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Full text of "The works of the late William Robertson : to which is prefixed, an account of his life and writings"

£ju>ra»"fd bv £.Sa-U'^t. ^istoriijiJ ^rwrat'fr t<} Mis Majesty 



MAIBT, ©TDnSHH ©IF S€©Ti 



V-\\^t>d THE 



WORKS 



OF THE LATE 



WILLIAM ROBERTSON, D. D. 

PRINCIPAL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF EDINBURGH, &c. &c. 



TO WHICH IS PREFIXED, 

AN ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE AND WRITINGS, 



BY THE 



KEV. R. LYNAM, A. M. 

ASSISTANT CHAPLAIN TO THE MAGDALEN; AND LATE CLASSIOAI, 
MASTER AT CHRISt's HOSPITAL. 



COMPLETE IN SIX VOLUMES. 

WITH MAPS, AND PORTRAITS OF DR. ROBERTSON, MARV QUEEN OF SCOTS. 
AND THE EMPEROR CHARLES V. 

VOL. II. 




LONDON: 

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1826. 



THE 

HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. 



BOOK VI. Continued. 

Morton MoRTON, to ■vvbom none of these particulars were 
resumes unknown, thoiigrlit this the proper iuncture for 

Lis former ' o r r J 

authority, setting to work the instruments which he had been 
preparing. Having gained the confidence of the earl of 
Mar, and of the countess his mother, he insinuated to them, 
that Alexander Erskine had formed a plot to deprive his 
nephew of the government of Stirling castle, and the cus- 
tody of the king's person; and easily induced an ambitious 
woman, and a youth of twenty, to employ force to prevent 
this supposed injury. The earl repairing suddenly to 
Stirling:, and beino: admitted as usual into the castle 

April 26. . J ■, . 1 ^ -11 1-1 

with his attendants, seized the gates early in the 
morning, and turned out his uncle, who dreaded no danger 
from his hands. The soldiers of the garrison submitted to 
him as their governor, and, with little danger and no ef- 
fusion of blood, he became master both of the king's person 
and of the fortress.^ 

An event so unexpected occasioned great consternation. 
Though Morton's hand did not appear in the execution, 
he was universally believed to be the author of the attempt. 
The new counsellors saw it to be necessary, for their own 
safety, to change their measures, and, instead of pursuing 
him with such implacable resentment, to enter into terms 
of accommodation with an adversary, still so capable of cre- 
ating them trouble. Four were named, on each side, to 
adjust their differences. They met not far from Dalkeith ; 
and when they had brought matters near a conclusion, 

z Cald. ii. 535. 

b2 



4 SCOTLAND. 

Morton, who was too sagacious not to improve the advan- 
tage which their security and their attention to the treaty 
afforded him, set out in the night-time for Stirling, and 
having gained Murray of Tullibardin, Mar's uncle, 
was admitted by him into the castle ; and managing 
matters there with his usual dexterity, he soon had more en- 
tirely the command of the fort, than the earl himself. He 
was likewise admitted to a seat in the privy-council, and 
acquired as complete an ascendant in it." 

As the time appointed for the meeting of parliament at 
Edinburgh now approached, this gave him. some anxiety. 
He was afraid of conducting the young king to a city 
whose inhabitants were so much at the devotion of the ad- 
verse faction. He was no less unwilling to leave James 
behind at Stirling. In order to avoid this dilemma, he 
issued a proclamation in the king's name, changing the place 
of meeting from Edinburgh to Stirling castle. This Athol 
and his party represented as a step altogether unconstitu- 
tional. The king, said they, is Morton's prisoner; the pre- 
tended counsellors are his slaves ; a parliament, to which 
all the nobles may repair without fear, and where they may- 
deliberate with freedom, is absolutely necessary for settling 
the nation, after disorders of such long continuance. But 
in an assembly, called contrary to all form, held within the 
walls of a garrison, and overawed by armed men, what 
safety could members expect? what liberty could prevail in 
debate? or what benefit result to the public ? The parlia- 
ment met, however, on the day appointed, and, not- 
withstanding the protestation of the earl of Mon- 
trose and lord Lindsay, in the name of their party, pro- 
ceeded to business. The king's acceptance of the govern- 
ment was confirmed; the act granted to Morton, for his se- 
curity, ratified ; some regulations with regard to the num- 
bers and authority of the privy-council, were agreed upon; 
and a pension for life granted to the countess of Mar, who 
had been so instrumental in bringing about the late revolu- 
tion." 

a Cald. ii. 536. b Ibid. 547. Pari. 5 Jac. 6. 



BOOK, VI. 5 

. jj , Meanwhile Argyll, Athol, and their followers, took 
Athoi take arms, upon the specious pretence of rescuing the 
against king from captivity, and the kingdom from op- 
™' pression. James himself, impatient of the servitude 
in which he was held, by a man whom he had long been 
taught to hate, secretly encouraged their enterprise; though, 
at the same time, he was obliged not only to disavow them 
in public, but to levy forces against them, and even to de- 
clare, by proclamation, that he was perfectly free from any 
constraint, either upon his person or his will. Both sides 
, quickly took the field. Araryll and Athol were at 

AugUStll. 111^ , T 1 1 n A 

the head oi seven thousand men; the earl oi Angus, 
Morton's nephew, met them with an army five thousemd 
strong ; neither party, however, was eager to engage. 
Morton distrusted the fidelity of his own troops. The two 
earls were sensible that a single victory, however complete, 
would not be decisive; and, as they were in no condition 
to undertake the siege of Stirling castle, where the king 
was kept, their strength would soon be exhausted, while 
Morton's own wealth, and the patronage of the queen of 
England, might furnish him with endless resources. By 
the mediation of Bowes, whom Elizabeth had sent into 
Elizabeth Scotland to negotiate an accommodation between 
an^ccom- the two factions, a treaty was concluded, in con- 
modatioa sequcucc of wliicli, Argyll and Athol were admitted 
tbem. into the king's presence; some of their party were 
added to the privy-council ; and a convention of nobles 
called, in order to bring all remaining differences to an ami- 
cable issue.*" 

c As soon as James assumed the government into his own 
hands, he dispatched the abbot of Dunfermling to inform 
Elizabeth of that event; to offer to renew the alliance be- 
tween the two kingdoms; and to demand possession of the 
estate which had lately fallen to him by the death of his 
grandmother the countess of Lennox. The lady's second 
son had left one daughter, Arabella Stewart, who was born 
in England. And as the chief objection against the pre- 

<: Crawf. Mem. 307. 



6 SCOTLAND. 

tensions of the Scottish line to the crown of England^ was 
that maxim of English law which excludes aliens from any 
right of inheritance within the kingdom, Elizabeth by 
granting this demand, would have established a precedent 
in James's favour that might have been deemed decisive 
with regard to a point which it had been her constant care to 
keep undecided. Without suffering this delicate question 
to be tried, or allowing any new light to be thrown on that 
which she considered as the great mystery of her reign, she 
commanded lord Burleigh, master of the wards, to sequester 
the rents of the estate; and by this method of proceeding, 
gave the Scottish king early warning how necessary it 
would be to court her favour, if ever he hoped for success 
in claims of greater importance, but equally liable to be 
controverted.*^ 
^^^g After many delays, and with much difficulty, the 

contending nobles were at last brought to some 
agreement. But it was followed by a tragical event. 
Morton, in token of reconcilement, having invited the lea- 
ders of the opposite party to a great entertainment, Athol 
the chancellor was soon after taken ill, and died within a 

few days. The symptoms and violence of the 

April 24. ^ r 

disease give rise to strong suspicions of his being 
poisoned ; and though the physicians, who opened his body, 
differed in opinion as to the cause of the distemper, the 
chancellor's relations publicly accused Morton of that 
odious crime. The advantage which visibly accrued to 
him by the removal of a man of great abilities, and averse 
from all his measures, was deemed a sufficient proof of his 
guilt by the people, who are ever fond of imputing the 
death of eminent persons to extraordinary causes.^ 
Morton's The officc of chanccllor was bestowed upon Argyll, 
ceedlngs° whom his preferment reconciled, in a great mea- 
agai.nsttheg^j.g ^q Mortou's administration. He had now re- 

famuy ot ' _ i i • 

Hamuton. covercd all the authority which he possessed durmg 
his regency, and had entirely broken, or baffled, the power 
and cabals of his enemies. None of the great families re- 

•' Camd.461. « Spotsw. 306. 



BOOK VI. 7 

mained to be the objects of his jealousy, or to obstruct his 
designs, but that of Hamilton. The earl of Arran, the eldest 
brother, had never recovered the shock which he received 
from the ill success of his passion for the queen, and had 
now altogether lost his reason. Lord John, the second 
brother, was in possession of the family estate. Lord Claud 
was commendator of Paisley ; both of them young men, 
ambitious and enterprising. Morton dreaded their in- 
fluence in the kingdom ; the courtiers hoped to share their 
spoils among them ; and as all princes naturally view their 
successors with jealousy and hatred, it was easy to infuse 
these passions into the mind of the young king. A pre- 
tence was at hand to justify the most violent proceedings. 
The pardon, stipulated in the treaty of Perth, did not ex- 
tend to such as were accessary to the murder of the regents 
Murray or Lennox. Lord John and his brother were 
suspected of being the authors of both these crimes, and 
had been included in a general act of attainder on that ac- 
count. Without summoning them to trial, or examining 
a single witness to prove the charge, this attainder was now 
thought sufficient to subject them to all the penalties which 
they would have incurred by being formally convicted. 
The earls of Morton, Mar, and Eglinton, together with the 
lords Ruthven, Boyd, and Cathcart, received a commission 
to seize their persons and estates. On a few hours' warn- 
ing, a considerable body of troops was ready, and marched 
towards Hamilton in hostile array. Happily the two bro- 
thers made their escape, though with great difficulty. But 
their lands were confiscated ; the castles of Hamilton and 
Draffan besieged ; those who defended them punished. 
The earl of Arran, though incapable, from his situation, of 
committing any crime, was involved, by a shameful abuse 
of law, in the common ruin of his family; and as if he, too, 
could have been guilty of rebellion, he was confined a close 
prisoner. These proceedings, so contrary to the funda- 
mental principles of justice, were all ratified in the subse- 
quent parliament.^ 

f Crawf. Mem. 311. Spotsw. 306. 



8 SCOTLAND. 

^.i About this time Mary sent, by Naue her secretary, a 
letter to her son, together with some jewels of value, and a 
vest embroidered with her own hands. But, as she gave 
him only the title of prince of Scotland, the messenger was 
dismissed without being admitted into his presence.^ 
, Though Elizabeth had, at this time, no particular rea- 
son to fear any attempt of the Popish princes in Mary's 
favour, she still continued to guard her with the same 
anxious care. The acquisition of Portugal, on the one hand, 
and the defence of the Netherlands, on the other, fully em- 
ployed the councils and arms of Spain. France, torn in 
pieces by intestine commotions, and under a weak and ca- 
pricious prince, despised and distrusted by his own subjects, 
was in no condition to disturb its neighbours. Elizabeth 
Negotia- had long amused that court by carrying on a treaty 
marria°ge^ of marriage with the duke of Alen^on, the king's 
eSbA brother. But whether, at the age of forty-five, she 
and the really intended to marry a prince of twenty; whe- 
Aienfon. thcr the pleasure of being flattered and courted 
made her listen to the addresses of so young a lover, whom 
she allowed to visit her at two different times, and treated 
with the most distinguishing respect; or whether consi- 
derations of interest predominated in this as well as in every 
other transaction of her reign, are problems in history which 
we are not concerned to resolve. During the progress of 
this negotiation, which was drawn out to an extraordinary 
length, Mary could expect no assistance from the French 
court, and seems to have held little correspondence with it; 
and there was no period in her reign, wherein Elizabeth 
enjoyed more perfect security. 

T^o fjj. Morton seems, at this time, to have been equally 
Tourites seciirc : but his security was not so well founded. 

gain an ^ "^ 

ascendant He had wcathcrcd out one storm, had crushed his 

over James. , . ■■ . . • /> ,i 

adversaries, and was agam m possession oi the 
sole direction of affairs. But as the king was now of an 
age when the character and dispositions of the mind begin 
to unfold themselves, and to become visible, the smallest 

s Crawf. Mem. 314. 



BOOK VI. 9 

attention to these might have convinced him, that there 
was reason to expect new and more dangerous attacks on 
his power. James early discovered that excessive attach- 
ment to favourites, which accompanied him through his 
whole life. This passion, which naturally arises from in- 
experience, and youthful warmth of heart, was, at his age, 
far from being culpable ; nor could it be well expected 
that the choice of the objects, on whom he placed his af- 
fections, should be made with great skill. The most con- 
siderable of them was Esme Stewart, a native of France, 
and son of a second brother of the earl of Lennox. He was 
distinguished by the title of lord D'Aubigne, an estate in 
France, which descended to him from his ancestors, on 
whom it had been conferred, in reward of their valour and 
services to the French crown. He arrived in Scot- 
land about this time, on purpose to demand the 
estate and title of Lennox, to which he pretended a legal 
right. He was received at first by the king with the re- 
spect due to so near a relation. The gracefulness of his 
person, the elegance of his dress, and his courtly behaviour, 
made a great impression on James, who, even in his more 
mature years, was little able to resist these frivolous 
charms ; and his affection flowed with its usual rapidity 
and profusion. Within a few days after Stewart's appear- 
ance at court, he was created lord Aberbrothock, soon after 
earl, and then duke of Lennox, governor of Dumbarton 
castle, captain of the guard, first lord of the bed-chamber, 
and lord high chamberlain. At the same time, and with- 
out any of the envy or emulation which is usual among 
candidates for favour, captain James Stewart, the second 
son of lord Ochiltree, grew into great confidence. But, 
notwithstanding this union, Lennox and captain Stewart 
were persons of very opposite characters. The former was 
naturally gentle, humane, candid ; but unacquainted with 
the state of the country, and misled or misinformed by 
those whom he trusted ; not unworthy to be the companion 
of the young king in his amusements, but utterly disquali- 
fied for acting as a minister in directing his affairs. The 



10 SCOTLAND. 

latter was remarkable for all the vices which render a man 
formidable to his country, and a pernicious counsellor to 
his prince ; nor did he possess any one virtue to counter- 
balance these vices, unless dexterity in conducting his own 
designs, and an enterprising courage, superior to the sense 
of danger, may pass by that name. Unrestrained by reli- 
gion, regardless of decency, and undismayed by opposi- 
tion, he aimed at objects seemingly unattainable; but, 
under a prince void of experience, and blind to all the 
defects of those who had gained his favour, his audacity 
was successful ; and honours, wealth, and power, were the 
reward of his crimes. > 

The la- ^^*^ ^^^ favourites concurred in employing their 
bourto whole address to undermine Morton's credit, 
MorTon's which alouc obstructed their full possession of 
authority, ^q^^^. As Jamcs had been bred up with an 
aversion for that nobleman, who endeavoured rather to 
maintain the authority of a tutor, than to act with the obse- 
quiousness of a minister, they found it no diflicult matter to 
accomplish their design. Morton, who could no longer 
keep the king shut up within the walls of Stirling 
^'''" ^^' castle, having called a parliament to meet at Edin- 
burgh, brought him thither. James made his entry into 
the capital with great solemnity; the citizens received him 
with the loudest acclamations of joy, and with many ex- 
pensive pageants, according to the mode of that age. After 
a long period of thirty-seven years, during which Scotland 
had been subjected to the delegated power of regents, or 
to the feeble government of a woman ; after having suffer- 
ed all the miseries of civil war, and felt the insolence of 
foreign armies, the nation rejoiced to see the sceptre once 
more in the hands of a king. Fond even of that shadow of 
authority, which a prince of fifteen could possess, the 
Scots flattered themselves, that union, order, and tranquil- 
lity would now be restored to the kingdom. James opened 
the parliament with extraordinary pomp, but nothing re^ 
markable passed in it. 
1580. These demonstrations, however, of the people's 



BOOK VI. 11 

love and attachment to their sovereign, encouraged the 
favourites to continue their insinuations against Morton ; 
and as the king now resided in the palace of Holyrood- 
house, to which all his subjects had access, the cabal 
against the earl grew daily stronger, and the intrigue, 
which occasioned his fall, ripened gradually. 
Morton en- Mortou began to be sensible of his danger, and 
deavoursto endcavoured to put a stop to the career of Lennox's 

prevent . . 

them. preferment, by representing him as a formidable 
enemy to the reformed religion, a secret agent in favour 
of Popery, and a known emissary of the house of Guise. 
The clergy, apt to believe every rumour of this kind, spread 
the alarm among the people. But Lennox, either out of 
complaisance to his master, or convinced by the arguments 
of some learned divines whom the king appointed to in- 
struct him in the principles of the Protestant religion, pub- 
licly renounced the errors of Popery, in the church of St. 
Giles, and declared himself a member of the church of 
Scotland, by signing her confession of faith. This, though 
it did not remove all suspicions, nor silence some zealous 
preachers, abated, in a great degree, the force of the accu- 
sation.** 

On the other hand, a rumour prevailed that Morton was 
preparing to seize the king's person, and to carry him into 
England. Whether despair of maintaining his power by 
any other means, had driven him to make any overture of 
that kind to the English court, or whether it was a calumny 
invented by his adversaries to render him odious, cannot 
now be determined with certainty. As he declared at his 
death that such a design had never entered into his 
thoughts, the latter seems to be most probable. It afforded 
a pretence, however, for reviving the office of lord-cham- 
berlain, which had been for some time disused. That 
honour was conferred on Lennox. Alexander Erskine, 
Morton's capital enemy, was his deputy ; they had under 
them a band of gentlemen, who were appointed constantly 
to attend the king, and to guard his person.' 

" Crawf. Mem. 519. Spotsw. 308. ' Crawf. Mem. 320. 



12 SCOTLAND. 

Elizabeth Morloii was not ignorant of what his enemies in- 
interposes tended to insinuate by such unusual precautions 

in his _ . 

behalf, for the king's safety ; and, as his last resource, ap- 
plied to Elizabeth, whose protection had often stood him 
in stead in his greatest difficulties. In consequence of this 
application, Bowes, her envoy, accused Lennox of practices 
against the peace of the two kingdoms, and insisted, in her 
name, that he should instantly be removed from the privy- 
council. Such an unprecedented demand was considered 
by the counsellors as an affront to the king, and an en- 
croachment on the independence of the kingdom. They 
affected to call in question the envoy's powers, and upon 
that pretence refused him farther audience ; and he retiring 
in disgust, and without taking leave, Sir Alexander Home 
was sent to expostulate with Elizabeth on the subject. After 
the treatment which her envoy had received, Elizabeth 
thought it below her dignity to admit Home into her pre- 
sence. Burleigh, to whom he was commanded to impart 
his commission, reproached him with his master's ingrati- 
tude towards a benefactress who had placed the crown on 
his head, and required him to advise the king to beware of 
sacrificing the friendship of so necessary an ally to the 
giddy humours of a young man, without experience, and 
strongly suspected of principles and attachments incompa- 
tible with the happiness of the Scottish nation. 
^ This accusation of Lennox hastened, in all proba- 

accused of bility, Morton's fall. The act of indemnity, which 
of the late he had obtained when he resigned the regency, 
^^^' was worded with such scrupulous exactness, as 
almost screened him from any legal prosecution. The 
murder of the late king was the only crime which could 
not, with decency, be inserted in a pardon granted by his 
son. Here Morton still lay open to the penalties of the law, 
and captain Stewart, who shunned no action, however des- 
perate, if it led to power or to favour, entered the council- 
chamber while the kine and nobles were assembled, 

Dec. 30. 

and falling on his knees, accused Morton of being 
accessary, or, according to the language of the Scottish law. 



BOOK VI. 13 

tirt and part, in the conspiracy against tlie life of liis ma- 
jesty's father, and offered, under the usual penalties, to 
verify this charge by legal evidence. Morton, who was 
present, heard this accusation with firmness ; and replied 
with a disdainful smile, proceeding either from contempt 
of the infamous character of his accuser, or from conscious- 
ness of his own innocence, " that his known zeal in punish- 
ing those who were suspected of that detestable crime, 
might well exempt himself from any suspicion of being ac- 
cessary to it ; nevertheless, he would cheerfully submit to 
a trial, either in that place or any other court ; and doubted 
not but his own innocence, and the malice of his enemies, 
would then appear in the clearest light." Stewart, who was 
still on his knees, began to inquire how he would reconcile 
his bestowing so many honours on Archibald Douglas, 
whom he certainly knew to be one of the murderers, with 
his pretended zeal against that crime. Morton was ready 
to answer. But the king commanded both to be removed. 
1582. The earl was confined, first of all to his own house, 

and then committed to the castle of Edinburgh, of 
which Alexander Erskine was governor; and, as if it had 
not been a sufficient indignity to subject him to the power 

of one of his enemies, he was soon after carried to 

Tan 1 R 

Dumbarton, of which Lennox had the command. A 
warrant was likewise issued for apprehending Archibald 
Douglas ; but he, having received timely intelligence of 
the approaching danger, fled into England.'' 

The earl of Angus, who imputed these violent proceed- 
ings, not to hatred against Morton alone, but to the an- 
cient enmity between the houses of Stewart and of Douglas, 
and who believed that a conspiracy was now formed for the 
destruction of all who bore that name, was ready to take 
arms in order to rescue his kinsman. But Morton absolutely 
forbade any such attempt, and declared that he would ra- 
ther suffer ten thousand deaths, than bring an imputation 
upon his own character by seeming to decline atrial.' 

^ Crawf. Mem. 323. ' Jolinst. 64. Spotsw. 311. 



14 SCOTLAND. 

Eiizabeth'sElizabeth did not fail to interpose, witli warmth, in 
measures ^^gj^aif of a man who had contributed so much to 

m order to 

save him. prescrvc her influence over Scotland. The late 
transactions in that kingdom had given her great uneasi- 
ness. The power which Lennox had acquired independent 
of her was dangerous ; the treatment her ambassadors had 
met with differed greatly from the respect with which the 
Scots were in use to receive her ministers ; and the attack 
now made on Morton, fully convinced her that there was 
an intention to sow the seeds of discord between the two 
nations, and to seduce James into a new alliance with 
France, or into a marriage with some Popish princess. Full 
of these apprehensions, she ordered a considerable body of 
troops to be assembled on the borders of Scotland, and 
dispatched Randolph as her ambassador into that king- 
dom. He addressed himself not only to James, and to his 
council, but to a convention of estates, met at that time. 
He began with enumerating the extraordinary benefits 
which Elizabeth had conferred on the Scottish nation : 
that without demanding a single foot of land for herself, 
without encroaching on the liberties of the kingdom in the 
smallest article, she had, at the expense of the blood of her 
subjects and the treasures of her crown, rescued the Scots 
from the dominion of France, established among them true 
religion, and put them in possession of their ancient rights : 
that from the beginning of civil dissensions in the kingdom, 
she had protected those who had espoused the king's 
cause, and by her assistance alone, the crown had been 
preserved on his head, and all the attempts of the adverse 
faction baffled : that a union, unknown to their ancestors, 
but equally beneficial to both kingdoms, had subsisted for 
a long period of years, and though so many Popish 
princes had combined to disturb this happy state of things, 
her care, and their constancy, had hitherto defeated all 
these efforts : that she had observed of late an unusual cold- 
ness, distrust, and estrangement in the Scottish council, 
which she could impute to none but to Lennox, a subject 



BOOK VI. 15 

of France, a retainer to the house of Guise, bred up in the 
errors of Popery, and still suspected of favouring that su- 
perstition. Not satisfied with having mounted so fast to an 
uncommon height of power, which he exercised with all 
the rashness of youth, and all the ignorance of a stranger ; 
nor thinking it enough to have deprived the earl of Morton 
of the authority due to his abilities and experience, he had 
conspired the ruin of that nobleman, who had often ex- 
posed his life in the king's cause, who had contributed 
more than any other subject to place him on the throne, to 
resist the encroachments of Popery, and to preserve the 
union between the two kingdoms. If any zeal for religion 
remained among the nobles in Scotland, if they wished for 
the continuance of amity with England, if they valued the 
privileges of their own order, he called upon them, in the 
name of his mistress, to remove such a pernicious coun- 
sellor as Lennox from the presence of the young king, to 
rescue Morton out of the hands of his avowed enemy, and 
secure to him the benefit of a fair and impartial trial : and 
if force was necessary towards accomplishing a design so 
salutary to the king and kingdom, he promised them the 
protection of his mistress in the enterprise, and whatever 
assistance they should demand, either of men or money."" 
But these extraordinary remonstrances, accompanied 
with such an unusual appeal from the king to his subjects, 
were not the only means employed by Elizabeth in favour 
of Morton, and against Lennox. She persuaded the prince 
of Orange to send an agent into Scotland, and, under colour 
of complimenting James on account of the valour which 
many of his subjects had displayed in the service of the 
States, to enter into a long detail of the restless enterprises 
of the Popish princes against the Protestan treligion; to be- 
seech him to adhere inviolably to the alliance with England, 
the only barrier which secured his kingdom against their 
dangerous cabals ; and, above all things, to distrust the in- 
sinuations of those who endeavoured to weaken or to dis- 

m Cald. iii. 6. Strype, ii. 621. . 



16 SCOTLAND. 

solve that union between the British nations, which all, 1th,e 
Protestants in Europe beheld with so much pleasure."*'"*^ 

"Cald. iii.9. ' »*"■ 

Letter of Walsingham's to Randolph, Feb. 3, 1580-1. «»* 

SIR, 
., 1 have received from my Lord Lieutenant the copy of your letter of thfe 
Cott. Lib. 2^^^ ^£ ^j^g j^gj.^ directed unto his Lordship, containing a report of yo\j,r 
Cal. C. 0. negotiation with the King and his council, in your second audience, where- 
with having made her Majesty acquainted, she seemed somewhat to mislike that you 
should so long defer to deal for the enlargement o/" Empedocles. But 1 made answer in 
your behalf, that I thought you were directed by the advice of the said Empedocles's 
friends, in the soliciting of that cause, who knew what time was fittest for you to take 
to deal therein, with most effect, and best success ; with which answer her Majesty 
did in the end rest very well satisfied, touching that point. 

Your putting of us in hope that D'Aubigny might easily be won at her Majesty's 
devotion, was at first interpreted to have been ironie spoke by you. But since it 
seemeth you insist upon it, 1 could wish you were otherwise persuaded of the man, or 
at least kept that opinion to yourself ; for considering the end and purpose of bis 
coming into Scotland, as may be many ways sufficiently proved, was only to advance 
the Queen's liberty, and reception into that government, to overthrow religion, and to 
procure a foreign match with Villenarius, wherein the inclosed copy, which you may 
use to good purpose there, shall partly give you some light; there is no man here can 
be persuaded that he will change his purpose for so small advantage as he is likely to 
find by it, and therefore you shall do well to forbear to harp any more upon that string, 
as I have already written to you. The Prince of Orange sending, I fear, will not be 
in time that it may do any good ; for besides that these people are in themselves slow 
in their resolutions, their own affairs are at present so great, their state so confused, 
and the Prince's authority so small, that he cannot so soon take order in it ; and yet, 
for mine own part, I have not been negligent or careless in the matter, having more 
than three weeks past sent one about it, from whom, nevertheless, I do yet hear no- 
thing. The letters you desire should be written thither by the French ministers, I have 
. given order to Mr. Killingrew to procure, who, I doubt not, will carefully perform it, 
so that, I hope, I shall have them to send you by the next. And so I commit you to 
God. At Whitehall, the 3d of February, 1580. 

Your very loving cousin aud servant, 

Fea. Walsingham. 

This letter is an original, and in some parts of it wrote in cyphers and explained by 
another hand. By Empedocles is understood Morton. By Villenarius, the King oif 
Scots. D'Aubigney is marked thus o „__J o. 

3d Feb. 1580. 
■ Sundry notes gathered vpon good diligence given, and in time to be better manifested, being 
now thought meet to be in convenient sort used and laid against D^Aubigny, to prove him 
abusing the King, the nubility, and that state. * 

. First, it hath been informed by credible means, that D'Aubigney was privy 
Cott.Lib. ^^^ acquainted with La Nave the King's mother's secretary, coming into 
Cal. C. 6. Scotland, and of his errand there, tending chiefly to persuade the King to 
An origi- t]jjnk and esteem it an evil president for Princes that subjects might hav^ 
'^^ power to deprive their lawful sovereigns, as they did his mother, who was 

not minded, by any mean, to defeat him, either of the present government of that 
realm, or yet of the possession of the crown and inheritance thereof, but rather to as- 
sure the same to him ; and that for the accomplishment of that assurance, the King 
should have been advised and drawn to have governed, for some short time, as Prince, 
calling D'Aubigney to rule as governor of the Prince, by commission from the Queen 
his mother, until the King's enemies were suppressed ; after which time D'Aubigney 
should have power given to establish and resign that kingdom to the King, by his mo- 
ther's voluntary consent, whereby all such, as had before been in action against the 
Queen or her authority, might be brought to stand in the King's mercy. And for that 
the King might live in more surety, D'Aubigney should be declared both second 
person in succession of that crown, and also Lieutenant General of Scotland, and that 
D'Aubigney before his departure out of France, received commission from the King's 

-Ml"' i-i i*;- J ' " ." ^ 



BOOK VI. 17 

j^j^^gj^ James's counsellors were too intent upon the de- 
termines struction of their enemy to listen to these remon- 
against strauces. The officious interference of the prince 
of Orange, the haughty tone of Elizabeth's message, 
and her avowed attempt to excite subjects to rebel against 
their sovereign, were considered as unexampled insults on 
the majesty and independence of a crowned head. A ge- 
neral and evasive answer was given to Randolph. James 
prepared to assert his own dignity with spirit. All those sus- 
pected of favouring Morton were turned out of office, some 

mother to tte effects remembered, or near the same. That in this behalf he had con- 
ference with the Bishops of Glasgow and Ross, and with Sir James Baford, with 
which persons, and with the duke of Guise, he had and hath frequent intelligence ; 
and by Sir James Baford he was advised to confer with the Lord John HamUton 
before his repair into Scotland, whereunto he agreed, and yet aftewards he sent 
one John Hamilton to the said Lord John to excuse him in this part, alledging, that 
he did forbear to come to him, lest thereby he should marr or hinder greater effects to 
be executed by him in Scotland. 

That before his coming into that realm, the nobility and country were well quieted 
and united in good concord, with great love betwixt the King and nobility, and 
amongst the noblesse ; but he hath both drawn the King against sundry of the chief- 
est of his nobility, that have been most ready, and have expended their blood and 
possessions to preserve religion, and defend the King's person, his government and 
estate, and also have given occasions of great suspicions and offence to be engendered 
betwixt the King and his nobility, and especially with such as have been in action 
against the King's mother, and her authority, who, by force and means of the said 
commission and practice, should have been brought into most dangerous condition ; 
and who also may find themselves in no small perill while he possesses the King's 
ear, abuseth his presence, and holdeth such of the principal keys and ports of his 
lealm, as he presently enjoyeth. 

That he hath drawn the King not only to forget the great benefits done to him and 
his realme, by the Queen's Majesty of England, but also to requite the same with 
sundry signs of great unthankfulness, and wounding therewith the honour of her Ma- 
jesty, and thereby hath adventured to shake the happy amity long time continued be- 
twixt those Princes. 

And whereas these griefs were to be repaired by gentle letters and good offers, to 
have passed and been done betwixt them; in which respect the King and council 
having resolved to write to her Majesty, for her Highness better satisfaction in the 
late negotiation of Mr. Alexander Hume of Northberwick, had given order to the 
King's secretary to frame that letter : he minding to break the bond of amity in sun- 
der, willed the secretary to be sure that nothing should be inserted in that letter 
whereby the King should crave any thing at her hands, seeking thereby to cut off all 
loving courtesies betwixt them, as by the declaration of the said secretary may be 
better learned, and thereupon further approved. 

That under the hope and encouragement of D'Aubigney's protection, Alexander 
King presumed with that boldness to make his lewd harangue, and by his means hath 
hitherto escaped chastisement and correction due for his offence. 

That Sir James Baford, condemned of the slaughter of the King's father, hath beeu 
called into the realm by Lennox, without the privity of the King. And whereas the 
seiid Sir James found in a green velvet desk, late the Earl of Bothwell's, and saw and 
had in his hands the principal band of the conspirators in that murder, and can best 
declare and witness who were authors and executors of the same ; he is drawn by 
Lennox to suppress the truth, and to accuse such as he himself knoweth to be inno- 
cent ; and as by order of law, will be so found, if they may have due trial, which, 
contrary to all justice, is by Lennox means denied. 

This is the charge against D'Aubigney, mentioned in the foregoing letter by Wal- 
fiingham; but by Baford they mean Sir James Balfour. 

VOL. II. C 



18 SCOTLAND. 

of them were required to surrender themselves prisoners; 
the men capable of bearing arms throughout the kingdom 
were commanded to be in readiness to take the field ; and 
troops were levied and posted on the borders. The Eng- 
lish ambassador, finding that neither the manifesto which 
he had delivered to the convention, nor his private cabals 
with the nobles, could excite them to arms, fled in the 
night time out of Scotland, where libels against him had 
been daily published, and even attempts made upon his 
life. In both kingdoms every thing wore a hostile aspect. 
But Elizabeth, though she wished to have intimidated the 
Scottish king by her preparations, had no inclination to 
enter into a war with him, and the troops on the borders, 
which had given such umbrage, were soon dispersed. ° 

The greater solicitude Elizabeth discovered for Morton's 
safety, the more eagerly did his enemies drive on their 
schemes for his destruction. Captain Stewart, his accuser, 
was first appointed tutor to the earl of Arran, and soon 
after both the title and estate of his unhappy ward, to which 
he advanced some frivolous claim, were conferred upon him. 
The new-made peer was commanded to conduct Morton 
from Dumbarton to Edinburgh; and by that choice the 
earl was not only warned what fate he might expect, but had 
the cruel mortification of seeing his deadly enemy already 
loaded with honours, in reward of the malice with which 
lie had contributed to his ruin. 

The records of the court o^justiciary at this period 
^Vco?-^^ are lost. The account which our historians give 
demned. of Mortou's trial is inaccurate and unsatisfactory. 
The proceedings against him seem to have been carried on 
with violence. During the trial, great bodies of armed 
men were drawn up in different parts of the city. The jury 
was composed of the earl's known enemies ; and though 
V he challenged several of them, his objections were over- 
^ tuled. After a short consultation, his peers found him 
guilty of concealing, and of being art and part in the con- 
spiracy against the life of the late king. The first part of 

o Crawf. Mem. 328. Strype, ii, App. 138. . 



BOOK VI. 10 

the verdict did not surprise him, but he twice repeated the 
words art and part with some vehemence, and added, " God 
knows it is not so." The doom which the law decrees ajjainst 
a traitor was pronounced. The king, however, remitted the 
cruel and ignominious part of the sentence, and appointed 
that he should suffer death next day, by being beheaded.'' 
His death -^'^^'"^^ ^^^^ awful interval, Morton possessed the 
utmost composure of mind. He supped cheer- 
fully; slept a part of the night in his usual manner, 
and he employed the rest of his time in religious confer- 
ences, and in acts of devotion with some ministers of the 
city. The clergymen who attended him, dealt freely with 
his conscience, and pressed his crimes home upon him. 
What he confessed with regard to the crime for which he 
suffered, is remarkable, and supplies, in some measure, the 
imperfection of our records. He acknowledged, that on 
his return from England, after the death of Rizio, Bothwell 
had informed him of the conspiracy against the king, which 
the queen, as he told him, knew of and approved; that he 
solicited him to concur in the execution of it, which at that 
time he absolutely declined; that soon after Bothwell him- 
self, and Archibald Douglas, in his name, renewing their 
solicitations to the same purpose, he had required a war- 
rant under the queen's hand, authorizing the attempt, and 
as that had never been produced, he had refused to be any 
farther concerned in the matter. " But," continued he, " as 
I neither consented to this treasonable act, nor assisted in 
the committing of it, so it was impossible for me to reveal, 
or to prevent it. To whom could I make the discovery? 
The queen was the author of the enterprise. Darnley was 
such a changeling, that no secret could be safely commu- 
nicated to him. Huntly and Bothwell, who bore the chief 
sway in the kingdom, were themselves the perpetrators of 
the crime." These circumstances, it must be confessed, 
go some length towards extenuating Morton's guilt; and 

I' Spotsw. 314. Johnst. 65. Crav/f. Mem. 332. Cald. iii. 45. Amot's Crimin. 
Trials, 388. 

c 2 



^0 SCOTLAND. 

though his apology for the favour he had shewn to Archi- 
bald Douglas, whom he knew to be one of the conspirators, 
be far less satisfactory, no uneasy reflections seem to have 
disquieted his own mind on that account.'' When his keep- 
ers told him that the guards were attending, and all things 
in readiness, " I praise my God," said he, " I am ready 
likewise." Arran commanded these guards; and even in 
those moments, when the most implacable hatred is apt to 
relent, the malice of his enemies could not forbear this in- 
sult. On the scaffold, his behaviour was calm; his coun- 
tenance and voice unaltered; and, after some time spent in 
devotion, he suffered death with the intrepidity which be- 
came the name of Douglas. His head was placed on the 
public jail of Edinburgh; and his body, after lying till 
sun-set on the scaffold, covered with a beggarly cloak, was, 
carried by common porters to the usual burial-place of 
criminals. None of his friends durst accompany it to 
the grave, or discover their gratitude and respect by any 
symptoms of sorrow."" , > .,,^1^1 u„„ 

Odious Arran, no less profligate in private life, than auda 
conduct of cious iu his public conduct, soon after drew the at- 
tention of his countrymen, by his infamous marriage 
with the countess of March. Before he grew into favour 
at court, he had been often entertained in her husband's 
house, and, without regarding the laws of hospitality or of 
gratitude, carried on a criminal intrigue with the wife of 
his benefactor, a woman young and beautiful, but, ac- 
cording to the description of a contemporary historian,. 
*' intolerable in all the imperfections incident to her sex," 
Impatient of any restraint upon their mutual desires, they, 
with equal ardour, wished to avow their union publicly, 
and to legitimate, by a marriage, the offspring of their un- 
lawful passion. The countess petitioned to be divorced 
from her husband, for a reason which no modest woman 
will ever plead. The judges, overawed by Arran, 
passed sentence without delay. This infamous 



BOOK VI. 21 

scene was concluded by a marriage, solemnized with great 
pomp, and beheld by all ranks of men with the utmost 
horror.* 

-qsa «i^ parliament was held this year, at the opening of 
which some disputes arose between Arran and the 
new-created duke of Lennox. Arran, haughty by nature, 
and pushed on by his wife's ambition, began to affect an 
equality with the duke, under whose protection he had hi- 
therto been contented to place himself. After various at- 
tempts to form a party in the council against Lennox, he 
found him fixed so firmly in the king's affections, that it was 
impossible to shake him; and, rather than lose all interest 
at court, from which he was banished, he made the most 
humble submissions to the favourite, and again recovered 
his former credit. This rupture contributed, however, to 
render the duke still more odious to the nation. During- 
the continuance of it, Arran affected to court the clergy, 
pretended an extraordinary zeal for the Protestant religion, 
and laboured to confirm the suspicions which were enter- 
tained of his rival, as an emissary of the house of Guise, 
and a favourer of Popery. As he was supposed to be ac- 
quainted with the duke's most secret designs, his calumnies 
were listened to with greater credit than was due to his cha- 
racter. To this rivalship between Lennox and Arran, 
during the continuance of which each endeavoured to 
conciliate the good-will of the clergy, we must ascribe se- 
veral acts of this parliament uncommonly favourable to the 
church, particularly one which abolished the practice in^ 
troduced by Morton, of appointing but one minister to 
several parishes. ' 

No notice hath been taken for several years of ec- 
ticaiaf- clesiastical affairs. While the civil government 

^'"' underwent so many extraordinary revolutions, the 
church was not free from convulsions. Two objects chiefly 
engrossed the attention of the clergy. The one was, the 
forming a system of discipline, or ecclesiastical polity. 

After long labour, and many difficulties, this system was 

• Spotsw. 315. 



22 SCOTLAND. 

at last l>rought to some degree of perfection. The assembly 
solemnly approved of it, and appointed it to be laid be- 
fore the privy-council in order to obtain the ratification of 
it in parliament. But Morton, during his administration, 
and those who, after his fall, governed the king, were 
equally unwilling to see it carried into execution ; and by 
starting difficulties and throwing in objections, prevented 
it from receiving a legal sanction. The other point in view 
was, the abolition of the episcopal order. The bishops 
were so devoted to the king, to whom they owed their pro- 
motion, that the function itself was by some reckoned dan- 
gerous to civil liberty. Being allowed a seat in parliament, 
and distinguished by titles of honour, these not only occa- 
sioned many avocations from their spiritual functions, but 
soon rendered their character and manners extremely dif- 
ferent from those of the clergy in that age. The nobles 
viewed their power with jealousy ; the populace considered 
their lives as profane ; and both wished their downfal with 
equal ardour. The personal emulation between Melvil and 
Adamson, a man of learning, and eminent for his popular 
eloquence, who was promoted, on the death of Douglas, 
to be archbishop of St. Andrew's, mingled itself with the 
passions on each side, and heightened them. Attacks were 
made in every assembly on the order of bishops ; their 
privileges were gradually circumscribed ; and at last an 
act was passed, declaring the office of bishop, as it was 
then exercised within the realm, to have neither founda- 
tion nor warrant in the word of God; and requiring, 
under pain of excommunication, all who now possessed 
that office, instantly to resign it, and to abstain from preach- 
ing or administering the sacraments, until they should re- 
ceive permission from the general assembly. The court did 
not acquiesce in this decree. A vacancy happened soon after 
in the see of Glasgow. Montgomery, minister at Stirling, a 
man vain, fickle, presumptuous, and more apt, by the ble- 
''ihishes in his character, to have alienated the people from an 
^rder already beloved, than to reconcile them to one which 
was the object of their hatred, made an infamous simoniacal 



BOOK VI. 23 

bargain with Lennox, and on his recommendation was chosen 
archbishop. The presbytery of Stirling, of which he was a 
member, the presbytery of Glasgow, whither he was to be 
translated, the general assembly, vied with each other in pro- 
secuting him on that account. In order to screen Montgo- 
mery, James made trial both of gentle and of rigorous mea- 
sures, and both were equally ineffectual. The general assem- 
bly was just ready to pronounce against him the sentence of 
excommunication, when a herald entered, and commanded 
them in the king's name, and under pain of rebellion, to 
stop farther proceedings. Even this injunction they de- 
spised ; and though Montgomery, by his tears and seem- 
ing penitence, procured a short respite, the sentence was 
at last issued by their appointment, and published in all 
the churches throughout the kingdom. 

The firmness of the clergy in a collective body was not 
greater than the boldness of some individuals, particularly 
of the ministers of Edinburgh. They inveighed daily 
against the corruptions in the administration ; and, with 
the freedom of speech admitted into the pulpit in that age, 
named Lennox and Arran as the chief authors of the griev- 
ances under which the church and kingdom groaned. The 
courtiers, in their turn, complained to the king of the inso- 
lent and seditious spirit of the clergy. In order to check the 
boldness of their discourses, James issued a proclamation, 
commanding Dury, one of the most popular ministers, not 
only to leave the town, but to abstain from preaching in 
any other place. Dury complained to the judicatories of 
this encroachment upon the immunities of his office. They 
approved of the doctrine which he had delivered ; and 
he determined to disregard the royal proclamation. But 
the magistrates being determined to compel him to leave 
the city, according to the king's orders, he was obliged to 
abandon his charge, after protesting publicly, at the cross 
of Edinburgh, against the violence which was put upon 
him. The people accompanied him to the gates with tears 
and lamentations ; and the clergy denounced the vengeance 
of heaven against the authors of this outrage.' 

' Cald. Assem. 1576—1582. Spotsw. 277, 6cc. 



S^POTLAND. 

In tliis perilous situation stood the churcli, the authority 
of its judicators called in question, and the liberty of the 
pulpit restrained, when a sudden revolution of the civil 
government procured them unexpected relief. itBiJannniiw* 
His favour- The two favouritcs, by their ascendant over the 
th ^khf^^*' king, possessed uncontrolled power in the king- 
uapopuiar dom, and exercised it with the utmost wantonness. 
James usually resided at Dalkeith, or Kinneil, the 
seats of Lennox and of Arran, and was attended by such 
company, and employed in such amusements, as did not 
suit his dignity. The services of those who had contributed 
most to place the crown on his head were but little remem- 
bered. Mary, who had opposed him with the greatest viru- 
lence, enjoyed the rewards and honours to which the others 
were entitled. Exalted notions of regal prerogative, utterly 
inconsistent with the constitution of Scotland, being instilled 
by his favourites into the mind of the young monarch, unfor- 
tunately made, at that early age, a deep impression there, and 
became the source of almost all his subsequent errors in the 
government of both kingdoms." Courts of justice were held 
in almost every county, the proprietors of land were called 
before them, and upon the slightest neglect of any of the 
numerous forms which are peculiar to the feudal holdings, 
they were fined with unusual and intolerable rigour. The , 
lord chamberlain revived the obsolete jurisdiction of his 
office over the boroughs, and they were subjected to ac- 
tions no less grievous. A design seen;ied likewise to haveii.5 
been formed to exasperate Elizabeth, and to dissolve the i 
alliance with her, which all good Protestants esteemed the, .ai 
chief security of their religion in Scotland. A close corres^-ja 
pondence was carried on between the king and his mor^iq 
ther, and considerable progress made towards uniting theiffiut 
titles to the crown, by such a treaty of association as Maitri'ib 
land had projected ; which could not fail of endangering | 
or diminishing his authority, and must have proved fatal tQi »b 
those who had acted against her with the greatest vigour^otn 
The pobiesAll tlicsc circumstauccs irritated the impatient spirittmi 
conspire qj" the Scottish noblcs, who resolved to tolerate no '■ 

" Cald. iii. 157. " Ibid. iii. 357 



tffiooK vr. 25 

against longer the insolence of tlie two minions, or to stand 
*^fft ir by, while theirpresumption and inexperience ruined 
both the king and the kingdom. Elizabeth, who, during the 
administration of the four regents, had the entire direction of 
the affairs of Scotland, felt herself deprived of all influence 
in that kingdom ever since the death of Morton, and was 
ready to countenance any attempt to rescue the king out of 
the hands of favourites who were leading him into mea- 
sures so repugnant to all her views. The earls of Mar and 
Glencairn, lord Ruthven, lately created earl of Gowrie, 
lord Lindsay, lord Boyd, the tutor of Glamis, the eldest 
son of lord Oliphant, with several barons and gentlemen 
of distinction, entered into a combination for that purpose; 
and as changes in administration, which, among polished 
nations, are brought about slowly and silently, by artifice 
and intrigue, were in that rude age effected suddenly and 
by violence, the king's situation, and the security of the 
favourites, encouraged the conspirators to have immediate 
recourse to force. 

Seize the Jamcs, after having resided for some time in Athol, 
^In^at^^'^' where he enjoyed his favourite amusement of hunt- 
Kuthven. j^g^ ^qs ^qw returning towards Edinburgh with a 
small train. He was invited to Ruthven castle, which lay 
in his way ; and as he suspected no danger, he went thi- 
^n\ ther in hopes of farther sport. The multitude of 
strangers whom he found there gave him some un- 
easiness ; and as those who were in the secret arrived every 
moment from different parts, the appearance of so many 
new faces increased his fears. He concealed his uneasi- 
ness, however, with the utmost care ; and next morning 
prepared for the field, expecting to find there some oppor- 
tunity of making his escape. But just as he was ready to 
depart, the nobles entered his bed-chamber in a body, and 
presented a memorial against the illegal and oppressive 
actions of his two favourites, whom they represented as 
most danoferous enemies to the reliofion and liberties of the 
nation. James, though he received this remonstrance with 
the complaisance which was necessary in his present gitu- 
tes .111 .biiji ' 



(ft 



•20 SCOTLAND. 

ation, was extremely impatient to be gone ; but as he ap- 
proached the door of his apartment, the tutor of Glamis 
rudely stopped him. The king complained, expostulated, 
threatened, and finding all these without effect, burst into 
tears : " No matter," said Glamis, fiercely, " better chil- 
dren weep than bearded men." These words made a deep 
impression on the king's mind, and were never forgotten. 
The conspirators, without regarding his tears or indigna- 
tion, dismissed such of his followers as they suspected ; 
allowed none but persons of their own party to have access 
to him ; and, though they treated him with great respect, 
guarded his person with the utmost care. This enterprise 
is usually called, by our historians. The Raid of RuthvenJ 
Lennox and Arran were astonished to the last de- 

Commit 

Arran to grec at an event so unexpected, and so fatal to their 
prison. pQ^gj. fi^Q former endeavoured, but without suc- 
cess, to excite the inhabitants of Edinburgh to take arms 
in order to rescue their sovereign from captivity. The lat- 
ter, with his usual impetuosity, mounted on horseback the 
moment he heard what had befallen the king, and with a 
few followers rode towards Ruthven castle ; and as a con- 
siderable body of the conspirators, under the command of 
the earl of Mar, lay in his way ready to oppose him, he 
separated himself from his companions, and with two at- 
tendants arrived at the gate of the castle. At the sight 
of a man so odious to his country, the indignation of the 
conspirators rose, and instant death must have been the 
punishment of his rashness, if the friendship of Gowrie, or 
some other cause not explained by our historians, had not 
saved a life so pernicious to the kingdom. He was con- 
fined, however, to the castle of Stirling, without being ad- 
mitted into the king's presence. 

Command The king, though really the prisoner of his own 
klve°the° subjects, with whose conduct he could not help 
kingdom, discovcriug many symptoms of disgust, was obliged 
to publish a proclamation, signifying his approbation of 
their enterprise, declaring that he was at full liberty, with- 

J Cald. iii. 134. Spotsw, 320. Melv. 357. 



BOOK VI. i7' 

oivfariy restraint or violence offered to his person; and 
forbidding any attempt against those concerned in the Raid 
of Ruthvcn, under pretence of rescuing him out of their 
hands. At the same time, he commanded Lennox 
"^' " ' to leave Scotland before the 20th of September.^ 
The con- ^^^^ after, Sir George Carey and Robert Bowes 
spirators arrived as ambassadors from Elizabeth. The pre- 
nancedby tcxt of thcir cmbassy was to inquire after the king's 

Elizabeth. r> ^ ^ j ^ ii 

safety ; to encourage and countenance the conspi- 
rators was the real motive of it. By their intercession, 
the earl of Angus, who, ever since the death of his uncle 
Morton, had lived in exile, obtained leave to return. And 
the accession of a nobleman so powerful and so popular 
strengthened the faction.^ 

Lennox, whose amiable and gentle qualities had pro- 
cured him many friends, and who received private assur- 
ances that the king's favour towards him was in no degree 
abated, seemed resolved, at first, to pay no regard to a com- 
mand extorted by violence, and no less disagreeable to 
James, than it was rigorous with regard to himself. But 
the power of his enemies, who were masters of the king's 
person, who were secretly supported by Elizabeth, and 
openly applauded by the clergy, deterred him from any 
enterprise, the success of which was dubious, and the dan- 
ger certain, both to himself and to his sovereign. He put 
off the time of his departure, however, by various artifices, 
in expectation either that James might make his escape 
from the conspirators, or that fortune might present some 
more favourable opportunity of taking arms for his relief. 
Their con- Ou the otlicr liaud, the conspirators were extremely 
ductap- solicitous uot oulv to sccurc the approbation of 

proved by •> . . 

anassem- tlicir countrymcn, but to obtain some legal sanction 
conTCndon of tlicir enterprise. For this purpose they pub- 
cf estates, jjgj^g^j ^ XoYvg declaration, containing the motives 
which had induced them to venture on such an irrca:ular 
step, and endeavoured to heighten the public indignation 
against the favourites, by representing, in the strongest 

z Cald. iii, 13 j. 138. . " Ibid. iii. 152. 



88 SCOTLAND. 

CDTours, their inexperience aria insolence, tlieir contempt 
of the nobles, their violation of the privileges of the church, 
and their oppression of the people. They obliged the king, 
who could not with safety refuse any of their demands, to 
grant them a remission in the most ample form ; and not 
satisfied with that, they applied to the assembly of the 
church, and easily procured an act, " that they had done 
■^ good and acceptable service to God, to their sove- 

reign, and to their native country;" and requiring 
all sincere Protestants to concur with them in carrying 
forward such a laudable enterprise. In order to add the 
greater weight to this act, every minister was enjoined to 
read it in his own pulpit, and to inflict the censures of the 
church on those who set themselves in opposition to so 
good a cause. A convention of estates assembled a few 
days after, passed an act to the same effect, and granted 
full indemnity to the conspirators for every thing: they had 

Lennox's Jamcs was couductcd by them, first to Stirling, and 
fro^Scot- afterward to the palace of Holyrood-house ; and 
land. though he was received every where with the ex- 
ternal marks of respect due to his dignity, his motions were 
carefully observed, and he was under a restraint no less 
strict than at the first moment when he was seized by the 
conspirators. Lennox, after eluding many commands tp 
depart out of the kingdom, was at last obliged, to begin his 
journey. He lingered however for some time in the neigh- 
bourhood of Edinburgh, as if he had still intended to make, 
some effort towards restoring the king to liberty. But 
either from the gentleness of his own disposition, averse 
to bloodshed and the disorders of civil war, or from some 
other cause unknown to us, he abandoned the design, and 
i^^''^ ''set out for France by the way of Endand. The 

Dec 30. . , . . 

king issued the order for his departure with no less 
reluctance than the duke obeyed it; and both mourned a 
separation, which neither of them had power to prevent. 
Soon after his arrival in France, the fatigue of the journey, 

b Cald. iii, 177. 187. 200. Spotsw. 322. 



BOOK yj.^^ 29 

or the anguish of his mind, threw him into a fever. In his 
last moments he discovered such a firm adherence to the 
Protestant faith, as fully vindicates his memory from the 
imputation of an attachment to Popery, with which he had 
been uncharitably loaded in Scotland/ As he was the 
earliest, and best beloved, he was, perhaps, the most de- 
serving, though not the most able, of all James's favourites, 
The warmth and tenderness of his master's affection for him 
were not abated by death itself. By many acts of kind- 
ness and generosity towards his posterity, the king not 
only did great honour to the memory of Lennox, but set 
his own character in one of its most favourable points of 
view. 

Mary's The succcss of the conspiracy, which deprived James 
^ut her of liberty, made great noise over all Europe, and at 
^^- last reached the ears of Mary in the prison to which 
she was confined. As her own experience had taught her 
what injuries a captive prince is exposed to suffer ; and as 
many of those who were now concerned in the enterprise 
against her son, were the same persons whom she consi- 
dered as the chief authors of her own misfortunes, it W£ls 
natural for the tenderness of a mother to apprehend that 
the same calamities were ready to fall on his head ; and 
such a prospect did not fail of adding to the distress and 
horror of her own situation. In the anguish of her heart, 
she wrote to Elizabeth, complaining in the bitterest terms 
of the unprecedented rigour with which she herself had 
been treated, and beseeching her not to abandon her son to 
the mercy of his rebellious subjects ; nor permit him to be 
involved in the same misfortunes under which she had so 
long groaned. The peculiar vigour and acrimony of style,^, 
for which this letter is remarkable, discover both the high 
spirit of the Scottish queen, unsubdued by her sufferings, 
and the violence of her indignation at Elizabeth's artifices 
and severity. But it was ill adapted to gain the end which 
she had in view, and accordingly it neither procured any . 

,pniiJO( Sdj to sir? Spotsw. 324. Cald. iii. 172. J i^H^ flood 



p'7 



SCOTLAND. 

mitigation of the rigour of her own confinement, nor any 
interposition in favour of the king/ 

1583. Henry III. who, though he feared and hated the 
sadore " princes of Guise, was often obliged to court their 
fro'^m*^ favour, interposed with warmth, in order to extricate 
France Jamcs out of the hauds of a party so entirely devoted 
iingiand. to the English interest. He commanded M. de la 
Motte Fenelon, his ambassador at the court of England, to 
repair to Edinburgh, and to contribute his utmost endea- 
vours towards placing James in a situation more suitable to 
his dignity. As Elizabeth could not, with decency, refuse 
him liberty to execute his commission, she appointed Da- 
vison to attend him into Scotland as her envoy, under co- 
lour of concurring with him in the negotiation, but in 
reality to be a spy upon his motions, and to obstruct his 
success. James, whose title to the crown had not hitherto 
been recognized by any of the princes on the continent, 
was extremely fond of such an honourable embassy from 
the French monarch ; and, on that account, as well as for 
the sake of the errand on which he came, received Fenelon 
with great respect. The nobles, in whose power the 
. u£ king was, did not relish this interposition of the 

French court, which had long lost its ancient influence over 
the affairs of Scotland. The clergy were alarmed at the 
danger to which religion would be exposed, if the princes of 
Quise should recover any ascendant over the public coun- 
cils. Though the king tried every method for restraining 
them within the bounds of decency, they declaimed against 
the court of France, against the princes of Guise, against 
the ambassador, against entering into any alliance with such 
notorious persecutors of the church of God, with a vehe- 
mence which no regular government would now tolerate, 
but which was then extremely common. The ambassador, 
watched by Davison, distrusted by the nobles, and exposed 
to the insults of the clergy and of the people, returned into 
England without procuring any change in the king's situ- 

'iCamd.489. 



BOOK VI. 31 

ation, or receiving' any answer to a proposal which he niadC) 
that the government should be carried on in the joint names 
of James and the queen his mother/ 

eCald.iii. 207". Spotsw. 324. Murdin, 372, &c. 

The copy of the King of France his directions sent to Scotland with Seineur de la 
Mvtte Fenelon. Translated out of the French. 

CrIApt First, on their Majestys most Christiaa part, he shall make the most ho- 
MS H' ' nourable salutation and visiting to the most serene King of Scotland, their 
. * . good brother and little son, that in him is possable. 

o I'qqo To give him their letters that are closed, such and such like as they 

' "' ' have written to him with their hands, and to show expressly the perfect 
friendship and singular affection that their Majestys bear to him, and to bring back 
the answer. 

To take heed to the things which touch near the most serene King, to the effect that 
his person may be in no danger, but that it may be most surely preserved. 

And that he be not hindered in the honest liberty that he ought to have, and that no 
greater or straiter guards be about him than he had before. 

And such like, that he be not impeached in the authority that God hath given to 
him of King and Prince sovereign above his subjects, to the effect he may as freely 
ordain and command in his affairs, and in the affairs of his country, with his ordinary 
council, as he was used to do of before. 

That his nobility, barons, and commonalty of hiscontry.may have their free liberty 
to resort to his serene Majesty without suspicion of greater guards, or more armed 
men about his person than the use -was, tliat they be not afraid and hindered to resort ; 
and further, that the Seigneur de la Motte Fenelon sail liberally and freely speak to 
the said serene King and council, requiring the re-establishing of that that may or hath 
been changed or altered. 

And that he may know if the principalis of the nobility and other men of good be- 
haviour of the towns, and commonalty of the contry, conveens, and are content with 
the form of government presently with the said serene King, to the end that if their 
be any miscontent he may travaile to agree them together, and that he return not 
without the certainty of the samine. 

And if he may understand that there be any who have not used them so reverently 
towards the said serene King their sovereign Lord, as the duty of their obedience re- 
quired, that he may pray on this behalf of his Majesty most Christian, the said serene 
King his good brother, giving him councill wholly to forget the same, and exhorting 
them to do their duty towards his Majesty in time coming, in all respects with the 
obedience and true subjection they ought him. .;i|j..u 

And if the said Seigneur de la Motte perceives the said serene King to be in any 
manner constrained of his person, authority, liberty, and disposition of his affairs, than 
he used to be, and not convenient for his royal dignity, or as the sovereignty of a 
Princedoth require, that he use all moyen lawful and honestto place him in the samine, 
and that he employ as much as the credit of his most Christian Majesty may do to- 
ward the nobility and subjects of that contry, and as much as may his name with the 
name of his crown towards the Scottish nation, the which he loves and confides in as 
much as they were proper Frenchmen. 

And that he witness to the said serene King, and his estates, of his consent, and to 
all the nobility and principall personages of the contry, that his most Christian Majes- 
tie will continue on his part in the most ancient alliance and confederacy which he hath 
had with the said serene King, his good brother, praying his nobility and contrj',with his 
principall subjects, to persevere in the samine, in all good understanding and friendship 
■with him; the which, on his part, he shall do, observing the samine most inviolable. 

Further, his most Christian Majesty understanding that the serene King his good 
brother was contented with the Duke of Lenox, and his servise, the said Seigneur de 
la Motte had charge to pray his serene Majesty that he might remaine beside him to 
his contentment, believing that he should more willing entertain the pointsof love and 
confederace, betwixt their Majestys and their contrys, because he was a good subject 
to them both ; and if he might not remain without some alteration of the tranquillity 
of his estate, that he might retire to his own house in the said contry, in surenes, or if 

he pleased to return to France that he might surely and if it pleases his serene 

Majesty, to cause cease and stay the impeachments that are made of new upon the 



32 SCOTLAND. 

James es- Meanwhile James, though he dissembled with great 
of Ae°" art, became every day more uneasy under his con- 
hands of finement : his uneasiness rendered him continually 

the con- ' ^ *' 

spirators. attentive to find out a proper opportunity for 
making his escape ; and to this attention he at last owed 
his liberty, which the king of France was not able, nor the 
queen of England willing, to procure for him. As the 
conspirators had forced Lennox out of the kingdom, and 
kept Arran at a distance from court, they grew secure ; and 
imagining that time had reconciled the king to them, and 
to his situation, they watched him with little care. Some 
occasions of discord had arisen among themselves ; and 
the French ambassador, by fomenting these during the 
time of his residence in Scotland, had weakened the union, 
in which alone their safety consisted.*^ Colonel William 
Stewart, the commander of the band of gentlemen who 
guarded the king's person, being gained by James, had 
the principal merit in the scheme for restoring his 
master to liberty. Under pretence of paying a visit 
to the earl of March, his grand-uncle, James was permitted 
to go from Falkland to St. Andrew's. That he might not 
create any suspicion, he lodged at first in an open defence- 
less house in the town, but pretending a curiosity to see 
the castle, no sooner was he entered with some of his at- 
tendants whom he could trust, than Colonel Stewart com- 
manded the gates to be shut, and excluded all the rest of 
his train. Next morning the earls of Argyll, Huntly, Craw- 
ford, Montrose, Rothes, with others to whom the secret 
had been communicated, entered the town with their fol- 
lowers ; and though Mar, with several of the leaders of 
the faction, appeared in arms, they found themselves so 
far outnumbered, that it was in vain to think of recovering 
posssession of the king's person, which had been in their 

frontiers, to the effect that the natural Frenchmen may enter as freely into the contry 
as they were wont to do of before. 

And that there may be no purpose of diffamation, nor no speech but honourable of 
the most Christian King, in that contry, but such like as is spoken most honourably of 
the serene King of Scotland in France. 

He had another head to propose, which he concealed till a little before his depar- 
ture, to wit, that the Queen, the King's mother, was content to receive her son in as- 
sociation of the kingdom. fCamd.482. 



BOOK Vl,« H 

power somewhat longer than ten months. James was 
naturally of so soft and ductile a temper, that those who 
were near his person commonly made a deep impression 
on his heart, which was formed to be under the sway of 
favourites. As he remained implacable and unreconciled 
to the conspirators during so long a time, and at a period 
of life when resentments are rather violent than lasting, 
t^ey must either have improved the opportunities of insinu- 
ating themselves into favour with little dexterity, or the in- 
dignation, with which this first insult to his person and au- 
thority filled him, must have been very great. 
Resolves, His joy at his escape was youthful and excessive, 
to Sr/' He resolved, however, by the advice of Sir James 
them Melvil, and his wisest counsellors, to act with the 

with mo- ' ' 

deration, utmost moderation. Having called into his presence 
the leaders of both factions, the neighbouring gentry, the 
deputies of the adjacent boroughs, the ministers, and the, 
heads of colleges, he declared, that although he had been 
held under restraint for some time by violence, he would 
not impute that as a crime to any man, but, without re^^ 
membering the irregularities which had been so frequent^ 
during his minority, would pass a general act of oblivion, 
and govern all his subjects with undistinguishing and equal 
affection. As an evidence of his sincerity, he visited the 
earl of Gowrie, at Ruthven castle, and granted him a full_ 
pardon of any guilt he had contracted, by the crime com- 
mitted in that very place. ^ ,,, _, r 

'/g/j_ fIlJF>Tj 81X1 

But Ar- But James did not adhere long to this prudent anat 
gabs^his moderate plan. His former favourite, the earl, otr 
anrover -'^''^^1^5 ^^^ bccn permitted for some time to reside at . 
him; Kinneil, one of his country seats. As soon as the 
king felt himself at liberty, his love for him began to revive,^ 
and he expressed a strong desire to see him. Thecourtiers 
violently opposed the return of a minion, whose insolent and 
overbearing temper they dreaded, as much as the nation' 
detested his crimes. James, however, continued his im- 
portunity, and promising that he should continue with-hiaii 

"»t K Melv. 27S!. : _ , . ,Jiw oJ .swi 

VOL. TI. D .noflgiJWDO. 



34 SCOTLAND. 

no longer than one day, they were obliged to yield. This 
interview rekindled ancient affection ; the king forgot his 
promise; Arran regained his ascendant over him; and 
within a few days, resumed the exercise of power, with all 
the arrogance of an undeserving favourite, and all the rash- 
ness peculiar to himself.'' 

andtiie The first eifect of his influence was a proclamatiori 
king pur- y^[i\^ regard to those concerned in the Raid of 

sues ano- f^ _ ^ 

ther plan. Ruthveu. They were required to acknowlege their 
crime in the humblest manner; and the king promised to 
grant them a full pardon, provided their future conduct 
were such as did not oblige him to remember past miscar- 
riages. The tenor of this proclamation was extremely 
different from an act of oblivion which the conspirators 
had been encouraged to expect. Nor did any of them 
reckon it safe to rely on a promise clogged with such an 
equivocal condition, and granted by a young prince under 
the dominion of a minister void of faith, regardless of 
decency, and transported by the desire of revenge even 
beyond the usual ferocity of his temper. Many of the 
leaders, who had at first appeared openly at court, retired 
to their own houses; and, foreseeing the dangerous storm 
which was gathering, began to look out for a retreat in 
foreign countries.' 

Elizabeth's Elizabeth, who had all along protected the conspi- 
tira"in rators, was extremely disgusted with measures 
the cinf i- ^^"^^^ tended so visibly to their destruction, and 
rators. wrotc to the king a harsh and haughty letter, re- 
proaching him, in a style very uncommon among princes, 
with breach of faith in recalling: Arran to court, and 

August 7. . , . , . ,. ° . , . 

With miprudence m proceedmg so rigorously agamst 
his best and most faithful subjects. James, with a becoming- 
dignity, replied, that promises extorted by violence, and 
conditions yielded out of fear, were no longer binding, when 
these were removed ; that it belonged to him alone to choose 
what ministers he would employ in his service; and that 
though he resolved to treat the conspirators at Ruthven 

" MelT. 274. ' Ibid. 278. Spotsw. 326. Cald. iii. 330. 



BOOK VI. .35 

with the utmost clemency, it was necessary, for the support 
of his autliority, that such an insult on his person should 
not pass altogether uncensured.'' 

Sept.!. Elizabeth's letter was quickly followed by Wal- 
hlm^r^ singham her secretary, whom she appointed her 
bassy into ambassador to James, and who appeared at the 
Scottish court with a splendour and magnificence 
well calculated to please and dazzle a young prince. Wal- 
singham was admitted to several conferences with James 
himself, in which he insisted on the same topics contained 
in the letter, and the king repeated his former answers. 

After suffering several indignities from the arrogance of 
Arran and his creatures, he returned to England, without 
concluding any new treaty with the king. Walsingham 
was, next to Burleigh, the minister on whom the chief 
weight of the English administration rested ; and when a 
person of his rank stept so far out of the ordinary road of 
business, as to undertake a long journey in his old age, and 
under a declining state of health, some affair of conse- 
quence was supposed to be the cause, or some important 
event was expected to be the effect of this measure. But 
as nothing conspicuous either occasioned or followed this 
embassy, it is probable that Elizabeth had no other inten- 
tion in employing this sagacious minister, than to discover, 
with exactness, the capacity and disposition of the Scottish 
king, who was now arrived at a time of life when, with some 
degree of certainty, conjectures might be formed concern- 
ing his character and future conduct. As James possessed 
talents of tha'' kind, which make a better figure in conver- 
sation than in action, he gained a great deal by this inter- 
view with the English secretary, who, notwithstanding the 
cold reception which he met with, gave such an advan- 
tageous representation of his abilities, as determined 
Elizabeth to treat him, henceforward, with greater de- 
cency and respect.' 

Elizabeth's eagerness to protect the conspirators rendered 
James more violent in his proceedings against them. As 

" Melv. 279. ' Ibid. 293. Cald. iii. 258. .Teb. ii. 636. 

D 2 



tiO SCOTLAND. 

they had all refused to accept of pardon upon the terms 
which he had offered, they were required, by a new procla- 
mation, to surrender themselves prisoners. The earl of 
Angus alone complied; the rest either fled into England, 
or obtained the king's licence to retire into foreign parts. 
A convention of estates was held, the members of which, 

deceived bv an unworthy artifice of Arran's, de- 
Dec. 17. . . 

clared those concerned in the Raid of Ruthven to 

have been guilty of high treason ; appointed the act passed 
last year approving of their conduct to be expunged out 
of the records ; and engaged to support the king in pro- 
secuting the fugitives with the utmost rigour of law. 

The conspirators, though far from having done anything 
that was uncommon in that age, among mutinous nobles, 
and under an unsettled state of govei'nment, must be ac- 
knowledged to have been guilty of an act of treason against 
their sovereign; and James, who considered their conduct 
in this light, had good reason to boast of his clemency, when 
he offered to pardon them upon their confessing their crime. 
But on the other hand, it must be allowed that, after the 
king's voluntary promise of a general oblivion, they had 
some reason to complain of breach of faith, and without 
the most unpardonable imprudence, could not have put 
their lives in Arran's power. 

1534 The interest of the church was considerably effected 
fevourufi"^^ these contrary revolutions. While the conspi- 
conspira- rators kept possession of power, the clergy not only 
irrit'ate the rccovcrcd, but extended their privileges. As they 
^^°^" had formerly declared the hierarchy to be unlawful, 
they took some bold measures towards exterminating the 
episcopal order out of the church; and it was owing more 
to Adamson's dexterity in perplexing and lengthening out 
the process for that purpose, than to their own want of zeal, 
that they did not deprive, and perhaps excommunicate, all 
the bishops in Scotland. When the king recovered his 
liberty, things put on a very different aspect. The favour 
bestowed upon Arran, the enemy of every thing decent and 
sacred, and the rigorous prosecution of those nobles who 



BOOK VI. 37 

liud been the most zealous defenders of the Protestant cause, 
were considered as sure presages of the approaching ruin 
of the church. The clergy could not conceal their appre- 
hensions, nor view this impending danger in silence. Dury, 
who had been restored to his office as one of the ministers 
of Edinburgh, openly applauded the Raid of Riithveri in 
the pulpit, at which the king was so enraged , that, not- 
withstanding some symptoms of his submission, he com- 
manded him to resign his charge in the city. Mr. Andrew 
Melvil, being summoned before the privy council, to answer 
for the doctrine which he had uttered in a sermon at St. 
Andrew's, and accused of comparing the present grievances 
of the nation with those under James III., and of inti- 
mating obliquely that they ought to be redressed in the 
same manner, thought it incumbent on him to behave with 
great firmness. He declined the jurisdiction of a civil court 
in a cause which he maintained to be purely ecclesiastical ; 
the presbj^tery, of which he was a member, had, has he con- 
tended, the sole right to call him to account, for words 
spoken in the pulpit; and neither the king nor council could 
judge, in the first instance, of the doctrine delivered by 
preachers, without violating the immunities of the church. 
This exemption from civil jurisdiction was a privilege which 
the Popish ecclesiastics, admirable judges of whatever 
contributed to increase the lustre or power of their body, 
had long struggled for, and had at last obtained. If the 
same plea had now been admitted, the Protestant clergy 
would have become independent of the civil magistrate; 
and an order of men extremely useful to society, while they 
inculcate those duties which tend to promote its happiness 
and tranquillity, might have become no less pernicious, by 
teaching, without fear or control, the most dangerous 
principles, or by exciting their hearers to the most despe- 
rate and lawless actions. The king, jealous to excess of 
his prerogative, was alarmed at this daring encroachment 
on it; and as Melvil, by his learning and zeal, had acquired 
the reputation and authority of head of the party, he re- 
solved to punish him with the rigour which that pre-emi- 



38 SCOTLAND. 

nence rendered necessary, and to discourage, by a timely 
severity, the revival of such a dangerous claim. Melvil, 
however, avoided this rage, by flying into England; and 
the pulpits resounded with complaints that the king had 
extinguished the light of learning in the kingdom, and de- 
prived the church of the ablest and most faithful guardian 
of its liberties and discipline.™ 

These violent declamations of the clergy against the mea- 
sures of the court were extremely acceptable to the people. 
The conspirators, though driven out of the kingdom, still 
possessed great influence there : and as they had every 
thing to fear from the resentment of a young prince, irri- 
tated by the furious counsels of Arran, they never ceased 
solicitino; their adherents to take arms in their defence. 
Gowrie, the only person among them who had submitted 
to the king, and accepted of a pardon, soon repented of a 
step which lost him the esteem of one party, without gain- 
ing the confidence of the other ; and, after suffering many 
mortifications from the king's neglect and the haughtiness 
of Arran, he was at last commanded to leave Scotland, and 
to reside in France. While he waited at Dundee for an op- 
portunity to embark, he was informed thatthe earls of Angus, 
Mar, and the tutor of Glamis, had concerted a scheme for 
surprising the castle of Stirling. In his situation, little per- 
suasion was necessary to draw him to engage in it. Under 
various pretexts he put off" his voyage, and lay ready to take 
arms on the day fixed by the conspirators for the execution 
of their enterprise. His lingering so longatDundee, without 
any apparent reason, awakened the suspicion of the court, 
proved fatal to himself, and disappointed the success of 
the conspiracy. Colonel William Stewart surrounded the 
house where he lodged with a body of soldiers, and in spite 
of his resistance, took him prisoner. Two days after, Angus, 
Mar, and Glamis seized the castle of Stirling, and erecting 
their standard there, published a manifesto, declaring that 
they took arms for no other reason but to remove from the 
king's presence a minion who had acquired power by the 

" Spotsw. 330. Cald. iii. 304. 



BOOK VI. 39 

most unworthy actions, and who exercised it with the 
most intolerable insolence. The account of Gowrie s im- 
prisonment struck a damp upon their spirits. They im- 
puted it to treachery on his part, and suspected, that as 
he had formerly deserted, he had now betrayed them. At 
the same time Elizabeth having- neglected to supply them 
in good time with a sum of money, which she had pro- 
mised to them, and their friends and vassals coming- in 
slowly, they appeared irresolute and disheartened ; and as 
the king, who acted with great vigour, advanced towards 
them at the head of twenty thousand men, they fled pre- 
cipitately towards England, and with difficulty made their 
escape." This rash and feeble attempt produced such ef- 
fects as usually follow disappointed conspiracies. It not 
only hurt the cause for which it was undertaken, but added 
strength and reputation to the king; confirmed Arran's 
power ; and enabled them to pursue their measures with 
more boldness and greater success. Gowrie was the first 
victim of their resentment. After a very informal trial, a 
jury of peers found him guilty of treason, and he was pub- 
licly beheaded at Stirling. 

Ma 22 '^^ humble the church was the king's next step. 
Apariia- But as it bccame necessary, for this purpose, to 

mentheld. • i p i i • i • i • 

call m the aid ot the legislative authority, a par- 
liament was hastily summoned : and while so many of the 
nobles were banished out of the kingdom, or forbidden to 
appear in the king's presence ; while Arran's haughtiness 
kept some at a distance, and intimidated others ; the meet- 
ing consisted only of such as were absolutely at the devo- 
severe tioii of the court. Ill ordcr to conceal the laws 
ag^iast tiie wliicli Were framing from the knowledge of the 
church. clergy, the lords of the articles were sworn to se- 
crecy ; and when some of the ministers, who either sus- 
pected or were informed of the danger, deputed one of 
their number to declare their apprehensions to the king, he 
was seized at the palace-gate, and carried to a distant prison. 
Others, attempting to enter the parliament-house, were re- 

" Home's Hist, of House of Dougl. 376. Spotsw. 330. Cald. iii. 324, &c. 



40 SCOTLAND. 

fused admittance ;° and such laws were passed, as totally 
overturned the constitution and discipline of the church. 
The refusing to acknowledge the jurisdiction of the privy- 
council ; the pretending an exemption from the authority 
of the civil courts ; the attempting to diminish the rights 
and privileges of any of the three estates in parliament, 
were declared to be high treason. The holding assemblies, 
whether civil or ecclesiastical, without the king's permis- 
sion or appointment ; the uttering, either privately or pub- 
licly, in sermons or in declamations, any false and scandal- 
ous reports against the king, his ancestors, or ministers, 
were pronounced capital crimes.^ 

When these laws were published at the cross of Edin- 
burgh, according to the ancient custom, Mr. Robert Pont, 
minister of St. Cuthbert's, and one of the lords of session, 
solemnly protested against them, in the name of his bre- 
thren, because they had been passed without the knowledge 
or consent of the church. Ever since the Reformation, 
the pulpits and ecclesiastical judicatories had both been 
esteemed sacred. In the former, the clergy had been ac- 
customed to censure and admonish with unbounded liberty. 
In the latter, they exercised an uncontrolled and inde- 
pendent jurisdiction. The blow was now aimed at both 
these privileges. These new statutes were calculated to 
render churchmen as inconsiderable as they were indigent ; 
and as the avarice of the nobles had stripped them of the 
wealth, the king's ambition was about to deprive them of 
the power, which once belonged to their order. No wonder 
the alarm was universal, and the complaints loud. All the 
ministers of Edinburgh forsook their charge, and fled into 
England. The most eminent clergymen throughout the 
kingdom imitated their examDle. Desolation and astonish- 
ment appeared in every part of the Scottish church ; the 
people bewailed the loss of pastors whom they esteemed ; 
and, full of consternation at an event so unexpected, openly 
expressed their rage against Arran, and began to suspect 
the king himself to be an enemy to the reformed religion.'' 

° Cald. iii. 365. p Pail. 8. Jac. VI. t Spotw. 333 



BOOK vn. 41 



BOOK VII. 



1584. While Scotland was torn by intestine factions, Eli- 
ton's con- zabetli was alarmed with the rumour of a project 
aga2 ^^ agitation for setting Mary at liberty. Francis 
Elizabeth. Throkmortou, a Cheshire gentleman, was suspected 
of being deeply concerned in the design, and on that sus- 
picion he was taken into custody. Among his papers were 
found two lists; one, of the principal harbours in the king- 
dom, with an account of their situation, and of the depth of 
water in each; the other, of all the eminent Roman Ca- 
tholics in England. This circumstance confirmed the sus- 
picion against him, and some dark and desperate conspiracy 
was supposed just ready to break out. At first he boldly 
avowed his innocence, and declared that the two papers 
were forged by the queen's ministers, in order to intimidate 
or ensnare him; and he even endured the rack with the ut- 
most fortitude. But being brought a second time to the 
place of torture, his resolution failed him, and he not only 
acknowledged that he had held a secret correspondence with 
the queen of Scots, but discovered a design that was form- 
ed to invade England. The duke of Guise, he said, un- 
dertook to furnish troops, and to conduct the enterprise. 
The pope and king of Spain were to supply the money ne- 
cessary for carrying it on; all the English exiles were ready 
to take arms; many of the Catholics at home would be 
ready to join them at their landing; Mendoza, the Spanish 
ambassador, who was the life of the conspiracy, spared no 
pains in fomenting the spirit of disaffection among the Eng- 
lish, or in hastening the preparations on the continent; 
and by his command, he made the two lists, the copies 
whereof had been found in his possession. This confession 
he retracted at his trial; returned to it again after sentence 
was passed upon him; and retracted it once more at the 
place of execution.^ 

To us in the present age who are assisted in forming our 

a Hollingshed, 1370. 



42 SCOTLAND. 

opinion of this matter by the light which time and history 
have thrown upon the designs and characters of the princes 
of Guise, many circumstances of Throkmorton's confes- 
sion appear to be extremely remote from truth, or even 
from probability. The duke of Guise was, at that juncture, 
far from being in a situation to undertake foreign conquests. 
Without either power or office at court; hated by the king, 
and persecuted by the favourites; he had no leisure for any 
thoughts of disturbing the quiet of neighbouring states ; his 
vast and ambitious mind was wholly occupied in laying the 
foundation of that famous league which shook the throne of 
France. But at the time when Elizabeth detected this con- 
spiracy, the close union between the house of Guise and 
Philip was remarkable to all Europe; and as their great en- 
terprise against Henry III. was not yet disclosed, as they 
endeavoured to conceal that under their threatenings to in- 
vade England, Throkmorton's discovery appeared to be ex- 
tremely probable; and Elizabeth, who knew how ardently 
all the parties mentioned by him wished her downfal, 
thought that she could not guard her kingdom with too 
T^ . f much care. The indiscreet zeal of the Eno^lish ex- 

Uesigns 01 o 

Mary's ad- iles increased her fears. Not satisfied with inces- 
against sant outcrics against her severity towards the Scot- 
tish queen, and her cruel persecution of her Ca- 
tholic subjects, not thinking it enough that one pope had 
threatened her with the sentence of excommunication, and 
another had actually pronounced it, they now began to dis- 
perse books and writings, in which they endeavoured to 
persuade their disciples, that it would be a meritorious ac- 
tion to take away her life ; they openly exhorted the maids of 
honour to treat her as Judith did Holofemes, and, by such 
an illustrious deed, to render their own names honourable 
and sacred in the church throughout all future ages.'' For 
all these reasons, Elizabeth not only inflicted the punish- 
ment of a traitor on Throkmorton, but commanded the Spa- 
nish ambassador instantly to leave England ; and that she 
might be in no danger of being attacked within the island, 

h Camb. 497. 



BOOK VII. 43 

she determined to use her utmost efforts, in order to recover 
that influence over the Scottish councils v^^hich she had for 
some time entirely lost. 

She endea- There WGve three difl'erent methods by which Eli- 
estabiish zabctli might hopc to accomplish this; either by 
herinflu- fumishino' such effectual aid to the banished no- 

ence in o 

Scotland blcs, as would enable them to resume the chief di- 

by gaining • n rv • • • 

Arran. rcctiou 01 atiau's ; or by entermg mto such a treaty 
with Mary, as might intimidate her son, who being now 
accustomed to govern, would not be averse from agreeing 
to any terms rather than resign the sceptre, or admit an as- 
sociate in the throne ; or by gaining the earl of Arran, to 
secure the direction of the king his master. The last was 
not only the easiest and speediest, but most likely to be suc- 
cessful. This Elizabeth resolved to pursue ; but without 
laying the other two altogether aside. With this view she 
sent Davison, one of her principal secretaries, a man of 
abilities and address, into Scotland. A minister so venal 
as Arran, hated by his own countrymen, and holding his 
power by the most precarious of all tenures, the favour of 
a young prince, accepted Elizabeth's offers without hesita- 
tion, and deemed the acquisition of her protection to be the 
most solid foundation of his own greatness. Soon after he 
consented to an interview with lord Hunsdon, the 
governor of Berwick, and being honoured with the 
pompous title of lieutenant-general for the king, he ap- 
peared at the place appointed with a splendid train. In 
Hunsdon's presence he renewed his promises of an invio- 
lable and faithful attachment to the English interest, and 
assured him that James should enter into no nea'otiation 
which might tend to interrupt the peace between the two 
kingdoms; and as Elizabeth began to entertain the same 
fears and jealousies concerning the king's marriage, which 
had formerly disquieted her with regard to his mother's, he 
undertook to prevent James from listening to any overture 
of that kind, until he had previously obtained the queen of 
England's consent.'' 

= Cald. iii. 491. Melv. 313. 



44 SCOTLAND. 

Severe pro- ^^^^ banislicd lords and their adherents soon felt 
ceedings ^j^g effccts of Arran's friendship with Eng-land. 

against the i i i i • i i n • 

banished As riiizabeth liad permitted them to take refuge in 
°^ ^ ' her dominions, and several of her ministers were 

Lord Himsdane to Sir Francis Walsingham, the I'i^th of August, 1584; from Bertvick. 

SIR, 
Calderw According to my former letters, touching my meeting with the Earl of 
MS His- Arran upon Wednesday last, there came hither to me from the Earle, the 
torv* vol 3 Justice-clerk, and Sir William Stuart, Captain of Dumbarton, both of the 
D 374 * ' Kinge's privie council, to treat with me about the order of our meeting, 
"' * referring wholly to me to appoint the hour, and the number we should 
meet withal ; so as we concluded the place to be Foulden, the hour to be ten o'clock, 
and the number with ourselves to be thirteen of a side ; and the rest of our troops to 
stand each of them a mile from the town ; the one on the one side, the other on the 
other side, so as our troops were two miles asunder; 1 was not many horsemen, but I 
supplied it with footmen, where I had one hundred shot on horse, but they were very 
near five hundred horse well appointed : According to which appointment, we met 
yesterday, and after some congratulations, the Earl fell in the like protestations of his 
good will and readiness to serve the Queen's Majesty, before any Prince in the world, 
next his sovereign, as he had done heretofore by his letters, and rather more; with 
such earnest vows, as, unless he be worse than a devil, her Majesty may dispose of 
him at her pleasure. This being ended, I entered with him touching the cause I had 
to deal with him, and so near as I could, left nothing unrehearsed that I had to charge 
the King or him with any unkind dealing toward her Majesty, according to my in- 
structions, which, without any delay, he answered presently, as ye shall perceive by 
the said answers sent herewith ; but I replying unto him, he amplified them with many 
more circumstances, but to this effect. Then 1 dealt with him touching the point of 
her Majesty's satisfaction, for the uttering of such practices as has been lately set on 
foot for the disquieting of her Majesty and her estate, who thereof made sundry dis- 
courses, what marriages have been offered to his Majestic by sundrie Princes, and by 
what means the Earle has sought to divert them, and for what causes ; the one, for 
that be marriage with Spain or France, he must also alter his religion, which as he is 
sure the King will never doe, so will he never suffer him to hearken unto it, so long 
as he hath any credit with him. He denys not but the King has been dealt withal 
be practices to deal against her Majesty, which has so far denied and refused to enter 
into, as they have left dealing therein ; but whatsoever the King or he knoweth therein, 
there shall be nothing hidden from her Majesty, as her Majesty shall know very shortly : 
surely it seems by his speeches, that if the King would have yielded thereunto there 
had been no small company of French in Scotland ere now to disquiet her Majesty. — 
This being ended, I dealt with him earnestly for the stay of this Parliament which 
now approacheth ; or at the least that there may be nothing done therein, to the pre- 
judice of these noblemen and others now in England, for the forfaulting of their livings 
and goods: hereupon he made a long discourse to me, first of the Earl of Angus deal- 
ing about the Earle of Morton, then of his going outnotwithstanding of sundrie gracious 
offers the King had made him; then of the road of Ruthven, how that presently after 
they had the King's Majesty in their hands, they imprisoned himself, dealt with the 
King for putting of the Duke out of the realme ; the King refused so to do ; they told 
him plainly that if he would not, he should have the Earl of Arran's head in a dish ; 
the King asked what offence the Earle had madel and they answered it must be so 
and should be so ; hereupon for the safeguard of Arran's life, the King was content to 
send away the Duke, and yet Arran afterwards sundrie times in danger of his life ; 1 
alledged unto him the King's letter to the Queen's Majesty, and his acts in council, 
that they had done nothing for his servise, and with his good liking and contentment, 
who answered me, he durst do no otherwise, nor could do any thing but that which 
pleased them, with such a number of other their dealings with the King whilest he 
was in their hands as are too long to be written, and too bad if they were true. 1 said 
the King might have let the Queen's Majesty's ambassador have known his mind se- 
cretly, and her Majesty would have relieved him ; he answered, that the King was 
not ignorant that the apprehensions in that matter proceeded from Mr. Bow's prac- 
tice, and thereby durst not impart so much to him, and yet the King was content, and 
did give remission to as many as would acknowledge their faults, and ask remission, 



BOOK VII. 45 

of opinion that she ought to employ lier arms in defence of 
their cause, the fear of this was the only thing which re- 
strained James and his favourite from proceeding to such 
extremities against them, as might have excited the pity or 

and such as would not, he thought fit to banish, to try their further loyalty, iu 
which time they conspired the King's second apprehension, and the killing of the Earle 
and others, and seduced the ministers to their faction ; and yet not satisfied with these 
conspiracies and treasonable dealings (as he terms them), are entered into a third, 
being in England under her Majesty's protection, to dishonour her Majesty as far as 
in them lieth, or at least to cause the King conceive some unkindness in her Majesty, 
for harbouring of them ; 1 wrote to yow what the conspiracy was, the taking of the 
King, the killing of the Earle of Arran, and some others, the taking of the castle of 
Edin"", and bringing home the Earles to take the charge of the King ; all which (says 
he) is by Drummond confessed, and by the Provost of Glencudden not greatly denied, 
and the Constable of the Castle thereupon fled. The Earl brought Drummond with 
him as far as Langton, where he lay, to have confessed the conspiracy before me, but 
having at his lighting received a blow on his leg with a horse, so as he could bring 
him no further, I replied tliat 1 thought verily they would not work any such practices 
in respect of the Queen's Majesty, abiding within her realme, and if there be any such 
practices, they have proceeded from others, and they not privie unto them : and that 
if it be not apparently proved against them, that it will be thought to be some practice 
to aggravate the fault, and to make them the more odious to the King. He answered 
me, that it should be proved so sufficiently, that they should not be able with truth to 
deny it, for their own hands is to be showed to part of it, and therefore concluded, that 
if her Majesty should so press the King for them at this time, that would rather hinder 
this matter of the amity nor further it, and that since they seek chiefly his life, he 
could not, in any reason, seek to do them any good ; and besides he assured me, that 
if he would, he dare not, this last matter being fallen out as it is ; and surely if this 
matter had not fallen out, I would not have doubted the restoring of the Earl of Mar 
very shortly, if her Majesty would have employed me therein ; but for the Earl of 
Angus, 1 perceive the King is persuaded that both he, and the rest of the Douglasses, 
Lave conceived so mortal an hatred against him and the Earl of Arran, about the death 
of the Flarl of Morton, as if they were at home to-morrow next, they would not leave 
to practise and conspire the death of them both, and therefore a hard matter to do any 
thing for him: finally, he concluded and required me to assure her Majesty from the 
King, that there shall nothing be hid from her, nor any thing left undone that may 
satisfie her Majesty with reason, and that the King shall never do any thing, nor con- 
sent to have any thing done in her prejudice, so long as he had any credit with him, 
or authority under him. Having thus far proceeded, he desired to shew me his com- 
mission, which is under the great seal, to himself only, which is as large as may be, 
and yet sundrie of the privie councel there with him, but not one in commission, nor 
present, nor near us ail this time, having spent almost five hours in these matters ; he 
presented to me the Master of Gray, who delivered to me a letter from the King in 
his commendation, whom 1 perceive the King means to send to her Majesty, and there- 
fore requires a safe-conduct for his passage, which 1 pray yow procure, and to send it 
so soon as you may. I let him understand of the Lord Seaton's negociation with the 
French King. He swore to me, that Seaton was but a knave, and that it was partly 
against his will that he should be sent thither. But his commission and instruction 
being of no great importance, he yielded the sooner ; and if Seaton has gone beyond 
his instructions, which Arran drew himself, he will make Seaton smart for it. Touch- 
ing William Newgate and Mark Golgan, he protested he never heard of any such ; he 
says there was a little poor soul, with a black beard, come thither a-begging, who said 
he was an enemy to Desmond, to which he gave a croun, but never heard of him since ; 
and for any Scotsman going into Ireland, he says there is no such matter ; if there be, 
there may be some few raskals that he knows not of: and touching the coming of any 
Jesuits into Scotland, he says it is but the slanderous devise of the King's enemys, 
and such as would have the world believe the King were ready to revolt in religion, 
•who the world shall well see will continue as constant therein as what Prince soever 
professed it most ; and the Earle himself does protest to me, that to his knowledge he 
never saw a Jesuit in his life, and did assure me if there was any in Scotland, they 
should not do so much harm in Scotland, as their ministers would do, if they preach 
such doctrine as they did in Scotland ; and touching one Ballanden, of whoia I wrote 



46 SCOTLAND. 

indignation of the English, and have prompted them to 
exert themselves with vigour in their behalf. But 
"^" ' every apprehension of this kind being now re- 
moved, they ventured to call a parliament, in which an act 
was passed, attainting Angus, Mar, Glamis, and a great num- 
ber of their followers. Their estates devolved to the crown, 
and according to the practice of the Scottish monarchs, 
who were obliged to reward the faction which adhered to 
them, by dividing with it the spoils of the vanquished, 
James dealt out the greater part of these to Arran and his 
associates.*^ 

to yow, I heard from Mr. Colvil, the Earle avows constantly that he knows not, nor 
hath not heard of any such man, but he would inquire at the justice-clerk, and would 
inform me what he could learn of that. Thus I have made you as short a discourse as 
I can of so many matters, so long discoursed upon, but these are the principal points 
of all our talk, so near as I can remember it, and for this time I commit you to the 
Almighty. At Berwick, the 14th of August, 1584. 

The King is very desirous to have 
my son Robert Carrie to come to him. 
I pray yow know her Majesty's pleasure. 

Arran's Answer to the Grieffs or Articles proponed to the Lord Hunsdane, 
set down in anoUur form. 

As to the strait and severe persecution of all such as have been noted to have been 
well affected to the Queen's Majesty, it cannot appear they were either for that cause 
punished, or hardly dealt with, since his Majesty of late has been so careful and dili- 
gent to choice out good instruments to deal betwixt her Majesty and him, as his 
Majesty has done in electing of your Lordship and me ; besides that, in all their ac- 
cusations, their good will and affection born to her Majesty was, at no time, laid to 
their charge, but capital actions of treason many way tried now be the whole three 
estates, and more than manifest to the world. 

As for his Majesty inhibiting, by public proclamation, such as were banished, not to 
repair in England ; the bruits and whisperings that came to his Majesty's ears of their 
conspiracies and treasons, which since syn they accomplished, so far as in them lav, 
moved his Majesty to inhibit them to repair to any place, so near his Majesty's realm, 
lest they should have attempted these things, which shortly they did attempt, being 
farther off, and more distant both by sea and land. 

As for reception of Jesuits, and others, her Majesty's fugitives, and not delivering 
them according to his promise, as your Lordship propones, his Majesty would be most 
glad, that so it might fall out by your Lordship's traviles, that no fugitive of either 
realme should be received of either, and when so shall be, it shall not fail on his Ma- 
jesty's part, albeit in very deed this time bygone his Majesty has been constrained to 
receipt her Majesty's mean rebells and fugitives, contrar his good naturall, since her 
Majesty hath receipt, in effect, the whole and greatest rebells and traitors his Majesty 
in his own blood ever had. As for the agreement with which his Majesty's mother 
anent their association, his Majesty has commanded me, in presence of your Lordship's 
servant, to assure her Majesty and your Lordship, in his Majesty's name, that it is 
altogether false, and an untruth, nor any such like matter done yet. 

His Majesty has also commanded me to assure your Lordship, that it is also false 
and untrue, that his Majesty has, by any means direct or indirect, sent any message 
to the Pope, or received any from him; or that his Majesty has dealt with Spain or 
any foreigners to harm her Majesty or her realm, which his Majesty could have no 
honour to do, this good intelligence taking place, as I hope in God it shall. 

As concerning the contemptuous usage of her Majesty's ministers sent unto his 
Majesty, his Majesty used none of them so, and if bis Majesty had, sufficient cause 
was given by them, as some of their own writs do yet testify, as 1 more particularly 
showed your Lordship at Foulden at our late meeting. ^ Cald. iii, 527. 



BOOK VII. 47 

Nor was the treatment of the clergy less rigorous. All 
against the ministers, readers, and professors in colleges, were 
^ ^"^sy- enjoined to subscribe, within forty days, a paper 
testifying their approbation of the laws concerning the 
church enacted in last parliament. Many, overawed or 
corrupted by the court, yielded obedience ; others stood 
out. The stipends of the latter were sequestered, some of 
the more active committed to prison, and numbers com- 
pelled to fly the kingdom. Such as complied, fell under 
the suspicion of acting from mercenary or ambitious mo- 
tives. Such as adhered to their principles, and suft'ered in 
consequence of it, acquired a high reputation, by giving 
this convincing evidence of their firmness and sincerity. 
The judicatories of the church were almost entirely sup- 
pressed. In some places scarce as many ministers remained, 
as to perform the duties of religious worship ; they soon 
sunk in reputation among the people, and being pro- 
hibited not only from discoursing of public affairs, but 
obliged, by the jealousy of the administration, to frame 
every sentiment and expression in such a manner as to 
give the court no offence, their sermons were deemed lan- 
guid, insipid, and contemptible ; and it became the ge- 
neral opinion, that together with the most virtuous of the 
nobles and the most faithful of the clergy, the power and 
vigour of religion were now banished out of the kingdom.^ 
Meanwhile, Elizabeth was carrying on one of those 
fruitless negotiations with the queen of Scots, which it had 
become almost matter of form to renew every year. They 
served not only to amuse that unhappy princess with some 
prospect of liberty ; but furnished an apology for eluding 
the solicitations of foreign powers on her behalf; and 
were of use to overawe James, by shewing him that she 
could at any time set free a dangerous rival to dispute his 
authority. These treaties she suffered to proceed to what 
length she pleased, and never wanted a pretence for break- 
ing them off, when they became no longer necessary. The 
treaty now on foot was not, perhaps, more sincere than 

« Cald. iii. 589. 



48 SCOTLAND. 

many which preceded it ; the reasons, however, which 
rendered it ineifectual were far from being frivolous. 
jvjg^PQjj. As Crichton, a Jesuit, was sailing from Flanders 
spiracy towards Scotlaud, the ship on board of which he 

against '■ 

Elizabeth, was a passcnger happened to be chased by pirates, 
who, in that age, often infested the narrow seas. Crichton, 
in great confusion, tore in pieces some papers in his cus- 
tody, and threw them away ; but, by a very extraordinary 
accident, the wind blew them back into the ship, and they 
were immediately taken up by some of the passengers, who 
carried them to Wade, the clerk of the privy-council. He, 
with great industry and patience, joined them together, and 
they were found to contain the account of a plot, said to 
have been formed by the king of Spain and the duke of 
Guise, for invading England. The people were not yet 
recovered from the fear and anxiety occasioned by the con- 
spiracy in which Throkmorton had been engaged, and as 
his discoveries appeared now to be confirmed by additional 
evidence, not only all their former apprehensions recurred, 
but the consternation became general and excessive. As all 
the danofers with which Eng-land had been threatened for 
some years, flowed either immediately from Mary herself, 
or from such as made use of her name to justify their insur- 
rections and conspiracies, this gradually diminished the 
compassion due to her situation, and the English, instead 
of pitying, began to fear and to hate her. Elizabeth, under 
whose wise and pacific reign the English enjoyed tranquil- 
lity, and had opened sources of wealth unknown to their 
ancestors, was extremely beloved by all her people ; and 
regard to her safety, not less than to their own interest, 
o casions ^liirn^-ted them against the Scottish queen. In order 
anassocia-to discouragc her adherents, it was thought neces- 
positionto sary to convince them, by some public deed, of the 
^'^ ' attachment of the English to their own sovereign, 
and that any attempt against her life would prove fatal 
^ , ,„ to her rival. With this view an associatmi was 

Oct. 19. 

framed, the subscribers of which bound themselves 
by the most solemn oaths, "to defend the queen against all 



BOOK VII. 49 

her enemies, foreign and domestic ; and if violence should 
be offered to her life, in order to favour the title of any pre- 
tender to the crown, they not only engaged never to allow 
or acknowledge the person or persons by whom, or for 
whom, such a detestable act should be committed, but 
vowed, in the presence of the eternal God, to prosecute 
such person or persons to the death, and to pursue them, 
with their utmost vengeance, to their utter overthrow and 
extirpation.'*^ Persons of all ranks subscribed this combi- 
nation with the greatest eagerness and unanimity.^ 
which Mary considered this association, not only as an 
filiml avowed design to exclude her from all right of suc- 
^^'- cession, but as the certain and immediate forerunner 
of her destruction. In order to avert this, she made such 
feeble efforts as were still in her power, and sent Naue, her 
secretary, to court, with offers of more entire resignation 
to the will of Elizabeth, in every point, which had been 
the occasion of their long enmity, than all her sufferings 
hitherto had been able to extort.'' But whether Mary ad- 
hered inflexibly to her privileges as an independent sove- 
reign, or, yielding to the necessity of her situation, endea- 
voured, by concessions, to sooth her rival, she was equally 
unsuccessful. Her firmness was imputed to obstinacy, or 
to the secret hope of foreign assistance ; her concessions 
were either believed to be insincere, or to flow from the fear 
of some imminent danger. Her present willingness, how- 
ever, to comply with any terms was so great, that Walsing- 
ham warmly urged his mistress to come to a final agree- 
ment with her.' But Elizabeth was persuaded, that it was 

f State Trials, i. 122. s Camd. 499. ■> Ibid. 

• The Scottish Queens offers upon the effect of her liberty, propounded by her Secretary 

Now, November, 1.^84. 

„ y ., The Queen my mistress being once well assured of your Majesty's amity, 
Cott. L|iD. ^ ^^jj jgg]j^j.g openly that she will (as it is sincerely her meaning) straitly 
Calig.u. . ^Q jqJq y^Q yQ^y Majesty, and to the same to yield and bear the chief ho- 
Py* nour and respect, before all other Kings and Princes in Christendom. 

2. She will swear, and protest solemnly, a sincere forgetfulness of all wrongs which 
she may pretend to have been done unto her in this realm, and will never in any sort 
or manner whatsoever, shew offence for the same. 

3. She will avow and acknowledge, as well in her own particular name, as also for 
her heirs and others descending of her for ever, your Majesty, for just, true, and law- 
ful Queen of England. 

4. And consequently, will renounce, as well for herself as for her said heirs, all 

VOL. 11. E 



50 SCOTLAND. 

the spirit raised by the association which had rendered 
her so passive and compliant. She always imagined that 
there was something mysterious and deceitful in all Mary's 

rights and pretences which she may claim to the crown of England, during her Ma- 
jesty's life, and other prejudice. 

5. She will revoke all acts and shews, by her heretofore made, of pretence to this 
said crown to the prejudice of your Majesty, as may be the taking of the arms and 
stile of Queen of England, by the commandment of King Francis her late lord and 
husband. 

6. She will renounce the Pope's bull for so much as may be expounded to turn in 
her favour, or for her behoof, touching the deprivation of your Majesty, and will de- 
clare that she will never help and serve herself with it. 

7. She will not prosecute, during your Majesty's life, by open force or otherways, 
any public declaration of her right in the succession of this realm, so as secret assur- 
ance be given unto her, or at the least public promise, that no deciding thereof shall 
be made in the prejudice of her, or of the King her son, during your Majesty's life, 
nor after your decease, until such time as they have been heard thereupon, m publick, 
free, and general assembly of the Parliament of the said realm. 

8. She will not practise, directly or indirectly, with any of your Rlajesty's subjects, 
neither within nor out of your realm, any thing tending to war, civil or foreign, against 
your Majesty and your estate, be it under pretext of religion, or for civil and politick 
government. 

9. She will not maintain or support any of your subjects declared rebels, and con- 
victed of treason against you. 

10. She will enter into the association, which was shewed her at Wingfield for the 
surety of your Majesty's life, so as there be mended or right explicated some clauses 
which I will shew to your Majesty, when I shall have the copy thereof, as 1 have be- 
fore time required. 

11. She will not treat with foreign Kings and Princes for any war or trouble against 
this state, and will renounce, from this time, all enterprises made or to be made in 
her favour for that respect. 

12. Furthermore, this realm being assailed by any civil or foreign war, she will take 
part with your Majesty, and will assist you in your defence with all her forces and 
means, depending of herself and with all her friends of Christendom. 

13. And to that effect, for the mutual defence and maintenance of your Majesty, 
and the two realms of this isle, she will enter with your Majesty in a league defensive 
as shall be more particularly advised, and will perswade as much as in her, the King 
her son to do the like. The leagues with all parts abroad remaining firm, and espe- 
cially the antient league between France and Scotland, in that which shall not be 
against this present. 

1-1. She will enter into a league offensive, havinggood assurance or secret declaration 
and acknowledgment of her right in the succession of this crown, and promise that, 
happening any breach betwixt P'rance and this realm (which she prayeth to God never 
to happen), the just value of her dowry shall be placed for her in lands of the revenue 
of the crown. 

15. For assurance of her promises and covenants, she doth offer to abide herself in 
this realm for a certain time (better hostage can she not give than her own person), 
which, so as she be kept in the liberty here before propounded, is not in case to escape 
secretly out of this country, in the sickly state she is in, and with the good order which 
your Majesty can take therein. 

16. And in case your Majesty do agree to her full and whole deliverance, to retire 
herself at her will out of this realm, the said Queen of Scots she will give sufficient 
hostage for such time as will be advised. 

17. If she abide in this realm, she will promise not to depart out of it without your 
licence, so as it be promised unto her that her state, in such liberty as shall be accorded 
unto her, shall not be in any sort altered, untill after tryall to have attempted against 
your life, or other trouble of your estate. 

. 18. If she go into Scotland, she will promise to alter nothing there in the religion 
^■which is now used there, she being suffered to have free eaercise of hers for her and 
her household, as it was at her return out of France ; and further, to pull out every 
root of new division between the subjects, that none of the subjects of Scotland shall 
be sifted for his conscience, nor constrained to go to the service of the contrary reli- 
gion. 



BOOK VII. 51 

actions, and suspected her of carrying on a dangerous cor- 
respondence with the English Catholics, both within and 
without the kingdom. Nor were her suspicions altogether 

19. She will grant a general abolition of all offences done against her in Scotland, 
and things shall remain there as they are at this present, for that respect, saving that 
which hath been done against her honour, which she meaneth to have revoked and 
annulled. 

20. She will travel to settle a sure and general reconciliation between the nobility 
of the country, and to cause to be appointed about the King her son, and in his coun- 
cil, such as shall be fit for the entertainment of the peace and quiet of the country, 
and the amity of the realm. 

21. She will do her best to content your Majesty, in favour of the Scots lords ba- 
nished and refuged hither, upon their due submission to their Princes, and your Ma- 
jesty's promise to assist the said Queen and King of Scotland against them, if they 
happen to fall into their former faults. 

2'2. She will proceed to the maniage of the King her son, with the advice and good 
council of your Majesty. 

'23. As she will pass nothing without the King her son, so doth she desire that he 
intervene conjointly with her in this treaty, for the greater and perfecter assurance 
thereof ; for otherwise any thing can hardly be established to be sound and continue. 

24. The said Scotch Queen trusteth, that the French King, her good brother, ac- 
cording to the good affection which he hath always shewed her, and hath been afresh 
testified unto me by Mons"". de Mannissiere for this said treaty, will very willingly in- 
tervene, and will assist her for the surety of her promises. 

25. And so will the Princes of the House of Lorrain, following the will of the said 
King, will bind themselves thereunto. 

Sf6. For other Kings and Princes of Christendom, she will assay to obtain the like 
of them, if for greater solemnity and approbation of the treaty it be found to be neces- 
sary. 

27. She doth desire a speedy answer, and final conclusion of the premises, to the 
end to meet in time with all inconveniences. 

28. And in the mean time, the more to strengthen the said treaty, as made by her 
of a pure and frank will, she desireth that demonstration be made of some release- 
meut of her captivity. 

Objections against the Scottish Queen, under Secretary Wahinghame's hand, 

November, 1584. 

The Queen of Scots is ambitious, and standeth ill affected to her Majesty, and there- 
fore it cannot be but that her liberty should bring peril unto her Majesty. 

That her enlargement will give comfort to Papists, and other ill affected subjects, 
and greatly advance the opinion had of her title as successor. 

That as long as she shall be continued in her RIajesty's possession, she may serve 
as it were a gage of her Majesty's surety, for that her friends, for fear of the danger 
she may be thrown into, in case any thing should be done in her favour, dare not at- 
tempt any thing in the offence of her Majesty. 

November, i What course were Jit to be taken uilh the Queen of Scots, either to be enlarged 
1584. ( or not. 

p . J ., The course to be taken with the said Queen may be considered of in three 
Cal 8 degrees; either, 

1. To continue her under custody in that state she now is. 

2. To restrain her of the present liberty she now hath. 

3. Or to set her at liberty upon caution. 

1. Touching the first, to continue her under custody in that state she now is ; it is 
to be considered, that the Princes that favour that Queen, upon the complaint she 
maketh of hard usage, are greatly moved with commiseration towards her, and pro- 
mise to do their endeavour for her liberty, for which purpose her ministers solicit them 
daily. 

And to move them the more to pity her case, she acquainteth them with her offers 
made to her IMajesty, which appeared to be no less profitable than reasonable for her 
Majesty, so as the refusal and rejecting giveth her friends and favourers cause to think 
her hardly dealt withal, and therefore may, witli the better ground and reason, attempt 
somewhat for the setting of her at liberty. 

E 2 



52 SCOTLAND. 

void of foundation. Mary had, about this time, written a 
letter to Sir Francis Inglefield, urging him to hasten the 
execution of wliat she calls the Great Plot or Desio-nment, 

It is also likely that the said Queen, upon this refusal, finding her case desperate, 
will continue her practice under hand, both at home and abroad, not only for her de- 
livery, but to obtain to the present possession of this crown upon her pretended title, 
as she hath hitherto done, as appeareth, and is most manifest by letters and plots in- 
tercepted, and chiefly by that late alteration of Scotland, which hath proceeded alto- 
gether by her direction, whereby a gajj is laid open for the malice of all her Majesty's 
enemies, so as it appeareth that this manner of keeping her, with such number of per- 
sons as she now hath, and with liberty to write and receive letters (being duly consi- 
dered), is offensive to the Princes, the said Queen's friends rather chargeable than 
profitable to her Majesty ; and subject to all such practices as may peril her Majesty's 
pei'son or estate, without any provision for her Majesty's safety, and therefore no way 
to be liked of. 

2. Touching the second, to restrain her in a more straighter degree of the liberty 
she hath hitherto enjoyed. 

It may at first sight be thought a remedy very apt to stop the course of the dan- 
gerous practices fostered heretofore by her ; for true it is, that this remedy might 
prove very profitable, if the realm of Scotland stood in that sort devoted to her Ma- 
jesty, as few years past it did, and if the King of that realm were not likely, as well 
for the release of his mother, as for the advancement of both their pretended titles, to 
attempt somewhat against this realm and her Majesty, wherein he should neither lack 
foreign assistance, nor a party here within this realm : But the King and that realm 
standing affected as they do, this restraint, instead of remedying, is likely to breed 
these inconveniences following : 

First, It will increase the offence, both in him and in the rest of the Princes her 
friends, that misliked of her restraint. 

Secondly, It will give them just cause to take some way of redress. 
Lastly, It is to be doubted, that it may provoke some desperate ill-disposed person, 
all hope of her liberty removed, to attempt somewhat against her Majesty's own per- 
son (a matter above all others to be weighed), which inconveniency being duly con- 
sidered, it will appear manifestly, that the restraint, in a straighter degree, is likely to 
prove a remedy subject to very hard events. 

The latter degi'ee, whether it were fit to set the said Queen at liberty, ministereth 
some cause of doubt, touching the manner of the liberty, in what sort the same is to 
be performed, whether to be continued here within the realm, or to be restored into 
her own country. 

But first, this proposition, before the particularities be weighed, is to be considered 
in generality. 

