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BX 8915 .W5 1815 v,9
Witherspoon, John, 1723-
1794.
The works of John
Witherspoon
THE
WORKS
OF
JOHN WITHERSPOON, D. D.
SOMETIME MINISTER OF THE GOSPEL AT PAISLEY, AND LATE
PRESIDENT OF PRINCETON COLLEGE, IN NEW JERSEY.
CONTAINING
ESSAYS, SERMONS, 8cc.
ON
IMPORTANT SUBJECTS •
INTENDED TO ILLUSTRATE AND ESTABLISH THE DOCTRINE OV
SALVATION BY GRACE, AND TO POINT OUT ITS
INFLUENCE ON HOLINESS OF LIFE.
TOGETHER WITH HIS
LECTURES ON MORAL PHILOSOPHY,
ELOQUENCE AND DIVINITY;
HIS SPEECHES IN THE AMERICAN CONGRESS;
AND MANY OTHER VALUABLE PIECES, NEVER BEFORE
PUBLISHED IN THIS COUNTRY.
VOL. IX.
EDINBURGH:
PRINTED FOR J. OGLE, PARLIAMENT-SQUARE J M. OGLE,
I GLASGOW 'y OGLES, DUNCAN, & COCHRAN, LONDONj
AND T. JOHNSTON, DUBLIN.
isia
CONTENTS
OF
VOLUME IX.
Page.
An EfTay on Money, as a medium of Commerce,
■with Remarks on the advantages and difad van-
tages of Paper admitted into general circulation, 9
Refledlions on the prefent flate of Public Affairs,
and on the Duty and Intereft of America in this
im.portant crifis, ' - - 66
Thoughts on American Liberty, " " 73
On the Controverfy about Independence, - 78
On Condu6ling the American Controverfy, 83
Ariftides, - . . . 88
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, on the Conference
propofed by Lord Howe, ' " 99
Speech in Congrefs on the Convention with General
Burgoyne, - - - - I ©8
Speech in Congrefs, on a Motion for Paying the
Intereft of Loan-Office certificates, - 117
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, on the Finances, 125
Part of a Speech in Congrefs, upon the Confedera-
tion, ----- 135
Speech in Congrefs, on the appointment of Pleni-
potentiaries, - - - - 142
On the Propofed Market in General Wafhington's
Camp, - - . . 148
Addrefs to General Wafhington, - - 154
VI CONTENTS.
Page.
Memorial and Manifejlo of the United States of
North America, to the mediating powers in the
conferences for peace, to the other powers in Eu-
rope, and in general to all who fliall fee the fame, 154
On the Conteft between Great Britain and America, 166
On the Affairs of the United States, - 17 1
Obfervations on the Improvement of America, 178
Supplication of J. R********, - - 180
Recantation of Benjamin Towne, - - 192
A Defcription of the State of New Jerfey, 199
A Few Refle(^ions humbly fubmitted to the con-
fideration of the Public in general, and in parti-
cular to the Congrefs of the United States, 21s
On the Georgia Conftitution, - - 220
The Druid, - - • - 224
AN
E S S A Y
ON
M O N E Y,
AS A MEDIUM OF COMMERCE;
WITH
I^IARKS ON THE ADVANTAGES AND DISADVANTAGES OF PAfER
ADMITTED INTO GENER.iL CIRCULATION.
FROM every channel of public intelligence we
learn, that there is a difpofition in many of
the legiflatures of this country, to emit bills of
credit by authority of government, and to make
them in fome meafure at leaft, or in fome cafes, a
Jegal tender for debts already contradled. This is
a matter of great delicacy and danger. It has oc-
cafioned a controverfial difcuflion ©f the fubje£l ifi
pamphlets and periodical publications. A few
plaufible things, and but a fevi^ that deferve that
charft£ler, have been publiflied in defence of the
meafure. Many flirewd and fenfible things have
been offered againft it : but even theffe laft have
not been fo connected and fatisfying, as they might
and ought to have been. Some of the pieces ha^
been verbofe and declamatory, with many repeti-
VoL. IX. B
10 ESSAY ON MONEY.
tlons ; others have been full of antlthefes, quaint
fayings, and witticifms, which have no great ten-
dency to convince or perfuade ; and fome have
been mingled with the local and party politics of
particular ftates. Perhaps thefe different ways of
writing may be very proper for feveral clafles of
readers, and have a good effe£l: : . but there are
certainly others who would require a different treat-
ment, becaufe their miflakes are owing not to de-
ceitful intentions, but to erroneous judgment.
This has given me a flrong defire to try what can
be done upon the fubje£l by difpalTionate reafon-
in^; By this I mean, endeavourmg to carry the
matter back to its firft principles, to explain them
in fo fimple a manner, as that the unlearned may
imderfland them -, and then to deduce the j>rac-
tical confequences with the general theory full in
view.
It is impoITible to reach my purpofe, without fay-
ing many things which in a feparate'and detached
manner have been faid by others *, but this mud be
forgiven me ; becaufe I mean to lay the whole
fyftem before the readier, and every part in its pro-
per order and conne£i:ion. Let us then begin by
confidering what gave rife to money, and what is
it* nature and ufe ? If there were but one man
upon the earth, he would be obliged to prepare a
hut for his habitation, to dig roots for his fuf-
tenance, to provide (kins or fig-leaves for his cover-
ing, &c.-, in fliort, to do every thing for himfelf. li
but one or two more were joined with him, it
would foon be found that one of them would be
more ikilful in one fort of work, and another in a,
ESSAY ON MONEY. it
tUtTerent ; fo that common interell; woald dlrecl
them, each to apply his mduftry to what he could
do beft and fooneft j to communicate the furplus
of what he needed himfelf of that fort of work to
the others, and receive of their furplus in return.
This diredly points out to us, that a barter of com-
modities, or communication of the fruits of induflry,
is the firft principle, or rather indeed conftitutes
the efl'ence of commerce. As fociety increafes,
the partition of employments is greatly diverfified ;
but (till the fruits of well directed induRry, or the
things neceffary and ufeful in life, are what onl/
can be called wealth.
In eflabliiliing a mutual exchange of thefe, tliO
firft thing neceflary is a ftandard of computation,
or common meafure, by which to eftimate the
feveral commodities that may be offered to fale, or
may be defired by purchafers. . Without this it is
eafy to fee that the barter of commodities is liable
to very great difficulties, and very great errors.
This ftandard or common meafure muft be fome-
thing that is well known to both parties, and of
general or common ufe. As the firil eflays in any
things are generally rude and imperfe£l ; fo I think
it appears from the monuments of remote antiquity,
that in the early ftages of fociety, cattle were the
firft things made ufe of as a ftandard *. But it
* Servius Tullius, one of the Roman kings, is said to
have stamped some pieces with the figure of cattle ; art
ox, or a sheep. This was as much as to say, this piece is;
of the value of an ox or a sheep. Hence it is said, the
Roman word pecunia, comes from peaiSy cattle. Others
B2
12 ESSAY ON MONEY.
would foon appear that this w^s a mofl; inaccurate
meafure ; bccaufe one ox might be as good as two^
from fize, fatnefs» or other circumftances. There-
fore in place of this fucceeded meafures both of dry
and liquid, that is, corn, wine, and oil. The iirft
of thefe was of all others the mofl proper ftandard,
becaufe univerfally necefTary, and liable to little
variation. Men, upon an average, would probably
eat nearly the fame quantity in the mofl diftant
ages and countries. It feems to me, that this cir-
cumftance of a ft#ndard of computation being ne-
cefTary in commerce, and the firfl thing necefTary,
has been in a great meafure overlooked by mofl
writers on money, or rather it has been confounded
with the flandard value of the fjgn, although
eflentially different from it j and the equivocal uf<e
of the terms has occafioned great confufion. I
mifft however obferve, not only that tliis mufl ne-
cefTarily be taken in, but that if we confine our-
felves to a flandard of computation only, fome
known commodity, as meafured grain, is better,
and more intelligible and unalterable than any
money whatever, that either has been or will be
made. The a;reat alteration in the value of sfold
and filver is known to every perfon who has but
dipped into hiftory ; and indeed is known to many,
even by memory, in tliis country, fince its fiift
fettlement *.
have thought it was from the use cf leather for monej'-,
quasi pecuchon con'o. But the first etymclogy seems to be
the best. See a subsequent note.
* Tliere are two estates near one of the colleges in
Scotland, wh> h were originally taxed an equal number of
ESSAY ON MONEY. I3
But after a ftandard of computation had been
agreed upon, in commerce, even of the moft mode-
rate extent, fomething farther would be abfolutely
neceffary. The a6lual and immediate barter of com-
modities could in a few inftances take place. A
man might have the thing that I wanted to purchafe,
but he might not need or defire what I was willing
to give for it. Another might want what I had to
fpare, but not have what I wanted to purchafe with
it. Beiides, bulky or perifnable commodities could
not be carried about at an uncertainty, or with
fafety. Therefore, it became very early neceflary,
that there fliould be fome fign or figns agreed upon,
which fhould reprefent the abfent commodities, or
rather fhould reprefent the ftandard of computation,
in all its divifions and multiplications. Thefe Hgns
muft b© fuch as could eafily be carried about, and
therefore could be readily appHed to every kind of
tranfadions, which were connected with the com-
mutation of property.
bolls of grain (a boll is about ^bushels) to that institution..
In very remote times, it pleased the proprietor of one of
these estates, with consent of the college, to convert the
pa3'-ment into money, according to the then current value,
■which was a groat, or four pence sterling for a boll. At
this present time, the one of these farms pays the same
number of bolls, that the other does of groats ; which is
about thirt3--two for one. There is also said to be existing
an old lease of a burro\v acre near a town in Scotland, for
which the tenant was to pay a boll of wheat, and a boll of
barley, or if he did not bring the grain between Christ-
mass and Candlemass, the proprietor was not obliged to
accept of it, but he must pay a sum which is now 10-i2th3
of a penny sterling" for the boll of wheat, and 3n2t\isiov.
the boll of barley.
B3
14 ESSAY ON MONEY.
Let us examine the nature and meaning of thefc
figns move particularly. Tbey are of the nature of
a tally, that is to fay, they are intended to mark
and afcertain a fa<Si:. Now the fact is, that the
perfon who can (hew thofe figns, having purchafed
them by his goods or induftry, i^ entitled to receive
from fomebody, a certain valiie, or to a certain
amount, which they fpecify, of the ftandard af
computation. They have always a reference to the
ftandard of computation, and at laft, by that known
reference, the ditLisi61:ion between them and the
ftandard of computation is loft, and they become
a fecondary ftandard of computation themfelves.
Thus a piece is intended at firft to be of the value
of a meafure of grain ; but at laft men come tO'
make their bargain by the number of pieces in (lead
of the number of meafures ; ufing the iign for the
thing fignifie^l. Thus alfo, fometimes at leaft, an
ideal meafure, generated hy the other two, comes
to be the ftandard of computation ; as in England,
the pound fterling is the money unit, though there
be no coin pirecifely correfponding to it. This is
fufficient to explain the relation of the fign to the
ftandard of computation, and at laft, if I may
fpeak fo, its confolidation with it.
I have faid above, that the perfon pofTefling the
fign is entitled to receive a certain value from /.ffif"
body. The roafon of this is, bccaufe his debtor is
not the fame in every ftate of things. If we con-
fider the fign as given from one individual to an-
other, it is of the nature of a promlflory note, and
is a confclhon of having received fo much property.
Probably there were often fuch figns or tokens
ESSAY ON MONEY. 1^
given In the infancy of fociety ; and It would theit
(Ignify, that if the feller were to come again, at a
diftance of time, and find the buyer in polTcfTion of
fuch goods as he wanted, he would be entitled to re-
ceive the amount of the fign or token that had bee?!
given him. But the convenience of ufing figtis is (o
•great, that it would immediately occafion their be-
ing made ufe of by general confent, exprefs or im-
plied ; and, at laft, th« matter would be taken
Tinder the direction of the ruling part of the com-
munity. In both cafes, but efpecially in this laft,
the fociety becomes bound to the perfon who re-
ceives the figns for his goods or induftry, that they
(hall be to him of the value that they fpecify. I
will afterwards fliew, that this was not the firit but
the laft ftep taken in the ufe of figns, and give the
reafons for it ; but it is proper to mention it now.,
when we are confiderine the nature and ufe of fi<yns
in that fingle view.
Let it be obferved here that as it was before fald,
if we aim at no more than a flandard of com.puta-
tion, fome commodities are not only as good, but
better than any money, fo if we confine ourfelves
to a fign only feparate from a flandard, many things
that might be named are not only as good, but far
better than either the flandard itfelf, or what we
call money, becaufe they are much more eafily
reckoned, tranfported, and concealed. This appears
particulary from the flate of figns in modern times,
after fo much experience and improvement has taken
place. For if we can guard fuilicier.tly againit the
dangers to which they are expofed, figns inconcei-
vably facilitate commerce. "We can put any value
l5 ESSAY ON MONEY.
we pleafe in an obligation written on a few inches
of paper, and can fend it over the world itfelf at
very little expence, and conceal it fo eafily that
there ihall be no danger of its being taken from us.
But it muft have appeared, and did fpeedily ap-
pear, that all mere figns labour under an eflential
defe6l. They depend ultimately on the faith or
credit of the perfons ufing or anfwerable for them.
Now, whether thefe be individuals or the multi-
tude by general cufbom and implied confent, or
even the ruling part" of the fociety, there is very
great uncertainty. Therefore fomething farther is
neceflary to make a complete fymbol or medium of
general commerce, and that is, a pledge or ftandard
of value that may be a fecurity or equivalent for
the thing given for it, and at all times be fuflicient
to purchafe a like value of any thing that may be
needed by him that holds it. An abfent commo-
dity well known, or even in idea well underftood,
may be a ftandard of computation and common mea-
fure -, any thing almoft whatever may be a fign,
though, fmce the art of writing has been known,
paper is the beft, but both are eflentially defecElive ;,
there is wanting a value in the fign, that fhall give
not only a promife or obligation, but actual poflef«
fion of property for property.
The mentioning of thefe three diftindi ends to be
ferved by the medium of commerce, and illuftrating
them feparately, was not to convey the idea that
there were three fteps of this kind taken at a dif-
tance of time from each other, or that men firft
continued long to deal in grofs barter ; and after
that invented figns, and were content with them
ESSAY ON MD^^Er. I J
for another period ; and at laft, perfected the plan,
by getting figns pofTeiled of real value. On the
contrary, it was to fhew that any thing ufed as a
niedium of univerfal or general commerce, mud be
able to ferve all the three fore-mentioned purpofes ;
and that if there is any production of nature, or
fabrication. of art, that can unite the whole, at leaft
as far as they are capable of being united, this muft
be the great deftderatum. Now it has been found
in experience, that the precious metals, efpecially
thofe now called by that name, gold and filver, do
anfwer all the three ends in a great degree. It can-
not be denied that they have been ufed for this pur-
pofe, in fa(3:, from the earlieft times, and through
every natioti in the old world, and indeed alfo ia
the new, with fuch exception only as will confirm
the principles of the theory. If any man thinks
that this has happened by accident, or through the
whim or caprice of mankind, as one would fufpecl
from the language fometimes ufed in fpeech and
writing, he is greatly miftaken. No eife6l of whim
or accident ever was fo uniform or fo lafting. The
truth is, thivc thefe metals do pofiefs in a great de-
gree fuperior to every thing elfe, tlie qualities ne-
ccfTary for the purpofes mentioned above.
This will appear to any impartial perfon who
will confider, with a view to the preceding princi-
ples, what qualities a medium of general commerce
ought to poflefs. It ought then, to be i. valu-
able ; 2. rare ; 3- portable ; 4. divifible ; 5. dur-
able. Whoever will examine the matter with at-
tention, mufl perceive that any one of thefe
qualities bei»g. wholly or greatly wanting, the fyf-«>.
l8 ESSAY ON MONEY.
tern would be either entirely ruined or remarkably
injured. Let us examine them feparately. •
I. It mud be valuabte ; that is to fay, it mud
have an intrinfic worth in itfelf, in fubitance dif-
tin£t from the form. By value or intrinfic worth
here, muft be underftood precifely the fame thing
that gives to every other commodity its commercial
value. Do you alk what that is ? I anfwer, its be-
ing either neceflary or remarkably ufeful for the
purpofes of life in a focial ftate, or at lead fuppofed
to be fo : and therefore the obje£i: of human defire.
Without this it could be no more than a bare fign •,
nor indeed fo ufeful in this view as many other figns.
But we want fomething' that muft not be only a
ftandard of computation, but a ftandard of value ;
and therefore capable of being a pledge and fecurity
to the holder, for the property that he has exchang-
ed for it. It is likely fome will fay, What is the
intrinfic value of gold and filver ? They are not
wealth ; they are but the fign or reprefentative of
commodities. Superficial philofophers, and even
fome men of good underftanding not attending to
the nature of currency, have really faid fo. What
is gold, fay fome, the value is all in the fancy ; you
can neither eat nor wear it j it will neither feed,
clothe, nor warm you. Gold, fay others, as to in-
trinfic value, is uot fo good as iron, which can be
applied to many more ufeful purpofes. Thefe per-
fons have not attended to the nature of commercial
value, which is in a compound ratio of its ufe and
fcarcenefs. If iron were as rare as gold, it wouKl
probably be as valuable, perhaps more fo. How
many inflances are there of things, which, thougii
ESSAY ON MONEY.
^9
a certain proportion of them is not only valuable,
but indifpenfably neceflary to life itfelf, yet which
from their abundance have no commercial value at
all. Take for examples, air and water. People do
not bring thefe to market, becaufe they are in fu-
perabundant plenty. But let any circumftances take
place that render them rare, and difficult to be ob-
tained, and their value immediately rifes above all
computation. What would one of thofe who were
ftifled in the black hole at Calcutta, have given to
get but near a window for a little air ? And what
will the crew of a fhip at fea, whofe water is nearly
expended, give for a frefh fupply ?
Gold and filver have intrinfic value as metals,
becaufe from their dudility, durability, and other
qualities, they are exceedingly fit for domeftic uten-
fils, and many purpofes in life. This circumftance
was the foundation of their ufe as a medium of
commerce, and was infeparable from it. No clear-
er proof of this can be adduced, than that in the
earlieft times, even when ufed in commerce,
they were weighed before they were divided into
, fmaller pieces, and pafTed in tale. -They muft fure-
ly then have had intrinfic value; for their value
was in proportion to their bulk or quantity. This
circumftance as a fign made them worfe, but as a
valuable metal made them better. The fame thing
appears as clearly from the praftice of modern
times. Even when they are taken into the manage-
ment of the rulers of fociety, and ftamped under va-
rious denominations, there muft be an exa6t regard
had to their commerical value. The ftamp upon
them is the/^«, the intrinfic worth of the metal is
^O E^SAT ON MONEY.
the Kmlue* It is now found, and admitted by eVery
nation, that they miift give to every piece that de-
nomination and value in legal currency, that it. bears
in bullion ; and if any do other wife, there is neither
authority nor force fufhcient to make it pafs *.
The author referred to in the note has given us
quotations from three perfons of name in the
literary world in fupport of a contrary opinion.
.The firft is Dr. Franklin, whom he makes to fay,
•' Gold and filver are not intrinfically of equal
value with iron ; a metal of itfelf capable of many
more beneficial ufes to mankind. Their value refts
chiefly on the eflimation they happen to be in among
the generality of nations, and the credit given to
the opinion that that eflimation will continue*, other-
wife a pound of gold would not be a real equivalent
for a bu(hel of wheat." The feoond is Anderfon
on National Induftry, who fays, " Money confidered
in itfelf, is of no value ; but in many civilized na-
tions, who have found how convenient it is for
* An author on this subject iaa pamphlet lately publish-
td, says, " The value of the precious metals is however
enhanced by their peculiar aptitude to perform the office
of an universal money beyond any real inherent value they
possess. This extrinsic value of gold and silver, which
belongs to them under the modification of coin or bullion,
Is totally distinct i'rcynx their inherent value as a commo-
dity." I do not very well comprehend what this gentle-
man means by the intrinsic value of gold and silver. Per-
haps it is the stamp or nominal value affixed to them by
the state ; but whatever it is, I will venture to assure him,
that their value as coin is so far from being totally' distinct
fi-om, tliat it must be precisely the same "vvith, tlieir value
as a commodity.
ESSAY ON MONEY. tl
facilitating the barter or exchange of one commodity
for another, it has received an artificial value ; fo
that although ufelefs in itfelf, it has come to be
accepted among all civilized nations, as a token
proving that the perfon who is pofleffed of it, had
given fomething of real value in exchange for it,
and is on that account accepted of by another in
exchange for fomething that is of real utility and
intrinfic worth*" The third is Sir James Stuart,
who fays, " By money, I underftand any commodity
which purely in itfelf is of no material ufe to man,
but which acquires fuch an eftimation from his opi-
nion of it, as to become the univerfal meafure of what
is called value, and an adequate equivalent for any
thing alienable." The name of any man, how
great foever, will not have much weight with me,
when I perceive that in any inftance he has rtiif*
taken his fubjed. This I believe, has been the cafe
with all the gentlemen ju(l iHentioned. There is a
confiderable confufion in the ideas exprefTed by the
laft two ; but the thing in which they all agree,
and for which they are adduced by this author, is,
that they feem to deny the intrinfic value of gold
and filver, and to impute the eftimation in which
they are held, to accidental opinion. Now I mulh
beg leave to obferve, as to the comparifon of the
intrinfic worth of gold and iron, if it were poflible
to determine whether, on fuppofition of Iron and
gold being in equal quantity, the one or the other
would be the moft valuable, it would not be worth
a fingle ftraw in the prefent queftion ; for if iron
were the moft valuable, it would in that cafe be
the money, and the gold would be but in the next
Vol. IX. C
2i ESSAY ON MONEY.
degree* Accidental opinion has nothing to do
with it. It arifes from the nature of things. As
to a pound of gold not being, as to intrinfic value,
«quivalent to a bufliel of wheat, it might with
equal truth be affirmed, that to a man perifliing
with hunger, a mountain of gold would not be
equivalent to half a pound of bread. But is this
any argument againft the intrinfic commercial value
of gold, as it has taken place fince the beginning of
the world.
As to the other two authors, they feem to fay,
that money is in itfelf of no value, and of no ma-
terial ufe to man. If by tnoftey they mean gold
and filver, the propofition is directly falfe ; becaufe
they are both of material ufe for the purpofe of
fecial life. But what has led them into this error
has been their abftrafting the idea, and taking
money in the fingle light of a fign, without con-
(idering it as a ftandard. Then no doubt, even
gold, while it continues in this form, is of no other
ufe than as a fign of property. But how little is
this to the purpofe ? For it is equally true of every
other commodity. A nail, while it continues
a nail, is of no other ufe but joining boards to-
gether, or fome fimilar purpofe, and can neitlier
be lock nor key ; but a quantity of nails, or the
iron which they contain, can be eafily converted
into either the one or the other. So a guinea,
while it continues^ a guinea, is of no ufe whatever,
but as an inftrument of commerce; but the gold
•^f which a guinea confifts, can eafily be converted
into a ring, or any thing which its quantity will
xeach. This is what is called, with perfe6l pro-
priety, its ititrhific value.
B«SAY ON MONEY. ZJ
2. That which is the medium of commerce mull
be rare. It will not be neceflary to fay much upon
this, becaufe it has already received feme illuftra-
tion from what has gone before. It may however
be obferv'ed, that the medium of commerce muft
not only be fo rare, as to bring it within commercial-
value in ordinary cafes, but it muft be much more
rare, than moft other things, that its value may be
increafed, and a fmall quantity of k may reprefent
goods of confiderable variety and bulk. If gold
and filver were only twenty times as plentiful as
they are at prefent, they would ftill have a proper
value, could be bought and fold, and applied to
many ufeful purpofes, but they would be quite unfit
for general circulation.
3. The circulating medium muft he portable. It
muft be capable of being carried to a diftance with
little trouble or expence, and of pafling from hand
to hand with eafe and expedition. This is one of
the reafons why it muft be rare ; but k deferves
mention alfo by itfelf, bacaufe it is poflible to con-
eeive of things that may be both valuable and rare,
and yet incapable of being carried about, and pafting
from one to another. Some precious drugs, and
fome curiofities, may be fo rare as to have a high
value, and yet may be quite improper for circula-
tion.
4. The medium of commerce muft be divifible.
It pught to be capable of divifion into very fmall
quantities. This is neceflary in order to anfwer
the divifion of many commodities, and the conve-
niency of perfons of different ranks. It is of fuciv
knportance, that in the calculations of a complex
C2
24 ESSAY ON MONEY.
and diverfified commerce, we find divifions and
fra£^ional purts even of the fmalleft coins or deno-
minations of money, that have ever yet been brought
into ufe.
5. Laflly. The medium of commerce ought to
be durable. It ought to have this quahty on two
accounts ; firft, that in perpetually paiTmg from
hand to hand, it may not be broken or wafted ;
and, fecondly that if it is preferved or laid up, as
may be fometimes neceiTary, and often agreeable
or profitable, it may not be liable to be fpeedily
corrupted or confumed.
Ail thefe particulars are not of equal moment,
and they have an intimate relation one to another ;
yet each of them is fingly and feparately of impor-
tance, perhaps more than will be at firft view ap-
prehended. I think it is alfo plain that there is no-
thing yet known to mankind, in which they are all
fo fully united, as they are in gold and filrer j
which is the true reafon why thefe metals have been
applied as the inllrument of commerce, fince the
beginning of the world, or as far back as hiftory en-
ables us to penetrate *.
* It has been suggested to me by a friend, that gold and
silver possess another quality different from all the above,
■which, in an eminent degree, fits them for circulation as
a medium, viz* that they are equable. The meaning of
this expression is, that the metal of each of tliese species,
■when pure, is of the same fineness and worth, and per-
fectly similar, from whatever different mines, or from
whatever distant parts it may have been procured ; which,
it is said, is not the case with any other metal. It is af-
firmed, that the copper or lead that comes from one mine,
will be preferable to that which comes from another, ever
ESSAY ON MONEY. 2^
it win probably throw fome light upon the above
theory, if we take a brief view of the matter, as it
has taken place in hO: from the beginning of the
world. This may be done now to the greater ad-
vantage, that the efFecls of particular caufes, and
the events that will take place in fociety in parti-
cular circumftances, have been fo fully afcertalned
by the experience of ages, and the progrefs of
fcience, that we are able to make a better ufe of
the few remains of ancient hiftory, than could have
been done by thofe who lived nearer to the events
which are recorded. It appears then, that the dif-
Govery and ufe of metals was one of the earlieft at-
tainments of mankind. This might naturally be ex-
pected if they were within reach at all, becauCe of
their very great utility in all works of induftry, and
indeed for all the purpofes of convenience and luxury.
Therefore, I fuppofe this fa£l will not be doubted :
but it is a truth neither fo obvious nor fo much
known, that gold, filver, and brafs, or rather cop-
per, were the moll ancient metals, and all of them
antecedent to 'iron *. Thefe metals being applied
after this last has been refined to as high a degree as is
possible ; but that all gold and silver completely refined are
perfectly alike, whether they come from Asia, Africa, on
America. I do not pretend to a certain knowledge of this;
but if it be true, it is well worthy of being mentioned in.
this disquisition.
* See upon this subject President Goguet's Rise and
Progress of Laws, Arts and Sciences. He has not only
sufficiently proved the fact, but also assigned the most
probable reason for it, that these metals were found in many
places of the earth almost pure, so as to need very little
art in refining 3 whereas extracting iron frpm the ore is.
C3
26 ESSAY ON MONEy.
to all the purpofes of life, came of courfe to confti-
tute a great part of the wealth of the people of an-
cient times. I have mentioned brafs, becaufe it was
one of the metals earlieft known, and upon the very
principles above laid down, was in the beginning
made ufe of for money by many ancient nations.
Its being now in a great meafm'e left out is an illuf-
tration and proof of what has been already faid. It
is left out for no other reafon than its having loft
one of the necelTary qualities, vix. rarity. That it
was made ufe of for money amongft the Hebrews
appears from many circumftances. We read of
gold, filver, and brafs, brought as contributions to
the tabernacle fervice in the time of Mofes, and to
the building of the temple in David's. That brafs
was made ufe of as money in the early times of the
Greeks and Romans, appears both from the afler-
tions of hiftorians, and from the very languages of
both nations, for there it is made ufe of to fignify
money in general *. That it ceafed to ferve that
neither so easy nor so obvious. We learn from Homer,
that in the wars of Troy, the weapons of war, offensive
and defensive, were of copper ; and some historians tell us
that they had a method of tempering or hardening it so as
to make it tolerably fit for the purpose, though certainly
not equal to iron or steel.
'■^' In the Roman language, as signifies not only brass,
but money in general, and from it many other words are
derived ; as, aroriiwi, tlie treasury ; as alieftum, debt j
are vmtare, to buy or sell money, &c. So in the Greek
tongue, cholkos signifies brass, achalkos and achalkein, to
be ^vithout money, or poor. Wlien the other metals
came to be in use as money, the words received the same
ESSAY ON MONEY. 27
purpofe afterwards cannot be accounted for in any
other way than as above, efpecially as the negle£l
of it has been juft as univerfal as the ufe of it was
formerly.
We are alfo fully fupported by hiftory in affirm-
ing, that all thefe metals were at firft eftimated and
pafled in commerce by weight. We fee that Abra-
ham gave to Ephron for the cave of Machpelah,
four hundred ihekels of filver *. The Greek money
was of nifFerent weights from the lower forts to the
talent, which was the largeft. The old Roman
word Pondo was, as it were, the ftandard, and the
divifions of it conftituted their different denomina-
tions. From this we feem to have derived the
Englifh word pound. Very foon, however, they
came to have either coins, or at lead fmall pieces
reckoned by number. Abimelech gave to Abraham,
as Sarah's brother, one thoufand kefeph ; and
Jofeph was fold for twenty kefeph^ and he gave to
his brother Benjamin three hundred kefeph. As
the word kejeph fignifies filver, they muft have
been reckoned by tale, and are probably very juftly
meaning in the language, as, Argenti sztis—attri sacra
fames, the desire of money. Things proceeded in a way
perfectly similar in the three ancient nations of whom we
have the distinctest accounts, the Hebrews, Greeks and
Romans. Nahus keseph zahaiv, in Hebrew ; ckalkos ar-
guYGS and chrusos in Greek ; and ces argentum and aurum, in
Latin, are all used for money in general.
* See Gen. xxiii. 16. And Abraham weighed to Ephron,
the money that he had said, in the presence of the sons of
Heth, 400 shekels of silver, current money with the mer-
chant.
28 ESSAY ON MONEr.
t?anflated pieces, f Agreeably to all this, the time-
when the Romans began to coin brafs, and fome
hundred years afterwards, filver and gold is dif-
tin£tly mentioned by the hiflorians *.
It may be proper to obferve here, that feveral
antiquaries have mentioned that fome barbarous na-
tions made ufe of bafer metals, fuch as lead, tin,
iron, and even leather, fhells, and bark of trees for
money. This is no way contrary to the above
theory, for fome nations might indeed ufe lead, iron,,
and tin, as things of value, upon the fame princi-
ples as others ufed gold, filver, and brafs. I think
it is faid, and indeed it is more than probable, that,
the nails given by our voyagers to the inhabitants of
the South-fea iflands, pafled from hand to hand as
inftruments of commerce. As to leather, fhells, ^r..
I fufpeft fome part of this is fabulous •, but if it did
take place in any meafure, it has been a rude efiay,,
ufing the fign feparately from the ftandard, and
could not be of any great extent or long duration.
We know indeed of one nation, after fociety had>
been far advanced, that made ufe of iron, even
when very plentiful, for money, viz. the Lacede-
monians. But this was not at all from rudenefs or
* We have the express testimony of Pliny upon this sub-
ject, lib. 33. cap. 3. " Servius rex primus signavit aes.
Antea rudi usos Romae Timaus tradit. Signatum est
nota pecudum unde et pecunia. appellanta. — Servius first
coined brass. Timaus says, they used it formerly rough or
uncoined at Rome. It was marked with the figure of cat-
tle, whence also it was called pcainia." The same au-
thor tells us, that silver began to be coined at Rome in the
485th year of the city, and gold 7^ years after.
ISSAY ON MONEY. 29
ignorance ; It was one of Lycurgus's extraordinary
^ inftitutions, who intended by it (and did not con-
ceal his intention) to banifh riches, or real and pro-
per money, from the ftate. He indeed baniftied in-
duftry at the fame time, for none of his citizens
were allowed even to be hufbandmen, or to culti-
vate their lands. This was left to the flaves. I do
not find, therefore, that there is any thing in hiftory
deferving credit, that militates againft tlie theory
above laid down.
Having thus laid down the theory of money, and
fupported it by hiftory and experience, I proceed to
draw a few inferences from it, and apply them to
fome opinions which have taken place, and fome
meafures which have been adopted or propofed with
refpeO; to currency and commerce in this country.
In ihejirjl place, the above theory will enable every
intelligent perfon to fix in his mind precifely what
is or ought to be the meaning of a circulating me-
dium. This phrafe is in every body's mouth, and
we meet with it continually in the eflays publifhed in
the newfpapers, and the fpeeches of fenators in
public aflemblies. We may fay of this as contro-
verfial divines ufed to fay long ago, that a mifcon-
ception ©f this is the proton pfeudcSy the radical er-
ror. Not long fince a writer in one of the papers
faid it was agreed on all hands that there is at pre-
fent a fcarcity of a circulating medium. To this I
anfwer, that it is not agreed upon on any hand,
but among thole who are wholly ignorant of the
meaning of the expreffion. The circulating me-
dium is not yours nor mine ; it is not the riches of
Holland, nor the poverty of Sweden, It is that in-
30 ESSAY ON MONEY,
definite quantity of the precious metals that is made
ufe of among the nations conne6led in commerce.
Whether any particular perfon, city, or nation, is
rich or poor, has more or lefs comparatively of it,
is nothing to the purpofe. Every one will receive
of the circulating medium that quantity which he
is entitled to by his property or induftry. It has
been Oiewn that rarity is one of the qualities of a
circulating medium. If it were more rare than it
is, a lefs quantity would be fufficient to reprefent a
dated meafure of property. If it were more plenti-
ful than it is, a greater quantity would be neceflary j
but the comparative riches or poverty of nations or
perfons would be altogether the fame. .
Is any body ignorant that half a century ago in
this country, a man might have bought a bufhel of
wheat for one quarter of a dollar, for which now
he muft pay a whole dollar. Was not the quarter
dollar then as good a circulating medium as the
tvhole dollar is now ? And was not the man jufl: a»
rich who had it in his pocket? Undoubtedly. Nay,
I muft further fay, it was a better circulating me.-
dium, becaufe it was of lefs fize and weight. Has
not the quantity of the precious jnetals increafed
greatly fmce the difcovery of the mines of South
America ? Is not the quantity now necelTary for
any confiderable purchafe fo great as to be burden-
fome in the tranfportation ? The price of a good
horfe in filver would at prefent be a great incum-
brance on a long journey. How eafy were it to-
point out places and countries in which there is a
greater quantity of the circulating medium than any
where elfe, and yet at the fame time greater na>
ESSAY ON MONtY. 3I
fcional and perfonal poverty, and probably for this
very reafon. What would it fignify to a labourer
in the mines of Peru, if he (hould get half a johan-*
nes, or even two, for a day's work, if at the fame
time he could hardly purchafe with both as much
provifion as to keep body and foul together ? Are
not thefe things true ? Are they not known to be
fo ? What then mufl we fay of the extreme igno-
rance and inattention, to fay no worfe, of thofe per-
fons who are continually telling us that there is a
want of circulating medium ? Are not gold and
filver a circulating medium, whofe currency is uni-
verfal ? Are thefe then too fcarce for that purpofe,
when there is hardly a negro flave, male or female
without filver buckles in their (hoes, and many of
them with rings and other ornaments of gold,
which five hundred years ago would have denoted a
prince or princefs ? Perhaps I have infifted longer
on this than was neceflary, but' I have been induced
to it by the frequent complaints upon this fubje£l:,
and the abfurd application of the phrafe, a circulat-
ing medium. More refle£lions will occur, connedb-
ed with this fubje61:, in the fubfequent parts of my
difcourfe. In the mean time I will clofe, by fay-
ing to my reader, you and I may be poor men, the
flare in which we live may be a poor ftate, we may
want property, rents, refources, and^credit, but a
circulating medium we want not.
2. From the principles above laid down it will
appear, that money having as one of its eflential
qualities, an intrinfic, that is to fay, a commercial
value, it muft be not only a fign and ftandard, or a
medium of -commerce, but aUo itfclf a commodity
32 ESSAY ON MONEY.
or a fubje£t of commerce. There are many tranfac-
tions refpe(^ing money in a trading nation; in
which it is confidered fmgly in this view. Thefe
it is unnecefTary for me to enumerate, but even
where it is applied directly or principally as a me-
dium of alienation, its value as a ftandard doth and
muft always follow and accommodate itfelf to its
value as a commodity. Hence it follows neceflarily
that money muft be fubje^t to every rule that other
commodities are fubje£t to in buying and felling.
One of the chief of thefe is, that it muft rife and
fall in price according to the quantity that is brought
to market, compared with the demand there is for
it. This is an unavoidable confequence, and as
neceffary in the cafe of money as in that of any
commodity whatever. If a greater quantity of
inoney than before is brought into any country,
even though brought by the faireft and moft ho-
nourable means, viz, increafing induftry r.nd pro-
fitable trade, it will have the effe£l of raifmg the
price of other commodities in general, and of in-
duftry, which is the fource of all commodities.
But we muft obferve, that men are apt to view this
in a wrong light. One commodity may rife or fall
by its own plenty or fcarcenefs •, but when there is
a great and general rife of prices, of all commodi-
ties, it would be at leaft as proper, or rather much
more fo, to fay, that money had fallen, than that
goods had rifen.
We had fo large experience of this during the
war, -by the excelFive emiflions of paper money,
that it needs hardly any illuftration. It is true,
fome perfons did then, and do now fuppofe, that
ESSAY ON MONEY. 33
the depreciation of the money was owing as much
to the difafFedion of fome inhabitants, and the
counterfeiting, and other artful endeavours of our
enemies to deftroy it, as to the increafed quantity.
But in this they were quite miftaken. Jealoufy or
fufpicion of the money would have had very dif-
ferent eiFe<£ls from a gradual and continual rife of-
prices. If I meet with a fufpicious piece of money,
I do not raife the price of my goods, but refufe to
fell them. This was indeed the cafe with all thofe
who doubted the money of Congrefs in time of the
v/ar. Befides it is plain, that the American caufe
was moft doubtful, and its enemies moft numerous
in the years 1776 and 1777, and yet the currency
of the money was then very general, and its depre-
ciation flow •, whereas in the three following years,
when in confequence of the French treaty and
otlier European alliances, and confidence of the
public in the caufe was increafed, the depreciation
was accelerated in an amazing degree. I muft alfo
here make a remark upon another opinion often ex-
prelled during the war, that the depreciation mufl
have been owing to other caufes than the quantity,
becaufe it was greater than wJiat they called the
natural depreciation, in confequence of the quan-
tity. By this they meant, that it was not regular j
but when the quantity had arifen, fuppcfe to five
for one, the depreciation was as fifteen or twenty
for one. Thefe perfons did not underftand the de-
preciation of a commodity in confequence of its
quantity, for it is not regular and equable, Jis in
arithmetical progrefiion, but rapid and increafing,
fo as foon to get beyond all computation. If there
Vol. IX. ' D
34 ESSAY ON MONEY.
is in any country but one tenth part more of dny
commodity than there is any demand for, the price
will probably fall more than one half ; and if there
is double or treble the quantity needed, it will be
what merchants call a drug, that cannot be fold at
all, but if it be a perifhable commodity, muft fmk in
the hand of the poflelTor.
I have faid above, that the increafe of money,
even though in confequenee of national profperity,
that is to fay, internal induftry and profitable trade,
will yet neceflarily have the effe6l of raifing the
price of induftry, and its fruits. This, how-
--over, muft evidently be in a far higher degree, and
attended with much more pernicious efFe6ts, when
it is thrown into <:irculation without induftry •, as
when filver is found in capacious mines, or paper is
ilTued by the authority of a ftate, without ntieafure
and without end. I verily believe, that if as many
millions of filver dollars had fallen from heaven and
been thrown into circulation as there were paper ones
iftued by the United States, the diforder would
Jiave been as great or greater than it was. At leaft
it would have been fo at firft, the difference would
have been, that filver being current over all, it
would have foon gone abroad and found its level,
fo that the alteration would have been ultimately
not in the United States, but in the general circu-
lating medium over the whole earth. Thofe, how-
ever, among whom it was firft found, and who re-
ceived it without induftry, would have fulxered
moft by it. Among them it would have produced
lazinefs and luxury. Other nations would have
"drained it from them only by fuperior induftry.
ESSAY ON MO'NEY. 35
The flate of the Spanlfli monarchy at prefent ought
to be, and indeed in a great meafure has been, a
leflbn to the whole world. At the time when they
got pofleffion of South- America they were the moft
powerful and wealthy ftate in Europe. "Would
any man at that time have been reckoned found in
his judgment who would have affirmed, that they
would have grown poor, by the means of the gold
and fiiver mines } Yet it has happened fo, and now
there is hardly any politician fo fhallow but he can.
aflign the reafon of it. They thought that gold
and fiiver would at once procure them every thing,
without working ; but forgot that the more they
had of it, they mufl pay fo much the more to thofe
who were willing to work for them.
3. The above principles will clearly {hew, that
what is commonly called paper money, that is, bills
bearing that the perfon holding them is entitled to
receive a certain fum fpecined in them, is not, pro-
perly fpeaking, money at all. It is barely a fign
without being a pledge or ftandard of value, and
therefore is elTeutially defective as a medium of
univerfal commerce, I will afterwards fpeak of
the different kinds of it, and point out their real
and proper ufes ; but in the mean time I obferve,
that to arm fuch bills with the authority of the
ftate, and make them a legal tender in all payments,
is an abfurdity fo great, that it is not eafy to fpeak
with propriety upon it. Perhaps it would give
offence if I fnould fay, it is an abfurdity referved
for American legiflatures *, no fuch thing having
ever been attempted in the old countries. It has
been found, by the experience of ages, that money
D 2
36 ESSAY ON MONEY.
muft have a ftandard of value, and if any prince or
ftate debafe the metal below the ftandard, It is
utterly impofliblc to make it fucceed. How then
can it be poihble to make that fucceed, which has
no value at all ? In all fuch Inftances, there may be
great injuries done to particular perfons by wiping
off debts ; but to give fuch money general currency
is wholly impoffible. The meafure carries abfur-
dity in its very face. Why will you make a law to
oblige men to take money when it is offered them ?
Are there any who refufe it when it is good ? If it
is neceffary to force them, does not this demonftrate
that it is not good ? We have feen indeed this
fyftem produce a moft ludicrous inverfion of the
nature of things. For two or three years we con-
ftantly faw and were informed of creditors running
away from their debtors, and the debtors purfu-
ing them in triumph, and paying them without
mercy.
Let us examine this matter a little more fully.
Money is the medium of commercial tranfa6lions.
Money Is itfelf a commodity. Therefore every
tranfatlion in which money is concerned, by being i
given or promifed, is ftridly and properly fpeaking,
a bargain, or as it is well called in common lan-
guage, an agreement. To give, therefore, autliorlty
or nominal value by law to any money, is Interpo-
fmg by law, in commerce, and is precilely the fame
thing with laws regulating the prices of commodities,
of which, in their full extent, we had fufficient ex-
perience during the war. Now nothing can be
more radically unjuft, or more eminently abfurd,
than laws of that nature. Among all civilians, the
ESSAY ON MONEY. yj
franfa£tIons of commerce are ranged under the head
of contra£l:s. Without entering into the nicer
diflin^tions of writers upon this fubje6t, it is fuffi-
cient for me to fay, that commerce, or buying and
felling, is found upon that fpecies of contracts that is
moft formal and complete. They are called in the
technical language, Onerous contraBs^ where the
proper and juft value is fuppofed to be given or
promifed, on both fides. That is to fay, the perfon
who offers any thing to fale, does it becaufe he has
it to fpare, and he thinks it would be better for him
to have the money, or fome other commodity, than
what he parts with j and he who buys, in like
manner, thinks it would be better for him to re-
ceive the commodity, than to retain the money.
There may be miftakes or fraud in many tranfac-
tions ; but thefe do not affect the argument in the
leaft. A fair and juft value is always fuppofed or
profeffed to be given on both fides.
Well! is it ao-reed that all commerce is founded
on a complete contrat): ? Let then any perfon who
will, open as many books as he pleafes written
upon the fubjedl, and tell me whether he does not
always find there that one of the effential conditions
of a lawful contrail, and indeed the firft of them
is, that it be free and mutual. V/ithout this it may
be fomething elfe, and have fome other binding
force, but it is not a contrail. To make laws -
therefore, regulating the prices of commodities, or
giving nominal value to that which had no value
before the law was made, is altering the nature of
the tranfacStion altogether. Perhaps a comparlfou
of this with other tranfaclions of a different kind
D3
ESSAY ON MONEY.
-might fet this matter in a clear light. Suppofe a
man were to fay to one of our lawgivers upon this
fubje£t as follows : When you make a law, laying
on a tax, and telling me I muft pay fo much to the
public and common expences of the ftate, I under-
ftand this very well. It falls under the head of
authority. You may lay on an improper or inju-
dicious tax that will operate unequally, or not be
produdive of what you expe£t \ but ftill this is
within your line, and if I have any complaint, I
can only wifh that at the next election we may get
wifer men. Again, a Juftice of Peace in time of
war may give a prefs- warrant, and take my horfes
and waggons to tranfport provifions or baggage for
an army. I undcviland this alfo ; writers and
reafoners tell me that it falls under the head of
what they call the rights of necejfity. The meaning
of this is, that no civil conflitution can be fo per-
fect but that fome cafes will occur, in which the
property of individuals muft give way to the urgent
call of common utility or general danger. Thus
v/e know, that in cities, in cafe of a fire, fometimes
a houfe, without the confent of its owner, will be
deftroyed to prevent the whole from being confum-
ed. But if you make a law that I fliall be obliged
to fell my grain, my cattle, or any commodity, at a
certain price, you not only do what is unjuft and
impolitic, but with' all refpe6t be it faid, you fpeak
nonfenfe *, for I do not yt7/ them at all : you take
them: from me. You aie both buyer and feller,
and I am the fuiTerer only.
I cannot help obferving that laws of this kind
have an inherent we^iknefs in them j they are not
ESSAY ON MONEY. ^9
only unjuft and unwife, but for the rr.ofl part Im-
practicable. They are an attempt to apply autho-
rity to that which is not its proper objeCl, and to
extend it beyond its natural bounds ; in both which
we fhall be fure to fail. The production of com-
modities muft be the effeCl of induftry, inclination,
hope, and interefl. The firft of thefe is very im-
perfeClIy reached by authority, and the other three
cannot be reached by it at all. Perhaps I ought
rather to have faid, that they cannot be direfted by
it, but they may be greatly counteraci:ed ; as peo-
ple have naturally a ftrong difpofition to refift force,
and to efcape from conftraint. Accordingly we
found in this country, and every other fociety who
ever tried fuch meafures found, that they pro-
duced an efFeCl: dire61:ly contrary to what was ex-
pected from them. Inftead of producing modera-
tion and plenty, they uniformly produced dearnefs
and fcarcity. It is worth while to obferve, that
fome of our legillatures faw fo far into thefe matters
as to perceive, that they could not regulate the price
of commodities, without regulating the price of the
induftry that produced them. Therefore they re-
gulated the price of day-labourers. This however,
though but one fpecies of induftry, was found to
be wholly out of their power.
There were fome inftances mentioned at the
time when thefe meafures were in vogue, which
fuperficial reafoners fuppofed to be examples of re-
gulating laws attended with good effects. Thefe
were, the regulation of thp prices of chairs, hackney-
coaches, and ticket porters in cities, public ferries,
and fome others. But this was quite miftaking the
40 ESSAT ON MONEY.
nature of the thing. Thefe inftances have not the
leaft connection with laws regulating prices in volun-
tary commerce. In all thefe cafes the perfons who
are employed folicit the privilege, obtain a licence,
and come under voluntary engagements to afk no
higher prices j fo that there is as complete a free
contract as in buying and felling in open fliops. I
am fo fully convinced of the truth and juftice of the
above principles, that I think, were it proper at this
time, I could fhew, that even in the moft enli^h-^
tened nations of Europe, there are flill fome laws
fubfifting which work in dire£t oppofition to the in-
tention of their makers. Of this kind in general
are the laws againfl: foreftalling and regrating.
They are now indeed moft of them alleep, and
what the lawyers call in defuetude j but fo far as
they are executed, they have the moft powerful
tendency to prevent, inftead of promoting, full and
reafonable markets. As an example of our own
(kill in that branch, a law was paft in Pennfylvanb
in time of the war precifely upon that principle.
It ordained that in all imported articles there fliould
be but one ftep between the importer and confumcr,
and therefore that none but thofe who bought from
the {hip ftiould be allowed to fell again. I cite this
inftance by memory, but am certain that fuch was the
fpirit of the 1 iw. The makers of it confidered that
every hand through which a commodity pafled muft
have a profit upon it, which would therefore great-
ly augment the coft to the confumer at Lift. But
could any thing in the world be more abfurd ? How
could a family at one hundred miles diftance from
the feaport be fupplied with what they wanted ? In
ESSAY ON MONET. 4*
oppofition to this principle it may be fafely affirmed,
that the more merchants the cheaper goods, and that
no carnage is fo cheap, nor any diilribution fo equal
or fo plentiful, as that which is made by thofe who
have ari intereft in it, and expea a profit from it.
I have gone into this detail in order to iliev/ that
tender laws, arming paper, or any thing not valu-
able in itfelf with authority, are direaiy contrary to
the very firil principles of commerce. This was
certainly the more necellary, becaufe many of the
advocates for fuch laws, and many of thofe who
are inftrumental in ena£ling them, do it from pure
ignorance, without any bad intention. It may pro-
bably have feme efFea in opening their eyes to ob--
ferve, that no paper whatever is a tender in any
nation in Europe. Even the notes of the bank of
England, which are as good as gold, and thofe of
the bank of Holland, which are confiderably better *,
are not armed with any fuch fanftion, and are not
a legal tender in the proper fenfe of that word.
