846,  teamster  with  Kearny's  force  from  N.  Mex.  v. 
337;  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346.  M.  (Louis),  1844,  doubtful  member  of 
Fremont's  party,  iv.  437.  Menchaca  (R.),  1842,  mr  of  the  Trinidad,  iv.  569. 
Mendenhall  (Wm  M),  1845,  nat.  of  Ohio,  and  overl.  immig.  of  the  Hastings 
party,  iv.  586-7;  at  Sutter's  Fort  in  '46.  I  find  no  further  original  record  of 
him  in  early  times,  but  in  the  county  history  it  is  said  that  in  '46-7  he  took 
part  in  the  Bear  revolt,  went  south  with  Fremont,  was  commissary  at  S.  Jose" 
in  the  Sanchez  campaign,  kept  a  bakery  at  S.F.,  and  married  Mary  Allen; 
in  the  mines  '48;  in  Or.  '49;  Sta  Clara  Co.  '50-3,  '68-76;  Contra  Costa  '53-60, 
'65-8,  and  Alameda  Co.  '60-65,  and  from  '76  to  '85,  where  ho  is  a  prosperous 
farmer  at  Livermore,  age  62,  with  9  surviving  children:  James  M.,  Lizzie 
Mrs  C.  H.  Lindley,  Emma  Mrs  Black,  Ella,  Archer,  Wm  Oswald,  Ascey, 
and  Etta.  In  the  earlier  records  he  is  called  H.  and  Philip  Mendenhall.  Por- 
trait in  Alam.  Co.  Hist.,  56. 

Mendez  (Antonio),  Mex.  com.  of  artill.  at  S.F.  '31-2.  iii.  702;  at  Mont. 
'36,  age  38,  wife  Juana  Soto,  child.  Baltasar  b.  '29,  Sofia  '31,  Evaristo  '33;. 
jtiez  aux.  '44.  iv.  653;  had  a  store,  which  in  '46  was  broken  open  and  robbed. 
M.  (Juan  Ign.),  trader  and  carpenter  from  1798;  had  a  grand  commercial 
scheme  1800.  i.  628.  M.  (Pedro),  at  Los  Ang.  '46-8.  Mendoza  (Antonino), 
at  S.  Jos6  '41.  M.  (Antonio),  settler  killed  by  Ind.  1781.  i.  359,  362.  M. 
(Henriquez),  weaver-instructor  1792-5.  i.  615.  M.  (Jaime),  resid.  of  Bran- 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV.  47 


738  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

ciforte  '30.  ii.  627.  M.  (Manuel),  soldier  at  Soledad  1791-1800.  i.  499.  M. 
(Mariano  Jose),  weaver- instructor  1792-1801.  i.  615,  658;  ii.  174.  Menendez 
(Antonio),  1825,  Span.  Dominican  friar  of  the  L.  Cal.  frontier,  relieved  from 
missionary  work  for  irregular  conduct,  and  employed  as  chaplain  of  the  troops 
at  S.  Diego  from  '25.  ii.  4'J5,  544,  552,  658;  iii.  8;  quarrelled  with  Alvamdo. 
iii.  41 ;  in  the  '28  list  of  Span.,  iii.  51,  but  not  sent  away;  teacher  and  chap- 
lain of  the  dip.  '29.  ii.  548;  iii.  43,  77,  141;  transferred  to  Mont.  '30.  ii  609; 
iii.  144,  451;  died  at  Sta  B.  '32.  iii.  317,  656.  M.,  1792,  com.  of  the  Aran- 
zazu.  i.  517;  and  of  the  Conception  in  '94.  i.  523.  M.  (Jos6  Ant.),  Mex. 
trader  '33-9.  iii.  242,  623.  Meneses  (Jos6  H.),  artilleryman  at  S.  Diego  '20. 
Mensing,  1846,  mr  of  the  Patriot,  v.  579.  Menzies,  1847,  mr  of  the  Gen. 
Kearny.  v.  578;  and  of  the  Louise  in  '48.  Mequelixt  (Michael),  1822.  ii.479; 
prob.  'McAllister,'  q.  v. 

Mercado  (Jesus  Maria  Vasquez  del),  1833,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Zacatecanos, 
who  served  at  S.  Rafael,  S.  Antonio,  and  Sta  Clara,  leaving  Cal.  in  '44;  a 
quarrelsome  and  vicious  padre  who  did  much  harm,  though  of  good  abilities 
and  education.  Biog.  iv.  682;  ment.,  with  record  of  his  controversies,  iii.  300, 
319,  321-4,  354,  426,  477,  586-7,  686-90,716,726;  iv.  162,  373,  423,  473.  M., 
sergt  at  S.  Diego,  and  sometime  teacher,  '10-11.  ii.  424.  M.  (Mariano), 
1842,  cornet  of  batallon  fijo.  iv.  289.  Mercure  (H.),  1848,  in  S.  F.  letter  list. 
Merelo  (Lorenzo),  1799,  Span,  friar  who  served  for  brief  term  in  S.F.  and  S. 
Antonio,  retiring  in  1801.  Biog.  ii.  152;  ment.  \.  577,  712;  ii.  147,  159.  Me- 
rino (Agustin),  1797,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Jos6  until  forced  by  illness 
to  retire  in  1800.  i.  555,  577.  Merium  (W.),  1846,  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 
Merrick,  1847,  lieut  ill  at  Los  Ang. ;  doubtful  name.  Merrilies  (Robert), 
1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518);  a  Scotchman  with  no  antipathy  to  whiskey, 
and  fond  of  Bums'  poetry,  who  deserted,  like  most  of  his  comrades,  for  the 
mines  in  '48;  was  at  Mont.  '58-9;  and  later  a  sheep-herder  in  the  south.  'Mai- 
lies  '  on  the  roll. 

Merrill,  1831,  at  Los  Ang.  M.  (Ferdinand),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  4G9);  farmer  at  Salt  Lake  '82.  M.  (John  H.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lots,  and  superintendent  of  sabbath-school,  v.  657.  I 
have  his  letter  of  '48  complaining  of  various  persecutions  by  Lieut  Brewerton. 
He  was  later  a  resid.  of  S.  Jose,  and  in  '82  at  Wash.,  D.C.  M.  (Philemon 
C.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.,  and  acting  adjutant,  v.  477,  483;  in  '81 
at  St  David,  Ariz.  M.  (Squire  G.),  1847,  son  of  John  H.,  and  drummer  of 
Co.  H,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499),  age  12;  attended  school  at  S.  F.;  clerk  for  Belden 
at  S.  Jose;  in  trade  at  Alviso,  and  later  at  S.  F.  He  went  East  in  '59,  served 
in  the  war  of  '61-5,  and  in  '77  had  been  10  years  a  clerk  in  the  adj. -gen.  of- 
fice at  Wash.,  D.C.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '82.  M.  (W.  H.),  1847,  builder 
and  keeper  of  a  boarding-house  at  S.  F.  '47-8.  v.  681,  685;  possibly  same  as 
John  H.  Merriner  (Nicholas),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  Mrs  M.  with  sons  in 
Marin  Co.  '46. 

Merritt  (Ezekiel),  1841  (?),  Amer.  trapper,  the  exact  date  and  circumstances 
of  whose  arrival  are  not  known.  He  may  be  the  man  who  appears  on  Lar- 
kin's  books  in  '37.  iv.  117-18;  is  ment.  as  one  of  Walker's  men  in  '33.  iii. 
391;  was  at  N.  Helv.  '41.  iv.  233;  in  the  Sac.  Val.  '43;  implicated  in  the  at- 
tempt to  release  Dr  Bale  in  "44.  iv.  445;  in  which  year,  in  getting  naturali- 
zation papers,  he  claimed  to  have  been  in  Cal.  2  years !  He  was  one  of  Capt. 
Gantt's  men  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign  of  '44-5.  iv.  486;  and  from  '45  is 
often  mentioned  in  the  N.  Helv.  Diary.  He  commanded  the  party  that  stole 
Arce's  horses  in  '46,  and  was  nominally  in  com.  of  the  Bears  at  first,  his  name 
appearing  on  the  original  proclamation  of  June  14th.  v.  107-9,  114,  121,  127, 
169.  Returning  with  the  prisoners  to  the  fort,  he  subsequently  went  south 
with  Fremont,  and  remained  with  Gillespie  at  Los  Ang.,  being  sent  at  one 
time  with  a  small  garrison  to  S.  Diego,  v.  308,  317,  324-5,  617.  Bidwellsays 
that  ho  became  partner  with  Win  C.  Moon  on  a  Tehama  rancho,  and  died  in 
the  winter  of  '47-8,  though  possibly  it  was  a  little  later,  as  there  are  vague 
references  to  his  presence  in  the  mines.  Merritt  was  a  coarse-grained,  loud- 
mouthed, unprincipled,  whiskey -drinking,  quarrelsome  fellow,  well  adapted 


MERRITT— MEYER.  739 


to  the  use  that  was  made  of  him  in  promoting  the  filibusters'  schemes. 
(Robert  G.),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  in  Napa  Co.  '75;  d.  at  1 


M. 

Ukiuh 

'83.  M.  (Thos),  1837,  named  iu  Larkm's  accounts.  "  Mervine  (Wm),  1846, 
commander  U.S.N.  in  com.  of  the  Cyatie  and  Savannah,  the  officer  who  raised 
the  U.  S.  flag  at  Mont,  and  took  com.  on  shore.  After  the  outbreak  of  the 
Flores  revolt  he  went  south  to  S.  Pedro,  and  was  defeated  by  the  Californi- 
ans  in  Oct.  while  attempting  to  inarch  inland  to  Los  Ang.  He  took  no  fur- 
ther active  part  in  the  war;  was  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  in  '47,  negotiating  also 
for  land  at  Sonoma;  and  started  for  the  East  in  March.  He  was  capt.  in  the 
war  of  '61-5.  v.  27,  200-3,  224,  229-31,  253,  289-90,  296,  304,  318-20,  327, 
383,  539,  580. 

Mesa  (Alejandro),  Cal.  claim  of  $4,220  for  horses  in  '4G-7  (v.  462).  M. 
(Andre's)  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '23-9.  M.  (Antonio),  1781,  negro  settler 
of  Los  Ang. ,  with  wife  and  2  children,  i.  345.  M.  (Antonio),  soldier  of  S.F. 
comp.  '19-30;  militiaman  at  S.F.  '37;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  46,  wife  Dolores 
Higuera,  child.  Alejandro  b.  '34,  Isidro  '37,  Benedicto  '39.  M.  (Cayetano), 
soldier  killed  by  Ind.  on  the  Colorado,  i.  359-62.  M,  (Dolores),  settler  at 
S.  Jose'  1791-1800;  regidor  in  1806.  i.  716;  ii.  134,  171.  M.  (Dolores),  at  S. 
Jose"  '41,  age  48.  M.  (Domingo),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '28-31;  named  in '46. 
v.  162.  M.  (Encarnacion),  claimant  for  S.  Antonio,  Sta  Clara,  iii.  712.  M. 
(Francisco),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '34-5;  in  '36  maj.  of  the  rancho  nacional, 
age  37.  iii.  677;  drowned  near  Mont,  in  '45.  M.  (Ger6nimo),  soldier  of  S.F. 
comp.  '41-3.  iv.  667.  M.  (Hilario),  corporal  of  the  guard  at  S.  Jose"  1783-98; 
settler  '86.  i.  477-8,  495.  M.  (Joaquin),  soldier  at  Sta  Cruz  and  settler  at 
S.  Jos6  before  1800.  i.  496,  716.  M.  (Jose'),  1791,  chaplain  in  Malaspina's 
expcd.  i.  490.  M.  (Jose"  Ant.),  grantee  of  Los  Mtklanos,  Contra  Costa,  '39. 
iii.  712.  M.  (Jose'  Ign.),  soldier  at  Soleclad  1791-1800.  i.  499.  M.  (Jost§ 
de  Jesus),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '23-33,  '38-9;  two  of  the  name  as  militiamen 
at  S.F.  '37;  in  '41  at  S.  Jos6,  age  39,  M'ife  Jnana  Miranda,  child.  Maria  b. 
'36,  Trinidad  '38.  M.  (Juan  B.),  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '44.  v.  684.  M.  (Juan 
Prado),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  from  '28;  corporal  from  '32,  in  com.  of  Sta 
Clara  escolta.  iii.  728;  sergt  36,  and  acting  alf.  from  '37.  iii.  511,  522;  in  '39 
full  alfcrez,  com.  of  the  S.F.  garrison,  grantee  of  S.  Antonio  rancho,  and  en- 
gaged in  Ind.  fights,  iii.  701-2,  712,  722;  iv.  75-6.  On  the  roll  as  alf.  to  '42, 
and  mentioned  occasionally  as  in  mil.  coin,  at  S.F.,  where  he  was  owner  of  a 
lot.  iv.  665,  666-7,  669,  678.  He  seems  to  have  died  at  his  rancho  in  '45. 
M.  (Luis),  at  Pilarcitos  rancho  '36,  age  43,  wife  Maria  Ant.  Martinez,  child. 
Juan  b.  '21,  Serafina'24;  juez  del  campo.  iii.  674-5,  678.  M.  (Maria  Ant.), 
grantee  of  Rineonada  del  Arroyo  de  S.  Francisquito  '41.  iv.  672-3.  M. 
(Miguel),  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  30,  wife  Hilaria  Benavides,  child.  Francisco  b. 
'34,  Agueda  '37;  juez  de  campo  '43.  iv.  685.  M.  (Nicolas),  regidor  at  S. 
Jos<§  1805.  ii.  134.  M.  (Pedro),  sold,  of  S.F.  comp.  '27-37;  juez  de  campo 
at  S.  Jose"  '39.  iii.  731;  in  '41  age  24,  wife  Teresa  Higuera,  child.  Joaquin  b. 
'39,  Jose"  Ant.  '41;  another  of  the  name  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  33.  M.  (Petra 
Higuera  de),  widow  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  38,  child.  Jose"  b.  "28,  Domingo  '30, 
Guadalupe  '31,  Rufina  '32,  Albino  '33,  Pamela  '37,  Jos<5  Ant.  '39.  M.  (Ra- 
fael), one  of  the  original  settlers  at  Los  Ang.  1782.  i.  345-6.  M.  (Rafael), 
soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '23-31;  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  34.  M.  (Ramon),  sol- 
dier of  S.F.  comp.  '34-42;  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  25;  grantee  of  Soulajule,  Marin 
Co.,  '44.  iv.  674;  named  in  connection  witli  the  Bear  war  '46.  iv.  674;  v.  162. 
M.  (Santiago),  at  S.  Mateo  '35.  M.  (Valerio),  corp.  of  S.  F.  comp.  1777.  i. 
297,  312;  at  S.  Jose1  '93,  wife  Leonor  Barboa,  child  Nicolas. 

Mesnard,  1837,  connected  with  Petit-Thouars'  exped.  iv.  149.  Metcalf 
(T.),  1848,  from  Hon.  on  the  Hope.  Metzger  (Jacob  N.),  1848,  came  from 
Or.  in  May,  and  after  a  successful  visit  to  the  mines  went  to  Or.  in  Aug.  to 
bring  his  family.  Mexica  (Teodora),  at  Sta  Cruz '18,  ii.  225.  Mexwell 
(Wm  H.),  1848,  at  Stockton.  Herald;  prob.  'Maxwell,'  q.  v. 

Meyer  (Chas),  1847,  ownerof  S.F.  lot.  M.  (Francis),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S. 
artill.  (v.  518).  M.  (Geo.  S.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  a  German  in 
the  mines  '48-9,  kept  a  hotel  at  S.F. ;  and  settled  at  Mt  Eden,  Alameda  Co., 


740  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

in  53.  Still  living  in  '83,  age  71,  with  wife  Sophia  Priiger,  and  4  children, 
Geo.  A.,  Henry  H.,  Matilda  Mrs  Martin,  and  Amelia.  Portrait  in  Alam. 
Co.  Hist.,  520.  M.  (John  Daniel),  1832,  from  Strassburg  and  Mex.,  a  black- 
smith at  Los  Ang.  naturalized  in  '34.  age  27.  iii.  408.  He  was  one  of  the  vigi- 
lantes in  '36  (iii.  130),  and  was  at  S.  Diego  in  '40.  Meyers  (R.  G.),  1848, 
nat.  of  Pa,  resid.  of  S.  Joaqnin  '50-78,  being  several  times  member  of  the 
legislature.  M.,  see  also  'Myers.'  Meyerholz,  1847,  at  N.  Helv. 

Micheltorena   (Manuel),  1842,   Mex.  brigadier-gen.,  governor  and  com. 

§en.  of  Cal.  from  '42 — appointed  Jan.  22d,  took  possession  formally  Dec. 
1  to  Feb.  22,  '45,  when  he  signed  the  treaty  of  surrender  to  the  revolutionist 
Californians  who  expelled  him.  On  his  early  career,  appointment,  arrival, 
convict  army,  etc.,  see  iv.  285-95;  Com.  Jones  affair,  iv.  308-20;  rule  in  '43, 
iv.  350-67;  policy  in  mission,  commercial,  and  maritime  affairs,  iv.  368-78; 
rule  in  '44,  iv.  401-20;  revolution  against  in  '44-5;  defeat,  departure,  and 
later  career,  iv.  455-517;  miscel.  mention,  iii.  550,  561;  iv.  34,  409,  423-33, 
448,  521-2,  561,  619,  630,  636,  652.  As  his  career  in  Cal.  is  fully  recorded  in 
this  vol.,  I  need  not  go  further  into  details  here.  He  was  a  nat.  of  Oajaca,  a 
friend  of  Guerrero,  a  man  of  some  literary  pretensions,  and  a  colonel  as  early 
as  '33.  Elsewhere  I  say  of  the  gov.  that  he  was  'a  strange  mixture  of  good 
and  bad ;  a  most  fascinating  and  popular  gentleman ;  honest,  skilful,  and  efficient 
as  an  official  in  minor  matters;  utterly  weak,  unreliable,  and  even  dishonor- 
able in  all  emergencies;'  yet  under  ordinary  circumstances,  by  reason  of  his 
intelligence,  experience,  and  tact  in  winning  friends,  he  might  have  been  a 
good  ruler  for  Cal.  By  his  liberality  in  granting  lands  as  well  as  by  his  per- 
sonal courtesy  he  made  a  good  impression  on  most  foreigners,  who  as  a  rule 
have  given  an  unfair  version  of  the  revolution  by  which  he  was  overthrown. 
In  the  Jones  affair  at  the  outset  he  simply  made  an  ass  of  himself,  and  of  his 
acts  in  the  last  months  nothing  can  be  said  in  praise;  while  his  breaking  the 
treaty  of  Sta  Teresa,  by  which  he  had  promised  to  send  away  his  battalion  of 
cholo  ruffians,  and  his  bribing  Sutter  to  arm  the  foreigners  and  Indians  against 
the  Californiaus,  were  in  the  highest  degree  dishonorable  and  unpatriotic. 
After  leaving  Cal.  he  took  a  somewhat  prominent  part  in  the  war  against  the 
U.S.,  serving  as  member  of  congress  in  '47  and  com.  gen.  of  Yucatan  in  'iiO. 
He  seems  to  have  taken  a  very  discreditable  part  in  the  Limantour  forgeries, 
though  little  is  known  of  details.  I  have  found  no  definite  record  of  his  lact 
years  or  death.  Michael  (John),  1844,  at  S.  Jose".  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hint.  Atlax. 
I.iehi  (John),  1825,  mr  of  the  Tamaahmaah.  iv.  149;  prob.  'Meek,'q.  v. 

Middleton,  1847,  mr  of  the  Xylan.  M.  (Thomas),  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  iv. 
578,  587;  bought  mules  of  Lassen  and  Sill,  which  were  driven  across  the 
plains  eastward  in  '46;  in  '76  a  resid.  of  Rohnerville.  Eureka  \V.  C.  Signal. 
Mier  y  Teran  (Jose"  M.),  sec.  of  ayunt.  at  Mont.  (?)  '34.  iii.  673;  sec.  of  S. 
Diego  ayunt. '35-6.  iii.  615-16;  sindico '37.  iii.  616.  Miguel  (Jose  de),  1790, 
Span,  friar,  who  served  chiefly  at  Sta  B.  and  San  Gabriel,  dying  in  1803. 
Biog.  ii.  355;  ment.  i.  423,  492,  522,  576-7,  587,  669,  672,  689;  ii.  114,  148, 
159.  394.  Miles  (John),  1832,  of  the  comp.  cxtranjera;  still  at  Mont.  '33-4. 
iii.  221.  M.  (Sam.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morra.  Rat.  (v.  469);  asst  alcalde  at  S. 
Diego,  v.  490;  in  '81  high  councillor  and  justice  of  peace  in  Utah.  Milford 
(Edmund  N.),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Princeton,  Mariposa  Co., 
'83.  Millard  (Ormon),  1845,  disch.  from  the  Warren,  and  shipped  on  the 
Guipuzcoana,  at  Mont.  • 

Miller  (Augustus),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  before  '82.  M. 
(Chas),  1847,  Co.  G,  ditto.  M.  (Daniel),  1832,  Engl.  sailor  from  the  Chal- 
cedony, at  Mont,  to  end  of  '34.  M.  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v. 
499).  M.  (Feltis),  1847,  settled  on  Sac.  Riv.,  at  Cache  Creek.  M.  (Fran- 
cis), 1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  D,  ditto.  M. 
(Hiram  O.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  of  Bryant's  party,  v.  528;  member  of  2d 
Donner  relief,  v.  540;  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  where  he  died  in  '67.  M. 
(James),  1844,  Irish  immig.  of  the  Stevens  party,  with  wife  (Mary  Murph\ ), 
son  Wm  J.,  age  12,  and  3  daughters,  iv.  445-7,  453.  He  settled  in  Mann 
Co.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '80  with  a  large  family.  M.  (J.),  1845,  command- 


MILLER— MIRANDA.  741 

er's  clerk  on  the  Savannah.  M.  (J.  J.),  1845,  mid.  on  the  Savannah.  M. 
(John),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (John  Morgan),  1848,  nat.  of 
Va,  who  came  from  Or.  to  the  mines;  settled  from  '50  near  Sebastopol,  Sonoma 
Co.,  where  he  died  in  '75  at  the  age  of  61,  having  been  postmaster  and  jus- 
tice of  the  peace.  M.  (Miles),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  M.  (M. 
R.),  1847,  overl.  iminig.,  who  again  crossed  the  plains  in  '48,  '49,  '52,  and  '73; 
had  an  orchard  in  Pleasant  Vat.,  Solano.  M.  (Valentine),  1847,  Co.  G,  N. 
Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (Win),  1846,  deserter  from  the  U.  S.  Savannah. 

Millhause  (Gustave),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Sta  B.  '71-82. 
Milligan  (John),  see  '  Mulligan.'  M.  (R.),  1841,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  St  Louis. 
Milliken  (John),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sta  Clara  Co.  about  '78. 
Milliugton  (Chas),  1847,  mr  of  the  Xylon.  v.  581;  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  Mills 
(John),  1847,  boatswain  on  the  U.  S.  Independence.  M.  (J.  H.  A.),  1848, 
uat.  of  Mo.,  at  S.  Jose"  '59-76;  livery-stable  man.  M.  (Win),  1846,  Faun- 
tleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  Millwright,  1847,  doubtful  name  at  N.  Helv. 
^Iiluer  (Danell),  1845,  signer  of  the  S.  Jose"  call  to  foreigners,  iv.  599. 

Minard  (Thus  A.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Miner  (A.  T.),  1848, 
name  in  S.  F.  letter  list.  Minier,  1846,  at  Sutter's  Fort  '46-7  with  family; 
called  a  volunteer.  M.,  1845,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Warren.  Mink  (Wm), 
1S46,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  transf.  from  Co.  K.  v.  336.  Mifion  (Juan 
Jose"),  Mex.  gen.,  .appointed  gov.  of  Cal.  '27;  did  not  come.  ii.  515;  iii.  S. 
Minor  (Allen  B.),  1847,  of  N.  Y.,  left  S.  F.  for  Panama  on  the  Charles  Drew. 
M.  (Colville  J.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.;  d.  at  Mont,  in  Aug.,  age 
23;  a  nat.  of  Wash.,  D.  C.,  and  graduate  of  West  Point,  v.  518,  520.  M. 
(Geo.),  1846,  lieut  U.  S.  N.  on  the  Savannah;  memb.  of  1st  jury  at  Mont. ; 
in  com.  of  garrison  at  S.  Diego;  in  '47  assist  q.  m.  in  Stockton's  battalion;  a 
witness  at  Wash,  in  the  Fremont  court-martial  and  Cal.  claims,  v.  289,  292, 
324-6,  328,  385,  420, 456.  Minter  (J.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  in  Bryant's  party 
(v.  520;)  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 

Miramontes  (Candelario),  Mex.  said  to  have  had  a  potato-patch  in  '33  on 
what  was  later  the  plaza  at  S.F.  iii.  709;  in  '41  or  earlier  grantee  of  Pilar- 
citos,  Sta  Clara,  ii.  616,  664,  672;  in  '42  at  S.F.,  age  53,  wife  Guadalupe  Bri- 
ones,  child.  Miguel  b.  '19  at  S.F.,  Maria  Dolores  '23,  Rodolfo  '20,  Jose"  A. 
'24,  Jose"  de  los  Santos  '26,  Raimuudo  '29,  Guadalupe  '31,  Carmen  '32.  M. 
(Ignacio),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  from  '35;  corp.  '38-44;  brought  small-pox  from 
Ross  '38.  iv.  74,  165;  age  30  in  '44.  M.  (Jos6  Arciano)  son  of  Candelario; 
soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '44.  M.  (Juan),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-30.  M. 
(Mariano),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '37;  d.  '43.  M.  (Miguel),  sergt  in  S.F. 
militia  '44,  age  26.  M.  (Raimundo),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '44,  age  20.  M. 
(Ramon),  Cal.  claim  of  $15,000  '46-7  (v.462).  M.  (Rodolfo),  son  of  Candelario; 
soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '37-44;  juez  de  campo  '46.  v.  648.  M.  (Santos),  soldier 
of  S.F.  militia  '44,  age  16.  M.  (Vicente),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '28-37;  in  '37 
elector,  iii.  705;  in  '39  juez  supl.  and  elected  ahpalde.  76. ;  in  '42  juez  supl.  iv. 
665;  in  '42  at  S.  Jose,  age  32,  wife  Maria  de  Jesus  Hernandez,  child.  Jose  Maria 
b.  '38,  Benita  '40,  and  Mariana;  in  '43  owner  of  a  lot,  on  which  he  lived  with  his 
fam.  '44-8.  iv.  669;  v.  680;  in  '44  alfe"rez  of  militia,  iv.  667;  in  '46  juez  supl. 
v.  648.  In  '54-5  he  lived  at  the  mission,  testifying  in  the  Santillan  case. 


trouble  with  his  wife.  iv.  666.  See  'Briones'  (Juana).  M.  (Hilario),  soldier 
of  S.F.  comp.  1797-1824.  i.  555-6;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose",  age  60,  wife  Juana  Ci- 
brian,  child.  Jose"  Fran.  b.  '28,  Jose"  de  Jesus  '31,  Casimiro  '33,  Alejo  (?)  '36, 
Clemente  '38,  Maria  de  Gracia  '39.  M.  (Jose"),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '34-42. 
M.  (Juan),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  sec.  at  S.  Jos6  '25.  ii.  604-5;  in  '44, 
age  52,  grantee  of  Arroyo  de  S.  Antonio,  Marin.  iv.  673.  M.  (Juan  Jose"), 
settler  on  the  Colorado  1780-1.  i.  359.  M.  (Manuel),  at  S.  Jose1  '41,  age  24, 


742  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

•wife  Carmen  Alviso,  child.  Maria  de  los  Santos  '38,  Maria  Rosa  '41.  M. 
(Mariano),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '37-43.  iv.  667;  named  in  '46.  v.  162;  also  had 
a  Cal.  claim  of  §4,400  (v.  462).  M.  (Presentacion),  daughter  of  Apolinario; 
at  Mission  Dolores  '55,  and  witness  in  the  Santillan  case.  M.  (Santos),  soldier 
of  S.F.  comp.  '39-43.  iv.  667.  M.  (Teodoro),  at  Sonoma  '44,  age  22.  Mi- 
rantes  (Ignacio),  at  S.F.  '42,  age  31;  doubtful  name.  Mirayno  (Jonathan), 
1840,  doubtful  name  in  Farnham's  list.  iv.  17. 

Misroon  (John  S.),  1846,  lieuton  the  U.S.  Portsmouth,  somewhat  prominent 
at  the  time  of  the  Bear  revolt,  being  sent  by  Capt.  Montgomery  to  Sonoma 
and  N.Hclv.  v.  130-1,  154,  156-9,  241,  299.  Owner  of  a  S  F.  lot.  v.  683. 
Before  his  departure  in  '47  he  made  arrangements  for  investing  in  lands  and 
cattle,  and  apparently  did  invest  with  Larkic,  but  had  a  misunderstanding 
with  L.  and  Suiter,  which,  perhaps,  put  an  end  to  the  speculation.  I  have 
many  of  his  letters  on  the  matter.  Misteril,  1834,  Swiss  sailor  on  the  Na- 
tnlia,  badly  injured  at  the  wreck,  iii.  412;  worked  on  a  rancho  near  Mont. 
'35-6. 

Mitchell,  1845,  mr  of  the  Fama.  iv.  565.  M.,  1847,  mr  of  the  Provi- 
dence, v.  580.  M.  (Benj.),  1846,  in  Napa  Val.  '69.  M.  (Hue),  1842,  sailor 
on  the  Admittance;  deserted  at  S.  Diego  '44.  M.  (Joseph  B.),  1845,  mr  of 
the  Fannie,  at  S.F.  Oct.  M.  (Wm),  1846,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Congress;  sta- 
tioned with  a  garrison  at  Sta  B.  Ausr.-Sept.  v.  267,  287,  630;  made  a  com. 
U.S.N.  'Co;  d.  at  Wash.  71.'  M.  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d. 
in  Australia  before  '82.  M.  (Wm  H.),  1847,  Co.  E,  ditto;  in  Amador  Co. 
74.  Mitchener  (T. ),  1847,  from  Hon.  on  the  Francesco,. 

Mocho  (Dan.),  1831,  nickname  of  an  Irishman  at  Los  Ang.  Moerenhaut 
(Jacob  Antonio),  1846,  Fr.  consul  in  Cal.  '46-8.  v.  290,  576,  614;  a  nat.  of 
Belgium.  There  is  no  agreement  respecting  his  initials.  Moffat  (Richard), 
1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  686.  Moffitt  (Alfred  P.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  artill. 
artificer  (v.  518).  M.  (James),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.,  sailor  on  the  U.S.  Sa- 
vannah, disch.  at  S.F.  "49;  in  '82  at  East  Oakland  with  wife — Margaret  Mul- 
grew,  mar.  '59 — and  9  children,  Frank  J.  (deputy  sheriff),  Mary,  Maggie, 
Martha,  Joseph,  Emma,  Geo.,  Harry,  and  Nellie.  M.  (Wm  B.),  1847,  Co. 
D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  299). 

Mofras  (Eugene  Duflot  de),  1841,  French  attach^  of  the  Mex.  legation,  who 
visited  Cal.  and  Or.  in  '41-2,  commissioned  by  the  govt  to  examine  and  report 
on  the  country,  with  its  institutions,  resources,  history,  and  prospects,  the 
result  being  published  as  Mofras,  Exploration,  etc.,  a  well-known  arid  stan- 
dard work.  For  a  full  account  of  his  visit  and  work,  including  something  of 
Mofras*  character,  see  iv.  248-55;  also  i.  224;  ii.  108,  642;  iv.  191,  209-10, 
218,  224,  233-4,  297,  329,  343,  564,  618-19,  636,  640,  650,  665.  M.  was  still 
in  the  French  diplomatic  service,  as  ministre  plenipotentiaire,  in  78,  and  I 
have  not  heard  of  his  death  down  to  '85.  Mohr,  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499);  at  S.  Jos6  71-4,  doubtful  name,  not  in  Clark's  last  list.  Mohron, 
1847,  mr  of  the  Com.  Shubrick;  perhaps  'Morgan.'  Mojica  (Bernardo),  at 
8.  Jose"  '22.  ii.  605.  M.  (Jos<5  Vicente),  at  Branciforte  1797;  alcalde  in  1802. 
i.  569;  ii.  156.  M.  (Venancio),  at  S.F.  '37-44,  age  55 

Molckenbuhr  (Henry),  1847,  German  carpenter  at  Mont.  '47-8;  name  writ- 
ten in  half  a  dozen  ways;  perhaps  '  Molokenbuker.'  Molina,  settler  at 
Mont.,  taken  prisoner  by  Bouchard  '18.  ii.  233,  237-41.  M.,  maj.  at  S.  Ra- 
fael '33.  iii.  323-4.  M.,  killed  at  Jamul,  S.  Diego  '37.  iii.  614.  M.  (Ale- 
jandro), at  Los.  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Jesus),  at  S.  Cdrlos  '40-2,  grantee  of  S. 
Bernabd.  iii.  680;  iv.  655.  M.  (Joaquiu),  sirviente  at  S.  F.  1777.  i.  297. 
M.  (Vicente),  at  Mont.  '45.  iv.  65.').  Molini,  contract  to  make  adobes  for 
Larkin  1848.  Molteno  (Frank),  1848,  mr  of  the  ,V..9.  v.  580;  on  the  Julian 
from  Hon.  later  in  the  year.  Molvee  (Herman),  1815,  sup.  of  the  Suvarof. 
ii.  307.  Molvisto  (Nicolai),  1825,  pass,  on  the  Elena,  iii.  146. 

Mondojia,  1791,  com.  of  the  Horcnsitas.  i.  523.  Mono  (Alex.),  1847, 
overl.  immig.  from  Mo.  with  wife  and  father,  who  settled  at  Sta  Cruz  and 
engaged  in  the  lumber  business,  with  a  brief  mining  experience  in  '48.  He 
furnished  lumber  for  Meiggs'  wharf  S.  F.  at  two  hundred  dollars  per  M.  la 


HONE— MOON.  743 

'53  settled  at  Pescadero,  where  in  78  he  gave  me  the  narrative  of  a  Pioneer 
of '47.  Monet  (John),  1846,  Cal.  claim  $30  (v.  462);  owner  of  S.F.  lot 
'47.  Money  (Wm),  1843  (?),  Scotchman,  the  date  and  manner  of  whose 
coming  are  not  known;  at  Los  Aug.  Feb.  '43.  iv.  400.  He  is  said  to  have 
come  as  the  servant  of  a  scientific  man,  whose  methods  and  ideas  he  adopted. 
His  wife  was  a  very  handsome  Sonorena.  In  '46  the  couple  started  with  Coro- 
nel  for  Sonora,  aud  were  captured  by  Kearny's  force,  but  perhaps  continued 
their  journey,  as  Mrs  M.  had  a  child  born  on  the  way,  and  they  returned 
from  the  Colorado  with  the  Morm.  Bat.  Money  became  an  eccentric  doctor, 
artist,  and  philosopher  at  S.  Gabriel,  where  his  house  in  '80  was  filled  with 
ponderous  tomes  of  his  writings,  and  on  the  simple  condition  of  buying  one 
thousand  dollars'  worth  of  these  I  was  offered  his  pioneer  reminiscences.  He 
died  a  few  years  later.  His  wife,  long  divorced  from  M.  and  married  to  a 
Frenchman,  was  also  living  at  Los  Ang.  in  '80.  It  was  her  daughter  who 
killed  Chico  Forster. 

Monneron,  1786,  with  La  PSrouse.  i.  435.  Monroe,  1845,  at  Sutter's  Fort. 
Monroy  (Jose"  cle  Jesus  and  Lino),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Moutalba  (Bernardo), 
at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Montauo  (Antonio),  at  Bajada  a  Huerta  Vicja,  Mont., 
1795.  i.  683.  M.  (Jos<§  Maria),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46,  age  40,  wife  Josefa  Gutier- 
rez, child.  Apolonio  b.  '35,  Maria  '37,  Bruno  '39.  Monteith  (Dan.),  1837  (?), 
at  Sta  Cruz  '81.  Montenegro  (Eugenio),  Mex.  corporal  of  Mont,  custom- 
house guard  '34.  iii.  378;  served  under  Alvarado's  govt  as  alf6rez.  iii.  50S; 
and  in  '38-iO  was  sub-comisario  aud  com.  of  celadores  at  Mont.  iii.  67'2;  iv. 
9o-7;  owner  of  S.  F.  lot  '41-5.  iv.  069;  ministro  feu  pi.  of  the  sup.  court  '42. 
iv.  296;  grantee  of  Laguua  de  los  Gentiles  '44,  not  serving  against  Michel- 
torena.  iv.  473,  671;  a  capt.  of  aux.  cavalry  '45-6.  v.  41;  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '50. 
Montero  (Manuel),  soldier  of  the  escolta  at  S.  Miguel  1797.  i.  560;  at  Bran- 
ciforte  '30.  ii.  627. 

Montgomery,  1844,  officer  on  H.  B.  M.  S.  Modeste.  M.  (Allen),  1844, 
overl.  immig.  from  Mo.  in  the  Stevens  party  with  wife.  iv.  445,  453.  He  was 
one  of  the  party  that  at  first  remained  at  the  mountain  camp  with  Schallen- 
berger.  iv.  454.  He  is  mentioned  in  the  iV.  Helv.  Diary  in  '46,  and  apparently 
had  a  rancho  on  the  American  Riv.  v.  107;  but  went  to  Honolulu  on  the 
Julia  in  '47,  and  I  find  no  further  record  of  him.  Mrs  M. — ne'e  Armstrong, 
sister  of  Judge  A.  of  Sacramento,  and  married  in  '43 — was  a  woman  of  some- 
what remarkable  qualities,  who  in  '45-6  lived  at  S.F.  v.  679;  married  Talbot 
H.  Green,  became  wealthy,  and  in  '85  as  Mrs  Wallis  resides  at  May  field, 
taking  part  sometimes  in  public  meetings  of  progressive  and  strong-minded 
females.  M.  (Isaac),  1848,  liquor  dealer  from  Hon.  at  S.  F.;  member  of  the 
council  '49. 

Montgomery  (John  B.),  1845,  capt.  U.  S.  N.  in  com.  of  the  Portsmouth 
'45-7.  His  ship  was  stationed  at  S.  F.  during  the  Bear  revolt,  and  it  was  he 
that  raised  the  U.  S.  flag  in  July,  being  commandant  of  the  northern  district 
in  July-Dec,  iv.  508,  587;  v.  102,  127,  129-31,  154,  200,  224,  228-9,  231, 
238-41,  294-9,  380,  552,  580,  659,  682.  For  him  Montgomery  street  was 
named,  and  Portsmouth  square  for  his  ship.  Two  sons,  John  E.  and  Win  H., 
were  with  him  on  the  fleet,  and  were  lost  on  the  Warren's  launch  in  Nov. 
'46.  v.  384,  587.  The  capt.  and  Wm  H.  were  owners  of  lots  in  S.  F.  v.  682. 
He  later  became  commodore  and  admiral,  was  in  command  for  some  years  of 
the  Boston  navy -yard,  and  died  in  '73.  M.  (John  M.),  1847,  nat.  of  Ky 
and  overl.  immig.,  \vho  worked  as  a  carpenter  at  Mont.,  went  to  the  mines 
in  '48,  and  finally  engaged  in  raising  cattle;  settling  in  Merced  Co.  '54,  and 
being  a  state  senator  in  '75-8.  Montijo  (Marcos),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp. 
'39-42.  Montreuil  (Louis),  1844,  of  Frdmont's  party;  perhaps  did  not 
reach  Cal.  iv.  437.  Montriel  (Herman),  1847;  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 
Monyu  (Jaime),  1825,  Span,  of  the  Asia's  crew,  who  remained  in  Cal.  and 
married  before  '28.  iii.  51. 

Mooar,  1845,  mr  of  a  vessel  at  Mont.  '45-6.  Moody  (Washington),  1847, 
at  Sta  Clara  '47-8.  Moon  (Wm  C.),  1841,  nat.  of  Tenn.  and  overl.  immig. 
of  the  Workman  party,  iv.  278-9.  Named  at  Los  Ang.  '42  and  Mont.  '44.  In 


744  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

'45  he  'mined  '  for  grindstones  in  the  Sac.  Val.,  and  in  '48-9  for  gold,  having 
settled  on  a  rancho  in  Tehama  Co.,  where  he  died  in  '78.  He  was  a  famous 
hunter,  and  a  partner  of  Ezekiel  Merritt.  Mooney  (James),  1847,  owner  of 
a  S.  F.  lot. 