For it is very hard for a well affected subject, that tendereth her Majesty's surety, 
and weigheth either the nature of the Scottish Queen, being inclined to ambition and 
revenge, or her former actions, what practices she hath set on foot most dangerous for 
her Majesty and this realm, to allow of her liberty, being not made acquainted with 
such causes, as time hath wrought, to make it less perilous than it hath been, nor with 
such cautions as may, in some sort, be devised to prevent both her ambition and ma- 
lice ; and therefore, to make this apparent. 

It is to be considered, that the danger that was in the mother, is now grovsTi to be 
in the son. He pretendeth the same title she doth : Such as do affect her, both at 
home and abroad, do affect him (and he is the more dangerous for that he is unmar- 
ried, which may greatly advance his fortune ; and that he is a man, whereby he may 
enter into action in his own person) ; where she is restrained, he is at liberty ; his 
own realm is now altogether at his devotion, and the party affected to this crown 
abased ; so as the matter duly considered, neither her liberty nor restraint doth greatly 
alter the case for perils towards her Majesty, unless by such promises as may be made 
by way of treaty with her, the danger likely to grow from the King her son be pro- 
vided for. 

But in this l)ehalf it may be objected, that so long as the mother remains in her Ma- 
jesty's hands, the King will attempt nothing for fear of his mother's peril. 

To this objection it may be answered, first, That they hope that her Majesty, being 
a Prince of justice, and inclined to mercy, will not punish the mother for the son's of- 
fence, unless she shall be found, by good proof, culpable. Secondarily, That men will 
not be over hasty, considering in what predicament the King standeth touching his 



BOOK VI r. 63 

without hesitating on account of any danger in which it 
might involve her life, which she would most willingly 
part with, if by that sacrifice, she could procure relief for 

expectation of this crown, to advise any thing that in time fiiture may be dangerous 
to the giver of such council as may reach to his mother's peril. 

And lastly, The takiug away of his mother, he being strong iii the field through both 
foreign assistance, and a party here within the realm, will appear so weak a remedy 
(which may rather exasperate both him and her party, to proceed with more courage 
and heat to revenge, if any such hard measure should be offered unto her), as they 
will suppose, for the reason above specified, that no such extremity will be used. 

It may also be objected, that the setting of her at liberty will greatly encourage the 
Papists both at home and abroad ; but herein, if the provision be duly considered, that 
may be made by Parliament, both here and there, they shall rather find cause of dis- 
comfort than otherwise. 

These two doubts being resolved, and the perils that was in the mother appearing 
most manifestly to be seen in the son, accompanied with more danger, with due con- 
sideration had also of such remedies as may be provided for the preventing of the dan- 
gers that her liberty may minister just cause to doubt of; there will be good cause of 
hope found, that the same will rather breed benefit than perils. 

Now it resteth, in what sort the said liberty shall be performed ; if it shall be thought 
meet she shall be continued within the realm with some limitation, especially ia that 
place where she now resideth, the country round about being so infected in religion as 
it is, it is greatly to be doubted that will very much increase the corruption, and fall- 
ing away in that behalf. Besides, she should have commodity, with much more ease 
and speed, to entertain practices within this realm, than by being in her own country. 
If abroad freely without limitation either in Scotland or France, then shall her Ma- 
jesty lose the gages of her safety, then shall she be at hand to give advice in further- 
ance of such practices as have been laid for to stir trouble in this realm, wherein she 
hath been a principal party. 

For the first, it is answered before, that the respect of any perils that may befal 
unto her, will in no sort restrain her son. For the other, if it be considered what harm 
her advice will work unto herself, in respect of the violation of the treaty, and the 
provision that may be made in Parliament here, it is to be thought, that she will then 
be well advised, before she attempt any such matter, which now she may do without 
perill. Besides, such Princes as have interposed their faith and promise for her, can- 
not with honour assist her, wherein the French King will not be found very forward, 
who, in most friendly sort, hath lately rejected all such requests, propounded either by 
her, or her son's ministers, that might any way offend her Majesty. And so to conclude, 
seeing the cause of her grief shall be taken away ; the French King gratified, who is 
a mediator for her, and will mislike that, by any Spanish practice, she should be drawn 
to violate her faith, that the rest of the Princes sTiall have no just cause of offence, 
but rather to think honourably of her Alajesty, considering the Scottish Queen's car- 
riage towards her, which hath deserved no way any such favour ; the noblemen of 
Scotland shall be restored, who will be a good stay of such counsells as may tend to 
the troubling of this realm, especially having so good a ground of warrant as the Par- 
liament to stand unto : the charges and perills which her practices might have bred to 
this realm shall be avoided ; and lastly, the hope of the Papists shall be taken away, 
by such good provisions as in both the realms may be made, whereby the perills that 
might fail into her Majesty's own person (a matter of all others to be weighed) shall 
be avoided, when by tfie change that may grow by any such wicked and ungodly prac- 
tice, they shall see their case no way relieved in point of religion. 

Reasons to induce her Majesty to proceed in the treaty under Secretary Walsiugham's hand: 

C tt T '1 'fhat such plots as have of late years been devised (tending to the raising 
r 1 C r' °^ trouble within this realm) have grown from the Scots Queen's ministers 
and favourers, not without her allowance and seeking : Or, 

That the means used by the said ministers, to induce Princes to give ear to the 
said plots, is principally grounded upon some commiseration had of her restraint. 

That the stay why the said plots have not been put in execution, hath proceeded, 
for that the said Princes have, for the most part, been entertained with home and do- 
mestic troubles. 

That it is greatly to be doubted, that now their realms begin to be quiet, that some- 
what will be attempted in her favours by the said Princes. 



54 SCOTLAND. 

so great a number of the oppressed children of the church.*' 
She is Instead, therefore, of hearkening to the overtures 
Sg^eat- which the Scottish queen made, or granting any 
er rigour, mitigation of the hardships of which she com- 
plained, Elizabeth resolved to take her out of the hands 
of the earl of Shrewsbury, and to appoint Sir Amias Paulet 
and Sir Drue Drury to be her keepers. Shrewsbury had 
discharged his trust with great fidelity, during fifteen years, 
but, at the same time, had treated Mary with gentleness 
and respect, and had always sweetened harsh commands 
by the humanity with which he put them in execution. 
The same politeness was not to be expected from men of 
an inferior rank, whose severe vigilance perhaps was their 
chief recommendation to that employment, and the only 
merit by which they could pretend to gain favour or pre- 
ferment.' 

Gray, a As Jamcs was no less eager than ever to deprive 
voiTrite'of t^^^ banished nobles of Elizabeth's protection, he 
the king's, appointed the master of Gray his ambassador to the 
court of England, and intrusted him with the conduct of a 
negotiation for that purpose. For this honour he was in- 
debted to the envy and jealousy of the earl of Arran. Gray 
possessed all the talents of a courtier ; a graceful person, 
and an insinuating address, boundless ambition, and a rest- 
less and intriguing spirit. During his residence in France, 
he had been admitted into the most intimate familiarity 
with the duke of Guise, and, in order to gain his favour, 
had renounced the Protestant religion, and professed the 
utmost zeal for the captive queen, who carried on a secret 
correspondence with him, from which she expected great 
advantages. On his return into Scotland, he paid court to 
James with extraordinary assiduity, and his accomplish- 
ments did not fail to make their usual impression on the 
king's heart. Arran, who had introduced him, began 

That it is also to be doubted, that somewhat may be attempted by some of her fau- 
tors in an extraordinary sort, to the perill of her Majesty. 

That for the preservation thereof, it shall be convenient for her Majesty to proceed 
to the finishing of the treaty, not long sithence begun between her and the said Queen. 
•• Strype, iii, 246. ' Camd. .^00. 



BOOK VII. 55 

quickly to dread his growing favour ; and flattering him- 
self, that absence would efface any sentiments of tenderness 
which were forming in the mhid of a young prince, pointed 
him out by his malicious praises, as the most proper per- 
son in the kingdom for an embassy of such importance ; 
and contributed to raise him to that high dignity, in order 
to hasten his fall. Elizabeth, who had an admirable dex- 
terity in discovering the proper instruments for carrying 
on her designs, endeavoured, by caresses, and by presents 
to secure Gray to her interest. The former flattered his 
vanity, which was great; the latter supplied his profuse- 
ness, which was still greater. He abandoned himself with- 
out reserve to Elizabeth's direction, and not only undertook 
to retain the king under the influence of England, but acted 
as a spy upon the Scottish queen, and betrayed to her rival 
every secret that he could draw from her by his high pre- 
tensions of zeal in her service."" 

Hisinte- Gray's credit with the English court was extremely 
the court galling to the banished nobles. Elizabeth no longer 
il^.^' thought of employing her power to restore them ; 
Dec. 31. she found it easier to govern Scotland by corrupt- 
ing the king's favourites ; and in compliance with Gray's 
solicitations, she commanded the exiles to leave the north 
of England, and to remove into the heart of the kingdom. 
This rendered it difficult for them to hold any correspond- 
ence with their partisans in Scotland, and almost impos- 
sible to return thither without her permission. Gray, by 
gaining a point which James had so much at heart, rivetted 
himself more firmly than ever in his favour ; and, by ac- 
quiring greater reputation, became capable of serving Eliza- 
beth with greater success."" 

1585, Arran had now possessed for some time all the 
Arran's power, the richcs, and the honours, that his immo- 

corraption . . 

and inso- derate ambition could desire, or the fondness of a 

prince, who set no limits to his liberality towards 

his favourites, could bestow. The office of lord-chancellor^ 

the highest and most important in the kingdom, was con- 

'" Stiype, iii. 303. Melv. 316. " Cald, iii. 613. 



66 SCOTLAND. 

ferred upon him, even during the life of the earl of Argyll, 
who succeeded Athol in that dignity ;" and the public be- 
held, with astonishment and indignation, a man educated 
as a soldier of fortune, ignorant of law, and a contemner of 
justice, appointed to preside in parliament, in the privy- 
council, in the court of session, and intrusted with the su- 
preme disposal of the property of his fellow-subjects. He 
was, at the same time, governor of the castles of Stirling 
and Edinburgh, the two principal forts in Scotland ; pro- 
vost of the city of Edinburgh ; and as if by all these accu- 
mulated dignities his merits were not sufficiently recom- 
pensed, he had been created lieutenant-general over the 
whole kingdom. No person was admitted into the king's 
presence without his permission ; no favour could be ob- 
tained but by his mediation. James, occupied with youth- 
ful amusements, devolved upon him the whole regal au- 
thority. Such unmerited elevation increased his natural 
arrogance, and rendered it intolerable. He was no longer 
content with the condition of a subject, but pretended to 
derive his pedigree from Murdo duke of Albany; and 
boasted openly, that his title to the crown was preferable 
to that of the king himself. But, together with these 
thoughts of royalty, he retained the meanness suitable to 
his primitive indigence. His venality as a judge was scan- 
dalous, and was exceeded only by that of his wife, who, in 
defiance of decency, made herself a party in almost every 
suit which came to be decided, employed her influence to 
corrupt or overawe the judges, and almost openly dictated 
their decisions. p His rapaciousness as a minister was in- 
satiable. Not satisfied with the revenues of so many offices ; 
with the estate and honours which belonged to the family 
of Hamilton ; or with the greater part of Gowrie's lands, 
which had fallen to his share ; he grasped at the posses- 
sions of several of the nobles. He required lord Maxwell 
to exchange part of his estate, for the forfeited lands of 
Kinneil ; and because he was unwilling to quit an ancient 

" Crawf. Offic. of State, App. 447. 
I' Cald. iii. 331. Scotstarvet's Staggering State, 7. 



BOOK VIl. 57 

inheritance for a possession so precarious, he stirred up 
against him his hereditary rival, the laird of Johnston, and 
involved that corner of the kingdom in a civil war. He 
committed to prison the earl of Athol, lord Home, and 
the master of Cassils ; the first, because he would not di- 
vorce his wife, the daughter of the earl of Gowrie, and en- 
tail his estate on him ; the second, because he was un- 
willing to part with some lands adjacent to one of Arran's 
estates ; and the third, for refusing to lend him money. 
His spies and informers filled the whole country, and in- 
truded themselves into every company. The nearest neigh- 
bours distrusted and feared each other. All familiar 
society was at an end. Even the common intercourses 
of humanity were interrupted, no man knowing in whom 
to confide, or where to utter his complaints. There is not 
perhaps in history an example of a minister so universally 
detestable to a nation, or who more justly deserved its de- 
testation.'' 

Arran, notwithstanding, regardless of the sentiments and 
despising the murmurs of the people, gave a loose to his 
natural temper, and proceeded to acts still more violent. 
David Home of Argaty, and Patrick his brother, having 
received letters from one of the banished lords about pri- 
vate business, were condemned and put to death, for hold- 
ing correspondence with rebels. Cunninghame of Drum- 
whasel, and Douglas of Mains, two gentlemen of honour 
and reputation, were accused of having conspired with the 
exiled nobles to seize the king's person; a single witness 
only appeared; the evidence they produced of their inno- 
cence was unanswerable ; their accuser himself not lonp- 
after acknowledged that he had been suborned by Arran : 
and ail men believed the charge against them to be ground- 
less; they were found guilty, notwithstanding, and 
suffered the death of traitors."" 
Parry's About thc samc time that these gentlemen were 
againsr*^^ punished for a pretended conspiracy, Elizabeth's 
Elizabeth, jjfg ^^g endangered by a real one. Parry, a doc- 

1 Spotsw. 337, 338. "• Spotsw. 338. Cald. iii. 794. 



58 SCOTLAND. 

tor of laws, and a member of the house of commons, a man 
vain and fantastic, but of a resolute spirit, had lately been 
reconciled to the church of Rome ; and fraught with the 
zeal of a new convert, he offered to demonstrate the since- 
rity of his attachment to the religion which he had em- 
braced, by killing Elizabeth. Cardinal Allen had pub- 
lished a book, to prove the murder of an excommunicated 
prince to be not only lawful, but a meritorious action. The 
pope's nuncio at Venice, the Jesuits both there and at Paris, 
the English exiles, all approved of the design. The pope 
himself exhorted him to persevere ; and granted him for 
his encouragement a plenary indulgence, and remission of 
his sins. Cardinal di Como wrote to him a letter to the 
same purpose ; but though he often got access to the queen, 
fear, or some remaining sense of duty, restrained him from 
perpetrating the crime. Happily his intention was at last 
discovered by Nevil, the only person in England to whom 
he had communicated it : and havino: himself vo- 

March 2. ' & 

luntarily confessed his guilt, he suffered the punish- 
ment which it deserved.* 

A severe Tlicsc repeated conspiracies against their sovereign 
which^' awakened the indignation of the English parlia- 
proved mcut, and produced a very extraordinary statute^ 
Mary, whicli, in the end, proved fatal to the queen of Scots. 
By this law the association in defence of Elizabeth's life 
was ratified, and it was farther enacted, " That if any re- 
bellion shall be excited in the kingdom, or any thing at- 
tempted to the hurt of her majesty's person, by or for any 
person pretending a title to the crown, the queen shall em- 
power twenty-four persons, by a commission under the great 
seal, to examine into, and pass sentence upon, such offences; 
and after judgment given, a proclamation shall be issued, 
declaring the persons whom they find guilty excluded from 
any right to the crown ; and her majesty's subjects may 
lawfully pursue every one of them to the death, with all 
their aiders and abettors ; and if any design against the life 
of the queen take effect, the persons bi/ or for whom, such 

s Slate Trials, i. 103. 



BOOK VII. 59 

a detestable act is executed, and their issues^ being in any 
ways assenting or privy to the same, shall be disabled for 
ever from pretending to the crown, and be pursued to death 
in the like manner.''' This act was plainly levelled at the 
queen of Scots ; and, whether we consider it as a volun- 
tary expression of the zeal and concern of the nation for 
Elizabeth's safety, or whether we impute it to the influence 
which that artful princess preserved over her parliaments, 
it is no easy matter to reconcile it with the general princi- 
ples of justice or humanity. Mary was thereby rendered 
accountable not only for her own actions, but for those of 
others ; in consequence of which she might forfeit her right 
of succession, and even her life itself. 
The ri- Mary justly considered this act as a warning to pre- 
whkhs* pare for the worst extremities. Elizabeth's minis- 
was treat- j.gj.g^ j|. jg probable, had resolved by this time to 
creased, take away her life ; and suffered books to be pub- 
lished, in order to persuade the nation that this cruel 
and unprecedented measure was not only necessary, 
but just." Even that short period of her days which re- 
mained, they rendered uncomfortable, by every hardship 
and indignity which it was in their power to inflict. Al- 
most all her servants were dismissed, she was treated no 
longer with the respect due to a queen ; and, though the 
rigour of seventeen years' imprisonment had broken her 
constitution, she was confined to two ruinous chambers, 
scarcely habitable, even in the middle of summer, by reason 
of cold. Notwithstanding the scantiness of her revenue, 
she had been accustomed to distribute res^ularlv some alms 
among the poor in the village adjoining to the castle. 
Paulet now refused her liberty to perfonn this pious and 
humane office, which had aftbrded her great consolation 
amidst her own suffering's. The castle in which she resided 
was converted into a common prison ; and a young man, 
suspected of Popery, was confined there, and treated under 
her eye with such rigour, that he died of the ill usage. She 
often complained to Elizabeth of these multiplied injuries, 

' Slate Trials, vol. i. 123. " Strype, iii. '1?9. 



60 SCOTLAND. 

and expostulated as became a woman and a queen ; but 
as no political reason now obliged that princess to amuse 
her any longer with fallacious hopes, far from granting her 
any redress, she did not even deign to give her any answer. 
The king of France, closely allied to Elizabeth, on whom he 
depended for assistance against his rebellious subjects, was 
afraid of espousing Mary's cause with any warmth ; and 
all his solicitations in her behalf were feeble, formal, and 
inefficacious. But Castelnau, the French ambassador, 
whose compassion and zeal for the unhappy queen supplied 
the defects in his instructions, remonstrated with such vi- 
gour against the indignities to which she was exposed, that 
by his importunity, he prevailed at length to have her re- 
moved to Tuthbury ; though she was confined the greater 
part of another winter in her present wretched habitation." 
A breach Neither the insults of her enemies, nor the neglect 
M™nd ^^ ^^^^ friends, made such an impression on Mary, 
her son. as the ingratitude of her son. James had hitherto 
treated his mother with filial respect, and had even entered 
into negotiations with her, which gave umbrage to Eliza- 
beth. But as it was not the interest of the English queen 
that his good correspondence should continue, Gray, who, 
on his return to Scotland, found his favour with the king 
greatly increased by the success of his embassy, persuaded 
him to write a harsh and undutiful letter to his mother, in 
which he expressly refused to acknowledge her to be queen 
of Scotland, or to consider his affairs as connected in any 
wise with hers. This cruel requital of her maternal ten- 
derness overwhelmed Mary with sorrow and de- 
March 24. . ,, ,^7- . p , . „ . , , . , 

spair. ' Was it lor this, said she in a letter to 
the French ambassador, "that I have endured so much, in 
order to preserve for him the inheritance to which I have a 
just right? I am far from envying his authority in Scot- 
land. I desire no power there ; nor wish to set my foot in 
that kingdom, if it were not for the pleasure of once em- 
bracino' a son, whom I have hitherto loved with too tender 
affection. Whatever he either enjoys or expects, he de- 

" Jebb, vol. ii. 576—61)8. 



BOOK VII. (jl 

rived it from me. From him I never received assistance, 
supply, or benefit of any kind. Let not my allies treat him 
any longer as a king- : he holds that dignity by my consent ; 
and if a speedy repentance does not appease my just re- 
sentment, I will load him with a parent's curse, and surren- 
der my crown, with all my pretensions, to one who will re- 
ceive them with gratitude, and defend them with vigour."^ 
The love which James bore to his mother, whom he had 
never known, and whom he had been early taught to con- 

y Murdin, 566. Jebb. ii. 571. 
Letter of Q. Mary to Q. Elizabeth. 
Madame ma bonne Seur, 
p .. -p ., M'asseurant que vous avez eu communication d'une lettre de Gray que 
P I R ' ^'^^'-'^^ homme Semer me livra hier soubz le nom de mon filz, y recognois- 
vrrr ii' i ^"^^^ quasi de mot a la mot mesmes raisons q\ie le dit Gray m'escrivit ea 
. ,„ ' * chifre estant dernierement pres de vous demonstrant la suffisance & bonne 
. * . . intention du personage, je vous prieray seulement suivant ce que si 
, ° devant je vous ay tant instantement importune, que vous me permettiez 
desclaircir librement & ouvertement ce point de I'association d'entre moy 
& mon filz & me dessier les mains pour proceder avec lui comme je jugeray estre 
requis pour son bien <k le mien. Et j'entreprendz quoy que Ton vous die & puisse 
en rapporter de faire mentir ce petit brouillon, qui persuade par aucuns de vos mi- 
nistres a entrepris cette separation entre moy & mon enfant, & pour y commencer 
je vous supplie m'octroyer qui je puisse parler a ce justice-clerk qui vous a este 
nouvellement envoye pour mander par luy a mon filz mon intention sur cela, ce 
qui je me promis qiie ne me refuserez, quant ce ne seroit que pour demontrer en 
effect la bonne intention que vous m'avez asseuree avoir a I'accord & entretien de 
naturel devoir entre la mere & I'enfant qui dit en bonnes termes estre empesche pour 
vous me tenant captive en un desert ce que vous ne pourrez mieux desmentir & faire 
paroitre vostre bou desir a notre union que me donnant les moyens d'y proceder, & 
non m'en retenir et empescher comme aucune des vos ministres pretendent a fin de 
laisser toujours lieu a leur mauvais & sinistres practiques entre nous. La lettre porta 
que I'association n'est pas passee, aussi ne luy aije jamais dit, bien que mon filz avoit 
accepte ; & que nous en avions convenu ensemble, comme I'acte signe de sa main, & 
ces lettres tant a moy, que en France en font foy, ayant donne ce meme tenioignage 
de sa bouche propre a plusieurs ambassadeurs & personnes de credit s'excusant de ne 
I'oser faire publier par craint de vous soulement, demandant forces pourvous resister 
d"avant de ce declarer si ouvertement estant journellement persuade au contraire par 
vos ministres, qui luy prometoyent avecque une entreire a Yorck le faire declairer votre 
heretier. Au surplus, Madame, quand mon enfant seroit si malheureux que de s'opi- 
niastrer en cette extreme impiete & ingratitude vers moy, je ne puis penser que vous 
non plus qu'aucim aaltre Prince de la Chretiente, le voulissiez eu cela applaudir ou 
meintenir pour luy fayre acquerir ma malediction ains que plutos iiitrovieiidrez pour 
luy faire recongnoitre la raison trop juste & evidant devant Dieu & les hommes. 
Helas & encores ne luy vouloier jen ofter, mays donner avec droit ce qu'il tient par 
usurpation. Je me suis du tout commise a vous. & fidelement faites si il vous plest 
que je ne en soye pis qu'aupravant, & que le faulsete des uns ne prevale desvant 
la verite des vous, pour bien recevantmal, & la plus grande affliction que me scaur- 
roit arriver a scavoir la perte de mon fils. Je vous supplie deme mander en cas qu'il 
persiste en cette m'eseonnoissance de son devoir, que de luy ou de moy il vous plaist 
advouer pour legittime Roy ou Reyne d'Ecosse, & si vous aves agreable de 
poursuivre avec moy a part la traite commence entre nous de quoyje vous requiers 
sans plus attendre ide response de ce mal gouvern6 enfant vous en requerrant avec 
autant d'affection que je sens mon coeur oppress^ d'ennuy. Pour Dieu souvenez 
vous de la promesse que m'avez faites de me prendre en votre protection merap- 
portant de tout a vous & sur ce prian Dieu qu'il vous viueille preserver de touts 
vos ennemys & dissimulez amys, comme je le desire de me consoler & de me 
renger de ceulz qui pourchassent uu tel malheur entre la mere & I'enfant. Je ces- 



62 SCOTLAND. 

sider as one of the most abandoned persons of her sex, can- 
not be supposed ever to have been ardent ; and he did not 
now take any pains to regain her favour. But whether her 
indio-nation at his undutiful behaviour, added to her bi- 
goted attachment to Popery, prompted Mary at any time 
to think seriously of disinheriting her son; or whether 
these threatenings were uttered in a sudden sally of dis- 
appointed affection, it is now no easy matter to determine. 
Some papers which are still extant seem to render the 
former not improbable.^ 

seray de vous troubler, mais non a m'ennuier que je ne rccoive quelque conso- 
lation de vous, & de Dieu encore un coup je le supplie de vous garder de tout peril. 
Futlibery xii. Mars. 

Votre fidelement vou6e soeur 

& obeissantcousine, 

MARIE Q. 
A la Reyned'Angleterre, Madame 
ma bonne scEiir & cousine. 

^ A Testament of Q. Marif. 

N. B. The following paper v/as transcribed by the Rev. Mr. Crawford, late Regius 
Professor of Church History in the University of Edinburgh, Part of this paper, 
according to him, is written by Nau6, Mary's Secretary, the rest with the Queen's 
own hand. What is marked (") is in the Queen's hand. 

C H T 'h CoNSiDERANT par ma condition presente I'estat de vie humaine, siin- 
Y ■ ' certain, que personne ne s'en peust, ou doibt asseurer, sinnon soubs ia 
T 1? * grande et infinie misericorde de Dieu. Et me voulant prevaloir d'icelle 
4,1 ^ centre tons les dangers et accidens, qui me pourroientinopinement survenir 
"* * en cette captivit6, mesmes a cause des grandes et longues maladies, ou j'ay 
et6 detenue jusques a present ; j'ay advise tandis que j'ay la commodity, ou raison en 
jugement, de pourvoir apres ma mort la salut de mon ame, enterrement de mon 
corps, et disposition de mon bien, esiat, & aifaires, par ce present mon testament et 
ordonnance de mon dernier volonte, qui 'ensuyt. 

Au nom du Pere, du Filz, et du benoite S'. Esprit. Premierement, me recongnois- 
sant indigne pecheresse avec plus d'offences envers mon Dieu, que de satisfaction par 
toutes les adversit^s que j'ay soufFert; dontje laloue sabonte. Et m'appuyant sur la 
croix de mon Sauveur et Redempteur Jesus Christ. Je recommende mon ame a la be- 
noiste et individue Trinite, et aux prieres de la glorieuse Vierge Marie, et de tous les 
anges saincts & sainctes de paradis, esperant par leur merites & intercession, estre 
aydee a obtenirde estre faicte participante avec eulx de felicite eternelle. Et pour m'y 
acheminer de cueur plus net et entier, despoillant des a present tout resentiment des 
injures, calomnies, rebellions, et aultres offenses, qui me pourroient avoir este factes 
durant ma vie, par mes subjets rebelles et aultres ennemis; J'en retriet la vengeance 
a Dieu, & le supplie leur pardonner, de mesme affection que je luy requiers pardons 
a mesfaultes, et a tous ceuls et celles que je puis avoir offense defaicts ou de parolles. 

Je veulx etordonne, &c. [The two following paragraphs contain directions concerning 
tlie place and circumstance of' her burial.^ 

Pour ne contrevenir a la gloire, honneur, et conservation de I'Eglise catholique, 
apostolique, et Romaine, en la quelle je veulx vivre et mourir, si le Prince d'Escosse 
mon filz y puest etre reduiet contre ia mauvaise nourriture, qu'il a prise a mon tres 
grand regret en I'heresie de Calvin entre mes rebelles, je le laisse seul et unique 
heretier de mon royaume d'Escosse, de droict que je pretende justement end la cou- 
ronne d'Angleterre et pays qui en dependent, et generallement de tous et chacun mes 
meubles et immeubles qui resteront apres ma mort, et execution de ce present 
testament. 

Si non, et que mon dit filz continue a vivre en la dite hereisse, Je cede, transporte, 



BOOK VII. 63 

Danger- Carcs of another kind, and no less disquieting, oc- 
donof''''' cupied Elizabeth's thoughts. The calm which she 
EJizabeth, J^ad loug cnjoycd, seemed now to be at an end; 
and such storms were gathering in every quarter as filled 

et faicte don " de touts et chacuns mes droicts, que je pretende & puis pretendre a 
lacouronne d'Angleterre, et auUres droicts, seigneuries, ou royaulmes en dependantz, 
au roy catliolique, ou aultre de situs qu'il luy plaira, avesques advis, consente- 
ment de sa Saintet6 ; tant pour le voyr aujourdhuy le seul seurs appui de la reli- 
gion catholique, que pour reconnoissauce de gratuites faveurs que moy, et les miens 
recommandez par moy, ont avons receu de luy en ma plus grande necessite ; et 
resguard aussi au droict que luy mesme peut pretendre a ces ditz royaulmes et pays, 
jele suppliequ'en recompense il preign alliance, de la maison de Lorraine, et si il ce 
pleut de celle de Guise, pour memoire de la race de laquelle je suis sortie aucoste de 
Mere, n'a ayantde celuy de mon pere que mon seul enfant, lequel estant Catholique 
j'ay tousjours vou6 pour une des ses filles, si il luy plaisoit de I'accepter, ou laillaut 
une de ses niepces mariee comme sa fille. 

" Jelaysse mon filz a la protection du Roy, de Prince, et Dues de Lorrayne et de 
Guise, et du Mayne, aux quelz je recommende et son estat en Escosse, et mon 
droict en Angleterre, si il est catholique, et quelle le parlie de ceste royne." 

Je faitz don au " Compte de Lenox" de Compte de Lenox tenu par feu son pere, 
et commande mon filtz, comme mon heretier et successeur, d'obeyr encest en droit a 
mon volonte. 

Je veulx et ordonne toutes les sommes et deniers, qui se troveront par moys deues, 
ticn mis cause de droict estre faits " a Lohliven" etre promptement payee et acquic- 
t^s, ettout tort et griefs repares par lesdits executeurs desquelz J 'en charge la con- 
science. Oultre,&c. \^Follow two or three paragraphs concerning particular legacies, 

tnid then is added] Faict aumanoir de Sheffield en Angleterre le jour de Mil cinq 

cens soixant & dix sept. 

After a large blank page follows in the Queen's hand: 

" Si mon fllz meurt, au Comte de Lenox, au Claude Hamilton lequel se montrera le 
plusfidelle vers moy, et plus constant en religion, au jugementde Dues de Lor- 
raine et de Guyse, ou je le rapport sur ce de ceulx a qui j'auray donnay la charge de 
trayter avesque eux de par moy et ceulx, a condition de ce marrier ou allier en la dite 
mayson ou par leur advis." 

Follow near two pages of particular legacies. 

" Et le reraets ma tante de Lenox au droict qu'elle peut pretendre a la Conte 
d'Angous avant I'acort fait par mon commandement entre ma dite tante de Lenox et 
le Comte de Morton, veu quil a este fait & par le feu Roy mon Mary et moy, sur la 
promesse de sa fidelle assistance, si Itiy et moy encourions dangier et besiong d'ayde, 
ce qu'il rompit, s'entendant secretement au les nos ennemis rebelles, qu'attemtprient 
centre sa vie, et pour cest eiFect pris les armes, et ont porte les banieres desploiees, 
contre nous, je revoque aussi toute autre don que je luy ay fait de Conte de Morton 
sur promesses de ses bons services a advenir, et entends que la dite Cont6 soil reunie 
a la couronne, si ell se trouve y partenir, comme ses trahisons tant en lamort demon 
feu IMary, que en mon banissement, et poursuit de la mien ne I'ont merite. Et de- 
fends a mon filz de ce jamays servire de luy, pour de luy pour la hayne qu'il aye a ses 
parents, la quelle je crains ne s'estendejusques a luy, le connoisant du tout affectionn6 
aux ennemis de mon droite en ce royaume, du quel il es penconnaire. 

" Je recommende mon nepveu Francois Stuart a mon filz, et luy commande detenir 
pres de luy et s'enservit, etjje luy laisse le bien du Conte de Boduel son oncle, en re- 
spect qu'il est de mon sang, mon filleul, et ma este laisse en lutelle par son pere. 

" Je declare que mon frere bastard Robert Abbe de St. Croix n'a en que par cir- 
convention Orkenay, etque le ne fut jamays mon intention, comais il apret par la re- 
vocation que j'ay fayte depuys, et et6 aussi faite d'avant la asge de xxv ans, ce qtie 
j'amoia deliberer si il ne m'eussent preimer par prison de se defayre aulx estuts je 
veulx done que Orkenay soit reune a la couronne comme une de plus necessaires 
pour mon filz, & sans mayson ne pourra etre bien tenue, 

" Les filles de Morra ne parvient accessi heriter, ains revient la Cont6 a la Cou- 
ronne, si il luy plest luy donner sa ou fille en marriasge, et il nome Ten sienno 
ligne." 



64 SCOTLAND. 

her with just alarm. All the neighbouring nations had 
undergone revolutions extremely to her disadvantage. 
The great qualities which Henry III. had displayed in his 
youth, and which raised the expectation of his subjects 
so high, vanished on his ascending the throne; and lii§ 
acquiring supreme power seems not only to h^v^ {2()fj- 
rupted his heart, but to have impaired his understanding. 
He soon lost the esteem and aflfection of the nation ; and a, 
life divided between the austerities of a superstitious de- 
votion, and the extravagancies of the most dissolute de- 
bauchery, rendered him as contemptible as he was odious 
on account of his rapaciousness, his profusion, and the 
fondness with which he doated on many unworthy mi- 
nions. On the death of his only brother, those sentiments 
of the people burst out with violence. Henry had nd 
children, and though but thirty-two years of age, the suc- 
cession of the crown was already considered as open. The 
king of Navarre, a distant descendant of the royal family, 
but the undoubted heir to the crown, was a zealous Pro- 
from the tcstaut. The prospect of an event so fatal to their 
TSr religion, as his ascending the throne of France,, 
league; alarmed all the Catholics of Europe; and in-, 
duced the duke of Guise, countenanced by the pope, and 
aided by the king of Spain, to appear as the defender ot 
the Romish faith, and the asserter of the cardinal of Bour-,, 
bon's right to the crown. In order to unite the party, a,^ 
bond of confederacy was formed, distinguished by the,^ 
name of the Holi/ League. All ranks of men joined in it«' 
with emulation. The spirit spread with the irresistible ra-,. 
pidity which was natural to religious passions in that age.^. 
The destruction of the Reformation, not only in France, , 
but all over Europe, seemed to be the object and wish of,^ 
the whole party ; and the duke of Guise, the head of thi%|, 
mighty and zealous body, acquired authority in the king-<^ 
dom, far superior to that which the king himself possessed.jj, 
Philip II. by the conquest of Portugal, had greatly,^, 
po^er of increased the naval power of Spain, and had at la.st . 
^^"'P^J" reduced under his dominion aiUtli^portion of^^ft^a 



BOOK VII. 65 

continent which lies beyond the Pyrenean mountains, and 
which nature seems to have destined to form one great 
monarchy. William, prince of Orange, who first encou- 
raged the inhabitants of the Netherlands to assert their 
liberties, and whose wisdom and valour formed and pro- 
tected the rising commonwealth, had fallen by the hands 
of an assassin. The superior genius of the prince of 
Parma had given an entire turn to the fate of war in the 
Low-Countries ; all his enterprises, concerted with con- 
summate skill, and executed with equal bravery, had been 
attended with success ; and the Dutch, reduced to the last 
extremity, were on the point of falling under the dominion 
of their ancient master. 

None of those circumstances, to which Elizabeth 

Her wise 

and vigor- had hithcrto owedher security, existed any longer, 
oua^con- gj^^ could dcrivc no advantage from the jealousy 
which had subsisted between France and Spain ; 
Philip, by means of his confederacy with the duke of 
Guise, had an equal sway in the councils of both king- 
doms. The Hugonots were unable to contend with the 
power of the league; and little could be expected from any 
diversion which they might create. Nor was it probable 
that the Netherlands could long employ the arms, or di- 
vide the strength of Spain. In this situation of the affairs 
of Europe, it became necessary for Elizabeth to form a 
new plan of conduct ; and her wisdom in forming it v/as 
not greater than the vigour with which she carried it on. 
The measures most suitable to her natural temper, and 
which she had hitherto pursued, were cautious and safe ; 
those which she now adopted were enterprising and ha- 
zardous. She preferred peace, but was not afraid of war ; 
and was capable, when compelled by necessity, not only of 
defending herself with spirit, but of attacking her enemies 
with a boldness which averted danger from her own domi- 
nions. She immediately furnished the Hugonots with a 
considerable supply in money. She carried on a private 
negotiation with Henry HI., who, though compelled to 
join the league, hated the leaders of it, and wished for their 

VOL. II. F 



66 SCOTLAND, 

destruction. She openly undertook the protection of the 
Dutch commonwealth, and sent a powerful army to its as- 
sistance. She endeavoured to form a general confederacy 
Resolves of the Protcstaut princes, in opposition to the ^ 
MaiJ?''' Popish league. She determined to proceed with 
^ahi^the ^^^ utmost rigour against the queen of Scots, ^ 
king. whose sufferings and rights afforded her enemies a 
specious pretence for invading her dominions. She re- 
solved to redouble her endeavours in order to effect a closer 
union with Scotland, and to extend and perpetuate her in- 
fluence over the councils of that nation. 

She found it no difficult matter to induce most of the 
Scottish courtiers to promote all her designs. Gray, Sir 
John Maitland, who had been advanced to the office of 
secretary, which his brother formerly held. Sir Lewis Bel- 
lenden, the justice-clerk, who had succeeded Gray as the 
king's resident at London, were the persons in whom she 
chiefly confided. In order to direct and quicken 

May 29. , 

their motions, she despatched Sir Edward Wotton 
along with Bellenden into Scotland. This man was gay, 
well-bred, and entertaining ; he excelled in all the exer- 
cises for which James had a passion, and amused the young 
king by relating the adventures which he had met with, 
and the observations he had made during a long resi- 
dence in foreign countries; but, under the veil of these 
superficial qualities, he concealed a dangerous and in- 
triguing spirit. He soon grew into high favour with 
James, and while he was seemingly attentive only to plea- 
sure and diversions, he acquired influence over the public 
councils, to a degree which was indecent for a stranger to 
possess.^ 

Proposes Nothing, however, could be more acceptable to the 
tuhlcot- nation, than the proposal which lie made of a strict 
land. alliance between the two kingdoms, in defence of 
the reformed religion. The rapid and alarming progress 
of the Popish league seemed to call on all Protestant princes 
to unite for the preservation of their common faith. James 

» Melv. 317. 



BOOK VII. 67 

embraced the overture with warmth, and a coven- 

Julv 29. , , T 

tion of estates empowered him to conclude such a 
treaty, and engaged to ratify it in parliament.'' The ala- 
crity with which James concurred in this measure must 
not be wholly ascribed either to his own zeal, or to Wot- 
ton's address; it was owing in part to Elizabeth's liberality. 
As a mark of her motherly affection for the young king, 
she settled on him an annual pension of 5,000/. ; the 
same sum which her father had allotted her before she as- 
cended the throne. This circumstance, which she took 
care to mention, rendered a sum, which in that age was 
far from being inconsiderable, a very acceptable present to 
the king, whose revenues, during a long minority, had been 
almost totally dissipated." 

Under- But the chicf object of Wotton's intrigues was to 
A^ran's ^^^^^ Arrau. While a minion so odious to the na- 
P^'*^''^- tion continued to govern the king, his assistance 
could be of little advantage to Elizabeth. And though 
Arran, ever since his interview with Hunsdon, had appeared 
extremely for her interest, she could place no great confi- 
dence in a man whose conduct was so capricious and irre- 
gular, and who, notwithstanding his protestations to the 
contrary, still continued a secret correspondence both with 
Mary and with the Duke of Guise. The banished lords 
were attached to England from aftection as well as principle, 
and were the only persons among the Scots whom, in any 
dangerous exigency, she could thoroughly trust. Before 
Bellenden left London, they had been summoned thither, 
under colour of vindicating themselves from his accusations, 
but, in reality, to concert with him the most proper mea- 
sures for restoring them to their country. Wotton pursued 
this plan, and endeavoured to ripen it for execution ; and 
it was greatly facilitated by an event neither uncommon 
nor considerable. Sir John Forster, and Ker of Ferniherst, 
the English and Scottish wardens of the middle marches, 
having met, according to the custom of the borders, about 
midsummer, a fray arose, and lord Russel, the earl of Bed- 

*> Spotsw, 339. «^ Cald. hi. 505. 

F 2 



68 SCOTLAND. 

ford's eldest son, happened to be killed. This scuffle was 
purely accidental, but Elizabeth chose to consider it as a de- 
sign formed by Ker, at the instigation of Arran, to involve 
the two kingdoms in war. She insisted that both should 
be delivered up to her ; and though James eluded that de- 
mand, he was obliged to confine Arran in St. Andrew's, and 
Ker in Aberdeen. During his absence from court, Wotton 
Assists ^^^ ^^^ associates carried on their intrigues with- 
theba- Qut interruption. By their advice, the banished 
nobles, nobles endeavoured to accommodate their differ- 
ences with lord John and lord Claud, the duke of 
Chatelherault's two sons, whom Morton's violence had 
driven out of the kingdom. Their common sufferings, and 
common interest, induced both parties to bury in oblivion 
the ancient discord which had subsisted between the houses 
of Hamilton and Douglas. By Elizabeth's permission, 
they returned in a body to the borders of Scotland. Arran, 
whohad again recovered favour, insisted on putting the king- 
dom in a posture of defence ; but Gray, Bellenden, and 
Maitland, secretly thwarted all his measures. Some neces- 
sary orders they prevented from being issued ; others they 
rendered ineffectual by the manner of execution; and all 
of them were obeyed slowly, and with reluctance.'* 

Wotton's fertile brain was, at the same time, big with 
another and more dangerous plot. He had contrived to seize 
the king, and to carry him by force into England. But 
the design was happily discovered ; and, in order to avoid 
the punishment which his treachery merited, he departed 
without taking leave.^ 

They re- Mcauwhilc the bauishcd lords hastened the execu- 
s^otia"^d *^^^ ^^ their enterprise ; and, as their friends and 
and are ' vassals Were now ready to join them, they entered 
to the Scotland. Wherever they came, they were wel- 
"^^* corned as the deliverers of their country, and the 
most fervent prayers were addressed to heaven for the suc- 
cess of their arms. They advanced, without losing a mo- 
ment, towards Stirling, at the head of ten thousand men. 

■» Spotsw. 340. . e Melv. 335. 



BOOK. VII. 69 

The king, though he had assembled an army superior 
in number, could not venture to meet them in the field, 
with troops whose loyalty was extremely dubious, and who 
at best were far from being hearty in the cause ; nor was 
either the town or castle provided for a siege. The gates, 
however, of both were shut, and the nobles en- 
camped at St. Ninian's. That same night they 
surprised the town, or, more probably, it was betrayed into 
their hands ; and Arran, who had undertaken to defend it, 
was obliged to save himself by a precipitate flight. Next 
morning they invested the castle, in which there were not 
provisions for twenty-four hours ; and James was necessi- 
tated immediately to hearken to terms of accommodation. 
They were not so elated with success as to urge extrava- 
gant demands, nor was the king unwilling to make every 
reasonable concession. They obtained a pardon in the 
most ample form, of all the oifences which they had com- 
mitted ; the principal forts in the kingdom were, by way 
of security, put into their hands ; Crawford, Montrose, and 
colonel Stewart, were removed from the king's presence ; 
and a parliament was called, in order to establish tranquil- 
lity in the nation."^ 

A arUa- ^^^ough a great majority in this parliament con- 
sent, sistedof the confederate nobles and their adherents, 
,;<^c Qt they were far from discovering a vindictive spirit. 
Satisfied with procuring an act, restoring them to their an- 
cient honours and estates, and ratifying the pardon granted 
by the king, they seemed willing to forget all past errors in 
the administration, and spared James the mortification of 
seeing his ministers branded with any public note of infamy. 
Arran alone, deprived of all his honours, stripped of his 
borrowed spoils, and declared an enemy to his country by 
public proclamation, sunk back into obscurity, and must 
henceforth be mentioned by his primitive title of captain 
James Stewart. As he had been, during his unmerited pros- 
perity, the object of the hatred and indignation of his coun- 

fCald. iii. 795. 



70 SCOTLAND. 

trymen, they beheld his fall without pity, nor did all his 
sufferings mitigate their resentment in the least degree. 
Church The clergy were the only body of men who ob- 
aflFairs. taineduo redress of their grievances by this revolu- 
tion. The confederate nobles had all along affected to be 
considered as guardians of the privileges and discipline of 
the church. In all their manifestos they had declared 
their resolution to restore these, and by that popular pre- 
tence had gained many friends. It was now natural to 
expect some fruit of these promises, and some returns of 
gratitude towards many of the most eminent preachers who 
had suffered in their cause, and who demanded the repeal 
of the laws passed the preceding year. The king, however, 
was resolute to maintain these laws in full authority ; and 
as the nobles were extremely solicitous not to disgust him, 
by insisting on any disagreeable request, the claims of the 
church in this, as well as in many other instances, were 
sacrificed to the interests of the laity. The ministers gave 
vent to their indignation in the pulpit, and their impatience 
under the disappointment broke out in some expressions 
extremely disrespectful even towards the king himself.^ 

The archbishop of St. Andrew's, too, felt the effects 
of their anger. The provincial synod of Fife sum- 
moned him to appear, and to answer for his contempt of 
the decrees of former assemblies, in presuming to exercise 
the functions of a bishop. Though he refused to acknow- 
ledge the jurisdiction of the court, and appealed from it to 
the king, a sentence of excommunication, equally indecent 
and irregular, was pronounced against him. Adamson, 
with no less indecency, thundered his archiepiscopal ex- 
communication against Melvil, and some other of his 
opponents. 

Soon after, a general assembly was held, in which 
,,;i; ii;rthe king, with some difficulty, obtained an act, per- 
mitting the name and office of bishop still to continue in 
the church. The power of the order, however, was con- 

? Spotsw. 343. 



a BOOK VII, 71 

siderably retrenched. The exercise of discipline, and the 
inspection of the life and doctrine of the clergy, were com- 
mitted to presbyteries, in which bishops should be allowed 
no other pre-eminence but that of presiding- as perpetual 
moderators. They themselves were declared to be sub- 
ject, in the same manner as other pastors, to the jurisdic- 
tion of the general assembly. As the discussion of the 
archbishop's appeal might have kindled unusual heats in 
the assembly, that aifair was terminated by a compromise. 
He renounced any claim of supremacy over the church, and 
promised to demean himself suitably to the character of a 
bishop, as described by St. Paul. The assembly, without 
examining the foundations of the sentence of excommuni- 
cation, declared that it should be held of no effect, and 
restored him to all the privileges which he enjoyed before 
it was pronounced. Notwithstanding the extraordinary 
tenderness shewn for the honour of this synod, and the 
delicacy and respect, with which its jurisdiction was 
treated, several members were so zealous as to protest 
against this decision.'' 

A league The court of Scotland was now filled with persons 
Sd ^m- ®^ warmly attached to Elizabeth, that the league 
eluded, between the two kingdoms, which had been pro- 
posed last year, met with no interruption, but from 
D'Esneval, the French envoy. James himself first offered to 
renew the negotiations. Elizabeth did not suffer such a 
favourable opportunity to slip, and instantly despatched 
Randolph to conclude a treaty, which she so much de- 
sired. The danger to which the Protestant reli- 
gion was exposed, by the late combination of the 
Popish powers for its destruction, and the necessity of a 
strict confederacy among those who had embraced the Re- 
formation, in order to obstruct their pernicious designs, 
were mentioned as the foundation of the league. The 
chief articles in it were, that both parties should bind 
themselves to defend the Evangelical religion ; that the 
leaofue should be offensive and defensive asrainst all who 

•' Cald. iii. 894^. Spots. 346. 



7^^ SCOTLAND. 

shall endeavour to disturb the exercise of religion in either 
kingdom ; that if one of the two parties be invaded, the 
other, notwithstanding any former alliance, should not, ^ 
directly or indirectly, assist the invader : that if England ,, 
be invaded in any part remote from Scotland, James should ' 
assist the queen with two thousand horse and five thou- • 
sand foot : that if the enemy landed or approached within 
sixty miles of Scotland, the king should take the field with 
his whole forces, in the same manner as he would do in 
defence of his own kingdom. Elizabeth, in return, under^«* 
took to act in defence of Scotland, if it should be invaded. '. 
At the same time she assured the king that no step should { 
be taken, which might derogate in any degree from his 
pretensions to the English crown.' Elizabeth expressed ; 
great satisfaction with a treaty which rendered Scotland iftcd 
useful ally, instead of a dangerous neighbour, and afforded 
her a degree of security on that side, which all her ances- 
tors had aimed at, but none of them had been able to ob- 
tain. Zeal for religion, together with the blessings of peace 
which both kingdoms had enjoyed during a considerable 
period, had so far abated the violence of national antipathy, 
that the king's conduct was universally acceptable to his 

own people. '' ,, : nucisii liadJ ni babaaaxa 

oThe acquittal of Archibald Douglas, at this time, e?^^" 
posed James to much and deserved censure. This man 
was deeply engaged in the conspiracy against the life of * 
the king his father. Both Morton, and Binny, one of his ' 
own servants, who suffered for that crime, had accused him ■ 
of being present at the murder.' He had escaped punishn^q 

i Spotsw. 351. '' Camd. 513. '^ Jo" 

1 Amot. Crim. Trials, 7, &c. '^^f *? 

A Letter from Mr. Archibald Douglas to the Queen of Scolts. .,, pify 

Please your Majesty, 1 received your letter of the date of the 12th of Nov*'^'^ t 

H I TT" ^°*^ ^^ ^^^^ manner has seen some part of the contents of one other of the '^> 

Harl. Lib. ^^^^ ^^^^^^ directed to Mons'. de Movisir, ambassador for his Majesty the ' 

f^{ fj/" ™°^' Christian King, both which are agreeable to your princely dignity, -i 

101. 126. ^g ^ jjjg Qj^g ypyj. Higiiness desires to know the true cause of my banish- --l 

ment, and offers unto me all favour if I shall be innocent of the heinous facts com- 'i 

mitted in the person of your husband of good memory, so by the other the said am- ^■ 

bassador is willet to declare unto me, if your husband's murder could be laid justly ' 

against me, that you could not solicit in my cause, neither yet for any person that -q 

was participant of that execrable fact, but would seek the revenge thereof, when you iE> 

should have any means to do it; your Majesty's offer, if I be innocent of that crime» t 



rxa 

.3901 

B'JOO 



BOOK VII. ^<'' 73 

ment by flying into England, and James had often required 
Elizabeth to deliver up a person so unworthy of her pro-^ 

is .moat favourable, and yovir desire to know the truth of the same is most equitable ; 
and therefore that I should with all my simplicity, sincerity, and truth, answer theret D 
unto is most reasonable, to the end that your princely dignity may be my help, if my . 
in|Kx:ence shall sufl&ciently appear, and procure my condemnation if I be culpable in 
any matter, except in the knowledge of the evil disposed minds of the most part of 
your nobility against your said husband, and not revealing of it ; which I am assured 
was sufficiently known to himself, and to all that had judgment never so little in that 
reidm ; which also 1 was constrained to understand, as he that was specially employed 
betwixt the Earl RIorton, and a good number of your nobility, that they might with 
all humility intercede at your Majesty's hand for his relief, in such matters as are 
more specially contained in the declaration following, which 1 am constrained, for my 
own justification, by this letter to call to your Majesty's remembrance. Notwithstand- 
ing that I am assured, to my grief, the reading thereof will not smally offend your 
princely mind. It may please your Majesty to remember, that in the year of God, 
1566, the said Earl of Morton, with divers other nobility and gent, were declared re- 
bels to your Majesty, and banished your realm for insolent murder committed in your 
Majesty's own chamber, which they alledged was done by command of your husband, 
who notwithstanding affirmed that he was compelled by them to subscribe the warrant 
given for that efiect ; howsoever the truth of that matter remains amongst them, it , 
appertains not to me at this time to be curious ; true it is that 1 was one of that num-' i 
ber, that heavily offended against your Majesty, and passed in France the time of our 
banishment, at the desire of the rest, to humbly pray your brother, the most Christian 
King, to intercede that our offences might be pardoned, and your Majesty's clemency 
extended towards us, albeit divers of no small reputation, in that realm, was of the 
opinion, that the said fact merited neither to be requisite for, nor yet pardoned. Al- 
ways such was the careful mind of his Majesty towards the quietness of that realm, , 
that the dealing in that cause was committed to Monsf. de Movisir, who was directed 
at that time to go into Scotland, to congratulate the happy birth of your son, whom J 
Almighty God of his goodness may long preserve in happy estate, and perpetual feli- 
city. The careful tiavail of the said de Movisir was so effectual, and your Majesty's " 
mind so inclined to mercy, that within short space thereafter, 1 was permitted to re- 
pair in Scotland, to deal with Earls Murray, Athol, Bodwel, Arguile, and Secretary 
Ledington, in the name and behalf of the said Earl Morton, Lords Reven, Lindsay, j 
and remanent complesis, that they might make offer in the names of the said Earl of 
any matter that might satisfy your Majesty's wrath, and procure your clemency to be ) 
extended in their favours ; at my coming to them, after 1 had opened the effect of my . 
message, they declared that the marriage betwixt you and your husband had been the ^ 
occasion already of great evil in that realm ; and if your husband should be suffered ^ 
to follow the appetite and mind of such as was about him, that kind of dealing might i 
produce with time worse effects ; for helping of such inconvenience that might fall ^-^ 
out by that kind of dealing, they had thought it convenient to join themselves in league 
and band with some other noblemen, resolved to obey your Majesty as their natural t 
sov^ereign, and have nothing to do with your husband's command whatsoever, if the 
said Earl would for himself enter into that band and confederacy with them, they ^ 
could be content to humbly request and travel by all means with your Majesty for his ,j 
pardon, but before they could any farther proceed, they desired to know the said Earl's 
mind herein ; when I had answered, that he nor his friends, at my departure, could 
not know that any such like matter would be proponit, and therefore was not in- 
structed what to answer therein, they desired that I should return sufficiently instructed 
in this matter to Sterling, before the baptism of your son, whom God might preserve ; 
this message was faithfully delivered to me at Newcastle in England, where the said 
Earl then remained, in presence of his friends and company, where they all conde- k 
scended to have no farther dealing with your husband, and to enter into the said band. -I 
With this deliberation 1 returned to Sterling, where, at the request of the most Chris- "& 
tian King and the Queen's Majesty of England, by their ambassadors present, your ol 
Majesty's gracious pardon was granted unto them all, under condition always that 
they should remain banished forth of the realm, the space of two years, and farther ' 
during your Majesty's pleasure, which limitation was after mitigated at the humble , 
request of your own nobility, so that immediately after the said Earl of Morton re-.' 
paired into Scotland to Quhittingaime, where the Earl of Bodvell and Secretary "te-'^^ 
dington come to him ; what speech passed there amongst them, as God shall be i^y^j 
judge, I knew nothing at that time, but at their departure I was requested by the saul'' 



74 SCOTLAND. 

tection. He now obtained a licence, from the king him- 
self, to return into Scotland ; and after undergoing- a mock 
trial, calculated to conceal, rather than to detect his ofuilt. 

Earl Morton to accompany the Earl Bodvell and Secretary to Edenburgh, and to re- 
turn with such answer as they should obtain of your Majesty, which being given to me 
by the said persons, as God shall be my judge, was no other than these words, " Schaw 
to the Earl Morton that the Queen will hear no speech of that matter appointed unto 
him:" when 1 crafit that the answer might be made more sensible. Secretary Leding- 
ton said, that the Earl would sufficiently understand it, albeit few or none at that time 
understand what passed amongst them. It is known to all men, ais veill be railling 
letters passed betwixt the said Earl and Ledington when they become in divers factions, 
as also ane buck sett furth by the ministers, wherein they affirm that the Earl of Mor- 
ton has confessed to them, before his death, that the Earl Bodvell come to Quittin- 
gaime to prepone the calling away off the King your husband, to the whicli proposi- 
tion the said Earl of Morton affirms that he could give no answer unto such time he 
might know your Majesty's mind therein, which he never received. As to the abomi- 
nable murder, it is known too by the depositions of many persons that were executed 
to the death for the committing thereof, that the same was executed by them, and at 
the command of such of the nobility as had subscrivit band for that effect. By this 
unpleasant declaration, the most part thereof known to yourself, and the remainder 
may be understood by the aforesaid witnesses that was examined in torture, and that 
are extant in the custody of the ordinary judges in Scotland, my innocency, so far as 
may concern any fact, does appear sufficiently to your Majesty. And as for my deal- 
ing aforesaid, I can be no otherwise charged therein, but as what would accuse the 
vessel that preserves the vine from harm, for the intemperancy of such as immode- 
rately use the same. As for the special cause of my banishment, I think the same 
has proceeded upon ane opinion conceived, that I was able to accuse the Earl of Mor- 
ton of so much matter as they alledge himself to have confessed before he died, and 
would not be induced, for loss of reputation, to perform any part thereof. If this be 
the occasion of my trouble, as I suppose it is, what punishment I should deserve 1 re- 
mit me to your Majesty's better judgment, who well knows how careful ever ilk gen- 
tleman should be of his fame, reputation, and honour, and how far ever ilk man should 
abhor the name of a pultroun, and how indecent it would have been to me to accuse 
the Earl of Morton, being so near of his kin, notwithstanding all the injuries I was 
constrained to receive at his hand all the time of his government, and for no other 
cause, but for shewing of particular friendship to particular friends in the time of the 
last cruel troubles in Scotland. Sorry I be now to accuse him in any matter being 
dead, and more sorry that being on lyff, be such kind of dealing obtained that name 
of Ingrate. Always for my own part 1 have been banished my native country those 
three years and four months, living in anxiety of mind, my holl guds in Scotland, which 
were not small, intermittit and disponit upon, and has continually since the time I 
was relieved out of my last troubles at the desire of Mons''. de Movisir, attended to 
know your Majesty's pleasure, and to wait upon what sei-vice it should please your 
Majesty for to command. Upon the 8th of April inst. your good friend Secretary Wal- 
singhame has declared unto me, that her Highness tho't it expedient that I should re- 
tire myself where I pleased, I declared unto him I had no means whereby I might 
perform that desire, until such time as I should receive it from your Majesty. Nei- 
ther knew I where it would please your Highness to direct me, until such time as I 
should have received further information from you. Upon this occasion, and partly 
by pennission, I have taken the hardress to write this present letter, whereby your 
Majesty may understand any part of my troubles past, and straight present. As to 
my intention future, 1 will never deny that I am fully resolved to spend the rest of my 
days in your Majesty's service, and the King your son's, wheresoever I shall be di- 
rected by your Majesty, and for the better performing thereof, if so shall be her Ma- 
jesty's pleasure, to recommend the tryal of my innocency, and examination of the 
verity of the preceding narration, to the King your son, with request that I may be 
pardoned for such offences as concerned your Majesty's service, and var common to 
all men the time of his les aige and perdonit to all, except to me, I should be the 
bearer thereof myself, and be directed in whatsoever service it should please your Ma- 
jesty for to command. Most humbly I beseech your Majesty to consider hereof, and 
to be so gracious as to give order, that I may have means to serve your Majesty accord- 
ing to the sincerity of my meaning, and so expecting your Majesty's answer, after the 
kissing your hand with all humility, I take leave from London. 



BOOK VII. 75 

he was not only taken into favour by the king, but sent 
back to the court of England, with the honourable cha- 
racter of his ambassador. James was now of such an age, 
that his youth and inexperience cannot be pleaded in ex- 
cuse for this indecent transaction. It must be imputed to 
the excessive facility of his temper, which often led him to 
gratify his courtiers at the expense of his own dignity and 
reputation." 

Rise of Not long after, the inconsiderate affection of the 
ton's^on- English CathoUcs towards Mary, and their impla- 
spiracy cable reseiitment aQ:ainst Elizabeth, g-ave rise to a 

against o ' o 

Elizabeth, conspiracy which proved fatal to the one queen, 
left an indelible stain on the reputation of the other, and 
presented a spectacle to Europe, of which there had been 
hitherto no example in the history of mankind. 

Doctor Gifford, Gilbert Gifford, and Hodgson, priests 
educated in the seminary at Rheims, had adopted an extra- 
vagant and enthusiastic notion, that the bull of Pius V. 
against Elizabeth was dictated immediately by the Holy 
Ghost. This wild opinion they instilled into Savage, an 
officer in the Spanish army, noted for his furious zeal and 
daring courage ; and persuaded him that no service could 
be so acceptable to heaven, as to take away the life of an 
excommunicated heretic. Savage, eager to obtain 
the crown of martyrdom, bound himself by a solemn 
vow to kill Elizabeth. Ballard, a pragmatical priest of 
that seminary, had at that time come over to Paris, and 
solicited Mendoza, the Spanish ambassador there, to pro- 
cure an invasion of England, while the affairs of the league 
were so prosperous, and the kingdom left naked by send- 
ing so many of the queen's best troops into the Netherlands. 
Paget and the English exiles demonstrated the fruitless- 
ness of such an attempt, unless Elizabeth were first cut off, 
or the invaders secured of a powerful concurrence on their 
landing. If it could be hoped that either of these events 
would happen, effectual aid was promised ; and in the 
mean time Ballard was sent back to renew his intrigues. 

>» Spots, 348. Cald. iii. 917. 



76 SCOTLAND. 

He communicated his designs to Anthony Babing- 
ton, a young gentleman in Derbyshire, of a large 
fortune and many amiable qualities, who having contracted, 
during his residence in France, a familiarity with the arch- 
bishop of Glasgow, had been recommended by him to the 
queen of Scots. He concurred with Paget, in considering 
the death of Elizabeth as a necessary preliminary to any 
invasion. Ballard gave him hopes that an end would 
soon be put to her days, and imparted to him Savage's 
vow, who was now in London waiting for an opportunity 
to strike the blow. But Babington thought the attempt of 
too much importance, to rely on a single hand for the exe- 
cution of it, and proposed that five resolute gentlemen 
should be joined with Savage in an enterprise, the success 
of which was the foundation of all their hopes. He of- 
fered to find out persons willing to undertake the service, 
whose honour, secrecy, and courage, they might safely 
trust. He accordingly opened the matter to Edward 
Windsor, Thomas Salisbury, Charles Tinley, Chidioc 
Tichbourne, Robert Gage, John Travers, Robert Barnwell, 
John Charnock, Elenry Dun, John Jones, and Robert Polly; 
all of them, except Polly, whose bustling forward zeal in- 
troduced him into their society, gentlemen of good fami- 
lies, united together in the bonds of private friendship, 
strengthened by the more powerful tie of religious zeal, 
"^^fime Many consultations were held ; their plan of opera- 
Tiie tions was at last settled ; and their different parts 
the con- assigned. Babington himself was appointed to 
spurators. ^.^g^^^ ^^^ quccu of Scots : Salisbury, with some 
others, undertook to excite several counties to take arms ; 
the murder of the queen, the most dangerous and import- 
ant service of all, fell to Tichbourne and Savage, with four 
associates. So totally had their bigoted prejudices extin- 
guished the principles of honour, and the sentiments of 
humanity suitable to their rank, that, without scruple or 
compunction, they undertook an action which is viewed 
with horror even when committed by the meanest and most 
profligate of mankind. This attempt, on the contrary, ap- 



('BOOK VII. 7i7 

peared to them no less honourable than it was desperate ; 
and, in order to perpetuate the memory of it, they had a 
picture drawn, containing the portraits of the six assassins, 
with that of Babington in the middle, and a motto inti- 
mating that they were jointly embarked in some hazardous 

design. 

Disco- The conspirators, as appears by this wanton and 
WaLiiK^- imprudent instance of vanity, seem to have thought 
ham. Q. discovery hardly possible, and neither distrusted 
the fidelity of their companions, nor doubted the success 
of their undertaking. But while they believed that their 
machinations were carried on with the most profound and 
impenetrable secrecy, every step they took was fully known 
to Walsingham. Polly was one of his spies, and had en- 
tered into the conspiracy, with no other design than to be- 
tray his associates. Gilbert Gilford, too, having been sent 
over to England to quicken the motions of the conspirators, 
had been gained by Walsingham, and gave him sure in- 
telligence of all their projects. That vigilant minister im- 
mediately imparted the discoveries which he had made to 
Elizabeth ; and, without communicating the matter to any 
other of the counsellors, they agreed, in order to under- 
stand the plot more perfectly, to wait until it was ripened 
into some form, and brought near the point of execution. 
They are -^^ ^^^*' Elizabeth thought it dangerous and cri- 
seized miual to cxpose her own life, and to tempt Provi- 
nished. dcuce any farther. Ballard, the prime mover in 
'^^' ' the whole conspiracy, was arrested. His associates, 
disconcerted and struck with astonishment, endeavoured 
to save themselves by flight. But within a few days, all 
of them, except Windsor, were seized in different places of 
the kingdom, and committed to the Tower. Though they 
had undertaken the part, they wanted the firm and deter- 
mined spirit of assassins ; and influenced by fear or by 
hope, at once confessed all that they knew. The indigna- 
tion of the people, and their impatience to revenge such an 
execrable combination against the life of their sovereign, 

ho'iq 



78 SCOTLAND. 

^, „ ^ hastened their trial, and all of them suffered the 

Sep. i!0. , . 

death of traitors." 
Mary is Thus far Elizabeth's conduct may be pronounced 
accused \)q\}i prudent and laudable, nor can she be accused 

01 bemg _ ^ _ 

an accom- of violating any law of humanity, or of taking any 
the con- precautions beyond what were necessary for her 
spiracy. ^^^ safety. But a tragical scene followed, with re 
gard to which posterity will pass a very different judgment. 
The frantic zeal of a few rash young men accounts suf- 
ficiently for all the wild and wicked designs which they 
had formed. But this was not the light in which Eliza- 
beth and her ministers chose to place the conspiracy. They 
wished to persuade the nation, that Babington and his as- 
sociates should be considered merely as instruments em- 
ployed by the queen of Scots, the real though secret au- 
thor of so many attempts against the life of Elizabeth, and 
the peace of her kingdoms. They produced letters, which 
they ascribed to her in support of this charge. These, as 
they gave out, had come into their hands by the following 
singular and mysterious method of conveyance. Gifford, 
on his return into England, had been trusted by some of the 
exiles with letters to Mary ; but, in order to make a trial of 
his fidelity and address, they were only blank papers made 
up in that form. These being safely delivered by him, 
he was afterward employed without farther scruple. Wal- 
singham having found means to gain this man, he, by the 
permission of that minister, and the connivance of Paulet, 
bribed a tradesman in the neighbourhood of Chartley, whi- 
ther Mary had been conveyed, who deposited the letters in 
hole in the wall of the castle, covered with a loose stone. 
Thence they were taken by the queen, and in the same 
manner her answers returned. All these were carried to 
Walsingham, opened by him, deciphered, sealed again so 
dexterously that the fraud could not be perceived, and then 
transmitted to the persons to whom they were directed. 
Two letters to Babington, with several to Mendoza, Paget, 

" Camd. 515. State Trials, vol. i. 110. 



BOOK VII. 79 

Englefield, and the English fugitives, were procured by 
this artifice. It was given out, that in these letters Mary 
approved of the conspiracy, and even of the assassina-, 
tion ; that she directed them to proceed with the utmost cirJ 
cumspection, and not to take arms until foreign auxiliaries 
were ready to join them ; that she recommended the earl of 
Arundel, his brothers, and the young earl of Northumber- 
land, as proper persons to conduct and to add reputation 
to their enterprise ; that she advised them, if possible, to 
excite at the same time some commotion in Ireland; and, 
above all, besought them to concert with care the means of 
her own escape, suggesting to them several expedients for 
that purpose. 
The in- All thcsc circumstanccs were opened at the trial of 

dignation ^ . i i -i i • 

of the the conspirators; and while the nation was under 

■IT .1 ' Vk 

alafnst ^^^^ influence of those terrors which the association 
^^^^"^ had raised, and the late danger had augmented, 
count. they were believed without hesitation or inquiry, 
and spread a general alarm. Mary's zeal for her religion 
was well known ; and in that age, examples of the violent 
and sanguinary spirit which it inspired were numerous. 
All the cabals against the peace of the kingdom for many 
years had been carried on in her name ; and it now appears 
evidently, said the English, that the safety of the one 
queen is incompatible with that of the other. Why 
then, added they, should the tranquillity of England 
be sacrificed for the sake of a stranger ? Why is a life so 
dear to the nation, exposed to the repeated assaults of an 
exasperated rival ? The case supposed in the association 
has now happened, the sacred person of our sovereign has 
been threatened, and why should not an injured people 
execute that just vengeance which they had vowed ? 
Elizabeth No scutiments could be more agreeable than these 
toOTo-^ to Elizabeth and her ministers. They themselves 
ceedto had at first propagated them among the people, 
most ex- and they now served both as an apology and a mo- 
ag^nsT^ tive for their proceeding to such extremities against 
^®'' the Scottish queen as they had long meditated. 



■c 






80 SCOTLAND. 

The more numerous the injuries were which Elizabeth had 
heaped on Mary, the more she feared and hated that un- 
happy queen, and came at last to be persuaded that there 
could be no other security for her own life, but the death 
of her rival. Burleigh and Walsingham had promoted so 
zealously all Elizabeth's measures with regard to Scottish 
affairs, and had acted with so little reserve in opposition to 
Mary, that they had reason to dread the most violent effects 
of her resentment, if ever she should mount the throne of 
, England. From this additional consideration they endea- 
': voured, with the utmost earnestness, to hinder an event so 
fatal to themselves, by confirming their mistress's fear and 
hatred of the Scottish queen. 

Meanwhile, Mary was guarded with unusual vigi- 

mestfcs l^'^ce, and great care was taken to keep her ignorant 

; papers, &c. of the discovcry of the conspiracy. Sir Thomas 

Gorges was at last sent from court to acquaint her 

both of it, and of the imputation with which she was loaded 

as accessary to that crime, and he surprised her with the 

* account just as she had got on horseback to ride out along 

with her keepers. She was struck with astonishment, and 

2 would have returned to her apartment, but she was not 

' permitted; and, in her absence, her private closet was 

■ broken open, her cabinet and papers were seized, sealed, 

'., and sent up to court. Her principal domestics too were 

, arrested, and committed to different keepers. Naue and 

Curie, her two secretaries, the one a native of France, the 

- other of Scotland, were carried prisoners to London. All 

the money in her custody," amounting to little more than 

I "A Letter from Sir Amius Pawlet. ■' 

SIR, 
. I DID forbear, according to your direction signified in your letters of the 

r'^\^^r a ^o^irth of this present, to proceed to the execution of the contents of Mr. 
Caj. C . 9. wrj^j^(jg'g letters unto you, for the dispersing of this lady's unnecessary ser- 
' vants, and for the ceasing of her money, wherein I was bold to write unto you my sim- 
ple opinion (although in vain as it now falleth out), by my letters of the 7th of this in- 
stant, which I doubt not, are with you before this time ; but upon the receipt of your 
letters of the 5th, which came not into my hand until the 8th in the evening, by reason, 
as it did appear by indorsement, that they had been mistaken, and were sent back 
to Windsor, after they were entered into the way towards me, I considered, that being 
accompanied only with my own servants, it might be thought that they would be in- 
treated to say as I would command them ; and therefore I thought good for my better 
discharge in these money matters, to crave the assistance of Mr. Richard Bagott, who 



BOOK VII. 81 

I two thousand pounds, was secured. And, after leading 
her about for some days, from one gentleman's house to an- 

repairing unto me the next morning, we had access to this Queen, whom we found in 

her bed, troubled after the old manner with a defluxion, which was fallen down into 
f\ the side of her neck, and had bereft her of the use of one of her hands, unto whom I 
declared, that upon occasion of her former practices, doubting lest she would persist 
f> therein by corrupting underhand some bad members of this state, I was expressly com- 
j manded to take her money into my hands, and to rest answerable for it, when it shall 
be required ; advising her to deliver the said money unto me with (juietness. After 
^^ many denials, many exclamations, and many bitter words against you (I say nothing 
of her railing against myself), with flat affirmation that her Majesty might have her 
body, but her heart she should never have, refusing to deliver the key of the cabinet, 
I called my servants, and sent for barrs to break open the door, whereupon she yielded, 
and causing the door to be opened, I found there, in the coffers mentioned in Mr. 
Waade's remembrance, five rolls of canvass, containing five tliousand French crowns, 
and two leather bags, whereof the one had, in gold, one hundred and four pounds 
two shillings, and the other had three pounds in silver, which bag of silver was left 
with her, affirming that she had no more money in this house, and that she was in- 
debted to her servants for their wages. Mr. Waade's note maketh mention of three 
p . rolls left in Curie's chamber, wherein, no doubt, he was misreckoned, 

,. which is evident as well by the testimonies and oaths of diverse persons, 

, J , as also by probable conjectures ; so as in truth we found only two rolls, 
f , . every of which containeth one thousand crowns, which was this Queen's 

guifte to Curie's wife at her marriage. There is found in Naw's chamber, 
in a cabinet, a chain worth by estimation one hundred pounds, and in 
money, in one bag nine hundred pounds, in a second bag two hundred fourscore and 
six pounds eighteen shillings. All the foresaid parcels of money are bestowed in bags, 
and sealed by Mr. Richard Bagot, saving five hundred pounds of Naw's money, which 
1 reserve in my hands for the use of this household, and may be repayed at London, 
where her Majesty shall appoint, out of the money received lately by one of my ser- 
vants out of the exchequer. 1 feared lest the people might have dispersed this money 
in all this time, or have hidden the same in some secret corners ; for doubt whereof I 
had caused all this Queen's family, from the highest to the lowest, to be guarded in 
the several places where I found them, so as y ff I had not found the money with quiet- 
ness, I had been forced to have searched first all their lodgings, and then their own 
persons. I thank God with all my heart, as for a singular blessing, that that falleth 
out so well, fearing lest a contrary success might have moved some hard conceits in 
her Majesty. 

Touching the dispersion of this Queen's servants, I trust I have done so much as 
may suffice to satisfy her Majesty for the time, wherein I could not take any absolute 
course, until I heard again from you, partly because her Majesty, by Mr. Waade's 
letter, doth refer to your consideration to return such as shall be discharged to their se- 
veral dwellings and countries, wherein as it seemeth, you have forgotten to deliver 
your opinion ; partly, for that, as yet I have received no answer from you of your re- 
solution, upon the view of the Scottish family sentuntoyou, what persons you will ap- 
point to be dismist ; only this I have done, I have bestowed all such as are mentioned 
in this bill, inclosed in three or four several rooms, as the same may suffice to contain 
them, and that their meat and drink shall be brought unto them by my servants. It may 
please you, to advertise me by your next letters, in what sort, and for what course, I 
Til'- 1 A shall make their passports, as also, if they shall say that they are unpaid of 
, ^ •s their wages, what I shall do therein. Ytis said that they have been accus- 
° e tomed to be paid of their wages at Christmas for the whole year. Her 
Majesty's charge will be somewhat diminished by the departure of this 
, f people, and my charge by this occasion will be the more easy. But the 
? f persons all, save Bastian, are such silly and simple souls, as there was no 

p , great cause to fear their practices, and upon thisground, I was of opinion, 

, in my former letters, that all this dismissed train should have followed 

, , their mistress until the next remove, and there to have been discharged 

•Y J upon the sudden, for doubt that the said remove might be delayed, yf slio 

did fear, or expect any hard measure. 
Others shall excuse their foolish pity as they may : but, for my part, I renounce my 
part of the joys of heaven, yf in any thing that I have said, written, or done, 1 have had 
any other respect than the furtherance of her Majesty's service ; and so I shall most 
earnestly pray you to affirm for me, as likewise for the notseasing of the money by 

VOL. II. G 



B2 SCOTLAND. 

jqither, she was conveyed to Fotheringay, a strong castle in 
Northamptonshire. P 

Deiibe- ^° farther evidence could now^ be expected against 
rates con- Mary, and nothing remained but to decide what 
the me- should be her fate. With regard to this, Elizabeth, 
proceed- and tliose ministers in whom she chiefly confided, 
^°^' seem to have taken their resolution ; but there was 
still great variety of sentiments among her other counsel- 
lors. Some thought it sufficient to dismiss all Mary's at- 
tendants, and to keep her under such close restraint, as 
would cut off all possibility of corresponding with the ene- 
mies of the kingdom ; and as her constitution, broken by 
long confinement, and her spirit, dejected with so many 
sorrows, could not long support such an additional load, 
the queen and nation would soon be delivered from all their 
fears. But though it might be easy to secure Mary's own 
person, it was impossible to diminish the reverence which 
the Roman Catholics had for her name, or to extinguish 
the compassion with which they viewed her sufferings : 
while such sentiments continued, insurrections and inva- 
sions would never be wanting for her relief, and the only 
effect of any new rigour would be to render these attempts 
more frequent and more dangerous. For this reason tlie 
•lejme^ient was rejected. ^ tr. 

j^etef- A public and legal trial, though the most unex- 
Iwy'^her" amplcd, was judged the most unexceptionable me- 
pubiiciy. xl^Q^ of proceeding ; and it had, at the same time, 
la semblance of justice, accompanied with an air of dignity. 
It was in vain to search the ancient records for any statute 
or precedent to justify such an uncommon step, as the.jtpal 

Mr. Manners, the other commissioners, and myself. I trust Mr. Waade hdth an- 
swered, in all humble duties, for the whole company, that no one of us did so much as 
think that our commission reaching only to the papers, we might be bold to touch the 
money, so as there was no speech of that all to my knowledge, and as you know I 
was no commissioner in this search, but had my hands full at Tyxall, discreet setvants 
are not hastily to deal in great matters without warrant, and especially where the 
cause is such as the delay of it carrieth no danger. 

■J y Your advertisement of that happy remove hath been greatly comfortable unto me. 
I will not say, in respect of myself, because my private interest hath no measure of 

rscomparison with her Majesty's safety, and with the quiet of this realm. God grant 
a happy and speedy issue to these good and godly counsels ; and so I commit you to 
tis merciful protection. From Chartley, the 10th of September, 1586. 
,„. , P Camd. 517. 



BOOK Vlf. 03 

of a foreign prince, who had not entered the kingdom in 
arms, but had fled thither for refuge. The proceedings 
against her were founded on the act of last parliament, and 
by applying it in this manner, the intention of those who 
had framed that severe statute became more apparent.'' 

Elizabeth resolved that no circumstance of pomp or so- 
lemnity should be wanting, which could render this trans- 
action such as became the dignity of the person to be tried. 
She appointed, by a commission under the great seal, forty 
persons, the most illustrious in the kingdom by their birth 
or offices, together with five of the judges, to hear and de- 
cide this great cause. Many difficulties were started by 
the lawyers about the name and title by which Mary 
should be arraigned ; and, while the essentials of justice 
were so grossly violated, the empty forms of it were the ob- 
jects of their care. They at length agreed that she should 
be styled " Mary, daughter and heir of James V. late king 
of Scots, commonly called queen of Scots and dowager 
of France.'" 

After the many indignities which she had lately suf- 
fered, Mary could no longer doubt but that her destruc- 
tion was determined. She expected every moment to end 
her days by poison, or by some of those secret means usu- 
ally employed against captive princes. Lest the malice of 
her enemies, at the same time that it deprived her of life, 
should endeavour likewise to blast her reputation, she 
wrote to the duke of Guise, and vindicated herself, in the 
strongest terms, from the imputation of encouraging or of 
being accessary to the conspiracy for assassinating Eliza- 
beth.' In the solitude of her prison, the strange resolution 
of bringing her to a public trial had not reached her ears, 
nor did the idea of any thing so unprecedented, and so re- 
pugnant to regal majesty, once enter into her thoughts. 

On the eleventh of October, the commissioners ap- 
at Fothe- pointed by Elizabeth arrived at Fotheringay. Next 
ruigay. j^oming *.hey delivered a letter from their sovereign 
to Mary, in which, after the bitterest reproaches and accu- 

1 Camd. 519. Johnst. Hist. 113. ' Strype, iii. 362. • Jebb, ii. 283. 

g2 



84 SCOTLAND. 

sations, she informed her, that regard for the happiness of 
the nation had at last rendered it necessary to make a pub- 
lic inquiry into her conduct, and therefore required her, as 
she had lived so long under the protection of the laws of 
England, to submit now to the trial which they ordained 
Mary re- to bc taken of her crimes. Mary, though surprised 
first^tr 9.t this message, was neither appalled at the danger, 
plead. jjQp unmindful of her own dignity. She protested, 
in the most solemn manner, that she was innocent of the 
crime laid to her charge, and had never countenanced any 
attempt against the life of the queen of England ; but at the 
same time, refused to acknowledge the jurisdiction of her 
commissioners. " I came into the kingdom," said she, " an 
independent sovereign, to implore the queen's assistance, 
not to subject myself to her authority. Nor is my spirit so 
broken by its past misfortunes, or so intimidated by present 
dangers, as to stoop to any thing unbecoming the majesty 
of a crowned head, or that will disgrace the ancestors from 
whom I am descended, and the son to whom I shall leave 
my throne. If I must be tried, princes alone can be my 
peers. The queen of England's subjects, however noble 
their birth may be, are of a rank inferior to mine. Ever 
since my arrival in this kingdom I have been confined as a 
prisoner. Its laws never afforded me any protection. Let 
them not nov/ be perverted in order to take away my life." 
The commissioners employed arguments and entreaties 
to overcome Mary's resolution. They even threatened to 
proceed according to the forms of law, and to pass sentence 
against her on account of her contumacy in refusing to 
plead ; she persisted, however, for two days, to decline 
their jurisdiction. An argument, used by Hatton, the vice- 
chamberlain, at last prevailed. He told her, that by avoid- 
ing a trial, she injured her own reputation, and deprived 
herself of the only opportunity of setting her innocence in 
a clear light : and that nothing would be more agreeable 
tc> them, or more acceptable to the queen their mistress, 
than to be convinced, by undoubted evidence, that she 
had been unjustly loaded with foul aspersions. nsriW 



BOOK Vir. 85 

hmstnis ^^ wonder pretexts so plausible should impose 
however QTi the unwary queen, or that she, unassisted at that 
time by any friend or counsellor, should not be 
able to detect and elude all the artifices of Elizabeth's ablest 
ministers. In a situation equally melancholy, and under 
circumstances nearly similar, her grandson, Charles I. re- 
fused, with the utmost firmness, to acknowledge the usurped 
jurisdiction of the high court of justice; and posterity has 
approved his conduct, as suitable to the dignity of a king. 
If Mary was less constant in her resolution, it must be 
imputed solely to her anxious desire of vindicating her 
own honour. 

^. At her appearance before the judges, who were 

.0' seated in the great hall of the castle, where they re- 

ceived her with much ceremony, she took care to protest 
that by condescending to hear and to give an answer to the 
accusations which should be brought against her, she nei- 
ther acknowledged the jurisdiction of the court, nor ad- 
mitted the validity and justice of those acts by which they 
pretended to try her. rn 

The chancellor, by a counter-protestation, endeavoured 
to vindicate the authority of the court. [t 

Theaccu- Then Elizabeth's attorney and solicitor opened the 
agSt clia-rge against her, with all the circumstances of 
*»ef;^ the late conspiracy. Copies of Mary's letters to 
Mendoza, Babington, Englefield, and Paget, were pro- 
duced. Babington's confession, those of Ballard, Savage, 
and the other conspirators, together with the declarations 
of Naue and Curie, her secretaries, were read,' and the 
whole ranged in the most specious order which the art of 
the lawyers could devise, and heightened by every colour 
their eloquence could add. 

Mary listened to their harangues attentively, and with- 
out emotion. But at the mention of the earl of Arundel's 
name, who was then confined in the Tower, she broke out 
into this tender and generous exclamation ; " Alas, how 
much has the noble house of Howard suffered for my sake !'/ 

When the queens counsel had finished, Mary stood 



00 S;COTLAND. 

Herde- up, and witli great magnanimity, and equal pre- 
^"*^^' sence of mind, began lier defence. She bewailed the 
unhappiness of her own situation, that after a captivity of 
nineteen years, during which she had suffered treatment 
no less cruel than unmerited, she was at last loaded with 
an accusation, which tended not only to rob her of her right 
of succession, and to deprive her of life itself, but to trans- 
mit her name with infamy to future ages : that, without 
regarding the sacred rights of sovereignty, she was now 
subjected to laws framed against private persons ; though 
an anointed queen, commanded to appear before the tri- 
bunal of subjects : and, like a common criminal, her honour 
exposed to the petulant tongues of lawyers, capable of 
wresting her words, and of misrepresenting her actions : 
that, even in this dishonourable situation, she was denied 
the privileges usually granted to criminals, and obliged to 
undertake her own defence, without the presence of any 
friend with whom to advise, without the aid of counsel, 
and without the use of her own papers. 

She then proceeded to the particular articles in the ac- 
cusation. She absolutely denied any correspondence with 
Babington or Ballard : copies only of her pretended letters 
to them were produced ; though nothing less than hei: 
hand-writing or subscription was sufficient to convict her 
of such an odious crime ; no proof could be brought that 
their letters were delivered into her hands, or tliat any an- 
swer was returned by her direction ; the confessions of 
wretclies condemned and executed for such a detestable 
action, were of little weight ; fear or hope might extort 
from them many things inconsistent with truth, nor ought 
the honour ofa queen to be stained by such vile testimony. 
The declaration of her secretaries was not more conclusive ; 
promises and threats might easily overcome the resolu- 
tion of two strangers ; in order to screen themselves, they 
might throw the blame on her ; but they could discover 
nothing to her prejudice, without violating, in the first 
place, the oath of fidelity which they had sworn to her ; 
and their perjury, in one instance, rendered them un- 



BOOK VII;.g 87 

worthy of credit in another : the letters to the Spanish am-^* 
bassador were either nothing more than copies, or con- 
tained only what was perfectly innocent : " 1 have often,'''" 
continued she, " made such efforts for the recovery of my 
liberty, as are natural to a human creature. Convinced, 
by the sad experience of so many years, that it was vain 
to expect it from the justice or generosity of the queen of 
England, I have frequently solicited foreign princes, and 
called upon all my friends to employ their whole interest 
for my relief. I have likewise endeavoured to procure for 
the English Catholics some mitigation of the rigour with 
which they are now treated ; and if I could hope, by my 
death, to deliver them from oppression, I am willing to die 
for their sake. I wish, however, to imitate the example of 
Esther, not of Judith, and would rather make intercession 
for my people, than shed the blood of the meanest creature, 
in order to save them. I have often checked the intern*^ 
perate zeal of my adherents, when either the severity of 
their own persecutions, or indignation at the unheard-of 
injuries which I have endured, were apt to precipitate them 
into violent counsels. I have even warned the queen of 
dangers to which these harsh proceedings exposed herself. 
And worn out, as I now am, with cares and sufferings, the 
prospect of a crown is not so inviting, that I should ruin my 
soul in order to obtain it. I am no stranger to the feelings 
of humanity, nor unacquainted with the duties of religionj* 
and abhor the detestable crime of assassination, as equally 
repugnant to both. And, if ever I have given consent by my 
words, or even by my thoughts, to any attempt against the 
life of the queen of England, far from declining the judg-^l 
ment of men, I shall not even pray for the mercy of God.'*** 
Two different days did Mary appear before the judges, 
and in every part of her behaviour maintained the magna-I 
nimity of a queen, tempered with the gentleness and mo^^ 
desty of a woman. 

sentence The commissioncrs, by Elizabeth's express com-i 
against j^r^j^^]^ adjoumcd, without pronouncing any senH 



86 SCOTLAND. 

'f » «' tence, to the Star-chamber, in Westminster.^ 
0*='- ^^' When assembled in that place, Naue and Curie were 
brought into court, and confirmed their former declaration 
upon oath ; and after reviewing all their proceedings, the 
commissioners unanimously declared Mary "to be ac- ' 
cessary to Babington s conspiracy, and to have imagined 
divers matter tending to the hurt, death, and destruction 
of Elizabeth, contrary to the express words of the statute 
made for the security of the queen s life.'"*' -rr^ 

It is no easy matter to determine whether the in- 

Irregula- *' , 

ritiesin iustice in appoiutino; this trial, or the irreo-ularitv in 

the trial. "^ , ^. -^ ^ ^. ^ A ^ fl * R 

conductmg it, were greatest and most liagrant. by 
what right did Elizabeth claim authority over an inde- 
pendent queen? Was Mary bound to comply with the laws 
of a foreign kingdom? How could the subjects of another 
prince become her judges? or if such an insult on royalty 
were allowed, ought not the common forms of justice to 
have been observed ? If the testimony of Babington and 
his associates were so explicit, why did not Elizabeth spare 
them for a few weeks, and by confronting them with Mary, 
overwhelm her with the full conviction of her crimes? 
Naue and Curie were both alive : wherefore did not they 
appear at Fotheringay, and for what reason were they pro- 
duced in the Star-chamber, where Mary was not present 
to hear what they deposed ? Was this suspicious evidence 
enough to condemn a queen ? Ought the meanest criminal 
to have been found guilty upon such feeble and inconclu- 
sive proofs ? nsotoi 
It was not, however, on the evidence produced at her 
trial, that the sentence against Mary was founded. That 
served as a pretence to justify, but was not the cause of the 
violent steps taken by Elizabeth and her ministers towards 
her destrustion ; and was employed to give some appear- 
ance of justice to what was the offspring of jealousy and 
fear. The nation, blinded with resentment against Mary, 
jtBfiwsolicitous to secure the life of its own sovereign from 
every danger, observed no irregularities in the proceedings, 
vrmaeB hns ,iw "Camd. 525. jbvih lot Y^moJioqqo 



BOOK VID8 no 

and attended to no defects in the proof, but grasped at the 
suspicions and probabilities, as if they had been irrefra- 
gable demonstrations. ofd 
The par- '^^^ parliament met a few days after sentence was 
liament pronounccd ao;ainst Mary. In that illustrious as- 

connrm ^ ^ i t 

the sen- scmbly more temper and discernment than are to " 
'^^"' be found among the people, might have been ex- 
pected. Both lords and commons, however, were equally 
under the dominion of popular prejudices and passions, 
and the same excess of zeal, or of fear, which prevailed in 
the nation, are apparent in all their proceedings. They 
entered with impatience upon an inquiry into the conspi- 
racy, and the danger which threatened the queen's life as 
well as the peace of the kingdom. All the papers which » 
had been produced at Fotheringay were laid before them ; 
and, after many violent invectives against the queen of 
Scots, both houses unanimously ratified the proceedings of 
the commissioners by whom she had been tried, and de- i 
and de- clarcd the sentence against her to be just and well 1 
^ecution founded. Not satisfied with this, they presented ai 
of it- joint address to the queen, beseeching her, as she> 
regarded her own safety, the preservation of the Protestant 
religion, the welfare and wishes of her people, to publish ; 
the sentence ; and without farther delay to inflict on a rival, * 
no less irreclaimable than dangerous, the punishment which 
she had merited by so many crimes. This request, die-? 
tated by fears unworthy of that great assembly, was en-1 
forced by reasons still more unworthy. They were drawn- 
not from justice but from conveniency. The most rigorous 
confinement, it was pretended, could not curb Mary's in-' 
triguing spirit; her address was found, by long expe- 
rience, to be an overmatch for the vigilance and jea- 
lousy of all her keepers ; the severest penal laws could not 
restrain her adherents, who, while they believed her person 
to be sacred, would despise any danger to which them- 
selves alone were exposed : several foreign princes were 
ready to second their attempts, and waited only a proper 
opportunity for invading the kingdom, and asserting the 



9(^(y SCOTLAND. 

Scottish queen's title to the crown. Her life, they con- 
tended, was, for these reasons, incompatible with Eliza- 
beth's safety ; and if she were spared out of a false cle- 
mency, the queen's person, the religion and liberties of the 
kingdom, could not be one moment secure. Necessity re- 
quired that she should be sacrificed in order to preserve 
these; and to prove this sacrifice to be no less just than neces- 
sary, several examples in history were produced, and many 
texts of scripture quoted ; but both the one and the other 
were misapplied, and distorted from their true meaning. 
Eliza- Nothing, however, could be more acceptable to 

dissimu- Elizabeth, than an address in this strain. It extri- 
lation. cated her out of a situation extremely embarrassing ; 
and, without depriving her of the power of sparing, it en- 
abled her to punish her rival with less appearance of 
blame. If she chose the former, the whole honour would 
redound to her own clemency. If she determined on the 
latter, whatever was rigorous might now seem to be ex- 
torted by the solicitations of her people, rather than to flow 
from her own inclination. Her answer, however, was in 
a style which she often used, ambiguous and evasive, under 
the appearance of openness and candour ; full of such pro- 
fessions of regard for her people, as served to heighten 
their loyalty ; of such complaints of Mary's ingratitude, as 
were calculated to excite their indignation; and of such 
insinuations that her own life was in danger, as could not 
fail to keep alive their fears. In the end, she besought 
them to save her the infamy and the pain of delivering up 
a queen, her nearest kinswoman, to punishment ; and to 
consider whether it might not still be possible to provide 
for the public security, without forcing her to imbrue her 
hands in royal blood. 

The true meaning of this reply was easily understood. 
The lords and commons renewed their former request with 
additional importunity, which was far from being either 
unexpected or offensive. Elizabeth did not return any 
answer more explicit ; and having obtained such a public 
sanction of her proceedings, there was no longer any reason 



BOOK vir. 91 

for protracting this scene of dissimulation ; there was even 
some danger that her feigned difficulties might at last be 
treated as real ones ; she therefore prorogued the parlia- 
ment, and reserved in her own hands the sole disposal of 
her rival's tate/ 

France All the princcs in Europe observed the proceedings 
poses against Mary with astonishment and honour; and 
beSS ^ven Henry III., notwithstanding his known aver- 
^ary- sion to the house of Guise, was obliged to interpose 
in her behalf, and to appear in defence of the common 
rights of royalty. Aubespine, his resident ambassador, 
and Bellievre, who was sent with an extraordinary com- 
mission to the same purpose, interceded for Mary with 
great appearance of warmth. They employed all the ar- 
guments which the cause naturally suggested ; they pleaded 
from justice, from generosity, and humanity ; they inter- 
mingled reproaches and threats; but to all these Eliza- 
beth continued deaf and inexorable ; and having received 
some intimation of Henry's real unconcern about the fate of 
the Scottish queen, and knowing his antipathy to all the 
race of Guise, she trusted that these loud remonstrances 
would be followed by no violent resentment.^ 
, She paid no o-reater regard to the solicitations of 

James en- i o o 

deavours the Scottish king, which, as they were urged with 
his mo- greater smcerity, merited more attention. Though 
^^^ ' ^" her commissioners had been extremely careful to 
soothe James, by publishing a declaration th at their sen- 
tence against Mary did, in no degree, derogate from his 
honour, or invalidate any title which he formerly pos- 
sessed ; he beheld the indignities to which his mother had 
been exposed with filial concern, and with the sentiments 
which became a king. The pride of the Scottish nation 
was roused, by the insult offered to the blood of their mo- 
narchs, and called upon him to employ the most vigorous 
efforts, in order to prevent or to revenge the queen's death. 
At first, he could hardly believe that Elizabeth would 
venture upon an action so unprecedented, which tended so 

'' Camd. 526. D'Ewes, 375. y Camd. J31. 



92 SCOTLAND. ^ 

visibly to render the persons of princes less sacred in the 
eyes of the people, and which degraded the regal dignity, 
of which, at other times, she was so remarkably jealous. 
But as soon as the extraordinary steps which she took dis- 
covered her intention, he dispatched Sir William Keith 
to London ; who, together with Douglas, his ambassador 
in ordinary, remonstrated, in the strongest terms, against 
the injury done to an independent queen, in subjecting 
her to be tried like a private person, and by laws to which 
she owed no obedience; and besought Elizabeth not to 
add to this injury by suffering a sentence unjust in itself) 
as well as dishonourable to the king of Scots, to be ppt 
into execution.'' Atitmib 

^ Murdin, 573, &c. Birch. Mem. I. 52. '0"-tS7iJ<} 

Letter from the King of Scots to Mr. Archibald Douglas, his ambassador in England, 

'■•; October, 1586. 

i,,, f ::j,, 1 Reserve up yourselfna langer in the earnest dealing for my mother.for yfil 

p !v' ' have done it too long ; and think not that any your travellis can do good 

no' if hir lyfe be takin.for then adeu with my dealing with thaime that are the 

V . . special instrumentis thairof; and, theirfore.gif ye look for the contineuancej 

origi- ^£ ^y favour towartis you, spair na pains nor plainnes in this cace, but' 

na m e ^^^^^ ^y letter writtin to Williame Keith, and conform yourself quhollie 

iT^^J ^ ^^ ^^^ contentis thairof, and in this requiest let me reap the fruictis of 

i>ana. youre great credit there, aither now or never. Fairwell. October, 1586. 

Letter to Sir William Keith, ambassador in England, probably from Secretary Maitland. 

November '27, 1586. 

. . By your letters sent by this bearer (albeit concerning no pleasant subject), 

A copy in j^jg Majesty conceives well of your earnestness and fidelity in your nego- 
tne \^oi- tiations, as also of Mr. Archibald's activity and diligence, whom you so 
lect. 01 greatly praise and recommend, I wish the issue correspond to his Majes-, 

r?' f~' ty's opinion, your care and travel!, and his great diligence as you write. 

i;^, '. His Majesty takes this rigorous proceeding against his mother deeply in 

f 1 oiQ heart, as a matter greatly concerning him both in honour and otherwiscj. 
101. /ly. jjjg Highnesses actions and behaviour utter plainly not only how far na»-' 
ture prevails, but also how he apprehends of the sequel of that process, and of what 
moment he esteems it. There is an ambassade shortly to be directed, wherein will be 
employed an Earl and two counsellors, on whose answer will depend the continuance, 
or dissolution of the amity and good intelligence between the Princes of this sle. In 
the mean season, if farther extremity be used, and his Majesty's suit and request dis>I 
dained, his Highness will think himself dishonoured and contemned farbesides his ex- 
pectations and deserts. Ye may perceive his Majesty's disposition by his letter t(P 
you, which you shall impart to Mr. Archibald, and both deal according thereto. I, 
need not to recommend to you care, concerning your master's service both in weili 
and in honour. As you and your colleague shall behave yourself in this behalf, so for 
my part will I interpret your alFection to your master. I am glad of that I hear of 
yourself, and 1 do fully credit that you write of Mr. Archibald, whose friends here do' 
make great account of his professed devotion to the Queen, besides the duty he owes 
to the King's Majesty, her son. Farther I am constrained to remit to next occasion, 
having scarce time to scribble these few lines (which of themselves may bear witness* 
of my haste). Wishing you a prosperous issue of your negociation, 1 commit you, &c. 
IJalyrudhouse, Nov'. 27th, 1586. ;. J.ijju'UJ! 

The people, and all estates here are so far moved by the rigorous proceedings 
against the Queen, that his Majesty, and all that have credit are importuned, and may 
not go abroad for exclamations against them, and imprecations against the Queen of 
England. 



I 



^BOOK VII. 93 

Elizabeth returning- no answer to these remonstrances 
of his ambassador, James wrote to her Avith his own hand, 
complaining in the bitterest terms of her conduct, not with- 
out threats that both his duty and his honour would oblige 
him to renounce her friendship, and act as became a son 
when called to reveno-e his mother's wrong-s.'' At the same 
time he assembled the nobles, who promised to stand by 
him in so good a cause. He appointed ambassadors to 
France, Spain, and Denmark, in order to implore the aid 
of these courts; and took other steps towards executing 
his threats with vigour. The high strain of his letter en- 
raged Elizabeth to such a degree, that she was ready to 
dismiss his ambassadors without any reply. But his pre- 
parations alarmed and embarrassed her ministers, and at 
their entreaty she returned a soft and evasive answer, pro- 
mising to listen to any overture from the king, that tended 
to his mother's safety ; and to suspend the execution of 
the sentence, until the arrival of new ambassadors from 
Scotland. *" 

Dec. 6. Meanwhile, she commanded the sentence against 
ience^° Mary to be published, and forgot not to inform 
against ^]^g people, that this was extorted from her by the 
published, repeated entreaty of both houses of parliament. At 
the same time she dispatched lord Buckhurst and Beale to 
acquaint Mary with the sentence, and how importunately 
the nation demanded the execution of it ; and though sh6' 
had not hitherto yielded to these solicitations, she advised 
her to prepare for an event which might become necessary 
for securing the Protestant religion, as well as quieting the 
minds of the people. Mary received the message not only 
without symptoms of fear, but with expressions of triumph. 
'|No wonder," said she, " the English should now thirst 
for the blood of a foreign prince, they have often offered 
violence to their own monarchs. But after so many suf- 
ferings, death comes to me as a welcome deliverer. I am 
proud to think that my life is deemed of importance to the 

,^*'" *'";?» Birch. Mem. i. 52. bSpotsw.551. Cald. iv. 5. ,^^ 



04 SCOTLAND. 

Catholic religion, and as a martyr for it I am now willing 

todie.'"^ 

c^ ■ After the publication of the sentence Mary was 

treated strioDed of evcrv remainino^ mark of royalty. 1 he 

withthe ^^ „ .1 , 11 J J 

utmost canopy of state m her apartment was pulled down; 
rigour. p^^jg^ entered her chamber, and approached her per- 
son without any ceremony ; and even appeared covered in 
her presence. Shocked with these indignities, and offended 
at this gross familiarity, to which she had never been ac- 
customed, Mary once more complained to Eliza- 
beth; and at the same time, as her last request, 
entreated that she would permit her servants to carry her 
dead body into France, to be laid among her ancestors in 
hallowed ground; that some of her domestics might be pre- 
sent at her death, to bear witness of her innocence, and firm 
adherence to the Catholic faith ; that all her servants might 
be suffered to leave the kingdom, and to enjoy those small 
legacies which she should bestow on them, as testimonies 
of her affection ; and that, in the mean time, her almoner, 
or some other Catholic priest, might be allowed to attend 
her, and to assist her in preparing for an eternal world. She 
besought her, in the name of Jesus, by the soul and me- 
mory of Henry VII., their common progenitor, by their 
near consanguinity, and the royal dignity with which they 
were both invested, to gratify her iri these particulars, and 
to indulge her so far as to signify her compliance by a 
letter under her own hand. Whether Mary's letter was 
ever delivered to Elizabeth is uncertain. No answer was 
returned, and no regard paid to her requests. She was 
offered a Protestant bishop or dean to attend her. Them 
she rejected, and without any clergyman to direct her de- 
votions, she prepared, in great tranquillity, for the approach 
of death, which she now believed to be at no great distance.*^ 
1587. James, without losing a moment, sent new am- 
james re- ^assadors to Loudou. These were the master of 

news ms n zr i • i t 

soiicita- Gray, and Sir Robert Melvil. In order to remove 

« Camd. 528. Jebb, 291. <iCamd. 528. Jebb, ii. 295. 



BOOK VII. 95 

tionsin Elizabeth's fears, they offered that their master 
Jan. 1. ' would become bound that no conspiracy should be 
undertaken against her person, or the peace of the kingdom, 
with Mary's consent ; and for the faithful performance of 
this, would deliver some of the most considerable of the 
Scottish nobles as hostages. If this were not thought suffi- 
cient, they proposed that Mary should resign all her rights 
and pretensions to her son, from whom nothing injurious to 
the Protestant religion, or inconsistent with Elizabeth's 
safety, could be feared. The former proposal Elizabeth re- 
jected as insecure; thelatter, as dangerous. The ambassadors 
were then instructed to talk in a higher tone ; and Melvil 
executed the commission with fidelity and with zeal. But 
Gray, with his usual perfidy, deceived his master, who 
trusted him with a negotiation of so much importance, and 
betrayed the queen whom he was employed to save. He 
encouraofed and urs^ed Elizabeth to execute the sentence 
against her rival. He often repeated the old proverbial 
sentence, " The dead cannot bite." And whatever should 
happen, he undertook to pacify the king's rage, or at 
least to prevent any violent effects of his resentment.* 

e Spotsw. 352. Murdin, 568. 

To the King's Majesty, from Mr. Archibald Douglas. 

^ ^ p. Please your Majesty, 1 received your letter of the date of the 28th of 

_„^ ■ September, the 5th of October, which was the same day that 1 directed 
V ' th 'W'^. Murray towards your Highness. By such letters as he carried, and 
. . , others of several dates, your Majesty may perceive that I had omitted 
' th C ] nothing so far as my travel might reach unto, anent the performing of 
, „ „. the two chief points contained in the said letter before the receipt 

. f)- t thereof, which by these presents I must repeat for answering of the 
,-p* , T) ' saidis. As to the iirst, so far as may concern the interceding for the Queeu 
f I "9! your Majesty's mother her life, 1 have divers times, and in every au- 
gt * * dience travelled with this Queen in that matter, specially to know what 
her full determination must be in that point, and could never bring her to any further 
fianswer, but that this proceeding against her by order of justice was no less against 
her mind, than against their will that loved her best; as towards her life she could 
' give no answers thereunto, untill such time as the law hath declared whether she was 
. innocent or guilty. Here withal it was her pleasure thus far to inform me, that it was 
a number of the associants that earnestly pressed her that the law might proceed 
against her, giving reasons that so long as she was suffered to deal in matters, so 
long would never this realm be in quiet, neither her life, neither this state in assu- 
rance ; and in the end they used this protestation, that if she would not in this 
matter follow their advice, that they should remain without all blame, whatsoever 
should fall out; whereupon she had granted them liberty to proceed, lest such as 
had made the request might hereafter have charged herself with inconvenience if 
any should happen. 

And by myself I know this her speech to be true, because both Papist and Protestant 
has behaved them, as it hath been her pleasure to declare, but upon divers respects, 
the one to avoid suspicion that otherwise was conceived against them, the other 



i)($ SCOTLAND. 

Eliza- Elizabeth, meanwhile, discovered all the symptoms 

anxie^ty of the most violeiit agitation and disquietude of 

sk^ufa- ^^^^' '^he shunned society, she was often found 

tion. in a melancholy and musing- posture, and repeating 

upon zeal, and care that they will be known to have for preservation of their sove- 
reign's life, and state in this perilous time ; upon consideration whereof, I have been 
constrained to enter into some dealing with both, wherewith 1 made her Majesty ac- 
quainted ; the Protestants, and such as in other matters will be known to bear no 
small favour unto your Majesty's service, hath prayed that they may be excused from 
any dealing in the contrary of that, which by their oath they have avowed, and by 
their speech to their sovereign requested for, and that before my coming in this coun- 
try ; if they should now otherwise do, it would produce no better effect but to make 
them subject to the accusation of their sovereign, when it should please her to do it, 
of their inconstancy, in giving councell whereby they might incur the danger of ill 
councellors and be consequent worthy of punishment. Such of the Papists as I did 
deal with, went immediately and told her Majesty what I had spoken to them, who 
albeit she understood the matter of before, sent for me, and declared to me my own 
speech that 1 had uttered to them, willing me for the weill of my maister's service 
to abstain from dealing with such as were not yet sufficiently moved to think of my 
master as she did. 1 craved leave of her Majesty, that 1 might inform them of your 
Majesty's late behaviour towards her, and the state of this realm, whereunto with 
some difficulty she gave her consent. At my late departure from court, which was 
upon the 5th of this instant, and the day after that the lords of this grand jury had 
taken their leaves of her Majesty to go northward to Fotheringham, it was her plea- 
sure to promise to have further speech in this matter at the returning of the said lords, 
and to give full answer according to your Majesty's contentment to the remainder 
matters, that I had proponit in name of your Majesty. As to the 2d part concerning 
the association, and desire that the promise made to the Master of Gray concerning 
your Majesty's title may be fulfilled, it appears by the said letter, that the very point 
whereupon the question that may bring your Majesty's title in doubt, hath not been 
rightly at the writing of the said letter considered, which I take to have proceeded 
for lack of reading of the act of parliament, wherein is fulfilled all the promise made 
by the Queen to the said Master, and nothing may now cause any doubt to arise 
against your said title, except that an opinion should be conceived by these lords of 
this Parliament that are so vehement at this time against the Queen your Majesty's 
mother, that your Majesty is, or may be proved hereafter assenting to her proceedings, 
and some that love your Majesty's service were of that opinion, that too earnest re- 
quest might move a ground whereupon suspicions might grow in men so ill affected in 
that matter, which I tho't might be helped by obtaining of a declaration in parliament 
of your Majesty's innocence at this time, and by reason that good nature and public 
honesty would constrain you to intercede for the Queen your mother, which would 
carry with itself, without any further, some suspicion thatmightmove ill affected men 
to doubt. In my former letters I humbly craved of your Majesty that some learned 
men in the laws might be moved to advise with the words of the association, and the 
mitigation contained in the act of parliament, and withall to advise what suspicious 
effects your Majesty's request might work in these choleric men at^^this time, and how 
their minds might be best moved to receive reason ; and upon all these considerations 
they might have formed the words of a declarator of your Majesty's innocence to be 
obtainedjin this parliament, and failing thereof, the very words of a protestatation for 
the same effect that might best serve for your Majesty's service, and for my better in-* 
formation. Albeit this was my simple opinion, I shall be contented to follow" 
any direction it shall please your Majesty to give. I have already opened the sub- 
stance hereof to the Queen of this realm, who seems not to be offended herewith, and 
hath granted liberty to deal therein with such of the parliament as may remain in any 
doubt of mind. This being the sum of my proceedings in this matter, besides the re- 
mainder, contained in other letters of several dates, I am constrained to lay the whole 
open before your Majesty, and to humbly pray that full information may be sent unto< 
me what further to do herein ; in this middle time, while I receive more ample direc-< 
tion, 1 shall proceed and be doing according to such direction as I have already re- 
ceived. And so, most gracious sovereign, wishing unto your Majesty all happy 
success in your affairs, I humbly take my leave from London, the 16th of October, 
1586. Your Majesty's most humble subject and obed', servant. 



BOOK VII. ^^7 

with miicli emphasis these sentences, wliich she borrowed 
'from some of the devices then in vogue ; Aidfcr autfcri; 

ntfcriare^feri. Much, no doubt, of this apparent unea- 
'^iness must be imputed to dissimulation ; it was impos- 

A Memorial far his Majesty by the Master of Gray. 
-••• It will please your Majesty I have tho't meete to set down all things as 

i,12tu Jan. (ijey occur, and all advertisements as they come to my ears, then jointly in 
15ii6. An a lettre. 

original in i came to Vare the 24th of Dec^. and sent to W". Keith andMr. Archi- 
Lis own bald Douglas to advertise the Queen of it, like as they did at their audi- 
Land in ence. She promised the Queen your Majesty's mother's life should be 
Collect of spared till we were heard. The 27th they came to Vare to me, the 
SirA.Dick. which day Sir Rob', came to Vare, where they shewed us how far they 
Vol. A. fol-had already gone in their negotiation, but for that the discourse of it is 
222. set down in our general letter, I remit me to it, only this far I will 

testify unto your Majesty, that W"". Keith hath used himself right honestly and wisely 
till our coming, respecting all circumstances, and chiefly his colleague his dealing, 
which indeed is not better than your Majesty knows already. 

The 29th day of Dec"", we came to London, where we were no ways friendly re- 
ceived, nor after the honest sort it had pleased your Majesty to use her ambassadors ; 
never man sent to welcome or convey us. The same day we understood of Mr. de 
Bellievre his leave taking ; and for that the custom permitted not, we sent our excuses 
by Mr. George Young. 

The 1st day of Jan'y. W"". Keith and his colleague, according to the custom, sent 
to crave our audience. We received the answer contained in the general letter, and 
could not have answer until the 6th day ; what was done that day your Majesty has 
it in the general, yet we waa not out of esperance at that time, albeit we received 
hard answers. 

The 8th day we speak with the Earl of Leicester, where our conferrence was, as is 
set down in the general. I remarked this, that he that day said plainly the detain- 
ing of the Queen of Scotland prisoner was for that she pretended a succession to this 
crown. Judge then by this what is tho't of your Majesty, as ye shall hear a little after. 