That is to fay, though I fuppofe both of them, or
any other paper circulating in full credit, may be a
* Perhaps it may be proper to inform seme readers
^vhat this expression refers to. It refers to the agio of the
bank of Holland. A bill of that bank generallj^ goes for a
little more in paj-ment with any dealer than the sum it
specifies, and this advance or difference is called the agio
of the Bank, and rises or falls like the rate of exchange.
This probably arises from its perfect security, and the
verj' gTeat advantage in point of ease and expedition, in
transferring, reckoning, and concealing of paper above
gold and silver. It gives occasion to the vulgar saying i m ,
that country, That money goes into the bank but never
comes out.
42 V ESSAY ON MONEY.
tender in equity, fo far as that the perfon offering
them without fufpicion of their being refufed, could
not be condemned in any penahy or foifeitmei yet
if the perfon who was to receive the money fhould
fay, I am going abroad, I want gold or filver ; it
vWould lie upon the debtor and not the creditor to
go and get them exchanged. We may perhaps
even fay more, viz. that the coinage of gold and
filver in any country is not fo much, if at ail to
oblige perfons to receive it at a certain value, as to
afcertain them that it is of the value ftampt upon
it. Without this, ignorant perfons would be con-
tinually at a lofs to know the finenefs and the weight
of a piece offered to them. This will appear from
the two following remarks, (i.) If by any accident
in the coinage, or fraud in the officers of the mint,
fome of the pieces had not the full quantity, or
were not of fufficient finenefs, though the flamp
were ever fo genuine, if J could difcover the defe61:,
I fhould be juftified in refufing it. (2.) There is
fometimes a fluctuation in the comparative value of
gold and filver, and in thefe cafes, though no doubt
a debtor, till the error that lias crept in be re£lifiei
by authority, has a right to pay in any lawful money,
yet if I were felling goods, oiv-l gold had fallen in
its value, I might fafely lay to the cuaomer, in
what coin are you to pay me ? I will give you a
yard of this filk for twenty-one fterling filver fhil-
lings, but if you give me a guinea I mufl have ano-
ther fhilling before I will part with it. The whole
of this ferves to fliew that nothing fliort of real mo-
ney, which is of ftandard value, ought to be cnfor*^
ced by law in a well regulated fociety.
ESSAY ON MONEY. 43
4. The principles above laid down will enable us
to perceive clearly what is the nature of paper cir-
culating as a medium of commerce, what is its real
and proper ufe, and what are its dangers and de-
fers. As to its nature, it is a fign but not a ftan-
dard. It is properly an obligation, or to ufe a mo-
dern commercial phrafe, it is a promifTory note. It
is not money, as has been fhewn above, but it is a
promife of fome perfon or body of men to pay mo-
ney either on demand or at a particular time, or
at fome general undefined future time. Obligations
of this nature are of more forts than one. Some-
times they are given by particular perfons, or trading
companies) who are confidered as perfons ; and fre-
quently in America they have been given by the
legiflature of the ftate. In the general definition I
have included all kinds of negotiable paper, but it
will not be neceflary to infill upon more than two
of them, viz. the notes of banking companies, and
ftate emiflTions. Bills of exchange are not fuppofed
to pafs through many hands, but to proceed as
fpeedily as may be to the place of their payment.
Government fecurities are only bought and fold like
otlier property, and fo any bonds or other private
obJigatiors, may be transferred as often as people
are willing to receive them 5 but the notes of bank-
ing companies, and the flate emiilions of this coun-
try are intended to be, properly fpeaking, a circu-
lating medium. They are of various regular deno-
minations, and intended to anfwer all the purpofes
of money in the fmaller tranfa£tions of fociety as
well as the larger, and even go to market for pur-
chafing the necelTaries of life.
44 ESSAY ON MO>mY.
As to value, fuch obligations muft plainly de-
pend upon the credit of the fubfcriber or obliger,
and the opinion or expedation of the receiver.
Thefe are mutually ncceffary to their ufe in com-
merce. Let the refources or vi^ealth of the fubfcri-
ber be what they may, it is the public opinion that
muft ultimately give them currency. This opinion,
?K>wever, may be in fome inftances better, and in
fome vrorfe founded. That paper which may with
moft certainty and expedition be converted into
gold and filver, feems evidently to have the advan-
tage on this account. Therefore the notes of bank-
ing companies, while they maintain theit credit,
and continue to pay on demand, appear to be the
beft calculated for general ufe. They feem alfo to
have another advantage, that private perfons and
com.panies are upon a footing with the holder of the
bills. He can a^reft them, and bring them to ac-
count and have juftice done upon them j whereas
he cannot call the legiflature to account, but muft
wholly depend upon their fidelity as well as refour-
ces. Yet it muft be owned there have not been
wanting inftances formerly in this country, in which
paper emiffions by the ftates have obtained full
confidence, and met with no impediment in circu-
lation.
Let us now confider what is the proper ufe of
paper currency, or whether it be of any real ufe at
all. Many perfons in Europe have declared againft
it altogether as pernicious. I will endeavour to
flate this matter with all the clearncfs I am capable
of, and to give the reafons for what I fhall advance.
We have feen above, that nothing can be more ab-
ESSAY ON MONEY. 45
furd than to fay that m'G now want a circulating
medium, and that paper is neceflary for that pur-
pofe. A circulating medium we have already, not
in too fmall, but in too great quantity ; fo that any
perfon who underftands the fubje£l may perceive
that gold and filver, efpecially the laft, is lofing at
]eaft one of the qualities neceflary for that purpofe,
and becoming too bulky and heavy for eafy and
convenient tranfportation. Brafs, as has been iliewn
above, was once as juft and proper a medium of
commerce as gold and filver are now. It has all
the qualities necefl^ary for that purpofe ftill, except
rarity ; fo that if it were not too plentiful and too
cheap, it would be money to this day. It is pro-
bable that this circumflance of the abundance and
weight of the precious metals is what gives to
many fuch an inclination for paper money. This
will appear flrange to fome, yet I believe it is at
bottom juft. The cry with many is, we muft have
paper for a circulating medium, as there is fuch a
fcarcity of gold and filver. Is this juft ? No.
They miftake their own poverty, or the nation^s
poverty, for a fcarcity of gold and filver ; whereas
in faft, gold and filver ufed as a circulating medium
are fo cheap, and the quantity of a moderate fum is
fuch an incumbrance that we want paper, which
can be much more eafily carried, and much more
efFe6tually concealed. So that, contrary to the
vulgar idea, we are obliged to have recourfe to
paper in feveral cafes, not for want of gold and
filver, but their too great abundance.
This will appear to be a very uncouth idea to
many peifons. What, they will fay, too great
Vol. IX. E
4^ ESSAY ON MONEY.
abundance of gold and filver ! when I go about
from day to day, and cannot collect what is due to
me ; when my creditors are calHng upon me and I
cannot fatisfy them. There is a fcarcity of money
every where. "What Ihall be faid to fatisfy thefe
perfons ? I muft tell them plainly, It is their pover-
ty, or the nation's poverty, and not a want of gold and
lilver, and if there were an hundred times as much
gold and filver in circulation as there is, their poverty
and difficulties would be juft the fame. If thefe per-
fons read the fcriptures they may there learn, that in
Solomon's time the filver was as plentiful as Jloncs
in jerufalem ; probably they will think that all the
people in Jerufalem at that time muft have lived
like princes, but they muft be told, that it was
added as a necelTary confequence, that // luas tio-
thing accounted of in the days of Solo7?Jon.
If paper is not then needed as a circulating
medium, what benefits arife from it ? I anfwer,
the ufes of paper fubftltuted for money may be
fummed up under the two following heads •, (i.)
It is ufeful for facilitating commerce. (2.) It is
ufeful for anticipating property or extending credit.
(i.) it is ufeful for facilitating commerce. Nor-
thing can be more advantageous for that pupofe than
bills of exchange, which, without the adual tran-
fportation of money or goods, can transfer property
even to the moft diftant places with the moft per-
fetl facility. There have been many perfons who
have doubted whether any other fort of paper
currency is not upon the whole hurtful, but the
benefit of this is beyond all queftion. We fliall
afterwards compare the advantages and difadvan-
ESSAY ON MONEY. 4\f
tages of paper money ; but at prefent let us leave
out the confideration of the evil that it does, and it
is nianifeft that there is fo great a facility and
fafety in the tranfportation of paper above that of
gold and illver, that it muft greatly expedite all
mercantile tranfaclions, internal and external. Sup-
pofe one hundred thoufand pounds were to be tran-
fported hut three hundred miles, if it were to be
carried in fiiver, what an immenfe load would it
be ? But befides the weight, as it could not be con-
cealed, there would be a very great rifk of inviting
robbers to fliare in it. Let it be carefully obferved,
that this good eflo£l: of paper is not from the addi-
tional quantity thrown into circulation, but from
its poiTeffing fome advantages fuperior to gold and
filver, provided that the credit of it is fupported.
Nor muft it be forgotten, that it is in great and ex-
tenfive negociations only that this advantage is pof-
feffed by paper ; for in fmaller bargains, and that
intercourfe between man and man that is carried
on every hour, it poffeffes no advantage at all;
on the contrary, it is liable to wear and M'afle, and
therefore the fmaller coins are in all refpe£ls to be
perferred.
(2.) Another ufe of paper In commerce is to ex-
tend credit. Though in very large tranfaclions the
advantage of paper may be great, as it facilitate?
commerce ; yet when we confider paper as 'xene-
rally circulating, and doing the office of gold and
filver, it is by the extenfion of credit only, or
chiefly, that it can be of any advantage. It is un-
neceflary for me, and perhaps not in my power, ta
mention all the ways in which credit mav be iia-
48 F.SSAY ON MONEY.
creafed or faclllated by paper. Some will probably
be mentioned afterwards ; at prefent my bufmefs is
to (hew, that giving credit is one of the advantages,
^nd indeed in my opinion, it is the principle advan-
tage, to be derived from paper circulation of any
kind. There are many people whofe induftry is
damped or limited by vi'ant of ftock or credit, who
if they were properly aflifted, in thefe refpe6:s
might do fignal fervice to themfelves, and the com-
munity of which they are members. It has been
generally faid, and I believe with truth, that the in-
ilitution of the banks in Scotland has improved the
country in the courfe of little more than half a
century, to a degree that is hardly credible. It is
alfo probable, that the manufactures and commerce
of England have been greatly promoted by the eafy
iind regular methods of obtaining credit from the
public and private banks. I am fenfible that fom.e
very intelligent perfons in Britain have condemned,
tlie paper circulation even there, and affitmed, that
it does more harm than good. It is not neceflary
for me to enter into the arguments -on either fide
of that queflion. All that I am concerned to prove
is, that if it does good upon the whole, or whatever
good it does in any degree, arifes from the credit
which it is the occafion of extending ; and this I
think can hardly be denied. *
* That I m:iy state the matter with fairness and fulness,
J will just observe, that the enemies of paper say, the im-
provement Vv'as only coeval with the banks, but not cau-
sed by them in whole, nor in any great degree. The banks
happened to be nearly' coeval with tlie revolution, and the
union of Enrrhnd and Scotland ; both which importatit
ESSAY ON MONEY. 49
Let US next confider the evil that is done hj
paper. This is what I would particularly requeil
the reader to attend to, as it was what this difcourfe
was chiefly intended to evince, and what the public
feems but little aware of. The evil is this. All
paper introduced into circulation, and obtaining
credit as gold and filver, adds to the quantity of
the medium, and thereby, as has been fhov/n above,
increafes the price of ifiduftry and its fruits. *
This confequence is unavoidable, and follows as-
certainly from good paper as bad, or rather more
certainly, for the medium is increafed only by that
which obtains credit. At the fame time this con-
fequence is local, becaufe the paper does not
pafs among other nations, and therefore it works
againfl the intereft of the people who ufe it, and.
events are supposed to have been causes of improvemenf^
to Scotland. However the experience of the last thirty or
forty years appears to be considerably in favour of banks
and dealers in money and bills, wliich I consider as essen-
tially the same.
* This will perhaps be misapprehended by some readers.
They will say, a high price for our industry ! This is just
what we v/ant, and what all desire. But the price I mean,
here is not the price which you get for your industry, but
that which j^'ou pay for it. A high price, by a great de--
mand from foreign nations, is your profit ; but the cost
which you pay for servants, tools, rent of land, kc. lessens-
that profit, and it is this which is increased by increasing -
the circulating medium, and not the other. Make as
much money as you please, this will not make foreign
nations call for any more of your grain, fish, lumber, to-^
bacco, rice, &c. but it will just as certainly make them.;
cost you more before you can bring them to the market;, „
as adding two to three will make five.
E3
^O ESSAY ON MONEY.
neceffarily draws oiF their gold and filver, which
mud be made ufe of in all foreign payments. Men
may think what they pleafe, but there is no con-
tending with the nature of things. Experience has
every where juftified the remark, that wherever
paper is introduced in large quantities, the gold
and fdver vanifhes univerfally. The joint fum of
gold, filver, and paper current, will exactly repre-
fent your whole commodities, and the prices will
be accordingly. It is therefore as if you were to
fill a velTel brim full, making half the quantity
water and the other oil; the lad being fpecifically
lighted, will be at the top, and if you add more
water, the oil only will run over, and continue run-
ning till there is none left. How abfurd and con-
temptible then is the reafoning which we have of
late feen frequently in print, viz. the gold and
fdver is going away from us, therefore we mud
have paper to fupply its place. If the geld and
filver is indeed going away from us, that is to fay,
if the balance of trade is much againd us, the paper
medium has a direct tendency to incfcafe the evil,
and fend it away by a quicker pace.
I have faid, that this confequence follows from
all paper, as fuch, good and bad, fo far as it enters
into circulation ; but every one mud perceive, that
there is a peculiar, and indeed a different evil to be
feared from paper of a doubtful kind, and efpecially
from that which being doubtful, is obliged to be
fupported by coercive laws. This mud raife gene-
ral fufpicion, and confequently bring on a dagna-
tion of commerce, from univerfal and mutual dif-
trud. For the fame reafcn it mud amiihiliatQ
ESSAY ON MONEY. *I
credit, and make every cautious perfon lock up his
real money, that is, gold and filver, as he cannot
tell but he may be cheated in the re-payment.
This evil is very extenfive indeed, for it makes
people fufpicious, not only of what is, but what
may be. Though the injury fhould be but partial,
or inconfiderable at prefent, it may become wholly
ruinous by fome unknown future law.
Hence it may be feen, that the refolution of the
queftion, whether it is proper to have paper money
at all or not, depends entirely upon another, viz.
whether the evil that is done by augmenting the
circulating medium, is or is not over-balanced by
the facility given to commerce, and the credit given
to particular perfons, by which their induftry and
exertions are added to the common flock. As it is
upon this that the queftion depends, we fhall find
that as the circumftances of a nation may be dif-
ferent, it may be for or againft its intereft to ufe a
paper medium. If any nation were in fuch circum-
ftances as that credit were either not neceftary or
eafily obtained ; if the country were fully fet-
tled and the inhabitants fully employed in agricul-
ture, manufa£tures, and internal commerce, with
little foreign trade, any addition to the true
money, would be unneceftary or pernicious. This
is probably the ft ate of China at prefent, perhaps
in fome degree alfo of France. On the contrary,
if a nation had an extenfive and complicated com-
merce, and much land to fettle and improve, the
facilitating of commerce, and extending of credit,
might be highly beneficial. I do not pretend to fo
exa(^ a knowledge of the ftate of this country, or
52. ESSAY ON MONET.
the different parts of it, as to judge with abfolutc
certainty of what is necelTary or would be ufeful to
it, but am inclined to think that there muft be
fomething in the ftate of things in America that
makes it either more neceflary or more expedient
to have paper here than in the European ftates.
We are afllired that in former times many of the
ftates, then colonies, thought it a privilege to be
allowed to ftrike paper money; and we are told
by perfons of good underftanding, that it contribu-
ted to their growth and improvement. If this was
the cafe, I am confident it was chiefly becaufe it
was emitted in the way of a loan-office, and by
giving credit to hufbandmen, accelerated the fettle-
ment and improvement of the foil. This queftion
I do not take upon me to decide, and therefore in
what follows, defire I may be confidered as fpeak-
ing only hypothetically, the rather, that at prefent
the inclination after paper of fome kind or another
feems to be fo ftrong, that it would be in vain to
withfland it.
If therefore paper is to be employed in circula-
tion, we may fee from what has been faid above,
what are the principles on which it ought to be
conducted, the ends that ought to be aimed at, and
the evils that ought to be avoided. The ends to
be aimed at are, the facilitating of commercial tran-
fa£i:ions, and extending of credit to thofe who are
likely to make a proper ufe of it. The plan fliould
be fo conceived, as that the increafe of the circula-
ting medium fhould be as little as poffible, coirfif-
tently with tliefe ends. It fhould be perfectly
fecure, fo as to create an abfolute confidence. And
ESSAY ON MONEY. 53
as it is of the nature of an obligation, no force
whatever ftiould be ufed, but the reception of it
left entirely to the inclination and intereft of the
receiver. It may be fafely affirmed, that any devia-
tion from thefe principles, which are deduced from
the theory above laid down, will be an eflential
defeat in the fyftem. If we inquire what fort of
paper will beft anfwer this defcription, we find
that there is no other fort ufed in Europe than that
of banking companies. The government flamping
paper to pafs current for coin is unknown there.
Notwithftanding the immenfe fums which have
been borrowed by the Englifh government, they al-
ways prefer paying intereft for them, to ifluing
paper without value for money. The only thing
refembling it in the Engliili hiftory is, James the
fecond coining bafe metal, and affixing a price to it
by proclamation j a project contemptible in the
contrivance, and abortive in the execution. This
feems to be a confiderable prefumption, that the
meafure is upon the whole not eligible. *
The paper of banking companies has many ad-
vantages. It is confidered as perfe^lly fafe, becaufe
it can be exchanged for gold and filver at any time
upon demand. Having this fecurity at bottom, it
* It seems to me, that those who cry out for emitting
paper luoney by the legislatures, should take some pains
to state. clearly the difference between this and the Euro-
pean countries, and point out the reasons why it would be
serviceable here, and hurtful ther^ ; or else insist that it
would be a wise measure every where, and recommend the
use of it to the states of England, France, Holland, &c.
who will be much indebted to them for the discovery.
54 ESSAY ON MOMEY.
is perfe(9i:ly convenient for tranfportation, which
indeed is common to it with all paper. In addi-
tion to this, it is confidered as the princpal bufmefs
of all banks to give credit, which, though diredlly
only in favour of commercial, is ultimately ufeful to
many different clafTes of men. I may upon this
obferve, that it is the duty of banking companies fo
to conduft their operations as to extend their re-
gular credit as far as is fafe for themfelves. If in-
llead of this, as has been fuppofed at leaft to have
been done by fome banks in Britain, they circulate
their notes by agents, making purchafes in different
and diftant places, that the fum ifTucd may very far
exceed the fum necefTary to be kept for probable de*
mandsj they are in that cafe not ferving the public
at all, but ufing the money of otherpeople to their own
profit. It is alfo to be obferved, that the denomina-
tion of their notes fhould never be very fmall, it
fliould indeed be as high as is confiflent with fucb
a general ufe as will bring in a fufiicient profit.
Very fmall denominations of paper do the greatefl
injury by entering into univerfal circulation, and
chiefly afFeO:ing the induftrious part of the com-
munity. It was a very great complaint againfl
fome banks in Scotland, that they brought down
the denominations of their notes as far as ten
{hillings and fome of them even five fliillings. If
this was an evil, what fhall we fay of paper, as
has been feen in this country, as low as one
fliilling, fix pence, or even three pence value ? It
is a rule that will hardly admit of any exception,
that the higher the denominations of paper bills,
the greater the benefit and the lefs the evil i and ou
ESSAY ON MONEY. p-
the contrary, the fmaller the denominations, the
greater the evil and the lefs the benefit. High fums
in paper obligations may perhaps change hands
once a week, but a (billing or fix-penny ticket may
be in fifty hands in one day,
I muft mention here what has been often objec-
ted againft banks in America, which, if juft, would,
from the reafoning in the preceding part of this
difcourfe, tend to their condemnation. It is, that
they have 'deftroyed credit inftead of extending it,
and have introduced or given occafion to exceflive
ufury. I am not fufficiently informed to fay how
far this is really the cafe, but cannot help obfer-
ving, that treating the matter theoretically, as I have
all along done, and confidering the nature of the
thing, this does not appear to be a neceflary confe-
quence. One would rather think that the regular
credit which is or ought to be given by banks fliould
prevent ufury, by fupplying all thofe who deferve to
be trufted. Agreeably to this it was found in faa,
that the inftitution of banks in Scotland lowered
the intereft of money, which indeed feems to be
the natural effea of every fuch inftitution, from the
increafed circulation. But if any inftances more
than before have happened of this kind, it may be
by perfons in extreme necefTity applying to' others
who Iiave credit with the bank, and who have fo
little confcientious fcruple as to take advantage of
their neighbour's poverty. If this is the cafe, it is
only a particular abufe, or occafional bad confe-
quence of a thing otherwife good and ufeful. It is
not a juft objeaion againft any thing, that it may
be or has been in fome inftances abufed. Befides,
§6 isSAY ON MONEY.
as it is the duty of every banking company to guard
againft this evil as much as pofiible, even by per-
fonal refentment, againft thofe vi^ho make this ufe
of their confidence, fo it is an evil not out of the
reach of legal punifliment or general infamy. Wife
and well executed laws againft ufury, would at
leaft fo far reftrain it, as to make it an evil of little
-confequence.
But in examining the nature and operation of
different kinds of paper, I muft confider an objec-
tion of much greater importance, upon the princi-
ples of thi^ difcourfe, againft the paper of banks, or
at le;^ft, a defe6l in their fyftem, that feems to call
for other meafures in addition to it. This is, that
banking companies give credit only fo as to be fer-
viceable to merchants, and thofe immediately con-
nedted with them, but do not extend it to huft^and-
men, or thofe who improve the foil, by taking
mortgages for a confiderable time : yet according to
the theory above laid down, this is not only one of
the advantages, but perhaps the chief advantage to
be derived from a paper circulation of any kind.
Now, I admit, that the fettlement and cultivation
of the foil is the radical fource of the profperity of
this country. It is indeed the fource of the pro-
fperity of every country, but comparatively more fo
of that of this country than moft others. I alfo
admit that credit, properly extended, to induftrious
perfons in this way would be exceedingly beneficial.
For this reafon, and for this alone, Dr Franklin and
others perhaps judged right when they faid, the
country received great benefit from the loan ofhce
paper of former times. I am alfo fenfible, that it
ESSAY ON MONEY. ^J
IS not practicable nor proper for banking companies
to give credit upon mortgages on diftant lands. They
being bound to prompt payment, muft expe6l the
fame ; therefore they are not to be blamed for re-
fufing it in this form *. For all thefe reafons, I do
not take upon' me wholly to condemn a meafure in
America, which would be unneceiTary or improper
in Europe. We hear from every quarter, that is
to fay, from almoft every flate, a loud cry for
paper money. Now when there is a great and uni-
verial complaint, it is feldom without fome founda-
tion ; and though I have taken much pains in the
preceding difcourfe to (hew that they miftake their
own wants, that they do not w^ant a circulating
medium, but ufe that phrafe without und?rftanding
its meaning ; yet they certainly do want fomething.
They want particular credit,- and they look back
with defire to the former times when they had
paper money, which, by its name itfelf, pomted
out its nature and ufe, the notes being then called
bills of credit. I will therefore proceed, keeping a
fleady eye upon the prirciples above laid down, to
flate in what manner a loan olBce may be eftabliili-
ed f within moderate bounds, that fliall render a
* I must here observe, that the banks of Scotland never
gave credit upon mortgages, but personal security only, and
yet they were univen-ally supposed to put it in the pov/er of
landed men to improve their estates ; so that the money
tran ^.actions j^nst have been, though not directly, 3'et re-
mot; iy in tiieir favour.
+ I am not ignorant that there has been in one of our
starts. 1 iuean Pennsylvania, a violent controversy for and
Vol. IX. F
I
58 ESSAY ON MONEY.
fervlce probably greater than the evils neceflaril)-'
confequent upon it.
I would therefore propofe, that any ftate that
thinks it necelTiiry, (liould emit a fum of fuppofe
one hundred thoufand pounds, and that the follow-
ing rules fliould be laid down in the law, and
invariably adhered to. i. That not a Ihilling
of that money fliould iflue from the loan-ofEce
treafury, but upon mortgage of land to the a-
mount of double the fum in value. 2. That
it fhould not be a kgal tender for any debts con-
tracted or to be contracted, but receivable in
all taxes within the ftate, and payable for the wages
of Council and Aflembly, and the fees and perqui- i
fites of all public oflicers, after it has been fo re-
ceived. 3. That at the end of twelve calender
months, a fum precifely equal to the intereft that
had been accrued or become due in that time,
Ihould be confumed by fire, and public intimation
given of its being done. The fame thing (liould be
done every fubfequent year. 4. That at no time any
part of this money fliould be made ul'e of in the
payment of the public debts, but that which had
been firft levied in taxes. It would not be proper
against the bank, between the political factions which
divide that state. On this account, I am sorry I was obH-
ged to mention banks at all ? but it was impossible for me
to do justice to the subject, without considering their
general nature and effects ; and I will not so much as name
any of the arguments on either side of this question, but
what IS necessaiiJy connected with money in general as a
currency, and its effects vipon the national interest.
fiSSAT OK MONEY. S9
even to borrow from the flock for tKIs purpofe by
anticipation *.
If thefe rules were obferved, credit would be
given to fome perfons, who needed and deferved
it, to the amount of the whole fum. The bills
current would be diminifhed in quantity every year
fo as not to load the circulation, which would have
a fenfible effect upon the public opinion, and in-
deed, from the nature of the thing, would increafe
their value, or rather confirm it from year to year f .
At the end of fourteen or fifteen years they would
be wholly taken out of circulation, and that not by
any tax laid on for the purpofe, but by the hire or
ufe of the money itfelf, and after all, the principal
fum would be ftill due to the (late in good money,
which might bear intereft for ever. It would be
an important addition to this fcheme, if no bills
* The paj'ing of the public creditors is one of the most
common and popular arguments for paper emissions, but
to pay them with money not loaned, is not paying, but
continuing the debt upon the state, and only make it
change hands. All such bills so paid must be accounted for
by the public. It is better, therefore, that by the loans
men may be enabled easily to pay their taxes ; and then
let the public creditors be paid by money demanded equall}r
from the whole for that purpose.
1 1 cannot help observing here, that the titles of most
of the acts for emitting money, do unawares confess the
justice of all that has been said above; they run thus, " An
act for emitting thousand pounds in bills of credit,
and directing the manner of sinking the same.'''' Does not
this shew what sort of a circulating medium they are ?
Does it not admit, that they will do evil if they continue
to circulate ? When you coin gold and silver, do you pro-
vide for sinking it ?
F2
^" rSSAT ON MONEY.
lefs than two dollars, or perhaps three, or five, fhould
be emitted, as this would ftill keep filver at lead in
circulation. On the above principles, all the good
that can be produced by paper would be eiFeded,
viz. facilitating commerce, and giving credit j and
as little of the evil as poflible, becaufe the quantity-
would be fixed and moderate at firft, and conti-
nually decreafing, fo as at lad to vanifii altogether ;
and then another emilHon of the fame kind might
be made, if the utility of the firft Ihould recom-
mend it.
Perhaps it will be faid, that this money not being
a legal tender, would not anfwer the purpofe of bor-
rowers by paying their debts, nor get at all into circu-
lation. To this I anfwer, that it would not anfwer the
purpofe of thofe who want to pay their debts with
half nothing and cheat their creditors-, nor do I wifh
to fee any thing attempted that would produce that
efFe61:. But I affirm, that it would get better into
circulation than by a tender law, which creates ge-
neral and juft fufpicion. Tender laws, as has been
already proved, may be made ufe of by deceitful
perfons to do particular a£ls of injuftice, but are
not fuiTicient to procure general circulation, nor to
excite and reward induftry, without the opinion
and approbation of the public. Such money as I
have defcribed would excite no alarm, it might
eafily be tried. It fliould, in my opinion, certainly
be tried, for all would know that it would pay
every tax to government, and even borrowers of
large fums might make trial of it, without any rifk
at all, becaufe, if it would not anfwer their end,
they might aftej: a few months, repay it, and take
E5SAY ON MONEY. 6l
«p their mortgage. But I cannot help thinlcing,
that the principles of it are fo juft, and the plan (o
certain, that all underftanding perfons would per-
ceive and approve it.
I muft here take the occafion and the liberty of
faying, that it were greatly to be wifhed that thofe
who have in their hands the adminiftration of af-
fairs in the fev^ral States of America, would take
no meafures, either on this, or any other fubjeci,
but what are founded upon juftice, fupported by
reafon, and warranted by the experience of former
ages, and of other countries. The operation of
political caufes is as uniform and certain as that of
natural caufes. And any meafure which in itfelf
has a bad tendency, though its efFeds may not be
inftantly difcernible, and their progrefs may be but
flow, yet it will be infallible ; and perhaps the dan-
ger will then only appear when a remedy is impof-
fible. This is the cafe, in fome degree, with all
political meafures, without exception, yet I am
miftaken if it is not eminently fo with refpe£t to
commercial dealings. Commerce is excited, di-
re£ted, and carried on by intereft. But do not
miftake this, it is not carried on by general univer-
fal intereft, nor even by well informed national in-
tereft, but by immediate, apparent, and fenfible
perfonal intereft. I muft alfo obferve, that there
is in mankind a fharp-fightednefs upon this fubje(5l
tliat is quite aftonifliing.
All men are not philofophers, but they are gene-
rally good judges of their own profit in what is im-
mediately before them, and will uniformly adhere
to it. It is not uncommon to fee a man who ap-
F3,
6Z ESSAY ON MONEY.
pears to be almoft as flupid as a Hone, and yet he
fliall be as adroit and dexterous in making a bargain,
or even more fo, than a man of the firft rate under-
ftanding, who, probably, for that very reafon, is
lefs attentive to trifling circumftances, and lefs
under the government of mean and felfifh views.
As to currency, which has been our general fub-
jecl, if coins of any particular fpecies happen, as is
fometimes the cafe, to pafs at a rate, ever fo little
higher, in one country, or corner of a country, than
another, thither they will immediately dire£l their
courfe ; and if the matter is not attended to, nor
the miftake rectified, they will be all there in a very
fhort time, and the place which receives them muft
bear the lofs.
I will now fum up, in fingle propofitions, the
fubftance of what has been aiTerted, and I hope
fufficiently proved, in the preceding difcourfe.
1. It ought not to be imputed to accident or ca-
price, that gold, fllver, and copper, formerly were,
and the two firft continue to be, the medium of
commerce j but to their inherent value, joined with
other properties, that fit them for circulation.
Therefore, all the fpeculations, formed upon a con-
trary fuppofition, are inconclufive and abfurd.
2. Gold and filver are far from being in too
fmall quantity at prefent for the purpofe of a circu-
latincj medium, in the commercial nations. The
lad of them, viz. filver, feems rather to be in too
great quantity, fo as to become inconvenient for
tranfportation.
3. The people of every nation will get the
quantity of thefe precious metals, that they arc
ESSAY ON MONET. 63
entitled to by their induftry, and no more. If by
any accident, as plunder in war, or borrowing from
other nations, or even finding it in mines, they get
more, they will not be able to keep it. It will in a
fliort time find its level. Laws againft exporting
the coin will not prevent this. Laws of this kind,
though they are Hill in force in fome nations, fup-
pofed to be wife, yet are in themfelves ridiculous.
If you impoi't more than you export, you mufb pay
the balance, or give up the trade.
4. The quantity of gold and filver at any time
in a nation, is no evidence of national v/ealth, un-
lefs you take into confideration the way in which
it came there, and the probability of its continuing.
5. No paper of any kind is, properly fpeaking,
money. It ought never to be made a legal tender.
It ought not to be forced upon any body, becaufe it
cannot be forced upon every body.
6. Gold and filver, fairly acquired, and likely
to continue, are real national, as well as perfonal
wealth. If twice as much paper circulates with
them, though in full credit, particular perfons may
be rich by poiTening it, but the nation in general is
not.
7. The cry of the fcarcity of money, is general-
ly putting the effe£l for the caufe. No bufincfs can
be done, fay fome, becaufe money is fcarce. It
may be faid with more truth, money is fcarce, be-
caufe little bufinefs is done. Yet their influence,
like that of many other caufes and efFetSls, is reci-
procal.
8. The quantity of current money, of whatever
kind, will have an effect in raifing the price of in-
64 LSSAY ON MONEY.
duftry, and bringing goods dearer to market, there-
fore the increafe of the currency in any nation by
paper, which will not pafs among other nations,
makes the firft coft of every thing they do greater,
and of confequence the profit lefs.
9. It is however poffible, tliat paper obligations
may fo far facilitate commerce, and extend credit,
as by the additional induftry, that they excite, to
overbalance the injury which they do.in other re-
fpe^ls. Yet even the good itfelf may be overdone.
Too much money may be emitted even upon loan,
but to emit money any other way than upon loan,
is to do all evil and no good.
10. The exceflive quantity of paper emitted by
the different ftates of America, will probably be a
lofs to the whole. They cannot however take ad-
vantage of one another in that way. That flate
which emits mofl will lofe moll, and vice verfa.
11. I can fee no way in which it can do good
but one, which is to deter other nations from trufl-
ing us, and thereby leflen our importations ; and I
fmcerely wifh, that in that way it may prove in
fome degree a remedy for its own evils.
12. Thofe who refufe doubtful paper, and
thereby difgrace it, or prevent its circulation, are
not enemies, but friends to their country.
To draw to a conclufion, it is probable that thofe
who perceive, which it will be eafy to do, that the
author of this tra£l: is not a merchant or trader, by
profelTion, will be ready to fay, What has this gen-
tleman to do with fuch a fubje61: ? Why fliould he
write upon what he has no practical knowledge of,
money and commerce ? To thefe I anfwer, that I
ESSAY ON MONET. 6^
have written, not as a merchant, but as a fcholar.
I profefs to derive my opinions from the beft civi-
lians of this and the laft age, and from the hiflory
of all ages, joined with a pretty confiderable expe-
rience and attention to the effeds of political caufes
within the fphere of my own obfervation. It is not
even too much to fay, that one of the mercantile
profeflion, unlefs his views were very enlarged in-
deed, is not fo proper to handle a general fubje£b
of this kind as fome others. His attention is ulual-
Iv confined to the bufuiefs, and to the branch of
that bufmefs in which he is employed. In that his
difcernment will be clear, and he will find out, if
poflible, where he can buy cheapeft, and fell dear-
eft. But as to the theory of commerce, or the
great objects of national intereft or conneaion, he
can have no advantage at all over a perfonr given to
ftudy and refle£lion, who has fome acquaintance
with pubHc life. With thefe remarks by way of
apology, and having no intereft in the matter but
what is common to every citizen, I freely commit
the whole to the judgment of the impartial public.
REFLECTIONS
ON THE
PRESENT STATE OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS,
ANI>
ON THE DUTY AND INTEBEST OF AMERICA
IN THIS IMPORTANT CRISIS.
THAT the prefent is an important asra to
America, has been fo often repeated, that I
fuppofe no man doubts it, and I hope few will for-
get it. Yet, however auguft the idea, it is capable
of being greatly enlarged. It will be an important
rera in the hiftory of mankind. The extent of this
country is fuch, that as it is now, and probably will
foon be fettled, it makes no inconfiderable part of
the globe itfelf. The European in general, but par-
ticularly the Britifli fettlements in America, have for
theie hundred years part, been exhibiting to the
world a fcene differing in many refpe^ts from what
it ever beheld. In all the ancient emigrations, or
colonial fettlements, the number was fmall, the ter-
ritory very limited, and which was ftill more, the
people and the foil were almoft alike uncultivated ;
and therefore both proceeded to improvement by
very flow degrees. But in America we fee a coun-
REFLECTIONS, &C.
try almoft without bounds, new and untcuchedj
taken poiTeflion of at once by the power, the learn-
ing, and the wealth of Europe.
Hence it is that the cultivation and the popula-
tion of America have advanced with a rapidity next
to miraculous, and of which no political calculators
have principles or data fufficient to make a certain
judgment. I hold every thing that has been faid
on the numbers in America to be good for nothing,
except in certain places where they have proceeded
on adual numeration. When writers ftate, that the
inhabitants in America double themfelves in twenty
or twenty-five years, they fpeak by guefs, and they
fay nothing. It may be under or over the truth in
certain places ; but there are others in which they
become twenty times the number in feven years.
I do not know, and therefore will not attempt
to conjecSbure, how faft mankind may multiplv in a
country that is in the moll favourable ftate po'ffible,
both in itfelf, and for receiving an accelTion from
others lefs happily circumftanced. What is more
certain, as well as of more importance to obferve,
is, that the Britifh colonies in North- America, have
in this refpeca exceeded every other country upon
the face of the earth.
What has caufed this difference ? Does the cli-
mate of Britain naturally produce more Mafdom,
ftrength and adivity, than that of France, Spain, or
Portugal? Surely not, or wo to America itfelf 5
for the beft of its colonies are in the climate
of thefe very countries. It is therefore without
doubt owing to the liberty which pervades the
Britifli conftitution, and came with the colonifts to
68 REFLECTIONS ON
this part of the earth. Montefqiiieu has, with
iniinitable be.iuty, fhewn, that the natural caufes of
population or depopulation, are not half fo power-
ful as the moral caufes ; by which laft he means
the (late of fociety, the form of government, and
the manners of the people. \ War, famine, and
peflilence are fcarcely felt, where there is liberty
and equal laws. / The wound made by thofe fore
judgments is fpeedily clofed by the vigour of the con-
flitution-, whereas, in a more fickly frame, a trifling
fcratch will rankle and produce long dife^ife, or
perhaps terminate in deatn. We need go no fur-
ther than our own country to have full proof of the
force of liberty. The fouthern colonies, blefled as
they are with a fuperior foil and more powerful
fun, are yet greatly inferior to Pennfylvania and
New England, in numbers, Rrength, and value of
land in proportion to its quantity. The matter is
eafily folved. The conilitutions of thefe latter
colonics are more favourable to univerfal induftry.
But with all the differences between one colony
and another, America in general, by its gradual
improvement, not long ago exhibited a fpe<SlacIe,
the mod delightful that can be conceived, to a
benevolent and contemplative mind. A country
growing every year in beauty and fertility, the
people growmg in numbers and wealth, arts, and
fciences, carefully cultivated and confcantly advan-
cing, and poffeinng fecurity of property by hberty
and equal laws, which are the true and proper
fource of all the reft. While things v/ere in this
fituation, Great-Britain reaped a great, unenvied,
and ilill increafing proiit from the trade of the
PUBLIC AFFAIRS. y i
colonies. I am neither fo weak as to believe, nor
fo foolifh as to affirm, as fome did in the begin-
ning of this conteft, that the colony trade was the
whole fupport of a majority of the people in Great
Britain. How could any perfon of relle£lion fup-
pofe that the foreign trade of three millions of
people, could be the chief fupport of eight millions,
when the internal trade of thefe eight millions
them.felves, is and muft be the fupport of double
the number that could be fupported by the trade of
America, befides their trade to every other part o
the world ? But our trade was ftill of great impor-
tance and value, and yielded to Great Britain yearly
a profit vaflly fuperior to any thing they could
reafonably hope to draw from taxes and impofitions
although they had been fubmitted to without com-
plaint.
This however did not fatisfy the king, miniflry
and parliament of Great Britain. They formed
golden, but miftaken and delufive hopes of lighten^
ing their own burdens by levying taxes from us.
They formed various plans, and attempted various
meafures, not the moil prudent I confefs, for carry-
ing their purpofe into effect. The ultimate pur-
pose itfelf was in fome degree covered at firft, and
they hoped to bring it about by flow and imper-
ceptible fteps. In fome inftances the impofition
was in itfelf of little confequence ; as appointing
the colonies to furnifh fait, pepper and vinegar to
the troops. But the laudable knd jealous fpirit of
liberty was alive and awake, and hardly fuiFered
any of them to pafs unobferved or unrefifled. Pub-
lic fpirited writers took care that it fhould not
Vol. IX. G
72 REFLECTIONS, ^C»
fleep; and in particular the celebrated Pennfylvanla
Farmer's Letters were of fignal fervice, by furnifh-
the lovers of their country with fa£ls, and illuftra-
ting the rights and privileges which it was their duty
to defend.
The iaft attempt made by the miniftry in the
way of art and addrefs, was repealing the a£l lay-
ing duties on paper, glafs, and painter's colours, and
leaving a fmall duty on tea, attended with fuch
circumftances, that the tea fhould come to us no
dearer, but perhaps cheaper, than before. This
was evidently with defign that we might be induced
to let it pafs, and fo the claim having once taken
place, might be carried in other inftances to the
greateft height. This manoeuvre, however, did not
elude the vigilance of a public fpiritcd people.
The whole colonies declared their refolution never
to receive it.
THOUGHTS
O N
AMERICAN L I B E Pv T Y.
THE Congrefs is, properly fpeaklng, the reprefen-
tatlvc of the great body of the per-pl j of North
America. Their election is for a partlcuhjr purpofe,
and a particular feafon onlyj It is quite difthict from
the aflemblles of the feveral provinces. What will
be before them, is quite dlirerent from what was or
could be in the view of the electors, when the af-
femblies are chofen. Therefore thofe provinces
are wrong, wlio committed it to the aiTembly as
fuch, to fend deleg?.tes, though in fome provinces,
fuch as Bofton and Virginia, and fome others, the
unanimity of fentim.ent is fuch, as to make it the
fame thing in effe£t.
It is at leaft extremely uncertain, whether it
could be proper or fafe for the Congrefs to fend,
either ambalT.ulors, petition or addrefs, directly to
king or parliament, or both. They may treat them
as a diforderly, unconftltutional m.eeting — they may
hold their meeting Itfelf to be criminal— ^they may
Und fo many objections in point of legal forjn, that
G2
74 THOUGHTS ON
it is plainly in the power of thofe who wifh to be
able to do it, to deaden the zeal of the multitude
in the colonics, by ambiguous, dilatory, frivolous
anfwers, perhaps feverer meafures. It is certain
that this Congrefs is different from any regular
exertion, in the accuflomed forms of a quiet, ap-
proved, fettled conilitution. It is an interruptio n
or fufpenfion of the ufual forms, and an appeal to the
great law of reafon, the firft principles of the focial
union, and the multitude collectively, for whofe
benefit all the particular lav/s and cuftoms of a
conftituted ftate, are fuppofed to have been origi-
nally eflabliflied.
There is not the lead reafon, as yet, to think that
cither the king, the parliament, or even the people
of Great Britain, have been able to enter into the
great principles of univerfal liberty, or are will-
ing to hear the difcuffion of the point of right,
without prejudice. They have not only taken no
pains to convince us that fubmiflion to their claim
is confident with liberty among us, but it is doubt-
ful whether they expert or defire we (hould be
convinced of it. It feems rather that they mean
to force us to be abfolute Haves, knowing ourfelves
to be fuch by the hard law of necefTity. If this is
not their meaning, and they wifh us to believe that
our properties and lives are quite fafe in the abfo-
lute difpofal of the Britifli Parliament, the late afts
with refpcO: to Bofton, to ruin their capital, deftroy
their charter, and grant the foldlers a licence to
murder them, are certainly arguments of a very
fmgular nature.
Therefore it follows, that the great object of the
AMERICAN LIBERTY. 75
apprOacKing Congrefs fhould be to unite the colo-
nies, and make them as one body, in any meafure
of felf-defence, to aflure the people of Great Bri-
tain that we will not fubmit voluntarily, and con-
vince them that it would be either impoffible or
unprofitable for them to compel us by open vio-
lence.
For this purpofe, the following refolutlons and
recommendations are fubmitted to their confidera-
tion : —
1. To profefs as all the provincial and county
rulers have done, our loyalty to the king, and our
backwardnefs to break our connection with Great
Britain, if we are not forced by their unjuft impolF-
tions. Here it may not be improper to compare
our pad condudl: with that of Great Britain itfelf,
and perhaps explicitly to profefs our deteflation of
the virulent and infolent abufe of his majefty's per-
fon and family, which fo many have been guilty o£
in that iiland,
2. To declare, not only that we eflieem the claim
of the Britifh Parliament to be illegal and unconfti-
tutional, but that we are firmly determined never to-
fubmit to it, and do deliberately prefer war with
all its horrors, and even extermination itfelf, to fla*
very rivetted on us and our pofterity.
3. To refolve that we will adhere to the intereft
of the whole body, and that no colony (hall make
its feparate peace, or from the hope of partial dif-
tinclion, leave others as the victims of minifterial
vengeance, but that we will continue united, and
purfue the fame meafures, till American liberty is
fettled on a folid bafis, and in particular, till the
G3
?<' TlIbUGIITS OK
now fuffering colony of Mafia chufetts Bay is re-
Itored to all the rights of which it has been, on this
occafion, unjuftly deprived.
4. That a non-importation agreement, which has
been too long delayed, fhould be entered into im-
mediately, and at the fame time, a general non-
confumptive agreement, as to all Britifli goods at
lead, fhould be circulated univerfally through the
country, and take place immediately, that thofe
who have retarded the non-importation agreement,
may not make a profit to themfelves by this injury
to their country.
5. That fome of the moft efFe£l:ual meafurcs
fliould be taken to promote, not only induftry in
general, but manufa(£tures in particular ; fuch as
granting premiums in different colonies fcr ma-
nufa£l:ures which can be produced in them ; ap-
pomting public markets for all the materials of ma-
nufa(fl:ure ; inviting ov6r and encouraging able ma-
nufacturers in every branch ; and appointing fo-
cieties in every great city, efpecially in principal
fea-portr, to receive fubfcriptions for diredling and
encouraging emigrants who fliall come over from
Europe, whether manufacturers or labourers, and
publiftiing propofals for this purpofe, in the Britifh
newfpapers.
6. That it be recommended to the legiflature of
every colony, to put their militia upon the befl
footing ; and to all Americans to provide them-
felves with arms, in cafe of a war with the Indians,
French or Roman Catholics, or in cafe they fhould
be reduced to the hard necefTity of defending them-
felves from murder and alTaflinatLon.
AMERICAN LIBERTY. 77
7. That a committee fhould be appointed to
draw up an earnefl and afFe£tionate addrefs to the
army and navy, putting them in mind of their cha-
racter as Britons, the reproach which they will
bring upon themfelves, and the danger to whiclv
they will be expofed, if they allow themfelves to be
the inftruments of enllaving their country.
8. That a plan of union fliould be laid down for
all the colonies, fo that, as formerly, they may cor-
refpond and afcertain how they fliall effe£l:uaily co-
operate in fuch meafures as fhall be neceflary to their
common defence. — — —
ON THE
CONTROVERSY
ABOUT
INDEPENDENCE
SIR,
1BEG leave by your affiftance, to publlfh a few
thoughts upon the manner of condud^ing, what
I think is now called the independent controverfy^
in which this country in general is fo greatly inte-
refled. Every one knows that when the claims oF
the Britifh Parliament were openly made, and vio-
lently enforced, the moft precife and determined
refolutions were entered into, and publiflied by
every colony, every county, and almoft every town-
fhip or fmaller diftri£t, that they would not fub-
mit to them. This was clearly exprelTed in the
greateft part of them, and ought to be under-
ftood as the implied fenfe of them all, not only
that they would not fooji or eaftly^ but that they
would ncvery on any events fubmit to them. For my
own part, I confefs, I never would have figned
thefc refolves at firft, nor taken up arms in confe-
quence of them afterwards, if I had not been fully
€N THE CONTROVERSY, &€. 79
convinced, as I am ftill, that acquiefcence in this
ufurped power, would be followed by the total andab-
folute ruin of the colonies. They would have been
no better than tributry ftates to a kingdom at a great
diftance from them. They would have been therefore,
as has been the cafe with all ftates in a fimilar fitua-
tion from the begining of the world, the ferv^nts of
fervants from generation to generation. For this
reafon I declare it to have been my meaning, and I
know it was the meaning of thoufaiids more, that
tliough we earneftly wiihed for reconciliation witli
fafety to our liberties, yet we did deliberately pre-
fer, not only the horrors of a civil war, not only the
danger of anarchy, and the uncertainty of a new
fettlement, but even extermination itfelf, to flavery^.
rivetted on us and our pofterity.
The moft peaceable means were firft ufed ; but.
no relaxation could be obtained ; one arbitrary and
oppreflive act followed after another ; they deftroyed
the property of a Vv'hole capital-^ — fubverted to its
very foundation, the conftitution and government
of a whole colony, and granted the foldiers a liberty
of murdering in ?J1 the colonies. I exprefs it thus,
becaufe they were not to be called to account for it
Vvflierc it was committed, which every body muft al-
low was a temporary, and undoubtedly, in ninety-
nine cafes of an hundred, muft have ifiued in a
total impunity. There is one circumftance however
in my opinion, much more curious than all the reft..
The reader will fay, What can this be "■ It Is the
following, which I beg miay be particularly at-
tended ta: — While all this was a doing, the king
in his fpeeches, the parliament in their a6ls, and the
So ON THE CONTROVERST
people of Great Britain in their ackirefles, never
failed to extol their own lenity. I do not infer from
this, that the king, parliament and people of Great
Britain arc all barbarians and favages — the inference
is unnecefFary and unjuft : But I infer the mifery of
the people of America, if they muft fubmit in all cafes
luhatfoevery to the decifions of a body of the fons of
Adam, fo dillant from them, and who have an
interefl in oppreiTmg them. It has been my opinion
from the begi'.ung, that Vv^e did not carry pur rca-
foning fully home, when we complained of an ar-
bitrary prince, or of the infolence, cruelty and ob-
flinacy of Lord North, Lord Bute, or I^ord Mans-
field. What v/e have to fear, and what we have
now to grapple with, is the ignorance, prejudice,
partiality and injuftice of human nature. Neither
king nor miniftry, could have done, nor durft have
attempted what we have fecn, if they had not had
the nation on their fide. The friends of America
in England are few in number, and contemptible in
influence ; nor mud I omit, that even of thefe few,
not one, till very lately, ever reafoned the Ameri-
can caufe upon its proper principles, or viewed it
in its proper light.