Moore,  1830,  mr  of  the  Globe.,  iii.  147.  M.,  1837,  of  the  Or.  cattle  exped. 
iv.  85.  M.,  1795,  mr  of  the  Phamix.  i.  537,  625,  669.  M.,  1848,  employed 
as  a  shepherd  at  Sutter's  Fort.  M.  (Alex.),  1S47,  son  of  Eli,  overl.  iinmig. 
with  wife,  who  settkd  in  '53  at  Pescadero,  where  he  still  lived  in  '78.  M. 
(Andrew),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  from  '67;  at  Gil- 
roy  '82.  M.  (Andrew  J.),  1847,  Co.  B,  ditto;  in  Phil.  '82.  M.  (Benj.  D.), 

1846,  capt.  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  killed  at  the  fight  of  S..Pascual.  v.  336, 
343-7.       M.  (Benj.  F.),  1848,  nat.  of  Florida,  on  the  S.  Joaquin  '48;  member 
of  the  constit.  convention  '49;  one  of  the  earliest  settlers  at  Sonora.       M.  (Cal- 
vin W.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Spring  City,  Utah,  '82.     M. 
(Eli),  1847,  overl.  immig.   with  family,  who  settled  at  Sta  Cruz,  buying  of 
Bolcof  what  is  known  as  Moore's  rancho.    He  died  before  '78.    One  of  his 
daughters  was  Mrs  Sam.  Besse  of  Watsonville.       M.  (John  H. ),  1847,  Co.  E, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  perhaps  at  S.F.  and  S.  Jos6  '50.       M.  (John  W.),  1847, 
Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  the  mines  '48-51;  killed  by  Ind.  near  Mariposa 
in  '51.       M.  (Otis  L.),  1846,  sergt  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons,  transf.  from  Co. 
K;  killed  at  S.  Pascual.  v.  346.       M.  (Patrick).  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill. 
(v.  518).       M.  (Risdon  A.),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men.  iv.  583;  v.  453;  a 
blacksmith  and  nephew  of  Cyrus  Alexander.    He  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  (v. 
358);  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $524  (v.  462);  was  at  Wash.,  D.  C.,  Jan.  '48;  prob. 
came  back  with  Fremont  in  his  4th  exped.;  and  in  later  years  lived  at  Belle- 
ville, 111.       M.  (Robert),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).       M.  (Thos 
W.).  1847,  son  of  Eli,  and  nat.  of  Tenn.;  at  Pescadero  '53-78.       M.  (Win 
H.),  1846,  Kentuckian  immig.,  who  lived  in  Sonoma  Co.  to  '56.  and  later  in 
Lake  Co.  till  his  death  in  '67.       M.  (Win),  1816,  carpenter  on  the  Lyd'vi.   ii. 
275.       Mora  (Regina  de  la),  mentioned  in  '35.  iii.  285.       Morace  (Erastus), 

1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Moraga  (Domingo),  son  of  Gabriel,  sold,  distinguido  of  S.F.  comp.  from 
'18.  ii.  571;  in  the  Sta  B.  comp.  as  corp.  before  '37.  M.  (Fran.),  1st  Ind. 
convert  at  S.F.,  named  M.  for  his  godfather,  the  comandaute.  i.  296.  M. 
(Fran.),  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '37-9;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose,  age  27,  wife  Josefa 
Duarte,  child.  Maria  b.  '38,  Teodora,  '40;  in  '43  juez  de  campo.  iv.  685;  Cal. 
claim  of  §3,320  '40-7  (v.  462).  M.  (Gajjriel),  1776,  son  of  Jose  Joaq.  who 
came  as  a  boy  witli  his  parents,  enlistIng~mT784,  and  serving  as  soldier,  cor- 
poral, sergt,  alfercz,  and  lietit  of  the  S.F.,  Mont.,  and  Sta  B.  companies  till 
his  death  in  1823.  Biog.  ii.  571;  ment.  i.  470,  549,  559,  569-72,  587,  710-17, 
719,  723;  ii.  47,  50-7,  91-2,  126,  132,  140,  150,  199,  202,  204,  254,  288,  300-4, 
319,  322-30,  334,  330-7,  341,  354,  361,  370,  385,  442,  559,  585,  631.  His  wife 
was  Ana  Maria  Bernal;  and  later  Maria  Joaquina  Alvarado  at  Sta  B.  in  '50; 
among  his  children  were  Domingo,  Jos6  Guadalupe,  and  Vicente.  M.  (Igna- 
cio  Maria),  niece  of  Jose  Joaq.  and  wife  of  Jose  Argiiello.  i.  470;  iii.  11.  M. 
(Jeaijuin),  prob.  a  son  of  Gabriel,  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19;  at  S.  Mateo  '35; 
grantee  of  Laguua  de  Palos  Colorados,  Contra  Costa,  '35-41.  iii.  712;  iv.  671; 
in  '41  a  widower,  age  48,  with  the  following  children:  Jose  b.  '16,  Luisa  '18, 
Maria  ';>6,  Maria  Ant.  '29.  A  part  of  the  Moraga  Valley  is  still  owned  by  D. 
Joaquin's  sons  and  grandsons,  but  there  has  been  much  trouble  about  boun- 
daries with  squatters.  M.  (Jose),  sindico  at  Sta  B.  '41.  iv.  641;  juez  at  S. 
Buen.  '46.  v.  634;  justice  at  Sta  B.  '52.  M.  (Jos<§  Joaquin),  1776,  Mex. 
alferez  who  came  with  Anza,  and  being  made  lieut  was  the  1st  comandante  of 
S.F.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  presidio,  mission,  Sta  Clara,  and  the  pueblo 
of  S.Jose.  He  died  in  1785,  and  his  widow,  Maria  del  Pilar  de  Leon,  in  1808. 
Gabriel  was  the  only  son  of  whom  anything  is  known.  Biog.  i.  470;  ment.  i. 
258,  262-4,  206-8,  271,  280-92,  295-7,  305-6,  312,  349-50,  385,  463,  474,  479; 
ii.  44,47;  iii.  11.  M.  (Jose  Guadalupe),  son  of  Gabriel,  soldado  distinguido 
at  S.F.,  and  cadet  at  S.  Diego  '17-20.  ii.  341,  571.  M.  (Vicente),  son  of 
Gabriel;  teacher  at  S.  Ant.  and  Los  Ang.  '33-5.  ii.  571;  iii.  630;  sec.  and 


MORAGA— MOREY.  745 

sindico  at  Los  Ang.  '33-4.  iii.  635,  564-5;  admin,  at  S.  Antonio  '40.  iii.  GSS; 
iv.  61;  grantee  of  Pauba  '44.  iv.  621;  at  Los  Ang.  '46;  constable  at  S.  Buen. 
'52.  His  wife  was  Maria  Ant.  Dominguez. 

Morah  (M.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Morales  (Bernardo),  soldier 
on  the  Colorado,  killed  by  Ind.  1781.  i.  359,  362.  M.  (Francisco),  Mex. 
teacher  at  Los  Ang.  '18-20;  2d  siudicoqf  the  ayunt.  '23,  '26-7,  '29;  ii.  559-61. 
M.  (Leandro),  meut.  as  having  killed  Avila  in  '31.  iii.  208.  M.  (Pablo),  at 
S.  Bern.  '46,  age  50.  Moran,  1847,  mr  of  the  Com.  Shubrick  and  Julian  '47- 
8.  M.  (John  H.),  1847,  Co.  I),  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.  F.  '71;  a  printer 
who  worked  on  the  Californian  and  was  sergt-at-arms  of  the  legislature. 

More,  1845,  doubtful  name  at  Sta  Clara.  M.  (Andrew  B.),  1848,  nat.  of 
Pa  who  came  to  Cal.  from  Mex.;  one  of  the  More  Bros  of  Sta  B.,  in  '80  a 
miner  in  Idaho,  with  resid.  at  Monterey,  Cal.  M.  (John  H.),  1847,  owner 
of  a  S.F.  lot.  Morehead  (Joseph  C.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504; 
nat.  of  Ky;  repres.  of  S.  Joaq.  in  1st  Cal.  legislature  '49-50;  d.  before  '82. 
Morelos  (Juan  de  Dios),  surgeon  of  the  Cal.  troops  at  Mont.  1800-3.  ii.  140, 
147,  150,  153. 

Moreno  (Antonio),  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  nat.  of  L.  Cal.,  age  46,  wife  Juliana. 
Tapia,  child.  Rita  b.  '18,  Carmen  '20,  Antonia  '26,  Magdalena  '28,  Lucia  '30, 

Manuel  '33,  Pedro  '35,  Jos6  '37,  Pedro  2d  '38, '39.       M.  (Carlos),  at  S.  Jose 

'41  age  29,  wife  Francisca  Garcia;  a  nat.  of  U.S.;  prob.  Chas  'Brown,'  q.v. ; 
grantee  of  land  at  S.F.  '42.  M.  (Guadalupe),  described  in  the  papers  as  115 
years  old,  at  Los  Ang.  '58.  M.  (Jesus),  sindico  at  S.  Diego  '30.  iii.  615; 
juez  de  paz  '41.  iv.  619;  owner  of  land  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41.  iv.  626;  d.  at  S. 
Luis  Rey  '71.  M.  (Jose),  mulatto  settler  of  Los  Ang.  1781-6.  i.  345.  M. 
(Jos<S  Matias),  Franciscan  of  Sta  Cruz  college,  Queretaro,  killed  by  Ind.  at  the 
Colorado  Riv.  pueblos  1781.  i.  359,  362.  M.  (Jose  Matfas),  1844,  nat.  of  L. 
Cal.  and  son  of  an  Engl.  whaler,  his  real  name  being  Brown.  He  received 
some  education  from  the  frontier  padres,  and  lived  in  Upper  Cal.  '44-6,  being 
arrested  at  Los  Ang.  '45.  iv.  522-3,  631.  In  '46,  ranking  as  capt.  of  defensores, 
he  served  as  clerk  and  acting  sec.  to  Gov.  Pico  for  a  short  time,  and  escaped 
with  the  gov.  to  Mex.,  carrying,  as  is  thought,  many  doc.  of  the  archives,  v.  279. 
He  returned  later  to  S.  Diego,  married  Prudenciana  Lopez,  and  settled  on 
the  frontier  rancho  of  Guadalupe.  In  '61-2  he  was  for  a  time  sub-prefect  of 
the  L.  Cal.  frontier  district;  and  died  at  his  rancho  in  '69  at  the  age  of  52, 
leaving  a  widow  and  5  children.  A  search  of  Moreno's  papers,  kindly  per- 
mitted by  the  widow  in  '78,  resulted  in  a  volume  of  copies  cited  as  Moreno, 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  M.  (Juan),  1836,  Swiss  who  came  with  Gov.  Chico.  iv.  118; 
at  S.F.  '40-2.  M.  (Juan),  grantee  of  Sta  Rosa,  S.  Diego,  '46.  v.  619;  owner 
of  Los  Ang.  land  '48.  M.  (Juan),  ment.  in  'SO  as  living  near  Los  Ang.  and 
at  least  110  years  old,  having  been  12  years  old  when  his  father  (Jose  ?)  set- 
tled in  1781  at  Los  Aug.;  doubtful.  M.  (Juan),  1827,  Span,  friar  who  served 
for  bhort  terms  at  5  missions,  and  died  at  Sta  Lie's  in  '45.  Biog.  iv.  645-6; 
ment.  ii.' 576,  623,  625,  655,  659,  664,  683,  685,  691;  iv.  46,  421,  426,  553, 
647-8.  M.  (Juan  Bautista),  1844,  Sonoran  soldier  who  deserted  and  came  to 
Cal.,  paying  his  way  by  gambling  and  making  saddles.  In  the  campaigns  of 
'46-7  he  served  as  capt.  of  volunteers,  and  was  wounded  at  the  S.  Gabriel 
fight.  He  went  to  Sonora  with  Flores,  but  came  back,  and  in  '78  at  Sta  B. 
dictated  for  me  his  recollections  of  a  Vida  Militar.  v.  308,  352,  394,  396,  449. 
M.  (Rafael  de  Jesus),  1833,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Zacatecanos,  who  served  at  Sta 
Clara,  and  also  in  '34-8  as  president  and  vice-prefect  of  the  northern  missions. 
He  died  at  mission  S.  Jose  in  '39.  Biog.  iii.  726-7;  ment.  iii.  318-19,  338,432; 
iv.  44,  63-4.  M.  (Santiago),  1824,  nat.  of  Ecuador  and  a  sailor;  went  to  China 
on  the  Rover  in  '25-6;  was  collector  and  sindico  of  the  Mont,  ayunt.  '27-9. 
ii.  612;  ment.  in  connection  with  the  Solis  revolt  '30.  iii.  82;  regidor  '32-3. 
iii.  673;  inaj.  and  admin,  of  S.  Luis  Ob.  '35-9.  iii.  354,  587,  682-3:  at  Mont. 
'51.  M.  (Teodoro),  1829,  Mex.  who  was  maj.  at  Laguna  Seca  rancho '36, 
age  50.  wife  Maria  Ant.  Cantua,  child.  Tomas  b.  '31,  Juan  '33,  Francisco  '35. 
iii.  677. 

Morey  (Barton,  Origin,  and  Rinaldo),  see  '  Mowry.'      M.  (Harley)  1847, 


746  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  M.  (Joseph  M.  W.),  1840,  Engl.  who  got  a 
passport.  M.  (Michael),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  685;  perhaps  '  Murrey.' 
Morgan,  1837  (?),  left  au  Engl.  schr  at  S.F. ,  and  with  John  Levick  built  a  cabin 
in  which  they  lived  aud  made  a  large  fortune,  till  '57,  when  L.  was  lost  on 
the  Central  America,  and  M.  drank  himself  to  death  in  a  m  nth  or  two.  Her- 
ald: iv.  US.  M.  (Geo.  E.),  1846,  mid.  U.S.N.;  acting  lieut  Co.  B,  Stock- 
ton's battalion  '46-7.  v.  386.  M.  (Van  Eenssalaer),  1846,  mr  on  the  U.S. 
Congress. 

Morillo  (Brigido),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46,  age  46;  child.  Maria  b.  '26,  Ramoua 
'28,  Aiiguel  '30,  Paula  '32,  Jose"  Manuel  '36.  M.  (Hilario),  aux.  alcalde  in  Los 
Aug.  dist.  '48.  v.  626.  M.  (Jorge),  at  Los  Ang.  '40;  cl.  for  Potrero  de  Lugo 
'52.  iv.  035.  M.  (Jose"  Ant.),  <;t  Los  Ang.  '46.  M.  (Jose"  Justo),  at  Las 
Bolsas,  Los  Ang.  dist.,  '39-52.  iii.  633.  M.  (Julian,  Miguel,  and  Tomas), 
at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Morin  (A.),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  453,  583; 
served  in  Cal.  Bat.,  Co.  B,  artill.  (v.  358);  died  in  the  mts  in  the  exped.  of 
'48.  M.  (John  L.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Morineau  (M.  P.), 
1833,  visitor  to  Cal.  about  this  year,  and  author  of  a  Notice,  iii.  408-9. 
Morjano,  1833,  visiting  priest  at  S.F.,  prob.  chaplain  of  a  Span,  vessel. 
Moro  (Faustino),  1842,  Mex.  director  of  hospitals,  or  'flficial  de  salud  inili- 
tar,'  with  the  batallon  fijo;  perhaps  did  not  come  till  '44.  iv.  289,  563. 
Morphew  (J.),  1825-6,  mr  of  the  Eliza,  iii.  140;  perhaps  'Murphy.'  Mor- 
rell  (Benj.),  1825,  mr  of  the  Tartar,  and  author  of  a  Narrative,  ii.  548,  551, 
588-90,  592,  610,  614,  616;  iii.  25,  28,  149.  M.  (Jesse),  1823,  nat.  of  N.  H., 
said  to  have  visited  the  coast  on  a  trader;  later  U.S.  consul  in  Australia  and 
a  druggist  at  Sac.,  where  he  died  in  '70,  leaving  a  family.  Morris,  1847, 
named  at  S.F. 

Morris  (Albert  F.),  1834,  British  subject  and  descendant  of  a  surveyor- 
gen,  of  Nova  Scotia,  for  9  years  a  sailor.  At  Los  Ang.  '36,  a  bachelor  aged 
27;  one  of  Graham's  riflemen  '36-S.  In  '40  he  was  exiled  with  the  rest,  but 
came  back  with  a  claim  for  damages,  iv.  8-9,  18-22,  24,  27-8,  31,  33,  37,  116. 
In  '42  he  went  up  the  Sac.  with  Capt.  Phelps;  is  mentioned  by  Mofras;  was 
at  Sta  Cruz  in  '43.  iv.  356;  and  in  '44  was  perhaps  grantee  of  the  Arastradero 
raucho.  iv.  655.  I  find  no  definite  record  of  his  later  life,  though  a  newspaper 
states  that  he  spent  the  last  part  of  his  life  with  Harvey  S.  Beal,  and  died  at 
Ten  Mile  River  (Mendocino  Co.  ?)  before  '72,  leaving  to  B  his  claim  of  630,- 
000!  It  was  about  this  time  that  his  Autobiography  of  a  Crazy  Man  fell  into 
my  hands.  It  is  a  most  interesting  narrative,  and  one  of  the  best  original 
authorities  on  the  Graham  affair,  though  marred  by  bitter  prejudice  and  even 
falsehood,  like  all  testimony  about  that  matter.  The  author  was  in  most  re- 
spects very  far  from  being  a  'crazy  man,'  a  term  that  had  been  given  him  by 
certain  enemies,  on  whom  he  exhausts  his  vocabulary  of  irony  and  wrath. 
M.  (John  S.),  1847,  named  by  Brackett  as  a  lieut.  iu  N.Y.  Vol.;  not  on  the 
roll.  M.  (Thos),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  hospital  steward  at  S. 
Diego;  in  '82  a  gardener  near  Salt  Lake  City. 

Morrison,  1847,  named  as  a  sergt  visiting  Sutter's  Fort.  M.  (Bradbury), 
1823,  sailor  on  the  Ilovrr.  M.  (Ludlam),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 
M.  (Perry),  1848,  nat.  of  Ind.,  who  came  from  Or.  to  the  mines;  in  Alamcda 
Co.  '49-82;  wife  Martha  Hastings;  children  Sam.  and  Geo.  P.  M.  (Roderick 
M.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  K,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  killed  near  Stockton  '49.  M. 
(W.),  1846,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358),  later  transferred  to  Co.  B,  artill.  Win 
M.  is  also  said  to  have  settled  in  Alameda  Co.  '47.  Morrow  (W.  J.),  1848, 
settler  in  Sonoma  Co.  Morse  (Henry),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d. 
S.  Joaq.  '49.  M.  (Thompson  H.),  1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  Morsine  (Juan 
J.),  184S,  of  N.  Mex.  caravan,  v.  625.  Morton  (Freeman),  1847,  Co.  A, 
N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  Stockton  about  '50.  M.  (Henry  S.),  1847,  sergt 
Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504;  d.  at  Stockton  '55. 

Mosely  (Sam.),  1846,  surgeon  on  the  U.S.  Congress;  witness  at  the  Fremont 
court-martial,  v.  420.  Moses  (Ambrose  T. ),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony 
with  wife  Clarissa  and  4  children,  v.  546.  He  left  the  church  or  was  excom- 
municated on  the  voyage.  He  lived  5  or  0  years  at  the  mission,  and  then  went 


MOSES -MULLIGAN".  747 

to  Sta  Cruz,  where  he  died,  perhaps  after  '70.  His  wife  died  in  the  faith  at 
S.F.  a  little  earlier.  A  son,  Norman,  still  lives,  perhaps  at  Sta  Cruz.  One 
daughter  married  Eustaquio  Valencia  and  died  at  S.F. ;  another  became  Mrs 
Mason,  and  after  her  husband's  death  went  to  Utah,  where  she  still  lived  in 
'84.  Moss  (David),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Mossia  (Antonio), 
1857,  musician  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Mota  (Antonio  Ruiz  de  la),  1825  (?),  Mex.  lieut-col  in  the  war  of  indepen- 
dence, and  later  a  robber  chief  sent  to  Cal.  as  a  convict.  On  the  coming  of 
Gov.  Figueroa,  an  old  friend,  he  was  released  and  became  maj.  of  Jiineno 
Casariu's  estate.  He  married  and  had  two  sons,  Antonio  and  Maximiano, 
acquiring  some  property  as  a  ranchero  and  in  settling  Jimeno's  affairs.  His 
conduct  in  Cal.  was  good,  and  he  took  but  slight  part  in  public  affairs,  though 
mentioned  in  '46.  v.  363.  About  '53  he  went  to  Mex.,  where  he  lost  all  his 
property,  and  in  '56  was  brought  back  to  Cal.  by  Mrs  Jimeno.  He  rented 
some  land  near  Sta  Cruz,  was  abandoned  by  his  sons,  and  died  in  great  pov- 
erty. M.  (Manuel),  1836,  Portuguese  laborer  on  Hartnell's  rancho,  where 
he  died  '38.  M.  (Rafael),  Mex.  at  rancho  S.  Felipe,  Mont.,  '36,  age  40.  iii. 
678;  still  at  Mont.  '51.  Moti,  a  Sotoyome  chief  '37.  iv.  72.  Mott,  1846, 
mr  of  the  Vancouver. 

Mouet  (John),  1847,  at  Sutler's  Fort  and  the  mines  '47-8.  Moulton  (B. 
F.),  1848,  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  rolls.  M.  (Elijah  T.),  1846,  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.  (v. 
358);  said  to  be  living  at  Los  Ang.  in  late  years.  M.  (Joseph),  1846,  French 
Creole  of  Fremont's  garrison  left  at  Sta  B.  under  Talbot.  v.  316.  Moultr}' 
(Riley  Septimus),  1846,  overl.  immig.  with  wife,  Mary  Lard,  married  on  the 
journey,  and  one  of  the  1st  Donner  relief,  v.  538.  He  settled  at  Sta  Clara;  I 
have  no  record  of  what  became  of  him;  was  possibly  still  living  in  Sta  Clara 
Co.  '80-4,  as  was  Mrs  M.  at  Saratoga.  A  son,  Wm  Elliott  M.,  born  at  Sta 
Clara  Oct.  '47,  lived  at  Sta  Cruz  '84.  Mounich  (Win),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499).  Mount  (Hiram  B.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  M. 
(Joseph),  1848,  said  to  have  come  this  year;  cl.  for  part  of  Entre  Napa  rancho 
'52.  Mouser  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  drowned  in  S.  Joaq. 
Riv.  '47.  Mover  (M),  1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los  Ang.  list. 

Mowatt  (Andrew),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Mowry  (Barton),  1846,  one  of 
the  Mormon  colony  with  wife  and  two  sons.  v.  546.  He,  like  each  of  his  sous, 
was  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  from  '47,  and  a  member  of  the  town  council  in  '48. 
v.  649,  679,  686.  He  left  the  church  and  became  a  spiritualist,  dying,  I  think, 
at  S.F.  many  years  later.  His  wife,  or  widow,  with  one  of  the  sons,  Rinaldo, 
went  to  Utah,  where  they  lived  in  84.  The  other  son,  Origin,  nat.  of  R.I.  and 
a  mason  by  trade,  was  a  miner  and  trader  in  '48-9,  and  later  a  rich  farmer  in 
Alameda  Co.,  where  he  lived  in  '85,  age  60,  with.  4  children.  Portrait  in 
Alam.  Co.  Hist.,  616.  M.  (James),  1847,  perhaps  of  Morm.  Bat.;  reenl. 
M.  (John  T.),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  at  Paris,  Id.,  '82.  M. 
(Ignacio,  Joaquin,  Jose",  and  Juan),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Moya  (Ramon),  1808, 
com.  of  the  S.  CCirlos.  ii.  87-  M.  (Trinindad),  convict  tanner  in  '34;  in  '41  at 
S.  Jos6,  age  37;  in '43  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  iv.  669;  v.  680.  Moz  (Francois),  1833, 
Cnnadian  who  came  perhaps  with  Walker,  iii.  391,  or  from  N.  Mex.;  natural- 
ized in  "40,  being  than  a  tanner  at  Zayante. 

Mugartegui  (Pablo),  1774,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly  at  S.  Juan  Cap. 
and  retired  in  '89;  at  one  time  vice-president.  Biog.  i.  459;  ment.  i.  218, 
224,  227,  299,  304,  351,  388,  417,  498-9,  581,  597;  ii.  123.  Muir  (Wm  S.), 
1847,  sergt  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  a  farmer  in  Utah  "81.  Mulholland, 
1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Mulkcy  (Wesley),  1848,  nat.  of  N.C.,  who 
came  overland  to  Or.  in  '44,  and  to  the  Cal.  mines  in  '48-9;  in  '62  went  to 
Idaho,  where  he  still  lived,  at  Lewiston,  in  '85;  married  '38  to  Mary  Black; 
no  children. 

Mulligan  (John),  1814-15,  Irish  sailor  who  landed,  perhaps  from  the  /vnac 
Todd,  certainly  from  some  vessel  before  '19,  when  he  was  permitted  to  settle 
and  marry,  ii.  272,  277,  292,  393.  At  Mont.  '23-6.  ii.  496,  612;  taught  the 
art  of  weaving  to  Ind.  at  different  missions;  and  later  had  an  interest  in 
Cooper's  rancho  on  the  Salinas,  where  a  sand  hill  was  long  known  as  Mulli- 


748  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

gan  Head.  He  was  a  hard  drinker,  lost  his  property,  and  died  in  '34.  His 
name  was  properly  Milligau,  and  I  have  several  letters  from  his  father  in 
Ireland.  M.  (Simpson),  1846,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Mullingtou 
(Chas),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  Mulvey  (James),  1847,  sergt  Co.  F.  N.  Y. 
Vol.  v.  504;  d.  S.F.  in  '65.  Mumin  (Christian),  1846,  at  Los  Ang.;  Cal. 
claim  $ii3  (v.  462);  at  Napa  and  N.  Helv.  '47. 

Mufioz  (Juan  Ant.),  1832,  Mex.  capt.  of  artill.  '32-36,  being  exiled  with 
Gutierrez  in  '36,  being  then  36  years  old,  wife  Manuela  Cruz,  child.  Joaquiu 
b.  '27,  Jesus  ;32,  Ramona  '29.  Biog.  iii.  467;  ment.  iii.  239,  445,  455-6,  4(30, 
4G3-6,  671,  G74,  677.  M.  (Luciano),  1830,  capt.  appt.  to  Cal.;  prob.  did  not 
come.  iii.  54.  M.  (Manuel),  ribbon-maker  and  instructor  1792-5.  i.  615. 
M.  (Maria  de  la  Luz),  1st  person  buried  at  S,  F.  '76;  wife  of  J.  M.  Valencia, 
i.  297.  M.  (Pedro),  1804,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly  at  S.  Fernando, 
retiring  on  account  of  illness  in  '17.  Biog.  ii.  357;  ment.  ii.  i.2-5,  85-6,  115-16, 
149,  159-60,  246,  328,  394,  449.  M.  (Sebastian),  grantee  of  Orestimba  rancho 
'44.  iv.  672. 

Munras  (EsteVan),  1820,  Span,  trader  at  Mont.,  described  in  '28  as  8 
years  a  resident;  elector  de  partido  and  memb.  of  the  dip.  in  '27;  not  obliged 
to  quit  Cal.  on  account  of  his  race.  ii.  613;  iii.  33,  36,  5P-2;  joined  the  comp. 
extranjera  in  '32,  having  been  prominent  in  aiding  foreigners,  iii.  82,  221. 
In  '36  age  46,  wife  C'atalina  Manzaneli  of  Tepic,  child.  Concepcion  b.  '23, 
Antonia  '26,  Engracia  '33,  Anastasia  '28,  Jos6  Narciso  '35;  his  position  in 
the  Alvarado  revolution,  iii.  454-5,  469,  524;  alcalde  in  '37  and  juez  in  '40. 
iii.  675-6;  vocal  of  the  junta  '43-5.  iv.  361,  411,  521,  540,  654.  He  was  the  gran- 
tee  of  3  ranches,  Laguna  Seca,  S.  Fraaciaq.uito,  and  &.  Vicente,  the  first  two 
being  in  his  wife's~name.^iiir677-8.  In  '45  Larkin  described  M.  as  a  man  of 
property  and  character,  disgusted  with  Mex.  politics,  and  ready  for  a  change 
of  govt.  He  died  about  '53.  One  of  his  daughters  married  Dr  McKee.  M. 
(Manuel),  juez  de  paz  at  Mont.  '39.  iii.  675.  M.  (Salvador),  brother  of 
Estevan  who  came  after  '36;  sindico  at  Mont.  '44.  iv.  653;  treasurer  in  '46. 
v.  289,  637.  Larkin  describes  him  in  '45  as  an  old  resident,  a  man  of  family 
and  property,  disgusted  with  politics.  On  the  Mont,  assessment  rolls  '50-1; 
said  to  have  gone  to  Spain  in  '58.  Munroe  (James),  1847,  settler  at  Benicia. 
M.  (John),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Muuson  (Leonard),  1847,  Co. 
A,  ditto;  at  Two  Rocks,  Sonoma  Co.,  '82. 

Murch  (Wm  B.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Mont.  '47.  Mur- 
cilla  (Andres),  1839,  mr  of  the  Dan.  O'Conndf.  iv.  103.  Murdock  (John 
R.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  M.  (Price),  1847,  ditto.  Murcl 
(Jean  B.),  Fr.  servant  of  Estrada  at  Mont,  in  36,  age  24.  Murey  (H.), 
1848,  from  Hon.  on  the  Juliana.  Murga  (Manuel),  1801,  com.  of  the  Actii:o. 
ii.  5.  Murguia  (Jos6  Ant.  de  Jesus),  1773,  Span,  friar,  who  served  chiefly 
at  Sta  Clara,  where  he  died  in  '84.  Biog.  i.  476;  meut.  i  .123-4,  194,  196, 
297,  299,  304,  306,  351,  ?S5,  388,  410,  631.  Murielle  (Pierre),  Fr.  servant  of 
Herrera  at  Mont.  '38,  age  19.  Murillo  (Brigido),  maj.  at  S.  Luis  Rey  '28- 
30.  ii.  553.  M.  (Eugenic),  banished  to  Texas  '35.  iii.  674.  Muro  (Miguel), 
1842,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Zacatecanos,  who  served  at  S.  Josd  mission,  and  re- 
tired in  '45.  Biog.  iv.  680;  ment.  iv.  371,  423,  553,  675. 

Murphy,  1836,  a  priest  apparently  connected  with  Hartnell's  school;  ment. 
by  PP.  Short  and  Bachelor  at  Hon.  '39.  M.  (Bernard),  1844,  son  of  Mar- 
tin and  member  of  the  Stevens  overl.  immig.  party,  iv.  445,  453.  He  settled 
in  Sta  Clara  Co.;  was  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  47;  was  claimant  for  several 
ranchos.  iii.  712;  iv.  674;  and  was  killed  in  '53  by  the  explosion  of  the  Jenny 
LI  ml  in  S.F.  Bay.  M.  (Bernard  D.),  1844,  son  of  Martin,  Jr,  who  came  in 
the  Stevens  party  at  the  age  of  three,  being  a  nat.  of  Canada,  iv.  445,  453. 
He  was  educated  at  Sta  Clara,  becoming  a  lawyer  and  banker;  memb.  of  the 
assembly  '68,  and  of  the  senate  '77 ;  mayor  of  S.  Jos6  '73.  He  married  Annie  Mc- 
Geoghegan  in  '69,  and  still  lives  at  San  Jose  '85  with  5  children,  Mary,  Eve- 
line, Martin,  Elizabeth,  and  Gertrude.  M.  (Daniel),  1844,  son  of  Martin, 
and  nat.  of  Canada,  iv.  445,  4.r>3.  He  served  in  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  hud 
a  Cal.  claim  of  $15  for  a  horse  (v.  462);  owned  a  S.F.  lot  '47;  and  settled 


MURPHY— MURPHY.  749 

•with  his  father  and  brothers  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  He  was  claimant  for  Las  Llagas 
ranclio,  and  became  the  owner  of  immense  tracts  of  land  in  Cal.,  Nev.,  Ariz., 
and  Mex.,  being  one  of  the  largest  stock-raisers  in  the  world.  He  died  in 
Nev.  '82,  leaving  a  widow  and  two  children,  Daniel,  Jr,  age  22,  and  Diana; 
another  daughter,  Mrs  Chapman,  having  died  before.  M.  (J.),  1825,  mr 
of  the  Eliza,  iii.  146.  M.  (Jacobo),  1792,  alfe"rez  in  Malaspina's  exped. 
i.  490.  M.  (Jarnes),  1825,  owner  of  live-stock  near  S.  Jose";  prob.  an  error 
in  the  date.  M.  (James),  1837,  pass,  on  the  Europa.  iv.  103. 

Murphy  (James),  1844,  sou  of  Martin,  b.  in  Ireland,  accomp.  on  the  over- 
land trip  by  wife  and  child,  iv.  445,  453.  He  worked  as  a  lumberman  at  S. 
Rafael,  and  is  often  named  in  the  N.  Helv.  Diary  '45-7;  owner  of  S.F.  lots 
'46-7.  He  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  '48;  was  claimant  tor  Cazadores  rancho, 
Sac.  Val.,  iv.  671,  and  also  with  his  brothers  for  Las  Llagas.  Still  living  in 
Sta  Clara  Co.  '85.  His  wife  was  Ann  Martin,  daughter  of  Patrick  M.  of  the 
Stevens  party,  and  his  children  were  Mary  F.,  b.  '42,  Martin  B.  '45,  Wm  B. 
'50,  Lizzie  A.  '53,  Julia  A.  '57,  Daniel  J.  '61.  M.  (James),  1844,  son  of 
Martin,  Jr,  who  crossed  the  plains  as  a  boy.  iv.  445,  453;  ment.  at  Sutler's 
Fort  '45;  perhaps  cashier  of  his  brother's  bank  at  S.  Jos6  '78.  M.  (James), 
1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  M.  (John),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Stockton  about  '50;  also  said  to  be  living  at  S.  in  '75.  In- 
dep.  M.  (John  Landrum),  1846,  son  of  Mrs  Lavinia  M.  of  the  Donner 
party;  died  in  the  nits.  v.  531,  534 

Murphy  (John  M.),  1844,  son  of  Martin,  and  memb.  of  the  Stevens  party, 
iv.  445,  453.  He  was  active  in  raising  volunteers  in  '46  at  Sta  Clara,  and  in 
the  Sanchez  campaign  served  as  lieut.  v.  298,  380;  at  N.  Helv.  '47;  owner  of 
S.F.  lots;  and  member  of  the  S.  Jos6  council,  v.  664.  In  '48  associated  with 
Weber  in  trade  at  Stockton;  also  engaged  in  mining  with  great  success — ex- 
cept in  keeping  his  gold.  Murphy's  camp  took  its  name  from  him.  In  '58  he 
testified  that  he  had  held  the  offices  of  treasurer,  recorder,  and  sheriff  of  Sta 
Clara  Co.,  and  mayor  of  S.  Jose\  Still  living  at  S.  Jose"  as  a  trader  in  '80,  and 
prob.  in  '85.  His  wife  was  Virginia  Reed  of  the  Donner  party,  and  they  had 
6  children.  M.  (Lavinia),  1846,  widow  from  Tenn.,  in  the  Donner  party, 
with  4  sons  and  3  daughters,  v.  531,  534-7.  She  and  2  sons,  Lemuel  B.  and 
John  L.,  died  in  the  Sierra;  2  sons,  Win  G.  and  Simon  P.,  surviving,  as  did 
the  daughters  Mrs  Pike,  Mrs  Foster,  and  Mary.  The  latter  married  Wm 
Johnson  in  '47,  and  in  '48  Chas  Covillaud.  The  city  of  Marysville  was  named 
for  her,  and  she  died  before  '80,  leaving  5  children.  M.  (Lemuel),  1846,  son 
of  Lavinia,  who  died  as  above. 

Murphy  (Martin),  1844,  nat.  of  Ireland  who  emigrated  to  Canada  in  '20, 
and  to  Mo.  .'40.  Here  he  became  dissatisfied  on  account  of  malaria  which 
killed  his  wife,  and  the  lack  of  religious  influence  for  his  children,  and  at  the 
age  of  60  resolved  to  cross  the  plains  to  Cal.  as  a  catholic  country  of  fertile 
soil  and  salubrious  climate.  He  came  in  the  Stevens  party  with  his  children 
and  grandchildren  as  named  in  this  register,  and  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co., 
where  the  family  became  prominent  and  wealthy.  He  was  the  owner  of  a 
S.F.  lot  in  '47,  and  in  '52  was  claimant  for  a  rancho.  iv.  672,  684.  Several  of 
the  sons  served  under  Sutter  in  the  campaign  of  '45.  iv.  486.  The  old  patri- 
arch died  in  '65  at  the  age  of  80.  His  daughter  Mary  was  Mrs  James  Miller; 
Ellen  was  Mrs  Townsend  in  '44,  and  later  Mrs  C.  M.  Weber;  Johanna  was 
later  Mrs  Fitzpatrick  of  Gilroy;  and  Margaret  became  Mrs  Kell  of  S.  Jose. 
M.  (Martin,  Jr),  1844,  son  of  Martin,  accomp.  by  wife  and  4  sons,  a  daughter 
being  born  in  camp  at  Donner  Lake.  iv.  445,  453.  He  settled  on  the  Cosumues, 
and  his  visits  to  New  Helv.  are  often  noted  in  the  diary.  His  rancho  is  often 
mentioned  by  travellers  between  the  bay  and  Sac.  and  there  it  was  that  Arce's 
horses  were  taken  and  the  Bear  revolt  begun,  v.  108.  In  '50  the  family  set- 
tled in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  where  in  '81  the  golden  wedding  was  celebrated,  and 
where  Martin  died  in  '84  at  the  age  of  78,  leaving  an  immense  estate.  His 
sons,  Bernard  D.,  Patrick  W.,  James,  and  Martin,  are  named  in  this  regis- 
ter. His  daughters  surviving  him  were  Mrs  R.  T.  Carroll  and  Mrs  Joaquin 
Arques;  another,  Mrs  Wm  P.  Taafe,  having  died.  Portrait  of  M.  in  Sta  Clara 


750  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Co.  Hint.  M.  (Martin  J.),  1844,  son  of  Martin,  Jr,  a  small  boy  at  arrival; 
seems  to  have  died  before  '84.  M.  (Patrick  W.),  1844,  son  of  Martin,  Jr,  a 
boy  at  arrival,  who  became  a  rich  farmer  in  S.  Luis  Ob.,  representing  that 
region  in  the  state  senate  '65-8,  '78.  Portrait  in  S,  Luia  Ob.  Co.  Mist.,  32-3. 
M.  (Simon  P.),  184G,  son  of  Lavinia  and  survivor  of  the  Donner  party,  v. 
531,  535,  who  returned  to  Tenn.,  served  in  the  war  of  '61-5,  and  died  in 
'73,  leaving  a  widow  and  5  children.  M.  (Thomas),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499). 

Murphy  (Timothy),  1828,  Irishman  from  Lima,  who  worked  for  a  year  or 
two  as  clerk  for  Hartnell  &  Co.  at  Mont.,  subsequently  entering  the  service 
of  Capt.  Cooper,  iii.  178;  ii.  609.  From  '29  his  name  appears  in  various 
records;  joined  the  comp.  extranjera  in  '32.  iii.  221;  on  Larkin's  books  '33-5; 
often  engaged  in  otter-hunting.  About  '36  he  settled  north  of  the  bay,  and  in 
'37-42  ho  was  admin,  of  S.  Rafael,  iii.  718;  iv.  117,  676.  I  have  many  of  his 
original  letters  of  these  years.  Don  Timoteo  was  a  good  penman,  but  his 
Spanish  was  peculiar,  and  his  letters  too  often  contained  vulgar  expressions 
and  insults  to  all  with  whom  lie  did  not  agree;  yet  he  was  on  the  whole  a 
good-natured  and  popular  man.  In  '39  he  was  naturalized;  in  '40  once  put  in 
the  calabozo  by  Vallejo.  iv.  171;  in  '41  ment.  by  Sir  Geo.  Simpson,  who  says 
he  had  been  a  candidate  for  marriage  with  one  of  Vallejo's  sisters,  iv.  218. 
As  compared  with  other  administrators,  M.  was  a  faithful  guardian  of  the 
neophytes'  interest;  favored  those  of  Vallejo  as  he  was  employed  to  do;  and 
by  no  means  neglected  his  own.  In  '44  he  was  grantee  of  the  S.  Pedro,  etc., 
raucho,  later  confirmed  to  him.  iv.  676;  and  he  also  represented  the  Ind. 
in  their  unsuccessful  claim  for  Tinicasia.  Juez  de  paz  in  '45.  v.  676-7.  In  the 
troubles  of  '46-7  he  took  no  part;  owned  S.  F.  lots  in  '47;  took  some  part  in 
local  politics,  v.  452,  455,  610;  was  alcalde,  Ind.  agent,  and  land  commis- 
sioner '47-8.  v.  670;  and  is  mentioned  by  Sherman,  Revere,  and  Mason.  He 
was  a  liberal  giver  to  several  catholic  institutions,  and  died  in  '53,  leaving 
his  property  to  nephews.  M.  (Wm  G.),  1846,  son  of  Lavinia  and  survivor 
of  the  Donner  party,  v.  531,  534.  He  remained  in  the  Sac.  Val.  till  '49,  when 
he  went  East  to  be  educated  and  married,  returning  in  '58.  He  was  a  lawyer  at 
Virginia  City,  Nev. ,  to  '66,  and  since  that  time  at  Marysville,  Cal. ,  being  city 
attorney,  and  having  a  family  of  7  children  in  '80. 