The 9th day we speak with the French ambassador, whom we find very plain in 
making to us a wise discourse of all his proceedings, and Mr. de Bellievre we thanked 
him in your Majesty's name, and opened such things as we had to treat with thia 
Queen, save the last point as more largely set down by our general. 

It is tho't here, and some friends of your Majesty's advised me, that Bellievre hia 
negotiation was not effectual, and that the resident was not privy to it, as indeed I 
think is true ; for since Bellievre his perting, there is a talk of this Chasteauneuf his 
servants taken with his whole papers and pacquets, which he was sending in France, 
for that they charge him with a conspiracy of late against the Queen here her life. 
It is alledged his servant has confessed the matter, but whom I shall trust I know 
not, but till I see proof I shall account him an honest man, for indeed so he appears, 
and one (without doubt) who hath been very instant in this matter. I shew him that 
the Queen and Earl of Leicester had desired to speak with me in private, and craved 
his opiHion ; he gave it freely that he tho't it meetest I shew him the reason why I 
communicate that to him, for that I had been suspected by some of her Majesty's 
friends in France to have done evil offices in her service, that^he should be my witness 
that my earnest dealing in this should be a sufficient testimony that all was lies, and 
that this Naue who now had betrayed her, had in that done evil offices : he desired,, 
me, seeing she saw only with other folks eyes, that I should no ways impute it to her, 
for the like she had done to herself by Naue his persuasion. I answered, he should 
be my witness in that. 

The 9th day we sent to court to crave audience, which we got the 10th day ; at the 
first, she said a thing long looked for should be welcome when it comes, I would now 
see your master's offers. I answered, no man makes offers but for some cause ; we . 
would, and like your Majesty, first know the cause to be extant for which we offer^j 
and likewise that it be extant till your Majesty has heard us. 1 tliink it to be extant , 
yet, but I will not promise for an hour ; but you think to shift in that sort. I an-,, 
swered, we mind not to shift, but to offer from our sovereign all things that with 
reason may be ; and in special, we offered as is set down in our general ; all was 
refused and tho't notliing. She called on the three that were in the house, the Earl 

VOL. II. H . -W" '"■■" - 



98 SCOTLAND. 

sible, however, that a princess, naturally so cautious as 

Elizabeth, should venture on an action, which mia^ht ex- 

i pose her memory to infamy, and her life and kingdom to 

danger, without reflecting deeply and hesitating long. 

of Leicester, my Lord Admiral, and Chamberlain, and very despitefully repeated all 
our offers in presence of them all. 1 opened the last part, and said, Madam, for what 
respect is it that men deal against your person or estate for her cause? She answered, 
because they think she shall succeed to me, and for that she is a Papist ; appearingly 
said I, both the causes may be removed : she said she would be glad to understand 
it. If, Madam, said I, all that she has of right of succession were in the King our 
sovereign's person, were not all hope of Papists removed ? She answered, I hope so. 
Then, Madam, I think the Queen his mother shall willingly demit all her rights in 
his person. She answered, she hath no right, for she is declared unhabil. Then I 
said, if she have no right, appearingly the hope ceases already, so that it is not to be 
feared that any man attempt for her. The Queen answered, but the Papists allow- 
not our declaration ; then let it fall, says I, in the King's person by her assignation. 
The Earl of Leicester answered, she is a prisoner, how can she demit ? I answered, 
the demission is to her son, by the advice of all the friends she has in Europe, and in 
case, as God forbid, that any attempt cuttis the Queen here away, who shall party 
with her to prove the demission or assignation to be ineffectual, her son being opposite 
party, and having all the Princes her friends for him, having bonded for the efficacy 
of it with his Majesty of before. The Queen made as she could not comprehend 
my meaning, and Sir Rob', opened the matter again, she yet made as tho' she under- 
stood not. So the Earl of Leicester answered, that our meaning was, that the king 
should be put in his mother's place. Is it so, the Queen answered, that I put myself 
in a worse case than of before ; by God's passion, that were to cut my own throat ; 
and for a dutchy or an earldom to yourself, you or such of you would cause some of 
your desperate knaves kill me. No, by God, he shall never be in that place. I 
answered, he craves nothing of your Majesty but only of his mother. The Earl of 
Leicester answered, that were to make him party to the Queen my mistress. I said, 
he will be far more party, if he be in her place through her death. She would 
stay no longer, but said she would not have a worse in his mother's place ; and 
said, tell your King what good I have done for him in holding the crown on his 
head since he was bom, and that I mind to keep the league that now stands be- 
tween us, and if he break it shall be a double fault, and vidth this minded to have 
bidden us a farewell; but we achevit [i. e. finished arguing upon this point]. And 
I spake craving of her that her life may be spared for 1 5 days ; she refused. Sir 
Rob', craved for only eight days ; she said, not for an hour ; and so geid her away. 
Your Majesty sees we have delivered all we had for offers, but all is for nothing, 
for she and her councel has laid a determination that they mind to follow forth, 
and I see it comes rather of her councel than herself, which I like the worse ; for 
without doubt. Sir, it shall cut off all friendship ye had here. Altho' it were that 
once they had meaned well to your Majesty, yet remembring themselves, that they 
have medled with your mother's blood, good faith they cannot hope great good of 
yourself, a thing in truth I am sorry for ; further, your Majesty may perceive by this 
last discourse of that I proponit, if they had meaned well to your Majesty, they had 
used it otherwise than they have done, for reason has bound them. But I dare not 
write all. I mind something to speak in this matter, because we look shurly our 
letters will be trussit by the way. 

For that T see private credit nor no means can alter their determination, altho' 
the Queen again and the Earl of Leicester has desired to speak with me in particu- 
lar : I mind not to speak, nor shall not ; but assuredly shall let all men see that I in 
particular was no ways tyed to England, butfor the respectof your Majesty's service. 
So albeit, at this time I could not eflfectuate that I desired, yet my upright dealing in 
shall be manifested to the world. We are, God willing, then to crave audience, where 
we mind to use sharply our instructions, which hitherto we have used very calmly ; 
for we can, for your honour's cause, say no less for your Majesty than the French am- 
bassador has said for his master. 

,i So I pray your Majesty consider my upright dealing in your service, and not the 

.,! effect; for had it been doable [i. e. possible to be done] by any I might have here had 

^ credit; but being I came only for that cause, I will not my credit shall serve here to 

any further purpose. I pray God preserve your Majesty, and send you a true and 

sincere friendship. From London this 12th of Jan, 1586. 

I understand the Queen is to send one of her own to your Majesty. 



BOOK VII. .99 

The people waited her determination in suspense and 
anxiety; and lest their fear or their zeal should subside, 
Tumours of danger were artfully invented and propagated 
with the utmost industry. Aubespinc, the French am- 

Tothe Right Hon. my Lord Vice-chancellor and Secretary to his Majesty, from 

the Master of Gray. 
-^ , y My Lord, I send you these lines with this inclosed to his Majesty, where- 

1 'isr A ' ^y y°'*'^ Lordship shall understand how matters goes here. And before 
. .* , all things I pray your Lordship move his Majesty to respect my dili- 
■ fh gence, and not the effect in this negotiation, for 1 swear if it had been 

p ,. for the crown of England to myself I could do no more, and lot not 

- c- ■ unfriends have advantage of me, for the world shall see that I loved 
. -pj. , England for his Majesty's service only. I look shortly to find your Lord- 
■^' I • ■ ship friend as ye made promise, and by God I shall be to you if I can. 
f 1 'l7Q ^^- Keith and I devyset, if matters had gone well, to have run a course 
that your Lordship might have here been in credit and others disappointed, 
but now I will do for you as for myself; which is to care for no credit here, for in 
conscience they mean not honestly to the King our sovereign, and if they may, he 
will go the get his mother is gone, or shortly to go, therefore, my Lord, without all 
kind of scruple, I pray you to advise him the best is not this way. They say here, 
that it has been said by one who heard it from you, that ye desired not the King and 
England to agree, because it would rack the noblemen, and gave an example of it by 
King James the Fourt : I answered in your name, that I was assured you never had 
spoken it. ]Mr. Archibald is the speaker of it, who I assure your Lordship has been 
a poison, in this matter, for they lean very mickle to his opinion. He cares not, he 
says, for at length the King will be faint to deal this way either by fair means or ne- 
cessity, so that when he deals this course he is assured to be welcome ; to set down 
all that is past of the like purposes, it would consume more paper than I have here, 
so I defer it to meeting. There is a new conspiracy alledged against the Queen to 
have been intended, for the French ambassador resident three of his men taken, but 
I think in the end it shall prove nothing. Mr. Stafford, who is ambassador for this 
Queen in France, is touched with it, his brother is taken here, always it has done this 
hann in our negotiation , that all this council would not move this Queen to medle 
with the Queen of Scotland's blood, till this invention was found forth. 1 remit all 
other things to the inclosed. We minded to have sent to his Majesty a discourse, 
which we have set down of all our proceedings since our hither coming, but we are 
surely advertized that the bearer is to be trussed by the way for our pacquets, so that 
we defer it till our own coming; thisl have put in a privy part beside the pacquet. We 
shall, Ithink, take leave on Fryday the l;5th day, where we mind exactly to follow the 
rigour of our instructions, for it cannot stand with the King's honour that we say less 
than the French ambassador, which was, Le roy mon maistre ne peult moins faire que 
se resentir. So that about the 24th I think we shall, God willing, be at home, except 
that some stay come which we look not for. The Queen and the Earl of Leicester 
has desired to speak with me. I refused save in presence of my colleagues, by rea- 
son I see a determination which particular credit cannot help, and I crave no credit 
but for that cause. It will please your Lordship retire the inclosed from his Majesty 
and keep it. So after my service commended to yourself and bedfellow, I commit 
you to God. From London the 12th of Jan. 1586. 

To the King's Majesty, from Sir Robert Melvil. 

20th Jan. ^^ ^^^ please your Majesty, since the direction of our former letters, 
1586 \n ■^s ^^d audience, and her Majesty appeared to take our overtures iu 
original in "°°^ ^'^^^ ^'^ presence of her council ; albeit no offers could take place 
his own with them, having taken resolution to proceed with extremity, not the 

hand in '^^^ ^* P'^^^'^'i ^^r Majesty to desire us to stay for two days on taking 

the Collect °"'^ leave, until she had advised upon our propositions ; since which 
of Sir A ' ''™^ ^^^ Majesty is become more hard by some letters (as we are in- 
Dick Vol formed) has come from Scotland, making some hope to believe that your 
A foi 181 Majesty takes not this matter to heart, as we know the contrary in effect, 
and had of before removed the like opinion out of her Majesty's mind, 
which by sinister information was credited, their reports has hindered our commis- 

H 2 



100 SCOT I, AND, 

bassador, was accused of havino- suborned an assassin to 
purder the queen. The Spanish fleet was said by some 
to be already arrived at Milford-haven. Others affirmed 
that the duke of Guise had landed with a strong army in 
Sussex. Now, it was reported that the northern counties 
were up in arms ; next day, that the Scots had entered 
England with all their forces; and a conspiracy, it y^^ 

sion, and abused this Queen, fearing in like manner we shall be stayed until answer 
come from Scotland by such person as they have intelligence of. And albeit that it 
will be well enough known to all men how heavily your Majesty takes this proceeding 
to heart J the truth is, that they have by this occasion so persuaded the Queen, that 
it is like to hinder our negotiation. As also Alchinder (i. e. Alexander) Steward ia 
to be directed in their party, by our knowledge, who has awantyt more of his credit, 
than 1 believe he may perform, and we willed him to desist from this dealing, saying 
it does harm, and he is not meet for that purpose, remitting to your Majesty's good 
discretion to take order herein as we shall be answerable to your Majesty not to omit 
any point we have in charge, as the truth is, the Master of Grhaye has behaved 
himself very uprightly and discreetly in this charge, and evil tayne with be divers in 
these parts who were of before his friends. We have been behalden to the menstrals 
who has born us best company, but has not been troubled with others. Wylzemfi 
Kethe hath left nothing undone that he had in charge. As for Master Archibald he 
has promised at all times to do his dewoyr, wherein he shall find true report made 
to your Majesty, craving pardon of your Majesty that I have been so tedious, after I 
have kissed your Majesty's hand I humbly take my leave. Praying God to grant 
your Majesty many good days and happy, in whose protection I commit youi Majesty. 
At London the 20th of Jan. 1686. r ' -i ■ 

i Albeit Master George has not been in commission, he is not inferior in his service 
to any of us, as well by liis good advice and diligent care he takes for the advancement 
*OT your service, wherein we have not been a little furthered. 
't'^\f<\ To the King's Majesty, from the Master of Gray and Sir Robert Melvil. 
21st Jan Please it your Majesty in the last audience we had, since our last ad- 
1586 An vertisement by W". Murray, we find her Majesty at the resuming out 
orieinal in ^^^^^ something mitigated, and inclined to consider more deeply of 
the Collert ^^™' before we got our leave. At our reasoning, certain of the coun- 
'bf Sir A ^^^' ^^^^^Y' ™y Lord of Leicester, Sir Christopher Haton, my Lord 

Dick Vol Hunsdon, and my Lord Hawart being present in the chamber, gave little 
A foi 180 shew of any great contentment to have her from her former resolution, 
now cassin in perplexitie what she should do always we left her in that 
state, and since have daily pressed conference with the whole council, which to this 
tour we have not yet obtained. This day we have sent down to crave our leave. 
The greatest hinder which our negotiation has found hitherto is a persuasion they 
have here, that either your Majesty deals superficially in this matter, or that with 
time ye may be moved to digest it, which when with great difficulty we had ex- 
pugnit, we find anew that certain letters written to them of late from Scotland has 
found some place of credit with them in our contrare. So that resolving now to 
fclear them of that doubt by a special message, they have made choice of Sir Alex- 
ander Stewart to try your Highness's meaning in it, and to persuade your Majesty 
to like of their proceedings, wherefrom no terror we can say out unto him is able to 
divert him ; he has given out that he has credit with your Majesty, and tha,t 
he doubts not to help this matter at your Highness's hand. If he come there that 
'errand, we think your Majesty will not oversee the great disgrace that his attempts 
shall give us here, if he be not tane order with before that he be further heard ; and 
if so be that any other be directed (as our intelligence gives us there shall) our humble 
suit is to her Majesty, that it may please your Highness to hear of us what we find 
here, and at what point we leave this matter with her Majesty, before that they find 
accidence, the causes whereof, remitting to our private letters. We commit your 
Majesty for the present to God's eternal protection. From London this 21st of Jan. 
1586. 



BOOK VIT. 101 

whispered, was on foot for seizing the queen and burning 
the city. The panic grew every day more violent ; and 
the people, astonished and enraged, called for the execu- 
tion of the sentence against Mary, as the only thing which 
could restore tranquillity to the kingdom/ '^"^ 

Warrant While thcsc Sentiments prevailed among her sub- 
for Mary's jects, Elizabeth thousrht she miffht safely venture 

execution '' i-iiiii 

signed, to Strike tlic blow which she had so long meditated. 
She commanded Davison, one of the secretaries of 
state, to bring to her the fatal warrant; and her behaviour 
on that occasion plainly shewed, that it is not to humanity 
that we must ascribe her forbearance hitherto. At the 
iVery moment she was signing the writ which gave up a 
woman, a queen, and her own nearest relation, into the 
hands of the executioner, she was capable of jesting. 
I^i^ Go," says she to Davison, " and tell Walsingham what I 
Wve now done, though I am afraid he will die for grief 
when he hears it." Her chief anxiety was how to secure 
the advantages which would arise from Mary's death, 
without appearing to have given her consent to a deed so 
odious. She often hinted to Paulet and Drury, as well as 
to some other courtiers, that now was the time to discover 
the sincerity of their concern for her safety, and that she 
expected their zeal would extricate her out of her pre- 
sent perplexity. But they were wise enough to seem not 
to understand her meaning. Even after the warrant was 
signed, she commanded a letter to be written to Paulet in 
less ambiguous terms, complaining of his remissness in 
sparing so long the life of her capital enemy, and begging 
him to remember at last what was incumbent on him as an 
affectionate subject, as well as what he was bound to do by 
the oath of association, and to deliver his sovereign from 
continual fear and danger, by shortening the days of his 
prisoner. Paulet, though rigorous and harsh, and often 
jorutal in the discharge of what he thought his duty, as 
Mary's keeper, was nevertheless a man of honour and in- 
tegrity. He rejected the proposal with disdain ; and la- 

f Camd. 533, 534. * " 982 « 



102 SCOTLAND, 

menting that he should ever have been deemed capable of 
acting the part of an assassin, he declared that the queen 
might dispose of his life at her pleasure, but that he would 
never stain his own honour, nor leave an everlasting mark 
of infamy on his posterity, by lending his hand to perpe- 
trate so foul a crime. On the receipt of this answer, Eli- 
zabeth became extremely peevish; and calling him a 
dainty and precise fellow, who would promise much but 
perform nothing, she proposed to employ one Wingfield, 
who had both courage and inclination to strike the blow.^ 
But Davison remonstrating against this, as a deed disho- 
nourable in itself, and of dangerous example, she again 
declared her intention that the sentence pronounced by 
the commissioners should be executed according to law; 
and as she had already signed the warrant, she begged that 
no farther application might be made to her on that head. 
By thiSjthe privy counsellors thought themselves sufficiently 
authorized to proceed; and prompted, as they pretended, 
by zeal for the queen's safety, or instigated, as is more pro- 
bable, by the apprehension of the danger to which they 
would themselves be exposed, if the life of the queen of 
Scots were spared, they assembled in the council-cham- 
ber ; and by a letter under all their hands, empowered the 
earls of Shrewsbury and Kent, together with the high she- 
riff of the county, to see the sentence put in execution.'' 
Mary's Ou Tucsday the seventh of February, the two earls 
ath?r°"^ arrived at Fotheringay, and demanded access to 
death. the queen, read in her presence the warrant for 
execution, and required her to prepare to die next morning- 
Mary heard them to the end without emotion, and cross- 
ing herself in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and 
of the Holy Ghost, " That soul," said she, " is not worthy 
the joys of Heaven, which repines because the body must 
endure the stroke of the executioner ; and though I did 
not expect that the queen of England would set the first 
example of violating the sacred person of a sovereign 
prince, I willingly submit to that vvhich Providence has 

e Biog. Britan. article Davhon. •> Camd. 534. Strype, iii. 361. 36'i. 



BOOK VII. 10^'^' 

decreea to be my lot;" and laying her hand on a Bible, " 
which happened to be near lier, she solemnly protested ^' 
that she was innocent of that conspiracy which Babington 
had carried on against Elizabeth's life.' She then men- 
tioned the requests contained in her letter, but obtained no 
satisfactory answer. She entreated, with particular ear- 
nestness, that now in her last moments her almoner might 
be suffered to attend her, and that she might enjoy the 
consolation of those pious institutions prescribed by her 
religion. Even this favour, which is usually granted to 
the vilest criminal, was absolutely denied. 

Her attendants, during this conversation, were bathed 
in tears, and though overawed by the presence of the two 
earls, with difficulty suppressed their anguish ; but no 
sooner did Kent and Shrewsbury withdraw, than they ran 
to their mistress, and burst out into the most passionate 
expressions of tenderness and sorrow. Mary, however, not 
only retained perfect composure of mind herself, but en- 
deavoured to moderate their excessive grief; and falling 
on her knees with all her domestics round her, she 
thanked Heaven that her sufferings were now so near an 
end, and prayed that she might be enabled to endure 
what still remained with decency and with fortitude. The 
greater part of the evening she employed in settling her 
worldly affairs. She wrote her testament with her owri'^' 
hand. Her money, her jewels, and her clothes, shedistri- '^ 
buted among her servants, according to their rank or merit. 
She wrote a short letter to the king of France, and another 
to the duke of Guise, full of tender but magnanimous senti- 
ments, and recommended her soul to their prayers, and her 
afflicted servants to their protection. At supper she ate 
temperately, as usual, and conversed not only with ease, 
but with cheerfulness ; she drank to every one of her ser- 
vants, and asked their forgiveness, if ever she had failed 
in any part of her duty towards them. At her wonted time 
she went to bed, and slept calmly a few hours. Early in 
the morning she retired into her closet, and employed a 

' Jcbb, ii, 301. 



£004 imcmma^D. 

iiT 'considerable time in devotion. At eight o'clock the high 

i sherifF and his officers entered her chamber, and found her 

' still kneeling at the altar. She immediately started up, 

and with a majestic mien, and a countenance undismayed, 

i and even cheerful, advanced towards the place of execu- 

J tion, leaning on two of Paulet's attendants. She was 

- dressed in a mourning habit, but with an elegance and 

1 splendour which she had long laid aside except on a few 

1 festival days. An Agnus Dei hung by a pomander chain 

i" at her neck ; her beads at her girdle ; and in her hand she 

1^ carried a crucifix of ivory. At the bottom of the stairs, 

(:< the two earls, attended by several gentlemen from the 

s neighbouring counties, received her ; and there Sir Andrew 

t^ Melvil, the master of her household, who had been se- 

\ eluded for some weeks from her presence, was permitted 

«> to take his last farewell. At the sight of a mistress whom 

' he tenderly loved, in such a situation, he melted into tears ; 

and as he was bewailing her condition, and complaining 

of his own hard fate, in being appointed to carry the ac- 

if count of such a mournful event into Scotland, Mary re- 

V plied, " Weep not, good Melvil, there is at present great 

^' cause for rejoicing. Thou shalt this day see Mary Stuart 

^' delivered from all her cares, and such an end put to her 

-^ tedious sufferings, as she has long expected. Bear wit- 

^' ness that I die constant in my religion ; firm in my fidelity 

"* towards Scotland; and unchanged in my affection to 

c; France. Commend me to my son. Tell him I have done 

s nothing injurious to his kingdom, to his honour, or to his 

<i rights ; and God forgive all those who have thirsted with* 

•0' out cause for my blood." 

Ifly^ \\rith much difficulty, and after many entreaties, she 

* '^'prevailed on the two earls to allow Melvil, together with 
*^ three of her men-servants and two of her maids, to attend 
"^^'' her to the scaffold. It was erected in the same hall where 

she had been tried, raised a little above the floor, and 
covered, as well as a chair, the cushion, and block, with 

* black cloth. Mary mounted the steps with alacrity, be- 
^J^ lield^|ill this apparatus of death with an unaltqre^.counte- 



BOOK VII. ia06 

J »ance, and signing herself with the cross, she sat down in 
lathe chair. Beale read the warrant for execution with a 
^qloud voice, to which she listened with a careless air, and 
^jjlike one occupied in other thoughts. Then the dean of 
.jjPeterborough began a devout discourse, suitable to her 
g^^present condition, and offered up prayers to Heaven in her 
j;,,behalf; but she declared that she could not in conscience 
Y^ hearken to the one, nor join with the other; and kneeling 
(jjdown, repeated a Latin prayer. When the dean had 
9j finished his devotions, she, with an audible voice, and in 
g the English tongue, recommended unto God the afflicted 
^^state of the church, and prayed for prosperity to her son, 
y^ and for a long life and peaceable reign to Elizabeth. She 
.^.declared that she hoped for mercy only through the death 
jj of Christ, at the foot of whose image she now willingly 
...shed her blood ; and lifting up and kissing the crucifix, 

she thus addressed it : " As thy arms, O Jesus, were ex- 
, tended on the cross ; so vs^ith the outstretched arms of thy 
' mercy receive me, and forgive my sins." 

She then prepared for the block, by taking off her veil 

and upper garments ; and one of the executioners rudely 
t^. endeavouring to assist, she gently checked him, and said 

with a smile, that she had not been accustomed to undress 

before so many spectators, nor to be served by such valets. 

With calm but undaunted fortitude, she laid her neck on 
^tthe block; and while one executioner held her hands, the 
Q^ other, at the second stroke, cut off her head, which falling 
p-jPut of its attire, discovered her hair already grown quite 
^^^gi;ey with cares and sorrows. The executioner held it up 

still streaming with blood, and the dean crying out, " So 

perish all queen Elizabeth's enemies," the earl of Kent 
jj. alone answered " Amen." The rest of the spectators con- 
t tinned silent, and drowned in tears; being incapable, at 

that moment, of any other sentiments but those of pity or 
|j^ admiration.'^ t hr^if oHa 

1 .- I ^ Camd. 534. Spotsw. 355. Jebb, ii. 300. Strype, iii. S83. 

1. 1 1 1 fi Jii . "^ _ "^ 

Copy of a Inter from tJie Earls if Shrewsbury and Kent, &;c. touching their proceedings 
with regard to the death of the Scottish Queen, to her Majesty's council. 
It may please your Hon'''<^* good Lordships to be advertised, that, on Saturday, the 
4(b of this present, I Robert Bcale came to the house of mo the Earl of Kent, in the 



106 SCOTLAND. 

Sentiments ^"^^^ ^^^ ^^^ tragical death of Mary, queen of 
ofhisto- Scots, after a life of forty-four years and two 

nans con- . r. 

earning mottths, almost nineteen years of which she passed 
in captivity. The political parties which were . 
formed in the kingdom during her reign, have subsisted 

county of , to whom your Lordships' letter and message was delivered, and her 

Majesty's commission shewn ; whereupon 1 the Earl forthwith sent precepts for the 
staying of such hues and cries as had troubled the country, requiring the officers to 
make stay of all such persons as should bring any such warrants without names, as 
before had been done, and to bring them to the next justice of peace, to the intent 
that upon their examination, the occasion and causes of such seditious bruites might 
be bolted out and known. It was also resolved that I the said Earl of Kent should, 
on the Monday following, come to Lylford to Mr. Elmes, to be the nearer and readier 
to confer with my Lord of Shrewsbury. Sonday at night, I Robert Beale came to 
Fotheringay, where, after the communicating the commission, &c. unto us Sir Amice 
Pawlet and Sir Drue Drury, by reason that Sir A . Pawlet was but late recovered and 
not able to repair to the Earl of Shrewsbury, being then at Orton, six miles off ; it was 
thought good that we Sir Drue Drury and Robert Beale should go unto him, which we 

did on moniing ; and together with the delivery of her Majesty's commission, 

and your Lordships' letter, imparted unto him what both the Earl of Kent and we 
thought meet to be done in the cause, praying his Lordship hither the day following, 
to confer with me the said Earl concerning the same; which his Lordship promised. 
And for the better colouring of the matter, I the said Earl of Shrewsbury sent to Mr. 
Beale, a justice of peace of the county of Huntingdon next adjoining, to whom I com- 
municated that warrant, which Robert Beale had under your Lordships' hands for the 
staying of the hues and cries, requiring him to give notice thereof to the town of Peter- 
borough, and especially unto the justices of peace of Huntingdonshire, and to cause 
the pursuers and bringersof such warrants to be stayed, and brought to the next justice 
of peace ; and to bring us word to Fotheringay Castle on Wednesday morning what 
he had done, and what he should in the mean time understand of the authors of such 
bruites. Which like order, I also Sir Amias Pawlet had taken on Monday morninr^ 
in this town, and other places adjoining. The same night the sheriff of the county of 
Northampton, upon the receipt of your Lordships' letter, came to Arundel, and letters 
were sent to me the Earl of Kent of the Earl of Shrewsbury's intention and meeting 
here on Tuesday by noon j and other letters were also sent with their Lordships' 
assent to Sir Edward Montagu, Sir Richard Knightly, Mr. Tho. Brundenell, &c. to 
be here on Wednesday by eight of the clock in the morning, at which time it was 
thought meet that the execution sbould be. So upon Tuesday, we the Earls came 
hither, where the sheriff met us; and upon conference between us it was resolved, 
that the care for the sending for the surgeons, and other necessary provision should 
be committed unto him against the time. And we forthwith repaired unto her, and 
first in the presence of herself and her folks, to the intent that they might see and re- 
port hereafter that she was not otherwise proceeded with than according to law, and 
the form of the statute made in the 27th year of her Majesty's reign, it was thought 
convenient that her Majesty's commission should be read unto her, and afterwards she 
was by sundry speeches willed to prepare herself against the next morning. She was 
also put in remembrance of her fault, the honourable manner of proceeding with her, 
and the necessity that was imposed upon her Majesty to proceed to execution, for that 
otherwise it was found that they could not both stand together ; and however, sithence 
the Lord Buckhurst his being here new conspiracies were attempted, and so would be 
still ; wherefore since she had now a good while since warning, by the said Lord and 
Robert Beale, to think upon and prepare herself to die, we doubted not but that she 
was, before this, settled, and therefore would accept this message in good part. And 
to the effect that no Christian duty might be said to be omitted, that might be for her 
comfort, and tend to the salvation botli of her body and soul in the world to come, we 
offered unto her that if it would please her to confer with the Bishop and Dean of 
Peterborough, she might ; which Dean, we had, for that purpose, appointed to be 
lodged within one mile of that place. Hereto she replied, crossing herself in the 
name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, saying that she was ready to die 
in the Catholic Roman faith, which her ancestors had professed, from which she would 
not be removed. And albeit we used many persuasions to the contrary, yet we pre- 
vailed nothing ; and therefore, when she demanded the admittance of her priest, we 
utterly denied that unto her. Hereupon, she demanded to understand what answer 



BOOK vii; 107 

under various denominations, ever since that time. The 
rancour v^^ith wliich they were at first animated, hath de- 

we had touching her former petition to her Majesty, concerning her papers of accounts, 
and the bestowing of her body. To the first we had none other answer to make, but 
that we thought if they were not sent before, the same might be in Mr. Waade's cus- 
tody, who was now in France, and seeing her papers could not any wise pleasure her 
Majesty, we doubted not but that the same would be delivered unto such as she should 
appoint. For, for our o%vn parts, we undoubtedly thought that her Majesty would 
not make any profit of her things, and therefore (in our opinions) she might set down 
what she would have done, and the same should be imparted unto her Majesty, of 
whom both she and others might expect all courtesy. Touching her body, we know 
not her Majesty's pleasure, and therefore could neither say that her petition should be 
denied, or granted. For the practice of Babington, she utterly denied it, and would 
have inferred it that her death was for her religion, whereunto it was eftsoons by us 
replied, that for many years she was not touched for her religion, nor should have been 
now, but that this proceeding against her was for treason, in that she was culpable of 
that horrible conspiracy for destroying ber Majesty's person; which she again denied, 
adding further, that albeit she for herself forgave them that were the procurers of her 
death, yet she doubted not, but that God would take vengeance thereof. And being 
charged with the depositions of Naue and Curie to prove it against her, she replied, 
that she accused none, but that hereafter when she shall be dead and they remain 
alive, it shall be seen how indifferently she had been dealt with, and what measure 
had been used unto her ; and asked whether it had been heard before this, that ser- 
vants had been practised to accuse their mistress? and hereupon also required what 
was become of them, and where they remained. 

Upon our departure from her, for that it seemed by the commission that the charge 
of her was in the disposition of us the Earls, we required S. Amias Pawlet and S. Drue 
Drurie, to receive for that night the charge which they had before, and to cause the 
whole number of soldiers to watch that night, and that her folks should be put up, 
and take order that only four of them should be at the execution, remaining aloof off 
and guarded with certain persons so as they should not come near unto her, which 
were Melvil her steward, the physician, surgeon, and apothecary. 

Wednesday morning, after that we the Earls were repaired unto the castle, and the 
sheriff' had prepared all things in the hall for the execution, he was commanded to go 
into her chamber, and to bring her down to the place where were jiresent, we which 
have signed this letter, Mr. Henry Talbot, Esq,, Sir Edward Montague, Knt. his son 
and heir-apparent, and William Montague his brother, Sir Richard Knichtly, Knt., 
Mr. Thomas Brudenell, Mr. Beuill, Mr. Robert and John Vv^ingefield, Mr. Forrest, and 
Rayner, Benjamin Piggott, Mr. Dean of Peterborough, and others. 

At the stairfold she paused to speak to Melvil in our hearing, which was to this 
effect, " Melvil, as thou hast been an honest servant to me, so I pray thee continue to 
my son, and commend me unto him. I have not impugn'd his religion, nor the re- 
ligion of others, but wish him well. And as I forgive all that have offended me in 
Scotland, so I would that he should also ; and beseech God, that he would send him 
his Holy Spirit, and illuminate him." Melvil's answer was, that he would do so, and 
at that instant he would beseech God to assist him with his spirit. Then she de- 
manded to speak uith her priest, which was denied unto her, the rather for that she 
came with a superstitious pair of beads and a crucifix. She then desired to have her 
women to help her, and upon her earnest request, and saying that when other gentle- 
women were executed, she had read in chronicles that they had women allowed unto 
them, it was permitted that she should have two named by herself, which were Mrs. 
Ctirle and Kennedy. After she came to the scaffold, first in presence of them all, her 
Majesty's commission was openly read ; and aftenvards Mr. Dean of Peterborough, 
according to a direction which he had received the night before from us the Earls, 
would have made a godly admonition to her, to repent and die well in the fear of God 
and charity to the world. But at the first entry, she utterly refused it, saying that she 
was a Catholique, and that it were a folly to move her, being so resolutely minded, 
and that onr prayers would little avsdl her. Whereupon, to the intent it might appear 
that we, and the whole assembly, had a Christian desire to have her die well, a godly 
prayer conceived by Mr. Dean, was read and pronounced by us all. " That it would 
please Almighty God to send her his Holy Spirit and grace, and also, if it wore his 
will, to pardon all her offences, and of his mercy to receive her into his heavenly and 
everlasting kingdom, and finally (o bless her Majesty, and confound all her enemies :" 
whereof Mr. Dean, minding to repair up shortly, can shew your Lordships a copy. 



SCOTLAND. 

SGended to succeeding ages, and their prejudices, as weil 
as their rage, have been perpetuated, and even augmented. 
Among historians, who were under the dominion of all 
these passions, and who have either ascribed to her every 
virtuous and amiable quality, or have imputed to her all 
the vices of which the human heart is susceptible, we 
search in vain for Mary's real character. She neither 
merited the exa2:o;erated praises of the one, nor the undis- 
tinguished censure of the other. ^ 

Her cha- '^^ ^^^ ^^^ charms of beauty, and the utmost eleT 
racter. gaucc of cxtcmal foFm, she added those accom- 
plishments which render their impression irresistible. 
Polite, affable, insinuating, sprightly, and capable of 
speaking and of writing with equal ease and dignity. 
Sudden, however, and violent in all her attachments ; be- 
cause her heart was warm and unsuspicious. Impatient 
of contradiction ; because she had been accustomed from 
her infancy to be treated as a queen. No stranger, on 

This done, she pronounced a prayer \ipon her knees to this effect, " to beseech God 
to send her his Holy Spirit, and that she trusted to receive her salvation in his blood, 
and of his grace to be received into his kingdom ; besought God to forgive her enemies, 
as she forgave them ; and to turn his wrath from this laud ; to bless the Queen's Ma- 
jestie, that she might serve him. Likewise to be merciful to her son, to have com- 
passion of his church, and altho' she was not worthy to be heard, yet she had a confi- 
dence in his mercy, and prayed all the saints to pray unto her Saviour to receive her." 
After this (turning towards her servants) she desired them to pray for her, that het 
Saviour would receive her. Then, upon petition made by the executioners, she par- 
doned them ; and said, she was glad that the end of all her sorrows was so near: 
Then she misliked the whinning and weeping of her women, saying that they rather 
ought to thank God for her resolution, and kissing them, willed them to depart from 
the scaffold, and farewell. And so resolutely kneeled down, and having a kerchief 
banded about her eyes, laid down her neck, whereupon the executioner proceeded. 
Her servants were incontinently removed, and order taken that none should approach 
unto her corps, but that it should be embalmed by the surgeon appointed. And fur- 
ther, her crosse, apparel, and other things are retained here, andnot yielded unto the 
executioner for inconveniences that might follow ; but he is remitted to be rewarded 
by such as sent him hither. 

This hath been the manner of our dealings in this service, whereof we have thought 
good to advertise your Lordships, as particularly as we could for the time, and further 
have thought good to signify unto your Lordships besides, that for the avoiding of all 
sinister and slanderous reports that may be raised to the contrary, we have caused a 
note thereof to be conceived to the same effect in writing, which we the said Lords 
have subscribed, with the hands of such other there the knights and gentlemen above 
named that were present at the action. And so beseeching Almighty God long to 
bless her Majesty with a most prosperous reign, and to confound all his and her ene» 
mies, we take our leaves. From Fotheringaycastle, the 3th of February 1586, in^ 
hast. Your Lordships' at commandment. 

^ N. B. This, as well as several other papers inserted in the Notes, is taken from a 
collection made by Mr. Crawfurd of Drumsoy, historiographer to Queen Anne, now 
li the library of the Faculty of Advocates. Mr. Crawfurd's'i transcriber hag op«tte4 
to mention the book in the Cott. Lib. where it is to be found. 



BOOK VII. loy 

some occasions, to dissimulation ; which, in that perfidious 
court where she received her education, was reckoned 
among- the necessary arts of government. Not insensible 
of flattery, or unconscious of that pleasure with which 
almost every woman beholds the influence of her own 
beauty. Formed with the qualities which we love, not 
With the talents that we admire; she was an agreeable 
Woman, rather than an illustrious queen. The vivacity 
of her spirit, not sufficiently tempered with sound judg- 
ment, and the warmth of her heart, which was not at all 
times under the restraint of discretion, betrayed her both 
into errors and into crimes. To say that she was always 
unfortunate will not account for that long and almost un- 
interrupted succession of calamities which befel her; we 
must likewise add, that she was often imprudent. Her pas- 
sion for Darnley was rash, youthful, and excessive ; and 
though the sudden transition to the opposite extreme, was 
the natural effect of her ill-requited love, and of his ingra- 
titude, insolence, and brutality; yet neither these, nor 
Both well's artful address and important services, can jus- 
tify her attachment to that nobleman. Even the manners 
of the age, licentious as they were, are no apology for this 
unhappy passion ; nor can they induce us to look on that 
tragical and infamous scene which followed upon it, with 
less abhorrence. Humanity will draw a veil over this part 
of her character which it cannot approve, and may, per^ 
haps, prompt some to impute some of her actions to her 
situation, more than to her disposition ; and to lament the 
unhappiness of the former, rather than excuse the perverse- 
ness of the latter. Mary's sufferings exceed, both in der 
gree and duration, those tragical distresses which fancy 
has feigned to excite sorrow and commiseration ; and while 
we survey them, we are apt altogether to forget her frail^ 
ties, we think of her faults with less indignation, and apJ 
prove of our tears, as if they were shed for a person who 
had attained much nearer to pure virtue. ,.^.i 

With regard to the queen's person, a circumstance ifot 
to be omitted in writing the history of a female reign, all 



110 SCOTLAND. 

contemporary authors agree in ascribing to Mary the utmost 
beauty of countenance, and elegance of shape, of which 
the human form is capable. Her hair was black, though, 
according to the fashion of that age, she frequently wore 
borrowed locks, and of different colours. Her eyes were a 
dark grey; her complexion was exquisitely fine; and her 
hands and arms remarkably delicate, both as to shape and 
colour. Her stature was of a height that rose to the ma- 
jestic. She danced, she walked, and rode with equal 
grace. Her taste for music was just, and she both sung 
and played upon the lute with uncommon skill. Towards 
the end of her life, long confinement, and the coldness of 
the houses in which she had been imprisoned, brought on 
a rheumatism, which often deprived her of the use of her 
limbs. No man, says Brantome, ever beheld her person 
without admiration and love, or will read her history with- 
out sorrow. 

None of her women were suffered to come near her dead 
body, which was carried into a room adjoining to the place 
of execution, where it lay for some days, covered with a 
coarse cloth torn from a billiard table. The block, the 
scaffold, the aprons of the executioners, and every thing 
stained with her blood, were reduced to ashes. Not long 
after, Elizabeth appointed her body to be buried in the 
cathedral of Peterborough with royal magnificence. But 
this vulgar artifice was employed in vain ; the pageantry 
of a pompous funeral did not efface the memory of those 
injuries which laid Mary in her grave. James, soon after 
his accession to the English throne, ordered her body to 
be removed to Westminster-abbey, and to be deposited 
among the monarchs of England. 

Elizabeth affected to receive the accounts of Mary's 

Elizabeth , . . , , . , . ^ . 

affects to death with the most violent emotions oi surprise 
Mar/s and concern. Sighs, tears, lamentations, and 
death, mouming, were all employed to display the reality 
and greatness of her sorrow. Evident marks of dissimula- 
^'^^ ction and artifice may be traced through every period of 
^'^ Elizabeth's proceedings against the life of the Scottish 



BOOK vn. Ill 

queen. The commission for bringing Mary to a public 
trial was seemingly extorted from her by the entreaties of 
her privy-counsellors. She delayed publishing the sen- 
tence against her till she was twice solicited by both 
houses of parliament. Nor did she sign the warrant for 
execution without the utmost apparent reluctance. One 
scene more of the boldest and most solemn deceit remained 
to be exhibited. She undertook to make the world be- 
lieve that Mary had been put to death without her know- 
ledge, and against her will. Davison, who neither sus- 
pected her intention nor his own danger, was her instru- 
ment in carrying on this artifice, and fell a victim to it. 

It was his duty, as secretary of state, to lay before her 
the warrant for execution, in order to be signed ; and, by 
her command, he carried it to the great seal. She pre- 
tended, however, that she had charged him not to com- 
municate what she had done to any person, nor to suffer 
the warrant to go out of his hands, without her express 
permission ; that, in contempt of this order, he had not 
only revealed the matter to several of her ministers, but 
had, in concert with them, assembled her privy- counsellors, 
by whom, without her consent or knowledge, the warrant 
was issued, and the earls of Shrewsbury and Kent em- 
powered to put it in execution. Though Davison denied 
all this, and with circumstances which bear the strong-est 
marks of truth and credibility ; though it can scarcely be 
conceived that her privy-council, composed of the persons 
in whom she most confided, of her ministers and favourites, 
would assemble within the walls of her palace, and venture 
to transact a matter of so much importance without her 
privity, and contrary to her inclination ; yet so far did she 
carry her dissimulation, that with all the signs of displea- 
sure and of rage, she banished most of her counsellors out 
of her presence ; and treated Burleigh, in particular, so 
harshly, and with such marks of disgust, that he gave him- 
self up for lost, and in the deepest affliction wrote to the 
queen, begging leave to resign all his places, that he might 
retire to his own estate. Davison she instantly deprived 
of his office, and committed him a close prisoner to the 



112 SCOTXAND. 

^■^f^ Tower. He was soon after brought to a solemn 
trial in the Star-chamber, condemned to pay a fine 
often thousand pounds, and to be imprisoned during the 
queen's pleasure. He languished several years in confine- 
ment, and never recovered any degree of favour or of 
power. As her jealousy and fear had bereaved the queen 
of Scots of life, in order to palliate this part of her con- 
duct, Elizabeth made no scruple of sacrificing the reputa- 
tion and happiness of one of the most virtuous and able 
men in her kingdom.' 

> Camd. 536. Strype, iii. 370. Cab. 229, &c. 

T'he objections against Mr. Davison, in the cause of the late Scottish Queen, must concern 
things ci^me, either, 1. Before her trial at Fetheringay. 2. During that session. 3. After 
tfie same, 

^ J ., 1. Before her trial, he neither is, nor can be charged to have had any hand 
l^ott. L,jb. ^^ ^jj jjj ^jjg cause of the said Queen, or done any thing whatsoever con- 
Cal. c. 1. ceming the same directly or indirectly. 

2. During that session, he remained at court, where the only interest he had 
therein was as her Majesty's secretary, to receive the letters from the commissioners, 
impart them to her Highness, and return them her answers. 

S, After the return thence of the said commissioners, it is well known to all her 
council, 

1. That he never was at any deliberation or meeting whatsoever, in parliament or 
council, concerning the cause of the said Queen, till the sending down of her Majesty's 
warrant unto the commissioners, by the Lords and others of her council. 

2. That he was no party in signing the sentence passed against her. 

3. That he never penned either the proclamation publishing the same, the warrant 
after her death, nor any other letter or thing whatsoever concerning the same. — And, 

That the only thing which can be specially and truly imputed to him, is the carrying 
up the said warrant unto her Majesty to be signed. She sending a great counsellor 
unto him, with her pleasure to that end, and carrying it to the great seal of England, 
by her own special direction and commandment. 

For the better clearing of which truth, it is evident, 

1. That the letter, being penned by the Lord Treasurer, was delivered by him unto 
Mr. Davison, with her Majesty's own privity, to be ready for to sign, when she should 
be pleased to call for it. 

2. That being in his hands, he retained it at the least five or six weeks unpresented, 
nor once offering to carry it up, till she sent a great counsellor unto him for the same, 
and was sharply reproved therefor by a great peer, in her Majesty's own presence. 

3. That having signed it, she gave him an express commandment to carry it to the 
seal, and being sealed to send it immediately away unto the commissioners, according 
to the direction. Herself appointing the hall of Fotheringay for the place of exe- 
cution, misliking the court-yard in divers respects ; and, in conclusion, absolutely 
forbade him to trouble her any further, or let her hear any more hereof, till it was 
done ; she, for her part, having (as she said) performed all that, in law or reason, 
could be required of her. 

4. Which directions notwithstanding, he kept the warrant sealed all that night, 
and the greatest part of the next day in his hands, brought it back with him to the 
court, acqnainted her Majesty withal, and finding her Majesty resolved to proceed 
therein, according to her former directions, and yet desirous to carry the matter so, 
as she might throw the burthen from herself, he absolutely resolved to quit his hands 
thereof. 

5. And hereupon went over unto the Lord Treasurer's chamber, together with Mr. 
Vice-chamberlain Hatton, and in his presence restored the same into the hands of the 
said Lord Treasurer, of whom he had before received it, who from thenceforth kept it, 
till himself and the rest of the council sent it away. ^^^J.,y 



BOOK VII. 113 

Elizabeth This solemn farce, for it deserves no better name, 
to soothe" furnished Elizabeth, however, with an apology to 
James. ^\^q j^jj^g ofScots. As the prospect of his mother's 
danger had excited the king's filial care and concern, the 
account of her death filled him with grief and resentment. 
His subjects felt the dishonour done to him and to the 
nation. In order to soothe both, Elizabeth instantly dis- 
patched Robert Cary, one of lord Hunsdon's sons, with a 
letter, expressing her extreme affliction on account of that 
miserable accident, which, as she pretended, had happened 
far contrary to her appointment or intention. James would 
not permit her messenger to enter Scotland, and with some 
difficulty received a memorial which he sent from Berwick. 
It contained the tale concerning Davison, dressed up with 
all the circumstances which tended to exculpate Elizabeth, 
and to throw the whole blame on his rashness or treachery. 
Such a defence gave little satisfaction, and was considered 

Which, in substance and truth, is all the part and interest the said Davison had in 
this cause, whatsoever is, or may be pretended to the contrary. 

Touching the sending down thereof unto the commissioners, that it was the general 
act of her JMajesty's council (as is before-mentioned), and not any private act of his, • 
may appear by, «v/ 

1. Their own confession. 2. Their own letters sent down therewith to the coin- 
missioners. 3. The testimonies of the Lords and others to whom they were directed. 
As also, 4. of Mr. Beale, by whom they were sent. 5. The tenor of her Majesty's 
first commission for their calling to the star-chamber for the same, and private ap- 
pearance and submission afterward instead thereof before the Lord .Chancellor Brotn-' 
ley. 6. The confession of Mr. Attorney- general in open court confirmed. 7. By the ' 
sentence itself upon record. 8. Besides a common act of council, containing an ' 
answer to be verbally delivered to the Scottish ambassador then remaining here, 
avowing and justifying the same. 

Now, where some suppose him to have given some e.ttraordinary furtherance there-'' 
unto, the contrary may evidently appear by, -.r.-'-ti j<\ 

1. His former absolute refusal to sign the band of association, being earnestly 
pressed thereunto by her Majesty's self. < fi 

2. His excusing of himself from being used as a commissioner, in the examination'*' 
of Babington and his complices, and avoiding the same by a journey to the Bath. 

3. His being a mean to stay the commissioners from pronouncing of the sentenceaNt*^ ■ 
Fotheringay, and deferring it till they should return to her Majesty's presence. ' ' '"f 

4. His keei>ing the warrant in his hands six weeks unpresented, w'ithout onceoff«fjfl^ 
ing to carry it up, till her Majesty sent expressly for the same to sign. 

5. His deferring to send it away after it was sealed unto the commissioners, as he 
was specially commanded, staying it all that night, and the greatest part of the next • ' 
day, in his hands. 

6. And finally, his restoring thereof into the hands of the Lord Treasurer, of whom "■• 
he had before received the same. i 

Which are clear and evident proofs, that the said Davison did nothing in this ^ 
cause whatsoever, contrary to the duty of the place he then held in her Majesty's '•' 
service. vJ 

Gal. C. 9. .c 

This seems to be an original. On the back is this title : jarV 

The innocenrii of Mr. Davidson in the cause of the late Scollish QtMOW * bwi bisa 

YQT- jy J ..; i-iw Ibanui/ Hi* 



114 SCOTLAND. 

as mockery added to insult ; and many of the nobles, as 
well as the king, breathed nothing but revenge. Elizabeth 
was extremely solicitous to pacify them, and she wanted 
neither able instruments nor plausible reasons, in order to 
accomplish this. Leicester wrote to the king, and WaU' 
singham to secretary Maitland. They represented the 
certain destruction to which James would expose himself, 
if, with the forces of Scotland alone, he should venture to 
attack a kingdom so far superior in power ; that the his- 
tory of past ages, as well as his mother's sad experience, 
might convince him, that nothing could be more danger- 
ous, or deceitful, than dependance on foreign aid ; that the 
king of France would never wish to see the British king^ 
doms united under one monarch, nor contribute to invest a 
prince so nearly allied to the house of Guise with such 
formidable power ; that Philip might be a more active 
ally, but would certainly prove a more dangerous one ; 
and, under pretence of assisting him, would assert his own 
right to the English crown, which he already began openly 
to claim ; that the same statute, on which the sentence of 
death against his mother had been founded, would justify 
the excluding him from the succession to the crown ; that 
the English, naturally averse from the dominion of 
strangers, would not fail, if exasperated by his hostilities, 
to apply it in that manner ; that Elizabeth was disposed 
to repair the wrongs which the mother had suffered, by her 
tenderness and affection towards the son ; and that, by en- 
gaging in a fruitless war, he would deprive himself of a 
noble inheritance, which, by cultivating her friendship, he 
must infallibly obtain. These representations, added to 
the consciousness of his own weakness, to the smallness of 
his revenues, to the mutinous spirit of some of the nobles, 
to the dubious fidelity of others, and to the influence of 
that faction which was entirely at Elizabeth's devotion, 
convinced James that a war with England, however just, 
would, in the present juncture, be altogether impolitical. 
AH these considerations induced him to stifle his resent- 
ment ; to appear satisfied with the punishment inflicted on 



BOOK VII. J 13 

Davison ; and to preserve all the semblances of friendship 
with the English court."' In this manner did the cloud 
which threatened such a storm pass away. Mary's death, 
like that of a common criminal, remained unavenged by 
any prince ; and, whatever infamy Elizabeth might incur, 
she was exposed to no new danger on that account. 
jj ^ m: , Mary's death, however, proved fatal to the master 

Uisgraceof '' . 

lie master of Gray, and lost him the king's favour, which he 
had for some time possessed. He was become 
as odious to the nation as favourites, who acquire power 
without merit, and exercise it without discretion, usually 
are. The treacherous part which he had acted during his 
late embassy was no secret, and filled James, who at length 
came to the knowledge of it, with astonishment. The 
courtiers observed the symptoms of disgust arising in the 
king's mind, his enemies seized the opportunity, and Sir 
William Stewart, in revenge of the perfidy with which 
Gray had betrayed his brother captain James, pub- 
^^ * licly accused him before a convention of nobles^ 
not only of having contributed, by his advice and sugges- 
tions, to take away the life of the queen, but of holding 
correspondence with Popish princes, in order to subvert 
the religion established in the kingdom. Gray, unsup- 
ported by the king, deserted by all, and conscious of his 
own guilt, made a feeble defence. He was condemned to 
perpetual banishment, a punishment very unequal to his 
crimes. But the king was unwilling to abandon one whom 
he had once favoured so highly, to the rigour of justice, 
and lord Hamilton, his near relation, and the other nobles 
who had lately returned from exile, in gratitude for the 
zeal with which he had served them, interceded w^armly in 
his behalf. 

Having thus accomplished the destruction of one of his 
enemies, captain James Stewart thought the juncture fa- 
vourable for prosecuting his revenge on them all. He 
singled out secretary Maitland, the most eminent both for 
abilities and enmity to him ; and offered to prove that he 

J b^V^ "> Spotsw. 362. Cald.iv.13, 14. Strype,377. ^ 

1 2 



U6 SCOTLAND. 

was no less accessary than Gray to the queen's death, and 
had even formed a design of delivering up the king him- 
self into the hands of the English. But time and absence 
had, in a great measure, extinguished the king's affection 
for a minion who so little deserved it. All the courtiers 
combined against him as a common enemy ; and, instead of 
gaining his point, he had the mortification to see the offic^ 
of chancellor conferred upon Maitland, who, together with 
that dignity, enjoyed all the power and influence of a 
prime minister. r 

; In the assembly of the church, which met this year, the 
same hatred to the order of bishops, and the same jealousy!^ 
and fear of their encroachments, appeared. But as the 
king was now of full age, and a parliament was sum- 
moned on that occasion, the clergy remained satisfied with' 
appointing some of their number to represent their griev-^ 
ances to that court, from which great things were ex-i 
pected. 

The king Prcvious to this meeting of parliament, James at- 
miU^Sle^^ tempted a work worthy of a king. The deadly 
nobles. feuds which subsisted between many of the great 
families, and which were transmitted from one generation 
to another, weakened the strength of the kingdom ; con- 
tributed, more than any other circumstance, to preserve aj, 
fierce and barbarous spirit among the nobles ; and proved 
the occasion of many disasters to themselves and to their 
country. After many preparatory negotiations, he invited, 
the contending parties to a royal entertainment in the 
palace of Holyrood-house, and partly by his authority,^ 
partly by his entreaties, obtained their promise to bury 
their dissensions in perpetual oblivion. From thence he 
conducted them, in solemn procession, through the streetsj 
of Edinburgh, marching by pairs, each hand in hand with 
his enemy, A collation of wine and sweetmeats was pre-, 
pared at the public cross, and there they drank to each^ 
other with all the signs of reciprocal forgiveness and of 
future friendship. The people, who were present at a 
spectacle so unusual, conceived the most sanguine hopes 



01 seeing concord and tranquillity estabTisnea in every partr 
of the kingdom, and testified their satisfaction by repeated 
acclamations." Unhappily, the effects of this reconcilia- 
tion were not correspondent either to the pious endeavours 
of the king, or to the fond wishes of the people. 

The first care of the parliament was the security of the 
Protestant religion. All the laws passed in its favour, 
since the Reformation, were ratified; and a new and severe 
one was enacted against seminary priests and Jesuits, 
whose restless industry in making proselytes, brought 
many of them into Scotland about this time. Two acts of 
this parliament deserve more particular notice on account 
of the consequences with which they were followed. ! I 
General '^^^ ^^^ rcspcctcd the lauds of the church. As' 
annexa- ^hc Dublic revcuucs wcrc not sufficient for defray- 

tions of . ■"■ . , . _ '' 

church- ing the kings ordinary charges; as the admini- 
stration of the government became more compli- 
cated and more expensive ; as James was naturally profuse, 
and a stranger to economy ; it was necessary, on all these 
accounts, to provide some fund proportioned to his exi-' 
gencies. But no considerable sum could be levied on the 
commons, who did not enjoy the benefit of an extensive 
commerce. The nobles were unaccustomed to bear the 
burden of heavy taxes. The revenues of the church were 
the only source whence a proper supply could be drawn. 
Notwithstanding all the depredations of the laity since 
the Reformation, and the various devices which they had 
employed to seize the church-lands, some considerable 
portion of them remained still unalienated, and were held 
either by the bishops who possessed the benefices, or wefe^ 
granted to laymen during pleasure. All these lands M'ere, 
in this parliament, annexed, by one general law," to the 
crown, and the king was empowered to apply the rents of 
them to his own use. The tithes alone were reserved for^ 
the maintenance of the persons who served the cure, and 
the principal mansion-house, with a few acres of land, by 
way of glebe, allotted for their residence. By this great 



^'ii8 SCOTLAND. 

accession of property, it is natural to conclti^fe that tlie 
king must have acquired a vast increase of power, and the 
influence of the nobles have suffered a proportional dimi- 
nution. The very reverse of this seems, however, to have 
been the case. Almost all grants of church-lands, prior to 
this act, were thereby confirmed ; and titles, which were 
formerly reckoned precarious, derived thence the sanction 
of parliamentary authority. James was likewise autho- 
; rized, during a limited time, to make new alienations ; 
and such was the facility of his temper, ever ready to yield 
to the solicitations of his servants, and to gratify their 
most extravagant demands, that not only during the time 
limited, but throughout his whole reign, he was continu- 
ally employed in bestowing, and his parliament in ratify- 
ing, grants of this kind to his nobles ; hence little advantage 
accrued to the crown from that which might have been so 
valuable an addition to its revenues. The bishops, how- 
ever, were great sufferers by the law. But at this juncture 
neither the kino- nor his ministers were solicitous about the 
interests of an order of men, odious to the people, and per- 
secuted by the clergy. Their enemies promoted the law 
jV.with the utmost zeal. The prospect of sharing in their 
. • spoils induced all parties to consent to it ; and after a step 
r ^ so fatal to the wealth and power of the dignified clergy, it 
was no difficult matter to introduce that chano-e in the Ofo- 
• rvernment of the church which soon after took place.P 
Le^^serba- ^ ^® chaugc wliich the other statute produced m 
tons ad- ^he civil constitution was no less remarkable. 

mittedinto -rTiirii r t t i 

f parliament Under the leuaal system, every ireeholder, or im- 
presenta-^^ mediate vassal of the crown, had a right to be 
lives. present in parliament. These freeholders were 
■' originally few in number, but possessed of great and exten- 
sive property. By degrees these vast possessions were 
r ' . divided by the proprietors themselves, or parcelled out by 
. the prince, or split by other accidents. The number of 
r ,.ifreeholders became greater, and their condition more un- 
' eqiial ; besides the ancient barons, who preserved their 

»I103i3<'J fit ' ■ ■.; 

p Spotsw. 365. 



BOOK Vlf. 119 

estates and their power unimpaired, there arose another 
order, whose rights were the same, though their wealth 
and influence were far inferior. But, in rude ages, when 
the art of government was extremely imperfect, when par- 
liaments were seldom assembled, and deliberated on mat- 
ters little interesting to a martial people, few of the lesser 
barons took their seats, and the whole piirliamentary juris- 
diction was exercised by the greater barons, in conjunction 
with the ecclesiastical order. James I , fond of imitatins" 
the forms of the English constitution, to which he had 
been long accustomed, and desirous of providing a coun- 
terpoise to the power of the great nobles, procured an act 
in the year 1427, dispensing with the personal attendance 
of the lesser barons, and empowering those in each county 
to choose two commissioners to represent them ijj parlia- 
ment. This law, like many other regulations of that wise 
prince, produced little effect. All the king's vassals con- 
tinued, as formerly, possessed of a right to be present in 
parliament ; but, unless in some extraordinary conjunc- 
tures, the greater barons alone attended. But, by means 
of the Reformation, the constitution had undero-one a o-reat 
change. The aristocratical power of the nobles had been 
much increased, and the influence of the ecclesiastical 
order, which the crown usually employed to check their 
usurpation, and to balance their authority, had diminished 
in proportion. Many of the abbeys and priories had been 
erected into temporal peerages ; and the Protestant bi- 
shops, an indigent race of men, and odious to the nation, 
were far from possessing the weight and credit which their 
predecessors derived from their own exorbitant wealth and 
the superstitious reverence of the people. In this situa- 
tion, the king had recourse to the expedient employed by 
James I., and obtained a law reviving the statute of 1427 ; 
and from that time the commons of Scotland have sent 
their representatives to parliament. An act, which tended 
so visibly to abridge their authority, did not pass without 
opposition from many of the nobles. But as the king had 
a right to summon the lesser barons. to attend in person, 



129,,, SCOTLAND^ 

others were apprehensive of seeing the house filled with a 
multitude of his dependants, and consented the more wil- ? 
lingly to a law which laid them under thp -^e^tpplipn j^f; jy 
appearing only by their representatives. ,Vy ..f^>*r -nuvra ^^fffe 

1588. The year 1588 began with a universal expecta- 
proachof ^^^^^ throughout all Europe, that it was to be distin- 
theSpa- QTuished bv wonderful events and revolutions. 

nish ar- ~ *' 

mada. Scveral astrologers, according to the accounts of 
contemporary historians, had predicted this ; and the situ- 
ation of affairs in the two principal kingdoms of Europe t 
was such, that a sagacious observer, without any super-r.rih 
natural intelligence, might have hazarded the prediction, 
and have foreseen the approach, of some grand crisis. Iri.a,yj 
France, it was evident, from the astonishing progress e»f:'^i^ 
the league, conducted by a leader whose ambition was 
restrained by no scruples, and whose genius had hitherto 
surmounted all difficulties ; as well as from the timidji^H 
variable, and impolitic councils of Henry III., that either 
that monarch must submit to abandon the throne, of which 
he was unworthy, or by some sudden and daring blow cut I 
off his formidable rival. Accordingly, in the beginning ir.{q 
of the year, the duke of Guise drove his master out of his bib 
capital city, and forced him to conclude a peace, whicfeiiB 
left him only the shadow of royalty ; and before the year fft 
expired, he himself fell a victim to the resentment and fear i^ 
of Henry, and to his own security. In Spain the opera- fJ 
tions were such as promised something still more uncomfiJoiii 
mon. During three years Philip had employed all ther^jila 
power of his European dominions, and exhausted the treats usb 
sures of the Indies, in vast preparations for war. A fleet, vvg 
the greatest that had ever appeared in the ocean, was -di 
ready to sail from Lisbon, and a numerous land army was aq- 
assembled to embark on board of it. Its destination was d\ 
still unknown, though many circumstances made it pro-f;;>M 
bable that the blow was aimed, in the first place, againstoilol 
England- Elizabeth had long given secret aid to the re-*^ sdi 
volted provinces in the Low-Countries, and now openlyad^s 
afforded. them her protection. A numerous body of herojtisi 



uiiin 



BOOK VII. n^^} 

troops was in their service ; the earl of Leicester com- 
manded their armies ; she had great sway in the civil go- . r 
vemment of the republic ; and some of its most consider- 
able towns were in her possession. Her fleets had insulted' 
the coasts of Spain, intercepted the galleons from the West'^dT 
Indies, and threatened the colonies there. Roused by scJ^'""'^ 
many injuries, allured by views of ambition, and animated 
by a superstitious zeal for propagating the Romish religion, 
Philip resolved not only to invade, but to conquer England, . 
to which his descent from the house of Lancaster, and the" 
donation of pope Sixtus V. gave him, in his own opinion, 
a double title. 

Conduct Elizabeth saw the danger approach, and prepared -.. 
on^that^oc- *° cncouutcr it. The measures for the defence of 
casion. jjgp kino;dom were concerted and carried on with 
the wisdom and vigour which distinguished her reign. 
Her chief care was to secure the friendship of the kinsr of 
Scots. She had treated the queen his mother with a ri- ^ , 
gour unknown among princes; she had often used himself r 
harshly, and with contempt ; and though he had hitherto, 1 
prudently suppressed his resentment of these injuries, she 
did not believe it to be altogether extinguished, and was, 
afraid that, in her present situation, it might burst out with \ 
fatal violence. Philip, sensible how much an alliance with, 
Scotland would faciliate his enterprise, courted James witl\/^ 
the utmost assiduity. He excited him to revenge his . 
mother's wrong ; he flattered him with the hopes oif"*^ 
sharing his conquests ; and offered him in marriage his 
daughter the infanta Isabella. At the same time, Scotland " 
swarmed with priests, his emissaries, who seduced some oi 
the nobles to Popery, and corrupted others with bribes and, 
promises. Huntly, Errol, Crawford, were the heads of a 

19885 



faction which openly espoused the interest of Spain. Lord ,., 
Maxwell, arriving from that court, began to assemble his 
followers, and to take arms, that he might be ready to joii^ „ 
the Spaniards. In order to counterbalance all these, Eli-° 
zabeth made the warmest professions of friendship to thle* ^ 
king ; and Ashby, her ambassador, entertained him wftfi^^ 



^122 SCOTLAND. 

magnificent hopes and promises. He assm*ed him, that his 
right of succession to the crown should be publicly ac- 
knowledged in England ; that he should be created a duke 
^in that kingdom ; that he should be admitted to some share 
in the government ; and receive a considerable pension 
annually. James, it is probable, was too well acquainted 
with Elizabeth's arts, to rely entirely on these promises. 
But he understood his own interest in the present juncture, 
and pursued it with much steadiness. He rejected an 
alliance with Spain, as dangerous. He refused to admit 
into his presence an ambassador from the pope. He seized 
colonel Semple, an agent of the prince of Parma. He 
drove many of the seminary priests out of the kingdom. 
He marched suddenly to Dumfries, dispersed Maxwell's 
followers, and took him prisoner. In a convention of the 
nobles, he declared his resolution to adhere inviolably to 
the league with England ; and without listening to the 
suggestions of revenge, determined to act in concert with 
Elizabeth, against the common enemy of the Protestant 
.faith. He put the kingdom in a posture of defence, and 
y. levied troops to obstruct the landing of the Spaniards. He 
3j.^pifered to send an army to Elizabeth's assistance, and told 
, ,^er ambassador that he expected no other favour from the 
^ ^.ilting of Spain, but that which Polyphemus had promised 
-onto Ulysses, that when he had devoured all his companions, 
Yjjie would make him his last morsel.'^ 
8tl^»iationai The zcal of the people, on this occasion, was not 
< in dSence inferior to that of the king ; and the extraordi- 
of religion, nary danger with which they were threatened, 
M^ suggested to them an extraordinary expedient for their 
, security. A bond was framed for the maintenance of true 
"f'r- religion, as well as the defence of the king's person and 
government, in opposition to all enemies, foreign and do- 
mestic. This contained a confession of the Protestant faith, 
I a particular renunciation of the errors of Popery, and the 
g;e^/*nost solemn promises, in the name, and through the 
r;3i«trengtli of God, of adhering to each other in supporting 

1 Camd. 544. Jobnst. 139. Spotsw. 369. 



BOOK VII. yiS3 

hhe former, and contending against the latter, to the utmost 
of their power/ The king, the nobles, the clergy, and the 
people, subscribed with equal alacrity. Strange or un- 
common as such a combination may now appear, many 

flicircumstances contributed at that time to recommend it, 

hatnd to render the idea familiar to the Scots. When roused 
by an extraordinary event, or alarmed by any public dan- 
ger, the people of Israel were accustomed to bind them- 

Tselves, by a solemn covenant, to adhere to that religion 
which the Almighty had established among them ; this the 
Scots considered as a sacred precedent, which it became 
them to imitate. In that age, no considerable enterprise 
was undertaken in Scotland, without a bond of mutual de- 
fence, which all concerned reckoned necessary for their 
security. The form of this religious confederacy is plainly 
borrowed from those political ones, of which so many in- 
stances have occurred ; the articles, stipulations, and pecu- 
liar modes of expression, are exactly the same in both. 
Almost all the considerable Popish princes were then joined 
in a league for extirpating the reformed religion, and 
nothing could be more natural, or seemed more efficacious, 
than to enter into a counter-association, in order to oppose 
the progress of that formidable conspiracy. To these causes 
did the covenant, which is become so famous in history, 
owe its origin. It was renewed at different times during 
the reign of James.' It was revived with great solemnity, 
though with considerable alterations, in the year 1638. 
It was adopted by the English in the year 1643, and en- 
forced by the civil and ecclesiastical authority of both king- 
doms. The political purposes to which it was then made 
.subservient, and the violent and unconstitutional measures 
which it was then employed to promote, it is not our 
province to explain. But at the juncture in which it was 
first introduced, we may pronounce it to have been a pru- 
dent and laudable device for the defence of the relio-ion and 

^' liberties of the nation ; nor were the terms in which it was 
conceived, other than might have been expected from men 

>■ Dunlop'8 Collect, of Confess, vol. ii. 108. « Cald. iv. 129. 



124 r. ^ SCOTLAND. 

a,larmed with the impending danger of Popery, and threat* 
ened with an invasion by the most bigoted and most 
powerful prince in Europe. 

Philip's eagerness to conquer England did not inspire 
him either with the vigour or dispatch necessary to ensure 
the success of so mighty an enterprise. His fleet, which 
ought to have sailed in April, did not enter the English 
channel till the middle of July. It hovered many days on 
the coast, in expectation of being joined by the prince of 
Parma, who was blocked up in the ports of Flanders by a 
Dutch squadron. Continual disasters pursued the 

The ar- . ^ . . . '■ 

madade- Spaniards during that time ; successive storms and; 
aVh- battles, which were well known, conspired with 
their own ill-conduct to disappoint their enterprise. And, 
by the blessing of Providence, which watched with remark- 
able care over the Protestant reliofion and liberties of Bri- 
tain, the English valour scattered and destroyed the armada, 
on which Philip had arrogantly bestowed the name of In- 
vincibk. After being driven out of the English seas, their 
shattered ships were forced to steer their course towards 
Spain, round Scotland and Ireland. Many of them suf- 
fered shipwreck on these dangerous and unknown coasts. 
Though James kept his subjects under arms, to watch the 
motions of the Spaniards, and to prevent their landing in 
a hostile manner, he received with great humanity seven 
hundred who were forced ashore by a tempest, and, after^ 
supplying them with necessaries, permitted thenitp return, 
into their own country. - n ,, 

On the retreat of the Spaniards, Elizabeth sent an am- 
bassador to congratulate with James, and to compliment 
him on the firmness and generosity he had discovered 
during a conjuncture so dangerous. But none of Ashby's 
promises were any longer remembered ; that minister was 
even accused of having exceeded his powers, by his too 
liberal offers; and conscious of his own falsehood, or 
ashamed of being disowned by his court, he withdrew ^ 
sec^lJy^ put pf Scotland.* , ^^.^ ^jj „, 

t Johnst. 134. Camd. 548. Murdin, 635. 788. 



BOOK VII. 125 

1589. Philip, convinced by fatal experience of his own 
STs^i"^ rashness in attempting the conquest of England, 
Scotland. \yy a naval armament, equipped at so great a dis- 
tance, and subjected, in all its operations, to the delays, 
and dangers, and uncertainties, arising from seas and wind, 
resolved to make his attack in another form, and to adopt 
the plan which the princes of Lorrain had long meditated, 
of invading England through Scotland. A body of his 
troops, he imagined, might be easily wafted over from the 
Low- Countries to that kingdom, and if they could once 
obtain footing, or procure assistance there, the frontier of 
England was open and defenceless, and the northern coun- 
ties full of Roman Catholics, who would receive them with, 
open arms. Meanwhile a descent might be threatened on 
the southern coast, which would divide the English army, 
distract their councils, and throw the whole kingdom into 
terrible convulsions. In order to prepare the way for the 
execution of this design, he remitted a considerable sum 
of money to Bruce, a seminary priest in Scotland, and em- 
ployed him, together with Hay, Creighton, and Tyrie, 
Scottish Jesuits, to gain over as many persons of distinc- 
Po ish ^^^^ ^^ possible to his interest. Zeal for Popery, 
nobles ^ud the artful insinuations of these emissaries, in- 
against duccd scvcral noblemen to favour a measure which 
'"^' tended so manifestly to the destruction of their 
country. Huntly, though the king had lately given him 
in marriage the daughter of his favourite the duke of Len- 
nox, continued warmly attached to the Romish church. 
Crawford and Errol were animated with the zeal of new 
converts. They all engaged in a correspondence with the 
prince of Parma, and, in their letters to him, offered their 
service to the king of Spain, and undertook with the aid of 
six thousand men, to render him master of Scotland, and 
to bring so many of their vassals into the field, that he' 
should be able to enter England with a numerous army. 
Francis Stewart, grandson of James V.," whom the king- 
had created earl of Bothwell, though influenced by no 

" He was the son of John Prior of Coldingham, one of James's natur^il children! 



l^ae SCOTLAND. 

motive of religion, for he still adliered to the Protestant 
faith, was prompted merely by caprice, and the restlessness 
of his nature, to join in this treasonable correspondence. 
J-,. All these letters were intercepted in England. 
Elizabeth, alarmed at the danger which threatened 
her own kingdom, sent them immediately to the king, and, 
reproaching him with his former lenity towards the Popish 
party, called upon him to check this formidable conspiracy 
The;.iiig'9 by a proper severity. But James, though firmly 
^^^"^^ , attached to the Protestant religion, though pro- 

with regard. i • i • 

to popery, foundly vcrscd in the theological controversies 
between the reformers and the church of Rome, though he 
had employed himself, at that early period of life, in writing 
a commentary on the Revelations, in which he laboured to 
prove the pope to be antichrist, had nevertheless adopted 
already those maxims concerning the treatment of the 
Roman Catholics, to which he adhered through the rest 
of his life. The Roman Catholics were at that time a 
powerful and active party in England ; they were far from 
being an inconsiderable faction in his own kingdom. The 
pope and the king of Spain were ready to take part in all 
their machinations, and to second every effort of their 
bigotry. The opposition of such a body to his succession 
to the crown of England, added to the averseness of the 
English from the government of strangers, might create 
him many difficulties. In order to avoid these, he thought 
it. necessary to soothe, rather than to irritate the Roman 
Catholics, and to reconcile them to his succession, by the 
hopes of gentler treatment, and some mitigation of the ri- 
gour of those laws, which were now in force against them. 
This attempt to gain one party, by promises of indulgence 
and acts of clemency, while he adhered with all the ob- 
stinacy of a disputant to the doctrines and tenets of the 
other, has given an air of mystery, and even of contradic- 
tion, to this part of the king's character. The Papists, 
with the credulity of a sect struggling to obtain power, be- 
lieved his heart to be wholly theirs ; and the Protestants, 
with the jealousy, inseparable from those who are already 



BOOK VII.' 127 

in possession of power, viewed every act of lenity as a 
mark of indifference, or a symptom of apostacy. In order 
to please both, James often aimed at an excessive refine- 
ment, mingled with dissimulation, in which he imagined 
the perfection of government and of king-craft to consist. 
His exces- His bchaviour on this occasion, was agfreeable to 
tJThe'^con ^^^se general maxims. Notwithstanding the so- 
spirators. Ucitations of the queen of England, enforced by 
the zealous remonstrances of his own clergy, a short im- 
prisonment was the only punishment he inflicted upon 
Huntly and his associates. But he soon had reason to 
repent an act of clemency so inconsistent with the dignity 
of government. The first use which the conspirators made 
of their liberty was, to assemble their followers, and under 
pretence of removingchancellor Maitland, an able minister, 
but warmly devoted to the English interest, from the 
king's council and presence, they attempted to seize James 
himself This attempt being defeated, partly by Mait- 
land's vigilance, and partly by their own ill-conduct, they 
were forced to retire to the north, where they openly erected 
the standard of rebellion. But as the king's government 
was not generally unpopular, or his ministers odious, their 
own vassals joined them slowly, and discovered no zeal in 
the cause. The king, in person, advancing against thetw 
with such forces as he could suddenly levy, they durst 
not rely so much on the fidelity of the troops, which, 
though superior in number, followed them with reluc'-' 
tance, as to hazard a battle ; but suffering them to disperse) 
they surrendered to the king, and threw themselves on hii!? 
mercy. Huntly, Errol, Crawford, and Bothwell, were all 
brought to a public trial. Repeated acts of treason were 
easily proved against them. The king, however, did not 
permit any sentence to be pronounced ; and after keeping 
them a few months in confinement, he took occasion, 
amidst the public festivity and rejoicings at the approach 
of his marriage, to set them at liberty.'' 

" Spotsw. 37-3. Cald. iv. 103— 130. "'^^'' 



^1^ SCOTLAND. 

^ife«ne*s' "^^ James was the only descendant of the anciept 
marriage monarchs of Scotland in the direct line ; as alj 
Anne of hopcs of Uniting the crowns of the two kingdoms 
Denmark. ^qjjJjJ havc expired with him ; as the earl of 
Arran, the presumptive heir to the throne, was lunatic ; the 
king's marriage was, on all these accounts, an event whiq]^ 
the nation wished for with the utmost ardour. He himself 
was no less desirous of accomplishing it ; and had mad^ 
overtures for that purpose, to the eldest daughter of Frej 
derick II. king of Denmark. But Elizabeth, jealous of 
every thing that would render the accession of the hous^ 
of Stewart more acceptable to the English, endeavoured to 
perplex James, in the same manner she had done Mary; 
and employed as many artifices to defeat or to retard his 
marriage. His ministers, gained by bribes and promises, 
seconded her intention ; and though several different am- 
bassadors were sent from Scotland to Denmark, they pro- 
duced powers so limited, or insisted on conditions so exr 
travagant, that Frederick could not believe the king to be 
in earnest ; and suspecting that there was some design to 
deceive or amuse him, gave his daughter in marriage to the 
duke of Brunswick. Not discouraged by this disappointr 
ment, which he imputed entirely to the conduct of his 
own ministers, James made addresses to the princess Anne, 
Frederick's second daughter. Though Elizabeth endea*- 
voured to divert him from this by recommending Catherine, 
the kingof Navarre's sister, as a more advantageous match; 
though she prevailed on the privy-council of Scotland to 
declare against the alliance with Denmark, he persisted 
in his choice ; and despairing of overcoming the obsti- 
nacy of his own ministers in any other manner, he secretly 
encouraged the citizens of Edinburgh to take arms. The^ 
threatened to tear in pieces the chancellor, whom they 
accused as the person, whose artifices had hitherto disap^ 
pointed the wishes of the king and the expectations of his 
people. In consequence of this, the earl Marischal wai^ 
§§^i 4Hto Denmark at the head of a splendid embassy. 



I 



Nov. 24. 



?He received ample powers and insfriictions, drawn with 
the king's own hand. The marriage articles were quickly 
agreed upon, and the young queen set sail towards Scot- 
land. James made great preparations for her reception, 
and waited her landing with all the impatience of a lover, 
when the unwelcome account arrived, that a violent tem- 
pest had arisen, which drove back her fleet to Norway, in 
a condition so shattered, that there was little hope of its 
putting again to sea, before the spring. This unexpected 
disappointment he felt with the utmost sensibility. He 
instantly fitted out some ships, and, without communi- 
^J *' catino^his intention to any of his council, sailed in 

Oct. !22i J ' 

person, attended by the chancellor, several noble- 
men, and a train of three hundred persons, in quest of his 
bride. He arrived safely in a small harbour near Upslo, 
where the queen then resided. There the mar- 
riage was solemnized ; and as it would have been 
rash to trust those boisterous seas in the winter season, 
James accepted the invitation of the court of Denmark, and 
repairing to Copenhagen, passed several months there, 
amidst continual feasting and amusements, in which both 
the queen and himself had great delight.^ .^^^d 

' '• No event in the king's life appears to be a wider devi- 
ation from his general character, than this sudden sally. 
His son Charles I. was capable of that excessive admira- 
tion of the other sex, which arises from great sensibility of 
heart, heightened by elegance of taste ; and the romantic 
"air of his journey to Spain suited such a disposition. But 
James was not susceptible of any refined gallantry, and 
always expressed that contempt for the female character, 
which a pedantic erudition, unacquainted with politeness, 
is apt to inspire. He was exasperated, however, and ren- 
dered impatient by the many obstacles which had been 
laid in his way. He was anxious to secure the political 
advantages which he expected from marriage; and fearing 
that a delay might afford Elizabeth and his own ministers, 
an opportunity of thwarting him by new intrigues, he sud- 

y Melvil, 352. Spotsw. 377. Murdin. 637. 
VOL. ir. K 



130 SCOTLAND. 

denly took the resolution of preventing them, by a voyage* 
from which he expected to return in a few weeks. The 
nation seemed to applaud his conduct, and to be pleased 
with this appearance of amorous ardour in a young prince. 
Notwithstanding his absence so long beyond the time he 
expected, the nobles, the clergy, and the people, vied with 
one another in loyalty and obedience ; and no period of 
the king's reign was more remarkable for tranquillity, or 
more free from any eruption of those factions which so 
often disturbed the kingdom. 



BOOK VIII. 



1590. 



On the first of May, the king and queen arrived 
The king at Lcith, and were received by their subjects with 
wrivein every possiblc cxprcssiou of joy. The solemnity 
Scot an . Qf ^i^g queen's coronation was conducted with great 
magnificence ; but so low had the order of bishops fallen 
in the opinion of the public, that none of them were pre- 
sent on that occasion ; and Mr. Robert Bruce, a Presby- 
terian minister of great reputation, set the crown on her 
head, administered the sacred unction, and performed the 
other customary ceremonies. ' '^^"" *^'^^'^-'k • ^ .jft v^ 

The zeal and success, with which many of the clergy 
Kad contributed toward preserving peace and order in the 
kingdom, during his absence, reconciled James, in a great 
degree, to their persons, and even to the Presby- 
• terian form of government. In presence of an as- 
sembly which met this year, he made high encomiums on 
the discipline, as well as the doctrine of the church, pro- 
mised to adhere inviolably to both, and permitted the as- 
sembly to frame such acts as gradually abolished all the 
remains of episcopal jurisdiction, and paved the way for a 
full and legal establishment of the Presbyterian model.* ' 
7^1912 ^j^ event happened soon after, which afforded 
-WiTil ^^ clergy no small triumph. Archbishop Adahi- 

a Cald. iv. 804. 



- ST- . 
August 4 



BOOK VIII. 13! 

son, their ancient opponent, having fallen under the king's 
^displeasure, having been deprived of the revenues of his 
see, in consequence of the act of annexation, and being op- 
pressed with age, with poverty, and diseases, made the 
meanest submission to the clergy, and delivered to the as- 
sembly a formal recantation of all his opinions concerning 
church government, which had been matter of offence to 
the Presbyterians. Such a confession, from the most 
learned person of the episcopal order, was considered as a 
testimony which the force of truth had extorted from an 
enemy.'' 

Disorders Mcanwhilc, the king's excessive clemency towards 
in the offenders multiplied crimes of all kinds, and en^ 

kingdom. '^ r« i 

couraged such acts of violence, as brought his 
government under contempt, and proved fatal to many of 
his subjects. The history of several years, about this time, 
is filled with the accounts of deadly quarrels between the 
great families, and of murders and assassinations, perpe- 
trated in the most audacious manner, and with circum- 
stances of the utmost barbarity. All the defects in the 
feudal aristocracy were now felt more sensibly, perhaps, 
than at any other period in the history of Scotland, and 
universal licence and anarchy prevailed to a degree 
scarce consistent with the preservation of society : while 
the king, too gentle to punish, or too feeble to act with 
vigour, suffered all these enormities to pass with impunity. 
An attempt Butthougli Jamcs counivcd at real crimes, witch- 
ofBoth- craft, which is commonly an imaginary one, en- 
againstthe grosscd his attention, and those suspected of it 
'"^' felt the whole weight of his authority. Many per- 
sons, neither extremely old, nor wretchedly poor, which 
were usually held to be certain indications of this crime, 
but masters of families, and matrons of a decent rank, and 
£in the middle age of life, were seized and tortured. Though 
their confessions contained the most absurd and incredible 
^^circumstances, the king's prejudices, those of the clergy 
_ and of the people, conspired in believing their extrava- 

'' Spot3\^. 38.5. Cald. iv. 2 1 4. 

k2 



132 SCOTLAND. 

gancies without hesitation, and in punishing their persons 
without mercy. Some of these unhappy sufferers accused 
JBothwell of having consulted them, in order to know 
the time of the king's death, and of having employed 
their art to raise the storms which had endangered the 
queen's life, and had detained James so long in Denmark. 
Upon this evidence, that nobleman was committed to prif 
son. His turbulent and haughty spirit could neither sub- 
mit to the restraint, nor brook such an indignity. Having 
gained his keepers, he made his escape, and imputing the 
accusation to the artifices of his enemy the chancellor, he 
assembled his followers, under pretence of driving him 
from the king's councils. Being favoured by some of the 
king's attendants, he was admitted by a secret passage, 
;iinder cloud of night, into the court of the palace of Holy- 
xood-house. He advanced directly towards the royal 
^apartment, but happily before he entered, the alarm 
^„oV- was taken, and the doors shut. While he at-: 
,,:j,' * tempted to burst open some of them, and set lire 
^0 others, the citizens of Edinburgh had time to run to 
their arms, and he escaped with the utmost difficulty ; 
pwing his safety to the darkness of the night, and the pre- 
cipitancy with which he fled.'' .> ^h^f^f^f^^ ^^^ -^^ vUna 
He retired towards the north, and the king having 
qfft'jT^ unadvisedly given a commission to the earl of 
JIuntly, to pursue him and his followers with fire and 
sword, he, under colour of executing that commission, 
gratified his private revenge, and surrounded the hous^ 
i, !. of the earl of Murray, burnt it to the ground, and 
5;+!^'o^", slew Murray himself. The murder of a young 
nobleman of such promising virtues, and the heir of the 
regent Murray, the darling of the people, excited univer- 
sal indignation. The citizens of Edinburgh rose in a tu- 
multuous manner ; and, though they were restrained by 
the care of the magistrates, from any act of violence, they 
threw aside all respect for the king and his ministers, and 
openly insulted and threatened both. While this muti- 

c Melv. 388. Spotsw. 386. 



BOOK VIII. 133 

nous spirit continued, James thought it prudent to with- 
draw from the city, and fixed his residence for some time 
at Glasgow. There Huntly surrendered himself to justice; 
and notwithstanding the atrociousness of his crime, and the 
clamours of the people, the power of the chancellor, with 
whom he was now closely confederated, and the king's 
regard for the memory of the duke of Lennox, whose 
daughter he had married, not only protected him" from the 
sentence, which such an odious action merited, but exempted 
him even from the formality of a public trial.'* 
Presby- A stcp of much importance was taken soon after, 
church go- with regard to the government of the church. The 
erSbHshld ^^^^^Y ^^^ ^^"? Complained of the encroach- 
by law. ments made upon their privileges and jurisdiction, 
by the acts of the parliament, 1584, and though these 
laws had now lost much of their force, they resolved to 
petition the parliament, which was approaching, to repeal 
them in form. The juncture for pushing such a measure 
was well chosen. The king had lost much of the public 
favour by his lenity towards the Popish faction, and still 
more, by his remissness in pursuing the murderers of the 
earl of Murray. The chancellor had not only a powerful 
party of the courtiers combined against him, but was be- 
come odious to the people, who imputed to him every false 
Step in the king's conduct. Bothwell still lurked in the 
kingdom, and being secretly supported by all the enemies 
of Maitland's administration, was ready every moment to 
renew his audacious enterprises. James, for all these rea- 
Sbns, was extremely willing to indulge the clergy in their 
request, and not only consented to a law, whereby the acts 
of 1584 were rescinded or explained, but he carried his 
complaisance still farther, and permitted the parliament to 
establish the Presbyterian government, in its general assem- 
blies, provincial synods, presbyteries, and, kirk sessions, with 
all the different branches of their discipline and jurisdiction, 
in the most ample manner. All the zeal and authority of the 
clergy, even under the administration of regents, from 

d Spotsw. 387. 



].34 SCOTLAND. 

whom they might have expected the mast partial favour, 
could not obtain the sanction of law, in confirmation of 
their mode of ecclesiastical government. No prince was 
ever less disposed than James to approve a system, the re- 
publican genius of which inspired a passion for liberty, ex- 
tremely repugnant to his exalted notions of royal preroga- 
tive. Nor could any aversion be more inveterate than his, 
to the austere and uncomplying character of the Presby*- 
terian clergy in that age ; who, more eminent for zeal than 
for policy, often contradicted his opinions, and censured 
his conduct, with a freedom equally offensive to his dog- 
matism as a theologian, and to his pride as a king. His 
situation, however, obliged him frequently to conceal, or 
to dissemble, his sentiments ; and, as he often disgusted 
his subjects, by indulging the Popish faction more than 
they approved, he endeavoured to atone for this, by con- 
cessions to the Presbyterian clergy, more liberal than he 
himself would otherwise have chosen to o-rant.^ 

In this parliament, Bothwell and all his adherents were 
attainted. But he soon made a new attempt to seize the 
king at Falkland ; and James, betrayed by some of his 
courtiers, and feebly defended by others, who wished well 
to Bothwell, as the chancellor's avowed enemy, owed his 
safety to the fidelity and vigilance of Sir Robert Melvil, 
and to the irresolution of Bothwell's associates.^ 
^i new con* Scarccly was this danger over, when the nation 
thT^Po^jish ^^^ alarmed with the discovery of a new and 
lords. more formidable conspiracy. George Ker, the 
lord Newbattle's brother, being seized as he was ready to 
set sail for Spain, many suspicious papers were found in 
his custody, and among these, several blanks signed by the 
earls of Angus, Huntly, and Errol. By this extraordinary 
" precaution, they hoped to escape any danger of discovery. 
But Ker's resolution shrinking when torture was threat- 
ened, he confessed that he was employed by these noble- 
men to carry on a negotiation with the king of Spain ; that 
the blanks subscribed with their names were to be filled up by 

c Cald. iv. 248. 252. Spotsw. 388. fMclv. 402. 



BOOK VIII,, 135 

Crichton and Tyrie ; that they were instructed to offer the 
faithful service of the three earls to that monarch ; and tq ^ 
solicit him to land a body of his troops, either in Galloway, 
or at the mouth of the Clyde, with which they undertook, 
in the first place, to establish the Roman Catholic religion 
in Scotland, and then to invade England with the whole 
forces of the kingdom. David Graham of Fintry, and 
Barclay of Ladyland, whom he accused of being privy to 
the conspiracy, were taken into custody, and confirmed all 
the circumstances of his confession." 

The nation having been kept for some time in con- 
Zeai of the tiuual terror and agitation by so many successive 
peope, conspiracies, the discovery of this new danger 
completed the panic. All ranks of men, as if the enemy 
had already been at their gates, thought themselves called 
upon to stand forth in defence of their country. The mi* 
nisters of Edinburgh, without waiting for any warrant 
from the king, who happened at that time to be absent 
from the capital, and without having received any legal 
commission, assembled a considerable number of peers 
and barons, in order to provide an instant security against 
the impending danger. They seized the earl of Angus, 
and committed him to the castle; they examined Ker; and 
prepared a remonstrance to be laid before the king, con- 
cerning the state of the nation, and the necessity of prose- 
and ro- cuting the conspirators with becoming vigour. 
ceedingsof James,though jcalousof cvcry eucroachmcnt onhis 
against prerogative, and ofiended with his subjects, who, 
■. T". instead of petitioning, seemed to prescribe to him, 
found it necessary, during the violence of the ferment, not 
only to adopt their plan, but even to declare, that no con- 
sideration should ever induce him to pardon such as had 
been guilty of so odious a treason. He summoned the 
earls of Huntly and Errol to surrender themselves to jus- 
tice. Graham of Fintry, whom his peers pronounced to 
be guilty of treason, he commanded to be publicly 
beheaded ; and marching into the north at the 

E Rymer, xvi. 190. 



f@@ SCOTLAND. 

head of an army, the two earls, together with Angj;i§jfPi?hq 
had escaped out of prison, retired to the mountains. H^ 
placed garrisons jn the castles which belonged to them; 
compelled their vassals, and the barons in the adjacent 
countries, to subscribe a bond containing professions of 
their loyalty towards him, and of their firm adherence 
to the Protestant faith ; and the better to secure the tran^ 
quillity of that part of the kingdom, constituted the earls 
of Athol and Marischal his lieutenants there.'' ^?=wp{+oo 
March 18. Haviug finished this expedition, James returned 
soiidtsLto Edinburgh, where he found lord Borrough, 
to treat ^^ extraordinary ambassador from the court of 
rigour. England. Elizabeth, alarmed at the discovery of 
a conspiracy which she considered as no less formidable 
to her own kingdom than to Scotland, reproached James 
with his former remissness, and urged him, as he regarded 
the preservation of the Protestant religion, or the dignity 
of his own crown, to punish this repeated treason with ri- 
gour ; and if he could not apprehend the persons, at least 
to confiscate the estates of such audacious rebels. She 
weakened, however, the force of these requests, by inter- 
ceding at the same time in behalf of Bothwell, whom, ac- 
cording to her usual policy, in nourishing a factious spirit 
among the Scottish nobles, she had taken under her pro- 
tection. James absolutely refused to listen to any inter* 
cession in favour of one who had so often, and with 39., 
much outrage, insulted both his government and his perr , 
son. With regard to the Popish conspirators, he declared 
his resolution to prosecute them with vigour; but that he 
niio-ht be the better able to do so, he demanded a small: 
sum of money from Elizabeth, which she, distrustful pert-.^ 
haps of the manner in which he might apply it, shewed no , 
inclination to grant. The zeal, however, and importunity 
of his own subjects, obliged him to call a parliament, in 
order to pass an act of attainder against the three earls. 
But before it met, Ker made his escape out of prison, and, 
on pretence that legal evidence of their guilt could not be 

hSpotsw. 301. Cald. iv. 291. 



produced, notliing was concluded against tlicm. The 
king himself was universally suspected of having contrived 
this artifice, on purpose to elude the requests of the queen 
of England, and to disappoint the wishes of his own peo- 
ple ; and, therefore, in order to soothe the clergy, who ex- 
claimed loudly against his conduct, he gave way to the 
passing of an act, which ordained such as obstinately 
contemned the censures of the church to be declared 
outlaws.' ''^ 

_t Ht UM>» While the terror excited by the Popish conspiracy 
surprises posscsscd the uatiou, the court had been divided 
°^' by two rival factions, which contended for the 
chief direction of affairs. At the head of one was the chan- 
cellor, in whom the king reposed entire confidence. For 
that very reason, perhaps, he had fallen early under the 
queen's displeasure. The duke of Lennox, the earl of Athol, 
lord Ochiltree, and all of the name of Stewart, espoused her 
quarrel, and widened the breach. James, fond no less of 
domestic tranquillity than of public peace, advised his fa- 
vourite to retire, for some time, in hopes that the queen's* 
resentment would subside. But as he stood in need, in the 
present juncture, of the assistance of an able minister, he had ' 
recalled him to court. In order to prevent him from re- • 
"'•'' covering his former power, the Stewarts had re- 
Jttiy 24* course to an expedient no less illegal than despe- 
rate. Having combined with Bothwell, who was of the 
same name, they brought him back secretly into Scotland; ' 
and seizing the gates of the palace, introduced him into the ""' 
royal apartment with a numerous train of armed followers. ^ 
James, though deserted by all his courtiers, and incapable 
of resistance, discovered more indignation than fear, and 
reproaching them for their treachery, called on the earl to . 
finish his treasons, by piercing his sovereign to the heart. ' 
But Bothwell fell on his knees, and implored pardon. The " 
king was not in a condition to refuse his demands. A 

^d JUii Dil^^lJ-^^- 3*3. Spolsw. 303. Pari. 13 Jac. VI. c.^lf^^^Ohiq flO 



138 SCOTLAND. 

few days after he signed a capitulation with this success- 
ful traitor, to whom he was really a prisoner, whereby he 
bound himself to grant him a remission for all past offences, 
and to procure the ratification of it in parliament ; and in 
the mean time to dismiss the chancellor, the master of 
Glamis, lord Home, and sir George Home, from his coun- 
cils and presence. Bothwell, on his part, consented to re- 
move from court, though he left there as many of his as- 
sociates as he thought sufficient to prevent the return of 
the adverse faction. 

He reco- ^^^ ^* ^^^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^J ^^^-ttcr to kccp the king 
vers his under the same kind of bondage to which he had 
Sept. 7. been often subject during his minority. He dis- 
covered so much impatience to shake off his fetters, that 
those who had imposed, durst not continue the restraint. 
They permitted him to call a convention of the nobles at 
Stirling, and to repair thither himself All Bothwell's 
enemies, and all who were desirous of gaining the king's 
favour by appearing to be so, obeyed the summons. They 
pronounced the insult offered to the king's person and au^ 
thority to be high treason, and declared him absolved from 
any obligation to observe conditions extorted by force, and 
which violated so essentially his royal prerogative. James, 
however, still proffered him a pardon, provided he would 
sue for it as an act of mercy, and promise to retire out of 
the kingdom. These conditions Bothwell rejected with 
disdain, and betaking himself once more to arms, at- 
tempted to surprise the king; but finding him on his 
guard, fled to the borders.'' 

Suspected "^^^^ king's ardour against Bothwell, compared 
of favour- with his slow and evasive proceedings against the 
pish lords. Popish lords, occasioned a general disgust among 
his subjects; and was imputed either to an excessive at- 
tachment to the persons of those conspirators, or to a secret 
partiality towards their opinions ; both which gave rise to 
no unreasonable fears. The clergy, as the immediate 

''Cald.iv.326. Spotsw. 395. 



BOOK VIII. 139 

if^y.- guardians of the Protestant religion, thought them- 
*^" ''' selves bound, in such a juncture, to take extraor- 
dinary steps for its preservation. The provincial synod 
of Fife happening to meet at that time, a motion was made 
to excommunicate all concerned in the late conspiracy, as 
obstinate and irreclaimable Papists ; and though none of 
the conspirators resided within the bounds of the synod, or 
were subject to its jurisdiction, such was the zeal of the 
members, that, overlooking this irregularity, they pro- 
nounced against them the sentence of excommunication, to 
which the act of last parliament added new terrors. Lest 
this should be imputed to a few men, and accounted the 
act of a small part of the church, deputies were appointed 
to attend the adjacent synods, and to desire their approba- 
tion and concurrence. 

His lenity ^^^ cvcut happened a few weeks after, which in- 
towards creased the people's suspicions of the king. As he 
Oct. 17. was marching on an expedition against the bor- 
derers, the three Popish earls coming suddenly into hig 
presence, offered to submit themselves to a legal trial ■; and 
James, without committing them to custody, appointed a 
day for that purpose. They prepared to appear with a 
formidable train of their friends and vassals. But in the 
mean time the clergy, together with many peers and ba- 
rons, assembled at Edinburgh, remonstrated against the 
king s extreme indulgence with great boldness, and de- 
manded of him, according to the regular course of justice, 
to commit to sure custody persons charged with the highest 
acts of treason, who could not be brought to a legal trial, 
until they were absolved from the censures of the church ; 
and to call a convention of estates, to deliberate concerning 
the method of proceeding against them. At the same time 
they offered to accompany him in arms to the place of trial, 
lest such audacious and powerful criminals should over- 
awe justice, and dictate to the judges, to whom they pre- 
tended to submit. James, though extremely offended, both 
with the irregularity of their proceedings, and the pre- 
sumption of their demands, found it expedient to put off 



i40 SCOTLAND. 

the day of trial, and to call a convention of estates, in order 
to quiet the fears and jealousies of the people. By being- 
humoured in this point, their suspicions began gradually 
to abate, and the chancellor managed the convention so 
artfully, that he himself, together with a few other members;^ 
were empowered to pronounce a final sentence upon the con- 
jjxofci^ spirators. After much deliberation, they ordained, 
f- that the three earls and their associates should be 

exempted from all farther inquiry or prosecution, on ac- 
count of their correspondence with Spain; that, before 
the 1st day of February, they should either submit to the 
church, and publicly renounce the errors of Popery, or re- 
move out of the kingdom ; that, before the 1 st of January, 
they should declare which of these alternatives they would 
embrace ; that they should find surety for their peace- 
able demeanour for the future ; and that if they failed to 
signify their choice in due time, they should lose the be- 
nefit of this act of abolitio7i, and remain exposed to all the 
pains of law.' te^suefiismitl .^aoqiuqj 

cfBy this lenity towards the conspirators, James incurred 
much reproach, and gained no advantage. Devoted to the 
Popish superstition, submissive to all the dictates of their 
priests, and buoyed up with hopes and promises of foreign 
aid, the three earls refused to accept of the conditions, 
^1^4 ; and continued their treasonable correspondence 
J^n. 18. -^[{li the court of Spain. A convention of estates 
pronounced them to have forfeited the benefit of the articles 
which were offered ; and the king required them, by pro-* ' 
clamation, to surrender themselves to justice. The presence 
of the English ambassador contributed, perhaps, to the vi- 
^ur of these proceedings. Elizabeth, ever attentive to 
James's motions, and imputing his reluctance to punish 
the Popish lords to a secret approbation of their designs, 
had sent lord Zouche to represent, once more, the danger 
to which he exposed himself, by this false moderation ; and 
to require him to exercise that rigour which their crimes, 
as well as the posture of affairs, rendered necessary. 

Vd bs'gJSlJJODaiO Jjj^.CaW. Iv.SSO. Spot6w.397. ui-jDiijiOa. <i1 i 



BOOK VflF. (^ti 

Though the steps now taken by the king silenced all cony^ 
plaints on that head, yet Zouche, forgetful of his character 
as an ambassador, entered into private negotiations with 
such of the Scottish nobles as disapproved of the king's 
measures, and held almost an open correspondence with 
Both well, who, according to the usual artifice of malcon- 
tents, pretended much solicitude for reforming the disor- 
ders of the commonwealth ; and covered his own ambition 
with the specious veil of zeal against those counsellors who 
restrained the king from pursuing the avowed enemies of 
the Protestant faith. Zouche encouraged him, in the 
name of his mistress, to take arms against his sovereign, i^ 
A new at Meanwhile, the king and the clergy were filled 
tempt of with mutual distrust of each other. They were 
"9oS(r j^^lous, perhaps, to excess, that James's affections 
leaned too much towards the Popish faction; he suspected 
them, without good reason, of prompting Bothwell to re- 
bellion, and even of supplying him with money for that 
purpose. Little instigation, indeed, was wanting to rouse 
such a turbulent spirit as Bothwell's to any daring enter- 
prise. He appeared suddenly within a mile of Edinburgh, 
at the head of four hundred horse. The pretences, by 
which he endeavoured to justify this insurrection, were ex- 
tremely popular; zeal for religion, enmity to Popery, con- 
cern for the king's honour, and for the liberties of the na- 
tion. James was totally unprovided for his own defence; 
he had no infantry, and was accompanied only with a few 
horsemen of lord Home's train. In this extremity, he 
implored the aid of the citizens of Edinburgh, and, in 
order to encourage them to act with zeal, he promised to 
proceed against the Popish lords with the utmost rigour of 
law. Animated by their ministers, the citizens ran cheer*-'* 
fully to their arms, and advanced, with the king at their 
head, against Bothwell ; but he, notwithstanding his suc- 
cess in putting to flight lord Home, who had rashly 
charged him with a far inferior number of cavalry, re- 
tired to Dalkeith without daring to attack the king. His 
followers abandoned him soon after, and discouraged by 



142 SCOTLAND. 

so may successive disappointments, could never afterwai'd 
be brought to venture into the field. He betook himself 
to his usual lurking-places in the north of England ; but 
Elizabeth, in compliance with the king's remonstrances, 
obliged him to quit his retreat."" 

FresTi dan- ^^ sooucr was the king delivered from one danger, 
gersfrom ^Jian lic was Called to attend to another. The 

the Popisn -^ .■,■,-, . n t ■ ■ • 

lords. Popish lords, m consequence oi their negotiations 
^" * vy^ith Spain, received, in the spring, a supply of 
money from Philip. What bold designs this might inspire 
it was no easy matter to conjecture. From men under the 
dominion of bigotry, and whom indulgence could not re- 
claim, the most desperate actions were to be dreaded. The 
assembly of the church immediately took the alarm; re- 
monstrated against them with more bitterness than ever ; 
and unanimously ratified the sentence of excommunication 
pronounced by the synod of Fife. James himself, pro- 
voked by their obstinacy and ingratitude, and afraid that 
this long forbearance would not only be generally displeas- 
ing to his own subjects, but give rise to unfavourable sus- 
picions among the English, exerted himself with unusual 
i^, vigour. He called a parliament ; laid before it all 

vsjj ■•' the circumstances and aggravations of the conspi- 
racy; and though there were but few members present, 
and several of these connected with the conspirators by 
blood or friendship, he prevailed on them, by his influ- 
ence and importunity, to pronounce the most rigorous sen*- 
tence which the law can inflict. They were declared to 
be guilty of high-treason, and their estates and honours 
forfeited. At the same time, statutes, more severe than 
ever, were enacted against the professors of the Popish 
religion. 

feattie of How to put this Sentence in execution, was a matter 
GieniiTat. Qf great difficulty. Three powerful barons can- 
toned in a part of the country of difficult access, surrounded 
with numerous vassals, and supported by aid from a foreign 
prince, were more than an overmatch for a Scottish monarch. 

» Spotsw. 403. Cald. iv. r>59. ... 



BOOK VIII. 143 

No entreaty could prevail on Elizabeth to advance the mo- 
ney necessary for defraying the expenses of an expedition 
against them. To attack them in person, vv^ith his own 
forces alone, might have exposed James both to disgrace 
and to danger. He had recourse to the only expedient 
which remained in such a situation, for aiding the impo- 
tence of sovereign authority; he delegated his authority 
to the earl of Argyll and lord Forbes, the leaders of two 
clans at enmity with the conspirators ; and gave them a 
commission to invade their lands, and to seize the castles 
which belonged to them. Bothwell, notwithstanding all 
his high pretensions of zeal for the Protestant religion, 
having now entered into a close confederacy with them, 
the danger became every day more urging. Argyll, soli- 
cited by the king, and roused by the clergy, took the field 
at the head of seven thousand men. Huntly and Errol met 
him at Glenlivat, with an army far inferior in number, but 
composed chiefly of gentlemen of thelow countries, mounted 
■ ' : on horseback, and who brought along- with them a 

Oct. 3. 

train of field-pieces. They encountered each other 
with all the fury which hereditary enmity and ancient rival- 
■ ' „ ship add to undisciplined courage. But the High- 
!<]fiiu.: landers, disconcerted by the first discharge of the 
cannon, to which they were little accustomed, and unable 
to resist the impression of cavalry, were soon put to flight; 
and Argyll, a gallant young man of eighteen, was carried 
by his friends out of the field, weeping with indignation at 
their disgrace, and calling on them to stand, and to vindi- 
cate the honour of their name." 

On the first intelligence of this defeat, James, though 
obliged to pawn his jewels in order to raise money," as- 
sembled a small body of troops, and marched towards the 
north. He was joined by the Irvines, Keiths, Leslys, For- 
beses, and other clans at enmity with Huntly and Errol, 
who having lost several of their principal followers at 
Glenlivat, and others refusing to bear arms against the 
king in person, were obliged to retire to the mountains. 

■ Cald. iv. 408. " Birch. Mem. i. 186. 



V* 144 'SCOTLAND. 

James wasted their lands; put garrisons in some of their 
castles; burnt others; and left the duke of Lennox as his 
lieutenant in that part of the kingdom, with a body of men 
sufficient to restrain them from gathering to any head there, 
or from infesting the low country. Reduced at last to ex- 
Popish treme distress by the rigour of the season, and the 
lords dri- (Jesertion of their followers, they obtained the kind's 

Ten out of _ _ 'J is 

the king- permission to go beyond seas, and gave security 
that they should neither return without his licence, 
nor engage in any new intrigues against the Protestant reli- 
gion, or the peace of the kingdom.^ 

By their exile, tranquillity was re-established in the 
north of Scotland; and the firmness and vigour which 
James had displayed in his last proceedings against them, 
regained him, in a great degree, the confidence of his Pro- 
testant subjects. But he sunk in the same proportion, and 
The Roman ^^^ ^^® samc reasou, in the esteem of the Roman 
Catholics Catholics. They had asserted his mother's rio^ht 

inc6iis6ci _ ^ 

against to the crowu of England with so much warmth, 
'^^^' that they could not, with any decency, reject his; 
and the indulgence, with which he affected to treat the 
professors of the Popish religion, inspired them with such 
hopes, that they viewed his accession to the throne as no 
undesirable event. But the rigour with which the king* 
had lately pursued the conspirators, and the severe statutes 
against Popery to which he had given his consent, con- 
vinced them now that these hopes were visionary; and 
they began to look about in quest of some new successor, 
whose rights they might oppose to his. The Papists who 
resided in England turned their eyes towards the earl of 
Essex, whose generous mind, though firmly established 
in the Protestant faith, abhorred the severities inflicted in 
that age on account of religious opinions. Those of the 
same sect, who were in exile, formed a bolder scheme, 
and one more suitable to their situation. They advanced 
the claim of the infanta of Spain ; and Parsons the Jesuit 
published a book, in which, by false quotations from his- 

P Spotsw. 404. Cald. 373, &c. 



BOOK VIII. IIM5 

f>iory, by fabulous genealogies, and absurd arguments, in- 
^.termingled with bitter invectives against the king of Scots, 
fjhe endeavoured to prove the infantas title to the English 
^^^crown to be preferable to his. Philip, though involved 
already in a war both with France and England, and scarce 
jsjlble to defend the remains of the Burgundian provinces 
^against the Dutch commonwealth, eagerly grasped at this 
vairy project. The dread of a Spanish pretender to the 
crown, and the opposition which the Papists began to form 
against the king's succession, contributed not a little to re- 
move the prejudices of the Protestants, and to prepare the 
^£way for that event. 

Bothweii Bothwell, whose name has been so often mentioned 
fly^'into" Q-S the disturbcr of the king's tranquillity, and of 
^|j)ain. ^}jg peace of the kingdom, was now in a wretched 
Ijpondition. Abandoned by the queen of England, on ac- 
count of his confederacy with the Popish lords ; excom- 
municated by the church for the same reason ; and de- 
serted, in his distress, by his own followers; he was obliged 
to fly for safety to France, and thence to Spain and Italy, 
where, after renouncing the Protestant faith, he led many 
years an obscure and indigent life, remarkable only for a 
low and infamous debauchery. The king, though exf 
tremely ready to sacrifice the strongest resentment to the 
slightest acknowledgments, could never be softened by his 
submission, nor be induced to listen to any intercession in 
his behalf.'' 

This year the king lost chancellor Maitland, an able 
minister, on whom he had long devolved the whole weight 
of public affairs. As James loved him while alive, he 
wrote in honour of his memory a copy of verses, which, 
when compared with the compositions of that age, are far 
from being inelegant." 

A change Soou after his death, a considerable change was 
ministra- wi^^e in the administration. At that time, the an- 
tion. jj^g^l charges of government far exceeded the king^ 

1 Wiaw. Mem. i, Spotsw. 410. fSpoUw. 411. 

VOL. 11. L 



146 SCOTLAND. 

revenues. The queen was fond of expensive amusements;. 
James himself was a stranger to economy. It became ne- 
cessary, for all these reasons, to levy the public revenues 
with greater order and rigour, and to husband them witli 
more care. This important trust was committed to eight 
gentlemen of the law,^ who, from their number, were called 
Octavians. The powers vested in them were ample, and 
almost unlimited. The king bound himself neither to add 
to their number, nor to supply any vacancy that might 
happen, without their consent : and, knowing the facility 
of his own temper, agreed that no alienation of his revenue, 
no grant of a pension, or order on the treasury, should be 
held valid, unless it were ratified by the subscription of 
five of the commissioners ; all their acts and decisions 
were declared to be of equal force with the sentence of 
judges in civil courts ; and in consequence of them, and 
without any other warrant, any person might be arrested, 
or their goods seized. Such extensive jurisdiction, toge- 
ther with the absolute disposal of the public money, drew 
the whole executive part of government into their hands. 
United among themselves, they gradually undermined the 
rest of the king's ministers, and seized on every lucrative 
or honourable office. The ancient servants of the crown 
repined at being obliged to quit their stations to new men. 
The favourites and young courtiers murmured at 
seeing the king's liberality stinted by their pi-e- 
scriptions. And the clergy exclaimed against some of them 
as known apostates to Popery, and suspected others of se- 
cretly favouring it. They retained their power, however, 
notwithstanding this general combination against them ; > 
and they owed it entirely to the order and economy which 
they introduced into the administration of the finances, by . 
which the necessary expenses of government were more 
easily defrayed than in any other period of the king's reign.* 

8 Alexander Seaton president of the session, Walter Stewart commendator of Blan- 
1 tyre, lord privy-seal, David Carnegy, John Lindsay, James Elphingstone, Thomas 
-^ Hamilton, John Skene clerk register, and Peter Young elemosynar. 
10 JlP^i'! am .Ji.i' t Spotsw. 413. 435. '{Hfi 



BOOK VIII. 147 

Violence of ^^^^ lumour of vast preparations wliicli Philip 
tfce nation ^^s Said to be caiTving: on at this time, filled both 

against the * . 