Petitions on petitions have been prefented to
king and parliament, and an addrefs fent to the
people of Great Britain, which have not merely
been fruitlefs, but treated with the higheft degree
of difdain. The conduct of the Britifli miniftry
during the whole of this conteft, as has been often
obfcrvcd, has been fuch, as to irritate the whole
people of this continent to the higheft degree, and
unite them together by the firm bond of neceflity
ABOUT INDEPENDENCE. 8 I
and common intereft. In this refpe£l they have
ferved us in the moft effential manner. I am
firmly perfuaded, that had the wifeft heads in
America met together to contrive what meafures
the miniftry fhould follow to ftrengthen the Ame-
rican oppofition and defeat their own defigns, they
could not have fallen upon a plan fo efFe6i:ual, as
that which has been Iteadily purfued. One in-
ftance I cannot help mentioning, becaufe it was
both of more importance, and lefs to be expe8:ed
than any other. When a majority of the New-
York AfTembly, to their eternal infamy, attempted
to break the union of the colonies, by refufmg to
approve the proceedings of the Congrefs, and ap-
plying to Parliament by feparate petition — becaufe
they prefumed to make mention of the principal
grievance of taxation, it was treated with ineffable
contempt. I defire it may be obferved, that all
thofe who are called the friends of America in Par-
liament, pleaded ftrongly for receiving the New-
York petition ; which plainly fhewed, that neither
the one nor the other underftood the ftate of affairs
in America. Had the miniftry been prudent, or
the oppofition fuccefsful, we had been ruined j but
with what tranfport did every friend to American
liberty hear, that thefe traitors to the common caufe
had met with the reception which they deferved.
Nothing is more manifeft, than that the people
of Great Britain, and even the king and miniftry,
have been hitherto exceedingly ignorant of the ftate
of things in America. For this reafon, their mea-
fures have been ridiculous in the higheft degree,
and the ilTue dlfgraceful. There are fome who
82 ON THE CONTROVERSY
will not believe that they are ignorant — they tell us,
liow can this be ? Hare they not multitudes in
this country who gave them intelligence from the
beginning ? Yes they have : but they vi^ould truft
none but what they called oiBcial intelligence, that
is to fay, from obfequious, interefted tools of go-
vernment •, • many of them knew little of the true
ftate of things themfelves, and when they did,
would not tell it, left it fhould be difagreeable.
I have not a very high opinion of the integrity and
candour of Dr C , Dr C , and other
mercenary writers in New- York ; yet I firmly be-
lieve, that they thought the friends of American
liberty much more inconfiderable, both for weight
nnd numbers, than they were. They converfed
with few but thofe pf their own v/ay of thinking,
:and according to the common deception of little
minds, miftook the feptiments prevailing within
the circle of their own acquaintance, for the judg-
ment of the public. — — —
OK
CONDUCTING
THE
AMERICAN CONTROVERSY
I
SIR,
TAKE the liberty, by means of your free and
uninfluenced profs, of communicating to the
public a few remarks upon the manner of conduc-
ing the American controverfy in general, and on
feme of the writers that have ?.ppeared in your paper
in particular. That you may not pafs fentence-
upon me immediately as an enemy to the royal au-
thority, and a fon of fedition, I declare that I efleem
his majefly king George the third to have the only
rightful and lawful title to the Britifh cro\¥n, which,
was fettled upon his family in confequeiice of the
glorious revolution. You will fay, this is nothing
at all •, it is the creed of the faftious Boftonians.
I will then go a little further, and fay, that I not only
revere him as the firll: magiftrate of the realm, but
I love and honour him. as a man, and am perfuaded
that he wifhes the profperity and happi-.cls of his
people in every part cf his dominions. Nay, I
VcL. IX. H
§4 ON CONDUCTING
have dill more to fay, I do not tliuik the Britifla
niiniftry thcmfelves have deferved all the abufe and
foul names that have been bellowed on then\ by poli-
tical writers. The ft eps which they have taken with
ref]^e6l to American affairs, and which I efteem to
be unjuft, impolitic, and barbarous to the highefl
degree, have been chiefly owing to the two follow-
ing caufes. I. Ignorance or mifcake, occafioned by
the mifinformation of interefted and treacherous
perfons employed in their fervice. 2. The pre-
judices common to them, with perfons of all ranks
in the ifland of Great Britain.
Of the firft of thefe, I fhall fay nothing at pre-
fent, becaufe perhaps it may occur with as great
propriety afterwards. But as to the feccnd, there
is to be found in the newfpaperi enough to convince
every man of reflection, that it was not the king
and the niiniftry only, but the vidiole nation that
was enraged againft America. The tide is but
^uft beginning to turn 5 and I am in fome doubt
whether it has fairly turned yet, upon any larger
principles than a regard to their own intereft,
which may be afl-ecled by our proceedings. It can
hardly be expeCled, that the eyes of a whole nation
ihould be at once opened upon the generous prin-
ciples of univerfal liberty. It is natural for the
multitude in Britain, who have been from their in-
fancy taught to look upon an act of parliament as
fupreme and irreriftible, and to confider the liberty
of their country itfelf as conflfting in the dominion
of the houfe of commons, to be furprifed and
aftonilhcd at any focicty cr body of men, calling in
qucftioii tlae authority of parliament, and denying
THE AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. 85
its power over them. It certainly required time to
make them fenfible that things are in fuch a fitiia-
tion in America, that for the houfe of commons in
Great Britain to afTume the uncontrouled power of
impofing taxes upon American property, would be
as inconfifient with the fpirit of the Britifh conftitu-
tion, as it appears at firfl fight agreeable to its form.
It argiics great, ignorance of human nature to fup-
pofe, that becaufe we fee a thing clearly, which we
contemplate every day, and v.'hich it is our intereffc
to believe and maintain, therefore they are deftitute
of honour and truth who do not acknowledge it im-
mediately, though all their former ideas and habits
have led them to a contrary fuppofition. A m.an
"ivill become an American by rcuding in the country
three rnonths, v/ith a picfpe£l: of continuing, more
eafdy and certainly than by reading or hearing of
it for three years, aniidfc the fophiflry of daily dif-
putation.
For thefe reafons, I have often been grieved to
{ce that the pleaders for American liberty, have
mixed fo much of abufe and inventive a^ainfl the
niiniftry in general, as well as particular perfons,
with their reafonings in fupport of their own moft
rlgliteous claim. I have often faid to friends of
America, on that fubjecl, it is not the king and
miniitry, fo much as the prejudices of Britons,
with which you have to contend. Spare no pains
to have them fully informed. 'Add to the im«
moveable firmnefs with which you juflly fupport
your own rights, a continual folicitude to convince
the people of Britain, that it is not paiTion but
reafon that infpires you."' Tell them it cannot be-
H 2
86 ON CONDUCTING
ambition, but neceiTity, that makes you run an
evident ri(k of the heavieft fufferings, rather than
forfeit for yourfelves and your pofterity, the grcateft
of all earthly bleflings.
Another circumftance gave me flill more unenfi-
nefs, viz. that many American patriots feemed to
countenance, and to think themfelves interefted in
the profperity of that moft defpicable of all fa6lions
that ever exifled in. the Britiih empire, headed by
the celebrated John Wilkes, Efq. That fliamelefs
gang carried on their attacks with fuch grofs, and
indecent, and groundless abufe of the king and his
family, that they became odious to the nation, and
indeed fo contemptible, that the miniftry fent at
one time the lord mayor of London to the tower,
without exciting the lead refentment in the pcrfons
of property in that great city, fo as to bo felt in the
operations of the treafury.
I am fenfible, and I mention it with pleafure,,
that no American ever proceeded to fuch offen-
live extravagance on thcfe fubjedls, as the peoplo
in Britain. Far greater infults were offered te
the fovereign, witliin the city of London, and
within the verge of the court, than ever were
thought of, or would have been permitted, by the
mob in any part of America. Even the writings con-
taining illiberal abufe from England, were fcarccly
fought after here, and many of them never publifh-
ed, althou'.^h it could have been done without the
leaft danger of a profecution. Yet, though the
people of America are as dutiful and refpee^ful
fubjecls to the king as any in his dominions, there
were fome things done, and feme things publiflied.
THE AMERICAN CONTROVERSY. 87
fLat feemed to intimate that we had one and the-
fame caufe with the author of the North Britain, No.
45. The evil confequence of this was, that it had
a tendency to lead the king and miniftry to think
that the American claim was no better than the
Wilkite clamour, and fo to oppofe it with the fame
fxrmnefs, and to treat it with the fame difdain.
Nothing could be more injudicious than this cou-
duft in the Americans ; and it arofe from the moft
abfolute ignorance of political hiftory. The (lamp--
aft, that firft-born of American oppreffions, was-
framed by the chief men of that very fadlion ; and
it is plain from their language to this hour, that
they make no other ufe of American dlfturbances^
but as engines of oppoiition, and to ferve the meaii-
purpofes of party or of family interefl.
I do not mean by this to take any part with or'
againft the prefent miniftry. I have feen many
changes of the miniftry, without any fenfible change
of the (late of public affairs. Nothing is more-
common with them than to raife a hideous outcry
againft a meafure, when they are .out, and yet,,
without fliame or confcience, do the vefy fame*
thing as foon as they get in. I look upon the~
caufe of America at prefent to be a matter of truly
inexpreiTible m.cment. The (late of the human;
race through a great part of the globe, for ares to-
come, depends upon it. Any minifter or miniftry,.
who is in or out of court-favour, at a particular
junfture, is fo little a m.itter, that it fnould not be-*
named with it.
113
A R I S T I D E S.
SIR,
HAVE a few thoughts to communicate, firft to
yoLirfelf, and after thnt, if you pJeafe, to the
public, upon the manner of condu6ling what is now
called the independent controverfy, in the ncwi-
papers. There are to be found in the tracts upon
one fide of , this quellion, almoft without exception,
complaints of fome reltraints, felt or feared, upon
the freedoin of the prefs. I fhall be glad to be in-
formed, becaufe I am yet ignorant, what founda-
tion there is for thefe complaints. A pamphlet
was publifhed fometime ago, calling itfelf Connnon
Senfe, which nobody was obliged to read, but thole
who v/ere willing to pay for it, and that pretty
dearly too. It was however read very generally,
which I fuppofe mufl have arifen either from the
beauty and elegance of the compofition, or from
the tvutli and importance of the matter contained
iiv it. That it did not arife from the (irvl of thefe
caufes, I fliall take for granted, until I meet with
fomebody who is of a different ophiion ; and when
this is added to the circumftance of its being fold
in the manner ^iiove mentioned, it is plain that the
fubie£l matter of Common Senfe was propofed to
the world under every difadvantage, hut that of its
o\vn manifeft importance and npparent truth or
probability.
ARISTIDES. 89
Things being in this fituation, after time fufh-
clent to have matured any pamphlet of mi ordinary
fize, out comes an anfwer to Common Stnfe^ under
the title of Plain Truth. This, in one refpeiSl, was
perfeclly fair, for it was pamphlet againil pamphlet ;
and the faid Plain Truth alfo was fold, as well as
Common Senfe, at a very high price. For this lad
circumftance, there was no need for affigning a rea-
fr)n, becaufe I apprehend it is the undoubted right
of every author, to fet what price he pleafes upon
the produ6i:ions of his genius, and of every printer
upon the produ6lions of his prefs, leaving it always?
to the public to determine whether tliey will pur-
chafe thefe productions at tliat price, or any other.
A reafon however was affigned, which was as An-
gular as it Vv-as uaneceirary. We were told that
only a fmall number of copies was printed of i[\e
Jirjl edition, I believe this is the only inftance that
can be produced, of calling a bock in its publica-
tion, the firll edition. The only reafon of m.aking
more editions than one of any bock, is the fpeedy
fale cf that number of copies, which the modefty of
the author, or the prudence of the bookfeller,
thought might be fufhcient for the public demand.
In this cafe, there is what is ftated by the printers
a call for another edition. But there are multi-
tudes of publications, as to which this call is never
heard, and therefore none of them c?.n, with pro-
priety of fpeech be (iyled the firft edition. How
would it found if I fl^iould fay, that a m.an who came
alone into my houfe, was the firft of the company
that entered ; or that my wife, who is llill alive and
well; is my firft wife, when it is very polTible that
90 ARtSTlDEg.
ihe may live till I am unfit for any ©rher wife, cr
till {he is at liberty to take a fecond hufband ?
But further, fuppofing that the author and book-
feller had been right in that expectation, which the
ufe of the phrafe plainly fhews the vanity of the one
and the miftake of the other had raifed in them, I
defire to know how that was a reafon for printing
few copies, and thus rendering them unccnfciona-
b]y dear. You printers know beft, but I take it for
granted from the nature of the thing, that you print
feweft copies of a book, when you do not expe£t a
general fale. If I were certain that this diflertation
of mine would caufe an unufual demand for the pa-
per that contains it, I would modeftly fuggeft to
you, to print three or four hundred of that number
more than common. In like m.anner, if it was cer-
tain at the appearance of this pamphlet, that it
would be the firft of many editions, following one'
another in rapid fucceflion, it feems the moft ob-
vious thing in the world that the edition fliould have
been as large as pofTible. Upon the whole, this
was an unlucky {tumble at the threfhold in the au-
thor of Plain Truth, as well as an unexpected lap-
fus of the great, illuftrious, and exalted R. B. Pro-
vidore, as he calls himfelf, to the fentimentalifts,
for which I find no way of accounting, but that
they were inadvertently led by the fubjecl they had
in hand to a6t, as well as write, in direct oppofition.
to Common Senfe.
Well, the book comes out, of which I had a pre-
fent of two copies, from different perfons, notwith-
{tanding the fmallnefs of tlie number printed. But
what {hall I fiiy, either of the {lyle or reafoning o£
ARISTIDES. 91
the performance. The reading of three pages gave
me the opinion of it, which all who read it after-
wards concurred in, and which all who have not
read it eafily acquiefced in. In execution it v/as
fo contemptible, that it could not procure a reading
on a fubje£^, as to which, the curiofity of the pub-
lic was raifed to the greateil height ; it not only
wanted good qualities in point of tafte and proprle- ^
ty, but wa^ eminently poiTefTed of every bad one.
Common Senfe foiriCtimes failed in grammar, but
never in perfpicuity. Plain Truth was fo ridicu-
loally ornamented with vapid, fenfeiefs phrafes, and
feeble epithets, that his meaning could hardly be
comprehended. He often put me in mini of the
painted v. indows of fome old gothic buildings, which
keep out the light. If Common Senfe in fome places
wanted pollfh. Plain Truth was covered over, from
head to foot, v/ith a deteftable and ftinking varnifh.
As to the argument itfelf, although nothing could
be more clearly ftated than it was in Common
Senfe, yet in Plain Truth it was never touched up-
on in the leaft degree. The author of Common
Senfe did not write his book to fhcw that we ought
to refill the unconflitutional claims of Great Britain,
which we had all determined to do long before ; he
vTo:e it to (new that we ought not to feek or wait
for a reconciliation, which in his opinion, is now
become both impracticable and unprofitable, but ta
eftablifii a fixed regular government, and provide
for ourfelves. — Plain Truth, on the contrary, never
attempts to fnew that there is the lead probability
cf cbtainiro; reconciiiaticn on fuch terms as will pre-
fers'e and fecure our liberties, but has exerted aU
92 iRISTIDES.
his little force, to prove, that fuch is the flrength
of Great Britain, that it will be in vain for us to
refifl at all. I will refer it to the impartial judg-
ment of all who have read this treatife, whether the
jufl and proper inference from his reafoning is not,
that we ought immediately to fend an embafly with
ropes about their necks, to make a full and humble
furrender of ourfelves and all OLfr property to the
difpofal of the parent flate. This tliey have for-
mally and explicitly demanded of us, and this v/e
have v.'ith equal clearnefs determined we will never
do. The queflion then ie ; Shall we make refif-
tance v/ith the gieateft force, as rebel fubje^ls of a
government v/hich we acknowledge, or z> indepen-
dent flates againil: an ufurped pov/er which w^
deted and abhor ?
After this reprobated author was ofFthe ftage, a
new fet of antagonifts appeared againft Common
Senfe *, but inftead of publifhing the firit edition of
pamphlets, they chofe to appear in the newfpapers.
The propriety of this I beg leave to examine.
Much has been faid about the liberty of the prefs ;
fufFer me to fay a few words for the liberty of
readers. V7hen a pamphlet is publifhed and fold,
nobody is wronged. When the anfwer to it is
publiilied and fold, the thing is quite fair. The
writers and their caufe will undergo an impartial
trial *, but when the anfwering one pamphlet by
another, has fo fhamefuUy failed, to undertake the
fame thing by various detached pieces in the newf-
papcrs, is cramming the fenfe or nonfenfe of thefe
authors down our throats, whether w^e will or
^ot. I pay for your newfpaper, and for two more^
ARISTIDES. pj
and frequently read others befides. Now, if I
pay for news, mufl my paper be flutfed with
diflertations, and muft I read them four or five
times over ? I do declare, that I have paid, and
am to pay, three times for the moil part of
Cato's letters, and if they were to be publiflied in
a pamphlet, I would not give a rufh for them alto-
gether. But it will be faid, the cuftom is old and
univerfal, to write diflertations in newfpapers. I
anfwer, it is both old, univerfal, and ufeful, when
under proper dire6lion ; but it may be abufed. It
is the right of every publiflier of a newfpaper to
ir4fert in it upon his own judgment and choice,
when news are fcarce, whatever he thinks will re-
commend his paper to his readers. In this view,
an able writer is a treafure to a publifher of any
periodical paper, ?.nd ought certainly to be paid li-
berally, either in money or thanks, or both ; and
therefore. Sir, if you have paid for, or even folicited
from the author, the papers you have publifned,
you are wholly acquitted of blame, further than
fometim.es a miilaken choice ; but if, on the con-
trary, which I flrongly fufpeft, you and others are
paid for inferting political pieces, I affirm, you take
money to deceive your readers.
As the fubje6l is of feme importance, efpecially
at this time, I fhall take the liberty of ftating the
objetlions I have again It the pra6lice, as above de-
fcribed, leaving you to fliape your future courfe as
you think proper, and determiining to ufe my pre-
rogative of taking or giving up your paper as it
feems to deferve. In the firjl place, if you admit
pieces into your paper for pay, I prefume from the
94 ARISTIDES.
nature of all mankhul, that thofe who pay beil, will
have the preference. Then fhall we have a new
flanclard of literary merit ; and a man who is able
anci willing to refute pernicious principles, or to
dete£l: the falfehood of impudent aflertions, may
yet be too poor to obtain a place, where only it can
be done to ^ny good purpofes. The moment it is
in the power of perfons unknown, to condu<Sl: or
bias the public channels of intelligence, both the
people in general, and particular perfons, may be
deceived and abufed in the grofieft manner. It is
fc.irce worth while, when things of fo much greater
moment are to be added, yet I will juil mention,
that you force nonfenfe upon us which could not
make its appearance in any other mode of pubiica-
, tion. Pi ay, Sir, how much copy money would you
have given for a pamphlet in which you had found
that ridiculous pan upon Mount Seir, which is to
be feen in one of Cato's letters, and the wretched
parody upon Hamlet's folilcquy ? Parody in gene-
ral, is one of tlie lowed kind of writing that has yet
found a name •, and that poor fpeech has been re-
peated, imitated, and mangled fo often, that it muft
excite difguft in every perfon who has any acquain-
tance with newfpapers and pamphlets to fee it
again. I could eafily mention twenty different
v^Ayr,) in which I have feen that fpeech parodied.
To fpeak, or not to fpeak, that is the quollion — To
fight, or not to fight, that is the quefiion — To wed,
or not to wed, that is the quefl:ion — ^To drink, or
not to drink, that is the queRion, is*c, isfc. ^c: Is
this then a time for filling the newfpapers with
fucli egregious trifling ?
ari$ti6e§. 95
But this is not all ; I could mention a cafe that
happened a few years ago in New York. A gen-
tleman had publiftied a fmall piece by itfelf, and
put his own name and defcription on the title page;
he was immediately attacked in the moft virulent
and unmannerly flyle, by anonymous writers" in the
newfpapers, and it was with the utmoft difficulty^
that even for pay itfelf, his friends could get a
few words inferted by way of reply. This prac-
tice, indeed, is liable to the higheft degree of cor-
ruption. Whether are we to fuppofe it v/as pay or
profanenefs, that introduced into the paper printed
by the infamous R , pieces containing the
groil*eft obfcenity, and which ought to have been
punifhed by the magiftrates of the place, as a pub-,
lie nuifance? It is alfo generally believed of that
printer, that he encouraged or hired worthlefs per-
fons to publifh afperfions againft a gentleman in th^
neighbourhood, of good eftate, but of no great
judgment, that he might fqueeze money out of
him for the liberty of contradicting them. I do
not fay that things are come this length with you ;
but the pra£tice leads to it, and therefore fhould be
early and vigoroufly oppofed.
For the above reafons, caution is to be ufed in
admitting eflays into he newfpapers at any rate, or
fufFering a controverfy in which people are greatly
interefted, to be agitated there at all. The wri-
ters are very apt to become perfonal and abulive,
-and to forget the fubje£l: by refuting or expofing
every thing that has been thrown out by their anta-
gonifls. Certainly, however, they ought to con-
fine themfelves to the pieces that have been origi-
Vol. IX. I
96 ARISTIDES.
nally publlflied in <he newfpnpers, and are fuppofcd
to have been read by the fame perfons who read
the anfvvers. To anfwer a whole book by a feries
of letters in the newfpapers, is like attacking a man
behind his back, and fpeaking to his prejudice be-
fore perfons who never faw nor heard of him, nor
are ever likely fo to do. Common Senfe has been
read by many, yet the newfpapers are read by
many more ; and therefore I affirm, that permit-
ting his adverfaries to attack him there, is giving
them an undue advantage over him, and laying the
public at the mercy of thofe who will not Hick to
aflert any thing whatever in fupport of a bad caufe.
Let no body fay I am writing againfl the free-
dom of the prefs. I defire that it fhould be per-
fectly free from every bias; but I would have all wri-
tings of confequence upon fuch a caufe as this, pub-
liflied by themfelves, that they may (land or fall by
their own merit, and the judgment of the public.
How do you think. Sir, the letter of the common
man publifhed in your paper, fome time ago,
would do if lengthened out a little, and printed in a
pamphlet ? Under a thin and filly pretence of im-
partiality, he takes upon him to tell us what a num-
ber of things muft be all previoufly fettled, before
we proceed to fix upon a regular plan of govern-
ment ; fuch as, what price we mud expe£l for our
produce at this and the other nation and port.
Shall we call this reafoning ? Are our undcrftand-
ings to be infulted ? If all or any fuch things muft
be previoufly fettled, any man of com.mon invcR-
tion may enumerate fifty thoufand perfedlly fimilar,
which will never be fettled by previous computation
ARISTIDES. 97
till the end of the world, but will fpeedily fettle
themfelves by common intereft, when a trade is
open, and the common man fliall never know any
thing of the matter.
But what I chiefly complain of, is the tedious,
trifling, indecent altercation, occafioned by hand-
ling this fubjeft in the newfpapers. It certainly
requires a fpeedy decifion, as well as mature delibe-
ration •, yet mud we wait till Cato and other wri-
ters have exhaufled their invention in the newf-
papers, from week to week, guefl^ed at one ano-
ther's perfons, and triumphantly exprefl^ed their
difdain at each other's fentiments or ftyle. If Cato's
letters had been a pamphlet, I could have read all
that he has f aid in an hour, and all the reafoning;
part by itfelf, in the fourth part of the time; yet
after eight letters, muft we wait fome weeks more,
for it would be indecent to proceed to a£lion before
he has done fpeaking. But after all, the worft of
it is, that in this way of letter and anfwer, we
never come to the argument at all. -If I miftake
not, the points to be 'difcufled are very plain and
not numerous, and yet wholly untouched, at lead
by Cato, though he has been repeatedly called
upon by his adverfaries. For example — Is there a
probable profpe£l: of reconciliation on conftitutional
principles ? What are thefe conftitutional princi-
ples ? Will any body fhew that Great Britain can
be fufliciently fure of our dependence, and yet we
fure of our liberties ? A treatife upon this laft fub-
je6l would be highly acceptable to me, and if well
executed, ufeful to all. I fnall add but one quef-
tion more. Will the country be as orderly and
I 2
«)8 ARISTIDES.
happy, and our efforts for refiftance as effectual, by
the prefent rules and temporary proceedings, as when
the whole are united by a firm confederacy, and
their exertions concentrated like the ftrength of a
fmgle ftate ? I am greatly miftaken if thefe points
ought not to be the hinge of the controverfy, and
yet if they have been examined fully, or the greatell
part of theni even touched upon by Cato or his coad-
jutors, I have read their works with very little at-
tention.
Now, Sir, this paper goes to you, that if you
pleafe you may infert it, but neither money nor
promife of good deed to make way for it, fo thzt
In fate i« wholly uncertain.
I remain. Sir,
Yours, ^c»
ARISTIDES.
PART
OF A
SPEECH IN CON G R E S S,
ON THE
CONFERENCE
PROPOSED BY
LORD HOWE.
Mr President,
THE fubjea we are now upon, is felt and con-
fefTed by us all to be of the utmoft confe-
quence, and perhaps I may alfo fay, of delicacy and
difficulty. I have not been accuftomed in fuch
cafes to make folemn profeflions of impartiality,
and fhall not do it now, becaufe I will not fuppofe
that there are any fufpicions to the contrary in the
minds of thofe who hear me. Befides the variety
of opinions that have been formed and delivered
upon it, feem to prove that we are giving our own
proper judgment, without prejudice or influence;
which I hope will lead to the difcovery of what is
mod wife and expedient upon the whole.
As the deliberation arifes from a meliage fent
to us by Lord Howe, at lead by his permifnon^ I
Is
I0« SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
think it is of importance to attend with greater ex-
acSlnefs to all the circumftances of that meffage,
than has been done by any gentleman who has yet
fpoken on the fubje6b. It comes from the com-
mander in chief of the forces of the king of Great
Britain, and one who is faid to carry a commiflion
to give peace to America.
From the condufl of the miniftry at home, from
the a6l:s of parliament, and from Lord Howe's pro-
clamation in conformity to both, it is plain, that
abfolufce unconditional fubmiffion is what they re-
quire us to agree to, or mean to force us to. And
from the moft authentic private intelligence, the
king has not laid afidehis perfonal rancour; it is ra-
ther increafing every day. In thefe circumftances,
Lord Howe has evidently a great defire to engage
us in a treaty ; and yet he has conftantly avoided
giving up the leaft punftilio on his fide. He could
never be induced to give General Waftiington his
title. He plainly tells us he cannot treat with
Congrefs as fuch ; but he has allowed a prifoner of
war to come and tell us he would be glad to fee us
as private gentlemen.
It has been faid that this is no infult or difgrace
to the Congrefs ; that the point of honour is hard
to be got over, in making the firft advances. This,
Sir, is miftaking the matter wholly. He has got over
this point of honour \ he has made the firft overtures*,
he has told General Wafliington, by Colonel Put-
nam, that he wiflied that mefliige to be confidcred as
making the firft ftep. His renewed attempts by Lord
Prummond, and pow by Generjil Sullivan^ point
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. lOl
out to all the world that he has made the firft ftep.
It will doubtlefs be related at home, and I am of
opinion it is already written and boafted of to the
miniftry at home, that he has taken fuch a part.
Therefore, any evil or condefcenfion that can at-
tend feeking peace firft, has been fubmitted to by
him. Yet has he uniformly avoided any circum-
ftance that can imply that we are any thing elfe but-
fubje£ts of the king of Great Britain, in rebellion.
Such a meflage as this, if in any degree intended
as refpeclful to us, ought to have been fecret ; yet
has it been open as the day. In ihort, fuch a mef-
fage was unneceflary; for if he meant only to com-
municate his mind to the Congrefs by private gen-
tlemen, he might have done that many ways, and it
needed not to have been known either to the public
or the Congrefs, till thefe private gentlemen came
here on purpofe to reveal it — Thefe, then, are the
circumftances which attend this meflage as it is
now before us ; and the queftion is, fhall we com-
ply with it in any degree, or not ? Let us afk what
benefit will be derived from it ? There is none yet
fhewn to be poflible. It has been admitted by
every perfon without exception who has fpoken,
that we are not to admit a thought of giving up the
independence we have fo lately declared : and by
the greateft part, if not the whole, that there is
not the leaft reafon to expe£l: that any correfpon-
dence we can have with him will tend to peace.
Yet I think, in the beginning of the debate, fuch rea-
fonings were ufed as feemed to me only to conclude
that we fhould grafp at it as a means of peace.
We were told that it was eafy for us to boaft or
102 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
be valiant here ; but that our armies were running
away before their enemies. I never loved boafting,
neither here nor any where elfe. I look upon it as
almoft a certain forerunner of difgrace. I found
my hope of fuccefs in this caufe, not in the valour
of Americans, or the cowardice of Britons, but
upon the juftice of the caufe, and flill more upon
the nature of things. Britain has firft injured and
inflamed America to the higheft degree j and now
attempts, at the diftance of three thoufand miles,
to carry on war with this whole country, and force
it to abfolute fubmiffion. If we take the whole
events of the war fmce it commenced, we fhall ra-
ther wonder at the uniformity of our fuccefs, than
be furprifed at fome crofs events. We have feen
bravery as well as cowardice in this country ; and
there are no confequences of either that are proba-
ble, that can be worth mentioning as afcertaining
the event of the conteft.
Lord Howe fpeaks of a decifive blow not being
yet ftruck; as if this caufe depended upon one battle,
which could not be avoided. Sir, this is a prodi-
gious miftake. We may fight no battle at all for a
long time, or we may lofe fome battles, as was the
cafe with the Britilh themfelves in the Scotch re-
bellion of 1745, and the caufe notwithftanding be
the fame. I wifh it were confidered, that neither
lofs nor difgrace worth mentioning, has befallen us
in the late engagement, nor comparable to what
the Britilh troops have often fuffered. At the bat-
tle of Prefton, Sir, they broke to pieces, and ran
away like fheep, before a few highlanders. I my-
felf faw them do the fame thing at Falkirk, witir
?ROPOSED BY LOUD HOWE. lOJ
▼ery little difference, a fmall part only of the army-
making a (land, and in a few hours the whole re-
treating with precipitation before their enemies.
Did that make any difference in the caufe ? Not in
the leaft — fo long as the body of the nation were
determined, on principle, againfb the rebels. Nor
would it have made any other difference, but in
time, though they had got poffeffion of London,
which they might have eafily done if they had un-
derftood their bufinefs ; for the militia in England
there gathered together, behaved fifty times worfe
than that of America has done lately. They gene-
rally difbanded and ran off wholly as foon as the
rebels came within ten or twenty miles of them.
In fhort, Sir, from any thing that has happened, I
fee not the leaft reafon for our attending to this de-
lufive meffage. On the contrary, I think it is the
very worft time that could be chofen for us ; as it
will be looked upon as the effe£t of fear, and dif-
fufe the fame fpirit, in fome degree, through diffe-
rent ranks of men.
The improbability of any thing arifing from this
conference, leading to a jufl: and honourable peace,
might be fhewn by arguments too numerous to be
even fo much as named. But what I fhall only
mention is, that we are abfolutely certain, from
every circumftance, from all the proceedings at
home, and Lord Howe's own explicit declaration
in his letter to Dr Franklin, that he never will
acknowledge the independence of the American
States.
I obferved that one or two members faid, in ob-
jedion to the report of the board of war, that it
104 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
was like a ben^ging of the queflion, and making a
preliminary of the whole fubje<Sl in debate. Alas,
Sir, this is a prodigious niiftake. It was not only
not the whole, but it was properly no fubjeO: of
debate at all, till within thefe three months. We
were contending for the reftoration of certain pri-
vileges under the governroent of Great Britain, and
we were praying for re-union with her. But in the
beginning of July, with the univerfal approbation
of all the dates now united, we renounced this
conne61:ion, and declared ourfelves free and inde-
pendent. Shall we bring this into queflion again ^
Is it not a preliminary } has it not been declared a
preliminary by many gentlemen, who have yet gi-
ven their opinion for a conference, while they have
faid they were determined on no account, and on-
110 condition, to give up our independence ? It is
then a necefTary preliminary — and it is quite a dif-
ferent thing from any pun£l:ilios of ceremony. If
France and England were at war, and they were
both defirous of peace, there might be fome little
difficulty as to who fhould make the firfl: propofals;
but if one of them fliould claim the other, as they
did long ago, as a vaflal or dependent fubjecSl, and
fhould fignify a defire to converfe with the other,
or fome deputed by him, and propofe him many
privileges, fo as to make him even better than be-
fore, I defire to know how fuch a propofal would
be received ? If we had been for ages an indepen-
dent republic, we fhould feel this argument with
all its force. That we do not feel it, fliews that
we have not yet acquired the whole ideas and habits
PROPOSED BY LORD HOWE. 10^
.©f independence ; from which I only infer, that
every ftep taken in a correfpondence as now pro-
pofed, will be a virtual or partial renunciation of
that dignity fo lately acquired.
I beg you would obferve, Sir, that Lord Howe
himfelf was fully fenfible that the declaration of in-
dependence precluded any treaty, in the character
in which he appeared ; as he is faid to have lament-
ed that he had not arrived ten days fooner, before
that declaration was made. Hence it appears,
that entering into any correfpondence with him in
the manner now propofed, is actually giving up, or
at leaft fubjeding to a new confideration, the in-
dependence which we have declared. If I may be
allowed to fay it without offence, it feems to me that
fome members have unawares admitted this, though
they are not fenfible of it ; for when they fay that
it is refufing to treat, unlefs the whole be granted
us, they muft mean that fome part of that whole
muft be left to be difcufled and obtained, or yielded,
by the treaty.
But, Sir, many members of this houfe have either
yielded, or at leafl fuppofed, that no defirable
peace, or no real good, could be finally expeded
from this correfpondence, which is wilhed to be fet
on foot ; but they have confidered it as neceffary
in the eye of the public, to fatisfy them that we
are always ready to hear any thing that will reftore
peace to the country. In this view it is confidered
as a fort of trial of (kill between Lord Howe and us
in the political art. As I do truly believe, that
many members of this houfe are determined by
t06 SPEECH ON THE CONFERENCE
this circumftance, I fhall confider it with fome at-
tention. With this view it will be neceflary to
diftinguifli the public in America into three great
claffes. I. The tories, our fecret enemies. 2. The
whigs, the friends of independence, our fmcere
and hearty fupporters. 3. The army, who muft
fight for us.
As to the firft of them, I readily admit that they
are earneft for our treating. They are exulting in
the profpea of it ; they are fpreading innumerable
lies to forward it. They are treating the whigs
already with infult and infolence upon it. It has
brought them from their lurking holes : they have ta-
ken liberty to fay things in confequence of it, w^hich
they durft not have faid before. In one word, if
we fet this negociation on foot, it will give new
force and vigour to all their feditious machinations.
But, Sir, {hall their devices have any influence upon
us at all ? if they have at all, it fhould be to make
us fufpeft that fide of the queftion which they
embrace. In cafes where the expediency of a
meafure is doubtful, if I had an opportunity of
knowing what my enemies wiflied me to do, I
would not be eafiiy induced to follow their advice.
As to the whigs and friends of independence, I
am well perfuaded that multitudes of them are al-
ready clear in their minds, that the conference
fhould be utterly rejected ; and to thofe who are in
doubt about its nature, nothing more will be re-
quifite, than a clear and full information of the
ftate of the cafe, which I hope will be granted
them.
PROPOSED BY LORD HOW£. I07
As to the iMrmy, I cannot help being of opinion,
that nothing will more efFe£lualIy deaden the opera-
tions of war, than what is propofed. "We do not
ourfelves expe6l any benefit from it, but they will.
And they will poflibly impute our conduct to fear
and jealoufy as to the ifTue of the caufe j which
will add to their prefent little difcouragement, and
produce a timorous and defpondent fpirit. — —
Vol. IX. K
SPEECH
IK
CONGRESS,
ON THE
CONVENTION
•WITH
GENERAL BURGOYNE.
I
Mr President,
AM fenfible, as every other gentleman in this
houfe feems to be, of the great importance of
the prefent queflion. It is of much moment, as to
private perfonsy fo to every incorporated fociety, to
preferve its faith and honour in folemn contracts :
and it is efpecially fo to us, as reprefenting the
United States of America, affbciated fo lately, and
juft beginning to appear upon the public flage. I
hope, therefore, we fliall deteft the thoughts of
embracing any meafure which fliall but appear to
be mean, captious, or infidious, whatever advan-
tage may feem to arife from it. On the other
hand, as the interefl of this continent is committed
to our care, it is our duty, and it will be expeded
of us, that we give the utmofl attention that the
ON THE CONVENTION, SiC, 10^
public fufFer no injury by deception, or abufe and
infuit, on the part of our enemies.
On the firft of thefe principles, it is clearly my^
opinion, that we ought, agreeably to the fpirit of the
firft refolution reported, to find, that the conven-
tion is not fo broken, on the part of General Bur-
goyne, as to entitle us to refufe compliance with it
on ours, and detain him and his army as prifoners of
■war. I admit that there is fomething very fufpi-
cious in the circumftance of the colours, when com-
pared with his letter in the London Gazette, which
makes mention of the Britifli colours being feen fly-
ing upon the fort. I agree, at the fame time, that
the pretence of the cartouch boxes not being men-
tioned in the convention is plainly an evafion. They
ought, in fair conftru£lion, to be comprehended un-
der more expreffions of that capitulation than one —
armsj ammunition^ warlike ftores. They were foun-
denlood at the capitulation of St John's. In this
prefent inftance many of them were delivered up>
which certainly ought to have been the cafe with
all or none. And once more, I admit that the de-
lention-of the bayonets in the inftances in which it
was done, v/as undeniably unjaft.
As to the firft of thefe particulars, I am unwill-
ing to diftruft the honour of a gentleman folemnly
given; and therefore'as General Burgoyne has given
his honour to General Gates, that the colours were
left in Canada, I fuppofe It is fubftantially true,
whatever fmall exception there might be to it. The
colours fecn flying at Tyconderoga, were perhaps old
colours occafionally found there, or perhaps taken
from fome of the vefiels lying at the place,. ^msHoi^
K2
J 10 ON THE CONVENTION
ihere when the army proceeded farther up the coun-
try. This is the rather probable, that if the regi«
ments in general had had colours, they muft have
been feen very frequently by our army in the battles,
or upon the march.
As to the other circumftances, they are fo mean
and little in their nature, that I fuppofe them ta
have arifen from the indifcretion of individuals,
<]uite unknown to the commander in chief, or even
to the officers in general.
We ought alfo to confider that it was fo unex-
pected, and mufl have been fo humiliating a thing,
for a whole Britiili army to furrender their arms,
and deliver themfelves up prifoners-to thofe of whom
they had been accuftomed to fpeak^vi^th fuch con-
tempt and difdain — that it is not to be wondered at,,
if the common foldiers did fome things out of fpite
and ill humour, not to be juftified. To all thefe
confiderations, I will only add, that though the
want of the colours deprives us of fome enfigns of
triumph which it would have been very grateful to
the different dates to have diftributed among them,
and to have preferved as monuments of our vitStory,
the other things are fo trifling and unefTential, that
it would probably be coafidered as taking an undue
advantage, if we fliould retain the whole army here
on that account. I would therefore, Sir, have it
clearly aflerted, that though we are not infenfible of
thofe irregularities, and they may contribute to
make us attentive to what (liall hereafter pafs before
the embarkation, we do not confider them as fuch
breaches of the convention, as will authorize us in
juflice to declare it void.
WITH G£nes:al' b^rgoyke. nv
On the other hand. Sir, It is our indifpenfable
duty to ufe the greateft vigilance, and to a6l with
the greateft firmnefs, in feeing that juftice be done
to the American States. Not only caution, but
what I may call jealoufy and fufpicion, is neither
unreafonable nor indecent in fuch a cafe. This will
be juflified by the knowledge of mankind. Hif-
tory affords us many examples of evafive and artful
condu6l in fome of the greateft men and moft refpec-
table nations, when hard prefled by their neceffities,
or when a great advantage was in view. The
behaviour of the Romans when their army was
taken at the Caudine Forks may be produced as
one. The condu6l of the Samnites was not over-
wife •, but that of the Romans was difhonourable to •
the laft degree, though there are civilians who de-
fend it. Their conful, after his army had paffed
through the yoke^ a fymbol at that time of the ut=
moft infamy, made a peace with the Samnites^
The fenate refufed to ratify it ; but kept up a fhew
of regard to the faith plighted, by delivering up the'
Gonful to the Samnites, to be ufed as they thought
proper. That people anfwered, as was eafily fug-
g.efted by plain common fenfe, that it was no re-
paration at all to them to torment or put- one man;
to death ;• but that if they difavowed' the treaty,*
they ouglit^ to fend back the army- to the fame fpot-
of ground in v^hich they had been furrounded. No •
fuch thing.-however, was done. But the Romans,
notwithftanding, immedl-.tely broke the league ;
and with the fame army which had been let go, or
a great part of it, brought the unhappy Samnites to-
deftru6tion. — Such inftances may be braught from <
K3
112 ©N THE CONVENTION
modern as well as ancient times. It is even the
opinion of many perfons of the befl judgment,
that the convention entered into by the late duke of
Cumberland, vv^as by no means flridtly obferved by
the court of London.
When I confider this, Sir, I confefs I look upon'
the expreffion in General Burgoyne's letter to Gene-
ral Gates, of November 14, as of the mod alarming
iiature. For no other or better reafon, even fo^
much as pretended, than that his quarters were
not fo commodious as he expedled, he declares the
public faith is broken and we are the imnrediate Jiifferers.
In this he exprefsly declares and fubfcribes his opi-
nion, that the convention is broken on our part \
and in the laft exprefFion, we are the immediate^
fufferers, every perfon muft perceive a menacing
intimation of who ihall be the fufferers when he
iliall have it in his power.
Being fufliciently fettled as to the principle on
which I fliall found my opinion, it is unnecellary for
me to give an account of the law of nature and na-
tions, or to heap up citations from the numerous
writers on that fubj.e(5t. But that what I fliall fay"
may have the greater force, I beg it may be ob-
ferved, that the law of nature and nations is no-
thing elfe ii?ut the law of general reafon, or thofe
obligations of duty from reafon and confcience, on
one individual to another, antecedent to any par-
ticular law derived from the focial compa£l;, or even
vi£lual confent. On this actount, it is called the law
of nature 5 and becaufe there are very rarely to be
found any parties in fuch a free ftate with regard
to each othcrj except independent nations, there-
WITH GENERAL BURGOYNE. if^
fore It Is alfo called the law of nations. One nation
to another is juft as man to man in a flate of na-
ture. Keeping this in view, a perfon of integrity
will pafs as found a judgment on fubjeds of this
kind, by confulting his own heart, as by turning
over books and fyftems. The chief ufe of books-
and fyftems is, to apply the principle to particular-
cafes and fuppofitions differently claffed, and to
point out the practice of nations in feveral minute
and fpecial particulars, which unlefs afcertained by
pra£lice, would be very uncertain and ambiguous.
But, Sir, I mu{l beg your attention, and.^ that of
the houfe, to the nature of the cafe before us — at
leaft as I think it ought to be flated. I am afraid,
that fome members may be mifled, by confidering
this declaration of General Burgoyne as an irregu-
larity of the fame fpecies, if I may fpeak fo, with,
the other indifcretions or even frauds, if you pleafe
to call them fo, of withholding the cartouch boxes,
or hiding or flealing the bayonets. The queftion
is. not, whetlier this or the other thing done by the
army is a breach of the convention. I have for my
part given up all thefe particulars, and declared my
willingnefs to ratify the convention, after I have
heard them and*believe them to be true. But we
have here the declared opinion of one of the parties
that the public faith is broken by the other. Now,
the fimplefl man in the world knows, that a mutual
onerous contradt is always conditional ; and that if
tlie condition fails on one fide, whether from necefli-
ty or fraud, the other is free. Therefore we have
reafon to conclude, that if Mr Burgoyne is of opi-
nion that the convention is broken on our part, he
114 ^^ "^^^^ CONVENnON
will not hold to it oil his. He would act the part
of a fool if he did. It is of no confequence to fay
his opinion is ill-founded or unjuft, as it manifeft-
ly is in the prefent cafe; for whether it is juil or
unjuft, if it is real/y his opinion (and we fhould
wrong hisj fincerity to doubt it) the confequences
are the fame v/ith refpecSt to us. Men do often^
perhaps generally, adhere with greater obftinacy to
opinions that are ill, than thofe that are well found-
ed, and avenge imaginary or trifling injuries with;
greater violence than thofe that are real and great.
Nay, we may draw an argument for our danger
from the very injuftice of his complaint. If he has-
conceived the convention to be broken on fo frivo-
lous a pretence as that his lodging is not quite com-
modious, after the juft caution inferted by General
Gates in the preliminary articles, what have we to
expe£l; from him as foon as he fliall recover his li-
berty, and the power of doing mifchief ? It fliews^
a difpofition to find fault, and an impatience under
liis prefent confinement, the future efFe61;s of whick
we have the greateft reafon to dread.
The more I confider this matter, Sir, the more it
ftrikes me with its force. General Gates fays upon
the fubjedl: of accommodation, granted as for as cir-
cumjlatices imll admit. Was not this proper and ne--
ceflary? It was very natural to fuppofe that General
Burgoyne, accuftomed to the fplendor of the Bri-
tifh court, and poirelfed with ideas of his own im-
portance, would be but ill pleafed with the beft ac-
commodations that could be obtained for him, and
his numerous followers, in one of the frugal Hates
of New England. It was alfo in the neighbourhood
\V1TH GENERAL BURGOYNE. II5
of a place not in the leaft expelling the honour of
fuch guefts, v/hich had been long the feat of war
which had been exhaufted by our army, and plun-
dered by their's. One would have thought that the
recolIe6lion of the ruin of Charleflown, the burning
t)f which, if I miftake not, in a letter of his from
Bofton to England, he calls a glorious light, might
have prevented his complaints, even though he had
lefs elbow room than he wiihed for. But as cir-
cumftances ftand, by what condu£l: fhall we be able
to fatisfy him ? When will pretences ever be want-
ing to one feeking to prove the convention broken,
when it is his inclination or his interefl to do fo ?
It has been faid. Sir, that we ought not to take
this declaration of his in fo ferious a manner : that
it was written rafhly, and in the heat of paflion 5
and that he did not mean that we fhould dread fuch
confequences from it. All this I believe to be fbritt-
ly true. It probably fell from him in pafBon — and
very unadvifedly. But is he the firft perfon that has
rafhly betrayed his own mifchievous defigns ? Or is
this a reafon for our not availing ourfelves of the hap-
py difcovery? His folly in this inftance is our good
fortune. He is a man, Sir, whom I never faw, though
1 have been more than once in England j but if I fhould
fay I did not know him, after having read his lofty
and fonorous proclamation, and fome other produc-
tions, I fhould fay what was not true. He is evi-
dently a man fhowy, vain, impetuous, and rafh. It
is reported of General Gates, from whom I never
heard that any other words of boafling or oflenta-
tion fell, that he faid he knew Burgoyne, and that
he could build a wall for him to run his head againfl
1 16 QH THE CONVENTION, ^C,
I do not by any means approve of boafting m gene*
ral. I think a man fhould not boaft of what he has
done, much lefs of what he only means to do ; yet
I c:mnot help faying, that this was a mod accurate
predi£bioa, which, with the event that followed it,,
plainly points out to us the character of General
Burgoyne. Do you think that fuch a man would
not take the advantage of this pretended breach of
the convention on our part j and endeavour to wiper
off the reproach of hrs late ignominious farrender
by fome fignal or defperate undertaking ? — . —
SPEECH
IN
CONGRESS,
ON A
MOTION FOR PAYING
THE INTEREST OF
LOJN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES.
Mr President,
1MU8T entreat the attention of the houfe, while I
endeavour to ftate this fubjeft with as much
brevity and perfpicuity as I am mafter of. It is
not eafy to forbear mentioning, yet I (hall but barely
mention, the diilreiTed and unhappy fituation of
many of the perfons concerned in the public loans.
I fliall aifo pafs by their characters, as whigs and
friends to the American caufe. I {hall pafs by the
fervices which many of them have rendered, in
their perfons, by their friends, by their purfes, and
by their prayers Thefe are affeding confiderations,
which ought not, and which I am confident will
not fail, to have their weight with every member
of this houfe. Let us then, leave thefe topics alto-
gether, and let us confine ourfelves to the duty and
Xl8 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OF
interefl: of the United States in their prefent fitua-
tion, when the care of their affairs is committed to
us who are here aflcmbled.
Public credit is of the utmoft moment to a ftate
which experts to fupport itfelf, at any time j but
it is all in all in a time of war. The want of it
defeats the wifeft meafures, and renders every de-
partment torpid and motionlefs. It cannot be de-
nied, that by many unhappy, if not unwife mea-
fures, public credit among us has been reduced to
the lowed ebb, firft by a monftrous and unheard of
emiflion of paper money ; next by an a£t of bank-
ruptcy, reducing it to fix pence in the pound; then
by a table of depreciation. There remained but
one thing which preferved us fome degree of re-
fpe6bability, that the promifes made to lenders of
money before a certain period, had been kept for
three years ; but now as the laft and finifhing
ftroke, this alfo is broken to pieces, and given to
the winds.
Let not gentlemen cry out as before, why diftin-
guiih thefe people from other public creditors ? I
do not diftinguifli them by afking payment for them
alone ; but I diftinguifli them, becaufe their cir-
cumftances and difappointment give a new and dif-
graceful ftroke to the credit of the United States.
I diftinguifli them, becaufe I hope that their fuffer-
ings and complaints may induce us lo take fome
ftep towards the payment of all. Strange it is to
the laft degree, that this comparifon fliould feem
to fet gentlemen's minds at eafe-^becaufe great in-
jury has been done to one clafs, therefore the fame
may and ought to be done to another. In this way
LOA!^-OFFICE CERTirrCATES. II9
it would be very eafy to rid ourfelves of both, and
to fay, why all this noife about loan-ofEce certifi-
cates ? have not all the receivers of continental
bills luitered as much or more than they, and had
the immenfe funi of two hundred millions funk in
their hands ? — If this would be a good anfwer in
one cafe, it certainly would in the other. Now is
it proper or fafe in our prefent fituation, to refufe
all kind of payment to the public creditors in this
country, fo numerous and fo variously circum-
ftanced ? Let us examine it a little.
We are now endeavouring to borrow, and have the
hope of borrowing money in Europe. Is this the
way to fucceed? Is it not pofTiblc, is it not highly pro-
bable, that our treatment of our creditors here, will
foon be known there ? Nay, are not fome of our
creditors interefted in this very meafure, refiding
there ? Muft not this repeated infolvency, neglect
and even contempt of public creditors, prevent peo-
ple from lending us in Europe ? I am forry to fay
it, but in truth I do believe that it is their igno-
rance of our fituatlon and paft conduct, that alone
will make them truft us. I confefs, that if I were
at Amfterdam juft now and had plenty of" money,
I would give v.-hat I thought proper to the United
States, but would lend them none.