Murray,  1848,  shoemaker  at  S.  F.  Feb.  with  wife;  arriv.  at  S.  F.  from 
Tahiti,  March;  at  the  mines  from  Mont.;  had  a  store  at  Sutter's  Fort,  of  firm 
M.  &  Lappeus — prob.  several  individuals.  M.  (Chas),  1847,  purser  on  the 
U.  S.  Erie.  M.  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Calaveras  '55. 
M.  (Ed.),  1847,  Co.  K,  ditto;  owner  of  S.  F.  lots.  He  was  perhaps  the  M.  who 
was  in  trade  in  Sac.  '48,  and  later  lived  in  the  North  Beach  region  of  S.  F., ' 
with  a  reputation  not  of  the  best;  still  living  in  '55.  M.  (Francis),  1847, 
Co.  H,  ditto;  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot;  corp.  in  S.  F.  Guards  '48;  d.  before  '82. 
M.  (Mary),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546;  left  the  church ;  said  to  live 
at  S.  Jos<§  '84.  M.  (Michael),  1846,  settler  at  S.  Jose;  in  the  mines  '48;  in 
Sta  Clara  Co.  '60.  Hall;  Breen;  Carson;  Uittell.  M.  (Owen),  1848,  Soc.  Cal. 
Pion.  rolls;  d.  Oakland  after  '81.  M.  (Robert),  1847,  assist  surg.  U.  S.  A., 
serving  with  N.  Y.Vol.  and  Co.  F,  3d  artill.  v.  503,  511;  at  S.  F.  '71-4;  in 
'82  assist  surg. -gen.  in  N.  Y.  M.  (R.  A.),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358). 
M.  (Walter),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.  Y.  Vol.  v.  504-6;  serving  at  Sta  B.  and  in  L. 
Cal.  He  was  a  nat.  of  England,  and  by  trade  a  printer.  Went  to  the  mines 
'48;  established  the  Sonora  Herald  '52;  and  in  \>3  settled  at  S.  Luis  Ob., 
where  he  practised  law  and  established  the  Tribune,  serving  also  in  the  legis- 
lature. In  '73  he  was  appointed  judge  of  the  1st  district,  and  held  that  posi- 
tion at  the  time  of  his  death  in  '75.  His  Narrative  of  a  Cal.  Volunteer  is  a 
copy  of  his  original  diary,  and  is  one  of  the  best  authorities  on  the  history  of 
the  regiment. 

Muse  (Wm),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.  S.  Lexington.  Musgrave  (Alfred), 
1846,  nat.  of  Tenn.  and  overl.  immig.,  who  served  in  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  358; 
lived  in  Napa  till  '67,  when  he  left  Cal.  M.  (Charles),  1846,  brother  of 
Alfred,  who  also  served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.  and  lived  in  Napa;  in  '69  in  S.  Luis 


MUSGRAVE-NARVAEZ.  751 

Ob.  Co.;  also  called  Calvin.  Musty  (John),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons 
(v.  336).  Mutrel  (Jean  Baptiste),  1827,  French  pilot  on  the  Nereid,  wrecked 
on  the  L.  Cal.  coast  in  a  schooner  employed  by  the  Nereid  for  seal-hunting, 
v.  478.  He  came  to  Cal.  in  '27  to  drive  cattle  across  the  frontier,  iii.  176;  and 
in  '28-9  became  a  resident  at  S.  Diego,  ii.  545;  in  '36  at  Buenavista  rancho, 
near  Mont.,  age  27;  went  to  Mont,  in  '40;  in  '46  at  Los  Ang. 

Myers,  1845,  at  Sutter's  Fort;  perhaps  'Meyers.'  M.,  1845,  apothecary 
at  N.  Helv.  Nov.  from  below.  M.,  1848,  of  firm  Adler  &  M.,  Sonoma.  M. 
(A.  S.),  1847,  captain's  clerk  on  the  U.S.  Lexington.  M.  (Courten),  1847, 
doubtful  name  at  N.  Helv. ;  called  a  volunteer;  on  his  way  to  Salt  Lake  with 
a  band  of  horses.  M.  (Geo.  A.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  358).  M. 
(Jack),  1847,  at  Sutter's  Fort;  perhaps  John.  M.  (John),  1847,  Co.  G,  N. Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499).  M.  (John  J.),  1845,  one  of  Fremont's  men,  iv.  583,  who  served 
as  sergt-maj.  of  the  Cal.  Bat.,  v.  360,  and  was  later  lieut;  Cal.  claim  of  $130 
(v.  462).  M.  (Russell),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  later  trader  and 
deputy  sheriff  at  Sonora;  major  of  vol.  in  war  of  '61-5;  in  N.Y.  city  '84.  M. 
(Sam.),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  sergt  of  reenl.  comp.  v.  495;  trial 
in  '48.  v.  610-11;  in  '81  a  carpenter  in  Utah.  M.  (Wm),  1848,  associate  of 
Lassen  in  Tehama  Co.,  who  prob.  came  earlier;  alcalde  in  '49.  M.  (Wm  H.), 
1846,  gunner  on  the  U.S.  Dale.  Myler  (James),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat. 
(v.  469).  Myrick,  1844,  mr  of  the  Sarah  '44-5. 

Nachborn  (Benj.),  1847,  married  at  S.  Jose"  to  a  Sra  Mojica.  Nactre" 
(Eugenio),  neoph.  elector  of  S.  Antonia  '26-7.  ii.  622;  iii.  33.  Nadal,  1845, 
from  Hon.  on  the  Fama.  N.  (Jos6),  1825,  Span,  who  came  on  the  Aquiles, 
apparently  sent  away  in  '30.  iii.  51-2.  Nagle  (Ferdinand),  1847,  Co.  C,  N. 
Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  N.  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Na- 
glee  (Henry  Morris),  1847,  capt.  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  v.  504,  564,  666,  672.  A 
nat.  of  Pa,  graduate  of  West  Point,  and  lieut  5th  U.S.  infantry.  After  being 
mustered  out  he  became  a  banker  at  S.F. ;  in  the  war  of  '61-5  he  served  as 
lieut-col  of  the  regular  army,  and  brig. -gen.  of  volunteers;  but  returned  to 
Cal.  and  settled  at  S.  Jose,  where  he  is  well  known  down  to  '85  as  a  man  of 
wealth  and  manufacturer  of  brandy.  His  wife  was  a  daughter  of  Mai.  Ring- 
gold,  U.S.A. 

Naile  (Conrad),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  N.  (Henry), 
1836,  Amer.  trapper  from  N.  Mex.,  named  in  a  Los  Ang.  list  of  the  year, 
iv.  117-18;  but  soon  coming  north  to  join  Graham  at  his  distillery.  From 
'38  his  name  appears  in  Larkin's  accounts  and  other  Mont,  records;  in  '39 
with  Graham  he  had  a  plan  to  raise  a  party  and  cross  the  mts  eastward,  which 
unfortunately  failed;  and  in  '40  he  was  seriously  wounded  in  resisting  arrest, 
and  for  this  reason  was  not  one  of  the  exiles,  iv.  14,  17,  18-22.  From  that 
time  he  lived  in  the  Sta  Cruz  region  as  a  lumberman,  being  interested  with 
Graham  in  a  saw-mill;  in  '42  signed  an  appeal  to  the  U.  S.  for  indemnity;  was 
naturalized  in  '44;  at  Branciforte '45,  age  36  and  single;  and  in  April  '46  was 
killed  by  James  Williams,  who  had  rented  his  mill,  in  a  quarrel  about  the 
contract,  v.  641-2.  Nalle,  1841,  purser  on  the  U.S.  Yorktown.  Nanhozen 
(Jerome),  1836,  named  in  Larkin's  books. 

Narciso,  Ind.  chief  in  Sac.  Val.  '40.  iv.  137.  Narrimore  (Mrs  Mercy), 
1846,  of  the  Mormon  colony  with  her  son  Edwin.  She  went  back  to  Hon.  on 
the  D.  Quixote,  but  returned,  and  was  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  in  '47.  v.  546,  549. 
Narvaez,  1791,  com.  of  the  Iforcasitas.  i.  493.  N.  (Agustin),  alcalde  at  S. 
Jos6  '21,  and  regidor  '27.  ii.  604-5;  in  '41  age  63,  wife  Josefa  Higuera,  child. 
Antonio  b.  '31,  Lugarda  '26,  Maria  Guad.  '28,  Teresa  '30,  Marfa  D.  '33.  N. 
(Bias),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '39-43;  at  S.  Mateo  '35.  iv.  667.  N.  (Joa- 
quin),  at  S.  Jos6'41,  age  36,  wife  Maria  Ant.  Sepiilveda,  child.  Salvador  b.'28, 
Guadalupe  '30,  Pilar  '31,  Maria  de  los  Ang.  '33,  Jose"  de  la  Luz  '34,  Francisco 
'35,  Lugardo  '37.  N.  (Jose"  Agustin),  settler  at  Branciforte  1797-8.  i.  569, 
571;  grantee  of  S.  Juan  B.,  Mont.,  '44.  iv.  655;  perhaps  same  as  Agustin 
above.  N.  (Jos6  Marfa),  1808,  com.  of  the  Princesa.  ii.  87;  in  '27  com.  of 
the  S.  Corlos.  ii.  456,  458,  470,  474.  N.  (Miguel),  1822,  alf<§rez  on  the  S. 


752  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Carlos,  ii.  458.  N.  (Miguel),  in  S.  Jose"  dist.,  age  30,  wife  Raimunda  Buelua, 
child  Agustin;  at  the  S.  Juan  B.  rancho  'oo.  N.  (Pedro),  Mex.  naval  lieut 
unattached;  capt.  of  the  port  Mont.  '39-44.  iii.  672,  676;  iv.  97,  367,  339, 
357,  408,  431,  653;  in  '44  grantee  <  f  Paso  de  Robles.  iv.  655;  in  "45  mil.  com. 
at  Mont.  iv.  652;  in  '46  served  under  Castro  and  was  a  memb.  of  the  1st  jury, 
v.  12,  34,  41,  232,  289.  I  have  no  later  record  of  him. 

Nash,  1846,  mr  of  the  America,  v.  576.  N.  (Mrs),  1846,  efforts  to  organ- 
ize a  school  for  her  at  N.  Helv.  in  Jan.  N.  (John  H.),  1845,  Amer.  lawyer 
and  overl.  immig.  in  the  Hastings  party,  iv.  586-7.  Nothing  is  definitely 
recorded  of  him  from  the  time  he  left  N.  Helv.  for  S.F.  in  Jan.  "46  to  Oct., 
when  he  went  to  Sonoma  with  Bryant,  but  he  perhaps  took  some  part  in  the 
revolt.  In  Dec.  he  was  made  alcalde  at  Sonoma,  being  -an  illiterate,  well- 
meaning  old  man,  who  called  himself  'chief  justice,'  and  attached  great  im- 
portance to  his  office.  In  June  '47  he  refused  to  give  up  the  office  to  Boggs, 
v/ho  was  appointed  to  succeed  him,  whereupon  Lieut  Sherman  was  sent  to 
arrest  the  recalcitrant  alcalde  and  carry  him  a  prisoner  to  Mont.,  where  he 
soon  became  penitent,  v.  608-10,  667-9.  With  Grigsbyand  Ide,  Nash  signed, 
iu  May  '47,  a  Hist,  of  the  Bear  Flag  Revolt,  having  been  in  Sept.  '46  sec.  of 
a  meeting  of  ex-Bears,  v.  189,  298.  In  April  '48  he  visited  the  mines  as  a 
committee  of  investigation  to  report  for  the  benefit  of  Sonoma  residents;  and 
later  in  the  year  he  returned  to  Mormon  Isl.,  where  he  died  the  same  winter. 
N.  (Wm  H.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  who  settled  with  his  family  in  Napa  Vul.; 
in  '49  is  said  to  have  built  the  1st  school-house  there;  and  still  lived  at  St 
Helena  in  '69. 

Navarrete  (Bernardo),  1833,  Mex.  lieut,  attached  to  Mont.  comp. ;  went 
to  Mex.  on  the  downfall  of  Gutierrez  in  '36.  iii.  467,  240,  442,  403-6,  671. 
N.  (Jos<§  Antonio),  1819,  Mex.  capt.  of  the  S.  Bias  infantry  comp.  in  Cal.  '19 
-22,  and  in  '20  com.  of  the  post  at  Mont.  ii.  607-8,  252,  254-5,  265,  379,  422, 
451,  461.  463,  609,  675.  N.  (Ramon),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '21-3;  at 
Mont.  '26.  ii.  612.  Navarro  (Josd  Ant.),  mestizo  settler  of  Los  Aug.  1786- 
1800.  i.  345,  348-9,  484,  640.  N.  (Guillermo),  alfeYez  in  '39.  iii.  58:5;  at  Sta 
B.  earlier,  wife  Dionisia  Dominguez,  4  child. ;  at  Los  Aug.  '46.  N.  (Teodoro), 
soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '28-34;  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Nay  (Jos6),  1832,  got  a 
passp.  at  Los  Ang.  Nazario,  Ind.  cook  at  S.  Diego,  ii.  345. 

Ncail  (John),  1847,  ownerof  lot  at  S.F.  Neal,  1848,  miner  at  Adams'Bar. 
N.  (John),  1845,  at  Slitter's  I^ort  often  in  '45-7,  several  times  arriving  from 
the  bay  and  Sonoma  with  reports  of  impending  hostilities  by  the  Californians. 
iv.  578,  587;  v.  128,  170.  As  he  came  from  Sonoma  June  20th,  he  may  have 
been  one  of  the  original  Bears.  He  was  an  Irish  sailor,  a  rough  character,  who 
lived  in  Colusa  Co.  till  about  '56,  when — or  earlier,  as  Bidwell  thinks — he 
killed  a  man  in  some  dispute  about  a  dog  or  a  mining  claim,  and  escaped  from 
the  country.  N.  (John  C.),  1841,  otter-hunter  at  Sta  B.  not  locally  famous 
for  paying  his  debts.  N.  (Joshua  A.),  1847,  nat.  of  N.  H.  who  came  as  a 
Bailor;  was  a  clerk  at  S.F.  '48;  went  to  the  mines  '49.  A  resid.  of  AlamedaCo. 
'50-78,  marrying  a  Bernal  and  living  at  Pleasanton. 

Neal  (Samuel),  1844,  nat.  of  Pa — or  of  ^Holstein  in  one  original  record — 
and  one  of  Fremont's  men;  discharged  at  his  own  request  early  in  '44.  iv. 
437,  439,  453,  229.  He  was  employed  bySutter  as  a  blacksmith;  was  natural- 
ized in  Nov. ;  and  in  Dec.,  in  return  for  services  in  the  Micheltorena  campaign, 
got  a  land  grant  onButteCreek,  Butte.  iv.  671.  In  his  application  he  claimed 
to  have  been  a  resid.  since  '42;  and  indeed  Yates  claims  to  have  seen 
him  in  '42-3.  He  still  worked  much  of  the  time  at  his  trade,  aiding  Fremont 
in  the  autumn  of  '45.  In  '46  he  guided  Gillespie  up  the  Sac.  Val.  to  overtake 
Fremont,  and  took  part  in  the  following  troubles,  though  there  is  some  con- 
fusion between  him  and  John  N.  in  the  records,  v.  24,  101,  104,  107.  After 
the  war  lie  engaged  in  stock-raising,  acquiring  some  local  fame  for  his  tine 
animals.  He  never  married,  and  died  at  hisButteCreek  home  in  '59,  leaving 
his  property  to  brothers  whom  he  had  not  seen  for  20  years.  N.  (Win  W.), 
1847,  on  the  roll  of  the  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  as  having  come  in  Jan.  '49;  but  he 
etates  that  he  was  at  S.F.  on  a  whaler  in  '47;  in  later  years  a  well-known  pilot 


NEAL— NIDEVER.  753 

of  S.F.,  still  living  in  '85  with  a  family.  Neale  (D.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon. 
Nease  (Peter),  1847,  with  Capt.  Hunt  of  the  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469),  accomp.  by 
his  wife.  N.  (Sam.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518). 

Ned,  1830,  doubtful  name,  at  S.  Josd  and  Mont.  '30-4.  Neddies  (John), 
1831,  steward  on  the  Catalina.  Nee  (Luis),  1789,  apothecary  in  Malas- 
pina's  exped.  i.  490.  Neob  (John),  1847,  Co.  K,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  Sonoma  '74.  Needles  (Wm  H.),  1847,  purser's  clerk  on  the  Columbus. 
Negrete,  see  'Castillo  Negrete.'  Neiderer,  1847,  Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
doubtful  name,  not  in  Clark's  last  list;  at  S.F.  '71-4.  Neif  (Joseph  Ant.), 
1839,  German  sailor,  age  26,  captured  (?)  by  Cooper,  released  by  Vallejo,  and 
employed  by  Leese  at  S.  F.  '40;  known  as  Hen.  Richer.  Neill  (VVrn  M.) 
1834,  mr  of  the  Llama,  iii.  383;  perhaps  'O'Neill.'  Neilson  (Thos),  1826, 
asst  surgeon  with  Beechey.  iii.  121.  Neiman  (Hendrick),  1847,  Co.  D,  N. 
Y.Vol.  (v.499).  Neligh  (Robert  B.),  1847,  member  of  the  S.Jose"  council,  v. 
664;  agent  for  Com.  Stockton  in  the  mines  '48;  claimant  in  '52  for  rancho  in 
Mont.  dist.  v.  637.  Nelson  (Chas),  1847,  at  Hon.  from  S.  F.  on  the  Fran- 
cisco,. Nemesio  (Santiago),  grantee  of  Capay  '46.  v.  675;  perhaps  an  Ind. 
named  Nemesis.  Neri  (Gregorio),  soldier  in  the  Hidalgo  comp.  at  Mont.  '36, 
age  27.  Nero  (Joseph),  1847,  at  Slitter's  Fort;  prob.  '  Verrot,'  q.v.  Ness 
(Elijah),  1837,  Fr.  lumberman  in  the  Sta  Cruz  region  '37-43;  said  to  have  aided 
in  the  arrest  of  foreigners  '40.  iv.  118,  22. 

Neve  (Felipe  de),  1777,  Span,  major  of  cavalry  who  was  gov.  of  the  Cali- 
fornias,  residing  at  Loreto  from  March  4,  '75,  and — having  been  promoted  to 
colonel — at  Mont,  from  Feb.  3,  '77,  to  Sept.  10,  '82.  He  became  later  briga- 
dier, inspector-general,  and  comandante-general  of  Provincias  Internas,  dying 
in  '84.  He  was  one  of  California's  ablest  rulers.  Biog.  i.  237-8,  363,  446-8, 
487;  his  rule  in  Cal.,  including  his  reglamento,  or  system  of  govt,  his  founding 
of  the  pueblos,  and  his  controversies  with  the  missionaries,  i.  306-83  passim; 
ment.  i.  296,  389,  393,  405,  608.  Gov.  Neve  had  no  family.  Nevill  (Joseph 
M.),  1848,  owner  of  S.F.  lots. 

Newell,  1836,  named  in  Larkin's  accounts.  N.,  1848,  mr  of  the  Hono- 
lulu and  Humboldt.  N.,  1848,  of  firm  N.,  Brady,  &  Gilbert,  lumberman 
at  Mont.  N.  (Chester),  1847,  chaplain  of  the  U.  S.  Independence,  v.  657. 
Ncwitt  (Sam.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Newman  (James),  1847, 
ditto.  N.  (John),  1847,  Co.  H,  ditto.  N.  (Wm),  1834,  Engl.  servant  of 
Wolters  at  Mont.  Newmayer  (Godfrey),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons. 
v.  336.  Newson  (J.  M.),  1848,  overl.  immig. ;  memb.  of  the  legislature  from 
Stanislaus  '68.  Newton,  1846,  overl.  immig.  of  Bryant's  party  with  wife; 
killed  by  Ind.  on  the  way.  N.  (J.  W.),  chaplain  on  the  U.S.  Columbus.  N. 
(Thomas),  1848,  Swiss  sailor  on  the  Isaac  Walton;  real  name  Sjoberg. 

Nicholas,  1842,  com.  of  the  U.S.  Yorktown.  iv.  313,  570.  Nicholaus  (A.), 
1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Nichols,  1841,  of  the  Walker  party  with  Emmons 
of  U.S.  ex.  ex.  from  Or.  iv.  270.  N.  (Joseph),  1846,  of  the  Mormon  colony, 
with  wife  Jerusha  and  child,  one  child  having  died  at  sea.  v.  546.  He  left  the 
church,  and  in  later  years  lived  in  Alameda  Co.  to  '82.  Mrs  N.  died  in  the 
faith.  N.  (J.  M. ),  1845,  came  on  a  whaler,  iv.  587;  saloon-keeper  at  Napa 
'52-71.  Napa  Register.  N.  (P.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Nicholson  (J. 
W.),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Lexinfjton.  Nichton  (Patrick),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d 
U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Nickerson  '(Thomas),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Nidever  (Geo.),  1833,  nat.  of  Tenn.,  from  ;20  a  hunter  in  the  west,  making 
trips  to  the  Rocky  Mts  and  N.  Mex.  till  '33,  when  he  came  over  the  Sierra 
with  Walker's  party  and  remained  in  Cal.  iii.  391,  394,  459.  Here  he  con- 
tinued his  hunter's  life,  taking  otter  in  all  parts  of  the  coast  under  Capt. 
Dana's  license  to  '37,  and  later  with  one  of  his  own.  Occasionally  named  in 
the  records  from  '36,  his  home  being  at  Sta  B. ;  making  frequent  raids  on  the 
grizzly  bears  and  killing  at  least  200;  naturalized  in  '37,  and  also  serving  for 
a  time  with  Graham's  riflemen,  iii.  493;  having  some  conflicts  with  Ind.  iv. 
90;  and  escaping  arrest  in  '40.  iv.  24.  In  '41  he  married  Sinforosa  Sanchez, 
having  bought  some  land  of  Joseph  Chapman;  in  '45  refused  to  join  Michel- 
torena's  foreign  company;  but  in  '46,  having  been  arrested  by  the  Californians, 
HIST.  CAL.,  VOL.  IV  48 


754  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

v.  317,  he  served  under  Stockton  in  the  final  campaigns;  had  some  success  fn 
mining  '48-9;  piloted  the  U.S.  coast  survey  craft  in  a  survey  of  the  Sta  B. 
islands  7>0;  in  '53  rescued  the  famous  old  Ind.  woman  of  S.  Nicolas  Isl. ;  and 
about  the  same  time  bought  an  interest  in  S.  Miguel  Isl.,  where  he  raised  stock 
for  17  years,  and  though  welinigh  ruined  by  the  drought  of  '63-4,  sold  out  in 
'70  for  §10,000.  In  '78  residing  at  Sta  B.  at  the  age  of  76  with  his  wife  and 
daughter,  a  man  of  excellent  repute,  he  gave  me  a  long  and  most  valuable  nar- 
rative of  his  Life  and  Adventures.  A  bit  of  paper  into  which  the  old  man  at 
that  time  put  3  rifle-balls  within  the  space  of  a  square  inch  at  60  yards  forms 
an  appropriate  frontispiece  of  the  volume.  H.  died  in  'S3.  A  brother  John, 
who  died  at  Sta  B.  in  '73,  is  sometimes  said  to  have  come  with  Geo.  iii.  391; 
but  I  think  he  came  after  '48.  Another  brother,  Mark,  was'killed  by  the  Ind. 
before  reaching  Cal. 

Niebla  (Ramon),  a  hatter  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  47.  Nief,  see  '  Neii.' 
Nieto  (Antonio),  1830,  Mex.  alferez  who  coin,  a  squad  of  soldiers  guarding  a 
party  of  convicts,  iii.  49,  142;  prob.  not  in  Cal.  '25,  as  stated  in  iii.  15.  N. 
(Antonio  Maria),  son  of  Manuel,  owner  of  Sta  Gertrudis,  claimed  to  have  been 
regranted  in  '34  to  his  widow  Josefa  Cota.  iv.  635.  N.  (Diego),  at  Los  Ang. 
'46.  N.  (Juan  Jose),  sou  of  Manuel,  b.  1781;  mentioned  in  '11-20.  ii.  418; 
part  owner  of  Los  Nietos  rancho,  Sta  Gertrudis,  Alamitos,  Coyotes,  etc.,  re- 
granted  to  him  '34.  ii.  565;  iii.  633,  644.  N.  (Manuel),  grantee  of  Los  Nietos 
rancho  1784;  ment.  1801-16;  Las  Bolsas  and  Sta  Gertrudis  regranted  to  his 
widow,  Catarina  Ruiz,  '34.  i.  609,  612,  662;  ii.  Ill,  185,  348,  353,  663;  iii. 
633-4.  N.  (Manuela),  grantee  of  Los  Cerritos  '34.  iii.  633.  Nightengell 
(G.  R.),  1875,  overl.  immig.  perhaps  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  578-9,  587; 
at  Carson,  Nev.,  '68.  Nikoforof,  1815,  sup.  of  the  Lady.  ii.  307.  Niles 
(John),  1847,  doubtful  name  of  a  settler  at  Benicia.  Ninian  (Win),  1834, 
English  clerk  at  Mont. ,  age  30.  Nino  ( Alejo),  first  man  buried  at  Mont.  1770. 
i.  175.  Nisbitt  (Thomas),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  vol.  (v.  499);  in  '82  at  Scott 
river,  Siskiyou  Co.  Nixon,  1823,  mr  of  the  Hebe.  ii.  492. 

Nobili  (John),  1848,  Ital.  Jesuit  who  came  to  the  Or.  missions  in  '42  and 
to  Cal.  apparently  in  '48.  He  was  the  founder  of  Sta  Clara  college  in  '51,  a 
very  able  man  and  popular  teacher,  who  died  in  '55.  Noble  (John  E.), 
1847,  sergt  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  v.  519.  Noboa  (Diego),  1783,  Span, 
friar  who  served  at  Sta  Clara  and  left  Cal.  in  '94.  Biog.  i.  722-3;  ment.  i. 
379,  390,  422, 457,  476,  576.  Nocedal  (Jose),  1775,  Franciscan  chaplain  on  a 
Span,  ship,  visiting  the  coast  several  times  in  '75-8.  i.  240,  287,  292,  296,  300, 
328.  Noe  (Jose  de  Jesus),  1834,  Mex.  who  came  in  the  H.  and  P.  colony; 
iii.  263;  and  settled  at  S.  F.,  obtaining  a  grant  of  Camaritos  in  '40,  and  of  S. 
Miguel  in  '45.  iii.  711;  iv.  673.  In '42  age  37,  wife  Guadalupe  Gardano,  child. 
Miguel  b.  '33,  Dolores  '36,  Esperidion  (?)  '38,  Concepcion  '40;  juez  de  paz  '42 
-3.  iv.  165-6;  owner  of  a  town  lot  '43.  v.  669,  682;  alf.  of  militia  '44.  iv. 
667;  alcalde  and  jue/  '46.  v.  295,  648.  He  lived  at  the  mission  in  '55,  and  his 
sou  Miguel  still  lives  in  S.  F.  '85.  N.  (Miguel),  1844,  Amer.  who  received 
naturalization  papers;  perhaps  Michael  Noah  (?).  N.  (Nicola's),  1812,  com.  of 
the  Flora  '12-13.  ii.  202-3,  268-70,  353.  Noel  (Luis),  1848,  laborer  at  Mont. 
Noler  (Christian),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Norden  (Stephen), 
1844.  Amer.  age  25  at  S.  F. 

Nordhoff  (Charles),  1847,  nat.  of  Prussia,  educated  in  Cincinnati,  a  printer 
by  trade,  who  in  '47  was  a  sailor-boy  on  the  U.  S.  Columbus,  and  for  a  time 
commander's  .clerk  on  the  Warren.  He  left  the  sea  in  '53,  and  has  since  been 
a  prominent  newspaper  man  and  author  of  a  dozen  books  of  acknowledged 
merit.  He  revisited  Cal.  several  times  in  '71  and  later  years;  and  among  his 
.works,  are  California  for  Health,  Pleasure,  and  Residence,  and  Northern  Cali- 
fornia, Oreyon,  and  the  Sandwich  Islands.  In  '85  he  has  been  for  some  years 
.editorially  connected  with  the  N.  Y.  Herald.  Noriega  (Francisco),  1842, 
Mex.  capt.  of  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5;  a  hard  case.  iv.  289,  357,  364,  633.  His 
marriage  with  Francisca  Sepulveda  was  prevented  by  the  woman's  friends, 
and  he  married  a  Soberanes  whom  he  afterwards  abandoned.  N.  (JoseJ, 
1834,  Span.  sup.  of  the  vessel  bringing  the  H.  and  P.  colony,  iii.  263.  In  '35 


NORIEGA— NORVELL.  755 

depositario  at  S.  Josd  iii.  730;  in  35  grantee  of  Los  Me"danos,  Contra  Costa, 
and  later  of  Quito,  and  half-owner  of  Los  Pozitos.  iii.  712;  iv.  672-3;  alcalde 
of  S.  Jos6  '39.  iii.  731;  in  '41  age  49,  wife  Manuela  Fernandez,  child  Manuel. 
In  '46  he  was  with  Arce  when  his  horses  were  taken,  and  on  visiting  N.  Helv. 
a  little  later  was  thrown  into  prison  with  Vallejo  and  the  rest,  for  which  the 
Span,  consul  tried  later  to  obtain  redress,  v.  106,  108,  124,  138,  615.  After 
his  release  he  was  member  of  the  S.  Josd  council,  v.  664;  and  in  '60  he  st.ll 
lived  at  S.  Jose\  N.  (Maria  Ramona),  wife  of  Pedro  Aniador,  d.  1801.  ii. 
585.  N.  (Matias  Antonio  de  Sta  Catarina),  1779,  Span,  friar  who  served  at 
S.  F.  and  S.  Carlos,  retiring  in  '89.  He  was  perhaps  guardian  of  S.  Fern,  col- 
lege later.  Biog.  i.  469;  ment.  i.  329,  351,  388,  392,  460,  404,  411,  433,  442. 
N.,  see 'Guerra  y  Noriega.'  Norman  (F.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  N.  (J), 
1848,  at  Hon.  from  Mont,  on  the  Laura  Ann. 

Norris,  1818,  negro  of  Bouchard's  force,  captured;  became  a  cook  at  S.Juan 
Cap.  ii.  230.  248,  3!)3.  N.  (Anderson),  1843,  negro  deserter  from  the  Cyan?; 
killed  by  the  Californians.  iv.  400,  565.  N.  (David),  1844,  corp.  Co.  C,  N. 
Y.Vol.  (v.  449);  printer  and  amateur  actor,  for  many  years  foreman  in  the  S. 
F.  Bulletin;  from  '77  at  Ceutreville,  Alameda  Co.,  where  he  died  in  '84  at  the 
age  of  61;  a  nat.  of  N.Y.  N.  (Jacob  W.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
at  Newark,  N.  J.,  '74-82;  sergtof  police.  N.  (J.  Parker),  18t6,  com.  Stock- 
ton's sec.,  sent  East  with  despatches  Sept.;  returned  on  the  Preble  '47.  N. 
(John  S.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  K,  N.Y. Vol.  v.  504;  judge  of  election  '48.  v.  652; 
d.  in  Central  America  '56.  N.  (Leo),  1846,  nat.  of  Ky  and  overl.  immig. 
with  his  family;  at  S.  Jos6  '47-50;  and  in  S.  Ramon  Val.,  Contra  Costa,  from 
that  date  to  '82,  being  claimant  for  the  rancho.  iii.  713.  His  wife,  Jane  Kiz- 
zie,  died  in  '55,  and  there  were  5  surviving  children  in  '82.  Three  daughters 
became  Mrs  Lynch,  Mrs  Perkins,  and  Mrs  Llewelling.  N.  (Samuel),  1845  (?), 
trader  at  N.  Helv.  and  at  S.F.,  of  firm  Shelly  &  N.  1847-8,  and  seems  to  have 
come  a  few  years  earlier  by  sea.  iv.  587.  He  was  of  German  or  Danish  birth. 
A  miner  on  the  Yuba  in  '48;  in  '52  claimant  for  the  rancho  del  Paso.  iv.  672. 
From  about  '57  he  led  a  wandering  life  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  though 
frequently  making  his  appearance  at  S.F.,  an  intelligent,  mildly  eccentric  man 
in  easy  circumstances.  Meanwhile  the  rancho  had  passed  into  the  hands  of 
Haggin  &  Tevis;  and  in  '84  Norris  began  suit  against  them  for  the  property, 
claiming  that  in  '57-83,  from  the  effects  of  a  blow  011  the  head,  he  was  not  in 
his  right  mind,  or  capable  of  comprehending  the  process  by  which  the  ranch 
had  passed  from  his  ownership.  N.  (Wm  H.),  1846,  son  of  Leo,  and  a  resi- 
dent of  Contra  Costa  to  '82;  married  Margaret  Nash  in  '60. 

Northgrave  (Wm),  1845,  Engl.  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman 
party,  v.  572,  587.  Served  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  Co.  B,  artill.  (v.  358);  in  '47 
burned  charcoal  for  Sutter;  in  '48  mined  with  Bidwell  on  Feather  River;  liv- 
ing near  Chico  in  '84.  Northman  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499). 
Northrop  (Sam.),  1814,  mr  of  the  Pedler.  ii.  305.  Norton,  1841,  mr  of  the 
Ninfa.  iv.  567.  N.,  1836,  mr  of  a  whaler,  iv.  104.  N.  (Joshua  A.)  1848, 
Engl.  jew  who  came  from  S.  Amer.  and  was  for  some  years  a  prosperous  spec- 
ulator and  trader.  Business  reverses  affected  his  mind,  and  as  '  Emperor '  Nor- 
ton he  became  a  well-known  'crank'  in  S.F.,  where  he  died  in  '80.  N. 
Clement),  1845,  mr  of  the  Gustave.  iv.  566.  N.  (C.  B.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Hon.  N.  (Chas  C.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  N.  (Edward), 
1848,  overl.  immig.  with  Allsopp.  N.  (Martin),  1847.  Co.  H,  N.Y. Vol.  (v. 
499);  d.  Napa'68.  N.  (Myron),  1848,  lieut  Co.  C,  N.Y.  Vol.,  appointed  to 
fill  a  vacancy,  and  not  coming  with  the  regiment,  but  on  the  Huntress  in  Oct. 
'48.  He  was  a  lawyer,  prominent  in  organizing  civil  govt  at  S.F. ,  being  justice 
of  the  peace  and  lieut  of  the  City  Guards;  an  active  member  of  the  constit. 
convention  of  '49;  judge  of  the  superior  court  '51;  member  of  the  Los  Aug. 
council  '52;  county  judge  from  '53,  and  in  '55  and  '65  candidate  for  the  supreme 
court.  He  died  between  '67  and  '71.  N.  (Thos  A.),  1836,  a  Honolulu  trader, 
signer  of  a  memorial  at  Mont.  iv.  118,  141;  in  '43-4  mr  of  the  Chas  M.  Mor- 
gan, iv.  564.  Norvell  (Chester),  1847,  chaplain  on  the  U.  S.  Independence. 
N.,  1S48,  of  N.  &  Co.  at  Mont. 


75G  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Noswill  (John),  184G,  doubtful  name  of  Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232, 
347).  Nott,  1848,  mr  of  the  Sweden,  v.  580.  Novales  (Manuel),  1789, 
licut  in  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Nowell,  1848,  at  Mont.;  perhaps  'Nor- 
vcll.'  Nowler  (Christian),  1847,  of  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  ree'nl.  Nowlin 
(Jabez),  1847,  Co.  C,  ditto.  Noyes  (Michael  S.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499);  at  Eureka,  Nev.  '82. 

Nuez  (Joaqnin  Pascual),  1812,  Span,  friar  "who  served  at  S.  Fern,  and  S. 
Gabriel,  where  he  died  in  '-21.  Biog.  ii.  567;  ment.  ii.  334,  336-7,  355,  357, 
394,  655.  Nunez,  sergt  appointed  to  Cal.  '32.  iii.  236.  N.  (Jose"  Antonio), 
1833,  Fr.  sailor  who  came  on  the  Gelvichis  (Helvetius?),  and  died  before  Dec. 
'34.  N.  (Sebastian),  grantee  in  '44  of  Orestimba,  for  which  he  was  claimant 
in  '52.  Nuttall  (Thomas),  1836,  Engl.  botanist  who  visited  Cal  iv.  142. 
N.  (WmH.),  1846,  overl.  immig.  of  Bryant's  party,  v.  528;  Cal.  claim  $63 
(v.  462);  owner  of  S.F.  lots  '47;  clerk  for  McDongall  at  Sac.  '48.  Nutter 
(Geo.  W.),  1S45,  nat.  of  N.Y.  who  visited  Cal.  on  a  whaler  from  Hon.  'iv. 
58";  returned  later  and  lived  at  Sta  Cruz  in  '69.  N.  (Noah),  1848,  passp. 
from  Hon.  Nutting  (Lucy),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546;  owner 
of  S.F.  lot  '47;  in  '84  Mrs  Ferguson  at  Lehi,  Utah.  Nuttman  (James  E.), 
1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  later  chief  of  fire  dept  in 
S.F.  and  Stockton;  at  S.F.  '71;  Newark,  N.J.,  74;  New  York  '82-3. 

Nye  (Gorham  H.),  1830(?),  nat.  of  Mass.,  who  may  have  visited  the  coast 
in  '30  as  he  testified  in  '08.  iii.  180;  Peirce  says  he  came  to  the  Id.  from  Ply- 
mouth in  '31;  newspapers  give  a  variety  of  dates;  and  the  1st  definite  record 
is  that  he  was  mr  of  the  Loriot  in  'SS^-S.  iii.  383,  381.  As  mr  of  the  Bolivar 
trading  from  Hon.  and  of  the  Fama  and  Leonidas  he  visited  Cal.  each  year  in 
'35-47.  iv.  101,  104,  563,  578.  lie  came  on  the  Guipuzcoana  in  '47,  and  per- 
haps remained,  as  he  is  said  to  have  made  and  lost  a  fortune  at  S.F.,  and  to 
have  gone  East  in  '53.  According  to  the  Calistoya  Tribune  of  July  6,  '71, 
Capt.  N.  had  lived  many  years  at  Sta  Cruz,  also  spending  two  years  at  the 
Sandwich  Isl.,  where  a  rich  Chinese  sugar-planter  offered  him  a  home,  on 
account  of  the  captain's  kindness  to  him  as  steward  in  old  times.  Ace.  to  the 
S.  J.  Pioneer  of  Nov.  16,  '78,  he  lived  from  '71  with  Chas  Krug  at  St  Helena, 
where  he  died  iii  '78  at  the  age  of  76.  N.  (Michael  C.),  1841,  overl.  immig. 
of  the  Bartleson  party,  iv.  266,  270,  275,  279,  who  was  naturalized  in  '44  and 
got  a  grant  of  the  Willy  rancho  on  the  Yuba,  doubtless  for  services  in  the 
Micheltorena  campaign,  iv.  674,  486.  He  is  often  named  in  the  N.  ffelv. 
Diary  '45-8,  having  also  a  Cal.  claim  (v.  462);  is  said  to  have  entered  Cor- 
dua's  service  in  '46;  in  June  '47  married  Mrs  Harriet  Pike  of  the  Donner 
party.  N.  was  a  resid.  of  Marysville  in  '58,  but  later  went  to  Or.,  where  his 
wife  died  in  '70,  and  where  he  still  lived  in  '79. 

O'Brien  (H.),  1845,  in  Sutter's  employ  Dec.;  went  to  Or.  Apr.  '46.  iv.  578, 
526.  O'B.  (James),  1838,  Irish  resid.  of  Mont.  dist.  iv.  119;  exiled  to  S. 
Bias  in  '40,  but  returned  in  '41  with  a  pass,  which  was  renewed  in  '42,  iv. 
18,  33,  37,  when  he  was,  however,  banished  to  the  Sonoma  frontier,  iv.  653. 
In '44  he  died,  and  I  have  a  letter  from  his  father  Daniel  in  London,  in  which, 
with  'hearty  thanks  for  the  information  '  of  his  son's  death,  he  inquires  as  to 
the  chances  of  collecting  Jimmy's  claim  against  the  govt.  O'B.  (John), 
18.'!5,  Irish  sailor  who  landed  from  a  whaler  at  Sta  B.  at  the  age  of  25.  iii.  413. 
He  hunted  otter  on  the  islands  for  several  years,  and  in  '40  got  permission  to 
marry,  being  then  in  the  employ  of  Lewis  Burton.  He  was  one  of  the  first 
at  the  gold  mines,  but  fell  ill,  and  being  brought  down  the  river  died  at  Beni- 
cia  in  Oct.  '48.  O'B.  (John),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336);  Q. 
M.  sergt.  O'B.  (Thos),  1842,  at  Mont,  under  sentence  of  banishment  to 
Sonoma;  prob.  James. 

O'Cain  (Joseph),  1795,  'Englishman  b.  in  Ireland  from  Boston,' sent  to 
S.  Bias  from  Sta  B.  i.  537.  O'C.  (Joseph),  1803,  Amer.  mr  of  the  O'Cain, 
hunting  otter  on  the  coast  under  Russian  contracts  1803-5.  ii.  25-6,  32,  38-9, 
63,  70-1.  O'Connell  (Anthony  F.),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  S.  F. 
'C6,  age  48,  leaving  a  widow  and  two  children.  He  had  been  for  many  years  a 


O'CONNELL— OLGIN.  757 

drayman ;  known  in  the  later  years  as  O'Connor.  O'C.  (John),  1847,  accredited 
to  N.Y.Vol.,  but  not  on  the  roll;  tarred  and  feathered  at  Mont.;  drowned 
on  the  way  to  Or.  S.  Jose  Pion.,  '82.  O'Connor  (Bartholomew),  1847,  Co. 
F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  O'C.  (Owen),  184G,  Fauntleroy's  dragoons 
(v.  232,  247).  O'C.  (Win),  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  in  '46;  iv.  578,  587;  said  to 
have  been  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  '45.  O'Donnell  (Joseph),  1846,  Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat. 
(v.  358).  O'Donoju  (Jose  Simon),  1834,  Mex.  of  the  H.  &  B.  colony,  iii. 
263;  at  Sta  B.  '41;  in  '42-4  purveyor  of  the  troops  under  Micheltoreua;  at 
Los  Ang.  '47. 