Popish England and Scotland with the dread of a new in- 
vasion. James took proper measures for the de- 
fence of his kingdom. But these did not satisfy the zeal of 
the clergy, whose suspicions of the king's sincerity began to 
revive ; and as he had permitted the wives of the banished 
peers to levy the rents of their estates, and to live in their 
houses, they charged him with rendering the act of for- 
feiture ineffectual, by supporting the avowed enemies of 
the Protestant faith. The assembly of the church 

March 24. 

took under consideration the state of the kingdom, 
and having appointed a day of public fasting, they so- 
lemnly renewed the covenant by which the nation was 
bound to adhere to the Protestant faith, and to defend it 
against all aggressors. A committee, consisting of the 
most eminent clergymen, and of many barons and gentle- 
men of distinction, waited on the king, and laid before him 
a plan for the security of his kingdom, and the preservation 
of religion. They urged him to appropriate the estates of 
the banished lords as a fund for the maintenance of soldiers; 
to take the strictest precautions for preventing the return 
of such turbulent subjects into the country ; and to pursue 
all who were suspected of being their adherents with the 
utmost rigour. 

The king's Nothing could be more repugnant to the king's 
S're° Md schemes, or more disagreeable to his inclination, 
to -them. than these propositions. Averse, through his 
whole life, to any course where he expected opposition or 
danger ; and fond of attaining his ends with the character 
of moderation, and by the arts of policy, he olDserved with 
concern the prejudices against him which were growing 
amons: the Roman Catholics, and resolved to make some 
atonement for that part of his conduct which had 'drawn 
upon him their indignation. Elizabeth was now well ad- 
vanced in years; her life had lately been in danger; if 
any Popish competitor should arise to dispute his right of 
succession, a faction so powerful as that of the banished 

l2 



148 SCOTLAND. 

lords might be extremely formidable ; and; any division 
among his own subjects might prove fatal at a juncture 
which would require their united and most vigorous efforts. 
Instead, therefore, of the additional severities which the 
assembly proposed, James had thoughts of mitigating the 
punishment which they already suffered. And as they 
were surrounded, during their residence in foreign parts, 
by Philip's emissaries ; as resentment might dispose them 
to listen more favourably than ever to their suggestions ; 
as despair might drive them to still more atrocious actions ; 
he resolved to recall them, under certain conditions, into 
their native country. Encouraged by these sentiments of 
the king in their favour, of which they did not want intel- 
ligence, and wearied already of the dependant and anxious 
life of exiles, they ventured to return secretly into Scotland. 
Soon after, they presented a petition to the king, begging 
his permission to reside at their own houses, and offering 
to give security for their peaceable and dutiful behaviour. 
James called a convention of estates to deliberate on a 
matter of such importance, and by their advice he granted 
the petition. 

Tii6\asii '^^^ members of a committee appointed by the last 
proceed- general assembly, as soon as they were informed 
clergy and of this, met at Edinburgh, and with all the pre- 
^^°^ ' cipitancy of fear and of zeal, took such resolutions 
as they thought necessary for the safety of the kingdom. 
They wrote circular letters to all the presbyteries in Scot- 
land ; they warned them of the approaching danger ; they 
exhorted them to stir up their people to the defence of their 
just rights ; they commanded them to publish, in all their 
pulpits, the act excommunicating the Popish lords ; and 
enjoined them to lay all those who were suspected of fa- 
vouring Popery under the same censure by a summary 
sentence, and without observing the usual formalities of 
tf-ial. As the danger seemed too pressing to wait for the 
stated meetings of the judicatories of the church, they 
made choice of the most eminent clergymen in different 
corners of the kingdom, appointed them to reside con- 



BOOK VIII*.'' 149 

stahtly at Edinburgh, and to meet every day with the 
ministers of that city, under the name of the Standing 
Council of the Church, and vested in this body the supreme 
authority, by enjoining it, in imitation of the ancient Ro- 
man form, to take care that the church should receive no 
detriment. " '^^ 

'These proceedings, no less unconstitutional than unpre- 
cedented, were manifest encroachments on the royal pre- 
rogative, and bold steps towards open rebellion. The 
king's conduct, however, justified in some degree such ex-' 
cesses. His lenity towards the Papists, so repugnant to 
the principles of that age ; his pardoning the conspirators, 
notwithstanding repeated promises to the contrary ; the 
respect he paid to lady Huntly, who was attached to the 
Romish religion no less than her husband ; his committing 
the care of his daughter, the princess Elizabeth, to lady 
Livingston, who was infected with the same superstition ; 
the contempt with which he talked on all occasions, both 
of the character of ministers, and of their function, were 
circumstances which might have filled minds, not prone 
by nature to jealousy, with some suspicions ; and might' 
have precipitated into rash counsels those who were far 
removed from intemperate zeal. But, however powerful 
the motives might be which influenced the clergy, or how- 
ever laudable the end they had in view, they conducted 
their measures with no address, and even with little pru- 
dence. James discovered a strong inclination to avoid a 
rupture with the church, and, jealous as he was of his pre-' 
rogative, would willingly have made many concessions for' 
the sake of peace. By his command, some of the privy- 
counsellors had an interview with the more moderate 
among the clergy, and inquired whether Huntly and his^ 
associates might not, upon making proper acknowledg- 
ments, be again received into the bosom of the church, 
and be exempted from any farther punishment on account 
of their past apostacy and treasons. They replied, that 
though the gate of mercy stood always open for those who' 
repented and returned, yet as these noblemen had been 



150 SCOTLAND. 

guilty of idolatry, a crime deserving death both by the law 
of God and of man, the civil magistrate could not legally 
grant them a pardon ; and even though the church should 
absolve them, it was his duty to inflict punishment upon 
them. This inflexibility in those who were reckoned the 
most compliant of the order, filled the king with indig- 
nation, which the imprudence and obstinacy of a private 
clergyman heightened into rage. 

Seditious Mr. David Black, minister of St. Andrew's, dis- 
taught^by coursing in one of his sermons, according to cus- 
Biack> ^Qjjj^ concerning the state of the nation, affirmed 
that the king had permitted the Popish lords to return into 
Scotland, and by that action had discovered the treachery 
of his own heart ; that all kings were the devil's children ; 
that Satan had now the guidance of the court ; that the 
queen of England was an atheist; that the judges were 
miscreants and bribers ; the nobility godless and degene- 
rate ; the privy- counsellors cormorants and men of no re- 
ligion ; and in his prayer for the queen he used these 
words, " We must pray for her for fashion-sake, but we 
have no cause ; she will never do us good." James com- 
Nov. 10. manded him to be summoned before the privy- 
^s^^usThis council, to answer for such seditious expressions; 
defence, ^nd tlic clcrgy, instead of abandoning him to the 
punishment which such a petulant and criminal attack on 
his superiors deserved, were so imprudent as to espouse his 
cause, as if it had been the common one of the whole order. 
The controversy concerning the immunities of the pulpit, 
and the rights of the clergy to testify against vices of every 
kind, which had been agitated in 1584, was now revived. 
It was pretended that, with regard to their sacred function, 
ministers were subject to the church alone; that it be- 
longed only to their ecclesiastical superiors to judge of the 
truth or falsehood of doctrines delivered in the pulpit; that 
if, upon any pretence whatever, the king usurped this juris- 
diction, the church would, from that moment, sink under 
servitude to the civil magistrate ; that, instead of reproving 
vice with that honest boldness which had often been of 



BOOK VIII. 151 

advantage to individuals, and salutary to the kingdom, the 
clergy would learn to flatter the passions of the prince, and 
to connive at the vices of others ; that the king's eagerness 
to punish the indiscretion of a Protestant minister, while he 
was so ready to pardon the crimes of Popish conspirators, 
called on them to stand upon their guard, and that now was 
the time to contend for their privileges, and to prevent any 
encroachment on those rights, of which the church had 
been in possession ever since the Reformation. Influenced 
by these considerations, the council of the church enjoined 
Black to decline the jurisdiction of the privy-council. 
Proud of such an opportunity to display his zeal, he pre- 
sented a paper to that purpose, and with the utmost firm- 
ness refused to plead, or to answer the questions which 
were put to him. In order to add greater weight to these 
proceedings, the council of the church transmitted the de- 
clinature to all the presbyteries throughout the kingdom, 
and enjoined every minister to subscribe it in testimony of 
his approbation. 

James defended his rights with no less vigour than they 
were attacked. Sensible of the contempt under which his 
authority must fall, if the clergy should be permitted pub- 
licly, and with impunity, to calumniate his ministers, and 
even to censure himself; and knowing, by former ex- 
amples, what unequal reparation for such oifences he might 
expect from the judicatories of the church, he urged on 
the inquiry into Black's conduct, and issued a proclama- 
tion, commanding the members of the council of the church 
to leave Edinburgh, and to return to their own parishes. 
Black, instead of submitting, renewed his declinature '; 
and the members of the council, in defiance of the pro- 
clamation, declared, that, as they met by the authority of 
the church, obedience to it was a duty still more sacred 
than that which they owed to the king himself. The privy- 
council, notwithstanding Black's refusing to plead, pro- 
ceeded in the trial ; and, after a solemn inquiry, pro- 
nounced him guilty of the crimes of which he had been 
io iiy^jd 1 



ip2 SCOTLAND. 

accused; but referred it to the king to appoint what p%r 
nishment he should sufier, ^ 

Meanwhile, many endeavours were used to bring mat- 
ters to accommodation. Almost every day produced some 
new scheme of reconcilement; but, through the king's 
fickleness, the obstinacy of the clergy, or the intrigues of i 
the courtiers, they all proved ineffectual. Both parties 
appealed to the people, and by reciprocal and exaggerated 
accusations endeavoured to render each other odious. In- 
solence, sedition, treason, were the crimes with which 
James charged the clergy; while they made the pulpits 
resound with complaints of his excessive lenity towards 
Papists, and of the no less excessive rigour with which he 
oppressed the established church. Exasperated by their 
bold invectives, he, at last, sentenced Black to retire be- 
yond the river Spey, and to reside there during his plea-' 
sure; and once more commanding the members of the 
standing council to depart from Edinburgh, he required all 
the ministers of the kingdom to subscribe a bond, obliging 
themselves to submit, in the same manner as other sub- 
jects, to the jurisdiction of the civil courts in matters of a 
civil nature. 
A tumult in This dccisivc measure excited all the violent pas- 

^^ ^^^ ' sions which possess disappointed factions ; and 
deeds no less violent immediately followed. These must 
be imputed, in part, to the artifices of some courtiers who 
ej^pected to reap advantage from the calamities of their 
country, or who hoped to lessen the authority of the Octa- 
vians, by engaging them in hostilities with the church. 
Oii one hand, they informed the king that the citizens of 
Edinburgh were under arms every night, and had planted 
a strong guard round the houses of their ministers. James, 
in order to put a stop to this imaginary insult on his go- 
vernment, issued a proclamation, commanding twenty-four 
of the principal citizens to leave the town within six hours. 
On the other hand, they wrote to the ministers, advising 
them to look to their own safety, as Huntly had been 

ton \i ,wi? 



BOOK VI 1 1:^ 153 

seftffe^ admitted to in -iiiterview with^ tire ^ king, an'd'hact" 
been the author of the severe proclamation against the 
citizens of Edinburgh." They doubted no more of the 
truth of this intellio^ence, than the kino^ had done of that 
which he received, and fell as blindly into the snare. The 
letter came to their hands just as one of their number was 
going to mount the pulpit. They resolved that he should 
acquaint the people of their danger; and he painted 
it with all the strong colours which men naturally 
employ in describing any dreadful and instant calamity. 
When the sermon was over, he desired the nobles and 
gentlemen to assemble in the Little Church. The whole 
multitude, terrified at what they had heard, crowded thi- 
ther ; they promised and vowed to stand by the clergy ; 
they drew up a petition to the king, craving the redress of 
those grievances of which the church complained, and 
beseeching him to deliver them from all future apprehen- 
sions of danger, by removing such of his counsellors as 
were known to be enemies of the Protestant religion. Two 
peers, two gentlemen, two burgesses, and two ministers 
The king werc appointed to present it. The king happened 
in danger. ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ j^^H ^f ^^^ Tolbooth, whcrc the ' 

court of session was sitting. The manner in which the 

petition was delivered, as well as its contents, offended 

him. He gave a haughty reply ; the petitioners insisted j 

with warmth ; and a promiscuous multitude pressing into 

the room, James retired abruptly into another apartment, , 

and commanded the 2:ates to be shut behind him. The 

^ . -.1/ 

deputies returned to the multitude, who were still assem-r 

bled, and to whom a minister had been reading, in their ,. 
absence, the story of Haman. When they reported that 
the king had refused to listen to their petitions, the church 
was filled in a moment with noise, threatenings, execra- 
tions, and all the outrage and confusion of a popular tu- 

" Though matters were industriously aggravated by persons who wished both par- \ 
ties to pursue violent measures, neither of these reports was altogether destitute of 
foundation. As their ministers were supposed to be in danger, some of the more ' 
zealous citizens had determined to defend them by force of arms. Birch. Mem. ii. 
2.50. Huntly had been privately in Edinburgh, where he had an interview, if not 
with the king, at least with some of his ministers. Birch, Ibid. '2^. 



154 SCOTLAND. 

mult. Some called for tlieir arms, some to bring out the 
wicked Haman ; others cried, The sword of the Lord andir 
of Gideon; and rushing out with the most furious impe- . 
tuosity, surrounded the Tolbooth, threatening- the kingfi 
himself, and demanding some of his counsellors, whom < 
they named, that they might tear them in pieces. Thei' 
magistrates of the city, partly by authority, partly by 
force, endeavoured to quell the tumult ; the king at- 
tempted to soothe the malcontents, by promising to receive j 
their petitions, when presented in a regular manner ; ther 
ministers, sensible of their own rashness in kindling such '^ 
a flame, seconded both; and the rage of the populace) 
subsiding as suddenly as it had arisen, they all dispersed^' 
and the king returned to the palace; happy in having t 
escaped from an insurrection, which, through the instan-" 
taneous and imconcerted effect of popular fury, had ex- 
posed his life to imminent danger, and was considered by 
him as an unpardonable affront to his authority." 

As soon as he retired, the leaders of the malcontents 
assembled, in order to prepare their petition. The punish- 
ment of the Popish lords ; the removal of those counsel- 
lors who were suspected of favouring their persons or 
opinions ; the repeal of all the late acts of council, sub- 
versive of the authority of the church ; together with an 
act approving the proceedings of the standing council, 
were the chief of their demands. But the king's indig- 
nation was still so high, that the deputies, chosen for this 
purpose, durst not venture that night to present requests 
He leaves which could uot fail of kindling his rage anew. 
Edinburgh, Before next mornino:, James, with all his attend- 

<m(l Tiro*" cj ' 

ceeds with auts, withdrcw to Linlithgow ; the session, and 
agliSfthe other courts of justice, were required to leave a 
citizens, ^j^y where it was no longer consistent either with 
their safety, or their dignity, to remain ; and the noblemen 
and barons were commanded to return to their own houses, 
and not to re-assemble without the king's permission. The 
vigour with which the king acted, struck a damp upon the 

^ SpotBw. 417, &c. Cald. v. 54, &c. Birch. Mem. ii. 235. 



BOOK VIII. 156 

spirits of his adversaries. The citizens, sensible how muckT 
they would suffer by his absence, and the removal of the 
courts of justice, repented already of their conduct. The 
ministers alone resolved to maintain the contest. They 
endeavoured to prevent the nobles from dispersing ; they 
inflamed the people by violent invectives against the king; 
they laboured to procure subscriptions to an association 
for their mutual defence ; and conscious what lustre and 
power the junction of some of the greater nobles would 
add to their cause, the ministers of Edinburgh wrote to 
lord Hamilton, that the people, moved by the word of 
God, and provoked by the injuries offered to the church, 
had taken arms ; that many of the nobles had determined 
to protect the Protestant religion, which owed its esta- 
blishment to the piety and valour of their ancestors ; that 
they wanted only a leader to unite them, and to inspire 
them with vigour ; that his zeal for the good cause, no 
less than his noble birth, entitled him to that honour : 
They conjured him, therefore, not to disappoint their hopes 
and wishes, nor to refuse the suffering church that 
aid which she so much needed. Lord Hamilton, 
instead of complying with their desire, carried the letter 
directly to the king, whom this new insult irritated to such 
a degree, that he commanded the magistrates of Edinburgh 
instantly to seize their ministers, as manifest incendiaries, 
and encouragers of rebellion. The magistrates, in order 
to regain the king's favour, were preparing to obey ; and 
the ministers, who saw no other hope of safety, fled to- 
wards England.^ 

The king This unsucccssful insurrection, instead of overturn- 
thrpower i^g, established the king's authority. Those con- 
chirch. c^J'ii^d ill it were confounded and dispersed. The 
Jan. 3. rest of James's subjects, in order to avoid suspicion, 
or to gain his favour, contended who should be most for- 
ward to execute his vengeance. A convention of estates 
being called, pronounced the late insurrection to be high 
treason ; ordained every minister to subscribe a declaration 

y Spotsw. 451. Cald. v. 126. 



fM SCOTLANb. 

of his'suDmissiori'tb tTie king's jurisdiction, 'in'air matters 
civil and criminal ; empowered magistrates to commit, in- 
stantly, to prison, any minister, who, in his sermons, should 
utter any indecent reflections on the king's conduct ; pro- 
hibited any ecclesiastical judicatory to meet without the 
king's licence; commanded that no person should be elected 
a magistrate of Edinburgh, for the future, without the 
king's approbation; and that, in the mean time, the presenl^ 
magistrates should either discover and inflict condign pu- 
nishment on the authors of the late tumult, or the city itself 
should be subjected to all the penalties of that treasonable 
action.^ 

Abridges Armed with the authority of these decrees, James 
the privi- resolved to crush entirely the mutinous spirit of his^ 

leges 01 _ -^ _ ••■ _ , j 

the citi- subjects. As the clergy had hitherto derived their 
Edin- chief credit and strength from the favour and zeal 
burgh. ^^ ^^^ citizens of Edinburgh, his first care was to.' 
Humble them. Though the magistrates submitted to him. 
in the most abject terms ; though they vindicated them- 
selves, and their fellow-citizens, from the most distant in- 
tention of violating his royal person or authority ; though, 
after the strictest scrutiny, no circumstances that could fix 
on them the suspicion of premeditated rebellion had been 
discovered ; though many of the nobles, and such of the, 
clergy as still retained any degree of favour, interceded in^ 
their behalf ; neither acknowledgments, nor intercessions, 
were of the least avail.'' The king continued inex- 
orable, the city was declared to have forfeited its 
privileges as a corporation, and to be liable to all the pe- 
nalties of treason. The capital of the kingdom, deprived^' 
of magistrates, deserted by its ministers, abandoned by the 
courts of justice, and proscribed by the king, remained in 
desolation and despair. The courtiers even threatened to 
rase the city to the foundation, and to erect a pillar where 
i| stood, as an everlasting monument of the king's ven- 
geance, and of the guilt of its inhabitants. At last, in com-^ 
pliance with Elizabeth, who interposed in their favour, and 

^ Cald.v. 147. » Cald. v. 149. 



BOOK VII Jj ip 

moved by the continual solicitations of the nobles? 

James absolved the citizens from the penalties of 
law, but at the same time he stripped them of their most 
important privileges ; they were neither allowed to elect 
their own magistrates nor their own ministers ; many neWi 
burdens were imposed on them; and a considerable sum of 
money was exacted by way of peace-offering.'' 
New re- Jamcs was, meanwhile, equally assiduous, and no 
Sith rT-^ less successful, in circumscribing the jurisdiction, 
gardto of the church. Experience had discovered that to 
church, attempt this by acts of parliament, and sentences 
of privy-council, was both ineffectual and odious. He had 
recourse now to an expedient more artful, and better cal- 
culated for obtaining his end. The ecclesiastical judica- 
tories were composed of many members ; the majority of 
the clergy were extremely indigent, and unprovided of 
legal stipends ; the ministers in the neighbourhood of 
Edinburgh, notwithstanding the party established by the 
Presbyterian government, had assumed a leading in the 
church, which filled their brethren with envy ; every nu-^ 
merous body of men is susceptible of sudden and strong 
impressions, and liable to be influenced, corrupted, or 
overawed. Induced by these considerations, James thought 
it possible to gain the clergy, whom he had in vain at- 
tempted to subdue. Proper agents were set to work all 
over the kingdom ; promises, flattery, and threats were em- 
ployed ; the usurpations of the brethren near the capital 
were aggravated ; the jealousy of their power, which was 
growing in the distant provinces, was augmented; and two 
different general assemblies were held, in both which, not- 
withstanding the zeal and boldness wherewith a few lead- 
ing clergymen defended the privileges of the church, a 
majority declared in favour of those measures which were 
agreeable to the king. Many practices, which had con- 
tinued since the Reformation, were condemned; many 
points of discipline, which had hitherto been reckoned 
sacred and uncontroverted, were given up; the licence' 

b Spotsw. '134. 441. 



158 SCOTLAND. 

with which ministers discoursed of political matters, was 
restrained ; the freedom with which they inveighed against 
particular persons was censured ; sentences of summary ex- 
communication were declared unlawful ; the convoking a 
general assembly, without the king's permission, was pro- 
hibited ; and the right of nominating ministers to the prin- 
cipal towns, was vested in the crown. Thus, the clergy 
themselves surrendered privileges, which it would have 
been dangerous to invade, and voluntarily submitted to 
a yoke more intolerable than any James would have ven- 
tured to impose by force : while such as continued to op- 
pose his measures, instead of their former popular topic of 
the king's violent encroachments on a jurisdiction which 
did not belong to him, were obliged to turn their outcries 
against the corruptions of their own order." 
Po ish ^y ^^^ authority of these general assemblies, the 
(lords pax- Popish carls wcrc allowed to make a public recan- 
tation of their errors ; were absolved from the sen- 
tence of excommunication ; and received into the bosom of 
the church. But, not many years after, they relapsed into 
their former errors, were again reconciled to the church of 
Rome, and by their apostacy justified, in some degree, the 
fears and scruples of the clergy with regard to their abso- 
lution. 

The ministers of Edinburgh owed to the intercession of 
these assemblies the liberty of returning to their charges in 
the city. But this liberty was clogged in such a manner 
as greatly abridged their power. The city was divided 
into distinct parishes ; the number of ministers doubled ; 
persons on whose fidelity the king could rely were fixed 
in the new parishes ; and these circumstances, added to 
the authority of the late decrees af the church, contributed 
to confirm that absolute dominion in ecclesiastical affairs, 
which James possessed during the remainder of his reign. 
The king was so intent on new modelling the church, 
Jt^hat the other transactions of this period scarce deserve to 
be remembered. The Octavians, envied by the other cour- 
ts Spotsw. 433. Cald. V. 189, 233. 



COOK VII I. uay 

tiers, and splitting into factions among themselves, resigned 
their commission ; and the administration of the revenue 
returning into its former channel, both the king and the 
nation were deprived of the benefit of their regular and 
frugal economy. ^, 

Towards the end of the year, a parliament was held 
in order to restore Huntly and his associates to their 
estates and honours, by repealing the act of forfeiture 
passed against them. The authority of this supreme court 
was likewise employed to introduce a farther innovation 
into the church ; but, conformable to the system which the 
king had now adopted, the motion for this purpose took its 
Ecciesi- rise from the clergy themselves. As the act of ge- 
stored to neral annexation, and that establishing the Presbyte- 
paS-^° rian government, had reduced the few bishops, who 
ment. still survivcd, to poverty and contempt ; as those 
who possessed the abbeys and priories were mere laymen, 
and many of them temporal peers, few or none of the ecclesi- 
astical order remained to vote in parliament, and by means 
of that, the influence of the crown was considerably dimi- 
nished there, and a proper balance to the power and num- 
ber of the nobles was wanting. But the prejudices which 
the nation had conceived against the name and character 
of bishops were so violent, that James was obliged, with 
the utmost care, to avoid the appearance of a design to re- 
vive that order. He prevailed therefore on the commission 
appointed by the last general assembly to complain to the 
parliament, that the church was the only body in the king- 
dom destitute of its representatives in that supreme court, 
where it so nearly concerned every order to have some, who 
were bound to defend its rights ; and to crave that a com- 
petent number of the clergy should be admitted, according 
to ancient custom, to a seat there. In compliance with this 
request, an act was passed, by which those ministers, on 
whom the king should confer the vacant bishoprics and 
abbeys, were entitled to a vote in parliament; and that 
the clergy might conceive no jealousy of any encroach- 



1(J0 SCOTLAND. 

merit upon their privileges, it was remitted to the general 
assembly, to determine what spiritual jurisdiction or autho- 
rity in the government of the church these persons should 
possess.'' 

The king, however, found it no easy matter to obtain 
the concurrence of the ecclesiastical judicatories, in which 
the act of parliament met with a fierce opposition. Though 
the clergy perceived how much lustre this new privilege 
would reflect upon their order ; though they were not in- 
sensible of the great accession of personal power and dig- 
nity, which many of them would acquire, by being ad- 
mitted into the supreme council of the nation, their ab- 
horrence of episcopacy was extreme; and to that they 
sacrificed every consideration of interest or ambition. All 
the king's professions of regard for the present constitu- 
tion of the church did not convince them of his sincerity ; 
all the devices that could be invented for restraining and 
circumscribino- the iurisdiction of such as were to be 
raised to this new honour, did not diminish their jealousy 
and fear. Their own experience had taught them, with 
what insinuating progress the hierarchy advances, and 
though admitted at first with moderate authority, and 
under specious pretences, how rapidly it extends its do- 
minion. "Varnish over this scheme," said one of the 
leading clergymen, "with what colours you please; deck 
the intruder with the utmost art; under all this disguise 
I see the horns of his mitre." The same sentiments pre- 
vailed among many of his brethren, and induced them to 
reject power and honours, with as much zeal as ever those 
of their order courted them. Many, however, were allured 
by the hopes of preferment; the king himself and his mi- 
nisters employed the same arts, which they had tried so 
successfully last year; and after long debates, and much 
opposition, the general assembly declared that it was law- 
ful for ministers to accept of a seat in parliament ; 
that it would be highly beneficial to the church, to 

dSpotsw.'iSO. Pari. 15th Jac. VI. c. 235. 



\ 

BOOK vin. U>1 

have its representatives in that supreme court; and that fifty- 
one persons, a number nearly equal to that of the ecclesiastics, 
vv^ho were anciently called to parliament, should be chosen 
from among the clergy for that purpose. The manner of 
their election, together with the powers to be vested in 
them, were left undecided for the present, and furnished 
matter of future deliberation.* 

1599 As the prospect of succeeding to the crown of 
James en- En2:land drew nearer, James multiplied precau- 

deavours , ~ . . . •*■ ^ 

with sue- tions in order to render it certain. As he was 
a party^hi° allied to many of the princes of Germany by his 
England, ^^arriagc, he sent ambassadors extraordinary to 
their several courts, in order to explain the justness of his 
title to the English throne, and to desire their assistance, 
if any competitor should arise to dispute his undoubted 
rights. These princes readily acknowledged the equity of 
his claim; but the aid which they could afford him was 
distant and feeble. At the same time, Edward Bruce, 
abbot of Kinloss, his ambassador at the English court, so- 
licited Elizabeth, with the utmost warmth, to recognize his 
title by some public deed, and to deliver her own subjects 
from the calamities which are occasioned by an uncertain 
or disputed succession. But age had strengthened all the 
passions which had hitherto induced Elizabeth to keep 
this great question obscure and undecided ; and a general 
and evasive answer was all that James could obtain. As 
no impression could be made on the queen, the ambas- 
sador, was commanded to sound the disposition of her 
subjects, and to try what progress he could make in gain- 
ing them. Bruce possessed all the talents of secrecy, 
judgment, and address, requisite for conducting a nego- 
tiation no less delicate than important. A minister of this 
character was entitled to the confidence of the English. 
Many of the highest rank unbosomed themselves to him 
without reserve, and gave him repeated assurances of their 
resolution to assert his master's right, in opposition to every 

e Spotsw. 450. Cald. v. 278. 
VOL. II. M 



im SCOTLAND. 

pretender.' As several pamphlets were dispersed, at this 
time, in England, containing objections to his title, James 
employed some learned men in his kingdom to answer 
these cavillers, and to explain the advantage which would 
result to both kingdoms by the union of the crowns. These 
books were eagerly read, and contributed not a little to 
reconcile the English to that event. A book published 
this year by the king himself, produced an effect still 
more favourable. It was intitled Basilicon Doron, and 
contained precepts concerning the art of government, ad- 
dressed to prince Henry his son. Notwithstanding the 
great alterations and refinements in national taste since 
that time, we must allow this to be no contemptible per- 
formance, and not to be inferior to the works of most con- 
temporary writers, either in purity of style or justness of 
composition. Even the vain parade of erudition with 
which it abounds, and which now disgusts us, raised the 
admiration of that age ; and as it was filled with those ge- 
neral rules which speculative authors deliver for rendering 
a nation happy, and of which James could discourse with 
great plausibility, though often incapable of putting them 
in practice, the English conceived a high opinion of his 
abilities, and expected an increase of national honour and 
prosperity, under a prince so profoundly skilled in politics, 
and who gave such a specimen both of his wisdom and of 
his love to his people.^ 

The queen of England's sentiments concerning James 
were very different from those of her subjects. His exces- 
sive indulgence towards the Popish lords; the facility with 
which he pardoned their repeated treasons; his restoring 
Beaton, the Popish archbishop of Glasgow, who had fled out 
of Scotland atthe time of the Reformation, to the possession 
of the temporalities of thatbenefice; the appointing him his 
ambassador atthe court of France; the applause he bestowed, 
^n the Basilicon Doron, on those who adhered to the queen 
his mother ; Elizabeth considered as so many indications 

: f Johnst. 242. s Carad. Spotsw. 45/P'^^l •^* ^^ 



\ 

BOOK VIII. \(iti 

of a mind alienated from the Protestant relisfion : and 
Accuses suspected that he would soon revolt from the pro- 
himof cor- fessiou of it, Thcse suspicions seemed to be fully 

responding _ r ^ j 

with the confirmed by a discovery which came from the 
master of Gray, who resided at that time in Italy, 
and who, rather than suffer his intriguing spirit to be idle, 
demeaned himself so far as to act as a spy for the English 
court. He conveyed to Elizabeth the copy of a letter, 
written by James to pope Clement VIII. , in v/hich the king, 
after many expressions of regard for that pontiff", and of gra- 
titude for his favours, declared his firm resolution to treat 
the Roman Catholics with indulgence; and, in order to 
render the intercourse between the courts of Rome and 
Scotland more frequent and familiar, he solicited the pope 
to promote Drummond, bishop of Vaison, a Scotsman, to 
the dignity of a cardinal.'' Elizabeth, who had received 
by another channel' some imperfect intelligence of this 
correspondence, was filled with just surprise, and imme- 
diately dispatched Bowes into Scotland, to inquire more 
fully into the truth of the matter, and to reproach James 
for an action so unbecoming a Protestant prince. He was 
astonished at the accusation, and with a confidence which 
nothing but the consciousness of innocence could inspire, 
affirmed the whole to be a mere calumny, and the letter it- 
self to be forged by his enemies, on purpose to bring his 
sincerity in religion to be suspected. Elphingston, the 
secretary of state, denied the matter with equal solemnity. 
It came, however, to be known by a very singular accident, 
which happened some years after, that the information 
which Elizabeth had received was well founded, though 
at the same time the king's declarations of his own inno- 
cence were perfectly consistent with truth. Cardinal 
Bellarmine, in a reply which he published to a controver- 
sial treatise, of which the king was the author, accused him 
of havino' abandoned the favourable sentiments which he 
had once entertained of the Roman Catholic religion, and, 
as a proof of this, quoted his letter to Clement VIII. It 

^ Cald. 333. ' Winw. Mem. vol. i. 37. ^2. 

M 2 



a4i SCOTLA-ND. 

was impossible, any longer, to believe this to be a fiction; 
and it was a matter too delicate to be passed over without 
strict inquiry. James immediately examined Elphingston, 
and his confession unravelled the whole mystery. He ac- 
knowledged that he had shuffled in this letter among other 
papers, which he had laid before the king to be signed, 
who suspecting no such deceit, subscribed it together with 
the rest, and without knowing what it contained ; that he 
had no other motive, however, to this action, but zeal for his 
majesty's service ; and, by flattering the Roman Catholics 
with hopes of indulgence under the king's government, he 
imagined that he was paving the way for his more easy 
accession to the English throne. The privy-council of 
England entertained very different sentiments of the secre- 
tary's conduct. In their opinion, not only the king's repu- 
tation had been exposed to reproach, but his life to danger, 
by this rash imposture; they even imputed the gunpowder 
treason to the rage and disappointment of the Papists, upon 
finding that the hopes which this letter inspired, were frus- 
trated. The secretary was sent a prisoner into Scotland, 
to be tried for high treason. His peers found him guilty, 
but, by the queen's intercession, he obtained a pardon.'' 

According to the account of other historians, James 
himself was no stranger to this correspondence with the 
pope; and, if we believe them, Elphingston, being inti- 
midated by the threats of the English council, and de- 
ceived by the artifices of the earl of Dunbar, concealed 
some circumstances in his narrative of this transaction, and 
falsified others ; and at the expense of his own fame, and 
with the danger of his life, endeavoured to draw a veil over 
this part of his master's conduct.' 

James at But whcthcr wc imputc the writing of this letter 
great pains tQ |-}je secrctarv's officious zeal, or to the kind's 

to gain the ,.. . ■, ■, t • • r 

Roman command, it is certain, that, about this time, James 

^^ ° ^^^' was at the utmost pains to gain the friendship of 

the Roman Catholic princes, as a necessary precaution to- 



fl I ^F ii.t' L<, 



k State Trials, vol. i. 429. Spotsw. 456. 507. Johnst. 448. 
(.-^ 1 Cald. vol. V. 322. vi. 147. 



\ 

BOOK VIII. 165 

wards facilitating his accession to tlie English throne. Lord 
Home, who was himself a Papist, was intrusted with a 
secret commission to the pope;"" the archbishop of Glasgow 
was an active instrument with those of his own religion." 
The pope expressed such favourable sentiments both of 
the king, and of his rights to the crown of England, that 
James thought himself bound, some years after, to acknow- 
ledge the obligation in a public manner." Sir James 
Lindsay made great progress in gaining the English Pa- 
pists to acknowledge his majesty's title. Of all these in- 
triofues Elizabeth received obscure hints from different 
quarters. The more imperfectly she knew, the more vio- 
lently she suspected the king's designs ; and the natural 
jealousy of her temper increasing with age, she observed 
his conduct with greater solicitude than ever. 

1600. The questions with reo;ard to the election and 

March 28. n ^ . • p i i i 

His reguia- power 01 the representatives ot the church, were 
re°rMd to finally decided this year by the general assembly, 
thechurch. -which met at Montrose. That place was chosen as 
most convenient for the ministers of the north, among 
whom the king's influence chiefly lay. Although great num- 
bers resorted from the northern provinces, and the king- 
employed his whole interest, and the authority of his own 
presence, to gain a majority, the following regulations 
were with difficulty agreed on. That the general assem- 
bly shall recommend six persons to every vacant benefice, 
which gave a title to a seat in parliament, out of whom 
the king shall nominate one ; that the person so elected, 
after obtaining his seat in parliament, shall neither propose 
nor consent to any thing there, tliat may affect the interest 
of the church, without special instructions to that purpose; 
that he shall be answerable for his conduct to every gene- 
ral assembly ; and submit to its censure, without appeal, 
upon pain of infamy and excommunication ; that he shall 
discharge the duties of a pastor, in a particular congrega- 
tion ; that he shall not usurp any ecclesiastical jurisdiction 
superior to that of his other brethren ; that if the church 

"< Winw. Mem. vol. ii. r>7. " Cald. vol. vi. li?. " Cald.'vol. v. 6 04 



iW SCOTLiVND. 

inflict on him the censure of deprivation, he shall thereby 
forfeit his seat in parliament ; that he shall annually re- 
sign his commission to the general assembly, which may 
be restored to him, or not, as the assembly, with the king's 
approbation, shall judge most expedient for the good of 
the church.P Nothing could be more repugnant to the idea 
of episcopal government, than these regulations. It was 
not in consequence of rights derived from their office, but 
of powers conferred by a commission, that the ecclesiastical 
persons were to be admitted to a seat in parliament ; they 
were the representatives, not the superiors, of the clergy. 
Destitute of all spiritual authority, even their civil jurisdic- 
tion was temporary. James, however, flattered himself that 
they would soon be able to shake off these fetters, and gra- 
dually acquire all the privileges which belonged to the 
episcopal order. The clergy dreaded the same thing; and 
of course he contended for the nomination of these com- 
missioners, and they opposed it, not so much on account of 
the powers then vested in them, as of those to which it 
was believed they would soon attain.'' 

Durinof this summer the kin^'dom enioved an 

Cowrie's . . * '^ "^ 

conspi- unusual tranquillity. The clergy, after many 
^^^^' struggles, were brought under great subjection ; 
the Popish earls were restored to their estates and honours, 
by the authority of parliament, and with the consent of 
the church ; the rest of the nobles were at peace among 
themselves, and obedient to the royal authority ; when, in 
the midst of this security, the king's life was exposed to 
the utmost danger, by a conspiracy altogether unexpected, 
and almost inexplicable. The authors of it were John 
Ruthven, earl of Gowrie, and his brother Alexander, the 
sons of that earl who was beheaded in the year 1584. Na- 
ture had adorned both these young men, especially the 
'elder brother, with many accomplishments, to which edu- 
' cation had added its most elegant improvements. More 
learned than is usual among persons of their rank ; more 
religious than is common at their age of life ; generous, 

P Spotsw. 453. 457". Cald. vol. v. 368. t Spotsw, 454. 



\ 

BOOK VIII. 167 

brave, popular; their countrymen, far from tliinking them 
capable of any atrocious crime, conceived the most san- 
guine hopes of their early virtues. Notwithstanding all 
these noble qualities, some unknown motive engaged them^ 
in a conspiracy, which if we adhere to the account com- 
monly received, must be transmitted to posterity, as one of 
the most wicked, as well as one of the worst concerted, of 
which history makes any mention. 

On the 5th of August, as the king, who resided dur- 
ing the hunting season in his palace of Falkland, was going 
out to his sport early in the morning, he was accosted by 
Mr. Alexander Ruthven, who, with an air of great import- 
ance, told the king, that the evening before he had met an 
unknown man, of a suspicious aspect, walking alone in a 
by-path, near his brother's house at Perth ; and on search- 
ing him, had found, under his cloak, a pot filled with a great 
quantity of foreign gold ; that he had immediately seized 
both him and his treasure, and without communicating the 
matter to any person, had kept him confined and bound 
in a solitary house ; and that he thought it his duty to 
impart such a singular event first of all to his majesty. 
James immediately suspected this unknown person to be 
a seminary priest, supplied with foreign coin, in order 
to excite new commotions in the kingdom ; and resolved 
to empower the magistrates of Perth, to call the person be- 
fore them, and to inquire into all the circumstances of the 
story. Ruthven violently opposed this resolution, and with 
many arguments urged the king to ride directly to Perth, 
and to examine the matter in person. Meanwhile the chase 
began ; and James, notwithstanding his passion for that 
amusement, could not help ruminating upon the strange- 
ness of the tale, and on Ruthven's importunity. At last he 
called him, and promised when the sport was over to set 
out for Perth. The chase, however, continued long; and 
Ruthven, who all the while kept close by the king, was 
still urging him to make haste. At the death of the buck 
he would not allow James to stay till a fresh horse was 
brought him ; and observing the duke of Lennox and the 



108 SCOTLAND. 

earl of Mar preparing to accompany the king, he entreated 
him to countermand them. This James refused ; and though 
Ruthven's impatience and anxiety, as well as the apparent 
perturbation in his whole behaviour, raised some suspicions 
in his mind ; yet his own curiosity, and Ruthven's soli- 
citations, prevailed on him to set out for Perth. When 
within a mile of the town, Ruthven rode forward to inform 
his brother of the king's arrival, though he had already dis- 
patched two messengers for that purpose. At a little dis- 
tance from the town, the earl, attended by several of the 
citizens, met the king, who had only twenty persons in his 
train. No preparations were made for the king's entertain- 
ment ; the earl appeared pensive and embarrassed, and was 
at no pains to atone, by his courtesy or hospitality, for the 
bad fare with which he treated his guests. When the king's 
repast was over, his attendants were led to dine in another 
room, and he being left almost alone, Ruthven whispered 
him, that now was the time to go to the chamber where 
the unknown person was kept. James commanded him to 
bring Sir Thomas Erskine along with them : but instead 
of that Ruthven ordered him not to follow : and conducting 
the king up a stair-case, and then through several apart- 
ments, the doors of which he locked behind him, led him 
at last into a small study, in which there stood a man clad 
in armour, with a sword and dagger by his side. The king, 
who expected to have found one disarmed and bound, 
started at the sight, and inquired if this was the person ; 
but Ruthven snatching the dagger from the girdle of the 
man in armour, and holding it to the king's breast, " Re- 
member," said he, "how unjustly my father suffered by 
your command ; you are now my prisoner ; submit to my 
disposal without resistance or outcry ; or this dagger shall 
instantly avenge his blood." James expostulated with 
Ruthven, entreated, and flattered him. The man whom he 
found in the study stood, all the while, trembling and dis- 
mayed, without courage either to aid the king, or to second 
his aggressor. Ruthven protested, that if the king raised 
no outcry, his life s^hould be safe ; and, moved by some 



BOOK VIII. iW 

unknown reason, retired in order to call his brother, leav-^ 
ing- to the man in armour the care of the king, whom Hfe 
bound by oath not to make any noise during his absence. 

While the king^ was in this dan2;erous situation, his at- 
tendants g-rowing- impatient to know whither he had retired, 
one of Gowrie's domestics entered the room hastily, and 
told them that the king had just rode away towards Falk- 
land. All of them rushed out into the street ; and the earl, 
in the utmost hurry, called for their horses. But by this 
time his brother had returned to the king, and swearing 
that now there was no remedy, he must die, offered to bind 
his hands. Unarmed as James was, he scorned to submit 
to that indignity ; and closing with the assassin, a fierce 
struggle ensued. The man in armour stood, as formerly, 
amazed and motionless ; and the king dragging Ruthven 
towards a window, which during his absence he had per- 
suaded the person with whom he was left to open, cried 
with a wild and affrighted voice, " Treason ! Treason ! ' 
Help! I am murdered !" His attendants heard, and knew 
the voice, and saw at the window, a hand which grasped 
the king's neck with violence. They flew with precipitation ' 
to his assistance. Lennox and Mar, with the greater num- 
ber, ran up the principal stair-case, where they found all 
the doors shut, which they battered with the utmost fury, 
endeavouring to burst them open. But Sir John Ramsey, 
entering by a back-stair, which led to the apartment where 
the king was, found the door open ; and rushing upon ^ 
Ruthven, who was still struggling with the king, struck 
him twice with his dagger, and thrust him towards the ^ 
stair-case, where Sir Thomas Erskine and Sir Hugh Herries ^ 
met, and killed him ; he crying with his last breath, 
"Alas ! I am not to blame for this action." During this ' 
scuffle the man who had been concealed in the study / 
escaped unobserved. Together with Ramsey, Erskine, 
and Herries, one Wilson, a footman, entered the room 
where the king was, and before they had time to shut the " 

door, Gowrie rushed in with a drawn sword in each hand, 

')ii<! 3tii wri ^Xioiuo o/i 



V7U SCOTLAND. 

followed by seven of his attendants well armed, and with a 
loud voice threatened them all with instant death. They 
immediately thrust the king into the little study, and shut- 
ting the door upon him, encountered the earl. Notwith- 
standing the inequality of numbers, Sir John Ramsey 
pierced Gowrie through the heart, and he fell down dead 
without uttering a word ; his followers having received se- 
veral wounds, immediately fled. Three of the king's de- 
fenders were likewise hurt in the conflict. A dreadful noise 
continued still at the opposite door, where many persons 
laboured in vain to force a passage ; and the king being 
assured that they were Lennox, Mar, and his other friends, 
it was opened on the inside. They ran to the king, whom 
they unexpectedly found safe, with transports of congratu- 
lation ; and he, falling on his knees, with all his attendants 
around him, ofl'ered solemn thanks to God for such a won- 
derful deliverance. The danger, however, was not yet over. 
The inhabitants of the town, whose provost Gowrie was, 
and by whom he was extremely beloved, hearing the fate 
of the two brothers, ran to their arms, and surrounded the 
house, threatening revenge, with many insolent and op- 
probrious speeches against the king. James endeavoured 
to pacify the enraged multitude, by speaking to them from 
the window ; he admitted their magistrates into the house; 
related to them all the circumstances of the fact ; and their 
fury subsiding by degrees, they dispersed. On searching 
the earl's pockets for papers that might discover his de- 
signs and accomplices, nothing was found but a small 
parchment bag, full of magical characters and words of en- 
chantment ; and, if we may believe the account of the con- 
spiracy published by the king, "while these were about him, 
the wound of which he died bled not ; but as soon as they 
were taken away, the blood gushed out in great abundance." 
After all the dangerous adventures of this busy day, the 
king returned in the evening to Falkland, having com- 
' mitted the dead bodies of the two brothers to the custody 
■of the magistrates of Perth. - 



BOOK VIII. kHl 

The mo- Notwithstanding the minute detail which the king 
the con- gave of all the circumstances of this conspiracy 
spirators aorainst his life, the motives which induced the two 

not easily O -" 

explained, brothers to attempt an action so detestable, the end 
they had in view, and the accomplices on whose aid they 
depended, were altogether unknown. The words of Ruth- 
ven to the king gave some grounds to think that the desire 
of revenging their father's death had instigated them to 
this attempt. But, whatever injuries their father had suf- 
fered, it is scarcely probable that they could impute them 
to the king, whose youth, as well as his subjection at that 
time to the violence of a faction, exempted him from being 
the object of resentment, on account of actions which were 
not done by his command. James had even endeavoured 
to repair the wrongs which the father had suffered, by be- 
nefits to his children ; and Gowrie himself, sensible of his 
favour, had acknowledged it with the warmest expressions 
of gratitude. Three of the earl's attendants, being con- 
victed of assisting him in this assault on the king's servants, 
were executed at Perth ; but they could give no light into 
the motives which had prompted their master to an action 
so repugnant to these acknowledgments. Diligent search 
was made for the person concealed in the study, and from 
him great discoveries were expected. But Andrew Hen^ 
derson, the earl's steward, who, upon a promise of pardon, 
confessed himself to be the man, was as much a stranger 
to his master's design as the rest ; and though placed in 
the study by Gowrie's command, he did not even know for 
what end that station had been assigned him. The whole 
transaction remained as impenetrably dark as ever ; and the 
two brothers, it was concluded, had concerted their scheme 
without either confidant or accomplice, with unexampled 
secrecy as well as wickedness. tm 

Sprot's An accident no less strange than the other circum- 
conc°era"^^ stanccs of the story, and which happened nine 
"*&^*- years after, discovered that this opinion, however 
plausible, was ill-founded ; and that the two brothers had 
not carried on their machinations all alone. One Sprot, a 



iH SCOTLAND. 

libtary, having whispered among several persons that he 
knew some secrets relating toGowrie's conspiracy, the privy- 
council thought the matter worthy of their attention, and or- 
dered him to be seized. His confession was partly voluntary, 
and partly forced from him by torture. According to his ac- 
count, Logan of Restalrig, a gentleman of an opulent for- 
tune, but of dissolute morals, was privy to all Gowrie's inten- 
tions, and an accomplice in his crimes. Mr. Ruthven, he 
said, had frequent interviews with Logan in order to concert 
the plan of their operations ; the earl had corresponded with 
him to the same purpose ; and one Bour, Logan's confidant, 
was trusted with the secret, and carried the letters between 
them. Both Logan and Bour were now dead. But Sprot 
affirmed that he had read letters written both by Gowrie 
and Logan on that occasion ; and in confirmation of his 
testimony, several of Logan's letters, which a curiosity fatal 
to himself had prompted Sprot to steal from among Bour's 
papers, were produced." These were compared, by the 
privy-council, with papers of Logan's hand-writing, and 
the resemblance was manifest. Persons of undoubted 
credit, and well qualified to judge of the matter, examined 
them, and swore to their authenticity. Death itself did 
not exempt Logan from prosecution ; his bones were dug 
up and tried for high-treason, and, by a sentence, equally 
odious and illegal," his lands were forfeited, and his pos- 

*■ Logan's letters were five in number. One to Bour, another to Gowrie, and three 
of them without any direction ; nor could Sprot discover the name of the person to 
whom they were written. Logan gives him the appellation of Right Hnnmtruhle. It 
appears from this, however, and from other words in the letter, Crom. 95. that there 
were several persons privy to the conspiracy. The date of the first letter is July 18th. 
Mr. Ruthven had communicated the matter to Logan only five days before. Ibid. It 
appears from the onginal summons of forfau I ture against Logan's heirs, that Bour, though 
he had letters addressed to him with regard to a conspiracy equally dangerous and im- 
portant, was so illiterate that he could not read. " Jacobus Bour, literarum prorsus 
ignarus, dicti Georgii opera in legendis omnibus scriptis ad eum missis, vel pertinen- 
tibus utebatur." This is altogether strange ; and nothing but the capricious character 
of Logan can account for his choosing such a confidant. 

' By the Roman law, persons guilty of the crime of high-treason might be tried even 
after death. This practice was adopted by the Scots without any limitation. Pari. 
1540, c. 69. But the unlimited exercise of this power was soon conceived to be dan- 
gerous ; and the crown was laid under pro])er restrictions, by an act A. D. 1542, which 
has never been printed. The words of it are, " And because the said lords (i. e. the 
lords of articles) think the said act (viz. 1540,) too general, and prejudicial to the 
barons in the realm, therefore statutes and ordains that the said act shall have no ])lace 
in time coming, but against the heirs of them that notoriously commit or shall coniniit 
lese majesty against the king's person, against the realm for averting the same, and 
against tliem that shall happen to betray the king's army allenarly, and being noto- 



t 



BOOK Villi; 173 

terity declared infamous. Sprot was condemned to be 
hanged for misprision of treason. He adhered to his con-* 
fession to the last, and having promised on the scaffold, to 
give the spectators a sign in confirmation of the truth of 
what he had deposed, he thrice clapped his hands after he 
was thrown off the ladder by the executioner.' 

But though it be thus unexpectedly discovered that 
Gowrie did not act without associates, little additional light 
is thrown, by this discovery, on the motives and intentions 
of his conduct. It appears almost incredible that two 
young men of such distinguished virtue should revolt all 
at once from their duty, and attempt a crime so atrocious as 
the murder of their sovereign. It appears still more im- 

riously known in their time: and the heirs of these persons to be called and judged 
w-ithin five years after the decease of the said persons committers of the said crimes ; 
and the said time being by-past, the said heirs never to be pursued for the same." 
The sentence agaiust Logan violated this statute in two particulars. He was not no- 
toriously known during his life to be an accomplice in the crime for which he was 
tried ; and his heir was called in question more than five years after his death. It is 
remarkable that this statute seems not to have been attended to in the parliament which 
forfeited Logan. Another singular circumstance deserves notice. .As ilis a maxim of 
justice that no person can be tried in absence ; and as lawyers are always tenacious of 
their forms, and often absurd in their devices for preserving them, they contrived that, 
in any process agaiust a dead person, his corpse or bones shall be presented at the 
bar. E,\amples of this occur frequently in the Scottish history. After the battle of 
Corrichie, the dead body of the earl of Huntly was presented in parliament, before 
sentence oi forfaulture was pronounced against him. For the same reason the bodies 
of Gowrie and his brother were preserved, in order that they might be produced in 
parliament. Logan's bones, in compliance with the same rule, were dug up. Mackenz. 
Crim. Law, Book i. Tit 6. § 22. 

* It appears that archbishop Spotswood was present at the execution of Sprot, Crom. 
lib, and yet he seems to have given no credit to his discoveries. The manner iu 
which he speaks of him is remarkable : " Whether or not I should mention the ar- 
raignment and execution of George Sprot, who sufiFered at Edinburgh, I am doubtful • 
his confession, though voluntary and constant, carrying small probability. The man 
deposed, 6cc. It seemed to be a very fiction, and a mere invention of the man's own 
brain, for neither did he shew the letter, nor could any wise man think that Gowrie, 
who went about the treason so secretly, would have communicated the matter to such 
a man as Logan was known to be," p. 508. Spotswood could not be ignorant of the 
solemnity with which Logan had been tried, and of the proof brought of the authen- 
ticity of his letters. He himself was probably present in parliament at the trial. The 
earl of Dunbar, of whom he always speaks with the highest respect, was the person 
who directed the process against Logan. Such a peremptory declaration against the 
truth of Sprot's evidence notwithstanding all these circumstances, is surprising. Sir 
Thomas Hamilton, the king's advocate at that time, and afterward earl of Hadington, 
represents the proof produced at Logan's trial as extremely convincing ; and in an 
original letter of his to the king, the 21st of June, 1609, (in Bibl. Facult. Jurid.) after 
mentioning the manner in which the trial had been conducted, he thus goes on : 

" When the probation of the summons was referred to the lords of articles' votes, 
they found uniformly, all in one voice, the said summons to be so clearly proved, that 
they seemed to contend who should be able most zealously to express the satisfaction 
of his heart, not only by the most pithy words, but by tears of joy ; diverse of the best 
rank confessing, that that whereof they doubted at their entry into the house was now 
80 manifest, that they behoved to esteem them traitors who should any longer refuse 
to declare their assured resolution of the truth of that treason." 



<W4 SCOTLAND. 

probable, that they should have concerted their undertaking 
with so little foresight and prudence. If they intended 
that the deed should have remained concealed, they could 
not have chosen a more improper scene for executing it, 
than their own house. If they intended that Henderson 
should have struck the blow, they could not have pitched 
on a man more destitute of the courage that must direct 
the hand of an assassin ; nor could they expect that he, 
unsolicited, and unacquainted with their purpose, would 
venture on such a desperate action. If Ruthven meant to 
stab the king with his own hand, why did he withdraw the 
dagger, after it was pointed at his breast ? How could he 
leave the king after such a plain declaration of his inten- 
tion ? Was it not preposterous to commit him to the keeping 
of such a timid associate as Henderson ? For what purpose 
did he waste time in binding the hands of an unarmed 
man, whom he might easily have dispatched with his sword? 
Had Providence permitted them to embrue their hands in 
the blood of their sovereign, what advantage could have 
accrued to them by his death ? And what claims or preten- 
sions could they have opposed to the rights of his chil- 
dren?" Inevitable and instant vengeance, together with 
perpetual infamy, were the only consequences they could 
expect to follow such a crime. 

On the other hand, it is impossible to believe that the 
king had formed any design against the life of the two 
brothers. They had not incurred his indignation by any 
crime ; and were in no degree the objects of his jealousy 
or hatred ;" nor was he of a spirit so sanguinary, or so noted m 

.-.I " It has been asserted, that, in consequence of the king's death, the earl of Gowrie V 
mighthave pretended to the crown of England, as the son of Dorothy Stewart, daughter 
of lord Methven by Margaret of England, who after her divorce from the earl of An- 
gus, took that nobleman for her third husband. Burnet, Hist, of his own Times. But 
this assertion is ill-founded. It appears, from undoubted evidence, that lord Meth- 
ven had only one child by queen Margaret, which died in its infancy, and Dorothea 
lady Ruthven v/as not the daughter of queen Margaret, but of Janet Stewart, lord 
Methven's second wife, a daughter of John, earl of Athol. Crawf. Peer. 329. And 
though Gowrie had really been descended from the blood royal of England, the king 
at that time had a son and a daughter ; and besides them, lady Arabella Stewart, 
daughter of Charles, earl of Lennox, had a preferable title to the crown of England. 

* Sir Henry Neville, in a letter to Sir Ralph Winwood, imputes the death of the two 
brothers to a cause not mentioned by any of our historians. " Out of Scotland we 
hear that there is no good agreement, but rather an open diffidence, betwixt the king 
and his wife, and many are of opinion that the discovery of some affection between her 



BOOK VIII. 1^6 

for rash and desperate valour, as to have attempted to 
[murder them in their own house, where they were sur- 
rounded with many domestics, he only with a slender and 
unarmed train ; where they could call to their assistance 
the inhabitants of a city, at the devotion of their family, 
while he was at a distance from all aid ; and least of all 
would he have chosen for his associates in such an enter- 
prise the earl of Mar and the duke of Lennox, the former 
connected in close friendship with the house of Gowrie, 
and the latter married to one of the earl's sisters. ,v 

A conjee- Whichsocvcr of these opposite systems we embrace ; 
turecon- vvhethcr we impute the intention of murder to 

cernmg _ f^ ^ 

theinten- Gowric, or to the king; insuperable difficulties 
the con- arisc, and we are involved in darkness, mystery, 
spiiaors. ^^^^ contradictions. Perhaps the source of the 
whole conspiracy ought to be searched for deeper, and by 
deriving- it from a more remote cause, we may discover it 
to be less criminal. 

To keep the king of Scots in continual dependance, was 
one great object of Elizabeth's policy. In order to this, 
she sometimes soothed him, and sometimes bribed his mi- 
nisters and favourites ; and when she failed of attaining 
her end by these means, she encouraged the clergy to ren- 
der any administration which she distrusted unpopular, by 
decrying it, or stirred up some faction of the nobles to op- 
pose and to overturn it. In that fierce age, men little ac- 
quainted with the arts of undermining a ministry by intrigue, 
had recourse to the ruder practice of rendering themselves 

and the earl of Gowrie's brother (who was killed with him) was the truest cause and 
motive of that tragedy," Winw. INIem. vol. i. 274. Whether the following passages in 
Nicholson's letter be any confirmation of that suspicion, is submitted to the reader. In 
his letter, Sept. 22, 1602, he mentions the return of Cowrie's two younger brothers 
into Scotland, and adds, " The coming in of these two, and the queen of Scots deal- 
ing with them, and sending away and furnishing Mrs. Beatrix [their sister] with such 
information as Sir Thomas Erskine has given, hath bred greaf suspicion in the king of 
Scots that they come not in but upon some dangerous plot." In another letter, Ja- 
nuary 1, 1603, " The day of writing my last, Mrs. Beatrix Ruthven was brought by the 
lady Paisley, and Mrs. of Angus, as one of their gentlewomen, into the court in the 
evening, and stowed in a chamber prepared for her by the queen's direction, where the 
queen had much time and conference with her. Of this the king got notice, and 
shewed his dislike thereof to tlie queen, gently reproving her for it, and examining 
quietly of the queen's servants of the same, and of other matters thereunto belonging, 
with such discretion and secrecy as requires such a matter." ") ^it'limd 

.> •: . liJJ JjKj-it T.<i9rf 



176 SCOTLAND. 

masters of the king's person, that they might thereby obtaia 
the direction of his councils. Those nobles, who seized 
the king at the Raid of Ruthven, were instigated and 
supported by Elizabeth. Bothwell, in all his wild attempts, 
enjoyed her protection, and when they miscarried, he was 
secure of a retreat in her dominions. The connexion 
which James had been forming of late with the Roman 
Catholic princes, his secret negotiations in England with 
her subjects, and the maxims by which he governed his 
own kingdom, all contributed to excite her jealousy. She 
dreaded some great revolution in Scotland to be approach- 
ing, and it was her interest to prevent it. The earl of 
Gowrie was one of the most powerful of the Scottish 
nobles, and descended from ancestors warmly attached to 
the English interest. He had adopted the same system, 
and believed the welfare of his country to be inseparably 
connected with the subsistence of the alliance between the 
two kingdoms. During his residence at Paris, he had con- 
tracted an intimate friendship with Sir Henry Neville, the 
queen's ambassador there, and was recommended by him 
to his court as a person of whom great use might be made.^ 
Elizabeth received him as he passed through England with 
distinguished marks of respect and favour. From all these 
circumstances a suspicion may arise, that the plan of the 
conspiracy against the king was formed at that time in 
concert with her. Such a suspicion prevailed in that age, 
and from the letters of Nicholson, Elizabeth's agent in 
Scotland, it appears not to be destitute of foundation. An 
English ship was observed hovering for some time in the 
mouth of the Frith of Forth. The earl's two younger bro- 
thers fled into England after the ill success of the conspi- 
rAif ,*^ and were protected by Elizabeth. James himself, 
though he prudently concealed it, took great umbrage at 
her behaviour. None, however, of Elizabeth's intrigues in 
Scotland tended to hurt the king's person, but only to cir- 
cumscribe his authority, and to thwart his schemes. His 

y Winw,i.l.96. ' ^ 

f ■ X i 

to 



.BOOK VIII. 177 

life was the surest safeguard of her own, and restrained the 
Popish pretenders to her crown, and their abettors, from 
desperate attempts to which their impatience and bigotry 
might, otherwise, have urged them on. To have encou- 
raged Gowrie to murder his sovereign, would, on her part, 
have been an act of the utmost imprudence. Nor does this 
seem to have been the intention of the two brothers. Mr. 
Ruthven, first of all, endeavoured to decoy the king to 
Perth, without any attendants. When these proved more 
numerous than was expected, the earl employed a stratagem 
in order to separate them from the king, by pretending that 
he had rode away towards Falkland, and by calling hastily 
for their horses, that they might follow him. By their 
shutting James up, meanwhile, in a distant corner of the 
house, and by attempting to bind his hands, their design 
seems to have been rather to seize than to assassinate him. 
Though Gowrie had not collected his followers in such 
numbers as to have been able to detain him long a prisoner, 
in that part of the kingdom, by open force, he might soon 
have been conveyed aboard the English ship, which waited, 
perhaps, to receive him ; and he might have been landed 
at Fastcastle, a house of Logan's, in which, according to 
many obscure hints in his letters, some rendezvous of the 
conspirators was to be held. Amidst the surprise and ter- 
ror into which the king must have been thrown by the vio- 
lence offered to him, it was extremely natural for him to con- 
clude that his life was sought. It was the interest of all his 
followers to confirm him in this belief, and to magnify his 
danger, in order to add to the importance and merit of their 
own services. Thus his fear, and their vanity, aided by 
the credulity and wonder which the contemplation of any 
great and tragical event, when not fully understood, is apt 
to inspire, augmented the whole transaction. On the other 
hand, the extravagance and improbability of the circum- 
stances which were added, detracted from the credit of 
those which really happened; and even furnished pre«» 
tences for calling in question the truth of the whole con- 
spiracy. 

VOL. II. N 



178 SCOTLAND. 

Manydis- The account of what had happened at Perth 
accoJnt*^^ reached Edinburgh next mornuig. The privy- 
piibiished council Commanded the ministers of that city in- 
king, stantly to assemble their people; and after relating 
to them the circumstances of the conspiracy formed against 
the king's life, to return public thanks to God for the pro- 
tection which he had so visibly afforded him. But as the 
first accounts transmitted to Edinburgh, written in a hurry 
and while the circumstances of the conspiracy were but 
imperfectly known, and the passions which it excited 
strongly felt, were indistinct, exaggerated, and contradic- 
tory, the ministers laid hold of this ; and though they of- 
fered to give public thanks to God for the king's safety, 
they refused to enter into any detail of particulars, or to 
utter from the chair of truth what happened to be still du- 
bious and uncertain. 

A few days after, the king returned to Edinburgh ; and, 
though Galloway, the minister of his own chapel, made a 
harangue to the people at the public cross, in which he 
recited all the circumstances of the conspiracy; though 
James himself, in their hearing, confirmed his account; 
though he commanded a narrative of the whole transaction 
to be published ; the ministers of that city, as well as 
many of their brethren, still continued incredulous and un- 
convinced. Their high esteem of Gowrie, their jealousy of 
every part of the king's conduct, added to some false and 
many improbable circumstances in the narrative, not only 
led them to suspect the whole, but gave their suspicions, 
an air of credibility. But at length the king, partly by 
arguments, partly by threats, prevailed on all of them, ex- 
cept Mr. Robert Bruce, to own that they were convinced^ 
of the truth of the conspiracy. He could be brought no> 
farther than to declare, that lie reverenced the king's ac-, 
count of the transaction, but could not say that he himself 
was persuaded to the truth of it. The scruples or obsti- 
nacy of a single man would have been little regarded; but 
as the same spirit of incredulity began to spread among 
the people, the example of one in so high reputation^ for 



BOOK VIII. 179' 



integrity and abilities, was extremely dangerous. The king, 
was at the utmost pains to convince and to gain Bruce, 
but finding it impossible to remove his doubts, he deprived/ 
him of his benefice, and after repeated delays, and many at- 
tempts toward a reconcilement, banished him the kingdom.^; 
Proceed- The procccdings of parliament were not retarded 
h!melr' by any scruples of this sort. The dead bodies of 
againstthe ^^^ ^^q brothcrs wcrc produced there, according 

conspira- r ^ 

tors. to law; an indictment for high ti-eason was pre-' 

ferred against them ; witnesses were examined : and, by 
an unanimous sentence, their estates and honours were 
forfeited ; the punishment due to traitors was inflicted on 
their dead bodies ; and, as if the punishment hitherto in 
use did not express sufficient detestation of their crimes, 
the parliament enacted that the surnameofRuthven should 
be abolished; and, in order to preserve the memory of the 
king's miraculous escape, and to declare the sense wliich 
the nation had of the divine goodness, to all future ages^ 
appointed the oth of August to be observed, annually, ais' 
a day of public thanksgiving.^ 

^ Spotsw. 4G1, &c. Cald. v. 389, &c. 
3 A few weeks after the death of the two brothers, the king published a discourse of 
their vile and mmaiund conspiracy against his life. In the year 1713, George earl of 
Cromartie published an " Historical Account of the Conspiracy by the Earl of Govvrie 
and Robert Logan of Restalrig, against King James VI.'' He seems not to have 
seen the account which the king himself had given of that matter, and borrows the 
whole historical part from Spotswood and other authors ; but he has extracted froia' 
the public records the depositions of the witnesses produced by the king's council, in' 
order to make good the charge against the two brothers, and Logan their associate; - 
From these two treatises our knowledge of all the material circumstances of the con- 
spiracy is derived. The evidence which they contain, one would expect to be an- 
thentic and decisive. An account of a fact still recent, published by royal authority, 
. and the original depositions of persons examined in presence of the higliest court in 
the nation, ought to convey a degree of evidence seldom attained in historical rela- 
tions, and to exclude all remaining doubt and uncertainty. But as every thing w^ith 
regard to this transaction is dark and problematical, the king's account and the dtM? 
positions of the witnesses not only vary, but contradict each other in so many circum-^ 
stances, that much room is still left for hesitation and historical scepticism. The tes- 
timony of Henderson is the fullest and most important, but in several particular-^ the- 
king's account and his are contradictory. 1. According to the king's account, while 
Mr. Ruthven was holding the dagger at his breast, " the fellow in the study stood 
quaking and trembling."' Disc. 17. But Henderson says, that he himself ^yTested 
the dagger out of Mr. Ruthven's hands. Disc. .iS. Crom. .^0. Henderson likeViae 
boasted to his wife, that he had that day twice saved the king from being stabbed, Disi^, 
6<t. Crom; 53. II. The king asserts that Henderson opened the window during 
Mr. Ruthven's absence. Disc. 23. Henderson deposes that he was only attempting- 
to open it when Mr. Ruthven returned, and that during the struggle between the king 
and him, he opened it. Disc. 53, 54. Grom. 51, .'Si. III. If we may believe th* 
king, the fellow in the study stood, during the struggle, behind the king's back, iiiactivp, 
and trembling all the time. Disc. 27. But Henderson affirms, that he snatchedaway 
the garter with which Mr. Ruthven attempted to bind the king ; that he pulled back 

N 2 



im SCOTLAND. 

■df UrV ROGii 

j^gggjj.g Though Gowrie's conspiracy occasioned a sudden 
conspiracy g^jjd OTcat alarm, it was followed bv no conse- 

agamst . . t: 

Elizabeth, qucnccs of importance ; and having been con- 
certed by the two brothers, either without any associates, 
or with such as were unknown, the danger was over as soon 
as discovered. But not long after, a conspiracy broke out 
in England against Elizabeth, which, though the first dan- 
ger was instantly dispelled, produced tragical effects, that 
rendered the close of that queen's reign dismal and un- 
happy. As James was deeply interested in that event, it 
merits our particular notice. 

Mr. Ruttven's hand, while he was endeavouring to stop the king's mouth, and that 
he opened the window. Die. 54. Crom 32. IV. By the king's account, Mr. Ruthven 
left him in the study, and went away in order to meet with his brother, and the earl 
came up the stairs for the same purpose. Disc. 23. Henderson deposes, that when 
Mr. Ruthven left the king, " he believes that he did not pass from the door." Crom. 
51. It is apparent both from the situation of the house, and from other circum- 
stances, that there could not possibly have been any interview between the brothers at 
this time. Disc. 23. 

Henderson was twice examined, first at Falkland before the privy-council in August, 
and next at Edinburgh before the parliament in November. Not to mention some 
lesser variations between these depositions, we shall point out two which are re- 
markable. 1. In his first deposition, Mr. Henderson relates the most material 
circumstance of the whole in these words: "Mr. Ruthven pulled out the deponent's 
dagger, and held the same to his majesty's breast, saying. Remember you of my father's 
murder? you ahall novj die for it : and pointing to his highness's heart, with the dagger, 
the deponent threw the same out of Mr. Ruthven's hands, and swore that as God 
should judge his soul, that if Mr. Ruthven had retained the dagger in his hand, the 
space a man may go six steps, he would have stricken the king to the hilts with it." 
Disc. 52. But at his second examination he varied from this in two material circum- 
stances. First, the words he at that time put in Mr. Ruthven's mouth while he held 
the dagger at the king's breast are, "Sir, youmust be my prisoner; remember on my 
father's death." Secondly, when he threatened him with death, it was only to deter 
him from making any noise, " Hold your tongue, or by Christ you shall die," 2. In 
his first deposition, the words of Mr. Ruthven, when he returned to the chamber 
where he had left the king, are, " There is no remedy, by God you must die." But in 
his second deposition, " By God there is no remedy, and oflFered to bind his majesty's 
hands." Crom. 51. The material words, you muse die, are omitted. The first depo- 
sition seems plainly to intimate that it was Ruthven's intention to murder the king. 
The second would lead us to conclude that he had no other design than to detain him 
as a prisoner. 

There are likewise some remarkable contradictions in the iestimonies of the otlier 
witnesses, i. In the discourse published by authority, it is insinuated that the tu- 
mult of the inhabitants was raised against the king, and that it required some art to 
pacify them. Disc. 32. The duke of Lennox confirms this in his deposition. Crom. 
44. An act of privy-council summoning the magistrates of Perth to answer for that 
riot, is still extant. And yet Andrew Roy, one of the bailies of the town, deposes, 
that he himself raised the people, and that they took arms in order to assist the king. 
Crom. 66. 2. Henderson deposes, that he gave an evasive answer to Mr. John Mon- 
crief, who inquired where he had been that morning, because the earl had commanded 
him not to let any man know that he had been at Falkland. Disc. 54. Moncrief de- 
poses to the same purpose. Crom. 6i. And yet George Hay, afterward lord Kinnoul, 
? knd the chancellor of Scotland, and Peter Hay, depose, that the earl, in their pre- 
5f Spnce, asked Henderson, " Whom he found with the king at Falkland ?" Crom. 70, 71. 
Which question seems to prove that he did not aim at keeping that journey a secret. 
bfel the Collection of Criminal Trials, published by Mr. Arnot in 1785, the evidepce 
against the two brothers has been considered with great attention. P. 20, &c. 



BOOK Vllf. 1^1 

The court of England was at this time divided between 
two powerful factions, which contended for the supreme 
direction of affairs. The leader of the one was Robert 
D'Evreux, earl of Essex ; sir Robert Cecil, the son of lord 
treasurer Burleigh, was at the head of the other. The 
former was the most accomplished and the most popular 
of all the English nobles ; brave, generous, affable ; though 
impetuous, yet willing to listen to the counsels of those 
whom he loved; an avowed, but not an implacable enemy; 
a friend no kss constant than warm ; incapable of dis- 
guising his own sentiments, or of misrepresenting those of 
others ; better fitted for a camp than for a court ; of a genius 
that qualified him for the first place in the administration, 
with a spirit which scorned the second, as below his merit. 
He was soon distinguished by the queen, who, with a pro- 
fusion uncommon to her, conferred on him, even in his 
earliest youth, the highest honours. Nor did this diminish 
the esteem and affection of his countrymen ; but, by a rare 
felicity, he was at once the favourite of his sovereign, and 
the darling of the people. Cecil, on the other hand, edu- 
cated in a court, and trained under a father deeply skilled 
in all its arts, was crafty, insinuating, industrious ; and 
though possessed of talents which fitted him for the highest 
offices, he did not rely upon his merit alone for attaining 
them, but availed himself of every advantage which his 
own address, or the mistakes of others, afforded him. Two 
such men were formed to be rivals and enemies. Essex 
despised the arts of Cecil as low and base. To Cecil, the 
earl's magnanimity appeared to be presumption and folly. 
All the military men, except Raleigh, favoured Essex. 
Most of the courtiers adhered to Cecil, whose manners more 
nearly resembled their own. '!^ 

Hiscorre- ^^ Elizabeth advanced in years, the struggle be- 
spondence tvveen thcsc two factious became more violent. 

■with the 

Scottish Essex, m order to strengthen himself, had early 

*°^' ,f ,;j: fcourted the friendship of the king of Scots, for 

whose right of succession he was a zealous advocate, and 

held a close correspondence both with him and with His 



f§| sdl)TLAND. 

piincipal ministers. Cecil, devoted ta'tliequeenarbne, 
rose daily to new honours, by the assiduity of his services, 
and the patience with which he expected the reward of 
them ; while the earl's high spirit and impetuosity some- 
times exposed him to checks from a mistress, who, though 
partial in her affections towards him, could not easily bear 
contradiction, and who conferred favours often unwillingly, 
and always slowly. His own solicitations, however, se- 
conded maliciously by his enemies, who wished to remove 
hinj at a distance from court, advanced him to the com- 
jpand of the army employed in Ireland against Tyrone, and 
to the office of lord-lieutenant of that kingdom, with a com- 
mission almost unlimited. His success in that expedition 
did not equal either his own promises, or the expectations 
of Elizabeth. The queen, peevish from her disappoint- 
ment, and exasperated against Essex by the artifices of his 
enemies, wrote him a harsh letter, full of accusations and 
reproaches. These his impatient spirit could not bear, 
and in the first transports of his resentment, he proposed 
to carry over a part of his army into England, and, by 
driving his enemies from the queen's presence, to reinstate 
himself in favour and in power. But, upon more mature 
thoughts, he abandoned this rash design, and setting sail 
with a few officers devoted to his person, landed in Eng- 
land, and posted directly to court. Elizabeth received him 
without any symptom either of affection or of displeasure. 
By proper compliances and acknowledgments, he might 
have regaiped his former ascendant over the queen. But 
he thought himself too deeply injured to submit to these. 
Elizabeth, on the other hand, determined to subdue his 
haughty temper ; and though her severity drew from him 
the most humble letters, she confined him to the lord keeper's 
house, apd appointed commissioners to try him, both for 
his conduct during his government of Ireland, and for 
leaving that kingdom without her permission. By their 
sentence, he was suspended from all his offices, except that 
of master of the horse, and continued a prisoner during the 
queen's pleasure. Satisfied with having mortified his pride 



BOOK VIII. 183 

thus far, Elizabeth did not suffer the sentence to be re- 
corded, and soon after allowed him to retire to his own 
house. During these transactions, which occupied several 
months, Essex fluctuated between the allegiance he owed 
to his sovereign, and the desire of revenge ; and sometimes 
leaned to the one, and sometimes to the other. In one of 
the intervals, when the latter prevailed, he sent a messenger 
into Scotland, to encourage the king to assert his own right 
to the succession by force of arms, and to promise that, 
besides the assistance of the earl and all his friends in Eng- 
land, lord Mountjoy, now lord-lieutenant of Ireland, would 
join him with five thousand men from that kingdom. But 
T , James did not choose to hazard the losing of a 

James s _ P 

cautious kingdom, of which he was just about to obtain pos- 

conduct. . , i J • •< -\/T J. 

session, by a premature attempt to seize it. Mount- 
joy, too, declined the enterprise, and Essex adopted more 
dutiful schemes ; all thoughts of ambition appearing to be 
totally effaced out of his mind. 
,*,, .,, This moderation, which was merely the effect of 

The wild ' r ^ 

attempts disgust and disappointment, was not of long con- 
tinuance ; and the queen, having not only refused 
to renew a lucrative grant which she had formerly bestowed, 
but even to admit him into her presence, that new injury 
drove a temper, naturally impatient, and now much fretted, 
to absolute despair. His friends, instead of soothing his 
rage, or restraining his impetuosity, added to both by their 
imprudent and interested zeal. After many anxious con- 
sultations, he determined to attempt to redress his wrongs 
by violence. But being conscious how unpopular such an 
enterprise would be, if it appeared to proceed from motives 
of private revenge alone, he endeavoured to give it the 
semblance of public utility, by mingling the king of Scot- 
land's interest with his own. He wrote to James, that the 
faction which now predominated in the English court had 
resolved to support the pretensions of the infanta of Spain 
to the crown ; that the places of the greatest importance in 
the kingdom were put into the hands of his avowed ene- 
mies ; and that unless he sent ambassadors, without delay. 



184 SCOTLAND. 

■''-Hi 

16 insist on the immediate declaration of his right of su€^ 

cession, their measures were so well concerted, that all his 
hopes would be desperate. James, who knew how dis- 
agreeable such a proposal would be to the queen of Eng- 
land, was not willing rashly to expose himself to her dis- 
pleasure. Essex, nevertheless, blinded by resentment, and 
impatient for revenge, abandoned himself to these passions, 
and acted like a man guided by frenzy or despair. With 
two or three hundred followers incompletely armed, he 
attempted to assault a throne the best established in Europe. 
Sallying at their head out of his own house, he called on 
the citizens of London, if they either valued his life, or 
wished to preserve the kingdom from the dominion of the 
Spaniards, to take arms, and to follow his standard. He 
advanced towards the palace with an intention to drive 
Cecil and his faction out of the queen's presence, and to 
obtain a declaration of the Scottish king's right of succes- 
sion.** But, though almost adored by the citizens, not a 
man would join him in this wild enterprise. Dispirited by 
their indifference, deserted by some of his own attendants, 
and almost surrounded by the troops which marched 
against him under different leaders into the city, he re- 
treated to his own house ; and without any bold effortj 
(Suitable to his present condition, or worthy of his former 
Imputation for courage, he surrendered to his enemies. 
^" As soon as James heard of Essex's ill success, he ap- 
fibinted the earl of Mar, and Bruce abbot of Kinloss, to 
?fepiair as his ambassadors to the court of England. The 
former of these was the person by whose means Essex had 
carried on his correspondence with the king. He was a 
passionate admirer of the earl's character, and disposed to 
attempt every thing that could contribute to his safety* 
Bruce, united in a close friendship with Mar, was ready 
to second him with equal zeal. Nor was the purpose of 
the embassy less friendly to Essex, than the choice of his 
ambassadors ; they were commanded to solicit, in the 
warmest manner, for the earl's life, and if they found that 

'• Birch. Mem. ii. 477. 



8 t8l 

Book viii. . iss 

their designs, or contribute to their safety, they were em- 
powered to lay aside all disguise, and to promise that he 
would put himself at their head, and claim what was due 
to him by force of arms." But before the ambas- 
- ^^ ^^ ' sadors could reach London, Essex had suffered the 
punishment which he merited by his treason. Perhaps 
the fear of their interposing, in order to obtain his pardon, 
hastened his death. Elizabeth continued, for some time, 
irresolute concerning his fate, and could not bring herself 
to consign into the hands of the executioner, a man who 
had once possessed her favour so entirely, without a pain- 
ful struggle between her resentment against his late mis- 
conduct, and her ancient affection towards him. The dis- 
tress to which she was now reduced, tended naturally to 
soften the former, while it revived the latter with new ten- 
derness ; and the intercession of one faithful friend, who 
had interest with the queen, might perhaps have saved 
his life, and have procured him a remission, which, of her- 
self, she was ashamed to grant. But this generous noble- 
man had at that time no such friend. Elizabeth, solicited 
incessantly by her ministers, and offended with the haugh- 
tiness of Essex, who, as she imagined, scorned to sue for 
pardon, at last commanded the sentence to be put in exe- 
cution. No sooner was the blow struck, than she repented 
of her own rashness, and bewailed his death with th^ 
deepest sorrow. James always considered him as one 
who had fallen a martyr to his service, and, after his ac-^ 
cession to the English throne, restored his son to his ho- 
nours, as well as all his associates in the conspiracy;, and 
distinguished them with his favour.^ "^ ,.. .„.uo^ 

James con- The Scottish ambassadors, finding that they had 
intrf^es^in an'ivcd too late to execute the chief business com- 
Engiand. fitted to their charge, not only concealed that 
part of their instructions with the utmost care ; but con- 
gratulated the queen, in their master's name, on her happy 
escape from such an audacious conspiracy. Elizabeth, 

« Johnst. 289. Birch. Mem. ii. 510. <> Camd. Spotsw. 464. 



im SCOTLAND. 

(^iaougli n© stranger to the king's correspondence with 
Essex, or to that nobleman's intentions of asserting James's 
rig'ht to the crown, was not willing;' that these should be 
known to the people, and, for that reason, received the 
.congratulations of the Scottish ambassadors with all pos- 
sible marks of credit and good-will ; and in order to soothe 
James, and to preserve the appearances of union between 
the two courts, increased the subsidy which she paid him 
annually. The ambassadors resided for some time in Eng- 
land, and were employed with great success, in renewing 
and extending the intrigues, which Bruce had formerly 
entered into with the English nobles. As Elizabeth ad- 
vanced in years, the English turned their eyes more and 
more towards Scotland, and were eager to prevent each 
other in courting the favour of their future monarch. As- 
surances of attachment, professions of regard, and promises 
of support, were offered to James from every corner of the 
kingdom. Cecil himself, perceiving what hopes Essex 
had founded on the friendship of the Scottish king, and 
what advantages he might have derived from it, thought 
it prudent to stand no longer at a distance from a prince, 
who might so soon become his master. But being sen- 
sible at the same time how dangerous such an intercourse 
might prove, under a mistress naturally jealous, and whose 
jealousy grew stronger with old age ; though he entered 
into a correspondence with him, he carried it on with all 
the secresy and caution necessary in his situation, and pe- 
culiar to his character.^ James having gained the man 

^ Letter from Q, to his Majesty King James.* 

■p. , Most Worthy Prince, the depending dan^e'fs upon your affeetionateS, 
^°™ ,^ have been such, as hath enforced silence in him who is faithfully devoted 
tJ^^M^F ' ^° y^"' P6'"so°' ^•^d i'^ '^^^ time of trial will undergo all hazards of fortune 
1 ^ Frr'^ ^°'" *^® maintenatiGe of the just legal rights, that, by the laws divine, of 
. ^' „ ™' nature, and of nations, is invested in your royal person. Fall not, then, 
™" ' "^ ■ most noble and renowned Prince, from him whose Providence hath in 
many dangers preserved you, no doubt to be an instrument of his glory, 
and the good of his people. Some secrets, I find, have been revealed to your preju - 



* In the former editions, I printed this a* a letter from sir Robert Cecil, but am 
now satisfied that I was mistaken in forming this opinion. See sir D. Dalrymple's 
Kem. on the Hist, of Scot. p. ^33. As the letter is curious, I republish it, though I 
cannot pretend to say to which of the king's numerous correspondents in Englaad it 
should. $e ascribed. , 



BOOK VIIT-: 'lfl7 

wliose opposition iind influence he had hitherto chiefly 
dreaded, waited, in perfect security, till that event should 

dice, which must proceed from some ambitious violent spirited person near your Ma- 
jesty in council and favour ; no nuui in particular will I accuse, but I am sure it hath 
no foundation from any, with whom, for your service, I have held correspondence ; 
otherwise 1 had, long since, been disabled from performance of those duties, that the 
thoughts of my heart endeavoureth ; being only known to this worthy nobleman, 
bearer hereof, one noted ia all parts of Christendom for his fidelity to your person and 
state, and to Mr. David Fowlis, your most loyal servant, my first and faithful cor- 
respondent ; and unto Jamas Iludsone, whom I have found in all things that concern 
you, most secret and assured. It may, therefore, please your Majesty, at the humble 
motion of ©, which jargon I desire to be the indorsement of your commands unto me, 
that, by some token of your favour, he may understand in what terms you regard his 
fidelity, secrecy, and service. My passionate affection to your person (not as you are 
a King, but as you are a good King, and have a just title, after my sovereign, to be a 
great King) doth transport me to i)resumption. Condemn not, most noble Prince, the 
motives of care and love, altho' mixed with defects in judgment. 

1. I, therefore, first beseech your Majesty, that for the good of those whom God, by 
divine Providence, hath destined to your charge, that you will be pleased to have an 
extraordinary care of all practicers or practices against your person ; for it is not to 
be doubted, but that in both kingdoms, either out of ambition, faction, or fear, there are 
many that desire to have their sovereign in minority, whereby the sovereignty and 
state might be swayed by partiality of subalternate persons, rather than by true rule 
of power and justice. Preserve your person, and fear not the practices of man upon 
the point of your right, which will be preserved and maintained against all assaults of 
com|jetition whatever. Thus I leave the protection of your person and royal posterity 
to the Almighty God of Heaven, who bless and preserve you and all yours, in all regaU 
happiness to his glory. 

2. Next to the preservation of your person, is the conservation and secret keeping 
of your councells, which, as I have said, are often betrayed and discovered, either out 
of pretended zeal in religion, turbulent faction, or base conception, the which your 
Majesty is to regard with all circumspection, as a matter most dangerous to your per- 
son and state, and the only means to ruin and destroy all those that stand faitlifully 
devoted to your Majesty's service. Some particulars, and persons of this nature, 1 
make no doubt have been diseovered by the endeavours of this nobleman, the bearer 
hereof, of whom your Majesty may be further informed. 

3. The third point considerable is, that your Majesty, by all means possible, secure 
yourself of the good affection of the French King and states, by the negotiation of 
some faithful secret confident ; the French naturally distasting the union of the British 
islands under one monarch. In Germany, I doubt not, but you have many allies and 
friends, but, by reason of their remote state, they do not so much importe this affair, 
which must be guided by a quick and sudden motion. 

4. When God, by whose providence the period of all persons and times is deter- 
mined, shall call to his kingdom of glory her Majesty (although I do assuredly hope 
that there will not be any question in competition, yet for that I hold it not fitting to 
give any minute entrance into a cause of so high a nature), I do humbly beseech your 
Majesty to design a secret, faithful, and experienced confident servant of yours, being 
of an approved fidelity and judgment, continually to be here resident, whose negotia- 
tion, it were convenient your Majesty should fortifie with such secret trust and powers, 
as there may not need fourteen days' respite to post for authority, in a cause that can- 
not endure ten hoars' respite without varieties of danger. In the which it is to be 
considered, that all such as pretend least good to your establishment, will notin public 
oppugn your title, but out of their cunning ambition will seek to gain time by alledg- 
ing their pretence of common good to the state, in propounding of good conditions for 
disburthening the common weale of divers hard laws, heavy impositions, corruptions, 
oppressions, &c. which is a main point to lead the popular, who are much disgusted 
with many particulars of this nature. It were, therefore, convenient, that these mo- 
tives, out of your Majesty's providence, should be prevented, by your free oflfer in 
these points following, viz. 

1 . That your Majesty would be pleased to abolish purveyors and purveyance, being 
a matter infinitely oflfensive to the common people, and the whole kingdom, and not 
profitable to the Prince. 

'2, That your Majesty would be pleased to dissolve the court of wards, being tli6 



t88 SCOTLAND. 

happen which would open his way to the throne of Eng- 
land.' It was with some difficulty that he restrained 
within proper bounds his adherents in that kingdom, who, 
labouring to distinguish themselves by that officious zeal, 
with which a prince, who has a near prospect of mounting 
the throne, is always served, urged him to allow a motion 
to be made in parliament for declaring his right of suc- 
cession to the crown. James prudently discouraged that 
design ; but it was with no small satisfaction that he ob-, 
served the ascendant he was acquiring in a court, the 
dictates of which he had been so long obliged to obey ; and 
which had either prescribed or thwarted every step he had 
taken during the whole course of his reign. "^ 

ruin of all the noble and ancient families of this realm, by base matches, and evil 
education of their children, by which no revenue of the crown will be defrayed. 

3. The abrogating the multiplicity of penal laws, generally repined against by the 
subject, in regard of their uncertainty, being many times altered from their true mean- 
ing, by variety of interpretation. 

4. That your Majesty will be pleased to admit free outport of the native commo- 
dities of this kingdom, now often restrained by subaltemate persons for private profit, 
being most prejudicial to the commerce of all merchants, and a plain destruction to 
the true industry and manufacture of all kingdoms, and against the profit of the 
crown. 

These, being by your Majesty's confidents in the point of time propounded, will 
afisnredly confirm unto your Majestic the hearts and affections of the whole kingdom, 
and absolutely prevent all insinuations and devices of designed patriots, that out of 
pretext of common good, would seek to patronize themselves in popular opinion and 
power, and thereby to derogate from your Majesty's bounty and free favour by princely ^ 
merit of your moderation, judgment, and justice. 

Your Majesty's favour thus granted to the subject, will no way impeach the profits of 
the crown but advance them. The disproportionable gain of some chequer officers, 
with the base and mercenary profits of the idle unnecessary clerks and attendants, 
will only suffer some detriment ; but infinite will be the good unto the kingdom, which 
will confirm unto your Majesty the universal love and affection of the people, and 
establish your renown in the highest esteem to all posterity. 

The Lord preserve your Majesty, and make you triumphant over all your enemies. 

My care over his person whose letters pass in this pacquet, and will die before he 
leave to be yours, shall be no less than of mine own life, and in like esteem will I 
htjld all your faithful confidents, notwithstanding I will hold myself reserved from 
being known unto any of them, in my particular devoted affections unto your Majesty ; 
only this extraordinary worthy man, whose associate I am in his misfortune, doth 
know nxy heart, and we both will pray for you, and if we |iye you shall find us 
together. 

i beseech your Majesty burn this letter, and the others ; tor altho' it be in an un- 
usual hand, yet it may be discovered. Your Majesty's most devoted, 
Wi^^'iUii Js hiyii ^biJlOiliciJDiii ~>iiJ '''i\/l <■ and humble servant, 

e Dr. Birch, in his life of prince Henry, p. 232. has given some account of the mys- 
terious mode in which this correspondence was carried on, and how the letters were 
conveyed from London to Dublin, and from thence to Scotland. Notwithstanding 
the solicitude which Cecil repeatedly discovers that his letters should be destroyed 
as soon as the king had read them, a considerable number of them has been preserved,, 
attd ^"ilblished by Sir David Dalrymple in the year 1766. They were written by lord 
Henry Howard, under the inspection of Cecil, in a style affectedly obscure. The whole 
correspondence is more curious than instructive. 

f Spotsw. 467. 471. Birch. Mem. ii. 514. 



BOOK Vni. 189 

1602. Notwithstanding the violent struggles of the poli- 
Attempts tical factions which divided the court, and the fre- 

to ClVlilZG 

the High- quent revolutions which had happened there, since 
the king first took the reins of government into his 
own hands, Scotland had enjoyed unusual tranquillity, be- 
ing undisturbed by any foreign enemy, and free from any 
intestine commotion of long continuance. During this 
period, James endeavoured to civilize the Highlands and 
the Isles, a part of his dominions too much neglected by 
former monarchs, though the reformation of it was an ob- 
ject highly worthy of their care. The long peace with 
England had aiforded an opportunity of subduing the 
licentious spirit of the borderers, and of restraining their 
depredations, often no less ruinous to their countrymen 
than to their enemies. The inhabitants of the low country 
began, gradually, to forget the use of arms, and to become 
attentive to the arts of peace. But the Highlanders, re- 
taining their natural fierceness, averse from labour, and in- 
ured to rapine, infested their more industrious neighbours 
by their continual incursions. James, being solicitous not 
only to repress their inroads, but to render them useful 
subjects," had at different times enacted many wise laws 
extremely conducive to these ends. All landlords, or 
chiefs of clans, were enjoined to permit no persons to re- 
side in their estates who could not find sufficient surety for 
their good behaviour ; they were required to make a list 
of all suspicious persons under their jurisdiction, to bind 
themselves to deliver them to justice, and to indemnify 
those who should sufier by their robberies ; and in order 
to ascertain the faithful performance of these articles, the 
chiefs themselves were obliged to give hostages to the; 
king, or to put pledges in his hands. Three towns, which 
might serve as a retreat for the industrious, and a nursery 
for arts and commerce, were appointed to be built in dif- 
ferent parts of the Highlands ; one in Cantire, another in 
Lochaber, and a third in the isle of Lewis ; and, in order ^ 
to draw inhabitants thither, all the privilege^, ,pf. royal 

^ Titan .bifi*^ 

e Basil. Dor. lo9. lomet jisusbaoqaauo) 



190 SCOTLAND. 

boroughs were to be conferred upon tlieKir Finding it, 
however, to be no easy matter to inspire the natives of 
those countries with the love of industry, a resolution was 
taken to plant among them colonies of people from the 
more industrious counties. The first experiment was made 
on the isle of Lewis ; and as it was advantageously situ- 
ated for the fishing trade, a source from which Scotland 
ought naturally to derive great wealth, the colony trans- 
ported thither was drawn out of Fife, the inhabitants of 
which were well skilled in that branch of commerce. But 
before they had remained there long enough to manifest^^ 
the good effects of this institution, the islanders, enraged 
at seeing their country occupied by those intruders, took 
arms, and surprising them in the night-time, murdered 
some of them, and compelled the rest to abandon the set- 
tlement. The king's attention being soon after turned to 
other objects, we hear no more of this salutary project. 
Though James did not pursue the design with that steady 
application and perseverance, without which it is impos- 
sible to change the manners of a whole people, he had the 
glory, however, not only of having first conceived the 
thought, but of having first pointed out the proper method 
of introducing the civil arts of life into that part of the 
island. '' 

, After having long enjoyed a good state of health, 
last illness the cffccts of a souud coustitutiou, and the reward 
eat . ^^ uncommon regularity and temperance, Eliza- 
beth began this winter to feel her vigour decrease, and to 
be sensible of the infirmities of old age. Havinsf removed 
on a very stormy day from Westminster to Richmond, whi- 
" 1603. ^^^^^ ^^^ w^s impatient to retire, her complaints 
Jan. 31. increased. She had no formed fever; her pulse 
was good ; but she ate little and could not sleep. Her dis- 
temper seemed to proceed from a deep melancholy, which 
appeared both in her countenance and behaviour. She de- 
lighted, in solitude, she sat constantly in the dark ; and 
was often drowned in tears. 

^ Pari. 1587. 1694. 1597. Spotsw. 468. 



BOOK VIII. ym 

No sooner was the queens indisposition known, thaa 
persons of all ranks, and of all different sects and parties, 
redoubled their applications to the king- of Scots, and vied 
with each other in professions of attachment to his person, 
and in promises of submission to his government. Even 
some of Elizabeth "s own servants, weary of the length of 
her reign, fond of novelty, impatient to get rid of the burden 
of gratitude for past benefits, and expecting to share in the 
liberality of a new prince, began to desert her : and crowds 
of people hurried towards Scotland, eager to pre-occupy 
the favour of the successor, or afraid of being too late in 
paying homage to him. 

Meanwhile the queen's disease increased, and her me- 
lancholy appeared to be settled and incurable. Various 
conjectures were formed concerning the causes of a dis- 
order, from which she seemed to be exempted by the na- 
tural cheerfulness of her temper. Some imputed it to her 
being forced, contrary to her inclination, to pardon the 
earl of Tyrone, whose rebellion had for many years created 
her much trouble. Others imagined that it arose from ob- 
serving the ingratitude of her courtiers, and the levity of 
her people, who beheld her health declining with the most, 
indecent indifference, and looked forward to the accession 
of the Scottish king, with an impatience which they could 
not conceal. The most common opinion, at that time, and 
perhaps the most probable, was, that it flowed from grief 
for the earl of Essex. She retained an extraordinary re- 
gard for the memory of that unfortunate nobleman; and 
though she often complained of his obstinacy, seldom 
mentioned his name without tears.' An accident happened 
soon after her retiring to Richmond, which revived her afT 
fection with new tenderness, and imbittered her sorrows. 
The countess of Nottingham, being on her death-bed, de- 
sired to see the queen, in order to reveal something to her, 
without discovering which, she could not die in peace. 
When the queen came into her chamber, she told her, that 
while Essex lay under sentence of death, he was desirous 

' Birch. Mem. ii. 505, 



im SCOTLAND. 

of imploring pardon in a manner which the queen herself 
had prescribed, by returning a ring-, which during the 
height of his favour she had given him, with a promise that 
if, in any future distress, he sent that back to her as a 
token, it should entitle him to her protection; that lady 
Scrope was the person he intended to employ in order to 
present it; that, by a mistake, it was put into her hands 
instead of lady Scrope's ; and, that she having communi- 
cated the matter to her husband, one of Essex's most im- 
placable enemies, he had forbid her either to carry the ring 
to the queen, or to return it to the earl. The countess 
having thus disclosed her secret, begged the queen's for- 
giveness : but Elizabeth, who now saw both the malice of 
the earl's enemies, and how unjustly she had suspected 
him of inflexible obstinacy, replied, " God may forgive 
you, but I never can ;" and left the room in great emotion.'' 
From that moment, her spirit sunk entirely ; she could 
scarce taste food ; she refused all the medicines prescribed 
by her physicians ; declaring that she wished to die, and 
would live no longer. No entreaty could prevail on her 
to go to bed ; she sat on cushions, during ten days and 
nights, pensive and silent, holding her finger almost con- 
tinually in her mouth, with her eyes open, and fixed on the 
ground. The only thing to which she seemed to give any 
attention, was the acts of devotion performed in her apart- 
ment by the archbishop of Canterbury ; and in these she 
joined with great appearance of fervour. Wasted, at last, 
as well by anguish of mind, as by long abstinence, she ex- 

'' This anecdote concerning Elizabeth was first published by Osborne, Mem. of 
EJiz. p. 23. ; is confirmed by the testimony of De Maurier, Mem. 260, and by the 
traditional evidence of lady Elizabeth Spelman, published by Dr. Birch, Negoc. 106. 
Camden mentions the queen's grief for Essex's death as one of the causes of her me- 
lancholy. Some original papers remain, which prove that this was commonly believed 
at the time. Birch. Mem. ii. 506. Essex, however, had been beheaded two years 
before her death, and there seems to have been no other reason, but that which we 
have assigned, why her sorrows should revive with so much violence at so great a dis- 
tance of time. As the death of the countess of Nottingham happened about a fortnight 
before the queen's death, the coincidence of these events, together with the other evi- 
dence mentioned, adds so much probability to the story related by Osborne, as will 
entitle it to a place in history. The only objection to the account we have given of 
Elizabeth's attachment to Essex, arises from her great age. At the age of sixty-eight, 
the amorous passions are commonly abundantly cool, and the violence of all the pas- 
sions, except one, is much abated. But the force of this objection is entirely removed 
by an author who has illustrated many passages in the English history, and adorned 
more. Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors, article Essex. 

•^ H « J O V 



BOOK VIII. iun 

pired, without a strugg;le, on Thursday the 24th day of 
March, in the seventieth year of her age, and in the forty- 
fifth of her reign/ >ri 
Hercha- Foreigners often accuse the English of indiffe- 
racter. j-^y^qq and disrespect towards their princes ; but 
without reason. No people are more grateful than they to 
those monarchs who merit their gratitude. The names of 
Edward III. and Henry V. are mentioned by the English 
of this age with the same warmth as they were by those 
who shared in the blessings and splendour of their reigns. 
The memory of Elizabeth is still adored in England. The 
historians of that kingdom, after celebrating her love of 
her people ; her sagacity in discerning their true interest ; 
her steadiness in pursuing it ; her wisdom in the choice of 
her ministers ; the glory she acquired by arms ; the tran- 
quillity she secured to her subjects ; and the increase of 
fame, of riches, and of commerce, which were the fruits 
of all these ; justly rank her among the most illustrious 
princes. Even the defects in her character, they observe, 
were not of a kind pernicious to her people. Her exces- 
sive frugality was not accompanied with the love of hoard- 
ing ; and, though it prevented some great undertakings, 
and rendered the success of others incomplete, it intro- 
duced economy into her administration, and exempted the 
nation from many burdens, which a monarch, more pro- 
fuse or more enterprising, must have imposed. Her slow- 
ness in rewarding: her servants sometimes discourag^ed use- 
ful merit ; but it prevented the undeserving from acquiring 
power and wealth, to which they had no title. Her ex- 
treme jealousy of those princes who pretended to dispute 
her right to the crown, led her to take such precautions, as 
tended no less to the public safety, than to her own ; and 
to court the affections of her people, as the firmest support 
of her throne. Such is the picture which the English draw 
of this great queen. 

Whoever undertakes to write the history of Scotland, 
finds himself obliged, frequently, to view her in a very dif;, 

' Camd. Birch. Mem. ii. 506. Birch. Negoc. 206. Strype, iv. S73. ' I'W^ 
VOL. II. O 



194 SCOThA^J^r 

ferent, and in a less amiable light. Her authority in that 
kingdom, during the greater part of her reign, was little 
inferior to that which she possessed in her own. But this 
authority, acquired at first by a service of great importance 
to the nation, she exercised in a manner extremely per- 
nicious to its happiness. By her industry in fomenting the 
rage of the two contending factions; by supplying the one 
with partial aid ; by feeding the other with false hopes ; 
by balancing their power so artfully, that each of them was 
able to dsstress, and neither of them to subdue the other ; 
she rendered Scotland long the seat of discord, confusion, 
and bloodshed ; and her craft and intrigues, effecting what 
the valour of her ancestors could not accomplish, reduced 
that kingdom to a state of dependance on England. The 
maxims of policy, often little consonant to those of morality, 
may, perhaps, justify this conduct. But no apology can be 
offered for her behaviour to queen Mary ; a scene of dissi-, 
mulation without necessity; and of severity beyond example. 
In almost all her other actions, Elizabeth is the object of our 
highest admiration ; in this we must allow that she not 
only laid aside the magnanimity which became a queen, 
but the feelings natural to a woman. 
James pro- Though EUzabcth would never permit the question 
kSTf^ concerning the right of succession to the crown to 
England. \^q determined in parliament ; nor declare her own 
sentiments concerning a point which she wished to remain 
an impenetrable mystery ; she had, however, formed no de- 
sign of excluding the Scottish king from an inheritance to 
which his title was undoubted. A short time before her, 
death, she broke the silence which she had so long pre^fj^ 
served on that subject, and told Cecil and the lord-admiral, 
" That her throne was the throne of kings ; that she woul||j 
have no mean person to ascend it, and that her cousin th^ 
king of Scots should be her successor." This she con-^ 
firmed on her death-bed. As soon as she breathed her last,^; 
the lords of the privy-council proclaimed James King of i 
England. All the intrigues carried on by foreigners i^ 
avourJ.t||m^to,3nthexajDal^%^ 



\0.\ 
HOOK vin. li)5 

4 

dom to support the titles of lady Arabella and the earlof 
Hartford, disappeared in a moment ; the nobles and people,"" 
forirettinpf their ancient hostilities with Scotland, and their 
aversion for the dominion of strangers, testified their satis- 
faction with louder acclamations than were usual at the 
accession of their native princes. Amidst this tumult of 
joy, a motion made by a few patriots, who proposed to pre- 
scribe some conditions to the successor, and to exact from 
him the redress of some grievances, before they called him 
to the throne, was scarcely heard ; and Cecil, by stifling it, 
added to his stock of merit with his new master. Sir 
Charles Percy, brother of the earl of Northumberland, and 
Thomas Somerset, the earl of Worcester's son, were dis- 
patched to Scotland, with a letter to the king, signed by 
all the peers and privy-counsellors then in London; in- 
forming him of the queen's death, of his accession to the 
throne, of their care to recognise his title, and of the uni- 
versal applause with which the public proclamation of it 
had been attended. They made the utmost haste to de- 
liver this welcome message ; but were prevented by the zeal 
of sir Robert Carey, lord Hunsdon's youngest son, who,, 
setting out a few hours after Elizabeth's death, arrived at 
Edinburgh on Saturday night, just as the king had gone 
to bed. He was immediately admitted into the royal apart- 
ment, and kneeling by the king's bed, acquainted him with 
the death of Elizabeth, saluted him king of England, Scot- 
land, France, and Ireland ; and as a token of the truth of 
the intelligence which he brought, presented him a ring, 
which his sister lady Scrope had taken from the queen's 
fino^er after her death. James heard him with a decent 
composure. But as Carey was only a private messenger, 
the information which he brought was not made public, 
and the king kept his apartment till the arrival of Percy 
and Somerset. Then his titles were solemnly proclaimed ; 
and his own subjects expressed no less joy, than the Eng- 
lish, at this increase of his dignity. As his presence was 
absolutely necessary in England, where the people were 
extremely impatient to see their new sovereign, he pre- 

o 2 



196 SCOTLAND. 

pared to set out for that kingdom without delay. He ap- 
pointed his queen to follow him within a few weeks. He 
committed the government of Scotland to his privy-council. 
He intrusted the care of his children to different noblemen. 
On the Sunday before his departure, he repaired to the 
church of St. Giles, and after hearing a sermon, in which 
the preacher displayed the greatness of the divine good- 
ness in raising him to the throne of such a powerful king- 
dom without opposition or bloodshed, and exhorted him to 
express his gratitude, by promoting, to the utmost, the 
happiness and prosperity of his subjects ; the king rose- 
up, and addressing himself to the people, made many pro- 
fessions of unalterable affection towards them ; promised 
to visit Scotland frequently; assured them that his Scottish 
subjects, notwithstanding his absence, should feel that he 
was their native prince, no less than when he resided 
among [them ; and might still trust that his cars should 
be always open to their petitions, which he would answer 
with the alacrity and love of a parent. His words were 
often interrupted by the tears of the whole audience ; who, 
though they exulted at the king's prosperity, were melted 
into sorrow by these tender declarations." 

On the 5th of April he began his journey, with a 

1 3,K6S pOS- , 1 J. 1 

session of splendid, but not a numerous tram ; and next clay 
the throne. ^^ entered Berwick. Wherever he came, im- 
mense multitudes were assembled to welcome him ; and 
the principal persons in the different counties through 
which he passed, displayed all their wealth and magnifi- 
cence in entertainments prepared for him at their houses. 
Elizabeth had reigned so long in England, that most of 
her subjects remembered no other court but hers, and their 
notions of the manners and decorums suitable to a prince'; 
were formed upon what they had observed there. It was 
natural to apply this standard to the behaviour and actions 
of their new monarch, and to compare him, at first sight, 
with the queen, on whose throne he was to be placed. 
James, whose manners were extremely different from hers, 

•■••V*--;' ■' : i • m Spotsw. 476. , J t J 

llii? 'i'^-mmn^ insbnifnaso baa 



BOOK VIII. 1^ 

suffered by the comparison. He had not that flowing affabi- 
lity, by which Elizabeth captivated the hearts of her people ; 
and though easy among a few whom he loved, his indo- 
lence could not bear the fatigue of rendering himself agree- 
able to a mixed multitude. He was no less a stranger to 
that dignity with which Elizabeth tempered her familiarity. 
And, instead of that well-judged frugality with which she 
conferred titles of honour, he bestowed them with an un- 
distinguishing profusion, that rendered them no longer 
marks of distinction, or rewards of merit. But these were 
the reflections of the few alone ; the multitude continued 
their acclamations; and, amidst these, James entered Lon- 
don on the 7th of May, and took peaceable possession of 
the throne of England. 

Conciu- Thus were united two kingdoms, divided from the 
sion- earliest accounts of time, but destined, by their si- 
tuation, to form one great monarchy. By this junction of 
its whole native force. Great Britain had risen to eminence 
and authority in Europe, which England and Scotland, 
"vyhile separate, could never have attained. 
. . \ The Scots had so lono^ considered their monarchs 

A view of _ ~ _ 

the revo- as ncxt hcirs to the English throne, that they had 
theconsd- full Icisurc to rcflcct on all the consequences of 
Sand ^^^^^^ being advanced to that dignity. But, dazzled 
since the -with tlic o'lorv of ffivino; a sovereip'n to their pow- 



accession 



of James crful cucmy, relying on the partiality of their native 
prince, and in full expectation of sharing liberally 
in the wealth and honours which he would now be able to 
bestow, they attended little to the most obvious conse- 
quences of that great event, and rejoiced at his accession 
to the throne of England, as if it had been no less bene- 
ficial to the kingdom, than honourable to the king. They 
soon had reason, however, to adopt very different senti- 
ments ; and from that period we may date a total alteration^ 
in the political constitution of Scotland. v-rfr-.' arh rU 

The feudal aristocracy, which had been subverted in 
most nations of Europe by the policy of their princes, or 
had been undermined by the progress of commerce, still 



r\rj 



SCOTLAND. 

subsisted with full force in Scotland. Many causes had 
contributed gradually to augment the power of the Scot- 
tish nobles ; and even the Reformation, which, in every 
other country where it prevailed, added to the authority 
of the monarch, had increased their wealth and influ- 
ence. A king possessed of a small revenue, with a pre- 
rogative extremely limited, and unsupported by a stand- 
ing army, could not exercise mvich authority over such 
potent subjects. He was obliged to govern by expedients ; 
and the laws derived their force not from his power to 
execute them, but from the voluntary submission of the 
nobles. But though this produced a species of govern- 
ment extremely feeble and irregular; though Scotland, 
under the name, and with all the outward ensigns of a 
monarchy, was really subject to an aristocracy, the people 
were not altogether unhappy ; and, even in this wild form 
of a constitution, there were principles which tended to 
their security and advantage. The king, checked and 
overawed by the nobles, durst venture upon no act of arbi- 
trary power. The nobles, jealous of the king, whose claims 
and pretensions were many, though his power was small, 
were afraid of irritating theii dependants by unreasonable 
exactions, and tempered the rigour of aristocratical tyranny, 
with a mildness and equality to which it is naturally a 
stranger. As long as the military genius of the feudal 
government remained in vigour, the vassals both of the 
crown and of the barons were generally not only free from 
oppression, but were courted by their superiors, whose 
power and importance were founded on their attachment 
and love. 