It is to be hoped, that in time truth and juftice
will fo far prevail, that our pof^erity will fee the
necelTity of doing their duty ; but at prefent we
feem but little difpofcd to it. — By making fome
payment to the public creditors immediately, and
profecuting the meafures already begun for further
fecur'.ty, we (liould obtain a dignity and weight a-
Vol. IX. L
120 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OF
broad, that would procure money wherever It could
be found.
Let us next confider the effect upon our credit
at home. It has ever been my opinion, that if our
fecurity were good, and our credit entire, fo that
obligations by the public would be turned into mo-
ney at any time, at par or at little lefs, we fliould
find no inconfiderable number of lenders. Every
thing of this kind proceeds upon fuch certain prin-
ciples as never to fail in any inilance of having their
eiTe£l. From the general difpofition, that prevails
in this new country, real ellate is lefs efteemed,
und money at intereft more, that is to fay compara-
tively fpeaking, than in the old. Now, whatever
fuccefs we may have in Europe, I am perfuaded we
ihould flill need, or at lead be much the better of
loans at home, which are in their nature preferable
to thofe abroad ; and therefore whatever leads ut-
terly to deftroy our credit at home, does an eflential
injury to the public caufe. Nay, though there were
not any proper loans to be expected or attempted
nt home, fome trufling to public credit would be
neceffary, to make thofe to whom we are already
indebted patient, or at leaft filent for fome time.
To this may be added that annihilating public cre-
dit, or rather rendering it contemptible, has an un-
happy influence upon every particular internal tem-
porary operation. People will not feek your fer-
vice, but fly from it. Hence it is well known, that
fometimes ilorcs and ammunition or other necefla-
lies for the army, have flood flill upon the road
till they were half loll for want of ready money, or
LOAN-OFFICE CERTlFICATEg. 121
people who would trud you, to carry them for-
ward.
We mull now go a little further, and fay, that if this
propofition is inforced, it will be a great hindrance
to the payment of taxes, and raifing the fupplies
which muft be called for from the ftates. I do not
infill, upon what has been already mentioned, that
the payment propofed would enable many to pay their
taxes ; becaufe, though that is certainly true with
refpe£l to thofe who fliall receive it, and though it
is admitted they are pretty numerous, yet in my
opinion, it is but a trifle to the other effects of it,
both in the pofitive and negative way. It would
give dignity to the public fpirit, and animation to
tiie people in general. It would give the people
better thoughts of their rulers, and prevent mur-
muring at public perfons and public meafurcs. I
need not tell this houfe how much depends in a
free flate, upon having the efleem and attachment
of the people. It is but a very general view that
people at a diftance can take of the management cf
men in public truit ; but in general it is well
known, they are abundantly jealous, and as ready
to believe evil as good. I do not fpeak by guefs,
but from facts, when I tell you that they fay, we
are now paying prodigious taxes, but what becomes
of all the money ? The army, fay they, get none
of it, being almoft two years in arrear. The public
creditors fay they get none of it, not even intereit
for their money. This was told me by the county
collector of Somerfet county, New Jerfey, v/ho
was not a contentious man, but wifhed to know
what he ought to fay to the people. Now this
L2
122 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST OF
fmall payment, as it would be very general, would
be much talked of; and I am perfuaded, for its
general good influence, would be worth all, and
more than all the fum we fhali beftow. I have
heard it faid in fome llmilar cafes, you muft fomc-
times throw a little water Into a pump, in order to
bring a great deal out of it.
Now, on the other hand, what will be the confe-
quence of a total refufal ? You hive told the public
creditors, that you have no money in Europe to
draw for. They will very fpeedily hear of this
loan in Holland. They are fulHciencly exafperated
already ; this will add to their indignation. They
really are already fore ; their minds will be rankled
more than ever. They are looking with an evil
eye upon fome new men coming into play, and
thinking themfelves unjuftly^and ungratefully ufed^
I believe they are not fo much without principle, as
to turn their backs upon the public caufe ; but a
fpirit v«f fa(il:ion and general difcontent, upon fu.h
plaufible grounds, may do it eiTential injury. They
may combine to refufe their taxes ; and if any fuch
unhappy ailbciation (hould be formed, it would
fpread ; and many from a blind attachment to their
own intereft, would pretend to be upon the fame
footing, though th^y have no concern in the mat-
ter : and if this difpofition (hould become general^
it would put an entire flop to all our proceedings.
This difcouraging profpe<!i^ is not merely founded
on conjecture. I have been told that there have
already been meetings for entering into concert for
refufing to pay taxes. Is it poITible we can, in our
circumftances, more profitably employ the fum
LOAN-OFFICE CERTIFICATES. I23
mentioned in the motion, than in giving fatisfaclion
to a deferving body of men, and in preventing evils
of fo alarming a nature.
It is poffible. Sir, that fome are comforting them-
felves with their own fincerity and good intentions ;
that they ultimately refolve to pay all honourabfy ;
that they have taken, and are taking meafures to
prepare for it. — A fuiti of money is called for on
purpofe to pay the interefl of the public debts ; and
the five per cent, impoil is appropriated to the
fame purpofe. But, Sir, it will take a confiderable
time before the mod fpeedy of thefe meafures can
bring money into the treafuvy -y and in the meart
time the late ftep of refufing to draw bills, has
given fuch a flroke to loan-office certificates, that
their value is fallen to a very trifle — the fpirits of
the people are broken^ — a gentleman told me the
other day, I fee the loan-office certificates are gone,
as well as all the reft of the money. The inevita-
ble confequence will be, that hard and irrefiflible
neceffity, or incredulity and ill humour, will make
them part with them for a mere nothing ; and then
the greatelt part of them by far will really be in the
hands of fpeculatora. When this is notorioufly the
cafe, I (hall not be at all furprifed to find that fome-
body will propofe a new fcale of depreciation, and
fay to the holders, you fhall have tliem for what
they were worth and generally fold at,, at fuch a.
time. P.ift experience juftifies this expecSlation,
and no declaration we can make to the contrary,,
will be ftronger than that of Congrefs in the year
1779, that they would redeem the money, and that
it was a vile and flanderous afleition, that they
^3
124 SPEECH ON THE INTEREST, &C.
would fufFer it to fink in people's hands. I kno\7
particular perfons alfo, who by believing this decla-
ration, loft their all. Now, if this fliall be the cafe
again, public faith will be once more trodden under
foot -, and the few remaining original holders of
certificates will loofe them entirely, being taken in
connexion with thofe who purchafed them at an
under value.
PART
O F A
SPEECH IN CONGRESS,
ON THE
FINANCES,
Mr President,
I HAVE little to fay againft the refolutions, as
they ftand reported by the fuperintendant of
finance. Perhaps they are unavoidable in the cir-
cumftances to which we are reduced. Yet the
ftep feems to be fo very important, and the confe-
quences of it fo much to be dreaded, that I muft
intreat the patience of the houfe, till I ftate the dan-
ger in a few words, and examine whether any thing
can poflibly be added to it, which may in feme de-
gree prevent the evils which we apprehend, or at
leaft exculpate Congrefs, and convince the public
that it is the effect of abfolute neceflity.
Sir, if we enter into thefe refolves as they ft and,
it will be a deliberate deviation from an exprefs and
abfolute ftipulation, and therefore it will, as it was
exprefled by an honourable gentleman the other daY>
126 SPEECH IN CONGRESS
give the lad ftab to public credit. It will be in va?n>
in future, to afk the public to believe any promife
we fhall make, even when the moil clear and expli-
cit grounds of confidence are produced. Perhaps it
will be faid that public credit is already gone ; and
it hath been faid that there is no more in this, than
in negledling to pay the interefl of the loan-olHce
certificates of later date ; but though there were no
other differences between them, this being another
and freflier inftance of the fame, will have an ad-
ditional evil in-fluence upon public credit. But in
fa£t, there is ibmething more in it than in the other.
The folemn ftipulation of Congrefs, fpecifying the
manner in which the interefl was to be paid, was-
Gonfidered as an additional fecurity,. and gave a va-
lue to thefe certificates, which the others never had..
I beg that no gentleman may think that I hold it a
light matter to withhold the intereft from the other
lenders ; they will be convinced, I hope, of the con-
trary before I have done ; but I have made the com-
parifon merely to fhew what will be the influence
of this meafure upon the public mind, and therefore
upon the credit and eflimation of Congrefs. Now
it is plain, that the particular promife of giving bills
upon Europe, as it had an efFedt, and was intend-
ed to have it in procuring credit, it muft, when,
broken or withdrawn, operate in the moft power-
ful manner to our prejudice. I will give an exam-
ple of this, in our melancholy paft experience.
ITie old continental money was difgraced and funk,,
firft by the ad of March i8th, 1780, (which the
Duke de Vergennes juftly called an a6t of bankrupt-
cy,) telling you would pay no more of your debt
«N THE FINANCES. I 27
than fixpence in the pound. This was after-
wards further improved by new eftimates of de-
preciation, of feventy-five and one hundred and
fifty, for new ftate paper, which itfelf was funk to
two or three for one; and yet bad as thefe men's
cafes were, the difgrace ariling from them was
more than doubled, by people's referring to, and
repeating a public declaration of Congrefs, in which
we complained of the injurious flanders of thofe
that faid we would fufFer the money to fmk in the
hands of the holders, and making the moft folemn
proteftations, that ultimately the money fliould be
redeemed dollar for dollar ; and to my knowledge,
fome trufting to that very declaration, fold their
eftates at what they thought a high price, and
brought themfelves to utter ruin.
I cannot help requefting Congrefs to attend to the
ftate of thofe perfons who held the loan-ofhce cer-
tificates which drew intereft on France ; they are
all, without exception, the firmed and fafeft friends
to the caufe of America •, they were in general the
mofl: firm, and a(ftive, and generous friends. Many
cf them advanced large fums of hard money, to affift
you in carrying on the war in Canada. None of
them at all put away even the loan-oiiice certificates
on fpeculation, but either from a generous intention
of ferving the public, or from an entire confidence
in the public credit. There is one circumftance
which ought to be attended to, viz. the promife of
hiterefl: — bills on Europe were not made till the
I oth of September, 1777. It was faid a day or two
ago, that thofe who fent in caih a little before
IMarch ift, 1778, had by the depreciated date of
128 SPEECH IN CONGRESS
the money, received almoil their principal ; but
this makes but a fmall part of the money, for there
were but fix months for the people to put in the
money, after the promife was made ; only the mofl
apparent juftice obliged Congrefs to extend the pri-
vilege to thofe who had put in their money before.
Befides, nothing can be more unequal and inju-
rious than reckoning the money by the depreciation
either before or after the i(l of March, 1778, for
a great part of the tnoney in all the Loan offices was
fuch as had been paid up in its nominal value, in
confequence of the Tender laws.
This points you, Sir, to another clafs of people,
from whom money was taken, vi*. widows and
orphans, corporations and public bodies. How
many guardians were a6tually led, or indeed were
obliged, to put their depreciated and depreciating
money into the funds — I fpeak from good know-
ledge. The truftees of the college of New Jerfey,
in June, 1777, dired^ed a committee of theirs to
put all the money that fhould be paid up to them,
in the loan-office, fo that they have now nearly in-
vefled all. Some put in before March, 1778, and
a greater part fubfequent to that date. Now it
mufl be known to every body, that fmce the pay-
ment of the intereft bills gave a value to thefe early
loans, many have continued their intereft in them,
and refted in a manner wholly on them for fupport.
Had they entertained the flightefl fufpicion that
they would be cut ofl', they could have fold them
for fomething, and applied themfelves to other
means of fubfiftence ; but as the cafe now ftands,
you are reducing not an inconfiderable number of
ON THE FINANCES. I29
your very bed friends to abfolute beggary. Dur-
ing the whole period, and through the whole fyftem
of continental money, your friends have fulFered
alone — the dlfaffecSted and lukewarm have always
evaded the burden — have in many inftances turn-
ed the fufFerlngs of the country to their own ac-
count— have triumphed over the whlgs — and if the
whole fhall be crowned with this laft ftroke, it
feems but reafonable that they fhould treat us with
infult and derlfion. And what faith do you expect
the public creditors fliould place in your promife of
ever paying them at all ? What reafon, after what
is pad, have they to dread that you will divert the
fund which is now mentioned as a diftant fource of
payment ? If a future Congrefs fhould do this, it
would not be one whit worfe than what has been
already done.
I wi(h. Sir, this houfe would w^eigh a little, the
public confequences that will immediately follow
this refolution. The grief, dlfappointment and fuf-
ferings of your beft friends, has been already men-
tioned— then prepare yourfelves to hear from your
enemies the moft infulting abufe. Tou will be ac-
cufed of the moft oppreflive tyranny, and the grofs-
eft fraud. If it be poflible to polfon the minds of
the public, by making this body ridiculous or con-
temptible, they will have the falreft opportunity of
doing fo, that ever was put in their hands. But I
muft return to our plundered, long ruined friends ;
we casnot fay to what their rage and dlfappointment
may bring them ; we know that nothing on earth is
fo deeply refentful, as defpifed or rejeded love —
whether they may proceed to any violent or difor-
TJO SPEECH IN C0MGJIIIS3
derly meafures, it Is impofRble to know. We have
an old proverb, That the eyes will break through
flone walls, and for my own part, I fliould very
much dread the furious and violent efforts of defpair.
Would to God, that the independence of America
"was once eftabliflied by a treaty of peace in Europe ;
for we know that in all great and fierce political con-
tention, the efFe6t: of power and circumftances is very
great ; and that if the tide has run long with great
violence one way, if it does not fully reach its pur-
pofe, and is by any means brought to a ftand, it is
apt to take a direftion, and return with the fame
or greater violence than it advanced. Muft this be
riiked at a crifis when the people begin to be fa-
tigued with the war, to feel the heavy expence of
it, by paying taxes *, and when the enemy, convin-
ced of their folly in their former feverities, are do-
ing every thing they can to ingratiate themfelves
with tlie public at large. But though our friends
fhould not be induced to take violent and feditious
meafures all at once, I am almoft certain it will
produce a particular hatred and contempt of Con-
grefs, the reprefentative body of the union, and {till
a greater hatred of the individuals who compofe the
body at this time. One thing will undoubtedly
happen *, that it will greatly abate the refpe£l which
is due from the public to this body, and therefore?
weaken their authority in all other parts of their
proceetlings.
I beg leave to fay, Sir, that in all probability, it
will lay the foundation for other greater and more
fcandalous fleps of the fame kind. You will fay
\^hat greater can there be ? Look back a little to
ON THE FINANCES. !,'> I
your hiftory. The firft and great deliberate breach
of public faith, was the act of March i8th, 1780,
reducing the money to forty for one, which was de-
claring you would pay your debt at fixpence in the
pound — But did it not turn ? No, by and by it was
iet in this ftate and others at feventy-five, and final-
ly fet one hundred and fifty for one, in new paper,
in ftate paper, which in fix months, rofe to four for
one. Now, Sir,' what will be the cafe with thefe
certificates ? Before this propofal was known, their
fixed price was about half a crown for a dollar of
the eftimated depreciated value ; when this refo-
lution is fairly fixed, they will immediately fall in
value, perhaps to a fhilling the dollar, probably lefs.
Multitudes of people in defpair, and abfolute necef-
fity, will fell them for next to nothing, and when
the holders come at laft to apply for their money, I
think it highly probable, you will give them a fcale
of depreciation, and tell them, they coft fo little
that it would be an injury to the public to pay the
full value. And in truth. Sir, fuppofing you final-
iy to pay the full value of the certificates to the
holders, the original and moft meritorious proprie,
tors will in many, perhaps in moft cafirs, lofe the
whole.
It will be very proper to confider ^vhateffea this
will have upon foreign nations ; certainly it will fet
us in a moft contemptible light. We are juft begin-
mng to appear among the powers of the earth, and it
may be fidd of national, as of private charaders,
they foon begin to form, and when difadvantageous
ideas are formed, they are not eafily altered or de-
ftroyed. In the very inftance before us, many of
Vol. IX. M
132 SPEECH IN CONGRESS,
thefe certificates are pofTcfTed by the fubje6ls of fo-
reign princes, and indeed are in foreign parts. We
muft not think that other fovereigns will fuffer their
fubjeds to be plundered in fo wanton and extrava-
gant a manner. You have on your files, letters from
the Count de Vergennes, on the fubje6i:^ of your
former depreciation ; in which he tells you, that
whatever liberty you take with your own fubje£l:s,
you muft not think of treating the fubje^ls of France
in the fame way ; and it is not impoflible that you
may hear upon this fubje^l, what you little expert,
when the terms of peace are to be fettled. I do not
in the leaft doubt that it may be demanded that you
Ihould pay to the full of its nominal value, all the
money as well as loan-office certificates, which fiiall
be found in the hands of the fubje£ls of France, Spain
or Holland, and it would be perfedlyjuft. I have
mentioned France, &c. but it is not only not impofli-
ble, but highly probable, that by accident or danger,
or both, many of thefe loan-office certificates may be
in the hands of Engliffi fubjeds. Do you think
they will not demand payment ? Do you think
they v/ili make any difference between their being
before or after March ift, 1778? And will you
prefent them with a fcale of depreciation ? Remem-
ber the affair of the Canada bills, in the laft peace
between England and France — I wifh we could take
example from cur enemies. How many fine difler-
tations have we upon the merit of national truth and
honour in Great-Britain. Can we think without
blufliing, upon our contrary condudl in the matter
of finance ^ By their pundluality in fulfilling their
engagements as to intereft, they have bceu able to
ON THE FINANCES. 1 33
fupport a load of debt altogether enormous. Be
pleafed to obferve, Sir, that they are not wholly
without experience of depreciation : navy deben-
tures and fiiilors' tickets have been frequently fold
at an half, and fometimes even at a third of their
value ; by that means they feem to be held by that
clafs of men called by us fpeculators. Did that go-
vernment ever think of prefenting the holders of them,
when they came to be paid, with a fcale of depreci-
ation ? The very idea of it would knock the whole
fyftem of public credit to pieces.
But the importance of this matter will be felt
before the end of the war. We are at this time
earneftly foliciting foreign loans. With what face
can we expecSl: to have credit in foreign parts, and
in future loans, after we have fo notorioufly broken
every engagement which we have hitherto made ?
A difpofition to pay, and vifible probable means of
payment, are abfolutely neceffary to credit j and
where t|iat is once eftabliihed, it is not difficult to
borrow. If it may be a mean of turning the atten-
tion of Congrefs to this fubje£l, I beg of them to
obferve, that if they could but lay down a founda-
tion of credit, they would get money enough to
borrow in this country, where we are. There is
property enough here ; and, comparatively fpeak-
ing, there is a great number of perfons here who
would prefer money at interell to purchafmg and
holding real eftates. The ideas of all old country
people are high in favour of real eftate. Though the
intereft of money, even upon the very bed fecurity
there, is from four to four and a half, four and
three quarters, and five per centum ; yet when any
.134 SPEECH IN CONGRESS, ^i.'.
real eftate is to be fold, there will be ten purchafers
M-here one only can obtain it, and it will coft fo
much as not to bring more than two, two and a
half, and at moft three per centum.
It is quite otherwife in this country, and indeed
it ought to be otherwife. To purchafe an eftate in
the cultivated parts of the country, except what a
man poiiefles himfelf, will not be near fo profitable
28 the interell of money ; and in many cafes where
it is rented out, it is fo wafted and worn by the
tenant, that it would be a greater profit at the end
cf feven years, that the land had been left to itfelf,
to bear woods and buihes that ihould rot upon the
ground, without any rent at all. Any body alfo
may fee, that it is almoft univerfal in this country,
when a man dies leaving infant children, that the
executors fell all his property to turn it into money >
aiid put it in fecurities for eafy and equal divifion.
AU thefe things, Mr Prefident, proceed upon
certain and indubitable principles, which never fail
of their efFec^:. Therefore, you have only to make
your payments as foon, as regular, and as profitable
as other borrowers, and you will get all the money
you want ; and by a fmall advantage over others, it
will be poured in upon you, fo that you fliall not
need to go to tlie lenders, for they will come to
you.
PART
OF A
SPEECH IN CONGRESS,
UPON THE
CONFEDERATION.
THE abfolute neceflity of union to the vigour
and fuccefs of thofe meafures on which we
are ah'eady entered, is felt and confefled by every
one of us, without exception ; fo far, indeed, that
thofe who have exprelled their fears or fufpicions
of the exifting confederacy proving abortive, have
yet agreed in faying that there muft and fliall be a
confederacy for the purpofes of, and till the finifh-
ing of this war. So far it is well j and fo far it is-
pleaiing to hear them exprefs their fentiments. But
I intreat gentlemen calmly to confider how far the
giving up all hopes of a 1 ailing confederacy among,
thefe dates, for their future fecurity and improve-
ment, will have an effect upon the ftability and
efficacy of even the temporary confederacy, which alt
acknowledge to be neceiTary? I am fully perfuaded,
that when it ceafes to be generally known, that the-
delegates of the provinces confider a lading union,
as impradlcable, it will greatly derange the mhid'§=
INI 3
12^ SPEECH IN CONGRESS
of the people, and weaken their hands in defence
of their country, which they have now undertaken
with fo much alacrity and fpirit, I confefs it
would to me greatly diminilh the glory and impor-
tance of the fhruggle, whether confidered as for the
rights of mankind in general, or for the profperity
and happinefs of this continent in future times.
It would quite depreciate the object of hope, as
well as place it at a greater diftance. For what
would it fignify to ri& our poiTefTions and ilied our
blood to fet ourfelves free from the encroachments
and oppreiTion of Great Britain — with a certainty, as
foon as peace was fettled with them of a more lad-
ing war, a more unnatural, more bloody, and much
more hopelefs v/ar, among the colonies themfelvcs?
— Some of us confider ourfelves as a£ling for pof-
terity at prefent, having little expectation of living
to fee ail things fully fettled, and the good con fo-
quencGS of liberty taking effe£l. But how much
more uncertain the hope of feeing the internal con-
tefts of the colonies fettled upon a lading and equi-
table footing ?
One of the greateft dangers I have always confi-
dered tlie colonies as expofed to at prefent, h
treachery among themfelves, augmented by bribery
and corruption from our enemies. But what force
would be added to the arguments of feducers, if
they could fay with truth, that it was of no confe-
quence whether we fucceed'id againfl Gr«('at Britain
or not •, for we mud, in the end, be fubjeQed, the
greateft: part of us, to the power of one or more of
the ftrongcft or largeft of the American ftates? And
kere I would apply the argument which we have
UPON THE CONFtDERATlON. I37
fo often ufed againfl: Great Britain — that In all hif-
tory we fee that the (laves of freemen, and the fub-
je6l dates of republics, have been of all others the
mod grievoully opprefled. I do not think the re-
cords of time can produce an inftance of Haves
treated with fo much barbarity as the Helotes by
the Lacedemonians, who were the moft illullrious
champions for liberty in all Greece; or of provinces
more plundered and fpoiled than the ftates con-
quered by the Romans, for one hundred years be-
fore Cxfar's diclatorfliip. The reafon is plain ;
there are many great men in free ftates. There
were many confular gentlemen in that great repub-
lic, who all confidered themfelves as greater than
kings, and muft have kingly fortunes, M'hich they
had no other way of acquiring but by governments
of provinces, which lailed generally but one vear,
and feldom more than two.
In what I have already faid, or may fay, or any
cafes I may ftate, I hope every gentleman will do
me the jufllce to believe, that I have not the mod
diftant view to particular perfons or focieties, and
mean only to reafon from the ufual courfe of things,
and the prejudices infeparable from men as fuch.
And can we help faying, that there will be a much
greater degree, not only of the corruption of par-
ticular perfons, but the defe6lion of particular pro-
vinces from the prefent confederacy, if they confider
our fuccefs itfelf as only a prelude to a conteft of a
more dreadful nature, and indeed much more pro-
perly a civil war than that which now often obtains
the name ? Mufl not frnall colonies In particular
be in danger of faying, we muft fecure ourfelves i
138 SPEECH IN CONGRESS
If the colonies are independent dates, feparate and
dilunited, after this war, we may be fure of coming
off by the worfe. We are in no condition to con-
tend with feveral of them. Our trade in general,
and our trade with them, mud be upon fuch terms
as they fhall be pleafed to prefcribe. — What will be
the confequence of this ? Will they not be ready
to prefer putting themfelves under the protection
of Great Britain, France or Holland, rather than
fubmit to the tyranny of their neighbours, who were
lately their equals ? Nor would it be at all impoffi-
ble, that they fhould enter into fuch rafh engage-
ments as would prove their own deftru61:Ion, from
a mixture of apprehended neceffity and real refent-
ment.
Perhaps it may be thought that breaking off this
confederacy, and leaving it unfinifhed after we
have entered upon it, will be only poflponinrr the
duty to fome future period ? Alas, nothing can
exceed the abfurdity of that fuppofition. Does not
all hiftory cry out, that a common danger is the
great and only effectual means of fettling difficul-
ties, and compofmg differences. Have we not ex-
perienced its efficacy in producing fuch a degree
of union through thefe colonies, as nobody would
^lave prophefied, and hardly any would have ex-
pelled ?
If therefore, at prefent, when the danger is yet
imminent, when it is fo far from being over, that
it is but coming to its height, we fhall find it im-
poffible to agree upon the terms of this confederacy,
what madnefs is it to fuppofe that there ever will
be a time, or that circumflances will fo change, as
UPON THE COKFEDERATION. li^
to make it even probable, that it will be done at an
after feafon ? Will not the very fame difficulties
that are in our way, be in the way of thofe who
{hail come after us ? Is it pofiible that they (hould
be ignorant of them, or inattentive to them ? Will
they not have the fame jealoufies of each other, the
fame attachment to local prejudices, and particular
intereft ? So certain is this, that I look upon it as
on the repentance of a finner — Every day's delay,
thousrh it adds to the neceffitv, vet aucrnients the
difficulty, and takes from the inclination.
There is one thing that has been thrown out, by
which fome feem to perfuade themfelves of, and
others to be more indifferent about the fuccefs of a
confederacy — that from the nature of men, it is to
be expedted, that a time mull come when it will be
diffolved and broken in pieces. I am none of thofe
who either deny or conceal the depravity of human
nature, till it is purified by the light of truth, and
renewed by the Spirit of the living Gcd. Yet I
apprehend there is no force in that reafoning at all.
Shall we eflabliih nothing good, beeaufe we know
it cannot be eternal? Shall we live without govern-
ment, beeaufe every conftitution has its old age,
and its period ? Beeaufe we know that we fhall
die, fliall we take no pains to preferve or lengthen
out life ? Far from it. Sir : it only requires the
more watchful attention, to fettle government upon
the beft principles, and in the wifeft manner, that
it may laft as long as the nature of things will
admit.
But I beg leave to fay fomcthing more, though
with fome rifk that it will be thought vifionary and
14*^ SPEECH IN CONGRESS
romantic. I do expe<^, Mr Prefident, a progrefs,
as in every other human art, fo in the order and
perfection of human fociety, greater than we have
yet feen ; and why fliould we be wanting to our-
felves in urging it forward ? It is certain, I think,
that human fcience and rehgion have kept company
together, and greatly alBfted each other's progrefs
in the world. I do not fay that intelle6lual and
moral qualities are in the fame proportion in parti-
cular perfons ; but they have a great and friendly
influence upon one another, in focieties and larger
bodies.
There have been great improvements, not only
in human knowledge, but in human nature *, the
progrefs of which can be eafily traced in hiilory.
Every body is able to look back to the time in
Europe, when the liberal fentiments that now pre-
vail upon the rights of confcience, would have been
looked upon as abfurd. It is but little above two
hundred years fince that enlarged fyftem called the
balance of power, took place ; and I maintain, that
it is a greater ftep from the former d'ifunited and
hoftile fjtuation of kingdoms and ftates, to their
prefent condition, than it would be from their pre-
fent condition to a flate of more perfe£l and lading
unio?i. It is not impoflible, that in future times
all the dates on one quarter of the globe, may fee
it proper by fome plan of union, to perpetuate
fecurity and peace ; and fure I am, a well planned
confederacy among the dates of America, may hand
down the blcdlngs of peace and public order to'
many generations. The union of the feven pro-
vinces of the Low Countries, has never yet been
UPON THE CONFEDERATION. I4I
broken ; and they are of very different degrees of
(Irength and wealth. Neither have the Cantons of
Switzerland ever broken among themfelves, though
there are fome of them proteftants, and fome of
them papifts, by public eftablifhment. Not only
fo, but thefe confederacies are feldom engaged in a
war with other nations. Wars are generally be-
tween monarchs, or fingle ftates that are large. A
confederation of itfelf keeps war at a diftance from
the bodies of which it is compofed.
For all thefe reafons, Sir, I humbly apprehend,
that every argument from honour, intereft, fafety
and neceflity, confpire in preffmg us to a confede-
racy ; and if it be ferioufly attempted, I hope, by
the bleffmg of God upon our endeavours, it will be
happily aecompli{hed.
SPEECH
IN
CONGRESS,
ON THE APPOINTMENT OF
PLENIPOTENTIARIES.
Mr President,
fAM (orry to obferve, that after going through
the in{lru6tions to be given to our plenipoten-
tiary or plenipotentiaries, we fhould have fo warm
a debate, and indeed feem to be fo equally divided
upon the queftion, v/hether there fhould be one or
more to whom we will entrufl the negociation ?
As to the practice of European nations, I believe
it is fo various as not to afford any argument on one
fide or the otlier ; we may appoint one or more —
there will be nothing fmgular or remarkable in it,
fo as to make our conduct look like ignorance in
fuch matters. I am inclined to think, however,
that negociations are generally conducted near to
their conclufion, by one confidential perfon, though
after the more important preliminaries are fettled,
more may be fometimes appointed, to give greater
folemnity to the conclufion. We are therefore at
OF PLENIPOTENTIARIES. I43
libefty to determine ourfelves wholly by the general
reafon and nature of the thing, and our own par-
ticular circumftances.
As to the firil of thefe, on the fide of one perfon,
it may be faid, there will be more precifion, more
expedition, more uniformity, and more certainty of
agreement with others, and confiflency with him-
felf. And the perfon whom we have employed, is
a man of found and clear underllanding, and has
had the advantage of being a long time in Europe,
and no doubt has been turning his thoughts, and
making enquiries upon the fubjecl ever fince he
went there ; fo that we may fuppofe him pretty
ripely advifed.
On the other fide, it may be faid, that, if alone,
he might be at a lofs, and that it would be of ad-
vantage to him to have the advice of others. It is
even faid, that there is a necefiity of others better
acquainted with pares of the country different from
thofe with which he has been chiefly connected. —
As to council, that does not ftrike me much — per-
haps there is greater fafety in one than three ^ be-
caufe he is fully refponfible ; whereas if a common
council is taken, the blame is divided, and every
one is lefs difhculted to juftify his conduct in the
ifTue. Befides, is there no danger to the caufe itfelf,
from an obflinate divifion of fentiments in thofe
who are entrufted with the conduct of it ? This
would expofe us, in the opinion of thole who ob-
ferved it, and might perhaps give lefs refpecSt to
what each or all of them might fay or do.
As to the necefhty of peifons from different parts
of the country, it is not -.fy to conceive what cir-
Vol. IX. N
144 ON THE APPOINTMENT
cumftances, in a negociation of this kind, can be
peculiar to one part of the country more than ano-
ther. If it were to make rules for the internal
government, taxation, or commerce of the dates,
there would be fome force in the remark ; but
when it is only to make peace for the liberty and
prote(^ion of all, there feems to be little weight in
it.
But now let us confider our particular circum-
flances. Mention has been made of the difference
between Mr Adams and the count de Vergennes. I
have given particular attention to all that was faid in
his letter upon that fubje£t, and all that has been faid
by theminifter of France here; and there was not one
hint given that could lead us to think it was their
defire or expectation that he fhould be difmiffed or
fuperfeded, or even bridled by the addition of others in
the commiffion. We hav^ fully complied with their
defire upon this fubje£l:, in the inftruClions. There
is the greateft reafon to think that they are well Sa-
tisfied upon it. But if we iliould flill go further,
and either difcharge him, or do what is in fubftance
the fame, or might be fuppofed or conceived by him
to be the fame, this would rather be an a6t of too
great obfequioufnefs, and but an ill example for the
future conduft of our affairs. What we do now,
will be often mentioned in after times ; and if the
like practice prevail, it will difcourage public fervants
from fidelity, and leffen their dignity and firmnefs.
There is alfo fome reafon to fear that there may
jiot be the mod perfed agreement among them;
and if a jealoufy in point of affedion between them
Chould arife, it might flill be more fatal than a dif-
OF PLENiroTENTIARlEf. 14^
ference In opinion. You may obferve, that Di*
Franklin particularly mentions the impropriety of
having more minifters than one at one court and in
the fame place. "We have felt the bad confequence^
of that already in more inftances- than one. Congref^
were led into fuch fteps as ended in our parting
with Mr Lee, chiefly by the argument of his being
difagreeable to the French court ; and though he
was in my opinion one of the moil able, faithful,
and active fervants we ever had, and certainly one^
of the mod dilTnterefted — he was but barely able to
go off with a cold ceremonial adieu, that had very
little in it of a grateful fenfe of his fervices, or cor-
dial approbation. It is not pleafant to reflect, Mr
Prefident, that fo early in the hiftory of this new
ftate, perfons in public employment fhould be fo
prone to enter into ambitious contention, and pufh
one another into dilgrace.
I cannot help putting you in mind, upon this
fubjecS^, of what has jufl: now come to light. You
are informed by the French court, in the mofh au-
thentic manner, and indeed if I am not miftaken, it
is by implication at leaft in the king's letter, that
you had been ill ferved by the people you em-
ployed there, and cheated both in point of quality
and price -, and that on this account they mtend to
give dire61:ions on that fubje£l themfelves. Now,
Sir, perhaps it may be news to many members of this
body, that thefe were the very contracts made by Mr
Dean, without the knowledge or confent of Mr Lee,
of wliich Mr Lee loudly complained. Thefe were the
very fervants whofe accounts Mr Lee objected to,
and whofe conduc): he cenfured. But what did he get
N2
140 ON THE APPOINTMENT
by it ? Mr Dean was fupported by his venerable old
friend, as he caljed him : Mr Lee was complained
of as jealous and troublefome, and difagreeable to
the court of France ; and not only oppofed and
flighted by many members of this houfe, but I may
fay attacked ;rid perfccuted in fuch a manner, that
if He had not been fupported with a generous frank-
nefs by others, might have ended in public infamy.
I have jufl further upon this fubje61: to obferve,
that you very lately fent a new miniRer to the
Trench court, Mr Laurens — a meafure much difap-
proved by many j and it was then foretold, it would
be a difgraceful thing to Dr Franklin. Probably
he has conceived it in that light ; and as he has no
defire at all to return home, I am well convinced
that this is the true caufe of the defire exprefled in
his laft letter to refign his commifTion.
Some have mentioned the importance of the mat-
ter, and that the chance is greater againft corrup-
tion, where three are to be taken off, than one. It
is very true, that ceieties paribusy as is commonly
fiiid, there is a greater chahce for one incorruptible
perfon in three than in one : but there are fingle
perfons in whom I would confide as much as in ten.
And befidcs, the thing may be taken the other way ;
for there is a greater chance of finding one corrupti-
ble perfon in three than in one j and in a commillion
of that nature, one traitor is able to do much mif-
chief, though the others are perfectly upright. He,
being admitted into the fecret, may not only difclofj
meafures, but perplex them, let the abilities of his
colleagues be what they will. I have feen a man in
Congrefs, who upon the fuppofition of his being a
OF PLENIPOTENTIARIES. I47
fraltor, I am fure had addrefs enough to draw many
into his meafures — many not contemptible in un-
derftanding, and fincerely attached to their coun-
try's caufe.
Before I conclude, I would fay a little upon our
circumftances in another refpedl. The firft appear-
ances we make upon the public ftage, are of confe-
quence. It is to be wifhed therefore, that the cre-
dit of the United States were confulted. If we
were fure that our commilTioners would be imme-
diately admitted to public and co-ordinate feffioii-
with the other plenipotentiaries, perhaps a commif-
fion of three would be augufl and honourable ; but
if, as I ftrongly fufpedl; will be the cafe, they are
not at firft publicly admitted at all, but obliged to
negociate through the plenipotentiaries of France
if, as it is not impoffible, even in the fettlement of
the treaty, we are not confidered as the formal con-
trailing parties at all, but our intereft' attended to
in articles as it were occafionally introduced—if this
■ is done as a falvo to the honour of England, and to
JDUrchafe for us advantages fubftantial and durable,
a pompous commiffion to a number of delegates
will rather leflen our dignity, and detract from our
wifdom and caution.
U|3on the whole, Sir, I am of opinion, that it^
would be much better to aflign to one the commif-
fion already given, with the inftru^lions which have
been cordially agreed upon, and feem to be in every
re fpecl agreeable to the defires of the court of France,
and the opinion of the king's minifter in this country,
N3.
• N THE
PROPOSED MARKET
IN
GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP.
To HIS Excellency General Washington, and the- offi-
cers OF THE American Army.
SIR,
ABOUT ten days ago, I was informed that
you were confulting with the farmers in the
neighbourhood, and laying a phm for holding a
market at the camp. This was to me the mod
pleaGng news I had heard from camp for a long
time. I fuppofcd that you had now difcovered the
true and proper way of providing comforts and re-
freihments to your fcldiers, which, pardon me, I
think has hitherto, in God's moil holy will, been
hid from your eyes. Laft week's news-paper brough.t
us the plan, in which I have been fo much dllap-
pointed, that I have taken pen in hand, to make a
few remarks upon it, and fubmit them to your
view. Red aflTured that they come from a Hrm
friend to American liberty, who has felt the tyranny
of General Howe, and therefore holds him and his
caufe in detellation. You are not to exped from
a plain ^ountry farmer, high founding language,
\
ON THE PROPOSED MARKET, ^r. 14Q
and well turned phrafes — It is poiTible I may be
held in derifion for this, by fome of your learned
generals -, for I am told you have fome who can
write full as well as they can fight, perhaps better ;
be that however as it may, I mean to v/rite only of
what I think I underftand, and fliall make ufe of
the plalneft words pofiible, that I may be under-
ftood.
I mud begin by faying, that if you are under
any difficulty in fupplying your army, either with
the neceflaries or conveniencies of life, it is wholly
owing to miftaken principles, or unfaithful condu6t
in the manner of procuring them. You are In the
midft of a plentiful country — You command it by
your fword, except a fmall fpot in which the enemy
is confined ; and I moll heartily wifh you would
pen them in clofer than you do You have alfo
the hearts of the country ; for let people talk as
they pleafe of the number of tories, they are alto-
gether inconfiderable to the friends of liberty, in
every itate in this continent. When the Engliili
army leaves any place, we do not need your army
to conquer it for us. All that were friends to
them,, flee with them, or ikulk into corners trem-
bling for their lives. Let us confider then how
the matter (lands — Your army confills, I fhall fup-
pofe at prefent of 20,000 men ; for though it was
confiderably larger lately, I reckon from the number
gone home on recruiting parties, and for other rea-
fons, that may be about or near the truth. Suppofe
it however 25,000 ; if thefe were diflributed one in
every houfe, for the twenty-five thoufand houfes
that are neurell to the camp, they would not reach
150 ON THE PROPOSED MARKET
fo far eaft as the Delaware, nor fo far well as Lan-
cafter j and though no provifions were brought into
that fpace on their account, they could be well fed,
and the burden never felt. This fhews that the
whole difficulty arifes from the neceffity of procur-
ing and tranfporting provifions to fuch a number of
men colle£led together in one place, a difficulty
which one would think might be eafily furmounted..
It is not my intention at prefent, to make remarks
on the commiiTary's department for fupplying the
capital neeeflaries, though I want not inclination.
Suffice it to fay, that for refrefhments and fmaller
neeeflaries, you are now making an attempt towards j
the only efl^eclual way, viz. a market, or in other
words, inviting people to bring them to vou of
their own accord.
Now, Sir, I have read and confidered your plan^
the chief part of which is fettling the prices of a
variety of articles, which it is expelled will be ex-^
pofed to fale. Fixing the price of commodities^
has been attempted by law in feveral ftates among
us, and it has increafed the evil it was meant to re-
medy, as the fame pra£lice ever has done fince the
beginning of the world. Such laws, when they
only fay men fhall be punifhed if they fell at any
higher prices than the legal, and that if any will
not fell at thefe prices, their goods fhall be taken
by force, have fome meaning in them, though little
wifdom *, but to publifh a liil of fixed prices, as an
encouragement to a weekly market, is a new drain
of policy indeed. If people bring their goods to
market, and are willing to fell them at thefe, or
lower prices, is not that enough ^ and if they are
i
IN GENERAL WASHINGTON'S CAMP. I5I
not willing to fell, how fhall they be made willing
to come ? Probably you were told thefe were rea-
fonable prices ; now I fliall be glad to know what
you call a reafonable price. If it be that which is
proportioned to the demand on the one fid'e, and the
plenty or fcarcity of goods on the other, I agree to
it ; but I affirm that this will fix of itfelf, by the
confent of the buyer and feller, better than it can
be done by any politician upon earth. If you mean
any thing elfe, it fignifies nothing at all, whether
it be reafonable or not ; for if it is not agreeahle^ as
well as reafonable, you might have one market day,
but not a fecond. There are fome things which
are not the objed of human laws, and fuch are all
thofe that eflentially depend for their fuccefs upon
inward inclination. Laws, force, or any kind of
limitation, are fo far from having any tendency of
themfelves, to perfuade or incline, that they have
generally the contrary effe£l. It would be much
to the advantage of many lawgivers and other per-
fons in authority, if they would carefully diftln-
guifli between what is to be effected by force, and
what by perfuafion, and never prepofteroufly mix
thefe oppofite principles, and defeat the operation
of both. Laws and authority compel ; but it is
reafon and intereil that muft perfuade.
The fixing of prices by authority, is not only
impolitic, as I have fhewn above, but it is in itfelf
unreafonable and abfurd. There are fo many dif-
ferent circumftances to be taken in to conflitute
equality or juftice in fuch matters, that they cannot
be all attended to, or even afcertained. The
plenty of one kind bf provifion, and fcarcity of ano-
152 ON THE PROPOSED MARKET
ther — The plenty in one corner of the country,
and fcarcity in another — The cliftance of oneplace,
and nearnefs of another — The changes of circum-
ftances in the courfe of a few weeks or days —
Good or bad roads, or good or bad weather — The
comparative quality of the goods — Thefe, and an
hundred other circumflances which can never be
forefeen, a£lually govern the prices of goods at
market, and ought to govern them. If a price is
juft to one who brings his goods fifteen miles, it is
certainly too much for one who brings thenronly
one. If ten pence per pound is a juft price for
veal at prefent, I am certain it muft be too much a
month hence, when veal will be much more plen-
tiful. If one {hilling and four pence per pound is-
reafonable for a fat turkey, ought not I to have
more for a fatter, which is better both in its quality
and weight — being lighter to its bulk, becaufe fat
is not fo heavy as either lean fiefh or bones. If it
is reafonable K) pay me one fhilling per pound for
any meat in a good day, I (hall expert more if I gar
out in a ftorm ; if not, I will ftay at home 011 a
bad day, and fo you muft ftarve one week, and
pamper the n.ext.
All thefe circumftances you muft allow to reftrain
and limit one another. He who is neareft, and
has goods in plenty, will by felling cheap, mode-
rate the demands of him who comes far. If you
pay very dear for any article one day, the news of
that fpreading abroad, brings in prodigious quanti-
ties, and the price falls, and fo it happens in every
other cafe. Thus it appears that it is out of your
power to tell what is a reafonable price, and by at*
IN GENERA^ WASHINGTON'S CAMP. ir^
tempting to do it, you not only refufe the expeaa-
tion of the people, but you treat them with injuf-
tice.
I have one more remark to make upon this fub-
je£t ; that to fix the prices of goods, efpeclally pro-
vifions in a market, is as imprafticable as it is un-
reafonable. The whole perfons concerned, buyers
and fellers, will ufe every art to defeat it, and will
certainly fucceed. — ,
ADDRESS
TO
GENERAL WASHINGTON.
THE Prefident and Faculty of the College of
New Jerfey, beg leave to embrace this op-
portunity of congriUulating your Excellency on the
prefent happy and promifing Hate of public affairs ;
and of fincerely wifhing you profperity and fuccefs
in the enfuing campaign, and in what may yet re-
main of the important confii£l in which the United
States are engaged.
As this College, devoted to the interefts of re-
ligion and learning, was among the firft places of
America, that fufFered from the ravages of the
enemy — fo, happily, this place and neighbourhood
was the fcene of one of the mofl important and
feafonable checks which they received in their pro-
grefs. The furprife of the Heflians at Trenton,
and the fubfequent victory at Princeton, redounded
much to the honour of the commander who plan-
ned, and the handful of troops which executed the
meafures ; yet were they even of greater moment
to the caufe of America, than they were brilliant as
>articular military exploits.
We contemplate and adore the wifdom and good-
ADDRESS TO GENERAL WASHINGTON. 153
nefs of divine Providence, as difplayed in favour of
the United States, in many inftances during the
courfe of the vi^ar ; but in none more than in the
unanimous appointment of your Excellency to the
command of the army. When we confider the
continuance of your life and health — the difcern-
ment, prudence, fortitude, and patience of your con-
duOiy by which you have not only facrificed as
others have done, perfonal eafe and property, but
frequently even reputation itfelf, in the public caufe,
chufing rather to rifque your own name than ex-
pofe the nakednefs of your country — when we con-
fider the great and growing attachment of the army,
and the cordial efteem of all ranks of men, and of
every ftate in the Union, which you have fo long
enjoyed — we cannot help being of opinion, that
God himfelf has raifed you up as a fit and proper
inftrument for eftablifhing and fecuring the liberty
and happinefs of thefe States.
We pray that the Almighty may continue to
protea and blefs you— that the late fignal fuccefs
of the American arms, may pave the way to a
fpeedy and lafting peace; and that, having furvived
fo much fatigue, and fo many dangers, you may
enjoy many years of honourable repofe in the bofom
of your grateful country.
JOHN WITHERSPOON.
Vol. IX. O
Memorial and Manifesto
OP THE
UNITED STATES
OF
NORTH-AMERICA,
TO THE MEDIATING POWERS IN THE CONFERENCES FOR PEACE,
TO THE OTHER POWERS IN EUROPE, AND IN GENERAL TO
ALL WHO SHALL SEE THE SAME.."
THE United States of North-America, having
been made acquainted, by their illuftrious
»lly the king of France, that there is a propofal for
holding a Congrefs under the mediation of the em-
prefs of Ruflia, and the emperor of Germany, to
treat.of terms of accommodation with Great Britain,
have thought proper to pubUfh, for the information
of all concerned, the following memorial, which
fhall contain a brief detail of the fteps by which
they have been brought into their prefent intereit-
ing and critical fituation.
The United States (formerly Britifli colonies)
were firfl planted awd fettled by emigrants from
that country. Thefe fettlers came out at different
times, and with different views. Some were actua-
ted by the fpirit of curiofity and entcrprife, which
was fo prevalent in Europe in the fixteenth and
MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO, ^C, I55
feventeenth centuries ; fome were chiefly induced
by the hope of riches ; and fome were driven from
their native country by the iron rod of facerdotal
tyranny. They folicited their charters, and fettled
their governments on different principles, fuch as
bed pleafed thofe who were chiefly concerned in
each undertaking. In one thing, however, they all
agreed, that they confidered themfelves as bringing
their liberty with them, and as entitled to all the
rights and privileges of freemen under the Britifli
conftitution.
Purfuant to thefe fentiments, they looked upon
it as the foundation flone of Britifli liberty, that the
freeholders or proprietors of the foil, fhould have
the exclufive right of- granting money for public
ufes, and therefore invariably proceeded upon this
plan. With refpe61:, indeed, to the whole of their
internal government, they confidered themfelves as
not dire£tly fubjedt to the Britifh parliament, but
as feparate indepetident- dominions under the fame
fovereign, and with fimilar co-ordinate jurifdi£lion.
It appears from feveral events, that happened in the
courfe of their hiftory, and from public a£ls of
fome of their governments, that this was their
opinion many years before the late unjuft claims
and oppreflive acts, which gave birth to the bloody
conflicSl: not yet finifned.
From the firft fettlement of tiie colonies, they
willingly fubmitted to Britain's enjoying an ex-
clufive right to their commerce \ though feveral of
the acts of the Britifli parliament upon this fubje^l,
they always looked upon as partial and unjuft.
Some of thefe appear, at firfl view, to be fuch
O2
156 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
badges of fervitude, that it is furprifing that a free
people (liould ever have been patient under them.
The truth is, they would not probably have been
fubmitted to, but that the rigid execution of them
at this diftance was in its nature impoflible.
It was always the opinion of the inhabitants of
thcfe dates, that the benefits which arofe to Britain
from the exclufive commerce of America, and the
taxes which it enabled her to raife, on her own fub-
jec^s, was more than their proportion of the com-
mon treafure neceflary to the defence of the em-
pire. At the fame time, great as it was, the lofs to
them, by being confined in their trade, was greater
than the benefit to her -, as it obliged them to pur-
chafe any thing they had occafion for from her,
and at her own price, which necefi^arily retarded
their growth and improvement. All this notwith-
itanding, when any extraordinary emergency feem-
ed to render it neceflary, and when application was
regularly made to the afi'emblies of the colonies,
they complied in every inftance with the requifi-
tions, and made advances of fums which, in one or
two inftances, Britain herfelf confidered as above
their ability, and therefore made reftitution or com-
penfation for them.
The true reafon of this long and patient acquief-
cence, was the natural and warm attachment which
the inhabitants of America had to Great Britain, as
their parent country. They gloried in their rela-
tion to her •, they were zealous for her honour and
intereft j imbibed her principles and prejudices with
refpe£l to other nations ; entered into her quarrels^
and were profufe of their blood for the purpofe of
OF THE UNITED STATES. I57
fecuring or extending her dominion. Almoft every
city and county in Great Britain had its counter
part, which bore its name in the new world ; and
thoie whofe progenitors for three generations had
been born in America, when they fpoke of going to
Britain, called it going home.