O'Farrell  (Jasper),  1843,  Irish  surveyor  who  came  to  the  U.  S.  in  '41  and 
to  Cal.  by  sea  via  S.  America  and  Mazatlan.  iv.  400.  In  '44  he  signed  the 
order  for  Weber's  arrest,  iv.  483,  and  in  '45  served  as  Q.  M.  in  Sutter's  force, 
iv.  485-6,  being  mentioned  in  '44-6  at  various  places  but  apparently  making 
S.  Rafael  his  home,  being  engaged  most  of  the  time  in  making  rancho  sur- 
veys. He  seems  not  to  have  taken  part  in  the  troubles  of  '46,  but  is  named 
as  a  witness  of  the  Haro  murder  at  S.  Rafael,  v.  171-2.  In  '47-8  he  advertised 
as  a  surveyor  in  the  papers,  was  appointed  official  surveyor  in  the  northern 
district,  and  made  the  permanent  street  survey  of  S.  F.  v.  455,  648,  653-6, 
680,  685.  About  '48  he  exchanged  a  Marin  Co.  rancho  which  he  had  taken  in 
payment  of  professional  services  for  that  of  Jonive  in  Sonoma  Co.,  purchas- 
ing later  the  adjoining  Estero  Americano,  for  which  places  and  for  Capay  in 
Yolo  he  was  claimant  in  '52.  iii.  712;  iv.  671;  v.  675.  He  married  a  daughter 
of  Patrick  McClmstian,  and  lived  chiefly  on  his  rancho,  but  took  also  some 
part  in  politics,  serving  in  the  state  senate  and  also  as  state  harbor  commis- 
sioner. For  so  prominent  and  well  known  a  man  there  is  a  remarkable  lack 
of  definite  information  about  him.  He  died  at  S.  F.  in  '75  at  the  age  of  58. 
A  street  in  S.  F.  bears  his  name. 

O'Grady,  1847,  perhaps  of  N.Y.Vol.  under  another  name.       O'G.  (Thos), 

1846,  Irish  settler  of  Sonoma  Co.  '47-77,  when  he  lived  at  Bodega.       O'Hara 
(D.  J.),  1847,  in  S.F.  letter  list.       O'Neil,  1837,  one  of  the  cattle  party  from 
Or.  iv.  85.       O'N.  (John  M.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504.     Nat.  of 
N.Y.;  maj.  of  cavalry  in  war  of  '61-5,  being  stationed  4  years  in  Utah;  in 
'67-83  custom-house  officer  at  S.F.;  d.  at  Mont.  '85.       O'N.  (Owen),  1817, 
Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  in  Nev.  '82.       O'N.  ( Wm),  1810, 
said  to  have  touched  on  the  Cal.  coast  from  China  in  '16.  ii.  282;  later  an 
employ^  of  the  H.B.Co.;  died  at  Victoria  '75,  at  the  age  of  74;  a  nat.  of  Bos- 
ton.      O'Reilly,  1837,  a  witness  at  S.F.  Dec.       O'R.  (E.),  1847,  farmer  in  S. 
Mateo  Co.  '61-78.       O'Rourke  (Francis),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v. 
336).      O'Sullivan  (James),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.   (v.  499);   a  printer  who 
was  editor  of  the  Sonora  Herald;  member  of  the  constit.  convention  of  '78; 
in  S.F.  '82. 

Oakley  (Chas  H.),  1845,  asst  surg.  on  the  U.S.  Portsmouth.  0.  (How- 
ard), 1846,  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v.  546;  of  the  3d  Donner  relief,  v.  540-1; 
owner  of  S.F.  lots;  no  record  after  "48,  but  did  not  go  to  Utah.  0.  (Robert), 

1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Sta  B.  '48.       Ober  (David),   1848,  p:issp. 
from  Hon.       Obes  (Ramon),  1825,  Span,  who  came  on  the  Aquilcx;  perhaps 
sent  away  '28-30.  iii.  '51-2.       Obleie,  1844,  doubtful  name  of  a  married  for- 
eigner.      Oca   (Ignacio   Montes  de),    sentenced   to   presidio   1805.    ii.    191. 
Ocampo  (Francisco),  1834,  Mex.  of  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  iii.  263;  at  S.  Juan 
Cap.  '41.  iv.  626;  at  Los  Ang.  '46-8;  still  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '78.       Ochiltree, 
1847,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Independence.       Odon,  neophyte  at  S.  Luis  Ob.,  grantee 
of  land  '42.  iv.  331.       0.,  grantee  of  Escorpiou   '45.       Ogden,  1828,  leader 
of  a  party  of  H.B.Co.  trappers  who  came  to  Cal.  '28-30.  iii.  161-2,  174;  iv. 
263.       0.  (Benj.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  Brooklyn,  N.  Y.  '66. 
Ogier  (J.  S.  K.),  1848,  nat.  of  S.C.;  member  of  the  1st  Cal.  legislature  '49-50. 
Ogle  (Chas  A.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Olavide  (Martin),  1791,  alfe>ez  with  Malaspina's  exped.  i.  490.  Gibe's 
(Ramon),  1812,  Span,  friar  who  served  for  brief  terms  at  four  missions,  retir- 
ing in  '21.  Biog.  ii.  625;  ment.  ii.  225,  243-6,  364,  369,  387,  389-90,  394, 
C55.  Olgin  (Jos6),  settler  at  the  Colorado  riv.  pueblos,  killed  by  Ind.  i.  35'J, 


758  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

3G2.  Olimpio,  Ind.  majordomo  in  Sutter's  employ  '47.  Oliva  (Raimundo), 
soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp.  '32;  ranchero  '45.  O.  (Vicente  Pascual),  1813,  Span, 
friar  who  served  at  many  missions,  but  chiefly  at  S.  Diego,  dying  at  S.  Juan 
Cap.  in  '48.  Biog.  v.  623;  meut.  ii.  344,  357,  375,  383-4,  394,  551-2,  655;  iii. 
96,  619,  622,  641;  iv.  422;  v.  619.  Olivar  (Tomas),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp. 
'32.  Olivares  (Antonio  M.),  at  Los  Aug.  '46.  O.  (Bonifacio),  at  Mont.  '36, 
age  23,  wife  Maria  del  Refugio;  banished  in  '43  to  Los  Aug.,  where  he  took 
part  in  a  revolt  of  '46.  iv.  492,  654;  v.  308.  0.  (Francisco),  settler  at  Los 
Ang.  '15.  ii.  350.  0.  (Francisco),  1846,  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  0.  (Mi- 
guel and  Tomas),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Olivas,  named  as  having  been  killed  at  S. 
Buen.  '38.  iii.  551.  O.  (Cosine),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  '16.  ii.  350.  O.  (Do- 
mingo), messenger  of  Gen.  Flores  '47.  v.  387.  0.  (Francisco  aud  Jos6),  at  S. 
Bern.  '46.  O.  (Esculano),  comisario  de  policia  at  S.  Diego '36.  iii.  616.  O. 
(Ignacio),  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '28-37;  his  child  murdered  '28.  iii.  191. 
O.  (Juan),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1800.  ii.  349.  0.  (Juan),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37, 
wife  Clara  Pico,  4  children.  0.  (Luis),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  '32.  O.  (Matias), 
juez  de  campo  and  com.  policia  at  S.  Diego  '35-6.  iii.  615-16.  O.  (Nicolas), 
at  Los  Ang.  '39.  0.  (Raimundo),  at  S.  Fern.,  age  28,  '39;  grantee  of  S. 
Miguel  '41. 

Oliver,  1835,  trapper  at  Suisun,  perhaps  of  Young's  party,  iii.  394.  0. 
(Jacob),  1843,  at  S.F.,  ment.  in  Peterson's  Diary.  O.  (John),  1834,  Engl., 
named  in  Mont,  list  of  '34-5.  O.  (Wm),  1842  (?),  doubtful  name  of  a  lum- 
berman, iv.  341.  Olivera  (Antonio),  at  Sta  B.  '32-45.  iii.  583,  651;  alfe>ez 
in  '39;  grantee  of  Casmalia,  Sta  B.,  '40.  iii.  655;  wife  Concepcion  Romero, 
5  children  before  '37.  0.  (Desiderio),  at  Los  Ang.  '19-48.  ii.  355;  age  53 
in  '39.  O.  (Diego),  b.  at  Sta  B.  about  1789,  and  a  soldier  down  to  about 
'22;  ment.  in  explor.  ii.  57,  326;  alcalde  at  Sta  B.  '37-8.  iii.  654,  569-70; 
tithe  collector  '39.  iii.  654;  juez  in  '40.  iii.  606;  grantee  of  Guadalupe 
rancho  '40.  iii.  677.  He  is  said  to  have  clung  to  his  old  Span,  ways,  dress, 
and  ideas  to  the  last,  becoming  rich  in  lands  and  poor  again,  and  dying  in 
'67.  Taylor's  Discov.  and  Found,  contains  some  of  his  reminiscences.  O. 
(Ignacio),  corp.  and  sergt  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.  from  1781;  d.  1794;  i.  463, 
465-6,  532,  562;  wife  Maria  Ant.  Felix,  who  died  1868;  child.  Lucas,  Anna 
M.,  Diego,  and  Maria  Estefana,  wife  of  Jose"  V.  Ortega.  O.  (Josefa),  mur- 
dered with  the  Reed  family  at  S.  Miguel,  v.  620.  0.  (Juan  de  Dios),  at  Los 
Ang.  '46.  0.  (Juan  Maria),  corp.  of  Sta  B.  comp.  !32;  wife  Serafina  Leiva; 
at  Los  Ang.  '46.  O.  (Lucas),  at  Sta  B.  '37;  wife  Manuela  Cota;  3  children; 
grantee  of  Jesus  Maria  rancho.  iii.  655;  still  a  Sta  B.  ranchero  in  '45.  O. 
(Manuel  D.),  1829,  Portuguese  at  Los  Ang.  '36,  age  36.  iii.  179;  grantee  of 
land  at  S.  Gabriel  '43.  iv.  687;  majordomo  in  '45.  iv.  637;  in  charge  of  the 
Mission  '47.  v.  628-9.  O.  (Martin),  at  Sauzal  rancho,  Mont.,  '36,  age  56; 
wife  Josefa  .Noriega;  child.  Juan  Maria  b.  '17,  Pedro  '19,  Nolasco  '24, 
Lazaro  '26,  Agustina  '21,  Melchora  28,  Catarina  '30.  iii.  679;  grantee  of 
Moro  Cayucos  '42.  0.  (Martin),  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  25.  0.  (Rosalfo),  at 
Sonoma  '44,  age  45.  0.  (Tomas),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37;  wife  Maria  Ant. 
Cota,  2  children;  grantee  of  Tepusquet  '37.  iii.  656;  still  at  Sta  B.  '45-7. 
Olivier  (Pierre),  1834,  Frenchman  of  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  iii.  412.  In  '42  he 
kept  a  drinking  and  billiard  saloon  at  Mont.;  settled  near  S.  Juan;  married 
a  daughter  of  Canute  Boronda;  and  his  sons  lived  near  S.  Luis  Ob.  in  '78. 
Olivor  (Jos6),  1847,  in  S.F.  letter  list.  Oik  (Wm),  1840,  Amer.  trader,  age 
24,  with  passp.  from  U.S.  Olmstead  (Hiram),  1847,  Co.  C,  Mormon  Bat. 
(v.  469);  at  Ogdeu,  Utah,  '82.  Olole  (Chas),  1846,  doubtful  name  in  a  Los 
Ang.  list.  Olpstay  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.  Vol.  (v.  499). 

Olvera  (Agustin),  1834,  Mcx.  who  came  as  a  boy  with  his  xlncle,  Ignacio 
Coronel,  in  the  H.  &  P.  colony,  iii.  263.  In  '36  living  with  C.  at  Corralitos; 
went  south  in  '39,  and  in  '41  was  commissioner  to  distribute  lands  at  S. 
Juan  Cap.,  where  he  was  juez  in  '42-3.  iv.  625-7.  In  '45  he  was  sec.  and 
supl.  member  of  the  junta,  being  also  the  grantee  of  Mision  Vieja  and  Cuya- 
maca  ranches,  iv.  495,  522,  540,  621.  In  '46  he  was  sec.  and  member  of  the 
assembly  both  under  Gov.  Pico  and  Flores,  being  grantee  of  la  Ci6uega.  v. 


OLVERA— ORE$A.  759 

38,  264,  321,  627;  and  in  "47  one  of  the  commissioners  who  signed  the  treaty 
of  Cahuenga.  v.  404-5.  After  the  U.S.  occupation  he  became  a  lawyer,  be- 
ing judge  of  1st  instance  '49,  county  judge  '50-3,  supervisor  '56-7,  presiden- 
tial elector,  and  receiver  in  the  land-office,  being  also  claimant  for  Los 
Alamos.  Don  Agustin  was  a  man  of  good  abilities  and  reputation,  who  died 
at  Los  Ang.  shortly  after  '74.  His  wife  was  Concepcion  Arguello;  one  of  his 
daughters  married  Charles  Forbes,  and  another  Juan  Toro.  His  son  Carlos, 
living  at  Clmalar  in  '78,  permitted  me  to  copy  from  his  father's  papers  a  valua- 
ble collection  of  Olvera,  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  O.  (Diego,  Guadalupe,  and  Jos(5),  on 
S.  Luis  Ob.  assessment  rolls  '50.  O.  (Diego),  sirviente  at  S.F.  1777.  i.  297. 
O.  (Julian),  1829,  Mex.  convict  released  in  '36.  0.  (Santiago),  soldier  at 
S.F.  '37-42.  0.  (Secuudino),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37. 

Oman  (Geo.  W.),  1847,  lieut  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  in  com.  of  garri- 
son at  S.  Luis  Rey.  v.  489.  Ombis  (Julian),  1845,  doubtful  name  of  a 
Frenchman  in  the  Branciforte  padron;  wife  Concepcion  Espinosa.  Ofiate 
(Juan),  1604,  conqueror  of  N.  Mex.,  who  descending  the  Colorado  to  its  mouth 
must  have  looked  upon  Cal.  territory,  i.  68,  108.  Orige  (Joseph  S.),  1846, 
Cal.  Bat.  (v,  358).  Ontivcros  (Jose),  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790.  i.  461.  0. 
(Jnan  P.),  at  Los  Ang.  '37-46,  grantee  of  S.  Juan  y  Cajou  de  Sta  Ana.  iii. 
678.  0.  (Patricio),  encargado  de  justicia  at  Los  Nietos  '25.  Opham  (Jean), 
1825,  mr  of  the  Triton  '25-6.  iii.  149. 

Oramas  (Cristobal),  1786,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  Sta  B.,  Purisiina,  and 
S.  Gabriel,  retiring  in  1793.  Biog.  i.  664;  inent.  390,  423,  425,  459,  576,  675. 
Orbell  (James),  1837,  Engl.  sailor,  age  24,  who  landed  at  S.  Diego  and  en- 
gaged in  trade,  iv.  118.  There  was  an  order  for  his  arrest  in  '40,  not  appar- 
ently executed,  iv.  15;  left  in  charge  of  Capt.  Fitch's  business  during  the 
latter's  absence,  and  his  accounts  seemed  to  show  a  deficit  of  $6,000  in  '42.  In 
'44-5  he  was  mr  of  the  Guipuzcoana.  iv.  566;  being  naturalized,  and  in  Nov. 
'47  ill  at  Sauzalito.  Ord  (Edward  0.  C.),  1847,  nat.  of  Md,  and  graduate  of 
West  Point  in  '38.  He  came  to  Cal.  as  1st  lieut  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  v.  518, 
520,  636.  After  the  war  he  took  part  in  several  Ind.  campaigns  on  the  Pacific 
coast,  going  East  by  sea  in  '50.  In  the  war  of  '61-5  he  was  brig. -gen.  of  vol- 
unteers and  later  in  the  regular  army,  with  brevet  of  maj.-gen.  For  several 
years  from  '68  he  commanded  the  department  of  the  Pacific,  and  later  that 
of  the  Texan  frontier,  dying  at  Habana  in  '83.  0.  (James  L.),  1847,  brother 
of  E.  0.  C.,  who  came  as  surgeon  with  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.,  under  contract 
and  not  belonging  to  the  army.  v.  518.  He  remained  in  Cal.  as  physician  and 
farmer,  settling  at  Sta  B.  and  inarrying  the  widow  of  Manuel  Jimeno  Casarin, 
originally  Angustias  de  la  Guerra.  He  was  also  claimant  for  land  in  Tuolumne. 
iv.  674;  and  later  spent  some  years  in  Mex.,  holding  about  '82  the  position  of 
consul-general.  In  '74  he  resided  at  Sta  B. ,  and  in  '78  was  appointed  attend- 
ing surgeon  to  the  U.S.  troops  at  Ft  Point,  S.F.,  still  residing  in  this  city  '84. 
He  had  one  daughter,  Eebecca,  who  in  '85  lives  with  her  mother  at  Salinas. 
Mrs  0.  in  her  Ocurrencias  de  California,  a  MS.  dictated  by  her  in  '78,  has  fur- 
nished one  of  the  most  accurate  and  fascinating  narratives  in  my  collection. 
The  Ords  had  two  brothers,  Pacificus  and  R.  B.,  who  came  to  Cal.  after  '48 
and  were  somewhat  prominent;  also  a  sister. 

Ordaz  (Bias),  1820,  Span,  friar,  b.  in  Castilla  la  Nueva  1792,  who  came  to 
Mex.  in  1819  and  to  Cal.  the  next  year,  ii.  375,  394,  328,  serving  at  S.F.  '20-1, 
and  accompanying  Arguello  on  his  famous  exped.  to  the  north,  of  which  he 
wrote  a  Diario.  ii.  475-6,  595,  655.  In  '21-2  he  was  stationed  at  S.  Miguel,  ii. 
620;  in  '23-33  at  Sta  Ines  and  Purisima.  ii.  490,  529,  581-2;  iii.  96,  661;  in 
'33-8  at  S.  Buenaventura,  being  sometimes  in  trouble  and  once  asking  for  re- 
lease from  his  vows  as  a  friar,  iii.  257-8,  658;  in  '38-47  at  S.  Fernando,  iii. 
646;  iv.  422,  638;  v.  405;  and  in  '47-50  at  S.  Gabriel,  officiating  for  a  short 
time  also  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  vi.  623,  628-9.  After  '48  he  was  the  only  survivor 
of  the  Fernandinos,  v.  565,  and  died  at  S.  Gabriel  in  '50.  Padre  Bias  was 
a  lively  and  good-natured  man,  but  his  fondness  for  women  involved  him 
occasionally  in  scandal  and  reprimand  from  his  superiors.  Orduno  (Ramon), 
at  Los  Ang.  '39-48.  Orefia  (Gaspar),  Span,  trader  in  Cal.  '43  or  earlier,  iv. 


760  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

364-5;  sup.  of  the  Guipuzcoana  '46;  a  wealthy  resident  of  Sta  B.  '50-85. 
His  wife  is  the  widow  of  Cesario  Lataillade  and  daughter  of  Jos6  de  la  Guerra 
y  Noriega.  Oribes  (Tomas),  settler  at  Los  Aug.  1798.  ii.  379.  Orozco,  ment. 
in  '37.  iii.  54.  0.  ( Jose"  Maria),  supl.  juez  at  8.  Diego  '43.  iv.  620;  also  recep- 
tor in  the  custom-house;  grantee  of  Quejito  rancho  '45.  iv.  621;  taking  part  in 
the  war  at  S.  Diego  '46.  v.  329.  Orrantes  (Bernabe")  at  Los.  Ang.  '46.  Orriz 
(Bernardo),  Mex.  soldier  of  the  Hidalgo  piquete  '36.  Orta  (Jose1  Gabriel), 
Mex.  convict  released  in  '34. 

Ortega  (Antonio),  1834,  one  of  the  H.  and  P.  colony  who  was  maj.  at  Solano 
'35-6,  and  grantee  of  S.  Antonio  rancho  in  '40.  iii.  354.  711,  719-20.  He 
died  at  S.F.  about  '68.  0.  (Antonio),  convict  settler  of  1798.  i.  606.  0. 
(Antonio),  soldier  of  Sta  B.  comp.  before  '37.  O.  (Antonio  Maria),  son  of 
Jos6  Maria,  member  of  the  dip. '27-8.  iii.  36-7,  41,  63;  grantee  of  Refugio  '34. 
iii.  655;  iii.  566-7;  capt.  at  Sta  B.  '39.  iv.  641;  proposed  for  sub-prefect  at 
Sta  B.  '41.  iv.  641,  602;  juez  in  '46.  v.  631.  He  was  still  at  Refugio,  for 
which  he  was  one  of  the  claimants,  in  '52.  O.  (Basilio),  settled  at  Brauci- 
forte  1803.  ii.  156.  O.  (Emilio  Miguel),  grantee  of  Punta  de  la  Laguna,  S. 
Luis  Ob.,  '44;  also  cl.  in  '52.  O.  (Este"van),  at  Sta  B.  '37,  wife  Deogracias 
Ruiz,  one  child;  collector  of  taxes  Sta  B.  '46  and  juez  de  policia  '48.  v.  631; 
still  at  Sta  B.  '50.  0.  (Eugenio),  admin,  at  Purisima  '40.  iii.  666.  O. 
(Eusebio),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '35.  O.  (Faustino),  at  S.  Juan  '43.  0.  (Felipe? 
Maria),  sergt  of  Sta  B.  comp.  1795,  and  author  of  a  Diariool  explor.  for  mis- 
sion sites,  i.  553;  ii.  28.  There  is  some  confusion  between  him  and  Jos6 
Maria. 

Ortega  (Franciso),  musician  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '39-42.  0.  (Francisco), 
juez  de  paz  at  S.  Buen.  '48.  v.  634.  O.  (Francisco  Maria),  son  of  Capt.  Jose" 
F. ;  soldado  distinguido  1794;  elector  at  Sta  B.  '22,  and  memb.  of  the  dip. 
'22-4.  ii.  454,  462,  486,  510-11,  572.  O.  (Guadalupe),  wife  of  Joseph 
Chapman,  ii.  479.  0.  (Ignacio),  son  of  Capt.  Jose"  F.,  who  prob.  came 
with  his  father  in  '69-73;  soldado  distinguido  of  the  S.  Diego  comp. 
1792;  wife  Gertrudis  Arce.  In  1812  he  discovered  a  silver  mine  near 
Salinas,  ii,  144,  176;  and  from  about  '10  to  '30  was  owner  of  the  S.  Isidro 
rancho  in  the  S.  Jos<3  region,  ii.  378,  383,  594,  603-4,  654;  though  possibly 
this  was  not  the  same  man.  There  was  also  an  Ign.  0.  at  Sta  B.  '50.  O. 
(Isabel),  prob.  daughter  of  Ignacio,  grantee  of  La  Polka  rancho,  Sta  Clara, 
'33.  iii.  712.  0.  (Jose"),  at  Sta  B.  before  '37  with  wife  Dolores  Quintero  and 
5  children;  in  '40  grantee  of  the  Pismo  raucho,  S.  Luis  Ob.  iii.  678;  juez  at 
S.  Luis  '44,  '46.  iv.  658-9;  v.  638-9;  visiting  N.  Helv.  in  '46.  Maria  Ant. 
0.,  cl.  of  Atascadero  '52,  was  perhaps  his  daughter.  0.  (Jose"  Ant.),  had  a 
house  at  S.F. '38-41.  v.  684;  perhaps  Antonio,  as  above.  0.  (Jose"  Dolores), 
son  of  Jos6  Maria;  in  '11-20  maj.  at  Sta  B.  ii.  364;  his  daughter  Soledad  (or 
probably  his  sister)  marrying  Luis  Arguello  in  '19.  iii.  11;  at  StaB.  about '32, 
wife  Dolores  Leiva  and  4  children;  grantee  of  Cafiada  del  Corral  in  '41,  iv.  642, 
and  still  there  in  '45. 

Ortega  (Jos6  PVancisco),  1769,  Mex.  sergt,  nat.  of  Guanajuato,  who  came 
with  Portola,  and  Serra,  was  lieut  from  '73,  com.  of  S.  Diego,  founder  and  com. 
of  Sta  B.,  com.  of  Mont.,  retired  as  brevet  capt.  in  '95,  died  near  Sta  B.  '98. 
He  was  an  officer  whose  record  was  an  excellent  one,  the  author  of  several 
important  records  of  the  earlier  Cal.  events,  and  founder  of  one  of  the  lead- 
ing Cal.  families,  many  of  the  members  of  which  are  named  in  this  register. 
Biog.  i.  670-3;  ment.  i.  122,  133-6,  140-1,  148,  153,  155,  159-60,  167,  '784 
216,  225,  230-1,  236,  249-50,  252-3,  265,  303-4,  312,  315-16,  335,  372-3,  377, 
441,  451,  462-3,  468,  484,  501-2,  663,  671,  678,  690;  ii.  113.  0.  (Jose"  Joa- 
quin),  son  of  Jose"  Maria,  member  of  the  dip.  '30-4.  iii.  50,  246,  249-50,  275; 
diputado  and  otter-hunter  '31-3.  iii.  187,  189,  200,  216-18,  246,  374,  394; 
maj.  and  admin,  of  S.  Diego  '35-40.  iii.  353,  499-501,  578,  590,  620,  625;  in 
'42-3  encargadode  justiciaof  theranchos,  elector,  juez,  and  grantee  of  Pamo. 
iv.  361,  620-1;  in  '43-5  maj.  at  S.  Luis  Rey,  grantee  of  Sta  Isabel,  and  su- 
plente  in  the  assembly,  iv.  540,  621,  623-4;  in  '46  juez  de  paz.  v.  618-19;  cl. 
for  Pamo  in  '52,  and  still  living  in  '63.  There  is  some  confusion  between  Jose", 
Joaquin,  and  Jos6  J.,  and  more  than  one  man  may  be  referred  to. 


ORTEGA— OSIO.  761 

Ortega  (Jose"  Maria),  son  of  Capt.  Jose"  F.,  b.  1759,  who  came  to  S.  Diego 
a  soldier  in  '69-73;  soon  made  corp.  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.,  and  com.  of  the  es- 
colta  at  Purisima.  i.  425;  marrying  Maria  Fran.  Lopez  in  "79.  From  '91  (ap- 
pointed in  '88)  he  was  sergt  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.  i.  614,  665.  About  1797  he 
was  partially  relieved  from  military  service  in  order  to  aid  his  father  in  lift- 
ing a  load  of  debt;  perhaps  retired  altogether.  He  obtained  the  Refugio  ran- 
cho,  where,  as  ranchero  and  trader,  he  is  often  mentioned  down  to  about  '-0. 
i.  639,  641,  663,  671;  ii.  28,  112,  124,  185,  236,  249,  274,  354,  663-4.  His  chil- 
dren, as  named  in  the  Sta  B.  Co.  Hist.,  were  Martin,  Jose"  Vicente,  Antonio 
Maria,  Jose'  Dolores,  Jose"  de  Jesus,  Joaquin,  Pilar  wife  of  Sant.  Arguello, 
Soledad  wife  of  Luis  Arguello,  Maria  de  Jesus  wife  of  Jose"  Ramirez,  Con- 
cepcion  wife  of  Jose1  Ant.  de  la  Guerra,  and  Catarina  wife  of  Jose"  Carrillo. 

0.  (Jose"  Maria),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  a  man  of  same  name  super- 
visor at  Sta  B.  '54.      0.  (Jose"  R.),  at  S.  Bern.  '46.      0.  (Josefa),  wife  of  Joso 
M.  Amador  '28.  ii.  585.       0.  (Jose"  Vicente),  son  of  Capt.  Jos6  F. ;  wife  Es- 
tefana  Olivara;  child.  Luis  (2),  Manuel,  Pedro  b.  '15,  living  '80,  Rafaela  wife 
of  Daniel  Hill. 

Ortega  (Juan),  son  of  Capt.  Jose  F.,  who  came  in  '69-75;  ment.  in  '75  at 
S.  Diego,  i.  255;  sergt  of  the  Sta  B.  comp.  '11-18,  and  comisionado  at  Los 
Ang.  '18.  ii.  326,  350,  361;  wife  Rafaela  Arrellanes;  child.  Emigdio  (married 
Concepcion  Dominguez),  Maria  wife  of  Guadalupe  Hernandez,  Buenaven- 
tura wife  of  Joaq.  Cota,  Marfa  Ant.  wife  of  Pedro  Dejemc,  and  Maria  de 
Jesus  wife  of  Fern.  Tico.  0.  (Juan  Maria),  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '46,  age  16.  0. 
(Magdalena),  Cal.  claim  $20  '46-7.  v.  462.  0.  (Manuel),  at  Sta  B.  about 
'32;  wife  Andrea  Cota;  1  child;  maj.  at  S.  Simeon  '39.  iii.  685.  0.  (Maria 
Ant.),  cl.  for  Atascadero.  iv.  655.  0.  (Maria  Clara),  daughter  of  Ignacio, 
and  wife  of  John  Gilroy.  ii.  444.  0.  (Maria  Simona),  widow  at  S.F.  1796. 

1.  603.       0.  (Mariano),  ment.  in  newspapers  as  108  years  old  in  '73,  at  Agua 
Mansa,  S.  Bern.       0.  (Martin),  alcalde  at  Sta  B.  '29.  ii.  572.       0.  (Miguel), 
owner  of  the  Virgenes  rancho,  Sta  B.,  1790-1802.   iii:  111-12,  172;  at  S.F. 
1807.  ii.  192.      O.  (Pedro),  at  Sta  B.  about  '32;  wife  Lugarda  Ortega;  1  child; 
arrested  at  Refugio  '41.   iv.  672;  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '58.       O.  (Quintiu),  son  of 
Ignacio,  b.  at  S.  Diego  1792;  ment.  in  '18.  ii.  234;  grantee  of  S.  Isidro  '33. 
iii.  670,  713;  in  '36  juez  de  campo.  iii.  675;  wife  Vicenta  Butron;  child.  Pilar 
b.  '20,  Magdalena  '24,  Miguel  '26,  Quintin  '32;  at  S.  Juan  '37.  iii.  512;  juez 
de  paz  '46.  v.  640.       Ortiz  (Hilario),  at  Corralitos,  age  24,  in  '36.       0.  (ATa- 
sario),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.       Orville  (James),  on  Larkiu's  books  '08. 

Osborn  (Charles),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  0.  (Jeptha),  1846, 
in  Sta  Clara  Val.  with  6  children;  at  S.  Jose"  '48.  0.  (W.  B.),  1844,  sailor  on 
the  Be-nj.  Morgan,  iv.  453.  0.  (Wm  B.),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499); 
miner  in  Placer  Co.  '49;  physician  at  Los  Angeles  '49  to  '67,  the  date  of  his 
death.  He  was  a  famous  gardener,  and  held  the  offices  of  postmaster  and 
justice  of  the  peace.  Osbourne  (James  A.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons 
(v.  336).  Osburn,  1848,  of  McLean  &  O.  furniture  dealers  at  S.F.  v.  678. 
Oseguera,  in  trouble  1799.  i.  639.  Osgood  (Henry  M.),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.  Luis  Obispo  '71-82,  the  date  of  his  death. 

Osio  (Antonio  Maria),  nat.  of  L.  Cal.  and  said  to  be  of  the  family  that  was 
somewhat  famous  in  very  early  times  in  connection  with  the  gulf  pearl  fish- 
eriesi  But  for  the  record  of  offices  held  by  him  there  is  a  remarkable  lack  of 
information  about  the  man.  He  first  appears  as  a  candidate  for  treasurer  in 
'27,  and  as  in  charge  of  the  Mont,  customs  '28-30  as  sub-comisario,  and  memb. 
of  the  dip.  in  '30-1.  ii.  607;  iii.  49-50,  63,  67,  73,  86,  136.  In  '31  he  was  con- 
tador  in  charge  of  the  revenue  at  S.F.,  taking  some  slight  part  in  the  troubles 
with  Victoria,  iii.  187,  189,  376,  700.  In  '3'2-3,  besides  being  still  vocal  of 
the  dip.,  he  was  receptor  of  customs  at  Los  Ang.  and  S.  Pedro,  iii.  216-17, 
245-6,  377,  635,  641 ;  still  in  charge  of  the  revenues  for  some  years  later,  iv.  82. 
In  '35-7  he  was  a  member  of  the  Los  Ang.  ayunt.,  sometime  sindico.  Ment.  in 
connection  with  the  Apalategui  revolt  and  the  vigilance  committee,  and  taking 
an  active  part  with  the  sureiios  against  Alvarado.  iii.  283,  285,  417-18,  481, 485, 
487, 489,  496-8,  501-2,506,  508-9,  516,636.  Notwithstanding  his  opposition  to 


762  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Alvarado,  the  latter  put  him  again  in  charge  of  the  revenues  at  Mont.  '38-42; 
and  he  was  also  in  '39  vocal  and  sec.  of  the  clip.,  partido  elector,  substitute 
member  of  congress,  and  grantee  of  Los  Angeles  Isl.  in  S.F.  bay.  iii.  584-5, 
590,  672,  711;  iv.  91,  96-7,  99,  210,  212,  339,  341.  In  '40-5  he  was  justice  of 
the  superior  court,  iii.  605;  a  partisan  of  Alvarado  against  Vallejo  '42.  iv.  282; 
grantee  of  Punta  de  los  Reyes  '43.  iv.  672;  and  of  S.  Jos6  mission  lands  '46. 
v.  665;  again  substitute  congressman  '43.  iv.  361;  in  '44  capt.  of  defensores, 
an  opponent  of  Micheltorena,  juez  at  S.  Rafael,  and  of  quinterna  for  gov.  iv. 
407,  409,  423,  460,  462-3,  530,  652,  676-7.  In  '46-7  he  made  a  trip  to  Hono- 
lulu with  wife  and  5  children,  taking  no  part  in  the  troubles  of  those  years. 
Soon  after  the  change  of  flag  he  went  to  L.  Cal.,  and  in  '58  seems  to  Iiave 
been  elected  gefe  politico,  though  forced  by  ill  health  to  resign.  In  '(58  he 
lived  at  S.  Jose'  del  Cabo,  and  I  have  not  found  the  date  of  his  death,  or  any 
definite  information  about  his  family.  Don  Antonio  Marfa  was  a  man  of  fair 
ability  and  education,  and  of  excellent  reputation  for  honesty.  As  a  politi- 
cian he  was  somewhat  too  cautious  and  timid,  disposed  to  seek  safe  ground 
on  both  sides  of  a  controversy,  and  in  an  emergency  to  have  an  urgent  call  to 
some  far-away  spot.  In  his  later  years  he  wrote  a  Historia  de  California,  a 
copy  of  which  I  obtained  through  the  kindness  of  John  T.  Doyle,  the  original 
MS.  being  after  '80  in  possession  of  the  writer's  daughter  in  S.F.  It  is  a 
work  of  considerable  merit,  valuable  as  a  supplement  to  those  of  Vallejo, 
Alvarado,  and  Bandini,  as  presenting  certain  events  from  a  different  point  of 
view;  but  like  all  writings  of  this  class,  it  is  of  very  uneven  quality  as  a  record 
of  facts.  None  of  them,  nor  all  combined,  would  be  a  safe  guide  in  the  absence 
of  the  original  records;  but  with  these  records  they  all  have  a  decided  value. 
O.  (Antonio),  celador  of  the  Mont,  custom-house  '42-3.  iv.  339;  suspended 
for  gambling.  O.  (Jose"  de  Jesus),  1847,  in  trade  at  S.  Diego.  O.  (Salva- 
dor), grantee  of  Todos  Santos,  Cosumnes,  and  Aguas  Frias  ranchos  '41-4.  iv. 
463,  670. 

Osman  (Thomas),  1828,  Engl.  blacksmith,  age  21,  who  deserted  from  a  Fr. 
whaler  at  Todos  Santos,  L.  Cal.,  and  came  up  to  S.Diego;  ordered  to  depart 
'29.  Osmer  (Chas  H.),  1826,  clerk  with  Beechey  '26-7.  iii.  121.  Osorno 
(Pedro),  1798,  convict  settler,  i.  606.  Ossa  (Vicente),  sec.  and  regidor  of 
the  Los  Ang.  ayunt.  '32-5.  iii.  283,  635;  in  '38  sindico,  favoring  Alvarado's 
govt,  age  30.  iii.  565,  636;  in  '42-3  grantee  of  Providencia  rancho.  iv.  634-5; 
in '46  at  Los  Ang.,  and  in  '56  justice  at  Encino.  Ostein,  1817,  deserter  from 
Roquefeuil's  vessel  at  S.F.  ii.  288.  Ostrander  (James),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Kinderhook,  N.Y.,  '74.  Ostwald  (August),  1847,  Co.  B, 
ditto;  at  Sac.  '82.  Osuna  (Juan  Maria),  born  in  Cal.  before  1800;  a  soldier 
and  corporal  of  the  S.Diego  comp.,  and  later  a  settler.  In  '30  elector,  taking 
part  iii  the  revolution  of  '31.  iii.  50,  201,  544;  in  '35  alcalde,  iii.  615;  in  '30- 
4,")  grantee  of  S.  Dieguito.  iii.  612,  557;  iv.  621;  in  '39  juez  de  paz.  iii.  584, 
616;  in  '40-3,  maj.  and  admin,  of  S.Diego  mission,  iii.  620;  iv.  371,  Cl'J,  621, 
624;  in  '46  juez  de  paz.  v.  618.  He  died  about  '47  at  the  age  of  60,  his  widow, 
Juliana  Lopez,  being  cl.  for  S.  Dieguito.  His  daughter  Felipa,  widow  of  J.  M. 
Marron,  gave  me  her  Recuerilos  in  '78,  as  elsewhere  noted;  and  also  a  collec- 
tion of  her  father's  Papeles  Originates.  O.  (Jose1  Hilario),  at  Los  Ang.  '46. 
O.  (Leandro),  perhaps  son  of  Juan  M. ;  took  part  in  the  fight  at  S.  Pascual  '46. 
v.  329,  352.  O.  (Miguel),  settler  at  S.  Jose",  1791;  property  destroyed  by 
Ind.  '95;  alcalde  in  1801.  i.  683,  716;  ii.  134.  O.  (Ramon),  com.  de  policia 
at  S.Diego  '36;  collector  of  tithes  '39;  grantee  of  Valle  de  las  Viejas  '46.  iii. 
610-17;  v.  619.  O.  (Santiago),  killed  by  Ind.  at  Panma  '46.  v.  617. 

Otondo  (Felipe),  sirviente  at  S.  F.  1777.  i.  297.  Ousley  (Henry)  1846  (?), 
settler  in  Napa  Val.,  where  he  still  lived  in  '68-9;  perhaps  'Owsley.'  Owen, 
1848,  of  0.  &  Wright,  liquor  dealers  at  S.F.  O.  (Isaac),  1848(?),  Methodist 
preacher;  d.  S.F.  '66.  Owens  (Alex.),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499).  O. 
(Edward),  1845,  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party  with  4 
others  of  the  name,  perhaps  brothers,  iv.  572-3;  v.  526.  O.  (Henry),  1845, 
ditto;  went  back  to  Or.  '46.  O.  (James),  1845,  ditto;  went  to  Or.  '46.  O. 
(John),  1845,  ditto;  went  to  Or.  O.  (James),  1847,  Co.  F,  N.Y. Vol.  (v.  499); 


OWENS— PACHECO.  763 

owner  of  S.F.  lot;  at  S.F.74.  0.  (James),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469). 
O.  (Richard),  1845,  nat.  of  Ohio,  and  member  of  Fremont's  party,  iv.  583;  v. 
6,  24,  80.  From  him  Owens  river  and  lake  deri-ve  their  name.  He  served  a3 
capt.  of  Co.  A,  Cal.  Bat.,  being  in  com.  at  S.  Gabriel  and  somewhat  prom- 
inently connected  with  Fremont's  controversies,  v.  361,  441,  445-6,  returning 
East  with  F.,  and  being  present  as  a  witness  at  the  court-martial  in  Wash- 
ington, v.  453.  O.  (Robert),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  O.  (Thos), 
1845,  from  Or.  in  McMahon  party;  prob.  returned  to  Or.  '46.  iv.  572,  526. 
Owney,  1847,  negro  witness  at  a  S.F.  trial.  Oxborough  (C.),  1848,  passp. 
from  Honolulu.  Oyague  (J.  M.),  1827,  doubtful  name  of  mr  of  the  Huascar. 
iii.  147. 

Pace  (James),  1847,  lieut  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.  v.  477;  made  an  exped.  against 
the  Ind.  v.  489;  capt.  of  a  hundred  on  the  return  to  Utah.  v.  493.  P.  (Wm 
B.  and  Wilson  C.),  1847,  servants  to  officers  of  Morm.  Bat. 