But, by his accession to the throne of England, James 
acquired such an immense accession of wealth, of power, 
and of splendour, that the nobles, astonished and intimi- 
dated, thought it vain to struggle for privileges which 
they were now unable to defend. Nor was it from fear 
alone that they submitted to the yoke ; James, partial to 
j^.;s countrymen, and willing that they should partake in 
l^s good fortune, loaded them with riches and honours; 



BOOK VIII. 199 

and the hope^6f Ms favour concurred with the dread of his 
power, in taming their fierce and independent spirits. The 
will of the prince became the supreme law in Scotland ; 
and the nobles strove, with emulation, who should most 
implicitly obey commands which they had formerly been 
accustomed to contemn. Satisfied with having subjected the 
nobles to the crown, the king left them in full possession 
of their ancient jurisdiction over their own vassals. The 
extensive rights, vested in a feudal chief, became in their 
hands dreadful instruments of oppression, and the military 
ideas, on which these rights were founded, being gradually 
lost or disregarded, nothing remained to correct or to miti- 
gate the rigour with which they were exercised. The 
nobles, exhausting their fortunes by the expense of frequent 
attendance upon the English court, and by attempts to imi- 
tate the manners and luxury of their more wealthy neigh- 
bours, multiplied exactions upon the people, who durst 
hardly utter complaints which they knew would never 
reach the ear of their sovereign, nor move him to grant 
them any redress. From the union of the crowns to the 
revolution in 1688, Scotland was placed in a political situ- 
ation, of all others the most singular and the most unhappy; 
subjected at once to the absolute will of a monarch, and to 
the oppressive jurisdiction of an aristocracy, it suffered all 
the miseries peculiar to both these forms of government. 
Its kings were despotic ; its nobles were slaves and tyrants; 
and the people groaned under the rigorous domination of 
both. *'*^^'^ 

During this period, the nobles, it is true, made one effort 
to shake off the yoke, and to regain their ancient indepen- 
dence. After the death of James, the Scottish nation was 
no longer viewed by our monarchs with any partial affec- 
tion. Charles I. educated among the English, discovered 
no peculiar attachment to the kingdom of which he was a 
native. The nobles, perceiving the sceptre to be now in 
hands less friendly, and swayed by a prince with whom 
they had little connexion, and over whose councils they 
had little influence, no longer submitted with the same im- 



20Q S€OTLA,N,e. 

pltcii obediencei Pi^ovoked %y some^'^neroacliments of the 
king on their order^ and apprehensive of others, the re^ 
mains of their ancient spirit began to appear. They com- 
plained and remonstrated. The people being, at the same 
time, violently disgusted at the innovations in religion, the 
nobles secretly heightened this disgust; and their artifices, 
together v^ith the ill-conduct of the court, raised such a 
spirit, that the whole nation took arms against their sove- 
reign, with a union and animosity of which there had for- 
merly been no example. Charles brought against them 
the forces of England, and, notwithstanding their own 
union, and the zeal of the people, the nobles must have 
sunk in the struggle. But the disaffection which was 
growing among his English subjects prevented the king 
from acting with vigour. A civil war broke out in both 
kingdoms ; and after many battles and revolutions, which 
are well known, the Scottish nobles, who first began the 
-war^ were involved in the same ruin with the throne. At 
the restoration, Charles II. regained full possession of the 
royal prerogative in Scotland ; and the nobles, whose estates 
were wasted, or their spirit broken, by the calamities to 
which they had been exposed, were less able and less will- 
ing than ever to resist the power of the crown. During 
this reign, and that of James VII. the dictates of the mo- 
march were received in Scotland with the most abject sub- 
mission. The poverty to which many of the nobles were 
reduced, rendered them meaner slaves, and more intoler- 
able tyrants than ever. The people, always neglected, 
were now odious, and loaded with every injury, on account 
of their attachment to religious and political principles, 
e;xtremely repugnant to those adopted by their princes. 
i{C);The revolution introduced other maxims into the govern- 
ment of Scotland. To increase the authority of the prince, 
or to secure the privileges of the nobles, had hitherto 
been almost the sole object of our laws. The rights of the 
people were hardly ever mentioned, were disregarded or 
unknown. Attention began, henceforward, to be paid to 
the welfare of the people. By the cla'm of. right j their 



BOOK VIII. 201 

liberties were secured ; and the number of their represen- 
tatives being increased, they gradually acquired new 
weight and consideration in parliament. As they came 
to enjoy more security, and greater power, their minds 
began to open, and to form more extensive plans of com- 
merce, of industry, and of police. But the aristocratical 
spirit, which still predominated, together with many other 
accidents, retarded the improvement and happiness of the 
nation. "^iai 

Another great event completed what the revolution had 
begun. The political power of the nobles, already broken 
by the union of the two crowns, was almost annihilated by 
the union of the two kingdoms. Instead of making a part, 
as formerly, of the supreme assembly of the nation, instead 
of bearing the most considerable sway there, the peers of 
Scotland are admitted into the British parliament by their 
representatives only, and form but an inconsiderable part 
of one of those bodies in which the legislative authority is 
vested. They themselves are excluded absolutely from the 
house of commons, and even their eldest sons are not per- 
mitted to represent their countrymen in that august assem- 
bly. Nor have their feudal privileges remained, to com- 
pensate for this extinction of their political authority. As 
commerce advanced in its progress, and government at- 
tained nearer to perfection, these were insensibly circum- 
scribed, and at last, by laws no less salutary to the public 
than fatal to the nobles, they have been almost totally abo- 
lished. As the nobles were deprived of power, the people 
acquired liberty. Exempted from burdens, to which they 
were formerly subject, screened from oppression to which 
they had been long exposed, and adopted into a consti- 
tution, whose genius and laws were more liberal than their 
own, they have extended their commerce, refined their 
manners, made improvements in the elegancies of life, and 
cultivated the arts and sciences. cmiiiis iii}^d 

This survey of the political state of Scotland, in which 
events and their causes have been mentioned rather than 
developed, enables us to point out three eras, from each of 



202 s^btMX^iir^. 

which we may date some great alteration in one or other of 
the three different members of which the supreme legis- 
lative assembly in our constitution is composed. At their 
accession to the throne of England, the kings of Scotland, 
once the most limited, became, in an instant, the most ab- 
solute princes in Europe, and exercised a despotic autho- 
rity, which their parliaments were unable to control, or 
their nobles to resist. At the union of the two kingdoms 
the feudal aristocracy, which had subsisted so many ages, 
and with power so exorbitant, was overturned, and the 
Scottish nobles, having surrendered rights and pre-emi- 
nences peculiar to their order, reduced themselves to a 
condition which is no longer the terror and envy of other 
subjects. Since the union, the commons, anciently neg- 
lected by their kings, and seldom courted by their nobles, 
have emerged into dignity ; and, being admitted to a par- 
ticipation of all the privileges which the English had pur- 
chased at the expense of so much blood, must now be 
deemed a body not less considerable in the one kingdom, 
than they have long been in the other. 

The church felt the effects of the absolute power which 
the king acquired by his accession ; and its revolutions, 
too, are worthy of notice. James, during the latter years 
of his administration in Scotland, had revived the name 
and office of bishops. But they possessed no ecclesiasti- 
cal jurisdiction or pre-eminence ; their revenues were 
inconsiderable, and they were scarcely distinguished by 
any thing but by their seat in parliament, and by being the 
object of the clergy's jealousy, and the people's hatred. 
The king, delighted with the splendour and authority 
which the English bishops enjoyed, and eager to effect a 
union in the ecclesiastical policy, which he had, in vain, 
attempted in the civil government of the two kingdoms, re- 
solved to bring both churches to an exact conformity with 
each other. Three Scotsmen were consecrated bishops at 
London. From them, their brethren were commanded to 
receive orders. Ceremonies unknown in Scotland were 
imposed; and though the clergy, less obsequious than the 



BOOK VIII. 203 

nobles, boldly opposed these innovations, James, long 
practised and well-skilled in the arts of managing them, 
obtained at length their compliance. But Charles I. a 
superstitious prince, unacquainted with the genius of the 
Scots, imprudent and precipitant in all the measures he 
pursued in that kingdom, pressing too eagerly the recep- 
tion of the English liturgy, and indiscreetly attempting a 
resumption of church lands, kindled the flames of civil war; 
and the people being left at liberty to indulge their own 
wishes, the episcopal church was overturned, and the Pres- 
byterian government and discipline were re-established 
with new vigour. Together with monarchy, episcopacy 
was restored in Scotland. A form of government, so odious 
to the people, required force to uphold it; and though 
not only the whole rigour of authority, but all the barba- 
rity of persecution, were employed in its support, the aver- 
sion of the nation was insurmountable, and it subsisted 
with difficulty. At the revolution, the inclinations of the 
people were thought worthy the attention of the legis- 
lature, the Presbyterian government was again established, 
and, being ratified by the union, is still maintained in the 
kingdom. 

Nor did the influence of the accession extend to the 
civil and ecclesiastical constitutions alone ; the genius of 
the nation, its taste and spirit, things of a nature still more 
delicate, were sensibly affected by that event. When 
learning revived in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, 
all the modern languages were in a state extremely barba- 
rous, devoid of elegance, of vigour, and even of perspicuity. 
No author thought of writing in language so ill adapted to 
express and embellish his sentiments, or of erecting a work 
fof immortality with such rude and perishable materials. 
As the spirit, which prevailed at that time, did not owe its 
rise to any original efifort of the human mind, but was ex- 
cited chiefly by admiration of the ancients, which begari^ 
then to be studied with attention in every part of Europe^ 
their compositions were deemed not only the standards of 
taste and of sentiment, but of style ; and even the languao-es 



204 SCOTLAND. 

in wnicn they wrote were thought lo oe peculiar, and 
almost consecrated to learning and the muses. Not only 
the manner of the ancients was imitated, but their lan- 
guage was adopted: and, extravagant as the attempt may 
appear to write in a dead tongue, in which men were not 
accustomed to think, and which they could not speak, or 
even pronounce, the success of it was astonishing. As they 
formed their style upon the purest models; as they were 
uninfected with those barbarisms, which the inaccuracy of 
familiar conversation, the affectation of courts, intercourse 
with strangers, and a thousand other causes, introduce into, 
living languages ; many moderns have attained to a de- 
gree of elegance in their Latin compositions, which the 
Romans themselves scarce possessed beyond the limits of 
the Augustan age. While this was almost the only species 
of composition, and all authors, by using one common lan- 
guage, could be brought to a nearer comparison, the Scot- 
tish writers were not inferior to those of any other nation. 
The happy genius of Buchanan, equally formed to excel in 
prose and in verse, more various, more original, and more 
elegant, than that of almost any other modern who writes in 
Latin, reflects, with regard to this particular, the greatest ^ 
lustre on his country. 

But the labour attending the study of a dead tongue was 
irksome ; the unequal return for their industry which au- 
thors met with, who could be read and admired only within 
the narrow circle of the learned, was mortifying; and 
men, instead of wasting half their lives in learning the , 
language of the Romans, began to refine and to polish 
their own. The modern tongues were found to be suscep- ^ 
tible of beauties and graces, which, if not equal to those ^ 
of the ancient ones, were at least more attainable. The . 
Italians having first set the example, Latin was no longer^ 
used in works of taste; it was confined to books of science; 
and the politer nations have banished it even from these. ; 
The Scots, we may presume, would have had no cause to 
regret this change in the public taste, and would still have 
been able to maihtam some equality with other nations, in 



,BOOK VIII. 205 

their pursuit of literary honour. The English and Scottish 
languages, derived from the same sources, were, at the end 
of the sixteenth century, in a state nearly similar, differing 
from one another somewhat in orthography, though not 
only the words, hut the idioms, were much the same. The 
letters of several Scottish statesmen of that age are not iif- 
ferior in elegance, or in purity, to those of the English mi- 
nisters with whom they corresponded. James himself wa& 
master of a style far from contemptible; and by his exam- 
ple and encouragement, the Scottish language might have 
kept pace with the English in refinement. Scotland might 
have had a series of authors in its own, as well as in the 
Latin language to boast of; and the improvements in taste, 
in the arts, and in the sciences, which spread over the 
other polished nations of Europe, would not have been 
unknown there. 

But, at the very time when other nations were beginning 
to drop the use of Latin in works of taste, and to make 
trial of the strength and compass of their own languages, 
Scotland ceased to be a kingdom. The transports of joy, 
which the accession at first occasioned, were soon over:' 
and the Scots, being at once deprived of all the objects that 
refine or animate a people ; of the presence of their prince, j 
of the concourse of nobles, of the splendour and elegance 
of a court, a universal dejection of spirit seems to have 
seized the nation. The court being withdrawn, no domestic 
standard of propriety and correctness of speech remained ; . 
the few compositions that Scotland produced were tried 
by the English standard, and every word or phrase that f 
varied in the least from that, was condemned as barbarous;, . 
whereas, if the two nations had continued distinct, each 
might have retained idioms and forms of speech peculiar 
to itself; and these, rendered fashionable by the example r 
of a court, and supported by the authority of writers of re- 
putation, might have been viewed in the same light witli\ 
the varieties occasioned by the different dialects in theGreekp 
tongue ; they even might have been considered as beauties ; 
and in many cases, might have been used promiscuously t 



W6 SCOTLAND. 

by the authors of both nations. But, by the accession, the; 
English naturally became the sole judges and lawgivers in 
language, and rejected as solecisms, every form of speech 
to which their ear was not accustomed. Nor did the Scots, 
while the intercourse between the two nations was incon- 
siderable," and ancient prejudices were still so violent as to 
prevent imitation, possess the means of refining their own 
tongue according to the purity of the English standard. 
On the contrary, new corruptions flowed into it from every 
different source. The clergy of Scotland, in that age, 
were more eminent for piety than for learning ; and though 
there did not arise many authors among them, yet being in 
possession of the privilege of discoursing publicly to the 
people, and their sermons being too long, and perhaps too 
frequent, such hasty productions could not be elegant, and 
many slovenly and incorrect modes of expression may be 
traced back to that original. The pleadings of lawyers 
were equally loose and inaccurate, and that profession 
having furnished more authors, and the matters of which 
they treat mingling daily in common discourse and busi- 
ness, many of those vicious forms of speech, which are de- 
nominated Scotticisms, have been introduced by them into 
the language. Nor did either the language or public taste 
receive any improvement in parliament, where a more 
liberal and more correct eloquence might have been ex- 
pected. All business was transacted there by the lords of 
articles, and they were so servilely devoted to the court, 
that few debates arose, and, prior to the Revolution, none 
were conducted with the spirit and vigour natural to a 
popular assembly. 

u-Thus, during the whole seventeenth century, the Eng- 
lish were gradually refining their language and their taste ; 

" A remarkable proof of the little intercourse between the English and Scots before 
the union of the crowns, is to be foundin two curious papers, one published by Haynes, 
the other by Strype. In the year 1567, Elizabeth commanded the bishop of London 
to take a survey of all the strangers within the cities of London and Westminster. 
By this report, which is very minute, it appears that the whole number of Scots at that 
time vras fifty-eight. Haynes, 455. A survey of the same kind was made by Sir 
Thomas Row, lord-mayor, A. D. 1568. The number of Scots had then increased to 
eighty-eight. Strype, iv. Supplement, No. I. On the accession of James, a consi- 
derable number of Scots, especially of the higher rank, resorted to England ; but it 
was not till the union that the intercourse between the two kingdoms became great. 



BOOK VIII. 207 

in Scotland the former was much debased, and the latter 
almost entirely lost. In the beginning of that period, both 
nations were emerging out of barbarity ; but the distance 
between them, which was then inconsiderable, became, 
before the end of it, immense. Even after science had 
once dawned upon them, the Scots seemed to be sinking 
back into ignorance and obscurity ; and active and intel- 
ligent as they naturally are, they continued, while other 
nations were eager in the pursuit of fame and knowledge, 
in a state of languor. This, however, must be imputed to 
the unhappiness of their political situation, not to any de- 
fect of genius ; for no sooner was the one removed in any 
degree, than the other began to display itself. The act 
abolishing the power of the lords of articles, and other 
salutary laws passed at the Revolution, having introduced 
freedom of debate into the Scottish parliament, eloquence, 
with all the arts that accompany or perfect it, became im- 
mediate objects of attention ; and the example of Fletcher 
of Salton alone is sufficient to shew that the Scots were still 
capable of generous sentiments, and, notwithstanding some 
peculiar idioms, were able to express themselves with 
energy and with elegance. 

At length the union having incorporated the two na- 
tions, and rendered them one people, the distinctions 
which had subsisted for many ages gradually wear away ; 
peculiarities disappear ; the same manners prevail in both 
parts of the island ; the same authors are read and ad- 
mired ; the same entertainments are frequented by the ele- 
gant and polite ; and the same standard of taste and of 
purity in language, is established. The Scots, after being 
placed, during a whole century, in a situation no less fatal 
to the liberty than to the taste and genius of the nation, 
were at once put in possession of privileges more valuable 
than those which their ancestors had. formerly enjoyed ; 
and every obstruction that had retarded their pursuit, or 
prevented their acquisition of literary fame, was totally 
removed. 



eo2 ^i> ,n:?aH I omu 

^OT'T w ^'>«w :..-. ..iib OY/I ni 

JI ... . oflT 

,. CRITICAL DISSIiiii/iilON-> ^,^t m awT^-r^ 

CONCERNING ''T TV, '-' " '. 

THE MURDER OF KING HENRY, ;> 

AND THE GENUINENESS OP ; 

THE QUEEN'S LETTERS TO BOTH WELL. 



It is not my intention to engage in all the controversies to 
which the murder of king Henry, or the letters from queen 

Mary to Bothwell, have given rise; far less to appear as 
an adversary to any particular author, who hath treated of 
them. To repeat, and to expose all the ill-founded asser- 
tions, with regard to these points, which have flowed from 
inattention, from prejudice, from partiality, from malevo- 
lence, and from dishonesty, would be no less irksome to 
myself, than unacceptable to most of my readers. All I pro- 
pose, is to assist others in forming some judgment concern- 
ing the facts in dispute, by stating the proofs produced on 
each side, with as much brevity as the case will admit, and 
with the same attention and impartiality which I have en- 
deavoured to exercise in examining other controverted 
points in the Scottish history. 

'*'In order to account for the king's murder, two different 
systems have been formed. The one supposes Bothwell to 
have contrived and executed this crime. The other im- 
putes it to the earls of Murray, Morton, and their party. J 

^'The decision of many controverted facts in history, is a 
matter rather of curiosity than of use. They stand detached ; 
and whatever we determine with regard to them, the fa- 
bric of the story remains untouched. But the fact under 
dispute in this place is a fundamental and essential one, and 
according to the opinion which an historian adopts with 
regard to it, he must vary and dispose the whole of his 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, Sec. 209 

Subsequent narration. An historical system may be tried 
in two different ways, whether it be consistent with pro- 
bability, and whether it be supported by proper evidence. 
Those who charge the kings murder upon Bothwell, 
argue in the following manner ; and, though their reason- 
ings have been mentioned already in different parts of the 
narrative, it is necessary to repeat them here. Mary's love 
for Darnley, say they, was a sudden and youthful passion. 
The beauty of his person, set off by some external frivolous 
accomplishments, was his chief merit, and gained her affec- 
tions. His capricious temper soon raised in the queen a 
disgust, which broke out on different occasions. His en- 
gaging in the conspiracy against Rizzio, converted this dis- 
gust into an antipathy, which she was at no pains to con- 
ceal. This breach was, perhaps, in its own nature irrepa- 
rable ; the king certainly wanted that art and condescen- 
sion which alone could have repaired it. It widened every 
day, and a deep and settled hatred effaced all remains of 
affection. Bothwell observed this, and was prompted by 
ambition, and perhaps by love, to found upon it a scheme, 
which proved fatal both to the queen and to himself. _He 
had served Mary at different times with fidelity and suc- 
cess. He insinuated himself into her favour, by address 
and by flattery. By degrees he gained her heart. In 
order to gratify his love, or at least his ambition, it was 
necessary to get rid of the king. Mary had rejected the , 
proposal which, it is said, had been made to her for ob-. 
taining a divorce. The king was equally hated by the 
partisans of the house of Hamilton, a considerable party in 
the kingdom ; by Murray, one of the most powerful and j 
popular persons in his country; by Morton and his asso- 
ciates, whom he had deceived, and whom Bothwell had 
bound to his interest by a recent favour. Among the 
people Darnley was fallen under extreme contempt. Both- 
well might expect, for all these reasons, that the murder of 
the king would pass without any inquiry, and might trust to 
Mary's love, and to his own address and good fortune, for 
th<e accomplishment of the rest of his wishes. What Both-, 

VOL. II. V 



210 DISSERTATION ON 

well expected really came to pass. Mary, if not privy her- 
self to the design, connived at an action which rid her of a 
man whom she had such good reason to detest. A few 
months after the murder of her husband, she married the 
person who was both suspected and accused of having per- 
petrated that odious crime. 

Those who charge the guilt upon Murray and his party, 
reason in this manner : Murray, they say, was a man of 
boundless ambition. Notwithstanding the illegitimacy of 
his birth, he had early formed a design of usurping the 
crown. On the queen's return into Scotland, he insinuated 
himself into her favour, and engrossed the whole power into 
his own hands. He set himself against every proposal of 
marriage which was made to her, lest his own chance of 
succeeding to the crown should be destroyed. He hated 
Darnley, and was no less hated by him. In order to be re- 
venged on him, he entered into a sudden friendship with 
Bothwell, his ancient and mortal enemy. He encouraged 
him to assassinate Henry, by giving him hopes of marry- 
ing the queen. All this was done with a design to throw 
upon the queen herself the imputation of being accessary 
to the murder, and, under that pretext, to destroy Bothwell, 
to depose and imprison her, and to seize the sceptre which 
he had wrested out of her hands. 

The former of these systems has an air of probability, is 
consistent with itself, and solves appearances. In the latter, 
some assertions are false, some links are wanting in the 
chain, and effects appear, of which no sufficient cause is 
produced. Murray, on the queen's return into Scotland, 
served her with great fidelity, and by his prudent adminis- 
tration rendered her so popular, and so powerful, as en- 
abled her with ease to quash a formidable insurrection 
raised by the party of which he was the leader in the year 
1565. What motive could induce Murray to murder a 
prince without capacity, without followers, without in- 
fluence over the nobles, whom the queen, by her neglect, 
had reduced to the lowest state of contempt, and who, after 
a ,l<^ng disgrace, had regained (according to the most fa- 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 2\¥ 

vourable supposition) the precarious possession of her 
favour only a few days before his death ? It is difficult to 
conceive what Murray had to fear from the king's life. It 
is still a more difficult matter to guess what he could gain 
by his death. If we suppose that the queen had no pre- 
vious attachment to Bothwell, nothing can appear more 
chimerical than a scheme to persuade her to marry a man, 
whose wife was still alive, and who was not only suspected, 
but accused, of murdering her former husband. But that 
such a scheme should really succeed is still more extra- 
ordinary. — If Murray had instigated Bothwell to commit 
the crime, or had himself been accessary to the commission 
of it, what hopes were there that Bothwell would silently 
bear from a fellow-criminal all the prosecutions which he 
suffered, without ever retorting upon him the accusation, 
or revealing the whole scene of iniquity ? An ancient and 
deadly feud had subsisted between Murray and Bothwell ; 
the queen with difficulty had brought them to some terms 
of agreement. But, is it probable, that Murray would 
choose an enemy, to whom he had been so lately recon- 
ciled, for his confidant in the commission of such an atro- 
cious crime ? Or, on the other hand, would it ever enter 
into the imagination of a wise man, first to raise his rival 
to supreme power, in hopes that afterwards he might render 
him odious, by accusing him of crimes which he had not 
committed, and, in consequence of this unjust charge, 
should be enabled to deprive him of that power ? The most 
adventurous politician never hazarded such a dangerous 
experiment. The most credulous folly never trusted such 
an uncertain chance. 

How strong soever these general reasonings may appear 
to be, it is not upon them alone that we must decide, but 
according to the particular evidence that is produced. 
This we now proceed to examine. 

That Bothwell was guilty of the king' murder, appears, 
I. From the concurring testimony of all the contemporary 
historians. 2. From the confession of those persons who 
suffered for assisting at the commission of the crime, and 

r 2 



212 DISSERTATION ON 

who entered into a minute detail of all its circumstances. 
Anders, ii. 165. 3. From the acknowledgment of Mary's 
own commissioners, who allow Bothwell to have been one 
of those who were guilty of this crime. Good. ii. 213. 
4. From the express testimony of Lesly, bishop of Ross, 
to the same eft'ect with the former. Def. of Q. Mary's 
Hon. And. i. 76. Id. iii. p. 31. 5. Morton, at his death, 
declared that Bothwell had solicited him, at different times, 
to concur in the conspiracy formed against the life of the 
king; and that he was informed by Archibald Douglas, 
one of the conspirators, that Bothwell was present at the 
murder. Crawf. Mem. App. 4. The letter from Douglas 
to the queen, which I have published in the Note, Vol. II. 
p. 72. confirms Morton's testimony. 6. Lord Herries 
promises, in his own name, and in the name of the nobles 
who adhered to the queen, that they would concur in 
punishing Bothwell as the murderer of the king; see 
Note, Vol. I. p. 399. 

The most direct charge ever brought against Murray is 
in these words of bishop Lesly : " Is it unknown," address- 
ing himself to the earl of Murray, " what the lord Herries 
said to your face openly, even at your own table, a few 
days after the murder was committed 1 Did he not charge 
you with the foreknowledge of the same murder ? Did he 
not, fiulla circutione usus, flatly and plainly burden you, 
that riding in Fife, and coming with one of your most 
assured and trusty servants the same day whereon you de- 
parted from Edinburgh, said to him, among other talk, 
this night, ere morning, lord Darnley shall lose his life ?" 
Defence of Q. Mary, Anders, ii. 75. But the assertion of 
a man so heated with faction as Lesly, unless it were sup- 
ported by proper evidence, is of little weight. The servant 
to whom Murray is said to have spoken these words, is not 
named ; nor the manner in which this secret conversation 
was brought to light mentioned. Lord Herries was one of 
the most zealous advocates for Mary, and it is remarkable 
that, in all his negotiation at the court of England, he 
rioter once repeated this accusation of Murray. In an- 



T'^biorn °>Ai bsJj/mmc 'i-^/f jf jsrfj woflol ion asob ii 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 21^ 

swering the challenge given him by lord Lindsay, Hemes 
had a fair opportunity of mentioning Murray's knowledge 
of the murder; but, though he openly accuses of that crime 
some of those who adhered to Murray, he industriously 
avoids any insinuation against Murray himself. Keith, 
Pref. xii. Mary herself, in conversation with Sir Francis 
Knolles, accused Morton and Maitland of being privy to 
the murder, but does not mention Murray. And. iv. 55. 
When the bishop of Ross and Lord Herries appeared be- 
fore the English council, January 11, 1569, they declared 
themselves ready, in obedience to the queen's command, 
to accuse Murray and his associates of being accessary to ' 
the murder, but "they being also required, whether they, 
or any of them, as of themselves, would accuse the said 
earl in special, or any of his adherents, or thought them 
guilty thereof," they answered, ^'that they took God to 
witness that none of them did ever know any thing of the 
conspiracy of that murder, or were in council and fore- 
knowledge thereof; neither who were devisors, inventors, 
and executors of the same, till it was publicly discovered 
long thereafter by some of the assassins, who suffered death 
on that account." Good. ii. 308. These words are taken 
out of the register kept by Ross and Herries themselves, 
and seem to be a direct confutation of the bishop's assertion. 
The earls of Huntly and Argyll, in their Protestation 
touching the murder of the King of Scots, after mentioning 
the conference at Craigmillar concerning a divorce, add, 
" So after these premises, the murder of the king following, 
we judge, in our consciences, and hold for certain and 
truth, that the earl of Murray and secretary Lethington 
were authors, inventors, counsellors, and causers of the 
same murder, in what manner, or by whatsoever persons 
the same was executed." Anders, iv. 188. But, 1. This 
is nothing more than the private opinion or personal affir- 
mation of these two noblemen. 2. The conclusion which 
they make has no connexion with the premises on which 
they found it. Because Murray proposed to obtain for the 
queen a divorce from her husband with her own consent, 
it does not follow that therefore he committed the murder 



214 DISSERTATION ON HIJL 

without her knowledge. 3. Huntly and Argyll were at 
that time the leaders of that party opposite to Murray, and 
animated with all the rage of faction. 4. Both of them 
were Murray's personal enemies. Huntly, on account of 
the treatment which his family and clan had received from 
that nobleman. Argyll was desirous of being divorced 
from his wife, with whom he lived on no good terms, 
Knox, 328. and by whom he had no children. Crawf. 
Peer. 19. She was Murray's sister, and by his interest 
Argyll's design was obstructed. Keith. 551. These cir- 
cumstances would go far towards invalidating a positive 
testimony ; they more than counterbalance an indetermi- 
nate suspicion. 5. It is altogether uncertain whether 
Huntly and Argyll ever subscribed this protestation. A 
copy of such a protestation as the queen thought would 
be of advantage to her cause, was transmitted to them by 
her. Anders, iv. b. ii. 186. The protestation itself, pub- 
lished by Anderson, is taken from an unsubscribed copy 
with blanks for the date and place of subscribing. On 
the back of this copy, there is pasted, indeed, a paper, 
which Cecil has marked, " Answer of the Earl of Murray 
to a writing of the Earls of Huntly and Argyll." Anders. 
194, 195. But it can hardly be deemed a reply to the 
above-mentioned protestation. Muray's answer bears date 
at London, Jan. 19, 1568. The queen's letter, in which 
she inclosed the copy of the protestation, bears date at 
Bowton, Jan. 5, 1568. Now it is scarce to be supposed 
that the copy could be sent into Scotland, be subscribed 
by the two earls, and be seen and answered by Murray 
within so short a time. Murray's reply seems intended 
only to prevent the impression which the vague and uncer- 
tain accusations of his enemies might make in his absence. 
Cecil had got the original of the queen's letter into his 
custody. Anders, iv. 185. This naturally leads us to con- 
jecture that the letter itself, together with the inclosed pro- 
testation, were intercepted before they came to the hands 
of Huntly and Argyll. Nor is this mere conjecture alone. 
The letter to Huntly, in which the protestation was inclosed, 
is to be found, Cott. Lib. Cal. C. 1. fol. 280, and is an 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 216 

original subscribed by Mary, though not written by her 
own hand, because she seldom chose to write in the Eng- 
lish language. The protestation is in the same volume, 
fol. 282, and is manifestly written by the same person 
who wrote the queen's letter. This seems to render it highly 
probable that both were intercepted. So that much has 
been founded on a paper not subscribed by the two earls, 
and probably never seen by them. Besides, this method 
which the queen took of sending a copy to the two earls, 
of what was proper for them to declare with regard to a 
conference held in their own presence, appears somewhat 
suspicious. It would have been more natural, and not so 
liable to any misinterpretation, to have desired them to 
write the most exact account, which they could recollect, of 
what had passed at the conversation at Craigmillar. 6. But 
even if all this reasoning should be set aside, and the au- 
thenticity of the protestation should be admitted in its 
fullest extent, it may still be a question, what degree of 
credit should be given to the assertion of the two earls, 
who were not only present in the first parliament held by 
Murray as regent, in December, 1507, in which the one 
carried the sceptre, and the other the sword of state, 
Spotsw. 24 1 , but were both members of the committee of 
lords of articles, and in that capacity assisted in framing 
all the acts by which the queen was deprived of the crown, 
and her son seated on the throne ; and in particular con- 
curred in the act by which it was declared, that whatever 
had befallen the queen " was in her awin default, in safar 
as, be divers hir previe letters written halelie with hir awin 
hand, and send by hir to James sometyme Earle of Both- 
well, cheif executour of the said horribill murthour, as weill 
befoir the committing thairof as thairaftir : And be hir un- 
godlie and dishonourabill proceeding to ane pretendit mar- 
riage with him, suddainlie and unprovisitlie thairaftir, it is 
maist certane that sche was previe, airt and pairt, of the 
actual devise and deid of the foirnamit murthour of the 
King her lauchful husband, and thairfoir justlie deservis 
quhatsumever hes bene done to hir in ony tyme bygaine, 

9d oj ^r 



%\(^ ,; DISSERTATION ONOMI}? 

or that sal be usit towards hir, for the said cause." Anders; 
ii. 221. ^lu 

The queen's commissioners at the conferences in Eng- 
land accused Murray and his associates of having mur- 
dered the king. Good. ii. 281. But this charge is to be 
considered as a recrimination, extorted by the accusation 
preferred against the queen, and contains nothing more 
than loose and general affirmations, without descending 
to such particular circumstances as either ascertain their 
truth, or discover their falsehood. The same accusation 
is repeated by the nobles assembled at Dumbarton, Sept. 
1568. Good. ii. 359. And the same observation may be- 
inade concerning it. ' 

' All the queen's advocates have endeavoured to account 
for Murray's murdering of the king, by supposing that it 
was done on purpose that he might have the pretence of 
disturbing the queen's administration, and thereby render- 
ing ineffectual her general revocation of crown lands, which 
would have deprived him and his associates of the best 
part of their estates. Lesly, Def. of Mary's Hon. p. 73. 
Anders, iv. part ii. 130. But whoever considers the 
limited powers of a Scottish monarch, will see that such a 
revocation could not be very formidable to the nobles. 
Every king of Scotland began his reign with such a revo- 
cation ; and as often as it was renewed, the power of the 
nobles rendered it ineffectual. The best vindication of 
Murray and his party from this accusation, is that which 
they presented to the queen of England, and which hath 
never hitherto been published. hb ssdhimm 

Pj^ef„ T Answers to the Objections mid Alledgance of the 
^,^j Jclueen, alkdging the Earl of Murray, Lord Re- 
gent, the Earl of Morton, Marr, Glencain, Hume, 
Ruthven, ^c. to have been moved to armour, for that 
.they abhorred and might not abide her Revocation of the 
Alienation made of her Property. ^.., 

|)jjt is answered, that is, alledged, but [i. e. without] all 
appearance, and it appears God has bereft the alledgance 



KING HENRY'S MURDKR, &c. 1^ 

of all wit and good remembrance, for thir reasons follow- 
ing : " 
Imprimis, as to My Lord Regent, he never had occasion 
to grudge thereat, in respect the Queen made him privy 
to the same, and took resolution with him for the execution 
thereof, letting his Lordship know she would assuredly in 
the samine except all things she had given to him, and 
ratefy them in the next parliament as she did indeed ; and 
for that cause wished my Lord to leave behind him Master 
John Wood, to attend upon the same, to whom she de- 
clared, that als well in that as in all other her grants it 
should be provided, yea of free will did promise and offer 
before ever he demanded, as it came to pass without any 
let or impediment ; for all was ratified by her command, 
and hand-write, at the parliament, but [i. e. without] any 
difficulty. innh ?.bw 
Item, as to my Lord of Morton, he could not grudge 
thereat quha never had of her property worth twenty dol- 
lars that ever I knew of. ;ii bii/ow 
,, Item, the same may 1 say of my Lord Glencairn. ) JTfi<J 
., Item, the same I may say of my Lord Hume. 'abiiA 
Item, the same I may say of my Lord Ruthven. :)iimil 
Item, the same I may say of my Lord Lindsay^ji^jsoovsi 
Only my Lord of Marr had ane little thing of the pro- 
perty, quilk alsua was gladly and liberally confirmed to 
him, in the said parliament preceding a year ; was never 
ane had any cause of miscontent of that revocation, far 
less to have put their lives and heritage to so open and 
manifest ane danger as they did for sic ane frivok 
cause. 

Gyf ever any did make evill countenance, and shoT^ 
any miscontentment of the said revocation, it was my Lord 
Argyll in special, quha spak largely in the time of parlia- 
ment thairanents to the Queen herself, and did complain 
of the manifest corruption of ane act of parliament past 
upon her Majesty's return, and sa did lett any revocation 
at that time ; but the armour for reveno;e of the kinsf's deid 
was not till twa months after, at quhat time there was 



218 ^^ DISSERTATION ON^MIJ 

no occasion given thereof, nor never a man had mind 
thereof. 



Having thus examined the evidence which has been pro- 
duced against the earls of Murray and Bothwell ; we shall 
next proceed to inquire whether the queen herself was ac- 
cessary to the murder of her husband. 

No sooner was the violent death of Darnley known, than 
strong suspicion arose, among some of her subjects, that 
Mary had given her consent to the commission of that 
crime. Anders, ii. 156. We are informed, by her own 
ambassador in France, the archbishop of Glasgow, that 
the sentiments of foreigners, on this head, were no less 
unfavourable to her. Keith, Pref. ix. Many of her nobles 
loudly accused her of that crime, and a great part of the 
nation, by supporting them, seem to have allowed the accu- 
sation to be well founded. 

Some crimes, however, are of such a nature, that they 
hardly admit of a positive or direct proof. Deeds of dark- 
ness can seldom be brought perfectly to light. Where 
persons are accused not of being principals, but only of 
being accessaries in the commission of a crime ; not of 
having perpetrated it themselves, but only of giving con- 
sent to the commission of it by others ; the proof becomes 
still more difficult : and unless when some accomplice be- 
trays the secret, a proof by circumstances, or presumptive 
evidence, is all that can be attained. Even in judicial 
trials, such evidence is sometimes held to be sufficient for 
condemning criminals. The degree of conviction which 
such evidence carries along with it, is often not inferior to 
that which arises from positive testimony ; and a concur- 
ring series of circumstances satisfies the understanding nO 
less than the express declaration of witnesses. 

Evidence of both these kinds has been produced against 
Mary. We shall first consider that which is founded upon 
circumstances alone. 

Some of these suspicious circumstances preceded the 
king's death; others were subsequent to it. With regard 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 219 

to the former, we may observe, that the queen's violent love 
of Darnley was soon converted into an aversion to him no 
less violent ; and that his own ill conduct and excesses of 
every kind, were such, that if they did not justify, at least 
they account for this sudden change of her disposition to- 
wards him. The rise and progress of this domestic rup- 
ture I have traced with great care in the history, and to 
the proofs of it which may be found in papers published 
by other authors, I have added those contained in the 
Notes, pp. 327 and 331. Le Croc, the French ambassador, 
who was an eye-witness of what he describes, not only re- 
presents her aversion to Darnley to be extreme, but de- 
clares that there could be no hopes of a reconcilement 
Dec. 12. between them. " The queen is in the hands of 
1566. physicians, and I do assure you is not at all well ; 
and do believe the principal part of her disease to consist 
in deep grief and sorrow ; nor does it seem possible to 
make her forget the same. Still she repeats these words, 
/ could wish to be dead. You know very well that the in- 
jury she has received is exceeding great, and her majesty 
will never forget it. — To speak my mind freely to you, I 
do not expect, upon several accounts, any good under 
standing between them [i. e. the king and queen], unless 
God effectually put to his hand. — His bad deport- 

Dec. 23. 

ment is incurable ; nor can there ever be any good 
expected from him, for several reasons, which I might tell 
you was I present with you. I cannot pretend to foretel 
how all may turn, but I will say, that matters cannot sub- 
sist long as they are, without being accompanied with sun- 
dry bad consequences." Keith, Pref. vii. Had Henry died 
a natural death at this juncture, it must have been con- 
sidered as a very fortunate event to the queen, and as a 
seasonable deliverance from a husband who had become 
altogether odious to her. Now as Henry was murdered a 
few weeks afterward, and as nothing had happened to ren- 
der the queen's aversion to him less violent, the opinion of 
those who consider Mary as the author of an event which 
was manifestly so agreeable to her, will appear perhaps to 



220 DISSERTATION ON ^ . , 

some of our readers to be neither unnatural nor x)ver re^ 
fined. If we add to this, what has been observed in the 
history, that in proportion to the increase of Mary's hatred 
of her husband, Bothwell seems to have made progress in 
her favour, and that he became the object not only of her 
confidence but her attachment, that opinion acquires new 
strength. It is easy to observe many advantages which 
might redound to Mary as well as to Bothwell from the 
king's death ; but excepting them, no person, and no party 
in the kingdom, could derive the least benefit from that 
event. Bothwell, accordingly, murdered the king, and it 
was, in that age, thought no unwarranted imputation on 
Mary's character, to suppose that she had consented to 
the deed. 

'■^^he steps which the queen took after her husband's 
death add strength to that supposition. 1. Melvil, who 
was in Edinburgh at the time of the king's death, asserts 
that " every body suspected the earl of Bothwell ; and 
those who durst speak freely to others, said plainly that it 
was he." p. 155. 2. Mary having issued a proclamation, 
on the 12th of February, offering a reward to any person 
who' should discover those who had murdered her hus- 
band ; And. i. 36. ; a paper in consequence of this was 
affixed to the gates of the Tolbooth, February 16. in which 
Bothwell was named as the chief person guilty of that 
crime, and the queen herself was accused of having given 
her consent to it. And. ii. 156. 3. Soon after, February 
20. the earl of Lennox, the king's father, wrote to Mary, 
conjuring her, by every motive, to prosecute the murderers 
with the utmost rigour. He plainly declared his own sus- 
picions of Bothwell, and pointed out a method of proceed- 
ing against him, and for discovering the authors of that 
crime, no less obvious than equitable. He advised her to 
seize, and to commit to sure custody, Bothwell himself, 
and such as were already named as his accomplices ; to 
call an assembly of the nobles ; to issue a proclamation, 
inviting Both well's accusers to appear; and if, on that 
encouragement, no person appeared to accuse them, to 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 22^1 

told them as innocent, and to dismiss them without far- 
ther trial. And. i. 40. 4. Archbishop Beatoun, her ara^j 
bassador in France, in a letter to Mary, March 9th, emrf 
ploys arguments of the utmost weight to persuade her to 
prosecute the murderers with the greatest severity. " 1 can< 
conclude nathing (says he) by quhat Zour Majesty writes 
to me zourself, that sen it has plesit God to conserve zow 
to make a rigorous vengeance thereof, that rather than it 
be not actually taine, it appears to me better in this warld 
that ze had lost life and all. I ask Your Majestic pardon, 
that I writ sa far, for I can heir nathing to zour prejudise, 
but I man constraindly writ the samin, that may 

must '' •' 

come to zour knawledge ; for the better remede 
may be put therto. Heir it is needfull that ze forth shaw 
now rather than ever of before, the greite vertue, magna- 
nimitie, and Constance that God has grantit zow, be quhais 
grace, I hope ze sail overcome this most heavy envie and 
displesir of the committing therof, and conserve that re- 
putation in all godliness, ze have conquist of lang, quhich 
can appear na wayis mair dearie, than that zou do 
s"c;i sick justice that the haill world may declare zour 
innocence, and give testimony for ever of thair 
without treason that has committed (but fear of God or 
man) so cruel and ungodlie a murther, quhairof 
much there is sa meikle ill spoken, that I am constrainit 
to ask zow mercy, that neither can I or will I 
«"» make the rehearsal thereof, which is owr odious. 

But alas ! Madame, all .over Europe this day, there 
is na purpose in head sa frequent as of Zour Majestic, and , 
of the present state of zour realm, quhilk is in the most^^ 
part interpretit sinisterly." Keith, Pref. ix. 5. Elizabeth^ 
as appears from the Note, Vol. I. p. 356., urged the,> 
same thing in strong terms. 6. The circumstances of the 
case itself, no less than these solicitations and remon-^ 
stranees, called for the utmost vigour in her proceedings. , 
Her husband had been murdered in a cruel manner, al- 
most in her own presence. Her subjects were filled with - 
the utmost horror at the crime. BothwelL one of her^ 

■T ,ai9llJ 980DDB 03 D ^4 ^^^ ^illJlii^^&lUbdaQ 



222 DISSERTATION ON 

principal favourites, had been publicly accused as the 
author of it. Reflections, extremely dishonourable to her- 
self, had been thrown out. If indignation, and the love 
of justice, did not prompt her to pursue the murderers 
with ardour, decency, at least, and concern for vindicating 
her own character, should have induced her to avoid any 
appearance of remissness or want of zeal. 

But instead of this, Mary continued to discover, in 
all her actions, the utmost partiality towards Bothwell. 
On the 15th of February, five days after the murder, 
she bestowed on him the reversion of the superiority of 
the town of Leith,'' which, in the year 1565, she had 
mortgaged to the citizens of Edinburgh. This grant was 
of much importance, as it gave him not only the com- 
mand of the principal port in the kingdom, but a great 
ascendant over the citizens of Edinburgh, who wished 
much to keep possession of it. 2. Bothwell being ex- 

' ^ Copy from the original in the Charter-house of the City of Edinburgh of an Assig- 
nation to the reversion of the superiority of Leith by Queen Mary, to the Earl of 
Bothwell. 

Maria Dei gratia Regiua Scotorum, omnibus probis hominibus suis ad quos pree- 
sentes literaB pervenerint salutem. Sciatis, quod nos ad memoriam reducentes mul- 
tiplex bonum verum et fidele servitium, non tan turn quondam nostrae charissimae matri, 
Mariae Reginse regni nostri pro tempore in nostra minoritate factum et impensum, 
verum etiam nobismet ipsis, tam intra partes Galliae quam intra hoc nostrum regnum, 
ad extentionem nostri honoris et auctoritatis in punitione furum, malefactorum, et 
transgressorum infra idem, per nostrum confisum consanguineum et consiliarium 
Jacobura comitem Bothuile, dominum Halis, Creighton, et Liddisdale, magnum ad- 
mirallum regni nostri, commissionem et onerationem ad hunc eifectum habentem, per 
quas ipse suum corpus et vitam in magno periculo posuit ; ac etiam, in performatione 
et extentione nostri dicti servitii, suam hereditatem, supra summam viginti millium 
mercarum hujus nostri regni, alienavit ac lajsit. Et nos cogitantes quod, ex nostra 
principali honore et devoria dictum nostrum confisum consanguineum et consiliarium 
cum quodam accidente et gratitudine recompensare et gratificare incumbit quae nos 
commode sibi concedere poterimus, unde ipse magis habilis omnibus affuturis tempo- 
ribus esse poterit, et ad hujusmodi performandum in omnibus causis seu eventibus : 
In recompensationem quorum preemissorum, ac pro diversis aliis nostris rationabi- 
libus causis et considerationibus nos moventibus, Fecimus, &c. dictum Jacobum comi- 
tem Bothuile, &c. ac suos hatred es masculos quoscumque nostros legitimos, &c. assig- 
natos in et ad literas reversionis factas, &c. per Symonem Preston de eodem militem, 
praepositum, balivos, consules, et communitatem hujus nostri burgi de Edinburgh, pro 
seipsis ac suis successoribus, &c. nobis, nostrisque heredibus, saccessoribus, et assig- 
natis pro redemptione, &c. superioritatis totius villas de Leith, &c. impignoratas per 
nos dictis prseposito, &c. sub reversione alienatae continentis summam decem mil- 
lium mercarum monetae praescriptae numerandum et calculandum in parochiali ecclesia 
de Edinburgh, super premonitione quadriginta dierum, ut moris est, veluti in dictis 
reversionis literis, &c. de data 8vo Octob. 1565, &c. (Ths rest is form, and contains 
a clause of absolute warrandice.) In cujus rei Testimonium praesentibus magnum 
sigillum nostrum apponi fecimus. Apud Edinburgh, decimo quinto die mensis Fe- 
bruarii, anno Domini miliesimo quingentesimo sexagesimo sexto, et regni nostri 
vicesimo quinto. 

The great seal entire. 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 223 

tremely desirous to obtain the command of tlie castle 
of Edinburgh, the queen, in order to prevail on the earl 
of Mar to surrender the government of it, offered to 
commit the young prince to his custody. Mar con- 
sented ; and she instantly appointed Both well gover- 
nor of the castle. And. i. Pref. 64. Keith, 379, note (d.) 
3. The inquiry into the murder, previous to Bothwell's 
trial, seems to have been conducted with the utmost remiss- 
ness. Buchanan exclaims loudly against this. And. ii. 24. 
Nor was it without reason that he did so, as is evident from 
a circumstance in the affidavit of Thomas Nelson, one of 
the king's servants, who was in the house when his master 
was murdered, and was dug up alive out of the rubbish. 
Being examined on the Monday after the king's death, 
" This deponar schew that Bonkle had the key of the 
sellare, and the Queenis servandis the keyis of her shalmir. 
Quhilk the laird of Tillibardin hearing, said, Hald thair, 
here is ane ground. Efter quhilk words spokin, thai left 
of, and procedit na farther in the inquisition." And. iv. p. 2. 
167. Had there been any intention to search into the 
bottom of the matter, a circumstance of so much import- 
ance merited the most careful inquiry. 4. Notwithstand- 
ing Lennox's repeated solicitations, notwithstanding the 
reasonableness of his demands, and the necessity of comply- 
ing with them, in order to encourage any accuser to appear 
against Both well, she not only refused to commit him to 
custody, or even to remove him from her presence and 
councils ; And. i. 42. 48. ; but by the grants which we have 
mentioned, and by other circumstances, discovered an in- 
crease of attachment to him. 5. She could not avoid 
bringing Bothwell to a public trial; but she permitted him 
to sit as a member in that meeting of the privy-council 
which directed his own trial ; and the trial itself was car- 
ried on with such unnecessary precipitancy, and with so 
many other suspicious circumstances, as to render his ac- 
quittal rather an argument of his guilt than a proof of his 
innocence. These circumstances have all been mentioned 
at length in Book IV. and therefore are not repeated in 



2M >^* ?-* 35ISS ERT ATIdN OI^MIl 

this place. 6. Two days after the trial, Mary gave a pub- 
lic proof of her regard for Both well, by appointing him to 
carry the sceptre before her at the meeting of parliament. 
Keith, 378. 7. In that parliament, she granted him a ra- 
tification of all the great possessions and honours which 
she had conferred upon him, in which was contained an 
ample enumeration of all the services he had performed. 
And. i. 1 17. 8. Though Melvil, who foresaw that her at- 
tachment to Bothwell would at length induce her to marry 
him, warned her of the infamy and danger which would 
attend that action, she not only disregarded this salutary 
admonition, but discovered what had passed between them 
to Bothwell, which exposed Melvil to his resentment. 
Melv. 156. 9. Bothwell seized Mary as she returned from 
Stirling, April 24. If he had done this without her know- 
ledge and consent, such an insult could not have failed to 
have filled her with the most violent indignation. But 
according to the account of an old MS. "The friendly 
love was so highly contracted between this great princess 
and her enormous subject, that there was no end thereof 
(for it was constantly esteemed by all men, that either of 
them loved other carnally), so that she suffered patiently 
to be led where the lover list, and all the way neither made 
obstacle, impediment, clamour, or resistance, as in such 
accidents used to be, or that she might have done by her 
princely authority, being accompanied with the noble earl 
of Huntly and secretary Maitland of Lethington." Keith, 
383. Melvil, who was present, confirms this account, and 
tells us that the officer, by whom he was seized, informed 
him that nothing was done without the queen's consent. 
Melv. 158. On the 12th of May, a few days before her 
marriage, Mary declared that she was then at full liberty, 
and that though Bothwell had offended her by seizing her 
person, she was so much satisfied with his dutiful beha- 
viour since that time, and so indebted to him for past ser- 
vices, that she not only forgave that offence, but resolved to 
promote him to higher honours. And. i. 87. 11. Evenafter 
the confederate nobles had driven Bothwell from the queen's 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. §25 

presence, and though she saw that he was considered as 
the murderer of her former husband by so great a part of 
her subjects, her affection did not in the least abate, and 
she continued to express the most unalterable attachment 
to him. " I can perceive (says SirN. Throkmorton) that 
the rigour with which the queen is kept, proceedeth by 
order from these men, because that the queen will not by 
any means be induced to lend her authority to prosecute 
the murderer ; nor will not consent by any persuasion to 
abandon the lord Bothwell for her husband, but avoweth 
constantly that she will live and die with him ; and saith, 
that if it were put to her choice to relinquish her crown 
and kingdom, or the lord Bothwell, she would leave her 
kingdom and dignity to go a simple damsel with him, and 
that she will never consent that he shall fare worse, or have 
more harm than herself." See Note, Vol. I. p. 380. In all 
their negotiation with Throkmorton, the confederates men- 
tion this unalterable attachment of the queen to Bothwell as 
a sufficient reason for rejecting his proposals of an accom- 
modation with their sovereign. Keith, 419. 449. This 
assertion they renewed in the conferences at York. Anders. 
iv. part. ii. p. 66. Murray, in his interview with Mary in 
Lochlevin, charged her with persisting in her inordinate 
affection to Bothwell. Keith, 446. All these, however, may 
be considered merely as accusations brought by the confe- 
derates, in order to vindicate their rigour towards the queen. 
But Throkmorton, who, by his residence in Edinburgh, 
and by his intercourse with the queen's partisans, as well 
as with her enemies, had many opportunities of discovering 
whether or not Mary had expressed herself in such terms, 
and who was disposed to view her actions in the most fa- 
vourable light, appears by the passage which I have quoted 
from his letter of the 14th of July, to be persuaded that the 
confederates had not misrepresented her sentiments. He 
had soon an opportunity of being confirmed with greater 
certainty in his opinion. Although the confederates had 
refused him access to the captive queen, he found means 
of holding a secret correspondence with her, and endea- 

VOL. II. Q 



226 DISSERTATION ON >i 

voured to persuade her to give her consent to have her 
marriage vv^ith Both well dissolved by a sentence of divorce, 
as the most probable means of regaining her liberty. " She 
hath sent me v^^ord that she vv^ill in no vv^ise consent unto that, 
but rather die." See Note, Vol. I. p. 382. There is evidence 
of the continuance of Mary's attachment still more explicit. 
Lord Herries, in the parliament held the 15th of December, 
1567, acknowledged the queen's inordinate affection to 
that wicked man, and that she could not be induced by per- 
suasion to leave him ; and that in sequestering her within 
Lochlevin, the confederates had done the duty of noble- 
men. See Note, Vol. I. p. 399. In the year 1571, a confer- 
ence was held by some deputies, from a convention of 
clergy, with the duke of Chatelherault, secretary Maitland, 
Sir James Balfour, and Kirkaldy ; and an account of it 
written by Mr. Craig, one of the ministers of Edinburgh, 
is extant in Calderwood MSS. Hist. ii. 244. In presence 
of all these persons, most of whom were in Edinburgh 
when the queen was taken at Carberry, Maitland, who was 
now an avowed partisan of Mary, declares, that on the 
same night she was brought to Edinburgh, he himself had 
offered, that if she would abandon Bothwell, she should 
have as thankful obedience as ever she had since she came 
to Scotland. But in no wise would she consent to leave 
Bothwell. According to Sir James Melvil, the queen found 
means of writing a letter to Bothwell on the evening of 
that day, when she was conducted as a prisoner to Edin- 
burgh, in which she declared her affection to him in the 
most tender expressions, and her resolution never to aban- 
don him. This letter, he says, was intercepted by the con- 
federates, and determined them to confine Mary in the castle 
of Lochlevin. But as neither Buchanan nor Knox, both 
abundantly disposed to avail themselves of every fact and 
report that could be employed in order to represent Mary's 
conduct as improper and criminal, mention this letter ; 
and as the confederates themselves in their negotiation 
with Throkmorton, as well as in their accusations of the 
queen before the English commissioners at York and 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 227 

Westminster, maintain the same silence with regard to if, 
I am satisfied that Melvil, who wrote his memoirs for the 
information of his son in his old age, and long after the 
events which he records happened, has been mistaken with 
regard to this particular. From this long enumeration of 
circumstances, we may, without violence, draw the follow- 
ing conclusion : Had Mary really been accessary to the 
murder of her husband ; had Bothwell perpetrated the 
crime with her consent, or at her command ; and had she 
intended to stifle the evidence against him, and to prevent 
the discovery of his guilt, she could scarcely have taken 
any other steps than those which she took, nor could her 
conduct have been more repugnant to all the maxims of 
prudence and of decency. 

The positive evidence produced against Mary may be 
classed under two heads. 

1. The depositions of some persons who were employed 
in committing the murder, particularly of Nicholas Hubert, 
who in the writings of that age is called French Paris. 
This person, who was Bothwell's servant, and much trusted 
by him, was twice examined, and the original of one of 
his depositions, and a copy of the other, are still extant. 
It is pretended that both these are notorious forgeries. But 
they are remarkable for a simplicity and naivete which it is 
almost impossible to imitate ; they abound with a number 
of minute facts and particularities, which the most dex- 
terous forger could not have easily assembled and con- 
nected together with any appearance of probability ; and 
they are filled with circumstances which can scarcely be 
supposed to have entered the imagination of any man but 
one of Paris's rank and character. But, at the same time, 
it must be acknowledged, that his depositions contain some 
improbable circumstances. He seems to have been a fool- 
ish talkative fellow ; the fear of death, the violence of tor- 
ture, and the desire of pleasing those in whose power he 
was, tempted him, perhaps, to feign some circumstances, 
and to exaggerate others. To say that some circumstances 
in an affidavit are improbable or false, is very different 

Q 2 



228 ? jdDISSERTATION ON m^ 

froM saying that the whole is forged. I suspect the former 
to be the case here ; but I see no appearance of the latter. 
Be that as it will, some of the most material facts in Paris's 
affidavit rest upon his single testimony ; and for that reason, 
I have not in the history, nor shall I in this place, lay any 
stress upon them. 

, ^2. The letters said to be written by Mary to Bothwell. 
These have been frequently published. The accident by 
which the queen's enemies got them into their possession, 
is related in Book V. When the authenticity of any ancient 
paper is dubious or contested, it may be ascertained either 
by external or internal evidence. Both these have been 
produced in the present case. 

I. External proofs of the genuineness of Mary's letters. 
1. Murray, and the nobles who adhered to him, affirm 
upon their word and honour, that the letters were written 
ivith the queen's own hand, with which they were well ac- 
quainted. Good. ii. 64. 92. 2. The letters were publicly 
produced in the parliament of Scotland, December 1567 ; 
and were so far considered as genuine, that they are men- 
tioned in the act against Mary, as one chief argument of 
her guilt. Good. ii. 66, 67. 3. They were shewn privately 
to the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, and sir Ralph 
Sadler, Elizabeth's commissioners at York. In the account 
which they gave of this matter to their mistress, they seem 
-to consider the letters as genuine, and express no suspicion 
of any forgery ; they particularly observe, " that the matter 
<jontained in them is such, that it could hardly be invented 
and devised by any other than herself; for that they dis- 
course of some things, which were unknown to any other 
than to herself and Bothwell ; and as it is hard to counter- 
feit so many, so the matter of them, and the manner how 
these men came by them is such, as it seemeth that God, 
in whose sight murder and bloodshed of the innocent is 
abominable, would not permit the same to be hid or con- 
cealed." Good. ii. 142. They seem to have made such an 
, impression on the duke of Norfolk, that in a subsequent 
letter to Pembroke, Leicester, and Cecil, he has these words: 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 229 

**If the matter shall be thought as detestable and manifest 
to you, as for ought we can perceive it seemeth here to us." 
Good. ii. 154. Nor did Norfolk declare these to be his sen- 
timents only in public official letters, he expressed himself 
in the same manner to his most confidential friends. In a 
secret conference with the bishop of Ross at York, the duke 
informed him, that he had seen the letters, &c. which the 
regent had to produce against the queen, whereby there 
would be such matter proved against her, as would disho- 
nour her for ever. State Trials, edition of Hargrave, i. 91. 
Murdin, 52. The bishop of Ross, if he had knownthe letters 
to be a notorious forgery, must have been naturally led, in 
consequence of this declaration, to undeceive the duke, and 
to expose the imposture. But, instead of this, the duke, and 
he, and Lethington, after consulting together, agreed, that 
the bishop should write to Mary, then at Bolton, and in- 
struct her to make such a proposal to Elizabeth, as might 
prevent the public production of the letters and other evi- 
dence. State Trials, i. 94. Murdin, 45. Indeed, the whole 
of this secret conference seems to imply, that Lethington, 
Ross, and Norfolk, were conscious of some defect in Mary's 
cause, and therefore exerted all their ingenuity in order to 
avoid a public accusation. Murdin, 52, 53. To Banister, 
whom the duke seems to have trusted more entirely than 
any other of his servants, he expressed himself in similar 
terms with respect to the queen of Scots. State Trials, i. 98. 
The words of Banister's evidence are remarkable : " I con- 
fess that I, waiting of my lord and master, when the earl 
of Sussex and Mr. Chancellor of the duchy that now is, 
were in commission at York, did hear his grace say, that 
upon examination of the matter of the murder, it did ap- 
pear that the queen of Scots was guilty and privy to the 
murder of lord Darnley, whereby I verily thought that his 
grace would never join in marriage with her." Murdin, 
134. Elizabeth, in her instructions to the earl of Shrews- 
bury and Beale, in 1583, asserts, that both the duke and 
earl of Arundel did declare to herself, that the proof, by 
the view of her letters, did fall out sufficient against the 



230 DISSERTATION ON V/'^fif 

queen of Scots ; however, they were after drawn to cover 
her faults and pronounce her innocency. MS. Advoc. Li- 
brary. A. iii. 28. p. 314. from Cot. Lib. Calig. 9. 4. A 
similar impression was made upon other contemporaries of 
Mary by the production of the letters, which implies a full 
belief of their being genuine. Cecil, in his correspondence 
with Sir Henry Norris, the English ambassador in France, 
relates this transaction in terms which leave no room to 
doubt with respect to his own private opinion. In his 
letter, Decem. 14th, 1568, the very day on which the 
letters, &c. were laid before the meeting of privy-coun- 
sellors and peers, he informs him, " That the regent was 
driven, from his defence, to disclose a full fardel of the 
naughty matter, tending to convince the queen as adviser 
of the murther, and the earl of Both well as her executour ; 
and now the queen's party, so great, refuse to make any 
answer, and press that their mistress may come in person 
to answer the matter herself before the queen's majesty, 
which is thought not fit to be granted until the great blot 
of the marriage with her husband's murtherer, and the 
evident charges, by letters of her own, to be deviser of the 
murther, be somewhat razed out or recovered ; for that as 
the matters are exhibited against her, it is far unseemly for 
any prince, or for chaste ears, to be annoyed with the filthy 
noise thereof; and yet, as being a commissioner, I must 
and will forbear to pronounce any thing herein certainly, 
■though as a private person, I cannot but with horrour and 
,'trembling think thereof." Cabala, 156. 5. From the cor- 
respondence of Bowes, the English resident in Scotland, 
with Walsingham, in the year 1582, published towards 
the close of this dissertation, it is manifest that both in 
England and Scotland, both by Elizabeth and James, both 
by the duke of Lennox and earl of Gowrie, the letters 
were deemed to be genuine. The eagerness on one side 
to obtain, and on the other to keep, possession of the casket 
i^and letters, implies that this was the belief of both. These 
sentiments of contemporaries, who were in a situation to 
be thoroughly informed, and who had abilities to judge 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 231 

with discernment, will, in the opinion of many of my 
readers, far outweigh theories, suppositions, and conjec- 
tures, formed at the distance of two centuries. 6. The let- 
ters were subjected to a solemn and judicial examination 
with respect to their authenticity, as far as that could be 
ascertained by resemblance of character and fashion of 
writing: for, after the conferences at York and West- 
minster, were finished, Elizabeth, as I have related, as- 
sembled her privy-counsellors, and joining to them se- 
veral of the most eminent noblemen in her kingdom, 
laid before them all the proceedings against the Scot- 
tish queen, and particularly ordered, that the " letters 
and writings exhibited by the regent, as the queen of 
Scots' letters and writings, should also be shewed, and 
conference [i. e. comparison] thereof made irk their sight, 
with the letters of the said queen's, being extant, and 
heretofore written with her own hand, and sent to the 
queen's majesty; whereby may be searched and examined 
what difference is betwixt them." Good. ii. 252. They as- 
sembled accordingly, at Hampton-court, December 14 and 
15, 1568; and, "The originals of the letters supposed to 
be written with the queen of Scots' own hand, were then 
also presently produced and perused; and, being read, were 
duly conferred and compared, for the manner of writing, 
and fashion of orthography, with sundry other letters long 
since heretofore written, and sent by the said queen of 
Scots tO: the queen's majesty. In collation whereof no 
difference was found." Good. ii. 256. 7. Mary having 
written an apologetical letter'' for her conduct to the coun- 

b Mary's letter has never been published, and ought to have a place here, where 
evidence on all sides is fairly produced. " Madam, if the wrang and false reportis of 
rebellis, enemies weill knawin for traitouris to zow, and alace to muche trusted of me 
by zoure advice, had not so far sturred you aganis my innocency (and I must say 
aganis all kyndness, that zow have not onelie as it were condempnitnie wiangfuilie, 
bot so hated me, as some wordis and open deideis hes testifeit to all the warlde, a 
manyfest mislyking in zow aganis zowr awn blude), I would not have omiltit thus 
lang my dewtie in wryting to zow excusing me of those untrew reporties made of me. 
. But hoping with Godis grace and tyme to have my innocency knawin to zow, as I 
trust it is already to the maist part of all indifferent personis, 1 thocht it best not to 
trouble zow for a tyme till that such a matier is moved that tuichis us bayth, quhilk is 
the transporting zoure littil son, and my onelie child in this coutrey. To the quhilk 



28tg ' DlSSERTATt0Mf?>fj0yiI>f 

tesfe of Lennox, July 10, 1570, she trans riiltted it^to her^' 
husband then in Scotland ; and he returned to the countess 
the following- answer: " Seeing you have remittit to me, to 
answer the Queen the King's mother's letters sent to you, 
what can I say but that I do not marvell to see her writ the 
best can for hirself, toseame to purge her of that, quhairof 
many besyde me are certainly persuadit of the contrary, 
and I not only assurit by my awin knawledge, but by her 
handwrit, the confessionis of men gone to the death, and 
uther infallibil experience. It wuU be lang tyme that is 
hable to put a mattir so notorious in oblivioun, to mak 
black quhyte, or innocency to appear quhair the contrary 
is sa Weill knawin. The maist indifferent, I trust, doubtis 
not of the equitie of zoure and my cause, and of the just oc- 
casioun of our mislyking. Hir richt dewtie to zow and me, 
being the parteis interest, were hir trew confessioun and 
unfeyned repentance of that lamentable fact, odious for 
hir to be reportit, and sorrowfuU for us to think of. God 
is just, and will not in the end be abused ; but as he has 
manifested the truth, so will he puneise the iniquity." 
Lennox s Or'ig. Regist. of Letters. In their public papers, 
the queen's enemies may be suspected of advancing what 
would be most subservient to their cause, not what was 
agreeable to truth, or what flowed from their own inward 
conviction. But in a private letter to his own wife, Lennox 
had no occasion to dissemble ; and it is plain, that he not 
only thought the queen guilty, but believed the authenti- 
city of her letters to Both well. 8. In opposition to all 
these reasons for believing the letters, &c. to be authentic, 

aioeit i DC never sa wmmg, i waia oe giaia lo nave zoure aavyse merem, asm all 
uther thingis tuiching him. I have bom him, and God knawis with quhatdaunger to 
him and me boith ; and of zow he is descendit. So I meane not to forzet my dewtie 
to zow, in schewin herein any unkyndness to zow, how unkyndlie that ever ze have 
delt with me, bet will love zow as my awnt, and respect zow as my moder in law. 
And gif ye pies to knaw farther of my mynde in that and all uther thingis betwixt us, 
my ambassador the bishop of Ross sail be ready to confer with zow. And so after my 
hairtlie commendationis, remitting me to my saide ambassador, and zour better consi- 
deratioun, I commit zow to the protection of Almyghty God, quhom I pray to preserve 
zow and my brother Charles, and caus zow to knaw my pairt better nor ze do. From 
Cbatisworth this s. of July 1570. 

To my Ladie Lennox r Your natural gude Nice 

niy,iHodeaciin law. t^i *:* i B :and lovynge dochter."' 

^890DBlRni9dl: imi lod ^iiibijol sib 



KING HENRY'S MUllDKR, &c. 233 

the conduct of the nobles confederated against Mary, itf ■ 
not producing them directly as evidence against her, has 
been represented as an irrefragable proof of their being 
forged. According to the account of the confederates 
themselves, the casket containing the letters was seized by 
them on the 20th of June, 1567; but the first time that 
they were judicially stated as evidence against the queen 
was in a meeting of the regent's privy-council, December 
4th, and they afterward served as the foundation of the 
acts made against her in the parliament held on the 15th 
of the same month, If the letters had been genuine, it is 
contended, that the obtaining possession of them must 
have afforded such matter of triumph to the confederates, 
that they would instantly have proclaimed it to the whole 
world; and in their negotiations with the English and 
French ministers, or with such of their fellow-subjects 
as condemned their proceedings, they would have silenced, 
at once, every advocate for the queen, by exhibiting this 
convincing proof of her guilt. But in this reasoning suffi- 
cient attention is not paid to the delicate and perilous situa- ' 
tion of the confederates at that juncture. They had takeii 
arms against their sovereign, had seized her person at Car- 
berry-hill, and had confined her a prisoner at Lochlevin! 
A considerable number, however, of their fellow-subjects, 
headed by some of the most powerful noblemen in the king- 
dom, was combined against them. This combination, they 
soon perceived, they could not hope to break or to vanquish 
without aid either from France or England . In the formei^ "* 
kingdom, Mary's uncles, the duke of Guise and cardinal 
of Lorrain, were, at that period, all-powerful, and the king 
himself was devotedly attached to her. If the confederates - 
confined their views to the dissolution of the marriaofe 
of the queen with Bothwell, and to the exclusion of him 
forever from her presence, they might hope, perhaps, to be 
countenanced by Charles IX. and his ministers, who had 
sent an envoy into Scotland of purpose to dissuade Mary 
from that ill-fated match; see Note, vol. I. p. 377. ; whereas 
the loading her publicly with the imputation of being acces- 



234 DISSERTATION ON y^^j,^ 

saryto the murder of her husband, would be deemedsuch an 
inexpiable crime by the court of France, as must cut off every 
hope of countenance or aid from that quarter. From Eng- 
land, with which the principal confederates had been long 
and intimately connected, they had many reasons to expect 
more effectual support; but to their astonishment, Eliza- 
beth condemned their proceedings with asperity, warmly 
espoused the cause of the captive queen, and was extremely 
solicitous to obtain her release and restoration. Nor was 
this merely the only one of the artifices which Elizabeth 
often employed in her transactions with Scotland. Though 
her most saracious ministers considered it as the wisest 
policy to support the confederate lords rather than the 
queen of Scots, Elizabeth disregarded their counsel." Her 
high notions of royal authority, and of the submission due 
by subjects, induced her, on this occasion, to exert herself 
in behalf of Mary, not only with sincerity but with zeal; 
she negotiated, she solicited, she threatened. Finding 
the confederates inflexible, she endeavoured to procure 
Mary's release by means of that party in Scotland which 
continued faithful to her, and instructed Throkmorton to 
correspond with the leaders of it, and to make overtures 
to that effect. Keith, 451. See Note, Vol. I. p. 389. She 
even went so far as to direct her ambassador at Paris to 
concert measures with the French king how they, by their 
joint efforts, might persuade or compel the Scots to " ac- 
knowledge the queen her good sister to be their sovereign 
lady and queen, and renounce their obedience to her 
son." Keith, 462, 3, 4. From all these circumstances, 
the confederates had every reason to apprehend that Mary 
would soon obtain liberty, and by some accommodation be 
restored to the whole, or at least to a considerable portion, 

« This was the opinion of Throkmorton, as appears from an extract of his letter of 
July 11th, published in the Note, Vol. I. p. 377. The same were the sentiments of 
Cecil, in his letter of Aug. 19th, 1565, to sir Henry Norris, Elizabeth's ambassador to 
France : " You shall perceive," says he, " by the queen's letter to you, at this present, 
how earnestly she is bent in favour of the queen of Scots, and truly since the beginning 
she hath been greatly offended with the lords ; and, howsoever her majesty might 
make her profit by bearing with the lords in this action, yet no counsel can stay her 
Majesty from manifesting her misliking of them." Cabala, J 40. And in his letter of 
Sept. 3d, " The queen's majesty, our sovereign, remaineth still offended with the lords 
ior the queen; the example moveth her." lb. 141. Digges Comp. Amb. 14. 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 235 

of her authority as sovereign. In that event they foresaw, 
that if they should venture to accuse her publicly of a 
crime so atrocious as the murder of her husband, they must 
not only be excluded for ever from power and favour, but 
from any hope of personal safety. On this account they 
long confined themselves to that which was originally 
declared to be the reason of their taking arms ; the aveng- 
ing the king's death, the dissolving the marriage with 
Bothwell, the inflicting on him condign punishment, or 
banishing him for ever from the queen's presence. It 
appears from the letters of Throkmorton, published by 
bishop Keith, and in the Notes, that his sagacity early dis- 
covered that this would be the tenor of their conduct. In 
his letter from Edinburgh, dated July 14th, he observes, 
that " they do not forget their own peril conjoined with 
the danger of the prince, but, as far as I perceive, they in- 
tend not to touch the queen either in surety or in honour; 
for they speak of her with respect and reverence, and do 
affirm, as I do learn, that, the condition aforesaid accom- 
plished [i. e. the separation from Both well],they will both put 
her to liberty, and restore her to her estate." See Note, Vol. 
I. p. 378. His letter of August 22d, contains a declaration 
made to him by Lethington, in name and in presence of 
his associates, " that they never meant harm neither to the 
queen's person nor to her honour ; that they have been 
contented hitherto to be condemned, as it were, of all 
princes, strangers, and, namely, of the queen of England, 
being charged of grievous and infamous titles, as to be 
noted rebels, traitors, seditious, ingrate, and cruel, all 
which they suffer and bear upon their backs, because they 
will not justify themselves, nor proceed in any thing that 
may touch their sovereign's honour. But in case they be 
with these defamations continually oppressed, or with the 
force, aid, and practices of other princes, and namely of the 
queen of England, put in danger, or to an extremity, they 
shall be compelled to deal otherwise with the queen than 
they intend, or than they desire; for, added he, you may be 
sure we will not lose our lives, have our lands forfeited, 



236 DISSERTATION ON 

and be reputed rebels through the world, seeing we Kave 
the means to justify ourselves." Keith, 448. From this 
view of the slippery ground on which they stood at that 
time, their conduct in not producing the letters for several 
months, appears not only to have been prudent, but essen- 
tial to their own safety. 

^ But, at a subsequent period, when the confederates 
found it necessary to have the form of government, which 
they had established, confirmed by authority of parliament, 
.|i different mode of proceeding became requisite. All 
that had hitherto been done with respect to the queen's 
dismission, the seating the young king upon the throne, 
and the appointment of a regent, was in reality nothing 
. jnore than the deed of private men. It required the exhi- 
bition of some legal evidence to procure a constitutional 
act giving the sanction of its approbation to such violent 
measures, and to obtain " a perfect law and security for 
all them that either by deed, counsel, or subscription, had 
entered into that cause since the beginning." Haynes, 453. 
Tirhis prevailed with the regent and his secret council, 
f after long deliberation, to agree to produce all the evi- 
, dence of which they were possessed ; and upon that pro- 
duction parliament passed the acts which were required. 
Such a change had happened in the state of the kingdom 
as induced the confederates to venture upon this change 
in their conduct. In June, a powerful combination was 
forming against them, under the leading of the Hamiltons. 
Jn December, that combination was broken ; most of the 
members of it had acknowledg-ed the king; as their lawful 
sovereign, and had submitted to the regent's government. 
Huntly, Argyll, Herries, the most powerful noblemen of 
that party, were present in the parliament, and concurred 
in all its acts. Edinburgh, Dunbar, Dumbarton, and all 
the chief strong holds in the kingdom were now in the 
hands of the regent ; the arms of France had full occu- 
pation in its civil war with the Hugonots. The ardour of 
Elizabeth's zeal in behalf of the captive queen seems to 
have abated. A step that w^ould have been followed with 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 23^ 

ruin to the confederates in June, was attended with little 
danger in December. From this long deduction it appears, 
that no proof of the letters being forged can be drawn 
from the circumstances of their not having been produced 
immediately after the 20th of June ; but though no public 
accusation was brought instantly against the queen, in con- 
sequence of seizing the casket, hints were given by the 
confederates, that they possessed evidence sufficient to 
convict her. This is plainly implied in a letter of Throk- 
morton, July 21st; Keith, Pref. p. xii. and more clearly 
in the passage which I have quoted from his letter of 
August 22. In his letter of July 25, the papers contained 
in the casket are still more plainly pointed out. " They 
[i. e. the confederates] say, that they have as apparent 
proof against her as may be, as well by the testimony of 
her own hand -writing, which they have recovered, as also 
by sufficient witnesses." Keith, 426. 

II. With regard to the internal proofs of the genuine- 
ness of the queen's letters to Bothwell, we may observe, 
1. That whenever a paper is forged with a particular 
intention, the eagerness of the forger to establish the point 
in view, his solicitude to cut off all doubts and cavils, and 
to avoid any appearance of uncertainty, seldom fail of 
prompting him to use expressions the most explicit and 
full to his purpose. The passages foisted into ancient 
authors by heretics in different ages ; the legendary mi- 
racles of the Romish saints ; the supposititious deeds in 
their own favour produced by monasteries; the false char- 
ters of homage mentioned Vol. I. p. 41 . are so many proofs 
of this assertion. No maxim seems to be more certain 
than this, that a forger is often apt to prove too much, but 
seldom falls into the error of proving too little. The point 
I .which the queen's enemies had to establish was, " that as 
the earl of Bothwell was chief executor of the horrible and 
unworthy murder perpetrated, &c. so was she of the fore- 
"1 knowledge, council, devise, persuader, and commander of 
,the said murder to be done." Good. ii. 207. But of this 
fthere are only imperfect . hints, obscure, intimations, and 



238 DISSERTATION 0N>!^'/« 

dark expressions in the letters, which, however convincing 
evidence they might furnish if found in real letters, bear 
no resemblance to that glare and superfluity of evidence 
which forgeries commonly contain. All the advocates for 
Mary's innocence in her own age, contend that there is 
nothing in the letters which can serve as a proof of her 
guilt. Lesly, Blackwood, Turner, &c. abound with pas- 
sages to this purpose ; nor are the sentiments of those in 
the present age different. " Yet still it might have been 
expected (says one of her ablest defenders) that some one 
or other of the points or articles of the accusation should 
be made out clearly by the proof. But nothing of that is 
to be seen in the present case. There is nothing in the 
letters that could plainly shew the writer to have been in 
the foreknowledge, counsel, or device of any murder, far 
less to have persuaded or commanded it ; and as little is 
there about maintaining or justifying any murders." Good. 
i. 76. How ill advised were Mary's adversaries, to con- 
tract so much guilt, and to practise so many artifices, in 
order to forge letters, which are so ill contrived for esta- 
blishing the conclusion they had in view ! Had they been 
so base as to have recourse to forgery, is it not natural to 
think that they would have produced something more ex- 
plicit and decisive ? 2. It is almost impossible to invent 
a long narration of fictitious events, consisting of various 
minute particulars, and to connect these in such a manner 
with real facts, that no mark of fraud shall appear. For 
this reason, skilful forgers avoid any long detail of circum- 
stances, especially of foreign and superfluous ones, well 
knowing that the more these are multiplied, the more are 
the chances of detection increased. Now Mary's letters, 
especially the first, are filled with a multiplicity of cir- 
cumstances, extremely natural in a real correspondence, 
but altogether foreign to the purpose of the queen's ene- 
mies, and which it would have been extreme folly to have 
inserted, if they had been altogether imaginary, and with- 
out foundation. 3. The truth and reality of several cir- 
cumstances in the letters, and these, too, of no very public 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 239 

nature, are confirmed by uiidoubted collateral evidence. 
Lett. i. Good. ii. p. 1. The queen is said to have met one 
of Lennox's gentlemen, and to have had some conversation 
with him. Thomas Crawford, who was the person, ap- 
peared before Elizabeth's commissioners, and confirmed, 
upon oath, the truth of this circumstance. He likewise 
declared, that during the queen's stay at Glasgow, the 
king repeated to him, every night, whatever had passed 
through the day, between her majesty and him ; and that 
the account given of these conversations, in the first letter, 
is nearly the same with what the king communicated to 
him. Good. ii. 245. According to the same letter there 
was much discourse between the king and queen concern- 
ing Mynto, Hiegait, and Walcar. Good. ii. 8. 10, IL 
What this might be, was altogether unknown, until a letter 
of Mary's, preserved in the Scottish college at Paris, and 
published, Keith, Pref. vii. discovered it to be an affair of 
so much importance as merited all the attention she paid 
to it at that time. It appears by a letter from the French 
ambassador, that Mary was subject to a violent pain in her 
side. Keith, ibid. This circumstance is mentioned, Lett, 
i. p. 30, in a manner so natural as can scarcely belong to 
any but a genuine production. 4. If we shall still think it 
probable to suppose that so many real circumstances were 
artfully introduced into the letters by the forgers, in order 
to give an air of authenticity to their production ; it will 
hardly be possible to hold the same opinion concerning the 
following particular. Before the queen began her first 
letter to Bothwell, she, as usual among those who write 
long letters containing a variety of subjects, made 7iotes or 
memormidums of the particulars she wished to remember ; 
but as she sat up writing during a great part of the night, 
and after her attendants were asleep, her paper failed her, 
and she continued her letter upon the same sheet on which 
she had formerly made her memorandums. This she her- 
self takes notice of, and makes an apology for it : " It is 
late ; I desire never to cease from writing unto you, yet 
now, after the kissing of your hands, I will end my letter. 



«40 DISSERTATION ON ,^ 

Excuse my evil writing, and read it twice over. Excuse 
that thing that is scriblit, for I had na paper zesterday, 
quhen I wraite that of the memorial." Good. ii. 28. These 
memorandums still appear in the middle of the letter ; and 
what we have said seems naturally to account for the maur 
ner how they might find their way into a real letter. It 
is scarce to be supposed, however, that any forger would 
think of placing memorandums in the middle of a letter, 
where, at first sight, they make so absurd and so unnatural 
an appearance. But if any shall still carry their refine- 
ment to such a length, as to suppose that the forgers were 
so artful as to throw in this circumstance, in order to pre- 
serve the appearance of genuineness, they must at least 
allow that the queen's enemies, who employed these 
forgers, could not be ignorant of the design and meaning 
of these short notes and memorandums ; but we find them 
mistaking them so far as to imagine that they were the 
credit of the bemxr, i. e. points concerning which the 
queen had given him verbal instructions. Good. ii. 152. 
This they cannot possibly be ; for the queen herself writes 
with so much exactness concerning the different points in 
the memorandums, that there was no need of giving any 
credit or instructions to the bearer concerning them. The 
memorandums are indeed the contents of the letter. 
5. Mary, mentioning her conversation with the king, 
about the affair of Mynto, Hiegait, &c. says, " The morne 
l}.f^. to-morrow] I will speik to him upon that point;" 
^nd then adds, " As to the rest of Willie Hiegait's, he con- 
iessit it ; but it was the morne [i. e. the morning] after my 
coming or he did it." Good. ii. 9. This addition, which 
could not have been made till after the conversation hap- 
pened, seems either to have been inserted by the queen 
into the body of the letter, or, perhaps, she having written 
it on the margin, it was taken thence into the text. If we 
suppose the letter to be a real one, and written at different 
times, as it plainly bears, this circumstance appears to be 
very natural : but no reason could have induced a forger 
to, ,lja.ve ventured upon such an anachronism, for which 



KING H FN R Y'S M UR DE R , Ac. 4ftR 

there was no necessity. An addition perfectly simila^TO 
this, made to a genuine paper, may be found, Good. ii. 282. 
®' But, on the other hand, Mary herself, and the advocates 
for her innocence, have contended, that these letters were 
forged by lier enemies, on purpose to blast her reputation, 
and to justify their own rebellion. It is not necessary to 
take notice of the arguments w^hich were produced in her 
own age in support of this opinion ; the observations which 
we have already made, contain a full reply to them. An 
author, who has inquired into the affairs of that period 
with great industry, and who has acquired much know- 
ledge of them, has published (as he affirms) a demonstration 
of the forgery of Mary's letters. This denionstration he 
founds upon evidence both internal and external. With 
regard to the former, he observes that the French copy of 
the queen's letters is plainly a translation of Buchanan's 
Latin copy ; which Latin copy is only a translation of the 
Scottish copy ; and, by consequence, the assertion of the 
queen's enemies, that she wrote them originally in French, 
is altogether groundless, and the whole letters are gross 
foroferies. He accounts for this strang-e succession oftrans- 
lations, by supposing that when the forgery was projected, 
no person could be found capable of writing originally in 
the French language letters which would pass for the 
queen's ; for that reason they were first composed in Scot- 
tish ; but unluckily the French interpreter, as he conjec- 
tures, did not understand that language ; and therefore 
Buchanan translated them into Latin, and from his Latiti 
they were rendered into French. Good. i. 79, 80. '* 

It is hardly necessary to observe, that no proof what- 
ever is produced of any of these suppositions. The man- 
ner of the Scots in that age, when almost every man of 
rank spent a part of his youth in France, and the intercourse 
between the two nations was great, renders it altogether 
improbable that so many complicated operations should be 
necessary in order to procure a few letters to be written in 
the French language. ^^ " ' >-..-..-.* ^.n* 

But without insisting farther on tKis, we' mKy ot/serv^c, 

VOL. II. R 



24^ ^ .DISSERTATION g^.j/HM 

that all this author's premises may be granted^ and yethi^^ 
conclusion will not follow, unless he likewise prove that the; 
French letters, as we now have them, are a true copy^pj^i 
those which were produced by Murray and his party ini 
the Scottish parliament, and at York and Westminster. But >> 
this he has not attempted ; and if we attend to the history ^ 
of the letters, such an attempt, it is obvious, must have been, 
unsuccessful. The letters were first published at the end, 
of Buchanan's Detection. The first edition of this treatise 
was in Latin, in which language three of the queen's letters 
were subjoined to it ; this Latin edition was printed A. D. 
1571. Soon after, a Scottish translation of it was pub- 
lished, and at the end of it were printed, likewise in Scot- 
tish, the three letters which had formerly appeared in Latin, , 
and five other letters in Scottish, which were not in the 
Latin edition. Next appeared a French translation of the 
Detection, and of seven of the letters ; this bears to have 
been printed at Edinburgh by Thomas Waltem, 1572. 
The name of the place, as well as the printer, is allowed . 
by all parties to be a manifest imposture. Our author, from| 
observing the day of the month from which the printing, 
is said to have been finished, has asserted that this edition^ 
was printed at London; but no stress can be laid upon a, 
date found in a book, where every other circumstance with 
regard to the printing is allowed to be false. Blackwood, 
who (next to Lesly) was the best informed of all Mary's^ 
advocates in that age, affirms, that the French edition of 
the Detection was published in France : " II [Buchanan] 
a depuis adjouste a ceste declamation un petit libelle dii^ 
pretendu marriage du Due de Norfolk, et de la fa^on de son 
proces, et la tout envoye aux freres a la Rochelle, lesqueK 
voyants qu'il pouvoit servir a la cause, I'ont traduit etj^ 
Francois, et iceluy fut imprimee a Edinbourg, c'est a dire 
a la Rochelle, par Thomas Waltem, nom aposte et fait a^ 
plaisir. Martyre de Marie. Jebb, ii. 256." The author of 
the Itinocence de Maine goes farther, and names the French^ 
translator of the Detection. " Et icelui premierement com-. 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 243 

et depuis traduit en langue Fran^oise par un Hugohot 
Poitevin (advocat de vocation) Camuz, soy disant gentil- 
homme, et un de plus remarquez sediteuz de France* 
Jebb, i. 425. 443." The concurring testimony of two con- 
temporary authors, whose residence in France afforded 
them sufficient means of information, must outweigh a 
slight conjecture. The French translator does not pretend 
to publish the original French letters as written by the 
queen herself; he expressly declares that he translated 
them from the Latin. Good. i. 103. Had our author at- 
tended to all these circumstailces, he itiight have saved 
himself the labour of so many criticisms to prove that the 
present French copy of the letters is a translation from the 
Latin. The French editor himself acknbwledges it, and, 
so far as I know, no person ever denied it. 

We may observe that the French translator was so igno- 
rant as to affirm that Mary had writteii these lettel*s, partly 
in French, partly in Scottish. Good. i. 103. Had this 
translation been published in London by Cecil, or had it 
been made by his direction, so gross an error would not 
have been admitted into it. This error, however, was 
owing to an odd circumstance. In the Scottish translatiori 
of the Detection, two or three sentences of the original 
French were prefixed to each letter, which breaking off 
with an &c., the Scottish translation of the vv^hole letter 
followed. This method of printing translations was not 
uncommon in that age. The French editor observing this, 
foolishly concluded that the letters had been written partly 
in French, partly in Scottish. 

If we carefully consider those few French sentences of 
each letter, which still remain, and apply to them that spe- 
cies of criticism, by which our author has examined the 
whole, a clear proof will arise, that th^re \^as a French 
copy not translated from the Latin, but which was itself the 
original from which both the Latin atid Scottish have been 
tj^nslated. This minute criticism must necessarilv bedis- 
agreeable to many readers ; but luckily a few sentences only 
are to be exainined, which will render it extremely short."*-*. 

II 2 



244 DISSERTATION ON/ . 

In the first letter, the French sentence prefixed to it ends 
with these words, y faisoit bon. It is plain this expression, 
veu ce que peut un corps sans C(Eur, is by no means a trans- 
lation of cum plane peri7ide assem atque corpus sine corde. 
The whole sentence has a spirit and elegance in the French, 
which neither the Latin nor Scottish have retained. Jusques 
a la dime is not a translation of toto prandii tempore ; the 
Scottish translation, quhile denner-time, expresses the sense 
of the French more properly ; for anciently quhile signified 
until as well as during. Je nay pas tenu grand propos is 
not justly rendered nequeconticler itn se7inonemcu??iquoqua?n ; 
the phrase used in the French copy is one peculiar to that 
language, and gives a more probable account of her beha- 
viour than the other, Jugeant bien quil ny faisoit bon is 
not a translation of ut qui judicarent id non esse ex usu. 
The French sentence prefixed tolett.2. ends with apprendre. 
It is evident that both the Latin and Scottish translations 
have omitted altogether these words, et toutefois je ne 
j)uis appretulre. The French sentence prefixed to lett, 3. 
ends with presenter. Xaye veille plus tard la haut is plainly 
no translation of diutius illic morata sum ; the sense of the 
French is better expressed by the Scottish, / have walkit 
later there up. Again, Pour e.vcuser vostre affaire is very 
different from ad excusandam nostra negotia. The five re- 
maining letters never appeared in Latin ; nor is there any 
proof of their being ever translated into that language. 
Four of them, however, are published in French. This en- 
tirely overturns our author's hypothesis concerning the ne- 
cessity of a translation into Latin. 

In the Scottish edition of the Detection, the whole sonnet 
is printed in French as well as in Scottish. It is not pos- 
sible to believe that this Scottish copy could be the original 
from which the French was translated. The French con- 
sists of verses which have both measure and rhyme, and 
which, in many places, are far from being inelegant. The 
Scottish consists of an equal number of lines, but without 
measure or rhyme. Now no man could ever think of a 
thing so absurd and impracticable, as to require one to 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 245 

translate a certain given number of lines in prose, into an 
equal number of verses, where both measure and rhyme 
were to be observed. The Scottish, on the contrary, ap- 
pears manifestly to be a translation of the French ; the 
phrases, the idioms, and many of the words are French, 
and not Scottish. Besides the Scottish translator has, in 
several instances, mistaken the sense of the French, and in 
many more expressions the sense imperfectly. Had the 
sonnet been forged, this could not have happened. The 
directors of the fraud would have understood their own 
work. I shall satisfy myself with one example, in which 
there is a proof of both my assertions. Stanza viii. ver. 9. 

Pour luy j'attendz toute bonne fortune, 
Pour luy je veux garder sante et vie, 
Pour luy tout vertu de suivre j'ay envie. 

For him I attend all good fortune, 
For him I will conserve helthe and life. 
For him I desire to ensue courage. 

Attend in the first line is not a Scottish, but a French 
phrase ; the two other lines do not express the sense of 
the French, and the last is absolute nonsense. 

The eighth letter was never translated into French. It 
contains much refined mysticism about devices, a folly of 
"^ that age, of which Mary was very fond, as appears from 
several other circumstances, particularly from a letter con- 
cerning impresas by Drummond of Hawthornden. If 
Mary's adversaries forged her letters, they were certainly 
employed very idly when they produced this. 

From these observations it seems to be evident that there 
was a French copy of Mary's letters, of which the Latin 
and Scottish were only translations. Nothing now re- 
mains of this copy but those few sentences which are pre- 
fixed to the Scottish translation. The French editor laid 
'"^'hold of these sentences, and tacked his own translation to 
^^them, which, so far as it is his work, is a servile and a 
^ very wretched translation of Buchanan's Latin ; whereas, 
•^In those introductory sentences, we have discovered strong 



ma?ks of the^ being originals, and certain proofs that they 
are not translated from the Latin. 

It is apparent, too, from comparing the Latin and Scot- 
tkh translations with these sentences, that the Scottish 
translator has more perfectly attained the sense and spirit 
pf the French than the Latin. And as it appears, that the 
letters were very early translated into Scottish, Good. ii. 76. 
it is probable that Buchanan made his translation, not from 
the French, but from the Scottish copy. Were it necessary, 
several critical proofs of this might be produced. Qne 
that has been already mentioned seems decisive. Diut'ms 
illic morata sum bears not the least resemblance to Jay 
veille plus tard la haut ; but if, instead of / walkit [i. e. 
watched] laiter there up, we suppose that Buchanan read 
I ivaitit, Sec. this mistake, into which he might so easily 
have fallen, accounts for the error in his translation. 

These criticisms, however minute, appear to be well- 
founded. But whatever opinion may be formed concern- 
ing them, the other arguments, with regard to the internal 
evidence, remain in full force. 

The external proofs of the forgery of the queen's letters, 
which our author has produced, appear at first sight to be 
specious, but are not more solid than that which we have 
already examined. These proofs may be classed uindep 
two heads. 1 . The erroneous and contradictory accounts 
which are said to be given of the letters upon the first 
judicial production of them. In the secret council held 
Decern. 4. 1567, they are described " as her privie letters 
written and subscrivit with her awin hand." Havnes, 454. 
Good. ii. 64. In the act of parliament, passed on the 15th 
of the same month, they are described as " her privie 
letters written halelie with her awin hand." Good. ib. 67. 
This diversity of description has been considered as a strong 
presumption of forgery. The manner in which Mr. Hume 
accounts for this is natural and plausible, vol. v. p. 498. 
And several ingenious remarks, tending to confirm his ob- 
servations, are made in a pamphlet lately published, entitled, 
Miscellaneous Remarks on the Enquiry into the Evidence 



KING IIENIIY'S MURDER, ci'c. S^*^ 

against Mary Queen of Scots. To what they haVe^obser^M 
it may be added, that the original act of secret council does 
not now exist ; we have only a copy of it found among 
Cecils papers, and the transcriber has been manifestly so 
ignorant, or so careless, that an argument founded entirely 
upon the supposition of his accuracy is of little force. Seve- 
ral errors into which he has fallen, we are enabled to point 
out, by comparing his copy of the act of secret council with 
the act of parliament passed in consequence of it. The 
former contains a petition to parliament ; in the latter the 
real petition is resumed verbatim, and converted into a law. 
In the copy, the queen's marriage with Bothwell is called 
" a priveit marriage," which it certainly was not ; for it 
was celebrated, after proclamation of banns, in St. Giles's 
church for three several days, and with public solemnity ; 
but in the act it is denominated " ane pretendit marriage," 
which is the proper description of it, according to the 
ideas of the party. In the copy, the queen is said to be 
" so thrall and bludy affectionat to the privat appetite 
of that tyran," which is nonsense, but in the act it is 
" blindly affectionat." In the copy it is said, " all nobill 
and virtuous men abhorring their traine and company." 
In the act, "their tyrannic and companie," which is evi* 
dently the true reading, as the other has either no meaning, 
or is a mere tautology. 2. The other proof of the forgery 
of the letters, is founded upon the impossibility of recon- 
ciling the account, given of the time when, and the places 
from which, the letters are supposed to have been written, 
with what is certainly known concerning the queen's mo- 
tions. According to the paper published, Anders, ii. 269. 
which has been called Murray's Diary, and which is formed 
upon the authority of the letters, Mary set out from Edin- 
burgh to Glasgow, January 21, 1567; she arrived there 
on the 23d ; left that place on the 27th ; she, together with 
the king, reached Linlithgow on the 28th, stayed in that 
town only one night, and returned to Edinburgh, before 
the end of the month. But, according to Mr. Goodall, the 
queen did not leave Edinburgh until Friday Jan. 24th ; as 



^4§ ^Dissertation ON "^1^ 

.she stayed a night at Callendar, she could not reach Glas- 
gow sooner than the evening of Saturday the 25th, and she 
returned to Linlithgow on Tuesday the 28th. By conse- 
quence, the first letter, which supposes the queen to have 
been at least four days in Glasgow, as well as the second 
letter which bears date at Glasgow, Satw^day rjiorn'mg, 
whereas she did not arrive there until the evening, must 
be forgeries. That the queen did not set out from Edin- 
burgh sooner than the 24th of January, is evident (as 
he contends) from the public records, which contain a 
Precept of a confirmation of a Ufe-rent by James Boyd to 
Margaret Chalmers, granted by the queen, on the 24th of 
January, at Edinburgh ; and likewise a letter of the queen's, 
dated at Edinburgh on the same day, appointing James 
Inglis tailor to the prince her son. That the king and 
queen had returned to Linlithgow on the 28th, appears 
from a deed, in which they appoint Andrew Ferrier keeper 
of their palace there, dated at Linlithgow, January 28. 
Good. i. 118. 

This has been represented to be not only a convincing, 
but a legal proof of the forgery of the letters said to be 
written by Mary ; but how far it falls short of this, will 
appear from the following considerations : 

1 . It is evident from a declaration or confession made by 
the bishop of Ross, that before the conferences at York, 
which were opened in the beginning of October, 1568, 
Mary had, by an artifice of Maitland's, got into her hands 
a copy of those letters which her subjects accused her of 
having written to Bothwell. Brown's Trial of the Duke 
of Norfolk, 31. 36. It is highly probable that the bishop 
of Ross had seen the letters before he wrote the defence of 
queen Mary's honour, in the year 1 570. They were pub- 
lished to all the world, together with Buchanan's Detec- 
tion, A. D. 1571. Now, if they had contained an error so 
gross, and, at that time, so obvious to discovery, as the sup- 
posing the queen to have passed several days at Glasgow 
while she was really at Edinburgh ; had they contained a 
letter dated at Glasgow, Saturday morning, though she 



KING HENRYS MURDER, &c. 24^ 

did not arrive there till the evening ; is it possible that 
she herself, who knew her own motions, or the able and 
zealous advocates who appeared for her in that age, should 
not have published and exposed this contradiction, and, by 
so doincr, have blasted at once the credit of such an im- 
posture? In disquisitions which are naturally abstruse 
and intricate, the ingenuity of the latest author may 
discover many things which have escaped the atten- 
tion, or baffled the sagacity of those who have formerly 
considered the same subject. But when a matter of fact 
lay so obvious to view, this circumstance of its being un- 
observed by the queen herself, or by any of her adherents, 
is almost a demonstration that there is some mistake or fal- 
lacy in our author's arguments. So far are any, either of 
our historians or of Mary's defenders, from calling in 
question the common account concerning the time of the 
queen's setting out to Glasgow, and her returning from it, 
that there is not the least appearance of any differenq.^ 
among them with regard to this point. But farther, n 
2. Those papers in the public records, on which our 
author rests the proof of his assertion concerning the queen "s 
motions, are not the originals subscribed by the queen, but 
copies only, or translations of copies, of those originals. It 
is not necessary, nor would it be very easy, to render this 
intelligible to persons unacquainted with the forms of law 
in Scotland; but every Scotsman conversant in business 
will understand me when I say that the precept of confir- 
mation of the life-rent to Boyd is only a Latin copy or note 
of a precept, which was sealed with the privy seal, on a 
warrant from the! signet-office, proceeding on a signature 
which bore date at Edinburgh, the 24th of January ; and 
that the deed in favour of James Inglis is the copy of a 
letter, sealed with the privy seal, proceeding on a signature 
which bore date at Edinburgh, January 24. From all 
this we may argue with some degree of reason, that a proof 
founded on papers which are so many removes distant from 
the originals, cannot but be very lame and uncertainiffrfy/ 
♦ 3. At that time all public papers were issued in the 
name both of the king and queen ; by law, the king's sub- 



2m> -'X ifDlSSEllT AT ION ONj niM 

scription was no less requisite to any paper than the 
queen's ; and therefore, unless the original signatures be 
produced, in order^to ascertain the particular day when each 
of them signed, or to prove that it was signed only by one 
of them, the legal proof arising from these papers would 
be, that both the king and queen signed them at Edinburgh 
on the 24th of January. 

^jiv^v.The dates of the warrants or precepts issued by the 
sovereign in that age, seem to have been in a great mea- 
sure arbitrary, and affixed at the pleasure of the writer; and 
of consequence, these dates were seldom accurate, are often 
false, and can never be relied upon. This abuse became 
Sp frequent, and was found to be so pernicious, that an 
q,ct of parliament, A.D. 1592, declared the fixing a false 
(date to a signature to be high treason. 
} i , |5. There still remain, in the public records, a great num- 
j^pr pf papers, which prove the necessity of this law, as 
1^ell as the fallacy of our author's arguments. And though 
it be no easy matter, at the distance of two centuries, to 
prove any particular date to be false, yet surprising in- 
stances of this kind shall be produced. Nothing is more 
certain from history, than that the king was at Glasgow 
P4th January, 1667 ; and yet the record of signatures from 
1565 to 1582, fol. 16th, contains a copy of a signature to 
Archibald Edmonston, said to have been subscribed by 
our sovereigns, i. e. the king and queen, at Edinburgh, 
January 24, 1567; so that if we were to rely implicitly 
upon the dates in the records of that age, or to hold our 
author's argument to be good, it would prove that not only 
the queen, but the king too was at Edinburgh on the 24th 
of January. 

It appears from an original letter of the bishop of Ross, 
that on the 25th of October, 1566, Mary lay at the point 
of death; Keith, App. 134.; and yet a deed is to be found 
in the public records, which bears that it was signed by the 
queen that day. Privy seal, lib. 35. fol. 89. Ouchterlony.'^ 

^ N. B, In some of the earlier editions of this Dissertation, another instance of the 
same nature with those which go before and follow was mentioned ; but that, as has 
since been discpvered, was founded on a mistake of the person employed to search 
the records, and is therefore omitted in this edition. The reasoning, however, in the 
J)issertation, stands still in force, notwithstanding this omission. 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 251 

Both well seized the queen as she returned from Stirling, 
April 24, 1567, and (according to her own account) con- 
ducted her to Dunbar with all diligence. And. i. 95. But 
our author, relying on the dates of some papers which he 
found in the records, supposes that Bothwell allowed her 
to stop at Edinburgh, and to transact business there. 
Nothing can be more improbable than this supposition. 
We may therefore rank the date of the deed to Wright^ 
Privy seal, lib. 36. fol. 43. and which is mentioned by our 
author, vol. i. 124. among the instances of the false dates 
of papers which were issued in the ordinary course of bu- 
siness in that age. Our author has mistaken the date of 
the other paper to Forbes, ibid.; it is signed April 14th, 
not April 24th. 

If there be any point agreed upon in Mary's history, it is 
that she remained at Dunbar, from the time that Bothwell 
carried her thither, till she returned to Edinburgh along 
with him in the beginning of May. Our author himself 
allows that she resided twelve days there, vol. i. 367. Now 
though there are deeds in the records which bear that they 
were signed by the queen at Dunbar during that time, yet 
there are others which bear that they were signed at Edin- 
burgh ; e.g. there is one at Edinburgh, April 27th, Privy 
seal, lib. 36. fol. 97. There are others said to be signed 
at Dunbar on that day. Lib. 31. Chart. No. 524. 526. 
lb. lib. 32. No. 154. 157. There are some signed at Dun- 
bar, April 28th. Others at Edinburgh, April 30th, lib. 32. 
Chart. No. 492. Others at Dunbar, May 1 st. Id. ibid. 
No. 158. These different charters suppose the queen to 
have made so many unknown, improbable, and inconsistent 
journeys, that they afford the clearest demonstration that the 
dates in these records ought not to be depended on. 

This becomes more evident from the date of the charter 
said to be signed April 27th, which happened that year to 
be a Sunday, which was not, at that time, a day of business 
in Scotland, as appears from the books of sede?^unt, then 
kept by the lords of session. 

From this short review of our author's proof of the for- 



2o§ DISSERTATION ON 

.gery of the letters to Botliwell, it is evident, that his argu- 
ments are far from amounting to demonstration.^ 

'^ Another argument against the genuineness of these let- 
ters is founded on the style and composition, which are 
said to be altogether unworthy of the queen, and unlike her 
real productions. It is plain, both from the great accuracy 
of composition in most of Mary's letters, and even from her 
solicitude to write them in a fair hand, that she valued her- 
self on those accomplishments, and was desirous of being 
esteemed an elegant writer. But when she wrote at any 
■time in a hurry, then many marks of inaccuracy appear. 

^A remarkable instance of this may be found in a paper 
published. Good. ii. 301. Mary's letters to Both well were 
written in the utmost hurry ; and yet under all the disad- 
vantages of a translation, they are not destitute either of 
spirit or of energy. The manner in which she expresses 
her love to Both well has been pronounced indecent and 

■'even shocking. But Mary's temper led her to warm ex- 
pressions of her regard; those refinements of delicacy, 
which now appear in all the commerce between the sexes, 

^were, in that age, but little known, even among persons of 
the highest rank. Among the earl of Hardwicke's papers, 
there is a series of letters, from Mary to the duke of Nor- 
folk, copied from the Harleian library, p. 37. b. 9. fol. 88. 

^in which Mary declares her love to that nobleman in lan- 

c^uage which would now be reckoned extremely indeli- 
cate; Hard. State Papers, i. 189, &c. 

* The uncertainty of any conclusion formed merely on the date of public papers in 
that age, especially with respect to the king, is confirmed and illustrated by a dis- 
covery which was made lately. Mr. Davidson (to whom I was indebted for much 
a information when I composed this Dissertation thirty-three years ago) has, in the 
fceourse of his intelligent researches into the antiquities of his country, found an ori- 
oginal paper which must appear curious to Scottish antiquaries. Buchanan asserts, 
gthat on account of the king's frequent absence, occasioned by his dissipation and love 
tof field-sports, a cachette, or stamp cut in metal, was made, with which his name was 
i^affixed to public deeds, as if he had been present. Hist. lib. xvii. p. 343. Edit. Rud- 
a<dim. Knox relates the same thing. Hist. p. 393. How much this may have divested 
Jthe king of the consequence which he derived from having his name conjoined with 
*that of the queen in all public deeds, as the affixing of his name was thereby put en- 
atirely in the power of the person who had the custody of the cachette, is manifest. The 
keeping of it, as both Buchanan and Knox affirm, was committed to Rizzio. A late 
defender of queen Mary calls in question what they relate, and seems to consider it 
cks one of their aspersions. Goodall, vol. i. p. 238. The truth of their assertion, 
"however, is now fully established by the original deed which I have mentioned. This 
I have seen and examined with attention. It is now lodged by Mr. Davidson in the 
signet-office. In it, the subscription of the king's name has evidently been made by 
a cachette with printer's ink. 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. 253 

Some of Mary's letters to Bothwell were written before 
the murder of her husband ; some of them after that event, 
and before her marriag-e to Bothwell. Those which are 
prior to the death of her husband abound with the fondest 
expressions of her love to Bothwell, and excite something 
more than a suspicion that their familiarity liad been ex- 
tremely criminal. We find in them too, some dark expres- 
sions, which her enemies employed to prove that she was 
no stranger to the schemes which were formed against her 
husband's life. Of this kind are the following passages : 
" Alace ! I never dissavit ony body ; but I remit me alto- 
gidder to zour will. Send me advertisement quhat I sail 
do, and quhatsaever thing come thereof, I sail obey zow. 
Advise to with zourself, gif ze can find out ony mair secret 
inventioun by medicine, for he suld tak medicine and the 
bath at Craigmillar." Good. ii. 22. " See not hirquhais 
fenzeit teiris suld not be sa meikle praisit and estemit, as 
the trew and faithfull travellis qukilk I sustene for to merit 
hir place. For obtaining of the quhilk, againis my natu- 
ral, I betrayis thame that may impesche me. God forgive 
me," &c. Ibid 27. " I have walkit later thairup, than I 
wald have done, gif it had not been to draw something out 
of him, quhilk this berer will schaw zow, quhilk is the 
fairest commodity that can be offeritto excuse zour affairs." 
Ibid. 32. From the letters posterior to the death of her 
husband, it is evident that the scheme of Bothwell's seizing 
Mary by force, and carrying her along with him, was con- 
trived in concert with herself, and with her approbation.*^ 

f That letters of so much importance as those of Mary to Bothwell should have 
been entirely lost, appears to many altogether unaccountable. After being produced 
in England before Elizabeth's commissioners, they were delivered back by them to the 
earl of Murray. Good. ii. 235. He seems to have kept them in his possession during 
life. After his death, they fell into the hands of Lennox his successor, who restored 
them to the earl of Morton. Good. ii. 91. Though it be not necessarily connected 
with any of the questions which gave occasion to this Dissertation, it may perhaps 
satisfy the curiosity of some of my readers to inform tliem, that, after a very diligent 
search, which has lately been made, no copy of Mary's letters to Bothwell can be 
found in any of the public libraries in Great Britain. The only certain intelUn^ence 
concerning them, since the time of their being delivered to Morton, was communicated 
by the accurate Dr. Birch. , i,_i,.-t ,|, 

Extract of the letters of Robert Bowes, esq. ambassador from queen Elizabeth to 
the king of Scotland, written to sir Francis Walsingham, secretary of state, from the 



254 DISSERTATION ON ^^^^ 

With respect to the sonnets, sir David Dalrymple has 
proved clearly, that they must have been written after the 

original register book of Mr. Bowes's letters, from 15th of August, 1582, to 28th Sep- 
tember, 1583, in the possession of Christopher Hunter, M. D. of Durham. 

1582, 8th November, from Edinburgh. 
Albeit I have been borne in hand. That the coffer wherein were the originals of let- 
ters between the Scottish queen and the earl of Bothwell, had been delivered to sundry 
hands, and thereby was at present wanting, and unknown where it rested, yet I have 
learned certainly by the prior of Pluscardyne's means, that both the coffer and also 
the writings are eome, and now remain with the earl of Gowrie, who, I perceive, 
will be hardly entreated to make delivery to her majesty, according to her majesty's 
desire. 

This time past I have expended in searching where the coffer and writmgs were, 
wherein, witliout the help of the prior, I should have found great difficulty ; now I will 
essay Gowrie, and of my success you shall be shortly advertised. 