Such was the ftate of things, when fome unwife
counfellors to the Britifli king, " thought of railing a
revenue without the content of the American legif-
latures, to be carried directly to the Englifli treafu-
ry. The lirlt effay on this fubject was the famous
ftamp a61:, of which we (hall at prefent fay nothing,
but that the univerfal ferment raifed on occalion of
It was a clear proof of the juftnefs and truth of the
preceding reprefentation. So odious was it over
the whole country, and fo dangerous to thofe who
attempted to carry it into execution, that in a fhort
time it was repealed by themfelves. Parliament,
however, by their declaratory acl, which pafled
in the fame feihon, Ihewed that they intended to
maintain the right, though they defifted in this in-
ftance from the exercife of it. The Americans over-
joyed at the immediate deliverance, returned to
their affe£l:ion and attachment, hoping that the claim
would again become dormant, and that no occafioix
would be given for the future difcuffion of it.
But it was not long before the Englifli miniflry
propofed and carried an act of parliament, impofing
duties on tea, glafs, &c. which by the fmallnefs of
the duties themfelves, and feveral other circum-
ftances, was plainly defigned to (leal upon us gra-
dually, and if poffible imperceptibly, the exercife of
their pretended right. It was not, however, in their
93
l^S MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
power to blind the colonies, who rofe up againfl
the execution of this a£l, with a zeal proportioned
to the importance of the fubjeft, and with an un-
animity not to be expelled but where a great and
common danger keeps every caufe of jealoufy and
dlilention' out of view. Not only every colony, by
its reprefentative body, but every county, and al-
mofl; every corporation or other fubordinate divifion,
publicly declared that they would defend their liber-
ty at the rilk of their eftates and lives. In the mean-
while the Englifti government profefled a determi-
nation equally firm to enforce the execution of this
a£t by military power, and bring us to uncondition-
al fubmiffion.
Thus did the rupture take place ; and as to the
* juftice of our caufe, we muft fay, that if any im-
partial perfons will read the declaratory a6t, that
the lords and commons of Great Britain in parlia-
ment, have a right to make laws binding upon the
colonies in all cafes ivhatfoevefy and which was now
producing its proper fruit, he muft be convinced,
that had we fubmitted to it, we fhould'have been
in no refpe6l different from a fet of conquered tri-
butary ftates, fubjedl to a foreign country j and the
colonial affemblies would have become both ufelefs
and contemptible. The writings in England upon
this fubject, proving that we were reprefented in
Middlefexy and ufing many other equally forcible ar-
guments, are and will remain a difgrace to reafon,
as well as an infult on American underftanding.
At this period of time not only the people of
E'.igland in general, but the king of England in his
fpecchcs, and his parliament \i\ their addrelles.
OF THE UNITED STATES. 1 59
afxe(£led to reprefent the commotions In America as
yaifed by a ,few feditious perfons, and the confe-
quence of a pre-concerted fcheme to throw ofF the
dominion of Great Britain, and fet up an indepen-
dent empire. This unjuft and indeed abfurd ac-
cufation may be refuted by a thoufand arguments.
The ftrong predeli6lion of the people of America
for the people, the fafhions and the government of
• Britain, proves its falfehood. There was no perfon,
nor any number of perfons in any ftate of America,
who had fuch influence as to be able to effeO: this,
or even view it as a probable obje61: of ambition.
But what mud demonftrate the abfurdity of this
fuppofition, is the ftate in which America was found
when flie began to grapple with the power of Britain.
No ftep had been taken to open the way for obtain-
ing foreign aid% No provifion had been made of
arms, ammunition, or warlike ftores of any kind j
fo that the country feemed to be expofed, naked
and helplefs, to the dominion of her enemy.
Agreeably to this, addreffes and petitions were the
means to which we had recourfe. Reconciliation
to Britain, with the fecurity and prefervation of our
rights, was the wifli of every foul. The moft ex-
plicit profeflions of loyalty to the prince, and the
mod exprefs aflurances of effectual fupport in his
government, if we were called on in a conftitution-
al way, made the fubftance of our declarations.
Every fucceeding petition, however, was treated
with new and greater infult, and was anfwered by
a6l3 of parliament, which for their cruelty will be
a ftain upon the annals of the kingdom, and bring
tlie charjK^er of the nation itfelf into difgrace.
l6o MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
Single a£ls of inhumanity may be accounted for
from the depravity of an individual •, but what (hall
we {\iy of grave and numerous afTemblles, enacting
fuch laws as the Bofton port-bill, which reduced at
once fo many people to beggary, and their property
itielf to nothirtg — the a6b permitting thofe charged
with murdering Americans, to be fent to England
to be tried, that Is to fay, either not to be tried at
all, or certainly abfolved — the a6i: appointing Ame-
ricans taken at fea, to be turned before the maft in
Englifli fliips, and obliged either to kill their own
relations, or be killed by them — and the a6t ap-
pointing American prifoners to be fent to the Eafl:
Indies as flaves. But what is of all mod aflonifli-
ing is, that they never failed to extol their own le-
nity, when pafling fuch a£l:s as filled this whole
continent with refentment and horror. To crown
the whole, the laft petition fent by Congrefs to
the king, which befeeched him to zppointfome tnode
by which our complaints might be remedied, and a
way be paved for reconciliation, was treated with
abfolute contempt, and no anfwer given to it of
any kind. Thus was all intercourfe broken up.
We were declared rebels ; and they themfelves
muft confefs, that no alternative was left us, but
either to go with ropes about our necks, and fubmit
ourfelves, not to the king, but to the kingdom of
England, to be trampled under foot, or rifk all the
confequences of open and vigorous refifhance.
The laft part of the alternative we chofe without
hefitation ; and as it was impolhble to preferve civil
order any longer under the name and form of a
government which we had taken arms to oppofe, we
OF THE UNITED STATES. . l6l
found it abfolutely necefiary to declare ourfelves Inde-
pendent of that prince who had thrown us out of his
protetlion. This great itep was taken with the full
approbation, and indeed at the ardent defire of the
public at large. The extent and growth of the co-
lonies feerned, ir. the nature of things, to call for
fuch a reparation long before ; yet it would not pro-
bably have happened for many years, if it had not
been forced upon us by the condu£r of our unkind
parent herfelf. — The thing indeed feems to have
been the purpofe of God Almighty ; for every mea-
fure of the court of Great Britain had the mo(c di-
rect tendency to haften, and render it unavoidable.
We muft take notice, that before the declaration
of independence, there was fomething like an at-
tempt to reconcile us, commonly called Lord North's
conciliatory motion ; but it was fo trifling in its na-
ture, and infidious in its form, that probably no
fuccefs was expelled from it, even by thole who
contrived it. Who does not perceive in it an artful
attempt to divide us ? and that while every thing
elfe is left in the greateft uncertainty, the main point
for which we contended is clearly decided againft us?
After the declaration of independence. Lord and
General Howe brought out a commiflion for giving
pence to America. But as they had not liberty fo
much as to acknowledge us by an open treaty, fo
the fubftance of what they offered was pardon upon
fubmiihon; that the parliament would revife the
ads they had paiTed, and if any of them were found
improper, they would amend them : which, in one
word, amounted to this, that they would do for us
what they them/elves thought good. Thefe offers.
1 52 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
however, poor as they were, came too late. So im-
portant a ilep as the declaration of independence,
could not be recalled ; and the formidable arma-
ment fent out againft us in the year 1776, rendered
it more neceflary than ever.
We are forry to be obliged to take notice of the
manner of conducting th^ war. It would be for the
honour of humanity, that it could be buried in obli-
vion. Many were the inftances of perfons, after
they had fubmitted and bejzged mercy on their
knees, being murdered in cold blood. The treat-
ment of prifoners was from the ' beginning, and
has continued through the war, with fome excep-
tions, favage and barbarous to the lafl degree. Mul-
titudes, before any exchange took place, died by fa-
mine and ftench. Many were, by threatening and
ill ufage, con drained to enlift in their enemy's fer-
vice ; and many were forced on board their fliips of
war, or fent to Britain to rot in prifon, at a diftance
from their friends, without hope of relief. It is
not eafy to enumerate the houfes and even towns
which have been M^antonly burnt, or to defcribe the
devaftation of the country, and robbery of the inha-
bitants, wherever the army pafled. To this may be
added, hiring the favages to come upon the back fet-
tlements. There is the greater fliame in this expe-
dient, that they are not formidable either for their
number or their valour, but for the fliocking manner
in which they torture their prifoners, and murder
women and infants who fall into their hands. Civili-
zed nations will perhaps find it hard to believe this
reprcfentation ; but every part of it can be fupport-
cd by the mofl unqueftionable faCIs, and it is ren-
dered credible not only by the circumftance that ci-
OF THE UNITED STATES. 1 63
vil wars are carried on commonly with a rancour
and animofity greater than thofe between indepen-
dent nations, but by the expreflions of hatred and
contempt which have been ufed with refpe£l to the
Americans, by ahuoft every fpeaker and writer in
England. What effect could fuch language have
on the minds of the foldiery, but to fteel them
againft all impreffions of pity and tendernefs, as we
find was really the cafe, till they were reftrained in
fome degree, by the fear of retaliation upon their
people in our hands.
At lail after four years of real, and near two
years of profelTed and declared independence, it
pleafed God to inchne the heart of the king of
France to give relief to the opprefled, by entering
into a treaty with the United States, on the moft
liberal and difinterefted principles. No exclufive
privileges are there ftipulated for the French nation,
but the fecure, open, and equal intercourfe to which
all other nations are invited. This acknowledg-
ment and fupport from one of the moft powerful
monarchs in Europe, it may eafily be fuppofed, gave
a new turn to our affairs, and a new dignity to our
caufe. The terms of this treaty fo favourable to
us, as well as honourable to our ally, cannot fail to
add the bond of gratitude to that of juftice, and
make our adherence to it inviolable.
Not long after this treaty was figned, the court
and parliament of Great Britain fent out com.mif-
fioners to make an offer of terms, vvhxh we readily
confefs were not only as good, but better, than
what three years before would have been chearfuliy
accepted. But the ground was now wholly chan-
164 MEMORIAL AND MANIFESTO
ged. We were offered freedom from taxes, and
even a fpecies of independence itfelf, upon the
enfy terms of breaking our faith fo lately pledged,
and uniting our force with that of Great Britain ;
and both would doubtlefs have been immediately
employed in taking vengeance on France for the
affiftance {he had lent to us in our diflrefs. Yet
even here, the whole was to be fubjecl to the revi-
fion of parliament ; that is to fay, any part of the
agreement might be approved or rejected as to the
wifdom of that aflembly fliould feem meet.
Thefe laft propofals from Great Britain, deferve
very particular notice. They are a clear dereliction
of the firft caufe of quarrel, and an ample confeflion
that the demands of America were juft ; while the
time and circumftances of tlieir being made, (hew
that they could not be accepted with any regard
either to juftice, gratitude, or policy. Could we
be guilty of a dired breach of faith, when the ink
was hardly dry by which our ratification of the
treaty was marked ? Could we inftantly forget
thofe favours which had been fo earneftly folicited,
as well as generoufly bellowed? Could we, who had
not entered into a league ofFenlive and defenfive
with France, except for the prefent ftruggle in our
own behalf, becaufe we did not wifh to be involved
in the wars of Europe, throw ourielves into the
arms of an hoftile nation, and promife to make
peace or war with her, againft our benefactors ?
Upon the whole, fmce the American colonies
were, from their extent and fituation, ripe for a
feparation from Great Britain, and the nature of
things feemed to demand it ; fincc their growing
OP THE UNITED STATES. l6^
power, added to that of Great Britain, would give
her fuch a dominion of the fea, as mufl be dange-
rous to the liberty and commerce of other nations ;
fmce, by her own a6ts of oppreffion, (he has
alienated the minds of the Americans, and compel-
led them to eftablifh independent governments,
which have now taken place ; and fmce thefe
governments, which are diftin^: though confede-
rated, wholly fettled upon republican principles, and
fit only for agriculture and commerce, cannot be an
obje£i: of jealoufy to other powers, but by free and
open intercourfe with them a general benefit to
all ; it is to be hoped that the revolution^ which they
have efFe£led, will meet with univerfal approbation*
"^OL. IX.
ON THE
CONTEST
BETWEEN
GREAT BRITAIN and AMERICA.
I
Philadelphia, Sept, 3, 1778.
Dear Sir,
YOUR very acceptable letter of the 21ft of
March, I received about the middle of June,
and would have anfwered it long ago, if there had
been any encouraging profpe61: of conveying it J
fafely. As to writing you a fliort letter that mufh
have gone open through the enemy's pofls, I did
not think it woVth while. I have, however, now
come to a refolution of writing you pretty fully,
and trving to convey it by France or Holland; and
if it fhould fall into their hands, and never get to
your's, there will be no other lofs than my time in
writing *, for as to any other confequences, either
to the public or to myfelf, I have not the leaft ap-
prehenfion.
Your letter came to me fealed, and apparently
never opened, in a packet from the BrJlifli com-
miflioners, which arrived at Yoik-town while the
Congrefs was fiitUi^^ ; and confcquently it, as well
ON THE CONTEST, ^r. 167
as one from Mr F , was delivered to me in
prefence of the whole members. As the fame
packet, befides the public meflage, contained
fome private letters addrefled to particular mem-
bers, fome of them from Governor Johnftone, one
of the commiffioners, a propofal was made by a
member, who read publicly one received by him-
felf, that every gentleman who had received private
letters from any perfon with the enemy, fliould de-
liver them to Congrefs, that they might be read.
This would have been attended with no difficulty as
to me ; except fome family affairs in Mr F 's
letter very improper to be publicly read, and fome
expreffions in his letter a little offenfive fpeaking of
Congrefs. However, it was not done at- that time ;
and afterwards, in a diet at many days diftance,
every member who had received any fuch letters,
was called upon to read from them what related
to public affairs, which was done.
I am and have been greatly concerned, as you
feem to be, for the conteft betv/een Great Britain
and America •, and certainly, from my own interefl,
have by far the greateft rcafon of the two ; and as
I fuppofe, it will be agreeable to you, fhall make a
few obfervations. i. Upon the public caufe ; and,
2. On my own conduft, which I underfcand from ^
mmy different quarters, to be highly blamed in my
native country.
As to the public caufe, I Icok upon the fepara-
tion of America from Britain to be the vifible in-
tention of Providence ; aifd believe, that in the
iffue it will be to the benefit of this country, with-
out any injury to the other — perhaps to the advan-
P 2
l68 ON THE CONTEST BETWEEN
tage of both. It feems to me the intention of Pro-
vidence for many reafons, which I cannot now
enumerate, tmt in a particular manner for the fol-
lowing-r-that I cannot recollect any inftance in hif-
tory, in which a perfon or people have fo totally
and uniformly miftaken the means for attaining
their own ends, as the king and parliament of Bri-
tain have in this contefl. I do ferioufly and pofi-
tively affirm to you, my dear Sir, that it is my opi-
nion, that Congrefs itfelf, if they had been to direct
the meafures of the Britifh miniftry, could not, or
would not, have directed them to meafures fo ef-
fedlual to forward and eftablifh the independence
of America, as thofe which they chofe of their own
accord. They have had a miftaken opinion of the
ftate of things in America, from the beginning to
this hour, and have founded their whole condu£t
upon their miftakes. They fuppofed fometimes,
that the people of America, in general, were fedi-
lious and fa61:ious — defirous of a feparation from
Great Britain, and that their conduct on occafion
of the ftamp-a^l was the effect of this difpofition.
Nothing could be more untrue. I am a witnefs
that the people of this country had an efteem of,
and attachment to the people of Great Britain, ex-
ceedingly ftrong. They were proud of them, and
of their own defcent from them. Britifh fafhions,
Britifh goods, and even Britifh perfpns, were in
the higheft efteem. A perfon educated in the old
counties had a degree of rank and credit from that
circumftance. Independent of every other. I think
they were even partial in this refpecSl:. I believe,
had I myfclf been born and educated in America, I
GREAT BRITAIN AND AMERICA. 169
(liould have met with a degree of acceptance and
fuccefs in my ftation, far inferior to what actually
happened. "When an American fpoke of going to
England, he always called it going home; and
wherever you are in this country, you meet v/ith
almoft nothing but counties, townfhips, and houfes,
called by Englifh names. I live at Princeton in'
Middlefex county ; and on the oppofite fide of the
ftreet is Somerfet county, and indeed, I believe all
the counties in New Jerfey, are called by Englilh
names.
From this I defire that you may infer, that the
oppofition made to the claims of parliament, arofe
from a deep and univerfal convi6^ion in the people,
that they were inconfiftent with their own fecurity
and peace. In this I am fatisfied that they judged
right ; for had the claim fet up been acquiefced in,
the provincial aflemblies would have become con-
temptible and ufelefs, and the v*^hola colonics no
better than a parcel of tributary flates, which,
placed at fo great a diftance, would have been, from
error, ignorance, and felf-interefl, loaded in the
moft infupportable manner.
Another miftake, into which the miniftry and
parHament of England fell, was, that this was a
deep-laid fcheme of a few artful and defigning men,
who ftirred up the multitude for their own ends ;
that the fentiments in favour of America, were by
no means general ; but that the artful leaders im-
pofed upon them. This I have feen aflerted from
the beginning to the end of the quarrel ; and to
complete the abfurdity, the very commillioners
P3
lyo ON THE CONTEST, Isfc
now here from Britain, continue to reafon in the
fame manner — impeach the Congrefs with ambi-
tious and defigning views, and feem difpofed to
appeal to the people. Alas ! they know nothing
of the matter. The Congrefs is a changeable
body : members are going from it, and coming to
it every month, nay, every week. -— —
ON THE
AFFAIRS
OF THE
UNITED STATES,
CTuscuLUM, NEAR Princeton,
^ * March 20. 1780.
Dear Sir,
I HAVE received a letter from you, dated June
II, 1778, a few days after I had written to
you a long letter of the date, Sept. 21. that year.
The defign of it was to defire me to enquire after,
and endeavour to procure the enlargement of one
Alexander Muirhead, fuppofed to be carried into
Bofton. I immediately wrote to Bofton myfelf,
and caufed one of the delegates of that ftate alfo to
write ; but we could hear nothing of him, fo that
probably he was not carried into that place.
Your favour of March 19, 1779, acknowledging
the receipt of mine of the 2 1 ft of September pre-
ceding, I received in the month of Auguft laft year.
I am to blame in not anfwering it fooner; but I
had no inclination to fend an open letter through
the Englifli pofts, and any proper opportunity
of fending it another way feldom occurs. This
goes by a gentleman who means to get to Europe
172 ON THE AFFAIRS OF
upon bufinefs, and has promifed to take particular
care of it -, fo that I mean to embrace the opportu-
nity of writing to you and fome other of my friends.
I am obhged to you for your particular private
home news about Glafgow, and would be glad of
the continuance of fuch intelligence, and the more
fo, if you would take in Paifley alfo.
I have been, fince I wrote you laft, in general
in good, health, and indeed am at prefent in better
health than I have been fnice I had the laft fit.
Excepting thefe fits, and the weaknefs that follow-
ed upon them, my health has been good ever fince
I came to America ; and that weaknefs has been
chiefly a fwimming in my head, and fear and un-
certainty when I went to make a long difcourfe in
public. It was the opinion of Dr. Rufh, that thefe
fits were fomething of the appople£lic kind. It is
remarkable, that for thefe twelve months paft, I have
had almoft conftantly a fucceflioh of pimples, or
rather fmall biles or blotches, about the temples,
within the hair and fometimes on the forehead ;
fince which time I have been fenfibly better and
freer from the other complaint.
I have now left Congrefs, not being able to fup-
port the expenfe of attending it, with the frequent
journies to Princeton, and being determined to give
particular attention to the revival of the college.
Profeflbr Houfton, however, our profeflbr of mathe-
matics, is a delegate this year •, but he tells me he
will certainly leave it next Novem.ber. I mention
this circumftance to confirm what I believe I wrote
you formerly, that the members of Congrefs in ge-
neral, not only receive no profit from thut ofiice,
THE UNITED STATES. 1 73
but I believe five out of fix of them, if not more,
are great lofers in their private affairs. This can-
not be otherwife j for as none of the delegates are
allowed to have any lucrative office whatever, either
in their own ftate or for the United States, though
their expenfes fhould be fully borne, their time is
taken up, and their own private eftates are neglec-
ted. At the end of the year 1778, I gave notice
to our legiflature that they muft either not chufe
me at all, or leave me at full liberty to attend only
when I could conveniently. They chofe me how-
ever, and I made a good deal of ufe of that liberty
in the year 1779, and this year all the delegates
were changed but one, who had only been in one
year, and who has not a houfe to go home to, his
eftate being in the neighbourhood of New York.
My family are well fo far as I know. The truf-
tees of the college have laft September chofe my
fon-in-law, Mr. Smith, profefTor of moral philofo-
phy. He came to Princeton with his family in De-
cember. To him I gave up my houfe at college,
and devolved upon him the whole bufinefs of board-
ing young gentlemen, and retired to my houfe in
the country, at the diftance of one mile, and in full
fight of Princeton. This I have had in view for
feme years, and intend to fpend the remainder of
my life, if poflible, in otto cum diguitate. You
know I was always fond of being a fcientific farmer.
That difpofition has not loft but gathered ftrength
fince my being in America. In this refpe£t I got
a dreadful ftroke indeed from the Englifh when
they were here, they having feized and moftly de-
ftroyed my whole ftock, and committed fuch rava-
174 ON THE AFFAIRS OF
ges that we are not yet fully recovered from it.
My (now) eldeft fon failed in October laft for France,
with Mr Girard and Mr. Jay, late prefident of
Congrefs. He is to purchafe a few medicines and
inftruments in Europe, and return to profecute his
bufinefs as a phyfician. My other fon was ftudy-
ing law; but for the mean while, is private fecretary
to the prefent prefident of Congrefs, and my young-
eft daughter is at home.
As to public affairs, it feems to be yet uncertain
whether we fhall have peace foon. Greatly do I
and many others in America defire it ; and yet,
were our condition ten times worfe than it is, no-
thing fhort of the clear independence of this country
would be accepted. I obferve, by your letter of
the 19th of March laft year, that you had a high
opinion of your fucceffes at St. Lucia, in Georgi?,
and againft the French trade. I believe before the
end of the campaign, there was little reafon to boaft
of your fuccefs upon the whole. I mentioned to
you in my laft hovv' obftinately the court of England
continued in erroneous opinions refpefting America;
and now I think that obftinacy has become incu-
rable. It is plain that they ftill harp upon the fame
ftring, that a few leading men in Congrefs ftir up
the people, and perfuade them to continue the con-
teft. Allow me to affure you, that this is one of the
moft abfurd and groundlefs opinions that ever was
formed. The Congrefs is changing every day.
There is no inftance in the whole conteft, in which
the public opinion did not go before their refblu-
tions. To go back to the very beginning — the de-
claration of independence was forced upon the ma-
THE UNITED STATES. 1 75
jority of the then Congrefs, by the people in gene-
ral : and, in confequence of fubfequent ele£lions,
every fix months that I have been in Congrefs has
weakened the party that was fufpecSted of coldnefs
upon that fubjeft ; and now, perhaps, I may fay it
is annihilated.
. I have read h^tely your parliamentary enquiry in-
to the caufes of your want of fuccefs in America.
The examination of Galloway m particular is a cu-
riofity. I know that he and fuch as he are blinded
and ftupified to an almoft incredible degree, by their
prejudices ; and yet it is hard to fuppofe that he
thought as he faid in all points. For example,
when he endeavours to make It be believed, that
the difficulty of fuppiying general Wafhington's army
arofe from the difaiFedtion of the country to his caufe.
I admit that he was in the winter 1777, in a part
of the country where there are more people either
cool or difaffe6ted to the caufe of America, than in
any other on the continent ; and yet his want of
fupplles did not arife from that in the leafl degree.
It arofe from the ftate of our money. If he and his
commifTaries had had as much hard money as gene-
ral Howe, he would have had all the provifions in
the country laid down at his tent door.
I am not only fully fenfible, by a general know-
ledge of the country In this and other Hates, that
the public mind is entirely on the fide of libertv,
and tor the independence of America — but I could
mention a great many hds and circun:. fiances as
1 evidences of it, ftronger than could well be ima-
gined, and indeed which have turned out ftronger
than even my expectations. One circumftance is
17^ ON THE AFFAIRS OF
alone decifive upon this fubje<3:, which is well
known to yourfelves, that the moment your army
leaves any part of the country, it is not only loft to
you, but returns (o ftrongly to the intereft of Con-
grefs, that all the perfons known to have been at-
tached to you are obliged to fly with terror and
confufion. But there is another ftrong circum-
flance, the univerfal attachment of the people to
the French alliance. In vain have your partifans
endeavoured to alarm the people with the fears of
popery and arbitrary power. It makes not the leafl
im predion even upon the common people.
Pleafe to attend to the circumftance I am going
to mention ; becaufe it furprifed myfelf when I
obferved it. There are always, you know, little feuds
and contentions, jealoufy and emulation, in every
fociety and in every alTociation ; both in Congrefs
and in the country, I have obferved that when one
fet or fadiion wants to make the other odious, they
charge them with being cold to the French alliance,
and ungrateful to them for their fervices. This, to
my knowledge, has been the fubje£l of mutual re-
proaches, when I do not believe there was any
truth in it on either fide. Would you think it—
fome have ferioufly attempted to perfuade me, that
the New-England delegates were cold to the French,
and inclined to the Englifli ; to which I anfwered, that
I well knew the contrary, but that they were of aa
independent fpirit, and would not eafily fubmit to
unwarrantable influence, either from the French or
the Englifli. I mention all this fingly with this
view, to ftiew you the bent and inclination of the
public mind.
OF THE UNITED 8TATE8. 1 77
. I have been lately reading over governor John-
fton's fpeech after his return, in which to my
amazement, he pofitively and pubHcly denies his
having fent any meflage by a lady to Mr. Reed.
The thing is now publicly known and confefled.
He fays they would have named the lady if there
had been any fuch thing. Mr. Reed forbore
naming the lady out of tendernefs to her ; but it
has now come out. It was Mrs .F , daughter
of the late Dr. G , married to Mr. F , fon
of R. F , of . What fliould people
think of perfons of his character fo boldlv and
folemnly to deny a certain fact.
I will mention another circumflance to you.
The diftrefs of this country by the depreciation of
the money, has been very great. Many have fuf-
fered great lofTes ; not a few have been utterly
ruined. Yet I never could perceive that this altered
the inclination of the people as to the public caufc
in the leaft. Nay, norwidillanding the dreadful
complaints made againft particular clafles of men,
fuch as foreftailers and engrofiers, commifTaries and
quartermafters, yet I am perfuaded that any body
who fhould but propofe to return to fubmiifion to
England for relief from their depredations, Would
be tbrn in pieces. — — —
Vol. IX. Q
OBSERVATIONS
ON THE
IMPROVEMENT OF AMERICA.
NORTH AMERICA is at prefent from the na-
tural courfe of things, in a growing ftate. It
■will therefore of itfelf, for a feries of years gradual-
ly improve. There are however many things by
which that improvement may be facilitated or re-
tarded •, and it is the laudable purpofe of this focie- ^
ty, to attend to thefe circumftances with care, and
ufe their utmoft endeavours to encourage the one
and to remove the other. Having had the honour
of being admitted a member of this fociety, and not
having it much in my power any otherwife to pro-
mote American improvements, I could not refill
the inclination I felt to digeft and put in writing, a
few reflections upon the police of countries in ge-
neral, the great principles on which the Philadel-
phia Society ought to proceed, and perhaps I may
propofe fome particular regulations.
I. The moral caufes of the prosperity of a coun-
try, are almoft infinitely more powerful than thofe
that are only occafional. This obfervation is taken
from Montefquieu, by whom it is admirably illuf-
mted, and it ought never to be out of view, with
OBSERVATIONS, tifc. I-y^
tliofe who wifh to promote the general good. The
moral caufes arife from the nature of the govern-
ment, including the adminiflration of juftice, liber-
ty of confcience, the partition of property. The
rife of a particular town, the cultivation and beauty
of a particular quarter of a country, may fometimes
be juftly afcribed to the furprifmg effe£ls of a fmgle
. perfon who fet the example ; yet he was only the
occafion properly fpeaking, of the vigorous exertion.
The confequences could never be general or lafting,
if there was not a difpofition to it in the conftitution
of the country. Therefore, a facred regard fhould
be had by every lover of mankind, to the principles
of equity and liberty, that they may never be vio-
lated by any public proceedings. Pennfylvania is
fo happy in this particular, that its conftitution need
Bot be improved, but preferved and defended.
2. It is extremely difficult, after you depart from
general principles, to difcover what particular regu-
lations will be for the intereft of a country. It re-
quires a very comprehenfive mind, and a thorough
knowledge of the courfe of trade and police in ge-
neral. Befides, it is not only difficult, but impoffi-
ble to forefee what circumftances may afterwards
occur. Many things are ufeful and expedient at one
time, which in a few years become unnecefTary or
hurtful. Nay, many felfiffi laws have operated from
the beginning, in a manner dlredly contrary to
what was expeded. The incorporation of trades
in the cit;es m Britain, is an inflance of the firft :
and almoft every law m.ade to the prejudice of Ire-
land, is an example of the laft. —
Q2
SUPPLICATION
OF
J T>*#**^###^
TO HIS EXCELLENCY HENRY LAURENS, ESQUIRE, PRESIDENT,
AWD OTHER, THE MEMBERS OF THE HONOURABLE, THE
AMERICAN CONGRESS, ^C ^f. i^C»
THE HUMBLE REPRESENTATION AND EARNEST SUPPLICATION 0»
y. Jl . PRINTER AND BOOKSELLER IN NEW- YORK,
RESPECTFULL-y SHEWETH,
T
HAT a great part of the Britifli forces has al-
^ ready left this city, and from many fymptoms
there is reafon to fufped, that the remainder will
fpeedily follow them. Where they are gone or
going, is perhaps known to themfelves, perhaps
not ; certainly however, it is unknown to us, the
loyal inhabitants of the place, and other friends of
government who have taken refuge in it, and who
are therefore filled with diilrefs and terror on the
unhappy occafion.
That as foon as the evacuation is completed, It is
more than probable, the city will be taken pofleffiou
of by the forces of your high mightinclTes, followed
by vaft crowds of other pevfons— whigs by nature
-and profeffion^friends to the liberties, and foes to
the enemies of America. Above all, it will un-
doubtedly be filled with ihoals of Yankies, that is
SUPPLICATION OF J. R » X8l
to fay, the natives and inhabitants ("or as a great
lady in this metropolis generally exprefles it, the
nuretches ) of New England.
That from feveral circumftances, there is reafon
to fear that the behaviour of the v^rretches aforefaid,
may not be altogether gentle to fuch of the friends
of government as iliall flay behind. What the go-
verning powers of the Hate of New York may do
alfo, it is impoflible to foretel. Nay, who knows
but we may foon fee, /« propria perfona, as we have
often heard of HortentiuSy the governor of Nev/ Jer-
fey, a gentleman remarkable for feverely handling
thofe whom he calls traitors, and indeed who has
exalted fome of them (quanquam animus meminifle
horret lecluque refugit) to a high, though depend-
ant ftation, and brought America under their feety in
a fenfe very diiTerent from what Lord North meant
when he firft ufed that celebrated expreffion.
That your petitioner in particular, is at the great-
eft lofs what to refolve upon, or how to fhape his
courfe. He has no defire at all, either to be roaft-
cd in Florida, or frozen to death in Canada or No-
va Scotia. Being a great lover of freih cocjj he has
had thoughts of trying a fettlement in Newfound-
land, but recollefting that the New England men
have almoil all the fame appetite, he was obliged to
relinquifn that proje£l entirely. If he fliould go to
Great Britain, dangers no lefs formidably prefent
themfelves. Having been a bankrupt in Londoa, it
is not impoflible that he might be accommodated
with a lodging in Newgate, and that the ordinary
1 8a SUPPLICATION OF J. R '•
there, might oblige him to fay his prayers, a prac-
tice from which he hath had an infuperable averfion
all his life long.
' In this dreadful dilemma, he hath at laft de-
termined to apply to your high mightinefTes, and
by this memorial to lay himfelf at your feet, which
he affures you, is the true modifh phrafe for re-
fpeaful fubmiffion, accordingr to the prefent eti-
quette of the court. Being informed however,
that fome of you are Prefbyterians and Religionifls,
he has been alfo at fome pains to find out a fcripture
warrant or example for his prefent conduft, and
has happily found it, in the advice given by the fer-
vants of Benhadad, king of Syria, to their mafter,
I Kings XX. 31. And his fervants faid unto him, he-
hold now we have heard that the kings of Ifrael are
^nercful kings : let us we pray thee, put facMoth up^
on-Gur loins, and ropes upon our heads, and go out to
the ling of Ifrael, peradventure he may fave thy life.
So they girded fackcloth upon their loins, and put ropes
lipon their heads, and came to the king of Ifrael, and
/aid, Thy fervant Benhadad faith, I pray thee let me
live. In like manner, O moft mighty and venerable
Congrefs-men, your fervant J. R faith, I
pray you let me live.
Having thus preferred my petition, I muft now
intre-it leave to lay before your high mightincfles,
fundry reafons, which I hope will incline you to
lend a favourable ear to it, in doing which, I fhall,
ufe all poflible plainnefs and candour.
I. In the firft place, there cannot polTibly be any
danger to the United States, in fuffering me to live,
I know many of you think and fay that a Tory heart
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . 183
acquires fuch a degree of fournefs and malevolence,
in addition to its native ftock, and fuch a habit of
treachery, by breaking through the moll, endearing
ties of nature, that no good can be expected from it,
nor any dependance placed upon it, let pretences or
appearances be what they will. I remember alfo,
about feven year^ ago a certain perfon hearing acci-
dently one or two paragraphs read from the writings
of an eminent controverfial divine in this country,
faid, That fellow muft be a turn-coat •, it is impoffi-
ble that he could have been educated in the profef-
Con which he now defends. What is your reafon
for that opinion ? faid another gentleman who was
prefent — Becaufe, fays he, he difcovers a rancour
of fpirit and rottennefs of heart, unattainable by
any other clafs of men. But I contend that thefe re-
marks relate only to the natives of this country,
who like parricides took up arms for her deftruc-
tion i and to apoftates in rehgion ; neither of which,
Fam certain, can be applied to me. I was born, as
is well known, in old England ; and as for the ac-
cufation of apoitacy, I fet it at defiance, unlefs a
man can be faid to fall off from what he was never
on, or to depart from a place M'hich he never faw.
But what I beg of you particularly to obferve is,
that let the difpofitlon to mifchief be as great as you
pleafe, where the ability is wanting there can be no
danger. I have often feen the lions in the tower of
London without fear, becaufe there was an iron
grate between me and them. Now it is certain
that the Tories in general, would do any thing foon-
er than fight. Many of them became Tories for no
other reafon, than that they might avoid fighting.
1^4 SUPPLICATION OF J. R ■ U
The poor chicken-hearted creatures cried out to the
potent King of England, to take them under his
wings for protection, which he endeavoured to do,
but they were too fliort to cover them. Even the
late petition for arms in which they promifed to go
without the Hnes, and fweep you all away with the
befom of defl:ru£lion, was but an idle rhodomon-
tade It was fomething like a poor boy ihouting
and finging in the dark, to keep himfelf from being
afraid. At that very time, to my certain know-
ledge they would have given the world for a place
to fly to, out of the reach of Wafhington and Gates.
But I return to myfelf, egomet fum proximus mihu
I can aiTure your high mightinefles, that no danger
can arife from me, for I am as great a coward as
King James the Vlth of Scotland, who could never ^
fee a naked fword without trembling *, having been, I
as it isfaid, frightened in his mother's belly, when the
fierce barrons of that country came in, and killed
David Rizzio in his prefence. I was once feverely
caned by a Scots officer.now (if employed) in your
fervice. Though the gentlemen of that choleric na-
tion have been very much our friends in the pre-
fent controverfy, I find it is dangerous to offend
them. Buchanan their own hiftorian fays, perfer*
vidum eji Scotorum in gen'ium. Therefore by the
by, or en pajfant, for I fuppofe you are at prefent
beft pleafed with French phrafes, I would advife
every man who regards his own peace, however
fmooth and gentle a Scotchman may appear, not to
take him aga'wjl the hah'y as the faying is in their
own country, but to remember the motto that fur-
rounds the thiftle, Nemg me impwie lacejfat. I alfa
SUPPLICATION OF J. "R . I 85
very narrowly efcaped a found beating from a New
England parfon, who was ftrong enough, without
either cane or cudgel, to have pounded me to a
mummy. All this, and much more of the fame
kind, I bore with the moft exemplary patience and
fubmiflion. Perhaps it will be faid, that though no
danger is to be apprehended from any deeds, yet I
may do harm enough by words and writing. To
this I anfwer, that I have expended arid exhaufted
my whole faculty of that kind in the fervice of the
Englifh. I have tried falfehood and mifreprefenta-
tion in every fhape that could be thought of, fo that
it is like a coat thrice turned that will not hold a
fingle ditch. My friend, Gen. Re n, told
me fome time ago in my own (hop, that I had car-
ried things fo far that people could not believe one
word I faid even though it were as true as the gof-
pel. From all this I hope it plainly appears, that
there could be no danger from me ; and therefore
as you cannot furely think of being cruel for cruel-
ty's fake, that you vv'ill fuffer me to live.
II. Any further puniOimiCnt upon me, or any
other of the lyihappy refugees who fliall .emain in
New York, wijl be altogether unneceflary, for they
do fuffer and will fufFer from the nature of the thing,
as much as a merciful man could wifh to impofe
upon his greateft enemy. By this I mean the
dreadful mortification (after our pall puiiing and
vaunting") of being under the dominion of the Con-
grefs, feeing and hearing the conduct and difcourfe
of the friends of America, and perhaps being put in
mind of our own, in former times. You have pro-
bably feen many of the Englifli newfpapers, and
l86 SUPPLICATION OF J. R-
alfo feme of mine, and you have among you the
feix) prifoners who by a miracle efcaped death in our
hands. By all thefe means you may learn with
what infinite contempt, with what provoking infult,
and with what unexampled barbarity, your people
have, from the beginning to the end, been treated
by the Britifh officers, excepting a very fmall num-
ber, but above all by the Tories and Refugees, who
not having the faculty of fighting, were obliged to lay
out their whole wrath and malice in the article of
fpeaking. I remember, when one of the prifoners
taken after the gallant defence of Fort Wafhington
had received feveral kicks for not being in his rank,
he faid, is this a way of treating a gentleman ? The
anfwer was, gentleman ? G — d— — n your blood,
who made you a gentleman ? which was heard by
us all prefent with unfpeakable fatisfadlion, and ra-
tified by general applaufe. I have alfo feen one of
your officers, after long imprifonment, for want of
clothes, food and lodging, as meagre as a fkeleton
and as dirty and fhabby as a London beggar, when I
one of our friends would fay with infinite humour,
look you there is one of King Congs's ragged raf-
cals. You mult remember the many fweet names
given you in print, in England and America, Rebels,
Rafcals, Ragamuffins, Tatterdemallions, Scoun-
drels, Blackguards, Cowards, and Poltroons. You
cannot be ignorant how many and how complete
vi£l:ories we gained over you, and what a fine figure
you made In our narratives. We never once made
you to retreat^ feldom even ^ojly as a routed army, 3
but to run off into the ivoodsy to Scamper away ^
through the fields^ and to take to your heels as ufiiaL
SUPPLICATION OF J. R . igy
You will probably foon fee the gazette account of
the defeat of Mr. Wafliington at Monmouth. There
it will appear how you fcampered off, and how the
EngUfli followed you and mowed you down, till
their officers, with that humanity which is the
character ijUc of the nation^ put a ftop to this carnage,
and then by a mafterly ftroke of generalship, Hole
a march in the night, left you fhould have fcam-
pered back again and obliged them to make a new
ilaughter in the morning.
Now, dear gentlemen, confider what a miferable
affair it muft be for a man to be obliged to apply
with humility and feif-abafement to thofe whom he
hath fo treated, nay, even to beg life of them,
while his own heart upbraids hira with his paft con-
dud, and perhaps his memory is refreflied with the
repetition of fome of his rhetorical flowers. It is
generally faid that our friend Burgoyne was treated
with abundance of civility by general Gates, and
yet I think it could not be very pleafmg to him to
fee and hear the boys when he entered Albany,
going before and crying, Elhoiu Room for General
Burgoyne there. Fear and trembling have already
taken hold of many of the refugees and friends of
government in this place. It would break your
hearts to hear poor Sam. S , of Philadelphia,
weeping and wailing, and yet he was a peaceable
Quaker who did nothing in the world but hire
guides to the Englilh parties who were going out
to furprize and butcher you. My brother of trade,
G — is fo much affeded, that fome fay he has loft,
or will foon lofe, his reafou. For my own part I
do not think I run any riik in that refpe<^. All
1 88 SUPPLICATION OF J. R ■•
the wifdom that I was ever poffeffed of is in me
ftill, praifed be God, and likely to be fo. A man
that has run the gauntlet of creditors, duns and
bailiffs, for years in England, and has been cudgell-
ed, kicked, and p— d upon in America, is in no
danger of lofmg his reafon by any circumftance
whatever, fo long as there is the leaft profpeft of
faving his life. I have heard fome people fay that
diftionour was worfe than death, but with the great
Sancho Pancha, I was always of a different opinion.
I hope, therefore, your honours will confider my
fufferings as fufficient to atone for my offences, and
allow me to continue in peace and quiet, and ac-
cording to the North Britifh proverb, j/?^^/ in a whole
Jk'in.
IIL I beg leave to fuggeft, that upon being re-
ceived into favour, I think it would be in my powe^
to fexve the United States in feveral important re-
fpeds. I believe many of your officers want polite-
nefs. They are like old Cincinnatus, taken from
the plow; and therefore muft ftill have a little
roughnefs in their manners and deportment. Now
I myfelf am the pink of courtefy, a genteel, portly,
well-looking fellow, as you will fee in a fummer's
day. I underftand and poffefs the hienfiance^ the
mannery the grace, fo largely infifted on by Lord
Chefterfield •, and may without vanity fay, I could
teach it better than his Lordfhip, who in that article
has remarkably failed. I hear with pieafure- that
your people are pretty good faholars, and have
made particularly very happy : vances in the art of
fwearing, fo effentially neceffary to a gentleman.
Yet I dare fay they will themfelyes confefs, that;
SUPPLICATION CF J, F ,8o
they are ftill in this refped far inferior to the Eng-
lifh army. There is, by all accounts, a coarfenefs and
famenefs in their expreffionj whereas there is variety,
fprightlinefs and figure, in the oaths of gentlemen
well educated. Dean Swift fays very juflly, < a foot-
man may fwear, but he cannot fwear like a lord.'
Now we have many lords in the Englifharmy, all of
whom, when here, were pleafed to honour me with
their friendfliip and intimacy; fo that I hope my qua-
lifications can hardly be difputed. I have imported
many of the moll neceflary articles for appearance in
genteel life. I can give them Lavornitti's foap-balls,
to wafh their brown hands clean, perfumed gloves,
paint, powder, and pomatum. I can alfo furnifli
the New England men with rings, feals, fwords,
canes, fnufF-boxes, tweezer-cafes, and many other
fuch notions^ to carry home to their wives and mif-
trefles, who will be ;w//^«-giad to fee them. You
are alfo to know that I import a great many parent
medicines, which may be of ufe to your army. It
is faid that fome of them are exceedingly liable to
a diforder called by phyficians tlie raucomaniay
which is frequently followed by the two twin dif-
eafes of plumbophobia and fiderophobia. \i they
will but fubmit to a ftricl regimen, and take the
tinfture drops and pills which I prepare, I am con-
fident the cure in mod cafes would be infallible.
I have been informed, that a certain perion, weli
known to your augull body, has clearly demonitrat-
ed that virtue and feverity of maniiers are necefiary
to thofe who would pull an old government down^
which fete is now happily accon;piiihed ; but that
luxury, diffipatioD^ and a taite for pieaiures, are
VoL.iX. R
igO SUPPLICATION OF J R
equally neceflary to keep up a government already-
fettled. As I fuppofe you are fully convinced of
this moft falutary truth, I take it for granted, now
that you have fettled governments in all the Hates,
you are looking out for proper perfons to foften the
rigid virtue of the Americans, and lay them alleep
in the lap of felf-indulgence. Now, I am proud to
fay, that there is not a man on this continent more
able to ferve you in this refpedt, than myfelf. I
have ferved many of the Britifh officers in a mofl
honourable ftation and charaaer, of which the
great Pandarus of Troy was the moft ancient exam-
ple. If I am happy enough to make my own con-
verfation and manners the ftandard of the mode, I
believe you will fee very powerful effects of it in a
ihort time. But if, after recovering your friend-
Ihip myfelf, I am able alfo to bring back and recon-
cile to this country the Rev. Dr A -, I believe
the fyftem will be perfeft. That gentleman, by
his robuft form, is well fitted to be an ecclefiaftical
bruifer, if fuch an officer fliould be needed •, and,
w\\h all due deference to the officers of the Ameri-
can army, I fhould think that a better way of termi-
nating differences among them in the laft refort
than fword or piflol, for many obvious reafons.
He has alfo diftinguiflied himfelf by the publication
of fome poems, on fubjeas extremely well fuited
to the charaaer of a Chriftian clergyman, and very
proper for initiating the tender mind in the fofteft
and moft delicious of all arts, vh. the art of love.
Finally, I hope I may be of fervice to the Unit-
ed ftates, as a writer, publlfiier, coUe^or, and
maker of news. I mention this with fome diffi-
ilgjice j becaufe perhaps you will think I have fore-
SUPPLICATION OF J. R ■ v I^S
clofed myfelf from fuch a claim, by confeffing (as
above) that my credit as a news-writer is broken by
over-flretching. But it is common enough for a
man in bufinefs, v/hen his credit is wholly gone in
one place, by fhifting his ground, and taking a new
departure, to ftourifli away, and make as great or
greater figure than before. How long that fplen-
dour will laft is another matter, and belongs to an
after confideration. I might therefore, though m*y
credit is gone in New York, fet up again in the
place which is honoured "with your refidence. Be-
fides, I might write thofe things only or chiefly,
which you wifh to be difbelieved, and thus render
you the moft effential fervice. This would be aim-
ing and arriving at the fame point, by manoeuvring^
retrogade. Once more, as I have been the oilenfi-
ble printer of other people's lies in New York,,
what is to hinder me from keeping incog, and in-
venting or polilhing lies, to be ilTued from the prefsr
of another printer in Philadelphia ? In one, or more,
or ail of thefe ways, I hope to merit your approba-
tion. It would be endlefs to mention all my de-
vices ; and therefore I will only fay further, that I
can take a truth, and fo puff and fweil and adorn
it, ftili keeping the proportion of its parts, but en-
larging their dimenfions, that you could hardly dif-
cover where the falfehood lay, in cafe pf a ftri£t;:
inveftigation.
That I may not weary you, I conclude with re-
commending myfelf to your kind countenance and
proteftion ; and in the m.ean time, waiting for a-
favourable anfwer, your petitioner, as in dut^"
bound, fnall ever pray, &c.
R2
RECANTATION
BENJAMIN TOJVNE.
X:3E FOLLOWING WAS PRINTED IN LOUDON's NEW YORK PAC-
KET PUBLISHED AT FISHKILL, OCTOBER I. l)/^'
T^HE following facSls are well known, ift. That
I Benjamin Towne ufed to print the Penn-
fylvania Evening Pofl, under the protection of Con-
grefs, and did frequently, and earneftly folicit fun-
dry members of the faid Congrefs for differtations
and articles of intelligence, profe fling myfelf to be
a very firm and zealous friend to American liberty.
2d. That on the Englifti taking pofleflion of Phila-
delphia^, I turned fairly round, and printed ray
Evening Poll under the protedion of General Howe
and his army, calling the Congrefs and all their
adherents, rebels, rafcals, and raggamufiins, and
feveral other unf^woury names, with which the hu-
mane and polite Englifli are pleafed to honour them.
Neither did I ever refufe to infert any diflertation
however fcurrilous, or any article of inteUigence
fcnt to me, although many of them I well knew to
be, as a certain gentleman elegantly exprefles it,
fa^s that never happened, 3d. That. I am now will-
RECANTATION, Scc. ip3
mg and deHrous to turn once more, to unfay all
that I have lad faid, and to print and publifh for
tlie United States of America, which are likely to
be uppermoft, againft the Britifh tyrant ; nor will
I be backward in calling him, after the example of
the great and eminent author of Common Senfe,
The Royal Brute y or giving him ?.ny other appella-
tion (till more opprobrious, if fuch can be found.