Pacheco  (Antonio),  militiaman  S.F.  '37;  in  '41  at  S.  Jos6,  age  32,  wife  Marfa 
P.  Soto,  child.  Jose  Prudencio  b.  '26,  Jose  '33,  Ventura  '35.  P.  (Bartolo), 
Mex.  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  1790,  age  25,  wife  Soto,  2  children;  Ind.  exped. 
of  1801.  ii.  136;  inval.  of  the  comp.  '19-40;  grantee  of  S.  Ramon,  Contra 
Costa,  '33.  iii.  713;  at  S.  Mateo  '35.  P.  (Dolores),  alcalde  and  juez  de  paz 
at  S.  Jos<§  '38-41,  acting  sub-prefect  '41,  and  depositario  '43.  ii.  729-31;  iv. 
684,  685-6;  grantee  of  Sta  Rita  in  '39.  iii.  713;  in  '43,  age  45,  nat.  of  Cal., 
wife  Juana  Pacheco  (Alviso?),  child  Salvador  b.  '36.  Again  alcalde,  juez, 
and  member  of  council  in  '46,  and  often  mentioned  in  local  aunals.  iv.  685; 
v.  8-9,  57,  105,  129,  246,  662,  664.  I  have  much  of  Pacheco's  official  and  pri- 
vate corresp.  He  died  about  '58,  and  his  widow  in  '75  at  the  age  of  80.  P. 
(Francisco),  at  S.  Jose1  '41,  age  33,  nat.  of  Cal.;  wife  Paula  Sepiilveda,  child 
Antonio  b.  '39. 

Pacheco  (Francisco  Perez),  1819,  Mex.  carriage-maker  who  came  with  the 
artillery  detachment  under  Ramirez.  In  '24,  for  bravery  in  putting  down  the 
Ind.  revolt,  he  was  promoted  to  brevet  alferez.  ii.  532,  536;  being  a  rnemb.  of 
the  dip.  in  '27.  iii.  36;  in  '29  com.  of  the  custom-house  guard  and  for  a  time 
of  the.  post  at  Mont,  under  Solis.  iii.  46-7,  50,  74,  136;  depositario  in  '31. 
iii.  672;  signer  of  the  Zamorano  plan  as  brevet  lieut  '32.  iii.  223,  672;  treas- 
urer and  grantee  of  a  raucho  '33.  iii.  673,  679;  com.  of  the  guard  '33-4.  iii. 
376,  378;  regidor  in  '35.  iii.  673;  grantee  of  Ausaymas  and  S.  Felipe  in  '36-40. 
iii.  711,  678;  being  at  this  time  45  years  old,  wife  Feliciana  Gonzalez,  child. 
Jacinta  b.  M4  in  Mex.,  Isidore  '20  in  Cal.,  Juan  '23,  Encarnacion  '27,  and 
Isidora  '30.  In  '37  he  was  arrested  at  S.  Juan.  iii.  513;  his  rancho  was  sacked 
by  Ind.  '38;  in  '44  he  was  capt.  of  defensores  and  com.  at  S.  Juan.  iv.  407, 
652,  654,  662;  in  '46  tithe  collector,  v.  637.  He  was  claimant  for  S.  Felipe,  v. 
678;  and  also  for  S.  Justo  and  S.  Luis  Gonzaga,  becoming  one  of  the  wealthi- 
est rancheros  of  Mont,  county,  besides  being  always  a  man  of  good  character 
and  much  influence.  His  daughter,  apparently  the  only  one  of  his  children 
surviving  him,  was  the  wife  of  Mariano  Malarin.  P.  (Guillermo),  soldier  cf 
the  S.F.  comp.  '44,  age  40. 

Pacheco  (Ignacio),  Mex.  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  1790,  age  30,  wife 
Cautua,  1  child;  before  1800  a  settler  at  S.  Jos6,  i.  716,  where  he  was  alcalde 
in  1824.  ii.  605.  P.  (Ignacio),  son  of  the  preceding,  b.  at  S.  Jose  1808; 
soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  from  '27,  and  scrgt  '37-  iii.  323,  702;  grantee  in  '40 
of  S.  Jose'  rancho.  iii.  713;  and  juez  de  paz  at  S.  Rafael  '45-6.  iv.  667;  v.  669. 
He  died  on  his  rancho  in  '64.  Portrait  in  Marin  Co.  Hist.  His  wife  was  Maria 
Loreto  Duarte,  and  his  children  Salvador  b.  '43,  Gumesindo  '52,  Catalina  '57, 
Agustin  F.  '59,  Juan  F.  '61,  and  Benjamin  '63.  P.  (Ignacio),  soldier  of  the 
S.F.  comp.  '28-9.  P.  (Jordan),  1829,  Portuguese  laborer  from  S.  Bias,  at 
Los  Ang.  '36,  age  50.  iii.  179.  P.  (Jos6  Reyes),  soldier  at  the  Colorado  pue- 
blos 1780-1,  not  killed,  i.  359.  P.  (Juan  Ign.),  ment.  in  '48.  v.  663.  P. 
(Juan  Sanchez),  grantee  of  Arroyo  de  las  Nueces,  Contra  Costa,  '34.  iii.  711. 
P.  (Lorenzo),  in  Ind.  exped.  '29.  iii.  Ill;  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '28-30;  in '41 
at  S.  Jos6,  age  37,  wife  Rafaela  Soto,  child.  Nicolas  b.  '37,  Ines  '41;  juez  de 


764  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

polifji'a  '43.  iv.  685.  P.  (Miguel),  corporal  of  S.F.  comp.  1790,  age  30,  wife 
Jose"fa  Maria  Sanchez;  inval.  and  settler  at  S.  Jose"  1797-1829.  i.  716.  P. 
(Pablo),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-26,  corp. '27-31,  sergt  '32-35.  iii.  701;  alf. 
of  Sta.  B.  comp.  '36.  iii.  650.  P.  (Rafael),  convict  settler  1791.  i.  606.  P. 
(Rafael),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '37-40;  at  Sonoma  '44.  P.  (Rafaela  Soto 
de),  grantee  of  S.  Ramon,  Contra  Costa,  '37.  iii.  712. 

Pacheco  (Romualdo),  1825,  Mex.  sub-lieut  of  engineers,  nat.  of  Guana- 
juato, who  came  with  Gov.  EcbeaiuTTaTas  aide-de-camp,  serving  in  that  capacity 
for  2  years,  and  also  as  sec.  of  the  com.  gen.  in  '26-7  at  S.  Diego,  making  sev- 
eral exped.  to  the  Colorado  and  elsewhere,  serving  as  substitute  member  of 
the  dip.,  and  being  often  named  in  connection  with  military  trials,  ii.  508-9, 
547,  549;  iii.  13-14,  36,  61,  63,  102.  In  '27-8  he  was  ayudante  de  plaza  and 
acting  com.  at  Mont.,  persuading  the  revolting  troops  to  return  to  their  duty, 
and  making  a  survey  north  of  the  bay  to  Ross.  iii.  40,  66,  115.  At  the  end  of 
'28  he  was  transferred  to  Sta  B.,  where  he  acted  as  comandante,  being  pro- 
moted to  lieut  in  '29,  and  being  imprisoned  on.  one  occasion  by  the  revolting 
troops,  ii.  571-2;  iii.  78-84,  99.  In  '30  he  was  also  com.  at  Mont,  for  a  short 
time,  ii.  608,  and  was  recommended  for  promotion  to  be  capt.  of  the  S.F. 
comp.  In  '31  he  was  granted  the  use  of  a  pai't  of  Simi  rancho.  iii.  u'56;  but 
marching  with  a  small  part  of  his  comp.  to  support  Gov.  Victoria,  was  killed 
in  the  light  near  Los  Angeles  in  Dec.  of  the  same  year.  iii.  205-9,  214,  374, 
650.  Pacheco  was  a  brave  and  skilful  officer,  intelligent,  courteous,  popular, 
and  of  unblemished  character;  a  man  against  whom  nothing  was  ever  said, 
except  that  some  Cal,  officers  complained  of  his  too  rapid  promotion  as  a  new- 
comer. In  '29  he  married  Ramona,  daughter  of  Joaqum  Carrillo  of  S.  Diego, 
being  put  under  arrest  for  failure  to  comply  with  some  formalities  of  military 
law.  The  widow  married  Capt.  John  Wilson  of  S.  Luis  Obispo,  and  still  lives 
in  '85.  There  were  2  sons  b.  in  '30,  '31 ,  both  of  whom  in  '38  were  sent  to  Hon- 
olulu to  be  educated,  iv.  103,  and  remained  there  several  years.  Of  one  of 
them,  Mariano,  I  have  no  later  record  than  that  he  was  a  clerk  for  Wm  H. 
Davis  at  S.F.  in  '43-4.  The  other  son,  Romualdo.  born  about  a  month  before 
his  father's  death,  after  his  return  from  the  Sandw.  Isl.  spent  some  years  on 
the  Sterling  and  other  vessels  as  supercargo's  clerk,  but  in  '48  settled  on  his 
mother's  land  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  From  '53  he  was  almost  constantly  in  office, 
holding  the  positions  of  assemblyman,  state  senator,  county  judge,  county 
treasurer,  brigadier-gen,  of  militia,  lieut-governor,  and  acting  governor;  being 
also  elected  to  congress  but  not  admitted.  In  '78-82  lie  was  a  stock-broker  in 
S.F.;  and  has  since  lived  in  Mexico  and  Texas  to  '85.  His  wife  was  Mary  Mc- 
Intire,  married  in  '63,  and  there  was  one  surviving  child  in  '82.  In  respect  of 
official  positions,  Gov.  Pacheco  has  been  more  prominent  since  '48  than  any 
other  native  Calif ornian;  and  his  record  as  a  citizen,  in  respect  of  character, 
attainments,  and  social  standing,  has  been  a  good  one. 

Pacheco  (Salvador),  son  of  Ignacio,  b.  S.  F.  '34,  who  still  lived  in  Marin 
co.  '80;  wife  Vicenta  Saiz;  4  children.  P.  (Salvio),  soldier  of  Mont.  comp. 
from  about  1810,  and  corporal  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '20-4,  and  perhaps  to  '29, 
being  corp.  of  the  eacolta  at  S.  Jose  in  '24.  ii.  599;  sec.  of  the  S.  Jose"  ayunt. 
'•27,  '29,  '32,  '34,  and  alcalde  in  '28.  ii.  605,  730;  suplente  of  the  dip.  '28-9, 
'35,  '43.  iii.  '42-3,  111,  291,  293;  iv.  361;  alcalde '32.  iii.  729;  in  '37-44 grantee 
of  Monte  del  Diablo  rancho.  iii.  712;  iv.  672;  capt.  of  militia  '37.  iii.  732; 
surveyor  of  pueblo  lands  '38;  iii.  730;  grantee  of  Pozitos  and  partido  elector 
in  '39.  iii.  712,  731;  juez  de  paz  '43.  iv.  685-6,  362;  supleute  of  the  superior 
court  '45.  iv.  532;  sfndico  '46.  v.  662;  accused  of  revolutionary  intrigues  '48. 
v.  663.  In  '41  he  is  named  on  the  S.  Jose1  padron  as  48  years  old,  nat.  of  Cal., 
wife  Juana  Flores,  child.  Fernando  b.  '18,  Padro  Ign.  '23,  Salvador  '21. 
Manuela  '27,  Concepcion  '29.  Don  Salvio  spent  his  life  from  '44  on  the  Mt 
Diablo  rancho,  on  which  the  town  of  Pacheco  bears  his  name,  and  died  in  '76 
at  the  age  of  83.  P.  (Silveria),  owner  of  a  house  at  S.  Jos6  '46.  v.  378.  P. 
(Tomas),  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '26-32;  in  '34  elected  regHor  at  S.  Jose"., 
iii.  730;  in  '37  alfeYez  of  militia,  iii.  732;  in  '39  regidor.  iii.  731;  in  '41  juez 
de  paz.  iv.  684;  sec.  of  the  juzgado  '43.  iv.  685:  grantee  of  Potrero  de  loa 
Cerritos  '44.  iv.  672. 


PACfFICO-PALLAS.  765 

Pacifico,  Ind.,  executed  at  Purisima'24.  Packard  (All)ert),  1845,  nat.  of 
E.  1.,  trader  and  lawyer,  who  came  from  Mazatlan.  iv.  587;  trading  at 
]\Jont.  and  S.  F.  '46-8;  still  a  resident  of  Sta  B.  in  76,  having  been  city 
attorney  and  held  other  local  offices.  P.  (Henry),  1847,  sergt  Co.  A,  Morm. 
Bat.  v.  495;  in  '81  at  Springfield,  Utah.  P.  (P.  W.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Honolulu.  P.  (Thos),  1846,  doubtful  name  at  Sta  B.  Packwood  (Elisha), 
1848,  nat.  of  Va,  who  came  overl.  to  Or.  in  '45  and  by  sea  to  Cal. ;  u  miner 
'48-9  and  trader  at  Mormon  Isl.  and  Ooloma,  going  East  '49  and  returning  in 
'50;  a  stock-raiser  till  the  floods  of  '61-2,  then  went  to  Or.,  where  he  died  in 
'76.  A  son,  Parrington  P.,  was  in  the  mines  with  his  father,  marrying  Matilda 
Wardle  while  in  Cal.  P.  (Sam.  T.),  1847,  a  cousin  of  Elisha,  in  Sta  Clara 
Co.  '48  and  prob.  the  P.  named  at  N.  Helv.  '47.  Pacomio  (Jose),  leader 
of  neophytes  in  the  revolt  of  '24.  ii.  527,  532;  in  '36  a  carpenter  at  Mont., 
age  40,  wife  Maria  Guevia  (?);  also  com.  de  policia.  iii.  675. 

Paddock  (Joseph),  1830,  mr  of  the  Whaleman,  iii.  149.  Padilla  (Juan), 
occupant  of  Chupadero  rancho,  Mont.,  1795.  i.  6S3.  P.  (Juan  de  Dios), 
trader  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  40;  also  called  captain,  iii.  637.  P.  (Juan  Ne- 
pomuceno),  Mex.  barber;  at  S.  Jos6  '43.  iv.  356;  in  '44-5  kept  a  saloon  at 
S.  F.,  was  lieut  of  defensores,  alcalde,  and  grantee  of  lloblar  de  la  Miseria 
aud  Tamales  ranches,  iv.  666-7,  673-4.  In  '46  he  was  in  com.  of  a  party  of 
Californians  north  of  the  bay  at  the  time  of  the  Bear  revolt,  v.  160-4,  680; 
in  '55  a  resid.  of  Los  Ang.,  age  31.  P.  (Julian),  defender  of  Apal6tegui  at 
Los  Ang.  '35.  iii.  285;  accused  of  passing  counterfeit  coin.  iii.  674;  at  Los 
Ang.  '46.  P.  (Macedonio),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  in  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5,  re- 
maining in  Cal.  after  Micheltorena's  departure,  iv.  289,  513;  v.  41.  P. 
(Mariano),  nat.  of  Cal.,  b.  about  '10;  at  S.  Jose"  '50-5.  P.  (Vicente),  soldier 
of  S.  F.  comp.  '27-9;  at  S.  Jose"  '45-71. 

Padre's  (Jos6  Maria),  1830,  nat.  of  Puebla;  in  '2/>  H»"*  ' '  j  and 

sec.  of  the  com.  gen.  at  Loroto:  su*±i—~—  2che- 

andia's  dem>'f"-"  *  2ame 

190. 

was 

... j  sent 

^~r*r-trrtrp5;  iv.  160.  In  Mex. 

^...aciuon  scheme,  and  returned  to  Cal.  in  '34  with 

rt,^,iLiiient  of  director  of  the  colony  in  addition  to  his  former  position 
as  inspector,  which  latter  he  soon  resigned.  In  '35  with  his  associate  Hijar  he 
was  sent  to  Mex.  by  Figueroa  to  be  tried  on  a  charge  of  revolutionary  plots, 
iii.  259-69,  272-91,  383.  613,  652,  670.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  later  career, 
though  a  man  of  the  same  name  figures  at  Ures,  Sonora,  as  a  petty  official  in 
'44-8.  Padres  was  a  man  of  remarkable  energy,  intelligence,  and  magnetism, 
a  most  radical  republican  in  the  Mexican  sense  of  the  term;  and  one  whose 
influence  was  long  felt  in  Cal.,  through  his  teachings  to  the  young  men  who 
later  controlled  the  country.  So  well  did  they  learn  their  lesson,  indeed,  that 
in  colony  times  they  turned  against  their  teacher  when  he  seemed  to  have 
forgotten  their  claims  to  office.  Padushkin  (Yakov),  1817,  Russ.  lieut  who 
visited  Cal.  on  the  Chlrlkof.  ii.  216,  283,  312-14,  373,  383.  Paele  (Pika), 
1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  666.  Paez  (Juan),  1542,  probable  author  of  Ca- 
brillo's  Relation,  and  perhaps  one  of  the  exped.  i.  69. 

Page  (Hugh  N.),  1844,  com.  of  the  U.S.  Levant  on  the  coast  '44-6.  iv.  567; 
v.  204,  224,  231.  P.  (Rich.  L.),  1847,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Independence.  P. 
(Thomas),  1847,  sheriff  in  Sonoma  dist.  '47-8;  cl.  of  the  Cotate  rancho  'C2. 
iv.  671.  Paine  (Henry),  1820,  named  by  Michael  White  as  his  cousin 
who  aided  in  building  a  schr  at  Sta  B.  iii.  140.  Painter  (Theodore),  1846, 
Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  Sauzalito  Oct.  (v.  358).  Palacio  (Francisco), 
1848  (?),  Mex.  gefe  politico  of  L.  Cal.  who  favored  the  Amer.  during  the  war, 
and  after  the  treaty  came  to  Mont.,  where  he  died  in  '73.  Palacios  (Geron. 
M.),  1602,  capt.  and  cosmog.  in  Vizcaino's  exped.  i.  98.  P.  (Lino),  owner 
of  land  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  Palani  (Keani),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  678. 
Pallas  (Cayetano),  visiting  padre  at  S.  Diego  1791-1800.  i.  655;  perhaps  a 


764  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

polioia  '43.  iv.  685.  P.  (Miguel),  corporal  of  S.F.  comp.  1790,  age  30,  wife 
Josefa  Maria  Sanchez;  inval.  and  settler  at  S.  Jose  1797-1829.  i.  716.  P. 
(Pablo),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-26,  corp.  '27-31,  sergt  '32-35.  iii.  701;  alf. 
of  Sta.  13.  comp.  '36.  iii.  650.  P.  (Rafael),  convict  settler  1791.  i.  606.  P. 
(Rafael),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '37-40;  at  Sonoma  '44.  P.  (Rafaela  Soto 
de),  errantee  of  S.  Ramon,  Contra  Costa,  '37.  iii.  712. 

Pacheco  (Romualdo),  1825,  Mex.  sub-lieut  of  engineers,  nat.  of  Guana- 
juato, who  camo  with  Gov.  Eelieamlfa  as  aide-de-camp,  serving  in  that  capacity 
for  2  years,  and  also  as  sec.  of  the  com.  gen.  in  '26-7  at  S.  Diego,  making  sev- 
eral exped.  to  the  Colorado  and  elsewhere,  serving  as  substitute  member  of 
the  dip. ,  and  being  often  named  in  connection  with  military  trials,  ii.  508-9, 
547,  549;  iii.  13-14,  36,  61,  63,  102.  In  '27-8  he  was  ayudante  de  plaza  and 
acting  com.  at  Mont.,  persuading  the  revolting  troops  to  return  to  their  duty, 
and  making  a  survey  north  of  the  bay  to  Ross.  iii.  40,  66,  115.  At  the  end  of 
'28  he  was  transferred  to  Sta  B. ,  where  he  acted  as  comandante,  being  pro- 
moted to  lieut  iii  '29,  and  being  imprisoned  on.  one  occasion  by  the  revolting 
troops,  ii.  571-2;  iii.  78-84,  99.  In  '30  he  was  also  com.  at  Mont,  for  a  short 
time,  ii.  608,  and  was  recommended  for  promotion  to  be  capt.  of  the  S.F. 
comp.  In  '31  Le  was  granted  the  use  of  a  part  of  Simi  rancho.  iii.  656;  but 
marching  with  a  small  part  of  his  comp.  to  support  Gov.  Victoria,  was  killed 
in  the  fight  near  Los  Angeles  in  Dec.  of  the  same  year.  iii.  205-9,  214,  374, 
650.  Pacheco  was  a  brave  and  skilful  officer,  intelligent,  courteous,  popular, 
and  of  unblemished  character;  a  man  against  whom  nothing  was  ever  said, 
except  that  some  Cal,  officers  complained  of  his  too  rapid  promotion  as  a  new- 
comer. In  '29  he  married  Ramona,  daughter  of  Joaquin  (Jarrillo  of  S.  Diego, 
being  put  under  arrest  for  failure  to  comply  with  some  formalities  of  military 
law.  The  widow  married  Capt.  John  Wilson  of  S.  Luis  Obispo,  and  still  lives 
in  '85.  There  were  2  sons  b.  in  '30,  '31,  both  of  whom  in '38  were  sent  to  Hon- 
olulu to  be  educated,  iv.  103,  and  remained  there  several  years.  Of  one  of 
them,  Mariano,  I  have  no  later  record  than  that  he  was  a  clerk  for  Wm  II. 
Davis  at  S.F.  in  '43-4.  The  other  son,  Romualdo.  born  about  a  month  before 


Pacheco  denied  seat  in  congress  '76;  elected  in  '78  and  again  in  '80, 
serving  out  both  terms. 

S.F. ;  and  has  since  lived  in  Mexico  and  Texas  to  '85.  His  wife  was  Mary  Mc- 
Intirc,  married  in  '63,  and  there  was  one  surviving  child  in  '82.  In  respect  of 
official  positions,  Gov.  Pacheco  has  been  more  prominent  since  '48  than  any 
other  native  California!!;  and  his  record  as  a  citizen,  in  respect  of  character, 
attainments,  and  social  standing,  has  been  a  good  one. 

Pacheco  (Salvador),  son  of  Ignacio,  b.  S.  F.  '34,  who  still  lived  in  Maria 
co.  '80;  wife  Vicenta  Saiz;  4  children.  P.  (Salvio),  soldier  of  Mont.  comp. 
from  about  1810,  and  corporal  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '20-4,  and  perhaps  to  '29, 
being  corp.  of  the  escolta  at  S.  Jos6  in  '24.  ii.  599;  sec.  of  the  S.  Jos6  ayunt. 
'27,  '29,  '32,  '34,  and  alcalde  in  '28.  ii.  605,  730;  suplente  of  the  dip.  '28-9, 
'35,  '43.  iii.  '42-3,  111,  291,  293;  iv.  361;  alcalde '32.  iii.  729;  in  '37-44 grantee 
of  Monte  del  Diablo  rancho.  iii.  712;  iv.  672;  capt.  of  militia  '37.  iii.  732; 
surveyor  of  pueblo  lands  '38;  iii.  730;  grantee  of  Pozitos  and  partido  elector 
in  '39.  iii.  712,  731;  juez  de  paz  '43.  iv.  685-6,  362;  supleute  of  the  superior 
court  '45.  iv.  532;  sfndico  '46.  v.  662;  accused  of  revolutionary  intrigues  '48. 
V.  663.  In  '41  he  is  named  on  the  S.  Jose1  padron  as  48  years  old,  nat.  of  Cal., 
wife  Juana  Flores,  child.  Fernando  b.  '18,  Padro  Ign.  '23,  Salvador  '24, 
Manuela  '27,  Concepcion  '29.  Don  Salvio  spent  his  life  from  '44  on  the  Mt 
Diablo  rancho,  on  which  the  town  of  Pacheco  bears  his  name,  and  died  in  '76 
at  the  age  of  83.  P.  (Silveria),  owner  of  a  house  at  S.  Jose  '46.  v.  378.  P. 
(Tomas),  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '26-32;  in  '34  elected  regHor  at  S.  Jose., 
iii.  730;  in  '37  alferez  of  militia,  iii.  732;  in  '39  regidor.  iii.  731;  in  '41  juez 
de  paz.  iv.  684;  sec.  of  the  juzgado  '43.  iv.  685:  grantee  of  Potrero  de  loa 
Cerritos  '44.  iv.  672. 


PAClFICO— PALLAS.  765 

Pacifico,  Ind.,  executed  at  Purfsima'24.  Packard  (Albert),  1S45?  nat.  of 
Pv.  1.,  trader  and  lawyer,  who  came  from  Mazatlan.  iv.  587;  trading  at 
Mont,  and  S.  F.  '46-8;  still  a  resident  of  Sta  B.  in  76,  having  been  city 
attorney  and  held  other  local  offices.  P.  (Henry),  1S47,  sergt  Co.  A,  Morin. 
Bat.  v.  495;  in  '81  at  Springfield,  Utah.  P.  (P.  W.),  1848,  passp.  from 
Honolulu.  P.  (Thos),  1846,  doubtful  name  at  Sta  B.  Packwood  (Elisha), 
1848,  nat.  of  Va,  who  came  overl.  to  Or.  in  '45  and  by  sea  to  Cal. ;  u  miner 
'48-9  and  trader  at  Mormon  Isl.  and  Coloma,  going  East  '49  and  returning  in 
'50;  a  stock-raiser  till  the  floods  of  '61-2,  then  went  to  Or.,  where  he  died  in 
'76.  A  son,  Parrington  P.,  was  in  the  mines  with  his  father,  marrying  Matilda 
Wardle  while  in  Cal.  P.  (Sam.  T.),  1847,  a  cousin  of  Elisha,  in  Sta  Clara 
Co.  '48  and  prnb.  the  P.  named  at  N.  Helv.  '47.  Pacomio  (Jose),  leader 
of  neophytes  in  the  revolt  of  '24.  ii.  527,  532;  in  '36  a  carpenter  at  Mont., 
age  40,  wife  Maria  Guevia  (?);  also  com.  de  policia.  iii.  675. 

Paddock  (Joseph),  1830,  mr  of  the  Whaleman,  iii.  149.  Padilla  (Juan), 
occupant  of  Chupadero  rancho,  Mont.,  1795.  i.  683.  P.  (Juan  de  Dios), 
trader  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  40;  also  called  captain,  iii.  637.  P.  (Juan  Ne- 
pomuceno),  Mex.  barber;  at  S.  Jos6  '43.  iv.  356;  in  '44-5  kept  a  saloon  at 
S.  F.,  was  lieut  of  defensores,  alcalde,  and  grantee  of  lloblar  de  la  Miseria 
and  Tamales  ranches,  iv.  666-7,  673-4.  In  '46  he  was  in  com.  of  a  party  of 
Cidifornians  north  of  the  bay  at  the  time  of  the  Bear  revolt,  v.  160-4,  680; 
in  7)5  a  resid.  of  Los  Ang.,  age  31.  P.  (Julian),  defender  of  Apaletegui  at 
Los  Ang.  '35.  iii.  285;  accused  of  passing  counterfeit  coin.  iii.  674;  at  Loa 
Aug.  '46.  P.  (Macedonio),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  in  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5,  re- 
maining in  Cal.  after  Micheltorena's  departure,  iv.  289,  513;  v.  41.  P. 
(Mariano),  nat.  of  Cal.,  b.  about '10;  at  S.  Jose"  '50-5.  P.  (Vicente),  soldier 
of  S.  F.  comp.  '27-9;  at  S.  Jose"  '45-71. 

Padres  (Jose"  Maria),  1830,  nat.  of  Puebla;  in  '25  lieut  of  engineers  and 
sec.  of  the  com.  gen.  at  Lor<;to;  acting  com.  and  sub-gefo  politico  after  Eche- 
andia's  departure  for  Cal.  In  '30,  having  been  promoted  to  lieut-col,  he  came 
to  Cal.  as  ay ud ante  inspector  of  the  troops,  ii.  607,  674;  iii.  46,  52,  57,  190. 
In  '31  he  acted  also  as  inspector  of  customs;  as  fiscal  in  the  Rubio  case;  was 
the  instigator  of  Echeandia's  secularization  decree;  and  was  arbitrarily  sent 
to  Mex.  by  Gov.  Victoria,  iii.  184-5,  192-3, 197,  304-5,  370;  iv.  160.  In  Mex. 
he  devised  the  H.  and  P.  colonization  scheme,  and  returned  to  Cal.  in  '34  with 
the  appointment  of  director  of  the  colony  in  addition  to  his  former  position 
as  inspector,  which  latter  he  soon  resigned.  In  '35  with  his  associate  Hijar  he 
•was  sent  to  Mex.  by  Figueroa  to  be  tried  on  a  charge  of  revolutionary  plots, 
iii.  259-69,  272-91,  383,  613,  652,  670.  Nothing  is  known  of  his  later  career, 
though  a  man  of  the  same  name  figures  at  Urea,  Sonora,  as  a  petty  official  in 
'44-8.  Padres  was  a  man  of  remarkable  energy,  intelligence,  and  magnetism, 
a  most  radical  republican  in  the  Mexican  sense  of  the  term;  and  one  whose 
influence  was  long  felt  in  Cal.,  through  his  teachings  to  the  young  men  who 
later  controlled  the  country.  So  well  did  they  learn  their  lesson,  indeed,  that 
in  colony  times  they  turned  against  their  teacher  when  he  seemed  to  have 
forgotten  their  claims  to  office.  Padushkin  (Yakov),  1817,  Russ.  lieut  who 
visited  Cal.  on  the  Chirikof.  ii.  216,  283,  312-14,  373,  383.  Paele  (Pika), 
1847,  owner  of  S.F.  lot.  v.  685.  Paez  (Juan),  1542,  probable  author  of  Ca- 
brillo's  Relation,  and  perhaps  one  of  the  exped.  i.  69. 

Page  (Hugh  N. ),  1844,  com.  of  the  U.S.  Levant  on  the  coast  '44-6.  iv.  567; 
v.  204,  224,  231.  P.  (Rich.  L.),  1847,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Indei>end*nce.  P. 
(Thomas),  1847,  sheriff  in  Sonoma  dist.  '47-8;  cl.  of  the  Cotate  rancho  '52. 
iv.  671.  Paine  (Henry),  1820,  named  by  Michael  White  as  his  cousin 
who  aided  in  building  a  schr  at  Sta  B.  iii.  140.  Painter  (Theodore),  1846, 
Co.  E,  Cal.  Bat.,  enlisting  at  Sauzalito  Oct.  (v.  358).  Palacio  (Francisco), 
1848  (?),  Mex.  gefe  politico  of  L.  Cal.  who  favored  the  Amer.  during  the  war, 
and  after  the  treaty  came  to  Mont.,  where  he  died  in  '73.  Palacios  (Geron. 
M.),  1602,  capt.  and  cosmog.  in  Vizcaino's  exped.  i.  98.  P.  (Lino),  owner 
of  land  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  Palani  (Keani),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  678. 
Pallas  (Cayetano),  visiting  padre  at  S.  Diego  1791-1800.  i.  655;  perhaps  a 


7GG  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

Dominican  from  L.  Cal.       Palma,  Yuma  chief,   1774-82.    i.  221-2,  2GO-1, 
355-7,  361,  370. 

Palmer  (Amasa),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  P.  (Joel), 
1848,  a  prominent  citizen  and  official  of  Or.,  who  came  with  the  Or.  miners 
and  spent  some  months  on  the  Yuba;  author  of  a  Journal  of  the  trip  over- 
land to  Or.  P.  (John),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  P.  (Sam. 
R.),  1847,  owner  of  a  Benicia  lot.  v.  672.  P.  (Zemira),  1847,  servant  to 
officer  of  the  Morrn.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Palo  (Luis),  companion  of  Brooks  in 
the  mines  '48;  son  of  a  Mex.  official  at  Mont.  (?).  Palomares  (Francisco), 
son  of  Cristobal;  b.  at  Sta  B.  1808;  from  '33  a  resid.  of  S.  Jose",  being  juez 
de  campo  in  that  year.  iii.  729;  and  juez  de  policia  in  '46.  v.  662.  In  the 
padron  of  '41  he  is  named  with  his  wife  Margarita  Pacheco,  and  child.  Be- 
nedita  b.  '30,  Maria  de  Jesus  '31,  Rosario  '32,  Cristobal  '36,  and  Felipe  '39. 
In  '77  at  S.  Jose"  he  gave  me  a  long  Memoria  of  his  adventures,  chiefly  as  an 
lud.  fighter — all  of  them  strictly  true  as  is  to  be  hoped,  iv.  75-6;  v.  313,  5G6. 
P.  (Francisco  G.),  at  S.F.  '38-9;  grantee  of  Corral  de  Tierra.  iii.  711.  P. 
(Ignacio),  juez  de  campo  at  Los  Ang.  '34,  and  regidor  '35.  iii.  635;  in  '37-40 
grantee  of  Azuza  and  S.  Jose"  ranchos.  iii.  633;  regidor  and  a  prisoner  in  '38. 
iii.  555,  566,  636.  He  was  juez  de  carnpo  '40,  juezde  paz '41,  elector  '43,  capt.  of 
defensores  '44,  and  supleute  of  the  assembly  '45.  iii.  637;  iv.  361,  540,  632. 
In  '46  he  took  part  in  a  movement  against  Flores,  being  also  elected  alcalde. 
v.  332-3,  626.  He  was  a  prominent  ranchero  in  these  and  in  later  years, 
dying  at  Pomona  in  '82,  at  the  age  of  about  70.  P.  (Jorge),  com.  of  a  vol- 
unteer cavalry  comp.  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  v.  51.  P.  (Jos6),  soldier  and  sergt 
of  the  Sta  B.  comp  to  1806,  from  '10  a  settler  at  Los  Aug.  ii.  117,  349;  ment. 
in  '17-19.  ii.  354,  425:  in  '22-4  elector  and  member  of  the  1st  diputacion. 
ii.  454,  462,  513,  559;  iii.  7;  sindico  '26,  and  fiscal  in  the  Fitch  trial  '30.  ii. 
560;  iii.  142-4.  P.  (Jos6),  possibly  same  as  preceding,  or  his  son;  sec.  at 
Los  Ang.  '28-30.  ii.  550-1;  in  '37  alfe"rez,  aiding  Bandini  in  the  capture  of 
Los  Ang.  iii.  519.  P.  (Jos<5  Fran.),  see  P.  (Francisco).  P.  (J.  M.),  capt. 
of  Los.  Ang.  defensores  '44.  iv.  407.  P.  (Luis),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  before  '37. 
P.  (Manuel),  at  S.  Jose"  '44. 

Palou  (Francisco),  1773,  Span,  friar  who  was  the  founder  of  S.F.  mission 
in  1776,  and  the  successor  of  Junipero  Serra  as  president  in  '84.  He  retired 
in  '85  and  became  guardian  of  S.  Fernando  college.  He  is  best  known  as  the 
author  of  the  Vida  de  Junipero  Serra  and  JWoticias  de  las  Californias,  stan- 
dard works  on  the  early  mission  history.  He  died  about  1790  in  Mex.  See 
Biog.  i.  473-6;  notice  of  his  works,  i.  417-20;  ment.  i.  122-5,  154,  165, 
171,  179,  184,  193-6,  198-206,  231-6,  246-7,  254,  280,  287-93,  297,  320,  382, 
385-8,  398-407,  410-11,  416-17,  455,  .458,  474,  476,  657;  ii.  113,  571. 

Panano  (Geo.),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  v.  678.  Pauaud  (Clement), 
1846,  Frenchman  at  S.  Juan  B.  in  '47,  with  a  claim  for  damages  by  Fremont 
presented  through  the  French  consul,  v.  615.  He  bought  a  mill  in  Salinas 
"Valley  from  Wm  Anderson,  and  sold  it  in  '48  to  Capt.  Cooper.  In  '53  he 
was  claimant  for  lands  in  Sta  Clara  and  Mont,  counties,  iv.  673;  v.  637. 
Panella  (Jose"),  1797,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Diego,  retiring  in  1803. 
Biog.  ii.  107;  ment.  i.  379,  382,  564,  577,  654-5;  ii.  159.  Panto,  Ind.  chief 
at  S.  Pascual,  S.  Diego  Co.,  who  rendered  much  aid  to  the  Cal.  authorities  in 
keeping  the  Ind.  quiet;  also  aiding  Stockton  in  '46-7  with  horses,  etc.,  never 
paid  for  by  the  U.S.  govt.  His  claim  and  that  of  his  people  to  their  land  at 
S.  Pascual  seems,  however,  to  have  been  respected  by  the  govt  and  land- 
sharks  down  to  about  the  period  of  his  death  in  '73.  P.  (Jos6  Pedro),  1810, 
Span,  friar  whose  missionary  service  was  at  S.  Diego,  where  he  died  in  '12, 
being  poisoned  by  his  neophyte  cook  in  return  for  cruelty,  ii.  344—5,  107, 
159-60,  394.  Pantoja  (Francisco),  regidor  of  Los  Ang.  '37.  iii.  509,  636; 
at  Sta  Gertrudis  raucho  '39,  age  43.  P.  (Juan),  1782,  an  officer  on  the 
Princeta,  whose  map  of  S.  Diego  is  copied  in  i.  455-45,  378.  P.  (Matias),  at 
S.  Gabriel  '46. 

Pardo,  1831,  said  to  have  come  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  Wolfskill  party,  iii. 
387.  P.  (Roberto),  Mex.  or  Ind.  sergt  of  the  Mazatlan  comp.,  at  Mont,  as 


PARDO— PARROTT.  767 

early  as  '20;  in  '24  posted  at  Purisima.  ii.  533;  in  '33-4  engaged  in  otter- 
hunting  (?).  iii.  394.  From  '38  or  earlier  he  was  alfe'rez  of  the  Sta  B.  comp., 
being  acting  lieut  and  comandante  '42-5.  iii.  566,  589,  630,  651;  iv.  282,  641. 
His  wife  was  Candelaria  Caiiizares.  Parish  (De  Witt  C.),  1847,  in  S.F.  let- 
ter list.  Park  (James),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.;  at  Cedar 
Val.,  Utah,  '81. 

Park  (Thomas  B.),  1826,  nat.  of  Mass.,  and  sup.  of  the  Harbinger  '26-8. 
iii.  147,  176.  From  '35  he  was  a  resident  of  Cal.,  coming  prob.  on  the  Alert, 
acting  as  sup.,  or  agent,  of  the  California  and  other  vessels  from  '36,  and 
succeeding  Alfred  Robinson  in  charge  of  the  Boston  firm's  business,  iv.  101, 
117;  iii.  623,  657;  often  named  in  commercial  records  from  '39.  He  was  nat- 
uralized in  '44,  aiding  the  Californians  against  Micheltorena,  and  acting  aa 
sup.  of  the  Sterling  in  '44-6.  iv.  568.  He  was  a  man  of  some  education  and 
much  business  ability,  though  thought  to  lack  the  'push'  displayed  by  some 
of  his  rivals,  being  addicted  to  drink  and  neglecting  his  business  in  the  later 
years.  He  died  at  Sta  B.  about  '50,  leaving  a  wife  in  Mass.  Parker,  1840,  a 
clergyman  on  the  Alciope  for  Honolulu,  iv.  100;  prob.  B.  W.  Parker,  a 
Sandw.  Isl.  missionary  who  came  with  a  letter  of  introd.  to  Larkin.  P. 
(Edward),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  P.  (John),  1840,  Eugl.  deserter 
from  the  Sulphur,  who  became  a  lumberman  at  S.  Antonio;  at  Bodega  '41. 
P.  (Lewis),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.  Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  before  '82.  P.  (Robert), 
1834,  at  Mont. 

Parker  (Robert  A.),  1847,  nat.  of  Boston,  and  sup.  of  the  Mt  Vernon, 
introd.  by  Mellus  to  Larkin  as  a  'tough  customer';  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  and 
member  of  the  council,  v.  648.  In  '48  he  had  an  adobe  store  on  Dupont  St., 
and  from  July  was  keeper  of  the  City  Hotel,  v.  680-1;  being  in  '49-51  keeper 
of  the  famous  Parker  House.  In  '54  he  lived  at  Crescent  City,  but  later  went 
to  L.  Cal.,  dying  at  S.  Quintin  in  '65  at  the  age  of  45.  His  widow  died  in  S.F. 
'83,  age  61,  leaving  5  children.  P.  (Wm  C.),  1847,  asst  surg.  of  N.Y.Vol. 
v.  503,  511,  513;  owner  of  S.F.  lots.  v.  654;  surgeon  of  the  S.F.  guards  '49; 
also  engaged  in  trade,  and  named  by  Colton  as  owner  of  New  York  of  the 
Pacific  :49.  He  lived  in  S.F.  to  '76,  and  in  Oakland  till  '82  or  later. 

Parks  (David),  1848,  overl.  immig.  bound  for  Or.,  but  turned  from  his  way 
by  reports  of  gold  in  Cal.;  mined  on  the  Yuba,  gave  his  name  to  Parks  Bar, 
and  went  to  N.  Orleans  in  '49  with  $80,000  in  gold-dust.  His  son  David 
remained  in  Cal.  and  became  a  citizen  of  Marysville,  as  did  John,  who  built 
the  1st  hotel  at  M.  P.  (Wm),  1846,  deserter  from  U.  S.  service,  for  whom 
Capt.  Morrison  offered  $50  reward.  P.  (Wm  A.),  1848,  in  S.F.  list  of  let- 
ters. Parmo  (Luigi),  1834,  Ital.  sailor  at  Mont.,  age  29.  Parodi  (Nicolds), 
1841,  Ital.  sailor  from  Salvador  on  the  Jdven  Carolina  as  part  owner  of  the 
cargo. 