12th of November, 1582, from Edinburgh. 
Because I had both learned, that the casket and letters mentioned in my last, before 
these were come to the possession of the earl of Gowrie, and also found that no mean 
might prevail to win the same out of his hands without his own consent and privity ; 
in which behalf I had employed fit instruments, that nevertheless profiting nothing; 
therefore I attempted to essay himself, letting him know that the said casket and let- 
ters should have been brought to her majesty by the offer and good means of good 
friends, promising to have delivered them to her majesty before they came into his 
hands and custody, and knowing that he did bear the like affection, and was ready to 
pleasure her majesty in all things, and chiefly in this that had been thus far tendered 
to her majesty, and which thereby should be well accepted and with princely thanks 
and o^ratuity be requited to his comfort and contentment ; I moved him that they might 
be a present to be sent to her majesty from him, and that I might cause the same to be 
conveyed to her majesty, adding hereunto such words and arguments as might both 
stir up a hope of liberality, and also best effect the purpose. At the first he was loth 
to agree that they were in his possession; but I let him plainly know that I was cer- 
tainly informed that they were delivered to him by Sanders Jardin ; whereupon he 
pressed to know who did so inform me, inquiring whether the sons of the earl of Mor- 
ton had done it, or no. I did not otherwise in plain terms deny or answer theirfe- 
unto, but that he might think that he had told me as the prior is ready to avouch, and 
well pleased that I shall give him to be the author thereof; after he had said [though] 
all these letters were in his keeping (which he would neither grant nor deny), yet he 
tnight not deliver them to any person without the consents and privities, as well of the 
king, that had interest therein, as also of the rest of the noblemen enterprisers of the 
action against the king's mother, and that would have them kept as an evidence to 
warrant and make good that action. And albeit I replied, that their action ib thjA 
part touching the assignation of the crown to the king by his mother, had received such 
establishment, confirmation, and strength, by acts of parliaments and other public au- 
thority and instruments, as neither should that case be suffered to coiiae in debate .6r 
question, nor such scrolls and papers ought to be shewed for the strengthening thereof, 
so as these might well be left and be rendered to the hands of her majesty, to whom 
they were destined before they fell in his keeping ; yet he would not be removed or 
satisfied; concluding, after much reasonings, that the earl of Morton, nor any other 
that had the charge and keeping thereof, durst at any time make delivery ; and be- 
cause it was the first time that I had moved him therein, and that be would gladly 
both answer her majesty's good expectation in him, and also perform his duty due to 
his sovereign and associates in the action aforesaid ; therefere he \<^ould sefek out the 
said casket and letters, at his return to his house, which he thought should be within 
a short time ; and upon finding of the same, and better advice and consideration had 
of the cause, he would give farther answer. This resolution 1 have received as tt> the 
thing ; and for the present I could not better, leaving him to give her majesty Such tes- 
timony of his good will towards her, by his frank dealing herein, as she may have 
cause to confirm her highnesses good opinion conceived already of him, and be thereby 
drawn to greater goodness towards him. I shall still labour him both by myself and also 
by all other means ; but I greatly distrust the desired success herein. ;.: 

. ,^, " 24th of November, 1582, from Edinburgh._ 

: For the recovery of the letters in the coffer, come to the hands of the earl of Gowrie, 
I have lately moved him earnestly therein, letting him know the purpose of the-; 



KING HENRY'S MURDER, &c. agggj* 

murder of the king, and prior to Mary's marriage with 
Bothwell. But as hardly any part of my narrative iss 
founded upon what is contained in the sonnets, and as in- 
this Dissertation I have been constrained to dwell longer 
upon minute and verbal criticisms, than may be interesting 
or agreeable to many of my readers, I shall rest satisfied 

Scottish queen, both giving out that the letters are counterfeited by her rebels, and also 
seeking thereon to have them delivered to her or defaced, and that the means which 
she will make in this behalf shall be so great and eflfectual, as these writings cannot 
be siafely kept in that realm without dangerous offence of him that hath the custody 
thereof, neither shall he that is once known to have ihem be suft'ered to hold them in 
his hands. Herewith I have at large opened the perils likely to fall to that action, 
and the parties therein, and particularly to himself that is now openly known to have 
the possession of these writings, and I have letten him see what surety it shall bring 
to the said cause and all the parties therein, and to himself, that these writings may 
be with secrecy and good order committed to the keeping of her majesty, that will 
have them ready whensoever any use shall be for them, and by her highnesses coun- 
tenance defend them and the parties from such wrongful objections as shall be laid 
against them, offering at length to him, that if he be not fully satisfied herein, or 
doubt that the rest of the associates shall not like of the delivery of them to her ma- 
jesty in this good manner, and for the interest rehearsed, that I shall readily, upon 
meeting and conference with them, procure their assent in this part (a matter more 
easy to offer than to perform) ; and lastly, moving him that (for the secrecy and benefit 
of the cause, and that her majesty's good opinion towards himself may be linrily settled 
and confirmed by his acceptable forwardness herein) he would, without needless scru- 
ple, frankly commit these writings to her majesty's good custody for the good uses re- 
ceived. After long debate he resolved, and said, that he would unfeignedly shew and 
do to her majesty all the pleasure that he might without offence to the king his sove- 
reign, and prejudice to the associates in the action, and therefore he would first make 
search and view the said letters, and herein take advice what he might do, and how 
far he might satisfy and content her majesty ; promising thereon to give more reso- 
lute answer; and he concluded flatly that after he had found and seen the writings, 
that he might not make delivery of them without the privity of the king. Albeit I 
stood along ^\'ith him against his resolution in this point, to acquaint the king with 
this matter before the letters were in the hands of her majesty, letting him see that his 
doings there should admit great danger to the cause ; yet I could not remove him from 
it. It may be that he meaneth to put over the matter from himself to the king, upon 
sight whereof I shall travel effectually to obtain the king's consent, that the letters 
may be committed to her majesty's keeping, thinking it more easy to prevail herein 
with the king, in the present love and affection that he beareth to h'fer liighneS^, thah 
to win any thing at the hands of the associates in the action, whereof some principal 
of them now come and remain at the devotion of the king's mother ; in this I shall stil! 
call on Gowrie, to search out the coffer, according to his promise, and as I shall find 
him minded to do therein, so shall I do my best and whole endeavour to effect the suc^ 
cess to her majesty's best contentment. rtnrti38 

2d December, 1582, from Edinburgh. ■'* 
Because I saw good opportunity offered to renew the matter to the earl of Gowrie 
for recovery of the letters in the coffer in his hands, therefore I put him in mind 
thereof ; whereupon he told me that the duke of Lennox had sought earnestly to have 
had those letters, and that the king did know where they were, so as they could not 
be delivered to her majesty without the king's privity and consent, and he pretended 
to be still willing to pleasure her majesty in the same, so far as he may with his duty 
to the king and to the rest of the associates in that action ; but I greatly distrust to 
effect this to her majesty's pleasure, wherein, nevertheless, I shall do my utmost en- 
deavours. 

Whether James VI. whoput the earl of Gowrie to death, A. D: 1584, and seized 
all his effects, took care to destroy his mother's letters, for whose honour he was at 
that time extremely zedlotis ; whether they have perished by some unknown accident ; 
or whether they may not still remain unobserved among the archives of some of our 
great families, it is impossible to determine, .'u YUiauir.s imn i.0 7Ciii ^^loji;; siii^ili 



2e56 D[SSSERTAT10N,&c. 

with referring, for information concerning every particular 
relative to the sonnets, to Remarks on the History of Scot- 
land, Chap. XI. 

Having thus stated the proof on both sides ; having ex- 
amined at so great a length the different systems with re- 
gard to the facts in controversy ; it may be expected that 
I should now pronounce sentence. In my opinion, there 
are only two conclusions, which can be drawn from the 
facts which have been enumerated. 

One, that Both well, prompted by his ambition or love, 
encouraged by the queen "s known aversion to her husband, 
and presuming on her attachment to himself, struck the 
blow without having concerted with her the manner or 
circumstances of perpetrating that crime. That Mary, 
instead of testifying much indignation at the deed, or dis- 
covering any resentment against Bothwell who was accused 
of having committed it, continued to load him with marks 
of her regard, conducted his trial in such a manner as ren- 
dered it impossible to discover his guilt, and soon after, in 
opposition to all the maxims of decency or of prudence, 
voluntarily agreed to a marriage with him, which every 
consideration should have induced her to detest. By this 
verdict, Mary is not pronounced guilty of having contrived 
the murder of her husband, or even of having previously 
given her consent to his death ; but she is not acquitted of 
having discovered her approbation of the deed, by her be- 
haviour towards him who was the author of it. 

The other conclusion is that which Murray and his 
adherents laboured to establish. " That James, sometymme 
Earl of Bothwile, was the chief executor of the hor- 
ribill and unworthy murder, perpetrat in the person of 
umquhile King Henry of gude memory, fader to our sove- 
raine lord, and the Qiieenis lauchfull husband ; sa was she 
of the foreknowledge, counsall, devise, perswadar and com- 
mand of the said murder to be done." Good. ii. 207. 

Which of these conclusions is most agreeable to the 
evidence that has been produced, I leave my readers to 
determine. 






AN 

HISTORICAL DISQUISITION 

CONCF.llNING 

THE KNOWLEDGE WHICH THE ANCIENTS HAD OF 

INDIA; 



AND 



THE PROGRESS OF TRADE WITH THAT COUNTRY PRIOR 

TO THE DISCOVERY OF THE PASSAGE TO IT 

BY THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE : 



WITH 



AN APPENDIX, 



CONTAINING 

OBSERVATIONS ON THE CIVIL POLITY; 

THE LAWS AND JUDICIAL PROCEEDINGS; THE ARTS AND 

SCIENCES; AND RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS 

OF 

THE INDIANS. 



r 





..u 




J 3ii l' 


-a 


IJ mu'i 


'. 


llidn 



id?. 8flW Br 

VOL. II. S 



■j k 



ffoidw s-gbb 

e!toD0i>3B sdi XI; 



fr, r 



'lo ano <njBi8pbn.l '1' 
^TRsqqx? gfiii lex; 

.hdi \[lu1 siOi. ^ 

ubnl 1q bsd atasioaA .. 

do si Isflw Jii.f 
dt .d.">: 



-sd ba£ . 
iijfli ban 
^ni bn- 

bsmi; 
i oq rfoi.. 

lo 991 

'isffto ym 
sbuiiaflog ea 



aofloiaw 



'.sborn 
? fiioii no 



■'..-a i)' 



•ff 1 flotiiY/ diiw 
dgildfjq woit 

>l^ii9bntf iM 



T45i 



SlOiilJiJJs 3iil 



PREFACE. 



The perusal of Major RennelFs Memoir for illustrating 
his Map of Indostan, one of the most valuable geographical 
treatises that has appeared in any age or country, gave rise 
to the follow^ing work. It suggested to me the idea ol 
examining more fully than I had done in the Introductory 
Book to my History of America, into the knowledge which 
the Ancients had of India, and of considering what is cer- 
tain, what is obscure, and what is fabulous, in the accounts 
of that country which they have handed down to us. In 
undertaking this inquiry, I had originally no other object 
than my own amusement and instruction : but in carrying- 
it on, and consulting with diligence the authors of anti- 
quity, some facts, hitherto unobserved, and many which 
had not been examined with proper attention, occurred ; 
new views opened ; my ideas gradually extended and be- 
came more interesting ; until, at length, I imagined that 
the result of my researches might prove amusing and in- 
structive to others, by exhibiting such a view of the various 
modes in which intercourse with India had been carried 
on from the earliest times, as might shew how much that 
great branch of commerce has contributed, in every age, to 
increase the wealth and power of the nations which pos- 
sessed it. 

Thus the Historical Disquisition which I now lay before 
the reader was begun and completed. What degree of 
merit it possesses, the public must determine. My grate- 
ful recoUeciion of the favourable manner in which my other 
works have been received, naturally increases the solicitude 
with which I wait for its decision concerning this which I 
now publish. 

When I first turned my thoughts to this subject, I was 
so fully aware of the disadvantage under which I laboured 
in undertaking to describe countries of which I had not 
any local knowledge, that I have been at the utmost pains 
to guard against any errors which this might occasion. I 
have consulted, with persevering industry, the works of all 
the authors I could procure, who have given any account 

s2 



260 PREFACE. 

of India; I have never formed any decided opinion, which 
was not supported by respectable authority ; and as I have 
the good fortune to reckon among the number of my friends 
some gentlemen who have filled important stations, civil 
and military, in India, and who have visited many different 
parts of it, I had recourse frequently to them, and from 
their conversation learned things which I could not have 
found in books. Were it proper to mention their names, 
the public would allow that, by their discernment and 
abilities, they are fully entitled to the confidence which I 
have placed in them. 

In the progress of the work, I became sensible of my 
own deficiency with respect to another point. In order to 
give an accurate idea of the imperfection both of the theory 
and practice of navigation among the Ancients, and to ex- 
plain, with scientific precision, the manner in which they 
ascertained the position of places, and calculated their 
longitude and latitude, a greater portion of mathematical 
knowledge was requisite, than my attention to other studies 
had permitted me to acquire. What I wanted, the friend- 
ship of my ingenious and respectable colleague, Mr. Play- 
fair, Professor of Mathematics, has supplied ; and I have 
been enabled by him to elucidate all the points I have men- 
tioned, in a manner which, I am confident, will afford my 
readers complete satisfaction. To him, likewise, I am in- 
debted for the construction of two maps necessary for illus- 
trating this Disquisition, which without his assistance I 
could not have undertaken. 

I have adhered, in this work, to an arrangement I fol- 
owed in my former compositions, and to which the public 
has been long accustomed. I have kept historical narra- 
tive as much separate as possible from scientific and critical 
discussion, by reserving the latter for Notes and Illustra- 
tions. I flatter myself that I may claim, without presump- 
tion, the merit of having examined with diligence what I 
submit to public inspection, and of having referred, with 
scrupulous accuracy, to the authors from whom I have 
derived iniormation. 



fe 



College of. £dinbukch, May 10, 1791. 



' 03'i-g9b sdi 



'imigho odT 



lioixlw ^noimqo bsbiosib yns bsmToi lavyn j^sd I isibnlvio 
3vsd I'ejs bfiiJ j \ihodiuB -.^<-'~ ' " '- - • 

''-^ "■^rjijjg ixT^Jioq. AN '-^J-ii-i 

HISTORICAL DISQUISITION "''" 

..^00 I jrfoixiv- CONCERNING 



ivi wj f '■''^' "* ~ . ------ v^ ^t ' :.i>Q 






^ANCIENT INDIA. 



SECT. I. 



Intercourse with India, from the earliest Times until the Conquest of 
Egypt by the Romans. 

Whoever attempts to trace the operations of men in re- 
mote timeS; and to mark the various steps of their proo-ress 
in any line of exertion, will soon have the mortification to 
find, that the period of authentic history is extremely limited. 
It is little more than three thousand years since the Books 
of Moses, the most ancient and only general record of what 
passed in the early ages of the world, were composed. He- 
rodotus, the most ancient Heathen historian whose works 
have reached us, flourished a thousand years later. If we 
push our inquiries concerning any point beyond the era 
where written history commences, we enter upon the region 
of conjecture, of fable, and of uncertainty. Upon that 
ground I will neither venture myself, nor endeavour to con- 
duct my readers. In my researches concerning the inter- 
course between the Eastern and Western regions of the 
earth, and concerning the pi-ogress of that great branch of 
trade, which, in every age, has contributed so conspicuously 
towards raising the people who carried it on to wealth and 
power, I shall confine myself within the precincts I have 
marked out. Wherever the inspired writers, intent upon 
higher objects, mention occasionally any circumstance that 
tends to illustrate the subject of my inquiries, I shall at- 
tend to it with reverence. Whatever other writers relate, 
I shall examine with freedom, and endeavour to ascertain 
the degree of credit to which they are entitled. 

The original station allotted to man by his Creator, was 



261 ANCIENT INDIA. 

in the mild and fertile regions of tlie East. There the hu- 
maa race began its career of improvement ; and from the 
remains of sciences which were anciently cultivated, as 
well as of arts which were anciently exercised in India, we 
may conclude it to be one of the first countries in which 
men made any considerable progress in that career. The 
wisdom of the East was early celebrated,'' and its produc- 
tions were early in request among distant nations.'' The 
intercourse, however, between different countries was car- 
ried on at first entirely by land. As the people of the 
East appear soon to have acquired complete dominion over 
the useful animals,'' they could early undertake the long 
and toilsome journeys which it was necessary to make, in 
order to maintain this intercourse ; and by the provident 
bounty of Heaven, they were furnished with a beast of 
burden, without whose aid it would have been impossible 
to accomplish them. The camel, by its persevering strength, 
by its moderation in the use of food, and the singularity of 
its internal structure, which enables it to lay in a stock of 
water sufficient for several days, put it in their power to 
convey bulky commodities through those deserts, which 
must be traversed by all who travel from any of the coun- 
tries west of the Euphrates towards India. Trade was car- 
ried on in this manner, particularly by the nations near to 
the Arabian gulf, from the earliest period to which histo- 
rical information reaches. Distant journeys, however, would 
be undertaken at first only occasionally, and by a few ad- 
venturers. But, by degrees, from attention to their mutual 
safety and comfort, numerous bodies of merchants assem- 
bled at stated times, and forming a temporary association 
(known afterward by the name of a Caravan), governed by 
officers of their own choice, and subject to regulations of 
which experience had taught them the utility, they per- 
formed journeys of such extent and duration, as appear as- 
tonishing to nations not accustomed to this mode of carry- 
ing on commerce. .^„^v^..„,.,„j.u ...~-.:---.w^ .i-j 

iiitiijBut, notwithstanding every improvement that" could be 

' 1 Kings, iv. 30. i> Geii. xxxvii. *2n. '' Gtn. xii. 16. xxiv. 10, 11. 



AiOSECT. I. '26S 

made in the manner of conveying the productions of one 
country to another by land, the inconveniences which at- 
tended it were obvious and unavoidable. Tt was often dan- 
gerous; always expensive, and tedious, and fatiguing. A 
method of communication more easy and expeditious was 
sought, and the ingenuity of man gradually discovered, 
that the rivers, the arais of the sea, and even the ocean it- 
self, were destined to open and facilitate intercourse with 
the various regions of the earth, between which they ap- 
pear, at first view, to be placed as insuperable barriers. Na- 
vigation, however, and ship-building (as I have observed 
in another work*^), are arts so nice and complicated, that 
they require the talents as well as experience of many suc- 
cessive ages, to bring them to any degree of perfection. 
From the raft or canoe, which first served to carry a savage 
over the river that obstructed him in the chase, to the con- 
struction of a vessel capable of conveying a numerous 
crew, or a considerable cargo of goods, to a distant coast, 
the progress of improvement is immense. Many efforts 
would be made, many experiments would be tried, and 
much labour as well as ingenuity would be employed, be- 
fore this arduous and important undertaking could be ac- 
complished. 

Even after some improvement was made in ship-build- 
ing, the intercourse of nations with each other by sea was 
far from being extensive. From the accounts of the earliest 
historians, we learn, that navigation made its first efforts 
in the Mediterranean and the Arabian gulf, and in themthe 
first active operations of commerce were carried on. From 
an attentive inspection of the position and form of these two 
great inland seas, these accounts appear to be highly pro- 
'^bable. These seas lay open the continents of Europe, Asia, 
and Africa, and spreading to a great extent along the 
coasts of the most fertile and most early civilized countries 
in each, seem to have been destined by nature to facilitate 
their communication with one another. We find, accord- 
ingly, that the first voyages of the Egyptians and Pheni- 

"i See vol. V. p. 24. 



,^. ANCIENT INDIA. 



^1 the most ancient navigators mentioned in history j. 
were made in the Mediterranean. Their trade, however, 
was not long confined to the countries bordering upon it^ 
By acquiring early possession of ports on the Arabian gulf, 
they extended the sphere of their commerce, and are re- 
presented as the first people of the West who opened a 
communication by sea with India. 

J In that account of the progress of navigation and dis- 
covery which I prefixed to the History of America, I con- 
sidered with attention the maritime operations of the 
Egyptians and Phenicians ; a brief review of them here, 
as far as they relate to their connexion with India, is all 
that is requisite for illustrating the subject of my present 
inquiries. With respect to the former of these people, the 
information which history affords is slender, and of doubt-^ 
ful authority. The fertile soil and mild climate of Egypt 
produced the necessaries and comforts of life in such pro- 
fusion, as to render its inhabitants so independent of other 
countries, that it became early an established maxim in 
their policy, to renounce all intercourse with foreigners. 
In consequence of this, they held all seafaring persons in 
detestation, as impious and profane ; and fortifying their 
harbours, they denied strangers admission into them.^ 

i,,The enterprising ambition of Sesostris, disdaining the 
restraints imposed upon it by these contracted ideas of his 
subjects, prompted him to render the Egyptians a com,^.,a 
mercial people ; and in the course of his reign he so com- ^ 
pletely accomplished this, that (if we may give credit to -^ 
some historians) he was able to fit out a fleet of four hunj?tb 
dred ships in the Arabian gulf, which conquered all the "^ 
countries stretching along the Erythrean sea to India. At 
the same time his army, led by himself, marched through - 
Asia, and subjected to his dominion every part of it as far ' 
as to the banks of the Ganges ; and crossing that river, ad- 
vanced to the Eastern Ocean. ^ But these efforts produced 
nq pii^rinanent effect, and appear to. have beeiL so contrary.-' 

*;+ff^Wr^;»c^l-Up.,i.,p.,'?)a, edit!. Wesselingi. Amst. 1476. Strab. Geog, lib. xvii.T»'f 
^ m- )i4* ?'%;C;asaub. Amst. 170?. , C Diod. Sic. lib. i. p. 64»»fiJ tovaa djihaom 



toth6 g^niils and habits of the EgyptiaWs;tliat; on the' deafK^ 
of Sesostris, they resumed their ancient maxims, and many 
ages elapsed before the commercial connexion of Eg}^pt with 
India came to be of such importance as to merit any notice 
in this Disquisition.^'-'- *f;^A« .»* ..-^ ■;,--- 

5 Credulity and scepticism are two opposite extremes into which men are aptf^TttBr', 
in examining the events which are said to have happened in the early ages of anti- 
quity. Without incurring any suspicion of a propensity to the latter of these, 1 may be 
allowed to entertain doubts concerning the expedition of Sesostris into India, and his 
conquest of that country. 1 . Few facts in ancient history seem to be better establish- 
ed, dianthat of the early aversion of the Egyptians to a seafaring life. Even the power 
of despotism cannot at once change the ideas and manners of a nation, especially when 
they have been confirmed by long habit, and rendered sacred by the sanction of reli- 
gion. That Sesostris, in the course of a few years, should have so entirely overcome 
the prejudices of a superstitious people, as to be able to fit out four hundred ships of 
force, in the Arabian gulf, besides another fleet which he had in the Mediterranean, 
appears to be extremely improbable. Armaments of such magnitude would require the 
utmost efibrts of a great and long-established maritime power. — 2. It is remarkable 
that Herodotus, who inquired with the most persevering diligence into the ancient his- 
tory of Egypt, and who received all the information concerning it which the priests of 
Memphis, Heliopolis, and Thebes could communicate, Herodot. Edit. Wesselingij, 
lib. ii. c. c. 3, although he relates the history of Sesostris at some length, does not men- 
tion his conquest of India, lib. ii. c. 102, &c. That tale, it is probable, was invented 
in the period between the age of Herodotus and that of Diodorus Siculus, from whom 
we receive a particular detail of the Indian expedition of Sesostris. His account rests 
entirely upon the authority of the Egjrptian priests ; and Diodorus himself not only 
gives it as his general opinion, that many things which they related, flowed rather 
from a desire to promote the honour of their country, than from attention to truth," lib. 
i. p. o4. edit. Wesselingij, Amst. 1746 ; but takes particular notice that the Egyptian 
priests, as well as the Greek writers, differ widely from one another in the accounts 
which they give of the actions of Sesostris, lib. i. p. 62. — 3. Though Diodorus asserts 
that in relating the history of Sesostris he had studied to select tvhat appeared to him 
most probable, and most agreeable to the monuments of that monarch still remaining 
in Egypt, he has admitted into his narrative many marvellous circumstances, which 
render the whole extremely suspicious. The father of Sesostris, as he relates, collected 
all the male children who were born in Egypt on the same day witli his son, in 
order that they might be educated together with him conformable to a mode which he ^ 
prescribed with a view of preparing them as proper instruments to carry into execu- ' 
tion the great undertakings for which he destined Sesostris. Accordingly, when S^r^^. 
sostris set out upon his Indian expedition, which from circumstances mentioned By 
Diodorus, must have been about the fortieth year of his age, one thousand seven 
hundred of his youthful associates are said to have been still alive, and wer4 intrusted 
with high command in his army. But if we apply to the examination of this story the 
certain principles of political arithmetic, it is evident, that if one thousand seven hun- 
dred of the male children bom on the same day with Sesostris were alive when his 
great expedition commenced, the number of children bom in Egypt on each day of the - 
year must have been at least ten thousand, and the population of the kingdom must 
have exceeded sixty millions ; Goguet I'Origine des Loix, des Arts, &c. torn. ii. p. 12,' > 
&c., a number far beyond the bounds of credibility, in a kingdom which, from the ac- . . 
curate calculations of M. D'Anville, Memoire sur I'Egypt Anc. et Moderne, p. 23,&c^/'^ 
does not contain more than two thousand one hundred square leagues of habitable i 
country. Decline and Fall of the Rom. Emp. vol. v. p. 348. Another marvellous 
particular is the description of a ship of cedar, four hundred and ninety feet in length, 
covered on the outside with gold, and on the inside with silver, which Sesostris con- 
secrated to the deity who was the chief object of worsliip at Thebes. Lib. i. p. 67^^ 
Such too is the account he gives of the Egyptian army, in which, beside 600,000 infantry, 
and 24,000cavalry, there were 27,000 armed chariots. Ibid. p. 64. — 4. Theseandother 
particulars appeared so far to exceed the bounds of probability, that the sound under- 
standing of Strabo the geographer rejected, without hesitation, the accounts of die Indian 
expedition of Sesostris ; and he not only asserts, in the most explicit terms, that this 
monarch never entered India, lib. xv. p. 1007. C. edit. Casaub, Amst. 1707 ; but he ' ' 



266 ANCIENT INDIA. 

fI)The history of the early maritime operations of Phenicia 
is not involved in the same obscurity with those of Egypt. 
Every circumstance in the character and situation of the 
Phenicians was favourable to the commercial spirit. The 
territory which they possessed was neither large nor fertile. 
It was from commerce only that they could derive either 
opulence or power. Accordingly, the trade carried on by 
the Phenicians of Sidon and Tyre was extensive and ad- 
venturous ; and, both in their manners and policy, they re- 
semble the great commercial states of modern times, more 
than any people in the ancient world. Among the various 
branches of their commerce, that with India may be re- 
garded as one of the most considerable and most lucrative. 
As by their situation on the Mediterranean, and the im- 
perfect state of navigation, they could not attempt to open 
a direct communication with India by sea ; the enterpris- 
ing spirit of commerce prompted them to wrest from the 
Idumaeans some commodious harbours towards the bottom 
of the Arabian gulf. From these they held a regular inter- 
course with India on the one hand, and with the eastern 
and southern coasts of Africa on the other. The distance, 
however, from the Arabian gulf to Tyre was considerable, 
and rendered the conveyance of goods to it by land carriage 
so tedious and expensive, that it became necessary for them 
to take possession of Rhinocolura the nearest port in the 
Mediterranean to the Arabian gulf. Thither all the commo- 
dities brought from India were conveyed over land by a route 
much shorter, and more practicable, than that by which 
the productions of the East were carried at a subsequent 
period from the opposite shore of the Arabian gulf to the 
N'ife^ At Rhinocolura they were reshipped, and transported 

ranks what Las been related concerning his operations in that country with the faliu- 
lous exploits of Bacchus and Hercules, p. 1007. D. 1009- B. The philosophical histo- 
rian of Alexander the Great seems to have entertained the same sentiments with re- 
spect to the exploits of Sesostris in India. Hist. Ind. c. 5. Arrian. Eped. Alex. edit. 
Gronov. L. Bat. 1704. — What slender information concerning India or its inhabitants, 
Herodotus had received, seems to have been derived, not from the Egyptians, but 
from the Persians, lib. iii. c. 105 ; which renders it probable, that in his time there 
was little intercourse between Egypt and India. If Reland be well founded in his opi- 
nion, that many of the words mentioned by ancient authors as Indian are really Per- 
sian, we may conclude that there was an early intercourse between Persia and India, 
of which hardly any trace remains in history. Reland. Dissert, de Veteri Lingua Indie, 
•ap. Dissert. Miscel. vol. i. p. 209. 



^Tfi SECT. I. 2G7 

by an easy navigation to Tyre,'' and distributed through 
the world. This, as it is the earliest route of communicas. 
tion with India of which, we have any authentic descrip4 
tion, had so many advantages over any ever known before' 
the modern discovery of a new course of navigation to the 
East, that the Phenicians could supply other nations with 
the productions of India in greater abundance, and at a 
cheaper rate, than any people of antiquity. To this circum- 
stance, which for a considerable time secured to them a 
monopoly of that trade, was owing, not only the extraordi- 
nary wealth of individuals, which rendered the "merchants 
of Tyre princes, and her traffickers the honourable of the 
earth ;'" but the extensive power of the state itself, which 
first taught mankind to conceive what vast resources a com- 
mercial people possess, and what great exertions they are 
capable of making.'' 

The Jews, by their vicinity to Tyre, had such an oppor- 
tunity of observing the wealth which flowed into that city 
from the lucrative commerce carried on by the Phenicians 
from their settlements on the Arabian gulf, as incited them 
to aim at obtaining some share of it. This they effected 
under the prosperous reigns of David and Solomon, partly 
by the conquests which they made of a small district in 
the land of Edom, that gave them possession of the har- 
bours of Elath and Esiongeber on the Red Sea, and partly 
by the friendship of Hiram, king of Tyre ; who enabled 
Solomon to tit out fleets, which, under the direction of 
Phoenician pilots, sailed to Tarshish and Ophir.' In what 
region of the earth we should search for these famous p/jcts. 

■ '■■■. I 

'' Diod. Sic. lib. i. p. 70. Strab. lib. xvi. p. 1128, A. ' Isaiali x.viii. 8. 

■^ When we consider the extent and effects of the Phenician commerce, the scanty 
information concerning it which we receive from ancient writers must, on a lirst view, 
appear surprising. But when we recollect that all the Greek historians (Herodotus 
excepted), who give any account of the Phenicians, published their works long after tho 
destruction of I'yre by Alexander the Great, we will cease to wonder at their not 
having entered into minute details with respect to a trade which was then removed to 
new seats, and carried on in other channels. But the power and opulence of Tyre, iu 
the prosperous age of its commerce, must have attracted general attention- In the 
prophecies of Ezelciel, who flourished two hundred and sixty years before the fall of 
Tyre, there is the most particular account of the nature and variety of its comraercia! 
transactions that is to be found in any ancient writer, and which conveys at the same 
time a magnificent idea bf the extensive power of that state. Ch. xxvi. z.wii. 
xxViii. ^ if,'")=, "'^' 1 1 Kings ix. 26; x. 2S!. 



26a ahrfco 9rft rANCIENT INDIA.W fiOi*BDinmnmo3 

which furnished the navy of Solomon with the various 
commodities enumerated by the sacred historians, is an 
inquiry that has long exercised the industry of learned 
men. They were early supposed to be situated in some 
part of India, and the Jews were held to be one of the 
nations which traded with that country. But the opinion 
more generally adopted is, that Solomon's fleets, after 
passing the straits of Babelmandeb, held their course along 
the south-west coast of Africa, as far as the kingdom of 
Sofala, a country celebrated for its rich mines of gold and 
silver (from which it has been denominated the golden 
Sofala, by oriental writers),"" and abounding in all the 
other articles which composed the cargoes of the Jewish 
ships. This opinion, which the accurate researches of 
M. D'Anville rendered highly probable," seems now to be 
established with the utmost certainty by a late learned 
traveller ; who by his knowledge of the monsoons in the 
Arabian gulf, and his attention to the ancient mode of 
navigation, both in that sea and along the African coast, 
has not only accounted for the extraordinary length of 
time which the fleets of Solomon took in going and return- 
ing, but has shewn, from circumstances mentioned con- 
cerning the voyage, that it was not made to any place in 
India." The Jews, then, we may conclude, have no title ^ 
to be reckoned among the nations which carried on inter- ; 
Course with India by sea ; and if, from deference to tha 
sentiments of some respectable authors, their claim were 5 
to be admitted, we know with certainty, that the com- 
mercial effort which they made in the reign of Solomon 
was merely a transient one, and that they quickly returned 
to their former state of unsocial seclusion from the rest of 

mankind.-" ^-i^jt^ij ^^^ ^... ^ T r V r t r* 

?-From collectirig the scanty inforriiation which histofy 
affords, concerning the most early attempts to open a com- 
mercial intercourse with India, I now proceed, with more 
certainty and greater confidence, to trace the progress of 

™ Notices des MSS, du Roi, torn. ii. p. 40. 

" Dissert, sur le Pays d'Ophir. Mem. de Literat. torn, xxx, p. 83, &c. 

» Bruce's Travels, book ii. ch. 4. 



SECT. 1. 2G9 

communication with that country, under the guidance 'of 
authors who recorded events nearer to their own times, 
and with respect to which they had received more full and 
accurate intelligence„,^j b^Hi-rt^yJj -rioi ^£:. ..uj Yiaji>iii 
Thfe first establishment of any foreign power in India 
which can be ascertained by evidence meriting any de- 
gree of credit, is that of the Persians ; and even of this we 
have only a very general and doubtful account. Darius, 
the son of Hystaspes, though raised to the throne of Persia 
by chance or by artifice, possessed such active and enter- 
prising talents, as rendered him worthy of that high sta-^ 
tion. He examined the different provinces of his kingdom 
more diligently than any of his predecessors, and explored 
regions of Asia formerly little known.P Having subjected 
to his dominion many of the countries which stretched 
south-east from the Caspian sea, towards the river Oxus, 
his curiosity was excited to acquire a more extensive and 
accurate knowledge of India, on which they bordered. 
With this view he appointed Scylax of Caryandra to take 
the command of a squadron fitted out at Caspatyrus, in 
the country of Pactya [the modern Pehkely], towards the 
upper part of the navigable course of the river Indus, and 
to fall down its stream until he should reach the ocean. 
This Scylax performed, though it should seem with much 
difficulty, and notwithstanding many obstacles; for he 
spent no less than two years and six months in conducting 
his squadron from the place where he embarked, to thQ> 
Arabian gulf.'' The account which he gave of the popu^L^ 
lousness, fertility, and high cultivation of that region of 
India through which his course lay, rendered Darius im- 
patient to become master of a country so valuable. This 
he soon accomplished ; and though his conquests in India 
seem not to have extended beyond the district watered by 
the Indus, we are led to form a high idea of its opulence, 
as well as the number of its inhabitants, in ancient times, 
when we learn that the tribute which he levied from it 
was near a third part of the whole revenue of the Persia^^ 

P Herodot. lib. iv. c. 4-i. i Id. c. 42. 44. 

i 9l 108 .naaaiCI '" 



iU'J rC.i.3 



270 ANCIENT INJ3IA. 

monarchy/ But neither this voyage of Scylax, nW tlie' 
conquests of Darius, to which it gave rise, diffused any 
general knowledge of India. The Greeks, who were the 
only enlightened race of men at that time in Europe, paid 
but little attention to the transactions of the people whom 
they considered as barbarians, especially in countries far 
remote from their own ; and Scylax had embellished the 
narrative of his voyage with so many circumstances mani- 
festly fabulous,^ that he seems to have met with the just 
punishment to which persons who have a notorious pro- 
pensity to what is marvellous are often subjected, of being 
listened to with distrust, even when they relate what is ex- 
actly true. 

About a hundred and sixty years after the reign of 
Darius Hystaspes, Alexander the Great undertook his 
expedition into India. The wild sallies of passion, the 
indecent excesses of intemperance, and the ostentatious 
displays of vanity, too frequent in the conduct of this ex- 
traordinary man, have so degraded his character, that the 
pre-eminence of his merit, either as a conqueror, a poli- 
tician, or a legislator, has seldom been justly estimated. 
The subject of my present inquiry leads me to consider his 
operations only in one light, but it will enable me to ex- 
hibit a striking view of the grandeur and extent of his 
plans. He seems, soon after his first successes in Asia, to 
have formed the idea of establishing a universal monarchy, 
and aspired to the dominion of the sea, as well as of the 
land. From the wonderful efforts of the Tyrians in their 
own defence, when left without any ally or protector, he 
conceived a high opinion of the resources of maritime 
power, and of the wealth to be derived from commerce, 
especially that with India, which he found engrossed by 

•■ Herodot. lib. iii. c. 90 — 96. The account given of the revenue of the Persian mo- 
narchy by Herodotus is curious, and seems to have been copied from some public re- 
cord, which had been communicated to him. According to it the Persian empire was 
divided into twenty satrapy s, or governments. The tribute levied from each is spe- 
cified, amounting in all to 14,560 Euboean talents, which Dr. Arbuthnot reckons to 
be equal to 2,803,477i, sterling money ; a sum extremely small for the revenue of the 
Great King, and which ill accords with many facts, concerning the riches, magni- 
ficence, and luxury of the East, that occur in ancient authors. 

s Philostr. Vita Apoll. lib. iii. c. 47, and Note 3d of Olearius Tzetzet, Chiliad, 
vii. ver. 630. 



SECT. I. 271 

the citizens of Tyre. With a view to secure this com- 
merce, and to establish a station for it, preferable in many 
respects to that of Tyre, as soon as he completed the con- 
quest of Egypt, he founded a city near one of the mouths 
of the Nile, which he honoured with his own name ; and 
with such admirable discernment was the situation of it 
chosen, that Alexandria soon became the greatest trading 
city in the ancient world ; and, notwithstanding many suc- 
cessive revolutions in empire, continued during eighteen 
centuries, to be the chief seat of commerce with India.' 
Amidst the military operations to which Alexander was 
soon obliged to turn his attention, the desire of acquiring 
the lucrative commerce which the Tyrians had carried on 
with India, was not relinquished. Events soon occurred, 
that not only confirmed and added strength to this desire, 
but opened to him a prospect of obtaining the sovereignty 
of those regions which supplied the rest of mankind with 
so many precious commodities. 

After his final victory over the Persians, he was led in 
pursuit of the last Darius, and of Bessus, the murderer of 
that unfortunate monarch, to traverse that part of Asia 
which stretches from the Caspian sea beyond the river 
Oxus. He advanced towards the east as far as Mara- 
canda," then a city of some note, and destined in a future 
period, under the modern name of Samarcand, to be the 
capital of an empire not inferior to his own either in ex- 
tent or in power. In a progress of several months through 
provinces hitherto unknown to the Greeks, in a line of 
march often approaching near to India, and among people 
accustomed to much intercourse with it, he learned many 
things concerning the state of a country" that had been 
long the object of his thoughts and wishes,^ which increased 
his desire of invading it. Decisive and prompt in all his 
resolutions, he set out from Bactria, and crossed that ridge 
of mountains which, under various denominations, forms 
the.Stony Girdle (if I may use an expression of the orien- 

* See vol. V. p. 35. " Arrian, iii. c. SO. 

" Strabo, XV. p. 1021. A. > Aman, iv. c. 15. 



JZ7^ ANCIENT INDIA. 

jytai geographers) which e^cjj^leg. 4si^,, .and constitutes the 
northern barrier of India. -, . :; .x , • . ? >/ • nh 

• The most practicable avenue to every country, it isol^ 
yipus, must be formed by circumstances in its natural situ^ 
Ration, such as the defiles which lead through mountains, 
the course of rivers, and the places where they may be 
passed with the greatest ease and safety. In no place of 
the earth is this line of approach marked and defined more 
conspicuously, than on the northern frontier of India ; 
insomuch that the three great invaders of this country," 
Alexander, Tamerlane, and Nadir Shah, in three distant 
ages, and with views and talents extremely different, ad- 
vanced by the same route, with very little deviation.'; 
Alexander had the merit of having first discovered the 
way. After passing the mountains, he encamped at Alex- 
andria Paropamisana, not far from the mountains denomi-i 
nated the Indian Caucasus, by his historians, now knowBb 
by the name of Hindoo Kho;^ and having subdued or con-f 
ciliated the nations seated on the north-west bank of the;a 
Indus, he crossed the river at Taxila, now Attock, where^ 
its stream is so tranquil that a bridge can be thrown overg 
it with greater ease than at any other place.'' y» m\'l6& 

^ In the second edition of his Memoir, Major Rennel gives the modem names of the *" 
Hydaspes, with some variation in their orthography, Behut and Ihylam. 'niitt 

» Rennell, Mem. p. 92. Major Rennell, in the second edition of his Memoir, naS "' 
Praced, from very imperfect materials, the routes by which Alexander, TamerlanejiJif 
and Nadir Shah, penetrated into India, with a degree of accuracy which does honour^, 
to his discernment, and displays the superiority of his knowledge, in the ancient and JS 
modem geography of that country. His researches he has illustrated by an additional^ 
map. To these, I must refer my readers. Nor are they to consider his laborious in- ' -^ 
vestigation merely as an object of curiosity ; the geography of that fertile and exten-,,.^ 
sive region of India, distinguished by the name of Panjab, with which we are at pre- 
sent little acquainted, may soon become very interesting. If, on the one hand, that , , ^ 
firin foundation on which the British empire in India seems to be established, by the ;' 
successful termination of the late war, remains unshaken ; — if on the other hand, the 'i (I 
Seiks, a confederacy of several independent states, shall continue to extend their do- t 
minions with the same rapidity that they have advanced since the beginning of the^** 
current century; it is highly probable that the enterprising conunercial spirit of the ,3 4 
one people, and the martial ardour of the other, who still retain the activity and ar- 
dour natural to men in the earliest ages of social union, may give rise to events of the 
greatest moment. The frontiers of the two states are approaching gradually nearer 
and nearer to each other, the territories of the Seiks having reached to the western 
bank of the river Jumnah, while those of the nabob of Oude stretch along its eastern 
bank. This nabob, the ally or tributary of the East India Company, is supported by 
a brigade of the Bengal army, constantly stationed on his western frontier. Ren. 
Mem. Introd. p. cxvi. In a position so contiguous, rivalry for power, interference of 
interest, and innumerable other causes of jealousy and discord, can hardly fail of ter- 
minatiog, sooner or later, in open hostility. The Seiks possess the whole Soubah of ,^0' 
Lahore, the principal part of Moultan, aud the western part of Delhi, The dimen 



J 07 






SECT. I. *$73 

After passing' the Indus, Alexander marched forward in 
the road which leads directly to the Ganges, and the opu- 
lent provinces to the south-east, now comprehended under 
the general name of Indostan. But, on the banks of the 
Hydaspes, known in modern times by the name of the 
Betah or Chelum, he was opposed by Porus, a powerful 
monarch of the country, at the head of a numerous army. 
The war with Porus, and the hostilities in which he was 
successively engaged with other Indian princes, led him 
to deviate from his original route, and to turn more towards 
the south-west. In carrying on these operations, Alex- 
ander marched through one of the richest and best peopled 
countries of India, now called the Panjab, from the five 
great rivers by which it is watered ; and as we know that 
this march was performed in the rainy season, when even 
Indian armies cannot keep the field, it gives an idea both 
of Alexander's persevering spirit, and of the extraordinary 
vigour and hardiness of constitution, which soldiers in 
ancient times, derived from the united effects of gymnastic 
exercise and military discipline. In every step of his pro- 
gress, objects no less striking than new presented them- 
selves to Alexander. The magnitude of the Indus, even 
after he had seen the Nile, the Euphrates, and the Tigris, 
must have filled him with surprise."" No country he had 
hitherto visited was so populous and well cultivated, or 
abounded in so many valuable productions of nature and 
of art, as that part of India through which he had led his 
army. But when he was informed in every place, and 
probably with exaggerated description, how much the 
Indus was inferior to the Ganges, and how far all that he 
had hitherto beheld was surpassed in the happy regions 
through which that great river flows, it is not wonderful 

sions of this tract are about four hundred British miles from N. W. to S. E., varying 
in breadtli from three hundred and twenty to one hundred and fifty miles. Their 
capital city is Lahore. Little is known concerning their government and political 
maxims ; but they are represented as mild. In their mode of making war they are 
unquestionably savage and cruel. Their army consists almost entirely of horse ; of 
which they can bring at least one hundred thousand into the field. Maj. Ren. Mem, 
2d edit. Introd. p. cxxi. cxxii. and p. 36.5. See also Mr. Craufurd's Sketches, 2d edit. 
Tol. ii. p. 263, &c. , 

'' Striibo, lib. -w. p. 102. C & note .>. Casaui). 

VOL. II. T 



^74 ANCIENT INDIA. 

that his eagerness to view and to take possession of thein 
should have prompted him to assemble his soldiers, and 
to propose that they should resume their march, towards 
that quarter, where wealth, dominion, and fame, awaited 
them. But they had already done so much, and had suf- 
fered so greatly, especially from incessant rains and exten- 
sive inundations, that their patience as well as strength 
were exhausted,'^ and with one voice they refused to ad- 
vance farther. In this resolution they persisted with such 
sullen obstinacy, that Alexander, though possessed in the 
highest degree of every quality that gains an ascendant 
over the minds of military men, was obliged to yield, and 
to issue orders for marching back to Persia.** 

The scene of this memorable transaction was on the 

* It is surprising that Alexander did not receive, in the provinces contiguous to 
India, such an account of the periodical rains in that country, as to shew him the im- 
propriety of carrying on military operations there while these continued. His expedi- 
tion into India commenced towards the end of spring, Arrian, lib. iv. c. 2Si, when the 
rains were already begun in the mountains from which all the rivers in the Panjab 
flow, and of course they must have been considerably swelled before he arrived on 
their banks, Rennel, p. 5i68. — He passed the Hydaspes at midsummer, about the 
height of the rainy season. In a country through which so many large rivers run, an 
army on service at this time of the year must have suffered greatly. An accurate de- 
scription of the nature of the rains and inundations in this part of India, is given by 
An-ian, lib. v. c. 9 ; and one still fuller may be found in Strabo, lib. xv. 1013. — It was 
of what they suffered by these that Alexander's soldiers complained, Strabo, lib. xv. 
1021, D ; and not without reason, as it had rained incessantly during seventy days, 
Diod. Sicul. xvii. c. 94. A circumstance which marks the accuracy with which Alex- 
ander's officers had attended to every thing in that part of India, deserves notice, 
Aristobulus, in his Journal, which I have mentioned, observes that, though heavy 
rains fell in the mountains, and in the country near to them, in the plains below not 
so much as a shower fell. Strabo, lib. xv. 1013, B; 1015, B. Major Rennell was 
informed by a person of character, who had resided in this district of India, 
which is now seldom visited by Europeans, that during great part of the S. W. mon- 
Boon, or at least in the months of July, August, and part of September, which is the 
rainy season in most other parts of India, the atmosphere in the Delta of the Indus 
is generally clouded, but no rain falls except very near the sea. Indeed, very few 
showers fall during the whole season. Captain Hamilton relates, that when he vi» 
sited Tatta, no rain had fallen for three years before. Memoirs, p. 288. — Tamerlane, 
who, by the vicinity of the seat of his government to India, had the means of being 
well informed concerning the nature of the country, avoided the error of Alexander, 
and made his Indian campaign during the dry season. As Nadir Shah, both when 
he invaded India, A. D. 1738, and in his return next year, marched through the same 
countries with Alexander, and nearly in the same line of direction, nothing can give a 
more striking idea of the persevering ardour of the Macedonian conqueror, than the 
description of the difficulties which Nadir Shah had to surmount, and the hardships 
which his army endured. Though possessed of absolute power and immense wealth, 
and distingaished no less by great talents than long experience in the conduct of war, 
;. he had the mortification to lose a great part of his troops in crossing the rivers of the 
Panjab, in penetrating through the mountains to the north of India, and in conflicts 
with the fierce natives inhabiting the countries which stretch from the banks of the 
Oxus to the frontiers of Persia. An interesting account of his retreat and sufferings 
is given in the Memoirs of Khojeh Abdulkurren, a Cashmerian of distinction, who 
served in his army. ^ Arrian, v. c. 24, 25. 



banks of the Hyphasis, the modem Beyah, which was the 
utmost limit of Alexander's progress in India, From this 
it is manifest, that he did not traverse the whole extent of 
the Panjab. Its south-west boundary is formed by a river 
anciently knovra by the name of Hysudrus, and now by 
that of the Setlege, to which Alexander never approached 
nearer than the southern bank of the Hyphasis, where he 
erected twelve stupendous altars, which he intended as a 
monument of his exploits, and which (if we may believe 
the biographer of ApoUonius Tyanseus) were still re- 
maining, with legible inscriptions, when that fantastic 
sophist visited India, three hundred and seventy-three years 
after Alexander's expedition/ The breadth of the Panjab, 
from Ludhana on the Setlege to Attock on the Indus, is 
computed to be two hundred and fifty-nine geographical 
miles, in a straight line ; and Alexander's march, computed 
in the same manner, did not extend above two hundred 
miles. But both as he advanced and returned, his troops 
were so spread over the country, and often acted in so many 
separate divisions, and all his movements were so exactly 
measured and delineated by men of science, whom he kept 
in pay for the purpose, that he acquired a very extensive 
and accurate knowledge of that part of India/ 

When, upon his return, he reached the banks of the 
Hydaspes, he found that the officers to whom he had given 
it in charge to build and collect as many vessels as possi- 
ble, had executed his orders with such activity and success, 
that they had assembled a numerous fleet. As amidst the 
hurry of war, and the rage of conquest, he never lost sight 
of his pacific and commercial schemes, the destination of 
his fleet was to sail down the Indus to the ocean, and from 
its mouth to proceed to the Persian gulf, that a communi- 
cation by sea might be opened with India and the centre 
of his dominions. 
,-.£.. - The conduct of this expedition was committed to Near- 
S:^hus, an officer equal to that important trust. But as 

erij ';. 

ti^gai-.S Philostr. Vita Apollon. lib. ii. c. 43, edit. Clear. Lips, 1709. , n» 

odw ,ooij:jij£m ic f pijn. Nat. Hist. lib. vicil^t-of- K enj ni nsvia zi 



27t ANCIENT INDIA. 

Alexander was ambitious to acquire fame of every kind, 
and fond of engaging in new and splendid undertakings, 
lie himself accompanied Nearchus in his navigation down 
the river. The armament was indeed so great and mag- 
nificent, as deserved to be commanded by the conqueror of 
Asia. It was composed of an army of a hundred and 
twenty thousand men, and two hundred elephants, and of 
a fleet of near two thousand vessels, various in burden and 
form;^ on board of which one-third of the troops embarked, 
while the remainder, marching in two divisions, one on the 
right, and the other on the left, of the river, accompanied 
them in their progress. As they advanced, the nations on 
each side were either compelled or persuaded to submit.. 
Retarded by the various operations in which this engaged 
him, as well as by the slow navigation of such a fleet as 
he conducted, Alexander was above nine months before he 
reached the ocean.** 

Alexander's progress in India, in this line of direction, 
was far more considerable than that which he made by the 
route we formerly traced ; and when we attend to the 
various movements of his troops, the number of cities which 
they took, and the different states which they subdued, he 
may be said not only to have viewed, but to have explored, 
the countries through which he passed. This part of India 
has been so little frequented by Europeans in later times, 
that neither the position of places, nor their distances, can 
be ascertained with the same accuracy as in the interior pra-^ 
vinces, or even in the Panjab. But from the researches of 
Major Rennell, carried on with no less discernment than 

c>E;,.=Tliat a fleet so numerous should have been collected in such a short time, is apt 
to appear, at first sight, incredible. Arrian, however, assures us, that in specifying 
this number he followed Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, whose authority he considered to 
be of the greatest weight, lib. vi. c. 3. But as the Panjab-country is full of navigable 
rivers, on which all the intercourse among the natives was carried on, it abounded with 
vessels ready constructed to the conqueror's hands, so that he might easily collect that 
number. If we could give credit to the account of the invasion of India by Semiramis, 
»o fewer than four thousand vessels were assembled in the Indus to oppose her fleet. 
Diod. Sicul. lib. ii. c. 74. — It is remarkable, that when Mahmoud of Gazna invaded 
India, a fleet was collected on the Indus to oppose him, consisting of the same number 
of vessels. We learn from the Ayeen Akbery, that the inhabitants of this part of 
India still continue to carry on all their communication with each other by water ; 
the inhabitants of the Circar of Tatta alone have not less than forty thousand vessels of 
various constructione-iv.jV'PJ- ii. p. 143. ,,, ^u, ,,,. ^o.j ii> uc ; nii., . '- 

: .3 .£v .'dii •j?Strabo, lib. xv. p. lOH^Iog siA has TaLn^xalA dai ■ -' 
ii. fcsiiiqiija dd 0.! iip3B9i y^ne eiaaJ ai viQ/i .asiiaiae otniihtini ni eoasiotrgi tied.) 1 



industry, me distance of that place on the Hydaspes, where 
Alexander fitted out his fleet, from the ocean, cannot be less 
than a thousand British miles. Of this extensive region a 
considerable portion, particularly the upper Delta, stretch- 
ing from the capital of the ancient Malli, now Moultan, 
to Patala, the modern Tatta, is distinguished for its ferti- 
and population. .^ * , ^ ^ 

Soon after he reached the ocean, Alexander, satisfied 
with having accomplished this arduous undertaking, led 
his army by land back to Persia. The command of the 
fleet, with a considerable body of troops on board of it, he 
left to Nearchus, who, after a coasting voyage of seven 
months, conducted it safely up the Persian gulf into the 
Euphrates.''* ^^' 

* Rennell, Mem. 68, &c. ^ pijn. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 23» ~ "' - . ^-j 

* All these particulars are taken from the Indian History of Arrian, a work diflFer- 
ent from that already mentioned, and one of the most curious treatises transmitted to 
us from antiquity. The first part of it consists of extracts from the account given by 
Nearchus of the climate and soil of India, and the manners of the natives. The second 
contains that officer's journal of his voyage from the mouth of the Indus to the bottom 
of the Persian gulf. The perusal of it gives rise to several observations. — 1. It is re- 
markable that neither Nearchus, nor Ptolemy, nor Aristobulus, nor even Arrian, once 
mention tlie voyage of Scylax. This could not proceed from their being unacquainted 
with it, for Herodotus was a favourite author in the hands of every Greek who had 
any pretensions to literature. It was probably occasioned by the reasons which they 
had to distrust the veracity of Scylax, of which I have already taken notice. Accord- 
ingly, in a speech which Arrian puts into the mouth of Alexander, he asserts that, 
except Bacchus, he was the first who had passed the Indus ; which implies that he 
disbelieved what is related concerning Scylax, and was not acquainted with what Da- 
rius Hystaspes is said to have done, in order to subject that part of India to the 
Parisian crown. Arrian, vii. c. 10. This opinion is confirmed by JVIegasthenes, who 
resided a considerable time in India. He asserts that, except Bacchus aud Hercules 
(to whose fabulous expeditions Strabo is astonished that he should have given any 
credit, lib. xv. p. 1007, D), Alexander was the first who had invaded India; Arrian, 
Hist. Indie, c. 5. We are informed by Arrian, that the Assacani, and otlier people 
who possessed that country, which is now called the kingdom of Candahar , paid tributCi 
first to the Assyrians, and afterward to the Medes and Persians; Hist. Indie, c. 1. 
As all the fertile provinces on the north-west of the Indus were anciently reckoned to 
be part of India, it is probable that what was levied from them is the sum mentioned 
in the tribute-roll, from which Herodotus drew his account of the annual revenue of 
the Persian empire, and that none of the provinces to the south of the Indus were 
ever subject to the kings of Persia. — "Z. This voyage of Nearchus affords some striking 
instances of the imperfect knowledge which the ancients had of any navigation dif- 
ferent from that to which they were accustomed in the Mediterranean. Though the 
enterprising genius and enlarged views of Alexander prompted him to attempt opening 
an intercourse by sea, between India and his Persian dominions, yet both he and 
Nearchus knew so little of the ocean which they wished to explore, as to be appre- 
hensive that it might be found impossible to navigate it, on account of impervious 
straits, or other obstacles. Hist. Indie, c. 20. Q. Curt. lib. ix. c. 9. When the fleet 
arrived near the mouth of the Indus, the astonishment excited by the extraordinary 
flow and ebb of tide in the Indiiin ocean, a phenomenon (according to Arrian) with 
which Alexander and his soldiers were unacquainted, lib. vi. c. 19, is another proof 
of their ignorance in maritime science. Now is there any reason to be surprised at 
their astonishment, as the tides are hardly perceptible in the Mediterranean, beyond 



27JB ^ ANCIENT INDIA. 

I In this manner did Alexander, first open the Knowledge 
of India to the people of Europe, and an extensive district 
of it was surveyed with greater accuracy than could have 
been expected from the short time he remained in that 
country. Fortunately an exact account, not only of his 
military operations, but of every thing worthy of notice in 
the countries where they were carried on, was recorded in 
the memoirs or journals of three of his principal officers, 
Ptolemy, the son of Lagus, Aristobulus, and Nearchus. 
The two former have not, indeed, reached our times; but 
it is probable that the most important facts which they 
contained are preserved, as Arrian professes to have fol- 
lowed them as his guides in his history of the expedition 

which the knowledge of the Greeks and Macedonians did not extend. Foi the same 
reason, when the Romans carried their victorious arms into the countries situated on 
the Atlantic ocean, or on the seas that communicate with it, this new phenomenon of 
the tides was an object of wonder and terror to them. Cffisar describes the amaze- 
ment of his soldiers at a spring-tide, which greatly damaged the fleet with which he 
invaded Britain, and acknowledges that it was an appearance with which they were 
unacquainted ; Bell. Gallic, lib. iv. c. 29. The tides on the coast near the mouth of 
the Indus are remarkably high, and the effects of them very great, especially that sud- 
den and abrupt influx of the tide into the mouths of rivers or narrow straits, which is 
known in India by the name of The Bore, and is accurately described by Major Ren- 
nell, Introd. xxiv. Mem. 278. In the Periplus Maris Erythriei, p. 26, these high tides 
are mentioned, and the description of them nearly resembles that of the Bore. A very 
exaggerated account of the tides in the Indian ocean is given by Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. 
xiii. c. 25. Major Rennell seems to think, that Alexander and his followers could 
not be so entirely unacquainted with the phenomenon of the tides, as Herodotus 
had informed the Greeks, " that in the Red sea there was a regular ebb and flow of 
the tide every day ;" lib. ii. c. 11. This is all the explanation of that phenomenon 
given by Herodotus. But among the ancients there occur instances of inattention 
to facts, related by respectable authors, which appear surprising in modern times. 

^ i Though Herodotus, as I have just now observed, gave an account of the voyage per- 
formed by Scylax at considerable length, neither Alexander, nor his historians, take 
any notice of that event. I shall afterward have occasion to mention a more remark- 
able instance of the inattention of later writers to an accurate description which 
Herodotus had given of the Caspian sea. From these, and other similar instances 

,j . which might have been produced, we may conclude, that the slight mention of the 
regular flow and ebb of tide in the Red sea is not a sufficient reason for rejecting, as 

-•5fHjcredible, Arrian's account of the surprise of Alexander's soldiers when they first 
beheld the extraordinary effects of the tide at tlie mouth of the Indus. — 3. The course 
of Nearchus's voyage, the promontories, the creeks, the rivers, the cities, the moun- 
tains, which came successively in his view, are so clearly described, and the distances 
of such as were most worthy of notice are so distinctly marked, that M. D'Anville, by 
comparing these with the actual position of the country, according to the best accounts 
of it, ancient as well as modem, has been able to point out most of the places which 

j;,Xj Nearchus mentions, with a degree of certainty which does as much honour to the ve- 
I'acity of the Grecian navigator, as to the industry, learning, and penetration of the 

^' French geographer. Mem. de Literat. torn. xxx. p. 132, &c. 

In modern times, the Red sea is a name appropriated to the Arabian gulf, but the 
ancients denominated the ocean which stretches from that gulf to India, the Erythr?ean 

. . _)^a, from king Erythras, of whom nothing more is known than the name, which in the 

« ureek language signifies red. From this casual meaning of the word, it came to be 

,2 Relieved that it was of a difi'erent colour from other seas, and consequently of more 
dangerous navigation. 



SECt. I. 279 

of Alexander;' a work which, though composed long after 
Greece had lost its liberty, and in an age when genius and 
taste were on the decline, is not unworthy the purest times 
of Attic literature. '■' ^^ ■" 

With respect to the general state of India, we learn from 
these writers, that, in the age of Alexander, though there 
was not established in it any powerful empire, resembling 
that which, in modern times, stretched its dominion from 
the Indus almost to Cape Comorin, it was, even then, 
formed into monarchies of considerable extent. The king 
of the Prasij was prepared, on the banks of the Ganges, to 
oppose the Macedonians, with an army of twenty thousand 
cavalry, two hundred thousand infantry, two thousand 
armed chariots, and a great number of elephants."" The 
territory of which Alexander constituted Porus the sove- 
reign, is said to have contained seven distinct nations, and 
no fewer than two thousand towns." Even in the most re- 
stricted sense that can be given to the vague indefinite ap- 
pellations of nations and towns, an idea is conveyed of a 
very great degree of population. As the fleet sailed down 
the river, the country on each side was found to be in no 
respect inferior to that of which the government was com- 
mitted to Porus. 

It was likewise from the memoirs of the same officers 
that Europe derived its authentic information concerning 
the climate, the soil, the productions, and the inhabitants 
of India; and, in a country where the manners, the cus- 
toms, and even the dress of the people, are almost as per- 
manent and invariable as the face of nature itself, it is 
wonderful how exactly the descriptions given by Alex- 
ander's officers delineate what we now behold in India, at 
the distance of two thousand years. The stated change of 
seasons, now known by the name of Monsoons ; the perio- 
dical rains ; the swelling of the rivers ; the inundations 
which these occasion; the appearance of the country dur- 
ing their continuance, are particularly mentioned and de- 
scribed. No less accurate are the accounts which they 

' Arrian, lib. i. in proemio. ■" Diod. Sicul. lib. xvii. p. 232. » Arrian, lib. vi. c. 2. 



280 ANCIENT INDIA. 

have given of the inhabitants^ their delicate and tender;fa 
form, their dark complexion, their black uncurled hair, 
their garments of cotton, their living entirely upon vege- 
table food, their division into separate tribes or casts, the 
members of which never intermarry, the custom of wives 
burning themselves with their deceased husbands, and 
many other particulars, in all which they perfectly resemble 
the modern Hindoos. To enter into any detail with re- 
spect to these in this place would be premature ; but as the 
subject, though curious and irnteresting, will lead unavoid- 
ably into discussions not well suited to the nature of an 
historical work, I shall reserve my ideas concerning it for 
an Appendix, to be annexed to this Disquisition; and hope 
they may contribute to throw some additional light upon 
the origin and nature of the commerce with India. ii»wii& 

Much as the western world was indebted for its know- 
ledge of India to the expedition of Alexander, it was only 
a small portion of that vast continent which he explored. 
His operations did not extend beyond the modern provincejiii 
of Lahore, and the countries on the banks of the Indus i 
from Moultan to the sea. These, however, were surveyed 
with that degree of accuracy which I have already deiWiii - 
scribed ; and it is a circumstance not unworthy of notice^aib 
that this district of India which Europeans first enteredj 
and with which they were best acquainted in ancient & 
times, is now less known than almost any part of that con-«q3i 
tinent," neither commerce nor war, to which, in every age,9riT 
geography is chiefly indebted for its improvement, havingw ol 
led any nation of Europe to frequent or explore it.; mada ^^ilJ 

If an untimely death had not put a period to the reign li 
of the Macedonian hero, India, we have reason to think, to 
would have been more fully explored by the ancients, andiiud 
the European dominion would have been established there 'h 
two thousand years sooner. When Alexander invaded aa 
India, he had something more in view than a transient id 
incursion. It was his object to annex that extensive and '3 
opulent country to his empire; and though the refractory b£ 



1o iioqquB ni ^■ 



Mknuell.Mem. Uiij/t ,9lJoJsiii\ .SlOOn'Jt yiii 



Spirit of his army obliged nim, at that time, to suspend tlie . 
prosecution of his plan, he was far from relinquishing it.. 
To exhibit a general view of the measures which he adopted 
for this purpose, and to point out their propriety and pro- 
bable success, is not foreign from the subject of this Dis- r 
quisition, and will convey a more just idea than is usually 
entertained, of the original genius and extent of political .^ 
wisdom which distinguished this illustrious man. 

When Alexander became master of the Persian empire, 
he early perceived, that with all the power of his heredi- 
tary dominions, reinforced by the troops which the ascen- ^ 
dant he had acquired over the various states of Greece might ^^ 
enable him to raise there, he could not hope to retain in j. 
subjection territories so extensive and populous; that, to r. 
render his authority secure and permanent, it must be 
established in the affection of the nations which he had , 
subdued, and maintained by their arms; and that, in 
order to acquire this advantage, all distinctions between rj 
the victors and the vanquished must be abolished, and ^ 
his European and Asiatic subjects must be incorpo- «i 
rated and become one people, by obeying the same 
laws, and by adopting the same manners, institutions, and ,^„ 

Liberal as this plan of policy was, and well adapted to^^^g 
accomplish what he had in view, nothing could be iTiore^jjU 
repugnant to the ideas and prejudices of his countrymen, ^-jj* 
The Greeks had such a high opinion of the pre-eminence ^^.q 
to which they were raised by civilization and science, that tvgf 
they seem hardly to have acknowledged the rest of man- 1 
kind to be of the same species with themselves. To every j j^ 
other people they gave the degrading appellation of bar-.^^^ 
barians, and in consequence of their own boasted superio-; ^^j 
rity, they asserted a right of dominion over them, in the q^^ 
same manner (to use their own expression) as the soul .|-,nl 
has over the body, and men have over irrational animals, j^nr 
Extravagant as this pretension may now appear, it found [yqo 
admission, to the disgrace of ancient philosophy, into all 
the schools. Aristotle, full of this opinion, in support of 



282 ANCIENT INDIA, 

which he employs arguments more subtle than solid/ ad- 
vised Alexander to govern the Greeks like subjects, and 
the barbarians as slaves; to consider the former as com- 
panions, the latter as creatures of an inferior nature.'' But 
the sentiments of the pupil were more enlarged than those 
of his master, and his experience in governing men taught 
the monarch what the speculative science of the philoso- 
pher did not discover. Soon after the victory at Arbela, 
Alexander himself, and by his persuasion, many of his 
officers, assumed the Persian dress, and conformed to seve- 
ral of their customs. At the same time he encouraged the 
Persian nobles to imitate the manners of the Macedonians, 
to learn the Greek language, and to acquire a relish for the 
beauties of the elegant writers in that tongue, which were 
then universally studied and admired. In order to render 
the union more complete, he resolved to marry one of the 
daughters of Darius, and chose wives for a hundred of 
his principal officers in the most illustrious Persian fami- 
lies. Their nuptials were celebrated with great pomp and 
festivity, and with high exultation of the conquered people. 
In imitation of them, above ten thousand Macedonians, of 
inferior rank, married Persian women, to each of whom 
Alexander gave nuptial presents, as a testimony of his ap- 
probation of their conduct.'* 

P Aristot. Polit. i. c. 3 — 7. 
<« ?liat. deFortuna Alex. Oral. i. p. 302. vol. vii.edit. Reiske. Strabo, lib. i.p. 116. A. 
'Arrian, lib. vii.c. 4. Plut.de Fort. Alex. p. 304. 
* Alexander was so intent on rendering tbis union of his subjects complete, that after 
his death there was found in his tablets or commentaries (among other magnificent 
schemes which he meditated), a resolution to build several new cities, some in Asia, 
and some in Europe, and to people those in Asia with Europeans, and those in Europe 
with Asiatics, " that (says the historian), by intermarriages, and exchange of good 
offices, the inhabitants of these two great continents might be gradually moulded into 
a similarity of sentiments, and become attached to each other with jiiutual, affection." 

Diod. Sicul. lib. xviii. c. 4^. ^ , ,. ii=>^' •^rf+,'^t V"^'^^-"'""^-"; •"^'■■' 

The Oriental historians nave mmgled the little that they know concerning the trans- 
actions of European nations, particularly concerning the reign of Alexander the Great, 
and his conquest of Persia, with so many fabulous and incredible circumstances, that 
hardly any attention is due to them. Though they misrepresented every event in liis 
life, they entertained a high idea of his great power, distinguishing him by the appella- 
tion of Escander Dhulcarnein, i.e. the Two-horned, in aUnsion to the extent of his domi- 
nions, which, according to them, reached from the western to the eastern extremity of 
the earth. Ilerbelot. Bib. Orient. Article Escander. Anc. Univ. Hist. vol. v. 8vo. 
edit. p. 433. Richardson's Dissert, prefixed to his Dictionary of the Persian and 
Arabic, p. xii. Whether the historians of Indostan have given an account of Alex- 
ander's invasion of India with greater accuracy, cannot be known, until some of their 
works, written in the Sanskreet, are translated. That some traditional knowledge of 



^' SECT. I. *i?i3 

But assiduously as Alexander laboured to unite his Eu- 
ropean and Asiatic subjects by the most indissoluble ties, 
he did not trust entirely to the success of that measure for 
the security of his nev/ conquests. In every province 
which he subdued, he made choice of proper stations, 
where he built and fortified cities, in which he placed gar- 
risons composed partly of such of the natives as conformed 
to the Grecian manners and discipline, and partly of such 
of his European subjects as were worn out with the 
fatigues of service, and wished for repose and a perma- 
nent establishment. These cities were numerous, and 
served not only as a chain of posts to keep open the com- 
munication between the dift'erent provinces of his domi- 
nions, but as places of strength to overawe and curb the 
conquered people. Thirty thousand of his new subjects, 
who had been disciplined in these cities, and armed after 
the European fashion, appeared before Alexander in Susa, 
and were formed by him into that compact solid body of 
infantry, known by the name of the phalanx, which con- 
stituted the strength of a Macedonian army. But in order 
^to secure entire authority over this new corps, as well as 
to render it more effective, he appointed that every officer 
in it intrusted with command, either superior or subaltern, 
should be European. As the ingenuity of mankind natu- 
rally has recourse in similar situations to the same expe- 

Peninsula, is manifest from several circumstances. The rajahs of Chitore, who 
are esteemed the most ancient establishment of Hindoo princes, and the noblest 
of the Rajahpout tribes, boast of their descent from Porus, famous as well in the 
east as in the west for his gallant opposition to the Macedonian conqueror. 
Orme's Fragm. p. 5. iVIajor Rennell has informed me, by accounts lately received 
'from India, and coufirmed by a variety of testimonies, that, in the couintry of Kuttore, 

V the eastern extreme of the ancient Bactria, a people who claimed to be the descend- 
ants of Alexander's followers, were existing when Tamerlane invaded that province. 
In Bijore, a country more to the west in the same district, the Bazira of Alexander, 

"|there is a tribe at this day which traces its origin to certain persons left there by the 

* conqueior when he passed through that province. Both Abul Fazel andSoojah Rae, an 
eastern historian of good reputation, report this tradition without any material varia- 
tion. The latter, indeed, adds, that these Europeans, if we may call them so, con- 
tinued to preserve that ascendancy over tlieir neighbours, which their ancestors may 

yhe supposed to have possessed when they first settled there. Although we should re- 
ject this pedigree as false, yet the bare claim argues the belief of the natives, for which 
there must have been some foundation, that Alexander not only conquered Bijore, but 

_^ also transferred that conquest to some of his own countrymen. Rennell, Mem. 2d edit, 
p. 162. The people of Bijore had likewise ahigh idea of Alexander's extensive aulbo- 

,^Tity, and they, too, denominated him the Tico-hcmed , agreeably to the striking emblem 

^^ of power in all the eastern languages. Ayeen Akbery, xi. 194. Many instances of this 
'emblem being used, will occur to every person accustomed to read the sacred Scriptures. 



o8S 1038 

fi^Udi ,b98oqo ANCIENT INDIA. ilB^ivBii sdi ^m 

dients, the European powers, who now m their Inaian ter- 
ritories employ numerous bodies of the natives in their ser- 
vice, have, in forming the establishment of these troops, 
adopted the same maxims ; and, probably without knowing 
it, have modelled their battalions of Sepoys upon the same 
principles as Alexander did his phalanx of Persians." ' ' 
''The farther Alexander pushed his conquests from the 
Baiiky of the Euphrates, which may be considered as the 
centre of his dominions, he found it necessary to build and 
to fortify a greater number of cities. Several of these to 
the east and south of tlie Caspian sea, are mentioned by 
ancient authors ; and in India itself he founded two 
cities on the banks of the Hydaspes, and a third on the 
Acesines, both navigable rivers, which, after uniting their 
streams, fall into the Indus.^ From the choice of such 
situations, it is obvious that he intended, by means of these 
cities, to keep open a communication with India, not only 
by land, but by sea. It was chiefly with a view to the 
latter of these objects (as I have already observed), that he 
examined the navigation of the Indus with so much atten- 
tion. With the same view, on his return to Susa, he, in 
person, surveyed the course of the Euphrates and Tigris, 
and ofave directions to remove the cataracts or dams, which 
the ancient monarchs of Persia, induced by a peculiar pre^ 
cept of their religion, which enjoined them to guard with 
the utmost care against defiling any of the elements, had 
constructed near the mouths of these rivers, in order to shut 
out their subjects from any access to the ocean.* * By open-, 

^' ■•"It seems to be an opinion generally received, that Alexander built only two citiet 
in India, Nicasa, and Bucephalia, situated on the Hydaspes, the modem Chelum, and 
that Craterus superintended the building of both. But it is evident, from Arrian, 
lib. V. c. ult., that he built a third city on the Acesines, now the Jenaub, under the 
direction of Hephsestion ; and if it was his object to retain the command of the coun- 
try, a place of strength on some of the rivers to the south of the Hydaspes seems to 
have been necessary for that purpose. This part of India has been so little visited in 
modem times, that it is impossible to point out with precision the situation of these 
cities. If P. Tieffenthaler were well founded in his conjecture, that the river now 
called Rauvee is the Acesines of Arrian, Bernouilli, vol. i. p. 39., it is probable that 
this city was built somewhere near Lahore, one of the most important stations in that 
part of India, and reckoned in the Ayeen Akbery to be a city of very high antiquity. 
But Major Rennell, in my opinion, gives good reasons for supposing the Jenaub to be 
the 'A(^esines of the ancients. * . c; l.y. ca , : ni sibciiv 

• '?'' » Arrian, lib. vi. c. 7. Strib^i^b; nt'f.'tW4, &c. -^'^n "^f^* 

* The religious scruples which prevented the Persians from making any voyage by 
sea, were known to the ancients. Pliny relates of one of the Magi, who was sent on 



SECT. 1. 285 

ing the navigation in this manner, he proposed, that the 
valuable commodities of India should be conveyed from 
the Persian gulf into the interior parts of his Asiatic domi- 
nions, while by the Arabian gulf they should be carried to 
Alexandria, and distributed to the rest of the world. ^ r 

Grand and extensive as these schemes were, the pre- 
cautions employed, and the arrangements made for carry- 
ing them into execution, were so various and so proper, 
that Alexander had good reason to entertain sanguine 
hopes of their proving successful. At the time when the 
mutinous spirit of his soldiers obliged him to relinquish 
his operations in India, he was not thirty years of age com- 
plete. At this enterprising period of life, a prince of a 
spirit so active, persevering, and indefatigable, must have 
soon found means to resume a favourite measure on which 
he had been long intent. If he had invaded India a second 
time, he would not, as formerly, have been obliged to force 
his way through hostile and unexplored regions, opposed 
at every step by nations and tribes of barbarians whose 
names had never reached Greece. All Asia, from the 
shores of the Ionian sea to the banks of the Hyphasis, 
would then have been subject to his dominion ; and through 
that immense stretch of country he had established such a 
diain of cities, or fortified stations," that his armies mieht 

an embassy from Tiridates to the emperor Nero, " Navigare noluerat, quoniam ex- 
spuere in Maria, aliisque mortalium necessitatibus violare naturam earn, fas non p\i- 
tant ;" Nat. Hist. lib. xxx. c. 2. This aversion to the sea they carried so far, that 
according to the observation of a well-informed historian, there was not a city of any 
note in their empire built upon the sea-coast; Animian. Marcel, lib. xxiii. c. 6. We 
learn from Dr. Hyde, how intimately these ideas were connected with the doctrines 
of Zoroaster; Rel. Vet. Pers. caj). vi. In all the wars of the Persians with Greece, 
the fleets of the Great King consisted entirely of ships furnished by the Pheniciaiis, 
Syrians, the conquered provinces of the Lesser Asia, and the islands adjacent. Hero- 
dotus and Diodorus Siculus mention tlie quota furnished by each country iu order to 
eompose the fleet of twelve hundred ships with which Xerxes invaded Greece, and 
a^ong these there is not one belonging to Persia. At the same time it is proper to 
observe, that according to Herodotus, whose authority is une.xceptionable with regard 
to this point, Ariabigines, a son of Darius, acted as admiral of the Persian fleet, and 
had several satraps of high rank under his command, and both Persians and Medea 
served as soldiers on board of it ; Herod, lib. vii. c. 96, 97. By what motives, or 
what authority, they were induced to act in this manner, I cannot explain. From some 
religious scruples, similar to those of the Persians, many of the natives of Indostan, 
in our own time, refuse to embark on board a ship, and to serve at sea ; and yet on 
some occasions, the sepoys in the service of the European powers have got the better 
of these scruples. 

;, ," j\I. Le Baron de Saiute-Croix, in his ingenious and learned Critique des Historiens 
d'.\lexandre le Grand, p. 96., seems to entertain some doubt with respect to the nupj- 
ber of the cities which Alexander is said to have built. PUitarch de Fort Alex, aiffirms, 

• '■■ ■-'<3-^ t" ■■ y_'ir> jjluyij>Mi limit r.ii<. '.'.•■' L :\fiii I'-jjiiCi J ;riij iijili a -if^m ;i7n-' ."iiOISliOl 3d J '' 

> }D98 «£,w orfw ,'rg£iri ^d) lo ano 1o saiebi ynill .aiaaiiini; adi o.t nfouA sigv^ .sa* 



•2B5 ANCIENT INDIA, 

have continued their march with safety, and have found a 
regular succession of magazines provided for their subsist- 
ence. Nor would it have been difficult for him to bring 
into the field forces sufficient to have achieved the conquest 
of a country so populous and extensive as India. Having 
armed and disciplined his subjects in the East like Euro- 
peans, they would have been ambitious to imitate, and to 
equal, their instructors ; and Alexander might have drawn 
recruits, not from his scanty domains in Macedonia and 
Greece, but from the vast regions of Asia, which, in every 
age, has covered the earth, and astonished mankind with 
its numerous armies. When at the head of such a for- 
midable power he had reached the confines of India, he 
might have entered it under circumstances very different 
from those in his first expedition. He had secured a firm 
footing there, partly by means of the garrisons that he left 
in the three cities which he had built and fortified, and 
partly by his alliance with Taxiles and Porus. These two 
Indian princes, won by Alexander's humanity and bene- 
ficence, which, as they were virtues seldom displayed in 
the ancient mode of carrying on war, excited of course a 
higher degree of admiration and gratitude, had continued 
steady in their attachment to the Macedonians. Reinforced 
by their troops, and guided by their information, as well 
as by the experience which he had acquired in his former 
campaigns, Alexander must have made rapid progress in 
a country where every invader, from his time to the pre- 
"f sent age, has proved successful. 

J that he founded no fewer than seventy. It appears from many passages in ancient 
authors, that the building of cities, or, what may be considered as the same, the esta- 
, blishment of fortified stations, was the mode of maintaining their authority in the con- 
quered nations, adopted not only by Alexander, but by his successors. Seleucus and 
Antiochus, to whom the greater part of the Persian empire became subject, were no 
less remarkable for founding new cities than Alexander, and these cities seemed fully 
to have answered the purposes of the founders, as they effectually prevented (as 1 shall 
afterward have occasion to observe) the revolt of the conquered provinces. Though 
the Greeks, animated with the love of liberty and of their native country, refused to 
settle in the Persian empire while under the dominion of its native monarchs, even 
when allured by the prospect of great advantage, as M. de Sainte-Croix remarks, the 
case became perfectly different, when that empire was subjected to their own domi- 
nion, and they settled there, not as subjects but as masters. Both Alexander and his 
successors discovered much discernment in choosing the situation of the cities which 
J L they built. Seleucia, which Seleucus founded, is a striking instance of this, and be- 
^ came hardly inferior to Alexandria in number of inhabitants, in wealth, and in import- 
- auce. Mr. Gibbon, vol.i. p. 250. M. D'Anville, Mem. de Literal, xxx. 



SECT, ^f^ f 287 

But this and all his other splendid schemes were ter- 
minated at once by his untimely death. In consequence 
of that, however, events took place which illustrate and 
confirm the justness of the preceding speculations and con- 
jectures, by evidence the most striking- and satisfactory. 
When that great empire, which the superior genius of Alex- 
ander had kept united and in subjection, no longer felt his 
superintending control, it broke into pieces, and its various 
provinces were seized by his principal officers, and parcelled 
out among them. From ambition, emulation, and personal 
animosity, they soon turned their arms against one another ; 
and as several of the leaders were equally eminent for poli- 
tical abilities and for military skill, the contest was main- 
tained long, and carried on with frequent vicissitudes of 
fortune. Amidst the various convulsions and revolutions 
which these occasioned, it was found that the measures of 
Alexander for the preservation of his conquests had been 
concerted with such sagacity, that, upon the final resto- 
ration of tranquillity, the Macedonian dominion continued 
to be established in every part of Asia, and not one province 
had shaken off the yoke. Even India, the most remote of 
Alexander's conquests, quietly submitted to Pytho the son 
of Agenor, and afterward to Seleucus, who successively ob- 
tained dominion over that part of Asia. Porus and Taxiles, 
notwithstanding the death of their benefactor, neither de- 
clined submission to the authority of the Macedonians, nor 
made any attempt to recover independenccr ^ ' ^-n^u.? ^ 

During the contests for power and supeiTOrity^aMSng 
the successors of Alexander, Seleucus, who, in every effort 
of enterprising ambition, was inferior to none of them, 
having rendered himself master of all the provinces of the 
Persian empire comprehended under the name of Upper 
Asia, considered those countries of India which had been 
subdued by Alexander, as belonging to that portion of the 
Macedonian empire of which he was now the sovereign. 
Seleucus, like all the officers formed under Alexander, 
entertained such high ideas of the advantages which might 
be derived from a commercial intercourse with India, as 



288 ANCIENT INDIA. 

induced him to march into that country, partly with a 
view of establishing- his own authority there, and partly in 
order to curb Sandracottus, who, having lately acquired 
the sovereignty of the Prasij, a powerful nation on the 
banks of the Ganofes, threatened to attack the Macedo- 
nians, whose Indian territories bordered on his dominions. 
Unfortunately no account of this expedition, which seems 
to have been splendid and successful, has reached our 
times. All we know^ of it is, that he advanced consider- 
ably beyond the utmost boundary of Alexander's progress 
in India," and would probably have proceeded much faf- 
ther, if he had not been constrained to stop short in his 
career, in order to oppose Antigonus, who was preparing 
to invade his dominions at the head of a formidable army. 
Before he began his march towards the Euphrates, he con- 
cluded a treaty with Sandracottus; in consequence of 
which, that monarch quietly retained the kingdom he had ^ 
acquired. But the powers and possessions of the Mace- 
donians seem to have remained unimpaired during the 
reign of Seleucus, which terminated forty-two years after 
the death of Alexander. 

With a view of cultivating a friendly intercourse with 
Sandracottus, Seleucus made choice of Megasthenes, an 
officer, who, from his having accompanied Alexander in 
his expedition into India, had some knowledge of the state 
of the country, and the manners of its inhabitants, and 
sent him as his ambassador to Palibothra.^ In this famous 

* It is from Justin we receive the slender knowledge we have of the progress which 
Seleucus made in India, lib. xv. c. 4. But we cannot rely on his evidence, unless 
when it is confirmed by the testimony of other authors. Plutarch seems to assert, 
that Seleucus had penetrated far into India ; but that respectable writer is more emi- , 
nent for his discernment of characters, and his happy selection of those circumstances "' 
which mark and discriminate them, than for the accuracy of his historical researches. 
Pliny, whose authority is of greater weight, seems to consider it as certain, that Se- f 
leucus had carried his arms into districts of India which Alexander never visited ; 
Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 17. The passage in which tliis is mentioned is somewhat ' ' 
obscure, but it seems to imply, that Seleucus had marched from the Hyphasis to the 
HysudTus, from thence to Palibothra, and from that to the mouth of the Ganges. The 
distances of the principal stations in this march are marked, the whole amounting to 
two thousand two hundred and forty-four Roman miles. In this sense M. Bayer 
understands the words of Pliny ; Histor. Regiii Graecorum Bactriani, p. 37. But to 
me it appears highly improbable, that the Indian expedition of Seleucus could have 
continued so long as to allow time for operations of such extent. If Seleucus had ad- 
vanced so far into India as the mouth of the Ganges, the ancients must have had a 
more accurate knowledge of that part of the country than they seem ever to have pos- 
sessed, y Strabo, lib. ii. p. 191, vVc. ATrinn. Hi-r. Tnd. passim. 



capital of the Prasij, situated oathe banks of the Ganges, 
Megasthenes resided several years, and was probably the 
first European who ever beheld that mighty river, far su-r 
perior to any of the ancient continent in magnitude,'' and 
no less distinguished by the fertility of the countries through 
which it flows. This journey of Megasthenes to Pali4 
bothra made Europeans acquainted with a large extent of 
country, of which they had not hitherto any knowledge ; 
for Alexander did not advance farther towards the south- 
east than that part of the river Hydraotes or Rauvee,^ 
where the modern city of Lahore is situated, and Pali-* 
bothra, the site of which, as it is a capital position in the 
geography of ancient India, I have investigated with thci 
utmost attention, appears to me the same with that of the-, 
modern city of Allahabad, at the confluence of the two 
great rivers, Jumna and Ganges.^ As the road from La- 

" Major Rennell gives a magnificent idea of this, by informing us, that ''"th^^ 
Ganges, after it has escaped from the mountainous tract in which it liad wanJered;. 
above eight hundred miles," Mem. p. 233, " receives in its course througli tlje plains 
eleven rivers, some of them as large as the Rhine, and none smaller than the Thames, \ 
besides as many more of lesser note ;" p. 257. 

y In fixing the position of Palibothra, I have ventured to differ from Major Ren- * 
nell, and I venture to do so with diffidence. According to Strabo, Palibothra was 
situated at the junction of the Ganges and another river; lib. xv. p. 1028. A. Arrian 
is still more explicit. He places Palibothra at the confluence of the Ganges and 
Erranaboas, the last of which he describes as less than the Ganges or Indus, but 
greater than any other known river ; Hist. Ind. c. 10. This description of its situation -j 



r 



corresponds exactly with that of Allahabad. P. Boudier, to whose observations the 
geography of India is much indebted, says, that the Jumna, at its junction with the 
Ganges, appeared to him not inferior in magnitude to that river ; D'Anvilie, Antiq^ , 
de i'lnde, p. 53. Allahabad is the name vvhich was given to that city by the emperor '^ 
Akbar, who erected a strong fortress there ; an elegant delineation of which is pub- i« 
listed by Mr. Hodges, No. IV. of his Select Views in India. Its ancient name, liy 
which it is still known among the Hindoos, is Praeg, or Piyag, and the people of the 
district are called Praegi, which bears a near resemblance to Prasij, the ancient ap-'i 
pellation of the kingdom of which Palibothra was the capital ; P. Tiessenthaler, Ber- V 
nouilli, torn. i. p. 223. D'Anvilie, p. 56. Allahabad is such a noted seat of Hindort'JiJ 
devotion, that it is denominated Ihe King of Worshipped Places : Ayeen Akbery, vol. -fl 
ii. p. 35. "The territory around it, to the extent of forty miles, is deemed holy* 
ground. The Hindoos believe, that when a man dies in this place, whatever he wishes'^t 
for he will obtain in bis next regeneration. Although they teach that suicide in ge- el 
neral will be punished with tormeuts hereafter, yet they consider it as meritorious for '1 
a man to kill himtelf at Allahabad ;" Ayeen Akberry, iii. 256. P. Tiesseathaler de- to 
scribes the various objects of veneration at Allahabad, which are still visited with 4 
great devotion by an immense number of pilgrims ; Bernouilli, torn. i. ^V't. From '^ 
all these circumstances, we may conclude it to be a place of great antiquity, and iu > 
the same situation with the Palibothra of antiquity. u 

Major Rennell has been induced to place Palibothra on the same site with .Patna, ■« 

chiefly by tv.'o considerations. •!. From having learned that on or near the site of >» 

Patna stood anciently a very large- city named Patelpoother or Palidippvtra, which "▼ 
nearly resembles the ancient name of Palibothra. Although thare is not now acon-'/na 
fluence of two rivers at Patua, he was informed that the junction of the Soane with"*" 
the Ganges, now twenty-two miles above Patna, was formerly under the walls of that 

VOL. II. U 



^290 ANCIENT INDIA. 

hore to Allahabad runs through some of the most cul- 
tivated and opulent provinces of India, the more the coun- 
try was explored, the idea of its value rose higher. Ac- 
cordingly, what Megasthenes observed during his pro- 
ogress to Palibothra, and his residence there, made such 
an impression upon his own mind, as induced him to 
publish an ample account of India, in order to make his 
countrymen more thoroughly acquainted with its import- 
ance. From his writings the ancients seem to have derived 
almost all their knowledge of the interior state of India, 
and from comparing the three most ample accounts of it, 
by Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and Arrian, they appear ma- 
nifestly, from their near resemblance, to be a transcript of 
his words. But, unfortunately, Megasthenes was so fond 
of the marvellous, that he mingled with the truths which 
he related, many extravagant fictions : and to him may be 
traced up the fabulous tales of men with ears so large that 
they could wrap themselves up in them, of others with a 
single eye, without mouths, without noses, with long feet, 
and toes turned backwards ; of people only three spans in 
height, of wild men with heads in the shape of a wedge, 
of ants as large as foxes that dug up gold, and many other 
things no less wonderful.^ The extracts from his narra- 
tive which have been transmitted to us by Strabo, Arrian, 
and other writers, seem not to be entitled to credit, unless 

city. The rivers of India sometimes change their course in a singular manner, and 
he produces some remarkable instances of it. But even should it be allowed, that the 
accounts which the natives give of this variation in the course of the Soane were per- 
fectly accurate, I question whether Arrian's description of the magnitude of the Erra- 
naboas be applicable to that river, certainly not so justly as the Jumna. — 2. He 
seems to have been influenced, in some degree, by Pliny's Itinerary or Table of Dis- 
tances from Taxila (the modern Attock) to the mouth of the Ganges; Nat. Hist. lib. 
vi. c. 17. But the distances in that Itinerary are marked so inaccurately, and in some 
instances are so palpably erroneous, that one cannot found upon them with much 
security. According to it, Palibothra is situated four hundred and twenty-five miles 
below the confluence of the Jumna and Ganges. The actual distance, however, be- 
tween Allahabad and Patna, is not more than two hundred British miles. A disa- 
greement so considerable cannot be accounted for, without supposing some extraor- 
dinary error in the Itinerary, or that the point of conflux of the Jumna with the Ganges 
has undergone a change. For the f6rmer of these suppositions there is no authority 
(as far as I know) from any manuscript, or for the latter from any tradition. Major 
Rennell has produced the reasons which led him to suppose the site of Palibothra to 
be the same with that of Patna ; Memoirs, p. 49 — 54. Some of the objections which 
Blight be made to this supposition he has foreseen, and endeavoured to obviate : and, 
after all 1 have added to them, I shall not be surprised, if, in a geographical discus- 
gioh, my readers are disposed to prefer his decision to mine. 

» Strabo, lib. XX. 1032. A, 1037. C. "^ .1^**^.. 



mSEct. I. 2yt 

when they are supported by internal evidence, and con- 
finned by the testimony of other ancient authors, or when 
they coincide with the experience of modern times. His 
account, however, of the dimensions and geography of 
India, is curious and accurate. His description of the 
povrer and opulence of the Prasij perfectly resembles that 
which might have been given of some of the greater states 
in the modern Indostan, before the establishment of the 
Mahomedan or European power in India, and is consonant 
to the accounts which Alexander had received concerning 
that people. He was informed, as has been already men- 
tioned, that they were prepared to oppose him on the banks 
of the Ganges, with an army consisting of twenty thousand 
cavalry, two hundred thousand infantry, and two thousand 
armed chariots -^ and Me8:asthenes relates, that he had an 
audience of Sandracottus in a place where he was en- 
camped with an army of four hundred thousand men.'' 
The enormous dimensions which he assigns to Palibothra, 
of no less than ten miles in length, and two in breadth, 
and surrounded by walls in which there were five hundred 
and seventy towers, and sixty-four gates, would probably 
have been ranked by Europeans among the wonders which 
he delighted to relate, if they were not now well acquainted 
with the rambling manner in which the cities of India 
were built, and did not know with certainty that, both in 
former and the present times, it might boast of cities still 
more extensive." 

This embassy of Megasthenes to Sandracottus, and aii-^* 
other of Diamachus to his son and successor Allitrochidasf,^- 
are the last transactions of the Syrian monarchs with 
India, of which we have any account."" Nor can we either;, 
fix with accuracy the time, or describe the manner, in 

a Diod. Sicul. lib. xviL p. 232. Q. Curt. lib. '\x. c. 2. 
b Strabo, lib. xv. p. 1035. C. « Rennell, Mem. 49, 50. 

^ I do not mentioa a short inroad into India by Antiochus the Great, about rine 
hundred and ninety-seven years posterior to the invasion of his ancestor Seleucu.^. 
We know nothing more of this transaction, than that the Syrian monarch, after 
finishing the war he carried on against the two revolted provinces of Parthiaand; 
Bactria, entered India, and concluding a peace with Sophagasenus, a kinj of the, 
country, received from him a number of elephants, and a sum of money ; Polyb. lib. x, . 
p. 597, &c. ; lib. xi. p. 651. edit. Casaub. Justin, lib. xv. c. 4. Bayer's Hi.st. Regn, 
Graecor. Bactr. p. 69, &c. 

u 2 



292 ANCIENT INDIA. 

^ which their possessions in India were wrested from them. 
It is probable that they were obliged to abandon that conn- 
try soon after the death of Seleucus.^'. ■' "^ ' ^ ';"" y 

'But though the great monarchs o? ^yna lost, about 
this period, those provinces in India, which had been sub- 
ject to their dominion, the Greeks in a smaller kingdom, 
composed of some fragments of Alexander's empire, still 
maintained an intercourse with India, and even made some 
considerable acquisition of territory there. This was the 
kingdom of Bactria, originally subject to Seleucus, but 
wrested from his son or srandson, and rendered an inde- 
pendent state, about sixty-nine years after the death of 
Alexander. Concerning the transactions of this kingdom, 
we must rest satisfied with gleaning a few imperfect hints 
in ancient authors. From them we learn that its commerce 
with India was great ; that the conquests of the Bactrian 
kings in that country, were more extensive than those of 
Alexander himself, and particularly that they recovered 
possession of the district near the mouth of the Indus, 
which he had subdued. *^ Each of the six princes who 
reigned in Bactria, carried on military operations in India 
with such success, that they penetrated far into the interior 
part of the country, and proud of the conquests which they 
had made, as well as of the extensive dominions over which 
they reigned, some of them assumed the lofty title of 
Gr^eat King, which distinguished the Persian monarchs in 
the days of their highest splendour. But we should not 
have known how long this kingdom of Bactria subsisted, 
or in what manner it terminated, if M. de Guignes had 
not called in the historians of China to supply the defects 
of the Greek and Roman writers. By them we are iri- 
formed, that about one hundred and twenty-six years 
before the Christian era, a powerful horde of Tartars, 
pushed from their native seats on the confines of China, 
and oblio-ed to move towards the west by the pressure of 
JaamoEfe numerous' body that rolled on behind , them, pagjseia 



the Jaxartes, and pouring in upon Bactria, like an irresis- 
tible torrent, overwhelmed that kingdom, and put an end 
to the dominion of the Greeks^ there, after it had been 
established near one hundred and thirty years.'' h^ 

From this time until the close of the fifteenth century, 
when the Portuguese, by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, 
opened a new communication with the East, and carried 
their victorious arms into every part of India, no European 
power acquired territory, or established its dominion there. 
During this long period, of more than sixteen hundred 
years, all schemes of conquest in India seem to have been 
totally relinquished, and nothing more was aimed at by 
any nation, than to secure an intercourse of trade with 
that opulent country. 

It was in Egypt that the seat of this intercourse was 
'^established; and it is not without surprise that we observe 
how soon and how regularly the commerce with the East 
came to be carried on by that channel, in which the saga- 
^city of Alexander destined it to flow. Ptolemy, the son of 
pLagus, as soon as he took possession of Egypt, established 
4he seat of government in Alexandria. By some exertions 
^f authority, and many acts of liberality, but chiefly by 
the fame of his mild and equal administration, he drew such 
"ja number of inhabitants to this favourite residence, that it 
soon became a populous and wealthy city. As Ptolemy 
{deserved and had possessed the confidence of Alexander 
more perfectly than any of his ofiicers, he knew well that 
his chief object in founding Alexandria was to secure the 
advantages arising from the trade with India. A long and 
prosperous reign was favourable to the prosecution of that 
object, and though ancient authors have not enabled us to 
trace the steps which the first Ptolemy took for this pur- 
pose, we have a striking evidence of his extraordinary at- 

'tOS'tue.'!. g Mem. de Literal, torn. XXV. p. 17, &c. \ jVi"/.rJG'o bfiK 

*> A fact cursorily related by Strabo, and which has escaped the inquisitive industry 
of M. de Guignes, coincides remarkably with the narrative of the Chinese writers, 
and confirms it. The Greeks, he says, were deprived of Bactria by tribes or hordes 
of Scythian Nomades, who came from the country beyond the Ja.vartes, and are known 
by the names of Asij, Parsiani, Tachari, and Sacarauli ; Strab. lib. xi. p. 779. A- 
The Nomades of the ancients were nations who, like the Tartar.";, subsisted entirely, 
t>r almost entirely, as shepherds, without agriculture. 



2^4 ANCIENT INDIA. 

tention to naval affairs, in his erecting a light-bouse on the 
island of Pharos, at the mouth of the harbour of Alexan- 
dria,^ a work of such magnificence as to be reckoned one of 
the seven wonders of the world. With respect to the com- 
mercial arrangements of his son Ptolemy Philadelphus, 
we have more perfect information. In order to bring the 
trade of India (which began to revive at Tyre, its ancient 
station),'' to centre in Alexandria, he set about forming a 
canal, a hundred cubits in breadth, and tliirty cubits in 
depth, between Arsinoe on the Red Sea, not far from the 
situation of the modern Suez, and the Peleusiac or eastern 
branch of the Nile, by means of which the productions of 
India might have been conveyed to that capital wholly by 
water. But either on account of some danger apprehended 
from completing it, that work was never finished ; or from 
the slow and dangerous navigation towards the northern 
extremity of the Red Sea, this canal was found to be of 
so little use, that in order to facilitate the communication 
with India, he built a city on the west coast of that sea, 
almost under the tropic, to which he gave the name of Be- 
renice.' This new city soon became the staple of the trade 
with India."' From Berenice the goods were transported 

' Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 1140. C. "^ Strabo, lib. xvi. 1089. A. 

' Strabo, lib. xvii. 1156. D. Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 29. 
"'As the distance of Arsinoe, tlie modern Suez, from the Nile, is considerably less than 
that between Berenice and Coptos, it was by this route that all the commodities im- 
ported into the .Arabian gulf might have been conveyed with most expedition and least 
expense into Kgypt. But the navigation of the Arabian gulf, which, even in the pre- 
sent improved state of nautical science, is slow and difficult, was in ancient times con- 
sidered by the nations around it to be so extremely perilous, that it led them to give 
s:icti names to several of its promontories, bays, and harbours, as convey a striking 
idea of the impression which the dread of this danger had made upon their imagina- 
tion. The entry into the gulf they call Buh.elmandeh, the gate or port of affliction. To a 
harbournot far distant, they gave the name of Mete^i. e. Death. A headland adjacent 
they called Gardej'an, the Cape of Burial. Other denominations of similar import are 
mentioned by the author to whom 1 am indebted for this information. Bruce's Travels, 
vol. i. p. 442, l''\;c. It is not surprising then, that the staple of Indian trade should have 
been transferred from the northern extremity of the Arabian gulf to Berenice, as by this 
change a dargerous navigation was greatly shortened. This seems to have been the 
chief reason that induced Ptolemy to establi&h the port of communication with India 
at Berenice, as there were other harbours on the Arabian gulf which were considerably 
nearer than it to the Nile. At a later period, after the ruin of Coptos by the emperor 
Dioclesian, we are informed by Abulfeda, Descript. Egypt, edit. Michaelis, p. 77, that 
Indian commodities were conveyed from the Red sea to the Nile, by the shortest 
loute, viz. from Cosseir, probably the Philoteras Portus of Ptolemy, to Cous, the 
Vicus Apollinis, a journey of four days. The same account of the distance was given 
by the natives to Dr. Pococke, Travels, vol. i. p. 87. In consequence of this, Cous, from 
a small village, became the city in Upper Egypt next in magnitude to Fostat, or Old 
Cairo. In process of time, from causes which I cannot explain, the trade from the Red 



SECT. I. 29') 

by land to Coptos, a city three miles distant from the 
Nile, but which had a communication with that river by a 
navigable canal, of which there are still some remains," 
and thence carried down the stream to Alexandria. The 
distance between Berenice and Coptos was, according to 
Pliny, two hundred and fifty-eight Roman miles, and the 
road laid through the desert of Thebais, almost entirely 
destitute of water. But the attention of a powerful mo- 
narch made provision for supplying this want, by search- 
ing for springs, and wherever these were found he built 
inns, or more probably, in the eastern style, caravanseras, 
for the accommodation of merchants." In this channel the 
intercourse between the east and west continued to be car- 
ried on during two hundred and fifty years, as long as 
Egypt remained an independent kingdom. 

The ships destined for India took their departure from 
Berenice, and sailing, according to the ancient mode of 
navigation, along the Arabian shore, to the promontory 
Syagrus (now Cape Rasalgate), held their course along the 
doast of Persia, either directly to Pattala (now Tatta), at 
the head of the lower Delta of the Indus, or to some other 
emporium on the west coast of India. To this part of India, 
which Alexander had visited and subdued, the commerce 
under the protection of the Egyptian monarchs seems to 
have been confined for a considerable time. Afterward a 
more convenient course was followed, and from Cape Ra- 
salgate vessels sailed in a direct course to Zizerus. This, 

sea by Cosseir removed to Kene, farther down the river than Cous, Abulf. p.' 13. 77, 
D'Anville, K^pte, 196 — 200. In modern times, all the commodities of India im- 
j)orted into Kgypt, are either brought by sea from Gidda to Suez, and thence canied on 

■*" camels to Cairo, or are conveyed by land-carriage by the c-vravan returning from the 
Pilgi-image to Mecca. Niebuhr Voyage, tom i. p. 2'i4. Volney, i. 188, &<:. TJiis, as 
far as I have been able to trace it, is a complete account of all the dilFerent routes by 
which the productions of the East have been conveyed to the Nile, from the first open- 
j ing of that communication. It is singular that P. Sicard. Mem. des Missions dans le 
Levant, tom. ii.p. 1,57, and some other respectable writers, should suppose Cosseir to 
be the Berenice founded by Ptolemy, although Ptolemy has laid down its latitude at 
23° 50', and Strabo has described it as nearly undtr the same parallel with that of 
Syen6, lib. ii. p. 19.T, D. In consequence of this mistake, Pliny's computation of the 
distance between Berenice and Coptos, at two hundred and fifty-eight miles, has been 
deemed erroneous. Pococke, p. 87. But as Pliny not only mentions the total distance, 
but names the diflFerent stations in the journey, and specifies the number of miles 

f ■''_'' between each ; and as the Itinerary of Antonius coincides exactly with his account, 
" D'Anville Egypte, p. 21, there is no reason to call in question the accuracy of it. 
"D'AnvilleMem. del'Egypte.p. '21. " Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 1157.D.1169. 



^6 ANCIENJjLNDIA. 

according to M. de Montesquieu/ was the kingdom of Si- 

gertisj on the sea-coast adjacent to the mouth of the Indus, 

conquered by the Greek monarchs of Bactria ; according 

to Major Rennell,'' it was a port on the northern part of the 

Malabar coast. Ancient authors have not conveyed such :M 

information as will enable us to pronounce with certainty, " 

'which of these two opposite opinions is best founded. Nor 

■pan we point out with accuracy, what were the other ports 

^in India which the merchants from Berenice frequented, 

when that trade was first opened. As they sailed in vessels 

„bf small burden, which crept timidly along the coast, it is 

probable that their voyages were circumscribed within 

very narrow limits, and that under the Ptolemies, no con- 

jsiderable progress was made in the discovery of India/ 

From this monopoly of the commerce by sea between the 

"East and West, which Egypt long enjoyed, it derived that 

extraordinary degree of opulence and power for which it 

P L'Espritdes Loisr, lib. xxi. c. 7. H Introduct. p. xxxvii. 

•■ Major Rennell is of opinion, "that under the Ptolemies, the Egyptians extended their 
navigation to the extreme point of the Indian continent, and even sailed up the Ganges 
to Palibothra," on the same site (according to him) with the modern Patna. Introd. 
p. xxxvi. Put had it been usual to sail up the Ganges as high as Patna, the interior 
parts of India must have been better known lo the ancients than they ever were, and 
they would not have continued to derive their information concerning them from Me- 
gasthenes alone. Strabo begins his description of India in a very remarkable manner. 
He requests his readers to peruse with indulgence the account which he gives of it, as 
it was a country very remote, and few persons had visited it; and of these, many 
..having seen only a small part of the country, related things either from hear- say, or, 
at the best, what they had hastily remarked while they passed through it in the course 
iof military service, or on a journey. Strabo, lib. xv. p. 1005. B. He takes notice that 
few of the tradersfrom the Arabian gulf ever reached the Ganges. Ibid. 1006. C. He 
lasserts, that the Ganges enters the sea by one mouth, ibid. 1011. C. ; an error into 
which he could not have fallen if the navigation of that river had been common in his 
time. He mentions indeed the sailing up the Ganges, ibid. 1010, but it is cursorily ia 
,a single sentence j whereas, if such a considerable inland voyage of above four hun- 
xlred miles through a populous and rich country, had been customary, or even if it bad 
tever been performed by the Roman, or Greek, or Egyptian traders, it must have me- 
rited a particular description, and must have been mentioned by Pliny and other 
writers, as there was nothing similar to it in the practice of navigation among the an- 
cients. It is observed by Ajrrian (or whoever is tlie author of the Periplus Maris Ery- 
thrtei\ that previous to the discovery of a new route to India, which shall be men- 
tioned afterward, the commerce with that country was carried on in small vessels 
which sailed round every bay, p. 3?. Ap. Huds. Geogr. Min. Vessels of such light 
construction, and which followed this mode of sailing, were ill fitted for a voyage so 
distant as that round Cape Comorin, and up the bay of Bengal, to Patna. It is not 
improbable, that the merchants, whom Strabo mentions as having reached the Ganges, 
may have travelled thither by land, either from the countries towards the mouth of 
the Indus, or from some part of the Malabar coast, and that the navigation up the 
GfUiges, of which he casually takes notice, was performed by the natives in vessels of 
the country. This opinion derives some confirmation from his remarks upon the bad 
structure of the vessels which frequented that part of the Indian ocean. From his de- 
scription of them, p. 1012., C. it i^ evident that they were vessels of the country. 



w^as conspiciioui^. In moaei^n times, acquainied witn the 
vigilant and enterprising- activity of commercial rivalship, 
^there is hardly any circumstance in ancient story which 
lappears more surprising, than that the sovereigns of Egypt 
should have been permitted to engross this lucrative trade 
without competition, or any attempt to wrest it out of their 
hands ; especially as the powerful monarchs of Syria might, 
from the Persian gulf, have carried on an intercourse with 
the same parts of India, by a shorter and safer course of 
navisration. Different considerations seem to have induced 
them so tamely to relinquish all the obvious advantages of 
this commerce. The kings of Egypt, by their attention to 
maritime affairs, had formed a powerful fleet, which gave 
them such decided command of the sea, that they could 
have crushed with ease any rival in trade. No commercial 
intercourse seems ever to have been carried on by sea be- 
tween Persia and India. The Persians had such an insu- 
perable aversion to that element, or were so much afraid of 
foreign invasion, that their monarchs (as I have already ob- 
served) obstructed the navigation of the great rivers, which 
gave access to the interior parts of the country, by artificial 
works. As their subjects, however, were no less desirous 
than the people around them to possess the valuable pro- 
ductions and elegant manufactures of India, these were 
conveyed to all the parts of their extensive dominions by 
land-carriage. The commodities destined for the supply of 
the northern provinces, were transported on camels from 
the banks of the Indus to those of the Oxus, down the 
stream of which they were carried to the Caspian sea, and 
distributed, partly by land-carriage, and partly by navi^ 
gable rivers, through the different countries, bounded on 
one hand by the Caspian, and on the other by the Euxine, 
Stsa.* The commodities of India intended for the southern 
and interior provinces, proceeded by land from the Caspian 
gates to some of the great rivers, by which they were cirpf 
culated through every part of the country. This was thi^^ 
ancient mode of intercourse with India, while the Persian 

■ ■■^>Strabo, lib. xii. 776. ]). I'lin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi, c, 17. 



298 ANCIENT INDIA. 

empire was governed by its native princes ; and it has been 
observed in every age, that when any branch of commerce 
has got into a certain channel, although it may be neither 
the most proper nor the most commodious one, it requires 
long time, and considerable efforts, to give it a different di- 
rection.* 

To all these reasons for suffering the monarchs of Egypt 
to continue in the undisturbed possession of the trade with 

' The erroneous ideas of many intelligent writers of antiquity with respect to the 
Caspian sea, though well known to every man of letters, are so remarkable, and afford 
such a striking example of the imperfection of their geographical knowledge, that a 
more full account of them may not only be acceptable to soma of my readers, but in 
endeavouring to trace the various routes by which the commodities of the East were 
conveyed to the nations of Europe, it becomes necessary to enter into some detail con- 
cerning their various sentiments with respect to this matter. 1. According to Strabo, 
the Caspian is a bay, that communicates with the great Northern ocean, from which it 
issues at first, by a narrow strait, and then expands into a sea extending in breadth 
five hundred stadia, lib. xi. p. 773, A. With him Pomponius Mela agrees, and de- 
scribes the strait by which the Caspian is connected with the ocean, as of considerable 
length, and so narrow that it had the appearance of a river, hb. iii. c. 5. edit. Pliny 
likewise gives a similar description of it, Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 13. In the age of Jus • 
tuiian,this opinion, concerning the communication of the Caspian sea with the ocean, 
was still prevalent; Cosm. Indicopl. Topog. Christ, lib. ii. p. 138, C. 2. Some early 
writers, by a mistake still more singular, have supposed the Caspian sea to be con- 
nected with the Euxine. Quintus Curtius, whose ignorance of geography is notorious, 
has adopted this error, lib. vii. c. 7. edit. 3. Arrian, though a much more judicious 
writer, and who, by residing for some time in the Roman province of Cappadocia, of 
.^ "jwhich he was governor, might have obtained more accurate information, declares in 
■ one place the origin of the Caspian sea to be still unknown ; and it is doubtful whe- 
ther it was connected with the Euxine, or with tlie great Eastern ocean which sur- 
rounds India ; lib. vii. e. 16. In another place he asserts, that there was a communi- 
^. -cation between the Caspian and the Eastern ocean ; lib. v. c. 26. These errors ap- 
pear more extraordinary, as a just description had been given of the Caspian by Hero- 
■ ' dotus, near five hundred years before the age of Strabo. " The Caspian (says he) is a 
sea by itself, unconnected with any other. Its length is as much as a vessel with oars 
can sail in fifteen days, its greatest breadth as much as it can sail in eight days ;" lib. i. 

^-,j c. !^03. Aristotle describes it in the same manner, and witli his usual precision con- 
tends that it ought to be called a great lake, not a sea; Meteorolog. lib. ii. Diodorus 

loSiculus concurs with them in opinion, toI. ii. lib. xviii. p. 261. None of those authors 
determine whether the greatest length of the Caspian was from north to south, or from 
east to west. In the ancient maps which illustrate the geography of Ptolemy, it is de- 

' ,. Jineated, as ,if its greatest length extended from east to west. In modern times the first 
information concerning the true form of the Caspian which the people of Europe re- 

II , ceived, was given by Anthony Jenkinson an English merchant, who with a caravan from 
Russia travelled along a considerable part of its coast in the year 1.5.58 ; Hakluyt Col- 
lect, vol. i. p. 334. The accuracy of Jenkinson's description was confirmed by an actual 
survey of that sea made by order of Peter the Great, A. D 1718 ; and it is now as- 

■^ ' certained not only that the Caspian is unconnected with any other sea, but that its 

: length from north to south is considerably more than its greatest breadth from east to 
west. The length of the Caspian from north to south is about six hundred and eighty 

'/•miles, and in no part more than two hundred and sixty miles in breadth from east to 

west, Coxe's Travels, vol. ii. 257. The proportional difference of its length and breadth 

'i^ accords nearly with that mentioned by Herodotus. From this detail, however, we learn 

: how the jU-foimded ideas concerning it, which were generally adopted, gave rise to va- 

' " rious wild schemes of conveying Indian commodities to Europe by means of its sup- 

t>;fposed communication with the Euxine sea, or with the Northern ocean. It is an ad- 
ditional proof of the attention of Alexander the Great to every thing conducive to the 
yitnpravement of commerce, that a short time before his death he gave directions to fit 
out a squadron in the Caspian, in order to survey that sea, and to discover whether 
it was connected either with the Euxine or Indian ocean ; Arrian, lib. vii. c. 16. 