The fa6i:3 being thus ftated, (I will prefume to
fay altogether fairly and fully) I proceed to obferve,
that I am not only profcribed by the Prefident and
Supreme executive council of Pennfylvania, but
that feverai other perfons are for reprobating my
paper, and alledge that inftead of being fulfered tO'
print, I ought to be hanged as a tnitor to my coun--
try. On this account I have thought proper to •
publilb the following humble confeffion, declaration,,
recantation and apology, hoping that it will ailuage
the wrath of my enemies, and in fome degree reitore
me to the favour and indulgence of the public. In-
the firll pLice then, I defire it may be obferved,-
.that I never vviis, nor ever pretended to be a man
of charadlier, repute or dignity. L was originally
an underftrapper to the fjinous Galhivay \x\ his /«-•
famous fquabble with Goddard, and did in that'
fervice contrail: fuch a habit of meannefs in think--
ing, and fcurrility in writing, that nothing -p^t-^//^^,,
as brother Bell provedore to the fentimentaliftss .
would fay, could ever be expefted from me. Now^
changing fideSj is not any way furprifing in a per--
fon anfwering the above defcription. I remember ~
to have read in the Roman hiftory, that when Cato
of Utica had put himfelf to death, being unable tf ■•
R3
t94 RECANTATION OF
furvive the dliTolutlon of the republic, and the ex-
tan£\:ion of liberty •, another fenator of inferior note,
whofe name I cannot recollect, did the fame thing*
But what thanks did he receive for this ? The men
of reflection only laughed at his abfurd imitation of
To great a perfonage, and faid — he might have lived
though the republic had come to its period. Had
a Hancock or an Adams changed fides, I grant
you they u^ould have deferved no quarter, and I
believe would have received none ; but to pafs the
fame judgment on the conduct of an obfcure printer
is miferable reafoning indeed. After all, why fo
much noife about a trifle ? What occafion is there
tor the public to pour out all its wrath upon poor
Towne ; are turn coats fo rare ? Do they not walk
on every fide? Have we not feen Dr. S , J
A , T C , and many others who were
iiril champions for liberty •, then friends to govern-
ment, and now difcovcr a laudable inclination to
fall into their ranks as quiet and orderly fubjeas of
the commonwealth of Pennfylvania. The rational
moraliils of the laft age ufed to tell us, that there
was an eiTeiuial diiTerence between virtue and vice, ^
becaufe there was an elTential diiFerence to be ob- [
ferved in the n:Uure and reafon of things. Now, j
with all due deference to thefe great men, I tlunk ^
I am as much of a phllofopher as to know that there: ,j
are no circumftances of aaion, more important than a
thofe of time and place. Therefore if a man pay :
no regard to the changes that may happen in thefe '
circumilances, there will be very little virtue, and ;
(till lefs prudence in his behaviour. Perhaps I have •
got rather too deep foe common readers, and there-
BENJAMIN TOWNE. Ip5
fore fhall afk any plain Quaker in this city what he
would fay to a man who fhould wear the fame coat
in fummer as in winter in this climate ? He wouKi
certainly fay, " Friend, thy wifdom is not great.'*
Now whether I have not had as good reafon to
change my condu6l as my coat, fmce lail; January^
I leave to every impartial perfon to determine. 2. I
do hereby declare and confefs, that when I printed
for Congrefs, and on the fide of liberty, it was not
by any means from principle, or a dedre that the
caufe of liberty fliould prevail, but purely and
fimply from the love of gain. I could have made
nothing but tar and feathers by printing againfl:
them as things then flood. I make this candid ac-
knowledgment not only as a penitent to. obtain par-
don, but: to fliew that there was more confiilency
in my condu6l than my enemies are willing to
allow. They are pleafed to charge me with hypo-
crify in pretending to be a whig when I was none*
This clrarge is falfe -, I was neither whig nor tory,
but a printer. I deteft and abhor hypocrify. I
had no more regard for General Howe or General
Clinton, or even Mrs. Lowring, or any other of
the c/:a/}e nymphs that attended the Fete Champetre,
alias Mifchianza, when I printed in their behalf,
than for the Congrefs on the day of their retreat.
It is pretended that I certainly did in my heart in-
cline to the Englifh, becaufe I printed much bigger
lies and in greater number for them, than for the
Congrefs. This is a moft falfe and unjuft infinua-
tion. It was entirely the fault of the Congrefs
themfelves, who thought fit (being but a new po-
tentate in the earth) to be much more mode ft, aad
ip6 RECANTATION OF
keep nearer the truth than their adverfarles. Had.'
any of them brought me in -a lie as big as a moun-
tain it fhould have iilued from my prefs. This
gives me an opportunity of fhewing the folly as
well as malignity of thofa who are a6luated by
party fpirit \ many of them have affirmed that I
printed monftrons and iticredible lies for General
Howe. Now pray what harm could incredible lies
do ? The only hurt, I conceive, that any lie can do
is by obtaining belief, as a truth 5 but an incredible
lie can obtain no belief, and therefore at lead mud-
be perfeaiy harmlefs. What will thofe cavillers
think, if I (hould turn this argument againft them,
and fay that the moil efFe6lual way to difgrace any
caufe, is to publifh monftrous and incredible lies in
its favour. In this view, I have not only innocence,,
but fome degree of m.erit to plead. However, take
it which way you will, there never was a lie pub-
•liflied in Philadelphia that could bear the lead com-
parifon with thofe publiflied by J R
in New York. This in my opinion is to be imput-
ed to the fuperiority, not of the printer, but of the '
prompter or prompters. I reckon Mr. T to
have excelled in that branch ; and probably he had
many coadjutors. What do you think of 40,000^
Ruffians, and 20,000 Moors, which Moors too-
were f\iid by Mr. R to be dreadful among-
the women } As aUb of the boats building at the
forks of Monongahela to carry the Congrefs down
the Ohio to New Orleans ? Thefe were fwingers. —
As to myfelf and friend H , we con-
tented ourfelves with publiffiing affidaats to prove
that the king of France was determined to preferve
BENJAMIN TOWNE, I97
the frlendfliip that fubfifted between him and his
good brother the king of England, of which he has
given a neiu proof y by entering into and communicat-
ing his treaty with the United States of America.
Upon the whole, I hope the pubHc will attribute my
condu£l, not to difafFe£lion, but to attachment to
my own intereft and defire of gain in my profeffion;
a principle, if I miftake not, pretty general and
pretty powerful in the prefent day.
^dly, I hope the public will confider that I have
been a timorous man, or, if you will, a coward,
from my youth, fo that I cannot fight, — my belly
is fo big that I cannot run, — and I am fo great a
lover of eating and drinking that I cannot ftarve.
When thofe three things are confidered, I hope they
will fully account for my paft condu(^, and procure
me the liberty of going on in the fame uniform
tenor for the future. No jufl judgment can be
formed of a man's charadter and condu£l, unlefs
every circumftance is taken in and fairly attended
to ; I therefore hope that this juftice will be done
in my cafe. I am alfo verily perfuaded that if all
thofa who are cowards as well as myfelf, but who
are better off in other refpefts, and therefore can
and do rim whenever danger is near them, would
befriend me, I fhould have no inconfiderable body
on my fide. Peace be with the Congrefs and the
army ; I mean no reflecSlions j but the world is a
wide field, and I wifh every body would do as they
would be done by. Finally, I do hereby recant,
draw back, eat in, and fv/allow down, every word
that I have ever fpoken, written or printed to the
prejudice of the United States cf America, hop-
ip8 RECANTATION, &C.
ing it will not only fatisfy the good people in ge-
neral, but alfo all thofe fcatterbrained fellows, who
call one another out to (hoot piftols in the air,
while they tremble fo much that they cannot hit
the mark. In the mean time I will return to labour
with afliduity in my lawful calling, and efl^iys and
intelligence as before fliall be gratefully accepted
by the public*^ moft obedient humble fervant,
BENJAMIN TOWNS..
A
DESCRIPTION OF the STATE
OF
NEW JERSET,
ANSWERS IN PART TO MR MARBOIS^S QUESTIONS RESPECTING
KEW JERShY,
I- M^W JERSEY is bounded on the north by a
line drawn from the North or Hud Ion's
river to the boundary of Pennfylvania, fixed ab iit
ten years ago by commiffioners appointed from New
York and New Jerfey, and marked in all the iate
maps. This line runs nearly weft, and pafTes about
thirty miles north of Morris-town in New Jerfey.
It is bounded on the eafl by Hudfon*s rivor,
from the line juft now mentioned to the fea.
It is bounded on the fouth by the Atlantic Ocean,
from the mouth of Hudfon's riv.r to Cape May, at
the mouth of Delaware Bay. And on the weft bv
the Delaware, to tlie place where the firft men-
tioned line ftrikes it, between two and three hun-
dred miles from the fea.
II. Smith's hiftory of New Jerfey is the only pu-
blication that can anfwer the defign of this query.
200 A DES'CRIPTION OF
III. New Jerfey conGlls of thirteen counties,
which, beginning at Cape May on the Delaware
Bay, lie in the following order : Cape May, Salem,
Cumberland, Gloucefter, Burlington, Hunterdon,
Suflex, Morris, Bergen, Effex, Somerfet, Middle-
fex, Monmouth. Thefe counties are fubdivided
into townftiips or precinfts.
There are no cities in New Jerfey, but Burling-
ton and Perth Amboy, which were feverally the
capitals of Eaft and Weft Jerfey, as will be feen by
the patents and hiilory of the fettlement.
The chief villages, or confiderable places in New
Jerfey, are Haddonfield, Mountholly, Burdentown,
Trenton, Princeton, Brunfwick, Morrifton, Spring-
field, Woodbridge, Elizabeth-town, Newark, Hack-
enfack, Pittflown, Cranberry, Shrewfbury, Allen-
town, Pennington, and fome others of lefs note.
The only river of confiderable extent in New-
Jerfey, is the Raritan ♦, the two branches of which
pafling through the north-eaftern parts of the ft.ate,
unite near twenty miles above Brunfwick, and re-
ceiving the Milftone and fome other fmaller dreams,
it becomes navigable about two miles above Brun-
fwick, and from thence to Amboy bay, about twen-
ty miles by water, is navigated by Ihallops and
fmail vefleis of one hundred or one hundred and
fifty tons.
South river pafies through Cranberry, in Middle-
fex county, and empties itielf into the Raritan be-
fore it reaches Amboy.
Black river is a confiderable ftream, paffing thro*
Morris county caftwavd, and empties itfclf into
Hudfon's river.
. THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY, 20t
Paffaic river palTes through Bergen county, and
enters into the bay oppofite to Newark. There are
falls pretty remarkable on this river, at the head of
the bay, which many people go to fee as a curiofity*
There are many other fmall rivulets, not confi-
derable, and many creeks and inlets upon the fea
coaft, and particularly in the bay and river of De-
laware, none of them navigable far into the country*
As to mountains, there is a ridge not very high,
but commonly called Rocky Hill, which crofles the
great road from Philadelphia to New York, about
five miles eaftward of Princeton, and runs from ihe
fouth-eall to the north-weft, continuing about ten
miles in length, paffing about one mile and a half to
the north of Princeton. Though there are no hills
properly fpeaking, there is a continued and gradual
afcent from the Delaware to Princeton, and a gra-
dual defcent from thence to the eaftward. There
4s a great ridge of mountains near and on the boun-
dary between New Jerfey and New York, running
chiefly from eaft to weft.
The trees are very various. As to foreft tree%
there are oaks of various kinds, afti, maple, bfrch,
chefnut, walnut,- pine, locuft. The middle and up-
per parts of the country run much into the Several
kinds of oak, and in the lower parts are to be found
great quantities of pine and cedar. The mulberry
tree thrives in moft parts of the ftate ; ?.nd it feemi
remarkably favourable to fruit trees, particularly
apf'es, pears, cherries and peaches, of all which
there is great abundance. The vine grov/s fponta-
neoufly in many parts, and bears a large blue grape,
Hot unpleafant to eat.
Vol. IX. S
202 A DESCRIPTION OF
The produce of the improved farms, is wheat,
rye, barley, Indian corn, buckwheat, flax, and
hemp. It is ufual for farmers to have a fmall piece
of land in tobacco ; but it is only for their own ufe,
or that of their fervants; it is not raifed in New Jer-
fey for fale. All the garden herbs raifed in France
and England, thrive w-ell in New Jerfey ; fo proba-
bly would vines, if cultivated by perfons who un-
derflood the bufinefs.
Black cattle are raifed in New Jerfey to great ad-
vantage— alfo horfes. There is a particular turn in
the inhabitants for ralfing fine horfes, from the
breed imported from England, There is alfo a
large breed of heavy draught horfes, in thofe parts
of the ftate chiefly inhabited by the Low Dutch.
IV. The number of inhabitants in New Jerfey
at prefent, is certainly not lefs than two hundred
thoufand. There w^as anexa6V. lift of them taken
about ten years ago, which »will be procured in a
fhort time. There are negroes, but they are cer-
tainly not above one fevcnth or one tenth part of
t'le whole. The negroes are exceedingly well ufed,
being fed ancL clothed as well as any free perfons
who live by daily labour.
V. There ic no profeflion of religion which has
an cxclufive legal eflabliflm-ient. Some particular
churches have charters of incorporation ; and pro-
bably they would not be refufed to a body of any
tlenomination. All profefhons are tolerated, and
all proteftants are capable of ele(^l:ing and being
elected, and indeed have every privilege belonging
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 203
to citizens. — There are in New Jerfey, Englilh
Preltyterians,LowDutchPrefbyterians,Epifcoplians,
Baptifts, Quakers. The twoiirit, except the difference
of the national connexion of the one with the church
of Scotland, and the other with the church of Holland,
and the language, are of the fame principles as to doc-
trine. They have the fame worfhip and government,
and they are by far the moft numerous. There is a
great majority of the prefent legillature of thefe
two denominations. Formerly the Quakers, though
not the majority, had confiderable influence; but
fince the late conteft with Great Britain, they are
fewer in number, and altogether without poWer.
The Epifcopalians are few. The Baptifts are Pref-
byterians in all other refpefts, only differing in the
point of Infant-baptifm ; their political weight goes
the fame way as the Prefbyterians j their number is
fmall.
VI. There Is at Princeton a college, which had
originally a royal charter, begun in 1748. It- is
now confirmed in its privileges, with fome alterations
and Improvements, by a6t of affembly. The charter
name of it Is, the college of New Jerfey ; the name
of the building, Naffau Hall. It was in a flourifh-
ing (late before the war, having about one hundred
and fifty under graduates and other fcholars ; but
was entirely defolated, and the houfe made a wreck,
by the confufion of the times — firft by the Englifli
army, which entirely fcattered fiie fcholars, and
took poffeffion of the houfe ; and afterwards, by the
American army making It a barrack and hofpltal.
It now begins to recover, having of under graduates
S2
204 A DESCRIPTION OF
and fcholars about fixty. — A printed account of the
college has been given to Mr Marbois before.
There is alfo in New Jerfey a college, whofe
charter name is Queen's College, fet up by the Low
Dutch, with a particular view to preferve their
language, and all the peculiar cufloms of the church
of Holland. They have no building as yet, but
have carried on their inftruftion fometimes at Brunf-
"wick, fometimes elfewhere.
The college of New Jerfey is the beft building
in the (late. Neither churches nor court-houfes are
any where fumptuous. There is no public hofpital
in the ftate.
There are few men of letters in the ftate of New
Jerfey, except thofe who belong to law, phyfic, or
theology; and many of thefe profeflions are often
taken up without a liberal education. The ftate
confifts almoft wholly of fubftantial farmers. There
has been formerly known, efpecially when the
Quakers had fome power, a prejudice againft learn-
ing— ^That prejudice begins to wear off.
There are no turnpike roads. There are ftatutes
for the widenefs of the public roads ; alfo for repair-
ing, though it is generally poorly done — yet from
the climate and the level pofition of the country,
the roads are excellent in fummer. The accom-
modations in taverns are in general as good as in
any ftate in America. The great road from Phila-
delphia to New York, lies through the middle of
New Jerfey, by Trenton, Princeton, Brunfwick,
Woodbridge, Elizabeth-town, and Newark.
VII. I cannot at prefect recoUedt any cuftoms
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 205
peculiar to the ftate, or that from their fingularity
deferve notice. New Jerfey was firft peopled by
the Low Dutch, at lead the eaftern part of it.
Their language is continued there as yet, though
wearing out. They are a remarkably cleanly people,
and frugal. They ufe their flaves and other fervants
with great humanity, often not fcrupling white and
black to eat together. People from all the other
ftates are continually moving into and out of this
ftate, fo that there is little peculiarity of manners.
VIII. The prefetit Jlate of manufaclures, commerce^
and exterior trade.
New Jerfey being in general fettled by farmers,
with a great equality of rank and even pofTeflions,
no confiderable manufadures are eftablifhed in it.
There are, however, tradefmen difperfed through
it, of almoft every kind. The farmers being frugal
and plain in their manners, always made both linen
and woolen cloth for their own families and their
fervants. They have given greater attention to this
matter within thefe five or fix years that the differ-
ences with Great Britain have fubfifted. I believe
it may be depended upon, that there is not one in
ten of the members of thelegiflature of New Jerfey,
who is not clothed in the manufafture of his own
family for the greateft part, and many of them have
no other clothing of any kind. At this time a great
quantity of very good cloth is made in the familie^^^
Some tradefmen in different places make for fale,
but not much. There are fome very confiderable
dealers in leather, and ftill a greater number in hats,
S3
2o6 A DESCRIPTION OF
All iron tools are well made here, but not for ex-
portation out of the ftate.
From the fituation of New Jerfey, there is hardly
any foreign trade carried on directly from it. The
merchants in Trenton, Brunfwick, Burdentown,
and feveral other places, have boats, ihallops, and
other fmall veflels, with which they trade to Phila-
delphia or New York. In former times (hips might
be entered both at Burlington and Amboy, for any
part of the world : but few are fent abroad — fuch
of our merchants as are concerned in foreign trade,
being almoft always joined in company with fome
of the large cities above mentioned.
IX. A Jiotice of the hcjl fea-ports in the Jiate^ and
hoiv big are the vejjfds they can receive.
The beft fea-port in the ftate of New- Jerfey is
Amboy, Which can receive veflels of as great burden
as New York. There has never been as yet any
great foreign trade at Amboy. The vicinity of
New York has probably been a hindrance to it^
There are harbours at little Egg-harbour and great
Egg-harbour, on the coaft of the Atlantic, which
privateers and traders have made a confiderable ufe of
iince the war. They cannot receive veflels of great
burden \ but the greateft part of the trading veflels
can go in there. The fame is the cafe with the
€reeks on the Jerfey ihore, in the river Delaware.
X. A notice of the commercial produBions peculiar
lo that Jiatey and of thofe objeSis luhich the inhabitants
sre obliged to draw from Europe and from other parts
9f the ivorld.
The produ6lions of New Jerfey, and the fource^
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 207
of its wealth, are grain of every kind, as mention-
ed under queftion third — horfes, cattle, falted beef
and pork, and poultry. In times of peace, great
quantities of all thefe are fent to the Weft Indies,
and flax-feed to Europe, ihipped however more com-
monly in Philadelphia or New York, than any port
in New Jerfey. The city of Philadelphia receives
a great proportion of its provifions, including vegeta-
bles of every kind, from New Jerfey. The foil of
that part of New Jerfey which is oppofite to Phila-
delphia, is exceedingly proper for gardening, and
derives much of its value from its proximity to that
city.
The ftate of New Jerfey lis obliged to draw from
Europe and other parts, tea, fugar, wine, fpirits.
Before the war they purchafed considerable quanti-
ties of Englifh cloth, both linen and woolen, be-
caufe cheaper than they could manufacture it in
many inftances, and becaufe many tradelmen and
others had not the materials of manufacture. All
articles of finery they muft purchafe if they ufe
them — lawns, gauzes, filks and velvet.
XI. The weights, meafures, and tht currency cf hard
money — Some details relating to the exchange with Eu*
rope.
The weights and meafures now ufed in New Jer-
fey, are the fame as in England, of every kind —
meafures of length, folidlty, fuperfices, dry and li-
quid. The moft common for grain is the bulhel,
which contains eight Winchefter gallons, and each
gallon two hundred and feventy-two and a quarter
folid inches.
2o8 A DESCRIPTION OF
The exchange between New Jerfey and Europe,
is carried on almoft wholly through Philadelphia and
New York.
The ftatute currency of money in New Jerfey is
in the fame proportion to flerling as irhat of Pennfyl-
vania, that is as five to three. A Spanifh milled
dollar is, of New Jerfey proclamation money, feven
{hillings and fixpence. There was twenty years ago>
a currency or way of reckoning in New Jerfey, com-
monly called light money, according to which a
dollar was eight (hillings and eight pence, but this
feems now to be wholly difufed, or confined
only to the north-eaftern part of the ftate. The
other way of reckoning is called prodamattofi moneys
which prevails.
XII. The public incorm and expences*
The public income of New Jerfey confifts, fo far
as is known fo me, of taxes annually laid by the af-
femblies ; and is great or fmall, as they (hall think
the exigences of the (late require. There is in ge-
neral a great difpofition to fave the public money ;
indeed fuch as in many inftances to make inadequate
provifion. The falary of the governor was by the
96I of fupply, Odlober 1775, before the change
from a colony to a free ftate, twelve hundred pounds,
proclamation money ; the judges of the fupreme
court, three in number, had each of them one hun-
dred and fifty the fame year ; all other expences for
clerks, &c. were fmall ; and the members of coun-
cil and aflembly had each eight (liillings for every
day's attendance. The delegates in Congrefs had at
firfl twenty (liillings per day -, and during the de-
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 20^
preciation of the money, if they made any allow-
ance at the beginning of the year becaufe of its bad
ftate then, they never made any amends for the in-
creafed depreciation before the year expired. — As
to this and all fuch matters, they may be feen more
fully from the printed laws, which I believe may be
purchafed of Ifaac Collins, printer to the (late, in
Trenton.
XIII. The meafurei taken nvith regard to the ejiaies
end pojjejftons of the rebels^ commonly called Tories,
They haVe been all fold off in perpettiumy and are
now in polTeffion of the new proprietors ;, the debts
upon them to faithful fubjeas, having been firft
difcharged.
XIV. The marine and navigation.
There are no veflels whatever belonging to the
ftate of New Jerfey. There are privateers who have
commifTions, which fail from the ports on the coaft,
or on the enemy's lines. There is an Admiralty
Court eftablifhed for the condemnation of prizes —
As to merchant fhips, fee the anfwer to queilion
eighth.
XV. A notice of the minesy and other fuhterranean
riches.
There are fome very valuable iron mines in New
Jerfey, in Morris and Suflex counties. Some com-
panies in England were concerned in working fome
of thefe mines before the war. It was fufpefted
fome years ago, that there were copper mines in
New Jerfey •, but no trial hitherto made has fully
210 A.DESCRIPTION OF
fucceeded—- fome gentlemen loft their fortunes in
the attempt.
It is not known whether there are any coal mines
or not, as people every where burn wood.
XVI. Some famples of the mines, and of the ex-
traonilnary Jlones ; in fjort, a notice of all that can in-
creafe the progrefs of human hiowledge.
Iron ore is fo very common, that it cannot be
fuppofed to be an obje6l of curiofity.. I have heard
of and feen fome pieces of black matter, that was
faid, when diflblved in water, to be exceedingly
good ink. If this or any other curiofity can be ob-
tained by enquiry, they ihall be forwarded. — There
is very good marl in fome parts of New Jerfey, to
the eaftward. — There is no limeftone in the parts o^
New Jerfey where I have been, but probably there is
fome in Suflex. — There are in feveral places of New
Jerfey, fugar-maple trees, whence the country peo-
ple draw fugar for their own ufe, as in the back
parts of New Hampfhire and Vermont.
XVII. A defcription of the India?js ejlahli/hed in
the fates, before the European fettlements, and of thofi
who are fill remaining. An indication of the Indian
msnument/ difcovered in that fate.
The Indians and their manner of life, are defcrib-
ed in feveral books, much better than I can do it,
who was never among them. And indeed by com-
paring together all that I have ever heard or read, it
appears, that the charafteriftic features of the Indians
of North America, are the fame which have diftin-
guifhed favages in allparts of the world, and wherever
THE STATE OF NEW JERSEY. 211
dilcovered— gravity and fullennefs of deportment,
love of hunting and war— that is to fay, depreda-
tion ; ferocity to their captives, lazinefs and aver-
fion to habitual labour, tyranny over the female fex
paffive courage, and, if it may be called fo, aftive
cowardice, and ftrong paffions both of lading grati-
tude and unextinguifhable refentment.
The chief thing that a philofopher can learn from
the Indians in New Jerfey is, that perhaps the mod
coii^plete experiment has been made here how they
would agree with cultivated life. At the time when
the Indians fold and confirmed the lands to the fet.
tiers, at their own requeft, a trad of land was pur-
chafed for them to live in the heart of the colony, in
Burlington county, of three thoufand acres and more
which was fecured to them by law. They had a vill
lage built, and a houfe of worfliip and a minifter, and
every poflible encouragement to them to cultivate
the land, and carry on trades ; yet, after all, they
were fo far from increafing in numbers or improvino-
In induftry, that at different times feveral of them
went back into the woods, and the remainder dwind-
led away, fo that there are few of them now left.
On the whole it does not appear, that either by our
people going among them, or by their being brought
among us, that it is polFible to give them a relii'h''of
civilized life. There have been fo_me of them educated
at this college, as well as in New England ; but fel-
dom or never did they prove either good or ufeful.
A F E W
REFLECTIONS
HUMBLY SUBMITTED TO THE CONSIDERATION OF THE PUBUO
IN GENL^RAL, AND IN PARTICULAR TO THE CONGRESS 01
THE UNITED STATES.
♦X*HOUGH the following refleaions come from an
individual citizen, no way conne6led with pub-
lic bufinefs, I hope they will be read with candour
and attention. All good, condu61: proceeds from
certain radical principles; and retired theoretical
perfons certainly may judge as well, perhaps they
often judge better, of thofe, than fuch as are en-
gaged in the buftle and hurry of an a£tive hfe, or
occupied in the management of particular affairsi^
Another circumftance which encourages me in this
hope is, that I intend to oiFer nothing but what
(hall be even beyond the imputation of proceeding,
either from party attachment or mercenary views.
When the Federal conftitution was agreed on, it
was the fervent defire, and I may fay the earned
prayer of many, that it might take place, and get
into operation with quieiaefs, and under the acqui-
efcence and approbation of the public. This I
ON THE FEDERAL CITY, 21^
think we may fay has happily been the cafe fo far
as we have yet proceeded. The perfons chofen to
fill the houfes of Congrefs, have been generally
approved. Perhaps fome ftates, in a few inftances,
might have made a better choice ; but upon the
whole, there is little reafon to complain. I re-
member to have heard a gentleman well acquainted
with the fubjedt, fay of the former Congrefs which
condu£led the war, that he had never known a
time in which it did not contain a great plurality of
men of integrity, and of thofe a very refpe<Slable
number of diftinguifhed abilities. I hope and be-
lieve that this is the cafe at prefent ; and may it
always continue to be fo.
The m.eafures taken by Congrefs in their laft {e{»
(ion, have in general given fatisfacStion. I am not
ignorant that there have been fome fevere, and in
my opinion petulant and infolent remarks made upon
the falaries fixed for public officers, and the com-
penfation allowed for the attendance of members of
Congref&r, efpecially the laft. I am of opinion, how-
ever, tnat they are both reafonable, and the laft at
leaft as reafonable, if not more fo, than the firft.
I hope few perfons will ever be in Congrefs, who
devoting their time to the public fervice, may not
well deferve the compenfation fixed for them, from
their character and talents. And if they have
lucrative profeffions, or valuable private fortunes,
thefe muft be deferted for a time, and probably a
lofs incurred greater than the whole wages. I
(hould alfo be forry to hear of any member of Con-
grefs who became rich by the favings above his ex-
pence. I know very well, that there have been
Vol. IX. .T
214 °^ '^^^^ FEDERAL CITY.
Congrefs men and Affembly men too, who have car-
ried home confiderable fums from lefs wages ; but
they were fuch generally, as did more good to
their families by their penury, than to their country
by their polilical wifdom.
I come now to what I chiefly intended by this
fhort efTay. Much time of the laft feffion was
fpent in debates upon fixing a place for the perma-
nent refidence of Congrefs, and building a federal
city. That matter was under the confideration of
the former Congrefs, and was fixed and unfixed I
believe more than once. It always occafioned
great altercation ; nor was it poffible to tell when it
was fettled, for whenever Congrefs changed its
members, or the members changed their opinions,
every thing that had been done was undone. In
the laft meeting of the federal Congrefs, it feems to
have been finally decided ; but, either by accident
cr the addrefs of fome who were oppofed to the de-
cifion, it was thrown open again, and is now left as
unfettled as ever. 1 have not met with any body who
was forry, but with many who were happy at this
circumftance ; and I fincerely wifii that it may be
fuffered to fleep in its prefent fituation at leaft for a
confiderable time," and till fome other bufmefs of
greater and more confeffed importance fiiall be
completely finlfhed. I am now to give my reafons
for this opinion.
1. A determination upon that {ubje61: is not ncr
cejan. When I fay it is not neceflary, I mean that
we are not urged to it by any prelfing inconve-
jiiencies or injuries which we have fullered, or are
fuffering for want of it. Every body muft own,
that it would be very expenfive, and indeed I ami
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 21^
one myfelf, who, if it were to be done at all, and
there were buildings to be ere6led which fliould
not belong to any (late, but to the union, would
wifh that they fhould not be barely elegant, but
magnificent, that they might not derogate from the
dignity of the empire. This is not even contrary to
the general principle of economy •, for it has been
obferved, that fome of the mod frugal nations have
been mod fumptuous in their public edifices, of
which the Stadthoufe at Amfterdam is an example.
Therefore, if the neceflity were great, if the public
bufinefs could not be carried on, nor the public au-
thority maintained without it, I fhould be for fub-
mitting to every inconvenience — I would not be de-
terred even by the expence itfelf. But is this really
the cafe ? Does it appear to be I'.ecefiary from the
nature of the thing ? No. The weight and in-
fluence of any deliberative or legiflative body, de-
pend much more on the wifdom of their meafures,
than the fplendid apartments in which they are af-
fembled. Does it appear to be necelTary from ex-
perience or the example of other nations ? I think
not. I can hardly recollect above one or two of the
kingdoms or dates of Europe, in which the capital
is central ; and as to confederated republics, fome
of them have no common capital at all. The Swifs
Cantons have no federal city. The different ftates of
which this lafl: confifls, have for ages, when they had
occafion to meet for common confultation, held their
Diets in different places. But we need go no fur-
ther than our own experience. Did not the former
Congrefs carry on the. war with Great Britain, de-
pend and fecure the liberties of the United States^
2r6 ON THE FEDERAL CITY.
without a federal city ? Was the want of it great-
ly or deeply felt as an inconvenience ? I do not re-
collect a fingle complaint made in fpeech or writing
upon the fubjedl:.
2. It can be but little profitable. The truth is,
when I attempt to recolleft and enumerate the ad-
vantages to be derived from a federal city, in a cen*
tral place, yet thinly inhabited, I find them very
few and very fmall. If the American empire come
to be one confolidated government, I grant it would
be of fome confequence that the feat of that go-
vernment and fource of authority (hould not be too
diftant from the extremities, for reafons which I
need not here mention. But if the particular ftates
are to be preferved and fupported in their conftitu-
tlonal government, it feems of very little confe-
quence where the Congrefs, confifting of reprefen-
tatives from thefe ftates, fhall hold their |feflipns.
There is not only little profit in their being fixed and
central, but perhaps fome advantages might arife from
their being unfixed and ambulatory. This iaft feems
to be more fuitable to the equality of rights of the
feveral ftates. It is far from being an impoflible
fuppofition, that the ftate in which Congrefs fliould
be fixed, would think itfelf entitled to a leading, if
not a domineering influence over the other ftates.
As to eafinefs of accefs, fuch is the ftate of this coun-
try, lying along the fea-coaft, and having fo many na-
vigable rivers, that any city whatever on the coaft or
great rivers is eafily acceflible, and the difference of
diftance, efpecially when the payment is to be in
proportion to the diftance, is not worth mentioning.
It is farther to be obferved, that though buildings
may be immediately raifed for the accommodation
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 217
6f Congrefs, yet a great city, or a city of opulence
and commerce, could not be raifed for a long tra£t
of time. It is even uncertain whether the bare re-
fidence of Congrefs during their annual feflions
(which it is to be hoped in a few years will be but
fhort) independent of other circumftances, will
ever raife a great commercial city at all. The
Hague, though the refidence of the Stadtholder, is
far from being the largefl, moft populous, or mod
wealthy city in Holland. Now I humbly conceive,
that if not refidence in, yet nearnefs to fome impor-
tant commercial city or cities, will be found to be ab-
folutely neceflary for tranfaclions relating to money
or finance : fo that, if the advantages and difadvan-
tages of a federal city on the propofed plan are fair-
ly weighed, the latter would preponderate.
3. There is reafon to fear that it may be very
hurtful.. Nothing is of fo much confequence to us
at prefent as union ; and nothing is fo much the
defire of all unprejudiced, public-fpirited and virtu-
ous men. The federal conftitution is but new. It
is, we hope, taking place 5 but cannot yet be faid
to have taken root. It will from the nature of
thing's, take fome time before it can acquire the re-
fpe6l and veneration neceflary in every government
from the body of the people, who are always guid-
ed by feeling and habit, more than by a train of
reafoning, however conclufive. Now, is there no
reafon to fear that the difputes upon this fubje<St
may produce warmth and violence, and perhaps an.
alienation of mind in fome flates againft others^
very prejudicial to pubhc order ? The molt trifling
fubjeQs of difpute have fometimes created divifions^
T3
218 ON THE FEDERAL CITY.
both in larger and fmaller political bodies, which
have ended in common ruin. If I am rightly in-
formed, the difputes which have already taken place
in Congrefs upon this fubje^l, have been carried on
with greater virulence of temper and acrimony of ex-
preflion, than upon any other that hasbeen under their
delibevition. This is not to be wondered at ; for
it is indeed of fuch a nature, that it has a nearer re-
lation to ftate attachments and local prejudices than
any other that can be named. Perhaps in fuch a
queftion it is lawful, decent, and even neceflary, to
plead the local intereft of particular flates; and there-
fore it is to be expected that every delegate will con-
tend with earneflnefs for that cf his own. At any rate,
v/hatever oftenfible public reafons rni.y be devifed by a
fertile invention, all unprejudiced hearers will believe,
that it is local attachment that guides their judgment,
and inflames their zeal. The only ufe thnt it is necef-
farv for me to make of fuch a remark, is to (hew that
the contention and animofity raifed by this difpute
will probably extend itfelf to every other, and that
it will not be confined to the contending members
in Congrefs, but will fpread itfelf through all the
ilates, whofe caufe they plead, and whofe in?ereft
they feem to efpoufe. This is one of thofe quef-
tions that had much better be decided wrong by ge-
neral confent, than decided right by a fmall majori-
ty, without convincing or fatisfy ng the opponents.
4. In the lail place, it is certainly at leaft ufifenfon-
mble. Though it were poffible juftiy to anfwer all
the objedions I have dated above, I muft ftill fay,
there is a time for every thing under the fun. A
meafure may be good in itfelf, and even neceflary
ON THE FEDERAL CITY. 21^
in a qualified fenfe, yet if there be another duty in-
cumbent upon the fame body, that is better and more
neceflary, this furely ought to have the precedence
in point of time. Now, I think it cannot be deni-
ed, and all intelligent perfons in the United States
feem to be of opinion, that bringing order into our
finances, reftoring and eftablifhing public credit, is
the moft important bufinefs which the Congrefs has
to do. It is alfo the moft urgent in point of time ;
becaufe in the interval, many public creditors are in
a fituation truly deplorable, whereas I can think of
nobody that is fuffering much for want of a federal
city. The two defigns are alfo connected together
as caufe and effect ; and I need not tell any body
which of thefe ought to go foremoft. What a ro-
mantic project will it be to fix on a fituation, and
to form plans for building a number of palaces, be-
fore we provide money to build them with, or even
before we pay thofe debts which we have already con-
trailed ? This is a matter in which not only all the
citizens of America, thofe who are, and thofe who
are not, public creditors, are deeply concerned, but
on which will depend our future fecurity, our intereft
and influence among foreign nations, and even the
opinion that (hall be formed of us by pofterity itfelf.
Thele few reflections, not enlarged upon as they
might eafily have been, nor fwelled or exaggerated by
pompous declamation, but fimply and nakedly pro-
pofed, — I leave to the judgment of the impartial pu-
blic ; and remain,
Their moft obedient,
Humble fervant,
X. Y.
ON THE
GEORGIA
CONSTITUTION.
SIR,
TN your paper of Saturday laft, you have given
us the new Conftitution of Georgia, in which I
find the following refolution, « No clergyman of
any denomination (hall be a member of the Gene-
ral Aflembly." I would be very well fatisfied that
fome of the gentlemen who have made that an ef-
fential article of this conftitution, or who have in-
ferted and approve it in other conftitutions, would
be pleafed to explain a little the principles, as well
as to afcertain the meaning of it.
Perhaps we underftand pretty generally, what is
meant by a clergyman, viz. a perfon regularly cal-
led and fet apart to the miniftry of the gofpel, and
authorifed to preach and adminifter the facraments
of the Chriftian religion. Now fufFer me to alk
this queftion : Before any man among us was or-
dained a minifter, was he not a citizen of the Uni-
ted States, and if being in Georgia, a citizen o£
ON THE GEORGIA CONSTITUTION. 221
the ftate of Georgia ? Had he not then a right to
be elected a member of the aflembly, if qualified
in point of property ? How then has he loft, or
why is he deprived of this right ? Is it by offence
or difqualification ? Is it a fin againft the public to
become a minifter? Does it merit that the perfon
who is guilty of it fhould be immediately deprived
of one of his moft important rights as a citizen ?
Is not this inflicting a penalty which always fup-
pofes an oiFence ? Is a minifter then difqualified
for the office of a fenator or reprefentative ? Does
this calling and profeffion render him ftupid or
ignorant ? I am inclined to form a very high opi-
nion of the natural underftanding of the freemen
and freeholders of the ftate of Georgia, as well as
of their improvement and culture by education, and
yet I am not able to conceive, but that fome of
thofe equally qualified, may enter into the clerical
order : and then it muft not be unfitnefs, but fome
other reafon that produces the exclufion. Perhaps
it may be thought that they are excluded from
civil authority, that they may be more fully and
conftantly employed in their fpiritual fun6lions.
If this had been the ground of it, how- much more
properly would it have appeared, as an order of an
ecclefiaftical body with refpe£t to their own mem-
bers. In that cafe I ftiould not only have forgiven
but approved and juftifiedit; but in the way in
which it now ftands, it is evidently a punifhment
by lofs of privilege, inflicted on thofe who go into
the office of the miniftryj for which, perhaps, the
gentlemen of Georgia may have good reafons,
though I have not been able to difcover them.
222 ON THE GEORGU COKSTITUTION.
But befides the uncertainty of the principle ou
which this refolution is founded, there feems to me
much uncertainty as to the meaning of it. How
are we to determine who is or is not a clergyman ?
Is he only a clergyman who has received ordina-
tion from thofe who have derived the right by an
uninterrupted fucceflion from the apoftles ? Or is
he iilfo a clergyman, who is fet apart by the impo-
fition of hands of a body of other clergymen, by
joint authority ? Or is he alfo a clergyman who is
fet a p irr by the church members of his own fo-
ciety, without any impofition of hands at all ? Or
is he alfo a clergyman who has exhorted in a me-
thodill fociety, or fpoken in a quaker meeting, or
any other religious aflembly met for public wor-
fhip ? There are ftill greater difficulties behind : —
Is the clerical chara^ler indelible? There are fome
who have been ordained who occafionally perform
fome clerical fun£tions, but have no paftoral charge
at all. There are fome who finding public fpeak-
ing injurious to health, or from other reafons eafi-
ly conceived, have refigned their paftoral charge,
and wholly difcontinued all atts and exercifes of
that kind ; and there are fome, particularly in New
England, who having exercifed the clerical office
fome time, and finding it lefs fuitable to their ta-
lents than they apprehended, have voluntarily relin-
quifhed it, and taken to fome other profeflion, as
law, phyfic, or merchandize — Do thefe all conti-
nue clergymen, or do they ceafe to be clergymen,
and by that ceffiition return to, or recover the ho-
nourable privileges of laymen .''
J cannot help thinking that thefe difficulties are
ON THE GEORGIA CONSTITUTION. 223
very confiderable, and may occafion much litiga-
tion, if the article of the conftitution flands in the
loofe, ambiguous form in which it now appears ; and
therefore I would recommend the following altera-
tions, which I think will make every thing definite
and unexceptionable.
*' No clergyman, of any denomination, fliall be
capable of being elected a member of the Senate or
Houfe of Reprefentatives, becaufe [here infert the
grounds of ofFenfive difqualification, which I have
not been able to difcover] Provided always, and it is
the true intent and meaning of this part of the con-
ftitution, that if at any time he fliall be completely de-
prived of the clerical character by thofe by whom he
was invefted with it, as by depofition for curfing
and fwearing, drunkennefs or uncleannefs, he fliall
then be fully reilored to all the privileges of a free
citizen ; his offence fliall no more be remembered
againft him ; but he m.ay be chofen either to the
Senate or Houfe of Reprefentatives, and fliall be
treated with all the refpe£l due to his brethren^ the
other members of Aflembly."
THE
DRUID,
ORIGIN ALLT PUBLISHED IN NUMBERS
PERIODICALLY,
NUMBER I.
SIR,
IT is my intention, by your permlflion and afGf-
tance to attempt the inftru6lion and entertain-
ment of the public once a month, on mifcellaneous
fubje6ls. This letter fliall ferve as the firft paper,
and fhall be an introdu£tion to thofe that are to
follow, by pointing out the fpirit and defign of the
undertaking, and the plan upon which it is to be
conduced.
The title which I have aflumed, was not intend-
ed to carry any wit in it, and indeed not much
meaning, further than what is common to all names,
the diftinclion of one thing or perfon from another.
It proved a matter of no little difficulty to fix upon
a title, after fo great a variety as the world has
feen, fince the pradice of periodical ellays was firft
introduced. After a good deal of deliberation on a
matter of very little moment, the above was fuggeft-
THE DRUID. 225
ed, by the place which is now, and is likely to be,
my refidence, while I continue on earth. It is a
fmall but neat houfe, in a pleafant, retired fitua-
tion, furrounded with woods, in all the fimple
majefty of their uncultivated ftate. Neither was it
unfuitable to my time of life, the age of fifty, a
cool and contemplative feafon, when men of educa-
tion or bufinefs have generally feen as much of the
world as fatisfies their curiofity, and enables them
to underftand well enough what is pafling in it ;
fo that they have neither neceffity nor inclination
to mix again in its a£live fcenes.
I was born and educated in Great Britain, and
had all the advantage I could receive from a long
refidence in one of the moft celebrated feats of
learning in that happy kingdom. The prime and
vigour of life I fpent in the midft of public bufinefs
and had a thorough knowledge of the greateft part,
and perfonal intimacy with not a few, of the per-
fons mofl diitinguifhed in rank, politics, or litera-
ture, for the laft thirty years. From wliat circum-
ftances, or with what views, I came into this coun-
try, it is of no confequence for the reader to knowj
fuffice it therefore tp fay, that I was not tranfported
by Sir John Fielding, but came of my own proper
motion and free choice •, and indeed have never
met with any thing in pafling through life, that
could be fuppofed either to four the temper, or
break the vigour of the miiid. There are not a
few who, towards the clofe of life, acquire, a fet-
tled hatred or contempt of mankind, and feem difpo-
fed to avenge their own real or fuppoied calamities
on the world in general, by the acrimony of their
Vol. IX. U
226 THE DRUID.
converfatlon, and the virulent fatire of their writ-
ings. Produ6lIons di£tated by fuch a fpirit, have
ofteni it inufl: be owned, fuch a poignant feverity,
as deeply M^ounds the objedl of their refentment,
and yet, I think feldom adds to the relifh of thofe
for whom the entertainment is provided.
It has been generally fuppofed, that fatire and in-
ventive is the way of writing, of all others, moft
agreeable to the public ; and the reafon given for
it is very little to the credit of human nature, viz.
The prevalence of envy and malignity in the bulk
of mankind. Had I been of this opinion, I would
have cautioully avoided introducing the fentiment,
•at leaft fo foon, as it would have been but a poor
compliment to that very public, whofe attention I
mean to folicit, and whofe improvement I wifh to
prom'ote. I confefs that a thorough knowledge of
the world, and extenfive reading in hiftory, have
often produced mean thoughts of human nature.
We fee fometiraes old hackneyed politicians dif-
cover a jealoufy of the characters, and an indiffer-
ence to the fufFerings of others, which furprifes
and offends men of lefs experience, who are there-
fore often laughed at for their weaknefs. This, in
fome inftances is the miftake of the obferver, while
the coolnefs and compofure of fpirit, the deliberate
and fclf-colle£led carriage, which is the effe(£l of
time, is falfcly called a callous or unfeeling difpofi-
tion. But where the remark is juft, and a real and
"eneral hatred of others has obtained full dominion,
it would not be fo decent to infer from it that man-
kind are univerGUly worthlefs or incorrigible, as to
THE DRUID. 227
impute it to the felfiili meannefs of that heart in
which it had taken place.
It is very common for authors to go to an ex-
treme on the one hand or on the other, in fpeaking
of human nature. Thofe philoibphers who fpeak
of it in ^ch exalted terms as to contradict the truths
of religion, have prefent experience and the hiftory
of pift ages directly againft them. The molt illuf-
trious perfons in the records of time, have derived
the greateft part of their luflre itfelf, either from the
fingularity of their character, or, which is nearly the
fame thing, from the depravity of others, who need-
ed their aJiitance for inilru6tion or correction. It was
fmartly, at leaft, if not juftly faid, by an author not
many years ago, that the wifdom of legiilators, and
the admirable policy of ft ites, and even the purity of
moral precepts, are ju(t fuch arguments for the dig-
nity of human nature as gibbets are. There is,
doubtlefs, no fmall degree of error, ignorance pre-
judice and corruption to be found among men •, but
thefe, when properly viewed, ferve rather to demon-
ftrate the importance and neceflity of information
and in{tru£tion. There are not only particular in-
ftances in which the human mind has dlfcovered
the moft exalted virtue as well as amazing powers,
but the human race in general, with all its defects,
is certainly the nobleft and molt valuable in this
lower world, and therefore the moft worthy of cul-
tivation. To this may be added, that there is no cir-
cumftance in which there is a more manifeft dif-
tIn6tion between man and the inferior creatures, than
that the individual is more helplefs as well as the
kind more noble ; and therefore the intercourfe of
U 2
228 THE DRUID.
fociety and mutal afliftance is abfolutely neceflary to
his improvement and perfe£lion.
But this is perhaps treating the fubje£l in too
abftra£t and philofophical a manner, which I well
know is not much to the tafte of the prefent age.
The importance of knowledge, and the power of
intelle£l:ual light,will be readily confefled. The quef-
tions to be ferioully debated with himfelf by an au-
thor, at his firft fetting out, are, what, encourage-
ment he has to devote himfelf to the public fervice ?
and, what reafon to think he hath any thing to com-
municate that is worthy of the public attention ?
Now, as to thejirji of thefe, it is my opinion, that
though error, prejudice, and partiality, are very uni-
verfal, that is to fay, they have place in fome degree
in many perfons of every rank, age, and country ;
yet their influence in each, has properly fpeaking, but
a narrow fphere. Truth is much ftronger than
them all. They fliew themfelves chiefly in the fmall-
er interefls of particulars ; but there is a candor and
impartiality in a difFufive public which may be in
a great meafure depended upon, and which will both
hear truth and obey it. There is not, perhaps, a
man in that public, but has many prejudices and
prepofleflions 5 but thefe are confined within cer-
tain bounds, like the fphere of attraction of particu-
lar bodies, round himfelf : when you go beyond that
fphere, they are not felt, or they are felt very weakly.
There is an obfervation I have fometimes made,
which I do not remember to have read in any author,
but which, if jufl, fhould teach every man to revere
the public judgment. The remark is, that I can
fcarcely recoiled: any perfon well and intimately
known to me, whofe performances, cither in fpeak-
THE DRITID. 229
ing or writing, had been exhibited to the world for
any time, of whofe talents and erudition the great
plurality did not judge exactly in the fame manner
that I did myfelf. If they do juftice to every other
perfon, why fhould I doubt their doing it to me ?
Ignorance, prejudice, malice, or accident, may have
fome influence at firft ; but their effects are merelv
temporary, and are fpeedily effaced. Time is a dili-
gent enquirer, and a juft judge. I could almoft fay
the fame thing of a man's moral chara£ler, under
two exceptions : If you go beyond the bounds of
local politics, and abftra61: entirely from religious dif-
ferences, every man is fpoken of pretty nearly as he
deferves. I am fufficiently aware that there are par-
ticular exceptions to this general theory, but I have
not now time to enter upon them ; and therefore (hall
leave them till they fall in my way in the dlfcufiion of
fuch fubje£i:s as (hall be undertaken in my future
papers.
As to the fecond point, whether I have any thing
to communicate that is worthy of the pubUc atten-
tion ? It is plain: from the appearance of this paper,
that I have already judged of it fo far as to make
the attempt -, it is therefore too late for me, and
too early for the reader, to take that matter into
confideration. I fhall, however, mention briefly
the plan which I mean to follow. The general
fubjecl: of thefe papers fliall be the philofophy of
human nature and of human life; I would willingly
join fcienee and reflection to experience and obfer-
vation. Literature and morals, arts and induftry,
fliall be my chief themes ; and under one or other
of thefe, every thing may be introduced, that caa
U3
230
THE DRUID-
in the lead contribute to the happinefs of focial or]
private life. I muft beg the reader to obferve, thatf
in handlino- all thefe fubjeas, I fhall have a parti-
cvilar view to the (late and interefl: of this nlmgf
country. As in youth the human frame wears its!
loveliell form •, as the fpring is the moft charmingj
foafon of the revolving year : fo, a country newly
planted, and every day advancing to a maturer ftateJ
affords the higheft delight to a contemplative philo-|
fopher, and is, at the fame time, the (Irongeft in-j
vitation to aftivity and ufefulnefs. .
I am fenGble that fome will think the prefent anj
improper feafon for beginning on fo extenfive a plan.
They will fay the time calls not for fpeculation butj
aaion. Our induftry is now all turned hito onr
channel, the vigorous exertion of the fpirit of de^
fence. When liberty, property and life are at ftake,j
we muft not thi^k of being fcholars," but foldiers.
When happy peace returns we (hall be able to apply
with proper attention and vigour to the improve-
ment of our minds, as well as to the cultivation oi
the foil : till then we have other work upon oui
hands. I muft inform the render, that thefe an
miftaken refleaions. There is fuch a conneaioi
among all the arts that improve or embellifli hum;
nature, that they are belt promoted in conju6lionj
and generally go in a body. As I look without
folicitude, or rather with unfhaken confidence of fuc-
Cefs, on the prefent glorious and important ftruggl<
for the liberties of mankind ; fo I confider it as
proper feafon for the moft ardent application to th<
improvement of this country in all refpeas. Ir
limes of public commotion the human mind is rou^
fed, and (hakes off the incumbrances of (loth and felfj
THE DRUID. 23 X
indulgence. Thofe who put on the harnefs and go
into the field, muft be encouraged, affifted, and
even fupported, by the activity and induftry of thofe
who remain at home. Befides, I am much mif-
taken if the time is not juft at hand, when there
fliall be greater need than ever in America, for the
moil accurate difcullion of the principles of fociety,
the rights of nations, and the policy of dates ; all
which fliall have a place in the fubfequent numbers
of this paper. But above all, can it ever be un-
feafonable to lay before the public what tends to
improve the temper and morals of the reader, which
fliall be the ultimate obje6t of all my difquifitions ?
He who makes a people virtuousy makes them z«-
vincihle.
The reader will now, in fome degree, underftand
the defign and extent of this undertaking. As to
wit and humour, I choofe to make no promifes up-
on that head, left I fliould break them. Moft
people, perhaps, differ from me j but I confefs I
would rather read a tedious argument than a dull
joke. Yet the favours of the ingenious, as the fay-
ing is (poft paid) may perhaps enable me fometimes
to gratify a reader of tafte : only I muft take the
liberty of being pleafed myfelf firft, otherwife they
(hail fleep with me, or return to the authors.