Parr  (Charles),  1846,  Engl.  overl.  immig.  with  his  parents,  who  settled  at 
Sta  Clara  in  '47,  and  in  '81  still  lived  as  a  stock  farmer  in  Almaden  township, 
with  wife  T.  Garcia,  and  10  children.  P.  (Chas  H.),  1846,  brother  of  Chas, 
nat.  of  Iowa,  overl.  immig.,  who  died  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  '77,  leaving  a  widow, 
Mary  A.  Kenny,  and  2  children.  P.  (Jonathan),  1846,  father  of  the  preced- 
ing, who  settled  in  Sta  Clara  Co.,  where  he  died  in  '67  at  Los  Gatos,  leaving 
6  children.  P.  (Wm  J.),  1846,  son  of  Jonathan;  nat.  of  Ohio;  farmer  near 
S.  Jose"  '47-76.  Parraga  (Francisco),  1803,  com.  of  the  Conception,  ii.  19. 
Parrena  (Santiago),  1810,  agent  for  Bonaparte  for  N.  Mex.  and  Cal.;  prob. 
not  in  Cal.  ii.  88. 

Parrilla  (Leon),  1793,  lieut  of  the  Monterey  comp.  '93-5,  retired  for  incom- 
petency.  Biog.  i.  634,  678.  Parrish  (Joseph),  1845,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Ports- 
mouth, acting  lieut  in  Co.  F,  Stockton's  battalion,  '46-7.  v.  385.  Parron 
(Fernando),  1769,  Span,  friar,  third  of  the  missionaries  to  reach  Cal.,  and 
founder  of  S.  Diego  mission,  where  he  served  till  his  retirement  in  '71  on 
account  of  illness,  i.  120,  128,  136-8,  164,  167,  176,  178.  Parrott  (Enoch  G.), 
1846,  lieut  on  the  U.S.  Congress  '46-8,  who  served  in  the  war  of  '61-5  as  com- 
mander; as  commodore  was  in  com.  at  Mare  Isl.  '71;  rear-admiral  '73;  and 
died  '79  in  N.Y.  A  uat.  of  N.  H.,  b.  '15.  P.  (John),  1845,  nat.  of  Va,  for 


768  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

many  years  engaged  in  trade  on  the  Mex.  coast,  and  U.S.  consul  at  Mazatlan 
in  '45-6,  rendering  valuable  aid  to  the  naval  officers  in  matters  relating  to  the 
occupation  of  Cal.  iv.  302;  v.  13.  His  first  visit  to  Cal.  was  in  connection  with 
his  grand  smuggling  scheme  which  ended  somewhat  disastrously  with  the 
wreck  of  the  Star  of  the  West.  iv.  560,  568,  587.  I  have  many  letters  written 
by,  to,  and  about  him  at  that  time.  After  the  gold  discovery  he  came  with 
his  family  to  S.F.,  where  he  was  a  shipping  merchant  to  '59,  and  later  a 
banker  and  capitalist  down  to  his  death  in  '84  at  the  age  of  73.  He  was 
famous  for  his  uniformly  successful  investments  and  for  never  taking  any  risks, 
his  caution  and  conservatism  being  in  marked  contrast  with  the  prevalent 
spirit  of  the  times.  He  left  a  widow  and  several  children  and  grandchildren. 
Parsons  (Alonzo  P.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  P.  (J.  H.),  1847,  per- 
haps ditto;  not  on  roll.  Parvin  (John.  B.),  1847,  Co.  A,  ditto;  in  Nev.  '74; 
at  Monticello,  Minn.,  '82;  in  N.Y.  '84. 

Pascal  (John  H.),  1848,  mate  of  the  Rhone;  went  to  the  mines,  and  later 
settled  on  a  farm  near  lone  City,  where  he  died  in  '72.  Pascual  (Juan),  1602, 
piloto  in  Vizcaino's  expecl.  i.  98.  P.  (Mateo  Jose),  1818,  negro  of  Bouchard's 
exped.;  remained  in  Cal.  ii.  237,  241,  393.  Pask  (Francis  G.),  1847,  artificer 
in  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Pasos  (Manuel  de  Dios),  1822-4,  Portu- 
guese nat.  of  Brazil,  who  in  '29  lived  in  the  Mont,  dist,  age  23,  single,  and 
a  resid.  since  '24;  in  '36  at  Sta  B.,  a  catholic  hunter  of  'medium'  character; 
in  '45  at  Los  Ang.,  naturalized,  and  23  years  a  resident,  ii.  478.  Pastor 
(Ignacio),  grantee  of  Milpitas  '38.  iii.  677. 

Paterna  (Antonio),  1771,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.Gabriel,  S.Luis  Ob., 
and  Sta  B.,  where  he  died  in  '93.  Biog.  i.  672;  meut.  i.  173, 176,  178,  181, 189, 
193-6,  223,  299,  388,  411,  423,  469,  576.  Patricio,  a  leader  of  the  neophyte 
revolt  '24.  ii.  527.  Patron  (Felipe),  soldier  of  S.  F.  comp.  '39-42.  Patry 
(Peter),  1845,  at  S.  Jose'  according  to  testimony  in  later  litigation. 

Patterson,  1846,  of  P.  &  Foster  who  had  a  Cal.  claim  of  $50  (v.  462); 
also  a  P.  ment.  at  Mont.  '48;  and  one  in  lone  Valley.  P.  (Mrs  Christina), 
1846,  overl.  immig.  whose  husband  died  on  the  journey;  at  N.  Helv.  and  in 
S.  Joaq.  Val.  '47;  married  EJ.  Robinson,  aud  was  still  living  in  '78.  P. 
(F.  E.),  1846,  at  S.Diego.  P.  (G.),  1848,  passp.  fromHon.  P.  (Geo.),  1840, 
Irish  sailor  who  left  the  Columbia  at  S.F.,  worked  in  the  redwoods,  and  in 
'44  entered  Sutter's  employ,  iv.  120;  apparently  the  man  named  in  Yuba  Co. 
Hist,  as  having  occupied  a  rancho  on  the  Yuba  in  '45-8;  mining  in  '48-9; 
later  a  resid.  of  S.F.,  where  in  '72  he  related  for  me  his  Adventures.  P. 
(Mrs  Isabella),  1844,  overl.  immig.  of  the  Stevens  party  with  several  chil- 
dren, being  the  daughter  of  Hitchcock  of  the  same  party,  iv.  445.  In  '45  she 
is  named  in  the  Brauciforte  padron  as  a  widow,  age  35;  child.  Isaac  b.  '31, 
Tedra  (?)  '32,  Margaret  '33,  and  Helen  '38.  A  daughter,  Mary,  was  married 
in  Aug.  '45  by  Larkin  to  James  Williams,  iv.  587.  P.  (John  Alex.),  1847, 
Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  the  mines  '48,  and  later  kept  a  saloon  at  S.F. 
ace.  to  Swan;  in  '49  treasurer  of  the  Regulators,  elected  to  the  constit.  con- 
vention, and  to  the  legislature.  Annals  ofS.F.;  in  '50  at  S.  Josd.  Swan  says 
he  died  about  this  time.  P.  (John  W.),  1823,  nat.  of  Mass.;  resid.  of  S.F. 
't>7;  died  at  S.F.  '79  at  the  age  of  73;  arr.  '23  ace.  to  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  rolls  and 
the  Alia  of  '67;  perhaps  a  sailor  who  touched  the  coast  at  the  date  named 
and  came  back  later.  P.  (Nath.  G.),  1846,  nat.  of  Tean.,  and  overl.  immig.; 
served  in  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7  (v.  358);  miner  in  '48;  in  '50  kept  a  stable  at  Stock- 
ton; finally  settled  at  Livermore,  where  he  lived  in  '82  with  wife  Kate  Simp- 
son and  2  children  Chas  T.  and  Susan  (Mrs  Davis).  A  lam.  Co.  I  list.,  959. 
P.  (VVm),  1846,  saloon-keeper  with  Thos  Smith  at  S.F.  '46-8.  v.  685. 

Pattie  (James  Ohio),  1828,  a  young  Kentuckian  trapper  from  N.  Mex., 
who  spent  over  a  year  in  Cal.,  part  of  the  time  in  jail  at  S.  Diego,  and  had 
his  Personal  Narrative  of  adventures  published  a  few  years  later.  See  iii. 
162-72;  ii.  543,  548,  551,  556,  567,  611,  616,  651;  iii.  74,  82-3,  134,  139,  171; 
iv.  263.  I  have  an  autog.  letter  written  by  P.  in  Mex.  '30,  on  his  way  from  Cal. ; 
and  lie  is  said  to  have  revisited  S.  Diego  after  '50.  P.  (Sylvester),  1828, 
father  of  James  O.,  who  died  in  prison  at  S.  Diego,  iii.  162-5,  178.  PaUi- 


PATTISON— PEACE.  769 

son  (T.),  1841,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  St  Louis.  Patton  (A.  Gwinn),  1841,  overl. 
itnmig.  of  the  Bartleson  party,  who  went  back  to  Mo.  in  '42.  iv.  270,  275, 
342.  P.  (David),  1846,  Faimtleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247). 

Paty  (Henry),  1837,  nat.  of  Mass,  and  merchant  at  Hon.  from  '33,  of  the 
firm  Henry  Paty  &  Co.  I  have  his  letters  from  '34,  and  he  visited  Boston  in 
'34-5.  In  '37  he  came  to  Cal.  to  sell  the  Clarion,  which  became  the  California. 
iii.  531;  iv.  101,  106,  117-18.  In  '38-40  he  came  again  on  the  Don  Quixote, 
owned  by  his  firm,  commanding  also  the  Morse  and  perhaps  the  Ninfa  in 
'39-40.  iv.  103,  105.  In  '41  on  the  way  from  Valparaiso  to  Hon.  he  became 
demented  on  account  of  the  ravages  of  small-pox  on  board,  and  cut  his  own 
throat  with  a  razor.  The  firm,  after  his  death,  consisted  of  his  brothers 
John  and  Wm,  and  Eli  Southworth.  P.  (John),  1837,  brother  of  Henry, 
who  came  on  the  Haw.  schr  lolani.  iv.  104,  117-18.  In  '38-48  he  made  one 
or  more  trips  each  year  between  Cal.  and  Hon.  as  master  of  the  Don  Quixote, 
and  his  name  often  appears  in  commercial  records,  many  of  his  original  letters 
being  in  my  possession,  iii.  570;  iv.  25,  103,  314,  375,  512,  559,  565;  v.  268, 
577,  579,  681,  683.  Capt.  P.  owned  land  at  S.F.,  and  his  firm  of  P.  &  Mc- 
Kialey  kept  a  store  there  in  '43-5;  he  rendered  occasional  aid  to  the  govt, 
especially  in  carrying  away  Micheltorena  and  his  cholos;  he  was  often  en- 
gaged in  smuggling  operations,  but  was  known  to  everybody  and  liked  by  all. 
His  wife  Mary  and  daughter  came  to  Cal.  occasionally  from  '42.  From  '46 
he  was  senior  captain,  or  a  kind  of  commodore,  in  the  Hawaiian  navy.  After 
'48  Capt.  P.  continued  his  voyages,  celebrating  in  '65  or  '66  the  100th  trip 
between  Cal.  and  the  Islands;  and  he  died  at  his  Hawaiian  home  in  '68  at  the 
age  of  6JL  His  widow  visited  S.  Diego  about  '80,  one  of  her  daughters  being 
the  wife  of  Lieut  Benson,  U.S.A.,  and  another  the  wife  of  a  lieut  in  the  navy, 
living  at  Vallejo.  Capt.  Paty  was  famous  for  his  skill  and  good  luck  as  a 
navigator;  and  few  in  this  list  have  left  so  enviable  a  reputation  for  business 
integrity  and  kindness  of  heart. 

Paul  (John  A.),  1848  (?),  German  broker  who  committed  suicide  at  Oakland 
in  '83.  Pauldiug  (Charles),  1833,  at  Sta  B.  P.  (Joseph),  1832,  nat.  of 
Md,  trapper  and  cabinet-maker,  who  came  from  N.  Mex.  in  the  winter  of 
'32-3,  iii.  388,  408,  and  distinguished  himself  by  making  the  1st  two  billiard- 
tables  in  Cal.  He  was  still  at  Los  Ang.  in  '35,  complaining  of  unjust  imprison- 
ment by  the  alcalde.  He  went  to  N.  Mex.,  but  returned  during  the  flush 
times  of  '48-52,  and  after  a  residence  of  some  years  in  Sonora  returned  finally 
to  Los  Ang.,  where  he  died  in  '60  at  the  age  of  50;  perhaps  his  name  should 
be  written  'Pawlding.'  Paulet  (Lord  Geo.),  1843,  com.  of  H.  B.  M.  S. 
Carysfort.  iv.  564.  Paulina  (H. ),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon. 

Payeras  (Mariano),  1796,  Span,  friar  who  served  chiefly  at  Purfsima,  being 
also  president  or  prefect  of  the  missionaries  from  1815  to  his  d»ath  in  '22. 
One  of  the  ablest  and  most  prominent  of  the  Fernandinos.  Biog.  ii.  489-90; 
ment.  i.  500,  577,  686;  ii.  106-7,  123-4,  152,  159,  235-6,  255,  258,  265,  297, 
316,  328,  330-2,  335,  338,  351,  366,  394,  397-412,  414,  416,  418,  431-8,  442, 
451-2,  4J8-9,  461,  403-5,  479-80,  496,  562,  571,  580,  587,  591,  597,  631,  643, 
655,  657;  iii.  11.  Paymer  (Phil.),  1845,  at  Suiter's  Fort.  Payne.  (R.  K.), 
1845,  immig.  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon-Clyman  party.  In  the  same  party 
was  a  widow  Payne — daughter  of  Owen  Sumner,  with  3  children — and  the 
two  were  married  at  Sutler's  Fort  in  Feb.  '46,  prob.  returning  to  Or.  or  to  the 
East  a  little  later  in  the  year.  iv.  572;  v.  526.  Payson  (Sam.),  1878,  Co.  B, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499). 

Peace  (James),  1838  (?),  nat.  of  the  Orkney  Isl. ,  of  Scotch  and  Danish  parent- 
age, who  in  '75-84 — and  finally  in  the  S.  F.  Bulletin  of  July  18,  '85 — claims  to 
have  deserted  from  the  H.  B.  Co.'s  ship  Nereid  at  S.F.  in  '18.  This  vessel  came 
to  the  N.  W.  coast  in  '36,  and  to  Cal.  for  the  1st  time  in  '38,  which  I  have  little 
doubt  was  the  date  of  P.'s  arrival.  The  1st  definite  record  of  him  is  when  he 
was  exiled  to  S  Bias  in  '40  and  came  back  in  '41.  iv.  18,  33,  119.  That  he  is 
not  heard  of  ia  '38-9  is  natural  enough,  and  indeed,  Brown  and  Weeks  do 
mention  him  vaguely  about  those  years;  but  that  he  could  have  lived  here  in 
'18-39  without  a  trace  in  the  records  is  very  unlikely,  especially  if,  as  he  says, 
HIST.  CAL..  VOL.  IV.  49 


770  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

he  married  a  Valencia  in  '35,  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact  that  if  he  had  had  a 
native  wife  he  would  not  have  been  exiled.  He  worked  as  a  lumberman  and 
mechanic,  and  is  named  in  the  S.F.  padron  of  '44  as  a  Scotchman,  age  45.  For 
about  30  years,  from  '47-8,  he  lived  on  a  farm  at  Half  moon  Bay;  but  since 
'78  lias  navigated  S.F.  bay  in  a  sloop,  earning  a  living  by  catching  tish  and 
clams  for  the  S.  Mateo  Co.  market  down  to  '85.  Peacock  (John),  1846, 
Fauntleroy's  dragoons  (v.  232,  247).  Peale  (T.  R.),  1841,  naturalist  in  the 
U.  S.  ex.  ex.  iv.  241-3. 

Pearce  (Geo.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons,  v.  341;  nat.  of  Ky,  b.  '22. 
After  his  discharge  he  became  a  trader  at  Stockton  and  Sonoma  in  '49,  also 
lobbyist  in  the  1st  legislature;  miner  and  trader  in  the  northern  counties  '50- 
1;  deputy  sheriff  at  Sonoma  '53-5;  and  from  '55  a  lawyer  at  Pctaluma,  being 
state  senator  in  '63-7.  He  married  Coulter  Brown,  and  was  still  living  in  '80 
with  3  children — prob.  also  in  '85.  Portrait  in  Sonoma  Co.  Hixt.,4S;  also  biog. 
sketch,  including  his  recollections  of  S.  Pascual  in  Id.  580-5.  P.  (Win), 
1844,  mate  on  the  Sterling,  in  care  of  the  consul;  d.  at  Mont.  '45.  Peard 
(Geo.),  1826,  lieut  on  H.  B.  M.  S.  Blossom,  in.  121.  Pearl  (Joseph),  1846, 
Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Pearsall  (Sam.  W.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.Y. 
Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Moquelumne  Hill  '82.  Pearse  (John),  1824,  carpenter  on 
the  Hover.  Pearson  (David  C.),  1848,  at  Benicia.  P.  (Ephraim),  1847,  Co. 
B,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  P.  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill.  (v.  518). 
P.  (John  B.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  P.  (J.W.),  1848,  passp. 
from  Hon.  P.  (Robert  H.),  1S4S  (?),  nat.  of  Me,  who  brought  the  Oreyon  to 
Cal.,  and  commanded  many  steamers  down  to  '64;  d.  at  S.F.  '68,  age  46.  P. 
(W.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  P.  (W.  S.),  1848,  at  Benicia.  Pease  (Sam.), 
1826,  sailor  on  the  Hover.  Peasley  (Nesmith  A.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499);  d.  S.  F.  '51, 

Peck  (Chas  L.),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  d.  at  Mont.  '54.  P. 
(Chauncey  L.),  1847,  corp.  Co.  B,  ditto.  P.  (Ed.  M.),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469);  in  Utah  '82.  P.  (Isaac),  1S47,  Co.  C.,  ditto;  reenl.  P.  (Sher- 
man), 1833,  trader  at  Hon.  who  visited  Cal.  in  '33-5  as  sup.  of  the  Volunteer 
and  other  vessels,  representing  J.  C.  Jones.  I  have  much  of  his  corresp.  with 
Cal.  traders  '34-8,  and  he  may  have  visited  Cal.  on  other  occasions.  P. 
(Thorit),  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  reenl.  as  corporal.  Peckham  (U. 
F.),  1846,  nat.  of  R.  I.,  deserting  from  the  whaler  Cabinet  at  S.F.  He  worked 
as  lumberman,  soldier,  farmer,  clerk,  miner,  carpenter,  and  trader,  changing 
his  occupation  and  residence  half  a  dozen  times  a  year — but  finding  time  to 
marry  and  study  law — until  '51,  from  which  time  to  '70  he  practised  law  at 
Sta  Cruz  and  S.  Jose,  serving  also  as  district  attorney  and  county  judge.  In 
later  years  he  established  a  woollen  mill  at  S.  Jose,  where  he  still  lived  in  '81 
with  wife  Ann  Smith,  and  9  children.  Portrait  in  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.,  80. 

Pedraza,  deserter  from  a  galleon  1791.  i.  484.  Pedro  y  Gil  (Rafael), 
1774,  Span,  guarda-almacen  at  S.  Diego '74-81.  Biog.  i.  451;  mcnt.  i.  227, 
253.  Pedrorena  (Miguel),  1837,  Span.  sup.  of  the  S.  Amer.  brigs  Delmira 
and  Juan  Jos6  '37-40,  being  also  agent  for  McCall  &  Co.  of  Lima.  iv.  103-4; 
iii.  727;  also  on  the  coast  '42-3;  owner  of  S.F.  lots  '45-6.  iv.  669;  v.  684;  had 
a  claim  against  the  govt  for  $3, 169;  declined  an  appointment  to  present  charges 
against  Micheltorena.  iv.  522.  From  '45  his  home  was  at  S.  Diego,  where  he 
married  Maria  Ant.  Estudillo,  being  the  grantee  of  S.  Jacinto  Nuevo  in  '46, 
and  his  wife  of  El  Cajon  in  '45.  v.  619;  iv.  620-1.  He  strongly  favored  the 
cause  of  the  U.  S.  in  '46-7,  acting  as  juez  de  paz,  as  Stockton's  aide,  with  rank 
of  capt.  in  the  Cal.  Bat.,  and  in  '47-8  as  collector  of  customs,  v.  286,  329, 
360,  385,  572,  575,  618-19.  In  '49  he  represented  S.  Diego  in  the  constit.  con- 
vention,  being  one  of  the  most  popular  and  influential  members  of  the  Spanish 
race.  He  died  in  '50,  leaving  a  son,  Miguel,  and  two  daughters,  Elena  and 
Isabel,  who  inherited  his  large  estate,  and  are  still  living,  I  think,  in  '85. 
Don  Miguel  was  of  a  good  Span,  family,  one  of  his  brothers  holding  a  high 
official  position  at  Madrid;  and  he  was  himself  an  intelligent,  scholarly  man, 
of  excellent  character,  who  by  his  courteous  affability  made  friends  of  all  who 
knew  him.  Peed  (John),  1846,  sailmaker  U.  S.  N.,  and  acting  capt.  Co.  G, 


PEED— PE$A.  771 

Stockton's  naval  battalion  '46-7;  prob.  'Reed.'  Peguero  (A'onso  EsteVan), 
1(502,  capt.  in  Vizcaino's  expect,  i.  98.  P.  (Mariano),  sent  to  Mex.  for  com- 
plicity iu  the  Solis  revolt  '29-30.  iii.  68-71,  85. 

Peirce  (Henry  Augustus),  1828,  nat.  of  Mass.,  b.  1808,  who  went  to  Hono- 
lulu in  '23,  and  thence  on  the  same  vessel,  the  Grij/'on,  com.  by  his  brother, 
to  the  N.  VV.  coast  as  clerk,  touching  at  S.F.  on  the  return  in  the  autumn  of 
'28.  iii.  178.  From  that  time  for  14  years  he  was  a  trader  at  Honolulu,  being 
a  member  of  the  firm  P.  &  Brewer.  Some  of  his  original  letters  and  much  of 
the  firm's  corresp.  are  in  my  possession.  Meanwhile  he  made  many  voyages 
as  master  to  China,  Kamchatka,  and  S.America.  In  "37  he  went  on  the  Peru 
from  N.Y.  to  Honolulu,  and  returned  via  Lima  and  overland  to  Buenos  Aires. 
In  '38  lie  married  Susan  R.  Thompson,  whose  brother  Joseph  P.  is  named  in 
this  register.  In  '39  he  went  to  the  Islands  as  part  owner  of  the  Morse,  and 
in  '41-2  came  again  to  Cal.  as  mr  and  owner  of  the  Maryland,  going  from  Cal. 
to  Mazatlau  and  thence  overland  to  Vera  Cruz.  I  have  his  original  Journals 
of  voyages  in  '39-42,  including  the  visit  to  Cal.  iv.  209,  224-5,  235,  250,  300, 
348-9,  567,  640,  665.  Details  of  Capt.  P.  's  subsequent  adventures  are  too  com- 
plicated for  presentation  here,  but  hardly  one  of  the  pioneers  registered  in 
this  list  has  had  so  varied  an  experience.  In  '42-9  he  was  a  Boston  merchant 
trading  with  Pacific  ports;  and  in  '49  revisited  Cal.  on  the  Montreal,  making 
extensive  and  unfortunate  purchases  of  land  at  Sauialitoand  the  Islands,  and 
in  '50-01  resuming  his  business  at  Boston,  which  was  nearly  ruined  by  the 
war  of  '61-5.  Most  of  his  remaining  wealth  was  lost  iu  a  Miss,  cotton  plan- 
tation in  '66-7;  and  in  '69  Peirce  was  made  U.  S.  minister  at  the  Hawaiian 
Isl.,  making  the  trip  by  rail  to  S.F.  He  held  this  position  till  '77,  and  after 
a  brief  term  as  Hawaiian  minister  of  foreign  affairs  he  came  in  '78  to  S.F., 
where  he  has  since  resided  down  to  '85,  being  in  a  sense  the  oldest  living 
pioneer.  Besides  the  journal  mentioned,  I  have  several  MS.  contributions 
from  Mr  P.  named  in  my  list  of  authorities.  Portrait  in  Contemp.  Biog.,  ii. 
180.  His  wife  resides  in  Mass,  since  '70;  he  has  a  son  and  daughter;  and  is 
a  great-grandfather.  (Capt.  Peirce  died  a  few  days  after  the  above  was  writ- 
ten, in  July  '85.)  P.  (Hardy),  1838,  brother  of  Henry  A.,  who,  being  mate 
on  a  Hon.  vessel,  died  suddenly  at  Sta  B.,  age  23.  iv.  119,  224.  P.  (Marcus 
T.),  1828,  brother  of  Henry  A.,  and  mr  of  the  Griffon,  iii.  147.  P.  (Win), 
1842,  mate  of  the  Sterling  '42-4;  died  at  Mont.  '45.  iv.  453. 

Pelham  (Matthew),  1834,  a  Dane  at  Mont.  iii. 412.  Pell(E.Ward),  1846,one 
of  the  Mormon  colony,  with  wife  and  2  daughters,  v.  546;  an  elder  and  coun- 
sellor, but  excommunicated  on  the  voyage.  He  lived  with  Robert  Ridley  in 
'46.  v.  678;  and  in  '47  he  was  sheriff  and  inspector  of  hides  and  tallow,  own- 
ing a  S.F.  lot.  v.  648.  He  still  lived  to  testify  in  land  cases  in  '65.  His 
daughter  Hettie  C.  married  John  H.  Brown  in  '46,  soon  leaving  him  and  be- 
coming apparently  Mrs  Green.  The  other  daughter  is  mentioned  as  the  wife 
of  Ed  Cohea.  Pellan  (Antonio),  ueophyto  alcade  at  S.  Diego  1799.  i.  655. 

Pefra  (Antonio),  1825,  Span,  artilleryman,  age  50  in '28;  prob.  sent  to  Mex. 
in  '30.  iii.  51,  85.  P.  (Antonio),  soldier  of  S.F.  comp.  '35,  sergt  '36,  alf. 
'37.  iii.  702.  P.  (Cosme),  1834,  Mex.  lawyer  who  came  with  the  H.  and  P. 
colony  with  an  appointment  as  asesor;  prominent  in  Alvarado's  revolt  of  '36; 
subsequently  govt  sec.,  and  appointed  prefect  of  the  southern  district  in  '39, 
but  not  approved  in  Mex.  He  left  Cal.  soon  after  '39.  Biog.  iii.  594;  ment. 
iii.  267,  285,  415,  440,  452,  461,  469,  475,487,  523-5,  585-9,  594,  6.39-40,  670, 
675;  iv.  72.  He  left  2  daughters  in  Cal.,  Carmen  b.  '24,  and  Cesaifa  '28. 
P.  (Demetrio),  1840,  son  of  Juan  Felipe,  with  whom  he  came  from  N.  Mex.;  a 
settler  in  Solano  Co.  '41-79;  wife  In£s  Berreyesa,  and  6  surviving  children  in 
'79.  P.  (Eustaquio),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  about  '32.  P.  (Francisco),  soldier  of 
the  1st  exped.  1769-74;  ment.  75-6;  killed  at  the  Colorado  pueblos  '81.  i.  250, 
303-4,  363.  P.  (Gerardo),  soldier  of  the  1st  exped.  '69-74.  P.  (Jose),  artil- 
leryman and  teacher  at  S.F.  '22,  elector  '30,  teacher  at  Sta  Clara  '37-41,  owner 
of  a  S.F.  lot  '39,  grantee  of  Rincon  de  S.  Francisquito  '41,  retired  soldier  as 
teniente  de  premio  from  '44.  Possibly  more  than  one  of  the  name.  ii.  584,  591 ; 
iii.  50,  705,  728;  iv.  408,  672,  682.  In  '41  he  is  named  as  a  Mex.  teacher,  age 


772  PIOITEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

64,  in  the  S.  Jose"  padron.  His  wife  was  GertrudisLorenzana,  age  56;  sh&died 
in  '65  at  the  reputed  age  of  107  (really  80).  P.  (Jose"  Ant.),  .soldier  of  the 
1st  exped.  '69-70;  of  the  S.  Juan  Cap.  guard  '76.  i.  303.  P.  (Jose"  German), 
grantee  of  Tzabaco  rancho,  Sonoma,  '43;  his  heirs  were  claimants,  iv.  674. 

Pena  (Juan  Felipe),  1840,  N.  Mex.  immigrant  with  wife  and  6  children, 
who  with  Vaca  settled  in  Solano  Co.  '41,  and  was  the  grautee  of  the  Putah 
rai.Jio  in  '43.  iv.  672.  He  died  in  '63  at  Laguna  Val.,  age  73.  P.  (Luis), 
soldier  of  the  1st  exped.  '59-74;  at  Simi  rancho  1802.  ii.  111.  P.  (Manuel), 
soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '28-34;  ment.  in  '29.  iii.  Ill;  in  '41  at  S.  Jose", 
age  36,  wife  Guadalupe  Mesa,  child.  Dolores  b.  '28,  Ine"s  '31,  Carmen  '32,  En- 
carnacion  '33,  Hilai'ia  '34,  Hosario  '38,  Paulino  '40.  P.  (Narciso  Ant.),  juez 
at  Sta  Clara  '43.  iv.  683,  685.  P.  (Rieardo),  land-owner  at  S.  Juan  Cap.  '41. 
iv.  626.  P.  (Romualdo),  musician  of  S.F.  comp.  '39.  P.  (Tomas),  1772, 
Spanish  friar  who  founded  and  served  long  at  Sta  Clara,  retiring  in  '94,  hold- 
ing later  the  office  of  guardian  at  S.  Fernando  college,  and  dying  in  1806. 
Biog.  i.  722-3;  ment.  i.  189,  195-6,  227,  289,  291-2,  295,  297,  304-5,  351,  388, 
401-3,  474,  476,  484,  496,  511,  576,  578,  581,  631,  720;  ii.  166.  Pena,  see 
also  '  Pina. '  Penaud,  see  '  Panaud.' 

Pendleton,  1844,  mr  of  the  Bevj.  Morgan.  P.  (Geo.  A.),  1847,  lieut  Co. 
D,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504.  In  Tuolumne  Co.  '49-54;  d.  in  '71  at  S.  Diego,  where  he 
had  been  county  clerk  for  14  years.  Penhallow  (Dav.  P.)  1837,  mr  of  the 
Alert  '37-9.  iv.  68,  101;  may  have  visited  Cal.  earlier  as  mate  or  sup.,  since 
on  the  roll  of  the  Soc.  Cal.  Pion.  '22  is  the  date  of  his  arrival.  Iii  '47  he  writes 
from  Honolulu.  Peimie  (A.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Penny  (Moses  H. ), 
1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  went  to  S.C.  '50.  Penrose  (Geo.  F.),  1847, 
lieut  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  503,  511;  also  quartermaster;  d.  Mont,  after  '50. 
Peoples  (Geo.),  1847,  sailor  on  the  Ohio;  later  a  circus-rider;  d.  in  Texas  '67. 
P.  (John  H.),  1848,  chief  of  a  party  for  relief  of  snowed-in  immig.  from  Or.; 
drowned  later.  Peotrowski  (R.  K. ),  1844,  doubtful  date;  perhaps  '54;  d.  in 
France  '83.  Newspapers.  Pepper  (Thos),  1833,  said  to  have  been  at  S.JosS. 
Jlall;  Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.  Atlas;  doubtful,  iii.  409.  Pera  (Alexis),  1844,  of 
Fremont's  party;  did  not  reach  Cal.  iv.  437. 

Peralta  (Antouio  Marfa),  son  of  Luis;  in  '35  at  S.  Mateo;  in  '37  alf.  of  mili- 
tia at  S.F.,  also  elector,  iii.  701,  705;  in  '41  named  in  the  S.Jose"  padron  (liv- 
ing at  S.  Antonio  rancho),  age  39,  wife  Maria  Ant.  Garcia,  child.  Antonia 
Maria  b.  '32,  Guadalupe  '33,  Fernando  '34,  Rita  '37,  Crisanto  '38,  In6s  '40;  in 
'46  juez  of  the  contra  costa.  v.  662.  In  '52  he  was  the  claimant  with  his  3 
brothers  for  S.  Antonio.  P.  (Domingo),  son  of  Luis;  in  '27  sindicoat  S.Jose". 
ii.  605;  in  '33  grantee  of  Canada  del  Corte  de  Madera,  Sta  Clara,  iii.  711;  for 
which,  as  for  S.Ramon  and  his  share  of  S.  Antonio,  he  was  claimant,  iii.  713. 

In  '41  named  in  S.Jose"  padron,  age  47,  wife Garcia,  child.  Angela  b.  '25, 

Juan  '24,  Maria  Ant.  '29,  Francisca;  '36,  Ramon  '38,  Loreto  (?)  '39.  His  resi- 
dence was  at  Temescal  on  the  S.  Antonio  rancho.  P.  (Felipe),  at  Los  Ang. 
'46.  P.  (Francisco),  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  '38-9.  P.  (Gabriel),  Mcx. 
corporal  or  the  S.F.  comp.,  at  Sta  Clara  and  S.  Jose";  an  invalido  settler  at  S. 
Jose'  from  '90.  i.  297,  306,  312,  478.  His  wife  was  Francisca  J.  Valenzuela, 
and  his  daughter  Gertrudis  (i.  312)  married  Nicolas  Berreyesa  in  '79.  P. 
(Ignacio),  son  of  Luis  b.  1791;  corp.  of  S.F.  comp.  '19-29;  elector  at  S.F.  '27, 
'S3,  '43.  ii.  592;  iii.  577,  704;  iv.  361;  juez  of  contra  costa  '39,  '41.  iii.  705; 
iv.  684;  in  '43  supl.  of  the  junta,  iv.  361.  Named  in  the  S.  Jose"  padron  '41, 
age  51;  wife  Rafaela  Sanchez,  child.  Francisco  b.  '22.  Miguel  '25,  Joaquin  '27, 
Luis  M.  '31,  Jose"  de  Jesus  '33,  Juan  '35,  Gabriel  '39,  Rafael  '40,  Lodrivina(?) 
'29,  Marfa  Ant.  '37.  He  was  claimant  for  a  part  of  S.  Antonio  in  '53.  P. 
(Jose"),  at  S.Jose"  '17.  ii.  425;  at  S.Mateo  '35;  of  S.F.  militia  '37;  murdered  '38. 
iii.  705.  P.  (Juan),  named  in  '46.  v.  162.  P.  (Juan  Jose"),  at  S.Jos6  1783. 
i.  350;  invalido  at  Branciforte  '99;  comisionado  1811.  ii.  390.  P.  (Juan  P.), 
at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  31. 

Peralta  (Luis),  nat.  of  Sonora,  who  probably  came  as  a  boy  with  Anza's 
exped.  of  1776,  enlisting  in  1782,  being  a  corp.  of  the  S.F.  comp.  from  '91  or 
earlier,  and  in  com.  of  the  S.  Jose"  mission  guard  in  1798-1800.  i.  494-5,  536, 


,  PERALTA— PEREZ.  773 

508,  716.  From  1801  he  was  a  sergt,  taking  part  in  several  exped.  against  the 
Ind.f  and  from  1807  comisionado  in  charge  of  S.  Jos6  pueblo.  He  showed  good 
qualities  as  a  soldier,  and  was  several  times  recommended  for  promotion  to  aif., 
but  failed  to  secure  it.  ii.  35,  126,  132,  134,  138,  370,  378,  584,  604.  His  wife 
was  Maria  Loreto  Alviso,  and  the  birth  of  ason  Ignacio  is  recorded  in  1791.  In 
1820  he  obtained  a  grant  of  the  S.  Antonio  rancho,  including  the  sites  of  the 
later  Oakland  and  Alameda,  which  was  occupied  by  his  sons  perhaps  before 
'25,  the  rancho  buildings — the  first  erected  in  Alameda  county  except  at  mis- 
sion S.  Jose1 — being  at  S.  Antonio,  later  known  as  Brooklyn  and  East  Oak- 
laud,  ii.  375,  594,  664,  712.  Peralta  retained  bis  position  as  comisionado  till 
1822,  and  his  place  on  the  comp.  rolls  as  active  sergt  to  "26,  and  as  in  valid  o 
to  '41;  meanwhile  continuing  to  live  at  S.  Josd  and  serving  as  elector,  treas- 
urer, and  perhaps  juez  in  '30-3.  ii.  606;  iii.  50,  729.  In  '41  he  appears  on  the 
padron  as  87  years  old,  his  daughters  Josefa  and  Guadalupe — aged  46  and  23 
— living  with  him.  Other  daughters  were  Teodora — grantee  of  Buacocha, 
Marin  '46,  v.  670 — and  Trinidad.  In  '42  he  divided  his  S.  Antonio  rancho  be- 
tween his  sons  Antonio  M.,  Ignacio,  Vicente,  and  Domingo,  and  died  in  '51  at 
the  age  of  97.  The  great  value  of  the  lands  granted  to  Peraita,  the  claim  that 
his  daughters  were  entitled  to  a  share  of  the  property,  the  alleged  insanity  of 
Don  Luis  at  the  time  of  making  his  will,  and  various  rascalities  practised  by 
the  land-sharks  in  later  years  on  some  of  the  heirs,  gave  rise  to  complicated 
litigation  which  can  hardly  be  regarded  as  at  an  end  in  '85.  P.  (Miguel), 
militiaman  at  S.F.  '37.  P.  (Nicolas  N.),  at  Sta  Ana  rancho,  Los  Ang.  'S9, 
age  38.  The  Santiago  de  Sta  Ana  rancho  had  been  granted  to  a  Peralta  with 
Yorbain  1809.  ii.  112,  172.  P.  (Pedro),  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp.  1785, 
married  a  daughter  of  Lieut  Grijalva.  ii.  104;  corp.  of  the  escolta  at  !Sta  Cruz 
1797-1800;  inval.  corp.  on  the  comp.  rolls  1819-32.  P.  (Sebastian),  soldier 
of  the  S.F.  comp.  '19-22;  in  '33  regidor  at  S.  Jose",  making  an  exped.  against 
the  Ind.  iii.  359,  300,  394,  729;  in  '40  grantee  of  Rincouada  de  los  Gatos  and 
maj.  at  Sta  Clara,  iii.  712,  728;  in  '41  a  widower,  age  48;  in  '46  quarrel  with 
Fremont,  v.  8,  9.  P.  (Vicente),  son  of  Luis,  whose  home  was  at  Temescal 
on  the  subdivision  of  his  father's  rancho;  sergt  of  militia  at  S.F.  '37;  in  '41 
age  29,  wife  Encarnacion  Galindo,  child  Guadalupe.  In  '46  he  was  one  of  the 
Bears'  prisoners  at  Slitter's  Fort.  v.  124,  128,  298.  Percival  (John),  1845  (':), 
com.  of  the  U.S.  Constitution,  iv.  564.  Perdu  (Joseph  L. ),  184G,  one  of  the 
Chino  prisoners  wounded,  v.  313-14;  at  Mont.  '47;  Cal.  claim  $1,305  (v.  4G2). 
Pereira  (Joaquin),  1826,  Portuguese  age  20,  on  the  Jdren  Anguslwa  stranded 
at  Sta  B.  iii.  176;  a  vaquero  in  '36  and  '40,  when  he  figured  as  the  revealer  of 
a  political  plot.  iii.  606. 

Perez  (Cornelio),  son  of  Jose  Maria,  b.  at  Sta  Cruz  '11;  juez  de  campo  '42. 
iv.  663,  and  perhaps  in  33;  in  '45  on  the  Branciforte  padron,  wife  Rosario 
Pinto,  child.  Jose"  Ramon  b.  '37,  Celedonia  '39,  Maria  '41,  Juan  de  Dios  '42, 
Benigna  '43.  In  '77,  still  at  Sta  Cruz,  he  dictated  for  me  a  brief  Mcmoria 
chiefly  relating  to  Ind.  troubles  in  early  times.  P.  (Cruz),  Mex.  convict  re- 
leased in  '33.  P.  (Domingo),  at  the  rancho  nacional,  Salinas,  '36,  age  27, 
wife  Fermina  Espinosa;  claimant  for  Los  Gatos  '52.  P.  (Eulalia),  nat.  of 
Loreto,  long  a  resid.  of  S.  Gabriel,  and  famous  for  her  reputed  great  age — 
140  years — at  the  time  of  her  death  in  '78.  The  evidence  respecting  her  age  is 
too  complicated  for  presentment  in  detail  here;  but  30  years  at  least  of  the 
reputed  140  rest  on  the  incorrect  assumption  that  she  came  with  the  1st 
exped.  in  1769.  She  really  came  with  her  husband,  Antonio  Guillen,  a  soldier 
of  the  S.  Diego  comp.,  about  1800,  Guillen's  name  first  appearing  in  1803.  If, 
as  she  states,  she  was  married  at  15,  and  her  oldest  child,  Petra,  was  1 1  years 
old  on  arrival  at  S.  Diego,  she  was  less  than  30  years  old  in  1800.  In  the  Lo- 
reto archives,  which  exist  only  in  fragments,  I  have  found  no  record  of  her 
birth;  but  her  brother  Mariano,  son  of  Diego  and  Rosalfa — whom  she  names 
as  her  parents — was  baptized  in  1768  and  buried  in  17.77.  The  S.  Diego  mis- 
sion records  show  the  birth  of  two  daughters  and  the  burial  of  a  sou  in  1810- 
12.  There  is  some  circumstantial  confirmation  of  my  supposition  th;it  her  ;;ge 
was  less  than  30  in  1800,  and  therefore  less  than  108  at  her  death,  and  there 


774  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

are  numerous  inconsistencies  in  the  evidence  adduced  in  support  of  her  great 
age;  104  is  a  more  accurate  figure  than  140  for  her  age  in  '78.  Dona  Eulalia 
was  well  known  as  a  nurse  and  midwife  at  S.  Gabriel;  had  a  second  husband, 
Juan  Marine",  for  a  few  years  from  '32;  and  in  the  Later  years  was  an  object  of 
great  interest  to  visitors  on  account  of  her  age.  Mentioned  ii.  13,  350,  543; 
iii.  143,  209.  I  met  her  in  '74,  and  in  '77  she  dictated  a  narrative  of  some  30 
pages,  Una  Vlrja  y  Sns  Recuerdos,  full  of  interesting  items.  Two  of  the  old 
woman's  daughters  lived  with  her  at  S.  Gabriel  in  '77,  one  of  them  Rosario, 
1).  '14,  the  wife  of  Michael  White,  a  pioneer  of  '29.  Her  son,  Isidoro  Guillen, 
died  at  Purisima  about  '64,  and  her  daughter  Petra  at  Los  Ang.  about  '44. 