SECT. I. 299 

India by sea, another may be added. Many of the ancients, 
by an error in geography extremely unaccountable, and in 
which they persisted, notwithstanding repeated opportu- 
nities of obtaining more accurate information, believed the 
Caspian sea to be a branch of the great northern ocean, 
and the kings of Syria might hope by that means to open 
a communication with Europe, and to circulate through it 
the valuable productions of the East, without intruding 
into those seas, the navigation of which the Egyptian mo- 
narchs seemed to consider as their exclusive right. This 
idea had been early formed by the Greeks, when they be- 
came masters of Asia. Seleucus Nicator, the first and most 
sagacious of the Syrian kings, at the time when he was 
assassinated, entertained thoughts of forming a junction 
between the Caspian and Euxine seas by a canal," and if 
this could have been effected, his subjects, besides the ex- 
tension of their trade in Europe, might have supplied all 
the countries in the north of Asia, on the coast of the 
Euxine sea, as well as many of those which stretch east- 
ward from the Caspian, with the productions of India. As 
those countries, though now thinly inhabited by a miser- 
able race of men, destitute of industry and of wealth, were 
in ancient times extremely populous, and filled with great 
and opulent cities, this must have been considered as a 
branch of commerce of such magnitude and value, as to 
render the securing of it an object worthy the attention of 
the most powerful monarch. 

But while the monarchs of Egypt and Syria laboured 
with emulation and ardour to secure to their subjects all 
the advantages of the Indian trade, a power arose in the 
West which proved fatal to both. The Romans, by the 
vigour of their military institutions, and the wisdom of 
their political conduct, having; rendered themselves 

A. C. 55. ' . . 

masters of all Italy and Sicily, soon overturned the 
rival republic of Carthage, subjected Macedonia and 
Greece, extended their dominion over Syria, and at last 
turned their victorious arms against Egypt, the only king- 

" Plin. Nat. Hist. Iil>. vi. c. 11. 



300 ANCIENT INDIA. 

dom remaining of those established by the successors of 
Alexander the Great. After a series of events which belong 
not to the subject of this Disquisition, Egypt was annexed 
to the Roman empire, and reduced into the form of a Ro- 
yp'-^ man province by Augustus. Aware of its great 
importance, he, with that provident sagacity which 
distinguishes his character, not only reserved it as one of the 
provinces subject immediately to imperial authority, but 
by various precautions, well known to every scholar, pro- 
vided for its security. This extraordinary solicitude seems 
to have proceeded not only from considering Egypt as one 
of the chief granaries on which the capital depended for 
subsistence, but as the seat of that lucrative commerce 
which had enabled its ancient monarchs to amass- such 
enormous wealth, as excited the admiration and envy of 
other princes, and produced, when brought into the treasury 
of the empire, a considerable alteration both in the value 
§>|^ property, and the state of manners, in Rome itself. 

girf'gnomi 

lio soiBa Hi.., 

,ft't\md»*lV SECT. II. "-'^ 

fftr"/,r nAn-iv \ f c>fr>; 

s-ffaitercourse with India, from the Establishment of the Roman Dominion in Egypt, 
lU.., »' '^"\to the Conquest of that Kingdom by the Mahomedans. 
J ° ..r . f. 

Upon the conquest of Egypt by the Romans, and the re^ 
duction of that kingdom to a province of their empire, the 
trade with India continued to be carried on in the same 
piode under their powerful protection: Rome enriched with 
the spoils and the tribute of almost all the known world, 
had acquired a taste for luxuries of every kind. Among 
people of this description, the productions of India have 
always been held in the highest estimation. The capital 
of the greatest empire ever established in Europe, filled 
with citizens, who had now no occupation but to enjoy and 
dissipate the wealth accumulated by their ancestors, de- 
manded every thing elegant, rare, or costly, which that 
remote region could furnish, in order to support its pomp, 
or heighten its pleasures. To supply this demand, new 
and extraordinary eftorf^ became requisite, and the com- 



SECT. II. 301 

merce with India increased to a degree, which (as 1 have 
observed in another place'') will appear astonishing even to 
the present age, in which that branch of trade has been 
extended far beyond the practice or conception of any for- 
mer period.'"^ ^''^^ "'*^" '^^^ ^^^ ^^ 
Besides the Indian commodities imported into the capital 
of the empire from Egypt, the Romans received an addi- 
tional supply of them by another mode of conveyance. 
From the earliest times, there seems to have been some 
communication between Mesopotamia, and other provinces 
on the banks of the Euphrates, and those parts of Syria 
and Palestine, which lay near the Mediterranean. The 
migration of Abram from Ur, of the Chaldees from Sichem 
in the land of Canaan, is an instance of this.'' The journey 
through the desert, which separated these countries, was 
much facilitated by its affording one station abounding 
with water, and capable of cultivation. As the intercourse 
increased, the possession of this station became an object 
of so much importance, that Solomon, when he turned his 
attention towards the extension of commerce among his 
subjects, built a fenced city there.'' Its Syrian name of 
Tadmor in the wilderness, and its Greek one of Palmyra, 
are both descriptive of its situation in a spot adorned with 
palm trees. This is not only plentifully supplied with 
water, but surrounded by a portion of fertile land, which 
(though of no great extent) renders it a delightful habita- 
tion in the midst of barren sands and an inhospitable 
desert. Its happy position, at the distance of eighty-five 
miles from the river Euphrates, and about one hundred 
and seventeen miles from the nearest coast of the Mediter- 
ranean,'^ induced its inhabitants to enter with ardour into 
the trade of conveying commodities from one of these to 
the other. As the most valuable productions of India, 
brought up the Euphrates from the Persian gulf, are of 

, ^''^ : " ■ \ :':aSeevol.v.p.38. ■-''■' -^-^^ c^"^AIJIJ ilJiW 
•>b -?''^<^gfe'gg^7fi. jr -^ ;■ c 1 Kings i3C.-18i''^^ChreiirTra. 4.^^- -jj, 

•1 In a former edition, I. stated the distance of Palmyra from the Euphrates at siMy 
miles, and from the INIedilerranean at two hundred and three miles. Into these errota 
I was led by M. D'Anville, who, in his Memoire sur I'Euphrate et le .Tigris, a work 
published in old age, did not retain his wonted accuracy. From information corottMiJl 
nicated by MajotHenndUJ hay^^ubstit^itrd tb^tp}§,<^t^yp|'s.^ ^^ iiajUyiaii fO 

mo'^^HthfTK ^if.i.mc-T ..rr..,.,^ .» , .A. caiblOJB?^X9 bnJ> 



302^ ANCIENT INDIA. 

such small bulk as to bear the expense of a long land- 
carriage, this trade soon became so considerable that the 
opulence and power of Palmyra increased rapidly. Its 
government was of the form which is best suited to the 
genius of a commercial city, republican ; and from the 
peculiar advantages of its situation, as well as the spirit of 
its inhabitants, it long maintained its independence, though 
surrounded by powerful and ambitious neighbours. Under 
the Syrian monarchs descended from Seleucus it attained 
to its highest degree of splendour and wealth, one great 
source of which seems to have been the supplying their 
subjects with Indian commodities. When Syria submitted 
to the irresistible arms of Rome, Palmyra continued up- 
wards of two centuries a free state, and its friendship was 
courted with emulation and solicitude by the Romans, and 
their rivals for empire, the Parthiaus. That it traded with 
both, and particularly that from it Rome, as well as other 
parts of the empire, received the productions of India, we 
learn from Appian, an author of good credit.^ But in 
tracing the progress of the commerce of the ancients with 
the East, I should not have ventured, upon his single tes- 
timony, to mention this among the channels of note in 
wdiich it was carried on, if a singular discovery, for which 
we are indebted to the liberal curiosity and enterprising 
spirit of our own countrymen, did not confirm and illus- 
trate what he relates. Towards the close of the last cen- 
tury, some gentlemen of the English factory at Aleppo, 
incited by what they heard in the East concerning the 
wonderful ruins of Palmyra, ventured, notwithstanding the 
fatigue and danger of a journey through the desert, to visit 
them. To their astonishment they beheld a fertile spot, of 
some miles in extent, arising like an island out of a vast 
plain of sand, covered with the remains of temples, por- 
ticos, aqueducts, and other public works, which, in mag- 
nificence and splendour, and some of them in elegance, 
were not unworthy of Athens or of Rome in their most 
prosperous state. Allured by their description of them, 

« Appian, de Bello Civil, lib. v. p. 1076. edit. ToUii. 



/ &ECT. If. 'SOU 

about sixty years thereafter, a party of more enlightened 
travellers, having reviewed the ruins of Palmyra with 
greater attention and more scientific skill, declared that 
what they beheld there exceeded the most exalted ideas 
which they had formed concerning it.' 

From both these accounts, as well as from recollecting 
the extraordinary degree of power to which Palmyra hadtr 
attained, when Egypt, Syria, Mesopotamia, and a consi- 
derable part of Asia Minor were conquered by its arms;'' 
when Odenatus, its chief magistrate, was decorated with 
the Imperial purple, and Zenobia contended for the domi- 
nion of the East with Rome under one of its most warlike 
emperors, it is evident that a state which could derive iittlei.' 
importance from its original territory, must have owed its 
aggrandizement to the opulence acquired by extensive 
commerce. Of this the Indian trade was undoubtedly theli 
most considerable, and most lucrative branch. But it is 
a cruel mortification, in searching for what is instructive 
in the history of past times, to find that the exploits of 
conquerors who have desolated the earth, and the freaks 
of tyrants who have rendered nations unhappy, are re-'i 
corded with minute and often disgusting accuracy, while 
the discovery of useful arts, and the progress of the most 
beneficial branches of commerce, are passed over in silence,' 
and suffered to sink into oblivion. 

After the conquest of Palmyra by Aurelian, trade never 
revived there. At present a few miserable huts of beg^f? 
garly Arabs are scattered in the courts of its stately tem-> 
pies, or deform its elegant porticos ; and exhibit a humi-* 
Hating contrast to its ancient magnificence. '1 

But while the merchants of Egypt and Syria exerted 
their activity in order to supply the increasing demands 
of Rome for Indian commodities, and vied with each othei^T 
in their eflforts, the eagerness of gain (as Pliny observes) 
broup:ht India itself nearer to the rest of the world. In the 
course of their voyages to that country, the Greek and 
Egyptian pilots could not fail to observe the regular shift-^j 

f Wood's Ruins of Palmyra, p. 37. 



304 ANCIENT INDIA. 

in^ oTtlife l^eVibdical winds or monsoons, and hoxv llea^iiy 
they continued to blow during one part of the year froni"^ 
the east, and during the other from the west. Encouraged 
by attending to this circumstance, Hippalus, the comman-' 
der of a ship engaged in the Indian trade, ventured, about 
fourscore years after Egypt was annexed to the Roman 
empire, to relinquish the slow and circuitous course which! 
I have described, and stretching boldly from the mouth 
of the Arabian gulf across the ocean, was carried by the 
western monsoon to Musiris, a harbour in that part of 
India now known by the name of the Malabar coast. . ^ 
This route to India was held to be a discovery of sucK' 
importance, that in order to perpetuate the memory of the 
inventor, the name of Hippalus was given to the wind 
which enabled him to perform the voyage.^ As this was 
one of the greatest efforts of navigation in the ancient 
world, and opened the best communication by sea be- 
tween the East and West that was known for fourteen 
hundred years, it merits a particular description. For- 
tunately Pliny has enabled us to give it with a degree of 
accuracy, which can seldom be attained in tracing the 
naval or commercial operations of the ancients. From 
Alexandria (he observes) to Juliopolis is two miles ; there 
the cargo destined for India is embarked on the Nile, and 
is carried to Coptos, which is distant three hundred and 
three miles, and the voyage is usually accomplished in 
twelve days. From Coptos goods are conveyed by land- 
carriage to Berenice on the Arabian gulf, halting at dif- 
ferent stations regulated according to the conveniency of 
watering. The distance between these cities is two hun- 
dred and fifty-eight miles. On account of the heat, the 
caravan travels only during the night, and the journey is 
finished on the twelfth day. From Berenice, ships take 
their departure about midsummer, and in thirty days reach 
Ocelis (Gella) at the mouth of the Arabian gulf, or Cane 
(CapeFartaque) on the coast of Arabia Felix. Thence they 
sail, in forty days, to Musiris, the first emppjriiuraJnJn^ja. 

B Perip, Mar. Erythr. p. 32. 



SECT. II. 305 

They begin their voyage homewards early in the Egyptian 
month Thibi, which answers to our December ; they sail 
with a north-east wind, and, when they enter the Arabian 
gulf, meet with a south or south-west wind, and thus com- 
plete the voyage in less than a year.'' * 

The account which Pliny gives of Musiris, and of Ba- 
race, another harbour not far distant, which was likewise 
frequented by the ships from Berenice, as being both so 
incommodious for trade on account of the shallowness of 
the ports, that it became necessary to discharge and take 
in the cargoes in small boats, does not enable us to fix 
their position with perfect accuracy. This description 
applies to many ports on the Malabar coast ; but from two 
circumstances mentioned by him ; one, that they are not 
far distant from Cottonara, the country which produces 
pepper in great abundance ; and the other, that, in sailing 
towards them, the course lay near Nitrias, the station of 
the pirates ; I adopt the opinion of Major Rennell, that 
they were situated somewhere between Goa and Telli- 
cherry, and that probably the modern Meerzaw or Merjee 
is the Musiris of the ancients, and Barcelore their Barace.' 

As in these two ports was the principal staple of the 
trade between Egypt and India, when in its most flourish- 
ing state, this seems to be the proper place for inquiring 
into the nature of the commerce which the ancients, parti- 
cularly the Romans, carried on with that country, and for j, 
enumerating the commodities most in request, which they 

h Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 23. ., ^r, 

• From this curious detail, we learn how imperfect ancient navigation was, even in 
its most improved state. The voyage from Berenice to Ocelis could not have taken i) 
thirty days, if any other course had been held than that of servilely following the 
windings of the coast. The voyage from Ocelis to Musiris would be (according to "^ 
Major Rennell) fifteen days' run for a European ship in the modem style of navi- t 
gation, being about seventeen hundred and fifty marine miles, on a straight course ; ' '^ 
Introd. p. xxxvii. It is remarkable, that though the Periplus Maris Erythr£Ei was .,-| 
written after the voyage of Hippalus, the chief object of the author of it is to describe 
the ancient course along the coasts of Arabia and Persia, to the mouth of the Indus, () 
and from thence down the western shore of the continent to Musiris. I can account j 
for this only by supposing, that from the unwillingness of mankind to abandon old '■• 
habits, the greater part of the traders from Berenice still continued to follow that 
route to which they were accustomed. To go from Alexandria to Musiris, required 
(according to Pliny) ninety-four days. In the year 1788, the Boddam ,a ship belonging \ 
to the English East India Company, of a thousand tons burden, took only fourteen days 
more to complete her voyage from Portsmouth to Madras. Such are the improve • >g 
ments which have been made in navigation. 

» Intiod. p. xxxvii. 

VOL. II. X 



30^^ ANCIENT INDIA. 

itn^orted from it. But as the operations of commerce, and 
the mode of regulating it, were little attended to in those 
states of antiquity, of whose transactions we have any- 
accurate knowledge ; their historians hardly enter into any 
detail concerning a subject of such subordinate importance 
in their political system ; and it is mostly from brief hints, 
detached facts, and incidental observations,., that. \Ke., can 
gather information concerning it.'' T; - h r'> r,,.,; .,« 
In every age, it has been a commerce of luxury, rather 
than of necessity, which has been carried on between 
Europe and India, Its elegant manufactures, spices, and 
precious stones, are neither objects of desire to nations of 
simple manners, nor are such nations possessed of wealth 
sufficient to purchase them. But at the time the Romans 
became masters of the Indian trade, they were not only 
(as has already been observed) in that stage of society 
when men are eager to obtain every thing that can render 
the enjoyment of life more exquisite, or add to its splen- 
dour, but they had acquired all the fantastic tastes formed 
by the caprice and extravagance of wealth. They were, 
of consequence, highly delighted with those new objects 
of gratification with which India supplied them in such 
abundance. The productions of that country, natural as 
well as artificial, seem to have been much the same in that 
age as in the present. But the taste of the Romans in 
luxury differed, in many respects, from that of modern 

i times ; and, of course, their demands from India differed 

' considerably from ours. 

'' It was the opinion of Plato, that in a well regulated commonwealth the citizens 
should not engag'e in commerce, nor the state aim at obtaining maritime power. Cora- 

•"i nierce, he contends, would corrupt the purity of their morals, and by entering into 
the sea-service, they would be accustomed to find pretexts for justifying conduct so in- 

'} consistent with what was manly and becoming, as would gradually relax the strictness 
of military discipline. It had been better for the Athenians, he asserts, to have con- 
tinued to send annually the sons of seven of their principal citizens to be devoured by 
the Minotaur, than to have changed their ancient manners, and to have become a 
• maritime power. In that perfect republic, of which he delineates the form, he ordains 
that the capital should be situated at least ten miles from the sea ; De Legibus, lib. 
iv. ab initio. These ideas of Plato were adopted by other philosophers. Aristotle 
enters into a formal discussion of the question. Whether a state rightly constituted 
should he commercial or not 1 and though abundantly disposed to espouse sentiments 
opposite to those of Plato, he does not venture to decide explicitly with respect to it; 
De Repub. lib. vii. c. 6. In ages when such opinions prevail, little information coq- 
ceming commerce can be es:p™ted. 



SECT. IL 3^7),, 

> >In order to convey an idea of their demands as complete 
as possible, I shall, in the first place, make some observa-r 
tions on the three great articles of general importation 
from India. 1. Spices and aromatics. 2. Precious stones 
and pearls. 3. Silk. And then I shall give some account 
(as far as I can venture to do it from authentic information) 
of the assortment of cargoes, both outward and homeward 
bound, for tlie vessels fitted out at Berenice to different 
ports of India. 

I. Spices and aromatics. From the mode of religious 
worship in the heathen world ; from the incredible number 
of their deities, and of the temples consecrated to them, the 
consumption of frankincense and other aromatics, which 
were used in every sacred function, must have been very 
^eat. But the vanity of men occasioned a greater con- 
sumption of these fragrant substances, than their piety. 
It was the custom of the Romans to burn the bodies of 
their dead ; and they deemed it a display of magnificence, 
to cover not only the body, but the funeral pile on which 
it was laid, with the most costly spices. At the funeral of 
Sylla, two hundred and ten burdens of spices were strewed 
upon the pile. Nero is reported to have burnt a quantity 
of cinnamon and cassia at the funeral of Pappoea, greater 
than the countries from which it was imported produced 
in one year. We consume in heaps these precious sub- 
stances with the carcases of the dead (says Pliny) : We 
offer them to the gods only in grains.™ It was not from 
India, I am aware, but from Arabia, that aromatics were 
first imported into Europe ; and some of them, particu- 
larly frankincense, were productions of that country. But 
the Arabians were accustomed, together with spices of 
native growth, to furnish foreign merchants with others of 
higher value, which they brought from India, and the 
regions beyond it. The commercial intercourse of the 

31 Arabians with the eastern parts of Asia, was not only 
early, but considerable. By means of their trading cara- 

i' vans, they conveyed into their own country all the valu- 

m Nat. Hist lib. xii. c. 18. «3 gawomro gaiiTicj 

x2 



308 ANCIENT INDIA. 

able productions of the east, among which spices held a 
chief place. In every ancient account of Indian commo- 
dities, spices and aromatics of various kinds form a prin- 
cipal article." Some authors assert that the greater part 
of those purchased in Arabia were not the growth of that 
country, but brought from India." That this assertion 
was well founded, appears from what has been observed 
in modern times. The frankincense of Arabia, though 
reckoned the peculiar and most precious production of the 
country, is much inferior in quality to that imported into 
it from the east ; and it is chiefly with the latter that the 
Arabians at present supply the extensive demands of va- 
rious provinces of Asia for this commodity .^ It is upon 
good authority, then, that I have mentioned the impor- 
tation of spices as one of the most considerable branches 
of ancient commerce with India. In the Augustan age, 
an entire street in Rome seems to have been occupied by 
those who sold frankincense, pepper, and other aromatics.'' 
II. Precious stones, together with which pearls may be 
classed, seem to be the article next in value imported by 
the Romans from the east. As these have no pretension 
to be of any real use, their value arises entirely from their 
beauty and their rarity, and even when estimated most 
moderately, is always high. But among nations far ad- 
vanced in luxury, when they are deemed not only orna- 
ments, but marks of distinction, the vain and the opulent 
vie so eagerly with one another for the possession of them, 
that they rise in price to an exorbitant and almost incre- 
dible height. Diamonds, though the art of cutting them 
was imperfectly known to the ancients, held a high place 
in estimation among them, as well as among us. The com- 
parative value of other precious stones varied according to 
the diversity of tastes and the caprice of fashion. The im- 
mense number of them mentioned by Pliny, and the labo- 
rious care with which he describes and arranges them/ 
v^ill astonish, I should suppose, the most skilful lapidary or 

^•V Peripl. Mar. Eryth. p. 22. 28. Strabo, lib. ii. p. 156. A ; lib. xv. p. 1018. A. 
o^Strabo, lib. xvii. p. 1129. C. P Niebuhr, Descript. de I'Arabie, tolii. i. p. 126. 

n Hor. lib. ii. epist. 1. f Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. 



oisii 89Diq8 xloiilw oi,SECT.;tjiI»jiit io 8floiJ': 309 

jeweller of modern times, and shews the high request in 
whicli they were held by the Romans. 'iqa .aoihb 

But among all the articles of luxury, the Romans seem 
to have given the preference to pearls/ Persons of every 
rank purchased them with eagerness ; they were worn on 
every part of dress ; and there is such a difference, both in 
size and in value, among pearls, that while such as were 
large and of superior lustre adorned the wealthy and the 
great, smaller ones and of inferior quality gratified the 
vanity of persons in more humble stations of life. Julius 
Caesar presented Servilia, the mother of Brutus, with a 
pearl, for which he paid 48,457/. The famous pearl ear- 
rings of Cleopatra were in value 101,458/.' Precious 
stones, it is true, as well as pearls, were found not only in 
India, but in many different countries, and all were ran- 
sacked in order to gratify the pride of Rome. India, how- 
ever, furnished the chief part, and its productions were 
allowed to be most abundant, diversified, and valuable. 

III. Another production of India in great demand at 
Rome, was silk; and when we recollect the variety of elegant 
fabrics into which it may be formed, and how much these 
have added to the splendour of dress and furniture, we 

« Pliny, lib. ix. c. 35. Principium ergo culmenque omnium rerum prstij Margariti» 
tenent. In lib. xxxvii. c. 4, he affirms, Maximum in rebus humanis prsetium, non 
solum inter gemmas, habet Adamas. These two passages stand in such direct con- 
tradiction to one another, that it is impossible to reconcile them, or to determine 
which is the most conformable to truth. I have adhered to the former, because we 
have many instances of the exorbitant price of pearls, but none, as far as I know, of 
diamonds having been purchased at a rate so high. In this opinion I am confirmed, 
by a passage in Pliny, lib. xix. c. 1; having mentioned the exorbitant price o( Asbestos, 
he says, " aequat praetia excellentum Margaritarum ;" which implies, that he ccoi^i^ 
dered pearls to be of higher price than any other commodity. 

' Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. ix. c. 35. Pliny has devoted two entire books of his Natu- 
ral History, lib. xii. and xiii., to the enumeration and description of the spices, 
aromatics, ointments, and perfumes, the use of which luxury had introduced among 
his countrymen. As many of these were the productions of India, or of the coun- 
tries beyond it, and as the trade with the East was carried on to a gi-eat extent in 
the age of Pliny, we may form some idea of the immense demand for them, from 
the high price at which they continued to be sold in Home. To compare the prices 
of the same commodities in ancient Rome, with those now paid in our own country, 
is not a gratification of curiosity merely, but afibrds a standard by which we may 
estimate the different degree of success with which the Indian trade has been con- 
ducted in ancient and modern times. Many remarkable passages in ancient authors, 
concerning the extravagant price of precious stones and pearls among the Romans, 
as well as the general use of them by persons of all ranks, are collected by Meursius 
de Lux. Romanorum, cap. 6 ; and by Stanislaus Robierzyckius, in his treatise on the 
same subject, lib. ii. c. 1 . The English reader will receive sufficient information from 
Dr. Arbuthnot, in his valuable Tables of ancient coins, weights, and measures, 
p. 172, &c. 



xVNCIENT INDIA. 

cantiot wonder at its being held in such estimation by iuii- 
urious people. The price it bore was exorbitant ; but it 
%as deemed a dress too expensive and too delicate for 
men," and was appropriated wholly to women of eminent 
Mnk'and opulence. This, however, did not render the 
^demand for it less eager, especially after the example of 
the dissolute Elagabalus introduced the use of it among 
the other sex, and accustomed men to the disgrace (as the 
severity of ancient ideas accounted it) of wearing this 
effeminate garb. Two circumstances concerning the traffic 
of silk among th^ Romans merit observation. Contrary 
to what usually takes place in the operations of trade, the 
more general use of that commodity seems not to have in- 
creased the quantity imported, in such proportion as to 
answer the growing demand for it, and the price of silk 
was not reduced durino; the course of two hundred and 
fifty years from the time of its being first known in Rome. 
In the reig^n of Aurelian, it still continued to be valued at 
its weight in gold. This, it is probable, was owing to the 
mode in which that commodity was procured by the mer- 
chants of Alexandria. They had no direct intercourse with 
China, the only country in which the silk- worm was then 
'^reared, and its labour rendered an article of commerce. 
All the silk which they purchased in the different ports of 
India that they frequented, was brought thither in ships 
of the country ; and either from some defect of skill in ma- 
■naging the silk-worm, the produce of its ingenious industry 
aamong the Chinese was scanty, or the intermediate dealers 
i&und greater advantage in furnishing the market of Alex- 
t^dria with a small quantity at a high price, than to lower 
lis r'^'alue by increasing the quantity. The other circum- 
stance which I had in view is more extraordinary, and 
affords a striking proof of the imperfect communication of 
ilhe ancients with remote nations, and of the slender know- 
^''Jjedge which they had of their natural productions or arts, 
^'^uch as the manufactures of silk were admired, and often 
t^s silk is mentioned by the Greek, and Roman authors, 

-miii»x&t<i^is:r- " Tacit. Anna!, lib. ii.-ci:3.'^.- 



8i 



Ml 



SECT. II. 311 

they had not, for several centuries after the use of it be- 
came common, any certain knowledge either of the coun- 
tries to which they were indebted for tliis favourite article 
of elegance, or of the manner in which it was produced. 
By some, silk was supposed to be a fine down adhering 
to the leaves of certain trees or flowers ; others imagined 
it to be a delicate species of wool or cotton ; and even 
those who had learned that it was the work of an insect, 
shew, by their descriptions, that they had no distinct idea 
of the manner in which it was formed." It was in conse- 
quence of an event that happened in the sixth century of 
the Christian era, of which I shall hereafter take notice, 
that the real nature of silk became known in Europe. 

The other commodities usually imported from India 
will be mentioned in the account, which I now proceed 
to give, of the cargoes sent out and brought home in the 
ships employed in the trade with that country. For this 
we are indebtedio the Circumnavigation of the Erythrpean 
sea, ascribed to Arrian, a curious though short treatise, 
less known than it deserves to be, and which enters into 
some details concerning commerce, to which there is 
nothing similar in any ancient writer. The first place in 
India, in which the ships from Egypt, while they followed 
the ancient course of navigation, were accustomed to trade, 
was Patala in the river Indus. They imported into it 

^ M. Maliudel, in a memoir read in the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles 
Lettres in the year 1719, has collected the various opinions of the ancients concerning 
the nature and origin of silk, which tend all to prove their ignorance with regard to it. 
Since the publication of M. Mahudel's memoir, P. du Halde has described a species 
of silk, of which I believe he communicated the first notice to the modems. " Thisis 
jiroduced by small insects nearly resembling snails. They do not form cocoons either 
rounder oval like the silk-worm, but spin very long threads, which fasten themselves 
to trees and bushes as they are driven by the wind. These are gathered and wrought 
into silk stuffs, coarser than those produced by domestic silk- worms. ITie inserts which 
produce this coarse silk are wild." Description de I'Empire de la Chine, torn. ii. folio, 
p. 207. Tliis nearly resembles Virgil's description, 

to iljl'ji J Velleraque ut foliis depectant tenuia Seres. — Georg. II. '212. 
An attentive reader of Virgil will find, that, besides all the other qualities of a great 
descriptive poet, he possessed an extensive knowledge of natural history. The nature 
and productions of the wild silk-worms are illustrated at greater length in the large 
collection of Memoirs conceniant I'Histoire, les Sciences, les Arts, &c. des Chinois, 
torn. ii. p. 575, Sec. ; and by Pere de jNlailla, in his voluminous History of Cliina, 
torn. xiii. p. 434. It is a singular circumstance in the history of silk, that, on account 
of its being an excretion of a worm, the Mahomedans consider it as an unclean dress ; 
and it has been decided, with the unanimous assent of all the doctors, that a person 
wearing a garment made entirely of silk, cannot la^* fully offer up the daily prayers en- 
joined by the Koran. Herbel. Bibl. Orient, artic. Harir. 



ai2 ANCIENT INDIA. 

woollen cloth of a slight fabric, linen in chequer-worif, 
some precious stones, and some aromatics unknown in 
India, coral, storax, glass vessels of different kinds, some 
wrought silver, money, and wine. In return for these, 
they received spices of various kinds, sapphires, and other 
gems, silk stufls, silk-thread, cotton cloths,^' and black 
pepper. But a far more considerable emporium on the 
same coast was Barygaza, and on that account the author, 
whom I follow here, describes its situation and the mode 
of approaching it, with great minuteness and accuracy. 
Its situation corresponds entirely with that of Baroach, on 
the great river Nerbuddah, down the stream of which, or 
by land-carriage, from the great city of Tagara, across high 
mountains,^ all the productions of the interior country were 
conveyed to it. The articles of importation and exportation 
in this great mart were extensive and various. Besides 
these already mentioned, our author enumerates among 
the former, Italian, Greek, and Arabian wines, brass, tin, 
lead, girdles or sashes of curious texture, melilot, white 
glass, red arsenic, black lead, gold and silver coin. Among 
the exports he mentions the onyx, and other gems, ivory, 
myrrh, various fabrics of cotton, both plain and ornamented 
with flowers, and long pepper.^ At Musiris, the next em- 
porium of note on that coast, the articles imported were 
much the same as at Barygaza ; but as it lay nearer to the 
pastern parts of India, and seems to have had much com- 
munication with them, the commodities exported from it 
were more numerous and more valuable. He specifies par- 
ticularly pearls in great abundance and of extraordinary 
beauty, a variety of silk stuffs, rich perfumes, tortoise-shell, 

,y If tlje use of the cotton manufactures of India had been common among the Ro- 
mans, the various kinds of them would have been enumerated in the Law de Puhli- 
caniset Vectigalibus, in the same manner as the different kinds of spices and precious 
stones. Such a specification would have been equally necessary for the direction both 
of the merchant and of the tax-gatherer. 

* 'fhis part of Arrian's Periplus has been examined with great accuracy and learn- 
ing by Lieutenant VVilford; and from his investigation it is evident, that the Plithana 
of Arrian is the modern Pultanah, on the southern banks of the river Godavery, two 
hundred and seventeen British miles south from Baroach ; that the position of Tagara 
is the same with that of the modern Dowlatabad, and the high grounds across which 
the goods were conveyed to Baroach, are the Ballagunt mountains. The bearings and 
distances of these different places, as specified by Arrian, afford an additional proof 
(were that necessary) of the exact information which he had received concerning thia 
district of India ; Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 369, &c. 
.JUd&'.i2lc-o-i- i9 e.? Beripl, Mar. Ervthr. p. 28. 



SECT/ IT! 313 

different kinds of transparent gems, especially dia'Trionds, 
and pepper in large quantities, and of the best quality.'' 

The justness of the account given by this author of the 
articles imported from India, is coniirmed by a Roman 
law, in which the Indian commodities subject to the pay- 
ment of duties are enumerated.'' By comparing these two' 
accounts, we may form an idea tolerably exact of the nature 
and extent of the trade with India in ancient times. 

As the state of society and manners among the natives 
of India, in the earliest period in which they are known, 
nearly resembled what we observe among their descendants 
in the present age ; their wants and demands were, of 
course, much the same. The ingenuity of their own artists 
was so able to supply these, that they stood little in need 
of foreign manufactures or productions, except some of the 
useful metals which their own country did not furnish in 
sufficient quantity ; and then, as now, it was mostly with 
gold and silver that the luxuries of the East were purchased. 
In two particulars, however, our importations from India 
difibr 'greatly from those of the ancients. The dress, both 
of the Greeks and Romans, was almost entirely woollen, 
which by their frequent use of the warm bath, was rendered 
abundantly comfortable. Their consumption of linen and 
cotton cloths was much inferior to that of modern times, 
when these are worn by persons in every rank of life. 
Accordingly, a great branch of modern importation from 
that part of India with which the ancients were acquainted, 
is in piece-goods ; comprehending, under that mercantile 
term, the immense variety of fabrics which Indian inge- 
nuity has formed of cotton. But as far as I have observed, 
we haveno authority that will justify us in stating the aft^ 
cient importation of these to be in any degree considerablefp 

In modern times, though it continues still to be chiefly 
a commerce of luxury that is carried on with India, yet, tq-^, 
gether with the articles that minister to it, we import, to alj 
considerable extent, various commodities which are to be' 
considered merely as the materials of our domestic maniith 



)// 



<^ Digest, lib. xxxix, tit, iv. ^ 16, Dc publicanis et vectigalibus. 



314 ANCIENT INDIA. 

factures. Such are the cotton-wool of Indostan, the silk 
of China, and the saltpetre of Bengal. But in the accounts 
of ancient importations from India, raw silk and silk-thread 
excepted, I find nothing mentioned that could serve as the 
materials of any home-manufacture. The navigation of 
the ancients never having extended to China, the quantity 
of un wrought silk with which they were supplied, by means 
of the Indian traders, appears to have been so scanty, that 
the manufacture of it could not make an addition of any 
moment to their domestic industry. 

After this succinct account of the commerce carried on 
by the ancients in India, I proceed to inquire what know- 
ledge they had of the countries beyond the ports of Mu- 
siris and Barace, the utmost boundary towards the east to 
which I have hitherto traced their progress. The author 
of the Circumnavigation of the Erythraean sea, whose ac- 
curacy of description justifies the confidence with which I 
have followed him for some time, seems to have been little 
acquainted with that part of the coast which stretches from 
Barace towards tiie south. He mentions, indeed cursorily, 
two or three different ports, but gives no intimation that any 
of them were staples of the commerce with Egypt. He 
hastens to Comar, or Cape Comorin, the southernmost 
point of the Indian peninsula; and his description of it is 
so accurate, and so conformable to its real state, as shews 
his information concerning it to have been perfectly au- 
thentic.'^ Near to this he places the pearl fishery of 
Colchos, the modern Kilkare, undoubtedly the same now 
carried on by the Dutch in the strait which separates the 
island of Ceylon from the continent; as adjacent to this he 
mentions three different ports, which appear to have been 
situated on the east side of the peninsula, now known by 
the name of the Coromandel coast. He describes these as 
emporla or stations of trade ;' but from an attentive consi- 
deration of some circumstances in his account of them, I 
think it probable that the ships from Berenice did not sail 
to $.ny these points, though they were supplied, as he in- 
forms us, with the commodities brought from Egypt, as well 

d Peripl. p. as. . D'AnTiUe Anf..cle I'lnde, 118, &c. « Peripl. n. 34. 



- SECT. II. 315 

as with the productions of the opposite coast of the penin- 
sula; but these seem to have been imported in country 
sh'i'ps} It was likewise in vessels of their own, varying in 
form and burden, and distinguished by different names, 
some of which he mentions, that they traded with the 
golden Chersonesus, or kingdom of Malacca, and the coun- 
tries near the Ganges. Not far from the mouth of that 
river he places an island, which he describes as situated 
under the rising sun, and as the last region in the east that 
was inhabited.^ Of all these parts of India, the author of 
the Circumnavigation appears to have had very slender 
knowledge, as is manifest, not only from what he mentions 
concerning this imaginary island, and from his not attempt- 
ing to describe them, but from his relating, with the cre- 
dulity and love of the marvellous, wdiieh always accom- 
pany and characterize ignorance, that these remote regions 
were peopled with cannibals, and men of uncouth and mon- 
strous forms.'' 

I have been induced to bestow this attention in tracingr 
the course delineated in the Circumnavigation of the Ery- 
thraean sea, because the author of it is the first ancient 
writer to whom we are indebted for any knowledge of the 
eastern coast of the great peninsula of India, or of the 
countries which lie beyond it. To Strabo, who composed 
his great work on geography in the reign of Augustus, 
India, particularly the most eastern parts of it, was little 
known. He begins his description of it with request' 
ing the indulgence of his readers, on account of the scanty 
information he could obtain with respect to a country so 
remote, which Europeans had seldom visited, and many of 
them transiently only, in the functions of military service. 
He observes, that even commerce had contributed little 
towards an accurate investigation of the country, as few of 
the merchants from Egypt, and the Arabian gulf, had ever 
sailed as far as the Ganges ; and from men so illiterate, 
intelligence that merited a full degree of confidence could 
scarcely be expected. His descriptions of India, particu- 
larly its interior provinces, are borrowed almost entirely 

^ToyiKa ffXoia. s Peripl. p. 2)ti, * Peripl. p. "oh. 



3:itJ ._._ .,.;t| ANCIENT INDIA.^f f..j;> ,oj.9f,f^ff^ 

from the memoirs of Alexander's officers, with some slen- 
der additions from more recent accounts, and these so few 
in number, and sometimes so inaccurate, as to furnish a 
striking proof of the small progress which the ancients had 
made from the time of Alexander, in exploring that coun- 
try. When an author, possessed of such discernment and 
industry as Strabo, who visited in person several distant 
regions, that he might be able to describe them with 
greater accuracy, relates, that the Ganges enters the ocean 
by one mouth,' we are warranted in concluding, that in his 
time there was either no direct navigation carried on to 
that great river, by the traders from the Arabian gulf, or 
that this voyage was undertaken so seldom, that science 
had not then derived much information from it. 

The next author, in order of time, from whom we re- 
ceive any account of India, is the elder Pliny, who flou- 
rished about fifty years later than Strabo. As in the 
short description of India, given in his Natural History, 
he follows the same guides with Strabo, and seems to have 
had no knowledge of the interior country, but what he de- 
rived from the memoirs of the officers who served under 
Alexander and his immediate successors, it is unnecessary 
to examine his description minutely. He has added, how- 
ever, two valuable articles, for which he was indebted to 
more recent discoveries. The one is the account of the 
new course of navigation from the Arabian gulf to the coast 
of Malabar, the nature and importance of which I have 
already explained. The other is a description of the island 
of Taprobane, which I shall consider particularly, after in- 
quiiing into what Ptolemy has contributed towards our 
knowledge of the ancient state of the Indian continent. 
■' '"Though Ptolemy, who published his works about four- 
score years after Pliny, seems to have been distinguished 
for his persevering industry, and talent for arrangement, 
rather than for an inventive genius ; geography has 
been more indebted to him for its improvement, than to 
any! other philosopher. Fortunately for that science, in 
forming his general system of geography, he adopted 



i Cir..v,» i:u «.. ini 1 r' 



SECT. II. 317 

the ideas, and imitated the practice of Hipparchus, who 
lived near four hundred years before his time. That great 
philosopher was the first who attempted to make a cata- 
logue of the stars. In order to ascertain their position in 
the heavens with accuracy, he measured their distance 
from certain circles of the spheres, computing it by degrees, 
either from east to west, or from north to south. The 
former was denominated the longitude of the star, the 
latter its latitude. This mode he found to be of such 
utility, in his astronomical researches, that he applied it 
with no less happy effect to geography ; and it is a circum- - 
stance worthy of notice, that it was by observing and de- 
scribing the heavens, men were first taught to measure and 
delineate the earth with exactness. This method of fix- 
ing the position of places, invented by Hipparchus, though 
known to the geographers between his time and that of 
Ptolemy, and mentioned both by Strabo"" and by Pliny,' 
was not employed by any of them. Of this neglect the 
most probable account seems to be, that as none of them 
were astronomers, they did not fully comprehend all the 
advantages geography might derive from this invention."* 
These Ptolemy, who had devoted a long life to the im- 
provement of astronomy, theoretical as well as practical, 
perfectly discerned, and, as in both Hipparchus was his 
guide, he, in his famous treatise on geography, described 
the different parts of the earth according to their longi-*. 
tude and latitude. Geography was thus established upon 
its proper principles, and intimately connected with astro- 
nomical observations and mathematical science. This 
work of Ptolemy soon rose high in estimation among the 
ancients." During the middle ages, both in Arabia and 

k Lib. ii. ' Nat. Hist. lib. ii. c. 12. 26. 70. *)'""'^^^ 

"■ Strabo acknowledges his neglect of tbe impiovements in geography whicb'Hip- 
parchus had deduced from astronomical obser%'ations, and justifies it by one of those 
logical subtleties which the ancients were apt to introduce into all their writings. " A 
geographer," says he (i. e. a describer of the earth), " is to pay no attention to what is 
out of the earth; nor will men, engaged in conducting the affairs of that part of the 
earth which is inhabited, deem the distinction and divisions of Hipparchus worthy of 
notice." Lib.ii. 194. C. 

" What a high opinion the ancients had of Ptolemy we learn from Agathemerus, 
who flourished not long after him. " Ptolemy," says he, " who reduced geography 
into a regular system, treats of every thing relating to it, not carelessly, or merely ac- 

bt)Jqob.6 9ri ^viiqxii"^- luian^ «iii^^amiiof 



318 ANCIENT INDIA. 

in Europe, the decisions of Ptolemy, in everything relating 
to geography, were submitted to with an assent as implicit 
as was yielded to those of Aristotle in all other depart- 
ments of science. On the revival of a more liberal spirit 
of inquiry in the sixteenth century, the merit of Ptolemy's 
improvements in geography was examined and recognized ; 
that scientific language which he first rendered general, 
continues to be used, and the position of places is still as- 
certained in the same distinct and compendious manner, 
by specifying their longitude and latitude. 
• Not satisfied with adopting the general principles of Hip- 
parchus, Ptolemy emulated him in the application of them; 
and, as that philosopher had arranged all the constellations, 
he ventured upon what was no less arduous, to survey all 
the regions of the earth which were then known, and 
with minute and bold decision he fixed the longitude and 
latitude of the most remarkable places in each of them. All 
his determinations, however, are not to be considered as 
the result of actual observation, nor did Ptolemy publish 
them as such. Astronomical science was confined, at that 
time, to a few countries. A considerable part of the globe 
was little visited, and imperfectly described. The position 
of a small number of places only had been fixed with any 
degree of accuracy. Ptolemy was therefore obliged to con- 
sult the itineraries and surveys of the Roman empire, which 
the political wisdom of that great state had completed with 
immense labour and expense." Beyond the precincts of 

cording to ideas of liis own, but attending to what had been delivered by more ancient 
authors, he adopted from them whatever he found consonant to truth." Epitome 
Geogr. lib. i. c. 6. edit. Hudson. From the same admiration of his work, Agathodre- 
mon, an artist of Alexandria, prepared a series of maps for the illustration of it, in 
which the position of all the places mentioned by Ptolemy, with their longitude and 
latitude, is laid down precisely according to his ideas. Fabric. Biblioth. Graec. iii. 41i'. 
° As these public Surveys and Itineraries furnished the ancient geographers with the 
best information concerning the position and distances of many places, it may be 
be proper to point out the manner in which they were completed by the Romans. The 
idea of a general survey of the whole empire was first formed by Julias Caesar, and 
having been begun by him under authority of a decree of the senate, was finished by 
Augustus. As Rome was still far inferior to Greece in science, the execution of this 
great undertaking Was committed to three Greeks, men of great abilities, and skilled 
in every part of philosophy. The survey of the eastern division of the empire was 
finished by Zenodoxus in fourteen years five months and nine days. That of the north- 
ern division was finished by Theodoras in twenty years eight months and ten days. 
The soathera division was finished in twenty-five years one month and ten days, 
.^thici Cosmographia apud Geographos, editos a Hen. Stephano, 1377, p. 107. This 
undertaking was worthy of those illustrious persons Who planned it, and suited to the 



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SECT. 11. 3U 

the empire, he had nothing on which lie could rely, but 
the journals and reports of travellers. Upon these all his 
conclusions were founded ; and as he resided in Alexan- 
dria at a time when the trade from that city to India was car- 
ried on to its utmost extent, this situation might have been 
expected to afford him the means of procuring ample infor- 
mation concerning it. But either from the imperfect man- 
ner in which that country was explored in his time, or 
from his placing too much confidence in the reports of per- 
sons who had visited it with little attention or discernment/ 
his general delineation of the form of the Indian continent 
is the most erroneous that has been transmitted to us from 
antiquity. By an astonishing mistake, he has made the 
peninsula of India stretch from the Sinus Barygazenus, or 
Gulf of Cambay, from west to east, instead of extending, 
according to its real direction, from north to south.'' This 
error will appear the more unaccountable, when we recol- 
lect that Megasthenes had published a measurement of the 
Indian peninsula, which approaches near to its true dimen- 
sions; and that this had been adopted, with some varia- 
tions, by Eratosthenes, Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, and Pliny, 
who wrote prior to the age of Ptolemy.' 

Although Ptolemy was led to form such an erroneous 
opinion concerning the general dimensions of the Indian 
continent, his information with respect to the coimtry in 
detail, and the situation of particular places, was more ac- 

macnificence of a great people. Besides this general survey, every new war produced a 
new delineation and measurement of the countries which were the seat of it. We may 
conclude from Vegetius, Instit. Rei Militaris, lib. iii. c. 6, that every governor of a 
Roman province was furnished with a description of it ; in which were specified the 
distance of places in miles, the nature of the roads, the hye-roads, the short cuts, the 
mountains, the rivers, &c. ; all these, says he, were not only described in words, but 
were delineated in a map, that in deliberating concerning his military movements, the 
eyes of a general might aid the decisions of his mind. 

P Geogr. lib, i.e. 17. 

'1 The consequence of this mistake is remarkable. Ptolemy, lib. vii. c. i. computes 
the latitude of Barrygaza, or Baroach, to be 17° 20'; and that of Cory, or Cape Co- 
morin, to be iS" 20', which is the difference of four degrees precisely ; whereas the 
real difference between these two places is nearly fourteen degiees. 

•• Strabo, lib. xv. 1010. B. Arrian, Hist. Indie, c. 3, 4. Diod. Sicul. lib. ii. 148. Plin. 
Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 21. Ramusio, the publisher of the most ancient and perhaps the 
most valuable collection of voyages, is the first person, as fai- as I know, who takes 
notice of this strange error of Ptolemy ; Viaggi, vol. i. p. 181. He justly observes, that 
the author of the Circumnavigation of the Erythraean sea had been more accurate, 
and had described the peninsula of India, as extending from north to south ; Peripl. 
p. 24. 29. 



320 ANCIENT INDIA. 

curate ; and he is the first author possessed of such know- 
le^get as enabled him to trace the sea-coast, to mention 
the most noted places situated upon it, and to specify 
the longitude and latitude of each from Cape Comorin 
eastward, to the utmost boundary of ancient navigation. 
With regard to some districts, particularly along the east 
side of the peninsula as far as the mouth of the Ganges, the 
accounts which he had received seem to have been so far 
exact, as to correspond more nearly perhaps with the ac- 
tual state of the country, than the descriptions which he 
gives of any other part of India. M. D'Anville, with his 
usual industry and discernment, has considered the prin- 
cipal stations as they are fixed by him, and finds that they 
correspond to Kilkare, Negapatam, the mouth of the river 
Cauveri, Masulipatam, Point Gordeware, &c. It is foreign 
to the object of this Disquisition to enter into such a mi- 
nute detail ; but in several instances we may observe, that 
not only the conformity of position, but the similarity of 
ancient and modern names, is very striking. The great 
river Cauveri is by Ptolemy named Chaberis ; Arcot, in 
the interior country, is Arcati Regia; and probably the 
whole coast has received its present name of Coromandel 
from Sor Mamlulam, or the kingdom of Sorse, which is 
situated upon it.' 

In the course of one hundred and thirty-six years, which 
elapsed from the death of Strabo to that of Ptolemy, the 
commercial intercourse with India was greatly extended ; 
the latter geographer had acquired such an accession of 
new information concerning the Ganges, that he mentions 
the names of six different mouths of that river, and de- 
scribes their positions. His delineation, however, of that 
part of India which lies beyond the Ganges, is not less 
erroneous in its general form, than that which he gave of 
the peninsula, and bears as little resemblance to the actual 
position of those countries. He ventures, nevertheless, 
upon a survey of them, similar to that which he had made 
of the other great division of India, which I have already 

-qiH ^-^ttH-eiB.'Geogf. Kb. iiiic. 1. D'Anville, Antiq. de I'lnde, 127, &c. 



, „ ^. .-r - t^}>'' 

SKCT. tr. 3^1 

examined. He mentions the places of note along the coast, 
some of which he distinguishes as emporia ; but whether 
that name was given to them on account of their being 
staples of trade to the natives, in their traffic carried on 
from one district of India to another, or whether they were 
ports, to which vessels from the Arabian gulf resorted di- 
rectly, is not specified. The latter I should think to be the 
idea which Ptolemy means to convey ; but those regions 
of India were so remote, and, from the timid and slow 
course of ancient navigation, were probably so little fre- 
quented, that his information concerning them is extremely 
defective, and his descriptions more obscure, more inac- 
curate, and less conformable to the real state of the coun- 
try, than in any part of his geography. That peninsula to 
which he gives the name of the Golden Chersonesus, he 
delineates as if it stretched directly from north to south, 
and fixes the latitude of Sabana Emporium, its southern 
extremity, three degrees beyond the line. To the east 
of this peninsula he places what he calls the Great Bay, 
and in the most remote part of it the station of Catigara, 
the utmost boundary of navigation in ancient times, to 
which he assigns no less than eight degrees and a half of 
southern latitude. Beyond this he declares the earth to be 
altogether unknown, and asserts that the land turns thence 
to the westward, and stretches in that direction until it 
joins the promontory of Prassum in Ethiopia, which, accord- 
ing io his idea, terminated the continent of Africa to the/ 
south.* In consequence of this error, no less unaccountable' 
than enormous, he must have believed the Erythrsean sea, ,, 
in its whole extent from the coast of Africa to that of Cam- 
bodia, to be a vast bason, without any communication 
with the ocean." ''^ 

' Ptolem. Geogr. lib. vii. c. 3. 5. D'Anville, Ant. de I'lnde, 187. - iffj 

"This error of Ptolemy justly merits the name of ejiormouf, which I have given to 
it ; and it will appear more surprising when we recollect, that he must have been ac-q 
quainted, not only with what Herodotus relates concerning the circumnavigation of 
Africa by order of one of the Egyptian kings, lib. iv. c. 4, but with the opinion of Era-' 
tosthenes, who held that the great extent of the Atlantic ocean was the cuily thingiQ 
which prevented a communication between Europe and India by sea ; Strab. Geogr. 
lib. i. p. 113. A. This error, however, must not be imputed wholly to Ptolemj'. Hip- 
parchus, whom we may consider as his guide, had taught that the earth isnot surrounded 

VOL. II. y 



32^.< ANCIENT INDIA. 

Oiit of the confusion of those wild ideas, in which the 
accounts of ignorant or fabulous travellers have involved , 
the geography of Ptolemy, M. D'Anville has attempted to,/:) 
bring order ; and, with much ingenuity^ he has formed -■ 
opinions with respect to some capital positions, which have 
the appearance of being well founded. The peninsula of iij 
Malacca is, according to him, the Golden Chersonesus of , 
Ptolemy; but instead of the direction which he has given j 
it, we know that it bends some degrees towards the east, 
and that Cape de Romania, its southern extremity, is more j 
than a degree to the north of the line. The gulf of Siam t 
he considers as the Great Bay of Ptolemy, but the position, [> 
on the east side of that bay, corresponding to Catigara, is 
actually as many degrees to the north of the equator, as hCfG 
supposed it to be south of it. Beyond this he mentions an t 
inland city, to which he gives the name of Thinse or Sinse ,* 
Metropolis. The longitude which he assigns to it, is one i,-, 
hundred and eighty degrees from his first meridian in the;|* 
Fortunate Island, and is the utmost point towards the east ^' 
to which the ancients had advanced by sea. Its latitude g 
he calculates to be three degrees south of the line. If,'g 
with M. D'Anville, we conclude the situation of Sin-hoaj,'^ 
in the western part of the kingdom of Cochin-China, to be 



£Bai8 






the same with SinsB Metropolis, Ptolemy has erred m, 
fixing its position no less than fifty degrees of longitv^d^^'^ 
and twenty degrees of latitude." * ^ ; /n/:t8 ^o ibboo. 

by~6iie conuiiuous ocean, but that it is separated by different isthmuses, which divrde,,., 
it intp several large basons ; Strab. lib. i. p. 11. B. Ptolemy, having adopted this opi-^ 
nion, was induced to maintain that an unknown country extended from Catigara to, 
Prassum on the south-east coast of Africa ; Geogr. lib. vii. c. 3. and 5. As Ptolemy's 
system of geography was universally received, this error spread along with it. In con- ,. 
foniity to it the Arabicin geographer Edrissi, who wrote in the twelfth century, taught 
that a continued tract of land stretched eastward from Sofala on the African coast, uptil I 
it united with some part of the Indian continent; D'Anville, Antiq. p. 187. Annexe^ 
to the first volume of Gesta Dei per Francos, there is an ancient and very rude map of.g 
the habitable globe, delineated according to this idea of Ptolemy. M. Gossellin, in hig'^j 
map entitled Ptolemaei Systema Geographicum, has exhibited this ima,ginary tract of 
land which Ptolemy supposes to have coimected Africa with Asia ; Geographie des 
Grecs analys6e. _ _ , l»mi ... ,.ja 

" Ptolem. Geogr. lib. vii. c- 3.' PfAnville, Limites du Monde coniju des Ancie]ft;| 
au-dela du Gange. Mem.de titerat. xxxji. ,60_^ 6^c, A^it i^ei|^jlii^^,,Supplem. i^^ 

i6i,&c. '.'"'.."■ ' ' '■j''_^ w:-:'^-'-':"^ ;\- ':-'''- '■ 

* In this part of the Disquisition, as well as in the map prepared for illustrating iti? 
the geographical ideas of M. D'Anville, to which Major Rennell has given the sanc-gr 
tion of his approbation, Introd. p. xxxix., have been generally adopted. But M. Gosr^ 
sellin has lately published, "The Geography of the Greeks aaalyz;ed Lior^the Systonis 



J 



'f' ' ' SECT. If. 32;} 

These errors of Ptolemy concerning the remote parts of 
Asia, have been rendered more conspicuous by a mistaken 
opinion of modern times engrafted upon them. SinsB, the 
most distant station mentioned in his geography, has such 
a near resemblance in sound to China, the name by which 
the greatest and most civilized empire in the east is known 
to Europeans, that, upon their first acquaintance with it, 
they hastily concluded them to be the same; and of con- 
sequence it was supposed that China was known to the 
ancients, though no point seems to be more ascertained, 
than that they never advanced by sea beyond that boun- 
dary which I have allotted to their navigation. 

Having thus traced the discoveries of India which the 
ancients made by sea, I shall next examine what addi- 
tional knowledge of that country they acquired from their 
progress by land. It appears (as I have formerly related) 

of Eratosthenes, Strabo, and Ptolemy, compared with each other, and with the know- 
ledge which the modems have acquired ;" a learned and ingenious work, in which he 
differs from his countrymen with respect to many of his determinations. According 
to M. Gossellin, the Blagnum Promontoiium, which M. D'Anville concludes to be 
Cape Romania, at the southern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca, is the point of 
Bragu, at the mouth of the great river Ava; near to which he places Zaba, supposed 
by M. D'Anville, and by Barros, Decad. ii. liv. vi. c. 1; to be situated on the strait of 
Sincapura or Malacca. The Magnus Sinus of Ptolemy he holds to be the same with 
the gulf of Martaban, not the gulf of Siam, according to M. D'Anville's decision. 
The position of Catigara, as he endeavours to prove, corresponds to that of Mergui, 
a considerable port on the west coast of the kingdom of Siam, and thatThinae, or 
Sinas Metropolis, which M. D'Anville removes as far as Sin-hoa, in the kingdom of 
Cochin-China, is situated on the same river with Mergui, and now bears the name 
of Tana-serim. Thelbadij Insula of Ptolemy, which M. D'Anville determines to be 
Sumatra, he contends is one of that cluster of small isles which lie off this part of the 
coast of Siam ; p. 137 — 148. According to M. Gossellin's system, the ancients never 
sailed through the straits of Malacca, had no knowledge of the island of Sumatra, and 
were altogether unacquainted with the Eastern ocean.. If to any of my readers these 
opinions appear to be well founded, the navigation and commerce of the ancients in 
India must be circumscribed within limits still more confined than those which I have 
allotted to them. From the Ayeen Akbery, vol. ii. p. 7, we learn that Cheen was an 
ancient name of the kingdom of Pegu ; as that country borders upon Ava, where 
M. Gossellin places the Great Promontory, this near resemblance of names may ap-'- 
pear, perhaps, to confirm his opinion that Sinse Metropolis was situated on this coast,"_ 
and not so far east as M. D'Anville has placed it. 

As Ptolemy's geography of this eastern division of Asia is more erroneous, obscure, 
and contradictory than in any other part of his work, and as all the manuscript of it, 
both Greek and Latin, are remarkably incorrect in the two chapters which contain the 
description of the countries beyond the Ganges, M. D'Anville, in his Memoir con- 
cerning the limits of the world known to the ancients beyond the Gauges, has ad- 
mitted into it a larger portion of conjecture than we hud in the other researches of that 
cautious geographer. He likewise builds more than usual upon the resemblances be- 
tween the ancient and modern names of places, though at all times he discovers a 
propensity, perhaps too great, to trace thest.', and to rest upon them. These resem- 
blances are often, indeed, very striking, and have led him to many happy discoveries. 
But in perusing his works, it is impossible, I should think, not to perceive that some 
which he mentions are far fetched and fanciful. Whenever I follow him, 1 have 
adopted only such conclusions as seem to be established with his accustomed accuracyJ 

y2 



^5^4 ANCIENT INDIA. 

that there was a trade carried on early with India through 
the provinces that stretch along its northern frontier. Its 
various productions and manufactures were transported by 
land-carriage into the interior parts of the Persian domi- 
nions, or were conveyed, by means of the navigable rivers 
which flow through the Upper Asia, tp the Caspian sea, 
and from that to the Euxine. While the successors of 
Seleucus retained the dominion of the East, this continued 
to be the mode of supplying their subjects with the com- 
modities of India. When the Romans had extended their 
conquests so far that the Euphrates was the eastern limit 
of their empire, they found this trade still established, and 
as it opened to them a new communication with the East, 
by means of which they received an additional supply of 
luxuries for which they had acquired the highest relish, it 
became an object of their policy to protect and encourage 
it. As the progress of the caravans or companies of mer- 
chants, which travelled towards the countries whence they 
received the most valuable manufactures, particularly those 
of silk, was often interrupted, and rendered dangerous by 
the Parthians, who had acquired possession of all the pro- 
vinces which extended from the Caspian sea to that part 
of Scythia or Tartary which borders on China, the Ro- 
mans endeavoured to render this intercourse more secure 
;by a negotiation with one of the monarchs of that great 
empire. Of this singular transaction there is, indeed, no 
vestige in the Greek or Roman writers ; our knowledge 
of it is derived entirely from the Chinese historians, by 
whom we are informed that Antoun (the emperor Marcus 
Antonius), the king of the people of the Western ocean, 
sent an embassy with this view to Oun-ti, who reigned 
over China in the hundred and sixty-sixth year of the 
Christian era.^' What was the success of this attempt is 
not known, nor can we say whether it facilitated such an 
intercourse between these two remote nations as contri- 
buted towards the supply .of tlieir mutual wants.. The 

T^emoire sur les IJaisons et le Commeice des Remains, avec les Tartares el Jes 
Chinois, par M. de Guignes. Mem, de Literal, xxxii, 355, &c. 



SECT. II. 6^^ 

.hj^'O'irfJijibffl ffiiw vl-ffif) no b'injfn ^hj^-rt n f.f;w,s'*9ft+ Ifiilt 
desi^ certainly was Tiot unworthy of the enhghtened em- 
peror of Rome to whom it is ascribed. 

It is evident, however, that in prosecuting this trade 
with China, a considerable part of the extensive countries 
to the east of the Caspian sea must have been traversed ; 
and thougrli the chief inducement to undertake those di^- 
tant journeys was gain, yet in the course of ages, there 
must have mingled among the adventurers persons of curi- 
osity and abilities, who could turn their attention froni 
commercial objects to those of more general concern. 
From them such information was procured, and subjected 
to scientific discussion, as enabled Ptolemy to give a de- 
scription of those inland and remote regions of Asia,^ fully 
as accurate as that of several countries, of which, from 
their vicinity, he may have been supposed to have received 
more distinct accounts. The farthest point towards the 
jgast, to which his knowledge of this part of Asia extended, 
js Sera Metropolis, which from various circumstances ap- 
pears to have been in the same situation with Kant-cheou, 
a city of some note in Chen-si, the most westerly province 
£>f the Chinese empire. This he places in the longitude of 
one hundred and seventy-seven degrees fifteen minutes, 
near three degrees to the west of Sinse Metropolis, which 
he had described as the utmost limit of Asia discovered by 
sea. Nor was Ptolemy's knowledge of this district of 
Asia confined only to that part of it through which the 
caravans may be supposed to have proceeded directly in 
their route eastward; he had received likewise some ge- 



8. 



neral information concerning various nations towards the 



'north, which, according to the position that he gives them, 
occupied parts of the great plain of Tartary, extending 
considerably beyond Lassa, the capital of Thibet, and the 
residence of the Dalai Lama. 

The latitudes of several places in this part of Asia are 
fitted by Ptolemy with such uncommon precision, that we 
can hardly doubt of their having been ascertained by 
actual observation. Out of, mfj^ny instances of tU,ig^J,^l^all 

^ Lib. Ti. c. 11 — 18. ^ 



326 ANCIENT INDIA. 

select three of places situated in very diiFerent parts of the 
country under review. The latitude of Nagara, on the 

rl river Cophenes (the modern Attock), is, according to 
Ptolemy, thirty-two degrees and thirty minutes; which 
coincides precisely with the observation of an eastern 
geographer quoted by M. D'Anville.^ The latitude of 

L Maracanda, or Samarcand, as fixed by him, is thirty-nine 
degrees fifteen minutes. According to the Astronomical 

J Tables of Ulug Beg, the grandson of Timur, whose royal 
residence was in that city, it is thirty-nine degrees thirty- 
seven minutes.'' The latitude of Sera Metropolis, in Pto- 
lemy, is thirty-eight degrees fifteen minutes ; that of Kant- 
cheou, as determined by the Jesuit missionaries, is thirty- 
nine degrees. I have enumerated these striking examples 

i of the coincidence of his calculations with those esta- 
blished by modern observations, for two reasons : One, 
because they clearly prove that these remote parts of Asia 

had been examined with some considerable degree of at- 
tention ; the other, because I feel great satisfaction, after 
having been obliged to mention several errors and defects 

"i in Ptolemy's geography, in rendering justice to a philo- 
sopher, who has contributed so much towards the im- 
provement of that science. The facts which I have pro- 
duced afford the strongest evidence of the extent of his 

5 information, as well as the justness of his conclusions 

8£ concerning countries with which, from their remote 

Bsituation, we might have supposed him to be least ac- 

-g quainted. 

^fiij Hitherto I have confined my researches concerning the 

,^ knowledge which the ancients had of India to the conti- 

Ic nent ; I return now to consider the discoveries which they 
had made, of the islands situated in various parts of the 
ocean with which it is surrounded, and begin, as I pro- 
: posed, with Taprobane, the greatest and most valuable of 
them. This island lay so directly in the course of navi- 
gators who ventured beyond Cape Comorin, especially 

» Eclaircissements, &c. English Translation, p. 10. 
*> Tab. Geogr. ap. Hudson, Geogr. Minores, iii. 145- 



.A I a 5^ SECT. II. ^ ' 0'327 

when, accordirig to the ancient mode of sailing,' they* sel- 
dom ventured far from the coast, that its position, one 
should have thought, must have been determined veith 
the utmost precision. There is, however, liardly any 
point in the geography of the ancients more undecided 
and uncertain. Prior to the age of Alexander the Great, 
the name of Taprobane was unknown in Europe. In 
consequence of the active curiosity with which he ex- 
plored every country that he subdued or visited, some 
information concerning it seems to have been obtained. 
From his time almost every writer on geography has men- 
tioned it, but their accounts of it are so various, and often 
so contradictory, that we can scarcely believe them to be 
describing the same island. Strabo, the earliest writer 
now extant, from whom we have any particular account 
of it, affirms that it was as large as Britain, and situated 
at the distance of seven days, according to some reports, 
and according to others, of twenty days' sailing from the 
southern extremity of the Indian peninsula ; from which, 
contrary to what is known to be its real position, he de- 
scribes it as stretching towards the west above five hun- 
dred stadia.'' Pomponius Mela, the author next in order 
of time, is uncertain whether he should consider Tapro- 
bane as an island, or as the beginning of another world ; 
but as no person, he says, had ever sailed round it, he 
seems to incline towards the latter opinion.*^ Pliny gives 
a more ample description of Taprobane, which, instead 
of bringing any accession of light, involves every thing 
relating to it in additional obscurity. After enumerating 
the various and discordant opinions of the Greek writers, 
he informs us, that ambassadors were sent by a king of 

-that island to the Emperor Claudius, from whom the Ro- 
mans learned several things concerning it which were 

r formerly unknown, particularly that there were five hun- 
dred towns in the island, and that in the centre of it there 
was a lake three hundred and seventy- five miles in cir- 

'r^^trabo, lib. ii. 12 k B. 180. H. 192. A. lib. xv,ia012. B. 



ANCIENT INDIA. 

curaference. These ambassadors were astonishfed at ihb 
sight of the Great Bear and the Pleiades, being constel- * 
la-tions which did not appear in their sky ; and were still ■ 
more amazed when they beheld their shadows point to- 
wards the north, and the sun rise on their left hand, and 
set on their right. They affirmed, too, that in their coun- 
try the moon was never seen until the eighth day after 
the change, and continued to be visible only to the six- 
teenth." It is surprising to find an author so intelligent 
as Pliny relating all these circumstances without animad- 
version, and particularly that he does not take notice, 
that what the ambassadors reported concerning the ap- 
pearance of the moon, could not take place in any region 
of the earth. »i i \o 

Ptolemy, though so near to the age of Pliny, seems to 
have been altogether unacquainted with his description of 
Taprobane, or with the embassy to the emperor Claudius, 
He places that island opposite to Cape Comorin, at no 
great distance from the continent, and delineates it as 
stretching from north to south no less than fifteen degrees, 
two of which he supposes to be south of the equator; and, 
if his representation of its dimensions had been just, it 
was well entitled, from its magnitude, to be compared 
with Britain.* Agathemerus, who wrote after Ptolemy, 
and was well acquainted with his geography, considers '' 
Taprobane as the largest of all islands, and assigns to 
Britain only the second place.^ nrmtt sioavv' etdi t( 

Fi:om this diversity of the descriptions given by ancient 
writers, it is not surprising that the moderns should have 
entertained very different sentiments with respect to the 
island in the Indian ocean, which was to be considered as 
the same with the Taprobane of the Greeks and Romans. 
As both Pliny and Ptolemy describe it as lying in part to 
the south of the equator, some learned men maintain Su- 
matra to be the island which corresponds to this descrip- 
tion. 13ut the great distance of Sumatra from the penin- 

' Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 22iUL» ft<pto]. lib. vii. c.4. D'Anville, Ant. de I'lnde, p. 142 
s Lib. ii. c. 8. apud Hudson. Geogr. Minor, vol. ii, 



/ SECT. llJ^Wft 329^' 

sula of Ihdih dsces not accord with atiy ai5c8lint WHicli fe - 
Greek or Roman writers have ofiven of the situation of '^ 
Taprobane, and we have no evidence that the navigation ^ 
of the ancients ever extended so far as Sumatra. The^^ 
opinion more generally received is, that the Taprobane of"^ 
the ancients is the island of Ceylon ; and not only its'' 
vicinity to the continent of India, but the general form of '^ 
the island, as delineated by Ptolemy, as well as the posi-'^ 
tion of several places in it, mentioned by him, establish 
this opinion (notwithstanding some extraordinary mis- 
takes, of which I shall afterward take notice) with a great ' 
degree of certainty. '^ 

The other islands, to the east of Taprobane, mention¥(£^ 
by Ptolemy, might be shewn (if such a detail were neces- '^ 
sary) to be the Andaman and Nicobar islands in the gulf 
of Bengal. > tf 

After this long, and, I am afraid, tedious investigat?orf'^ 
of the progress made by the ancients, in exploring the dif- ^ 
ferent parts of India, and,, after tracing them as far as they 3 
advanced towards the east either by sea or land, I shalP^ 
offer some general remarks concerning the mode in which ;^ 
their discoveries were conducted, and the degree of con- ^' 
fidence with which we may rely on the accounts of them;^ 
which could not have been oftered with the same advan- ^^ 
tage until this investigation was finished. ''-' ^^^^ 

The art of delineating maps, exhibiting either the figiW^ 
of the whole earth, as far as it had been explored, or thai 
of particular countries, was known to the ancients ; and 
without the use of them to assist the imagination, it was" 
impossible to have formed a distinct idea either of the^'-^ 
one or of the other. Some of these maps are mentioned^* 
by Herodotus and other early Greek writers. But no 
maps prior to those which were formed in order to illus- "^ 
trate the geography of Ptolemy, have reached our times, 
in consequence of which it is very difficult to conceive '* 
what was the relative situation of the different places'* 
'"^-^Jf^j^^nl f^^ SW MM^^^ gcogr^pU<?rs, unless when. L4i is ■ 



330 ANCIENT INDIA. 

precisely ascertained by measurement.'' As soon^ how- 
1 ever, as the mode of marking the situation of each place, 
by specifying its longitude and latitude, was introduced, 
i^v and came to be generally adopted, every position could 
Q be described in compendious and scientific terms. But 
still the accuracy of this new method, and the improve- 
1 ment which geography derived from it, depends upon the 
fj mode in which the ancients estimated the latitude and 

longitude of places. lii uadwiau 

,£jjj Though the ancients proceeded in determining the lati- 
tude and longitude of places upon the same principles 
with the moderns, yet it was by means of instruments 
very inferior in their construction to those now used, and 
^ without the same minute attention to every circumstance 
.; that may affect the accuracy of an observation, an atten- 
tion of which long experience only can demonstrate the 
necessity. In order to ascertain the latitude of any place, 
j( the ancients observed the meridian altitude of the sun, 
7 either by means of the shadow of a perpendicular gnomon, 
yOr by means of an astrolabe, from which it was easy to 
Y^compute how many degrees and minutes the place of ob- 
-, .servation was distant from the equator. When neither of 
gl these methods could be employed, they inferred the lati- 
9 tude of any place from the best accounts which they could 
3, procure of the length of its longest day. ^-i lyj 

J :■ s* The author of the Circumnavigation of the Erythrasan sea has marked the dis- 
tances of many of the places which he mentions, with such accuracy as renders it a 
'-'Inearer approach, than what is to be found in any writer of antiquity, to a complete 
survey of the coast from Myos-hormus, on the west side of the Arabian gulf, along 
the shores of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and Caramania, to the mouth of the Indus, 
t^ and thence down the west coast of the Indian Peninsula to Musiris and Barace. 
" 'This adds to the value of this short treatise, which, in every other respect, possesses 
, 1 sgreat merit. It may be considered a remarkable proof of the extent and accuracy of 
' this author's intelligence concerning India, that he is the only ancient writer who ap- 
pears in any degree to have been acquainted with the great division of the country, 
which still subsists, viz. Indostan Proper, comprehending the northern provinces of 
the Penins\ila, and the Deccan, comprehending the southern provinces. " From Ba- 
rygaza (says he) the continent stretches to the south ; hence that district is called 
°" Dachinabades, for, in the language of the country, the south is called Dachanos ;" 
S- Peripl. p. 29. As the Greeks and Romans, when they adopt any foreign name, 
"^ always gave it a termination peculiar to their own language, which the grammatical 
^. structure of both tongues rendered in some degree necessary, it is evident that Da- 
V chanos is the same with Deccan, which word has still the same signification, and 
-'-is still the name of that division of the Peninsula. The northern limit of the Deccan 
y atpreeeptis the river Narbudda, where our author likewise fixes it. Peripl. j^., j 



AiaVlSECT. ri.VlA 0J331 

With respect to determining the longitude of any place, 
they were much more at a loss, as there was only one set 

J of celestial phenomena to which they could have recourse. 

t> These were the eclipses of the moon (for those of the sun 
were not then so well understood as to be subservient to 
the purposes of geography) ; the difference between the 
time at which an eclipse was observed to begin or to end 

b at two different places, gave immediately the difference 
between the meridians of those places. But the difficulty 
of making those observations with accuracy, and the im- 
possibility of repeating them often, rendered them of so 
little use in geography, that the ancients in determining 
longitudes were obliged, for the most part, to have re- 
course to actual surveys, or to the vague information 
which was to be obtained from the reckonings of sailors, 
or the itineraries of travellers. 

But though the ancients, by means of the operations 
which I have mentioned, could determine the position of 
places with a considerable degree of accuracy at land, it 
is very uncertain whether or not they had any proper mode 
of determining this at sea. The navigators of antiquity 
seem rarely to have had recourse to astronomical obser- 
vation. They had no instruments suited to a moveable 
and unsteady observatory ; and though, by their practice 
of landing frequently, they might in some measure have 
supplied that defect, yet no ancient author, as far as I 
know, has given an account of any astronomical obser- 
vation made by them during the course of their voyages. 
It seems to be evident from Ptolemy, who employs some 
chapters in shewing how geography may be improved, 
and its errors may be rectified, from the reports of navi- 
gators,' that all their calculations were founded solely 
upon reckoning, and were not the result of observation. 
Even after all the improvements which the moderns have 
made in the science of navigation, this mode of computing 
by reckoning is known to be so loose and uncertain, that 
from it alone, no conclusion can be deduced with any 

» Lib. i, c. 7—14. 



R88 11 .TDag 

333 ,1 ANCIENT INDIA., ., ', ,, 

■"■ fnrt wort'! ' 'r^- .'flW to noit,'^oa grfl 

great degree of precision. Among tlie ancients, this iil^ 
accuracy must have been greatly augmented, as they were 
accustomed in their voyages, instead of steering a direct 
course, which might have been more easily measured, 
to a circuitous navigation along the coast ; and were un- 
acquainted with the compass, or any other instrument, by 
which its bearings might have been ascertained. We find, 
accordingly, the position of many places which we may 
suppose to have been determined at sea, fixed with little 
exactness. When, in consequence of an active trade, the 
ports of any country were much frequented, the reckonings 
of different navigators may have served, in some measure, 
to correct each other, and may have enabled geographers 
to form their conclusions with a nearer approximation to 
truth. But in remote countries, which have neither been 
the seat of military operations, nor explored by caravans 
travelling frequently through them, every thing is more 
vao-ue and undefined, and the resemblance between the 
ancient descriptions of them, and their actual figure, is 
often so faint that it can hardly be traced. The latitude 
of places, too, as might be expected, was in general much 
more accurately known by the ancients than their longi- 
tude. The observations by which the former was deterf 
mined are simple, made with ease, and are not liable to 
much error. The other cannot be ascertained precisely 
^.without more complex operations, and the use of instruf 
ments much more perfect than any that the ancients seem 
to have possessed.*^ Among the vast number of places, 

^ Though, in deducing the latitudes of places from observations of the sun or stars, 
the ancient astronomers neglected several corrections which ought to have been ap- 
plied, their results were sometimes exact to a few minutes, but at other times they 
appear to have been erroneous to the extent of two or even three degrees, and may 
perhaps be reckoned, one with another, to have come within half a degree of the truth. 
This part of the ancient geography would therefore have been tolerably accurate, if 
there had been a sufficient number of such determinations. These, however, were far 
from being numerous, and appear to have been confined to some of the more remark- 
able places in the countries which surround the Mediterranean sea. 

When, from want of more accurate observations, the latitude was inferred from the 
length of the longest or shortest day, no great degree of precision was, in any case, to 
be expected, and least of all in the vicinity of the equator. An error of a quarter of 
an hour, which, witliout some mode of measuring time more accurate than ancient 
observers could employ, was not easily avoided, might produce, in such situations, an 
i.eraoTof four degrees in tho determination of the latitude.r-=rrJA l-. >a/5o;> 'idi nwob i^i 

With respect to places in the torrid zone, there was another resource for detettmli- 
ing the latitude. This was by observing the time of the year when the sun was verti- 



SECT. II. S33 

tlie position of which is fixed ty Ptolemy, I know not if 
he approaches as near to truth in the longitude of any one, 
as he has done in fixing the latitude of the three cities 
which I formerly mentioned as a striking, though not sin^ 
gular, instance of his exactness. --^^'i' t^,*?^^*^^ 

These observations induce me to adhere to an opinion 
which I proposed in another place/ that the Greeks and 
Romans, in their commercial intercourse with India, were 

cal to any place, or when bodies that stood perpendicular to the horizon had no shadow 
at noon-day ; the sun's distance from the equator at that time, which was known from 
the principles of astronomy, was equal to the latitude of the place. We have in- 
stances of the application of this method in the determination of the parallels of Syene 
and Meroe. The accuracy which this method would admit of, seems to be limited to 
about half a degree, and this only on the supposition that the observer was sta- 
tionary ; for if he was travelling from one place to another, and had not an opportu- 
nity of correcting the observation of one day by that of the day following, he was likely 
to deviate much more considerably from the truth. 

With respect to the longitude of places, as eclipses of the moon are not frequent, 
and could seldom be of use for determining it, and only when there were astronomers 
to observe them with accuracy, they may be left out of the account altogether when 
we are examining the geography of remote countries. The diflferences of the meridians 
of places were therefore anciently ascertained entirely by the bearings and distances 
of one place from another, and of consequence all the errors of reckonings, surveys, 
and itineraries, fell chiefly upon the longitude, in the same manner as happens at pre- 
sent in a ship which has no method of determining its longitude, but by comparing the 
dead-reckoning with the observations of the latitude ; though with this difference, that 
the errors, to which the most skilful of the ancient navigators was liable, were far 
greater than what the most ignorant ship-master of modem times, provided with a 
compass, can well commit. The length of the Mediterranean measured, in degrees of 
longitude, from the Pillars of Hercules, to the Bay of Issus.isless than forty degrees; 
but in Ptolemy's maps, it is more than sixty, and, in general, its longitudes, counting 
from the meridian of Alexandria, especially towards the East, are erroneous nearly in 
the same proportion. It appears, indeed, that in remote seas the coasts were often 
delineated from an imperfect account of the distances sailed, without the least knovw- 
ledge of the bearings or direction of the ship's course. Ptolemy, it is true, used fo 
make an allowance of about one-third for the winding of a ship's course. Geogr. lib.'i. 
c. 12 ; but it is plain, that the application of this general rule could seldom lead to an 
accurate conclusion. Of this there is a striking instance in the form which that geo- 
grapher has given to the Peninsula of India. From the Barygazenum Promontorium 
to the place marked Locus unde solvunt in Chrysen navigantes, that is, from Surat on 
the Malabar coast, to about Narsapour on the Coromandel coast, the distance mea- 
sured along the sea-shore is nearly the same with what it is in reality ; that is, about 
five hundred and twenty leagues. But the mistake in the direction is astonishing, 
for the Malabar and Coromandel coast, instead of stretching to the south, and inter- 
secting one another at Cape Comorin, in a very acute angle, are extended by Ptolemy 
almost in the same straight line from west to east, declining a little to the south. This 
coast is, at the same time, marked with several bays and promontories, nearly resem- 
bling, in their position, those which actually exist on it. All these circumstances com- 
pared together, point out very clearly what were t^e materials from which the ancient 
map of India was composed. The ships which had visited the roast of that country 
had kept an account of the time which they took to sail from one place to another, 
and had marked as they stood along shore, on what hand the land lay, when thoy 
shaped their course across a bay or doubled a promontory. This imperfect journal, 
with an inaccurate account, perhaps, of tlie latitude of one or two places, was probably 
all the information concerning the coast of India which Ptolemy was able to procnrfe. 
That he should have been able to procure no better information from merchants who 
sailed with no particular view of exploring the coast, will not appear wondeiful, if we 
consider that even the celebrated Pericles of Hanno would not enable a goographerto 
lay down the coast of Africa with more preci.«ion, than Ptolemy has delineated that of 
India. ; i- ai- i,, See vol. v. p. 39. 

I ; s-*/ qua^ddi nsriw ib^^ aii^.io amu adi j|ni7t3Bdo yd B£w airit ,3bu3i)Bi adi §ni 



'? 



33#: c' A N C I E N T I N D I A. 

seldom led, either by curiosity, or the love of gain, to visit 
the more eastern parts of it. A variety of particulars 
occur to confirm this opinion. Though Ptolemy bestowstfi^r 
the appellation of Emporia on several places situated oit^B 
the coast, which stretches from the eastern mouth of the^d 
Ganges to the extremity of the Golden Chersonesus, it id-^^t 
uncertain, whether from his having given them this name,*-:^ 
we are to consider them as harbours frequented by ships 
from Egypt, or merely by vessels of the country. Beyond 
the Golden Chersonesus, it is remarkable that he mentions^'^'> 
one Emporium only;'' which plainly indicates the * inter-'^^ 
course with this region of India to have been very incon^- '* 
siderable. Had voyages from the Arabian gulf to those^ 
countries of India been as frequent as to have entitled^^^"^ 
Ptolemy to specify so minutely the longitude and latitude''^ 
of the great number of places which he mentions, he must, 
in consequence of this, have acquired such information a»=^^ 
would have prevented several great errors into which he^-"^ 
has fallen. Had it been usual to double Cape Comorin,:^^* 
and to sail up the Bay of Bengal to the mouth of the*^^ 
Ganges, some of the ancient geographers would not have' ^^ 
been so uncertain, and others so widely mistaken, with'^ 
respect to the situation and magnitude of the island of''^ 
Ceylon. If the merchants of Alexandria had often visited''^ 
the ports of the Gdolen Chersonesus, and of the Great Bay, 
Ptolemy's descriptions of them must have been rendered 
more correspondent to their real form, nor could he have^^^ 
believed several places to lie beyond the line, which are^'^ 
in truth some degrees on this side of it. /f .tLa/'^-^' s?.'3£fj 

But though the navigation of the ancients may not have'^ 
extended to the farther India, we are certain that various^* 
commodities of that country were imported into Egypt, 
and thence were conveyed to Rome, and to other parts of 
the empire. From circumstances which I have already 
enumerated, we are warranted in concluding, that these^" 
were brought in vessels of the country to Musiris, and to-^* 
the other ports on the Malabar coast, which were, at that 

" Lib. vii. c. 2. 



'), \t, 



SECT. II. 336 

period, the staples of trade with Egypt. In a country of - 
such extent as India, where the natural productions are 
various, and greatly diversified by art and industry, an > 
active domestic commerce, both by sea and by land, must 
have early taken place among its different provinces. Of 
this we have some hints in ancient authors ; and where 
the sources of information are so few and so scanty, we j 
must rest satisfied with hints. Among the different classes 
or casts into which the people of India were divided, mer- 
chants are mentioned as one," from which we may con- 
clude trade to have been one of the established occupa-, ^ 
tions of men in that country. From the author of the_> 
Circumnavigation of the Erythraean sea, we learn that the 
inhabitants of the Coromandel coast traded in vessels of 
their own with those of Malabar ; that the interior trade 
of Barygaza was considerable ; and that there was, at all 
seasons, a number of country ships to be found in the 
harbour of Musiris.° By Strabo we are informed, that h' 
the most valuable productions of Taprobane were carried il 
to different Emporia of India.'' In this way the traders ir 
from Egypt might be supplied with them, and thus could » ) 
finish their voyages within the year, which must have^d 
been protracted much longer if they had extended as far 
towards the east as is generally supposed. t-. .aoi ■{&■-.» 

From all this it appears to be probable, that Ptolemy dl 
derived the information concerning the eastern parts of/T 
India, upon which he founds his calculations, not so much rti 
from any direct and regular intercourse between Egypt and >d 
these countries, as from the reports of a few adventurers, li 
whom an enterprising spirit, or the love of gain, prompted 
to proceed beyond the usual limits of navigation, i £.;,i>uo.tx9 

Though, from the age of Ptolemy, the trade with Indiaoo 
continued to be carried on in its former channel, and both f£ 
Rome, the ancient capital of the empire, and Constanti-;ii 
nople, the new seat of government, were supplied with 
the precious commodities of that country by the mer- 



i r r'J 



* Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c.^.^ ^ ° Perip. Mar. Eiythr. 34. 30. 

p Lib. ii. 124. B. 



336 ANCIENT INDIA. 

chants of Alexandria, yet, until the reign of the emperor 
Justinian, we have no new information concerning the in- 
tercourse with the East by sea, or the progress which was 
made in the discovery of its remote regions. Under Jus- 
tinian, Cosmas, an Egyptian merchant, in the course of 
his traffic, made some voyages to India, whence he ac- 
quired the surname of Indicopleustes ; but afterward, by 
a transition not uncommon in that superstitious age, he re- 
nounced all the concerns of this life, and assumed the 
monastic character. In the solitude and leisure of a cell, 
he composed several works, one of which, dignified by 
him with the name of Christian Topography , has reached 
us. The main design of it is to combat the opinion of 
those philosophers, who assert the earth to be of a sphe- 
rical figure, and to prove that it is an oblong plane, of 
twelve thousand miles in length from east to west, and of 
six thousand miles in breadth from north to south, sur- 
rounded by high walls, covered by the firmament as with 
a canopy or vault ; that the vicissitude of day and night 
was occasioned by a mountain of prodigious height, situ- 
ated in the extremities of the north, round which the sun 
moved ; that when it appeared on one side of this moun- 
tain, the earth was illuminated, when concealed on the 
other side, the earth was left involved in darkness.'^ But 
amidst those wild reveries, more suited to the credulity of 
his new profession, than to the sound sense characteristic of 
that in which he was formerly engaged, Cosmas seems to 
relate what he himself had observed in his travels, or what 
he had learned from others, with great simplicity and re- 
gard for truth. 

He appears to have been well acquainted with the 
west coast of the Indian peninsula, and names several 
places situated upon it; he describes it as the chief seat 
of the pepper-trade, and mentions Male, in particular, as 
one of the most frequented ports on that account." From 
Male, it is probable that this side of the continent has de- 

1 Cosmas ap. Montfaucon Collect. Patrum.ii. 113. &c. 138. 
' Cosm. lib. ii. p. 138. lib. xi. 337. 



SECT. II. 337 

rived its modern name of Malabar; and the cluster of 
islands contiguous to it, that of the Maldives. From 
him too we learn, that the island of Taprobane, which he 
supposes to lie at an equal distance from the Persian 
gulf on the west, and the country of the Sinae on the east, 
had become, in consequence of this commodious situation, 
a great staple of trade; that into it were imported the silk 
of the Sinae, and the precious spices of the eastern coun- 
tries, which were conveyed thence to all parts of India, to 
Persia, and to the Arabian gulf. To this island he gives 
the name of Sielediba,^ nearly the same with that of Selen- 
dib, or Serendib' by which it is still known all over the 
East. 

To Cosmas we are also indebted for the first information 
of a new rival to the Romans in trade having appeared in 
the Indian seas. The Persians, after having overturned 
the empire of the Parthians, and re-established the line of 
their ancient monarchs, seem to have surmounted entirely 
the aversion of their ancestors to maritime exertion, and 
made early and vigorous efforts in order to acquire a share 
in the lucrative commerce with India. All its conside- 
rable ports were frequented by traders from Persia, who, 
in return for some productions of their own country in re- 
quest among the Indians, received the precious commodi- 
ties, which they conveyed up the Persian gulf, and by 
means of the great rivers Euphrates and Tigris, distributed 
them through every province of their empire. As the 
voyage from Persia to India was much shorter than that 
from Egypt, and attended with 1-ess expense and danger, 
the intercourse between the two countries increased ra- 
pidly. A circumstance is mentioned by Cosmas which is 
a striking proof of this. In most of the cities of any note 
in India he found Christian churches established, in which 
the functions of religion were performed by priests or- 
dained by the archbishop of Seleucia, the capital of the 
Persian empire, and who continued subject to his jurisdic- 

» Lib. xi. 336, 
VOL. II. Z 



^-'338 ANCIENT INDIA. 

tion.* India appears to have been more thoroughly ex- 
plored at this period, than it was in the age of Ptolemy, 
and a greater number of strangers seem to have been set- 
tled there. It is remarkable, however, that, according to 
the account of Cosmas, none of these strangers were ac- 
customed to visit the eastern regions of Asia, but rested 
satisfied with receiving their silk, their spices, and other 
valuable productions, as they were imported into Ceylon, 
and conveyed thence to the various marts of India." 

The frequency of open hostilities between the emperors of 
Constantinople and the monarchs of Persia, together with 
the increasing rivalship of their subjects in the trade with 
India, gave rise to an event which produced a consider- 
able change in the nature of that commerce. As the 
use of silk, both in dress and furniture, became gradually 
more general in the court of the Greek emperors, who 
imitated and surpassed the sovereigns of Asia in splendour 
and magnificence; and as China, in which, according to 
the concurring testimony of Oriental writers, the culture of 
silk was originally known," still continued to be the only 
country which produced that valuable commodity; the 
Persians, improving the advantages which their situation 
gave them over the merchants from the Arabian gulf, sup- 
planted them in all the marts of India to which silk was 
brought by sea from the East. Having it likewise in their 
power to molest or to cut off the caravans, which, in order 
to procure a supply for the Greek empire, travelled by land 
to China, through the northern provinces of their kingdom, 
they entirely engrossed thatbranch of commerce. Constan- 
tinople was obliged to depend on the rival power for an 
article which luxury viewed and desired as essential to 
elegance. The Persians, with the usual rapacity of mo- 
nopolists, raised the price of silk to such an exorbitant 
height,^ that Justinian, eager not only to obtain a full and 
certain supply of a commodity which was become of in- 

,,-...- ^IPpsm- lib. iii. 178. " Lib. xi. 337. " Herbelot, Biblioth. Orient, art. liarir. 
ISgflOi 0X1 dliJW ^JlOiaUy Procop. Hist. Arcan.c. 25. ^ni.i .inaWfJ 



I 



SECT. 11. 339 

dispensable use, but solicitous to deliver the commerce of 
his subjects from the exactions of his enemies, endea- 
voured, by means of his ally, the Christian monarch of 
Abyssinia, to wrest some portion of the silk-trade from the 
Persians. In this attempt he failed ; but when he least 
A. D. 55. expected it, he, by an unforeseen event, attained, in 
some measure, the object he had in view. Two 
Persian monks having been employed as missionaries in 
some of the Christian churches, which were established 
(as we are informed by Cosmas) in different parts of India, 
had penetrated into the country of the Seres or China. 
There they observed the labours of the silk- worm, and be- 
came acquainted with all the arts of man in working up its 
productions into such a variety of elegant fabrics. The 
prospect of gain, or perhaps an indignant zeal, excited by 
seeing this lucrative branch of commerce engrossed by un- 
believing nations, prompted them to repair to Constanti- 
nople. There they explained to the emperor the origin 
of silk, as well as the various modes of preparing and ma- 
nufacturing it, mysteries hitherto unknown, or very im- 
perfectly understood in Europe, and encouraged by his 
liberal promises, they undertook to bring to the capital a 
sufficient number of those wonderful insects, to whose 
labours man is so much indebted. This they accomplished 
by conveying the eggs of the silk-worm in a hollow cane. 
They were hatched by the heat of a dunghill, fed with the 
leaves of a wild mulberry-tree, and they multiplied and 
worked in the same manner as in those climates where 
they first became objects of human attention and care.* 
Vast numbers of these insects were soon reared in different 
parts of Greece, particularly in the Peloponnesus. Sicily 
afterward undertook to breed silk-worms with equal suc- 
cess, and was imitated from time to time in several towns 
of Italy. In all these places extensive manufactures were 
established and carried on with silk of domestic produc- 
tion. The demand for silk from the east diminished of 
course, the subjects of the Greek emperors were no longer 

' Procop. de Bello Gothic, lib. iv. c. 17. 

z2 



340 ANCIENT INDIA. 

"obliged to have recourse to the Persians for a supply of it, 
and a considerable change took place in the nature of the 
commercial intercourse between Europe and India.^ 



■,d:ii 



> 



— ., 10 /» — ■ ' 

SECT. III. 

Intercourse with India, from the Conquest of Egypt by the Mahomedans, to the Dis- 
covery of the Passage by the Cape of Good Hope, and the Establishment of the For- , 
tuguese dominion in the East. ' '-" -^ ,^ni,M 

About fourscore years after the death of Justinian, an 
event happened, which occasioned a revolution still more 
considerable in the intercourse of Europe with the East. 
Mahomet, by publishing a new religion, seems to hav6 
animated his countrymen with a new spirit, and to have 
called forth latent passions and talents into exertion. Th^^' 
greatest part of the Arabians, satisfied from the earliest 
times with national independence and personal liberty); 
tended their camels, or reared their palm-trees, within tli^ 
precincts of their ov/n peninsula, and had little intercourse 
with the rest of mankind, unless when they sallied out to 
plunder a caravan, or to rob a traveller. In some districts, 
however, they had begun to add the labours of agriculture, 
and the business of commerce, to the occupations of pas- 
toral life." These different orders of men, when prompted 
by the enthusiastic ardour with which the exhortations and 
example of Mahomet inspired them, displayed, at once^'.^ 
all the zeal of missionaries, and the ambition of conquerors.* ■ 
They spread the doctrine of their prophet, and extended 
the dominion of his successors, from the shores of the 
Atlantic to the frontier of China, with a rapidity of success' 
to which there is nothing similar in the history of 
mankind. Egypt was one of its earliest conquests ; 

" The introduction of the silk-worm into Europe, and the effects which this prO^ 
duced, came under the view of Mr. Gibbon, in writing the History of tbe emperor Ju?-. , 
tinian, and though it was an incident of subordinate importance only, amidst the mul- ' 
tiplicity of great transactions which must have occupied his attention, he has examined 
this event with accuracy, and related it with a precision, which would have done 
honour to an author who had no higher object of research. Vol. iv. p. 71, &c. Nor 
is it here only that I am called upon to ascribe to him this merit. The subject of my 
inquiries has led me several times upon ground which he had gone over, and I have 
uniformly received information from the industry and discernment with which he has 
surveyed it » Sale's Koran, Prelim. Dis. p. 32, 33. 



SECT. III. 341 

and as tney settled m that inviting country, and kept pos- 
session of it, the Greeks were excluded from all inter- 
course with Alexandria, to which they had long resorted 
as the chief mart of Indian goods. Nor was this the only 
effect which the progress of the Mahomedan arms had 
upon the commerce of Europe with India. Prior to their 
invasion of Egypt, the Arabians had subdued the great 
kingdom of Persia, and added it to the empire of their 
caliphs. They found their new subjects engaged in pro- 
secuting that extensive trade with India, and the country 
to the east of it, the commencement and progress of which 
in Persia I have already mentioned; and they were so sen- 
sible of the great advantages derived from it, that they 
became desirous to partake of them. As the active powers 
of the human mind, when roused to vigorous exertions in 
one line, are most capable of operating with force in other 
directions; the Arabians, from impetuous warriors, soon 
became enterprising merchants. They continued to 
carry on the trade with India in its former channel from 
the Persian gulf, but it was with that ardour which cha- 
racterizes all the early efforts of Mahomet's followers. In 
a short time they advanced far beyond the boundaries of 
ancient navigation, and brought many of the most precious 
commodities of the East directly from the countries which 
produced them. In order to engross all the profit arising 
from the sale of them, the caliph Omar,*" a few years after 
the conquest of Persia, founded the city of Bassora, on the 
western banks of the great stream formed by the junction 
of the Euphrates and Tigris, with a view of securing- the 
command of these two rivers, by which goods imported 
from India were conveyed into all parts of Asia. With 
such discernment was the situation chosen, that Bassora 
soon became a place of trade hardly inferior to Alexandria. 
> This general information with respect to the trade of the 
Arabians with India, which is all that can be derived from 
the historians of that period, is confirmed and illustrated by 
the relation of a voyage from the Persian gulf towards the 

b Herbel. Biblioth. Orient, artic. Basrah, Abal. Pharas. Hist. Dynast, p. 113, 



342 ANCIENT INDIA. 

east, written by an Arabian merchant in the year of the 
Christian era 851, about two centuries after Persia was sub- 
jected to the caliphs, and explained by the Commentary 
of another Arabian, who had likewise visited the eastern 
parts of Asia/ This curious relation, which enables us to 
fiU up a chasm in the history of mercantile communication 
with India, furnishes materials for describing- more in de- 
tail the extent of the Arabian discoveries in the East, and 
the manner in which they made them. 

'-* This voyage, together with the observations of Abu Zeid al Hasan of Siraf, was 
published by M. Reuaudot, A. D. 1718, under the title of " Anciennes Relations des 
Indes, et de la Chine, de deux Voyageurs Mahometans, qui y allerent dans le Neu- 
vieme Siecle, traduites de Arabe, avec des remarques sur les principaux endroita de 
ces Relations." As M. Renaudot, in his remarks, represents the literature and police 
of the Chinese in colours very different from those of the splendid descriptions which 
a blind admiration had prompted the Jesuits to publish, two zealous missionaries 
have called in question the authenticity of these relations, and have asserted that the 
authors of them had never been in China ; P. Premare Lettr. edifiantes et curieuses, 
tom. xix. p. 420, &c. P. Parennin, ibid. tom. xxi. p. 158, &c. Some doubts con- 
cerning their authenticity were entertained likewise by several learned men in England, 
on account of M. Renaudot's having given no notice of the manuscript which he trans- 
lated, but that he found it in the library of M. le Comte de Seignelay. As no person 
had seen the manuscript since that time, the doubts increased, and M. Renaudot was 
charged with the crime of imposing upon the public. But the Colbert Manuscripts 
having been deposited in the king's library, as (fortunately for literature) most private 
collections are in France, M. de Guignes, after a long search, discovered the identi- 
cal manuscript to which M. Renaudot refers. It appears to have been written in the 
12th century ; Journal des S9avan8, Dec. 1764, p. 315, &c. As I had not the French 
edition of M. Renaudot's book, my references are made to the English translation. 
The relation of the two Arabian travellers is confirmed in many points by their coun- 
tryman Massoudi, who published his treatise on universal history, to which he gives 
the fantastical title of " INIeadows of Gold, and Mines of Jewels," a hundred and sixty 
years after their time. From him, likewise, we receive such an account of India in 
the tenth century, as renders it evident that the Arabians had then acquired an ex- 
tensive knowledge of that country. According to his description, the Peninsula of 
India was divided into four kingdoms. The first was composed of the provinces situ- 
ated on the Indus, and the rivers which fall into it ; the capital of which was Moultan. 
The capital of the second kingdom was Canoge, which, from the ruins of it still re- 
maining, appears to have been a very large city ; Rennell's Memoirs, p. 54. In order 
to give an idea of its populousness, the Indian historians assert, that it contained 
thirty thousand shops, in which betel-nut was sold, and sixty thousand sets of musi- 
cians and singers, who paid a tax to government: Ferishta, translated by Dow, vol. 
i. p. 32. The third kingdom was Cachemire. Massoudi, as far as I know, is the first 
author who mentions this paradise of India, of which he gives a short but just descrip- 
. tion. The fourth is the kingdom of Guzerate, which he represents as the greatest 
and most powerful ; and he concurs with the two Arabian travellers in giving the sove- 
> reigns of it the appellation of Belhara. What Massoudi relates concerning India is 
more worthy of notice, as he himself had visited that country ; Notices et Extraits des 
«, Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque du Roi, tom. i. p. 9, 10. Massoudi confirms what the 
two Arabian travellers relate, concerning the extraordinary progress of the Indians in 
afitronomical science. According to his account a temple was built during the reign 
of Brahmin, the first monarch of India, with twelve towers, representing the twelve 
signs of the zodiac ; and in which was delineated a view of all the stars as they ap- 
pear in the heavens. In the same reign was composed the famous Sind-Hind, which 
seems to be the standard treatise of Indian astronomy ; Notices, &c. tom. i. p. 7. 
Another Arabian author, who wrote about the middle of the fourteenth century, di- 
vides India into three parts. The northern, comprehending all the provinces on the 
Indus. The middle, extending from Guzerate to the Ganges. The southern, which 
he denominates Comar, from Cape Comorin ; Notices, &c. tom. ii. p. 46. 



SECT. III. 343 

Though some have imagined that the wonderful pro- 
perty of the magnet, by which it communicates such virtue 
to a needle or slender rod of iron, as to make it point 
towards the poles of the earth, was known in the East 
long before it was observed in Europe, it is manifest both 
from the relation of the Mahomedan merchant, and from 
much concurring evidence, that not only the Arabians, but 
the Chinese, were destitute of this faithful guide, and that 
their mode of navigation was not more adventurous than 
that of the Greeks and Romans.'^ They steered servilely 
along the coast, seldom stretched out to sea so far as to 
lose sight of land, and as they shaped their course in this 
timid manner, their mode of reckoning was defective, and 
liable to the same errors which I observed in that of the 
Greeks and Romans.* 

Notwithstanding these disadvantages, the progress of 
the Arabians towards the east extended far beyond the 
gulf of Siam, the boundary of European navigation. They 
became acquainted with Sumatra, and the other islands of 
the great Indian Archipelago, and advanced as far as the 
city of Canton in China. Nor are these discoveries to be 
considered as the effect of the enterprising curiosity of in- 
dividuals ; they were owing to a regular commerce car- 
ried on from the Persian gulf with China, and all the in- 
termediate countries. Many Mahomedans, imitating the 
example of the Persians described by Cosmas Indico- 
pleustes, settled in India and the countries beyond it. 
They were so numerous in the city of Canton, that the em- 
peror (as the Arabian authors relate) permitted them to 
have a cadi or judge of their own sect, who decided con- 
troversies among his countrymen by their own laws, and 
presided in all the functions of religion.^ In other places 
proselytes were gained to the Mahomedan faith, and the 
Arabian language was understood and spoken in almost 
every sea-port of any note. Ships from China and different 

d Relation, p. 2, 3, &c. 

• Renaudot, Inquiry into the Time when the iMahonidlans first entered China, p. 1-43. 

f Relation, 7. Remarks, p. 19. Inquiry, p. 171, &c. 



344 ANCIENT INDIA. 

places of India traded in the Persian gulf,^ and by the fres- 
quency of mutual intercourse, all the nations of the East 
became better acquainted with each other. ""/'.ii ijtiioiai ^oilj 
Qj^A striking proof of this is the new information concern- 
ing China and India we receive from the two authors I 
have mentioned. They point out the situation of Canton, 
now so well known to Europeans, with a considerable de- 
gree of exactness. They take notice of the general use of 
silk among the Chinese. They are the first who mention 
their celebrated manufacture of porcelain, which on account 
ofjits delicacy and transparency, they compare to glass.' 

f The naval skill of the Chinese seems not to have been superior to that of the 
Greeks, the Ronaans, or Arabians. The course which they held from Canton to Siraf, 
near the mouth of the Persian gulf, is described by their own authors. They kept as 
near as possible to the shore until they reached the island of Ceylon, and then doubl- 
ing Cape Comorin, they sailed along the west side of the Peninsula, as far as the 
mouth of the Indus, and thence steered along the coast to the place of their destina- 
tion ; Mem. de Literal, tom. xxxii. p. 367. Some authors have contended, that both 
the Arabians and Chinese were well acquainted with the mariner's compass, and the 
use of it in navigation ; but it is remarkable that in the Arabic, Turkish, and Persiaa 
Ianguag;es, there is no original name for the compass. They commonly call it Bo.sola, 
the Italian name, which shews that the knowledge of this useful instrument was com- 
municated to them by the Europeans. There is not one single observation, of ancient 
date, made by the Arabians on the variation of the needle, or any instruction deduced 
from it, for the assistance of navigators. Sir John Chardin, one of the most learned 
and best informed travellers who has visited the East, having been consulted upon this 
point, returns for answer, " 1 boldly assert that the Asiatics are beholden to us for tliis 
wonderful instrument, which they had from Europe a long time before the Portuguese 
conquests. For, first, their compasses are exactly like ours, and they buy them of Eu- 
ropeans as much as they can, scarce daring to meddle with their needles themselves. 
Secondly, it is certain that the old navigators only coasted it along, which I impute to 
their want of this instrument to guide and instruct them in the middle of the ocean. > 
We cannot pretend to say that they were afraid of venturing far from home, for the 
Arabians, the first navigators in the world in my opinion, at least for the eastern seas, 
have, time out of mind, sailed from the bottom of the Red sea, all along the coast of 
Africa ; and the Chinese have always traded with Java and Sumatra, which is a very 
considerable voyage. So many islands uninhabited, and yet productive, so many 
lands unknown to the people I speak of, are a proof that the old navigators had not 
the art of sailing on the main sea. I have nothing but argument to offer touclung 
this matter, having never met with any person in Persia or the Indies to inform nie 
when the compass was first known among them, though I made inquiry of the most 
learned men in both countries. I have sailed from the Indies to Persia in Indian ships, 
when no European has been on board but myself. The pilots were all Indians, and ; 
they used the fore-staff and quadrant for their observations. These instruments they 
have from us, and made by our artists, and they do not in the least vary from ours, ' 
except that the characters are Arabic. The Arabians are the most skilful navigators 
of ail the Asiatics or Africans : but neither they nor the Indians make use of charts ; 
and they do not much want them : some they have, but they are copied from ours, for 
they are altogether ignorant of perspective." Inquiry when the Mahomedans first en- 
tered China, p. 141 , &c. When M. Niehbuhr was at Cairo, he found a magnetic nee- 
dle in the possession of a Mahomedan, which served to point out the Kaaba, and he 
gave it the name of EL Magnatis, a clear proof of its European origin. Voyage eu 
Arabie, tom. ii. p. 169. ' 

'• Relation, p. 8. 

* Some learned men. Cardan, Scaliger, &c. have imagined that the Vasa Mur- 
rhina, particularly described by Pliny, Nat. Hist. lib. xxxvii. and occasionally men- 
tioned by several ancient authors both Greek and Roman, were the true porcelain of 



SECT. III. 345 

They describe the tea-tree, and the mode of using its 
leaves ; and from the great revenue which was levied (as 
they inform us) from the consumption of it, tea seems to 
have been as universally the favourite beverage of the 
Chinese in the ninth century, as it is at present.** 

Even with respect to those parts of India, which the 
Greeks and Romans were accustomed to visit, the Ara- 
bians had acquired more perfect information. They men- 
tion a great empire established on the Malabar coast, 
governed by monarchs whose authority was paramount 
to that of every power in India. These monarchs were 
distinguished by the appellation of Balchara, a name yet 
known in India,' and it is probable that the Samorin, or 
emperor of Calicut, so frequently mentioned in the ac- 
counts of the first voyages of the Portuguese to India, 
possessed some portion of their dominions. They cele- 
brate the extraordinary progress which the Indians had 
made in astronomical knowledge, a circumstance which 
seems to have been little known to the Greeks and Romans, 
and assert that in this branch of science they were far su- 
perior to the most enlightened nations of the East, on which 
account their sovereio^n was denominated the Kinff of 
Wisdom."" Other peculiarities in the political institutions, 
the mode of judicial proceedings, the pastimes and the su- 
perstitions of the Indians, particularly the excruciating 
mortifications and penances of the Faquirs, might be pro- 
duced as proofs of the superior knowledge which the Ara- 
bians had acquired of the manners of that people. i 

The same commercial spirit or religious zeal, which > 
prompted the Mahomedans of Persia to visit the remotest . 
reo'ions of the East, animated the Christians of that kine- 
doni. The Nestorian churches planted in Persia, under theio 

Cbina. M. I'Abbe Le Bland and M. Larcher have examined this opinion, with full^* 
as much industry and erudition as the subject merited, in two Dissertations published '* 
in Mem. de Literat. torn, xliii. From them it is evident tliat tlie Vasa Murrhinawere '" 
formed of a transparent stone dug out of the earth in some of the eastern provinces of r' 
Asia. These were imitated in vessels of coloured glass. As both were beautiful and 
rare, they were sold at a very high price to the luxurious citizens of Rome, 
k Relation, p. 21. 25. ' Herbelot, artic. Hend. & Belknr. ni Relation, p. 37, 38. 



S46 ANCIENT INDIA. 

protection first of its native sovereigns, and afterward of its 
conquerors the caliphs, were numerous, and governed by 
respectable ecclesiastics. They had early sent mission- 
aries into India, and established churches in different parts 
of it, particularly, as I have formerly related, in the island 
of Ceylon. When the Arabians extended their naviga- 
tion as far as China, a more ample field, both for their 
commerce and their zeal, opened to their view. If we may 
rely on the concurring evidence of Christian authors, in 
the East as well as in the West, confirmed by the testi- 
mony of the two Mahomedan travellers, their pious labours 
were attended with such success, that in the ninth and 
tenth centuries the number of Christians in India and 
China was very considerable." As the churches in both 

" The progress of Christianity, and of Mahomedanism, both in China and India,'is 
attested by such evidence as leaves no doubt with respect to it. This evidence is col- 
lected by Assemanus, Biblioth. Orient, vol. iv. p. 437, &c. 521, &c. ; and by M. 
Renaudot, in two Dissertations annexed to Anciennes Relations ; and by M. de la 
Croze, Histoire de Christianisme des Indes. In our own age, however, we know 
that the number of proselytes to either of these religions is extremely small, especially 
in India. A Gentoo considers all the distinctions and privileges of his cast, as be- 
longing to him by an exclusive and incommunicable right. To convert, or to be con- 
verted, are ideas equally repugnant to the principles most deeply rooted in his mind ; 
nor can either the Catholic or Protestant missionaries in India boast of having over- 
come these prejudices, except among a few in the lowest casts, or of such as have lost 
their cast altogether. This last circumstance is a great obstacle to the progress of 
Christianity in India. As Europeans eat the flesh of that animal which the Hindoos 
deem sacred, and drink intoxicating liquors, in which practices they are imitated by 
the converts to Christianity, this sinks them to a level with the Pariars, the most con- 
temptible and odious race of men. Some Catholic missionaries were so sensible of this, 
that they affected to imitate the dress and manner of living of Brahmins, and refused to 
associate with the Pariars, or to admit them to the participation of the sacraments. But 
this was condemned by the apostolic legate Toumon, as inconsistent with the spirit and 
precepts of the Christian religion; Voyage aux Indes Orientales, par M. Sonnerat, tom. 
i.p. 58, note. Notwithstanding the labours of missionaries for upwards of two hundred 
years (says a late ingenious writer), and the establishments of different Christian na- 
tions, who support and protect them, out of, perhaps, one hundredmillions of Hindoos, 
there are not twelve thousand Christians, and those almost entirely Chancalus, or out- 
casts. Sketches relating to the history, religion, learning, and manners of the Hin- 
doos, p. 48. The number of Mahomedans, or Moors, now in Indostan, is supposed to 
• be near ten millions ; but they are not the original inhabitants of the country, but the 
descendants of adventurers who have been pouring in from Tartary , Persia, and Arabia, 
ever since the invasion of Mahmoud of Gazna, A. D. 1002, the first Mahomedan con- 
queror of India. Orme Hist, of Military Transact, in Indostan, vol. i. p. 24. Herbelot, 
■ Biblioth. Orient, artic. Gaznaviah, As the manners of the Indians in ancient times 
seem to have been, in every respect, the same with those of the present age, it is pro- 
bable that the Christians and Mahomedans, said to be so numerous in India and China, 
were chiefly foreigners, allured thither by a lucrative commerce, or their descendants. 
The number of Mahomedans in China has been considerably increased by a practice, 
. trommon among them, of buying children in years of famine, whom they educate in the 
.Mahomedan religion. Hist. Gener. des Voyages, tom, vi. p. 357. 