Some, perhaps, will wonder that I have faid no-
thing of the delightful themes of love and gallantry,
efpecially as it is fo eafy to eftablifh a connexion
between the tender pafTion and military glory. The
younger clafs of my readers may reft fatisfied, that
they fhall not want good advice enough, which
may be applied to that and to every other fubje£l: 5
but I do not take myfelf to be qualified to paint the
232 THE DURID.
ardors of a glowing flame. I have not feen any-
killing eyes thefe feveral years. It was but yefter-
day, that I fmiled involuntarily on reading a poem
in your laft magazine, fetting forth, that both
Beauty and Wifdom had taken up their refidence
with a certain nymph, the one in her cheek, the
other in her tongue, and that they were refolved
never to depart ; which I thought was a little un-
fortunate for all the reft of the fex. I wifh every
Strephon and Daphne heartily well, and that the ex-
alted and rapturous phrafes of Arcadia may be foon
brought down to the compofed difcourfe of a quiet
man and wife in Philadelphia •, in which character,
perhaps they may fometimes hear from me, I hope,
to their great benefit.
I am. Sir,
Your moft obedient fevant.
The DRUID.
NUMBER II.
SIR,
WHEN I firft came into this country, nothing
was farther from my expectation than the
contell that has now taken place between Great
Britain and the Colonies. The reader, I fuppofe,
will alfo readily believe me when I affirm, that
what relates to this important ftruggle, made but a
fmall part of the matter I had meditated and digef-
ted for the fubjcCt of thefe diflertations. But, from
feme letters which I have received, and much cou-
THE DRUID. 233
verfation that I have heard, it appears plain, that
fomething of this kind is expecSled from me, and
that if it is long withheld, it will be difficult to avoid
fufpicion from the warmer fons of liberty. It is
not eafy to determine what branches of this great
-argument it would be bed to take up, as moft fuit-
able to a fpeculative philofopher, and at the fame
time moft neceffary or ufeful to the bulk of my
readers. The natural rights of mankind, and the
caufe of liberty in general, have been explained and
defended in innumerable treatifes, ancient and mo-
dern* The application of thefe principles to the
American controverfy, has been made by many
writers among us, with the greateft clearnefs and
precifion. The nature of government, and method
of balancing a civil conditution, I cannot fay has
been handled either with fo much fulnefs or pro-
priety as the other topics ; yet on this alfo many
excellent obfervations have been made. If it has
not been much reafoned on, it feems neverthelefs
to be both felt and underftood, in almoft every cor-
ner of this continent.
Leaving, therefore, thefe fubjedls for the pre-
fent, as we are yet engaged in a war fomewhat
fmgular in its nature, important in its confe-
quences, and uncertain in its duration, I fhall beg
leave to make fome remarks as a fcholar, and as a
citizen of the world, on the manner of carrying on
ijuar. By this is not meant, to lay down a plan o£
difcipline, or tatties for an army, or of (Iratagems
and manoeuvres for a general or inferior leader ;
but to confider by what means wars of different
kinds may be carried on, confiftently with reafon,
234 THE DRUID.
confcience, or common utility. Every body muft
have obferved how frequently the nevi^fpapers have
been filled with compLdnts of our enemies, as add-
ing favagely and barbaroufly — as being guilty of
unnatur.:! cruelty — as carrying on a felonious and
piratical war — as a(Sling contrary to the laws of
war. I have, however, taken notice, that among
all thefe diflertations little or' nothing has been faid
to fhew why they have a£ted barbaroufly, further
than that they have a6Led unjullly in being our ene-
mies at all. No one has told us what are the laws
of war, or endeavoured to make us underftand
when enemies may be faid to a6l a fair and honour-
able, and when a daftardly and cruel part.
This fubje^l I fliall now therefore enter upon 5
and will endeavour to handle it with as much fim-
plicity as poflible, that it may be ufeful to perfons
of the lowed rank, and mod common underfland-
ing. Let me trace it to its fource. Wherever fo-
ciety exifts founded upon clear eftablifhed laws,
this obliges us to form an idea of a ftate previous to
the formation of fociety, or before fuch, or any
laws, were made land acknowledged to be in force.
This is called a ftate of nature. I do not enter in-
to the innumerable queftions upon this fubje6t ; as,
how long it could continue, when men increafed
in number .'* Whether it is a ftate of war or peace ?
Whether inclination prompted, or neceflity compel-
led, men to enter into fociety ? It is fufficient for my
purpofe, to obferve, that independent nations are in a
ftate of natural liberty with refpe£t to one another,
or as man to man previous to the focial compaft-
When they difagrec, they have no common umpire
I
THE DRUID. 235
or judge to refort to, but muft decide their quarrels
by the fword. The queftlons then to be refolved
are three : i. Are there any laws at all by which
they are bound ? or, are all kinds of force or vio-
lence equally jufl ? 2. If not, what is the law ?
what is it that makes the diftin6lion ? and, 3. what
is the fanclion of the law ? To whom fhall we com-
plain when it is broken ?
If there is any fuch law, it is certainly very juft-
ly denominated, by civilians, the laiv of nature and
nations. Of nature, becaufe its principles are to be
derived from the ftate of natural or univerfal liber-
ty, and perfonal independence ; and of nations, be-
caufe there is no perfon in fuch a ftate at prefent,
excepting nations or large bodies, who confider
themfelves as independent of each other. Now,
that there is fuch a law, I think is evident, not only
from the univerfal acknowledgment of men, and the
practice of nations from the earlieft ages, but from
the nature of the thing. If there are any duties
binding upon men to each other, in a ftate of natural
liberty, the fame are due from nation to nation.
Bodies politic do not in this circumftance, differ
from individuals. The fame anfwer -muft be made
to the fecond queftion. It is impoITible to mention
any right that an individual may juftly claim, either
as to perfon or property, from his fellow men, but
a fociety has the like claim upon any other fociety.
Their perfons mull not be affaulted, nor their pro-
perty invaded. The fmgle purpofe of fociety, in-
deed, is to protedl the individual, and to ^ive him
the ftrength of the public arm, in defence of his
juft and natural right.
236 THE DRUID.
But it will be aflced, in the third place, What is
the fan6lion of this law ? and who is to call the of-
fender to account ? To this I anfwer, That the
fan£i:ion of the law of nature is nothing elfe but a
fenfe of duty, and accountablenefs to the fupreme
Judge ; to which may be added, fuch a fenfe of
general utility, as makes men fear, that if they no-
torioufly trample upon it, reproach and infamy
among all nations will be the e£Fe£t, and probably
refentment and indignation by common confent.
Agreeably to this, having recourfe to force is often
called an appeal to heaven, and it is, at the fame
time, generally accompanied with an attempt, by
fome public declaration, to convince other nations
of the juftice of the caufe.
Omitting many things that are not conne£^ed
with the point I have in view, particularly without
enumerating the legitimate caufes of war, but fup-
pofmg nations engaged in a war which they believe
on both fides to be juft, let us afk. What are the
means by which this war is to be carried on ? The
firft and moft obvious anfwer is. By all manner of
force or open violence ; and the moft able warrior
js prefum.ed to be the one that can invent weapons
the moft deadly and deftrudive. It is admitted al-
fo, on all hands, that force may be ufed, not only
againft the perlbns and goods of rulers, but of every
member of the hoftile ftate. This m.ay feem hard,
that innocent fubjecSls of a ftate fhculd fufFer
for the folly and ihdifcretion of the rulers, or of
other members of the fame ftate. But it is often
unavoidable. The whole indiviciual?^ that crmpofe
a ftate are confidcred but as one body. It would
THE DRUIEI. 237
be impoflible for an enemy to diftinguifh the guilty
from the 'innocent. When men fubmit to a go-
vernment, they rifle their own perfons and pcflef-
fions in the fame bottom with the whole, in return,
for the benefits of fociety.
Upon this principle, open violence may be faid
to have no bounds, and every method that can be
invented to fend deftru^^ion and mifery to any part
of the hoftile ftate^ may be thought to be permitted.
But upon the principles of general equity, and the
confent and pradice of modern times, acSts of cruel-
ty and inhumanity, are to be blamed, and to be
confidered as a violation of the law of nations.
Many of them might be eafily enumerated, fuch
as refufmg quarter to thofe who fubmit, killing
prifoners when they might be kept without any
danger, killing women and children, inventing me-
thods of torture, burning and deftroying every-
thing that might be of ufe in life. The ufe of
poifoned weapons alfo has been generally con-
demned, as well as poifoning of fprings and pro-
vifions.
The celebrated Dr. Robertfon of Edinburgh, in
a fermon before the fociety for propagating Chrif-
tian ki owledge, has made an obfervation to this
purpofe, " that to the honour of m.odern times,
and (as he thinks) particularly to the honour of
Chriftianity itfelf, there is much more gentlenefs
and humanity in the manner of carrying on war
than formerly." If we look into ancient hiltory we
(hall fee fuch inftances of ferocity and crueky in
many cafes, as are too {hocking to be related.
There is no fa6t, however, in the records of anti-
VoL. IX. X
238 THE DRUID.
quity on this fubje6l, that ever ftruck me fo much
as the account given of Sefoftris, becaufe it fhews,
not the barbarity of a particular monfler, but the
fpirit of the times. He is extolled by many ancient
authors for his clemency, becaufe he did not put to
death the princes whom he unjuftly attacked and
conquered. Yet he ordered them to wait upon
him with a yearly tribute, and on thefe occafions
ufed to yoke them in his chariot, and make them
draw him, in place of horfes, to the temple. How
much worfe than death would this appear at pre-
fent to a captive prince ?
But however juilly praife may be due to modern
times for comparative humanity, what we have faid
above is only general and undefined. Let us feek
for the true principle that ought to govern the con-
duel of refined and enlightened nations. This, if
I miftake not, is, That all aBs of cruelty 'which have
no tendency to iveahen the refijl'ing force^ are contrary
to reafon and religion ^ and therefore to the laiv of nature
end nations. The end of war is to obtain juftice,
and reftore peace, therefore whatever tends to lef-
fen or deftroy the force of the enemy, muft be per-
mitted. It is in this view alone that the capture of
private property is allowed and julliiied. But to
take lives without neceflity, and even to treat pri-
foners with opprefTion.or infult, above all to diflrefs
or torture the weaker fex, or the helplefs infant,
ouf'ht to be detefted by every nation profefling the
gofpel.
The principle which I have laid down, may be
applied univerfally, and will ferve to point out when
gny meafure is to be jufliiied or condemned, be-
THE DRUID. 239
tween perfons profefling open hoftility againft each
other. I will take the liberty to apply it to fome
things that have been done or attempted in the pre-
fent war, carried on by Great Britain againft Ame-
rica. It is now undeniable, that endeavours have
been ufed to bring the Indian tribes upon the back
fettlements. This I call an aft of extreme and un-
juftifiable barbarity, becaufe their manner of making
war is well known. They are neither formidable
for their number nor their ftrength, but for making
inroads upon the dwellings of their enemies, and
putting to death women and children, with circum-
ftances of horrid cruelty. This is fo far from
weakening the force of the people againft whom it
is pra£tifed, that it tends to infpire them with a re-
venge and fury not to be refifted. The well known
hiftory of the late war, will both explain and fup*
port what I have faid. The cruelty of the Indians
produced fuch a fpirit in the back fettlers, which
not only repelled their attacks, but in fome inftances
retaliated their injuries, in a manner that I will not
take upon me either to defend or excufe. There-
fore, when we blame the Britifh miniftry for ftir-
ring up the -Indians againft us, we do not blame
them for afking affiftance from other nations, which
is common in all wars, when any party apprehends
itfelf weak, but for a method of attack, the cruelty
o£ which bears no proportion to any advantage that
can be derived from it.
The fame thing I fay of proclaiming liberty to
ilaves, and ftirring them up to rebel againft their
mafters. There is, however, fome little difference
in the application of the principle to this and the
X 2
MO THE DRUID.
preceding inftance. It is probable that the people
in Great Britain reckoned upon a degree of advan-
tage from this meafure, vaftly fuperior not only to
what it produced in efFei^, but to what they them-
felves expeded from the incurfions of the Indians.
I gather this from an expreflion in a treatife pub-
liQied in England on the American controverfy, to
this purpofe, that < if England declare freedom to
the flaves, they (the Americans) have not fix vi^eeks
to be a people/ Thefe apprehenfions may be a
thought to juftify them in the attempt, as they muft »
Lave taken it to be fo fpeedy and efFe6i:ual a means
of producing abfolute fubmiflion. But I muft ob-
ferve, in addition to what I have faid above, that
there are fome things fo bafe and treacherous in
their nature, and fo pernicious in the example to
human fociety in general, that whatever efFe6l they
might be fuppofed to have in a particular cafe, all
men of liberal minds have concurred in reje6i:ing
them. For example, though it is generally agreed,
that aiming particularly at the life of a leader in
battle, is not only lawful, but prudent, as it is of
more confequence than fifty others, yet to fuborn
his fervants to aflafllnate him privately, though it
might have the fame efFe£t upon the military opera-
tions, is univerf^Uly condemned. An inftance In
hiftory occurs to me, in which a meafure, though
likely to have a great influence in weakening the
enemy, yet, for its extreme cruelty, deferves to be
i'poken of with horror. It was that of king James
VIFs general at the fiege of Londonderry, 1689,
wlio, when the garrifon was reduced to extremity
for want of provifions, drove all the protcfftants
THE DRUID. 241
witliin thirty miles, chiefly old men, women, and
infants, under the walls of the city, to be either
taken in, or fufFered to perifli with hunger under
the eyes of their friends. Had this meafure been
fuccefsful, it would have been, notwithftanding,
condemned as unjuft; but I ajn happy in being able
to obferve, that a£ts of extreme cruelty do very
feldom produce the efFe6ts intended by them.
When 2 certain point is exceeded, fear itfelf is con-
verted into rage, and produces the unexpefted and
mcredible efforts of defpair.
The principle I have above laid down, will alfo
enable us to judge what opinion we fhould form of
a£ls of violence and depredation. When an army
can avail itfelf of the goods and property of the
members of a hoftile flate, or probably reduce them
to the neceflity of making peace, not only the fei-
zure, but the reduftion of both may be juftified"
upon the principles of reafon. But when men
can only deftroy and not poflefs, and that deftruc-
tion can only fall upon an inconfiderable number of
helplefs people, it is at once inconfiftent with great-
nefs of mind, and for the mod part againft the in-
tei-eft of the deftroyer. It operates as an in-
flammatory principle, and calls up every man, fron*
the ftrongefl to the feebleft, to afli ft in repelling,
or punifhing the favage invader. For this reafon I
give it as my opinion, that burning and deftroyincr
houfes, where there is no fortrefs,'as has been in
fome inftances done, deferves all the epithets of
barbarous, favage, and inhuman, that have been
beftowed upon it, either by thofe who have fuffer^
ed, or thofe who have felt in their behalf.
X3
242 THE DRUID.
A few more reflections fliould have been added,
upon wars differently circumftanced, and particular-
ly upon civil wars •, but they muft be referred to the
next, or fome future paper.
NUMBER III.
SIR,
Y laft paper was employed in examining
XV JL what is the radical principle, according to
the law of nature and nations, for determining the
jiifl and lawful means of carrying on war. Having
left the fubjeCl unfiniftied, I will now add wliat
feems further neceflary upon it. The chief and
mofl: remarkable diftin6lion of wars, to be found
in civilians, is into what they caW foreign and civil
wars. By the firft are to be underftood, wars be-
tween nations confefTed on both fides to be feparate
^nd independent. By the fecond, wars between
different parts of the fame ftate. The firft are fup-
pofed to arife from fome occafional injury or partial
encroachment, and to have for their end the repara-
tion of the wrong, and the refloration of fecurity
and peace. The fecond, in which one part of the
fubjefts of a flate rifes againfl another, are much
more various, both in their caufes and ends, al-
though the rulers of every ftate generally affeft to
confider them all as of the fame nature, and be-
longing to the fame ciafs. The light in which
they wifh them to be viewed is, as an infurreC^ion
of diforderly citizens againft law and order in ge^-
THE DtlUIft. ^43
fiet^ij ind therefore as Including the greatefl crime
that can be committed againft fociety, and deferv-
ing the fevered punifliment. This is the true and
proper import of the laws againft treafon in any
country, and if the object on which they take hold
IS really fuch as they defcribe, no fault can be found
with their feverity. He who breaks the public peace
and attempts to fubvert the order of the fociety *of
which he is a number, is guilty of the greateft
crime againft every other member, by robbing him
of a bleffing of the greateft value in itfelf, as well
as eflentially neceflary to the pofleiTion of every
other.
For this reafon it is, that in civil wars one party
takes upon itfelf to be on the fide of order and good
government, and confiders every perfon of the op-
pofmg band, not as a citizen contending for the
fuppofed rights of his own ftate, but as a felon and
a criminal, breaking the law of God and man, and
if fubdued and taken, deftined to public ignominl-
Qus, legal punifhment. But let us confider a little
the caufes and circumftances of civil wars, as they
have appeared in hiftory. Some have doubtlefs
been of the kind above defcribed, and which the
law in general prefumes ; but if they have been nu-
merous, they have hardly ever been formidable.
Infurre£l:ions of profligate or even miftaken citizens
have generally been local, and occafioned by fome
circumftances that do not affect the whole body of
an empire, and therefore have been eafily fuppref-
fed. Many of the civil wars which have torn and
diftracSled great empires, have arifen from the am-
bition and turbulence of particular men, contending
244 "THE DRUm.
for power and Influence in the adminiftratron of go-
vernment. Such were the wars of Sylla and Ma-
rius, Ciefar and Poinpey, in the Roman republic;-
in which, though the partifans on both fides were
certainly criminal, yet at the fame time, they were
equally fo. We may place in the fame rank, the
civil wars in England and France, which were fo
long in the one country, and fo bloody in both,
about the fucceffion to the crown. In thefe wars
the principle on which they were waged, was funda-
mentally wrong, viz. that there was a claim of right
in one family or perfon, which entitled them to
authority diftin£t from common confent, or the
general good. But this principle was the fame to
both parties j many perfons of equal honour and
truth embraced the oppofite fides of the queflion ;
and we can perceive no difference at all between
them, in point of merit or demerit towards the fo-
ciety. If one contends for the uncle, and the other
for the nephew, to be king, or the pofterity of each
many generations diftant, and a bloody war mull
decide the queflion, little other reflection can occur
to a confiderate man, than to pity the weaknefs of
human nature.
There remains another clafs of civil wars, in
which a part or the great body of a monarchy or re-
public refill the authority of their rulers, on pretence
that they are fuffering under oppreffion. They do
this fometimes with a view to redrefs their grievan-
ces, and fometimes to fubvert their government al-
together as infupportable, and re-fettle it upon a
new foundation. It alfo frequently happens, that
they begin with -the firfl of thefe, and in the courfe
THE DRUID. 245
of the quarrel find or think it neceflary to end with
the laft. There are many wars of this kind upon
record, fome of which have been fuccefsful, and
others not. If they have been fuccefsful, hiftory
dignifies them with the name of Revolution j and if
otherwife, they muft bear that of Rebellion. Their
fuccefs, however, is no certain criterion of their
juflice. The civil war in England of the laft cen-
tury, which bears the name of the grand rebellion,
and the late vigorous conteft of the Corficans a-
gainft the republic of Genoa, though they were fold
into flavery, were as honourable in the principles, as
the fuccefsful refiftance of the Seven United Provin-
ces to the king of Spain, or the efforts of the En-
glifh nation at that period, which we have now a-
greed to call the glorious revolution.
Let us apply thefe remarks to the fubje£t of our
prefent enquiry, the means and manner of carrying
on war. In fa^t, it has always been found that civil
wars have been carried on with a rage and animofity
much greater than thofe of independent nations. —
Afts of cruelty have been much more frequent while
they lafted ; and after peace has taken place, the
alienation of mind and inward refentment has
been much more great and of longer continuance.
The barbarity of the Syllan and Marian fa6i:ions to
each other in Rome, as well as the profcription of
the two fubfequent triumvirates of that ftate, were
fo horrible, that it is difficult to conceive hov/ hu-
man nature could be brought to fuch an unfeeling
and hardened temper, as to give or execute the
bloody orders. As foon as a war between indepen-
dent nations ceafes, the wound is perfectly healed,
24^ THE DRUID.
and particular perfons of thefe nations do not retain
the lead refentment againft each other. It is quite
otherwife in civil wars. They often give a name
and chara£^er to the different faftions, which is not
obliterated for many generations. Whig and Torry
are names by which perfons and families are ftili
dilUnguifhed in England, although they are both of
great antiquity, and the firft of them more than a
hundred years old.
Whenever any effeft is general and conflant, there
muft be fome fuitable and permanent caufe or cau-
fes for it. It may not therefore be amifs, either in
a philofophical or a moral view, to examine the
caufes of this phenomenon in political lifci One
caufe may be affigned for it which is very general,
but which will perfectly apply to this, as well as to
every other kind' of flrife. The greater the injury
that is done, and the ftronger the obligations to friend-
(hip that are broken through, the deeper the refent-
ment tliat is felt by a fenfible mind. Now, it is cer-
tain, that to difturb the internal peace of a ftate by a
civil war, is a much more dreadful evil, and touches
the people more univerfally, than war with a foreign
kingdom. Befides, injuries done, or fuppofed to be
done, by thofe with whom we are nearly connected,
and from whom we expelled every a£l of friendfhip,
wound more deeply than thofe done by ftrangers or
perfons unknown. This is fo generally true, that
differences between near relations, if they come to a
certain height, and are publicly known, are fcarcely
ever thoroughly reconciled. They may be apparently
or imperfectly taken away, the fore may be fkinned
THE DRUIB. 247
over, but it fllU rankles at bottom, and upon the
flighteil touch is ready to break out anew.
Another caufe which may be ailigned for the bar-
barity exercifed in civil wars, is the hateful or con-
temptible idea which the one fide, at leaft, often en-
tertains of the other. It is a fine obfervation of a
moral writer of the laft age, <* If you want to be
wholly free from the guilt of injury, oppreflion, or
flander, you muft take care what you think of others,
for it is certain that your treatment of them will be
according to the opinion you have formed of their
character and merit." This remark is perfectly juft,
for if once a man allow himfelf to hate another
heartily, th<»re is no anfwering for what he will do to
him, nor is the natural humanity of his difpofition
the leaft fecurity againft his going to excefs. Per-
fons of the gentle ft nature and the fofteft fex, when
completely enraged, have been guilty of the moft
horrid cruelty. This is commonly accounted for by
the mixture of fear and hatred. But if another in-
gredient is added to the compofition, it will be yet
more powerful •, I mean contempt. Some may
think that fear and contempt are inconfiftent, but
this is a miftake. You cannot fear the ftren^th of
an enemy and defpife it at the fame time ; but you
may eafily fear his ftrength and malice, and defpife his
character. If therefore you join all thefe together,
fear, hatred, and cont-mpt, towards an enemy, it
will not be wonderful if the treatment he receives
is unmerciful er unjuft. This is often the cafe in
civil wars. Thofe who are on the fide of govern-
ment are apt to form the moft unjuft, as well as def-
picable ideas of their opponentSi and never to fpeak
248 THE DRUID.
of them but in the moft opprobrious terms. By this
they are naturally led to behave towards them with
inhumanity, and fometimes in their correfpondence
they will fcarce confider themfelves as upon an equa-
lity, or be bound, by the laws of fincerity and truth.
I could illuftrate the influence of charafter, and
the opinion we entertain of others, on our conduct
toward them, by many inftances in hiftory. It is
the true and genuine fource of the Roman Catho-
lics not keeping faith with heretics. This their
enemies charge them with as an avowed principle ;
which they deny. But that they have a6ted agree-
ably to it is fa<St. The example of John Hufs of
Bohemia, and feveral others, put it beyond all
quellion. It is alfo the true caufe of the cruelty of
the inquifition, commonly called the bloody Tri-
bunal. Nothing is more common than to confider
the minifters of this court as monflers diverted of
every feeling of humanity, and fo to lay three
fourths of the blame upon the perfonal charafter,
whereas in truth, it ought to be wholly imputed to
the power of bigotry and falfe zeal. When once
SI perfon is believed to be an enemy to God, and
meriting his utmoft vengeance, it is not wonderful
that men fliould co-operate with him, and infli£t
that little part of it that is in their power. It is
not fo properly fufFering in itfelf, as the innocence
of the iufferer, or the difproportion of the fufl'ering
to the crime, that excites our compaflion. When
crimes are very atrocious, we fometimes feel, and
in feme degree regret, the weaknefs of human
vengeance, which cmnot poflihly give them their
due. I can recoiled feveral inftances of criminals,
THE DRUIB. 2i|9
on whofe condemnation, not one but many would
fay, " he deferves, if it were poffible, a thoufand
deaths."
But now let me draw this diflertation to a con-
clufion, or as divines would fay, to the application.
It is eafy to fee, from the above principles, what
are the didiates of truth and juitice as to the man-
ner of carrying on civil wars. There is but one
clafs of them in which the behaviour fhould be dif-
ferent from the practice that prevails in wars with
independent ftates j I mean when tumultuous and
diforderly citizens attempt to fubvert law and order
altogether. But when the grounds of the quarrel
are plaufible on both fides, and when it is demon-
ftrable that perfons of the fiiridleit honour and in-
tegrity may be found adhering to the oppofite
parties, they are bound by every tie to candour in
judgment, and to humanity and mercy in tiieir
condu(3: towards each other. Happily we of.en
fee the parties in fuch wars compelled to humanity
through feif-intereft, and reltrained Dy fear or one
of the jufteit.of ail laws, tiiat of retaliation. I
could wifh, however, that a fenfe of duty ihouid
be added to this obligation j for neither iieceiHty,
nor even inclination, is fo itable and powerful a
principle of adlion, as reaion and trutn impreiied
on the conlcience. Necelfity does not always leem
equally ftroug, and the impulfe of natural aitecbons
is tranfient and changeable ; but that uhich we
conficier as eflential to oui duty, we lha<l adhere
to without tne aifiitance ot either, and ought to do
it even in oppoiuion to both.
Vol. U. Y
25© THE DRUID.
I do truly think myfelf, in my prcfent retirement
(begging the reader's pardon) not ill qualified, in
point of impartiality, for handling this fubjedt, and
applying it to the prefent conteft between Great Bri-
tain and America. I am paft the age of bearing arms,
and whatever I have done before, {hall probably ne-
ver again wield any other weapons, than thofe im-
properly fo called, the tongue and the pen, I do
clearly fee the perfect juftice and great importance
of the claim on the one hand, and eafily conceive
the power of prejudice on the other. On the part
of America, there was not the moft diftant thought
of fubverting the government, or hurting the in-
tereft of the people of Great Britain, but of de-
fending their own privileges from unjufl encroach-
ment ; there was not the leafl defire of withdrawing
their allegiance from the common fovereign, till it
became absolutely neceiTary, and indeed was his
own choice ; On the other hand, I can eafily con-
ceive that thofe who have been long accuftomed to
fubje^tion, and from whom it is really due, fhould
not fuddenly enter into the reafons of exempting a
people, otherwife fituated from the fame burden.
They are therefore of courfe eafily deceived by
falfe or imperfe61: accounts of a diftant country,
and infenfibly bialTed by the phrafeology conftantly
ufed, particularly the terms rebels and rebellion.
Upon the whole, as I am now to difmifs this fub-
jeft; and profecute the plan laid down in my firft
number, I fha 1 conclude with faying, That hu-
manity is the nobleft attendant on true valour ; and
that he will probably fight moft bravely, who nc-
THE DRUID. 251
ver fights till it is necelTary, and ceafes to fight as
foon as the neceffity is over.
NUMBER IV.
SIR,
ONE of the greateft difficulties that occurs to
writers of mifcellaneous efTays, and which has
been often complained of, is the fixing upon proper
fubje£ts. We are confined, as a certain writer ob-
ferves, to * human nature and life,' and yet thefe
have been fo completely ranfacked, and almofl every
character and occurrence has been placed in fuch a
variety of lights, that it is hardly poffible to find a
corner that is wholly untouched. At the fame
time, as to the manner of writing, the reader gene-
rally expefts two things that feem to be incompati-
ble and mutually deftru6i:ive of each other. The one
is, that it be ftriking and original ; and the other,
that it be fimple, natural, and obvious. If we fay
what any body might fay, then it is a trite beaten,
common-place, hackneyed topic ; and if we fay
what would not readily occur to others, then it is a
forced, unnatural, out of the ivay manner of thinking
and writing, than which there cannot be a greater
difparagement of either writer or fpeaker, nor any
that will more fpeedily or efFeclually prevent his
fuccefs. But notwithftanding this apparent hard-
fhip, there is a reiil juftice in the expectation of the
public in both refpe£ls, when rightly underftood.
Y 2
2Jf2 THE T5RUID.
A writer's fentiments fhould be properly his own,
and yet theyihould not be too much repugnant to
other people's. And as one man's face is eafily
diftinguilhed from that of every other, though the
general features are the fame in all, he may preferve
his genuine character without going i?ix out of the
ivay^ or aiming at any thing odd or paticular for
this purpofe. I know not how it is with others,
but for my own part, I would rather write on a fub-
je£l: that has been often handled, or a chara£l:er that
has been often defcribed, than one of a contrary
kind ; becaufe, in fuch cafes, I can form my own
fentiments with greater precifion, and exprefs them
with greater perfpicuity and force.
The reader may confider the above as an intro-
duction, preface, or if he pleafes, apology for the fol-
lowing diflertation, which Ihall have for its fubje(3;
a certain human character or quality, generally called
plain common fenfe. I mull, in the firft place, fettle
the meaning of the expreflion. There are in every
language, certain fine or nice diftindlions in the ufe
both of phrafes and fingle terms, which, though in-
troduced and finally fettled by general practice, are
not always attended to or fully underftood. In the
cafe before us, I think, the term is ufed very dif-
ferently in the negative, from what it is in the pofi-
tive form. When we fay of a man, that he ivants
eonwionfenfe, we mean that he is a very great fool,
^nd fometimes that he is the next thing to a change-
ling or ideot. But when, in the pofitive form, we fay
of a man, that he is a man of plai?i common fenfe, we
give him a good character, and are underftood by it
as affirming, that there are not many fuperior or
THE DRUID. 253
equal to him in that particular, as alfo that he pof-
felTes a quality of no inconfiderable value. It is
plain, that in thefe two ways of fpeaking, the term
common fenfe (lands for different things. In the
firft of them it fignifies, that fenfe that is really
common to all men, or at lead nearly univerfal : in
the fecond, it fignifies either fomething totally dif-
ferent, or at leaft a degree of that fenfe which is
not poffeffed by the plurality, but perhaps is called
common, becaufc it may be found in fome perfons of
every rank.
Let me now enquire a little into the chara6lers
of common fenfe. It is the gift of nature^ and may
be clearly diftinguiflied from what is acquired by
ftudy or application. In the thoughts on various
fubjeds, by Swift and Pope, we have one to this
purpofe, that * fine fenfe, is not half fo ufeful as
common fenfe, for he that has the one with-
out the other, is like one that carries nothing a-
bout him but gold coin, who muft be often at a
lofs for want of change.* In another of thefe thoughts
we are informed, « that to attempt to move the multi-
tude with fine fenfe, is like attempting to hew a block
with a razor.' With all refpe£t to thefe great men,
I muft fay, that though there is fomething fmart
and lively in the above recited fentiments, yet they
are more brilliant than juft j they feem to fuppofe,
that refinement is a thing of the fame kind with com-
mon fenfe, and only higher in degree, and yet at the
fame time that a man may pofiefs genuine refine-
ment and be without common fenfe, neither of
which, in my opinion, is true, at leaft in fuch a fenfe
as to make their fimilitudes juft, or their reafoning
Y 3
254 THE DRUID.
conclufive. Refinement is as different from com-
mon fenfe as the culture is from the foil, or the cli-
mate from either ; but as their joint influence is
neceflary to the production of the crop, fo fine fenfe,
without common fenfe as its ground work and foun-
dation, very ill deferves the name. If I faw a man
^ittempting to hew a block with a razor, or heard
him fpeaking in metaphyfical, abftraCt, unintelligi-
ble terms, to a multitude of common people, I fhould
lieartily agree that he wanted common fenfe ; but
that he poiTeiTed fine fenfe, I fhould not be eafily
brought to confefs.
The ufe of fcientific terms and fentiments,
brought from what is known only to fcholars and
improperly introduced, has been long treated with
the contempt it deferves ; but it is confidered as
belonging only to the learned profefTions. I was
well acquainted with a divine many years ago, who
began a prayer in his congregation with thefe words,
• O Lord, thou art the fimpleft of all beings,' which
ineenfed his hearers againft him to fuch a degree,
that they accufed him of having fpoken blafphemy 5
whereas the poor man only meant to fay, that God
was philofophically fimple and uncompounded, al-
together different from the grolhiefs, divifibility,
or, as it is fometimes more learnedly called, the
difcerptibility of matter. I was alfo acquainted
with a phyfician, who, fitting with a lady in her
own houfe, and beir^g aflced by her, * Doctor, are
artichokes good for children ?' anfwered, < Madam,,
they are the leafl flatulent of all the efculent tribe,*
indeed, doClor, fays the lady, I do not underftand
a word of what you have faid. Now, I think, few
would have much admired either the fine or com-
THE DRUID. 255
mon fenfe of thefe gentlemen, though certainly the
divine would have beenconfidered as the greater fool
of the two -y for phyficians, as a body, have aflerted
and maintained their right to the ufe of hard phrafes
beyond any other clafs of fcholars. But there is a
certain fpecies of this fault, which, I think, has not
been much taken notice of*, and that is, when men,
either of high ftation or real fenfe and literature,
are filled with felf-fuihciency, and cannot think of
defcending to the level of thofe with whom they
converfe, either in fentiments or phrafeology. I
fufpe6l there were a few grains of this failing in
the illuftrious perfons not long ago mentioned ; and
that their fentiments, above related, are an evidence
of it. In this inftance, their fine fenfe was an
over-match for their common fenfe, and this was
an evident proof of the imperfeftion of both.
If then fine fenfe does not differ eflentially from
common fenfe, and the firft is nothing more than a
certain brightnefs or polifh given to the laft, it
would feem as if by common fenfe we ought to un-
derftand the rational powers in general, and the ca-
pacity of improvement. But here we meet with a
difficulty which feems to need a refolution. If
common fenfe is nothing elfe but the ftrength of
the intellectual powers taken complexly, then muft
it be in every perfon in proportion to thofe pov/ers ;
and fcience if it does not improve, certainly cannot
diminilh it. Yet there is no branch of fcienCe
whatever but we find fome perfons capable of learn-
ing it, and frequently even of fiiining in it, who are
notwithftanding very defedive in common fenfe, and
after their learned acquifitions, the defetl is either
25<5 THE DRUID.
greater in Itfelf, or at leaft more vifible than before.
We find many who learn the dead languages to great
perfe6lion, who learn arithmetic, geometry, natural
philofophy, rhetoric, politics, who even become emi-
nent in fome of them, and tolerably (killed in all,
whom yet we reckon greatly inferior to more igno-
rant perfons, in clear, found, common fenfe.
Perhaps it may be thought that ihefe ignorant
perfons only wanted the opportunity of improve-
ment, and would have excelled the others alfo in
literature had they applied to it. This I do not
find to be the cafe, from the inftances in which a
trial has been made. Doubtlefs there are fome ex-
amples of perfons eminently pofleiTed of judgment
or common fenfe, as well as capable of acquiring
fkill in the fciences ; but thefe talents are by no
means the fame, or in dire£t proportion to one ano-
ther. I have known perfons who feemed capable
of learning any thing, and who did know a great
deal upon many ful>je<Si:s, who yet had fuch a comi-
cal cad in their general behaviour, that it was
not eafy to avoid fmiling at their fpeech and con-
duft. I have even known perfons, male and fe-
male, with whom you could find no fault, but that
their carriage and converfation were too complete
and perfect at all times, and yet we fufpe(£ted them
of folly, merely becaufe they were free from the
follies and irregularities of others. I remember an
inftance, in early life, of my being in company, for
the firft; time, with a certain young lady, and after
a few minutes, (lie alked me a very judicious quef-
tion upon the charadter and hiftory of Auguflus
Citfar, which made me immediately fufpedt, that
THE DRUID. 257
file was not quite found ; whereas, if (he had only
faid it was a fine day after the rain, or uttered any
fuch wife and pertinent refle(9:ion, I fhould have
concluded nothing to her prejudice. On the other
hand, there are many inflances of perfons who have
made trial of ftudy and fcience with very little fuc-
Cefs, and who, giving them up, have applied to ac-
tive life, and have defervedly acquired the charac-
ter of clear headed, fenfible, judicious men. The
truth is, the diftin£i:ion between literature and com-
mon fenfe, feems to be well known and generally
acknowledged. There are fome who evidently give
way to, or even afFe£t an abfence of mind, from
forgetfulnefs and inattention to what they are about,
and expert we fhould confider it as an indication of
profound ftudy and deep learning. This is one
of the moft ridiculous pieces of affectation imagina-
ble. Such gentlemen, if they be logicians, fhould
be told that a part'iculari ad univerfale non valet con-
fequentia. We know very well that fome great fcho-
-iars are fools, but this will never prove that all fools
are great feholars. Upon the whole, it feems that
fcience, or a capacity for it, is not common fenfe.
Since then common fenfe is a gift of nature, dif-
ferent from a capacity for fcience in general, Ihall
we fay that it is genius, including particularly thofe
exalted and admired talents which have been, by
fome of the lateft writers, called the powers of ima-
gination. Here we are further from the point than
ever, for great wit and a lively imagination are ra-
ther confidered as oppofed to judgment and pru-
dence, and other happy fruits of common fenfe.
258 THE DRUID.
So much is this the cafe, that the poet has been of-
ten cited with approbation, who fays,
^* Great wit to madness sure is near allied,
And thin partitions do their bounds divide."
It is common to fay, that fuch a man has more fall
than ballad, meaningthat his imagination, fire and
fprightlinefs are an overmatch for his prudence, and
clearly carrying the fuppofition, that this laft quali-
ty is as oppofite to the others, as fail is to ballaft,
or even motion to reft. To all this may be added,
that fome who really were, and many who defired
to be thought, men of great genius, have aflually
claimed it as their right, not to be confined to com-
mon forms, and indeed have generally a(^ed accord-
ingly.
We have feen then that refinement, fcience,
genius, are not common fenfe, {hall we now go any
further ? Is there not a chara£ter in which there
is knowledge of the moft liberal kind, clearnefs of
underftanding, penetration of mind upon every fub-
J€£t, and yet a weaknefs or want of common fenfe,
in condu£t and behaviour ? Are there not fome
who feem to have, not only all other fenfes, but
common fenfe too, for every body but themfelves ?
They can immediately and readily difcover the mif-
takes of others, they can give the beft and founded
advice upon every fubject, and yet never could a6i
a wife part themfelves on any fubjeft. Some who
are even connoifTeurs in ceconomy, never can keep
their own affairs in tolerable order. I have known
a gentleman who reduced himfelf to beggary by
foolifh projects, yet, after having fold his pater-
THE DRUID. 259
nal inheritance, he employed himfelf in thinking
and writing on that fubje£t on which he had adled
wrong, and pubhfhed ellays on agriculture, modeft-
ly pointing out to gentlemen and farmers by how
fmall a portion of land, well improved, they might
fpeedily acquire a plentiful eftate.
Upon comparing all thefe obfervations together,
I beg leave to lay down a few propofitions which
appear to be neareft the truth in the way of theory
or fyitem, and on them to ground a few pra6tical
advices. There feem to be three feparate qualities
of the human mind very well exprefTed in the old
philofophy, by the three known terms of memory,
imagination and judgment. Thefe are truly diftinct
one from another ; for any one of them may not
only exift, but be in high perfe6lion, in the abfence
of both the others. This will not I think, be
doubted as to tae two firit, and even as to the laft,
I have known fome perfons not only without ima-
gination as a talent, but with very little tafte for
works of imagination, and whofe memory was no
ways remarkable, who have pafled through life with
great dignity and credit, who, with or without learn-
ing, have conducted their own affairs with prudence
anddifcretion,and discovered the higheft fenfe of pro-
priety and decorum in all their intercourfe with
others, under the happy guidance of plain common
fenfe.
In the next place, though thefe qualities are dif-
tin6t, they are by no means incompatible. There
have been inftances of perfons who pofTefTed all the
three in high perfedlion ; and there muft be a con-
26o THE DRUID.
fiderable proportion of each to form a chara6ter
truly illuftrious. Some, in whom imagination has
been very ftrong, have alfo been remarkable for
clearnefs of judgment in their vi'orks, good fenfe
and prudence in their whole deportment. The
fame thing I fay of memory. Some prodigies of
memory have been defective in judgment; but
many great men have alfo excelled in this refpedl,
and no fmall meafure of it is neceflary both in works
of genius and the. functions of public life. Again,
Of thefe three qualities, judgment is by far the
mod valuable and important. Of itfelf it is amiable
and refpecStable, while the others, without it, are
contemptible ufelefs, or hurtful. A man of me-
mory, without judgment, is a fool ; and a man of
imagination, without judgment, is mad ; but when
this great quality takes the government of both, they
acquire luftre, and command univerfal efteem. No
human accomplifliment, unlefs it has this as its
foundation and ground work, can reach perfe61:ion,
even in its own kind. Memory will make a linguilt,
imagination will make a poet, penetration will
make a philofopher, public life will make a politi-
cian, and court breeding will make a man of
falhion ; yet all of them are eflentialiy defective, if
common fenfe is weak or wantnig. There is lome.
thing in the application and direction of all thefe
accomplilliments which judgment muft iupply, and
which neither inllru^tion, example, nor even ex-
perience will beftow.
It is probable that many would readily grant me
(what yet I do not aik, bemg hardly of the fame
opinion) that of all the characters juft now men-
THE DRUID.
261
tioned, that of a man of fafhion or politenefs is the
moft fuperficial, and what may be moft eafily at.
tained by imitation and habit. Yet even here, no-
thing is more eafy than to fee the dominion of judg-
ment and good fenfe, or the prevalence of foily and
indifcretion. That want of prefence of mind or
embarraflment, which is often the effeCt of modefty
or baftifulnefs, nay, even the errors and bkmders
which vifibly proceed from ignorance and miilake
of the reigning mode, are not half fo abfurd and
ridiculous, as the affeded airs and mifplaced cere-
monies of a fop, of which the ladies are always moft
attentive obfervers, and to give them their due,
generally not incompetent judges.
Once more, judgment is an original and radical
quality, that is of all others leaft capable of being
communicated by inftrudion, or even approved or
agumented by culture. Memory and imagination
are alfo gifts of nature ; but they may be greatly in-
creafed, the one by exercife, and the other by in-
dulgence. You may teach a man any thing 4n the
world but prudence, which is the genuine offspring
of common fenfe. It is generally faid that experi-
ence teaches fools, but the mear'n? of the proverb
is often miftaken, for it does not (i nify that experi-
ence makes them wife : it fignifies that they never are
wife at all, but perfift in fpite of inftruftion, warn-
incT and example, till they fe-1 the effects of their
own folly. If a man is bora with a fund of good
fenfe and natural difcernment, it will appear in the
very firil: ftages of his education. He w^^- out-
ftrips his fellows in a grammar fchool, will not
always be the greateft fchcl-^r in advanced life, but
Vol. IX. Z
26Z THE DRUID.
he who does not dlfcover difcernment and fagacltjr
when a boy, will never be diftinguiflied for it fo
long as he lives. It is often faid, in a certain
country, that a fool of forty will never be wife ;
which is fometimes underftood as if a man made as
regular a progrefs to the fummit of his wifdom, till
the age of forty, as he does to that of his ftature till
twenty ; which is a very great miftake. I take it
to be in this cafe, as in the other, that a man of
forty has fufhciently proved to all the world that he
is not, and therefore that he never was, and never
will be wife.
Shall we fay then that this moft valuable of all
human quahties receives no benefit at all from a well
conducted education, from (ludy, or from an ac-
quaintance with the world. I anfwer, that I do not
think it is capable of any change in its nature, or
addition to its vigour, but it may be joined to. other
talents of more or lefs value, and it may be applied
to purpofes more or lefs ufeful and important,
and thence acquire a luftre and polifh, of which it
v/ould otherwife be deditute. The fame good fenfe
and prudence, which alone would make a fenfible
judicious farmer, would, if united to memory and
imagination, and enriched with fklll in the liberal
arts, make an eminent fcholar, and bring in large
contribulions to the treafury of human fcience. The
fame foundnefs of judgment, which, in a country
life or contracted neighbourhood, would (et an ex-
ample of frugality, be an enemy to diforder, and
point out the pofleflbr as a proper umpire in ur.-
happy detentions j would in a more enlarged fphere,
.jnake an accomplifhed fenator or a politician, to
THE DRFID. 2<$3
manage the affairs of a large community, or fettle
the differences of contending nations.
I come now to offer my readers fome advices, a
practice to which I am by nature and habit exceeds
ingly prone. A difficulty, it muft be confeffed, feems
to occur in this matter. If the above theory be juft,
there feems to be httle room left for advice, as the
great talent, fo largely defcribed, is fuppofed to be
original and unalterable. This difficulty, how-
ever, notwithftanding, important inftrudion may be
grafted upon it, not only to parents and others who
have the charge of the education of youth, but to
every man, for the future diredion of his own coi>
dua.
As to the firft of thefe, I would entreat parents
to guard againft that fond partiahty which inclines
them to form a wrong judgment of the capacity of
their children 5 particularly it were to be wiihed,
that they would not take a few failles of pertnefs
and vivacity for an evidence of diftinguifhed parts.
It Is well known, and has been frequently obferved,
how apt parents are to entertain their vifitors with an
account of the bright fayings or (hrewd fchemes of
their children, as moft promifing fymptoms of their
future talents ; and yet fo far as my obfervation
reaches, the things related might for the moft part
juftify a contrary fuppofitlon. I (hould run little
rifk in affirming, that three-fourths at leaft of thofe
anecdotes, which parents relate with fo much tri-
umph of their children, are to be accounted for
from memory, or petulance, or even ftupidity. A
child will repeat, at an improper time, a phrafe or
remark that he has heard, and it will make fo sb-
Z 2
264 THE DRUID.
furd a contraft with what is going on, that it is
impoffible to forbear laughing. I aflc whether this
is an evidence of the greatnefs or the want of un-
derflanding in the child ? Another will give an in-
folent and faucy anfwer, and acquire great reputa-
tion for what deferved the moft fevere and exem-
plary correction. To crown all, I will tell a true
itory : An old gentleman, whom I knew, would
often fay, in commendation of his fon's wifdom,
then a boy about ten or twelve years of age, That
when other boys are breaking their legs by falls
from limbs of trees, or going a fifhing in rivers, at
the riik of being drowned, his fon would fifli a
whole afternoon with a crooked pin, in a tub of
foul water in the kitchen. I fuppofe any reader
will agree, that the hS. and the remark taken to-
gether, conflitute a full proof that the mother was
honeft, and the fon lawfully begotten.
It would be a great advantage, that parents
Ihould make a moderate eftimation of the talents of
their children in two refpecSls* (i.) It would pre-
ferve the children themfelves from being puffed up
with unmerited praife, and thus miftaking their
own character and capacity. Though the native
force and vigour of common fenfe can neither be
augmented nor deftroyed, yet it may be, and I be-
lieve frequently is negleCled and defpifed, or over-
grown by the rank weeds of oftentation and felf-
futhcicncy. When young perfons are vain of the
talents which they do not pcfTefs, or ambitious of a
character which they cannot attain, they become ri-
diculous in their conduCl, and are generally unfuc-
ccfsful in their purfuits. (2.) It would incline and
THE DRUID. 255
make their parents to coridu6l their education in
the mod proper manner, by giving particular at-
tention to thofe branches of in{lru6lion, which
though lefs fplendid, are more generally ufeful
than fome others. It would lead me too much in-
to detail to give many examples for the illuftration
of this remark, and therefore I fhall only fay, that
common fenfe, which is a modefl unafTuming
quality, and a diligent application to the ufeful
parts of fcience, will neither diftrefs nor weaken a
fervent imagination, when it really refides in the
fame fubje£l ; but giving loofe reins to a warm
imagination, will often overfet a moderate degree
of judgment, fo that it will never more dare to
fhew its head. I have known fome youths of
bright genius in their own cftecm, who have looked
down with great contempt upon quiet and orderly
boys as dull plodding fellows, and yet thefe bfl
have, in the iiTue, become men of fpirit and capa-
city, as well as literature, while the others have
evaporated into rakes and bullies, and indeed block-
heads ; or taking the road to Mount Helicon, have
become poets, fools, and beggars.
I muft advife every reader, efpecially thofe In
early years, to form his opinion of others, and his
friendly attachments, upon the principles above laid
down, nothing will more efrecStually millead young
perfons, than an exceffive admiration of fliowy
talents in thofe with whom they converfe, whether
they be real or fuppofed. I have known many
inftances of perfons who apparently owed their
ruin, to their imbibing early in life, a notion that
decency, order, and a prudent management of their
Z3
266 THE DRUID.
affairs, were marks of dulnefs ; and on the contra-
ry, that petulance, forwardnefs, and irregularity,
and even vicious exceifes, were the effects of fpirit
and capacity. Many follow the leading perfon in
frolics, not from any inward approbation of fuch
practices, but merely to avoid the reproach which
in fuch focieties is fo unjullly beftowed, I beg all
fuch to believe me, as a perfon of fome experience
in places of public education, when I affure them,
that in nine inftances out of ten, your ramblers,
night-v/.ilkers, and mifchief-workers, are block-
heads and thick-fculls. Does it require any ge-
nius, think you, to throw a log in r.nother's way in
a dark paffage, and after he has ftumbled over it,
to raife a triumphant laugh at him, who was fuch
a fool as not to fee without light.
I conclude with obferving, that whatever may
be the capacity of any perfon in itfelf, if it is ne-
glected or mifimproved, it will either be wholly
ioft or be of little confequence in future life. Our
very bodily frame prefents us with a lellbn of in-
llru6tion upon this fubjeCt. Though formed by
nature complete and regular, if it is accuftomed to
any improper torture or ungraceful motion, the ha-
bit will foon become unconquerable ;• and any par-
ticular limb or member that for a long time is not
ufed, v*rill become ufelefs. This holds yet more
ilrongly as to the pov/ers of the mind: they are loll
by negligence j but by proper application they are
preferved, improved, and in many cafes increafed.