Perez  (Francisco),  juez  depolicia  at  S.  Jose  '44.  iv.  685.  .  P.  (Jos6),  reg- 
iilor  at  Los  Ang.  '31-2;  iii.  190,  218;  suplente  of  the  dip.  '33.  iii.  246;  alcalde 
'34.  iii.  635,  637.  One  of  the  vigilantes,  and  taking  part  in  the  sectional 
troubles  '36-7.  iii.  432,  495;  2d  alcalde  '38.  iii.  636;  grantee  of  S.  Pascual 
'40.  iii.  634;  mentioned  in  '45.  iv.  664.  P.  (Jacinto),  at  S.  Bern.  '46,  age 
24.  P.  (Jose"  Bern,  de  Jesus),  1833,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Zacatecanos,  who 
served  at  Sta  Clara  and  as  sec.  to  Prefect  Garcia  Diego,  disappearing  from  the 
Cal.  records  after  '35;  but  in  '42  guardian  of  the  college  at  Zacatecas.  iii.  319, 
350;  iv.  332.  P.  (JoseC.),  should  be  Juan  C.  iii.  645.  P.  (Jose"  Maria), 
Mcx.  settler  1798.  i.  606;  in  "24  at  Branciforte.  ii.  627;  in  '28,  wife  Marga- 
rita Rodriguez,  child.  Cornelio,  Juan,  Anita,  Rafaela,  Ramona,  Simon,  and 
Rufiao.  v.  627.  P.  (Jose"  Maria),  in  revolt  at  Sta  B.  '29.  iii.  78.  P.  (Jos6 
Maria),  1842,  cornet  in  the  batallon  fijo  '42-5.  iv.  289.  P.  (Juan),  1769, 
com.  of  the  S.  Antonio  in  the  1st  exped.  to  Cal.  '69-71;  in  '74-5  com.  of  the 
Santiago,  i.  110,  121,  126-7,  129-30,  136,  167-9,  172,  178,  208,  219,  224,  241, 
211.  P.  (Juan),  son  of  Jose"  M.,  b.  '13;  a  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '31-4;  at 
Branciforte  '45.  wife  Maria  Ant.  Armas,  child.  Jos6  Ant.  b.  '36,  Louisa  '37, 
Ascension  '41,  Felicidad  '44.  In  '77,  still  at  Sta  Cruz,  he  dictated  for  rne  his  Re- 
cuerdos.  P.  (Juan  Crispin),  part  owner  of  the  Sta  Gertrudis  rancho,  Los  Ang. , 
'21-30,  and  aux.  alcalde  there  '31-6.  ii.  565,  635;  in  '35  grantee  of  Paso  de 
Bartolo.  iii.  633;  in  '41-5  maj.  S.  Gabriel,  iv.  636-7;  in  '4b*  at  Los  Ang.;  age 
41)  in  '39.  P.  (Manuel  Ant),  at  S.  Gabriel  '39,  age  42.  P.  (Marcos),  at  Loa 
Ang.  '46.  P.  (Pedro),  settler  at  S.F.  1777.  i.  297;  at  Los  Ang.  1805.  ii. 
SI'J;  another  Pedro,  prob.  son  of  the  1st,  was  at  Los  Ang.  '39,  age  42;  also  in 
'-10.  Perez  del  Campo  (Jose"),  1825,  Mex.  alfe"rez.  iii.  15.  P.  Fernandez 
(Jose),  1792,  alfe"rezof  the  S.F.  comp.  1792-7,  being  also  habilitado  and  acting 
com.  '94-6.  i.  680,  471,  629,  642-3,  705. 

Perkey  (J.  D.),  1845,  Amer.  saddler  from  Or.  in  the  McMahon  party,  iv. 
572,  587.  He  entered  Suiter's  service  and  is  often  named  in  the  N.  llelv. 
Diary  '45-8;  summoned  as  a  juryman  for  the  trial  of  B.  K.  Thompson  Feb. 
'48.  Called  also  Purky,  Parky,  and  Perkins.  Perkins  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  E, 
N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  P.  (John  G.),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  P.  (Rufus)  1828, 
sup.  of  the  Franklin,  iii.  133,  147,  167.  Per  Lee  (Theron  R.),  184",  lieut 
Co.  K,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  in  '48  a  lawyer  at  S.F.,  and  president  of  the  guard  a; 
in  '4!)  justice  of  the  peace  and  editor  of  the  Placer  Times;  in  N.Y.  '79-80; 
Baltimore  '83.  Perrin  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  D,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409).  P. 
(James),  1847,  Co.  I,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Perrot  (Baptiste),  1846,  teamster 
with  Kearny  from  N.  Mex.  v.  337. 

Perry,  1844,  mr  of  the  Eacjle.  iv.  565.  P.,  1845,  at  N.  Helv.  '4">-6;  also 
Mrs  P.  v.  511.  P.  (Alex.),  1847,  surgeon  N.Y.Vol.  v.  503,  511,  513;  owner 
of  S.F.  lots  '48;  in  N.Y.  city  '74-82.  P.  (Cornelius),  1845,  doubtful  name 
in  the  Micheltorena  campaign,  iv.  495.  P.  (Elijah),  1840,  one  of  the  Gra- 
1  am  exiles,  not  known  to  have  returned,  iv.  18.  P.  (John),  1838,  Amer. 
from  Realejo,  Nic.,  where  he  had  a  family;  came  on  the  Fcamaityht  and  lived 
a  year  or  two  with  Spear  at  S.  F.  iii.  709;  iv.  119.  Ace.  to  Win  H.  Davis,  Perry 
became  a  Mcx.  citizen  and  got  a  grant  of  the  lot  where  Spear  built  his  store 
for  the  purpose  of  deeding  it  to  S.,  going  away  witli  the  intention  of  return- 
ing with  his  family,  but  dying  at  Realejo  in  '40;  still  there  was  a  John  P.  at 
Mont,  in  '44  awaiting  a  passage  to  Hon.  P.  (L.W.),  1848,  kept  a  pai.it  shop 
at  S.F.  v.  684.  P.  (Moses  W.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  Los  Ang. 


PERRY— PIIELPS.  775 

'71-6;  at  Tucson,  Ariz.  '82.  P.  (O.  IL),  1841,  lieut  in  U.S.  ex.  ex.  iv.  241. 
P.  (Peter),  1844,  Hawaiian  in  Larkin's  service  at  Mont.  P.  (Wm),  1848, 
passp.  from  Hon.  Persons  (Ebenezer),  1847,  Co.  A,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  409);  in 
Suiter's  service  at  the  time  of  the  gold  discovery;  often  called  Elijah  F.  P. 
(Harmon  D.),  1847,  Co.  B,  ditto.  Pesinger  (J.  H.),  1847,  on  the  Henry  at 
S.F.  from  Or. 

Pet,  1837,  in  the  Willamette  cattle  exped.  iv.  85.  Petch  (Robert),  1846, 
one  of  the  Mormon  colony  with  wife  and  2  children,  v.  54G;  owner  of  S.F. 
lot  '47.  v.  680.  He  never  went  to  Utah;  wife  died  before  '84.  Peters  (John), 
1847,  litigant  at  S.  Diego.  P.  (Noah),  1845,  at  Mont,  and  N.  Helv. ;  in  '46-7 
served  in  Co.  G,  Cal.  Bat.  v.  578,  587  (358).  Peterson  (Fred.),  1847,  Co.  C,  N. 
Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  P.  (Peter),  1843,  mr  of  the  Admittance  '43-5.  iv.  562.  He 
was  a  Dane  who  had  perhaps  visited  the  coast  earlier  as  mate  with  Capt.  Ar- 
ther.  Capt.  P.  is  still  living  at  Boston  in  '85  at  the  age  of  80;  and  his  original 
Diary  of  '43-5  has  been  shown  me  by  Wm  H.  Thomes,  his  son-in-law,  who 
was  a  sailor-boy  on  the  Admittance.  P.  (Peter),  1847,  perhaps  of  Co.  C,  N. 
Y.  Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.F.  '74;  not  in  Clark's  ihial  list.  P.  (Win  H.),  1846, 
said  to  have  come  with  Kearny  from  N.  Mex. ;  owner  of  S.F.  lot  '47.  v.  337, 
676.  Petison  (Geo.),  1846,  at  S.  Leandro.  Entudillo  Doc.;  perhaps  'Patter- 
son.' Petitt  (Huber),  184G,  Gal.  claim  of  $35  (v.  462);  bought  land  of  Va- 
llejo  '47.  v.  455.  Petit-Thouars  (Abel  du),  1837,  com.  of  the  French  corvette 
Venus,  and  author  of  a  Voycvje  containing  much  important  matter  on  Cal.  iv. 
147-50;  also  i.  432;  iii.  535,  680,  699;  iv.  106.  Petrof,  1808,  mr  of  the 
Kadiak.  ii.  80.  Petrowski  (R.  K.),  1844,  doubtful  name  and  date.  iv.  453; 
a  Pole  who  was  a  miner  and  farmer  in  Cal.,  dying  in  France  '83.  Pettegrew 
(David),  1847,  Co.  E,  Morm.  Bat.,  who  served  also  as  a  preacher  and  spirit- 
ual director;  at  Salt  Lake  City  '55.  v.  475,  477,  488,  490,  494.  P.  (James 
P.),  1847,  Co.  B,  ditto.  Fetter  (Thos),  1833,  at  S.  Jose";  see  also  'Pepper.' 
Pettet  (Wm),  1847,  painter  and  owner  of  many  lots  in  S.F.  '47-8;  also  sec.  of 
the  council  and  somewhat  active  in  town  politics,  v.  539,  648,  650,  678,  680, 
684.  Peyri  (Antonio),  1796,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  and  at 
S.  Luis  Rey,  of  which  he  was  the  founder,  from  '98  until  his  departure  in  '32; 
in  Spain  '36.  Biog.  iii.  621-2;  ineut.  i.  564,  577,  587,  657,  689;  ii.  108-9,  159, 
346-7,  394,  453,  518,  553,  655;  iii.  87,  91,  96,  102,  183,  210,  233,  317,  364;  iv. 
151. 

Pfeiffer  (Max  W.),  1847,  Co.  G.  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Pfiester  (Adolph), 
1847,  Co.  K  and  G,  ditto;  settled  at  S.  Jos6,  where  he  was  mayor  in  '75,  and 
still  lived  in  '82;  a  German  b.  '21.  Pfister  (Ed.  H.  von),  1847,  mr  of  the 
Com.  Shubrick  from  Hon.  in  April,  and  in  Aug.  bringing  on  the  Providence 
from  the  Islands  a  stock  of  goods  with  which  he  opened  a  store  at  Benicia  in 
Sept.  or  Oct.  v.  672-3.  In  '48  he  went  to  the  mines  and  kept  a  store  in  coinp. 
with  Brannan,  and  later  Vaughan;  but  returned  to  Benicia  in  '49  to  keep  a 
hotel,  and  still  lived  there  in  '80  and  later.  P.  (John  R.  von),  1847,  brother 
of  Ed.  H.,  who  prob.  came  with  him  from  Hon.;  agent  for  the  Cal.  Star  in 
March  '48,  and  murdered  by  Peter  Raymond  at  Sutler's  mill  in  Oct. 

Phalen  (Wm),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Phelps  (Alva),  1847, 
of  the  Morm.  Bat.  v.  481;  died  on  the  way  to  Cal.  P.  (Bethuel),  1848,  at 
Mont.,  Benicia,  and  S.  F.  '48-55,  having  business  relations  with  Larkin; 
claimant  for  Pt  Reyes  rancho.  iii.  712.  P.  (Geo.  H.),  1846,  tanner  at 
Sonoma;  with  Smith  at  Bodega  '47-9.  P.  (Wm  D.),  1840,  nat  of  Mass., 
and  mr  of  the  Alert  '40-2,  making  an  exploration  of  the  Sac.  River  in  boats, 
and  engaging  in  the  Com.  Jones  war  by  spiking  the  guns  of  the  S.  Diego  fort, 
iv.  36,  95,  101,  135-6,  139,  156,  320,  562,  618-19,  665.  In  '46  he  came  back  as 
mr  of  the  Moscow,  remaining  on  the  coast  till  '49  as  mr  and  sup.  of  different 
vessels,  being  com.  for  a  time  of  the  prize  schr  MaleTc  Adhel,  affording  aid  in 
divers  ways  to  the  Bears  and  later  to  the  U.  S.  officers,  v.  15,  177-8,  190, 
280-2,  467,  579.  For  one  item  of  his  services  to  Fremont  he  had  a  Cal.  claim 
of  §10,000,  which  was  paid  after  a  slight  reduction  of  $9,950.  Capt.  P.  had 
exceptional  facilities  for  gaining  a  knowledge  of  current  events  in  '46-8,  and 
his  published  Fore  and  Aft,  besides  being  a  most  interesting  and  oft-quoted 


776  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

narrative  of  personal  experiences,  contains  much  useful  information  about 
Cal. ;  yet  it  must  be  noted  that  the  captain,  with  all  his  honesty  and  zeal,  was 
not  on  all  points  an  accurate  witness.  I  have  many  of  his  original  letters  of 
'41-2  and  '46-8,  with  some  of  later  date  from  Lexington,  Mass.,  where  he 
still  lived  in  '72.  Philip  (John  V.  N.),  1846,  act.  lieut  on  the  Cyatie;  lieut 
Co.  D,  Stockton's  Naval  Bat.  '46-7.  v.  386.  Philips  (A.  B.),  1848,  owner 
of  S.  F.  lot.  P.  (David),  1834,  Engl.  cooper  at  S.  Diego  '36  from  Sonora 
with  a  Mex.  wife,  age  44.  iii.  412.  P.  (James),  1847,  Co.  G,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499).  P.  (Joel),  1844,  Amer.  naturalized  in  Nov.;  'Joel  Felipe' possibly 
only  the  baptismal  name.  P.  (John),  1846,  one  of  the  Mormon  colony,  v. 
546;  owner  of  S.  F.  lots  '46-7.  v.  678;  living  in  Utah  '84.  P.  (John  B.), 
1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  at  S.  F.  '71-82.  P.  (Joseph),  1846,  gunner 
on  the  U.  S.  Dale.  P.  (Win  D.),  1847,  owner  of  S.  F.  lot;  prob.  '  Phelps.' 

Piatt  (Oliver  K.),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Pichette 
(Louis),  1830  (?),  Canadian  trapper  well  known  in  Or.  and  B.C.,  who,  ace.  to 
notices  of  his  death  in  '76,  made  a  trip  to  Cal.  from  Or.  in  '20,  which  is  doubt- 
less an  error,  though  he  may  have  come  8  or  ten  years  later. 

Pickens,  1841,  mr  of  the  Convoy,  iii.  382.  Pickering  (Chas),  1841,  nat- 
uralist of  U.  S.  ex.  ex.  iv.  241-3;  owner  of  a  S.  F.  lot  '48,  perhaps  another 
man.  Pickernell  (John),  1837,  named  in  Larkin's  accounts.  Pickett,  181.3, 
mr  of  the  Forrester,  ii.  274.  P.  (Chas  E.),  1846,  Amer.  lawyer  who  had 
lived  several  years  in  Or.  and  came  to  Cal.  by  land  in  June.  In  '47  he  prac- 
tised law  at  S.  F.,  also  living  at  Sonoma  and  visiting  Honolulu;  and  in  '48 
kept  a  store  at  Sutler's  Fort,  being  tried,  and  acquitted  by  a  jury  on  the  2d 
trial,  for  killing  R.  Alderman  in  a  quarrel  about  an  enclosure  at  the  fort. 
From  the  first  he  was  an  eccentric  character,  of  marked  ability  but  unbal- 
anced miud,  always  ready  to  make  sacrifices  for  a  friend  or  abuse  an  enemy, 
never  tiring  of  airing  his  opinions  and  whims  and  quarrels  in  the  newspapers; 
best  known  as  Philosopher  Pickett,  and  the  author  of  pamphlets  on  all  sorts  of 
subjects.  He  died  in  Cal.  about  '80.  iv.  395;  v.  125,  526,  645,  649,  654,  981. 
Pickman,  184'1,  doubtful  name  of  the  Workman  party  of  immig.  iv.  278. 
Pickup  (Geo.)  1847,  Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469). 

Pico  (Andre's),  son  of  Jose'  Maria,  b.  at  S.  Diego  in  '10.  His  1st  appearance 
in  the  public  records  is  in  '36-8,  when  he  was  in  charge  of  the  Jamul  rancho, 
elector,  and  receptor  of  customs,  iii.  446,  485,  609,  611,  613;  iv.  98.  At  the 
same  period  he  took  an  active  part  on  behalf  of  the  south  in  the  sectional  po- 
litical strife  against  the  Monterey  govt,  being  half  a  dozen  times  a  prisoner  in 
that  play  at  warfare  and  diplomacy,  iii.  488,  498,  518-9,  £46,  559,  555,  566, 
578,  580,  624.  In  '39-42,  ranking  as  alferez  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.,  he  served 
as  elector,  was  for  a  time  in  charge  of  S.  Luis  Rey,  and  obtained  lands  at  Sta 
Margarita,  S.  Juan  Cap.,  and  TemtScula.  iii.  591,  609,  612,  614,  621,  624,  626- 
7,  639.  He  was  sent  to  Mex.  in  '44  by  Gov.  Micheltorena  to  obtain  funds, 
iv.  401-2,  563;  and  after  his  return  devoted  himself,  as  licut  of  the  comp. 
and  capt.  of  defensores,  to  the  organization  of  the  militia  at  Los  Ang.  iv.  407, 
471,  475-6,  491-2,  619.  In  '45  he  was  obliged  to  join  the  revolutionists  and 
was  in  mil.  com.  for  a  time  at  Mont,  and  at  Los  Aug.  iv.  492-3,  515,  523, 
C51-2;  being  subsequently  commissioner  to  make  inventories  of  mission  prop- 
erty, and  becoming  lessee  of  S.  Fernando  and  purchaser  of  S.  Jos<5.  iv.  5oO. 
553,  561,  630,  637-8,  643,  665-G,  683.  In  '46  Don  Andre's  ranked  as  capt.  of 
the  regular  comp. ;  was  left  in  chief  command  on  the  flight  of  Castro;  sur- 
rendered and  was  paroled  with  other  officers;  but  broke  his  parole  to  serve  as 
3d  in  rank  under  Florcs;  was  in  com.  of  the  Californians  at  the  victory  of  S. 
Pascual — the  most  notable  achievement  of  his  life;  took  part  in  the  fights 
of  Jan.  '47,  and  being  left  by  Flores  in  chief  command,  concluded  with  Fr<5- 
mout  the  treaty  of  Cahuenga  closing  the  war  in  Cal.  v.  49,  143,  264,  266-7, 
309,  330-55,  387,  930-1,  403-5,  422,  448.  In  '48-9  Capt.  P.  had  a  company  of 
miners  at  work  on  the  Mokelumue,  was  a  resid.  of  S.  Jose"  in  '49-50,  but  sub- 
sequently of  Los  Ang.,  being  the  claimant  for  several  ranches,  iii.  633,  711 ;  v. 
675;  elected  to  the  assembly  in  '51;  presidential  elector  in  '52;  land  receiver: 
brigadier-gen,  of  militia  '58;  state  senator  in  '60-1.  Much  of  his  time  in  later 


PICO.  777 

years  was  devoted  to  land  litigation,  especially  in  connection  with  his  S.  Fer- 
nando estate;  and  he  died  in '76.  Andre's  Pico  was  a  brave,  reckless,  coarse- 
grained, jovial,  kind-hearted,  popular  man;  abler  in  several  respects  than  his 
brother  Don  Pio,  but  not  overburdened  with  principle.  He  was  never  mar- 
ried. I  have  a  valuable  col.  of  original  Papeles  de  Mision  from  his  private 
achives. 

Pico  (Antonio  Maria),  son  of  Jose"  Dolores,  b.  at  Mont,  in  1808.  In  '33 
maj.  at  S.  Jose1;  alcalde  in  '35.  iii.  729-30;  lieut.  of  militia  '37-8,  involved 
in  a  conspiracy,  iii.  513-14,  573,  732;  in  '39  suplente  of  the  junta  and 

frantee  of  Valle  de  S.  Jose"  rancho.  iii.  590,  713,  731;  2d  juez,  com.  of  an 
lid.  exped.,  and  grantee  of  Pescadero  in  '43.  iv.  362,  673,  685;  in  '44-5  juez 
and  alcalde,  capt.  of  dcfensores  taking  part  in  the  revolt  against  Michcl- 
torena,  and  a  suplente  of  the  assembly,  iv.  407,  469,  486,  540,  685-6.  He 
was  purchaser  of  the  S.  Rafael  mission  estate  in  '46.  v.  561,  670;  and  was  in 
some  trouble  through  favoring  the  cause  of  the.  U.S.;  2d  alcalde  in  '47,  and 
prefect  '49-50,  having  been  a  member  of  the  constit.  convention.  In  '61  he 
was  a  republican  elector,  and  was  appointed  by  Pres.  Lincoln  register  of  the 
U.  S.  land-office  at  Los  Aug.,  resigning  in  '62.  His  death  occurred  in  '69. 
He  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  limited  abilities  and  excellent  character. 
His  wife  was  Pilar  Bernal,  who  survived  him  with  3  sons  and  3  daughters, 
Petra  Mrs  Gelesch,  Marcelina  Mrs  Campbell,  and  Vicenta  Mrs  Castro;  or 
at  least,  these  were  the  signers  of  the  funeral  invitations  in  '69.  Three 
volumes  of  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de  California  from  the  private 
archives  of  Don  Antonio  Maria  were  added  by  his  family  to  my  collection. 
P.  (Fernando),  ranchero  at  Sta  B.  '45.  P.  (Francisco),  concerned  in  the  re- 
volt of  '45.  iv.  487;  grantee  of  Calaveras  in  '46.  v.  665;  Cal.  claim  of  $2,950 
(v.  4G2).  P.  (Francisco  Javier),  brother  of  Jos6  Maria;  soldier  of  Sta  B. 
comp.  1786-1806,  retiring  as  invalido;  one  of  the  grantees  of  Simi  1795- 
1821.  i.  663;  ii.  566.  P.  (Jose"),  mestizo  soldier  at  Sta  B.  1785,  age  21. 
P.  (Jos<5  Ant.  Bernardino),  son  of  Jose"  Maria,  b.  at  S.  Diego  1794.  About 
'15  he  enlisted  in  the  S.  Diego  comp.;  is  ment.  as  clerk  in  '17.  ii.  425. 
sergt  of  the  comp.  from  '28.  ii.  543;  iii.  165;  charged  with  conspiracy  '34. 
iii.  257-8;  promoted  to  alferez  '34,  and  comisionado  to  secularize  S.  Juan 
Cap.  in  '34-6.  iii.  608,  626-7.  In  '36-8  he  was  transferred  to  the  Mont, 
comp.;  promoted  to  lieut  in  '38;  and  in  '39  transferred  to  the  S.  F.  comp. 
at  Sonoma,  iii.  549,  584,  608,  671,  667-8.  He  left  the  mil.  service  in  '43, 
being  the  grantee  of  Agua  Caliente,  S.  Diego,  in  '40,  of  S.  Luis  Rey  '40, 
and  also  one  of  the  purchasers  of  S.  Jose"  Mission,  v.  561,  611,  620-1. 
Nothing  is  heard  of  him  in  the  troubles  of  '45-8,  but  he  continued  to  live  in 
the  south,  dying  at  S.  Diego  in  '71.  He  is  described  as  a  lively  old  man,  full 
of  jokes,  nicknamed  Picito  on  account  of  his  diminutive  size;  and  ridiculed 
to  some  extent  by  Wilkes  in  his  narr.  of  '41.  I  know  nothing  of  his  family, 
except  that  he  got  permission  in  '28  to  marry  Soledad  Ibarra. 

Pico  (Jose1  Dolores),  Mex.  soldier  who  came  to  Cal.  about  1790,  marrying 
Gertrudis  Ame"zquita  in  '91,  and  serving  in  the  Sta  B.  comp.  to  '95  or  later. 
Before  1804  he  was  transferred  to  the  Mont,  comp.,  marrying  Isabel  Cota, 
and  serving  in  the  Sta  Cruz  escolta.  From  '11  he  was  sergt  of  the  comp.,  and 
is  ment.  in  connection  with  several  Ind.  exped.,  being  dangerously  wounded 
in  '15,  obtaining  in  '19  a  grant  of  the  Bolsa  de  S.  Cayetano  rancho,  and  being 
in  charge  of  the  rancho  nacional,  Salinas,  from  '21.  ii.  56,  335-6,  338-9,  379, 
416,  609,  615-16;  iii.  43.  He  died  in  '27,  leaving  a  good  record  as  a  soldier 
and  Indian-fighter,  who  lacked  the  education  or  birth  which  might  have  given 
him  promotion.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  northern  branch  of  the  Pico  fam- 
ily, Antonio  Maria  and  Jos6  de  Jesus  being  the  most  prominent  of  his  sons. 
There  were  13  children.  A  daughter,  Maria  Ant.,  was  claimant  for  S.  Caye- 
tano. iv.  655.  The  widow  died  at  Castroville  in  '69  at  the  age  of  86,  leaving 
over  a  hundred  descendants.  P.  (Josd  de  Jesus),  son  of  Dolores,  b.  at  Mont, 
in  1807.  In  '27-31  he  served  as  a  soldier  of  the  Mont,  comp.,  taking  part  in  the 
Solis  revolts  of  '28-29.  iii.  66-7,  74;  but  subsequently  getting  a  substitute  and 
living  on  his  father's  rancho.  In  '36-8  he  was  somewhat  prominent  in  Alvarado'a 


773  PIOXEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

revolution,  iii.  457,  4G1,  491,  501-2.  524,  567,  572,  638;  iv.  96;  admin,  of  S. 
Antonio  '38-41;  grantee  of  Piedra  Blanca,  S.  Luis  Ob.  '40;  admin,  of  S.  Mi- 
guel '41-3.  iii.  678,  688;  iv.  232,  660.  He  took  part  in  the  movement  of 
'44-5  against  Micheltorena.  iv.  458-9,  487,  658,  682.  In  '46,  ranking  as  capt. 
of  defensores,  and  being  jnez  de  paz  at  S.  Luis  Ob.,  he  was  paroled  with  other 
officers,  but  broke  his  parole  and  supported  Flores  in  the  Natividad  campaign. 
He  was  accordingly  arrested  by  Fremont  in  Dec.  and  condemned  to  death, 
but  pardoned  at  the  intercession  of  his  wife  and  children.  He  became  a  most 
devoted  friend  of  Frdmont,  aiding  him  in  bringing  about  the  treaty  of  Ca- 
liuenga,  and  accompanying  him  on  his  famous  ride  of  '47.  v.  282,  321,  362-3, 
374-5,  403,  443,  638-9.  In  '48-9  Don  Jesus  made  some  successful  tours  in  the 
mines,  and  later  lived  on  his  S.  Luis  Ob.  ran c ho  with  his  family,  being  county 
assessor  and  assemblyman  in  '52-3.  In '78  he  dictated  his  recollections  for  my 
use,  cited  as  Acontecimientos,  and  containing  many  items  of  valuable  testimony. 
ii.  230,  232,  S39,  384,  417,  427,  446,  624.  I  have  not  heard  of  his  death  down 
to  '85. 

Pico  (Jose"  Maria),  brother  of  Dolores,  son  of  Santiago  Pico  of  Sinaloa,  and 
founder  of  the  family  in  southern  Cal. ;  a  soldier  of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  from 
1782,  corp.  of  the  guard  at  S.  Luis  Key  from  1798,  and  scrgt  1805-18,  being 
retired — perhaps  with  brevet  rank  of  alfeVez — in  '18,  and  dying  at  S.  Gabriel, 
where  he  had  long  been  in  com.  of  the  escolta  in  '19.  His  wife,  married  in 
17S9,  was  Maria  Eustaquia  Lopez,  nat.  of  Sonora.  His  3  sons,  Andre's,  Jose' 
Ant.,  and  Pio,  are  named  in  this  register;  and  there  were  7  daughters,  of 
whom  Conccpcion  married  Domingo  Carrillo.  Estefana  and  Jacinta  married 
Jos6  Ant.  Carrillo,  Isidora  was  the  wife  of  John  Forster,  Tomasa  of  an  Al- 
varado,  and  a  sixth  was  Feliciana.  P.  (Manuel),  one  of  the  grantees  of 
Simi  '42,  prob.  son  of  Javier,  Miguel,  or  Patricio;  encargadoat  Sta  Isabel  '43. 
iv.  620,  640.  P.  (Miguel),  brother  of  Jos6  Maria,  soldier  of  the  Sta  B.  comp. ; 
grantee  of  Simi  rancho  1795,  1821.  i.  663;  ii.  566;  in  '32  an  invalido,  wife 
Casilda  Sino'ua,  child.  Maria  Ignacia,  Petra,  Apolonia,  Juan  de  Mata,  and 
Mariano.  The  widow  died  in  '60  at  the  age  of  74,  leaving  15  children,  116 
grandchildren,  and  97  great-grandchildren — 116  males,  112  females.  P. 
(Patricio);  brother  of  Jose  Maria,  one  of  the  grantees  of  Simi  1795,  1S21,'42. 
i.  6G.3;  ii.  354,  603;  iv.  643. 

Pico  (Pio),  son  of  Jose"  Maria,  b.  at  S.  Gabriel  1801,  moving  to  S.Diego  after 
the  death  of  his  father  in  '19,  where  he  kept  a  small  shop.  For  mention  of 
his  early  life,  see  ii.  168,  344,  425,  546,  559,  604.  In  the  public  records  he 
first  appears  as  clerk  at  a  trial  in  '26.  ii.  549;  was  a  vocal  of  the  dip.  from 
'28.  iii.  41-2;  being  ment.  also  in  connection  with  the  Fitch  elopement  in  '29. 
iii.  141;  and  getting  the  same  year  some  kind  of  a  title  to  the  Jamul  rancho. 
Dept.  UPC.,  vii.  61,  94;  confirmed  in  '31.  iii.  611.  In  '31  he  was  a  leader  of 
the  southern  opposition  to  Gov.  Victoria,  iii.  189,  197,  201,  203-4,  206;  and  in 
'32,  according  to  the  plan,  should  have  been  gov.  ad  int.  as  senior  vocal  and 
president  of  the  dip.,  but  was  unable  to  secure  the  place,  though  he  is  often 
erroneously  named  as  gov.  in  that  year.  iii.  216-20,  224,  226,  231,  245.  He 
was  again  member  of  the  dip.  '34—5,  being  a  candidate  for  alcalde  and  chosen 
elector  '36.  iii.  246,  249-50,  275,  300,  483-4,  615;  in  '34-40  administrator  of  S. 
Luis  Rey,  having  also  a  profitable  contract  to  slaughter  cattle  on  shares  at  S. 
Gabriel,  iiir  349^353,623-4,  628;  iv.  54,  61;  and  in  '37-9  an  active  partisan 
of  the  south  against  Alvarado's  govt,  being  more  than  once  a  prisoner,  though 
like  most  others  never  in  a  light,  and  playing  a  not  very  creditable  part  in  the 
sectional  strife,  iii.  405,499-502,  504,  506,508-9,516,  518,520,  5-10,548-50, 
555,  558,  564-6,  578,  580,  602,  614.  He  was  again  member  of  the  junta  in 
'39-41,  protesting  against  Monterey's  claims  as  capital;  also  one  of  the  terna 
for  gov.,  tithe  collector  at  Los  An<?.,  and  provisionally  grantee  of  Temc'cula. 
iii.  584,  590,  604,  606,  612,  623,  637;  iv.  193.  In  '41  he  was  the  grantee  of 
Sta  Margarita  and  Las  Flores.  iv.  621,  628;  in  '42  supposed  to  be  plotting  in 
favor  of  England,  iv.  282;  in  '44-5  again  member  of  the  junta,  and  capt.  of 
defensores,  appointed  comandante  de  escuadron.  iv.  301,  403,  407,  410-11, 
425,  475.  On  the  downfall  of  Micheltorena  in  '45,  having  taken  some  part 


PICO— PIERCE.  779 

in  the  campaign,  Don  Pio,  as  president  of  the  junta,  became  temporary  gov. 
from  Feb.  22d.  iv.  404,  492-3,  495-9,  503-7,  509,  521,  530.  His  office  was  con- 
firmed in  Mex.,  and  Apr.  18,  '46,  he  took  the  oath  as  constitutional  gov.  For 
his  rule  of  '45-6,  general  acts  and  controversy  with  Gen. Castro,  see  iv.  51 1-45; 
v.  30-53;  on  mission  affairs,  iv.  546-62;  v.  558-64;  Fremont  affair  and  Bear 
revolt,  v.  5,  138-44;  on  foreign  intervention  and  McNamara  project,  v.  59-62, 
69,  217-19;  miscellaneous  mention,  v.  567,  570,  590,  603,  624.  On  the  ap- 
proach of  the  U.S.  forces  Pico  left  Cal.  for  Mexico,  v.  201-78;  but  in  '48  re- 
turned, v.  588-90;  and  has  since  resided  at  Sta  Margarita — sold  to  John  Fos- 
ter in  '64 — and  at  Los  Angeles  down  to  '85,  having  been  claimant  for  other 
ranches,  iii.  611,  633,  and  being  still  a  man  of  some  wealth.  He  married 
Maria  Ignacia  Alvarado  in  '34,  but  I  find  no  record  of  children.  Pio  Pico  is 
a  man  who  has  been  abused  far  beyond  his  deserts;  a  man  of  ordinary  intelli- 
gence anil  limited  education;  of  generous,  jovial  disposition;  reckless  and  in- 
dolent; with  a  weakness  for  cards  and  women;  disposed  to  be  fair  and  honor- 
able in  his  transactions,  but  without  sufficient  strength  of  principle  to  keep 
always  clear  of  doubtful  complications  or  avoid  being  made  the  tool  of  knaves; 
patriotic  without  the  ability  to  accomplish  much  for  his  country.  In  his  con- 
troversy of  '45-6  with  Castro  his  conduct  was  foolish  in  the  extreme;  in  other 
respects  down  to  1848  his  record  is  better  rather  than  worse  than  might  be 
expected  of  a  commonplace  man  in  so  prominent  a  position.  Not  much  fault 
can  be  found  with  his  mission  policy;  he  did  not,  as  lias  been  charged,  run 
away  in  '46  with  large  sums  of  money  obtained  by  illegal  sales  of  mission  es- 
tates; he  had  a  perfect  right  to  favor  his  friends  by  land  grants  in  the  last  days 
of  his  power,  and  to  prefer  that  Cal.  should  fall  into  English  rather  than 
American  possession.  That  he  seems  to  have  antedated  some  land  grants 
after  his  return  in  '48  is  the  most  discreditable  feature  of  his  record;  yet  my 
study  of  land  litigation  leads  me  to  hesitate  in  condemning  or  exonerating 
any  official  or  citizen,  native  or  pioneer,  on  charges  originating  in  that  most 
unfathomable  pool  of  corruption.  In  '78  Don  Pio  dictated  for  me  a  Uixtoria 
de  California,  which  in  interest  and  accuracy  compares  favorably  with  other 
pioneer  statements;  and  at  the  same  time  gave  me  two  volumes  of  original 
Doc.  Hist.  Cal. ,  including  several  important  papers. 

Pico  (Rafael),  at  Simi  rancho  '29-31.  ii.  566;  iii.  635.  P.  (Ramon),  son  of 
Antonio  Maria,  b.  in  '27;  in  '63-6  capt.  of  Co.  A,  1st  battalion  of  native  Cal. 
cavalry,  stationed  for  a  time  in  Arizona.  Ho  added  to  my  collection  3  vols 
of  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.,  containing  many  original  papers  belonging  to  his  father, 
and  others  relating  to  the  captain's  own  military  career.  Major  Jos6  Ramon 
is  still  a  resident  of  S.  F.  in  '85.  P.  (Salomon),  son  of  Jose"  Dolores,  of  whom 
nothing  appears  before  '48  except  that  a  rancho  in  Tuolumne  was  later  claimed 
on  a  grant  of  '44  to  him.  iv.  674.  After  '49  he  became  a  noted  highwayman 
and  murderer  in  the  region  of  S.  Luis  Ob.  and  Sta  B.  About  '57  ho  went  to 
L.  Cal.,  where  in  '60  he  was  put  to  death  by  order  of  the  sub-gefe  politico 
Esparza.  P.  (Santiago),  a  settler  at  Los  Ang.  1790.  i.  4(51;  at  Simi  rancho 
1802.  ii.  111.  He  seems  to  have  been  a  soldier  of  the  8.  F.  and  S.  Diego  eoinp. 
in  '76-80.  It  is  just  possible  that  he  was  the  father  of  Jose"  Mariaand  Dolores, 
though  I  find  no  definite  record  that  that  Santiago  ever  came  to  Cal.  P. 
(Vicente),  at  Sta'B.  before  '37,  wife  Estef;ma  Garcia.  4  children. 

Pieras  (Miguel).  1771,  Span,  friar,,  founder  of  S.  Antonio,  where  he  served 
till  his  departure  from  Cal.  in  1794.  Biog.  i.  G88-9;  ment.  i.  173,  176,  1SS-9, 
196,  255,  279,  298,  388,  469,  576.  Pierce  (Charles),  1847,  Co.  B,  N.  Y.  Vol. 
(v.  499);  d.  before  '82.  P.,  1795,  Engl.  Nootka  commissioner  at  Mont.  i. 
527.  P.  (Harrison  M.),  1843  (?),  settler  in  Napa,  who  landed  in  Or.  from  a 
whaler  in  '42  ace.  to  Menefee  and  Lancey.  Bidwell  thinks  he  was  in  Cal. 
'41-2.  In  '68  he  testified  that  he  worked  for  Dr  Bale  in  '45-8;  the  first  defi- 
nite record  is  his  signature  to  the  S.  Jose"  call  to  foreigners  in  March  '45.  In 
'47  named  as  an  Arner.  bachelor  at  N.  Helv. ;  in  '48  built  the  first  structure 
in  Napa  City,  used  as  a  saloon,  and  still  standing  in  '81.  He  died  in  '70.  iv. 
400,  599;  v.  128,  670.  P.  (Stephen  H.),  1816,  of  the  Mormon  colony,  who 
prob.  did  not  come  to  Cal.  v.  547.  P.  (Wm),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  8.  dta- 


780  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

goons  (v.  336).  Piercy  (Sam.  G.),  1847,  Irishman  of  Co.  F,  3d  U.  S.  artill. 
(v.  518);  one  of  the  few  who  did  not  desert  for  the  mines;  name  James  G.  on 
the  roll.  He  worked  as  copying  clerk  during  the  constitutional  convention  of 
'49;  and  after  his  discharge  in  '51  went  to  N.  Y.,  but  returned  and  lived  from 
'53  at  Oakland,  where  he  died  in  '77,  leaving  a  widow  and  married  daughter. 
Pierola  (Arnoldo)  at  Mont,  in  '25.  iii.  20.  Pierre  (Jean),  1806,  boatswain  of 
the  Peacock,  ii.  38. 

Pike  (Wm  M.),  1846,  of  the  Donner  party  from  Tenn.  He  was  accidentally 
killed  before  reaching  the  mts,  leaving  a  widow  and  2  children.  The  widow, 
Harriet  F.  Murphy,  survived,  marrying  Michael  Nye  in  '47  and  dying  in  Or. 
'70.  One  of  the  daughters,  Naomi  L.,  also  a  survivor  at  the  age  of  3,  married 
Dr  Mitchell  of  Marysville  in  '65,  and  in  "80  waa  Mrs  Schenck  at  The  Dalles, 
Or.  The  other  daughter,  Catherine,  an  infant,  died  at  the  Sierra  camp.  v.  531, 
533-4.  Pilikin  (John),  1844,  disabled  Amer.  sailor  of  the  Monmouth,  in  care 
of  the  consul  at  Mont. 