SECT. III. 347 

these countries received all their ecclesiastics from Persia, 
where they were ordained by the Catholicos, or Nestorian 
Primate, whose supremacy they acknowledged, this be- 
came a regular channel of intercourse and intelligence; 
and to the combined effect of all these circumstances, we 
are indebted for the information we receive from the two 
Arabian writers," concerning those regions of Asia which 
the Greeks and Romans never visited. 

But while both the Mahomedan and Christian subjects 
of the caliphs continued to extend their knowledge of the 
East, the people of Europe found themselves excluded al- 
most entirely from any intercourse with it. To them the 
great port of Alexandria was now shut, and the new lords 
of the Persian gulf, satisfied with supplying the demand 
for Indian commodities in their own extensive dominions, 
neglected to convey them, by any of the usual channels, 
to the trading towns on the Mediterranean. The opulent 
inhabitants of Constantinople, and other great cities of 
Europe, bore this deprivation of luxuries, to which they 
had been long accustomed, with such impatience, that all 
the activity of commerce was exerted, in order to find a 
remedy for an evil which they deemed intolerable. The 
difficulties which were to be surmounted in order to 
accomplish this, afforded the most striking proof of the 
high estimation in which the commodities of the East 
were held at that time. The silk of China was purchased 
in Chensi, the westernmost province of that empire, and 
conveyed thence by a caravan, in a march of eighty or a 
hundred days, to the banks of the Oxus, where it was em- 
barked, and carried down the stream of that river to the 
Caspian. After a dangerous voyage across that sea, and 
ascending the river Cyrus as far as it is navigable, it was 
conducted by a short land-carriage of five days to the 
river Phasis,'' which falls into the Euxine or Black sea. 
Thence, by an easy and well-known course, it was trans- 
ported to Constantinople. The conveyance of commo- 

Relation, p. 39. p Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. vi. c. 17. 



^48 „ ANCIENT INDIA. 

dities from that region of the East, now known by the 
name of Indostan, was somewhat less tedious and operose. 
They were carried from the banks of the Indus by a route 
early frequented, and which I have already described, 
either to the river Oxus, or directly to the Caspian, from, 
which they held the same course to Constantinople. 

It is obvious, that only commodities of small bulk, and 
of considerable value, could bear the expense of such a^ 
mode of conveyance; and in regulating the price of those 
commodities, not only the expense, but the risk and dan^ 
ger of conveying them, were to be taken into account. In 
their journey across the vast plain extending from Samar- 
cand to the frontier of China, caravans were exposed to, 
the assaults and depredations of the Tartars, the Huns, 
the Turks, and other roving tribes which infest the north- 
east of Asia, and which have always considered the mer- 
chant and traveller as their lawful prey ; nor were they 
exempt from insult and pillage in their journey from the 
Cyrus to the Phasis, through the kingdom of Colchis, a 
country noted, both in ancient and in modern times, for the 
thievish disposition of its inhabitants. Even under all 
these disadvantages, the trade with the East was carried 
on with ardour. Constantinople became a considerable 
mart of Indian and Chinese commodities, and the wealth 
which flowed into it in consequence of this, not only added 
to the splendour of that great city, but seems to have re- 
tarded, for some time, the decline of the empire of wJiich 

,, .^1 :> Y.C ill 19719800 9711 

it was the capital. ^ 

As far as we may venture to conjecture, from the imper- 
fect information of contemporary historians, it was chiefly 
by the mode of conveyance which I have described, peril- 
ous and operose as it was, that Europe was supplied with 
the commodities of the East, during more than two cen- / 
turies. Throughout that period the Christians and Maho- 
medans were engaged in almost uninterrupted hostilities; 
prosecuted with all the animosity which rivalship for 
power, heightened by religious zeal, naturally excites. 



SECT. in. 349 

Under circumstances wluch occasioned such alienation, 
commercial intercourse could hardly subsist, and the mer- 
chants of Christendom either did not resort at all to AIcXt 
andria, and the ports of Syria, the ancient staples for the 
commodities of the East, after they were in possession of 
the Mahometans, or if the love of gain, surmounting their 
abhorrence of the infidels, prompted them to visit the 
marts which they had long frequented, it was with much 
caution and distrust. 

While the difficulties of procuring the productions of 
the East were thus augmented, the people of Europe be- 
came more desirous of obtaining them. About this time 
some cities of Italy, particularly Amalphi and Venice, 
having acquired a greater degree of security or indepen- 
dence than they formerly possessed, began to cultivate the 
arts of domestic industry, with an ardour and ingenuity 
uncommon in the middle ages. The effect of these exer- 
tions was such an increase of wealth, as created new wants 
and desires, and formed a taste for elegance and luxury, 
which induced them to visit foreign countries in order to 
gratify it. Among men in this stage of their advance- 
ment, the productions of India have always been held in 
high estimation, and from this period they were imported 
into Italy in larger quantities, and came into more general 
use. Several circumstances which indicate this revival of 
a commercial spirit, are collected by the industrious Mu- 
ratori, and from the close of the seventh century, an atten- 
tive observer may discern faint traces of its progress.'' 

Even in enlightened ages, when the transactions of 
nations are observed and recorded with the greatest care, 
and the store of historical materials seems to be abun- 
dantly ample, so little attention has been paid to the ope- 



.,o 



rations of commerce, that every attempt towards a regular . 
deduction of them, has been found an undertaking of the ^ 
utmost difficulty. The era, however, to which I haye 

1 Antiquit. Ital. medij JExi, ii. 400. 400. 410. 883. 88.i. 894. Rer. Ital. Script. , 
ii. 487. Histoire du Commerce de la Russie, par M.Scherer, torn. i. p. 11, i?vc. •■ 

f/oq 



350 ANCIENT INDIA. 

conducted this Disquisition, is one of the periods in the 
annals of mankind concerning which history furnishes 
most scanty information. As it was chiefly in the |Greek 
empire, and in some cities of Italy, that any efforts were 
made to procure the commodities of India, and the other 
regions of the East, it is only from the historians of those 
countries we can expect to find any account of that trade. 
But from the age of Mahomet, until the time when the 
Comneni ascended the throne of Constantinople, a period 
of more than four centuries and a half, the Byzantine his- 
tory is contained in meagre chronicles, the compilers of 
which seldom extended their views beyond the intrigues 
in the palace, the factions in the theatre, or the disputes of 
theologians. To them the monkish annalists of the differ- 
ent states and cities of Italy, during the same period, are (if 
possible) far inferior in merit ; and in the early accounts 
of those cities which have been most celebrated for their 
commercial spirit, we search with little success for the 
origin or nature of that trade by which they first rose to 
eminence.'' It is manifest, however, from the slightest 
attention to the events which happened in the seventh and 
eighth centuries, that the Italian states, while their coasts 
were continually infested by Mahomedans, who had made 
some settlements there, and had subjected Sicily almost 
entirely to their dominion, could not trade with much 

■■ From tbe Chronicle of Andrew Dandulo, Doge of Venice, who was elevated to 
that high station at a time when his countrymen had established a regular trade with 
Alexandria, and imported from it all the productions of the East, it was natural to ex- 
pect some information concerning their early trade with that counti-y ; but, except an 
idle tale concerning some Venetian ships which had sailed to Alexandria about the 
year 828, contrary to adecreeof the state, and which stole thence the body of St. Mark ; 
Murat. Script. Rer. Ital. vol. xii. lib. 8. c. 2. p. 170 ; I find no other hint concerning 
the communication between the two countries. On the contrary, circumstances occur 
which shew that the resort of Europeans to Egypt had ceased, almost entirely, for 
some time. Prior to the seventh and eighth centuries, the greater part of the public 
deeds in Italy and in other countries of Europe, were written upon paper fabricated 
of the Egyptian papyrus ; but after that period, as Europeans seldom ventured to trade 
in Alexandria, almost all charters and other deeds are written upon parchment. 
Murat. Antiq. Ital. Medii Mvi. vol. iii. p. 832. I have been induced both in the text 
and in this note, to state these particulars concerning tbe interruption of trade between 
the Christians and Mahometans so fully, in order to correct an error into which several 
modem authors have fallen, by supposing, that soon after the first conquests of the 
caliphs, the trade with India returned into its ancient channels, and the merchants of 
Europe resorted with the same freedom as formerly to the ports of Egypt and Syria. 



SECT. III. rssi 

confidence and security in Egypt and Syria. With what 
implacable hatred Christians viewed Mahomedans, as the 
disciples of an impostor, is well known ; and as all the 
nations which professed the Christian faith, both in the 
East and West, had mingled the worship of angels and 
saints with that of the Supreme Being, and had adorned 
their churches with pictures and statues ; the true Moslems 
considered themselves as the only assertors of the unity of 
God, and beheld Christians of every denomination with 
abhorrence, as idolaters. Much time was requisite to 
soften this mutual animosity, so far as to render inter- 
course in any degree cordial. 

Meanwhile a taste for the luxuries of the East continued 
not only to spread in Italy, but, from imitation of the Ita- 
lians, or from some improvement in their own situation, 
the people of Marseilles and other towns of France on the 
Mediterranean, became equally fond of them. But the 
profits exacted by the merchants of Amalphi or Venice, 
from whom they received those precious commodities, 
were so exorbitant as prompted them to make some effort 
to supply their own demands. With this view, they not 
only opened a trade with Constantinople, but ventured at 
times to visit the ports of Egypt and Syria.' This eager- 
ness of the Europeans, on the one hand, to obtain the pro- 
ductions of India, and on the other hand, considerable 
advantages which both the caliphs and their subjects de- 
rived from the sale of them, induced both so far to conceal 
their reciprocal antipathy, as to carry on a traflBc manifestly 
for their common benefit. How far this traffic extended, 
and in what mode it was conducted by these new adven- 
turers, the scanty information which can be gathered from 
contemporary writers, does not enable me to trace with 
accuracy. It is probable, however, that this communica- 
tion would have produced insensibly its usual effect, of 
familiarising and reconciling men of hostile principles and 
discordant manners to one another, and a reQ:u]ar com- 

' Mem. de Literat. torn, xxxrii. p. 467, &c. 483. ^i,ui-.:i 



0S2 ANCIENT INDIA. 

Christians and Mahomedans, upon such equal terms, that 
the nations of Europe might have received all the luxuries 
of the East by the same channels in which they were for- 
merly conveyed to them, first by the Tyrians, then by the 
Greeks of Alexandria, next by the Romans, and at last by 
the subjects of the Constantinopolitan empire. 
'But whatever might have been the influence of this 
growing correspondence, it was prevented from operating 
with full effect by the crusades, or expeditions for the re- 
covery of the Holy Land, which, during two centuries, 
occupied the professors of the two rival religions, and con- 
tributed to alienate them more than ever from each other. 
I have, in another work,* contemplated mankind while 
under the dominion of this frenzy, the most singular per- 
haps, and the longest continued, of any that occurs in the 
history of our species ; and I pointed out such effects of 
it upon government, upon property, upon manners and 
taste, as were suited to what were then the objects of my 
inquiiy. At present my attention is confined to observe 
the commercial consequences of the crusades, and how far 
they contributed to retard or to promote the conveyance of 
Indian commodities into Europe. ■ ^ ^ 

To fix an idea of peculiar sanctity to that country, which 
the Author of our religion selected as the place of his re- 
sidence while on earth, and in which he accomplished the 
redemption of mankind, is a sentiment so natural to the 
human mind, that, from the first establishment of Chris- 
tianity, the visiting the holy places in Judea was considered 
as an exercise of piety, tending powerfully to awaken and 
to cherish a spirit of devotion. Through succeeding ages, 
the practice continued and increased in every part of 
Christendom. When Jerusalem was subjected to the Ma- 
homedan empire, and danger was added to the fatigue 
and expense of a distant pilgrimage, the undertaking was 
viewed as still more meritorious. It was sometimes et*-. 

' Spe V9I. iii. p. 4Pi P'^c ; .s-ia6iaua 



SECT in.jviy^ 'i'W 

joined as a penance to be performed by heinous trans- 
gressors. It was more frequently a duty undertaken with 
voluntary zeal, and in both cases it was deemed an expia- 
tion for all past offences. From various causes, which I 
have elsewhere enumerated,' these pious visits to the Holy 
Land multiplied amazingly during the tenth and eleventh 
centuries. Not only individuals in the lower and middle 
ranks of life, but persons of superior condition, attended by 
large retinues, and numerous caravans of opulent pilgrims, 
resorted to Jerusalem, 

In all their operations, however, men have a wonderful 
dexterity in mingling some attention to interest with those 
functions which seem to be most purely spiritual. The 
Mahomedan caravans, which, in obedience to the injunc- 
tions of their religion, visit the holy temple of Mecca, 
are not composed, as I shall hereafter explain more fully, 
of devout pilgrims only, but of merchants, who, both in 
going and returning, are provided with such an assortment 
of goods, that they carry on a considerable traffic." Even 
the Faquirs of India, whose wild enthusiasm seems to 
elevate them above all solicitude about the concerns of 
this world, have rendered their frequent pilgrimages sub- 
servient to their interest, by trading in every country 
through which they travel." In like manner, it was not 
by devotion alone that such numerous bands of Christian 
pilgrims were induced to visit Jerusalem. To many of 
them commerce was the chief motive of undertakinof that 
distant voyage ; and, by exchanging the productions of 
Europe for the more valuable commodities of Asia, par- 
ticularly those of India, which at that time were ditlusexl 
through every part of the caliph's dominions, they en-S 
riched themselves, and furnished their countrymen vvitht 

' See vol. iii. pp 40. 43. i^ 

" ^ iiigi di Ramusio, vol. i. p. 151, 152. , 

-* It is proper to remark (says Mr. Stewart) that the Indians have an admiraljle f 
method of rendering their religion lucrative, it being usual for the Faquirs to crury „. 
■with them, in their pilgrimages from the sea-coasts to the interior parts, pearls, cor:»ls,'^ 
spices, and other precious articles, of small bulk, wliich they exchange, on their re- / 
turn, for gold dust, musk, and other things of a similar nature, concealing them easily 
in their hair, and in the cloths round their middle, carrying on, in proportion to their 
numbers, no inconsiderable traffic by these means, -'\ccount of the kingdom of Thibet, 
Philos. Transact, vol. Ixvii. partii. p. 483. 

VOL. II. 2 A 



354 ANCIENT INDIA. 

such an additional supply of eastern luxuries, as ^Jiug- 
ijjiented their relisli for them/ "'-^ . ' 

But how faint soever the lines may be, which, prior to 
the crusades, mark the influence of the frequent pil- 
'grimages to the East upon commerce, they became so con- 
spicuous after the commencement of these expeditions, 
as to meet the eye of every observer. Various circum- 
stances concurred towards this, from an enumeration of 
which it will appear, that, by attending to the progress 
and effects of the crusades, considerable light is thrown 
upon the subject of my inquiries. Great armies, con- 
ducted by the most illustrious princes and nobles of 
Europe, and composed of men of the most enterprising 
spirit in all the kingdoms of it, marched towards Pales- 
tine, through countries far advanced beyond those which 
they left, in every species of improvement. They beheld 
the dawn of prosperity in the republics of Italy, which 
had begun to vie with each other in the arts of industry, 
and in their efforts to engross the lucrative commerce with 
the East. They next admired the more advanced state 
of opulence and splendour in Constantinople, raised to a 
pre-eminence above all the cities then known, by its ex- 
tensive trade, particularly that which it carried on with 
India and the countries beyond it. They afterward 
served in those provinces of Asia through which the com- 
modities of the East were usually conveyed, and became 
masters of several cities which had been staples of that 
trade. They established the kingdom of Jerusalem, which 
subsisted near two hundred years. They took posses- 
sion of the throne of the Greek empire, and governed it 
above half a century. Amidst such a variety of events 
^d operations, the ideas of the fierce warriors of Europe 
gradually opened and improved ; they became acquainted 
witli the policy and arts of the people whom they sub? 
dued ; they observed the sources of their wealth, and 
availed themselves of all this knowledge. Antioch and 
Tyre, when conquered by the crusaders, were flourishing 

.?H q ,! A<h pw''!' Tjl^ lib.^.^^iV*^- *■ P- ^^^' ^P- Gesta Dei per Francos, ^x |„o s 



SECT. III. 355 

cities, inhabited by opulent merchants, who supplied all 
the nations trading in the Mediterranean with the produc- 
tions of the East,^ and as far as can be gathered from in- 
cidental occurrences, mentioned by the historians of the 
Holy War, who, being mostly priests and monks, had 
their attention directed to objects very different to those 
relating to commerce, there is reason to believe that, both 
in Constantinople, while subject to the Franks, and in the 
ports of Syria, acquired by the Christians, the long-esta- 
blished trade with the East continued to be protected and 
encouraged. 

But though commerce may have been only a secondary 
object with the martial leaders of the crusades, engaged 
in perpetual hostilities with the Turks on one hand, and 
with the soldans of Egypt on the other, it was the pri- 
mary object with the associates, in conjunction with whom 
they carried on their operations. Numerous as the armies 
were which assumed the cross, and enterprising as the 
fanatical zeal was with which they were animated, they 
could not have accomplished their purpose, or even have 
reached the seat of their warfare, without securing the 
assistance of the Italian states. None of the other Euro- 
pean powers could either furnish a sufficient number of 
transports to convey the armies of the crusaders to the 
coast of Dalmatia, whence they marched to Constanti- 
nople, the place of general rendezvous ; or were able to 
supply them with military stores and provisions in such 
abundance as to enable them to invade a distant country. 
In all the successive expeditions, the fleets of the Ge- 
noese, of the Pisans, or of the Venetians, kept on the 
coast as the armies advanced by land, and supplying them 
from time to time with whatever was wanting, engrossed 
all the profits of a branch of commerce, which, in every 
age, has been extremely lucrative. It was with all the 
interested attention of merchants, that the Italians afford- 
ed their aid. On the reduction of any place in which 
they found it for their interest to settle, they obtained 

» Gul. Tyr. lib. xiii. c. 5. Alb. Aquens. Hist. Hieros. ap. Gesta Dei, vol. i. p. 247. 

2 A 2 



356 ANCIENT INDIA. 

firorti the crusaders valuable immunities of different kinds; 
freedom of trade ; an abatement of the usual duties paid 
for what was imported and exported, or a total exemption 
from them ; the property of entire suburbs in some cities,*" 
and of extensive streets in others; and a privilege granted 
to every person who resided within their precincts, or who 
traded under their protection, of being tried by their own 
laws, and by judges of their own appointment.'' In con- * 
sequence of so many advantages, we can trace, during 
the progress of the crusades, a rapid increase of wealth 
and of power in all the commercial states of Italy. Every 
port open to trade was frequented by their merchant^, 
who, having now engrossed entirely the commerce of theH' 
East, strove with such active emulation to find new mar-^"*^ 
kets for the commodities which it furnished, that they ex-l 
tended a taste for them to many parts of Europe, in which^ 
they had hitherto been little known. ^'^^ «* yiS^om 

Two events happened, prior to the termination of tK^^ 
Holy War, which, by acquiring to the Venetians and Ge^* 
noese the possession of several provinces in the Greek 
empire, enabled them to supply Europe more abundantly 
with all the productions of the East. The first was the 
conquest of Constantinople in the year 1204, by the Vene- 
tians, and the leaders of the fourth crusade. An account 
of the political interests and intrigues which formed this 
alliance, and turned the hallowed arms destined to deliver 
the holy city from the dominion of infidels, against a 
Christian monarch, is foreign from the design of this Dis4 
quisition. Constantinople was taken by storm, and pluii-^ 
dered by the confederates. An earl of Flanders \viis 
placed on the Imperial throne. The dominions which 
still remained subject to the successors of Constantine 
were divided into four parts, one of which being allotted 
to the new emperor, for supporting the dignity and ex-^ 
pense of government, an equal partition of the other three 
was made between the Venetians, and the chiefs of the 
crusade. The former, who, both in concerting and in coni 

^ See vol. iii. p 49. nD ilubntd ^ 



a 



\ a /i i i' VI dmVi A 



» - I J. tl'il 1 SECT. III. ' J o 357" 

ducting this enterprise, kept their eyes steadily fixed on 
what might be most for the emolument of their commerce, 
secured the territories of greatest value to a trading people. 
They obtained some part of the Peloponnesus, at that time 
the seat of flourishing manufactures, particularly of silk. 
They became masters of several of the largest and best 
cultivated islands in the Archipelago, and established a 
chain of settlements, partly military and partly commer- 
cial, extending from the Adriatic to the Bosphorus.'' Many 
Venetians settled in Constantinople, and w^ithout obstruc- 
tion from their warlike associates, little attentive to the arts 
of industry, they engrossed the various branches of trade 
which had so long enriched that capital. Two of these 
particularly attracted their attention ; the silk trade, and 
that with India. From the reign of Justinian, it was 
mostly in Greece, and some of the adjacent islands, that 
silk-worms, which he first introduced into Europe, were 
reared. The product of their labours was manufactured 
into stuffs of various kinds, in many cities of the empire. 
But it was in Constantinople, the seat of opulence and 
luxury, that the demand for a commodity of such high 
price was greatest, and there, of consequence, the com- 
merce of silk naturally centred. In assorting cargoes for 
the several ports in which they traded, the Venetians had 
for some time found silk to be an essential article, as it 
continued to grow more and more into request in every 
part of Europe. By the residence of so many of their 
citizens in Constantinople, and by the immunities granted 
to them, they not only procured silk in such abundance, 
and on such terms, as enabled them to carry on trade more 
extensively, and with greater profit than formerly, but they 
became so thoroughly acquainted with every branch of 
the silk manufacture, as induced them to attempt the 
establishment of it in their own dominions. The measures 
taken for this purpose by individuals, as well as the regu- 
lations framed by the state, \ver,e, concerted with so much 

•> Danduli Chronic, ap. IMurat. Script. Rer. Ital. vol. xii. p. 328. Mar. 
Sanuto Vite de Duchi di Venez. Murat. vol. xxii. p. 532. 



358 ANCIENT INDIA. 

prudence, and executed with such success, that in a short 
time the silk fabrics of Venice vied with those of Greece 
and Sicily, and contributed both to enrich the republic, 
and to enlarge the sphere of its commerce. At the same 
time the Venetians availed themselves of the influence 
which they had acquired in Constantinople, in order to 
improve their Indian trade. The capital of the Greek 
empire, besides the means of being supplied with the pro- 
ductions of the East, which it enjoyed in common with the 
other commercial cities of Europe, received a considerable 
portion of them by a channel peculiar to itself. Some of 
the most valuable commodities of India and China were 
conveyed overland, by routes which I have described, to 
the Black sea, and thence by a short navigation to Con- 
stantinople. To this market, the best stored of any ex- 
cept Alexandria, the Venetians had now easy access, and 
the goods which they purchased there, made an addi- 
tion of great consequence to what they were accustomed 
to acquire in the ports of Egypt and Syria. Thus while 
the Latin empire in Constantinople subsisted, the Ve- 
netians possessed such advantages over all their rivals, 
that their commerce extended greatly, and it was chiefly 
from them every part of Europe received the commodities 
of the East. 

The other event which I had in view, was the subver- 
sion of the dominions of the Latins in Constantinople, and 
the re-establishment of the Imperial family on the throne. 
This was effected after a period of fifty-seven years, partly 
by a transient effort of vigour, with which indignation at a 
foreign yoke animated the Greeks, and partly by the power- 
ful assistance which they received from the republic of 
Genoa. The Genoese were so sensible of the advantages 
which the Venetians, their rivals in trade, derived from 
their union with the Latin emperors of Constantinople, 
that, in order to deprive them of these, they surmounted the 
b inost deep-rooted prejudices of their age, and combined 
with the schismatic Greeks to dethrone a monarch protected 
by the papal power, setting at defiance the thunders of the 



SECT. III. 35.y 

Vatican, which at that time made the greatest princes 
tremble. This undertaking, bold and impious as it was 
then deemed, proved successful. In recompense for their 
signal services, the gratitude or weakness of the Greek 
emperor, among other donations, bestowed upon the Ge- 
noese, Pera, the chief suburb of Constantinople, to be held 
as a fief of the empire, together with such exemption from 
the accustomed duties on goods imported and exported, as 
gave them a decided superiority over every competitor in 
trade. With the vigilant attention of merchants, the Ge- 
noese availed themselves of this favourable situation. They 
surrounded their new settlement in Pera with fortifications. 
They rendered their factories on the adjacent coast places 
of strength.'' They were masters of the harbour of Constan- 
tinople more than the Greeks themselves. The whole trade 
of the Black sea came into their hands ; and not satisfied 
with this, they took possession of part of the Chersonesus 
Taurica, the modern Crimea, and rendered Caffa, its prin- 
cipal town, the chief seat of their trade with the East, and 
the port in which all its productions, conveyed to the Black 
sea by the different routes I have formerly described, were 
landed.*^ 

In consequence of this revolution, Genoa became the 
greatest commercial power in Europe ; and if the enter- 
prising industry and intrepid courage of its citizens had 
been under the direction of wise domestic policy, it might 
have long held that rank. But never was there a contrast 
more striking, than between the internal administration of 
the two rival republics of Venice and Genoa. In the former, 
government was conducted with steady systematic prudence ; 
in the latter, it was consistent in nothing but a fondness 

c Niceph. Gregor.'lib. xi. c. 1. § 6 ; lib. xvii. c. 1. § 2. 
'1 Foliela Pist. Genuens. ap. Giev. Tbes. Antiq. Ital. i. 387. De Marinis de Ge- 
nuens. Dignit. ib. 1436. Niceph. Greg. lib. xiii. c. 12. Murat. Arnal. d'ltal. lib. vii. 
c. 3.51. Caffa is tbe most commodious station for trade in the Black sea. While in the 
hands of the Genoese, who kept possession of it above two centuries, they rendered it 
the seat of an extensive and flourishing commerce. Even under all the disadvantages 
of its subjection, at present, to the Turkish government, it continues to be a place of 
considerable trade. Sir John Chardin, who visited it A. D. 1672, relates that during 
his residence of forty days there, about four hundred ships arrived at Cafta, or sailed 
from it. Voyages, i. 48. He observed there several remains of Genoese magnificence. 
The number of its inhabitants, according (o M. Peysonel, amounts still to eighty thou- 
sand. Commerce dc la Mer Noire, tom. i. p. 1.5. He describes itg trj^dp,as:yeiy gxieat. 



360 ANCIENT INDIA. 

for novelty, and a propensity to change. The one enjoyed 
a perpetual calm, the other was agitated with all the storms 
and vicissitudes of faction. The increase of wealth which 
flowed into Genoa from the exertions of its merchants, did 
not counterbalance the defects in its political constitution ; 
and even in its most prosperous state we may discern the 
appearance of symptoms which foreboded a diminution of 
its opulence and power. "iovJ irbftooailduq >f 

jff^ As long, however, as the Genoese retained the ascendant 
which they had acquired in the Greek empire, the Vene^ 
tians felt their commercial transactions with it to be carried 
on upon such unequal terms, that their merchants visited 
Constantinople seldom, and with reluctance; and in order 
to procure the commodities of the East in such quantities, 
as were demanded in the various parts of Europe which 
they were accustomed to supply, they were obliged to re-, 
sort to the ancient staples of that trade. Of these Alexan-^ 
dria was the chief, and the most abundantly supplied, as 
the conveyance of Indian goods by land through Asia, to 
any of the ports of the Mediterranean, was often rendered 
impracticable by the incursions of Turks, Tartars, and 
other hordes, which successively desolated that fertilei. 
country, or contended for the dominion of it. But undeyj 
the military and vigorous government of the soldans of the 
Mamelukes, security and order were steadily maintained i 
in Egypt, and trade, though loaded with heavy duties^ 
\vas open to all. In proportion to the progress of the Ge"' 
ifoese in engrossing the commerce of Constantinople and , 
the Black sea,* the Venetians found it more and more nef, 
cessary to enlarge their transactions with Alexandria. 

But such an avowed intercourse with infidels being con-: j 
sidered, in that age, as unbecoming the character of, 

„ 'The rapacity and insoleace of the Geaoese settled in Constantinople, are painted 
BJ^ Nicephorus Gregorus, an eye-witness of their conduct, in very striking colours. 
" They," says he, " now, i. e. about the year 1340, dreamed that they had acquired)! 
the dominion of the sea, and claimed an exclusive right to the trade of the Euxine>! 
prohibiting the Greeks to sail to Mffiotis, the Chersonesus, or any part of the coasti 
beyond the mouth of the Danube, without a licence from them. This exclusion they 
extended likewise to the Venetians, and their arrogance proceeded so far as to form 
a scheme of imposing a toll upon every vessel passing through the Bospborus." Lib. 
xviii. c. '<?. ^ 1. 



* SECT. III. ^ •' 361 

Christians, the senate of Venice, in order to silence its own 
scruples, or those of its subjects, had recourse to the in- 
fallible authority of the pope, who was supposed to be 
possessed of power to dispense with the rigorous observa- 
tion of the most sacred laws, and obtained permission from 
him to fit out annually a specified number of ships for the 
ports of Egypt and of Syria. "^ Under this sanction the 
republic concluded a treaty of commerce with the Soldans 
of Egypt, on equitable terms ; in consequence of which 
the senate appointed one consul to reside in Alexandria, 
and another in Damascus, in a public character, and to ex- 
ercise a mercantile jurisdiction, authorized by the Soldans. 
Under their protection, Venetian merchants and artisans 
settled in each of these cities. Ancient prejudices and 
antipathies were forgotten, and their mutual interests 
established, for the first time, a fair and open trade be- 
tween Christians and Mahomedans.^ -- 
While the Venetians and Genoese were alternately 
making those extraordinary eiforts, in order to engross all 
the advantages of supplying Europe with the productions 
of the East, the republic of Florence, originally a commer- 
cial democracy, applied with such persevering vigour to 
trade, and the genius of the people, as well as the nature 
of their institutions, were so favourable to its progress,' 
that the state advanced rapidly in power and the people in 
opulence. But as the Florentines did not possess any 
commodious sea-port, their active exertions were directed 
chiefly towards the improvement of their manufactures and 
domestic industry. About the beginning of the fourteenth^ 
century, the Florentine manufactures of various kinds, par-' 
ticularly those of silk and woollen cloth, appear, from the 
enumeration of a well-informed historian, to have beert^ 

f A permission from the pope was deemed so necessary to authorize a commercialt 
intercourse with infidels, that long after this period, in the year 145'1, Nicholas V. ih 
his famous bull in favour of prince Henry of Portugal, among other privileges, gmnta 
him a licence to trade with Mahomedans, and refers to similar concessions from pope 
Martin V. ; and Eugenius to the kings of Portugal. Leibnitz Codex Jur. Gent Di-! 
plomat. Pars I. p. 489. 

s Sandi Storia Civile Veneziana, lib. r. c. 15. p. 218, &c. * 

t '; ".', lift 



362 ANCIENT INDIA. 

very considerable.'' The connexion which they formed in 
different parts of Europe, by furnishing them with the pro- 
ductions of their own industry, led them to engage in 
another branch of trade, that of banking. In this they 
soon became so eminent, that the money-transactions of 
almost every kingdom in Europe passed through their 
hands, and in many of them they were intrusted with the 
collection and administration of the public revenues. In 
consequence of the activity and success with which they 
conducted their manufactures and money-transactions, the 
former always attended with certain though moderate pro- 
fit, the latter lucrative in a high degree, at a period when 
neither the interests of money, nor the premium on bills of 
exchange, were settled with accuracy, Florence became one 
of the first cities in Christendom, and many of its citizens 
extremely opulent. Cosmo di Medici, the head of a fa- 
mily which rose from obscurity by its success in trade, was 
reckoned the most wealthy merchant ever known in Europe;' 
and in acts of public munificence, as well as of private 
generosity, in the patronage of learning, and in the encou- 
ragement of useful and elegant arts, no monarch of the age 
could vie with him. Whether the Medici, in their first 
mercantile transactions, carried on any commerce with the 
East, I have not been able to discover.'' It is more pro- 
bable, I should think, that their trade was confined to the 

"V^ Criov. Villani Hist. Fiorent. ap. Murat. Script. Rer. Ital. vol. xiii. p. 823. Dell' 
Istorie Fiorentine, di Scip. Ammirato, lib. iv. p. 151 ; lib. viii. p. 299. 

i Fr. Mich. Brutus Hist. Flor. p. 37. 62. Chron. Eugubinum ap. Murat. Script. 
Rer. Ital. vol. xiv. p. 1007. Denina. Revol. d'ltalie, tom.vi. p. 263, &c. 

k Neither Jovius, the professed panegyrist of the Medici, nor Jo. M. Brutus, their 
detractor, though both mention the exorbitant wealth of the family, explain the nature 
of the trade by which it was acquired. Even Machiavel, whose geniu.s delighted in 
the investigation of every circumstance which contributed to aggrandize or depress 
nations, seems not to have viewed the commerce of his country as a subject that 
merited any elucidation. Denina, who had entitled the first chapter of his eighteenth 
book, "The origin of the Medici and the Commencement of their Power and Gran- 
deur," furnishes little information with regard to the trade carried on by them. This 
silence of so many authors is a proof that historians had not yet begun to view com- 
merce as an object of such importance in the political state of nations, as to enter into 
any detail concerning its nature and effects. From the references of different writers 
to Scipio Ammirato, Istorie Fiorentine ; to Pagnini, Delia Decima ed altri gravezze 
della Mercatura di Fiorentini, and to Balducci, Pratica della Mercatura, I should 
imagine that something more satisfactory might be learned concerning the trade both 
of the rei)ublic and the family of Medici ; but I could not find any of these books 
ieither in Edinburgh or in London. '' b-wKuT 

•>9m0io'> 



SECT. III. 363 

same articles witli that of their countrymen. But as soon 
■ \^ as the commonwealth, by the conquest of Pisa, 
had acquired a communication with the ocean, 
Cosmo di Medici, who had the chief direction of its affairs, 
endeavoured to procure for his country a share in that lu- 
crative commerce which had raised Venice and Genoa so 
far above all other Italian states. With this view 
ambassadors were sent to Alexandria, in order to 
prevail with the Soldan to open that and the other ports 
of his dominions to the subjects of the republic, and to 
admit them to a participation in all the commercial pri- 
vileges which were enjoyed by the Venetians. The ne- 
gotiation terminated with such success, that the Floren- 
tines seem to have obtained some share in the Indian 
trade ;^ and soon after this period, we find spices enume- 
rated among the commodities imported by the Floren- 
tines into England.™ 

In some parts of this Disquisition concerning the nature 
and course of trade with the East, I have been obliged to 
grope my way, and often under the guidance of very feeble 
lights. But as we are now approaching to the period 
when the modern ideas, with respect to the importance of 
commerce, began to unfold, and attention to its progress 
and effects became a more considerable object of policy, 
we may hope to carry on what researches yet remain to be 
made with greater certainty and precision. To this grow- 
ing attention we are indebted for the account which Ma- 

' Leibnitz has preserved a curious paper, containing the instructions of the republic 
of Florence to the two ambassadors sent to the soldan of Egypt, in order to negociate 
this treaty with him, together with the report of these ambassadors on their return. 
The great object of the republic was to obtain liberty of trading in all parts of the 
soldan's dominions, upon the same terms with the Venetians. The chief privileges 
which they solicited were ; 1. A perfect freedom of admission into every part belong- 
ing to the soldan, protection while they continued in it, and liberty of departure at 
what time they chose. 2. Permission to have a consul, with the same rights and juris- 
diction as those of the Venetians ; and liberty to build a church, a warehouse, and a bath, 
in every place where they settled. 3. That they should not pay for goods imported 
or exported higher duties than were paid by the Venetians. 4. That the effects of 
any Florentine who died in the dominions of the soldan should be consigned to tlie 
consul. 5. That the gold and silver coin of Florence should be received in payments. 
All these privileges (which shew on what equal and liberal terms Christians and l\Ia- 
homedans now carried on trade) the Florentines obtained ; but from the causes men- 
tioned in the text, they seem never to have acquired any considerable share in the 
commerce with IniKa. Leibnitz, Mantissa Cod. Jur. Gent. Diplom. Pars altera, p. 163. 

m Hakluyt, vol, i. p. 193. 



^m .III /laaa 

364 ,^^^^^^^, ANCIENT INDIA. 

rino Sanudo, a Venetian nobleman, gives of the Indian 
trade, as carried on by his countrymen, about the begin--' 
ning of the fourteenth century. They were supplied, as he 
informs us, with the productions of the East in two different 
ways. Those of small bulk and high value, such as cloves, 
nutmegs, mace, gems, pearls, &c. were conveyed from the 
Persian gulf up the Tigris to Bassora, and thence to Bag- 
dat, from which they were carried to some port on the 
Mediterranean. All more bulky goods, such as pepper, 
ginger, cinnamon, &c. together with some portion of the 
more valuable articles, were conveyed by the ancient route 
to the Red sea, and thence across the desert, and down the 
Nile to Alexandria. The goods received by the former 
route were, as Sanudo observes, of superior quality, but 
from the tediousness and expense of a distant land -carriage, 
the supply was often scanty, nor can he conceal (though 
contrary to a favourite project which he had in view when 
he wrote the treatise to which I refer) that, from the state 
of the countries through which the caravans passed, this 
mode of conveyance was frequently precarious and attended 
with danger.^aibblffi 9iii ai guomjsi oa ^fomelimnoo ifiiaiam 
It was in Alexandria only that the Venetians found 
always a certain and full supply of Indian goods ; and as 
these were conveyed thither chiefly by water-carriage, they 
might have purchased them at a moderate price, if the 
soldans had not imposed upon them duties which amounted 
to a third part of their full value. Under this and every 
other disadvantage, however, it was necessary to procure 
them, as from many concurring circumstances, particularly 
a more extensive intercourse established among the differ- 
ent nations of Europe, the demand for them continued to 
increase greatly, during the fourteenth century. By the 
irruptions of the various hostile tribes of barbarians, who 
took possession of the greater part of Europe, that power- 
ful bond by which the Romans had united together all the 
people of their vast empire was entirely dissolved, and 
such discouragement was given to the communication of 

" Mar. SanutiSecretaFidelium Crucis.p. 22, &c. ap. Bongarsium. 



SECT. III. 365 

one nation with another, as would appear altogether incre- 
dible, if the evidence of it rested wholly upon the testi- 
mony of historians, and were not confirmed by what is still 
more authentic, the express enactment of laws. Several 
statutes of this kind, which disgrace the jurisprudence of 
almost every European nation, I have enumerated and ex- 
plained in another work." But when the wants and desires > 
of men muUiplied, and they found that other countries 
could furnish the means of supplying and gratifying them, ^ 
the hostile sentiments which kept nations at a distance- 
from each other abated, and mutual correspondence gra- 
dually took place. From the time of the crusades, which 
first brought people, hardly known to one another, to asso- 
ciate and to act in concert during two centuries, in pursuit 
of one common end, several circumstances had co-operated" 
towards accelerating this general intercourse. The people* 
around the Baltic, hitherto dreaded and abhorred by the s' 
rest of Europe as pirates and invaders, assumed more» 
pacific manners, and began now to visit their neighboursi 
as merchants. Occurrences foreign from the subject of the » 
present inquiry, united them together in the powerful com- 1 
mercial confederacy so famous in the middle ages, under^ 
the name of the Hanseatic League, and led them to esta- 
blish the staple of their trade with the southern parts of« 
Europe in Bruges. Thither the merchants of Italy, parti- 1 
cularly those of Venice, resorted ; and in return for the 
productions of the East, and the manufactures of their own* 
country, they received not only the naval stores and other! 
commodities of the north, but a considerable supply of gold 
and silver from the mines in various provinces of Germany, > 
the most valuable and productive of any known at that time ' 
in Europe.^ Bruges continued to be the great mart or^ 
storehouse of European trade, during the period to whichi 
my inquiries extend. A regular communication, formerlyii 
unknown, was kept up there among all the kingdoms intoi 
which our continent is divided, and we are enabled iai 

\ jb3vio.. -- -:rv "frv ,, 

> _:* :, • . _ " See vol. iii. pp. 171. 48, &c. r V 

to nOl)fiDlny,n^';„eman'9 Polit. Survey of Europe, p. lO?. '^^^^'^^^^ ^^ 






muKi^yn- 



366 ANCIENT INDIA. 

account for the rapid progress of the Italian states in 
wealth and power, by observing how much their trade, the 
source from which both were derived, must have augmented 
upon the vast increase in the consumption of Asiatic goods, 
when all the extensive countries towards the north-east of 
Europe were opened for their reception. 
"During this prosperous and improving state of Indian 
commerce, Venice received from one of its citizens such 
new information concerning the countries which produced 
the precious commodities that formed the most valuable 
article of its trade, as gave an idea of their opulence, their 
population, and their extent, which rose far above all the 
former conceptions of Europeans. From the time that the 
Mahomedans became masters of Egypt, as no Christian 
was permitted to pass through their dominions to the East,^ 
the direct intercourse of Europeans with India ceased en- 
tirely. The account of India by Cosmas Indicopleustes 
in the sixth century, is, as far as I know, the last which the 
nations of the West received from any person who had 
visited that country. But about the middle of the thirteenth 
century, the spirit of commerce, now become more enter- 
prising and more eager to discover new routes which led 
to wealth, induced Marco Polo, a Venetian of a noble 
family, after trading for some time in many of the opulent 
cities of the Lesser Asia, to penetrate into the more eastern 
parts of that continent, as far as to the court of the Great 
Khan on the frontier of China. During the course of 
twenty-six years, partly employed in mercantile transac- 
tions, and partly in conducting negotiations with which the 
Great Khan intrusted him, he explored many regions of 
the East which no European had ever visited. 
.n He describes the great kingdom of Cathay, the name by 
wliich China is still known in many parts of the East,' and 
travelled through it from Chambalu or Peking, on its nor- 
thern frontier, to some of its most southern provinces. He 
visited different parts of Indostan, and is the first who men- 

aH '' Sanuto, p. 23. -.ihiiqau, 

^.' Herbelot Bib. Orient, artic. Khathai. Stewart, Account of Thibiptr £}ul^3bans. 
htyii. 474. Voyage of A, Jinkinson. Hakluyt. i. 333. ij^j^ if ji<l ^ 



SECT. III. 367 

tions Bengal and Guzzerat, by their present names, as great 
and opulent kingdoms. Besides what he discovered in his 
journe3^s by land, he made more than one voyage in the 
Indian ocean, and acquired some information concerning 
an island which he calls Zipangri or Cipango, probably 
Japan. He visited in person Java, Sumatra, and several 
islands contiguous to them, the island of Ceylon, and the 
coast of Malabar, as far as the gulf of Cambay, to all which 
he gives the names that they now bear. This was the most 
extensive survey hitherto made of the East, and the most 
complete description of it ever given by any European ; 
and in an age which had hardly any knowledge of those 
regions but what was derived from the geography of Pto- 
lemy, not only the Venetians, but all the people of Europe, 
were astonished at the discovery of immense countries open 
to their view beyond what had hitherto been reputed the 
utmost boundary of the earth in that quarter.^ 

' ® The eastern parts of Asia are now so completely explored, that the first imperfect 
accounts of tliem, by Marco Polo, attract little of that attention which was originally 
excited by the publication of his travels ; and some circumstances in his narrative have 
induced difierent authors to justify this neglect, by calling in question the truth of 
what he relates, and even to assert that he had never visited those countries which 
he pretends to describe. He does not, say they, ascertain the position of any one place 
by specifying its longitude and latitude. He gives names to provinces and cities, par- 
ticularly in his description of Cathay, which have no resemblance to those which they 
now bear. We may observe, however, that as Marco Polo seems to have been in no 
degree a man of science, it was not to be expected that he should fix the position of 
places with geographical accuracy. As he travelled through China, either in the suit 
of the Great Kban, or in execution of his orders, it is probable that the names which 
he gives to difterent provinces and cities, are those by which they were known to the 
Tartars, in whose service he was, not their original Chinese names. Some inaccuracies 
which have been observed in the relation of his travels, may be accounted for, by at- 
tending to one circumstance, that it was not published from a regular journal, which, 
perhaps, the vicissitudes in his situation, during such a long series of adventures, did 
not permit him to keep, or to preserve. It was composed after his return to his native 
country, and chiefly from recollection. But notwithstanding this disadvantage, his 
account of those regions of the East, towards which my inquiries have been directed, 
contains information with respect to several particulars altogether unknown in Europe 
at that time, the accuracy of which is now fully confirmed. I\Ir. Marsden, whose ac- 
curacy and discernment are well known, [traces his description of the island which he 
calls Java Minor, evidently Sumatra ; from which it is apparent, that, as Maico Polo 
had resided a considerable time in that island, he had examined some parts with care, 
and had inquired with diligence concerning others. Hist, of Sumat. p. '.281. I shall 
mention some other particulars with respect to India, which though they relate to 
matters of no great consequence, afford the best proof of his having visited these coun- 
tries, and of his having observed the maimers and customs of the people with attention. 
He gives a distinct account of the nature and preparation of sago, the principal article 
of subsistence among all the nations of Malayan race, and he brought tho first speci- 
men of this singular production to Venice. Ramus, lib. iii. c. 16. He takes notice, 
likewise, of the general custom of chewing betel, and his description of the mode of 
preparing it is the same with that still in use. Ramus. Viaggi, ii. p. 5o. D. 56. B. He 
even descends into such detail as to mention the peculiar manner of feeding horses in 
India, which still continues. Ramus, p. 53. F. What is of greater importance, we 



A. D. 1474. 



30^ ANCIENT INDIA. 

',^But while men of leisure and speculation occupied them- 
selves with examining the discoveries of Marco Polo, which 
gave rise to conjectures and theories, productive of most 
important consequences, an event happened, that drew the 
attention of all Europe, and had a most conspicuous effect 
upon the course of that trade, the progress of which I am 
endeavouring to trace. 

The event to which I allude, is the final conquest of the 
Greek empire by Mahomet II., and the establish- 
;/ ' ' ing the seat of the Turkish government in Con-, 
stantinople. The immediate effect of this great revolution 
was, that the Genoese residing in Pera, involved in the 
general calamity, were obliged not only to abandon that 
settlement, but all those which they had made on the ad- 
jacent sea-coast, after they had been in their possession 
near two centuries. Not long after, the victorious 
arms of the Sultan expelled them from Caffa, and 
every other place which they held in the Crimea.* Con- 
stantinople was no longer a mart open to the nations of 
the West for Indian commodities, and no supply of them 
could now be obtained but in Egypt and the ports of Syria, 
subject to the Soldans of the Mamelukes. The Venetians, 
in consequence of the protection and privileges which they 
had secured by their commercial treaty with those power7> 
ful princes, carried on trade in every part of their dominions 

learn from him that the trade with Alexandria continued, when he travelled through 
India, to be carried on in the same manner as I conjectured it to have been in ancient 
times. The commodities of the East were still brought to the Malabar coast by ves- 
sels of the country, and conveyed thence, together with pepper and other productions 
peculiar to that part of India, by ships which arrived from the Red sea. Lib. iii. c. 27. ^ 
This, perhaps, may account for the superior quality which Sanudo ascribes to the 
goods brought to the coast of Syria from the Persian gulf, above those imported into 
Egypt by the Red sea. The former were chosen and purchased in the places where 
they grew or where they were manufactured, by the merchants of Persia, who still' 
continued their voyages to every part of the East; while the Egyptian merchants, im 
making up their cargoes, depended upon the assortment of goods brought to the Ma- 
labar coast by the natives. To some persons in his own age, what Marco Polo relatedr 
concerning the numerous armies and immense revenues of the eastern princes, ap- 
peared so extravagant (though perfectly consonant to what we now know concerning 
the population of China, and the wealth of Indostan), that they gave him the name of 
Messer Marco MUioni, Prefat. de Ramus, p. 4. But among persons better informed, 
the reception he met with was very different. Columbus, as well as the men of 
science with whom he corresponded, placed such confidence in the veracity of his re- 
lations, that upon them the speculations and theories which led to the discovery of the 
New World, were in a great measure founded. Lifeof Columbus by his Son, c. 7. and 8. 
W f ,■« Folieta Hist. Genu. 602, 626. Murat. Annali d'ltal. ix. 451. 



with such advantage, as gave them a superiority over every 
competitor. Genoa, which had long been their most for- 
midable rival, humbled by the loss of its possessions in the 
East, and weakened by domestic dissensions, declined so 
fast, that it was obliged to court foreign protection, and 
submitted alternatelyto the dominion of the dukes of Milan 
and the kings of France. In consequence of this dimi- 
nution of their political power, the commercial exertions of 
the Genoese became less vigorous, A feeble attempt which 
they made to recover that share of the Indian trade which 
they had formerly enjoyed, by offering to enter into treaty 
with the Soldans of Egypt upon terms similar to those 
which had been granted to the Venetians, proved unsuc- 
cessful ; and during the remainder of the fifteenth century, 
Venice supplied the greater part of Europe with the pro- 
ductions of the East, and carried on trade to an extent Car 
beyond what had been known in those times. 

The state of the other European nations was extremely 
favourable to the commercial progress of the Venetians. 
England, desolated by the civil wars which the unhappy 
contest between the houses of York and Lancaster excited, 
had hardly begun to turn its attention towards those ob- 
jects and pursuits to which it is indebted for its present 
opulence and power. In France, the fatal effects of the 
English arms and conquests were still felt, and the king 
had neither acquired power, nor the people inclination, to 
direct the national genius and activity to the arts of peace. 
The union of the different kingdoms of Spain was not yet 
completed ; some of its most fertile provinces were still 
imder the dominion of the Moors, with whom the Spanish 
monarchs waged perpetual war ; and, except by the Cata- 
lans, little attention was paid to foreign trade. Portugal, 
though it had already entered upon that career of disco- 
very which terminated with most splendid success, had not 
yet made such progress in it as to be entitled to any higli 
rank among the commercial states of Europe. Thus the 
Venetians, almost without rival or competitor, except from 
some of the inferior Italian states, were left at liberty to 

VOL.II. 2 B 



370 ANCIENT INDIA. 

concert and to execute their mercantile plans ; and thai- 
trade with the cities of the Hanseatic League, which united 
the north and south of Europe, and which hitherto had 
been common to all the Italians, was now engrossed, in a 
great measure, by them alone. 

While the increasing demand for the productions of Asia 
induced all the people of Europe to court intercourse with 
the Venetians so eagerly, as to allure them, by various im- 
munities, to frequent their sea-ports, we may observe a 
peculiarity in their mode of carrying on trade with the East, 
which distinguishes it from what has taken place in other 
countries in any period of history. In the ancient world, 
the Tyrians, the Greeks who were masters of Egypt, and 
the Romans, sailed to India in quest of those commodities 
with which they supplied the people of the West. In 
modern times, the same has been the practice of the Por- 
tuguese, the Dutch, the English, and, after their example, 
of other European nations. In both periods loud com- 
plaints have been made, that in carrying on this trade every 
state must be drained of the precious metals, which, in the 
course of it, flow incessantly from the West to the East, 
never to return. From whatever loss might have been oc- 
casioned by this gradual but unavoidable diminution of 
their gold and silver (whether a real or only an imaginary 
loss, it is not incumbent upon me in this place to inquire 
or to determine), the Venetians were, in a great measure, 
exempted. They had no direct intercourse with India. 
They found in Egypt, or in Syria, warehouses filled with 
all the commodities of the East, imported by the Maho- 
medans ; and from the best accounts we have, with respect 
to the nature of their trade, they purchased them more fre- 
quently by barter, than with ready money. Egypt, the 
.,,chief mart for Indian goods, though a most fertile country, 
.':is destitute of many things requisite in an improved state 
;of society, either for accommodation or for ornament. Too 
limited an extent, and too highly cultivated to afford space 
j.,for iorests ; too level to have mines of the useful metals ; it 
must be supplied with timber for building, with iron, lead, 



SECT. 111. 371 

tin, and brass, by importation from otlier countries. The 
Egyptians, while under the dominion of the Mamelukes, 
seem not themselves to have traded in the ports of any 
Christian state, and it was principally from the Venetians 
that they received all the articles which I have enumerated. 
Besides these, the ingenuity of the Venetian artists fur- 
nished a variety of manufactures of woollen cloths, silk 
stuffs of various fabric, camblets, mirrors, arms, ornaments 
of gold and silver, glass, and many other articles, for all 
which they found a ready market in Egypt and Syria. In 
return they received from the merchants of Alexandria, 
spices of every kind, drugs, gems, pearls, ivory, cotton and 
silk, unwrought as well as manufactured, in many dift'erent 
forms, and other productions of the East, together with 
several valuable articles of Egyptian growth or fabric. In 
Aleppo, Baruth, and other cities, besides the proper com- 
modities of India brought thither by land, they added to 
their cargoes the carpets of Persia, the rich wrought silks 
of Damascus, still known by the name taken from that 
city, and various productions of art and nature peculiar to 
Syria, Palestine, and Arabia. If, at any time, their demand 
for the productions of the East went beyond what they 
could procure in exchange for their own manufactures, 
that trade with the cities of the Hanseatic League, which 
I have mentioned, furnished them, from the mines of Ger- 
many, with a regular supply of gold and silver, which they 
could carry with advantage to the markets of Egypt and 
Syria. 

From a propensity, remarkable in all commercial states, 
to subject the operations of trade to political regulation 
and restraint, the authority of the Venetian government 
seems to have been interposed, both in directing the im- 
portation of Asiatic goods, and in the mode of circulating 
them among the different nations of Europe. To every 
considerable staple in the Mediterranean a certain number 
of large vessels, known by the name of Galleons or Ca- 
racks, was fitted out on the public account, and returned 

2 B 2 



372 ANCIENT INDIA. 

loaded with the richest merchandise," the profit arising 
from the sale of which must have been no slender addition 
to the revenue of the republic. Citizens, however, of 
every class, particularly persons of noble families, were 
encouraged to engage in foreign trade, and whoever em- 
ployed a vessel of a certain burden for this purpose, re- 
ceived a considerable bounty from the state/ It was in 
the same manner, partly in ships belonging to the public, 
and partly in those of private traders, that the Venetians 
circulated through Europe the goods imported from the 
East, as well as the produce of their own dominions and 
manufactures. 

There are two different ways by which we may come 
at some knowledge of the magnitude of those branches of 
commerce carried on by the Venetians. The one, by at- 
tending to the great variety and high value of the com- 
modities which they imported into Bruges, the storehouse 
from which the more northern nations of Europe were 
supplied. A full enumeration of these is given by a well- 
informed author, in which is contained almost every article 
deemed in that age essential to accommodation or to ele- 
gance.' The other, by considering the effects of the Vene- 
tian trade upon the cities admitted to a participation of 
its advantages. Never did wealth appear more conspi- 
cuously in the train of commerce. The citizens of Bruges, 
enriched by it, displayed, in their dress, their buildings, 
and mode of living, such magnificence as even to mortify 
the pride and excite the envy of royalty,^ Antwerp, when 
the staple was removed thither, soon rivalled Bruges in 
opulence and splendour. In some cities of Germany, par- 
ticularly in Augsburg, the great mart for Indian commo- 

» Sabellicus, Hist. Rer. Venet. Dcc.iv. lib. iii. p. 868. -DenfeiaStevOi: d^ltalit, 
torn. vi. 340. " Sandi Stor. Ciu. Venez. Jib. viii. 891. 

J Ludi Guicciardini Descript. de Paesi Bassi, p. 173. 

* In the year 1301, Joanna of Navarre, the wife of Philip le Bel, king of France, 
having been some days in Bruges, was so much struck with the grandeur and wealth 
of that city, and particularly with the splendid appearance of the citizens' wives, 
that she was moved (says Guicciardini) by female envy to exclaim with indignation, 
"I thought that I had been the only queen here, but L find there are many hundreds 
more." Dcscrit. de Paesi Bassi, p.408. , ■, 



i^',!LJ-sJti;^ii T >»>*•.> 



SECT. III. 373 

dities in the interior parts of that extensive country, we 
meet with early examples of such large fortunes accumu- 
lated by mercantile industry, as raised the proprietors of 
them to high rank and consideration in the empire. 

From observing this remarkable increase of opulence in 
all the places where the Venetians had an established trade, 
we are led to conclude, that the profit accruing to them- 
selves from the different branches of it, especially that with 
the East, must have been still more considerable. It is 
impossible, however, without information much more mi- 
nute than that to which we have access, to form an esti- 
mate of this with accuracy ; but various circumstances may 
be produced to establish, in general, the justness of this 
conclusion. From the first revival of a commercial spirit 
in Europe, the Venetians possessed a large share of the 
trade with the East. It continued gradually to increase, 
and during a great part of the fifteenth century they had 
nearly a monopoly of it. This was productive of conse- 
quences attending all monopolies. Wherever there is no 
competition, and the merchant has it in his power to regu- 
late the market, and to fix the price of the commodities 
which he vends, his gains will be exorbitant. Some idea 
of their magnitude, during several centuries, may be formed 
by attending to the rate of the premium or interest then 
paid for the use of money. This is undoubtedly the most 
exact standard by which to measure the profit arising from 
the capital stock employed in commerce; for, according 
as the interest of money is high or low, the gain acquired 
by the use of it must vary, and become excessive or mode- 
rate. From the close of the eleventh century to the com- 
mencement of the sixteenth, the period during which the 
Italians made their chief commercial exertions, the rate of 
interest was extremely high. It was usually twenty per 
cent., sometimes above that; and so late as the year 1500, 
it had not sunk below ten or twelve per cent, in any part 
of Europe.* If the profits of a trade so extensive as that 
of the Venetians corresponded to this high value of money, 

» See vol. iii. p. 121, &c. 



^74 ANCIENT INDIA. 

it could not fail of proving a source of great wealth, both 
public and private,'' The condition of Venice, accordingly, 
during the period under review, is described by writers of 
that age, in terms which are not applicable to that of any 
other country in Europe. The revenues of the republic, 
as well as the wealth amassed by individuals, exceeded 
whatever was elsewhere known. In the magnificence of 
their houses, in richness of furniture, in profusion of plate, 
and in every thing which contributed either towards ele- 
gance or parade in their mode of living, the nobles of 
Venice surpassed the state of the greatest monarchs beyond 
the Alps. Nor was all this display the effect of an osten- 
tatious and inconsiderate dissipation, it was the natural 
consequence of successful industry, which, having accu- 
mulated wealth with ease, is entitled to enjoy it in splendour." 

^ In the history of the reign of Charles V., (vol. iii. p. 168,) I observe, that, during 
the war excited by the famous League of Cambray, while Charles VIIl. of France 
could not procure money at a less premium than forty-two per cent, the Venetians 
raised what sums they pleased at five per cent. But this, I imagine, is not to be con- 
sidered as the usual commercial rate of interest at that period, but as a voluntary and 
public- spirited effort of the citizens, in order to support their country at a dangerous 
crisis. Of such laudable exertions, there are several striking instances in the history 
of the republic. In the year 1379, when the Genoese, after obtaining a great naval 
victory over the Venetians, were ready to attack their capital, the citizens, by a vo- 
luntary contribution, enabled the senate to fit out such a powerful armament as saved 
their country. Sabellicus, Hist. Rer. Venet. Dec. ii. lib. vi. p. 38.5. 390. In the war 
with Ferrara, which began in the year 1472, the senate, relying upon the attachment 
of the citizens to their country, required them to bring all their gold and silver plate, 
and jewels, into the public treasury, upon promise of paying the value of them at the 
conclusion of the war, with five per cent, of interest ; and this requisition was com- 
plied with cheerfully. Petr. Cymaeus de Bello Ferrar. ap. Murat. Script. Rer. Ital. 
vol. xxi. p. 1016. 

<= Two facts may be mentioned as proofs of an extraordinary extension of the Vene- 
tian trade at this period. — 1. There is in Rymer's Great Collection a series of grants 
from the kings of England, of various privileges and immunities to Venetian mer- 
chants trading in England, as well as several commercial treaties with the republic, 
which plainly indicate a considerable increase of their transactions in that country. 
These are mentioned in their order by Mr. Anderson, to whose patient industry and 
sound understanding, every person engaged in any commercial research must have felt 
himself greatly indebted on many occasions.—^. The establishment of a bank by pub- 
lic authority, the credit of which was founded on that of the state. In an age and 
nation so well acquainted with the advantages which commerce derives from the in- 
stitution of banks, it is unnecessary to enumerate them. Mercantile transactions 
must have been numerous and extensive before the utility of such an institution could 
be fully perceived, or the principles of trade could be so fully understood as to form 
the regulations proper for conducting it with success. Venice may boast of having 
given the first example to Europe of an establishment altogether unknown to the an- 
cients, and which is the pride of the modem commercial system. The constitution of 
the bank of Venice was originally founded on such just principles, that it has served 
as a model in the establishment of banks in other countries, and the administration of 
its afliairs has been conducted with so much integrity, that its credit has never been 
shaken. I cannot specify the precise year in which the bank of Venice was established 
by a law of the state. Anderson supposes it to have been A.D. 1157. Chron. Deduct, 
vol. i. p. 84. Sandi Stor. Civil Venez. part ii. vol. ii. p. 768 ; part iii. vol. ii. p. 892. 



SECT. IIL ^75 

'?• Never did the Venetians believe the power of their 
•country to be more firmly established, or rely with greater 
<?onfidenceon the continuance and increase of its opulence, 
than towards the close of the fifteenth century, when two 
events (which they could neither foresee nor prevent) hap- 
pened, that proved fatal to both. The one was the dis- 
covery of America. The other was the opening a direct 
course of navigation to the East Indies, by the Cape of 
Good Hope. Of all occurrences in the history of the 
human race, these are undoubtedly among the most inte- 
resting ; and as they occasioned a remarkable change of 
intercourse among the different quarters of the globe, and 
finally established those commercial ideas and arrange- 
ments which constitute the chief distinction between the 
manners and policy of ancient and of modern times, an 
account of them is intimately connected with the subject 
of this Disquisition, and Avill bring it to that period which 
I have fixed upon for its boundary. But as I have re- 
lated the rise and progress of these discoveries at great 
length in another work,'' a rapid view of them is all that 
is requisite in tliis place. 

The admiration or envy with which the other nations of 
Europe beheld the power and wealth of Venice, led them 
naturally to inquire into the causes of this pre-eminence ; 
and among these, its lucrative commerce with the East 
appeared to be by far the most considerable. Mortified 
with being excluded from a source of opulence, which to 
the Venetians had proved so abundant, different countries 
had attempted to acquire a share of the Indian trade. 
Some of the Italian states endeavoured to obtain admis* 
sion into the ports of Egypt and Syria, upon the same 
terms with the Venetians ; but either by the superior in- 
terest of the Venetians in the court of the soldans, their 
negotiations for that purpose were rendered unsuccessful ; 
or from the manifold advantages which merchants, long in 
possession of any branch of trade, have in a competition 
with new adventurers, all their exertions did not produce 

*' Hist, of America,. Books I. and II. 



370 ANCIENT INDIA. 

effects of any consequence.' In other countries, varioiftt 
schemes were formed with the same view. As early a» 
the year 1480, the inventive and enterprising genius of 
Columbus conceived the idea of opening a shorter and 
more certain communication with India^ by holding a 
direct westerly course towards those regions, which, ac" 
cording to Marco Polo and other travellers, extended east- 
ward far beyond the utmost limits of Asia known to the 
Greeks or Romans. This scheme, supported by arguments 
deduced from a scientific acquaintance with cosmography, '' 
from his own practical knowledge of navigation, from the^ 
reports of skilful pilots, and from the theories and conjee^- 
tures of the ancients, he proposed first to the Genoese, his 
countrymen, and next to the king of Portugal, into whose 
service he had entered. It was rejected by the former 
f^om ignorance, and by the latter with circumstances most 
humiliating to a generous mind. By perseverance, how^J 
ever, and address, he at length induced the most wary' 
and least adventurous court in Europe, to undertake the 
execution of his plan ; and Spain, as the reward of this 
deviation from its usual cautious maxims, had the gloryv 
of discovering a new world, hardly inferior in magnitude 
to a third part of the habitable globe. Astonishing as the 
success of Columbus was, it did not fully accomplish his 
own wishes, or conduct him to those regions of the East^i; 
thp expectation of reaching which was the original object" 
of his voyage. The eflfects, however, of his discoveries', 
were great and extensive. By giving Spain the possession^ 
of immense territories, abounding in rich mines, and many 
^a!l#^?j p.i:9ductions of nature, several, ^fi^which had' 

e Aa Italian author of good credit, and a diligent inquirer into the ancient history 
of Its different governments, affirms, that if the several states which traded in the Me- 
diterranean had united together, Venice alone Vfould have been superior to them all 
in naval power and in extent of commerce. Denina Revolutions d'ltalie traduits par 
1 Abbe Jardin, lib. xviii. c. 6. torn. vi. p. 339. About the year 1420, the Doge Moce- 
nigo gives a view of the naval force of the republic, which confirms this decision of 
Denina. At tliat time it consisted of three thousand trading vessels, of various di- 
mensions, on board which were employed seventeen thousand sailors; of three hun- 
dred ships of greater force, manned by eight thousand sailors ; and of forty-five large 
galeasses, or carra«ks, navigated by eleven thousand sailors. In public and private 
arsenals sixteen thousand carpenters were employed. Mar. Sanuto Vite de Duchi de 
V€n^?ig,,Hp,,JMur, Script. Rer. ItaL vol. xxii. p. 9.59. .■.<^.. ,* ,« 



Ht-iM I 



SECT. III. '^ 371^ 

hitherto been deemed peculiar to India, wealth began to^ 
flow so copiously into that kingdom, and thence was sa' 
diffused over Europe, as gradually awakened a general^ 
spirit of industr}'-, and called forth exertions, which alone ' 
must have soon turned the course of commerce into new^ 
channels. ^ 

But this was accomplished more speedily, as well as 
more completely, by the other great event which T men- 
tioned, the discovery of a new route of navigation to the 
East by the Cape of Good Hope. When the Portuguese,"^* 
to whom mankind are indebted for opening this communi- ^ 
cation between the most remote parts of the habitable* 
globe, undertook their first voyage of discovery, it is pro- 
bable that they had nothing farther in view than to explore ' 
those parts of the coast of Africa which lay nearest to their^' 
own country. But a spirit of enterprise, when roused and 
put into motion, is always progressive ; and that of the 
Portuguese, though slow and timid in its first operations,'* 
gradually acquired vigour, and prompted them to advance 
along the western shore of the African continent, far be-^ 
yond the utmost boundary of ancient navigation in that 
direction. Encouraged by success, this spirit became 
more adventurous, despised dangers which formerly ap- 
palled it, and surmounted difficulties which it once deemed 
insuperable. When the Portuguese found in the torrid, 
zone, which the ancients had pronounced to be uninha- 
bitable, fertile countries, occupied by numerous nations,'^ 
and perceived that the continent of Africa, instead of ex-' 
tending in breadth towards the west, according to the opi-*^ 
nion of Ptolemy, appeared to contract itself and to bend 
eastwards, more extensive prospects opened to their view, 
and inspired them with hopes of reaching India, by codho 
tinning to hold the same course which they had so lon^J^ 
pursued. '^'^ 

After several unsuccessful attempts to accomplish'^i 
what they had in view, a small squadron sailed from the 
Tagus, under the command of Vasco de Gama, an officer 
of rank, whose abilities and courage fitted him to conduct ' 



m 



378 ANCIENT INDIA. 

the most difficult and arduous enterprises. From unac- 
quaintance, however, with the proper season and route of 
navigation in that vast ocean through which he had to 
steer his course, his voyage was long and dangerous. At 
length he doubled that promontory, which for several 
years had been the object of terror and of hope to his 
countrymen. From that, after a prosperous navigation 
along the south-east of Africa, he arrived at the city of 
Melinda, and had the satisfaction of discovering there, as 
well as at other places where he touched, people of a race 
very different from the rude inhabitants of the western 
shore of that continent, which alone the Portuguese had 
hitherto visited. These he found to be so far advanced in 
civilization, and acquaintance with the various arts of life, 
that they carried on an active commerce, not only with 
the nations on their own coast, but with remote countries 
of Asia. Conducted by their pilots (who held a course 
with which experience had rendered them well acquainted), 
he sailed across the Indian ocean, and landed at Calecut, 
on the coast of Malabar, on the 22d of May, 1498, ten 
months and two days after his departure from the port of 
Lisbon. 

The Samorin, or monarch of the country, astonished at 
this unexpected visit of an unknown people, whose aspect, 
and arms, and manners, bore no resemblance to any of the 
nations accustomed to frequent his harbours, and who ar- 
rived in his dominion by a route hitherto deemed imprac- 
ticable, received them, at first, with that fond admiration 
which is often excited by novelty. But in a short time, as 
if he had been inspired with foresight of all the calamities 
now approaching India by this fatal communication opened 
with the inhabitants of Europe, he formed various schemes 
to cut off Gama and his followers. But from every danger 
to which he was exposed, either by the open attacks or 
secret machinations of the Indians, the Portuguese admi- 
ral extricated himself with singular prudence and intre- 
pidity, and at last sailed from Calecut with his ships 
loaded, not only with the commodities peculiar to that 



gUarrA-ar' 



»»! — <iir>\ iim« '^i^, — :x3a_ 










///^■'/' S or Til WKsrJ'O^f^ 

Asia' 

lV»v iilusi rati 110 



4*1! 




A"//// ■'/>i S'i' ' III//, /liiri X/r A/, •.■>!, is/ ■ 



SECT. III. 379 

coast, but with many of tlie rich productions of the eastern 
parts of India. 

On his return to Lisbon, he was received with the ad- 
miration and gratitude due to a man who, by his superior 
abilities and resolution, had conducted to such a happy 
issue an undertaking of the g-reatest importance, which had 
long occupied the thoughts of his sovereign, and excited 
the hopes of his fellow-subjects.* Nor did this event inte- 
rest the Portuguese alone. No nation in Europe beheld it 
with unconcern. For although the discovery of a new 
world, whether we view it as a display of genius in the 
person who first conceived an idea of that undertaking 
which led mankind to the knowledge of it, whether we 
contemplate its influence upon science by giving a more 
complete knowledge of the globe which we inhabit, or 
whether we consider its effects upon the commercial inter- 
course of mankind, be an event far more splendid than the 
voyage of Gama, yet the latter seems originally to have ex- 
cited more general attention. The former, indeed, filled 
the minds of men with astonishment ; it was some time 
however, before they attained such a sufficient knowledge 
of that portion of the earth now laid open to their view, as 
to form any just idea, or even probable conjecture, with re- 
spect to what might be the consequences of communication 
with it. But the immense value of the Indian trade, which 
both in ancient and in modern times had enriched every 
nation by which it was carried on, was a subject familiar 
to the thoughts of ail intelligent men, and they at once 
perceived that the discovery of this new route of navigation 
to the East, must occasion great revolutions, not only in 
the course of commerce, but in the political state of Eu- 
rope. 

What these revolutions were most likely to be, and how 
they would operate, were points examined with particular 
attention in the cities of Lisbon and of Venice, but with 
feelings very different. The Portuguese, founding upon 

f Asia de Joao de Barros, dec. i. lib. iv. c. 11. Castagneda, Hist, de I'Inde 
trad, en Franjois, liv. i. c. '■■i — 28. 



380 ANCIENT INDIA. /..^ 

the rights to which, in that age, priority of discovery, con- 
firmed by a papal grant, were supposed to confer, deemed 
themselves entitled to an exclusive commerce with the 
countries which they had first visited, began to enjoy, by 
anticipation, all the benefits of it, and to fancy that their 
capital would soon be what Venice then was, the great 
storehouse of eastern commodities to all Europe, and the 
seat of opulence and power. On the first intelligence of 
Gama's successful voyage, the Venetians, with the quick- 
sighted discernment of merchants, foresaw the immediate 
consequence of it to be the ruin of that lucrative branch of 
commerce which had contributed so greatly to enrich and 
aggrandize their country ; and they observed this with 
more poignant concern, as they were apprehensive that 
they did not possess any efi'ectual means of preventing, or 
even retarding, its operation. 

The hopes and fears of both were well founded. The 
Portuguese entered upon the new career opened to them 
with activity and ardour, and made exertions, both com- 
mercial and military, far beyond what could have been ex- 
pected from a kingdom of such inconsiderable extent. All 
these were directed by an intelligent monarch, capable of 
forming plans of the greatest magnitude with calm syste- 
matic wisdom, and of prosecuting them with unremitting 
perseverance. The prudence and vigour of his measures, 
however, would have availed little without proper instru- 
ments to carry them into execution. Happily for Portugal, 
the discerning eye of Emanuel selected a succession of 
oflicers to take the supreme command in India, who, by 
their enterprising valour, military skill, and political saga- 
city, accompanied with disinterested integrity, public spirit, 
and love of their country, have a title to be ranked with 
the persons most eminent for virtue and abilities in any age 
01: nation. Greater things perhaps were achieved by them 
than were ever accomplished in so short a time. Before the 
close of Emanuel's reign, twenty-four years only after the 
voyage of Gama, the Portuguese had rendered themselves 
masters of the city of Malacca, in which the great staple 



SECT. III. liiil 

of trade carried on among the inhabitants of all those re- 
gions in Asia, which Europeans have distinguished by the 
general name of the East Indies, was then established. To 
this port, situated nearly at an equal distance from the 
eastern and western extremities of these countries, and pos- 
sessing the command of that strait by which they keep 
communication with each other, the merchants of China, 
of Japan, of every kingdom on the continent, of the Mo- 
luccas, and all the islands in the Archipelago, resorted 
from the East ; and those of Malabar, of Ceylon, of Coro- 
mandel, and of Bengal, from the West.^ This conquest 
secured to the Portuguese great influence over the interior 
commerce of India, while, at the same time, by their set- 
tlements of Goa and Diu, they were enabled to engross the 
trade of the Malabar coast, and to obstruct greatly the 
long-established intercourse of Egypt with India by the 
Red sea. Their ships frequented every port in the East 
where valuable commodities were to be found, from the 
Cape of Good Hope to the river of Canton ; and along this 
immense stretch of coast, extending upwards of four thou- 
sand leag-ues,'' they had established for the conveniency or 
protection of trade, a chain of forts or factories. They had 
likewise taken possession of stations most favourable to 
commerce along the southern coast of Africa, and in many 
of the islands which lie between Madagascar and the Mo- 
luccas. In every part of the East they were received with 
respect, in many they had acquired the absolute command. 
They carried on trade there without rival or control ; they 
prescribed to the natives the terms of their mutual inter- 
course ; they often set what price they pleased on goods 
which they purchased ; and were thus enabled to import 
from Indostan, and the regions beyond it, whatever is use- 
ful, rare, or agreeable, in greater abundance, and of more 
>^arious kinds, than had been known formerly in Europe.^'! 
Not satisfied with this ascendant which they had ac- 
quired in India, the Portuguese early formed a scheme, no 

f De(;a(l de C*nos, dec i. liv. viii. c. 1. Osor. de reb. Eman. lib. vii. 213, &c. - 
nty<ai^UiTT V- b Hist. Gener. de8 Voyages, torn. i. p. 140. 



SH'l ANCIENT INDIA. 

less bold than interested, of excluding all other nations frotn 
participating of the advantages of commerce with the East. 
In order to effect this, it was necessary to obtain possession 
of such stations in the Arabian and Persian gulfs, as might 
render them masters of the navigation of these two inland 
seas, and enable them both to obstruct the ancient com- 
mercial intercourse between Egypt and India, and to com- 
mand the entrance of the great rivers, which facilitated the 
conveyance of Indian goods, not only through the interior 
provinces of Asia, but as far as Constantinople. The con- 
duct of the measures for this purpose was committed to 
Alphonso Albuquerque, the most eminent of all the Portu-: 
guese generals who distinguished themselves in India. 
After the utmost efforts of genius and valour, he was able 
to accomplish one-half only of what the ambition of his 
countrymen had planned. By wresting the island of Or- 
muz, which commanded the mouth of the Persian gulf, from 
the petty princes, who, as tributaries to the monarchs of 
Persia, had established their dominion there, he secured to 
Portugal that extensive trade with the East which the Per- 
sians had carried on for several centuries. In the hands of 
the Portuguese, Ormuz soon became the great mart from 
which the Persian empire, and all the provinces of Asia to 
the west of it, were supplied with the productions of India; 
and a city which they built on that barren island, destitute 
of water, was rendered one of the chief seats of opulence, 
splendour, and luxury, in the Eastern World.' 

The operations of Albuquerque in the Red sea were 
far from being attended with equal success. Partly by 
the vigorous resistance of the Arabian princes, whose ports 
he attacked, and partly by the damage his fleets sustained 
in a sea of which the navigation is remarkably difficult 
and dangerous, he was constrained to retire without effect- 
ing any settlement of importance.'' The ancient channel 
of intercourse with India by the Red sea still continued 
open to the Egyptians ; but their commercial transactions 

' Osorius de reb. gestis Eman. lib. x, p. 274, &c. Tavernier's Travels, book v.. c. 23, 
Koempfer Amoenit. Exot. p. 756, &c. ^ Osorius, lib, ix. p. 248, &c. 



SECT. ii[. 3aa 

ill that country were greatly circumscribed and obstructed, 
by tlie influence which the Portuguese had acquired in 
every port to which they were accustomed to resort. 

In consequence of this, the Venetians soon began to feel 
that decrease of their own Indian trade which they had 
foreseen and dreaded. In order to prevent the farther 
progress of this evil, they persuaded the solclan of the 
Mamelukes, equally alarmed with themselves at the rapid 
success of the Portuguese in the East, and no less inte- 
rested to hinder them from engrossing that conmierce, 
which had so long been the chief source of opulence both 
to the monarchs and to the people of Egypt, to enter into 
a negotiation with the pope and king of Portugal. The 
tone which the soldan assumed in this negotiation was 
such as became the fierce chief of a military government. 
After stating his exclusive right to the trade with India, he 
forewarned Julius 11, and Emanuel, that if the Portuguese 
did not relinquish that new course of navigation by which 
they had penetrated into the Indian ocean, and cease from 
encroaching on that commerce, which from time imme- 
morial had been carried on between the east of Asia and 
his dominions, he would put to death all the Christians in 
Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, burn their churches, and de- 
molish the holy sepulchre itself.' This formidable threat, 
which, during several centuries, would have made all 
Christendom tremble, seems to have made so little impres- 
sion, that the Venetians, as the last expedient, had recourse 
to a measure which, in that age, was deemed not only 
reprehensible but impious. They incited the soldan to fit 
out a fleet in the Red sea, and to attack those unexpected 
invaders of a gainful monopoly, of which he and his pre- 
decessors had long enjoyed undisturbed possession. As 
Egypt did not produce timber proper for building ships of 
I force, the Venetians permitted the soldan to cut it in their 
forests of Dalmatia, whence it was conveyed to Alexan- 
dria, and then carried partly by water and partly by land 

. ' Osorius de rebus Eman. lib. iv. p. 110. edit. 1580, Asia de Barros. 

decad. i, lib. viii. c. 2. 



3a4 ANCIENT INDIA. 

to Suez. There twelve ships of war were built, on board 
of which a body of Mamelukes were ordered to serve, 
under the command of an officer of merit. These new ene- 
mies, far more formidable than the natives of India with 
whom the Portuguese had hitherto contended, they en- 
countered with undaunted courage, and after some con- 
flicts, they entirely ruined the squadron, and remained 
masters of the Indian ocean." 

Soon after this disaster, the dominion of the Mamelukes 
was overturned, and Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, were 
subjected to the Turkish empire, by the victorious arras of 
Selim I. Their mutual interest quickly induced the Turks 
and Venetians to forget ancient animosities, and to co- 
operate towards the ruin of the Portuguese trade in India. 
With this view Selim confirmed to the Venetians the ex- 
tensive commercial privileges which they had enjoyed 
under the government of the Mamelukes, and published 
an edict permitting the free entry of all the productions of 
the East, imported directly from Alexandria, into every 
part of his dominions, and imposing heavy duties upon 
such as were brought from Lisbon." 

But all these were unavailing efforts against the supe- 
rior advantages which the Portuguese possessed in supply- 
ing Europe with the commodities of the East, in conse- 
quence of having opened a new mode of communication 
with it. At the same time, the Venetians, brought to the 
brink of ruin by the fatal league of Cambray, which broke 
the power and humbled the pride of the republic, were 
incapable of such efforts for the preservation of their com- 
merce, as they might have made in the more vigorous age 
of their government, and were reduced to the feeble ex- 
pedients of a declining state. Of this there is a remark- 
able instance in an offer made by them to the king of Por- 
tugal, in the year 1521, to purchase at a stipulated price 
all the spices imported into Lisbon, over and above what 
might be requisite for the consumption of his own subjects. 

°» Asia de Barros, dec. il. lib. ii. c. 6. Lafitau, Hist, de Decouvertes des Portugaie, 
i. 292, &c. Osor. lib. iv. p. 120. 

n Sandi Stor. Civ. Venez. part. ii. 901. part iii. 432. 



SECT. HI. SQo 

■If Emanuel had been so inconsiderate as to close with 
this proposal, Venice would have recovered all the benefit 
of the gainful monopoly which she had lost. But the 
offer met with the reception that it merited, and was re- 
jected without hesitation." 

The Portuguese, almost without obstruction, continued 
their progress in the East, until they established there a 
commercial empire ; to which, whether we consider its 
extent, its opulence, the slender power by which it was 
formed, or the splendour with which the government of it 
was conducted, there had hitherto been nothing compar- 
able in the history of nations. Emanuel, who laid the 
foundation of this stupendous fabric, had the satisfaction 
to see it almost completed. Every part of Europe was 
supplied by the Portuguese with the production of the 
East; and if we except some inconsiderable quantity of 
them, which the Venetians still continued to receive by 
the ancient channels of conveyance, our quarter of the 
globe had no longer any commercial intercourse with 
India, and the regions of Asia beyond it, but by the Cape 
of Good Hope. 

Though from this period the people of Europe have 
continued to carry on their trade with India by sea, yet a 
considerable portion of the valuable productions of the 
East is still conveyed to other regions of the earth by land- 
carriage. In tracing the progress of trade with India, 
this branch of it is an object of considerable magnitude, 
which has not been examined with sufficient attention. 
That the ancients should have had recourse frequently to 
the tedious and expensive mode of transporting goods by 
land, will not appear surprising, when we recollect the 
imperfect state of navigation among them : the reason of 
this mode of conveyance being not only continued, but in- 
creased, in modern times, demands some explanation. 

If we inspect a map of Asia, we cannot fail to observe 
that the communication throughout all the countries of 
that great continent to the west of Indostan and China, 

9 Osor. de Reb. Eman. lib, xii. 265. 
VOL. II. 2 c 



38t> ANCIENT INDIA. 

though: opened in some degree towards the south by the 
navigable rivers, Euphrates and Tigris, and towards the 
north by two inland seas, the Euxine and Caspian, must 
be carried on in many extensive provinces wholly by land. 
This, as I have observed, was the first mode of intercourse 
between different countries, and during the infancy of 
navigation it was the only one. Even after that art had 
attained some degree of improvement, the conveyance of 
goods by the two rivers formerly mentioned, extended so 
little way into the interior country, and the trade of the 
Euxine and Caspian seas were so often obstructed by 
the barbarous nations scattered along their shores, that 
partly on that account, and partly from the adherence 
of mankind to ancient habits, the commerce of the various 
provinces of Asia, particularly that with India and the re- 
gions beyond it, continued to be conducted by land. 

The same circumstances which induced the inhabitants 
of Asia to carry on such a considerable part of their com- 
merce with each other in this manner, operated with still 
more powerful effect in Africa. That vast continent, which 
little resembles the other divisions of the earth, is not pene^ 
trated with inland seas, like Europe and Asia, or by a 
chain of lakes like North America, or opened by rivers (the 
Nile alone excepted) of extended navigation. It forms one 
uniform, continuous surface, between the various parts of 
which there could be no intercourse from the earliest times, 
but by land. Rude as all the people of Africa are, and 
slender as the progress is which they have made in the arts 
of life, such a communication appears to have been early 
opened and always kept up. How far it extended in the 
more early periods to which my researches have been di- 
rected, and by what different routes it was carried s<?9V,ot 
have not sufficient information to determine with accuracy.' 
It is highly probable that from time immemorial, the gold, 
the ivory, the perfumes, both of the southern parts of Africa, 
and of its more northern districts, were conveyed either to 
the Arabian gulf or to Egypt, and exchanged for the spices 
and' other productions of the East. 



SECT. II r. 387 

The Mahomedan religion, which spread with amazing- 
rapidity over all Asia, and a considerable part of Africa, 
contributed greatly towards the increase of commercial in- 
tercourse by land in both these quarters of the globe, and 
has given it additional vigour, by mingling with it a new 
principle of activity, and by directing it to a common centre. 
Mahomet enjoined all his followers to visit once in their 
lifetime the Caaba, or square building in the temple of 
Mecca, the immemorial object of veneration among his 
countrymen, not only on account of its having been chosen 
(according to their tradition) to be the residence of man at 
his creation,P but because it was the first spot on this earth 
which was consecrated to the worship of God ;'' in order 
to preserve continually upon their minds a sense of obliga- 
tion to perform this duty, he directed that all the multiplied 
acts ofdevotionwhich his religion prescribes, true believers 
should always turn their faces towards that holy place/ 
In obedience to a precept solemnly enjoined and sedulously 
inculcated, large caravans of pilgrims assemble annually 
in every country where the Mahomedan faith is established. 
From the shores of the Atlantic on one hand, and from the 
most remote regions of the East on the other, the votaries 
of the prophet advance to Mecca. Commercial ideas and 
objects mingle with those of devotion, the numerous camels^ 

cj ■- . p Abul-Ghazi Bayadur Khan, Hist. Geneval. des Tatars, p. 15. 

1 Ohsson Tableau General de I'Empire Othoman, torn. iii. p. 150, &c. 289. edit. 8vo. 
■■ Herbelot Biblioth. Orient, artic. Caaba &; Kehlah. 

* When we take a view of the form and position of the habitable parts of Asia and 
Africa, we will see good reasons for considering the camel as the most useful of all the 
animals over which the inhabitants of these great continents have acquired dominion. 
In both, some of the most fertile districts are separated from each other by such ex- 
tensive tracts of barren sands, the seats of desolation and drought, as seem lo exclude 
the possibility of communication between them. But as the ocean, which appears, at 
first view, to be placed as an insuperable barrier between different regions of the 
earth, has been rendered, by navigation, subservientto their mutual intercourse, so, by 
means of the camel, which the Arabians emphatically call The Ship of the Desert, the 
most dreary wastes are traversed, and the nations which they disjoin are enabled to 
trade with one another. Those painful journeys, impracticable by any other auimaJ, 
the camel performs with astonishing dispatch. Under heavy burdens of six, seven, 
and eight hundred weight, they can continue their march during a long period of time, 
with little food or rest, and sometimes without tasting water for eight or nine days. 
By the wise economy of Providence, the camel seems formed of purpose to be the 
beast of burden in those regions where he is placed, and where his service is most 
wanted. In all the districts of Asia and Africa, where deserts are most frequent and 
extensive, the camel abounds. This is his proper station, and beyond tliis the sphere of 
his activity does not extend far. He dreads alike the excesses of heat and of cold, and 
does not agree even with the mild climate of our temperate zone. As the first trade in 
Indian commodities, of which we have any authentic account, was carried on by means 

2 c2 



388 ANCIENT INDIA. 

of eacli caravan are loaded with tliose commodities of every 
country which are of easiest carriage and most ready sale. 
The holy city is crowded, not only with zealous devotees, 
but with opulent merchants. During the few days they re- 
main there, the fair of Mecca is the greatest, perhaps, on 
the face of the earth. Mercantile transactions are carried on 
in it to an immense value, of which the dispatch, the silence, 
the mutual confidence and good faith in conducting them, 
are the most unequivocal proof. The productions and manu- 
factures of India form a capital article in this great traffic, 
and the caravans on their return disseminate them through 
every part of Asia and Africa. Some of these are deemed 
necessary, not only to the comfort, but to the preservation 
of life, and others contribute to its elegance and pleasure. 
They are so various as to suit the taste of mankind in every 
climate, and in different stages of improvement ; and are 
in high request among the rude natives of Africa, as well 
as the more luxurious inhabitants of Asia. In order to sup- 
ply their several demands, the caravans return loaded with 
the muslins and chintzes of Bengal and the Deccan, the 
shawls of Cachemire, the pepper of Malabar, the diamonds 
of Golconda, the pearls of Kilcare, the cinnamon of Ceylon, 
the nutmeg, cloves, and mace of the Moluccas, and an im- 
mense number ot other Indian commodities. t.,,,!.,^ t ^ar 

Besides these great caravans, formed partly by respect 

of camels, Genesis xxxvii. 25, and as it is by employing thfem tliatthg'CtfjMy&£b*c^'&f 
these commodities has been so widely extended over Asia and Africa, the particulars 
which I have mentioned concerning this singular animal appeared to be necessary to- 
wards illustrating this part of my subject. If any of my readers desire more full infor- 
mation, and wish to know how the ingenuity and art of man have seconded the inten- 
tions of nature, in training the camel from his birth for that life of exertion and hard- 
ship to which he is destined, he may consult Histoire Naturelle, by M. le Comte de 
Buffon, artic. Chameau et Dromedahe, one of the most eloquent, and, as far as I can 
judge from examining the authorities which he has quoted, one of the most accurate 
descriptions given by that celebrated writer. M.Volney, whose accuracy is well known, 
gives a description of the manner in which the camel performs its journey, which may 
be agreeable to some of my readers. " In travelling through the desert, camels are 
chiefly employed because they consume little, and carry a great load. His ordinary 
burden is about seven hundred and fifty pounds ; his food, whatever is given him, 
straw, thistles, the stones of dates, beans, barley, &c. With a pound of food a day, and 
as much water, he will travel for weeks. In the journey from Cairo to Suez, which is 
forty or forty-six hours, they neither eat nor drink ; but these long fasts, if often re- 
peated, wear them out. Their usual rate of travelling is very slow, hardly above two 
miles an hour ; it is vain to push them, they will not quicken their pace, but, if allowed 
some short rest, they will travel fifteen or eighteen hours a day." Voyage, torn. ii. p, 

■ifi 3u6 ,9U2Mb'1 d:>uia 9iub 



SECT. III. 389 

for a religious precept, and partly with a view to extend a 
lucrative branch of commerce, there are other caravans, and 
these not inconsiderable, composed entirely of merchants, 
who have no object but trade. These, at stated seasons, set 
out from different parts of the Turkish and Persian domi- 
nions, and proceeding to Indostan, and even to China, by 
routes which were anciently known, they convey by land- 
carriage the most valuable commodities of these countries 
to the remote provinces of both empires. It is only by con- 
sidering the distance to which large quantities of these 
commodities are carried, and frequently across extensive 
deserts, which, without the aid of camels, would have been 
impassable, that we can form any idea of the magnitude of 
the trade with India by land, and are led to perceive, that 
in a Disquisition concerning the various modes of conduct- 
ing; this commerce, it is well entitled to the attention which 
I have bestowed in endeavouring to trace it.* 

• III order to give an adequate idea of the extensive circulation of Indian commo- 
dities by land-carriage, it would be necessary to trace the route, and to estimate 
the number of the various caravans by which they are conveyed. Could this be exe- 
cuted with accuracy, it would be a curious subject of geographical research, as well as 
a valuable addition to commercial history. 'J'hough it is inconsistent with the brevity 
which I have uniformly studied in conducting this Disquisition, to enter into a detail 
of 80 great length, it may be proper here, for illustrating this part of my subject, to take 
such a view of two caravans which visit Mecca, as may enable my readers to estimate 
more justly the magnitude of their commercial transactions. The first is the caravan 
which takes its departure from Cairo in Egypt, and the other from Damascus in Syria ; 
and I select these, both because they are the most considerable, and because they are 
described by autliors of undoubted credit, who had the best opportunities of receiving 
full information concerning them. The former is composed not only of pilgrims from 
every part of Egypt, but of those which arrive from all the small Mahomedan states 
on the African coast of the Mediterranean, from the empire of Morocco, and even 
from the Negro kingdoms on the Atlantic. When assembled, the caravan consists at 
least of fifty thousand per.sons, and the number of camels employed in carrying water, 
provisions, and merchandise, is still greater. The journey, which, in going from Cairo, 
and returning thither, is not completed in less than a hundred days, is performed 
wholly by land ; and as the route lies mostly through sandy deserts, or barren unin- 
^habited wilds, which seldom aflbrd any subsistence, and where often no sources of 
.water can be found, the pilgrims always undergo much fatigue, and sometimes nmst 
endure incredible hardships. An early and good description of this caravan is pub- 
lished by Hakluyt, vol.ii. p. '202, 6cc. Maillet has entered into a minute and curious 
detail with regard to it ; Descript. de I'Egypte, part ii. p. 2 1 2, &c. Pocock has given 
a route, together %vith the length of each day's march, which he received from a per- 
son who had been fourteen times at Mecca, vol. i. p. 188. 261, &c. — The caravan from 
Damascus, composed of pilgrims from almost every province of the Turkish empire, is 
little inferior to the former in number, and the commerce which it carries on is hardly 
less valuable. Voyage de Volney,tom. ii. p. 2.il, &c. OhssonTabl. Gener. de I'Empire 
Othom. III. p. 275, &c. This pilgrimage was performed in the year 1741, by Khojeh 
Abdulkurreem, whom I formerly mentioned, p. 274. note. He gives the usual route 
. from Damascus to Mecca, computed by hours, the common mode of reckoning a jouniey 
.(jn thes East, through countries little frequented. According to the most moderate esti- 
mate, the distance between the two cities, by his account, must be above a thousand 
miles ; a great part of the journey is through a desert, and the pilgrims not only en- 
dure much fatigue, but are often exposed to great danger from the wild Arabs. Me- 
moirs, p. 114, &c. It is a singular proof of the predatory spirit of the Arabs, that al- 



390 ANCIENT INDIA. 

SECT. IV. ^^^ "^^^ 

General Observations. 

Thus I have endeavoured to describe the progress of trade 
with India, both by sea and by land, from the earliest times 
in which history atfords any authentic information concern- 
ing it, until an entire revolution was made in its nature, and 

though all their independent tribes are zealous Mahomedans, yet they make no scruple 
in plundering the caravans of pilgrims, while engaged in performing one of the most 
indispensable duties of their religion. A remarkable instance of this occurred in the 
year 1757. Travels through Cyprus, Syria, &c. by Abbe Mariti, vol.ii. p. 117, &c. 
Engl. Translation. Great as these caravans are, we must not suppose that all the pil- 
grims who visit Mecca belong to them ; such considerable additions are received from 
the extensive dominions of Persia, from every province of Indostan, and the countries 
to the east of it, from Abyssinia, from various states on the southern coast of Africa, 
and from all parts of Arabia, that when the whole are assembled they have been com- 
puted to amount to two hundred thousand. In some years the number is farther in- 
creased by small bands of pilgrims from several interior provinces of Africa, the names 
and situations of which are just beginning to be known in Europe. For this last fact 
we are indebted to the Association for promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts 
of Africa, formed by some British gentlemen, upon principles so liberal, emd with views 
so public-spirited, as do honour to themselves and to their country. Proceedings, &c. 
p. 174. 

In the Report of the Committee of the Privy Council on the Slave Trade, other par- 
ticulars are contained ; and it appears that the commerce carried on by caravans in the 
interior parts of Africa is not only widely extended, but of considerable value. Be- 
sides the great caravan which proceeds to Cairo, and is joined by Mahomedan pilgrims 
from every part of Africa, there are caravans which have no object but commerce, 
which set out from Fez, Algiers, Tunis, Tripoli, and other states on the sea-coast, and 
penetrate far into the interior country. Some of them take no less than fifty days to 
reach the place of their destination ; and, as the medium of their rate of travelling 
may be estimated at about eighteen miles a day, the extent of their journey may be 
easily computed. As both the time of their outset and their route are known, they are 
met by the people of all the countries through which they travel, who trade with them. 
Indian goods of every kind form a considerable article in this traffic, in exchange for 
which the chief commodity they can give is slaves. Part vi. 

As the journeys of the caravans, which are purely commercial, do not commence at 
stated seasons, and their routes vary according to the convenience or fancy of the mer- 
chants of whom they are composed, a description cannot be given of them with the 
same degree of accuracy as of the great caravans which visit Mecca. But by attend- 
ing to the accounts of some authors, and the occasional hints of others, sufficient infor- 
mation may be gathered to satisfy us, that the circulation of Eastern goods by these 
caravans is very extensive. The same intercourse which was anciently kept up by the 
provinces in the north-east of Asia with Indostan and China, and which I fomierly 
.described, still subsists. Among all thenumerous tribes of Tartars, even of those which 
retain their pastoral manners in greatest purity, .the demand for the productions of 
these two countries is very considerable. Voyages de Pallas, torn. i. p. 357, &c. ; tom. 
ii. p. 422. In order to supply them with these, caravans set out annually from Boghar, 
(Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 332.) Samarcand, Thibet, and several other places, and return 
with large cargoes of Indian and Chinese goods. But the trade carried on between 
Russia and China in this part of Asia is by far the most extensive and best known. 
Some connexion of this kind, it is probable, was kept up between them from the earliest 
period, but it increased greatly after the interior parts of Russia were rendered more 
accessible by the conquests of Zingis Khan and Tamerlane. The commercial nations 
of Europe were so well acquainted with the mode of carrying on this trade, that soon 
after the Portuguese had opened the communication with the East by the Cape of 
Good Hope, an attempt was made in order to diminish the advantages which they 
derived from this discovery, to prevail on the Russians to convey Indian and Chinese 
commodities through the whole extent of their empire, partly by land-carriage, and 
partly by means of navigable rivers to some port on the Baltic from which they might 



SECT. IV. 39 \ 

the mode of carrying it on, by that great discovery which 
I originally fixed as the utmost boundary of my inquiries. 
Here, then, this Disquisition might have been terminated. 
But as I have conducted my readers to that period when a 
new order of ideas, and new arrangements of policy began 
to be introduced into Europe, in consequence of the value 
and importance of commerce being so thoroughly under- 
stood, that in almost eveiy country the encouragement of 
it became the chief object of public attention ; as we have 
now reached that point whence aline may be drawn which 
marks the chief distinction between the manners and poli- 
tical institutions of ancient and modern times, it will render 
the work more instructive and useful, to conclude it with 
some general observations, which naturally arise from a 
survey of both, and a comparison of the one with the other. 
These observations, I trust, will be found not only to have 

be distributed through every part of Europe. Ramusio Raccolto da Viaggi, vol. i. p. 
374. B. Hist, du Commerce de la Russie, par M. Schreder, tom. i. p. 13, 14. This 
scheme, too great for the monarch then on the throne of Russia to carry into execution, 
•was rendered practicable by the conquests of Ivan Basilowitz, and the genius of Peter 
the Great. Though the capitals of the two empires were situated at the immense dis- 
tance of six thousand three hundred and seventy-eightmiles from each other, and the 
route lay for above four hundred miles through an xininhabited desert, (Bell's Travels, 
vol. ii. p. 167.) caravans travelled from the one to the other. But though it had been 
stipulated, when this intercourse was established, that the number of persons in each 
caravan should not exceed two hundred, and though they were shut up within the 
walls of a Caravanserai during the short time they were suffered to remain in Pekin, 
and were allowed to deal only with a few merchants, to whom a monopoly of the trade 
with them had been granted ; yet, notwithstanding all these restraints andprecautions, 
the jealous vigilance with which the Chinese government excludes foreigners from a 
free intercourse with its subjects, was alarmed, and the admission of the Russian ca- 
ravans into the empire was soon prohibited. After various negotiations, an expedient 
was at length devised, by which the advantages of mutual commerce were secured, 
without infringing the cautious arrangements of Chinese policy. On the boundary of 
the two empires, two small towns were built almost contiguous, Kiachta inhabited by 
Russians and Maimatschin by Chinese. To these all the marketable productions of 
their respective countries are brought by the subjects of each empire ; and the furs, 
the linen and woollen cloth, the leather, the glass, &c. of Russia, are exchanged for 
the silk, the cotton, the tea, the rice, the toys, &c. of China. By some well-judged 
concessions of the sovereign now seated on the throne of Russia, whose enlarged 
mind is superior to the illiberal maxims of many of her predecessors, this trade is ren- 
dered so flourishing, that its amount annually is not less than 800,000/. sterling, 
and it is the only trade which China carries on almost entirely by barter. Mr. 
Coxe in his account of the Russian discoveries, has collected, with his usual atten- 
tion and discernment, every thing relative to this branch of trade, the nature and ex- 
tent of which were little known in Europe. Part ii. chap. ii. iii. iv. Nor is Kiachta 
the only place where Russia receives Chinese and Indian commodities. A consider- 
able supply of both is brought by caravans of independent Tartars to Orenburg, on 
the river Jaik ; Voyage de Pallas, tom. i. p. 3.55, &c. ; to Troitzkaia, on the river Qui, 
and to other places which 1 might mention. I have entered into this long detail con- 
cerning the mode in which the productions of India and China are circulated through 
Russia, as it affords the most striking instance, I know, of the great extent to which 
valuable commodities may be conveyed by land -carriage. 



g^ ANCIEJVT INDIA. 

,|in intimate connexion with the subject of my researches, 
-^nd to throw additional light upon it ; but will serve to il- 
lustrate many particulars in the general history of com- 
merce, and to point out effects or consequences of various 
events, which have not been generally observed, or con- 
sidered with that attention which they merited^ .b'gwi'J?^*^ 
^,fj. After viewing the great and extensive effects of find- 
ing a new course of navigation to India by the Cape of 
Good Hope, it may appear surprising to a modern observer, 
that a discovery of such importance was not made, or even 
attempted, by any of the commercial states of the ancient 
world. But in judging with respect to the conduct of 
nations in remote times, we never err more widely, than 
when we decide with regard to it, not according to the 
ideas and views of their age, but of our own. This is not, 
perhaps, more conspicuous in any instance, than in that 
under consideration. It was by the Tyrians, and by the 
Greeks, who were masters of Egypt, thatthe different people 
of -Europe were first supplied with the productions of the 
East. From the account that has been given of the man^ 
ner in which they procured these, it is manifest that they 
had neither the same inducements with modern nations, to 
wish for any new communication with India, nor the same 
means of accomplishing it. All the commercial tran&r 
actions of the ancients with the East were confined to the 
ports on the Malabar coast, or extended, at farthest, to the 
island of Ceylon. To these staples the natives of all the 
different regions in the eastern parts of Asia brought the 
commodities which were the growth of their several coun- 
tries, or the product of their ingenuity, in their own vessels, 
and with them the ships from Tyre and from Egypt com- 
pleted their investments. While the opera,tions of their 
Indian trade were carried on within a sphere so circum- 
scribed, the conveyance of a cargo by the Arabian gulf, 
notwithstanding the expense of land-carriage, either from 
Elath to Rhinocolura, or across the desert to the Nile, was 
so safe and commodious, that the merchants of Tyre and 
Al£:saadriq. Jaad little reason to be solicitous forJhe„di&~ 



SKCT. IV. 3si3 

covery of any other. The situation of both these cities, as 
well as that of the other considerable commercial states of 
antiquity, was very different from that of the countries to 
which, in later times, mankind have been indebted for 
keeping up intercourse with the remote parts of the g-lobe. 
Portugal, Spain, England, Holland, which have been most 
active and successful in this line of enterprise, all lie on the 
Atlantic ocean (in which every European voyage of dis- 
covery must commence), or have immediate access to it. 
But Tyre was situated at the eastern extremity of the Me- 
diterranean, Alexandria not far from it ; Rhodes, Athens, 
Corinth, which came afterward to be ranked among the 
most active trading cities of antiquity, lay considerably 
advanced towards the same quarter in that sea. The 
commerce of all these states was long confined within the 
precincts of the Mediterranean ; and in some of them, never 
extended beyond it. The pillars of Hercules, or the straits 
of Gibraltar, were long considered as the utmost boundary 
of navigation. To reach this was deemed a signal proof 
of naval skill ; and before any of thfese states could give a 
beginning to an attempt towards exploring the vast un- 
known ocean which lay beyond it, they had to accomplish 
a voyage (according to their ideas) of great extent and 
much danger. This was sufficient to deter them from en- 
gaging in an arduous undertaking, from which, even if 
attended with success, their situation prevented their eii-- 
tertaining hopes of deriving great advantage.* , 

But could we suppose the discovery of a new pass'^geto 
India to have become an object of desire or pursuit to any 
of these states, their science as well as practice of navi- 
gation was so defective, that it would have been hardly' 
possible for them to attain it. The vessels which the an- 

a The only voyage of discovery in the Atlantic ocean towards the south, by any of 
the ancient commercial states in the Mediterranean, is that of Hanno, undertaken by 
order of the republic of Carthage. As the situation of that city, so much nearer the 
Straits than Tyre, Alexandria, and the other seats of ancient trade which have been 
mentioned, gave it more immediate access to the ocean ; that circumstjince. together ■ 
with the various settlements which the Carthaginians had made in different provinces 
of Spain, naturally suggested to them this enterprise, and afforded them the prospect 
of considerable advantages from its success. The voyage of Hanno, instead of inva- 
lidating, seems to confirm the justness of the reasons which have been given, why no 
similar attempt was made by the other commercial states in the IMediterranean. 



394 ANCIENT INDIA. 

cients employed in trade were so small as not to afford 
stowage for provisions sufficient to subsist a crew during 
a long voyage. Their construction was such, that they 
could seldom venture to depart far from land, and tlieir 
mode of steering along the coast (which I have been 
obliged to mention often) so circuitous and slow, that from 
these, as well as from other circumstances which I might 
have specified,^ we may pronounce a voyage from the Me- 
diterranean to India by the Cape of Good Hope, to have 
been an undertaking beyond their power to accomplish, in 
such a manner as to render it, in any degree, subservient 
to commerce. To this decision, the account preserved by 
Herodotus, of a voyage performed by some Phenician 
ships employed by a king of Egypt, which, taking their 
departure from the Arabian gulf, doubled the southern pro- 
montory of Africa, and arrived at the end of three years, 
at the straits of Gades, or Gibraltar, at the mouth of the 
Nile," can hardly be considered as repugnant ; for several 
writers of the greatest eminence among the ancients, and 
most distinguished for their proficiency in the knowledge 
of geography, regarded this account rather as an amusing 
tale, than the history of a real transaction ; and either en- 
tertained doubts concerning the possibility of sailing round 
Africa, or absolutely denied it.'* But if what Herodotus 
relates concerning the course held by these Phenician ships 
had ever been received by the ancients with general assent, 
we can hardly suppose that any state could have been so 
wildly adventurous as to imagine that a voyage, which it 
required three years to complete, could be undertaken with 
a prospect of commercial benefit. .^^ jgj^^ 9^1 .niup 

.J£(II. The rapid progress of the moderns in exploring 

ri-o ^ Goguet Orig. des Loix des Artes, &c. ii. 303. 329. , , c Lib. iv. c. 42. 

''Poljb. lib. iii. p. 193. edit. Casaub. Plin. Nat. Hi.st. lib. ii. c. 6. Ptol. Geogr. 
lib. iv. c 9. Though the inlelligent authors whom I have quoted considered this voy- 
age of the Phenicians as fabulous, Herodotus mentions a circumstance concerning it 
which seems to prove that it had really been performed. " The Phenicians," says he, 
" affirmed that, in sailing round Africa, they had the sun on their right hand, which to 
me appears not to be credible, though it may be deemed so by others." Lib. iv. c. 42. 
This, it is certain, must have happened, if they really accomplished such a voyage. 
The science of astronomy, however, was in that early period so imperfect, that it was 
by experience only that the Phenicians could come to the knowledge of this fact; they, 
durst not, without this, have ventured to assert what would have appeared to be an 
improbable fiction. Even after what they related, Herodotus disbelieved it, ■ I* J 



SECT. IV. 395 

India, as well as the extensive power and valuable settle- 
ments which they early acquired there, mark such a dis- 
tinction between their mode of conducting naval opera- 
tions, and that of the ancients, as merits to be considered 
and explained with attention. From the reign of the first 
Ptolemy, to the conquest of Egypt by the Mahomedans, 
Europe had been supplied with the productions of the 
East by the Greeks of Alexandria, by the Romans while 
they were masters of Egypt, and by the subjects of the 
emperors of Constantinople, when that kingdom became 
a province of their dominions. During this long period, 
extending almost to a thousand years, none of those peo- 
ple, the most enlightened, undoubtedly, in the ancient 
world, ever advanced by sea, farther towards the east than 
the gulf of Siam, and had no regular established trade but 
with the ports on the coast of Malabar, or those in the 
island of Ceylon. They attempted no conquests in any 
part of India, they made no settlements, they erected no 
forts. Satisfied with an intercourse merely commercial, 
they did not aim at acquiring any degree of power or 
dominion in the countries where they traded, though it 
seems to be probable that they might have established it 
without much opposition from the natives, a gentle effemi- 
nate people, with whom, at that time, no foreign and more 
warlike race was mingled. But the enterprising spirit of 
the Portuguese was not long confined within the same 
limits ; a few years after their arrival at Calecut, they ad- 
vanced towards the east, into regions unknown to the an- 
cients. The kingdoms of Cambodia, Cochin-China, Ton- 
quin, the vast empire of China, and all the fertile islands 
in the great Indian Archipelago, from Sumatra to the Phi- 
lippines, were discovered, and the Portuguese, though 
opposed in every quarter by the Mahomedans of Tartar 
or Arabian origin settled in many parts of India, enemies 
much more formidable than the natives, established ther]^ 
that extensive influence and dominion which I have fo^Jt 
Hierly described. -d 

Of this remarkable difi'crencc between the progress ana 



396 ANCIENT INDIA. 

operations of the ancients and moderns in India, the im- 
perfect knowledge of the former, with respect both to the 
theory and practice of navigation, seems to have been the 
principal cause. From the coast of Malabar to the Phi- 
lippines, was a voyage of an extent far beyond any that 
the ancients were accustomed to undertake, and, according 
to their manner of sailing, must have required a great 
length of time to perform it. The nature of their trade 
with India was such, that they had not (as has been for-j 
merly observed) the same inducements with the moderns^ 
to prosecute discovery with ardour ; and, according to the 
description given of the vessels in which the merchants of 
Alexandria carried on their trade from the Arabian gulf, 
they appear to have been very unfit for that purpose. On 
all these accounts the ancients remained satisfied with a 
slender knowledge of India; and influenced by reasons 
proceeding from the same cause, they attempted neither 
conquest nor settlement there. In order to accomplish 
either of these, they must have transported a considerable 
number of men into India. But, from the defective struc- 
ture of their ships, as well as from the imperfection of their 
art in navigating them, the ancients seldom ventured to 
convey a body of troops to any distance by seaK.njI'roni 
Berenice to Musiris was to them, even after Hippalus had? 
discovered the method of steering a direct course, and; 
when their naval skill had attained to its highest state of 
improvement, a voyage of no less than seventy days. By 
the ancient route along the coast of Persia, a voyage from 
the Arabian gulf to any part of India must have been of 
greater length, and accomplished more slowly. Asno hostile 
attack was ever made upon India by sea, either by the 
Greek monarchs of Egypt, though the two first of them 
were able and ambitious princes, or by the most enter- 
prising of the Roman emperors, it is evident that they must 
have deemed it an attempt beyond their power to execute. 
Alexander the Great, and, in imitation of him, his suc- 
cessors, the monarchs of Syria, were the only persons in 
the ancient world who formed an idea of establishing their 



SEC