I^et all, therefore, who wi(h or hope to be eminent,
remember, that as the height to which you can
raife a tower depends upon the fize and foiidity of
THE DRUID. 267
Its bafe, fo they ouglit to lay the foundation of their
future fame deep and ftrong, in fobriety, prudence,
and patient induilry, which are the genuine dictates
oi plain common fenje.
NUMBER V.
SIR,
A MAN is not, even at this time, called or con-
fidered as a fcholar, unlefs he is acquainted
in fome degree with the ancient languages, particu-
larly the Greek and Latin. About one hundred and
fifty years ago, however, thofe langyages were bet-
ter underftood than they are at preient ; becaufe at
that time, authors of reputation publiflied almoft all
their works In. Latin. Since the period above men-
tioned, the modern, or as they are fometimes cal-
led, the northern languages, have been gradually
polidied, and each nation has manifefted a zeal for,
and an attention to, the purity and perfection of
Its own tongue. This has been the cafe, particu-
larly with refpeft to the French and Englifh. The
French language is, as nearly as I can guefs, about
fifty years before the Englifh, in this refpeiS: ; that
is to fay, it is fo much longer fince their men of
letters applied themfelves to the afcertaining, cor-
recting, and pglifhing of it. The Englifli, how-
ever, has received great improvements within the
lad hundred years, and probably will continue to
do*fo. He mu ft have little judgment, or great ob-
25S THE DRUID.
flinacy, who does not confefs that fome late authors
L'ive written the EngHfh language with greater pu-
rity, than thofe of the firft chara£ler in former
times. From this we may certainly infer, that the
education mud be very imperfe£l in any femlnary
where no care Is taken to form the fcholars to tafle,
propriety, and accuracy in that language which
they muft fpeak and write all their life afterwards.
To thefe refle6i:Ions it may be added, that our
fituatlon in America is now, and in all probability
will continue to be fuch, as to require peculiar at-
tention upon this fubje61:. The Engllfh language is
fpok«n through all the United States. We are at a
great dlftance from the ifland of Great Britain, in
which the ftandard of the language is as yet fup-
pofed to be found. Every ftate is equal to, and in-
dependent of, every other ; and, I believe, none
of them will agree, at lead Immediately, to receive
laws from another, in difcourfe, any more than in
action. Time and accident muft determine what
turn affairs will take in this refpe6t in future, whe-
ther we fhall continue to confider the language of
Great Britain as the pattern upon which we are to
form ours ; or whether, in this new empire, fome
centre of learning and polltenefs will not be found,
which fliall obtain influence, and prefcrlbe the rules
of fpeech and writing to every other part.
V/hile this point is yet unfettled, it has occurred
to me to make fome obfervatlons upon the prefent
ftate of the Englifti language in America, and to
attempt a coUedlion of fome of the chief impro-
prieties which prevail, and might be eafily corre6t-
cd. I will premife one or two general remarks.
THE DRUID. 269
The vulgar in America fpeak much better than the
vui^ar irf Great Britain, for a very obvious reafon,
viz. that being much more unfettled, and moving
frequently from place to place, they are not fo
li ible to local peculiarities, either in accent or phra-
feology. There is a greater difference in diale£t
between one county and another in Britain, than
there is between one ftate and another in America.
I fhall alfo admit, though with fome hefitation,
that gentlemen and fcholars in Great Britain fpeak
as much with the vulgar in common chit chat, as
perfons of the fame clafs do in America : but there
is a remarkable difference in their public and fo-
lemn difcourfes. I have heard in this country, in
the fenate, at the bar, and from the pulpit, and fee
daily in diifertations from the prefs, errors in gram-
mar, improprieties and vulgarifms, which hardly
ahy perfon of the fame clafs, in point of rank and
literature, would have fallen into in Great Britain.
Curiofity led me to make a collection of thefe,
which, as foon as it became large, convinced me
that they were of very different kinds, and there-
fore muft be reduced to a confiderable number of
clafTes, in order to their being treated with critical
juflice. Thefe I now prefent to the public under
the following heads, to each of which I will fub-
join a (hort explication, and a number of examples,
with remarks where they feem necelTary.
1. Americanifms, or ways of fpeaking peculiar
to this country.
2. Vulgarifms in England and America.
3. Vulgarifms in America only.
^1<^ TKE DRUl©.
4. Local phrafes or terms.
5. Common blunders arifing from ignorance.
6. Cant phrafes.
7. Perfonal blunders.
8. Technical terms introduced into the language.
It will be proper to put the reader in mind, that
he ought not to exped that the enumeration under
each of thefe heads can be complete. This would
have required a very long courfe of obfervation;
and indeed is not neceflary to my purpofe, which is
by fpecimens to enable every attentive and judicious
perfon to make obfervations for himfelf.
I. The firft clafs I call Americanifms, by which
I underftand an ufe of phrafes or terms, or a con-
ftrudion of fentences, even among perfdns of rank
and education, different from the ufe of the flime
terms or phrafes, or the conftrudion of fimilar (en^
tences, in Great Britain. It does not follow, from
a man's ufing thefe, that he is ignorant, or his dif-
courfe upon the whole inelegant ; nay, it does not
follow in every cafe, that the terms or phrafes ufed
are worfe in themfelves, but merely that they are
of American and not of Englifh growth. The
word Americanifm, which I have coined for the
purpofe, is exadly fimilar in its formation and fig-
nification to the word Scotticifm. By the word
Scotticifm is underftood any term or phrafe, and
indeed any thing either in conftru(Sl:ion, pronuncia-
tion, or accentuation, that is peculiar to North
Britain, There are many inftances in which th2
Scotch way is as good, and fome in which every
perfon who has the lead tafle as to the propriety or
THE DRUID. 271
purity of language In general, muft confefs that it
is better than that of England, yet.fpeakers and
writers mufl conform to cuftom.
Scotland, or the northern part of Great Britain,
was once a feparate independent kingdom, though,
except in the Highlands, the people fpoke the
fame language as In England ; the Inhabitants of
the Lowlands, In both countries, having been ori-
ginally the fame. It Is juflly obferved by Dr. Ro-
bertfon, in his hlftory of Scotland, that had they
continued feparate kingdoms, fo that there (hould
have been a court and parliament at Edinburgh, to
ferve as a ftandard, the fmall differences In dialect,
and even in pronunciation, would not have been
coniidered as defedls -, and there would have been
no more opprobrium attending the ufe of them in
fpeech or writing, than there was in the ufe of the
different dlale6ls of the ancient Grecian republics.
But by the removal of the court to London, and
efpeclally by the union of the two kingdoms, the
Scottifh manner of fpeaking came to be con/Idered
as provincial barbarlfmj which, therefore, all fcho-
lars are now at the utmofl pains to avoid. It Is
very probable, that the reverfe of this, or rather Its
counter part, will happen In America. Being en-
tirely feparated from Britain, we fhall find fome
centre or ftandard of our own, and not be fubiecl
to the inhabitants of that illand, either in recelvin '
new ways of fpeaking, or rejecting the old.
The examples follow.
I. " The United States, or either of them."
This is fo far from being a mark of Ignorance, that
it Is ufed by many of the moil able and accurate
272 THE DRUlD.
fpeakers and writers, yet it is not Englifh. The
United States are thirteen in number, but in
Englifh either does not fignify one of many, but
one or the other of two. I imagine either has become
an adjetSlive pronoun, by being a fort of abbrevia-
tion of a fentence, where it is ufed adverbially,
either the one or the other. It is exa£tly the fame
with iKxn^og in Greek, and alter tit ur in Latin.
2. This is to notify the public, or the people had
not been notijied. By this is meant inform and z«-
formed. In Englifli we do not notify the perfon of
the thing, but notify the thing to the perfon. In
this inftance there is certainly an impropriety, y^^r to
notify y is juft faying by a word of Latin derivation,
to make known. Now if you cannot fay this is to
make the public known, neither ought you to fay
this is to notify the public.
3. Fellow Coimtrymen, This is a word of very
frequent ufe in America. It has been heard in
public orations from men of the firft chara£ler,
and may be daily feen in newfpaper publications.
It is an evident tautology, for the laft word ex-
prefles fully the meaning of both. If you open
any dictionary, you will find the word countryman
figiiifies one born in the fame country. You may
fay, fellow citizens, fellow foldiers, fellow fub-
je(!i!ls; fellow Ci)riftians, hut. uot fellow coiintr -men.
4. Thefe things were ordered delivered to the
army. The words to be are omiLteci. I am not
certain whether this is a local expveflion or general
in America.
5. I wilh we could contrive it to Phil.idelphia,
The words to carry ^ to have it carried ^ ox SomQ iuch.
THE DRUID. 275
are wanting. It is a defecflive conflru£lion, of
which there are but too many that have already
obtained in practice, in fpite of all the remon-
llrances of men of letters.
6. We may hope the afllftance of God. The
word for or to receive is wanting.' In this inftance,
hope, which is a neuter verb, is turned into the
active verb, and not very properly as to the objec-
tive term affiftance. It muft be admitted, however,
that in fome old Englifh poets, hope is fometimes ufed
as an a£tive verb, but it is contrary to modern prac-
tice.
7. I do not confider myfelf equal to this taflc.
The word as is wanting. I am not certain whether'
this may not be an Englifli vulgarifm, for it is fre-
quently ufed by the renowned author of Common
Senfe, who is an Engliftiman born j but he has fa
happy a talent of adopting the blunders of others,
that nothing decifive can be inferred from his prac-
tice. It is, however, undoubtedly an Americanifm,
for it is ufed by authors greatly fuperior to him in
every refpe£t.
8 Neither to day or to morrow. The proper
con{lru£lion is, either the one or the other, neither
the one nor the ether.
9. A certain Thomas Benfon. The word cer-
tain, as ufed m Englifh, is an indefinite, the name
fixes it precifely, lo that there is a kind of contra-
diction in the expreflion. In England they would
fay, a certain perfon called or fuppofed to be Tho-
mas Benfon.
10. Such bodies are incident to thefe evils. Ths
Vol. IX. A a
276 THE DRUIB.
evil is incident or ready to fall upon the perfon, the
perfon liable or fubjed): to the evil.
II. He is a very clever man. She is quite a
ilever woman. Hovr often are thefe phrafes to be
heard in converfation ? Their meaning, however,
would certainly be miftaken when heard for the
firft time by one born in Britain. In thefe cafes,
Americans generally mean by clever, only goodnefs
of difpofition, worthinefs, integrity, without the
lead regard to capacity ; nay, if I am not miftaken,
it is frequently applied, where there is an acknow-
ledged fimplicity, or mediocrity of capacity. But
in Britain, clever always means capacity, and may
be joined either to a good or bad difpofition. "We
fay of a man, he is a clever man, a clever trades-
mart, a clever fellow, without any reflediion upon
his moral chara£ter, yet at the fame time it carries
no approbation of it. It is exceeding good Englifh,
and very common to fay. He is a clever fellow, but
I am forry to fay it, he is alfo a great rogue.
"When clevernefs is applied primarily to conduct:,
and not to the perfon, it generally carries in it the
idea of art or chicanery, not very honourable ;
for example — Such a plan I confefs was very clever,
i, e. fly, artful, well contrived, but not very fair.
12. I was quite mad at him, he made me quite
mad. In this inftance mad is only a metaphor for
angry. This is perhaps an Englifh vulgarifm, but
it is not found in any accurate writer, nor ufed by
any good fpeaker, unlefs when poets or orators ufe
it as a ftrong figure, and to heighten the exprellion,
fay, he was mad with rage.
Thefe fliall fuffice for the firft clafs.
THE DRUID. 2/7
NUMBER VI.
SIR,
T PROCEED now upon the plan laid down in my
la ft paper, to the fecond general clafs of im-
proprieties, viz, vulgarifms in England and Ame-
rica. Of thefe there is great plenty to be found
every where, in writing and in converfation. They
need very little explication, and indeed would
fcarcely deferve to be mentioned in a difcourfe of
this nature, were it not for the circumftance hinted
at in the introduction, that fcholars and public per-
fons are at lefs pains to avoid them here, than in
Britain.
1. I will mention the vulgar abbreviations in ge-
neral, as an't, can't, han't, don't, fhouldn't, would'nt
couldn't, &c. Great pains were taken by the
SpecSbator to (hew the barbarity and inelegance of
that manner of fpeaking and writing. The endea-
vours of that author, and others of later date, have
been fuccefsful in Britain, and have banifhed all
fuch harfh and mutilated phrafes from public fpeakr-
ing, fo that they remain only in converfation, and
not even in that among perfons of judgment and tafte.
I need hardly fay how far tliis is from beino- the
cafe in America.
2. I hjow\l him perfectly well, for, I hne-w him.
3. I fee him yefterday, or I fee him laft week, for
A a 2
278 THE DRUID.
Ifaiv him. In Scotland the vulgar fay, I feed him
laft week.
4. This here report of that there committee. Some
merchants whom I could name, in the Englifh Par-
liament, whofe wealth and not merit raifed them
to that dignity, ufe this vulgarifm very freely, and
expofe themfelves to abundance of ridicule by fo
doing.
5. He was dronvnded in the Delaware. This is
fo common, that I have known a gentleman read-
ing it in a book to a company, though it was print-
ed droivnedf read drownded.
6. She has got a new gonvtid. This and the
former are vulgarifms in converfation only; but even
(there very improper and unbecoming for perfons of
"Ivducation. ' In London you are fometimes afke^iir if
you will take a glafs of ivindy for wine. Of the
, fame nature are an impertinent feller y for felloiir;
luallevy for ivalloiv ; luinder, for 'windoiv.
7. Some on'em, one on'em, many on'em. This
though frequent in the northern parts of England
and fome parts of America, perhaps is rather local,
than general. This indeed may be the cafe with
feveral others which have fallen under my obferva-
tion.
8. It lays in Buck's county, for it lies, &c. This
is not only a prevailing vulgarifm in converfation,
but has obtained in public fpeaking, and may be
often feen in print. I am even of opinion that it has
fome chance of overcoming all the oppofition made
to it, and fully eftablifliing itfelf by cuttom, which
is the final arbiter in all fuch cafes. Lowth in his
grammar, has been at much pains to correal it
i
THE DRUID. 279
yet, though that moft excellent treatlfe has been in
the hands of the public for many years, this word
feems to gain inftead of lofing ground. The
error arifes from confounding the neuter verb to ly
with the a^lire verb to lay, which are very differ-
ent in the prefent, preterite and participle. The
firft of them is formed thus, ly, lay, lien or lain :
the fecond, lay, laid, laid.
9. I thinks it will not be long before he come.
This is a London vulgarifm, and yet one of the
groffeft kind. To this confufion or difagreement of
the perfon may be added the difagreement of the
number, giving a verb fingular to a nominative
plural, which is more frequent than the other, as,
after all the Jlories that has been told, all the reafons
that has been given.
10. Equally as well, and equally as good. This
is frequent in converfation and public fpeaking. It
is alfo to be found in fome publications, of which
it is needlefs to name the authors ; but it is juft as
good Englifh to fay, the 7nofl highejl mountain in
America.
11. One of the moft common vulgarifms or blun-
ders in the Englifli language, is putting the prete-
rite for the participle. This is taken particular
notice of by Lowth, in his grammar, as after he
hady>// down, iox fallen \ and in the fame manner,
rofey for r'tfen ; /poke, for fpoken ,- ivrotCy for written ,
broke, for broken. Some of thefe appear, as he ob-
ferves, barbarous to fcholars ; others we are fo ac-
cuftomed to, that they give little offence to the ear.
Had not a gentleman threw out — the reafong^ of pro-
teft were drew up. Thefe are offenfive, but you may
A a 3
28© THE DRUID.
meet with fimilar errors even in good authors, fuch
as I had lurotcy I h^idfpokey the bone was broke. The
bed way to judge of this impropriety, is to try it
upon a word that has been feldom fo mifufed, as
for example. If you go to the battle perhaps you
will hejleiu.
12. Juft as you rife the hill — little or no bread-
corn is groiun in this country. Thefe are fimilar
corruptions arifing from turning neuter into active
or paflive verbs. They are alfo, if I am not mif-
taken, among the neweft corruptions of the lan-
guage, and much more common in England than
America. The above two examples are taken from
Cook's firfi: voyage by Hav/kefworth, where fome
others of the fame kind are to be found.
13. I fat out yefterday morning, for I fet out.
The verb fet has no change of termination, the
prefent, preterite and participle being the fame.
I fet out immediately *, I fet out three day5 fooner
than he •, after I had fet out. The error lies in
taking the preterite of the verb fit, and making ufe
of it for the pafl time of the otlier — fit has three
terminations, fit, fat, fitten.
* 14. He faid as hoiv it was his opinion. This ab-
furd pleonafm is more common in Britain than in
America.
The third clafs confifts of vulgarifms in America
only. This mull be underflood, fo far as I have
been able to obferve, and perhaps fome of them
are local. It will not be necefTary either to make
the examples on this head numerous, or to fay
much upon them, bccaufe the introdudlion of vul-
THE DRUID. 28i
ganfms into writing or public difcourfes is the fame,
whether they are of one country or another.
1. I have not done it yet, but am juft going to.
This is an imperfedl conflrudlion ; it wants the
words do it, Imperfe£l conftru6tions are the ble-
mifh of the Englifh language in general, and rather
more frequent in this country than in England.
2. It is fartly all gone, it is mo/lly all gone. This
is an abfurdity or barbarifm, as well as a vul-
garifm.
3. This is the weapon with which he defends
himfelf when he is attacied^ for attacked 5 or ac-
cording to the abbreviation, attack'd.
4. As I told Mr. , for as I told you. I
hope Mr. is well this morning. What is Mr.
's opinion upon this fubjedl } This way of
fpeaking to one who is prefent in the third perfon,
and as if he were abfent, is ufed in this country
by way of refpecl. No fuch thing is done in Bri-
tain, except that to perfons of very high rank, they
fay your majelly, your grace, your lordfhip j yet
even there the continuance of the difcourfe in the
third perfon is not cuftoaiary.
5. I have been to Philadelphia, for at or in Phi-
ladelphia -, I have been to dinner, for I have dined,
6. Walk 171 the houfe, for into the houfe.
7. You have no right to pay it, where right is
ufed for what logicians would call the correlative
term obligation.
8. A fpell of ficknefs, a long fpell, a bad fpelL
Perhaps this word is borrowed from the fea dialed^.
p. Every of thefe flates ; every of them ; every of
US 5 for every one, I believe the word every is ufed
282 THE DRUID.
in this manner in fome old Englifh writers, nnd
alfo in fome old laws, but not in modern praftice.
The thing is alio improper, becaufe it fhould be
every one to make it ftriftly a partitive and fubje£l
to the fame conftru6l:ion, as fome of them, part of
them, many of them, &c. yet it muft be acknow-
ledged, that there is no great impropriety, if fo
great, in the vulgar conftru6lion of every^ than in
another expreffion very common in both countries,
viz. all of them.
Having finifhed thefe two clafles, I fhall make
a remark or two upon vulgarifms in general. Pro-
bably many will think and fay, that it would be a
piece of ftifFnefs or aiFe£tation to avoid them wholly
in converfation or common difcourfe. As to fome
of thofe which have been defcribed above, perhaps
this may be admitted 5 but as to the greateft part,
it is certainly beft to avoid them wholly, left we
fhould fall into them inadvertently where they
would be highly improper. If a gentleman will
not imitate a peafant male or female, in faying iffo
he, and forfooth, and many other fuch phrafes, be-
caufe he knows they are vulgarifms, why fhould
he imitate them in faying equally as good, or I fee
him yejlerclay, but becaufe he does not know, or
does not attend to the impropriety.
The reader is alfo defired to obferve, that we are
not by far fo much in danger of the charge of afFeda-
tion for what we omit faying, as for what we do fay.
When a man is fond of introducing hard words, or
ftudies a nice or pompous di£lion, he brings himfelf
immediately into contempt ; but he may eafiiy attain
a cautious habit of avoiding low phrafes or vulgar
THE DRUID. 283
terms without being at all liable to the imputation
either of vanity or conftraint.
I conclude with obferving, that as bombaft and
empty fweliing is the danger to which thofe are
expofed who aim at fublimity, (o low fentiments
and vulgar terms are what thofe are in moft dan-
ger of, who aim at fimplicity. Now, as, it is my
intention, in the courfe of thefe papers, to fet a
--inark of reprobation upon every affected and fan-
taftic mode of expreflion, and to recommend a
pure, and, as it may be called, claflic fimplicity, it
is the more neceflary to guard the reader againft
that low and grovelling manner which is fome-
times miftaken forit.
NI|MB£R VII.
SIR,
THE fourth clafs of improprieties confifl of
local phrafes or terms. By thefe I mean fuch
vulgarifms as prevail in one part of a country and
not in another. There is a much greater variety of
thefe in Britain than in America. From the com-
plete populations of the country, multitudes of com-
mon people never remove to any diftance from
where they were born and bred. Hence there are
many charaderftic diftinclions, not only in phra-
feology, but in accent, drefs, manners, ^c. not only
between one county and another, but between dif-
ferent cities of the fame county. There is a county
in the North of England, very few of the natives of
284 THE DRUI».
which can pronounce the letter r, as it is generally
pronounced in the other parts of the kingdom.
But if there is a much greater number of local *
vulgarifms In Britain than America, there is alfo
for this very reafon, much lefs danger of their being
ufed by gentlemen or fcholars. It is indeed im-
plied in the very nature of the thing, that a local
phrafe will not be ufed by any but the inhabitants
or natives of that part of the country where it pre-
vails. However, I am of opinion, that even local
vulgarifms find admiflion into the difcourfe of peo-
ple of better rank more eafily here than in Europe.
1. He improved the horfe for ten days. This is
ufed in fome parts of New England for riding the
horfe.
2. Raw fain d Is ufed in the South for falad,
N. B. There is no falad boiled.
3. ChuftkSi that is, brands, half burnt wood.
This is cuftomary in the middle colonies.
4. He is conjiderahle of a furveyor, conJideraUe of
it may be found in that country. This manner of
fpeaking prevails in the northern parts.
5. He will once in a nvhile^ i. e.fometimes get drunk.
The middle ftates.
6. Shall I have occafwny i. e. opportunity to go
over the ferry. New England.
7. Tot is ufed for carry^ in fome of the fouthern
ftates.
The fifth clafs of improprieties may be calledV^w-
mon blunders through ignorance. In this they differ
from the former claffes, that the fimilarity of one
word to another, in pronunciation or derivation,
makes ignorant people confound them and ufe them
THE DRUID. 285
promlfcuoufly, or fometimes even convert them
and ufe them each in the other's room. The fol-
lowing are examples.
1. Eminent for imminejit. How often do we hear
that a man was in eminent danger.
2. Ingenious for ingenuous. How common is it to
fay he is an ingenious young man — he is a young
man of a very ingenious difpofition, they are both
Englifh words. Ingenious fignifies of good capa-
city ; ingenuous fignifies fimple, upright, fincere ;
ingenuity, however, the word that feems to be
derived from ingenuous, is ufed in both fenfes,
fometimes for fairnefs, opennefs, candor ; fome-
times for capacity or acutenefs of invention. I
ihould think this laft, though done by good authors,
to be contrary to the analogy of the language,
efpecially as we have two words for thefe oppofite
ideas regularly derived from the correfpondent ad-
je6lives, ingenioufnefs and ingenuoufnefs.
3. Three or four l\m.QS fuccefsfully^ iox fuccejjlvely ,
This is a blunder through ignorai ce, very common
among the lower fort of people in England.
4. hiteiligible^ for intelligent^ It was a very in-
telligible perfon who told me.
5. Confijlicate^ for confifcate. The moft ignorant
of the vulgar only ufe this phrafe.
6. Ficlious {ox fiBitlous That is no more than a
jiBious (lory. This is ufed by people fomewhat
fuperior to thofe who would ufe the former.
7. Veracity for credibility. This is not a blunder
in converfation only, but in fpeaking and writing.
I have fome doubt of the veracity of this fa£i:, fays
?. certain author. Veracity is the character of the
286 THE DRUID.
perfon ; truth or credibility, of the (lory told. The
fame is the cafe with all, or mod of the words, of
fimilar formation, capacity, rapacity, tenacity.
Thefe all are applied to the perfon or the difpofition,
not to a particular action of the one, or efFe£^ of
the other. We fay, a man of capacity — this work
is a proof of capacity, but not the capacity of this
performance ; and fo of the reft.
8. Sufceptivey iox fufceptihle, I muft acquaint the
reader, that after I had marked this word as an ex-
ample, of the miftakes men fall into from ignorance,
I found it in fome Englifti writers, who cannot
be called altogether contemptible, and alfo in
Johnfon's Dictionary. As to the laft of thefe, I
(hall have occafion to make a remark or two upon
that lexicographer under the next clafs, and there-
fore (liall fay nothing of it now. As to the other
particular, I obferve, that though the word is ufed by
fome writers, it is not only contrary to general prac-
tice, but contrary to the analogy of the tongue. —
All the adjectives ending in ive are of an adlivc,
and thofe ending in able or ihh of a pafTive nature,
as active, decilive, communicative, fignificative,
demonftrative, and on the contrary, able, capable,
communicable, demonftrable, contemptible.
9. They are fo very duplicit that I am afraid they
will refcind from what they have done. Here are
two errors in one fentence. Duplicit is an adjective
nAade by guefs from duplicity, and refcind is mif-
taken, by the likenefs of found, for recede.
10 IDeteB for diJfeEl, A lady, in a certain place
at dinner, aiked a gentleman if he would be fo good
as deteEl that piece of meat for her. To thefe I might
add a long lift of errors, in which ignorance or or-
THE DRUIR. 287
thography makes a vitious pronunciation, and that
pronunciation continued by the fame ignorance,
makes a vulgar word in place of the true one, of
which take one example-— A gentleman writes to
his friend, that on fuch a day they had a fmart
fcrtmitchy for Jkirmljh.
The fixth clafs confiftsof ^ra^/ phrafes, introduced
into public fpeaking or compofition. The meaning of
cant phrafes, is pretty well known, having been fully
explained as long ago as the days of Mr Addifon —
They rife occafionally, fometimes, perhaps, from the
happy or fingular application of a metaphor or allu-
fion, which is therefore repeated and geti into ge-
neral ufe, fometimes from the whim or caprice of
particular perfons in coining a term. They are in
their nature temporary and fometimes local. Thus,
it is often faid, a man is taken in, he is bilked^ he is
bity that was a hit indeed, that is not the things it was
quite the thing. Innumerable others will occur to
every reader. Sometimes the cant confifts in the
frequent and unneceflary repetition, or improper ap-
plication of a word that is otherwife unexceptionable^
Thus, when vaji was in repute, a thing was vaftly
good, and vaftly bad, vaftly pretty, and vaftly ugly,
vaftly great, and vaftly little.
It is worth while, in remarking on the ftate of
language, to refle£t a little on the attack made by
Addifon, Steel, Swift, Pope, and Arbuthnot, on
many of thefe cant phrafes in their day, fuch as bite,
bamboozle, pof. rep. mob. &c. Some of them they
fucceeded in baniftiing from, or rather prevented
from being ever admitted into public difcourfes and
Vol. IX. B b
a38 THE DRUID.
elegant writing, fuch as bite, bamboozle, &c. fome
they baniflied from all polite converfation, fuch as
pof. rep. plenipo. and fome have kept their ground,
have been admitted into the language, and are freely
and gravely ufed by authors of the firft rank, fuch as
mob. This was at firft a cant abbreviation of mobUe
vulgusy and as fuch condemned by the great men
above mentioned ; but time has now ftamped it
with authority, the memory of its derivation is loft,
and when a hiftorian fays an unruly mob was affem-
bled in the ftreets, or he was torn in pieces by the
moby no idea of any thing low and ludicrous is con-
veyed to the mind of the reader.
I promifed, under this head, to make a remark
upon Johnfon's Di£lionary. It is a book of very
great value on feveral accounts, yet it may lead ig-
norant perfons into many miftakes. He has collec-
ted every word, good or bad, that was ever ufed by
any Engllfli writer ; and though he has, in the larger
Dictionary, given his authoriries in full, yet that is
not fuflicient to diftinguifti them. There are inftan-
ces in which this may be the very caufe of wrong
judgment. If an author of reputation has com-
mitted a fingle error, his authority fhould not be
made any ufe of to fandlify that error — fometimes,
alfo, the author's defign is miftaken. In the abridge-
ment of that Diftionary, at the word bamboozle^ you
find added, a loiv luord ; but the authority is Arbuth^
not : now would not any man imagine, who was not
otherwife informed, that Arbuthnot was a low
writer 5 whcrea?;, in fa£t, he ufed that word only to
difgrace and put it out of pradice. The lexico-
THE DRUID. 289
grapher would have aded more wifely not to have
mentioned the word at all.
It would be very eafy to make a large colle£lion
of cant or low phrafes at prefent in ufe, fuch as
helter Ikelter, topfy turvy, upfide down, the Devil to
pay, at fixes and fevens, put to his trumps, flung
all in a heap. Every one of thefe has been feen in
print, and many of the fame ftamp, as well as heard
in converfation.
It is not long fnice I read, in a piece publi/hed by
a fenfible writer in this city, « low methods oijham-
ming Abraham' Now, pray what is (hamming A-
braham ? With fome difnculty I have underftood,
that it is a cant phrafe among feamen, for pretend-
ing ficknefs when they are well, and other fetches
of the fame kind. I (hould be glad to know how a
foreigner could tranllate this expreffion into his own.
language.
Under the head of cant phrafes, I would include
all proverbial or common fayings introduced into
the language, as well as trite and beaten ailufions..
Of the firft fort are thefe, I want to put the faddle
upon the right horfe, the labouring oar lies upon
you ; of the fecond, the following, that is only gra-
tis dicfumy the Supreme Being by his almighty /j/,
I will not pay any regard to his ipfe dixit. All thefe
are taken from printed pieces, fome of them by au-
thors not contemptible; the lad of them, his ipfe
dixftf is of the mod frequent ufe, and yet is the
moft pedantic and puerile of the whole. I con-
elude with obferving, that a cant phrafe, if it do not
die by the way, has three ftages in its progrefs. It
is, firft, a cant phrafe ; fecondly, a vulgarifm ; thirds
Bb 2
290 THE DRUID.
ly, an idiom of the language. Some expire in one
or other of the two firft ftages ; but if they outlive
thefe, they are eftabliflied for ever. I have given an
example of this above, in the word mob ; and I think
topfy turvy and upjtde down have very nearly attained
the fame privilege.
The feventh clafs confifts oiperfonal blunders^ that
is to fay, eiFe£ls of ignorance, and want of precifion
as an author, which are properly his own, and not
reducible to any of the heads above mentioned, I
(hall give an example or two of this kind, becaufe it
will make the meaning of the former clafles more
clear. The examples follow.
I. * The members of a popular government
ihould be continually availed of the fituation and
condition of every part. The author of this did not
know that avail is neither an a£live nor paflive, but
a reciprocal verb 5 a man is faid to avail himf elf of Tuny
thing, but not to avail others, or be availed by them.
1, * A degree of diflentions and oppofitions under
fome circumftanccs, and a political lethargy under
others impend certain ruin to a free ft ate.* Here a
neuter verb is made an active one. I have before
given fome examples in which this is done commonly,
but in the prefent cafe it belongs to this author
alone.
3. * I {hould have let your performance fink into
ftlent difdain* A performance may fall into con-
tempt, or fink into oblivion, or be treated with dif-
dain, but to make it fink into ftlent difdairij is a very
crude expreflion indeed.
4. He is a man of moft accomplijhed abilities, A
THE DRUI D. Spr
man may be fald to be of diftingulfhed abilities or
great accomplifhments, but accompUJhed abilities is
wholly new.
5. * I have a total obje6lion againft this mea-
fure.' I fuppofe the gentleman meant, that he ob-
jedled to the whole, and every part of it. It was
only an irregular marriage of the adjeclive to the
wrong fubflantive.
6. * An axiom as well eftablifhed as any Euclid
ever demonftrated/ Now, it happens that Euclid,
notwithftanding his great love of demonftration,
never demonflrated axioms, but took them for
granted.
I hope the reader will forgive me for not refer-
ring to the treatifes from which thefe examples are
taken. They were in general anonymous ; and as
it is probable many of the authors are alive, and
may be of further ufe to their country, fo being
wholly unknown to me, without the leaft degree of
envy or malevolence, I mean not to injure but im-
prove them.
FINIS.
Bb3
SUBSCRIBERS' NA2MES.
A
Robert Anderfon, Efq. Accountant, Edinburgh
Rev. Mr Aitchifon, Leith
Mr John Anderfon, Merchant. Edin.
Mr Robert Anderfon, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Anthony, Edin.
Mr James Anderfon, Surgeon, Edin.
Mr Tho. Alexander, Student, Edin.
Mrs Arrol, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Robert Aitkin, Burnt ifland
Matthew Adam, Weaver, Paifley
Mifs Alexander, Glafgow
B
The Rev. Geo. Baird, D. D. Principal of the College,
and one of the minifters of the High Church, Edin.
Rev. Mr Buchannan, Canongate, Edin*
Rev. David Black, Edin.
Rev. James Burns, Brechin
Rev. Mr Begg, New Monkland
Rev. Kenneth Bayne, Greenock
Mr Adam Brooks, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Robert Bland, Merchant Dumfries
Mr Brown, Preacher, Belfaft
Mr James Brown, Teacher, Leith
Mr David Brewfter, Preacher
Mr John Baxter, Builder, Edinburgh
Mrs Baillie, Glafgow
Mr Peter Blair, Manufa^urer, PaiJley
Mr A. Boyd, Timber Merchant Paifley
Mr Robert Barclay, Merchant, Paifley
Mr James Brand, Dinwi^die mains
294 SUBSCRIBERS* NAMES,
Mr William Burns, Manufa6lurer, Paliley
Mr James Blair, Paiiley
Mr Walter Bruce, Cabinetmaker, Leith
Mr Alexander Brown, Bookfeller, Aberdeen, 12 Copies
Mr George Brown, Bookfeller, Perth, 2 Copies
Mr William Blackwood, Bookfeller, Edin. 2 Copies
Mr Allan Barr, Manufacturer, Edin.
Mr James Blair, Merchant, Belfaft, 6 Copies
Rev. Mr A. Bayne, Eaftbarns
Rev. Richard Black, Perth
Mr John Brown, Preacher, Glafgow
Rev. John Brown, Biggar
Mr Robertfon Buchanan, Glafgow
Rev. Dr Balfour, Glafgow
Mr Barr, Glafgow
Mr Buchanan, Glafgow
James Bonnar, Efq. Excife, Edin.
Matthew Brown, Efq. Paiiley
Mr William Bleziland, Manufadl:erer, Paifley
John Blair, Farmer, Erfkine by Paiiley
Robert Blair, Farmer, Inchinnen
James Blair, Farmer, Killmalcolm
Hugh Blair, Farmer, Houfton
Rev. David Black, Dunfermline
C
Francis Carter, M. D. Liverpool
Charles Cunningham, Efq. Linlithgow
Rev. Mr Colquhoun, Leith
Mrs Bailie Coulter, Edin.
Bailie James Carlyle, Paiiley
Mr J)hn Clapperton, Merchant, Edin.
Mrs Chryitie, Edin.
Mr John Campbell, preacher
Mr John Cummin, Dyer, Edin.
Mr Robert Crawford, preacher
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 2«5
Mr John Clark, Builder, Edin.
Mr Hugh Cameron, Merchant, Greenock
Mr R. Carfwell, Manufa6lurer, Pailley
Mr G. Carfwell, Manufacturer, Paifley
Mr William Campbell, Lockerby, 2 Copies
Mr Cheap, Paifley
Mr George Caldwell, Bookfeller, Paifley
Dr Cleghorn, Glafgow
Mr Thomas Carlile, Houfton
Mr Campbell, Bookfeller, Paifley, 3 Copies
Mr Campbell Teacher, Paifley
Mr D. Cowan, Paper maker, Edin.
Mr Gavin Cuthbertfon, Bookfeller, Paifley
Mr Clark, near Falkirk
Rev. Robert Culbertfon, Leith
D
Mr Charles Dick, Elgin
Rev. David Dickfon, Weft Church, Edin.
Rev. James Donaldfon, Edin.
Mr W. Dymock, Writer, Edin.
Mr James Dodds, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr Alexander Davidfon, Merchant
Mr J. Davidfon, Tanner, Dumbarton
Mr H. Dunbar, Merchant, Edin.
Mr Dewar, York place
Mr J. Drummond, Manufacturer, Edin.
Divinity Hall, Edin.
Divinity Hall, Whitburn
Divinity Hall, Selkirk
Rev. Mr Douglas, Stewarton
Rev. D. Dickfon, one of the minifters of Edin.
Meff. Denham and Dick, Bookfellers, Edin. 1 Copies
Mr Alex. Duncanfon, fliipowner, Alloa
Rev. Thos. Davidfon, D. D. one of the minifters of Edin*
296 S U B S C R I B E R S ' N A ME S .
E
Mrs Janet ElHfon
Robert Edmondfon, Efq. Boarhllls
Rev. Mr Ellis, Saltcoats
Rev. Mr Eafton, Hamilton
F
Admiral Sir W. G. Fairfax, North Caftle Street, Edin.
James Forreft, Efq. of Commifton
Rev. Profeffor Finlayfon, Edin.
Rev. Dr Fleming, Kirkcaldy
Mr J. Frafer, Merchant, Leith
Mr George Forreft, Brewer, Edin.
Mr Daniel Frafer, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr Alexander Finlay, Engraver, Glafgow
Mr William Fergufon, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr Jofeph Fowler, Paifley
Rev. Mr Forbes, Tarbat
Mr James Ferrie, Kirkintulloch
Mr Jofeph Fletcher, Chefter
Rev. Mr Fleming, Neilflon
Rev. Mr French, Kilbride
Rev. Mr Fleming, Weft Calder
Mr John Ford, Bookfeller, Kirkcaldy, 2 Copies
Mr Robert Fergufon, near Moffat
G
Archibald Gibfon, Efq. W. S.
Rev. Chriftopher Greig, Dunfermline
Rev. Mr Gray, Path-head
Rev, Mr Gregor, Bucclivie
Mr James Grieve, Merchant, Edin.
Mr George Gibfon, Merchant, Leith
Mr Thomas Gray, Student, Edin.
Mr Charles Gray, Edin.
Mr John Graham, Bal flack
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 297
Mr Tho. Gladftanes, Merchant, Leith
Mr Robert Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr James Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr Nathan Galloway, Baker, Glafgow
Mr John Grant, Hofier, Glafgow
Mr William Glafs, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr Walter Graham, Preacher
Mr Gordon, Preacher of the Gofpel
Rev. Mr L. Glafs, Midholm
Rev. Mr James Gray, Brechin
Rev. Mr Graham, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Gardner, Bothwell
Meir. Guthrie and Tait, Edin. 6 Copies
Mifs Gibfon, Edin.
H
Tho. Henderfon, Efq. Dean of Guild, Edin.
Jofhua Heywood, Efq. Glafgow
Rev. Andrew Hunter, D. D. Profeffor of Divinity, and
one of the Miniflers of the Tron Church, Edin.
Rev. Mr Hall, Edin.
Mr James Hill, Preacher, Haddingtan
Mifs Heron, St Andrew's Square, Edin.
Mr W. Harley, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr William Haftings, Student, Edin.
Mr Alexander Haftings, Edin.
Mr Peter Hewit, Baker, Edin.
Mr James Haldane, Merchant, Edin.
Mifs Helen Henderfon, Leith
Mr Andrew Hutchefon, Town clerk, Burntilland
Mr Hamilton, M Her, Glafgow
Mr Hall, Dumbarton,
Mr Tho. Hutchifon, Glazier, Paifley
Mr John Henderfon, Merchant, Paifley
Mr Archibald Henderfon, Student of Divinity, Crafl
298 SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES
Mr James Halliday, Dyfter, parifh of Hutton
Rev. Mr Harper, Lanark
Rev. Mr Hannah, Strikeathrough
Mr Henry, Preacher, Stevenfon-manfe
Mrs Andrew Hamilton, GeorgC'S Si^^uare, Edin.
Mr P. Hill, Bookfeller, Edin.
Rev. Mr Henderfon, Hawick
Mr James Hatrick, Camlachie
Mr John Henderfon, Student, Paiflej
Mr Tho. Hurft, Merchant, Leith
I
Rev. Mr Ireland, Leith, 2 Copies
Rev. Mr. Johnfton, Moffat
Mr John Johnfton, Student, Edin,
Mr John Johnfton, Biker, Leith
Mr Robert Jamiefon, Baker, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Inglis, Port Glafgow
Mr Walter Johnfton, Merchant, Banks hill, Lockerby
K
James Kerr, Efq. Greenock
Rev. Mr Keith, Fala
Rev. Mr Kay, Kinclavcn
Mr John Kelly, Student, Edin.
Mr W. Knight, Aberdeen, 6 Copies
J. King, Efq. Jonfton
Mrs King, of Maybank
L
Ewan Liddle, Efq. Springfield
Mr Jofeph Livingftone, Merchant, Edin,
Mr James Laing, Farmer, Dumbarton
Mr Thomas Leechman, Baker, Paifley
Mr Laurie, Student of Divinity
Mr Laidlow, Preacher of the Gofpel
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 29r
Mr Lockhart, Parliament Square Edin.
Mr James Love, Paiiley
Rev. Mr W. Lauder, Earlfton
Rev. Mr Livingfton, Cambufnethen
Rev. Mr Laurie, Abernethy
Rev. Mr Lindfay, Auchinlek
M
Sir H. MoncriefF, Wellwood, Bart. D. D. one of the
Miniflers of the Weft Church, Edinburgh
John Mair, Efq. Glafgow
A. Murray, Efq. of Ayton
William Murray, Efq. of Pomaife
Rev. Mr Macknight, Edinburgh
Rev. Mr Mitchell, late of Montrofe
Rev. Mr M'Lauchlan, Edinburgh
Rev. John M'Diarmid, Paifley
Rev. John Mackenzie, Glafgow
Rev. George Muirhead, Dyfart
Rev. Mr M*Bride Kilmore
Mrs Captain Mackintyre, Dumbarton
Mifs M*Pherfon, Frederic Street, Edinburgh
Mr Andrew M'Kean, Writing-mafter, diUo
Mr W. Muir, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr M'Dougal, Merchant, ditto
Mr T. Mitchell, Merchant, ditto
Mr Duncan M*Pherfon, Preacher
Mr William M<Pherfon, ditto
Mr Walter Munro, ditto
Mr Peter M'Laran, ditto
Mr A. M'Ritchie, Confeflioner, Edin.
Mr Geo. Murray, Confedtioner, ditto
Mr Alex. M*Allum, Vintner, ditto
Mr Andrew Miller, Writer, ditto
Mr James Mill, Merchant, ditto
Vol. IX. C c
300 SUBSCRIBERS' NAME S.
Mr Robert Menzies, Shipbuilder, Leith
Mr William Miller, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr William M'Gregor, Agent, ditto
Mr William M'Kenrick, ditto
Mr Duncan M'Dou,2:al, Merchant, ditto
Mr The. Mitchell, Ropemaker, ditto
Mr Peter M^Allum, Merchant, Greenock
Mr J. M'Linton, Merchant, Dumbarton
Mr James M'Farlane, Teacher, Paifley
Mr Robert Menzies, Diftiller, ditto
Mr William M'Hayne, Clerk, ditto
Mr W. Montgomery, Teacher, ditto
Mr J. M'Farlane, Spirit Dealer, ditto
Mr Peter Murray, Farmer, Libbertoii
Mrs Manfon, George Street, Edin.
Mr T. Mair, Infurance Office, ditto
Mr George Mather, George Inn, ditto
Mr Millar, Farmer, Loanhead
Rev. Mr Menzies, Logierait
Mr Moffat, Town's Hofpital, Glafgow
Mr Robert M'Lean, Paifley
Rev. Dr M'Gill, Glafgow
Rev. Mr M*Ewan, Badernock
Mr John M* Arthur, Student, Glafgow
Benjamin Mathie, Efq. Glafgow
Mr James M'Kinzie, ditto
Mr James ^lorrifon. Teacher, ditto
Rev. Mr Mackinlay, Kilmarnock
Rev. Mr M'Farlane, Biggar
Mr James iVl'Laren, Bookleller, Stirling
Mr iVI'Gregor, Paifley
Mr Donald M'Grugor, Grocer, ditto
Mr John Muir, Writer, ditto
Mr John M*Gavin Manufacturer, Paifley
Rev. John Macfarlane, Waterback
SUBS CRIBERS' NAMES. SM
Mr James Mochrie, Colraonell
N
Mr John Newland, Student, Edin.
Mr Robert Neil, Cefs Office, ditto
Mr James Niven, Leith
O
Rev. James Oliphant, Dumbarton
Mr T. Ovenftone, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr Will. Orr, Manufaftarer, Paifley
Mr Robert Ogle, Bookfeller, London,
25 Copies
Mr Maurice Ogle, Bookfeller, Glafgow, 50 Copies
P
John Pitcairn, Efq. Edinburgh
Alex. Pitcairn, Efq. ditto
Robert Pitcairn, Efq. ditto
Rev. Mr Peddie, ditto
Rev. Mr Pringle, Nevvcaflle
Mr Robert Philp, Merchant, Lelth
Mrs Purves, York Place, Edinburgh
Mr Daniel Paterfon, Builder, Edin.
Mr James Porteous, Preacher, ditto
Mr Rob. Penn, Cabinetmaker, ditto
Mr Patrick Peacock, Teacher, Paillcy
Mr James Paterfon, Preacher at Carfinday
Mrs Parker, Blochiron
Mr Geo. Peattie, Bookfeller, Leith
Mr Patrick Peacock, Teacher, ditto
Mr John Paterfon, Aberdeen,
R
Rev. Mr Robertfon, one of the minifiers of South Leltli
Rev. Mr Richardfon, Kirkconnel
C c 3
302
SUBSCRIBERS' NAM ES
Rev. Jonathan Rankine, Paiiley
Rev. Mr Ritchie, Afhilftoneford
Rev. MrRoi^, late of Amfterdam, 2 Copies
Mr James Re id, Merchant, Edinburgh
Mr John Rofs, Preacher, ditto
Mr James Ruflel, Student of Divinity
Mr Henry Rankine, Teacher, Leith
Mr James Roger, Merchant, Glafgow
- Mr John Rankin, Bookfeller, Falkirk, 3 Copies
Mrs A. Robertfon, Glafgow
Rev. Dr Ranken, ditto
Rev. Dr Rutherford, Muirkirk
Rev. Mr Robertfon Kilmarnock
Rev. Mr Robertfon, Slamannan
Mr James Ramfay, Baker, Paiiley
Rev. Mr Reid, Paiiley
S
Sir John Stirling, of Glorat, Baronet
Col. William Simpfon, Kincraig
Rev. Mr SavilJe, Edinburgh
Rev. Mr Struthers, ditto
Rev. John Scott, D. D. Greenock
Mr J. Sommerville, Student, Edin.
Mr W. Sibbald, Town's Surveyor, ditto
Mr P. Scott, Jnfurance Broker, ditto
Mr Smith, Haddin's Court, ditto
Mr Will. Stevenfon, Merchant, ditto
Mr James Stewart, Student
Mr Daniel Siewart Shoemaker, ditto
Mr Wood Sinclair, Cooper, Leith
Mr T. Shoolbread, Hair-dreffer, ditto
Mr L. Simons, Surgeon, Burntifland
Mr Rob. Service, Wright, Dumbarton.
Mr Robert Stewart, Teacher, Paiiley
SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES. 308
Mr W. Smith, Lafwade
Mr W. Somerville, Shaws of Tinwald, 13 Copies
Mr John Scott, Farmer Balboothie
Mr John Stiven, Bookfeller, Glafgow, 2 Copies
Mr John Scales, Writer, ditto
Mr William Scott, Bookfeller, Greenock
Mr James Smith, Kilbride
Mr R, Somers, Preacher, St Ninians
Mr Rob. ShirrefF, Merchant, Leith
Mr James Steele, Bookfeller, Glafgow
Mr Robert Stewart, Student, Paifley
Mr Matthew Sprowl, Bleacher
Rev. Mr Smart, Paiiley
Baillie Robert Spiers, Paiiley
T
David Thomfon, Efq. Edinburgh
Rev. Dr Thomfon, one of the miniflers of Edinburgh
Rev. W. Thomfon, Hutchefon Town, near Glafgow
Rev. James Thomfon, Port Glafgow
Mr Will. Trotter, Upholflerer, ditto
Mr James Thomfon, Perfumer, ditto
Mr Will. Thorburn, Merchant, Leith
Mr John Thomfon, Barntiiland
Mr W. Thomfon, Merchant, Glafgow
Mr R. Turnbull, Watchmaker, Greenock
Mr K. Treafurer, Edin.
Rev. Mr Peter Tavlor, Ceres
Mr W. Thomfon, Wright, Edin.
Rev. Mr Thomfon, Carnock
Rev. Mr Thomfon, Leeds
Mr J. Thomfon, Clifton, by Kirkliftoa
V
Mr Urie^ Giafaow
S0€ SUBSCRIBERS' NAMES.
W
Rev. Mr Watfon, Biggar
Rev. Mr. Wemyfs, Burntiiland
Rev. Mr Watfon, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Willifon, Forgandenny
Mr C. Watfon, Cabinetmaker, Edinburgh
Mr Thomas Wardlaw, Hofier, ditto
Mr J. Wilfon, Teacher of Elocution
Mr J. Waugh, Manufacturer, Scienncs
Mr Alexander Weir, Student
Mr J. Watfon, Manufadlurer, Glafgow
Mr James Wright, Merchant, Paifley
Mr James White, Merchant, ditto
Mr James Walkingfhaw, Writer, dit^o
Mr James Wayle, Manufacturer, ditto
Mr T. Williams, Bookfeller, London, 25 Copies
Mr W. Whyte, Bookfeller, Beith, 2 Copies
Mr John Wyld, Glafgow
Rev. Mr Wilfon, Cumnock
Mr Wilfon, Merchant, Strathaven
Mr Will. Whyte, Bookfeller, Edin. 2 Copies
Rev. Mr Walker, Colleffie
Rev. Mr Williamfon, Whitehaven
Mr James Wayle, Weaver, ditto
Mr John Whyte, Candlemaker, Edin.
Y
Mr John Young, Upholfterer, Edin.
Mr William Young, Burntifland
Mr John Young, ditto
Mr Young, Glafgow
Mr Tho. Young, Molftiaugh
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