Pifia  (Bias),  with  Arce's  party,  46.  v.  106.  P.  (Joaquin),  Mex.  corporal 
of  artill.  at  S.F.  from  '29,  when  he  wrote  a  Diario  of  an  important  expcd. 
against  the  Lid.,  the  original  of  which  is  in  my  possession;  in  '44  acting  com. 
at  S.F.,  also  owner  of  town  lauds,  iii.  75,  111,  113,  212,  702;  iv.  463,  669,  672. 
P.  (Lazaro),  Mex.  artill.  corporal  at  Mont.  '29,  at  S.  Rafael  '32.  iii.  76,  716; 
in  '36  at  Mont.,  age  39,  wife  Placida  Villela,  child.  Jos6  de  Jesus  b.  in  Mont. 
'26,  German  '29,  Ant.  A.  at  S.F.  '31,  Foliciano  at  Mont.  '32,  Francisco  '33, 
Luis  G.  '35.  In  '37  he  was  corporal  in  the  S.F.  cav.  comp.,  and  from  '38  sergt 
and  acting  alfe'rez,  sometimes  in  com.  at  Sonoma,  and  the  grantee  of  Agua 
Calieute  in  '40,  besides  being  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot  in  '45.  iii.  193,  583,  702,  711, 
722;  iv.  12,  121,  172-4,  669,  684.  He  is  named  by  Revere  in  '46.  v.  297;  bu-t 
80011  went  to  Mex.,  where  he  is  said  to  have  been  killed  at  the  battle  of  Cerro 
Gordo.  P.  (Maximo),  teacher  at  Los  Ang.  '17-18.  ii.  353.  P.  (Pedro), 
Mex.  soldier  in  the  Hidalgo  piquete  at  Mont.  '36,  age  28.  Pinard  (J.  B.), 
1848,  Canadian  farmer  at  S.  Jose  '58-76.  Pineda  (Joaquin),  Mex.  soldier  at 
Mont.,  ago  20.  P.  (Lorenzo),  grantee  of  Los  Uvas,  Sta  Clara,  '42.  v.  674. 
Pinkerton  (James),  1846,  Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Pinkney  (Rob- 
ert F.),  1846,  licut  on  the  U.  S.  Savannah,  in  corn,  of  S.  Jos6  garrison  during 
the  Sanchez  campaign  of  '46-7;  also  of  the  U.  S.  ex.  ex.  in  '41,  but  not  in 
Cal.  iv.  241;  v.  378,  G61.  Pino  (Miguel),  1770,  2d  off.  on  the  Spanish  trans- 
ports '70-3.  i.  168,  208. 

Pinto  (Antonio),  soldier  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '19-22.  P.  (Francisco),  son  of 
Serafin,  at  S.  Jose"  '41,  age  34,  wife  Prudenciana  Servian  (?),  child  Maria  Ig- 
nacia;  in  '40-7  kept  under  arrest  at  Mont,  by  Maddox  for  6  months  to  pre- 
vent his  raising  a  force  to  join  Flores  in  the  south.  P.  (Joaquin),  resident 
of  Branciforte  '30.  ii.  627.  P.  (Juan  Maria),  soldier  of  the  S.  F.  comp. 
1797-1800.  i.  499,  560;  of  the  S.F.  comp.  '19-27;  in  '28  at  Branciforte  with 
his  wife  Apolonia  Mesa  and  4  child.,  Claudio,  Clara,  Carmen,  and  Rosario, 
also  at  B.  '30-6,  ii.  627;  iii.  697.  P.  (JuanaF.)  married  to  M.  A.  Cordew 
1776,  the  first  marriage  at  S.F.  i.  296.  P.  (Manuel),  at  S.  Jos6  '41,  age  56, 
wife  Maria  Ame'zquita,  child.  Paulina  b.  '23,  Maria  de  la  Cruz  '25,  EsteYan 
'2«,  Miguel  '33,  Felipe  '36.  P.  (Pablo),  corporal  of  the  S.F.  comp.  i.  297. 
P.  (Rafael),  sou  of  Serafin,  b.  at  Branciforte  '18,  educated  at  Mont.,  and  in 
'36  joining  Alvarado's  revolt  was  made  alfe'rez  and  soon  lieut  of  volunteers, 
in  which  capacity  he  served  in  the  south  '37-9,  his  regular  appointment  as 
alfe'rez  of  the  Mont.  comp.  coming  from  Mex.  in  '39.  ii.  585;  iii.  191,  491,  550, 
555,  578,  587,  671;  iv.  652.  In  '40  he  was  one  of  the  officers  who  went  to 
Topic  with  the  foreign  exiles,  returning  in  '41.  iv.  13,  23,  23,  28,  30.  After 
serving  as  an  aide  to  Michel torena  for  a  year  or  more  he  resigned;  in  '43-4 
was  a  custom-house  guard  at  Mont. ;  and  in  '45-6  was  receptor  of  customs  at 
S.F.,  refusing  to  join  the  movement  against  Michcltorena,  and  going  south 
witli  Castro  after  the  occupation  of  S.F.  by  the  U.S.  iv.  292,  377,  4  >1.  463, 
5:>7,  (170;  v.  68,  135,  239,  659.  After  the  fall  of  Los  Ang.  in  Aug.  P  nto  re- 
turned north,  was  paroled,  and  took  no  further  part  in  the  war,  beco  iiiug  a 
rauchero  in  later  years;  had  a  '  Cal.  claim '  of  $2,404  (v.  462).  His  wife  waa 


PINTO— POLLORENA.  781 

Maria,  daughter  of  Juan  Amesti,  with  whom  and  4  children  he  lived  in  '78  on 
his  rancho  near  Corralitos,  Sta  Cruz  Co.,  a  man  of  good  reputation.  His 
Apuntaciones  is  a  valuable  MS.  narrative  dictated  for  my  use  at  that  time;  and 
he  also  gave  me  the  original  S.F.  custom-house  records  in  his  possession  since 
'46,  a  most  important  col.  of  Doc.  Hist.  Cal.  P.  (Serafin),  resident  of  Bran- 
ciforte  '18,  and  earlier  to  '30  and  later;  alcalde  in  '22,  '27.  ii.  627.  His  wife 
was  Ignacia,  daughter  of  Pedro  Amador,  and  his  children  Francisco,  Rafael, 
Ascension,  Autonia,  Dolores,  Maria,  Ignacia,  and  Carmen  the  wife  of  J.  B. 
Bonifacio.  Pio,  one  of  the  grantees  of  Ulistac,  Sta  Clara,  '45.  iv.  674. 

Pioche  (F.  L.  A.),  1848,  Frenchman  who  came  to  S.F.  from  Chile,  engaging 
in  trade  and  becoming  a  millionaire,  prominently  connected  with  many  great 
enterprises  of  city,  state,  and  coast.  The  town  of  Pioche,  Nev.,  bears  his 
name.  Becoming  involved  in  h'nancial  troubles,  he  finally  committed  suicide 
in  '72.  Pioneer  (Jacob  A.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.  Y.  Vol.  (v.  499).  Pioquinto 
(Jose"  Ant.),  at  Los  Aug.  '46.  Piper  (Asabel  D.),  1847,  came  on  the  Loo 
Choo  from  N.Y.,  but  not  of  N.Y.Vol.;  owner  of  S.F.  lot;  aided  O'Farrel  in 
his  survey  of  the  town.  In  '52  he  furnished  for  the  Alta  his  recollections  of 
the  city  in  '47;  went  in  '71  to  S.  Amer.,  where  he  was  killed  by  Ind.  in  '73. 
Pistrowski,  see  '  Petrowski. ' 

Pitnak  (Carlos),  1828,  mr  of  the  Gen.  Sucre,  iii.  147;  doubtful  name. 
Pitts  (Henry  F.),  1844  (?),  said  by  Hall  and  others  to  have  arrived  at  Sta  Clara 
in  '41.  I  have  a  letter  purporting  to  be  written  by  him  in  April  '40,  at  a 
quicksilver  mine  in  Cal.,  doubtless  an  error.  Swan  says  that  Wm  P.,  pre- 
sumably the  same,  landed  from  an  Amer.  whaler  in  '44,  and  from  that  date 
he  appears  on  Larkin's  books,  iv.  453.  In  '46  he  was  employed  to  carry  de- 
spatches from  Mont,  to  S.  Jos<5  and  S.F.  v.  238,  245;  his  receipt  for  $140  on 
July  7th  appearing  in  the  Consulate  Archives,  ii.  16.  In  '47-8  he  worked  at 
the  quicksilver  mines;  also  in  the  gold-fields  '48;  in  ;74  still  prospecting  for 
quicksilver  in  Mont.  Co.,  and  still  living  in  '84.  Pixton  (Robert),  1847,  Co. 
E,  Morm.  Lat.  (v.  469);  in  Sutter's  employ  '47-8;  returned  to  Utah. 

Place  (Wm),  1833,  Amer.  sailor  left  sick  at  Sta  B.  by  a  whaler,  iii.  409; 
still  there  in  '36,  age  34;  and  in  '45  permitted  to  marry  a  neophyte.  Pla- 
cencia  (Luis),  com.  de  policia  at  Mont.  iii.  675.  Placiat  (Antoine),  1827,  mr 
of  the  Comete.  iii.  146.  Plaza  (Ignacio),  1842,  Mex.  lieut  of  the  batallon 
fijo.  iv.  289.  Plemmonds  (David  and  John),  1848,  came  with  Col  Davis. 
Sta  Clara  Co.  Hist.,  660.  Pliego  (Jos6),  settler  at  S.  Jose"  before  1800.  i.  716. 
P.  (Rodrigo),  182-5,  Mex.  alfeYez  of  the  Mont.,  Sta  B.,  and  S.  Diego  comp. 
'25-31 ;  a  bad  fellow  who  left  Cal.  in  '32  with  Gov.  Victoria.  Biog.  iii.  210-1 1 ; 
meut.  ii.  572,  608;  iii.  15,  50,  62,  78-9.  84,  ISO,  191-2,  195,  205,  608,  650,  671. 
Plino  (Louis),  1836,  French  servant  of  Abrego  at  Mont.,  age  38.  Plummer 
(Henry),  1835,  Engl.  cooper  who  landed  from  a  whaler  and  became  an  otter- 
hunter  in  the  Sta  B.  region,  iii.  413;  named  in  a  list  of  '36  as  38  years  old 
and  single;  joined  Nidever  in  many  hunting  trips  down  to  '70.  P.  (Wm), 
1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  Plucois  (Pedro),  doubtful  name  in  a  Sta  B. 
list  of  '41.  Plunkett  (James),  1847,  Co.  E,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499).  • 

Poalclcoin  (John),  1841,  doubtful  name  of  a  deserter  from  the  Juan  Jose, 
who  worked  as  a  carpenter  for  Stearns  at  Los  Ang.  Poenicar  (Jos6),  1806, 
doubtful  name,  mr  of  the  fieisos*  ii.  39.  Poett  (J.  Henry),  1848,  physician 
at  S.F. ;  possibly  earlier.  Poinsett,  1845,  perhaps  one  of  Fremont's  party, 
iv.  583.  Polanco  (Jose"),  grantee  of  Conejo,  Sta  B.,  soon  after  1800;  at  Los 
Ang.  1804,  '19;  a  P.  owned  "S.  Ju«6  de  Buenos  Aires  '40;  and  an  Lie's  (?)  P.  was 
sent  a  prisoner  to  Mex.  in  '30.  ii.  1 12,  172,  185,  349,  354,  566,  664;  iii.  85,  634. 
Policy  (James  H.),  1846,  boatswain  on  the  Dale  '46-7;  went  East  "48  on  the 
Congress;  returned  on  the  Vincennes,  deserting  for  the  mines  '50;  again  in 
the  navy  '61-66,  when  he  died.  Lancey.  Pollock  (James),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d 
U.S.  artill.  (v.  518);  a  Scotch  weaver  supposed  by  Kooser  to  have  died  be- 
fore '64.  P.  (James),  1846,  settler  in  '50  with  his  family  on  the  Cosumnes, 
where  he  died  '76  and  wife  in  '80.  Sac.  Co.  Hist.;  possibly  same  as  preced- 
ing. P.  (Lewis),  1840,  one  of  the  Graham  exiles  not  known  to  have  returned. 
iv.  18.  Pollorena,  ment.  at  Los  Ang.  '47.  v.  396.  P.  (Juan),  at  Los  Ang. 


782  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

'19.  ii.  355;  also  in  '46.  P.  (Maria  Ant.),  at  Los  Ang.  '48.  P.  (Pedro),  corp. 
of  the  S.  Diego  comp.  1797,  and  in  com.  of  S.  Gabriel  escolta.  i.  658,  664;  set- 
tled at  Los  Aug.  1805.  ii.  310.  P.  (Rosalia),  at  Los  Ang.  '48. 

Pombert  (Louis),  1826,  Canadian  trapper  of  Jed.  Smith's  party,  who  left 
the  party  in  '27,  lived  18  months  on  Higuera's  rancho,  and  in  Apr.  '29  at  S. 
Jose',  age  28.  iii.  159-60,  176,  ISO.  In  '32  he  joined  the  comp.  extraujera  at 
Mont.  iii.  221;  in  '34  had  a  wife — Filomena,  daughter  of  Dolores  Pico — and 
a  son  Juan,  born  in  '30,  a  daughter  Isabel  being  born  in  '35.  He  was  a  sergt 
in  Graham's  comp.  supporting  Alvarado  '36.  iii.  458,  675.  His  name,  written 
generally  Pombare,  appears  in  Larkin's  books  to  '45  and  in  other  records  to 
'47.  His  sons  are  said  to  have  lived  at  Castroville  in  '77.  Pomeroy  (S.  D. ), 
1848  (?),  nat.  of  Ohio,  in  Sonoma  Co.  '55-77.  Pomponio,  ex-neophyte  and 
famous  outlaw  captured  near  S.  Rafael  and  put  to  death  in  '24.  ii.  537,  597, 
614.  PoncabanS  (Agustin),  1833,  mr  of  the  Mariquita  '33,  '35.  iii.  3S3. 
Ponce  de  Leon  (Manuel),  Mex.  clerk  at  Sta  B.  in  '38-9  and  earlier,  iii.  656-7; 
wife  Francisca  So!6rzano,  3  children;  in  '40  sec.  of  sub-prefect,  iii.  655. 
Ponton  (Jose  M. ),  Mcx.  lieut  sentenced  to  5  years  in  Cal.  as  a  convict  in  '36; 
no  record  of  his  coming.  Pool  (Peter),  1846,  of  the  Mormon  colon y,  with 
his  mother  Mary  and  sister  Elizabeth,  v.  546;  living  in  Utah  '84.  Pooley, 
ment.  at  N.  Helv.  '47. 

Pope  (Wm),  1828,  Amer.  trapper  from  N.  Mex.  in  Pattie's  party,  impris- 
oned for  a  time  at  S.  Diego,  iii.  163,  166-7,  178.  He  got  a  pass  for  Sonora  from 
the  gov.  in  Nov.,  and  subsequently  became  a  naturalized  citizen,  having  a 
family  at  Taos.  Before  '40,  perhaps  in  '36,  he  came  back  to  Los  Ang.  with 
8  members  of  bis  family  and  a  company  of  12  men.  He  was  known  in  Cal.  as 
Julian  P.,  that  being  prob.  the  baptismal  name  received  in  N.  Mex.  In  '41 
he  obtained  a  grant  of  the  Tocoallomi  rancho,  named  for  hirn  Pope  Valley, 
Napa  Co.,  and  settled  there  in  '42.  I  have  the  original  passport  of  March  2, 
'42,  under  which  he  came  north,  the  expenses  of  the  journey  being  paid  by 
the  govt.  A  little  later,  prob.  in  '43,  he  accidentally  killed  himself  by  sever- 
ing an  artery  with  his  axe.  iv.  280.  His  widow  married  Elias  Barnett;  his 
son  Joseph  was  claimant  for  the  rancho.  iv.  671;  one  daughter  was  Mrs  Bur- 
ton of  Pope  Valley;  and  there  were  4  or  five  other  children. 

Porter  (H.  F.),  1841,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  St  Louis.  P.  (San ford),  1847,  Co. 
E,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469).  Porterfield  (Harvey),  1845,  nat.  of  Term. ,  and  overl. 
immig.  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party,  iv.  579,  587.  He  worked  as  a  carpenter  at 
Sonoma;  prob.  joined  the  Bears  in  '46.  v.  110;  went  south  in  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat., 
taking  part  in  the  light  at  S.  Pascual,  and  in  Stockton's  final  campaign;  and 
after  his  discharge  returned  to  Napa  Valley.  He  went  to  the  mines  in  '48; 
was  wrecked  on  Vancouver  Isl.  in  an  attempt  to  reach  Trinity  River  in  '49; 
in  '50-1  a  stock-raiser  in  Yolo;  in  '52  went  East  by  Panamd,  returning  '53 
overland  with  a  wife,  Martha  Alexander;  and  from  '56  lived  in  Napa  Co.  to 
'81.  His  wife  died  in  '66,  leaving  3  children,  and  his  2d  wife  was  Mattie  Gal- 
braith. 

Portilla  (Pablo),  1819,  Mex.  capt.  of  the  Mazatlan  cavalry  comp.  '19-38, 
being  stationed  for  the  most  part  at  S.  Diego,  and  taking  part  in  Ind.  cxped. 
and  military  trials,  ii.  253-4,  340-2,  422,  451,  480,  534-6,  540,  543,  547,  549, 
551,  675;  iii.  62.  In  '31  he  rendered  somewhat  unwilling  and  ineffective  ser- 
vice against  Gov.  Victoria,  and  from  that  year  was  nominally  comandante  of 
the  post  at  S.  Diego,  iii.  201,  203-4,  206,  608.  As  comisionado  he  secularized 
San  Luis  Rey  in  '33-5.  iii.  326,  331-2,  346,  353,  613,  623-4;  and  in  '36-8,  after 
rendering  some  slight  support  to  Chico  and  Gutierrez,  he  joined  in  the  south- 
ern intrigues  against  Alvarado's  govt,  and  finally  figured  as  com. -gen.  under 
Carlos  Carrillo,  leaving  Cal.  after  the  final  defeat  of  the  latter  in  '38.  iii.  440, 
446,  459,  463,  515,  520-2,  528,  532-3,  548-9,  5C5,  568-9,  614,  648;  iv.  67-8. 
Capt.  P.  was  a  good-natured,  easy-going  officer  of  little  force  or  influence,  but 
of  good  intentions.  He  went  to  Sonora,  where  he  was  capt.  of  the  post  at 
Guaymas  in  '46.  In  '49  Dr  Stillman— Overl.  Monthly,  xv.  247— met  him  at 
S.  Ignacio,  L.  Cal.,  in  com,  of  a  party  of  30  Sonorans  bound  for  the  Cal.  pold 
mines,  75  years  old,  but  '  hale  and  full  of  enterprise.'  P.  (Silvestre),  brother 


PORTILLA— PREUSS.  783 

of  Pablo,  ment.  in  '36  in  connection  with  a  proposed  Ind.  exped.,  and  aa 
grantee  of  S.  Jos<§  del  Valle  rancho.  iii.  612;  iv.  68.  Poriold  (Caspar  de), 
1709,  capt.  of  dragoons  in  the  Span,  army,  and  gov.  of  the  Californias  17G8- 


^          _ my 

authorities.  Nine  years  after  ho  left  Cal.  he  was  gov.  of  Puebla.  i.  87,  89,  1 15- 
25,  134-6,  140-64  et  seq.,  172,  225,  231,  376,  486. 

Posados  (Pedro),  prospector  at  S.  Luis  Rey  '22.  ii.  666.  Post  (Fred.  L.), 
1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  in  '82  at  S.F.,  a  clerk  in  the  P.O.  for  20 
years.  P.  (Gabriel  B.),  1847,  at  Hon.  from  Mont,  on  the  Maria  Helena; 
member  of  the  S.F.  firm  S.  H.  Williams  &  Co.  '48;  later  G.  B.  Post  &  Co.; 
in  '49  memb.  of  the  town  council  and  of  the  state  senate.  I  think  Post  street, 
S.F.,  may  have  been  named  for  him. 

Potiuon,  ment.  at  Los  Ang. '30.  iii.  419.  Pott  (Geo.),  1847,  owner  of  S. 
F.  lot.  v.  685.  Potter,  1845,  doubtful  member  of  the  Grigsby-Ide  party, 
iv.  579;  perhaps  John.  P.  (Andrew),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  P.  (John), 
1844  (?),  immig.  with  a  family  accredited  in  newspaper  sketches  to  this  year; 
perhaps  of  '45.  iv.  453.  He  settled  in  the  Chico  region,  is  noted  at  Sutter's 
Fort  from  June  '46;  and  in  '48  gained  a  fortune  in  the  mines  by  the  aid  of 
Indians.  Burnett's  party  from  Or.  passed  his  place  and  deemed  his  head 
somewhat  turned  by  his  good  fortune.  He  died  there  about  '51,  and  is  said 
to  have  left  large  sums  buried  on  his  farm.  His  sons — one  of  them  James, 
said  to  have  been  born  '46  in  Cal. — and  daughters  were  living  in  Mendocino 
Co.  '74.  Potter  (Stephen),  1832,  mr  of  the  Wm  Thompson,  iii.  384. 
Potts  (James  M.),  1847,  mid.  on  the  U.S.  Lexington.  Poulson  (Oliver  P.), 
1846,  Co.  B,  artill.  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358);  prob.  an  overl.  immig. 

Powell  (David),  1847,  owner  of  a  S.F.  lot.  P.  (Gilbert),  1846,  Co.  C, 
1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  P.  (John  W.),  1846.  Co.  E,  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v. 
358);  ment.  in  '48  at  Sta  Cruz.  v.  642;  at  S.  Jose  '50.  P.  (Wm  J.),  1846, 
surgeon  on  the  U.S.  Warren;  owner  of  S.F.  lots.  v.  682.  I  think  Powell  St., 
S.F.,  was  named  for  him.  Powells  (Wm  E.),  1847,  Co.  A,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  at  Mont.  '48.  Power  (Edward),  1847,  Co.  F,  ditto;  d.  S.F.  about  'oO. 
P.  (James),  1844,  doubtful  member  of  the  Fremont  party,  iv.  437.  P. 
(John  A.),  1847,  brother  of  Ed.,  sergt  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499);  after  his 
discharge  he  became  a  gambler;  and  later  a  robber  and  murderer  known  as 
'Jack  Powers.'  His  associates  were  chiefly  Mexicans,  and  their  depredations 
were  for  the  most  part  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  anil  Sta  B.  counties  '51-6.  When  the 
vigilantes  put  an  end  to  their  career  of  crime  P.  escaped  to  Sonora,  where  he 
was  killed  in  '60.  Poyorena,  see  'Pollorena.' 

Prado,  ment.  as  a  lieut  '39.  iii.  653;  perhaps  Prado  Mesa.  P.  (Tomas), 
regidor  at  Branciforte  1802;  killed  at  S.F.  1807.  ii.  156,  192.  Prat  (Pedro), 
1769,  surgeon  of  the  1st  exped.,  who  died  in  Cal.  '72-3.  i.  128,  130,  136,  140, 
168,  210.  Pratt  (Addison),  1848,  clergyman  who  married  a  couple  at  S.F. 
P.  (Jacob  H.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Praule  (Raphael),  1844, 
one  of  Fremont's  men  1st  and  2d  visits;  served  in  Cal.  Bat.  '46-7.  iv.  437, 
453,  583;  sometimes  called  '  Prone; '  died  in  the  mts  of  N.  Mex.  on  Fremont  a 
next  exped.  of  '48.  Prause  (Wm),  1826,  mr  of  the  Inca.  iii.  147.  Pray 
(John),  1846,  interpreter  in  Marston's  force  '46-7.  v.  380.  Prendergast 
(John),  1848,  passp.  from  Hon.  Prentice  (Chas),  1847,  Co.  C,  N.Y.Vol.  (v. 
499).  P.  (Samuel),  1830,  nat.  of  R.I.  who  came  on  the  Danube  from  Lima, 
iii.  180.  A  mason  by  trade,  but  by  preference  a  hunter;  arrested  for  smug- 
gling '33.  iii.  393;  one  of  the  vigilantes  of  Los  Ang.  '36,  being  then  37  years 
old  and  single;  still  named  as  a  hunter  in  '41,  and  said  by  Warner  to  have 
died  on  Sta  Catalina  Isl.  about  "65.  Moneuean  (?)  Pr.entis  signed  a  doc.  at 
Los  Ang.  '46.  Prentiss,  1843,  mate  of  the  Admittance,  discharged  by  Capt. 
Peterson;  a  nat.  of  Mass.  Prescott,  1846,  mr  of  the  Columbus.  Pres.se 
(Alex.),  1847,  surg.  of  N.  Y.Vol.  (?);  atN.Y.  city  '84.  S.  F.  Bulletin.  Presta- 
mero(Juan),  1773,  Span,  friar  who  served  as  supernumerary  at  S.  Luis  Ob., 
and  retired  on  account  of  illness  in  '74.  i.  194,  196,  227.  Preuss  (Chas),  1844, 


784  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

artist  and  draughtsman  in  Fremont's  2d,  3d,  and  4th  exped.  iv.  437,  583;  v. 
453. 

Price  (John),  1833,  nat.  of  Ky,  who  came  with  Walker's  trappers  from 
Salt  Lake,  remaining  in  Cal.  as  a  carpenter;  named  in  Larkin's  books  '34-5; 
killed  in  '37  by  a  fail  from  his  horse  at  San  Jos6  mission,  iii.  388,  391,  409. 
P.  (John  M.),  1836  (?),  Engl.  in  Mont.  dist.  '36-8;  iv.  118;  exiled  with  Gra- 
ham in  '40,  but  returned  in  '41,  and  in  '48  was  alcalde  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  iv.  18, 
33,  37 ;  v.  639.  Ace.  to  his  own  statement  in  S.  Luis  Ob.  Co.  Hist. ,  63-9,  he 
deserted  from  the  Kent  at  Colima  and  came  to  Cal.  in  '30,  going  to  S.  Luis 
about  '36,  marrying  Andrea  Colona  in  '44,  by  whom  he  had  13  children,  and 
serving  after  '48  as  county  judge  and  supervisor.  Living  in  '83  at  Pismo 
rancho.  P.  (Rodman),  1846,  nat.  of  N.Y.  and  purser  on  the  U.S.  Cyane. 
He  took  part  in  the  ceremonies  of  raising  the  U.S.  flag  at  Mont,  in  July,  and 
for  a  brief  period  was  a  kind  of  2d  alcalde  at  that  town.  v.  231,  287-9,  637; 
and  iu  Aug.  was  sent  south  with  despatches  for  Stockton,  taking,  however, 
no  part  in  subsequent  military  operations.  From  Mazatlan  he  was  sent  with 
despatches  by  Mex.  and  Vera  Cruz  to  Washington.  In  '49  he  came  back  to 
S.F.  as  navy  agent;  was  a  member  of  the  town  council  and  of  the  constit. 
convention,  a  candidate  for  congress,  and  the  owner  of  city  property,  includ- 
ing lots  obtained  in  '47,  which  made  him  rich.  He  went  East  in  '50,  was 
elected  to  congress  from  N.  J.,  and  subsequently  became  gov.  of  that  state, 
where  he  still  lives  in  '85.  As  a  member  of  pioneer  associations,  he  has  taken 
much  interest  in  aunals  of  the  conquest;  but  in  his  testimony,  as  reported  in 
various  publications,  the  governor  shows  that  in  all  the  years  that  have  passed 
his  imagination  has  at  least  kept  pace  with  his  memory.  Priest  (Albert), 
1848,  German  from  Or.,  of  the  firm  Priest,  Lee.  &  Co.  at  Sac.  '49-50.  After 
'51  he  lived  chiefly  in  N.Y.  He  was  an  Or.  immig.  of  '43,  who  shipped  lum- 
ber to  S.F.  in  '45.  Prieto,  1822,  contador  on  the  S.  Carlos,  ii.  458.  P. 
(Antonio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Prince  (Geo. ),  1832,  mr  of  the  Tranquilina, 
iii.  384.  P.  (Geo.),  1847,  Co.  F,  3d  U.S.  artill.  (v.  518).  Prinon  (Sam.), 
1828,  Amer.  bricklayer  from  N.  Mex.,  at  Los  Ang.  '40,  age  43;  perhaps 
'Prentice.'  Prior,  erroneous  ment.  '27.  iii.  160.  Prone,  see  'Praule.' 
Prouse  (Wm),  1826,  mrof  the  Inca.  iii.  147.  P.  (Win),  1847,  Co.  B,  Morm. 
Bat.  (v.  469). 

Prudhomme  (Leon  I.),  1835  (?),  Fr.  cooper  said  to  have  come  to  Los  Ang., 
v.  413,  this  year  in  a  record  of  '46.  He  married  a  Tapia,  and  in  '52  was  claimant 
for  the  Habra  and  Topanga  ranches,  iii.  633-4.  He  died  in  '71,  leaving  a 
family.  Pruclon  (Victor),  1834,  Frenchman  who  had  lived  7  years  in  Mex. 
and  came  to  Cal.  as  a  teacher  in  th-e  colony  at  the  age  of  25.  iii.  263,  412. 
Remaining  at  S.  Gabriel  and  Los  Ang.,  in  '36  he  was  president  of  the  vigi- 
lantes, iii.  418,  432;  iv.  116;  and  in  '37-8  was  Gov.  Alvaraclo's  sec.,  being 
also  capt.  of  militia,  iii.  506,  523,  529.  In  '39-40  he  lived  at  S.F.,  keeping 
some  kind  of  a  shop,  or  drinking  and  gambling  place,  v.  684;  and  in  '41,  be- 
ing grantee  of  Bodega,  he  was  made  sec.  of  Com.  Gen.  Vallejo.  iv.  204,  670. 
In  this  capacity  he  was  sent,  in  '42,  to  Mex.  in  Vallejo's  behalf,  returning 
with  the  rank  of  capt.  and  brevet  lieut-col  in  the  regular  army.  iv.  281-5, 
319,  563.  From  '43  he  lived  at  Sonoma,  being  in  '44-5  the  grantee  of  Sac. 
Isl.,  and  Laguna  rancho,  Yolo,  being  also  mentioned  in  connection  with  vari- 
ous minor  affairs,  iv.  358,  396,  408,  445,  561,  671,  673,  678.  With  Vallejo, 
he  favored  the  cause  of  the  U.S.  in  '46,  and  with  him  was  made  a  prisoner  by 
the  Bears,  v.  41,  45,  61,  112-21,  298-9,  667;  having  a  'Cal.  clainV  of  $7,390 
(v.  462).  He  kept  a  store  at  Sonoma  in  '47-8  in  partnership  with  Haan;  and 
in  '48-9  made  some  money  in  the  mines.  I  have  no  later  record  of  him  than 
'53,  when  he  was  a  witness  ia  the  Limantour  case.  His  wife,  who  was  sepa- 
rated from  him  about  '48,  was  Teodocia  Bojorques.  Victor  Prudon — Prud- 
homme was  the  original  form — was  a  man  of  good  education,  a  master  of  the 
Spanish  and  English  languages,  and  an  adept  in  the  use  of  the  graceful,  flowery 
language  that  delights  all  of  Span,  race,  many  of  Alvarado's  and  Vallejo's 
state  papers  being  for  the  most  part  the  secretary's  work.  He  was  socially 
»n  agreeable  companion,  of  attractive  personal  appearance  and  fine  manners; 


PRUDON— QUIJAS.  785 

impulsive  and  often  imprudent,  but  never  involved,  so  far  as  I  know,  in  any- 
thing very  bad  or  good  so  far  as  character  and  conduct  were  concerned. 
Prueth  (Chas  11.),  1831,  clerk  or  sup.  on  the  Louisa. 

Pryor  (Gabriel),  1840,  one  of  the  exiled  foreigners,  arrested  in  the  south. 
iv.  14,  18.  P.  (Nathaniel  Miguel),  1828,  Kentuckian  silversmith  and  clock- 
maker  who  had  lived  4  years  in  N.  Mex.  and  came  to  Cal.  in  Pattie's  party, 
iii.  163,  168,  178;  ii.  554.  After  his  release  from  prison  he  worked  at  S.  Luis 
Rey,  found  favor  in  the  eyes  of  P.  Peyri,  and  in  '29  got  a  carta  from  Gov. 
Echeandia,  being  then  24  years  old.  From  '30  he  lived  in  the  vicinity  of  Los 
Ang.,  sometimes  mending  clocks,  but  oftener  engaged  in  otter- hunting,  not 
always  with  due  respect  to  the  revenue  laws.  iii.  393.  In  '36  he  obtained 
from  the  ayunt.  a  certificate  of  long  residence  and  good  character,  and  a  few 
years  later  married  a  Sepulveda  who  died  in  '40.  He  served  against  Michel- 
torena  in  '45.  iv.  495;  commanded  a  comp.  of  citizen  artill.  in  June  '46.  v. 
50;  was  arrested  for  aid  to  Amer.  daring  the  Flores  revolt,  and  in  '47  served 
as  regidor.  v.  626.  He  died  in  '50.  A  son  Paul,  born  in  '37-9,  married  a 
daughter  of  Juan  Avila,  and  died  by  accidental  poisoning  in  '78.  iv.  119. 

Puaani  (Kale),  1847,  Hawaiian  owner  of  S.  F.  lot.  v.  685.  Puga  (Joa- 
quin),  sirviente  at  Sta  Clara  1776.  i.  306.  Puget,  1793,  officer  of  Vancou- 
ver's exped.;  in  Cal.  '93-4,  exploring  Bodega.  Puget  Sound  in  the  north  bears 
his  name.  i.  513,  518,  533.  Puig,  1769,  sergt  of  Cal.  volunteers  in  the  1st 
exped.  i.  136,  160.  Pujol  (Francisco),  1795,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  S. 
Carlos  and  died  at  S.  Ant.  1801,  being  poisoned  by  the  Ind.  i.  576,  686;  ii. 
146,  149-50,  159.  Pulaski  (Albert),  1846,  at  N.  Helv.  occasionally  '46-8. 
Pulis  (John  C.),  1847,  sergt  Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  owner  of  S.F.  lots;  d.  at 
S.F.  '50.  Pulpule,  Ind.  at  Sutter's  '40.  iv.  138.  Pulsifer  (David),  1847, 
Co.  C,  Morm.  Bat.  (v.  469);  in  '82  at  Concho,  Ariz.  Purcell  (Henry),  1846, 
Co.  C,  1st  U.  S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  P.  (Matthias),  1847,  Co.  H,  N.Y.Vol. 
(v.  499);  d.  at  S.  F.  '50.  Purdy  (Sam.  L.),  1847,  Co.  D,  N.Y.Vol.  (v.  499); 
d.  in  L.  Cal.  '48.  Puter  (James),  1828,  Amer.  trapper,  age  20,  of  Pattie's 
party,  iii.  163,  168;  nothing  known  of  him  later.  Putnam,  1847,  mr  of  the 
Susan  Drew.  v.  511. 

Pyle  (Edward),  1846,  overl.  immig.  from  Mo.,  who  settled  with  his  family 
at  S.Jose",  where  he  died  in  '75.  His  daughters  married  B.  H.  Gordon  and  J. 
W.  Laird.  His  son,  Edward,  Jr,  married  Mary  A.  Graves  of  the  Donner  party 
in  '47;  is  ment.  in  '48  as  at  N.  Helv.  raising  recruits  for  service  at  Maza- 
tlan  (?);  also  as  a  member  of  the  Stockton  Mining  Co.  The  same  year  he  was 
murdered  near  S.  Jose"  by  Valencia,  who  was  hanged  for  the  crime  in  '49.  His 
widow  married  J.  T.  Clark  in  '51,  and  in  '80  was  living  at  White  River,  Tulare 
Co.  Another  son,  John  F.,  was  in  S.  Joaq.  Co.  '48;  Sta  Clara  Co.  '50-76;  and 
in  Kern  Co.  '79.  Still  another,  Thomas,  served  in  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358); 
settled  with  wife  and  2  children  in  Nov.  '46  on  the  Moqnelumne;  in  '47  is 
ment.  as  visiting  Sutter's  Fort;  and  in  '48  moved  to  Coyote  Cr.,  Sta  Clara  Co., 
where  he  was  murdered  in  '55. 

Qudron  (Jenckey),  1846,  doubtful  name,  Co.  F,  Cal.  Bat.  (v.  358).  Queen 
(Henry  W.),  1846,  lieut  of  marines  on  the  U.S.  Savannah;  lieut  Fauntleroy's 
dragoons  (v.  232,  247);  in  com.  at  S.  Juan  B.,  Sept.  Q.  (James),  1847,  sergt 
Co.  F,  N.Y.Vol.  v.  504;  in  charge  of  Brannan's  store  at  Mormon  Isl.  48;  d. 
at  Napa  '79.  Quepness  (Odilon),  at  Soledad  '26.  ii.  623.  Quigley,  1847,  a 
Mormon  in  Kearny  s  return  party,  v.  453.  Quigley  (Robert),  1846,  bugler 
Co.  C,  1st  U.S.  dragoons  (v.  336).  Quijada  (Felipe),  soldier  at  Sta  B.  Y32. 
Q.  (Francisco),  grantee  of  Bolsa  de  Chemisal,  S.  Luis  Ob.,  '37.  iii.  677. 
Quijano  (Manuel),  1807,  surgeon  of  the  troops  at  Mont.  1807-24.  ii.  88,  140, 
379,  571,  607. 

Quijas  (Jos<5  Lorenzo  de  la  Concepcion),  1833,  Mex.  friar  of  the  Zacate- 
canos  who  served  at  the  4  northernmost  missions,  and  retired  in  '44,  being 
vice-prefect  in  '43-4,  perhaps  in  '57  a  parish  priest  in  the  state  of  Guerrero, 
dying  at  Quergtaro  a  little  later.  Padre  Q.  was  a  black  sheep  in  the  Francis- 
can flock,  yet  a  good  man  when  sober.  Biog.  iv.  680-1 ;  ment.  iii.  319,  354, 
HIST.  CAI.,  VOL.  IV.  50 


786  PIONEER  REGISTER  AND  INDEX. 

713,  716,  719;  iv.  48,  86,  171,  195,  224,  371-3,  427,  67(5-7.  Quilaguegui  (Teo- 
dosio),  Ind.  grantee  of  Nicasio  '35.  iii.  712.  Quitnby,  1848,  mr  of  the  Wave. 
v.  581.  Quimper  (Man.),  1790,  alfe'rez  of  the  Span,  navy  at  Mont,  from 
Nootka.  i.  444,  506;  see  also  Hist.  N.  W.  Coast.  Quin  (Peter),  1848,  Irish- 
man  shot  at  Sta  B.  in  Dec.  for  the  murder  of  the  Reed  family  at  S.  Miguel. 
v.  632,  640.  Quinn  (Franklin),  1846,  in  the  Los  Ang.  region;  at  Mont.  '47-8; 
possibly  'Gwiun'  of  '41.  Quifiones  (Manuel),  Mex.  tanner  at  Branciforte 
45,  age  45,  wife  Josefa  Condesa  (?),  child.  Benito  b.  Sta  Cruz  '27,  Juan  Diego 
'29,  Mariano  '33,  Capistrano  '34.  He  had  been  a  convict  of  '28-34. 

Quintana,  com.  of  N.  Mexicans  in  Castro's  force  '46.  v.  363.  Q.  (Andre's), 
1805,  Span,  friar  who  served  at  Sta  Cruz  until  Oct.  12,  '12,  when  he  was  mur- 
dered by  his  neophytes.  Biog.  ii.  387-9;  ment.  ii.  155,  159-60,  199,  324,  339, 
394.  Q.  (Antonio),  at  Los  Ang.  '46.  Q.  (Diego),  ditto.  Q.  (Francisco 
Estevan),  grantee  of  La  Vena  '42.  iv.  656;  still  at  S.  Luis  Ob.  '60.  Q.  (Ger- 
onimo),  grantee  of  S.  Juan  Cap.  del  Camote,  S.  Luis  Ob.,  '46.  v.  637.  Q. 
(Pedro),  from  N.  Mex.  '43,  a  settler  of  S.  Luis  Ob.  down  to  '83.  Quintero 
(Juan),  arrested  at  S.  Juan  B.  '37.  iii.  513.  Q.  (Luis),  negro  settler  of  Los 
Ang.  1781,  sent  away  in  '82.  i.  345-6.  Q.  (Tomas),  at  Sta.  B.  '37,  wife  Vi- 
centa  Valenzuela.  Quintin,  Ind.  chief  of  a  Marin  Co.  tribe  for  whom  Pt 
Quintin  was  named;  ment.  in  '24.  ii.  538,  598.  Quirado  (Basilio),  Los  Ang. 
land-owner  '48.  Quir6s  (Fernando),  1775,  Span,  lieut  on  the  S.  Antonio  and 
S.  Carlos  '75-6;  made  a  survey  of  S.F.  bay  in  boats  '76;  on  the  coast  again 
in  '79.  i.  241,  287,  289-92,  329.  Quivey  (Peter),  1846,  overl.  immig.  from 
Mo. ;  summoned  as  a  witness  in  N.  Helv.  Nov.  '46;  served  in  Co.  B,  Cal.  Bat. 
(T.  358);  named  at  N.  Heir.  '47;  wrote  from  Los  Ang.  in  March  '47  a  letter 
published  in  the  Western  Expositor  and  Liverpool  Millennial  Star.  Settled  in 
Sta  Clara  Co.  with  family. 

To  BE  CONCLUDED  AT  THE  END  OF  VOL.  V.